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The Aqquyunlu Clan, Confederation, Empire Revised and Expanded Edition
JOHN
E. WOODS
THE UNIVERSITY OF UTAH PRESS SALT LAKE CITY
© 1999 by The University of Utah Press All rights reserved.
To the memories of Robert E.Woods (1913-1991) and
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Woods, John E. The Aqquyunlu : clan, confederation, empire / John E. Woods. -Rev. and expanded ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 0-87480-565-1 (alk. paper) I. Ak Koyunlus (Turkic people) DS 27·52 1998 6 95 . I' 0I5--dc21 98-36392
Martin B. Dickson (1924-1991)
Contents List ofillustrations
ix
Preface
Xl
A Note on Transliteration and Usage 1.
THEMES AND STRUCTURES
2.
CLAN TO PRINCIPALITY
3.
THE GREAT CIVIL WAR
4.
PRINCIPALITY TO EMPIRE
5.
STASIS AND DECLINE
6.
Xlll
61
125
DEVOLUTION AND THE NEW DISPENSATION
149
Appendices A. B. C. D.
The Aqquyunlu Genealogy The Aqquyunlu Confederates Aqquyunlu Genealogical Tables Sources for Aqquyunlu History
173 18 3 201 21 5
Notes
235
Bibliography
293
Index
319
Illustrations PLATES Three Shahrukhi reformed Tangas 71 Fatih Mehmed and the Aqquyunlu Prisoners at Ba§kent Sultan-Khalil 126 Iv. Ahlat, the Tomb ofBayandur 131 V. Ya'qub and His Court 133 VI. Bahram Gur in the Green Pavilion 139 VII. The Battle of Alma-Qulaq 164 VIII. Shah Isma'il Proclaims Shi'ism the State Religion 171 I. II. III.
119
FIGURES I.
2.
3·
4· I
I t f
1)
! ,, r;I
I
I ,
'-I
5·
6. 7·
8. 9· 10.
Prophetic, Caliphal, and Sacral Models of Sovereignty and Legitimacy 5 The Aqquyunlu Imperial System 15 The Aqquyunlu Imperial Administrative Council 18 Corporate Clan Succession with Elimination of Collateral Houses A and 5 21 The Bayandur Tamgha according to Kashghari, Rashid al-Din, and YazlclOglu 26 The First or T ur-'Alid Dispensation and the First Civil War 42 The Second or Qara-'Usmanid Dispensation 58 The Second or Great Civil War 62 The First Uzun-Hasanid Dispensation 93 The Second Uzun-Hasanid Dispensation 101
Il.
12. 13. Al. A2. A3.
A4. 01.
The Confederate Clan Wars and the Fall of the Uzun-Hasanids 150 The Confederate Clan Wars and the Fall of the Qara-'Usmanids 160 The Tamghas ofUzun Hasan and Shah Isma'il 169 The Oghuz according to Rashid al-Din 175 The Oghuz in Rashid al-Din and Sharaf al-Din ~i Yazdi 176 The Oghuz in Shukr Allah 177 The Oghuz in Bayburtlu Osman 180 Contemporary and Near-Contemporary Narrative Sources 223 MAPS
I.
2. 3· 4· 5· 6.
7· 8.
9· 10. II.
12.
The Central Islamic Lands in the Second Half of the Fourteenth/Eighth Century 2 Tribes and Trade in Eastern Anatolia 30 Political Divisions in Eastern Anatolia, ca. 1390/792 32 The First Aqquyunlu Principality in 1435/839 55 The Ascendancy of Harnza, 1438-44/841-48 72 The Aqquyunlu Principality in 1451/855 76 The Second or Restoration Principality 94 Principality to Empire III The Aqquyunlu Empire in 1490/895 135 The Triple Partition 162 The New Dispensation, ca. 1514/920 170 Turkmen and Kurdish Tribal Distribution, ca. 14°0-145°
199
Preface Revisiting an oeuvre de jeunesse is somewhat like viewing an old photograph of oneself an4 realizing how much one has aged and yet somehow remained the same. Little did I imagine when I first began working on the Aqquyunlu in 1964 that after more than three decades of study neither I nor the subject would be exhausted. The first version of this monograph was submitted to the faculty of the Near Eastern Studies Department of Princeton University in 1974 as a doctoral dissertation. Subsequently reworked in the light of readers' remarks and the examination of materials inaccessible when the dissertation was originally prepared, The Aqquyunlu was published in 1976. Reaction to the book was initially favorable for the most part and reviewers and other readers offered many specific criticisms and general comments from which I have learned a great deal. Moreover, I have continued to develop new sources of information on the Turkmen dynasties and to broaden my understanding of aspects of the historical context in which they arose. These suggestions and efforts have led me to correct and refine a number of points and issues in the 1976 text of The Aqquyunlu. Since this edition had gone out of print, it seemed an appropriate time to incorporate these new data and insights into a revised and expanded verSlon. Both the scholarly apparatus and the interpretative framework have been modified in various ways. The citations of manuscripts and older published texts in the original monograph, for example, have been changed to refer to modern editions unavailable in 1976. The narrative itself has been recast and substantially rewritten in parts, especially the first and last chapters. The section of chapter 1 dealing with sources for the Aqquyunlu period has now been placed in a separate appendix and information from some of the notes has been moved into the body of the monograph. Finally, I have also attempted to bring the literature bibliography up to date. In contrast, the basic theses and conclusions of the work are virtually unchanged. In a number of places, how-
ever, I have tried to draw closer attention to the particular trends and relationships that I believe are characteristic of economic, social, cultural, and political life in Anatolia and Iran during the fifteenth century in itself and as an age of transition from the Later Middle to the Early Modern period of Islamic history. I hope that these additions and emendations will serve to clarify my "hectic" narrative-as one reader described it-and help to make it more intelligible. In addition to those individuals and institutions I have previously acknowledged, I should also like to express my appreciation to my friend and colleague Cornell Fleischer, who read parts of the manuscript and discussed many points of fact and interpretation with me throughout the process of revision. I am likewise very grateful to Michael Provence and Kathy Lewis for their valuable editorial assistance. Finally, I am especially thankful to the University of Utah Press for affording me this opportunity to become reacquainted with an old comrade.
A Note on Transliteration and Usage In the body of this monograph, a simplified system of romanization omittin diacritical marks has been utilized in transliterating most Arabic and Persia! words. However, some technical terms and all bibliographical entries are tran scribed fully in accordapce with the following table: I. CONSONANTS
j.i
'I
./
~
~
b
../'
c;l, ~
"r'
P
j,
..:...
.
tl
.1;
.....
th, s, t
t.
~
j, J
t.
(i
ch,c;:,c
J
f
C
Q
J
q,~
t
kh,lJ
.!l
k
~
d
..J
g
.)
dh,z
J
I
J
r
r
m
j
Z
0
n
j
zh,z
'-'"
s
J
w,v
..;
sh,~, S
-?
Y
Z
gh,g,g
Ii;
"1,"
r
t: I:; i:: jJr ;;1'
j:
n Pi,. '
h
xiv
~
Transliteration
II. VOWELS
Short: a, i, u; /aJ is also used to transcribe the Persian "mute •. " Long: a, i, u Diphthongs: ay, aw Although modern Turkish usage has been observed in spelling most toponyms in Turkey as well as most Ottoman Turkish proper names and technical terms, the following anomalies should be noted: VARIANT
MODERN TURKISH
Amid Aqquyunlu Arminiya
Diyarbaku Akkoyunlu provinces of Erzincan, Kalan, Erzurum, Bingol, and Elazlg Gaziantep provinces ofDiyarbaklr, Urfa, and Mardin Hasankeyf Karakoyunlu Urfa, ~anhurfa Dulgadu
'Ayntab Diyar Bakr Hisn-Kayf Qaraquyunlu Ruha Zu'l-Qadr
The Irano-Turkish title 4. is arbitrarily transcribed beg (modern Turkish bey) and the abbreviations b. and bt. are used for "son of" and "daughter of" respectively. The months of the Islamic year are transliterated in their Arabic forms. In the notes periodicals, series, biobibliographical surveys, catalogs, encyclopedias, dictionaries, and other general reference works are indicated by abbreviations (see part I of the bibliography). Sources are denoted by uppercase sigla (e.g., DIYAR for Kitiib-; Diyiir-Bakriya) and are subdivided into four categories: (1) published and unpublished archival and documentary sources; (2) archaeology, epigraphy, iconography, and numismatics; (3) narrative and literary sources; and (4) normative sources; they are alphabetized according to sigla within each category in part II of the bibliography. Finally, part III of the bibliography lists modern synthetic works in alphabetical order by the author's last name and the date of publication. 1. Hamza indicated medially and finally only. i transcribed as leI in construct forms; otherwise as Ihl in Arabic words and expres-
2. sions.
I
Themes and Structures THE LATER MIDDLE PERIOD
From the decline of Changizkhanid Mongol power in the middle of the fourteenth/eighth century to the rise of the Ottoman, Safavid, Mughul, and Uzbek empires at the beginning of the sixteenthltenth century, the history of the Irano-Turkish cultural area of the central Islamic lands during the Later Middle Period still remains obscure in many of its fundamental aspects. This unfortunate state of affairs continues despite the pioneering efforts of Mukrimin Halil Ymans;, Vladimir Minorsky, and Walther Hinz, supplemented by the more recent studies of 1. P. Petrushevsky, Claude Caben, Osman Turan, Faruk Sumer, Jean Aubin, H. R. Roemer, Michel Mazzaoui, Y3.§ar Yucel, and others. The inadequacy of the monographic literature is partially due to the extraordinarily complicated political decentralization of the period and the dominance of "factional rulers" (muluk al-tawa'if), facts clearly reflected in the uneven documentation for the history of eastern Anatolia and most ofIran during the fourteenth/eighth and fifteenth/ninth centuries. Rashid al-Din (t 1318/718)-whose universal history Jam;' al-tavarikh is as much a monument to the cosmopolitan world view of the Mongol Ilkhans as it is a milestone in Persian Islamic historiography-found a successor only at the beginning of the fifteenth/eighth century in the person of.[Iafiz Abru 1\ (t 1430/833). A relative flowering oflocal chronicles occurred in the Ilkhan suc- f··' cessor states in the intervening century, many of which, however-along with large portions of Rashid al-Din and Hafiz Abru-are still unpublished (see appendix D). But such areas as the no-man's-land stretching fro.Ill Tabriz to Konya often fall outside the limited scopeof d~~;;roca:rhistories, which means that in many cases the mere chronology of political events in these regions is difficult, if not impossible, to establish. Quantifiable data on social and economic conditions in this area, moreover, are even more elusive. Nevertheless, studies on the materials discovered and analyzed to date have I
Themes and Structures
e-
E c:
OJ
u
.s
.~
:s ~
:J
~
OJ
.s ~ :;;
::c ...., c:
~
Vl
.s.5
-a ~ .!:l e
~
]
..., "§f
5
u ¢:
OJ
8
'"
..;
~I!!
.. g EfI.)
~
02..,
~ "fa j~
I
0
l
.<::::,.>
3
indicated several general trends in the history of this period. Most of these interpretations take the Mongol invasions of the Islamic heartland as their point of departure, though not agreeing on the precise nature of their effects on Is" lamic civilization. One of the least controversial results of this pivotal event in world history was the influx ofIirge~JIlbers of nomadi~ l'~le from Central Asia into Iran, Iraq, Syria, Anatolia, and somhernJtl.lssia. including both the Mongol conquerors themselves and their eastern Turkish allies, as well as many 'Turltinens displaced by the campaigns of Cliangiz Khan ar:t,d.his-su~ssors. These demographic changes in turn brought about thereversion,M some farmlands to pasture and consequently an initial decltil.--elri-t.tlE'agITenlmral cprospedtyHoftlie conquered regions. Economic life in the urban centers was . also at first adversely affected by these developments, creating further antago"'nism between the conquered sedentary population and their nomadic over10rds. I Even though economic recovery was relatively rapid and some of these so.cial conflicts were eventually resolved in later periods, the dual character of society remained firmly established in many parts of the central Islamic lands after the Mongol invasions. This is especially true of the Iranian plateau, where . the "enclosed" nomadic element was reinforced on several occasions during the fourteenth/eighth and fifteenth/ninth centuries. AmplifYing the earlier view of Minorsky, Siimer notes the eastward reflux from Anatolia of the Mongol Oirot, Jalayir, and Siildiiz after 1335/736 in addition to the three Turltinen "waves" composed of the Qaraquyunlu, the Aqquyunlu, and the Safavid Qizil"bash that swept out of Anatolia over Iran in the fifteenth/ninth and sixteenth/ tenth centuries. 2 In any case, these later demographic changes differed from the earlier Turkic and Mongol invasions of the Islamic lands ftom Central Asia iii that they essentially involved the relocation or reshufHing of existing ele". . inents into new political configuratlorl.sas· diifincfftom the overlaying of an indigenous population by entirely new peoples. A ~econd general trend of this period-not unconnected with the firstwas the continuedgroWihand spread of Islamic and pseudo-Islamic popular . religious organizations, particularly such militant messianic movements as the Baba'i-Bektashis in Anatolia; the Sarbidars in Khurasan and Mazandaran; the '.Hurtifis inKhuras~n, Azarbayjan, Syria, and Anatolia; Shaykh Badr aI-Din in " 'western Anatolia; the Ahl-i Haqq in Kurdistan; the Miisha'sha' in Khuzistan and southern Iraq; and the Safaviya in Azarhayjan, to name only a few) Many .elements have been discerned in this urban, rural, and tribal phenomenon, in.... eluding class conflicts between the exploiting nomadic military elite and the ~'exploited sedentary lower classes, the open society of the Pax Mongolica, the 'influence of shamanism, a hydra-headed resurgence of militant Nizari Isma'ilism, the confluence of futuwwah doctrine and folk religion, and the intel-
4 ~
lectual ferment produced by the spread of the illuminationist thought iof Suhrawardi (t II91/587) and the radical humanism ofIbn al-'Arabi (t 12401 638), but as yet no completely satisfactorysYnth.etic treatment of the subject has appeared. 4 Paralleling the flowering ofImami Shi'ism in the highest levels of the Ilkhanid state, many of these popular movements were strongly colo*d by extreme 'Alid concepts, so that it is no exaggeration to say that the prevailing religious winds during this period were popul~r, Shi'i, and 'Alid, even in circles nominally Sunni. This confessional ambiguity may be seen in many facets of lite in the central Islamic lands before the rise of the Safavids. To cite only one example, some of the coins of the Timurid ruler Abu al-Qasim Babur (t 1457/861) bear Shi'i formulas on one side and Sunni legends on the othen s Closely related to these social, economic, and cultural developments Were an additional set of religio-political issues stemming from the execution of the last universally accepted 'A~!:>~i1liph,~~,M!l~~!l'S!!U, at the hands of the pagan Mongols in 1258/656:According to M. Mole, th~ fall of the 'Abbasids of Baghdad favor~d the rise in the fortu~e~~~mamism andpopular_rrlh_gion by ~tr!ppi!lg.ihi.Si.iilill:~!Ua'i governing establishment of the last vestiges of its authority.6 Specifically, th~- d~atli-Of al-Musta'sim brought an end to the legal mechanism whereby the caliphs and the Muslim warlords of the preMongol era extended and received political recognition through a process described in the well-known formulation of the jurist Ghazali (t nn/505): ... we consider that the function of the caliphate is contractually assumed by that person of the 'Abbasid house who is charged with it, and that the function of government in the various lands is carried out by means of sultans, who owe allegiance to the caliphate. Government in these days is a consequence solely of military power, and whosoever he may be to whom the possessor of military power gives his allegiance, that person is the caliph.?
As a result, after 1258/656, most Sunni-Jama'is lived under military dictators whose authority could
g.ot he
Themes and Structures
The Aqquyunlu
recognized by a pro forma caliphal conferral of
i legitimacy and whose support of the Sacred Law could not be confirmed by , 'pledge-ofallegiance to the caliph, the personification of the preeminence of that Law. Consequently, various forms of sacral sovereignry and legitimacy were the only means available to post':MongoIMuslim" ;'arlords to ~~dow their regimes with the trappings oflegality. Structurally, these changes are represented by the three models of sovereignty and legitimacy shown in figure 1. The classical theory of the caliphate is represented by the first twO diagrams, the prophetic and the caliphal. In the Islamic prophetic model, the prophet is an individual selected by God to remind his fellows of the relationship that binds God and His creatures as embodied in the primeval covenant between God and humanity (Qur'an 6:172): "Your
PROPHETIC MODEL
~ 5
CALIPHAL MODEL
SACRAL MODEL
GOD
Prophet
• :~~,:~
ChaOma. Ta'yid-i IIahi, _ Farr, Qut, Ughur,
0 i .
King
WORLD
Figure I. Prophetic, Caliphal, and Sacral Models of Sovereignty and Legitimacy
Lord brought forth descendants from the loins of Adam's children, and made them testify against themselves. He said: 'Am I not your Lord?' They replied: 'We bear witness that You are.'" The Prophet Muhammad therefore called his followers to realize on earth the divine sociopolitical order implicit in this covenant in accordance with the Sacred Law expressed in the Revealed Book and the norms established by his own words, deed, and comportment. The Prophet then vested the legitimacy and responsibility for the perpetuation of this worldly Community-the Umma or Jamaa-in the Community itself: "My Community shall never unite upon an error, so if you should see a disagreement, you must stay with the majority."8 rl~~rul.ed with !,h.e death-.2f Muhammad and his successors, or caliphs, ~p~i~:d for him as l~;:a~ of ilie Umma in the worldly sphere. They were "those in authority" (ulu al-amr) in the" Sovereignty Verse" of the Qur' an (4:59): ."Believers, obey God and obey the Prophet and those in authority among you." In theory, moreover, the Umma ratified the accession of the caliph-whether"e1ected or appointed by his predecessor-by offering a symbolic promise of allegiance to him. The caliphs were charged solely with de~ fending and implementing the Sacred Law and exercised only those functions relating to the Umma as a worldly community-administrative, financial, military, and judicial. As the Islamic polity developed, the caliphs delegated
6 ~ The Aqquyunlu
some of these functions to ministers, generals, and magistrates, but the Community theoretically remained the reservoir of earthly legitimacy from which the caliph drew his power, though the ultimate source of sovereignty was God, malik al-mulk (owner of sovereignty). When the "possessors of military , I power"-amirs and sultans-ultimately seized the rule outright, they never· theless sought caliphal recognition to sanction their usurpations and thus maintained the legal fiction of caliphal delegation. In contrast to the prophetic-caliphal notion, the sacral model of rule holds that the king or worldly ruler (sultan, padshah) is chosen directly by God, who makes him the repository of sovereignty on earth, raising him above the rest of humanity and endowing him with the charisma of universal rule (ta'yid-i ilahi, "divine support," fan; qut, ughur). God and the king conduct parallel activities: God orders the world through the king and the king orders society though the royal qualities of intellect, wisdom, and, above all, justice embodied in equitable laws and appropriate administrative practices:"fhe}ust king thus stands as the bulwark against chaos and the dissolution of the's~ci:lf~rder and acts as the agent of civilization, responsible for irrigation, agriculture, urbanization, commerce, and education. Some even held that it was the king who imparted fertility to crops and animals. 9 To retain his sovereign mandate · (dawlat, "luck, fortune"), the king must not only rule in accordance with these · principles and combat tyranny (zulm), but must also show obedience to God's Laws. Ifhe does not do so, God will raise up a scourge to overthrow him and so begin the cycle again. Although this theory was particularly associated with notions of political authority, the be1iefin divinely granted special attributes is also characteristic of Sufism and Shi'ism in the concepts of grace (lutJ) and authoritative knowledge (,ilm), respectively, both of which can therefore be considered in the context of this model. This consonance is important for understanding the confluence ofideas discussed earlier in this chapter. Io ,~ In certain areas, however, adherence to the caliphal model and allegiance " to the ~bbasid house of Baghdad persisted long after the house's demise. In India, for example, the sultan of Delhi, Jalal al-Din Firuz Shah Khalji (t 1296/695), continued to mint coins citing al-Musta'sim throughout his reign, nearly forty years after the Mongol conquest of Baghdad. Elsewhere it appears that many members of the Sunni-Jama'i religious establishment in the occupied territories were rather rapidly coopted by the Mongol military elite, thereby losing much of their influence with those segments of society who continued to resist infidel domination in their hearts. II Ibn al-Tiqtaqa (fl. 13001700) relates the following anecdote on this tendency in his Kitab al-
fakhri: When the sultan Hulagu conquered Baghdad in 656 [1258], he ordered that the 'ulama' be asked to give a legal ruling as to whether a just infidel
Themes and Structures
~
7
sultan or an unjust Moslem sultan was more excellent. So the 'ulama' assembled for that purpose in the Mustansiriyah. But when they had considered the ruling, they hesitated to reply. Radi aI-Din 'Ali ibn Ta'us was present at this session, and he was a leader and respected. When he saw their reluctance, he took the ruling preferring the just infidel to the unjust Moslem and signed it. The others signed it after him. 12 ,. The Sunni-Jama'i cause seems to have benefited very little, moreover, from · tneremoval ora supposed descendant of the last caliph to Cairo for the purpose of presiding over the accession of the Mamluk sultans, and the authority of these "shadow caliphs" of Cairo received only sporadic recognition from .' rulers in outlying areas of the Islamic world and none at all from the Islamic juristS. As Sunni-Jama'i legists struggled to elaboratel!~_!he9ries,ofpoliticalle gitimag, the Islamic Community,as a whole again came urgently face to face with'~ne of the problems central to Shi'ism: the ruler and the nature of his sovereignty-the Imam and the Imamate.' Sitriultaneously, in some of the states that arose in the wake of the Mongol . . ,'invasions, political aiithoritY and state organization were frankly derived from traditions and customs referred to as .the Great Yasa of Changiz KMrt. With the definitive conversion of the Mongols in Iran tg.rlslai11::,at the . . tegir;ning'~f ili~'f~~n:e~~thjei'ghth ,century, however, a curious ~~~~,f!1, (1f!e,.gitlmlZing principlesevolvecl, in which the Sacred Law of a decapitated SunniJ~tt\.aTislamic uniVersal state beCame inextricably bound up with the concepts arid ideals, of the devolving nomadicChangizkbanid world empire. 13 This con"'f6unding of p~litical traditions may be seen clearly in the introduction · iofMuhammad Nakhjavani's Dastur al-katib fi ta'yinal-maratib, dedicated to · "the Mongol-but non-Changizkhanid-autocrat of Azarbayjan and Iraq, . Shaykh-Uvays Jalayir (t 13741776), who is referred to as "resurrector of the traditions of the Changizkhanid state ... unfurler of the banners of the Sacred Law of the Prophet, kindler of the flame of the Muhammadan faith ... distinguished by the support of God, Lord of the worlds. "14 Nakhjavani thus appeals . to'both Mongol and Islamic rdigio-political systems-not seen to be in contradiction-to legitimate a powerful non-Changizkhanid Mongol commoner Of qarachu,15 whose very existence is considered to imply consecration by God.
,.menomadlc
Attemp!!~.~!~!=_~~4.: .M.?.~g
8 ~ The Aqquyunlu
lamie] kings [muluk, singular rnalik] and seize control of the kingdom and . the community with the blows of your resplendent sword.,6 Though indeed he may initially have acted upon their words, Malik Ashraf Siildiiz (t 1357/758) nevertheless pragmatically sought to secure his thirteen! year "usurpation" by raising an obscure Changizkhanid scion (ke'un) , Anushirvan 'Adil, as figurehead. ' ? He was subsequently killed by Jani Beg Khan, a true Changizkhanid contender of the Jochid line, who invaded Azarbayjan from southern Russia, ostensibly to restore legitimate Mongol rule there. Another example of a bid to repudiate the legacy of Changiz Khan comes from eastern Iran during the same period. Despite the fact that a group of chieftains in Khurasan had elevated Taghay Timur (t 1353/754). a descendant of Changiz Khan's brother, the non-Mongol hereditary governor (malik) of Harat, Mu'izz al-Din Pir Husayn Muhammad Kart (t 1370/771), began to appropriate the titles and regalia of sovereignty as early as 1343/744· In 1349/750 , after asserting the doctrine that "religion and kingship are twins" and quoting the "Sovereignty Verse," he proclaimed himself sultan and announced his intention to reestablish the Islamic Sacred Law (Shari'a) in place of the "filthy tree of unbelief" (shajara-yi khabisa-yi kufr) and "the customs of the unbelievers" (rusum-i kuJfar).I8 The referents in this case were certainly both the Mongols and the extremist Shi'i elements of the Sarbidarid movement in Khurasan. The reaction of the nomadic military elite was swift in coming: in 1351/75 2, the warlord of neighboring Transoxiana, Qazaghan Qaraunas-who himself had raised a Changizkhanid puppet of the line of Chaghatay-laid siege to Pir Husayn in his capital. Qazaghan is alleged to have said about his adversary, "?f what lineage is he to arrogate the sovereignty? ... On what grounds does a TaJIk [Iranian, sedentary] pretend to rulership?"'9 Pir Husayn was defeated and forced to renounce his claims to political authority. Nomadic.!9!;!tj.I!t~z.!J1~l'[!!lc:ip!e,sthJl~ continued to influence con~ept.~ of sovereignty. in other later Monsol successor states, including the Timunds and the QaraquyuIlIU. For example, even the most successful of the Turko-Mongol warl()rds~ . the nominally Muslim conqueror Tamerlane or Timur Barlas ',(' (t 1405/807), another non-Changizkhanid commoner, claimed to be acting on the authority of the Ogedayid imperial puppets, Suyurghatmish and SultanMahmud, in accordance with the laws of Changiz Khan, a notion clearly reflected in Timurid coin inscriptions and diplomatic formulas.20 Even the Changizkhanid charisma-by-association of the qarachu Sultan-Ahmad Jala~ir (t 1410/813), the son of Shaykh-Uvays, was considered such a powerfullegltimizing force that the Turkmen Qara Yusuf Qaraquyunlu had Sultan-Ahmad "adopt" his son Pir Budaq in order to bolster his later claims to independent authority.2I
Themes and Structures
~ 9
With the establishment and rise of the Turkmen states in Anatolia..and {'
Az~~ayjan in the first part of th!;:tW:ee.mb/nintb centmy. po~~~~;,-the pres-
tige ofChangizkhanid authority gradually began to wane, overshadowed by the traditions of the Turkmens themselves. Qara 'Usman Aqquyunlu (t 1435/ 839),theOttoman--sultaa.MuradU (t 1451/855), and Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu (t 1467/872) all attempted to establish their descent.f!.
