The Cambridge History of Africa (1940-1975)

THE CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF A F R I C A General Editors: J. D . F A G E a n d

ROLAND

OLIVER

Volume 8 from c. 1940 to c. 1975

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

THE CAMBRIDGE H I S T O R Y OF AFRICA Volume 8 from c. 1940 to c. 1975 edited by MICHAEL CROWDER

I CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

PUBLISHED

BY THE

PRESS SYNDICATE

OF

THE

UNIVERSITY

OF

CAMBRIDGE

The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom CAMBRIDGE

UNIVERSITY

PRESS

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge C B 2 2RU, U K 4 0 West 20th Street, N e w York, N T 1 0 0 1 1 — 4 2 1 1 , USA 4 7 7 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, v i e 3 2 0 7 , Australia Ruiz de Alarcon 1 3 , 2 8 0 1 4 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8 0 0 1 , South Africa http://www. cambridge.org © Cambridge University Press 1 9 8 4 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 1 9 8 4 Reprinted 1 9 8 8 , 1 9 9 ; , 1 9 9 9 , 2 0 0 0 ,

2003

Printed and bound in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Library of Congress catalogue card number:

76—2261

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data The Cambridge history of Africa Vol. 8: From c. 1 9 4 0 to c. 1 9 7 ; 1. Africa — History I. Crowder, Michael 960 DT20

ISBN 0 ;2i

2 2 4 0 9 8 (v.

8)

UP

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

CONTENTS

List of figures

page x

Preface

xiii

Introduction

i

b y M I C H A E L C R O W D E R , Professor of History, University of Botswana

The Second World War: prelude to decolonisation in Africa 8 by M I C H A E L

CROWDER

T h e course o f the w a r o n A f r i c a n soil T h e impact o f the Second W o r l d W a r o n the colonial powers T h e impact o f the Second W o r l d W a r o n Africans Colonial reforms Conclusion

15 20 29 40 47

Decolonisation and the problems of independence 5 2 b y t h e l a t e B I L L Y J . DUDLEY, formerly of Political Science, University of Ibadan Paths to independence T h e constitutional inheritance

Department

The bureaucracy and the e c o n o m y Social mobilisation T h e military a n d militarism Political leadership and political succession

Pan-Africanism since 1 9 4 0

54 64 70 75 87 93 95

b y I A N D U F F I E L D , Department of History, University of Edinburgh The

1945 P a n - A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s

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101

CONTENTS

T h e African diaspora and post-194 5 Pan-Africanism T h e road to the Organisation o f African Unity Nationalism, regionalism and African unity Pan-Africanism and the armed liberation struggles P a n - A f r i c a n i s m a n d w o r l d affairs Pan-Africanism and culture 4

Social and cultural change b y J. D . Y . P E E L , Professor of Sociology, University of Liverpool Patterns o f migration The growth o f towns C h a n g i n g bases o f identity Class formation State a n d society Cultural change

5

T h e economic evolution o f developing Africa

104 109 117 126 131 13 8 l

4

z

145 15 o 15 3 162 184 187 192

b y A D E B A Y O A D E D E J I , United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Executive Secretary, Economic Commission for Africa T h e colonial e c o n o m y o n the e v e o f the Second

6

World War T h e performance o f the African e c o n o m y ,

193

1940-75 Structural and sectoral changes T h e search for e c o n o m i c integration Africa and the international e c o n o m y Conclusion

19 205 2 31 238 248

Southern Africa

6

251

b y F R A N C I S W I L S O N , Professor of Economics, University of Cape Town Industrial revolution in South Africa, 1 9 3 6 - 7 6

260

Politics 1936-60

277

South Africa's neighbours Maintaining the white republic, 1 9 6 1 - 7 6 T h e struggle for liberation, 1 9 6 1 - 7 7 Conclusion

294 301 310 328

vi Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

CONTENTS

7

English-speaking West Africa by D A V I D

8

9

T h e impact o f the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r Decolonisation T h e problems o f independence Social, cultural and educational

3 33 33 355

developments R e g i o n a l relations Economics Conclusion

37 375 377 3 81

8

1

East and Central Africa

383

b y C H E R R Y G E R T Z E L , School of Social Sciences, The Flinders University of South Australia Political and constitutional d e v e l o p m e n t Economic development Social change Education Inter-state and external relations

385 416 431 444 451

T h e Horn of Africa

45

by C H R I S T O P H E R

8

C L A P H A M , Department of

Politics, University of Lancaster T h e setting T h e restored Ethiopian empire, 1 9 4 1 - 5 2 T h e peripheral administrations P o l i t i c i s a t i o n a n d its o u t c o m e Political decay and revolution Regional and international relationships Social and e c o n o m i c change Urbanisation and education Economic development Agriculture Conclusion

10

3 31

WILLIAMS

Egypt, Libya and the Sudan

8

45 461 464 467 473 480 484 487 492 496 5 00

502

by H A N S - H E I N O K O P I E T Z , and

PAMELA A N N

SMITH

Decolonisation and independence International relations Social and cultural change vii Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

504 546 55

CONTENTS

Economic development Conclusion

11

12

55 5 5 61

T h e Maghrib

5 64

b y C L E M E N T H E N R Y M O O R E , Visiting Professor, American University of Beirut The struggle for independence The independent regimes Strategies o f d e v e l o p m e n t F o r e i g n affairs

5 66 5 5 94 604

French-speaking tropical Africa by R U T H

SCHACHTER

8

2

611

MORGENTHAU,

Department of Political Science, Brandeis University and L U C Y C R E E V E Y B E H R M A N ,

University of

Pennsylvania Formal political decolonisation Political parties a n d leaders, 1944-60 T h e difficulties o f n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g , 1 9 6 0 - 7 5

13

Social, e c o n o m i c and cultural change

649

International relations

663

Madagascar b y B O N A R A.

674 G o w

Political and constitutional history: pre-independence Political and constitutional history: post-independence Social and cultural change Educational development Economic development

14

615 625 636

Zaire, Rwanda and Burundi b y M . C R A W F O R D Y O U N G , Department of Political Science, University of Wisconsin-Madison T h e rise o f n a t i o n a l i s m I n d e p e n d e n c e a n d crisis in Z a i r e Internationalisation o f the * C o n g o crisis' The N e w Regime, 1965-75 R w a n d a : consolidation o f the H u t u regime

viii Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

674 680 685 689 692

698

707 717 722 731 734

CONTENTS

Burundi: from monarchy to Tutsi republicanism, 1962-75 Economic change Social and cultural c h a n g e Educational development International relations 15

Portuguese-speaking Africa by B A S I L

73 5 739 743 749 751 755

DAVIDSON

Colonial continuity and expansion, 1945-60 T h e rise o f n a t i o n a l i s m D e v e l o p m e n t s in colonial policy, 1 9 6 1 - 7 5 T h e f i g h t f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e , 1961—75 T h e politics o f liberation: theory and practice Appendix: E q u a t o r i a l G u i n e a , c. 1 9 4 0 t o 1 9 7 5

758 764 772 780 798 806

Bibliographical essays

811

Bibliography

905

Index

963

ix

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

FIGURES

1 2 3 4

Africa, Africa, Africa, Africa:

1940 1975 1946 the path to independence, 1 9 5 6 - 6 6

page

5 Major vegetation zones 6 Primary commodities - export prices indices

3 6 19 55

194 202

7 D e v e l o p i n g Africa: structure o f gross domestic product, 1960-75 206 8 Staple and cash crops 210 9 Cash crops 211 10 F a c t o r y w o r k e r s as a p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n 2 1 7 11 T r a n s p o r t 222 12 R e g i o n a l a n d s u b - r e g i o n a l o r g a n i s a t i o n s f o r c o ­ operation and integration 234 13 E x p o r t s a n d i m p o r t s i n d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a , 1 9 6 0 - 7 5 1 4 B a l a n c e o f p a y m e n t s d e f i c i t s in d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a , 1960-75 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

T h e Republic o f South Africa, Swaziland and L e s o t h o Namibia and B o t s w a n a Ghana Nigeria, 1964 Sierra L e o n e and Liberia N i g e r i a : t h e 12 s t a t e s The Gambia Uganda, K e n y a and Tanzania Rhodesia, Z a m b i a and M a l a w i E t h i o p i a , S o m a l i a and the F r e n c h T e r r i t o r y o f the A f a r s a n d Issas Egypt T h e Sudan Libya T h e M a g h r i b c. 1 9 7 5 x

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

239 242 254 256 342 347 3 51 363 368 384 388 459 505 521 535 565

FIGURES

29 30 31 32 33 34

F r a n c o p h o n e tropical A f r i c a : the w e s t e r n states F r a n c o p h o n e t r o p i c a l A f r i c a : t h e e a s t e r n states Madagascar Zaire, R w a n d a and Burundi A n g o l a : the risings o f 1961 G u i n e a - B i s s a u : l a u n c h i n g the w a r o f liberation.

612 613 676 699 771 780

35 N o r t h e r n M o z a m b i q u e after S e p t e m b e r 1 9 6 4 36 G u i n e a - B i s s a u : g e n e r a l p o s i t i o n in late 1968 a n d after

781 787

37 M o z a m b i q u e after l a t e 1 9 7 3 38 A n g o l a in 1 9 7 0 a n d after

791 792

xi

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

PREFACE

In the English-speaking w o r l d , the C a m b r i d g e histories h a v e since the b e g i n n i n g o f the c e n t u r y set the pattern for m u l t i - v o l u m e w o r k s o f history, w i t h chapters written b y experts o n a particular t o p i c , a n d unified b y the g u i d i n g h a n d o f v o l u m e editors o f senior s t a n d i n g . The Cambridge Modern History, p l a n n e d b y L o r d A c t o n , appeared in sixteen v o l u m e s b e t w e e n 1902 a n d 1 9 1 2 . It w a s f o l l o w e d b y The Cambridge Ancient History, The Cambridge Medieval History, The Cambridge History of English Literature, a n d C a m b r i d g e Histories o f India, o f Poland, and o f the British E m p i r e . T h e o r i g i n a l Modern History h a s n o w b e e n r e p l a c e d b y The New Cambridge Modern History i n f o u r t e e n v o l u m e s , a n d The Cambridge Economic History of Europe is n o w c o m p l e t e . O t h e r C a m b r i d g e Histories recently undertaken include a history o f Islam, o f A r a b i c l i t e r a t u r e , o f t h e B i b l e t r e a t e d as a c e n t r a l d o c u m e n t o f a n d influence o n W e s t e r n civilisation, and o f Iran, C h i n a and Latin America. It w a s d u r i n g t h e l a t e r 1 9 5 0 s t h a t t h e S y n d i c s o f t h e C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s first b e g a n t o e x p l o r e t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f e m b a r k i n g on a C a m b r i d g e History o f Africa. B u t they were then advised that the time w a s n o t y e t ripe. T h e serious appraisal o f the past o f Africa b y historians and archaeologists had hardly been u n d e r t a k e n b e f o r e 1 9 4 8 , t h e y e a r w h e n u n i v e r s i t i e s first b e g a n t o appear in increasing n u m b e r s in the vast reach o f the African continent south o f the Sahara and n o r t h o f the L i m p o p o , and the t i m e t o o w h e n u n i v e r s i t i e s o u t s i d e A f r i c a first b e g a n t o t a k e s o m e n o t i c e o f its h i s t o r y . I t w a s i m p r e s s e d u p o n t h e S y n d i c s t h a t t h e most urgent need o f such a y o u n g , b u t also very rapidly a d v a n c i n g branch o f historical studies, w a s a journal o f international standing t h r o u g h w h i c h the results o f o n g o i n g research m i g h t b e disseminated. In i960, therefore, the C a m b r i d g e University Press l a u n c h e d The Journal of African History, w h i c h g r a d u a l l y d e m o n ­ strated the a m o u n t o f w o r k b e i n g undertaken t o establish the past xiii

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PREFACE

o f A f r i c a as a n i n t e g r a t e d w h o l e r a t h e r t h a n - as it h a d u s u a l l y b e e n v i e w e d b e f o r e - as t h e s t o r y o f a s e r i e s o f i n c u r s i o n s i n t o the continent b y p e o p l e s c o m i n g f r o m outside, f r o m the M e d i ­ terranean basin, the N e a r East o r western E u r o p e . T h i s m o v e m e n t will o f course c o n t i n u e a n d d e v e l o p further, b u t the increasing facilities a v a i l a b l e f o r i t s p u b l i c a t i o n s o o n b e g a n t o d e m o n s t r a t e a n e e d t o a s s e s s b o t h w h a t h a d b e e n d o n e , a n d w h a t still n e e d e d to b e d o n e , in the light o f s o m e general historical perspective for the continent. T h e S y n d i c s therefore returned t o their original c h a r g e , a n d in 1 9 6 6 t h e f o u n d i n g e d i t o r s o f The Journal of African History accepted a commission to b e c o m e the general editors o f a Cambridge History of Africa. T h e y f o u n d it a d a u n t i n g t a s k t o d r a w up a plan for a co-operative w o r k c o v e r i n g a history w h i c h w a s in a c t i v e p r o c e s s o f e x p l o r a t i o n b y s c h o l a r s o f m a n y n a t i o n s , s c a t t e r e d o v e r a fair p a r t o f t h e g l o b e , a n d o f m a n y d i s c i p l i n e s linguists, anthropologists, geographers and botanists, for example, as w e l l as h i s t o r i a n s a n d a r c h a e o l o g i s t s . It w a s t h o u g h t t h a t t h e g r e a t e s t p r o b l e m s w e r e l i k e l y t o a r i s e w i t h the earliest a n d latest p e r i o d s : the earliest, b e c a u s e s o m u c h w o u l d d e p e n d o n the results o f l o n g - t e r m a r c h a e o l o g i c a l investi­ g a t i o n , a n d t h e latest, b e c a u s e o f the rapid c h a n g e s in historical p e r s p e c t i v e that w e r e o c c u r r i n g as a c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h e e n d i n g o f c o l o n i a l rule in Africa. T h e r e f o r e w h e n , in 1967, the general editors presented their s c h e m e t o the Press a n d notes w e r e prepared for contributors, only four v o l u m e s - c o v e r i n g the p e r i o d s 500 B.C. t o A . D . 1 0 5 0 , A . D . 1 0 5 0 t o 1 6 0 0 , 1600—1790, a n d 1 7 9 0 - 1 8 70 - h a d b e e n p l a n n e d i n a n y d e t a i l , a n d t h e s e w e r e p u b l i s h e d as v o l u m e s 2 - 5 o f t h e History b e t w e e n 1 9 7 5 a n d 1 9 7 8 . S o far as t h e p r e h i s t o r i c p e r i o d w a s c o n c e r n e d , t h e g e n e r a l editors w e r e clear f r o m the outset that the p r o p e r course w a s t o e n t r u s t t h e p l a n n i n g as w e l l as t h e a c t u a l e d i t i n g o f w h a t w a s necessary entirely t o a scholar w h o w a s fully e x p e r i e n c e d in the archaeology o f the African continent. In d u e course, in 1982, V o l u m e 1, ' F r o m t h e e a r l i e s t t i m e s t o c. 500 B . C . a p p e a r e d u n d e r t h e d i s t i n g u i s h e d e d i t o r s h i p o f P r o f e s s o r J. D e s m o n d C l a r k . A s f o r t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , it w a s e v i d e n t b y t h e e a r l y 1 9 7 0 s t h a t t h i s w a s b e i n g r a p i d l y b r o u g h t t o i t s c l o s e , s o t h a t it b e c a m e p o s s i b l e t o p l a n t o c o m p l e t e t h e History i n t h r e e f u r t h e r v o l u m e s . T h e first, V o l u m e 6, is d e s i g n e d t o c o v e r t h e E u r o p e a n p a r t i t i o n o f t h e xiv

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

PREFACE

continent, and the setting up o f the colonial structures b e t w e e n c. 1 8 7 0 a n d c. 1 9 0 5 ; t h e s e c o n d , V o l u m e 7, is d e v o t e d t o t h e ' c l a s s i c a l ' c o l o n i a l p e r i o d r u n n i n g f r o m c. 1905 t o c. 1 9 4 0 ; w h i l e t h e f o c u s o f t h e t h i r d , V o l u m e 8, is o n t h e p e r i o d o f r a p i d c h a n g e w h i c h led f r o m a b o u t the time o f the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r t o the e n d i n g o f f o r m a l c o n t r o l f r o m E u r o p e w i t h t h e d r a m a t i c final c o l l a p s e o f t h e P o r t u g u e s e e m p i r e in 1 9 7 5 . W h e n they started their w o r k , the g e n e r a l editors q u i c k l y c a m e to the c o n c l u s i o n that the m o s t practical plan for c o m p l e t i n g the History w i t h i n a r e a s o n a b l e p e r i o d o f t i m e w a s l i k e l y t o b e t h e simplest and most straightforward. E a c h v o l u m e w a s therefore entrusted to a v o l u m e editor w h o , in addition t o h a v i n g m a d e a substantial c o n t r i b u t i o n to the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the p e r i o d in question, w a s s o m e o n e w i t h w h o m the g e n e r a l editors w e r e in close t o u c h . W i t h i n a v o l u m e , the aim w a s to k e e p the n u m b e r o f contributors to a m i n i m u m . E a c h o f t h e m w a s asked to essay a b r o a d s u r v e y o f a particular area o r t h e m e w i t h w h i c h h e w a s familiar for the w h o l e o f the p e r i o d c o v e r e d b y the v o l u m e . In this s u r v e y , h i s p u r p o s e s h o u l d b e t o t a k e a c c o u n t n o t o n l y o f all r e l e v a n t r e s e a r c h d o n e , o r still i n p r o g r e s s , b u t a l s o o f t h e g a p s in k n o w l e d g e . T h e s e h e s h o u l d t r y t o fill b y n e w t h i n k i n g o f h i s o w n , w h e t h e r based o n n e w w o r k o n the available sources o r o n interpolations from c o n g r u e n t research. It s h o u l d b e r e m e m b e r e d t h a t t h i s b a s i c p l a n w a s d e v i s e d n e a r l y t w e n t y y e a r s a g o , w h e n little o r n o r e s e a r c h h a d b e e n d o n e on many important topics, and before many o f today's y o u n g e r s c h o l a r s - n o t least t h o s e w h o n o w fill p o s t s i n t h e d e p a r t m e n t s o f history and a r c h a e o l o g y in the universities a n d research institutes in A f r i c a itself - h a d m a d e their o w n d e e p p e n e t r a t i o n s into s u c h areas o f i g n o r a n c e . T w o t h i n g s f o l l o w f r o m this. I f the general editors had d r a w n u p their plan in the 1970s rather than the 1960s, the shape m i g h t w e l l h a v e b e e n v e r y different, p e r h a p s with a larger n u m b e r o f m o r e specialised, shorter chapters, each centred o n a smaller area, p e r i o d o r t h e m e , t o the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f w h i c h the c o n t r i b u t o r w o u l d h a v e m a d e his o w n i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r i b u t i o n . T o s o m e e x t e n t , i n d e e d , it h a s b e e n p o s s i b l e t o adjust t h e s h a p e o f t h e last t h r e e v o l u m e s i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n . S e c o n d l y , the sheer v o l u m e o f n e w research that has b e e n published since m a n y contributors accepted their c o m m i s s i o n s has o f t e n l e d t h e m t o u n d e r t a k e v e r y s u b s t a n t i a l r e v i s i o n s i n t h e i r xv

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

PREFACE

w o r k as it p r o g r e s s e d f r o m d r a f t t o d r a f t , t h u s p r o t r a c t i n g t h e length o f time originally e n v i s a g e d for the preparation o f these volumes. A t the time w h e n the plan for V o l u m e 8 w a s settled, 1975 s e e m e d an ideal c l o s i n g date. F o r the reason w h i c h has already b e e n m e n t i o n e d , it still is a v e r y s e n s i b l e d a t e . B u t h i s t o r y d o e s n o t s t o p at t h e p o i n t s w h e r e its r e c o r d e r s a n d i n t e r p r e t e r s c h o o s e to d r a w their lines and, in the n o t i n c o n s i d e r a b l e space o f time in w h i c h V o l u m e 8 w a s b e i n g w r i t t e n a n d p u t t o g e t h e r , it w a s inevitable that a n u m b e r o f events s h o u l d o c c u r w h i c h m i g h t be t h o u g h t w o r t h y o f m e n t i o n . S o m e o f t h e s e h a v e fitted n i c e l y i n t o the w a y s o m e c o n t r i b u t o r s c h o s e to organise their chapters ; s o m e h a v e not. Inevitably, therefore, the c o n c l u d i n g line o f the v o l u m e as a w h o l e h a s b e c o m e s o m e w h a t r a g g e d . S e c o n d l y , n o t all historians are w i l l i n g t o w r i t e s o c l o s e t o the c h r o n o l o g i c a l f r o n t i e r o f t h e i r d i s c i p l i n e as t h i s v o l u m e a i m s t o g o . Its e d i t o r has therefore perforce s o m e t i m e s had to seek c o n t r i b u t i o n s from s c h o l a r s w h o s e d i s c i p l i n e is less h i s t o r y t h a n p o l i t i c a l s c i e n c e o r e c o n o m i c s . T h e discerning reader will therefore recognise s o m e differences o f a c a d e m i c a p p r o a c h b e t w e e n chapters. H o w e v e r , histories are m e a n t to b e read, a n d n o t t o b e c o m m e n t e d o n and analysed b y their general editors, and w e therefore present t o the reader this c o n c l u d i n g v o l u m e o f o u r enterprise. March 1984

J. D. F A G E ROLAND

OLIVER

M a n y p e o p l e h a v e assisted the E d i t o r in the p r o d u c t i o n o f this volume. Professor

He

would

particularly

Lalage Bown,

like to

Professor

express

Robert

his

Gavin,

Dr

Larson, Professor R o b i n H o r t o n , and D r Philip Shea.

xvi

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

debt

to

Lome

INTRODUCTION

W h e t h e r the Second W o r l d W a r marked a decisive stage in the colonial history o f Africa, unleashing forces that, w i t h hindsight, w e c a n see m a d e political d e c o l o n i s a t i o n b y e v e n the m o s t r e l u c t a n t o f E u r o p e a n p o w e r s i n e v i t a b l e , o r w h e t h e r it m e r e l y hastened a process that w a s already, if n o t v e r y o b v i o u s l y , u n d e r w a y , w i l l l o n g r e m a i n a m a t t e r f o r d e b a t e . T h e r e is m u c h t o b e said f o r b o t h v i e w s . W h a t is c l e a r is t h a t n e a r l y a l l w r i t e r s o n t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d o f A f r i c a ' s p a s t a c c e p t , o r a t least p a y l i p s e r v i c e to, the v i e w that for w h a t e v e r reason the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r represented a watershed in the history o f the continent. Y e t c u r i o u s l y f e w o f t h e m g i v e its c o u r s e o r i m p a c t detailed attention. It is as t h o u g h it w e r e a n i n t e r v a l b e t w e e n t h e t w o a c t s o f a p l a y in w h i c h t h e a u d i e n c e is a s k e d t o a c c e p t t h a t t h e r e h a s b e e n a p a s s a g e o f t i m e b u t is g i v e n o n l y t h e b a r e s t o u t l i n e o f w h a t h a s happened meanwhile. T h e r e are m a n y serious studies of, o n the o n e h a n d , the years 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 9 - the p e r i o d o f classic colonial r u l e - a n d , o n the other, the years immediately f o l l o w i n g the w a r - the period o f ' d e c o l o n i s a t i o n ' o r ' t h e transfer o f p o w e r ' . F e w historians h a v e interested t h e m s e l v e s in b o t h p e r i o d s , a n d the latter p e r i o d has m o s t l y b e e n left t o t h e a t t e n t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s . C o n v e r s e l y , few political scientists h a v e paid m u c h attention t o the years before 1945. T h e Second W o r l d W a r seems t o represent a b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n w h a t is r e g a r d e d as t h e p r o p e r t e r r i t o r y o f t h e h i s t o r i a n a n d w h a t is t h e p r o v i n c e o f t h e p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t o r j o u r n a l i s t . M o s t h i s t o r i a n s a p p a r e n t l y feel r e l u c t a n t t o b r i n g t h e tools o f their trade t o bear o n a period in w h i c h the chief actors are still p r a c t i s i n g t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n , a n d f o r w h i c h t h e a r c h i v a l e v i d e n c e h a s , f o r t h e g r e a t e r p a r t o f it, n o t y e t b e e n r e l e a s e d . T h e y prefer t o let political scientists h a z a r d j u d g e m e n t s w h i c h t h e y fear w i l l fail t h e test o f t i m e . S i n c e The Cambridge History of Africa sets o u t t o b e a n e n d u r i n g 1

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

INTRODUCTION

historical survey, there m i g h t , therefore, seem to be a case for a c c e p t i n g t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r as a t e r m i n a l e v e n t f o r t h e e n t e r p r i s e . A t least f o r m a n y o f t h e c o u n t r i e s t h a t o n c e r u l e d A f r i c a , t h e a r c h i v e s are o p e n f o r m o s t o f t h e p e r i o d t h a t p r e c e d e d t h a t w a r , t h o u g h s o m e still m a i n t a i n t h e 50-year r u l e . A s a r e s u l t it w i l l o n l y b e in 1 9 9 0 t h a t w e s h a l l l e a r n t h e i n n e r m o s t s e c r e t s o f s o m e o f the c o l o n i s e r s for the year 1940, the date w i t h w h i c h this p r e s e n t v o l u m e b e g i n s . Inevitably a v o l u m e that takes the history o f Africa u p to 1 9 7 5 , a n d t h e c h a p t e r s o f w h i c h w e r e in s o m e c a s e s w r i t t e n as e a r l y as 1977 by those martyrs o f collective enterprises - the p r o m p t deliverers - d o e s n o t h a v e the a d v a n t a g e o f p e r s p e c t i v e that e v e n t h e p r e c e d i n g v o l u m e , c o v e r i n g t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d f r o m 1905 till 1940, can h a v e . M u c h o f the e v i d e n c e m u s t o f necessity be s e c o n d a r y o r , w h e r e it is p r i m a r y , t h e r e s u l t o f t h e d i r e c t experience o f the contributor, using evidence assimilated from day to day in n e w s p a p e r s , c o n v e r s a t i o n o r i n t e r v i e w s . A m o r e cautious scheme for a history o f Africa w o u l d , then, h a v e h a d its last v o l u m e c o n c l u d e w i t h t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r . B u t that w o u l d h a v e been to leave the story w i t h o u t an e n d i n g . T h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r m a y h a v e b e e n a w a t e r s h e d in A f r i c a n h i s t o r y , b u t it w a s m o r e in t h e n a t u r e o f a t u r n i n g p o i n t w i t h i n a p e r i o d than the e n d i n g o f o n e o r the b e g i n n i n g o f another. W h e t h e r t h e w a r is s e e n as h a v i n g u n l e a s h e d n e w f o r c e s o r m e r e l y as h a v i n g s t i m u l a t e d a n d g i v e n s c o p e t o f o r c e s a l r e a d y at p l a y ' , it d i d c h a n g e t h e s i t u a t i o n s o r a d i c a l l y i n A f r i c a t h a t t h e c o n c l u s i o n o f the c h a n g e has to be seen if the significance o f the w a r is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d . I n d e e d , o n e o f t h e G e n e r a l E d i t o r s o f The Cambridge History of Africa o n c e c r i t i c i s e d t h e w r i t e r f o r t e r m i n a t i n g h i s West Africa under Colonial Rule i n 1 9 4 5 , ' t h u s e x c l u d i n g the m o s t d e t e r m i n i n g part o f the colonial p e r i o d \ T h a t w a s o f c o u r s e the d i s m a n t l i n g o f the E u r o p e a n e m p i r e s in the g r e a t e r p a r t o f N o r t h a n d W e s t A f r i c a b y i 9 6 0 , a n d t h e rest o f t h e continent by 1975. 4

1

2

In 1940 the v a s t majority o f the inhabitants o f the c o n t i n e n t w e r e under one f o r m or another o f E u r o p e a n colonial rule. O f the three countries that w e r e n o m i n a l l y i n d e p e n d e n t , L i b e r i a w a s enfeoffed to the F i r e s t o n e R u b b e r C o m p a n y o f the U n i t e d States, E g y p t w a s s e v e r e l y l i m i t e d in t h e e x e r c i s e o f h e r s o v e r e i g n t y b y 1

See Chapter 8.

2

Roland Oliver in The Observer, n

August

2

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

1968.

INTRODUCTION

SPANISH

MOROCCO^

^FRENCHWEST AFRICA;

„J A N G L O y/' EGYPTIAN SUDAN

^GAÒBÌA^ |NÏGERÏA| SIERRA^ LEONE

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-RUANDAURUNDI • ' , * f ( B e l g i a n ,

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(Mandated to Union of South Africa)^

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SWAZILAND BASUTOLANO

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E • EÏÏ3

Belgian mandate Spanish

2000km IBoOrt

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i

Africa, 1940.

the terms o f the A n g l o - E g y p t i a n T r e a t y o f 1936, w h i l e indepen­ dence in the U n i o n o f S o u t h Africa w a s meaningful o n l y for the white minority w h i c h h a d already embarked o n a p r o g r a m m e o f stripping the non-white majority o f the f e w political a n d social r i g h t s it d i d p o s s e s s . I n d e e d , w h i l e m o s t o t h e r b l a c k A f r i c a n s d u r i n g o u r period w e r e t o i m p r o v e their political position, those 3

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

INTRODUCTION

o f S o u t h A f r i c a w e r e t o suffer a c o n c o m i t a n t d e t e r i o r a t i o n

in

theirs. O n the e v e o f the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r f e w , if any, E u r o p e a n s or Africans e n v i s a g e d that w i t h i n t w o decades well o v e r half o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e c o n t i n e n t w o u l d b e free f r o m c o l o n i a l tutelage. D e s p i t e the d e v o l u t i o n o f p o w e r in the major A s i a n d e p e n d e n c i e s , t h e B r i t i s h g o v e r n m e n t d i d n o t y e t t h i n k it n e c e s s a r y to a p p l y that e x p e r i e n c e t o A f r i c a . B y 1940 C e y l o n h a d for l o n g had internal s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t , w h i l e in India the British had already d e v o l v e d a great deal o f the business o f g o v e r n m e n t o n I n d i a n s , r e t a i n i n g e x c l u s i v e c o n t r o l o n l y o v e r e x t e r n a l affairs a n d defence. A l t h o u g h the British L a b o u r Party had independence for I n d i a o n its p r o g r a m m e , as far as t h e A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s w e r e c o n c e r n e d it c o n s i d e r e d s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t , l e t a l o n e i n d e p e n d e n c e , a remote prospect. M a l c o l m M a c D o n a l d , L a b o u r Colonial Sec­ r e t a r y in t h e B r i t i s h N a t i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t , p u t t h e B r i t i s h v i e w o n political d e v e l o p m e n t in the A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s t o the H o u s e o f C o m m o n s o n 7 D e c e m b e r 1938: 'It may take generations, or e v e n centuries, for the p e o p l e s in s o m e parts o f the c o l o n i a l e m p i r e t o a c h i e v e s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t . B u t it is a m a j o r p a r t o f o u r p o l i c y , e v e n a m o n g the m o s t b a c k w a r d peoples o f Africa, to teach t h e m a l w a y s t o b e a b l e t o s t a n d a little m o r e o n t h e i r o w n f e e t . ' T h e Popular Front g o v e r n m e n t o f France had been n o more daring in its t h i n k i n g a b o u t p o l i t i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t i n A f r i c a , a n d t h e f e w r e f o r m s it h a d b e e n a b l e t o i n t r o d u c e w e r e b a s i c a l l y a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t in i n t e n t , w h i l e t h e B e l g i a n s , S p a n i s h , P o r t u g u e s e a n d I t a l i a n s d i d n o t g i v e the subject a passing t h o u g h t . Far from decolonisation b e i n g a theme o f these times, a n e w i m p e r i a l i s m w a s i n t h e E u r o p e a n air. I t a l y h a d j u s t i n v a d e d E t h i o p i a a n d i n c o r p o r a t e d it i n t o h e r E a s t A f r i c a n e m p i r e . T h e L e a g u e o f N a t i o n s , w h i c h had earlier v o t e d e c o n o m i c sanctions a g a i n s t I t a l y i n t h e h o p e o f h a l t i n g h e r i n v a s i o n , o n c e it w a s successful w i t h d r e w t h e m , t u r n i n g a d e a f if e m b a r r a s s e d ear t o the personal appeal by E m p e r o r Haile Selassie for i n t e r v e n t i o n o n h i s c o u n t r y ' s b e h a l f . G e r m a n y , still s m a r t i n g u n d e r t h e humiliation o f the T r e a t y o f Versailles w h i c h had stripped her o f her colonial empire, thrilled to Hitler's d e m a n d s that the c o u n t r y r e g a i n its ' r i g h t f u l p l a c e i n t h e t r o p i c a l s u n ' . E v e n in S p a i n t h e r e 1

1

Hansard^ 7 December 1938.

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INTRODUCTION

w e r e expansionists w h o d r e a m e d d u r i n g the w a r o f creating an e m p i r e taken from N i g e r i a and F r e n c h E q u a t o r i a l A f r i c a . 1

N o t only was imperialism very m u c h alive, but few Europeans questioned their right to p o s s e s s i o n o f c o l o n i e s . C o n v e r s e l y , the majority o f Africans had c o m e to accept the E u r o p e a n presence, if o n l y passively. N o t a f e w o f the educated élite shared the v i e w o f Isaac D e l a n o w h o w r o t e in 1 9 3 7 : ' T h e p e o p l e o f N i g e r i a are very p r o u d o f the British E m p i r e to w h i c h they b e l o n g , and o f British statesmanship and equity. T h e y realise that they c a n n o t safely b e c o m e i n d e p e n d e n t o f t h e B r i t i s h G o v e r n m e n t as t h i n g s are t o d a y i n t h e w o r l d . ' S o m e o f t h e w e s t e r n - e d u c a t e d m i n o r i t y had, h o w e v e r , b e g u n to articulate q u e s t i o n s c o u c h e d in terms o f western political t h o u g h t a b o u t the presence o f the E u r o p e a n s and their right to g o v e r n c o l o n i a l p e o p l e s in an autocratic fashion. T h u s for L a m i n e G u è y e , w h o f o u n d e d the Parti Socialiste S é n é g a l a i s i n 1 9 3 5 , it w a s i r o n i c t h a t t h e s a m e c o l o n i a l p o w e r w h i c h i m p o s e d t h e corvée o n its A f r i c a n s u b j e c t s p l a c e d i n t h e h a n d s o f t h e i r c h i l d r e n at s c h o o l b o o k s p r o c l a i m i n g t h a t t h e ' c o l o n i e s w e r e an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f t h e v e r y R e p u b l i c w h o s e founders had d i s c o v e r e d and t a u g h t that " m e n are b o r n and r e m a i n f r e e " a n d w h i c h h a d as its m o t t o " L i b e r t y - E q u a l i t y F r a t e r n i t y " \ W h i l e the majority o f the e d u c a t e d élite limited their d e m a n d s to s o m e f o r m o f participation in the institutions o f g o v e r n m e n t i m p o s e d o n t h e m b y their colonial masters, w i t h the v a r i o u s y o u t h m o v e m e n t s in W e s t A f r i c a d e m a n d i n g that this participation be g r a n t e d m o r e s p e e d i l y , a m i n o r i t y in F r e n c h N o r t h Africa w a s b e g i n n i n g to m a k e o v e r t d e m a n d s for an early and c o m p l e t e i n d e p e n d e n c e that w a s n o t tied to s o m e f o r m o f constitutional association w i t h F r a n c e . E v e n s o , in the year before the o u t b r e a k o f the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r the E u r o p e a n imperial p o w e r s had g o o d reason to be c o m p l a c e n t a b o u t their l o n g - t e r m p o s i t i o n in A f r i c a . Y e t w i t h i n t w o years o f the o p e n i n g o f h o s t i l i t i e s i n E u r o p e E t h i o p i a h a d r e g a i n e d its s o v e r e i g n t y , a n d a d e c a d e later L i b y a b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t . W i t h i n a n o t h e r 2 5 years t h e last m a j o r E u r o p e a n c o l o n y i n A f r i c a , A n g o l a , h a d g a i n e d its independence o n 11 N o v e m b e r 1 9 7 5 , and the dismantling o f the 2

3

1

René Pélissier, 'Equatorial Guinea: recent history', in Africa: 1977-78 ( L o n d o n , 1977), 301. I. O . Delano, The soul of Nigeria ( L o n d o n , 1937), 8. Lamine G u è y e , Itinéraire africaine (Paris, 1966), 79.

South of the Sahara,

2

3

5

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

INTRODUCTION

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Mauritius Û Reunion(Fr)

2000 km 10*00 miles

2

Africa, 1975.

6

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

INTRODUCTION

E u r o p e a n e m p i r e s in A f r i c a w a s c o m p l e t e e x c e p t for a f e w e x o t i c enclaves and offshore islands. T h e r e w e r e , o f course, three major t e r r i t o r i e s i n w h i c h A f r i c a n s w e r e still s u b j e c t t o c o n t r o l b y p e o p l e o f E u r o p e a n origin but w h i c h n o l o n g e r formed part o f any E u r o p e a n i m p e r i u m . T h e w h i t e m i n o r i t y in the R e p u b l i c o f S o u t h A f r i c a h a d g a i n e d v i r t u a l i n d e p e n d e n c e f r o m B r i t a i n as l o n g a g o as 1 9 1 0 . T h e f o r m e r G e r m a n c o l o n y o f S o u t h W e s t A f r i c a h a d b e e n m a n d a t e d t o S o u t h A f r i c a after t h e F i r s t W o r l d W a r . I n R h o d e s i a the w h i t e minority had unilaterally and effectively taken its i n d e p e n d e n c e f r o m B r i t a i n i n 1965 s o as t o a v o i d a n y q u e s t i o n o f effective A f r i c a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the political p r o c e s s o f their c o u n t r y , let a l o n e s u b j e c t i o n t o A f r i c a n m a j o r i t y r u l e , w h i c h w a s a prerequisite o f the legal g r a n t i n g o f i n d e p e n d e n c e b y the m o t h e r country. T h e political, social and e c o n o m i c c o n s e q u e n c e s o f this rapid collapse o f the E u r o p e a n c o l o n i a l e m p i r e s in A f r i c a b e t w e e n 1940 a n d 1 9 7 5 f o r m t h e c e n t r a l t h e m e o f t h i s v o l u m e . T h e first c h a p t e r will seek to assess the role o f the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r in that collapse.

7

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C H A P T E R

1

THE S E C O N D W O R L D WAR: T O D E C O L O N I S A T I O N IN

PRELUDE AFRICA

B y 1 9 3 9 t h e E u r o p e a n c o l o n i a l p o w e r s w e r e as firmly i n c o n t r o l o f t h e i r A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s as t h e y e v e r w o u l d b e . D u r i n g t h e p r e c e d i n g ten years there had been f e w major challenges to their authority. Africans had c o m e to accept the n e w political order and to o b e y the rules laid d o w n b y the c o l o n i a l administration. T h e lesson had been learned that, a l t h o u g h the colonial administration w a s t h i n o n t h e g r o u n d , i n t h e last r e s o r t it h a d o v e r w h e l m i n g resources o f p o w e r . A t t e m p t s to take a d v a n t a g e o f the w e a k n e s s o f s o m e colonial administrations d u r i n g the First W o r l d W a r and to return to an i n d e p e n d e n c e based o n pre-colonial political structures, t h o u g h t e m p o r a r i l y successful, had failed. S u c h chal­ l e n g e s t o t h e c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s as d i d t a k e p l a c e d u r i n g t h e 1 9 3 0 s w e r e m a d e w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f the c o l o n i a l state and w e r e b y and large limited to protest against o b n o x i o u s features o f the administration; such protest t o o k the f o r m o f riots against taxation o r strikes to obtain h i g h e r w a g e s or better conditions o f s e r v i c e in the small c o l o n i a l industrial sector. W i t h the n o t a b l e exception o f French N o r t h Africa, there w e r e few violent d e m o n ­ s t r a t i o n s o f a m o d e r n p o l i t i c a l c h a r a c t e r , t h a t i s , a i m e d at securing greater participation b y Africans, and m o r e specifically the small e d u c a t e d élite, in the g o v e r n m e n t a l processes o f the c o l o n i a l state. N e v e r t h e l e s s it w a s c l e a r t h a t i f t h e e d u c a t e d é l i t e a c c e p t e d t h e s t a t u s q u o it w a s a p a s s i v e n o t a n a c t i v e a c c e p t a n c e : t h e y h a n k e r e d after a n i n d e p e n d e n c e , b u t , l i k e t h e B r i t i s h , t h e y s a w it as a g o a l w h o s e r e a l i s a t i o n w a s d i s t a n t . Y e t w h e n t h e y s a w t h e o n e t r u l y i n d e p e n d e n t s t a t e o f E t h i o p i a fall t o c o l o n i a l i s t forces in 1936, their reaction w a s o n e o f w i d e - s c a l e protest. B y 1 9 3 9 t h e i m p o s e d c o l o n i a l states h a d g a i n e d l e g i t i m a c y i n the eyes o f their inhabitants, particularly a m o n g the e d u c a t e d elites, w h o n o w identified their political and social a m b i t i o n s w i t h them. T h i s did not m e a n that they had a b a n d o n e d their pre-colonial identities ; yet that part o f the legacy o f colonial rule that w a s called 8

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less i n t o q u e s t i o n t h a n a n y o t h e r b y t h e n a t i o n a l i s t s w a s t h e f r a m e w o r k o f states s u p e r i m p o s e d o n t h e p r e - c o l o n i a l p o l i t i e s b y t h e i n v a d i n g E u r o p e a n p o w e r s at t h e e n d o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . It w a s m o r e t h e c o u n t r y - f o l k , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h o s e w h o s e lands had b e e n arbitrarily split b y the n e w E u r o p e a n c o l o n i a l frontiers, w h o tended to operate socially and e v e n politically in terms o f their pre-colonial structures. O n t h e e v e o f t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , t h e n , t h e Pax Europaea w a s f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d i n A f r i c a . A t o n e l e v e l it w a s a s e e m i n g l y very tenuous peace, dependent on a handful o f E u r o p e a n admini­ strators ruling o v e r vast and p o p u l o u s areas w i t h o n l y a handful o f A f r i c a n s o l d i e r s o r p a r a - m i l i t a r y p o l i c e at t h e i r d i s p o s a l . N i g e r i a , f o r e x a m p l e , h a d o n l y s o m e 4000 s o l d i e r s a n d 4000 p o l i c e in 1 9 3 0 , o f w h o m all b u t a b o u t 75 i n e a c h f o r c e w e r e b l a c k . J u s t h o w thin o n the g r o u n d the E u r o p e a n administrations w e r e can b e s e e n f r o m t h e fact t h a t i n N i g e r i a i n t h e l a t e 1 9 3 0 s t h e n u m b e r o f a d m i n i s t r a t o r s f o r a p o p u l a t i o n e s t i m a t e d at 20 m i l l i o n w a s o n l y 386, a r a t i o o f 1 : 5 4 0 0 0 , a n d t h a t i n c l u d e d t h o s e i n t h e s e c r e t a r i a t . In the B e l g i a n C o n g o the ratio w a s 1: 34800 and in F r e n c h W e s t A f r i c a 1 : 2 7 500. It s h o u l d n o t b e f o r g o t t e n , t o o , t h a t i n p a r t s o f t h e E u r o p e a n c o l o n i a l e m p i r e t h e c o l o n i a l i m p r i n t w a s still v e r y light. M a n y Africans had never personally seen a w h i t e man, w h i l e in M o z a m b i q u e p a r t s o f t h e t e r r i t o r y w e r e n o t e v e n a d m i n i s t e r e d b y the g o v e r n m e n t , b u t b y c o n c e s s i o n c o m p a n i e s . T h e Pax Europaea e s t a b l i s h e d b y t h e e n d o f t h e 1 9 3 0 s w a s , o f course, vital to the successful and intensive exploitation o f the c o l o n i a l estate b y m e t r o p o l i t a n capital. A n d b y the 1930s the pre-colonial e c o n o m i c structure o f Africa had been remodelled i n t o a series o f c o l o n i a l e c o n o m i e s w h o s e c o m m o n characteristic, w h a t e v e r the nationality o f their administration, w a s that they w e r e p r o d u c e r s o f foodstuffs and raw materials for c o n s u m p t i o n o r p r o c e s s i n g b y t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n a n d r e l a t e d e c o n o m i e s ; in t u r n t h e y s e r v e d as m a r k e t s f o r t h e m a n u f a c t u r e d g o o d s o f E u r o p e a n industry, m a n y o f them, like soap, processed from r a w materials exported b y these v e r y colonial e c o n o m i e s . T h e infrastructural pattern o f the A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s reflected clearly this f u n c t i o n . R a i l w a y s and roads w e r e built primarily to link m i n e s o r areas o f e x p o r t - c r o p p r o d u c t i o n w i t h the coast; few w e r e built to link o n e centre o f p r o d u c t i o n o f crops o r g o o d s for internal c o n s u m p t i o n with another. T h e colonial administrations were handmaidens to 9

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this e x p l o i t a t i o n , differing o n l y in the d e g r e e o f a c t i v e assistance t h e y g a v e in t e r m s o f t a x a t i o n , f o r c e d l a b o u r o r c o m p u l s o r y c r o p cultivation, and the extent to w h i c h they tried to protect the interests o f their c o l o n i a l subjects. W h e r e p r i v a t e capital w a s u n w i l l i n g t o p r o v i d e t h e i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l s e r v i c e s it s u p p l i e d in E u r o p e , s u c h as e l e c t r i c a l p o w e r , r a i l w a y s a n d p o r t s , t h e c o l o n i a l g o v e r n m e n t s raised the necessary funds for their establishment f r o m the c o l o n i a l b u d g e t either t h r o u g h taxation o r loans. In short, b y 1939 Africa had been integrated b y c o l o n i a l rule into the E u r o p e a n capitalistic s y s t e m and in turn had been i m p r e g n a t e d w i t h the capitalistic structure o f the m e t r o p o l e , and s u c h d e v e l ­ o p m e n t that t o o k place w a s m a i n l y in t h o s e sectors p r o d u c i n g for the e x p o r t and i m p o r t trade. A n y d e v e l o p m e n t o f the internal e x c h a n g e e c o n o m y that resulted w a s largely co-incidental. 1

T h e extent and intensity o f the incorporation o f the African e c o n o m y into the w o r l d capitalist system b y 1939 varied f r o m colony to c o l o n y and from region to region within individual c o l o n i e s . T h i s p r o c e s s h a d b e g u n as e a r l y as t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , b u t u n t i l t h e E u r o p e a n o c c u p a t i o n it affected p r i n c i p a l l y t h o s e areas o n the coast w i t h w h i c h trade h a d already b e e n o p e n e d u p . T h e r e s u l t o f c o l o n i a l o c c u p a t i o n w a s t o i n v o l v e all A f r i c a n s , h o w e v e r indirectly, in the w o r l d e c o n o m y . T h e directness o f their i n v o l v e m e n t w a s , o f course, determined b y the resources o f the locality they l i v e d in. B y the b e g i n n i n g o f o u r p e r i o d the m o s t in­ t e n s i v e l y i n v o l v e d w e r e t h e p r o d u c e r s o f c r o p s s u c h as g r o u n d ­ n u t s , p a l m - o i l , c o t t o n , c o c o a , cofTee a n d sisal f o r w h i c h t h e r e was a demand overseas. T h e s e crops had c o m e to be produced i n t h r e e d i s t i n c t w a y s w h i c h w e r e t o h a v e i m p o r t a n t effects o n t h e c o u r s e o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s m . T h e first, p r e d o m i n a n t in W e s t A f r i c a , b u t a l s o t o b e f o u n d i n t h e M a g h r i b , E g y p t and U g a n d a , w a s t h r o u g h the a g e n c y o f peasant farmers. T h e s e c o n d , p r e d o m i n a n t in E q u a t o r i a l A f r i c a and in parts o f Central and southern Africa, w a s t h r o u g h c o m p a n y - o w n e d plantations using w a g e a n d / o r forced labour. T h e third w a s t h r o u g h farms run b y w h i t e settlers u s i n g A f r i c a n w a g e - l a b o u r . Irrespective o f nationality, the character o f individual colonial administrations w a s deeply influenced b y the m o d e s o f agricultural p r o d u c t i o n t o b e f o u n d in t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s . T h u s B r i t i s h a d m i n 1

See the i n t r o d u c t i o n ' to Peter C . W . G u t k i n d and Immanuel Wallerstein (eds.), The political economy of contemporary Africa (Beverly Hills and L o n d o n , 1976), 1 1 - 1 2 . IO

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i s t r a t i o n in K e n y a w i t h its s e t t l e r - f a r m e r s , differed c o n s i d e r a b l y f r o m t h a t i n t h e G o l d C o a s t , w i t h its i n d i g e n o u s f a r m e r s . W h e r e the principal m e a n s o f agricultural p r o d u c t i o n w a s t h r o u g h w h i t e settler-farmers, their interests w e r e held p a r a m o u n t b y the c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , as i n L i b y a , A l g e r i a a n d S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a . I n colonies w h e r e settler-farmers a n d E u r o p e a n - c o n t r o l l e d plan­ t a t i o n s w e r e j o i n t l y c o n c e r n e d a s p r o d u c e r s o f e x p o r t c r o p s , as i n A n g o l a , M o z a m b i q u e a n d the B e l g i a n C o n g o , E u r o p e a n interests w e r e also held to b e paramount. In colonies w h e r e there w e r e substantial a n d influential settler g r o u p s w h o w e r e n o t , h o w e v e r , s e e n as t h e p r i n c i p a l o r e x c l u s i v e m e a n s o f p r o d u c t i o n o f e x p o r t c r o p s , A f r i c a n interests w e r e n e v e r entirely s u b o r d i n a t e d t o t h e m . M o r o c c o , Tunisia, the I v o r y Coast, Northern Rhodesia and K e n y a fit i n t o this c a t e g o r y . E v e n w i t h r e g a r d t o K e n y a , w h i c h i n t h e p o p u l a r B r i t i s h i m a g i n a t i o n w a s t h e w h i t e - s e t t l e r c o l o n y par excellence, as e a r l y as 1 9 2 3 a C o n s e r v a t i v e c o l o n i a l s e c r e t a r y , t h e D u k e o f D e v o n s h i r e , h a d laid d o w n t h a t : Primarily Kenya is an African territory, and His Majesty's Government thinks it necessary definitely to record their considered opinion that the interests of the African natives must be paramount and that if, and when, those interests and the interests of the European races should conflict, the former should p r e v a i l . . . In the administration of Kenya, His Majesty's Government regard themselves as exercising a trust on behalf of the African population, and they are unable to delegate or share this trust, the object of which may be defined as the protection and advancement of the native races.

1

In practice this o f c o u r s e o n l y m e a n t t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e A f r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n f r o m the m o r e e x t r e m e f o r m s o f racial p r i v i l e g e exercised b y the E u r o p e a n settlers in A l g e r i a a n d S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a , n o t f r o m its o v e r a l l s u b j e c t i o n t o t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e w o r l d capitalist e c o n o m y . N e v e r t h e l e s s , in T a n g a n y i k a , f o r e x a m p l e , s e t t l e r s w e r e g i v e n financial s u p p o r t a n d p r e f e r e n t i a l t r e a t m e n t e v e n w h e r e it w a s c l e a r f r o m t h e s t a t i s t i c s t h a t A f r i c a n farmers w e r e m o r e p r o d u c t i v e . W h e r e w h i t e settlers a n d c o n c e s s i o n c o m p a n i e s w e r e insigni­ ficant c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e A f r i c a n p e a s a n t f a r m e r a s a m e a n s o f production o f export crops, the political role o f local E u r o p e a n s w a s equally limited. It w a s in s u c h c o l o n i e s that d e c o l o n i s a t i o n o r d i s e n g a g e m e n t w a s m o s t e a s i l y a c h i e v e d , as t h e c a s e s o f t h e G o l d Coast, Nigeria, Upper Volta or Senegal witness. T h e most 1

Indians in Kenya, C o m m a n d paper N o . 1922 ( L o n d o n , 1923), 9.

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violent confrontations between Africans and colonial g o v e r n m e n t s t o o k p l a c e in t h o s e c o l o n i e s w h e r e settler or c o n c e s s i o n - c o m p a n y i n t e r e s t s w e r e m o s t d e e p l y e n t r e n c h e d , as i n A l g e r i a , S o u t h e r n Rhodesia or Mozambique. W h a t e v e r t h e a g e n c y o f p r o d u c t i o n in a c o l o n y - w h i t e s e t t l e r farmer, plantation c o m p a n y o r African farmer - those colonial d e p e n d e n c i e s m o s t i n v o l v e d in the w o r l d capitalist e c o n o m y and m o s t d i r e c t l y s u b j e c t t o its fluctuations w e r e t h o s e in w h i c h cultivation o f crops for export had been m o s t intensively developed. B y 1 9 3 9 , w h a t e v e r t h e i n t e n s i t y o f its p r o d u c t i o n f o r t h e e x p o r t market, three distinct zones o f e c o n o m i c activity c o u l d be d i s c e r n e d i n t h e c o n t i n e n t . T h e first, o f c o u r s e , w a s t h a t d e v o t e d to the p r o d u c t i o n o f c r o p s for e x p o r t b y w h a t e v e r means, w h e t h e r indigenous farming, forced-labour or wage-labour on European farms o r concessions. H e r e African labour had been diverted from p r o d u c t i o n o f f o o d for c o n s u m p t i o n for the h o m e m a r k e t to that for c o n s u m p t i o n overseas. A s e c o n d z o n e , therefore, had d e v e l o p e d in w h i c h a principal c o n c e r n w a s p r o d u c t i o n o f f o o d for c o n s u m p t i o n by the z o n e p r o d u c i n g f o o d for export. T h e third z o n e , w h i c h in o t h e r circumstances w o u l d h a v e c o n t i n u e d to concentrate o n agriculture for domestic c o n s u m p t i o n , not h a v i n g sufficient a g r i c u l t u r a l r e s o u r c e s t o p r o d u c e s u r p l u s f o o d s t u f f s f o r the e x p o r t or the internal market, had b e c o m e the source o f supply o f l a b o u r f o r t h e f a r m s o f t h e first t w o z o n e s . S u c h l a b o u r w a s f o r t h c o m i n g as a r e s u l t o f f o r c e d r e c r u i t m e n t , as in t h e P o r t u g u e s e c o l o n i e s , the n e e d t o earn a w a g e in o r d e r to p a y taxes, o r t h r o u g h the desire o f individuals w h o w i s h e d to take a d v a n t a g e o f the e c o n o m i c opportunities p r o v i d e d b y the colonial e c o n o m y . T h i s z o n e , o f w h i c h N i g e r and U p p e r V o l t a or, o n the other side o f the continent, N y a s a l a n d w e r e o b v i o u s e x a m p l e s , w a s also a principal supplier o f labour for mines, army, roads and railways. T h u s few Africans escaped the impact o f the colonial e c o n o m y , w h o s e m o s t i m p o r t a n t p o l i t i c a l effect o r b y - p r o d u c t w a s t h e increasing peasantisation and proletarianisation o f the erstwhile small-scale farmer. T h i s w a s to be o f crucial importance for the d e v e l o p m e n t o f the nationalist m o v e m e n t s w h i c h secured political i n d e p e n d e n c e f r o m t h e c o l o n i a l r u l e r s . F o r it w a s f r o m a m o n g t h i s 1

' See Immanuel Wailerstein, 'Three stages of African involvement in the world e c o n o m y ' , in G u t k i n d and Wailerstein, Political economy, 30-57.

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class that an N k r u m a h f o u n d his ' v e r a n d a h b o y s ' o r a S a m o r a M a c h e l the recruits for the armies o f F R E L I M O . O f e q u a l i m p o r t a n c e , t h o u g h s o m e t i m e s d i s a s t r o u s i n t h e effects o n the w e l l - b e i n g o f those i n v o l v e d , w e r e the l o n g - t e r m c o n ­ s e q u e n c e s o f this m a s s i v e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f the e c o n o m i e s o f Africa into d e p e n d e n t e c o n o m i e s o f the w o r l d capitalist system. In m a n y cases this t r a n s f o r m a t i o n led t o an increase in p r o d u c t i o n o f c r o p s for the e x p o r t m a r k e t that w a s d e t r i m e n t a l , especially in t h e l o n g - t e r m , t o t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f sufficient c r o p s f o r d o m e s t i c c o n s u m p t i o n . A n o t o r i o u s e x a m p l e o f this d e v e l o p m e n t w a s the G a m b i a , w h e r e a ' h u n g r y s e a s o n ' resulted from o v e r concentration o f labour and land o n g r o u n d n u t s , the chief export c r o p , to the detriment o f rice, the main subsistence c r o p . 1

A s Vieira da Silva and de M o r a i s h a v e s h o w n for the H u a m b o D i s t r i c t in A n g o l a , t h e o v e r - c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n e x p o r t c r o p s l e d i n the l o n g - t e r m to ' a t r o p h y and d e c a y ' in the rural e c o n o m y since the surplus d e r i v e d f r o m the p r o d u c t i o n o f the cash c r o p , m a i z e , w a s n o t r e i n v e s t e d in the local e c o - s y s t e m , w h i l e soils that w e r e allowed shorter and shorter fallows for regeneration deteriorated. S u c h r u r a l areas b e c a m e less a n d less c a p a b l e o f s u p p o r t i n g a l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n t h a t w a s i n a n y c a s e i n c r e a s i n g as a r e s u l t o f i m p r o v e d and m o r e readily available m e d i c a l facilities, and their y o u n g m e n h a d i n c r e a s i n g l y t o m i g r a t e in s e a r c h o f w o r k . H u a m b o a n d t h e G a m b i a r e p r e s e n t e x t r e m e e x a m p l e s o f t h e effects o f a c o l o n i a l e c o n o m i c system w h o s e principal c o n c e r n w a s w i t h m e e t i n g the demands o f overseas markets for Africa's export crops, and w h i c h paid little, if any, attention t o p r o b l e m s c o n c e r n e d w i t h the production, distribution or i m p r o v e m e n t o f subsistence crops. 2

This concern with cash-crop production was generalised t h r o u g h o u t colonial Africa and reinforced b y the taxation and l a b o u r policies o f the colonial administrations, w h i c h c o m p e l l e d farmers to d e v o t e m o r e and m o r e e n e r g y , land and time to p r o d u c t i o n o f cash crops. T o g e t h e r these had important social c o n s e q u e n c e s . T h e y accelerated the g r o w t h o f a plantation sub-proletariat and w e r e a m a j o r factor in the m a s s i v e m i g r a t i o n 1

See Chapter 5, where it is shown that by 1975 a majority of African countries were finding it increasingly difficult to feed themselves even though their economies were still primarily agricultural. Jorge Vieira da Silva and Julio Artur de Morais, * Ecological conditions of social change in the central highlands of A n g o l a ' , in Franz-Wilhelm Heimer (ed.), Social change in Angola (Munich, 1973). 2

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to the t o w n s that t o o k place d u r i n g the p e r i o d c o v e r e d b y this v o l u m e and the c o n s e q u e n t d e v e l o p m e n t o f an u r b a n s u b p r o l e t a r i a t . T h e y affected t h e r e l a t i v e r o l e s o f m e n a n d w o m e n i n society: increasingly w o m e n were diverted from incomep r o d u c i n g agricultural p r o d u c t i o n to p r o d u c t i o n o f crops for domestic consumption. If the l o n g - t e r m c o n s e q u e n c e s o f the colonial e c o n o m i c s y s t e m w e r e the i m p o v e r i s h m e n t o f m a n y rural p o p u l a t i o n s d u r i n g o u r p e r i o d and the increasing d e p e n d e n c e o f the farmer o n c r o p s w h o s e p r i c e s w e r e s u b j e c t t o w i d e fluctuations, f o r s o m e s e c t o r s o f colonial African society alien rule had b r o u g h t p o s i t i v e benefits, in particular in the e x t e n s i o n o f e d u c a t i o n a n d ancillary social benefits. F o r w h i l e the m a i n business o f c o l o n i a l rule m a y h a v e been the e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the resources o f Africa for the benefit o f the m e t r o p o l i t a n e c o n o m i e s , the colonial administrations in A f r i c a w e r e c o n c e r n e d , in differing d e g r e e s , to i m p r o v e the lot o f t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n s . T h e y c e r t a i n l y d i d n o t p e r c e i v e , at t h e t i m e , the l o n g - t e r m c o n s e q u e n c e s o f the e c o n o m i c structures that had d e v e l o p e d b y 1940. I n d e e d increases in e x p o r t e a r n i n g s b y a c o l o n y s e e m e d t o a u g u r w e l l f o r it, s i n c e t h e d u t i e s i m p o s e d o n these and the imports they m a d e possible p r o v i d e d the w h e r e ­ withal to d e v e l o p roads, and build bridges, hospitals and schools. It w a s t h e s e b e n e f i t s as m u c h as a n y d i s t r e s s c a u s e d b y t h e c o l o n i a l e c o n o m i c system that w e r e to b r i n g a b o u t the demise o f colonial rule. W h e r e the early o p p o n e n t s o f c o l o n i a l rule had b e e n those w h o w i s h e d to regain their pre-colonial independences, the n e w o p p o n e n t s w e r e those w h o had personally benefited m o s t from the c o l o n i a l s y s t e m , t h e e d u c a t e d é l i t e . T h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e pre-colonial polities - the chiefs - had n o w been a b s o r b e d into the c o l o n i a l h i e r a r c h y as its m o s t l o y a l c o l l a b o r a t o r s . T h e e d u c a t e d élite, in c h a l l e n g i n g t h e c o l o n i a l g o v e r n m e n t , d i d n o t s e e k a r e t u r n to the pre-colonial structures o f Africa, but rather s o u g h t a share in t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e n e w c o l o n y - s t a t e s . B y 1 9 4 0 f e w h a d g o n e as far as t o d e m a n d c o n t r o l o f t h e administration; i n d e p e n d e n c e w a s a w o r d n o t o p e n l y b a n d i e d a b o u t e x c e p t in the M a g h r i b and there o n l y w i t h caution. T h e w e s t e r n - e d u c a t e d élite, h a v i n g r e a c h e d , a n d in s o m e c a s e s s u r p a s s e d , t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l attainments o f their colonial administrators o n those administra­ t o r s ' o w n t e r m s , b e g a n t o d e m a n d p a r t i c i p a t i o n in t h e a d m i n i ­ stration. T h e y w e r e primarily c o n c e r n e d w i t h the b e t t e r m e n t o f

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t h e i r p o s i t i o n as a c l a s s , a n d p a i d little a t t e n t i o n t o t h e w e l f a r e o f the rural masses, t h o u g h they w e r e t o harness the rural b y - p r o d u c t , t h e u r b a n i m m i g r a n t s , t o g o o d effect i n a g i t a t i o n against the colonial regime. T h e prevailing attitude o f the e d u c a t e d é l i t e i n t h e late 1 9 3 0 s is s u m m e d u p b y t h e y o u n g l a w y e r , O b a f e m i A w o l o w o , w h o w r o t e in 1946 that ' t h e articulate m i n o r i t y is d e s t i n e d t o r u l e t h e c o u n t r y . I t is t h e i r h e r i t a g e . I t is t h e y w h o m u s t b e t r a i n e d i n t h e a r t o f g o v e r n m e n t s o as t o e n a b l e t h e m t o t a k e o v e r c o m p l e t e c o n t r o l o f t h e affairs o f t h e i r c o u n t r y . ' I t is this a t t i t u d e t h a t e x p l a i n s t h e h o s t i l i t y o f t h e majority o f t h e e d u c a t e d élite t o t h e role o f t h e chiefs in g o v e r n m e n t , f o r t h e y s a w t h e m as r i v a l s f o r p o w e r , p a r t i c u l a r l y in t h o s e British c o l o n i e s , like N i g e r i a , w h e r e t h e s y s t e m o f indirect r u l e m a d e it e x p l i c i t t h a t d e v o l u t i o n o f c o l o n i a l p o w e r w o u l d b e to the native authorities rather than t o the e d u c a t e d élite. 1

Criticisms o f the colonial structure, then, b y 1940 had largely b e e n l i m i t e d t o p r o t e s t s a g a i n s t its c h a r a c t e r , n o t its e x i s t e n c e . T h e s e criticisms h a d been fuelled in part b y the depressed level o f the e c o n o m y and consequent diminution o f colonial services t h r o u g h o u t the 1930s. A t a time o f rising e x p e c t a t i o n s , based o n t h e p r o s p e r i t y o f t h e first t w o d e c a d e s o f t h e c e n t u r y w h e n t h e terms o f trade w e r e in A f r i c a ' s f a v o u r a n d peasant a n d trader h a d profited, the thirties, in w h i c h the terms o f trade w e r e dramatically reversed, b r o u g h t disillusion with the positive aspects o f colonial r u l e . T h i s d i s i l l u s i o n s e t i n b o t h a m o n g f a r m e r s w h o e a r n e d less a n d less f r o m t h e i r c r o p s a n d a m o n g t h e e d u c a t e d é l i t e w h o f o u n d fewer o p e n i n g s in the colonial system - w h e t h e r g o v e r n m e n t o r b u s i n e s s — as d i m i n i s h i n g r e v e n u e s f o r c e d it t o c u t b a c k its activities.

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T h e extent to w h i c h the Second W o r l d W a r represented a turning p o i n t in the liberation o f A f r i c a f r o m c o l o n i a l rule, o r m e r e l y acted as a n a c c e l e r a t o r t o a p r o c e s s t h a t w a s a l r e a d y u n d e r w a y , c a n n o t be assessed w i t h o u t an appreciation o f the impact o f that w a r o n t h e A f r i c a n c o n t i n e n t itself. N o t l o n g after t h e o u t b r e a k o f w a r i n E u r o p e , t h e fighting w a s e x t e n d e d t o A f r i c a , j u s t as it h a d b e e n i n t h e F i r s t W o r l d W a r . 1

Obafemi A w o l o w o , Path to Nigerian freedom ( L o n d o n , 1947), 63.

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E v e n b e f o r e t h i s , s o m e 80000 A f r i c a n t r o o p s h a d b e e n s h i p p e d f r o m F r e n c h A f r i c a t o E u r o p e t o fight a g a i n s t t h e G e r m a n s . O n c e Italy h a d entered the w a r o n the side o f G e r m a n y in M a y 1940 t h e s e c u r i t y o f t h e S u e z r o u t e t o t h e F a r E a s t w a s p l a c e d in j e o p a r d y , w i t h I t a l i a n f o r c e s in L i b y a p o s i n g a t h r e a t t o E g y p t , a n d t h o s e in t h e H o r n o f A f r i c a t o K e n y a a n d t h e S u d a n . W i t h t h e fall o f F r a n c e in J u n e 1 9 4 0 t h e m i l i t a r y s i t u a t i o n i n A f r i c a b e c a m e e v e n m o r e w o r r y i n g t o t h e B r i t i s h , as t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s o f French N o r t h and W e s t Africa, Somali Coast and Madagascar o p t e d f o r t h e V i c h y r e g i m e , w h o s e i n t e n t i o n s as far as p r o ­ v i d i n g facilities f o r t h e G e r m a n n a v y in its c o a s t a l c o l o n i e s w e r e n o t at all c l e a r . T h e o n l y c o u t e r v a i l i n g e v e n t s w e r e t h e decision b y the black G u y a n e s e G o v e r n o r o f C h a d , Felix E b o u e , to b a c k G e n e r a l de G a u l l e and the F r e e F r e n c h , and his success in r a l l y i n g t h e rest o f E q u a t o r i a l A f r i c a a n d C a m e r o u n t o t h e i r cause w i t h the assistance o f military intervention f r o m Free F r e n c h f o r c e s b a s e d in N i g e r i a . T h e o u t c o m e w a s t o s e c u r e a n o v e r l a n d a n d air r o u t e f o r B r i t a i n a n d h e r allies f r o m A c c r a a n d L a g o s to Sudan and E g y p t by w a y o f Chad. T h i s w a s to p r o v e v i t a l in t h e e x t e n d e d w a r in t h e L i b y a n d e s e r t . T h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e F r e n c h fleet o f f t h e c o a s t o f A l g e r i a at M e r s - e l - K e b i r , a n d t h e s h e l l i n g o f t h e F r e n c h b a t t l e s h i p Richelieu in D a k a r , r e l i e v e d s o m e o f Britain's anxieties that the G e r m a n s m i g h t use the F r e n c h fleet a n d i n c r e a s e t h e p r o b l e m s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h h e r colonies. H o w e v e r , the attempt b y British and Free F r e n c h forces to take D a k a r in S e p t e m b e r 1940 failed i g n o m i n i o u s l y a n d d i d m u c h t o r e d u c e d e G a u l l e ' s c u r r e n c y in t h e e y e s o f t h e A l l i e s , t h o u g h it d i d n o t , as f e a r e d , l e a d t o D a k a r b e i n g u s e d as a G e r m a n b a s e as c o n t e m p o r a r y p r o p a g a n d a w o u l d h a v e i t . N e v e r t h e l e s s t h e B r i t i s h in W e s t A f r i c a n e v e r felt s e c u r e o n t h e i r b o r d e r s u n t i l F r e n c h W e s t A f r i c a d e c l a r e d f o r t h e F r e e F r e n c h in N o v e m b e r 1942. 1

I n t h e H o r n o f A f r i c a t h e I t a l i a n s justified B r i t a i n ' s fears a n d i n v a d e d B r i t i s h S o m a l i l a n d in A u g u s t 1 9 4 0 , a n d a l s o t o o k K a s s a l a in t h e A n g l o - E g y p t i a n S u d a n a n d M o y a l e in K e n y a . D e s p i t e t h e p a t h e t i c a l l y s m a l l B r i t i s h f o r c e s in t h i s s t r a t e g i c a r e a , t h e I t a l i a n s w e r e c a u t i o u s in t h e i r i n v a s i o n o f b o t h t h e S u d a n a n d K e n y a a n d did n o t p r o v e the threat to the security o f these c o l o n i e s that they 1

Michael C r o w d e r , ' V i c h y and Free France in West Africa during the Second World War', in Colonial West Africa ( L o n d o n , 1978), 274.

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m i g h t h a v e b e e n . T h e initial British r e s p o n s e , g i v e n their limited resources, w a s to order the recapture o f Kassala and t o g i v e a s s i s t a n c e t o t h e E t h i o p i a n p a t r i o t s w h o w e r e still r e s i s t i n g t h e recent Italian o c c u p a t i o n . K a s s a l a w a s taken in J a n u a r y 1 9 4 1 , a n d despite the four-to-one numerical superiority o f the Italian forces o v e r the British, the latter a d v a n c e d i n t o Italian E a s t A f r i c a a n d by 17 M a y they had effectively gained control o v e r the H o r n . A d d i s A b a b a , w h i c h w a s taken in early A p r i l , w a s the scene a m o n t h l a t e r o f t h e first a c t i n t h e d e c o l o n i s a t i o n o f t h e E u r o p e a n empires that w a s t o take place o v e r the next 3 5 years. O n 5 M a y , 1 9 4 1 , H a i l e S e l a s s i e r e t u r n e d t o h i s i m p e r i a l c a p i t a l , e x a c t l y five y e a r s t o t h e d a y after it h a d b e e n o c c u p i e d b y t h e I t a l i a n s . I t w a s , h o w e v e r , n o t uncharacteristic o f the w a y decolonisation unfolded that the British insisted o n retaining certain c o n t r o l s o v e r his g o v e r n m e n t , i n p a r t i c u l a r i n t h e O g a d e n r e g i o n . B u t it w a s a l s o significant that this act o f d e c o l o n i s a t i o n w a s a c h i e v e d w i t h t h e assistance o f A f r i c a n soldiers f r o m b o t h E a s t a n d W e s t A f r i c a . T h e participation o f N i g e r i a n soldiers in this c a m p a i g n w a s celebrated by the Hausa poet Sa'adu Z u n g u r . The Nigerians cleaved through to the Somali corner without halting. The Ethiopians drank freely in city, in encampment and in village. Their enemy was knocked out. Ethiopia's troubles were over.

1

W i t h the e x p u l s i o n o f the Italians f r o m E a s t Africa, the m a i n theatre o f w a r b e c a m e N o r t h Africa. T h e r e the G e r m a n s a n d Italians c a m e c l o s e t o o c c u p y i n g E g y p t , a l m o s t r e a c h i n g A l e x a n ­ d r i a . T h e y w e r e e v e n t u a l l y d r i v e n b a c k after t h e b a t t l e o f E l A l a m e i n . Thereafter the w a r see-sawed back and forth in L i b y a , c a u s i n g i m m e n s e destruction in urban areas. T h e G e r m a n s a n d I t a l i a n s w e r e n o t finally e x p e l l e d u n t i l after t h e j o i n t A m e r i c a n British landings in N o r t h Africa in S e p t e m b e r 1 9 4 2 . W h i l e M o r o c c o and A l g e r i a w e r e q u i c k l y taken f r o m their V i c h y administrations b y the Allies, Tunisia, w h i c h for a short time w a s under G e r m a n administration, b e c a m e a battlefield suffering g r e a t d e v a s t a t i o n i n its c i t i e s a n d t o w n s . T h e last G e r m a n a n d I t a l i a n forces w e r e d r i v e n o u t o f N o r t h Africa in 1943, a n d the Italian c o l o n i s t s in L i b y a w e r e i n t e r n e d . Madagascar was invaded b y British forces and occupied b e t w e e n M a y and December 1942. T h e whole o f French Africa w a s 1

Sa'adu Z u n g u r , 'Welcome to the soldiers', in Dandatti Abdulkadir, The poetry, life and opinions of Sa*adu Zungur (Zatiz, 1974), 4 1 .

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e v e n t u a l l y placed u n d e r Free F r e n c h administration, t h o u g h in N o r t h A f r i c a d e G a u l l e r u l e d v e r y m u c h as a c l i e n t o f t h e A m e r i c a n s , a point n o t lost o n the nationalists. France w a s g i v e n the administration o f the Italian Saharan territory o f F e z z a n , w h i c h linked her Equatorial and N o r t h African colonies, while Britain administered the coastal territories o f Tripolitania a n d Cyrenaica. In contrast t o the First W o r l d W a r , the S e c o n d d i d n o t lead to any redrawing o f the m a p o f Africa. N o r did any o f the victors make long-term colonial acquisitions. H o w e v e r , during the w a r Britain d i d entertain ambitions w i t h regard t o the Italian c o l o n i e s w h i c h she had conquered and w h i c h she certainly did n o t want returned t o Italy o r g i v e n t o a n y p o w e r that m i g h t o n c e again threaten the security o f her imperial communications. B u t such ambitions w e r e thwarted b y A m e r i c a n hostility towards any expansion o f the British empire, o r the granting to her o f any o p e n - e n d e d t r u s t e e s h i p . A s it w a s , E t h i o p i a , as w e h a v e s e e n , regained an i n d e p e n d e n c e o n l y recently l o s t ; the Italian c o l o n y of Eritrea was placed under temporary British administration, and federated w i t h E t h i o p i a in 1952. S o m a l i a , administered b y the B r i t i s h f r o m 1 9 4 1 t o 1 9 5 0 , w a s g i v e n b a c k t o t h e I t a l i a n s as a U n i t e d N a t i o n s T r u s t T e r r i t o r y w i t h a specific o b l i g a t i o n t o p r e p a r e it f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e w i t h i n a d e c a d e ; t h e L i b y a n p r o v i n c e s o f Tripolitania and Cyrenaica w e r e administered b y Britain, and F e z z a n b y F r a n c e until 1951 w h e n , at t h e insistence o f t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s , t h e y b e c a m e t o g e t h e r i n d e p e n d e n t as t h e K i n g d o m o f Libya. 1

T h e majority o f the African colonies controlled b y Britain and France d i d n o t , o f course, b e c o m e directly i n v o l v e d in the hostilities. Y e t t h e y w e r e m u c h m o r e o b v i o u s l y affected b y t h e course o f the w a r than they had been during the First W o r l d W a r . A p a r t from the increased sophistication o f the t e c h n o l o g y available to the combatants, m o r e particularly in the form o f longer-range s u b m a r i n e s a n d aircraft that m a d e a n y territory potentially v u l ­ nerable, m a n y cities a n d t o w n s r e m o t e f r o m theatres o f w a r served as s t a g i n g p o s t s f o r s o l d i e r s a n d s u p p l i e s . I m p r o v e d m e a n s o f m a s s - c o m m u n i c a t i o n and the progress, albeit s l o w , o f western education b e t w e e n the w a r s , meant that a m u c h larger s e g m e n t 1

See William R o g e r Louis, Imperialism at bay: rp^i-i^^j: decolonisation of the British Empire (Oxford, 1977).

the United States and the

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/ERITREA I ¿NIGERIAS EMPIRE O F ETHIOPIA 1941

SIERRA« LEONE GOLD 'Fernando P COAST/ (?usteesf?ipj TOGOLAND SaoTome* &Principe# . Br &Fr trusteeship (Port) SPANISH^ GUINEA

BELGIAN ICONGOI

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', S O U T H í ¿WEST W ^ÎBEÇHUANA / L A N D ^ R , C

Portuguese | British

s

^UNION . DFSOUTH< ^AFRICA

British trusteeship French

SWAZILAND

-BASUTOLAND

French trusteeship Belgian Belgian Spanish 2000km

Date of independence Italian territories under temporary British administration

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o f the A f r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n w a s a w a r e o f the issues i n v o l v e d . In a m u c h m o r e real s e n s e t h a n i n t h e F i r s t W o r l d W a r A f r i c a w a s integrated into the mainstream o f international politics b y the S e c o n d . T h e F i r s t W o r l d W a r , it is t r u e , w a s as d i s r u p t i v e as t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r i n A f r i c a , i f n o t m o r e s o , a c c o m p a n i e d as it w a s b y w i d e - s c a l e r e v o l t s , particularly in F r e n c h W e s t A f r i c a , a n d m i l l e n n i a l m o v e m e n t s s u c h as t h a t o f G a r r i c k B r a i d e i n t h e N i g e r Delta w h i c h s o u g h t to r e m o v e the colonial p o w e r . B u t these w e r e directed t o w a r d s a return to the status q u o ante. T h e forces stirred in A f r i c a b y t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r w e r e a i m e d at s e c u r i n g c o n t r o l o f the h o u s e s the E u r o p e a n s had built.

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T h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r shattered the colonial calm o f Africa. W i t h i n a y e a r o f its o u t b r e a k B e l g i u m a n d F r a n c e h a d b e e n o v e r r u n b y t h e G e r m a n s . S o o n after, I t a l y w a s d i s p o s s e s s e d first o f h e r E a s t African empire and then o f her N o r t h African c o l o n y o f Libya. A l t h o u g h B r i t a i n d i d n o t suffer i n v a s i o n a n d t h e h u m i l i a t i o n o f o c c u p a t i o n b y h e r o p p o n e n t s as d i d F r a n c e , B e l g i u m a n d I t a l y , she k n e w the bitter taste o f defeat. L i k e that o f F r a n c e , her Far Eastern empire w a s seized b y Japan, a ' c o l o u r e d nation', w h o s e e a r l i e r s u c c e s s e s i n t h e field o f m o d e r n i s a t i o n h a d c o n t e m p t u o u s l y been attributed to skills o f imitation. F o r France and B e l g i u m , c o n t i n u e d e x i s t e n c e as i n d e p e n d e n t e n t i t i e s b r i e f l y r e s i d e d i n t h e i r o w n d e p e n d e n c i e s : F r e n c h E q u a t o r i a l A f r i c a in the case o f F r a n c e , a n d t h e C o n g o in t h e c a s e o f B e l g i u m . P i e r r e R y c k m a n s , G o v e r n o r G e n e r a l o f B e l g i u m ' s C o n g o estate, w a s to declare w i t h apparently n o a p p r e c i a t i o n o f the true i r o n y o f his c o u n t r y ' s situation : ' T h e B e l g i a n C o n g o , i n t h e p r e s e n t w a r , is t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t a s s e t o f B e l g i u m . It is e n t i r e l y at t h e s e r v i c e o f t h e A l l i e s , a n d t h r o u g h t h e m t h e m o t h e r l a n d . I f s h e n e e d s m e n , it w i l l g i v e t h e m ; i f s h e n e e d s w o r k , it w i l l w o r k f o r h e r . W h i l e F r e n c h m e n w i t h v i s i o n s o f a F r a n c e o n c e m o r e free a n d i n d e p e n d e n t m a y h a v e b e e n a b l e t o h o l d t h e i r h e a d s h i g h i n t h e i r E q u a t o r i a l c o l o n i e s , i n t h e rest o f F r e n c h A f r i c a the A f r i c a n élite w a s t o w i t n e s s the spectacle o f a d i v i d e d c o l o n i a l class and see the r e c r i m i n a t i o n s and , f

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Pierre Ryckmans in June 1940, cited by George Martelli, Leopold to Lumumba: a

history of the Belgian Congo 1877-1960 (London, 1962), 201.

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retributions visited u p o n those w h o had m a d e the mistake o f b a c k i n g the V i c h y horse t o o o p e n l y . In D a k a r they w e r e to be told that the venerable Marshal Petain, w h o had led F r a n c e to ultimate v i c t o r y in the First W o r l d W a r w i t h the m a s s i v e assistance o f A f r i c a n c o n s c r i p t s , w a s n o w a fallen i d o l , w h i l e G e n e r a l d e G a u l l e , p r e s e n t e d as t h e i r l i b e r a t o r , h a d t o b e g i v e n s p e c i a l p r o t e c t i o n o n h i s first v i s i t t o D a k a r i n c a s e r e l a t i v e s o f those killed d u r i n g his a b o r t i v e raid o f 1940 s h o u l d seek vengeance. O f the E u r o p e a n imperial p o w e r s in A f r i c a o n l y S p a i n a n d P o r t u g a l e m e r g e d from the w a r relatively unscathed, w i t h the latter g a i n i n g s o m e profit f r o m the b o o m that the w a r g e n e r a t e d i n t h e d e m a n d f o r t h e p r o d u c t s o f its A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s . T h e o t h e r s , w h o s e s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e h a d a l r e a d y r e c e i v e d a b o d y - b l o w as a re­ s u l t o f t h e p r o l o n g e d d e p r e s s i o n o f t h e t h i r t i e s , h a d n o w suffered t h e h u m i l i a t i o n o f d e f e a t , a fact w h i c h t h e y k n e w d i d n o t e s c a p e t h e i r b e t t e r e d u c a t e d s u b j e c t s . S u b s e q u e n t v i c t o r i e s w e r e n o t suf­ ficient t o r e s t o r e r e s p e c t . T h e m y t h o f c o l o n i a l i n v i n c i b i l i t y w a s d e s t r o y e d , and the self-confidence o f the c o l o n i a l p o w e r s and administrators w h o sustained this m y t h dissipated. T h e c o l o n i a l e m p e r o r had n o clothes. T h i s w a s a truth that w a s to be realised b y t h e c o l o n i s e d A f r i c a n s o n l y d i m l y at first b u t w i t h i n c r e a s i n g c l a r i t y o v e r t h e n e x t t h i r t y y e a r s . It w a s , h o w e v e r , a t r u t h t h a t w a s n o t at all a p p a r e n t in t h e c o l o n i e s o f t h o s e t w o p o w e r s t h a t w e r e n o t directly i n v o l v e d in the w a r : P o r t u g a l and S p a i n . T h e i r subjects w e r e to remain insulated from the early w i n d s o f c h a n g e that w e r e b l o w i n g e l s e w h e r e in A f r i c a b y harshly repressive and economically backward regimes. T h e dependence o f the belligerent colonial p o w e r s o n their colonies for s u r v i v a l w a s n o t o n l y p s y c h o l o g i c a l and political, b u t m i l i t a r y a n d e c o n o m i c , as R y c k m a n s m a d e s o c l e a r . E v e n t h o u g h Britain retained her territorial integrity, her c o n t i n u e d existence and her struggle against the G e r m a n s and Japanese w e r e depen­ dent in s o m e m e a s u r e o n supplies o f p r o d u c e and t r o o p s f r o m her A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s . A f t e r t h e fall o f M a l a y a t o t h e J a p a n e s e t h e r a w materials o f her A f r i c a n colonies b e c a m e e v e n m o r e vital to her w a r effort. T h i s d e p e n d e n c e o n h e r c o l o n i a l e m p i r e w a s m a d e q u i t e explicit in the p r o m i s e s she m a d e t o the I n d i a n p e o p l e s o f i n d e p e n d e n t d o m i n i o n s t a t u s after t h e w a r i n r e t u r n f o r c o o p e r a t i o n d u r i n g it, a n d in t h e p r o p a g a n d a d e s i g n e d t o c o n v i n c e h e r A f r i c a n 21

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c o l o n i a l p o p u l a t i o n s t h a t s u p p o r t d u r i n g t h e w a r w o u l d r e a p its r e w a r d s i n s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c a n d p o l i t i c a l r e f o r m s after it h a d b e e n w o n . I n d e e d , as w e s h a l l s e e , s o m e o f t h e s e r e f o r m s w e r e a c t u a l l y i n i t i a t e d d u r i n g t h e c o u r s e o f t h e w a r itself. F r a n c e a l s o w a s t o m a k e explicit her sense o f o b l i g a t i o n , o f a debt that h a d t o b e repaid, t o h e r A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s at t h e B r a z z a v i l l e C o n f e r e n c e o f 1944, w h e r e a b o l d outline for e c o n o m i c , social, legal a n d political reform w a s approved b y the Free French administration. In the Belgian C o n g o , t o o , promises o f social and e c o n o m i c reform w e r e made, t h o u g h political change w a s n o t o n the agenda. T h e official e n u n c i a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e f u t u r e o f t h e c o l o n i a l empires in Africa in n o w a y q u e s t i o n e d the basis o f the c o l o n i a l relationship. W i n s t o n C h u r c h i l l specifically stated that the clause in t h e A t l a n t i c C h a r t e r , w h i c h h e s i g n e d w i t h P r e s i d e n t R o o s e v e l t , a f f i r m i n g * t h e r i g h t o f all p e o p l e t o c h o o s e t h e f o r m o f g o v e r n m e n t in w h i c h t h e y l i v e ' a n d h o p i n g ' t o see s o v e r e i g n r i g h t s a n d self-government restored to those w h o have been forcibly deprived o f t h e m ' , d i d n o t a p p l y t o t h e A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s . H e a l s o m a d e it q u i t e clear that h e h a d n o t b e c o m e ' the K i n g ' s First M i n i s t e r in order to preside o v e r the liquidation o f the British E m p i r e ' . Similarly the F r e e F r e n c h stated c a t e g o r i c a l l y that the future o f France's A f r i c a n territories w a s n o t t o b e ' s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t ' , b u t rather greater political freedom within the f r a m e w o r k o f a ' g r e a t e r F r a n c e ' . Indeed the assurance o f the s u r v i v a l o f their colonial empires in the p o s t - w a r w o r l d formed a b o n d b e t w e e n C h u r c h i l l a n d d e G a u l l e , w h o s a w F r a n c e ' s e m p i r e as the g u a r a n t e e o f h e r c o n t i n u i n g s t a t u s as a w o r l d p o w e r . T h e r e w a s , h o w e v e r , a basic difference b e t w e e n the t w o c o l o n i a l p o w e r s in that Britain d i d accept that decolonisation o f her e m p i r e w a s i n e v i t a b l e , e v e n i f this w o u l d take place o n l y in s o m e v e r y distant f u t u r e as far as h e r A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s w e r e c o n c e r n e d . B r i t a i n a l s o had w i t h i n t h e w a l l s o f its C o l o n i a l Office a g r o u p o f ' r e f o r m e r s ' w h o w e r e determined t o b r i n g that future nearer. 1

Nevertheless both within the metropolitan countries themselves and increasingly in the U n i t e d States o f A m e r i c a , the w h o l e colonial relationship and the right o f o n e people t o dominate another e v e n in the short term w a s b e i n g questioned. I n Britain, the w a r g a v e an e d g e t o those w i t h i n the C o l o n i a l Office w h o f a v o u r e d r e f o r m a n d w h o , t h o u g h t h e y still b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e 1

Louis, Imperialism at bay 27. y

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African colonies needed a great deal m o r e social and e c o n o m i c development before they could be accorded even modest measures o f s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t , felt t h a t m o r e p o s i t i v e s t e p s s h o u l d b e t a k e n to prepare t h e m for political responsibility w i t h i n a foreseeable f u t u r e as d i s t i n c t f r o m o n e t h a t h a d b e e n m e r e l y n e b u l o u s . W i t h i n t h e g o v e r n m e n t itself, C l e m e n t A t t l e e , C h u r c h i l l ' s d e p u t y a n d t h e leader o f the L a b o u r Party, p r o t e s t e d against the h o l d i n g o f c o l o n i e s f o r t h e financial a d v a n t a g e w h i c h ' m a i n l y a c c r u e d t o a c a p i t a l i s t g r o u p ' . T h e W e s t I n d i a n r i o t s o f 19 3 8 h a d s t r e n g t h e n e d t h e h a n d o f t h o s e w h o a d v o c a t e d r e f o r m in t h e C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and a former Indian State g o v e r n o r like Hailey had already per­ ceived w h a t m a n y o f the m e n o n the spot had n o t yet seen, that Africa w a s a continent o f ' rapid c h a n g e , and greater c h a n g e s im­ p e n d i n g ' . H e a l s o a s k e d t h e q u e s t i o n as t o w h e t h e r t h e c o l o n i a l authorities c o u l d ' b e sure o f the continuance o f that degree o f a c q u i e s c e n c e in o u r r u l e w h i c h is a n e c e s s a r y c o n d i t i o n o f a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r o g r e s s ' . I n t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e c o l u m n s o f The Times, M a r g e r y P e r h a m r e g u l a r l y e x p r e s s e d t h e g r o w i n g u n e a s e that t h i n k i n g B r i t o n s c o n c e r n e d w i t h the c o l o n i a l e m p i r e w e r e b e g i n n i n g t o feel a b o u t t h e i r r e c o r d . T h i s u n e a s e w a s h e i g h t e n e d b y the o p e n attacks m a d e n o t o n l y o n that r e c o r d b u t o n the v e r y idea o f e m p i r e b y the A m e r i c a n s , e p i t o m i s e d b y the b r o a d c a s t o f W e n d e l l W i l k i e o n h i s v i s i t t o L o n d o n in N o v e m b e r 1 9 4 2 w h e n he s p o k e o f ' t h e necessity o f a b o l i s h i n g i m p e r i a l i s m ' . In this he w a s merely e c h o i n g the v i e w s o f President R o o s e v e l t and i m p o r ­ tant elements w i t h i n his administration w h o feared that the greatest d a n g e r to the stability o f the p o s t - w a r w o r l d w o u l d c o m e f r o m the re-establishment o f a p o w e r f u l British e m p i r e . T h e B r i t i s h , in t u r n , s u s p e c t e d t h a t t h e m o t i v a t i o n f o r A m e r i c a n a t t a c k s o n h e r e m p i r e c a m e f r o m a d e s i r e t o s e c u r e freer a c c e s s to her colonial markets. T h e r e w a s also the a n o m a l y that A m e r i c a did not consider that her overseas possessions o f H a w a i i , the Philippines and P u e r t o R i c o constituted an empire. 1

2

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T h e r e w a s a certain bitterness that s u c h attacks w e r e directed p r i m a r i l y at t h e B r i t i s h , w h i l e t h e F r e n c h s e e m e d t o e s c a p e u n s c a t h e d . B u t this w a s n o t i n fact t h e c a s e . I f a n y t h i n g , as W i l l i a m 1

Ibid., 33, citing minutes of ministerial meeting of n September 1942. Introductory chapter to Native administration and political development in British tropical Africa, confidentially printed, 1942, cited in John D . Hargreaves, The end of colonial rule in West Africa ( L o n d o n , 1978), 15. Margery Perham, Colonial sequence /930-1949 ( L o n d o n , 1967), 237. 2

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R o g e r L o u i s points out, R o o s e v e l t w a s m o r e hostile t o the French as a c o l o n i a l p o w e r t h a n t o t h e B r i t i s h . H e d i d n o t w a n t I n d o - C h i n a t o b e r e t u r n e d t o t h e F r e n c h after t h e J a p a n e s e h a d been defeated, s o p o o r a v i e w did he have o f France's colonial r e c o r d t h e r e . A t t h e v e r y l e a s t h e felt t h a t r e s t o r a t i o n o f I n d o - C h i n a to French administration should be conditional o n independence b e i n g m a d e the l o n g - t e r m g o a l o f policy there. A m e r i c a n criticisms o f French colonialism strengthened the position o f those Free French politicians and administrators w h o w a n t e d t o see i m ­ p r o v e m e n t s in their e c o n o m i c a n d social policies in the A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s , a n d it is s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t t h e p r o m i s e s o f p o l i t i c a l , e c o n o m i c a n d social r e f o r m m a d e at t h e B r a z z a v i l l e C o n f e r e n c e o n the future o f France's A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s w e r e a major factor in persuading a reluctant R o o s e v e l t t o accept the legitimacy o f France's position in Indo-China. 1

I n B r i t a i n t h e official m i n d n e v e r q u i t e g o t o v e r t h e s h o c k o f t h e r e a l i s a t i o n t h a t t h e fate n o t o n l y o f t h e e m p i r e b u t a l s o o f t h e m e t r o p o l i s n o w h u n g m i l i t a r i l y a n d financially o n t h e w h i m o f t h e e x - c o l o n i a l a l l y . T h e fear i n W h i t e h a l l w a s t h a t t h e A m e r i c a n s might make liquidation o f the colonial empire a condition o f s u p p o r t . A n d w h i l e t h i s fear w a s n o t i n t h e e v e n t r e a l i s e d , t h e threat w a s always there that anti-colonialism in A m e r i c a m i g h t p u t pressure o n the colonial p o w e t s t o prepare their subjects for i n d e p e n d e n c e u n d e r international s u p e r v i s i o n . A n d as R o b i n s o n p o i n t s o u t , it w a s ' n o a c c i d e n t t h a t f r o m 1 9 4 3 t h e B r i t i s h b e g a n t o liberalise their arrangements in o r d e r t o appease A m e r i c a n anti-colonialism'. W h i l e in neither France n o r Britain w a s there any intention o f a b a n d o n i n g their A f r i c a n empires, an i m a g e that w a s s o c l e a r l y t a r n i s h e d i n t h e e y e s o f A m e r i c a n s as w e l l as o f d o m e s t i c critics o f e m p i r e w a s g i v e n a polish a n d n e w names a n d formulae w e r e p r o d u c e d t o emphasise a change in the colonial r e l a t i o n s h i p . I n t h e c a s e o f B r i t a i n it w a s t h e r e p l a c e m e n t o f t h e paternalistic c o n c e p t o f ' trusteeship' b y that o f * partnership' a n d in t h e case o f F r a n c e t h e n o m i n a l transformation o f t h e ' e m p i r e ' i n t o a ' u n i o n ' a n d o f ' c o l o n i e s ' i n t o 'territories d'outre mer\ a n d 'indigenes' i n t o 'autochtones'. 2

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Louis, Imperialism at bay, Chapter 2. Ronald Robinson, * Andrew Cohen and the transfer of power in Tropical Africa, 1 9 4 0 - 1 9 5 1 i n W. H. Morris-Jones and Georges Fischer (eds.), Decolonisation and after: the British and French experience (London, 1980), 53. Ibid., 54. 2

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W h i l s t the political relationship w a s in neither case fundamentally altered d u r i n g t h e w a r , political r e f o r m s w e r e initiated that, as w e s h a l l l a t e r s e e , c a n b e h e l d w i t h t h e a d v a n t a g e o f h i n d s i g h t to have led inevitably along the path to independence. A n d to p r o v e t o the A m e r i c a n s in particular that their empire really d i d have a n e w image, both France and Britain elaborated p r o g r a m m e s o f social a n d e c o n o m i c reform that m a r k e d a turning p o i n t in the history o f their colonial rule. F r a n c e i n t r o d u c e d the a m b i t i o u s F I D E S (Fonds d'Investissement et de D é v e l o p p e m e n t É c o n o m i q u e e t S o c i a l ) at B r a z z a v i l l e , e m p h a s i s i n g t h a t t h e ' o b j e c t o f our colonial policy must be the d e v e l o p m e n t o f the productive potential o f the o v e r s e a s territories a n d the g r o w t h o f their w e a l t h s o as t o a s s u r e t h e A f r i c a n s o f a b e t t e r life b y r a i s i n g t h e i r purchasing p o w e r and i m p r o v i n g standards o f l i v i n g . . . V while B r i t a i n ' s C o l o n i a l D e v e l o p m e n t a n d W e l f a r e A c t o f 1 9 4 5, r e f l e c t i n g t h e i n c r e a s e d a c c e p t a n c e o f t h e i d e a s o f J. M . K e y n e s , s e t a s i d e £ 1 2 0 million for p o s t - w a r d e v e l o p m e n t and welfare in the colonies o v e r a ten-year period. T h i s greatly increased the £5 million a year set aside b y the 1940 C o l o n i a l D e v e l o p m e n t a n d W e l f a r e A c t . H e r e is p e r h a p s t h e b e s t i l l u s t r a t i o n o f a s i t u a t i o n t h a t w a s a c c e l e r a t e d b y t h e w a r r a t h e r t h a n i n i t i a t e d b y it. A l t h o u g h in 1929 the British g o v e r n m e n t h a d m a d e available t h r o u g h t h e C o l o n i a l D e v e l o p m e n t A c t u p t o £1 m i l l i o n a y e a r in t h e f o r m o f l o a n s o r g r a n t s t o t h e w h o l e o f t h e d e p e n d e n t e m p i r e , this w a s p r i m a r i l y d e s i g n e d t o b o o s t the British e c o n o m y , a n d d i d n o t g r e a t l y affect t h e B r i t i s h p o l i c y t h a t t h e c o l o n i e s w e r e to b e e c o n o m i c a l l y self-supporting. It w a s the 1940 A c t that m a r k e d t h e real t u r n i n g p o i n t i n t h e e c o n o m i c r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n Britain a n d h e r c o l o n i e s . A n d that A c t o f c o u r s e h a d its roots in a pre-war situation and w a s b e i n g discussed within the C o l o n i a l Office before the o u t b r e a k o f w a r . N e v e r t h e l e s s , as R . D . P e a r c e p o i n t s o u t , it n e e d e d n o t o n l y t h e r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s o f L o r d M o y n e in his report o n the W e s t Indian disturbances, b u t ' the ideological requirements o f a w a r against N a z i G e r m a n y , t o j o l t t h e T r e a s u r y f r o m its h a b i t u a l p a r s i m o n i o u s h a b i t s ' . A s M a l c o l m M a c D o n a l d told the cabinet w h e n presenting his proposals for colonial development and welfare: ' A continuation 2

1

Cited in J. D . Hargreaves (ed.), France and West Africa: an anthology of historical documents ( L o n d o n , 1969), 239. R. D . Pearce, The turning point in Africa: British colonial policy 19)8-1948 ( L o n d o n , 1982), 21. 2

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o f t h e p r e s e n t state o f affairs w o u l d b e w r o n g o n m e r i t a n d it p r o v i d e s o u r enemies and critics w i t h an admirable subject for propaganda... T h a t this A c t m a r k e d an e n d t o a relationship b e t w e e n Britain and her colonies that w a s largely an extractive o n e , a n d o n e in w h i c h colonies h a d t o p a y for t h e m s e l v e s , w a s m a d e c l e a r i n S i r B e r n a r d B o u r d i l l o n ' s s p e e c h as g o v e r n o r t o t h e Nigerian Legislative Council w h e n introducing the Colonial D e v e l o p m e n t a n d Welfare A c t in 1940. H e assured his c o u n c i l t h a t it w a s ' a d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e u t m o s t i m p o r t a n c e ' , i n d i c a t i n g that the doctrine o f the self-sufficiency o f i n d i v i d u a l c o l o n i e s w a s now 'dead'. F I D E S o n the other hand w a s m u c h more specifically a b y - p r o d u c t o f the w a r a n d A m e r i c a n pressures in p a r t i c u l a r , a n d r e p r e s e n t e d a real point de départ, f o r a l t h o u g h F r a n c e h a d initiated a p r o g r a m m e o f p u b l i c w o r k s in the c o l o n i e s in 1 9 3 1 , this w a s d o n e b y m e a n s o f a loan, n o t a grant. T h e B e l g i a n s , t o o , w e r e affected b y t h i s c o n c e r n t o r e f u r b i s h t h e i m a g e o f empire, and whilst they had n o intention o f m a k i n g political c o n c e s s i o n s in their C o n g o , they d i d initiate an a m b i t i o u s d e v e l ­ opment programme with a strong welfare content. 9 1

2

R u s s i a n c r i t i q u e s o f e m p i r e g a v e t h e c o l o n i a l p o w e r s less i m m e d i a t e c o n c e r n than those o f their A m e r i c a n allies. B e c a u s e o f t h e p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m f r o m w h i c h t h e y e m a n a t e d , t h e y w e r e less m o r a l l y w o u n d i n g , t h o u g h t h e r e w a s t o b e m o r e c o n c e r n as t o t h e i r p o t e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l effect o n t h e c o l o n i a l s u b j e c t s t h e m s e l v e s . T h e British had already been n e r v o u s about the C o m m u n i s t c o n n e x i o n s o f I. T . A . W a l l a c e - J o h n s o n in Sierra L e o n e a n d h a d placed h i m under restricted residence d u r i n g the w a r . T h o u g h t h e F r e n c h a l l o w e d groupes d'études communistes t o b e f o r m e d f r e e l y i n t h e i r t r o p i c a l A f r i c a n e m p i r e i n t h e last y e a r s o f t h e w a r , o n c e t h e C o m m u n i s t s h a d left t h e F r e n c h g o v e r n m e n t i n M a y 1 9 4 7 , c o n t i n u i n g affiliations b e t w e e n A f r i c a n p o l i t i c i a n s a n d t h e F r e n c h C o m m u n i s t P a r t y w e r e t h e o c c a s i o n f o r official r e p r e s s i o n o f these politicians e v e n t h o u g h t h e party w a s as politically a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t as a n y o t h e r F r e n c h p a r t y . D u r i n g the w a r there w e r e w i d e s p r e a d calls f o r p l a c i n g the colonial empires under s o m e form o f international supervision. T h e s e w e r e stoutly resisted b y b o t h C h u r c h i l l a n d d e G a u l l e . S o m e A m e r i c a n s w e n t s o f a r as t o s u g g e s t t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f 1

Ibid., 21. Jeremy White, Central administration in Nigeria, 1914-1948 1981), 233. 2

(Dublin and L o n d o n ,

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i n t e r n a t i o n a l t r u s t e e s h i p s f o r all t h e c o l o n i a l d e p e n d e n c i e s . R o o s e v e l t felt t h a t at least t h o s e c o l o n i a l t e r r i t o r i e s l i b e r a t e d b y A m e r i c a n arms should be placed under trusteeship. T h e r e was d e b a t e as t o w h e t h e r this t r u s t e e s h i p s h o u l d c o n s i s t o f t h e supervision o f the administration o f the existing colonial p o w e r or the establishment o f international administrations o f w h i c h t h a t in T a n g i e r w a s c i t e d as b e i n g a n o t v e r y h a p p y e x a m p l e . It w a s n o t o n l y the A m e r i c a n s w h o a d v o c a t e d the e x t e n s i o n o f the i d e a o f t r u s t e e s h i p t o all c o l o n i a l d e p e n d e n c i e s ; s u p p o r t f o r s u c h a m o v e came from Australia, N e w Zealand, Russia, and Indian n a t i o n a l i s t s . A s it w a s t h e s e p l a n s n e v e r c a m e t o f r u i t i o n . T h e Y a l t a A g r e e m e n t specifically e x c l u d e d such a solution. E v e n m o v e s to put teeth into the e x i s t i n g mandates w e r e resisted b y C h u r c h i l l , a n d in p a r t i c u l a r J a n S m u t s , P r i m e M i n i s t e r o f S o u t h A f r i c a , w h o feared the c o n s e q u e n c e s for his o w n c o u n t r y ' s racial policies o f close s u p e r v i s i o n o f the S o u t h W e s t African mandate. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e n e w U n i t e d N a t i o n s O r g a n i s a t i o n , as s u c c e s s o r t o t h e L e a g u e o f N a t i o n s , w a s a b l e t o p u t s o m e b i t e i n t o its n e w system o f trusteeships w h i c h replaced the former mandates. W h e r e the P e r m a n e n t M a n d a t e s C o m m i s s i o n had had n o right o f inspection, the n e w T r u s t e e s h i p C o u n c i l had the right to send out V i s i t i n g M i s s i o n s to the T r u s t Territories. F u r t h e r m o r e , inhabitants o f these territories c o u l d appeal to the c o u n c i l o v e r t h e h e a d s o f t h e c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t e r i n g a u t h o r i t y . A b o v e a l l , in r e n e w i n g t h e m a n d a t e as a t r u s t , t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s g a v e t h e administering p o w e r the specific o b l i g a t i o n o f ' the p r o g r e s s i v e d e v e l o p m e n t t o w a r d s i n d e p e n d e n c e ' o f its T r u s t T e r r i t o r y . O n l y S o u t h Africa refused to accept these i n n o v a t i o n s w i t h regard to its S o u t h W e s t A f r i c a n m a n d a t e . A s far as t h e c o l o n i a l e m p i r e s t h e m s e l v e s w e r e c o n c e r n e d , t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s c h a r t e r n o w h e r e s p e c i f i e d i n d e p e n d e n c e as a g o a l f o r t h e ' n o n - s e l f - g o v e r n i n g t e r r i t o r i e s ' , as t h e i m p e r i a l d e p e n ­ dencies w e r e described. Y e t the United N a t i o n s w a s to p r o v i d e a f o r u m in w h i c h the r e c o r d o f i n d i v i d u a l c o l o n i a l p o w e r s c o u l d be challenged o r c o n d e m n e d . B u t the sense o f international a c c o u n t a b i l i t y w i t h w h i c h at l e a s t B r i t a i n , F r a n c e , H o l l a n d a n d B e l g i u m e m e r g e d after t h e w a r w a s n o t s o m u c h a s t r u c t u r a l as a m o r a l o n e . W h e r e b e f o r e t h e w a r e m p i r e h a d still b e e n a m a t t e r f o r p r i d e , n o w it w a s i n c r e a s i n g l y s e e n as a n e m b a r r a s s m e n t , s o m e t h i n g w h i c h n e e d e d c o n s t a n t l y t o b e justified. T h e Second W o r l d War, then, saw a dramatic change not only *7

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in t h e s t a n d i n g o f t h e g r e a t c o l o n i a l p o w e r s in t h e w o r l d b u t a l s o in t h e i r a t t i t u d e s a b o u t t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s t o w a r d s t h e i r c o l o n i e s . Britain, France and B e l g i u m ended the w a r w i t h their e c o n o m i e s o n the v e r g e o f ruin. Britain alone had overseas debts o f o v e r £3500 million. A l l three w e r e d e p e n d e n t for their p o s t - w a r rehabilitation o n m a s s i v e aid f r o m A m e r i c a . Britain and F r a n c e h a d l o s t t h e i r p r e v i o u s p r e - e m i n e n c e i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l affairs t o t h e t w o n e w super-powers, A m e r i c a and Russia, both o f w h i c h , for different reasons, w e r e hostile to the c o n t i n u e d e x i s t e n c e o f the E u r o p e a n colonial empires. A n d while France and Britain c o n t i n u e d t o b e t r e a t e d as w o r l d p o w e r s , t h e y h a d i n r e a l i t y l o s t the strength to be s o . O f the E u r o p e a n imperial p o w e r s in A f r i c a , only Spain and Portugal e m e r g e d relatively unscathed, and unaffected b y the n e w and hostile international climate w i t h regard to imperialism. N o n e o f this, h o w e v e r , w a s immediately apparent. T h e imm e d i a t e a f t e r m a t h o f t h e w a r s a w a d e t e r m i n e d effort b y t h e successful belligerent g o v e r n m e n t s to r e n e w their colonial miss i o n s . T h e y w e r e d e t e r m i n e d t o b e t h e i r o w n t r u s t e e s as t o t h e future o f their c o l o n i a l e m p i r e s . I n d e e d in the British, F r e n c h a n d B e l g i a n c o l o n i e s i n A f r i c a t h e r e f o l l o w e d after t h e w a r w h a t m i g h t b e c a l l e d a s e c o n d c o l o n i s a t i o n o f A f r i c a as t e c h n i c i a n s a n d e x p e r t s flooded into the colonies to i m p l e m e n t ambitious d e v e l o p m e n t schemes designed b o t h to i m p r o v e the lot o f the colonial subjects and to help revitalise the metropolitan e c o n o m i e s . Catherine C o q u é r y - V i d r o v i t c h has described the p e r i o d f r o m 1946 to 1952 as ' t h e g r e a t y e a r s o f F r e n c h c o l o n i a l i m p e r i a l i s m ' . N e v e r t h e l e s s , while both Britain and France may have fought the w a r to p r e s e r v e t h e i r e m p i r e s a n d , at l e a s t at t h e g o v e r n m e n t l e v e l , c o n t i n u e d t o h a v e f a i t h i n t h e i m p e r i a l m i s s i o n after t h e w a r , t h o s e w h o d i d t h e a c t u a l fighting, as A . J. P . T a y l o r h a s w r i t t e n o f t h e British, ' had simpler aims. T h e y f o u g h t to liberate the peoples o f E u r o p e from G e r m a n y and those o f the Far East f r o m Japan. T h e British did not relinquish their E m p i r e b y accident. T h e y ceased t o b e l i e v e i n it. ' A n d t h e p o s t - w a r w o r l d p r o v e d t h i s p o i n t ; o n c e the will to maintain empire w a s lost, colonial dependencies w e r e either voluntarily c e d e d to their inhabitants o r the empire 1

2

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Catherine C o q u é r y - V i d r o v i t c h , * La Mise en dépendance de l'Afrique noire : essai de périodisation, 1 8 8 0 - 1 9 7 0 ' , Cahiers d'études africaines, 1976, 1 6 , 39. Cited in the preface to Louis, Imperialism at bay, x. 2

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c o l l a p s e d . T h i s latter w a s w h a t h a p p e n e d i n t h e B e l g i a n C o n g o and w a s perhaps epitomised in the P o r t u g u e s e African empire. T h e r e t h e v e r y s o l d i e r s s e n t t o d e f e n d it c e a s e d t o b e l i e v e t h a t it w a s either w o r t h defending o r e v e n possible t o defend. After the w a r , then, the question appeared m o r e a n d m o r e t o be h o w t o extricate oneself from empire w i t h o u t losing the i n v e s t m e n t o n e h a d m a d e in it, o r else h o w t o t r a n s f o r m that empire into a political entity that c o u l d b o t h withstand the critics o f e m p i r e a n d satisfy t h e e r s t w h i l e c o l o n i a l s u b j e c t s t h e m s e l v e s . T h e British chose the path o f independence within a largely sentimental C o m m o n w e a l t h , the F r e n c h that o f political transfor­ mation o f empire into a s o m e w h a t more structured c o m m u n i t y . T h e Italians h a d n o c h o i c e in t h e matter w h e n S o m a l i a w a s returned to them. T h e Belgians s t u b b o r n l y refused t o read the signs o f the times, w i t h disastrous consequences. Significantly P o r t u g a l a n d S p a i n , t h e t w o p o w e r s least affected b y t h e w a r , w e r e as y e t still i n s u l a t e d f r o m t h e s e c u r r e n t s , b o t h p o l i t i c a l p a r i a h s i n a democratic post-war w o r l d . Y e t in 1952 w h e n P o r t u g a l applied for m e m b e r s h i p o f the U n i t e d N a t i o n s , she reconstituted h e r c o l o n i e s as o v e r s e a s p r o v i n c e s i n o r d e r t h a t t h e y s h o u l d b e i m m u n i s e d f r o m U N d i s c u s s i o n as b e i n g p r o p e r l y d o m e s t i c c o n c e r n s . W h e n S p a i n w a s finally a d m i t t e d t o t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s on 14 D e c e m b e r 1 9 5 5 , in the same year that P o r t u g a l w a s admitted, she w a s already preparing to divest herself o f the m o s t important part o f her African empire, Spanish M o r o c c o , w h o s e independence she recognised the following April.

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C o l o n i a l h i s t o r i a n s , as C h e r r y G e r t z e l p o i n t s o u t , l i k e t o s e e t h e t r a n s f e r o f p o w e r as a p r o c e s s w h e r e b y E u r o p e a n s granted A f r i c a n s i n d e p e n d e n c e , w h i l e A f r i c a n h i s t o r i a n s s e e it as o n e i n w h i c h t h e n a t i o n a l i s t s took t h e i r f r e e d o m . T h e t r u t h o f t h e m a t t e r i n m o s t c a s e s lies s o m e w h e r e i n b e t w e e n . I t i s , h o w e v e r , fair t o s a y t h a t while the Second W o r l d W a r b r o u g h t about demonstrable c h a n g e s in the attitudes o f the belligerent p o w e r s t o w a r d s the w a y in w h i c h they administered their A f r i c a n subjects a n d placed t h e m o n t h e d e f e n s i v e a b o u t e m p i r e , g e n e r a l l y it p r o d u c e d n o 1

1

See Chapter 7.

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c o r r e s p o n d i n g o v e r t c h a n g e in t h e attitudes o f t h e c o l o n i a l élites t o w a r d s their imperial masters. B y a n d large in Africa, the w a r w a s an occasion for declarations o f loyalty, c o u p l e d o f course w i t h the h o p e o f r e w a r d in the f o r m o f a quickening o f the pace o f constitutional reform. Habib B o u r g u i b a , w h o h a d b e e n i m p r i s o n e d b y t h e F r e n c h in 1938 for his nationalist activities, w h e n b r o u g h t b a c k t o T u n i s i a b y the G e r m a n s in the h o p e s o f p l a y i n g off his nationalism against the A l l i e s , m a d e the f o l l o w i n g appeal in M a y 1943 t o the T u n i s i a n people : Today you must close ranks behind F r a n c e . . . Without France there is no hope of salvation ; it is on her success that the future of our country depends. I am convinced that the French nation, once freed from the Nazi yoke, will not forget her true friends, those w h o stood by her in her hour of trial. What matters most now is to win the war.

1

B u t e v e n w h e r e i n d e p e n d e n c e w a s o n t h e n a t i o n a l i s t a g e n d a as in F r e n c h N o r t h A f r i c a , d e m a n d s f o r r e f o r m w e r e still a i m e d at advance within a parliamentary framework to be achieved b y negotiation rather than confrontation. E l s e w h e r e the achievement o f r e s p o n s i b l e g o v e r n m e n t a n d i n d e p e n d e n c e w e r e a s y e t still dimly perceived goals. Indeed the political reforms introduced d u r i n g a n d i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e w a r b y t h e B r i t i s h a n d F r e n c h w e r e g e n e r a l l y i n a d v a n c e o f t h o s e as y e t e n v i s a g e d b y t h e c o l o n i a l é l i t e s as a t t a i n a b l e . B u t n o s o o n e r h a d t h e s e r e f o r m s b e e n presented than they w e r e declared inadequate. Colonial g o v e r n ­ ments either h a d t o respond w i t h further concessions that hastened the p a c e o f constitutional a d v a n c e b e y o n d that p l a n n e d for, o r resort t o repression. T h e y usually o n l y t o o k the latter c o u r s e w h e r e s u c h c o n c e s s i o n s a p p e a r e d t o jeopardise settler interests. T h e solution to the c o n u n d r u m o f whether the imperial p o w e r s g a v e A f r i c a n s i n d e p e n d e n c e o r w h e t h e r A f r i c a n s t o o k it l i e s , p e r h a p s , h e r e i n t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r . T h e r e is a c a s e t o b e m a d e that, u p until the c o n c l u s i o n o f that w a r , Britain a n d France (except in her N o r t h African territories) w e r e m a k i n g the r u n n i n g c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y a n d t h a t t h e i r c o n c e s s i o n s h a d till t h a t t i m e b e e n sufficient t o a s s u a g e t h e a s y e t l i m i t e d d e m a n d s o f t h e c o l o n i a l é l i t e s . T h e r e a f t e r it w a s i n c r e a s i n g l y t h e n a t i o n a l i s t s w h o m a d e t h e running, forcing the hands o f the colonial g o v e r n m e n t s to 1

Cited in Henri Grimai, Decolonisation: the British, French, Dutch and Belgian empires, ryry-rpéj, trans. Stephen de V o s (London, 1977), 1 1 7 .

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r e s p o n d w i t h c o n c e s s i o n o r r e p r e s s i o n . T h e l a t t e r , as it t u r n e d o u t , in i t s e l f m e r e l y s t r e n g t h e n e d t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n w i t h w h i c h t h e s e nationalists and their supporters pressed their d e m a n d s . T h e w a r m a y b e s a i d t o h a v e m a t u r e d n a t i o n a l i s m . It e x p o s e d its p i o n e e r s t o a r a n g e o f i n f l u e n c e s m u c h b r o a d e r t h a n t h o s e t h a t had been able to penetrate the enclosed colonial w o r l d o f the 1930s. It c r e a t e d n e w s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h t h e nationalists w e r e able t o e x p l o i t in o r d e r t o p e r s u a d e the c o l o n i a l g o v e r n m e n t s that they had g r o w i n g s u p p o r t for their cause. In turn these n e w c o n d i t i o n s p u t pressure o n the nationalists to radicalise their p r o g r a m m e s and m a k e m o r e u r g e n t their d e m a n d s for social reform and constitutional a d v a n c e . T h o s e o n w h o m the w a r had the m o s t direct impact w e r e , o f course, those enlisted w i t h the armies o f the belligerent p o w e r s . A s in t h e F i r s t W o r l d W a r , A f r i c a n s o l d i e r s d r a w n f r o m e v e r y corner o f the c o n t i n e n t administered b y the A l l i e s p l a y e d a vital r o l e in t h e d e f e a t o f t h e I t a l i a n s a n d G e r m a n s . A s m a n y as 8 0 0 0 0 F r e n c h A f r i c a n s o l d i e r s h a d b e e n fighting o n t h e E u r o p e a n f r o n t w h e n F r a n c e fell t o t h e G e r m a n s . S o l d i e r s f r o m F r e n c h E q u a t o r i a l A f r i c a , and later f r o m F r e n c h W e s t A f r i c a and M a d a g a s c a r , w h e n t h e y r e j o i n e d t h e A l l i e d c a u s e , f o u g h t in t h e N o r t h A f r i c a n c a m p a i g n s and the M i d d l e E a s t . T h e British recruited h e a v i l y in all t h e i r A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s , i n c l u d i n g t h e i r m a n d a t e d t e r r i t o r y o f T a n g a n y i k a , for s e r v i c e in the E a s t A f r i c a n c a m p a i g n . R e c r u i t s w e r e r e q u i r e d b o t h as s o l d i e r s a n d as m i l i t a r y l a b o u r . A s d e m a n d for recruits rose, v o l u n t a r y enlistment w a s increasingly replaced b y s o m e m e a s u r e o f c o n s c r i p t i o n , in F r e n c h , B e l g i a n a n d B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r i e s . M a n y p o t e n t i a l d r a f t e e s fled r a t h e r t h a n f a c e t h e r i g o u r s o f military l a b o u r , s o v i v i d w e r e the m e m o r i e s in s o m e areas o f t h e h a r d s h i p s a n d m o r t a l i t i e s r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e c o n s c r i p ­ tions o f the First W o r l d W a r . African troops w e r e also shipped by the British to India for service in the B u r m a c a m p a i g n , w h e r e t h e y w e r e u s e d b o t h as i n f a n t r y a n d c a r r i e r s , a n d p l a y e d a c o n s p i c u o u s p a r t in t h e d e f e a t o f t h e J a p a n e s e . I n a l l , a r o u n d a million troops and carriers, i n c l u d i n g s o m e n o n - w h i t e n o n c o m b a t a n t s f r o m S o u t h Africa, w e r e used in the w a r ; a l l o w i n g f o r c a s u a l t i e s this m e a n t t h a t a h u g e n u m b e r o f y o u n g m e n returned to their h o m e s w i t h v e r y m u c h w i d e n e d h o r i z o n s , h a v i n g in m a n y c a s e s l e a r n t t r a d e s a n d o t h e r s k i l l s , i n p a r t i c u l a r h o w t o read and w r i t e . T h e y returned w i t h h e i g h t e n e d e x p e c t a t i o n s , and 3i

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it is s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t t h e A c c r a r i o t s o f 1 9 4 8 t h a t l e d i n e x o r a b l y t o the i n d e p e n d e n c e o f G h a n a w e r e triggered b y an e x - s e r v i c e m a n ' s demonstration against living conditions. T h e r e have been many testimonies t o the educative impact o f the w a r o n African soldiers, forced f r o m their villages b y o n e f o r m o f c o m p u l s i o n o r another few w e r e true volunteers e v e n in those British territories w h e r e allegedly all r e c r u i t m e n t w a s o n a v o l u n t e e r basis. J o y c e Cary, w h o had o b s e r v e d the impact o f the First W o r l d W a r o n remote Nigerian B o r g u , also w r o t e about the impact o f the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r o n A f r i c a n t r o o p s : But this war, far more than the last, must change Africa. T h e natives w h o now again come together belong to a new age and generation. Many more have the beginnings of education; nearly all have heard of cooperate and political action. Although as soldiers they may stand aside from revolutionary move­ ments, they are making comparisons between wages, conditions and hopes. T h e Cape half-caste driver meets the G o l d Coast farmer with free cooperatives and his independent status in a country without a colour-bar; the Nigerian Moslem sees, through the eyes of an Indian hillman, the fraternity of Islam; the C o n g o mechanic describes to some East Coast pagan the garden village built for him by the paternal despots of the 'Union Miniere B e l g i q u e V

T h e i r v i e w o f the colonial relationship w a s also altered b y their experiences in the w a r . A s N d a b a n i n g i Sithole w r o t e : World War I I . . . has had a great deal to do with the awakening of the peoples of Africa. During the war the African came in contact with practically all the peoples of the earth. He met them on a life and death struggle basis. He saw the so-called civilised and peaceful and orderly white people

mercilessly

butchering one another just as his so-called savage ancestors had done in tribal wars. He saw no difference between the primitive and civilised man. In short, he saw through European pretensions that only Africans were savages. This had a revolutionising psychological impact on the African.

2

T h e full i m p a c t o f t h e r e t u r n o f t h e e x - s e r v i c e m e n o n t h e nationalist m o v e m e n t in Africa has y e t t o b e assessed. T h o u g h comparatively f e w t o o k leading roles in the formation o f political parties, a n d w e r e in the case o f F r e n c h - s p e a k i n g Africa t o p r o v e a c o n s e r v a t i v e f o r c e p o l i t i c a l l y i n t h e late 1 9 5 0 s , t h e y d i d f u e l t h e social ferment in the urban centres, in w h i c h m a n y o f t h e m settled in preference t o r e t u r n i n g t o their villages. T h e s e u r b a n centres w e r e t o p r o v e t h e m o s t fertile r e c r u i t i n g g r o u n d f o r m a s s parties. W h e r e the colonial response t o nationalist demands w a s repression, 1

2

Joyce Cary, The case for African freedom and other writings ( L o n d o n , 1944), 1 5 2 - 3 . Ndabaningi Sithole, African nationalism ( L o n d o n , 1959), 19.

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a n d t h e r e a c t i o n w a s a r m e d u p r i s i n g , it is n o t c l e a r h o w far k n o w l e d g e o f m o d e r n w e a p o n s acquired d u r i n g the w a r w a s a significant factor. Perhaps the m o s t i m p o r t a n t result o f the w a r for these soldiers and carriers w a s the b r o a d e n i n g o f their e x p e r i e n c e , p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r t h o s e w h o h a d s e r v e d in E u r o p e a n d t h e F a r E a s t . N o t o n l y w e r e t h e y t o l d t h a t t h e y w e r e fighting t o p r e s e r v e f r e e d o m a n d d e m o c r a c y , b u t in I n d i a t h e y w i t n e s s e d f e l l o w c o l o n i a l subjects p r o t e s t i n g against Britain's o w n restric­ tions o n their political freedom. M a n y soldiers received rudimen­ tary literary o r technical e d u c a t i o n and a significant factor in the p o s t - w a r e n t h u s i a s m for e d u c a t i o n , particularly in areas that h a d h i t h e r t o b e e n i n d i f f e r e n t t o it, w a s t h e r e t u r n o f s o l d i e r s w h o s e e x p e r i e n c e s in t h e w o r l d o u t s i d e t h e i r v i l l a g e s h a d t a u g h t t h e m its v a l u e . A f r i c a c o n t r i b u t e d m a n p o w e r f o r t h e A l l i e d w a r effort n o t o n l y in the f o r m o f soldiers a n d military l a b o u r , b u t t h r o u g h the i n v o l v e m e n t o f m i l l i o n s o f m e n a n d w o m e n in the increased p r o d u c t i o n o f those c r o p s w h i c h w e r e n e e d e d t o feed the t r o o p s as w e l l as c i v i l i a n s i n E u r o p e . O n c e t h e J a p a n e s e h a d o v e r r u n t h e British and D u t c h c o l o n i e s in S o u t h E a s t A s i a , A f r i c a b e c a m e the o n l y s o u r c e o f palm-oil for the A l l i e s , w h i l e her tin, r u b b e r and sisal c a m e u n d e r i n c r e a s e d d e m a n d . E v e n t h e n e u t r a l P o r t u g u e s e t e r r i t o r i e s w e r e affected b y t h e b o o m i n d e m a n d f o r sisal. T h i s d e m a n d for Africa's r a w materials w a s secured not b y higher p r i c e s , b u t in m a n y c a s e s b y v a r i o u s f o r m s o f c o e r c i o n , i n c l u d i n g conscription o n to plantations or into the mines. N o m a d s w e r e f o r c e d t o sell c a t t l e . B u t o f c o u r s e t h e i n c r e a s e d d e m a n d s f o r agricultural p r o d u c t i o n conflicted w i t h the requirements o f the army, w h i c h s o u g h t the ablest-bodied y o u n g m e n w h o w o u l d n o r m a l l y h a v e b e e n i n v o l v e d in a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n . C o e r c i o n o f l a b o u r w a s j u s t i f i e d , w h e r e it w a s felt n e c e s s a r y t o d o s o , i n t h e n a m e o f A f r i c a ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e fight f o r f r e e d o m . A n o t h e r equally i m p o r t a n t f o r m o f ' c o e r c i o n ' w a s inflation. S e v e r e r e s t r i c t i o n s o n i m p o r t a n t g o o d s l e d t o s t e e p rises i n t h e i r prices, w h i l e prices paid to farmers for agricultural exports w e r e controlled. T h e result w a s that m e t r o p o l i t a n c o m p a n i e s and their local agents acquired cash crops cheaply and sold imported g o o d s at h i g h p r i c e s , w h i l e t h e f a r m e r h a d t o p r o d u c e m o r e i f h e w e r e t o b e able t o p u r c h a s e t h e m . I r o n i c a l l y the V i c h y r e g i m e in W e s t Africa, unable to e x p o r t because o f the A l l i e d n a v a l b l o c k a d e , w a s 33

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m u c h m o r e b e n i g n f r o m the p o i n t o f v i e w o f the A f r i c a n peasant t h a n its F r e e F r e n c h s u c c e s s o r , w h i c h w a s d e t e r m i n e d t o s e c u r e a F r e n c h s t a k e in v i c t o r y b y c o n t r i b u t i o n s f r o m its A f r i c a n territories, and did n o t hesitate to force peasants to p r o d u c e the c r o p s the A l l i e s n e e d e d . O n c e the Far Eastern colonies had been lost to the Allies, Africa became o f increased strategic and e c o n o m i c importance. F r e e t o w n , w i t h its d e e p - w a t e r p o r t , a n d later D a k a r , M o n r o v i a , A c c r a , L a g o s , Port Harcourt and inland t o w n s like K a n o and Fort L a m y p r o v i d e d s t a g i n g posts to the S u d a n and E g y p t for the c a m p a i g n s in N o r t h Africa. L a t e r the c a m p a i g n in the F a r E a s t i n v o l v e d c o n s i d e r a b l e d e v e l o p m e n t s t o t h e p o r t s o f D a r es S a l a a m a n d M o m b a s a , a n d D i e g o S u a r e z after t h e V i c h y r e g i m e i n Madagascar had been o v e r t h r o w n . T h e s e ports and other points s t r a t e g i c t o the A l l i e d w a r effort g r e w at a r a p i d r a t e w i t h l a r g e scale i m m i g r a t i o n f r o m t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . T h e p o p u l a t i o n o f L e o p o l d v i l l e , for instance, increased f r o m 40000 inhabitants in 1 9 3 9 t o 1 1 0 0 0 0 i n 1 9 4 5 . W o r k e r s r e q u i r e d in a i r p o r t a n d d o c k c o n s t r u c t i o n , a n d in t h e f a c t o r i e s t h a t p r o c e s s e d g o o d s t h a t c o u l d not be obtained f r o m E u r o p e because o f the submarine w a r , often l i v e d in i n t o l e r a b l e c o n d i t i o n s i n b i d o n v i l l e s f r o m C a s a b l a n c a t o L a g o s . In N o r t h Africa these c o n d i t i o n s w e r e exacerbated b y d i s a s t r o u s h a r v e s t s f r o m 1 9 4 2 t o 1 9 4 5 . T h e last w a s o n e - t h i r d o r less t h a n t h e p r e - w a r h a r v e s t . T h a t y e a r M o r o c c o l o s t h a l f its s h e e p and Algeria almost three-quarters. T h e increasing proletarianism a n d p e a s a n t i s a t i o n t h a t a c c o m p a n i e d t h e w a r effort, a n d in p a r t i c u l a r t h e o f t e n a p p a l l i n g c o n d i t i o n s in t h e c i t i e s , c r e a t e d a n unprecedented s o c i o - e c o n o m i c situation ripe for nationalists to exploit. A l t h o u g h t h e w a r b r o u g h t w i t h it h e i g h t e n e d e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y , f r o m s o m e p e r s p e c t i v e s t h e c o l o n i a l e c o n o m y u n d e r w e n t little c h a n g e . T e r m s o f trade, effectively, remained u n f a v o u r a b l e to the A f r i c a n p r o d u c e r . I n s o m e p a r t s o f A f r i c a t h e effects o f t h e r e c e s s i o n o f t h e 1930s w e r e i n t e n s i f i e d b y t h e i m p e d i m e n t s t o i m p o r t i n g a n d e x p o r t i n g o c c a s i o n e d b y t h e w a r at sea. A n d w h e r e d e m a n d f o r A f r i c a n p r o d u c e r o s e it w a s n o t r e f l e c t e d i n rises in price. Prices w e r e strictly c o n t r o l l e d b y the colonial g o v e r n m e n t s w h o retained the difference b e t w e e n the price paid to the p r o d u c e r s a n d t h a t o b t a i n e d o n t h e w o r l d m a r k e t a n d u s e d it t o d e v e l o p r e s e r v e s t h a t h e l p e d t o f i n a n c e t h e w a r effort. T h i s w a s 34

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t o set a n i m p o r t a n t p r e c e d e n t f o r p o s t - w a r g o v e r n m e n t s , b o t h colonial and independent, w h i c h c o n t i n u e d to c o n t r o l the prices paid to farmers for their p r o d u c e , usually to the latter's disad­ v a n t a g e . T h e r e s e r v e s t h a t w e r e b u i l t u p i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e w a r w e r e used for d e v e l o p m e n t projects, m a n y o f t h e m not o f i m m e d i a t e benefit to farmers, and h e n c e f o r t h the latter carried an u n d u e share o f the tax b u r d e n in their c o u n t r i e s . In B e l g i a n and F r e n c h Africa m u c h o f the peasants' p r o d u c e w a s requisitioned. T h e o b n o x i o u s forms o f the p r e - w a r colonial e c o n o m y w e r e intensified. F o r c e d l a b o u r and c o m p u l s o r y c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n , all i m p o s e d i n t h e n a m e o f t h e w a r effort, m e a n t t h a t m a n y A f r i c a n p r o d u c e r s earned less t h a n e v e r for their l a b o u r . Furthermore the cost o f imported g o o d s rose higher and higher as a r e s u l t o f s h o r t a g e s . W h e r e p r i c e s f o r p r i m a r y p r o d u c t s a n d w a g e s did increase they o n l y s e r v e d t o reinforce an inflationary situation because o f these shortages. In o n e respect, h o w e v e r , s i g n i f i c a n t p e r m a n e n t c h a n g e s d i d t a k e p l a c e in t h e c o l o n i a l e c o n o m y . B e f o r e the w a r the p r o c e s s i n g o f r a w materials - mineral a n d a g r i c u l t u r a l - w a s c a r r i e d o u t a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y in E u r o p e . D u r i n g the w a r a substantial n u m b e r o f factories w a s established in t h e m a j o r A f r i c a n c i t i e s t o p r o c e s s l o c a l l y p r o d u c e d m a t e r i a l s t h a t h i t h e r t o h a d b e e n i m p o r t e d i n t h e i r finished s t a t e f r o m E u r o p e . T h e s e factories m a r k e d the b e g i n n i n g o f the industri­ a l i s a t i o n t h a t n a t i o n a l i s t s after t h e w a r b e c a m e s o a n x i o u s t o d e v e l o p as a w a y o f l e s s e n i n g d e p e n d e n c e o n t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n c o u n t r i e s . I n t u r n this i n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p m e n t l e d t o t h e f o r m a t i o n in m a n y A f r i c a n c i t i e s o f a s i g n i f i c a n t w a g e - l a b o u r c l a s s w h i c h w a s t o p r o v i d e an i m p o r t a n t r e c r u i t i n g g r o u n d f o r t h e r i s i n g nationalist parties. T h e e x p a n s i o n o f the colonial e c o n o m i e s d u r i n g the w a r and the enlistment o f m a n y E u r o p e a n s o f w a r - s e r v i c e a g e into the a r m e d forces led to an u n p r e c e d e n t e d e x p a n s i o n o f business o p p o r t u n i t i e s for A f r i c a n s b o t h o n their o w n a c c o u n t and in the e m p l o y o f t h e e x p a t r i a t e c o m p a n i e s . T h e s e nouveaux bourgeois w e r e to join forces w i t h the nationalists and to p r o v i d e the finances n e e d e d f o r s u s t a i n i n g t h e p o l i t i c a l m o v e m e n t s t h a t e x p a n d e d in the w a k e o f the political r e f o r m s m a d e b y the F r e n c h and the B r i t i s h at t h e e n d o f t h e w a r . T h e aspirations o f the A f r i c a n political elites w e r e h e i g h t e n e d b y t h e w a r , b u t in s u b - S a h a r a n A f r i c a at least t h e s e w e r e still 35

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limited to reform o f the colonial political process and an increase in t h e l e v e l o f t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n it. T h e r e w e r e f e w d e m a n d s f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e m a d e b y A f r i c a n p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s as a r e s u l t o f the defensive position belligerent colonial p o w e r s n o w f o u n d t h e m s e l v e s in. A s S y l v i a L e i t h - R o s s , w h o w a s s e n t o u t t o N i g e r i a d u r i n g t h e w a r as a n i n t e l l i g e n c e o f f i c e r , o b s e r v e d : ' T h e r e w e r e n o l o u d protestations o f loyalty to the British but equally n o flagrant advantage w a s taken o f o u r p l i g h t . ' In s o m e colonies A f r i c a n s a c t u a l l y m a d e financial c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o f u n d - r a i s i n g s c h e m e s d e s i g n e d t o assist t h e A l l i e d w a r effort. I n N o r t h A f r i c a the situation w a s m o r e delicate for the c o l o n i a l p o w e r s . T h e nationalist cause, fuelled b y P a n - A r a b i s m , w a s m u c h m o r e adv a n c e d t h a n in s u b - S a h a r a n A f r i c a and h a d already resulted in v i o l e n c e in all t h r e e F r e n c h t e r r i t o r i e s . I n d e p e n d e n c e as a g o a l , a l b e i t still a l o n g - t e r m o n e , w a s a l r e a d y o n t h e n a t i o n a l i s t a g e n d a . A l t h o u g h t h e initial r e a c t i o n o f t h e é l i t e s i n F r e n c h N o r t h A f r i c a t o t h e fall o f F r a n c e h a d b e e n o n e o f s h o c k , a n d a l t h o u g h t h e V i c h y regime had been well received because o f the prestige o f Marshal P é t a i n , r a t i o n i n g a n d rises in p r i c e s i n c r e a s e d d i s c o n t e n t w i t h t h e French authorities. T o the p r o p a g a n d a o f P a n - A r a b i s m w a s added t h a t o f G e r m a n y . T h e D e s t o u r P a r t y in T u n i s i a , as w e l l as t h e c o u n t r y ' s n e w B e y , M o n c e f , flirted w i t h t h e G e r m a n s . I n n o m i n a l l y i n d e p e n d e n t E g y p t a n u m b e r o f politicians s u p p o r t e d the A x i s p o w e r s as a m e a n s o f c o u n t e r i n g B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l a n d m i l i t a r y c o n t r o l . O n c e the F r e e F r e n c h h a d t a k e n o v e r c o n t r o l in T u n i s i a as a r e s u l t o f t h e A l l i e d l a n d i n g s i n N o r t h A f r i c a , M o n c e f B e y w a s d e p o s e d . B u t as J e a n G a n i a g e h a s o b s e r v e d , p l u s q u e ses r e l a t i o n s a v e c l ' A l l e m a g n e , M o n c e f a v a i t p a y é d e sa d e s t i t u t i o n ses m a n i f e s t a t i o n s d ' i n d é p e n d e n c e à l ' é g a r d d e la F r a n c e ' . I n M o r o c c o S u l t a n M o h a m m e d b e n Y o u s s e f m e t w i t h P r e s i d e n t R o o s e v e l t as a f e l l o w h e a d o f s t a t e o n 22 J a n u a r y 1 9 4 3 , a n d t h e t e n o r o f t h e m e e t i n g w a s s u c h that the sultan f o r e s a w a n e w future for his c o u n t r y as a r e s u l t o f R o o s e v e l t ' s a n t i - c o l o n i a l a t t i t u d e s . A n e w party r e g r o u p i n g the hitherto d i v i d e d nationalists and w i t h discreet s u p p o r t f r o m the palace w a s f o u n d e d under the n a m e Istiqlal, the party o f i n d e p e n d e n c e . In A l g e r i a in 1943, Ferhat A b b a s issued the A l g e r i a n Manifesto calling for the creation o f 1

4

2

1

Sylvia Leith-Ross, Stepping-stones: memoirs of colonial Nigeria 1907-1960 ( L o n d o n , 1983), 110. Jean Ganiage, ' L ' A f r i q u e du nord', in Jean Ganiage, Hubert Deschamps and Odette Guitard, & Afrique au XX siècle (Paris, 1966), 162. 2

e

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an a u t o n o m o u s , d e m o c r a t i c A l g e r i a n s t a t e w h i c h w o u l d h a v e a f e d e r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h F r a n c e . I n all t h r e e M a g h r i b t e r r i t o r i e s , A m e r i c a ' s c h a m p i o n i n g o f the cause o f subject peoples and the l o s s o f r e s p e c t f o r a fallen a n d d i v i d e d F r a n c e f a n n e d t h e flames o f discontent w i t h the c o l o n i a l situation. T h e s e rising d e m a n d s for i n d e p e n d e n c e in the M a g h r i b w e r e not e c h o e d s o u t h o f the Sahara d u r i n g the w a r . N e v e r t h e l e s s the w a r p r o v e d an a c c e l e r a t o r in a political situation in w h i c h the majority o f the e d u c a t e d élite h a d b e c o m e d i s e n c h a n t e d w i t h the colonial v i s i o n o f an association o f E u r o p e and Africa to their m u t u a l benefit. T w o d e c a d e s o f e c o n o m i c s t a g n a t i o n , the s l o w p a c e o f p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l r e f o r m , as w e l l as t h e e x c e s s e s o f t h e colonial system, had seen to that. A n d n o w the colonial masters t h e m s e l v e s s e e m e d in t h e i r p r o p a g a n d a t o b e r e i n f o r c i n g t h e reservations e v e n the m o s t d e v o t e d o f African ' c o l l a b o r a t o r s ' had a b o u t t h e c o l o n i a l r e c o r d . T h e p r o p a g a n d a n o t o n l y t r i e d t o justify t h a t r e c o r d , b u t i n s i s t e d t h a t i n r e t u r n f o r collaboration t h a t r e c o r d w o u l d b e i m p r o v e d o n after t h e w a r . It w a s a l s o d e s i g n e d t o counter the barrage o f criticism o f the c o l o n i a l r e g i m e s m a d e b y the N a z i s . In the F r e n c h - c o n t r o l l e d areas, A f r i c a n s w e r e subject t o t w o r i v a l sets o f p r o p a g a n d a , d i r e c t e d n o t s o m u c h at s e c u r i n g the loyalty o f the A f r i c a n subjects to F r a n c e b u t p u s h i n g the claims o f one v i e w o f France against another. F o r the British-controlled areas, a C o l o n i a l F i l m U n i t w a s established w h o s e p u r p o s e * w a s t o e x p l a i n t h e w a r t o u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d c o l o n i a l a u d i e n c e s : t o tell t h e m w h y B r i t a i n w a s fighting a n d i n v i t e c o l o n i a l s u p p o r t ' . T h e w a r t i m e use o f p r o p a g a n d a in b o t h the F r e n c h a n d B r i t i s h colonies p r o v e d to be a precedent, for thereafter b o t h colonial p o w e r s c o n t i n u e d to i n f o r m their colonial subjects a b o u t their policies and plans t h r o u g h the printed w o r d , the radio and cinema. In the short run, the m o s t significant aspect o f this d e v e l o p m e n t w a s t h a t A f r i c a n s - at l e a s t t h o s e w h o w e r e e d u c a t e d - w e r e n o w b e i n g invited n o t f o r c e d o r o r d e r e d , t o c o o p e r a t e w i t h t h e c o l o n i a l p o w e r s . A n d the r e w a r d w a s to be the g r a n t i n g o f s o m e o f the requests the political élite h a d b e e n m a k i n g b e f o r e the w a r , a p p a r e n t l y in v a i n : g r e a t e r political and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e i n v o l v e ­ m e n t b y the e d u c a t e d élite in the m a c h i n e r y o f g o v e r n m e n t ; and 1

1

P e g g y Medina G i l t r o w and D a v i d R. G i l t r o w , * Films of the Colonial Film U n i t ' , unpublished paper presented at the conference on ' T h e film as records of empire', 10 April 1981. I am grateful to A n d r e w Roberts for drawing my attention to this.

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i m p r o v e m e n t o f the social a n d e d u c a t i o n a l facilities a v a i l a b l e t o t h e c o l o n i a l s u b j e c t s . B r i t a i n w a s a b l e , as a s y m b o l o f g o o d faith, to m a k e s o m e o f these concessions d u r i n g the c o u r s e o f the w a r i t s e l f : t h u s in t h e G o l d C o a s t t h e first a p p o i n t m e n t s i n t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y o f A f r i c a n s t o t h e field a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d t h e first a p p o i n t m e n t s t o t h e e x e c u t i v e c o u n c i l s o f b o t h t h e G o l d Coast and N i g e r i a w e r e m a d e in 1 9 4 2 - 3 . T h e w a r t i m e British administration o f the W e s t A f r i c a n colonies i n v o l v e d itself in l a r g e - s c a l e p l a n n i n g f o r e d u c a t i o n a l a n d s o c i a l r e f o r m after t h e war. A n d if the Free F r e n c h and Belgians, denied access to their m e t r o p o l e s , w e r e less h a p p i l y p l a c e d t o i n t r o d u c e r e f o r m s d u r i n g t h e c o u r s e o f t h e w a r , t h e y d i d a t least e l a b o r a t e p l a n s f o r r e f o r m . T h e F r e e F r e n c h d i d s o at t h e B r a z z a v i l l e C o n f e r e n c e i n 1 9 4 4 . Pierre R y c k m a n s , w h o had attended the Brazzaville Conference, in h i s v a l e d i c t o r y s p e e c h as t h e g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l w h o h a d a d m i n ­ istered the B e l g i a n C o n g o d u r i n g the w a r , e n v i s a g e d a c h a n g e in t h e c o l o n i a l p o l i c y o f h i s c o u n t r y t h a t w o u l d i n v o l v e b r o a d e c o n o m i c and social reform and a controlled participation b y the élite in t h e p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s . T h e p o l i t i c a l é l i t e , t h e n , f o r t h e first t i m e f o u n d its c o l o n i a l masters t r y i n g t o justify their rule t o t h e m . F u r t h e r m o r e , they w e r e m a d e a w a r e that b o t h A m e r i c a and Russia w e r e d e e p l y critical o f the E u r o p e a n colonial empires a n d their record. T h e y w e r e thus o p e r a t i n g in a n e w i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e i n w h i c h t h e i r o w n criticisms o f colonialism w e r e b e c o m i n g c o m m o n currency a n d in w h i c h t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s s e e m e d t o b e l e g i t i m i s e d b y t h e Atlantic Charter, whatever reservations Churchill m a y have had. T h e declaration about self-determination in that charter w a s to be an inspiration t o educated Africans f r o m M o r o c c o t o Madagascar. B u t s u p p o r t for A f r i c a n ideas o f political a n d social reform leading one day to self-government and independence came not only from the anti-colonial p o w e r s like A m e r i c a and Russia, b u t from within the colonial p o w e r s themselves. In Britain, the L a b o u r Party, most explicitly t h r o u g h the Fabian Colonial B u r e a u , m a d e c l e a r its h o s t i l i t y t o t h e l o n g - t e r m c o n t i n u a t i o n o f empire, and African nationalists c o u l d c o u n t o n increasing support for their ideas from the L a b o u r m e m b e r s o f the w a r t i m e British g o v e r n m e n t . L i k e w i s e within the Free French g o v e r n m e n t , t h e C o m m u n i s t s w e r e a m a j o r f o r c e a n d groupes d'études communistes w e r e e s t a b l i s h e d i n a n u m b e r o f A f r i c a n c o l o n i a l 38 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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t o w n s . T h e y w e r e to h a v e a formative influence o n the d e v e l o p m e n t after t h e w a r o f F r e n c h - s p e a k i n g B l a c k A f r i c a ' s l a r g e s t radical party, the R a s s e m b l e m e n t D é m o c r a t i q u e A f r i c a i n . H e r e it m u s t b e s a i d t h a t t h e C o m m u n i s t s d i d n o t f a v o u r i n d e p e n d e n c e as a g o a l f o r t h e i r A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s , b u t r a t h e r a s s o c i a t i o n o f t h e enfranchised A f r i c a n w o r k i n g classes w i t h the international class struggle. N o r did the Socialists, w h o a d v o c a t e d reform o f the colonial system, e n v i s a g e a future for the colonies independent o f a constitutional relationship w i t h France. T h e w a r b r o u g h t E u r o p e a n s a n d A m e r i c a n s o u t to A f r i c a in g r e a t e r n u m b e r s t h a n e v e r b e f o r e . W h a t is m o r e , m a n y o f t h e m c a m e f r o m v e r y different s o c i a l b a c k g r o u n d s f r o m t h o s e w i t h w h o m A f r i c a n s h a d h i t h e r t o g e n e r a l l y c o m e in c o n t a c t . T h e exigencies o f w a r , particularly the need to p r o v i s i o n the supply routes to the M i d d l e East and Far Eastern c a m p a i g n s , resulted in t h e s t a t i o n i n g in m a j o r A f r i c a n c i t i e s o f l a r g e n u m b e r s o f w h i t e s o l d i e r s a n d t r a d e s m e n , m a n y o f w h o m w e r e m u c h less w e l l e d u c a t e d than the m e m b e r s o f the g r o w i n g A f r i c a n m i d d l e class o f l a w y e r s , d o c t o r s , teachers and clerical officers. M o r e i m p o r t a n t still, t h e s e w h i t e s d i d n o t i d e n t i f y w i t h c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s b u t s a w t h e m as p a r t o f a c l a s s s t r u c t u r e a g a i n s t w h i c h t h e y v o t e d o v e r w h e l m i n g l y in t h e p o s t - w a r e l e c t i o n s in b o t h B r i t a i n a n d France. T h e m y t h o f w h i t e superiority, o f the separation o f A f r i c a n s a n d E u r o p e a n s e i t h e r i n f o r m a l l y , as i n t h e c a s e o f t h e B r i t i s h W e s t African and F r e n c h colonies, or by formal rules a p p r o x i m a t i n g t o a c o l o u r b a r as in t h e R h o d e s i a s a n d K e n y a , w e r e b r o k e n d o w n by these temporary immigrants. W h i l e African soldiers w h o had s e r v e d in F r a n c e d u r i n g t h e F i r s t W o r l d W a r h a d , as a r e s u l t o f c o m i n g into contact w i t h the local p o p u l a t i o n , ' q u i c k l y c o m e to h a v e d o u b t s a b o u t the superiority o f the c o l o n i s e r ' , and w h i l e in E a s t A f r i c a A f r i c a n t r o o p s w h o h a d f o u g h t a l o n g s i d e w h i t e soldiers had e x p e r i e n c e d similar d o u b t s , this reaction w a s m u c h m o r e w i d e l y spread d u r i n g the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r because o f the sheer n u m b e r s o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s w h i t e s w h o passed t h r o u g h the colonies. T h e educated Africans, particularly those w h o had never travelled a b r o a d , g a i n e d a v e r y different p e r c e p t i o n o f their E u r o p e a n r u l e r s as a r e s u l t o f t h i s w a r t i m e c o n t a c t . 1

Perhaps n o o n e p e r c e i v e d the i m p a c t o f the w a r o n the A f r i c a n s ' 1

Paul Catrice, 'L'emploi des troupes indigènes et leur séjour en France', Études: revue Catholique d'intérêt général, 20 N o v e m b e r 1931, 401.

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v i e w o f t h e E u r o p e a n s o a c u t e l y as S y l v i a L e i t h - R o s s , h e r s e l f v e r y m u c h a m e m b e r o f the colonial class, w h o had N i g e r i a in

1 9 0 7 . I t is w o r t h

q u o t i n g her o w n

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first

in

extenso: Till then, and in spite of the 1914 war which had never really come very close to Nigeria, the mass of the people still thought of the white race as one, united by colour, education, religion... They thought of the white men as being ' brothers \ with all the implications connoted in the African mind by that term, bound to assist each other and having the same aims and interests. All these white men were rich, and had come into the world with ready-made knowledge and skills. Therefore, for the time being, they dominated the A f r i c a n . . . Every time we indicted Germany or Vichy France, we indicted ourselves as well. Except for the travelled or highly educated few, Europeans had been a mass conception for so long that whatever cruelty or treachery or injustice we attributed to our enemies was seen as a possible attribute of ourselves... Further, outside and apart from our own propaganda directed against a section of fellow-Europeans, another and even more radical change, noted by few, was taking place in the black-white attitude of the masses. Perhaps for the first time, except in individual cases, an element of contempt had crept into their minds: these 'civilised' white men could nevertheless kill each other in great numbers, their rich towns could be destroyed, their expensive homes burnt down, they could be tortured and starved, they could cringe and beg for help and for money. And, a curious sidelight emerging from conversations with observant Africans who had been in contact with our troops or sailors, for the first time in their lives these Africans had met a number of Europeans less educated than themselves... They were careful to show no disdain, only sheer amazement that they should have been mistaken. Y o u could not help feeling that this discovery was perhaps the final insidious blow which shattered the crumbling edifice of white superiority. 1

COLONIAL

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T h e c o l o n i a l r e f o r m s initiated b y F r a n c e and B r i t a i n are to an

u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the

unforeseen

speed

with

which

transfer o f p o w e r t o o k p l a c e in A f r i c a f o l l o w i n g the w a r . reforms,

which

as w e

have

seen

were

conceived

crucial the

These

l a r g e l y as

response to the c h a n g e d political climate b r o u g h t a b o u t b y

a

the

w a r , w e r e in t u r n t o e v o k e a r e s p o n s e b y the A f r i c a n p o l i t i c a l class that w a s n o t o n e o f g r a t i t u d e for c o n c e s s i o n s - w h i c h in fact often surpassed their current expectations - but w a s rather a d e m a n d for yet larger

and

speedier

1

concessions.

It w a s as t h o u g h

Leith-Ross, Stepping-stones, 1 1 6 - 1 7 .

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reforms themselves c h a n g e d the political e n g i n e into a n e w gear t h a t w a s t o d r i v e it i n e x o r a b l y t o w a r d s i n d e p e n d e n c e , h o w e v e r hard the c o l o n i a l rulers tried t o a p p l y the b r a k e s , w h e t h e r for fear o f the c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t o o rapid a transition o r to protect w h i t e m i n o r i t y i n t e r e s t s . It is t h e j o u r n e y s m a d e b y t h i s m a c h i n e , t r a v e l l i n g v e r y different r o a d s i n different p a r t s o f A f r i c a , t h a t f o r m t h e c e n t r a l t h e m e o f t h e c h a p t e r s o f t h i s v o l u m e . Suffice it t o o u t l i n e h e r e t h e r e f o r m s t h a t w e r e i n t r o d u c e d as a r e s u l t o f t h e w a r , for they can b e p i c k e d u p in detail o n later p a g e s , w h e r e their c o n s e q u e n c e s a n d t h e r e s p o n s e s t o t h e m are e x a m i n e d b y r e g i o n a l specialists. N o t all t h e c o l o n i a l p o w e r s r e s p o n d e d in k i n d . S p a i n a n d P o r t u g a l , n e v e r directly i n v o l v e d in the w a r , m a d e n o m o d i f i c a ­ tions to their c o l o n i a l p o l i c y . T h e B e l g i a n s initiated i m p o r t a n t social and e c o n o m i c reforms designed to ameliorate the standard o f l i v i n g o f t h e i r C o n g o l e s e s u b j e c t s , b e l i e v i n g t h a t a full b e l l y w a s the best antidote to nationalism. S o m e attempt w a s m a d e to find a p l a c e i n t h e C o n g o ' s c o l o n i a l h i e r a r c h y f o r t h e m i n u s c u l e e d u c a t e d é l i t e , b u t p l a n s f o r e v e n t u a l p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n at t h e g r a s s - r o o t s l e v e l w e r e y e a r s in p r e p a r a t i o n . T h e B e l g i a n s w e r e i n n o m o o d for eventual d i s b a n d m e n t o f their rich A f r i c a n empire, a n d i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e w a r t h e r e w a s n o t h o u g h t o f i n d e p e n ­ d e n c e f o r t h e i r C o n g o e v e n i n t h e far d i s t a n t f u t u r e . I d e a l l y t h e y w o u l d h a v e liked the w i t h d r a w a l o f the mandate o v e r R u a n d a U r u n d i a n d its i n c o r p o r a t i o n in t h e C o n g o as a s e v e n t h p r o v i n c e . T h e y particularly resented the specific o b l i g a t i o n entailed in their subsequent U N Trusteeship to p r o m o t e self-government and e v e n t u a l i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d in fact d i d little, a b o u t it. T h e F r e n c h a n d t h e B r i t i s h w e r e still as m u c h in t h e b u s i n e s s o f A f r i c a n e m p i r e as t h e B e l g i a n s . T h e F r e n c h m a d e it q u i t e c l e a r t h a t t h e p o l i t i c a l r e f o r m s t h e y i n i t i a t e d at B r a z z a v i l l e i n n o w a y i n v o l v e d e v e n t u a l self-government — a n d t h e y d i d i n d e e d u s e t h e E n g l i s h expression for w a n t o f an appropriate F r e n c h o n e . Rather, t h e i n c r e a s e d p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s a c c o r d e d t h e A f r i c a n s , as a r e s u l t o f the B r a z z a v i l l e C o n f e r e n c e and the deliberations o f the t w o constituent assemblies, w e r e to be held w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f an indissoluble and indivisible u n i o n o f F r a n c e and her o v e r s e a s territories. T h u s w h i l e de G a u l l e and the F r e e F r e n c h leaders a c c e p t e d t h a t it w a s n e c e s s a r y t o i n i t i a t e c o l o n i a l r e f o r m s at Brazzaville - and de G a u l l e h i m s e l f w a s v e r y c o n s c i o u s o f the debt 41

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he o w e d Africans for their s u p p o r t d u r i n g the w a r - the main aim o f the conference w a s to make secure the links between the colonies and the metropolis. T h r o u g h a strengthened empire the grandeur o f France w o u l d b e re-established. A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t of, a n d c o n c e s s i o n s t o , l o c a l p o l i t i c a l i d e n t i t y w e r e s t r i c t l y w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f a G r e a t e r France. A c c o r d i n g l y the e x t e n s i o n o f citizenship to a limited n u m b e r o f A l g e r i a n M u s l i m s w i t h o u t c o m p r o m i s i n g t h e i r p e r s o n a l s t a t u s as far as t h e i r r e l i g i o n a n d private l a w were concerned and the provision for representation o f the colonies in the National A s s e m b l y w e r e designed t o bind the colonies m o r e closely t o France. T h e r e f o r m s o f t h e least p a l a t a b l e a s p e c t s o f F r e n c h c o l o n i a l policy - the suppression o f forced labour, the abolition o f the indigenat o r s u m m a r y a d m i n i s t r a t i v e j u s t i c e , t h e c h a n g e i n s t a t u s f r o m sujet t o citqyen, t h e l e g a l i s a t i o n o f t r a d e u n i o n s , w e r e intended t o g i v e t h e c o l o n i a l inhabitants r e n e w e d faith in the French mission. These reforms, t h o u g h an immediate by-product o f the war, had been mooted by the Popular Front government, w h i c h h a d permitted the formation o f trade unions a n d profes­ sional associations b y those w i t h primary education in 1937. E v e n the e x t e n s i o n o f citizenship t o A l g e r i a n M u s l i m s a l o n g t h e lines o f t h e Ordonnance o f 7 M a r c h 1 9 4 4 h a d b e e n p r o p o s e d b u t r e j e c t e d during the g o v e r n m e n t o f the Popular Front. B u t although B r a z z a v i l l e w a s n o t as i n n o v a t o r y as it h a s s o m e t i m e s b e e n c h a r a c t e r i s e d , it d i d i n i t i a t e a m a j o r i f u n i n t e n d e d c h a n g e i n France's relationship w i t h her colonies. A s D . Bruce Marshall has emphasised: In the end, the reforms of Brazzaville did indeed contribute both to the desire for independence within the colonies and to the creation of a political system that tended to legitimise the pursuit of that aim. Y e t nothing could have been further from the intentions of those responsible for Free French policy, especially Charles de Gaulle.