Lyi~S~9y~r~lr wit~!.J1 .the c~ro~ological?g~().s.r~tu~~':!l~"~_:~~t"~:e.~~
~~ters . .s~et~h~d l~ tht:. preceding discus~io111 t~e. histoJY"gf£t},~f\qq~~!1!~
confederationis cle
IO ~
Themes and Structures
The Aqquyunfu
logical narrative of political events for the century and a half of Aqquyunlu history from th~ beginnings of the confederation in the mid-fourteenth/eighth century until i:nedestruction of the remnants of the Empire by the Safavid , Qizilbash in the early sixteenthltenth century. The second major goal of this study is toelucidate some of the major structures and processes underlying the political history of the Aqquyunlu. PERIODIZATION
The narrative focuses on two major phases of Aqquyunlu history: the Principality, to 1467/872; and the Empire, extending from 1467/872 to 1508/914. The Principality phase is further subdivided into three periods: the formation of the First Principality down to the death ofQara 'Usman, the Great Civil War, and the Second Principality restored by Uzun Hasan. Similarly, the second or imperial phase includes the Great Conquests and the foundation and apogee of the Empire under Uzun Hasan, cultural effiorescence along with political stagnation in the time ofYa'qub, and the Confederate Clan Wars ultimately leading to the Safavid Succession. During the Principality Period, the major themes include the political, economic, and social evolution of the Aqquyunlu confederation from a band of nomadic "cossack" freebooters into a relatively centralized, territorial principality based on a regularized but essentially predatory relationship with agriculture and commerce. The parts played by the confederate clans, the paramount Bayandur clan, the ruling house, and nomadic traditions in the organization of the confederation under Qara 'Usman are also dealt with. After 1467/872, the Aqquyunlu rulers Uzun Hasan and his son Ya'qub endeavored to transform the polity into a traditional Irano"Islamic agrarian empire by gaining physical control of the land and its inhabitants, as well as the centers of commercial activity, by reforming administrative practice to extract maximum economic advantage, by developing a truly symbiotic relationship with the sedentary populations under their rule, and by substituting universalizing Islamic legitimizing principles and institutions for particularistic nomadic ideals, kinship ties, and personal loyalties. AQQUYUNLU SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STRUCTURE
Since the terminology and concepts used in discussing tJ:te Turkmen polities of the fifteenth/ninth century may be unfamiliar, this section briefly outlines the social and political organization of the confederation and defines the terms and notions most commonly used in this study. In this connection, it should be kept in mind that the demographic, political, and social changes discussed
~ II
above had a profound effect on institutional and societal structures that is mirrored in the vocabulary associated with those structures. Arabic and Persian terms are replaced by a Turkish and Mongol nomenclature that mayor may not also reflect a change in the institutions that underlie this terminology. Consequently, function and comparison are employed alongside lexicography in the following discussion to help gain an understanding of political and social practice in the post-Mongol central Islamic lands. The nucleus of the Aqquyunlu or Bayanduriya confederation (if va ufus) was fOrmed a paramount clan ofOghuz Turkmens who claimed descent ttomlrayanaur Khan, a Turkish folk hero according to some traditions and a grandson-ofOghuz Khan himself, according to others (see appendix A). Associ;ted with the paramount clan and attached to the person of the chie(IriyanaliTCTiiiismanthtoughtheirrespective clan chieftains (/isignori, umara-yi ~;;m;-sardaran-i il ulu begler, boy begleri, boy khanfart) were as many as fifty 1"~.hlsh,Arab, and Kurdish confederate clans (batn, jama 'at, 'ashirat, boy; see appendix B for a listing of the most important of these clans). In 1473/878, the Venetian envoy Caterino Zeno described these chieftains under Uzun Hasan: "According to the authority of each, the lords [Ii signori] are appointed over his people and strongholds and deposed at His Majesty's discretion. When His Majesty summons them, they are obliged to appear with a number of horses arid men in accordance with their incomes, and thus do they appear. "23 Zeno's view is echoed by Ya'qub's court historian, Fazl Allah Khunji-Isfahani, who lauds the ability of the Bayandur rulers to coerce obedience and subordination from the clan chiefs during the late Empire Period. 24 Indeed, the tension between the ruler and the chieftains forms one of the major themes ill the history of clan-based poiities. 25 At the beginning of his cathe ruler of such a polity is almost entirely dependent upon the military support of social groupings outside his own family and kin. In this stage, he tries to draw the loyalties of those who furnish this support-the confederate cIi'ieftains-into a network of reaJ or ~urrogate kinship structures and marriage alIlances to cement ties otherwise based on the volatile attachments dictated by mere opportunism. Their acceptance of his leadership is guaranteed by his providing them regular ~ccess to the spoils of war and showing them unstintinggellerosity in peacetime. His rule may then be further stabilized and rationalized by the creation of a powerful personal bodyguard devoted only- to Iihnand an effective bureaucracy committed to his political goals. b-.L!his. P2~t,1_t?!be ruler is often forced to draw upon his bodyguard and bureaucracy to ,. ihitiate measures to curb the·influence of the very groupsthat initially brought '. "1iiih to power. Such measures generally include the curtailment Or abrogation , .. political and economic privileges of those groups along witi1~n att~mpt rc-c::nll;lDc::erthe demographic bases of the clan regime of the confederati~n~_
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. In the latter case, the rlll<:X.ma}Ulm:mpt t() . ~l,lbstitute members of his personal . bodyguarq f()r the clan~,hieftains and may try to recomb.~neelements of ~i£ffr ent ~lans into new units or "ethIlicities" Q<:a!=kd by his own "men" by imposi!}g n~ systems~f~ilitary organization to undermine the old clan order. Thus" whereas force is frequently the necessary factor in resolving these tensions au.g contradictions, the ruler must in fact control, compensate, and (;onciliate h~s followers at one and the same time. As suggested by Zeno, in Turkmen times, the principal type of reward for military service accorded the confederate chiefs was evidently the bene~(;~ or grant of fiscal and administrative immunity over a specific territory. Such grants are called nyul or ulka in the sources,26 though they are practically silent on the specifics of these terms. Two passages in the Kitab-i Diyarbakriya refer to this practice during the Qaraquyunlu period. The first describes the plans of Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu to wrest control of Baghdad from his rebellious son Pir Budaq in 1466/871. Jahanshah's preparations included sending his agents to call up the army, including his son, the governor of Isfahan, along with "the other military commanders and the tiyul-holders from the farthest reaches of the provinces."2 7 Later in the chronicle, after the death ofJahanshah in 1467/872, the governor ofShiraz received the allegiance of "the lords," who were described as "the elite of the imperial cavalry who had remained in the ulkas and tiyuls and his fellows and peers exalted by ties of kinship arrived into his retinue, each receiving stipends, salaries, honors, and gifts appropriate to his rank.... "28 Additionally, two unpublished documents from the early Safavid period cast some light on this institution in the Turkmen period immediately preceding it. The first lists the tiyuls and ulkas of Qizilbash military commanders throughout Safavid territories from Luy Yil to Takhaquy Yilor 1508-13/ 913-20; however, once again the usage in the document does not make clear the distinction between them. 29 The second document, a petition addressed by Arnir Beg of the Mawsillu clan to Shah Isma'il, can be provisionally dated slightly later, around 1515/920-21. Arnir Beg, himself a former Aqquyunlu commander who had joined the Safavids in 1507/913, complained to his sovereign that for various reasons he had never been able to extract any compensation from any of the four ulkas assigned to him at various times and that he had been required to support additional contingents of imperial retinue (nukar, mulazim) from his own uncertain financial resources. His protests were finally rewarded in 1516/922 by his appointment as governor-general ofKhurasan and guardian ofIsma'il's eldest son and heir apparent, Tahmasb.3° As the confederation evolved politically--"':'especially during the Empire Period-and established control over important urban centers and the interregional trade routes connecting them, other sources of wealth became avail-
Themes and Structures
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~ I3
able for distribution among the chieftains and other members of the military elite. Provincial governors and garrison commanders in the cities systematically farmed the municipal taxes (tamghavat) collected contrary to Islamic Sacred Law on urban commercial transactions and goods in transit. The large sums of money thus realized provided these individuals with sufficient economic power to challenge the ruler and his administration on occasion. The confederate_dans themselves may be divided into several categories according to the date and circumstances of their entry into the confederation. The first group comprises the Turkmens that formed the original confederatiOll,:,in eastern Anatolia and includes the chief ~ian of rllerighi:.wing, the P.!!Inak; and the chief clan of the left, the Mawsillll..'The Turkmen clans along the Mamluk frontier in what is today northern Syria and south-central Turkey, among which the Mshar and Bayat were probably the most important, afforded a second source of manpow\:r£Q!".. the Aqquyunlu as the confederation expande'~Ciriii:tl1£Si!J~11 ~te12pe.,Third,):he rulers of the western Anatolian principalities, dispossessed of their territories by the expandi~g Ottoman state in the fifteenth/ninth century, frequently fled to the east along with their retinues, where they joined the Aqquyunlu confederation. In this connection, ~ Qaramanids and the)sfandiyarids are the best examples. AJourth group was eomp()sedof the remnants of the rival Qaraquyunlu confederation, which broke up after the Aqquyunlu conquest in 1467/872, and included the powerful~:lvut and Chakirlu clans. Fifth; families formed as a result of the political marriages of Bayandur women with other elite groups such as the Timurid Miranshahis and Safavids also played important roles in the confederation in various periods. Finally, .a sixth category may be reserved for those clans that were never fully integrated into the Aqquyunlu confederate system but participated with the confederation in military operations from time to time: the Turkmen Doger, the Kurdish Bulduqani, and the Arab Banu Rabi'ah should be included in this group. T~£!:!gh !he c()n.federate clalls furnished the bulk of the Aqquyunlu military forces,!qey were partially counterbalanced by the royal warband orcop1itatllr-::tht: ~t:Ur'!f!'spersonal forces (Ie zente d'armi, boy nukaran, khavass, nukaran-i khassa, inaqan)-composed of free !ndivid!:l~s resruited froID nQ.madic and seminomadic groups, trained and regularly paid by the sultan, bgt not ~onstitmed in clan contingents. Again, according to Caterino Zeno, "the men at arms [Ie zente d'armi] are paid annually, receiving their salaries every three months; cavalrymen are paid from 40 to 60 ducats a year."3 1 Moreover, Minorsky's contention "that these fighters belong to the Bayandur division" is not supported by an examination of references to this coips among the AqquyunluY For example, Arnir-ughli Hasan [Mawsillu] is included among Uzun Hasan's boy nukars,33 while the titles of Hasan Aqa Chalabi-ughli
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[Mawsillu?]34 and Sharaf al-Din Aqa Yasavul Afshar35 also suggest that they were part of the ruler's private forces. Thus, it appears that the Aqquyunlu warband was similar in structure to the Turkmen ghulam-hostage corps advocated " by the Saljuq minister Nizam al-Mulk as the means of creating a "third force" while maintaining control over the clan chieftains whose sons served in this corps)6 High-ranking clan chiefs also had armed retinues of this type, on a much more modest scale and, according to Amir Beg's petition cited above, were obligated to help defray some of the costs of the royal warband. The size of the royal warbarid and hence its strength relative to the confederate troops fluctuated throughout the Aqquyunlu period. Based on an examination of the descriptions of troop deployments in campaigns and battles, it seems to have been more prominent as a military force during the evolutionary Principality Periods than later under the Empire. Members of the warband regularly filled important posts in the sultan's : "outer service" (birun) or ministry of court (darbar), such as the positions of chamberlain (qapuchi, eshik-aqasi),37 keeper of the seal (muhrdar), and equerry (amirakhur). They were also frequently appointed guardians (lala) to the royal princes38 and commanders (darugha) of royal garrisons in urbancenters)9 In addition, a host of nonmilitary, non administrative service personnel including falconers, cooks, librarians, musicians, armorers, couriers, messengers, post riders, and heralds were attached to the court and thus technically considered part of the royal bodyguard~ 40 Unfortunately, little is known of the internal organization of the Aqquyunlu palace (haram), but the nomadic traditions' cultivated by the paramount clan long after the establishment of the Empire suggest that Aqquyunlu women were perhaps less secluded than their Ottoman sisters. The active political roles of several Bayandur queen mothers in the conduct of domestic and foreign affairs further bear out this supposition. Khunji-Isfahani, moreover, made a special point that Aqquyunlu rulers did not intermarry with slaves as was the case with neighboring dynasties (muluk-i atraf), by which he probably meant the Timurids. 41 Such "inner service" (andarun) or palace personnel as there may have been would certainly have been included among the ranks of the sultan's household administration-as distinct from the confederate clan regime. These might have included slaves such as the four young black eunuchs seen by Giovanni Dario at Qazvin in 1485/89042-black and white slaves were still sold in the markets of Amid at the beginning of the sixteenthltenth ceni) tury.43 In any event, slavery did not playa prominent part in the structure of . Turkmen society. . The sul~ and his brothers, sons, and wives, the officers of the palace service and personal forces; and the most important clan chieftains--major representatives of ~e nomadic military elite-occasionally met in kingash or elite
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council to decide questions of succession and military policy.44 By and large, a quorum of the constituent groups seems to have been necessary in order for , the decisions taken in the elite council to be binding, and in general the sultan was required to act in accordance with the majority opinion. In fact, on several occasions, particularly during the Great Civil War, the ruler's failure to comply with council policy resulted in the defection of both the royal house and the confederates to his rivals. Yet in other instances the sultan was able to impose his will upon the council successfully and, in so doing, won increased respect and prestige. It should be noted that in three cases the elite council ratified the deceased ruler's nomination of a successor, all three of whom were subsequently overthrown by the same individuals who had earlier confirmed their righ ts to rule. Whether or not one subscribes to the letter of Minorsky's statement that "like oil and water, the Turcomans and Persians did not mix freely and the dual character of the population profoundly affected both the military and civil administration of Persia, "45 the fact remains that there existed a fundamental social and political-though not necessarily ethnic or linguistic-cleavage in the , Aqquyunlu system between the nomadic military elite ("Turks") and the urban elite of eastern Anatolia and Iran ("Tajiks"), a feature common to many polities of the middle and later periods ofIslamic history (see figure 2). Indeed, there is very little evidence for the occurrence of any appreciable political or social assimilation of either group by the other during the fifteenthl ninth century. To cite the extremes, no urban notable ever held a military comi mission in the Aqquyunlu confederation, and no general ever became a mem, ber of the religious institution. In certain departments of the sultan's court , administration, however, talent was recruited from both nomadic and seden\ tat;' groups regardless of social origin: for example, the careers of poet, painter, .,' 'ana calligrapher were open to Turk and Tajik alike. Intermarriage between members of the Turk and Tajik aristocracy was relatively rare and was officially discouraged, as the 'following examples from the Empire Period demonstrate. The queen-mother Saljuqshah Begum allegedly convened an elite council of the princes of the blood to prevent the remarriage of the widow of her son Sultan-Khalil to Husayn Chalabi, the brother ofUzun Hasan's minister of religious affairs, whom she considered "an ordinary commoner" (bir ra'iyat).¥> Later, Sultan-Khalil's brother and successor Ya'qub forbade the union of his sister and his own minister of religious affair~, Qazi 'Isa Savaji, on the grounds that it would violate Turkish traditions, metaphorically denigrated as "Turkish barbarism" (jahiliyat-i Turkan).47 The well-known alliances between Bayandur princesses and leaders of the Safavid religious order are the major exceptions to this pattern. 48 Furthermore, this social and political cleavage received ideological sanc-
Themes and Structures ~ 17 tio~ through the regime's official exaltation of pastoralism and parallel deprecation of sedentary life. Dwelling in cities was allegedly forbidden in the Yasa ?fChangiz Khan,49 and this notion is echoed in a dictum attributed to Qara Usman, founder of the Aqquyunlu Principality, who continually advised his sons, "Do ~ot become sedentary, for sovereignty resides in those who practice the nomadlc Turkmen way oflife."5 0 During the Empire Period at the end of fifteenth/ninth century, this principle was reiterated by Khunji-Isfahani, court historian of Qara 'Usman's great-grandson Ya'qub b. Uzun Hasan. He first praised the ~embers, of the Bayandur family for their origins in the open spaces (sahan) of thelr summer and winter encampments (yaylaqat va qishlaqat) and for not settling in "filthy cities and perverse towns" (mudun-i khabisa va . .. bilad-ifasida) where they would have been corrupted by associating with the ~e~ra~ed. and, witnessin~ their despicable actions. He later provides a Qur anlC Justification for thelf maintenance of nomadic practices by quoting Surah 106 on the summer and winter movements of the Quraysh-another e~~m~l~ of th.e c~mmon tendency during this phase of substituting Islamic legltimlZlng p.nn~lples for pagan steppe traditions. Elsewhere, he rails against the ~edentarlzatlon-and hence devitalization-of the army and the transformation of some of its leaders into agrarian landiordsY The political and institutional separation and accommodation of the two estat~. can ~learly be seen in the structure of both the central and provincial admlmstratlons. At the highest levels of government, the divan-i a'la or supreme administrative council (a body regularly convened to direct the political, economic, and military affairs of the Aqq uyunlu), power was divided more or le~ equally between them. How frequently these meetings were actually held lS not known, but two occasions are mentioned in the sources when the body was dissolved for twelve days as the result of disputes among the officialsYThe principal central government secretaries including the minister offinance (vazir), 'the state secretary (mumhi al-mamalik), and the comptroller (mustawfi), as well as the minister of religious affairs (sadr ai-Shari 'a) and the chiefIs~amic justice (qazi 'askar,53 qazi al-quzat), were, without exception, representatives of the urban nobility,54 Similarly, the offices of chief of staff and president of the council (divan begi, amir-i divan), commander-in-chief (amir ai-umara'),55 secretary of the army (amir-i divan-i tuvachi),5 6 and treasurer (khazinadar, khazin) were usually occupied by members of the confederate clans. The warband was represented in the council by the keeper of the seal (muhrdar), the chief of protocol (mihmandar, shiqavul),57 and the chamberlain, whose bailiffs (yasavulan) arrested and brought individuals before the counci~. Orders were announced and executed by military heralds (jarchiyan) orspeclal envoys (bukavulan, literally, "tasters"),58 both of whom belonged to the sultan's household staff. Most tax exemptions and diplomaticcorrespon-
18
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The Aqquyunlu TURKS
TAJIKS RELIGIOUS
Themes and Structures
ADMINISTRATION,
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minister of religious affairs
minister of finance
chamberlain
chief of staff, commander in chief
chief justice
state secretary
keeper of the seal
secretary of the army
comptroller
chief of protocol
military chancellor treasurer
Figure 3. The Aqquyunlu Imperial Administrative Council
dence were registered by a member of the nomadic military elite, while religious appointments and endowments were countersigned by the minister of religious affairs. A provisional model of the central Aqquyunlu administrative council during the Empire Period is shown in figure 3. Two other groups maintained less formal ties with the sultan and the central administrative council: the merchants (tujjar, bazarganan) and the leaders of the popular religious brotherhoods (sufiyan, darvishan). In addition to carrying out various commercial transactions and personal commissions on behalf of the sultan, 59 the international merchants-predominantly engaged in the textile trade-also served as diplomatic representatives or spies in neighboring courts. Moreover, during the Empire Period, they were granted regular , audiences with the suitan. 60 Drawn from every class of society, the popular reI {ligiOUS leaders were the most important link between the ruler and his admin\ istration and the people, functioning as a means to mobilize public opinion • behind official policy. Though most popular religious figures abjured govern! ment service,61 a few acted inofficial and unofficial capacities, including diplomatic and administrative positloris. The career of Darvish Siraj ai-Din Qasim Naqshbandi provides an illustrative example. He served Abu Yusuf Qaraquyunlu for twenty years, joining Uzun Hasan in 1469/874, under whom he became first a chief of protocol and later a chancellor. During the short reign ofUzun Hasan's son Sultan-Khalil, he was sent to the Ottoman court as ambassador, and under Ya'qub he served almost ten years as trustee of the Nasriya endowment fund and later as rector of the Nasriya tomb complex itself. 62 His murder at the hands of Ya'qub in a drunken rage is discussed in chapter 5. Shaykh Ibrahim Gulshani Khalvati exercised enormous influence with several AqquyunTu sUltansanafrequenily'at:i:ended the sessions of the administrative council, although he held no official position in the government. Qazi 'Ala' alOin 'Ali Bayhaqi, Uzun Hasan's chief religious magistrate, however, retired from active political life after joining the Khalvati dervish order. 63
~ 19
The structure of the central administrative council was probably mirrored on a smaller scale in the provincial council~'?~E~~.p~in..cc:lr~ppanages(huku mat, iyalat, ulka, saftiiifdt) ahd themilkirygovernorships (darughagi, hukumat, iyalat). Though ulka is not, strictly speaking, a technical term for princely appanage during the Turkmen period as previously discussed, the word fre,quentlyoccurs in conjunction with the term khurish, a fixed share of provincial revenues allotted to a royal prince for his upkeep.6 4 The appanage-holding prince theoretically may have been immune from interference by the central authorities, but the inhabitants could nevertheless refer their grievances against the actions of a royal prince to the sultan. 65 Minor princes were usually accompanied to their appanages by their guardians, representing either the confederates or the warband, who then became chiefs of staff of the provincial councils Mld garrison commanders of the provincial capitals. Their military commands were composed of forces drawn from all of the confederate clans. Urban centers not assigned to the royal princes were administered by frequently rotated military governors, either confederate chieftains or officers of the sultan's 'guard, whose remuneration usually consisted of a share of the municipal taxes levied in the towns under their jurisdictions. 66 Although these governors attempted to rule in conjunction with the hereditary local urban leaders or headmen (ra'is, sardar), tensions inevitably arose between the localleadersof the e:tstern Anatolian and Iranian urban centers and the Turl
Ithas been postulated that such indeterminate succession patterns are par- \ ('flEfll:tt ttl corporate dynasties, ruling families, or dans in which both territorial
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The Aqquyunlu
and political sovereignty are conceived of as nonpersonal or group possessionsJo In such dynasties, every male member of the kingly house theoretically has an equal claim to the common patrimony-tangible and intangible-by virtue of his descent from the founder alone, regardless of birth order or any other ranking principle. As a result, the joint sovereignty of the ruling family corporation frequently finds territorial expression in the continual division \and subdivision of the family's lands among its members. This segmentary or " 'appanage system-attested among groups as widely divergent as the Merovin"gians of France, the Kievan Russians, the Buyids, the Saljuqs, the Ayyubids, : and the descendants of Changiz Khan-may thus be considered the institu. tionalization of such a conception of sovereignty.?1 Hypothetically, the appanage system may be extended indefinitely, particularly in conquest states in which new territories are continually made available for distribution among the ruling family. But, as Jack Goody has observed, political sovereignty, by its very nature, cannot be broken into increasingly smaller quanta without the dissolution of a hierarchically organized polity into a loose, segmentary confeder.u:ionP However, in various states Mongols-both before and after their conversion to founded by the TurkS Islam--certain political institutions evolved to accommodate this situation. One such compromise actually involved the division of political offices into a series of hierarchically graded posts attached to specific territories and open to all members of the paramount kin group. An elite council then ranked candidates for office, usually on the basis of seniority, and they were allowed to advance in the hierarchy in a lateral or fraternal pattern of succession, finally attaining the position of chief representative of the kin group. In this manner, the entire family could participate in the political process while retaining both a symbolic supreme ruler and the loose corporate structure of the polity. One of the best examples of this compromise in the Islamic" world is furnished by the Qarakhans or Ilekkhans, who ruled Transoxiana and eastern Turkistan from the tenth/fourth century to the thirteenth/seventh century.?3 The functioning of such a system, however, clearly depends upon the good faith of the participants in observing the order and rules of succession. Indeed, throughout the history of the Central Asian steppe, whether as a result of necessity or self-interest, members of corporate polities have assumed, legitimately or illegitimately, the supreme power and then have reorganized and restricted the allocation of offices. This tendency, constituting a sharp departure from the concept of corporate sovereignty, is illustrated in figure 4. At the apex of the genealogy stands X the mythical clan ancestor, perhaps a divine or sacral figure, bestower of the original sovereign mandate (dawiat, farr, ughur. qut) upon his descendantsJ4 At a distance of several generations, Y is the architect of the current clan political organization, a neo-eponymous formation"
Themes and Structures
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of the X-ids/ 5 Depending upon the ideological emphasis of current clan politics and the personal achievements of Y, the dispensation at generations I and II may be designated the X-ids after the mythical ancestor or the Y-ids after the founder of the dispensation. The practical significance of this formation, however, lies in the fact that succession to political power in the XIY-ids is now governed by a relationship to X through Y, not by descent from X alone. Y, as founder of the dispensation that bears his name, appanages the clan territories to his sons A and B during his own lifetime, establishing the eastern and western branches of the XlY-ids. The death of Y, however, raises the issue of succession to the political leadership discussed above, since both brothers theoretically have equal claim to the position of head clansman. Their reciprocal rights and duties may be established in a variety of ways: they may share the supreme office; either may be elected a ceremonial first among equals by the elite council; either may emerge supreme as the result of his ability to meet an emergency; or they may fight each other for sole possession of the leadership. By generation III, however, the situation is rendered more volatile by a plethora of pretenders to the supreme office, each of whom is bound both by an increasingly tenuous sense of corporate loyalty to the XlY-ids and by more immediate ties to his own house and lineage. The resulting tensions are sometimes resolved by the conciliation of one house by another, usually cemented by a marriage alliance, and the consolidation of claims in a single individual; for example, B attempts to secure the succession for himself and his son 3 by marrying 3 to A's daughter. More often than not, however, civil war breaks out, until the number of candidates for the rulership is reduced or until one candidate demonstrates his incontestable military superiority by eliminating all his rivals and in so doing his right to sole possession of the divine mandate to rule. The ultimate victory of 3 over his uncles, brothers, cousins, and nephews may in effect exclude them from further participation in clan politics. Moreover, their appanages under the XlY-id dispensation may be redistributed to fs kin and supporters, who now become the Xl113-ids, a new dispensation of power and possessions in the polity. It is precisely the interplay of these two tendencies among the Aqquyunlu-the centrifugal ism or segmentation associated with clan corporateness together with nomadic traditions and the centralizing forces characteristic of charismatic, personal, or bureaucratic concepts of sovereignty-that constitutes one of the major dynamics in both Principality and Empire Periods. Though such systems have been declared explosive and ultimately unworkable,76 it was precisely this volatility-the continual elimination of entire houses from political contention and the consequent renewal of the sovereign mandate in successive dispensations-that helped the system continue to function among the Aqquyunlu for almost a century.
~
23
Viewed in terms of the preceding discussion, Aqquyunlu dynastic history therefore be resolved into a succession of three dispensations to the houses ofTur 'Ali, Qara 'Usman, and Uzun Hasan. These internal political reincHcared in the figures"In" the text and the dynastic tables in appendix C by the numerals [(the Tur-'Alids), I (the Qara-'Usmanids), and i, (the Uzun-Hasanids). These categories are not absolute, and it should be that an individual may act at any given time within the context of more r than one dispensation (that is, may behave both as a Qara-'Usmanid and as an U2:un-Hasanid). Finally, several of the figures in the text also represent graphi- I, tally the territorial articulations of the dynamic interrelationship of kinship and politics described in the narrative. With this thematic, structural, and conceptual background of the Later Middle Period in general and the Turkerain particular having been set, the discussion now focuses on the oriof the Bayandur clan and the evolution of the Bayandur confederation.
'must
I
2
Clan to Principality . •Wh3J: i$ your watchword if you lose your way in darkness? .WhQ is your lord, bearer of the noble standard?
.w:bP i,s your champion on the day of battle? My watchword is God if I lose my way in darkness. Ow;lordis Bayandur Khan, bearer of the noble standard. . Our c4ampion on the day of battle is Salur Qazan. The Book ofDede Korkut THE BAYANDUR TO THE MIDDLE OF THE FOURTEENTH/EIGHTH CENTURY . "f,l,Ii;~yiUlI,j.Ul
branch of the Oghuz-Turkmen people, from which the paracla,nof the l3ayanduriya or Aqquyunlu confederation claimed descent, . ll~t~sted in Islamic sources about the middle of the eleventh/fifth cenOnl steppe trac:litions compiled and systematized by Rashid al-Din Faz! .ip. the· early fourteenth/eighth century accord the Bayandur an impor.role in the tenth/fourth century kingdom of the Oghuz rulers or yabghus . .. .. $yr parya. These traditions state that Qulu, Tulu, or Qabul Khvaja . ···i;tyandur was one of the principal Oghuz military leaders under the ruler Dib :¥:ilyquQayiII. According to later versions of these legends, Bukduz Bayandur . . beg; in the service of a later yabghu, Irki b. Dunkar Bayandur. He sub,'::~IlJ1,e:~~f'!>~:~ne the viceroy (na'ib or kulerkin) of the yabghu AI AIti Kishi As";,,,,",1+''''''' Qayi Inal Khan, whose government also included Qurqut Ata b, Qara "..""".",,,,._ Bayat,hetter known as Dede Korkut. On the death of this yabghu, Irki . .. . .. ruled the Oghuz as khan for more than three decades in the name of j~K4all's son Tuman.' The Ghaznavid historian and geographer Gardizi mentions a "Bayandur" . ;. 9r·"B~andur" tribe among the seven-clan Kimak confederation of western 25
26
~ Kashghari
~
The Aqquyunlu
~ Rashid ai-Din
Clan to Principality
'lJl YazlCIOgIU
Figure 5· The Bayandur Tamgha according to Kashghari, Rashid ai-Din, and YazlCIOgiu
Siberia, and it is probable that this former group is identical with the traditional Oghuz-Turkmen clan and Aqquyunlu eponym, usually spelled "Bayandur."2 Mahmud al-Kashghari's Diwan lughat a/-Turk, a Turkish-Arabic r dictionary compo~ed b~tween 1072/466 and 1078/471,3 divides the Turkmens, 1 Oghuz, or G?uzzlyah mto twenty-four clans, two of which later broke away r from the mam body.4 Of the remaining twenty-two clans-twenty-one of which are listed along with their brands (tamgha) or arms {see figure 5 and f compare figure 13)-the Bayandur {vocalized "Bayundur")S stand third after . ( ~he Qiniq clan of the r:igni~~ Saljuq sultan Malikshah, which occupies the , ! ce?tral and most noble posItIon, and after the Qayi (spelled "Qayigh"), with which the Ottoman ruling house later claimed affiliation. Modern Turkish scholars usually follow the vocalization "Bayindir" established by the fifteenth/ninth century historian Yazlcloglu Ali in his adaptation ofIbn Bibi's thirteenth/seventh century chronicle of the Anatolian Saljuqs and transcribe this clan name "Baymdu" in keeping with the rules of Turkish vowel harmony. Among the Aqquyunlu in the fifteenth/ninth century, however, the final vilwel was pronounced u, as evidenced by Uzun Hasan's inscription in the DIu Cami f of Amid that rhymes the clan name with the Arabic passive participle manp"ir j {rendered victorious [by God]).6 In any event, Rashid al-Din and YazlCIOgIU Ali agree that the name means "may that land ever be fottunate" and "may it ever be affiuent and fortunate," respectively.7 Saljuq historiography itself, however, provides no information on Bayandur participation in the conquests of Tughrul, Alp Arslan, and Malikshah, nor on the presence of the clan in the Saljuq appanage-states of Anatolia, Kirman, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. Yet the existence of a relatively large number of place-names in Anatolia, particularly in the western part, that recall most of the classical Oghuz clans has led some Turkish scholars to assume the occurrence of general migrations involving elements of all twenty-four clans from the eleventh/fifth century onward. 8 European schplars have criticized this hypothesis on the grounds that most
I
~ 27
toponyms are attested only ftom the sixteenthltenth century and canbe adduced as positive evidence for a state of affairs existing some four cen. turiesearlier.9 Moreover, these scholars have noted the absence of any mention ·•. (jf.either the Qayi or the Bayandur, in Ibn Bibi's history of the Anatolian Sal· ',Juqs; A/-Avamir a/- 'ala'iya fi al-umur al- 'ala'iya (referred to previously), and " have therefore rejected the references to these clans in Yazlcloglu Ali's Turkish' adaptation of this work two hundred years later as interpolations from the :i:orltemporary political scene. Yazlcloglu claims, for example. that the Bayindur and Salur served Fakhr al-Din Bahramshah Mangujak of Erzincan at , me beginning of the thirteenth/seventh century; that Ibrahim Beg Bayandur , chief of the left wing of the Saljuq confederation; and that theB'ayandur one of the pillars of the Anatolian Saljuq state. 1O But careful examination ,','6fthe contemporary narrative sources has shown that only five Ogbuz-Turk- , rtt~n ,clans-the Doger, Mshar, Salur, Yiva, and Qiniq-are attested histori-I in these works in the central Islamic lands before the Mongol invasions. II j ,' " . ,The folk traditions of Central Asia and Anatolia, while connecting the Bayartdur with the polit~~~isinteg~~~!!.c!...~~_?~a of the Syr Darya I Oghuz-one of the consequences of which was the Saljuq(YtilIq:realnvision I' of the central Islamic lands-also present conflicting evidence. The Vilayetof HacI Bekta§ Veli. set down in writing at the end of the fifteenth/ninth mentions the rise of Bayandur Khan. presumably in Central Asia, this time of troubles. 12 The Central Asian locale of the kingdom of Bay, 'imdur Khan and of the activities of his general, Salur Qazan, and his minister, '. .Qurqut Ata Bayat or Dede Korkut, is also confirmed by Bayandur Khan's al'Ieged descendant Uzun Hasan Aqquyunlu, who wrote the Ottoman Prince B:tyezid in 1470/875: "The clan and the people of Bayandur Khan, the Bayat, and the Oghuz nation. who for long years had taken up residence in Mangysh, Jakt3 and the frontiers of Khvarazm and Turkistan because of the dispersion arid the vagaries [?] of fate, have sought refuge in the inviolable sanctuary of our fortunate state [harim-i dawlat-i ma]."14 This bit of Aqquyunlu propa, gmda, designed to show Uzun Hasan's guardianship of the original Oghuz ..' Dispensation and to emphasize the geographical isolation of the Ottomans ", ,'from the homeland, may be a reference to the Bayandur of the Gokien con· , ',federation, attested by Arminius Vambery in the ninteenthlthirteenth century i1'l. modern Turkmenistan. ls , Compilations of literary and oral traditions by the seventeenth/eleventh ,ci"'''''n"...,. Uzbek ruler of Khvarazm, Abu al-Ghazi Bahadur Khan, however, 10the Bayandur dom.ination in Iraq ftom sometime in the middle of the Celevelnthlfilith century to the first half of the twelfth/sixth century.16 Again MiIlIndur and Salur are associated-in this instance as enemies: Salur Ughurjiq KiJiittirc:uk) Alp, a descendant of Qazan, fell out with the ruling Bayandur chief
28 ~
The Aqquyunlu
and, taking 900 tents of the Qarqin, left Persian Iraq for the country north of the Caspian Sea. This tradition could be linked with the historical movement of the 'Iraqiyah Turkmens who invaded Iraq, Azarbayjan, Arminiya, and Diyar Bakr in the first half of the eleventh/fifth century as reported by Ibn al-Athir, who mentions the names of the principal 'Iraqiyah leaders, but unfortunately does not indicate their tribal affiliations!7 Finally, some of the episodes of the Oghuz epic The Book ofDede Korkut locate Bayandur Khan's kingdom in Central Asia, while others are set in eastern Anatolia. 18 According to the Aqquyunlu genealogy compiled by Abu Bakr Tihranilsfahani in the last quarter of the fifteenth/ninth century, Qara 'Usman's ancestor in the sixth generation was Idris Beg II, "who, like his forefathers, ruled the Aqquyunlu in some of the castles and cantons of Diyar Bakr" at the beginning of the thirteenth/seventh century.1 9 Idris Beg II's grandson "Pahlavan" Beg, castelain of the powerful fortress of Alinjaq near Nakhjavan, is said to have been forced to evacuate the castle by the Mongol governor of Azarbayjan and the Caucasus Chormaghun in the thirties of the thirteenth/seventh century and to withdraw to western Anatolia. After engaging in operations against the Byzantines near Bursa in conjunction with other Turkmen leaders, "Pahlavan" Beg returned to eastern Anatolia, finally settling near Amid in Diyar Bakr.l° There he was followed by his son Tur 'Ali, the first Aqquyunlu ruler mentioned in other independent narrative sources. Succeeding his father around the turn of the fourteenth/eighth century, Tur 'Ali at the head of 30,000 tents of the Aqquyunlu allegedly allied himself with the Mongol I!khans, participating in Ghazan Khan's Syrian campaign of 1299-1300/699.21 Mamluk sources report, moreover, that by the middle of the fourteenth/eighth century a nomadic section of the Bayandur clanalong with elements of the Buzuqiyah (subdivided into Zu'l-Qadr and Inal branches), Bayat, Doger, Afshar, Begdilli, Eymur-Ramadan, Qiniq, and other , tribal groupings-had established itself along the northern fringes of the Egypto-Syrian Mamluk state. 22 The first reference to Tur 'Ali in Panaretos's Greek chronicle ofTrabzon under the events of 1348/749 also dates from this period,23 but the relationship between the nomadic Bayandur on the Mamluk frontier and Tur 'Ali and his followers in the Trapezuntine hinterland is not clear, and the two groups are not positively identified with each other for at least another half-century. To sum up, then, by the middle of the fourteenth/eighth century, the existence of both the Bayandur clan and' the founder of the Aqquyunlu paramount clan is recorded in Diyar Bakr and Arminiya. In all probability, they had moved into these areas in the wake of the great demographic upheavals brought about by the Mongol invasions a century earlier. Like other nomadic Turkmen groupings such as the Qaraquyunlu and the Zu'I-Qadr confeder-
Clan to Principality
~ 29
ations, the Aqquyunlu had remained submerged illl the dominant Mongol Ukhan political system until its decline and devolution after the death of the " ,', "" , 'id in I335/736. As the Mongol Oirot, Jalayir, and Siildiiz confed'erate clans gradually abandoned the peripheral provinces of Anatolia to vie for j the richer central Ilkhan areas of Azarbayjan and Iraq, their places were filled by these developing Turkmen confederations. Under the leadership of powerfullocal chieftains, the Turkmen confederations struggled to gain political , control of often widely separated summer and winter encampments-yaylaqs , i andqishlaqs-thus creating vast, somewhat loosely organized polities or ulus i with initially rather vague territorial identities. 24 The first Aqquyunlu principality then developed along these lines in the political vacuum of Diyar Bakr and Arminiya. Perhaps a typological distinction should be made between the eastern Anatolian ulus and the more sedentary and centralizing beylik of the ,,,,est, as suggesredbyClaude Cahen;25howev~r, in"thi~ ~t~dy"principality"is used indiscriminately for both. The circumstances of the evolution of the Aqquyunlu ulus, which occurred in the second half of the fourteenth/eighth century, must now be considered. The Aqquyunlu confederation arose in an ill-defined area stretching from tlte POntUS Mountains lying along the eastern Anatolian Black Sea littoral it} the north to the great Syrian bend of the Euphrates River in the south. The western boundary of this region is formed roughly by the upper Euphrates-Kara Su, while in the east it is limited by Lake Van and the Kurdish massif. Watered by numerous streams and torrents in addition to the major river system of the upper Tigris and Euphrates, the region is bisected by a spur of the Taurus Mountains that passes about fifty kilometers north of Amid and parallels the Murad Su eastward to Lake Van. Lying at an average elevation of 1,500 to 2,500 meters above sea level, the rugged, high plateaus of Arminiya north of the Taurus spur are overlaid with a network of fertile river valleys that ilfforded both opportunities for agriculture and excellent summer pastures for flocks and herds. In contrast, the topography of the provinces of Diyar Mudar, Diyar Bakr, and Diyar Rabi'ah south of the Taurus is characterized by a relatively flat plain sloping gradually from an elevation of less than 1,000 meters llPove sea level at Amid southward to Raqqah on the Euphrates. Particularly well suited to pastoralism, this semiarid steppe region provided a temperate re- , treat ftom the severe winters in Arminiya. Access to these summer and winter encampments depended upon the control not only of the major northern urban centers such as Kemah, Erzincan, Bayburt, and Erzurum as well as Ruha, Amid, and Mardin in the south, but also of numerous smaller strongholds located strategically along the principal migration routes, including castles such as Palu and Ergani on or near the Murad SU. 26 Moreover, by seizing these urban centers and fortresses, the chiefs also acquired domination over the major
I
Clan to Principality
~
3I
trade routes traversing eastern Anatolia. Protection money< colthe local traders and artisans as sales taxesao
as
Clan to Principality
~
coucentratedin the industrial and commercial quarters of most of the larger :qrban centers. Their Jacobite co-religionists, however, were almost exclusively li~tricted to the Tur ~bdin plateau, northeast of Mardin. 28 With the political decline of the Mongol Ilkhans after 1335/736, eastern Anatolia was virt.llally isola,t.t:_4fr.<>m major developments in the central Islamic lands and was subject to very few external influences until the turn of the century. In the west, the Ottomans had only just begun to absorb the Turkmen brylikprincipalities of western Anatolia. Possibly the most influential power in Diyar Bakr and Arminiya, the Mamluks of Egypt and Syria already had strong interests in the area and were anxious to protect their limes along the southern slopes of the Taurus and to extend their salient west of the upper Euphrates. In the north and northeast, the Christian kingdoms ofTrabzon and Georgia were primarily oriented toward defense and hence did not play an active political role in eastern Anatolian internal affairs during the second half of the fourteenth/eighth century. Finally, in the absence of a strong power in the east, ~C!Qarag!l.Y.L!!!-I.ll u~der Qara Muhammad had begun to make deep inroads into Kurdistan, Arminiya, and Azarbayjan and were preparing a move on Diyar Bakr when the entire picture suddenly changed. In 1386/788, a new world conqueror from Central Asia-the warlord Timur Barlas or Tamerlanereached the frontiers of eastern Anatolia for the first time, an event that was to have far-reaching implications for all of Western Asia for the next half century.