1

A l t h o u g h self-government w a s a stock phrase in the British colonial vocabulary, and indeed had been accorded to India and C e y l o n , t h e r e w a s still n o i n t e n t i o n i n 1 9 4 6 , w h e n t h e B u r n s c o n s t i t u t i o n w a s i n t r o d u c e d i n t h e G o l d C o a s t , o f g r a n t i n g it t o that o r a n y o t h e r A f r i c a n c o l o n y e x c e p t in t h e distant future. T h e 1

D . Bruce Marshall, 'Free France in Africa: Gaullism and colonialism', in Prosser Gifford and William Roger Louis (eds.), France and Britain in Africa: imperial rivalry and colonial rule ( N e w Haven and L o n d o n , 1971), 748.

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one country for w h i c h the British g o v e r n m e n t appeared t o perceive independence o n the visible horizon w a s the Sudan, w h i c h in itself w a s a special t y p e o f c o l o n y administered b y Britain as a c o n d o m i n i u m w i t h E g y p t . P r e s s u r e s b y n a t i o n a l i s t s w h o desired independence a n d those w h o s a w their c o u n t r y ' s future in an i n d e p e n d e n t u n i o n w i t h E g y p t h a d l e d t h e B r i t i s h C o D o m i n u s t o d e c l a r e i n A p r i l 1 9 4 6 t h a t i t w a s a i m i n g a t a free a n d i n d e p e n d e n t S u d a n w h i c h w i l l b e a b l e as s o o n as i n d e p e n d e n c e is a c h i e v e d t o d e f i n e f o r i t s e l f its r e l a t i o n s w i t h G r e a t B r i t a i n a n d Egypt'. 4

1

T h e S u d a n m a y n o t h a v e b e e n s o e x c e p t i o n a l as it s e e m s . F o r in the C o l o n i a l Office, a c c o r d i n g t o R o n a l d R o b i n s o n , the thinking in 1947 w a s that w i t h i n a generation m o s t o f the major British African colonies w o u l d b e c o m e self-governing within the C o m m o n w e a l t h . B u t public pronouncements indicated a m u c h l o n g e r t i m e t a b l e . T h e E l l i o t C o m m i s s i o n , w h i c h in 1945 r e c o m ­ m e n d e d the establishment o f university colleges in the G o l d C o a s t a n d N i g e r i a , h a d s e e n t h e m as t r a i n i n g g r o u n d s f o r a n i n ­ d e p e n d e n c e t h a t m i g h t b e fifty o r m o r e y e a r s a w a y . B e f o r e 1 9 4 7 f e w c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r s i n t h e field e n v i s a g e d r e f o r m s as leading t o a n y t h i n g m o r e than increased representation. B u t in t h a t y e a r , w i t h I n d i a n i n d e p e n d e n c e , t h e i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f selfg o v e r n m e n t for the A f r i c a n territories b e c a m e evident. 2

O n l y for Italy, t o w h o m the administration o f h e r c o l o n y o f S o m a l i a w a s restored as a U n i t e d N a t i o n s T r u s t e e s h i p , w a s in­ d e p e n d e n c e an o b j e c t i v e w i t h a specific t e r m f o r its a c c o m p l i s h ­ ment. T h e U N , in a g r e e i n g in 1950 that Italy s h o u l d c o n t i n u e to administer Somalia, did s o o n the condition that she prepare it f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e w i t h i n t e n y e a r s . T h u s a c o l o n i a l p o w e r , f o r t h e first t i m e , h a d t o w o r k t o w a r d s a fixed d a t e f o r t h e i n d e p e n d e n c e o f o n e o f its c o l o n i e s . T h e case o f L i b y a w a s s o m e w h a t d i f f e r e n t . I t a c h i e v e d i n d e p e n d e n c e o n 24 D e c e m b e r 1 9 5 1 , w i t h o u t b e i n g f o r m a l l y r e s t o r e d t o I t a l y o r a c c e p t e d as t h e d o m a i n o f the British o r F r e n c h w h o w e r e a d m i n i s t e r i n g it, b e c a u s e o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l w r a n g l i n g o v e r its f u t u r e . In taking o v e r the M a n d a t e s

o f t h e L e a g u e o f N a t i o n s as

1

P. M . Holt and M . W . D a l y , The history of the Sudan, from the coming of Islam to the present day, 3rd ed. ( L o n d o n , 1979), 1 5 1 . Ronald Robinson, ' C o n c l u s i o n i n A . H . M . K i r k - G r e e n e (ed.), Africa in the colonial period: the transfer of power: the colonial administrator in the age of decolonisation ( O x f o r d , 1979), 179. 1

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T r u s t e e s h i p s the U n i t e d N a t i o n s i n t r o d u c e d an i m p o r t a n t e x ­ traneous element into the political calculations o f those colonial p o w e r s administering t h e m in Africa. T h e s e p o w e r s - Britain, France and B e l g i u m - w e r e subject to inspection and criticism o f their administration o f these trusts and w e r e o b l i g a t e d to d e v e l o p t h e m t o w a r d s s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t t h o u g h n o t after a n y s p e c i f i c l e n g t h o f t i m e as i n t h e c a s e o f S o m a l i a . T h e y w e r e t h u s t o b e held internationally a c c o u n t a b l e for their s t e w a r d s h i p in w a y s they had not been under the L e a g u e o f N a t i o n s M a n d a t e s , and colonial g r i e v a n c e s c o u l d in the case o f these T r u s t e e s h i p s b e b r o u g h t before the U n i t e d N a t i o n s , an organisation b y and large hostile to colonialism. O n l y S o u t h Africa refused to a c k n o w l e d g e the U N as s u c c e s s o r t o t h e L e a g u e o f N a t i o n s as far as its a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of South West Africa was concerned. In retrospect, the political advances m a d e b y the F r e n c h and B r i t i s h c o l o n i e s at t h e e n d o f t h e w a r , t h o u g h p e r c e i v e d as g e n e r o u s by the d o n o r s , w e r e considered paltry b y the recipients, a n d o f c o u r s e s e e m s o n o w . T h e y d i d , h o w e v e r , r e p r e s e n t t h e first hesitant steps in w h a t w a s to p r o v e a v e r y rapid d e c o l o n i s a t i o n o f the A f r i c a n c o n t i n e n t . In the case o f the F r e n c h , initial decolonisation w a s to be not w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f eventual i n d e p e n d e n c e ; r a t h e r it c o n s i s t e d o f t h e g r e a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n b y w h a t w e r e n o w s t y l e d ' o v e r s e a s t e r r i t o r i e s ' in t h e F r e n c h p o l i t i c a l process. In the case o f the British c o l o n i e s , the a i m w a s to prepare their inhabitants b y g r a d u a l stages for an e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g m e a s u r e o f participation in their o w n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n until they c o u l d be g r a n t e d i n t e r n a l s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t as a p r e l u d e t o i n d e p e n d e n c e w i t h i n the British C o m m o n w e a l t h . I n 1 9 4 6 t h e G o l d C o a s t , c o n s i d e r e d at t h a t t i m e t o b e t h e m o s t politically a d v a n c e d o f Britain's A f r i c a n territories, g a i n e d an e l e c t e d A f r i c a n m a j o r i t y in its L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l - t h e first s u c h i n c o l o n i a l A f r i c a . B u t o n l y five o f t h e e i g h t e e n m e m b e r s w e r e d i r e c t l y e l e c t e d b y t h e p e o p l e , t h e rest b e i n g e l e c t e d b y c h i e f s . In N i g e r i a , reflecting the colonial administration's c o n t i n u i n g c o m m i t m e n t to indirect rule, the n e w c o n s t i t u t i o n i n t r o d u c e d in 1 9 4 6 p r o v i d e d f o r a m a j o r i t y o f A f r i c a n u n o f f i c i a l m e m b e r s , all but four o f w h o m w e r e n o m i n a t e d from the N a t i v e A u t h o r i t i e s . O n l y intervention o f the colonial secretary had forced Sir A r t h u r R i c h a r d s , t h e G o v e r n o r , t o retain t h e t h r e e e l e c t e d m e m b e r s f r o m L a g o s and the o n e f r o m Calabar p r o v i d e d for in the 1922 44

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COLONIAL

REFORMS

c o n s t i t u t i o n . I n K e n y a , t h e first A f r i c a n m e m b e r o f t h e L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l w a s o n l y a p p o i n t e d in 1 9 4 4 . I n T a n g a n y i k a , t h e first African m e m b e r w a s n o t a p p o i n t e d until 1948. T h e C o l o n i a l O f f i c e m a y h a v e h a d as its g o a l in 1 9 4 7 t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f its m a j o r African colonies w i t h i n a generation for s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t based o n t h e e d u c a t e d A f r i c a n é l i t e , o n c e it h a d b e e n s u f f i c i e n t l y c o n v i n c e d t h a t this é l i t e h a d g r a s s - r o o t s s u p p o r t ; b u t t h i s w a s n o t m a n i f e s t i n its first e x p e r i m e n t s i n d e v o l u t i o n o f p o w e r w h e r e the traditional élite w a s p r e d o m i n a n t in the legislatures o f N i g e r i a and the G o l d Coast. A s w e h a v e s e e n , p o l i t i c a l a d v a n c e s in t h e F r e n c h B l a c k A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s w e r e d i r e c t e d at c l o s e r p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n w i t h F r a n c e . B u t e v e n h e r e , t h o u g h all A f r i c a n s w e r e n o w g r a n t e d c i t i z e n s h i p , their actual status w a s that o f s e c o n d - and e v e n third-class citizens. T h e m a j o r i t y still d i d n o t h a v e t h e v o t e , a n d o f t h o s e t h a t d i d , a majority had to v o t e o n a separate roll from that for the E u r o p e a n s resident in the c o l o n i e s , w i t h the result that their v o t e s w e r e e f f e c t i v e l y w o r t h m u c h less t h a n t h o s e o f E u r o p e a n s . F u r t h e r m o r e , their n e w territorial assemblies w e r e o n l y a d v i s o r y . T h e s e provisions also applied to M a d a g a s c a r w h o s e deputies to the S e c o n d C o n s t i t u e n t A s s e m b l y had unsuccessfully d e m a n d e d independence. T h e case o f F r a n c e ' s N o r t h A f r i c a n territories w a s different f r o m t h a t o f h e r B l a c k A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s . A l g e r i a w a s t r e a t e d as a n i n t e g r a l p a r t o f F r a n c e , w h i l e M o r o c c o a n d T u n i s i a w e r e p r o t e c t o r a t e s w h e r e t h e s u l t a n a n d b e y w e r e at least n o m i ­ nally s o v e r e i g n . In Tunisia, because o f the activities o f M o n c e f B e y d u r i n g t h e w a r , t h e F r e n c h in fact i m p o s e d f u r t h e r c o n ­ trol o v e r the b e y ' s administration, t h o u g h the T u n i s i a n s w e r e g i v e n s o m e i n c r e a s e s in e l e c t o r a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . D e m a n d s f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e m a d e in M o r o c c o w e r e c o u n t e r e d n o t w i t h liber­ alisation o f the political r e g i m e , b u t w i t h m o d e s t e c o n o m i c r e f o r m s . I n A l g e r i a all M u s l i m s b e c a m e n o m i n a l l y c i t i z e n s b u t , as i n B l a c k A f r i c a , n o t all o f t h e m h a d t h e v o t e , s o t h a t t h e m a j o r i t y r e m a i n e d s e c o n d - c l a s s F r e n c h m e n in this N o r t h A f r i c a n ' F r a n c e ' . T h e failure to c o n c e d e a n y t h i n g b u t the m o s t m o d e s t o f political reforms in N o r t h A f r i c a n territories w a s to be grist to the mill o f t h e n a t i o n a l i s t c a u s e i n M o r o c c o a n d T u n i s i a , a n d t o e n d all h o p e that A l g e r i a c o u l d e v e r really be assimilated into France. I f a n y p a t t e r n e m e r g e s i n t h e s e first t e n t a t i v e s t e p s t o w a r d s p o l i t i c a l d e c o l o n i s a t i o n , it is t h a t t h e y w e r e m o r e a d v e n t u r o u s i n 45

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TO D E C O L O N I S A T I O N

those F r e n c h a n d British c o l o n i e s w h e r e settler interests w e r e n o t dominant. W h e r e they were dominant, both countries had to confront a g r o w i n g white nationalism, w h i c h w a s vociferously o p p o s e d to political concessions to the African majorities. M u c h m o r e important than these measures o f political liberal­ i s a t i o n i n t r o d u c e d d u r i n g a n d i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e w a r w e r e t h e broad e c o n o m i c and social reforms made b y the British, French a n d B e l g i a n s . W h i l e s o m e r e f o r m s w e r e a l t r u i s t i c , m a n y w e r e as m u c h d e s i g n e d t o assist i n t h e r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f t h e m o t h e r l a n d as w i t h t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e c o l o n i e s t h e m s e l v e s . T h e B e l g i a n s actually p r o m u l g a t e d a ten-year plan that c o v e r e d b o t h the m o t h e r l a n d a n d h e r A f r i c a n estate, w h i l e a m b i t i o u s s c h e m e s like the T a n g a n y i k a g r o u n d n u t s c h e m e and the G a m b i a e g g project w e r e as m u c h d e s i g n e d t o a l l e v i a t e t h e e c o n o m i c s i t u a t i o n in B r i t a i n as t o p r o m o t e real d e v e l o p m e n t i n A f r i c a . I n d e e d d u r i n g the p o s t w a r b o o m in agricultural prices, the surpluses earned b y the c o l o n i e s w e r e held in m e t r o p o l i t a n b a n k s a n d thus h e l p e d finance t h e r e c o v e r y o f t h e m o t h e r l a n d s as t h e y h a d h e l p e d finance t h e w a r itself. T h e B e l g i a n s w e r e q u i t e e x p l i c i t a b o u t t h e C o n g o ' s role in assisting the m o t h e r l a n d ' s p o s t - w a r r e c o v e r y . T h u s the essential colonial e c o n o m i c relationship w a s n o t c h a n g e d ; b u t as far as t h e F r e n c h , B r i t i s h a n d B e l g i a n t e r r i t o r i e s w e r e c o n c e r n e d t h e r e w e r e i m p o r t a n t m o d i f i c a t i o n s t o it. I n t h e first p l a c e all t h r e e p o w e r s i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e w a r i n t r o d u c e d the idea o f p l a n n i n g the e c o n o m i e s o f their c o l o n i e s . M o n e y w a s to be spent n o t only o n aspects o f the e c o n o m y immediately b e n e f i c i a l t o t h e i m p o r t — e x p o r t t r a d e , s u c h as n e w r o a d s a n d r a i l w a y s , b u t o n s o c i a l w e l f a r e a n d e d u c a t i o n as w e l l . T h e c o n c e p t o f t h e s t a t e ' s r o l e as a g e n t f o r t h e p r o m o t i o n o f t h e w e l f a r e o f its i n h a b i t a n t s w a s i n t r o d u c e d t o t h e c o l o n i e s w i t h i n c r e a s e d e d u c a t i o n a l a n d m e d i c a l s e r v i c e s as a m a j o r f e a t u r e o f t h e B r i t i s h , French and Belgian d e v e l o p m e n t plans. T h e concept o f e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t w a s s o n e w t h a t C a p t a i n J. R . M a c k i e , t h e D i r e c t o r o f A g r i c u l t u r e , w a s later t o c o m m e n t that Sir B e r n a r d B o u r d i l l o n ' s statement o n g o v e r n m e n t policy for e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t in N i g e r i a f o l l o w i n g the passing o f the 1940 C o l o n i a l D e v e l o p m e n t a n d W e l f a r e A c t w a s t h e first t h a t h a d * e v e r b e e n m a d e p u b l i c l y ' in t h e c o u n t r y , a n d t h a t i n a l m o s t t w e n t y y e a r s o f s e r v i c e i n N i g e r i a he had * n e v e r seen such a statement o f p o l i c y e v e n in official p a p e r s ' . 1

1

White, Central administration in Nigeria, 234.

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COLONIAL REFORMS

T h e Colonial D e v e l o p m e n t and Welfare A c t can o f course be s e e n as a s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d m e a s u r e , f o r it h a d b e e n b o r n o u t o f t h e belated realisation, b r o u g h t a b o u t b y the C a r i b b e a n riots o f 1938, t h a t c o l o n i a l n e g l e c t l e d t o c o l o n i a l d i s a s t e r . F u r t h e r m o r e , it c a m e to

be p e r c e i v e d that e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t

schemes

would

b e n e f i t t h e m e t r o p o l e as m u c h as t h e c o l o n i e s i n v o l v e d , f o r t h e y increased the surplus that c o u l d b e extracted from the colonial e c o n o m i e s and w o u l d also enlarge the market for manufactured e x p o r t s . B u t it w o u l d b e c a v a l i e r t o d e n y t h a t t h e l a r g e - s c a l e s o c i a l welfare schemes introduced b y France under F I D E S , for instance, w e r e n o t in part an a t t e m p t t o repay a d e b t that, j u d g i n g f r o m t h e r e c o r d a n d t h e p u b l i c p r o n o u n c e m e n t s o f h e r officials a n d m i n i s t e r s , F r a n c e s i n c e r e l y felt s h e o w e d h e r c o l o n i a l s u b j e c t s f o r their w a r t i m e support. F u r t h e r m o r e , m a n y o f the administrators a p p o i n t e d t o t h e c o l o n i a l s e r v i c e s o f F r a n c e a n d B r i t a i n after t h e w a r w e r e n o t i m b u e d w i t h the innate sense o f superiority o f their pre-war colleagues, and espoused radical v i e w s a b o u t the colonial relationship. T h e r e w a s a g r o w i n g sense o f accountability t o the a d m i n i s t e r e d as w e l l as a n i n c r e a s i n g q u e s t i o n i n g o f t h e m o r a l i t y o f the colonial relationship. A n d e v e n if independence w a s a distant g o a l for the British, a n d w a s e x c l u d e d b y the F r e n c h in favour o f greater eventual participation b y Africans in the politics o f a greater France, the c o n s e n s u s w a s that the foundations for this i n c r e a s e d i n v o l v e m e n t o f A f r i c a n s i n t h e g o v e r n m e n t a n d administration improved

o f their countries h a d t o b e

educational,

social,

medical

and

firmly

s u n k in an

economic

infra­

structure. CONCLUSION

T h e w a r , as W a l t e r R o d n e y p u t it, ' c a l l e d f o r t h n e w r e s p o n s e s from

every section o f the African population,

minorities, from

colonial regimes and from

capitalist class w h i c h h a d a stake in A f r i c a ' .

1

the

from

resident

metropolitan

F o r all these reasons,

the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r w a s a t u r n i n g point, if n o t a w a t e r s h e d , in A f r i c a ' s c o l o n i a l h i s t o r y . In the t w e n t y years that f o l l o w e d the p r o m u l g a t i o n o f the political reforms

promised

b y Britain and France during

the

S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , the great majority o f African colonial subjects g a i n e d their political f r e e d o m a n d the British, F r e n c h a n d Italian 1

Walter Rodney, World War II and the Tan^anian economy, Cornell African Studies Centre M o n o g r a p h no. 3, 1976, 1.

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P R E L U D E TO

DECOLONISATION

colonial empires effectively ceased to exist. T h e Spanish, w h o had the smallest e m p i r e in A f r i c a , r e v e r s e d their p r e v i o u s p o l i c y o f i n t e g r a t i o n a n d a s s i m i l a t i o n w h e n , in 1 9 6 2 , t h e y b e g a n t h e political decolonisation o f F e r n a n d o P o and R i o M u n i w h i c h t o g e t h e r b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t as E q u a t o r i a l G u i n e a i n 1 9 6 8 . T h e future o f the Spanish Sahara w a s m o r e p r o b l e m a t i c , b e i n g m o r e t h a n h a l f t h e s i z e o f S p a i n itself, b u t w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n a c c o r d i n g to the i960 census o f o n l y 2 3 7 9 3 . In 1 9 7 5 , under pressure from K i n g H a s s a n o f M o r o c c o , S p a i n a g r e e d t o d i v i d e it b e t w e e n h i s country and Mauritania. O n l y the P o r t u g u e s e held steadfastly to their d e t e r m i n a t i o n to i n c o r p o r a t e their A f r i c a n d e p e n d e n c i e s in a perpetual u n i o n w i t h the m o t h e r country. Significantly their t w o major c o l o n i e s , A n g o l a and M o z a m b i q u e , w e r e b o t h settler colonies, for o n the path to independence the greatest v i o l e n c e w a s e x p e r i e n c e d in t h o s e t e r r i t o r i e s w h e r e w h i t e - m i n o r i t y i n t e r e s t s o p p o s e d concessions to the d e m a n d s o f A f r i c a n nationalists, and w h e r e the m e t r o p o l i t a n g o v e r n m e n t either s u p p o r t e d these settler interests, or delayed or modified the c o n c e s s i o n s they w e r e p r e p a r e d to m a k e to A f r i c a n nationalists in non-settler territories in t h e h o p e s o f r e c o n c i l i n g t h e t w o n a t i o n a l i s m s . Y e t e v e n in S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a , w h e r e the w h i t e nationalists, w h o had already had legal s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t since 1923, w e r e able to declare their o w n u n r e c o g n i s e d i n d e p e n d e n c e in 1 9 6 5 , the A f r i c a n nationalists w e r e e v e n t u a l l y t o t r i u m p h i n 1980 as t h e y h a d in t h e f o r m e r P o r t u g u e s e territories. W e m a y pause, then, to ask w h y the E u r o p e a n e m p i r e s in A f r i c a c o l l a p s e d so q u i c k l y a n d g e n e r a l l y so e a s i l y in t h e q u a r t e r c e n t u r y after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , a n d t o p o n d e r h o w far t h e w a r w a s t h e d o m i n a n t f a c t o r in this c o l l a p s e . W e h a v e a r g u e d that the w a r created a n e w international climate in w h i c h t h e l e a d i n g c o l o n i a l p o w e r s w e r e p u t o n t h e d e f e n s i v e a n d in w h i c h t h e y felt o b l i g e d t o i n t r o d u c e p o l i t i c a l as w e l l as social and e c o n o m i c reforms, h o w e v e r tentative these m a y n o w appear to have been. Therefore, African nationalists, w h o had had l i m i t e d g o a l s b e f o r e t h e w a r , a n d h a d b e e n u n s u c c e s s f u l in g a i n i n g any major c o n c e s s i o n s f r o m the c o l o n i a l g o v e r n m e n t s , f o u n d t h e m s e l v e s o p e r a t i n g in a n e w p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e . T h e i r i d e a s a n d a s p i r a t i o n s n o w f o u n d s u p p o r t n o t o n l y in p o l i t i c a l c i r c l e s w i t h i n t h e r e l e v a n t m e t r o p o l i s b u t in s i g n i f i c a n t s e c t i o n s o f t h e i n t e r ­ n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y . W h a t is m o r e , t h e w a r h a d s o c h a n g e d t h e e c o n o m i c s i t u a t i o n in m a n y o f t h e i r c o u n t r i e s , i n p a r t i c u l a r b y 48

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CONCLUSION

s w e l l i n g the n u m b e r o f i m m i g r a n t s to the t o w n s , that the nationalists n o w had larger constituencies to call u p o n . A n d b y c o n c e d i n g reforms w h i c h i n v o l v e d the establishment and signi­ ficant e x t e n s i o n o f t h e f r a n c h i s e t o A f r i c a n s , e i t h e r t h r o u g h d i r e c t or indirect elections, the colonial g o v e r n m e n t s w e r e also, consciously or u n c o n s c i o u s l y , a c c e p t i n g that they were responsible to their c o l o n i a l subjects. T h e l o g i c o f g r a n t i n g suffrage t o A f r i c a n s , h o w e v e r l i m i t e d a n d n o m a t t e r w h a t t h e c r i t e r i a m i g h t b e , w a s t h a t it m u s t l a t e r b e e x t e n d e d . F o r e i t h e r m o r e p e o p l e b e c a m e qualified under the terms o f the existing f r a n c h i s e , o r e l s e A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s t s p r o t e s t e d t h a t it w a s arbitrarily restrictive and that a F r a n c e and Britain w h i c h held that universal suffrage w a s f u n d a m e n t a l t o g o o d g o v e r n m e n t c o u l d n o t j u s t i f y l i m i t i n g it i n t h e i r A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s . W h e r e l i m i t a t i o n s o n the suffrage w e r e d e s i g n e d t o p r o t e c t the interests o f a w h i t e minority, they easily b e c a m e an issue that nationalists c o u l d use to rouse popular protest. O f c o u r s e u n t i l i 9 6 0 it w a s o n l y B r i t a i n a n d F r a n c e t h a t m a d e such concessions and then o n l y w h e n w h i t e - m i n o r i t y interests did not h a v e to be protected. A n d e v e n there they w e r e c a u g h t in the dilemma, w h e n e n g a g i n g in the defence o f w h i t e - m i n o r i t y interests as i n K e n y a o r A l g e r i a , t h a t t h e i r p r a c t i c e w a s n o t c o n s i s t e n t . B u t w h a t o f the colonial p o w e r s like P o r t u g a l and Spain w h i c h w e r e n o t d i r e c t l y affected b y t h e w a r , w h o s e c o l o n i a l e c o n o m i e s stagnated by c o m p a r i s o n w i t h those o f the F r e n c h and British t e r r i t o r i e s ? H e r e t h e e x a m p l e s set b y t h e F r e n c h a n d B r i t i s h i n decolonising m a d e their o w n determination to h o l d o n to their colonies i n v i d i o u s . H o w e v e r m u c h they desired to retain c o n t r o l o f them, h o w e v e r hard they tried to isolate t h e m f r o m the w i n d s o f c h a n g e t a k i n g place in o t h e r parts o f the continent, they w e r e ultimately unable, in an a g e o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n , t o insulate their A f r i c a n subjects f r o m the ideas for i n d e p e n d e n c e that g a i n e d c u r r e n c y after t h e w a r . E v e n i n F r e n c h B l a c k A f r i c a , w h e r e f o r a t i m e it s e e m e d A f r i c a n s w o u l d s e t t l e f o r a p o l i t i c a l f r e e d o m w i t h i n a F r a n c o - A f r i c a n C o m m u n i t y a n d e s c h e w i n d e p e n d e n c e as such, the e x a m p l e o f G h a n a and the special status o f T o g o and C a m e r o u n w h i c h , as T r u s t T e r r i t o r i e s , d i d n o t fit i n t o t h e grandiose plans for a F r a n c o - A f r i c a n C o m m u n i t y , had m u c h to d o w i t h the d e c i s i o n b y F r a n c e in i960 t o g r a n t i n d e p e n d e n c e t o all its B l a c k A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s . T h e c o l l a p s e o f B e l g i a n a u t h o r i t y 49

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PRELUDE TO

DECOLONISATION

in t h e C o n g o , w h i l s t in p a r t d u e t o l o s s o f w i l l b y t h e c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s , w a s a l s o a r e s u l t o f t h e i n f l u e n c e s o f a n d e x a m p l e s set b y o t h e r A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s , in p a r t i c u l a r t h e e x a m p l e o f G h a n a and o f n e i g h b o u r i n g Brazzaville, w h i c h enjoyed a great deal o f political a u t o n o m y w i t h i n the F r e n c h C o m m u n i t y and w a s o n l y half-an-hour's ferry ride f r o m L e o p o l d v i l l e . W h e r e before the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r African leaders c o n t e m p l a t i n g political c o n ­ c e s s i o n s w e r e o p e r a t i n g in a w o r l d t h a t a c c e p t e d t h e fact o f c o l o n i a l i s m , after it t h e y w e r e t o p r e s s t h e i r c a s e i n a w o r l d w h e r e the c o l o n i a l d e p e n d e n c i e s w e r e g a i n i n g i n d e p e n d e n c e by n e g o t i a t i o n o r v i o l e n c e in s u c c e s s i o n like the p r o v e r b i a l d o m i n o e s . A n d e v e n w h e r e t h e c o l o n i a l p o w e r s t r i e d t o resist t h e s e i n f l u e n c e s , as in V i e t n a m a n d I n d o n e s i a , a n d l a t e r in A l g e r i a , it w a s d e m o n s t r a t e d that their forces w e r e n o l o n g e r sufficient to maintain a control that had been apparently so easily retained before the war. Until then, the colonial p o w e r s had been able to k e e p c o n t r o l o f their large p o p u l a t i o n s w i t h m i n i m u m force just b e c a u s e the latter a c c e p t e d the c o l o n i a l p r e s e n c e , e v e n if o n l y p a s s i v e l y . B u t after t h e w a r , n a t i o n a l i s t s w e r e a b l e t o h a r n e s s n o t o n l y the frustrations o f the urban masses but also rural discontent to d e m a n d political c o n c e s s i o n s . W h e r e these w e r e resisted b y the colonial p o w e r s , nationalists w e r e able to mobilise armed resistance n o t o n l y in the t o w n s b u t in the c o u n t r y s i d e , w h e r e n o t e v e n m a s s i v e m i l i t a r y f o r c e as u s e d in A l g e r i a a n d t h e P o r t u g u e s e c o l o n i e s c o u l d s u b d u e p e o p l e fighting o n t h e i r o w n g r o u n d . T h e s i t u a t i o n w a s m a d e t h e m o r e difficult f o r t h e i n t r a n s i g e n t c o l o n i a l p o w e r s once countries like M o r o c c o and Tunisia had gained i n d e p e n d e n c e and c o u l d s u p p o r t an A l g e r i a n i n d e p e n d e n c e m o v e m e n t , o r as l a t e r T a n z a n i a c o u l d s u p p o r t M o z a m b i q u e . T h a t t h e c o l o n i a l e m p i r e s w o u l d b e d i s b a n d e d w i t h i n less t h a n t w o g e n e r a t i o n s - an e v e n t u a l i t y t h a t s e e m e d s o u n l i k e l y in 1 9 3 9 - is c o m p r e h e n s i b l e in t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r b o t h as a r e s u l t o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t s i n t h e c o n t i n e n t t h a t it s p e e d e d u p a n d t h e n e w e c o n o m i c , s o c i a l a n d p o l i t i c a l f o r c e s it set in m o t i o n . R e t r o s p e c t i v e l y , t o o , w e c a n s e e t h a t t h e g r a d u a l loss o f will for e m p i r e o n the part o f the colonial p o w e r s w a s a c c o m p a n i e d b y a r e a l i s a t i o n t h a t A f r i c a n s , in s e e k i n g t h e p o l i t i c a l k i n g d o m , h a d l o s t s i g h t o f t h e e c o n o m i c k i n g d o m . T h u s it s u i t e d the colonial p o w e r s , especially w h e r e they w e r e not embarrassed by, or c o m m i t t e d to, a rival w h i t e nationalism, to c o n c e d e the 50

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CONCLUSION

p o l i t i c a l k i n g d o m w h i l s t r e t a i n i n g as m u c h c o n t r o l as p o s s i b l e o f t h e i r e c o n o m i c e m p i r e . F o r b y a n d l a r g e , o f c o u r s e , it w a s t h e e d u c a t e d e l i t e t h a t i n h e r i t e d t h e c o l o n i a l k i n g d o m , s o t h a t i n real t e r m s t h e l o t o f t h e m a j o r i t y o f i n h a b i t a n t s c h a n g e d v e r y little w i t h the c h a n g e f r o m w h i t e to black c o n t r o l . T h e w o r l d capitalist system had deeply i m p r e g n a t e d the colonial structures b y the e v e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e and the elites w h o g a i n e d i n d e p e n d e n c e w e r e loath to f o r g o the v e r y o b v i o u s personal benefits that these structures immediately b r o u g h t them. Indeed u p until the end o f our period very few African countries had s o u g h t alternatives to the e c o n o m i c structures they had inherited, h o w e v e r m u c h socialist o r M a r x i s t w i n d o w - d r e s s i n g they m a y h a v e displayed. T h e drama o f the s t r u g g l e for i n d e p e n d e n c e and the p r o b l e m s o f t h e i n d e p e n d e n t l e a d e r s after it, as t h e n e x t c h a p t e r s h o w s , is t h a t the independence the Africans t o o k , and the i n d e p e n d e n c e the c o l o n i a l i s t s g a v e , w a s i n effect a q u a l i f i e d i n d e p e n d e n c e , f o r t h e r e a l i t y o f p o w e r , c o n t r o l o f t h e e c o n o m y , w a s still t o b e f o u n d overseas.

5i

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C H A P T E R

2

DECOLONISATION AND THE PROBLEMS OF I N D E P E N D E N C E

F o r m i l l i o n s o f p e o p l e s in A f r i c a - a n d t h o s e w i t h liberal incli­ nations outside Africa - t w o decades o f independence

brought

little b u t d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t . F o r the A f r i c a n s , the nationalist agita­ tions o f the 1930s d o w n t o the m i d - 1 9 5 0 s p r o m i s e d a n e w era o f political

self-assertion

and

freedom

from

foreign

imperialist

domination. T h e vision o f what was to c o m e was well put by K w a m e N k r u m a h o f G h a n a w h e n he said: ' S e e k ye

first

the

political k i n g d o m and e v e r y t h i n g else shall b e a d d e d u n t o y o u / I n d e p e n d e n c e w a s t o b e the m i l l e n n i u m w h e n the A f r i c a n , after decades o f b e i n g e x p l o i t e d and o p p r e s s e d , w a s t o c o m e i n t o his o w n ' i n h e r i t a n c e ' . T o the liberals o f E u r o p e and N o r t h A m e r i c a , the nationalist rhetoric o f f r e e d o m and equality w a s a reassertion o f t h e i d e a l s t h e y h a d c h e r i s h e d a n d p r o c l a i m e d . B u t after t w o decades o f i n d e p e n d e n c e these h o p e s and ideals w e r e replaced b y d e s p a i r as p l u r a l i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s w e r e s u p p l a n t e d b y m i l i t a r y r u l e in m a n y states a n d the p r o m i s e o f p l e n t y g a v e w a y , i f n o t t o the increasing i m p o v e r i s h m e n t o f the masses, then m o s t certainly to r e l a t i v e s t a g n a t i o n . F o r e x a m p l e , it h a s b e e n e s t i m a t e d t h a t t h e a v e r a g e A f r i c a n s t a t e g r e w l e s s f o o d p e r c a p i t a i n 1 9 6 8 t h a n it h a d d o n e in 1956, w h i l e the per capita g r o s s d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t

at

m a r k e t p r i c e s s t o o d i n 1 9 7 0 at $200, a figure w h i c h h a d c h a n g e d l i t t l e f r o m w h a t it h a d b e e n a d e c a d e e a r l i e r .

1

A t t e m p t s at e x p l a i n i n g t h e ' A f r i c a n p r e d i c a m e n t '

2

have been

m a n y and v a r i e d b u t p e r h a p s the m o s t p e r c e p t i v e are t h o s e o f the 'structural analysts' o r dependence theorists. A s put by O s v a l d o S u n k e l , d e p e n d e n c e is t h a t s y s t e m w h i c h l i n k s e x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s and

constraints,

financial,

often

operating

through

'hidden

or

economic, technical and cultural' mechanisms,

1

subtle with

' W o r l d hunger: causes and remedies', report by the Transnational Institute (Washington D C , 1974). Stanislao Andreski, The African predicament ( L o n d o n , 1968). 2

5*

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DECOLONISATION AND INDEPENDENCE

i n t e r n a l p r o c e s s e s o f u n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t c h a r a c t e r i s e d b y t h e ' selfreinforcing accumulations o f p r i v i l e g e ' o n the o n e hand and the existence o f a ' m a r g i n a l class' o n the other.

1

T h o u g h there are

different f o r m u l a t i o n s o f d e p e n d e n c y t h e o r y , c o m m o n t o a l l t h e t h e o r i s t s is t h e p o s t u l a t i o n o f a p a t t e r n o f u n e q u a l , a s y m m e t r i c exchange relationships w h i c h consistently and persistently operate to the a d v a n t a g e o f the o n e partner and to the d i s a d v a n t a g e o f t h e o t h e r . T h e r e s u l t is t h e e m e r g e n c e w i t h i n t h e

international

system o f d o m i n a n t and d e p e n d e n t actors, or, in the l a n g u a g e o f Galtung,

o f a conflict b e t w e e n

'centre'

and

'periphery'

or

b e t w e e n ' m e t r o p o l i s ' and 'satellite' to use G u n d e r F r a n k ' s and Samir

Amin's terminology.

2

T h e net

outcome

of

dependent

relationships 'is e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t for the centre and e c o ­ n o m i c u n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t for the p e r i p h e r y ; military ascendancy, highly developed means o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n and cultural expansion on the one hand, and military inferiority, primitive means

of

3

c o m m u n i c a t i o n and cultural e m u l a t i o n o n the o t h e r ' . A s G u s t a v o L a g o s h a s p u t it, t h e d e p e n d e n t a c t o r suffers f r o m a b s o l u t e or extreme deprivation.

4

atimia

W h i l e t h i s b r o a d c h a r a c t e r i s a t i o n is n o

d o u b t i l l u m i n a t i n g , it d o e s n o t c o v e r a d e q u a t e l y t h e c o m p l e x i t i e s and peculiarities o f specific situations w i t h i n the A f r i c a n predica­ ment.

W e e x a m i n e this

predicament

first

b y l o o k i n g at

the

different w a y s i n w h i c h A f r i c a n s t a t e s o b t a i n e d t h e i r i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d s e c o n d l y b y e x a m i n i n g t h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l e g a c y . T h i s is f o l l o w e d b y a discussion o f s o m e specific p r o b l e m s : those o f the bureaucracy and

the e c o n o m y , the related

problem

o f social

m o b i l i s a t i o n , t h e m i l i t a r y a n d m i l i t a r i s m a n d , finally, t h e p r o b l e m o f political leadership and political succession. T h e c h o i c e o f issues m a y s e e m arbitrary g i v e n the o f p r o b l e m s c o n f r o n t i n g A f r i c a n states b e f o r e a n d

multitude

particularly

s i n c e i n d e p e n d e n c e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , it h a s s o m e r a t i o n a l e . B a s i c a l l y , w e c o u l d d i c h o t o m i s e t h e set o f p r o b l e m s i n t o t w o s u b - s e t s . T h e first c o n s i s t s o f i s s u e s i n h e r e n t i n t h e n a t u r e o f A f r i c a n s o c i a l a n d O s v a l d o S u n k e l , ' Big business and " dependencia " F o r e i g n Affairs, 50, April 1972, 519. Q u o t e d in Joseph A . Camilleri, Civilisation in crisis (Cambridge, 1977), 7 1 - 2 . A . G u n d e r Frank, ' L u m p e n bourgeoisie and lumpen development', trans. Marian D . Berdecio ( N U Monthly R e v i e w Press, 1972); J. G a l t u n g , ' A structural theory o f 1

2

imperialism', Journal of Peace Research, 1971, 8, 2; Samir A m i n , Neo-colonialism in West Africa, trans. Francis M c D o n a g h ( L o n d o n , 1976). 3

4

Camilleri, Civilisation in crisis, 72. G u s t a v o Lagos, International stratification and underdeveloped countries (North Carolina,

1963).

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DECOLONISATION AND

INDEPENDENCE

political systems antecedent to the i m p o s i t i o n o f colonial rule, for e x a m p l e , the h e t e r o g e n e i t y o f these systems, their socio-structural v a r i e t y a n d t h e p r o b l e m s w h i c h t h e s e in t u r n c r e a t e d f o r s t a t e f o r m a t i o n . T h e s e c o n d s u b - s e t is c o m p o s e d o f d i f f i c u l t i e s w h i c h c o u l d b e said t o h a v e arisen f r o m , and b e intimately b o u n d u p w i t h , the dialectical l o g i c o f the colonial situation and the nature o f the independence settlement, for e x a m p l e , bureaucratic style and leadership, and the f r a m e w o r k o f political contestation. E m p i r i c a l l y , the sub-sets are c l o s e l y interrelated, the o n e i m ­ p i n g i n g o n and s h a p i n g the other. A n a l y t i c a l l y , h o w e v e r , the pre-colonial and colonial d i c h o t o m y can be made w i t h a degree o f v a l i d i t y , and the c h o i c e o f p r o b l e m s has b e e n dictated b y that dichotomy. A s outlined a b o v e , the basic p r o b l e m c o n f r o n t i n g the A f r i c a n states - a n d t h i r d - w o r l d c o u n t r i e s i n g e n e r a l - is t h a t o f p o v e r t y , w h i c h i n i t s e l f is t o b e e x p l a i n e d i n t e r m s o f a d e p e n d e n c y r e l a t i o n s h i p , w h i c h is a f u n c t i o n o f s p e c i f i c s t r u c t u r a l a n d b e ­ h a v i o u r a l v a r i a b l e s . A f r i c a n s t a t e s , it is c o n t e n d e d , c a n n o t e x p e c t to escape from the d e g r a d a t i o n o f p o v e r t y unless they break the d e p e n d e n c y relationship w h i c h binds t h e m to the d e v e l o p e d , industrial nations in an e x p l o i t a t i v e n e x u s . A b r e a k w o u l d require n o t o n l y r a d i c a l c h a n g e s in t h e p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e s o f t h e s e states b u t a l s o a t t i t u d i n a l c h a n g e s o n t h e p a r t o f t h e élite - the b u r e a u c r a t i c - m a n a g e r i a l a n d political élite, the military and the intelligentsia. T h u s , far f r o m b e i n g a r b i t r a r y , t h e r e a r e c o g e n t h i s t o r i c a l a n d theoretical warrants for the choice o f p r o b l e m s for examination. O u r analysis f o c u s e s o n the p r o b l e m s that A f r i c a n states h a v e e x p e r i e n c e d s i n c e g a i n i n g t h e i r i n d e p e n d e n c e ; b u t , as w e h a v e already s u g g e s t e d , these cannot be u n d e r s t o o d w i t h o u t reference to the p r o c e s s w h e r e b y this i n d e p e n d e n c e w a s g a i n e d .

PATHS TO

INDEPENDENCE

T h e year i960 has been described, n o t w i t h o u t s o m e justification, as ' t h e y e a r o f A f r i c a ' . S o m e 16 states - C a m e r o u n , t h e C e n t r a l African Republic, Chad, Congo-Brazzaville (now C o n g o ) , C o n g o L é o p o l d v i l l e ( n o w Zaire), D a h o m e y ( n o w Benin), G a b o n , the Ivory Coast, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Somalia, T o g o a n d U p p e r V o l t a - b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t , s o v e r e i g n states 54

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

PATHS

TO

INDEPENDENCE

Eüi] 1 9 6 1 - 6 6 r

~l Not independent in 1966 R

Ruanda

4

0

B Burundi

ß

A f r i c a : the p a t h t o i n d e p e n d e n c e ,

{

'

2 0 0 0 km KX)0 miles

1956-66.

in t h a t y e a r . O t h e r states f o l l o w e d i n q u i c k s u c c e s s i o n : S i e r r a L e o n e a n d T a n g a n y i k a in 1 9 6 1 , B u r u n d i , R w a n d a a n d U g a n d a in 1962, K e n y a in 1963, N y a s a l a n d a n d N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a in 1964, t h e G a m b i a i n 1965 a n d B e c h u a n a l a n d a n d B a s u t o l a n d i n 1 9 6 6 . T h e first c o l o n y t o b e c o m e i n d e p e n d e n t i n A f r i c a w a s L i b e r i a , in 1 8 4 7 . I t b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t s o o n after it w a s s e t t l e d w i t h s l a v e s r e p a t r i a t e d f r o m t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . O v e r t h e n e x t 60 y e a r s t h e rest 55

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

DECOLONISATION AND

INDEPENDENCE

o f the continent w a s o c c u p i e d b y the E u r o p e a n c o l o n i a l p o w e r s in o n e f o r m o r a n o t h e r a n d o n l y E t h i o p i a r e m a i n e d effectively i n d e p e n d e n t . A n d e v e n s h e w a s i n v a d e d b y I t a l y i n 1935 a n d i n c o r p o r a t e d into the Italian E a s t A f r i c a n e m p i r e until her liberation b y A l l i e d forces in 1941 d u r i n g the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r . If w e except E g y p t , w h o s e exercise o f sovereignty continued to be constrained b y the presence o f British troops o n the S u e z Canal u n t i l 1 9 5 6 , t h e first E u r o p e a n c o l o n y t o g a i n i n d e p e n d e n c e after L i b e r i a w a s L i b y a i n 1 9 5 1 . O v e r t h e n e x t 26 y e a r s i m p e r i a l r u l e in A f r i c a w a s d i s m a n t l e d , t h e F r e n c h T e r r i t o r y o f t h e A f a r s a n d I s s a s g a i n i n g i n d e p e n d e n c e as t h e R e p u b l i c o f D j i b o u t i i n 1 9 7 7 . R h o d e s i a , S o u t h A f r i c a a n d its d e p e n d e n c y , S o u t h W e s t A f r i c a ( N a m i b i a ) , still r e m a i n e d as w h i t e - d o m i n a t e d t e r r i t o r i e s b u t independent o f imperial control from E u r o p e . 1

I n d e p e n d e n c e c a m e t o the different A f r i c a n states in a v a r i e t y o f w a y s , t h e p r o c e s s o f d e c o l o n i s a t i o n d e p e n d i n g , i n t h e m a i n , first o n the colonising p o w e r , and second o n the nature o f the c o l o n y itself, in p a r t i c u l a r w h e t h e r o r n o t it h a d a s i z e a b l e w h i t e - s e t t l e r element. In W e s t Africa — the stretch o f territories e x t e n d i n g f r o m Senegal to Z a i r e - the c o l o n i s i n g p o w e r s w e r e Britain, France, B e l g i u m , Spain and Portugal. In n o n e o f these w a s there a significant white-settler element. W h i l e Britain, B e l g i u m and S p a i n a d m i n i s t e r e d t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s as s e p a r a t e p o l i t i c a l a n d administrative units, the F r e n c h territories, other than those under U n i t e d N a t i o n s T r u s t e e s h i p , w e r e g o v e r n e d as t w o * f e d e r a t i o n s ' o f states, A f r i q u e O c c i d e n t a l e Française ( A O F ) and A f r i q u e Equatoriale Française ( A E F ) . W h e r e Britain had f o l l o w e d a policy a i m e d at t h e u l t i m a t e a t t a i n m e n t o f c o m p l e t e i n d e p e n d e n c e b y each o f her colonies, France, B e l g i u m , P o r t u g a l and Spain had maintained a s y s t e m o f * D i r e c t R u l e ', the l o n g - t e r m a i m o f w h i c h was to turn Africans into French, Belgian, Portuguese or Spanish ' c i t i z e n s ' as t h e c a s e m i g h t b e . F o r the British territories in W e s t A f r i c a and e l s e w h e r e o n the c o n t i n e n t w h e r e there w e r e n o sizeable settler e l e m e n t s , the process o f d e c o l o n i s a t i o n b e c a m e a g r a d u a t e d transfer o f p o w e r to an e m e r g e n t ' m i d d l e class ' o f l a w y e r s , teachers, d o c t o r s and journalists, w h o spearheaded the v a r i o u s nationalist m o v e m e n t s w h i c h h a d g r o w n u p in the s e c o n d and third d e c a d e s o f the 1

T h i s does not of course take account of white-settler colonies ; the O r a n g e Free State gained independence in 1854 and the U n i o n of South Africa in 1910.

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INDEPENDENCE

twentieth century. T h e pattern w a s n o t unlike that w h i c h had o c c u r r e d earlier in places like India and C e y l o n . First, there w a s the creation o f legislative institutions w i t h limited p o w e r s , w h i c h w a s usually a c c o m p a n i e d b y the g r a n t i n g o f a restricted franchise. T h i s almost invariably e n c o u r a g e d the formation o f political parties. T h e s e c o n d stage f o l l o w e d w i t h the e x t e n s i o n o f the area o f discretion a l l o w e d to the legislative assemblies and a b r o a d e n i n g o f the franchise. T h i s w a s succeeded b y the third stage, the granting o f internal s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t w h i c h led, often w i t h i n a y e a r o r t w o , t o t h e final s t a g e o f full i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d s o v e r e i g n status. B e c a u s e the British-administered territories in w e s t e r n A f r i c a w e r e g o v e r n e d as s e p a r a t e e n t i t i e s , t h e p r o c e s s o f t h e t r a n s f e r o f p o w e r i n v o l v e d m i n i m u m d i s r u p t i o n . A n d h e r e i n lies t h e m a i n contrast w i t h the F r e n c h territories. France had c o n c e i v e d o f A O F (French West Africa) and A E F (French Equatorial A f r i c a G a b o n , C h a d , t h e C e n t r a l A f r i c a n R e p u b l i c , a n d C o n g o ) as * federations' to be united w i t h France. F o r F r a n c e , the future o f h e r A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s w a s n o t t o b e full s o v e r e i g n t y b u t a u t o n o m y w i t h i n a g r e a t e r F r e n c h U n i o n , o r F r a n c o - A f r i c a n C o m m u n i t y as it l a t e r c a m e t o b e c a l l e d . N o t u n e x p e c t e d l y , t h i s p o l i c y m e t w i t h o p p o s i t i o n f r o m t w o m a i n s o u r c e s : first f r o m t h e ' r a d i c a l ' politicians w h o rejected any idea o f a ' q u a l i f i e d ' i n d e p e n d e n c e ; a n d s e c o n d l y , f r o m ' c o n s e r v a t i v e ' a n d rich states like the I v o r y C o a s t and G a b o n w h o s e leaders t h o u g h t that they s t o o d to gain m o r e b y b e i n g d i r e c t l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h F r a n c e t h a n i n d i r e c t l y as m e m b e r s o f a federation. In A O F , the I v o r y C o a s t had p r o v i d e d the major part o f the ' s u r p l u s ' w i t h w h i c h the ' f e d e r a t i o n ' w a s m a i n t a i n e d , w h i l e G a b o n w a s in the s a m e p o s i t i o n w i t h respect to A E F . T h e radical leaders o f the p o o r e r states w a n t e d i n d e ­ pendence w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f the federations, seeing the proposal to d e v o l v e political p o w e r o n the constituent territories r a t h e r t h a n t h e g r o u p as a w h o l e as o n e a i m e d at d e l i b e r a t e 'balkanisation'. T h e t u r n i n g p o i n t in F r e n c h p o l i c y in b o t h A O F and A E F c a m e i n 1958 w h e n G e n e r a l C h a r l e s d e G a u l l e b e c a m e P r e s i d e n t o f F r a n c e . H e offered the c o n s t i t u e n t territories o f b o t h these f e d e r a t i o n s , as d i s t i n c t f r o m t h e f e d e r a t i o n s t h e m s e l v e s , t h e c h o i c e of autonomy within a Franco-African C o m m u n i t y or indepen­ d e n c e w i t h all its c o n s e q u e n c e s , w h i c h i n effect m e a n t t h e 57

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DECOLONISATION AND INDEPENDENCE

Table 2.1.

Economic profile offormer AOF states less Mauritania c. 1961. Index of agric. production

State Dahomey Guinea Ivory Coast Mali Niger Senegal Upper Volta Source-.

GDP 1961 in Per capita $ US million GDP 1963 160 190 470 250 170

111 122 201 116 148

70 96 188 66 77 183

5 3° 180

Morrison et a/.,

1960-1 (1954 = 100)

Black Africa

1.1 -7 4.8

i-3 -1.6 -1.4 0.1

^3

(New York,

1972),

1961-8

2

140

45

Growth rate GDP per capita

50-3.

s e v e r a n c e o f all F r e n c h a i d . G u i n e a a l o n e o p t e d f o r t h e s e c o n d alternative, and F r a n c e p u l l e d o u t , l e a v i n g in her w a k e a nearcollapsing country.

G u i n e a ' s fate at

first

s e r v e d as a

terrible

w a r n i n g to those w h o had v o t e d to stay w i t h F r a n c e and c o n t i n u e to enjoy her considerable aid. A t the same time her i n d e p e n d e n c e , and

the f o r t h c o m i n g

independence

o f the F r e n c h

UN

Trust

T e r r i t o r i e s o f T o g o a n d C a m e r o u n as w e l l as t h a t o f n e i g h b o u r i n g B r i t i s h states p r o v e d irresistibly attractive a n d e a c h C o m m u n i t y state n e g o t i a t e d an i n d e p e n d e n c e w i t h F r a n c e that w o u l d e n s u r e it c o n t i n u e d t o r e c e i v e F r e n c h a i d . If the m o v e t o w a r d s i n d e p e n d e n c e in the British W e s t A f r i c a n states, A O F , A E F a n d the British E a s t A f r i c a n states o f U g a n d a and T a n g a n y i k a had b e e n relatively peaceful, that in the B e l g i a n t e r r i t o r i e s w a s far f r o m b e i n g s o . I n n e i t h e r its T r u s t T e r r i t o r i e s o f R w a n d a a n d B u r u n d i , n o r its h u g e C o n g o e s t a t e , d i d B e l g i u m , unlike Britain and France, attempt to create any national political institutions b e f o r e 1 9 5 9 . A n d then, in the B e l g i a n C o n g o ,

the

p r o p o s e d constitutional reforms a l l o w e d only for direct elections at t h e l o c a l - g o v e r n m e n t l e v e l , t h o u g h t h e s e h a d b e e n i n t r o d u c e d in 1 9 5 6 i n b o t h R w a n d a a n d B u r u n d i . W h i l e t h e s e t w o c o u n t r i e s h a d h a d s o m e e x p o s u r e t o t h e o u t s i d e w o r l d as a r e s u l t o f t h e i r s t a t u s as U N T r u s t T e r r i t o r i e s , t h e C o n g o w a s f o r all p r a c t i c a l p u r p o s e s i s o l a t e d f r o m it b y B e l g i u m . W i t h t h e i n d e p e n d e n c e o f 58

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PATHS TO

INDEPENDENCE

G h a n a in 19 5 7 a n d t h e g r u d g i n g offer b y d e G a u l l e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e to the f r a n c o p h o n e A f r i c a n states, B e l g i a n administration o f the C o n g o c a m e to be seriously questioned b y the handful o f A f r i c a n nationalists, principal a m o n g s t w h o m w a s Patrice L u m u m b a , w h o h a d e m e r g e d as p o t e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s . A f e w d a y s after L u m u m b a r e t u r n e d f r o m t h e P a n - A f r i c a n C o n f e r e n c e h e l d in A c c r a in D e c e m b e r 1 9 5 8 , r i o t i n g b r o k e o u t in L e o p o l d v i l l e . T h e Belgian governor-general, w h o had advocated establishing a parliament for the C o n g o b y the end o f i960 - an indication o f t h e p o l i t i c a l v a c u u m in t h e c o u n t r y - a n d i n d e p e n d e n c e b y 1963 ( a l t e r e d at t h e e n d o f 1 9 5 9 t o i n d e p e n d e n c e i n i 9 6 0 ) , w a s f o r c e d b y c o n s e r v a t i v e protests to r e s i g n in 1 9 5 9 . T h e r e a f t e r there w a s e f f e c t i v e l y a v o l t e - f a c e b y t h e B e l g i a n g o v e r n m e n t a n d at t h e f a m o u s T a b l e R o n d e h e l d i n B e l g i u m i n J a n u a r y i 9 6 0 it w a s agreed to accede to C o n g o l e s e d e m a n d s for political freedom and grant i n d e p e n d e n c e w i t h i n six m o n t h s , a l t h o u g h A f r i c a n delegates h a d t a l k e d in t e r m s o f i n d e p e n d e n c e w i t h i n f o u r y e a r s . I n J u n e i960, w i t h the political institutions o f s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t barely established, the B e l g i a n s m o v e d o u t o f the C o n g o , o n l y to return t e m p o r a r i l y a m o n t h l a t e r t o p r o t e c t B e l g i a n c i v i l i a n s still l i v i n g there. T h e t o o - h a s t y w i t h d r a w a l o f B e l g i u m w a s t h e s i g n a l f o r all h e l l t o b r e a k l o o s e in t h e n e w l y i n d e p e n d e n t c o u n t r y . T h e F o r c e P u b l i q u e , w h i c h p a s s e d as t h e C o n g o l e s e a r m y , m u t i n i e d a n d K a t a n g a , the richest r e g i o n o f the C o n g o , seceded under M o i s e T s h o m b e o n 11 J u l y . I n t h e c a p i t a l , L e o p o l d v i l l e ( n o w K i n s h a s a ) , a g a m e o f musical chairs for the leadership b e g a n , w h i l e there w e r e threats o f further secession. T h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s , in r e s p o n s e t o a p p e a l s b y t h e P r e s i d e n t , J o s e p h K a s a v u b u , and the P r i m e Minister, Patrice L u m u m b a , ' t o protect the national territory o f the C o n g o against the present e x t e r n a l a g g r e s s i o n w h i c h is a t h r e a t t o i n t e r n a t i o n a l p e a c e ' , s e n t a m i s s i o n t o t h e C o n g o o n 1 4 J u l y i 9 6 0 . W i t h its a r r i v a l b e g a n i n c r e a s e d g r e a t - p o w e r i n v o l v e m e n t i n t h e affairs o f t h e C o n g o , a n i n v o l v e m e n t w h i c h w a s to lead to the death o f the U N SecretaryGeneral, D a g H a m m a r s k j o l d , o n 17 S e p t e m b e r 1 9 6 1 . T h e c o n f u s e d state o f C o n g o l e s e p o l i t i c s is d i s c u s s e d i n d e t a i l in C h a p t e r 1 4 . H e r e , it is s u f f i c i e n t t o n o t e t h a t t h e U N S e c u r i t y F o r c e s , w a l k i n g t h e t i g h t - r o p e o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s , finally s u c c e e d e d in e a r l y 1963 in r e u n i t i n g K a t a n g a w i t h t h e r e s t o f t h e 59

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DECOLONISATION

A N D

I N D E P E N D E N C E

c o u n t r y a n d t h e m s e l v e s p u l l i n g o u t o f the C o n g o in 1964. T h u s , t h o u g h i n d e p e n d e n c e w a s p r o c l a i m e d in J u n e i960, the s e m b l a n c e o f a state did n o t b e g i n t o e m e r g e in the C o n g o until f o u r years later. T h e e x p e r i e n c e o f the C o n g o thus m a r k s an e x t r e m e case o f o n e approach to independence by an African state. Portugal, unlike Britain, B e l g i u m and

France

1

(except

with

r e s p e c t t o A l g e r i a ) s a w h e r A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s as a n e x t e n s i o n o f P o r t u g a l itself. A n g o l a , M o z a m b i q u e , C a p e V e r d e a n d G u i n e a Bissau were not

just c o l o n i e s , t h e y

w e r e part and

parcel

of

P o r t u g a l , or so they w e r e regarded b y the P o r t u g u e s e g o v e r n m e n t u n d e r Salazar, w h e t h e r o r n o t they had n e g l i g i b l e settler p o p u ­ l a t i o n s as i n C a p e V e r d e a n d G u i n e a - B i s s a u , o r l a r g e o n e s as in the case o f A n g o l a and M o z a m b i q u e . F r o m the P o r t u g u e s e point o f v i e w there c o u l d be n o question o f independence for territories.

That

would

be

like talking

these

o f independence

for

Portugal, w h i c h w o u l d be meaningless. But Portugal could hardly e x p e c t t o k e e p its t e r r i t o r i e s i s o l a t e d f r o m t h e p o l i t i c a l c h a n g e s t a k i n g p l a c e all o v e r A f r i c a . W i t h P o r t u g a l u n w i l l i n g a n d

unpre­

pared to make any concessions, there w a s but one option

open

t o the nationalist leaders - a r m e d s t r u g g l e . B y the sixties, this had t a k e n t h e f o r m o f o r g a n i s e d g u e r r i l l a w a r f a r e , w h i c h is d i s c u s s e d in detail in C h a p t e r

1 5 . W i t h i n ten years, the cost o f counter­

revolutionary warfare was b e c o m i n g unbearable

for

Portugal,

w h i c h w a s t h e n s p e n d i n g as m u c h as 4 2 p e r c e n t o f its b u d g e t o n m a i n t a i n i n g its a r m e d p e r s o n n e l i n t h e s e t e r r i t o r i e s . was

fighting

a l o s i n g b a t t l e a n d in 1 9 7 4 w a s

finally

Portugal

d e f e a t e d in

G u i n e a - B i s s a u , M o z a m b i q u e a n d A n g o l a , in m u c h t h e s a m e w a y t h a t t h e F r e n c h h a d b e e n in I n d o - C h i n a t w o d e c a d e s e a r l i e r . A n g o l a p r e s e n t e d a different situation f r o m M o z a m b i q u e and G u i n e a - B i s s a u . F i r s t , it is m o r e r i c h l y e n d o w e d b y n a t u r e , a n d l i k e the C o n g o w a s therefore e x p e c t e d to attract international

interest.

S e c o n d , b e c a u s e o f its h e t e r o g e n e o u s p o p u l a t i o n , it w a s u n a b l e to p r o d u c e a political leadership acceptable t o all, w i t h the result that

the

factions:

liberation the

movement

Movimento

splintered

Popular

de

into

three

Liberta9áo

de

warring Angola

( M P L A ) ; the Frente N a c i o n a l de L i b e r t a d o de A n g o l a ( F N L A ) ; and the U n i á o N a c i o n a l para a Independencia T o t a l de A n g o l a ( U N I T A - initially a b r e a k a w a y f r o m the F N L A ) . T h e s t r u g g l e 1

See the classic study by Crawford Y o u n g , Politics in the Congo (Princeton, 1965).

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TO

INDEPENDENCE

for liberation thus b e c a m e c o m p o u n d e d b y an internal civil w a r and w a s the signal for external, g r e a t - p o w e r i n v o l v e m e n t , w i t h the S o v i e t U n i o n , C u b a a n d a n u m b e r o f A f r i c a n states ( N i g e r i a w a s o n e ) s u p p o r t i n g t h e M P L A ; t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , its A f r i c a n p r o t e g e , Z a i r e ( w h i c h had ambitions t o w a r d s the oil-rich e n c l a v e o f Cabinda) and, interestingly, the P e o p l e s ' R e p u b l i c o f C h i n a s u p p o r t i n g the F N L A ; and U N I T A appealing to S o u t h Africa for m i l i t a r y s u p p o r t . C u b a n s o l d i e r s , o v e r 4000 o f t h e m , a n d S o v i e t and Y u g o s l a v w e a p o n s ultimately w o n the day for the M P L A and A n g o l a b e c a m e a n i n d e p e n d e n t s t a t e in 1 9 7 5 , t h u s e n d i n g 400 years o f colonial rule b y P o r t u g a l in Africa. In those territories that w e r e politically d o m i n a t e d b y w h i t e s e t t l e r s , u n l i k e t h e a r e a s d i s c u s s e d s o far, t h e d i a l e c t i c s o f liberation had i n v o l v e d n o t just the c o l o n i s e r and the c o l o n i s e d but also the white-settler element. In these territories, therefore, rather than a binary relationship, w e are c o n f r o n t e d b y a triad. T h e classic case here w a s A l g e r i a , w h i c h the F r e n c h started o c c u p y i n g in 1 8 3 4 after it h a d b e e n o c c u p i e d b y a v a r i e t y o f c o n q u e r i n g rulers in the p r e c e d i n g centuries. T h o u g h largely M u s l i m A r a b and B e r b e r in p o p u l a t i o n , A l g e r i a rapidly attracted n o n - M u s l i m E u r o p e a n settlers. W i t h i n a d e c a d e o f F r e n c h c o l ­ o n i s a t i o n , this e l e m e n t h a d g r o w n t o a b o u t 4 6 0 0 0 . B y 1880 t h e figure w a s s o m e 2 7 6 0 0 0 , r i s i n g i n 1 9 1 2 t o 7 8 1 0 0 0 a n d t o o v e r a million b y i960. W i t h the influx o f w h i t e settlers there f o l l o w e d t h e f o r c e f u l a c q u i s i t i o n o f l a n d a n d b y 1868 t h e n u m b e r s d i s p o s ­ sessed o f land h a d g r o w n so l a r g e that, in a n a t i o n - w i d e famine w h i c h b r o k e o u t t h a t y e a r , s o m e 500000 M u s l i m s w e r e f e a r e d t o h a v e died. B y 1 9 5 5 , A l g e r i a ' s settler element, w h i c h f o r m e d 11 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n , o w n e d m o r e t h a n 25 p e r c e n t o f the arable land and earned o v e r 5 o per cent o f the i n c o m e d e r i v e d f r o m a g r i c u l t u r e a n d s o m e 90 p e r c e n t o f t h a t f r o m e x p o r t s . T h e F r e n c h , b e c a u s e o f A l g e r i a ' s p r o x i m i t y a n d t h e s i z e o f its s e t t l e r p o p u l a t i o n , r e g a r d e d it as p a r t o f F r a n c e a n d a d m i n i s t e r e d it as s u c h . A s in t h e B e l g i a n a n d P o r t u g u e s e t e r r i t o r i e s , l i t t l e i f any attempt w a s made to e v o l v e or d e v e l o p local political institutions, w h i l e d e m a n d s for these w e r e met w i t h brutal r e p r e s s i o n , as i n t h e p r o t e s t m a r c h i n S e t i f i n 1 9 4 5 , a f o r e t a s t e o f revolt. A l t h o u g h the A l g e r i a n Statute o f 1947 created a local a s s e m b l y in w h i c h h a l f t h e seats w e r e h e l d b y M u s l i m s , a n d

61

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DECOLONISATION

AND

I N D E P E N D E N C E

p r o v i d e d for M u s l i m representation in the F r e n c h N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y , settler interests ensured that nationalists d i d n o t profit f r o m it (see C h a p t e r n ) . D e m a n d s b y n a t i o n a l i s t s f o r e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the g o v e r n m e n t o f their c o u n t r y w e r e c o n s i s t e n t l y b l o c k e d b y the w h i t e - s e t t l e r p o p u l a t i o n a n d w h e n t h e y finally resorted t o arms to press their case the settlers w e r e b a c k e d b y the F r e n c h a r m y in A l g e r i a , w h i c h b e c a m e a l a w u n t o itself and w a s prepared to defy the metropolitan g o v e r n m e n t s h o u l d the latter a t t e m p t a n y r e f o r m . T h e w e a k n e s s e s and d i v i s i o n s o f the g o v e r n m e n t s o f the F o u r t h F r e n c h R e p u b l i c did n o t i m p r o v e m a t t e r s , a n d t h e A l g e r i a n r e b e l l i o n w h e n it b e g a n l e d , i n effect, t o t h e c o l l a p s e o f t h a t R e p u b l i c . R e b e l l i o n finally b r o k e o u t i n 1 9 5 4 and w a s led b y y o u n g A l g e r i a n M u s l i m s w h o had acquired s o m e measure o f cosmopolitanism and a k n o w l e d g e o f Marxist revolutionary techniques. T h e y formed the F r o n t de Liberation N a t i o n a l e ( F L N ) , w h i c h h a d as its m i l i t a r y a r m t h e A r m e e Nationale de Liberation. T h e i r rebellion spread rapidly and by 1957 had g r o w n into a full-scale w a r b e t w e e n the A l g e r i a n w h i t e s and the M u s l i m p o p u l a t i o n . A t t e m p t s b y different p r i m e ministers o f t h e F o u r t h R e p u b l i c t o find a s o l u t i o n t o t h e A l g e r i a n w a r m e t w i t h little s u c c e s s . A t t h e e n d o f M a y 1 9 5 8 , t w o w e e k s b e f o r e t h e r e s i g n a t i o n o f P r e m i e r P i e r r e P f l i m l i n , t h e last P r i m e M i n i s t e r o f t h e R e p u b l i c , A l g e r i a n s e t t l e r s h a d i n fact r e b e l l e d a g a i n s t P a r i s and there w a s a plan to take o v e r the Paris g o v e r n m e n t t h r o u g h a c o u p to be led b y c o m m a n d e r s o f the A l g e r i a n army. T h a t the c o u p did not materialise can be attributed to G e n e r a l de G a u l l e , w h o w a s i n v i t e d to take p o w e r in F r a n c e w h e n the F o u r t h R e p u b l i c c o l l a p s e d . It w a s h e w h o b y c a r e f u l m a n o e u v r i n g s u c c e e d e d in i s o l a t i n g the rebel g e n e r a l s a n d b y skilful n e g o t i a t i o n s b r o u g h t the w a r t o an e n d . D e G a u l l e ' s first m o v e w a s t o offer A l g e r i a i n 1 9 5 9 a c h o i c e between independence, integration w i t h France or association w i t h F r a n c e , w h i c h c h o i c e w a s t o b e m a d e f o u r y e a r s after t h e e n d o f hostilities. T h i s p r o n o u n c e m e n t precipitated a r e v o l t in January i960 b y the E u r o p e a n c o m m u n i t y , w h i c h rejected any t a l k o f i n d e p e n d e n c e . T h e r e v o l t f a i l e d a n d its l e a d e r s w e r e s u b s e q u e n t l y a r r e s t e d , b u t it w a s t o b e f o l l o w e d b y a n o t h e r i n A p r i l 1 9 6 1 . O u t o f the collapse o f a third r e v o l t e m e r g e d the Organisation de T A r m e e Secrete ( O A S ) , w h i c h resorted to t e r r o r i s m a n d , c r e a t i n g fears o f r e p r i s a l s a m o n g s t t h e E u r o p e a n 62

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PATHS

TO

INDEPENDENCE

p o p u l a t i o n , forced an e x o d u s o f the settler c o m m u n i t y f r o m A l g e r i a . T h e l i q u i d a t i o n o f t h e O A S finally o p e n e d t h e w a y t o n e g o t i a t i o n s w h i c h l e d in J u l y 1 9 6 2 t o t h e i n d e p e n d e n c e o f Algeria. D i a l e c t i c a l l y , p e r h a p s o n e s h o u l d see t h e d i l e m m a o f w h i t e m i n o r i t y r u l e in A f r i c a as a p l a y in t h r e e a c t s , t h e first a c t h a v i n g b e e n p l a y e d in K e n y a w i t h t h e r e v o l t o f t h e K i k u y u ( t h e M a u - M a u r e b e l l i o n o f 1 9 5 2 - 6 ) . A s in A l g e r i a , E u r o p e a n - s e t t l e r e x p r o p r i ­ ation o f g o o d arable land w a s met w i t h m o u n t i n g resentment, especially b y the dispossessed K i k u y u , a resentment w h i c h led to t h e f o r m a t i o n o f t h e K e n y a A f r i c a n U n i o n in t h e late f o r t i e s u n d e r t h e l e a d e r s h i p o f J o m o K e n y a t t a (later t o b e c o m e p r i m e m i n i s t e r a n d s u b s e q u e n t l y p r e s i d e n t o f i n d e p e n d e n t K e n y a ) . W i t h little o p p o r t u n i t y o f r e d r e s s , w h a t s t a r t e d as an o r d i n a r y p o l i t i c a l p a r t y soon g r e w into a revolutionary m o v e m e n t w h i c h w a s f o l l o w e d b y o p e n r e b e l l i o n a n d t h e p r o c l a m a t i o n o f a state o f e m e r g e n c y w h i c h lasted until 1956. E v e n then c o u n t r y - w i d e political a c t i v i t y w a s n o t a l l o w e d u n t i l i 9 6 0 , a r e s t r i c t i o n w h i c h w a s later t o i n f l u e n c e , in n o s m a l l w a y , t h e p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e p a t t e r n o f p o l i t i c s . I f K e n y a c a n t h e n b e t a k e n as t h e first a c t in t h e d i a l e c t i c s o f w h i t e - s e t t l e r - A f r i c a n r e l a t i o n s , A l g e r i a m a y b e s e e n as t h e m i d d l e act, w i t h w h i t e - d o m i n a t e d s o u t h e r n A f r i c a p r o v i d i n g the last a c t - after w h i c h t h e e p i t a p h f o r w h i t e r u l e i n A f r i c a m a y perhaps be written. B e f o r e the end o f o u r period, the curtain had r i s e n o n t h a t last a c t . P a r t o f t h e s c e n a r i o f o r A l g e r i a n i n d e p e n d e n c e h a d a c l o s e p a r a l l e l in S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a w h e n in 1965 t h e w h i t e - m i n o r i t y s e t t l e r g r o u p r e b e l l e d a g a i n s t L o n d o n ' s efforts t o pressure them to m a k e concessions to African demands for p a r t i c i p a t i o n in t h e c o u n t r y ' s g o v e r n m e n t . T h e y p r o c l a i m e d t h e i r c o u n t r y i n d e p e n d e n t as ' R h o d e s i a ' , a n d t h o u g h t h e i r s t a t e w a s n e v e r r e c o g n i s e d i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y t h e y h a d t h e financial a n d m i l i t a r y r e s o u r c e s t o d e f y L o n d o n f o r 15 y e a r s . I n d e e d it w a s t h e s u c c e s s o f the A f r i c a n guerrilla w a r against the forces o f the illegal R h o d e s i a n r e g i m e t h a t finally b r o u g h t it t o t h e c o n f e r e n c e t a b l e a n d f o r c e d it t o a c c e p t t h e t r a n s f e r o f p o w e r f r o m t h e w h i t e minority to the black majority under Britain's supervision. B u t i n 1 9 7 5 , at t h e c l o s e o f o u r p e r i o d , it s e e m e d t h a t L o n d o n w o u l d n e v e r r e - e s t a b l i s h its a u t h o r i t y a n d t h a t t h e A l g e r i a n t r a g e d y w o u l d b e r e - e n a c t e d t h e r e . A s it w a s , d e s p i t e m u c h b l o o d s h e d o n b o t h sides, albeit o n a p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y m u c h smaller scale than 63

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

D E C O L O N I S A T I O N

A N D

I N D E P E N D E N C E

in A l g e r i a , a n d d e s p i t e t h e e x o d u s o f s o m e s e t t l e r s , t h e minority

remained

in

independent

Zimbabwe

under

white black-

majority rule w i t h entrenched political rights and a c o n t i n u i n g e c o n o m i c role. The

process

through

the

by

which

'peaceful'

independence

handing

over

was

won -

of power

whether

or

through

r e v o l u t i o n a r y insurrectionist s t r u g g l e - n o t o n l y p r o f o u n d l y influ­ e n c e d p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e e v e n t s , it a l s o e n g e n d e r e d s o m e o f t h e p r o b l e m s w h i c h the i n d e p e n d e n t states w e r e t o c o n f r o n t . T h u s , one cannot b e g i n to understand the nature o f ethnic conflicts and the w a y t h e y influenced the conflict b e t w e e n states o v e r territorial boundaries, the p r o b l e m o f military intervention and rule, and the fragility

o f political leadership

unless o n e

fits

them

into

the

c o n t e x t o f t h e i n d e p e n d e n c e s e t t l e m e n t . M u c h o f t h i s is d i s c u s s e d below. THE

C O N S T I T U T I O N A L

T h e constitutional inheritance

1

I N H E R I T A N C E

o f independence was not uniform

b u t v a r i e d f r o m o n e state t o the other, the differences b e i n g d u e to the format o f the decolonisation process, the nature o f the political

leadership

inheritors - and

to

the

which

character

power of

the

was

transferred -

nationalist

the

movements

( w h i c h in m o s t cases c o n v e r t e d t h e m s e l v e s into political parties) at t h e t i m e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e . I n t h e m a i n , t h r e e b r o a d t y p e s o f constitutional

settlement

can be distinguished:

representative-parliamentary

inheritance;

2

states

states w i t h with

a

radical-

r e v o l u t i o n a r y r e g i m e s ; a n d states w i t h a c o n s e r v a t i v e - m o n a r c h i c a l settlement. The

states that e n t e r e d o n i n d e p e n d e n c e w i t h

representative

parliamentary institutions w e r e , in the main, those o f a n g l o p h o n e and

francophone

East,

West

and

Central

Africa.

Relative

modernisation — o n e o f the consequences o f colonisation -

had

led t o the e m e r g e n c e in these states o f a ' n e w c l a s s ' , an e d u c a t e d elite w h o , either b e c a u s e they f o u n d t h e m s e l v e s d e n i e d

oppor­

tunities to w h i c h they t h o u g h t themselves entitled b e c a m e o p p o s e d to the colonial r e g i m e , o r because o f their e x p o s u r e to n e w ideas 1

O n the notion o f an 'inheritance* see Peter Nettl and R. Robertson, International

systems and the modernisation of societies (London, 1968). 2

T h e categorisation is quite arbitrary. For other categorisations, see, e.g., James S.

Coleman and Carl G . Rosberg (eds.), Political parties and national integration in tropical Africa (Berkeley, 1964).

64

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THE

C O N S T I T U T I O N A L

I N H E R I T A N C E

( m a n y h a d b e e n e d u c a t e d in B r i t a i n , F r a n c e o r t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s ) r e j e c t e d t h e w h o l e n o t i o n o f c o l o n i a l i s m itself. T h e y w e r e , i n essence, m a r g i n a l m e n w h o , e m b r a c i n g the n e w , liberal ideas they had acquired from the v a r i o u s educational institutions they had attended abroad, had b e c o m e alienated f r o m their o w n society. S e e i n g t h e m s e l v e s as p r o s p e c t i v e i n h e r i t o r s o f t h e c o l o n i a l m a n t l e , w i t h all t h e p o m p a n d p r i v i l e g e t h a t w e n t w i t h it, t h e y s p e a r h e a d e d the early nationalist m o v e m e n t s and b e c a m e the leaders o f the parties that e m e r g e d w i t h the g r a d u a l liberalisation o f the c o l o n i a l regime, the granting o f the franchise and the introduction o f representative institutions in the d e c a d e f o l l o w i n g the e n d o f the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r . Generally, their orientation to politics w a s c o n s e r v a t i v e a n d g r a d u a l i s t , a n o r i e n t a t i o n w h i c h fitted t h e predisposition o f the colonial administrations. T w o m o d e l s w e r e in the m a i n transferred. In the f r a n c o p h o n e territories, the m o d e l w a s , m o r e often than n o t , the presidential parliamentarianism o f the Fifth F r e n c h R e p u b l i c , w h i l e in the a n g l o p h o n e states it w a s t h e ' W e s t m i n s t e r m o d e l \ I n n o c a s e w a s a n y a t t e m p t m a d e at a c h i e v i n g c o n s t i t u t i o n a l a u t o c h t h o n y i n t h e m a n n e r o f I n d i a . B u t in e v e r y i n s t a n c e , n o s o o n e r h a d i n d e p e n ­ dence been w o n than constitutional and other changes w e r e i n t r o d u c e d w h i c h h a d t h e effect o f r a d i c a l l y m o d i f y i n g t h e s p i r i t if n o t n e c e s s a r i l y t h e f o r m o f t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i n h e r i t a n c e . I n m o s t cases, the pattern f o l l o w e d p r o v e d t o be quite similar. First, ruling parties s o u g h t a m o n o p o l y o f political p o w e r b y e x c l u d i n g or eliminating c o m p e t i n g parties f r o m the political arena. T h e tactics f o l l o w e d v a r i e d f r o m the g e r r y m a n d e r i n g o f constituencies and electoral manipulation, and the c o e r c i o n and sometimes imprisonment o f opposition candidates, to outright proscription o f o p p o s i t i o n parties. F r o m a multi-party system, the r e g i m e b e c a m e q u i c k l y c o n v e r t e d i n t o e i t h e r a de jure o r a de facto s i n g l e p a r t y s t a t e : f o r e x a m p l e , t h e P a r t i D é m o c r a t i q u e d e la C ô t e d ' I v o i r e , led b y H o u p h o u ë t - B o i g n y , the U n i t e d National I n d e p e n d e n c e Party o f Z a m b i a , led b y K e n n e t h K a u n d a , o r the N é o - D e s t o u r o f T u n i s i a led b y H a b i b B o u r g u i b a . T h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the single-party state w a s f o l l o w e d b y the fusion o f the roles o f h e a d o f g o v e r n m e n t a n d h e a d o f state in the p e r s o n o f the president, w h o w a s then often m a d e * presidentfor-life'. T h e legislature b e c a m e increasingly e m a s c u l a t e d as, u n d e r t h e s i n g l e p a r t y , it w a s s y s t e m a t i c a l l y s u b o r d i n a t e d t o t h e 65

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DECOLONISATION

executive

while

the

AND

executive

INDEPENDENCE

itself

was

converted

into

i n s t r u m e n t for effecting the w i l l o f the president. O t h e r

an

changes

f o l l o w e d as t h e j u d i c i a r y w a s m a d e t o s e r v e t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e e x e c u t i v e and the security forces w e r e c o n v e r t e d into para-political extensions

of

the

ruling

party.

Frantz

Fanon

gave

a

good

description o f this p r o c e s s o f c h a n g e w h e n he w r o t e :

Before independence, the leader generally embodies the aspirations of the people for independence, political liberty and national dignity. But as soon as independence is declared, far from embodying in concrete form the needs of the people in what touches bread, land and the restoration of the country to the sacred hands of the people, the leader will reveal his inner purpose: to become the general president of that company of profiteers impatient for their returns which constitutes the national bourgeoisie. 1

I n d e p e n d e n c e and the paraphernalia o f a constitutional

settlement

thus b e c a m e n o m o r e than a restoration o f the m e d i e v a l d i c t u m :

quod principi placuit, legis vigorem habet. The

independent

states

of

Africa

with

radical-revolutionary

r e g i m e s c a n b e d i v i d e d i n t o t w o s u b - c a t e g o r i e s . I n t h e first w e r e states s u c h

as G h a n a ,

Guinea,

Mali and

Tanzania

(formerly

T a n g a n y i k a a n d Z a n z i b a r ) w h i c h at t h e t i m e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e a political

settlement

parliamentary' existence

of

not

regimes. mass

unlike What

that o f the differentiated

populist-oriented

had

'representativethem

political

was

parties

the

and

a

leadership e s p o u s i n g socialist or n e o - M a r x i s t i d e o l o g y . A g o o d e x a m p l e w a s the Parti D é m o c r a t i q u e de G u i n é e ( P D G ) led b y S é k o u T o u r é and built o n the C o n f é d é r a t i o n du

Travail, a federation

o f trade unions.

M o r g e n t h a u n o t e d in h e r c l a s s i c s t u d y

speaking West Africa,

Générale

A s Ruth

Schachter

Political parties in French-

to the leaders o f the P D G ,

party and trade union were one. The trade union experience of many PDG leaders affected their ideas as well as their style of living, speaking, writing and acting. Since they held jobs low in the administrative hierarchy, they lived of necessity close to the people. Many had but irregular incomes; their housing was bad, few had cars, their clothes were simple. They relied on their colleagues or relations when in need, and made virtues of the labels pinned on them by their adversaries - * illiterates*, 'vagrants' and * badly dressed'. 2

!

F r a n t z F a n o n , The wretched of the earth ( N e w Y o r k , 1963), 134.

2

Ruth

Schachter

Morgenthau,

Political parties

in French-speaking

( O x f o r d , 1964), 230.

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West

Africa

THE

C O N S T I T U T I O N A L I N H E R I T A N C E

Similarly, in G h a n a m e m b e r s o f K w a m e N k r u m a h ' s C o n v e n t i o n People's Party

were designated

'verandah

boys'

and

'prison

graduates'. But t h o u g h radical and r e v o l u t i o n a r y in orientation, the pattern o f i m m e d i a t e p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e political d e v e l o p m e n t in these s t a t e s d i d n o t differ, in e s s e n t i a l s , f r o m t h a t i n t h e ' r e p r e s e n t a t i v e parliamentary' regimes. Representative institutions and the elec­ t o r a l p r o c e s s w e r e p r o g r e s s i v e l y u n d e r m i n e d as t h e s u p r e m a c y o f the party w a s p r o c l a i m e d . In N k r u m a h ' s G h a n a , for e x a m p l e , n o e l e c t i o n s t o t h e N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y w e r e h e l d after

1958. T h e

a s s e m b l y s i m p l y e x t e n d e d its life b y l e g i s l a t i v e a p p r o v a l o f its m e m b e r s . T h e pattern w a s similar in G u i n e a and M a l i , w h e r e the p a r t y C o n g r e s s m e t t o r a t i f y t h e list o f c a n d i d a t e s f o r t h e N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y d r a w n u p b y the president and the party e x e c u t i v e . T a n z a n i a , in this r e s p e c t , p r o v e d t o b e a n e x c e p t i o n . T h o u g h a

de jure

o n e - p a r t y state w i t h N y e r e r e , leader o f the T a n g a n y i k a

African

National

maintained

on

U n i o n , as p r e s i d e n t ,

the

mainland

Tanzania

the institutions

1

nevertheless

she inherited

at

i n d e p e n d e n c e , w i t h s o m e f r e e d o m o f e l e c t o r a l c h o i c e still b e i n g retained

by

the

electorate.

Unlike

Ghana,

Guinea

or

Mali,

T a n z a n i a m a d e d e f i n i t e m o v e s t o w a r d s t h e r e a l i s a t i o n o f its i d e a l o f participatory d e m o c r a c y a n d in that respect w a s p e r h a p s u n i q u e amongst African states. The

2

second sub-category o f the radical-revolutionary regimes

c o m p r i s e d t h o s e states - A l g e r i a , M o z a m b i q u e , A n g o l a , G u i n e a Bissau and the C a p e V e r d e Islands - w h i c h a c h i e v e d i n d e p e n d e n c e not through bargaining but by 'internal w a r ' .

3

T h e s e w e r e states

w h i c h at t h e t i m e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e h a d n o i n h e r i t e d p o l i t i c a l i n ­ stitutions ( A l g e r i a b e i n g s o m e t h i n g o f an e x c e p t i o n , see a b o v e p p . 6 1 - 2 ) b u t c a m e i n t o e x i s t e n c e as ' g a r r i s o n s t a t e s ' political

rhetoric

was

that

derived

from

the

4

w h e r e the

revolutionary

experience o f guerrilla warfare. T h a t experience was

oriented

m a i n l y at w i n n i n g t h e s y m p a t h y a n d g o o d w i l l , o r at t h e w o r s t , t h e s i m p l e t o l e r a n c e , o f t h e p e a s a n t r y in t h o s e a r e a s w h i c h , b e f o r e i n 1

The reference here is specifically to Tanganyika. The union of that territory with Zanzibar is called Tanzania. Socialism and participation, the Election Study Committee, University of Dar es Salaam (Dar es Salaam, 1974). Harry Eckstein (ed.), Internal war: problems and approaches (New York, 1964). H. D. Lasswell: 'The garrison-state hypotheses today', in Samuel P. Huntington (ed.), Changing patterns of military politics (New York, 1962). 2

3

4

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AND

I N D E P E N D E N C E

d e p e n d e n c e , w e r e held b y the nationalist guerrilla leaders t h r o u g h force o f arms. T h o u g h practice varied from o n e place to the other d e p e n d i n g o n the nature o f the local c o m m u n i t i e s and the state o f t h e g u e r r i l l a w a r , n e v e r t h e l e s s t h e p r i n c i p a l t h r u s t o f effort w a s t o w a r d s the formation o f self-administering local c o m m i t t e e s representing g r o u p s o f small villages, committees w h o s e respon­ sibilities w e r e then p r o g r e s s i v e l y w i d e n e d t o c o v e r functions s u c h as l o c a l j u s t i c e a n d s e c u r i t y , e d u c a t i o n a n d h e a l t h a n d c o o p e r a t i v e p r o d u c t i o n a n d m a r k e t i n g as t h e l i b e r a t e d a r e a s w e r e m a d e m o r e secure. F r o m this there d e v e l o p e d the m o d e l w h i c h t h e i n d e p e n d e n t state e v e n t u a l l y a d o p t e d , a m o d e l b a s e d at e a c h level o f o r g a n i s a t i o n o n an elected a s s e m b l y o f delegates w h i c h in t u r n e l e c t e d a n e x e c u t i v e c o m m i t t e e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r p o l i c y ­ m a k i n g at t h a t l e v e l a n d a c c o u n t a b l e - i n p r i n c i p l e - t o t h e a s s e m b l y w h i c h e l e c t e d it. G e n e r a l l y , t h e a i m w a s t o m a x i m i s e p o p u l a r p a r t i c i p a t i o n at e a c h l e v e l o f g o v e r n m e n t a n d t h e o r g a n i s i n g p r i n c i p l e c o u l d p e r h a p s b e d e s c r i b e d as a f o r m o f d e m o c r a t i c centralism. T h o u g h this w a s the m o d e l established in G u i n e a - B i s s a u a n d C a p e V e r d e , i n e s s e n t i a l s it is n o t u n r e p r e s e n ­ t a t i v e o f w h a t o b t a i n e d in M o z a m b i q u e a n d A n g o l a . It is far f r o m certain h o w l o n g such a neo-populist, ' n e o - M a r x i s t ' f r a m e w o r k can persist. A l g e r i a — w h i c h also had a r e v o l u t i o n a r y e x p e r i e n c e and a colonial b a c k g r o u n d n o t t o o dissimilar f r o m that o f M o z a m b i q u e - had, under Ben Bella, s o u g h t to experiment w i t h a s o c i a l i s t f r a m e w o r k s o o n after it b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t . B u t within three years o f independence B e n Bella w a s to be arrested and imprisoned by the military-backed C o l o n e l B o u m e d i e n n e , w h o castigated B e n Bella for calling for ' the w i t h e r i n g a w a y o f t h e s t a t e ' w h e n t h e state w a s y e t t o b e e s t a b l i s h e d . T w e l v e y e a r s later, after t h e c o u p t h a t o v e r t h r e w B e n B e l l a i n 1 9 6 5 , A l g e r i a h a d b e c o m e , like m a n y o f the o t h e r A f r i c a n states, a o n e - m a n p r e s i d e n t i a l i s t state (see C h a p t e r 1 1 ) . T h i r d l y , t h e r e w a s a g r o u p o f states w h i c h e m b a r k e d o n i n d e ­ pendence with a conservative-monarchical settlement, notably M o r o c c o , Ethiopia and Libya, to w h i c h may be added L e s o t h o and Swaziland and, for c o n v e n i e n c e , Zaire. (Technically Tunisia w a s a m o n a r c h y at i n d e p e n d e n c e b u t it w a s p r o c l a i m e d a r e p u b l i c shortly afterwards.) T h e inclusion o f Zaire may seem o d d , but t h o u g h , after t h e c h a o s o f 1 9 6 0 - 4 , G e n e r a l M o b u t u ( w h o s u b s e 68

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THE

CONSTITUTIONAL

I N H E R I T A N C E

q u e n t l y r e n a m e d h i m s e l f M o b u t u S e s e S e k o ) e m e r g e d as P r e s i ­ dent o f C o n g o - K i n s h a s a (Zaire), the Z a i r e a n r e g i m e b e c a m e e s s e n t i a l l y m o n a r c h i c a l i n m u c h t h e s a m e s e n s e as M o r o c c o ' s r e g i m e c o u l d b e s a i d t o b e s o . L e s o t h o at i n d e p e n d e n c e c o u l d b e d e s c r i b e d as a ' c o n s t i t u t i o n a l m o n a r c h y ' w i t h P a r a m o u n t C h i e f M o t l o t l e h i M o s h w e s h w e I I as k i n g : f o u r y e a r s after i n d e p e n ­ dence, C h i e f L e a b u a Jonathan, then prime minister, extra-legally seized p o w e r and placed the k i n g u n d e r house-arrest. M o r o c c o , e v e n b e f o r e its o c c u p a t i o n a n d c o l o n i s a t i o n b y France, w a s a m o n a r c h y u n d e r the rule o f a sultan. U n d e r F r e n c h r u l e t h e m o n a r c h y w a s p r e s e r v e d a n d at i n d e p e n d e n c e M o r o c c o remained a monarchy under M o h a m m e d V ben Youssef. In Libya, t h e S a n u s i E m i r o f C y r e n a i c a e m e r g e d as K i n g M u h a m m e d I d r l s o f L i b y a w h e n the former Italian p r o v i n c e s o f F e z z a n , Tripolitania a n d C y r e n a i c a w e r e m e r g e d t o g e t h e r i n 1 9 5 1 t o f o r m t h e n e w state. B u t after j u s t o v e r a d e c a d e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e , t h e m o n a r c h y i n L i b y a w a s to be abolished b y the military, led b y C o l o n e l Q a d h d h a f i (Gadafi). T h e restored m o n a r c h y o f Haile Selassie w a s o v e r t h r o w n a n d r e p l a c e d b y a r a d i c a l m i l i t a r y r e g i m e at t h e e n d o f o u r period, b y w h i c h time the c o n s e r v a t i v e - m o n a r c h i c a l r e g i m e w a s an e x o t i c f o r m o f g o v e r n m e n t o n t h e c o n t i n e n t . Independence - and the political settlement that c a m e w i t h it - w a s n o t w i t h o u t its a t t e n d a n t d i f f i c u l t i e s . T h e r e w a s h a r d l y a state i n A f r i c a i n w h i c h , w i t h i n a d e c a d e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e , t h e r e w a s n o t a m i l i t a r y c o u p o r a t t e m p t e d c o u p . D a h o m e y (later t h e R e p u b l i c o f B e n i n ) e x p e r i e n c e d n o less t h a n s e v e n c o u p s w i t h i n t h e first t e n y e a r s o f its i n d e p e n d e n c e . I n f a c t , s o p r e v a l e n t w e r e military c o u p s that civil g o v e r n m e n t s b e c a m e the e x c e p t i o n rather than the rule in the n e w l y i n d e p e n d e n t states. N o t o n l y c o u p s ; i n d e p e n d e n c e a l s o b r o u g h t w i t h it c i v i l w a r s , as in N i g e r i a , C h a d , the S u d a n and the ancient k i n g d o m o f E t h i o p i a . T o civil w a r s must be added the spate o f inter-state w a r s o v e r disputed b o u n d a r i e s : between A l g e r i a and M o r o c c o ; K e n y a and Somalia; Somalia and E t h i o p i a ; the S u d a n and E t h i o p i a ; A l g e r i a and M o r o c c o and Mauritania o v e r Spanish Sahara; Zaire and A n g o l a o v e r sections o f A n g o l a ; and to a lesser extent b e t w e e n N i g e r i a and C a m e r o u n . T h e s i t u a t i o n is i n n o w a y i m p r o v e d w h e n w e a d d i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t s o v e r e t h n i c b o u n d a r i e s . O f t h e 43 o r m o r e i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n states, o n l y S o m a l i a can p e r h a p s c l a i m a h o m o g e n e o u s 69

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DECOLONISATION

AND

I N D E P E N D E N C E

p o p u l a t i o n . C h a d and the S u d a n w e r e almost f r o m the time o f their accession to i n d e p e n d e n c e c o n f r o n t e d b y secessionist w a r s w h i l e N i g e r i a h a d t o fight a b i t t e r c i v i l w a r f o r c l o s e o n t h r e e y e a r s t o maintain her territorial integrity. W h e n o n e realises that in a state s u c h as N i g e r i a t h e r e a r e o v e r t w o h u n d r e d e t h n i c g r o u p s , s o m e w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s g r e a t e r than t h o s e of, for instance, G a b o n , Mauritania, N i g e r and U p p e r V o l t a , then one begins to appreciate the potential for internal conflict w h i c h the ethnic h e t e r o g e n e i t y o f A f r i c a n societies p o s e s for the n e w states. T h i s potential w a s all t h e m o r e real b y r e a s o n o f t h e l o w l e v e l o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s a t i o n o f political structures, the parochial nature o f political socialisation and the ' p r i m i t i v e ' means o f social c o m m u n i c a t i o n and m o b i l i ­ s a t i o n w h i c h c h a r a c t e r i s e d t h e s e s t a t e s . T h e r e is l i t t l e d o u b t t h e n that disputes o v e r the borders created b y colonial rule will remain t o p l a g u e t h e n e w l y i n d e p e n d e n t s t a t e s in t h e y e a r s t o c o m e . B e t h a t as it m a y , it m i g h t b e as w e l l t o t a k e a c l o s e r l o o k at s o m e of

the

other

problems

that

have

arisen

in

the

wake

of

independence.

THE

BUREAUCRACY

AND

THE

ECONOMY

I n all t h e n e w s t a t e s o f A f r i c a , t h e g o v e r n m e n t w a s n o t o n l y t h e l a r g e s t s i n g l e e m p l o y e r o f l a b o u r , it w a s a l s o t h e ' p r i m e m o v e r ' 1

e c o n o m i c a l l y and politically. B e c a u s e the p u b l i c sector w a s so d o m i n a n t , there can be n o meaningful discussion o f the p r o b l e m s o f the n e w states that d o e s n o t take i n t o a c c o u n t the p l a c e a n d r o l e o f t h e b u r e a u c r a c y in t h e m . It h a s in fact b e e n a r g u e d t h a t it w o u l d b e u n r e a l t o t h i n k o f a n y t y p e o f n a t i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e s e states in w h i c h t h e b u r e a u c r a c y , e v e n i f its r o l e w e r e limited to the p r o v i s i o n o f data, a d v i c e , and m a n a g e m e n t expertise, 2

w a s e x c l u d e d . M o r e o v e r , m o s t o f the i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n states exhibited a high degree o f ethnic, religious and cultural hetero­ g e n e i t y , a n d as t h e h i s t o r i e s o f c o u n t r i e s l i k e J a p a n , after t h e M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n , a n d G e r m a n y a n d I t a l y in t h e n i n e t e e n t h

century

have s h o w n , a centralised bureaucracy can be o f crucial importance 1

T h e percentages of w a g e and salary earners employed in the public sector in 1965 were: Somalia, 60; Sudan, 5 7; T o g o , 48; Nigeria, 4 1 ; Ghana, 3 5; Senegal, 3 5; Tanzania, 3 2; K e n y a , 29. G o v e r n m e n t spending as a percentage of G N P , 1961, gives the following figures: Somalia, 19; Sudan, 16; T o g o , 1 3 ; Nigeria, 1 1 ; Ghana, 26; Tanzania, 18; K e n y a , 17; Senegal, 24. (Source: Morrison et al., Black Africa, tables 7.3 and 9.4.) Joseph La Palombara (ed.), Bureaucracy and political development (Princeton, 1969). 2

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BUREAUCRACY

in t h e f o r m a t i o n

AND

o f a national

THE

ECONOMY

entity out

o f a socio-cultural

p l u r a l i t y . B u t t h o u g h s o c e n t r a l , t h e b u r e a u c r a c y in t h e A f r i c a n states p o s e d a n u m b e r o f p r o b l e m s . W i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f E g y p t , new

1

the bureaucracy w a s largely a

creation for m o s t A f r i c a n states, an artifact o f c o l o n i a l i s m ,

w h i c h g r e w in m o s t c a s e s o u t o f E u r o p e a n m i l i t a r y o c c u p a t i o n , a n d m o s t o f its first m e m b e r s , as h a s b e e n p o i n t e d o u t b y o n e c o m m e n t a t o r , ' w e r e military personnel d r a w n from the colonial regiments

and

occupation

forces'.

2

Because o f the

need

to

m a i n t a i n o r d e r in t h e c o l o n i s e d t e r r i t o r i e s , t h i s w a s t h e i n i t i a l orientation o f the civil servants in the n e w states. T h e y w e r e rarely d e v e l o p m e n t - o r i e n t e d , an a c t i v i t y w h i c h b e f o r e the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r w a s l a r g e l y left t o m i s s i o n a r i e s , t r a d i n g c o m p a n i e s , a n d , in t h e white-settled areas, to the i m m i g r a n t E u r o p e a n p o p u l a t i o n . E v e n w h e n , w i t h increasing modernisation and rapid political c h a n g e , p a r t i c u l a r l y after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , t h e b u r e a u c r a c y b e c a m e i n v o l v e d in m o r e c o m p l e x a d m i n i s t r a t i v e tasks, v e r y little w a s d o n e t o d e v e l o p i n d i g e n o u s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n it at t h e p o l i c y - m a k i n g l e v e l . I n d e e d , t h e e x p a n s i o n o f t h e c i v i l s e r v i c e s after t h e w a r t o meet

the

more

c o m p l e x tasks

that

the

bureaucracy

had

to

c o n f r o n t r e s u l t e d in w h a t h a s b e e n d e s c r i b e d as a s e c o n d c o l o n i a l invasion. A s l a t e as 19 5 o i n t h e a n g l o p h o n e a n d f r a n c o p h o n e s t a t e s , w h e r e m o r e attention w a s g i v e n to the d e v e l o p m e n t o f an i n d i g e n o u s b u r e a u c r a c y t h a n it w a s in t h e B e l g i a n , P o r t u g u e s e a n d S p a n i s h territories, the managerial, s u p e r v i s o r y , professional, senior tech­ nical and o t h e r u p p e r levels o f the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w e r e l a r g e l y held by E u r o p e a n s . T h e j o b o f d i s m a n t l i n g this racial structure w a s h a r d l y b e g u n in W e s t A f r i c a b e f o r e 1 9 4 8 , a n d i n E a s t a n d C e n t r a l Africa not before 1954 and i960 respectively. A s A . L . A d u noted, ' t h e p a t t e r n b e f o r e t h e c h a n g e [in t h e a n g l o p h o n e states] w a s t h a t E u r o p e a n s filled all " s e n i o r " s e r v i c e p o s t s , t h a t i s , r e s p o n s i b l e p o s t s in the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , e x e c u t i v e , p r o f e s s i o n a l a n d technical g r a d e s . L o c a l p e r s o n n e l w e r e r e c r u i t e d t o fill t h e " j u n i o r " s e r v i c e p o s t s in t h e j u n i o r e x e c u t i v e , c l e r i c a l , s e m i - s k i l l e d a n d u n s k i l l e d industrial and manipulative grades.' In East and Central Africa, he a d d e d , ' the situation w a s further c o m p l i c a t e d b y the i n t e r v e n t i o n 1

M o r roe Berger, Bureaucracy and society in modern Egypt: a study of the higher civil service

(Princeton, 1957). 2

A . L. A d u , The civil service in the Commonwealth of Africa (London, 1969), 17.

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A N D

I N D E P E N D E N C E

o f the i m m i g r a n t E u r o p e a n , A s i a n and " c o l o u r e d " c o m m u n i t i e s who

filled

intermediate grade positions b e t w e e n the

expatriate

E u r o p e a n and the A f r i c a n s . T h e y o c c u p i e d w h a t in W e s t A f r i c a n t e r m s m a y b e d e s c r i b e d as t h e

more

junior

o f the

so-called

" E u r o p e a n " a p p o i n t m e n t s and the m o r e senior o f the A f r i c a n appointments.'

1

T h e n e e d r a p i d l y t o A f r i c a n i s e t h e b u r e a u c r a c y in t h e A f r i c a n s t a t e s m e a n t t h a t at i n d e p e n d e n c e m o s t h a d c i v i l s e r v i c e s i n w h i c h key decision-making posts had been

filled

either by relatively

inexperienced, though educated, personnel, or by people

who

w e r e e x p e r i e n c e d b u t n o t adequately e d u c a t e d . E v e n this g e n e r ­ alisation has t o b e qualified. In

states

where one party

was

d o m i n a n t b e f o r e i n d e p e n d e n c e , it w a s n o t s o m u c h t h e r e l a t i v e c o m p e t e n c e o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l as h i s o s t e n s i b l e l o y a l t y t o t h e p a r t y that b e c a m e the

prime

consideration

in the

filling

of

posts.

Africanisation thus b e c a m e a m e t h o d o f ensuring that k n o w n party supporters w e r e rewarded, and the n o t i o n o f merit g a v e w a y to that o f favouritism. T h e p l u m s o f independence w e r e ready for t h e p i c k i n g b y t h e ' l o y a l ' . I n s t a t e s s u c h as N i g e r i a a n d K e n y a , w h e r e ethnic considerations had been a v e r y i m p o r t a n t factor in t h e s t r u g g l e f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e , it w a s t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s e t h n i c o r i g i n w h i c h m a t t e r e d as t h e v a r i o u s e t h n i c g r o u p s c o m p e t e d t o r e a p t h e fruits o f i n d e p e n d e n c e . I n e i t h e r c a s e , t h e e n d r e s u l t w a s t h e s a m e : efficiency w a s sacrificed t o the d e m a n d s o f political e x p e d i e n c y . T h e a n g l o p h o n e a n d f r a n c o p h o n e states c o u l d , h o w e v e r , b e said t o h a v e b e e n r e l a t i v e l y f o r t u n a t e . T h e s i t u a t i o n i n t h e B e l g i a n c o l o n i e s w a s m o r e d i s m a l , as t a b l e 2.2 s h o w s . Z a i r e , o n c e m o r e , p r o v i d e s a classic e x a m p l e o f the situation w i t h respect t o the b u r e a u c r a c y in the B e l g i a n territories. A t the time o f independence

in

i 9 6 0 t h e r e w e r e o n l y 30 C o n g o l e s e

( Z a i r e a n s ) w h o h a d u n i v e r s i t y d e g r e e s , w h i l e 350 w e r e e n r o l l e d in the C o n g o ' s t w o universities. T h e total e n r o l m e n t in s e c o n d a r y schools w a s 1 3 5 8 3 . T h e result w a s that w h e n i n d e p e n d e n c e c a m e t h e r e w e r e h a r d l y a n y C o n g o l e s e t o m a n t h e b u r e a u c r a c y (see t a b l e 2.3). P r i o r t o 1 9 5 9 , there h a d in fact b e e n t w o c i v i l s e r v i c e s in the C o n g o : the civil service proper,

w h i c h w a s restricted

to

the

E u r o p e a n p o p u l a t i o n , a n d an auxiliary s e r v i c e in w h i c h A f r i c a n s w e r e t o be f o u n d . W h e n in 1 9 5 9 , b y the Statut U n i q u e , 1

Ibid., 21. 72

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

the

BUREAUCRACY

T a b l e 2.2.

AND

THE

ECONOMY

Secondary school enrolment ipjo and selected countries. Total estimated population

1966:

Secondary school enrolment

(1969) in

Country

thousands

1950

1966

10.9 56.7 3.8

8000 21437 2288 *37

49223 202683 *5 574 4668

Kenya Nigeria Senegal Central African Republic Zaire Rwanda Burundi Source-.

Morrison

T a b l e 2.3.

Rank i

2 3 4 5-7

Source-.

1.5 20.6 3-5 3-5 et al., Black Africa,

6

52309 2900 2932

953 247 350

tables5.9,

5.10,

and

1.4.

Composition of the civilservice in the Congo, i960.

Minimum educational requirement

Europeans

university university university 2 yrs university complete secondary four years primary secondary Crawford Young,

106 1004 3 5 32 5 159 0

Africans 0 I

2 800 11000

Politics in the Congo, 402.

bureaucracy was consolidated and seven grades established, only s o m e 800 C o n g o l e s e w e r e f o u n d s u i t a b l e f o r r e c r u i t m e n t t o t h e fourth rank, w h i c h had previously been exclusive to Europeans. T h e r e f o r e , w h e n t h e B e l g i a n s p u l l e d o u t o f t h e C o n g o at independence, the n e w A f r i c a n leaders found they barely had a c i v i l s e r v i c e , f o r w i t h o n l y 30 g r a d u a t e s a v a i l a b l e t o fill o v e r 4000 vacated posts, o n e c o u l d hardly talk o f the C o n g o l e s e inheriting a bureaucracy. It h a s b e e n s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e b u r e a u c r a c y h a s a c r u c i a l r o l e 73

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

DECOLONISATION

AND

INDEPENDENCE

t o p l a y in t h e p o l i t i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e n e w states in A f r i c a . B u t this is a r o l e f o r w h i c h t h e c o l o n i a l b u r e a u c r a c y w a s n o t d e s i g n e d a n d t h e r e f o r e it h a d t o b e c o n s i d e r a b l y a d a p t e d t o m e e t t h e d e m a n d s o f i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n s t a t e s . Y e t it w a s at t h e t i m e w h e n n e w orientations had to be f o r m e d for p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g that the b u r e a u c r a c y h a d t o face t h e d i s l o c a t i o n s c a u s e d b y A f r i c a n i sation and restructuring. In m o s t cases, the ' n e w m e n ' had neither the capabilities n o r the e x p e r i e n c e to c o p e w i t h the tasks they w e r e c o n f r o n t e d w i t h - f o r e x a m p l e , f o r m u l a t i n g t h e n e w ' five-year d e v e l o p m e n t plans ' w h i c h became fashionable w i t h independence - w h i l e i n t e r f e r e n c e in m a t t e r s p e r t a i n i n g t o a p p o i n t m e n t s a n d p r o m o t i o n s b y the n e w political leaders u n d e r m i n e d w h a t traditions o f d i s c i p l i n e , i n t e g r i t y a n d i m p a r t i a l i t y h a d e x i s t e d p r e v i o u s l y in the civil service. Besides b e i n g ill-equipped for the n e w role e x p e c t e d o f t h e m , t h e ' n e w m e n as i n h e r i t o r s o f t h e p o s t s v a c a t e d b y t h e i r e r s t w h i l e c o l o n i a l m a s t e r s , in m o s t c a s e s a l s o f o u g h t t o r e t a i n a n d t o p r e s e r v e t h e p r i v i l e g e s a n d p e r q u i s i t e s o f t h e offices t h e y h a d c o m e t o o c c u p y , a n t i t h e t i c a l as t h e s e o f t e n w e r e t o t h e n e e d s o f t h e n e w l y i n d e p e n d e n t states. I n s e e k i n g t o m a i n t a i n t h e a u r a o f t h e i r offices, t h e y s u c c e e d e d o n l y in c u t t i n g t h e m s e l v e s o f f f r o m t h e r e a l i t i e s o f their societies and in the p r o c e s s b e c a m e , w i t h the political l e a d e r s , a n e w b r e e d o f p r i v i l e g e d é l i t e , f o r w h o m , as in t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , all e l s e h a d t o b e s a c r i f i c e d . P o l i c y - m a k i n g , in t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , c o u l d n o t b u t b e h a p h a z a r d , as t h e p r i o r i t i e s o f the society w e r e distorted to suit the d e m a n d s o f this élite. T h e bureaucracy, b y the dialectics o f independence, b e c a m e , like the c o l o n i a l s y s t e m , a b u r d e n t o t h e n e w states. I n m o s t o f t h e s e , a d ­ ministrative costs s o o n accounted for m o r e than sixty per cent o f the r e c u r r e n t b u d g e t . F o r t h e s e ' soft states to use the l a n g u a g e o f G u n n a r M y r d a l , the distinguished S w e d i s h d e v e l o p m e n t economist, w i t h party structures w h i c h hardly extended b e y o n d the main urban centres and barely existent local political structures, the d i l e m m a s p o s e d b y a politicised bureaucratic s y s t e m l a c k i n g the necessary techno-managerial skills b e c a m e a l m o s t o v e r w h e l m ­ ing. T h e situation w a s exacerbated by a w a g e structure and an educational f r a m e w o r k w h i c h discriminated against the acquisi­ tion o f managerial skills and expertise but placed a p r e m i u m o n a literary and ' l i b e r a l education w h i c h w a s barely c o n s o n a n t w i t h the technocratic requirements o f a d e v e l o p i n g society. 9

74

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SOCIAL

MOBILISATION

SOCIAL

MOBILISATION

M o s t A f r i c a n states p r o v e d n o t u n m i n d f u l o f the

shortcomings

o f their public services and m a n y initiated schemes for retraining and reorganisation. B u t if the p r o b l e m s p o s e d b y the b u r e a u c r a c y lack o f (or inadequate)

-

skills, inexperience, inefficiency - w e r e

p a r t l y s o l v e d b y t h e s e s c h e m e s , it w a s n o t o b v i o u s t h a t

those

p o s e d b y the structure o f the society and the e c o n o m y w e r e so amenable. O n e o f t h e l e g a c i e s o f c o l o n i a l i s m in t h e i n d e p e n d e n t

African

states w a s the s u p e r - i m p o s i t i o n o f a n e w stratificational

pattern

o n the traditional social structure. Since independence, not only d i d this n e w p a t t e r n ( w h i c h o w e d itself m o r e t o

western-type

education than to any other single factor) displace and replace the traditional social structure, b u t the different strata t e n d e d in fact to rigidify, thereby creating w h a t has b e e n described b y m a n y o b s e r v e r s as a n ' e l i t e - m a s s ' g a p , o n e o f t h e m a i n s o u r c e s o f instability in the i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n states. In traditional s o c i e t y , status w a s defined either in k i n s h i p o r lineage terms,

or by age and

sex. W i t h the creation

of

new

bureaucratic roles w h i c h required a formal education, the colonial state i n t r o d u c e d a n e w criterion for status differentiation, a n d the acquisition o f a formal education rapidly b e c a m e the passport to upward

mobility

independence,

in

some

the five

emergent different

stratification

levels o f this

system.

s y s t e m c o u l d be d i s t i n g u i s h e d in the v a r i o u s A f r i c a n states. topmost

stratum,

w h i c h for purposes

At

stratificational 1

The

of convenience may

be

designated the ' u p p e r class', and w h i c h w a s c o m p o s e d o f ap­ proximately one per cent o f the total population, w a s itself m a d e up

of

two

segments,

the

bureaucratic-professional

and

the

c o m m e r c i a l . T h e former w a s c o m p o s e d o f the u p p e r echelons o f the

bureaucracy

(including parastatals),

the

military,

lawyers,

d o c t o r s , m a n a g e r s and u n i v e r s i t y teachers, the e d u c a t e d elite w h o h a d h a d at l e a s t t h r e e y e a r s o f u n i v e r s i t y e d u c a t i o n ; w h i l e t h e l a t t e r c o m p r i s e d the large farmers g r o w i n g e x p o r t c r o p s and the b i g mercantile-contracting class, often linked w i t h foreign interests 1

E. De

and

the

K a d t and

'political class' with

whom

G . Williams (eds.), Sociology and development

they

financial shared

(London,

a

1974);

R. Sandbrook and R. Cohen (eds.), The development of an African working class (London, 1975); I. G . Shivji, Class struggles in Tanzania (Dar es Salaam, 1975).

75

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DECOLONISATION

AND

I N D E P E N D E N C E

c o m m o n interest, that o f furthering their e c o n o m i c ends t h r o u g h t h e m a n i p u l a t i o n a n d c o n t r o l o f t h e m a c h i n e r y o f state. T h e s e c o n d stratum, w h i c h m i g h t be t e r m e d t h e ' m i d d l e class ', a l s o f o r m e d t w o s e g m e n t s , t h e first c o n s i s t i n g o f t h e e x e c u t i v e , technical and clerical cadres o f the bureaucracy, the junior ranks o f the military, s c h o o l teachers and the like. T h e s e m a d e u p s o m e t w o per cent o f the total p o p u l a t i o n , w h i l e the other s e g m e n t , c o m p r i s i n g s o m e ten per cent o f the p o p u l a t i o n , c o u l d b e defined r e s i d u a l l y as t h e petite bourgeoisie, t h o s e w h o w e r e n e i t h e r m e m b e r s o f the * u p p e r class ', n o r o f the third o r f o u r t h strata - the ' w o r k i n g c l a s s ' (or proletariat) o r the ' p e a s a n t s ' . T h e s e w e r e the ' p e t t y t r a d e r s ' , u s u a l l y s e l f - e m p l o y e d , w i t h little o r n o f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n a n d o w n i n g v e r y little c a p i t a l . T h e proletariat w a s made u p o f the skilled, semi-skilled and u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r e r s , w h o , l i k e t h e petit-bourgeois m e m b e r s o f t h e m i d d l e class h a d a c q u i r e d little, i f a n y , f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n . T h i s s t r a t u m a c c o u n t e d f o r b e t w e e n five a n d e i g h t p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , a n d i n states w h e r e u n i o n i s a t i o n w a s p e r m i t t e d , w a s usually organised into trade unions. T h e fourth stratum, w h i c h f o r m e d s o m e t h i n g b e t w e e n 70 a n d 80 p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , consisted o f the peasants, the ' s u b s i s t e n c e f a r m e r s ' , w h o m o r e often than n o t w e r e illiterate and w e r e usually t o be f o u n d f a r m i n g land n o t m u c h m o r e than an acre in area. T o t h e f o r e g o i n g m u s t b e a d d e d a fifth s t r a t u m , t h e e v e r ­ g r o w i n g class o f u n e m p l o y e d - and p o s s i b l y u n e m p l o y a b l e p r i m a r y - s c h o o l leavers and s c h o o l ' d r o p - o u t s ' . T h i s class w a s the creation largely o f the p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e era and a p r o d u c t o f t w o m a i n f a c t o r s . T h e first w a s t h e e x p l o s i o n i n f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n w h i c h generally a c c o m p a n i e d the a p p r o a c h to, or the attainment of, i n d e p e n d e n c e . T h e s e c o n d w a s t h e n a t u r e o f t h e p o s t - c o l o n i a l ' administrative state'. Because o f the need to p r o v i d e the educated m a n p o w e r required b y n e w l y i n d e p e n d e n t states, m o s t A f r i c a n states h a d r a p i d l y t o e x p a n d t h e i r e d u c a t i o n a l s y s t e m s . H o w e v e r , s i n c e t h e state w a s t h e m a i n e m p l o y e r o f l a b o u r , e i t h e r j o b opportunities b e c a m e q u i c k l y exhausted or the p r o d u c t s o f the s c h o o l s b e c a m e f u n c t i o n a l l y o b s o l e s c e n t as t h e d e m a n d f o r l a b o u r b e c a m e increasingly skill-specific. T h e result w a s the creation o f a ' reserve a r m y ' - a veritable lumpenproletariat - o f u n e m p l o y e d a n d u n e m p l o y a b l e y o u t h s w h o t h e n b e g a n t o c o n s t i t u t e a real

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SOCIAL

MOBILISATION

s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l threat t o the stability o f the n e w state. T h i s threat b e c a m e all t o o real w h e n t h e p r o b l e m o f t h e u n e m p l o y a b l e w a s c o n s i d e r e d in r e l a t i o n t o t h e p r o b l e m o f u r b a n i s a t i o n . I n t h e p a s t , t h e s i z e o f t h e c i t y s e r v e d as a n i n d e x o f ' p r o g r e s s ' a n d ' d e v e l o p m e n t ' , so that b y 1950 the urban p o p u l a t i o n o f the d e v e l o p e d , rich countries w a s just a b o u t d o u b l e that o f the t h i r d - w o r l d c o u n t r i e s . B y 1 9 7 5 , h o w e v e r , h a l f o f t h e 15 l a r g e s t c i t i e s in t h e w o r l d ( m e a s u r e d in p o p u l a t i o n ) w e r e s i t u a t e d i n t h e p o o r states a n d it h a s b e e n e s t i m a t e d t h a t b y 1 9 9 0 , 60 p e r c e n t o f the w o r l d ' s u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n w i l l be l i v i n g in the cities o f A f r i c a , A s i a a n d L a t i n A m e r i c a , a figure w h i c h is e x p e c t e d t o rise t o 75 p e r c e n t b y t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y . B e t w e e n 1 9 7 0 a n d 1 9 7 5 , o f t h e 106 m i l l i o n p e r s o n s e s t i m a t e d t o h a v e m o v e d f r o m t h e r u r a l i n t o t h e u r b a n a r e a s , s o m e 70 p e r c e n t (73 m i l l i o n ) w e r e i n t h e nations o f the T h i r d W o r l d and a g o o d p r o p o r t i o n o f these w e r e s c h o o l leavers m o v i n g i n t o the cities in search o f j o b s . T a k i n g t h e H o r n o f A f r i c a as a n e x a m p l e o f o n e o f t h e p o o r e s t regions o f Africa, the p o p u l a t i o n o f A d d i s A b a b a , capital o f E t h i o p i a , j u m p e d f r o m 560000 in t h e m i d - 1 9 6 0 s t o o v e r a m i l l i o n in 1 9 7 4 , a g r o w t h rate o f a b o u t 7 p e r c e n t p e r a n n u m . T h e c o m p a r a b l e figures f o r M o g a d i s h u a n d A s m a r a , c a p i t a l c i t i e s o f S o m a l i a a n d E r i t r e a r e s p e c t i v e l y , w e r e 1 4 1 000 in 1965 r i s i n g t o o v e r 250000 in 1 9 7 4 for the f o r m e r a n d 132000 rising t o 296000 f o r t h e l a t t e r i n t h e s a m e t i m e p e r i o d . A n d t h e s e figures n o w h e r e c o m p a r e t o t h e g r o w t h rates i n t h e c a p i t a l c i t i e s o f s o m e W e s t A f r i c a n states. F o r e x a m p l e L a g o s , the capital o f N i g e r i a , b e t w e e n 1 9 7 0 a n d 1975 r e c o r d e d a n a n n u a l g r o w t h r a t e o f j u s t a b o u t 1 4 per cent per annum. W h a t w a s particularly striking about urban g r o w t h i n A f r i c a n states w a s t h a t g r o w t h o c c u r r e d i n s t a t e s w h i c h w e r e least c a p a b l e o f d e a l i n g w i t h t h e m u l t i t u d e o f p r o b l e m s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h u r b a n i s a t i o n . F o r t h e A f r i c a n s t a t e s , far f r o m b e i n g an i n d e x o f ' p r o g r e s s ' , u r b a n i s a t i o n b e g a n t o b e s e e n as a n index o f decay. T o q u o t e the third report to the C l u b o f R o m e ,

Reshaping the international order, it is in t h e cities w h e r e the g l a r i n g d i s p a r i t i e s b e t w e e n t h e * h a v e s ' a n d n o t s ' are m o s t a p p a r e n t . It is a l s o in cities w h e r e p o v e r t y a n d

'have

disadvantage

are the m o s t c o n c e n t r a t e d . M i g r a n t s t o the c i t y are n o o r d i n a r y p e o p l e . T h e y h a v e t a k e n the c o u r a g e o u s d e c i s i o n t o d i g u p their rural r o o t s , t o s e e k a

4

new

l i f e ' for t h e m s e l v e s a n d their c h i l d r e n . In c o m i n g t o the c i t y , t h e y b r i n g w i t h

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DECOLONISATION

AND

I N D E P E N D E N C E

t h e m e x p e c t a t i o n s a n d a s p i r a t i o n s . I f cities c a n n o t m e e t t h e s e , if cities can offer n o a l t e r n a t i v e t o p o v e r t y , it w i l l be in cities t h a t f u t u r e s t r u c t u r a l c h a n g e s in n a t i o n a l o r d e r s w i l l b e w r o u g h t . In t h e p a s t m o d e r n i z a t i o n has t e n d e d t o m e a n u r b a n i z a t i o n . In the f u t u r e , it c a n n o t d o

T h e pattern

so.

1

o f social stratification

d e s c r i b e d a b o v e , as

one

m i g h t e x p e c t , is a g e n e r a l i s e d a n d s o m e w h a t p a r a d i g m a t i c m o d e l w h i c h d o e s n o t p u r p o r t to be a faithful d e s c r i p t i o n o f the c o n c r e t e s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l s y s t e m as t h i s e x i s t s i n t h e d i f f e r e n t s t a t e s .

For

example, Tunisia developed a much

and

coherent profited

bureaucratic-managerial proportionately

more homogeneous

ruling

more, compared

c l a s s , w h i c h in to other

fact

sectors

of

society, f r o m the acquisition o f the landed properties p r e v i o u s l y o w n e d by the small white-settler p o p u l a t io n , than either M o r o c c o or A l g e r i a . Algeria, o n the other hand, by the agrarian

reforms

o f 1 9 7 2 , s u c c e e d e d better than K e n y a in b r e a k i n g u p the e m e r g e n t c o n n e x i o n s b e t w e e n the l a n d o w n i n g b o u r g e o i s i e and the

top

b u r e a u c r a t s c o n t r o l l i n g t h e state a p p a r a t u s . E q u a l l y K e n y a h a d a m u c h m o r e visible class structure than T a n z a n i a w h i c h , because o f its p r o c l a i m e d i d e o l o g i c a l s t a n c e a n d its p r e v i o u s h i s t o r y as a T r u s t T e r r i t o r y , t o g e t h e r w i t h its m u c h s m a l l e r s e t t l e r p r e s e n c e , w a s a b l e t o a c h i e v e g r e a t e r s u c c e s s i n its d e t e r m i n e d a t t e m p t s t o ameliorate class inequalities than o t h e r A f r i c a n states, w i t h the p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n o f states like G u i n e a - B i s s a u , M o z a m b i q u e and A n g o l a . B u t w h a t e v e r the v a r i a t i o n s , m o s t A f r i c a n states w e r e increasingly a p p r o x i m a t i n g to the p a r a d i g m g i v e n a b o v e so that it c a n b e r e g a r d e d as b e i n g n o t u n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e

o f the class

s t r u c t u r e o f t h e A f r i c a n state d u r i n g o u r p e r i o d . W i t h any e c o n o m y that remains mainly c o m m o d i t y - e x p o r t o r i e n t e d l o n g after i n d e p e n d e n c e , a n d w h o s e s u r p l u s e s g o l a r g e l y i n t o t h e i m p o r t o f c o n s u m e r g o o d s t o satisfy t h e d e m a n d s o f t h e é l i t e , a n d w i t h e d u c a t i o n as t h e p r i n c i p a l a v e n u e t o u p w a r d s o c i a l mobility and m o r e and m o r e students c o m p e t i n g for the limited a c c e s s t o h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n , f e w e r a n d f e w e r m a k e it i n t o t h e r a n k s o f t h e h i g h l y p r i v i l e g e d u p p e r c l a s s . A s J. D . B a r k a n d i s c o v e r e d in a s u r v e y o f u n i v e r s i t y s t u d e n t s i n G h a n a , U g a n d a a n d T a n z a n i a , states w h i c h w e r e n o t u n t y p i c a l o f m a n y o f t h e

independent

A f r i c a n states, * the r e c r u i t m e n t o f u n i v e r s i t y students, a n d h e n c e t h e t e c h n o c r a t i c u p p e r - m i d d l e c l a s s itself, i s . . . b e c o m i n g m o r e and 1

more

restricted

to

sons

and

daughters

o f citizens

with

Jan Tinbergen (co-ordinator), Reshaping the international order (London, 1977), 3 1 - 2 .

78

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SOCIAL

T a b l e 2.4.

MOBILISATION

Degree to which ranks desired are expected to be fulfilled.

First job

Last job

Do not expect to obtain position at desired rank Don't know N= Barkan, An

Source:

Last job

First job

%

Expect to obtain position at desired rank

First job

Last job %

%

79

58

76

40

66

37

9

22

12

33

15

30

12

20

12

27

(615)

(615)

(479)

(479)

African

Uganda

Tanzania

Ghana

dilemma,

19 (550)

33 (550)

table 2.9.

relatively h i g h educational b a c k g r o u n d s . Rather than b r i d g e the elite-mass g a p , students are consequently m o r e likely t o exacerbate this c l e a v a g e , a n d i n h i b i t t h e p r o c e s s o f v e r t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n i n t h e i r societies/ An

1

obvious outcome

o f the elite-mass

g a p a n d t h e self-

recruitment o f the educated u p p e r and m i d d l e classes w a s the a l i e n a t i o n o f t h e i n t e l l i g e n t s i a as e x p e c t a t i o n s l a g g e d b e h i n d t h e d e s i r e d f u t u r e s . T a b l e 2.4 is s u f f i c i e n t l y i n d i c a t i v e o f t h i s . T h e educational system implanted by the metropolitan p o w e r s w a s i n t e n d e d t o s e r v e as a b r i d g e b e t w e e n A f r i c a n t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s and

western

culture.

B u t in b r i d g i n g

the g a p between

'traditional' and the ' m o d e r n ' , the system has n o t only

the

under­

mined traditional culture b u t has also created a d i l e m m a for the i n d e p e n d e n t s t a t e s : t h o u g h p u r p o r t e d l y c h a n g e - i n d u c i n g , it h a s produced

a structure

which

had become

perhaps

the

most

i m p o r t a n t i m p e d i m e n t t o t h a t c h a n g e w h i c h it s o u g h t t o b r i n g about. 1

Joel D . Barkan, An African dilemma (Nairobi, 1975), 188. See also D a v i d Court, ' T h e education system as a response to inequality in Tanzania and K e n y a J o u r n a l of Modem African Studies, 1976, 1 4 , 4; Richard Marvin, ' W h y d o African parents value

schooling?' Journal of Modern African Studies, 1975, 1 3 , 3; Remi P. Clignet and Philip Foster, The fortunate few (Evanston, 1966); P. Foster, Education and social change in Ghana, (Chicago, 1965); D a v i d Abernethy, The political dilemma of popular education (Stanford, 1969).

79

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DECOLONISATION

T a b l e 2.5.

A N D

I N D E P E N D E N C E

Export and import trade: selected countries. Principal export as % of total exports,

No. of commodities making up 70 % of exports,

% of imports composed of ' machinery

Country

1966-8

1966-8

1962

Cameroun Congo (Braz.) Ethiopia Guinea Ivory Coast Kenya Lesotho Liberia Malawi Niger Sierra Leone Tanzania Zambia

28 48

4 2

4^

56

3 2

38 40

3 6 2

3* 20

Source:

Morrison et al.,

64 35 26 60

9

4 2 2 6

94

I

Black Africa,

5 55 25

I

73 25 65 57 l

16

tables

13.2, 13.3

9 26 30

and

13.4.

T h e p r o b l e m o f the structure o f the society w a s c o m p o u n d e d b y the structure o f the e c o n o m i e s o f the A f r i c a n states. T h e c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s s a w t h e s e states e s s e n t i a l l y as s o u r c e s o f r a w materials a n d markets for the p r o d u c t s o f E u r o p e a n industry. C o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d other infrastructural d e v e l o p m e n t s w e r e therefore carried o u t w i t h these t w o aims in v i e w , t o the n e g l e c t o f almost e v e r y t h i n g else. Africa thus inherited e c o n o m i e s enclave e c o n o m i e s - in w h i c h the primary e c o n o m i c activity consisted in the p r o d u c t i o n o f e x p o r t c o m m o d i t i e s for use in the factories o f E u r o p e and in the i m p o r t o f manufactures and other c o n s u m e r g o o d s . A n d since the price o f manufactures rose quickly relative to agricultural c o m m o d i t i e s , b o t h the balance o f trade and o f p a y m e n t s m o v e d m o r e in f a v o u r o f E u r o p e than o f Africa. A structural dependence w a s thus created w h i c h barely c h a n g e d d u r i n g o u r p e r i o d , as t a b l e s 2.5 a n d 2.6 s h o w . In these states, w h i c h are typical o f the vast majority o f states o f i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a , the e x p o r t o f just a b o u t t w o c o m m o d i t i e s — w h i c h r a n g e d f r o m c o t t o n , g u m a r a b i c , c o f f e e , c o c o a a n d sisal t o 80

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SOCIAL

T a b l e 2.6.

MOBILISATION

Direction of trade: selected countries.

Trade with African states, 1968

Trade with former colonial power %

Country

%

%

Export,

Total,

Total,

Import

Export

1955

1962

1968

10

9 4

53 34

46

9 8

63 58

57 51 17 54

39 5 2

27

Cameroun Congo (Braz.) Guinea Ivory Coast Kenya Lesotho Liberia Malawi Niger Sierra Leone Somalia Tanzania Source:

6 I

10 11 5 2

Morrison et al,

30 10

41 24 5

n/a

n/a

n/a

60

34 54 46

33 56

3

24 5 3 11

19 30 0 I

85 73 2

17

18

33

1

Black Africa,

37

tables 13.5 and

38

48 40

45

23

13.6, 1 3 . 9 - 1 3 . 1 1 .

copper, iron-ore, g o l d and petroleum - constituted approximately 70 p e r c e n t o f t o t a l t r a d e , w h i l e t h e i m p o r t o f ' m a c h i n e r y w h i c h i n c l u d e d v e h i c l e s a n d o t h e r m e c h a n i c a l d e v i c e s , c o n s t i t u t e d less than a third o f total trade. D e p e n d e n c e w a s n o t just in terms o f the e x p o r t o f c o m m o d i t i e s , it w a s a l s o r e f l e c t e d i n t h e p a t t e r n o f t r a d e . C l o s e t o a d e c a d e after i n d e p e n d e n c e , less t h a n 10 p e r c e n t o f all e x p o r t a n d 1 4 p e r c e n t o f all i m p o r t t r a d e w a s b e t w e e n A f r i c a n s t a t e s as a g a i n s t 3 3 p e r cent w i t h the p r e v i o u s c o l o n i a l p o w e r . T r a d e b e t w e e n the A f r i c a n s t a t e s in 1968 a n d e a s t e r n b l o c c o u n t r i e s r a n g e d b e t w e e n o n e a n d 10 p e r c e n t w i t h o n l y f o u r s t a t e s , G u i n e a , M a l i , t h e S u d a n a n d E g y p t , h a v i n g a figure o f m o r e t h a n 10 p e r c e n t . T h e m e a n

figure

o f t r a d e w i t h t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s d u r i n g t h e s a m e p e r i o d w a s 9.28 per cent w i t h o n l y three states, B u r u n d i , L i b e r i a and

Ethiopia,

h a v i n g a figure o f j u s t a b o u t a t h i r d . I n f a c t , at t h e t i m e o f t h e i n d e p e n d e n c e in

i 9 6 0 o f m o s t o f the A f r i c a n states (if trade

between South Africa, R h o d e s i a / Z i m b a b w e , Z a m b i a and M a l a w i , w h i c h a c c o u n t e d f o r o v e r 40 p e r c e n t o f t o t a l e x p o r t s a n d i m p o r t s , is i g n o r e d ) , a b o u t 3 5 p e r c e n t o f t o t a l i n t r a - A f r i c a n i m p o r t s w a s 81

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

DECOLONISATION

T a b l e 2.7.

Country Kenya Morocco Tanzania Tunisia Uganda Zambia Source:

UN

Agri­ culture

AND

I N D E P E N D E N C E

Percentage industrial composition of GDP at factor cost, ip6j. Transport and communi­ cation

Industrial Con­ activity struction

38

Trade Other

2

10

12

5

—

22

32

'3 22

55 22

7

3

18

59 10

12

9 2

48

7

5 8 3 6

Yearbook of national account statistics

25 18

13

17

M

27

10

14 16

1966, 6 9 3 - 4 .

a b s o r b e d b y four countries, A l g e r i a , G h a n a , the I v o r y C o a s t and E g y p t , w h i l e 36 p e r c e n t o f i n t r a - A f r i c a n e x p o r t s w a s p r o v i d e d b y K e n y a , M o r o c c o , the I v o r y C o a s t and M a l i . M u c h o f this trade was

also limited to a restricted

number

o f items, with

food,

b e v e r a g e s a n d t o b a c c o f o r m i n g a b o u t 59 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l in v a l u e w i t h c r u d e materials, fuels a n d m a n u f a c t u r e s m a k i n g u p 1 5 , 3 a n d 22 p e r c e n t r e s p e c t i v e l y .

1

If the c o m p e t i t i v e nature o f A f r i c a n e x p o r t s can be taken

to

explain the l o w level o f intra-African trade, the reliance o n a few e x p o r t c o m m o d i t i e s for f o r e i g n - e x c h a n g e earnings and the h i g h e r price

o f imported

manufactures

relative

to

exports

together

a c c o u n t e d for the inability o f the A f r i c a n states t o t r a n s f o r m economies

into

more

industrially

based

ones.

Table

illustrative o f the industrial c o m p o s i t i o n o f the g r o s s

their

2.7

is

domestic

p r o d u c t o f s o m e selected A f r i c a n states. E v e n t h o u g h the contribution o f ' industrial a c t i v i t y ' to G D P has b e e n s l o w l y rising in m o s t A f r i c a n states d u r i n g o u r p e r i o d , there w e r e certain peculiar characteristics o f manufacturing w h i c h s h o u l d b e n o t e d . F o r t h i s p u r p o s e , N i g e r i a c a n b e c o n s i d e r e d as a c a s e s t u d y . F o r all t h e s e e m i n g l y i m p r e s s i v e g r o w t h r a t e o f d o m e s t i c m a n u f a c t u r i n g - 14 p e r c e n t b e t w e e n 1958 a n d 1963 a n d 15 p e r c e n t i n 1 9 7 1 / 2 - m u c h o f it r e m a i n e d l a r g e l y c h a r a c t e r i s e d by l o w - l e v e l t e c h n o l o g y . O n the other hand, the manufacture o f 1

P. R o b s o n and D . A . Lury (eds.), The economies of Africa ( L o n d o n , 1969), 57.

82

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SOCIAL

MOBILISATION

Imported raw-material component in Nigerian manufacturing: selected industries, 1972.

T a b l e 2.8.

% Raw material imported

Industry group Dairy products Grain-mill products Miscellaneous food products Animal feeds Beer brewing Soft drinks Made-up textile goods (except wearing apparel) Carpets and rugs Paper containers, boxes and board Basic industrial chemicals Fertilisers and pesticides Drugs and medicines Other chemical products Tyres and tubes Pottery products Glass products Concrete products (other than cement, bricks and tiles)

40.85 99-75 60.35 35-70 46.00 45-55 79.65 100.00 44-95 87.30 43.50 45-45 61.05 44-75 92.10 6535 44-5 5

Source: Federation of Nigeria, third national development plan, ip/j-So,

148.

agricultural and special industrial equipment, h o u s e h o l d electrical a p p a r a t u s , a n d m a c h i n e r y a n d t r a n s p o r t e q u i p m e n t , w h i c h re­ q u i r e d r e l a t i v e l y m o r e s o p h i s t i c a t e d t e c h n o l o g y , w a s a b a r e 2.3 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 2 . S e c o n d l y , m u c h m a n u f a c t u r i n g d e p e n d e d v e r y l a r g e l y o n a h i g h l e v e l o f i m p o r t c o m p o n e n t s , as t a b l e 2.8 s h o w s . W h a t e v e r the rationale for industrialisation m a y h a v e been - the creation o f greater self-reliance t h r o u g h the diversification o f the e c o n o m y ; the generation o f m o r e varied and increasing e m p l o y ­ ment opportunities to meet the demands o f a rapidly g r o w i n g p o p u l a t i o n ; or the p r o v i s i o n o f greater welfare t h r o u g h overall e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t - t h e b a s i c s t r a t e g y i n a l m o s t all t h e s t a t e s w a s the process o f i n t r o d u c i n g i m p o r t substituting industries and therefore the c o n s e r v a t i o n o f f o r e i g n - e x c h a n g e earnings for f u r t h e r i n v e s t m e n t . B u t as t h e N i g e r i a n e x a m p l e s h o w s , a n d it is n o t a t y p i c a l , t h a t s t r a t e g y t e n d e d t o p r o v e m o r e o r l e s s self83

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

T a b l e 2.9.

Country Algeria Cameroun Chad Congo (Braz.) Ethiopia Ghana Malawi Morocco Sierra Leone Sudan Tanzania Tunisia

Year 1959 1963 1963 1964 1963 1965 1963 1965 1964 1964 1965 1965

Percentage expenditure p.m. GNP (at market prices): selected countries.

Private consumption

General govt. expenditure on consumption

Exports Less Imports Fixed Capital formation

35 15 14

—

67 82 80 86

*3

14 12 16

73 85 76 72

14

14 11

9 12

13 11

14

7*

17

14 27

60 7* 84

9 13 21

11 11

Increase in stocks 26 — 1 1 — — 1 — — 3 — 1

Source: UN Yearbook of national account statistics 1966, 681-2.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

on goods and services

Net factor - income from abroad —

20 23

41 21

H —

25 —

11 16 — 20

13 24 —21 19

-5 —1 —-1 —2 —

30 16 31 20

34 19 30 35

-5 — —1 —2

— —

SOCIAL

MOBILISATION

Total long-term and publicly guaranteed external debt: selected non-petroleum-producing states ($ billion).

T a b l e 2. i o .

Country Egypt Tanzania Zaire Zambia

End

1973

1-73 0.46 0.89 0.57

End

1974

End

1975

3.89 0.61

6.31 0.79

i.31

1.68 0.95

0.68

End

1976

7.30 0.96 1.90 1.20

H. van B. Cleveland and W. H. Bruce Britain, 'Are the LDCs in over their heads?', International Affairs, July 1977, 734.

Source:

defeating. T h e reason for this lay in the m a i n w i t h the g o v e r n m e n t o f t h e A f r i c a n states. F i r s t , d e s p i t e g r a n d i l o q u e n t five ( o r s i x o r ten) year d e v e l o p m e n t plans, m u c h o f capital i n v e s t m e n t tended t o b e left t o t h e s m a l l b a n d o f A f r i c a n e n t r e p r e n e u r s , w i t h f o r e i g n financial l i n k s , w h o s e m a i n i n t e r e s t w a s t h e p r o f i t a b i l i t y o f t h e i r investments, w h a t e v e r the c o n s e q u e n c e s for their countries. S e c o n d l y , because o f their o v e r r i d i n g desire to retain political p o w e r , g o v e r n m e n t l e a d e r s f o u n d it i n a d v i s a b l e t o t a m p e r w i t h t h e c o n s u m p t i o n h a b i t s o f t h e é l i t e o n w h o m t h e y r e l i e d for p o l i t i c a l s u p p o r t . T h e r e s u l t w a s t h e r e f o r e for t h a t é l i t e t o p r e f e r to maintain their acquired taste for f o r e i g n c o n s u m e r g o o d s rather t h a n t o s a v e , as t a b l e 2.9 s h o w s . T h e need to assuage élite c o n s u m p t i o n patterns, c o u p l e d w i t h the necessity nevertheless to d e v e l o p e c o n o m i c a l l y (and in the case o f E g y p t , to maintain defence requirements) not surprisingly led to h e a v y f o r e i g n indebtedness o n the part o f the A f r i c a n states, w i t h s o m e h a v i n g as h i g h a d e b t t o G D P r a t i o as 0.80. W i t h f o r e i g n i n d e b t e d n e s s g r o w i n g faster t h a n the rate o f g r o w t h o f G D P , t h e c a p a c i t y o f t h e s e states t o m e e t t h e i r f o r e i g n o b l i g a t i o n s became m o r e doubtful. F o r s o m e , unless the i m p r o b a b l e w e r e to happen, the l o n g - t e r m o u t c o m e s e e m e d not unlikely to be complete bankruptcy. T h a t l i k e l i h o o d m i g h t h a v e b e e n o b v i a t e d h a d A f r i c a n states agreed to cooperate or integrate to form larger units. F o r w h a t e v e r the difficulties m i g h t b e w i t h r e g a r d t o e c o n o m i c m o b i l i s a t i o n , t h e s i m p l e fact r e m a i n e d t h a t m o s t o f t h e i n d e p e n ­ d e n t A f r i c a n states w e r e t o o s m a l l a n d t o o p o o r t o form v i a b l e e c o n o m i c u n i t s . I n 1 9 6 4 , f o r e x a m p l e , s o m e 24 A f r i c a n s t a t e s h a d 85

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

DECOLONISATION

A N D

I N D E P E N D E N C E

p o p u l a t i o n s o f l e s s t h a n five m i l l i o n ( f o u r h a d p o p u l a t i o n s o f l e s s than a m i l l i o n ) . S e v e n states h a d p o p u l a t i o n s v a r y i n g b e t w e e n 11 and

20 m i l l i o n , w h i l e E t h i o p i a

million

and

Nigeria

had

22.2 m i l l i o n , E g y p t

56.4 m i l l i o n . O f t h e

42

states

28.9

listed

as

i n d e p e n d e n t in 1 9 7 2 ( e x c l u d i n g E g y p t ) , o n l y 17 h a d a p e r capita G D P i n e x c e s s o f 200 d o l l a r s a n d o n l y s i x - A l g e r i a , G a b o n , t h e I v o r y Coast, L i b y a , South Africa and

Tunisia —exceeded

400

d o l l a r s . A f r i c a ' s s h a r e o f t h e t o t a l w o r l d real i n c o m e w a s j u s t a b o u t 5 p e r c e n t , w h i l e its i n c o m e f r o m m a n u f a c t u r e s w a s a p p r o x i m a t e l y 2 p e r c e n t . I n t e r m s o f t r a d e in f o o d , t h o u g h b y t h e

mid-1930s

Africa w a s e x p o r t i n g a b o u t o n e million tons o f cereals per a n n u m , b y 1 9 7 5 s h e w a s i m p o r t i n g 10 m i l l i o n t o n s p e r a n n u m . F o r m o s t , t h e n , t h e o n l y h o p e o f f u t u r e p r o g r e s s s e e m e d t o lie i n s o m e f o r m o f e c o n o m i c union or the other. A s Peter R o b s o n rightly noted :

ultimately the character and pace of economic development in Africa may be considerably influenced for the better by the consolidation and development of economic integration arrangements. But although the long-term objectives of most African States can best be served by economic co-operation, short-term interests often lead to independent action. The future of economic co-operation in Africa will depend on which of these considerations becomes dominant. 1

G i v e n the c o m p e t i t i v e nature o f African e c o n o m i e s , the legacy o f their colonial past and the character o f their political leadership, o n e c o u l d not be sanguine about the prospects for

integration.

T h e evidence o f t w o decades o f independence

showed

2

that

African leaders w e r e m o r e influenced b y short-term considerations than b y l o n g - t e r m interests. F e w , if any, o f the actual attempts at c o o p e r a t i o n a n d i n t e g r a t i o n - i n c l u d i n g t h e m o s t

promising

East African E c o n o m i c C o m m u n i t y — s u r v i v e d the years o f independence

while many

others

first

remained

twenty

either

as

p r o p o s a l s o r as u n i o n s o n p a p e r o n l y . I n t h e l a s t a n a l y s i s , i f t h e r e c o u l d b e said t o b e a p r o b l e m independence

gave to most

o f independence,

o f the

it w a s

A f r i c a n states

spurious sovereignty w i t h political p o w e r h a v i n g been

that

a cover of transferred

to a political leadership w h o s e sole aim - and achievement - w a s to

have

retained

sovereignty. 1

2

that

power

by

preserving

the

myth

of

3

Peter Robson, Economic integration in Africa ( L o n d o n , 1968), 21. See e.g. Hannu N u r m i , 'Public g o o d s and the analytic theory of the state', in

P. Birnbaum, J. Lively and G . Parry (eds.), Democracy,

consensus and social

contract

( L o n d o n and Beverly Hills, 1978). Arthur H a z l e w o o d (ed.), African integration and disintegration ( O x f o r d , 1967). 3

86

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THE

MILITARY

AND

MILITARISM

THE

MILITARY

AND

MILITARISM

Independence

not

only brought

to the

fore the

problem

of

e c o n o m i c dependency, but also that o f the military, a p r o b l e m that t u r n e d i n t o a s p e c t r e h a u n t i n g all t h e A f r i c a n s t a t e s .

1

H a v i n g an

a r m e d f o r c e w a s as m u c h p a r t o f t h e a c c o u t r e m e n t s o f s o v e r e i g n t y as h a v i n g a n a t i o n a l flag o r a n a t i o n a l a n t h e m . B u t t h o u g h it c o u l d hardly b e a r g u e d that m o s t o f these states faced a n y external

threat

to

their

serious

sovereignty, they certainly w e r e

not

hesitant a b o u t maintaining large military establishments - large, that is, relative to their resources and security needs, b o t h external and internal. In fact, b u t for the p r o b l e m o f internal security, f e w o f these states c o u l d b e said t o h a v e r e q u i r e d the size o f a r m e d personnel they established. ( T h e colonial authorities, because they had to maintain their presence b y a r m e d force, had o f necessity to create a military establishment

requisite

for

that

purpose

t h o u g h for the m o s t part their armies w e r e v e r y small.) T h u s , w h i l e the A f r i c a n states c a m e t o i n d e p e n d e n c e w i t h q u i t e small armies, there can b e n o e s c a p i n g the fact that w i t h i n d e p e n d e n c e the rate o f increase in the size o f the a r m e d forces w a s q u i t e p h e n o m e n a l . A n d w i t h the g r o w t h in size, there w a s a m o r e o r less c o r r e s p o n d i n g i n c r e a s e i n ' d e f e n c e ' e x p e n d i t u r e ( t a b l e 2 . 1 1 ) . S i g n i f i c a n t as t h e i n c r e a s e s m a y h a v e b e e n , t h e full i m p o r t o f d e f e n c e s p e n d i n g is p e r h a p s o n l y p r o p e r l y a p p r e c i a t e d w h e n it is c o m p a r e d w i t h s p e n d i n g in o t h e r sectors, for e x a m p l e , o n welfare services. T h e ratio o f expenditure o n defence to that o n welfare in the A f r i c a n states w h e n c o m p a r e d w i t h the ratio in s o m e o f t h e d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s o r e v e n o t h e r t h i r d - w o r l d s t a t e s s u c h as V e n e z u e l a , s u g g e s t s that the c h o i c e o f priorities in the A f r i c a n states w a s m i s p l a c e d (tables 2 . 1 2 a n d 2.13). T h e p r o b l e m p o s e d b y the military in the n e w states o f A f r i c a w a s , h o w e v e r , n o t just o n e o f n u m b e r s and costs, i m p o r t a n t

as

these m a y h a v e b e e n for the d e v e l o p m e n t o f these states. T h e r e w e r e also the related issues o f d e p e n d e n c y and instability. A f r i c a n armies, like their counterparts t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d , w e r e in a narrow

professional

sense,

'modernity'-oriented.

Being

thus

oriented, they w e r e c o n c e r n e d a b o u t the state o f their h a r d w a r e , which

tended

to

become

outdated

with

rapid

technological

1

T h e literature on the military is quite extensive. There is a g o o d bibliography in Claude E . Welch J nr. and Arthur K . Smith, Military role and rule (Belmont, C a l . , 1974).

87

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

D E C O L O N I S A T I O N

Table 2.11.

A N D

I N D E P E N D E N C E

Manpower and cost of African armies: selected countries. Defence

Country

Total

budget as % of

man­

govt.

% change in

Level of

power in

%

expendi­

defence

Africani-

hundreds,

change,

ture,

budget,

sation,

1967

1963-7

1967

1963-7

1965*

Nigeria

500

Zaire Ethiopia

354 350 185

Sudan Ghana

160

Somalia

95 60

Uganda Senegal

55 50

Guinea Tanzania

50 48

Kenya Ivory Coast Liberia Cameroun Mali Zambia Rwanda

3 5

17-7

45 67

83 85 182 103

7*4 18.1 10.2

33 33 400

11.6

107

-4 11

8.1 3.8

87 150

71

6.9 6.9

100

2

44 28

2

14 54

35 35

21 6

9 18

Dahomey (Bénin)

18

Togo Upper V o l t a

M M

Niger Burundi

13 10

Mauritania

10

Chad Malawi

4

118

4 10

l

C o n g o (Braz.)

128

45 41

30 *5

Sierra Leone

9.9 14.5 17.0

479 10

Gabon

9 9 8

Central African

6

6.7 19.5 21.2

-6

5-7 9-7

153 I

143 64 569 43 0

4.9 8.9 12.0

33 80

135 14.1

350 0

10.8

71 -13

6.9

U 90 "7 -44 30 11

35 17 110 182

M

5 5 5 I

4 j I

5 I

4 I I

2 2 2 2 4 3 4 2 2

17.9

IO

135 33 7.6

33 33 41

3

7-9

83

2

I

Rep. Botswana

0

0

0.0

0

0

Gambia Lesotho

0

0

0

0

0.0 0.0

0 0

0 0

1

o = no army before independence; 1 = officer corps entirely foreign before

independence; 2 = no indigenous officer corps before independence - mixed after independence with near-complete indigenisation at 1965; 3 = no in­ digenous officer corps before independence - total Africanisation thereafter; 4 = indigenous officers before independence; 5 = never a colonial territory, or indigenous officer corps at all levels by or shortly after independence.

Source: Morrison et al. Black Africa, 116, 119, 120. t

88

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T a b l e 2 . 1 2 . Comparative

General economic Pop. 1000

GNP $US million

Nigeria Kenya Ivory Coast Ghana Algeria Zaire Tanzania USA UK Venezuela Source:

I

2

1972.

Public expenditures Military $US million

Health % million

4

of

5

2

4

Armed forces

Teachers

Doctors

1000

1000

1000

%

%

3of 2

3

Manpower

Education % million

%

Country

expenditure: selected countries

2

5

%

%

of

6 6

of

7

I

7

I

5-35 1.27

204

1.92

30

0.28

274

0.39

119

0.02

86

31

0.58

56

0.50

126

7

1-57 0.38

7

1.20

4.38 6.88

4

0.09

34 108

1.32

97

3-77

27

1.05

0.02

61

1.72

9- 5

100

4.20

1-55 0.75

14000

1522

37

2.43

55

5-55 3.61

97 18

0.39

2378

57« 132

9 60

23

1.51

50 11

208 840

1168100

77638

6.64

65652

5.62

56790

154308

8186

8962

5.80

35441 8641

3-03 5.60

10970

14097

270

5.30 1.91

663

4.70

310

2.20

69 500

10585

566

12070

1964

4530 9700

i 832

*5 22

15270

*57* 6250

22860

Ruth Leger Sivard: World military

and social expenditures

2

%

of

8 8

of I

3-1 1.6

0.004 0.006

0.06

0.3 0.8

60

0.40

2.0

0.013

0.22

88

0.38

0.9

0.040

0.08

24

0.17

0.6

0.043

2322

1.12

2308

1.10

320.9

0.150

372

0.07

530

0.90

0.130

34

0.31

71

0.65

73.6 10.9

l

(Virginia, 1974).