:::
THE FIRST DISPENSATION AND THE FIRST CIVIL WAR
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Though the career ofTur ~i b. "Pahlavan" is independently corroborated in both Aqquyunlu and Trapezuntine narrative sources, there are certain inconsistencies in the evidence they present. For example, if Tihrani-Isfahani's contention that Tur ~i was a contemporary of Ghazan Khan (1295-1304/694703) is accepted, it follows that Tur ~i would have been at least sevenry when .. his relations with the rulers ofTrabzon began in the middle of the fourteenth/ eighth century. Second, there is some indication that Tihrani-Isfahani's life of Tqr ~i's son Qutlu may contain interpolations from the biography ofTur ~i himself. According to the Greek chronicle of Michael Panaretos, Tur ~i (ToupaAL1Te1]~) may have figured among the ~/-LLTLW'TaL or the "[Turkmens of] Amid" who conducted a series of ra!.4~~K'!!.l!~t~he.C:.llfistian kingdom of Tr~bzon in the forties of the fourteenth/eighth century.29 Precisely who these tllrks were is unfortunately not entirely clear: at this time, Amid was still iJ.l the hands of the Turkmen Artuqid dynasry, which was locked in a bitter struggle with the Kurdish Ayyubids of Hisn-Kayf for control of Diyar Bakr.3° In Panaretos's account of the 1348/749 campaign, however, Tur ~i of Amid is associated with the Eretnid governors of Erzincan and Bayb\m in addition to
I
34 ~ The Aqquyunlu
members of the Bozdogan and Oghuz <;:epni clans, which suggests a coalition of the Turkmens of Arminiya rather than those of Diyar Bakr. Archaeological evidence, moreover, lends further weight to the hypothesis that Tur 'Ali's original territories were in fact located in the Bayburt-Erzincan area. The early Aqquyunlu buildings in Slmr near Bayburt and the reference to Tur 'Ali's tomb in the village of Rumsaray (modern Mecidiye) near Erzincan found in an 18821 1299 deed of endowment (vaqfnama) may be cited in this connection)' Peace negotiations with the Turkmens were initiated on the accession of Alexious III in 1351/752 and culminated the following year with the wedding of Despina Khatun or Maria Komnene, sister of Alexious, and Qutlu, son ofTur 'Ali,32 an alliance periodically renewed in the course of Aqquyufflit-Trapezuntine relations. This marriage alliance is considered by some scholars to have provided the theme for the sixth storyof the Dede I\orkut cycle, which tells of the attempts ofKan Turall, son ofKanlt Koja, to win the beautiful and valiant Selcan Hatun, daughter of the king ofTrabzon.3 3 Despite this striking resemblance between historical fact and epic fiction, other scholars have rejected this view on philological and historical grounds, but the controversy appears far from settled. 34 Tihrani-Isfahani's official revision of these events has Qutlu capture Tisbina or ~B(J7l"OLVO'. (Lady), daughter of the Greek king, an Islamization of the amicable Aqquyunlu relations with the infidels. Later in his narrative, moreover, Tihrani-Isfahani gives the ruler ofTrabzon the Islamic title sultan in connection with his furnishing military equipment to Qutlu's son 'Usman for the siege ofErzincan, a further indication that the Aqquyunlu ofUzun Hasan's time had a special interest in concealing their relations with Christian powers.3 5 The year ofTur 'Ali's death is not known, but it may be assumed that it fell between 1352!153,the-dateofi:1ieconclusion of the alliance between Tur 'Ali and Alexious III, and 1363/764, when the Trapezuntines were forced to cancel a state visit to Qutlu and Maria because of an outbreak of the_p_~ag~e~~_ Though little more is known of the circumstances ofTur 'Ali's nile or the extent of his domains, his role in Aqquyunlu dynastic history is quite clear. He was the neo-eponymous founder of a new dispensation of sovereignty to the Turkmens of Arminiyaand Diyar Bakr who claimed-or were to claimdescentfrom Bayandur Khan. This fact is substantiated internally by TihraniIsfahani's statement thai due to Tur 'Ali's great renown the Aqquyunlu were known in Egypt and Syria as the "Tur-'Alids" and externally by the actual practices of the Mamluk historians, who continued to apply this appellation to the sons and grandsons of Tur 'Ali down through the reign ofQara'Ustnan, founder of the Second Dispensation}? - - -. --""._. -. Under Tur 'Ali's son Qutlu (ca. 136o-89/ca. 761-91),38 the Tur-'Alid Dispensation was expanded south of the Bayburt-Erzincan area; the Tur-'Alids
Clan to Principality
~
35
became increasingly involved with local strongmen and petty princes in mer. curial patterns of alliance. Though they have been compared to the European condottieri, Qutlu's Turkmens had local roots and were bound to those they served by kinship ties and bonds of personal loyalty, however ¢phemeral, and thus seem quite different from the contemporary Italian soldiers of fortune. A closer parallel might be drawn between the rise of the Turkmen confederations of eastern Anatolia and the formation of the Tatar cossacks and the Nogay horde in the steppe region north of the Caucasus, but such a comparison lies beyond the scope of this study.3 9 The earliest reference to the name ''Aqquyunlu'' appears during Qutlu's reign un~rthee~ems-0IT3897791 in theCliroiiICfe·orSurhan al-Din ofSiyas, c:ompleted in 1398/80030 Thotiih the term was probably in use long before this period, there is Iitileiri the. sources to support the claim that Ibn Battutah's description of the destruction of Erzurum in ca. 1331-33/731-34 by warring Turkrnen factions must be a reference to Aqquyunlu-Qaraquyunlu hostilititsY In fact, other contemporary sources indicate that disruption of urban life was quite common in mid-fourteenthl eighth-century eastern Anatolia and thus was not necessarily the work of the two rival Turkmen confederationsY ''Aqquyunlu'' is usually translated "White Sheep Turkmens,"43 the . and precise meaning and significance of the term have never been satisfactorily determined. For example, in addition to its usual meaning "white" (aq), it may also denote "west" or "noble."44 It is also possible that Aqquyunlu is an allusion to the Oghuz legends according to which Oghuz Khan established a golden hen and a white sheep (aq quyun) as the totems of the senior Bozok division of the Turkmens led by the Aqquyunlu ancestor GUn Khan. 45 During the Empire Period, the Aqquyunlu banner was white and bore the Bayandur arms,46 and a number ofliterary references also associate white with the Bayandur and the Aqquyunlu. 47 . Later sources endow Qutlu with great piety and zeal in observing the pretepts ofIslam: his honorific "al-Hajj," known from narrative and epigraphic sources, indicates that he had performed the Pilgrimage,48 and he is also alleged to have founded a mosque in S1I11r. 49 According to Tihrani-Isfahani, moreover, he was an enthusiastic ghazi (warrior for the Faith) against the local Christian kingdoms, atldhiSalteged capture of the sister of the king of Trabhas already been alluded to. Tihrani-Isfahani also asserts that Qutlu invaded the Georgian principality of Samtzkhe or Saatbago, invested its capital '·l\kh~l1tslkh.e, and carried off much plunder; but this is probably an interpolafrom the ghaza-conscious age ofUzun Hasan, since Qutlu could scarcely disposed of the resources necessary to accomplish such an undertaking. 50 On the contrary, evidence from contemporary sources shows that Qutlu lVl.lV.""U essentially the same policies laid down in Tur 'Ali's time toward both
36 ~ The Aqquyunlu
his Christian and his immediate Muslim neighbors. Qudu honored his father's treaty with the Greeks, even making a one-week state visit to Trabzon with his wife, Maria, in 1365/766, after which there are no further references to Qutlu, Maria, or the "Turkmens of Amid" in the Trapezuntine chronicleY Qudu also continued to support the semiautonomous lords of Erzincan in their disputes with the Eretnid rulers of Sivas. In 1379/781, he dispatched his eldest son, Ahmad, to aid the military elite of Erzincan, led by Mutahhartan,5 2 in repulsing an Eretnid expeditionary force under the sultan 'Ala' al-Din 'Ali (136580/767-82) and his minister Qazi Burhan al-Din Ahmad. During the struggles for the control of the Eretnid principality ensuing after 'Ala' ai-Din 'Ali's death and Burhan al-Din's coup d'etat in 1381/783, the Aqquyunlu firmly aligned themselves with Mutahhartan, who had declared his independence in Erzincan. This pact was apparently cemented by a marriage alliance: Mutahhartan married Ahmad's daughter. At this time, the active direction of the confederation appears to have been in the hands of Ahmad, who was recognized as "one of the noble chiefs of the Turks [az sanadid-i Atrak]."53 Ahmad b. Qutlu was then directed against Sivas, outside which he defeated and killed one of Burhan al-Din's principal generals. However, he was unable to take the city and withdrew. Aqquyunlu antagonism toward Qazi Burhan ai-Din, who had now declared himself sultan, continued until 1388/790, the year before Qutlu died, when Burhan ai-Din surprised the confederation on the Mamluk frontier, extracted a pledge of loyalty from Ahmad, and forced him to leave his younger brother 'Usman hostage in Sivas. 54 Subsequent events would eventually drive Ahmad into an even closer relationship with Burhan ai-Din. The actual circumstances of Aqquyunlu expansion south into Diyar Bakr remain obscure. Mamluk chroniclers in the fifteenth/ninth century maintain that Qutlu was in the service of al-Zahir 'Isa, the Turkmen Artuqid sultan of Amid and Mardin, who belonged to the Oghuz Doger clan. 55 This view, however, is not confirmed by the anonymous history of the Ayyubid city-state of Hisn-Kayf that treats in great detail Artuqid-Ayyubid rivalry in Diyar Bakr during the fourteenth/eighth century,56 Yet it is known that Qutlu was related by marriage to Salim, leader of the Artuqids' nomadic Doger cousins who wintered in Diyar Mudar and summered in Arminiya, even though the terms of their alliance are not clearY In any event, by Qutlu's death in 1389/791, his eldest son, Ahmad, held Palu on the Murad Su,58 Pir 'Ali ruled Kigi in the summer encampments of Arminiya,59 and his youngest son, 'Usman, governed the town of Ergani northwest of Amid. 6o As noted previously, these towns and their powerful citadels commanded one of the major north-south migration routes from Pasin to Barriya via Kigi, Palu, and Ergani, giving Qutlu's sons considerable control over the destinies of the nomadic Doger and those clans that migrated with them. Thus it may be assumed that the Aqquyunlu-Doger
Clan to Principality
~
37
alliance must have included provisions for the unhindered passage of Doger flocks and herds from Diyar Bakr into Arminiya and back, a hypothesis that helps to explain later Aqquyunlu-Doger hostilities. Qutlu's internal policies are equally vague. For example, it is not known at precisely what point Qutlu retired and charged his son Ahmad with the military leadership of the Aqquyunlu confederation, but for all intents and purposes this probably occurred at least ten years before Qutlu's death. Likewise, besides the Doger and perhaps the Dukharlu of Erzurum, exactly which clans were allied and associated with the Aqquyunlu under Qutlu is also unknown. This mu~h is clear, however: Qutlu divided the family hoiding~a!llOng his sons during his lifetime and allowed the position of chief Tur-'Alid and with it the leadership to devolve upon AhP:l'!!obably by some form of premortem designation. That Ahmad's assumption of power did not go uncontested after Qutlu's death is abundantly apparent from the events of the following six years and the First Civil War. Immediately upon Ahmad's accession in 1389/791, Mutahhartan, angry at Ahmad's concessions to Sultan Burhan al-Din, renounced his 1381/783 treaty with the Aqquyunlu and attacked the confederation. After a series of clashes ending in Mutahhartan's favor, Ahmad was forced to apply to "Burhan ai-Din for political asylum and protection. These skirmishes took place in spring and summer 1389/Rabi' I-Ramadan 791 and are recorded by both Astarabadi and Tihrani-Isfahani in differing versions. 61 Aq:ording to Astarabadi, whose work was completed nine years after the events described, Mutahhartan, badly mauled in his first encounter with the Aqquyuniu, attempted to attack the confederation in its summer encampment; but seeing himself unprepared to mount a real offensive, he submitted the dispute to mediation. His indecisiveness prompted the Aqquyunlu to try to gain the advantage over their adversary and to exact vengeance for his treachery. Gathering a large force, they again routed the amir ofErzincan. Mutahhartan then enlisted the aid of Qara Muhammad Qaraquyunlu against Ahmad and the Aqquyunlu. Faced by this coalition, Ahmad had no other recourse than to seek the protection of Burhan al-Din. Astarabadi's version presents two points worthy of further discussion. The first is his assertion that it was Qara Muhammad Qaraquyunlu who joined Mutahhartan against the Aqquyunlu. From other sources, however, it is known that Qara Muhammad was kilkd by his nephew Pir or Qara Hasan b. Husayn in April 1389/Rabi' II 791, phmging the Qaraquyunlu confederation into a period of crisis during which Qara Muhammad's son Qara Yusuf fought for control with his cousin Pir Hasan. 62 It may thus be assumed that Qara Yusuf, and not his father, helped Mutahhartan defeat Ahmad Aqquyunlu. Second, in speaking of Mutahhartan's choice of the Qaraquyunlu as allies, Astarabadi makes the first definite refer-
38 ~ TheAqquyunlu
ence to thelong-:s.tanding_eI?:mity between the two confederations, terminated eighty years later by Uzun Hasan's defeat of Hasan 'Ali and the dismemberment of the Qaraquyunlu. While agreeing with this version in its broad outlines, Tihrani-Isfahani's account, composed nearly a century later, also presents several problems of chronology and interpretation. The entire account is written with a Qara'Usmanid/Uzun-Hasanid bias that portrays Ahmad and Pir 'Ali as weak and . inept, motivated by a concern for their personal interests rather than by a consideration for the welfare of the confederation. Qara 'Usman, in contrast, emerges as an invincible leader who by virtue of his military ability is far more suited to direct the affairs of the Aqquyunlu. According to Tihrani-Isfahani, moreover, the wars with Mutahhartan occurred after the defeat of Pir Hasan Qaraquyunlu by Ibrahim b. Qara 'Usman. But Pir Hasan was killed in 13911 793, when Ibrahim would have been a boy of seven. 63 Finally, Tihrani-Isfahani has the Aqquyunlu split into two factions after their last defeat by Mutahhartan and Qara Yusuf, with Qara 'Usman joining Burhan al-Din alone; Astarabadi, however, records the outbreak of Qara 'Usman's revolt against Ahmad under the events of 1395/797 and his joining Burhan al-Din in the following year. 64 In any event, compelled to exchange one overlord for another, the Aq.'_, quyunlunowentered the service of Burhan al-Din, whose nominal vassals they would ~~~aln untiii 39878oo:BUr-AKmids intrigues against his new master, coupled witllme dissatisfactIon engendered by his military failures against Mutahhartan, afforded the pretext for the first signs of internal opposition to Ahmad's leadership of the confederation. On several occasions his brother Husayn b. Qutlu informed Burhan al-Din of Ahmild's duplicity. Although vindicated by Ahmad's subsequent behavior, Husayn was not able to undermine his brother's standing either in the confederation or in the sultan's court. Indeed, it is astonishing how willing Burhan al-Din was to pardon Ahmad's chronic transgressions while continuing to place trust in him and show him favor. 65 These petty quarrels, however, were totally eclipsed by Timur's second penetration deep into eastern Anatolia in 13941'796. First sacking Ruha, Timur received the submission of al-Zahir 'Isa Artuqi at Mardin, took Amid by storm, and subjugated much of Arminiya before moving into Georgia. As a result of this campaign, the local political situation became even more polarized, increasing the hostility between Burhan al-Din and Mutahhartan; Mutahhartan repeatedly promised Timur his loyalty in return for the conqueror's recognition; Burhan al-Din remained equally adamant in his opposition. In 1395/797, with Timur campaigning against his erstwhile protege Tukhtamish Khan in the Qipchaq steppe, Burhan al-Din seized the opportunity to march on Erzin- .
I
11
Clan to Principality
~
39
··'a'nd ilnseat Mutahhartan. After a one-month siege, Burhan aI-Din took the it, along with the territory as far as Bayburt, to Ahmad AqIn this manner, the Aqquyunlu were officially reinstated in the area c----.---.-J have been their original homeland. . r;iU~aUIJX1I.;ally, it was this good fortune-which should have shored up Ahbo!;ltlcm in the confederation-that sparked the First Civil War among According to Tihrani-Isfahani, jealousy, fear, and self-seeking the part of Ahmad and Pir 'Ali alienated their ambitious younger brother . forcing him into open rebellion and splitting the confederation into laC"nO[IS, the Ahmadids and the Qara-'Usmanids. 67 In 13961798, moreAlimad finally fell from Burhan al-Din's grace because of his flight from . at the rumored approach ofTimur and thereafter was considered a outlaw. 68 The Ahmadids vanish from the sources at this point until ~:att,emtath ofTimur's conquest of Anatolia. Although Ahmad may have re. the nominal chief of the confederation until his imprisonment in it is rather the Qara-'Usmanids who represent the main line of Aqfrom 13961798 onward. youngest son, 'Usman, is more generally known as Qara 'Usman · Yiiliik, the second>component of which is spelled variously in the alphabet as'YIWK, YLK, YWLWK, and YWLK and in the Greek as Kapa OVAOVX and KapaAoVK1'Jc;.69 This epithet has frequently t'tr:anslatc:d as the "Black Leech" and explained as a reference to Qara 'Us. tenacity in battle. 70 This interpretation is doubtful since "leech" in modis saluk, not yaluk, which means cleanshaven or smooth)1 In Aqquyunlu historiography offers two different etymologies: the first that the name is an honorific meaning "benevolence" (iyilik); the secthe more likely in my view, claims that 'Usman received these nicknames ,,-............ of his dark complexion and because as a youth he shaved his beard and >fi'ilotiStadlles. Moreover, according to 'Abd Allah al-Baghdadi, he was known as Qata Yiiliik in the Syrian region.72 . .contrast to his elder brother, Qara 'Usman initially followed a policy of S'Ulf'etitldal submission and sincerity toward Burhan aI-Din, whom he joined· · of a large contingent in 13961798.73 Although he entrusted Qara with several important commissions during the next two years, al-Din soon quarreled with his vassal; their disagreement grew more . until Qara 'Usman revolted against the sultan of Sivas. In July 1398/ 800, under circumstances far from evident, Qara 'Usman captured his former master near Sivas. ConAicting traditions on the causes and final outcome of this dispute . the establishment of a definitive account. For example, Ibn 'Arabshah · 'Usman's failure to perform his duties toward Burhan aI-Din as the
40 ~ The Aqquyunlu
principal reason tor their conflict. Burhan ai-Din then tried to arrest his delinquent vassal, but was himself captured. Qara 'Usman initially hoped to reconcile their differences, but he was later convinced by Shaykh Najib, disaffected ex-governor of Tokat, to execute Burhan aI-Din,74 In contrast, Tihrani-Isfahani's account presents a picture of violated promises and outraged honor: Qara 'Usman consented to mediate the conRict between Burhan ai-Din and his insurgent nephew Shaykh Mu'ayyad. The truce agreements stipulated that Shaykh Mu'ayyad was to surrender under the promise of a safeconduct from his uncle. Burhan ai-Din reneged, however, and executed Shaykh Mu'ayyad, prompting Qara 'Usman to take vengeance on Burhan ai-Din for his perfidy,75 The chronological inconsistencies in this tradition, however, make it unlikely. Shaykh Mu'ayyad was executed on 30 October 1396125 Muharram 799,76 while Burhan ai-Din was not killed until 14 July 1398128 Shawwal800, a year and nine months later,7? Finally, Hans Schiltberger's account seems the most plausible and is corroborated by information from Astarabadi and the Mamluk sources. In summer 1397/Ramadan-Dhu'I-Hijja 799, Burhan ai-Din ordered Qara 'Usman to the region of Karahisar and Sa'd aI-Mulk of the Bozdogan Turkmens to Kemah,78 Schiltberger then claims that Qara 'Usman left his post and returned to his original territory (Ergani?) for the winter of 1397-98/Rabi' I-Jumada II 80Q~1ili.()ut Burhan ai-Dins permission. In the ensuing hostilities, in which Sa'd al-Mulk was also implicated, Qara 'Usman captured Burhan al-Din, holding him hostage with Sivas as his ransom. When the urban officials rejected his demands, Qara 'Usman beheaded Burhan al-Din before the city walls. Most of , the sources agree that the Aqquyunlu then moved directly to their unsuccessful siege of Sivas,79 . Qara 'Usman's stunning victory over this imposing figure who had independently ruled much of central Anatolia for seventeen years must have made a tremendous impression on his contemporaries, bringing him much prestige and many new supporters. Yet the Aqquyunlu all but disappear in the turbu[em events in the five years between 1397/800 and 1403/805, and Burhan al-Din's death was followed by that of the Mamluk sultan al-Malik al-Zahir Barquq less than a year later. Theresulting disturbances in central AnatoIia left the area a target for the conflicting imperial ambitions of the Otto~!!!~:~!! YJlgmm Bayezid from the west and Timur from the east. - - - - .., After killing Sultan Burhan al-Din, Qara'Usman attempted to occupy his capital, Sivas, but the inhabitants wrote to Ylldmm Bayezid, who sent his son Prince 'Siileyman to relieve the beleaguered city. No match for the regular Ottoman detachment, the Aqquyunlu abandoned their siege and withdrew eastward, where they sought the protection of
[email protected] The reconciliation of the two leaders, enemies for almost a decade, now gave Qara 'Usman entry
Clan to Principality ,"""" 4 I
I
into the suite ofTimur, a development of the utmost importance both for his final triumph oV~I ~~~~~: Q.ut!u ~~d for the shaping of much future Aqquyunlu foreign policy. It is likely that Qara 'Usman accompanied Mutahhartan to pay homage to Timur in his camp in Qarabagh in the winter of 1399-1400 /Rabi' II-Rajab 802, at which time they urged him to drive the Ottomans out of central Anatolia. 8, At this point, it is importam to keep in mind the sequence of events leading up to Timur's third invasion of Anatolia and his campaign against Syria. During the confusion followingdiEaeathsofBurhan aI-Din and the Mamluk sultan aI-Zahir Barquq on 20 June 13991r5 Shawwal 801 a little more than a year later, Ylldmm Bayezid took advantage of the situation to strengthen his foothold in central AnatoIia by annexing the Mamluk cities ofMalatya, Elbistan, and Darende to Sivas in the summer of 1399/Shawwal-Dhu'I-Qa'da 801.82 According to the Timurid sources, the actual casus belli was Yddlflm Bayezid's demand for political recognition and tribute from Mutahhartan and his Outright seizure of Erzincan in August-September 140~;M~harrarn 803,83 sending Mutahhartan's household into captivity in Bursa.84 Timur's third and final Anatolian campaign began with the sack of Sivas in August 1400/Dhu'I-Hijja 802-Muharram 803. He then turned southward against the Mamluks and took Malatya, which he may have temporarily turned over to Qara 'Usman. 85 At Aleppo, the Aqquyunlu so distinguished themselves in battle that Timur allegedly rewarded Ibrahim, Qara 'Usman's eldest son, with the city of Amid, held by Timur since its capture from al-Zahir 'Isa~tuqiin 1394/79 6. This is the first reference to Aqquyunlu control of that " ;. city, which remained capital of the Principality until Uzun Hasan's con.quests of 1467-69/872-74, when it was replaced by Tab~iz... Thus. by the spring of 140l/Sha'ban__Sh~~at 803,d~e primarily to his support ofTimur's aggressive policies against the Ottomans and his participation in the conquest of Mamluk Syria, Qara 'Usman had acquired important ~e~ territories, including the strongly fortified city ofAmid. In addition, he obtainedTimur's recognition of his clai~-;;-i~gitl~at;-;:~l;~ of the Aqquyunlu. The final blow to Ahmad's pretensions fell two years later. Although the sources emphasize the role of Qara 'Usman, apparently all three Tur-'Alid brothers-Ahmad, Pir ~i, and Qara 'Usman-took part in Timur'sOttoman campaign that culminated in the defeat and capture ofthe sultan Ylldmm Bayezid at <;ubuk-ova near An~ra in July 1402IDhu'I-Hijja 805.87 Pushing farther to the west, Timur took Izmir and Egirdir in the winter of 1402-3 / Jumada I-Sha'ban 805, with the Aqquyunlu still in his retinue. From his winter encampment, Timur sent the immense booty from these conquests back toward Samarqand, but the spoils train was attacked and plundered on the way by Qara 'Usman's nephews Muhammad b. Ahmad and Piltan b. Pir ~i.
42 ~ The Aqquyunlu
Ogt
Clan to Principality
z
Barandr Khan "Pahlavan" Beg. Muhammad?
Tu~ 'Ali ca. 130o-ca. 1360
,
II
Qutlu -
I
IIIII
IVh
Maria Komnene ca. 1360-89
I
Muhammad
t 1403?
Mihmad
t 1403?
Appanages indicated in uppercase
f
Husarn
Pir'A1i
Qara ''Usman
ERGANi
I
t 1413? KiGi I
Qutlu
Piltan
1403?-3~
,
Ibniliim
t 1407
AMiD
Ya'~ub
KEMAH
Figure 6. The First or Tur-'Alid Dispensation and the First Civil War
For this act of treachery, Timur arrested both the culprits and their fathers, imprisoning the latter. Later exculpated in the affair, Qara 'Usman was allowed to ,return to his lands, left sole leader of the confederation by virtue of Timur's ac, tions against his brothers Ahmad and Pir ~i. 88 His elevation to this position is confirmed by the fact that in 1404/807 the Spanish ambassador Ruy Gonzalez de C1avijo met an envoy of Qara 'Usman in Timur's capital, Samarqand. 89 Ahmad's fate is unclear: whether released from prison or executed, he does not appear again in the sources. His descendants, the Ahmadids, however, continued to oppose Qara 'Usman and his house, one of them even becoming sultan with , Qaraquyunlu help in 1451-52/855-56. His descendants still live in eastern Anatolia today. Qara 'Usman's triumph over his elder brother Ahmad in the First CiY.iL War may be attributed to his superior military ability and his political astuteness. The first trait both guaranteed the security of his followers, particularly during their semiannual migrations, and provided an incentive for individuals and entire clans to join the confederation by extending the hope of booty and plunder to them. The second quality is apparent in Qara 'Usman's structuring a coherent pattern of alliances and in his good judgment and opportunism in choosing to share in the conquests ofTimur, the most conclusive external factor in his success. His immediate achievements included the addition of Amid to Qutlu's legacy of Palu, Kigi, and Ergani, giving the Aqquyunlu a firm territorial basis from which to expand into Arminiya, Diyar Bake, and Kurdistan. , Finally, in terms of dynastic history, Qara 'Usman's st,Iccessful revolt is an ex-
~
43
cellent example of the rough and ready merit,system underlying preemptive Succession patterns in many corporate dynasties:His reunification of the Bayandut paramount clan excluded Ahmad and his descendants from candidacy mr the supreme office and laid the foundations of a new ruling dispensation'Usmanids. This view is confirmed by the authororthc"Tevt2ri'kh-i who, in mistakenly attributing two sons named 'Usman to Qutlu, reflects actual developments in dynastic practice. The eldest of four, Qara Yuluk 'Usman, represents one aspect of Qara 'Usman's later achievement, the foundation of a new dynastic dispensation or ruling house; membership in this house was the principal legitimizing factor in dynastic politics until the rise of Uzun Hasan a half-century later. The second aspect of the 'ruler's dual status is symbolized by the putative youngest son, called simply 'Usman Beg, founder of a local lineage whose descendants held important . POSts in the Bayburt region in the sixteenthltenth century, when the anonym6u~ work was composed. 90 THE FOUNDATION OF THE PRINCIPALITY
'Q:ara 'Usman's authority was immediately challenged by his nephews Mihmad Ind Muhammad, the sons of Ahmad; the raid on Timur's spoils train by Muhammad had resulted in their father's arrest. The two brothers first sought 'outside support in opposing their uncle from Dimishq-Khvaja, son of Salirri'-the Doger leader formerly allied with Qutlu b. Tur ~i.91 Qara 'Usman t1>untered this maneuver by aiding the rebellion ofYaghmur, leader of a rival branch of the Doger, against his cousin Dimishq-Khvaja, and the Ahmadids soon Saw themselves abandoned by the Doger as well as by those Aqquyunlu 'Who had backed their abortive coup against Qara 'Usman. Thus thwarting the first resurgence of the excluded collateral houses, Qara 'Usman not only conSolidated his position in the leadership, but also acquired influence in the Doger confederation, at whose expense he would later expand into Diyar Bakr llid Diyar Mudar. For the time being, the Ahmadids were crushed and played rib real part in Aqquyunlu history for almost two decades until 1421/824, when the governorship of Bayburt was conferred on 'die' Qara-'Usmanid loyalist 'Quclu h. Ahmad, whose line intermarried with the ruling dispensation and who was among the most faithful supporters of the Qara-'Usmanids Jahangir , aridUzun Hasan in their struggles with the Qaraquyunlu. 92 . ' ,. In contrast, Qara 'Usman's relations with Pir ~i and his sons are charac'~fized by reconciliation and relative solidarity. After Timur released him from 't'flS6t1., Pir~i was allowed to return to his appanage Kigi, where he died :'itround 1413/815. His son Piltan was then confirmed in Kigi by Qara 'Usman. betWeen the two houses were further strengrhened by the marriage of
Clan to Principality
44 ,~ The Aqquyunlu
Saray Kharun bt. Pir 'Ali and 'Ali b. Qara 'Usman, the union that produced Jahangir (ruled 1444-57/848-61) and Uzun Hasan (ruled 1457-78/861-82).93 Qara 'Usman's special affection for Nur 'Ali b. Pir 'Ali, whom he is said to have loved more than his own children, may be considered anorher example of Qara-'Usmanid favor toward the house ofPir 'Ali. 94 Qara 'Usman's thirty-two-year rule-the longest in Aqquyunlu historymay be divided into twO pe.riods. The first, extending from 1403/805 to 1420/ 823, saw the extension ofQara-'Usmanid control over much of Diyar Bakr and Diyar Mudar, despite almost constant pressure from the rival Qaraquyunlu confederation under its leader Qara Yusuf. The second began after the death of Qara Yusuf in 1420/823 as he was about to challenge Shahrukh Timuri on the battlefield, and for the next fifteen years Qara 'Usman led the Aqquyunlu in a phase of conquest and expansion. Although confronted by Qara Yusuf's belli- . cose son and successor Iskandar (1420-38/823-41), Qara 'Usman wasnevertheless able to wrest Erzincan in 1429/832 and Erzurum in 1434/837 from the ) Qaraquyunlu and thus establish the principality firmly in Arminiya. His death at an advanced age in 1435/839 as a result of wounds received in battle with . Iskandar abrupdy ended this second period and plunged the Aqquyunlu into the Second or Great Civil War, which dragged on for the next fifteen years in i various phases until the victory of
l:1 ~~ll!l_.Has.~,:?ver his brother Jahangir in the Battle on ~he Tigritin 1457/86 1. The first period characteristically began with clash. northeast of Mardin between Qara 'Usman and Qara Yusuf, ending in a stalemate in spring 1406/ Ramadan Dhu'l-Hijja 808. Imprisoned on Timur's orders by the governor of Damascus, the future Mamluk sultan al-Mu' ayyad Shaykh, Qara Yusuf was released after more than twelve months' detention after the news of the Central Asian conqueror's death reached Syria. Setting out to regain his former lands in Azarbayjan and Arminiya, Kurdistan, and Iraq conquered by the Timurids, Qara Yusuf gathered a following composed of the nomadic Dager of Diyar Mudar, their sedentary Artuqid cousin al-Zahir 'Isa of Mardin, and the Zraqi, Sulaymani, and Bukhti Kurds of Tercil, Silvan, and Cizre, respectively. All these groups clearly realized the danger posed by Qara 'Usman for their positions in Diyar Bakr and the Syrian steppe and therefore urged Qara Yusuf to attack the pto-Timurid Aqquyunlu. But after nearly twenty days of fighting, the contest was declared a draw and a truce was arranged by mediation. The address to Qara 'Usman put in the mouth of Qara Yusufby Abu Bakr TihraniIsfahani is noteworthy for its appeal to the common origins and interest of both Turkmen confederations and for its assessment of the larger political situation: "Since we are borh ofTurkmen stock, we shall not strive for ascendancy over one another, nor shall we dispute among ourselves. Let us each engage our respective Anatolian and Timurid enemies, for the best policy is for
a
~ 45
you to attack Anatolia and Syria, which you know better, while I assail the Chaghatays. "95. Qara Yusuf initially observed this demarcation of spheres of influence and in two brilliant victories in 1406/809 and 1408/810 expelled the representatives of the house of Miranshah b. Timur from Azarbayjan. Only three years after the death ofTimur, the Qaraquyunlu had repossessed their lands and prepared to confront the Timurids in Persian Iraq, the Mongol Jalayirs in Arabian Iraq, and the Aqquyunlu in Diyar Bakr and Arminiya. Qara 'Usman, too, concentrated his efforts on Diyar Bakr and Syria at the outset, attacking first the Kurds and then al-Zahir 'Isa in Mardin. The Artuqid ruler soon found an ally in the powerful antisultan ofAleppo Jakam, who, taking the regnal title al-Malik al-'Adil, had just proclaimed himself independent of al-Zahir Barquq's son al-Malik al-Nasir Faraj (1399-1412/801-15)96 and whose writ allegedly extended "from the Euphrates to Gaza." His motive for joining with al-Zahir 'Isa against the Aqquyunlu was ostensibly to punish Qara 'Usman for granting political asylum to a group of Afshar, Bayat, and Inallu Turkmens who had defied his authority.97 Qara 'Usman met the coalition of Mamluks, Artuqids, and Kurds outside Amid in April 1407IDhu'I-Qa'da 809, where the heavily armed Mamluk cavalry floundered in the mire created by Qara 'Usman's flooding the land around the city. While differing slightly on minor details, the Mamluk and Aqquyunlu sources agree that the Mamluks and their allies were routed, with Jakam and al-Zahir 'Isa falling in the confusion. 98 On the Aqquyunlu side, Ibrahim b. Qara 'Usman, the governor of Amid, was also killed. Qara 'Usman transferred the capital to his grandson Iskandar b. Ibrahim, indicating that the city was considered Ibrahim's private property and hence outside the clan's system of appanages-an action that created considerable friction in the clan twenty years later when 'Ali b. Qara 'Usman demanded Amid from his father. A relatively minor incident, this dispute was the forerunner of the far more serious struggles of the Great Civil War that broke out after Qara 'Usman's death in 1435/839. For example, in fall 1428/Dhu'I-Hijja 831-Safar832, a conflict among the sons of Qara 'Usman resulted in the recall of 'Ali as governor of Ruha and the appointment of his brother Habil to the post. On returning to Amid, 'Ali laid claim to the city, enlisting the support of his older brother Ya'qub. Qara 'Usman refused his demand on the grounds that the city had been given to Ibrahim by Timur and was hence the property of his heirs. 'Ali, however, insisted that Amid was in fact part of the corporate holdings of the ruling dispensation; the practical upshot would imply that the appanage holdings would be ranked and rotated among the Qara-'Usmanids in accordance with a fixed rule-such as seniority-upon the death of the original holder. 'Ali was not successful in pressing his claim at this point and though, according to some Mamluk sources, Murad b. Qara 'Usman commanded
46 ~ The Aqquyunlu
Amid in 1433/836, 'Ali finally succeeded in making the city his capital in 1435/839, and it was later held by his sons Jahangir and Uzun Hasan. 99 These exploits, nevertheless, won for Qara 'Usman both the city of Ruha, given to the Aqquyunlu leader by the grateful al-Nasir Faraj upon the arrival of the rebel Jakam's severed head in Cairo, and an enhanced reputation as a champion of the nomad population of Syria and Anatolia.lOo Despite a victory equal in magnitude to his defeat of Burhan al-Din nearly a decade earlier, Qara 'Usman was unable to mobilize sufficient resources to take Mardin from al-Salih Artuqi, al-Zahir 'Isa's successor. In 1409/8n-12, al-Salih petitioned Qara Yusuf Qaraquyunlu for aid in breaking yet another Aqquyunlu siege of Mardin. Qara Yusuf complied, driving off Qara 'Usman's men blockading the city, deposing al-Salih, and installing his own deputy in Mardin. The death of al-Salih brought an end to three centuries of Artuqid rule and established uncontested Qaraquyunlu possession of all remaining Artuqid holdings.lOl Nor was the Aqquyunlu leader able to prevent the extension of Qaraquyunlu domination over much of Arminiya, for in early 1410/late 812, Qara Yusuf also dismantled the principality of Mutahhartan, driving the latter's grandson from Erzincan and appointing his general Pir 'Umar governor there. l02 Qara Yusuf then struck unsuccessfully at Ya'qub b. Qara 'Usman in the strategically important fortress of Kemah and at Qara 'Usman himself in Ergani and Amid. A truce was finally arranged through the good offices ofPir 'Umar, but only after the Aqquyunlu had been forced back against their southern and western frontiers. 103 Subsequent Qaraquyunlu raids in 14II/814,104 1412/815,10514161819, ret; 14171 820,107 and 1418/821108 indicate the weakness of the Aqquyunlu relative to their Qaraquyunlu rivals, but at the same time demonstrate both Qara Yusuf's inability to find a final solution to the Aqquyunlu problem and Qara 'Usman's determination to maintain control of the Diyar Bakr-Arminiya migration and trade route network. The last of these raids, however, had a special significance for later Aqquyunlu-Mamluk relations. In summer and fall 1418/Jumada IIShawwal82I, Qara 'Usman raided the region of Mardin, retreating to Amid at the advance of Qara Yusuf. Driven from his capital, Qara 'Usman crossed the Euphrates and took refuge in Aleppo. While in pursuit of his quarry, Qara Yusuf pillaged the Mamluk commercial centers of Birecik and 'Ayntab. Al-Nasir Faraj's forceful successor, al-Malik al-Mu' ayyad Shaykh (1412-21/81524), and his viceroy in Aleppo aided Qara 'Usman in this conflict with Qara Yusuf, even though the retreat of the Aqquyunlu created many disturbances in Mamluk territories. One of these was the defeat of the governor of Tripoli Barsbay-the future al-Malik al-AshrafBarsbay-by a group of Afshar, Bayat, and Inallu Turkmens loosely affiliated with the Aqquyunlu since 1407/809, an event
Clan to Principality
~ 47
that may account for the personal hostility between ai-Ashraf Barsbay and Qata 'Usman after the former became sultan in 1422/825. The early Qaraquyunlu failures may in part be explained by the absence of a strong power to contain the Aqquyunlu in the south and west. Later, after the pacification of Syria and Anatolia by al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, the Mamluk frontier became selectively permeable, allowing the hard-pressed Aqquyunlu sanctuary while preventing the Qaraquyunlu from pursuing their enemies into Syria. The third factor that kept the Qaraquyunlu from destroying the . Atlquyunlu was surely the increasing pressure on Qara Yusuf from the east mounted by Timur's youngest son and real successor, Shahrukh (1405-471 807-S0 ). Qara 'Usman had maintained and strengthened the ties between the paramount clan of the Aqquyunlu and the house of Timur by marrying his daughter to Timur's grandson Sidi-Ahmad b. Miranshah, probably before the Q:uaquyunlu reconquest of Azarbayjan in 1408/810. 109 Yet after the fall of the house of Miranshah in Azarbayjan, Qara 'Usman apparently did not attempt to open diplomatic relations with Shahrukh until 1416/819, the year after his second expedition to Persian Iraq and the establishment of effective Shahtukhid control over central Iran. Qara 'Usman's letter to Shahrukh complained of the seizure of most of the Aqquyunlu lands in Diyar Bakr by pro-Qaraquyunlu Kurds, urging the Timurid sovereign to put his western provinces in order personally and pledging the cooperation of the Mamluk governors of Damascus and Aleppo; the princes of Qaraman, Isfandiyar, Hamid, izmir, and Zu'l-Qadr; the kings of Istanbul, Trabzon, and Georgia; and the rulers of Sharvan, Gilan, Luristan, and Iranian Kurdistan. But Qara 'Usman's envoy was intercepted en route to Shahrukh's capital, Harat, by the Qaraquyunlu, and his dispatch was relayed to the Ottoman sultan Mehmed I (1403-21/805-24), whose relations with his nominal Timurid overlord had begtinto verge on open hostility."O In 1418/821, however, Qara 'Usman's second ambassador finally reached Shahrukh at Harat;III while the purpose of the embassy is not known, it may be assumed that the message conveyed was similar in content to the first and that Qara 'Usman's promise of extensive support in the west lent a fillip to Shahrukh's decision to invade Azarbayjan in 1420/823 for the first time. As on previous occasions, rumors of an impending Timurid invasion had art immediate effect on the political balance in Diyar Bakr and Arminiya. In summer 1420/mid-823, Qara 'Usman took the offensive against Pir 'Umar, the Qllra<J.uyunlu governor of Erzincan, to avenge the capture ofYa'qub b. Qara 'Usman near' Kemah. The Qaraquyunlu reinforcements sent by Qara Yusuf to ):1;..U,..". Pir 'Umar arrived too late; in July 1420/Rajab 823, Qara 'Usman took
Clan to PrincipaLity
48 ,~ The AqquyunLu
Pir 'Umar prisoner and executed him, sending his head to Cairo.I12 But Qara Yusuf's plans to send yet another Qaraquyunlu army into Arminiya and Diyar Bakr were cut short by the arrival of Shahrukh in eastern Azarbayjan, and he was forced to ignore this defeat in order to face the Timurid advance. Sending his son Abu Sa'id to replace Pir 'Umar in Erzincan, Qara Yusuf tried in vain to call up his other sons in Arabian Iraq and Azarbayjan. In the course of his march to fight Shahrukh alone, Qara Yusuf died sl!ddenl¥Qf~n unknown illness on 13 November 142017 Dhu'l-Qa'da 823 near the castle of Ujan, southwest ofTabriz.1l3 A week later, Shahrukh's son Baysunghur entered Tabriz; he released Ya'qub b. Qara 'Usman, whom Qara Yusuf had held hostage there since his capture by Pir 'Umar in 1419/822,u4 Qara 'Usman subsequently presented himself in person to Shahrukh in his winter encampment in Qarabagh in December/Dhu'I-Hijja. 1l5 Suddenly deprived of a single strong representative of clan sovereignty, the Qaraquyunlu ruling house broke into warring factions vying for control of the contederation and succession under the Qara-Yusufid Dispensation. The resulting internal disturbances, which ended twenty-six years later with Jahanshah's seizure of Baghdad in 1446/850, greatly weakened the Qaraquyunlu and made a united front against either Shahrukh Timuri or Qara 'Usman Aqquyunlu impossible.1l 6 Three Shahrukhid campaigns in 1420-21/823-24, 1429-30/832-33, and 1434-361838-40 repeatedly drove Iskandar b. Qara Yusuf, the strongest contender for the Qaraquyunlu leadership, into refuge with the Ottomans, disrupting Azarbayjan and Arminiya and enabling Qara 'Usman to augmenr Aqquyunlu holdings considerably. These conquests effected during the second part of Qara 'Usman's rule at the expense of the Qaraquyunlu and their Kurdish allies gave the first Aqquyunlu Principality a definitive territorial shape, control of important migration and trade routes, and access to much greater manpower and economic resources along with new territories for distribution as appanages to kin and as political rewards to his personal retainers and the confederate chieftains. Qara 'Usman's first encounter with Iskandar south of Nusaybin, however, ended in a reverse for the Aqquyunlu in April 1421/Rabi' II 824. The Qaraquyunlu and members of a hostile branch of the Doger clan drove Qara 'Usman all the way back to Amid after nearly three weeks of fighting. II7 Yet Tihrani-lsfahani's accounr of this battle is significant for the internal history of the Aqquyunlu confederation from several points of view. First of all, Qara 'Usman's son ~i debuts as a military leader of some ability, a factor that may have resulted in his designation as successor by Qara 'Usman and his initial election by the elite council in 1435/839. Second, the important Purnak confederate clan also first appears as a member of the Aqquyunlu in the person of Kuh Ahmad Beg, whose marriage to Qara 'Usman's daughter probably solem-
~ 49
pized the entrance of this clan into the confederation. As one of the few examples of a ruling-house marriage with a confederate clan, this union, along with the position of the Purnak in the right wing of confederate battle formations,II8 indicates the preeminence of this clan over the other confederates. The conflict of the Purnak with the Mawsillu, the chief clan of the left wing, is one of the major themes of the period of the Confederate Clan Wars from 1490/896 to 1500/905, discussed in chapter 6. Regrouping after this defeat by Iskandar Qaraquyunlu, the Aqquyunlu, represented by Qara 'Usman's sons ~i and Bayazid, joined Shahrukh in the area of Lake Van in summer 1421Imid-824.119 Qara 'Usman himself then arrived and pressed the Timurid sultan to attack the original homeland of the Qaraquyunlu. I2O The historian Hafiz Abru, a participant in the campaign, puts the following declamation in his mouth: Unless this Turkmen tribe and the followers of Qara Yusuf are totally eradicated, the affairs of this realm will not be in order and the conditions of the people not be remedied. Now is the time! The master of the world (may God Most High perpetuate his reign) has come to these lands with 200,000 warlike, fearless cavalry and from all directions the servitors of his splendid majesty and the supporters of his triumphant fortune have gathered, armed and ready for battie. Today no man can draw a breath conrrary to the will of His Majesty.I2I Near the end ofJuly/Rajab, Shahrukh and his allies decisively defeated the Qara-Yusufids Iskandar and Ispan on the plain of Ele§kert, scattering the Qaraquyunlu army. Il2The Aqquyunlu werewdlrewarded for their p~rtin this victory: ~i b. Qara 'Usman receiv~dthe governorship ofTabriz and Azarbayjan,jeading Qara 'Usman to boast i;' a letter to the new Ottoman sultan Mu.. rad II that Shahrukh had taken all the lands of the Qaraquyunlu as far west as Sivas and given them to the Aqquyunlu. I23 Although this claim exaggerated thelimits of Aqquyunlu authority to impress the Ottoman ruler and dissuade him from giving asylum to the Qaraquyunlu fugitives, the fact remains that Shahrukh's Azarbayjan campaign of 1420-21/823-24 left Qara 'Usman in a position far superior to that he had received from Shahrukh's father, Timur, in 14°3 /80 5.