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

0.03

0.013 0.008

0.010

Table 2.i}. $

US Social and military indicators: per capita ranking, 1972 (rank in brackets). Education

Country Algeria Botswana Burundi Cameroun Central African Rep. Chad Congo Dahomey (Bénin) Eq. Guinea Ethiopia Gabon Gambia Ghana Guinea Ivory Coast Kenya Lesotho Liberia

GNP per capita

Public expendi­ ture per per capita

409 (4) 119(18)

38 (2) 10(11)

66(41) «3(i7) 152(25) 82(36) 355 (8) 104(31.5) 264(14) 78(37) 916 (2) 141(27) 265(13) 105(30) 404 (6) 163(21.5) 100(34) 222(16)

2(37) 9( 3-5) 5(21.2) I

2(37) 22 (5) 5(21.2) 3(32) 2(37) 19 (7) 5(21.2) 10(11) 5(21.2) 28 (4) 7(i6) 4(28.5) 6(19)

Health

%

illiteracy 75(i3) 67 (7) 9°(2 5) 9°( 5) 92(26) 2

94(28) 80(17) 80(17) 80(17) 93(27) 70 (9)

Public expendi­ ture per capita 6 (6) 4 (9-5) 1(30) 2(22) 2(22)

i(3o) 5 (8) 2(22) 3(14)

i(30) 12 (2.5)

90(25) 75(i3) 9°(2 5) 80(17)

3(H)

75(i3) 4i (2)

3(i4) 1(30)

85(19)

3(14)

3(i4)

1(30)

i(3o)

Military expenditure

Infant Mortality per 1000

Expendi­ ture per capita

Expenditure per soldier

Pop. per soldier

86 (7.5) 175(38) 161(32)

7 (9-5)

1 800(22)

260 (5)

1(26.5)

no

4(17) 4(17)

1500(25) 6000 (3) 6000 ($)

1700(31) 1520(29)

4667 (7) 5 000 (6)

1260(23) 490(11)

2500(17) 1000(29.5)

1440(28)

(9)

163(35) 155(29) 148(24) 150(26.5) 140(21.5) 162(33.5) 184(41) 146(23) 64 (3.5) 5 5(29) 138(20)

1

55 ( 0 I37(i8) I37(i8)

4(i7) 10 (4.5) 2(23) 3(19) 2(23) 10 (4.5)

1067(28) 5000 (6)

1650(30)

290 (6.5) 580(14) 500(12)

4(17)

1790(23) 2500(17)

4(13) 2(23)

5 500 (4)

510(13) 680(17) 1130(21)

3 57i(io)

1720(32)

2(23)

1000(29.5)

4(17)

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

400 (8)

Libya Malagasy Rep. Malawi Mali Mauritania Mauritius Morocco Niger Nigeria Rhodesia Rwanda Senegal Sierra Leone Somalia South Africa Sudan Swaziland Tanzania Togo Tunisia Uganda Upper Volta Zaire Zambia

1982 (1) 149(26)

99(35) 67(40) 174(20) 320(10) 276(11) 103(33) 152(24) 346 (9) 64(42) 252(15) 183(19) 7i(38) 850 (3) 125(28) 267(12) 109(29) 160(23) 405 (5) 163(21.5) 69(38) 104(31.5)

359 (7)

101 (1) 5(21.2) 3(32) 3(32) 6(19) 10(11) 14 (8) ^(37) 3(32) 8(15) 2(37) 1(38.5) 6(19) 1(38.5) 2(37) 6(19) » (9) 4(28.5) 5(21.2) 30 (3)

903-5) 2(37) 6(19) 21 (6)

73(io) 61 (5)

78(H) 2

53

( I )

130(14)

48

(l)

2(23)

3 0OO(l4)

i(3o)

168(36.5)

2(23) 8 (7-5) 1(26.5)

2 000(2l) 2 000(2l) 5 000 (6)

1(30)

I37(i8)

8 (4) 3(i4) 1(30)

64 (3-5) 149(25) 140(21.5)

9 («) 1(26.5)

75(13)

— —

58 (2)

8 (7-5)

7503)

5 (8) 1(30)

86 (7-5)

5(i3)

2

2

2

9°( 5) 95(3o) 60 (4)

3(i4) 2(22)

I33(i5) 67 (5) 136(16)

1(26.5)

4(17) 19 (2) 7 (9-5)

i(3o)

154(27)

4(95) 2(22)

179(35)

5 (8) 2(22)

168(36.5) 162(33.5)

1(30)

87(20)

i(30) i(3o)

155(29) 78 (6) 113(10) 181(40) 115(11)

59 (3)

12 (2.5)

i59(3i)

90(25) 64 (6) 85(19) 85(19) 68 (8) 75(13)

95(30

Source: Sivard, World military and social expenditures,

(9)

55 (I) 119(12)

9°( 5) 95(3o) 38 (1) 80(17) 95(3o)

9°( 5) 9°( 5)

4OOO

3(i4) 1(30)

7 (5) 2(22)

121(13)

5(13) 1(26.5)

3(19) 2(23) 6(11) 3(19) 1(26.5) 4(17) 17 (3)

Rank ordering recomputed.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

——

2556(16) 2000(21) 2066(18) 6000 (3)

80 (1) 1780(33) 4670(36) 1320(25.5) 620(15)

—

—

290 (6.5) 2100(35)

3139O3)

250 (4) 1140(22) 650(16) 690(18) 1320(25.5) 210 (2) 1350(27) 460 (9.5)

3382(11) 4400 (8) I 258(26) 2769(15) 2 5 00(00) 2004(19) 1250(27)

1270(24) 2090(34) 220 (3) 800(20) 2800(00) 460 (9.5) 740(19)

833(32) 3 333(i2) I 700(24) 943(3 0 25 529 (1)

DECOLONISATION

AND

I N D E P E N D E N C E

change. W e a p o n s systems therefore had to be changed frequently, as t h e t e c h n o l o g y o f w a r c h a n g e d . B u t s i n c e m o s t A f r i c a n countries (with the e x c e p t i o n o f S o u t h Africa) had neither the t e c h n o l o g i c a l skills n o r the resource base to maintain a m o d e r n a r m a m e n t s i n d u s t r y , it f o l l o w e d t h a t all m i l i t a r y h a r d w a r e h a d t o be imported from the arms merchants and manufacturers o f E u r o p e , the U n i t e d States and the eastern-bloc countries. T h e need to ensure a regular s u p p l y o f arms, b o t h in terms o f n e w acquisitions and the replacement and servicing o f existing w e a p o n s , not infrequently led to a d e p e n d e n c y relation w h i c h w a s f u r t h e r e n h a n c e d a n d c o n s o l i d a t e d t h r o u g h s u c h d e v i c e s as t h e g i v i n g o f m i l i t a r y a i d , as t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s ' m i l i t a r y aid t o E t h i o p i a and the S o v i e t U n i o n ' s s u p p l y o f arms t o E g y p t ( u p till a b o u t 1 9 7 3 - 4 i n b o t h c a s e s ) s o c l e a r l y d e m o n s t r a t e d . D e p e n d e n c y and aid w e r e n o t i n f r e q u e n t l y a c c o m p a n i e d b y the intrusion o f g r e a t - p o w e r rivalry into the domestic politics o f the A f r i c a n states, i n t r o d u c i n g t h e r e b y further e l e m e n t s o f instability. A s examples o f this, o n e c o u l d cite S o v i e t - A m e r i c a n rivalry o v e r C u b a n i n t e r v e n t i o n in the A n g o l a n w a r o f l i b e r a t i o n ; the intervention in Z a i r e b y France, the U n i t e d States, B e l g i u m and W e s t e r n G e r m a n y , t h r o u g h the surrogate p r o v i d e d b y M o r o c c o , w h e n Cuban-trained Z a i r e a n mercenaries i n v a d e d the Shaba (former K a t a n g a ) p r o v i n c e ; S o v i e t - A m e r i c a n rivalry in the S o m a l i a - E t h i o p i a c o n f l i c t s ; F r a n c o - S o v i e t rivalry in the Sahara, w i t h F r a n c e b a c k i n g M o r o c c o and Mauritania, and the S o v i e t U n i o n s u p p o r t i n g the Polisario, the nationalist m o v e m e n t fighting for the i n d e p e n d e n c e o f the former Spanish Sahara - also sup­ ported b y A l g e r i a . Finally there w a s the special case o f S o u t h Africa, w h e r e the struggle for African majority rule seemed a possible trigger for a third W o r l d W a r in w h i c h the drama o f g r e a t - p o w e r rivalry w o u l d be played o u t b e t w e e n the w e s t and the eastern-bloc countries. A t t e m p t s at e s c a p i n g f r o m d e p e n d e n c y t h r o u g h t h e d i v e r s i f i ­ cation o f supply sources w e r e not very successful during the p e r i o d c o v e r e d b y this v o l u m e . N o t o n l y did they p r o v e costly and lead to inefficiency, b u t s u c h attempts w e r e c o u n t e r e d b y the w i t h h o l d i n g o f s u p p l i e s a n d r e p l a c e m e n t s , s o t h a t , far f r o m e n d i n g d e p e n d e n c y , diversification o n l y s u c c e e d e d in replacing de­ p e n d e n c y o n o n e o r a limited n u m b e r o f supply sources b y that o n o t h e r s . T o t h i s fact m u s t b e a d d e d t h e g r o w t h o f a m i l i t a r i s t i c 92

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THE

MILITARY

AND

MILITARISM

spirit fostered t h r o u g h the a c q u i s i t i o n , f r o m b o t h the w e s t e r n a n d communist blocs, o f arms. M o s t African armies, o w i n g to lack o f technological skills, a relatively l o w level o f education, inex­ perience d e r i v i n g f r o m the escalation in n u m b e r s and the s o m e ­ times

over-rapid

indigenisation

of

the

officer

incapable o f u s i n g the sophisticated p r o d u c t s

corps,

o f the

were

modern

armaments industry. M u c h o f the hardware therefore turned o u t not u n e x p e c t e d l y to be the r e d u n d a n t o r discarded

items

of

E u r o p e a n armies, those already rendered obsolete t h r o u g h tech­ n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e . T h u s A f r i c a n states b e c a m e the d u m p i n g g r o u n d f o r s u c h h a r d w a r e (as i n d e e d t h e y h a d b e e n in p r e - c o l o n i a l t i m e s ) , a d u m p i n g w h i c h t e n d e d t o f o s t e r a n e w m i l i t a r i s m , as s e e n i n the

increasing incidence o f border

wars, military c o u p s

and

v a r i o u s o t h e r acts o f a g g r e s s i o n o n the c i v i l i a n p o p u l a t i o n s o f t h e s e states. T h e ' s o v e r e i g n t y o f t h e p e o p l e ' p r o c l a i m e d w i t h t h e declaration o f i n d e p e n d e n c e b e c a m e , for m a n y an A f r i c a n state, nothing m o r e than tutelage under the military.

Independence

itself b e c a m e a p a r a d o x .

POLITICAL

LEADERSHIP AND

POLITICAL

SUCCESSION

T h e global changes w h i c h f o l l o w e d the end o f the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r m a d e i n d e p e n d e n c e for the v a r i o u s A f r i c a n states i n e v i t a b l e . It m i g h t b e a r g u e d , h o w e v e r , t h a t t h o u g h i n d e p e n d e n c e i n e v i t a b l e , these states

w e r e little p r e p a r e d

to cope with

was the

n u m e r o u s p r o b l e m s w h i c h w e n t w i t h the g r a n t i n g o f a s o v e r e i g n 1

status. B u t s u c h an a r g u m e n t c o u l d b e m i s l e a d i n g , b e c a u s e o f the a m b i g u i t y i n h e r e n t in t h e n o t i o n o f ' p r e p a r e d n e s s ' . O n t h e o t h e r hand, the a r g u m e n t a b o u t lack o f preparedness c o u l d be taken to m e a n that the c o l o n i a l authorities, b y their v a r i o u s p o l i c i e s , failed t o c r e a t e in t h e t e r r i t o r i e s t h e y g o v e r n e d t h e c o n d i t i o n s n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f s o v e r e i g n t y . I t is n o t e x a c t l y c l e a r h o w t h e ' necessary c o n d i t i o n s ' c o u l d be specified, but that

interpretation

h a s n o t b e e n w i t h o u t its p r o t a g o n i s t s a m o n g s t A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s t l e a d e r s , m a n y o f w h o m in f a c t u s e d it t o h a s t e n t h e p r o c e s s o f , and justify the d e m a n d for, i n d e p e n d e n c e . On

the other hand the a r g u m e n t a b o u t lack o f preparedness

1

B. B. Shaffer, ' T h e concept of preparation - some questions about the transfer of systems of g o v e r n m e n t ' , World Politics, 1965, 1 8 ; Ali Mazrui, ' E d m u n d Burke and reflections on the revolution in the C o n g o ' , in Ali Mazrui, On heroes and Vhuru-worship:

essays on independent Africa (London, 1967), 3 - 1 8 .

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A N D

I N D E P E N D E N C E

c o u l d be taken to m e a n that the African p e o p l e s w e r e themselves u n p r e p a r e d for i n d e p e n d e n c e , i m p l y i n g that they w e r e , in s o m e sense, incapable o f s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t . O n e o f the g r o u n d s used to justify the o r i g i n a l c o l o n i s a t i o n o f A f r i c a b y the E u r o p e a n s w a s that A f r i c a n s w e r e n o t capable o f g o v e r n i n g t h e m s e l v e s , a n o t i o n that nationalist leaders quite p r o p e r l y rejected. F o r t h e m the right to self-government also included the right to self-misgovernment. B u t as t h e A f r i c a n s t a t e s c o n t i n u e d t o g r a p p l e w i t h t h e p r o b l e m s o f independence, the question o f preparedness, irrelevant t h o u g h it m a y n o w s e e m t o b e , c o n t i n u e d t o b e r a i s e d . A f r i c a ' s c o l o n i a l heritage and the d e p e n d e n c y w h i c h f o l l o w e d f r o m that heritage has led to p r o b l e m s that m u s t be o v e r c o m e ; the c o n c e p t o f ' preparedness' m a y t h r o w light o n these p r o b l e m s , but apart from its i n t e r e s t t o h i s t o r i a n s , it c a n o n l y u s e f u l l y b e e m p l o y e d as a c h a l l e n g e t o A f r i c a n states t o t a k e d e c i s i o n s b a s e d o n a rational assessment o f possible solutions.

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3

PAN-AFRICANISM SINCE

1940

In 1940, P a n - A f r i c a n i s m s e e m e d t o b e in a state o f d e c a y , y e t w a s germinating n e w g r o w t h . O n e generation o f leaders and organisations was fading. T h e r e had been n o Pan-African C o n g r e s s since the unimpressive N e w Y o r k C o n g r e s s in 1927. T h e organiser o f the four c o n g r e s s e s b e t w e e n 1 9 1 9 and 1927, W . E . B . D u B o i s , l a t e r a c c l a i m e d as t h e ' F a t h e r o f P a n A f r i c a n i s m ' , a p p e a r e d t o l o o k b a c k o n t h e m as a c o m p l e t e d e p i s o d e . H i s s e m i - a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l b o o k , Dusk of dawn, p u b l i s h e d in 1 9 4 0 , s h o w e d m i n i m a l i n t e r e s t i n P a n - A f r i c a n i s m . H o w e v e r , D u B o i s ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o P a n - A f r i c a n i s m w a s n o t o n l y as t h e o r g a n i s e r a n d i n s p i r e r o f o c c a s i o n a l c o n g r e s s e s , b u t a l s o as a n intellectual, m a k i n g k n o w n the contribution o f black p e o p l e in b o t h A f r i c a and the A f r i c a n diaspora to h u m a n i t y . In this respect, h e w a s still f r u i t f u l l y a c t i v e . H i s Black folk then and now, p u b l i s h e d in 1 9 3 9 , w a s a l i v e l y a n d p e n e t r a t i n g c o l l e c t i o n o f e s s a y s o n African and diaspora history and culture from ancient to m o d e r n t i m e s . It c o n t i n u e d a g e n r e h e h a d p i o n e e r e d as far b a c k as 1 9 1 5 , w i t h h i s b o o k The Negro, a n d w h i c h h e w a s t o r e t u r n t o i n 1 9 4 7 w i t h The world and Africa. I n t h e s e w o r k s h e s h o w e d h i m s e l f capable o f stimulating the intelligent general reader o n vast, l i t t l e - k n o w n themes. In spirit, these b o o k s w e r e p r o f o u n d l y i f n o t e x p l i c i t l y P a n - A f r i c a n . T h e y d e a l t w i t h A f r i c a as a w h o l e , d e f e n d e d t h e c r e a t i v i t y a n d v a l i d i t y o f A f r i c a n c u l t u r e t h r o u g h t h e a g e s (as h a d t h e g r e a t n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y p r o t o - P a n - A f r i c a n i s t s , s u c h as E . W . B l y d e n ) , a n d t r e a t e d t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e d i a s p o r a as a v i t a l part o f the history o f Africa and Africans. In the o p e n i n g m o n t h s o f 1940, his g r e a t rival in f a m e - o r n o t o r i e t y - as a P a n - A f r i c a n i s t , M a r c u s G a r v e y , w a s d y i n g i n L o n d o n . His Universal N e g r o Improvement Association ( U N I A ) , t h e o n l y m a s s - s u p p o r t e d o r g a n i s a t i o n till t h e n i n t h e h i s t o r y o f Pan-Africanism, had l o n g since divided into mutually hostile fragments. His r e m a i n i n g s u p p o r t e r s w e r e chiefly in distant N o r t h 95

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I94O

A m e r i c a and the W e s t Indies. H i s spirits w e r e s i n k i n g ; he w a s p o v e r t y stricken; and t h o u g h respected b y the y o u n g e r generation o f active Pan-Africanists in Britain, had held h i m s e l f a l o o f f r o m them. His magazine

The Black Man,

to w h i c h , largely, he devoted

h i s last y e a r s , a p p e a r e d at i n c r e a s i n g l y i r r e g u l a r i n t e r v a l s , a n d h a d p e t e r e d o u t i n J u n e 1939. D e s p i t e h i s p u g n a c i o u s a t t a c k s o n o t h e r black

leaders,

the

obituaries

on

his

death

contained

remarkably g e n e r o u s tributes, w h i c h recognised the

some

uniqueness

o f his career and a c h i e v e m e n t s . T h e o r g a n o f the L e a g u e o f C o l o u r e d P e o p l e s , an essentially moderate o r e v e n c o n s e r v a t i v e g r o u p b a s e d i n B r i t a i n , d e s c r i b e d h i m as ' o n e o f t h e g r e a t e s t m e n o u r g r o u p h a s s o far t h r o w n u p ' a n d r e c o g n i s e d t h a t ' n o o t h e r m a n o p e r a t i n g o u t s i d e A f r i c a h a s s o far b e e n a b l e t o u n i t e o u r people

in

such

large numbers

for

any

object

whatsoever'.

1

A n o t h e r o f the older generation o f Pan-African leaders, D u s e M o h a m e d A l i , w h o had been one o f G a r v e y ' s early mentors, but w h o later had d i s a g r e e d w i t h h i m , and had b r o k e n w i t h Universal N e g r o Improvement

A s s o c i a t i o n in

the

1922, c a m e

to

m u c h the same c o n c l u s i o n :

Perhaps no African, living or dead, had made such an impression on the world at large and quickened the desire for racial self-reliance and self-dependence in the breasts of Africans the world over, than the dead leader... It is to be deeply regretted that his dream of a permanent home for the peoples of African origin was not destined to be realised, but the fact remains that he altered the economic and political consciousness of the African the world over... He has unquestionably altered their outlook as no previous leader seemed capable of accomplishing. 2

A l i w a s a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e figure i n a t h i r d m a i n s t r a n d o f t h e P a n - A f r i c a n M o v e m e n t in the p e r i o d 1918-39. T h i s w a s w h a t m i g h t be called C o m m e r c i a l P a n - A f r i c a n i s m - the belief that large-scale c o m m e r c i a l enterprise b y p e o p l e f r o m Africa and the diaspora c o u l d prise resources from the hands o f w h i t e imperialists, enrich the black race, and t h r o u g h the p o w e r o f w e a l t h w i n f r e e d o m . B u t b y 1940, A l i h a d c e a s e d t o b e a n a c t i v e C o m m e r c i a l P a n - A f r i c a n i s t , a n d h a d s e t t l e d d o w n i n h i s last y e a r s as t h e p r o p r i e t o r a n d e d i t o r o f The Comet, & l o c a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l m a g a z i n e in L a g o s . T o a rising g e n e r a t i o n o f N i g e r i a n s , he w a s a respected but rather r e m o t e o l d m a n , w i t h a m y s t e r i o u s and e x c i t i n g past. L i k e G a r v e y , h e w a s m u c h less fiery i n h i s l a t e r y e a r s , e s p e c i a l l y 1

News Letter,

July

1940,

xo, 64.

z

The Comet, 17

August

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1940, 4.

PAN-AFRICANISM

SINCE

1940

o v e r the evils o f British imperialism. A m a n a b o v e local party divisions, he chaired the inaugural m e e t i n g o f the N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l for N i g e r i a and the C a m e r o o n s ( N C N C ) in L a g o s in 1944, a l m o s t h i s last p u b l i c a c t b e f o r e h i s d e a t h i n 1 9 4 5 . H i s m a i n r i v a l as a C o m m e r c i a l P a n - A f r i c a n i s t , t h e s p e c t a c u l a r Ghanaian, W . T e t e - A n s a , w a s still a t t e m p t i n g t o c a r r y t h r o u g h h i s l a t e s t g r a n d i o s e c o m m e r c i a l s c h e m e s in 1940, b u t w i t h the o u t b r e a k o f w a r the m o m e n t for such enterprises had passed. I n d e e d , e v e n from the early 1930s, the y o u n g e r successors o f A l i and T e t e A n s a , W e s t Africans like E k e t I n y a n g U d o h , w h o had learned m u c h f r o m t h e m , w e r e m u c h m o r e c o m m e r c i a l nationalists t h a n Pan-Africanists. Simultaneous w i t h these declining careers and m o v e m e n t s , there w a s from the mid-1930s a t o u g h , resourceful and radical n e w g e n e r a t i o n o f P a n - A f r i c a n i s t s , s o m e M a r x i s t , s u c h as t h e Trinidadians G e o r g e P a d m o r e and C . L . R. James and the Sierra L e o n e a n I. T . A . W a l l a c e - J o h n s o n , o t h e r s l i k e t h e K e n y a n J o m o K e n y a t t a and the G u y a n a n Ras M a k o n n e n d e t e r m i n e d l y antiimperialist. W h a t b o u n d t h e m t o g e t h e r i d e o l o g i c a l l y w a s antiimperialism, and the c o n v i c t i o n that i m p e r i a l i s m had a racial m o d e - t h a t it w a s t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f b l a c k m e n b y w h i t e , a n d that the o n l y w a y o u t , for the b l a c k w o r l d , w a s t h r o u g h racial solidarity and activism. T h i s consensus enabled the anti-Marxist M a k o n n e n , for example, to w o r k h a r m o n i o u s l y w i t h the Marxist Padmore. W h a t activated their radicalism, m o r e than anything else, w a s the I t a l o - E t h i o p i a n crisis, and the c y n i c a l a b a n d o n m e n t o f Ethiopia b y the leaders o f the L e a g u e o f N a t i o n s , Britain and France. S o m e , notably P a d m o r e w i t h his experience o f the C o m i n t e r n and Profintern, w e r e also c o n v i n c e d that, w i t h equal c y n i c i s m , t h e U S S R m e r e l y r e g a r d e d b l a c k m o v e m e n t s as ' r e v o l u t i o n a r y e x p e n d a b l e s ' , and had jettisoned support for the b l a c k w o r l d in t h e i n t e r e s t s o f P o p u l a r F r o n t p o l i c i e s . I t s h o u l d b e n o t e d t h a t t h e first i n s t i t u t i o n a l e x p r e s s i o n o f t h i s g r o u p , t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l A f r i c a n F r i e n d s o f A b y s s i n i a ( I A F A ) , i n 1935 h a d c l o s e c o n t a c t s w i t h t h e P a r i s - b a s e d Ligue de la Défense de la Race Nègre, at o n e t i m e c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e F r e n c h C o m m u n i s t Party, and suppressed b y the P o p u l a r F r o n t g o v e r n m e n t in 1937. O n e other factor b o n d i n g the radicals t o g e t h e r w a s that despite diverse origins, they w e r e g e o g r a p h i c a l l y concentrated b y their r e s i d e n c e i n B r i t a i n , w h i c h t h e y felt ' t o b e at t h e c e n t r e o f g r a v i t y 97

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PAN-AFRICANISM

as far as A f r i c a w a s c o n c e r n e d ' . speech, they nevertheless purposes;

although

SINCE

1

1940

Sceptical about

British

free

r e c o g n i s e d its u t i l i t y f o r t h e i r

determined

to be neither

own

smothered

nor

c o n t r o l l e d , they appreciated the practical aid o f British s y m p a t h ­ isers. D i s p e r s e d a r o u n d B r i t a i n b y the blitz ( M a k o n n e n ' s

restau­

r a n t s in M a n c h e s t e r t h e n b e c o m i n g a n i m p o r t a n t l o c a l e o f t h e m o v e m e n t ) , t h e y r e m a i n e d in c l o s e t o u c h w i t h e a c h o t h e r . M o r e than

any

other

group,

they

were

responsible

for

the

Fifth

P a n - A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s in M a n c h e s t e r in 1945. What

saved them

from

b e i n g merely a small

discussion g r o u p o f the sort that had l o n g

Pan-African

flourished

in Britain

w a s their ability to reach and penetrate other black circles. O n e o f these w a s W A S U , the W e s t A f r i c a n Students U n i o n , w h o s e dominant

figure,

Ladipo

Solanke, had

long

b e l i e v e d in

the

c o n c e p t o f a U n i t e d W e s t A f r i c a , a n d w h o s e hostel in L o n d o n w a s a r e n d e z v o u s for W e s t African students and visitors, and

other

Africans, W e s t Indians, black A m e r i c a n s and white sympathisers. T h r o u g h friendly and informal contacts w i t h W A S U , the radicals w e r e able to spread their influence. A British-based organisation w i t h w h i c h they had m o r e e q u i v o c a l relations w a s the

moderate

L e a g u e o f C o l o u r e d Peoples ( L C P ) , led b y the Jamaican,

Dr

M . A . M o o d y . M a k o n n e n r e g a r d e d his g r o u p ' s relationship w i t h t h e L C P as b e i n g ' o n e

of convenience'.

2

H o w e v e r , in

1939,

collaboration b e t w e e n the L C P moderates and the radicals w a s increasing, particularly in p l a n n i n g a W o r l d C o n f e r e n c e to be h e l d in L o n d o n in

1940, w h i c h w a s to deal c o m p r e h e n s i v e l y

with

questions c o n c e r n i n g Africa and the diaspora. T h e radicals w e r e anxious that their organisation, the International A f r i c a n S e r v i c e B u r e a u ( I A S B ) , w h i c h h a d r e p l a c e d t h e I A F A in 1 9 3 7 , w o u l d n o t be s w a m p e d b y the L C P , w h i c h had taken the initiative. W a r put paid

to the

radicals

and

conference, and moderates.

The

the

fragile c o o p e r a t i o n

former

denounced

the

between war

as

i m p e r i a l i s t , a n d r e f u s e d t o s u p p o r t t h e B r i t i s h w a r effort. M o o d y , w h i l e c o n t i n u i n g t o w o r k f o r b l a c k p o l i t i c a l a n d c i v i l r i g h t s , felt t h a t in t h a t c r i s i s it w a s n e c e s s a r y t o r a l l y b e h i n d t h e U n i o n J a c k . In c o n s e q u e n c e , b y

1945 t h e i n t e n s e r a d i c a l i s i n g effect o f t h e

S e c o n d W o r l d W a r m a d e h i m seem irrelevant, w h i l e the radicals w e r e in a c c o r d w i t h the m o o d o f the times. D e s p i t e 1

2

wartime

Ras Makonnen, Pan-Africanism from within (Nairobi, 1973), 152—3. Makonnen, Pan-Africanism, 127.

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dislocation, the radicals, notably P a d m o r e and M a k o n n e n ,

re­

mained organisationally effective. In 1944 they w e r e able to create t h e P a n - A f r i c a n F e d e r a t i o n ( P A F ) as a n u m b r e l l a f o r a n u m b e r of smaller organisations. I f B r i t a i n w a s t h e f o c u s o f P a n - A f r i c a n a c t i v i t y u p t o 1 9 4 5 , it w o u l d n e v e r t h e l e s s b e m i s l e a d i n g t o a t t r i b u t e all i n i t i a t i v e b e t w e e n 1935

a n d 1945 t o B r i t i s h - b a s e d g r o u p s a n d l e a d e r s . A l l o v e r t h e

b l a c k w o r l d , b u t m o s t n o t a b l y in W e s t A f r i c a and in the U n i t e d States, p e o p l e w e r e aroused b y the I t a l o - E t h i o p i a n crisis. T h u s , a l t h o u g h o n l y a h a n d f u l o f b l a c k A m e r i c a n s - s u c h as t h e a v i a t o r s John

C Robinson

s e r v e d in t h e

and

Hubert

Ethiopian

Fauntleroy

forces, nevertheless

Julian - actually many

thousands

expressed the w i s h to d o so but w e r e p r e v e n t e d by circumstances. The

m o s t i m p o r t a n t o f these w a s the U S State D e p a r t m e n t ' s

ban

o n A m e r i c a n citizens enlisting in E t h i o p i a n forces. T h e b l a c k A m e r i c a n press d e v o t e d e n o r m o u s attention to the w a r , and to the appeals o f v a r i o u s aid c o m m i t t e e s . M a n y b l a c k A m e r i c a n organisations s o u g h t to aid E t h i o p i a ; such, for e x a m p l e , w a s the Pan-African D a n i e l s in

Reconstruction Harlem

in

Association, founded

1934. T h e s e press

by

campaigns

Samuel and

aid

o r g a n i s a t i o n s w e r e p a r a l l e l e d i n W e s t A f r i c a . T h e effect o n b o t h the y o u n g e r and older generations o f W e s t Africans w a s often to m a k e t h e m a w a r e i n a w a y t h a t w a s , at l e a s t i m p l i c i t l y , P a n African. A s A n t h o n y E n a h o r o put it:

Our favourite newspaper, The Comet, was a weekly publication by [Duse Mohamed Ali]... From it I followed the fortunes of the Italo-Abyssinian War, about which Father and my teachers appeared considerably agitated. Fellowfeeling with other Africans was a newly awakened sentiment, much disappointment was felt about England's failure to go to the aid of the Ethiopians, and collections were taken for a 'Help Abyssinia Fund'. 1

In o t h e r w a y s , the W e s t A f r i c a n P a n - A f r i c a n response in the 1 9 3 0 s w a s less c l e a r . T h i s w a s t h e p e r i o d o f t h e d e c l i n e o f t h e N a t i o n a l C o n g r e s s o f B r i t i s h W e s t A f r i c a a n d the rise o f territori­ ally based political parties. O n the o t h e r h a n d W a l l a c e - J o h n s o n ' s W e s t A f r i c a n Y o u t h L e a g u e had a P a n - A f r i c a n o u t l o o k , and tried t o e m b r a c e F r e n c h a n d P o r t u g u e s e as w e l l as B r i t i s h W e s t A f r i c a i n t h e y e a r s after 1 9 3 5 . H i s d e t e n t i o n o n S h e r b r o I s l a n d f o r m o s t of

the p e r i o d o f the

Second W o r l d W a r ended

the

League's

e f f e c t i v e life. T h e m o s t s p e c t a c u l a r o f t h e n e w g e n e r a t i o n o f W e s t 1

Anthony Enahoro, Fugitive

offender

(London, 1965),

45.

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African political leaders, N n a m d i A z i k i w e , proclaimed PanA f r i c a n i d e a s i n h i s n e w s p a p e r s , t h e African Morning Post i n A c c r a , a n d f r o m 1 9 3 8 t h e West African Pilot i n L a g o s ; a n d i n h i s b o o k Renascent Africa ( 1 9 3 7 ) . H e h a d a w i d e i n f l u e n c e o v e r t h e y o u n g e r generation. A z i k i w e provided a model and personal encouragement to y o u n g W e s t Africans to g o to the U n i t e d States for their u n i v e r s i t y e d u c a t i o n , m o s t n o t a b l y in the case o f K w a m e N k r u m a h , w h o i n 1935 w e n t t o s t u d y at L i n c o l n U n i v e r s i t y , A z i k i w e ' s o l d s c h o o l . In the 1930s and 1940s, several score W e s t A f r i c a n s t u d e n t s s t u d i e d at L i n c o l n , n o t t o m e n t i o n n u m b e r s o f o t h e r A f r i c a n s w h o s t u d i e d at o t h e r A m e r i c a n u n i v e r s i t i e s , b l a c k and w h i t e . D u r i n g the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r such students had opportunities to interact w i t h a r e v i v i n g black A m e r i c a n interest in A f r i c a , a n d t o assess t h e i r o w n p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n i n a c o u n t r y w h i c h , i f an ally o f w a r t i m e Britain, w a s hostile t o British i m ­ perialism. A m o n g t h e m s e l v e s , they f o r m e d an A f r i c a n Students A s s o c i a t i o n ( A S A ) , first m o o t e d as a n i d e a at L i n c o l n i n 1 9 3 9 , w h i c h h e l d its first g e n e r a l m e e t i n g i n H a r l e m in 1 9 4 1 . A l t h o u g h its m e m b e r s w e r e n o t m a n y , t h e y c o n t a i n e d m e n w h o w e r e l a t e r t o m a k e t h e i r m a r k i n W e s t A f r i c a , s u c h as K . O . Mbadiwe, A. A . N. Orizu, Mbonu Ojike, K . A . B . JonesQ u a r t e y , a n d , o f c o u r s e , N k r u m a h . It n o w a p p e a r s t h a t N k r u m a h later e x a g g e r a t e d h i s r o l e i n t h e A S A , e l e v a t i n g h i m s e l f r e t r o ­ s p e c t i v e l y t o t h e p o s i t i o n o f its first p r e s i d e n t , a n d c l a i m i n g t h a t h e c o n t i n u e d as p r e s i d e n t u n t i l h e w e n t t o B r i t a i n i n 1 9 4 5 . S o far as is k n o w n h e w a s t h e second p r e s i d e n t , a n d o n l y h e l d this p o s t d u r i n g 1 9 4 2 - 3 . N e v e r t h e l e s s , b e c a u s e t h e A S A affiliated i t s e l f t o W A S U i n B r i t a i n , o n r e a c h i n g L o n d o n i n 1945 it w a s n o t difficult f o r N k r u m a h , still a r a t h e r o b s c u r e p e r s o n , t o m a k e h i m s e l f k n o w n to the t o p leadership o f P a n - A f r i c a n i s m in Britain. A d d i t i o n a l l y , he had a letter o f r e c o m m e n d a t i o n to P a d m o r e f r o m C L . R. James. But N k r u m a h does seem to have played a part in radicalising the C o u n c i l o n A f r i c a n Affairs, a b l a c k A m e r i c a n organisation w h i c h had been founded by Paul R o b e s o n and M a x Y e r g a n . H e p l a y e d a p r o m i n e n t p a r t i n its C o n f e r e n c e o n A f r i c a , h e l d in N e w Y o r k i n 1 9 4 4 , w h i c h i n t u r n r e f l e c t e d t h e g r o w i n g interest o f politically c o n s c i o u s b l a c k A m e r i c a n s in the A f r i c a n continent.

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T h e 1945 P a n - A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s w a s t h e c u l m i n a t i o n o f t h e n e w g r o w t h s in t h e m o v e m e n t , b u t a l s o o f a m u c h l o n g e r p r o c e s s , s t r e t c h i n g b a c k to the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , in w h i c h P a n - A f r i c a n c o n s c i o u s n e s s h a d b e e n g e r m i n a t i n g , especially in the d i a s p o r a , a l t h o u g h also in A f r i c a . A f t e r 1 9 4 5 , P a n - A f r i c a n i s m w a s to t r a n s f e r its g e o g r a p h i c a l c e n t r e , p o l i t i c a l p r i o r i t i e s , a n d l e a d e r s h i p , at l o n g last, t o t h e A f r i c a n c o n t i n e n t itself, a n d t h e d i a s p o r a w a s to b e c o m e peripheral in e v e r y sense. N e v e r t h e l e s s , despite the reiteration, especially b y N k r u m a h , that the M a n c h e s t e r C o n g r e s s w a s t h e first t o b e d o m i n a t e d b y A f r i c a n s a n d A f r i c a n i s s u e s , it w a s v e r y m u c h t h e c r e a t i o n o f d i a s p o r a l e a d e r s . It s o h a p p e n e d t h a t b y 1944, D u B o i s had r e v i v e d his a c t i v e interest in P a n - A f r i c a n i s m and w a s planning another c o n g r e s s . T h u s b y early 1945, b o t h D u B o i s and the radical P a n - A f r i c a n i s t s in Britain w e r e , u n k n o w n to each other, planning a Fifth C o n g r e s s . T h i s confusion was partly because D u B o i s ' s contacts in Britain w e r e w i t h W A S U and the L C P , w h o s e leader, M o o d y , had b e e n c o n t e m p l a t i n g s o m e sort o f Pan-African conference since 1943, rather than the I A S B and t h e P A F . H e h o p e d , as h e h a d i n 1 9 1 9 , t o p e r s u a d e t h e N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n for the A d v a n c e m e n t o f C o l o r e d P e o p l e ( N A A C P ) officially t o s u p p o r t a n d finance h i s c o n g r e s s , w h i c h h e w i s h e d t o t a k e p l a c e in A f r i c a . W h e n h e b e c a m e a w a r e o f t h e p l a n s b e i n g m a d e i n d e p e n d e n t l y i n B r i t a i n , at first h e r e a c t e d i c i l y . T w o factors, h o w e v e r , p r e v e n t e d a disastrous split. A s in the p e r i o d b e t w e e n 1 9 1 9 a n d 1 9 2 7 , t h e N A A C P u l t i m a t e l y w i t h h e l d official b a c k i n g a n d finance, w h i c h r e d u c e d h i s p o w e r t o d o m i n a t e e v e n t s o r g o his o w n w a y . M o r e i m p o r t a n t l y , w i t h masterly skill, P a d m o r e s o o t h e d D u B o i s ' s susceptibilities, r e c o g n i s i n g his v a l u e as t h e e m b o d i m e n t o f t h e m o v e m e n t ' s h i s t o r i c a l c o n t i n u i t y a n d thus secured his c o o p e r a t i o n . T h e c o n g r e s s that e m e r g e d reflected P a d m o r e ' s radical ideas rather than D u B o i s ' s m o r e cautious ones. E x p l o i t i n g contacts w i t h colonial trades-union leaders, and the m e e t i n g o f the W o r l d T r a d e s U n i o n C o n g r e s s in Paris in early O c t o b e r 1945, P a d m o r e w a s able to ensure that Manchester w a s not merely a meeting o f eminent black intellectuals and professional m e n . A n d , in a n o t h e r adroit piece o f political management, not only was D u B o i s present, but also four delegates from the U N I A o f Jamaica, thus s y m b o l i c a l l y r e c o n c i l i n g the 101

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deepest antagonism within the m o v e m e n t . Neither did the pres­ ence o f these U N I A Garvey's

first

wife,

delegates deter A m y A s h w o o d G a r v e y , from

attending,

although

the U N I A

of

Jamaica w a s headed b y his second wife, A m y Jaques G a r v e y . T h e n o t a b l e a b s e n c e s f r o m t h e 1945 C o n g r e s s w e r e M o o d y a n d t h e LCP

moderates,

and any representative

o f francophone Pan-

A f r i c a n i s m . I t h a s b e e n a r g u e d t h a t p o l i t i c a l effort i n F r e n c h B l a c k A f r i c a , after t h e 1 9 4 4 B r a z z a v i l l e C o n f e r e n c e , w a s d i r e c t e d ( o r misdirected) into the limited o p e n i n g s that b e c a m e available in 1

m e t r o p o l i t a n F r e n c h p o l i t i c s . I n p e r s o n a l t e r m s , s o o n after t h e M a n c h e s t e r C o n g r e s s , N k r u m a h and K e n y a t t a returned t o their o w n countries to take u p the struggle for local independence. In sharp

contrast,

Leopold

Senghor

w a s acting

as an

official

philological adviser o n the language o f the constitution o f the F r e n c h F o u r t h R e p u b l i c . It c o u l d b e said that the a b s e n c e o f f r a n c o p h o n e d e l e g a t e s i n 1945 p r e s a g e d o n e o f t h e d i v i s i o n s i n i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a f r o m t h e late 1 9 5 0 s , t h a t b e t w e e n f r a n c o p h o n e and a n g l o p h o n e Africa. T h e C o n g r e s s d i d n o t seize the w o r l d ' s headlines, y e t un­ doubtedly

it w a s a n e v e n t

o f great

importance.

r e m i n i s c i n g in 1 9 6 3 , asserted that ' w e w e n t f r o m

Nkrumah, Manchester

2

k n o w i n g d e f i n i t e l y w h e r e w e w e r e g o i n g ' . A s w e l l as s u r v e y i n g the situation in v a r i o u s parts o f A f r i c a a n d the diaspora, the C o n g r e s s issued t w o general statements, ' T h e C h a l l e n g e to the Colonial P o w e r s ' , and a 'Declaration to the Colonial W o r k e r s , F a r m e r s a n d Intellectuals'. T h e s e c o n t a i n e d the essence o f its message. B o t h used Marxist-flavoured language - the ' Declara­ tion ' ended w i t h the phrase ' Colonial and Subject Peoples o f the W o r l d U n i t e ! ' - w i t h o u t b e i n g in reality M a r x i s t statements. T h e ' Challenge' demanded independence f o r ' Black Africa' (although the c o n g r e s s h a d c o n c e r n e d itself w i t h N o r t h A f r i c a t o o ) , c o n ­ demned

' t h e m o n o p o l y o f capital', and envisaged the use o f

f o r c e t o w i n f r e e d o m ' a s a last r e s o r t ' , t h o u g h n o t as i n e v i t a b l e . B u t w h a t w a s perhaps the m o s t characteristic a n d significant call o f t h e M a n c h e s t e r C o n g r e s s w a s f o r c o l o n i a l f r e e d o m , ' t h e first step

towards

and necessary

prerequisite

to complete

social,

3

e c o n o m i c a n d p o l i t i c a l e m a n c i p a t i o n ' . H e r e w a s t h e first p r i o r i t y 1

Imanuel Geiss, The Pan-African movement ( L o n d o n , 1974), 396-7. G e o r g e Padmore (ed.), The history of the Pan-African Congress (2nd edition with new material, L o n d o n , 1963), v. 2

3

Padmore, Pan-African Congress, 5-7.

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for the m o v e m e n t - national i n d e p e n d e n c e , a g o a l that h a d n o t clearly e m e r g e d f r o m the earlier c o n g r e s s e s . T h e q u e s t i o n o f w h a t f o r m P a n - A f r i c a n i s m m i g h t e v e n t u a l l y t a k e after t h e a c h i e v e m e n t o f national i n d e p e n d e n c e w a s n o t c o n s i d e r e d . A f t e r all, despite t h e o p t i m i s m o f t h e m o m e n t , it is u n l i k e l y t h a t t h e d e l e g a t e s f o r e s a w n a t i o n a l i n d e p e n d e n c e as n o t m u c h m o r e t h a n a d e c a d e a w a y for s o m e A f r i c a n colonies. T h e issue o f the relationship between national independence and supra-national Pan-Africa­ n i s m w a s n e c e s s a r i l y e v e n m o r e r e m o t e , a l t h o u g h , i n e v i t a b l y , it w a s t o a r i s e i n a n a c u t e f o r m a l m o s t as s o o n as t h e r e w a s a sufficient n u c l e u s o f i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n states i n e x i s t e n c e . N k r u m a h had been the author o f the ' D e c l a r a t i o n to the C o l o n i a l W o r k e r s , Farmers and Intellectuals' o f the c o n g r e s s . In t h e i n t e r v a l b e t w e e n O c t o b e r 1945 a n d h i s r e t u r n t o t h e G o l d C o a s t i n D e c e m b e r 1 9 4 7 at t h e r e q u e s t o f t h e l e a d e r s o f t h e U n i t e d G o l d C o a s t C o n v e n t i o n ( U G C C ) , n o o n e w a s m o r e a c t i v e in i m p l e m e n t i n g its d e c i s i o n s . H e c r e a t e d , t o g e t h e r w i t h W a l l a c e J o h n s o n and others, the W e s t A f r i c a n N a t i o n a l Secretariat ( W A N S ) , a small élite g r o u p o f radically inclined W e s t A f r i c a n s in B r i t a i n . T h e t a c t i c t h e y a d v o c a t e d w a s m o b i l i s a t i o n o f t h e masses (unlike the c o n s e r v a t i v e traditions o f the U G C C leaders), and their o b j e c t i v e w a s an i n d e p e n d e n t U n i t e d W e s t Africa, an o l d W e s t A f r i c a n d r e a m , w h i c h can b e traced b a c k t o the nineteenth-century p r o t o - P a n - A f r i c a n i s t J a m e s A f r i c a n u s H o r t o n . N k r u m a h a n d t h e W A N S w e r e n o t satisfied w i t h t h e l i m i t e d c o n c e p t o f a U n i t e d British W e s t A f r i c a , b u t l i k e t h e W e s t African Y o u t h League, wanted to include French and Portuguese c o l o n i e s t o o . T o this e n d , g o o d relations w e r e established n o t o n l y w i t h B r i t i s h W e s t A f r i c a n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , s u c h as t h e N C N C , b u t also w i t h the only g e n u i n e l y trans-territorial W e s t A f r i c a n political party o f the day, the R a s s e m b l e m e n t D é m o c r a t i q u e A f r i c a i n ( R D A ) , w h o s e leaders, m e m b e r s o f the F r e n c h N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y , N k r u m a h m e t in P a r i s in 1 9 4 7 . B u t h i s r e t u r n t o A f r i c a in 1 9 4 7 , a y e a r after K e n y a t t a h a d r e t u r n e d t o K e n y a , m a r k e d t h e b e g i n n i n g o f the e n d o f the p e r i o d in w h i c h Britain w a s the m o s t important geographical centre o f Pan-African activity. F o r a time W A S U c o n t i n u e d t o afford a n u m b r e l l a u n d e r w h i c h P a n Africanists could operate. In 1947-8, M a k o n n e n (with help from British sympathisers and other Pan-Africanist radicals) p r o d u c e d a n d e d i t e d t h e j o u r n a l Pan-Africa, p e r h a p s t h e last i n t h e l i n e o f 103

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influential P a n - A f r i c a n journals p r o d u c e d in Britain, w h i c h s t r e t c h e d b a c k v i a D u s e M o h a m e d A l i ' s African Times and Orient Review ( 1 9 1 2 - 1 8 ) t o S. J. C e l e s t i n e E d w a r d s ' s Fraternity ( 1 8 9 2 - 4 ) . But b y the early 1950s, e v e n those Pan-Africanists w h o remained in B r i t a i n s e e m , u n d e r s t a n d a b l y , t o h a v e b e e n s w e p t a l o n g b y h e a d y e v e n t s in A f r i c a , especially in the G o l d C o a s t ; P a n A f r i c a n i s m w a s n o t r e n o u n c e d b u t w a s s u b s u m e d in the national i n d e p e n d e n c e s t r u g g l e s . T h u s P a d m o r e p u b l i s h e d h i s b o o k The

Gold Coast revolution. The struggle of an African people from slavery to freedom i n 1 9 5 3 . B u t t h i s w a s , after a l l , q u i t e c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e s p i r i t o f M a n c h e s t e r 1 9 4 5 , a s p i r i t w h i c h as t h e 1 9 5 0 s a d v a n c e d must have seemed m o r e and m o r e prescient.

THE

A F R I C A N

DIASPORA

AND

POST-1945

PAN-AFRICANISM

O n e o f t h e m o s t p o i g n a n t c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e p o s t - 1 9 4 5 shift i n Pan-Africanism w a s the increasing marginality o f the diaspora. T o b e g i n w i t h , in the early and m i d - 1 9 5 0 s , b l a c k A m e r i c a n s and British W e s t Indians, the t w o diaspora c o m m u n i t i e s w h o had historically b e e n o f m o s t i m p o r t a n c e in the m o v e m e n t , h a d o t h e r and urgent preoccupations. In the U n i t e d States, the older generation o f black American Pan-Africanists, notably D u B o i s and R o b e s o n , w e r e sometimes victims o f M c C a r t h y i s m . T h e i r M a r x i s t s y m p a t h i e s m a d e this inevitable. W h e n the A m e r i c a n Civil R i g h t s m o v e m e n t b e g a n to get u n d e r w a y , w i t h the historic c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h G o v e r n o r F a u b u s in L i t t l e R o c k , A r k a n s a s , i n 195 3, it w a s t h e F r e d e r i c k D o u g l a s s t r a d i t i o n i n b l a c k A m e r i c a n radicalism that w a s u p p e r m o s t , d e m a n d i n g the rights o f blacks as A m e r i c a n c i t i z e n s . A s t h e C i v i l R i g h t s m o v e m e n t b e g a n t o cohere and gather strength under the leadership o f Martin L u t h e r K i n g this, rather than a P a n - A f r i c a n perspective, remained u p p e r m o s t until perhaps the m i d - 1 9 6 0 s . A f t e r all, K i n g ' s m o s t openly a c k n o w l e d g e d political debt to any n o n - A m e r i c a n w a s not to the n e w leaders o f i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a , b u t to G a n d h i . A p a r t from those w h o f o l l o w e d h i m , perhaps the m o s t d y n a m i c m o v e ­ m e n t a m o n g black A m e r i c a n s , the N a t i o n o f Islam, p r o c l a i m e d a n A r a b i a n r a t h e r t h a n an A f r i c a n o r i g i n f o r b l a c k p e o p l e . M e a n w h i l e , in the British W e s t Indies, the 1950s w e r e years o f struggles and negotiations for independence from Britain - and 104

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PAN-AFRICANISM

struggles within and a m o n g the W e s t Indian colonies b e t w e e n federalists a n d anti-federalists. T h e latter, w h o s e u n i v e r s a l t r i u m p h b e g a n w i t h the o p t i n g o f Jamaica for separate i n d e p e n d e n c e , w e r e hardly likely to s u b s u m e their h a r d - w o n local i n d e p e n d e n c e in a w i d e r P a n - A f r i c a n identity. B y the 1960s, P a n - A f r i c a n i s m in the W e s t Indies b e c a m e an i d e o l o g y o f dissident intellectuals, rather than o f g o v e r n m e n t s - a l t h o u g h partial e x c e p t i o n s w o u l d b e the interest s h o w n b y F o r b e s B u r n h a m ' s g o v e r n m e n t in G u y a n a in the 1970s, and Jamaica f o l l o w i n g the return to p o w e r o f M i c h a e l M a n l e y and his P e o p l e ' s N a t i o n a l Party in 1 9 7 5 . In Jamaica, A m y Jaques G a r v e y , M a r c u s G a r v e y ' s w i d o w , w o r k e d ceaselessly to keep her husband's m e m o r y and ideas alive a n d , as s c h o l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n G a r v e y b e g a n t o g r o w i n t h e m i d - 1 9 5 o s , p r o v i d e d i n v a l u a b l e h e l p t o m a n y scholars. It w o u l d n o t b e an e x a g g e r a t i o n t o say that her part in the history o f P a n - A f r i c a n i s m w a s i n itself, f o r t h e s e r e a s o n s , a m a j o r o n e ; s h e l i v e d t o s e e G a r v e y a c k n o w l e d g e d as a h e r o a g a i n b y b l a c k l e a d e r s i n b o t h A f r i c a a n d the diaspora. A f r i c a in g e n e r a l , a n d P a n - A f r i c a n i s m in particular, c o n t i n u e d t o b e o f i m p o r t a n c e t o t h e d i a s p o r a after t h e late 1 9 4 0 s . T h e a d v e n t o f i n d e p e n d e n t b l a c k A f r i c a n states, b e g i n n i n g w i t h G h a n a in 1957, and r e a c h i n g a c l i m a x in the h e a d y year o f i960, caused an i m m e n s e stirring o f interest and pride t h r o u g h o u t the diaspora, and an u n d e r s t a n d a b l e w i s h t o relate to and e m u l a t e this m o v e ­ m e n t . O n t h e l e v e l o f b l a c k p o p u l a r c u l t u r e , this f o u n d e x p r e s s i o n in the w e a r i n g o f * A f r o ' hairstyles and ' d a s h i k i s ' , the g i v i n g o f African names to children, and e v e n a v o g u e for attending b e g i n n e r s ' classes in S w a h i l i . T h e y o u n g e r generation o f black political leaders, especially in the U n i t e d States, w h o e m e r g e d f r o m the C i v i l R i g h t s m o v e m e n t , a l m o s t i n v a r i a b l y e m p h a s i s e d t h e A f r i c a n h e r i t a g e as p a r t o f t h e i r p r o g r a m m e o f Black Nationalism. Indeed, b o r r o w i n g a leaf from the African nationalist leaders, or for that matter f r o m the Manchester C o n g r e s s , there w e r e demands for national indepen­ dence for black A m e r i c a n s . T h u s the p r o g r a m m e o f the B l a c k P a n t h e r P a r t y i n 1 9 6 6 i n c l u d e d as t h e p a r t y ' s ' m a j o r p o l i t i c a l o b j e c t i v e ' , a call for ' a U n i t e d N a t i o n s - s u p e r v i s e d plebiscite t o b e h e l d t h r o u g h o u t t h e b l a c k c o l o n y (i.e. b l a c k A m e r i c a n s ) i n w h i c h only black colonial subjects will be a l l o w e d to participate, f o r t h e p u r p o s e o f d e t e r m i n i n g t h e w i l l o f b l a c k p e o p l e as t o t h e i r 105

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PAN-AFRICANISM

national destiny'.

1

SINCE

1940

W i t h i n the B l a c k Panthers, b y 1968, there w a s

a split b e t w e e n those w h o stressed political b l a c k nationalism, and a w i n g led b y S t o k e l y C a r m i c h a e l that put a s t r o n g emphasis o n cultural

nationalism.

Carmichael's stance

became

increasingly

detached from diaspora black nationalism and increasingly African inclined, until he d e c i d e d to join the o v e r t h r o w n N k r u m a h in exile in G u i n e a . O t h e r b l a c k nationalists o f the s a m e g e n e r a t i o n b e c a m e explicitly P a n - A f r i c a n in o u t l o o k , w i t h o u t l e a v i n g the

United

States. T h u s the writer I m a m u B a r a k a (the f o r m e r L e R o i Jones), created the C o n g r e s s o f African Peoples, w h i c h held a m e e t i n g in A t l a n t a , G e o r g i a in 1970, a t t e n d e d m a i n l y b y d e l e g a t e s f r o m affiliated b l a c k A m e r i c a n o r g a n i s a t i o n s , b u t a l s o s o m e A f r i c a n s , s u c h as t h e G u i n e a n A m b a s s a d o r t o t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , a n d

a

representative o f H o l d e n Roberto's A n g o l a n National Liberation Front.

Baraka regarded

this g a t h e r i n g

as ' o n e

in a g r o w i n g

historical tradition o f international gatherings o f P a n - A f r i c a n s ' . Those

present

were

an

amazingly

heterogeneous

collection,

representing w h a t e v e n he admitted w e r e ' s e e m i n g l y antithetical approaches to national and international African l i b e r a t i o n ' .

2

In

his o w n address, he called for a W o r l d A f r i c a n Political P a r t y : ' A P o l i t i c a l P a r t y t h a t w i l l f u n c t i o n i n S o u t h A f r i c a l i k e it w i l l f u n c t i o n in C h i c a g o , w h e r e y o u k n o w t h a t i f y o u a r e i n S u r i n a m o r Jamaica, o r N e w Y o r k City this W o r l d A f r i c a n Party will be functioning to get p o w e r , to bring about self-determination Black people.'

for

3

A n o t h e r s t r a n d o f d i a s p o r a life w i t h a c o n t i n u i n g i n t e r e s t in Africa and Pan-Africanism w a s the intellectual w o r l d . T h e black A m e r i c a n c o n t r i b u t i o n to the early g r o w t h o f A f r i c a n studies w a s p i o n e e r i n g a n d s e m i n a l . E v e n if, in t h e m a s s i v e e x p a n s i o n o f African studies f r o m the 1950s, the distinctively black A m e r i c a n (or, o n e m i g h t add, W e s t Indian contribution) n o l o n g e r played quite such a central role, black A m e r i c a n universities and scholars p l a y e d a k e y part in initiating that e x p a n s i o n . C o n t i n u i n g interest a m o n g the b l a c k A m e r i c a n intelligentsia in A f r i c a n c u l t u r e w a s signalled by the creation o f the A m e r i c a n S o c i e t y o f A f r i c a n Culture

(AMSAC)

in

1956, w h i c h

restricted

membership

to

p e r s o n s o f A f r i c a n d e s c e n t . A l t h o u g h its s t a n d i n g w a s s e r i o u s l y 1

2

Bobby Seale, Sei%e the time. The story of the Black Panther Party (London, 1970), 89. Imamu Amiri Baraka (ed.) African Congress: a documentary of thefirstmodern Pan-African y

Congress ( N e w Y o r k , 1972), vii, viii. 3

Baraka, African Congress, 94.

106

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POST-1945

PAN-AFRICANISM

tarnished b y the subsequent revelation o f secret Central Intelli­ g e n c e A g e n c y c o n n e x i o n s , it w o u l d b e u n w i s e t o d i s m i s s t h i s b o d y , a n d its m e m b e r s , as n o t h i n g b u t p u p p e t s o f c o v e r t A m e r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y . Its t h i r d a n n u a l c o n f e r e n c e , i n P h i l a d e l p h i a in i 9 6 0 , d e v o t e d i t s e l f t o t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f ' A f r i c a n U n i t i e s a n d P a n - A f r i c a n i s m ' , a n d c a n b e r e g a r d e d as a n e v e n t i n t h e h i s t o r y o f the m o v e m e n t . S o m e o f those present had s t r o n g links w i t h the P a n - A f r i c a n past, n o t a b l y R a y f o r d W , L o g a n , w h o had p l a y e d a n i m p o r t a n t p a r t i n t h e e r a o f P a n - A f r i c a n c o n g r e s s e s after t h e First W o r l d W a r ; Jean P r i c e - M a r s , Haitian diplomat, p h i l o s o p h e r o f négritude, a n d P r e s i d e n t o f t h e Société Africaine de Culture i n P a r i s ; a n d Jaja W a c h u k u , w h o h a d b e e n at t h e 1945 P a n - A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s , and w h o w a s in i960 f o r e i g n minister o f N i g e r i a . O n e o f the oldest dreams in the diaspora, that o f the ' r e t u r n o f exiles ' to A f r i c a , f o u n d e x p r e s s i o n in the era o f i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n states, n o t in m a s s m i g r a t i o n s , b u t in the t r a v e l o f m a n y black A m e r i c a n and W e s t Indian individuals to Africa. S o m e w e n t as v i s i t o r s ; s o m e t o w o r k t h e r e ; a n d y e t o t h e r s t o m a k e A f r i c a t h e i r h o m e . O f t h i s last g r o u p , t h r e e o f t h e m o s t s i g n i f i c a n t l e a d e r s o f P a n - A f r i c a n i s m in 1945, D u B o i s , P a d m o r e and M a k o n n e n , w e r e all t o s e t t l e i n G h a n a , t h e b r i g h t ' B l a c k S t a r ' o f t h e 1 9 5 0 s . F o r D u B o i s , his d e c i s i o n t o settle in G h a n a , w h e r e he w a s t o die in 1 9 6 3 , w a s b o t h a s y m b o l i c a l a n d a real r e n u n c i a t i o n o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s a n d its d o m i n a n t w h i t e c u l t u r e . H e a n d h i s w i f e s p e n t t h e c l o s e o f h i s life w o r k i n g o n t h e Encyclopaedia Africana, a p r o j e c t w h i c h h a d official G h a n a i a n g o v e r n m e n t b a c k i n g , a n d w h o s e first v o l u m e a p p e a r e d i n 1 9 7 8 . I n s o m e w a y s , P a d m o r e ' s c a s e is e v e n m o r e i n t e r e s t i n g , f o r i n 1 9 5 8 N k r u m a h i n v i t e d h i m t o c o m e t o G h a n a as h i s a d v i s e r o n A f r i c a n affairs. T h u s , i n a b r i e f final e p i s o d e i n h i s life, P a d m o r e h a d t h e p r o s p e c t o f w i e l d i n g p o w e r . I r o n i c a l l y , t h e last y e a r s i n L o n d o n w e r e i n f a c t m o r e f r u i t f u l , as d u r i n g t h a t t i m e h e p r o d u c e d a s t e a d y s e r i e s o f m a j o r w o r k s , c u l m i n a t i n g i n h i s Pan-Africanism or Communism? ( 1 9 5 6 ) , w h i c h as w e l l as i n s i s t i n g o n t h e n e e d f o r A f r i c a t o b e free f r o m both western colonialism and subordination to M o s c o w ' s i n t e r e s t s , a l s o h a d e n c a p s u l a t e d w i t h i n it a m a j o r s u r v e y o f t h e r o o t s a n d h i s t o r y o f P a n - A f r i c a n i s m . T h e r e c a n b e little d o u b t t h a t h e i n t e n d e d t h i s as a m o r e o r less ' o f f i c i a l ' h i s t o r y o f P a n A f r i c a n i s m ; it s t r e s s e d D u B o i s ' s a l l e g e d r o l e as ' f a t h e r ' o f t h e m o v e m e n t , ignored or underplayed contrary aspects o f Pan107

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

PAN-AFRICANISM

SINCE

1940

A f r i c a n i s m ' s h i s t o r y , r e c o n c i l e d G a r v e y i s m w i t h the rest o f the m o v e m e n t , and glorified N k r u m a h ' s policies in the G o l d C o a s t as t h e s u p r e m e e m b o d i m e n t o f P a n - A f r i c a n i s m i n a c t i o n . Y e t i n G h a n a , he disliked the toadies and opportunists w h o

surrounded

N k r u m a h , a n d t h e y in t u r n w e r e d e t e r m i n e d t o k e e p h i m isolated f r o m effective p o w e r . H e h e l p e d o r g a n i s e the 1958 A l l - A f r i c a n P e o p l e s ' C o n f e r e n c e , and w a s p u t in c h a r g e o f a specially created B u r e a u o f A f r i c a n Affairs; b u t the latter w a s m e r e l y a c o n s o l a t i o n prize for his e x c l u s i o n f r o m the cabinet. B y July 1959 his health w a s failing, a n d in S e p t e m b e r

1959 he returned to L o n d o n

for

medical treatment, o n l y to die there. T h i s m i s e r a b l e c l o s e t o P a d m o r e ' s life i l l u s t r a t e s t h e d a r k e r s i d e o f the

position

Pan-Africanists

in m o d e r n

independent

from the diaspora.

Africa

of

committed

T h e most perceptive

com­

m e n t a t o r o n t h i s is P a d m o r e ' s o l d f r i e n d M a k o n n e n , w h o g a v e N k r u m a h loyalty t o the end o f his r e g i m e , suffering

imprisonment

f o r t h i s after h i s o v e r t h r o w i n 1 9 6 6 . B u t h i s l o y a l t y w a s n o t o n e o f u n c r i t i c a l a d u l a t i o n . T h u s , h e f o u n d t h a t after P a d m o r e ' s d e a t h , e v e n the B u r e a u o f African Affairs w a s effectively controlled b y G h a n a i a n s , w i t h n o n - G h a n a i a n s b e i n g t r e a t e d as ' o u t s i d e r s ' , a n d the B u r e a u ceasing to be a ' truly P a n - A f r i c a n i n s t r u m e n t o f p o l i c y making'.

1

Worse

still, he

found

the

generality

of

Ghanaian

politicians, a n d for that m a t t e r t h o s e in K e n y a w h e r e he has l i v e d since his release f r o m p r i s o n in G h a n a , to be hostile to N e w W o r l d b l a c k s . O f c o u r s e , n o t all d i a s p o r a v i s i t o r s r e a c h e d s u c h g l o o m y c o n c l u s i o n s ; it is c l e a r t h a t M a l c o l m X f o u n d h i s b r i e f v i s i t t o W e s t A f r i c a in 1964 an exhilarating experience, l e a d i n g h i m t o p r o c l a i m that ' P h i l o s o p h i c a l l y and culturally w e A f r o - A m e r i c a n s need to " r e t u r n " to A f r i c a - a n d

to d e v e l o p a w o r k i n g unity

framework of Pan-Africanism.'

in

the

2

A s a p h e n o m e n o n , the return o f significant n u m b e r s o f black i n d i v i d u a l s f r o m t h e N e w W o r l d t o A f r i c a i n m o d e r n t i m e s still r e m a i n s t o b e e x p l o r e d f u l l y . I t is c l e a r t h a t at t i m e s ,

although

never holding p o w e r , such people have been able to m a k e important

contribution.

Thus,

the

Martiniquan

an

psychiatrist,

Frantz F a n o n , b e c a m e o n e o f the m o s t i m p o r t a n t theorists

of

r e v o l u t i o n in A f r i c a in the 1960s, and a trenchant critic o f those A f r i c a n r u l e r s w h o m h e r e g a r d e d as a c c o m p l i c e s o f c o n t i n u i n g 1

Makonnen. Pan-Africanism,

2

M a l c o l m X , The autobiography of Malcolm X ( L o n d o n , 1976), 465-6.

209.

108

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

POST-1945

P A N - A F R I C A N I S M

imperialist control, roles w h i c h w e r e taken o n b y the G u y a n e s e scholar W a l t e r R o d n e y in the 1970s. P e r h a p s the m o s t spectacular ' r e t u r n t o A f r i c a ' o f m o d e r n t i m e s i n its i m p a c t o n m a s s c o n ­ sciousness w a s that o f the black A m e r i c a n writer A l e x Hailey. His q u e s t for his f a m i l y ' s o r i g i n s in the G a m b i a led t o the p u b l i c a t i o n o f his sensationally successful n o v e l

Roots

in 1 9 7 6 , w h i c h w a s

f o l l o w e d u p b y serialisation o n television. T h e television v e r s i o n

Roots

of

seized the attention o f not only black, but also white,

A m e r i c a n s , and signified the pride o f the former and acceptance b y the latter o f the v a l u e o f an A f r i c a n origin. In the

aftermath,

there w a s a b o o m in b l a c k A m e r i c a n t o u r i s m t o the

reputed

v i l l a g e o f A l e x H a i l e y ' s ancestors in the G a m b i a .

T H E

R O A D

TO

T H E

O R G A N I S A T I O N

OF

A F R I C A N

U N I T Y

U n d o u b t e d l y the m o s t v i s i b l e aspect o f P a n - A f r i c a n i s m after the 1950s w a s t h e a t t e m p t t o c r e a t e a n a l l - A f r i c a n s u p r a - n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n w i t h t h e s u p p o r t o f all i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n s t a t e s . I n a superficial sense, therefore, the creation o f the O r g a n i s a t i o n o f A f r i c a n U n i t y ( O A U ) in 1963 w a s the a p o t h e o s i s o f this p h a s e o f P a n - A f r i c a n i s m . T h i s p e r i o d is a b o v e all a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e c a r e e r o f N k r u m a h as l e a d e r o f G h a n a ( a l t h o u g h t h e r e w e r e v e r y f e w o f h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s as r u l e r s o f A f r i c a w h o d i d n o t p a y at l e a s t occasional lip-service to a v a g u e Pan-African ideal). E v e n before G h a n a b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t , h e m a d e s o m e efforts t o a d v a n c e t h e c a u s e o f s u p r a - n a t i o n a l P a n - A f r i c a n i s m . H o w e v e r , it is w o r t h recalling that before 1963, ' K w a m e N k r u m a h ' s v o i c e and actions did not c o m e out decidedly for a U n i o n g o v e r n m e n t for the w h o l e o f A f r i c a ' . F o r s o m e time his W A N S d r e a m o f a W e s t A f r i c a n Socialist R e p u b l i c w a s his i m m e d i a t e aspiration, a l t h o u g h he intended t o h o l d a P a n - A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s in the G o l d C o a s t in 1 9 5 4 t o c o n s i d e r t h e affairs o f t h e e n t i r e c o n t i n e n t . T h i s w a s p r e v e n t e d , h o w e v e r , b y a political crisis w i t h i n his c o u n t r y . O n l y f r o m 1957 w a s h e free t o a t t e m p t t h e c o n c r e t e r e a l i s a t i o n o f h i s P a n - A f r i c a n dream. A t the v e r y celebrations for G h a n a i a n i n d e p e n d e n c e in 19 5 7, h e b r o a c h e d , t o v i s i t i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f o t h e r i n d e p e n d e n t African countries, the idea o f h o l d i n g a C o n f e r e n c e o f I n d e p e n d e n t African States. 1

1

S. K . B . A s a n t e , ' K w a m e N k r u m a h 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 1 ' , Universitas, 1973, 3, 1, 45.

and

Pan-Africanism:

the

109

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

early

phase,

PAN-AFRICANISM SINCE

I94O

T h i s c o n f e r e n c e , h e l d in A c c r a in A p r i l 1958, w a s a t t e n d e d b y heads o f state o r the f o r e i g n ministers o f L i b y a , E t h i o p i a , the S u d a n , T u n i s i a , M o r o c c o , E g y p t a n d L i b e r i a , as w e l l as t h e h o s t c o u n t r y . It b e g a n t h e p r o c e s s l e a d i n g t o t h e O A U i n 1 9 6 3 . I t p r o d u c e d l i t t l e m o r e than a b r o a d but v a g u e consensus o n foreign p o l i c y - that A f r i c a n states s h o u l d b e n o n - a l i g n e d i n w o r l d p o w e r b l o c k s a n d should stick t o g e t h e r - but generated e n o u g h impetus to ensure further

efforts.

It

also

generated

feelings o f elation,

among

p a r t i c i p a n t s a n d m o r e w i d e l y in A f r i c a , t h a t i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n countries w e r e n o w m e e t i n g together to discuss the great questions o f Africa and the w o r l d . T h e identity o f the participants

also

e n s u r e d t h a t in t h i s n e w p h a s e o f P a n - A f r i c a n i s m t h e m o v e m e n t would

be

continental,

including

the

lighter-skinned,

mainly

A r a b i c - s p e a k i n g p e o p l e s o f N o r t h A f r i c a , r a t h e r t h a n - as s o m e o f t h e l e a d e r s o f t h e p r e v i o u s p h a s e , s u c h as M a k o n n e n , w o u l d h a v e w i s h e d - a P a n - N e g r o m o v e m e n t . A s u c c e s s w i t h i n its o w n limitations, African

the

conference

independence

and

fell

short

African

o f the

unity

commitment

that

Nkrumah

to (or

P a d m o r e ) h a d in m i n d - u n l i k e t h e s e c o n d A c c r a C o n f e r e n c e o f 1958,

the

All-African

P e o p l e s ' C o n f e r e n c e in

December.

As

V . B . T h o m p s o n had stated, this c o n f e r e n c e w a s a ' reaffirmation'* o f t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e 1945 M a n c h e s t e r P a n - A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s , for it c a l l e d f o r a c o o r d i n a t e d ' f i n a l a s s a u l t o n c o l o n i a l i s m a n d i m p e r i a l i s m in A f r i c a ' , i f n e c e s s a r y u s i n g v i o l e n c e i n r e p l y

to

colonialist v i o l e n c e . B u t w h e r e the A l l - A f r i c a n P e o p l e s ' C o n f e r ­ e n c e far t r a n s c e n d e d e i t h e r 1945 o r t h e first A c c r a C o n f e r e n c e w a s in its d e c i s i o n t o ' w o r k f o r t h e u l t i m a t e a c h i e v e m e n t o f a U n i o n or C o m m o n w e a l t h o f African States'.

2

A m b i g u o u s t h o u g h this

p h r a s e is ( f o r t h e r e is a w o r l d o f d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n t h e i m p l i e d m o d e l s o f the A m e r i c a n U n i o n and the British C o m m o n w e a l t h ) , it u n a v o i d a b l y r a i s e d t h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f i n d i v i d u a l African sovereignty to overall African unity. T h e c o m p o s i t i o n o f t h e c o n f e r e n c e a l s o r a i s e d t h o r n y p r o b l e m s , as m a n y d e l e g a t e s c a m e f r o m c o u n t r i e s still u n d e r c o l o n i a l o r m i n o r i t y r u l e ,

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represented national and liberation m o v e m e n t s rather than estab­ lished g o v e r n m e n t s . T h e clear implication w a s that was 1

p u t t i n g h i m s e l f f o r w a r d as t h e l e a d e r o f A f r i c a n

Nkrumah freedom

V . B . T h o m p s o n , Africa and unity: the evolution of Pan-Africanism ( L o n d o n , 1969),

M32

K w a m e N k r u m a h , / speak offreedom.

A statement of African ideology ( L o n d o n , 1961),

174-5. IIO

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T H E ROAD TO THE

OAU

e v e r y w h e r e , a role that w a s for o b v i o u s reasons not v e r y a c c e p t a b l e t o m a n y o f h i s f e l l o w h e a d s o f state. In the years l e a d i n g u p t o 1963, a parallel series o f c o n f e r e n c e s took place: subsequent All-African Peoples' Conferences were held in T u n i s in i 9 6 0 a n d C a i r o in 1 9 6 1 , w h i l e further C o n f e r e n c e s o f A f r i c a n S t a t e s w e r e h e l d at A d d i s A b a b a i n J u n e i 9 6 0 a n d L e o p o l d v i l l e ( n o w K i n s h a s a ) in A u g u s t i960. A l t h o u g h the A d d i s A b a b a C o n f e r e n c e accepted the A l g e r i a n p r o v i s i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t , as w e l l as all i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t s ( e x c e p t i n g , o f c o u r s e , S o u t h A f r i c a ) as full m e m b e r s , a n d a d m i t t e d o b s e r v e r s from v a r i o u s other territories, nevertheless the T u n i s and C a i r o C o n f e r e n c e s set the p a c e in i n c r e a s i n g c o m m i t m e n t t o v i o l e n t struggle against colonialism. Pan-Africanism came, once again, to have moderate and militant w i n g s , expressing themselves t h r o u g h separate o r g a n i s a t i o n s . N a t u r a l l y , t h o s e states that h o s t e d a n d supported the ' P e o p l e s ' c o n f e r e n c e s ' , especially G h a n a and E g y p t , w e r e regarded w i t h increasing suspicion b y the remainder. T h u s , w h e n i n c r e a s i n g n u m b e r s o f A f r i c a n states w e r e b e ­ c o m i n g independent, the Pan-African m o v e m e n t , w h i c h had c o m m i t t e d itself t o national i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d h a d , in 1 9 5 7 , g l i m p s e d e x c i t i n g further d e v e l o p m e n t s , had split. N o t o n l y w a s there a split b e t w e e n m o d e r a t e s and militants, b u t also, t o s o m e extent, b e t w e e n f r a n c o p h o n e and o t h e r states. T h i s d i v i s i o n w a s not, o f c o u r s e , linguistic in essence, but a c o n s e q u e n c e o f the course o f politics within F r e n c h W e s t and Equatorial Africa since 1946, a n d the w a y in w h i c h m o s t o f the c o l o n i e s in t h o s e federations came to independence. In 1958, cutting short argu­ m e n t s a m o n g A f r i c a n p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s as t o w h e t h e r a f e d e r a l - t y p e or a c o m m o n w e a l t h - t y p e relationship w i t h France w o u l d be desirable, de G a u l l e offered t h e m the brutal c h o i c e o f either c o m p l e t e s e c e s s i o n , w i t h t h e i m m e d i a t e c e s s a t i o n o f all b e n e f i t s , aid and links w i t h F r a n c e ; o r c o n t i n u i n g association w i t h the o p t i o n o f f u t u r e full i n d e p e n d e n c e . O n l y G u i n e a , u n d e r S e k o u T o u r e , c h o s e i m m e d i a t e i n d e p e n d e n c e . B u t b y i960, the c i r c u m ­ stances under w h i c h the remaining colonies c o u l d b e c o m e inde­ p e n d e n t h a d b e e n m a d e less h a r s h , as t h e y w e r e t h e n p e r m i t t e d t o d o s o a n d y e t r e t a i n all t h e i m m e d i a t e a d v a n t a g e s o f c o n t i n u i n g e c o n o m i c links w i t h France, F r e n c h technical and military aid, and firm F r e n c h i n t e r n a l a n d e x t e r n a l s u p p o r t f o r t h e i r g o v e r n m e n t s . B u t these terms w e r e applied to individual colonies, rather than 111

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PAN-AFRICANISM

SINCE

I94O

to the t w o great federations o f F r e n c h W e s t and F r e n c h E q u a t o r i a l A f r i c a , w h i c h m i g h t h a v e p r o v i d e d the bases for v i a b l e states. M a n y o f the n e w states w e r e either, l i k e C h a d , e n o r m o u s in area, but m i n u s c u l e in p o p u l a t i o n and r e s o u r c e s ; o r rich in resources, b u t m i n u s c u l e in p o p u l a t i o n a n d the skills n e c e s s a r y t o d e v e l o p their resources, like G a b o n . E v e n the c o m p a r a t i v e l y d e v e l o p e d I v o r y C o a s t , under the leadership o f President H o u p h o u e t - B o i g n y ( w h o s e r a d i c a l p a s t w a s l o n g b e h i n d h i m ) , f o u n d it a d v a n t a g e o u s t o r e t a i n t h e c l o s e s t l i n k s w i t h F r a n c e after i n d e p e n d e n c e . I t is small w o n d e r that the result o f this p r o c e s s w a s the e m e r g e n c e o f a b l o c o f c o n s e r v a t i v e states, l o o k i n g t o F r a n c e t o maintain b o t h their internal and external security, t o p r o v i d e capital and expertise for d e v e l o p m e n t , t o p r o v i d e a m a r k e t for their agricultural and mineral produce, and to supply them w i t h manufactured g o o d s . V i a this b l o c , de G a u l l e ' s p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h k e e p i n g ' A n g l o S a x o n ' influence o u t o f the E u r o p e a n C o m m o n M a r k e t w a s imported into Africa, and t o o k the f o r m o f suspicion o f initiatives b y a n g l o p h o n e s t a t e s . T h e b l o c s i g n a l l e d its e x i s t e n c e b y h o l d i n g a m a j o r c o n f e r e n c e at B r a z z a v i l l e i n i 9 6 0 , a n d b e c a m e k n o w n as the U n i o n A f r i c a i n e et M a l g a c h e ( U A M ) o r m o r e c o m m o n l y the Brazzaville g r o u p . O f the former constituent colonies o f F r e n c h West and Equatorial Africa, only G u i n e a and Mali w e r e outside this g r o u p , a n d e n t h u s i a s t i c a b o u t P a n - A f r i c a n i s m . F r o m the Pan-African point o f v i e w , therefore, i960 w a s the w o r s t time for the C o n g o tragedy to h a v e o c c u r r e d ; n o t h i n g c o u l d have served better to e x p o s e the divisions w i t h i n the m o v e m e n t . T o l e a d e r s l i k e S e k o u T o u r e a n d N k r u m a h , it r e a l i s e d t h e i r w o r s t fears a b o u t t h e d a n g e r o u s w e a k n e s s o f a d i v i d e d A f r i c a i n t h e f a c e o f m a l i g n outside intervention. A s Patrice L u m u m b a , the Congolese Prime Minister, was a committed Pan-Africanist w h o h a d b e e n m u c h i n f l u e n c e d b y h i s a t t e n d a n c e at t h e 1 9 5 8 A l l - A f r i c a n P e o p l e s ' C o n f e r e n c e , N k r u m a h a n d S e k o u T o u r e i n p a r t i c u l a r felt p e r s o n a l l o y a l t i e s t o h i s g o v e r n m e n t w h i c h a n y w a y , w h a t e v e r its defects, s h o w e d an unflinching d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o reject o u t s i d e c o n t r o l a n d i n t e r f e r e n c e , e s p e c i a l l y f r o m t h e B e l g i a n s . W h a t is more, L u m u m b a l o o k e d to the Pan-African m o v e m e n t to buttress h i m i n his c o u n t r y ' s h o u r o f n e e d , a n d e v e n c a l l e d a C o n f e r e n c e o f I n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n States in L e o p o l d v i l l e in A u g u s t i960, w h i c h , h o w e v e r , o n l y revealed their w e a k n e s s and division. A l l e x c e p t G u i n e a affirmed w h o l e h e a r t e d s u p p o r t for the U n i t e d N a t i o n s ' a c t i o n s i n t h e C o n g o , a n d i n s i s t e d (in t h e n a m e o f 112 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

T H E ROAD TO T H E

OAU

k e e p i n g t h e C o l d W a r o u t o f A f r i c a ) t h a t all a i d t o t h e C o n g o l e s e g o v e r n m e n t should be channelled via the U N . O n l y G u i n e a w a s w i l l i n g to b a c k L u m u m b a ' s w i s h t o rid h i m s e l f and his c o u n t r y o f the U N , and to o v e r t h r o w M o i s e T s h o m b e ' s secession in K a t a n g a p r o v i n c e ( n o w S h a b a ) b y f o r c e . I n t h e a f t e r m a t h , a n d as events unfolded, w i t h the o v e r t h r o w o f L u m u m b a and the entrenchment o f the K a t a n g a regime, m o r e divisions e m e r g e d . Thus, Nkrumah's adherence to w o r k i n g under United Nations auspices had the deeply ironic result that G h a n a i a n t r o o p s in the C o n g o w e r e used to further the o v e r t h r o w o f L u m u m b a , w h o s e g o v e r n m e n t he w i s h e d to preserve. A t the same time G u i n e a alone i n s i s t e d t h a t its C o n g o c o n t i n g e n t s h o u l d n o t b e u n d e r U n i t e d N a t i o n s c o m m a n d , d e s p i t e t h e f a c t t h a t at t h e o u t b r e a k o f t h e c r i s i s N k r u m a h had s p o k e n o f the n e e d for an A f r i c a n H i g h C o m m a n d to deal w i t h the situation. A s for the B r a z z a v i l l e g r o u p , t o g e t h e r with Liberia and Tunisia, they supported L u m u m b a ' s enemies, K a s a v u b u and T s h o m b e . It is a t r i b u t e t o t h e v i t a l i t y o f t h e P a n - A f r i c a n i d e a t h a t t h e m o v e m e n t s u r v i v e d the C o n g o crisis, and w a s able to r e s o l v e s o m e o f its d i f f e r e n c e s a n d p u t a s i d e o t h e r s i n t h e c r e a t i o n o f t h e O A U i n 1 9 6 3 . T e r r i b l e t h o u g h it w a s f o r t h e p e o p l e o f t h e c o u n t r y t h a t b e c a m e Z a i r e , t h e c r i s i s w a s p r o b a b l y , in t h e l o n g r u n , a l m o s t an asset t o P a n - A f r i c a n i s m . T o b e g i n w i t h , t h e d i m e n s i o n s o f t h e tragedy, the clear i n v o l v e m e n t o f the m o s t sinister outside forces s u c h as w h i t e m e r c e n a r i e s a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l , t h e i m m e n s e publicity generated b y events, and the personalisation o f the issues in t h e c a r e e r , o v e r t h r o w a n d d e a t h o f L u m u m b a , c r e a t e d t h e i r o w n p r e s s u r e s f o r A f r i c a n u n i t y . It is h a r d t o b e s u r e w h a t p a r t p o p u l a r f e e l i n g p l a y e d in all t h i s b u t , t o g i v e w h a t m a y b e a s i g n i f i c a n t e x a m p l e , i n a c o u n t r y far f r o m t h e C o n g o ( a l b e i t o n e w h i c h had supplied a c o n t i n g e n t o f troops for the U N force), in t h e e a r l y 1960s o n e o f t h e m o s t c o m m o n n a m e s f o r h u m b l e b a r s catering to the A d d i s A b a b a p o p u l a c e w a s ' P a t r i c e L u m u m b a B a r ' . T h e third A l l - A f r i c a n P e o p l e s ' C o n f e r e n c e in C a i r o in M a r c h 1961 p r o c l a i m e d L u m u m b a , w h o had been m u r d e r e d o n l y t w o m o n t h s b e f o r e , as t h e h e r o o f A f r i c a ' - t h o u g h w i t h i n t h e c o n f e r e n c e , t h e g o v e r n m e n t s r e p r e s e n t e d w e r e far m o r e c a u t i o u s than the liberation m o v e m e n t s . 1

4

Despite these pressures,

1961 w a s a dismal year for

1

Pan-

P e r s o n a l r e m i n i s c e n c e o f I. D u f f i e l d , w h o l i v e d in A d d i s A b a b a f r o m J a n u a r y 1962 t o J u l y 1964.

"3 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

PAN-AFRICANISM

SINCE

1940

Africanism, for not o n l y did the divisions b e t w e e n independent A f r i c a n states s e e m t o b e f o r m a l i s i n g t h e m s e l v e s , w i t h the e m e r g e n c e o f the Casablanca and M o n r o v i a g r o u p i n g s , but also further deep divisions o v e r major issues w e r e b e c o m i n g apparent. T h e C a s a b l a n c a C o n f e r e n c e , called in J a n u a r y o v e r the C o n g o q u e s t i o n , w a s a t t e n d e d b y the N o r t h A f r i c a n states e x c e p t T u n i s i a , but including representatives o f the A l g e r i a n provisional g o v e r n ­ m e n t , plus G h a n a , G u i n e a and M a l i . E x c e p t for L i b y a , this w a s a g r o u p i n g o f t h e m o r e r a d i c a l A f r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t s . P a r t l y in r e a c t i o n t o t h i s g r o u p , a n d r e f l e c t i n g s u s p i c i o n at t h e p r e d i l e c t i o n o f t h e r a d i c a l s ( e s p e c i a l l y G h a n a ) t o i n t e r f e r e in t h e affairs o f t h e i r n e i g h b o u r s , as w e l l as d i s a g r e e m e n t s o v e r C o n g o p o l i c y , t h e M o n r o v i a C o n f e r e n c e w a s h e l d in M a y 1 9 6 1 . T h e c o r e o f the M o n r o v i a g r o u p w e r e the U A M countries, but Ethiopia, Liberia, L i b y a , N i g e r i a , Sierra L e o n e , Somalia, T o g o and T u n i s i a also t o o k part. W i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f L i b y a , the Casablanca p o w e r s b o y c o t t e d M o n r o v i a . T o the M o n r o v i a p o w e r s , A f r i c a n unity w a s t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as i n n o w a y i n f r i n g i n g o n t h e s o v e r e i g n i n d e p e n d e n c e o f A f r i c a n states. G i v e n the p r o - F r e n c h character o f t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e m , it is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e y a v o i d e d a n y stance o n the A l g e r i a n question that w o u l d h a v e estranged France. A t the s e c o n d m e e t i n g o f the g r o u p in L a g o s in J a n u a r y 1962, the breach w i t h the Casablanca p o w e r s seemed to w i d e n . F o r t u ­ nately for P a n - A f r i c a n i s m this b r e a c h w a s n e v e r total. T u n i s i a ' s determination that F r a n c e s h o u l d e v a c u a t e the Bizerta naval base w o n her support from b o t h g r o u p s . T h e re-emergence o f a united g o v e r n m e n t in t h e C o n g o , a c c e p t a b l e t o b o t h , r e m o v e d a m a j o r cause o f dissension. Increasingly, p o w e r s o n b o t h sides, notably G u i n e a from the Casablanca g r o u p and E t h i o p i a f r o m the M o n r o v i a g r o u p , began actively to seek reconciliation and l o o k f o r a r e a s o f c o o p e r a t i o n . G e s t u r e s w e r e m a d e , s u c h as t h e cancelling o f the 1962 A l l - A f r i c a n P e o p l e s ' C o n f e r e n c e , o b n o x i o u s t o t h e M o n r o v i a g r o u p as l i k e l y t o p r o m o t e i n t e r f e r e n c e i n t h e i r i n t e r n a l affairs. A l g e r i a n i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d t h e o v e r t h r o w b y t h e U N o f the K a t a n g e s e r e g i m e r e m o v e d major s t u m b l i n g b l o c k s . B y t h e b e g i n n i n g o f 1 9 6 3 , a m e e t i n g o f all i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n states w a s p o s s i b l e , w i t h e v e r y c h a n c e o f t h e c r e a t i o n o f a u n i f i e d P a n - A f r i c a n s t a t e o r g a n i s a t i o n as a r e s u l t . I n t h i s s e n s e , t h e m e e t i n g in A d d i s A b a b a i n M a y 1963 t h a t created the O A U w a s n o surprise, a l t h o u g h the a t m o s p h e r e in 114

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T H E ROAD TO T H E OAU

A d d i s A b a b a w a s c e r t a i n l y e u p h o r i c , a n d e v e n a little u n r e a l , t h e city's streets h a v i n g b e e n w h i t e w a s h e d , and the destitute, b e g g a r s and other u n w a n t e d persons w h o normally inhabited t h e m h a v i n g been r e m o v e d . D e s p i t e the a t m o s p h e r e o f g o o d w i l l , there w a s a genuine

political duel

at

Addis

Ababa

between

those

who

b e l i e v e d all A f r i c a ' s o t h e r p r o b l e m s c o u l d o n l y b e s o l v e d w i t h i n the

framework

o f political union,

and

those

who

wanted

a

consultative b o d y o f A f r i c a n states, w h i c h w o u l d e n d e a v o u r t o promote

African consensus

certainly, but

which would

also

guarantee unequivocally individual independence. N k r u m a h was the great p r o p o n e n t o f p o l i t i c a l u n i o n , b u t h e h a d little s u p p o r t , e v e n f r o m the o t h e r radical states. O n l y U g a n d a totally s u p p o r t e d his call f o r a U n i o n G o v e r n m e n t o f A f r i c a .

G i v e n the

over­

w h e l m i n g m a j o r i t y o f c o u n t r i e s e i t h e r in f a v o u r o f , o r w i l l i n g t o acquiesce in, the o p p o s i t e c o n c e p t , and the skilful w a y in w h i c h the host c o u n t r y had prepared for the c o n f e r e n c e and e m p h a s i s e d the need b o t h for u n a n i m i t y and ' a n o r g a n i s a t i o n w h i c h will facilitate a c c e p t a b l e s o l u t i o n s t o d i s p u t e s a m o n g A f r i c a n s '

1

(a

manifest necessity), N k r u m a h c o u l d o n l y m a k e the best o f the situation by c o n c e d i n g w i t h reasonably g o o d grace. S o f r o m the outset, unity o f the O A U w a s to be like that o f the U N , a gesture t o w a r d s idealistic aspirations, b u t in reality d e p e n d i n g o n

the

c o n s e n s u s o f its m e m b e r s . O n l y s o v e r e i g n A f r i c a n s t a t e s w e r e t o be

members - a

total

defeat

for

the

Pan-Africanism

of

the

All-African P e o p l e s ' Conferences. Article III o f the O A U Charter, a d o p t e d at A d d i s A b a b a , is i n m a n y w a y s t h e k e y t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e O A U ' s e s s e n t i a l n a t u r e . It a f f i r m s : ( 1 ) t h e s o v e r e i g n e q u a l i t y o f all m e m b e r s t a t e s ; (2) n o n - i n t e r f e r e n c e i n t h e i n t e r n a l affairs o f s t a t e s ; (3) r e s p e c t f o r t h e s o v e r e i g n t y a n d t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r i t y o f e a c h s t a t e a n d f o r its i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t t o i n d e p e n d e n t e x i s t e n c e ; (4) p e a c e f u l s e t t l e m e n t o f d i s p u t e s b y n e g o t i a t i o n , conciliation or

mediation,

arbitration;

(5) u n r e s e r v e d c o n d e m n a t i o n , i n all its f o r m s , o f p o l i t i c a l a s s a s ­ s i n a t i o n as w e l l as o f s u b v e r s i v e a c t i v i t i e s o n t h e p a r t o f n e i g h b o u r i n g states o r a n y o t h e r state; (6) a b s o l u t e d e d i c a t i o n t o t h e t o t a l i n d e p e n d e n c e o f t h e A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s w h i c h a r e still d e p e n d e n t ; 1

Welcoming speech by Haile Selassie, in Z. C e r v e n k a , (2nd edition, London, 1969), 8.

The Organisation of African

Unity and its Charter

115

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PAN-AFRICANISM SINCE

1940

( 7 ) a f f i r m a t i o n o f a p o l i c y o n n o n - a l i g n m e n t w i t h r e g a r d t o all blocs.

1

T h e c o n c l u s i o n , l a r g e l y b o r n e o u t b y s u b s e q u e n t e v e n t s , is t h a t the O A U w a s essentially an o r g a n i s a t i o n to defend the territorial and

political

governments

status and

quo

rulers

in

independent

rather

than

Africa,

a

thing

of peoples, though

of not

n e c e s s a r i l y i m m u n e t o p o p u l a r p r e s s u r e s . T h e i s s u e o n w h i c h its m e m b e r s f o u n d it e a s i e s t t o a g r e e — a n d h e r e w a s a r e a l c o n t i n u i t y from

1 9 4 5 - w a s t h a t o f s u p p o r t f o r d e c o l o n i s a t i o n . W i t h i n its

own

ranks, despite

the creation o f O A U bodies to

consider

p o l i c i e s o n s u c h m a t t e r s as h e a l t h , e d u c a t i o n , e c o n o m i c c o o p e r ­ ation, and even defence, individual sovereignty was to be supreme. It is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t its h i g h e s t g o v e r n i n g b o d y w a s t o b e t h e annual A s s e m b l y o f H e a d s o f State and G o v e r n m e n t . W i t h i n these limits, the O A U p r o v e d to be b y n o

means

i n e f f e c t i v e . F o r s o m e y e a r s it h a d a g o o d r e c o r d i n c o n t a i n i n g , i f n o t s o l v i n g , disputes b e t w e e n m e m b e r states, a l t h o u g h this w a s m o r e u s u a l l y a c h i e v e d b y ad hoc a r b i t r a t i o n

than t h r o u g h

the

C o m m i s s i o n o f A r b i t r a t i o n a n d C o n c i l i a t i o n established in 1964. T h i s k i n d o f arbitration w a s o f m o s t use in p r e s e r v i n g the status q u o , w h e n it c a m e t o t e r r i t o r i a l o r b o u n d a r y d i s p u t e s . T h u s , t h e q u e s t i o n o f S o m a l i a ' s claims to large areas o f E t h i o p i a n

and

K e n y a n territory w a s deferred by O A U foreign ministers' medi­ a t i o n i n 1 9 6 4 a n d 1 9 7 3 . A s e a r l y as O c t o b e r 1 9 6 3 , H a i l e S e l a s s i e and M o d i b o K e i t a o f M a l i w e r e able t o m e d i a t e in the M o r o c c a n A l g e r i a n b o r d e r clash o f that year. T h e O A U w a s also

often

successful in r e c o n c i l i n g states that h a d fallen o u t o n v a r i o u s o t h e r g r o u n d s ; thus in

1970 Haile Selassie reconciled N i g e r i a w i t h

Z a m b i a , t h e I v o r y C o a s t a n d T a n z a n i a , all o f w h i c h h a d s u p p o r t e d t h e B i a f r a n r i g h t t o s e c e s s i o n . B u t it c o u l d b e s a i d t h a t b y t h e m i d - 1 9 7 0 s , w i t h escalation in the n u m b e r and intensity o f disputes w i t h i n and b e t w e e n m e m b e r states, and the t e n d e n c y o f m a n y A f r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t s t o seek s u p p o r t in s u c h disputes f r o m o n e o r other o f the g r e a t - p o w e r b l o c s , the O A U w a s facing a crisis. F u r t h e r m o r e , i n t i m e at l e a s t s o m e P a n - A f r i c a n i s t s h a d c o m e t o r e g a r d t h e O A U w i t h s u s p i c i o n as n o m o r e t h a n t h e g u a r d i a n o f v e s t e d i n t e r e s t s . S o m e o f t h e s e s u s p i c i o n s w e r e v o i c e d at t h e S i x t h P a n - A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s , h e l d i n D a r es S a l a a m , T a n z a n i a , i n J u n e 1

'Article

III,

Charter o f the

Organisation o f African

Unity*, Cervenka,

Organisation of African Unity and its Charter, A p p e n d i x A , 232-3.

n6

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

The

THE

R O A D

T O

T H E

O A U

1974, and f o l l o w i n g c o n s c i o u s l y in the traditions o f the A l l - A f r i c a n Peoples'

Conferences. There

national

and

South

liberation

Africa,

and

was strong

movements

from

the

representation

from

in c o l o n i a l territories

diaspora.

Julius

Nyerere

and

in

his

opening address paid tribute to the Pan-African Conference o f 1900,

t h e C o n g r e s s e s o f 1900 t o 1 9 4 5 , a n d t h e e a r l y l e a d e r s o f t h e

m o v e m e n t u p t o 1 9 4 5 , as w e l l as t o N k r u m a h ( w h o h a d d i e d i n 1972

in

OAU.

exile).

1

The

conference

w a s implicitly critical o f

H o w e v e r , the c o n t r i b u t i o n

the

o f Walter R o d n e y to

the

c o n g r e s s w e n t far b e y o n d i m p l i e d c r i t i c i s m , a n d c o n s t i t u t e s p r o b ­ ably the m o s t fundamental

and hostile criticism o f O A U Pan-

Africanism made by any committed Pan-Africanist. F o r him, * T h e existing African régimes h a v e helped create the illusion that the OAU

represents the concrétisation o f A f r i c a n U n i t y . T h e O A U

is t h e p r i n c i p a l i n s t r u m e n t w h i c h l e g i t i m i s e s t h e f o r t y - o d d m i n i states v i s i t e d u p o n u s b y c o l o n i a l i s m . ' I n d e e d , b e y o n d r e g u l a t i n g ' a f e w internal

conflicts b e t w e e n the petty

bourgeoisie

from

different p a r t s o f t h e c o n t i n e n t ' , its f u n c t i o n s w e r e a l s o a t t a c k e d by

R o d n e y as m a i n t a i n i n g

the

separation

o f African

peoples

w i t h i n existing territorial b o u n d a r i e s , and stifling criticism o f any 4

exploitative, oppressive and

autocratic

African state...

w h e n the m o s t e l e m e n t a r y civil a n d h u m a n rights are on'.

even

trampled

2

N A T I O N A L I S M ,

T o understand

R E G I O N A L I S M

A N D A F R I C A N

U N I T Y

the e m e r g e n c e o f this k i n d o f radical disillusion

w i t h t h e ' o f f i c i a l ' P a n - A f r i c a n i s m o f t h e O A U , it is first o f all n e c e s s a r y t o e x p l o r e a little further s o m e o f the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s a n d tensions engendered by a Pan-Africanism dominated b y indepen­ dent states, and a t t e m p t i n g

to exalt national independence

and

A f r i c a n u n i t y s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . T o b e fair t o a n u m b e r o f l e a d i n g P a n - A f r i c a n i s t s o f the late 1950s a n d early 1960s, this w a s n o t an u n p e r c e i v e d p r o b l e m . N k r u m a h ' s e v e n t u a l b e l i e f in an A f r i c a n Union

Government

has already been

mentioned.

Nyerere

of

T a n z a n i a referred to the tension b e t w e e n national s o v e r e i g n t y and 3

P a n - A f r i c a n i s m as ' t h e d i l e m m a o f t h e P a n - A f r i c a n i s t ' . F o r s o m e 1

Resolutions and selected speeches from the Sixth Pan African Congress ( D a r e s S a l a a m ,

i9lty> 3~43

Julius K .

2

Resolutions and selected speeches, 26-67.

Nyerere, ' T h e dilemma o f the P a n - A f r i c a n i s t i n Nyerere, socialism ( D a r e s S a l a a m , 1968), 2 0 7 - 1 7 .

" 7

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Freedom and

P A N - A F R I C A N I S M

S I N C E

I94O

y e a r s t h e r e w e r e efforts t o a p p r o a c h a n a l l - A f r i c a n s u p r a nationalism via an intermediate stage o f regional unions. T h e p i o n e e r in this a p p r o a c h w a s , o f c o u r s e N k r u m a h . P r o v i s i o n w a s m a d e in the c o n s t i t u t i o n o f G h a n a for m e r g i n g w i t h o t h e r i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n states, a l t h o u g h N k r u m a h also d e m o l i s h e d the c o m m o n services G h a n a had shared w i t h o t h e r British W e s t A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s i n t h e c o l o n i a l e r a . W h e n F r a n c e c u t o f f all a i d t o G u i n e a i n O c t o b e r 1 9 5 8 , h o w e v e r , G h a n a at o n c e o f f e r e d practical aid in the f o r m o f a £ 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 loan, a n d w i t h i n a m o n t h the t w o states had d e c l a r e d the e x i s t e n c e o f a G h a n a - G u i n e a u n i o n , that w a s t o b e the b e g i n n i n g o f a U n i o n o f W e s t A f r i c a n S t a t e s ; i n i 9 6 0 , M a l i j o i n e d t h e u n i o n , f o l l o w i n g its s e v e r a n c e o f ties w i t h S e n e g a l . B u t t h i s u n i o n , w h i c h t o o k t h e t i t l e o f U n i o n o f A f r i c a n States ( U A S ) n e v e r had m u c h substance in reality, and w i t h the c r e a t i o n o f the O A U in 1963 f o u n d l i q u i d a t i n g itself in the name o f w i d e r A f r i c a n unity a painless process. T h e same c a n n o t be said for the U A M , w h i c h also d i s s o l v e d itself in r e s p o n s e t o O A U p r e s s u r e , b u t w a s r e b o r n i n 1965 as t h e O r ­ ganisation C o m m u n e A f r i c a i n e et M a l g a c h e ( O C A M ) , the I v o r y C o a s t p l a y i n g a l e a d i n g r o l e as m i d w i f e t o t h i s r e b i r t h . I n particular, O C A M reflected c o n t i n u i n g resentment among G h a n a ' s f r a n c o p h o n e n e i g h b o u r s at s u c h m a n i f e s t a t i o n s as ' t r a i n ­ i n g c a m p s ' in G h a n a for political dissidents f r o m o t h e r A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s . L i k e w i s e , r e s e n t m e n t w a s felt at t h e O A U f o r n o t p r e v e n t i n g this, n o t s u r p r i s i n g l y in v i e w o f the fact that the O C A M states h a d t h o u g h t that the O A U charter g a v e cast-iron guarantees against such actions. N a t u r a l l y , the o v e r t h r o w o f N k r u m a h in 1966, f o l l o w e d b y that o f M o d i b o K e i t a in M a l i in 1968, l e a v i n g G u i n e a for s o m e time as t h e s o l e r a d i c a l W e s t A f r i c a n s t a t e , r e m o v e d s o m e o f t h e s e tensions. Nevertheless, w h e n the impetus t o w a r d s W e s t African regionalism re-emerged o n the e c o n o m i c level, practical advance w a s l o n g d e l a y e d b y f r a n c o p h o n e s u s p i c i o n s . A s e a r l y as 1 9 6 7 discussions w e r e held in A c c r a u n d e r the auspices o f a U n i t e d Nations b o d y , the E c o n o m i c C o m m i s s i o n for Africa ( E C A ) , o n the desirability o f a W e s t African E c o n o m i c C o m m u n i t y , a l o n g the lines o f the E u r o p e a n E c o n o m i c C o m m u n i t y ( E E C ) . T h i s w a s v i e w e d w i t h d i s p l e a s u r e b y F r a n c e as y e t a n o t h e r p l a n f o r ' A n g l o S a x o n ' e c o n o m i c domination, a v i e w readily c o m m u n i c a t e d to her friends in A f r i c a , n o t a b l y the I v o r y C o a s t . I n d e e d , a p u r e l y 118

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

N A T I O N A L I S M ,

R E G I O N A L I S M

A N D

U N I T Y

f r a n c o p h o n e W e s t A f r i c a n e c o n o m i c c o m m u n i t y w a s c r e a t e d in 1970, w h i c h n o t surprisingly l o o k e d to F r a n c e and to the E E C , rather than to a n g l o p h o n e

neighbours.

T h i s dismal

situation

b e g a n to i m p r o v e w i t h N i g e r i a n initiatives t o w a r d s the creation of a comprehensive West African economic community.

Under

the stimulus o f the oil b o o m , N i g e r i a rapidly a c h i e v e d a r e m a r k a b l e recovery from the destructive civil w a r o f 1 9 6 7 - 7 0 , and b y the m i d - 1 9 7 0 s w a s c l e a r l y t h e e c o n o m i c g i a n t o f W e s t A f r i c a , as w e l l as h a v i n g a p o p u l a t i o n l a r g e a n d e n e r g e t i c e n o u g h t o p l a y , i n relation to her n e i g h b o u r s , a leading role. In 1 9 7 3 , the N i g e r i a n balance o f payments

w e n t into substantial

surplus,

while

the

i n t e r n a t i o n a l o i l c r i s i s o f t h a t y e a r p u t all h e r n o n - o i l p r o d u c i n g n e i g h b o u r s in a w e a k e r p o s i t i o n . S k i l f u l l y u t i l i s i n g t h i s s i t u a t i o n , and using T o g o to s o u n d out and soften up the

francophone

p o w e r s , N i g e r i a b e g a n t o steer W e s t A f r i c a t o w a r d s the creation o f the E c o n o m i c C o m m u n i t y o f W e s t A f r i c a n States.

Events

within E u r o p e helped, notably the accession o f Britain to

the

E E C . I n c r e a s i n g (if n o t total) A f r i c a n unity w a s s h o w n in

the

negotiations leading to the L o m é C o n v e n t i o n o f 1974, w h i c h regulated the relations o f A f r i c a n , C a r i b b e a n and Pacific nations w i t h the E E C . F i n a l l y , E C O W A S c a m e i n t o e x i s t e n c e in L a g o s in M a y 1 9 7 5 , t h e f o u n d e r m e m b e r s b e i n g M a u r i t a n i a , S e n e g a l , the G a m b i a , G u i n e a - B i s s a u , G u i n e a , Sierra L e o n e , L i b e r i a , the Ivory Coast, Mali, Upper Volta, Ghana, T o g o , D a h o m e y (now Bénin),

Niger

and

N i g e r i a - an

exciting occasion, despite

salutary w a r n i n g o n the e v e o f the L a g o s C o n f e r e n c e b y Nigerian

Federal

Commissioner

for

Economic

a the

Development,

A d e b a y o A d e d e j i , t h a t ' i t w i l l t a k e at least five y e a r s t o d e v e l o p a West African E c o n o m i c C o m m u n i t y ' .

1

E C O W A S w a s in s o m e

w a y s c l e a r l y m o d e l l e d o n t h e E E C ; it p r o v i d e d f o r t h e g r a d u a l diminution

o f customs

duties

and

trade restrictions

between

m e m b e r s , the creation o f c o m m o n c u s t o m s and c o m m e r c i a l p o l i c y towards

third-party

countries,

and

the

creation

of

common

E C O W A S citizenship, w h i c h w o u l d confer freedom o f m o v e m e n t , w o r k and residence w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y . T h e last w a s o f d i r e c t i m p o r t a n c e t o l a r g e n u m b e r s o f o r d i n a r y W e s t A f r i c a n s , as m i g r a n t t r a d e r s a n d m i g r a n t l a b o u r e r s m o v i n g across international

frontiers are an i m p o r t a n t feature o f m a n y

West African economies, yet such migrants 1

had

come

West Africa, 19 May 1975, 558. 119

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

under

P A N - A F R I C A N I S M

S I N C E

1940

unpleasant pressures. E a r l y in 1970, D r B u s i a ' s g o v e r n m e n t

in

G h a n a s h o c k e d A f r i c a a n d t h e w o r l d b y its s u d d e n e x p u l s i o n o f large n u m b e r s o f foreign Africans, mainly traders; b y the end o f January 1970, G h a n a herself admitted ' repatriation' (or expulsion as m a n y s a w it) o f 1 7 0 0 0 0 A f r i c a n f o r e i g n e r s . N o r w a s t h i s u n i q u e , as t h e s a m e p e r i o d a l s o s a w m a s s e x p u l s i o n s f r o m I v o r y C o a s t . This

kind

o f action - and

Africa - contributed

there were examples elsewhere

in n o small a m o u n t

in

to radical disillusion.

R o d n e y u s e d it as a s t i c k w i t h w h i c h t o b e a t A f r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t s :

Pan-Africanism has been so flouted by the present governments that the concept of 'African' is dead for all practical purposes such as travel and employment. The ' Africanisation * that was aimed against the European colonial administrator soon gave way to restrictive employment and immi­ gration practices by Ivory Coast, Ghana (under Busia), Zaire, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and others - aimed against ... all Africans who were guilty of believing that Africa was for the Africans. 1

G i v e n the s e n s i t i v i t y o f the issues i n v o l v e d in free m o v e m e n t o f labour, and the resentments that c o u l d be caused a m o n g

indigenes

at t h e p r e s e n c e o f l a r g e n u m b e r s o f e i t h e r s u c c e s s f u l or u n s u c c e s s f u l f o r e i g n e r s , it is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t b y t h e A p r i l 1 9 7 8 m e e t i n g o f ECOWAS remained

h e a d s o f s t a t e i n L a g o s , free m o v e m e n t o f a matter

for

anxious

discussion.

The

labour

intermediate

regional stage o f Pan-Africanism represented by E C O W A S was still b y 1 9 7 8 a n u n p r o v e n v e n t u r e (as A d e d e j i w i s e l y p r e d i c t e d ) . The

h o p e that N i g e r i a n oil m o n e y c o u l d

finance

West African

e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t in a m o r e appropriate w a y , and o n m o r e easy terms,

than traditional

external

aid f r o m

the

developed

nations or the W o r l d B a n k , e v a p o r a t e d w i t h the lapse o f

the

N i g e r i a n e c o n o m y i n t o serious b a l a n c e - o f - p a y m e n t s difficulties. T h u s , W e s t A f r i c a n regional unity, despite b e i n g an aspiration dating b a c k to the time o f James Africanus H o r t o n , and despite v a r i o u s a t t e m p t s o v e r t h e t w e n t y y e a r s f r o m 195 8 t o 1 9 7 8 t o b r i n g it i n t o e x i s t e n c e i n s o m e f o r m o r o t h e r , p r o d u c e d a h a r v e s t m a i n l y o f frustrated h o p e s . A p a r t f r o m the o b v i o u s practical p r o b l e m s , it is a l s o n e c e s s a r y t o t a k e i n t o a c c o u n t t h e f a c t t h a t as w e l l as b e i n g t h e r e g i o n o f A f r i c a w i t h t h e m o s t p e r s i s t e n t efforts t o c r e a t e a w i d e r r e g i o n a l u n i t y , it h a s a l s o b e e n t h e h o m e o f i n v e t e r a t e a n d ef­ fective o p p o n e n t s o f r e g i o n a l unity. In this n e g a t i v e sense, the k e y state w a s certainly the I v o r y C o a s t , and the k e y leader H o u p h o u e t 1

Resolutions and selected speeches, 15, I20

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R E G I O N A L I S M A N D

U N I T Y

B o i g n y . In 1 9 5 7 - 8 he w a s the m o s t important leader, w i t h i n the old R a s s e m b l e m e n t D é m o c r a t i q u e Africain, o f the successful o p p o s i t i o n to the idea o f a united F r e n c h W e s t African indepen­ dence. T h e subsequent w a t e r e d - d o w n plan for a Federation o f M a l i , t o c o m p r i s e S o u d a n (as t h e f u t u r e R e p u b l i c o f M a l i w a s still c a l l e d i n 195 8 - 9 ) , S e n e g a l , U p p e r V o l t a a n d D a h o m e y , w a s further w e a k e n e d b y the I v o r y C o a s t p e r s u a d i n g U p p e r V o l t a and D a h o m e y to w i t h d r a w . O n l y a r u m p federation o f the t w o r e m a i n i n g s t a t e s c a m e b r i e f l y i n t o e x i s t e n c e as a n i n d e p e n d e n t state in i 9 6 0 . W i t h i n t h a t f e d e r a t i o n , S o u d a n , u n d e r M o d i b o K e i t a , w a s e n t h u s i a s t i c f o r f e d e r a l u n i o n as a b a s i s f o r c r e a t i n g a t r a n s f o r m e d s o c i e t y , w h i c h w a s s o little t o t h e t a s t e o f L e o p o l d S e n g h o r o f S e n e g a l t h a t h e w i t h d r e w h i s c o u n t r y after o n l y t w o months. T h e only wider grouping o f former French West African territories that m a n a g e d t o establish itself securely in this era o f transfer o f p o w e r w a s the C o n s e i l de P E n t e n t e , f o r m e d in M a y 1959. B u t this w a s a creation d o m i n a t e d b y the I v o r y C o a s t (also comprising D a h o m e y , U p p e r V o l t a , and N i g e r ) , and very m u c h the ancestor o f the U A M and O C A M . A f r i c a n unity w a s certainly n e v e r o n e o f its o b j e c t i v e s , b u t r a t h e r a d e d i c a t i o n t o p r e s e r v i n g the s o v e r e i g n t y o f i n d i v i d u a l states e v e n i f b y m e a n s o f a l o o s e e c o n o m i c or political association. In o t h e r parts o f A f r i c a the r e g i o n a l idea h a d e v e n less s u c c e s s . T h e r e w e r e h o p e s i n E g y p t i n t h e y e a r s i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e E g y p t i a n r e v o l u t i o n o f 1 9 5 2 t h a t t h e S u d a n m i g h t b e a t last reunited w i t h E g y p t , and s u p p o r t for this w a s c a n v a s s e d ener­ getically in the S u d a n u n d e r the aegis o f the U n i t y o f the N i l e V a l l e y M o v e m e n t , w h i c h w a s , h o w e v e r , perhaps more o f a pressure g r o u p w i t h a slogan than a genuine popular m o v e m e n t a m o n g the S u d a n e s e . S u d a n e s e a c h i e v e m e n t o f i n d e p e n d e n c e in 1956 killed this * m o v e m e n t \ In F r e n c h - r u l e d N o r t h A f r i c a the idea o f t h e u n i t y o f t h e M a g h r i b ( w h i c h as a g e o g r a p h i c a l c o n c e p t a l s o includes L i b y a ) w a s m o r e than counterbalanced b y the v e r y different n a t u r e a n d o u t c o m e o f t h e i n d e p e n d e n c e s t r u g g l e s i n A l g e r i a , M o r o c c o and Tunisia. Thereafter, the main impetus for w i d e r u n i o n s in N o r t h A f r i c a c a m e f r o m L i b y a , w h o s e a b o r t i v e unions w i t h E g y p t and T u n i s i a underlined the lack o f success o f N o r t h A f r i c a n regionalism. T h e s e disunities in N o r t h A f r i c a w e r e further d e m o n s t r a t e d b y the acute confrontation between M o r o c c o and Mauritania o n the o n e hand, and the Polisario F r o n t , 121

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S I N C E

I94O

A l g e r i a and L i b y a o n the other, o v e r the future o f the

former

Spanish Sahara, partitioned b e t w e e n M o r o c c o and Mauritania by agreement w i t h Spain, but w i t h o u t c o n s u l t i n g the wishes o f the S a h r a o u i s , in 1 9 7 5 . R e g i o n a l i s m in E a s t a n d C e n t r a l A f r i c a w a s p r o d u c t i v e m a i n l y o f disillusion. O n e p r o b l e m faced b y Pan- Africanists w h o f a v o u r e d r e g i o n a l i s m in this p a r t o f A f r i c a w a s the fact that historically federalism w a s associated w i t h settler pressures t o m a x i m i s e their degree o f local control. T h i s w a s clearly so m u c h the case w i t h the Central A f r i c a n federation o f S o u t h e r n Rhodesia,

Northern

R h o d e s i a a n d N y a s a l a n d , (officially k n o w n as t h e F e d e r a t i o n o f R h o d e s i a a n d N y a s a l a n d ) , created in 1953 a g a i n s t the w i s h e s o f v i r t u a l l y all a r t i c u l a t e A f r i c a n o p i n i o n , t h a t A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s t s in t h o s e t e r r i t o r i e s i n e v i t a b l y o p t e d f o r s e p a r a t e i n d e p e n d e n c e . I n the

four

British

East

African territories

of Kenya,

Uganda,

T a n g a n y i k a and Z a n z i b a r , settler pressures for federation had n o t succeeded, but there w a s a legacy f r o m the c o l o n i a l era o f c o m m o n s e r v i c e s i n m a t t e r s s u c h as t r a n s p o r t , c u r r e n c y , a n d Furthermore,

customs.

o n t h e p e r s o n a l l e v e l , i n t h e late 1 9 5 0 s a n d e a r l y

1960s, there w a s p e r h a p s

n o part o f Africa

where a

greater

p r o p o r t i o n o f senior African political leaders regarded themselves as P a n - A f r i c a n i s t s . T o n a m e o n l y s o m e o f t h e m o r e

obvious

e x a m p l e s , as w e l l as N y e r e r e , t h e r e w a s M i l t o n O b o t e o f U g a n d a ; Jomo

K e n y a t t a ; T o m M b o y a o f K e n y a w h o had chaired

the

1958 A c c r a A l l - A f r i c a n P e o p l e s ' C o n f e r e n c e ; O s c a r K a m b o n a , independent Odinga,

T a n g a n y i k a ' s first f o r e i g n m i n i s t e r ;

K e n y a ' s first

vice-president.

In

other

and

Oginga

words,

Pan-

A f r i c a n i s m w a s v e r y m u c h in v o g u e in the n e w r u l i n g circles o f U g a n d a , T a n g a n y i k a a n d K e n y a as t h e y c a m e t o

independence.

B y c o m p a r i s o n , f r o m the three territories c o m p r i s i n g the Federa­ tion o f Rhodesia and Nyasaland, only one major

figure

commit­

ted to P a n - A f r i c a n i s m e m e r g e d in a p o s i t i o n o f p o w e r , K e n n e t h K a u n d a o f Z a m b i a , the former N o r t h e r n

Rhodesia. T h e

East

African Pan-Africanists w e r e aware o f the dangers facing small w e a k states in the m o d e r n w o r l d . F o r a n u m b e r o f years t h e r e w e r e hopes that these c o u l d be a v o i d e d b y the creation o f an

East

A f r i c a n federation, w h i c h w o u l d b e large e n o u g h in area, p o p u ­ lation and resources not to be the cat's-paw o f outside p o w e r s , a n d t o t a c k l e its i n t e r n a l s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c t a s k s . W i t h E a s t A f r i c a n r e g i o n a l i s m , as w i t h P a n - A f r i c a n i s m as a 122

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N A T I O N A L I S M ,

R E G I O N A L I S M

A N D

U N I T Y

w h o l e , o n e o f the central p r o b l e m s w a s that political forces had d e v e l o p e d within individual colonial units, dedicated primarily to national independence, and w i t h the possibilities o f conflict b e t w e e n this a i m a n d the w i d e r r e g i o n a l ideal n o t c o n f r o n t e d until t o o late. N o t till 1 9 5 8 w a s t h e r e a s e r i o u s a t t e m p t t o c r e a t e a P a n - E a s t A f r i c a n p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , w h i c h w o u l d u n i f y all e x i s t i n g parties. T h e initiative w a s largely N y e r e r e ' s , and the o u t c o m e w a s disappointing. Instead o f creating the unified E a s t A f r i c a n party that N y e r e r e had h o p e d for, the 1958 M w a n z a C o n f e r e n c e created the P a n - A f r i c a n F r e e d o m M o v e m e n t o f East and Central Africa ( P A F M E C A ) . T h i s w a s n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a n omnium gatherum o f existing East and Central A f r i c a n parties, w i t h the object o f f u r t h e r i n g national r a t h e r t h a n regional i n d e p e n d e n c e , a n d w i t h all e f f e c t i v e a u t h o r i t y r e m a i n i n g w i t h its c o n s t i t u e n t o r g a n i s a t i o n s . F u r t h e r m o r e , the U g a n d a n s participated in the M w a n z a C o n f e r ­ e n c e at o n l y a m i n o r a n d n o n - c o m m i t t a l l e v e l , w h i l e t h e p r e s e n c e o f Central A f r i c a n delegates m a d e P A F M E C A an ill-assorted b o d y for furthering East A f r i c a n unity. In the years that f o l l o w e d , P A F M E C A b e c a m e a n e v e r m o r e diffuse b o d y , as its c o n f e r e n c e s ( m o r e o r less its o n l y a c t i v i t y ) w e r e a t t e n d e d b y d e l e g a t e s f r o m a g r o w i n g r a n g e o f c o u n t r i e s and m o v e m e n t s . A c c o r d i n g l y , in 1961 it c h a n g e d its n a m e t o t h e P a n - A f r i c a n F r e e d o m M o v e m e n t o f E a s t , C e n t r a l and S o u t h e r n A f r i c a ( P A F M E C S A ) . Its g r o w t h w a s s h o w n b y t h e fact t h a t its 1 9 6 2 m e e t i n g w a s h e l d i n A d d i s A b a b a , chaired b y K e n n e t h K a u n d a , w i t h representation from 14 c o u n t r i e s w i t h 100 m i l l i o n i n h a b i t a n t s ; its w e a k n e s s b y t h e f a c t t h a t it w a s a l w a y s c h r o n i c a l l y u n d e r - f i n a n c e d a n d i n d e b t , w i t h m a n y o f its c o n s t i t u e n t g o v e r n m e n t s a n d p a r t i e s f a i l i n g t o p a y their dues. T h e m o s t spectacular initiative t o w a r d s r e g i o n a l unity in E a s t A f r i c a c a m e in J u n e i 9 6 0 , t h r o u g h J u l i u s N y e r e r e o f f e r i n g t o d e l a y T a n g a n y i k a n i n d e p e n d e n c e u n t i l s u c h t i m e as all t h r e e m a j o r E a s t A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s c o u l d b e c o m e j o i n t l y i n d e p e n d e n t as a f e d e r a l u n i t . T h e first a n d o n l y c o n c r e t e a c h i e v e m e n t i n t h e a f t e r m a t h o f this initiative w a s the r e p l a c e m e n t o f the o l d c o l o n i a l a r r a n g e m e n t s for East A f r i c a n c o m m o n services b y the East A f r i c a n C o m m o n Services O r g a n i s a t i o n ( E A C S O ) in 1 9 6 1 . H o w e v e r , E A C S O w a s very m u c h controlled o n a tripartite basis, w i t h each o f the three constituent nations h a v i n g the right o f v e t o . V e r y s o o n d i s a g r e e m e n t s e m e r g e d a m o n g its m e m b e r s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , it w a s 123

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P A N - A F R I C A N I S M

S I N C E

1940

for s o m e years, despite o c c a s i o n a l friction, to be the best e x a m p l e o f r e g i o n a l e c o n o m i c c o o p e r a t i o n in the c o n t i n e n t . T h e h i g h p o i n t o f e x p e c t a t i o n o f an E a s t A f r i c a n federation c a m e in J u n e 1 9 6 3 , w h e n O b o t e , N y e r e r e and K e n y a t t a declared their intention

to

federate that year - a l t h o u g h , significantly, K e n y a n i n d e p e n d e n c e was not to be delayed until federation w a s arranged. T h e period o f a c c o r d b e t w e e n the three leaders w a s brief; the K e n y a n s and U g a n d a n s w e r e m o r e p r e - o c c u p i e d w i t h i n t e r n a l affairs. O b o t e , w h o h a d t a k e n a r a d i c a l P a n - A f r i c a n i s t s t a n c e at t h e A d d i s A b a b a H e a d s o f S t a t e C o n f e r e n c e in M a y , b e g a n t o feel t h a t E a s t A f r i c a n federation w a s antithetical to continental unity. F r o m the sidelines, Kwame

Nkrumah

made

known

his v i e w

that

the

proposed

federation w a s n o t in a c c o r d w i t h the O A U spirit, and a p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s y resulted b e t w e e n h i m s e l f and N y e r e r e o n the issue. T h e G h a n a i a n s u s e d t h e i r i n f l u e n c e t o stir u p f e e l i n g a g a i n s t t h e f e d e r a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y in U g a n d a . T h e failure t o federate in 1963 s o o n soured relations b e t w e e n T a n g a n y i k a and her n e i g h b o u r s , a n d m a d e for i n c r e a s i n g friction in the r u n n i n g o f E A C S O . B y the m i d - 1 9 6 0 s the feelings o f N y e r e r e , w h o h a d in 1964 u n i t e d Tanganyika with Zanzibar to form Tanzania, were s h o w n increasingly

bitter c o m m e n t s

on

the

failure

to

achieve

by

East

A f r i c a n federation, and the difficulties e m e r g i n g w i t h i n E A C S O , in p a r t i c u l a r

the

wish o f Tanzania not

manufacturing sector

flooded

to

have her

by imports from K e n y a .

nascent

1

N o t o n l y w a s r e g i o n a l i s m , at b e s t , a v e r y l i m i t e d s u c c e s s , b u t a l s o t h e P a n - A f r i c a n m o v e m e n t w a s u n a b l e t o p r e v e n t , in period

after

i960,

two

other

kinds

o f challenge -

the

separatist

m o v e m e n t s w i t h i n e x i s t i n g states, and irredentist m o v e m e n t s b y national minorities w i s h i n g t o join their kin in adjacent states. T h e H o r n o f Africa exhibited b o t h tendencies. O n the o n e hand, the Pan-Somali

sentiments

of

all

Somalia's

governments

since

independence generated claims for a G r e a t e r Somalia, to include the O g a d e n r e g i o n o f E t h i o p i a , the N o r t h - E a s t F r o n t i e r area o f K e n y a , and D j i b o u t i (the f o r m e r F r e n c h territory o f the A f a r s and Issas). T h e O g a d e n claim w a s p r o m o t e d the m o s t relentlessly, and b y t h e m i d - 1 9 7 0 s O A U a t t e m p t s at m e d i a t i o n h a d f a l l e n d o w n , a n d a m a j o r i n s u r r e c t i o n w a s t a k i n g place in the O g a d e n , w i t h s y m p a t h y and s u p p o r t f r o m S o m a l i a , escalating into full-scale w a r in 1 9 7 8 . C l e a r l y , in c i r c u m s t a n c e s l i k e these, c o m m i t m e n t s t o the 1

N y e r e r e , ' P r o b l e m s o f E a s t A f r i c a n c o - o p e r a t i o n i n Freedom and socialism,

124

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64-5.

N A T I O N A L I S M ,

R E G I O N A L I S M

A N D

U N I T Y

territorial integrity o f m e m b e r states o n the o n e h a n d , a n d to the right o f national self-determination o n the other, b e c a m e m u t u a l l y c o n t r a d i c t o r y . In a c o n t i n e n t in w h i c h f e w states lack e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s , it is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e O A U , w h i l e w i s h i n g a peaceful resolution o f this conflict, f o u n d E t h i o p i a n territorial i n t e g r i t y o f m o r e i m p o r t a n c e t h a n O g a d e n S o m a l i selfd e t e r m i n a t i o n . N o r d i d t h e O A U find i t s e l f a b l e t o r e s o l v e t h e p r o b l e m o f the Eritrean secessionist m o v e m e n t , fighting for i n d e p e n d e n c e f r o m E t h i o p i a e v e r since in 1962 H a i l e Selassie's g o v e r n m e n t first a b o l i s h e d t h e f e d e r a t e d s t a t u s E r i t r e a h a d enjoyed since 1952. Irredentism struck the p a c e m a k e r o f PanA f r i c a n i s m , N k r u m a h ' s G h a n a , at t h e v e r y m o m e n t o f i n d e p e n ­ dence. M a n y E w e s inside G h a n a w i s h e d to be united w i t h their f e l l o w E w e s in n e i g h b o u r i n g T o g o . T h e incipient E w e r e v o l t o n the e v e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e had to be suppressed b y the use o f t r o o p s . T h e still p a r t i a l l y o b s c u r e e v e n t s s u r r o u n d i n g t h e i n v a s i o n o f S h a b a p r o v i n c e o f Z a i r e (the f o r m e r K a t a n g a ) in 1 9 7 7 a n d 1978 by dissident elements based in A n g o l a , seems to h a v e b e e n partly based on ethnic tensions. E x a m p l e s could be proliferated o f ethnic secessionism and irredentism, but u n d o u b t e d l y the m o s t serious crisis o f t h i s s o r t , t o d a t e , f o r t h e P a n - A f r i c a n m o v e m e n t e x c e p t i n g t h e as y e t u n r e s o l v e d m u l t i p l e p r o b l e m s i n t h e H o r n o f Africa - w a s that created b y the N i g e r i a n civil w a r o f 1 9 6 7 - 7 0 . T h e N i g e r i a n c i v i l w a r w a s a n e a r d i s a s t e r f o r t h e O A U , as n o t o n l y d i d it p r o v i d e t h e s p e c t a c l e o f its i m p o t e n c e t o p r e v e n t f o r e i g n i n t e r f e r e n c e i n t h e A f r i c a n c o n t i n e n t , b u t it a l s o s p l i t its m e m b e r s . A m i n o r i t y o f f o u r m e m b e r states r e c o g n i s e d B i a f r a n i n d e p e n d e n c e in 1968, in the n a m e o f the r i g h t o f the I b o p e o p l e t o s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . It w a s a n i l l - a s s o r t e d g r o u p i n g - i t s e l f a c o m m e n t o n the c o m p l e x i t i e s o f the Biafran e p i s o d e - c o n s i s t i n g o f Z a m b i a a n d T a n z a n i a , u s u a l l y r e g a r d e d as r a d i c a l P a n - A f r i c a n countries, and the l u k e w a r m enthusiasts for P a n - A f r i c a n i s m , G a b o n and the I v o r y C o a s t . T h e N i g e r i a n federal g o v e r n m e n t eventually received important supplies o f arms not only from E g y p t , but also from Britain, the S o v i e t U n i o n and C z e c h o s l o ­ vakia. O n the other hand the Biafrans, n o d o u b t equally feeling that necessity m a k e s strange b e d - f e l l o w s , received support from Portugal, France and, according to rumour, South Africa. B e t w e e n 1967 and 1969, there w a s a series o f attempts b y the O A U t o b r i n g a b o u t peace, but the Biafrans w e r e suspicious o f a b o d y that for 125

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the m o s t part regarded

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the territorial

1940

i n t e g r i t y o f its e x i s t i n g

m e m b e r s as m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n m i n o r i t y

self-determination;

w h i l e the federal g o v e r n m e n t w a s understandably a n x i o u s not to a l l o w t h e O A U ' s e f f o r t s t o t a k e t h e f o r m o f m e d i a t i o n , let a l o n e arbitration.

T h e final c o l l a p s e o f B i a f r a in J a n u a r y

1970 was

g r e e t e d w i t h r e l i e f b y a l m o s t all O A U m e m b e r s , a n d w a s a v i c t o r y f o r t h e p r i n c i p l e o f t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r i t y - b u t it w a s a v i c t o r y w o n b y the N i g e r i a n g o v e r n m e n t , not b y the O A U .

P A N - A F R I C A N I S M

A N D T H E

A R M E D

L I B E R A T I O N

S T R U G G L E S

I f the issues o f r e g i o n a l i s m , secessionism and irredentism split or at l e a s t p a r a l y s e d a n d t o s o m e e x t e n t d i s c r e d i t e d P a n - A f r i c a n i s m in the t w e n t y years f r o m 1958, s u p p o r t for national i n d e p e n d e n c e from colonial and white minority regimes w a s something everyone c o u l d a g r e e o n i n p r i n c i p l e . H o w e v e r , as w e h a v e s e e n , t h e i s s u e o f support for and recognition o f the provisional g o v e r n m e n t o f Algeria, during the period w h e n A l g e r i a n independence w a s yet b e i n g contested, d i v i d e d the n e w l y independent

A f r i c a n states.

T h u s e v e n national liberation c o u l d be a d i v i s i v e issue. N o r w a s this the o n l y p r o b l e m faced b y t h o s e e n g a g e d in a r m e d liberation s t r u g g l e s at t h a t t i m e , i n t r y i n g t o e n g a g e t h e a t t e n t i o n o f t h o s e w h o had recently benefited from peaceful transfer o f p o w e r . In a revealing anecdote, A m f l c a r Cabral, leader o f the revolutionary liberation s t r u g g l e in P o r t u g u e s e G u i n e a until his m u r d e r b y a P o r t u g u e s e a g e n t in 1 9 7 3 , r e m a r k e d

on:

An incident during the second All-African Peoples' Conference in Tunis during i 9 6 0 , where we had some difficulty in being heard. One African delegate to whom we tried to explain our situation replied in all sympathy: 'Oh, its different for you. No problem there - you're doing all right with the Portu­ guese.' At least it helped us to see that we could count only on ourselves. 1

A t least in C a b r a P s c o u n t r y there w a s o n l y o n e m o v e m e n t , Partido

A f r i c a n o da Independencia

da

Guine

e Cabo

the

Verde

( P A I G C ) , f o r t h e official P a n - A f r i c a n m o v e m e n t t o r e c o g n i s e . I n other places, notably A n g o l a and Rhodesia, the spectacle o f rival liberation

movements

recognition

and

aid.

complicated The

creation

the o f the

whole

problem

OAU's

1

of

Liberation

A m f l c a r C a b r a l , f o r e w o r d t o B a s i l D a v i d s o n , The liberation of Guine: aspects of an African revolution ( L o n d o n , 1969), 9 - 1 0 .

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C o m m i t t e e i n 1963 s i g n i f i e d a s e r i o u s d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o e n s u r e t h a t it w o u l d n e v e r h e n c e f o r t h b e b l a n d l y a s s u m e d t h a t a n y o f t h o s e still u n d e r c o l o n i a l a n d m i n o r i t y r u l e w e r e ' d o i n g all r i g h t ' , as w e l l as t o t r y t o r e c o n c i l e d i v i d e d l i b e r a t i o n m o v e m e n t s , o r at l e a s t to decide w h i c h o f such m o v e m e n t s o u g h t to be supported. Based s i n c e i n c e p t i o n in D a r es S a l a a m , t h o u g h w i t h r e g i o n a l b u r e a u x in L u s a k a a n d (till 1 9 7 4 ) i n C o n a k r y , t h e L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e h a d its o w n b u r e a u c r a c y a n d - t h o u g h

quite inadequately

till

1 9 7 4 - its o w n f u n d s . E x e c u t i v e s e c r e t a r i e s w e r e T a n z a n i a n , b u t its m e m b e r s h i p , d r a w n f r o m O A U m e m b e r s t a t e s , at t i m e s

was

fiercely

contested.

Its

fluctuated,

actions, necessarily

and often

confidential or e v e n secretive, s o o n aroused the suspicions o f m o r e c a u t i o u s O A U m e m b e r s , a n d as a c o n s e q u e n c e its a u t o n o m y w a s r e s t r i c t e d a n d all O A U s t a t e s g i v e n o b s e r v e r s t a t u s i n its d e l i b e r a t i o n s in 1 9 6 6 . I f this r e d u c e d o p p o s i t i o n w i t h i n t h e O A U , it c a n n o t b e s a i d to have increased

the Liberation

C o m m i t t e e ' s ability to

give

effective aid, w h i c h r e m a i n e d , in the v i e w o f s o m e , for s o m e years an o b j e c t i v e r a t h e r t h a n a r e a l i t y . I n 1 9 6 6 C a b r a l w a s ' c o n v i n c e d that A f r i c a can and s h o u l d d o m o r e for o u r s t r u g g l e ' , w h i l s t Basil D a v i d s o n , historian for the world-at-large o f the

independence

s t r u g g l e s in P o r t u g u e s e A f r i c a , o b s e r v e d t h a t i n 1 9 6 8 t h e L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e ' m o v e d c l o s e r t o at l e a s t a r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e need for m o r e effective s u p p o r t . . . o n e m i g h t think, n o t time'.

1

before

B u t it w a s i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e h a r d c h o i c e s d e m a n d e d

by

the liberation s t r u g g l e in A n g o l a that the L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e stumbled

most. There, Holden Roberto's Frente

Nacional

de

L i b e r t a d o d e A n g o l a ( F N L A ) w a s officially r e c o g n i s e d i n 1 9 6 3 , rather than the M o v i m e n t o P o p u l a r de Liberta£áo de

Angola

( M P L A ) , partly b e c a u s e the M P L A ' s initial r e v o l t , in L u a n d a in 1961, had been a disaster. A l s o , H o l d e n R o b e r t o w a s t h e n better k n o w n t o t h e l e a d e r s o f i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a , h a v i n g b e e n at t h e 1958

All-African

Peoples'

Conference

and

having

thereafter

established his i m a g e . R e c o g n i t i o n o f the F N L A w a s w i t h d r a w n as its f o r t u n e s w a n e d i n 1 9 6 4 , a n d as it w a s i d e n t i f i e d as m o r e o f a n e t h n i c K o n g o t h a n a P a n - A n g o l a n m o v e m e n t , w h i l e official approval w a s n o w g i v e n to the M P L A . H o w e v e r , in 1972 the FNLA

w a s r e c o g n i s e d again, this time a l o n g s i d e the

MPLA.

R o b e r t o ' s kinship to President M o b u t u Sese S e k o o f Z a i r e , and 1

D a v i d s o n , The liberation of Guiñé 141. y

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Zairean determination

to further

S I N C E

1940

the F N L A ' s

fortunes

at

the

e x p e n s e o f t h e M P L A , i n f l u e n c e d t h i s c o n f u s e d p o l i c y as m u c h as a n y t h i n g , a l t h o u g h t h e r e w e r e c o n t i n u i n g a t t e m p t s t o r e c o n c i l e t h e t w o m o v e m e n t s . T h e n , at t h e m o m e n t o f i n d e p e n d e n c e Angola, Angolan

the

Liberation

movement,

Committee

also recognised

the

for

third

Jonas S a v i m b i ' s U n i á o N a c i o n a l para

a

I n d e p e n d e n c i a T o t a l d e A n g o l a ( U N I T A ) , as a c l i m a x t o O A U efforts t h r o u g h

1974 to persuade the three m o v e m e n t s to n e g o ­

tiate j o i n t l y w i t h the defeated P o r t u g u e s e . T h e r e s o l u t i o n o f the r e s u l t i n g s t r u g g l e f o r p o w e r after i n d e p e n d e n c e o w e d n o t h i n g t o the O A U , and e v e r y t h i n g to the M P L A ' s military v i c t o r y (aided by C u b a n troops and Russian logistical support), o v e r the forces o f U N I T A (backed b y S o u t h African intervention) and the F N L A (backed b y Z a i r e and e m p l o y i n g w e s t e r n freelance mercenaries). T h i s A n g o l a n situation displayed the Liberation C o m m i t t e e , a n d t h e O A U at l a r g e , i n a s i t u a t i o n o f g r e a t d i s a d v a n t a g e , w h i c h w a s to s o m e extent redressed b y the record elsewhere. M o n d l a n e , leader o f the Frente de L i b e r t a d o de

Eduardo

Mozambique

( F R E L I M O ) , w r o t e , n o t l o n g b e f o r e his assassination in 1969, o f the O A U ' s ' i m p o r t a n t w o r k ' t o w a r d s a c h i e v i n g unity w i t h i n the liberation m o v e m e n t s (although stating, * m o r e w o r k needs to be d o n e a l o n g these lines'), and helping ' t o g e t recognition establish contacts w i t h other parts o f A f r i c a ' .

and

1

In N a m i b i a ( S o u t h W e s t Africa), the Liberation

Committee

consistently b a c k e d the S o u t h W e s t Africa P e o p l e ' s O r g a n i s a t i o n ( S W A P O ) . F r o m its i n c e p t i o n i n 1 9 6 3 , t h e O A U m a d e a r o o t and-branch c o n d e m n a t i o n o f the apartheid r e g i m e in S o u t h Africa a n d N a m i b i a , a n d c a l l e d f o r b o t h its m e m b e r s a n d all U n i t e d N a t i o n s m e m b e r s to sever diplomatic relations w i t h , close their ports and airports to, and i m p o s e a trade and arms e m b a r g o on, S o u t h A f r i c a . F r o m 1 9 6 3 , t h e O A U m a d e it its b u s i n e s s t o m a k e life as d i f f i c u l t as p o s s i b l e f o r S o u t h A f r i c a at t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s , a n d in 1 9 7 4 a l m o s t s u c c e e d e d in s e c u r i n g S o u t h A f r i c a ' s e x p u l s i o n , a m o v e t h w a r t e d b y B r i t i s h , F r e n c h a n d A m e r i c a n v e t o e s in the S e c u r i t y C o u n c i l . L i k e w i s e , in 1963 the O A U called u p o n Britain not

to transfer

p o w e r in R h o d e s i a ; w h e n Ian

Smith's illegal

Unilateral D e c l a r a t i o n o f I n d e p e n d e n c e ( U D I ) c a m e in 1965, the OAU 1

a l m o s t at o n c e c a l l e d o n B r i t a i n t o s m a s h t h e

rebellion

E d u a r d o M o n d l a n e , The struggle for Mozambique ( L o n d o n , 1969), 2 1 2 - 1 3 .

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i m m e d i a t e l y o r f a c e t h e b r e a k i n g o f f o f d i p l o m a t i c r e l a t i o n s b y all O A U members. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f t h e s e p o l i c i e s p r o v e d far m o r e difficult t h a n their p r o m u l g a t i o n , n o t o n l y b e c a u s e the w o r l d at l a r g e , a n d e s p e c i a l l y t h e w e s t e r n w o r l d , c o n t i n u e d t o t r a d e w i t h a n d sell a r m s t o S o u t h A f r i c a , a n d c o v e r t l y t o s u p p o r t R h o d e s i a t h r o u g h sanctions-breaking companies, but also because o f di­ vided reactions and policies a m o n g O A U m e m b e r s themselves. In the case o f s o m e , there w e r e r e c o g n i s e d t o be e x t e n u a t i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s ; t h u s Z a m b i a ' s g e o g r a p h i c a l p o s i t i o n m a d e it impossible for her to o b s e r v e sanctions w i t h o u t causing her o w n e c o n o m i c collapse, and B o t s w a n a , L e s o t h o and Swaziland were e v e n less able t o b r e a k w i t h S o u t h A f r i c a . B u t the i m p o s i t i o n o f t h e v a r i o u s r e s t r i c t i o n s o n S o u t h A f r i c a ' s air a n d sea t r a n s p o r t , and o n trade w i t h S o u t h A f r i c a , w e r e i m p o s e d p i e c e m e a l and in s o m e c a s e s t a r d i l y o r n o t at all. T h e l e a d i n d e f y i n g O A U p o l i c y was taken by President Hastings K a m u z u Banda o f M a l a w i , w h o i n 1 9 6 7 w e n t s o far as t o e s t a b l i s h d i p l o m a t i c r e l a t i o n s w i t h S o u t h Africa, a m o v e not universally unpopular with other O A U m e m b e r s , especially the I v o r y C o a s t and a n u m b e r o f the other O C A M p o w e r s , and G h a n a , then reacting strongly against the Pan-African militancy o f the o v e r t h r o w n N k r u m a h g o v e r n m e n t . I n 1 9 7 0 , H o u p h o u e t - B o i g n y t o o k t h i s l i n e t o its l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n by advocating a policy o f ' dialogue' with South Africa, arguing that the o p e n i n g o f diplomatic and trade relations w o u l d lead to a softening and peaceful r e s o l u t i o n o f racial o p p r e s s i o n w i t h i n S o u t h A f r i c a . T h i s w a s s t r o n g l y r e j e c t e d b y t h e O A U at its 1 9 7 1 S u m m i t in A d d i s A b a b a , b u t G a b o n , L e s o t h o , the M a l a g a s y R e p u b l i c , M a l a w i and Mauritius supported the I v o r y C o a s t , w h i l e D a h o m e y , N i g e r , T o g o and U p p e r V o l t a abstained. In the aftermath, M a l a w i continued to h a v e o p e n relations w i t h S o u t h A f r i c a , P r e s i d e n t B a n d a m a k i n g a n official v i s i t t h e r e i n A u g u s t 1 9 7 1 , and the I v o r y C o a s t d e v e l o p e d informal contacts u p to the h i g h e s t levels. T h e O A U h a d , h o w e v e r , s o m e successes in the b a t t l e a g a i n s t S o u t h A f r i c a , t h e m o s t n o t a b l e b e i n g its t o t a l l y successful policy o f African and international non-recognition o f t h e T r a n s k e i B a n t u s t a n o n its b e i n g g r a n t e d s o - c a l l e d i n d e p e n ­ d e n c e b y S o u t h A f r i c a in 1 9 7 6 , a n d o f o t h e r B a n t u s t a n s s u b s e ­ q u e n t l y declared ' i n d e p e n d e n t ' b y the R e p u b l i c . A s for the R h o d e s i a n question, by 1966 the O A U had already 129

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S I N C E

1940

b e e n r e l u c t a n t l y f o r c e d t o r e c o g n i s e t h e i m p r a c t i c a b i l i t y o f its original reaction to Smith's U D I , and to accept the British and United Nations policy o f sanctions, although without conviction. F u r t h e r m o r e , the L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e w a s faced w i t h the split i n t h e A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s t s ' o p p o s i t i o n t o U D I , at t h a t t i m e b e t w e e n the Z i m b a b w e A f r i c a n N a t i o n a l U n i o n ( Z A N U ) and the Z i m b a b w e African People's Union ( Z A P U ) . Such divisions c o n t i n u e d t o b e d e v i l the liberation s t r u g g l e in R h o d e s i a , a l t h o u g h in 1975 the L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e w a s able t o r e c o m m e n d substantial assistance to the liberation m o v e m e n t , unified in 1974, under the aegis o f the African National C o u n c i l . O n the other h a n d , it c o u l d n o t p r e v e n t s a n c t i o n s - b r e a k i n g , n o r t h e r a p i d b r e a k d o w n o f the A f r i c a n N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l ' s precarious unity. A f t e r 1 9 7 6 it s u p p o r t e d t h e P a t r i o t i c F r o n t ( r e f l e c t i n g t h e i n c r e a s e d influence in the L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e o f P r e s i d e n t S a m o r a M a c h e l o f M o z a m b i q u e , w h o backed R o b e r t M u g a b e ' s faction). T h i s t u r n o f O A U p o l i c y in relation t o R h o d e s i a represented a m o v i n g a w a y f r o m the p o l i c y o f ' d e t e n t e ' . T h e thesis b e h i n d detente w a s that in a situation deteriorating for S o u t h Africa, w i t h the collapse o f the P o r t u g u e s e in M o z a m b i q u e and A n g o l a , and the potentially e x p o s e d p o s i t i o n o f h a v i n g to s h o r e - u p the w e a k e n i n g S m i t h r e g i m e in R h o d e s i a , r e a l i s m w o u l d p r e v a i l in the V o r s t e r g o v e r n m e n t , w h i c h m i g h t be persuaded to put pressure o n Ian S m i t h to c o n c e d e an acceptable settlement. S o u t h A f r i c a n s e l f - i n t e r e s t , t h e r e f o r e , w a s t o b e p u t at t h e d i s p o s a l o f Z i m b a b w e ' s l i b e r a t i o n . T h e m a i n a r c h i t e c t s a n d e x p o n e n t s o f this p o l i c y w e r e T a n z a n i a , B o t s w a n a , M o z a m b i q u e a n d Z a m b i a . It w a s n o t t o t a l l y w i t h o u t s u c c e s s , as S o u t h A f r i c a n p r e s s u r e w a s w i d e l y b e l i e v e d t o h a v e b e e n a factor in Ian S m i t h ' s a p p a r e n t a c c e p t a n c e in S e p t e m b e r 1 9 7 6 o f the principle o f majority rule. H o w e v e r , this w a s s e e n b y t h e d e t e n t e l e a d e r s a n d t h e P a t r i o t i c F r o n t as l i t t l e m o r e than another w h i t e R h o d e s i a n exercise in p l a y i n g for time a n d d i v i d i n g its i n t e r n a l a n d e x t e r n a l o p p o n e n t s , o f m a k i n g apparent c o n c e s s i o n s w h i l e retaining the reality o f p o w e r in w h i t e hands. I n g e n e r a l it w o u l d b e t r u e t o s a y t h a t f r o m t h e R a b a t S u m m i t o f 1972, the O A U policy declarations o n liberation b e c a m e m o r e militant, e v e n e x t e n d i n g to the d e c i s i o n in principle that the armies o f African countries o u g h t to be c o m m i t t e d to the armed struggle against colonial and w h i t e minority rule. Far f r o m b e i n g w e l c o m e 130

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THE

A R M E D

L I B E R A T I O N

S T R U G G L E S

to either the O A U ' s radical critics, o r to those leading liberation m o v e m e n t s i n t h e field, t h i s w a s u n i v e r s a l l y r e j e c t e d as u n d e s i r a b l e . P r o b a b l y the Rodney

most

in the

scornful

paper

comments

he prepared

for

were those the

Sixth

of

Walter

Pan-African

C o n g r e s s in 1 9 7 4 :

The record to date exposes the gap between theory and practice on the part of OAU members as far as monetary support to the OAU Liberation Committee is concerned. Recently, the rhetoric has become seemingly more fiery... Take for instance the demagogic appeal that African governments should send armies to the combat zone. Such suggestion is completely out of touch with the concept of a people's war and out of sympathy with the process through which a people prepare themselves for self-liberation. 1

I f R o d n e y w e r e t o b e d i s m i s s e d as a n a r m c h a i r c r i t i c , t h e n t h e c o n t i n u i n g self-reliance in p u r e l y military m a t t e r s o f the l i b e r a t i o n m o v e m e n t s i n t h e final p h a s e o f t h e w a r s a g a i n s t P o r t u g a l w a s e v e n m o r e eloquent. T h e liberation m o v e m e n t s w e l c o m e d aid, but did n o t need or w e l c o m e crusading A f r i c a n armies, w i t h their implications o f outside leadership and c o n t r o l o f the

liberation

process.

P A N - A F R I C A N I S M

A N D W O R L D

A F F A I R S

P a n - A f r i c a n i s m after t h e a d v e n t o f t h e e r a o f i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n states b e c a m e p r i m a r i l y t h e c o n c e r n o f A f r i c a ' s l e a d e r s , m o v e ­ m e n t s , p e o p l e s a n d g o v e r n m e n t s , y e t it c a n n o t b e before o r since

understood,

1958, e x c e p t in the c o n t e x t o f certain

global

t h e m e s . P r o t o - P a n - A f r i c a n i s m h a d its r o o t s i n v a s t e v e n t s : t h e transfer

o f A f r i c a n slave l a b o u r o n a colossal scale across

the

Atlantic from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries, to w o r k the plantations,

mines and industries

o f the N e w W o r l d ;

the

penetration o f i n c r e a s i n g areas o f A f r i c a b y E u r o p e a n c o m m e r c e in t h e e r a o f * l e g i t i m a t e ' t r a d e t h a t o v e r l a p p e d a n d s u c c e e d e d t h e Atlantic slave trade; the E u r o p e a n partition o f A f r i c a ; and

the

transfers o f p o w e r and liberation s t r u g g l e s since the late 1940s. B y i n v o l v e m e n t in these e v e n t s , A f r i c a w a s t a k i n g part in an e v e n vaster and w o r l d - w i d e historical process. In a few centuries, a small g r o u p o f E u r o p e a n states had risen t o w o r l d - w i d e d o m i ­ nance, and created a plethora

o f doctrines, from crude 9

racial

superiority to paternalistic trusteeship for ' child r a c e s or a ' d u t y 1

Resolutions and selected speeches, 3 1 - 3 . •31

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

9

P A N - A F R I C A N I S M

S I N C E

I940

to d e v e l o p the w o r l d in the n a m e o f ' p r o g r e s s ' , in o r d e r to justify their h e g e m o n y . P a n - A f r i c a n i s m w a s o n l y o n e o f a n u m b e r o f m o v e m e n t s in the * d o m i n a t e d ' w o r l d t o c h a l l e n g e that h e g e m o n y , i d e o l o g i c a l l y a n d i n p r a c t i c e , a n d t a k e a d v a n t a g e o f its i n t e r n a l contradictions and weaknesses. T h i s w a s well u n d e r s t o o d b y the p i o n e e r P a n - A f r i c a n i s t s o f the earlier t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y ,

who

often anticipated the post-1945 spirit o f A f r o - A s i a n unity. T h u s , i n h i s h e y d a y after t h e F i r s t W o r l d W a r , M a r c u s G a r v e y s u p p o r t e d G a n d h i and the Indian N a t i o n a l C o n g r e s s . D u s e M o h a m e d A l i was almost

as m u c h

an activist for

nationalism, and Indian

and other

Pan-Islamism,

Egyptian

A s i a n n a t i o n a l i s m s , as

for

P a n - A f r i c a n i s m . H e o f t e n s p o k e , as d i d W . E . B . D u B o i s , o f ' t h e darker races', w h o had the same p r o b l e m s , enemies and tasks. I n d e p e n d e n c e at its h e a d y o n s e t c r e a t e d t h e i l l u s i o n t h a t A f r i c a easily and s o o n c o u l d b e freed f r o m external influences. African

states

were to be non-aligned,

plans

for their

The joint

e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t proliferated. A l l o u t s i d e states a c c e p t i n g t h e s e t h i n g s w i t h g o o d w i l l w e r e t o b e r e g a r d e d as f r i e n d s . O t h e r realities h a v e d i s p e r s e d t h e s e e p h e m e r a l d r e a m s . In

the

e c o n o m i c sphere,

modern,

independent

Africa

still

produced agricultural and mineral c o m m o d i t i e s for w o r l d mar­ kets, w i t h o u t m u c h control o v e r the terms o f trade, and

was

heavily dependent o n foreign capital and expertise (often f r o m the old colonial p o w e r s ) to p r o d u c e and market them. In the starkest cases, this m a d e for vitiated i n d e p e n d e n c e . Z a m b i a ' s e c o n o m y w a s almost totally dependent o n the w o r l d price o f copper, for w h i c h the market w a s almost w h o l l y outside A f r i c a ; Mauritania

was

e v e n m o r e bereft o f resources o t h e r than her F r e n c h - d e v e l o p e d mines w h i c h p r o d u c e d totally for export outside Africa; e v e n r e v o l u t i o n a r y A n g o l a r e t a i n e d , as o f 1978, t h e s e r v i c e s o f G u l f O i l to d e v e l o p off-shore oil, despite the use o f A m e r i c a n w a r materials b y the P o r t u g u e s e d u r i n g the i n d e p e n d e n c e s t r u g g l e , and w i d e l y alleged U S Central Intelligence A g e n c y support for the M P L A ' s e n e m i e s in t h e c i v i l w a r s f o l l o w i n g i n d e p e n d e n c e . A f r i c a n r o a d a n d rail s y s t e m s still m o s t l y f o l l o w e d c o l o n i a l p a t t e r n s , c o n n e c t i n g a n e c o n o m i c hinterland w i t h the nearest port, f r o m w h i c h the hin­ terland's primary c o m m o d i t i e s c o u l d be shipped to the a d v a n c e d i n d u s t r i a l c o u n t r i e s . A f r i c a still c o n t a i n e d a h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e w o r l d ' s p o o r e s t c o u n t r i e s , t h e o n l y c l e a r e x c e p t i o n t o all t h i s b e i n g t h e R e p u b l i c o f S o u t h A f r i c a , still t h e e c o n o m i c , i f n o 132

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P A N - A F R I C A N I S M

A N D

W O R L D

A F F A I R S

l o n g e r the political, m e t r o p o l i s o f s o u t h e r n Africa. T h i s w a s best illustrated not so m u c h b y the total d e p e n d e n c e o n selling cheap l a b o u r t o S o u t h A f r i c a o f a c o u n t r y l i k e L e s o t h o , s m a l l , p o o r in r e s o u r c e s , a n d s u r r o u n d e d b y S o u t h A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r y , as b y t h e continued e c o n o m i c relations w i t h S o u t h Africa o f independent and Marxist M o z a m b i q u e . B r i e f l y after 1 9 7 3 it s e e m e d at l e a s t t h a t A f r i c a n s t a t e s w i t h substantial oil resources c o u l d be e x e m p t f r o m p o v e r t y and d e p e n d e n c y , a n d finance w i d e s p r e a d d e v e l o p m e n t f o r t h e m s e l v e s a n d a l s o f o r less f o r t u n a t e n e i g h b o u r s . T h e s u c c e s s o f t h e O r g a n i s a t i o n o f P e t r o l e u m E x p o r t i n g C o u n t r i e s ( O P E C ) in v a s t l y i m p r o v i n g its m e m b e r s ' t e r m s o f t r a d e c r e a t e d h o p e s t h a t p r o ­ ducers o f other primary commodities might d o likewise. Such hopes were largely disappointed; improvements w e r e invariably temporary and caused by factors b e y o n d African control. T h u s , A f r i c a n coffee p r o d u c e r s , s u c h as I v o r y C o a s t , E t h i o p i a , K e n y a and U g a n d a , benefited f r o m the s u d d e n steep rise in w o r l d coffee p r i c e s in t h e m i d - 1 9 7 0 s , b u t t h i s w a s c a u s e d b y f r o s t i n B r a z i l , t h e w o r l d ' s leading producer, rather than any coordinated African action. S u b s e q u e n t l y , coffee p r o d u c e r s w e r e u n a b l e t o m a i n t a i n a p r i c e p l a t e a u . A s f o r t h e O P E C ' s ' s u c c e s s ' o v e r o i l p r i c e s , it l e d to serious p r o b l e m s for A f r i c a . M o s t A f r i c a n states h a d n o oil o f t h e i r o w n , y e t w e r e p e c u l i a r l y d e p e n d e n t o n it f o r e n e r g y - as m u c h as 9 5 p e r c e n t i n t h e c a s e o f T a n z a n i a , a b y n o m e a n s i s o l a t e d e x a m p l e . T h e a d v a n c e d industrial c o u n t r i e s w e r e in fact m u c h better able to substitute o t h e r fuels, o r in the case o f Britain and N o r w a y , d o m e s t i c a l l y p r o d u c e d o i l as w e l l . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , their e c o n o m i e s stagnated f r o m 1 9 7 3 , and b y 1978 the i m m e d i a t e m a r k e t f o r o i l h a d b e c o m e d e p r e s s e d , a n d its real p r i c e h a d b e e n d r o p p i n g for s o m e time, despite the likelihood o f future oilshortages. T h e m o r e p r o d i g a l O P E C countries, w h e t h e r in o r o u t o f Africa - Nigeria and Iran c o m e to mind - found themselves facing not abundance but debt, w i t h m u c h diminished prospects o f aiding (and influencing) others. M e a n w h i l e , the industrial countries passed o n to A f r i c a n customers for their manufactures t h e i n c r e a s e d c o s t s in o i l . These intrusive processes, African economy, inevitably t o P a n - A f r i c a n i s m , w i t h its A f r i c a n s c o u l d s o l v e all t h e i r

functions o f the w o r l d and n o t the were a profound political challenge optimistic doctrine that together p r o b l e m s . E v e n before the creation 133

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P A N - A F R I C A N I S M

S I N C E

1940

o f the O A U , N k r u m a h attacked the d o m i n a t i o n and manipulation o f A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s b y o u t s i d e c a p i t a l as ' n e o - c o l o n i a l i s m ' , a n d preached e c o n o m i c integration, even if political integration w a s h i s first p r i o r i t y . Y e t u n d e r h i s g u i d a n c e t h e G h a n a i a n e c o n o m y w a s n o t i n t e g r a t e d e v e n w i t h t h o s e o f its n e i g h b o u r s .

Internally

N k r u m a h ' s G h a n a had ' socialist talk w i t h o u t socialist p l a n n i n g . The worst of both worlds'.

1

L i k e w i s e , o n c e the h o p e o f East

African unity faded, Nyerere's Tanzania turned to a policy o f

national

e c o n o m i c and social transformation.

regional e c o n o m i c project,

the

TanZam

Tanzania's biggest

railway, linking

Z a m b i a n C o p p e r b e l t w i t h D a r es Salaam, w a s c o n s t r u c t e d

the with

Chinese capital, technical expertise, capital g o o d s and e v e n skilled labour,

and

by

1978 needed

Chinese aid

to

restore

efficient

o p e r a t i o n . A s f o r t h e O A U , its E c o n o m i c a n d S o c i a l C o m m i s s i o n ( E S C ) f r o m i n c e p t i o n p l a n n e d s u c h t h i n g s as a c o m m o n e x t e r n a l tariff,

inter-African

transport

systems, increased

inter-African

t r a d e , a n d b e t t e r t e r m s o f t r a d e ; a l l , in 1 9 7 8 , still u n r e a l i s e d , w i t h minor exceptions. A l t h o u g h largely dependent for expertise o n the pre-existing United N a t i o n s a g e n c y , the E c o n o m i c C o m m i s ­ sion for Africa ( E C A ) , the E S C increasingly disliked the

ECA's

s t a n c e o f b e i n g ' a b o v e ' p o l i t i c s . I t s first m a j o r v i c t o r y - a p a p e r victory - was U N broadly,

acceptance in

cooperate

with

the

1969 that the

O A U . In

the

ECA

should,

1970s the

OAU

enthusiastically f o l l o w e d the U N ' s call (1974) for a ' N e w Inter­ national E c o n o m i c O r d e r ' t o benefit the d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s . Its m a i n a c t i o n in that d i r e c t i o n w a s the 1975 L o m é C o n v e n t i o n . T h o u g h o b t a i n i n g better terms for A f r i c a f r o m the E E C , this hardly transformed

the nature o f A f r i c a n e c o n o m i c

relations.

Subsequently, the O A U endorsed the creation o f E C O W A S , and called for similar organisations to be created in other regions o f A f r i c a . N o n e o f t h i s , e v e n at its m o s t u s e f u l , a m o u n t e d t o e c o n o m i c unity

that Pan-Africanism

in t h e o r y

stood

for.

the In

practice, national interests remained u p p e r m o s t . In reality, m o s t of Africa remained p o o r or very poor. T h e original Pan-Africanist g o a l o f political n o n - i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h e x t e r n a l p o w e r b l o c s p r o v e d as e l u s i v e as e c o n o m i c u n i t y . I n d e e d i n s o f a r as c o m m i t m e n t t o A f r o - A s i a n u n i t y as a b r o a d concept was concerned, outside

i n v o l v e m e n t w a s i n fact

en­

thusiastically a c c e p t e d . T h e 1955 B a n d u n g C o n f e r e n c e , t h o u g h 1

M a k o n n e n , Pan-Africanism,

246.