Nevertheless, Aqquyunlu ambitions to establish a bridgehead in Azarbayjan were premature at this point, and ~i was expelled from Tabriz by proQaraquyunlu elements shortly after Shahrukh's departure for Harat. In other sectors, the flight of the Qara-Yusufids had left Qaraquyunlu outposts in Diyar Bakr and Arminiya exposed; Qara 'Usman took advantage of this situation to invest Mardin and the important commercial city of Erzincan. I24 Although unsuccessful in both enterprises, he was more fortunate at Karahisar, Tercan,
50 ~ The Aqquyunlu
Bayburt, and Ak§ehir (modern Giizeller or Ezbidler), all of which were taken and assigned to his kin and followers. The disposition of these conquests clearly reflects Qara 'Usman's attempts to strike a balance among the major loci of power in the confederation. Karahisar was added to Kemah, the appanage of his eldest surviving son,Ya'qub, while Bayburt and Tercan were allotted to representatives of the collateral houses of Ahmad and Pir 'Ali, respectively, in a concession by the ruling dispensation to clan solidarity. Finally, Qara 'Usman's entrusting of the governorship of Ak§ehir to Inaq Hasan, Ya'qub's former viceroy in Kemah and a hero of the Pir 'Umar campaign of 1420/823, illustrates the reliance of the ruling house upon its extraclan personal retinue at this point and the consequently underdeveloped character of the Aqquyunlu confederate clan regime. In succeeding periods, Qara 'Usman would shift these relationships in favor of his own sons in the interests of dynastic centralization. Likewise, as the influence of the confederate clans increased, their share of the spoils also grew proportionately larger. Further conquests were also carried out in Diyar Bakr. Turning first against the Qaraquyunlu's Kurdish allies, Qara 'Usman subjugated the region of <::emi§gezek in 1423/826, tightening his hold on the routes leading into Mamluk Syria. This area was granted to Qara 'Usman's nephew Nur 'Ali b. Pir 'Ali, who had been serving in the capacity of governor of Ruha since 1415/817. Ruha was then transferred to 'Ali b. Qara 'Usman, who had been driven out ofTabriz in 1421/824, placing another Qara-'Usmanid in a key geostrategic position.' 25 This tendency increased in 1424/827 with the conquest of Silvan and Tercil from the Sulaymani and Zraqi Kurds and the appointment of Bayazid b. Qara 'Usman as governor of these and several other strongholds in the area west of Amid,I26 a clearcut effort to place control of migration route rights-of-way directly in Qara-'Usmanid hands and to convert the Qara-'Usmanid house from one of several collateral lineages in a segmentary clan corporation into a true ruling dispensation. With a raid on Malatya in 1427/83°,'27 the Mamluk Euphrates salient now became the object of Aqquyunlu ambitions, bringing Qara 'Usman into direct conflict with the Mamluk sultan al-Malik ai-Ashraf Barsbay (1422-37/825-41) and marking a sharp departure from the amicable Aqquyunlu-Mamluk relations during the rule of al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh. While resulting in three major Mamluk expeditions against the Aqquyunlu in 1429/832, 14331836, and 1438/841-42, these frontier skirmishes may be considered local manifestations of the larger conflict between al-Ashraf Barsbay and Shahrukh over Indian Ocean-Mediterranean trade through the Red Sea and the political status of the Holy Cities of the Hijaz, the ramifications of which affected the economic, political, and ideological life of the central Islamic lands until the rise of the Ottomans and Salavids at the beginning of the sixteenthltenth century.I2S
Clan to Principality
~ 5f
participants in this drama included Uzun Hasan Aqquyunlu (14)7-781 g61-82), heir to Shahrukhid claims of universal Islamic domnination, 129 the Mamluk sultan ai-Malik ai-Ashraf Qayitbay (1468-1496/872-90r), and the Ottoman sultan Fatih Mehmed II (J451-148J/855-886). Its immediate political effects in Anatolia, however, amounted to a Mamluk-Qaraquyunlu alliance against the Timurids and their Aqquyunlu vassals. Further Mamluk-Aqquyunlu border tension was engendered by Turkmen titidson Besni and other Mamluk forts and by the Aqquyunlu investments of Harput and Erzincan, both of which provoked al-Ashraf Barsbay to dispatch ah' expeditionary force of Egyptian and Syrian officers to relieve Harput in 1429/832. But 'Ali b. Qara 'Usman seized the city while the Mamluks were still toncentrating in Damascus; simultaneously, his father finally succeeded in taking Erzincan in Arminiya. I10 Deprived of their primary objective, the ':':lV1alnlulk expeditionary force marched instead on Habil b. Qara 'Usman in !tuha to destroy this base for a potential Aqquyunlu attack on Aleppo. After a short siege, Habil and several of Qara 'Usman's chief officers surrendered the tltadel on 24 July 1429121 Shawwal 832, first obtaining a promise of amnesty from the Mamluk commander. The Mamluk officers immediately reneged, ~eited the Aqquyunlu leaders, and threw them in irons. Ruha was given over to the Mamluk troops, whose plundering and slaughtering, in the words of , Miqrizi and Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, "surpassed that which the Tatars [under Tlmurl had committed in Damascus" in 1400-J401/803. Habil and the amirs were tarried off in chains to Cairo, where they were paraded through the streets and cast into prison. Qara 'Usman, fresh from the conquest of Erzin'tan, arrived at Ruha too late to aid his son, now a hostage in ai-Ashraf Bars'bay's hands. Furthermore, ai-Ashraf Barsbay's continued refusal of Qara 'Usman's repeated entreaties for Habil's release only deepened Qara 'Usman's tancortoward the Mamluk sultan, while increasing his frustration at being unable to take decisive action against his enemy. AI-Ashraf Barsbay, however, soon lost what little leverage he had acquired from the Ruha campaign when Habil died in his cell in Cairo during an outbreak of the plague, less than a year after his capture. '31 Like many of ai-Ashraf Barsbay's policies, the Ruha campaign had been a sensational but ineffective half-measure that provided only temporary respite from Aqquyunlu pressure on the frontier and absolutely no relief from their ever-tightening grip on the eastern Anatolia trade routes. While Qara 'Usman had thus been occupied first with the siege of Erzin."'eanarid secondwith attempts to secure Habil's release, Shahrukh had marched his capital Harat to Sultaniya in preparation for his second attack on the in Azarhayjan. Less than two months after the Mamluk rape Shahrukh camped outside Tabriz; on 17-18 September 1429ir7-18 832, he again crushed the Qaraquyunlu at Sal mas west of Lake
52 ~ The Aqquyunlu
Clan to Principality ~ 53
Urmiya. The Timurid chronicles do not mention an Aqquyunlu contingent among Shahrukh's allies at Salmas, an absence that might be explained by Qara 'Usman's involvement on the Mamluk frontier. In any event, on this , occasion, Shahrukh accorded the governorship of Azarbayjan to Abu Sa'id ! Qaraquyunlu, another of Qara Yusuf's sons, after the Battle of Salmasgrudging but nevertheless official recognition that Azarbayjan lay within the Qaraquyunlu Turkmen sphere of influence. Conversely, Shahrukh's second attempt to settle the Timurid western question resulted in the relegation of the Aqquyunlu to Diyar Bakr and Arminiya. 132 Indeed, upon learning of the death of Habil, Qara 'Usman intensified his operations against ai-Ashraf Barsbay and his viceroys in Anatolia. Continual Aqquyunlu raids along the Mamluk ftontier from 1430/833 to 1432/835133 and the capture of Mardin from its Qaraquyunlu governor in 1432/835134 finally galvanized the indecisive Mamluk sultan into action. A full-scale expedition under the personal command of al-Ashraf Barsbay set out from Cairo in March 1433/Rajab 836 for Qara 'Usman's capital, Amid. Reoccupying Ruha on 22 MayII Shawwal, the Mamluks surrounded the Amid garrison commanded by Qara 'Usman's son Murad a week later and deployed their mechanical and combustion artillery (manajiq, madafi: makahi/).. After flooding the l~wlands near the capital to impede the Mamluk advance-a repetition of the stratagem used against the antisultan ofAleppo, Jakam, in 14071809-Qara 'Usman himself fell back to the fortress of Ergani to wait out the Mamluk bombardment. Nearly six weeks of resistance by the defenders of Amid from 28 May/8 Shawwal to 2 JUly!I4 Dhu'l-Qa'da, resulting in heavy Marnluk losses, coupled with rumors of mutiny among high-ranking Egyptian and Syrian officers, brought an end to the unsuccessful Mamluk blockade. Al-Ashraf Barsbay accepted Qara 'Usman's peace overtures, and a treaty was drawn up and ratified. In return for Mamluk acknowledgment of his autonomy in Arminiya and Diyar Bakr, Qara 'Usman promised to recognize Mamluk overlordship, surrender the city of Ruha, facilitate the passage of pilgrim and merchant caravans, and commit no further encroachments upon either Mamluk territories or the Kurdish principalities of Hisn-Kayf and Egil!35 Aqquyunlu support for the war seems to have been less than unanimous: Qara 'Usman's sons Ya'qub and 'Ali were disciples of the Hurufi poet Nasimi (t 1417-18/820) and refused to fight against the Mamluk sultan as "Servitor of the Two Holy Cities." Ya'qub's appanage seems in fact to have been a refuge for followers of this sect, as evidenced by the Hurufi tombstones dated 1430-31/834 and 1436-37/840 in YalOlzbag, northwest of Erzincan. If Ya'qub was indeed associated with the Hurufis, it must be considered the earliest example of the support of popular radical religious movements by an Aqquyunlu prince-a practice that would be repeated extensively under Uzun Hasan and his successors. 136
No sooner had al-Ashraf Barsbay withdrawn his tl100pS to Mamluk terria disorganized fashion than Qara 'Usman launched his efforts to drive . the Marnluk governor out of Ruha, carrying out almost continuous raids throughout the following year. 137 These treaty violations prompted much saper-rattling on the part of al-AshrafBarsbay in Cairo; but the frustrating and costly campaign of 1433/836 had lost him the support of much of the army, and he was thus unable to take any action whatsoever.13 8 Despite the appearance in Cairo in August 1434fMuharram 838 of an Aqquyunlu envoy with a few token coins minted in al-Ashraf Barsbay's name,139 the news of the resumption of Aqquyunlu raids on the Euphrates salient in conjunction with another Timurid thrust into Azarbayjan bespoke the complete failure of al-Ashraf Barsbay's vendetta against Qara 'Usman. 140 (OIT" in
Yet Qara 'Usman did not follow up his advantage over the Mamluk sultan .at this point, turning rather toward the threat created by the activities ofIskandar Qaraquyunlu in the north. Returning from Anatolia, where he had fled . after the Battle of Salmas in 1429/832, Iskandar first killed his brother Abu .. Sa'id-Shahrukh's designated governor of Azarbayjan-in 1431/835 and then invaded the silk-producing region ofSharvan in 1433/837. In answer to an ap.. peal for assistance against the Qaraquyunlu from the Sharvanshah, Qara ... ~Usman led the Aqquyunlu into enemy-held Arminiya, taking the city of Er. zurum by storm in spring 1434fSha'ban-Shawwal 837. After installing his son 'Shaykh-Hasan as governor of Erzurum, Qara 'Usman drafted a report on the '. movements of Iskandar to the Timurid court in Harat.l41 On hearing of the continued turmoil in Azarbayjan, Shahrukh-then nearly sixty years old-gathered his army for the long march from Khurasan to Azarbayjan in a third and final attempt to secure the western provinces of his empi re;142 By spring 1435/Sha'ban 838, Shahrukh had struck his winter camp in Persian Iraq and had reached the frontiers of Azarbayjan. Iskandar Qara.quyunlu-as on the two previous occasions-abandoned the province and fled toward Anatolia by way of the Aras Rivc:r valley. Shahrukh immediately notified Qara 'Usman of Iskandar's flight and ordered him to stop the Qaraquyunlu chief from reaching sanctuary in Ottoman lands. Near Erzurum, Qara 'Usman and the Aqquyunlu tried to engage Iskandar in a holding action .until Timurid reinforcements could arrive. With many of the confederates still in their winter encampments, the Aqquyunlu were outnumbered and soon overpowered by Iskandar's troops, who killed Bayazid b. Qara 'Usman and Ahmad Beg Purnak, Qara 'Usman's son-in-law. Gravely wounded himself, Qara ·'Osman was borne into Erzurum by his son Shaykh-Hasan, where he sucj;umbed a few days after the battle in August-September 1435/Safar 839. Not content to give his adversaries any quarter, Iskandar took advantage of dissension among some of the Aqquyunlu over the control of Erzurum to
54 ~
The Aqquyunlu
reoccupy the city, carrying out a methodical search for the body of Qara 'Usman. When he discovered the secret tomb, Iskandar disinterred the corpse and cut off its head, sending it along with those of Bayazid, Ahmad Beg, and other Aqquyunlu officers to ai-Ashraf Barsbay in Cairo. With great rejoicing, these grisly trophies ofIskandar's triumph over one of his most inflexible rivals were paraded around the city, which had been especially decorated for the occasion, and then displayed on the Zuwaylah Gate for several days. There was good cause for celebration in Cairo, for with the death of Qara 'Usman in 1435/839 the Mamluks would be granted relief from Aqquyunlu aggression for nearly forty years. 143
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THE ACHIEVEMENT OF QARA 'USMAN
In order to assess the significance of Qara 'Usman's long rule for Aqquyunlu history, it is necessary to consider this thirty-two-year period from several points of view. As a political entity, by 1435/839 the Aqquyunlu had evolved ) from a relatively insignificant,seminomadictribal confederation in the service , of petty princes on the periphery of the central Islamic lands into an extensive ,~sertJ.isedenta.~autoflemo.usterrirorial principality .with a rudimen tary_~~ano , Islamic bureaucratic state 'apparatus,l44 whose prese!1ce was now strongly felt in Cairo, Harat, and Bursa. Unquestionably, Qara 'Usman's great military successes over Burhan ai-Din in 1398/800 and Jakam in 1407/809 far overshadowed his early failures against the Qaraquyunlu and spread his fame throughout much of the central Islamic world. Despite the temporary loss of Ruha to the Mamluks in 1433/836, Qara 'Usman's acquisition of Amid, Erzincan, Mardin, and Erzurum, along with othersmaller urban centers....guaranteed Aqquyunlu domination over vital commercial routes linking Central Asia, India, and Iran to western Islamic markets and Europe along with com-mand of the interdependent system of upland summer pastures in Arminiya \ and winter steppes in BiyarBaKr. The growth of the Aqquyunlu confederation during this period is adirect result of this fact: the loose association of the Bay. andur with the Bozdogan, Doger, Afshar, Inallu, and Bayat in the early part of Qara 'Usman's career contrasts with the more tightly knit confederation of his later years that included the Purnak, Mawsillu, Hamza-Hajilu, Haydarlu, 'Ivaz, 'Izz-al-Din-Hajilu, Tabanlu, and Yurtchi!45 Yet Qara 'Usman's regime was not uniquely based upon force and his power over the lives of his subjects and followers. His contemporary YazlclOglu Ali attributes to him a digest of administrative, military, and ethical practice in the form of "advice to his sons."I46 Similar in form to Tahir Dhu'l-Yaminayn's letter to his son ~bd Allah, Qara 'Usman's twenty-nine-point pand-nama shows both the influence ofIrano-Islamic political theories and elements of
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56"""" The Aqquyunlu
Clan to Principality ...,.,.. 57
Turko-Mongol practices and customary law. For example, the ruler is exhoned to rule in accordance with the principles of justice as personified by the Sasanian monarch Anushirvan (no. 20, no. 26), common counsel in works such as Nizam al-Mulk's Siyasat-nama. Yet in the formulation of the classic "circle of justice" (no. 21), the nomadic confederation and warband are added tome traditionallrano-Islamic peasantry as pillars of sovereignty. Other sections deal with the familiar questions of choosing ministers and administrators (nos. 15, 19), the ruler's entourage (no. 14), and the intelligence service (no. 18); advice on matters of practical ethics (nos. 12, 23, 24, 27, 28) and on how to select a horse or a wife (nos. 6, 8) is more in the vein of the Qabus-nama than Siyasatnama. More imbued with Turko-Mongol traditions are his military regulations (nos. 2,4,7,9, u) and the penal codes (nos. 10,20,22). Moreover, his respect for Turkmen tradition noted by Yaz1clOgiu and discussed in chapter I furnishes evidence that the pastoral way oflife of the Aqquyunlu under Qara 'Usman was later distilled into a principle and eventually elevated to the status of an ideology.147 His actual practice of this way of life is described by Schiltberger:'''Airiong the infidels, it is customary for some lords to roam with their flocks. When they come to a place with good pasture, they rent it for a time from its lord. There was a Turkish lord called Ottman [Qara 'Usman], who nomadized with his flocks and came to the land of Sewast [Sivas] in the summer.... "148 Qara 'Usman can thus be viewed as an archetypal nomadic conqueror and lawgiver, embodied in the historical figure of Changiz Khan and the legendary ruler of the Turks, Oghuz Khan. 149 Another aspect of the development of the Aqquyunlu "nomadideolPgy':, may be discerned in the revival of Oghuz traditions unde::9:ara 'Usman, c~n temporary with the Ottoman ()guzcuiuk under Murad ~1. I/,Though the claim to descent from Bayandur KIlian appearsiiilnscriptions the tombs of Qudu (1389/791) in Smlf and his son Pir 'Ali (1413?1815?) in Kigi,151it must be admitted that this epigraphical evidence dates from a later period. However, this ancestral tirle is well established by the time ofQara...tJ~hose coins bear tradi-, tional Bayandur arms or tamgha (seeflgures 5 and 13).152 In addition to the the affiliation of the Aqquyunlu paramount clan with the Bayandur branch of the Oghuz nation, it is also possible that Qara 'Usman's pretensions included descent from the legendary Turkish ruler Bayandur Khan, whose position as Oghuz khan of~ans might have prQ:vided.theAqquyunlll!l!I~Jyvith the id.e.Q.:", logical basis to demand the allegiance of the politically uncommitted Turkmens of Anatolia, Syria, and Azarbayjan; 1S3 In any evenr,'as'early as'I"J.26/ 829, the ela,sti~9rg~ization of the Aqquyunlu principality was alreadyrecognized bythe chieftains of die western Anatolian princip~it!~_~.~ssiQk and Il!2!~ __ desirable alternative to the highly centralizing state control ()f ~~..Q!~o~~~___ in that year, the ruling house of the Mente~e beylik sou~t refuge with Qara 'Usman after the conquest and annexation of their lands by Murad 11.'54
on
At almost the same time, Europeans first realized the potential for the Aq-lt. quyunlu under Qara 'Usman to serve as a counterbalance to Ottoman expansion. In !1?,~/831, the future Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund (t 1437/ 841)-who, as king of Hungary, had been routed by Y1ldmm Bayezid at Nicopolis in 139 6 /798-first announced his intention to dispatch an embassy ad principem Karaywluk, t/qminum Mes()p()tamie. His ambassadors reached Qara 'Usman in Amid in summer 1430/late 833 and returned with his response dated September [1430]lDhu'I-Hijja 833-Muharram 834 in which Qara 'Usman told Sigismund about his conflicts with Iskandar Qaraquyunlu and alAshraf Barsbay and the defeat of the former by Shahrukh, who had invaded Azarbayjan and eastern Anatolia a second time in 1429-30/832-33. Additionally, he touted an alleged plan by Shahrukh to attack the Ottomans (" ... so wart der selb herr genant Schacharoch mit seiner macht uff die Tiircken zihen ... "). This letter reached Sigismund in the first half of March 143 0 / Jumada II 833: 155 contacts between the two would-be allies had no concrete outcome, however, since Sigismund was occupied with the Hussite Wars and with negotiations with the church over his acceptance as emperor while Qara 'Usman was busy struggling against his traditional enemies. Nevertheless, the pauer'!s ~id down by these relations would be reviveg.9.D..Tiries'ioinclude the Armenian anc:i1atobite 'Chris- r );;,,,; , .'. tians, who constituteda:considerableproportion of theagri~ultural, industrial, and fOmmercial population of the principality.156 Thus, with very few exceptions, the Armenian sources praise Qara 'Usman's treatment of the Christian c~~~Wlity,..a.:'p'olicy maintained by most of his sons and grandsons who i~led • in Diyar Bal« and Arminiya. I57 In this respect, Hamza, governor of Mardin (143 2-35/ 835-39) and later ruler of the Aqquyunlu Principality (143 8-44/84148), relied so heavily upon the Christians9fbr?id and Mardin in the establishment and consolidation of his p~\V~; that M~lim~rii:~r~f;eq~ently accuse him of betraying Islam. I58 This friction between Muslim and Christian urban ' classes remaiIlsaoonstant theme throughout Aqquyunlu social history. Nevertheless, the nomadic Turko-Mongol elements were dominant in the structure of the First Principality. This is clearly demonstrated by the military organization of the Aqquyunlu under Qara 'Usman. The army was nominally
i
58
,-<:y
Ahmad. t 14031
The Aqquyunlu
Clan to Principality
Qilich Asian - [ PALU Qutlu BAYBURT Ibr~im,
t 1407 ---Iskandar, t 14331
AMID
AMiD·
Habil, t 1430 RUHA Murad, t 1433 AMiD Bayazid, t 143> HATAH, SiLVAN Ya'qub KEMAH, KARAHiSAR, ERZiNCAN Qutlu, t 1389 ---+-Qara 'Usman ---+-Qasim 140 31-35 (1) Saljuq (2) T rapezuntine
princess
MAZGiRD Hamza
MARDiN Shaykh-Hasan ERZURUM (Kur) Muhammad PULUR Ruqaya Sultan Daughter -
Sidi-Ahmad Miranshahi Kuh Ahmad Beg Purnak
'Ali RUHA, HARPUT
I
Saray
Pir 'Ali, t 14131
Piltan KiGi Nur 'Ali RUHA, <;EMi~GEZEK
II Appanages in uppercase
IIIII
Musa TERCAN IVh
Figure 7. The Second or Qara-'Usmanid Dispensation
,-<:y
59
divided into cavalry units of ten, fifry, one hundred, one thousand, and ten thousand men, coinciding with the social structure of the confederate clans. In battle, these units were deployed in the right or left wing of the army in accordance with the standing of the clan in the confederation, distinctions that applied at the banquet table as well. I59 The patrimonial shareout is yet another example of the persistence and strength of Turko-Mongol tribal practices and traditions among the Aqquyunlu. Qara 'Usman appanaged all his later conquests to his sons: Silvan and Tercil-taken from the Sulaymani and Zraqi Kurds-went to Bayazid in 1424/827; Harput was left in the possession of its conqueror 'Ali in 1429/832; Ya'qub received Erzincan in 1429/832; Hamza was given Mardin in 1432/835; and Erzurum was turned over to Shaykh-Hasan in 1433-34/8 37. While contributing some degree of political unity and stability to a system in which basic loyalties were still predominantly determined by kinship ties and personal allegiances, Qara 'Usman's transformation of his theoretically ad hoc leadership into a more permanent dynastic dispensation functioned effectively only as long as he maintained absolute control over his sons, the collateral houses of the paramount Bayandur clan, and the confederates. Hence, on his death in 1435/839, political "resegmentation"-the obverse of a hierarchically structured appanage system-exacerbated by the absence of a single, specific law of succession, plunged the Aqquyunlu into more than two decades of internecine strife and foreign domination. Though the emergence of a leader ofUzun Hasan's caliber in one sense may be considered a tribute to the efficacy of the ordeal selection process common to many Turko-Mongol polities, the great Aqquyunlu Civil War of 1435-57/839-61 perhaps demonstrated to the third founder of Aqquyunlu'power the limitations and inconsistencies of the political system his grandfather had tried to establish.
3
The Great Civil l.%r One day Irqil Khvaja said to Gun Khan, "Oghuz was a great emperor who subjugated the kingdoms of the earth and amassed much wealth and cattle-now, all of that is yours. God Most High has blessed you and your five brothers with four sons each, twentyfour in all. Lest dissension break out among them later, it is best that specific positions, tasks, and titles be assigned for each of them and that each be differentiated by special brands and insignia so that each might know his proper place. Thus will the stability of your state and the good name of your family be assured." Rashid al-Din, Oghuz-nama The colophon of an Armenian manuscript copied at Amid during the autumn or early winter of I435/Safar-Jumada II 839 just after the death ofQara 'Usman acknowledges the accession of his heir-designate 'Ali and concludes with the prayer, "May the Lord God grant him victory over his enemies.'" Indeed, 'Ali desperately needed some sign of divine favor, for in addition to such redoubtable external adversaries as Iskandar Qaraquyunlu and ai-Ashraf Barsbay, he also faced much internal opposition to his succession to the Aqquyunlu leadership from both collateral houses and other Qara-'Usmanid pretenders. ~i's ultimate failure to establish his supremacy among the leaders of the paramount clan, moreover, prevented him from uniting the chiefs of the summer pastures in Arminiya and the winter pastures in Diyar Bakr and from bringing the entire migration network under a single political authority. His failure was not unique, however: during the four phases of the twenty-two-year Second or Great Civil War precipitated by the death of Qara 'Usman, no fewer than eleven claimants attempted to reunite the Aqquyunlu confederation with the support of such foreign powers as the Timurids, the Mamluks, the Ottomans, and even the Qaraquyunlu. Viewed from another perspective, this Aqquyunlu time of troubles in reality forms the prepower stage in the career of a new 61
62 ~ The Aqquyunlu
The Great Civil W1ir
Qutlu---------Ahmad BAYBURT bt. 'Ali Ahmad,
=
t 1403? - - - {
~,
63
.chat'isnlaticleader, 'Ali's son Uzun Hasan, whose great victory in the Batrle on .' the Tigris in 1457/861 marks both a reintegration of the confederatlol1 and the . foundation of a new dispensation to the paramount Bayandur clan.
SUltan Ahmad Qilich Asian [. PAW, ERZiN-C-~A-N-----J
THE STAND-IN AMIRATE OF 'ALI Daughtet = Musa b. Pir 'Ali
Pir 'Ali, t 1413?
----[ ~";'CAN Piltan - - - - - - - - - t w o daughters = KiGi two sons of 'Ali Bayazid, t 1435 - - - - - - Khurshid Ya'qub, t 1446
- - - - - - j a ' f a r , t 1456
KEMAH, ERZiNCAN
ERZtNCAN
Hamza, t 1444 - - - - - - S h a h Sultan Khanum ~ MARDiN, AMiD, ERZiNCAN jahangir
Qara 'Usman, t 1435
RUHA, MARDiN Husayn 'Ali,
t 1443/44
-------1
-Saray bt. Pir 'Ali AMiD Uvays RUHA Daughter = Muhammad Juki Shahrukhi
Uzun Hasan
ERGANi, AMiD
I Kur Muhammad = bt. Pir 'Ali
_ _ _ _ _-J[SaliUqshah
PULUR Shaykh-Hasan, t 1451
ERZURUM. ERZiNCAN Mahmud
BiRECiK, ERZiNCAN Qasim
IIIIx
IVI2
Principal contenders in italics; appanages in uppercase
Figure 8. The Second or Great Civil War
.
Dana Khalil
The first phase of the Great Civil War opened with an attempt by a member of the Ahmadid collateral house of the Bayandur clan, effectively excluded from the succession as a result of the First Civil War, to rectify Qara 'Usman's thirty-year usurpation and restore the rule to its rightful possessors under the Tur-'Alid Dispensation. Qilich Asian b. Ahmad, supported by members of the house of Pir 'Ali, tried to seize Erzurum immediately after Qara 'Usman had fallen in the battle with Iskandar Qaraquyunlu, but he was repulsed by the inhabitants of the city. After his initial bid failed, Qilich Asian withdrew to his appanage Palu, where he refused to extend recognition to 'Ali and entered into negotiations with Iskandar Qaraquyunlu, who had promised to divest the Qara-'Usmanids of the Aqquyunlu amirate. 2 Meanwhile, the Qara-'Usmanids Muhammad (later known as Kur [Blind] Muhammad), Mahmud, and 'Ali along with 'Ali's son Jahangir convened a rump elite council near Tercan in which they agreed to honor Qara 'Usman's designation of 'Ali as successor. However, 'Ali's election was not attended by such powerful Qara-'Usmanids as Hamza, who had remained in Mardin during the conflict with Iskandar Qaraquyunlu, or by Ya'qub and his son Ja'far, who governed the important cities of Erzincan and Kemah and thus controlled extensive summer camping grounds in Arminiya. Nor did the confederate clans seem to have been represented in the council. 'Ali's hasty dynastic preemption was only the first in a series of slips that eventually cost him the support of both the clan corporation and the confederation, finally resulting in his flight and virtual exile from Aqquyunlu lands. Possibly recognizing the extreme tenuousness of his authority, 'Ali proceeded west from Tercan to Erzurum, where Shahrukh's son Muhammad Juki, commander of the Timurid forces pursuing Iskandar Qaraquyunlu, had camped. There a second council was held under Shahrukhid auspices with the participation of 'Ali, Shaykh-Hasan, Ya'qub, and Ja'far of the Qara-'Usmanids andNur 'Ali of the house ofPir 'Ali. The results of these deliberations, however. are unfortunately extremely obscure: according to the historian TihraniIsfahani, whose Qara-'Usmanid/Uzun-Hasanid bias has already has been mentioned, Muhammad Juki upheld Qara 'Usman's designation of 'Ali as chief of the Aqquyunlu and appointed him governor of the province of Diyar Bakr. Furthermore, 'Ali's elder brother Ya'qub was allegedly given the city of Erzincan, conquered by Qara 'Usman in 1429/832, as a Timurid benefice) While the
64 .~ The Aqquyunlu
political relationship of the two brothers is not specified, Nur 'Ali b. Pir 'Ali appears to have recognized the paramountcy of 'Ali in <;emi§gezek the following year. 4 In contrast, Idris Bidlisi contends that Muhammad Juki actually installed Ya'qub as ruler of the Aqquyunlu, possibly an indication of a sharper division of Qara 'Usman's territories between his eldest surviving son, Ya'qub, and his heir-designate, 'Ali) Such a shareout, certainly more consistent with the corporate concept of sovereignty fostered both by Qara 'Usman's appanage system and by Timurid practice in Anatolia, better accounts for the struggle between Ya'qub and 'Ali-and later between their sons Ja'far and Jahangir-tO monopolize comrol over Arminiya and Diyar Bakr. The second council then ended with the celebration of the marriage of Muhammad Juki and Qara 'Usman's daughter Khanum in order to strengthen the ties between the house ofShahrukh and the ruling dispensation of the Aqquyunlu. While Shahrukh is said to have been very pleased with this union,6 the Mamluk sultan al-Ashraf Barsbay felt more threatened than ever and began to lay plans for another campaign against the Aqquyunlu.7 With his leadership officially established at least in the winter territories of the Aqquyunlu principality, 'Ali now turned his attention to the growing threat posed there by his brother Hamza in Diyar Rabi'ah, where the defection of Muhammad and Mahmud had been followed by that of one of Qara 'Usman's wives and several members of his administration. In addition to the support of the palace and the bureaucracy, Hamza could also count on the backing of the powerful Purnak clan and other nomadic confederates who followed the lesser migration route from winter quarters in the steppes of Diyar Rabi'ah and Barriya to summer quarters on the slopes of Qaraja Dagh (modern Karacah Dag), southwest of Amid. 8 In fact, it was with the aid of the nomadic military elite that Hamza was able to secure the capital on the death of his father in 1435/839, though its comrol was relinquished to 'Ali after the second council in Muhammad Juki's camp. Hamza's efforts to take Ergani, Qara 'Usman's original appanage under the Tur-'Alid Dispensation, were blocked by 'Ali's son Jahangir; by spring 1436/Ramadan-Dhu'I-Qa'da 839, 'Ali had temporarily brought the Aqquyunlu winter encampments under his control. He was now ready to define his position vis-a.-vis his father's Mamluk enemies. Attempting to conciliate the hostile Mamluk sultan al-AshrafBarsbay, 'Ali dispatched his son Husayn on a diplomatic mission to Cairo. AI-Ashraf Barsbay was not to be placated: he imprisoned Husayn and ordered the Doger Turkmen frontier guards in Diyar Mudar to march against 'Ali in Amid. The Aqquyunlu, including elements of the Mawsillu and Amirlu under Jahangir, met the invaders near the capital, but were overwhelmed by the better organized and equipped Doger forces. Many of the Aqquyunlu perished in this
The Great Civil mzr
~
6S
encounter, in which ]ahangir himself was captured. With two of 'Ali's sonsHusayn and Jahangir-now his hostages, al-Ashraf Barsbay had the means to wring real concessions from the Aqquyunlu leader.9 'Ali had little time to mourn the captivity of his sons or to recoup this serious military setback outside Amid, for in mid-summer 14361 early 840 the illusory unity of the Aqquyunlu, was again put to the test by the incursions of Iskandar Qaraquyunlu, returning from his asylum in Ottoman lands. An elite council, including the Qara-'Usmanids 'Ali, Ya'qub, Shaykh-Hasan, Mahmud, and Muhammad (who seem to have rejoined 'Ali at this point)IO and Piltan of the Pir-'Alids, gathered in the plain of Harput to decide on the best course of action to follow against Iskandar. Notably absent was the chief Ahmadid Qilich Asian, whose intrigues with the Qaraquyunlu have been previously mentioned. The council agreed in that internal disorders should be quelled as the first step in devising a common defensive strategy against the Qaraquyunlu. Consequently, 'Ali's eleven-year-old son Uzun Hasan was sent to check Hamza's encroachments in the south, while the main body proceeded against the insubordinate Ja'far b. Ya'qub in Erzincan. Ja'far, who had pretensions to the Aqquyunlu amirate himself, refused to give his kinsmen entry to Erzincan, agreeing, however, to parley with his uncle Shaykh-Hasan. Playing on his nephew's ambitions, Shaykh-Hasan told Ja'far: "Our eldest brother Ya'qub is not claiming the sultanate. You are [his] eldest son and, according to custOmary law and tradition, the sovereignty is rightfully yours. We shall support and assist you." II The significance of this statement, the only reference to dynastic theory in Aqquyunlu historiography, is unfortunately quite obscure. IfShaykh-Hasan is invoking the principle of seniority common in Turko-Mongol polities, it follows that Ya'qub was the eldest of all Qara 'Usman's sons and that, after Ya' qub, his son Ja'far may have been the senior Qara-'Usmanid, older than all his uncles. While both propositions are possible, the data necessary to test their likelihood are not available. In view of actual events preceding and following Shaykh-Hasan's speech, however, whatever principle there may have been was clearly inoperative in the politics of succession. Ostensibly deceived by Shaykh-Hasan's ruse, ]a'far came out of the city and was immediately arrested. His personal retinue fled to Qutlu, the Ahmadid governor of Bayburt, and after a short siege Ya'qub regained control of Erzincan. In the meantime, Iskandar Qaraquyunlu had profited greatly from this discord among the sons and grandsons of Qara 'Usman. After winning the support of other Ahmadids in addition to Qilich Asian and forcing the Pir-'Alid Piltan to surrender his son as hostage, Iskandar surrounded the Aqquyunlu frontier town of Harput. The Qara-'Usmanid elite council again met to deal with this threat, but on this
66
~
The Aqquyunlu
occasion Ya'qub entirely withdrew his support from 'Ali. The confederates, too, fragmented among the claimants. Left only with his personal bodyguard, 'Ali had little success in parrying the Qaraquyunlu thrust and fell back on his capital, Amid. The weakness of 'Ali's leadership thus allowed Iskandar to raid much of Arminiya and to retake Erzurum, captured by Qara 'Usman only two years earlier. The precariousness of 'Ali's position is yet another indication of the extent to which this leader of the Aqquyunlu ~as merely a secondgeneration Qara-'Usmanid par inter pares whose internal and external policies were subject to approval by the paramount clan corporation in general and the ruling dispensation in particular. With his influence greatly curtailed in the north, 'Ali reopened his negotiations with ai-Ashraf Barsbay, hoping to gain the release of his sons Husayn and Jahangir and to secure his southern frontier. The Mamluk sultan agreed to free 'Ali's sons and recognize his rule in Amid in return for the surrender of Harput; 'Ali's capture of Harput in 1429/832 had provoked al-AshrafBarsbay's first Aqquyunlu campaign, leading to the sack of Ruha. Confronted by the hostile faction ofYa'qub in Arminiya, Iskandar Qaraquyunlu in Erzurum, and the growing power of Hamza in Mardin, 'Ali had little choice but to comply. After a delay that produced renewed threats on the lives of his sons, 'Ali turned Harput over to the Mamluks' Zu'I-Qadr allies. Released by ai-Ashraf Barsbay, Husayn and Jahangir rejoined their father, 'Ali, in Erzincan, where he had gone to reconcile his differences with Ya'qub after the surrender of Harput. There the brothers presented 'Ali with a Mamluk diploma of investiture as governor of AmidP Thus preoccupied in dealings with aI-Ashraf Barsbay, 'Ali was unable to attend to the problems raised by Hamza's activities in Diyar Rabi'ah and Diyar Bakr. In early summer 1437/1ate 840, Hamza gained great military prestige by routing the Qaraquyunlu governor of Baghdad, Ispan b. Qara Yusuf, who, like his brother Iskandar, hoped to take advantage of Aqquyunlu civil strife to extend the frontiers of his territory. Near Mardin, Hamza-at the head of an army composed of the 'Izz-al-Din-Hajilu, Mawsillu, Purnak, and QujaHajilu confederates; the Doger of Cizre (Jazirat Ibn 'Umar); the Ayyubids of Hisn-Kayf; and other Kurds of the region-drove the Qaraquyunlu invader from Diyar Rabi'ah and northern Jazirah. This resounding victory contrasted sharply with 'Ali's dismal failures against the Doger, Iskandar Qaraquyunlu, and the Mamluks. 'Ali was further discredited in this affair by the allegation of his complicity with Ispan to crush his rival Hamza in Mardin.'3 Hamza then marched on 'Ali's capital, Amid, which was surrendered by its inhabitants after a two-month siege. 14 Its governor, Uzun Hasan, managed to escape Hamza's purge of 'Ali's backers in the city and joined his father in Erzincan. But 'Ali had not succeeded in achieving his hoped-for rapprochement with Ya'qub there;
The Great Civil Wttr
~.
67
defeated on all fronts, he took his young son Uvays along with several other kinsmen into political asylum with the Ottoman sultan Murad II. According to Idris Bidlisi: ... out of fear ofYa'qub Beg-the eldest son of [Qara] 'Usman Beg, who had become the ruler of the Aqquyunlu-['Ali], the father of [Uzun] Hasan Beg, fled along with his sons, and for many years they lived supported and maintained in the shadow of the protection of the angelic emperor Sultan Murad [II] (may God sanctifY his soul in the world to come) who assigned the town ofiskilip and its environs in the province of Lesser Rumiya for their upkeep. Many of the Bayandurs, such as Rustam Beg b. Murad b. 'Usman, Bayandur Beg b. Rustam, and others enjoyed a carefree life under the auspices of his royal favor.!) 'Ali's abdication from the Aqquyunlu leadership in winter 1438-39 /Jumada II-Ramadan 841 concludes the first phase of the Great Civil War. Though provided with Qara 'Usman's premortem designation as successor, 'Ali had nevertheless failed to create a viable coalition of Qara-'Usmanids, collateral houses, and confederates. His authority in the north was rejected by a number of Bayandur chiefs and totally undermined in Diyar Bakr by his brother Hamza, whose broad-based faction included both nomadic and sedentary elements. 'Ali's military reverses and diplomatic concessions, moreover, can scarcely have helped his cause. It may thus be concluded that 'Ali was never intended to rule the Aqquyunlu at all and that his real function had been merely to hold the stakes of office until Qara 'Usman's real successor could emerge through the ordeal of civil war. THE ASCENDANCY OF HAMZA
Far from simplifYing the issue of succession, 'Ali's temporary withdrawal from the political scene gave further play to the disruptive forces within the Aqquyunlu system, which in turn resulted in renewed foreign interference in their internal affairs. The first instance of this intervention was ai-Ashraf Barsbay's last campaign against the Aqquyunlu in spring 1438/Ramadan-Dhu'lHijja 841. His motives in ordering this expedition must have included the final defeat of his long-time archrival, the Mamluk rebel and adventurer Janibak alSufi, the reduction of Shahrukh's influence in eastern Anatolia, and a show of force to the Ottomans, whose Drang nach Osten once again threatened Mamluk strategic and economic interests in central and eastern Anatolia. His more immediate concerns were probably twofold: first, to abet the Aqquyunlu Great Civil War by extending official Mamluk recognition to several factions simultaneously, and, second, to render assistance to his ally Iskandar Qaraquyunlu,
68 ~
The Aqquyunlu
whose plans to unseat his brother Jahanshah, the Shahrukhid governor of Azarbayjan,16 had badly miscarried. Jahangir b. ~i's request for Mamluk military support against his uncle Hamza apparently provided the Mamluk sultan with an opportunity to attain both goals. After Hamza's seizure of Amid and ~i's precipitous "state visit" to Murad II, Jahangir set out for Cairo for the purpose of enlisting Mamluk aid to recover his father's capital. Al-AshrafBarsbay at first hesitated, but on learning of Hamza's alleged sympathies toward Janibak al-Sufi, he ordered a large army to Diyar Bakr and Arminiya.'7 Marching north into the Euphrates salient, the Mamluk forces took the Aqquyunlu centers of <;emi§gezek and Arapkir, annexing them to the province of Aleppo.'S Ak§ehir, abandoned by its governor, Inaq Hasan, was also seized. There the Mamluks were joined by the Ahmadid Sultan-Ahmad b. Qilich AsIan, who swore allegiance to al-Ashraf Barsbay and in turn received a contingent of Mamluk soldiers. Sultan-Ahmad then attacked several castles while the main Mamluk force proceeded against Erzincan. The governor Ya'qub b. Qara 'Usman retired to Kemah, sending. a delegation including his son Ja'far, his wife, and some of the notables of Erzincan to negotiate with the invaders. A peaceful settlement was eventually reached in which Jahangir b. ~i was recognized as Mamluk vicegerent in Erzincan while Ya'qub was confirmed in Kemah only. The gates of Erzincan were thrown open and the city was decorated for the triumphal entry of the Mamluk troops.19 However, before the army could move against either Hamza in Diyar Bakr or Jahanshah in Azarbayjan, the news of al-AshrafBarsbay's death in June 1438/Dhu'I-Hijja 841 reached them in Erzincan, and they decided to abandon the campaign and return to Syria. 20 Cut short by al-Ashraf Barsbay's death, the Mamluk sultan's third campaign against the Aqquyunlu produced as few lasting results as had the first two. The conquered cities rapidly reverted to the control of the chieftains who had held them previously, forcing al-Ashraf Barsbay's successors to recognize (he insurgent chieftains as governors and insubordinate governors as independent rulers. The failure of the Mamluk Anatolian frontier policy contributed to the establishment of such powerful border principalities as Ramadan and Zu'l-Qadr, resulting in the formation of a highly volatile buffer zone between the expanding Ottomans and their flagging Mamluk neighbors. The border wars that erupted in this region between 14841889 and 1491/896 gave the Ottomans ample opportunity to test Marnluk defenses and thus may be considered dress rehearsals ofYavuz Selim's invasion of Mamluk Syria in 15161922.21 However, the deaths of Iskandar Qaraquyunlu and al-Ashraf Barsbay, occurring within two months of each other, greatly reduced the tension between the Mamluks and Shahrukh. 22 While generally benefiting from this relaxation of
The Great Civil war
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tension, the Aqquyunlu were still locked in the Great Civil War, a situation from which the successors of al-AshrafBarsbay continued to profit. The split between Ya'qub and Jahangir, installed in Erzincan by the Mamluk expeditionary force in 1438/841, and Hamza in Diyar Bakr was accorded official recognition by the caretaker government of al-Ashraf Barsbay's son in summer 1438/early 842: Hamza allegedly struck coins and read the Friday sermon in the Mamluk sultan's name, receiving recognition as vicegerent of Amid, Mardin, and Erzurum. 23 The evacuation of the Mamluk troops, moreover, gave free rein to Hamza's ambitions, and he prepared to attack his kinsmen in Erzincan. In the north, the alliance of convenience between Ya'qub and his nephew Jahangir was not strengthened by the sudden reappearance of Ya'qub's son Ja'far, whose ingenuousness had resulted in his deposition from the governorship of Erzincan in 1436/839. Reasserting his somewhat doubtful claim to the Aqquyunlu amirate, Ja'far pressured his cousins Jahangir, Husayn, and Uzun Hasan to join in a coalition against their uncle Hamza-an alliance in which the sons of~i were clearly the junior partners. 24 Despite Hamza's great popularity among the confederates, several important chiefs were won over to Ja'far,25 giving him the necessary strength to break his uncle's investment of Erzincan and drive Hamza back to Diyar Bakr. Ja'far was no more successful in uniting the Aqquyunlu than his uncle ~i had been, and his amirate was even shorter-lived. The renegade confederates who had joined Ja'far at Erzincan revolted against him at the approach of colder weather and rejoined Hamza in the south. Ja'far's father, Ya'qub, moreover, denied support to his son and closed himself up in the castle of Kemah, where he gave shelter to many of the confederates not committed to Hamza. The unexpected return of ~i from his Ottoman exile also siphoned off some .0fJa'far's supporters. 26 Powerless in the face of such overwhelming odds, Ja'far despaired of further efforts to bring the confederation together under his leadership and withdrew in the direction of Ottoman territory. The Qara-'Usmanids in Arminiya were thus hopelessly divided into at least three hostile camps: Uzun Hasan had aligned himself with his uncle Ya'qub against a second faction led by Ya'qub's son Ja'far, and Jahangir and Husayn had joined their father, ~i, in opposition to both Ya'qub and Ja'far. 27 At the head of a small detachment ofYa'qub's forces, much depleted by desertions to Hamza in Diyar Bakr, Uzun Hasan clashed with Ja'Ear's troops, driving them back toward the Ottoman frontier. In full retreat, Ja'far encountered and badly beat ~i's army under Jahangir. This defeat showed ~i once again that the confederation would not accept his leadership under any circumstances, and he left Aqquyunlu territory a second time to take refuge with the Mamluk
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sultan al-Zahir Jaqmaq (1438-53/842-57), never to return. By the beginning of 1439/mid-842, 'Ali, Qara 'Usman's chosen successor, was in voluntary exile in Egypt 28 and Ya'qub, the most senior candidate, was recognized only in Kemah 29 and perhaps Erzincan; Hamza, who governed all Diyar Bakr with Mamluk, Ottoman, and possibly Timurid recognition along with the support of the Aqquyunlu military elite, had clearly emerged as the most powerful Qara-'Usmanid. Despite his father's final renunciation of politics and his uncle Hamza's apparent settlement of the succession issue, Jahangir was determined to keep his claim to the Aqquyunlu leadership alive. First settling his differences with his younger brother Uzun Hasan, Jahangir then traveled back to Cairo to seek aid from al-Zahir Jaqmaq. Not intending to commit his troops to yet another costly and fruitless campaign in Diyar Bakr, the Mamluk sultan responded to Jahangir's request by investing him with the governorship ofRuha, taken from the Aqquyunlu in 1433/836, and stipulated that Jahangir himself prosecute the war against his uncle Hamza)O Thus, Harnza's major strategic concerns during the next five years were twofold: the expulsion of his brother Ya'qub ftom the important city of Erzincan in the northwestern Aqquyunlu summer pastures and the reduction of the Ruha-centered power base built up by Jahangir with Mamluk support in the old Doger holdings ofDiyar MudarY Hamza was successful in the first of these objectives, but the second proved more difficult to achieve. Failing in his first campaign against Jahangir in 143940/842-43, Harnza launched a two-ptonged drive the following year aimed at both Ruha and Erzincan. Elements of the paramount Bayandur clan, along with the Purnak and Mawsillu confederates, were dispatched to the siege of Ruha, while Hamza took personal command of the second detachment that surrounded Ya'qub at Erzincan. Frustrated again at Ruha, the first group then turned on Jahangir's allies, defeating the Mamluk garrison of Gerger castleY Meanwhile, Erzincan fell to Hamza's command and was appanaged to ShaykhHasan b. Qara 'Usman,33 It is possible that with the capture of Erzincan Hamza arrogated the title sultan for himself in self-recognition of his position as undisputed chief Qara-'Usmanid and ruler of the Aqquyunlu confederation. 34 Numismatic evidence, however, shows that Hamza also acknowledged Timurid overlordship in a series of coins dated 1441/845 in the name of Shahrukh, minted shortly after he took Erzincan (see plate I),35 In any event, with all the major Aqquyunlu urban centers except Ruha and Kemah in his hands,3 6 and the nomadic military elite aligned firmly behind him,37 Hamza held a seemingly insurmountable advantage over his recalcitrant kinsmen. Jahangir and his brothers thus made little headway against their uncle Hamza, who easily beat back their ineffectual raids on Mardin, Amid, Ergani, and other regions during the next several years. Alternating defensive opera-
Plate 1. Three Shahrukhi reformed Tangas. From left: (I) Harat, 827 [1423-24]; (2) [Sultaniya], 843 [1439-40], struck by Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu in the name ofShahrukh Bahadur Khan; (3) Erzincan, 845 [1441-42], struck by Hamza Aqquyunlu. Author's personal collection.
tions against the Arab tribes of central Syria with vain attempts to link up with his uncle Ya'qub in Arminiya, Jahangir also tried to gain a foothold in Diyar Bakr by appealing to his father's former allies. Around 1441/845, he succeeded in forming an alliance with the Kurdish Bulduqani ruler of Egil, whose lands lay across the Amid-Ergani road, but this appears to have been a mere diplomatic convenience rather than a solid political arrangement,38 . In addition, 'Ali's death in Syria in 1443/847 cut Jahangir's direct connection to the Qara-'Usmanid Dispensation. Strictly speaking, his claim to the Aqquyunlu amirate now became 'Alid, hardly strong credentials. 'Ali's death was soon followed by that of his brother Hamza in Amid in late October 1444 early Rajab 848,39 Hamza apparently left no male issue, and his confederate followers soon split into two factions. The first, composed of the Purnak, Mawsillu, and Quja-Hajilu, joined Shaykh-Hasan b. Qara 'Usman, Hamza's brother and governor ofErzincan. The second, which included the Mamashlu, declared its loyalty to Jahangir in Ruha. The twO candidates raced for the capital Amid, but Jahangir reached the city first. There, according to TihraniIsfahani, Jahangir became "the absolute sovereign of the Aqquyunlu."40 THE REIGN OF JAHANGIR
Jahangir's "absolute sovereignty" was challenged from its inception by at least six pretenders. The Qara-'Usmanid Dispensation was represented by Jahangir's three uncles: Shaykh-Hasan, who had been bested by Jahangir in the race for Amid after Hamza's death; Mahmud, who had taken political asylum with Ispan Qaraquyunlu in Baghdad; and Qasim, who had become the new client of the Mamluk· sultan al-Zahir Jaqmaq. The fourth Qara-'Usmanid claimant was Jahangir's cousin, the hapless Ja'far b. Ya'qub. Jahangir's accession was also strongly opposed by the Ahmadid Qilich Asian, whose hostility to 'Ali
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throughout the decade following the death of Qara 'Usman was now projected to i\li's son Jahangir in order to prevent the complete exclusion of the house of Ahmad. Finally, Jahangir's most formidable rival proved to be none other than his able brother Uzun Hasan, whose five-year revolt culminated in 1457/861 with the decisive victory over Jahangir and his Qaraquyunlu allies on the upper Tigris below Amid-a defeat that resulted in Jahangir's fall from political power in the Aqquyunlu and his virtual house arrest in Mardin until his death in 1469/874.4l Jahangir realized from the outset, however, that his coup in Amid would not be readily accepted by the paramount clan and the confederates, and so he seized Harnza's capital, Mardin, an action that he hoped would give him control over the winter pastures of the principality. To strengthen his hold on the leadership, he married Hamza's daughter Shah-Sultan Khanum, who had apparently been promised to him during her father's lifetime. Despite these measures, the resistance to Jahangir rapidly coalesced around his uncle Shaykh-Hasan in Arminiya, while in the south the opposition centered on another uncle, Mahmud. In winter 1444-45/Ramadan-Dhu'I-Qa'da 848, Mahmud fled from his nephew in Mardin to Ispan b. Qara Yusuf, the Qaraquyunlu governor of Baghdad. Ispan, still rankling from his 1437/840 defeat by Hamza, had long awaited such an opportunity for vengeance on the Aqquyunlu, but his death at the end of the winter aborted the expedition he had scheduled for the following springY Deprived of this source of support, Mahmud began casting around for new allies, finally settling on i\li Marnashlu, a confederate clan leader and former high-ranking officer in Hamza's government. Hurriedly departing from Baghdad, Mahmud joined 'Ali Marnashlu at Birecik in Diyar Mudar, from which the rebels planned to launch an assault on Erzincan in the north. In Erzincan, meanwhile, Hamza's former governor Shaykh-Hasan had managed to gather the support of the Pir-'Alid house of the Bayandur paramount clan, many of the most powerful confederates, and a group of Muslim religious authorities. 43 Marching on Kemah, recently left without a master by the death ofYa'qub b. Qara 'Usman, ShaykhcHasan was defeated and imprisoned by Ya'qub's deputy. The resulting confusion in Erzincan allowed Mahmud and the Mamashlu confederates to invest and subjugate the city. Jahangir's subsequent unsuccessful effort to drive his uncle Mahmud from Erzincan in summer 1446/Rabi' I-Jumada I 850 left the Aqquyunlu in a dangerously divided condition, a situation similar to the break between i\li and Ya'qub in 1435/839. The death of the Timurid Shahrukh in March 1447/Dhu'I-Hijja 850 deprived the Aqquyunlu of their most powerful protector and rendered Jahangir's position even more precarious. The ensuing civil war among the
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descendants ofTimur's four sons for control of the central Timurid lands in Khurasan and Transm:iana lasted more than a decade, exposing their evertroublesome western provinces to the ambitions of Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu and, to a lesser degree, to those of the Mamluk sultan al-Zahir Jaqmaq and the Ottoman sultan Mehmed II. In fact, as early as 1444/848 Mehmed II had attempted to extend Ottoman influence into eastern Anatolia by offering an alliance to the Ahmadid Qilich AsIan, presumably against Hamza, but this proposal had no practical outcome. 44 Shahrukh's demise also spelled the end of the Mamluk-Timurid detente, and a marked increase in AqquyunluMamluk border tension is recorded in the Mamluk soutces.45 It was Jahanshah and the Qaraquyunlu who constituted the gravest danger not only for the reign of Jahangir, but for the continued existence of the Aqquyunlu confederation as well. Jahanshah's captute of Baghdad in 1446/8 50 , after a six-month siege,46 reunited the provinces of Azarbayjan and Arabian Iraq, which had formed the territorial core of the original Qara-Yusufid Dispensation. The sole survivor of Qara Yusuf's six sons, Jahanshah, then set about putting the Qaraquyunlu ruling house in order. His policy of usurping the rights of collateral houses and reappanaging their lands quite natutally brought him into conflict with his kin, the most adamant of whom was his nephew Alvand b. Iskandar. Although initially allowing himself to be bought off by his uncle, Alvand later revolted against Jahanshah in early 1448/1ate 851, but was defeated and fled to Diyar Bakr, where he took refuge in the COutt of Jahangir Aqquyunlu. Well-aware of the continued military and political threat represented by Alvand, Jahanshah demanded that Jahangir surrender the fugitive to Qaraquyunlu agents. Jahangir's refusal to extradite Alvand thus led to the first full-scale hostilities between the two Tutkmen confederations in nearly two decades. 47 In spring 14501early 854, Jahanshah initiated his two-year campaign against the traditional enemies of the Qaraquyunlu with an attack on the Aqquyunlu holdings in Arminiya. Joined by disaffected Qara-'Usmanids and Pir-'Alids, the Qaraquyunlu sutroundedJahangir's uncle Mahmud in Erzincan. This crisis produced the first rift between Jahangir and his brother Uzun Hasan, as they quarreled over how to meet this emergency. Calling for family unity in the face of the Qaraquyunlu invasion, Uzun Hasan spoke out in the elite council against Jahangir's decision to deny Mahmud aid. Jahangir, however, obviously considered the rival claims of his uncle the greater danger and therefore rejected his younger brother's appeals to the kinship ties and the corporate good, enabling the Qaraquyunlu to seize not only Erzincan, but Tercan and Baybutt as well. 48 It was primarily Jahangir's repudiation of family and confederate obligations along with his subsequent softness on the Qaraquyunlu that provided the rallying cry for Uzun Hasan's revolt against his elder brother two years later.