154

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P A N - A F R I C A N I S M

dominated

by

already

A N D

W O R L D

independent

A F F A I R S

Asian powers,

was

also

attended b y African nationalists, and had s o m e influence o n the s u b s e q u e n t d e v e l o p m e n t o f P a n - A f r i c a n i s m . It l o o k e d t o the U N to safeguard universal h u m a n

rights, and especially rights

of

national self-determination. P a n - A f r i c a n i s m in the era o f inde­ p e n d e n t s t a t e s w a s t o d o t h e s a m e . W i t h t h e rise i n t h e n u m b e r o f A f r i c a n m e m b e r s it b e c a m e a f o r m i d a b l e f o r c e i n t h e U N . B u t t h e l i m i t s o n t h e e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f * w o r l d o p i n i o n ' as e x p r e s s e d i n U N G e n e r a l A s s e m b l y majorities w e r e the limits o f w h a t Africa c o u l d a c h i e v e b y s u c h means. A s for the principle that A f r i c a n states s h o u l d be ' n o n - a l i g n e d ' , this hardly s u r v i v e d . In the Africa o f 1 9 7 8 , it w a s e a s y t o m a k e lists o f p o w e r s t h a t w e r e v e r y c l o s e t o either the S o v i e t o r the w e s t e r n b l o c s , e v e n if n o t part o f their formal systems o f alliances. N o o n e d o u b t e d that K e n y a , the I v o r y Coast, Liberia, Zaire, C h a d , the Central African empire, G a b o n , M o r o c c o and U p p e r V o l t a , to name some o b v i o u s examples, w e r e , w i t h variations, close to the western w o r l d . E v e n E g y p t under Nasir, o n e o f the m o s t formidable o p p o n e n t s o f s u c h i n v o l v e ­ m e n t , s u b s e q u e n t l y i n c l i n e d in m a n y w a y s t o the w e s t . E q u a l l y , no one doubted Union,

Cuba

the w a r m t h o f relations b e t w e e n the S o v i e t

and

the

German

Democratic

Republic

(East

G e r m a n y ) , and Ethiopia, M o z a m b i q u e , A n g o l a , Guinea-Bissau, Benin, the C a p e V e r d e Islands, the C o n g o R e p u b l i c , and

the

Malagasy

this

R e p u b l i c . In

the

former

Portuguese

colonies,

closeness w a s a natural o u t g r o w t h o f the substantial military and other aid g i v e n t h e m d u r i n g their i n d e p e n d e n c e s t r u g g l e s b y the S o v i e t b l o c ; in the case o f A n g o l a , C u b a n a n d S o v i e t aid w a s vital d u r i n g the post-independence civil w a r . In Ethiopia, Russian logistic and troops

from

Ethiopian

material support Cuba

and

government

and

Marxist

military advice, b a c k e d South

Y e m e n , enabled

to win back control

o f the

by the

disputed

O g a d e n a n d h o l d o n t o the E r i t r e a n p o r t o f M a s s a w a in 1 9 7 8 . In t h e s p h e r e o f c o n t i n u i n g l i b e r a t i o n s t r u g g l e s , it w a s c l e a r t h a t t h e Patriotic

Front

and

SWAPO

w e r e also receiving

substantial

S o v i e t - b l o c as w e l l as A f r i c a n a i d . ( T h e e x a m p l e o f A l b a n i a is a n e x e m p l a r y c a u t i o n against s u p p o s i n g that small states are i n v a r i ­ ably dominated

b y p o w e r f u l friends a n d allies.)

Furthermore,

A f r i c a n states w i t h s t r o n g w e s t e r n o r eastern c o n n e x i o n s w o u l d vehemently deny

membership

o f , still l e s s s u b o r d i n a t i o n

to,

f o r e i g n b l o c s . G o o d relations b e t w e e n A f r i c a n states w e r e n o t

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a l w a y s i m p a i r e d b y t h e i r d i f f e r i n g n o n - A f r i c a n c o n n e x i o n s , as w a s s h o w n b y E t h i o p i a and K e n y a . C o n n e x i o n s w i t h the same e x t e r n a l f r i e n d s m i g h t n o t e n s u r e g o o d r e l a t i o n s , as w a s s h o w n b y the case o f Somalia and E t h i o p i a . F o r m e r l y close to the S o v i e t U n i o n , Somalia was estranged by Soviet and C u b a n support for Ethiopia. R e v e a l i n g l y , b y t h e 1 9 7 0 s A f r i c a n states w e r e i n c r e a s i n g l y l o o k i n g to outside p o w e r s for s u p p o r t in b o t h internal and e x t e r n a l d i s p u t e s , as w a s s h o w n b y t h e p r e s e n c e o f f o r e i g n t r o o p s in i n c r e a s i n g n u m b e r s o f A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s . T h e C u b a n s w e r e present in substantial strength in A n g o l a and E t h i o p i a , a n d present in smaller n u m b e r s in s e v e r a l o t h e r c o u n t r i e s , n o t a b l y M o z a m b i q u e . F o r m a n y years France g a v e military support to C h a d i n its l o n g w a r w i t h its n o r t h e r n d i s s i d e n t s , a n d b y 1 9 7 8 t h e r e w a s d i s q u i e t e v e n w i t h i n F r a n c e i t s e l f at t h e d e p l o y m e n t o f F r e n c h forces there, and in the w a r against Polisario in Sahara and M a u r i t a n i a . F r e n c h f o r c e s r e m a i n e d i n D j i b o u t i after its i n d e p e n ­ dence. M o s t c o n t r o v e r s i a l o f all, F r e n c h t r o o p s i n t e r v e n e d , t o g e t h e r w i t h the B e l g i a n s and w i t h U S logistic s u p p o r t , in the t r o u b l e s o f S h a b a p r o v i n c e i n Z a i r e i n J u n e 1 9 7 8 . O n c e a g a i n , as in 1 9 6 0 - 2 and the ' S t a n l e y v i l l e D r o p ' o f 1964 w h e n B e l g i a n , A m e r i c a n and British military intervention t o o k place, Zaire p o s e d the acutest, m o s t c o m p l i c a t e d p r o b l e m s for P a n - A f r i c a n i s m . In b o t h 1964 and 1978 the foreign military intervention w a s p r e s e n t e d as a h u m a n i t a r i a n r e s c u e o p e r a t i o n t o s a v e w h i t e r e s i d e n t s f r o m b a r b a r o u s m a s s a c r e s , t h o u g h t h e far m o r e e x t e n s i v e m a s s a c r e s o f A f r i c a n s w e r e m o r e o r less i g n o r e d , e x c e p t t o provide a propaganda picture o f alleged African savagery. Shaba w a s i n v a d e d i n 1 9 7 8 , as it h a d b e e n i n 1 9 7 7 , b y i n s u r g e n t s b a s e d in A n g o l a ( a l t h o u g h the A n g o l a n authorities d e n i e d c o m p l i c i t y ) , s o m e o f w h o m w e r e former m e m b e r s o f the K a t a n g e s e g e n d a r m ­ erie, the military a r m o f K a t a n g e s e secession in the early 1960s. F o r its p a r t , t h e Z a i r e a n g o v e r n m e n t h a d e n c o u r a g e d t h e M P L A ' s internal enemies, n o t a b l y the F N L A , w h i c h had m o u n t e d raids into A n g o l a from Zairean territory. T h e Zairean g o v e r n m e n t w a s r e v e a l e d b y t h e S h a b a i n t e r v e n t i o n as s o w e a k a n d u n p o p u l a r t h a t it h a d t o r e l y o n f o r e i g n e r s , i n c l u d i n g B e l g i a n s , t o m a i n t a i n its existence, a n d in the aftermath h a d to a c c e p t increased w e s t e r n c o n t r o l o v e r Z a i r e ' s finances a n d e c o n o m y as t h e p r i c e o f

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A F F A I R S

c o n t i n u i n g s u p p o r t . C h i n a a l s o r u s h e d t o offer Z a i r e m i l i t a r y a i d , alleging that the episode w a s a S o v i e t - C u b a n plot. N o t h i n g c o u l d h a v e m o r e d i s c r e d i t e d t h e O A U , g i v e n its c e n t r a l f u n c t i o n o f p r e s e r v i n g the i n v i o l a b i l i t y o f m e m b e r states, and r e s o l v i n g disputes b e t w e e n them. C h i n e s e i n v o l v e m e n t reflected increasing C h i n e s e d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o p e r s u a d e as m a n y A f r i c a n s t a t e s as p o s s i b l e to see the S o v i e t U n i o n , C u b a and their A f r i c a n friends as t h e g r e a t e s t t h r e a t t o t h e c o n t i n e n t ' s p e a c e a n d s e c u r i t y . I n t h e i m m e d i a t e a f t e r m a t h o f t h e 1 9 7 8 S h a b a c r i s i s , t h e r e w a s at l e a s t o n e i m p r o v e m e n t in the situation, w i t h A n g o l a a n d Z a i r e agreeing to prevent violations o f each other's territory b y resident exiles. O n o n e o f the other great international issues o f m o d e r n times, the conflict b e t w e e n the Israeli state and the Palestinians, A f r i c a m o v e d o v e r t h e t w e n t y y e a r s after 1 9 5 8 f r o m d i v i s i o n t o w i d e agreement. President Nasir o f E g y p t b e g a n the process o f p e r s u a d i n g t h e m a j o r i t y o f A f r i c a n states t o s u p p o r t t h e A r a b p o w e r s o v e r the Palestine q u e s t i o n , u s i n g his influence w i t h i n the Casablanca g r o u p and the O A U , and u n d o i n g the close relations that an intelligently administered aid p r o g r a m m e had secured for I s r a e l w i t h m a n y A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s , i n c l u d i n g G h a n a . A s late as 1967, the O A U refused t o declare that Israel w a s an a g g r e s s o r in the S i x - D a y w a r against E g y p t . In the late 1960s a n d early 1970s this attitude c h a n g e d , w i t h c o n t i n u i n g Israeli o c c u p a t i o n o f E g y p t i a n territory, and a g r o w i n g feeling that the p l i g h t o f the Palestinians w a s a n a l o g o u s to that o f Africans under colonial o r w h i t e m i n o r i t y rule. A m i n o r i t y o f A f r i c a n countries c o n t i n u e d t o resist t h e t r e n d t o w a r d s t h e a n t i - Z i o n i s t c a m p , p r o m i n e n t a m o n g t h e s e b e i n g t h e I v o r y C o a s t a n d M a l a w i . B u t in 1 9 7 3 , all O A U members except M a l a w i , Botswana, L e s o t h o and Swaziland s e v e r e d relations w i t h Israel. T h e e c o n o m i c p r o b l e m that c o n ­ f r o n t e d m a n y A f r i c a n s t a t e s after t h e o i l c r i s i s o f 1 9 7 3 , a n d d i s c o n t e n t at t h e l e v e l o f A r a b e c o n o m i c a i d f o r A f r i c a as a w h o l e (as o p p o s e d t o M u s l i m A f r i c a ) , l e d t o s o m e f e e l i n g t h a t A f r o A r a b cooperation brought Africa only problems. Meanwhile, M i d d l e E a s t e r n o i l c o n t i n u e d t o find its w a y t o R h o d e s i a a n d S o u t h Africa. In 1976, h o w e v e r , a n u m b e r o f e v e n t s rallied A f r i c a n support for the Palestinians. T h e s e included i m p r o v e d d i p l o m a t i c relations b e t w e e n Israel and S o u t h Africa, the s u p p l y

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1940

o f Israeli w a r planes to S o u t h A f r i c a , and the Israeli c o m m a n d o raid o n E n t e b b e a i r p o r t i n U g a n d a t o r e l e a s e J e w i s h h o s t a g e s held there. T h o u g h m a n y A f r i c a n leaders l o o k e d a s k a n c e at Idi A m i n ' s g o v e r n m e n t in U g a n d a , s u c h u n i n v i t e d f o r e i g n

armed

i n t e r v e n t i o n in Africa w a s a h i g h l y sensitive issue and

totally

unacceptable. A t the same time, the supply o f A r a b funds to Africa was

increasing, and in January

1 9 7 7 at t h e C a i r o

Afro-Arab

Summit vast n e w sums were pledged.

P A N - A F R I C A N I S M

A N D

C U L T U R E

F r o m the d a y s o f p r o t o - P a n - A f r i c a n i s m in the nineteenth c e n t u r y , a desire to defend and reassert the v a l i d i t y o f A f r i c a n c u l t u r e w a s a p r e o c c u p a t i o n o f m a n y w i t h i n the P a n - A f r i c a n m o v e m e n t . A s w a s s t a t e d at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h i s c h a p t e r , s u c h m a t t e r s c o n t i n u e d as a n i m p o r t a n t P a n - A f r i c a n i s t c o n c e r n , n o t a b l y e x e m p l i f i e d i n t h e w o r k o f W . E . B . D u B o i s , in t h e l a t e 1 9 3 0 s t o m i d - 1 9 4 0 s . V a l u a b l e t h o u g h s u c h e f f o r t s w e r e as a c o u n t e r - a t t a c k a g a i n s t t h e generally d e r o g a t o r y o p i n i o n o f the then d o m i n a n t w h i t e w o r l d a b o u t A f r i c a n culture and the A f r i c a n past, they

nevertheless

p r o v i d e d w h a t w a s in s o m e w a y s a c o n f u s e d a n d difficult l e g a c y for P a n - A f r i c a n i s m in the m i d - and l a t e - t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y .

To

begin with, such thinking had c o m e from men w h o , h o w e v e r m u c h they desired to present

a sympathetic interpretation

of

African culture, w e r e nevertheless the p r o d u c t s o f E u r o p e a n o r N o r t h A m e r i c a n education. T h e r e w a s n o t h i n g specifically A f r i c a n a b o u t t h e w a y s in w h i c h t h e y a t t e m p t e d t h e i r t a s k , w h i c h i n d e e d o n l y t o o s e l f - e v i d e n t l y , as w a s b o u n d t o b e t h e c a s e , w e r e b a s e d o n the intellectual and cultural traditions o f the w h i t e w o r l d . S e c o n d l y , their a p p r o a c h to the A f r i c a n past - and here the w o r k o f D u B o i s must particularly be born romantic, triumphalist,

to

be

and d e v o i d o f any serious attempt

in m i n d - t e n d e d

to

identify conflict and o p p r e s s i o n w i t h i n A f r i c a n societies. D u B o i s ' s readers w e r e presented w i t h a g l o r i o u s past o f great k i n g s and k i n g d o m s , d i s r u p t e d b y the s l a v e trade and i m p e r i a l i s m . A t least one modern

historian

o f Pan-Africanism, Imanuel

Geiss,

has

r e j e c t e d t h i s l e g a c y as r o m a n t i c in a p e j o r a t i v e s e n s e , r e a c t i o n a r y , and incapable o f p r o v i d i n g present-day Pan-Africanism w i t h the 1

basis for a c o h e r e n t and effective m o d e r n i s i n g i d e o l o g y . T h i r d l y , 1

Geiss, The Pan-African

movement,

114

and

197.

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Pan-Africanism had a legacy, reaching b a c k to the

nineteenth

c e n t u r y , a n d a b o v e all i d e n t i f i e d w i t h t h e t h o u g h t o f E . W . B l y d e n , o f assuming the existence o f a generalised African culture based o n r a c i a l i d e n t i t y ; B l y d e n h i m s e l f is c r e d i t e d w i t h h a v i n g o r i g i ­ n a t e d t h e c o n c e p t o f t h e ' A f r i c a n p e r s o n a l i t y \ U s e f u l as s u c h i d e a s w e r e i n m a k i n g it m o r e p o s s i b l e f o r p e o p l e s o f A f r i c a n d e s c e n t in t h e d i a s p o r a t o i d e n t i f y w i t h A f r i c a , a n d f o r A f r i c a n s w i t h i n Africa to identify w i t h fellow-Africans from other parts o f the continent, they i g n o r e d the diversity o f African cultures, and e v e n the ethnic diversity o f Africa, a continent w h i c h contains millions o f i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e w h o are n o t b l a c k . E a s i l y t h e m o s t d e t e r m i n e d effort t o r e p r o d u c e a n i d e o l o g y a n d art w h i c h w o u l d b e d e t e r m i n e d l y a u t h e n t i c , w h i c h w o u l d e x a l t a n d g l o r i f y A f r i c a n c u l t u r e a n d m o d e s o f t h o u g h t as o p p o s e d t o E u r o p e a n , o r i g i n a t e d in the w o r l d o f b l a c k s t u d e n t s in Paris in the 1930s. T h i s w a s the b e g i n n i n g o f the c o n c e p t o f

négritude,

o r i g i n a l l y a s e a r c h f o r i d e n t i t y b y i n d i v i d u a l s w h o felt a l i e n a t e d f r o m b o t h t h e i r e t h n i c r o o t s a n d f r o m F r e n c h s o c i e t y . Its m o s t i m p o r t a n t leaders w e r e the M a r t i n i q u a n p o e t , A i m é Césaire, the French G u y a n e s e p o e t L é o n D a m a s , and the Senegalese L e o p o l d S é d a r S e n g h o r w h o , y e a r s l a t e r , as P r e s i d e n t o f S e n e g a l , w a s a b l e to g i v e p o w e r f u l patronage to the m o v e m e n t , a l t h o u g h he w a s eventually t o seem t o lose interest

négritude,

in it. U n d e r

the aegis o f

w h i c h in the p o s t - w a r era a c q u i r e d a political d i m e n s i o n

w i t h claims t o b e an i d e o l o g y o f liberation, a w h o l e s c h o o l o f francophone emerged,

writers

as d i d

Présence Africaine. remained

the

from

both

Africa

and

h i g h l y influential

the

New

Paris-based

Y e t it w o u l d b e b r o a d l y t r u e t o s a y t h a t

a force restricted to francophone

black

World

magazine

négritude

intellectuals

( t o g e t h e r w i t h s o m e w h i t e a d m i r e r s s u c h as J e a n - P a u l S a r t r e ) , a n d i n c r e a s i n g l y u n d e r attack n o t o n l y f r o m b l a c k intellectuals in non-francophone

Africa,

but

even

from

some

francophones

t h e m s e l v e s . T h u s as e a r l y as 1 9 5 2 , t h e M a r t i n i q u a n F r a n t z F a n o n r e m a r k e d t h a t ' t h e m a n w h o a d o r e s t h e N e g r o is as s i c k a s t h e man w h o abominates him

a n d d e s c r i b e d t h e e d u c a t e d N e g r o as

the ' s l a v e o f the spontaneous and c o s m i c N e g r o m y t h ' .

1

Twelve

years later, in an ironic a n d p e r c e p t i v e critique o f the relationship o f the F r e n c h W e s t Indian élite t o Africa o n the o n e h a n d and 1

F r a n t z F a n o n , Black skin, white masks, tr. C h a r l e s M a r k m a n n ( L o n d o n , 1970), 12. O r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d a s Peau noire, masques blancs ( P a r i s , 1952).

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to the F r e n c h o n the other, F a n o n stated that ' t h e W e s t Indian, after t h e g r e a t w h i t e e r r o r ,

is n o w l i v i n g i n t h e g r e a t

black

mirage V The

m a i n lines o f attack against

négritude

w e r e t h a t it r o m a n ­

t i c i s e d A f r i c a n c u l t u r e a n d s o c i e t y , a n d t h a t it w a s m e a n i n g f u l o n l y t o a s m a l l é l i t e o f i n t e l l e c t u a l s w h o h a d l o s t t o u c h , at l e a s t i n p a r t , w i t h the African masses to w h o m such doctrines w e r e o f n o c o n c e r n , as t h e y h a d n e v e r b e e n a s s i m i l a t e d t o a n y d e g r e e t o European

négritude

culture.

Such w a s the trend

o f argument

against

o f the South African, Ezekiel Mphahlele, w h o made a

t r e n c h a n t a t t a c k a g a i n s t t h e m o v e m e n t at t h e D a k a r C o n f e r e n c e Black

on

Literature

o f 1963, w h i c h h a d b e e n

sponsored

by

S e n g h o r h i m s e l f . I n d e e d , r a t h e r a s t h e P a n - A f r i c a n i s t s o f t h e 1945 congress

put

the

question

of

national

independence

M p h a h l e l e asserted that national culture m u s t c o m e

first.

first, For

M p h a h l e l e , ' i n a g r e a t e r A f r i c a , w e m a y a r r i v e at a p o i n t w h e r e Pan-African goals d o determine certain national objectives, b u t cultures c a n o n l y contribute t o P a n - A f r i c a n ideals f r o m a position of national s t r e n g t h ' .

2

A n o t h e r eminent anglophone writer, the

Nigerian W o l e Soyinka, had, h o w e v e r , c h a n g e d his attitude to

négritude

b y the mid-1970s.

A s h e p u t it i n

1976, ' f r o m

w e l l - p u b l i c i s e d p o s i t i o n as a n a n t i - N e g r i t u d i n i s t . . .

a

it h a s b e e n

w i t h an increasing sense o f alarm a n d e v e n betrayal that w e h a v e watched

our position

distorted

and exploited to embrace

a

" s o p h i s t i c a t e d " s c h o o l o f t h o u g h t w h i c h . . . repudiates the exist­ ence o f an African w o r l d ! '

3

W h i l e these debates raged, cultural Pan-Africanism, like poli­ tical P a n - A f r i c a n i s m , d e v e l o p e d an institutional e x i s t e n c e in t h e w o r l d o f i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n states. M e n t i o n has b e e n m a d e o f t h e D a k a r C o n f e r e n c e o n B l a c k L i t e r a t u r e i n 1963. B y t h e 1970s, this k i n d o f e v e n t w a s b e c o m i n g a r e g u l a r feature o f w h a t m i g h t b e c a l l e d official o r s e m i - o f f i c i a l c u l t u r e i n A f r i c a , w i t h s u c h e v e n t s as t h e B l a c k A r t s F e s t i v a l i n D a k a r i n 1966, a n d i n L a g o s i n 1977. C u l t u r a l p r o b l e m s w e r e a l s o d i s c u s s e d at t h e U N E S C O C o n f e r ­ ence o n the Influence o f C o l o n i a l i s m o n A f r i c a n Cultures in Dar

e s S a l a a m i n 1972, a n d t h e S i x t h P a n - A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s i n

Dar

e s S a l a a m i n 1974. T h e r e r e m a i n e d , h o w e v e r , s e r i o u s p r o -

1

F r a n t z F a n o n , Toward the African revolution, tr. H a a k o n C h e v a l i e r ( L o n d o n , 1968),

37. 2

E z e k i e l M p h a h l e l e , The African image. 2nd r e v i s e d e d . ( L o n d o n , 1974), 92.

3

W o l e S o y i n k a , Myth, literature and the African world ( C a m b r i d g e , 1976), i x - x .

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b l e m s ; A f r i c a n w r i t e r s still, for the m o s t part, w r o t e in E u r o p e a n l a n g u a g e s , w i t h a readership i n e v i t a b l y restricted to A f r i c a n s fully l i t e r a t e in t h o s e l a n g u a g e s o r t o i n t e r e s t e d w h i t e f o r e i g n e r s . T h e i r works

were

usually

published

by

European

or

American

p u b l i s h i n g houses, o r their A f r i c a n subsidiaries. A t the same time, t h e c o n t i n e n t w a s b e i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y p e n e t r a t e d , e v e n at t h e l e v e l o f the masses, b y f o r e i g n culture, spread t h r o u g h the m e d i a o f the c i n e m a , television and radio, despite s p o r a d i c attempts t o use all t h e s e m e d i a t o d e v e l o p a n a u t h e n t i c m o d e r n A f r i c a n p o p u l a r culture. In

the v i e w o f o n e o f the m o s t

perceptive leaders o f

r e v o l u t i o n a r y liberation struggles o f the

1960s a n d

1970s,

the the

p r o b l e m o f culture in m o d e r n A f r i c a w a s in a sense n o p r o b l e m at a l l . T o A m f l c a r C a b r a l , t h i s a t t e m p t t o ' r e t u r n t o t h e s o u r c e s ' was n o more than ' a means to attempt temporary advantages, a conscious or unconscious f o r m o f political o p p o r t u n i s m ' o n the part o f the A f r i c a n l o w e r - m i d d l e classes under c o l o n i a l i s m , unless it i n v o l v e d ' a g e n u i n e c o m m i t m e n t t o t h e fight f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e and a total, definitive identification w i t h the aspirations o f the masses, w h o

contest

not

foreign rule a l t o g e t h e r ' .

1

merely

the

foreigners'

culture,

but

C a b r a l w a s c o n v i n c e d - and this w a s

certainly true o f his native c o u n t r y - that the A f r i c a n masses had (with few exceptions) n e v e r lost their culture and traditions; and t h r o u g h the liberation m o v e m e n t s they w o u l d universally gain the power

not

o f restoring

it o r

preserving

it,

but

o f using

it

c r e a t i v e l y - in his o w n often repeated phrase, o f ' m a k i n g h i s t o r y \ T h i s p r o c e s s , q u i t e different f r o m the search for a c u l t u r a l identity usually associated w i t h the cultural aspects o f Pan-Africanism, w a s o n e w h o s e o u t c o m e r e m a i n e d as y e t 1

undetermined.

A m i l c a r C a b r a l , ' T h e r o l e o f c u l t u r e i n t h e l i b e r a t i o n s t r u g g l e ' , in

toward final victory.

Selected speeches and documents from

Guinea-Bissau:

PAIGC ( R i c h m o n d , B r i t i s h

C o l u m b i a , 1974), 42.

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4

SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CHANGE

T h e history o f m o s t A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s since 1940 seems t o r e v o l v e around a single e v e n t : their g a i n i n g o f political i n d e p e n d e n c e . B u t this c l i m a x o f n a t i o n a l i s m m u s t b e set w i t h i n t h o s e s o c i a l a n d c u l t u r a l c h a n g e s o f w h i c h it w a s s o m u c h t h e p r o d u c t a n d w h i c h w e r e , i n t h e m a i n , c o n f i r m e d i n t h e i r c o u r s e f o r at least a d e c a d e or t w o thereafter. T h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r b o o s t e d a w h o l e v a r i e t y o f social c h a n g e s : the intensification o f cash-crop p r o d u c t i o n , the a c c e l e r a t i o n o f m i g r a t i o n o f all k i n d s a n d t h e r a p i d g r o w t h o f cities, the diversification o f the o c c u p a t i o n a l structure and, e v e n t u a l l y , t h e m o v e m e n t o f A f r i c a n s i n t o its u p p e r e c h e l o n s , a n d t h e e x p a n s i o n o f m o d e r n e d u c a t i o n at all l e v e l s . A l l t h e s e i m p l i e d c h a n g e s in areas m o r e i m m e d i a t e l y c o n s t i t u t i v e o f ' s o c i e t y ' , n a m e l y in h o w p e o p l e i d e n t i f i e d t h e m s e l v e s a n d in t h e i r p a t t e r n s o f social cooperation and conflict. N o w the c o n c e p t o f 'social c h a n g e ' is m o r e t h a n a m e r e u m b r e l l a f o r s e v e r a l p a r a l l e l , p r o b a b l y s o m e h o w - r e l a t e d c h a n g e s in d i v e r s e a s p e c t s o f s o c i a l l i f e ; it d e n o t e s t h e s y s t e m a t i c t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y . B u t at w h a t l e v e l d o w e set ' s o c i e t y ' ? T h e d i f f i c u l t y w a s t h a t , t h o u g h t h e p r i m e s o u r c e o f t h e s e c h a n g e s d i d n o t lie w i t h i n t h e m , it w a s still m u c h e a s i e r , as late as t h e 1 9 4 0 s , t o s p e a k o f l o c a l s o c i a l s y s t e m s l i k e t h o s e o f A s a n t e o r t h e L u o as b e i n g societies than w h o l e colonies like the G o l d C o a s t or K e n y a . T h u s the p i o n ­ e e r i n g s t u d y , G . a n d M . W i l s o n ' s The analysis of social change ( 1 9 4 5 ) , t o o k as its u n i t s o f a n a l y s i s t h e s e s m a l l - s c a l e s o c i e t i e s , e v e n t h o u g h the features o f c h a n g e w h i c h they described resulted f r o m the progressive incorporation o f these societies into w i d e r units, o f w h i c h the c o l o n i a l social s y s t e m w a s the m o s t i m p o r t a n t . T h o u g h m a n y o f the elements o f the future national societies w e r e already t h e n p r e s e n t , t h e i r full e m e r g e n c e , r a t h e r t h a n t h e i r t r a n s f o r m ­ a t i o n , w a s t o b e the m a j o r a s p e c t o f s o c i a l c h a n g e i n t h e d e c a d e s t h a t f o l l o w e d . T h i s c h a p t e r , t h e n , is a s o c i o l o g i c a l c o m m e n t a r y o n o n e main aspiration o f the nationalist m o v e m e n t : the creation 142

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S O C I A L

o f national states.

societies

A N D

C U L T U R A L

within

the

C H A N G E

boundaries

o f the

colonial

W e , like the nationalists, m u s t b e g i n f r o m w h a t c o l o n i a l i s m c r e a t e d . C o l o n i a l i s m p r o d u c e d , b e s i d e s t h e g e n e r a l ' i n c r e a s e in social s c a l e ' , the implications o f w h i c h for social relations the W i l s o n s analysed so clearly, a distinctive k i n d o f societal inte­ g r a t i o n . T h i s h a d t w o a s p e c t s , w h i c h w i l l b e c o n s i d e r e d i n t u r n at length b e l o w : a certain ' h o r i z o n t a l ' integration o f the various r e g i o n s , natural and e t h n o l o g i c a l , w i t h i n the state's b o u n d a r i e s ; a n d a ' v e r t i c a l ' i n t e g r a t i o n o f e m e r g e n t s o c i a l s t r a t a in a s o c i a l s y s t e m c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e state. T h e s e t w o d i m e n s i o n s w e r e linked, h o w e v e r , since there tended to e m e r g e a certain hierarchy o f r e g i o n s o r c o m m u n i t i e s , and the c o m p o s i t i o n o f the social strata was not random with respect to regional or ethnic origin. A n A f r i c a n c o l o n y ' s d e v e l o p m e n t w a s a b o v e all a n a s p e c t o f its r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n p o w e r . C o m m u n i c a t i o n s w e r e an e x c e l l e n t i n d i c a t o r o f t h e p a t t e r n o f ' h o r i z o n t a l ' i n t e g r a t i o n : all t a r r e d r o a d s , s o t o s p e a k , l e d t o t h e c a p i t a l , o r at least t o a n o t h e r entrepot, a channel for material or s y m b o l i c i n t e r c h a n g e w i t h the m e t r o p o l i s . Different parts o f the r e g i o n a l and ethnic m o s a i c v a r i e d in t h e e x t e n t o f t h e i r i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h this c e n t r e , d e p e n d i n g o n w h a t t h e y c o u l d offer t o t h e o u t s i d e w o r l d , f o r e x a m p l e c a s h c r o p s , o r w e r e i n t e r e s t e d in r e c e i v i n g f r o m it, f o r example education. T h e primary integration, then, w a s that w h i c h d e v e l o p e d b e t w e e n the regions and the centre, rather than that d i r e c t l y b e t w e e n t h e r e g i o n s . T h e c a p i t a l , as ' c e n t r e ' , w a s n o t t h e c e n t r e o f a p r e f o r m e d s y s t e m o f j o i n t r e l a t i o n s , b u t i m p o s e d as t h e n o d e t h r o u g h w h i c h all r e g i o n s s e v e r a l l y r e l a t e d t o t h e outside. T o the extent that direct inter-regional relations d e v e l ­ o p e d , they w e r e , apart from s o m e continuation o f pre-colonial f o r m s , a n effect o f o n e r e g i o n ' s m o r e d i r e c t r e l a t i o n w i t h t h e c e n t r e , as w i t h t h e r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n c a s h - c r o p p i n g areas a n d t h e r e m o t e r areas w h i c h p r o v i d e d m u c h o f t h e i r l a b o u r . O t h e r w i s e , it w a s p r e c i s e l y at t h e o u t w a r d - f a c i n g c a p i t a l , a n d at o t h e r n e w centres established by colonialism, w h e r e s o m e overall integration o f the r e g i o n s and their p o p u l a t i o n s b e g a n to take place. T h e colonial period also introduced altogether n e w kinds o f social relations, especially those b e t w e e n e m p l o y e r and w a g e - or s a l a r y - e a r n e r . A n d it t r a n s f o r m e d , w h e r e it d i d n o t i n t r o d u c e , r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n officials a n d s u b j e c t s . H e n c e d e v e l o p e d t h e

*43

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A N D C U L T U R A L

C H A N G E

b e g i n n i n g s o f a n a t i o n a l s y s t e m o f s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . It d o e s n o t necessarily f o l l o w that, because a certain k i n d o f relationship, s u c h as t h a t e n t a i l e d i n w a g e - l a b o u r , w a s i n t r o d u c e d w i t h c o l o n i a l i s m , w e are at o n c e d e a l i n g w i t h a s e g m e n t o f a n a t i o n a l l y i n t e g r a t e d system. B e c a u s e o f the m o d e o f regional integration that w e h a v e already o u t l i n e d , a particular s e g m e n t m a y b e fairly u n i n t e g r a t e d in a n y s y s t e m o f s u c h r e l a t i o n s g o i n g o u t s i d e t h e l o c a l i t y a n d e v e n fairly //^differentiated

f r o m q u i t e different k i n d s o f p u r e l y l o c a l

relations, for example those b e t w e e n m e m b e r s

of two

ethnic

g r o u p s , o r at t h e l e v e l o f l o c a l p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s , b e t w e e n c h i e f a n d client. T h u s class analysis, w h i l e an indispensable t o o l in e x a m i n i n g the e m e r g e n t social structures, m u s t b e c o m b i n e d w i t h a lively appreciation o f t w o features h i g h l y distinctive o f m o s t o f subSaharan A f r i c a : the e n o r m o u s regional variety o f class situations, u n d e r p i n n e d b y cultural d i v e r s i t y ; a n d the crucial role o f the state, w h i c h t o a great extent f o r m e d , rather than reflected, the s y s t e m o f stratification. T h e m o s t unified social strata w e r e those located in t h e n a t i o n a l c e n t r e s , t h e c i t i e s , a n d e s p e c i a l l y t h o s e

directly

e m p l o y e d b y t h e s t a t e itself. T h e ' p r i m a c y o f p o l i t i e s ' , o n w h i c h several social scientists h a v e r e m a r k e d , loose, or

rather distinctive, m o d e

1

is t h u s a n effect o f t h e

o f societal integration

be­

q u e a t h e d b y c o l o n i a l i s m . N k r u m a h ' s i n j u n c t i o n ' S e e k y e first t h e political k i n g d o m ' s h o w s that nationalist politicians appreciated it w e l l . B e c a u s e A f r i c a is s o d i v e r s e a n d d o e s n o t f o r m a s i n g l e s o c i a l system, this a c c o u n t concentrates o n the social p r o c e s s e s typical o f the ' n o r m a l ' A f r i c a n c o u n t r y : an e x - c o l o n y o f W e s t , E a s t o r C e n t r a l A f r i c a w h i c h g a i n e d its i n d e p e n d e n c e 1960s.

The

Republic

countries

of South

o f southern

Africa,

Africa,

while sharing

local-level characteristics w i t h those further merely because o f the l o n g - c o n t i n u e d whites

and

the

in the

1950s o r

and

especially

the

many

cultural

and

n o r t h , differ,

not

presence and p o w e r o f

existence o f significant

interstitial

mestigo

or

c o l o u r e d p o p u l a t i o n s , b u t because their class systems w e r e so m u c h m o r e dominated by w a g e - l a b o u r and locally based capital. B u t t o s e e S o u t h A f r i c a , f o r e x a m p l e , as e c o n o m i c a l l y ' a d v a n c e d ' o r as p o l i t i c a l l y ' b a c k w a r d ' c o m p a r e d w i t h a ' n o r m a l '

African

country - despite the attraction w h i c h such c o n c e p t i o n s h a v e for political actors - w o u l d be to i m p o s e an unjustified 1

H . S p i r o ( e d . ) , The primacy

of politics

( N e w Y o r k , 1966).

144

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unilinear

S O C I A L

A N D

C U L T U R A L

C H A N G E

p a t t e r n o n a h i s t o r i c a l c o u r s e w h i c h is l i k e l y t o b e as d i s t i n c t i v e in t h e f u t u r e as i n t h e p a s t . E t h i o p i a a n d t h e A r a b c o u n t r i e s o f N o r t h Africa present a m u c h greater p r o b l e m , since they cannot b e p r e s e n t e d as v a r i a n t s o f t h e s u b - S a h a r a n m o d e l . T o t h e e x t e n t that their national societies w e r e f o r m e d in a colonial m o u l d , there are s i m i l a r i t i e s . T h u s b e c a u s e o f a m a s s i v e s e t t l e r p r e s e n c e a n d e x t e n s i v e l a n d e x p r o p r i a t i o n f r o m t h e i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n , it is h e l p f u l t o d r a w p a r a l l e l s b e t w e e n A l g e r i a ' s e x p e r i e n c e o f r u r a l l y based national insurrection w i t h similar m o v e m e n t s in A n g o l a a n d M o z a m b i q u e . E t h i o p i a , o f c o u r s e , h a s as its c o r e a n a n c i e n t c o l o n i s i n g , r a t h e r t h a n c o l o n i s e d , n a t i o n , a n d it h a s b e e n t h e r e s p o n s e s o f its p e r i p h e r y , r a t h e r t h a n t h e f o r m o f its c e n t r e , w h i c h a p p r o a c h the m o d e l . B u t in o t h e r respects, the social a n d cultural f o r m s o f t h e N o r t h A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s are s o m u c h t h e i r o w n t h a t t h e i r p r i n c i p a l u s e w i l l b e as a f o i l t o h i g h l i g h t t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c experiences o f the b u l k o f A f r i c a t o the s o u t h .

P A T T E R N S

OF

M I G R A T I O N

B y 1940 t h e p a t t e r n s o f h u m a n m i g r a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e colonial period w e r e well established. Despite s o m e continuities w i t h pre-colonial m o v e m e n t s and s o m e o r i g i n in i n d i g e n o u s p r o c e s s e s , s u c h as n o m a d s é d e n t a r i s a t i o n , t h e y w e r e d o m i n a t e d b y t h e w a y s in w h i c h different r e g i o n s o f A f r i c a h a d c o m e t o b e related t o the w o r l d e c o n o m y . T h r e e b r o a d patterns o f m o v e m e n t m a y b e d i s c e r n e d : (i) t o a r e a s o f c a s h - c r o p o r e x p o r t - o r i e n t e d a g r i c u l t u r e , (ii) t o a r e a s o f e m p l o y m e n t i n m i n e s o r i n d u s t r y , (iii) t o g e n e r a l , h e t e r o g e n e o u s e m p l o y m e n t i n c i t i e s . In W e s t Africa any rural-to-urban m o v e m e n t w a s eclipsed b y t h e v a s t flow o f s e a s o n a l , u n s k i l l e d a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r f r o m t h e p o o r e r r u r a l areas o f t h e i n t e r i o r s a v a n n a t o t h e a r e a s w h e r e cash crops w e r e g r o w n b y A f r i c a n farmers. T h e r e w e r e also m o v e m e n t s , c o n t i n u i n g f r o m the early colonial p e r i o d o r e v e n before, o f agricultural c o l o n i s a t i o n f r o m areas o f real land s h o r t a g e i n t o a r e a s o f l a n d a b u n d a n c e , s u c h as t h e C r o s s R i v e r area, the N i g e r i a n M i d d l e Belt a n d the n o r t h e r n I v o r y C o a s t . E x c e p t for N i g e r i a , the m o v e m e n t s in W e s t A f r i c a t e n d e d t o b e i n t e r n a t i o n a l in s c o p e , t h e w h o l e a r e a p r e s e n t i n g t h e a s p e c t o f a sub-continental labour-market. O u t s i d e W e s t A f r i c a , s o m e t h i n g l i k e this p a t t e r n e v o l v e d w i t h 145

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the attraction o f m i g r a n t s f r o m a w i d e area, b u t especially f r o m R w a n d a and B u r u n d i , t o the coffee a n d c o t t o n farms o f U g a n d a . E l s e w h e r e plantations and E u r o p e a n farms d r e w o n local labour, m u c h o f it n o n - s e a s o n a l . B u t t h e m a j o r

flows

within

southern

A f r i c a - f r o m rural areas g e n e r a l l y t o the C o p p e r b e l t , the R a n d and

other

mining centres, and

the ports

and

cities o f

South

A f r i c a - w e r e rather different in character. T h e r e w e r e here continuities

with

pre-colonial

movements;

there

no

were

much

h i g h e r l e v e l s o f i n v o l v e m e n t in m i g r a t i o n than in W e s t

Africa

g e n e r a l l y ; and m e n w e r e absent f r o m their rural h o m e s for m u c h longer, w i t h periods o f 1 0 - 1 5 years b e i n g c o m m o n . B o t h r a t e s a n d i n c i d e n c e s o f m i g r a t i o n a r e s e e n as effects o f t h e relative opportunities

that h o m e

or

rural

circumstances

and

p o t e n t i a l t a r g e t - a r e a s offer p o t e n t i a l m i g r a n t s , e n d o w e d i n p a r ­ ticular w a y s . F r o m the late 1940s, e x c e p t for P o r t u g a l ' s c o l o n i e s w h e r e it l a s t e d u n t i l 1 9 6 2 , d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l c o m p u l s i o n t o l a b o u r , s u c h as e x i s t e d e a r l i e r , w a s a b s e n t ; a n d e v e n w h e r e m i g r a t i o n w a s initially

compelled

by

the

imposition

of

taxes,

it

was

now

u n d e r t a k e n in o r d e r t o satisfy a v a r i e t y o f w a n t s and n e e d s w h i c h h a d b e c o m e ' i n d i g e n o u s ' t o s o c i a l life in t h e r u r a l a r e a s : c a s h t o p r o v i d e s c h o o l fees, c o n s u m e r g o o d s , s u p p l e m e n t s t o traditional d i e t s , c u s t o m a r y o b l i g a t i o n s l i k e b r i d e w e a l t h o r i n s t a l l a t i o n fees f o r c h i e f l y office w h i c h h a d b e c o m e m o n e t i s e d o r i n f l a t e d o r b o t h . C l y d e M i t c h e l l has s h o w n clearly h o w gross

rates o f

f r o m different areas o f R h o d e s i a w e r e a f u n c t i o n

migration

o f levels o f

' agro-ecological disadvantage', there being m o r e migration from areas w i t h p o o r soils, f e w e r E u r o p e a n farms, a n d w a g e s that w e r e 1

l o w e r than the national a v e r a g e . I f an area d e v e l o p e d a significant export

product,

migration

flows

might

be

reversed.

Purely

' c u l t u r a l ' m o t i v e s , s u c h as t h e d e s i r e f o r ' b r i g h t c i t y l i g h t s ' , s e e m quite subordinate to ' e c o n o m i c ' ones. The

incidence

o f migration, however, was more dependent

on

a variety o f social and cultural factors. A c t u a l land shortage, the c l a s s i c ' p u s h ' factor responsible for the e x o d u s o f the p o o r e s t rural c l a s s e s in N o r t h A f r i c a as w e l l as in A s i a a n d L a t i n A m e r i c a , r e m a i n e d u n c o m m o n i n s u b - S a h a r a n A f r i c a ; t h o u g h it d e v e l o p e d w h e r e significant land-alienation

h a d o c c u r r e d , for e x a m p l e in

K e n y a and S o u t h A f r i c a , and b y the early 1950s w a s responsible 1

J. C . M i t c h e l l , ' F a c t o r s in r u r a l m a l e a b s e n t e e i s m i n R h o d e s i a ' , in D . J . P a r k i n ,

Town and country in Central and Eastern Africa ( L o n d o n , 1975), 9 3 - 1 1 2 .

146

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

P A T T E R N S

for

OF

M I G R A T I O N

s o m e s e a s o n a l m i g r a t i o n , m u c h o f it fairly l o c a l , f r o m

the

close-settled z o n e s o f n o r t h e r n N i g e r i a . It also l a r g e l y a c c o u n t e d for t h e l a r g e s t e x t r a - c o n t i n e n t a l m i g r a t i o n flow, b e g i n n i n g in t h e First W o r l d W a r , o f A l g e r i a n s to metropolitan France, w h e r e they n u m b e r e d o v e r half a million b y 1950. Usually the incidence o f m i g r a t i o n w a s h i g h e r a m o n g the better e d u c a t e d and the skilled, since the r e w a r d s o f urban e m p l o y m e n t tended t o be significantly h i g h e r for t h e m . W h e r e w h o l e areas o r p o p u l a t i o n s w e r e m a r k e d by

relatively h i g h l e v e l s o f s u c h attributes, rates o f m i g r a t i o n

m i g h t b e affected t o o , a n d c o m p l e x p a t t e r n s o f p o p u l a t i o n - s h i f t m i g h t r e s u l t . T h u s m a n y c a s h - c r o p p i n g a r e a s s u c h as Ghana,

w h e r e earlier p r o s p e r i t y

had

encouraged

southern

educational

d e v e l o p m e n t , s h o w e d b o t h h i g h levels o f o u t - m i g r a t i o n (to urban e m p l o y m e n t ) and high levels o f in-migration o f strangers

from

l e s s - f a v o u r e d a r e a s as l a b o u r e r s o r t e n a n t f a r m e r s . The

migratory

flow

w a s also d e p e n d e n t o n the costs o f the

migrants' absence from their h o m e c o m m u n i t i e s not rising t o o high.

1

T h e l o w w a g e levels o f unskilled l a b o u r and the disincen­

tives to permanent settlement w h i c h m a n y migrants encountered, especially

in

their

definition

as

'strangers',

or

the

absence,

w h e t h e r deliberate o r u n p l a n n e d , o f h o u s i n g facilities for their families, s u g g e s t that the subsistence sector c o n t i n u e d t o function. How

c o u l d this be, g r a n t e d the a b s e n c e o f s o m a n y y o u n g m a l e s ?

In b r o a d areas o f W e s t A f r i c a the d o v e t a i l i n g o f the p e r i o d s o f peak l a b o u r d e m a n d in subsistence and in c a s h - c r o p f a r m i n g areas permitted the m i g r a n t to m o v e seasonally b a c k and forth, so that t h e l o c a l s u b s i s t e n c e e c o n o m i e s w e r e m a i n t a i n e d at a m i n i m u m level, t h o u g h they w e r e n o t d e v e l o p e d . In southern Africa such f a c t o r s as t h e p r e v a l e n c e o f f e m a l e a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r s y s t e m s , t h e mobilisation o f kin g r o u p s to carry out periodic male tasks such as b u s h - c l e a r i n g , a n d t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f c o n v e n i e n t n e w c r o p s like cassava, contributed to a situation w h e r e p r o p o r t i o n s o f adult m a l e s a b s e n t at a n y o n e t i m e w e r e c o m m o n l y as h i g h as 50 p e r cent and in s o m e societies in M a l a w i e v e n r e a c h e d 70 p e r cent. But

n o static e q u i l i b r i u m b e t w e e n the s u b s i s t e n c e a n d

w a g e - e a r n i n g sectors w a s e v e r attained. demand

for b o t h

minerals

and

T h e increased

tropical agricultural

the

world

products

1

T h e r e is m u c h d i s a g r e e m e n t o n t h e c o s t s o f m i g r a t i o n t o t h e l a b o u r e x p o r t i n g a r e a . F o r t h e ' o p t i m i s t i c * v i e w , E . J. B e r g , ' T h e e c o n o m i c s o f t h e m i g r a n t l a b o r s y s t e m ' ,

in H . K u p e r ( e d . ) , Urbanisation and migration in West Africa ( B e r k e l e y , 1965); a n d o p p o s e d , S . A m i n ( e d . ) , Modern migrations in Western Africa ( L o n d o n , 1974).

*47

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

S O C I A L

A N D C U L T U R A L

C H A N G E

T a b l e 4 . 1 . Estimated population of selected African cities 1940s—1960s (population in thousands). 1940s

Cairo Algiers Dakar Kumasi Kano Lagos Addis Ababa Nairobi Dar es Salaam Kinshasa Salisbury Johannesburg Source:

1947 1948

1950s

2091

i960

473

1954 1955 [i960 1952

1943 1948 [i93i h93i 1948 1948 1948 1940 1940 [1936

W. A. Hance, Population,

78 89]

7] 402

1952 1958

119 69

1957 1952 1950 1958 1951

I 2

49 67

519]

migration

1960s

3349 57o 300 218] 130

4220

1966 1968 1966 1963

943 600 301 2

95 665 620

1963 1968 1969 1967

267 400 222 99 191

478 273 508 380

1966 1968 i960

233 919

and urbanisation

1966

in

ii53

Africa.

induced b y the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , and the h i g h c o m m o d i t y p r i c e s s u s t a i n e d f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s t h e r e a f t e r , at o n c e s t i m u l a t e d greater e m p l o y m e n t in c o m m e r c e and transport

and yielded

surpluses that c o u l d b e d e v o t e d t o educational a n d administrative expansion. I n terms o f the relative o p p o r t u n i t i e s they offered, the s t a g n a n t s u b s i s t e n c e e c o n o m i e s t e n d e d t o fall e v e n f u r t h e r b e h i n d t h e c a s h - c r o p a r e a s ; a n d b o t h fell b e h i n d t h e c i t i e s , w h e r e t h e n e w e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s w e r e c o n c e n t r a t e d . T h e years after 1945 s a w a d r a m a t i c i n c r e a s e i n r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n a n d i n t h e r a t e o f u r b a n g r o w t h (cf. T a b l e s 4 . 1 , 4 . 2 ) . F r o m t h e m i d - 1 9 4 0 s , mining centres, like those o n the Copperbelt, w h i c h had b e g u n as l a b o u r c a m p s a n d w h e r e s e t t l e m e n t h a d b e e n r i g i d l y c o n t r o l l e d by the authorities t o p r e v e n t a stable urban p o p u l a t i o n , b e g a n to assume m o r e the character o f t o w n s , w i t h n e w o p p o r t u n i t i e s in the informal sector. T h e g r o w i n g t o w n s w e r e equally magnets for the educated and the unskilled, labourers and petty traders. W h e r e m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n d u s t r y w a s set u p , this w a s also in o r near the existing

urban

centres;

both

because o f the same

locational

a d v a n t a g e s that h a d earlier m a d e t h e m centres o f the i m p o r t - e x p o r t trade and because the d o m e s t i c markets for their

manufactures

w e r e concentrated there a m o n g the urban wage-earners and the national elites. T h u s urban g r o w t h since 1950 w a s particularly concentrated in the national capitals. 148 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

P A T T E R N S

M I G R A T I O N

Total population of selected African countries living in cities inhabitants and (ii) 100000 inhabitants, as proportion of total population.

T a b l e 4.2.

of

O F

(/) 20000

(i)

Egypt Algeria Senegal Ghana Nigeria Kenya Zaire South Africa

(Ü)

c. 1950

c. i960

c. 1950

c. i960

1947- -66 1948- -60 1956- -61 1948- -60 1952- -63 1948- -62

28.9 14.1 19.0 5.0 11.4 3.8

38.2

20.0

21.6 22.5 12.3 14.0

6.6 9.9

29.6 16.4 12.6

1957-"9 1951- 60

7-1 30.8

5-9 9.1 35.1

3-3 4.1 2.2

9-5 8.7

3-5 23.1

5-9 26.5

Source-. U N Economie Commission for Africa, in Economie

5-2

survey of

Africa,

1967.

A n e w feature o f t h e e x p a n s i o n in the 1960s a n d 1970s w a s that m i g r a n t s w e r e less e x c l u s i v e l y a d u l t m a l e s i n s e a r c h o f w o r k . Women

joining

their

husbands

or migrating

o n their o w n

account, and children seeking secondary education, accounted for a b i g g e r share o f r u r a l - u r b a n

migratory

flows

than earlier, a n d

the a g e a n d sex profiles o f u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n s c a m e t o d i v e r g e less from

the national

norms.

1

Significant

urban

unemployment

appeared in the 1960s, a r e m i n d e r that urban j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s d e p e n d e d in the main o n surpluses g e n e r a t e d in t h e rural sector, w h i c h w a s d e p r e s s e d in m a n y c o u n t r i e s . I n the late 1970s this l e d s o m e A f r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t s s u c h as G h a n a a n d U g a n d a t o e x p e l aliens, thus r e d u c i n g the international gration

flows.

character o f earlier m i ­

A l t h o u g h m i g r a t i o n m i g h t c o n t i n u e f o r as l o n g as

m i g r a n t s c o u l d still r e a s o n a b l y e x p e c t , after a p e r i o d o f u n e m ­ p l o y m e n t , to obtain a superior situation than w a s available in the c o u n t r y s i d e , it b e g a n t o b e e v i d e n t t h a t , w i t h o u t a n e w r e s o u r c e like N i g e r i a ' s o i l , the rates o f u r b a n g r o w t h seen in the t w o d e c a d e s after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r c o u l d n o t b e s u s t a i n e d f o r ever. 1

T h i s is e s p e c i a l l y w e l l d o c u m e n t e d in J. C . C a l d w e l l ' s a n a l y s i s o f t h e i960 G h a n a

C e n s u s , African rural-urban migration ( C a n b e r r a , 1969).

149 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

S O C I A L

T H E

A N D

C U L T U R A L

G R O W T H

OF

C H A N G E

T O W N S

T h e cities o f s u b - S a h a r a n A f r i c a t e n d e d to c o n t a i n to a m u c h greater extent than those o f other regions o f the T h i r d W o r l d , including N o r t h Africa, a population that continued to m o v e b e t w e e n t o w n and c o u n t r y despite the sharp c l e a v a g e in terms o f e c o n o m i c function, distribution o f resources and formal institu­ t i o n s , b e t w e e n t h e s e t w o s p h e r e s . M i g r a n t s t o all T h i r d W o r l d cities b r i n g rural attitudes, and retain for a w h i l e k i n s h i p links w i t h their o r i g i n s , but rarely h a v e these links and identities c o n t i n u e d as v i t a l l y as t h e y d i d i n A f r i c a . T h e m i g r a n t s ' r e t e n t i o n o f r u r a l land rights contributed v e r y greatly to this; but so did the role o f rurally based identities in adaptation to the d e m a n d s o f t o w n life. T h i s w a s n o less t r u e o f t h e m o s t c a p i t a l i s t c i t i e s - t h o s e o f s o u t h e r n A f r i c a w i t h l a r g e p r o l e t a r i a t s - s i n c e official p o l i c y f o r l o n g s o u g h t to p r e v e n t the consolidation o f a stable urban p o p u l a t i o n . S o m e t o w n s in S o u t h A f r i c a s a w f o u r o r f i v e g e n e r a t i o n s that had r e t u r n e d t o the rural areas after the p e r i o d o f their labour - a circulation w h i c h tended ultimately to be b r o u g h t t o a n e n d b y r u r a l o v e r - p o p u l a t i o n as w e l l as u r b a n l a b o u r - d e m a n d . B u t e v e r y w h e r e s o m e o f the migrants stayed, so t h a t a s o l e l y u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n g r e w , m a k i n g it s e e m l i k e l y t h a t h i g h rates o f i m m i g r a t i o n w o u l d a l s o d e c l i n e a n d u l t i m a t e l y c r e a t e a p e r m a n e n t and firm d i v i s i o n b e t w e e n t o w n s p e o p l e and the rural p o p u l a t i o n s , w i t h all t h a t t h i s m u s t i m p l y f o r t h e c h a r a c t e r o f national social structure. T h e character o f a colonial city w a s d e r i v e d from the operation o f f o u r m a j o r f a c t o r s : its p r e d o m i n a n t f u n c t i o n , its o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , its p h y s i c a l o r g a n i s a t i o n a n d its e t h n i c c o m p o s i t i o n . T h e s e factors w e r e not independent o f o n e another, since function has clear i m p l i c a t i o n s for o c c u p a t i o n a l structure, m i n i n g and p o r t t o w n s h a v i n g m u c h larger true proletariats; while administrative centres have considerably higher proportions o f b o t h wealthier, e d u c a t e d strata and w o r k e r s in the i n f o r m a l sector. P h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g w a s better realised in t h e n e w t o w n s established for a precise function in the c o l o n i a l s y s t e m , w h e r e there w a s n o i n d i g e n o u s city o f traders o r craftsmen, for e x a m p l e N a i r o b i , w h i c h w a s an administrative and railway centre, o r P o r t H a r c o u r t , w h i c h w a s a p o r t a n d r a i l w a y t e r m i n u s , a n d a b o v e all i n t h e m i n i n g t o w n s o f the C o p p e r b e l t . Paradoxically, African urban studies 150

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

THE

G R O W T H

O F

T O W N S

t o o k t h e i r rise f r o m t o w n s - L u a n s h y a i n Z a m b i a b e i n g a c l a s s i c case - w h i c h , b e i n g in their clear p h y s i c a l r e c o g n i t i o n o f socialc l a s s b o u n d a r i e s a l m o s t m o d e l s o f t h e c o l o n i a l s y s t e m itself, w e r e u n u s u a l in the 1950s a n d b e c a m e m o r e s o later. comprised

three

principal

functional,

1

H e r e the t o w n

physical

and

structural elements: the M i n e T o w n s h i p , o w n e d and

social-

organised

b y t h e c o m p a n y f o r its e m p l o y e e s ; t h e G o v e r n m e n t T o w n s h i p , w i t h an o c c u p a t i o n a l l y h e t e r o g e n e o u s p o p u l a t i o n ; and E u r o p e a n residential

areas

housing

those

Europeans

in

supervisory

or

white-collar occupations. Elsewhere,

and

especially w h e r e

there w a s an

indigenous

l a n d o w n i n g c o m m u n i t y , h o u s i n g w a s less a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y c o n ­ trolled and there w a s less residential s e g r e g a t i o n b y o c c u p a t i o n . Instead, indigenous landlords and enterprising i m m i g r a n t s , w h e r e it w a s p o s s i b l e f o r t h e m t o b u y l a n d , b u i l t h o u s e s f o r t h e m s e l v e s o r t o let, s o m e t i m e s

within

the

framework

of a

municipally

p l a n n e d l a y o u t , s o m e t i m e s , as i n t h e o u t e r s u b u r b s o f L a g o s o r parts o f M e n g o - K a m p a l a , subject

to

the

minimum

of

such

control. S o m e s u c h city-areas recalled in their class h e t e r o g e n e i t y — the rich and p o w e r f u l l i v i n g c h e e k - b y - j o w l w i t h those o f the l o w e s t status - the social character o f pre-colonial cities. B u t there also d e v e l o p e d , especially f r o m

the

1960s and

outside

urban

administrative boundaries, shanty t o w n s w h i c h w e r e m o r e h o m o ­ geneous

in

class

terms,

housing

the

lowest

urban

class

of

unskilled, casual and u n d e r - e m p l o y e d w o r k e r s . T h e 1960s t e n d e d to b r i n g a c o n v e r g e n c e o f these t w o polar types o f city. A f r i c a n governments were unwilling or unable to control urban settlement in t h e c o l o n i a l w a y s o t h a t t h e ' i n f o r m a l ' s e c t o r o f c i t i e s t e n d e d to g r o w w i t h continuing in-migration. B u t , o n the other

hand,

as t h e A f r i c a n e l i t e s r e p l a c e d e x p a t r i a t e s i n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e

posts

and o c c u p i e d the former

European

residential preserves,

resi­

d e n t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n b y c l a s s c o n t i n u e d . I n d e e d , it w a s e x t e n d e d , with

the

establishment

of new

housing

estates

for

different

income levels. E t h n i c c o m p o s i t i o n affected u r b a n social structure in s e v e r a l w a y s . S o m e cities clearly possessed a ' h o s t ' ethnic g r o u p , w h i c h was either the g r o u p that * o w n e d the land * o r a g r o u p w h o s e local preponderance

was due

to w e i g h t o f numbers,

1

A . L . E p s t e i n , Politics in an urban African community B a l a n d i e r , Sociologie des Bra^avilles noires ( P a r i s , 1955).

education

(Manchester,

151

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

or

1958); G .

SOCIAL AND CULTURAL C H A N G E

political p o w e r in the national arena. T h e s e c o n d i t i o n s c o i n c i d e d i n t h e c a s e s o f t h e K o n g o i n K i n s h a s a , t h e Y o r u b a in L a g o s o r the G a n d a in K a m p a l a . B u t e l s e w h e r e , the L e b u , for instance, did not d o m i n a t e their native D a k a r n o r the G a A c c r a , w h i l e P o r t H a r c o u r t , situated outside the h o m e l a n d s o f any major

ethnic

g r o u p , w a s successively d o m i n a t e d b y the O w e r r i I b o (from the l a t e 1 9 4 0 s t o 1 9 6 7 ) a n d t h e r e a f t e r , as t h e c a p i t a l o f t h e R i v e r s S t a t e of

Nigeria, by

the

Ijo.

Ethnically

homogeneous

neighbour­

h o o d s o r q u a r t e r s w e r e h a r d l y t o b e f o u n d in C e n t r a l o r s o u t h e r n African cities and w e r e n o t the rule e l s e w h e r e . T h e y w e r e m o r e a feature o f the o l d e r W e s t A f r i c a n cities (e.g. the V a i , K r u , Bassa q u a r t e r s o f M o n r o v i a ) , a n d a t t a i n e d t h e s h a r p e s t d e f i n i t i o n in t h e H a u s a - s p e a k i n g settlements o f M u s l i m n o r t h e r n e r s in Ghana

{%pngo)

or Western Nigeria

{sabo).

southern

Even when developed

in recent d e c a d e s (like S a b o in I b a d a n ) , t h e y d r e w o n p r e - c o l o n i a l c u l t u r a l m o d e l s as w e l l as m o d e r n a d v a n t a g e s . B u t e l s e w h e r e , a n d w i t h t h e p a r t i a l e x c e p t i o n o f t h e ' o l d t o w n s ' o f i n d i g e n e s , w e find only a tendency t o w a r d s the g e o g r a p h i c a l concentration o f fellow t r i b e s m e n . It w a s e n c o u r a g e d , t o s o m e e x t e n t , b y c h a i n - m i g r a t i o n , as n e w

arrivals

sought

out

compatriots

or

kinsmen

already

e s t a b l i s h e d i n t o w n . O t h e r w i s e it t e n d e d t o b e a f u n c t i o n o f t h e income

and

educational

levels,

the

status

and

occupational

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e m e m b e r s o f p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c g r o u p s . It w a s most marked where they were occupationally h o m o g e n e o u s and o f l o w status. H e n c e the c o n c e n t r a t i o n s o f H a y a w o m e n , m a n y o f w h o m were prostitutes, or R w a n d a men, w h o were unskilled labourers,

in

'urban

villages'

in

parts

of Kampala.

Similar

h o u s i n g e s t a t e s , s u c h as S u r u l e r e i n L a g o s o r N a g u r u i n K a m p a l a , attracted disproportionate n u m b e r s o f I b o and L u o respectively, since b o t h g r o u p s included m a n y y o u n g , m o d e r a t e l y educated or s k i l l e d p e o p l e , w h o as i m m i g r a n t s w e r e free f r o m m a n y o f t h e i n v o l v e m e n t s o f t h e l o c a l l y d o m i n a n t Y o r u b a a n d G a n d a in t h e o l d e r parts o f the t o w n . B u t e v e n these ' c o n c e n t r a t i o n s ' w e r e in ethnically m i x e d areas. The

classic studies

demonstrated

o f the

Copperbelt towns

the e x i s t e n c e o f fairly unified u r b a n

in the

1950s

social-status

s y s t e m s , in w h i c h ethnic g r o u p s w e r e r a n k e d in t e r m s o f ad­ v a n c e m e n t in w e a l t h , e d u c a t i o n a n d p o w e r i n t h e m o d e r n s e c t o r . 1

1

S e e e s p e c i a l l y J. C . M i t c h e l l a n d A . L . E p s t e i n , ' O c c u p a t i o n a l p r e s t i g e a n d s o c i a l s t a t u s a m o n g u r b a n A f r i c a n s in N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a ' , Africa, 1959, 29, 22-39.

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G R O W T H

O F

T O W N S

T h e r e w a s a l i m i t e d d i v e r g e n c e f r o m this r u l e o n l y i n t h o s e W e s t A f r i c a n cities like F r e e t o w n o r I b a d a n w h i c h had m i x e d M u s l i m Christian

populations

and

where

some

Muslim

groups,

c o n s i d e r a b l y less a d v a n c e d i n m o d e r n e d u c a t i o n a n d its r e w a r d s , continued

to

stress

alternative

status

values associated

with

Islamic learning. B e c a u s e the specific p r o b l e m s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f u r b a n life - r e s i d e n c e i n a s l u m - a r e a , e m p l o y m e n t i n a s i m i l a r m a r k e t s i t u a t i o n , c o m m o n n e e d f o r r e c r e a t i o n — s e v e r a l l y affected many hitherto unrelated individuals, the

Gesellschaft o r

voluntary

association existing for a specific e n d w a s e v e r y w h e r e a charac­ teristic u r b a n institution. T r a d e u n i o n s and m o r e i n f o r m a l o r g a n ­ isations based o n the w o r k situation w e r e v i g o r o u s w i t h i n their particular spheres o f relevance. T h e friendship g r o u p s existing o n t h e b a s i s o f l o c a l n e i g h b o u r h o o d , s u c h as h a v e b e e n a n a l y s e d i n d e t a i l in K i s a n g a n i ( S t a n l e y v i l l e ) b y P o n s ,

1

played an i m p o r t a n t

r o l e in e n a b l i n g m i g r a n t s t o a d a p t t o a v e r y h e t e r o g e n e o u s a n d transient e n v i r o n m e n t ; b u t b e c a u s e o f this v e r y c i r c u m s t a n c e , the neighbourhood or

quartier,

e x c e p t in the case o f well-established

cities w i t h stable p o p u l a t i o n s , t e n d e d

n o t to be the basis o f

enduring c o m m i t m e n t s and thus o f long-term social mobilisation. M a n y social a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s h a v e used the c o n c e p t o f

network t o

c h a r a c t e r i s e u r b a n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . E a c h i n d i v i d u a l s t a n d s at t h e centre o f a w e b o f possible links (with, for instance, affines,

neighbours,

fellow

tribesmen,

age mates,

kinsmen,

fellow

em­

ployees, fellow church-members, business contacts) and seeks to 2

a c t i v a t e t h o s e p a r t i c u l a r ties w h i c h a r e s i g n i f i c a n t . B u t a m o n g t h e m , e t h n i c i t y h a s a s p e c i a l i m p o r t a n c e . T o u n d e r s t a n d it, w e must m o v e o u t from the city to the w i d e r society w i t h i n w h i c h it is set. C H A N G I N G

BASES

OF

I D E N T I T Y

T h e s e p o p u l a t i o n m o v e m e n t s , i n v o l v i n g a great increase in b o t h the scale o f social relations and the a m o u n t o f interaction w i t h i n s o c i a l l y h e t e r o g e n e o u s e n v i r o n m e n t s , h a d g r e a t effects o n s o c i a l identity and hence o n emergent patterns o f conflict and c o o p e r ­ ation. T w o such bases w e r e especially significant: ethnicity and r e l i g i o n . T h e s e d i d n o t h a v e a n y fixed r e l a t i o n t o t h a t o t h e r m a j o r 1

V . P o n s , Stanleyville: an African urban community under Belgian administration

(London,

1969), e s p . 1 2 7 - 2 1 2 . E s p e c i a l l y t h o s e o f the ' M a n c h e s t e r ' s c h o o l w h o h a v e w o r k e d in C e n t r a l A f r i c a ; 2

see the e s s a y s in J. C . M i t c h e l l ( e d . ) , Social networks in urban situations ( M a n c h e s t e r , 1969).

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A N D C U L T U R A L

C H A N G E

s o u r c e o f identity - social rank o r class - b u t m i g h t sustain o r w e a k e n it i n v a r i o u s w a y s . I t is t h e ' w o r l d r e l i g i o n s ' - I s l a m a n d Christianity - that

are

relevant

here

since,

unlike

Africa's

' traditional' religions - those practised uniquely b y the members o f particular small-scale societies — they confer an identity w h i c h is d i s t i n c t f r o m e t h n i c o r c o m m u n a l i d e n t i t y a s s u c h , e v e n w h e n it is c l o s e l y l i n k e d w i t h it. M o r e o v e r , i t is t h e v e r y c o s m o p o l i t a n i s m o f the w o r l d religions w h i c h made them a social i d i o m w h i c h w a s relevant in the n o v e l and heterogeneous situations o f urban and 1

national arenas. E t h n i c i t y , b y contrast, s e e m s t o relate m u c h m o r e to the local and traditional, h a v i n g a base in the m a n y ' tribes' o r 'ethnic

groups'

which

descriptive terms,

comprise

most

African

nations.

and n o t v e r y precise ones, these

As

variously

designate linguistic o r cultural blocs, traditional polities o r g r o u p s o f p e o p l e s linked b y s o m e k e y identity-conferring social institu­ t i o n , s u c h as a n a g e - g r a d e s y s t e m o r i n i t i a t i o n r i t e s . B u t h e r e t h e i s s u e is n o t h o w f a r t h e m e m b e r s o f p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c

groups

retained c u s t o m a r y usages, b u t rather h o w identities based o n some

such

usages

and symbols

became

important

in

novel

c o n t e x t s . F o r t h e r e is n o g i v e n fixity i n t h e b o u n d a r i e s , n e c e s s i t y in t h e c o n t e n t , o r u n i f o r m i t y in t h e significance o f particular e t h n i c g r o u p labels.

Ethnicity Ethnicity c a m e t o exist in t w o principal m o d e s : w h e r e individuals interacted in urban o r rural situations w h i c h d r e w p e o p l e t o g e t h e r f r o m different e t h n i c o r i g i n s ; a n d w h e r e c o l l e c t i v e i n t e r e s t - g r o u p s , associated w i t h particular areas o f o r i g i n , c o m p e t e d t o secure rewards for their m e m b e r s from the higher-order units w i t h i n w h i c h t h e y c o e x i s t e d - t h e s t a t e a n d i t s s u b d i v i s i o n s . T h e ties w h i c h initially l i n k e d k i n s m e n o r f e l l o w villagers in t o w n , a n d the g r e a t e r ease w i t h w h i c h c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d h e n c e n e w ties c o u l d be established b e t w e e n those o f similar l a n g u a g e a n d c u s t o m s , led to the d e v e l o p m e n t in t o w n s o f n e w , broader stereotypes, w h i c h s h a p e d h o w p e o p l e t h o u g h t o f t h e m s e l v e s as w e l l as o f others. T h e y also p r o v i d e d them with a c o g n i t i v e tool for organising social interaction in a n o n y m o u s , multi-ethnic contexts. It w a s n o t 1

F o r a c o n v i n c i n g t h e o r y relating r e l i g i o u s c o n v e r s i o n t o t h e increase in t h e scale o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s s e e R . H o r t o n , ' A f r i c a n c o n v e r s i o n ' , Africa, 1 9 7 1 , 4 1 , 85-108 a n d ' O n t h e r a t i o n a l i t y o f c o n v e r s i o n ' , Africa, 1975, 4 5 , 2 1 9 - 3 5 , 373-99.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

C H A N G I N G

BASES

O F

I D E N T I T Y

always m u c h m o r e than this. T h o u g h 'tribal e l d e r s ' m i g h t a p p l y particularistic

norms

w i t h i n , say, the d o m e s t i c sphere, or

the

n e t w o r k o f ' h o m e - b o y s ' m i g h t be i m p o r t a n t for m u t u a l aid and comfort, c o m m e r c i a l and industrial relations w e r e d o m i n a t e d b y n o n - e t h n i c i d e n t i t i e s , s u c h as t h o s e d e r i v e d f r o m

occupational

r a n k o r c o n t r o l o f r e s o u r c e s in t h e m a r k e t s i t u a t i o n . T h e e t h n i c divisions a m o n g

Africans were quite

overshadowed

by

their

c o m m o n s u b o r d i n a t i o n , i n all s p h e r e s , t o E u r o p e a n s , as in t h e Copperbelt

towns

o f the

1950s, or

urban

South

Africa

R h o d e s i a l o n g after. N o r d i d e t h n i c i t y a l w a y s d o m i n a t e

and social

r e l a t i o n s in m u l t i - e t h n i c r u r a l s i t u a t i o n s . I t s l a c k o f s a l i e n c y , f o r e x a m p l e in c e r t a i n a r e a s o f e a s t e r n a n d c e n t r a l U g a n d a , w h e r e g o o d land-population

ratios attracted

immigrants

from many

ethnic

g r o u p s , seems to h a v e been d u e b o t h to the desire o f established or

potential

big-men

to

attract

followers

and

labourers

of

w h a t e v e r o r i g i n , a n d t o t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f l o c a l r e s i d e n c e as a b a s i s o f i d e n t i t y . I n t h e s e c o n t e x t s e t h n i c i t y h a d its s i g n i f i c a n c e , b u t it w a s h i g h l y s i t u a t i o n a l : it w a s o n e o f t h e ties a n i n d i v i d u a l m i g h t activate in his s u p p o r t b u t n o t necessarily an o v e r r i d i n g o n e , a n d always one that had to be i n v o k e d discreetly, if vital non-ethnic r e l a t i o n s h i p s w e r e n o t t o suffer. Y e t e l s e w h e r e ethnicity d i d b u l k large in interaction

between

m e m b e r s o f d i f f e r e n t g r o u p s - e s p e c i a l l y w h e r e it c o r r e s p o n d e d w i t h e c o n o m i c f u n c t i o n o r residence, this t y p i c a l l y b e i n g l i n k e d w i t h i n t e r - r e g i o n a l p a t t e r n s o f t r a d e , as is c o m m o n i n W e s t A f r i c a . Thus

ethnic

identity,

underscored

in the

1950s b y a

greater

e m p h a s i s o n r e l i g i o u s d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s , has p l a y e d a b i g p a r t in the i n t e r a c t i o n o f H a u s a , as k o l a - o r c a t t l e - t r a d e r s , w i t h t h e p e o p l e s o f the forest z o n e . H e r e ethnicity acted to i m p r o v e the b a r g a i n i n g position o f a g r o u p by excluding cultural outsiders and disciplining insiders. Rural parallels m i g h t exist w h e r e i m m i g r a n t s f o u n d a distinct e c o l o g i c a l niche,

1

as U r h o b o p a l m - w i n e t a p p e r s d i d i n

parts o f Y o r u b a l a n d , or w h e r e they p r o v i d e d w a g e - l a b o u r o n cash-crop farms, the o w n e r s o f w h i c h w i s h e d to e x c l u d e t h e m , as ' s t r a n g e r s ' , f r o m full p r o p r i e t a r y

rights.

1

O n t h e n o t i o n o f ' e c o l o g i c a l n i c h e ' , s e e F . B a r t h , Ethnic groups and boundaries: the social organisation of culture difference ( B e r g e n - O s l o , 1969). T h i s h a s d e e p h i s t o r i c a l r o o t s in W e s t A f r i c a , as w i t n e s s r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n M a n d i n k a dyula a n d A k a n , o r F u l b e p a s t o r a l i s t s a n d s e m i - s e r v i l e M a n d i n k a c u l t i v a t o r s i n F u t a J a l o n ; f o r m o d e r n effects o f

the latter see W . D e r m a n , Serfs, peasants and socialists: a former serf village in the Republic of Guinea ( B e r k e l e y , 1973).

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A N D

C U L T U R A L

C H A N G E

B u t t h e e t h n i c i t y florescent in P o r t H a r c o u r t a n d m a n y o t h e r s i m i l a r t o w n s in o t h e r p a r t s o f A f r i c a , in t h e late 1 9 5 0 s a n d 1 9 6 0 s , tells a n o t h e r s t o r y . It w a s n o t b a s e d o n t h e e c o n o m i c s p e c i a l i s a t i o n o r residential s e g r e g a t i o n o f ethnic g r o u p s , but o n their general c o m p e t i t i o n for jobs, contracts and licences, indeed, access to any r e s o u r c e s d i s t r i b u t e d b y l o c a l o r n a t i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t . T h u s in Port H a r c o u r t the ethnically m i x e d n e i g h b o u r h o o d s played hardly a n y r o l e in p o l i t i c a l m o b i l i s a t i o n , t h i s b e i n g d o m i n a t e d b y e t h n i c interest-groups. T h i s w a s a p h e n o m e n o n not merely o f certain k i n d s o f c i t i e s b u t o f a c e r t a i n e p o c h in A f r i c a ' s h i s t o r i c a l e v o l u t i o n , w h e n , f r o m t h e late 1 9 4 0 s a n d e a r l y 1 9 5 0 s , t h e nationalist m o v e m e n t s b e g a n to mobilise popular political forces a n d t o t a k e c o n t r o l o f s t a t e p o w e r . T h i s is t h e s e c o n d m o d e o f e t h n i c i t y : a n i n t e r a c t i o n , n o t o f i n d i v i d u a l s in m u l t i - e t h n i c c o n t e x t s , b u t o f o r g a n i s e d e t h n i c - g r o u p i n t e r e s t s r o o t e d in t h e i r h o m e areas. T h e major articulating role, before the creation o f political parties, w a s p l a y e d b y formal and informal tribal associ­ ations that c o m b i n e d m u t u a l aid for i n d i v i d u a l f e l l o w t r i b e s m e n in t o w n s w i t h a g e n e r a l r o l e o f ' c o n s c i o u s n e s s - r a i s i n g ' a n d l o b b y i n g in t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e h o m e a r e a . T h i s d u a l r o l e p r e s u p p o s e s b o t h the retention b y t o w n - d w e l l e r s o f a source o f s e c u r i t y in t h e i r r u r a l s t a t u s e s a n d t h e s t a t e ' s s e r v i n g as d i s t r i b u t o r o f jobs and contracts to urban individuals, and o f public amenities and d e v e l o p m e n t g r a n t s in the rural areas. T h e s e f u n c t i o n s g r e w m a r k e d l y after 1 9 4 5 , a n d s o d i d t h e i r p o l i t i c i s a t i o n , b o t h b e f o r e a n d after n a t i o n a l i n d e p e n d e n c e . T h u s w e h a v e t h e p a r a d o x t h a t ' t r i b a l i s m ' ( t o u s e a t e r m o f w i d e p a r l a n c e in a n g l o p h o n e A f r i c a ) w a s b o t h a p r o d u c t o f nationalism and a threat to national i n t e g r a t i o n ; a n d w h i l e it m i g h t c a l l o n t r a d i t i o n a l s y m b o l s o f e t h n i c i d e n t i t y , it w a s a r t i c u l a t e d b y t h e e d u c a t e d a n d t h o s e in urban e m p l o y m e n t , acting b o t h for t h e m s e l v e s and their regions of origin. T h e earliest f o r m a t i o n o f these ethnic g r o u p s usually p r e c e d e d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f ' t r i b a l i s m ' . I n s o m e c a s e s , s u c h as t h o s e o f the A s a n t e , the G a n d a and the L o z i , a clear p r e - c o l o n i a l political and cultural identity w a s consolidated, w i t h distinct privileges to b e d e f e n d e d , in t h e c o l o n i a l o r d e r . O t h e r g r o u p s t e n d e d t o o r g a n i s e i n i m i t a t i o n o f o r in r e a c t i o n t o t h e m , e s p e c i a l l y w h e r e t h e y h a d suffered s o m e f o r m o f ' s u b - i m p e r i a l i s m ' , as d i d t h e T i v and o t h e r peoples o f central N i g e r i a against the Hausa, o r the G i s u 156

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BASES

OF

I D E N T I T Y

and other peoples o f eastern U g a n d a against the G a n d a . In other cases, for e x a m p l e the Y o r u b a , I b o and E w e , the identity w a s fostered b y the a d o p t i o n b y the Christian missions o f a standard l a n g u a g e f o r m that w a s used in c h u r c h e s and s c h o o l s , thus b e c o m i n g a m a j o r s o u r c e o f f e l l o w - f e e l i n g a m o n g an e d u c a t e d élite. C u l t u r a l associations, s o m e t i m e s w i t h w e l f a r e functions t o o , tended to be f o u n d e d in the 1930s and 1940s. B y t h e 1 9 5 0 s e t h n i c g r o u p f o r m a t i o n w a s s h a p e d as m u c h b y t h e p r e s s u r e s o f t h e n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t as b y p r i o r patterns o f association or cultural identity. Entirely n e w ethnic g r o u p s e m e r g e d , like the L u h y a o r K a l e n j i n o f w e s t e r n K e n y a , from t w o congeries o f adjacent peoples, respectively B a n t u speaking and Nilotic-speaking. T h e exact boundaries o f identity w e r e shaped by considerations o f strategy w i t h i n the appropriate a r e n a : w i t h i n N i g e r i a as a w h o l e t h e r e l e v a n t i d e n t i t y w a s I b o , w i t h i n P o r t H a r c o u r t it w a s O n i t s h a o r O w e r r i , w i t h i n O w e r r i it w a s M b a i s e o r . . . T h e s e i d e n t i t i e s , in t h e m i d d l e r a n g e s , d e r i v e d f r o m t h e colonial a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d i v i s i o n s o f N i g e r i a , j u s t a s , after i n d e p e n d e n c e , n a t i o n a l i t y , f o r e x a m p l e as K e n y a n s in U g a n d a o r as M a l a w i a n s in Z a m b i a , c a m e t o s e r v e , in c o n t e x t , as a k i n d o f 'tribe'. T h e principles o f alliance-formation, tending towards a b a l a n c e o f r o u g h l y e q u i v a l e n t o p p o n e n t s at e a c h l e v e l o f t h e h i e r a r c h y , s h o w e d f o r m a l s i m i l a r i t i e s t o t h o s e o p e r a t i v e in s e g ­ m e n t a r y l i n e a g e s o c i e t i e s . It is t h u s p e r h a p s n o t a c c i d e n t a l t h a t s o m e t r a d i t i o n a l l y s e g m e n t a r y p e o p l e s , s u c h as t h e I b o a n d L u o , w e r e a m o n g t h e m o s t s u c c e s s f u l in a d a p t i n g t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s t o t h e o r g a n i s a t i o n o f tribal u n i o n s t h r o u g h o u t their c o u n t r i e s . A n d in the c a s e o f S o m a l i a , p e r h a p s t h e m o s t c u l t u r a l l y h o m o g e n e o u s o f all A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s , t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s e g m e n t a r y c l a n s o r ' l i n e a g e c o n f e d e r a t i o n s ' t h e m s e l v e s t o o k o n n e w r o l e s as i n t e r e s t - g r o u p s r e l e v a n t in p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t a n d t h e s t a t e ' s d i s t r i b u t i o n o f r e w a r d . S o ethnicity, sustained b y the political e n v i r o n m e n t o f the state, c a m e t o b e an i m p o r t a n t e l e m e n t in t h e n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e s o f m a n y African countries, acting back on patterns o f individual association and action. T h u s , second-generation M o s s i migrants to G h a n a w e r e f o u n d in t h e e a r l y 1 9 7 0 s t o h a v e d e v e l o p e d s o c i a l i d e n t i t y as M o s s i w i t h i n G h a n a , e v e n t h o u g h t h e y h a d l o s t t h e i r c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s as M o s s i as w e l l as, v e r y p o s s i b l y , t h e i r a b i l i t y t o re-enter rural M o s s i society. A s a m e a n s o f g a i n i n g political and e c o n o m i c p o w e r , they had to 'find w a y s o f asserting their identity M7

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in a s o c i e t y w h e r e e v e r y o n e , G h a n a i a n o r n o n - G h a n a i a n , h a s a n e t h n i c as w e l l as a n a t i o n a l Yet

i f it

is i m p o s s i b l e

identity'. to

1

dismiss

ethnicity

as

mere

false

consciousness, an aberration from true consciousness o f nation or c l a s s , e q u a l l y it c a n n o t b e r e g a r d e d as a n i n e l u c t a b l e a n d

eternal

effect o f t h e c o l o n i a l i m p o s i t i o n o f states o n e t h n i c m o s a i c s . T h a t is p r o v e d b y its r e l a t i v e u n i m p o r t a n c e

in s o m e countries

and

contexts. T h r e e general conditions h a v e been stressed: the ' d i s ­ t r i b u t i v e s t a t e ' ; t h e s p e c i f i c ties b e t w e e n u r b a n a n d r u r a l and the historical legacy o f traditional

cultures and

areas;

identities.

N o r t h A f r i c a p r o v i d e s a n i n s t r u c t i v e c o n t r a s t t o t h e s i t u a t i o n in m o s t o f sub-Saharan Africa. D e s p i t e the existence o f areas like the K a b y l e r e g i o n o f A l g e r i a w h i c h w e r e distinct b o t h in l a n g u a g e and colonial experience, o r o f c o m m u n i t i e s like the M z a b i t e s , w h o preserved

a

special

religious

and

occupational

character,

' t r i b a l i s m ' , as t h a t is u n d e r s t o o d s o u t h o f t h e S a h a r a , w a s l a r g e l y absent. Cultural heterogeneity w a s indeed declining, w i t h

the

steady A r a b i s a t i o n o f Berbers and the attenuation o f the o l d urban ethnic or religious minorities, J e w s and others, once organised

milets u n d e r

in

the O t t o m a n u m b r e l l a ; b u t this w a s less significant

than a d i v i d e o f rural and urban p o p u l a t i o n s m u c h sharper than that f o u n d s o u t h o f the Sahara, w h i c h restrained the g r o w t h o f a joint interest, ethnic in i d i o m , o f t o w n s m e n and rural regions. I n t h e M a g h r i b t h e p r o b l e m w a s m o r e o n e , as G e e r t z p o i n t s o u t for M o r o c c o , o f social particularism geneity;

mak^in

2

and

its

model

(urban order) and

was

the

sibd

than o f cultural

ancient

antithesis

hetero­ between

(tribal dissidence) that had

been

analysed centuries before by Ibn K h a l d u n . Generally, any cultural legacy seems to have been permissive a n d s u p p o r t i v e , r a t h e r t h a n d e c i s i v e , as far as t h e p r e s e n c e

or

absence o f ethnic consciousness w a s concerned. T h u s Tanzania, c e l e b r a t e d as a c o u n t r y free o f t r i b a l i s m , e n j o y e d t h e a b s e n c e o f g r o s s initial cultural d i v i s i o n s a n d o f d o m i n a n t e t h n i c Furthermore

it n o t o n l y h a d i n S w a h i l i a s u p r a - t r i b a l

communication, National

Union,

but

a ruling

that

was

party,

seriously

the

Tanganyika

committed

to

1

groups. mode of African

regionally

E n i d S c h i l d k r o u t , ' E t h n i c i t y and generational differences a m o n g urban i m m i g r a n t s in G h a n a ' , in A . C o h e n ( e d . ) , Urban ethnicity ( L o n d o n , 1974), 124; o n t h e w i d e r c o n t e x t

J. R o u c h , Migrations au Ghana ( P a r i s , 1956). 2

C . G e e r t z , The interpretation

of culture ( N e w Y o r k , 1973), 246-9.

158

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O F

I D E N T I T Y

disinterested policies. Nevertheless T A N U seemed o n l y to h a v e r e s t r a i n e d e t h n i c i t y r a t h e r t h a n t o h a v e n u l l i f i e d it. If the ' d i s t r i b u t i v e state * w a s a necessary c o n d i t i o n for * tribal­ i s m ' , it w a s far f r o m b e i n g a s u f f i c i e n t o n e , s i n c e t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f jobs m i g h t g o b y other channels, for instance ethnically m i x e d factions o r religious interest-groups, w h i l e liquid resources m i g h t b e d i v i d e d b y c l a s s e x c l u s i v e l y . T h u s in S e n e g a l t h e r e w e r e ' c l a n polities', the ' c l a n s ' b e i n g shifting factions led b y m e m b e r s o f the political élite, but recruited t h r o u g h a variety o f allegiances, o f which

the

home-base

w a s only one and

religious

fellowship

another. T h i s national political style g r e w from the urban politics o f the

quatre communes

before

1940 and recalls other locales o f

f a c t i o n a l p o l i t i c s s u c h as t h e m i c r o - p o l i t i c s o f t r a d e u n i o n s

as

reported f r o m U g a n d a , o r the s m a l l - t o w n politics o f K i t a in M a l i in t h e 1 9 6 0 s , w h e r e n o s i n g l e c a t e g o r y o f i d e n t i t y d o m i n a t e d . I f it w a s p a r t i c u l a r l y t y p i c a l o f p a r t s o f t h e W e s t A f r i c a n s a v a n n a zone, there w e r e g o o d reasons for it: the universalist,

homo­

g e n i s i n g i d e o l o g y o f I s l a m s u p p o r t e d it, b u t m o r e p o t e n t w a s t h e fact t h a t t h e s e w e r e a r e a s , S e n e g a l e s p e c i a l l y , w h i c h h a d e x p e r i ­ enced

during

the

previous

century

a

fair

'scrambling'

of

populations, with extensive m o v e m e n t s o f piecemeal agricultural colonisation and the l o o s e n i n g o f c u s t o m a r y tenures. T h e r e w a s t h u s less b a s i s f o r t h e a l i g n m e n t o f r u r a l - r e g i o n a l a n d u r b a n - e t h n i c interest w h i c h so u n d e r p i n n e d the p o w e r o f ethnicity e l s e w h e r e .

Religion R e l i g i o n m a y either be aligned w i t h other identities o r cross-cut and s u b d i v i d e them. T h e i m p o s i t i o n o f colonial rule accelerated the spread o f b o t h Christianity and Islam.

1

Islam's advance, with

s o m e e x c e p t i o n s , s u c h as p a r t s o f t h e W e s t A f r i c a n f o r e s t b e l t o r i n w a r d f r o m the S w a h i l i coast, w a s a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h a d e e p e r social penetration some

cases

for

w i t h i n a r e a s w h e r e it h a d a l r e a d y e x i s t e d , i n centuries,

as a

religious

idiom

restricted

particular status g r o u p s — traders, m e m b e r s o f royal c o u r t s ,

to or

r e l i g i o - m e d i c a l s p e c i a l i s t s . F o r C h r i s t i a n i t y , it w a s m u c h m o r e a g e o g r a p h i c a l a d v a n c e i n t o f r e s h a r e a s f r o m its e a r l i e s t b a s e s a l o n g 1

T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n c o l o n i s a t i o n a n d c o n v e r s i o n w a s far f r o m a s t r a i g h t ­ f o r w a r d o n e . F o r a c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d y , J. D . Y . P e e l , ' C o n v e r s i o n a n d t r a d i t i o n i n t w o A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s : I j e b u a n d B u g a n d a ' , Past and Present, 1977, 77, 108-41.

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the coasts and in a handful o f interior k i n g d o m s like B u g a n d a , Merina,

Lozi,

and

Kgatla, where

prescient

local rulers

had

s p o n s o r e d it. B u t l a t e r , it t o o s p r e a d t h r o u g h t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e to categories initially unattracted

b y it. M o s t n a t i o n s

included

p e o p l e s at d i f f e r e n t s t a g e s o f i n f l u e n c e b y t h e w o r l d r e l i g i o n s a n d , except for peoples w h o w e r e solidly M u s l i m or Christian

well

b e f o r e t h e c o l o n i a l i s t p e r i o d , l i k e t h e K a n u r i o r t h e A m h a r a , it w a s the p e o p l e s m o s t i n v o l v e d in the c o l o n i a l o r d e r w h o s h o w e d the greatest penetration b y the w o r l d religions. A fair r e l i g i o u s v a r i e t y c a m e t o e x i s t i n m o s t A f r i c a n l o c a l i t i e s : in M u s l i m areas often s e v e r a l c o m p e t i n g b r o t h e r h o o d s

turuq),

in

mixed

or

exclusively Christian

areas,

[tariqa, p i .

usually

the

historically dominant missions — Catholic and one or m o r e forms o f P r o t e s t a n t i s m - as w e l l as a v a r i e t y o f i n d e p e n d e n t

churches.

T h e r e is s o m e e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e v a r i o u s c o n f e s s i o n s m i g h t a p p e a l to distinct status constituencies and t o g e t h e r f o r m a differentiated system o f religious provision. But attempts

to interpret

that

v a r i e t y o f r e l i g i o u s e x p r e s s i o n p r i m a r i l y in t e r m s o f its c o r r e ­ s p o n d e n c e , o r ' e l e c t i v e affinity', to the r a n k e d statuses o r class p o s i t i o n s o f a d h e r e n t s , o n a n a n a l o g y w i t h t h e r e l i g i o u s stratifi­ cation

of Europe,

differences

came

to

are

often

exist

misleading.

between

the

Where

social

members

of

status

different

churches (or m o r e importantly, b e t w e e n M u s l i m s and Christians), they w e r e m o s t often the

consequences o f

a v a r i e t y o f different, often

a c c i d e n t a l , attributes o f the r e l i g i o n s : the fact that t h e y c a m e early o r late t o an a r e a ; h a d a c o r e o f m e m b e r s f r o m p a r t i c u l a r parts of

the

country;

or

possessed

historical

advantages

such

C h r i s t i a n i t y ' s s c h o o l s , I s l a m ' s r o l e as a n i n t e r n a t i o n a l

as

trading

n e t w o r k in certain areas, o r the ' e s t a b l i s h m e n t ' status a c c o r d e d C a t h o l i c i s m in the B e l g i a n C o n g o o r I s l a m in N o r t h e r n N i g e r i a . T h e c a s e is e a s i e s t t o m a k e f o r s o m e o f t h e i n d e p e n d e n t , l o c a l l y d e v e l o p e d c h u r c h e s - Z i o n i s t s in S o u t h A f r i c a , A l a d u r a in W e s t Africa - w h i c h typically enjoyed a l o w e r standing and some o f w h i c h w e r e at t i m e s a v e h i c l e f o r e x p r e s s i n g c l a s s d i s c o n t e n t . they frequently also attracted

elite m e m b e r s and

1

But

sympathisers,

especially since i n d e p e n d e n c e ; and their main religious aim w a s to relate Christianity t o s u c h i n d i g e n o u s r e l i g i o u s c o n c e r n s 1

as

F o r s t a t e m e n t s o f t h i s v i e w a n d c a s e s t u d i e s , R . K a u f m a n , Millenarisme et acculturation ( B r u s s e l s , 1964), a n d P a r t I I I , ' R e l i g i o u s e x p r e s s i o n s o f d i s c o n t e n t ' , o f R . I. R o t b e r g

a n d A . A . M a z r u i ( e d s . ) , Protest and power in Black Africa ( N e w Y o r k , 1970).

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healing and divination. T h e trend o f the p e r i o d w a s rather for the various religious g r o u p s to c o m e to resemble one another more in t h e i r m e m b e r s h i p , j u s t as t h e r e w a s a t e n d e n c y t o offset t h e c l a s h o f s p e c i f i c d o c t r i n e s a n d p r a c t i c e s w i t h t h e a t t i t u d e t h a t all w e r e concerned w i t h the same general morality and the same G o d . Since the general level o f personal religious o b s e r v a n c e c o n ­ tinued so h i g h in A f r i c a , o n e m i g h t ask w h y r e l i g i o n w a s m u c h less i m p o r t a n t as t h e b a s i s o f l e g i t i m a t i o n t h a n it h a s b e e n e l s e w h e r e , f o r e x a m p l e in E u r o p e ; o r w h y r e l i g i o n , w i t h s o m e s i g n i f i c a n t e x c e p t i o n s , w a s r e l a t i v e l y u n i m p o r t a n t as a g e n e r a l a x i s o f s o c i a l c o n f l i c t . T h e m a i n a n s w e r t o t h e first q u e s t i o n is straightforward: there w a s t o o m u c h religious variety to permit r e l i g i o u s l e g i t i m a t i o n e x c e p t in the m o s t v a g u e terms. Signifi­ c a n t l y , w h i l e I s l a m w a s s o u s e d in t h e A r a b c o u n t r i e s o f N o r t h Africa, especially L i b y a , M o r o c c o and to a smaller extent A l g e r i a , similar attempts to use I s l a m in the o l d N o r t h e r n R e g i o n o f N i g e r i a o r C h r i s t i a n i t y in E t h i o p i a w e r e , b e c a u s e o f a c t u a l religious variety, probably counter-productive. T h e widespread Islam o f countries like Senegal, Mali or Somalia, w h i l e linked to valued national traditions, contributed to a c o m m o n social idiom, for instance the S w a h i l i i d i o m o f T a n z a n i a , rather than furnishing an e x p l i c i t i d e o l o g y o f l e g i t i m a t i o n . T h e a n s w e r t o t h e s e c o n d q u e s t i o n is m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d . T h e churches, and to a lesser extent Islam, o r M u s l i m b r o t h e r h o o d s , were organised and c o m p e t i n g corporate interest-groups, some­ t i m e s in b i t t e r r i v a l r y f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s u p p o r t . C h u r c h s c h o o l s w e r e o f t e n a s o u r c e o f p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t , as i n E a s t e r n N i g e r i a in t h e late 1 9 5 0 s , t h o u g h i n c r e a s e d g o v e r n m e n t c o n t r o l o f s c h o o l s since independence tended to r e m o v e that important source o f c h u r c h politics. B u t b e y o n d this, w h y w e r e c h u r c h e s n o t m o r e i m p o r t a n t as ' c o m m u n a l ' i n t e r e s t - g r o u p s , a c t i n g o n b e h a l f o f t h e i r m e m b e r s ' , r a t h e r t h a n j u s t t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l , i n t e r e s t s ? It is w o r t h r e c a l l i n g t h e c a s e o f S e n e g a l , w h e r e r e l i g i o u s a l l e g i a n c e , s p e c i f i c a l l y t o t h e M u s l i m b r o t h e r h o o d s , f u n c t i o n e d in a w a y a n a l o g o u s t o e t h n i c i t y , as a c o n s t i t u e n t o f p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t - g r o u p s . U g a n d a w a s m o r e e x c e p t i o n a l , b u t its v e r y d i v e r g e n c e h i g h l i g h t s t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f r e l i g i o n ' s s m a l l p o l i t i c a l w e i g h t e l s e w h e r e . Its pattern w a s an e x t e n s i o n o f that w h i c h d e v e l o p e d d e c a d e s earlier i n t h e B u g a n d a k i n g d o m , its c o r e r e g i o n , w h e r e t w o c o n d i t i o n s o b t a i n e d : first, w i t h i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l o r d e r , l o c a l ties w e r e 161

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C U L T U R A L

C H A N G E

e c l i p s e d i n i m p o r t a n c e b y v e r t i c a l ties o f c l i e n t a g e f o c u s s e d o n t h e court, chieftaincy tending to be d i v o r c e d from lineage or regional bases; secondly, c o n v e r s i o n w a s led b y rising m e m b e r s o f the p o l i t i c a l élite a n d r e s u l t e d i n t h e f o r m a t i o n o f t h r e e c o n f e s s i o n a l interest-groups - A n g l i c a n s , Catholics and Muslims. Religion and r e g i o n a l o r i g i n cross-cut, a n d in the relative u n i m p o r t a n c e o f r e g i o n , r e l i g i o n w a s a b l e t o e m e r g e , at least f o r a t i m e , as t h e dominant criterion o f political allegiance. B u t m o s t l y , w h e r e r e l i g i o n a n d e t h n i c i t y c r o s s - c u t , it w a s t h e l a t t e r w h i c h p r e d o m i n a t e d as a s o u r c e o f i d e n t i t y w i t h i n t h e nation, since a c o m m o n g e o g r a p h i c a l base w a s so fundamental to the definition o f g r o u p interests. W h e r e a particular f o r m o f religion w a s s t r o n g l y associated w i t h o n e ethnic g r o u p to the e x c l u s i o n o f o t h e r s , it o f t e n s e r v e d as an i d i o m f o r , o r a n o r g a n i s a t i o n a l a i d t o , a n e t h n i c o r r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t - g r o u p , as t h e Tijàniyya order did for the Hausa o f Ibadan against their Y o r u b a hosts, or the K i m b a n g u i s t c h u r c h , linked w i t h the A B A K O party, for K o n g o interests w i t h i n Z a i r e . B e c a u s e , in t h e m a i n , m o s t e x p r e s s i o n s o f t h e w o r l d r e l i g i o n s tended to be unidentified w i t h the main interest-groups, w h e t h e r e t h n i c o r c l a s s , t h e y w e r e a v a i l a b l e i n a diffuse f o r m as a m e d i a t i n g e l e m e n t , relatively neutral g r o u n d , in social and political conflict. Religious institutions w e r e therefore generally accorded respect b y t h e p o l i t i c a l é l i t e , p r o v i d e d t h a t t h e y d i d n o t a p p e a r as a r i v a l f o c u s o f a u t h o r i t y t o t h e state. I f t h e y d i d , l i k e A l i c e L e n s h i n a ' s L u m p a c h u r c h i n N o r t h e r n Z a m b i a i n t h e late 1 9 6 0 s o r t h e R o m a n C a t h o l i c c h u r c h i n s e v e r a l c o u n t r i e s ( f o r i n s t a n c e , Z a i r e in t h e 1960s, A n g o l a in the 1970s) since i n d e p e n d e n c e , they m i g h t e x p e c t t o find t h e p o w e r o f t h e s t a t e m o b i l i s e d a g a i n s t t h e m .

C L A S S

F O R M A T I O N

W e turn n o w to that other, ' v e r t i c a l ' , d i m e n s i o n o f social structure, the c o n s e q u e n c e o f the social d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r and the h i e r a r c h y o f p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l t h a t is s o a m b i g u o u s l y c o o r d i n a t e d w i t h the system o f regional and cultural divisions. G r e a t t h o u g h t h e effects o f c o l o n i a l r u l e h a d b e e n o n t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s o f A r a b N o r t h A f r i c a , w e c a n still a p p r o a c h t h e m as t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s o f pre-existing systems o f relations b e t w e e n social categories: peasants, pastoralists and n o m a d s , l a n d o w n e r s , urban ' b o u r g e o i s ' 162

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CLASS

F O R M A T I O N

g r o u p s l i k e m e r c h a n t s , officials o r I s l a m i c i n t e l l i g e n t s i a

('ulamd'),

and lower-class traders, craftsmen, labourers and the urban p o o r . T o these h a v e been a d d e d a m o d e r n - e d u c a t e d stratum, t e n d i n g to be d r a w n f r o m the o l d ' b o u r g e o i s i e ' , w h i c h has taken o v e r the main part o f r u n n i n g industrial

proletariat,

state and

military institutions;

especially in

E g y p t and

in

and

an

a city like

Casablanca. A l g e r i a , because o f the h e a v y presence o f the F r e n c h settlers o v e r m a n y d e c a d e s , has c o m e nearest

to a

complete

r e w o r k i n g o f its p r e - c o l o n i a l s o c i a l s y s t e m , w h i l e M o r o c c o , b r i e f l y and l i g h t l y c o l o n i s e d , has the least. B u t the national societies o f sub-Saharan Africa w e r e made, rather than remade. S u c h carry­ o v e r as t h e r e h a d b e e n f r o m p r e - c o l o n i a l s y s t e m s o f i n d i g e n o u s stratification, o u t s i d e v e r y local spheres, w a s m o s t m a r k e d in the case o f a few v e r y c o h e r e n t polities, n o t a b l y the emirates Northern

Nigeria and

Buganda, which managed

to

of

reach

a

9

p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n as t h e ' c o r e o f a c o l o n y ; b u t b e y o n d t h a t , t h e continuity was m o r e a matter o f attitudes to rank and inequality (a n o t o r i o u s l y e l u s i v e f a c t o r ) o r o f s u c h s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l r o l e s as that o f chief, w h i c h m i g h t radically c h a n g e their c o n t e n t s . T h e alleged classlessness o f m u c h o f pre-colonial Africa, w h i l e relating in m a n y c a s e s t o s o m e r e a l d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n A f r i c a n

and

1

E u r o p e a n o r A s i a n s o c i e t i e s , w a s r e l e v a n t as a n i d e o l o g y o r a n aspiration,

not

as

an

explanation

of

what

developed

with

nationalism. T o the extent that class expresses o c c u p a t i o n , g r o s s e m p l o y m e n t statistics g i v e s o m e i m p r e s s i o n o f the g r e a t r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n in t h e s i z e o f p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s c a t e g o r i e s , as t h e y h a d c o m e t o e x i s t a r o u n d i 9 6 0 , a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y o f t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h , as m e a s u r e d by

wage employment,

populations

had

especially outside

then m o v e d from

agriculture,

African

l i v i n g in c o m m u n i t i e s

p r e d o m i n a n t l y s u b s i s t e n c e c u l t i v a t o r s (cf. t a b l e 4 . 3 ) . T h e

of

figures

d o n o t s u g g e s t a n y s i n g l e p a t h o f c h a n g e , in w h i c h t h i s s i n g l e indicator, the e m p l o y m e n t pattern, systematically correlates w i t h other

aspects o f social change. W e s t and

Central Africa

had

r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e r t o t a l l a b o u r f o r c e s , n o d o u b t as a r e s u l t o f t h e g r e a t e r e c o n o m i c r o l e o f w o m e n . S o u t h e r n A f r i c a , a n d a b o v e all 1

L . A . Falters, Inequality: social stratification reconsidered ( C h i c a g o , 1973) is a v a l u a b l e

d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n t r a d i t i o n a l a n d m o d e r n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , b o t h in B u g a n d a and generally. See t o o , M . G . S m i t h , 'Pre-industrial stratification s y s t e m s ' ,

in M . J. S m e l s e r a n d S. M . L i p s e t ( e d s . ) , Social structure and mobility in economic development ( C h i c a g o a n d L o n d o n , 1966).

163

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S O C I A L

T a b l e 4.3.

A N D C U L T U R A L

C H A N G E

Employment in Africa, by region,

Labour force as % of total population Wage-earners as % of labour force Agricultural wage-earners as % of labour force Non-agricultural wageearners as % of labour force Non-wage-earners, as % of labour force

i960.

North

East

Central

South

West

34.6

36.5

42.1

35.5

45.8

33-*

15.4

15.2

63.3

6.1

12.8

5.3

3.6

13.3

0.09

20.4

IO.I

11.6

50.0

5-2

66.8

84.6

84.8

36.7

93-9

K. C. Doctor and H. Gallis, 'Size and characteristics of wage em­ ployment in Africa', International labour review, 1966, 93, 166-7.

Source:

the R e p u b l i c o f S o u t h Africa, had easily the m o s t w a g e - e a r n e r s , p r e d o m i n a n t l y in n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l j o b s , b e i n g f o l l o w e d here b y North

Africa. Within N o r t h

Africa,

Egypt, populous,

highly

urbanised and partially industrialised, contributed m o r e than the o t h e r s t o t h i s p i c t u r e . O u t s i d e t h e s e a r e a s , M o z a m b i q u e w i t h 30.5 p e r c e n t , a n d A n g o l a w i t h 27 p e r c e n t h a d t h e h i g h e s t p r o p o r t i o n s of wage-earners. East and Central Africa had c o m p a r a b l e profiles t h r o u g h o u t , w i t h l e v e l s o f w a g e - e a r n i n g , b o t h in a g r i c u l t u r e and o u t s i d e it, w e l l b e l o w N o r t h a n d S o u t h , b u t s i g n i f i c a n t l y a b o v e W e s t Africa. W e s t Africa, with few plantations and overall l o w i s h l e v e l s o f f a c t o r y o r m i n i n g e m p l o y m e n t , s h o w e d i t s e l f as

the

s t r o n g h o l d o f the peasant farmer and the petty entrepreneur.

Peasantisation? Discussion o v e r the

past

t w o decades o f the

changing

class

character o f the A f r i c a n rural p o p u l a t i o n has largely b e e n c o n ­ cerned

with whether

'peasants'.

1

Such

a

it is t o b e c o n s i d e r e d claim

goes

beyond

the

as c o m p o s e d

of

unexceptionable

1

D i s c u s s i o n t o o k t h i s t u r n in t h e 1960s, t h o u g h t h e t e r m pay san i n t h e F r e n c h literature, used earlier, n e v e r b e c a m e the f o c u s o f debate a b o u t the character o f rural t r a n s f o r m a t i o n in q u i t e t h e s a m e w a y as it d i d i n t h e E n g l i s h . S e e L . A . F a l l e r s , ' A r e A f r i c a n c u l t i v a t o r s t o b e c a l l e d " p e a s a n t s " ? ' , Current Anthropology, 1961, 2, 1 0 8 - 1 0 ; R. S t a v e n h a g e n , Social classes in agrarian societies ( G a r d e n C i t y , 1975), 6 4 - 7 1 , 1 1 9 - 6 2 o n

164

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CLASS FORMATION

assertion that the v a s t m a j o r i t y o f a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprises in A f r i c a d u r i n g o u r period - e x c e p t for large capitalist estates,

whether

p r i v a t e l y o r state o w n e d - t e n d e d t o c o i n c i d e w i t h d o m e s t i c units, s o t h a t t h e d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r w a s still l a r g e l y e x p r e s s e d t h r o u g h the kinship structure.

It i n s i s t s o n t h e i m p o r t a n t

consequence

that m o s t s u c h p r o d u c i n g units w e r e , to an e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g extent, politically and economically subordinated to non-producers, and, d r a w i n g an a n a l o g y w i t h the large agrarian societies o f Eurasia (as

such

c a t e g o r i e s as

'middle

peasants'

and

even

'kulaks'

1

declare), implies that certain definite relations and actions w o u l d e m e r g e . T h e c e n t r a l i s s u e s t o b e c o n s i d e r e d a r e , first, w h a t k i n d o f differentiation w a s o c c u r r i n g w i t h i n rural c o m m u n i t i e s

and,

secondly, the nature o f the links b e t w e e n the rural c o m m u n i t i e s and external or higher-order

institutions.

I n m o s t a r e a s o f A f r i c a at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d l a n d w a s p l e n t i f u l in r e l a t i o n t o p o p u l a t i o n n e e d s , s o c o n t r o l o f it as a s c a r c e r e s o u r c e w a s n o t t h e b a s i s o f s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y . S i n c e p r o d u c t i o n w a s geared to the h o u s e h o l d ' s c o n s u m p t i o n needs, the a m o u n t o f land required and w o r k e d tended to v a r y w i t h the size o f this unit, a n d family-failure, rather than l a n d - s h o r t a g e , w a s the s o u r c e o f e c o n o m i c difficulty. C h i e f s and

lineage-heads

were

' o w n e r s ' o f the land o n l y in that they held the right to allocate land to actual o r potential m e m b e r s o f their c o m m u n i t i e s ; but, with a few conspicuous exceptions like Ethiopia, R w a n d a , B u ­ rundi o r s o m e societies in the w e s t e r n S u d a n , t h e y d i d n o t m a k e heavy levies o n agricultural production or maintain a radically different l i f e - s t y l e . T h e a u t h o r i t y o f c h i e f s , as o f h o u s e h o l d

or

lineage heads, required a h i g h degree o f redistribution o f w h a t resources c a m e their w a y . A s there w a s n o landlessness, there w a s no wage-labour. S o m e t h i n g like these c o n d i t i o n s p r e v a i l e d in a g o o d m a n y areas o f A f r i c a as late as t h e 1 9 5 0 s , t h o u g h it h a d b e g u n t o p a s s o u t t h e A g n i o f I v o r y C o a s t ; K . P o s t , ' P e a s a n t i s a t i o n a n d r u r a l p o l i t i c a l m o v e m e n t s in

W e s t e r n A f r i c a ' , Archives Européennes de Sociologie, 1972, 1 3 , 223-54. 1

F o r ' m i d d l e p e a s a n t s ' (this b e i n g an a l l u s i o n t o the g r o u p w h o s e s u p p o r t w a s c l a i m e d critical for M a o in C h i n a ) , G . W i l l i a m s , ' P o l i t i c a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s a m o n g the I b a d a n p o o r ' , in E . d e K a d t a n d G . W i l l i a m s ( e d s . ) , Sociology and development ( L o n d o n , 1974), 1 3 0 - 1 . ' K u l a k s ' w a s u s e d b y G . A r r i g h i a n d J . S . S a u l , ' S o c i a l i s m a n d

d e v e l o p m e n t in t r o p i c a l A f r i c a ' , Journal of Modern African Studies, 1968, 6 , 1 4 1 - 6 9 , a n d s i n c e t h e n v e r y g e n e r a l l y b y M a r x i s t w r i t e r s o n E a s t A f r i c a , s u c h as M . M a m d a n i ,

Politics and class formation

in Uganda ( L o n d o n , 1976), w h o m a k e s t h e s u r p r i s i n g c l a i m

t h a t it ' i s t h e p o p u l a r u s a g e in E a s t A f r i c a ' ( p . 10).

165

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S O C I A L

A N D C U L T U R A L

C H A N G E

o f e x i s t e n c e as e a r l y as t h e 1900s in t h o s e p a r t s o f W e s t A f r i c a w h e r e c a s h - c r o p f a r m i n g first d e v e l o p e d o n a l a r g e s c a l e . C a s h - c r o p f a r m i n g , a n d t h e l a n d s h o r t a g e o f t e n l i n k e d w i t h it, s t i m u l a t e d t w o kinds o f differentiation w i t h i n local c o m m u n i t i e s : b e t w e e n farmeremployers and wage-labourers, and b e t w e e n richer and

poorer

f a r m e r s . S t u d i e s in Z a m b i a a n d K e n y a h a v e s h o w n h o w e n t e r ­ prising cash farmers b r o k e w i t h m a n y o f the c o m m u n a l

norms,

w h i c h enjoined redistribution and so restrained e c o n o m i c polar­ isation, and discerned parallels w i t h E u r o p e ' s ' P r o t e s t a n t E t h i c ' . L a n d titles g e n e r a l l y b e c a m e m o r e i n d i v i d u a l i s e d , a n d

1

labour

s y s t e m s less d e p e n d e n t o n c o r p o r a t e k i n g r o u p i n g s . S t u d i e s o v e r a w i d e area h a v e c o n c l u d e d t h a t t h e a d v a n c e m e n t o f s u c c e s s f u l farmers tended to be consolidated b y the local intervention o f the state, w h o s e e x t e n s i o n s e r v i c e s , l o a n s c h e m e s a n d s o o n b e n e f i t e d them rather than the p o o r e r farmers. B u t despite these tendencies, a m a r k e d rural polarisation w a s s l o w to e m e r g e . T h i s w o u l d be a process sustained o v e r several generations and few historical

studies

have

been

done.

adequate

Polly Hill, h o w e v e r ,

has

d o c u m e n t e d , in a H a u s a v i l l a g e e x h i b i t i n g l a n d s c a r c i t y , c o m ­ m e r c i a l a g r i c u l t u r e a n d a m a r k e t in l a n d , w h a t h a s e l s e w h e r e b e e n c a l l e d ' c y c l i c a l m o b i l i t y ' - t h e rise a n d fall o f f a r m i n g f a m i l i e s , as l a r g e r l a n d h o l d i n g s w e r e b r o k e n u p (a p r o c e s s g r e a t l y a s s i s t e d in Africa b y the p o l y g y n y o f the w e a l t h i e r farmers), w h i l e p o o r e r farmers

either

themselves up.

dropped 2

out

o f the

rural c o m m u n i t y

or

built

E v e n in B u g a n d a , w h e r e s o m e t h i n g l i k e a l a n d e d

g e n t r y w a s m a n u f a c t u r e d u n d e r t h e 1900 A g r e e m e n t , t h e s o - c a l l e d

mailo

estates had been largely b r o k e n u p b y the 1950s, and, w h i l e

t h e r e w a s c o n s i d e r a b l e i n e q u a l i t y in l a n d h o l d i n g , t h e r e w a s a s p e c t r u m f r o m l a r g e t o s m a l l o w n e r s , as w e l l as a c o m p l e x o f o t h e r k i n d s o f ties l i n k i n g t h e m . I n m a n y a r e a s o f W e s t A f r i c a , w h e r e cash-crop migrants

farmers often

unconditionally, 1

e m p l o y e d strangers

as w a g e - l a b o u r e r s ,

the

w e n t o n t o a c q u i r e l a n d , e i t h e r as t e n a n t s to

produce

cash crops

themselves.

In

or

most

N . L o n g , Social change and the individual ( M a n c h e s t e r , 1968) o n t h e r o l e o f J e h o v a h ' s

W i t n e s s e s a m o n g t h e Z a m b i a n L a l a in l e g i t i m i s i n g a b r e a k w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l u s e s o f

l a b o u r , o r D . J. P a r k i n , Palms, wine and witnesses ( L o n d o n , 1972) o n h o w s u c c e s s f u l G i r i a m a c o p r a - p r o d u c e r s in K e n y a u s e I s l a m i c c o n v e r s i o n t o d i s t a n c e t h e m s e l v e s f r o m their fellows. 2

P o l l y H i l l , Rural Hausa: a village and a setting ( C a m b r i d g e , 1972), e s p e c i a l l y c h a p t e r s

1 0 - 1 3 . S i m i l a r p r o c e s s e s w e r e n o t e d in late n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y R u s s i a , w h o s e k u l a k s w e r e less l i k e E n g l i s h y e o m e n o f a n e a r l i e r p e r i o d t h a n h a s b e e n a s s u m e d ; cf. T . S h a n i n ,

The awkward class ( O x f o r d , 1972).

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C L A S S

F O R M A T I O N

A f r i c a n rural areas b y t h e 1970s, then, w h e r e there h a d n o t b e e n l a r g e - s c a l e e x p r o p r i a t i o n o f l a n d f r o m A f r i c a n s as a r e s u l t o f c o l o n i a l p o l i c y , w e find a n o v e r l a p p i n g a n d s h i f t i n g o f e c o n o m i c statuses: small farmers

employing occasional migrant

labour,

migrants establishing quite large enterprises, individuals m o v i n g t h r o u g h different e c o n o m i c statuses. S o despite incipient class differences, a fundamental ality o f c o n d i t i o n s f o r a l l ' p e a s a n t s ' e n d u r e d .

common­

In the bid for

amenities s u c h as a tarred r o a d o r a d a m f r o m t h e state, t h e m o r e prosperous

farmers

movements

o r political parties

inevitably provided,

through

cooperative

o r local g o v e r n m e n t ,

general

leadership o f their c o m m u n i t i e s . T h a t leadership tended t o b e linked w i t h s o m e c o n f o r m i t y t o traditional n o r m s o f redistri­ b u t i o n , s e c u r e d p e r h a p s b y e x t e n s i v e k i n s h i p a n d affinal t i e s . I t w a s ironic that T a n z a n i a ' s r u l i n g party, o n e o f w h o s e roots lay in t h e c o o p e r a t i v e societies o f the agriculturally a d v a n c e d area near L a k e V i c t o r i a , s h o u l d c o m m i t itself, i n t h e n a m e o f o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e polarisation o f ' k u l a k s ' a n d p o o r peasants, to policies w h i c h i g n o r e d this p a t t e r n i n g o f local interest

vis-a-vis t h e

s t a t e . Its

ujamaa

p o l i c i e s a p p e a l e d less t o t h e p o o r e r p e a s a n t s a g a i n s t t h e r i c h e r t h a n t o t h e p o o r e r r e g i o n s - t h o s e less a d v a n c e d i n c a s h - c r o p p i n g — as against the richer o n e s like the C h a g a o r the S u k u m a . It w a s misleading, particularly granted marked regional unevenness in d e v e l o p m e n t , t o identify these rural g r a d a t i o n s as t h e g e r m s o f national social classes. The

1

w i d e r national

though

environment

it p r o v i d e d s o m e s u p p o r t

o f the rural

community,

to the larger-scale

peasant

p r o d u c e r s , also d i s c o u r a g e d the e m e r g e n c e o f a landed u p p e r class in o t h e r w a y s . I n g e n e r a l , s o p o o r w e r e t h e r e w a r d s o f f a r m i n g relative t o s o m e other o c c u p a t i o n s that p r o s p e r o u s farmers w e r e soon

likely

to divert

much

investment

outside

agriculture,

b r a n c h i n g into transport o r c o m m e r c e and educating their children for

bureaucratic e m p l o y m e n t . I n s u m , they o r their

children,

1

T h e e v a l u a t i o n o f t h e ujamaa p o l i c y is c o n t e n t i o u s , s i n c e m u c h i d e o l o g y h a s b e e n i n v e s t e d in it, b u t see D . F e l d m a n , ' T h e e c o n o m i c s o f i d e o l o g y : s o m e p r o b l e m s o f a c h i e v i n g r u r a l s o c i a l i s m i n T a n z a n i a ' , i n C . T . L e y s ( e d . ) , Politics and change in developing countries ( C a m b r i d g e , 1969), 8 5 - 1 1 1 ; L . C l i f f e , ' T h e p o l i c y o f Ujamaa Vijijini a n d t h e c l a s s s t r u g g l e i n T a n z a n i a ' , i n L . Cliffe a n d J. S . S a u l ( e d s . ) , Socialism in Tanzania ( N a i r o b i , 97 )> ° l - 1» 1 9 5 - 2 1 1 a n d , a m o s t u s e f u l c o m p a r i s o n w i t h r u r a l p o l i c y i n N i g e r i a i n the l i g h t o f theories o f t h e peasantry, G . W i l l i a m s , ' T a k i n g t h e part o f p e a s a n t s ' , in l

z

v

P . C . W . G u t k i n d a n d I. W a l l e r s t e i n ( e d s . ) , The political economy of Africa ( N e w Y o r k ,

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w i t h o u t a b a n d o n i n g l a n d - r i g h t s o r s o c i a l ties w i t h t h e c o u n t r y s i d e ( w h i c h m i g h t be politically valuable), aspired to join an essentially u r b a n élite, n o t e v e n d e p e n d e n t o n rural rents. T h e m a i n , and perhaps significant e x c e p t i o n to the d i v o r c e o f the national urban élite f r o m s i g n i f i c a n t d i r e c t i n v o l v e m e n t i n a g r i c u l t u r e o c c u r r e d i n G h a n a , K e n y a a n d s o m e o t h e r c o u n t r i e s in t h e late 1960s a n d early 1970s, w h e r e , w i t h f o o d shortages, inflation and c o n s e q u e n t h i g h p r i c e s , s o m e m e m b e r s o f t h e é l i t e b e g a n t o m o v e i n t o fairly large-scale capitalist farming o f f o o d c r o p s , intended for urban c o n s u m p t i o n , using their influence to acquire surplus land and g e t t i n g financial s u p p o r t f r o m s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s . F o r t h o u g h n a t i o n a l i s m d e r i v e d its m a i n r u r a l s u p p o r t i n c a s h - c r o p a r e a s , a n d its l e a d e r s w e r e o f t e n d r a w n f r o m t h e f a m i l i e s o f p r o s p e r o u s p e a s a n t f a r m e r s ( s o t h a t a n affinity o f t h e r u r a l p e t t y c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c e r a n d t h e n a t i o n a l i s t state s e e m e d l i k e l y ) , a n d t h o u g h m o s t states c o n t i n u e d t o b e d i s p o s e d t o offer s o m e , r e l a t i v e , r e w a r d t o the larger peasant farmers (if o n l y to secure the c o m p l i a n c e o f m e n w h o represented the o r g a n i s e d local interests o f peasants g e n e r a l l y ) , t h e n a t i o n a l i s t state w a s n o t t h e state of t h i s r u r a l stratum. T h e g a p b e t w e e n the farmers and the non-agricultural sectors o f society remained crucial. T h e p e a s a n t m o v e m e n t s o f t h e 1960s m u s t b e set i n a l o n g tradition o f rural unrest, w h o s e a m b i g u o u s and protean character h a s m a d e it difficult t o i n t e r p r e t . T h e r e h a d b e e n w i d e s p r e a d o p p o s i t i o n , o f n o particular class character, to the i m p o s i t i o n o f c o l o n i a l rule - the chiefs' loss o f w i d e discretionary p o w e r s , f o r c e d l a b o u r , l e v y i n g o f t a x - o f w h i c h t h e last r e m a i n e d a k e y f e a t u r e o f n e a r l y all s u b s e q u e n t p e a s a n t o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e state, w h e t h e r c o l o n i a l o r national. In the 1910s and 1920s these t h e m e s continued, often to blend w i t h w h a t w e r e essentially m o v e m e n t s o f c u l t u r a l r e i n t e g r a t i o n after t h e first s h o c k s o f c o l o n i a l s o c i a l change. T h e i r concerns had often been religious and included witch-finding, faith-healing and suchlike, but had sometimes assumed a m o r e political tone if they w e r e subject to harsh r e p r e s s i o n . T h e 1 9 3 0 s a n d 1940s h a d s e e n w i d e s p r e a d r e s i s t a n c e t o t a x , w h e n i n c o m e l e v e l s fell d u r i n g t h e d e p r e s s i o n , as w e l l as t o t h e c o l o n i a l r e g u l a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r e in t h e f o r m o f c o m p u l s o r y c r o p - p l a n t i n g , a n d s a n i t a r y o r i n o c u l a t i o n m e a s u r e s . It h a d a l s o seen the establishment b y farmers o f c o o p e r a t i v e s to reduce their d e p e n d e n c e o n m i d d l e m e n in m a r k e t i n g . T h e l a t e r c o l o n i a l states 168

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had tried unsuccessfully to depoliticise c o o p e r a t i v e societies, and a l s o t r a d e u n i o n s , w h i c h p l a y e d , at l e a s t i n f o r m a l l y , a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e in n a t i o n a l i s t m o b i l i s a t i o n f r o m t h e l a t e 1 9 4 0 s . T h i s f a c i l i t a t e d t h e i r v i r t u a l a p p r o p r i a t i o n b y t h e g o v e r n i n g p a r t i e s as a n i n s t r u ­ m e n t to c o n t r o l the rural p o p u l a t i o n . A further d e v i c e for the e x p l o i t a t i o n o f f a r m e r s , s o c o n v e n i e n t t h a t it h a s b e e n a d o p t e d v e r y w i d e l y in s u b - S a h a r a n A f r i c a , w a s the m a r k e t i n g b o a r d , b y w h i c h t h e s t a t e , t h r o u g h m o n o p s o n i s t fixing o f p r o d u c e r p r i c e s , c o u l d t a x p e a s a n t f a r m e r s at w i l l . T h e r e w e r e s e v e r a l r e a s o n s w h y this e x p l o i t a t i o n i n i t i a l l y m e t w i t h s o little p r o t e s t : it w a s a w e l l - c o n c e a l e d f o r m o f i m p o s t c o m p a r e d w i t h r e n t s o r t a x e s ; it w a s i n t r o d u c e d at a t i m e w h e n , o w i n g t o t h e h i g h l e v e l o f w o r l d p r o d u c e r prices, sustained f r o m the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r into the late 1 9 5 0 s , m o s t f a r m e r s w e r e a b s o l u t e l y b e t t e r o f f t h a n t h e y h a d e v e r been. A p r o p o r t i o n o f w h a t w a s taken w a s redistributed in the f o r m o f c o m m u n a l welfare g o o d s v a l u e d b y the farmers, and a b o v e all i n t h e f o r m o f i n c r e a s e d e d u c a t i o n a l s e r v i c e s . A n d t h e r e w a s a diffuse s p i n - o f f f r o m t h e s p e n d i n g o f t h e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and the n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l sector. B u t t h e 1960s s a w a r e v i v a l o f a g r a r i a n d i s c o n t e n t , e s p e c i a l l y in s o m e o f the earliest and w e a l t h i e s t c a s h - c r o p g r o w i n g areas like the Y o r u b a c o c o a areas and the g r o u n d n u t r e g i o n o f S e n e g a l . W o r l d p r i c e s h a d s l u m p e d , a n d it w a s difficult f o r t h e g o v e r n m e n t s to reduce the bureaucracies they had e x p a n d e d w i t h the m a r k e t i n g b o a r d s ' r e s e r v e s . T h e s i t u a t i o n in N i g e r i a w a s a g g r a v a t e d b y t h e financial s t r a i n o f its c i v i l w a r . T h e S e n e g a l e s e p e a s a n t s r e s p o n d e d by shifting back to subsistence crops, thus r e d u c i n g the p r o p o r t i o n o f their o u t p u t w h i c h c o u l d be taxed, and c a u s i n g a major crisis in t h e n a t i o n a l e c o n o m y . T h e Y o r u b a p e a s a n t s , r e l u c t a n t t o a b a n d o n the l o n g - t e r m i n v e s t m e n t w h i c h c o c o a trees represent, b a c k e d u p their d e m a n d s for r e d u c e d taxes and better p r o d u c e r p r i c e s w i t h a t t a c k s o n g o v e r n m e n t offices a n d a v i r t u a l t a k e - o v e r o f the c o u n t r y s i d e r o u n d Ibadan. S u c h responses m i g h t be c o m p a r e d t o t h e r e s i s t a n c e o f s o m e r u r a l a r e a s t o t h e ujamaa p r o g r a m m e in T a n z a n i a in t h e e a r l y 1 9 7 0 s , l e a d i n g t o v i o l e n c e b o t h b y a n d a g a i n s t t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f a ' s o c i a l i s t ' state. It is very doubtful whether such actions should be taken to indicate the d e v e l o p m e n t o f a w i d e s p r e a d and solidary ' p e a s a n t ' class c o n s c i o u s n e s s , o v e r r i d i n g o t h e r i d e n t i t i e s , o r t h a t p e a s a n t s as s u c h w e r e in t h e p r o c e s s o f b e c o m i n g a d i s t i n c t p o l i t i c a l f o r c e , r a t h e r 169

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than m e r e l y the s o u r c e o f sporadic pressures o n the political elite. F o r the relations o f the f a r m i n g p o p u l a t i o n w i t h the rest o f s o c i e t y w e r e t o o c o m p l e x and ambivalent. T h e urban sector and the a g e n c i e s o f t h e state m i g h t rest o n r e s o u r c e s e x t r a c t e d f r o m farmers, but they p r o v i d e d crucial general conditions for the existence and d e v e l o p m e n t o f the rural c a s h - e c o n o m y t o w h i c h the farmers w e r e c o m m i t t e d . A t a m o r e c o n c r e t e and individual l e v e l , b e c a u s e o f t h e ties w h i c h l i n k e d f a r m e r s a n d t h e i r k i n s f o l k i n t o w n s , f a r m e r s l o o k e d t o t h e u r b a n s e c t o r as o n e p o s s i b l e s o u r c e o f support. Because agrarian conditions tended to be regionally fairly s p e c i f i c , t h e d e m a n d s o f f a r m e r s b l u r r e d i n t o t h e d e m a n d s o f r e g i o n s and ethnic g r o u p s ; a n d , in g e n e r a l , t h e y d e p e n d e d o n ethnic politicians or urban political b r o k e r s to negotiate their interests.

The entrepreneurial hierarchy W i t h the w i d e s p r e a d d e v e l o p m e n t o f small-scale export-oriented a g r i c u l t u r e , a n e x t e n s i v e t r a d i n g h i e r a r c h y d e v e l o p e d . It h a d t w o sides, b u y i n g agricultural p r o d u c e and selling manufactured g o o d s , w h i c h , b y t h e 1920s a n d 1 9 3 0 s , b o t h t e n d e d t o b e d o m i n a t e d b y the same large E u r o p e a n enterprises. In W e s t Africa, w h e r e cash-cropping w a s m o s t a d v a n c e d , and rural i n c o m e s h i g h e s t , t h e h i e r a r c h y t y p i c a l l y h a d s e v e r a l t i e r s : (i) l o c a l h e a d office, c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e a c t u a l i m p o r t a n d e x p o r t o f g o o d s ; (ii) b r a n c h e s at k e y l o c a l c e n t r e s f o r c o l l e c t i o n a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n , r u n b y E u r o p e a n s w h o m a d e a r r a n g e m e n t s w i t h (iii) l o c a l a g e n t s , usually m e n o f s o m e standing, to w h o m they advanced cash to buy p r o d u c e and g o o d s to sell; and (iv) smaller m e n , w i t h o u t substantial capital or property, w h o actually contacted the farmers or h a w k e d r o u n d the villages. In those areas, especially o f East, Central and southern Africa, w h e r e rural c a s h - i n c o m e s w e r e m o s t l y derived from urban remittances, trading was m o r e focussed o n t h e s m a l l s t o r e t h a t , a l o n g w i t h t h e boma a n d l a t e r t h e dispensary, b e c a m e the focal p o i n t o f an area o f dispersed settlement. T h e p r o d u c e - c o l l e c t i o n side o f the t r a d i n g hierarchy in W e s t A f r i c a m e a n t t h a t t h e b u y i n g a g e n t s a n d t h e s o - c a l l e d ' m i d d l e m e n ' t e n d e d t o b e n a t i v e s , t h a t is, m e n w i t h l o c a l c o n n e x i o n s . B u t o t h e r w i s e traders w e r e often strangers; partly, n o d o u b t , b e c a u s e t h e h i e r a r c h y w a s set u p f r o m o u t s i d e a n d h a d penetrated into the rural localities, and partly because there w e r e 170

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operational advantages in being culturally distinctive and free from local communal pressures. Some African peoples became k n o w n as traders, like the K w a h u in G h a n a o r the Ijebu in Nigeria. M o r e c o n s p i c u o u s w e r e the Syrians (Lebanese) in W e s t Africa and Indians in East Africa. T h e Indians were found at every level from substantial shopkeepers in the large cities to tiny up-country storekeepers; the Syrians were more to be found in the middle-to-high levels o f the hierarchy b u y i n g p r o d u c e and selling cloth. In A n g o l a , this kind o f role w a s often taken up by small Portuguese traders, often recent immigrants. F r o m the late 1930s this hierarchy began to change its character. T h e development o f m o t o r transport and better roads enabled some local b u y i n g agents to branch out into transport. T h e war caused a reorganisation o f the marketing arrangements, and the large expatriate concerns tended to w i t h d r a w from the middle levels o f the produce-buying hierarchy, leaving them to African or Asian enterprises. In the late 1940s rising entrepreneurs were an important base o f the nationalist m o v e m e n t , t h r o u g h w h i c h they made accusations against b o t h the colonial state and expatriate firms and banks for limiting their opportunities, especially by credit restrictions and oligopolistic agreements at higher levels. T h e same period in East Africa saw the emergence o f a really significant African g r o u p o f small traders and transporters, w h o s e antipathy to the Asians became an enduring strand o f nationalism. T h e nationalist success in the 1950s initially meant a definite improvement in the environment for traders: rapid urban g r o w t h which expanded their potential markets; loans made available for transport and other d e v e l o p m e n t s , provided from agricultural surpluses; and in East Africa, administrative measures against Asians. T h e arena for entrepreneurs at all levels shifted m u c h more towards the middling and large t o w n s . T h e larger commercial magnates stood at the apex o f a pyramid o f wealth and status w h i c h ran d o w n , w i t h many gradations, to the urban p o o r ; labourers, drivers, small traders and petty c o m m o d i t y producers o f all kinds. M a n y traditional crafts were undermined by imported manufactures and changed needs, but the cities p r o v i d e d large markets for n e w , m o r e informally 1

.' D. L. Wheeler and R. Pelissier, Angola (London, 1971), 64, 14) emphasise that 'the ordinary Portuguese inhabitant of Angola was not a farmer or industrialist, but a petty trader, a strtaiujo (storekeeper), whose ambitions were limited to owning a laberna or store'. «7I

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o r g a n i s e d c r a f t s , s u c h as t h o s e c o n c e r n e d w i t h s u p p l y i n g p r e p a r e d food and clothing, servicing vehicles, constructing a n d maintain­ i n g buildings, furniture a n d other appliances. H e r e there w e r e n o f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n a l b a r r i e r s t o e n t r y , a n d little initial c a p i t a l w a s needed. T h e master m i g h t have apprentices, and also e m p l o y s o m e extra labour, in a situation o f intense c o m p e t i t i o n a n d small profit margins. S u c h w e r e the capital, technical a n d m a n a g e m e n t obstacles t o e x p a n d i n g a single enterprise's scale o f p r o d u c t i o n b e y o n d a certain point, that successful petty c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c e r s a s p i r e d i n s t e a d t o m o v e u p t h e distributive h i e r a r c h y , t o b e c o m e traders in their o w n supplies, a n d then t o b r a n c h o u t into transport, building contracting, and distribution o f consumption g o o d s like beer o r tinned foods. C o m m e r c i a l success w a s largely a m a t t e r , at t h e u p p e r e n d , o f s e c u r i n g m o n o p o l i s t i c a d v a n t a g e o v e r competitors t h r o u g h contacts w i t h expatriate suppliers and g o v e r n m e n t officials, a n d a l s o , at t h e l o w e r e n d , o f m a n a g i n g relations w i t h a range o f occasional o r full-time e m p l o y e e s , sub-contractors, apprentices, personal clients, junior partners and tenants. T h i s h a d implications f o r the pattern o f class relations w i t h i n the informal urban sector. D e s p i t e the various w a y s in w h i c h t h e b i g e n t r e p r e n e u r m i g h t b e said t o e x p l o i t h i s s u b o r ­ dinates, his continued operation d i d ultimately d e p e n d o n his m a i n t a i n i n g h i s n e t w o r k o f s u b o r d i n a t e s a n d his w i d e r r e p u t a t i o n . C o n s e q u e n t l y h e h a d t o d i s p l a y p e r s o n a l g e n e r o s i t y , offer h e l p a n d l o a n s t o i n d i v i d u a l s a n d c o m m u n a l l e a d e r s h i p , e s p e c i a l l y vis-à-vis the agencies o f g o v e r n m e n t . T h e c o m m e r c i a l m a g n a t e , rather than the manufacturer o r the bureaucrat, needed a n d w a s able t o sustain in t o w n s o m e t h i n g o f the o p e n - h a n d e d ethic o f traditional chiefship. Despite his wealth, he w a s likely t o be a m a n o f h u m b l e o r i g i n s a n d s m a l l e d u c a t i o n w h o s e r v e d as a r o l e - e x e m p l a r , a paradigm o f success, to the youthful urban poor. A paradoxical d e v e l o p m e n t in S o u t h Africa in t h e 1950s w a s h o w s u c h entre­ preneurs tended to displace the o l d educated leadership o f the A f r i c a n u r b a n c o m m u n i t y , s u c h as t h e t e a c h e r s o r c l e r g y , s i n c e t h e s e latter w e r e c o m p r o m i s e d b y b e i n g m a d e e l e m e n t s i n t h e regime's system o f control. T h i s a c c o u n t o f the social structure o f the informal urban sector h a s , it is t r u e , l a r g e l y b e e n d e r i v e d f r o m t h e i n s t a n c e o f N i g e r i a , w h o s e s i z e a n d w e a l t h as a n a t i o n a l e c o n o m y c r e a t e d , f r o m t h e 1950s a n d e s p e c i a l l y after 1 9 7 0 , a p a r t i c u l a r l y c o m p l e x e n t r e p r e 172

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neurial hierarchy. S o m e t h i n g similar also e m e r g e d in o t h e r c o u n t r i e s , s u c h as K e n y a o r t h e I v o r y C o a s t , w h i c h w e r e r e l a t i v e l y rich and espoused a 'capitalist' or ' m i x e d ' e c o n o m i c policy. P o v e r t y , p e r h a p s m o r e t h a n p r o f e s s e d ' s o c i a l i s m ' , l i m i t e d its d e v e l o p m e n t i n s u c h c o u n t r i e s as T a n z a n i a o r M a l i . T h e n a t i o n a l i s t e p o c h b o t h g a v e s c o p e to this i n d i g e n o u s c o m m e r c i a l class a n d set b o u n d s t o it. A w h e e l c a m e full c i r c l e : t h e e n t r e p r e n e u r s , h a v i n g s u p p o r t e d the nationalist m o v e m e n t to c h a l l e n g e the c o l o n i a l state and the expatriate trading c o m p a n i e s , a g a i n f o u n d t h e m s e l v e s s u b o r d i n a t e d t o the state, n o w A f r i c a n i s e d , and t o the expatriate enterprises. E x c e p t f o r t h e s m a l l e s t a n d p o o r e s t c o u n t r i e s , after t h e 1 9 4 0 s internal markets came to be able to support s o m e local m a n u ­ facturing industries, and policies o f i m p o r t substitution w e r e w i d e l y adopted. T h e s e w e r e neither basic n o r h e a v y industries but were concerned with light manufacturing and assembling, and depended to a great extent o n foreign capital and the c o n t i n u e d importation o f parts or semi-raw materials. F e w locals possessed the capital o r the skills t o d e v e l o p s u c h industries. L o c a l entre­ p r e n e u r s a d a p t e d t o t h i s as d i s t r i b u t o r s o f t h e i r p r o d u c t s o r as small-scale p r o d u c e r s o f cheap c o n s u m p t i o n g o o d s for their w o r k e r s a n d t h e rest o f t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n . A s t o i n d i g e n o u s s o c i a l c l a s s e s , t h e t o p s a l a r i e d s t a t e officials far e c l i p s e d l o c a l entrepreneurs. Nigeria, almost alone, provided a number o f c o n s p i c u o u s exceptions. In the nationalist ruling parties o f socialist countries like M a l i and T a n z a n i a , traders, despite their e a r l y s u p p o r t f o r t h e n a t i o n a l i s t c a u s e , c o n s i s t e n t l y l o s t , in ideological and factional struggle, to bureaucrats and party officials. E v e n i n c o u n t r i e s w h i c h e n d o r s e d ' c a p i t a l i s m ' i n s o m e f o r m , t h e j o b - s e c u r i t y , h i g h s a l a r i e s a n d a b o v e all s t a t e a u t h o r i t y w h i c h officials p o s s e s s e d , e n d o w e d t h e m w i t h u n c h a l l e n g e d a d v a n t a g e s . T h e y allocated the resources o f the state and they w e r e the g a t e w a y t h r o u g h w h i c h expatriate enterprise had to enter t h e A f r i c a n c o u n t r y . H i g h p u b l i c office b e c a m e a b a s e f r o m w h i c h 1

1

O n the cultural h e g e m o n y o f the bureaucrat o v e r the entrepreneur, P. Marris and A . S o m e r s e t , African businessmen ( L o n d o n , 1971), 224-6, s p e a k o f t h e e n t r e p r e n e u r ' s ' d r i v i n g a m b i t i o n t o realise t h r o u g h his o w n enterprise an a c h i e v e m e n t that w i l l c o m m a n d t h e s a m e r e s p e c t as t h e o c c u p a t i o n s o f t h e h i g h e s t s t a t u s . . . t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a n d p o l i t i c a l e l i t e f r o m w h i c h h e is e x c l u d e d . H e t h e r e f o r e e m p h a s i s e s t h o s e p u r p o s e s w h i c h business shares w i t h g o v e r n m e n t . . . for h i m e n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p expresses the spirit o f African socialism*.

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they c o u l d c u t into capitalist enterprises, b u y i n g s t o c k a n d acquiring directorships. T h u s developed a 'national bourgeoisie', r e c r u i t e d f r o m s e n i o r state officials, t h e A f r i c a n m a n a g e r s o f w h o l l y o r p a r t l y f o r e i g n - o w n e d e n t e r p r i s e s , as w e l l as t h e v e r y élite o f t h e m i n u t e l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n d i g e n o u s e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l hierarchy. Workers and unions In contrast w i t h the v a r i e g a t e d mass o f p e o p l e e m p l o y e d o r semi-employed in the informal sector stood those in regular w a g e or salaried e m p l o y m e n t . A v e r y h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f these, e x c e p t for the m i n i n g a n d m o s t h i g h l y industrial e c o n o m i e s , w e r e e m p l o y e e s o f the g o v e r n m e n t o r public corporations. O f these the unionised w o r k e r s - those w h o most resembled the proletariat o f a m o d e r n industrial country - maintained an ambivalent b u t important relationship to the urban poor. A certain F a n o n e s q u e tradition, m o s t c o n v i n c i n g l y represented by A r r i g h i , w i t h primary reference to Central a n d southern Africa, held that these w o r k e r s constituted an 'aristocracy o f l a b o u r ' , a p r i v i l e g e d g r o u p set against the rural a n d urban p o o r . It a r g u e d t h a t t h e y e n j o y e d h i g h e r a n d s e c u r e r i n c o m e s t h a n o t h e r w o r k e r s ; that their v e r y existence d e p e n d e d o n the particular forms o f exploitation o f the rural p o p u l a t i o n ; that their strategic i m p o r t a n c e w i t h i n t h e o r g a n s o f t h e state e n a b l e d t h e m t o m a k e effective d e m a n d s o n the national p r o d u c t ; a n d that in c o n s e q u e n c e o f these interests they identified u p w a r d s w i t h those h i g h e r in the o c c u p a t i o n a l h i e r a r c h y a n d e v e n t h e p o l i t i c a l é l i t e . B u t n o t all s u c h c l a i m s w e r e justified. A b o v e all t h e e v i d e n c e o n w a g e - e a r n e r s ' l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s is n o t e n t i r e l y c l e a r . S o m e s t u d i e s h a v e s u g g e s t e d that, despite h i g h e r w a g e levels, h i g h e r urban l i v i n g costs a n d the pressure o f greater numbers o f dependants o n wage-earners meant that they h a d n o t b e e n significantly a d v a n t a g e d ; o n the other h a n d , t h e v e r y fact o f u r b a n m i g r a t i o n a n d t h e r e p o r t e d a p p e a l 1

2

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G . A r r i g h i , 'International corporations, labor aristocracies and e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p ­ m e n t in t r o p i c a l A f r i c a ' , in G . A r r i g h i a n d J. S . S a u l , Essays on the political economy of Africa ( N e w Y o r k a n d L o n d o n , 1973); s e e t o o , r e s p o n d i n g t o m u c h c r i t i c i s m o f t h e t h e s i s , m o s t l y f r o m t h e left, J. S . S a u l , ' T h e " l a b o u r a r i s t o c r a c y " t h e s i s r e c o n s i d e r e d ' , in R. S a n d b r o o k a n d R. C o h e n ( e d s . ) , The development of an African working class ( L o n d o n , 1975). C f . G . P f e f f e r m a n , Industrial labour in Senegal ( N e w Y o r k , 1968), d i s c u s s e d in ( L o n d o n , 1974), 1 8 7 - 9 1 . R. C o h e n , Labour and politics in Nigeria ipjj-ip/i 2

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o f factory and other w a g e e m p l o y m e n t seemed to indicate that m o s t wage-earners w e r e better situated than the mass o f the rural and urban population. B u t e v e n i f t h e s e a d v a n t a g e s w e r e s e c u r e d i n p a r t at t h e e x p e n s e o f t h e r u r a l o r u r b a n p o o r , it d o e s n o t f o l l o w t h a t t h e i r identification and action necessarily lay w i t h the h i g h e r social classes. T h e distinction b e t w e e n w a g e - e a r n e r s and peasants o r t h o s e i n t h e i n f o r m a l u r b a n s e c t o r is e a s i e r t o m a k e a n a l y t i c a l l y than concretely. T h r o u g h o u t the p e r i o d , w a g e - e a r n e r s remained c l o s e l y l i n k e d b y ties o f k i n s h i p a n d r e s i d e n c e w i t h m e m b e r s o f these o t h e r g r o u p s ; h o u s e h o l d s and w i d e r c o r p o r a t e kin g r o u p s frequently d e r i v e d i n c o m e f r o m several class s o u r c e s ; w a g e earners m o v e d in and o u t o f o t h e r class situations, and frequently h o p e d to use their s a v i n g s to enable t h e m to b e c o m e c a s h - c r o p f a r m e r s o r e n t r e p r e n e u r s . I n t h e t o w n s all t h e n o n - é l i t e g r o u p s a n d t h i s i n c l u d e d m a n y w h i t e - c o l l a r w a g e - e a r n e r s , s u c h as m i n o r c l e r k s o r t e a c h e r s as w e l l as t h e g r e a t b u l k o f t h e e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l hierarchy - shared m a n y o f the same v e x a t i o n s : price inflation, w r e t c h e d l i v i n g conditions and p o o r public amenities. D e s p i t e the w a g e - e a r n e r s ' e c o n o m i s t i c pursuit o f d e m a n d s against their e m p l o y e r s , w h e r e parallels w i t h the b e h a v i o u r o f E u r o p e a n w o r k e r s w e r e close, a distinctive and enduring 'proletarian' identity w a s s l o w to e m e r g e ; and, outside the industrial situation, m e r g e d in a diffuse p o p u l a r c o n s c i o u s n e s s , o f t h e m a s s o f o r d i n a r y p e o p l e in t h e t o w n s a g a i n s t t h e p o l i t i c a l é l i t e . H e r e , as i n t h e nationalist m o b i l i s a t i o n against c o l o n i a l rule in the late 1940s, unionised w o r k e r s had a special role to play. U n i o n i s e d w o r k e r s w e r e the m o s t organised s e g m e n t o f a w o r k - f o r c e t h a t , d e s p i t e t h e h o m o g e n e i t y o f its b a s i c c i r c u m ­ s t a n c e s , w a s still v e r y f r a g m e n t e d . T o t h e p r e v a i l i n g c u l t u r e o f individualised, clientelist class-relations, they b r o u g h t f r o m their particular w o r k situation a conception o f confrontation together w i t h t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s t o e x p r e s s it. M o r e o v e r , b e c a u s e t h e g o v e r n ­ m e n t w a s the principal e m p l o y e r and m a n y o f the m o s t firmly established unions represented public-sector w o r k e r s (railway, post and telegraph o r electricity w o r k e r s , teachers, l o w e r salaried staffs), t h e p u r s u i t o f m e m b e r s ' n a r r o w e r o c c u p a t i o n a l d e m a n d s 1

Cf. M a r g a r e t Peil, ' A s p i r a t i o n s and social structure: a W e s t African e x a m p l e ' , Africa, 1968, 38, 7 1 8 .

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against an e m p l o y e r c o u l d w e l l b r o a d e n into a c h a l l e n g e to the g o v e r n m e n t and b e c o m e a vehicle for expressing the g r i e v a n c e s o f the larger mass o f the non-unionised urban p o p u l a t i o n against t h e i r r u l e r s . T h i s w a s first e v i d e n t i n late c o l o n i a l A f r i c a , w h e r e t h e e m p l o y e r s , w h e t h e r i n t h e p r i v a t e o r p u b l i c s e c t o r w e r e , in a d d i t i o n , i d e n t i f i e d w i t h t h e E u r o p e a n c o l o n i a l p o w e r . I n t h e late 1940s a n d e a r l y 1 9 5 0 s t h e s e v e r a l d e m a n d s o f w o r k e r s i n u n i o n s , a n d o f c a s h - c r o p f a r m e r s a n d e n t r e p r e n e u r s , all ran p a r a l l e l in t h e n a t i o n a l i s t m o v e m e n t . I n s o m e c a s e s , s u c h as G u i n e a , t h e u n i o n s w e r e the p r i n c i p a l n a t i o n a l i s t b a s e , o r , as i n K e n y a , a v e r y m a j o r c o m p o n e n t ; in o t h e r s , s u c h as N i g e r i a , w h e r e u n i o n s w e r e f r a g m e n t e d in d i v e r s e w a y s , n o clear relationship d e v e l o p e d b e y o n d a g e n e r a l c o n t r i b u t i o n t o n a t i o n a l i s t a w a r e n e s s ; in o t h e r s a g a i n , s u c h as G h a n a o r Z a m b i a , a n e a r l i e r c l o s e l i n k b e t w e e n t h e u n i o n s and the nationalist party b e c a m e attenuated, as, w i t h the a p p r o a c h o f i n d e p e n d e n c e , an i n d i g e n o u s é l i t e b e g a n t o t a k e h o l d o f t h e r e i n s o f state a n d its c o n c e r n s d i v e r g e d f r o m t h o s e o f t h e unionised w o r k e r s . After independence, the a m b i g u o u s place o f u n i o n s a n d t h e i r m e m b e r s in t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e — w h i c h nationalism seemed for a while to have resolved - tended to r e - e m e r g e . T h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e 1 9 6 4 g e n e r a l s t r i k e in Nigeria, for example, w e r e m a r k e d l y like those o f 1945. W o r k e r s , and especially those in k e y o r strategic sectors, like m i n e r s o r p o r t and electricity w o r k e r s , did h a v e s o m e p o w e r to p u s h their o w n p a r t i c u l a r d e m a n d s , at t h e e x p e n s e o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s o w n intentions, w h e t h e r these stressed the p r i v i l e g e s o f the élite o r a m o r e w i d e l y redistributive p r o g r a m m e . In s o m e countries, such as Benin - t h e f o r m e r D a h o m e y - w h e r e t h e y c o n t r o l l e d t h e c o m m e r c i a l centre o f C o t o n o u , the unions played an effective role in n a t i o n a l p o w e r p o l i t i c s . B u t u n i o n l e a d e r s , t h a t is t h e l e a d e r s o f national labour congresses rather than local shop-floor militants, c o u l d b e c o o p t e d b y the political élite and the u n i o n s used m o r e as i n s t r u m e n t s o f c o n t r o l b y t h e g o v e r n m e n t , e s p e c i a l l y w h e r e , as in T a n z a n i a , o n l y o n e c e n t r a l l y o r g a n i s e d u n i o n w a s p e r m i t t e d ; and this frequently led to the disaffection o f o r d i n a r y m e m b e r s from u n i o n leaders. W h a t e v e r e c o n o m i c advantages unions m i g h t s e c u r e f o r t h e i r m e m b e r s , t h e y d i d n o t g o n e a r l y far e n o u g h f o r the mass o f w a g e - e a r n e r s to be c o - o p t e d to the élite; and w o r k e r s ' organisations, if they were permitted reasonable freedom o f action, w e r e likely to conjoin the pursuit o f their m e m b e r s ' particular d e m a n d s w i t h the intermittent critique o f g o v e r n m e n t 176 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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p o l i c i e s in t h e n a m e o f t h e ' c o m m o n m a n \ T h e i r s t a n c e w a s m o r e a reaction to the e v o l u t i o n o f urban c o n d i t i o n s than the active presentation o f a lower-class alternative to prevailing regimes. A f r i c a n e c o n o m i e s w e r e still t o o u n d e v e l o p e d , t h e w a g e - l a b o u r f o r c e s t o o s m a l l in m o s t c a s e s , f o r t h i s t o b e p o s s i b l e . C o n v e r s e l y , as t h e d i s t u r b a n c e s at S o w e t o a n d e l s e w h e r e in t h e m i d - 1 9 7 0 s suggested, S o u t h Africa remained the o n e c o u n t r y w h e r e , o w i n g t o its o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e a n d t h e v i r t u a l e x c l u s i o n o f A f r i c a n s from the ranks o f capitalists, a social r e v o l u t i o n based o n the mass o f w a g e - e a r n e r s w a s at all l i k e l y . H e r e , u n l i k e t h e c o u n t r i e s t o t h e north, mass African nationalism had n o choice but to be, w h a t e v e r its l e a d e r s h i p , o v e r w h e l m i n g l y a m o v e m e n t r o o t e d a m o n g u r b a n wage-earners. The bureaucratic hierarchy T h e b u r e a u c r a c y d i d n o t f o r m a c l a s s o r a n o c c u p a t i o n as s u c h , b u t an a v e n u e o f a s c e n t , p a r a l l e l t o t h a t o f t r a d e , b u t n o w g r e a t l y o v e r s h a d o w i n g it. T h e e d u c a t i o n a l s y s t e m w a s c r u c i a l h e r e , f o r t w o r e a s o n s . F i r s t , b e c a u s e t h e c o l o n i a l state, w h o s e e x p a t r i a t e officials h a d n o i n d e p e n d e n t s t a n d i n g w i t h i n l o c a l s o c i e t y , p r e ­ ceded and d o m i n a t e d the e m e r g e n t national society, the ability to a s s u m e b u r e a u c r a t i c office, a n d h e n c e e d u c a t i o n , w a s c r u c i a l f o r A f r i c a n s t o a t t a i n p o w e r . S e c o n d l y , in t h e a b s e n c e o f f o r m e d national social classes or status g r o u p s that w e r e in a p o s i t i o n t o m o n o p o l i s e it, m o d e r n e d u c a t i o n w a s f o r i n d i v i d u a l s , o v e r a generation o r m o r e , the g a t e w a y to social p o w e r rather than the fruit o f it. T h e f e w c a s e s w h e r e e d u c a t i o n w a s p r o v i d e d f o r r e c r u i t s s e l e c t e d o n o t h e r p r i n c i p l e s , s u c h as m e m b e r s h i p o f a t r a d i t i o n a l r u l i n g e s t a t e , as i n N o r t h e r n N i g e r i a , o n l y s e r v e t o u n d e r l i n e this g e n e r a l r u l e f o r t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . E x c e p t for those, m o s t l y Islamic, areas w h e r e c o l o n i a l g o v e r n ­ m e n t s d e l i b e r a t e l y set o u t t o p r o v i d e s o m e s e c u l a r e d u c a t i o n , western education w a s for l o n g o v e r w h e l m i n g l y linked w i t h the missions. A t the b e g i n n i n g , the incidence o f education a m o n g A f r i c a n s w a s l a r g e l y a n effect o f t h e v a g a r i e s o f m i s s i o n a r y presence and success — hence the early a d v a n c e m e n t o f s o m e coastal peoples like the Fante o r those m o s t receptive to the G o s p e l , like the T o n g a o f M a l a w i o r the G a n d a . E d u c a t e d A f r i c a n s in t h e late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y o c c u p i e d a d i s t i n c t n i c h e , as p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c g o - b e t w e e n s , b u t e d u c a t i o n d i d n o t confer a general social p o w e r . Indeed, for a generation f r o m the l

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1890s, e d u c a t e d A f r i c a n s , e s p e c i a l l y i n W e s t A f r i c a a n d in A n g o l a , suffered a s e t b a c k , s e e i n g t h e m s e l v e s d i s p l a c e d e i t h e r b y E u r o p e a n officials o r b y i n d i g e n o u s r u l e r s . A g e n e r a l a p p r e c i a t i o n o f t h e v a l u e o f e d u c a t i o n , at least a m o n g t h e y o u n g , a n d a c o n s e q u e n t a t t r a c t i o n t o t h e c h u r c h e s t h a t p r o v i d e d it, b e g a n t o d e v e l o p w i t h the penetration o f the c o l o n i a l administration and the c o m m e r c i a l e c o n o m y . T h e r e a f t e r , a n d m o s t p a r t i c u l a r l y d u r i n g t h e 1920s w h e n both Britain and France p r o d u c e d key statements on c o l o n i a l e d u c a t i o n p o l i c y , it d e v e l o p e d a m o n g t h e w e a l t h i e r cash-cropping peoples. E d u c a t i o n w a s needed to p r o v i d e b o t h g o v e r n m e n t and the c o m m e r c i a l c o m p a n i e s w i t h clerks, so mission s c h o o l s , b e i n g the most ready means to p r o d u c e them, were therefore subsidised by the c o l o n i a l g o v e r n m e n t s and g r e a t l y e x p a n d e d . In the s t r a t u m o f educated y o u n g m e n , c o n s c i o u s bearers o f n e w values, the social impact o f teachers w a s especially i m p o r t a n t , since they w e r e m o s t w i d e l y spread a m o n g the rural population. T h e y tended to be a m o n g s t the m o s t p o o r l y remunerated o f their stratum but, since teacher-training w a s the m o s t c o m m o n f o r m o f post-primary education, their profession w a s often a g a t e w a y to the m o r e l u c r a t i v e p o s t s in g o v e r n m e n t o r c o m m e r c i a l s e r v i c e . T h e i r discontent w a s c o m p o u n d e d b y their e x c l u s i o n , until the 1940s, f r o m the local political structure, e x c e p t in informal capacities, and there was often a divide, b o t h cultural and generational, b e t w e e n the ' o l d é l i t e ' , represented by chiefs w h o held local political authority, and the alternative status-hierarchy o f the educated y o u n g . I n F r e n c h c o l o n i e s at t h i s t i m e , t h e e d u c a t e d t e n d e d t o b e f e w e r a n d t h e y w e r e e n c o u r a g e d m u c h m o r e t h a n in t h e B r i t i s h colonies to identify t h e m s e l v e s w i t h the colonial administrative hierarchy, from w h i c h they w e r e not entirely excluded and w h i c h reached m u c h further d o w n , often displacing local chiefs f r o m l e v e l s at w h i c h t h e y w e r e a c t i v e i n , s a y , N i g e r i a . I n t h e B e l g i a n C o n g o t h e évolués w e r e c o n t a i n e d f o r m u c h l o n g e r , u n t i l t h e mid-1950s, w h e n their n u m b e r s b e g a n to m o u n t rapidly. T h e Second W o r l d W a r created a m u c h tighter vertical integration o f the c o l o n i a l societies : a h i g h e r level o f i n t e r c h a n g e b e t w e e n l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s a n d t h e state a n d , in c o n s e q u e n c e , a greater rivalry b e t w e e n t h e m for access to the resources o f the state. T h i s m e a n t b o t h t h a t l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s c a m e t o d e p e n d o n their e d u c a t e d sons, rather than o n their m o r e locally oriented 178

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c h i e f s , as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s b e f o r e t h e w i d e r e n v i r o n m e n t o f t h e c o l o n i a l state ; a n d t h a t t h e e d u c a t e d c a m e t o d e m a n d a l a r g e r p l a c e in t h e c o n t r o l o f t h a t state. T h u s it w a s t h a t t h e l o c a l rise o f t h e e d u c a t e d l e d d i r e c t l y t o t h e i r a s s u m p t i o n o f t h e k e y r o l e in t h e m o v e m e n t for national independence. Since nationalism e v e r y ­ w h e r e c o m p r i s e d a coalition o f particular e m e r g e n t class interests, the e x a c t p l a c e w i t h i n it o f t h e e d u c a t e d v a r i e d c o n s i d e r a b l y . It w a s n o t u s u a l l y as c l e a r - c u t as in T a n z a n i a , w h e r e T A N U g r e w from the T a n g a n y i k a African A s s o c i a t i o n , consisting o f clerks and teachers, or Z a i r e , w h e r e the parties g r e w f r o m associations o f évolués. I n t h e G o l d C o a s t , o l d e r p r o f e s s i o n a l s , e s p e c i a l l y l a w y e r s , joined w i t h chiefs ( m a n y o f w h o m w e r e e d u c a t e d ) in the U n i t e d G o l d C o a s t C o n v e n t i o n , w h i l e a y o u n g e r a n d g e n e r a l l y less w e l l - e d u c a t e d g r o u p f o r m e d the c o r e o f a m o r e p o p u l i s t party in t h e C o n v e n t i o n P e o p l e s P a r t y ; t e a c h e r s a n d e x - t e a c h e r s d o m i ­ n a t e d the N i g e r i a n A c t i o n G r o u p , a n d s o o n . T h e e d u c a t e d m a d e a d e c i s i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n t o n a t i o n a l i s m in their articulation o f a p r o g r a m m e ; a n d t h e y w e r e a l s o its m o s t d e f i n i t e b e n e f i c i a r i e s , i n that, w h a t e v e r the g e n e r a l c o n s e q u e n c e s o f s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t for peasants, traders or w o r k e r s , they w o u l d inherit the h i g h e r political and administrative posts vacated b y expatriates and c o u l d create m o r e posts o f the same kind. T h e Africanisation o f the bureaucracy w a s thus a foremost c o m p o n e n t o f d e c o l o n i s a t i o n as w e l l as n a t i o n a l i s t a d v a n c e ; a n d s i n c e it m e a n t t h e a s s u m p t i o n b y A f r i c a n s o f t h e h i g h e s t p o s t s , f o r m e r l y o c c u p i e d o n l y b y E u r o p e a n s , it r e q u i r e d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f s e c o n d a r y a n d t e r t i a r y e d u c a t i o n . N e w u n i v e r s i t i e s w e r e set u p in E a s t a n d W e s t A f r i c a s h o r t l y after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , a n d secondary-school expansion o c c u r r e d steadily t h r o u g h the post­ w a r period. E v e n so, the process w a s v e r y u n e v e n , the lead b e i n g taken by those parts o f the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g countries o f W e s t A f r i c a w h i c h , in a d d i t i o n t o b e i n g w e a l t h i e r , h a d t h e l o n g e s t t r a d i t i o n s o f s e c o n d a r y e d u c a t i o n . S o w h i l e T a n z a n i a , o n its i n d e p e n d e n c e , h a d less t h a n 100 g r a d u a t e s , N i g e r i a at t h e s a m e time must have had several thousands, t h o u g h these w e r e most unevenly distributed w i t h i n the country, and G h a n a , relative to its p o p u l a t i o n , c o u n t e d e v e n m o r e . T h e p r o c e s s o f A f r i c a n i s a t i o n b e g a n late a n d w e n t v e r y fast. I n t h e s i x y e a r s after i n d e p e n d e n c e , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f N i g e r i a n s i n t h e i r c o u n t r y ' s officer c o r p s r o s e f r o m 18 p e r c e n t t o n e a r l y 100 p e r c e n t . W i t h f e w x

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T a b l e 4.4. Educational expansion in selected African countries, c. 19 jo to c. 1970; percentage of age-cohort enrolled in education institutions at appropriate level.

Primary, 6—11

Egypt Algeria Senegal Ghana Nigeria Kenya Tanzania Zaire

Secondary, 12-18

1950

i960

1970

1950

26

40 28

69

7 5

21 8

I

4

I

9 4

I

3 3 4 2

I

3

9

7 *9 16 26 10 33

17 40

75 43 61

37

34

I

49

64 35 88

2

l

9

43

i960

1970 33 11 10

9 3

Tertiary, 19-24 1950

i960

1970

n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

4.86

7.92 1.70 1.46

n/a 0.50 0.24

n/a n/a n/a n/a

0.83 0.30 0.79 0.17 0.65

UNESCO, Statistical Yearbooks, 1963, 1964, 1975. Thefiguresare subject to numerous notes and reservations expressed in this source.

Source:

e x c e p t i o n s in F r e n c h Africa, A f r i c a n s o n l y rose t o b e ministers o r t o p c i v i l s e r v a n t s i n t h e m i d - 1 9 5 0 s o r e v e n later. R e g u l a r s e n i o r technical and professional posts w e r e Africanised m o r e slowly, a n d E u r o p e a n s c o n t i n u e d t o b e e n g a g e d o n a c o n t r a c t b a s i s as t h e demand for such posts expanded. A s Africans came in, they took o v e r e x i s t i n g salary levels, as w e l l as a l l o w a n c e s a n d perquisites, and thus vastly o u t s t r i p p e d their non-elite c o m p a t r i o t s in i n c o m e levels. A consequence o f these signal rewards w a s that the general d e m a n d f o r e d u c a t i o n w a s g r e a t l y increased. T h e richest areas G h a n a and N i g e r i a ' s W e s t e r n R e g i o n — used their c o c o a r e v e n u e s t o p r o v i d e free p r i m a r y e d u c a t i o n f o r a l l a n d t h i s m a j o r s o c i a l policy fuelled further d e m a n d for secondary education since the numbers o f primary leavers soon outstripped the supply o f jobs. C o u n t r i e s l i k e K e n y a , w i t h its H a r a m b e e s c h o o l s o f t h e 1 9 6 0 s f o l l o w e d fast b e h i n d t h e l e a d e r s ; a n d e v e n T a n z a n i a , d e s p i t e t h e d e l i b e r a t e a t t e m p t t o r e d u c e t h e financial p r i v i l e g e s o f g o v e r n m e n t office after t h e A r u s h a D e c l a r a t i o n i n 1 9 6 7 , s h o w e d s o m e t h i n g o f t h e s a m e i n f l a t i o n a r y t r e n d (cf. t a b l e 4.4). A t t h e s a m e t i m e t h e pressure for jobs from the m o d e s t l y educated tended to lead, in m o s t countries, t o sharp increases in the n u m b e r o f g o v e r n m e n t p e r s o n n e l i n t h e y e a r s after i n d e p e n d e n c e . T h e s o c i a l p r e - e m i n e n c e o f t h o s e at t h e a p e x o f t h i s h i e r a r c h y 180

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had t w o c o m p l e m e n t a r y aspects: political, t h r o u g h the h o l d i n g o f g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r , a n d c u l t u r a l , t h r o u g h t h e i r ' m o d e r n i t y '. O f c o u r s e there w e r e v a r i a t i o n s , in time and place, in the precise c o m p o s i t i o n o f the élite. T h e civilian r e g i m e s w h i c h a s s u m e d p o w e r at i n d e p e n d e n c e w e r e p e r h a p s m o r e h e t e r o g e n e o u s i n m e m b e r s h i p t h a n t h o s e w h i c h d e v e l o p e d l a t e r , i n c l u d i n g , as t h e y did, party-bosses or c o m m u n a l c h a m p i o n s w h o rose t h r o u g h trade, a u g m e n t e d b y political influence, rather than t h r o u g h the bureaucracy. In some countries religious leaders, like the heads o f M u s l i m b r o t h e r h o o d s , o r t r a d i t i o n a l r u l e r s o f little w e s t e r n education, m i g h t be o f national importance, t h o u g h the general stance o f the nationalist élites w a s against t h e m - chieftaincy a b o l i s h e d in G u i n e a a n d T a n z a n i a , t h e U g a n d a n k i n g d o m s d i s s o l v e d ; t h e g o v e r n m e n t in Z a m b i a m o v i n g a g a i n s t b o t h p r o m i n e n t chiefs and religious leaders. B u t political leaders w e r e o v e r w h e l m i n g l y men o f some education, usually former clerks or teachers; and senior civil servants w e r e m o r e so. T h o u g h the élites at i n d e p e n d e n c e t h u s h a d t h e s e s e v e r a l p o i n t s o f e n t r y , t h e y b e c a m e m o r e h o m o g e n e o u s t h e r e a f t e r a n d t h e i r s p e c i f i c a l l y bureau­ cratic c o m p o n e n t s t r o n g e r . I n d e p e n d e n t t r a d e r s w h o c a m e t o t h e p o l i t i c a l élite t h r o u g h p a r t y p o l i t i c s t e n d e d t o b e e c l i p s e d b y bureaucrats w h o branched into trade o r property o r b y the African managers o f expatriate enterprises, m e n m o r e like bureau­ crats than traders. T h e m o s t s t r i k i n g n e w p r e s e n c e w a s that o f the military, but soldiers w e r e bureaucrats o f a kind, and, u n d e r the g l o s s o f the military ethos, shared the predilections o f the educated generally. Military regimes either c o - o p t e d academics, l a w y e r s a n d c i v i l s e r v a n t s o n t o d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g b o d i e s as i n N i g e r i a o r , as w a s m o r e t h e c a s e i n G h a n a , t e n d e d t o a p p r o p r i a t e administrative functions t h e m s e l v e s , thereby e x c i t i n g inter­ professional enmity. T h e r e w a s thus a general tendency for different s e c t i o n s o f t h e é l i t e t o m o v e i n t o e a c h o t h e r ' s s p h e r e s and to a d o p t c o m m o n attitudes and life-styles. T h e t o u c h s t o n e w a s c o n t r o l o f t h e r e s o u r c e s o f t h e state, t h r o u g h p o l i t i c a l office o r e m p l o y m e n t in p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s . E d u c a t i o n p r o v i d e d t h e p r i n c i p a l m o d e o f a c c e s s a n d , t h o u g h t a k e n as a b a d g e o f e l i g i b i l i t y , w a s i t s e l f v a l i d a t e d b y t h e fruits w h i c h it c o n f e r r e d . A l t h o u g h t h o s e at t h e t o p o f t h e b u r e a u c r a t i c h i e r a r c h y w e r e s o d i s t a n c e d f r o m t h e rest o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , t h e r e still r e m a i n e d , as t h e w i d e s p r e a d d e s i g n a t i o n ' é l i t e ' i m p l i e s , a m a r k e d r e l u c t a n c e 181

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t o s e e t h e m as f o r m i n g a d o m i n a n t s o c i a l c l a s s , t h a t is as a s t r a t u m w h o s e attributes necessarily create an antagonistic relationship w i t h l o w e r strata. R a t h e r , t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e a t t r i b u t e s w e r e c o n ­ c e i v e d as b e i n g e s s e n t i a l l y c u l t u r a l , a n d t h i s e n a b l e d t h e m t o b e at once b o t h an example o f w h a t the non-élite m i g h t b e c o m e and l e a d e r s o f t h e w h o l e s o c i e t y in its a t t e m p t t o a c h i e v e a b e t t e r life. T h e intense pride s h o w n b y m e m b e r s o f the élite in the a p ­ p u r t e n a n c e s o f t h e i r s t a t u s is a t o k e n t h a t , far f r o m b e i n g m e m b e r s o f an u p p e r class w i t h s o m e g e n e a l o g i c a l d e p t h a n d an established c l a s s c u l t u r e , t h e y w e r e still, as m a n y p o l i t i c i a n s ' a u t o b i o g r a p h i e s d e t a i l , s o c i a l l y n o t far r e m o v e d f r o m t h e r u r a l a n d u r b a n p o o r . W h i l e they w e r e not usually the children o f subsistence farmers, still less o f u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r e r s , b u t r a t h e r o f c l e r k s , c a t e c h i s t s , teachers, traders o r c a s h - c r o p farmers, their grandparents w e r e typically p o o r , rural a n d illiterate; a n d g r a n t e d the extent o f African k i n g r o u p s , their w i d e r range o f relations usually c o v e r e d a considerable social spectrum. T h e i r o w n social ascent usually m e a n t n o t j u s t g r e a t p e r s o n a l effort a n d o f t e n p a r e n t a l s a c r i f i c e , but often contributions and support from other m e m b e r s o f the kin g r o u p , to w h o m they w e r e thus obligated. T h e y remained linked t o their o r i g i n s in a variety o f w a y s : b y m a i n t a i n i n g o r ' training ' p o o r e r kinsfolk in their houses a n d b y s e n d i n g m o n e y h o m e ; b y participating in family o r c o m m u n i t y associations; b y c h a m p i o n i n g in urban a n d political arenas the interests o f their regions and communities o f origin ; and by patronising individual co-originaires. T h e r e w e r e , o f c o u r s e , l i m i t s as t o h o w far this redistribution o r c o m m u n a l responsibility w e n t and there w e r e n o d o u b t many individuals w h o defaulted o r performed only a s h a d o w o f w h a t w e r e felt as t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s ; b u t t o t h e e x t e n t that élite m e m b e r s w e r e thus r e s p o n s i v e t o the d e m a n d s o f their k i n a n d t h e i r c o m m u n i t i e s , it w a s n o t j u s t f r o m a p e r s o n a l r e s i d u e o f traditional n o r m s b u t because this base o f s u p p o r t c o n t i n u e d to b e o f value t o them. O n l y thus c o u l d they b e sure o f m a i n t a i n i n g title t o l i n e a g e l a n d ( a n i n t e r e s t w h i c h w a s p e r h a p s c o m i n g t o s e e m o f g r e a t e r m o m e n t i n t h e 1 9 7 0 s t h a n it w a s i n t h e 19 5 o s ) , a n d o n l y t h u s c o u l d t h e y h o p e t o a c h i e v e p o l i t i c a l office in elected r e g i m e s . T h e fact that a m a n w a s a ' l e a d e r o f t h o u g h t ' or a recognised c o m m u n a l leader m i g h t significantly advance his chances e v e n within a bureaucratic hierarchy w h e r e there w a s

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c o n c e r n , in t h e n a m e o f ' n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n ' , t o b a l a n c e c o m ­ munal representation. Y e t u n d o u b t e d l y there w e r e strong tendencies for these links to b e c o m e attenuated, and for the interests and experiences o f the élite a n d t h e n o n - é l i t e t o d i v e r g e . C r u c i a l t o t h i s w e r e t h e c o m b i n e d effects of, first, a s l o w i n g d o w n in t h e r a t e o f g r o w t h o f élite p o s t s after t h e b o o m c a u s e d b y b e l a t e d c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n i s ation and subsequent administrative expansion and, s e c o n d l y , the elite's a b i l i t y t o e n s u r e t h a t its o f f s p r i n g g o t t h e l i o n ' s s h a r e o f fresh o r v a c a n t élite p o s t s i n f u t u r e . T h e latter d e r i v e d f r o m t h e elite's d o m i n a t i o n o f t h e g a t e w a y t o élite s t a t u s : t h e e d u c a t i o n a l s y s t e m . It w a s a l r e a d y s h o w n in t h e e a r l y 1 9 6 0 s , n o t o n l y t h a t children o f professional parents had m u c h better chances o f c o m p l e t i n g secondary education than children o f farmers or, e v e n m o r e so, o f unskilled w o r k e r s , but also that the chances o f u p w a r d mobility t h r o u g h education could vary widely. T h e y w e r e , for e x a m p l e , s i g n i f i c a n t l y l o w e r in G h a n a t h a n in n e i g h b o u r i n g I v o r y C o a s t - an effect o f G h a n a ' s t h e n b e i n g m o r e ' d e v e l o p e d ' i n b o t h the size o f its élite a n d in t h e m a t u r i t y o f its s e c o n d a r y - e d u c a t i o n s y s t e m . E d u c a t i o n w a s d e m a n d e d b y t h e n o n - é l i t e as t h e m a i n k e y t o u p w a r d m o b i l i t y a n d its free p r o v i s i o n at p r i m a r y l e v e l , a c h i e v e d in a f e w c o u n t r i e s , s e e m e d t o p r e s e r v e t h e o r i g i n a l e q u a l i t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y . B u t s i n c e p o s t s w e r e l i m i t e d in r e l a t i o n to the n u m b e r s o f p r i m a r y certificate holders, the critical level o f s e l e c t i o n s h i f t e d h i g h e r . It w a s at t h e l e v e l o f s e c o n d a r y e d u c a t i o n t h a t t h e real c o n s t r i c t i o n o f o p p o r t u n i t y o c c u r r e d a n d h e r e t h e élite w a s a b l e t o p r o v i d e t h e c o n d i t i o n s - financial, c u l t u r a l a n d w h a t e v e r else - f o r t h e s c h o l a s t i c s u c c e s s o f its c h i l d r e n . T h e r e are n o r e a s o n s t o s u p p o s e t h a t t h e s e b a s i c m e c h a n i s m s w e r e in a n y w a y affected b y a p a r t i c u l a r c o u n t r y ' s p r o f e s s i o n o f ' s o c i a l i s m ' o r b y s u c h a p o l i c y as t h a t o f T a n z a n i a a t t e m p t i n g t o l i m i t t h e e c o n o m i c r e w a r d s o f its é l i t e . S o in all c o u n t r i e s t h e élite t e n d e d t o a c q u i r e a d i s t i n c t i v e class-culture, shifting from b e i n g an a g g r e g a t e o f individuals f r o m d i v e r s e c o m m u n i t i e s w h o h a d a c q u i r e d e d u c a t i o n a n d office, t o b e i n g a fairly b o u n d e d s o c i a l s t r a t u m . I n c r e a s i n g l y its m e m b e r s , in a d d i t i o n t o t h e i r w e a l t h a n d p o w e r , h a d a d i s t i n c t l i f e - s t y l e , married a m o n g themselves, recruited from within their ranks and consolidated their order b y material and cultural inheritance. A

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n e w social class w a s in f o r m a t i o n . A t t i t u d e s t o this p r o c e s s o f t h o s e o u t s i d e the ranks o f the élite w e r e d e e p l y a m b i v a l e n t . W i t h i n a f e w years o f independence there w a s expressed, particularly a m o n g the youthful urban p o o r , sharp criticism o f the rich and p o w e r f u l a n d o f t h e state p o l i c i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e m ; b u t t h e r e w a s also m u c h acceptance o f hierarchy p r o v i d e d that the superior s h o w e d p a t r o n a g e t o c o m m u n i t y a n d i n d i v i d u a l c l i e n t s . B u t it m a y b e v e r y m i s l e a d i n g t o i n t e r p r e t t h e s e d i v e r g e n t a t t i t u d e s as definite e v i d e n c e o f a trend f r o m a clientelist t o an antagonistic p a t t e r n o f c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . C l a s s a c t i o n (as i n s t r i k e s ) w a s far f r o m b e i n g a f r e s h d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e p e r i o d ; it c o u l d co-exist o r alternate w i t h clientelist responses b y the non-élite. T h e system o f regional integration, with a hierarchy o f c o m m u n i t i e s o r regions oriented to i m p r o v e d access to the national centre, entailed the dependence o f communities o n educated-bureaucratic patrons. It w a s thus that the p r i v i l e g e s o f the élite, despite the class a n t a g o n i s m w h i c h they stimulated, w e r e also c o m b i n e d w i t h a pattern o f conflict w h i c h c u t across the axis o f class. S T A T E

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I n a n y s o c i e t y t h e d e s i g n a t i o n g i v e n t o t h o s e w h o h o l d p o w e r is usually symptomatic, b u t in sub-Saharan Africa the sheer variety o f t e r m s u s e d — é l i t e , p o l i t i c a l c l a s s o r classe dirigeante, n a t i o n a l i s t b o u r g e o i s i e o r e v e n petite bourgeoisie o r n e w m i d d l e c l a s s - s u g g e s t t h e u n c e r t a i n t i e s . B u t o f t h e s e t e r m s , ' p o l i t i c a l c l a s s ' is p e r h a p s t h e m o s t h e l p f u l s i n c e it p o i n t s t o t h e fact t h a t s o c i a l p o w e r w a s o v e r w h e l m i n g l y t h e p r o d u c t o f p o l i t i c a l o r state b u r e a u c r a t i c office r a t h e r t h a n o f a n y m a t e r i a l r e s o u r c e h e l d i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f it. C a p i t a l a n d l a n d w e r e t o o e x i g u o u s , u n c o n c e n t r a t e d o r localised - o r else in the hands o f f o r e i g n a g e n t s - for their p o s s e s s o r s t o b e nationally p o w e r f u l b e c a u s e o f t h e m ; o r t h o s e w h o held such resources w i t h i n local arenas w e r e t o o culturally h e t e r o g e n e o u s , t o o m u c h their possessors o n purely local terms, or t o o d e v o i d o f the m o d e r n cultural resources necessary for o p e r a t i o n as a t r u l y n a t i o n a l c l a s s . S o u t h A f r i c a a n d E t h i o p i a , at least until its social r e v o l u t i o n in t h e m i d - 1 9 7 0 s , w e r e e x c e p t i o n s , in t h a t t h e y were t h u s c o n t r o l l e d b y s u c h a p r o p e r t y - o w n i n g c l a s s . T h e p o s i t i o n i n A r a b states w a s h i s t o r i c a l l y m o r e a m b i g u o u s . W h i l e , traditionally, there w a s n o private property in land and the 184

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ruling elites w e r e a political class o f external p r o v e n a n c e ( M a m l u k , T u r k , Berber), the nineteenth century did tend t o see the establishment o f a l a n d h o l d i n g aristocracy o f p o w e r f u l fam­ ilies. B u t c o l o n i a l i s m u n d e r m i n e d o r d e s t r o y e d o u t r i g h t t h i s s o c i a l s t r a t u m , a n d s o c i a l d o m i n a n c e t e n d e d t o p a s s t o a n e w classe dirigeante, t h e h o l d e r s o f p o l i t i c a l , m i l i t a r y a n d b u r e a u c r a t i c office, as i n s u b - S a h a r a n A f r i c a . T h e p o w e r o f the political class d i d n o t just h a v e t h e n e g a t i v e c o n d i t i o n t h a t n o o t h e r c o h e r e n t s o c i a l c l a s s e s e x i s t e d at t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l . I t i n v o l v e d m o r e t h a n its m e m b e r s ' e d u c a t i o n a n d technical o r administrative skills, important t h o u g h these m i g h t be for the ascent o f individuals; for these only conferred p o w e r because o f the structural importance, e v e n the ' o v e r d e v e l o p ­ m e n t ' , o f t h e state as t h e l i n k b e t w e e n t h e n a t i o n a l s o c i e t y a n d the outside w o r l d . F o r these external c o n n e x i o n s , mediated t h r o u g h t h e . state, w e r e i n d i v e r s e w a y s a p r i m e s o u r c e o f t h e n a t i o n a l s o c i e t y ' s i n t e g r a t i o n - a n d t h a t n o t o n l y , as M a r x i s t ' u n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t ' theory implies, for those societies closely i n v o l v e d in trading links w i t h the capitalist w e s t . L o c a l c o m ­ munities d e p e n d e d o n external markets for their cash c r o p s , a n d the state i n t e r v e n e d t o c o n t r o l t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p ; e x t e r n a l a l l i a n c e s , m o r e a v a i l a b l e t o states t h a n t o f o r c e s o f i n s u r r e c t i o n , y i e l d e d t h e means o f c o e r c i v e c o n t r o l w h e n political classes w e r e u n a b l e o t h e r w i s e t o d o m i n a t e their societies. O i l , for a f e w states, w a s a r e s o u r c e w h i c h fell d i r e c t l y t o t h e p o l i t i c a l c l a s s w i t h n o f u r t h e r i n t e r v e n t i o n in s o c i e t y . T h e s t r u c t u r a l g r o u n d s f o r t h e h e g e m o n y o f t h e p o l i t i c a l c l a s s w e r e , aufond, t h e s a m e f o r A l g e r i a a n d K e n y a , Liberia and Angola. 1

B u t i n t e r n a l f e a t u r e s o f s o c i e t y d o s e e m t o h a v e h a d s o m e effect o n h o w the political classes influenced the course o f social c h a n g e . F i r s t , a l t h o u g h t h e p o l i t i c a l c l a s s a s s u c h l a c k e d its o w n c o n s t i t u ­ e n c y i n s o c i e t y , it f o u n d t h e t a s k o f g o v e r n i n g m u c h e a s i e r w h e n 1

T h i s is t h e f o r m u l a t i o n o f C o l i n L e y s , ' T h e " o v e r d e v e l o p e d " p o s t - c o l o n i a l s t a t e : a r e - e v a l u a t i o n ' , Review of African Political Economy, 1976, 5, 39-48, w h o t h u s c o n f r o n t s i n a n i d i o m o f t h e left t h e s a m e s e t o f p r o b l e m s t h a t o t h e r s c h o l a r s d e n o t e b y e x p r e s s i o n s l i k e ' t h e p r i m a c y o f p o l i t i e s ' . S e e t o o J. S. S a u l , ' T h e s t a t e i n p o s t - c o l o n i a l s o c i e t i e s T a n z a n i a ' , The Socialist Register ( L o n d o n , 1974) a n d ' T h e u n s t e a d y s t a t e : U g a n d a , O b o t e a n d G e n e r a l A m i n ' , Review of African Political Economy, 1976, 5, 1 2 - 3 8 . S a u l ' s c o n c e p t o f a ' p e t i t - b o u r g e o i s s t a t e ' c o n f u s e s , s i n c e it i s n e v e r q u i t e c l e a r w h e t h e r t h i s s t a t e is considered ' p e t i t - b o u r g e o i s ' because o f the political class's origins a n d / o r internal c o n n e x i o n s , o r b e c a u s e it is ' p e t t y ' i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e real, o v e r s e a s b o u r g e o i s ( o w n e r s o f m u l t i - n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s e t c . ) i n w h o s e real i n t e r e s t s it is s a i d t o b e g o v e r n i n g .

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it e s t a b l i s h e d a l l i a n c e s w i t h p a r t i c u l a r f o r m e d i n t e r e s t - g r o u p s , s o m e o f w h i c h w e r e m o r e capable o f f o r c i n g their attentions o n t h e state t h a n o t h e r s . T h e s e m i g h t b e e t h n i c g r o u p s , p o s s e s s e d o f s t r a t e g i c r e s o u r c e s s u c h as e d u c a t i o n a l a d v a n c e m e n t , w h i c h i n t u r n w a s l i k e l y t o b e a n effect o f e a r l i e r p r o m i n e n c e i n c a s h c r o p p i n g ; o r o c c u p a t i o n a l o r class categories. A n i n d i g e n o u s b o u r g e o i s i e , f o r e x a m p l e , m i g h t b e closely allied w i t h t h e political c l a s s , as i n N i g e r i a , o r o p p o s e d b y it, as i n T a n z a n i a ; a m a j o r e t h n i c g r o u p , l i k e t h e L u o o f K e n y a , m i g h t at o n e t i m e b e o n g o o d t e r m s w i t h t h e p o l i t i c a l c l a s s , at a n o t h e r t i m e e s t r a n g e d f r o m it. I t is difficult t o g e n e r a l i s e a c r o s s A f r i c a a b o u t t h e g e n e r a l t e n d e n c y o f these alliances since they arose o u t o f conjunctures that w e r e h i g h l y s p e c i f i c as t o b o t h t i m e a n d p l a c e . B u t s u c h a l l i a n c e s h a d t h e p o t e n t i a l f o r i m p a r t i n g a l o n g - t e r m effect o n t h e p a t t e r n o f s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n , as t h e p o l i t i c a l c l a s s b e c a m e p r o g r e s s i v e l y c o m m i t t e d t o a particular pattern o f ethnic a n d class s u p p o r t , a n d less a n d less a b l e t o t a k e a p u r e l y u n c o m m i t t e d a n d p r a g m a t i c attitude t o possible alliances. S e c o n d l y , t h e p o l i t i c a l c l a s s m i g h t b e i n c l i n e d , b e c a u s e o f its o w n social c o m p o s i t i o n , t o m o v e in particular directions. T o s u g g e s t t h i s is t o g o b a c k s o m e w h a t o n t h e e a r l i e r p o i n t t h a t o n e e s s e n t i a l f e a t u r e o f a political c l a s s is p r e c i s e l y t h a t its c h a r a c t e r d e r i v e s f r o m t h e s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n its m e m b e r s h a v e c o m e t o o c c u p y , rather than f r o m their social o r i g i n s . T h e ' p l a s t i c i t y ' o f élites in sub-Saharan A f r i c a m a y n o d o u b t b e partly attributed t o their h e t e r o g e n e o u s o r i g i n s . B u t the v e r y i n c o n c l u s i v e n e s s o f the debate about E g y p t ' s so-called ' n e w middle class', w h o s e m e m b e r s ' social o r i g i n s clearly lay in t h e ' rural m i d d l e class a n d its u r b a n o f f s h o o t s ' , i n d i c a t e s h o w r e f r a c t e d t h e l i n k s b e t w e e n s o c i a l c l a s s o r i g i n s a n d p o t e n t i a l f o r a c t i o n at t h e l e v e l o f t h e state c o u l d b e . B u t i f the interests generated b y its m e m b e r s ' particular c l a s s o r i g i n w e r e l i k e l y , b e c a u s e l o c a l , t o b e fairly i r r e l e v a n t t o the directions o f the political class's p o l i c y , the cultural values that d e r i v e d f r o m this o r i g i n c o u l d p l a y a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e at t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l . T h u s t h e * petit bourgeois b a c k g r o u n d o f t h e c o r e o f t h e A l g e r i a n p o l i t i c a l c l a s s w a s r e l e v a n t t o s u b s e q u e n t state p o l i c y less b e c a u s e o f t h e d i r e c t o p e r a t i o n o f a 'petit bourgeois c l a s s interest than because that w a s t h e milieu o f t h e religio-social reformist m o v e m e n t inspired b y B e n Badis, w h o s e i d e o l o g y nicely s u s t a i n e d I s l a m i c n a t i o n a l i s m , as w e l l as t h e l e g i t i m a t i o n o f t h e 9

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urban political centre against the h e t e r o d o x y and dissidence o f the hinterlands and the social h e g e m o n y o f m o d e r n i s i n g functionaries. It is p e r h a p s less l i k e l y t h a t s u c h s o c i a l l y s p e c i f i c e x i s t i n g c u l t u r a l traditions s h o u l d b e as distinctly relevant t o the d i r e c t i o n o f a political class's initiatives in B l a c k A f r i c a as in A r a b A f r i c a , w h e r e cultural idioms w e r e m o r e widespread. B u t the insistency o f c u l t u r a l d e b a t e in B l a c k A f r i c a - w h e t h e r i n n o v e l s a n d p l a y s , i n academic historiography o r the pursuits o f Institutes o f African S t u d i e s - c l e a r l y testifies t o t h e s e n s e a m o n g t h e e d u c a t e d e l i t e , f r o m w h i c h t h e p o l i t i c a l c l a s s is l a r g e l y r e c r u i t e d , a n d w i t h w h o m it m o s t n e e d s t o e s t a b l i s h r e l a t i o n s , t h a t c u l t u r e is h i g h l y r e l e v a n t to the question: w h a t kind o f society d o w e w a n t t o create?

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I n this a n a l y s i s o f s o c i a l c h a n g e , o n e c o m m o n l y h e l d v i e w h a s b e e n d e l i b e r a t e l y a v o i d e d : t h a t its e s s e n c e h a s b e e n t h e t r a n s m u t a t i o n of'traditional' societies into ' m o d e r n ' ones t h r o u g h the ever w i d e r adoption o f m o d e r n cultural values, propagated a m o n g their co-nationals b y a m o d e r n i s i n g elite. S o m e t h i n g like this has certainly been an i m p o r t a n t element in the self-representation o f A f r i c a n elites. B u t there are t o o m a n y a m b i g u i t i e s a n d difficulties f o r this a c c o u n t t o b e a d e q u a t e a s a n e x p l a n a t i o n o f s o c i a l actuality. M a n y o f the values alleged t o b e m o d e r n m a y also b e t r a d i t i o n a l a n d ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' b e h a v i o u r m a y p r o c e e d less f r o m traditional values than from rationally p e r c e i v e d a d v a n t a g e s in the c o n t e m p o r a r y situation; the m o s t ' m o d e r n ' m a y retain p o w e r f u l traditional attachments, a n d the ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' m a y s o m e t i m e s b e harnessed f o r ' m o d e r n ' e n d s ; m u c h o f the empirical variation that w e h a v e to describe, for e x a m p l e in national policies r e g a r d i n g development strategy or wealth distribution o r constitutional f o r m , w o u l d s e e m t o fall r i g h t o u t s i d e a n y ' t r a d i t i o n - m o d e r n i t y ' c o n t i n u u m . T h e t h e o r y t e n d s t o lift c u l t u r e f r o m i t s c o n t e x t s a n d 1

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D . E . A p t e r has perhaps b e e n the m o s t influential p r o p o n e n t o f s u c h a p e r s p e c t i v e , b o t h in h i s m o n o g r a p h s o n G h a n a a n d U g a n d a a n d , m o r e g e n e r a l l y , in The politics of modernisation ( C h i c a g o , 1965). S e e , t o o , D . N . L e v i n e , Wax and gold: tradition and innovation in Ethiopian culture ( C h i c a g o , 1965), w h i c h p r e s e n t s a s u b t l e d e s c r i p t i v e a c c o u n t , using the ' t r a d i t i o n - m o d e r n i t y ' f r a m e w o r k , o f the personal d i l e m m a s o f social c h a n g e . R . A . L e V i n e , Dreams and deeds: achievement motivation in Nigeria ( C h i c a g o , 1966) seeks stimuli t o m o d e r n i s a t i o n in e l e m e n t s o f traditional cultures, b u t his characterisation o f the ' m o d e r n ' s e e m s u n d u l y l i m i t e d ; cf. c r i t i q u e o f S. R . B a r r e t t , ' M o d e l c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d m o d e r n i s a t i o n in N i g e r i a ' , Sociological Review, 1969, 1 7 , 2 5 1 - 6 6 .

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t r e a t s it as q u i t e a u t o n o m o u s , w h e r e a s in fact t h e a d o p t i o n o f ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' o r ' m o d e r n ' s y m b o l s is m o r e o f t e n a f u n c t i o n o f context, rather than o f individual predispositions. F o r Africa exhibits a hierarchy o f social levels o r contexts, from the local or r e g i o n a l in w h i c h a p a r t i c u l a r t r a d i t i o n a l i d i o m w i l l t e n d t o p r e d o m i n a t e , t o t h e n a t i o n a l w h e r e , as a r u l e , n o s u c h i d i o m w i l l be able t o p r e v a i l and w h e r e , in a d d i t i o n , social f u n c t i o n s w i t h n o local o r traditional a n a l o g u e are p e r f o r m e d . A g e n e r a l increase o f ' m o d e r n i t y ' in c u l t u r e w a s t h u s l a r g e l y a n effect o f t h e g r e a t e r d o m i n a t i o n o f all s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s b y its s o u r c e , t h e n a t i o n a l s p h e r e . Y e t t r a d i t i o n is n o t w h o l l y a b a n d o n e d e v e n b y t h o s e w h o s e l i v e s are m o s t l y p a s s e d i n t h i s s p h e r e , f o r it r e m a i n s a c r u c i a l s o u r c e o f personal identity; and because o f the patterns o f integration w i t h i n t h e n a t i o n a l s o c i e t y , it r e t a i n s i m p o r t a n c e as o n e p r i n c i p a l i d i o m o f v e r t i c a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e élite a n d t h e i r r u r a l dependants. T h e e d u c a t e d é l i t e is m u c h m o r e i n t e n s e l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h c u l t u r e - t h a t is w i t h t h e f o r g i n g o f a c o n s i s t e n t c u l t u r a l s y n t h e s i s r e l e v a n t t o all l e v e l s a n d r e g i o n s o f t h e n a t i o n a l s o c i e t y - t h a n t h o s e o r d i n a r y p e o p l e w h o m o v e to and fro b e t w e e n social c o n t e x t s creating their o w n personal balances, w h e t h e r unified o r compartmentalised, b e t w e e n the various cultural options o p e n to t h e m . S o c i e t a l p r o b l e m s w e r e e c h o e d in t h e d i l e m m a s o f t h e i r personal experience. W h a t balance w a s to be struck b e t w e e n local values, those associated w i t h family and c o m m u n i t y o f origin, and the m o r e universal and c o s m o p o l i t a n ones o f formal education, w o r k - p l a c e and the national political arena? H o w w a s the educated African to square those aspects o f ' E u r o p e a n ' culture w h i c h d e p r e c i a t e d A f r i c a a n d l e g i t i m i s e d its s u b o r d i n a t i o n , w i t h t h o s e w h i c h h a d m a d e h i m w h a t h e w a s , as an e d u c a t e d m a n , a n d u n d e r l a y his c l a i m t o l e a d e r s h i p r o l e s w i t h i n h i s o w n e m e r g e n t national society? T h e s e personal and cultural questions became m u c h m o r e political in i m p o r t w h e n the nationalist m o v e m e n t c a m e t o m a t u r i t y i n t h e late 1940s a n d t h e e d u c a t e d b e g a n t o m o v e i n t o p o s i t i o n s o f p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Négritude, t h e s o m e w h a t d e l a y e d r e s p o n s e in F r e n c h A f r i c a to s o m e o f these issues, w a s from the b e g i n n i n g a synthesis o f the n a r r o w l y ' c u l t u r a l ' w i t h n a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c s . S i n c e t h e c o l o n i a l state w a s n o w t a k e n as g i v e n , the task w a s to define a level o f national culture against b o t h the micro-loyalties o f the tribe and the c o s m o p o l i t a n culture 188

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o f the c o l o n i a l p o w e r s . T h e p o s i t i o n o f the élite w a s intensely e q u i v o c a l ; f o r as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e state, m e d i a t o r s b e t w e e n it a n d t h e o u t s i d e w o r l d , t h e y w e r e s i n c e r e l y c o m m i t t e d t o its i n t e g r i t y , b u t as c o m m u n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t h e y w e r e a l s o s u s c e p ­ tible to centrifugal o r ' t r i b a l i s t ' attachments. O n e acute cultural p r o b l e m w a s that the s y m b o l s o f A f r i c a n n e s s w h i c h c o u l d be m o s t r e a d i l y set a g a i n s t c o l o n i a l c u l t u r e w e r e a l s o in t h e m a i n i d e n t i f i e d w i t h p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c s u b - g r o u p s . N o w h e r e is this m o r e e v i d e n t than w i t h that classic s y m b o l o f n a t i o n h o o d , a c o m m o n and d i s t i n g u i s h i n g l a n g u a g e , for in s u b - S a h a r a n A f r i c a linguistically h o m o g e n e o u s states a n d s u p r a - e t h n i c l a n g u a g e s s u c h as S w a h i l i are s o f e w . Y e t u n d o u b t e d l y t h e d e c a d e s after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r d i d see a definite e n l a r g e m e n t o f t h e c o m m o n c u l t u r a l s t o c k w i t h i n the national societies. L i n g u a francas c o n t i n u e d to e x t e n d their r a n g e . E v e n e t h n i c i t y f o s t e r e d a n d b e t o k e n e d it - d e s p i t e its t e n d e n c y t o h e i g h t e n some c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s as d i a c r i t i c a l e t h n i c s y m b o l s - s i n c e it w a s e s s e n t i a l l y a c o m p e t i t i o n b e t w e e n e t h n i c categories b r o u g h t together under c o m m o n conditions for c o m m o n ends. A n d ethnic g r o u p s learnt f r o m o n e another. T h e great spread o f primary education generalised many concerns and experiences, and the c o n t i n u e d e x p a n s i o n o f the w o r l d religions i n d i c a t e d a p r o g r e s s i v e d e c l i n e in t h e s u f f i c i e n c y o f p r e d o m i n a n t l y l o c a l r e l i g i o u s s y m b o l s . It is s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t t h e m o s t t e n a c i o u s elements o f ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' religion, the m o s t likely to s u r v i v e migration to t o w n s , w e r e those that t o u c h e d a c o m m o n b e d r o c k o f African traditional religions: the individual's c o n c e r n for divinatory and m a g i c o - m e d i c a l assistance. T h e independent churches and n e w religious m o v e m e n t s , w h i c h continued to e x p a n d w e l l after t h e v a r i o u s d i v e r s e c r i s e s t h a t b e g o t t h e m h a d subsided, w e r e h i g h l y s y m p t o m a t i c o f the dual aspect o f general cultural c h a n g e . O n the o n e hand they represented an indigenisation o f missionary religion, a c l o s i n g o f the cultural g a p b e t w e e n t h e o l o g i e s o f élite and external o r i g i n and the r e l i g i o u s c o n c e r n s o f o r d i n a r y p e o p l e , an ecclesiastical forerunner t o the m o v e m e n t a m o n g educationalists for a m o r e truly vernacular c u r r i c u l u m . O n the other, n o d o u b t because they b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r a universal idiom with attention to widespread popular concerns, they s h o w e d a r e m a r k a b l e a b i l i t y t o a t t r a c t m e m b e r s f r o m different ethnic g r o u p s and to spread from one ethnic g r o u p to another. 189

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It is n o a c c i d e n t t h a t t h e 1 9 5 0 s b r o u g h t s u c h a n e f f l o r e s c e n c e o f t h e n o v e l - t h a t c u l t u r a l f o r m w h i c h is s o m u c h ' a b o u t ' m o d e r n social c h a n g e , b o t h a mirror a n d a g u i d e - a n d that the novelists were so d r a w n to themes o f culture contact: I b o b o y meets Y o r u b a girl, o r t h e difficulties o f m e e t i n g t h e e x p e c t a t i o n s o f o n e ' s k i n s f o l k as w e l l as t h o s e o f t h e c i v i l s e r v i c e . S o y i n k a ' s first n o v e l , a b o u t a g r o u p o f intellectuals' responses t o their society and t o their social relations in a n d outside a university, w a s m o s t aptly n a m e d The interpreters. A n d it is p e r h a p s a l s o i n d i c a t i v e o f a real socio-cultural a d v a n c e that b y the 1970s m a n y o f the m o s t serious novelists - Soyinka, A c h e b e , N g u g i - had m o v e d o n to themes less p u r e l y ' c u l t u r a l ' a n d m o r e p o l i t i c a l , less t o d o w i t h t h e relations b e t w e e n Africans a n d ' E u r o p e a n ' culture, and m o r e to d o w i t h those b e t w e e n t h e n e w political class a n d the mass o f the population. 1

' C u l t u r a l r e v i v a l ' , w i t h its e c h o e s o f négritude, b e c a m e a r a l l y i n g c r y i n t h e 1960s a n d 1 9 7 0 s , c u l m i n a t i n g i n t h e S e c o n d W o r l d B l a c k and African Festival o f A r t s and Culture held in L a g o s in 1977. D e s p i t e its o v e r t s t a n c e , t h i s w a s h i g h l y a m b i v a l e n t t o w a r d t h e t r a d i t i o n s it c e l e b r a t e d ; a n d n e c e s s a r i l y s o , s i n c e t h e n a t i o n a l élite w h o s e p r o j e c t it w a s h a d as a c o n d i t i o n o f its o w n e x i s t e n c e t h e p r o g r e s s i v e destruction o f those social contexts that h a d p r o d u c e d it. C o n d u c t e d u n d e r t h e s p o n s o r s h i p o f t h e state, it t e n d e d t o w a r d s t w o m a j o r effects. F i r s t , it d e l o c a l i s e d t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l forms, w r e s t i n g t h e m from their p r o p e r contexts o f use, subjecting them to the requirements o f appeal to m u c h wider g r o u p s , turning them into ' folklore ' and g i v i n g t h e m a m o r e national character. Secondly, b y thus appropriating forms w h o s e m o s t authentic b e a r e r s w e r e still m e m b e r s o f s m a l l r u r a l c o m m u n i t i e s a n d e v e n m a k i n g itself necessary t o their s u r v i v a l , t h e élite l e g i t i m i s e d itself in t h e eyes o f those w h o w e r e largely d e p r i v e d o f those ' m o d e r n ' c u l t u r a l a n d p o l i t i c a l r e s o u r c e s w h i c h g a v e a c c e s s t o state p o w e r . C u l t u r e thus assisted a national integration against the incipient d i v i s i o n s o f c l a s s a s w e l l as t h o s e o f e t h n i c i t y . T h e r e remains culture that w a s provenance: the kind o f national

o n e important source o f the emergent national neither universal n o r purely ethnic o r local in ideas o f the nationalist leadership a b o u t w h a t society they wished to have. T h e general form

1

E . g . C . A c h e b e , A man of the people ( L o n d o n , 1966); W . S o y i n k a , Season of anomy ( L o n d o n , 1973); N g u g i w a T h i o n g o , Petals of blood ( L o n d o n , 1977).

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o f t h e ' c u l t u r a l p r o b l e m \ as s k e t c h e d a b o v e , w a s c o m m o n t o m o s t countries o f sub-Saharan A f r i c a ; the origins and constitution o f their elite g r o u p s w e r e b a s i c a l l y s i m i l a r ; t h e y f a c e d t h e s a m e international e n v i r o n m e n t and, w i t h few e x c e p t i o n s , c o n f r o n t e d s i m i l a r o b s t a c l e s t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t w h i c h t h e y all d e s i r e d . It m a y be asked here w h y the political cultures and d e v e l o p m e n t ideologies o f S e n e g a l and G u i n e a , G h a n a and the I v o r y C o a s t , U g a n d a , K e n y a and T a n z a n i a w e r e so diverse. T h i s diversity c o u l d n o t h a v e b e e n p r e d i c t e d in 1 9 5 0 . A n d it is n o t v e r y e n l i g h t e n i n g in s e e k i n g a n e x p l a n a t i o n m e r e l y t o r e f e r in g e n e r a l t e r m s t o t h e d i v e r s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s in w h i c h p a r t i c u l a r c o u n t r i e s w o n their i n d e p e n d e n c e and the equally diverse political c o n ­ junctures w h i c h d e v e l o p e d since. B u t the v e r y variety o f responses s u g g e s t s that w e m a y h a v e a n o t a b l e case o f the relative a u t o n o m y o f i d e a s b e f o r e w h i c h t h e d e t e r m i n i s m o f s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e falters. W h a t r e m a i n s t o b e s e e n is w h e t h e r this c u l t u r a l a u t o n o m y w i l l be matched b y any l o n g - t e r m cultural influence o n social s t r u c t u r e s ; o r w h e t h e r it w i l l t u r n o u t t o b e fairly e p i p h e n o m e n a l , w h i l e the intransigent w e i g h t o f external c i r c u m s t a n c e s forces A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s a n d p e o p l e s t o a d v a n c e in c o n f o r m i t y t o i t . 1

1

In p r e p a r i n g this c h a p t e r , I r e c e i v e d v a l u a b l e h e l p f r o m P r o f e s s o r E r n e s t G e l l n e r , w h o g a v e a d v i c e o n N o r t h A f r i c a , a n d f r o m D i A . J. P e a c e , w h o c o m m e n t e d o n a n earlier draft.

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5

THE ECONOMIC EVOLUTION DEVELOPING AFRICA

OF

T h e t r e a t m e n t o f A f r i c a as a n e c o n o m i c e n t i t y n e e d s t o b e a p p r o a c h e d w i t h c a u t i o n , f o r it is a c o n t i n e n t o f g r e a t n a t u r a l diversity. O v e r and a b o v e this the differing political, social and e c o n o m i c policies i m p o s e d o n the continent b y the colonial p o w e r s left i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a w i t h a p o o r l y i n t e g r a t e d e c o n o m y . Intra-African trade w a s n e g l i g i b l e ; there w a s n o continental transport and c o m m u n i c a t i o n s s y s t e m ; and the various indepen­ d e n t A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s b e l o n g e d t o different m o n e t a r y z o n e s , e a c h m o n e t a r y area b e i n g l i n k e d w i t h o n e o r the o t h e r o f the f o r m e r m e t r o p o l i t a n p o w e r s . It i s , t h e r e f o r e , m o r e a c c u r a t e t o t a l k a b o u t t h e e v o l u t i o n o f t h e A f r i c a n e c o n o m i e s r a t h e r t h a n o f the A f r i c a n e c o n o m y ; and necessary to trace h o w each has e v o l v e d d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f 35 y e a r s c o v e r e d b y t h i s v o l u m e . S u c h a n a p p r o a c h , h o w e v e r , w o u l d d o less t h a n full j u s t i c e t o t h e e c o n o m i c h i s t o r y o f A f r i c a for in spite o f the differences in the p a t t e r n s o f d e v e l o p m e n t o f the various countries, certain overall themes and features are discernible. It w i l l b e o u r a i m t o h i g h l i g h t these w h i l e e m p h a s i s i n g , as m a y b e a p p r o p r i a t e , t h e u n i q u e n e s s o f e a c h e c o n o m y . S o u t h A f r i c a , b e i n g a d e v e l o p e d e c o n o m y , at l e a s t as far as its d o m i n a n t w h i t e c o m m u n i t y w a s c o n c e r n e d , is n o t considered here except for c o m p a r a t i v e p u r p o s e s ; n o r for that m a t t e r , u n l e s s e x p r e s s l y s t a t e d , is R h o d e s i a , d u e t o l a c k o f d a t a , particularly d u r i n g the period o f the unilateral declaration o f independence. W i t h o u t d o u b t t h i s p e r i o d is o n e o f t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t i n A f r i c a ' s p o l i t i c a l as w e l l as its e c o n o m i c h i s t o r y . B u t w h i l e b y t h e e n d o f o u r p e r i o d o n l y in f o u r c o u n t r i e s - the F r e n c h S o m a l i C o a s t (Djibouti), Rhodesia ( Z i m b a b w e ) , South West Africa (Namibia) and S o u t h A f r i c a itself - had political p o w e r n o t yet been trans­ ferred to A f r i c a n s , in the e c o n o m i c sphere, b y c o n t r a s t , the r e a w a k e n i n g p r o c e s s w a s still at t h e s t a g e o f a s s e r t i o n o f r i g h t s

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and o f a re-assessment o f the relevance o f the e c o n o m i c p h i l o s o p h y , strategy and policy inherited from the colonial p o w e r s . B y 1975 n o fundamental c h a n g e h a d taken place in the e c o n o m i e s w h i c h i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a inherited. I n fact, in s o m e areas there h a d b e e n real s e t b a c k s .

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W O R L D W A R

T h e foundations o f the national e c o n o m i e s inherited b y the n e w l y i n d e p e n d e n t g o v e r n m e n t s w e r e l a i d d o w n i n t h e first t w o d e c a d e s o f the t w e n t i e t h century a n d elaborated in the s u c c e e d i n g t w o decades b e t w e e n the First W o r l d W a r and the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , w h i c h m a r k s t h e b e g i n n i n g o f o u r p e r i o d . B y 1 9 1 4 , as J. F o r b e s M u n r o h a s p u t it, t h e r e h a d b e e n ' a fairly d r a m a t i c s t r e n g t h e n i n g o f Africa's connections under the international e c o n o m y , and p o s s i b l y t h e final, c o n c l u s i v e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f its e c o n o m i e s into peripheries o f the industrialised capitalist centre o f w o r l d e x c h a n g e ' . V e r y few Africans n o w remained untouched by the demands o f externally oriented production, o r b y a colonial p h i l o s o p h y t h a t s a w t h e c o l o n i e s p r i m a r i l y as a s o u r c e o f r a w m a t e r i a l s f o r t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n e c o n o m i e s a n d as a m a r k e t f o r imported manufactured g o o d s . 1

T a x a t i o n w a s the principal l e v e r that b r o u g h t additional l a b o u r and p r o d u c e o n t o the m a r k e t ; railroads p r o v i d e d a n e w transport infrastructure t h r o u g h w h i c h increased quantities o f i m p o r t e d g o o d s c o u l d b e c h e a p l y shifted into the interior a n d n e w areas o p e n e d for export p r o d u c t i o n . B y 1940 a particular pattern o f d e p e n d e n c y h a d d e v e l o p e d in m o s t c o l o n i e s , a n d in s o m e cases o n a r e g i o n a l b a s i s : at t h e c e n t r e o f t h e c o l o n i a l e c o n o m i c s y s t e m w a s the e x p o r t e n c l a v e ; o n the periphery w e r e those areas that provided migrant labour for the export enclave. V e r y few A f r i c a n s c o u l d n o w c l a i m that they o p e r a t e d in a traditional ' subsistence' e c o n o m y that w a s u n t o u c h e d b y the d e m a n d s o f the i n t e r n a t i o n a l e c o n o m y . F u r t h e r m o r e , as a r e s u l t o f t h e d i f f e r i n g tariffs, c u r r e n c i e s , l e g a l s y s t e m s , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o l i c i e s a n d l a n g u a g e s , as w e l l as t h e d i r e c t i o n o f r a i l w a y e x p a n s i o n , v e r t i c a l links were forged between the metropolitan countries and colonies 1

J. F o r b e s M u n r o , Africa and the international economy 1800-1960 ( L o n d o n , 1976), 86.

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Major vegetation zones. that d i s c o u r a g e d b o t h the c o n t i n u a t i o n o f pre-existing, and the development of new, regional patterns of trade and communication. W i t h i n the export-led e c o n o m y , E u r o p e a n concerns generally controlled the c o m m a n d i n g heights o f c o m m e r c e and p r o d u c t i o n , w i t h t h e L e b a n e s e in W e s t A f r i c a a n d A s i a n s i n E a s t A f r i c a o c c u p y i n g intermediate roles, and A f r i c a n s restricted for the m o s t 194

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p a r t t o t h e least l u c r a t i v e e c o n o m i c l e v e l s . T h i s h i e r a r c h i c a l pattern, h o w e v e r , had important regional variations. In W e s t A f r i c a t h e r e w e r e f e w r a d i c a l a l t e r a t i o n s in an e c o n o m i c s y s t e m that had l o n g - s t a n d i n g external contacts and w h e r e A f r i c a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in p r o d u c t i o n a n d c o m m e r c e r e m a i n e d v e r y s t r o n g . I n r e g i o n s w h e r e m i n i n g , as in S o u t h A f r i c a , o r E u r o p e a n - d i r e c t e d a g r i c u l t u r e , as in A l g e r i a , K e n y a a n d R h o d e s i a , e x e r t e d a d o m i n a n t i n f l u e n c e , t h e n t h e p r i m a r y A f r i c a n r o l e w a s i n c r e a s i n g l y s e e n as that o f p r o v i d i n g c h e a p l a b o u r . B e t w e e n the e x t r e m e s represented by these paradigms there w a s a variety o f o p p o r t u n i t y for African participation. I n at least t w o i m p o r t a n t r e s p e c t s e c o n o m i c s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y w a s b e i n g e r o d e d . F i r s t , r a i l r o a d e x p a n s i o n m a d e it p o s s i b l e t o distribute cheaply large quantities o f imported g o o d s ; indigenous industries - particularly t h o s e i n v o l v e d in the m a n u f a c t u r e o f i r o n , salt a n d c l o t h — c o l l a p s e d o r w e r e s e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d in t h e face o f this i n f l u x . S e c o n d , t h e q u a n t i t y a n d v a r i e t y o f f o o d p r o d u c t i o n w a s a d v e r s e l y affected b y t h e r e - a l l o c a t i o n o f l a n d a n d labour towards export production. This process was more gradual t h a n t h e c o l l a p s e o f l o c a l craft i n d u s t r i e s . I n t h e l o n g t e r m it w a s t o h a v e m a r k e d r e g i o n a l effects o n n u t r i t i o n , s o i l c o n s e r v a t i o n a n d r e s i s t a n c e t o d r o u g h t as w e l l as i n i t i a t i n g a g r o w i n g d e p e n d e n c e on i m p o r t e d foodstuffs. T h e inter-war period, with a few brief exceptions, w a s a time o f i n s t a b i l i t y a n d d e p r e s s i o n in t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l e c o n o m y t h a t h a d a p r o f o u n d i n f l u e n c e o n t h e e c o n o m y o f A f r i c a at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f o u r period. B e t w e e n 1929 and 1932 the v a l u e o f A f r i c a ' s c o m m e r c e h a d fallen b y a p p r o x i m a t e l y 42 p e r c e n t a n d o n l y r e c o v e r e d s l o w l y o v e r t h e n e x t e i g h t y e a r s . I n d e e d b y 1938 m a n y c o u n t r i e s w e r e still at l o w e r l e v e l s o f r e t u r n f r o m t r a d e t h a n t h e y h a d b e e n in 1 9 2 9 . I n m a n y c o l o n i e s g o v e r n m e n t d i r e c t i o n o f t h e e c o n o m y ( p a r t i c u l a r l y in m a r k e t i n g ) i n c r e a s e d e n o r m o u s l y d u r i n g t h e 1 9 3 0 s in o r d e r t o e n s u r e t h a t p r o d u c t i o n w a s m a i n t a i n e d , a n d e v e n increased, in the face o f falling c o m m o d i t y prices and w a g e - r a t e s . S m a l l e r firms a n d t r a d e r s w e r e f o r c e d o u t o f b u s i n e s s w h i l e a restricted n u m b e r o f large mercantile concerns reacted to insecurity by amalgamation, price-fixing and market-sharing thereby establishing a l o n g - t e r m oligopolistic influence o n the c o l o n i a l e c o n o m i e s t h a t w a s t o c o n t i n u e i n m a n y c a s e s l o n g after independence. T h e white-settler communities, notoriously

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inefficient a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s , w e r e s h e l t e r e d f r o m d i s a s t e r b y preferential access to markets, credit, and g o v e r n m e n t services. B y 1940 African peasants and petty traders w e r e h a v i n g to p a y a v e r y h e a v y price - in absolute a n d relative terms - for their colonial subjugation

and incorporation

into the

international

economy.

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E C O N O M Y ,

1940-75 B y 1 9 4 0 , t h e n , t h e c o l o n i a l e c o n o m i e s o f A f r i c a h a d b e c o m e firmly established. T h e colonial pattern o f production, concentrating o n primary products for export and importing most o f the manu­ factured g o o d s required, had b e c o m e the established doctrine. B e c a u s e o f this e x t e r n a l o r i e n t a t i o n , t h e p r e - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a n economies were distorted almost b e y o n d recognition. T h e y had lost their a u t o n o m y , a n d A f r i c a ' s * m a i n function w a s t o p r o d u c e for the w o r l d m a r k e t u n d e r c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h , because they i m p o v ­ e r i s h e d it, d e p r i v e d [it] o f a n y p r o s p e c t s o f r a d i c a l m o d e r n i s a t i o n . T h i s " t r a d i t i o n a l " society w a s n o t , therefore, in transition t o " m o d e r n i t y " ; as a d e p e n d e n t s o c i e t y it w a s c o m p l e t e , p e r i p h e r a l , a n d h e n c e at a d e a d e n d . ' 1

F o l l o w i n g the lean years o f the depression, the w a r itself b r o u g h t partial relief t o the A f r i c a n e c o n o m i e s . A l t h o u g h the demand for Africa's primary products increased substantially, p a r t i c u l a r l y after t h e l o s s o f S o u t h E a s t A s i a t o J a p a n i n 1 9 4 2 , t h e r e w a s n o c o r r e s p o n d i n g u p w a r d shift in p r i c e s b e c a u s e A f r i c a ' s external c o m m e r c e w a s subjected t o a series o f w a r t i m e m a r k e t i n g c o n t r o l s b y t h e c o l o n i a l p o w e r s . I n d e e d , it w a s n o t u n t i l t h e last t w o y e a r s o f t h e w a r t h a t s i g n i f i c a n t l y h i g h e r p r i c e s w e r e paid for African primary produce. T h u s for most o f the w a r years A f r i c a n p r o d u c e r s suffered s u b s t a n t i a l l o s s e s i n t h e i r real i n c o m e s . F o r w h i l e their earnings f r o m their agricultural p r o d u c t s w e r e stabilised, the prices o f i m p o r t e d c o m m o d i t i e s , if they w e r e a v a i l a b l e at a l l , r o s e . A n d i n o r d e r t o s u s t a i n , a n d p o s s i b l y increase, p r o d u c t i o n t o meet w a r t i m e d e m a n d s , colonial admin­ istrations a d o p t e d c o e r c i v e measures. W h a t e v e r tactics w e r e a d o p t e d , t h e n e t e c o n o m i c effect o f t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n o f t h e c o l o n i a l 1

S a m i r A m i n , ' U n d e r - d e v e l o p m e n t a n d d e p e n d e n c e in B l a c k A f r i c a - o r i g i n s a n d c o n t e m p o r a r y f o r m s ' , Journal of Modern African Studies, 1972, 1 0 , 4, 520.

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p o w e r s in the m a r k e t i n g o f agricultural c o m m o d i t i e s w a s to d e p r i v e African countries o f the o p p o r t u n i t y presented b y the w a r to accelerate the pace o f their d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e years b e t w e e n 1945 a n d 1 9 4 9 s a w n o s u b s t a n t i a l i m p r o v e m e n t f r o m w a r t i m e conditions. T h e r e continued to be trade controls, shortages o f g o o d s and h i g h prices o n imports. T h e post-war expectations o f the A f r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n w e r e n o t m e t and this resulted in widespread labour, and to a certain extent agrarian, unrest. S o m e o f the agrarian d i s c o n t e n t w a s d i r e c t e d at the o p e r a t i o n s o f the p r o d u c e m a r k e t i n g b o a r d s , direct descendants o f the e c o n o m i c control boards established d u r i n g the w a r . O r i g i n a l l y c o n c e i v e d as i n s t r u m e n t s o f l o n g - t e r m p r i c e s t a b i l i s a t i o n , t h e m o n o p o l y p o s i t i o n o f the b o a r d s w a s used increasingly to extract resources from the agrarian sector w h i c h w e r e then diverted to o t h e r d e v e l o p m e n t sectors o r , particularly in this p e r i o d , w h e t h e r expressly or not, to bolster the currency reserves o f the m e t r o ­ politan countries. M a r k e t i n g boards continued to be prime instruments o f g o v e r n m e n t e c o n o m i c control t h r o u g h o u t our period, e v e n t h o u g h their impact o n agricultural p r o d u c t i o n remained controversial. W h a t then w a s the e c o n o m i c situation in A f r i c a b y 1950 - the b e g i n n i n g o f the pre-independence decade - and w h a t c h a n g e s t o o k place d u r i n g that d e c a d e ? B e c a u s e o f the lack o f reliable and c o m p r e h e n s i v e d a t a , it is o f c o u r s e e a s i e r t o p o s e t h a n t o a n s w e r this q u e s t i o n . A n d w h a t e v e r d a t a are a v a i l a b l e , h o w e v e r f r a g ­ m e n t a r y , g e n e r a l l y relate t o i n d i v i d u a l c o u n t r i e s . Q u a n t i t a t i v e d a t a r e l a t i n g t o t h e c o n t i n e n t as a w h o l e w e r e , i n t h e 1 9 5 0 s , unavailable. In fact, for this d e c a d e , indicators o f total e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y , s u c h as d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t a n d n a t i o n a l i n c o m e , a r e a v a i l a b l e f o r o n l y 21 c o u n t r i e s a n d in s e v e r a l o f t h e s e c o u n t r i e s the data are available for o n e year o n l y . E x t r e m e c a u t i o n , therefore, needs to b e e x e r c i s e d in a t t e m p t i n g t o d r a w v a l i d c o n c l u s i o n s f r o m t h e d a t a , p a r t i c u l a r l y as t h e i r a c c u r a c y v a r i e s considerably from c o u n t r y to country, r a n g i n g f r o m the h i g h l y p r o b a b l e t o the m e r e l y conjectural. B u t in s p i t e o f this l i m i t a t i o n , it is still p o s s i b l e t o i d e n t i f y , e v e n i f o n l y in b r o a d o u t l i n e , t h e m a i n f e a t u r e s o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t i n the e c o n o m i e s o f Africa b e t w e e n 1950 and i960. D e v e l o p m e n t s in A f r i c a s i m p l y e c h o e d d e v e l o p m e n t s i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l i s e d m a r k e t e c o n o m i e s , particularly those o f the colonial p o w e r s . W h e r e a s the J

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immediate p o s t - w a r years saw the c o n t i n u a t i o n o f w a r t i m e r e s t r i c t i o n s in w a r - d e v a s t a t e d E u r o p e a n d l a b o u r a n d a g r a r i a n u n r e s t in an e x p e c t a n t , d e m o b i l i s i n g A f r i c a , w i t h t h e p r o g r e s s i v e r e m o v a l o f w a r t i m e c o n t r o l s after 1948 a n d t h e r e s u r g e n c e in t h e international e c o n o m y , the w o r l d d e m a n d for A f r i c a n p r o d u c e expanded very rapidly. T h e reconstruction and re-equipment o f the w e s t e r n industrial e c o n o m i e s t h r o u g h M a r s h a l l A i d and the s u b s e q u e n t g r a d u a l r e m o v a l o f all f o r m s o f r e s t r i c t i o n a n d c o n t r o l , a n d t h e g r o w t h in real i n c o m e s in t h e s e c o u n t r i e s , l e d i n e v i t a b l y t o a c o m m o d i t i e s b o o m in A f r i c a , p a r t i c u l a r l y in A f r i c a s o u t h o f the Sahara. T h i s b o o m w a s intensified b y the o u t b r e a k o f t h e K o r e a n w a r in 1 9 5 0 w h e n t h e i n d u s t r i a l c o u n t r i e s s t o c k p i l e d c o m m o d i t i e s . A l l t h e s e d e v e l o p m e n t s r e s u l t e d in t h e p r i c e s f o r A f r i c a ' s p r o d u c e r i s i n g t o u n p r e c e d e n t e d h e i g h t s . F o r t h e first time since the First W o r l d W a r , the barter terms o f trade m o v e d s t r o n g l y in f a v o u r o f t h e A f r i c a e c o n o m i e s . T h i s b o o m had a considerable i m p a c t o n the p r o d u c t i o n o f e x p o r t c o m m o d i t i e s in A f r i c a , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e a n n u a l c r o p s . T h u s in W e s t A f r i c a , g r o u n d n u t p r o d u c t i o n d o u b l e d b e t w e e n 1 9 4 7 a n d 1 9 5 7 ; c o t t o n p r o d u c t i o n m o r e t h a n t r e b l e d ; coffee i n c r e a s e d b y o n e - a n d - a - h a l f t i m e s ; a n d c o c o a , w h i c h t a k e s b e t w e e n five a n d s e v e n y e a r s after p l a n t i n g t o y i e l d , i n c r e a s e d b y 24 p e r c e n t d u r i n g t h i s t e n - y e a r p e r i o d . T e a p r o d u c t i o n d o u b l e d in s o u t h e r n A f r i c a , w h i l e s u g a r p r o d u c t i o n i n c r e a s e d b y 8 9 . 7 4 a n d 42 p e r c e n t in s o u t h e r n a n d e a s t e r n a n d c e n t r a l A f r i c a r e s p e c t i v e l y . C o t t o n e n j o y e d c o m p a r a b l e i n c r e a s e s in t h e t h r e e s u b - r e g i o n s w h i l e coffee p r o d u c t i o n i n c r e a s e d b y 1 6 6 p e r c e n t in E a s t A f r i c a a n d b y 83 p e r c e n t in C e n t r a l A f r i c a . In t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f m i n e r a l s , s i m i l a r s p e c t a c u l a r i n c r e a s e s w e r e a c h i e v e d , as t a b l e 5.1 c l e a r l y s h o w s . I n 1 9 3 8 , A f r i c a a c c o u n t e d f o r 97 p e r c e n t o f t h e w o r l d o u t p u t o f d i a m o n d s ; 95 p e r c e n t o f c o b a l t ; 46 p e r c e n t o f g o l d ; 40 p e r c e n t o f c h r o m e ; 35 p e r c e n t o f m a n g a n e s e ; a n d 21 p e r c e n t o f c o p p e r . I n o t h e r m i n e r a l s , t h e p o s i t i o n o f A f r i c a w a s less p r o n o u n c e d - 12 p e r c e n t o f t o t a l tin p r o d u c t i o n ; 6 p e r c e n t o f i r o n o r e ; a n d 2 p e r c e n t o f a n t h r a c i t e a n d b i t u m i n o u s c o a l . B y 1 9 5 0 A f r i c a a c c o u n t e d f o r 52 p e r c e n t o f w o r l d o u t p u t o f c h r o m i t e a n d m a n g a n e s e ; 22 p e r c e n t o f c o p p e r ; 56 p e r c e n t o f g o l d a n d 13 p e r c e n t o f tin c o n c e n t r a t e s . A l t h o u g h the o u t p u t o f d i a m o n d s , r o c k p h o s p h a t e s , cobalt, silver a n d a s b e s t o s e x p a n d e d in a b s o l u t e t e r m s , t h e A f r i c a n s h a r e i n t h e 198

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T a b l e 5 . 1 . Indices of output of principal minerals (1948-jo, average = 100).

Level of production Mineral production Copper Manganese Iron ore Lead Zinc Tin Bauxite Chromite Cobalt Asbestos Calcium phosphate Gold Source: United Nations

1937-8

1955-7

average

average M5 136

1

9 68 96

188

56

213

31

224

9

112

1

404 54

145 196

55 2

164

9

7*

167

132

120

economic survey of Africa

since 19jo,

table

2-1.

w o r l d p r o d u c t i o n o f these minerals declined d u r i n g the prei n d e p e n d e n c e d e c a d e o f the 1950s. A f r i c a ' s share in w o r l d o u t p u t increased in respect o f c o p p e r , g o l d , tin concentrates, tungsten and z i n c , a n d it r e m a i n e d c o n s t a n t in t h e c a s e o f i r o n o r e , d i a m o n d s , and lead. T h u s in the 1950s m o s t A f r i c a n e c o n o m i e s w e r e able t o attain h i g h rates o f e c o n o m i c e x p a n s i o n , p r o p e l l e d as t h e y w e r e b y t h e c o m m o d i t i e s b o o m o f the p o s t - w a r period. T h e r e w e r e also i n f l o w s o f p r i v a t e c a p i t a l . T a b l e 5.2 s h o w s t h e c h a n g e s b e t w e e n 1950 a n d 1957 in g r o s s national p r o d u c t s a n d g r o s s capital f o r m a t i o n in A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s , s e l e c t e d f r o m t h e v a r i o u s s u b r e g i o n s o f the c o n t i n e n t that e n j o y e d an a v e r a g e g r o w t h rate o f 7.74 per cent per a n n u m d u r i n g the eight-year period c o v e r e d . T h e i r g r o s s capital f o r m a t i o n a v e r a g e d 10.41 p e r cent p e r a n n u m during the same period. A s w e h a v e already pointed o u t , a l t h o u g h c o m p r e h e n s i v e national i n c o m e data are n o t available for m o s t A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s f o r this p e r i o d , t h e g e n e r a l p i c t u r e is r e a s o n a b l y c l e a r : g r o s s n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t g r e w o n t h e w h o l e at t h e rate o f a b o u t 5 - 7 p e r c e n t p e r a n n u m i n real t e r m s . But the colonial structure o f the African e c o n o m i e s remained 199

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Table 5.2. Selected African countries; percentage changes in gross national product and gross capital formation, 19 jo—7.

Gross national product

Country

Period

Belgian Congo Morocco Nigeria Rhodesia and Nyasaland (Federation of) Union of South Africa Gold Coast Mauritius Kenya Tanganyika^ Uganda Uganda Egypt (UAR)

1950-7 1951-6 1950-6 1950-7 1950-7 1950-7 1950-7 1950-7

0

1954-7 1950-7 1950—6 1950-6

b

Total increase 78.7 49-5 39.8 138.5 84.5 48.6 57.6 107.4 16.9 70.2 63.5 16.3

Average yearly increase 11.2 9.9 6.6 19.8 12.1 6.9 8.2 15-5 5.6 10.0 10.6 2.7

Gross capital formation Total increase

Average yearly increase

Annual rate of growth

8.64 8.38

145-4

20.8

13.68

5-74 13.2

H4.i

9.14 5.82 6.72 10.98

Annual rate of growth

—

— 19.0

130.4b

i8.6

94-4 32.6 40.0

13-5 4-7 5-7

—

5.33 7.90

8.0

8.53 2.56

121.2

Source: United Nations economic survey of Africa since ipjo. a b c d

b

Cumulative rate Not including capital formation in peasant agriculture Net domestic product Gross domestic product

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—

b

15

b

—

I2.6

b

b 7

9-97 4.11 4.92

— 2.4 29.2

—

i3-53

b

— — — i .i5

b

4

—

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u n c h a n g e d ; i f a n y t h i n g , it b e c a m e c o n s o l i d a t e d . T h e r a p i d g r o w t h in t h e A f r i c a n e c o n o m y h a d d e r i v e d f r o m t h e b o o m in t h e industrialised m a r k e t e c o n o m i e s . T h e peripheral nature o f the African e c o n o m i e s remained and their e c o n o m i c d e p e n d e n c e i n t e n s i f i e d . It w a s a l s o d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d t h a t t h e c o l o n i a l p o w e r s a b a n d o n e d t h e p o l i c y o f financial s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y f o r c o l o n i e s a n d adopted instead the p o l i c y o f responsible colonialism under w h i c h they p r o v i d e d the c o l o n i e s w i t h d e v e l o p m e n t funds. T h e a d o p ­ tion o f the n e w policy w a s n o d o u b t b o r n o u t o f a mixture o f motives and intentions - a genuine humanitarian concern about p o v e r t y in Africa, a sense o f m o r a l o b l i g a t i o n for Africa's w a r t i m e assistance, and a v e r y large m e a s u r e o f e n l i g h t e n e d self-interest. T h i s w a s the rationale o f the British C o l o n i a l D e v e l o p m e n t and W e l f a r e A c t o f 1945 a n d t h e F r e n c h F o n d s d ' I n v e s t i s s e m e n t e t d e D é v e l o p p e m e n t É c o n o m i q u e et S o c i a l ( F I D E S ) o f 1 9 4 6 . T h e s e colonial aid p r o g r a m m e s p r o v i d e d ready m a r k e t s for m e t r o p o l i t a n g o o d s as w e l l as finance f o r d e v e l o p m e n t i n t h e c o l o n i e s . M o r e importantly, they enabled the colonial p o w e r s to achieve a greater measure o f control o v e r , and ability to coordinate and influence, the i n v e s t m e n t policies o f the c o l o n i e s . F r a n c e w e n t e v e n further t h a n t h e o t h e r s . B e c a u s e o f its p o l i c y o f a s s i m i l a t i n g t h e c o l o n i e s t o m e t r o p o l i t a n F r a n c e , as e v i n c e d in t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e n e w F r e n c h U n i o n o f 1 9 4 6 , its a i d w a s l i n k e d t o a p u b l i c i n v e s t m e n t p r o g r a m m e d e s i g n e d f o r t h e m o d e r n i s a t i o n o f F r a n c e itself. 1

In c o n c l u d i n g this r e v i e w o f d e v e l o p m e n t d u r i n g this d e c a d e , it m u s t b e a d d e d t h a t t h e flow o f financial r e s o u r c e s f r o m t h e metropolitan countries, particularly Britain and France, and to a l e s s e r e x t e n t B e l g i u m , t o t h e c o l o n i e s w a s u n s u r p a s s e d . It w o u l d h e l p t o p u t t h i s d e v e l o p m e n t in p r o p e r h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e i f it is p o i n t e d o u t t h a t m o r e r e s o u r c e s w e r e t r a n s f e r r e d i n t h e d e c a d e 1 9 4 6 t o 1 9 5 6 t h a n d u r i n g t h e e n t i r e p e r i o d f r o m 1903 t o 1 9 4 6 . F o r e x a m p l e , b e t w e e n 1952 and 1957 F r a n c e i n v e s t e d 579 billion F r e n c h francs o f p u b l i c funds in the c o l o n i e s . W e shall c o m e b a c k t o t h e q u e s t i o n o f aid l a t e r . B u t suffice it t o a d d t h a t n e i t h e r P o r t u g a l n o r Spain p r o v i d e d any substantial v o l u m e o f aid t o their African colonies. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e b o o m in t h e d e m a n d f o r t r o p i c a l p r i m a r y p r o d u c t s d i d n o t last l o n g . T o w a r d s t h e e n d o f t h e d e c a d e , t h e r e w a s a fall in t h e i r p r i c e s d u e t o a w o r l d - w i d e e c o n o m i c d e p r e s s i o n . 1

F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f p r e v i o u s D e v e l o p m e n t A c t s s e e C h a p t e r 1.

20I

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1

1

1955

1956

E C O N O M I C

1

1

1

»

1957

1956

1959

I960

E V O L U T I O N

1

1

—

1961 1962

YEAR

6 Primary commodities: export prices indices (1958 = 100) (United Nations, Monthly Bulletin of Statistics, Sept. 1963). T h e r e w a s c o n s e q u e n t l y a c o n s i d e r a b l e r e d u c t i o n i n t h e rate o f e c o n o m i c g r o w t h o f the A f r i c a n e c o n o m i e s b y the b e g i n n i n g o f t h e 1960s. T h u s n o t o n l y d i d t h e A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s , m o s t o f w h i c h h a d b e c o m e i n d e p e n d e n t b y t h e first h a l f o f t h e 1 9 6 0 s , a c h i e v e i n d e p e n d e n c e w i t h the c o l o n i a l structure o f their e c o n o m y intact, b u t t h e y a l s o suffered t h e m i s f o r t u n e o f t a k i n g o v e r at a t i m e w h e n e c o n o m i c p e r f o r m a n c e fell b e l o w t h a t o f t h e 1 9 5 0 s . T o i l l u s t r a t e t h i s , fig. 6 s h o w s t h e m a g n i t u d e o f t h e r e v e r s e s suffered b y c o m m o d i t i e s ' export prices. C o n s e q u e n t l y , the g o v e r n m e n t s o f t h e n e w l y i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n states ( a n d 1 7 o f t h e m b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t in i 9 6 0 a l o n e ) w e r e f a c e d w i t h s e r i o u s e c o n o m i c a n d financial p r o b l e m s s o o n after t h e i r a s s u m p t i o n o f p o w e r . T h e n e w leadership o f these countries inherited not only u n d e r d e v e l o p e d e c o n o m i e s w i t h their colonial patterns o f p r o d u c t i o n and w i t h the vast majority o f their p e o p l e ill-fed, ill-clad, ill-housed and 202

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illiterate, b u t they also faced the i m m e d i a t e p r o b l e m s o f a s l u m p in t h e p r i c e s o f t h e c o m m o d i t i e s w h i c h w e r e t h e i r m a i n s o u r c e o f i n c o m e . P u b l i c r e c u r r e n t as w e l l as d e v e l o p m e n t e x p e n d i t u r e rapidly diminished. B u t the confidence and o p t i m i s m generated by the c r u m b l i n g o f c o l o n i a l i s m u n d e r the tidal w a v e o f national­ ism w a s e n o u g h to sustain the n e w leadership, w h i c h had p r o m i s e d i m p r o v e d e c o n o m i c and social c o n d i t i o n s for their people and had thereby engineered a revolution o f rising expec­ tations a m o n g them. D e v e l o p m e n t planning w a s a d o p t e d b y the African g o v e r n ­ m e n t s as t h e i n s t r u m e n t n o t o n l y f o r a r r e s t i n g t h e a d v e r s e t r e n d in the terms o f trade but also for accelerating the rate o f g r o w t h and the pace o f social and e c o n o m i c transformation and thus satisfying this r e v o l u t i o n o f r i s i n g e x p e c t a t i o n s . O v e r a n d a b o v e t h e i r experience o f post-war colonial d e v e l o p m e n t planning - itself based o n the experience o f w a r t i m e p l a n n i n g - the rapid trans­ formation o f the centrally planned socialist e c o n o m i e s , particularly that o f t h e U S S R , i n f l u e n c e d t h e n e w l y i n d e p e n d e n t c o u n t r i e s in their reliance o n centralised e c o n o m i c p l a n n i n g rather than o n the operation o f a free-market e c o n o m y . T h e almost universal a c c e p t a n c e o f p l a n n i n g as a n efficient t o o l f o r p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n w i t h regard to rapid e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t w a s also inspired by the e x a m p l e o f t h e s o c i a l i s t c o u n t r i e s . E v e n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , w h i c h for years had a b h o r r e d p l a n n i n g , w a s b y i960 actively e n c o u r a g i n g aid-seeking countries to formulate national d e v e l o p ­ m e n t plans. B u t the greatest single factor w h i c h s t r e n g t h e n e d the case for p l a n n i n g w a s the d e s i g n a t i o n o f the 1960s b y the G e n e r a l A s s e m b l y o f t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s as t h a t o r g a n i s a t i o n ' s F i r s t Development Decade. T h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s set d o w n g u i d e l i n e s a n d o b j e c t i v e s f o r accelerating p r o g r e s s t o w a r d s the self-sustaining e c o n o m i c g r o w t h o f i n d i v i d u a l n a t i o n s a n d t h e i r s o c i a l a d v a n c e m e n t s o as t o a t t a i n in e a c h d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r y a s u b s t a n t i a l i n c r e a s e in t h e rate o f g r o w t h . T o w a r d s t h i s e n d , it s p e c i f i e d t h a t e a c h c o u n t r y set its o w n t a r g e t , t a k i n g a n a n n u a l rate o f i n c r e a s e o f 5 p e r c e n t in t h e g r o s s d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t ( G D P ) as t h e m i n i m u m g r o w t h r a t e t o b e a c h i e v e d at t h e e n d o f t h e d e c a d e . A n d t h i s g r o w t h o b j e c t i v e was to be achieved preferably t h r o u g h c o m p r e h e n s i v e planning. T h e a c h i e v e m e n t o f t h e t a r g e t rate o f g r o w t h w o u l d , it w a s t h o u g h t , b e a c c o m p a n i e d b y a n i m p r o v e m e n t in t h e e c o n o m i c 203

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E V O L U T I O N

c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e p o o r e r s e c t i o n s o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n . It w a s a l s o t h o u g h t that there w o u l d be substantial social p r o g r e s s t h r o u g h the elimination o f illiteracy, h u n g e r and disease, t h r o u g h i m ­ p r o v e m e n t in e d u c a t i o n a n d t h r o u g h a m o r e e g a l i t a r i a n d i s t r i ­ bution o f income. T h e 1 9 7 0 s w e r e s i m i l a r l y p r o c l a i m e d as t h e S e c o n d U n i t e d N a t i o n s D e v e l o p m e n t D e c a d e . T h e strategy for that decade called f o r a n a v e r a g e rate o f g r o w t h o f G D P at c o n s t a n t p r i c e s o f at least 6 p e r c e n t p e r a n n u m . T o a c h i e v e s u c h an o v e r a l l g r o w t h rate, a n a n n u a l rate o f e x p a n s i o n o f 4 p e r c e n t in a g r i c u l t u r a l o u t p u t a n d o f 8 p e r c e n t in m a n u f a c t u r i n g p r o d u c t i o n w a s n e c e s s a r y . T h e s t r a t e g y a l s o c a l l e d f o r h a l f a p e r c e n t a g e p o i n t rise a n n u a l l y in t h e ratio o f g r o s s d o m e s t i c s a v i n g to the g r o s s p r o d u c t , so that the r a t i o w o u l d rise t o a r o u n d 20 p e r c e n t b y t h e y e a r 1 9 8 0 ; a n d a rise o f n o t m o r e t h a n 7 p e r c e n t in i m p o r t s , o r a b o u t o n e p e r c e n t a g e p o i n t h i g h e r t h a n t h e t a r g e t set f o r G D P g r o w t h rate. E v e n if African g o v e r n m e n t s w e r e otherwise inclined, there w e r e f o r c e s i m p e l l i n g t h e m t o p l a y a d i r e c t a n d p e r v a s i v e r o l e in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t p r o c e s s . It w a s a b a s i c a s s u m p t i o n o f t h e U N First and S e c o n d D e v e l o p m e n t D e c a d e s that d e v e l o p i n g countries w o u l d a c h i e v e the stated o b j e c t i v e s t h r o u g h c o m p r e h e n s i v e planning. Bilateral d o n o r agencies, particularly from industrialised m a r k e t e c o n o m i e s , t o g e t h e r w i t h s u c h m u l t i l a t e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s as the International B a n k for R e c o n s t r u c t i o n and D e v e l o p m e n t (the W o r l d B a n k ) and the U N D e v e l o p m e n t P r o g r a m m e , attached a great deal o f i m p o r t a n c e to p l a n n i n g and the preparation o f n a t i o n a l p l a n s as a p r e c o n d i t i o n f o r p r o v i d i n g i n v e s t m e n t finance, grants and technical assistance in the p r e p a r a t i o n o f s u c h plans. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , instead o f d e v e l o p m e n t p l a n n i n g b e c o m i n g the i n s t r u m e n t f o r e n g i n e e r i n g s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c h a n g e in A f r i c a , a w i d e n i n g g u l f s o o n b e g a n to e m e r g e b e t w e e n planning and plan i m p l e m e n t a t i o n . In an increasing n u m b e r o f c o u n t r i e s , the d e v e l o p m e n t p l a n s o o n b e c a m e , l i k e t h e n a t i o n a l flag a n d t h e national anthem, a s y m b o l o f sovereignty. M o r e often than not it w a s u n f o r t u n a t e l y r e s p e c t e d m o r e in t h e b r e a c h t h a n in t h e p e r f o r m a n c e . In any case, the policies and p r o g r a m m e s c o n t a i n e d in s u c h p l a n s t e n d e d , w i t h v e r y f e w e x c e p t i o n s , t o p e r p e t u a t e t h e c o l o n i a l p a t t e r n o f p r o d u c t i o n o f t h e A f r i c a n e c o n o m i e s . It is n o t surprising therefore that Africa's overall e c o n o m i c p e r f o r m a n c e b e t w e e n i960 and 1975 w a s p o o r . 204

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As

A F R I C A N

w e h a v e already stated,

the

E C O N O M Y

boom

in t h e d e m a n d

for

c o m m o d i t i e s had been replaced b y a mild depression t o w a r d s the end o f the 1950s. T h u s b e t w e e n 1958 a n d 1964 the total G D P o f A f r i c a i n c r e a s e d b y o n l y 27 p e r c e n t o r at a b o u t 4.2 p e r c e n t a n n u a l l y at c o m p o u n d rate. T h e r e w a s a s l i g h t i m p r o v e m e n t o n this p e r f o r m a n c e d u r i n g t h e rest o f t h e 1 9 6 0 s . F o r t h e w h o l e o f the U N First D e v e l o p m e n t D e c a d e , A f r i c a a c h i e v e d an a v e r a g e g r o w t h rate o f 5.0 p e r c e n t in real t e r m s . A n d d u r i n g t h e first h a l f o f t h e S e c o n d D e v e l o p m e n t D e c a d e t h e p e r f o r m a n c e w a s 4.5 p e r c e n t p e r a n n u m . I n all d u r i n g t h e 1 5 - y e a r p e r i o d , 1 9 6 0 - 7 5 , t h e o v e r a l l A f r i c a n p e r f o r m a n c e o f 4.9 p e r c e n t fell b e l o w t h e t a r g e t s o f the First and S e c o n d D e v e l o p m e n t D e c a d e s . T h e year 1975 w a s a particularly bad one for Africa mainly because o f the w o r l d r e c e s s i o n a n d real g r o w t h in G D P fell t o 2 p e r c e n t , a n d t h e r e a f t e r w a s to b e c o m e n e g a t i v e in n o t a f e w c o u n t r i e s . A s a p e r i p h e r y o f t h e p e r i p h e r y , . t h e A f r i c a n e c o n o m i e s suffered

considerably

from the inflationary pressures w h i c h g r i p p e d the industrialised m a r k e t e c o n o m i e s in t h e latter p a r t o f t h e 1 9 6 0 s a n d t h e first h a l f o f the

1970s. Inflation c o u p l e d w i t h recession led to an e v e n

s h a r p e r fall in t h e v a l u e s o f e x p o r t c o m m o d i t i e s , t h u s s e r i o u s l y affecting g o v e r n m e n t r e v e n u e f r o m e x p o r t s . T h e A f r i c a n g o v e r n ­ ments also had n o c h o i c e but to s u c c u m b to the d e m a n d for w a g e and salary increases and, in s o m e cases, t o the pressure t o subsidise essential

consumer

g o o d s , thus accentuating

the

inflationary

p r o c e s s . B e c a u s e o f t h e c o n s e q u e n t i a l i n c r e a s e s in g o v e r n m e n t e x p e n d i t u r e , m o s t g o v e r n m e n t s had t o resort t o deficit

financing.

T h e s e g o v e r n m e n t s also p e r f o r c e h a d to pile u p external d e b t s in order to pay for their i m p o r t s , w h i c h increased f r o m an estimated t o t a l o f $ U S 5 b i l l i o n in 1 9 6 5 ^ 0 a b o u t $ U S 2 2 b i l l i o n in 1 9 7 3 a n d $ U S 30 b i l l i o n i n 1 9 7 5 . T h i s r e s u l t e d in a g r o w i n g d e m a n d f o r t h e rescheduling o f external debts. M e a n w h i l e , there w a s an increasing a c c u m u l a t i o n o f a r r e a r s in i n t e r n a t i o n a l p a y m e n t s , a n d a g r o w i n g number

o f countries

became threatened

w i t h acute

balance-

o f - p a y m e n t s difficulties d u e in part to h e a v y d e b t liabilities.

S T R U C T U R A L

A N D

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C H A N G E S

It h a s o f t e n b e e n s a i d t h a t d u r i n g this p e r i o d d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a w a s r u n n i n g v e r y hard to remain in the same place. T h i s statement is b o r n e o u t b y t h e fact t h a t it w a s t h e w o r l d ' s l e a s t d e v e l o p e d 205

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Agriculture,Forestry, Hunting J and Fishing

Commerce Transport and Communication

Mining and Quarrying

Public Administration and Defence

Manufacturing and Electricity

Other Services

Construction

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Developing Africa: structure of gross domestic product, 1960-75 (in million US$ at 1970 rate of exchange) (compiled from EC A computer national accounts print-outs, March 1977).

r e g i o n , h a v i n g 18 o f the 25 least d e v e l o p e d a m o n g d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s a n d 27 o f t h e w o r l d ' s m o s t s e r i o u s l y affected c o u n t r i e s w h i l e i n c l u d i n g 14 l a n d - l o c k e d c o u n t r i e s . I n e x a m i n i n g t h e s t r u c ­ t u r e o f d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a , w e shall p e r f o r c e h a v e t o c o n c e n t r a t e o n the p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e period for w h i c h data o n national 206

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T a b l e 5.3. Developing Africa:

expenditure on gross domestic product,

1960-jj

(in million % US at 1970 rate of exchange).

Percentage distribution Expenditure Total GDP at 1970 market prices Private consumption Government consumption Fixed capital formation Increase in stocks Exports of goods and services Less imports of goods and services Source-.

i960

1965

1970

1975

i960

1965

1970

1975

35436.9

44510.6

5 8 064.3

71934.4

100.00

100.00

100.00

100.00

26336.3

30807.8 6213.8 7074.6 512.6 11468.6 11566.8

379 -7 9465-7 9 664.1 732.2 15050.7 14769.1

47070.1 14 267.1 18748.3 687.2 16357.9 25 196.2

74.3 13.27 16.10 0.41 24.82 28.92

69.21 13.96 15.89 1.15

65.31 16.30 16.64 1.27 25.92

65.43 19.83 26.06 0.96

4703.9 5705.3 145-4 8 794.7 10248.7

20

2

ECA national accounts computer print-outs, March 1977.

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a c c o u n t s are a v a i l a b l e . T h e d a t a in fig. 7 s h o w t h a t t h e e c o n o m i c structure o f African countries u n d e r w e n t significant changes d u r i n g this p e r i o d . In p a r t i c u l a r , t h e s h a r e o f a g r i c u l t u r e in t h e G D P d e c l i n e d f r o m 4 1 . 3 p e r c e n t i n i 9 6 0 t o 30.3 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 5 . T h e s h a r e o f m i n i n g i n c r e a s e d f r o m 4.4 p e r c e n t t o 7.3 p e r c e n t , a n d t h e s h a r e o f m a n u f a c t u r i n g a n d e l e c t r i c i t y i n c r e a s e d f r o m 10.0 p e r c e n t t o 12 p e r c e n t . T h e s h a r e o f c o n s t r u c t i o n a l s o i n c r e a s e d from 5 per cent to 8 per c e n t ; w h i l e the share o f public ad­ m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d d e f e n c e i n c r e a s e d f r o m 8 t o 12 p e r c e n t . T r a n s p o r t a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s d i d n o t c h a n g e its r e l a t i v e s h a r e significantly. D e s p i t e these c h a n g e s , agriculture remained the d o m i n a n t s e c t o r in m o s t d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s . T h e e c o n o m i c structure o v e r the period 1960-75 can also be e x a m i n e d b y c o n s i d e r i n g the e v o l u t i o n o f the main c o m p o n e n t s o f e x p e n d i t u r e o n t h e g r o s s d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t (i.e. p r i v a t e c o n s u m p t i o n , g o v e r n m e n t c o n s u m p t i o n , capital formation, ex­ ports o f g o o d s and services and imports o f g o o d s and services). T h e impression c o n v e y e d b y the available information o n private c o n s u m p t i o n in d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a (see t a b l e 5.3) is t h a t p r i v a t e consumption absorbed a higher proportion o f available resources in d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a t h a n it d i d in o t h e r T h i r d W o r l d c o u n t r i e s . In i960, private c o n s u m p t i o n a c c o u n t e d for 74 per cent o f G D P in real t e r m s , w h i l e in 1 9 7 5 it a c c o u n t e d f o r 65 p e r c e n t . T h e s i t u a t i o n is e v e n c l e a r e r w h e n w e c o n s i d e r i n f o r m a t i o n o n i n d i v i d u a l A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s . F o r i n s t a n c e , in i 9 6 0 , p r i v a t e c o n s u m p t i o n a c c o u n t e d f o r m o r e t h a n 50 p e r c e n t in 4 4 o f 48 d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s . T h e e x c e p t i o n s w e r e G a b o n (45 p e r c e n t ) a n d N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a (48 p e r c e n t ) . I n t w o c o u n t r i e s , h o w e v e r , private c o n s u m p t i o n exceeded G D P b y a significant m a r g i n - L i b y a (105 p e r c e n t ) a n d B a s u t o l a n d ( 1 0 8 p e r c e n t ) . I n 1 9 7 5 , p r i v a t e c o n s u m p t i o n as a p e r c e n t a g e o f G D P w a s little c h a n g e d f r o m t h e i 9 6 0 l e v e l s , a c c o u n t i n g f o r m o r e t h a n 50 p e r c e n t in 42 o f t h e 48 c o u n t r i e s . L i b y a d i d , h o w e v e r , a c h i e v e a s u b s t a n t i a l c h a n g e in r e d u c i n g t h e s h a r e f r o m 105 p e r c e n t in i 9 6 0 t o 48 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 5 , t h a n k s t o o i l p r o d u c t i o n . A s is i n d i c a t e d in t a b l e 5.3, t h e s h a r e o f g o v e r n m e n t c o n s u m p ­ t i o n in t o t a l G D P at 1 9 7 0 c o n s t a n t m a r k e t p r i c e s in d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a i n c r e a s e d f r o m 13 p e r c e n t in i 9 6 0 t o 20 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 5 . It is i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e t h a t , in 3 1 o f t h e 48 c o u n t r i e s , t h e s h a r e o f g o v e r n m e n t c o n s u m p t i o n in G D P i n c r e a s e d s u b s t a n t i a l l y in 208

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real t e r m s f r o m i 9 6 0 t o 1 9 7 5 . T h e s h a r e d e c r e a s e d i n 1 2 c o u n t r i e s and remained constant in 5 others. A s r e g a r d s g r o s s fixed c a p i t a l f o r m a t i o n as a p e r c e n t a g e o f g r o s s d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t at c o n s t a n t 1 9 7 0 p r i c e s , t a b l e 5.3 i n d i c a t e s a n i n c r e a s e f r o m 1 6 p e r c e n t i n i 9 6 0 t o 26 p e r c e n t i n 1 9 7 5 . F r o m t h e d a t a o n t h e i n d i v i d u a l c o u n t r i e s , it a p p e a r s t h a t t h e r e w a s a rising trend in the share o f the d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t used for capital f o r m a t i o n i n all d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s e x c e p t A n g o l a , t h e C o n g o , Ethiopia, the G a m b i a , G h a n a , K e n y a , Libya, N i g e r and Uganda. E x p o r t s a n d imports o f g o o d s a n d services are c o n s i d e r e d in detail in t h e section d e a l i n g w i t h A f r i c a a n d the international e c o n o m y . B u t it is i m p o r t a n t t o p o i n t o u t h e r e t h a t t h e s h a r e o f total exports o f g o o d s a n d services in G D P in d e v e l o p i n g Africa d e c r e a s e d f r o m 25 p e r c e n t i n i 9 6 0 t o 23 p e r c e n t i n 1 9 7 5 , w h i l e the share o f i m p o r t s o f g o o d s a n d services in G D P increased f r o m 29 p e r c e n t i n i 9 6 0 t o 35 p e r c e n t i n 1 9 7 5 .

The agricultural sector T h o u g h there h a v e been significant c h a n g e s in the structure o f the A f r i c a n e c o n o m y , they h a v e n o t b e e n fundamental. A f r i c a t o d a y still h a s pro tanto a n a g r i c u l t u r a l e c o n o m y . T h e fall i n t h e relative contribution o f agriculture t o the G D P has been d u e n o t s o m u c h t o i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i v i t y i n t h e o t h e r s e c t o r s as it h a s been to the very l o w productivity in agriculture and t o p o o r weather conditions. U n d e r the U N First and S e c o n d D e v e l o p m e n t D e c a d e s , a t a r g e t rate o f g r o w t h o f 4 p e r c e n t p e r a n n u m w a s a s s u m e d f o r a g r i c u l t u r e . P r o d u c t i o n fell c o n s i s t e n t l y v e r y m u c h b e l o w this t a r g e t , a v e r a g i n g 2.5 p e r c e n t p e r a n n u m . T h e w o r s e n i n g d r o u g h t c o n d i t i o n s in the S u d a n o - S a h e l i a n r e g i o n , particularly d u r i n g the 1 9 7 1 - 4 period, c o n t r i b u t e d in n o small m e a s u r e t o this d i s a p p o i n t i n g p e r f o r m a n c e o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l sector. T h e p a t t e r n o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n r e m a i n e d , f o r all p r a c t i c a l purposes, unchanged. C r o p p r o d u c t i o n remained basically divided into production for export and production for domestic con­ s u m p t i o n . I n s u b - S a h a r a n A f r i c a , s u b s i s t e n c e f a r m i n g still c o ­ existed w i t h commercial o r m o d e r n farming. Indeed, agricultural o r g a n i s a t i o n i n m o s t A f r i c a n states w a s a m i x t u r e o f t h e t w o . T r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r e w a s still c h i e f l y o r g a n i s e d w i t h t h e 209

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ISt*,fk3 Citrus fruits (c)

(d)

8 Staple and cash crops: main areas, (a) Staple crops: cassava and wheat, (b) Staple crops: millets, sorghum and yams, (c) Staple and cash crops: maize, oil palm and dates, (d) Staple and cash crops: groundnuts, citrus, bananas and ensete. (Source: Cambridge Encyclopaedia of Africa.) 210

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lb)

9 Cash crops: main areas. (a) Rubber, tobacco, cotton and cloves. (b) Coffee, tea, cocoa, sugar and grapes. (Source: Cambridge Encyclopaedia of Africa.) r e s o u r c e s o f a n d f o r t h e s u b s i s t e n c e o f t h e r u r a l c o m m u n i t i e s ; it w a s the b a s i s f o r a w a y o f life a n d an e c o n o m y in w h i c h d i s p o s a l o f p r o d u c e b y sale w a s i n c i d e n t a l , d e p e n d i n g o n a v a i l a b i l i t y o f marketable surpluses. M o d e r n agriculture, by contrast, w a s carried o n as a c o m m e r c i a l u n d e r t a k i n g e n t i r e l y w i t h i n t h e m o n e y e c o n ­ o m y , a n d its m e t h o d s a n d o b j e c t s w e r e t h e r e f o r e different f r o m those o f traditional agriculture. Traditional agriculture w a s heavily p r e d o m i n a n t in W e s t , C e n t r a l a n d E a s t A f r i c a . I n N o r t h A f r i c a , farming had b e c o m e p r e d o m i n a n t l y c o m m e r c i a l . Until recently, subsistence p r o d u c t i o n a c c o u n t e d for b e t w e e n t w o - t h i r d s and t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f t h e v a l u e s o f t o t a l p r o d u c t i o n in t r o p i c a l A f r i c a . H o w e v e r , w i t h the increasing c o m m e r c i a l i s a t i o n o f farming, the relative share o f subsistence p r o d u c t i o n diminished progressively. W e have already noted lagging sector responsible g r o w t h o f G D P . W e must s o m b r e as t h a t i s , t o t h e

that, o n the w h o l e , agriculture w a s the for d a m p e n i n g substantially the overall h o w e v e r g o b e y o n d the overall picture, main c o m p o n e n t s o f the agricultural 21

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T a b l e 5.4. Indices of the volume of agricultural production in Africa

All agricultural products Food products Non-food products Livestock products Per capita production All agricultural products Food products Non-food products. Source: EC A,

(19/2/j

=

1948/9

1953/4

1958/9

!9<W3

88

103

120

128

132

88

103 103 103

118

125

128

133 114

145 119

49 121

97

100

103

105

102

97 95

100 100

IOI

103 119

98 122

87 9

2

100).

114

x

6

9 5/6

A survey of economic conditions in Africa.

s e c t o r . T a b l e 5.4 s h o w s t h a t w h e r e a s all a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s r o s e b y 44 p o i n t s b e t w e e n 1948 a n d 1 9 6 6 ( a v e r a g i n g 2.44 p e r cent annual increase), f o o d a n d l i v e s t o c k p r o d u c t s increased b y 40 a n d 19 p e r c e n t r e s p e c t i v e l y ( a v e r a g i n g t o g e t h e r 1.6 p e r c e n t ) . O n t h e other hand, non-food products increased b y 72 per cent during t h e s a m e p e r i o d ( a v e r a g i n g 4.0 p e r c e n t p e r a n n u m ) . O n a p e r capita basis, the position did n o t i m p r o v e v e r y m u c h ; i f a n y t h i n g it s t a g n a t e d f o r all a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s a n d s h o w e d a m a r k e d t e n d e n c y t o d e t e r i o r a t e as far as f o o d p r o d u c t i o n w a s c o n c e r n e d . T h i s is n o t s u r p r i s i n g , s i n c e a n n u a l p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e a v e r a g e d 2.2 p e r c e n t d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . T h e situation deteriorated considerably b e t w e e n 1966 and 1 9 7 5 . Climatic conditions were particularly unfavourable from 1 9 7 1 / 2 to 1974 in the Sudano-Sahelian z o n e and in other parts o f Africa. H o w e v e r , these w e r e n o t the sole factors a c c o u n t i n g for the p o o r p e r f o r m a n c e in the agricultural sector. W e a k administrative capacity a n d inadequate infrastructural support for agriculture, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n s u c h fields as m a r k e t i n g , c r e d i t , t r a n s p o r t , a n d extension services w e r e also responsible. T h e producer-pricing p o l i c i e s a l s o h a d a m a r k e d d i s i n c e n t i v e effect. T h e l a r g e - s c a l e r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n affected a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n s i n c e t h e s h o r t a g e o f f a r m - h a n d s w h i c h r e s u l t e d f r o m it d i d n o t i n i t s e l f l e n d to the revolutionising o f agricultural techniques and technologies. 212

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A l t h o u g h m u c h m e c h a n i s a t i o n h a d t a k e n p l a c e , t h i s w a s still rather marginal. A n d w h i l e the resources allocated for agricultural d e v e l o p m e n t in A f r i c a i n c r e a s e d s u b s t a n t i a l l y o v e r t h e y e a r s , t h e y w e r e still far f r o m b e i n g a d e q u a t e . A s u p e r v i s e d a g r i c u l t u r a l c r e d i t s y s t e m w a s still a t h i n g o f t h e f u t u r e . T h e f o o d s i t u a t i o n d e t e r i o r a t e d fast i n t h e face o f r i s i n g p o p u l a t i o n a n d rapid urbanisation. T h e annual rate o f increase in f o o d p r o d u c t i o n f r o m 1 9 7 0 t o 1 9 7 6 w a s 1.5 p e r c e n t , c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e a n n u a l rate o f i n c r e a s e i n w o r l d p r o d u c t i o n o f 2.4 p e r cent d u r i n g the same period. It also c o m p a r e d u n f a v o u r a b l y w i t h rates a c h i e v e d b y o t h e r d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e g a p in n u t r i t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t s a n d p e r c a p u t d i e t a r y e n e r g y s u p p l i e s w a s w i d e r in Africa than in a n y o t h e r d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n . O n a v e r a g e , p e o p l e i n A f r i c a r e c e i v e d o n l y 90 p e r c e n t o f t h e i r nutritional requirements per day. T h i s contrasted w i t h m a n y Latin A m e r i c a n countries, w h e r e per caput dietary energy supplies w e r e as h i g h as 1 0 7 p e r c e n t o f n u t r i t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t s . O n e o f Africa's most serious p r o b l e m s remained a shortage o f basic foodstuffs: d u e to harvesting techniques and p o o r and inadequate s t o r a g e f a c i l i t i e s , A f r i c a still l o s t b e t w e e n o n e - q u a r t e r a n d t w o fifths o f its f o o d p r o d u c t i o n a n n u a l l y .

The mining sector Unlike agriculture, the mining industry achieved considerable progress during the period under review. W e have already referred t o the spectacular increase in mineral p r o d u c t i o n in the p r e - i n d e p e n d e n c e d e c a d e o f t h e 1 9 5 0 s . T a b l e 5.1 i l l u s t r a t e s t h e s e increases. D u r i n g the p e r i o d f r o m i 9 6 0 t o 1 9 7 5 , these g r o w t h rates w e r e n o t only sustained but substantially i m p r o v e d u p o n . A s w e h a v e a l r e a d y s h o w n i n f i g . 7, m i n i n g a n d q u a r r y i n g i n c r e a s e d t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n t o G D P f r o m 4.38 p e r c e n t i n i 9 6 0 t o 1 1 . 3 3 P in 1 9 7 0 , t h o u g h t h i s d r o p p e d t o 7.25 p e r c e n t i n 1 9 7 5 d u e m a i n l y to the w o r l d - w i d e depression b e g i n n i n g in that year. O n e o f the m o s t r e m a r k a b l e d e v e l o p m e n t s d u r i n g this p e r i o d w a s t h e entry o f four countries into the rank o f major oil-exporters: Algeria, G a b o n , Libya and Nigeria. In i960, Africa produced only o n e per c e n t o f t h e w o r l d o u t p u t o f c r u d e p e t r o l e u m ; b y 1 9 7 5 it p r o d u c e d 11 p e r c e n t . O n e o f the features o f m i n i n g resources d e v e l o p m e n t in Africa e

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w a s its u n e v e n d i s t r i b u t i o n as b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l c o u n t r i e s a n d as b e t w e e n t h e v a r i o u s s u b - r e g i o n s i n t o w h i c h t h e c o n t i n e n t c a n be d i v i d e d . W e h a v e already listed the major p r o d u c e r s o f c r u d e p e t r o l e u m . W e m u s t a d d t o this list c o u n t r i e s s u c h as E g y p t , Tunisia, C o n g o and A n g o l a , w h i c h t h o u g h not major oilexporters, were nevertheless producers. T h e t w o major producers o f n a t u r a l g a s w e r e A l g e r i a a n d N i g e r i a , w h i l e (if w e e x c e p t S o u t h Africa) M o r o c c o and R h o d e s i a w e r e the major p r o d u c e r s o f coal. I r o n o r e w a s p r o d u c e d m a i n l y in A l g e r i a , G u i n e a , L i b e r i a , Mauritania, Sierra L e o n e and S w a z i l a n d , w h i l e Z a i r e and Z a m b i a w e r e the main p r o d u c e r s o f c o p p e r . N i g e r i a , R w a n d a and Zaire w e r e t h e m a i n p r o d u c e r s o f tin c o n c e n t r a t e ; G h a n a , G u i n e a a n d Sierra L e o n e w e r e the main b a u x i t e - p r o d u c i n g c o u n t r i e s ; M o r o c c o , T u n i s i a and Z a m b i a p r o d u c e d lead o r e ; M o r o c c o , Z a i r e and Z a m b i a , zinc o r e ; w h i l e phosphate rock came primarily from M o r o c c o and Tunisia. Z a i r e w a s the largest p r o d u c e r o f d i a m o n d s in d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a , f o l l o w e d b y G h a n a a n d S i e r r a L e o n e . A n d the g o l d - p r o d u c i n g c o u n t r i e s w e r e G h a n a and Z a i r e , a l t h o u g h s m a l l q u a n t i t i e s w e r e p r o d u c e d in E t h i o p i a , G a b o n a n d Z a m b i a . A s c a n b e s e e n f r o m t a b l e 5.5, m i n i n g a n d q u a r r y i n g e x p a n d e d m o s t r a p i d l y in N o r t h a n d W e s t A f r i c a d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d i 9 6 0 t o 1 9 7 0 . B e t w e e n i 9 6 0 a n d 1 9 6 5 , m i n i n g d e v e l o p m e n t w a s at its p e a k , g r o w i n g at a n a n n u a l a v e r a g e r a t e o f 38.5 a n d 2 1 . 7 p e r c e n t in N o r t h a n d W e s t A f r i c a r e s p e c t i v e l y . T h e s l o w - d o w n in t h e g r o w t h o f this s e c t o r b e t w e e n 1965 a n d 1 9 7 5 a n d m o r e p a r t i c u l a r l y d u r i n g t h e last f i v e y e a r s w a s d u e t o a v a r i e t y o f f a c t o r s , i n c l u d i n g l a c k o f c a p i t a l a n d k n o w - h o w as f o r e i g n c a p i t a l i s t s b e c a m e m o r e a n d m o r e c a u t i o u s a b o u t i n v e s t i n g in A f r i c a in v i e w o f t h e g r o w i n g e c o n o m i c n a t i o n a l i s m , w h i c h w a s m a n i f e s t i n g i t s e l f in the v a r i o u s indigenisation policies and p r o g r a m m e s b e i n g p u r s u e d b y an increasing n u m b e r o f A f r i c a n countries. In s o m e o f these there w a s o u t r i g h t nationalisation. T h e r e w a s also the p r o b l e m o f d e p l e t i o n o f r e s e r v e s in a n u m b e r o f c o u n t r i e s w h i l e in a f e w t h e r e w a s a p o l i c y o f c o n s e r v a t i o n . T h e s l o w - d o w n in t h e a n n u a l rate o f g r o w t h i n o u t p u t o f m a n y m i n e r a l s w a s d u e t o t h e r i s i n g unit cost o f p r o d u c t i o n . T h e 1960s w i t n e s s e d t h e b e g i n n i n g o f a s u b s t a n t i a l e x p a n s i o n o f mineral processing industries. T h i s encompassed petroleum r e f i n i n g ; c e m e n t p r o d u c t i o n ; fertiliser p r o d u c t i o n ; t h e s m e l t i n g

214

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T a b l e 5.5. Structure and growth of mining and quarrying in developing Africa by sub-region 1960-jj.

Contribution of mining to GDP at 1970 factor cost (per cent)

Annual rate of growth of mining (per cent)

juu-icgiuu

North Africa West Africa Central Africa Eastern Africa Total Source:

i960

1965

1970

1975

3-i

10.5

18.1

5-2

7.7 6.6 6.2 11.3

8.0 9.0

4.6 7.8

3-7 6.0

4-4

7-5

7-9 1.9 7-3

1960-5 38.5 21.7 — 2.1 -0.8 17.0

Compiled from ECA national accounts computer print-outs, March 1977.

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1965-70 18.4 16.8 18.3 8.6 14.8

1970-5 -9.6 9.1 12.1 —16.9 -4.3

1960-75 15.8 15.9 9-4 -3.0 9.2

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o f tin, lead and a l u m i n i u m ; a n d the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f steel plants in a n u m b e r o f countries.

The industrial sector W h i l e traditional handicrafts and artisan-type industries w e r e d e e p l y i n g r a i n e d in the h i s t o r y o f N o r t h A f r i c a a n d a n u m b e r o f sub-Saharan countries, the d e v e l o p m e n t o f factory p r o d u c t i o n w a s a f a i r l y r e c e n t p h e n o m e n o n , h a v i n g its o r i g i n s in t h e 1920s a n d 1 9 3 0 s . T h i s is t r u e e v e n o f t h e R e p u b l i c o f S o u t h A f r i c a , w h e r e m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n d u s t r i e s g r e w at a m u c h h i g h e r r a t e t h a n in a n y o t h e r A f r i c a n c o u n t r y . T h e d e l a y e d entry o f A f r i c a into in­ dustrialisation resulted from the reluctance o f colonial p o w e r s t o e n c o u r a g e it i n t h e i r c o l o n i e s l e s t it c o m p e t e w i t h m e t r o p o l i t a n industry. D u r i n g the w a r years, there w a s an inevitable interruption o f supplies from the industrialised countries. T h i s e n c o u r a g e d the m a n u f a c t u r e o f c o n s u m e r g o o d s in the c o l o n i e s . T h e scarcity o f s h i p p i n g space d u r i n g the w a r also e n c o u r a g e d the p r o c e s s i n g o f b u l k y r a w materials. A n d for strategic reasons, the metropolitan countries established branches o f s o m e industries in the c o l o n i e s a n d t h u s g a v e f u r t h e r i m p e t u s t o m a n u f a c t u r i n g . B u t it w a s n o t u n t i l after t h e w a r , a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y d u r i n g t h e p r e - i n d e p e n d e n c e d e c a d e o f t h e 1 9 5 0 s a n d t h e first p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e d e c a d e , t h a t i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n w a s p u r s u e d v i g o r o u s l y a n d in a p e r s i s t e n t m a n n e r b y the g o v e r n m e n t s o f the e m e r g i n g African nations. B y i 9 6 0 , t h e s h a r e o f m a n u f a c t u r i n g in t h e t o t a l G D P o f d e v e l o p i n g Africa had risen to 1 0 . 1 7 per cent. Industrial g r o w t h d u r i n g the p e r i o d 1 9 6 0 - 7 5 a v e r a g e d 6.4 p e r c e n t . T h i s rate w h i l e h i g h e r t h a n t h e r a t e o f g r o w t h o f t h e e c o n o m y as a w h o l e , a n d h i g h e r a l s o t h a n t h e rates a c h i e v e d in s u c h s e c t o r s as a g r i c u l t u r e , e l e c t r i c i t y a n d t r a n s p o r t , w a s m u c h l o w e r t h a n t h e rates r e c o r d e d b y m i n i n g a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n . B y 1 9 7 5 , i n d u s t r y c o n t r i b u t e d a l m o s t 12 p e r cent o f the total G D P . T h e v a l u e a d d e d by m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n c r e a s e d f r o m J U S 3.13 b i l l i o n in 1960 t o $ U S 7.09 b i l l i o n in 1975 as t a b l e 5.6 s h o w s . B u t c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e o t h e r r e g i o n s o f t h e w o r l d , industrial d e v e l o p m e n t l a g g e d b e h i n d ; Africa w a s only a b l e t o i n c r e a s e its s h a r e o f w o r l d m a n u f a c t u r i n g o u t p u t f r o m 0.5 p e r c e n t i n i 9 6 0 t o 0.6 p e r c e n t i n 1 9 7 5 . W h a t w e r e t h e m a i n f e a t u r e s o f t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g s e c t o r in 216

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A N D

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C H A N G E S

S3* FTUNISIA

•ALGERIA

WESTERN/ SAHARA/

LIBYA

/MAURITANIA

MALI NIGER CHAD

GUINEA-1 BISSAU .

TI/

SUDAN

NIGERIA

ETHIOPIA

* I VORYJ

7COASTJ EQUATORIALGUINEA

ZAIRE

RWANDA/* BURUNDI t s TANZANIA/*

ANGOLA Factory workers per 1 0 0 0 total population l_ ~\ Data not available BOTSWANA

[ : X 3 Less than 1 per 1 0 0 0 :

:

:

L

.1125 per

[

D 2 . 5 — 5 per 1 0 0 0

1000 SWAZILAND

fgSS 5—10 per 1000 WÊÊ10—25 per 1000 • H

-LESOTHO

More than 25 per 1 0 0 0

2 0 0 0 km l o b o miles

Factory workers as a proportion ot the total population. (Source: Cambridge Encyclopaedia of Africa.) A f r i c a d u r i n g this p e r i o d ? First, there w a s the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f industry in certain s u b - r e g i o n s and in certain c o u n t r i e s . T h e s e w e r e c o u n t r i e s w h i c h had a h e a d start in industrialisation (like E g y p t ) o r had a h i g h e c o n o m i c potential o r mineral w e a l t h (for example, N i g e r i a and Algeria). Indeed, these three countries — E g y p t , Nigeria and Algeria - accounted for 4 1 . 7 per cent o f 217

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T a b l e 5.6. Some economic indicators of manufacturing industry in developing Africa by sub-region, 1960-7j.

Value Value added by added by manufac­ manufac­ turing turing as Percentage (millions percentage of Percentage of JUS) of total population of GDP i960

North Africa West Africa Central Africa Eastern Africa

1690.5

54.0

25.9

37.1

512.5

16.4

32.1

28.5

Total

450.8

14.4

14.3

14.2

476.3

15.2

27.7

20.2

3130.1

100.0

100.0

100.1

3535.5 1494.8

49.8

26.0

42.0

21.1

31.9

28.6

609.8

8.6

14.5

10.6

14533

20.5

27.6

18.8

7093.4

100.0

100.0

100.0

1975

North Africa West Africa Central Africa Eastern Africa Total Source-.

Compiled from EC A national accounts computer print-outs, March

1977.

d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a ' s t o t a l i n d u s t r i a l o u t p u t i n 1 9 7 5 . A n d a s is s h o w n in table 5.7, these three c o u n t r i e s t o g e t h e r w i t h s e v e n others — M o r o c c o , Zaire, K e n y a , the Ivory Coast, G h a n a , Z a m b i a and T u n i s i a in that o r d e r — a c c o u n t e d f o r three-quarters o f total A f r i c a n m a n u f a c t u r i n g o u t p u t . T h e r e m a i n i n g 38 c o u n t r i e s c o n t r i ­ b u t e d b a r e l y 27 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l . A m o n g t h e s e , 24 c o u n t r i e s half the total n u m b e r o f i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s in 1 9 7 5 , c o m p o s e d e s s e n t i a l l y o f t h e least d e v e l o p e d , l a n d - l o c k e d o r i s l a n d c o u n t r i e s - c o n t r i b u t e d less t h a n 1 0 p e r c e n t . T h i s i m b a l a n c e i n t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f i n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p m e n t is o f c o u r s e r e f l e c t e d sub-regionally. N o r t h Africa, w i t h a quarter o f Africa's total p o p u l a t i o n a n d 3 7 . 1 p e r c e n t o f its G D P , a c c o u n t e d f o r 54 p e r c e n t o f its i n d u s t r i a l o u t p u t i n i 9 6 0 a n d f o r 49.8 p e r c e n t i n 1 9 7 5 . 218

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T a b l e 5.7. Manufacturing value added (at factor cost in 1970 constant prices) in million %US. i960

Egypt Nigeria Algeria Morocco Zaire Kenya Ivory Coast Ghana Zambia Tunisia Total Source:

Amount

Percentage of total African output

Amount

Percentage of total African output

857

31.2

1180

16.8

184

6.7

1013

14.4

210

7.6

2

8.5

738 512

10.5

35 246

8.9

509

61

2.2

285

7-3 4.1

46

i-7 2.2

23 222

9 100

1.1

I99

2029

73-7

61 2

c\

Country

1975

EC A Secretariat estimates, March

1

I92 5081

7-3

3-3 2

32.8 2

-7

72.4

1977.

O n the other hand, W e s t Africa w i t h almost a third o f d e v e l o p i n g Africa's population and G D P accounted for only 16.4 and 21.1 p e r c e n t o f its i n d u s t r i a l o u t p u t i n i 9 6 0 a n d 1975 r e s p e c t i v e l y . T h e relative shares o f Central a n d eastern Africa w e r e e v e n smaller, if w e e x c e p t R h o d e s i a ( Z i m b a b w e ) , w h i c h w a s o f c o u r s e still under w h i t e minority rule. T h e second characteristic o f African manufacturing o u t p u t w a s its d o m i n a t i o n b y l i g h t i n d u s t r y , a l t h o u g h h e a v y i n d u s t r i e s i n c r e a s e d t h e i r r e l a t i v e s h a r e s i g n i f i c a n t l y after i 9 6 0 . T h u s , w h e r e a s in i 9 6 0 t h e p e r c e n t a g e s o f m a n u f a c t u r i n g v a l u e a d d e d b y l i g h t a n d h e a v y i n d u s t r i e s w e r e 7 7 . 5 a n d 22.5 r e s p e c t i v e l y , t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g figures i n 1975 w e r e 60.2 a n d 39.8. W i t h i n t h e l i g h t industries g r o u p , food b e v e r a g e s and t o b a c c o , textiles a n d c l o t h i n g p r e d o m i n a t e d a n d j o i n t l y a c c o u n t e d f o r 6 6 . 7 a n d 49.8 p e r c e n t o f total i n d u s t r i a l o u t p u t in i 9 6 0 a n d 1975 r e s p e c t i v e l y . T h e c h e m i c a l and petro-chemical industry and basic metal industry represented o n l y 12.3 p e r c e n t in i 9 6 0 a n d 2 1 . 6 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 5 . A f r i c a ' s s h a r e in t h e w o r l d o u t p u t o f m e t a l s a n d e n g i n e e r i n g p r o d u c t s r e m a i n e d 219

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u n c h a n g e d f r o m 1955 t o 1 9 7 5 at 0.2 p e r c e n t . O f all d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s , Africa had the l o w e s t ratio o f e n g i n e e r i n g p r o d u c t i o n to e n g i n e e r i n g i m p o r t s . T h e significance o f this n e e d s to be underlined. E n g i n e e r i n g industries not only p r o v i d e the means o f p r o d u c t i o n f o r t h e m s e l v e s b u t a l s o f o r v i r t u a l l y all o t h e r s e c t o r s . T h e y s e r v e n o t o n l y as c a r r i e r s o f t e c h n o l o g y b u t a l s o as the m e d i u m o f t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n v e n t i o n and i n n o v a t i o n . T h e y contribute, possibly m o r e than any other sector, to fostering labour, technical and m a n a g e m e n t skills. T h e third feature o f industrialisation in A f r i c a w a s that the industrial sector w a s c o m p o s e d o f a heterogeneous collection o f industrial products, m a n y o f w h i c h w e r e o f marginal significance for the achievement o f self-sustaining g r o w t h . Industrialisation, rather t h a n c o n s t i t u t i n g an e n g i n e for g r o w t h in A f r i c a , t e n d e d to accentuate the dualistic nature o f the African e c o n o m y . African g o v e r n m e n t s had been led to believe that, t h r o u g h g e n e r o u s p r o v i s i o n s o f fiscal a n d o t h e r i n c e n t i v e s c o m b i n e d w i t h h i g h protective duties, a d y n a m i c and self-sustaining industrial sector w o u l d e m e r g e . T h e y therefore p u r s u e d an import-substituting industrialisation policy w h i c h m o r e often than not depended o n f o r e i g n c a p i t a l , t e c h n o l o g y a n d s k i l l w i t h little o r n o b a c k w a r d and f o r w a r d linkages w i t h the agricultural and m i n i n g sectors, w h i c h w e r e the b a c k b o n e o f the e c o n o m y . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the h e t e r o g e n e o u s i n d u s t r i a l p r o j e c t s w h i c h w e r e set u p c a m e t o constitute islands o f s y m b o l i c m o d e r n i t y s u r r o u n d e d b y vast oceans o f p o v e r t y and traditional agricultural sectors. Fortunately b y t h e e n d o f o u r p e r i o d it w a s b e g i n n i n g t o b e r e c o g n i s e d , i f o n l y s l o w l y , t h a t i n d u s t r y h a d an i n n e r s t r u c t u r a l l o g i c a n d t h a t l i n k a g e s w i t h i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r w e r e as i m p o r t a n t t o its v i t a l i t y as l i n k a g e s b e t w e e n it a n d t h e o t h e r s e c t o r s . A n i n c r e a s i n g n u m b e r o f g o v e r n m e n t s had c o m e to perceive that the importance o f a s e c t o r d e p e n d s n o t s o m u c h o n its s i z e as o n its g r o w t h p r o m o t i n g impact on other sectors. T h e f o u r t h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e o f i n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p m e n t in the years 1960-75 w a s that these industries d e v e l o p e d o n a national scale. T h e r e w e r e virtually n o joint projects d e s i g n e d and i m p l e m e n t e d o n the r e g i o n a l scale. A s a result, m o s t o f the units set u p s e r v e d t h e l o c a l m a r k e t a n d t h e r e f o r e h a d t o o p e r a t e i n h a r m o n y w i t h t h e s i z e o f t h a t m a r k e t , a n d e x p e r i e n c e its h a z a r d s a n d fluctuations, w i t h o u t b e i n g a b l e t o b e n e f i t f r o m t h e e c o n o m i e s 220

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o f scale w h i c h characterise the p r o d u c t i o n o f the industrialised countries. T h e result w a s that a large n u m b e r o f industrial projects e x p e r i e n c e d difficulties, l e a d i n g in m o s t cases t o p r o h i b i t i v e production costs a n d / o r to p o o r uncompetitive quality with similar i m p o r t e d p r o d u c t s . Industrialisation in Africa p r o v e d a d i s a p p o i n t m e n t in spite o f its r e l a t i v e l y h i g h rates o f g r o w t h s i n c e i n d e p e n d e n c e . It d i d n o t bring about any reduction in the dependence o f African countries o n f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s . O n t h e c o n t r a r y — it c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e establishment o f an industrial structure o v e r l y d e p e n d e n t o n i m p o r t e d materials. M o r e o v e r , this p o l i c y d i d n o t e n c o u r a g e national savings n o r p r o m p t African entrepreneurs to enter the circuit o f industrial i n v e s t m e n t since incentives p r o v i d e d w e r e principally for the benefit o f the f o r e i g n investor. T h e industri­ a l i s a t i o n p u r s u e d f o r m o s t o f this p e r i o d w a s n o t p a r t o f a n o v e r a l l multi-sectoral strategy. It w a s n o t linked t o agricultural a n d rural development, the main sector e m p l o y i n g the largest section o f the p o p u l a t i o n a n d , as a r e s u l t , it d i d n o t c o n t r i b u t e t o r e d u c i n g t h e dualistic imbalances w h i c h characterised the A f r i c a n e c o n o m y . Because the industrial projects w e r e concentrated in the t o w n s , industrialisation accelerated the process o f urbanisation t o the detriment o f the rural sector a n d agricultural d e v e l o p m e n t . S o m e c h a n g e i n p o l i c y h a d t a k e n p l a c e i n t h e e a r l y 1 9 7 0 s , w h e n a n effort was made b y s o m e countries t o establish industrial projects o n a scale l a r g e r t h a n t h e l o c a l m a r k e t a n d o r i e n t e d t o w a r d s e x p o r t . T h i s w a s the case w i t h the liquid o r g a s e o u s h y d r o c a r b o n industries; the agro-allied industries (textiles, leather, sugar, meat and oilseed p r o c e s s i n g ) ; the construction industry; the ferrous and non-ferrous metals industry; and the w o o d industry (pulp and p a p e r ) . N e v e r t h e l e s s A f r i c a w a s b y t h e e n d o f 1 9 7 5 still p r i m a r i l y e x p o r t i n g its r a w m a t e r i a l s a n d i m p o r t i n g m o s t o f its r e q u i r e m e n t s of manufactured g o o d s .

Economic infrastructure N o c o u n t r y c a n d e v e l o p p r o p e r l y w i t h o u t a n a d e q u a t e infras t r u c t u r a l s u p p o r t . Y e t a t i n d e p e n d e n c e all A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s w e r e v e r y short o f social o v e r h e a d capital. T h e e c o n o m i c and social infrastructures w h i c h they inherited w e r e designed for a colonial type o f administration w h i c h was concerned with the maintenance 221

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Algiers Tangier

Tunis Tripoli

Rabat« Bechar^

Alexandria

Touggourt Cairo j

) Marrakesh ¿

Aswan Wadi Haifa

Zouerate

Port Sudan

i Nouadhibou Timbuktu

¿.Gao kAnsongo

Khartoum

St Louis g Dakar f Bamako

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l^^aga-'ANiarriev dougou

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1

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Nyala •

Roseires • (Addis Ababa Gambeila

Ngaoundere

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Freetown \

Juba

P^ O

Port Harcourt

DOuala

Bangui /

Mogadishu

o

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Brazzaville j Pointe-Noire

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] [M^nza j

Kind^^^Kigoma

' Mombasa

Tabora/

nKinSfiasa K a l e m i e

Matadi Luanda

\ Dar es Salaam

Malanje

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^ Mozambique Lusaka

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Antananarivo

Bulawayo^

Walvis Bay I

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Hotazel Luderitz

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II

Transport. (Source: Cambridge

Port Elizabeth

Port London

Encylopaedia

of

Africa.)

o f law and order and the p r o m o t i o n o f exports and imports. In the c i r c u m s t a n c e s , therefore, the n e w l y - i n d e p e n d e n t c o u n t r i e s had n o alternative but to g i v e priority attention to the d e v e l o p m e n t o f their infrastructures. W e shall presently c o n c e r n o u r s e l v e s w i t h transport and c o m m u n i c a t i o n s ; the social services will be c o n s i d e r e d later. T h e total l e n g t h (route k i l o m e t r e s ) o f A f r i c a n r a i l w a y s , e x c l u d 222 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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T a b l e 5.8. Transport and other economic indicators: percentage distribution of world totals, 1961.

South America

Africa Population Area Air transport capacity Air traffic Rail freight traffic Commercial vehicles Energy consumption Gross domestic product

8.5 22.5 2.0 2

4.9 13.2 5.0

-3

5.3

1.0

1.8 2.9 1.6

4.8 2.2

3-3

4-7

Europe (excl. USSR) 14.0 3-7

23.0 24.0 11.0 24.0 27.0 28.0

North America 8.9 18.0 62.0 60.0 29.0

55-o 38.0 51.0

('958) Source

UN

statistical

yearbook.

i n g t h o s e i n S o u t h A f r i c a , is a b o u t 50000 k m . I f S o u t h A f r i c a n r a i l w a y s a r e i n c l u d e d , it c o m e s t o a b o u t 7 3 0 0 0 k m . I n r e l a t i o n t o the s i z e o f t h e c o n t i n e n t t h e s e a r e v e r y l o w figures. I n d e e d , t h e g e n e r a l i m p r e s s i o n o f A f r i c a ' s r a i l w a y n e t w o r k is o n e o f e m p t i n e s s . In a d d i t i o n , t h e r a i l w a y s h a d different t e c h n i c a l c h a r a c t e r s , s u c h as g a u g e s , c o u p l i n g s , b r a k e s y s t e m s a n d buffers a n d t h e y w e r e unconnected w i t h o n e another. In Africa south o f the Sahara, 76 p e r c e n t o f t h e c. 6 0 0 0 0 k m o f r a i l r o a d s w e r e 3 ' 6 " g a u g e w h i l e a b o u t 20 p e r c e n t w e r e o f i m g a u g e . I n N o r t h A f r i c a , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , o v e r t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f t h e 13 000 k m o f r a i l r o a d s w e r e 4 ' 8" ( o r s t a n d a r d ) g a u g e , a b o u t 1 6 p e r c e n t w e r e i m g a u g e , w h i l e 8 p e r c e n t w e r e 1.05 5 m g a u g e (this b e i n g t h e 1 3 2 0 k m o f l i n e i n the R e p u b l i c o f A l g e r i a ) . Because o f the fragmentary c o m p o s i t i o n o f m u c h o f the r a i l w a y s y s t e m , r o a d t r a n s p o r t w a s o f s p e c i a l i m p o r t a n c e , p a r t i c u l a r l y as the s c o p e o f inland w a t e r w a y s w a s restricted t o the c o m p a r a t i v e l y f e w areas w h i c h h a v e r i v e r s a n d l a k e s n a v i g a b l e t o a n y t h i n g l a r g e r than a canoe. F u r t h e r m o r e , f e w o f the n a v i g a b l e rivers are navigable t h r o u g h o u t the year. In 1 9 6 3 , d e v e l o p i n g Africa, excluding A n g o l a and M o z a m b i q u e , h a d a total mileage o f 9 4 6 2 9 1 k m o f r o a d s , less t h a n 10 p e r c e n t o f w h i c h w e r e p a v e d . T h e d e n s i t y o f t h i s n e t w o r k a v e r a g e d 7.3 k m p e r 100 k m w h i c h , e v e n after d u e a c c o u n t h a s b e e n t a k e n o f t h e g r e a t e x p a n s e o f l a n d o c c u p i e d b y d e s e r t s a n d t h e r e f o r e s p a r s e l y p o p u l a t e d , w a s still 2

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v e r y l o w . W h i l e , as i n t h e c a s e o f t h e r a i l w a y s , t h e r e h a d b e e n n o attempt during the colonial period to build an all-African road system, unlike railroads there w a s n o total isolation. T h e r e w e r e h i g h w a y links b e t w e e n n e i g h b o u r i n g countries. B u t these w e r e r e a l l y ad hoc c o n n e x i o n s r a t h e r t h a n l i n k s i n a p l a n n e d s y s t e m o f regional or even sub-regional road networks. T h u s road systems w e r e essentially national a n d local in character. T a b l e 5.8 s h o w s h o w r e l a t i v e l y u n d e v e l o p e d A f r i c a ' s t r a n s p o r t s y s t e m w a s at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e 1 9 6 0 s . I t s s h a r e o f w o r l d t o t a l s in a i r t r a n s p o r t c a p a c i t y , a i r traffic, rail f r e i g h t traffic, a n d c o m m e r c i a l v e h i c l e s w a s d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y s m a l l e r t h a n its s h a r e o f w o r l d p o p u l a t i o n a n d l a n d a r e a w h i l e its s h a r e o f t h e w o r l d transport system, using the a b o v e indices, w a s m u c h smaller than its s h a r e o f w o r l d i n c o m e . T h i s w a s a l s o t r u e o f its s h a r e o f e n e r g y consumption. The social sector W e cannot e n d o u r analysis o f structural and sectoral c h a n g e s and trends without t o u c h i n g u p o n the all-important social sector health, education, h o u s i n g , water supplies - w h i c h in turn touches directly o n the well-being o f the citizens. A l t h o u g h for t o o l o n g economists have been concerned with such quantitative p a r a m e t e r s as G N P , i n c o m e , s a v i n g s , c a p i t a l f o r m a t i o n a n d p e r c a p i t a i n c o m e as t h e i n d i c e s f o r m e a s u r i n g e c o n o m i c p r o g r e s s , t h e r e is a g r o w i n g f e e l i n g t h a t t h e s e a r e far f r o m b e i n g a d e q u a t e in s a t i s f a c t o r i l y m e a s u r i n g t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h e h u m a n n e e d s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l s a r e b e i n g m e t , p a r t i c u l a r l y as t h e r e is n o a u t o m a t i c p o l i c y r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n a n y p a r t i c u l a r l e v e l o r rate o f g r o w t h o f t h e G N P a n d i m p r o v e m e n t i n s u c h i n d i c a t o r s as life e x p e c t a n c y , death rates, infant m o r t a l i t y , literacy, h o u s i n g o r water supplies. T h e r e has, therefore, recently been a search for a n e w kind o f index, a Physical Quality o f Life Index. It is o f c o u r s e n o t d i f f i c u l t t o u n d e r s t a n d o r e v e n a p p r e c i a t e w h y e c o n o m i s t s h a v e f a v o u r e d the easily quantifiable parameters in their m e a s u r e m e n t o f p r o g r e s s . Social p h e n o m e n a are n o t easily quantifiable a n d w h i l e social c h a n g e s m a y b e a d o p t e d as p o l i c y measures, the actual m o v e m e n t in the direction required m a y n o t b e e a s i l y m e a s u r a b l e e x c e p t after a p e r i o d o f s e v e r a l y e a r s . M o r e o v e r , social conditions varied greatly from country to

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c o u n t r y a n d as a r e s u l t a n y g e n e r a l i s a t i o n w o u l d in all p r o b a b i l i t y b e a r b i t r a r y a n d p e r h a p s m i s l e a d i n g . T h e f o l l o w i n g a n a l y s i s is therefore limited to o b s e r v a b l e trends in social c o n d i t i o n s . African countries m a d e great advances d u r i n g the years b e t w e e n i 9 6 0 a n d 1975 i n t h e s o c i a l s e c t o r s i n r e l a t i o n t o w h a t h a d b e e n a c h i e v e d in t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . A t t h e t i m e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e m o s t o f them had n o m o r e than v e r y rudimentary social services. N o country had well-established educational systems, health services or h o u s i n g p r o g r a m m e s . Indeed, m a n y countries had o n l y a handful o f university graduates and only a few thousand h i g h s c h o o l g r a d u a t e s . P i p e - b o r n e w a t e r w a s a rarity and hospitals a n d h e a l t h c e n t r e s w e r e f e w a n d far b e t w e e n . E v e n t h e s c h o o l s w h i c h w e r e established b y the colonial administrations, o r m o r e usually b y the Christian missionaries, w e r e d e s i g n e d to p r o d u c e c l e r k s w h o w e r e v e r s e d in t h e t h r e e R s - a r i t h m e t i c , w r i t i n g a n d r e l i g i o u s k n o w l e d g e . T h u s b y i 9 6 0 , c o u n t r i e s s u c h as t h e Gambia, A n g o l a , Mali, Upper Volta, Mauritania, Somalia, N i g e r a n d E t h i o p i a - all o f w h i c h are t o d a y c l a s s i f i e d as t h e m o s t s e r i o u s l y affected b y p o v e r t y a n d t h e least d e v e l o p e d a m o n g t h e d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s - h a d less t h a n 10 p e r c e n t o f t h e i r e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l - a g e p o p u l a t i o n e n r o l l e d in s c h o o l s a n d less than 5 per cent o f their s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l - a g e p o p u l a t i o n attending s c h o o l . I n d e e d , b y i 9 6 0 as m a n y as 27 A f r i c a n states h a d less t h a n a third o f their p r i m a r y s c h o o l - a g e p o p u l a t i o n enrolled, and a l m o s t all A f r i c a n s t a t e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h o s e s o u t h o f t h e S a h a r a , h a d less t h a n 8 p e r c e n t o f t h e i r s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l - a g e p o p u l a t i o n enrolled. In 1 9 6 0 - 1 , the p r o p o r t i o n o f the p o p u l a t i o n b e t w e e n the a g e s o f 5 a n d 19 t h a t w a s r e c e i v i n g f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n i n A f r i c a as a w h o l e w a s o n l y 16 p e r c e n t , c o m p a r e d w i t h 4 4 p e r c e n t i n S o u t h E a s t A s i a , 50 p e r c e n t i n L a t i n A m e r i c a a n d 7 6 p e r c e n t in t h e S c a n d i n a v i a n c o u n t r i e s . N o c o m p r e h e n s i v e d a t a are available w i t h respect to the other services w i t h i n the social sector, b u t t h e s i t u a t i o n in t h e s e w a s h a r d l y b e t t e r . F o r e x a m p l e , a C o l o n i a l O f f i c e - s p o n s o r e d e c o n o m i c s u r v e y o f N i g e r i a in 1 9 5 1 h a d this t o r e p o r t o n h e a l t h s e r v i c e s :

Economic development is severely handicapped by the many health needs and problems of Nigeria. Outbreaks of relapsing and cerebro-spinal fevers are a serious problem in many of the Northern Provinces, and no province is entirely free from smallpox... Guinea worm infection prevails in many parts of the 225

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North, and the incidence of yaws is widely spread throughout Southern Nigeria... Malaria is widespread... 1

T h u s , in evaluating performance during the period under r e v i e w , it is i m p o r t a n t a l w a y s t o b e a r i n m i n d t h e d e p t h s f r o m w h i c h all A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s h a d t o e m e r g e i n t h e s o c i a l s e c t o r . A n d unfortunately, their task w a s n o t m a d e easy b y rapid increases in p o p u l a t i o n . T h e e s t i m a t e d p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e c o n t i n e n t i n 1965 w a s a b o u t 220 m i l l i o n , o r 8 p e r c e n t o f t h e w o r l d ' s t o t a l . B y 1 9 7 5 it had increased t o a b o u t 402 m i l l i o n , w h i c h represented a b o u t 10.1 per cent o f the w o r l d p o p u l a t i o n in that year. T h i s represented an a n n u a l rate o f i n c r e a s e o f b e t w e e n 2.7 a n d 3.0 p e r c e n t , w h i c h w a s t e n d i n g t o rise. T h e r e is a l s o t h e fact t h a t A f r i c a h a d t h e y o u n g e s t a g e structure o f any continent: o v e r two-fifths o f the population w e r e b e l o w the a g e o f 15. T h u s , a l t h o u g h there w a s p h e n o m e n a l progress in absolute terms, relative t o the needs o f the rapidly increasing p o p u l a t i o n the a c h i e v e m e n t s w e r e m o d e s t and in s o m e countries e v e n n e g a t i v e . I n t h e field o f e d u c a t i o n , p r i m a r y - s c h o o l e n r o l m e n t s d o u b l e d b e t w e e n 1 9 5 0 a n d 1 9 6 4 f o r A f r i c a as a w h o l e ; t h e y i n c r e a s e d fivefold after 1 9 5 7 a n d f o u r f o l d after 1 9 5 9 . B y 1 9 6 3 , t h e n u m b e r o f s e c o n d a r y - s c h o o l p u p i l s h a d i n c r e a s e d b y 2000 p e r c e n t o v e r 1 9 5 0 ; 700 p e r c e n t o v e r 1 9 5 7 ; a n d 500 p e r c e n t o v e r 1 9 5 9 . Y e t b e c a u s e o f t h e h i g h p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h rates a n d t h e a g e - s t r u c t u r e , Africa w a s destined to continue for a l o n g time t o shoulder an unequalled enrolment burden. A l t h o u g h m a r k e d i m p r o v e m e n t s in health c o n d i t i o n s w e r e a c h i e v e d b e t w e e n i 9 6 0 a n d 1 9 7 5 , h e a l t h s t a n d a r d s w e r e still v e r y l o w . T h e a v e r a g e d e a t h rate r e m a i n e d h i g h at a b o u t 21 p e r 1000 a n d b y t h e e n d o f t h e p e r i o d f o r m o s t c o u n t r i e s t h e a v e r a g e life e x p e c t a n c y w a s still u n d e r 50 y e a r s . T h e p r i m a r y c a u s e s o f morbidity and mortality w e r e malnutrition, insanitary health en­ v i r o n m e n t s , l o w health education and v e c t o r - b o r n e disease. A l o n g l e e w a y still h a d t o b e m a d e u p b y all states t o i n c r e a s e t h e s i z e o f their medical a n d para-medical personnel. A l t h o u g h in m o s t c a s e s t h e s i t u a t i o n g r e a t l y i m p r o v e d after t h e p r e - i n d e p e n d e n c e d e c a d e - t h e i m p r o v e m e n t r a n g e d f r o m 2 p e r c e n t t o 30 p e r c e n t o v e r t h e figures f o r 1 9 5 8 t o i 9 6 0 - d e v e l o p m e n t s i n d i f f e r e n t A f r i c a n states w e r e u n e v e n . B e s i d e s , t h e s i t u a t i o n w o r s e n e d i n a 1

C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , An economic survey of the colonial territories, i?jr African territories (London, H M S O , 1952).

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n u m b e r o f states, f o r e x a m p l e U g a n d a a n d E t h i o p i a , d u e t o a brain-drain caused by political upheavals. O n e o f the characteristic features o f the African e c o n o m y d u r i n g this p e r i o d w a s t h e r a p i d r a t e o f u r b a n i s a t i o n (see C h a p t e r 4). T r a d i t i o n a l l y , A f r i c a n s w e r e c o u n t r y d w e l l e r s . E v e n a r o u n d i 9 6 0 , o n l y 7 - 8 p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n w e r e l i v i n g in t o w n s o f 100000 i n h a b i t a n t s a n d u p w a r d s . T h e p r o p o r t i o n o f u r b a n population h o w e v e r varied from one sub-region to another, with N o r t h Africa being, by a v e r y w i d e margin, the m o s t urbanised, a n d E a s t a n d s o u t h e r n A f r i c a t h e least. A f t e r i 9 6 0 t h e a n n u a l rates of g r o w t h o f urban population were consistently very m u c h h i g h e r t h a n the a n n u a l rates o f g r o w t h o f t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n , a n d r a n g e d f r o m an a v e r a g e o f 4.2 p e r c e n t t o 15.5 p e r c e n t . B y 1 9 7 5 , f r o m 20 t o 25 p e r c e n t o f t h e p e o p l e w e r e l i v i n g i n u r b a n areas. It m u s t b e a d d e d , h o w e v e r , t h a t A f r i c a r e m a i n e d t h e least u r b a n i s e d o f all t h e c o n t i n e n t s . Rapid urbanisation put very severe pressures on such social s e r v i c e s as h o u s i n g , h e a l t h a n d w a t e r s u p p l y . H o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s s e e m t o h a v e s t a g n a t e d , i f n o t d e t e r i o r a t e d , d u r i n g this p e r i o d . F o r t h e w h o l e c o n t i n e n t t h e r a t e o f i n c r e a s e in h o u s i n g w a s a p p r o x i m a t e l y 3 u n i t s p e r 1000 p e o p l e a n n u a l l y w h i l e b a s i c n e e d s w e r e e s t i m a t e d at 10 t o 13 u n i t s p e r 1000. T h e s t e e p l y r i s i n g c o s t s o f b u i l d i n g materials a g g r a v a t e d the situation. In o r d e r to ameliorate the acute h o u s i n g s h o r t a g e , g o v e r n m e n t s b e g a n to assume direct responsibility for p r o v i d i n g h o u s i n g , particularly low-cost housing, and g i v i n g incentives to private developers. A l t h o u g h e x i s t i n g d a t a are s k e t c h y , t h e r e is e n o u g h e v i d e n c e to s h o w that the p r o b l e m s o f o p e n u n e m p l o y m e n t , u n d e r e m ­ p l o y m e n t and mass p o v e r t y assumed increasingly serious pro­ portions. A c c o r d i n g to a recent International L a b o u r Office e s t i m a t e , u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d u n d e r e m p l o y m e n t affected o n t h e a v e r a g e 7.1 a n d 3 7 . 9 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l l a b o u r f o r c e r e s p e c t i v e l y ; t h a t is t o s a y , 45 p e r c e n t o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e w a s e i t h e r o p e n l y unemployed or disguisedly unemployed. Little w o n d e r Africa r e m a i n e d p o o r . F o r i f w e w e r e t o a d d t o t h i s figure t h e 4 4 p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n b e l o w t h e a g e o f 15 a n d t h e r e f o r e e c o n o m i c a l l y d e p e n d e n t , a l m o s t 240 m i l l i o n o u t o f A f r i c a ' s t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n o f 402 m i l l i o n in 1 9 7 5 w e r e c o n t r i b u t i n g little o r n o t h i n g to the G D P . A l t h o u g h a n u m b e r o f countries did e m b a r k o n e m p l o y m e n t - c r e a t i o n p r o g r a m m e s , o n accelerated rural 227

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d e v e l o p m e n t , and o n the restriction o f migration o f people w i t h o u t jobs from rural t o urban areas, these p r o v e d n o m o r e than palliatives. I n c o m e d i s t r i b u t i o n is c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h e p r o b l e m s o f unemployment and underemployment. Empirical evidence o n i n c o m e d i s t r i b u t i o n , s c a n t y as it i s , s h o w s t h a t i n e q u a l i t i e s w o r s e n e d and w e r e n o t significantly softened b y social services a n d w e l f a r e b e n e f i t s . T h e d i s a d v a n t a g e d h a d v e r y little o p p o r ­ tunity for u p w a r d e c o n o m i c o r social m o b i l i t y o w i n g t o lack o f employment and inadequate educational opportunities. A c c o r d i n g t o a r e c e n t s t u d y b y A d e l m a n a n d M o r r i s , t h e p o o r e s t 40 p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n r e c e i v e d o n a v e r a g e b e t w e e n 1965 a n d 1 9 7 1 a b o u t 9 t o 17 p e r cent o f the national i n c o m e , w h i l e the richest 20 p e r c e n t a b s o r b e d b e t w e e n 50 a n d 7 0 p e r c e n t . Still m o r e striking, the richest 5 p e r cent o f the p o p u l a t i o n h a d b e t w e e n 17 a n d 34 p e r c e n t o f t h e i n c o m e . T h e i m p l i c a t i o n o f t h e s e e s t i m a t e s is v e r y s e r i o u s i n t e r m s o f s o c i a l j u s t i c e ( s e e C h a p t e r 6 ) . W i t h p e r c a p i t a i n c o m e b e i n g as l o w as it w a s in m o s t A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s , a n d w i t h t h e r i c h e s t 20 p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n h a v i n g b e t w e e n 50 a n d 7 0 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l n a t i o n a l i n c o m e , it w o u l d s e e m t h a t a b o u t 80 p e r c e n t o f A f r i c a ' s t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n w e r e a r o u n d o r b e l o w the p o v e r t y line; m u c h o f this p o v e r t y w a s t o b e f o u n d in t h e r u r a l areas w h e r e m o s t p e o p l e still l i v e d . 1

Sub-regional trends T o c o n c l u d e this r e v i e w o f structural a n d sectoral c h a n g e s let us e x a m i n e v e r y briefly a n y discernible s u b - r e g i o n a l trends. T h e a v e r a g e a n n u a l g r o w t h rate o f 4.9 f o r t h e y e a r s 1 9 6 0 - 7 5 c o n c e a l e d l a r g e d i f f e r e n c e s a m o n g t h e different s u b - r e g i o n s a n d g r o u p s o f countries. T h e usual classification o f Africa b y r e g i o n d o e s n o t t h r o w e n o u g h light o n t o the increasing e c o n o m i c disparity a m o n g African countries. In a recent assessment o f trends and p r o s p e c t s u n d e r t a k e n b y the E c o n o m i c C o m m i s s i o n for A f r i c a at t h e r e q u e s t o f t h e U N G e n e r a l A s s e m b l y , as p a r t o f t h e s t u d y o f l o n g - t e r m trends in t h e e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t o f the r e g i o n s o f

2

1

I. A d e l m a n a n d C . T . M o r r i s , Economic growth and social equity in developing countries ( S t a n f o r d , 1973), 1 4 1 - 8 5 . Preliminary assessment of long-term development trends and prospects in developing Africa, p u b l i s h e d b y t h e U N E c o n o m i c a n d S o c i a l C o u n c i l as d o c u m e n t E / 5 9 3 7 / A d d . 3 o f 29 M a r c h 1977, 7. 2

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t h e w o r l d , A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s w e r e c l a s s i f i e d i n t o five e c o n o m i c a l l y m o r e m e a n i n g f u l c a t e g o r i e s . T h e r e w a s , first, t h e g r o u p o f m a j o r oil-exporters - A l g e r i a , G a b o n , the L i b y a n A r a b R e p u b l i c and N i g e r i a . T h e n o n - o i l - e x p o r t i n g c o u n t r i e s w e r e classified into four g r o u p s o n the basis o f per capita i n c o m e : $US300-400; $ U S 2 0 o ~ 3 o o ; $ U S 100-200; and b e l o w $ U S i o o . O f the 41 n o n - o i l - e x p o r t i n g c o u n t r i e s o n w h i c h d a t a w e r e a v a i l a b l e , five countries - C o n g o , the I v o r y C o a s t , S â o T o m é and Principe, T u n i s i a a n d Z a m b i a - b e l o n g e d t o t h e first p e r c a p i t a i n c o m e c a t e g o r y ( $ U S 3 0 0 - 4 0 0 ) ; 11 c o u n t r i e s - C a p e V e r d e , E g y p t , E q u a ­ torial G u i n e a , G h a n a , G u i n e a - B i s s a u , Libéria, Mauritius, M o r ­ o c c o , M o z a m b i q u e , Senegal and S w a z i l a n d - b e l o n g e d to the s e c o n d c a t e g o r y ( $ U S 200—300) ; a n o t h e r 1 1 c o u n t r i e s - B o t s w a n a , the Central African R e p u b l i c , the G a m b i a , K e n y a , M a d a g a s c a r , Mauritania, Sierra L e o n e , S u d a n , T o g o , U g a n d a and the U n i t e d R e p u b l i c o f C a m e r o o n - b e l o n g e d to the $ U S 100-200 i n c o m e r a n g e g r o u p . T h e last g r o u p , w i t h p e r c a p i t a i n c o m e s o f b e l o w $ U S i o o , consisted o f 14 countries: Bénin, B u r u n d i , C h a d , Ethi­ opia, Guinea, Lesotho, M a l a w i , Mali, N i g e r , R w a n d a , Somalia, the U n i t e d R e p u b l i c o f T a n z a n i a , U p p e r V o l t a and Z a i r e . T h e v a r y i n g p e r f o r m a n c e o f t h e s e five g r o u p s o f c o u n t r i e s is m o s t r e v e a l i n g (see t a b l e 5.9). W h e r e a s t h e f o u r m a j o r o i l - e x p o r t i n g c o u n t r i e s a n d t h e five c o u n t r i e s in t h e $ U S 3 0 0 - 4 0 0 g r o u p a c h i e v e d a v e r a g e g r o w t h rates o f 6.9 a n d 5.8 p e r c e n t p e r a n n u m r e s p e c t i v e l y b e t w e e n i 9 6 0 a n d 1 9 7 5 , t h e 14 c o u n t r i e s w h o s e p e r c a p i t a i n c o m e w a s b e l o w $ U S 100 a c h i e v e d o n l y 2.6 p e r c e n t g r o w t h p e r a n n u m . W h e n d u e a c c o u n t is t a k e n o f p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h in t h e s e c o u n t r i e s , this l a t t e r g r o u p a c h i e v e d no growth at all o n a p e r c a p i t a b a s i s d u r i n g t h e 1 5 - y e a r p e r i o d ; it is c l e a r t h a t t h e i r e c o n o m i e s w e r e d e c l i n i n g . T h e 22 c o u n t r i e s in t h e p e r c a p i t a i n c o m e r a n g e s o f $ U S 100 t o $ U S 300 a c h i e v e d a v e r a g e g r o w t h o f 4.1 p e r c e n t p e r a n n u m , w i t h a 1.4 p e r c e n t p e r a n n u m i n c r e a s e in p e r c a p i t a i n c o m e . T a b l e 5.9 p r o v i d e s d a t a o n t h e r a t e o f g r o w t h o f t h e 45 d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s , first b y g e o g r a p h i c a l s u b - r e g i o n a n d , s e c o n d l y , u n d e r the e c o n o m i c a l l y m o r e m e a n i n g f u l classifications. T h e p e r f o r m a n c e o f t h e different s e c t o r s o f e a c h g r o u p o f c o u n t r i e s is s h o w n at t a b l e 5 . 1 0 . T h e five n o n - o i l - e x p o r t i n g countries p r o v e d t h r o u g h their p e r f o r m a n c e that A f r i c a n countries did not h a v e to wait for the d i s c o v e r y o f crude p e t r o l e u m before 229

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T a b l e 5.9. Growth of real GDP in developing Africa, 1970 {percentage per annum). 1960-70 5.6

6.1

5.8

4-2

4-5

Total Major oil-exporting countries (4) Non-oil-exporting countries (41) GDP less than $100 per capita GDP $ 1 0 0 to under $200 per capita GDP $200 to under $300 per capita GDP $300 to $400 per capita Source:

1960-75

4.8 00

North Africa West Africa Central Africa (excluding S. Rhodesia) East Africa

1970-5

2.9

3-1

1.9

4.5

4-5

4.9

6.9

7.0

6.9

4.9

3.6

4.0

2-5

2.8

2.6

4-3

3.8

4.1

3-5 6.