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Ousting Mahmud as governor of Erzincan, Jahanshah reinstalled his predecessor, Shaykh-Hasan b. Qara 'Usman, and reiterated his demands for the surrender of Alvand, but not even Jahanshah's threat to massacre the prisoners taken at Erzincan could make Jahangir yield up the fugitive. Jahanshah then ordered his general Rustam Ibn Tarkhan and his Qara-'Usmanid puppet Shaykh-Hasan to march south against Mardin and Ruha. En route, they were joined by sections of the Mawsillu, Purnak, and Quja-Hajilu, who had abandoned Jahangir for Shaykh-Hasan. Much weakened by these desertions, Jahangir was powerless to defend Mardin from Rustam's attack or to prevent Shaykh-Hasan from surrounding his brother Uvays b. 'Ali in Ruha. 49 He consequently had little recourse but to fall back on Amid and the Mamluk frontier. On this occasion, however, Jahangir was denied sanctuary in Mamluk territory, an indication of the extent to which his relations with Cairo had deteriorated since the death of Shahrukh. Moreover, the fall of Erzincan had intensified fears in Aleppo that the city might be overrun by Aqquyunlu refugees and their Qaraquyunlu pursuers. In addition to disrupting the important Erzincan-Aleppo trunk road, these developments produced a mass evacuation of the populace of Aleppo, forcing up sharply the price of riding animals and beasts of burden on the Aleppo market.5° These social and economic disturbances, compounded by reports of Jahangir's connivance with the insurgent Mamluk governor of Hama,51 antagonized al-Zahir Jaqmaq to the point of his contemplating a personal expedition against the Aqquyunlu. This step proved unnecessary, however, as the arrival of Jahangir's uncle Qasim b. Qara 'Usman in Cairo in July 1450/Jumada II 854 in search of support for his revolt against Jahangir provided the Mamluk sultan with a willing tool to accomplish his purposes. A month later, al-Zahir Jaqmaq appointed Qasim viceroy ofRuha, supplied him with money and arms, and urged him to attack Jahangir 52-exactly as he had set Jahangir against Hamza in 1439/842. AlZahir Jaqmaq also wrote to his Zu'l-Qadr border guards to bar the passage of Jahangir and his army if they tried to cross the Euphrates in flight from the Qaraquyunlu.5 3 Pressed on all sides, Jahangir sent his mother, Saray-and later his son-to al-Zahir Jaqmaq in order to recover some of his standing with his former overlord and backer. Initially refusing to receive Saray, al-Zahir Jaqmaq later gave her permission to journey to Cairo, where she was welcomed and honored. The sources are silent, however, on the effectiveness of her mission.5 4 At the beginning of 1451/855, Jahangir's complete collapse appeared imminent. Having lost the last remnants of Mamluk patronage, Jahangir found himself besieged in Amid by the Qaraquyunlu, unable to relieve the beleaguered garrisons of Ruha and Mardin. Many of the most important confederates, moreover, had gone over to the Qaraquyunlu-backed pretender Shaykh-Hasan at Ruha. Another uncle, Qasim, was poised on the Euphrates with full Mamluk support. The only loyal force of any consequence available
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to Jahangir was the army that his brother Uzun Hasan had assembled in the Ergani-C:=ermik area from his personal bodyguard and the refugees from the fall of Erzincan. Sending some of his troops from Amid to reinforce Uzun Hasan, Jahangir ordered his younger brother to drive Shaykh-Hasan away from Ruha. Slipping through the ring of besiegers in March 145I/Safar 855, Uzun Hasan entered the Ruha citadel with a small force. Over the veto of the garrison commanders, Uzun Hasan and his men then sortied from the castle while Uvays simultaneously attacked the enemy's outer positions. In the ensuing rout, the Qara-'Usmanid Shaykh-Hasan and his son Bayazid as well as many Qaraquyunlu commanders fell into Jahangir loyalist hands and were executed.5 5 Of the renegade Aqquyunlu confederates who had supported ShaykhHasan, Uzun Hasan personally slit the throat of the traitorous chief of the Mawsillu, but sent the Purnak and Quja-Hajilu clan leaders back to Amid for sentencing. Though not immediately reversing the course of Jahangir's war with Jahanshah, this great victory nevertheless resounded widely among the Mamluks, Qaraquyunlu, and the Aqquyunlu, bringing Uzun Hasan the fear and respect of al-Zahir Jaqmaq, the redoubled hostility ofJahanshah, and the support of some-but not all-of the Aqquyunlu confederates.56 Uzun Hasan's successes against the Qaraquyunlu continued. At the head of an army that included the Haydarlu, Purnak, Quja-Hajilu, and Yurtchi confederates, he defeated Jahanshah's general Rustam in several encounters. In contrast, Jahangir continued to lose ground to the Qaraquyunlu. A failure at Mardin was followed by a serious reverse outside Amid, in which, according to Tihrani-Isfahani, the Aqquyunlu were saved only by the timely arrival ofUzun HasanY In Arminiya, meanwhile, Jahanshah took advantage of the enmity between Ahmadid and Pir-'Alid Bayandur collateral houses toward the ruling Qara-'Usmanid Dispensation by installing the Ahmadid Qilich Asian in Erzincan in place of Shaykh-Hasan, executed at Ruha. Several of Qilich Asian's policies, moreover, indicate that he considered himself more than a mere creature of the Qaraquyunlu. First, by marrying his daughter to Musa b. Pir 'Ali, he secured both the allegiance of a branch of the collateral house and nominal control of Tercan. It was also probably at this point-if Tevhid's attribution of the anonymous copper coins minted at Erzincan to him is correct-that Qilich Asian began to assert his claim to the Aqquyunlu sultanate under the Tur-'Alid Dispensation.58 Finally, he broadened the territorial basis of his claim considerably by the conquest of Kemah from the Qara-'Usmanid Ja'far b. Ya'qub and by raids on Karahisar and ispir in October 145I/Ramadan 855. In order to drum up support among the confederates, an anti-Jahangir branch of the Purnak was given the castle ofispir in the northeast, but there is no further evidence of the success of this policy. Qara-'Usmanid resistance to Qilich Asian's ambitions in Arminiya continued sporadically under the leadership of
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Ja'far b. Ya'qub and Qasim b. Qara 'Usman, but Jahangir, blockaded in Amid by Jahanshah's general Rustam Ibn Tarkhan, was powerless to extend aid to his Qara-'Usmanid kin in the north. On the southern front, Uzun Hasan fought a series of engagements with Rustam in the <;ermik area northwest of Amid from mid-winter to early spring 1452/Muharram-Rabi' I 856 in order to relieve the pressure on Jahangir in the capita1. 59 But unknown to Uzun Hasan, his brother Jahangir had entered secret negotiations with Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu through the intermediary of their mother, Saray. Jahangir initially rejected Jahanshah's demand that either Jahangir himself or his brother Uzun Hasan come to the Qaraquyunlu court as hostage. Increasingly preoccupied with events ill the east and determined to reduce his personal troop commitment to the frustrating Aqquyunlu campaign in order to oversee the Qaraquyunlu invasioll of the Timurid provinces of Persian Iraq and Fars,6o Jahanshah relented and signed the definitive version of the Treaty of Amid with Jahangir on 9 April 14521r9 Rabi' I 85 6 . The provisions of this agreement stipulated that Jahangir recognize Qaraquyunlu overlordship in Diyar Bakr, give his daughter in marriage to Jahanshah's son Muhammadi, and send his son Murad as hostage to Jahanshah's court. In return, Jahangir received a Qaraquyunlu robe of investiture and permission to reoccupy Mardin-presumably after surrendering Amid. His position relative to Qilich Asian in Arminiya, however, is not spelled out in the treaty provisions. 61 The Aqquyunlu were thus divided into two mutually hostile Qaraquyunlu protectorates, and Jahanshah had achieved through diplomacy what no previous Qaraquyunlu ruler had accomplished by force of arms alone. For Jahangir, the cession of his "absolute sovereignty," while regaining him Mardin, alienated many influential confederates in addition to several prominent Bayandurs. It ultimately cost him the support of his energetic younger brother, Uzun Hasan. THE REVOLT OF UZUN HASAN
Although Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu himself soon quit the area after the Treaty of Amid, it soon became apparent that he had no intention of withdrawing other Qaraquyunlu forces from Diyar Bakr. An army of occupation under the command of Rustam Ibn Tarkhan, reinforced by a second corps commanded by Jahanshah's son Muhammadi, was left behind with orders to eject Jahangir from Amid. Dispatching Rustam against Uzun Hasan in the <;ermik area, Muhammadi blockaded Jahangir in his capital. Uzun Hasan, who had opposed the Treaty of Amid from the outset, gathered a force composed of many second-generation Qara-'Usmanid and Pir-'Alid Bayandurs, along with members of the Afshar, Amirlu, Bijanlu, Haydarlu, 'Ivaz, Mawsillu, Purnak, and
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Quja-Hajilu confederates, to check further Qaraquyunlu incursions. It was this decision on the part of Uzun Hasan to continue the struggle against the Qaraquyunlu independently in the face ofJahangir's sellout to }ahanshah that marks the beginning of the fourth and final phase of the Aqquyunlu Great Civil War. 62 From the outset, however, Uzun Hasan rightly gave clan and confederation matters precedence over direct confrontation with the Qaraquyunlu army of occupation. In summer 1452/Jumada I-Sha'ban 856, Uzun Hasan led the confederates into summer camp in Arminiya, where his uncle Qasim b. Qara 'Usman, with Mamluk encouragement and Zu'I-Qadr support, had surrounded the Qaraquyunlu candidate Qilich AsIan b. Ahmad in Erzincan. In a move reminiscent ofJahanshah's earlier policy of setting the Ahmadid and Pir'Alids against the Qara-'Usmanids, Uzun Hasan first wooed Musa b. Pir 'Ali, then wrote to Qilich AsIan urging his cooperation against Qasim "in the interests of peace."6 3 ThinkingUzun Hasan's police action was motivated by a desire to enforce the Treaty of Amid and hence to uphold Jahangir's appeasement of his Qaraquyunlu benefactors, Qilich Asian quickly complied, sending his son with 1,000 men to join Uzun Hasan's much smaller contingent. Their combined forces then drove Qasim away from Erzincan and finally captured him near Bayburt. In contrast to the fate of his brother Shaykh-Hasan in 1451/855 at Ruha, Qasim was spared by his nephew and released. With Qasim's threat temporarily blunted, Uzun Hasan suddenly turned on Qilich AsIan, seizing his son and many of his men along with all their equipment and bringing the city ofErzincan under siege. While Uzun Hasan failed to take Erzincan at this point, his defeat of Qasim b. Qara 'Usman followed by his humiliation of Qilich AsIan not only brought him much prestige, but also demonstrated to the Aqquyunlu, exhausted by civil war and demoralized by foreign domination, that there still existed viable alternatives to surrender and subjugation. According to Uzun Hasan's biographer Abu Bakr Tihrani-Isfahani, this double success must be considered the first step in Uzun Hasan's rise to independent power in the Aqquyunlu. 64 Pinned in Erzincan with no hope of relief by the Qaraquyunlu, Qilich Asian finally abandoned the city and fled toward Tabriz with Uzun Hasan in dose pursuit. Making good his escape, Qilich AsIan reached the Qaraquyunlu capital, where Jahanshah rewarded his cowardice and poor judgment with imprisonment. Such was the ignoble conclusion of Qilich AsIan's seventeen-year struggle against the Qara-'Usmanid house of 'Ali, a struggle crowned briefly with his antisultanate in Arminiya. Though Qilich Asian's son Tur 'Ali continued to offer minor resistance to Uzun Hasan until 1457/861, after 1452/856 the Ahmadid house no longer constituted a force of any consequence in Aqquyunlu politics. 65
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Qilich AsIan's flight had given Qasim b. Qara 'Usman an opportunity to attempt a comeback; after first murdering his nephew Ja'far b. Ya'qub, he laid siege to the castle of Kemah. Although circumstances intervened to prevent Uzun Hasan from taking action against his uncle at that time, Qasim's threat seems to have dissipated of its own accord, and he is never heard from again in any of the sources studied. Whatever befell Qasim, the elimination of the two Qara-'Usmanids Qasim and Ja'far and the Ahmadid Qilich AsIan cleared the dynastic boards for the final contest between the brothers Jahangir and Uzun Hasan. Uzun Hasan, who had been campaigning in Kurdistan when he learned of Ja'far's death, was diverted from attacking Qasim at Kemah by the news that Jahangir, too, had mounted an expedition against the Kurds, leaving Amid empty ofdefenders. In September 1452/Sha'ban-Ramadan 856, Uzun Hasan and four officers secretly entered Amid and seized the city in an apparently bloodless coup.66 Immediately dispatching the keys of the citadel to Cairo as a token of his submission, Uzun Hasan was invested with the vicegerency of Amid-al-Zahir Jaqmaq's response to Jahanshah's settlement with Jahangir nearly six months earlier. For AqquyunIu internal history, Uzun Hasan's occupation of Amid represents his assumption of the co-rule of the confederation's home territories, a fact recognized by many of Jahangir's amirs, including members of the powerful Purnak and Quja-Hajilu clans. For his part, Jahangir withdrew to Mardin to take stock of his resources and to prepare a response. In spring 14531F,abi' I-Jumada I 857, Uzun Hasan, armed with a Mamluk diploma, led the confederates against Ruha. The city was governed at that time by his brother Uvays. who had previously sworn loyalty to Jahangir. Uvays abandoned the city at the army's approach and fled to Mardin, an action that left Uzun Hasan master of most of the Diyar Mudar frontier with the Mamluks. With the winter pastures of Diyar Mudar and Diyar Bakr now firinly under his domination, Uzun Hasan concentrated his energies on three major objectives during the five years from 1453/857 to 1457/861. The first was the subjugation of Mardin and Diyar Rabi'ah, held by his brothers Jahangir and Uvays, which would give him total control of the confederation's winter territories, along with the undisputed leadership of the Aqquyunlu. The second, the conquest of the Ayyubid Kurdish city of Hisn-Kayf, would further secure Uzun Hasan's hold on the seasonal migration routes and place a commercial center of prime importance under his jurisdiction. 67 Third, he hoped to drive the Qaraquyunlu from Arminiya and establish his authority over the upland summer pastures of that region as well as the trade routes linking Tabriz with Bursa and Aleppo. Leaving the chieftain of the Quja-Hajilu clan as his lieutenant in Ruhaanother indication of his reliance on the confederates68-Uzun Hasan first
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struck at Mardin. This thrust resulted in a stalemate, however, and a truce was hastily arranged between Uzun Hasan and Jahangir by their mother, Saray, whose diplomatic skills had already been demonstrated in her negotiations with al-Zahir Jaqmaq and Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu. 69 Bypassing Jahangir in Mardin, Uzun Hasan exacted the obedience of al-Kamil Ahmad, the Ayyubid ruler of Hisn-Kayf on the frontiers ofDiyar Rabi'ah and Kurdistan.7° With his flank thus protected, he turned northward and spent the remainder of the 1453/857 campaign season in the summer territories of Arminiya. There Uzun Hasan's principal enemy was 'Arabshah Ayinlu, commander of the Qaraquyunlu forces garrisoned in a chain of fortresses along the Karasu and Aras rivers, which guarded the Tabriz-Erzincan highroad. Accompanied by the Pir~ids, who had supported him in his conflict with Qasim b. Qara 'Usman and Qilich AsIan b. Ahmad the previous year, Uzun Hasan pursued 'Arabshah down the Aras vauey as far east as Kaglzman, sending a second column to attack the Qaraquyunlu towns along the northern shore of Lake Van. On the return journey, the outposts at Avnik, Erzurum, Bayburt, and Erzincan were also . raided. These exploits were commemorated by victory proclamations dispatched to the surrounding political leaders for the dual purpose of enhancing Uzun Hasan's international reputation and further legitimizing his rebellion against both his brother Jahangir and his nominal overlord Jahanshah.71 After receiving Mamluk and Ottoman acknowledgment of his successes,72 Uzun Hasan began his 14541858 campaigns with further attacks on the proQaraquyunlu Kurds north of Amid and the Qaraquyunlu garrison in Erzincan.. Operations in the north were suspended, however, by the arrival of the news that a dispute over control of the city of Hisn-Kayf had broken out between the governor, al-Kamil Ahmad, who had pledged allegiance to Uzun Hasan in 1453/857, and the Qaraquyunlu-backed pretender, al-~il Khala£ .Initially, the Hisn-Kayf campaign appears to have been militarily less than suc.. ~ssful for the Aqquyunlu,73 and Uzun Hasanwas forced to abandon the enterprise temporarily to parry 'Arabshah's counterattack on Pir-'Alid holdings southeast of Erzincan. Once more, the Qaraquyunlu army was driven back, and Uzun Hasan returned to Hisn-Kayf, where he deposed al-~dil Khalaf and reinstated al-KamilAhmad. This settlement was short-lived, however, as Khalaf again wrested control of the citadel from Ahmad in 1455/859,74 immediately recognizing Uzun Hasan's authority. The relations between the Aqquyunlu and the Ayyubid Principality now stabilized for the period of Khalaf's rule until 1462/866, when Hisn-Kayf and the surrounding region were incorporated into Uzun Hasan's domains. From Hisn-Kayf, Uzun Hasan led the confederates on an expedition deep into.the Qaraquyunlu territories in northern Arabian Iraq during the summer of 1454fJumada II-Ramadan 858. Raiding Mosul and the Jabal Sinjar area, the
82 ~
The Aqquyunlu
Aqquyunlu took large numbers oflivestock. Many of these were later traded to the Arabs of the Syrian steppe for horses, while others were slaughtered for a series of great public celebrations75 in 1455/859. The support attracted by these events was nevertheless insufficient to expel the Qaraquyunlu ftom Erzincan, which was brought under siege for the fourth straight year. Realizing now that Uzun Hasan was a force to be reckoned with, Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu decided to negotiate a separate peace with him. In the winter of 1455-56/early 860, ambassadors were exchanged, but no formal agreement was reached at this time. This quasirecognition ofUzun Hasan's independence on the part of Jahanshah, however, profoundly troubled Jahangir in Mardin; he decided to travel to the Qaraquyunlu court in person to confer with Jahanshah on the question of Uzun Hasan's in.subordination. When Uzun Hasan learned of his brother's resolution, he warned him of the consequences of "cutting the bonds of the womb" and insisted that they reach some kind of agreement themselves without Qaraquyunlu interference. Specific political arrangements are not mentioned, but inasmuch as Uzun Hasan's position was by far the better, it may be assumed that he at least wished formal recognition as Aqquyunlu co-sultan. Jahangir responded by sending their mother, Saray, to intercede with Uzun Hasan. Reiterating his earlier warning, Uzun Hasan now demanded that Jahangir surrender his son Hamza as hostage, abdicate as Aqquyunlu sultan, and accept house arrest in Mardin. While awaiting his brother's reply to these harsh terms, Uzun Hasan further isolated Mardin by subjecting the city of Cizre to his authority. On receiving Jahangir's expected rejection of his demands, Uzun Hasan and the confederates attacked the Mardin garrison, driving Jahangir's men back into the city. Saray was again sent to Uzun Hasan, who repeated his call for Jahangir's abdication. Withdrawing to Diyar Mudar, ostensibly to allow his brother time to reconsider his decision, he actually canvassed more support for the showdown with his brother, which now seemed all but inevitable. Weighing the apparent impregnability of the Mardin citadel against Uzun Hasan's overwhelming confederate military superiority and seeing himself hopelessly outmatched, Jahangir reverted to his original plan and left Mardin for Persian Iraq and the court ofJahanshah.76 Camping north ofRuha at Akziyaret, Uzun Hasan was joined by a detachment from Hisn-Kayf and some Zu'I-Qadr cavalry. There also, according to his biographer Abu Bakr Tihrani-Isfahani, Uzun Hasan received the first of a series of intimations of divine assistance through the medium of the dervish Taj al-Majzubin Baba 'Abd ai-Rahman Shami. During a banquet given by Uzun Hasan for the officers of his bodyguard and the confederate chieftains, the conversation turned apprehensively to the possibility of a new Qaraquyunlu invasion led by the general Rustam Ibn Tarkhan. Suddenly, the
The Great Civil War
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83
dervish burst in among the guests, striking some, giving morsels of food to others. Snatching up the sword of one of the officers, Baba 'Abd ai-Rahman broke a serving bowl with it, declaring in Arabic, "This is Ibn Tarkhan's head!" He then unfastened his waistband and bound it around Uzun Hasan's body and, taking a cup from one of the company, proclaimed, "Drink and fear not, for all shall be yours!" For Uzun Hasan and his astonished guests, however, the real significance of these auguries only became apparent a year later, after the defeat of Rustam. Brought before Uzun Hasan's headsman, the Qaraquyunlu commander inquired about the keenness of the executioner's blade and was allowed to test it. Finding the edge dull, he requested another sword and selected the very weapon with which Baba 'Abd ai-Rahman had shattered the bowl at Akziyaret}? This dramatic story, more than a mere literary device inserted by TihraniIsfahani for effect, later circulated in Aqquyunlu Tabriz in several forms and merits a closer examination. The strange, shamanlike figure of Baba 'Abd alRahman is in fact the personification of those elements of folk religion that had become common in many urban, rural, and tribal areas of the Muslim world after the Saljuq invasions. Like Timur before him, Uzun Hasan showed great veneration for these representatives of popular Islam throughout his career-toward both the independents and those affiliated with one of the great international Sufi orders-and he allowed them to acquire considerable influence in the capital and the provinces of the Aqquyunlu domains)8 In fact, he later formally stated: From the dawn of the morning of our sultanate and the first appearance of .the signs of our caliph~te, we have recognized that the doors of victory and conquest that were opened upon the countenance of our good fortune and the portents of ascendancy and prosperity that became evident and manifest upon the pages of the felicitous circumstances of our aspirations were due ro the benevolence of the sublime efforts of the dervishes and the beneficence of their lofty fervor.7 9
As a result of the blurred religious distinctions of the era, neither the supposed Sunnism of the Aqquyunlu nor the alleged Shi'ism of their Qaraquyunlu rivals 80 colored the support that either dynasty gave to the popular religious brotherhoods. Indeed, Uzun Hasan maintained close relationships with the "Sunni" Kubraviya,81 Khalvatiya,82 and Naqshbandiya83 as well as the "ShiT' Ni'matullahiya84 and, above all, the Safaviya. In this connection, it is important to note that Junayd Safavi, whose militant Shi'i wing of the Safavi Order would ultimately overthrow the Aqquyunlu Empire, is also said to have found favor with Uzun Hasan in 1456/860-the year of the occurrence at
84
r":::>'
The Aqquyunlu
Akziyaret. 85 Uzun Hasan's alliance with the Sufis thus appears to be both an indication of his genuine reverence for holy men and an attempt to widen the scope of his political appeal to include those segments of society not linked to the Uzun-Hasanid house of the Bayandur clan by kinship ties or the bonds of personal loyalty. Viewed in this perspective, then, the encounter with Baba i\bd al-Rahman, with the initiatory rituals of the girdle and the chalice, signifies Uzun Hasan's consecration as the champion of popular Islam and hence marks his first step toward the creation of a new religious ideology. Meanwhile, the political situation between the Aqquyunlu and the Qaraquyunlu had deteriorated despite the arrival of a high-ranking official in Jahanshah's government in Uzun Hasan's camp to formalize their earlier armistice. Though agreeing to honor the treaty, Uzun Hasan nevertheless instructed his governors to provision the castles in preparation for a Qaraquyunlu attack. His suspicions proved well founded, as the Mardin garrison-doubtless under orders from Jahangir-sortied and raided the entire province. The ensuing conflict was again mediated by Saray, but on this occasion peace was concluded only on the condition that Jahangir remain in Persian Iraq with Jahanshah and never return to Diyar Bake. For his part, Jahanshah' who probably had no intention of keeping the treaty with Uzun Hasan, issued a royal rescript proclaiming Jahangir supreme ruler of the Aqquyunlu and gave him the city of Erzincan as his capital. This action, resembling the Aqquyunlu settlements of 1401/803 and 1435/839 by Timur and his son Shahrukh, serves to indicate that by 1456/1"160 Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu had come to consider himself the real successor of the Timurids ih the central Islamic lands. 86 In spring 1457/Rabi' II-Rajab 861, a Qaraquyunlu force under 1Uabshah Ayinlu escorted Jahangir to Enincan. But again, as in 1453/857, 1Uabshah fled at the approach of Uzun Hasan, leaving Jahangir protected only by his personal bodyguard. Installing his son Murad in Enincan, Jahangir returned to his stronghold in Mardin, from whence he sent his brother Uvays back to Jahanshah to lodge a complaint against 1Uabshah and to request fresh reinforcements. This time, Jahanshah dispatched a much larger contingent of crack troops commanded by the generals Rustam Ibn Tarkhan and f\li Shakar Baharlu. Meeting Jahangir and his other Turkish and Kurdish allies at Mardin, Rustam led the combined force northwest toward Amid. Afrer numerous skirmishes between patrols of the two armies, the decisive encounter took place east ofAmid on the Tigris in May/Jumada II. 87 Although weakened by the defection of some of his Bayandur kin and a section of the Bayat confederates, Uzun Hasan went into the battle with the full support of most of the Afshar, Amirlu, Haydarlu, Mawsillu, Purnak, and Quja-Hajilu' clans. Due to their numerical preponderance and superior equipment, the Qaraquyunlu and Jahangir initially gained the upper hand in the fighting. But the
The Great Civil mzr ~ 8S advantage was suddenly reversed-because of the cowardice of Jahangir and the panic that spread among his ranks, according to Dawit' ofMardin88-and the contest ended in the total rout ofJahangir and his Qaraquyunlu allies. Jahangir escaped to Mardin, but his associates were not so fortunate: Rustam Ibn Tarkhan and f\li Shakar were among the Qaraquyunlu captives taken, along with large amounts of war materiel. Executing his ancient nemesis Rustam along with several hundred of his comrades, Uzun Hasan interned many other prominent prisoners of war. Victory proclamations were then drafred and sent to the Mamluks and Ottomans. Al-AshrafInal (1453-61/857-65) was overjoyed at Uzun Hasan's success and conveyed his congratulations,89 but Fatih Mehmed's reaction to this news is not recorded.90 The Battle on the Tigris was one of Uzun Hasan's greatest victories-in fact, it was the only pitched battle he ever won. The most important result of this victory was the complete discrediting of Jahangir's leadership and the elevation to power of his younger brother, who, at age thirty-two, now became the unchallenged ruler of the Aqquyunlu. The members of the paramount clan and the confederates not already in the service of Uzun Hasan gathered their families and belongings and left Jahangir in Mardin. The citadel itself was besieged a fifth time, but again Saray obtained mercy for her eldest son. Jahangir was allowed to retain Mardin, but he was forced to relinquish all claims . to the Aqquyunlu sultanate and to send his son f\li-Khan to Uzun Hasan's ~urt in Amid. 91 The Battle on the Tigris also brought the fourth and final phase of the Great Civil War to an end. For more than two decades, the Aqquyunlu confederation had undergone this ordeal, which had at last singled out among the Bayandur paramount clan a successor to Qara 'Usman.
4
Principality to Empire Usumcasane [Uzun Hasan]: To be a king is half to be a god. Marlowe, Tamburlaine (part one, II, V) Uzun Hasan's independent rule of more than twenty years-second in length only to that of his grandfather Qara 'Usman in Aqquyunlu annals-represents the zenith of the political fortunes of the confederation and its transformation into a polity with imperial pretensions. The first decade, from the Battle on the Tigris in!.127i861 to the defeat of Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu in 1467/872, saw the reestablishment of the First Principality of Qara 'Usman's later years under his grandson Uzun Hasan. It was from this territorial base that Uzun Hasan then embarked upon a bold and vigorous course of action to secure the borders of the Second Principality and to extend Aqquyunlu influence into the contiguous frontier areas of Georgia, Kurdistan, and Anatolia. This ambitious policy of expansion eventually brought Uzun Hasan into direct confrontation with the Ottomans in Anatolia and the Qaraquyunlu and Timurids in Iran. In a stunning series of victories on the eastern front between the years 1467/872 and 1469/873, Uzun Hasan extirpated his Turkmen rivals from Iraq and western and central Iran while containing the descendants of Timur in Khurasan. As master of all the lands from Erzincan and Ruha in the west to Simnan and Kirman in the east, Uzun Hasan was confronted with the task of organizing these vast domains and their heterogeneous populations. To this end, he devoted the years between 1469/873 and 1473/878 to developing more centralized forms of administration and evolving a more universal ideology. His crushing defeat at B:l§kent by the Ottomans in 1473/878, however, not only spelled an end to further Aqquyunlu foreign expansion, but also robbed his domestic efforts of much of their effectiveness. A sick and broken man, Uzun Hasan saw his leadership challenged on several occasions during the last five years of his life. That the Aqquyunlu survived the three decades of entropy,
88 ,~ The Aqquyunlu
misrule, and neglect that followed his death in 1478/882 is ample testimony in itself to the magnitude of his achievement. THE RESTORATION OF THE PRINCIPALITY
The fall of Jahangir in 1457/861 and his confinement in Mardin gave his younger brother Uzun Hasan sole control of the Aqquyunlu confederation. I Uvays b. 'Ali, who had taken the part of Jahangir in the dispute, now recognized his brother Uzun Hasan and was reinstated in his previous post as governor of Ruha. One of Uzun Hasan's personal retainers, Khalil Tuvachi, was given the important city ofSavur some thirty kilometers north of Mardin. Erzincan, which had been abandoned by the Qaraquyunlu, was then secured and transferred to a Qara-'Usmanid cousin, Khurshid b. Bayazid. Uzun Hasan thus brought both summer and winter pastures back under a single Qara'Usmanid authority. Erzurum, however, remained subject to the Qaraquyunlu and, with it, control of the Tabriz-Erzincan highroad. After a winter campaign in Diyar Mudar against the Arab tribes of the middle Euphrates, Uzun Hasan returned to the northern marches of the principality. This sensitive region-site of the earliest known Aqquyunlu paramount clan holdings-was exposed to a variety of external and internal forces. In addition to Erzurum, several other strongholds still remained in Qaraquyunlu hands as a result of the 1450/854 invasion. Due north lay the Greek kingdom ofTrabzon, whose Komneni rulers had maintained relatively close relations with the Aqquyunlu since the middle of the fourteenth/eighth century, as discussed in chapter 2. Under increasing pressure from the agents of Fatih Mehmed, the Komneni, however, had been reduced to the status of Ottoman tributaries in the years following the conquest ofIstanbul in 1453/857. 2 The Isfandiyarid or Jandarid principality west of Trabzon was another casualty of these Ottoman attempts to gain control of the Anatolian Black Sea coast. Finally, internal disputes among the Georgian principalities to the northeast of Aqquyunlu lands, particularly Samtzkhe, Imeretia, and Kartli, contributed furcher to the political volatility of the area. Negotiations between Uzun Hasan and the Grand Komnenos Kalo Ioannes IV (1429-58/832-64), begun between the years 145 6 / 860 and 1457/ 861, came to fruition only after the latter's death in 1458/863. In that year, Kalo Ioannes's brother and successor, David Komnenos, gave his niece Theodora in marriage to Uzun Hasan. In return, the new Aqquyunlu chief agreed to join an anti-Ottoman coalition, which on paper included the Komneni and the rulers .. of Kartli-Imeretia, Samtzkhe, Mingrelia, Abkhazia, the Circassians and Os~ setes, Ramadan, Qaraman, and Isfandiyar.3 This grand alliance then dispatched a diplomatic mission led by the mysterious Franciscan Lodovico da
Principality to Empire
~
89
Bologna through the Christian courts of Europe in 1460-61/864-66 to drum up support for yet another crusade against the "Grand Turk" in Istanbu1. 4 Thus did the name ofUzun Hasan, the "Little Turk," first become known in Poland, Hungaty, the Hapsburg Empire, Venice, Rome, Florence, France, and Burgundy. Yet it was among the Christians of the Caucasus that his notoriety first spread. In 1458/862, Uzun Hasan conducted the first of several ghaza campaigns against the· Georgians) Though they were often occasioned by a request for intervention on the behalf of one warring local faction or another, the immediate purpose of these Holy Raids was the acquisition of booty, both material and human. But the ghaza and the title ghazi also had a distinct ideological significance exploited throughout the Later Middle Period of Islamic history by those Muslim rulers who sought to endow their regimes with a semblance of religio-political legitimacy.6 While his Ottoman rulers never accorded him this coveted title in any of their diplomatic exchanges,? Uzun Hasan nonetheless eventually won the accolade "Sultan of the Ghazis" from the Persian poet and Naqshbandi mystic ~bd al-Rahman Jami (t 1492/897)8 and "Ghazi in the Path of God" from the celebrated philosopher and theologianJalal al-Din Davani (t 1503/908).9Theghaza, along with the patronage of dervishes and Sufi orders, may thus be considered an integral part ofUzun Hasan's new policy of strengthening the normative Islamic-and hence the universal-foundations of Qara 'Usman's nomad principality. The first Holy Baid, while falling short of its primary objective Akhaltsikhe or Akhsiqa, capital of Samtzkhe, nevertheless resulted in the capture of several Georgian strongholds. 1O The siege of Akhaltsikhe was interrupted by the news of trouble on Uzun Hasan's northwestern frontier, where the governors of Kemah and Karahisar had revolted and were holding our with Ottoman support. The two cities were quickly reconquered and appanaged to Uzun Hasan's eldest sons, Sultan-Khalil and Ughurlu Muhammad, respectively, the first step in the establishment of an Uzun-Hasanid territorial dispensation. In addition to its importance for dynastic history, this relatively minor border clash also opened the three-year initial phase of AqquyunluOttoman hostilities, which culminated in the fateful confrontation at B
90 ~
The Aqqu.yunlu
Koyulhisar fell to Ughurlu Muhammad, and Khalil Tuvachi probed the Ottoman defenses at Mesudiye-Melet. The Ottoman reaction was swift; in the winter of 1459-60ISafar-Jumada I 864, the counterattack was launched, and a provincial army surrounded Ughurlu Muhammad's deputy in Koyulhisar. In the spring, Uzun Hasan himself scattered the Ottoman besiegers and pursued them as far west as their base in Sivas. The Aqquyunlu sources deemed this riposte a great success, resulting in the capture of many Ottoman prisoners and much booty. Uzun Hasan then resumed his diplomatic offensive, sending his cousin Khurshid b. Bayazid to demand Ottoman recognition that the Greek kingdom of Trabzon lay within the Aqquyunlu sphere. Fatih Mehmed acceded, and Trabzon was again temporarily freed from Ottoman pressure. I2 This truce remained in effect until the spring of 1461/Jumada II-Sha 'ban 86 5, when Fatih Mehmed at the head of a large, well-equipped Ottoman imperial army invaded the Isfandiyarid principality, taking the cities of Kastamonu and Sinop.I3 After these victories, the Ottoman sultan brought his heavy siege guns to bear on the walls of Koyulhisar and Karahisar, forcing both fortresses to capitulate. The way was now open for an Ottoman advance on Erzincan, but after several inconclusive skirmishes with the Aqquyunlu in the environs of the city, the Ottomans moved offin the direction of Trabzon. I4 As in the case of the Isfandiyarid princes, Uzun Hasan was either unable or un~ willing to assist David Komnenos, and the Ottomans took the city in midAugust 1461/early Dhu'l-Qa'da 865.15 Thus, with the overthrow of both the Isfandiyarids and the Komneni by the end of summer 1461/late 865, the Ottomans had established complete control of the Black Sea coast of Anatolia, in effect imposing upon Uzun Hasan a solution to the Aqquyunlu northwest frontier problem. ; In an effort to recoup some lost momentum, if not to shore up a sagging re?utation, Uz~n H~san d~cl~red a sec~nd ghaza, against the Georgians. This I raid, however, IS depicted In the Georgian sources as an extension of military aid to the rebellious governor ofSamtzkhe against his overlord Bagrat, the king of united Georgia. Passing through Samtzkhe, the Aqquyunlu invaders penetrated Imeretia as far as the Black Sea, doubtless an attempt to open up new avenues of access to this important waterway and thereby reestablish contact with some of their European allies. Yet aside from the destruction of several castles and the capture of booty and prisoners, this ghaza campaign achieved no significant strategic results. Although the Georgian corridor via the port of Poti (Phasis, Fasso) still provided a relatively unobstructed line of communication with Europe from 1461/866 to 1471/876, Uzun Hasan increasingly turned toward the southwest. There Qaraman and the Mediterranean offered the most direct avenue of access to such powers as Venice, Uzun Hasan's future major ally in his later struggles with Fatih Mehmed.
I
Principality to Empire
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Anatolian Kurdistan formed yet another theater of Aqquyunlu political activity. Like his predecessors, Uzun Hasan had regular dealings with those semi- • autonomous Kurdish principalities lying within and immediately adjoining his lands, including the relatively minor Bulduqani of Egil and the Zraqi of Tercil, in addition to more important Malkishi of <;:emi§gezek and the Ayyubid Malikan of Hisn-Kay( Although their social and economic organization resembled that of their Turkmen neighbors quite closely, the Kurds were rarely incorporated as a whole into the larger nomadic confederations of the ·fifteenth/ninth century, but rather remained subdivided into numerous separate enclaves, each with its own tribal hierarchy, specific territory, and well-fortified strongholds. The strategic location of these principalities astride major migration and trade routes, moreover, necessitated-or at least rendered highly desirable-some measure of mutual acceptance between Turkmens and Kurds. Thus Turkmen rulers frequently recognized the independence oflocal Kurdish lords,t6 who in return agreed at least in principle not to interfere with the Turkmens' seasonal migrations and the free passage of merchant caravans. More often than not, however, Turkmen-Kurdish relations were characterized by extreme bitterness, opportunistic duplicity, and armed conflict. For the most part, Uzun Hasan's policies toward the Kurdish enclaves in Diyar Bakr and Arminiya tended toward conciliation rather than conquest during the first decade of his rule. Yet the marriage alliances contracted between the Aq<J.uyunlu chieftains and Dawlatshah Bulduqani and 'Umar Zraqi during the Great Civil War I? did not automatically guarantee Kurdish support for Uzun Hasan during succeeding periods. For example, 'Isa, the son of Dawlatshah, forswore his father's treaty with Uzun Hasan and even joined Rustam Ibn Tarkhan and Jahangir at the Battle on the Tigris in 1457/861.18 Likewise, the Ztaqi opposed Uzun Hasan on several occasions in his struggle with his brother Jahangir, but by late 1460/early 865, they had again sworn their allegiance to him. 19 The MaikishiKurdsof <;:emi§gezek governed a more extensive area than either the Bulduqani or the Zraqi, their territory lying between the two branches of the upper Euphrates, the Kara Su and the Murad Suo Hence, they controlled access to both the summer pastures of western Arminiya and the major trade route that followed the Euphrates from Erzincan to Malatya and ~yntab. The chief of this group, Saru Shaykh-Hasan, who seems to have supported Hamza during the Great Civil War, finally joined Uzun Hasan in 1456/860 and fought with him at the Battle on the Tigris the following year. 20 Links between the Uzun-Hasanids and Saru Shaykh-Hasan were even more firmly established in_145.9/861:::64 wit_h_the marriage of Uzun Hasan's eldest son, Sultan-Khalil, to the daughter of Suhrab b.Shaykh-Hasan. H From this I time on, the <;:emi§gezeki-Malkishi Kurds may be considered an integral part
92 ....",., The Aqquyunlu
of the Aqquyunlu confederation, one of the few examples of this type of Turkmen-Kurdish association before the Safavids. 22 Toward the Ayyubids, however, Uzun Hasan had taken a much more aggressive stance, as indicated in chapter 3. Lying on the eastern border of the confederation's holdings, the Ayyubids posed no direct threat to the traditional Aqquyunlu migration routes, but their control of Hisn-Kayf-an important communications nexus and commercial center-made them the object of Uzun Hasan's ambitions. A conflict over the city of Siirt from 1460/864 to 1462/866 provided Uzun Hasan with a pretext to repudiate the Aqquyunlu-Ayyubid agreement of 1455/859 and take action against al-'A.dil Khalaf In early November 1461/late Muharram 866, Sultan-Khalil was sent to blockade Khalaf's capital Hisn-Kayf, where he was later joined by his father, Uzun Hasan. Dragging on for seven months, the siege finally ended in June :' \ 1462/Ramadan 866 with the fall of the citadel and a general massacre of most , Iof the surviving Ayyubid princes. The entire province was then annexed to the holdings of Sultan-KhalU, The.O¥enhrow of the.AY)!Ubids, descendants of the great Muslim hero of the Crusades Salah al-Din, made a vivid impression on the Mamluk chronicler Ibn Taghribirdi, who dates Uzun Hasan's emergence as a real power in Diyar Bakr from this event. 23 The fall ofHisn-Kayf, moreover, concluded the initial phase of Uzun Hasan's relations with the Kurds, the second stage of which opened six years later in 1468/873 during the period of his Great Conquests. The year 1462/866 also marks a turning point in Uzun Hasan's relations with Cairo. The Mamluk sultan al-Ashraf Inal, with whom Uzun Hasan had i been on the best of terms, had died the previous year and was succeeded by al-. Zahir Khushqadam (1461-67/865-72). Despite Uzun Hasan's protestations to the contrary, the new sultan suspected him of supponingJanim al-Ashrafi, the rebellious governor of Damascus, and ordered an expedition against the alleged conspirators. Janim's murder in Aqquyunlu-held Ruha some months later, however, seems to have allayed al-Zahir Khushqadam's doubts for the time being, and the Mamluk army was recalled. 24 No sooner had this crisis in Aqquyunlu-Mamluk relations subsided when a potentially far more serious situation developed in the upper Euphrates frontier zone that embroiled the Aqquyunlu, Mamluks, Qaramanids, Zu'l-Qadr~ and Ottomans from 14641868 to 1466/87°. This. new crisis, another manifestation of the extreme political sensitivity of this region, was produced by three distinct but not unconnected incidents. The first occurred when the Pazuki Kurds seized the Mamluk border fortress of Gerger commanding the AleppoErzincan road, killed its governor, and sent the keys of the castles to Uzun Ha~ san. Though the Aqquyunlu chieftain immediately tendered these symbols of submission to Khushqadam, the Mamluk sultan continued to mistrust Uzun
Principality to Empire Pir 'Ali, t 14131
~ 93
- - Piltan - - - - - - I s k a n d a r KiGi Bayazid, t [435
--Khurshid
Yusuf
ERZiNCAN
L
-rDanaKhalii Kur Muhammad
Sultan-Khalil'
KEMAH, HiSN-KAYF
Saljuq,hah
I
'Ali,
t [443/44
Ughurlu Muhammad'
KARAHiSAR
UzunHasan - bt. Dawlatshah Beg - ht. 'Umat Beg - Theodora Komnene
Zaynal'
Maq,ud4 Qara 'U,man, t [435
Uvay,
RUHA
.I
Jahangir
~
Hamza
MARDIN Hamza,
IIIII
t 1444
I
Murad
---Shah Sultan Khanun
IVh
VI/4fii
. Appanages in uppercase Mother Saljuq,hah hI. Kur Muhammad Bayandur 'Mother ht. Oawlatshab Beg Bulduqani-Mardasi 'Mother bt 'Umar Beg Zraqi 4 Motller Theodora Komnene 1
Figure 9. The First Uzun-Hasanid Dispensation
.
Hasan's intentions. His worst fears were evidently realized when the Pazuki refused to hand Gerger over to the new Mamluk governor. 25 Serious as the fall of Gerger was for the Mamluks, the death of the ruler of Qaraman, Ibrahim, in summer 1464fend 868 created a sitiiatlon-thai' far overshadowed ihis-c;;:eot.The Qaramanid succession was immediately disputed among Ibrailim's many sons. The two most friiporraotfiictions,-however, grew up around Pir Ahmad, championed by the Ottoman sultan Fatih Mehmed, and Ishaq, who had requested aid from Uzun Hasan. In September 1464fMuharram 869, the Aqquyunlu invaded Qaraman, sweeping in a great arc through Konya, Bey~ehir, Ak§ehir, Aksaray, Develi, and Kayseri. Ishaq Beg was insta!le~.<>.~~isfath_~!:s.throne and had the Friday sermon re~d iii the name of al-Zahir Khushqa~,both Ishaq Beg and his patron Uzun Hasan .. .
.
. -
Principality to Empire
~
95
thus expressing their homage to the Mamluk sultan. A1-Zahir Kushqadam was initially pleased at this victory over the Ottoman common enemy, but his joy' was as short-lived as the rule of Ishaq Beg, who was soon driven out of Qara- . man by his half-brother Pir Ahmad with the backing of Ottoman troops.26 The third incident began in January 1465/Jumada I 869 when the news reached a1-Zahir Khushqadam that Uzun Hasan had driven off the Mamluk detachment besieging Gerger for nearly a year and had himself occupied the city. A month later, Uzun Hasan's ambassador arrived in Cairo with the keys of Gerger and a proposal that a1-Zahir Khushqadam exchange the city of Harput and a ten-thousand-dinar indemnity for the Mamluk stronghold. While loath to succumb to Aqquyunlu blackmail, which would necessitate divesting the pto-Mamluk Malik-Asian Zu'l-Qadr of the governorship of Harput. al-Zahir Khushqadam was more anxious not to alienate Uzun Hasan, his powerful new ally against the Ottomans, and therefore assented to this arrangement. He is alleged to have told Uzun Hasan, "I have given Harput to my deputy MalikAsian, but if you are able to take it, then do so," while sending Malik-Asian reinforcements and ordering him to resist. The sultan's double-dealing soon became obvious to all, and the Aqquyunlu were expected to attack Aleppo at any-moment in retaliation. 27 After handing Gerger over to -al-Zahir Khushqadam's representatives, Uzun Hasan attacked Malik-Asian's territories in fall 1465/late 869 and early 870, taking Harput, investing Malatya and Elbistan, and forcing the Zu'lQadr back to the Ceyhan River. A1-Zahir Khushqadam was much disturbed by the news of these events, but a renewed Ottoman thrust in Anatolia-this time aimed at Zu'l-Qadr-Mamluk holdings-made him only too happy to aCcept Uzun Hasan's apologies for the whole affair, proffered in Cairo by the Aqquyunlu queen-mother Saray at the beginning of 1466/Rajab 870.28 Now nominally Mamluk governor of Harput, Uzun Hasan had in fact reassumed independent control of the town after more than fifteen years of Zu'I-Qadr domination and had driven the Mamluks and their agents from the eastern bank of the upper Euphrates. Yet, all three events-the ransoming of Gerger, the Qaraman intervention, and the seizure ofHarput-would pale in the light ofUzun Hasan's designs in this region two years later. With most of the lands forming the Aqquyunlu First Principality of his .grandfather Qara 'Usman's time under his sway, Uzun Hasan turned to the east against the traditional enemies of his house. After h.js._dis~trous second Diyar Bakr campaign in 1456-57/860-61, Jahanshah Qaraquyuniu hia-followed an extremely cautious'and somewhat curious policy toward Uzun Hasan. In 1460/864, for example, he had sent an ambassador to Uzun Hasan with many rich gifts. including a golden sword-belt that was interpreted as a symbol . 'of royal investiture. 29 The following year, a second Qaraquyunlu ambassador
96·~
The Aqquyunlu
succeeded in convincing a reluctant Uzun Hasan to sign an armistice with Jahanshah.3° Preoccupied with imperial expansion in the east at the expense of the Timurids and with internal difficulties in the form of rebellions by his two sons, Hasan-'Ali and Pir Budaq, Jahanshah thus sought to placate the Aqquyunlu until such time as he could take more decisive action against them. Jahanshah's policy of appeasement was severely tested in 1463/867 when the Qaraquyunlu Dukharlu confederate clan occupied the castle of Bayburt and surrendered its citadel to Uzun Hasan. Rather than actively opposing this treachery, Jahanshah simply issued a rescript confirming Uzun Hasan's possession of Bayburt. That same year, Jahanshah's rebellious son Hasan-'Ali asked Uzun Hasan for political asylum, creating a situation similar to the one that had occasioned the first Diyar Bakr campaign against Jahangir in 1450/854. Yet this time the Qaraquyunlu ruler.took no action, and soon Uzun Hasan himself expelled the fugitive, sending him to join his brother Pir Budaq in Baghdad. With the latter's death in 1466/870 and Jahanshah's capture of Baghdad, the.QAIaq.uyunlu leader was finally free to de;J-~ith the man who 1iad-adm.ln~ istered such a crushing defeat to his army on the Tigris nearly a decade earlier, and he began to make preparations for hisrhtraDiyarBakrcampaign.3' THE GREAT CONQUESTS
In March 14671Sha'ban 871, the Qaraquyunlu paramount clan and confederates began to concentrate in Tabriz, and two months later Jahanshah led an army composed of some }O,OOO cavalry into Kurdistan and eastern Diyar Bake in violation of the 1461/865 treaty with Uzun HasanY A flurry oflast-minute negotiations during the summer produced no satisfactory results, and both sides readied for combat. The first contact between the two armies probably took place in October 1467/Rabi' I 872, when a small Aqquyunlu force under Sultan-Khalil turned back a Qaraquyunlu patrol on the Murad Su near <;apak,!ur (Bingol).33 Because of this reverse, the onset of cold weather, Uzun Hasan's harassing tactics, or a combination of these factors, Jahanshah furloughed his troops for the winter season, remaining behind with his sons Muhammadi and Abu Yusuf and their personal retainers. A little after noon on 10 Novemberh2 Rabi' II,34 Uzun Hasan and 6,000 men fell upon the half-deserted Qaraquyunlu camp in the plain of Mll§. True to his nickname, "the bat, "35 Jahanshah was fast asleep when the attack came. In the ensuing confusion, Jahanshah was fatally wounded by an unknown assailant, who then decapitated his corpse,36 A' search of the battlefield later turned up Jahanshah's body, but his head was apparently never found. According to one group of sources, it was dispatched to the Timurid court
Principality to Empire ~ 97 of Su,ltan-Abu Sa'id, Jahanshah's nominal overlord,37 while another contends that it was sent to the--M:im.luks in Cairo, the historian l\bdAllah al-Baghdadi evendaiming to have seen the head in Aleppo on 4 December/7Jumada 1.38 Ibn Taghribirdi quotes some of the many rumors chat spread in Cairo after Uzun Hasan's defeat of Jahanshah, one of which denied that the head that arrived in Cairo on 18 Decemberhl Jumada I or 31 December/4Jumada II belonged to Jahanshah,39 Both writers agree, however, that the trophy, whoever it may have belonged to and whenever it may have reached Cairo, was displayed for several days on the Zuwaylah Gate as the head ofJahanshah Qaraquyunlu. There is also disagreement about what became of his body. Some claimed that it was buried at Erci§ in the mausoleum of Qara Yusuf, while others said that it was interred in Jahanshah's mosque and tomb complex in Tabriz-the Muzaffariya or Masjid-i Kabud. 40 The princes Abu Yusuf and Muhammadi were captured along with many other important Qaraquyunlu and Timurid leaders, including the prince Yadigar Muhammad b. Sultan-Muhammad Shahrukhi, Jahanshah's grandson, who was later to play an important part in Uzun Hasan's Timurid policy. Although the bulk of the defeated army was allowed to return horne, Muhammadi was executed-probably in revenge for his role in the first Diyar Bakr campaign-and Abu Yusuf was later blinded. With his Qaraquyunlu archenemies left suddenly leaderless and disorganized, Uzun Hasan returned to Amid to celebrate his great triumph and to plan his next move. Although the Battle of Mll§ had thrown Jahanshah's vast domains-which included Kurdistan, Azarbayjan, Arran, Arabi~ !~~q: Kh~is~, Persian Iraq, Fars, and Kirman-into utter confusion: with as many as ten different factions struggling to gain the upper hand, his son Hasan-'Ali and the Timurid SultanAbu Sa'id Miranshahi rapidly emerged from this political chaos as the most serious contenders for his empire. In the west and south, the Mamluks were also much weakened by the troubled succession of al-Zahir Khushqadam, whose death had preceded Jahanshah's by several weeks: in less than six months, four sultans were enthroned in Cairo. Moreover, the Anatolian salient was again the scene of conflict, and the Marnluks of Syria were engaged in a dangerous struggle with their erstwhile Zu'l-Qadr allies. The Ottomans, however, had long awaited such an opporrunity and took full advantage of the circumstances, first by aiding Shahsavar Zu'l-Qadr and urging him to invade Mamluk Syria and seCond~' by'depoSing their-Qaramanid puppet Pir Ahmad and seizing most of his lands.41 Uzun Hasan consequently decided to let his powerfutwesiei;nneighoors exhaust themselves in this futile border warfare while he entered the c~mpetition for Jahanshah's legacy. Successful in nisiIiitiiira:itempts to conciliate the Qaraquyunlu confeder-
98 ~ The Aqquyunlu
ates, Uzun Hasan initially won professions of loyalty from the Hajilu and the Alpavut. The latter, one of the most powerful clans in the Qaraquyunlu confederation,. controlled Baghdad; while Uzun Hasan considered Azarbayjan far more important strategically and economically, it was toward Arabian Iraq that he first turned his attention, taking Sinjar, Mosul, and Irbi!. At thlsp~int, however, the Pi:tpavut governor reneged and refused to allow Ughurlu Muhammad and the Aqquyunlu forces to enter the city. Unwilling to commit himself to a long and costly siege at this juncture, Uzun Hasan made a show of force around the city in spring 1468/Sha'ban-Ramadan 87242 and then moved toward western Azarbayjan, where Hasan-Wi b. Jahanshah had begun to reform a portion of what was left of the Qaraquyunlu confederation. After Jahanshah's death, Hasan-Wi had used his father's captured treasury to buy himself a government and an army to employ first against his internal rivals and then against the foreign invaders of his patrimony. Hasan-Wi's military power was based on a huge but motley coalition of the Bayramlu~a Qaraquyunlu confederate clan,' the Ruzagi Kurds of the Lake Van area, and a renegade section of the Aqquyunlu paramount Bayandur clan led by Uzun ffiSiins-imoe-Mahmud b. Qara 'Usman, wha"had resided in Tabriz since the I Qaraquyunlu seizure ofErzincan in 1450/854. The civilian administration was left in the hands of those Iranian urban notables who had held government positions under hisfai:her, Jahanshali.Caught in a vise formed by the rapidly approaching Timurid army from the east and the Aqquyunlu from the west, Hasan-Wi and his men rashly made an abortive stand against Uzun Hasan near Marand in late August 1468/early Safar 873- Crippled by the desertion of many of his soldiers, particularly among the Bayramlu, Hasan-Wi fled the battlefield with some of his Kurdish allies and sought sanctuary with Shaykh Ja'far Safavi in Ardabil, leaving all of western Azarbayjan open t~ th~-Aq:' quyurilu conqueror. 43 lri the me~ntiine, Sultan-Abu Sa'id had completed the Timurid reconquest of Persian Iraq after more than fifteen years ofQaraquyunlu occupation and had invaded the province oFAiaroajrj'iiri from tHe south, teachfn{fWyana in October 1468/Rabi' I 873. There he opened diplomatic negotiations with Uzun Hasan to arrange a peaceful final solution to the perennial Timurid western question that had plagued his illustrious grand-uncle Shahrukh. Recalling Timur's original assignment of Azarbayjan to Miranshah and the vassal status of Qara 'Usman Bayandur in relation to Timur, Sultan-Abu Sa'id's imperial rescript demanded the evacuation of the Aqquyunlu from western Azarbayjan and their return to Diyar Bakr. Uzun Hasan's compliance with this directive was to be rewarded with the governorship of any future Timurid conquests in Anatolia, Syria, and Egypt. However, Sultan-Abu Sa'id's appeal to the defunct Miranshahid and Qara-'Usmanid Dispensations._~ll but camou-
Principality to Empire
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Raged his real intentions, which, according to Tihrani-Isfahani, included the 'i,n:stallation of Hasan-Wi Qaraquyunlu in Azarbayjan and the replacement of Uzun Hasan in Diyar Bakr and Arminiya with his aged uncle Mahmud b. Qara 'Usman.44 Whatever Sultan-Abu Sa'id's real intentions may have been, his demands were rejected by Uzun Hasan. With the onset of winter 1468-69/mid-873, Sultan-Abu Sa'id led his le'gitms from Miyana into winter quarters in.,Qarabagh. To forestall an Aq'quyunlu surprise attack of the sort that had caught Jahanshah unawares, Sultan-Abu Sa'id ordered his pioneers to encircle the Timurid camp with a , .' ditch and a fortress of wagons chained together. 45 There is no specific mention ofartillery to defend the wagon fort, as in the case of the Ottomans at B~kent, but among the Timurid siege materiel later captured at Qazvin were found "borax" and "kettles," items frequently associated with firearms of various types. 46 Against this defense Uzun Hasan employed many of the same tactics that he had used against the numerically superior Qaraquyunlu forces of Jahanshah a year earlier at MU§, tightening the cordon around the Timurid laager but avoiding a direct conftontation. He exerted additional pressure on Sultan-Abu Sa'id by isolating him diplomatically and by forcing the local authorities to embargo the sale of supplies to the Timurid army. Barricaded in .their wagon fort, low on provisions, and cut off ftom all relief, the Timurid soldiers began to waver in their loyalties, and many went over to the Turkmens. Continual Aqquyunlu raids, moreover, produced even greater demoralization 'an:d consternation in Sultan-Abu Sa'id's camp, and the desertions increased. . -Finally, on 29 January 1469115 Rajab 873,47 Sultan-Abu Sa'id himself decided . to make a run for Khurasan, but he was taken prisoner, captured in flight by Uzun Hasan's sons Sultan-Khalil and Zaynal. While the meeting of the two enemies was at first superficially amicable, Uzun Hasan was soon convinced by his officers and advisors to tum Sultan-Abu Sa'id over to Yadigar Muhammad Shahrukhi, who harbored rancor against the Timurid sultan for the murder of his venerable great-grandmother Gawhar Shad Tarkhan, chief wife of Shah- ! rukh. This vendetta culminated in the execution of Sultan-Abu Sa'id on 5 Feb- ' ruaryh2 Rajab. 48 ' , Sultan-Abu Sa'id's death removed the last.real obstacle to Uzun-Hasanid '. , expansion, not only in Azarbayjan, b~t also in the provinces of Persian Iraq, , Fars, and Kirman, along the Caspian littoral, and even into the Timurid homelands in Khurasan. It is not necessary, however, to discuss these mopping-up .' operations in detail, and the following sketch should suffice to indicate the ,.chronological and geographical pattern of Uzun Hasan's later conquests. Azarbayjan immediately became the seat of his. newfound empire, and the Aq- i c}uymuu capital was transferred ftom Amid to Tabriz.. a shift underscoring the •new geopolitical orientation of the confederation. Persian Iraq fell several
100 ~
The Aqquyunlu
Principality to Empire
months later, after the suicide of Hasan-'Ali b. Jahanshah following his second defeat in April-May 1469/Shawwal873 outside Hamadan. 49 Uzun Hasan's second son, Ughurlu Muhammad, was then given this province with its capital, Isfahan. Fars and Kirman came under direct Aqquyunlu rule in October/Rabi' II with Ughurlu Muhammad's execution ofJahanshah's last heir, the blind Abu Yusuf.50 Kirman was appanaged to Zaynal, Uzun Hasan's third son. The status of Fars, however, remained initially ambiguous, and it is possible that the province might have been temporarily annexed to the crown domains in Azarbayjan)1 Outlying areas such as Lurisran, Khuzisran, and Sistan, as well as the economically important regions of Sharvan, Gilan, Rustamdar, Mazandaran, and Hurmuz-though not conquered outright-were nevertheless forced to recognize Uzun Hasan's overlordship and, in some cases, to pay tribute and furnish troops on call. 52 Finally, Baghdad, the capital of Arabian Iraq, was definitively occupied by Khalil Tuvachiifirhe-name ~f Maqsud b. Uzun Hasan in December/Jumada II.53 -
Pir 'Ali. t 1413?
~ 101
- - Piltan - - - - - K h a I i l MU~
Murad.
t 1433
- - - Rustam -----Bayandur
AHLAT Bayazid. t '435 - - Khurshid - - - - - Y u s u f
ERZiNCAN Kur Muhammad - - Dana Khalil
BAGHDAD. HILLA
Qara 'Usman t 1435
Jahangir.
t 1469?
-f
Harnza• t 1469?
Murad
Qasim
I
Khanum Khatun
Sultan-Khalil'
SHIRAZ
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE AQQUYUNLU EMPIRE
!
Ughurlu Muhammad'
t 1477. ISFAHAN
In just over two years, Uzun Hasan had completely overthrown the Qaraquyunlu in Iran and had reduced the Timurid Empire to the status of local kingdoms in Khurasan and Transoxiana, fea~ that seemi~gly ~o;;il~~im as. the successor of such great world· conquerors as Changiz Khan and even Timur himsel£ The Second Aqquyunlu Principality was thus transformed almost overnight from a small group of nomadic clans warring over summer and wimer pastures and the right to collect tolls from merchaiirs-iiltrailsIi: into Islamic world power concerned with questions of universal sovereignty, inter~ national ;Dilirary alliances, and intercontinental economics. Although these enormous changes mark almost every aspect of later Aqquyunlu history, they are reflected most immediately in Uzun Hasan's diplomatic correspondence, particularly in his dispatches to his nominal overlords, the Mamluks. The accession of al-Ashraf Qayitbay (146~96i872::':90i) shortly after Uzun Hasan's defeat of Jahanshah. Qaraquyunlu ended the five-month Mamluk succession crisis following the death of al-ZahirKhushqadarn;an-~nn August 1468/Muharram 873 al-Ashraf Qayitbay received Uzun Hasan's congratulations and declarations of friendship,54 In early 1469/mid-873, just before the capture and execution of the Timurid Sultan-Abu Sa'id, a second Aqquyunlu envoy brought al-Ashraf Qayitbay renewed protestations ofUzun Hasan's submission, the keys of the castles of western Azarbayjan seized from Hasan-'Ali, and the request for a Mamluk robe of investiture for his~ter. AI-Ashraf Qayitbay complied with this wish, thus granting Uzun1Hasan the support of Mamluk legitimization in the early stages of his great conquests. 55 On 30 June
Uzun Hasan ---+-Zaynal'
KlRMAN Maqsud4
BAGHDAD Ya'qub'
QAZVIN Masih Mirza4
an
Yusuf' Uvays.
t [475
RUHA
IIIII
IVh
VI/4I'ii
Appanages in uppercase : Mother Saljuqshah bt. Kur Muhammad Bayandur Mother bt. Dawlatshah Beg Bulduqani-Mardasi , Mother bt. 'Umar Beg Zraqi 4 Mother Theodora Komnene
Figure 10. The Second Uzun-Hasanid or Imperial Dispensation
102 ~
The Aqquyunlu
1468119 Dhu'l-Hijja 873, a third embassy from Uzun Hasan reached Cairo, bearing the head of Sultan:Abu Sa'id. A victory proclamation was also delivered at this time, which, judging from Ibn Taghribirdi's description of the missive's bombastic Persian chancellery style, is probably identical with the letter ! preserved in the Ottoman archives and included in Haydar Ivughli's collection of diplomatic correspondence. 56 This document is divided into three parts: a " salutation composed of a long string of honorifics addressed to the ruler, an introduction, and an account of the Aqquyunlu victory over the Timurids. The second section, however, is the most germane to the present discussion. In it, Uzun Hasan assens that his advent, dating from his defeat ofJahanshah Qaraquyunlu at the Battle ofMU§ in 1467/872, was actually foretold in the Qur'an; he cites two verSes iri procifof this contention:
i
Surah 30, 3-4: "they shall gain victory in several years [bida' sinin]" Surah48, 3: "[and] that God may bestow on you His mighty help" The exoteric meaning of these verses is to be supplemented, moreover, by their esoteric significance. In the first verse, the numerical value of the words bida'sinin, "several, three to nine," according to the abjad system, equals 872 or 1467, as does the sum of all the letters in the second verse.57 The Aqquyunlu chroniclers, moreover, ofren cite the first four verses of chapter 30, Surat alRum, in the same connection: "Alif, Lam, Mim. The Romans have been defeated in a neighboring land [adna al-ard]; But in a few years [bida' sinin] they shall themselves gain victory: such being the will of God before and after. On that day the believers will rejoice in God's help. [He gives victory to whom He will ... ]." They interpret the Romans (ai-Rum) as the Aqquyunlu and their repeated defeats at the hand of the Qaraquyunlu and "a neighboring land" (adna al-ard) as Jazirah or Arminiya, site of the Battle ofMu§.58 One of these chroniclers, 'Abd Allah al-Baghdadi, buttresses the Qur'anic proofs with additional arguments from astrology, numerology, and other arcane sciences. For example, Uzun Hasan was governed by the zodiacal sign Pisces, and his horoscope foretold that "the king of Iraq" would perish at his hands. AI-Baghdadi also reinterprets a passage from a fatidical work by the mystic and esotericist 'Abd al-Rahman al-Bistami (t 1454/858), "If the letter] becomes more tyrannical, he will be overcome by the letter M of the son of 'Usman." AI-Bisrami evidently believed that] referred to the ]arakisa or the Circassian sultans of Egypt and Syria and M to Muhammad Ibn 'Usman or Fatih Mehmed, the Ottoman sultan. AI-Baghdadi, however, maintains that] represents Jahanshah and M Uzun Hasan, just as M is the third letter of 'Usman and Uzun Hasan was the third generation of ' Us man, that is, he was Hasan, the son of 'Ali, the son of [Qaral 'Usman, sent by God against Jahanshah. He then clinches this argument by demonstrating how the name Hasan is nu-
Prin.cipality to' Empire
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merically equivalent to bida' sinin in abjad: Hasan equals u8; M equals 40; Ibn equals 53; and 'Usman equals 661, for a total of 872. Finally, according to an. . other system of numerology, the name Hasan equals I, and I beats both 5 and .9; the equivalents of the names Jahanshah and [Sultan]-Abu Sa'id, respectively. These alleged signs of divine favor vouchsafed to Uzun Hasan were evidently well known andwidely.circulated.Around 1472/877, for example, an '. unknown Aqquyunlu official sent a letter to ~arabdar Hamze, Ottoman governor-general of the province of Rumiya, adjacent to Uzun Hasan's territories, in which he declared: " ... God's grace toward to the Emperor [Uzun Hasanl is greater than can be described; Qur' anic verses and Prophetic Traditions a.ttestto it and great men have made a number of references to it."59 The most ." celebrated of these "great men" is doubtless Jalal al-Din Muhammad Davani, mentioned above in connection with Uzun Hasan's ghazi activities. In the introduction to his ethical treatise the Akhlaq-i jalali, dedicated to Uzun Hasan and his son Sultan-Khalil, Davani wrote, " ... what augury of the firmness of the foundation of this triumphant fortune [dawlat] is clearer and more compelling than that it dawned from the horizon of' bida' sinin'?"60 Thus, in Davani's view, as God's designated champion Uzun Hasan would have no further need of diplomas or robes of investiture from the Mamluk sultan or the 'Abbasid shadow caliph in Cairo. Other Qur' anic verses were also associated with Uzun Hasan's momentous .arrival in order to establish the sacral nature of his rule. Fazl AIlah Khun;ilsfahani quotes Surah 24, verse 55: 61 God has promised those of you [minkum] who believe and do good works to make them masters in the land as He had made their ancestors before them, to strengthen the Faith He chose for them, and to change their fears for safety. Let them worship Me and serve none beside Me. Wicked indeed are they who after this deny Me. The letters of the word minkum (among you) when added together yield 150 , which is in turn isopsephic with Hasan Beg or Uzun Hasan, who is thereby designated God's lieutenant or legitimate Muslim sovereign. This association also recalls the "sovereignty verse" of the Qur' an, Surah 4, verse 59: Believers, obey God and obey the Apostle and those in authority among you [minkuml. Should you disagree about anything, refer it to God and the Apostle, if you truly believe in God and the Last Day. This will in the end be better and more just. That this verse was also used to suppott Uzun Hasan's claim to possession of a divine mandate to rule is further suggested by Davani's observation that the sum of the letters of Hasan Beg is numerically equivalent to that of the
I04 ~
The Aqquyunlu
boldface words in the expressions sultan-i jahan (sovereign of the world) and qayyim-i zamili va zaman (guardian of the earth and the age).62 If the preceding assumptions are correct, these cabalistic devices constitute a direct injunction to all Muslims to submit to Uzun Hasan as legitimate Muslim sovereign. Finally, the "sovereignty verse" of the Qur'an is again quoted in the elegant heading of a recently discovered edict issued by Uzun Hasan, but it is . found under the rubric "By the power of The One, the support of The Eternal, the miracles of Muhammad, and the fortune of the Bayandurs,"63 a further indication of the belief that Uzun Hasan ultimately derived his right to rule from God. In the fifteenthlninth century, moreover, a more extreme notion about the narure of worldly dominion spre~d in the central Islamic lands: the idea of the sovereign as divinely appointed renewer of the Faith. This concept was based on a Prophetic Tradition found in the section on revelations (malahim) in the Kitab al-suntlrl collected by Abu Daud Sulayman al-Sijistani in the nimhl third century: "At the beginning of every hundred years, God will send someone to this community who will renew its religion for it."64 Throughout the course of Islamic history, many have assumed or been accorded the title "renewer of the Faith" (mujaddid), but is usually reserved for members of the religious classes, including jurisconsults, lawyers, traditionalists, theologians, and ascetics such as al-Shafi'i, al-Ash'ari, Ibn Hanbal, and al-Ghazali. Occasionally, political figures such as the Umayyad caliph 'Umar b. ~bd al-~iz and the ~bbasid al-Mamun are also found as "renewers" in some lists. Finally, although the notion of a periodic rejuvenation of the Faith through successive cycles of revelation and elaboration is prominent in Isma'ili speculation, the doctrine is said to be peculiar to the Imami Shi'is,65 and the eighth Imam ~i b. Musa al-Rida is sometimes included. 66 In postcaliphal, post-Mongol times, the title mujaddid was attached to a number of secular political figures, perhaps the earliest of which was Shahrukh, son and successor ofTimur, who had announced his imention to restore the effical.;y of the Sacred Law at the beginning of his rule. 67 The Timurid court chronicler Hafiz Abru later dedicated a recension of the Jami' al-tavarikh to him as "renewer of the rituals of the splendid Shari'a, supporter of the practices of the replendent religion,"68 while Sharaf ai-Din ~i Yazdi associated Shahrukh directly with the Prophetic Tradition of the divinely designated mujaddid.69 Such claims were much more vigorously asserted during the time of Uzun Hasan. As the Sarabdar Hamze letter suggests, this doctrine as relating to Uzun Hasan was circulated as early as 1472/877 and was specifically alluded to by Davani in 1476/881, in referring to Uzun Hasan as "the envoy of the fifteenthl ninth century [m.ab'uth al-mi'at al-tasi'ah]."7 0 Another important religious
Principality to Empire
~ I05
figure of the age, Sadr al-Din Muhammad Dashtaki, called him "renewer [mujaddid] of the practices of the Hanifi religion and faith, reviver [muhyi] of the achievements of the ~basid state, promised one of the fifteenthlninth century" [maw'ud al-mi'at al-tas'ah]."7 1 As discussed in chapter 5, the traditionalist and historian Khunji-Isfahani recognized both Uzun Hasan and his son Ya'qub as the promised "renewers" and "envoys."72 While not specifically treating the problem of the renewer of the Faith, Davani's Akhlaq-i Jalali, a treatise on politics and mirror for princes composed for Uzun Hasan and Sultan-Khalil about 1475/880, reveals yet another aspect of the philosophical and ideological bases ofUzun-Hasanid imperial sovereignty and may help to explain the sense of the title "renevver" as used by Davani. In the introduction of his Akhlaq, Davani speili"'o(Uzun Hasan's rule as a "cali£!:.ate."73 This in itself is not surprising, since, aft~ith~M~~gols-piitille-~ TaStuniversally accepted ~bbasid caliph to death in Baghdad in 1258/656, ma~y Muslim states adopted or were accorded this honorific, the meaning"of whIch may thus be rendered simply as "Islamic administration." Later on, however, Davani discourses more fully onthe position ()fi:he"iUler of the postcaliphal Islamic polity in general and that ofUzun Hasan in particular: The sovereign [hakim] is a person distinguished by divine suppOrt [ta'yid-i ilahi] so that he might lead individual men to'pert~ctioiiand'cirder their affairs. The philosophers designate this person "the absolute ruler" [malik 'ala al-itlaq] and his ordinances "statecraft" [sana'at-i mulk]. Th~..!!!~d- j' erns call him "the Imam" and his function "the imamate." Plato terms him . ··"controller [mudabbir] of the world," while Aristotle names him "the civic man," that is, he who efficiently discharges the duties of state, When the control of affairs rests in the hands of such an exalted personage, good fortune and prosperity accrue to the entire countty and all the subjects. Thus, by the grace of God and in accordance with the proverb, "Give the bow to its maker," the regulation of the welfare of mankind has been placed in the mighty grip of the victorious emperor.... [There follows a long passage extolling Uzun Hasan's justice, 'ad!, ma'dalat.] The first concern of the controller of the world is the maintenance of the injunctions of the Sacred Law. In specific details, however, he retains the power to act in accordance with the public interest of his age [maslahat-i vaqt] as long as his actions fall within the general principles of the Sacred Law. Such a person is truly the Shadow of God, the Caliph of God, and the Deputy of the Prophet
[zill Allah va khalifot Allah va na'ib al-Nabi].74 Thus, it was Uzun Hasan's divine support evidenced first by his great military triumphs over Jahanshah, Sultan-Abu Sa'id, and Hasan-~i and buttressed by proofs from the Qur' an and Prophetic Tradition, and secondarily by