5.0

4.1

4.3

5.8

5

Estimates from the Economic Commission for Africa.

T a b l e 5 . 1 0 . Average growth rates by economic sector by groups of countries 1960-7 j (percentage per year).

Total GDP Major oil-exporting countries Non-oil-exporting countries GDP less than $100 per capita GDP $100 to under $200 per capita GDP $200 to under $300 per capita GDP $300 to under $400 per capita Total Source:

Agri­ Manufac- All culture turing industry Services

6.9

2.0

12.1

13-7

5-7

4.0

2.4

5-3

5.4

4.6

2.6

0.4

4-7

4.1

4.2

4.1

2-7

6.6

5-5

5-7

4.2

6.1

3.8

4.1

3-

5.8

4.0

9-7

4.8

7-3

4.9

2.3

6.4

7-6

4.8

2

Estimates from the Economic Commission for Africa.

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d e v e l o p m e n t c o u l d g e t u n d e r w a y . F o r t h e r e g i o n as a w h o l e , t h e c u m u l a t i v e effect o f this i n c r e a s i n g d i s p a r i t y in e c o n o m i c p e r f o r m a n c e a m o n g t h e d i f f e r e n t g r o u p s o f c o u n t r i e s is t h a t a small n u m b e r o f countries w o u l d b e c o m e increasingly e c o n o m i ­ c a l l y d o m i n a n t in A f r i c a . W e h a v e a l r e a d y r e f e r r e d t o t h e g r o w i n g d o m i n a n c e o f t e n c o u n t r i e s in t h e i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r . T h e s e countries, a c c o r d i n g to table 5.10, a c c o u n t e d for 72.4 per cent o f Africa's total industrial o u t p u t . In 1 9 7 5 , the four major oile x p o r t e r s a c c o u n t e d f o r 34.5 p e r c e n t o f d e v e l o p i n g A f r i c a ' s G D P ; t h e five n o n - o i l - e x p o r t i n g c o u n t r i e s in t h e p e r c a p i t a i n c o m e r a n g e o f $ U S 3 0 0 - 4 0 0 a c c o u n t e d f o r 8.6 p e r c e n t ; t h e 1 1 c o u n t r i e s w i t h i n the i n c o m e range o f $ U S 200-300 per capita a c c o u n t e d for 30.2 p e r c e n t ; t h e o t h e r 11 c o u n t r i e s w i t h i n t h e p e r c a p i t a i n c o m e range o f $ U S 100-200 a c c o u n t e d for 13.6 per c e n t ; and the 14 c o u n t r i e s w h o s e p e r c a p i t a i n c o m e w a s b e l o w $ U S 100 a c c o u n t e d for 13.1 per cent. T h u s nine countries shared b e t w e e n t h e m 43.1 p e r c e n t o f A f r i c a ' s G D P in 1 9 7 5 w h i l e 25 c o u n t r i e s h a d o n l y 26.7 per cent.

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A s w e have already emphasised, a principal legacy o f colonialism in A f r i c a w a s its c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f t h e c o n t i n e n t i n t o a n u m b e r o f politically distinct entities w i t h o u t regard to history and culture or political and e c o n o m i c viability. T h e colonial p o w e r s c o n ­ centrated o n f o r g i n g vertical e c o n o m i c links b e t w e e n their m e t r o poles and their dependencies rather than horizontal links a m o n g t h e c o l o n i e s . T h e y c o n s i s t e n t l y d i s c o u r a g e d t h e l a t t e r u n l e s s it s e r v e d an imperial p u r p o s e . Y e t p a r a d o x i c a l l y the genesis o f e c o n o m i c i n t e g r a t i o n is t o b e f o u n d in t h e p o l i c i e s o f t h e c o l o n i a l powers. I n E a s t A f r i c a , K e n y a a n d U g a n d a f o r m e d a c u s t o m s u n i o n as far b a c k as 1 9 1 7 a n d t h e s e t w o w e r e j o i n e d b y T a n g a n y i k a t e n y e a r s later. A l t h o u g h t h i s w a s d e s i g n e d t o p r o t e c t a n d f u r t h e r t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e w h i t e s e t t l e r s in K e n y a , it w a s a l s o i n t e n d e d t o g i v e t h e t h r e e t e r r i t o r i e s t h e b e n e f i t o f e c o n o m i e s o f s c a l e in t h e p r o v i s i o n , i m p r o v e m e n t and administration o f infrastructural facilities s u c h as r a i l w a y s , r o a d s , p o r t s , a n d p o s t s a n d t e l e c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n s . I n 1 9 4 7 this c o m m o n - m a r k e t a r r a n g e m e n t w a s d e ­ v e l o p e d into an institution for the administration o f these 231

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i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l facilities - t h e E a s t A f r i c a H i g h C o m m i s s i o n . A s the three c o u n t r i e s a p p r o a c h e d i n d e p e n d e n c e , this a r r a n g e m e n t e n c o u n t e r e d g r o w i n g difficulties. W i t h the i n d e p e n d e n c e o f T a n g a n y i k a in 1 9 6 1 , the E a s t A f r i c a n H i g h C o m m i s s i o n w a s replaced b y the East African C o m m o n Services O r g a n i s a t i o n ( E A C S O ) . T h i s w a s in turn replaced b y the East A f r i c a n C o m m u n i t y ( E A C ) w i t h w h i c h w e s h a l l d e a l later. T h e establishment o f the Federation o f R h o d e s i a and N y a s a l a n d in 1953 h a d similar o b j e c t i v e s t o the E a s t A f r i c a n H i g h C o m m i s s i o n - the protection o f the e c o n o m i c a l l y d o m i n a n t g r o u p , the w h i t e settlers. T h e o n l y difference b e t w e e n the E a s t A f r i c a n and the Central A f r i c a n a p p r o a c h e s w a s that in the case o f t h e latter t h e B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l p o w e r w a s p e r s u a d e d b y t h e settlers that those interests w e r e better s e r v e d n o t m e r e l y t h r o u g h the e c o n o m i c integration o f the three but also t h r o u g h their political integration. T h i s g a v e the w h i t e settlers o f the t w o R h o d e s i a s the possibility o f establishing e c o n o m i c and political h e g e m o n y o v e r the three countries. B e c a u s e o f A f r i c a n o p p o s i t i o n , t h e f e d e r a t i o n h a d a v e r y s h o r t e x i s t e n c e a n d fell a p a r t i n 1 9 6 4 . T h e c o m m o n s e r v i c e s w e r e s p l i t u p i n 1 9 6 3 , t e n y e a r s after t h e y had been established. T h e British d e p e n d e n c e s in W e s t A f r i c a w e r e n o t c o n t i g u o u s ; they w e r e separated from o n e another by F r e n c h colonies and L i b e r i a . T h e r e w e r e n o settler interests t o p r o t e c t and therefore n o c o m p e l l i n g r e a s o n t o set u p a c o m m o n m a r k e t o r c u s t o m s u n i o n , o r e v e n a c o m m o n services a r r a n g e m e n t . H o w e v e r , in order to minimise the cost o f administration, these countries had certain services in c o m m o n , for e x a m p l e a c o m m o n c u r r e n c y and a c o m m o n income-tax policy, c o m m o n research institutions and e v e n a c o m m o n s c h o o l examination institution - the W e s t A f r i c a n E x a m i n a t i o n s C o u n c i l . T h e British H i g h C o m m i s s i o n territories o f Bechuanaland (Botswana), Swaziland and Basutoland (Lesotho) w e r e j o i n e d w i t h S o u t h A f r i c a , b y w h i c h t h e last w a s s u r r o u n d e d , in a c u s t o m s r e g i m e i n 1 9 1 0 w i t h c o m m o n e x t e r n a l tariffs a g a i n s t t h i r d c o u n t r i e s a n d w i t h free m o v e m e n t o f l a b o u r , c a p i t a l , currency and g o o d s . T h e F r e n c h o r g a n i s e d their tropical A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s into t w o administrative areas, F r e n c h W e s t Africa and F r e n c h E q u a t o r i a l A f r i c a , as a m e a n s o f e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e m o s t e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l . E a c h o f these a d m i n i s t r a t i v e areas w a s a k i n d o f federation w i t h 232

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I N T E G R A T I O N

appropriate federal institutions, a monetary system and a c o m m o n policy in trade. E a c h federation had p o w e r s o f taxation and all French financial assistance was channelled t h r o u g h it. T h e currencies o f the t w o federations w e r e freely transferable a m o n g the constituent colonies o f the other federation w i t h a par value being maintained with the metropolitan franc T h e y were also transferable to the Trusteeship Territories o f C a m e r o u n and T o g o , as well as Madagascar and French Somaliland. T h e s e arrangements did not survive independence because France chose to grant independence not to each federation but to the constituent colonies. T h e Belgians united their Trust Territory o f Ruanda-Urundi with the Belgian C o n g o not only for the purposes o f administrative convenience but also as a de facto c o m m o n market. T h e r e was free m o v e m e n t o f capital and labour and currency. W i t h the approach o f independence the Ruanda-Urundi U n i o n split into t w o separate independent states, R w a n d a and Burundi, and entered on a separate economic existence from the independent C o n g o (Zaire). A l t h o u g h virtually all the e c o n o m i c g r o u p i n g s w h i c h were set up during the colonial period failed to survive colonialism, during this period the nationalists from all parts o f Africa had advocated African integration and unity as the only means o f bringing about self-rule and self-determination. T h e Fifth Pan-African Congress held in Manchester in 1 9 4 5 , for instance, recommended inter alia the establishment o f a West African e c o n o m i c union as a means o f combating the exploitation o f the e c o n o m i c resources o f the West African territories and for ensuring the participation o f the indigenous people in the industrial development o f W e s t Africa. T h e Bandung Declaration o f 1955 also urged e c o n o m i c cooper­ ation a m o n g the African countries. In 195 8, a year after the G o l d Coast had achieved independence as Ghana, the first conference o f the leaders o f political parties in Africa was held in Accra. T h i s conference decided to establish a permanent organization, the All-African Peoples' Conference, a m o n g w h o s e objectives was the p r o m o t i o n o f intra-African trade through the removal o f customs and other trade restrictions, the conclusion o f multilateral payments agreements designed to facilitate intra-African trade, the formation o f an African Trans­ port C o m p a n y for land, sea and air transportation; the setting up o f an African C o m m o n M a r k e t ; the creation o f an African 2

33

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E V O L U T I O N

234

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THE SEARCH

FOR E C O N O M I C

INTEGRATION

Investment B a n k ; and, the setting up o f an African Institute for Research and Training w h o s e primary task w o u l d be to p r o m o t e the development o f joint projects. In 1960, the conference held its second meeting in T u n i s where the recommendations o f the first conference were endorsed. T h i s was followed a year later by a third meeting held in Cairo. In the post-independence period, many meetings were held o n the issue o f economic cooperation and development. T h e United Nations E c o n o m i c Commission for Africa, w h i c h was established in 1958, made determined efforts to foster e c o n o m i c cooperation a m o n g African states. F r o m the beginning o f the 1970s, particularly since the United Nations General A s s e m b l y passed the resolution in December 1972 calling for the d e v e l o p i n g nations themselves to take concrete action to promote technical cooperation, a series o f sub-regional, regional and inter-regional meetings was held o n the subject o f cooperation, each meeting ending w i t h a declaration a n d / o r a programme o f action. It would be tedious to list all the declarations and pronounce­ ments on the intention to cooperate. O n e thing that was clear was that the African states and, before independence, the national­ ists, were not wanting in the right intentions. Y e t , not only did they fail to build on the foundations laid by the colonial powers, whatever the m o t i v e s o f the latter, but they failed to achieve any significant b r e a k t h r o u g h after independence.

Key to fig. 1 1

ADB BEAC BOAD CEAO CPCM EAC EADB ECA ECEAO ECOWAS ENTENTE OMVS UDEAC UEAC UMOA WACH

The African Development Bank Bank of Central African States West African Development Bank West African Economic Community Maghrib Permanent Consultative Committee East African Community East African Development Bank United Nations Economic Commission for Africa Central Bank of West African States Economic Community of West African States Council of the Entente States Organisation for the Development of the Senegal River Central African Customs and Economic Union Union of Central African States West African Monetary Union West African Clearing House 2

35

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THE ECONOMIC EVOLUTION

J u d g i n g from the number o f e c o n o m i c g r o u p i n g s w h i c h have been established since i960 (see fig. 12) o n e w o u l d be tempted to think that there had indeed been a breakthrough in economic cooperation and integration. A c c o r d i n g to an E C A directory o f inter-governmental cooperation organisations in Africa, there were, in 1975, 6 e c o n o m i c communities, 20 inter-governmental multi-sectoral e c o n o m i c organisations and about 100 single-sector multi-national organisations meant to p r o m o t e technical and e c o n o m i c cooperation in the continent. A l l these organisations had a chequered history; s o m e w e r e virtually moribund while others were n o more than paper tigers. A few were earnestly trying t o b e c o m e effectively operational. W h y were the efforts at fostering e c o n o m i c cooperation in Africa not successful? T o answer this question satisfactorily w e w o u l d have to examine fully and in detail each economic g r o u p i n g . A l l w e can d o here is highlight some o f the major problems and issues i n v o l v e d . T h e constraints facing e c o n o m i c cooperation in Africa were either internally generated or externally induced. T h e major internally-generated constraints included, first, the difficulty o f agreeing o n a formula for sharing the benefits and cost o f e c o n o m i c c o o p e r a t i o n ; secondly, the over-sensitivity concerning national s o v e r e i g n t y ; thirdly, the inadequacy o f infrastructure and the absence o f an appropriate institutional framework to promote e c o n o m i c c o o p e r a t i o n ; fourthly, differences in political i d e o l o g y ; and, finally, ambivalence in attitudes towards economic c o ­ operation. A series o f under-capacities - inadequate physical infrastructure and lack o f enabling institutional facilities - constituted the prin­ cipal hurdles to effective regional cooperation. T h e real constraints w e r e generated by the limited range o f modern transport and communication links a m o n g m e m b e r states. In the colonial period there w a s , o f course, n o intra-African clearing house arrangement nor a c o m m o n currency and payments arrangement to facilitate commercial transactions, let alone the multi-national development institutions w i t h the capacity for project identification, prepara­ tion, investment p r o m o t i o n and consultancy services in industrial and commercial ventures. T h e s e capacities are, h o w e v e r , the real nuts and bolts in the vehicle o f multi-national economic cooperation, w i t h o u t w h i c h the latent p o w e r in the engine will 236 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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I N T E G R A T I O N

not lead to forward movement. I n this connexion, the Economic Commission for Africa tried to develop, in cooperation w i t h African governments, physical infrastructural capacities on a continent-wide basis. Accordingly, plans were initiated for the development of a network of five trans-African highways: transSaharan roads from Algiers to Gao and A r l i t and to Lagos; a trans-African highway from Dakar to Ndjamena; a coastal highway from Lagos to Nouakchott; and a trans-East African highway from Cairo to Gaborone. The Commission, in collabo­ ration with the International Telecommunication Union and the O A U , established in 1963 the Pan-African Telecommunication Union (Panaftel) whose task was to develop a Pan-African telecommunications network. I n the years after independence, strong differences in political ideologies with consequential differences in economic organis­ ation and policy appeared among different African countries. For example, the failure of the East African Community was due in part to the fact that Tanzania had a socialist ideology while Kenya followed the capitalist pattern. Furthermore, by and large the multi-national corporations had little sympathy w i t h the aspir­ ations for economic progress of African countries, but were only interested in protecting and extending the markets which they had dominated during the colonial era and maximising and repatriating profits for their metropolitan shareholders. Finally, there was the constraint imposed by the failure of political initiatives and declared collective goodwill to be marked by concomitant practical action. I n most African states there did not exist institutional arrangements and administrative machinery adequately equipped to translate collective declarations and poli­ tical goodwill into operational development programmes and projects. More serious was the tendency for actions at national levels to be completely at variance w i t h declarations in inter­ national forums and for some high-ranking public officials to allow themselves to be used as pawns on the chessboard o f international power politics, thus delaying the economic progress of their own people. O f course it can be argued that this dichotomy between internally generated and externally induced constraints is unre­ alistic, in that extra-African factors played direct and indirect roles in influencing the intensity, extent and direction of the operation *37

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E V O L U T I O N

o f internally generated constraints, at individual country level. But Africa was still powerfully oriented to the outside w o r l d . A n d even more striking, it was still conditioned by strong attach­ ment to pre-independence political, economic, social and cultural relations. T h i s orientation and this attachment inhibited the development o f concepts, policies and instruments essential for engineering the kind o f domestic socio-economic change on w h i c h self-sustaining g r o w t h and self-reliance could be based and on w h i c h effective regional and sub-regional cooperation could be built. It was difficult, if not impossible, to achieve a significant measure o f self-reliance, national and collective, while g o v e r n ­ ments ran externally oriented and excessively open economies.

A F R I C A

A N D

T H E

I N T E R N A T I O N A L

E C O N O M Y

E c o n o m i c development was conceived in colonial Africa in terms o f production for export and in terms o f investment, technology and skilled personnel c o m i n g from overseas. Africa's dependence on the international e c o n o m y , particularly that o f the metropolitan countries, was almost complete. Indeed, the prevailing conven­ tional w i s d o m during the colonial period supported this v i e w . It linked the rate and direction o f colonial socio-economic change with production for export and w i t h the importation o f skills, technology and capital g o o d s and services and modern consumer g o o d s . T h u s , foreign trade was regarded as the prime engine o f g r o w t h and development in the d e v e l o p i n g countries. Foreign trade remained critically important to independent African g o v e r n m e n t s , if they w e r e ever to be in a position to maintain public services and attempt to fulfil their preindependence promises. Y e t in i960, w h e n so many African countries became independent, the values o f Africa's imports and exports as percentages o f w o r l d imports and exports were only 6 and 5.1 per cent respectively. E x c l u d i n g S o u t h Africa, the figures were 4.8 and 4.1 per cent. D u r i n g the period 1960-75, Africa experienced phenomenal increases in its external trade. A s is s h o w n in fig. 13, the value o f exports increased from $ U S 4 9 z o million in i960 to $ U S 3 3 o i 2 million in 1975 - an increase by 6.7 times. Imports also increased 5.7 times in value during the period. In terms o f v o l u m e , the exports o f d e v e l o p i n g Africa increased annually at the average rate 238

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A F R I C A

A N D T H E I N T E R N A T I O N A L

E C O N O M Y

KEY Non-oil / / / / / /

Exporting Countries

M a i a oil Exporting Countries

1

20.000-

I960

1965

1970

1

1975

YEAR

13 Exports and imports by groups of countries in developing Africa (excluding Angola and Rhodesia), 1960-75 (in million % US) (United Nations, Monthly Bulletin of Statistics, various issues to Sept. 1976; IMF, International Financial Statistics^ Dec.

1976).

o f 4.5 per cent whereas the imports increased at the rate o f 6.2 per cent during the same period. It will be recalled that during this period G D P increased o n average at 4.9 per cent per annum, In other w o r d s , the g r o w t h rate o f imports w a s about o m percentage point higher than the g r o w t h rate o f G D P . In annual values, as indicated in fig. 13, the non-oil-exporting countries achieved average cumulative increases o f 8.3 per cent and 10.8 per cent for exports and imports respectively with the result that a very large trade g a p developed for this g r o u p o f countries o v e r the period. Their deficit o n external trade rose from J U S 0 . 2 billion in i960 to $US6-3 billion in 1975. T h e major oil exporters turned their deficit o f $US 1.1 billion in i960 into a trade surplus o f J U S 3.8 billion in 1975. Table 5.11 provides details o f the g r o w t h rates o f exports and imports by g i v i n g the annual averages for each five-year period 239

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T H E

TABLE

E C O N O M I C

E V O L U T I O N

Average annual growth rates of export and import volume, by groups of non-oil-exporting countries, 1960-7j (percentage).

5 . 1 1 .

1965-70

1960-5

1960-75

— 2.1

8.0

-6.0

— 0.1

6.8

4.1

-1.8

2.9

2.6

2.6

4.3

3.2

8.0

8.6

-0.3

5.3

4-5

8.2

-1.4

3.8

6.3

5.6

0.8

42

5-5

1-3

SM

5-4

00

Exports GDP less than $100 per capita GDP $100 to under $200 per capita GDP $200 to under $300 per capita GDP $300 to under $400

1970-5

7.0

4.4

5-7

Imports GDP less than $100 per capita GDP J 1 0 0 to under $200 per capita GDP $200 to under $300 per capita GDP $300 to under $400 per capita

Estimates from the Economic Commission for Africa, based on data in the United Nations Monthly bulletin of statistics and International Monetary Fund, Internationalfinancialstatistics, various issues.

Sources'.

SINCE

I 9 6 0 .

EXPORTS G D P

T H ETABLE

A N D IMPORTS

INCREASED,

FOR E A C H G R O U P (I.E.

S H O W S

F R O M

A N D THAT

T H EANNUAL

THAN

W I T H

G R O W T H

T O 1 9 7 5I N C R E A S E D

T H EG R O W T H

O FCOUNTRIES

I N T H E 1 4C O U N T R I E S

THAT

I 9 6 0

RATE O FI M P O R T S

F O RE X P O R T S .

P E R CAPITA

G

D

RATES O F

ASP E R CAPITA W A S HIGHER

A TT H EL O W E S T P UNDER

LEVEL

$ U S I O O

I N

1 9 7 0 ) , T H EG A P B E T W E E N T H EA N N U A L A V E R A G E G R O W T H RATES O F E X P O R T S A N D I N

IMPORTS

V O L U M E

IMPORTS THIS

1975 F R O M

M A R K E D .

O FCOUNTRIES

EXPORTS D U R I N G

ROSE B Y3 . 8 P E RCENT P E RA N N U M .

G R O U P

HARDEST

W A S PARTICULARLY

FORTHIS G R O U P

O FC O U N T R I E S

H I TB YD R O U G H T

RECOVERY B E I N G

INCLUDED

I N T H E YEARS

O FAGRICULTURAL

COMPLETE.

M O S T

I TSHOULD

T O INCREASE WHEREAS

B E NOTED

O FT H E COUNTRIES

THAT

O F AFRICA

1 9 7 3 A N D1 9 7 4 , A N D THAT B Y

A N D LIVESTOCK

FINALLY,

FAILED

T H EP E R I O D

T H E EXPORT

PRODUCTION PERFORMANCE

G R O U P S O FC O U N T R I E S , E X C E P T T H O S E W I T H P E R C A P I T A G

D

W A S FAR O F ALL

PO F$ U S 2 0 0

2 4 0

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A F R I C A

A N D T H E I N T E R N A T I O N A L

E C O N O M Y

Table 5.12. Imports and exports by provenance or destination 1960-7j {percentages).

Provenance

Imports

Exports

destination

i960

1965

1970

1975

i960

1965

1970

1975

Developed market economies Developing market economies Centrally planned economies

82

85

81

85

84

89

88

84

11

8

10

10

5

5

10

7

7

6

6

6

6

7

6

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

World Source:

UN, Monthly

bulletin of statistics,

IMF Directory of Trade.

to $US 300, was particularly disappointing during the first half o f the 1970s. T h e direction o f Africa's trade did n o t u n d e r g o any significant change after i960 as table 5.12 clearly s h o w s . T h e principal trading partners o f the region w e r e countries w i t h d e v e l o p e d market economies. Chief a m o n g these w e r e the members o f the European E c o n o m i c C o m m u n i t y ( E E C ) w h i c h accounted for approximately 57 per cent o f the trade o f the region o v e r the period, i.e. 5 5 per cent o f imports and 5 8 per cent o f exports. H o w e v e r , it should be observed that there w a s a steady relative decline in trade with E E C countries, particularly as regards export, in favour o f the United States, the Latin-American Free Trade Association countries and Japan. W i t h regard to the patterns o f trade some significant structural changes t o o k place in exports particularly during the last ten years ( 1 9 6 5 - 7 5 ) . T h e most significant change w a s the rapid increase in the relative importance o f exports o f mineral fuels, lubricants and related materials and, to a lesser extent, o f imports o f machinery and transport equipment. T h e former increased from 19 per cent o f total exports in 1965 t o 55 per cent in 1975, while the latter increased from 31 per cent o f total imports in 1966 to 39 per cent 241

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E C O N O M I C

E V O L U T I O N

YEAR

US S M

1975

1970

»65

I960

ü

-2000

-4000

-6000

NON-OIL EXPORTING COUNTRIES -8000

MAJOR OIL EXPORTING

COUNTRIES

14 Balance of payments deficits on goods and services by groups of countries in developing Africa, 1960-75 (in million % US). Note that the data for i960 are much more unreliable than those for later years. (Estimates from the ECA.) in 1 9 7 5 . O n . t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e s h a r e o f e x t e r n a l t r a d e a t t r i b u t e d to food, drink and t o b a c c o , and to exports b o t h o f manufactured g o o d s and inedible r a w materials, apart f r o m fuels, declined c o n s i d e r a b l y o v e r t h e p e r i o d . T h e n e t r e s u l t o f all t h e s e c h a n g e s w a s that mineral fuel, lubricants and related materials b e c a m e the m o s t i m p o r t a n t g r o u p o f e x p o r t s in place o f o t h e r c r u d e inedible materials. T h e s e d e c l i n e d in i m p o r t a n c e t o a l e v e l b e l o w that o f f o o d s t u f f s , w h i c h c o n t i n u e d t o a c c o u n t f o r t h e s e c o n d p l a c e in t h e share o f total e x p o r t s . M a c h i n e r y and transport e q u i p m e n t continued t h r o u g h o u t the period to be the m o s t important g r o u p o f imports, f o l l o w e d b y manufactured g o o d s . O n the w h o l e there w a s n o significant c h a n g e in the p a t t e r n o f i m p o r t s d u r i n g the period under review. L e t us n o w c o m p l e t e o u r r e v i e w o f A f r i c a and the international e c o n o m y b y l o o k i n g at t h e b a l a n c e - o f - p a y m e n t s s i t u a t i o n f r o m i 9 6 0 t o 1 9 7 5 . A s s h o w n in fig. 1 4 , t h e o v e r a l l d e f i c i t f o r g o o d s a n d s e r v i c e s r o s e f r o m $ U S i 9 7 o m i l l i o n in i 9 6 0 t o $ 1 1 8 9 5 3 2 m i l l i o n in 1 9 7 5 . W h i l e t h e r e w a s little c h a n g e in t h e d e f i c i t o f t h e 242

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A N DT H E I N T E R N A T I O N A L

E C O N O M Y

Table 5 . 1 3 . Net transfers and net capital in-flows for oil-exporting and non-oil-exporting African countries (1960-7;). i960

1965

1970

1975

(in million JUS) (a) Net transfers

Non-oil-exporting countries Major oil-exporters

135

224

735

2780

210

191

252

69

Total

345

4M

987

2849

680

824

957

4477

850

300

417

483

1374

4960

(b) Net capital in-flows

Non-oil-exporting countries Major oil-exporters Total

1530

1124

Source-. ECA Secretariat estimates, March

1977.

oil-exporting countries - it increased from $ U S i 4 o o million in i 9 6 0 to $ U S i 8 6 2 million in 1975 - the deficits o f the non-oilexporting countries increased from a mere $US 5 70 million in i 9 6 0 to $1187670 million in 1 9 7 5 . I n fact, for the poorest among this group o f countries, the deficit rose from virtually nothing in i 9 6 0 to$US 1560 million in 1 9 7 5 . Although the level o f deficit on goods and services account increased in the non-oil-exporting countries between i 9 6 0 and 1 9 7 0 , there was a very small limited rise in the size o f the deficit between 1 9 7 0 and 1 9 7 5 . These deficits were covered by increasing in-flows o f public transfers and capital, some rise in net receipts o f private transfers and a running down o f net foreign reserves. For example, the reserves of the non-oil-exporters fell by JUS 4 1 0 million i n 1 9 7 5 , while those o f the major oil-exporters fell by JUS 1 3 1 0 million in the same year. The increase in the in-flows o f net transfers and the level o f the net capital in-flows since i 9 6 0 were as shown in table 5 . 1 3 . Thus, the sharply-increased flows o f resources into African countries, particularly during the 1970s, helped to contain the balance-of-payments problems. But it also increased their debt burdens to virtually unbearable proportions. We must now turn to the role o f foreign aid and investment in Africa's development. We have already noted the paucity o f 243

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E C O N O M I C

E V O L U T I O N

aid during the colonial period since the colonies were, in general, required to pay for themselves up until the Second World War. And private foreign investment was limited to mine development, plantations, and in some colonies, railways. The Second World War brought a fundamental change in the flow of aid and foreign investment. The establishment of the World Bank gave a fillip to this trend. True enough, it was the urgency of reconstruction and reha­ bilitation in Europe after that war that pointed to the need for increased assistance to the developing countries. When the charter of the World Bank was drafted in 1944, it was in the hope that the Bank would be 'the principal instrument for restoring the war-torn nations of the world to economic life'. In 1 9 4 6 - 7 , the Bank's annual report confirmed that the most pressing calls upon the Bank were ' for purposes of reconstructing the war-damaged nations of Europe'. The same report, however, forecast that it would not be very long before the financing of development projects in the developing countries would tend to become the primary concern of the Bank. By June 1 9 5 2 , the Bank had granted a total of JUS 1382 million as loans. Africa received only 9 per cent ($US 12 5 million). Out of this, $US 5 8 million was for electric power generation in Southern Rhodesia and the Union of South Africa, $US 20 million for the expansion of transportation facilities in the Union of South Africa - a total of 62 per cent - and $ U S 4 o million or another 32 per cent for development programmes in the Belgian Congo. These three countries thus had nearly 95 per cent of total World Bank loans to the Africa region. By June 1958, the region received nearly 13 per cent of the total loans (JUS 4 7 9 million). As much as 91 per cent of the loans to the African region were for electric power and transportation facilities. The Union of South Africa and the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland again had the lion's share of the loans - about 63 per cent - while the Belgian Congo had 1 7 per cent. By 1966, total World Bank loans and International Development Association (IDA) credits to Africa (excluding the Union of South Africa) had reached $US 1224 million; I D A credits being $US 145 million. By 1 9 7 0 , World Bank loans had increased by $US 693 million and I D A credits by $US 403 million. Official assistance, both financial and technical, also increased. Other developed countries besides the colonial powers began to 244

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A N D

T H E

I N T E R N A T I O N A L

E C O N O M Y

give assistance to the developing countries. With the achievement of independence by the African territories, colonial funds gave way to bilateral assistance. At the end of 1 9 6 1 , the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) was organised by the aid-giving countries as a forum for consultation. The members of the committee soon provided most of the financial and technical assistance to the developing countries. By 1970, both the bilateral and the multilateral assistance to the continent (excluding the Union of South Africa) had expanded considerably. From the data given in the 1976 Review of development co-operation (OECD), total resource flows from the D A C countries and multilateral agencies increased from JUS 3446 million in 1 9 7 1 to JUS 5160 million in 1 9 7 4 and JUS 8 1 1 1 million in 1 9 7 5 . Total private flows, therefore, increased from JUS 5 80 million in 1972 to JUS 7 9 0 million in 1 9 7 4 and JUS 2680 million in 1 9 7 5 . Resources were also made available by both the socialist and the O P E C countries. The annual commitment of bilateral devel­ opment assistance from Centrally Planned Economies varied between JUS 200 million and JUS 400 million in the 1 9 6 0 - 1 period, except in 1964 when it jumped to JUS 870 million and 1962, 1966 and 1969 when it was less than JUS 60 million. It is estimated that the commitment in 1 9 7 2 - 4 was about JUS 500 million a year. The financial assistance received from the O P E C countries became substantial after 1 9 7 3 . It is estimated to have been JUS 5 87 million in 1 9 7 3 , JUS 2 1 6 7 million in 1 9 7 4 and JUS 2666 million in 1 9 7 5 , a total of JUS $420 million. But it did not offset oil price rises, and not all countries benefited from it. Africa received much foreign assistance, both financial and technical. As shown in table 5.14, the external public debt of the developing countries of Africa south of the Sahara increased three-and-a-half times between 1967 and 1974. Even though suppliers' credit only doubled, private bank credit increased tremendously, especially after 1973 when official bilateral debt more than tripled and multilateral debt increased five-fold. As a result of the rapid increase of private resource flows in 1 9 7 5 , the D A C countries were able to achieve the target of 1.0 per cent of their G N P for total resource flows. Considering that most rapid increases took place after 1970, and that the greatest increase was in private resource flows, the debt service payments rose sharply and would thereafter continue to rise. Debt service payments *45

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Table 5 . 1 4 . External public debt classified by type of creditor, Africa south of the Sahara, 1967—74: amount in $US million {percentage in brackets). Official

1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 Source-.

Private

Total

Bilateral

Multilateral

4629(100) 5331(100) 5884(100) 7327(100) 8345(100) 9555(100) 12582(100) 15957(100)

2261(48.8) 2549(47.8) 2789(47.4) 3666(50.0) 4304(51.6) 4763(49.8) 5923(47.1) 7349(46.1)

770(16.6) 939(17.6) 1241(21.1) 1628(22.2) 1929(23.1) 2406(25.1) 3295(26.2) 4019(25.2)

World Bank: Annual

Suppliers' credit

Banks

Others

45(3-0

716(15.5) 768(14.4) 808(13.7) 783(10.7)

737(i5-9) 869(16.3) 800(13.6)

206(3.9)

937(i3-0

292(4.0)

1118(13.4) 1173(12.3) 1327(10.5) 1599(10.0)

3 4(4.4) 638(6.7) 1653(13.1) 2640(16.5)

245(4-0

report, 1976.

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6

631(7.6)

575(6.o) 384(3.0 350(2.2)

A F R I C A

A N D

T H E

I N T E R N A T I O N A L

E C O N O M Y

increased four-fold between 1967 and 1973 with a great jump between 1972 and 1 9 7 3 , and these were only amortisation and interest payments. Figures for total capital out-flow, including repatriation of profits and income, tell a different story. The out-flow of financial resources in the form of private transfers and payment for services for non-oil-producing developing African countries was sub­ stantially greater than capital in-flow in 1969, 1970 and 1973 while in 1971 and 1972 the out-flow and in-flow were about equal. The conclusion which emerges from this is very disturbing though not surprising. Aid to Africa was becoming increasingly more apparent than real. Looked at broadly, capital investment was coming to mean a recycling and extension of financial claims by foreign creditors on African resources without any net transfer of real value into Africa taking place. This was the cause of the growing demand for rescheduling of debt payments which reached a pitch at the Fourth Conference of the UN Conference on Trade and Development held in Nairobi in 1 9 7 6 . And that is why the action taken in 1 9 7 7 by the Swedish and Canadian governments in writing off the debts owed to them by the most seriously affected states was welcomed. But these were mere palliatives. They did not solve the basic problems facing the African countries. In addition, much of the foreign aid was tied, with the donors stipulating that it must be used to purchase goods and services from their own countries. This could preclude the recipient countries from purchasing from low-cost suppliers and from developing economic relations that were in their best national interest. In particular, it tended to discourage economic and trade links with neighbouring countries and thereby hampered measures aimed at economic cooperation as well as links with the other developing regions where more suitable technology was available. Foreign loans thus had a substantial cost; the cost relating to repayment or amortisation and interest payment, the cost relating to foreign exchange for the service payment, as well as the cost arising from the restrictions placed on the ways in which aid could be used. Many countries were forced to borrow in order to be able to meet these increasing costs; so the loans and the repayments increased in a spiral.

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C O N C L U S I O N

We observed that the governments of the newly independent states were all determined to play a direct and pervasive role in the development process, and that through the United Nations the international community encouraged massive government involvement in development through the adoption of compre­ hensive planning. But in spite of all efforts by governments to accelerate the rate of progress, analysis of the economic evolution of Africa since 1940 has shown that no fundamental changes took place after independence. Indeed, the revolution of rising expectations which manifested itself among the masses at independence was overtaken by rising frustrations which were surfacing all over the continent, and which were potentially disturbing to political and social peace. There was no gainsaying the fact that Africa was facing an economic crisis of great portent which was rapidly assuming alarming proportions. Why did government involvement in the development effort generally yield such disappointing results? Why did development planning fail to bring about the same fundamental and rapid transformation which it achieved in some centrally planned socialist economies? The answers to these questions are to be found partly in the planning techniques inherited from the industrialised market economies; partly in African policy-makers' perception of economic policy and the process of engineering socio-economic change; and partly also in the international community's conventional wisdom about the process of economic development, as was reflected in the objectives and targets set down for the First and Second U N Development Decades. Early development planning, in the late 1 9 5 0 s and early 1 9 6 0 s , was limited to plans for government capital expenditure, or project-oriented plans, prepared within a framework of stated objectives which were in most cases limited to the provision of infrastructure, to capital investment in social services and to the expansion of agricultural production for export. A varying degree of comprehensive planning was later adopted by a growing number of countries. By 1968, upwards of 30 African countries had adopted development planning. O f 25 of these countries whose plans have been analysed, 9 countries had project plans, 13 countries made use of national accounts data and included 248

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sectoral analysis within a macroframework, while three countries made use of formal models. Planning was already becoming increasingly elaborate. The hopes entertained in these plans were not realised. Very few countries were able to achieve more than 70 per cent of the objectives set out in their development plans. Even fewer achieved a growth rate higher than the 5 per cent per annum set as a target for the First Development Decade. Nor, from the experience of those countries for which the appropriate data were available, could it be concluded that growth depended solely or mechanically on capital investment. Apart from the fact that there was no unified approach to development, success was retarded by the inherited theories of development and economic growth which provided the intellec­ tual basis from which African technocrats and policy-makers derived public policies. These theories, or at least some of them, linked the rate and direction of internal socio-economic change with export markets and with imports of skills, technology and capital goods and services and modern consumer products. Hence discussions centred on trade gaps, with insufficient attention to natural resources availability, local entrepreneurship, skilled manpower and technology and the domestic market. Most governments, in seeking to put these theories into practice and to accelerate economic development and diversify their economies, reinforced the existing pattern of production, exportation, and the import of factor inputs from abroad. By continuing to produce what the international system wanted and not what they themselves needed, the dependence of African countries on the international community was increased and their capacity for self-reliance was reduced. Instability in export volumes, prices and export proceeds became a regular feature of the mono-cultural economies of most states. Unfortunately, African policy-makers thought that the solution to their excessive dependence - for such things as employment, foreign-exchange earnings, government revenue - on one or two export crops, was to pursue a policy of diversifying the production of agricultural export commodities. In a few years, this policy resulted in a greater number of agricultural export commodities in surplus supply in the 'world' market - the industrialised countries. This led to greater instability which was in turn worsened by inflation 249

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and periodic recessions in the industrialised countries, and rising payments to factor incomes abroad. Multi-national arrangements for commodity management and price stabilisation were then sought as solutions to the growing price instability and worsening terms of trade for primary commodities. Experience, however, quickly revealed the limita­ tions of this policy; first, because of the high cost involved; second, because many products concerned were susceptible to quality deterioration; third, because non-members (and even members) driven by necessity undermined the pricing formula by increasing production and selling below the price floor agreed upon by participants; and, finally, because of the intransigence of the industrialised countries which put one obstacle after another in the way of the successful conclusion of commodity agreements and, where such agreements were concluded, of their effective operation. After more than two to three decades of negotiation between producers and consumers, agreements had been concluded on only six commodities - coffee, tin, cocoa, olive oil, sugar and wheat — and these were operated with varying degrees of success. This lack of success did not persuade developing countries to undertake an agonising reappraisal of their development strategies with a view to making a break from the past. It would be wrong to conclude that because of this rather sombre picture, African governments failed altogether in their efforts to accelerate the development process. True enough, many of them made avoidable mistakes, most of them tended to behave as if the economic well-being of their people would be much advanced by symbolic modernisation, because of their politically motivated desire for convincing people that something was in fact being done. But the real cause of the disappointing results was that these governments and their advisers were ignorant of the dynamics of development in their own societies and simply extrapolated the experiences of other societies to their own. Besides, they failed to ask the fundamental question: development for what and for whom? They pursued the line of least resistance by continuing with inherited policies based on inherited theories.

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CHAPTER 6 SOUTHERN

AFRICA

In southern Africa, as in Ireland, history is formidably active in politics. What people believe about their past has been both a consequence and a cause of conflict, and also a source of political energy. People are not chess pieces. Their next move depends not only on where they are in relation to others but also on how they got there, and on how they think they got there. N o matter how loaded it may be, the historical luggage which people carry in their heads, and in their school textbooks, is an important fact. Such luggage is generally of three types. One is the moving symbol with which men seek * to rally support for themselves or some cause, or to maintain a distinction . Secondly there is the searing event which has happened recently enough for many people to have experienced it themselves, or to have grown up in homes where parents or grandparents were still affected by its having happened to them. Thirdly there is the political myth whose supposed happening is used to justify certain political beliefs or actions. All three types of luggage are carried about everywhere but their weight, both relative and absolute, varies in different societies at different times. In southern Africa in the 1930s there was an abundance of such luggage although not everybody carried the same pieces. For blacks the most important historic event was the loss of ,

1

M o s t o f the facts and ideas contained in this chapter have been acquired over the years from my family, friends and colleagues. A few o f the debts owed to the writing and conversation of others are acknowledged in footnotes and the bibliographical essay. I learned much from the opportunity o f testing out ideas with colleagues at seminars in Cape T o w n , Stellenbosch and at the School o f International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. N e w Delhi. It was my g o o d fortune that, during the writing o f this chapter, another member of the family was preparing for publication the autobiography of Z . K . Matthews. T w o fellow South Africans o f my o w n generation, whose incisive criticism during the writing o f this chapter I should particularly like to acknowledge, are Neville Alexander and the late Steve Biko. M a n y other friends were also generous with their time and their insights. Monica W i l s o n , * Changing lines o f cleavage \ in Meyer Fortes and Sheila Patterson (eds.), Studies in African social anthropology ( L o n d o n , 1975), 51. 1

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land to white conquerors. The hundred-year war in the eastern Cape, in Natal and elsewhere, culminating in the Land Act of 1 9 1 3 which prohibited Africans from buying land outside the residual reserves was a bitter memory. So too for Herero and others in Namibia was the history of German annexation in 1884 and the subsequent thirty years of brutal conquest. Swazi remembered the signing away of their land to white settlers. In Lesotho the loss of the fertile Caledon plains to the burghers of the Orange Free State was tempered by the impregnability of Moshweshwe's mountain fortress. The skill of the old warrior-king retained honour, but not enough land, for his people. Paradoxically it was this century of black defeat and dispos­ session which was also to be seen by South Africa's white rulers as their own dark vale. Smuts himself shifted from his early views but his people did not move with him. Dunbar Moodie has shown how the hundred years from 1815 to 1 9 1 4 became for the purified Afrikaner nationalists of the 1 9 3 0 s the sacred century. The Great Trek, the battle of Blood River, the concentration camps of the Anglo-Boer war, the humiliating poverty which uprooted them from the land, and Lord Milner's anglicisation policy were seen as a period of redemptive suffering at the hands of twin foes: the imperialist British with their capitalist tentacles, and the black * heathens' in whose midst the chosen people had been set down and from whom G o d was miraculously rescuing them. For another group of South Africans the important luggage consisted of the agonies of indenture in the latter half of the nineteenth century when their grandfathers had been shipped to Natal to work in the sugar plantations of the English-speaking settlers. But there was also some less burdensome history: the epic period - between 1893 and his departure from South Africa in 1 9 1 4 - w h e n the young Mohandas Gandhi forged his powerful tool of 'Satyagraha' and created a living tradition that became a source of inspiration not only to thousands of South Africans (see below) but also to countless Indians as they followed the Mahatma from the banks of the Sarbarnati to independence in 1946. For English-speaking South Africans, the British heritage of imperial power, wealth and culture bred a confidence which many others found patronising. 1

1

T . D u n b a r M o o d i e , The rise of Afrikanerdom

( B e r k e l e y , 1975).

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Particular events gave rise to quite different memories. The First World War, for example, was remembered by the Coloured community for Square Hill and other battles in Palestine where members of the Cape Corps distinguished themselves, and by English-speaking South Africans for the nightmare battle of Delville Wood in the Somme mud. For nationalist Afrikaners, the war was remembered chiefly for the execution of Jopie Fourie whose blood was seen to be precious seed of the new nation. Africans were left with the loss of over 600 men in the sinking of the Mendi, a realisation that few had recognised their offering, and S. E. K. Mqhayi's haunting poetry. Many who held one of these memories dear had never heard of the others; and there were those who were indifferent to all four. So it was with all luggage. Few pieces were important to everybody and there were some in Southern Africa who travelled light. But the burdens which people bore and the different contents of their luggage were to play a significant role in the history of the period. For the purpose of this volume, southern Africa has been defined as the region comprising the five countries of South Africa, Lesotho (Basutoland), Namibia (South West Africa), Botswana (Bechuanaland), and Swaziland. Such a definition makes sense for a constitutional historian but less so for an anthropologist or economist. The straight line separating Namibia from Angola tends to obscure the fact that people on either side of the boundary share common languages and customs. More restricting still is a definition which excludes Mozambique, whose southern parts are bound to South Africa by language, trade, and a long history of oscillating migration to the gold mines. No definition would eliminate such difficulties, but one should be conscious of the subtle bias which it introduces. It is helpful to begin by examining the major divisions which separated people within the region. First, national boundaries: table 6. i shows the size, both by population and area, of the five countries. Variations in the distribution of population were due primarily to the pattern of rainfall, but also to conquest, land legislation, the distribution of minerals, and the process of urbanisation. At the beginning of the Second World War, South Africa was an independent state whilst South West Africa, although a Mandated Territory, was ruled virtually as a fifth 253

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15

T h e Republic of South Africa, Swaziland and Lesotho.

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A F R I C A

Table 6.1. Southern Africa: area and population (in thousands) 1936-74; percentages in brackets. Population density Population Country

1936

South Africa Lesotho Namibia Botswana Swaziland

Sources:

World

Statistics,

1974 24940

(88.7)

562

1191

(4.2)

318

860

(3.1)

30 823

266

654

(2.3)

575

157

478

(1.7)

17

10893

28 123

9590

Total

Bank atlas

Official year

Bechuanaland Protectorate international atlas

1974

Area (sq. km)

(100)

(Washington,

book

of the

Union

and Swaziland,

(London,

1222

(45.8)

2667

1976);

(30.9) (21.6) (0.6) (100)

20.4 39-7 1.0 1.1 28.1 10.5

Union Office of Census and

of South

1941

persons/ sq. km

Africa

(Pretoria,

and of

1937), 988;

Basutoland,

Philip,

The

1969).

province. Bechuanaland, Basutoland and Swaziland were all administered as separate United Kingdom dependencies by the British High Commissioner in Pretoria, but shared common currency, membership of the customs union, and much else with South Africa. Passports were not required by anybody crossing from one country to another. However, in subsequent decades these boundaries became increasingly important. In societies where pigmentation is considered important, there is more to colour than meets the eye and even South Africa has been unable to produce an infallible definition of 'race' for purposes of population classification. Despite fuzziness at the edges, colour-caste divisions (and the ancestry they implied) were important primarily in terms of the distribution of power as reflected in long-entrenched racist legislation, such as the Mines and Works Act ( 1 9 1 1 ) , the Land Act ( 1 9 1 3 ) and the Urban Areas Act ( 1 9 2 3 ) but also in terms of peoples' perceptions of each other even within communities that were themselves subject to discrimination. 1

1

S e e , f o r e x a m p l e , Z . K . M a t t h e w s , Freedom for my people ( L o n d o n , 1980); R i c h a r d R i v e , Selected writings ( J o h a n n e s b u r g , 1977), 2 9 - 3 7 ; M a r t i n E . W e s t , Divided community ( C a p e T o w n , 1971).

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/^.-LfrV* Okavango

JTsumeb »Grootfontein

^7-? ~-y"-; Swamp r

V \^

RHODESIA (Zimbabwe)

)tjiwarongo VR I C A

Swakopmu WalvisE

Ora pa KA LIA H ARI — .1 r 'DÉSE R T Gobabis I BOTSWANA

Windhoek!

(NAM

r

I A) [ Mariental

AT L ANT I C

(BECHUANALAND) Molepolole Gaborone, Kanye« /~'-\ i r

k \ !

LKeetmanshoop

R E P U B

LIC

OF SOUTH AFRICA

i

OCEAN

-Lobatse

»

^ ——— Principal roads 9 •

16

Namibia and Botswana.

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• Railways 500 km "SUOmiles

S O U T H E R N

A F R I C A

Table 6.2. Colour-castes in Southern Africa, 19)6; number of persons {thousands), percentages in brackets. Country

African

White

Coloured

Asian

South Africa Basutoland S W Africa Bechuanaland Swaziland

6597(69)

2004(21)

770(8)

220(2)

Total

i(—)

5 5 9(99)

9590(100)

0.3

562(100)

31(10)

a

—

318(100)

260(98)

2(1)

4(1)

—

266(100)

15 3(9 8)

3(2)

i(—)

—

157(100)

288^90)

b

i(—)

Total

7857(70

2041(19)

775(7)

220(2)

10893(100)

Notes: a

For South West Africa, * Native and Coloured' were enumerated together. Figures do not add up due to rounding. Sources: Union Office of Census and Statistics, Official year book, 19 41, 988. b

Table 6.3. Home languages in South Africa, 1946; number of persons {thousands), percentages in brackets. Nguni Africans White Coloured Asian Total

d

a

4772

a

Sotho

b

Afrikaans

2216

b

English

0

Other

—

—

— — —

— — —

1375 831 7

949 90 12

49 8 266

4772(42)

22x6(19)

2212(19)

5*(9)

1168(10)

io

844

Notes: a

Languages are grouped according to mutual intelligibility. Nguni includes Ndebele, Swazi, Xhosa and Zulu. Sotho includes South Sotho, North Sotho (Pedi), and Tswana. Statistics for Afrikaans (and English) include one-half of those who speak the two official languages equally at home. Including Tsonga, Venda, Tamil, Hindi, Gujerati, German, Portuguese, Yiddish and a number of others. Figures do not add up due to rounding. Source: Bureau of Census and Statistics, Union statistics for fifty years (Pretoria, b

c

d

i960), A. 1 8 - 1 9 .

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Table

6.4.

A F R I C A

Urbanisation in South Africa,

1904-2000

(percentages).

2000 1936

1970

IO.I

17.3 65.2

86.7

(90)

74.3 86.2

(90

47.8

African White Coloured Asian

36.6

53-9 6.3

Total

23.4

31.4

Sources'.

(projected)

1904

52.7 50.5

33.0

32 min./47 max.

47 min./5 8 max.

RSA Department of Statistics, South African Charles Simkins, Four essays on the past,

1974), 1.12.

of the distribution

of the black population

statistics,

1974

(Pretoria,

present and possible

future

(Cape Town,

1983),

of South Africa

143 ff.

A striking feature of southern Africa is the diversity of language. Some people, particularly Africans growing up in the urban crucibles, were fluent in several tongues but there were many, notably urban whites and rural blacks, for whom language was an impenetrable barrier. Second-language statistics are not available, but it seems that a higher proportion of Africans learnt Afrikaans or English in order to understand their employers than whites learnt Nguni or Sotho, despite the fact that the latter were the mother tongues of more people than spoke either of the official languages. The political importance of language as a frontier along which battles raged made itself explicitly felt in the Afrikaans language movement, which was a major source of energy for Afrikaner nationalism in its drive to power. It was not until 1 9 7 6 , and the revolt of the Soweto schoolchildren against the forcible imposition of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction, that language moved to the centre of the black political stage. More than most countries, South Africa's urban-rural cleavage was blurred by the fact that a large proportion of workers moved to town as oscillating migrants who, though they might spend the best part of their working lives down a mine or in a factory, were not allowed to bring their wives or children with them, but returned regularly to their rural homes. Nevertheless the distinction between town and country is fundamental. The figures of table 6.4 mask two important dimensions of the cleavage: one is the fact that by the 1930s most English-speaking 258

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whites had long since become urbanised whilst for many Afrik­ aners and blacks the towns were still new and bewildering places; the other is that the rural areas themselves were divided into the white-owned capitalist farms on which, in South Africa, more than one-third of the black population lived and the 'reserves' from which most of the South African migrant workers came. Another boundary was the great gulf between rich and poor. Class divisions based on access to and ownership of land, of jobs and of capital in the form of livestock, mineral rights, business investments, and education were deeply embedded in the society of southern Africa. Although there were numbers of poor whites, and although some blacks were relatively well-to-do, the primary class division followed the colour line. In South Africa, ownership of private farm land was restricted almost entirely to whites by conquest as consolidated in the Land Act of 1 9 1 3 whilst within the black reserves, which, after 1936, formed approximately 13 per cent of the country, the density of population on arable land was such that the level of income that could be derived from agriculture was far lower. In mining and manufacturing the better-paid jobs were effectively barred to Africans (and, in lesser measure, to Coloured persons and Indians) by direct legislative barriers and by the less visible but more pervasive obstacles of white conventions and the lack of opportunities for education and training. It is estimated that in 1936 the ratios of average white incomes per head to those of Africans, Coloureds, and Asians were 1 2 : 1 , 7 : 1 , and 5 : 1 respectively (see table 6.6). Rough though these figures are, they serve to illustrate clearly the enormous economic gap between black and white in South Africa. This list of cleavages tells nothing of the tensions that existed between Afrikaners of the Cape and of the Transvaal; between Mfengu and Xhosa in the eastern Cape; between Christian denominations in various dorps; between ' borners' and migrants in the townships. Nor does it say anything about the important changes taking place in the relations between generations and between sexes. All these and more were there. But we have focussed on the boundaries of nation, 'colour', language, urban­ isation and class because their interaction was a central feature of the history of the period. The divisions did not always overlap. Only two-thirds of those whose mother tongue was Afrikaans were white; those who spoke Swazi did not all live in Swaziland; not 2

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Table

6.5.

A F R I C A

Employment in South Africa by selected sectors All employees 1936

1956

A. Numbers employed (thousands) 200 611 Manufacturing 429 Mines and quarries 554 Construction in 33 104 222 SAR and H 843 Agriculture * na 1

B. Index of employment (1936 = 100) 100 306 Manufacturing 129 100 Mines and quarries 100 Construction 337 214 100 SAR and H

1936-76.

Blacks only

1976

1273

a

671

1956

1976

121

45* 488

997 606 386

384 22

447 256 (7i6)

1936

c

637 156 1360 *47

45

87 114

na

73*

100 100 100 100

37* i*7 403 *53

143 (602)

821 158 1796 316

Notes: a

Reclassification in 1970 makes this figure not strictly comparable with previous years. Number of regular employees living on white, Coloured and Asian farms. Seasonal and occasional workers and domestic servants excluded. Thefigureis for 1975. b

c

Source: South African statistics, 1978, 7.4 fF.

all the rich were white, nor was all the proletariat black. Yet part of the uniqueness of southern Africa is the extent to which the boundaries have been made to reinforce each other. Indeed, by the 1 9 7 0 s , the attempt to impose national boundaries to correlate with skin, language, and class differences was the central issue of South African politics. I N D U S T R I A L

R E V O L U T I O N IN S O U T H

A F R I C A ,

1936-76

The first three years of the 1 9 3 0 s had been disastrous. But by the end of 1932 General Hertzog had abandoned the gold standard and by the summer of 1 9 3 3 / 4 rain had fallen and President Roosevelt had devalued the dollar. The price of gold rose 4 7 per cent without causing inflation and the country was set for four decades of almost uninterrupted growth, its gross national 260

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product increasing at an average annual rate of approximately 5 per cent. Employment increased rapidly. Between 1932 and 1939 total employment in the mining industry rose by over 5 o per cent as 15 7 000 new jobs were created. With the outbreak of war prospecting and development ceased, but in 1946 the richest gold ore ever found in South Africa was struck at Geduld in the Orange Free State and then, in 1949, Britain devalued sterling, thus raising the price of gold by 44 per cent. Between 1951 and 1969 the country's output almost trebled from 11.5 to 31.3 million fine ounces whilst employment on the gold mines rose to a peak of nearly 450000 in 1961. Between 1968 and December 1974 the price of gold, moving slowly at first, suddenly rocketed from $35 to $197 per fine ounce. This spectacular change was accompanied by a marked increase in the rate of inflation which dampened, but did not eliminate, prospects of further expansions. But in breaking loose from its moorings which had held it stable for so long, the gold price was now subject to sudden fluctuations for the first time since the early 1920s. Increased exploitation of other minerals, notably platinum, offset the decrease in employment in the gold mines after 1961. Diamonds remained important as a source of both employment and foreign exchange. And coal, after the oil price rise in 1973, emerged as increasingly significant from both economic and strategic perspectives. Stimulated by the growth of gold and the impact of war, industrialisation of the economy went on apace. Employment in manufacturing and construction between 1933 and 1939 had practically doubled and, during the war years, whilst construction declined temporarily, manufacturing increased by nearly 100000 (42 per cent) to 327000 persons in 1944. Only a fraction, approximately one in eight, of these wartime jobs went to whites, as many who would otherwise have claimed preference had been drawn into the armed forces. In the post-war years, rapid expansion continued until the onset of depression in the mid-1970s, by which time employment in manufacturing and construction together was greater than the total number of regular jobs in mining and agriculture combined. One of thè most striking 1

1

In the six years from 1970 to 1975 the annual average price received by the gold mines more than quadrupled from R26 to R i 12 per ounce fine. 261

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features of the period was the increasing role of the state as employer, producer and investor in the South African economy. The first steel, produced by the government-owned iron and steel corporation (Iscor), was tapped in Pretoria in 1934. By 1 9 6 1 output had risen to 2.4 million tons and by 1 9 7 6 to over 5 million tons, which was 7 7 per cent of the country's total production of steel. In the civil service, including the railways and the post office, but excluding Iscor and other industrial corporations, employment in 1976 was 1.2 million, which was approximately one-quarter of all jobs outside agriculture and domestic service. It is estimated that nearly one-third (30 per cent) of economically active whites were by 1 9 7 7 employed in the public and semi-public sector. State involvement is also measured by the share of government investment, which increased as a proportion of gross domestic fixed investment from 35 per cent during 1950 to 53 per cent in 1

1976.

2

On the farms too the period was one of expansion. Over the decade 1 9 4 6 / 9 to 1 9 5 6 / 9 the output of wool increased by 40 per cent, maize by over 50 per cent and wheat by over 60 per cent, whilst fruit and sugar doubled. Total employment of both casual and regular workers increased steadily until the end of the 1 9 6 0 s after which it started to fall. This was a turning point. Behind it lay changing techniques of production, the use of machinery and chemical weedkillers, which reduced demand for labour. The absolute number of whites on the land had been falling since the mid-1930s but it was not until the end of the 1 9 6 0 s that total farm employment, including that of Africans, began to decline. 3

South African population in the generation before 1936 grew by approximately 2.1 per cent per annum but grew somewhat faster thereafter. Population growth varied considerably between the different countries. Over the period 1 9 6 0 - 7 4 , for example, the average annual percentage rates were: Botswana 1.9, Lesotho 2.2, South Africa 2.7, Swaziland 3.0 and Namibia 3 . I . The evidence suggests that, as elsewhere, growth was due primarily to falling 4

1

H e r i b e r t A d a m a n d H e r m a n n G i l i o m e e , Ethnic power mobilised: can South Africa change? ( N e w H a v e n , 1979), 165. D i c k C l a r k , US corporate interests in South Africa ( R e p o r t t o t h e C o m m i t t e e o n F o r e i g n R e l a t i o n s , U n i t e d S t a t e s S e n a t e , W a s h i n g t o n , 1978), 25. F . W i l s o n , A . K o o y , D . H e n d r i e ( e d s . ) , Farm labour in South Africa ( C a p e T o w n , 2

3

»977).

4 World Bank atlas, 1976.

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death rates. Development of transport and the capacity to shift food in response to shortages contributed to this change, as did the work of churches in establishing and running medical services in many of the more densely populated rural areas of the country. The interaction between socio-economic factors and population growth is little understood, but in southern Africa population growth may prove the most significant change in the twentieth century. Projections in the 1 9 7 0 s estimated that between 1 9 7 0 and 2020 total population in South Africa might more than treble from 22 million to 7 9 million, with Africans quadrupling from 15.5 million to over 60 million and whites increasing in absolute numbers from 3.8 million to 7 million - but falling as a proportion of the total population from 17 to 9 per cent. The expansion in mining and manufacturing output combined with the changing techniques of production in the capitalist agricultural sector and the rapid growth of population overall led to a rapid process of urbanisation as people poured off the land to take up jobs in town. The focus of much of the movement was the southern Transvaal, together with the five harbour towns from Cape Town to Maputo (Louren^o Marques) that served it. People came to the densely populated shanty-towns whose infinite capacity to absorb newcomers was a measure of human ingenuity and resilience under most trying conditions. Black Fordsburg, White Fordsburg, Sophiatown and Vrededorp were all polyglot ports of entry into the brash world of Johannesburg. But not everybody came this way. Many men came alone to live in the vast labour compounds. Although their stay was temporary, in the sense that contracts varied from a few months to two years, it was for many the beginning of long-term commitment to urban employment. In absolute terms the population of the Witwatersrand, Pretoria and Vereeniging increased from 1.2 million to 3.7 million between 1936 and 1970 whilst the urban population of the country as a whole grew from 3.0 million to 10.4 million. Peoples' responses, both as individuals and as groups, to the changes taking place, were shaped in no small measure by the distribution of political 1

2

1

c

J. L . S a d i e , T h e d e m o g r a p h i c f o r c e s in S o u t h A f r i c a * , Transactions of the Royal Society of South Africa, 1978, 4 3 , 1, 21. T h e r e is a w e a l t h o f l i t e r a t u r e , m u c h o f it b a n n e d in S o u t h A f r i c a , d e s c r i b i n g t h e b l a c k e x p e r i e n c e . S e e , f o r e x a m p l e , P e t e r A b r a h a m s , Tell freedom ( L o n d o n , 1954). E z e k i e l M p h a h l e l e , Down Second Avenue ( L o n d o n , 1959). 2

263

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Table 6.6. Income distribution by colour-caste in South Africa i936-t97<>/i. A. Income shares

Income base African White Coloured Asian

1936

1970/71

Net national income

Private consumption expenditure

%

%

%

%

Population

Income

Population

Income

68.8 20.9 8.0

19.7

70.0

19.1

74-5 4.1

17.8

2.3

1.7

73-7 5-2 2.1

9-4 2.9

B. Income per head ratios 1970/71

1936

White: African White: Coloured White: Asian White: African-Asian-Coloured

12.4: 6.9:

i i

4.7:1 11 : i

15.2:1 7.5:1 5.7:1 12.9: i

Source: S. F. Archer, South African Outlook, December 1978. Peter Randall (ed.), Power, privilege and poverty (Report of the Spro-cas Economics Commission, Johannesburg, 1972), 116, Appendix C.

power and by the similarities and differences facing various groups as they moved to the cities. By the 1 9 3 0 s most English-speaking whites had long been urbanised and already occupied the com­ manding heights of the economy. Coming to the cities, poor whites, mainly Afrikaans-speaking, found themselves competing for scarce jobs with others whom, by virtue of conquest and skin-colour, they had always treated as inferior. For these others urbanisation was likewise a new experience born of rural im­ poverishment. But they found themselves struggling at the bottom of a pyramid whose base was well below the poverty datum line and which presented many barriers to prevent black people from rising. 264

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Differences in access to jobs and to ownership of the means of production naturally implied differences in income (table 6.6). Throughout the period whites, who formed approximately onefifth of the population, enjoyed some three-quarters of the total income; Africans, on the other hand, formed over two-thirds of the population and received approximately one-fifth of the national income. By international standards distribution of income in South Africa was particularly skewed. It has been estimated that the richest 20 per cent of the population earned approximately 75 per cent of total income in 1970. Comparative figures, though not all for the same year, of the share of income earned by the richest quintile in Brazil, India and the United States are 62, 52 and 39 per cent respectively. More detailed figures of salaries and wages paid in particular sectors enable us to obtain a slightly fuller picture of the impact of the industrial revolution on both relative and absolute living standards (table 6 . 7 ) . The real earnings of black gold-mine workers in 1 9 7 1 were estimated to be no higher and possibly slightly lower than they had been two generations previously in 1 9 1 1 . The sharp change over the next five years was due to an extraordinary combination of independent yet mutually re­ inforcing events, including the increase in the price of gold, widespread industrial strikes centred in Durban in the summer of 1 9 7 3 - 4 , the decision by President Banda early in April 1 9 7 4 to halt all South African recruiting in Malawi, and, later in the month, the collapse of the Portuguese empire. Despite the increase, wages on the mines (even after allowing for payments in kind) remained below the average earnings of black workers in the manufacturing sector where, largely because they did not have the access to labour from beyond the boundaries of South Africa, employers had long paid higher black wages. In agriculture generalisations are more misleading, for there were wide variations across the country. But everywhere the gap in living standards between white farmers and their labourers was large and may well have increased over time. In some parts of the country farm wages increased, especially during the 1 9 7 0 s although, even allowing for wages in kind, they remained well below what were paid in other sectors. In subsistence agriculture, 1

1

S o u r c e : S. F . A r c h e r , ' T h e w i n t e r o f o u r d i s c o n t e n t : issues a n d policies o f i n c o m e d i s t r i b u t i o n i n S o u t h A f r i c a ' , South African Outlook* D e c e m b e r 1978.

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Table 6.7. Earnings in selected sectors 1936-76. A. Gold mines 19)6-76 Earnings (R/annum) Earnings Earnings ratio difference White (W) Black (B) W:B W - B

Date

786 2046

1936 1956 1971 1976

11.5: 15.5: 21.0: 8.0:

68 132 221 1103

4633 8843

i

718 1914 4412

i

7740

i i

Index of real earnings (1936 = 100) White Black 100 119 *79 207

IOO

89

99 301

B. Various Sectors, 1976 Earnings (R/monthly) White Mining* Construction Manufacturing Retail trade SAR and H Banks Central govt. Local Authorities Universities Average Agriculture b

0

713 557 571 255

Ratio Asian Coloured African Average W:Af 186

275 97 184 2

217 154 110 119 190 189 161

545 509

154 198 258

427 540

330 174

597 489 (330)

272

182

*97

157

(90

(35)

88 112 125 82 109 164 130 98 122 106 (18)

151 187 230 154 303 448 265 218 427 220 (*7)

8.1:1 5.0:1 4.6: i 3.1:1 5.0:1 3.1:1 3.3:1 5.5:1 4.9:1 4.6: i (17.9:1)

Notes: a

Including quarries. Including most sectors except agriculture, domestic service and self-employment. Figures for agriculture are less reliable and those cited are for the previous year (1975) and refer only to regular farm employees, thus excluding most farmers and all casual labourers. Nevertheless, they are instructive. Sources: (A) Francis Wilson, Labour in the South African gold mines 1911-1969 (Cambridge, 1972), 46; Chamber of Mines of South Africa, Annual reports (Johannesburg); South African statistics, 1978, 7.6 ff. (B) S. F. Archer, App. C in Peter Randall (ed.), Power, privilege and poverty (Report of Study Project on Christianity in Apartheid Society, Johannesburg, b

c

1972), 116.

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AFRICA

the evidence points to a steady decrease in output per capita and hence for many, w i t h o u t adequate remittances from migrants, increasing p o v e r t y . E c o n o m i c cleavages existed also within racial g r o u p s , as may be seen for example in the figures for income distribution a m o n g s t white South African taxpayers in 1 9 7 6 . A few whites (0.8 p e r cent) had z e r o income o r less, whilst nearly half (49 per cent) earned up to R5000 per annum. M o r e than a third (37 per cent) earned between R5000 and R10000, whilst a further 173000 whites (12 per cent) earned b e t w e e n R10000 and R30000 w i t h the remaining 8000 (0.6 per cent) earning m o r e than R30000. F o r blacks n o general figures are available, b u t a glimpse o f the Ciskei at the grass roots in the 1960s is n o t atypical. O n e third (33 p e r cent) o f the 2082 households s u r v e y e d had n o arable land at all. M o r e than a quarter (28 per cent) had b e t w e e n 1 and 5 acres. A n ­ other third (35 per cent) had b e t w e e n 6 and 10 acres whilst 3 per cent o f the households had between 11 and 30 acres o f arable land. 1

2

3

T w o further points are w o r t h noting. T h e r e w a s a substantial shift, not unconnected w i t h the rise o f the National Party after the Second W o r l d W a r , in the ethnic distribution o f wealth within the white community. T h e g r o w t h o f b i g Afrikaner-led business was a particularly striking feature o f the period. Per capita income o f Afrikaners in 1946 w a s estimated t o b e less than half (47 per cent) that o f English-speaking whites. B y 1976 the p r o p o r t i o n had risen to 72 per c e n t . M o r e significantly, despite the w i d e i n c o m e gap between white and black, and despite g r i n d i n g p o v e r t y , particularly in rural areas, o n e consequence o f e c o n o m i c g r o w t h was a substantial increase in black b u y i n g p o w e r . B y 1975 the total consumer market represented by blacks living in Johannesburg alone, for example, w a s estimated t o be R638 million, approxi­ mately equal to the entire defence b u d g e t for that y e a r . 4

s

1

Fot evidence of the decline in output in the reserves see J. B. Knight and G . Lenta, 'Has capitalism underdeveloped the labour reserves of South Africa?', Oxford Bulletin of Economies and Statistics, August 1980, 42, 3, and F. Wilson, GoU mints, 189. * House of Assembly debates {Hansard, Cape Town, 1977, i j ) , col. 949. House of Assembly debates {Hansard, Cape Town, 1977, 16), col. 1113. P. J. de Vos tt al., A socio-economic and educational survey of the Bantu residing in the Victoria East, Middledrift and Zwelitsha areas of the Ciskei (Fort Hare, 1970). Derived from Adam and Giliomee, Ethnic power, 174. The figures must be used with some care for other evidence {ibid., 134) suggests that in 1936 the proportion was 61 per cent which implies a surprisingly large widening of the income gap between Afrikaners and other whites during the war years. M. Loubser, Market potentials of consumer goods and services for non-white population groups in the main urban areas in the Republic of South Africa in if/; (Bureau of Market Research, Pretoria, 1977). 5

4

1

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As far as the infrastructure of the region is concerned, most of the important railways (see figs. 15, 16) in southern Africa were built in the half century between the mineral discoveries and the outbreak of the First World War; nevertheless in later years the state invested heavily in railway development. Between 1948 and 1972 the proportion of total track electrified rose from 4 to 21 per cent. During the early 1 9 7 0 s two new harbours were built at Richards Bay and Saldanha Bay and rail track was laid linking them, respectively, to the Witwatersrand and the iron-ore deposits of the northern Cape. There was a great improvement in roads not least for defence purposes. Meandering gravel roads were resurveyed, and tarred highways laid down which connected the towns and also made farmers less isolated than they had been. The motorways driven through the hearts of the major cities during the 60s and 70s so transformed some of them that visitors and ex-prisoners, having been away for ten years, found themselves lost. Airports were built to serve the major industrial areas and the number of internal passengers (including some within the neighbouring countries) carried by South African Airways grew at an annual rate of 12 per cent from 115 000 in 1948 to 2.5 million in 1 9 7 6 . The number of telephones grew at 7 per cent per year between 1936 and 1976 from 142 thousand to 2.1 million, but few of these went to black homes. During the same period the number of licensed radios grew slightly faster from 1 3 9 thousand to 2.5 million, thus reducing the average number of people per radio from 69 to 1 1 . Television was not introduced until 1 9 7 6 but by mid-1977 some 6 7 0 0 0 0 sets had been sold. The impact of these changes is difficult to assess but the spread of transistors, not least into the isolated homesteads of farm labourers, made many people aware of events outside their local area. A t the same time skilful use by the state of its broadcasting monopoly did much, through heavy censorship, to influence white attitudes. Considerable expansion took place in school-buildings and equipment, not only of material investment, but also of the less tangible but no less important investment in * human c a p i t a l t h u s contributing to the rise in literacy which some perceptive observers regard as one of the most significant changes to have 268

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Table

R E V O L U T I O N

6.8.

IN S O U T H

Hospital beds

A F R I C A

19)6-62.

Population per bed White

Black

Total

1936

207:1

521:1

395:1

1962

144:1

204:1

189:1

Sources'. Union statistics for fifty years, A-3 and D-3; Statistical year book 1966, A-i 1

and D-3. 1

taken place during the period. One consequence of this is the fact that between 1962 and 1 9 7 7 the proportion of daily newspaper readers who were black rose from 33 to 45 per cent. A t the same time the pattern of educational spending served - like so much of South Africa's public expenditure - to reinforce the existing maldistribution of wealth and opportunity. In i 9 6 0 only 2 per cent of white South Africans over the age of 19 had no education at all compared with 65 per cent of Africans. At the other end of the scale, where 2 3 per cent of whites over the age of 14 had passed standard 1 0 (i.e. 12 years of schooling) only 0.2 per cent of Africans had so so. O f those at school in 1 9 7 4 - 5 it is estimated that per capita expenditure on African pupils was less than one-eighth the expenditure on all other pupils. The picture for health was much the same. There was con­ siderable expansion of the segregated medical services but this expansion was biased in favour of those who were urban, wealthy and white (table 6.8). Similarly whilst the population: doctor ratio between 1 9 3 6 and 1 9 7 0 fell from approximately 3 4 0 0 : 1 to 2 0 0 0 : 1 we find that, in 1 9 7 5 , two-thirds (65.5 per cent) of all doctors practised in the three metropolitan areas of the Witwatersrand, Cape Town and Durban, whereas only 5.5 per cent of all doctors practised in the rural areas where over half the population lived. In general, despite superb medical care in some areas, health services were not able to deal effectively with the existing pattern of disease, including widespread malnutrition amongst blacks. 1

B e t w e e n 1948 a n d 1970 t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f A f r i c a n s a g e d 10 a n d o l d e r w h o c o u l d r e a d a n d w r i t e i n c r e a s e d f r o m j u s t o v e r o n e - q u a r t e r (28 p e r c e n t ) t o a little u n d e r o n e - h a l f (48-9 p e r c e n t ) . Union statistics for fifty years, A - 2 2 ; South African statistics, 1978, 1 , 35.

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Electricity, most of which was generated relatively cheaply from the coal of the southern Transvaal and Natal, was spread throughout the country by the network of Escom power-lines whose total area of supply rose from 20000 sq. miles in 1 9 3 6 to 1 3 9 0 0 0 sq. miles in 195 8, thus bringing power to many towns and farms which previously had either generated their own or had none. Total production of electricity in the country grew at 7.7 per cent per annum from 3.8 thousand million K w H in 1935 to 80 thousand million K w H in 1 9 7 6 . During the 1 9 6 0 s , the Orange River drainage scheme with its great dams and its irrigation tunnels through the mountains was built with little public debate as to its effectiveness compared with other alternatives. On the western side of the Drakensberg there was much land but few people, whereas on the eastern escarpment imaginative irrigation and hydroelectric schemes on the various rivers that flowed through the Transkei to the sea could have revolutionised the farming potential in a densely populated rural area where people were desperately short of food. Other important decisions shaped by political considerations were South Africa's decision not to purchase water from Lesotho - thus spiking the Malibamatso scheme (see below) - but rather to pump water from the Tugela up the western escarpment to the Vaal from whence it was drawn to the Witwatersrand. Possibly even more significant in the long run than the giant schemes were the multitude of small dams built on farms and in the reserves. This investment did something to offset the appalling loss of top soil as bad farming combined with heavy rain caused much of the country's most precious asset to be washed into the sea every year. Much soil was also taken by wind blowing over treeless miles of plough land, causing dust storms which reminded observers of the American dust-bowl. The speed with which the desert was encroaching from the south-west was an ominous sign of irreversible damage due to the loss of what economists, knowing only Europe, once called the ' indestructible powers of the soil'. 1

South Africa's infrastructure was not built in isolation. Roads, railways, air-routes, power lines and radio waves served not only to bind the countries of southern Africa more closely together Including net purchases outside the country. South African statistics, 1978, 1 4 , 3. 1

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but also to link the region to the rest of the continent and the world. The Cabora Bassa Dam, built with limited interference from F R E L I M O guerrillas in Mozambique on the lower reaches of the Zambesi, was joined to the Escom network and started to supply electricity in 1 9 7 7 . South Africa took care to ensure that she did not import too high a proportion of her total needs. Moreover, the grid was designed in such a way that electricity from Cabora Bassa for Maputo itself had to pass through a transformer built on South African soil, near Pretoria. Across the sub-continent the other Portuguese-South African hydroelectric brainchild was designed to take water and power from the Kunene River to the new mines of the dry Namibian hinterland. But construction was interrupted during the mid-1970s by the es­ calating war. Another link, this time spurred on by war, was the railway line built by the Rhodesian government in 1 9 7 4 from Rutanga to Beit Bridge in order to connect directly with South Africa. The decline of passenger ships and the rise of jets shifted the gateway of southern Africa from Cape Town to Johannesburg and marked also a sharp increase in the number of international overseas travellers from under 9000 in 1 9 4 8 to nearly 4 0 0 0 0 0 in 1 9 7 6 . Radio programmes were beamed both ways across the Limpopo. The BBC, the Voice of America and, during the 1 9 7 0 s , Lusaka's Freedom Radio and the A N C ' s broadcasts from Maputo were all listened to in the Republic, as was the SABC elsewhere in Africa. Stronger even than the infrastructural links were the inter­ national flows of labour which bound the region together into a single economy. A s the mines expanded in the late nineteenth century the demand for labour grew voraciously and men were recruited from throughout the sub-continent and elsewhere. Thirteen years after the Witwatersrand gold discoveries, there were 1 0 0 0 0 0 black miners at work in the area, large numbers of them drawn from outside South Africa. In 1896, for example, nearly two-thirds (60 per cent) of the black mineworkers came from Mozambique. In 1 9 0 6 there were 80000 men recruited from 1

2

1

K e i t h M i d d l e m a s , Cabora Bassa: engineering and politics in Southern Africa ( L o n d o n , 1975), 212, 233. Renfrew Christie, ' T h e political e c o n o m y o f the K u n e n e R i v e r hydroelectric s c h e m e s ' ( M A t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a p e T o w n , 1975). F o r a s u r v e y o f t h e m a j o r d a m s in A f r i c a s o u t h o f t h e e q u a t o r a n d o f t h e i r i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s s e e H e n r y O l i v i e r , Great dams in Southern Africa ( C a p e T o w n , c. 1978). 2

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Table 6.9. Geographic origin of labour employed by the Chamber of Mines (in thousands); percentages in brackets. Area

1936

Transvaal Natal/Zululand Cape Province OFS Lesotho Swaziland Botswana Mozambique Africa N of lat 2 2 S

1973

22.2

(7.o)

10.8

(2.6)

15-5 124.6

(4.9)

4-2 63.6 7.6 87.2

(1.0)

3-5 46.0 7.0

(39-* ) (1.1) (14.5) (2.2)

4-5 16.8

(M)

7-2 88.4

(27.8)

3-4

(1.1)

99-4 128.0

CM-0 (1.8) (20.7) (1.1) (4.0) (23.6)

1976 26.2 11.8 104.8 15.6 96.4 8.6

(7-5) (3-3) (29.0)

'5-5 48.6

(4-3) (13.4) (9-4)

(30.3)

(4-3) (26.7)

(»•4)

0

Total

317.7

(100)

422.2

(100)

Mine Labour Organisations (Wenela) Ltd., (Johannesburg).

Source:

361.3 Annual

(100) Reports

Northern China and housed in compounds. Although the Chinese were repatriated within five years, the compounds were kept and expanded. By 1 9 3 6 there were 3 1 8 0 0 0 men housed on a single basis, working in the gold and coal mines of the Transvaal. Nearly two-fifths (39 per cent) of these men came from the Transkei and Ciskei; more than one-quarter (28 per cent) from Mozambique; 15 per cent from Lesotho and the rest from elsewhere (table 6.9). Between 1 9 3 6 and 1 9 7 3 the proportion (and after 1 9 6 1 the absolute number) of black South Africans at work on the mines fell whilst those from elsewhere, notably tropical Africa north of latitude 2 2 S, rose steadily to a point when, in 1 9 7 3 , the proportion of non-South African blacks working on the mines had risen to over 80 per cent. Due to the combination of events already mentioned, important changes, including a marked in­ crease in the real earnings of black miners, took place over the next four years. These combined with the sharp decline in the number of construction and manufacturing jobs meant that by 1976 the proportion of South Africans at work on the mines had more than doubled from 20 to 4 4 per cent. And the sources of labour from outside changed as well: Rhodesia became a significant supplier following the cut-off of all Malawians in 1 9 7 4 , whilst from 0

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Mozambique the number of mineworkers fell (due primarily to pressure from South Africa) from an all-time peak of 1 2 0 0 0 0 men in 1 9 7 4 to 3 5 0 0 0 men in 1 9 7 7 .

An important consequence of the long-term oscillating mi­ gration was the increased dependence of the rural communities upon the industrial core whose growth was made possible by the work of migrants. As economies develop, urban areas themselves become generators of income and employment through a twin process of both private and social capital accumulation and localised expansion of markets. The urban bias in the location of capital accumulation is likely to be even more pronounced where migrants cross national frontiers, because those who control the economy of the labour-receiving country are subject to few political pressures to use tax revenue collected in the wealthy core to finance roads, power stations, schools, or health services beyond the boundary. Thus, for example, Lesotho, which before 1 9 1 4 was a net exporter of food and whose sons participated as diamond diggers, gold-miners, farm-workers, and schoolteachers in South Africa's century of economic growth, found itself after independence ( 1 9 6 6 ) in a situation where less than one-tenth of its labour force was in paid employment inside the country, and nearly half outside. There was no prospect of providing jobs either for those working outside or for the growing population inside, and the people had no right of access to, nor voice affecting decisions concerning, the employment-generating capital which they had helped to form. O f course, oscillating migration em­ bedded in a political-economic structure for a century or more is not the only cause of a country's chronic poverty but no analysis of southern Africa during the twentieth century can overlook the extent to which economic development in South Africa served to bias the whole process of capital accumulation against those rural areas, both inside and outside South Africa's boundaries, whence the flow of labour came, thus giving a geographic dimension to the distribution of wealth and poverty within the region. We turn now to the other links which helped shape South Africa's industrial revolution: the international flows of capital investment. From the opening up of the gold mines in 1887 until 1932, more than four-fifths (81 per cent) of the £ 1 4 8 million 1

1

F r a n c i s W i l s o n , ' I n t e r n a t i o n a l m i g r a t i o n i n S o u t h e r n A f r i c a \ International Migration Review, 1976, 10, 4.

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invested in the Rand came from outside Africa, mainly from Britain. A generation later, in i960, it was estimated that of the R940 million spent by the gold-mining industry on capital development since the Second World War approximately threequarters (74 per cent) was new money from the public, of which half came from overseas, particularly from Britain and the United States. The remaining quarter (R240 million) came primarily from within the mining houses, whose internal resources had mushroomed after the opening of the O F S gold-fields. Over the years 1954-67 the investment income of the Anglo American Corporation alone more than quintupled from R5.2 million to R28.6 million. Not all organisations or individuals were so lucky. During 1935-63 the average rate of return from investment in the gold mines was 4.3 per cent compared with 7 per cent for United Kingdom equities. But the rewards of backing the right horse were such that the mines seldom had difficulty in raising their capital requirements. Foreign investors did not confine themselves to the gold mines. Industrial companies in Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, the United States and later Japan, found South Africa, with its strong infrastructure, cheap coal, cheap labour, and growing demand for both consumption and capital goods, to be a highly profitable area. However, apart from mining, much of South Africa's capital requirements were generated within the country. In the three decades before i960, less than 15 per cent of total capital investment in a cross-section of manufacturing industries was derived from foreign sources, and almost two-thirds of that came from the sterling area, primarily the United Kingdom. Between i960 and 1972 total foreign investment in South Africa rose from R3.0 billion to R7.8 billion, during which period the share coming from Western Europe (excluding the U K ) rose from 14 to 25 per cent. But British investment, in some 600 companies, remained the largest proportion. Although foreign investment as a whole was relatively low (being less than 12 per cent of total investment in the thirty years after the Second World War) nevertheless it was widely seen as a vital component of the 1

1

S . H e r b e r t F r a n k e l , Capital investment in Africa ( L o n d o n , 1938), 89. Note: t h e s e figures e x c l u d e r e i n v e s t m e n t a p p r o p r i a t e d f r o m p r o f i t s . S . H e r b e r t F r a n k e l , Investment and the return to equity capital in the South African gold mining industry 1887-1961 ( O x f o r d , 1967), 8; a n d W i l s o n , Gold mines, 25.

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economy. As well as providing resources for growth, foreign investment often brought with it the technology and know-how used, not always appropriately, in new capital-intensive productive processes. In addition to investments there were also loans, including the controversial revolving fund of $40 million guaranteed by a consortium of American banks in i960 shortly after Sharpeville (see below) when the flight of capital threatened to bankrupt the South African economy. But the investors soon recovered from their fright and, despite new restrictions on the withdrawal of capital, returned more strongly than ever. Moreover, in the mid-1970s, the government and its parastatal arms such as Iscor, Escom, Sasol and Armscor sought to expand a number of security-related infrastructure projects rapidly in order to increase the country's self-sufficiency. South Africa resorted to heavy borrowing abroad, particularly after the price of gold fell in 1975. This need for loans was reinforced by the virtual drying up of foreign private investment following the Soweto crisis of 1976, which came as the country was sliding into its second great depression. Before this South Africa had begun to export capital to such distant fields as Mauritania, Peru, Canada, Australia and Western Europe. Be­ tween i960 and 1972 South African investments abroad rose from R0.9 billion to R3.1 billion. The share of these funds that were invested in the sterling area fell from 60 to 42 per cent whilst the share in the rest of Western Europe rose from 5 to 20 per cent. Closer to home, where her businessmen had long been active, South Africa's investments, both private and public, were sub­ stantial. It has been estimated that in the mid-1960s approximately 40 per cent of total investment in the sub-continent (including also Zambia, Malawi, Rhodesia, Angola and Mozambique) was South African. By 1976 nearly one-third (30 per cent) of South Africa's total foreign investment of R5.0 billion was in Africa. 2

3

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A . J. N o r v a l , A quarter of a century of industrial progress in South Africa ( C a p e T o w n , 1962), 57; A u b r e y D i c k m a n , ' I n v e s t m e n t - t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r e c o n o m i c g r o w t h a n d l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s ' , Optima, 1977, 2 7 , 1 ; C l a r k , US corporate interests, 47. F o r a d i f f e r e n t v i e w see Brian K a h n and Brian K a n t o r , ' D o e s S o u t h Africa need foreign capital?' ( u n p u b l i s h e d , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a p e T o w n , 1977). South African statistics, 1974, 2 3 , 3. I n v e s t m e n t s a b r o a d a r e d e f i n e d a s ' L i a b i l i t i e s towards South Africa o f foreign enterprise " c o n t r o l l e d " from S o u t h Africa*. R u t h F i r s t , J o n a t h a n S t e e l e , C h r i s t a b e l G u r n e y , The South African connection ( L o n d o n , 1972), 263. South African statistics, 1978, 2 3 , 3. 2

3

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Table 6 . 1 0 . Southern Africa's foreign trade by continent and country, I9J7-76Exports (%)

Africa United Kingdom German Federal Republic Other Europe USA Other North America I South America J Japan Other Asia Oceania (incl. Australia) Unspecified Total % Total (R million)

Imports (%)

1957

1976

1957

1976

19.2

10.8

27.5 5.0

23-5 8.5

6.8 32.6 8.1

5-2 17.6 18.0

20.6

21.2

6.3 1.6

9-7

13.6 19.6 4.4

19.0 21.6 1.6 0.7 10.2 4.0 1.6

2.3 2.8 1.1

3-2 2.6 12.6 6.1 1.1

i}.6

0.7 100

100 (801)

(4194)

3'* 11.2 0.6

— 100 (1098)

0.4 100 (5859)

Source: Statistical year book 1966, Q . 12-13; South African statistics, 1 9 7 6 , 1 6 , 1 8 - 1 9 .

The involvement of South African mining houses in Zambia, of manufacturing companies in Rhodesia, and of the government itself in providing a soft loan to finance the building of Malawi's new capital in Lilongwe, and of helping Mozambique to keep the railways and harbours running after the Portuguese had with­ drawn, all served to tie these countries more closely to the south. Elsewhere in the region, the South Africans were busy investing their capital and their expertise, particularly in minerals. Despite Botswana's active, and not unsuccessful, efforts to attract investors from further afield, South Africa remained dominant. For Nami­ bia, still under South African control in the late 1 9 7 0 s , investors from all over the western world were jockeying for new mineral concessions which they hoped might prove as profitable as the coastal diamonds or the Rössing uranium deposits. The invisible web spun by the capital investors and money2

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lenders was strengthened by the lines of trade which formed a similar pattern. South Africa, indeed, had a particularly open economy with trade in 1 9 7 6 accounting for one-third of gross domestic product. During the period for which statistics are available, a number of interesting changes took place, including the rise of Japan as a major trading partner. At the same time the share of South Africa's imports provided by the German Federal Republic increased markedly whilst Britain's share declined sharply. N o less striking than these changes was South Africa's failure to expand trade with the rest of Africa which was seen to be her natural market, particularly after Britain's entry into the European Economic Community in 1973 and the subsequent raising of tariffs. Behind the South African foreign policy of dialogue and detente in the early 1 9 7 0 s lay the attempt not only to obtain African support (or neutrality at least) in voting at the United Nations but also to break the African boycott against South African goods and to penetrate the markets beyond Zambia. Apart from economic gains to South Africa from the investment funds, and the technology and expertise that came with them, there were distinct political advantages to the Pretoria government of the flows, both in and out, of investments and trade. For although these increased South Africa's vulnerability to sanctions, particularly in the 1 9 7 0 s after Nigeria had begun to overshadow South Africa in importance as a trading partner with the west, nevertheless they served to dampen pressures which, in Britain and the Federal Republic of Germany particularly, could have caused considerable economic loss through reduction of the rich incoming flow of dividends and of employment in sectors exporting to South Africa. It is against this background of urbanisation, capital accumu­ lation, and the centripetal forces of industrialisation that we turn now to an examination of the political drama as it unfolded over the period. P O L I T I C S

1936-60

The emergence of the All Africa Convention on 16 December 1935 was as much a triumph as had been the founding conference in 1 9 1 2 of the African National Congress. Arising in response to the white government's proposal to prevent all Africans, who 277

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might in future qualify, from becoming ordinary voters in the Cape Province, where some n o o o Africans were already on the common roll, the A A C brought under its umbrella a wide spectrum of organisations dedicated to fighting the ' Native Bills' (see below). Under the chairmanship of Professor D. D . T. Jabavu and with Dr A. B. Xuma as Secretary, the Convention achieved an astonishing coalition - ranging from elderly, conservative rural African chiefs to young * Coloured' Trotskyists from the western Cape. However, the unity forged in the crisis did not last. Once the bills became law a new strategy had to be evolved. Members of the A A C debated the issue. Should they use the very institutions created by the Act in order to fight it? Or should they, as was being increasingly urged by I. B. Tabata, Goolam Gool and others, have nothing to do with such dummy bodies? T w o organisations grew as the Convention collapsed in the early 1 9 4 0 s . One was the A N C which slowly re-gathered strength and, after Dr Xuma was elected president in 1 9 4 1 , began once again to make its presence felt. The other was the Non-European Unity Movement forged in 1943 out of a conference of delegates from the A A C , and the National Anti-CAD, a body established to fight the Smuts's government's intention to introduce a special' Coloured Affairs' department. Meanwhile the process of clarifying goals continued. From its foundation in 1 9 1 2 the A N C had been clear as to where it stood; participation by all - albeit with a qualified franchise - in the political life of the common society to which everybody belonged irrespective of race, colour, or creed. This too was the basic belief of the Convention. As time went on, it became necessary to define the goals of the common society more clearly. The adoption by the Allied powers in 1941 of the Atlantic Charter suggested that even in South Africa there was hope. In 1943 the A N C published a manifesto on African claims and the Unity Movement announced its Ten-point programme. Common to these policy statements and the speeches which supported them was the premise that South Africa belonged to all who lived there. The fact that whites were included as equals - but not as masters - was continually reiterated. The Freedom Charter adopted in 1955 by a 'Congress of the People' drawn from all race groups in the country and reflecting 278

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a broad spectrum of opinion, particularly in the African and Indian congresses, was a consensus document that could be supported both by those whose ultimate goal was a socialist society and those who were neither Marxist nor believed that the entire economy should be run by the state. All were agreed, however, that certain key industries, notably mining, should be nationalised. But not everybody who believed in a common society neces­ sarily wished to alter the structure of ownership. Both in the Liberal and the Progressive Parties the emphasis was on the abolition of discriminatory legislation and the reorganisation of state expenditure to ensure equal education, better housing and welfare services. White radicals tended to move either into the Communist Party (until it was banned in 1950) or, later, into the Congress of Democrats until it too was proscribed in 1 9 6 2 . Despite vehement disagreement on many basic issues, there was a fundamental belief across the whole spectrum ranging from Moses Kotane, General Secretary of the Communist Party, to Helen Suzman of the Progressive Party that the country belonged to all those who lived in it, and that all South Africans had the right to equal opportunities irrespective of race or colour. But those who held power stood on the other side of this great divide. What was to be done? ' W h o will deny/ said Chief Luthuli in 1952 'that thirty years of my life have been spent knocking in vain, patiently, moder­ ately and modestly at a closed and barred door? The past thirty years have seen the greatest number of laws restricting our rights and progress until today we have reached the stage where we have almost no rights at all.' His life and sense of frustra­ tion epitomised that of scores of leaders who for two generations and more had sought, via deputation and reasoned argument with cabinet ministers and government commissions, to persuade those in power to alter their policies. In 1936 the All Africa Convention sent a delegation to see the prime minister about his proposed Native Bills. In 1 9 4 7 , when Smuts summoned leaders to talk about the collapse of the Natives' Representative Council, they went. In 1959 a deputation from Fort Hare University 1

2

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F o r t h e full t e x t s e e T h o m a s K a r i s a n d G w e n d o l e n M. C a r t e r ( e d s . ) , From protest to challenge: a documentary history of African politics in South Africa 1882-1964, V o l . i n , 205. C i t e d i n Sechaha, J u n e 1969. 2

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College, threatened with government control and ethnic segreg­ ation, appealed in vain to be heard at the bar of the house. The attempt to reason continued although, as time went on, belief in its ultimate efficacy was confined more and more to whites. Not everybody, however, was content with knocking. Amongst the delegates to the founding conference of the A A C was Clements Kadalie, whose Industrial and Commercial Union, known amongst Africans as ' I C U Mlungu', had mushroomed during the 1 9 2 0 s to a peak membership of 1 0 0 0 0 0 - sufficient to give both employers and government considerable food for thought. However by the mid-1930s, due to mismanagement, increasing state pressure and political disagreements, the move­ ment had failed. But the need for an organisation to represent workers was greater than ever before. In 1941 the Transvaal African Congress called a conference which founded the African Mine Workers' Union. The government responded the next year by passing War Measure 145 which made all strikes by black workers illegal in all circumstances. In 1943, following a demand by the A M W U for higher wages, the government appointed a commission to investigate. In 1946, when average earnings for the mineworkers were no higher than they had been for the previous ten years, indeed for a generation, the A M W U , led by J. B. Marks, having attempted for months to negotiate, could get no response from the Chamber of Mines. So the A M W U finally called a strike. At its peak in mid-August 1 9 4 6 , some 7 4 0 0 0 men, approximately one-quarter of the total employed by the gold mines, downed tools and paralysed eight mines; five others were partially affected. The police were called out to force the men back to work at bayonet point if necessary. The Chamber of Mines issued a statement saying that * the introduction of trade unionism among tribal Natives at their present stage of development would lead to abuses and irresponsible action*. Leaders of the strike were tried and the union was crushed. Five years later, after the price of gold had risen 4 4 per cent, the average real earnings of white mineworkers was 14 per cent higher than it had been at the time of the black strike. The real earnings of black miners were 3 per cent lower. Other unions too were having a difficult time. From 1 9 3 5 , when he was appointed secretary of the African Laundry Workers' 'I see you white man'. 1

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Union until he was interned in 1940, Max Gordon organised half a dozen unions for African workers in various industries in the southern Transvaal. He was a Trotskyist but held loosely to the finer points of doctrine with which members of the left so belaboured each other. His aim was to build a solid organisation without splitting hairs. Naboth Mokgatle draws a vivid picture of the trials and tribulations faced by union organisers at this time, but under skilful and courageous hands the trade unions continued to grow despite constant police harassment. By 1947 it was estimated that there were almost a hundred African unions which, in Smuts's words, were 'unrecognised, unauthorised, but in existence'. Like its political counterparts, the trade-union movement in South Africa was deeply divided between those for whom it was a movement to include all those struggling against poverty and exploitation, and those who saw it as an instrument of exclusion to benefit some, primarily white workers, at the ex­ pense of others, primarily black. In the Garment Workers' Union in the 1930s, most of the factory workers were young Afrikaansspeaking women recently come from the farms who were struggling to keep themselves and their families afloat. The union, led by Solly Sachs, fought strongly on their behalf and conditions improved greatly. In the war years, as the economy went on expanding, more and more people were drawn into the Witwatersrand factories. But when some Coloured women were hired, there were complaints to the union which stated that the new workers should stay. Union members who continued to object were expelled which meant, due to the closed shop agreement, that they lost their jobs. Afrikaans churchmen and politicians rushed to the rescue and formed the Blankewerkersbeskermingsbond (White Workers' Protection Society). During the 1950s, the new government cracked down on the labour movement (see below) and by i960 membership of trade unions that were solidly on the side of the lowest paid workers was but a fraction of the total number employed. In his presidential address to the A A C in 1936, Professor Jabavu who, like so many others, was influenced by events in India, where Gandhi was mobilising millions to boycott both British cloth and certain institutions, considered seriously 'a 1

2

1

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N a b o t h M o k g a t l e , The autobiography of an unknown South African ( B e r k e l e y , 1971). K a r i s a n d C a r t e r ( e d s . ) , From protest to challenge, v o l . 11, 239.

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complete boycott of all the new Acts'. However, he rejected it because 'a perfect organisation where there are no blacklegs' did not exist. Yet the possibility of boycott remained. I. B. Tabata, whose analysis of boycott as a weapon in the struggle was to exert a profound influence, challenged those who maintained that, despised as they were, such bodies as the Natives' Representative Council and the Transkei Bunga had to be used. He argued that non-collaboration would at least ensure that people did not help maintain the political instruments of their own oppression. Nevertheless there were many in the A N C , both on the left and the right, who thought they should give the institutions a try. But in 1946 members of the Natives' Representative Council, after 10 years of talking without the government paying any attention, could finally bear it no longer. Government refusal to allow the N R C - which happened to meet in Pretoria as the mine strike was beginning - to play any role in the matter was the last straw. Members of the N R C had, as Paul Mosaka put it, been playing with a * toy telephone', and they would play no more. The council resolved to adjourn until further notice. T w o months later they met again to hear Jan Hofmeyr, as Acting Prime Minister, accuse them of wanting to rush things. Z . K . Matthews, as chairman of the council's African caucus, delivered the measured reply and the council resolved to adjourn sine die. This move was widely supported and the A N C resolved that further elections for the council should be boycotted. In the face of hardening white attitudes, as evidenced both by the crushing of the mine strike in 1946 and the victory of the National Party at the polls in 1 9 4 8 , the A N C became considerably more aggressive. In 1949, urged on by its increasingly influential Youth League (which had been founded in 1944 with Anton Lembede as first president), the A N C adopted a militant Programme of Action which set the stage for the next decade of persistent Congress attempts to change the policies of the government by means of mass action. In 1955 the A N C sought to resist the introduction of Bantu Education by boycotting all the schools. Although the campaign was ill-prepared and received little support, it was the forerunner 1

2

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D . D . T . J a b a v u , All African Convention Presidential Address 19)6 ( L o v e d a l e , 1936),

10. 2

L a t e r p u b l i s h e d : I . B . T a b a t a , The boycott as a weapon of struggle ( L o n d o n , i960).

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of a much tougher and more effective campaign, led by the school pupils themselves, 20 years later. More successful was the superbly organised bus boycott in 1957 when, by walking up to 20 miles a day for ten weeks or more, thousands of African commuters on the Witwatersrand from Alexandra, Sophiatown, and elsewhere, forced the Johannesburg Chamber of Commerce and subsequently the government itself to find ways other than raising fares to finance the increasing cost of transport. A three-month potato boycott, organised in 1959 to draw attention to the system of farm gaols and the oppressive labour conditions found on farms in the potato-growing area of the eastern Transvaal around Bethal, made some impact, but the farm gaols were not abolished. It was not until later, when the boycott weapon was aimed from overseas, that it began, particularly in the field of sport, to make a visible difference to government policy. Meanwhile another weapon was tried. In 1 9 4 6 Smuts was pushed by his predominantly English-speaking Natal supporters to enact legislation to restrict Indian ownership to areas where they already owned land. Gandhi telegraphed his protest and India vigorously denounced South Africa at the opening session of the United Nations. Within the country itself the Indian community rallied behind, the S A Indian Congress which, under the leadership of Dr Naicker, launched a passive resistance campaign. T w o thousand people were sent to gaol but the campaign had little effect. In 1949 communal riots between Indians and Africans tore Durban apart in an episode which highlighted cleavages within the black community and demonstrated the difficulties of united resistance. Nevertheless Indian and African leaders were able subsequently to get together and plan a massive defiance campaign against unjust laws. Timed to coincide with the whites' tercen­ tenary celebrations of the landing of Jan van Riebeeck, the campaign was launched on 26 June 1952 when resisters set out deliberately to break one of six laws relating to control of movement or to railway and post office segregation. During the four months (July to October) a total of 8000 volunteers, no less than two-thirds of them in the eastern Cape, went forward to be arrested. The government response was to pass legislation permitting the whipping of all those convicted of breaking a law for the purpose of demonstrating against it. 283

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But the attempt to persuade those in power to mend their ways by means of Satyagraha actions was not finished. Seven years later another peaceful campaign, focussing once again on the hated pass laws, was mounted. Some jockeying for position between the A N C and the Pan-African Congress which, led by Robert Sobukwe, had recently broken away from the older body, prevented the campaign being properly co-ordinated, but this rapidly became a secondary consideration when on 21 March i 9 6 0 a large crowd of people responding to the P A C call gathered round the Sharpeville police station to hand in their passes and was shot at by police. Sixty-nine people lost their lives in an event which echoed round the world. A week later, nearly a thousand miles away, 30000 Africans marched unarmed into Cape Town to demonstrate against the pass laws. A state of emergency was declared and the two African congress organisations were banned. An era had ended. For white South Africans the second half of the 1 9 3 0 s was a honey­ moon period. United behind the old warriors, Generals Hertzog and Smuts, the vast majority of Afrikaans- and English-speaking whites put aside the quarrels of the past and, basking in the glow of fusion, saw even the nightmare of white poverty begin to recede. But the price of unity was to be high. In 1936, having waited ten years for the two-thirds majority he needed, Hertzog was able to manoeuvre Smuts into supporting legislation to remove African voters from the common roll which had been open to those in the Cape Province with certain qualifications since 1853 and which had been entrenched, at the insistence of Cape delegates, in the South Africa Act, 1909. In place of the common franchise a Natives' Representative Council with advisory but no executive power was established and provision was made for those removed from the common voters' roll to elect three white representatives to the House of Assembly and two (also white) to the Cape Provincial Council. Another provision allowed Africans throughout the Union to elect four whites as additional members of the Senate. At the same time Hertzog was able to tidy some of the loose ends left in the Land Act of 1 9 1 3 by finalising (at approximately 13 per cent of the total) the amount of land which was to be reserved for Africans. Smuts saw global dangers more clearly than those within his own country, thus, whilst he was not prepared to sacrifice white unity for the sake of black 284

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South Africans, he was nevertheless willing to break it in order to take sides against Nazi Germany. When, on the outbreak of war in September 1939, Hertzog proposed that South Africa remain neutral Smuts argued that her interests as a small nation decreed that she should stand by her friends and go to war. The cabinet was evenly split but Smuts won the parliamentary vote with a majority of eleven. Hertzog crossed the floor to join D. F. Malan's ' purified' Nationalist Party, which had been in the wilderness since it opposed fusion of the (Afrikaner) Nationalist Party, led by Hertzog, and the (largely anglophone) United Party, led by Smuts, in 1933. South Africa, like Britain and her sister Dominions, entered the w a r ' dangerously unprepared V although she too mobilised rapidly and sent troops first to East Africa where, with Indians, West Africans and others, they defeated the Italians and liberated Ethiopia. From there the South African army moved to North Africa where 1 1 0 0 0 South Africans were captured at Tobruk. Those not captured went on, after fighting at El Alamein, to Italy and the heart of Europe. Some 2 3 1 0 0 0 men were enlisted. More than one-third ( 3 7 per cent) of these were African or Coloured and were sent to war with spears but no guns. Smuts himself played a key role in the war both as Commander-in-Chief of the South African armed forces and as a global strategist in close touch with Churchill and the British generals. Another aspect of the war was its impact on the soldiers, both black and white, who went north to fight against Nazi racism and Italian Fascism. For blacks the experience of travelling outside the confines of a segregated society was profoundly liberating whilst for many whites the goals of the war as well as meeting all sorts and conditions of men and learning of a world far richer in culture than anything they had ever dreamed of made the social structures back home seem mean and petty. Smuts responded to these impulses when invasion threatened and, after remarking in 1942 that 'segregation had fallen on evil days', gave notice that if the Japanese landed he would arm blacks. But, as one of the most 2

1

N e i l O r p e n , South African forces, World War II ( C a p e T o w n , 1968), v o l . 11, 338. F o r an illustration o f the a m b i g u o u s n a t u r e o f c h a n g e in S o u t h A f r i c a c o n t r a s t the p h o t o g r a p h o f black t r o o p s d o i n g parade drill w i t h spears d u r i n g the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r i n O r p e n , South African forces, v o l . 1, w i t h t h a t o f t h e h e a v i l y a r m e d b l a c k r i o t p o l i c e m e n in J o h a n n e s b u r g in 1976 i n P e t e r M a g u b a n e , Magubane's South Africa ( L o n d o n , 1978), 104. 2

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English of Smuts's supporters confided to his diary, * Anything like a wholesale grant of the vote to our natives is utterly out of the question now and will remain utterly out of the question as long as anyone living can now foresee. ' As the threat of invasion receded and an election loomed, the hopes of trade-union rep­ resentation, relaxation of the pass laws, and guns for black soldiers faded, and the 1943 election, though buoyed up on the tide of victory against Fascism in North Africa, was fought on the clear understanding that, at home, the black man should stay in his place. Yet Smuts was still willing to negotiate and, who knows, with his willingness to laat maar loop (let things develop) he would later perhaps have seen the writing on the wall and moved to accommodate black aspirations. But Smuts was an old man. Moreover, despite all his knowledge and the breadth of his interests, despite the charisma which Hancock describes so vividly, the harsh fact remains that Smuts was one of the chief architects of the South Africa Act, he had been second-incommand of the government which passed the Land Act in 1913 and was also the man without whose support Hertzog would never have been able in 1936 to remove Africans from the Cape common roll. He believed in evolution but did not discern the culs-de-sac of history. Perhaps he stretched as far as they would go the thongs which bound representatives of the white electorate. But at the end of his days, in the crisis of the African mineworkers' strike and the collapse of the Natives' Representative Council he, like Hofmeyr, failed to respond adequately to the hands that were being held out to him from across the widening chasm that divided South Africa. For the majority of his fellow countrymen Smuts was spokesman for the ' haves'; ruler of a country designed 'for whites only'; a man unable to see Africans as equals. He left no legacy on which those struggling for a common society could build. More immediately, however, the most damaging attack on Smuts came from the apostles of greater exclusiveness. In the post-war election of 1948 the United Party was defeated. The National Party, supported almost entirely by Afrikaans-speaking white voters, was returned to power. l

2

1

2

B . K . L o n g , In S/nuts's camp ( L o n d o n , 1945), 106. W . K . H a n c o c k , Smuts ( C a m b r i d g e , 1962, 1968), 2 v o l s .

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In 1938 the liturgical celebration of the centenary of the Great Trek, with ox-waggons pulling slowly through the towns and dorps of South Africa to a great climax in Pretoria, was instru­ mental in diffusing an Afrikaans-speaking whites-only group consciousness, and in building up a reservoir of feeling which 'purified nationalists' were to harness effectively in their drive for power. Despite this, and despite the coming together of Hertzog and Malan in the opening days of the war, it was not all plain sailing. Many of Malan's followers were not happy either with the choice of leader of the new, Herenigde Nationale (United National) Party, nor with Hertzog's insistence on soft-pedalling the policy of making South Africa a Republic outside the Commonwealth. A palace revolt was organised and the old general resigned. Much more serious to the National Party, however, was the rise of the Ossewa Brand wag (OB). Founded in the euphoria of the centenary trek, it was a para-military organisation aimed at rallying young Afrikaaners to the republican cause. Starting as a cultural movement, it became increasingly committed to armed subversion and was soon carving out a space for itself in the political arena. Malan, in what he later described as one of the three most difficult decisions of his life, decided to attack the O B head on. Helped by the turn of the tide in Europe, Malan was able to defeat the rival organisation whose Nazi philosophy he declared was a foreign import. In 1948, the National Party refused to have anything to do with the O B and in the election the young B. J. Vorster had to stand as a member of the Afrikaner Party because Malan disapproved of his O B activities. He lost by two votes, but by the election of 1953 the O B was dead, and the lost sheep were back in the fold, with men like Vorster on their way to the top of the party. The power house which transformed Afrikaners from what they were before the First World War into the * organisation-men they became after the Second was not, however, the National Party as such. The Broederbond (League of Brothers), founded 1

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T h e t w o other decisions w e r e whether or not to leave the C h u r c h ministry and whether or not to follow H e r t z o g into 'fusion*. F. V a n Z y l Slabbert, ' A f r i k a n e r nationalism, white politics and political change in S o u t h A f r i c a \ i n L e o n a r d T h o m p s o n a n d Jeffrey B u t l e r ( e d s . ) , Change in contemporary South Africa ( B e r k e l e y , 1975), 3 - 1 8 . 2

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in 1 9 1 9 by Henning Klopper, went underground in 1922 where, save for those few occasions when it has emerged, blinking like a mole, in the harsh light of Sunday journalism, it remained until the late 1 9 7 0 s . Hertzog was vehemently opposed to such a secret organisation, but from the time of his withdrawal from politics in 1940 until the assassination of Dr Verwoerd in 1966 and indeed right through the Vorster era, the evidence suggests that the Broederbond, whose leadership was drawn primarily from pro­ fessional, political, religious and intellectual leaders, played a key role, especially in the Transvaal, in organising the Afrikaner nationalists' achievement and consolidation of power. In 1944 the Federasie vir Afrikaanse Kultuur, an offshoot of the Broederbond, acted as host at a conference at which the new vision o f ' Christian National' policy was put before the public. With the backing of the three Church denominations to which most white Afrikaans-speaking South Africans belonged, the programme stated explicitly that the first duty of a 'nation' (white-skinned and Afrikaans-tongued) was to save its own life, and laid the foundations of an ideology which was to serve the National Party for the next generation. In the field of economics a number of young intellectuals, Albert Hertzog, Piet Meyer and others, after returning from study in Western Europe, established the Nasionale Raad van Trustees (National Council of Trustees) in 1936 in order to form trade unions with the specific objective of rescuing Afrikaans workers from the hold of class solidarity and of directing them along the paths of Afrikaner consciousness. In 19 34 the Spoorbond (Railway Union) for white railway workers had been established by the Broederbond and, after a long battle, the Mine Workers' Union was taken over in 1 9 4 8 . The threat of Coloured women in the Garment Workers' Union on the Witwatersrand led to the launching of the Blankewerkersbeskermingsbond to protect white workers from contamination b y ' untouchables' of a different hue. Across the class divide there was also need for organisation. The Reddingsdaadbond (RDB) (Rescue Action Society), formed 1

2

1

J. H . P . S e r f o n t e i n , Brotherhood of power ( L o n d o n , 1979); I v o r W i l k i n s a n d H a n s S t r y d o m , The Broederbond ( N e w Y o r k , 1979); C h a r l e s B l o o m b e r g , The Broederbond and Christian nationalism in South Africa, u n p u b l i s h e d (1972). D a n O ' M e a r a , ' T h e " C h r i s t i a n N a t i o n a l " assault o n w h i t e trade u n i o n s in S o u t h A f r i c a ' , African Affairs, 1978, 7 7 , 306. 2

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in the wake of the 1938 centenary celebrations, was designed to help Afrikaners develop some muscle within the Englishdominated capitalist world. Nico Diedrichs, who with Geoff Cronje and others was one of the apostles of the new 'nationalism', resigned his professorship in the Orange Free State to become full-time director of the R D B which collected funds (albeit not very successfully). The R D B enabled some small businesses to get off the ground and, more important, provided early support for the new investment house Federale Volksbeleggings (Federal People's Investments). Influential though these organisations were, it was not until the National Party had won the 1948 election that they had the opportunity of putting into practice the policies that had been so long in gestation. 1

The first actions of the new government were focussed on intensifying colour-caste cleavages where they were least visible. In 1949 marriage between 'European and non-European' was made illegal whilst, a year later, the illegality of sexual intercourse between whites and Africans was extended also against' Coloured' and 'Asians' as well by an amendment to the 1927 Immorality Act. The Population Registration Act of 1950, hideously cruel in its effects, was used primarily to separate ' white' from ' Coloured' even within the same families. Attempts to justify these 'race' divisions on pseudo-scientific grounds drew heavily on Nazi thinking, but in remoter parts of the Karoo such refinements were dispensed with when, so the story goes, farm-labourer descendants of centuries of Bantu-Khoi interaction were lined up on local railway platforms before an official who glanced at each face pronouncing 'Jj s n Hotnot or 'Jy s n Kaffir , as he thought the case might be. The Group Areas Act ( 1 9 5 0 ) excluded black neighbours and entrepreneurs from preferred districts, thus extending urban segregation which had first been directed pri­ marily against Africans, many of whom had been penned into 'locations' since before the First World War. The shabby pro­ cedures, 1 9 5 1 - 6 , to remove the franchise from Coloured voters in the Cape, reversed Hertzog's 1926 proposal that it be extended to the Coloured people in other provinces. T w o reasons for rejecting the bruin Afrikaners were the National Party's fear of 9

1

9

N. Diedrichs, Nasionalisme (Bloemfontein, 1936).

9

9

9

9

as Lewensbeskoutng en sy Verhouding tot internationalisme

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losing its precarious hold on power due to the Coloured vote in a number of marginal Cape seats and, secondly, the increasing emphasis on racial purity which the young intellectuals brought back from Germany in the 1 9 3 0 s . The new Afrikaner nationalists used the fences of language and colour-caste both to give consciousness and cohesiveness to a group which was sufficiently numerous to win all elections confined only to whites, and also to foster division amongst everybody else. A significant shift in the state's response to urbanisation came in 1948. The Smuts government had supported a proposal that the massive wartime movements of Africans to the manufactur­ ing centres be accepted as inevitable. But the nationalists, harking back to policy enunciated in 1922 by a Transvaal local government commission that ' the native' should only enter the cities in order 'to minister to the needs of the white man and should depart therefrom when he ceases so to minister V proposed a policy which not only made it more difficult for blacks to settle in town, but which also laid the foundations for extending the migrant labour system from the mining industry to the rest of the urban economy. The Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act ( 1 9 5 1 ) prohibited squatting without permission, but did empower local authorities to proclaim emergency camps. The Native Abolition of Passes and Coordination of Documents Act ( 1 9 5 2 ) streamlined the system of geographic control and introduced a single reference book, the dompas, which had to be carried at all times by all Africans of 18 years or older. The Native Laws Amendment Act ( 1 9 5 2 ) laid down the terms (birth in a town, or ten years continuous work with one employer, or 15 years continuous employment in the same town) under which a person might acquire rights to remain permanently in a particular town and, if a man, to bring in his wife and children to live with him. For those who did not yet fulfil these requirements family housing was not to be made available. Those wishing to seek work in town were allowed to come for 72 hours after which time, if they were not registered in employment they had to leave. Labour bureaux were established in 1951 to facilitate the co-ordination of labour flow, not least to agriculture. The dompas, containing information 2

1

T r a n s v a a l P r o v i n c e , Report of the Local Government Commission ( S t a l l a r d ) ( T P i , P r e t o r i a , 1922), p a r a 267. T h e o r i g i n o f t h e w o r d is o b s c u r e . P o s s i b l y it is d e r i v e d f r o m w h e r e is y o u r d a m n pass?'. 2

4

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about an individual's place of residence, employment status and tax payments, had to be produced upon demand by any policeman. During the 1 9 5 0 s the average annual number of convictions for contraventions of the pass laws was double that during the 1 9 4 0 s (see table 6 . 1 2 ) . Behind these statistics lay the indignities of arrogant arrest, and a development about which Africans felt particularly bitter: the extension of pass laws to women. Forty years previously a passive resistance campaign in the Orange Free State had successfully warded off a similar attempt, but now, despite massive protest culminating in a march of 1 0 0 0 0 women led by Lilian Ngoyi to Pretoria in 1 9 5 6 , the government extended the laws until by 1959 passes had to be carried by all African women. Such power led to abuse. For example a white policeman arrested a teenage girl for a pass offence. After locking her in a police van he drove her to a remote place... He told her to get undressed. She told the court she had submitted because she was terrified. She did not voice any refusal but did everything he told her to do... The court accepted that she had not agreed to have intercourse. In view of the fact, however, that she silently submitted without being forced to, 'the policeman could have taken it as consent'. Therefore he would not be convicted of rape. 1

He was, however, sentenced to two years imprisonment under the Immorality Act! There were further controls on occupational mobility. The law bolstering the well-established conventional colour bar in secondary industry was used to ensure that the colour—caste pecking order was not upset by blacks giving orders to whites, and also as part of the white social system to reserve jobs in times of economic downturn. But the amendment to the Industrial Conciliation Act ( 1 9 5 6 ) , though drafted by men with memories of the depression, was passed long after the problem of poor whites had disappeared and the evidence suggests that, as the economy continued to expand, legal barriers to black advancement in manufacturing, as opposed to mining, were less significant than other obstacles such as white social custom, trade-union pressure, and the consequences of the education structure. Political control was also increased. Legislation such as War Measure 145 of 1943 was already on the books to prevent African 1

Cape Times, 8

August

1972.

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workers from striking, and trade-union organisers had long been harassed by the state. But the real pressure on leadership did not come until 1950 with the Suppression of Communism Act and its subsequent amendments, which gave the state power to ban any individual who, in the opinion of the minister, w a s ' furthering the aims of communism'. Apart from the useful political mileage which could be gained both locally and internationally from such legislation at the height of McCarthyism and the Cold War, it provided the state with an instrument with which it was able, at the stroke of a pen, to turn an indispensable trade-union organiser, political leader, or creative writer into an impotent non-person. He became a social leper who was confined to a magisterial area, prohibited from addressing or attending any gatherings, from meeting more than one other person at a time, from visiting any factory, university or school premises, from writing or publishing anything and from being quoted either orally or in print for periods (which could be renewed) of between three and five years. Amongst the 1300 people banned over the years 1 9 5 0 - 7 7 were some who were Communists and many, Roman Catholic priests, Quaker pacifists, and others, who were not. The Act was an effective instrument of control. But it also, as we shall see, clogged the cybernetic channels by which a society grows in self-awareness and understanding. No less far-reaching however than the banning of books and writers were the consequences of the Bantu Education Act ( 1 9 5 3 ) , which transferred control of African schools from churches and provincial authorities to the Department of Native Affairs (later Bantu Administration, later Plural Relations, later Co-operation and Development). There were essentially three components in the new thinking. One was the desire to have a syllabus more related to those jobs in the economy which government would permit blacks to take up. Another consideration was that the syllabus should be moulded by what the white rulers considered to be good for 'Bantu'. There was no question of blacks participating in debate about reform of education for the whole country. Effectively they were told that as blacks they had no right to train for more skilled jobs in the urban economy as there was * no place for [them] in the European community above the level 1

1

S e a n M o r o n e y a n d L i n d a E n s o r , The silenced: bannings in South Africa

*979)-

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of certain forms of labour'. Thirdly, the government sought also to destroy the influence of men and women whom it considered to be insidiously influencing Africans to hold ideas above their station as 'black Englishmen'. There is a sense in which the destruction of so much of what the missionaries had laboured for more than a century to build was a judgement on the arrogance of British imperial power, and the wounds it had inflicted on an earlier generation of Afrikaners, who found themselves often looked down upon by their wealthier, more self-assured, Englishspeaking neighbours. But the action, such as the dispersal of old school libraries and the destruction of all that for which proud institutions such as Lovedale, Adams College and Fort Hare stood, was wanton and deeply wounding. The legislation to segregate university education and to create ethnic institutions under state control was aimed, said a government spokesman, ' t o produce native leaders who will accept and propagate Apartheid \ Nor was it only Africans who were casualties of the philosophy of Christian National Education. South Africans of Indian descent were segregated into Indian schools whilst 'Coloured' children had to go to schools taken over by the Coloured Affairs Department. Amongst whites too a policy of ethnic segregation was used to isolate Afrikaans-speaking children from others and to foster a narrow group identity so that the educational system entrenched group differences. Other fundamental legislation during the 1 9 5 0 s laid the foundations for the policy that was to emerge during the follow­ ing decades of separating from South Africa a number of pol­ itically independent archipelagos. In his meeting with some members of the Natives' Representative Council in 1 9 4 7 , Smuts had spelt out his ideas for future policy. These were to give the N R C executive powers - roughly equal to those of a provincial council - to run those rural areas set aside as 'Native Reserves'. The Bantu Authorities Act of 1953 executed this policy but with one crucial difference. Where Smuts had intended to place all the reserves under one black authority Verwoerd divided them according to language sub-groupings, with Nguni-speakers being split into four and Sotho-speakers into three. Six years later, during which time Ghana had become independent under Nkrumah whilst Verwoerd had become prime minister of South Pelzer A. N. (ed.), Verwoerd speaks: speeches 1948-1966 (Johannesburg, 1966). 1

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Africa, the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Bill was introduced, thus opening the way, though not yet explicitly, to Bantustan independence within the Verwoerdian vision of a commonwealth of nations in southern Africa. The full implica­ tions of this policy as it evolved are analysed later. As the 1 9 5 0 s drew to a close those who led white South Africa along the path of exclusion could feel well pleased with themselves as they looked back over the tracks of the previous quarter century. The economy was booming; investors, both local and foreign, were satisfied. Politically, not only was the policy of exclusion becoming clearer and, in the eyes of its supporters, more moral, but the time was ripe for the National Party's crowning achievement, the establishment of a white Republic. But this confidence was severely jolted in i 9 6 0 by a series of events including the * Winds of Change' speech in Cape Town by Harold Macmillan, the Sharpeville tragedy, an assassination attempt which severely wounded the South African prime minister, a massive flight of capital, and the banning of the two major organisations representing African political aspirations. With Verwoerd's steely resolve and the breaking of a pledge to the leaders of the black protesters who marched on Cape Town, the government regained its nerve and pushed on with the referendum in which, by a narrow majority, whites voted for a Republic. In 1961 South Africa finally severed its long constitutional link with the British Crown and, even more telling as a measure of its increasing isolation in the world, withdrew from the Common­ wealth in which, during previous decades, it had been so important a member. S O U T H

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Bechuanaland Ever since the South Africa Act ( 1 9 0 9 ) , which made special provision for the later incorporation of the three High Commis­ sion territories, the Pretoria government had made periodic requests that this be done; but African opposition was firmly articulated by Tshekedi Khama, second son of Khama the Great, who had been installed as Regent of the Ngwato people of the 1

1

T s h e k e d i w a s R e g e n t w h i l s t his n e p h e w , S e r e t s e , w a s still t o o y o u n g t o b e C h i e f . S e r e t s e ' s f a t h e r S e k g o m a II ( C h i e f K h a m a ' s e l d e s t s o n ) d i e d after a b r i e f r u l e w h e n Seretse w a s a child o f four.

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Bechuanaland Protectorate in 1 9 2 6 . In 1 9 3 6 H e r t z o g tried again to incorporate the territories but Britain refused. O n the outbreak o f war T s h e k e d i and other chiefs offered Britain their resources and, after visiting Pretoria to examine conditions o f Africans in the Union Defence Force, refused Smuts's suggestion that they encourage their men to join it. Instead a special corps o f men from the territories w a s created and performed distinguished service around the Mediterranean. But again in 1 9 4 9 the issue was raised w h e n the y o u n g Seretse K h a m a returned h o m e w i t h his E n g l i s h bride. White South Africa, w h i c h had just made ' mixed ' marriages illegal, was outraged and Malan announced that he w o u l d shortly be m a k i n g a formal demand for the territories. Britain's response was to resist incorporation but to announce that recognition o f Seretse as chief w o u l d be withheld for five years during w h i c h time he must live outside the Protectorate. A t the same time T s h e k e d i K h a m a , w h o had done his best t o stop Seretse's marriage to an u n k n o w n outsider, was banished from the N g w a t o reserve, ' w h i l e the chieftainship is in suspense'. T h e matter was not finally resolved until 1 9 5 6 w h e n , having renounced all claims to the chieftainship, the t w o men returned as private citizens t o Serowe. 1

By this time, after years o f parsimony, funds had been made available for the Protectorate. In 1955 a white paper was issued outlining a five-year development p r o g r a m m e concentrating o n water, roads, education, social services, and soil conservation. In 1958 negotiations began for mining in N g w a t o country. In the same year the Joint A d v i s o r y C o u n c i l , representing both blacks and whites, called for the establishment o f a Legislative C o u n c i l . By the year o f T s h e k e d i ' s death in 1 9 5 9 , his nephew, for w h o m he had so l o n g held the N g w a t o land in trust as R e g e n t , was o n his w a y t o b e c o m i n g first president o f an independent Botswana.

South West Africa J Namibia By the end o f the 1930s, South W e s t Africa had been g o v e r n e d for almost t w o decades by South Africa under mandate from the L e a g u e o f Nations. In practice this meant that the territory w a s ruled under the same laws as applied t o the Cape P r o v i n c e and was subjected to decisions w h i c h reflected primarily the interests o f whites w h o , in South W e s t Africa, formed less than 1 0 per cent 1

M a r y B e n s o n , Tshekedi Khama ( L o n d o n , i960), 198.

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Table 6 . 1 1 . Land utilisation in South West Africa, 1936. Million ha

Percentage

Farm land (3905 white-owned farms) Desert (Namib) Native reserves Game reserves Reserved for extension of native reserves Urban areas

30.6 12.0 9.9 9.6

44-3

6.5

9.4

0.4

0.6

Total

69.0

Source: Official year book 19ft*

17.4 M.3 13.9

100.0

1137.

o f the population. T h e structure o f political p o w e r was reflected most clearly in the pattern o f land utilisation: nearly three-quarters ( 7 1 per cent) o f the land, excluding the N a m i b Desert itself, was allocated either as white farm land or as game reserves (table 6 . 1 1 ) . T h e African population was heterogeneous, consisting o f O v a m b o , Damara, Herero, K a v a n g o and other g r o u p s w h o s e language differences were further accentuated by the g o v e r n m e n t ' s policy o f setting up more than 20 separate rural reserves. O n e aim o f this policy was stated as being to create ' a potential labourrecruiting field for the future'. A t this stage the main employers o f labour, apart from the white farmers, were the railways, a few mines (including diamond mines) and fishing companies. T h e e c o n o m y o f South W e s t Africa g r e w very rapidly, particularly in the mining sector in the decade 1 9 4 6 - 5 6 . But the fact that national income as a proportion o f gross domestic product fell from 92 to 60 per cent in the same period is a measure o f the extent to w h i c h much o f the increased wealth was taken out o f the country in the form o f dividend and other payments to foreign, especially South African, investors and property owners. B y i 9 6 0 mining accounted for 34 per cent and agriculture for 15 per cent o f G D P and the country's major exports were diamonds, copper, karakul pelts and cattle. T h e manufacturing sector, based largely on the canning o f pilchards in W a l v i s Bay, was small and the e c o n o m y 1

1

Officialyear book 19}?, 115 5. 296

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remained primarily rural with more than three-quarters o f the population l i v i n g on the land. L i k e South Africa, South West Africa developed with an oscillating migrant labour system at the heart o f the e c o n o m y , but most migrants w e r e d r a w n from within the country, particularly from the northern, O v a m b o and K a v a n g o , areas. S o m e w o r k e r s came from A n g o l a . Between 1938 and i960—1 the annual number o f w o r k e r s recruited by the monopsonistic South W e s t African N a t i v e L a b o u r Association ( S W A N L A ) rose from a little under 1 0 0 0 0 to 25 000, o f w h o m one-third were e m p l o y e d by farmers, one-third by industry and g o v e r n m e n t , one-quarter ( 2 7 per cent) by the mines and the rest in fishing and other activities. Important political changes were also taking place. H a v i n g l o n g considered the territory as effectively annexed to South Africa, Smuts applied to the new United Nations in 1 9 4 6 for its formal incorporation. T h e Herero, led by Chief Hosea K u t a k o , rejected the referendum by w h i c h South Africa hoped to w i n African approval for the m o v e . T h e Paramount Chief, Frederick Maharero, lived in the Bechuanaland Protectorate w i t h 1 4 0 0 0 o f his people w h o had fled from v o n T r o t h a ' s massacres in 1904 and he appealed to the N g w a t o Regent for help. T s h e k e d i K h a m a responded immediately by cabling the United Nations to refuse South Africa's request. S o o n afterwards, h a v i n g found him l i v i n g in a tent in a squatter camp outside Johannesburg, T s h e k e d i K h a m a commissioned the R e v d Michael Scott to plead the South West African cause at the United Nations on behalf o f Chief Kutako. In 1 9 4 9 , the National Party g o v e r n m e n t , seeking simultaneously to strengthen the South W e s t connexion and its precarious majority, decreed that white Suid-westers should elect six repres­ entatives to the Cape T o w n parliament. South Africa's v i e w that the mandate had lapsed w i t h the collapse o f the L e a g u e o f Nations was submitted by the U N General A s s e m b l y to the International C o u r t o f Justice w h i c h ruled that the mandate was still in force. South Africa h o w e v e r ignored the implications o f this judgement and continued to g o v e r n the territory. Indeed it was the further extension o f apartheid, with the forcible removal o f blacks from the ' O l d L o c a t i o n ' in the centre o f W i n d h o e k to a new ethnically divided non-freehold township o f Katatura some miles outside, that led to confrontation on the night o f 10 D e c e m b e r (the 297

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a n n i v e r s a r y o f t h e U N D e c l a r a t i o n o f H u m a n R i g h t s ) in 1 9 5 9 w h e n p o l i c e fired o n u n a r m e d d e m o n s t r a t o r s , k i l l i n g 11 a n d w o u n d i n g 54. T h i s e v e n t , w h i c h p r e c e d e d t h e S h a r p e v i l l e m a s s a c r e b y t h r e e m o n t h s , w a s n o less f a r - r e a c h i n g in its c o n s e q u e n c e s . It led to the transformation o f the O v a m b o l a n d P e o p l e ' s O r g a n i s a ­ t i o n , f o u n d e d in 1 9 5 7 b y T o i v o H e r m a n ja T o i v o t o fight t h e migrant labour system, into the S o u t h W e s t Africa People's Organisation ( S W A P O ) w h i c h had a broad national base and w h i c h w a s dedicated to e n d i n g S o u t h Africa's colonisation o f the c o u n t r y . S a m N u j o m a , w h o w a s t o b e c o m e first p r e s i d e n t o f S W A P O , w a s banished to O v a m b o l a n d f o l l o w i n g the W i n d h o e k s h o o t i n g s . S o o n a f t e r w a r d s h e left t h e c o u n t r y a n d in D a r e s S a l a a m set u p t h e h e a d q u a r t e r s o f S W A P O in e x i l e . M e a n w h i l e , inside the c o u n t r y , the internal w i n g o f the organisation, w h i c h w a s never banned a l t h o u g h leaders w e r e often harassed, quietly w e n t o n w i t h the w o r k o f political mobilisation.

Swaziland F o r m o r e than sixty years, o r t w o generations, the k i n g d o m o f S w a z i l a n d w a s d o m i n a t e d b y K i n g S o b h u z a II w h o w a s i n s t a l l e d as ingwenyama in 1 9 2 1 . A t t h e t i m e o f t h e 1 9 3 6 c e n s u s , t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n w a s 1 5 7 0 0 0 , o f w h o m 98 p e r c e n t w e r e A f r i c a n , a l m o s t all S w a z i - s p e a k i n g . L e s s t h a n 3000 w e r e w h i t e , b u t w h i t e s , s o m e o f t h e m d o m i c i l e d in S o u t h A f r i c a , o w n e d n e a r l y half the land. A sense o f h a v i n g been r o b b e d b y the L a n d Partition P r o c l a m a t i o n o f 1907, together w i t h a steady curtailment o f traditional p o w e r , created a deep sense o f distrust o f the colonial g o v e r n m e n t b y the S w a z i p e o p l e and led the k i n g , an inherently c o n s e r v a t i v e m a n , i n t o m u t e d b u t real c o n f l i c t w i t h B r i t a i n o n these issues. N e v e r t h e l e s s S o b h u z a f o u n d S o u t h A f r i c a n policies e v e n m o r e d i s t a s t e f u l , p a r t i c u l a r l y after t h e p r o m u l g a t i o n in 1 9 2 6 o f H e r t z o g ' s N a t i v e B i l l s , a n d h e c a m e d o w n s o l i d l y a g a i n s t all attempts to incorporate Swaziland into the U n i o n . B u t e c o n o m i c ties w e r e s t r o n g a n d S o u t h A f r i c a c o n t i n u e d t o e x e r t its p o w e r o v e r the tiny k i n g d o m . B e f o r e the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r m o r e than two-thirds o f w a g e - p a y i n g jobs held by S w a z i w e r e outside the c o u n t r y , l a r g e l y in t h e m i n e s o f t h e W i t w a t e r s r a n d . A s t i m e w e n t on, h o w e v e r , relatively m o r e jobs w e r e generated within S w a z i l a n d . T h e H a v e l o c k asbestos m i n e , o p e n e d in 1937, b e c a m e 298

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a major employer, whilst after the Second W o r l d W a r the afforestation p r o g r a m m e , and the development o f sugar planting (particularly after malaria had been brought under control) led t o considerable expansion o f the e c o n o m y , so that by i960 11 300 Swazi were employed within Swaziland, o u t n u m b e r i n g the 7500 recruited during the year t o the South African g o l d and platinum mines. Important t h o u g h they were, the earnings o f migrants formed a less substantial proportion o f Swaziland's income than was the case in either Bechuanaland o r Basutoland. A l t h o u g h nearly every Swazi adult male w o r k e d at some stage o n the Witwatersrand, the people o f Swaziland remained o v e r w h e l m ­ ingly rural in their o u t l o o k . E v e r y year the people gathered for the great first-fruits ceremony o f the Ncwala and the country, untroubled by constitutional crises or rivals to the k i n g , retained its cohesiveness for longer than most other areas. B u t the conservatism o f the k i n g and his elderly councillors created strains in the years after the Second W o r l d W a r , w h e n y o u n g e r more educated men and w o m e n s o u g h t to modernise the social structure and to create a more democratically g o v e r n e d society.

Basutoland Entirely surrounded by South Africa, the small mountain k i n g d o m ruled, under Britain, b y M o s h w e s h w e ' s heirs had almost nothing which it could sell to the outside w o r l d except labour. In years g o n e by the S o t h o had adapted quickly and efficiently to the opportunities presented by the o p e n i n g u p o f the markets around the diamond and g o l d mines. E v e n after the fertile plains along the west bank o f the Caledon R i v e r had been lost to the conquering white settlers in the O r a n g e Free State they had g r o w n and exported large surpluses o f grain. H o w e v e r , b y the end o f the First W o r l d W a r , as a result o f population pressure c o m b i n e d with the destructive effects o f the widespread migrant labour system, Basutoland produced only just e n o u g h for its people to eat. T h i s state o f affairs continued until the great d r o u g h t at the beginning o f the 1930s, after w h i c h time the country became a steadily increasing net importer o f grain. O v e r the 25 years from 1936 to 1961, the number o f men engaged for w o r k o n the mines from Basutoland and the O r a n g e Free State rose b y two-thirds from 46000 t o 69000. O v e r the same period the n u m b e r o f paid 299 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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jobs within Basutoland remained a fraction o f those held in South Africa. Despite the internal p o v e r t y and lack o f e m p l o y m e n t oppor­ tunities, Basutoland had a well-established infrastructure o f edu­ cation and one o f the highest literacy rates in Africa. In 1945 the R o m a n Catholic Pius X I I C o l l e g e was established where students could take degrees o f the University o f South Africa as could blacks in the U n i o n . In politics t o o there w a s a great deal o f activity. In 1952 the Basutoland C o n g r e s s Party, closely modelled on South Africa's A N C , was founded by Ntsu M o k h e h l e . A n d in 1958 C h i e f Leabua Jonathan, later to be first prime minister o f the independent L e s o t h o , established the Basutoland National Party w i t h support from the s o m e w h a t surprising combination o f R o m a n Catholics and the g o v e r n m e n t o f South Africa. It was supported also by the queen regent in her attempts to retain p o w e r after the y o u n g k i n g came o f age. Utterly dependent t h o u g h it w a s o n the S o u t h African e c o n o m y , Basutoland by the end o f the 1950s w a s being g r o o m e d , like Bechuanaland and Swaziland, for political independence. South Africa was loath to accept this fact. J. G . Strijdom, w h o succeeded Malan as prime minister in 1954, was so anxious to achieve incorporation that he, the arch-republican, was willing to postpone a Republic if that w o u l d reduce opposition to transfer o f the H i g h C o m m i s s i o n territories. But he died in 1958 without achieving either o f his t w o goals. Paradoxically, it w a s the very failure o f S o u t h Africa to achieve incorporation that enabled Strijdom's successor, V e r w o e r d , to play his master-stroke. Re­ cognising that South Africa w o u l d have to live with the three territories as politically independent neighbours, V e r w o e r d turned this defeat into the springboard o f a n e w strategy. G i v e n that the three areas w e r e dependent both for jobs and g o o d s o n a n e i g h b o u r i n g country w h o s e e c o n o m i c and military strength relative to theirs w a s o v e r w h e l m i n g , there was n o w a y in w h i c h their political independence could pose an effective threat to white control in S o u t h Africa itself. Indeed as V e r w o e r d saw, there were positive advantages in not incorporating the H i g h C o m m i s s i o n territories. For, as citizens o f independent countries, the people living there w o u l d exert far less pressure to change South African society than if they were constitutionally part o f it. M o r e o v e r South Africa w o u l d have international law and practice behind 300 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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her in preventing them, as foreigners, from playing any role in her internal affairs. S o despite one last appeal for incorporation in 1 9 6 3 , South Africa b e g a n to m o v e t o w a r d s a policy not o n l y o f w e l c o m i n g the territories' c o m i n g independence but also o f carving out and granting political independence to those parts o f South Africa w h i c h , historically, had b e c o m e labour reserves. T h e boundaries o f the nation state w e r e to be used to reinforce the barriers o f language, c o l o u r and urbanisation. Blacks w e r e to be further excluded by declaring them foreigners. W i t h o u t w a v e r i n g from the g o a l o f maintaining c o n t r o l o f the c o r e o f the e c o n o m y , white South Africa's strategy gradually c h a n g e d d u r i n g the 1 9 5 0 s and early 1 9 6 0 s from incorporation to a policy o f dispossession. 1

M A I N T A I N I N G

T H E

W H I T E

R E P U B L I C ,

I961-76

There were t w o sides to the coin w i t h w h i c h the S o u t h African government s o u g h t to buy prosperity and security inside the laager o f an all-white Republic. O n e was the migrant labour system, the other was the Bantustan policy. B o t h had deep historic roots. O n e was modelled almost entirely o n the pattern w h i c h the gold-mining industry had e v o l v e d for itself o v e r t w o generations before 1 9 4 8 . T h e other g r e w o u t o f the nineteenth-century policies o f Sir T h e o p h i l u s Shepstone and the L a n d A c t o f 1 9 1 3 . T h e Natives (Urban Areas) A c t , as amended in 1 9 5 2 , had made the permanent urbanisation o f black w o r k e r s and their families more difficult but not impossible. H o w e v e r , g o v e r n m e n t policy was aimed not only at s l o w i n g d o w n b u t also at halting and ultimately at reversing the flow o f black people t o the cities. In 1968 labour regulations were p r o m u l g a t e d w h i c h prohibited n e w workers from c o m i n g from the rural areas unless they had entered into a contract w h i c h had t o be r e n e w e d annually back in the reserves. T h i s break effectively nullified section i o ( i ) ( b ) o f the Natives (Urban Areas) A c t w h i c h had made it possible for w o r k e r s to acquire residence rights for themselves and their families in t o w n . T h e consequences o f this policy b e c a m e m o s t clearly visible in the western C a p e w h e r e , in 1 9 6 6 , employers w e r e instructed that henceforth they must reduce the n u m b e r o f Africans o n their payrolls by 5 per cent per annum. A n immediate 1

For further analysis see SAIRR, Towards economic and politicaljustice in South Africa (Johannesburg, 1980).

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consequence was the w i n d i n g d o w n o f the local authorities' housing programmes to the point where, for some years after 1972, not one house was built for occupation by an African family. M e a n w h i l e another g o a l o f g o v e r n m e n t policy, the foster­ ing o f e c o n o m i c g r o w t h , was assiduously pursued. Thousands o f jobs were created during these b o o m years as new d o c k s , roads, and buildings were constructed. Cape T o w n itself could not p r o v i d e e n o u g h labour so, naturally, more workers were pulled off the land. But the Africans w h o were drawn in were not supposed to be there. E m p l o y e r s were permitted to erect only ' t e m p o r a r y ' accommodation, w h i c h they did in the form o f damp, w i n d y , cold barns unfit for human occupation. T h e occupants referred to them a s ' stables'. But the demand for labour continued to expand, not least in state sectors such as the railways and harbours, where between 1968 and 1974 the number o f African w o r k e r s more than quadrupled from 1400 to o v e r 6000 men. By 1977, despite recession in the building industry where large numbers o f migrants had been employed, the number o f contract w o r k e r s in C a p e T o w n w a s approximately d o u b l e w h a t it had been in 1968. S o m e w h a t more solid structures were built to house w o r k e r s as time w e n t o n but, like the ' t e m p o r a r y ' barns (still being used a decade later), they were designed for men only, without their families. T h u s by 1976 the male:female ratio o f Africans in C a p e T o w n w a s , according to official statistics, almost 3 : 1 . In L a n g a , a township where the heaviest concentration o f migrants was housed, the proportion o f men to w o m e n was o v e r 1 2 : 1 . T h e shortage o f normal family housing both for the natural population g r o w t h o f the 10000 African families w h o had acquired residence rights in C a p e T o w n during earlier years, and also for more recent migrants from the country, was such that many people had n o alternative but to build corrugated iron shanties for themselves w h e r e v e r they could find some unused g r o u n d near the city. Concentrations o f African squatter c o m ­ munities m u s h r o o m e d , particularly after 1975, w h e n the scattered dwellings w e r e b r o u g h t together in t w o major areas. O n e o f these, M o d d e r d a m - W e k g e n o t - U n i b e l , where 25000 people lived, was destroyed by the g o v e r n m e n t ' s bulldozers o v e r six months beginning in the cold w e t winter o f 1977. T h e other, Crossroads, was continually threatened w i t h demolition t h o u g h later, after a unique combination o f grass-roots resistance and international 302 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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pressure, reprieved. D e s p i t e e v i d e n c e o f viable, well-organised c o m m u n i t i e s , a n d d e s p i t e t h e fact t h a t , at U n i b e l , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e a v e r a g e h o u s e h o l d h e a d h a d b e e n in C a p e T o w n f o r o v e r 1 1 y e a r s a n d his s p o u s e f o r m o r e t h a n five y e a r s , official p o l i c y w a s c l e a r . W i t h the special e x c e p t i o n o f C r o s s r o a d s residents, w i v e s and c h i l d r e n i l l e g a l l y in C a p e T o w n m u s t r e t u r n t o t h e ' h o m e l a n d s '. M e n w i t h jobs had to g o back to the labour c o m p o u n d s ; those w h o h a d l o s t t h e i r j o b s in t h e r e c e s s i o n o r w h o w o r k e d i n t h e informal sector w e r e required to leave the city and return to the reserves w h e r e there w a s virtually n o prospect o f w o r k . A b o v e all, r e s t r i c t i o n s w e r e t i g h t e n e d t o m a k e it m o r e d i f f i c u l t f o r p e o p l e in t h e r u r a l areas t o m o v e i n t o t h e c i t y , e i t h e r t o l o o k f o r w o r k or to join their h u s b a n d s and fathers. N o t o n l y in C a p e T o w n b u t e v e n m o r e s o i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l c o n c e n t r a t i o n in t h e s o u t h e r n T r a n s v a a l as w e l l as i n D u r b a n , P o r t E l i z a b e t h and other t o w n s , the d e c a d e b e g i n n i n g in the m i d - 1 9 6 0 s w i t n e s s e d an u n p r e c e d e n t e d e x p a n s i o n o f single-sex barracks i n t o w h i c h the w o r k e r s o f the c o u n t r y ' s e c o n o m i c miracle w e r e d i r e c t e d as t h e m i g r a n t l a b o u r s y s t e m b e c a m e y e t m o r e firmly e m b e d d e d as t h e c e n t r e - p i e c e o f a p a r t h e i d ' s p o l i t i c a l e c o n o m y . P r e c i s e figures are difficult t o o b t a i n , b u t it w o u l d s e e m t h a t b y t h e m i d - 1 9 7 0 s at l e a s t h a l f t h e b l a c k m e n l e g a l l y at w o r k i n t h e u r b a n areas o f S o u t h A f r i c a w e r e h o u s e d o n a s i n g l e basis in a c c o m m o d a t i o n m u c h o f w h i c h had been built within the past decade. B u t increasingly force had to be used to maintain the system. T h e n u m b e r o f c a s e s s e n t f o r trial u n d e r t h e p a s s l a w s r o s e t o a p e a k o f 6 7 0 300 in 1 9 6 8 . D e s p i t e t h e s u b s e q u e n t d o w n t u r n , t h e a v e r a g e a n n u a l n u m b e r o f p r o s e c u t i o n s in t h e first h a l f o f t h e 1 9 7 0 s w a s still e q u i v a l e n t t o m o r e t h a n o n e e v e r y m i n u t e o f t h e d a y a n d n i g h t t h r o u g h o u t t h e y e a r . D u r i n g t h e t h i r t y y e a r s after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , the total n u m b e r o f p r o s e c u t i o n s w a s m o r e than 1 1 . 7 m i l l i o n (table 6.12). D e s p i t e this m a s s i v e p o l i c e net, m a n y p e o p l e m a n a g e d t o l i v e in t h e c i t i e s i l l e g a l l y , e i t h e r p a y i n g a fine o r b r i b i n g the p o l i c e w h e n e v e r t h e y w e r e c a u g h t . O t h e r s l i v e d in the v a s t shanty areas that m u s h r o o m e d in t h o s e f r a g m e n t s o f B a n tustans w i t h i n c o m m u t i n g r a n g e o f cities (often i n v o l v i n g l o n g distances and arduous hours o f daily travel) but w h e r e urban restrictions against h o u s i n g and families did n o t apply. In C a p e T o w n , o v e r 1000 k i l o m e t r e s f r o m t h e n e a r e s t ' h o m e l a n d ' , t h e 303

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T a b l e 6 . 1 2 . Pass Law prosecutions,

1921-7j.

Annual average number of contraventions (in thousands) 1921-9

54.7

1930-9

110.8

1940-9

157.7

1950-9

318.7

1960-9

469.1

I970-5

541.5

Note: Until (and including) lower than prosecutions.

1962

figures are for convictions, which are slightly

Source: Union statistics for fifty years, F.4; Annual reports of the Commissioner of the South African police (Pretoria).

inexorable logic o f the policy led to the destruction o f hundreds o f h o m e s b y b u l l d o z e r s . B y u s i n g p e o p l e as w o r k e r s , a r g u e d D r V e r w o e r d , o n e did n o t thereby integrate them into one's society any m o r e than o n e integrated the o x , the ass, and the tractor w h i c h w e r e also instruments o f one's e c o n o m i c activity. Parallel w i t h the expansion o f the m i g r a n t labour system w e n t the u n f o l d i n g o f the Bantustan p o l i c y , that is, o f constituting the Bantu homelands into self-governing o r even nominally 'inde­ p e n d e n t ' territories. T h e P r o m o t i o n o f Bantu S e l f - G o v e r n m e n t A c t (1959) w a s f o l l o w e d b y the establishment in 1963 o f the T r a n s k e i L e g i s l a t i v e A s s e m b l y . T h i s r e p l a c e d t h e o l d Bunga, w h i c h , w i t h a majority o f elected v o t i n g members, had for so l o n g been the forum for Transkei political debate. T h e T L A had r o u g h l y t h e s a m e a u t h o r i t y as a p r o v i n c i a l c o u n c i l , w i t h e x e c u t i v e p o w e r o v e r s u c h m a t t e r s as r o a d s , e d u c a t i o n , a n d a g r i c u l t u r e , b u t u n l i k e t h e Bunga t h e A s s e m b l y c a n n e v e r b e said t o h a v e b e e n properly representative. N o t only w e r e elected m e m b e r s in a m i n o r i t y u n t i l 1 9 7 6 b u t it w a s b o r n , a n d l i v e d its w h o l e life, u n d e r the s h a d o w o f P r o c l a m a t i o n 4 0 0 . T h e s e e m e r g e n c y r e g u l a t i o n s ensured that n o political gathering c o u l d take place w i t h o u t the express permission o f a magistrate, and also e m p o w e r e d the p o l i c e t o d e t a i n w i t h o u t trial. T h e c h i e f m i n i s t e r o f t h e T r a n s k e i t h r o u g h o u t this p e r i o d w a s C h i e f K a i s e r M a t a n z i m a , m a n y o f 304

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w h o s e political o p p o n e n t s w e r e arbitrarily arrested, notably o n t h e e v e o f a v i t a l p r e - i n d e p e n d e n c e e l e c t i o n . I n at least o n e c a s e the o r d e r t o detain s o m e b o d y for o b s t r u c t i n g t h e cause o f justice was signed before the police even asked h i m any questions. Side b y side w i t h the political d e v e l o p m e n t s , w h e r e b y ten different ' h o m e l a n d s ' w e r e h e r d e d a l o n g t h e p a t h t o w a r d s c o n ­ s t i t u t i o n a l i n d e p e n d e n c e , w e r e t h e s t e p s a i m e d first o f a l l at reducing the m o v e m e n t o f Africans to the major cities, a n d s e c o n d l y , at s t i m u l a t i n g s o m e e c o n o m i c g r o w t h w i t h i n t h e e m b r y o states. I n its w h i t e p a p e r o n t h e r e p o r t o f t h e T o m l i n s o n C o m m i s s i o n , w h i c h had been established to w o r k o u t the B a n tustan blueprint, the g o v e r n m e n t rejected the possibility o f w h i t e - c o n t r o l l e d capital b e i n g invested w i t h i n the ' h o m e l a n d s ' . T h e r e e m e r g e d instead the p o l i c y o f b o r d e r industries w h e r e b y , through the carrot o f tax railway-rating and other concessions, and the stick o f the Physical P l a n n i n g A c t (1967) w h i c h e m p o w e r e d the M i n i s t e r o f P l a n n i n g t o p r o h i b i t an increase in t h e n u m b e r o f African e m p l o y e e s in a n y particular factory, steps w e r e taken to direct industrial e x p a n s i o n o u t o f the existing urban areas t o various decentralised g r o w t h points, m a n y o f t h e m situated o n the b o r d e r s o f the reserves. T h e e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t s that t h e p o l i c y o f industrial decentralisation w a s n o t particularly successful in s t i m u l a t i n g e i t h e r b o r d e r i n d u s t r i e s o r , after t h e p r o h i b i t i o n o n w h i t e capital in b l a c k areas h a d b e e n d r o p p e d , r e g i o n a l e c o n o m i c g r o w t h within the homelands. Indeed more jobs seem to have been destroyed b y the application o f the p l a n n i n g legislation than w e r e created in the d e s i g n a t e d g r o w t h p o i n t s . 1

T h e t r u t h w a s t h a t t h o s e areas d e s i g n a t e d as B a n t u s t a n s h a d l o n g since b e c o m e labour reserves o n the periphery of, b u t w i t h s t r o n g s y m b i o t i c ties t o , t h e c e n t r a l c o r e o f t h e S o u t h A f r i c a n e c o n o m y . T h u s in the Transkei, for example, the n u m b e r o f m i g r a n t s in the five years prior t o i n d e p e n d e n c e d o u b l e d f r o m 191 600 i n 1 9 7 1 t o 3 7 7 8 0 0 i n 1 9 7 6 . B y t h i s t i m e n o less t h a n s i x out o f every seven Transkeians earning a cash income were d o i n g so in j o b s outside t h e territory, n o t a b l y o n t h e W i t w a t e r s r a n d a n d i n t h e w e s t e r n C a p e . F u r t h e r m o r e , a t least h a l f t h e A f r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n o f the R e p u b l i c d i d n o t h a v e e v e n that t e n u o u s link w i t h the Bantustans. B y the 1970s the p r o p o r t i o n s o f A f r i c a n s 1

K e i t h Gottschalk, 'Industrial decentralisation:

j o b s a n d w a g e s ' , South

Labour Bulletin, 1977, 3, 5.

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l i v i n g p e r m a n e n t l y o n t h e w h i t e - o w n e d f a r m s a n d in t h e t o w n s w e r e o f the order o f one-quarter and one-third respectively. T h o s e l i v i n g o n f a r m s w e r e in a p a r t i c u l a r l y difficult s i t u a t i o n , f o r t h e combination o f population g r o w t h with changing techniques o f agricultural p r o d u c t i o n w a s p u s h i n g p e o p l e off the land. M o v i n g directly to t o w n w a s illegal, so m a n y families w e n t to the densely p o p u l a t e d rural g h e t t o e s w h i c h m u s h r o o m e d in the ' h o m e l a n d s ' . T h e r e w i v e s a n d c h i l d r e n h a d t o b e left w h i l s t t h e m e n w e n t o f f t o t o w n as m i g r a n t w o r k e r s . N o t e v e r y b o d y m o v e d s i m p l y b e c a u s e o f t h e d e c l i n e in a g r i ­ c u l t u r a l e m p l o y m e n t (see t a b l e 6 . 5 ) . It is e s t i m a t e d t h a t b e t w e e n i960 and 1970 approximately half a million p e o p l e w e r e either e n d o r s e d o u t o f t o w n s o r c o m p e l l e d t o m o v e f r o m r u r a l areas (called ' b l a c k s p o t s ' ) w h e r e the presence o f Africans w a s c o n ­ sidered undesirable b y politicians and civil servants w i s h i n g to ' c o n s o l i d a t e the h o m e l a n d s ' . A n o t h e r million o r m o r e w e r e m o v e d o f f w h i t e - o w n e d f a r m s w h e r e t h e y l i v e d as t e n a n t s o f o n e s o r t o r a n o t h e r p a y i n g t h e i r r e n t e i t h e r i n c a s h o r , f r e q u e n t l y , in labour. T h e s e r e m o v a l s created m u c h hardship and bitterness, particularly a m o n g s t those w h o w e r e m o v e d to densely populated rural resettlement areas w h e r e there w a s n o agricultural land and w h e r e people w e r e miles from any e m p l o y m e n t opportunities. A f r i c a n s , w h e t h e r t h e y l i v e d in the o l d r e s e r v e s o r n o t , w e r e declared to be citizens o f o n e o f the ' h o m e l a n d s ' . T h i s meant that as e a c h B a n t u s t a n b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t , s t a r t i n g w i t h t h e T r a n s k e i in 1 9 7 6 , l a r g e n u m b e r s o f b l a c k s w e r e f o r m a l l y d e p r i v e d o f t h e i r S o u t h A f r i c a n c i t i z e n s h i p . T h e l o g i c a l e n d o f t h e p o l i c y , as g o v e r n m e n t s p o k e s m e n p r o c l a i m e d in the m i d - 1 9 7 0 s , w a s a R e p u b l i c o f S o u t h A f r i c a i n w h i c h all A f r i c a n i n h a b i t a n t s h a d been transformed into foreigners. It is p o s s i b l e t o i n t e r p r e t t h e p o l i c y o f a p a r t h e i d n o t s o m u c h as o n e w h i c h d i v i d e s b l a c k f r o m w h i t e , o r e v e n b l a c k f r o m b l a c k , a l t h o u g h it d o e s b o t h t h e s e t h i n g s in full m e a s u r e , b u t as o n e w h i c h d i v i d e s t h e b l a c k m a n i n h a l f : h e is a l a b o u r u n i t for the benefit a n d c o m f o r t o f w h i t e p e o p l e in t o w n s and o n farms, and a h u m a n b e i n g w i t h his civic and political rights and, for m a n y , e v e n his family rights restricted to the rural B a n t u s t a n s . B e h i n d all t h e r h e t o r i c o f a c o n s t e l l a t i o n o f s t a t e s , a c o m m o n w e a l t h o f n a t i o n s i n s o u t h e r n A f r i c a , e a c h w i t h its o w n ' h o m e l a n d ' , l a y the harsh reality o f a single e c o n o m y built o n the a s s u m p t i o n that f o u r - f i f t h s o f t h o s e w h o w o r k e d in a n d d r e w t h e i r s u s t e n a n c e f r o m 306 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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it w e r e n o m o r e t h a n l a b o u r u n i t s a n d h a d n o r i g h t t o b e t h e r e in a n y o t h e r c a p a c i t y . S u c h w a s t h e f u n d a m e n t a l flaw i n t h e g r a n d design o f apartheid a n d such w a s the basic reason for black r e s i s t a n c e t o it. Despite a p r o u d tradition o f judicial independence against arbi­ t r a r y state p o w e r , t h e l a w i n S o u t h A f r i c a h a d , as h a s b e e n c o n v i n c i n g l y a r g u e d , a l s o l o n g s e r v e d as a n i n s t r u m e n t o f p o l i t i c a l d o m i n a t i o n . Pass laws, for e x a m p l e , d i d n o t apply t o w h i t e s , b u t f o r A f r i c a n s t h e y w e r e a c a u s e o f p o l i c e h a r a s s m e n t a n d , as h a s been s h o w n , arrests o n a m a s s i v e scale. O n e significant d e v e l o p ­ ment w a s that the l a w b e c a m e increasingly d e t e r m i n e d b y a d m i n i s t r a t i v e fiat. N o w h e r e w a s this m o r e e v i d e n t t h a n i n legislation regarding w h e r e Africans m i g h t w o r k and w h a t jobs they might perform. Proclamations and departmental circulars, w h i c h had never been debated in parliament, acquired the force of law. This g r o w t h o f executive p o w e r , w h i c h bypassed both parliament and the courts and w a s n o t matched b y a n y significant a t t e m p t s t o i m p o s e e f f e c t i v e c h e c k s a g a i n s t its a b u s e , s p r a n g n o t only from determination t o redesign the society in a c c o r d a n c e with ideological blueprints b u t also from the necessity o f dealing with increasing resistance t o the policies b e i n g i m p o s e d o n blacks by means o f the state's l e g a l - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e m a c h i n e r y . 1

2

S o m e t i m e s executive action w a s aimed against leaders a n d organisers, s o m e t i m e s against writers a n d their ideas, thus re­ d u c i n g t h e flow o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d i d e a s . B l a c k s d i d n o t n e e d P e t e r A b r a h a m s , A l e x la G u m a , E z e k i e l M p h a h l e l e , o r t h e y o u n g p o e t s o f t h e 1 9 7 0 s t o tell t h e m w h a t life w a s l i k e i n t h e t o w n s h i p s , a l t h o u g h they d i d need t h e m for their o w n self-awareness a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e p a s t . B u t w h i t e s d i d n o t k n o w e v e n t h e facts and became increasingly ignorant o f w h a t w a s h a p p e n i n g in their o w n country. Indeed, n o t o n l y readers o f b o o k s b u t television v i e w e r s in L o n d o n o r N e w Y o r k o f t e n s a w a n d h e a r d m o r e o f life w i t h i n S o w e t o o r L a n g a t h a n d i d w h i t e s l i v i n g n e x t d o o r i n Johannesburg o r Cape T o w n . A n d so, o v e r the years, the white electorate w a s led into an intellectual darkness that w a s t o leave it g r a s p i n g f o r a r e a l i t y it c o u l d n o t s e e . T h e d e n i a l o f habeas corpus i n s e v e r a l different 1

2

Acts

passed

A l b i e S a c h s , Justice in South Africa ( B e r k e l e y , 1973). G . M . B u d l e n d e r , ' A d m i n i s t r a t i v e r u l e o f A f r i c a n w o r k e r s * , Kesponsa Meridiana,

1975,

3> 307 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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b e t w e e n 1963 a n d 1 9 7 6 e m p o w e r e d t h e p o l i c e t o d e t a i n p e o p l e w i t h o u t being o b l i g e d to bring them before any court, or to grant t h e m access to a l a w y e r , or e v e n to inform their families w h e r e they w e r e . P e o p l e vanished from a n y t h i n g b e t w e e n a few days to p e r i o d s o f o v e r a y e a r w i t h o u t a n y c h a r g e h a v i n g b e e n laid a g a i n s t them. Often, t h o u g h not always, detention w a s used to extract information. Disturbing reports, some g i v e n on oath, began to e m e r g e a s s e r t i n g t h e w i d e s p r e a d u s e o f t o r t u r e in N a m i b i a as w e l l as in S o u t h A f r i c a . detained

under

1

the

I n 1963 M r L . N g u d l e d i e d after h a v i n g b e e n General

Laws

Amendment

Act. He

was

alleged t o h a v e h a n g e d himself. F r o m this time until the death in S e p t e m b e r 1 9 7 7 o f S t e v e B i k o , first p r e s i d e n t o f t h e African

South

Students' O r g a n i s a t i o n and honorary president o f the

B l a c k P e o p l e ' s C o n v e n t i o n , at l e a s t 4 1 p e o p l e , d e t a i n e d w i t h o u t any c h a r g e s h a v i n g b e e n b r o u g h t against t h e m , died in the h a n d s o f the police. B u t s o m e political o p p o n e n t s w e r e c h a r g e d and the courts w e r e required

to

pronounce

judgement

on

activities

which

in

d e m o c r a t i c societies w e r e part o f the n o r m a l process o f public debate. In a p r e - d a w n

r a i d in D e c e m b e r

1956, 156 respected

citizens w e r e arrested and c h a r g e d w i t h h i g h treason. T h e n u b o f t h e s t a t e ' s c a s e w a s t h e F r e e d o m C h a r t e r , a d o c u m e n t in w h i c h the A f r i c a n N a t i o n a l C o n g r e s s and others had s o u g h t to spell o u t t h e i r p o l i t i c a l g o a l s a l o n g t h e l i n e s o f s o c i a l d e m o c r a t i c p a r t i e s in t h e w e s t e r n w o r l d . T h e trial d r a g g e d o n f o r o v e r f o u r y e a r s u n t i l the remaining defendants w e r e f o u n d not guilty and acquitted. B y this t i m e h o w e v e r the A N C itself had b e e n b a n n e d a n d o f the t r e a s o n trialists w e r e s o o n t o

find

many

themselves similarly

attacked by decrees against w h i c h there w a s n o appeal to any j u d g e . In 1967 the T e r r o r i s m A c t defined terrorism

(retrospec­

t i v e l y t o 1 9 6 2 ) s o w i d e l y t h a t , as t h e D e a n o f L a w at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f N a t a l p u t it, n o b o d y in S o u t h A f r i c a c o u l d e x i s t w i t h o u t d o i n g s o m e t h i n g w h i c h , in t e r m s o f t h e A c t , c o u l d b e c o n s t r u e d terrorism.

2

as

O n e o f t h e m o s t p u b l i c i s e d o f t h e m a n y trials t h a t t o o k

p l a c e in t e r m s o f t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n w a s t h a t o f n i n e y o u n g ' b l a c k 1

S A I n s t i t u t e o f R a c e R e l a t i o n s , Detention without trial in South Africa

( J o h a n n e s b u r g , 1977); T h e C h r i s t i a n I n s t i t u t e o f S o u t h e r n A f r i c a ,

Africa?

1976-1977

Torture in South

( C a p e T o w n , n . d . ) ; H . H u n k e a n d J. E l l i s , Torture: a cancer in our society

( W i n d h o e k , 1978); U n i t e d N a t i o n s , * M a l t r e a t m e n t a n d t o r t u r e o f p r i s o n e r s in S o u t h

A f r i c a ' , Report of the Special Committee on Apartheid ( N e w Y o r k , 1973). A . S . M a t t h e w s , Law, order and liberty in South Africa ( C a p e T o w n , 1971). 2

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T H E

W H I T E

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c o n s c i o u s n e s s ' l e a d e r s w h o s e trial in P r e t o r i a f r o m 1 9 7 4 t o 1 9 7 6 o n a n u m b e r o f a l l - e m b r a c i n g c h a r g e s c u l m i n a t e d in t h e i r b e i n g found guilty and sentenced to b e t w e e n 5 and 6 years imprisonment on R o b b e n Island, w h e r e m a n y o f the older generation o f political leaders w e r e already incarcerated. A n o t h e r m e a s u r e o f s o c i a l s t r e s s , a l b e i t less d i r e c t l y p o l i t i c a l in 1

nature, w a s the astonishing n u m b e r o f murders, w h i c h rose f r o m a n a v e r a g e o f s e v e n p e r d a y in i 9 6 0 t o t w e n t y p e r d a y in 1 9 7 7 . O v e r this s a m e p e r i o d

o f time well o v e r

1200 p e r s o n s

were

e x e c u t e d , g i v i n g S o u t h A f r i c a t h e u n e n v i a b l e r e p u t a t i o n in t h e late 1960s o f b e i n g r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a l m o s t h a l f o f t h e l e g a l e x e c u t i o n s in t h e w o r l d .

2

A y e t m o r e s t r i k i n g m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f t h e rise o f

v i o l e n c e in t h e r e g i o n w a s t h e r a p i d i n c r e a s e in S o u t h

Africa's

m i l i t a r y b u d g e t in r e s p o n s e t o t h e r i n g o f fire t h a t b e g a n t o s p r e a d round

h e r b o r d e r s in t h e m i d - 1 9 6 0 s as t h e v a r i o u s

movements

from

liberation

Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Angola,

Namibia,

and from S o u t h Africa itself e m b a r k e d u p o n military, guerrilla, campaigns. T h e i n c r e a s e in r e s o u r c e s d e v o t e d t o d e f e n c e e n a b l e d Africa

to build

dealing

up

with any

considerable

armies

south

military o f the

strength

Sahara

South

capable

that w e r e

of not

reinforced b y military aid f r o m o u t s i d e the c o n t i n e n t . In t e r m s o f m a n p o w e r the a r m e d forces w e r e e x p a n d e d b y means o f w h i t e c o n s c r i p t i o n , f r o m j u s t u n d e r 1 0 0 0 0 m e n in 1 9 6 1 t o 1 1 0 0 0 0 m e n in 1 9 7 4 . I n l i n e w i t h i t s i n c r e a s i n g i m p o r t a n c e ,

the p e r i o d

of

citizen-force training g r e w f r o m three m o n t h s in 1961 t o an initial p e r i o d o f t w o years p l u s c o n t i n u o u s training o f 19 d a y s a year for ten years. In addition to the citizen and p e r m a n e n t forces there w a s also the police, i n c l u d i n g the security police. T h e B u r e a u for State

Security

was

established

in

1969

to

co-ordinate

and

c o m p l e m e n t police security and military intelligence. S u p p o r t i n g all t h e s e w a s a h o m e - g u a r d o f 7 5 0 0 0 c o m m a n d o s o r g a n i s e d defend

their

residential

and

industrial

areas

in

case o f

to

civil

disorder. T h e hardware necessary to equip these forces w a s acquired n o less r a p i d l y . D e s p i t e a 1963 U n i t e d N a t i o n s r e s o l u t i o n c a l l i n g f o r an a r m s e m b a r g o a g a i n s t S o u t h A f r i c a , t h e R e p u b l i c w a s a b l e , b y 1

B u t s e e F r a n t z F a n o n , The wretched of the earth ( N e w Y o r k , 1963) f o r i n s i g h t i n t o the link b e t w e e n violence and a colonialist political structure. 2

J o h n D u g a r d , Human rights and the South African legal order ( P r i n c e t o n , 1978), 126.

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shifting orders from Britain to France and elsewhere, o v e r the next decade, to import a n d / o r to build up her o w n capacity to p r o d u c e (often under licence) a w i d e range o f military e q u i p m e n t i n c l u d i n g aircraft

such

as I m p a l a

(the

Italian

Aermacchi MB326)

and

M i r a g e s ( F r e n c h ) ; helicopters ( F r e n c h ) ; missiles, especially the C a c t u s / C r o t a l e anti-aircraft

system ( S A / F r e n c h ) ; radar defence

systems ( U K and West G e r m a n y ) ; herbicides, including t w o types u s e d f o r m i l i t a r y p u r p o s e s i n V i e t n a m ( U S A ) ; as w e l l as a v a r i e t y o f o t h e r e q u i p m e n t f r o m P o r t u g a l , Spain, Israel, and R u s s i a . the m i d - 1 9 7 0 s a b o u t a t h o u s a n d contractors and

1

By

sub-contractors

w e r e a c t i v e l y e n g a g e d in the l o c a l a r m s industry a n d the c o u n t r y was

p r a c t i c a l l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t in t h e p r o d u c t i o n

o f r o c k e t s , ar­

m o u r e d cars, a m m u n i t i o n , b o m b s (including napalm),

firearms

a n d m i n e s . R e s e r v e s o f o i l , e s t i m a t e d t o b e s u f f i c i e n t f o r five y e a r s , h a d b e e n b u i l t u p . I n 1 9 7 7 it w a s w i d e l y r e p o r t e d , t h o u g h denied b y the g o v e r n m e n t ,

firmly

that S o u t h Africa w a s b u i l d i n g a

n u c l e a r t e s t i n g site in t h e K a l a h a r i D e s e r t . I n s h o r t , b y t h e t i m e o f the m a n d a t o r y arms e m b a r g o i m p o s e d b y the U n i t e d N a t i o n s i n N o v e m b e r 1 9 7 7 , S o u t h A f r i c a w a s far m o r e p r e p a r e d f o r w a r than she had b e e n in S e p t e m b e r 1 9 3 9 . Politically h o w e v e r , despite t h e e x t e n t o f h e l p f r o m t h e w e s t i n p r o v i d i n g a r m s , s h e w a s far m o r e isolated.

THE

S T R U G G L E

F O R

L I B E R A T I O N ,

1961-77

R e s i s t a n c e in S o u t h A f r i c a after i 9 6 0 w a s i n e x t r i c a b l y l i n k e d w i t h t h e w i d e r e v e n t s o f d e c o l o n i s a t i o n as t h e y u n f o l d e d f r o m G h a n a ' s i n d e p e n d e n c e in 1957 t o the c o l l a p s e o f the P o r t u g u e s e

empire

in t h e m i d - 1 9 7 0 s . B u t t h e S o u t h A f r i c a n s t r u g g l e w a s n o t t h e s a m e as t h a t i n c o u n t r i e s s e e k i n g t o f r e e t h e m s e l v e s f r o m c o n t r o l b y a d i s t a n t m e t r o p o l i t a n p o w e r . It w a s a n a l t o g e t h e r t o u g h e r , m o r e p r o l o n g e d , a n d m o r e d i f f i c u l t b a t t l e b e t w e e n p e o p l e all o f w h o m w e r e firmly r o o t e d in a c o u n t r y w h o s e r u l e r s h a d at t h e i r d i s p o s a l the t e c h n o l o g y and organisation w h i c h m a k e s m o d e r n tarianism possible. S u c h a situation

authori­

led to the e v o l u t i o n o f a

n u m b e r o f different, and s o m e t i m e s c o m p e t i n g , strategies. 1

A n t h o n y S a m p s o n , The arms bazaar ( S e v e n o a k s , 1978), 1 6 7 - 8 ; S i g n e L a n d g r e n -

B a c k s t r o m , Southern Africa:

the escalation of a conflict ( S t o c k h o l m I n t e r n a t i o n a l P e a c e

R e s e a r c h I n s t i t u t e , S t o c k h o l m , 1976).

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S T R U G G L E

FOR

L I B E R A T I O N

D u r i n g 1 9 6 1 , w i t h i n a y e a r after t h e t w o A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s e s h a d b e e n b a n n e d , n o less t h a n f o u r d i f f e r e n t u n d e r g r o u n d r e s i s t a n c e g r o u p s e m e r g e d . U m k h o n t o w e S i z w e (Spear o f the N a t i o n ) led by N e l s o n Mandela, w h o had been T r a n s v a a l leader o f the A N C , was formed w i t h the aim o f b r i n g i n g a b o u t political c h a n g e b y means o f selective s a b o t a g e against specific installations and buildings. Similarly P o q o ( A l o n e ) w h i c h had tenuous links w i t h the P A C , the Y u i C h u i C h a n C l u b ( w h i c h g r e w into the N a t i o n a l Liberation Front), c o m p o s e d mainly o f y o u n g black intellectuals w h o had b r o k e n a w a y from the U n i t y m o v e m e n t , and the African Resistance M o v e m e n t made up largely o f y o u n g whites, began to plan and, in s o m e cases t o e x e c u t e , militant f o r m s o f resistance. B e t w e e n D e c e m b e r 1961 and the end o f 1964 there w e r e m o r e than 200 a c t s o f s a b o t a g e o r a t t e m p t e d s a b o t a g e p r i m a r i l y a g a i n s t s t a t e property, i n c l u d i n g police stations and railway lines. B u t the s e c u r i t y p o l i c e w e r e w e l l o r g a n i s e d , a n d v i r t u a l l y all u n d e r g r o u n d activity d u r i n g this p e r i o d s e e m s t o h a v e b e e n u n e a r t h e d a n d c r u s h e d i n a s e r i e s o f a r r e s t s a n d trials i n c l u d i n g t h a t o f t h e U m k h o n t o h i g h c o m m a n d captured o n a farm, Rivonia, outside J o h a n n e s b u r g in 1963. T h e m a j o r i t y o f t h o s e jailed o r h a n g e d for their u n d e r g r o u n d political activities w e r e o f c o u r s e b l a c k , b u t resistance w a s b y n o m e a n s confined to any o n e g r o u p . N g u n i lawyers; Afrikaans poets; Sotho journalists; English-speaking h o u s e w i v e s ; Marxists and Christians; Muslims and J e w s ; milkmen a n d e n g i n e e r s ; all m a n n e r o f S o u t h A f r i c a n s a n d N a m i b i a n s became c a u g h t up in d a n g e r o u s u n d e r g r o u n d w o r k . 1

Others w e n t into exile and from there began military training. I n A u g u s t 1 9 6 6 t h e first m a j o r a r m e d c o n f l i c t s o u t h o f t h e Z a m b e z i since the w a r s o f dispossession had e n d e d t w o gener­ ations previously t o o k place w h e n S W A P O guerrillas clashed w i t h S o u t h A f r i c a n forces in n o r t h e r n N a m i b i a . E x a c t l y a y e a r later a combined A N C / Z A P U ( Z i m b a b w e African People's Union) force f o u g h t R h o d e s i a n t r o o p s in a series o f e n g a g e m e n t s in the W a n k i e area. T h e i n s u r g e n t s w e r e d e f e a t e d a n d t h e A N C / Z A P U a l l i a n c e w a s heavily criticised by b o t h Z A N U ( Z i m b a b w e African National U n i o n ) a n d t h e P A C o n t h e g r o u n d t h a t it w o u l d d r a w S o u t h 1

N a m e d after t h e h e a d o f C h i n a ' s t r a d e - u n i o n o r g a n i s a t i o n , w h o l e d t h e P e k i n g d e l e g a t i o n t o t h e A f r o - A s i a n S o l i d a r i t y C o n f e r e n c e h e l d i n T a n g a n y i k a , F e b r u a r y 1963.

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A F R I C A

A f r i c a n t r o o p s i n t o R h o d e s i a a n d t h a t it w a s b a d g u e r r i l l a t a c t i c s t o t r y a n d g o b b l e u p a r e g u l a r a r m y . I n t h e e v e n t t h e f a i l u r e , after t w o m o r e s i m i l a r a t t e m p t s e a r l y i n 1968 a n d

1970, to

infiltrate

S o u t h Africa via R h o d e s i a caused the A N C to turn to

other

m e t h o d s until the v i c t o r y o f F R E L I M O in M o z a m b i q u e o p e n e d a shorter o v e r l a n d r o u t e v i a S w a z i l a n d into S o u t h Africa. B y 1978 it w a s e s t i m a t e d

that s o m e 4000 b l a c k

South

u n d e r g o i n g military training outside the c o u n t r y .

Africans

were

1

C l o s e l y allied w i t h the resort to arms and the escalating guerrilla w a r w a s active international d i p l o m a c y . T h e A N C and the P A C e s t a b l i s h e d offices i n d i f f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s i n c l u d i n g Z a m b i a , T a n ­ zania, A l g e r i a , India, G r e a t Britain and the U S A and, later in A n g o l a and M o z a m b i q u e . D i p l o m a t i c links were also established w i t h other countries including Russia, China, and Nigeria, while the A N C in particular m a d e sure that there w a s a r e g u l a r S o u t h A f r i c a n a n t i - a p a r t h e i d p r e s e n c e at t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s a n d m e e t ­ i n g s o f the O A U . A l l this did m u c h to m o b i l i s e w o r l d o p i n i o n against

apartheid.

In

Africa

the

commitment

to

end

m i n o r i t y rule in the s o u t h w a s spelt o u t clearly in the

white Lusaka

M a n i f e s t o ( 1 9 6 9 ) w h i c h , w h i l s t u n c o m p r o m i s i n g i n its a t t a c k o n racism, nevertheless laid the basis for p o s s i b l e future n e g o t i a t i o n . Another important

point o f pressure w a s the c a m p a i g n

or­

ganised, largely f r o m outside the c o u n t r y , b y the S o u t h A f r i c a n Non-Racial O l y m p i c Committee (Sanroc) to boycott segregated sports teams representing the country abroad. A l l players administrators

w e r e a n x i o u s to g e t back into the

and

international

arena but there w a s s o m e division b e t w e e n those w h o believed they should push

ahead

with integrating

previously

all-white

c l u b s a n d l e a g u e s w h i l s t l e a v i n g t h e res't o f t h e s o c i e t y t o c a t c h u p i n its o w n t i m e , a n d t h o s e w h o , a r g u i n g t h a t * Y o u c a n n o t p l a y normal

s p o r t in a n a b n o r m a l

society', w a n t e d the b o y c o t t

remain until apartheid had been

to

dismantled.

A m o n g s t those w h o believed that violent r e v o l u t i o n w a s not possible g i v e n the military strength and determination o f whites w e r e s o m e w h o a r g u e d t h a t it w a s n e c e s s a r y t o m a k e u s e o f s u c h p l a t f o r m s as w e r e a v a i l a b l e w i t h i n t h e f r a m e w o r k o f a p a r t h e i d i n order

to w o r k to c h a n g e that structure.

Thus, Chief

Gatsha

Buthelezi, a former m e m b e r o f the A N C y o u t h league, used the p r o t e c t i o n a f f o r d e d b y h i s p o s i t i o n as c h i e f e x e c u t i v e c o u n c i l l o r 1

Financial Mail, n A u g u s t 1978.

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F O R

L I B E R A T I O N

o f the K w a z u l u L e g i s l a t i v e A u t h o r i t y t o speak o u t o n political i s s u e s in t h e late 1960s as n o b l a c k p o l i t i c i a n h a d d o n e s i n c e t h e b a n n i n g o f the A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s e s . F u r t h e r m o r e , he built u p an organised and independent political base w h i c h extended b e y o n d t h e b o u n d a r i e s o f K w a z u l u . H e s o u g h t t o shift t h e f o c u s o f a c t i o n a w a y from the Bantustan structure to a b r o a d e r cultural movement, Inkhatha, which though Zulu-dominated was not, he insisted, an ethnic o r g a n i s a t i o n . In 1 9 7 7 the minister o f p o l i c e w a r n e d t h a t h e w o u l d t a k e s t e p s t o b a n I n k h a t h a i f it o p e n e d its d o o r s t o n o n - Z u l u m e m b e r s , b u t B u t h e l e z i r e f u s e d t o c o m ­ ply. N e v e r t h e l e s s the c h i e f w a s w i d e l y criticised, particularly b y y o u n g e r blacks w h o a r g u e d that his strategy s e r v e d m o r e t o legitimise the policy o f apartheid than to p r o v i d e a fulcrum o n w h i c h t o l e v e r t h e g o v e r n m e n t a w a y f r o m its c h o s e n p a t h . M a n y feared the g r o w t h o f an e x c l u s i v e and d e s t r u c t i v e Z u l u n a t i o n a l i s m . B u t t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f I n k h a t h a e m e r g i n g as a p o w e r f u l vehicle o f black resistance remained. A similar strategy, t h o u g h l a c k i n g B u t h e l e z i ' s political skill, w a s f o l l o w e d b y t h e L a b o u r P a r t y f o u n d e d in 1 9 6 6 t o fight f o r t h o s e seats o n t h e C o l o u r e d P e r s o n s R e p r e s e n t a t i v e C o u n c i l (set u p b y the g o v e r n m e n t to replace direct representation in parliament) w h i c h w e r e n o t n o m i n a t e d b y the state president. T h i s s t r a t e g y , r e j e c t e d 20 y e a r s p r e v i o u s l y b y A f r i c a n s w h e n t h e y w i t h d r e w f r o m the N a t i v e R e p r e s e n t a t i v e C o u n c i l , w a s v e ­ h e m e n t l y o p p o s e d , particularly in the w e s t e r n C a p e , w h e r e the p o l i t i c a l d e s c e n d a n t s o f t h e U n i t y m o v e m e n t still h a d c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e . F o l l o w i n g T a b a t a a n d o t h e r s , t h e y m a i n t a i n e d t h a t all institutions created b y the g o v e r n m e n t w e r e essentially established t o s i d e - t r a c k p e o p l e f r o m t h e real a r e n a w h e r e t h e s t r u g g l e f o r p o w e r h a d t o b e w a g e d . W h e n , in 1 9 7 6 , t h e g o v e r n m e n t r e j e c t e d t h e m a j o r findings o f t h e T h e r o n C o m m i s s i o n , i n c l u d i n g o n e t o t h e effect t h a t ' C o l o u r e d ' p e o p l e s h o u l d o b t a i n d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n in t h e c e n t r a l p a r l i a m e n t , t h e s t a n d i n g o f t h e C R C fell t o a n a l l - t i m e l o w . A f t e r the S u p p r e s s i o n o f C o m m u n i s m A c t had been used to m o w d o w n w h o l e ranks o f trade-union leadership by the simple p r o c e s s o f b a n n i n g t h e m , the l a b o u r m o v e m e n t w a s fairly q u i e t for m o s t o f the 1960s. B u t early in 1973 a w a v e o f strikes w e l l e d u p in D u r b a n a n d s w e p t t h r o u g h t h e c o u n t r y p u s h i n g u p w a g e s in an u n p r e c e d e n t e d b o u t o f e m p l o y e r s e l f - e x a m i n a t i o n . T h e n , i n

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

S O U T H E R N

A F R I C A

S e p t e m b e r 1 9 7 3 , b e g a n t h e first o f t h e m a j o r c o m p o u n d

con­

frontations that w e r e to r o c k the m i n i n g industry. In the four years u p t o S e p t e m b e r 1 9 7 7 s o m e 200 m e n w e r e k i l l e d a n d o v e r 1300 i n j u r e d i n a p p r o x i m a t e l y 78 d i f f e r e n t i n c i d e n t s c a u s e d in m i n e s around

the

grievances,

country

b y a variety o f factors

inadequate

migrant labour system. disturbances

but

what

structure 1

including

of communication,

wage

and

the

T h e r e had l o n g been instances o f such was new

w a s the

frequency

and

the

intensity o f the confrontations w h i c h i n v o l v e d large n u m b e r s o f miners. D u r i n g this p e r i o d s o m e e m p l o y e r s , i n c l u d i n g major

mining

m a g n a t e s led b y H a r r y O p p e n h e i m e r , indicated a w i l l i n g n e s s , w h i c h h a d n o t existed in p r e v i o u s l a b o u r crises, to c o n s i d e r the prospect o f unionisation o f their black w o r k e r s . T h e g o v e r n m e n t t o o felt c o m p e l l e d t o m o v e a n d , i n 1 9 7 3 , l e g i s l a t i o n w a s p a s s e d to m a k e s o m e p r o v i s i o n for c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n w o r k e r s and e m p l o y e r s . H o w e v e r , the liaison c o m m i t t e e s w h i c h the

state

p r o m o t e d w e r e m u c h criticised by trade unionists o n the g r o u n d that b y putting w o r k e r s and m a n a g e m e n t o n the same c o m m i t t e e effective

p o w e r w a s left i n t h e

hands o f employers.

Works

committees to w h i c h only w o r k e r s were elected made some form o f b a r g a i n i n g possible, but they w e r e so constituted that w o r k e r s w e r e k e p t in isolation f r o m the w i d e r t r a d e - u n i o n m o v e m e n t . N o p r o v i s i o n w a s m a d e for full-time u n i o n organisers to participate in o r g u i d e the w o r k e r s ' n e g o t i a t i o n s . D e s p i t e the u n w i l l i n g n e s s o f the

state t o c o n c e d e m u c h

unionism

to

flourish,

and

in the w a y o f e n a b l i n g

despite

the c o n t i n u e d

trade

harassment,

sometimes e v e n to death, o f those assisting w o r k e r s to organise, t h e l a b o u r m o v e m e n t c o n t i n u e d t o g r o w d u r i n g t h e first h a l f o f the 1970s. Its p o t e n t i a l p o w e r r e m a i n e d . N o less c h a l l e n g i n g w a s the t h i n k i n g o f a y o u n g e r g e n e r a t i o n o f b l a c k intellectuals w h o b e g a n t o e m e r g e in the s e c o n d half o f the 1960s w i t h a p h i l o s o p h y o f b l a c k c o n s c i o u s n e s s , w h i c h a r g u e d the need to enhance black self-awareness b y means o f w i t h d r a w a l into e x c l u s i v e black organisations, o f w h i c h the S o u t h

African

S t u d e n t s ' O r g a n i s a t i o n ( S A S O ) , f o u n d e d in 1969, w a s the m o s t important. T h i s m o v e m e n t w a s undertaken w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f a s s e r t i n g t h e i n c l u s i v e u n i t y o f t h e c o u n t r y as e m p h a s i s e d in t h e 1

D u d l e y Horner and Alide K o o y , 'Conflict on South African mines ( S a l d r u w o r k i n g p a p e r 29, C a p e T o w n , 1980).

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S T R U G G L E

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L I B E R A T I O N

movement's slogan ' O n e Azania. O n e N a t i o n ' - Azania being the name b y w h i c h they wanted a black-dominated South Africa to b e k n o w n . T h e m o v e m e n t l e a r n t a g o o d d e a l - as t h e i r f a t h e r s a n d grandfathers h a d d o n e before t h e m - f r o m blacks in the U n i t e d S t a t e s . N o r w a s it o n l y A m e r i c a n w r i t i n g , b y M a l c o l m X a n d others that w a s i m p o r t a n t ; the w o r k o f Frantz F a n o n , for e x ­ ample, t h o u g h also banned, w a s obtained a n d avidly read. F o r s o m e y e a r s S A S O , d e s p i t e its m i l i t a n t c r i t i c i s m o f t h e S o u t h African system, w a s g i v e n a surprising amount o f rope by the g o v e r n m e n t w h i c h , misunderstanding the sharp attack o n the role p l a y e d b y w h i t e l i b e r a l s , s e e m e d t o h o p e t h a t at t h e b o t t o m o f black consciousness lay an acceptance o f the w h o l e p h i l o s o p h y o f eiesoortige ontwikkeling ( o n e ' s o w n s o r t o f d e v e l o p m e n t ) o n w h i c h white control w a s based. T h e h o p e p r o v e d vain and b y 1973 the g o v e r n m e n t h a d s t a r t e d t o b a n its l e a d e r s , o n e o f w h o m , A b r a h a m T i r o , w a s the f o l l o w i n g year killed in s u s p i c i o u s c i r c u m s t a n c e s by a parcel b o m b that reached h i m in B o t s w a n a w h e r e h e w a s co-ordinating black student activities in southern Africa. Later in t h e s a m e y e a r , f o l l o w i n g a r a l l y t o c e l e b r a t e F R E L I M O ' s v i c t o r y i n M o z a m b i q u e , m u c h o f t h e b l a c k s t u d e n t l e a d e r s h i p still left i n s i d e t h e c o u n t r y w a s s w e p t u p i n t o g a o l . C o i n c i d i n g w i t h , a n d t o s o m e e x t e n t a n e x p r e s s i o n o f , t h e rise o f b l a c k c o n s c i o u s n e s s w a s a f r e s h b u r s t o f w r i t i n g as p e o p l e f o u n d w a y s o f expressing their feelings p u b l i c l y inside the c o u n t r y . B u t e v e n p o e t r y , o b l i q u e t h o u g h its shafts o f t e n w e r e , w a s n o t w i t h o u t its d a n g e r s a n d a n u m b e r o f p o e t s a n d p l a y - w r i t e r s w e r e b a n n e d . It is a g a i n s t this b a c k g r o u n d t h a t t h e e r u p t i o n o f e v e n t s w h i c h surprised seasoned observers o f the S o u t h African scene, black and white alike, can best b e understood. T h e march o n 16 June 1976 o f s c h o o l c h i l d r e n in S o w e t o , s o p r o v o c a t i v e l y handled b y the p o l i c e , s p a r k e d off a w a v e o f protest, i n c l u d i n g b u r n i n g o f b u i l d i n g s , t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o u n t r y . A l t o g e t h e r a b o u t 700 p e o p l e , a large proportion o f them teenagers, w e r e killed, most o f them s h o t b y p o l i c e . O v e r 6000 p e r s o n s w e r e a r r e s t e d a n d p r o s e c u t e d . T h e g o v e r n m e n t w a s n o t unduly stretched b y the revolt, for the army, while o n standby, n e v e r had t o be called in, b u t the episode m a r k e d the b e g i n n i n g o f an a l t o g e t h e r n e w m o o d o f fearless self-assurance in a g e n e r a t i o n w h i c h h a d b e e n raised w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f ' B a n t u ' and ' C o l o u r e d ' education, y e t had rejected 1

1

J o h n K a n e - B e r m a n , Soweto ( J o h a n n e s b u r g ,

1978).

34

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A F R I C A

it t o t a l l y . T h e b o y c o t t o f s c h o o l s w h i c h t h e A N C h a d t r i e d a n d f a i l e d t o a c h i e v e at t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f B a n t u E d u c a t i o n in 1 9 5 3 spread like a bushfire and continued to rage

fiercely.

By August

1 9 7 7 in S o w e t o , n o t o n l y h a d t h e p u p i l s s u c c e s s f u l l y o r g a n i s e d a t o t a l b o y c o t t o f all s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l s b u t t h e y h a d c a u s e d t h e m a s s r e s i g n a t i o n , in t h e m i d s t o f a d e e p e c o n o m i c r e c e s s i o n , o f m o r e than half their teachers. Similarly m e m b e r s o f the S o w e t o Urban

Bantu

Council were

forced

to

resign.

Although

the

scholars had w o n the battle against c o m p u l s o r y A f r i k a a n s , the g o v e r n m e n t had b y n o means yet lost the w a r o v e r educational reform. In 1978 pupils w e r e d i v i d e d and s o m e children returned to school. T h e teachers w h o remained continued to struggle w i t h a heavy-handed bureaucracy w h o s e lip-service to change

was

unmatched by action. A n o t h e r f o r m o f resistance w a s perhaps the m o s t effective o f all.

S i m p l y b y d i s o b e y i n g certain legislation and i g n o r i n g

its

p r o h i b i t i o n s p e o p l e f o r c e d the g o v e r n m e n t c o n t i n u a l l y t o face n e w r e a l i t i e s t h a t fell o u t s i d e its p l a n . T h e m o s t n o t a b l e f o r m o f this ' i n f o r m a l ' resistance w a s that against the pass l a w s , o n e a i m o f w h i c h w a s t o p r e v e n t p e o p l e s e t t l i n g in t o w n . P r e c i s e

figures

are i m p o s s i b l e t o o b t a i n b u t in C a p e T o w n , for e x a m p l e , the actual A f r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n w a s t h o u g h t t o b e p e r h a p s as m u c h as 80 p e r c e n t a b o v e t h e official

figure.

A n d in S o w e t o , w h e r e the 1970

c e n s u s c o u n t e d 6 0 0 0 0 0 p e o p l e , it w a s w i d e l y b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e r e w e r e m o r e than a million. B u t e v e n a m o n g s t those w h o s e presence was

illegal w e r e m a n y

w h o had

forced their presence to

be

r e c o g n i s e d and accepted. T h u s the squatter c o m m u n i t i e s l i v i n g a r o u n d J o h a n n e s b u r g after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , l e d b y m e n like James S o f a s o n k e M p a n z a , c o m p e l l e d reluctant local auth­ orities to grant

them

effective rights t o h o u s i n g in t o w n .

g e n e r a t i o n later A f r i c a n squatters

A

w e r e still d o g g e d l y b a t t l i n g

a g a i n s t e v i c t i o n b u t , as i n C a p e T o w n d u r i n g t h e m i d

1970s,

m e e t i n g w i t h the increasing force o f g o v e r n m e n t bulldozers and b a t o n s . N o r w a s it o n l y in u r b a n a r e a s t h a t g o v e r n m e n t m e t w i t h s t r o n g o p p o s i t i o n . T h e r e a c t i o n o f A f r i c a n w o m e n in the r e m o t e w e s t e r n T r a n s v a a l t o t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f p a s s e s in 1 9 5 7 a n d t h e peasants'

revolt

in

Pondoland

during

i960

were

but

two

manifestations o f determined resistance w h i c h w e r e crushed by superior might.

1

1

C h a r l e s H o o p e r , Brief authority ( L o n d o n , i960); G o v a n M b e k i , South Africa: the peasants' revolt ( H a r m o n d s w o r t h , 1964).

316

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S T R U G G L E

FOR

L I B E R A T I O N

T h o s e w h o struggled for liberation did not confine themselves to resistance. T h e r e w a s also a l o n g tradition o f affirmative action b u i l d i n g u p s e l f - h e l p c o m m u n i t y p r o j e c t s s u c h as t h e Z e n z e l e m o v e m e n t , w h i c h b e g a n t o g r o w in t h e 1 9 3 0 s a n d l a t e r affiliated to the I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o u n t r y W o m e n o f the W o r l d . A n d o n e o f t h e i m m e d i a t e fruits o f t h e b l a c k - c o n s c i o u s n e s s m o v e m e n t w e r e the c o m m u n i t y

projects

s u c h as t h e

Z a n e m p i l o C l i n i c in

the

e a s t e r n C a p e a n d a c o o p e r a t i v e c l o t h i n g f a c t o r y in C a p e T o w n . B u t t h e s e l a t t e r t w o w e r e r e g a r d e d as s u b v e r s i v e a n d t h e y w e r e b a n n e d b y t h e state. The

line d i v i d i n g the

politics o f exclusion from

those

of

inclusion w h i c h has b e e n traced t h r o u g h the history o f this p e r i o d ran a l s o t h r o u g h t h e C h u r c h . T h i s b e c a m e m o s t c l e a r l y a p p a r e n t f o l l o w i n g a c o n f e r e n c e c o n v e n e d at C o t t e s l o e in J o h a n n e s b u r g b y t h e W o r l d C o u n c i l o f C h u r c h e s at t h e t i m e o f t h e S h a r p e v i l l e c r i s i s in i 9 6 0 . T h e C o t t e s l o e s t a t e m e n t

by c h u r c h leaders,

including

those o f the D u t c h R e f o r m e d C h u r c h , w a s repudiated b y V e r w o e r d a n d s u b s e q u e n t l y b y all t h e A f r i k a a n s - s p e a k i n g c h u r c h e s . B u t the split did n o t f o l l o w precise d e n o m i n a t i o n a l o r l a n g u a g e lines. S o m e o f the s t r o n g e s t o p p o s i t i o n to the t h e o r y and practice of

apartheid

came

from

within

the

three

Dutch

Reformed

churches, eleven o f w h o s e theologians had published

a sharp

attack o n race discrimination shortly before the C o t t e s l o e C o n ­ f e r e n c e in J o h a n n e s b u r g . A n d , f r o m t h e t i m e o f its e s t a b l i s h m e n t in 1963 u n t i l it w a s b a n n e d in 1 9 7 7 , t h e C h r i s t i a n I n s t i t u t e l e d b y the R e v d B e y e r s N a u d e , a f o r m e r m o d e r a t o r

o f the

southern

T r a n s v a a l s y n o d o f the D u t c h R e f o r m e d C h u r c h , played a major r o l e in s t r e n g t h e n i n g t h e o p p o s i t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l C h r i s t i a n s a n d of some denominations

to the i d e o l o g y o f apartheid.

No

less

i m p o r t a n t w a s t h e w o r k o f t h e C h r i s t i a n I n s t i t u t e in f o r g i n g l i n k s b e t w e e n the established churches and the rapidly g r o w i n g A f r i c a n Independent C h u r c h e s w h i c h rejected w h i t e leadership, and w h i c h p r o v i d e d an a p p r o p r i a t e and

c o h e s i v e n e s s in

cultural

transition.

Besides the embroiled

in

the

turbulent

process

of economic

and

1

churches, the

structure for n u r t u r i n g social security

universities

political arena.

and

the press

were

also

in

1959

Legislation passed

authorising the g o v e r n m e n t to i m p o s e restrictions o n universities based o n c o l o u r w a s v i g o r o u s l y o p p o s e d , particularly 1

by

the

J. P . K i e r n a n , ' P o o r a n d P u r i t a n : a n a t t e m p t t o v i e w Z i o n i s m as a c o l l e c t i v e

r e s p o n s e t o u r b a n p o v e r t y ' , African Studies, 1977, 36, 1.

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E n g l i s h - m e d i u m universities w h o s e students were actively organ­ i s e d , t h r o u g h t h e N a t i o n a l U n i o n o f S o u t h A f r i c a n S t u d e n t s , in their o p p o s i t i o n to apartheid. A l o n g tradition o f press f r e e d o m in t h e c o u n t r y h e l p e d t o s t r e n g t h e n t h e h a n d o f e d i t o r s w h o s e newspapers came under increasingly frequent attack. B u t there w a s m u c h t h e n e w s p a p e r s d i d n o t p r i n t f o r fear o f state r e p r i s a l s . M o r e o v e r , for the majority o f papers, n e w s w a s generally seen to be that w h i c h interested w h i t e readers. N e v e r t h e l e s s the role o f s e v e r a l n e w s p a p e r s in f a c i n g b o t h g o v e r n m e n t a n d t h e g e n e r a l public w i t h uncomfortable truths and w i t h trenchant criticism was an i m p o r t a n t , a l t h o u g h b y i t s e l f i n a d e q u a t e , c h e c k o n t h e i n c r e a s i n g l y a r b i t r a r y p o w e r o f t h e state. B y t h e m i d - 1 9 7 0 s r e s i s t a n c e i n S o u t h A f r i c a w a s stiffened b y the astonishing fearlessness o f children g o i n g o u t against bullets a r m e d o n l y w i t h dustbin lids and stones. A t the same time a process o f clarifying targets c o u l d be traced by y o u n g blacks, one o f w h o m p o i n t e d o u t t h a t , ' I n i 9 6 0 s o m e 30000 A f r i c a n s m a r c h e d p e a c e f u l l y i n t o t h e c e n t r e o f C a p e T o w n ; in 1 9 7 6 t h e i r c h i l d r e n b u r n t l i q u o r o u t l e t s , a n d s c h o o l s in t h e b l a c k t o w n s h i p s ; n e x t t i m e it w i l l b e w h i t e h o u s e s . ' T h i s n e w c o u r a g e w a s n o t u n c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e v i c t o r y o f F R E L I M O in M o z a m b i q u e a n d t h e g u e r r i l l a s t r u g g l e s in R h o d e s i a a n d N a m i b i a w h i c h h a d a n i m p o r t a n t p s y c h o l o g i c a l i m p a c t o n all S o u t h A f r i c a n s . O v e r t h e t h r e e y e a r s f r o m t h e c o u p in L i s b o n in A p r i l 1 9 7 4 t h r o u g h t h e i n v a s i o n o f A n g o l a in 1 9 7 5 , a n d t h e u p r i s i n g in S o w e t o , L a n g a a n d e l s e w h e r e in 1 9 7 6 t o t h e k i l l i n g o f S t e v e B i k o in 1 9 7 7 , S o u t h A f r i c a c r o s s e d a w a t e r s h e d . I n t h e face o f m o u n t i n g w o r l d p r e s s u r e t h e g o v e r n m e n t e m b a r k e d on a limited p r o g r a m m e o f selective d e s e g r e g a t i o n . B u t it s h o w e d n o s i g n s o f y i e l d i n g o n t h e f u n d a ­ mental structure o f apartheid w h i c h w a s designed to exclude black S o u t h A f r i c a n s f r o m effective political p o w e r . N o t e v e n the c o u r a g e o f the y o u n g c o u l d yet guarantee that sort o f c h a n g e from within. E l s e w h e r e in s o u t h e r n A f r i c a , h o w e v e r , t h e t w o d e c a d e s f o l l o w ­ i n g G h a n a ' s i n d e p e n d e n c e in 1 9 5 7 w e r e y e a r s o f c o n s i d e r a b l e p o l i t i c a l c h a n g e as t h e p r o c e s s o f d e c o l o n i s a t i o n p e r m e a t e d t h e continent. F o r the three countries o f B o t s w a n a , L e s o t h o and S w a z i l a n d the l o n g s t r u g g l e against political i n c o r p o r a t i o n had a l m o s t been w o n b y i960. In 1962 P r i m e M i n i s t e r V e r w o e r d 318

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S T R U G G L E

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L I B E R A T I O N

a c k n o w l e d g e d publicly that S o u t h Africa accepted the possibility o f i n d e p e n d e n c e , a l t h o u g h h e still h o p e d t h a t t h e t h r e e t e r r i t o r i e s m i g h t y e t see t h e b e n e f i t s o f b e c o m i n g p a r t o f t h e S o u t h A f r i c a n C o m m o n w e a l t h o f N a t i o n s . T h e first o f t h e

pre-independence

e l e c t i o n s t o o k p l a c e i n 1 9 6 4 in S w a z i l a n d w h e r e , a y e a r p r e v i o u s l y , w i d e s p r e a d s t r i k e s h a d c a u s e d B r i t a i n t o air-lift t r o o p s i n t o t h e country. A n u m b e r o f political organisations e m e r g e d w i t h broad agreement

on

three basic d e m a n d s :

that the

king become

constitutional m o n a r c h ; that i n d e p e n d e n c e be granted

a

immedi­

a t e l y ; a n d t h a t all r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n b e a b o l i s h e d . T h e k i n g a c c e p t e d the i m p l i c i t c h a l l e n g e and f o r m e d his o w n I m b o k o d v o movement

1

to contest the elections w h i c h he w o n w i t h o u t a single

o p p o s i t i o n c a n d i d a t e r e t a i n i n g h i s d e p o s i t , let a l o n e w i n n i n g a seat. T h e e l e c t i o n h a d t a k e n p l a c e u n d e r a c o n s t i t u t i o n

which

g u a r a n t e e d a n e q u a l s h a r e o f seats t o t h e w h i t e c o m m u n i t y , t o t h e S w a z i h i e r a r c h y , a n d t o v o t e r s o n t h e n a t i o n a l r o l l . B u t as s o o n as it h a d w o n t h e e l e c t i o n s t h e I m b o k o d v o d i s f r a n c h i s e d all w h i t e S o u t h A f r i c a n s in S w a z i l a n d , c h a l l e n g e d t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n as b e i n g racist, and d e m a n d e d i m m e d i a t e i n d e p e n d e n c e . B y F e b r u a r y 1967 a n e w constitution acceptable b o t h to the I m b o k o d v o (to w h i c h m a n y o f the y o u n g radicals had

flocked

after 1 9 6 4 ) a n d t o B r i t a i n

h a d b e e n d r a f t e d . T h e c o u n t r y g a i n e d its i n d e p e n d e n c e in 1 9 6 8 , t w o y e a r s after B o t s w a n a a n d L e s o t h o . T h e p r o b l e m s o f d e v i s i n g suitable institutions

which would

c o n t a i n different interest g r o u p s a n d m a k e o r d e r l y c h a n g e p o s s i b l e w e r e formidable. F o r S w a z i l a n d , particularly, the duality b e t w e e n l o y a l t y t o t h e k i n g in w h o m w a s v e s t e d all t h e a u t h o r i t y o f t h e n a t i o n , a n d t h e e m e r g e n c e o f a n e w set o f l o y a l t i e s t o l a w a n d t o the c o u n t r y , w a s a source o f increasing tension. T h e k i n g ' s p o w e r w a s b e i n g encroached u p o n and increasingly challenged b y the younger more educated people w h o were m o v i n g into adminis­ trative and other jobs w i t h i n the g o v e r n m e n t and the sector o f the e c o n o m y . In A p r i l 1973 the k i n g issued an

private order

in c o u n c i l w h i c h s u s p e n d e d t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n , d e c l a r e d a s t a t e o f e m e r g e n c y , v e s t e d all p o w e r i n h i m s e l f , a n d e n a b l e d h i m t o d e t a i n p e r s o n s f o r 60 d a y s at a t i m e , w i t h o u t trial. T h e l e a d e r o f t h e o p p o s i t i o n , D r A . P. Z w a n e , President o f the N g w a n e N a t i o n a l 1

T h e full name, Imbokodvo kmalabala,

means literally, 'the

brings-together-many-colours'. Hilda Kuper, Sobhu^a II,

grinding-stone-that-

Ngwenyama and King of

Swaziland (London, 1978), 250.

319

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Liberation Congress, was subsequently detained four times. B y 1 9 7 7 t h e k i n g w a s still firmly i n c o n t r o l . H o w e v e r , t h e r e w e r e i n c r e a s i n g s i g n s , s u c h as t h e t e a c h e r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n o f m i d - 1 9 7 6 , that the c l e a v a g e b e t w e e n the c o n s e r v a t i v e , traditional hierarchy g o v e r n i n g t h r o u g h the S w a z i N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l and the m o r e educated, urbanised people was deepening dangerously although t h e k i n g , a g e d n e a r l y 80, w i t h h i s i m m e n s e a u t h o r i t y , w a s a b l e to c o m m a n d a certain consensus. In L e s o t h o C h i e f Jonathan w o n the pre-independence elections i n 1965 w i t h a m i n o r i t y v o t e . H e h a d t o face a n i m m e d i a t e challenge f r o m the y o u n g k i n g w h o , t h o u g h n o t p o s s e s s i n g the s a m e w e i g h t o f a u t h o r i t y as K i n g S o b h u z a , w a s n o n e t h e less d e t e r m i n e d to retain s o m e i n d e p e n d e n c e for the civil service and t h e p o l i c e w h e n i n d e p e n d e n c e c a m e . H o w e v e r , in a n h i s t o r i c decision the police o b e y e d C h i e f Jonathan's orders to p r e v e n t p e o p l e g a t h e r i n g at a Pitso c a l l e d b y t h e k i n g , w h o s e p o w e r w a s thereby effectively curtailed a l t h o u g h he remained titular head o f t h e n a t i o n . I n 1 9 7 0 C h i e f J o n a t h a n w a s d e f e a t e d at t h e p o l l s b y the C o n g r e s s Party but, refusing to c o n c e d e defeat, he seized p o w e r illegally in a c o u p . A c o u n t e r - c o u p failed in 1 9 7 4 . T h e leader o f the C o n g r e s s Party, N t s u M o k h e h l e , escaped to B o t s w a n a but m a n y political opponents w e r e beaten up or killed whilst others w e r e found guilty o f h i g h treason and gaoled for s o m e years. F o r B o t s w a n a t h e first d e c a d e o f p o l i t i c a l i n d e p e n d e n c e w a s m u c h s m o o t h e r . F u s i n g in his p e r s o n b o t h the traditional a n d the m o d e r n , Sir Seretse K h a m a , the rightful heir o f the N g w a t o chieftainship, and the m a n w h o h a d risked his p o s i t i o n and earned the d i s a p p r o v a l o f b o t h the c o l o n i a l p o w e r and the b i g n e i g h b o u r b y m a r r y i n g the wife o f his c h o i c e , w a s able to w i n and maintain the s u p p o r t o f the vast majority o f his p e o p l e w i t h o u t b e i n g so t h r e a t e n e d t h a t h e felt it n e c e s s a r y e i t h e r t o b a n o t h e r p o l i t i c a l parties o r t o i m p r i s o n his o p p o n e n t s . B u t B o t s w a n a had other troubles w h i c h , by the mid-1970s, w e r e b e c o m i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y a c u t e . S i t u a t e d at t h e c e n t r e o f s o u t h e r n Africa, she shared l o n g borders w i t h the three white-ruled c o u n t r i e s w h e r e the s t r u g g l e for liberation w a s b e c o m i n g in­ c r e a s i n g l y b i t t e r a n d v i o l e n t . F o r B o t s w a n a t h i s m e a n t first t h e p r o b l e m o f r e f u g e e s as p e o p l e s t r e a m e d a c r o s s at d i f f e r e n t t i m e s from S o w e t o , from O v a m b o l a n d , and from the south-western 320

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districts o f R h o d e s i a . T h e r e w a s pressure t o o f r o m the guerrilla m o v e m e n t s to a l l o w the passage o f a r m s and m e n , b u t o n this B o t s w a n a , l i k e L e s o t h o a n d S w a z i l a n d , h a d t o t a k e a firm s t a n d . Moral support was possible but more active involvement was suicidal. B o t s w a n a w a s not able to a v o i d b e i n g burnt by the w a r w h i c h raged particularly o n the R h o d e s i a n border, w h e r e Smith's t r o o p s , a l l e g e d l y in h o t p u r s u i t , e n t e r e d B o t s w a n a s e v e r a l t i m e s and killed a n u m b e r o f civilians. A l t h o u g h there w a s w a r b o t h i n N a m i b i a a n d in R h o d e s i a t h e r e s e e m e d t o b e s o m e h o p e i n t h e m i d - 1 9 7 0 s that the conflict w o u l d be r e s o l v e d w i t h o u t further u n d u e d a m a g e to B o t s w a n a . H o w e v e r , the l o n g - t e r m v i e w to the s o u t h w a s far less p r o m i s i n g . T h e r e t h e m i l i t a r y s t r u g g l e s e e m e d o n l y j u s t b e g i n n i n g a n d t h e p r o s p e c t f o r B o t s w a n a o f finding i t s e l f in t h e n o - m a n ' s l a n d b e t w e e n g u e r r i l l a b a s e s a n d t h e S o u t h A f r i c a n a r m y w a s far f r o m r e a s s u r i n g . S w a z i l a n d t o o w a s c a u g h t in a similar p o s i t i o n : w e d g e d b e t w e e n M a p u t o a n d the W i t w a t e r s r a n d , it w a s w e l l s i t u a t e d f o r g u n - r u n n i n g a n d t h e t r a n s i t o f guerrillas. L e s o t h o ' s m a i n p r o b l e m s c e n t r e d a r o u n d its e c o n o m i c b o n d a g e t o S o u t h A f r i c a . T h e c o u n t r y h a d l o n g f u n c t i o n e d as a l a b o u r r e s e r v e little different f r o m t h e T r a n s k e i o r t h e C i s k e i . T h e difficulties i n v o l v e d in r e d u c i n g its e c o n o m i c d e p e n d e n c e o n South Africa by creating e m p l o y m e n t opportunities and produc­ i n g g o o d s w i t h i n its o w n b o r d e r s w e r e i m m e n s e . A g r i c u l t u r a l potential o n the m o u n t a i n o u s , o v e r p o p u l a t e d land w a s l o w . A p a r t f r o m a r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l p i p e o f d i a m o n d s , p r o s p e c t i n g y i e l d e d little in t h e w a y o f m i n e r a l s . D e v e l o p m e n t o f m a n u f a c t u r i n g w a s constrained b y the smallness o f the internal market, effectively r e d u c e d still f u r t h e r b y r e a d y a c c e s s t o t h e s h o p s a n d g o o d s o f the R e p u b l i c . A n y h o p e s o f selling p r o d u c t s w i t h i n the w i d e r m a r k e t o f t h e c u s t o m s u n i o n w e r e d a s h e d b y P r e t o r i a ' s a c t i o n in preventing investors from establishing either a motor-assembly p l a n t o r a fertiliser f a c t o r y . D e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e M a l i b a m a t s o w a t e r project w a s d e p e n d e n t u p o n an a g r e e m e n t w i t h S o u t h Africa to b u y the water, w h i c h for s o m e years she declined to d o . O n e r e m a i n i n g possibility w a s tourism. T h e chief attraction to the w h i t e S o u t h A f r i c a n s w h o flocked a c r o s s w e r e t h e g a m b l i n g casinos and soft-porn m o v i e s rather than the spectacular m o u n t a i n scenery. T h e r e n e g o t i a t i o n in 1 9 6 9 o f t h e c u s t o m s a g r e e m e n t a n d t h e 321

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s h a r p rise i n e a r n i n g s o f g o l d - m i n e r s i m p r o v e d L e s o t h o ' s c u r r e n t a c c o u n t , s o t h a t b y 1 9 7 3 - 4 it w a s n o l o n g e r d e p e n d e n t u p o n a grant-in-aid f r o m the British g o v e r n m e n t in o r d e r to balance the b u d g e t . N e v e r t h e l e s s the l o n g - t e r m prospects for L e s o t h o ' s e c o n o m y w e r e , i f a n y t h i n g , w o r s e at t h e e n d o f its first d e c a d e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e t h a n t h e y w e r e at t h e b e g i n n i n g , f o r d u r i n g this p e r i o d the rate o f g r o w t h o f internal e m p l o y m e n t w a s w e l l b e l o w the rate o f natural p o p u l a t i o n increase, and the e m e r g i n g spectre o f u n e m p l o y m e n t h a u n t i n g S o u t h A f r i c a itself w a s an o m i n o u s sign to the p e o p l e o f L e s o t h o , w h o f o u n d t h e m s e l v e s increasingly b e h i n d b l a c k S o u t h A f r i c a n s in the q u e u e for j o b s . W h i l e the South African mines w e r e unlikely to dispense altogether w i t h w o r k e r s f r o m L e s o t h o , t h e r e s e e m e d little l i k e l i h o o d t h a t d e m a n d f o r t h e m w o u l d i n c r e a s e s u b s t a n t i a l l y in t h e f o r e s e e a b l e f u t u r e o r that S o t h o w o r k e r s w o u l d be d r a w n into the agricultural sector, w h e r e o v e r a l l e m p l o y m e n t w a s o n the decline, o r into manufac­ turing w h i c h had never e m p l o y e d many foreign black w o r k e r s . O n e c o n s e q u e n c e to L e s o t h o (and the other l a b o u r - s u p p l y i n g c o u n t r i e s in the r e g i o n ) o f the i n c r e a s i n g i m p o r t a n c e o f the n a t i o n a l b o u n d a r y w a s t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h it f a c i l i t a t e d S o u t h Africa's p o l i c y o f containing u n e m p l o y m e n t b y the simple ex­ p e d i e n t o f e x p o r t i n g it. I n c o n t r a s t t o L e s o t h o w a s S w a z i l a n d w h e r e , as w e h a v e s e e n , t h e e c o n o m y w a s g r o w i n g r a p i d l y . B y t h e 1960s t h e p i n e p l a n t a t i o n s w e r e a m o n g t h e l a r g e s t in t h e w o r l d a n d w e r e p r o d u c i n g b o t h timber and paper in substantial quantities. T h e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f i r o n - o r e p r o v i d e d e m p l o y m e n t , as w e l l as i n d u c i n g t h e b u i l d i n g o f a r a i l w a y , o p e n e d in 1 9 6 4 , w h i c h l i n k e d t h e c o u n t r y b o t h to M a p u t o and to the W i t w a t e r s r a n d . D e s p i t e these d e v e l o p m e n t s Swaziland also continued to send migrants to w o r k in S o u t h A f r i c a . B o t s w a n a ' s e c o n o m y s h o w e d t h e m o s t i m p r o v e m e n t i n t h e first decade o f independence. F r o m the mid-1960s there w a s a g o o d d e a l o f p r o s p e c t i n g a n d s o m e n o t a b l e finds. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t o f t h e s e w e r e t h e t w o d i a m o n d p i p e s at O r a p a a n d J w a n e n g a n d t h e c o p p e r - n i c k e l d e p o s i t s at S e l i b e - P i k w e . T h e t i m i n g o f t h e s e d i s c o v e r i e s w a s i m p o r t a n t f o r , a l t h o u g h in t h e e a r l y n e g o t i a t i o n s the B o t s w a n a g o v e r n m e n t l a c k e d the necessary e x p e r i e n c e to b a r g a i n a d e q u a t e l y o v e r t h e t e r m s o f t h e c o n c e s s i o n s , it w a s l a t e r a b l e t o r e n e g o t i a t e t h e s e a n d e n s u r e t h a t o v e r 50 p e r c e n t o f t h e 322

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p r o f i t s w e r e p a i d b a c k , r a t h e r t h a n b e i n g s i p h o n e d o f f a b r o a d , as had

happened

in t h e

neighbouring countries

of Zambia

and

1

N a m i b i a . D u r i n g the ten years f r o m 1966 t o 1975 the a n n u a l rate o f g r o w t h o f G N P a v e r a g e d 5.1 p e r c e n t , a n d a l t h o u g h t e c h n i c a l difficulties at S e l i b e - P i k w e , c o m b i n e d w i t h a s h a r p fall in t h e p r i c e o f c o p p e r after 1 9 7 4 , d e f e r r e d s o m e o f t h e h o p e i n v e s t e d in t h e mineral b o o m , the prospects for further substantial d e v e l o p m e n t s in t h a t s e c t o r w e r e g o o d . T w o i m p o r t a n t p r o b l e m s n e v e r t h e l e s s accompanied

this

growth. One

w a s that

the

major

share

of

i n v e s t m e n t in t h i s s e c t o r w a s S o u t h A f r i c a n ; t h e o t h e r w a s t h e l a r g e a m o u n t o f c a p i t a l r e q u i r e d t o c r e a t e o n e j o b in a c o u n t r y suffering severely f r o m

underemployment.

G r o w t h in t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r , as in m i n i n g , w a s a c c o m ­ panied b y serious difficulties. O n e w a s the u n c e r t a i n t y o f e x p o r t s following

Britain's

entrance

into

the

Common

Market

with

c o n c e s s i o n s a g a i n s t t h e n e w h i g h tariffs h a v i n g t o b e b a r g a i n e d f o r o n e y e a r at a t i m e . L e s s v i s i b l e b u t n o less i m p o r t a n t

was

irreversible ecological d a m a g e caused by extending g r a z i n g into unsuitable

areas. T h i r d w e r e the l o n g e r t e r m s o c i o - e c o n o m i c

implications o f the apparently i n c r e a s i n g s k e w n e s s o f rural i n c o m e distribution,

as t h e w e a l t h y t o w n s m e n

e m p l o y e d in t h e

civil

s e r v i c e a n d e l s e w h e r e i n v e s t e d in c a t t l e , w h i l e c o u n t r y m e n w i t h n o stock w e r e thus effectively disinherited o f the land to w h i c h , 2

theoretically, they had a c c e s s . N o r w a s the g a p confined t o the agricultural sector. In the civil service b y the m i d - 1 9 7 0 s the ratio o f salaries for super-scale p o s t s w a s o f the o r d e r o f 1 0 : 1 c o m p a r e d w i t h a r a t i o o f a p p r o x i m a t e l y 5 : 1 in m o s t d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s . T h u s , e v e n w i t h i n s o h o m o g e n e o u s a c o u n t r y as B o t s w a n a , t h e cleavage b e t w e e n rich and p o o r w a s deep. In

Namibia

the

first

lustrum

o f the

1960s w a s

relatively

u n e v e n t f u l . A t t e n t i o n w a s f o c u s s e d o n p r o c e e d i n g s at T h e H a g u e w h e r e orders had been s o u g h t against S o u t h Africa for violation o f the m a n d a t e . In 1966 the International C o u r t o f Justice refused t o p r o n o u n c e o n t h e m a t t e r s b e f o r e it o n t h e g r o u n d s t h a t t h e applicant before

states, L i b e r i a and

the

court.

Ethiopia, had

F o l l o w i n g this

decisions were made

by interested

a

n o legal

number

parties.

of

standing

far-reaching

SWAPO

issued

a

1

I am indebted to Charles Harvey for this point. Norman Reynolds, 'Rural development in Botswana' (Saldru w o r k i n g paper 13, Cape T o w n , 1977); Botswana, Ministry of Finance and D e v e l o p m e n t Planning, Central 2

Statistics Office, The rural income distribution survey in Botswana 1974/ / (Gaborone, 1976).

323

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s t a t e m e n t f r o m D a r es S a l a a m t h a t t h e r e w a s n o w n o a l t e r n a t i v e b u t ' t o rise in a r m s a n d b r i n g a b o u t o u r o w n l i b e r a t i o n ' . August

1966 the

first

clashes b e t w e e n S W A P O guerrillas

In and

S o u t h A f r i c a n s e c u r i t y f o r c e s o c c u r r e d in n o r t h e r n N a m i b i a . T w o months

later the

United

Nations

General Assembly resolved

formally to terminate the mandate and to put N a m i b i a under the direct responsibility o f the U N . S o u t h Africa r e s p o n d e d ently. C l a i m i n g incorrectly that the court's technical

differ­

finding

was

a r u l i n g in h e r f a v o u r , t h e S o u t h A f r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t i g n o r e d t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s and p r o c e e d e d virtually to c o m p l e t e the incor­ p o r a t i o n o f t h e t e r r i t o r y a n d t o m o u l d it m o r e f u l l y i n t o its o w n image. I n 1968 l e g i s l a t i o n w a s p a s s e d e n a b l i n g t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t

of

Bantustans carefully m o d e l l e d o n S o u t h Africa's o w n e m e r g i n g system.

1

T h e f o l l o w i n g year the S o u t h W e s t A f r i c a Affairs A c t

e m p o w e r e d the R e p u b l i c to transfer the majority o f

fiscal

and

o t h e r p o w e r s still r e s i d i n g in t h e W i n d h o e k L e g i s l a t i v e A s s e m b l y to Pretoria. Statistics t o o b e c a m e increasingly fused w i t h S o u t h A f r i c a ' s s o t h a t a s s e s s m e n t o f t h e d i r e c t i o n in w h i c h n e t p a y m e n t s b e t w e e n the t w o countries w e r e

flowing

became virtually im­

p o s s i b l e . E a r l y in 1 9 6 8 t h e T e r r o r i s m A c t o f 1 9 6 7 w a s i n v o k e d f o r t h e first t i m e t o c h a r g e 37 N a m i b i a n s f o r a c t s c o m m i t t e d

before

t h e l a w w a s p a s s e d . T h e m e n w e r e b r o u g h t f r o m N a m i b i a t o trial in

Pretoria,

where

most

were

sentenced

to

long

terms

of

i m p r i s o n m e n t . T h e i r l e a d e r , T o i v o H e r m a n ja T o i v o , in a m o v i n g s t a t e m e n t f r o m t h e d o c k , firmly r e j e c t e d S o u t h A f r i c a ' s r i g h t t o rule N a m i b i a . T h i s v i e w w a s implicitly u p h e l d b y the International C o u r t o f J u s t i c e i n J u n e 1 9 7 1 w h e n it r u l e d t h a t , in t e r m s o f t h e UN of

r e v o c a t i o n o f the mandate in 1966, the c o n t i n u e d South

Africa

in N a m i b i a

w a s illegal. T h e

South

presence African

g o v e r n m e n t rejected the j u d g e m e n t . A f e w d a y s later the

two

boards o f w h a t w e r e s o o n to join into the E v a n g e l i c a l L u t h e r a n C h u r c h and w h i c h represented the majority o f i n d i g e n o u s N a m i b ­ ians m e t t o discuss the crisis a n d an O p e n L e t t e r , s i g n e d b y the t w o chairmen, B i s h o p A u l a and Pastor G o w a s e b , w a s sent to the prime minister outlining the extent to w h i c h S o u t h African policy infringed the D e c l a r a t i o n o f H u m a n R i g h t s , asserting that their c o u n t r y s h o u l d b e r e g a r d e d as a s i n g l e u n i t , a n d r e q u e s t i n g 1

the

S o u t h W e s t A f r i c a , Report of the Commission of Enquiry into South West African

Affairs, 1962-196) ( O d e n d a a l R e p o r t , 1964).

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g o v e r n m e n t t o e n a b l e it t o m o v e p e a c e f u l l y t o i n d e p e n d e n c e . T h e s e p o i n t s w e r e spelt o u t m o r e fully t o M r V o r s t e r b y the t w o c h u r c h leaders w h e n they m e t h i m s u b s e q u e n t l y in W i n d h o e k . T h e f o l l o w i n g m o n t h the C o m m i s s i o n e r - G e n e r a l for O v a m b o land, replying to increasing criticism o f the contract-labour s y s t e m , s t a t e d t h a t it c o u l d n o t b e r e g a r d e d as a f o r m o f s l a v e r y because m e n reported voluntarily for recruitment. T h i s p r o v e d t o b e t h e last s t r a w a n d , in a w e l l o r g a n i s e d m o v e , t h e N a m i b i a n s s t r u c k . S t a r t i n g i n W i n d h o e k o n 13 D e c e m b e r 1 9 7 1 w o r k e r s paralysed m a n y parts o f the e c o n o m y b y d o w n i n g tools in protest against the labour system. W i t h i n a w e e k m o r e than 1 1 0 0 0 w o r k e r s h a d c o m e o u t a n d b y m i d - J a n u a r y at l e a s t 2 1 0 0 0 p e o p l e h a d , it is e s t i m a t e d , b e e n i n v o l v e d i n s o m e f o r m o f p r o t e s t i n 23 p l a c e s , i n c l u d i n g 1 1 m i n e s . O v e r 13 000 w o r k e r s w e r e t r a n s p o r t e d b y the g o v e r n m e n t and others w i t h d r e w themselves to O v a m b o land w h e r e their presence s e r v e d t o b r o a d e n the base o f resistance b y i n c l u d i n g p e a s a n t o p p o s i t i o n . O v e r 100 k m o f b o r d e r f e n c e , for e x a m p l e , w e r e d e s t r o y e d in o n e n i g h t . T h e p o l i c e a n d a r m y m o v e d in a n d e a r l y i n F e b r u a r y e m e r g e n c y r e g u l a t i o n s s i m i l a r t o those in the T r a n s k e i w e r e p r o c l a i m e d , furnishing authorities w i t h w i d e p o w e r s to prevent meetings and to detain people w i t h o u t trial. S t e p s w e r e a l s o t a k e n t o a l t e r t h e f o r m o f t h e r e c r u i t i n g system; S W A N L A was abolished and replaced with h o m e l a n d ' labour bureaux; greater flexibility in the c h o i c e o f j o b w a s introduced. B u t the essential features o f the m i g r a n t l a b o u r system, w h i c h p r e v e n t e d a m a n f r o m l i v i n g w i t h his w i f e and his children w i t h i n c o m m u t i n g distance o f his place o f w o r k , remained intact. B y the e n d o f F e b r u a r y 1972 this r o u n d o f internal resistance w a s b r o k e n . c

D e s p i t e w o r l d pressure, S W A P O raids, and the practical logistics o f creating a multitude o f minute independent financial and administrative structures, the systematic application o f the policy m i g h t h a v e g o n e o n for m a n y years had not the A p r i l 1974 c o u p in L i s b o n radically t r a n s f o r m e d the scene. T h e p r o t e c t i v e A n g o l a n buffer a l o n g t h e n o r t h e r n N a m i b i a n b o r d e r w a s s w e p t a w a y . G o n e for the m o m e n t w a s the p r o s p e c t o f p a r t i t i o n i n g N a m i b i a and c a r v i n g o u t a n e w O v a m b o state s t r a d d l i n g the K u n e n e and s u p p l y i n g water, electricity and labour to the whitecontrolled e c o n o m y further south. A n e w plan had to be m a d e . I n J u n e 1 9 7 4 t h e S o u t h A f r i c a n p r i m e m i n i s t e r s t a t e d t h a t it w a s

3*5

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S O U T H E R N

A F R I C A

u p to the p e o p l e o f S o u t h W e s t Africa to decide their future. A f t e r a year o f negotiations led b y the local leader o f the N a t i o n a l Party, a c o n f e r e n c e m e t i n t h e W i n d h o e k T u r n h a l l e ( G y m n a s i u m ) at t h e beginning o f September 1975. T h e delegates represented

ethnic

g r o u p s ( w i t h w h i t e s as o n e g r o u p ) a n d t h u s S W A P O , as a n a t i o n a l party, w a s e x c l u d e d . N e v e r t h e l e s s the declaration o f intent, issued b y t h e T u r n h a l l e C o n f e r e n c e , t o m o v e t o w a r d s i n d e p e n d e n c e as a s i n g l e state w i t h the p a r t i c i p a t i o n

o f all g r o u p s

in a

new

g o v e r n m e n t w a s a significant c h a n g e f r o m the d i r e c t i o n in w h i c h Pretoria had previously been pressing. M e a n w h i l e the S o u t h A f r i c a n D e f e n c e F o r c e w h i c h , since the early skirmishes w i t h S W A P O , had built a substantial

military

b a s e at G r o o t f o n t e i n a n d o c c u p i e d m u c h o f t h e a r e a s o u t h o f t h e b o r d e r , w a s o r d e r e d in J u l y 1 9 7 5 t o e n t e r A n g o l a . S o u t h A f r i c a ' s reasons included a desire to protect the K u n e n e s c h e m e w h i c h w a s still b e i n g b u i l t , a n d t h e h o p e o f s t r e n g t h e n i n g a n t i - M P L A f o r c e s in t h e c i v i l w a r t h e n r a g i n g . I n m i d - O c t o b e r a S o u t h A f r i c a n a r m y c o l u m n m a r c h e d rapidly n o r t h t o w a r d s L u a n d a . B u t a m o n t h later the picture had c h a n g e d radically. S o v i e t arms, i n c l u d i n g

the

' Stalin o r g a n s ' w h i c h halted H o l d e n R o b e r t o ' s F N L A a r m y o n the outskirts

o f the capital o n the e v e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e ,

and

C u b a n troops w e r e p o u r i n g into A n g o l a . B y m i d - N o v e m b e r the S o u t h A f r i c a n s w e r e s t u c k at N o v o R e d o n d o w i t h n o p r o s p e c t o f further a d v a n c e w i t h o u t fearful escalation o f a w a r that w a s rapidly b e c o m i n g a nightmare to Pretoria strategists. B u t w o r s e was to c o m e : t o w a r d s the end o f the m o n t h t w o S o u t h A f r i c a n s o l d i e r s , c a p t u r e d in A n g o l a , w e r e d i s p l a y e d t o t h e w o r l d ' s p r e s s in L a g o s a n d , t h e n e x t d a y , N i g e r i a , w h i c h in J u n e h a d

been

b a c k i n g U N I T A , a n n o u n c e d t h a t it w o u l d r e c o g n i s e t h e M P L A g o v e r n m e n t , citing the U N I T A and F N L A acceptance o f S o u t h A f r i c a n s u p p o r t as a m a j o r f a c t o r i n t h e d e c i s i o n . B y J a n u a r y 1 9 7 6 S o u t h Africa had n o o p t i o n but to cut her losses and w i t h d r a w , having achieved nothing intervention,

1

but the increase, if not the

original

o f C u b a n t r o o p s in A f r i c a .

In the same m o n t h the Security C o u n c i l resolved u n a n i m o u s l y that S o u t h A f r i c a w i t h d r a w her illegal administration in N a m i b i a a n d c a l l e d f o r free e l e c t i o n s u n d e r U N c o n t r o l . I n A u g u s t 1 9 7 6 the T u r n h a l l e C o n f e r e n c e a g r e e d o n e v e n t u a l i n d e p e n d e n c e 1

and

T h i s p o i n t is u n c l e a r . F o r a n a t t e m p t t o sift t h e e v i d e n c e s e e J o h n s o n , How long

will South Africa survive?, 137-54.

326

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T H E

S T R U G G L E

F O R

L I B E R A T I O N

T a b l e 6 . 1 3 . Employment in Namibia, 197J.

Percentage whites as proportion of total in sector

Total

Percentage proportion of labour force

Subsistence/communal commercial / capitalist

90000 52 800

30.5 17.9

0

Government and other services

28 300 17500 13 200

9.6 4.5

51 9 35

12 500 11000

4.2 3-7

23 0

10400 9300 8000 7500 6000 29000

3-5 3-1 2.7

39 9 0 7

Sector Agriculture

Mining and quarrying Manufacturing, electricity and water Construction Self-employed in subsistence areas Commerce and finance Transport and communication Domestic service Fishing Defence/resistance/refugees Unemployed and unspecified Total labour force Source:

295 500

5-9

M

l

2.0 9.8

100

0 13

Wolfgang Thomas, Economic development in Namibia (Mainz, 1978).

the S o u t h A f r i c a n p r i m e minister accepted the decision, thus formally marking the end o f S o u t h Africa's l o n g attempt to incorporate the mandated territory. B u t w h e n colonialism ends neo-colonialism tends t o begin, and the prospect o f cutting formal political links b y n o means implied that S o u t h Africa r e n o u n c e d all i n t e r e s t i n t h e s h a p e o f t h e e m e r g i n g g o v e r n m e n t . I n o r d e r t o understand the constraints within w h i c h N a m i b i a n politics w o u l d s u b s e q u e n t l y b e p l a y e d o u t it is h e l p f u l t o g l a n c e at t h e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e e c o n o m y - a n d its l i n k s w i t h S o u t h A f r i c a - a t t h i s t i m e (table 6.13). I n terms o f c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o the g r o s s d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t o f t h e c o u n t r y it is e s t i m a t e d t h a t t h e p r o p o r t i o n s i n 1 9 7 5 w e r e : m i n i n g 27 p e r c e n t ; m a n u f a c t u r i n g a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n 1 7 p e r c e n t ; agriculture 16 p e r cent a n d the tertiary sector, i n c l u d i n g g o v e r n m e n t s e r v i c e s , 40 p e r cent. F r o m m i n i n g , w h i c h w a s the 3*7

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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A F R I C A

m a j o r s o u r c e o f t a x r e v e n u e , e s t i m a t e d g r o s s e a r n i n g s in 1 9 7 3 c o m p r i s e d 61 p e r c e n t f r o m d i a m o n d s ; 18 p e r c e n t f r o m c o p p e r ; 9 p e r c e n t f r o m z i n c ; a n d 8 p e r c e n t f r o m l e a d . B u t , after s o m e R 200 m i l l i o n i n v e s t m e n t b y B r i t i s h a n d S o u t h A f r i c a n c o m p a n i e s , u r a n i u m p r o d u c t i o n s t a r t e d in 1 9 7 6 , a n d w a s e x p e c t e d t o b e m u c h t h e l a r g e s t s o u r c e o f e x p o r t e a r n i n g s b y t h e e a r l y 1980s d e s p i t e t h e fact t h a t t h e R ó s s i n g m i n e w a s t i e d b y l o n g - t e r m d e l i v e r y c o n t r a c t s t o t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m at a l o w p r i c e . A measure o f N a m i b i a ' s e c o n o m i c subservience m a y be seen in t h e fact t h a t , o f t h e c o m p a n i e s w h i c h b e t w e e n t h e m c o n t r o l l e d t h e 20 m a j o r m i n e s in t h e c o u n t r y , 12 w e r e p r i m a r i l y S o u t h A f r i c a n , w h i l e five w e r e A m e r i c a n , f o u r w e r e B r i t i s h , o n e w a s C a n a d i a n , a n d t h e rest o f d i v e r s e o w n e r s h i p . N o r w a s it o n l y i n m i n i n g that S o u t h African interest w a s p a r a m o u n t . In the capitalist farming sector, w h i c h p r o d u c e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y ninetenths o f agricultural o u t p u t , a substantial p o r t i o n o f the land w a s o w n e d b y S o u t h African individuals and c o m p a n i e s , w h i l e the p r o c e s s i n g o f m e a t ( a n d fish) a n d t h e m a r k e t i n g o f a g r i c u l t u r a l e x p o r t s w e r e l a r g e l y in S o u t h A f r i c a n h a n d s . A n d t h e g o v e r n m e n t sector, including railways and other communications, w a s , o f c o u r s e , an extension o f S o u t h A f r i c a ' s o w n . T h u s the t w o c o u n t r i e s w e r e b o u n d t i g h t l y t o g e t h e r a l t h o u g h , as h a s b e e n a r g u e d a b o v e , the absence o f large-scale oscillating m i g r a t i o n to S o u t h A f r i c a o v e r a l o n g p e r i o d o f t i m e left N a m i b i a w i t h o n e important degree o f freedom not inherited b y M o z a m b i q u e , L e s o t h o , Botswana, or Swaziland w h e n they became independent. N e v e r t h e l e s s o f all t h e c o u n t r i e s s u r r o u n d i n g t h e R e p u b l i c it w a s in N a m i b i a t h a t S o u t h A f r i c a ' s v e s t e d i n t e r e s t s w e r e g r e a t e s t a n d w h e r e , in t h e p e r i o d o f t r a n s i t i o n t o i n d e p e n d e n c e , s h e s o u g h t t o retain the greatest influence.

C O N C L U S I O N

T h i s chapter has focussed primarily o n political and e c o n o m i c issues. Y e t p e o p l e also w r o t e p o e t r y , c o m p o s e d and p l a y e d music, danced, peered through microscopes, painted, designed bridges, built d a m s , healed the sick, and w e r e creative in a m y r i a d w a y s . T h e r e w a s indeed an e x u b e r a n t vitality, a sense o f e n e r g y , w h i c h ran t h r o u g h t h e s o c i e t y a n d f o u n d e x p r e s s i o n in m a n y f o r m s r a n g i n g f r o m t h e l y r i c s o f K i n g K o n g t o t h e p o e t r y o f t h e sestigers; from the plays o f A t h o l F u g a r d to the jazz o f D o l l a r B r a n d . T h e r e 328 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

C O N C L U S I O N

w a s m u c h o f beauty and truth that g r e w o n the dung-heap o f S o u t h Africa's social system. B u t o n e final q u e s t i o n r e m a i n s . W a s S o u t h A f r i c a i n t h i s p e r i o d b e s t s e e n as a n a b e r r a t i o n i n t h e w o r l d o f c i v i l i s e d p e o p l e ; a n o u t c a s t f r o m s o c i e t y ? O r w a s it b e s t u n d e r s t o o d as a m i c r o c o s m o f t h e w o r l d at l a r g e ? T h e r e w a s m u c h t h a t w a s u n c o m f o r t a b l y familiar a b o u t S o u t h Africa. A m e r i c a n visitors f o u n d s t r o n g similarities t o the pattern o f s e g r e g a t i o n that existed in the D e e p S o u t h as r e c e n t l y as t h e m i d - 1 9 6 0 s . E u r o p e a n s s a w a s p e c t s o f t h e m i g r a n t l a b o u r system reflected in their o w n treatment o f Gastarbeiter. T h e j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f c o m f o r t a b l e w e a l t h b e s i d e grinding poverty, w h i c h appalled visitors from Western E u r o p e o r N o r t h A m e r i c a , w a s familiar t o those w h o l i v e d in N e w D e l h i or R i o de Janeiro. T h e tensions springing from ethnic and cultural d i f f e r e n c e s w e r e n o m o r e difficult t h a n i n M a l a y s i a o r t h e S u d a n . N o r w a s t h e i m m e n s e p o w e r o f t h e state w i t h its f o r c i b l e interference w i t h personal freedom s o m e t h i n g w i t h w h i c h Chileans, C a m b o d i a n s , o r inhabitants o f the G u l a g A r c h i p e l a g o w e r e unfamiliar. M a n y o f the divisions and tensions w h i c h wracked South Africa during the twentieth century were to be found in other parts o f the w o r l d : b l a c k / w h i t e ; r i c h / p o o r ; migrant/non-rriigrant; citizen/non-citizen; c o r e / p e r i p h e r y ; capi­ talist w e s t / T h i r d W o r l d ; state p o w e r / i n d i v i d u a l f r e e d o m . A n d within the wider southern African region the relationship b e t w e e n a m a g n e t i c e c o n o m y w h o s e fields o f f o r c e e x t e n d e d o v e r a n a r e a w h i c h i n c l u d e d o t h e r n a t i o n a l states w a s i t s e l f a n e x a m p l e o f t h e o n e - w a y filter f u n c t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l b o u n d a r i e s i n a w o r l d o f uneven development. Indeed, with increasing awareness o f the m u t u a l i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e o f all c o u n t r i e s i n t h e ' g l o b a l v i l l a g e ' , t h e r e w a s a p r o f o u n d s e n s e i n w h i c h t h e p r o b l e m s - as d i s t i n c t f r o m t h e s o l u t i o n s - f a c i n g s o u t h e r n A f r i c a d u r i n g this p e r i o d o f its h i s t o r y s h o u l d b e s e e n n o t o n l y as t h o s e o f a b a c k w a r d a r e a still t r a p p e d i n t h e p a s t b u t a l s o , p a r a d o x i c a l l y , as i s s u e s w h i c h w o u l d i n c r e a s i n g l y c h a l l e n g e the w h o l e w o r l d in t h e future. A n d it w a s t h e a t t e m p t t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e s e g l o b a l i s s u e s i n t h e i r particular S o u t h A f r i c a n c o n t e x t that g a v e a sense o f u r g e n c y t o the debate a m o n g s t historians, e c o n o m i s t s a n d others in the 1970s as t h e y g r a p p l e d w i t h s u c h q u e s t i o n s as t h e n a t u r e o f t h e relationship b e t w e e n class a n d race o r b e t w e e n d e v e l o p m e n t a n d u n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t in a capitalist society. Y e t there w a s m u c h that w a s u n i q u e a b o u t S o u t h Africa. N o 329 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

S O U T H E R N

A F R I C A

o t h e r c o u n t r y , after t h e d e f e a t o f t h e T h i r d R e i c h , b u i l t r a c e i n t o its l e g a l s t r u c t u r e s o t h a t w h o m a p e r s o n m i g h t m a r r y , w h e r e a p e r s o n m i g h t l i v e , b e e d u c a t e d o r s w i m in the sea, w h e t h e r a person m i g h t v o t e , or h o w a person m i g h t w o r k , w e r e critically affected b y a n c e s t r y a n d s k i n c o l o u r . N o o t h e r c o u n t r y i n t h e w o r l d h a d b u i l t its p o l i t i c a l e c o n o m y e x p l i c i t l y o n a s y s t e m o f o s c i l l a t i n g m i g r a t i o n w h i c h t r e a t e d its w o r k e r s n o t as p e r s o n s b u t as l a b o u r u n i t s , a n d w h i c h m a d e it a c r i m e f o r w o m e n t o l i v e w i t h their h u s b a n d s . N o o t h e r c o u n t r y in the w o r l d used the l a w quite so systematically to control the lives o f those w h o lived w i t h i n it. I n n o o t h e r s o c i e t y d i d s o m a n y p e o p l e feel s o d e m e a n e d b y the structures o f racism. M o r e and m o r e , in the years after the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , S o u t h Africa b e c a m e the ' b e l o v e d outcast ' ; an extreme manifestation o f all t h a t o t h e r s o c i e t i e s f e a r e d a n d r e j e c t e d a b o u t t h e m s e l v e s . A B r i t i s h t e l e v i s i o n film o f t h e N a z i c o n c e n t r a t i o n c a m p s s h o c k e d t h o s e w h o s a w it n o t l e a s t b e c a u s e o f t h e w a y i n w h i c h , i n t h e hands o f a S o u t h African script writer,

1

it s h o w e d h o w o r d i n a r y

m e n and w o m e n c o u l d b e c o m e c a u g h t u p in the perpetration o f a b a r b a r i s m that w a s b e y o n d belief. Similarly in S o u t h A f r i c a the very normality

o f people seemed

to

blind

them

to the

evil

c o n s e q u e n c e s o f structures t h e y h a d built u p in p u r s u i t o f a g o a l w h i c h placed self-preservation, g r o u p security and

prosperity

before love o f neighbour. T h e t r o u b l e d sub-continent in the m i d - 1 9 7 0 s s e e m e d to

be

m o v i n g i n e x o r a b l y t o w a r d s m a s s i v e c o n f l i c t as t h o s e e x c l u d e d , not only from political p o w e r but increasingly from citizenship itself, s o u g h t m i l i t a r y s u p p o r t t o h e l p t h e m b r e a k l o o s e f r o m t h e oppression w h i c h gripped them. South Africa, proclaimed one o f its g e n e r a l s i n 1 9 7 7 , w a s at w a r . B u t t h e

firing

line did n o t lie,

as t h e g e n e r a l s t h o u g h t , a l o n g t h e n a t i o n a l b o u n d a r i e s o f t h e r e g i o n . T h e truth w a s e v e n m o r e painful than that. A s Saint2

E x u p é r y h a s p o i n t e d o u t i n a d i f f e r e n t c o n t e x t , t h e firing l i n e w a s i n v i s i b l e : it p a s s e d t h r o u g h t h e h e a r t s o f t h e p e o p l e . F o r it w a s civil war. 1

C h a r l e s B l o o m b e r g in t h e T h a m e s T e l e v i s i o n s e r i e s , The world at war, p r o d u c e d by J e r e m y Isaacs. 2

A n t o i n e d e S a i n t - E x u p é r y , Wind, sand and stars ( H a r m o n d s w o r t h , 1966), 145.

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CHAPTER 7

ENGLISH-SPEAKING WEST AFRICA

Can the English-speaking countries o f W e s t Africa - Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra L e o n e , Liberia and the G a m b i a - be considered as a separate g r o u p ? A p a r t from Sierra L e o n e and Liberia they are not contiguous and might seem t o have little in c o m m o n other than their imported official l a n g u a g e ; e v e n this has very different status a m o n g different g r o u p s in each country. F o r the Creoles o f Sierra L e o n e and Liberians o f A m e r i c a n descent it is their native language; for the Hausa-speaking peoples o f Northern N i g e r i a it takes second place to their o w n language, reduced to writing l o n g before the advent o f the British. T h e impact o f colonial rule by Britain on its West African colonies was uneven. F o r some g r o u p s , in particular the coastal communities under British rule for o v e r a century, it deeply affected their culture and g a v e them strong links w i t h others similarly affected elsewhere in W e s t Africa. E v e n for A m e r i c o Liberians that British connexion was important because o f their religious and educational links with F r e e t o w n . T h e real founder o f Nigerian political journalism in the 1890s, for instance, was John Payne Jackson, an A m e r i c o - L i b e r i a n . T h e n u m b e r affected by such links, h o w e v e r , was tiny. A n d in all five countries there have been ' t w o n a t i o n s ' : small coastal communities with l o n g connexions with Britain or, in the case o f Liberia, A m e r i c a , and much larger communities w h i c h came under British rule only at the turn o f the century. Politically the d e v e l o p m e n t o f the territories after independence showed marked divergencies. T h e G a m b i a remained a multi-party democracy. G h a n a experienced one-party civilian dictatorship, multi-party democracy, ' d o m i n a n t p a r t y ' rule, and military government. Sierra L e o n e had multi-party, and t w o versions o f one-party, rule, as well as a military regime. Nigeria experienced a period o f turbulent multi-party g o v e r n m e n t , f o l l o w e d b y 13 years o f military rule, and then an American-type presidential government. Liberia m o v e d from personal, if benign, autocracy 53i

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to a liberal f o r m o f one-party rule, and then to military rule. T h e r e w a s n o u n a n i m i t y in f o r e i g n p o l i c y , and there w a s s o m e t i m e s d e e p e n m i t y b e t w e e n t h e s e c o u n t r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y in N k r u m a h ' s d a y . T h e interterritorial organisations for currency, research, airways and parallel functions o n c e established for the four British colonies w e r e dismantled, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f the W e s t African E x a m i n a t i o n s C o u n c i l , w h i c h L i b e r i a joined in 1969. T r a d e b e t w e e n t h e c o u n t r i e s c o n t i n u e d t o b e as i n s i g n i f i c a n t as it h a d b e e n i n t h e c o l o n i a l e r a . T h e g r e a t B r i t i s h firms, s u c h as t h e U n i t e d A f r i c a C o m p a n y o r P a t e r s o n Z o c h o n i s , w h i c h w e r e h o u s e h o l d n a m e s i n all o f t h e m , i n c l u d i n g L i b e r i a , l o s t t h e i r c o m m e r c i a l d o m i n a n c e . A f t e r i n d e p e n d e n c e , m o v e m e n t o f staff b y t h e s e firms b e t w e e n t h e t e r r i t o r i e s c e a s e d , a l t h o u g h m o v e ­ m e n t o f individual citizens, including traders, continued o n a c o n s i d e r a b l e scale. Y e t , a p a r t f r o m h i s t o r i c a l c o n v e n i e n c e , t h e r e is still r e a s o n t o treat t h e s e c o u n t r i e s as a g r o u p . I n a s e n s e t h e m e r g i n g o f t h e * t w o n a t i o n s ' in each c o u n t r y m e a n t the m o v e m e n t inland f r o m the c o a s t o f m a n y o f t h e e x t e r n a l i n f l u e n c e s w h i c h t h e five c o u n t r i e s shared. T h e national legal systems had a c o m m o n o r i g i n and theor­ etical attachment t o the rule o f l a w c o n t i n u e d t o be s t r o n g . T h e i r universities had strong links. T h e i r administrative, police and military practices remained similar. A sense o f a shared political p a s t p e r s i s t e d . N a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s b e g a n s o o n e r in t h e a n g l o p h o n e than in the f r a n c o p h o n e c o u n t r i e s and there w e r e a l w a y s s t r o n g links b e t w e e n the politicians o f the British colonies. D r A z i k i w e , f o r e x a m p l e , first m a d e h i s n a m e i n t h e G o l d C o a s t . T h e r e l i n g e r e d in a n g l o p h o n e c o u n t r i e s the v i e w n o t o n l y that s o m e f r a n c o p h o n e countries w e r e n o t really i n d e p e n d e n t o f F r a n c e but that their leaders did n o t w a n t t h e m to be. T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f this political d i v i s i o n d i m i n i s h e d r a p i d l y b u t it s u r v i v e d i n t o t h e late 1 9 7 0 s . A l t h o u g h t h e C o m m o n w e a l t h c o n n e x i o n h a d less a n d less t o d o w i t h p o l i t i c s , it r e m a i n e d i m p o r t a n t in t h e fields o f e d u c a t i o n a n d t e c h n i c a l a s s i s t a n c e . It b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r c o u n t l e s s W e s t A f r i c a n s in o r g a n i s a t i o n s o f m a n y k i n d s , s o m e n o n - g o v e r n m e n t a l . A b o v e all t h e E n g l i s h l a n g u a g e itself, still little c h a l l e n g e d as t h e language o f g o v e r n m e n t , law, higher education and b i g business, w a s n o t o n l y r e g a r d e d as a u n i f y i n g f o r c e i n s i d e e a c h c o u n t r y b u t f a c i l i t a t e d c o o p e r a t i o n a m o n g a n g l o p h o n e A f r i c a n s . It l i n k e d

33

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them to a cultural system t o w h i c h they themselves w e r e m a k i n g a significant

contribution.

A l l t h i s m a y b e said t o h a v e affected o n l y t h e é l i t e s a n d t o b e a

dwindling

imperial

legacy.

T o the politicians

it

certainly

m a t t e r e d less t h a n w i d e r A f r i c a n l i n k s a n d in n o w a y w e a k e n e d these. B u t for an u n d e r s t a n d i n g

o f the recent history o f these

countries a k n o w l e d g e o f the a n g l o p h o n e links remains necessary, e v e n i f L i b e r i a is a s p e c i a l c a s e .

THE

No

I M P A C T

O F T H E S E C O N D

W O R L D W A R

l e a d i n g n a t i o n a l i s t in E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g W e s t A f r i c a c l a i m e d

that the 1939-45 w a r significantly c h a n g e d his political o u t l o o k , though

many

testified

invasion o f Ethiopia

t o t h e effect

on them

o f Mussolini's

in 1 9 3 5 . I n h i s a u t o b i o g r a p h y ,

Kw'ame

N k r u m a h hardly mentions the 1939-45 war, during most o f w h i c h h e w a s i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , w h i l e C h i e f A w o l o w o , w h o w a s in L o n d o n in t h e w a r y e a r s , g i v e s it o n l y p a s s i n g m e n t i o n i n h i s p o l i t i c a l m a n i f e s t o , Path to Nigerian freedom, p u b l i s h e d i n 1 9 4 7 .

1

A l t h o u g h D r N n a m d i A z i k i w e constantly stressed the need for Britain t o declare w a r aims for the future o f the c o l o n i e s a n d later deplored Britain's lack o f gratitude to her colonial subjects w h o had helped her w i n the w a r , his o w n political p h i l o s o p h y h a d b e e n f o r m e d l o n g b e f o r e , as h i s Renascent Africa, shows.

2

p u b l i s h e d in 1 9 3 7 ,

T h e same w a s true o f the Sierra L e o n e a n

nationalist

l e a d e r , I. T . A . W a l l a c e - J o h n s o n , w h o s e p r e v i o u s r a d i c a l i s m a n d trade-union activity s o alarmed the Sierra L e o n e g o v e r n m e n t that he w a s interned for m u c h o f the w a r . Is it t h e n m i s t a k e n t o s e e t h e 1 9 3 9 - 4 5 w a r as a w a t e r s h e d i n t h e h i s t o r y o f W e s t A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s m ? T h e a n s w e r is t h a t t h e war

did n o t create, b u t stimulated

and g a v e scope to, forces

a l r e a d y at p l a y . S u p e r f i c i a l l y , h o w e v e r , p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n B r i t i s h W e s t A f r i c a o n t h e e v e o f t h e w a r w a s still c o n c e r n e d w i t h ' t h e i d e a l s o f e a r l y V i c t o r i a n r a d i c a l i s m ' as L o r d H a i l e y p u t i t .

3

Thus

the N i g e r i a n Y o u t h M o v e m e n t , w h o s e leaders w e r e n o t v e r y y o u n g , d e m a n d e d r e f o r m b u t n o t s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t at its c o n f e r 1

O b a f e m i A w o l o w o , Path to Nigerian freedom ( L o n d o n , 1947), 2 7 - 8 , 36.

2

N n a m d i A z i k i w e , Renascent Africa ( A c c r a , 1937, r e p r . L o n d o n , 1968).

3

Journal of the Royal African Society, A p r i l 1937, 36, 140-1.

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e n c e i n L a g o s i n 1 9 4 0 . I n t h e G o l d C o a s t , p o l i t i c s w a s as m u c h c o n c e r n e d w i t h r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n c h i e f s a n d c o m m o n e r s as b e t w e e n the country and the colonial p o w e r . T h e o n l y funda­ mental critiques o f the colonial system in pre-war British W e s t Africa had c o m e f r o m A z i k i w e a n d W a l l a c e - J o h n s o n jointly in t h e G o l d C o a s t , a n d s e p a r a t e l y in t h e i r o w n c o u n t r i e s . B u t as Y a w T w u m a s i a n d others h a v e s h o w n , the urban and rural discontent o n w h i c h A z i k i w e a n d , after t h e i r r e t u r n , b o t h A w o l o w o a n d N k r u m a h w e r e a b l e t o d r a w in f o r m i n g p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s w i t h m a s s b a c k i n g and d e m a n d i n g s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t h a d their roots in p r e - w a r c o n d i t i o n s , w h i c h w e r e exacerbated b y w a r t i m e inflation a n d r e s t r i c t i o n s . T h i s d i s c o n t e n t h a d b e e n m a n i f e s t e d in t h e G o l d C o a s t c o c o a h o l d - u p o f 1938 against the ' p o o l ' c o n t r o l l e d b y e x p a t r i a t e firms. T h e s i m i l a r h o l d - u p i n W e s t e r n N i g e r i a w a s less effective. 1

O n t h e e v e o f t h e w a r A f r i c a n s in all f o u r B r i t i s h W e s t A f r i c a n territories w e r e a l o n g w a y from the s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t d e m a n d e d by Wallace-Johnson and A z i k i w e . In Nigeria the northern prov­ inces did n o t e v e n c o m e within the c o m p e t e n c e o f the Legislative C o u n c i l . N o N i g e r i a n sat o n t h e E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l . T h e L e g i s ­ l a t i v e C o u n c i l h a d a m a j o r i t y o f officials, a n d o f t h e A f r i c a n m e m b e r s o n l y four w e r e elected, and then o n a restricted franchise. O n l y four N i g e r i a n s o c c u p i e d senior posts in the administrative service, t h o u g h others held senior a p p o i n t m e n t s in the judicial a n d medical services. In the G o l d C o a s t there w e r e o n l y three elected m e m b e r s o f the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l , w h i c h c o u l d n o t legislate for A s a n t e and the N o r t h e r n Territories n o r for British T o g o l a n d , w h i c h , a l t h o u g h it w a s u n d e r L e a g u e o f N a t i o n s m a n d a t e , w a s a d m i n i s t e r e d as p a r t o f t h e G o l d C o a s t . I n S i e r r a L e o n e , t o o , there w e r e only three elected African m e m b e r s o f the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l , w h i c h h a d a n official m a j o r i t y . N o A f r i c a n s sat o n t h e E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l . I n t h e G a m b i a p o l i t i c s w e r e c o n f i n e d t o B a t h u r s t ( B a n j u l ) m u n i c i p a l offices. 2

I n all f o u r c o l o n i e s t h e o u t b r e a k o f w a r p r o d u c e d p r o t e s t a t i o n s o f loyalty from many quarters. T h o u s a n d s volunteered for the f o r c e s . M o n e y w a s r a i s e d f o r w a r c h a r i t i e s , p r a y e r s w e r e offered for an A l l i e d v i c t o r y . E d u c a t e d W e s t A f r i c a n s realised w h a t a N a z i 1

S e e , f o r e x a m p l e , G . O . O l u s a n y a , The Second World War and politics in Nigeria 19)9-19J3 ( L o n d o n , 1973), 63-6. T h e G o v e r n o r o f the G o l d Coast did, h o w e v e r , c o m m o n l y apply laws passed b y the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l t o the w h o l e c o u n t r y . 2

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THE

S E C O N D

W O R L D W A R

t r i u m p h m i g h t m e a n for t h e m . O n l y in N i g e r i a , a n d there, until t h e N C N C w a s f o u n d e d , l a r g e l y t h r o u g h The West African Pilot, w e r e the British constantly and sometimes bitterly reminded that Africans, t o o , expected s o m e political rewards for their w a r s e r v i c e s . The West African Pilot w e l c o m e d t h e A t l a n t i c C h a r t e r i n 1941, a n d attacked C h u r c h i l l for his e x c l u s i o n o f the c o l o n i e s from its a m b i t . A few concessions were, however, made to African demands for a greater share in their g o v e r n m e n t . I n 1942 t w o A f r i c a n members were appointed to the G o l d Coast E x e c u t i v e Council, o n e o f t h e m a chief, N a n a Sir O f o r i A t t a , t h u s c o n t i n u i n g British policy, strongly criticised b y the intelligentsia, o f placing h e a v y r e l i a n c e o n t h e c h i e f s as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e p e o p l e . I n 1943 t w o Nigerians were nominated to the Nigerian E x e c u t i v e Council. In 1943 S i e r r a L e o n e a n s w e r e a l s o a p p o i n t e d t o t h a t c o u n t r y ' s Executive Council. T h e appointment o f t w o G o l d Coasters, A . L . A d u a n d K . A . B u s i a , as d i s t r i c t c o m m i s s i o n e r s i n 1 9 4 2 w a s h a i l e d as a m a j o r b r e a k t h r o u g h . G o l d C o a s t e r s h a d h e l d s u c h p o s t s i n t h e 1 8 9 0 s ; b u t s i n c e 1 9 0 0 field a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n a l l f o u r colonies had been the exclusive preserve o f the British. These modest constitutional advances t o o k place against a b a c k g r o u n d o f rapid e c o n o m i c a n d social c h a n g e . D u r i n g the w a r the British W e s t A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s b e c a m e m o r e c l o s e l y integrated w i t h the British e c o n o m y than e v e r before. F r o m 1942 a senior British cabinet minister w a s based in A c c r a t o co-ordinate the c o l o n i e s ' w a r effort. F o r t h e first t i m e t h e c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s seriously c o n c e r n e d t h e m s e l v e s w i t h m a x i m i s i n g p r o d u c t i o n in all fields. F o r e x a m p l e , 1 8 0 0 0 l a b o u r e r s w e r e f o r c e d t o w o r k i n t h e m i n e s i n N i g e r i a , a n official m a r k e t i n g - b o a r d s y s t e m f o r e x p o r t crops w a s established, and production drives w e r e launched. A s Peter B a u e r puts it: 'leaflets w e r e d r o p p e d f r o m aeroplanes t o explain t o w o m e n and children c r a c k i n g p a l m kernels in the r e m o t e A f r i c a n b u s h o r g r o w i n g g r o u n d n u t s in the arid semidesert s o u t h o f the Sahara, that their p r o d u c e w a s u r g e n t l y required in the w a r for f r e e d o m ' . 1

State intervention, h o w e v e r , strengthened the position o f e x p a t r i a t e firms, s i n c e it w a s e a s i e r t o o p e r a t e c o n t r o l s t h r o u g h t h e m than t h r o u g h the rising class o f A f r i c a n entrepreneurs a n d s m a l l t r a d e r s , w h o w e r e t h u s a l i e n a t e d a n d b e c a m e after t h e w a r a main source o f nationalist support. T h e controls placed b y the 1

P . T . B a u e r , West African trade ( L o n d o n , 1954), 252.

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colonial g o v e r n m e n t s on prices paid to primary producers,

the

rapid inflation arising f r o m s h o r t a g e s o f i m p o r t s and the increase in t h e n u m b e r o f p e o p l e

flocking

into the t o w n s s e e k i n g w o r k

in t h e n e w i n d u s t r i e s a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n p r o j e c t s r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e war

effort

added

fuel

to

the

nationalist

fire.

There

was

multiplication o f trade u n i o n s w h i c h w e r e to p r o v e in b o t h G o l d C o a s t and N i g e r i a i m p o r t a n t supporters o f the

a the

nationalist

cause. In 1945, before the w a r ' s end, N i g e r i a experienced a 44-day general strike against the cost o f l i v i n g . T h e w a r a l s o e n c o u r a g e d l o c a l s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y n o t o n l y in f o o d but

in s u c h i t e m s as f u r n i t u r e a n d

soap - the possibilities o f

p r o d u c i n g t h e s e l o c a l l y i m p r e s s e d n a t i o n a l i s t s . It a l s o m e a n t a c o n s t r u c t i o n b o o m in s o m e a r e a s , a n d s i g n i f i c a n t

improvements

i n c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , n o t a b l y a i r f i e l d s , b u i l t a n d e x p a n d e d i n all f o u r c o l o n i e s , a n d in L i b e r i a , as R A F a n d A m e r i c a n s t a g i n g p o s t s ( t h e p r e s e n c e o f s o m e 5000 w e l l - p a i d U S s o l d i e r s , m a n y b l a c k , in L i b e r i a is s a i d t o h a v e h a d a ' m a r k e d i m p a c t ' o n ' t r i b a l ' p e o p l e , still s e c o n d - c l a s s c i t i z e n s t h e r e ) .

1

F o r t h e first t i m e t h e

Sierra

L e o n e C o l o n y w a s connected w i t h the Protectorate by a m o t o r a b l e road. Parallel w i t h the cautious constitutional a d v a n c e s , the British g o v e r n m e n t also i n t r o d u c e d the 1940 U K C o l o n i a l D e v e l o p m e n t and Welfare A c t expressing the c o n c e p t , h o w e v e r feebly, o f the duty

of

colonial

powers

to

promote

economic

and

social

d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e i r c o l o n i e s . A l t h o u g h it o w e d its o r i g i n p a r t l y t o c o n c e r n a b o u t c o n d i t i o n s in t h e C a r i b b e a n , its i n t r o d u c t i o n a l s o o w e d m u c h t o w a r t i m e s e n t i m e n t , a n d it i n s i s t e d o n

trade-union

f r e e d o m i n affected c o l o n i e s . A major c o n t r i b u t i o n o f the British W e s t A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s to t h e w a r effort w a s t h e p r o v i s i o n o f t r o o p s a n d c a r r i e r s . A t t h e war's end majority

W e s t African forces numbered

o f w h o m had volunteered

conscripted - against

some

150000-the

for service and

were

8000 at its b e g i n n i n g . T h e y h a d

not

fought

E u r o p e a n s a n d h e l p e d t o l i q u i d a t e a c o l o n i a l e m p i r e in E t h i o p i a , fighting beside white South Africans. O v e r half w e n t to India and distinguished served

t h e m s e l v e s a g a i n s t t h e J a p a n e s e in B u r m a ;

as P i o n e e r s

in

the

Middle

East.

A

few, most

they Sierra

L e o n e a n s , o b t a i n e d c o m m i s s i o n s in the R o y a l A i r F o r c e , b u t w i t h o n e o r t w o e x c e p t i o n s all W e s t A f r i c a n s o l d i e r s , m o s t i l l i t e r a t e , 1

J. G . L i e b e n o w , Liberia: the evolution of privilege ( I t h a c a , 1969), 7 7 - 8 .

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S E C O N D

W O R L D

W A R

w e r e c o m m a n d e d b y British officers. D e s p i t e the fact that A f r i c a n rates o f p a y w e r e m u c h l o w e r than t h o s e o f the B r i t i s h , b r o u g h t cash to s o m e subsistence e c o n o m y areas and

they

compared

f a v o u r a b l y w i t h civilian rates. A r m y technical training also offered n e w o p p o r t u n i t i e s . T h e contrast b e t w e e n p a y and p r o s p e c t s in the a r m y a n d c i v i l i a n life l e d e x - s e r v i c e m e n t o l o o k f o r r e d r e s s t o t h e post-war

politicians, most

contributed

notably

proportionately

far

in the

more

G o l d Coast,

to

the

forces

which

than

did

N i g e r i a . B u t w h i l e in the G o l d C o a s t e x - s e r v i c e m e n w e r e p r o m i ­ n e n t i n t h e 1948 A c c r a d i s t u r b a n c e s , i n N i g e r i a t h e m a j o r i t y c a m e f r o m the n o r t h and those in the s o u t h dissipated their in s p l i n t e r Few

influence

organisations.

ex-servicemen

became

political

leaders - M o k w u g o

O k o y e , l e a d e r o f N i g e r i a ' s Z i k i s t m o v e m e n t , is o n e e x c e p t i o n a n d t h e first g e n e r a t i o n o f a n g l o p h o n e A f r i c a n m i n i s t e r s

-

were

n o t a b l y i g n o r a n t o f m i l i t a r y m a t t e r s . N o r is it p o s s i b l e a c c u r a t e l y t o assess

the

political influence

o f their

service overseas

ex-soldiers. F r o m limited personal experience o f serving W e s t A f r i c a n s in E t h i o p i a ,

I could not

g o as far as

on with

Gabriel

Olusanya, w h o declared, ' soldiers w h o w e n t to w a r came back as n e w m e n w i t h n e w i d e a s ' .

1

W a r was primarily a matter o f

s u r v i v a l ; r e l a t i v e l y f e w s o l d i e r s f r o m a n y n a t i o n c a n h a v e s e e n it as a n i n t e l l e c t u a l l y l i b e r a t i n g e x p e r i e n c e o f p e r m a n e n t v a l u e . Y e t a w i d e r e x p e r i e n c e and p e r s p e c t i v e had b e e n g a i n e d , and i f this s e e m e d r a t h e r u n d r a m a t i c at a n i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , c o l l e c t i v e l y it contributed

to

a critical e v a l u a t i o n

o f the

post-war

colonial

situation. T h e c i v i l i a n s , t o o , w e r e n o less c o n s c i o u s o f t h e d i s a s t e r s

to

British arms than w e r e the soldiers. B u t there w a s n o land fighting in W e s t A f r i c a

although

after

their

success in the

Ethiopian

campaign o f 1 9 4 0 - 1 , W e s t African units temporarily

returned

h o m e to guard against possible attacks from the V i c h y - c o n t r o l l e d F r e n c h c o l o n i e s . Y e t t h e d o u b l y artificial d i v i s i o n b e t w e e n

the

francophone and a n g l o p h o n e countries resulting from the adher­ ence to V i c h y o f the F r e n c h c o l o n i a l authorities - in m a n y cases, p u t t i n g p e o p l e o f the s a m e ethnic g r o u p o n different a

world

conflict - must

have

bewildered

and

Africans, including some technically ' V i c h y '

angered subjects

in the British forces. 1

Olusanya, The Second

World War,

sides in

97.

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many serving

E N G L I S H - S P E A K I N G

W E S T

A F R I C A

O n e g r o u p o f W e s t Africans was politically active throughout t h e w a r : t h e s t u d e n t s a b r o a d , o f w h o m b y 1945 t h e r e w e r e s o m e 1 5 0 in B r i t a i n a n d s o m e 30 in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . T h e W e s t A f r i c a n S t u d e n t s U n i o n ( W A S U ) in L o n d o n c o n s t a n t l y r a i s e d A f r i c a n problems,

including

the

need

for

substantial

constitutional

change, w i t h British ministers and M P s . T h e corresponding b o d y in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , i n c l u d e d m a n y , p a r t i c u l a r l y I b o s , w h o w e r e t o b e c o m e n a t i o n a l i s t l e a d e r s . B u t in t h e i r c a s e it w a s c o n t a c t w i t h new

concepts

and

systems

rather than

the

war

itself w h i c h

p r o b a b l y had the greater influence.

D E C O L O N I S A T I O N

E v e n after t h e w a r f e w i n W e s t m i n s t e r o r W h i t e h a l l c o u l d f o r e s e e i n d e p e n d e n c e , e v e n f o r W e s t A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s , w i t h i n 20 y e a r s . But some L a b o u r M P s could reconcile democracy and

adult

s u f f r a g e at h o m e w i t h c o l o n i a l r u l e a b r o a d , o n l y b e c a u s e t h a t r u l e w a s s e e n as a t e m p o r a r y t r u s t e e s h i p . It is a L a b o u r P a r t y m y t h , h o w e v e r , that the A f r i c a n colonies reached i n d e p e n d e n c e Labour

rule. O n l y the

Gambia became independent

under

under

a

L a b o u r g o v e r n m e n t , a n d it w a s t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e I a n M a c L e o d w h o s h o w e d the greatest enthusiasm for A f r i c a n s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t . T h e H i g h T o r y Oliver Lyttelton not only found himself urging an apparently c o m p l a c e n t K w a m e N k r u m a h to speed u p

prep­

arations for independence, but also established a close personal r a p p o r t w i t h N i g e r i a n p o l i t i c i a n s at t h e c o n f e r e n c e s t h a t p a v e d t h e w a y f o r N i g e r i a n i n d e p e n d e n c e . Y e t , as A . P . T h o r n t o n

put

it,

on both sides of the House of Commons more attitudes were being struck than principles expressed. Radicals read up on what radicals had been wont to say about the British Empire and said it again... but, remembering their responsibilities, said it in muted tones. Tories continued to strike the imperial note every so often, but more in nostalgia than from conviction. 1

T h e c h a n g e in w o r l d forces and Britain's w e a k n e s s h a d t a k e n the s t e a m o u t o f B r i t i s h i m p e r i a l i s m b y 1 9 4 5 . A d o o r w a s ajar i n W e s t A f r i c a w h i c h n e e d e d o n l y firm p u s h i n g t o o p e n . In n o case w a s independence result

i n C o m m o n w e a l t h W e s t A f r i c a a c h i e v e d as

o f violent

struggle,

even

if the

deaths

following

the the

e x - s e r v i c e m e n ' s d e m o n s t r a t i o n in A c c r a in 1 9 4 8 a n d t h e s h o o t i n g 1

A . P . T h o r n t o n , The imperial idea and its enemies ( L o n d o n , 1975), 332.

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o f 29 m i n e r s b y t h e p o l i c e d u r i n g d i s t u r b a n c e s i n E a s t e r n N i g e r i a in 1949 e n c o u r a g e d political m i l i t a n c y , c o n t r i b u t e d to nationalist resentment, and p r o v i d e d p o w e r f u l m y t h s . It w a s p e r s o n a l e q u a l i t y a n d p a r t i c i p a t i o n in g o v e r n m e n t s e r v i c e , in c o m m e r c e , a n d in e d u c a t i o n w h i c h W e s t A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s t s h a d first d e m a n d e d , a l o n g w i t h t h e r e d r e s s o f s p e c i f i c g r i e v a n c e s . S u c h e q u a l i t y , it b e c a m e c l e a r t o e d u c a t e d A f r i c a n s , w a s a l w a y s uncertain under colonial rule. S o the d e m a n d for s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t - a m o r e a c c u r a t e t e r m t h a n i n d e p e n d e n c e at this s t a g e - g r e w in t h e m i d - 1 9 4 0 s , at least i n t h e G o l d C o a s t a n d Nigeria. E v e n those w h o c o n c e d e d that the British had n o t been o p p r e s s i v e felt t h a t r u l e b y w h i t e m e n w a s h u m i l i a t i n g , a n d t h a t E u r o p e a n s c o u l d n e v e r prefer A f r i c a n o v e r imperial interests. T h e i m p e t u s for W e s t A f r i c a n i n d e p e n d e n c e w a s , in this w o r t h y sense, racial. T h e n a t i o n a l i s t s , u n l i k e t h o s e o f E u r o p e o r m u c h o f A s i a , c o u l d n o t s e e k t o r e c r e a t e a P o l a n d o r a B u r m a , o r in g e n e r a l appeal to past polities. T h e y d e m a n d e d , instead, the right to rule t h e m s e l v e s i n t h e artificial u n i t s i n t o w h i c h E u r o p e h a d p u t t h e m . T h e y n o longer s o u g h t independence for ancient K a n o or A s a n t e , or e v e n for the Y o r u b a o r the W o l o f o r any o f the W e s t A f r i c a n peoples n u m e r o u s e n o u g h to deserve the n a m e o f nation. A l t h o u g h the d e m a n d for s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t b e c a m e increasingly v o c i f e r o u s a n d i n t h e e n d , i r r e s i s t i b l e , i n all c a s e s i n B r i t i s h W e s t Africa independence f o l l o w e d p r o l o n g e d negotiations and careful, t h o u g h always inadequate, preparation. T h e r e were no European settlers a n d t h e r e w e r e n o s t r a t e g i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n s t o e n c o u r a g e British resistance to the d e m a n d , w h i c h , h o w e v e r , w a s n e v e r u n i v e r s a l a n d w a s o p p o s e d b y i n f l u e n t i a l l o c a l g r o u p s in all f o u r countries except, until the e v e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e , the G o l d C o a s t . In the G a m b i a , earlier c o n s i d e r e d e v e n b y G a m b i a n politicians t o be t o o small to b e self-sufficient, there w a s n o d e m a n d for i n d e p e n d e n c e until the early 1960s. T h e N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f the C o l o n y o f Sierra L e o n e o p p o s e d e v e n the representation o f the Protectorate, the greater part o f the c o u n t r y , in the legislature, w h i l e the Sierra L e o n e P e o p l e ' s Party, w h i c h w a s to take Sierra L e o r i e t o i n d e p e n d e n c e i n 1 9 6 1 , a r o s e in t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e l a r g e l y as a r e a c t i o n t o t h i s c o n t e m p t u o u s C r e o l e a t t i t u d e . I n N i g e r i a t h e N o r t h e r n P e o p l e ' s C o n g r e s s ( N P C ) , w h i c h in 1950 b e c a m e a political alliance b e t w e e n traditional forces and the majority o f t h e , still v e r y f e w , w e s t e r n - e d u c a t e d p e o p l e i n t h e N o r t h e r n

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Region, was concerned not with independence but with protecting n o r t h e r n i n t e r e s t s f r o m t h e p o l i t i c a l p r e s u m p t i o n s , as t h e N P C leaders saw them, o f southern politicians. T h e nationalist leaders w h o s l o w l y m o v e d to d e m a n d ' r e q u e s t ' is a b e t t e r w o r d i n m o s t c a s e s - i n d e p e n d e n c e w e r e i n n o case either p r o m p t e d b y outside forces or intent o n internal social r e v o l u t i o n . Indeed the c o n v e r s i o n o f the N P C to the cause o f i n d e p e n d e n c e w a s s e e n b y s o m e as r e f l e c t i n g t h e v i e w s o f t h o s e t r a d i t i o n a l f o r c e s w h i c h t h o u g h t t h a t B r i t i s h officials w e r e n o w c o m m i t t e d to policies w h i c h c o u l d only erode traditional p o w e r . T h e y felt t h e y s h o u l d t h e r e f o r e s u p p o r t a n i n d e p e n d e n c e u n d e r w h i c h a party o f w h i c h they c o u l d a p p r o v e w o u l d h o l d the reins. T h e parties w h i c h t o o k the G a m b i a , Sierra L e o n e and N i g e r i a t o i n d e p e n d e n c e w e r e all c o a l i t i o n s , e m b r a c i n g a v a r i e t y o f v i e w p o i n t s . B u t the d o m i n a n t elements w e r e moderate, and sometimes conservative, closely connected w i t h b o u r g e o i s fam­ ilies, o r w i t h chiefly h o u s e s . W i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f S i a k a S t e v e n s in Sierra L e o n e n o n e o f the leaders had a base a m o n g the s l o w l y g r o w i n g trade unions. T h e y s o u g h t a transfer o f political p o w e r , not the transformation o f society. T o the extent that e c o n o m i c p o w e r h a d n o t b e e n m o d i f i e d b y i n s t i t u t i o n s s u c h as t h e m a r k e t i n g b o a r d s set u p b y t h e c o l o n i a l g o v e r n m e n t , t h e y w e r e c o n t e n t , at first at l e a s t , t o a l l o w it t o r e m a i n u n d i s t u r b e d i n t h e h a n d s o f overseas companies and market forces, while seeking greater opportunities for local businessmen. T h e G o l d C o a s t w a s g e n e r a l l y t h o u g h t , at l e a s t b y w e s t e r n o b s e r v e r s , t o b e different. B u t the R u s s i a n s , b e f o r e adjusting their sights to suit their international interests, originally, and f r o m their p o i n t o f v i e w r i g h t l y , r e f e r r e d t o a n d r e j e c t e d all t h e W e s t A f r i c a n l e a d e r s as ' b o u r g e o i s - n a t i o n a l i s t s ' ; a n d at first t h e y i n c l u d e d K w a m e N k r u m a h in this d e s p i s e d c a t e g o r y . F o r e v e n his C o n ­ v e n t i o n P e o p l e ' s P a r t y ( C P P ) , as its 1 9 5 1 e l e c t i o n m a n i f e s t o s h o w e d i n its s e c t i o n o n h i r e - p u r c h a s e , c o u l d b e m o r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h protecting traders than their customers and w a s c o n c e r n e d with consumers and with expanding African entrepreneurship rather than w i t h the rights o f w o r k e r s and peasants. A l t h o u g h r e f l e c t i n g real p o p u l a r f e e l i n g , r i g h t e o u s r e s e n t m e n t o v e r racialism, and a c o n v i c t i o n that o n l y Africans c o u l d m a k e just decisions a b o u t the use o f A f r i c a n resources, the parties to w h i c h B r i t a i n ' s i m p e r i a l p o w e r w a s transferred w e r e parties in 340

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w h o s e d e l i b e r a t i o n s t h e r i c h a n d i n f l u e n t i a l - a n d , it m u s t b e e m p h a s i s e d , the e d u c a t e d - p r e d o m i n a t e d a n d w h i c h w e r e in g e n e r a l financially s u p p o r t e d b y i n d i g e n o u s c o m m e r c i a l i n t e r e s t s rather than b y the p e o p l e ' s p e n n i e s . In this, if n o t a l w a y s in their a p p r o a c h t o e x t e r n a l affairs o r t o t h e p l a c e o f f o r e i g n e n t e r p r i s e in t h e i r e c o n o m i e s , t h e r e w a s a s i g n i f i c a n t s i m i l a r i t y b e t w e e n t h e G a m b i a ' s P e o p l e ' s C o n g r e s s Party ( P C P ) , the Sierra L e o n e People's Party ( S L P P ) , and Nigeria's National Council o f Nigeria a n d t h e C a m e r o o n s (later t h e N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f N i g e r i a n Citizens, N C N C ) , the A c t i o n G r o u p , and the N o r t h e r n P e o p l e ' s Congress ( N P C ) . N o r were there signs, outside Nigeria's N o r t h e r n R e g i o n , o f radical o p p o s i t i o n to these t r i u m p h a n t organisations, all o f w h i c h first c a m e t o p o w e r t h r o u g h e l e c t i o n s - e v e n i f s o m e t i m e s restricted o r indirect - c o n d u c t e d b y British officers.

The Gold Coast

6

i94 ~J7

I n 1 9 4 6 , t h e G o l d C o a s t w a s still c o n s i d e r e d B r i t a i n ' s ' m o d e l c o l o n y ' in A f r i c a . T h e n e w c o n s t i t u t i o n , i n t r o d u c e d b y the G o v e r n o r , Sir A l a n B u r n s , p r o v i d e d for an A f r i c a n majority, largely indirectly elected, in the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l . T h e chiefs, t h o u g h o f t e n i n s e r i o u s c o n f l i c t w i t h t h e i r p e o p l e s , w e r e still s e e n b y t h e B r i t i s h as t h e p e o p l e ' s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a n d as p o w e r f u l p a r t n e r s o f t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . T h e g r e a t e s t o f t h e m t h e asantehene o f A s a n t e , c a m e t o A c c r a t o s h o w h i s s u p p o r t f o r t h e n e w c o n s t i t u t i o n . B r i t i s h officers still i n i t i a t e d p o l i c y ; b u t a h e a d t h e r e seemed to stretch a peaceful road to a distant independence p e r h a p s i n 15 y e a r s ' t i m e . T h i s w a s a s o r t o f d a t e t h e L a b o u r C o l o n i a l Secretary, A r t h u r C r e e c h - J o n e s , o r an influential C o l o n i a l Office civil s e r v a n t like A n d r e w C o h e n h a d in m i n d . I m p r o v i n g infrastructure and a b o o m i n g r e v e n u e s u g g e s t e d that o n c e post­ w a r shortages w e r e o v e r c o m e , the c o l o n y , the richest in Africa, w o u l d e a s i l y s t a n d o n its o w n feet. I t w a s c o c o a , o f w h i c h t h e G o l d C o a s t w a s the w o r l d ' s leading p r o d u c e r and w h o s e w o r l d price w a s b o o m i n g , that w a s the basis o f prosperity, and w h i c h , in the s o u t h , had p r o d u c e d n o t o n l y a class o f t h r i v i n g farmers, b u t n u m e r o u s merchants and the means for education. 1

National unity, h o w e v e r , w a s tenuous e v e n t h o u g h the population w a s m o r e h o m o g e n e o u s than that o f m o s t A f r i c a n 1

S e e R . D . P e a r c e , The turning point in Africa ( L o n d o n , 1982), 166.

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colonies. Southern politics had scarcely penetrated into A s a n t e , w h i c h the n e w c o n s t i t u t i o n had b r o u g h t u n d e r the c o m p e t e n c e o f t h e L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l ; far less t h e N o r t h e r n T e r r i t o r i e s , w h i c h remained under direct c o n t r o l o f the g o v e r n o r until 1 9 5 1 . A n d A f r i c a n i s a t i o n o f t h e s e n i o r p o s t s in t h e c i v i l s e r v i c e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y in t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s e r v i c e , w a s v e r y s l o w ; a m o n g heads o f ministries and c h i e f r e g i o n a l officers there w a s n o t a s i n g l e A f r i c a n as late as 1 9 5 4 . T w e n t y m o n t h s after t h e i n a u g u r a t i o n o f t h e B u r n s c o n s t i t u ­ t i o n , r i o t s in m a n y p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y , i n w h i c h t h e r e w e r e 29 deaths, shattered the illusion o f peaceful c h a n g e . T h e elementarys c h o o l l e a v e r s , t h e m a i n s t a y o f t h e a g i t a t i o n a g a i n s t c h i e f s at p o p u l a r level, transferred their a n t a g o n i s m s to the central g o v e r n m e n t i t s e l f a n d t o t h e b i g f o r e i g n firms, a n d j o i n e d w i t h ex-servicemen and other discontented g r o u p s . In the p r e v i o u s year the U n i t e d G o l d C o a s t C o n v e n t i o n ( U G C C ) - the ' C o n v e n t i o n ' — had been founded, largely b y suc­ c e s s f u l p r o f e s s i o n a l m e n a n d m e r c h a n t s in t h e c o a s t a l t o w n s , p a r t l y to express dissatisfaction w i t h the p o w e r f u l p o s i t i o n o f chiefs in t h e L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l , p a r t l y t o p r e p a r e t h e c o u n t r y as a w h o l e f o r s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t - t h e first t i m e t h i s o b j e c t i v e h a d s e r i o u s l y been discussed. A l t h o u g h U G C C leaders w e r e briefly detained f o r t h e i r a l l e g e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e 1948 d i s t u r b a n c e s , m o s t o f t h e m w e r e as s u r p r i s e d b y t h e s e d i s t u r b a n c e s as w e r e t h e B r i t i s h officials. W h i l e t h e i r d e t e n t i o n at first g a v e t h e m n a t i o n a l popularity, the disturbances released forces they c o u l d not contain, in A s a n t e as m u c h as in t h e C o l o n y . O n e U G C C l e a d e r , h o w e v e r , a s s e s s e d t h e p o s i t i o n a c c u r a t e l y . K w a m e N k r u m a h , after t e n y e a r s in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s a n d a p e r i o d i n v o l v e d i n P a n - A f r i c a n p o l i t i c s in B r i t a i n , h a d b e e n i n v i t e d i n 1 9 4 7 t o r e t u r n t o b e c o m e f u l l - t i m e s e c r e t a r y o f t h e U G C C . F r o m t h e s t a r t it w a s c l e a r t h a t h e w a s o f a different s t a m p f r o m t h e U G C C l e a d e r s , w h o w e r e r e a d y t o u s e t h e d i s t u r b a n c e s as e v i d e n c e t o s u p p o r t t h e i r d e m a n d t o t h e Colonial Office for s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t , but w h o n e v e r d o u b t e d that t h e g o v e r n m e n t w a s d e s t i n e d t o fall i n t o t h e h a n d s o f p e o p l e l i k e t h e m s e l v e s . N k r u m a h , a l t h o u g h he w a s later t o b e c o m e a dictator, at this t i m e a n d f o r m a n y y e a r s u n d e r s t o o d a n d c o u l d c o n t r o l t h e m a s s e s . H e b e l i e v e d t h a t o n e m a n ' s — o r w o m a n ' s — v o t e w a s as g o o d a n d as v a l u a b l e as a n o t h e r ' s a n d h e w a s a l w a y s a c c e s s i b l e to any citizen - t o o accessible for the g o o d o f his g o v e r n m e n t

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w h e n he came to p o w e r . H e also understood, together with men w h o later b e c a m e his lieutenants, the i m p o r t a n c e o f detailed organisation o f political support, including that o f newspapers. H e split w i t h the C o n v e n t i o n t o f o r m his o w n C o n v e n t i o n P e o p l e ' s Party ( C P P ) in J u n e 1949. In the meantime, o n the r e c o m m e n d a t i o n o f a C o l o n i a l Office c o m m i s s i o n into the dis­ turbances, an all-African c o m m i t t e e under M r Justice C o u s s e y had d r a w n u p a n e w constitution, w h i c h p r o v i d e d for a majority o f African elected Ministers and an elected National A s s e m b l y . T h e C P P at o n c e a d o p t e d the s l o g a n ' S e l f - G o v e r n m e n t N o w ' ; a n d a l t h o u g h its l e a d e r s ' a p p r o a c h w a s u n c e r t a i n , t h e p a r t y i n t h e e n d r e j e c t e d t h e p r o p o s e d n e w c o n s t i t u t i o n , w h i c h still f o u n d a p l a c e f o r B r i t i s h officials i n t h e E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l . A t t h e e n d o f 1 9 4 9 the C P P threatened t o take ' P o s i t i v e A c t i o n ' to o b l i g e the British g o v e r n m e n t t o s u m m o n a c o n s t i t u e n t a s s e m b l y , a l t h o u g h it w a s clear that in the g e n e r a l election t o b e held in 1951 u n d e r the Coussey constitution the party could w i n p o w e r and largely a c h i e v e its o b j e c t i v e s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y . I n J a n u a r y 1 9 5 0 ' P o s i t i v e A c t i o n ' , in a half-hearted fashion, w a s declared, largely because the T U C proclaimed a general strike for industrial reasons. T h i s time the G o l d C o a s t g o v e r n m e n t did not lose control and N k r u m a h and other C P P leaders w e r e charged o n various counts and g i v e n g a o l sentences. W h i l e N k r u m a h w a s in g a o l the success o f his p a r t y ' s attention t o o r g a n i s a t i o n a n d t h e d e m o r a l i s a t i o n o f t h e U G C C a n d its supporters w e r e s h o w n b y the C C P ' s o v e r w h e l m i n g v i c t o r y in the A c c r a municipal elections o f 1950, a v i c t o r y w h i c h led to U G C C w a r n i n g s a b o u t red r e v o l u t i o n . T h e G o v e r n o r , Sir Charles A r d e n - C l a r k e , and the C o l o n i a l Office, h o w e v e r , w e r e sure that the C P P w o u l d w i n the 1951 general election and that N k r u m a h w o u l d h a v e to be released from g a o l to lead a C P P g o v e r n m e n t . A f t e r the party's o v e r w h e l m i n g v i c t o r y in 1951 (on a relatively small turn-out f o l l o w i n g l o w registration) he w a s released to b e c o m e L e a d e r o f G o v e r n m e n t B u s i n e s s in a cabinet o v e r w h i c h the g o v e r n o r presided. It w a s t o b e a n o t h e r s i x y e a r s b e f o r e t h e G o l d C o a s t b e c a m e independent. B u t there c o u l d n o w be n o g o i n g b a c k w i t h o u t the use o f a r m e d force. T h e delay w a s d u e partly to the C P P ' S i n c r e a s i n g e m p h a s i s o n its a m b i t i o u s s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c r e f o r m s . B y 1957 the n u m b e r o f pupils in primary and m i d d l e s c h o o l s , for

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e x a m p l e , had m o r e than d o u b l e d and those in technical and secondary schools had quadrupled, while there had been great i m p r o v e m e n t in c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g t h e b e g i n n i n g o f T e m a H a r b o u r . T h e p a r t y ' s realistic a p p r o a c h in s o m e areas o f administration w a s s h o w n b y the g o v e r n m e n t ' s resumption o f c o m p u l s o r y c u t t i n g - o u t o f t r e e s as t h e o n l y m e a n s o f c o n t r o l l i n g s w o l l e n - s h o o t disease in c o c o a , a p o l i c y m u c h resented b y farmers and w h i c h the party itself had attacked in the 1951 election c a m p a i g n . It can b e a r g u e d , i n d e e d , that the C P P ' s greatest contribution to Ghana's progress was made before independence. A f t e r i n d e p e n d e n c e i n c r e a s i n g e c o n o m i c difficulties ( t h e r e h a d b e e n n o real e c o n o m i c c h a n g e ) , a g r o w i n g o b s e s s i o n w i t h e x t e r n a l affairs, t h e l o s s o f i d e a l i s m as t h e g o v e r n m e n t b e c a m e e n t i r e l y authoritarian, and a w i d e n i n g g a p b e t w e e n profession and reality prevented the a c c o m p l i s h m e n t o f social reform. M o r e s e r i o u s as a n o b s t a c l e t o t h e e a r l y a c h i e v e m e n t o f i n d e p e n d e n c e , h o w e v e r , w a s t h e rise o f t h e N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t ( N L M ) after t h e 1 9 5 4 e l e c t i o n , w h i c h t h e C P P a g a i n w o n h a n d s o m e l y a l t h o u g h at t h e c o s t o f i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n i n t h e p a r t y . T h e e l e c t i o n s a w t h e rise o f i n d e p e n d e n t s a n d l o c a l g r o u p s , and the N L M , based in A s a n t e , d r e w t o g e t h e r C P P rebels, local leaders and chiefs in a m o v e m e n t , often v i o l e n t and p o w e r f u l e n o u g h to delay the negotiations w i t h L o n d o n for self-government w h i c h w e r e expected to f o l l o w the election. M a n y chiefs had o p p o s e d t h e C P P , a n d n o w t h e y felt t h a t t h e y c o u l d o p e n l y s u p p o r t - o r in t h e c a s e o f t h e asantehene, l e a d - a c r u s a d e a g a i n s t independence under the party. In A s a n t e , t o o , particular bitterness w a s caused, o r w a s f o s t e r e d , b y t h e N L M , o v e r t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s fixing f o r f o u r y e a r s o f t h e p r i c e t o b e p a i d t o f a r m e r s f o r t h e i r c o c o a at a l e v e l l e s s than a third o f ruling w o r l d prices. T h e m o v e w a s intended partly t o c o m b a t i n f l a t i o n , p a r t l y t o raise d e v e l o p m e n t f u n d s f r o m t h e difference b e t w e e n the w o r l d price and the local price. H a l f the c o u n t r y ' s c o c o a w a s g r o w n in A s a n t e , a n d n o t o n l y f a r m e r s b u t c o c o a traders, merchants, and e v e n landlords o f b o o m i n g K u m a s i , r e s e n t e d this g o v e r n m e n t r e s t r i c t i o n o n t h e flow o f m o n e y t o A s a n t e , w h i c h for s o m e N L M leaders represented a h e a v y personal loss o f i n c o m e . S o p o w e r f u l d i d t h e m o v e m e n t s e e m t h a t t o test C P P s t r e n g t h the British d e m a n d e d a further election, w h i c h w a s held in 1956, 345

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b e f o r e final n e g o t i a t i o n s . T h e e l e c t i o n s h o w e d t h a t t h e C P P h a d o v e r w h e l m i n g s t r e n g t h in the c o l o n y , and in T r a n s - V o l t a T o g o , w i t h m i n o r i t y b u t still s i g n i f i c a n t s u p p o r t i n A s a n t e a n d t h e n o r t h . B u t o n l y 57 p e r c e n t o f t h e v o t e r s o u t o f a 50 p e r c e n t t u r n - o u t s u p p o r t e d t h e C P P , r e p r e s e n t i n g p e r h a p s 30 p e r c e n t o f t h e a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n . It w a s t h e s m a l l s i z e o f t h i s t o t a l v o t e , r a t h e r t h a n its d i s t r i b u t i o n , w h i c h d i d n o t reflect an i n s u p e r a b l e n o r t h - s o u t h

or

any other kind o f territorial o r tribal d i v i s i o n , that mattered

for

the

Dr

future.

For

this

was not

the

b a s i s f o r d e c l a r i n g , as

N k r u m a h w a s later t o d o , a o n e - p a r t y state; and G h a n a w a s n o t a g a i n t o e x p e r i e n c e a free a n d fair e l e c t i o n u n t i l 1 9 6 9 .

Nigeria

194J-60

P o l i t i c s i n N i g e r i a c a m e t o life i n 1945 w i t h t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h e p r o p o s a l s f o r t h e R i c h a r d s C o n s t i t u t i o n , n a m e d after t h e governor. While bringing Northern

Nigeria into

the

then

central

s y s t e m a n d e x t e n d i n g N i g e r i a n representation in the L e g i s l a t i v e and

E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l s , this

established

three

regions

with

representative bodies o f their o w n . T h e proposals, h o w e v e r , w e r e strongly

criticised b y nationalists,

partly

because the

consti­

tution had been i m p o s e d w i t h o u t consultation, partly because the elections w e r e to be ' i n d i r e c t ' . F u r t h e r m o r e , w h e n the Richards C o n s t i t u t i o n w a s d e b a t e d in the H o u s e o f C o m m o n s in 1 9 4 5 , a mere

29 m i n u t e s

w e r e d e v o t e d t o it, w h i c h d i s g u s t e d

many

Nigerians. B e f o r e 1948, politics in N i g e r i a w e r e m o r e turbulent than those in G h a n a . T h e N C N C - the N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f N i g e r i a and the C a m e r o o n s , so-called because a part o f C a m e r o u n under

UN

Trusteeship was administered w i t h Nigeria - was a mass m o v e ­ m e n t , i f o n l y in l i m i t e d parts o f the c o u n t r y , o f the k i n d w h i c h the C P P w a s to surpass. N n a m d i A z i k i w e ( Z i k ) w a s a p o p u l a r leader, and an orator - if n o t o r g a n i s e r - w h o m N k r u m a h m i g h t e n v y . B u t in contrast to the G o l d C o a s t a n o t h e r force w a s w a i t ­ i n g in the n o r t h w h i c h w a s t o d o m i n a t e politics until the soldiers t o o k o v e r in 1966. T h i s w a s the N o r t h e r n

People's Congress

( N P C ) , less a political p a r t y t h a n the e x p r e s s i o n o f an e n t r e n c h e d social a n d political s y s t e m . T h e N C N C had, in fact, m a d e political allies i n t h e t h e n N o r t h e r n P r o v i n c e s b e f o r e t h e N P C , w h i c h w a s formally

inaugurated

in

1 9 4 9 as a c u l t u r a l

organisation,

appeared o n the scene. B u t because o f the threatening 346 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

had

influence

D E C O L O N I S A T I O N

18 Nigeria, 1964. o f the N o r t h e r n E l e m e n t s P r o g r e s s i v e U n i o n ( N E P U ) , an ally o f the N C N C , l e a d i n g n o r t h e r n e r s t u r n e d the N P C i n t o an

open

p o l i t i c a l b o d y in 1 9 5 0 . In t h e m e a n t i m e t h e B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , l a r g e l y u n d e r influence

o f its C h i e f

Secretary,

Sir

Hugh

Foot,

later

the

Lord

C a r a d o n , had decided that the N i g e r i a n g o v e r n m e n t w o u l d n o t be 9

* o v e r t a k e n b y e v e n t s as t h e G o l d C o a s t g o v e r n m e n t h a d b e e n in 1

1 9 4 8 . S o it p r o p o s e d t h a t a r e v i e w o f t h e R i c h a r d s C o n s t i t u t i o n , t h e a b r u p t i n t r o d u c t i o n o f w h i c h , as w e l l as its p r o v i s i o n s , h a d excited nationalist antipathy, s h o u l d be u n d e r t a k e n b y a series o f local c o n f e r e n c e s c u l m i n a t i n g in a national o n e . T h e g o v e r n m e n t had also made important proposals to a d v a n c e Africanisation o f the senior civil s e r v i c e w h i c h , t o g e t h e r w i t h the consultations, helped to d a m p e n the N C N C s

constitutional

fire.

F o r t h e first t i m e t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n s u l t a t i o n s r e a l l y b r o u g h t the N o r t h e r n P r o v i n c e s into N i g e r i a n national politics, if o n l y for l e a d i n g n o r t h e r n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t o p r o t e c t w h a t t h e y s a w as t h e i r 1

H u g h F o o t , A start in freedom

( L o n d o n , 1964), 103-6.

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W E S T

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interests against s o u t h e r n influences. B u t this p a r t i c i p a t i o n also p r o v o k e d northerners t o question their o w n emirate system. T h e N P C became a party in time for the elections to the Northern H o u s e o f A s s e m b l y under the constitution resulting from the n a t i o n - w i d e d i s c u s s i o n s ; i t s l e a d e r w a s t h e sardauna o f S o k o t o , scion o f the great h o u s e o f U s u m a n d a n F o d i o a n d a talented administrator. In these discussions northern s p o k e s m e n had successfully insisted that representation in the p r o p o s e d national H o u s e o f R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s s h o u l d reflect p o p u l a t i o n , w h i c h m e a n t t h a t o n t h e b a s i s o f t h e l a t e s t c e n s u s figures t h e n o r t h w o u l d h a v e half the seats. It also meant that the northern leaders, confident in the c o n s e r v a t i s m o f their o w n p e o p l e , w e r e relying o n t h e m to o u t - v o t e the radicals. 1

T h e n e w constitution also p r o v i d e d for a central council o f ministers w i t h a Nigerian majority, a m o n g w h o m the N o r t h e r n R e g i o n w o u l d have one-third o f those elected, and regional councils o f ministers for the W e s t e r n , Eastern, and N o r t h e r n P r o v i n c e s , n o w designated regions. A m o n g those elected in 1952 to the four legislatures w e r e few w h o c o u l d b e called radicals. T h e administration's determination n o t to be taken unawares seemed t o h a v e b e e n successful, a n d t h e s u b s e q u e n t l o n g series o f conferences w h i c h negotiated Nigerian independence were marked m o r e b y disputes a m o n g the N i g e r i a n s than disputes b e t w e e n t h e m and the C o l o n i a l Office. A s w e l l as t h e N P C , t h e elections p r o d u c e d a n o t h e r n e w force replacing the moribund Nigerian Y o u t h M o v e m e n t . T h i s was the Action G r o u p under Chief Obafemi A w o l o w o . A l t h o u g h he p r o d u c e d d e t a i l e d p r o g r a m m e s f o r it b e f o r e t h e e l e c t i o n , C h i e f A w o l o w o later f o r m e d t h e party o u t o f those w h o h a d w o n election to the Western H o u s e o f Assembly. A w o l o w o became leader o f the n e w Western R e g i o n g o v e r n m e n t . T h e first c o n s t i t u t i o n t o p r o v i d e f o r t h e a p p o i n t m e n t o f N i g e r i a n ministers f o u n d n o n e o f the leaders o f the main parties i n office a t t h e c e n t r e . S o t h e s e n i o r N P C f e d e r a l m i n i s t e r a n d l a t e r Prime Minister, Alhaji Sir A b u b a k a r T a f a w a B a l e w a , respected 2

1

T h e last c e n s u s h a d b e e n t a k e n i n 1931, a n d g a v e t h e N o r t h e r n R e g i o n 11.4 m i l l i o n a g a i n s t 8.6 m i l l i o n f o r t h e r e s t o f t h e c o u n t r y . T h e 1953 c e n s u s g a v e t h e N o r t h e r n R e g i o n 16.8 m i l l i o n a g a i n s t 13.6 m i l l i o n f o r t h e rest o f t h e c o u n t r y , e x c l u d i n g S o u t h e r n Cameroons. A b u b a k a r T a f a w a B a l e w a w a s appointed t o the n e w l y created post o f prime m i n i s t e r o f t h e F e d e r a t i o n i n 1957 a n d w a s k n i g h t e d i n i960. B e f o r e b e c o m i n g p r i m e minister h e l e d t h e N P C in t h e H o u s e o f R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s as federal minister o f transport. H e w a s o f relatively h u m b l e origin. 2

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m o r e f o r his integrity a n d his intelligence than f o r his d e c i s i v e n e s s , a l w a y s s e e m e d t o b e inhibited b y t h e fact that his N P C party l e a d e r , t h e sardauna, o c c u p i e d t h e n o m i n a l l y i n f e r i o r p o s t o f premier o f the N o r t h e r n R e g i o n . T h e a p p a r e n t u n i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e c e n t r a l a n d - after t h e 1 9 5 3 constitution conference - the federal, g o v e r n m e n t in relation t o the regions w a s the main feature o f N i g e r i a n politics u p t o independence. B u t the s e c o n d m o s t i m p o r t a n t feature h a d already become prominent; the demand for division o f the country into smaller regions, called 'states'. S u c h demands w e r e e n c o u r a g e d b y the g r a n t i n g o f r e g i o n a l status t o t h e tiny S o u t h C a m e r o o n s T r u s t e e s h i p i n 1 9 5 3 . A b o v e all it w a s m a i n t a i n e d i n t h e s o u t h t h a t t h e a l l o c a t i o n o f h a l f t h e seats i n t h e f e d e r a l H o u s e o f Representatives to the Northern R e g i o n meant permanent d o m i n a t i o n o f federal p o w e r b y the N P C , w h i c h w o u l d a l w a y s be assured o f a great majority o f these n o r t h e r n seats. A l t h o u g h v o t i n g f o r t h e m w a s o n t h e f a c e o f it d e m o c r a t i c , s o u t h e r n r e s e n t m e n t r e f l e c t e d t h e v i e w t h a t t h e N P C , b e c a u s e o f its a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y t o w h i c h n o r t h e r n e r s still d e f e r r e d , w o u l d a l w a y s find w a y s o f m a i n t a i n i n g its r e g i o n a l majority. I n practice t h e N P C ruled centrally w i t h allies, n o r m a l l y the N C N C , b u t s o m e t i m e s i n c l u d i n g t h e A c t i o n G r o u p . ' T r i b a l i s m ' , it is s a i d , h a s d o m i n a t e d N i g e r i a n p o l i t i c s . B u t s o m e o f the bitterest political disputes h a v e been w i t h i n ethnically related c o m m u n i t i e s , s o m e o f w h i c h in N i g e r i a n u m b e r m a n y millions o f people. T h i s w a s particularly true a m o n g the Y o r u b a ; b u t t h e 1953 crisis i n E a s t e r n N i g e r i a w a s t h e r e s u l t o f a d i s p u t e between A z i k i w e and s o m e I b o ministers, while the K a n o - b a s e d a n d H a u s a / F u l a n i - l e d N E P U o p p o s e d its o w n N o r t h e r n R e g i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t . Y e t t r i b a l i s m b e c a m e m o r e , n o t l e s s , i m p o r t a n t as N i g e r i a n politics d e v e l o p e d . B y the time o f independence, in i960, it w a s f e a r e d , r i g h t l y as it t u r n e d o u t , t h a t a c o u n t r y w h i c h h a d c o m e t o i n d e p e n d e n c e as a r e s u l t o f c o m p r o m i s e s u n d e r B r i t i s h a u s p i c e s m i g h t n o t i n d e f i n i t e l y p u r s u e t h e s e c o m p r o m i s e s after independence. It w a s A l h a j i S i r A b u b a k a r T a f a w a B a l e w a w h o a p p e a r e d t o m a n y t o b e the guarantee that N i g e r i a w o u l d n o t split apart. F o r a l t h o u g h , as w e h a v e s a i d , h e w a s r e g a r d e d i n t h e n o r t h p r i m a r i l y as a l i e u t e n a n t o f t h e sardauna h e w a s still w i d e l y r e s p e c t e d i n the south a n d b e y o n d N i g e r i a . H e w a s criticised b y s o m e N i g e r i a n M P s f o r b e i n g t o o p r o - w e s t e r n i n e x t e r n a l affairs a n d i n p a r t i c u l a r y

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f o r h a v i n g m a d e at i n d e p e n d e n c e a l i m i t e d d e f e n c e a g r e e m e n t w i t h B r i t a i n . Y e t i m m e d i a t e l y after i n d e p e n d e n c e h e t o o k a firm line at t h e U N a b o u t t h e C o n g o , d e m a n d i n g t h e e x c l u s i o n o f t h e g r e a t p o w e r s f r o m t h e c o u n t r y ' s affairs, w h i l e h i s g o v e r n m e n t s o o n after b r o k e d i p l o m a t i c r e l a t i o n s w i t h F r a n c e b e c a u s e o f h e r a t o m i c tests in t h e S a h a r a . I n d e p e n d e n c e w a s , in t h e e n d , n o t t h e r e s u l t o f a m a s s m o v e m e n t , but o f peaceful negotiation w i t h the British. N i g e r i a ' s p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e p a r t i e s m a y h a v e suffered in t h e i r o w n e s t i ­ m a t i o n , and that o f m a n y others, f r o m this lack o f militancy. B u t at i n d e p e n d e n c e , e v e n i f t h e elite w h o h a d i n h e r i t e d B r i t i s h p o w e r w e r e intent o n retaining their position, N i g e r i a n politicians appear t o h a v e b e e n d e t e r m i n e d t o l i v e d o w n t h e d i v i s i o n s in t h e i r country between north and south, M u s l i m and Christian, Y o r u b a a n d I b o , o l d a n d y o u n g , e d u c a t e d a n d u n e d u c a t e d . Y e t it p r o v e d i m p o s s i b l e , w i t h o u t further and b l o o d y conflict, to erase f r o m Black Africa's b i g g e s t and m o s t c o m p l e x c o u n t r y the legacy o f its artificial c r e a t i o n .

Sierra Leone

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A s late as 1 9 5 1 S i e r r a L e o n e ' s L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l still h a d a m a j o r i t y o f B r i t i s h officials. Y e t t h e l o n g - e s t a b l i s h e d F r e e t o w n schools and F o u r a h B a y C o l l e g e had p r o d u c e d the m o s t h i g h l y e d u c a t e d g r o u p in B l a c k A f r i c a . W h a t c a u s e d t h i s p o l i t i c a l underdevelopment ? S i e r r a L e o n e d e m o n s t r a t e d i n its m o s t a c u t e f o r m t h e ' t w o nations' character o f many African countries. T h e Creoles o f F r e e t o w n and the tiny ' C o l o n y ' area w e r e descendants o f captives rescued from slave ships b y the R o y a l N a v y , or repatriated from L o n d o n and the A m e r i c a s . E n g l i s h w a s their l a n g u a g e , they t o o k E n g l i s h names, w e r e m o s t l y k e e n Christians, and had lost their e t h n i c affiliations. T h e y w e r e B r i t i s h c i t i z e n s a n d p r o u d o f it. B y contrast, in the P r o t e c t o r a t e , w h i c h formally b e c a m e part o f Sierra L e o n e o n l y i n 1 8 9 6 , w e r e p e o p l e s w h o s e affinities l a y w i t h n e i g h b o u r i n g G u i n e a and Liberia, the largest g r o u p s b e i n g the M e n d e o f the s o u t h and the T e m n e o f the n o r t h and west. T h e c o n s t i t u t i o n i n o p e r a t i o n i n 1 9 5 1 g a v e five l e g i s l a t i v e c o u n c i l seats t o t h e C o l o n y a n d t h r e e t o t h e m u c h b i g g e r P r o ­ t e c t o r a t e , n o w k n o w n as ' t h e P r o v i n c e s ' . B u t t h e r e w a s C r e o l e 350

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o p p o s i t i o n to any increase in Protectorate representation, o n the g r o u n d that British ' p r o t e c t e d p e r s o n s ' , particularly illiterate chiefs, c o u l d not legislate for British subjects. T h i s delayed until 1951 the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a c o n s t i t u t i o n p r o v i d i n g for an elected Legislative Council most o f w h o s e members w o u l d come from the P r o t e c t o r a t e ; and, in the E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l , for a m a j o r i t y o f unofficial m e m b e r s w h o w o u l d b e c o m e ministers. C r e o l e intran­ sigence had s o m e justification in v i e w o f the political d o m i n a t i o n o f t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e b y c h i e f s . It w a s s u p p o r t e d b y S i e r r a L e o n e ' s m o s t f a m o u s r a d i c a l , I. T . A . W a l l a c e - J o h n s o n , a C r e o l e w h o frightened s o m e o f his o w n p e o p l e b e c a u s e o f his M o s c o w l i n k s . H i s W e s t A f r i c a n Y o u t h L e a g u e , established in 1938, w a s Sierra L e o n e ' s first n a t i o n a l i s t g r o u p a n d w a s s u p p r e s s e d d u r i n g t h e w a r . B y 1951 W a l l a c e - J o h n s o n w a s in harness w i t h the m o s t

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intransigent C r e o l e politician, D r B a n k o l e - B r i g h t , in the N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f the C o l o n y o f Sierra L e o n e . Protectorate leaders, t o o , had prepared for the 1951 election, and from then o n Sierra L e o n e politics w e r e the politics o f the Protectorate. A l t h o u g h a vestigial Creole protest continued, some C r e o l e politicians f o u n d an i m p o r t a n t place in P r o t e c t o r a t e - b a s e d p a r t i e s , w h i l e C r e o l e s c o n t i n u e d t o h o l d a s i g n i f i c a n t p l a c e in t h e public services and the professions. U n t i l i n d e p e n d e n c e in 1 9 6 1 , a n d until his d e a t h in 1964, the d o m i n a n t figure i n S i e r r a L e o n e p o l i t i c s w a s D r M i l t o n M a r g a i . H i s career illustrates the e v o l u t i o n o f the c o u n t r y ' s politics. S o n o f a M e n d e trader, h e w a s b o r n in 1896 just b e f o r e the B r i t i s h P r o t e c t o r a t e w a s e s t a b l i s h e d a n d w a s t h e first P r o t e c t o r a t e p e r s o n t o t a k e a d e g r e e at F o u r a h B a y C o l l e g e , a n d t h e first t o b e c o m e a physician. H e w a s a founder o f the Protectorate E d u c a t i o n a l P r o g r e s s i v e U n i o n , w h i c h g a v e birth to the Sierra L e o n e P e o p l e ' s Party ( S L P P ) . T h e party s t o o d o n the platform ' O n e C o u n t r y , O n e P e o p l e ' , a n d it i n c l u d e d C r e o l e s a m o n g its o f f i c e r s . Its s t r e n g t h l a y i n its a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h ' b i g m e n ' , p a r t i c u l a r l y a m o n g t h e M e n d e . D r M a r g a i , after a n e a s y e l e c t i o n v i c t o r y , b e c a m e L e a d e r o f G o v e r n m e n t B u s i n e s s in the n e w E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l , w h i c h included a cross-section o f the c o m m u n i t y : a M u s l i m C r e o l e , D r M a r g a i ' s h a l f - b r o t h e r A l b e r t M a r g a i , t h e first P r o ­ tectorate l a w y e r and destined to b e c o m e prime minister, and M r Siaka Stevens, the leading trade unionist and destined to b e c o m e president. W i t h o u t r e p r e s s i o n , S i r M i l t o n , as h e b e c a m e , a c h i e v e d a n e x t r a o r d i n a r y p e r s o n a l a s c e n d a n c y . H e u s e d t h e c h i e f s as a g e n t s . H e c o n c i l i a t e d t h e C r e o l e s a n d a p p e a l e d t o all t r i b a l g r o u p s . H i s a g e stifled c r i t i c i s m b y y o u n g e r p o l i t i c i a n s o f h i s c o n s e r v a t i s m . Indifferent to c e r e m o n y and t o theory, he w a s a l w a y s ready to deal w i t h t r o u b l e s personally. T o illiterate p e o p l e , ' P a ' s e e m e d t o be infinitely w i s e , and t o e d u c a t e d y o u n g s t e r s t o be infinitely w i l y . W h e n s u c h a c o n s e r v a t i v e m a n a s k e d f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e , as h e d i d in i960, the C o l o n i a l Office c o u l d o n l y a g r e e . H i s t e r m o f office, h o w e v e r , i n s p i t e o f t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f stability, w a s troubled. A colonial mineral e c o n o m y w i t h a stagnant agriculture, Sierra L e o n e had the special p r o b l e m o f the illicit d i g g i n g a n d s m u g g l i n g o f d i a m o n d s . T h i s l e d t o l a w l e s s n e s s and corruption, and g a v e s o m e Lebanese traders, a l w a y s relatively

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m o r e i m p o r t a n t in Sierra L e o n e than in a n y o t h e r A f r i c a n c o u n t r y , an unhealthy p o w e r . V i o l e n t strikes for h i g h e r w a g e s in F r e e t o w n in 1955 w e r e d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t t h e m i n i s t e r s , as t h e n e w a u t h o r i t y , as m u c h as a g a i n s t e m p l o y e r s ; a n d t h e r e w a s a s e r i o u s u p r i s i n g in t h e n o r t h t h e f o l l o w i n g y e a r a g a i n s t w i d e s p r e a d m a l p r a c t i c e s b y chiefs. A f t e r the independence agreement, Stevens w e n t into o p p o s i t i o n a n d at t h e t i m e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e i n 1 9 6 1 h e a n d s o m e o f his f o l l o w e r s w e r e u n d e r d e t e n t i o n . It w a s . already clear that n o t e v e n P r o t e c t o r a t e u n i t y c o u l d last. L a t e r , h o w e v e r , p e o p l e c a m e t o l o o k b a c k o n t h e a g e o f ' P a ' M a r g a i as a g o l d e n o n e .

The Gambia

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F o r the G a m b i a , e v e n the nationalist politicians s o u g h t s o m e f u t u r e o t h e r t h a n i n d e p e n d e n c e u n t i l a r o u n d i 9 6 0 . It w a s felt t h a t t h e c o u n t r y , w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n o f o n l y 300000, w a s t o o s m a l l , p o o r a n d v u l n e r a b l e t o s t a n d o n its o w n . T h e M u s l i m C o n g r e s s o f Alhaji I b r a i m a h G a r b a - J a h u m p a , for instance, in 1 9 5 7 - 8 w a s asking for a permanent association w i t h Britain. T h i s , o n T r e a s u r y p r o m p t i n g , Britain rejected. B y i960 the G a m b i a had b e c o m e an e m b a r r a s s m e n t t o W h i t e h a l l , f o r it w a s c o n c l u d e d t h a t t h e c o u n t r y m i g h t n o t fit t h e ' s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t w i t h i n t h e C o m m o n w e a l t h ' r u b r i c . It w a s h o p e d t h a t its l e a d e r s c o u l d s e c u r e s o m e a r r a n g e m e n t w i t h i n d e p e n d e n t S e n e g a l w h i c h w o u l d a v o i d it h a v i n g t o t a k e c o m p l e t e i n d e p e n d e n c e o n its o w n . S u c h a l i n k , h o w e v e r , w a s rejected for several reasons. It w a s feared that the partnership w o u l d b e v e r y u n e q u a l ; t h e t w o h a d different l e g a l a n d a d m i n ­ i s t r a t i v e s y s t e m s , different official l a n g u a g e s . M a n y G a m b i a n s w o r k i n g in S e n e g a l p r o f i t e d f r o m t h e a r t i f i c i a l l y h i g h v a l u e o f t h e A f r i c a n f r a n c . A l l f e a r e d t h a t c l o s e r a s s o c i a t i o n w o u l d raise G a m b i a n prices. S o m e , t o o , feared the end o f their p r o s p e r o u s s m u g g l i n g trade. A n o t h e r influence w a s that o f the chiefs, w h o c o u l d see t h a t t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s i n S e n e g a l w e r e l a r g e l y powerless. 1

A l t h o u g h there had been G a m b i a n m e m b e r s o f the Legislative C o u n c i l s i n c e 1 8 8 8 , t h e first p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , t h e D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y , 1

I n fact t h e ' C o n f e d e r a t i o n ' e s t a b l i s h e d b y t h e G a m b i a a n d S e n e g a l in 1981, f o l ­ l o w i n g t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n o f S e n e g a l e s e t r o o p s t o s u p p r e s s a n a t t e m p t e d c o u p in t h e G a m b i a , v i r t u a l l y a c h i e v e d t h i s . A m o n e t a r y u n i o n w a s t o b e e s t a b l i s h e d a n d w h i l e it w a s a g r e e d t h a t e a c h c o u n t r y c o u l d m a i n t a i n its s o v e r e i g n t y , t h e G a m b i a w a s c l e a r l y t h e j u n i o r p a r t n e r in t h e C o n f e d e r a t i o n .

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w a s not formed until 1 9 5 1 , and w a s virtually confined to the capital. T h e same year saw the establishment o f the M u s l i m C o n g r e s s . In 1954 Pierre Sarr N ' J i e , a Bathurst l a w y e r o f W o l o f d e s c e n t , f o r m e d t h e U n i t e d P a r t y w i t h a W o l o f b a s e . It w o n c o n t r o l o f the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l u n d e r a n e w constitution w h i c h p r o v i d e d for an elected majority w i t h a f o r m o f ministerial government. T h e m o s t s i g n i f i c a n t c h a n g e c a m e in 1 9 5 9 , w h e n t h e P r o t e c t ­ orate People's Society, a charitable organisation, w a s transformed i n t o t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e (later P e o p l e ' s ) P r o g r e s s i v e P a r t y t o fight t h e i960 election, in w h i c h there w a s direct v o t i n g t h r o u g h o u t the country. T h e P P P w o n a clear Protectorate majority but o n l y a m i n o r i t y o f all e l e c t e d s e a t s . T h e c h i e f s w e l c o m e d t h e P P P c a u t i o u s l y b u t its s u p p o r t at first c a m e f r o m M a n d i n k a m e n i n t h e capital w h e r e senior j o b s w e r e in the h a n d s either o f the British, or o f the local Creoles o r urban W o l o f . T h e M a n d i n k a n u m b e r e d a b o u t half the p o p u l a t i o n and w e r e e v e n l y distributed t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o u n t r y . M a n y M a n d i n k a felt n e g l e c t e d a n d c o n c l u d e d t h a t B a t h u r s t a n d t h e C o l o n y w e r e f a v o u r e d at t h e e x p e n s e o f t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y in e d u c a t i o n . T o lead the n e w party there appeared a m a n w h o w a s to dominate G a m b i a n politics for m a n y years. D a u d a Jawara w a s b o r n i n 1 9 2 4 , s o n o f a p r o s p e r o u s f a r m e r . H e w a s e d u c a t e d at A c h i m o t a C o l l e g e i n t h e G o l d C o a s t , s u b s e q u e n t l y q u a l i f y i n g as a v e t e r i n a r y s u r g e o n in G l a s g o w . H e w a s principal v e t e r i n a r y officer, b u t a b a n d o n e d this c a r e e r f o r a n u n c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l f u t u r e . In the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l , a majority s u p p o r t e d the a p p o i n t m e n t o f P i e r r e N ' J i e as c h i e f m i n i s t e r — G a m b i a n s n o w f o r t h e first t i m e h a d real e x e c u t i v e a u t h o r i t y . B u t i n e l e c t i o n s i n 1 9 6 2 J a w a r a w o n by a substantial margin, and b e c a m e prime minister. H e reverted t o t h e I s l a m i c faith in 1965 a n d w a s k n i g h t e d i n 1 9 6 6 , t h u s c o m b i n i n g t h e h e r i t a g e o f t w o w o r l d s . T h e r e a f t e r t h e U P a n d its leader w e n t into decline. A f t e r an amicably negotiated indepen­ d e n c e in 1 9 6 5 , p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t m o v e d t o d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n t h e ruling P P P . Liberia 1944—64 W h i l e British W e s t Africa was m o v i n g towards independence, Liberia started a process o f internal d e c o l o n i s a t i o n . W h e n W i l l i a m T u b m a n b e c a m e president, in 1944, representation in the legis354

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lature w a s confined to the coastal c o u n t i e s w h e r e the descendants o f Americo-Liberians and other immigrants tended to dominate affairs, w h i l e t h e h i n t e r l a n d m a j o r i t y w a s still r u l e d i n c o l o n i a l fashion w i t h district c o m m i s s i o n e r s s u p e r v i s i n g chiefs. S o m e hinterland peoples had been assimilated into A m e r i c o - L i b e r i a n s o c i e t y a n d i n t o g o v e r n m e n t s e r v i c e . B u t it w a s t h e * u n i f i c a t i o n p o l i c y ' o f President T u b m a n , w h o had an i m p e c c a b l e A m e r i c o Liberian b a c k g r o u n d , w h i c h b e g a n to erode the division o f Liberia into t w o separate c o m m u n i t i e s . In 1944 representation in the H o u s e o f Representatives w a s e x t e n d e d to the hinterland, w h i l e in 1 9 6 4 t h e S e n a t e w a s o p e n e d t o n e w h i n t e r l a n d c o u n t i e s and the ' c o l o n i a l ' administration w a s e n d e d . President T u b m a n a l s o s t r o v e t o a p p o i n t p e o p l e o f ' t r i b a l ' (as t h e y w e r e k n o w n i n l o c a l p a r l a n c e ) b a c k g r o u n d t o s e n i o r p o s i t i o n s a n d h e w a s t h e first president to travel regularly in the interior. S i n c e a n y real p o l i t i c a l c o n t e s t still t o o k p l a c e w i t h i n t h e long-established T r u e W h i g ( ' W i t h H o p e in G o d ' ) Party - the o n l y o n e t h e n t o l e r a t e d , a n d u n d e r t h e firm c o n t r o l o f c o a s t a l l e a d e r s h i p - t h i s p o l i t i c a l c h a n g e at first w a s u n r e m a r k a b l e . T h e old political and social distinction b e t w e e n A m e r i c o - L i b e r i a n s a n d i n d i g e n e s , h o w e v e r , p r o v e d i n c r e a s i n g l y difficult t o m a i n t a i n , e v e n i f t h e d e v e l o p i n g e c o n o m i c c l a s s d i v i s i o n t e n d e d still t o c o r r e s p o n d to the old o n e . T h e citadels o f the presidency and the v i c e - p r e s i d e n c y , as w e l l as l e a d e r s h i p o f t h e p o w e r f u l M a s o n i c o r d e r , p e r h a p s a l o n e r e m a i n e d firmly i n A m e r i c o - L i b e r i a n h a n d s . President T u b m a n also b r o u g h t L i b e r i a fully into continental African politics, in w h i c h he p l a y e d the role o f elder statesman, p a r t i c u l a r l y d u r i n g t h e N i g e r i a n c i v i l w a r w h e n h e firmly s u p ­ p o r t e d the federal cause. H i s ' o p e n - d o o r ' e c o n o m i c p o l i c y , w h i l e c r i t i c i s e d b y s o m e as t o o g e n e r o u s t o f o r e i g n c o n c e s s i o n a i r e s , ensured that Liberia n o l o n g e r relied e c o n o m i c a l l y o n the U n i t e d States. T h e e c o n o m y , h o w e v e r , remained heavily d e p e n d e n t o n an e x p o r t t r a d e b a s e d o n m i n i n g a n d p r i m a r y p r o d u c t i o n .

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F e w W e s t Africans expected independence itself to s o l v e political, e c o n o m i c and social p r o b l e m s - e x c e p t p e r h a p s , in the early d a y s , t h o s e C P P s u p p o r t e r s w h o e c h o e d D r N k r u m a h : ' S e e k y e first t h e p o l i t i c a l k i n g d o m a n d all t h i n g s w i l l b e a d d e d u n t o i t . '

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Independence, instead, emphasised existing p r o b l e m s and b r o u g h t f o r w a r d n e w o n e s , in particular the fragile sense o f national c o n s c i o u s n e s s and the c o n s e q u e n t m a n i p u l a t i o n o f ethnic senti­ m e n t b y p o l i t i c i a n s a n d o t h e r s ; c o r r u p t i o n at all l e v e l s ; w e a k n e s s o f the p u b l i c s e r v i c e s and lack o f r e s o u r c e s in face o f the aspirations o f the n e w g o v e r n m e n t s ; the n e r v o u s n e s s o f ruling g r o u p s w h o lacked the confidence o f an established social order. T h e r e w e r e t h e difficulties o f a d j u s t i n g i m p o r t e d , t h o u g h n o t i m p o s e d , institutions t o l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s resulting in the estab­ lishment o f one-party o r military rule; the excessive rewards o f political p o w e r , the fragility o f independence w h e n the e c o n o m i e s d e p e n d e d s o h e a v i l y b o t h o n t h e o p e r a t i o n s o f f o r e i g n firms internally and o n w o r l d market forces; and the incipient conflict b e t w e e n rich and p o o r , t o w n and country, educated and unedu­ cated. T h e s e d i v i s i o n s n o w displaced the o l d differences b e t w e e n c h i e f s a n d c o m m o n e r s , o r b e t w e e n c o a s t a l a n d i n l a n d p e o p l e s , as w e l l as b e t w e e n c o l o n i a l i s t s a n d c o l o n i a l s . T h e w e a k n e s s o f n a t i o n a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s in A f r i c a is e a s i l y e x a g g e r a t e d . Y e t i n all W e s t A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s p o l i t i c i a n s w e r e a l w a y s in d a n g e r o f y i e l d i n g t o the t e m p t a t i o n t o m a k e tribal o r p a r t i c u l a r i s t a p p e a l s . Y e t t h e N i g e r i a n c i v i l w a r a n d its a f t e r m a t h s t r e n g t h e n e d n a t i o n a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s . L a r g e - s c a l e c o r r u p t i o n i n all a n g l o p h o n e W e s t A f r i c a n states e x c e p t t h e G a m b i a h a s b e e n w e l l d o c u m e n t e d (it s h o u l d b e n o t e d t h a t t h i s d o c u m e n t a t i o n is t h e w o r k o f the g o v e r n m e n t s themselves). W i t h the exception o f the G a m b i a all a n g l o p h o n e states i n W e s t A f r i c a d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d e x p e r i e n c e d military o r o n e - p a r t y r e g i m e s , s h o w i n g the difficulty o f transplanting the W e s t m i n s t e r and the W h i t e h a l l systems. B u t n o w o r k a b l e i n d i g e n o u s alternative w a s d e v i s e d , e v e n if the A m e r i c a n rather than the British system w a s ultimately preferred. P r o t a g o n i s t s o f t h e o n e - p a r t y s y s t e m c l a i m e d it as a t r u l y African concept relying not o n the continuous interplay o f o p p o s i n g g r o u p s b u t o n an alleged search for c o m p r o m i s e . T h e y d i d n o t e x p l a i n h o w a m e t h o d f o r c o n d u c t i n g affairs i n a s m a l l c h i e f d o m w a s a p p r o p r i a t e f o r a l a r g e m o d e r n state. C l e a r l y , h o w e v e r , the Westminster * winner-take-all' principle m i g h t o n l y p r o d u c e bitter, and possibly violent, o p p o s i t i o n since the rewards o f political p o w e r w e r e so great. W e s t Africa witnessed victorious p a r t i e s i n n o m i n a l l y m u l t i - p a r t y s y s t e m s - i n S i e r r a L e o n e as w e l l as in N i g e r i a ' s r e g i o n s - b e h a v i n g as d o m i n a n t o n e - p a r t y r e g i m e s 356

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a n d i n t r u d i n g p a r t y a n t i p a t h i e s i n t o d a i l y life, i n t o t h e a w a r d o f scholarships, into appointments and e v e n into the l o w e r courts. B e h i n d all m i l i t a r y c o u p s i n W e s t A f r i c a t h e r e l a y a r m y g r i e v a n c e s as w e l l as h o s t i l i t y t o c i v i l i a n g o v e r n m e n t s a r i s i n g f r o m other causes. F o r e x a m p l e , in G h a n a C o l o n e l A c h e a m p o n g w a s said t o h a v e o v e r t h r o w n D r B u s i a i n 1 9 7 2 b e c a u s e h e a n d o t h e r officers w e r e i n c e n s e d b y t h a t g o v e r n m e n t ' s w i t h d r a w a l o f a r m y p r i v i l e g e s . N e v e r t h e l e s s a r m y rule in a n g l o p h o n e W e s t A f r i c a in general w a s not oppressive and the courts, civil services and n e w s p a p e r s p r o v e d to h a v e b e e n in n o m o r e d a n g e r f r o m soldiers t h a n f r o m c i v i l i a n s . M i l i t a r y r u l e , h o w e v e r , as s h o w n b y t h e s e r i e s o f c o u p s and a t t e m p t e d c o u p s in G h a n a and N i g e r i a and the forcible o v e r t h r o w o f the one-year-old F r e e t o w n military r e g i m e b y p r i v a t e soldiers in 1968, w a s n o m o r e stable t h a n o n e - p a r t y rule. In spite o f ritual d e n u n c i a t i o n o f f o r e i g n c o m m e r c i a l enterprises b y p o l i t i c i a n s , a n g l o p h o n e W e s t A f r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t s all s o u g h t to e n c o u r a g e f o r e i g n i n v e s t m e n t , t h o u g h often in practice dis­ c o u r a g i n g it. E v e n D r N k r u m a h h a d n o a n t i p a t h y t o f o r e i g n private enterprise. It w a s G h a n a i a n p r i v a t e enterprise that he stifled, s e e i n g its d e v e l o p m e n t as a t h r e a t t o h i s t h e o r i e s as m u c h as t o h i s r e g i m e . A l l t h e s e c o u n t r i e s , h o w e v e r , felt t h e m s e l v e s t o b e at t h e m e r c y o f t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l m a r k e t s i n c e , i n s p i t e o f O P E C and other p r o d u c e r s ' organisations, d e m a n d and prices for their e x p o r t s d e p e n d e d o n e c o n o m i c decisions in the industrialised countries. In W e s t Africa, e v e n a m o n g the N o r t h e r n N i g e r i a n aristocracy, b i r t h c o n f e r r e d f e w p r i v i l e g e s after i n d e p e n d e n c e . B u t i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e m a j o r i t y - p a r t i c u l a r l y f a r m e r s - all officials, p r o f e s s i o n a l p e o p l e and e v e n industrial w o r k e r s seemed p r i v i l e g e d . State b o d i e s in b e w i l d e r i n g n u m b e r s h a d l i t t l e t o d o w i t h s o c i a l i s m b u t instead p r o d u c e d a kind o f state-supported, if insecure, b o u r g e ­ o i s i e . E d u c a t i o n , at l e a s t o f t h e h i g h e r k i n d s , still m a r k e d p e o p l e o u t , and in N i g e r i a d e m a n d s for the c r e a t i o n o f n e w states t e n d e d t o c o m e f r o m g r o u p s f e e l i n g at a d i s a d v a n t a g e c o m p a r e d w i t h m o r e h i g h l y e d u c a t e d p e o p l e in t h e e x i s t i n g s t a t e s . M i l i t a r y r u l e in N i g e r i a and G h a n a c o n c e a l e d social tensions. W h e n they e m e r g e d , h o w e v e r , t h e y w e r e still m o r e l i k e l y t o b e b a s e d o n a g e o r ethnic g r o u p than o n social class.

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Independent Ghana G h a n a entered independence w i t h immense international g o o d ­ w i l l , w i t h D r N k r u m a h as p r i m e m i n i s t e r . H e h a d w o n a d e c i s i v e e l e c t i o n v i c t o r y , b u t w i t h t h e v o t e s p r o b a b l y o f o n l y 30 p e r c e n t o f t h e a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n . O p p o s i t i o n M P s n u m b e r e d 43 a g a i n s t t h e C P P ' s 5 7; s o , in s p i t e o f t h e v i o l e n c e o f t h e p e r i o d w h e n t h e N L M w a s c a m p a i g n i n g a g a i n s t t h e C P P , it s e e m e d p o s s i b l e t h a t a multi-party parliamentary system could survive. T h e r e w e r e , h o w e v e r , o m i n o u s signs. D u r i n g the independence c e l e b r a t i o n s , a v i o l e n t u p r i s i n g t o o k p l a c e in T r a n s v o l t a T o g o l a n d , the former T r u s t T e r r i t o r y o f S o u t h e r n T o g o l a n d , integrated w i t h G h a n a after a U N - c o n d u c t e d p l e b i s c i t e w h o s e r e s u l t s w e r e c h a l l e n g e d b y s o m e s o u t h e r n T o g o l e a d e r s . T h e last e x e c u t i v e a c t o f S i r C h a r l e s A r d e n - C l a r k e as g o v e r n o r w a s t o s e n d t h e G h a n a a r m y in t o q u e l l t h e d i s t u r b a n c e s . T h e s u b s e q u e n t a c q u i t t a l o n a technicality o f t w o o p p o s i t i o n leaders a c c u s e d o f c o m p l i c i t y in the v i o l e n c e l e d C P P l e a d e r s t o q u e s t i o n t h e efficacy o f c o n v e n t i o n a l legal machinery. A c c r a itself also experienced disturbances caused by a n e w m o v e m e n t a m o n g the area's G a p e o p l e . T h e g o v e r n m e n t t o o k a s e r i e s o f m e a s u r e s w h i c h it d e c l a r e d n e c e s s a r y b e c a u s e o f its o p p o n e n t s ' v i o l e n c e . T h e s e i n c l u d e d r e m o v a l o f chiefs w h o had supported the o p p o s i t i o n , and they c u l m i n a t e d in t h e P r e v e n t i v e D e t e n t i o n A c t , p a s s e d i n J u l y 1 9 5 8 , after t h e a l l e g e d d i s c o v e r y o f a p l o t l e d b y a n o p p o s i t i o n M P . P e o p l e c o u l d n o w b e d e t a i n e d f o r p e r i o d s o f five y e a r s w i t h o u t a p p e a l . T h e a c t w a s u s e d first a g a i n s t 38 l e a d i n g m e m b e r s o f t h e opposition and then against opposition within the ruling party itself. T h e f u s i o n o f state a n d p a r t y p o w e r n o w b e g a n , w i t h t h e a p p o i n t m e n t o f C P P m e m b e r s as r e g i o n a l a n d d i s t r i c t c o m m i s ­ s i o n e r s in p l a c e o f c i v i l s e r v a n t s . A C P P o r g a n i s a t i o n w a s g i v e n m o n o p o l y representation o f farmers, w h i l e the T U C c a m e u n d e r party control and independent cooperatives w e r e crushed. M P s started to leave the o p p o s i t i o n , w h i c h w a s n o w o r g a n i s e d into the United Party under D r Busia, and w a s beginning to lose local elections. B y i960 the n u m b e r o f o p p o s i t i o n M P s had been h a l v e d . In that year D r N k r u m a h w a s elected e x e c u t i v e president w i t h o v e r w h e l m i n g p o w e r s , b u t still b y o n l y a m i n o r i t y o f t h e

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r e g i s t e r e d e l e c t o r s . H e h a d e a r l i e r r e f e r r e d t o t h e C P P as c o n t a i n i n g 'the vast majority o f o u r c o u n t r y ' . 1

T h e C P P , once a genuinely popular movement, declined, increasingly reflecting the ideas o f o n e m a n and the functionaries flourishing in his s h a d o w . I n 1 9 6 1 a s e r i o u s s t r i k e o f r a i l w a y m e n protesting against prices w a s summarily ended. B u t the strikers a n d o t h e r s c o u l d see h o w f u n c t i o n a r i e s w e r e e n r i c h i n g t h e m s e l v e s ; a n d in h i s f a m o u s ' D a w n B r o a d c a s t ' o f 1 9 6 1 N k r u m a h h i m s e l f a c c u s e d t h e p a r t y ' s o l d g u a r d o f a b u s i n g t h e i r offices. T h e i r p l a c e s were then taken by p e o p l e w h o o w e d their positions entirely to the president, and w h o e c h o e d his theories. A n u m b e r o f the o l d g u a r d returned w h e n s o m e o f the n e w m e n w e r e accused o f c o m p l i c i t y in a t t e m p t s t o a s s a s s i n a t e N k r u m a h . In a plebiscite held in 1964 t o c o n f i r m m e a s u r e s to g i v e the president greater control o v e r the judiciary and to turn G h a n a officially i n t o a o n e - p a r t y s t a t e , 9 3 p e r c e n t o f t h e e l e c t o r a t e w e r e said t o h a v e v o t e d f o r t h e p r e s i d e n t ' s m e a s u r e s . O n l y f o r c e c o u l d n o w r e m o v e h i m , a n d after m a n y r u m o u r s t h e a r m y , l e d b y C o l o n e l K o t o k a , finally m o v e d , o n 24 F e b r u a r y 1 9 6 6 , w h i l e t h e president w a s a b r o a d in C h i n a . W h y did K o t o k a u n d e r t a k e this risky v e n t u r e ? M a n y had said t h a t i f t h e p r e s i d e n t left G h a n a h e w o u l d n e v e r r e t u r n ; f o r t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s s t a n d i n g h a d s u n k s o l o w t h a t it c o u l d n o t s u r v i v e his a b s e n c e . K o t o k a h a d p e r s o n a l g r i e v a n c e s a b o u t

promotion

a n d p o s t i n g a n d s h a r e d t h e a r m y ' s r e s e n t m e n t t h a t it w a s b e i n g reduced to an ill-equipped g e n d a r m e r i e , w h i l e the

Presidential

G u a r d w a s p a m p e r e d . B u t h e a l s o felt a s h a m e d o f h i s g o v e r n m e n t , and

that public o p i n i o n

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D i s g u s t w i t h N k r u m a h ' s r e g i m e w a s n o t the result so m u c h o f its a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m o r c o r r u p t i o n , o r o f h i s e x t r a v a g a n t p o l i t i c a l a i m s , as o f its i n c o m p e t e n c e a n d p r o f l i g a c y . F o r D r N k r u m a h a n d his c o l l e a g u e s t h e a n s w e r t o a n e c o n o m i c p r o b l e m w a s y e t a n o t h e r c o s t l y b o a r d o r c o r p o r a t i o n , w i t h a n e w office b l o c k , o v e r s t a f f e d b y p a r t y s u p p o r t e r s , a n d w i t h its o w n fleet o f c a r s . At

independence

million, adequate machine.

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Ghana

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a n efficient

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D e n n i s A u s t i n , Politics in Ghana 1946-60 ( O x f o r d , 1964), 180.

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b y foreign c o m p a n i e s - o f s o m e £ 2 5 0 m i l l i o n . L o c a l f o o d w a s prohibitively expensive and there w a s a chronic shortage o f c o n s u m e r g o o d s t u r n i n g the m a r k e t w o m e n , for l o n g p o w e r f u l s u p p o r t e r s , a g a i n s t t h e p r e s i d e n t . F r o n t i e r s w i t h all G h a n a ' s n e i g h b o u r s w e r e c l o s e d , w h i l e t h e p r i s o n s w e r e full. T h e w o r l d c o c o a p r i c e h a d d r o p p e d t o its l o w e s t p o s t - w a r p o i n t , a n d t h e effects w e r e c o m p o u n d e d b y G h a n a ' s m a r k e t i n g o p e r a t i o n s . C o c o a b a r t e r d e a l s w i t h C o m m u n i s t c o u n t r i e s i n fact p r o b a b l y strengthened the w o r l d market price; but G h a n a received from the C o m m u n i s t countries o n l y sub-standard or inappropriate goods. N k r u m a h w a n t e d a planned, socialist, independent and n o n a l i g n e d e c o n o m y ; b u t i n p r a c t i c e t h e r e w a s little real p l a n n i n g . I m p o r t controls, necessary to p r o v i d e foreign e x c h a n g e for n e w industrial equipment, made operation o f existing factories im­ possible. T h e r e w a s little s o c i a l i s m either, and n o equality b e t w e e n p a r t y f u n c t i o n a r i e s a n d t h e m a s s o f p e o p l e . T h e r e w e r e state enterprises in p l e n t y , b u t these s e r v e d bureaucrats, o r a f a v o u r e d constituency, and the majority o f t h e m lost m o n e y heavily. In spite o f s t u p e n d o u s waste, h o w e v e r , the N k r u m a h r e g i m e had m u c h t o s h o w . O n e o f D r N k r u m a h ' s last p u b l i c a c t s w a s t o i n a u g u r a t e the £ i 2 o - m i l l i o n V o l t a hydroelectricity scheme, w i t h w h i c h w a s associated the £50 million V a l c o aluminium smelter, the b i g g e s t non-oil private project in W e s t Africa. T h e n e w military regime w a s w e l c o m e d w i t h enthusiasm and f o u n d a c i v i l s e r v i c e e a g e r t o h e l p it. F o r t h e p r e s s i n g e c o n o m i c p r o b l e m s it f a c e d t h e r e m e d i e s w e r e m o s t l y c l e a r ; t h e d i f f i c u l t y w a s to apply them. Creditor countries, for example, concerned w i t h setting precedents, w e r e u n r e a d y t o g o the w h o l e w a y in rescheduling the N k r u m a h debts, but speedy shipment o f U S surplus f o o d and r a w materials helped to p e g the cost o f living. T h e r e g i m e c u t d o w n s p e n d i n g , b u t it h a d t o b e c a r e f u l n o t t o inflate u n e m p l o y m e n t . T h e r e g i m e a l s o t u r n e d t o t h e W o r l d B a n k a n d t h e I M F , w h o s e a d v i c e N k r u m a h h a d i g n o r e d , as w e l l as t o the U N . T h e frontiers w e r e o p e n e d to f o o d i m p o r t s , and w e s t e r n g o v e r n m e n t s p r o v i d e d credit. O n e controversial m o v e w a s the offer t o p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o m e s t a t e e n t e r p r i s e s . T h e object w a s to encourage Ghana's businessmen, w h o had been suppressed by D r N k r u m a h . T h e military g o v e r n m e n t dismissed party functionaries 360

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abolished various ideological bodies. B u t without creating unem­ p l o y m e n t it c o u l d n o t a b o l i s h t h e W o r k e r s ' B r i g a d e , w h i c h h a d o r i g i n a l l y b e e n f o u n d e d i n 1 9 5 7 as t h e B u i l d e r s ' B r i g a d e t o ' p r o v i d e a useful o c c u p a t i o n for the u n e m p l o y e d w h o are unable to secure either a formal apprenticeship o r steady e m p l o y m e n t ; t o afford t h e y o u t h o f t h e c o u n t r y a n o p p o r t u n i t y t o g i v e p a t r i o t i c s e r v i c e i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e c o u n t r y , a n d t o assist i n t h e e x e c u t i o n o f d e v e l o p m e n t projects, especially in rural areas'. F r e q u e n t l y , h o w e v e r , it h a d a c t e d as a b o d y o f s t o r m - t r o o p e r s . T h e r e g i m e w a s l u c k y t h a t its a d v e n t c o i n c i d e d w i t h a w o r l d c o c o a m a r k e t r e c o v e r y . B u t D r N k r u m a h ' s p o l i c i e s i n h i s last y e a r s s e e m almost consciously to h a v e been designed to reduce the e c o n o m y t o b a n k r u p t c y . A n o t h e r r e g i m e c o u l d n o t fail t o i m p r o v e t h i n g s e v e n i f - o r p e r h a p s p a r t i c u l a r l y i f - it d i d n o t h i n g . A p a r t from arresting, b u t n o t really reversing, e c o n o m i c decline, the military r e g i m e ' s greatest a c h i e v e m e n t w a s t o restore d e m o c r a t i c civilian rule to G h a n a in an election in 1969, w h i c h w a s a m o d e l o f fairness. U n h a p p i l y the t w o m a i n parties, the Progress Party (PP) and the N a t i o n a l A l l i a n c e o f Liberals ( N A L ) a l t h o u g h issuing sober election manifestos - b a c k e d their national d e m a n d s w i t h particularist tribal appeals in the s o u t h e r n r e g i o n s . In the northern regions the national parties strongly c h a m p i o n e d d i f f e r i n g s i d e s i n l o c a l d i s p u t e s , s u c h as s u c c e s s i o n t o t h e Y e n d i chieftancy. 1

U n d e r D r B u s i a , an a d m i n i s t r a t o r and intellectual t u r n e d politician, the P P f o r m e d a g o v e r n m e n t w h o s e record, in v i e w o f t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l c a l i b r e o f its m e m b e r s , w a s d i s a p p o i n t i n g . I t s attempt, for e x a m p l e , t o reduce u n e m p l o y m e n t in G h a n a b y e x p e l l i n g n o n - G h a n a i a n s w a s n o t o n l y h a r s h , as t h o u s a n d s o f t h o s e affected h a d l i v e d i n G h a n a f o r m a n y y e a r s , b u t s e r i o u s l y d i s r u p t e d c o m m e r c e . I n t h e e n d , h o w e v e r , it w a s t h e i m p o s s i b i l i t y o f controlling s m u g g l i n g - together w i t h the G h a n a i a n predilec­ tion for i m p o r t e d g o o d s - and the w e a k , if politically dispassi­ onate, w o r l d cocoa market w h i c h caused D r Busia, under I M F p r o m p t i n g , to d e v a l u e G h a n a ' s c u r r e n c y b y 44 per cent in 1 9 7 2 . O n c e m o r e the a r m y m o v e d . B u t this time C o l o n e l A c h e a m p o n g c o u l d n o t use the justification used b y C o l o n e l K o t o k a , since there 1

T h i s w a s o n e o f t h e m a j o r c h i e f t a n c i e s in n o r t h e r n G h a n a . T h e d e a t h o f t h e c h i e f left a v a c a n c y w h i c h c o u l d b e filled b y a n y o f a n u m b e r o f c a n d i d a t e s f r o m r u l i n g h o u s e s . P P backed one candidate and N A L another.

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w a s n o d o u b t t h a t D r B u s i a w o u l d h a v e f a c e d i n d u e c o u r s e a free a n d fair e l e c t i o n . A c h e a m p o n g ' s o n l y j u s t i f i c a t i o n m i g h t h a v e b e e n that the e c o n o m i c p e r f o r m a n c e o f his r e g i m e w a s greatly s u p e r i o r t o D r B u s i a ' s . Y e t o v e r s i x y e a r s later, after A c h e a m p o n g ' s o v e r t h r o w , h i s s u c c e s s o r s h a d t o d e v a l u e b y o v e r 100 p e r c e n t . S o , in spite o f s o m e earlier successes in c a m p a i g n s t o g r o w m o r e f o o d and industrial r a w materials, the failure and the c o r r u p t i o n o f the A c h e a m p o n g r e g i m e s h o w e d that military g o v e r n m e n t had offered little t o G h a n a .

Independent Nigeria J u s t as G h a n a ' s i n d e p e n d e n c e c e l e b r a t i o n s t h r e e y e a r s e a r l i e r h a d b e e n m a r r e d b y a p o p u l a r u p r i s i n g in T r a n s v o l t a - T o g o , s o , b u t t o far less p u b l i c i t y , N i g e r i a ' s c e l e b r a t i o n s i n O c t o b e r i 9 6 0 w e r e a c c o m p a n i e d b y widespread disburbances a m o n g the T i v o f the then N o r t h e r n R e g i o n . T h e T i v had local g r i e v a n c e s w h i c h their l e a d e r s felt c o u l d b e m e t o n l y b y t h e c r e a t i o n o f a * M i d d l e B e l t ' state o u t o f t h e n o n - M u s l i m a r e a s o f t h e N o r t h e r n R e g i o n . T h e d e m a n d f o r n e w states t o s e p a r a t e m i n o r i t i e s f r o m t h e e t h n i c majorities o f the three main r e g i o n s w a s an i m p o r t a n t feature o f p r e - i n d e p e n d e n c e p o l i t i c s . I n d e p e n d e n c e s h a r p e n e d it, a n d it s o o n b e c a m e c l e a r t h a t t h e findings o f a C o l o n i a l O f f i c e c o m m i s s i o n , w h i c h had reported just before i n d e p e n d e n c e , that the creation o f n e w states w a s u n d e s i r a b l e a n d w o u l d n o t c a l m t h e m i n o r i t i e s ' fears, w e r e m i s t a k e n . I n a n y c a s e , b e c a u s e in e a c h r e g i o n t h e largest ethnic g r o u p tended to d o m i n a t e the ruling party, the d e m a n d f o r n e w states b e c a m e a m a j o r c a u s e o f p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y , a n d e a c h o f t h e t h r e e m a i n p a r t i e s e x p l o i t e d it t o t h e d i s a d v a n t a g e o f the others. O n l y in t h e M i d - W e s t a r e a o f t h e W e s t e r n R e g i o n , h o w e v e r , w a s it f o u n d p o l i t i c a l l y p o s s i b l e , i n 1 9 6 3 , t o s e p a r a t e a m i n o r i t y area f r o m a r e g i o n a n d c r e a t e a n e w r e g i o n . It w a s n o t u n t i l 1 9 6 7 , o n the e v e o f the civil w a r , that G e n e r a l G o w o n d i v i d e d N i g e r i a i n t o 12 s t a t e s , i n c l u d i n g t h r e e i n t h e E a s t e r n R e g i o n , t w o o f w h i c h w e r e d e s i g n e d to detach the minorities there f r o m the d o m i n a n t I b o s w h o w e r e t h e m a i n s t a y o f t h e r e b e l l i o n (fig. 20). T h e r e a f t e r in 1 9 7 6 c a m e t h e d i v i s i o n o f t h e rest o f N i g e r i a i n t o 1 9 s t a t e s , b u t e v e n t h a t left s o m e s i g n i f i c a n t e t h n i c g r o u p s d i s s a t i s f i e d .

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20 Nigeria: the 12 states. S o l o n g as t h e N o r t h e r n R e g i o n c o m m a n d e d h a l f t h e seats i n the federal H o u s e o f Representatives and c o n t a i n e d w e l l o v e r half t h e c o u n t r y ' s a r e a , t h e N i g e r i a n f e d e r a t i o n w a s at b e s t u n s t a b l e , at w o r s t u n w o r k a b l e . S o u t h e r n fears o f p e r p e t u a l n o r t h e r n d o m i n a t i o n w e r e m a t c h e d b y the determination o f n o r t h e r n leaders n o t to a l l o w the d i v i s i o n o f their r e g i o n u n d e r any c i r c u m s t a n c e s . A n d a l t h o u g h t h e N C N C f o u n d it c o n v e n i e n t f o r m o s t o f the p r e - 1 9 6 6 p e r i o d to join the N P C in the federal g o v e r n m e n t o f Sir A b u b a k a r T a f a w a B a l e w a — D r A z i k i w e b e c a m e ' c o n s t i t u t i o n a l ' g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l in i960, then presi­ dent — the prospect o f permanent ' northern d o m i n a t i o n ' d r o v e s o m e s o u t h e r n l e a d e r s t o d e s p e r a t e a c t s , s u c h as a d v o c a c y o f secession f r o m the federation. In this sense, failure t o m e e t the d e m a n d f o r t h e s u b - d i v i s i o n o f t h e r e g i o n s , a l t h o u g h it w a s a self-interested d e m a n d , threatened the s u r v i v a l o f the federation as a w h o l e .

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It w a s t h e u s e o f t h e a r m y t o d e a l w i t h t h e v i o l e n t o p p o s i t i o n o f A c t i o n G r o u p supporters against the r i g g e d elections w h i c h the N P C - s u p p o r t e d g o v e r n m e n t o f the W e s t e r n R e g i o n w o n in 1965, and the virtual b r e a k d o w n o f l a w and o r d e r in the r e g i o n , w h i c h l e d d i r e c t l y t o t h e m i l i t a r y t a k e - o v e r i n J a n u a r y 1 9 6 6 . It w a s b e l i e v e d in parts o f the N o r t h e r n R e g i o n that the military g o v e r n m e n t h a d n o t o n l y b e e n i n s t a l l e d as p a r t o f a n ' I b o p l o t ' , b u t w o u l d p l a c e I b o officials i n c h a r g e o f t h e r e g i o n . T h i s l e d t o t h e later m u r d e r o f I b o s a n d s u b s e q u e n t l y , i n 1 9 6 7 , t o t h e c i v i l war. T h e w a r w a s n e v e r , as it w a s o f t e n r e p r e s e n t e d , a c o n f l i c t b e t w e e n I b o and Hausa. T h e majority o f the federal infantry c a m e f r o m t h e n o n - M u s l i m areas o f t h e f o r m e r N o r t h e r n R e g i o n , and the Y o r u b a s played a leading political role in the military g o v e r n m e n t o f General G o w o n , himself a Christian from a n o n - H a u s a ethnic g r o u p in the n o r t h . N o r w a s the civil w a r ' s e n s e l e s s ' . It w a s s e e n o n o n e s i d e as a c r u s a d e t o p r e s e r v e n a t i o n a l u n i t y , a n d o n t h e o t h e r as t h e o n l y h o p e f o r p h y s i c a l s e c u r i t y . It w a s , h o w e v e r , v e r y m u c h t h e r e s u l t o f m i s c a l c u l a t i o n o n the part o f C o l o n e l O j u k w u , military g o v e r n o r o f the Eastern R e g i o n , w h o w a s c o n v i n c e d that he c o u l d w i n his s t r u g g l e w i t h L a g o s to secure virtual a u t o n o m y for his Eastern R e g i o n o n l y if the dispute w e r e ' internationalised'. T h a t m e a n t secession, despite G o w o n ' s declaration that he w o u l d maintain N i g e r i a ' s unity b y a r m e d f o r c e . I n E n u g u , it w a s c a l c u l a t e d t h a t ' p r o g r e s s i v e ' g o v e r n m e n t s , w h i c h c o u l d n e v e r declare support for the eastern cause w h i l e the r e g i o n w a s part o f N i g e r i a , w o u l d r e c o g n i s e an eastern secessionist g o v e r n m e n t in preference to the L a g o s g o v e r n m e n t , d o m i n a t e d b y the ' f e u d a l i s t s ' o f the N o r t h e r n R e g i o n . T h i s calculation p r o v e d quite w r o n g since s o m e radical A f r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t s - s u c h as t h o s e o f G u i n e a a n d A l g e r i a w e r e a m o n g the strongest supporters o f the federal cause, w h i l e t h e A f r i c a n states s u p p o r t i n g t h e r e b e l l i o n i n c l u d e d , as w e l l as Tanzania and Z a m b i a , the I v o r y C o a s t and G a b o n . A n d while O j u k w u and his advisers had n o s y m p a t h y w i t h C o m m u n i s m , they c o u l d not h a v e expected that S o v i e t arms - paid for b y the federal g o v e r n m e n t - w o u l d p l a y a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e in t h e i r d e f e a t . I f t h e rebel leaders miscalculated the international repercussions o f the s e c e s s i o n t h e y w e r e s i m i l a r l y at f a u l t i n t h e i r d o m e s t i c c a l c u l a t i o n s , seeing G e n e r a l G o w o n and the federal military c o m m a n d e r s , 364

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q u i t e w r o n g l y , as i n c o m p e t e n t n o r t h e r n e r s w h o c o u l d n o t b e effective in t h e a b s e n c e o f E a s t e r n R e g i o n officers. Success in the civil w a r i m m e n s e l y increased the self-confidence o f federal civil servants a n d military c o m m a n d e r s . T h e sacrifices necessary for victory w e r e v e r y u n e v e n l y shared b u t the v i c t o r y itself i m m e n s e l y strengthened national c o n s c i o u s n e s s , particularly as it w a s w i d e l y b e l i e v e d t h a t o u t s i d e s u p p o r t f o r t h e r e b e l l i o n w a s based o n a desire t o see s u c h a p o w e r f u l c o u n t r y as N i g e r i a disappear. T h e defeated, f o r their part, c o n s c i o u s that they h a d c o n d u c t e d a b r a v e fight a g a i n s t o d d s a n d h a d d i s p l a y e d g r e a t talent, w e r e ready o n c e m o r e t o take their place in the federation a l t h o u g h a m o n g t h e m , t o o , t h e sacrifices h a d b e e n m o s t u n e v e n l y shared. A f t e r i n d e p e n d e n c e g e n u i n e s o u t h e r n fears o f * n o r t h e r n d o m i ­ n a t i o n ' c o u l d n o t b e s u b s t a n t i a t e d ; n o r t h e r n fears o f s o u t h e r n intentions were equally v a g u e . But there w a s o n e subject o n w h i c h northerners and southerners n o t directly charged w i t h the c o n d u c t o f g o v e r n m e n t c o u l d a g r e e . A t i n d e p e n d e n c e in i 9 6 0 all federal civil service heads o f ministries and e v e n the Secretary t o the Prime Minister were British. ' Africanisation' for a time was n o w as c o n t r o v e r s i a l a n i s s u e as h a d b e e n i n d e p e n d e n c e itself. T h e a l l e g e d l y d e t a i l e d p r e p a r a t i o n f o r t h e t r a n s f e r o f p o w e r w a s as d e f i c i e n t i n t h i s as i n t h e m a t t e r o f n e w s t a t e s , b u t w a s e v e n m o r e unimaginative. Y e t , as i n o t h e r C o m m o n w e a l t h c o u n t r i e s , A f r i c a n c i v i l s e r v a n t s soon took o v e r the senior administrative posts and they did a m a g n i f i c e n t j o b u n d e r m o u n t i n g difficulties. I. F . N i c o l s o n , h o w ­ e v e r , m a i n t a i n e d t h a t , after t h e p o l i t i c i a n s h a d w e a k e n e d t h e i r morale, 'confidence, leadership, decision a n d initiative w e r e steadily drained' o u t o f these administrators. T h e training g i v e n to y o u n g a r m y officers, h o w e v e r , w a s e x p r e s s l y d e s i g n e d t o b r i n g out ' t h o s e qualities o f leadership, confidence, initiative, and p r o m p t d e c i s i o n w h i c h w e r e b e i n g lost in t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s e r v i c e ' . T h i s j u d g e m e n t p r o v e d t r u e o f t h e first m i l i t a r y g o v e r n o r s in N i g e r i a a n d w a s p r o v e d t o b e true o f those a p ­ p o i n t e d after G e n e r a l G o w o n w a s p e a c e f u l l y r e m o v e d i n 1 9 7 5 b y s e n i o r officers i m p a t i e n t w i t h h i s p r o c r a s t i n a t i o n a n d ineffec­ t i v e n e s s . T h e n e w m i l i t a r y g o v e r n m e n t ( h e a d e d first b y G e n e r a l M u r t a l a M o h a m m e d a n d , after h i s m u r d e r i n a n a b o r t i v e c o u p i n 1

1

I. F . N i c o l s o n , The administration of Nigeria, 1900 to i960 ( L o n d o n , 1970), 300.

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1976, b y General Obasanjo) embarked o n a p r o g r a m m e for a return to civilian rule in 1979 w h i c h was remarkable for its thoroughness and for the meticulousness o f its execution in a country where public utilities and g o v e r n m e n t services were notorious for their unreliability. T h i s was facilitated by revenues from Nigeria's extensive oil-fields. O i l started to make a substantial contribution to federal revenue in 1970, and in 1979 accounted for some 80 per cent o f it. T h i s g a v e immense n e w financial p o w e r to the federal g o v e r n m e n t . T h e breakup o f the regions into m u c h smaller states greatly increased this federal strength, and, together with the advent o f military rule, w i t h o u t w h i c h the breakup might never have happened, it was the most significant political development in post-independence Nigeria.

Independent Sierra Leone After the death o f Sir M i l t o n Margai in 1964 t w o men dominated Sierra L e o n e politics - his brother, Sir Albert Margai, and M r Siaka Stevens, earlier b o t h senior lieutenants o f Sir Milton. Both had left the S L P P before independence but Sir A l b e r t returned to the party to succeed Sir M i l t o n as prime minister. Stevens formed his A l l People's C o n g r e s s in i960, a radical, democratic party, tied neither to the chiefs nor to the rich and influential. In foreign affairs it adopted a more radical stance than the S L P P . F e w o f its leaders w o u l d have been eligible at that time to b e c o m e paramount chiefs; none then had a university degree. E x c e p t for Stevens, the A P C leaders w e r e also y o u n g e r than the S L P P leaders; and the party was later to adopt a s o m e w h a t v a g u e socialist ideology. T o many in Sierra L e o n e , h o w e v e r , the outstanding feature o f the new party was that its leaders were from the Northern P r o v i n c e , while those o f the S L P P came from the south. In the 1962 election, in w h i c h his A P C w o n 16 out o f the 62 seats, Stevens found some southern support. He was n o w leader o f an effective opposition, and Sir M i l t o n included him in Sierra L e o n e ' s U N delegation. Stevens also became M a y o r o f F r e e t o w n w h e n his party w o n the city council elections in 1964. By 1967 his party had made such progress that, despite flagrant abuses in the general election o f that year b y the S L P P , the results were so 366 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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close that the governor-general felt able to appoint Stevens, not Sir Albert Margai, as prime minister, as b e i n g the man most likely to command a majority. T h e force c o m m a n d e r , Brigadier Lansana, intervened on the g r o u n d s that in these circumstances party conflict could produce disorder, and declared martial law to prevent Stevens taking o v e r . Stevens and his lieutenants w e r e confined by the army in State H o u s e w h e r e they had g o n e to be s w o r n in by the governor-general. T h e brigadier was then o v e r ­ thrown by his military colleagues, w h o established a military g o v e r n m e n t , and Stevens was briefly detained. T h e r e f o l l o w e d for him exile in L o n d o n and in G u i n e a . In A p r i l 1968, after a counter-coup organised by private soldiers had o v e r t h r o w n the military regime - the first time in history that privates achieved such a feat - he was invited to return to take his rightful place as prime minister. In this counter-coup all s e r v i n g army and police officers were arrested and imprisoned b y their m e n ; but a surprising degree o f army and police discipline s u r v i v e d . It was almost a year before all army and police officers, except some w h o were to face court charges, had been released. A s prime minister, Stevens handled this crisis w i t h diplomacy and courage. But scarcely less melodramatic w e r e the events in 1971, w h i c h led to the rapid changes w h i c h made h i m first constitutional president and then executive president, f o l l o w i n g the attempt o n his life in an abortive c o u p led b y the then force commander, Brigadier Bangura. T r o o p s from G u i n e a w e r e brought in to act as his b o d y g u a r d . T h e i r presence w a s widely resented, but he stoutly insisted o n h a v i n g them until 1973. His A P C subsequently w o n t w o general elections, b y means little different from those unsuccessfully e m p l o y e d b y the S L P P and widely criticised; and after t o y i n g w i t h the idea o f a ' n o - p a r t y ' state, President Stevens, o v e r r i d i n g all o p p o s i t i o n , finally estab­ lished by law a one-party state in the country w h e r e democratic notions first gained currency in W e s t Africa.

Independent Gambia After taking the G a m b i a harmoniously t o independence in 1965, Sir D a u d a Jawara's People's Progressive Party ( P P P ) n e v e r seemed in danger o f losing p o w e r , although always h o l d i n g free and fair elections at the prescribed intervals. In 1965 voters 367 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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rejected the proposal to turn the G a m b i a into a Republic. Sir D a u d a waited five years to resubmit the p r o p o s a l ; it was accepted, and in 1970 he became executive president. His g o v e r n m e n t slowly i m p r o v e d the e c o n o m i c and financial situation despite the fact that the G a m b i a was one o f the victims o f the Sahel d r o u g h t and remained principally dependent o n groundnuts, an increase in w h o s e production the g o v e r n m e n t has successfully fostered. W h i l e the P P P reached p o w e r as a Mandinka-based party, and was accused o f advancing Mandinka (as opposed to Protectorate) interests, Sir D a u d a b r o u g h t non-Mandinka into his cabinets and at times they w e r e in a majority. Sometimes against the protests o f his y o u n g e r lieutenants, he placed confidence in non-Mandinka, o r e v e n British, senior civil servants; and there were still so few Mandinka at the t o p in the public services ten years after independence that some M a n d i n k a w e r e demanding a quota system o f civil-service appointments. H e also resisted party demands that the appointments o f the five civil service c o m 368 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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m i s s i o n e r s ' u p r i v e r ' , w h o f o r m a n y p e o p l e still 'the g o v e r n m e n t ' , should b e c o m e political.

represented

T h e trade-union m o v e m e n t remained w e a k and divided. But if the small scale o f c o r r u p t i o n and the v i r t u a l a b s e n c e o f g o v e r n m e n t e x t r a v a g a n c e limited the political targets available to the u n e m p l o y e d y o u n g , in the capital area they b e g a n t o f o r m a potential o p p o s i t i o n to the g o v e r n m e n t that w a s m o r e m e n a c i n g than the existing parties. T h e G a m b i a w a s the clearest e x a m p l e o f the d i v i s i o n w h i c h has continued b e t w e e n the a n g l o p h o n e and francophone countries o f W e s t A f r i c a after i n d e p e n d e n c e . A l l its p e o p l e s , e x c e p t t h e s m a l l C r e o l e c o m m u n i t y o f the Banjul area, w e r e k i n s m e n o f ethnic g r o u p s in s u r r o u n d i n g S e n e g a l , and there w a s c o m p l e t e f r e e d o m o f m o v e m e n t b e t w e e n t h e t w o c o u n t r i e s . B u t , as w e h a v e s e e n , there w a s n e v e r any e n t h u s i a s m in the G a m b i a for any k i n d o f merger with Senegal, although a 'special relationship' was e s t a b l i s h e d t h r o u g h j o i n t i n s t i t u t i o n s after i n d e p e n d e n c e . I n a n y c a s e , as a m e m b e r o f E C O W A S a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l g r o u p i n g s , as a s i g n a t o r y o f t h e L o m é C o n v e n t i o n c o v e r i n g all A f r i c a n s t a t e s , a n d as r e c i p i e n t o f a i d f r o m a r a n g e o f A r a b , C o m m u n i s t a n d western countries, the G a m b i a seemed neither isolated n o r v u l ­ n e r a b l e , e v e n t h o u g h it h a d n o a r m y , b u t h a d m a d e a s e c u r i t y a g r e e m e n t w i t h S e n e g a l in 1965. 1

T h e r e w e r e e v e n smaller a n d less p r o s p e r o u s m e m b e r s o f the O A U t h a n t h e G a m b i a , a n d its p r e s i d e n t h a d t h e s t a t u s o f a s e n i o r statesman in A f r i c a . H e w a s , h o w e v e r , criticised inside his o w n p a r t y f o r l e a n i n g t o w a r d s ' t h e W e s t ' a n d w a s o n e o f t h e last African leaders to a b a n d o n r e c o g n i t i o n o f T a i w a n . T h e president's s u c c e s s f u l efforts t o n e u t r a l i s e t h e U n i t e d P a r t y a n d o t h e r p a r t i e s a n d t o a p p e a l t o all s e c t i o n s o f t h e c o u n t r y as a n a t i o n a l figure w e a k e n e d his appeal t o s o m e o f his o w n M a n d i n k a . B u t he s u r v i v e d o p p o s i t i o n to h i m s e l f and to his policies inside the P P P . R e l a x e d and paternal, he s e e m e d likely t o c o n t i n u e t o s u r v i v e in a state w h i c h , a l t h o u g h d e m o c r a t i c , o f f e r e d little b a s i s f o r a successful o p p o s i t i o n party. 1

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I n t h e y e a r s after its n e i g h b o u r , S i e r r a L e o n e , b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t , t h e L i b e r i a n h i n t e r l a n d w a s f i n a l l y , i f still t o s o m e d e g r e e o n l y formally, integrated into the national political system. In 1 9 7 1 , w h e n P r e s i d e n t T u b m a n d i e d in office, W i l l i a m T o l b e r t , l o n g his v i c e - p r e s i d e n t , s u c c e e d e d s m o o t h l y t o the p r e s i d e n c y . H e dismantled swollen, and sometimes rival, security forces, ruled w i t h o u t r e p r e s s i o n , a n d i n s t i t u t e d a less f o r m a l t y p e o f r u l e . A f t e r b e i n g e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t u n a n i m o u s l y i n 1 9 7 5 h e set a t e r m t o h i s p e r i o d o f office, i n c o n t r a s t t o t h e r e g u l a r e x t e n s i o n s a r r a n g e d f o r h i s p r e d e c e s s o r , w h o h a d r u l e d f o r n e a r l y 30 y e a r s . T o l b e r t entered continental politics w i t h even more enthusiasm than did T u b m a n and m a d e sure that Liberia played a m o r e p r o m i n e n t r o l e in O A U i n i t i a t i v e s . L i b e r i a h a d a l s o at last e x c h a n g e d a m b a s s a d o r s w i t h the S o v i e t U n i o n - an e x c h a n g e T u b m a n r e s i s t e d , a l t h o u g h h e h a d a g r e e d t o it i n p r i n c i p l e as e a r l y as 1 9 5 6 w h e n t h e S o v i e t U n i o n s o u g h t a d i p l o m a t i c p o s t in W e s t A f r i c a a n d L i b e r i a , as t h e s o l e i n d e p e n d e n t s t a t e , w a s t h e o n l y o n e t h e n a v a i l a b l e . P r e s i d e n t T o l b e r t v i s i t e d P e k i n g after s e v e r i n g relations w i t h T a i w a n . In 1 9 7 3 , w i t h President S t e v e n s o f Sierra L e o n e , he f o r m e d the M a n o R i v e r U n i o n u n d e r w h i c h a c u s t o m s ' union and other forms o f e c o n o m i c cooperation w e r e to be e s t a b l i s h e d . S o at last S i e r r a L e o n e , w h e r e P r o t e c t o r a t e l e a d e r s h a d o n c e s e e n L i b e r i a as r e p r e s e n t i n g p o l i t i c a l l y s i m i l a r f o r c e s t o t h o s e w i t h w h o m they themselves w e r e c o m p e t i n g for p o w e r , forged c l o s e official l i n k s w i t h its n e i g h b o u r . T h e r e remained a potential conflict o v e r the issue o f the h o l d i n g o f ' t r i b a l ' land b y Liberian planters f r o m the coast and b y foreigners. B u t politically the 'settler-tribesman' issue, already w a n i n g , appeared to be g i v i n g w a y t o a w i d e r o n e that c o u l d excite real f e e l i n g . A l t h o u g h t h e y w e r e l o s i n g t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n , particularly w i t h regard to taxation, the international m i n i n g and p l a n t a t i o n e n t e r p r i s e s , w h i c h l o o m e d s o l a r g e in t h e e c o n o m y , together w i t h the Liberians w h o , w h a t e v e r their o r i g i n , w e r e their p a r t n e r s a n d a g e n t s , w e r e e x p o s e d as p o t e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l t a r g e t s . B u t a l t h o u g h the benefits o f e c o n o m i c g r o w t h w e r e so u n e v e n l y d i s t r i b u t e d , L i b e r i a still a p p e a r e d t o e n j o y o n e o f t h e m o s t s t a b l e r e g i m e s in t h e r e g i o n . U n d e r n e a t h , h o w e v e r , o t h e r f o r c e s w e r e stirring. M o r e p e o p l e from the hinterland w e r e g a i n i n g access to

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education, and thus w e r e able to c o m p e t e for p o w e r , and

the

g e n e r a l w o r l d r e c e s s i o n b e g a n t o affect t h e e c o n o m y s o t h a t serious f o o d shortages and h i g h prices w e r e to lead to discontent and rioting.

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E D U C A T I O N A L

D E V E L O P M E N T S

F o r all a n g l o p h o n e W e s t A f r i c a n s t a t e s , t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t s o c i a l d e v e l o p m e n t i n t h e y e a r s s i n c e 1945 w a s t h e r a p i d s p r e a d o f e d u c a t i o n . I t w a s i m p o r t a n t f o r t h r e e r e a s o n s . S o l o n g as m o s t o f their citizens r e m a i n e d illiterate these c o u n t r i e s c o u l d n o t b e truly independent, since they w o u l d continue to require foreigners f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a n d t e c h n i c a l p o s t s as w e l l as f o r t e a c h i n g . S o l o n g as e d u c a t i o n , at a n y l e v e l , r e m a i n e d t h e p r i v i l e g e o f t h e f e w , t h e ' t y r a n n y o f t h e c l e r k s w o u l d flourish a n d d e v o t i o n t o p a p e r qualifications w o u l d distort j u d g e m e n t s a b o u t individual merit. A b o v e all, p e r h a p s , t h e d i v i s i o n i n t o ' t w o n a t i o n s ' i n all t h e s e states - b e t w e e n t h e r e l a t i v e l y w e l l e d u c a t e d c o a s t a l t o w n s a n d t h e hinterland - w o u l d continue to i m p e d e national integration and p r o d u c e bitter political divisions. T h e further a r g u m e n t that a h i g h l e v e l o f l i t e r a c y is e s s e n t i a l f o r d e m o c r a c y d i d n o t w i n u n i v e r s a l a c c e p t a n c e . B u t , i n t h i s b e l i e f , all W e s t A f r i c a n l e a d e r s attached great importance to the spread o f education. 9

T h e e d u c a t i o n a l d i v i s i o n c o u l d be seen m o s t sharply in Sierra L e o n e and L i b e r i a , w h e r e in e a c h case small c o m m u n i t i e s - the Creoles and the A m e r i c o - L i b e r i a n s - w e r e h i g h l y educated while t h e m a s s o f i n t e r i o r p e o p l e h a d little o r n o e d u c a t i o n . B u t t h e political c o n s e q u e n c e s in these cases, and in the a l m o s t similar o n e in the G a m b i a , w e r e softened b e c a u s e the h i g h l y e d u c a t e d c o m m u n i t i e s w e r e so few in n u m b e r that they clearly c o u l d n o t indefinitely d o m i n a t e their countries politically. I n G h a n a , e n r o l m e n t i n p r i m a r y s c h o o l s r o s e f r o m 80000 i n 1946 to 255000 in 1 9 5 1 , t o 465000 in 1 9 5 7 , a n d t o 1 365000 in 1 9 7 2 . B u t t h e s e i m p r e s s i v e figures c o n c e a l e d a fall i n s t a n d a r d s , t h e i m b a l a n c e - w h i c h all t h e c o u n t r i e s e x p e r i e n c e d - b e t w e e n t h e n u m b e r o f b o y s and o f girls in s c h o o l s , and an imbalance also b e t w e e n the southern and the t w o n o r t h e r n r e g i o n s w h i c h had significant political i m p o r t a n c e . T h e really serious d i v i s i o n , h o w ­ e v e r , w a s in N i g e r i a , w h e r e i n t h e e a r l y 1 9 6 0 s o n l y a b o u t five p e r cent o f c h i l d r e n o f s c h o o l a g e attended classes in substantial areas

37i

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W E S T

A F R I C A

o f t h e f o r m e r N o r t h e r n R e g i o n as a g a i n s t a l m o s t 100 p e r c e n t i n certain districts o f the three southern r e g i o n s . T h e d i v i s i o n o f N i g e r i a i n t o states e m p h a s i s e d these differences, s i n c e t h e m o r e s o u t h e r l y o f t h e states c a r v e d o u t o f t h e f o r m e r N o r t h e r n R e g i o n c o u l d t h e m s e l v e s be seen to h a v e a h i g h e r literacy and s c h o o l attendance rate than the m o r e n o r t h e r l y states. I n s i d e t h e n e w s t a t e s - s o m e i n t h e s o u t h as w e l l as i n t h e north - educational imbalance, w h i c h previously had not seemed i m p o r t a n t , a l s o b e c a m e s i g n i f i c a n t . F o r it l e d t o r e s e n t m e n t f r o m t h e less w e l l e d u c a t e d o n t h e g r o u n d t h a t t h e b e t t e r e d u c a t e d w o u l d m o n o p o l i s e g o v e r n m e n t j o b s . I t w a s a l s o felt t h a t b e t t e r e d u c a t e d areas w o u l d attract m o r e s u p p o r t f r o m the federal government. T h e great e x p a n s i o n o f p r i m a r y e d u c a t i o n raised serious social p r o b l e m s . I n t h e first p l a c e a h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f c h i l d r e n left s c h o o l p r e m a t u r e l y ( s o m e t i m e s at t h e i r p a r e n t s ' i n s i s t e n c e ) , h a v i n g g a i n e d limited literacy b u t a c o n v i c t i o n that this w a s e n o u g h to w i n a j o b outside agriculture. O f the children w h o finished t h e e l e m e n t a r y c o u r s e o n l y a s m a l l p r o p o r t i o n c o u l d g o o n t o f u r t h e r t r a i n i n g , t h e rest b e c o m i n g t h e s c h o o l - l e a v e r s w h o s e i n a b i l i t y t o find j o b s a n d w h o s e d i s i n c l i n a t i o n t o f a r m p a r t l y accounted b o t h for increasing urban u n e m p l o y m e n t and crime and for the stagnation o r decline o f agriculture. U n e m p l o y m e n t of secondary-school leavers and o f graduates had not yet b e c o m e an o v e r w h e l m i n g p r o b l e m b u t t h e y c o u l d n o l o n g e r , e x c e p t in the m o s t b a c k w a r d areas, suit t h e m s e l v e s entirely in the m a t t e r o f e m p l o y m e n t . In spite o f considerable a d v a n c e s , s e c o n d a r y and technical education l a g g e d behind the expansion o f primary education, partly because o f lack o f funds and partly because o f shortage o f teachers. M a n y secondary schools, h o w e v e r , establ­ ished and maintained h i g h standards. I f the elementary s c h o o l s p r o v i d e d t h e t r o o p s f o r t h e n a t i o n a l i s t m o v e m e n t , it w a s t h e secondary s c h o o l s , e v e n m o r e than the universities, w h i c h p r o ­ v i d e d the officers. In 1942 there w a s n o a n g l o p h o n e university in W e s t Africa, although students o f F o u r a h B a y College could be awarded D u r h a m d e g r e e s in a limited r a n g e o f subjects a n d the C o l l e g e a t t r a c t e d s t u d e n t s f r o m e l s e w h e r e i n W e s t A f r i c a , s u c h as D r R o b e r t G a r d i n e r from the G o l d Coast and Professor K e n n e t h D i k e f r o m N i g e r i a . A c h i m o t a C o l l e g e in the G o l d C o a s t also 372

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SOCIAL,

C U L T U R A L

A N D E D U C A T I O N A L

D E V E L O P M E N T S

offered a d e g r e e c o u r s e i n e n g i n e e r i n g f o r t h e L o n d o n B . S c , w h i l e in N i g e r i a , Y a b a H i g h e r C o l l e g e o f f e r e d p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g b u t n o t d e g r e e s , an inferior status w h i c h in t h e 1930s a n d 1940s d i d m o r e than any other single factor t o arouse nationalist feeling a m o n g the Nigerian intelligentsia. B y 1972 N i g e r i a h a d six universities w i t h seven m o r e in the offing; G h a n a , three; Liberia one w i t h , in addition, the degree-granting C u t t i n g t o n C o l l e g e ; and Sierra L e o n e w i t h o n e c a m p u s in the capital, the l o n g e s t a b l i s h e d F o u r a h B a y C o l l e g e , a n d o n e c a m p u s u p - c o u n t r y at N j a l a . A n d t h e r e w e r e still t h o u s a n d s o f a n g l o p h o n e W e s t A f r i c a n students overseas. B e c a u s e at first t h e y felt t h e m s e l v e s t o b e - a n d w e r e c o n s t a n t l y told that they w e r e - p r i v i l e g e d , university students, a l t h o u g h intensely political, s e l d o m indulged, e v e n against the colonial authorities, in the activities w h i c h h a v e c o m e t o b e associated w i t h student politics elsewhere. U n d e r the military regimes, h o w e v e r , students t o o k o v e r the opposition role vacated b y politicians and frequently clashed w i t h the authorities, often violently. T h e g r e a t e x p a n s i o n o f e d u c a t i o n w a s a c c o m p a n i e d b y efforts to maintain h i g h standards; and while the universities w e r e a c c u s e d o f b e i n g elitist o r , b e c a u s e o f t h e i r c o n t i n u e d r e c r u i t m e n t o f e x p a t r i a t e staff a n d c l o s e c o n n e x i o n s w i t h E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g universities overseas, ' n e o - c o l o n i a l ' , they helped in the g r o w t h o f an impressive b o d y o f W e s t African scholars and in the i n c l i n a t i o n o f c u r r i c u l a , a t all l e v e l s , t o w a r d s a n A f r i c a n c o n t e n t , particularly in history. T h e scholarly interest w h i c h for s o m e years h a d b e e n taken in their o w n history b y W e s t Africans w a s m a t c h e d b y a n e w interest in A f r i c a n art. B u t w h i l e there w e r e i m p o r t a n t A f r i c a n historians o f t h e i r r a c e a n d c o u n t r i e s e v e n i n t h e last c e n t u r y , f o r a l o n g t i m e , influenced m o r e b y missionaries than b y those E u r o p e a n s w h o had l o n g seen the w o r t h o f A f r i c a n w o r k , Africans w i t h w e s t e r n e d u c a t i o n rejected A f r i c a n art a n d e v e n crafts. P e o p l e like t h e archaeologist, D r E k p o E y o o f Nigeria, o r Professors Asihene and N k e t i a o f G h a n a , h o w e v e r , w r o t e expertly o f their countries' traditional art. Artists like B e n E n w o n w u a n d V i n c e n t K o f i d r e w o n t h i s art f o r i n s p i r a t i o n f o r t h e i r o w n i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y e s t e e m e d 1

1

E k p o E y o , Two thousand years of Nigeria art ( L a g o s , 1977); J. W . K w a b e n a N k e t i a , Folk songs of Ghana ( O x f o r d , 1963); E . V . A s i h e n e , Introduction to the traditional art of western Africa ( L o n d o n , 1972).

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E N G L I S H - S P E A K I N G

work.

Archaeological

finds,

W E S T

too, notably

A F R I C A

those

at N o k a n d

I g b o - U k w u in N i g e r i a , s h o w e d that sophisticated w o r k o f h i g h quality w a s p r o d u c e d in a r e m o t e past in areas w h i c h until recently had been assumed to ' h a v e n o history*. T h e r e also arose a lively interest a m o n g educated a n g l o p h o n e W e s t Africans in traditional medicine. E n g l i s h c o n t i n u e d t o b e u s e d as t h e l a n g u a g e o f i n s t r u c t i o n i n p o s t - p r i m a r y a n d o f t e n i n p r i m a r y e d u c a t i o n , as i t c o n t i n u e d t o be

the

language

o f politics,

administration

and

large-scale

c o m m e r c e , o n l y s h a r i n g this role w i t h H a u s a in parts o f N i g e r i a ' s n o r t h e r n s t a t e s . W i d e s p r e a d m o r t i f i c a t i o n at s u c h u s e o f a n a l i e n language did n o t p r o d u c e , and seemed unlikely t o p r o d u c e , an a l t e r n a t i v e , as n o s i n g l e l o c a l l a n g u a g e w a s g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t a b l e in a n y c o u n t r y . S o m a n y W e s t A f r i c a n s , particularly n o v e l i s t s in N i g e r i a , s h o w e d a m a s t e r y o f E n g l i s h t h a t i n a s e n s e it w a s n o l o n g e r a n a l i e n l a n g u a g e . S u c h w r i t e r s as L e n r i e P e t e r s o f t h e G a m b i a , E l d r e d Jones o f Sierra L e o n e , A y i K w e i A r m a h o f G h a n a o r C h i n u a A c h e b e o f Nigeria, p r o d u c e d a distinct and significant branch o f E n g l i s h literature; w h i l e N i g e r i a n writers s u c h as T u t u o l a a n d O k a r a a d a p t e d E n g l i s h t o f o r m a l i t e r a t u r e w h i c h can be called ' W e s t A f r i c a n ' . With

the return, b y n o means

1

complete, o f cultural

self-

confidence, traditional dress also returned to favour. W e s t African w o m e n c o m b i n e d traditional cloth and patterns to m a k e attractive fashions

in a m o d e r n

style. W e s t

African cuisine

w a s also

b e c o m i n g fashionable. W o m e n , i n c l u d i n g those in M u s l i m areas, w e r e n e v e r as m a l t r e a t e d i n W e s t A f r i c a as t h e y still w e r e i n s o m e parts o f the w o r l d ; they gradually acquired the franchise to match their equality before the l a w . F e w b e c a m e political leaders, b u t there w e r e n o w w o m e n

judges and senior doctors,

writers,

scholars, civil-service heads o f ministries, and ambassadors; and, as t h e r e h a d l o n g b e e n , e n o r m o u s l y s u c c e s s f u l b u s i n e s s w o m e n and market traders. T h e position o f chiefs belongs to a discussion o f politics. A s t h e y l o s t p o l i t i c a l p o w e r a n d i n f l u e n c e , s o t h e y c a m e i n r u r a l as w e l l as m o s t u r b a n a r e a s t o b e r e g a r d e d b y t h e i r p e o p l e as t h e e m b o d i m e n t o f their c o m m u n i t y , irrespective o f their

personal

q u a l i t i e s . F e w p e o p l e i n a n g l o p h o n e W e s t A f r i c a felt n o a l l e g i a n c e 1

S e e A m o s T u t u o l a , Feather woman of the jungle ( L o n d o n , 1962) a n d G a b r i e l O k a r a , The fisherman*s invocation ( L o n d o n , 1978).

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S O C I A L ,

C U L T U R A L

A N D

E D U C A T I O N A L

D E V E L O P M E N T S

to a chief o f some kind, and social discipline w a s best maintained w h e r e traditional influences w e r e strongest. L i b e r a t i o n f r o m tradition, h o w e v e r , w a s n o t directly related to crime - m u c h o f it i n u r b a n a r e a s t h e w o r k o f o r g a n i s e d , r u t h l e s s g a n g s ; b u t e v e n radical y o u n g p e o p l e b e g a n t o w o n d e r w h e t h e r the retreat f r o m chiefly a u t h o r i t y h a d n o t g o n e t o o far. A m o n g the g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f M u s l i m s in W e s t A f r i c a , the world-wide trend towards greater o r t h o d o x y became evident, t h o u g h often accompanied b y s e e m i n g political radicalism. A m o n g Christians, d i v i s i o n s w e r e sharper than in E u r o p e , w h i l e there w a s an intensified search for A f r i c a n f o r m s o f the religion. B u t a d h e r e n t s o f all r e l i g i o n s d e p l o r e d t h e fall i n m o r a l s t a n d a r d s and h o p e d , n o d o u b t unrealistically, that religion c o u l d reverse it. A n g l o p h o n e W e s t A f r i c a r e m a i n e d socially a n d c u l t u r a l l y in t r a n s i t i o n f r o m c o l o n i a l s t a t u s t o full i n d e p e n d e n c e . B u t t h e t r a n s i t i o n d i d n o t p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y i n j u r e its m a i n a g e n t s . T h e y a n d the p e o p l e they represented s h o w e d a remarkable capacity for remaining their o w n selves w h i l e a b s o r b i n g c h a n g e .

R E G I O N A L

R E L A T I O N S

It is difficult t o r e c a p t u r e t h e e x c i t e m e n t w i t h w h i c h G h a n a ' s independence w a s greeted t h r o u g h o u t Africa and the w o r l d . A l t h o u g h an irresistible m o v e m e n t t o w a r d s independence t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o n t i n e n t w a s n e a r , it d i d n o t l o o k l i k e t h a t t h e n . T h e d a t e o f N i g e r i a ' s i n d e p e n d e n c e s e e m e d far a w a y ; f o r t h e G a m b i a a n d f r a n c o p h o n e c o u n t r i e s i n d e p e n d e n c e w a s still s c a r c e l y d i s c u s s e d ; w h i l e i n o t h e r A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s it w a s n o t y e t e v e n o n the agenda. S o o n e result o f G h a n a ' s pioneer status w a s the importance N k r u m a h and his colleagues attached t o the independ­ e n c e o f o t h e r A f r i c a n states, a n d a b e l i e f in the c a p a c i t y o f their s m a l l s t a t e t o e x e r c i s e a n i n f l u e n c e w h i c h w a s b e y o n d its c a p a c i t y . F r o m his g o v e r n m e n t ' s w h i t e paper o n the i960 R e p u b l i c a n C o n s t i t u t i o n it w a s c l e a r t h a t N k r u m a h t h o u g h t t h a t G h a n a ' s t a s k n o w l a y i n e x t e r n a l affairs. L a t e r it w a s s u g g e s t e d t h a t , b e c a u s e a w h o l e series o f A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t w i t h o u t G h a n a ' s direct assistance, he did n o t recognise their liberation; a n d r e s e r v e d t h e r i g h t , as h e h a d as e a r l y as t h e first A l l - A f r i c a n P e o p l e s ' C o n f e r e n c e i n 195 8 ( w h i c h w a s n o t a t t e n d e d b y t h e r u l i n g

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W E S T

A F R I C A

parties o f N i g e r i a , Sierra L e o n e o r m o s t francophone

countries)

to nominate the authentic liberation m o v e m e n t in a n y country. O f Nkrumah's

devotion to African unity and belief in the

necessity and feasibility o f an A f r i c a n continental

government

t h e r e is n o d o u b t . A n d b y t h e t i m e h e w a s o v e r t h r o w n a l l A f r i c a n leaders, h o w e v e r conservative o r self-centred, w e r e o b l i g e d to p a y at l e a s t l i p - s e r v i c e t o A f r i c a n u n i t y o f a k i n d . I t is o n e o f A f r i c a ' s tragedies, h o w e v e r , that the means he used t o a d v a n c e his ideal o f U n i o n G o v e r n m e n t a n d t o o p p o s e a n y t h i n g s h o r t o f it i n c l u d e d v i r u l e n t n e w s p a p e r c a m p a i g n s a g a i n s t A f r i c a n leaders w h o differed from his v i e w s , diplomatic bad manners, harbouring and e v e n training t h e m in G h a n a for s u b v e r t i n g

dissidents

independent

A f r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t s o f w h i c h h e d i s a p p r o v e d . T h i s all seriously divided the continent, interfered w i t h the establishment o f the O r g a n i s a t i o n o f African U n i t y a n d in the e n d virtually isolated Ghana. G h a n a ' s relations w i t h N i g e r i a w e r e often seriously

strained.

B u t w h a t in his study o f the t w o countries' relations D r Olajide A l u k o called ' t h e traditional jealousy, suspicion, c o m p e t i t i o n and differences b e t w e e n G h a n a a n d N i g e r i a '

1

were not ended

by

N k r u m a h ' s o v e r t h r o w . D u r i n g t h e first G h a n a m i l i t a r y r e g i m e (1966-9),

it is t r u e ,

relations

became

cordial.

T h e Nigerian

military g o v e r n m e n t at o n c e r e c o g n i s e d G e n e r a l A n k r a h ' s n e w regime. G o w o n readily accepted A n k r a h ' s invitation

to meet

C o l o n e l O j u k w u at A b u r i , in G h a n a , in J a n u a r y 1967. D u r i n g the N i g e r i a n civil w a r , h o w e v e r , relations b e t w e e n A c c r a and the N i g e r i a n federal g o v e r n m e n t deteriorated. G h a n a i a n n e w s p a p e r s s y m p a t h i s e d w i t h t h e s e c e s s i o n i s t s , a n d A n k r a h at t i m e s s h o w e d impatience

w i t h the Nigerian leadership.

Ghana's

change

to

civilian rule in 1969 actually w o r s e n e d matters. T h e n e w G h a n a g o v e r n m e n t s e n t w h a t w a s c o n s i d e r e d i n L a g o s as a n i m p e r t i n e n t offer t o m e d i a t e i n t h e c i v i l w a r ; l a t e r , as p a r t o f i t s ' i n d i g e n i s a t i o n ' p o l i c y , it e x p e l l e d t h o u s a n d s o f N i g e r i a n s l o n g r e s i d e n t i n G h a n a . Nkrumah's

relations

with

Sierra

Leone

were

also

poor,

particularly, before independence, w i t h Sir M i l t o n M a r g a i , w h o s e suspicion o f N k r u m a h w a s m a t c h e d b y that o f President T u b m a n o f Liberia. Sierra L e o n e ' s relations w i t h N i g e r i a also b e c a m e frigid towards the end o f the civil w a r because o f the o p e n

sympathy

for the rebels expressed b y s p o k e s m e n o f Sierra L e o n e , w h i c h 1

O l a j i d e A l u k o , Ghana and Nigeria 1917-70

( L o n d o n , 1976), 261.

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s e e m e d i n d a n g e r o f r e c o g n i s i n g t h e s e c e s s i o n i s t r e g i m e j u s t as it c o l l a p s e d . P r e s i d e n t T u b m a n ' s s u p p o r t o f t h e f e d e r a l c a u s e , h o w e v e r , w a s m u c h appreciated in L a g o s . F o r N i g e r i a n d i p l o m a c y in A f r i c a , the civil w a r w a s an acid test, successfully passed. N i g e r i a w a s t o b e c o m e the Black African c o u n t r y w h i c h A m e r i c a n s , in particular, a l w a y s consulted a b o u t affairs i n t h e c o n t i n e n t . A n d its o i l w a s a l s o t o m a k e it a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l affairs. N o a n g l o p h o n e W e s t Africa c o u n t r y , except G h a n a briefly under N k r u m a h , w a s influenced b y the S o v i e t U n i o n o r C h i n a in its i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s . A l l t o v a r y i n g d e g r e e s s o u g h t t h a t ' n e u t r a l i s m ' o r ' n o n - a l i g n m e n t ' , w h i c h it is s o difficult t o d e f i n e . B u t if d u r i n g the N k r u m a h years G h a n a s o u g h t an influence b e y o n d her capacity, N i g e r i a in the early years o f independence sometimes a v o i d e d exercising the influence w h i c h w a s hers. A f t e r 1970 Nigeria, militarily the m o s t p o w e r f u l c o u n t r y in Black Africa, w h i c h had been o b l i g e d to defer to G h a n a o n p r o b l e m s raised b y the f o r m e r B e l g i a n C o n g o , the m o s t i m p o r t a n t inter­ national issue for B l a c k A f r i c a until 1967, d i d n o t brashly assert t h e i n f l u e n c e w h i c h h e r i m p o r t a n c e j u s t i f i e d . O n t h e c o n t r a r y , as in the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f E C O W A S , she a l l o w e d a n d e n c o u r a g e d s m a l l e r c o u n t r i e s t o t a k e full p a r t i n , a n d t a k e c r e d i t f o r , its organisation. E C O N O M I C S

D u r i n g t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , as w e h a v e n o t e d , t h e e c o n o m i e s o f British W e s t Africa were m o r e closely integrated w i t h the British e c o n o m y than ever before. A recent b d o k has claimed that t h e w a r y e a r s r e p r e s e n t e d ' t h e h e y d a y o f t h e e m p i r e . . . at last t h e imperialism against w h i c h the critics o f e m p i r e h a d railed s o l o n g actually existed'. Before the w a r and particularly during the years o f the great depression, colonial g o v e r n m e n t s had primarily been concerned with administration and the maintenance o f the c o n d i t i o n s f o r t r a d e a n d m i n i n g w h i c h t h e i r officials s a w c h i e f l y as t h e m e a n s f o r r a i s i n g t h e t a x e s n e c e s s a r y t o s u p p o r t t h e i r colonial g o v e r n m e n t . Y e t the degree to w h i c h the colonial e c o n o m i e s s t a g n a t e d i n t h e y e a r s b e f o r e 1 9 3 9 is e a s i l y e x a g g e r a t e d , as is t h e i n d i f f e r e n c e o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t s t o e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t and the lack o f enterprise s h o w n b y Africans. 1

1

Pearce, Turning point

in Africa,

220.

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By 1939 the economies were largely monetised and currency notes w e r e w i d e l y used. R a i l w a y s , roads a n d ports facilitated m o v e m e n t o f g o o d s and people, a n d the initiative o f hundreds o f t h o u s a n d s o f small farmers a n d traders (these latter b o t h b u y i n g crops and p r o v i d i n g farmers w i t h 'incentive g o o d s ' ) had made the c o l o n i e s major exporters o f agricultural p r o d u c e . T h e i m p o r t and e x p o r t trade, m i n i n g a n d timber extraction, w e r e d o m i n a t e d b y e x p a t r i a t e firms. B u t w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f t h e L e v a n t i n e t r a d e r s i n S i e r r a L e o n e a n d L i b e r i a , i n t e r i o r retail t r a d e w a s l a r g e l y i n A f r i c a n h a n d s , as w a s l o n g - d i s t a n c e t r a d e i n , f o r e x a m p l e , k o l a n u t s , c a t t l e a n d d r i e d fish. A g r i c u l t u r e w a s a l m o s t e n t i r e l y t h e affair o f s m a l l f a r m e r s . T h e real c h a n g e i n t r o d u c e d b y t h e w a r w a s t h e e n l a r g e m e n t o f state c o n t r o l o v e r t h e c o l o n i a l e c o n o m i e s , a c o n t r o l w h i c h h a s since been extended. It included e x c h a n g e and price controls, import licensing a n d restrictions o n entry in various c o m m e r c i a l activities. T h e major change, h o w e v e r , and o n e w h i c h m a n y e c o n o m i s t s n o w s e e as h a v i n g h a r m e d t h e i n t e r e s t s o f A f r i c a n p r o d u c e r s , w a s t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t , i n all f o u r B r i t i s h c o l o n i e s , o f statutory marketing boards w h i c h w e r e g i v e n a m o n o p o l y o f the p u r c h a s e , e x p o r t a n d sales a b r o a d o f t h e m a j o r e x p o r t c r o p s , including cocoa, groundnuts, cotton and palm produce. T h e m a r k e t i n g b o a r d s u s e d l o c a l firms a s ' l i c e n s e d b u y i n g a g e n t s ' , a n a r r a n g e m e n t w h i c h t e n d e d t o f a v o u r e x p a t r i a t e firms. A f t e r t h e war the marketing boards were made permanent, o n the ground that o n l y thus c o u l d prices paid t o farmers b e ' stabilised' - a c o n c e p t n e v e r properly defined. In practice, b y w i t h h o l d i n g part o f the crops' export earnings in g o o d years t o create stabilisation funds f o r b a d y e a r s , t h e marketing boards accumulated funds w h i c h w e r e s e l d o m dis­ bursed t o farmers b u t w e r e ultimately plundered b y independent g o v e r n m e n t s . In addition, for years before independence, the investment o f these funds in L o n d o n bolstered sterling; a n d s o l o n g a s B r i t a i n ' s M i n i s t r y o f F o o d b o u g h t t h e i r c r o p s it p a i d l e s s than the w o r l d price to the marketing boards. A t a time w h e n there w a s talk o f a ' r e v o l u t i o n ' in Britain's relations w i t h h e r colonies under a L a b o u r g o v e r n m e n t , there w a s ' a n enforced transfer o f resources f r o m the c o l o n i e s t o the m e t r o p o l i t a n c o u n t r y s u c h as h a d n e v e r o c c u r r e d i n British A f r i c a b e f o r e t h e n ' . 1

1

P . T . B a u e r , Equality, the Third World and economic delusion ( L o n d o n , 1981), 183.

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In addition to r e c e i v i n g l o w prices from the m a r k e t i n g b o a r d s , f a r m e r s w e r e o f t e n p a i d in ' c h i t s ' o r o t h e r w i s e d e f r a u d e d . T h e s t a g n a t i o n o r fall i n p r o d u c t i o n o f m a n y m a r k e t i n g - b o a r d c r o p s , or the large-scale s m u g g l i n g o f t h e m into f r a n c o p h o n e countries a n d L i b e r i a , it is n o w h e l d , w a s t h e r e s u l t o f t h e m a r k e t i n g b o a r d s ' p r a c t i c e s . N i g e r i a , after t h e c i v i l w a r , i n t r o d u c e d g e n u i n e s u b s i d i e s for m a r k e t i n g - b o a r d c r o p s and considerable f r e e d o m for their m a r k e t i n g - b u t it w a s t o o l a t e . W h a t e v e r the c o n s e q u e n c e s for e x p o r t c r o p s o f the establish­ m e n t o f the m a r k e t i n g b o a r d s , local f o o d p r o d u c t i o n - in w h i c h u n t i l r e c e n t l y g o v e r n m e n t s t o o k little i n t e r e s t — a l s o s t a g n a t e d . T h i s meant b o t h h i g h e r prices - a major factor in the inflation w h i c h p a r t i c u l a r l y affected G h a n a a n d N i g e r i a - a n d a h e a v y d r a i n o n foreign e x c h a n g e , particularly for the purchase o f rice. Disillusionment w i t h public enterprises resulted from the d e p l o r a b l e r e c o r d o f their inefficiency a n d c o r r u p t i o n in a n g l o ­ p h o n e W e s t Africa. B u t g o v e r n m e n t s , except in Liberia, remained the chief agents o f industrial d e v e l o p m e n t , and e x p a n d e d their participation into petroleum production and refining, tourism, i m p o r t o f c o n s u m e r g o o d s , n e w s p a p e r s and p u b l i s h i n g , steel production, mining, plantations, contracting, banking, insurance a n d o t h e r fields. S h o r t a g e o f m a n a g e r i a l e x p e r i e n c e w a s p a r t l y m e t by e n g a g i n g foreigners or accepting foreign technical partners; but many g o v e r n m e n t or s e m i - g o v e r n m e n t enterprises seemed destined to be loss-makers. E x c e p t i n N k r u m a h ' s c a s e it w a s n o t d e v o t i o n t o s o c i a l i s t doctrines w h i c h m o v e d g o v e r n m e n t s into these activities, but a desire to ensure that c o n t r o l o f t h e m d i d n o t r e m a i n in the h a n d s o f n o n - c i t i z e n s . T h u s t o different d e g r e e s a n d i n different w a y s all g o v e r n m e n t s , i n c l u d i n g L i b e r i a , r e q u i r e d t h a t t h e r e b e i n ­ d i g e n o u s participation - w h e t h e r p r i v a t e o r p u b l i c - in existing f o r e i g n e n t e r p r i s e s . I n t h e c a s e o f N i g e r i a , it w a s r e q u i r e d t h a t a majority o f the s h a r e h o l d i n g s h o u l d b e i n d i g e n o u s . In nearly all c a s e s t h e s e f o r e i g n e n t e r p r i s e s w e r e c o m p e n s a t e d f o r t h e e n f o r c e d c h a n g e s in the structure o f their o w n e r s h i p . T h e r e remained, h o w e v e r , a v i g o r o u s local private sector in trade and distribution, w o r k s h o p s , contracting and b u i l d i n g , and road transport. Criticism o f direct large-scale farming b y g o v e r n m e n t agencies g r e w o n the g r o u n d s that g o v e r n m e n t w o u l d b e better e m p l o y e d in assisting, b y p r o v i s i o n o f r o a d s a n d 379

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s t o r a g e , t h e m i l l i o n s o f s m a l l f a r m e r s w h o still c o n s t i t u t e d t h e majority o f the w o r k - f o r c e , and w h o s e o u t p u t had to be greatly raised if a g r o w i n g p o p u l a t i o n w a s to b e p r o p e r l y n o u r i s h e d . W i t h the exception o f N i g e r i a ( w h i c h did not a l w a y s escape, a n d e a r n e d a r e p u t a t i o n as a v e r y s l o w p a y e r o v e r s e a s ) , i n d e p e n d e n t African countries faced balance-of-payment p r o b l e m s and s o u g h t I M F help. Liberia c o n t i n u e d to use the U S dollar, w h e r e a s the four former British colonies, w h i c h once used a c o m m o n currency c l o s e l y l i n k e d t o s t e r l i n g , e a c h e s t a b l i s h e d its o w n c u r r e n c y . N o t h i n g better illustrates G h a n a ' s e c o n o m i c t r a g e d y , t o w h i c h reference has been m a d e , than the worthlessness o f her cedi o v e r m u c h o f the period. T h i s led to vast s m u g g l i n g o f c o c o a into n e i g h b o u r i n g countries, and the s m u g g l i n g into G h a n a o f g o o d s b o u g h t w i t h the francs the c o c o a earned. S m u g g l i n g b e c a m e o n e o f the m o s t i m p o r t a n t c o m m e r c i a l activities in a n g l o p h o n e c o u n t r i e s . W h e t h e r E C O W A S , b y har­ m o n i s i n g p r o d u c e p r i c e s a n d tariff l e v e l s i n t h e a r e a a n d b y e n s u r i n g m o r e realistic e x c h a n g e r a t e s , c o u l d d i m i n i s h it s e e m e d u n c e r t a i n . B u t the drain o f d i a m o n d s from Sierra L e o n e into Liberia, for example, and the ruin o f s o m e o f N i g e r i a ' s industries b y s m u g g l e d imports, w e r e n o t marginal b u t w e r e central features o f the t w o e c o n o m i e s . E C O W A S , it w a s h o p e d , w o u l d a l s o f a c i l i t a t e t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f industries, for m a n y o f w h i c h N i g e r i a alone offered a n a d e q u a t e d o m e s t i c m a r k e t , i n a n i n c r e a s i n g v a r i e t y , ranging from car assembly to glass manufacturing and tyre production. Y e t e v e n in N i g e r i a the structure o f the e c o n o m y did n o t f u n d a m e n t a l l y c h a n g e after 1939. T h e oil industry w a s a n ' e n c l a v e ' industry, e m p l o y i n g relatively few N i g e r i a n s ; and although N i g e r i a n entrepreneurs m a d e m u c h m o n e y in s e r v i c i n g the i n d u s t r y , o r t h r o u g h f o r e i g n c o m p a n i e s s e r v i c i n g it, v e r y f e w participated in p r o d u c t i o n , in w h i c h the state c o r p o r a t i o n w a s the p r e d o m i n a n t partner o f the foreign oil c o m p a n i e s . N e v e r t h e l e s s the oil b o o m p r o d u c e d in N i g e r i a a c o n s i d e r a b l e class o f v e r y rich N i g e r i a n s , w h o b e c a m e i m p o r t a n t in the L o n d o n p r o p e r t y market. Social m o b i l i t y remained the great protection against social r e v o l u t i o n . ' S e e k y e first t h e p o l i t i c a l k i n g d o m , a n d all t h i n g s w i l l b e a d d e d u n t o it,' K w a m e N k r u m a h had assured his f o l l o w e r s . T h a t p r o p h e c y w a s still t o b e j u s t i f i e d . 380

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Because o f N i g e r i a ' s i m m e n s e p o p u l a t i o n , the p e o p l e o f a n g l o ­ p h o n e W e s t A f r i c a n states o u t n u m b e r t h o s e o f all t h e rest o f B l a c k Africa. A f t e r i n d e p e n d e n c e , in spite o f the v i o l e n t disruptions w h i c h all e x p e r i e n c e d , t h e y r e p r e s e n t e d a r e l a t i v e l y h i g h d e g r e e o f stability and order, internally and a m o n g t h e m s e l v e s . C o r ­ ruption w a s widespread and privilege w a s rife; nevertheless, d e m o c r a c y , if variously defined, w a s a general g o a l . O n e - p a r t y f a s h i o n s d i d n o t b e c o m e r o o t e d , a n d after l o n g e x p e r i e n c e o f military rule Ghanaians and N i g e r i a n s returned to the uncertainties o f civilian g o v e r n m e n t and multi-party politics. S o m e W e s t A f r i c a n states, i n c l u d i n g these, m a y h a v e entered i n t o a r e g u l a r a l t e r n a t i o n b e t w e e n m i l i t a r y a n d c i v i l i a n r u l e ; b u t i n all a n g l o ­ p h o n e states w h i c h e x p e r i e n c e d m i l i t a r y r u l e , t h e c i v i l i a n s c l e a r l y s h o w e d t h e i r d i s l i k e o f it. W h e r e a m a n c a m e f r o m , in m a n y matters, remained m o r e important than w h o he w a s or w h a t he could d o . T h e r e w a s n o l o n g e r , h o w e v e r , e v e n in the N i g e r i a n emirates o r in L i b e r i a , any insuperable barrier to talent rising to the t o p . A c o m b i n a t i o n o f social m o b i l i t y and access to land for almost e v e r y b o d y s e e m e d likely to a v o i d the social tensions o f m a n y other parts o f the w o r l d , p r o v i d e d that g o v e r n m e n t s s h o w e d elementary c o m p e t e n c e in their e c o n o m i c m a n a g e m e n t . Class divisions w e r e appearing, based o n acquired — rather than inherited - w e a l t h and o n p r i v i l e g e d access t o state funds a n d facilities. W i t h t h e p a s s i n g o f t h e a n t i - c o l o n i a l s t r u g g l e , t h e domestic social system w a s subjected to increasing scrutiny b y y o u n g p e o p l e . T h e y c o u l d n o l o n g e r believe that their c o u n t r i e s ' ills w e r e a ' l e g a c y o f c o l o n i a l i s m ' , a c o l o n i a l i s m w h i c h w a s b e g i n n i n g t o b e s e e n as a n e p i s o d e , h o w e v e r s i g n i f i c a n t , i n a h i s t o r y w h i c h in m a n y a r e a s it s c a r c e l y i n t e r r u p t e d . N o r , w h i l e bitterly d e n o u n c i n g r a c i s m in S o u t h A f r i c a , d i d they attach t o external political factors the sinister p o w e r a s c r i b e d t o t h e m in s o m e other parts o f the T h i r d W o r l d . T h e y joined, h o w e v e r , the T h i r d W o r l d c a m p a i g n against the rich countries. A n g l o p h o n e W e s t A f r i c a n l e a d e r s t h e m s e l v e s w e r e m o s t l y free o f the d o u b l e - t h i n k i n g w h i c h a l l o w e d leaders o f countries w h i c h had o n c e been u n d e r c o l o n i a l rule licence to i n d u l g e in c o r r u p t i o n , tyranny and profligacy o n the g r o u n d that they c o u l d n o t b e 3

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b l a m e d for deficiencies in b e h a v i o u r w h i c h s h o u l d be attributed to the colonial past - a sort o f i n n o c e n c e b y association. Real i n d e p e n d e n c e c o m e s w h e n citizens h o l d their leaders, n o t their history, responsible for their condition. A n g l o p h o n e W e s t Africans b e g a n to display that independence remarkably s o o n after t h e c o l o n i a l r u l e r s h a d d e p a r t e d .

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I n t h e 1940s it w a s t h e r a c i a l c o m p o s i t i o n o f t h e E a s t a n d C e n t r a l A f r i c a n societies that presented the critical obstacle to A f r i c a n a d v a n c e . A l t h o u g h there w a s in 1940 a distinction in the British m i n d b e t w e e n the ' c o l o n i e s o f settlement', K e n y a , N o r t h e r n and Southern Rhodesia, o n the one hand, and the ' c o l o n i e s o f administration', U g a n d a , T a n g a n y i k a and Nyasaland, o n the other, the settler presence d o m i n a t e d the r e g i o n in s u c h a m a n n e r as t o p r e c l u d e t h e e a s y a d o p t i o n o f t h e ' W e s t A f r i c a n ' s o l u t i o n in the face o f the d e m a n d for A f r i c a n i n d e p e n d e n c e . P o w e r w a s nevertheless transferred to African n o t E u r o p e a n hands, and b y 1 9 6 4 all t h e s e t e r r i t o r i e s s a v e S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a w e r e i n d e p e n d e n t A f r i c a n states. A y e a r later, the settler r e b e l l i o n in S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a dispelled any r e m a i n i n g illusions o f Britain's effective control o v e r that territory. Independence, therefore, represented a fundamental landmark i n this p e r i o d , o p e n i n g u p n e w a r e n a s f o r A f r i c a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and r e m o v i n g significant political, a l t h o u g h n o t e c o n o m i c , c o n ­ s t r a i n t s . T h e c r u c i a l effect, f o r t h e first p o s t - c o l o n i a l d e c a d e at l e a s t , w a s u p o n the internal balance o f p o w e r o n c e the c o l o n i a l arbiter had w i t h d r a w n . T h e independence settlement conferred control o f the institutions o f state u p o n the d o m i n a n t nationalist leader­ s h i p , b u t it d i d n o t n e c e s s a r i l y e n s u r e its c o n t i n u e d a u t h o r i t y . Its l e g i t i m a c y d e p e n d e d u p o n a c o m p l e x i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l b a l ­ ance so that those w h o inherited the colonial mantle had b o t h t o n u r t u r e t h a t l e g i t i m a c y a n d t o b u i l d t h e n e w s t a t e . T h e first decade o f independence w a s therefore concerned primarily w i t h t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f p o w e r in t h e p o s t - c o l o n i a l s t a t e , a l t h o u g h t h e nature o f the conflict w a s frequently o b s c u r e d b y the rhetoric o f development. W h i l e e c o n o m i c s m i g h t necessarily take s e c o n d place to the imperatives o f politics, a significant acceleration o f e c o n o m i c g r o w t h o c c u r r e d i n t h e 1 9 6 0 s , as w e l l as a n e x t e n s i o n o f t h e s o c i a l

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infrastructure. Political independence did not, h o w e v e r , in the first i n s t a n c e c h a n g e t h e p a t t e r n o r t h e d i r e c t i o n o f e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e r e w a s a remarkable continuity in inherited i n s t i t u t i o n s , in c o n t i n u e d e c o n o m i c d e p e n d e n c e , a n d i n t h e inability to eliminate not o n l y p o v e r t y but also the inequality that had been part o f colonial society. T h e distribution o f resources r e m a i n e d at b e s t u n e v e n , a n d at t h e w o r s t g r o s s l y s o . T h e difficulties o f d e v e l o p m e n t w e r e , m o r e o v e r , c o m p o u n d e d b y t h e clear indications that the inherited m o d e l required serious alteration if self-sustaining g r o w t h w a s to b e c o m e the n o r m . A s t h e s e states e n t e r e d t h e i r s e c o n d d e c a d e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e they d r e w increasingly apart in their d e v e l o p m e n t strategies. T h a t g r o w i n g d i v e r g e n c e r e f l e c t e d , at l e a s t i n p a r t , t h e i r d i f f e r e n t colonial legacies. W h i l e they shared the experience o f political d o m i n a t i o n , the i m p a c t o f c o l o n i a l rule had varied f r o m o n e state to the next. T h e process o f c h a n g e and o f capitalist d e v e l o p m e n t had bitten deeper into s o m e societies than others; they had a d a p t e d i n different w a y s . N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h e i r c o m m o n c o l o n i a l origin, the e c o n o m i c foundations o n w h i c h the leaders w o u l d b u i l d the p o s t - c o l o n i a l state w e r e t h e r e f o r e in e a c h case different. T w o c r i t i c a l v a r i a b l e s m u s t b e k e p t i n m i n d as w e s e e k t o i d e n t i f y the major d e v e l o p m e n t s in this r e g i o n o v e r these years. O n the one hand the particular s o c i o - e c o n o m i c forces b o r n o u t o f colonial c h a n g e and especially the extent to w h i c h capitalism had b e c o m e r o o t e d in i n d i g e n o u s s o c i e t y ; o n the o t h e r the n a t u r e o f t h e l e a d e r s h i p t h a t e m e r g e d t o a s s u m e p o w e r at i n d e p e n d e n c e . W i t h these v a r i a b l e s in m i n d , w e t u r n t o the p o l i t i c a l a n d constitutional changes that occurred.

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A n y consideration o f political and constitutional development must c o m m e n c e w i t h the change from colonial to sovereign status, and the process o f d e c o l o n i s a t i o n f r o m 1940 to 1964. In 1940 the E u r o p e a n and A s i a n i m m i g r a n t c o m m u n i t i e s , especially the w h i t e minorities in K e n y a and R h o d e s i a , w e r e e c o n o m i c a l l y and politically d o m i n a n t , and until i960 they b e l i e v e d they w o u l d inherit p o w e r . W h i l e British post-war colonial policy generally r e c o g n i s e d t h e f o r c e s o f n a t i o n a l i s m i n t h e w o r l d at l a r g e , t h e p r e s e n c e o f w h i t e s e t t l e r s f o r w h o m A f r i c a w a s h o m e m a d e it t h e

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m o r e difficult f o r B r i t a i n t o a c c e p t A f r i c a n m a j o r i t y r u l e as t h e necessary corollary for that region. Britain w a s therefore reluctant to c o m m i t itself to any p o l i c y o n the t i m i n g and direction o f c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a n g e . U g a n d a ' s f u t u r e as a n A f r i c a n s t a t e w a s a c k n o w l e d g e d f r o m t h e o u t s e t a n d T a n g a n y i k a ' s s t a t u s as a T r u s t T e r r i t o r y e x p l i c i t l y r e c o g n i s e d A f r i c a n m a j o r i t y r u l e as t h e u l t i m a t e g o a l . E l s e w h e r e t h e f u t u r e w a s less c l e a r , a n d t h e o u t c o m e i n S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a , w h e r e i n 1965 t h e w h i t e m i n o r i t y illegally seized p o w e r , emphasises the radical nature o f the changes that o c c u r r e d elsewhere b e t w e e n i960 and 1964. In those y e a r s , after a d e c a d e o f p r e v a r i c a t i o n , B r i t a i n t r a n s f e r r e d p o w e r to A f r i c a n majorities and established six i n d e p e n d e n t B l a c k A f r i c a n s t a t e s : T a n g a n y i k a i n 1 9 6 1 , U g a n d a in 1 9 6 2 , K e n y a i n 1 9 6 3 , M a l a w i ( N y a s a l a n d ) in 1 9 6 4 , Z a m b i a ( N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a ) i n 1 9 6 4 , a n d Z a n z i b a r , w h i c h later j o i n e d w i t h T a n g a n y i k a t o f o r m T a n z a n i a , in 1963. T h e distinctive features o f that d e c o l o n i s a t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , w e r e t h e s h a r p a c c e l e r a t i o n o f p a c e at t h e e n d o f t h e 1950s, and the transfer o f p o w e r f r o m w h i t e t o black. I n t h e final a n a l y s i s d e c o l o n i s a t i o n w a s a s y n t h e s i s o f i m p e r i a l d e s i g n a n d n a t i o n a l i s t p r e s s u r e . O n t h e o n e h a n d , t h e c h a n g e s in British policy w e r e undoubtedly influenced by international d e v e l o p m e n t s , a n d S u e z , C y p r u s a n d M a l a y a m u s t all h a v e p l a y e d t h e i r p a r t . F u r t h e r m o r e t h e s e w e r e still t h e y e a r s o f t h e C o l d W a r ; and w h i l e the British cautioned themselves not to confuse nationalism with C o m m u n i s m , Prime Minister Macmillan had p o i n t e d o u t , as h e p u s h e d B r i t a i n t o w a r d s E u r o p e , t h a t t h e g r e a t issue in the c h a n g i n g international scene w a s w h e t h e r A s i a and A f r i c a w o u l d s w i n g t o t h e east o r t o t h e w e s t . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , the radical c h a n g e s f o r e s h a d o w e d b y the acceptance o f majority r u l e f o r K e n y a at t h e L a n c a s t e r H o u s e C o n f e r e n c e i n i 9 6 0 w e r e m a d e in response to a g r o w i n g A f r i c a n political c o n s c i o u s n e s s . O f a w h o l e series o f e v e n t s w e can h i g h l i g h t o n l y the m o s t p o r t e n t o u s . I t w a s t h e o u t b r e a k o f u r b a n a n d r u r a l v i o l e n c e in K e n y a k n o w n as M a u M a u , w h i c h r e s u l t e d i n t h e d e c l a r a t i o n o f t h e s t a t e o f e m e r g e n c y i n 1 9 5 2 , t h a t l e d finally t o t h e B r i t i s h a c c e p t a n c e o f m a j o r i t y r u l e . I n U g a n d a it w a s t h e G a n d a r e s p o n s e to G o v e r n o r Cohen's ill-conceived deportation o f K a b a k a Mutesa in 1 9 5 3 t h a t c e m e n t e d t h e ties o f G a n d a n a t i o n a l i s m a n d i n 1 9 5 9 stimulated the national m o v e m e n t that forced the British to r e t r e a t f r o m t h e i r c o m m i t m e n t t o a u n i t a r y state. I t w a s t h e 386

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e m e r g e n c y in N y a s a l a n d i n 1 9 5 9 t h a t f o r c e d a c h a n g e o f t h o u g h t a b o u t the future o f the Central A f r i c a n Federation. B u t b e y o n d t h o s e c r i s e s it w a s t h e g r o u n d s w e l l o f r e s e n t m e n t o f o r d i n a r y h u m a n b e i n g s against the conditions o f colonialism that ultimately created a situation w h e r e the c o l o n i a l rulers c o u l d n o l o n g e r rule w i t h o u t the excessive use o f force. Here w e must enter a caveat. First, the political role o f the i m m i g r a n t c o m m u n i t i e s , especially the E u r o p e a n s , must not be d i s c o u n t e d . T h e m o s t bitter conflicts that o c c u r r e d in these years did so where a white-settler c o m m u n i t y had been dominant. S e c o n d , account must also be taken o f the implications for policy o f the e x p a n s i o n a b r o a d o f c o r p o r a t e capital in the p o s t - w a r years. M e t r o p o l i t a n e c o n o m i c interests and corporate p o w e r had a c r i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e u p o n t h e final s e t t l e m e n t r e a c h e d i n K e n y a i f n o t elsewhere. N e v e r t h e l e s s , w h i l e decolonisation in each territory o w e d m o r e o r less t o t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e c o l o n i a l i s t s ' a d a p t a t i o n , a fact m a d e c l e a r b y R h o d e s i a ' s U n i l a t e r a l D e c l a r a t i o n o f I n d e ­ p e n d e n c e , it w a s t h e u p s u r g e o f A f r i c a n p o l i t i c s i n t h e 1 9 5 0 s t h a t made that adaptation necessary. I f the point w a s reached w h e r e t h e c o s t o f d i r e c t r u l e w a s t o o g r e a t , it w a s b e c a u s e o f t h i s n e w African c h a l l e n g e ; and if the British o b j e c t i v e w a s to retain the e c o n o m i c advantages o f colonial relationships w i t h o u t the direct c o s t , this r e q u i r e d c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h a n e w A f r i c a n élite. T h e essential i n g r e d i e n t in d e c o l o n i s a t i o n therefore, a n d that w h i c h g a v e e a c h n e w s t a t e its d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r , w a s t h e f o r c e o f nationalism, and the character and identity o f the A f r i c a n leader­ s h i p t h a t r o d e t o p o w e r o n its b a c k . A l t h o u g h A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s m is s a i d t o h a v e c o m e ' l a t e r ' t o E a s t a n d C e n t r a l A f r i c a t h a n t o W e s t A f r i c a , its r o o t s lie d e e p i n the past. T h e r e w a s a l o n g r e c o r d o f protest and petition d a t i n g b a c k t o the 1920s in K e n y a a n d S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a , a n d in Z a m b i a t h e o r i g i n s o f n a t i o n a l i s m a r e t o b e f o u n d i n t h e first m i n e r s ' s t r i k e s o n t h e C o p p e r b e l t i n 1935 a n d 1 9 4 0 . W h a t c h a n g e d w a s first t h e f o c u s , w h i c h i n t h e 1 9 4 0 s b e c a m e n a t i o n a l r a t h e r t h a n l o c a l . T h e n , i n t h e 1 9 5 0 s , a s e c o n d c h a n g e o c c u r r e d as A f r i c a n politics b e c a m e mass politics, and urban and rural dwellers united in a c o m m o n s u p p o r t f o r a n e w g e n e r a t i o n o f n a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c i a n s w h o s e o b j e c t i v e w a s p o w e r at t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l . T h e British had assumed they had almost indefinite time in w h i c h t o a c h i e v e s o c i a l d e v e l o p m e n t as t h e p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r

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p o l i t i c a l c h a n g e . T h e L a b o u r P a r t y ' s 1943 s t a t e m e n t o n p o s t - w a i a i m s f o r t h e c o l o n i e s c l e a r l y s a w t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as l o n g t e r m . T h e m o r e significant assumption, h o w e v e r , for the E a s t and Central African scene c o n c e r n e d the pattern o f institutional c h a n g e . Official t h i n k i n g , u n d e r the influence o f p o s t - w a r c o l o n i a l experience in A s i a , accepted the need to a c c o m m o d a t e nationalism, and a major reassessment o f constitutional and political policies m a d e in the C o l o n i a l Office b e t w e e n 1946 and 1949 a c k n o w l e d g e d the n e e d t o p r o m o t e A f r i c a n a d v a n c e m e n t in the civil s e r v i c e and in political representation. T h a t strategy, h o w e v e r , w a s s t r o n g l y 388

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resisted b y the East A f r i c a n g o v e r n o r s , w h o s e n o t i o n s o f political development were n o t those o f the Secretary o f State. T h e colonial debate within East and Central Africa w a s about direct E u r o p e a n enterprise as t h e basis f o r d e v e l o p m e n t , w h i c h a s s u m e d a continuing E u r o p e a n political presence. T h e sabotage o f a p r o p o s a l i n 1945 f o r e q u a l u n o f f i c i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e t h r e e races in a n e w East A f r i c a n L e g i s l a t i v e A s s e m b l y w a s a reflection o f settler influence. T h e clearest d e m o n s t r a t i o n , h o w e v e r , o f s e t t l e r p o w e r a n d o f t h e c h a r a c t e r o f official t h i n k i n g w a s t h e decision b y the n e w C o n s e r v a t i v e g o v e r n m e n t t o p r o c e e d in 1953 w i t h the Central African federation, notwithstanding the almost unanimous opposition from the region's African inhabitants. Justified in terms o f its e c o n o m i c potential, criticised as a n abdication b y Britain o f her responsibility for the African people, t h i s Mast a t t e m p t at I m p e r i a l c o n s o l i d a t i o n ' d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t B r i t a i n still s a w t h e E u r o p e a n s a s t h e m o s t s u i t a b l e a g e n t s f o r development. 1

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S e e i n g t h e E u r o p e a n settlers as t h e ' m o s t reliable c o l l a b o r a t o r s but unable t o ignore either A s i a n minority o r African mass, Britain attempted t o identify political a d v a n c e w i t h multiracialism. T h u s although Africans were appointed to theLegislative Council in K e n y a i n 1 9 4 4 , T a n g a n y i k a a n d U g a n d a i n 1 9 4 5 , N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a i n 1948 a n d N y a s a l a n d i n 1 9 4 9 , e a c h n e w c o n s t i t u t i o n ' i n v o l v e d a b a l a n c i n g o f t h e racial c o m p o s i t i o n o f t h e unofficial side o f t h e legislature', t o p r o v i d e representation f o r E u r o p e a n , A s i a n a n d African. T h i s w a s critical f o r the d e v e l o p m e n t o f A f r i c a n political c o n s c i o u s n e s s , since multiracialism failed t o w i n African support. Africans rejected a partnership m a d e infamous b y Sir G o d f r e y H u g g i n s ' unfortunate reference t o t h e partnership o f rider a n d horse, a n d discredited m o r e b y the federation than by any other event. O v e r the length and breadth o f East and Central Africa, Africans feared the extension o f E u r o p e a n d o m i ­ nation. I n T a n g a n y i k a in 1947 the c o n t r o v e r s y sparked off b y Britain's proposals f o r interterritorial c o o p e r a t i o n stimulated political feeling, a n d A f r i c a n resentment against colonial rule began to channel into the T a n g a n y i k a African Association. In 1

C. Pratt, The critical phase in Tanzania, 1941-1968: Nyerere and the emergence of a socialist strategy (Cambridge, 1976), 14IT; Ronald Robinson, 'Andrew Cohen and the transfer of power in tropical Africa 1940-1957', in W. H. Morris-Jones and Georges Fischer (eds.), Decolonisation and after: the British and French experience (London, 1980). See Robinson, 'Andrew Cohen and the transfer of power*. 2

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U g a n d a in 1950 a y o u n g G a n d a leader pointed o u t that the p r o p o s e d p o l i c y o f f e d e r a t i o n f u r t h e r s o u t h w a s * m a k i n g it v e r y difficult f o r A f r i c a n s w h o w o u l d l i k e t o s u p p o r t B r i t i s h p o l i c y i n E a s t A f r i c a ' . It w a s this ' c o m m o n c o l o u r p l a t f o r m e m a n a t i n g from Southern Africa that w a s disturbing the minds o f Africans in E a s t A f r i c a t o d a y ' . a n d in 1 9 5 7 the T a n g a n y i k a A f r i c a n U n i o n ( T A N U ) c o n s o l i d a t e d its g r o w i n g m a s s b a s e s p e c i f i c a l l y as a r e s u l t o f o p p o s i t i o n t o m u l t i r a c i a l i s m w h i c h b e c a m e ' the i s s u e in T a n g a n y i k a in 1 9 5 7 - 5 8 ' . A t t h e s a m e t i m e in N o r t h e r n Rhodesia, politicians disagreed o n the m o s t appropriate strategy to a d o p t against b o t h that federation a n d c o n t i n u e d racial domination. T h e m o r e militant elements founded the United National Independence Party ( U N I P ) , w h i c h quickly became the dominant political force in the country. 1

2

Race and inequality were undoubtedly k e y stimuli to the g r o w t h o f A f r i c a n nationalism. I f the central issue w a s E u r o p e a n political influence, there w a s also the crucial issue o f A s i a n d o m i n a n c e i n c o m m e r c e a n d i n d u s t r y . T h e p r o b l e m o f r a c e , it is t r u e , p r e s e n t e d i t s e l f i n a different g u i s e i n Z a n z i b a r , w h e r e t h e key issue w a s the d o m i n a n c e o f the A r a b minority o n an island w h o s e inhabitants w e r e o v e r w h e l m i n g l y African. Nevertheless o n t h a t i s l a n d , as e l s e w h e r e , t h e 1 9 5 0 s s a w t h e u p s u r g e o f A f r i c a n grass-roots political activity, w h i c h c h a l l e n g e d racial d o m i n a t i o n and demanded p o w e r for the majority. T h e aspirations that nationalism reflected w e r e w i d e s p r e a d , uniting Africans across colonial boundaries. F o r example, the Nyasaland African C o n g r e s s , formed in 1944, and operating in Southern Rhodesia t h r o u g h the 117000 N y a s a migrant labourers in t h a t c o l o n y , g a v e a n e a r l y i m p e t u s t o S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a n nationalist action and organisation. In 1 9 5 6 , the N y a s a l a n d A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s w a s in turn p r o m p t e d t o d e m a n d an A f r i c a n majority in the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l b y recent d e v e l o p m e n t s n o t only in W e s t Africa b u t also in U g a n d a . T h e w a v e o f industrial u n r e s t i n E a s t A f r i c a ' s p o r t s at t h e e n d o f t h e w a r w a s i n f l u e n c e d b y n e w s o f the strike in D u r b a n , a n d in E a s t A f r i c a n e w s travelled easily a n d rapidly a l o n g the r a i l w a y m o r e than o n c e t o influence events in another territory. 1

E . M . K . M u l i r a , Troubled Uganda, q u o t e d i n D . A . L o w , The mind of Buganda ( L o n d o n , 1971), 154. P r a t t , The critical phase in Tanzania, 3 5; J o h n Iliffe, A modern history of Tanganyika ( C a m b r i d g e , 1979). 2

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T h e r e a l test o f n a t i o n a l i s m w a s , h o w e v e r , t h e c r e a t i o n o f state-wide political organisations w i t h mass support. W i t h hind­ sight w e n o w appreciate the limitations o f the political parties that e m e r g e d in the 1 9 5 0 s ; b u t this s h o u l d n o t lead us t o u n d e r e s t i m a t e their significance, in the c o n t e x t o f their time, o r the f u n d a m e n t a l nature o f the c h a n g e s that their a d v e n t presaged. T h r e e b r o a d p a t t e r n s o f c h a n g e e m e r g e d . T h e first w a s t h e r i s e o f u r b a n a n d proletarian discontent. T h e s e c o n d w a s the g r o w t h o f rural g r i e v a n c e . T h e third w a s the fusion o f rural and urban protest into a national m o v e m e n t by a n e w nationalist leadership that a r t i c u l a t e d its o w n d e m a n d s f o r p o l i t i c a l p o w e r i n t h e s e n t i m e n t s o f the a g g r i e v e d multitude. T h e desires and the discontents o f the locality w e r e translated into the i d i o m o f national i n d e p e n d e n c e . W e can d o n o better than q u o t e the explanation g i v e n b y Tanzania's President, Julius N y e r e r e , o f the g r o w t h o f nationalism t o i d e n t i f y t h e h e a r t o f t h e p r o c e s s . ' N a t i o n a l f r e e d o m — uhuru — w a s a n u n c o m p l i c a t e d p r i n c i p l e , a n d it n e e d e d n o j u s t i f i c a t i o n t o t h e a u d i e n c e s o f t h e first f e w T A N U s p e a k e r s . A l l t h a t w a s r e q u i r e d w a s a n e x p l a n a t i o n o f its r e l e v a n c e t o t h e i r l i v e s , a n d s o m e r e a s o n a b l e a s s u r a n c e t h a t it c o u l d b e o b t a i n e d t h r o u g h t h e methods proposed by T A N U . ' 1

T h e u n e v e n incidence o f industrial and urban protest reflected t h e u n e v e n i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n a n d u r b a n g r o w t h o v e r t h e r e g i o n as a w h o l e ; b u t in e a c h c a s e it w a s a p r o t e s t a g a i n s t s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c inequality and the deplorable c o n d i t i o n s in w h i c h the bulk o f the w o r k - f o r c e lived and w o r k e d . T h u s the p o s t - w a r years o p e n e d w i t h a succession o f strikes in M o m b a s a , D a r es S a l a a m and Z a n z i b a r ; and a railway strike that i n v o l v e d b o t h R h o d e s i a s . T h e late 1 9 4 0 s s a w a w a v e o f s t r i k e s i n S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a t h a t made those years ' a period o f African unrest o f unprecedented intensity and scale'. G o d f r e y H u g g i n s , then prime minister o f R h o d e s i a , c o m m e n t e d : ' W e are w i t n e s s i n g t h e e m e r g e n c e o f a p r o l e t a r i a t a n d i n t h i s c o u n t r y it h a p p e n s t o b e b l a c k . ' W h e t h e r o r n o t it w a s a p r o l e t a r i a t , t h e w a g e - l a b o u r f o r c e i n S a l i s b u r y ( t h e m o d e r n H a r a r e ) , as i n t h e o t h e r u r b a n a n d i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r e s , challenged colonial rule (but not necessarily the capitalist system) t o d e m a n d t h e i m p r o v e m e n t o f t h e i r w a y o f life, a n d t o w i n s t e a d y increases in urban w a g e s o v e r the 1950s. 2

1

2

J u l i u s N y e r e r e , Freedom and unity ( L o n d o n , 1968), 1. L . G a n n a n d M . G e l f a n d , Huggins of Rhodesia ( L o n d o n , 1964), 201.

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T h e p o w e r o f urban labour was most dramatically demonstrated o n the N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a n C o p p e r b e l t , w h e r e sustained militant action o n the part o f A f r i c a n miners t h r o u g h the 1950s ultimately w r e s t e d the d o m i n a n t position f r o m the w h i t e union. T h e i r v i c t o r y w a s finally s i g n i f i e d b y t h e d i s s o l u t i o n o f t h e E u r o p e a n M i n e w o r k e r s U n i o n in 1964. T h e r o l l i n g strikes o f 1 9 5 6 , w h i c h p r o ­ v o k e d the N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a n g o v e r n m e n t t o declare a state o f e m e r g e n c y , indicated the organisational ability o f the miners t h a t h a d first b e e n d e m o n s t r a t e d i n 1 9 3 5 . T h e b a s i s f o r t r a d e u n i o n i s m lay in this early and s p o n t a n e o u s r e s p o n s e o f A f r i c a n l a b o u r t o relative d e p r i v a t i o n a n d racial a n d e c o n o m i c in­ equality. T h e Northern Rhodesian copper-miners and the M o m b a s a d o c k e r s s h o w e d that illiterate w o r k e r s c o u l d c o m b i n e w i t h s o m e d e g r e e o f success in defence o f their interests and, i n t h e N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a n c a s e at l e a s t , i n d u s t r i a l a c t i o n a r i s i n g o u t o f e c o n o m i c conditions essentially preceded political agitation d i r e c t e d at i n d e p e n d e n c e . T h e trade-union m o v e m e n t that d e v e l o p e d in the 1950s o w e d a g o o d deal to the influence o f British labour policy, to the support o f the British and international trade-union m o v e m e n t s , and also to c h a n g i n g e m p l o y e r attitudes t o w a r d s organised labour. B e y o n d this, h o w e v e r , there w a s the direct stimulus o f the nationalist struggle, and the g r o w i n g African assertiveness that characterised the p e r i o d f r o m 1 9 5 5 . U n i o n o r g a n i s a t i o n offered a v e h i c l e for the articulation o f labour discontent but w a s also part o f the drive t o w a r d s i n d e p e n d e n c e ; a n d t h e p o l i t i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t o f t h e late 1 9 5 0 s c a n n o t b e i g n o r e d as a n i m p o r t a n t s t i m u l u s t o t r a d e - u n i o n activity in these latter years. N o r s h o u l d w e i g n o r e the i m p a c t o f the c h a n g i n g e c o n o m i c situation and the resulting u n e m p l o y ­ ment. T h e a c h i e v e m e n t s o f l a b o u r are difficult t o m e a s u r e . A t i n d e p e n d e n c e there w a s a small l a b o u r m o v e m e n t in e a c h territory. M e m b e r s h i p c o v e r e d o n l y a small percentage o f the w a g e - l a b o u r force, a l t h o u g h this m i g h t reflect g o v e r n m e n t a l constraints rather than u n i o n inaction. T h u s S o u t h e r n Rhodesia, w i t h the largest w a g e - l a b o u r f o r c e i n c o l o n i a l A f r i c a i n t h e late 1 9 5 0 s , h a d t h e smallest trade-union m o v e m e n t . N o r t h e r n Rhodesia, w h e r e u n i o n m e m b e r s h i p w a s j u s t u n d e r 40 p e r c e n t o f t h e w a g e - l a b o u r f o r c e , p r o b a b l y had the largest union membership. W h a t distinguished N o r t h e r n Rhodesia's labour m o v e m e n t , h o w e v e r , w a s the African 392

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Mineworkers' Union, of which a Labour Department

official

c o m m e n t e d in the late 1950s that ' o v e r the past m a n y y e a r s t h e idea has g r o w n u p a m o n g s t the A f r i c a n s that o n c e they enter the C o p p e r b e l t area the p e o p l e t h e y m u s t o b e y in all t h i n g s are the A M W U l e a d e r s . . .'.* T h e c o i n c i d e n c e in N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a o f a highly organised, centralised industry, w i t h a concentrated w o r k ­ force, a h i g h l y c h a r g e d racial situation a n d p o w e r f u l

leadership

in the p e r s o n s o f L a w r e n c e K a t i l u n g u a n d , later, J o h n C h i s a t a , contributed trade-union Kenya

a

to

the

emergence

of a powerful

union,

whose

tradition w e n t b e y o n d any other in the region. In similar

combination

of

a

growing

work-force

in

c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f racial inequality also stimulated the g r o w t h o f a v i g o r o u s labour m o v e m e n t , and t h r e w u p an outstanding y o u n g l a b o u r leader in T o m M b o y a . T h e M a u M a u e m e r g e n c y ,

and

s u b s e q u e n t l y u n i o n i n v o l v e m e n t in the c o u n t r y ' s factional politics nevertheless precluded the d e v e l o p m e n t o f a u t o n o m o u s The

politics o f nationalist

protest

required

unions.

also the

mass

s u p p o r t o f the rural majorities. N a t i o n a l i s m reflected the g r o w i n g r u r a l r e s e n t m e n t at t h e i n c r e a s i n g i n t r u s i o n o f c o l o n i a l g o v e r n ­ ment into people's daily lives, w h i c h w a s a consequence o f post-war policies for e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t and agricultural i m p r o v e m e n t . 'Purposive government

action, in e c o n o m i c , educational

and

agrarian spheres, b r o u g h t individual Africans, n o w m o r e peasants than tribesmen, into m u c h closer and m o r e irritating contact w i t h the colonial r e g i m e . '

2

T h e consequence, without exception, was

an increased political c o n s c i o u s n e s s r o o t e d in anti-colonial senti­ m e n t at t h e g r a s s - r o o t s l e v e l . T h u s , w h i l e G e o r g e N y a n d o r o , o n e o f the founders o f the Southern R h o d e s i a n National C o n g r e s s , said o f the N a t i v e L a n d H u s b a n d r y recruiter C o n g r e s s ever h a d ' ,

3

A c t t h a t it w a s ' t h e

best

Oginga Odinga, one of Kenya's

major politicians, c o n c l u d e d that in K e n y a 'resistance t o g o v e r n ­ m e n t soil conservation measures and land consolidation g a v e the mass b a c k i n g to the political m o v e m e n t . . . ' . nationalism in N o r t h e r n 1

4

The growth of

R h o d e s i a , d o m i n a t e d as it w a s b y t h e

R i c h a r d J a c o b s , The relationship between African trade unions and political

organisations

in Northern Rhodesia/Zambia, 1949-61 ( G e n e v a , 1971), 21, q u o t i n g t h e N o r t h e r n Rhodesian government. J o h n L o n s d a l e , ' S o m e o r i g i n s o f n a t i o n a l i s m i n E a s t A f r i c a * , Journal of African 2

History, 1968, 9, 1, 141. 3

Q u o t e d in L . W . B o w m a n , Politics in Rhodesia: white power in an African state

( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1973), 49. Not jet uhuru ( L o n d o n , 1967), 107. 4

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u r b a n , industrial C o p p e r b e l t , w a s just as d e e p l y r o o t e d in t h e anti-colonial grievances o f the villages, and the strength o f rural protest contributed a great deal t o the ultimate success o f the nationalist m o v e m e n t . T h e D e v l i n R e p o r t ' s terse analysis o f t h e roots o f unrest in Nyasaland s u m m e d u p the circumstances o f r u r a l p r o t e s t o v e r t h e r e g i o n as a w h o l e .

About ten years ago the Government enacted legislation under which rules were made to prevent soil erosion. [These rules] mean a good deal of labour, just before the rains come and when the ground is dry and hard... There are also veterinary rules... Breaches of these rules lead to fines and in extreme cases imprisonment. They are very unpopular... Their object is little understood... The enforcement of these rules led to disputes and to a great deal of bitter feeling during the period we had under review... 1

W h i l e the general g r o u n d s w e l l o f peasant discontent gathered m o m e n t u m from opposition to enforced agricultural improve­ ment, the m o s t intense rural nationalism w a s b o r n o u t o f attachment t o the land. Africans universally feared the loss o f their land to E u r o p e a n s . E v e n in U g a n d a , w h e r e there w a s minimal alienation o f land to non-Africans, the U g a n d a g o v e r n m e n t ' s attempt in 1956 to introduce land reforms w h i c h p r o v i d e d for individual tenure p r o v o k e d a sharp opposition o v e r almost the w h o l e c o u n t r y . It w a s h o w e v e r i n t h o s e t e r r i t o r i e s w h e r e l a n d h a d been alienated t o E u r o p e a n s that the m o s t bitter resentment w a s bred. In N y a s a l a n d the A b r a h a m s R e p o r t in 1946 identified the strength o f opposition t o E u r o p e a n planters, and the unrest o f the 1950s o w e d a great deal t o the bitterness created b y the h a r d s h i p s o f thangatay t h e A f r i c a n t e n a n t s y s t e m . I n S o u t h e r n Rhodesia, African action o v e r land w a s checked o n l y b y the m o r e repressive g o v e r n m e n t a l controls that existed in that territory. I n K e n y a , w h e r e land h a d been the central political issue since the 1 9 2 0 s , it w a s t h e i m p a c t o f l a n d a l i e n a t i o n u p o n t h e K i k u y u , t h e Africans most seriously disadvantaged b y E u r o p e a n settlement ( a l t h o u g h n o t those w h o lost the largest a m o u n t o f land), that set in t r a i n t h e p r o t e s t t h a t e r u p t e d finally i n 1 9 5 2 i n t o t h e v i o l e n c e o f M a u M a u resistance a n d the state o f e m e r g e n c y that lasted s e v e n years and d u r i n g w h i c h there w e r e in excess o f ten thousand African casualties. 1

Report of the Nyasaland Commission of Inquiry ( t h e D e v l i n R e p o r t ) , C m n d 814 ( L o n d o n , 1959), 19. C o m p a r e r e s i s t a n c e t o t h e c u t t i n g - o u t o f c o c o a t r e e s i n t h e G o l d C o a s t , C h a p t e r 7.

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T h e t h i r d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c p a t t e r n t h a t w e c a n i d e n t i f y is t h e e m e r g e n c e o f a n e w s t y l e o f l e a d e r s h i p . T h e first s t a g e b e g a n s o o n after t h e w a r w h e n t h e e a r l i e r l e a d e r s h i p o f i l l i t e r a t e w o r k e r s w a s replaced b y that o f y o u n g e r , m o r e educated m e n , like y o u n g C h e g e K i b a c h i a in M o m b a s a , o r L a w r e n c e K a t i l u n g u o n t h e C o p p e r b e l t . T h o s e men, the clerks and the hospital orderlies, r e p l a c e d t h e c h i e f s as l e a d e r s in t h e u r b a n s i t u a t i o n . A s i m i l a r p r o c e s s o f c h a n g e o c c u r r e d in the rural areas, a l t h o u g h o v e r a l o n g e r period o f time, w h e r e b y the chiefs lost the role o f c o m m u n i c a t o r s to a newer, y o u n g e r generation o f leaders: the s c h o o l teachers, the clerks and the traders w h o w e r e outside the chiefly and the N a t i v e A u t h o r i t y structure. T h e s e c o n d s t a g e i n t h i s e v o l u t i o n o c c u r r e d i n t h e 1 9 5 0 s , a little later in s o m e c o l o n i e s t h a n in o t h e r s , w i t h the a p p e a r a n c e o f a n e w type o f politician, the nationalist, w i t h a s t r o n g , m o r e specific a n t i - c o l o n i a l c o m m i t m e n t . Y o u n g , m a n y still i n t h e i r t w e n t i e s , they w e r e generally m o r e e d u c a t e d than the earlier leaders. S o m e , b u t b y n o m e a n s all, had b e e n a b r o a d for part o f their e d u c a t i o n ( w h i c h m e a n t in m a n y cases an e x p e r i e n c e o f S o u t h A f r i c a ) . T h e r e w e r e exceptions, but the majority o f these n e w leaders w e r e the second generation o f the e m e r g e n t elite: teachers, c o o p e r a t i v e officials, t r a d e u n i o n i s t s , c l e r k s , a n d a f e w o f t h e m p r o f e s s i o n a l men. T h e s e w e r e the m e n w h o built the political parties; w h o started and edited the party n e w s p a p e r s ; and w h o m o u l d e d rural and urban discontent into a coherent national protest w h i c h p r o v i d e d t h e m w i t h an institutional base f r o m w h i c h , w i t h apparently complete self-confidence, they demanded p o w e r . T h e nationalists e n c o u n t e r e d a g o o d deal o f o p p o s i t i o n in the 1950s f r o m c o l o n i a l g o v e r n m e n t s w h i c h s o u g h t t o direct political activity into a pattern o f their o w n m a k i n g , w i t h a d e g r e e o f coercion that w a s for the m o s t part absent from the W e s t African s c e n e . I n K e n y a t h e e m e r g e n c y l e d t o t h e p r o h i b i t i o n o f all political organisations and the complete cessation o f normal p o l i t i c a l life f o r A f r i c a n s u n t i l 1 9 5 6 , w h e n t h e f o r m a t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s w a s p e r m i t t e d at t h e d i s t r i c t l e v e l . C o u n t r y ­ w i d e political activity w a s n o t again permitted until i960, and that restriction, c o m b i n e d w i t h the e x c l u s i o n o f the great majority o f the K i k u y u f r o m politics for the s e v e n years o f the e m e r g e n c y , had long-lasting c o n s e q u e n c e s for the g r o w t h o f the parties. In Central Africa the nationalists universally encountered v i g o r o u s

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official h o s t i l i t y t h r o u g h o u t t h e 1 9 5 0 s , c u l m i n a t i n g i n t h e 1 9 5 9 state o f e m e r g e n c y w h e n t h e A f r i c a n p a r t i e s w e r e b a n n e d a n d t h e l e a d e r s d e t a i n e d i n all t h r e e t e r r i t o r i e s . I n T a n g a n y i k a t h e fledgling party established in 1954, the T a n g a n y i k a African National U n i o n ( T A N U ) , suffered e a r l y d i f f i c u l t i e s i n a n u m b e r o f d i s t r i c t s ; a n d in Z a n z i b a r n e i t h e r A r a b n o r A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s t s w e n t u n s c a t h e d . W i t h the c h a n g e in British p o l i c y b y i960 c a m e a c h a n g e in attitudes t o w a r d s nationalist leaders, demonstrated dramatically b y the s u d d e n release o f N y a s a l a n d ' s nationalist leader, D r B a n d a , early in i 9 6 0 , a p p a r e n t l y at t h e behest o f the Secretary o f State. It w o u l d b e a n o t h e r year b e f o r e J o m o K e n y a t t a ' s release, b u t f r o m that date the colonial g o v e r n m e n t s w e r e forced t o f o l l o w w h e r e t h e C o l o n i a l O f f i c e l e d , s i n c e as t h e W i l d R e p o r t h a d p o i n t e d o u t apropos o f Uganda:

If the aim, namely to establish a National Assembly on the House of Commons model, is accepted, then it follows that well-organised political parties commanding the confidence of the majority of the electorate are an essential part of the system... therefore our recommendations should be designed to encourage the development of political parties capable of operating the parliamentary system... 1

C o l o n i a l policy decreed a n d the nationalists accepted that electoral s u p p o r t w a s a necessary prerequisite for t h e transfer o f p o w e r . Hence the African people across the region w e n t to the p o l l s in a rapid s u c c e s s i o n o f 1 7 different e l e c t i o n s , s o m e o f t h e m c a r r i e d t h r o u g h w i t h a p p a r e n t h a s t e , t h e last i n e a c h c a s e o n t h e basis o f universal franchise, t o d e t e r m i n e the leaders w h o w o u l d a s s u m e office. T h e first d i r e c t e l e c t i o n s w e r e h e l d i n K e n y a i n 1 9 5 7 , t h e last i n N y a s a l a n d i n 1 9 6 4 . T h e i m p e r a t i v e s o f t h e e l e c t o r a l process produced the modern mass m o v e m e n t s w h i c h transformed political o r g a n i s a t i o n at t h e territorial level. W i t h t h e crucial e x c e p t i o n o f S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a , w h e r e settler c o n t r o l d e s t r o y e d African politics in 1962, the African political parties held the centre o f the stage for those seven years o f electoral politics. T A N U led the w a y ; b u t in e a c h state b y 1964 the nationalists h a d established, w i t h v a r y i n g degrees o f success, a n e w institutional framework for populist politics. T h e p a r t i e s t h a t e m e r g e d c o u l d all t r a c e t h e i r o r i g i n s b a c k t o the earlier p e r i o d o f political activity. U N I P f o r m e d in N o r t h e r n 1

U g a n d a P r o t e c t o r a t e , Report of the Constitutional Committee 1919 ( E n t e b b e , 1959),

33-

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R h o d e s i a in i960, and the M a l a w i C o n g r e s s Party ( M C P ) estab­ lished a year earlier, b o t h s u c c e e d e d the earlier c o n g r e s s - s t y l e m o v e m e n t s established in the 1940s in r e s p o n s e t o the threat o f federation.

B o t h quickly built up massive support,

although

U N I P w a s unable to eliminate the old African N a t i o n a l C o n g r e s s ( A N C ) , w h i c h c o n t i n u e d as a s m a l l b u t v i g o r o u s o p p o s i t i o n p a r t y until the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the o n e - p a r t y state in 1 9 7 2 . I n K e n y a the dominant

K e n y a African National U n i o n ( K A N U ) , traced

its

o r i g i n s b a c k to the K i k u y u Central A s s o c i a t i o n f o r m e d in the 1920s, b u t

was more immediately a confederation

o f district

a s s o c i a t i o n s set u p s i n c e 1 9 5 6 . A t the same time these parties w e r e a n e w p h e n o m e n o n : terms o f their o b j e c t i v e s ; their electoral f u n c t i o n s ; and

in

their

characteristic association o f a n e w nationalist leadership w i t h the discontented rural and urban mass. T h e i r m e t h o d s w e r e also n e w . T h e y used the techniques and s y m b o l s o f the mass party and they e m p h a s i s e d r e c r u i t m e n t at t h e g r a s s r o o t s a n d i n t h e r u r a l a r e a s . M o s t o f t h e m p e r f o r m e d c o n s i d e r a b l e feats i n m o b i l i s i n g l a r g e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n s first t o r e g i s t e r a n d t h e n t o v o t e . I n N y a s a l a n d , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e r e g i s t r a t i o n o f n o t far s h o r t o f t w o m i l l i o n v o t e r s , in less t h a n a w e e k , b e f o r e t h e 1 9 6 4 e l e c t i o n s , w a s a t r i u m p h f o r t h e M C P o r g a n i s a t i o n . A n d e v e r y w h e r e t h e y m a r s h a l l e d at t h e polls a m a s s i v e , l a r g e l y illiterate electorate, w h o m a d e their m a r k s f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e . N o r s h o u l d it b e a s s u m e d t h a t i l l i t e r a t e v o t e r s w e r e n e c e s s a r i l y u n a w a r e o f w h a t w a s at s t a k e . I n U g a n d a , a significant d r o p in the p o l l in B u n y o r o b e t w e e n the

first

and

s e c o n d g e n e r a l e l e c t i o n s in 1 9 6 1 a n d 1 9 6 2 , u n d o u b t e d l y r e f l e c t e d g r a s s - r o o t s r e s e n t m e n t at t h e u n r e s o l v e d L o s t C o u n t i e s i s s u e . The

political parties

therefore

performed

mobilising popular anti-colonial protest machine. Y e t notwithstanding

a major

through

role

in

the electoral

their exhilarating electoral vic­

tories, the parties that t o o k p o w e r shared o n e critical w e a k n e s s that w o u l d h a v e significant i m p l i c a t i o n s for the p o s t - c o l o n i a l state. A l t h o u g h m a n y o f the y o u n g nationalists demonstrated

consid­

erable organisational skill, the parties they created w e r e o r g a n i ­ sationally w e a k . T h e i r m o s t serious w e a k n e s s w a s perhaps their inability to c o n t r o l local-level activists in a situation w h e r e a g o o d deal o f nationalist

a c t i v i t y o c c u r r e d at t h e l o c a l l e v e l . W h i l e

K e n y a ' s K A N U presented the m o s t extreme p r o b l e m s o f local a u t o n o m y , in fact all t h e p a r t i e s , w i t h t h e p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n o f 397

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the M C P , w e r e characteristically m o r e decentralised in practice than their constitutions a l l o w e d . T h e s e w e a k n e s s e s d e r i v e d in part f r o m the limitations o f resources available. T h e y also reflected the pluralistic character o f the parties, w h i c h s o u g h t to mobilise a w i d e range o f societal and e c o n o m i c interests w i t h i n the o n e m o v e m e n t . T w o particular internal p r o b l e m s need to be b o r n e in m i n d . W h e r e o r g a n i s e d l a b o u r w a s a s i g n i f i c a n t e l e m e n t i n s o c i e t y , d i f f e r i n g v i e w s as t o the p r o p e r relationship b e t w e e n party and trade u n i o n created a potential source o f conflict w i t h i n the nationalist leadership. A l t h o u g h g o v e r n m e n t s s o u g h t w i t h o u t exception to isolate the unions from politics, the political c o n s e q u e n c e s o f industrial action c o u l d not be a v o i d e d . Party politicians and radical y o u n g t r a d e - u n i o n l e a d e r s s a w i n d u s t r i a l a c t i o n as a l e g i t i m a t e w e a p o n in the nationalist s t r u g g l e , a l t h o u g h there w e r e in fact f e w politically m o t i v a t e d strikes a c r o s s the r e g i o n in these years. L a b o u r ' s role in the nationalist s t r u g g l e , h o w e v e r , notwithstand­ i n g the close relationship b e t w e e n party and union leaders, p r o d u c e d a potential rival to and thus a potential division within the party. S e c o n d , t h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f different e t h n i c a n d r e g i o n a l interests w i t h i n the same party w a s also a potential s o u r c e o f c o n f l i c t . It w a s t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n o f r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s , a n d t h e r e f o r e o f a n u m b e r o f p o w e r f u l national leaders exploiting regional grievances within the same party, that w a s o n e underlying cause o f the inability o f the centre to c o n t r o l the p e r i p h e r y in b o t h K A N U in K e n y a a n d U N I P in N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a . S u c h differences c o u l d n o t a l w a y s be c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n the o n e p a r t y . W h e r e m o r e t h a n o n e p a r t y e m e r g e d , it r e f l e c t e d t h e d e p t h o f cleavages w i t h i n society that w o u l d not be subordinated to the n a t i o n a l i s t o b j e c t i v e , b u t w e r e i n fact e x a c e r b a t e d b y t h e d e c o l o n i s a t i o n process. T h u s the success o f the single party in T a n g a n y i k a a n d in N y a s a l a n d w a s n o t least a reflection o f the a b s e n c e o f d e e p - r o o t e d d i v i s i o n s in t h o s e societies. I n K e n y a , b y c o n t r a s t , t h e r e w e r e i n t e n s e fears a m o n g t h e s o - c a l l e d m i n o r i t y t r i b e s o f t h e i r p o s s i b l e s u b j e c t i o n , i n t h e i n d e p e n d e n t s t a t e , at t h e hands o f the e c o n o m i c a l l y and politically d o m i n a n t K i k u y u and L u o p e o p l e s . R e f l e c t e d a b o v e all i n t h e c o n f l i c t b e t w e e n K a l e n j i n and K i k u y u o v e r access to the settlers' land in the Rift V a l l e y , this l e d t o t h e f o r m a t i o n i n i 9 6 0 o f a s e c o n d p a r t y , t h e K e n y a 398

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African Democratic Union ( K A D U ) to challenge K A N U ' s drive f o r p o w e r , a n d t o b e c o m e , u n t i l s h o r t l y after i n d e p e n d e n c e , t h e parliamentary opposition. In K e n y a also intra-party tensions reflected the conflict b e t w e e n landed a n d landless in K i k u y u society. I n U g a n d a , the central political issue o f B u g a n d a ' s d o m i n a n c e , allied t o the d e e p - r o o t e d religious rivalry, resulted in the g r o w t h o f a h i g h l y c o m p e t i t i v e t w o - p a r t y system. It is i m p o r t a n t t o b e a r i n m i n d t h e r o l e o f v i o l e n c e i n t h e decolonisation process. Radicalism in those years related t o means rather than ends, a n d militancy a n d m o d e r a t i o n referred t o the use o f force. Militant politics g r e w o u t o f the juxtaposition o f A f r i c a n d e p r i v a t i o n a n d E u r o p e a n p r i v i l e g e . H e n c e it w a s i n t h e K e n y a n Highlands and o n the Northern Rhodesian Copperbelt, t h e t w o a r e a s w h e r e c o l o n i a l i s m b i t d e e p e s t i n t o A f r i c a n life, t h a t African resentment against the indignities o f colonialism p r o d u c e d the earliest a n d t h e m o s t v i o l e n t protest. T h e s e w e r e n o t , h o w e v e r , t h e o n l y areas o f v i o l e n t protest. Industrial unrest w a s a w i d e s p r e a d theme d u r i n g these years a n d rural p o p u l i s m carried w i t h it u n d e r t o n e s o f v i o l e n c e . W e m a y r e c a l l t h e s u c c e s s i v e c r i s e s o f 1945, 1949 a n d 1959 in B u g a n d a , all o f w h i c h w e r e m a r k e d b y demonstrations against the B u g a n d a g o v e r n m e n t and colonial rule. U N I P militancy p r o v o k e d serious rural v i o l e n c e in N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a in e a c h s u c c e s s i v e year b e t w e e n 1958 a n d 1 9 6 4 . O n c e t h e British c h a n g e d their p o l i c y a n d b e c a m e a n x i o u s , as they d i d from i960, t o ' g u i d e the energies o f the nationalists into constructive channels and t o secure their c o o p e r a t i o n in a p r o g r a m m e o f steady b u t n o t h e a d l o n g political a d v a n c e ' , force w a s n o l o n g e r necessary. T h e nationalist leaders w h o c a m e t o p o w e r a t i n d e p e n d e n c e d i d s o as a r e s u l t o f a b a r g a i n i n g p r o c e s s that p r o c e e d e d t h r o u g h constitutional channels. A l l o f t h e m used the constitutional process t o a d v a n c e w h a t they s a w t o b e their c o u n t r y ' s a n d their o w n interests. B u t w h e r e there w e r e rival elements within the nationalist m o v e m e n t , the bargaining process w a s n o t simply b e t w e e n colonial rulers a n d nationalists, b u t b e t w e e n t h o s e r i v a l i n t e r e s t s as w e l l . T h e i n d e p e n d e n c e a r r a n g e ­ m e n t s reflected t h o s e c l e a v a g e s in society, as f o r e x a m p l e in K e n y a ' s majimbo ( r e g i o n a l i s m ) a n d U g a n d a ' s f e d e r a l i s m , b u t t h e y did n o t necessarily o v e r c o m e them. Nationalist leaders in their d e m a n d for immediate independence m a d e their bargains w i t h the 1

1

S i r A n d r e w C o h e n , British policy in changing Africa ( L o n d o n , 1959), 61.

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c o l o n i a l p o w e r i n t h e full k n o w l e d g e t h a t s o m e o f t h e p r o v i s i o n s m i g h t p r o v e temporary, b u t o n the assumption that they them­ selves w o u l d determine a n y future alteration in the internal distribution o f p o w e r . Before w e consider that n e w phase, h o w e v e r , w e m u s t b r i e f l y c o n s i d e r S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a , w h e r e it w a s w h i t e , n o t black, nationalism that triumphed. T h e m o s t o b v i o u s difference b e t w e e n the settler c o m m u n i t i e s in S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a a n d t h e o t h e r t e r r i t o r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y K e n y a , lay in t h e greater political a u t o n o m y t h e w h i t e R h o d e s i a n s h a d enjoyed since they w e r e granted 'responsible g o v e r n m e n t ' (in­ t e r n a l s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t ) i n 19 2 3. T h e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r U D I t h e r e f o r e lay t o s o m e extent in t h e e v e n t s b e f o r e 1940, w h e n t h e S o u t h e r n Rhodesians had quietly d e v e l o p e d * a b o d y o f laws that n o t o n l y protected w h i t e interests b u t generally inhibited A f r i c a n s f r o m d e v e l o p i n g their skills a n d d e m o n s t r a t i n g their c a p a b i l i t i e s ' a n d in the p r o c e s s established a firm institutional basis f o r racial segregation and white e c o n o m i c and political control. W e need, h o w e v e r , t o l o o k further, for w h i l e the K e n y a n settlers d i d n o t h a v e c o n t r o l o f the c o l o n y ' s g o v e r n m e n t in 1940 they w e r e then j u s t a s f i r m l y e n t r e n c h e d as t h e i r R h o d e s i a n c o u n t e r p a r t s . O f greater importance w a s the character o f the white Rhodesian c o m m u n i t y itself. I n t h e first p l a c e it w a s m u c h l a r g e r t h a n t h a t o f K e n y a o r Northern Rhodesia: 5 per cent o f the population i n s t e a d o f 1 p e r c e n t . S e c o n d , it i n c l u d e d a n e c o n o m i c a l l y p r i v i l e g e d w h i t e urban artisan class w h i c h w a s m o r e p e r m a n e n t l y rooted in the country than w e r e N o r t h e r n Rhodesia's miners, and w h i c h enjoyed a greater political p o w e r derived from the country's greater political a u t o n o m y . T h a t urban w a g e - l a b o u r force d e p e n d e d m o r e o v e r f o r its p r i v i l e g e d s t a t u s o n t h e r a c i a l segregation a n d the subordination o f the African majority that w e r e t h e c o r n e r s t o n e s o f t h e c o u n t r y ' s w a y o f life. T h i r d , t h e w h i t e farming c o m m u n i t y and the agricultural sector w e r e economically m o r e significant than w a s the case in K e n y a . S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a ' s 7000 w h i t e f a r m e r s o w n e d 4 9 p e r c e n t o f t h e c o u n t r y ' s l a n d , e m p l o y e d 42 p e r cent o f the l a b o u r force, a n d w e r e politically much more firmly entrenched than the g r o w i n g business c o m m u n i t y - either the local o r the international corporate in­ terests. T h u s w h i l e the business c o m m u n i t y m i g h t h a v e f a v o u r e d a m o r e liberal c o n c l u s i o n t o d e c o l o n i s a t i o n , a n d the British m i g h t 1

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R o b e r t G o o d , UDI: the international politics of the Rhodesian rebellion ( L o n d o n , 1973).

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(as H u g g i n s b e l i e v e d ) h a v e w i s h e d t o g i v e w a y t o b l a c k n a t i o n a l i s m as q u i c k l y as p o s s i b l e i n o r d e r t o sustain their t r a d e links w i t h A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s , it w a s t h e E u r o p e a n f a r m i n g c o m m u n i t y that dominated the internal p o w e r system. W h i t e farmers a n d artisans w e r e politically m o r e p o w e r f u l than w h i t e b u s i n e s s m e n , a n d it w a s t h e y w h o d e t e r m i n e d t h e r e s p o n s e t o A f r i c a n nationalism in 1 9 5 9 - 6 0 , w h e n a state o f e m e r g e n c y w a s followed b y n e w repressive laws. T h e m o s t important factor w a s u n d o u b t e d l y that the w h i t e Rhodesians controlled their o w n armed forces w h i c h the K e n y a n whites did not. African militancy m e t its m a t c h , a n d w e m a y therefore c o n c l u d e that t h e initial failure o f A f r i c a n nationalism in S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a w a s t h e result not o f weaker Africans but o f stronger Europeans. T w o other factors must also, h o w e v e r , b e taken into account. I f the nationalist m o v e m e n t in Southern R h o d e s i a d e v e l o p e d a l o n g lines similar t o t h o s e in o t h e r states, it carried w i t h i n it t h e s a m e w e a k n e s s e s , n o t least t h e internal conflict w i t h i n t h e leadership o v e r tactics a n d strategy, a n d those internal d i v i s i o n s had serious consequences for the o u t c o m e o f the African struggle, b o t h b e f o r e a n d after U D I . I t m i g h t a l s o b e a r g u e d t h a t t h e nationalists failed t o identify t h e real n a t u r e o f t h e s t r u g g l e i n S o u t h e r n R h o d e s i a , m i s j u d g i n g b o t h t h e p o t e n t i a l for a l i b e r a l solution from within Rhodesia and the possibility o f British intervention f r o m outside. J u s t as Britain h a d n e v e r exercised h e r right o f surveillance o v e r Rhodesian legislation o n behalf o f the black population in the 42 years o f responsible g o v e r n m e n t , s o in 1965 s h e failed t o h o n o u r h e r c o l o n i a l o b l i g a t i o n s . W h e r e a s t r o o p s h a d b e e n flown i n t o K e n y a i n 1 9 5 2 t o q u e l l t h e M a u M a u u p r i s i n g a m o n g t h e K i k u y u , n o force w a s u s e d a g a i n s t R h o d e s i a ' s w h i t e s e t t l e r s i n 1 9 6 5 . W h i l e t h e u n d e r l y i n g r e a s o n s for t h e B r i t i s h a b d i c a t i o n o f responsibility at this p o i n t remain a m a t t e r o f debate, w e must agree that, w h i l e the arguments for and against the use o f force w e r e i m p r e s s i v e , the fact that force w a s n o t used suggests that the issues at stake - reversing U D I and assuring ultimate majority rule in Rhodesia with all it entailed for the evolution of affairs in Southern Africa and Britain's position in Black Africa, the Commonwealth and the U N - were not worth the economic cost and the political risk involved in applying force. There was here a question of values and l e a d e r s h i p . . . 1

" Good, UDI, 65. 401

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It w a s t h e o v e r r i d i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f B r i t a i n ' s d o m e s t i c p o l i c y that led t o Britain's R h o d e s i a n failure.

Post-colonial change T h e politics o f independence quickly focussed u p o n the allocation o f scarce resources in a situation w h e r e the state w a s a c k n o w l e d g e d as a d i r e c t a g e n t o f d e v e l o p m e n t , a n d g o v e r n m e n t m a n a g e m e n t o f the e c o n o m y w a s a long-established tradition. T h e r e w a s a strong continuity between colonial and post-colonial political p o s t u r e s , and the m o s t p o w e r f u l forces w i t h i n the n e w state had been b o r n during the nationalist struggle w h e n colonial d e v e l o p m e n t policy had created n e w urban w o r k e r s , n e w p r o g r e s s i v e farmers and a n e w African administrative class. T h e r e w a s a significant inequality o f i n c o m e n o t o n l y b e t w e e n the races, but also b e t w e e n the small minority o f African society w h i c h had f o u n d e d u c a t i o n and e m p l o y m e n t in the m o d e r n sector and the majority w h i c h had not. Colonial policy had also contributed to acute regional imbalances in e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t , w h e r e r e g i o n s c o i n c i d e d t o a greater o r lesser extent w i t h ethnic groupings. Hence although T a n g a n y i k a and Nyasaland were r e l a t i v e l y free o f e t h n i c c o n f l i c t , e l s e w h e r e e t h n i c a n d / o r r e g i o n a l inequality w a s a significant basis for political c l e a v a g e . In the i n d e p e n d e n t s t a t e , t h e i s s u e s at t h e h e a r t o f t h e p o l i t i c a l d e b a t e therefore remained the same. In Z a m b i a the transition to inde­ p e n d e n c e o c c u r r e d against a b a c k g r o u n d o f industrial unrest that r e a c h e d its c l i m a x i n 1 9 6 6 w h e n t h e m i n e r s d e m o n s t r a t e d t h e i r continuing p o w e r b y taking the C o p p e r b e l t o u t o n strike and w o n a 22 p e r c e n t w a g e i n c r e a s e w h i c h w o u l d e x a c e r b a t e t h e u r b a n rural g a p . In K e n y a the K i k u y u h u n g e r for land, w h i l e temporarily assuaged b y the land settlement w h i c h restored the w h i t e highlands to African o w n e r s h i p , nonetheless remained the dominant political issue. T h e r e were, h o w e v e r , t w o additional constraints, w h i c h w o u l d i n d u e c o u r s e h a v e s e r i o u s p o l i t i c a l c o n s e q u e n c e s : first t h e r e w a s the b u r d e n o f e c o n o m i c d e p e n d e n c e that meant that expatriate capital w a s an a d d i t i o n a l influence u p o n the state. ( A l l these states w e r e dependent o n external capital for d e v e l o p m e n t . ) S e c o n d there w a s the conflict, already to s o m e extent apparent, b e t w e e n the needs o f the mass a n d the aspirations o f the élite. W h i l e there w a s 402

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