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his respect for the twin ideals of the Sacred Law and secular justice that endowed his authority with unimpeachable legitimacy and universality. According to an inscription in the entrance of the congregational mosque ofYazd, he was "the just imam ... emperor ofIslaqI,shadow of God o,::,er maikiocC;;-ritles that should be understood in the context of this passage.75F~rthermore, Uzun Hasan's implementation of these ideals in the wake of Qaraquyunlu "tyranny and unbelief"--chestnuts in Aqquyunlu polemics against their rivals-constitutes a renewal and a restoration of the divine order on earth. It is doubtless in this sense that the term renewer is to be understood q()qr.ipaliy, though the more esoteric and me~~ianiclnterpretatl~-n~'~nt; ~eaning may have received at least unofficial sanction. In return for ~uch_recognition by the high Islamic religious establishment, Uzun Hasan made a clear commitment to strengthen that institution and to patronize its members. Writing to Prince Bayezid b. Fatih Mehmed in September-!.470/Rabi' II 875, for example, Uzun Hasan boasts that his entire administration has been set in accordance with the principles of the Sacred Law and secular justice. Abominable practices rife under the Qaraquyunlu such as fornication, sodomy, prostitution, wining, gambling, and the desecration of religious buildings have been utterly abolished, and extreme antinomian dervish groups such as the Qalandars and the Haydaris have been suppre~ He further claims to ~lliepiouSToundaiions arid endowments, reinstated religious personnel in the mosques, and encouraged religious college enrollments.76 Mosques in major centers such as Amid77 and Isfahan,78 as well as in smaller towns,79 were repaired with funds from Uzun Hasan's personal, legitimately acquired fortune (mal-i halal), and commemorative inscriptions were executed to afford him yet another medium in which to express his support of the Sacred Law and to assert his claims on Muslim loyalties. Descendants of thep'!9phet,..lsbmic magistrates, religious scholars, and other member~ ~-(th~'~rban Islamic religious establishment, moreover, were'given personal immunities, hereditary grants of fiscal and administrative exemptions on specific territories, cash stipends, and lucrative official or semiofficial positions in the government.-Tliursday evenings were set aside for special royal audiences with representatives of this groiip.8°D"uringtnese'sessions, ~'dis cussed Prophetic traditi~ns'wltli 'the assembled religious scholars and translated some of them into,Turkish. 81 He is also said to have produced a Turkish version of the Qur'an. 82 Finally, some Armenian sources c6mpTaio"ihat Uzun Hasao'"sattemprstocurry favor with the Islamic religious establishment led to a crackdown on the assessment of discriminatory taxes, stricter controls Christianpublic,J:eligious observances, and the enfurceffieiifoTrures'-g·-o~"¥';;'e";rn"'---...; ing the wearing of distinctIve' dress by the Armenian minority-a reversal of the policy of most of his predecessors. 83
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Uzun Hasan also continued to seek the approval, recognition, and support of the representatives of popular Isla~ and hence their urban, peasant, and ".'" I "" ,,'" tribal constituents. After the capture ofTabriz, Uzun Hasans shaman-shaykh TaJ aI-Ma;ziibin Baba 'Abd al-Rahman Shami, who had prophesied each Aqquyunlu victory since the incident at Akziyaret in 1456/860, was given the former Qaraquyunlu Dawlat-khana in the city. Renaming it Halal-khana, the dervish transformed the building into a center for his followers. holding periodic devotional services there and feeding as many as five hundred indigent tlisciples daily-Baba 'Abd al-Rahman himself, it is said, took his meals at the court'with Uzun Hasan. 84 ' Other popular Islamic figures were also associated with Uzun Hasan's ad~ent. Even before 1467/872, the Husayni sayyid 'Abd al-GhaffarTabata~a'i had ,. -fotetold the Aqquyunlu conquest of Azarbayjan and was subsequently named ,~,, , chilfr~jgi<.>.u§_au,thority (s~ay"kk a{:!~laml of the pro~. 85 On the eve of the, conquest itself, Uzun Hasan dreamed that all the dervishes and saints of :Azarbayjan assembled to seat him on the throne in Tabriz. 86 Other auguries inCltided the prediction ofUghurlu Muhammad's defeat of Hasan-'Ali outside Harti'adan by a follower of Ahmad Lala'i, founder of an Azarbayjani branch of the Kubravi order. In 1471-72/876-77, this same Ahmad Lala'i recognized , Uzun Hasan as one of "those in authority" in accordance with the Qur' anic sovereignty verse. 87 It was probably also about this time that Uzun Hasan married his daughter Halima Begi Agha or 'Alamshah Khatuii-ro'Tils nepiiew Ray:-tlaro:Tunay(rSaF.ivrandinsi:illedth~- young shaykh, then twdv~_o~,?tirteen years of age, at the head of the Safavi order inA-rd!1~i1.88 ' With his authority thus established and legitimized in the newly con, , "quered territories, Uzun Hasan-or Abu al-Nasr Hasan Bahadur, Hasan Padishah, as he is known in some Ottoman and Safavid sources-prepared to declare his independence to the rest of the Islamic world. Perhaps in emulation , tjf the Timurid Sh~rukh, he dispatched the Iraqi pilgrim caravan under the " leadership of his brother Uvays to the Hijaz. This train also included a Yazdi silk fftahmil a ceremonial palanquin or litter borne on the back of a camel, that had been blessed by the popular religious leader Ni'mat Allah 11.89 The sending of this richly decorated litter usually symbolized a ruler's political indepen'dence and expressed his desire to obtain official recognition of this fact from , ',:the Sharifs of Mecca and Medina. 90 The struggle between Shahrukh and alAShtiflrarsbayover rIghtSto tIiis recognition mentioned in chapter 2 had resulted in the firm establishment ofMamluk political preeminence in the Hijaz and had gained for the sultan I~ Cai~othe covete(rffi:Te"'S'erntor~t the Two Holy Cities," perhaps the most prestigious honorific of postcaliphate times. ShliittiikJiSdeath and the rise of the extreme Mushasha~ mahdists in Khuzisand southern Arabian Iraq, how~er,h;ci 'b;~ught an end to the sending of
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the Iraqi pilgrim caravan for nearly twO decades. Reinstated by Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu in 1466/871 just before hisdeath,9 1 the Iraqi mahmi/litter shortly became a major international issue under Uzun Hasan and created much enmity between the Mamluks and their former Aqquyunlu vassals. Unfortunately, the Mamluk reactions to the first Uzun Hasanid mahmils in 1469/ 873, 1470/8 74, and 1471/875 are not known; in 1472/876, however, a real conflict over whether the Egyptian or the Iraqi mahmil should have the position of honor in the pilgrim procession is recorded. 92 In 1473/877, the Aqquyunlu amir ai-hajj Rustam and a certain Qazi Ahmad Ibn Dihya actually succeeded in having the Friday sermon read in the name of "The Just King, Hasa.n al-Tawil [sic], Servitor of the Two Holy Cities" in Medina. In Mecca, however;they were arrested by the agents of the Sharif and sent off to Cairo in chains. 93 Though this setback marks the end ofUzun Hasan's endeavors to secure Sharifian acknowledgment of his suzerainty, the Iraqi mahmil was sent in 1476/880 and again in 1477/881, on both occasions provoking considerable uneasiness on the parts of the Egyptian amir ai-hajj and the Sharif. 94 Yet, despite the consecration and personal enhancement of the sovereign in the new imperial ideology and the concomitant stimulus to centralizing tendencies in the political system, the dualistic nature of the Aqquyunlu Empire emerged as a basic fact of its 'existence. Indeed, the nomadic Turkmen component had been greatly enlarged and strengthened by the absorption of many elements of the defunct Qaraquyunlu confederation. The Oghuz C;:epni, the Aghaj-ari, and Sa'dlu like the Alpavut, Bayramlu, Dukharlu, and Hajilu before them now became an integral part of the Aqquyunlu military elite. In addition, the Miranshahi-descendants of Sid i-Ahmad b. Miranshah and the daughter of Qara 'Usman-had remained in Aqquyunlu territory after the Timurid debacle of 1469/873 and held important positions under Uzun Hasan and his successors.95 Simultaneously with and probably in response to this development, the central bureaucratic apparatus staffed by Iranian urban notables, many of whom had served the Qaraquyunlu Turkmens and the-T1-~ murids before the Aqquyunlu conquests, also underwent tremendous eJ(e~= sion and elaboration. Representatives of such important local Iranian families . as the Kujuji of Azarbayjan, the Savaji of Persian Iraq, the Sa'idi of Persian Iraq and Fars, the Daylami of Persian Iraq and Gilan, and the Bayhaqi ofKhurasan were appointed to supervise the administrative, fiscal, and religious affairs of the government. 96 There is also evidence of an attempt to standardize and regularize the administrative and financial procedures in this period. 97 The most enduring monument to these centralizing and bureaucratizing efforts, however, remains the group of state laws promulgated by Uzun Hasan-his qanun-namas. A near-contemporary narrative source divides this legislation into commer~i~, ~ivil, penal, and taxation codes. 98 Both narrative and
Principality to Empire
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documentary materials, moreover, indicate that the provinces of Diyar Bakr, Arminiya, Azarbayjan, Arabian and Persian Iraq, and Fars were subject to these regulations, some of which were still in effect as recently as the eighteenthl rw.-:lfth century.99 A study ofUzu~ Hasan's comprehensive commercial ordinances preserved in the sixteenthlrenth-century Ottoman qanuns for eastern Anatolia reveals his efforts to fix the sales tax rate and regularize the collection of protection fees and transit dues, measures designed to curb arbitrary exactions by provincial officials and the development of local privileges while maximizing state revenues and encouraging commerce. The regulations governing the silk trade are of special significance in the latter connection. lOO Although nothing remains of Uzun Hasan's civil and penal statutes, they probably resembled the executive orders or yasaqs of his grandfather Qara 'Usman or those of the contemporary Zu'l-Qadr sovereign 'Ala' al-Dawla and as such mark further monopolization in the hands of the ruler of powers hitherto reserved to more ~ecentralized and traditional groups. Nevertheless, as the following anecdote Illustrates, even the administration of arbitrary and discretionary secular justice by the ruler was given a popular religious stamp: When Uzun Hasan had finished the morning prayer, the "drum of justice" would be sounded to indicate the convening of the COUrt of appeals. There he would appear in person clothed in dervish at~~.~o.nsisting of a camel's wool waistband and a plain, leather-trimmed lamb's wool jacket. He would seat himself on a golden dais while the princes and generals took their places on the right and on the left. Needy, indigent plaintiffs were then summoned to present their suits through a public official who acted as their advocate and intermediaty. Cases would be settled immediately and the secretaries in attendance would draft and issue the orders. The plaintiffs would leave the court with firm decisions not subject to change or alteration. lOi Finally, Uzun Hasan's schedules of taxation on the land and its products, flocks and herds, mills, and irrigation works were, with some modifications, temporarily adopted by the Ottomans as models of fairness and justice for peasants, nomads, and urban dwellers alike.102 Despite the admiration of imitation accorded Uzun Hasan's policies by the great sixteenthltenth-century Ottoman sultans, it is apparent that some of these measures did not find universal acceptance among the contemporary Aqquyunlu themselves. Centers of resistance initially formed around the leading paramount and confederate leaders of the nomadic military elite and were later strengthened by the defection of the provincial religious authorities. While the hostility of the latter group surfaced spectaculaily during the reign ofYa'qub,
IIO ~
The Aqquyunlu
the opposition of the former was more immediate and was doubtless a contributingfactor in Uzun Hasan's inability to effect a military reorganization to parallel his ideological innovations and administrative reforms. As in the time of Qara 'Usman, the Aqquyunlu army remained overwhelmingly its composition, with the clans-organizeddedmallyin tumans, hazaras, qushuns, and dahajat; armedv'lithb()ws, swords, and shields; and divided into the traditional two-wing ~~y'~rylormation-accounting for over seventy percent <' of the fightingTorces!03 Ideally, units of each tonfederation clan were assigned ! I to the divisions commanded by the royal princes such as Sultan-Khalil, --:J/,Ughuriu Muhammad, and Zaynal, as a check on tribal P!lrticularism, a system , likewise applied to the provincial appanage administration. In, contrast, the " , • royal warband-which had occ;lsionall playedani~portant role in the internal struggles of the Great Civil War and in the early stages of Uzun Hasan's conquests-appears to have declined in prominence in the Empire Period in relation to the confederate clans. Finally, even though ,the expeditions sent against the Georgian principalities furnished Uzun Hasan with large reserves I of manpower, there is no evidence to suggest that the Georgian prisoners were ever formed into professional or servile military units to counterbalan£~~h~ power of the'noma:
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western markets nevertheles!, tied down a large part ofUzun Hasan's available resources for more than four years and had to be repeated on several occasions by later Uzun-Hasanids. Thus, in contrast to his moderately successful policy of alliance and absorption of the Bulduqani, Zraqi, and <;:emi§gezeki Kurds, Uzun Hasan's unfortunate attempts to subjugate the Ayyubid-Malikan, Ruzagi, and Bukhti Kurds by force simultaneously with his great imperial military adventures must be accounted one of the most serious misjudgments of the great Aqquyunlu leader. WI After the defeat of Sultan-Abu Sa'id in 14159/873, Uzun Hasan also came to regard himself as the rightful successor not only of Shahrukh, bur of well, and thus free to dispose of Timurid territories as he saw fit. 106 Consequently, in late spring 14159/Shawwal 8n, he gave his blessings to Y:t.
Principality to Empire
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ial style proclaiming Yadigar Muhammad Shahrukhi independent governor of Khurasan. 108 Although successful against the first Aqquyunlu drive, Sultan-Husayn had insufficient power to ward off the second and third. In early summer 1470/late 874-early87)",he was obliged to relinqui~h.Harat and to withdra~into the steppes to rebuild his army. Yadigar Muhammad immediately entered the city and was duly installed as ruler of the province. It soon became evident, however, that the erstwhile Timurid puppet intended to rid his new kingdom of his Turkmen master's influence, and under various pretexts Yadigar Muhammad insisted that Uzun Hasan recall the Aqquyunlu troops that had enthroned him. Meanwhile, his incompetence and lack of concern for administrative and religious affairs alienated many of the notables of Harat, who agreed to turn the city over to Sultan-Husayn on the night of 21 August 1470/23 Safar 875. ~~~igar Muhammad, last of the Shahrukhids, was caught unawares and exe- , cute,
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The Aqquyunlu
: considered by and large local matters, the second Qaraman crisis kindled in 1466/870 by Fatih Mehmed's seizure of most of the principality from his former proteges Pir Ahmad and Qasim Qaramani soon flared into a major inter.•) national incident. As early as 1463/868, Venice had made overtures to both Ibrahim Qaramani and Uzun Hasan, proposing an alliance against Fatih , Mehmed, with whom the Venetians had just begun hostilities. III Both Muslim rulers showed great willingness to participate in this crusade, but the death of Ibrahim in 1464/868 with the political chaos it produced and Uzun Hasan's preoccupa.tion in the east with his campaigns against the Qaraquyunlu and the Timurids prevented any immediate tangible results. II2 Then, in 1470/875, U:zunl-l~sa~ sent ar,t.~~bassador to Venice and the pope to announce his Godgiven viCtories over Jahanshahand.Sultan-Abu Sa'id, adding that "the sole ob, stacle and enemy remailling is Mehmed Be~, the Ottoman; humbling his power and rooting out his dominion is a siinplematter""3-simple, that is, provided that Venice was still prepared to honor its earlier commitment to coordinate a naval attack on the Ottomans with the movements of the Aqquyunlu land forces. But the Republic was awaiting the results of a peace initiative following the Ottoman conquest of Agrtboz or Negroponte in the summer of 1470/early 875 114 and thus did not respond immediately to Uzun Hasan's proposition. .........
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Meanwhile, in his winter quarters at Qum in 147o-71/mid-875 Uzun Hasan received intelligence of further Ottoman encroachments in Qaraman. Though still awaiting a reply from Venice, he nevertheless decided to initiate a move westward and to this end sent a large army into eastern Anatolia. The exact size and disposition of this force are unknown, but its mission seems to have been to gather provisions and secure the area, particularly Kurdistan, for the passage of the main Aqquyunlu army. It was to be given out, moreover, that the purpose of these preparations was the invasion of Georgia, not the principality of Qaraman. Finally, in early summer 1471/early 876, the copretender of Qaraman, Qasim, reached Uzun Hasan in Tabriz with renewed 1 requests for Aqquyunlu assistance against the Ottomans. II5 But the promised •. Aqquyunlu intervention was slow in coming, and Uzun Hasan spent most of the Muslim year 876, which began on 20 June 1471, in the Tabriz area. Ten months later, on 30 April 1472/21 Dhu'l-Qa'da 876, the long-awaited Venetian envoy, CaterinoZeno, reached the Aqquyunlu capital with the Republic's pledge of continued support. In the course of the ensuing negotiations, Uzun Hasan requested technical aid in the form of heavy artillery, arquebuses, and gunners to man them. This demand was forwarded to the Venetian captain general inCyprus, and in early May/Dhu'I-Hijja the main Aqquyunlu army began to march westward. II6 ! Uzun Hasan's military operations in Syria and Anatolia in 1472-73/877-78
Principality to Empire
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may be divided into three distinct phases: an offensive drive in summer . I472/Muharram-Rabi' I 877 il1 to dit:omaii;occupied Qaraman, an assault on the Mamluk salient and Syria i~fa.lI,,::w'nter 1472-73/Rabi' II-Shawwal 877, linda defensive campaign against the counterattacking Ottomans in summer 1473fSafar-Rabi' II 878. Prior to both Aqquyunlu invasions, however, psychological warfare in theform ofletters addressed to Ottoman and Mamluk commanders precededactuai armed conHiCt. A careful examination of these documents yields some of the real and imagined causes of Aqquyunlu hostile actions against both Muslllll.powers. Probably the most striking ex~mple of the boasting, threatening, cajoling technique of Aqquyunlu propaganda is the ~arabdar Hamze letter mentioned earlier in connection with the formation of Uzun Hasan's imperial ideology. After a long preamble in which the anonymous author appeals to the Ottoman sense of honor in the protection of political refugees and to the common duty of both Muslim empires to wage the ghaza on the infidels rather than political ~ars against each other, the document tikesthe form of a fourteen-point comparison ofTimur and Uzun Hasan designed to demonstrate the vast superiority of the latter over the former and to imply the dire consequences attending further Ottoman aggression in Anatolia. The comparisons emphasize the divine appointment ofUzun Hasan, his noble Turkish lineage, his tactical and strategic advantages, his personal qualittes, and his role as protector/of princes despoiled by the Ottomans. Other sections specifically criticize certain Otpolicies, including the collection of the poll tax from Muslim tribes, along with other levies contrary to the Sacred Law, the forcedresettletnent of trib~$roups,.wntinual debasement and devaluation of the gold currency used "filinternational commerce, and the establishment of a silk weighing station in the frontier city ofTokat in .restraint of trade. The concluding section of the letter urges ~arabdar Hamze, the Ottoman governor general of Rumiya, to intercede with Fatih on behalf of the Qaramanids for the restitution of their lands and hence help avoid a repetition of the disaster that had befallen Fatih's great-grandfather Y!ldlflm Bayezid at Ankara in 1402/805 at the hands of Timur." 7 Ottoman sources, in fact, generally lay the blame for initial successes of the 1472/877 invasion on ~arabdar Hamze's lack of judgment or outright negligence in allowing the Aqquyunlu forces to pass through Ottoman territory ostensibly on their way to Zu'l-Qadr dominions. lI8 Marching from Erzincan, the invaders-led by Yusuf Bayandur,1I 9 Amir Beg Mawsillu, Qizil Ahmad 1sfandiyari, and the Qaramanids Pir Ahmad and Qasim-first attacked Tokar, ··destroying much of the city, including the scales and textile warehouses con··i:aining large quantities of silk in transit. l20 The army then proceeded via Sivas to Kayseri, where they seized numerous pieces of artillery abandoned there by
II6 ~ The Aqquyunlu
the fleeing Ottomans. I2I The prisoners and captured material were escorted back to Uzun Hasan by Amir Beg, while Yusuf Bayandur and 20,000 men pushed on into Qaraman, forcing the Ottoman governor, Prince Mustafa, back to Afyon Karahisar and installing Pir Ahmad again in Konya, his capital. The Ottomans, apparently thrown off balance by the speed and force of these operations,m. finally responded in August 1472/Rabi' I 877. Prince Mustafa and the Ottoman generals Gedik Ahmed Pa§a and Mehmed Pa§a met the Aqquyunlu-Qaramanid contingent west of Benehir Galti on 19 Augusth4 Rabi' 1, defeating the invaders with heavy losses. Yusuf himself was captured, along with many important Aqquyunlu amirs, but the Qaramanids escaped-Pir Ahmad to Uzun Hasan and Qasim to the Mediterranean coast. U3 Though reassuring Pir Ahmad of his intention to avenge this defeat in Anatolia,'24 Uzun Hasan in fact attacked the Syrian salient in October 1472/Jumada I 877 in a complete reversal of his traditional policy toward the Mamluks.125 Uzun Hasan announced his intentions toward the Egyptian regime in a letter to the governor of the Mamluk frontier fortress of Besni: ... freedom is the prerequisite condition for sovereignty and rule according to sacred and secular law. It is clear that this criterion is lacking in the sultans of Egypt and the governors of Syria.... For this reason, it is incumbent upon evety powerful ruler to suppress the government of slaves, and thus eliminate this outlandish innovation from among the Muslims ....126 An imperial Aqquyunlu rescript was also addressed to the Mamluk vassal Shah-Budaq Zu'l-Qadrordering him to surrender his lands, renounce his allegiance to the sultan in Cairo, and recognize Uzun Hasan as his overlord and legal Muslim sovereign. I27 Even ai-Ashraf Qayitbay himself received such a document. These diplomatic thunderings in the north, moreover, reverberated in the Hijaz as well, since Uzun Hasan again planned to have his authority proclaimed in the Holy Cities when the Muslims were gathered for the Pilgrimage. The practical and immediate motivation behind these maneuvers, however, doubtless included gaining control of the important Malatya-Aleppo trade route as well as access to the Mediterranean and a link with his European allies. In early November 1472/Jumada II 877, Uzun Hasan crossed the Euphrates, taking frontier fortresses of Malatya, Kahta, Gerger, and 'Ayntab in quick succession. By 14 Decemberlr5 Rajab, he had penetrated Mamluk ter" ritory to the outskirts of Aleppo. A second column under his son Ughurlu Muhammad, moreover, invested the city of Birecik, a Mamluk outpost on the eastern bank of the Euphrates. Uzun Hasan did not press his certain advantage at this point, however, perhaps not wishing to overextend his forces in
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the face of the Ottoman counterattack that had already been announced for spring 1473/late 877. 128 His subjugation of most of the Zu'l-Qadr principality, moreover, had given him sufficient command of the eastern Taurus passes to guarantee communications with his European allies. Leaving Ughurlu Muhammad to fight a rear-guard action at Birecik, he withdrew up the Euphrates to await the arrival of the Venetian technical aid. I29 In March/Shawwal, the Aqquyunlu rear guard was driven back from Birecik with heavy losses by the Mamluk general Yashbak, who then pursued the fleeing army as far as Ruha. Not only had Uzun Hasan's earlier gains been nullified, but, more importantly for the charismatic nature of his authority, his military reputation had suffered yet another serious setback. 130 The third and final phase ofUzun Hasan's western campaigns began with an Ottoman initiative. 131 After dispatching a large force of akmcz raiders to reconnoiter the Aqquyunlu-Ottoman frontier, Fatih Mehmed and his chief minister Mahmud Pa§a crossed the Bosphorus with an elite Janissary division in April 1473/Dhu'I-Qa'da 877 and moved into Anatolia. In the course of the march eastward, the sultan's standing army was joined by the provincial forces of Rum eli and Anadolu under Hass Murad Pa§a and Davud Pa§a, respectively, and by the Qaramanid and Rumi contingents under Prince Mustafa and Prince Bayezid. At Sivas, the combined Ottoman expeditionary forces were reviewed. While contemporary estimates of the total Ottoman infantry, cavalry, and artillery strength at this point range from 150,000 to 320,000, it was in all probability less than 100,000.132 Meanwhile, the Aqquyunlu were assembling in the plain of Erzincan.133 Here there is even greater divergence in the sources on the size ofUzun Hasan's army than in the case of the Ottomans: Caterino Zeno's eyewitness report claims it numbered upward of 300,000 horsemen, while Ambrosio Contarini, writing several years later on the authority of veterans of the campaign, maintains that it consisted of no more than 40,000.134 In any event, it is certain that the Ottomans enjoyed a clear manpower advantage over their Aqquyunlu adyersaries. After interrogating the Aqquyunlu officers captured the previous year at Bey§ehir, the Ottomans began advancing up the Kelkit valley. Near the border town ofNiksar, the first battle of the campaign took place, resulting in the defeat of the Aqquyunlu and the abandonment of the garrison. 135 Bypassing the enemy positions at Koyulhisar and Karahisar, the Ottomans entered the plain . of Erzincan without encountering the main Aqquyunlu army.136 Erzincan offered only token resistance and was soon taken and put to the torch. Fatih continued his march eastward along the northern bank of the Euphrates, reaching the area ofTercan. There a base camp was established "in the Ottoman fashion," fortified with caissons chained together, similar to the Timurid
II8 ~ TheAqquyunlu
wagon fort, but defended by artillery in the Ottoman case. I37 Akmct pickets soon detected the presence of an Aqquyunlu force of indeterminate strength on the other side of the river. On Wednesday morning, 4 August 1473/9 Rabi' I 878, the Rumeli cavalry and the akmct squadrons attempted to ford the Euphrates. The Aqquyunlu advance guard, concealed in ambush, rushed out and attacked the Ottoman troops disorganized by the crossing. When hostilities finally broke off toward evening, it became clear that the Ottomans had suffered considerable lossesbattle deaths, drownings, and prisoners-and the remnants struggled back to Fatih's general headquarters. I38 There was little rest that night in either camp, and it is said that this reverse so troubled Fatih that he decided to call off the campaign and evacuate Uzun Hasan's territory as soon as possible. The rejoic~ ing on the other side of the river was likewise soured by disputes over whether to follow up this advantage immediately or not, and the resulting conflict between Ughurlu Muhammad and his father was to have far-reaching repercussions. I39 As the Ottomans began to withdraw, they were shadowed by the smaller Aqquyunlu army on the opposite bank. Fatih followed the river north then turned west to elude the pursuing enemy and to regain one of the main routes , back to Ottoman territory. A,week after the dash on the Euphrates, on 1I August!r6 Rabi' I, the Ottoman army pitched its fortified camp near the village ofBa§kent (modern Ba§koy), at the foot ofOtluk Dag, in preparation for negotiating the pass into the Kelkit valley. 140 On the battle itself, the sources present widely differing accounts; the following paragraphs represent only a tentative reconstruction of the course of the fighting. The Aqquyunlu army, divided into five corps, occupied the high ground above the Ottoman camp, forming an extended crescent partially encircling Fatih's troops. In all probability, Uzun Hasan never intended to precipitate a pitched battle, but rather hoped to maintain pressure on the Ottoman positions and possibly wait out a long blockade, a tactic successful against the traditionally organized and equipped mounted forces ofJahanshah and Sultan-Abu Sa'id only a few years earlier. Desperation and dwindling supplies, however, decided the Ottoman strategy; from behind their protected positions, gunners and infantrymen opened fire on the closing cavalry with artillery and arquebuses. The effect wasdevastiiting, and units of the Aqquyunlu began to fall back idpanic. The Ottoman cavalry then sortied from 'the camp and pursued the retreating, confused enemy up the slopes. In the ensuing eight-hour melee, the forces of Uzun Hasan were completely routed. The right wing of the Aqquyunlu Was broken by the arrnyof Anadolu and the Ottoman left under Prince Mustafa. Its leader, Uzun Hasan's son Zaynal, was killed and his corpse was beheaded on the field of war, as
Plate II. Fatih Mehmed and the Aqquyunlu Prisoners at B~kent by Mehmed Bey, Seyyid Lokman Urmevi. Hiiner-name, fol. 170b.
120
.~
Principality to Empire
The Aqquyunlu
shown in Mehmed Bey's painting of the battle {plate 1I).141 Prince Bayezid crushed the Aqquyunlu left, commanded by Uzun Hasan's nephew Murad b. Jahangir, while other detachments struck at Uzun Hasan himself in the center, capturing the imperial standard. 142 Pir Muhammad Alpav~t,. who bore a strong physical resemblance to Uzun Hasan, surrendered, clalmmg to be Hasan Padishah, in order to give his master time to effect an escape. The Ottoman capture of the standard and his father's headlong flight convinced Ughurlu Muhammad on the left of the uselessness of pressing his successful attack on Fatih's camp, and he, toO, fled the battlefield. The Ottomans then chased the defeated army all the way back to Uzun Hasan's camp, capturing many stragglers along the way. Whatever their individual biases, most of the sources agree that the Aqquyunlu casualties were heavy and the number of prisoners large.143 Though Fatih Mehmed's better discipline, numerical superiority, deployment of the fonified camp, and offensive use of firearms in the field had all combined to defeat Uzun Hasan, the deciding factor in the debacle had clearly been the concemrated fire of the Ottoman cannons and handguns. Uzun Hasan had defeated larger forces in the pitched battle on the Tigris in 1457/ 861 , had encountered the wagon fort in his clash with Sultan-Abu Sa'id in 1469/ 873, and had even experienced the effect of firearms in a very limited way against the Mamluks in 1472-73/877, but he had not foreseen the consequences of attacking a regular army possessing all these advantages. l44 This battle thus merits study alongside the more famous contest at Chaldiran four decades l~ter. and six hundred kilometers farther east between the graIl;4son.§J1Lthe..pr~ at B3.§kent, as an index of the technological, political, and social changes sweeping the central Islamic lands in the fifteenth/ninth and sixteenthltenth centuries. THE AFTERMATH OF BAS KENT \
Fatih Mehmed did not follow up his great tactical victoty at B3.§kent. With ~e exception of the Aqquyunlu frontier outposts in the Kelkit valley-Karahi¢ar, Koyulhisar, and Niksar-which now passed under Ottoman control, Uzun Hasan suffered no appreciable territorial losses. Likewise, if Zeno's claim is to be accepted as anything more than wishful thinking, Uzun Hasan's positio~ as a leader remained unshaken by this reverse. 145 But, in fact, B3.§kent, a classlcal conflict of charismatic authorities, constituted a real personal setback for Uzun Hasan that made the frustrations in Kurdistan, Khurasan, and Syria seem insignificant in comparison. Indeed, the Battle of B3.§kent had demonstrated to the Muslim Community that God had revoked His mandate from Uwn Hasan and designated a new champion. Uzun Hasan could no longer le-
~ 121
gitimately lay claim to being "Envoy of the Ninth/Fifteenth Centuty" or "RenC\\'~.!.qfthc;;Faith"; and the same Qur' anic verses foretelling Uzun Hasan's advent now celebrated Fatih Mehmed's victory.146 Despite Zends insistence to the contrary, the very fact of defeat itself must have diminished Uzun Hasan's prestige and popularity considerably in the Aqquyunlu Empire. The psychological shock was tremendous and, according to some sources, resulted in the deterioration of the Turkmen ruler's physical condition. 147 Yet Uzun Hasan's troubles had only just begun, for he was to spend the last years of his life in efforts to put down revolts mounted by members of his own family, other prominent Bayandurs, and leaders of the confederate clans. Naturally, this dangerous internal situation prevented him from taking the offensive again in foreign affairs, and his policy toward the Ottomans seems to have oscillated between baiting Fatih Mehmed' and reconciliation with him. While the latter course was dictated by political and military realities, the former was pursued for the benefit of the Venetians in the hope of keeping alive the grand alliance. 148 Furthermore, the Ottoman subjugation of most of the Mediterranean coast of Anatoli;lse~er.~d.themain AqquyunluVenetian communications link, while GedikAhmed P~a's conquest of Kefe in 1475/880 began to transform the Black Sea into an Ottoman lake. Thus, both internal and external circumstances conspired to turn the Aqquyunlu Empire I inward upon itself. The most serious internal problem of Uzun Hasan's last years was posed by his second son, Ughurlu Muhammad, whose rebellion began in summer 1474/early 879 and dragged on until late 1477/mid-882, terminating only a few months before Uzun Hasan's death. 149 The dispute between father and son over the conduct of the Ottoman war was intensified by the question of succession to the rule raised by Uzun Hasan's alleged illness. Two parties rapidly took shape, both in the provinces and at the court. The most powerful court faction was led by Uzun Hasan's chief wife, Saljuqshah Begum, who sought the succession for her eldest son, Sultan-Khalil, then governor of Fars. The opposition included the daughter of the Kurdish lord ofEgil, Dawlatshah Bulduqani, and Theodora Komnene, mothers ofUghurlu Muhammad and Maqsud, respectively, who supported the candidacy ofUghurlu Muhammad. This party was represented in the provinces by the Chakirlu clan, which controlled northeastern Azarbayjan, and Uzun Hasan's brother Uvays, governor of Ruha. Maqsud, governor of Baghdad, also appears to have leaned toward his halfbrother Ughurlu Muhammad, but was held in check by his guardian Dana Khalil b. Kur Muhammad, brother ofSaljuqshah. Ughurlu Muhammad made his bid in early summer 1474early 879 with the seizure of Sultan-Khalil's capital Shiraz from its defenders. Uzun Hasan immediately mobilized those Aqquyunlu troops camped with him in summer
122 ~
The Aqquyunlu
quarters near Tabriz and marched on Fars to reinstate Sultan-Khalil. With Tabriz thus left relatively unprotected, the Chakirlu clan attacked the imperial capital, defeating Uzun Hasan's deputy. Ughurlu Muhammad's hasty evacuation of Shiraz and flight to Syria, however, freed Uzun Hasan to meet the threat to Tabriz, and in November 1474/Jumada II 879 the Chakirlu were crushed. Accused of complicity with Ughurlu Muhammad in failing to prosecute the war against the Chakirlu vigorously, Uzun Hasan's son Maqsud was imprisoned in Tabriz. The subsequent political shakeup in Arabian Iraq resulted in the transfer of Maqsud's guardian Dana Khalil 'Bayandur to Hillah and his replacement in Baghdad by the important loyalist confederate chief Shah- ~i Beg Purnak, one of the earliest examples of the breakdown of Uzun Hasan's appanage system. Nevertheless, disturbances in that province continued and eventually involved the Musha'sha' mahdist state in southern Iraq and Khuzistan in Aqquyunlu internal politics. In Syria, meanwhile, UghurIu Muhammad had succeeded in winning the support of his uncle Uvays, governor of Ruha, in his dispute with his father along with a promise of assistance from the Mamluk viceroys of Aleppo and Birecik. Once again, however, the loyalist forces prevailed, and the coalition was destroyed in July 1475/Rabi' I 880. Uvays was ejected from Ruha and executed and the city placed under the control of the Mawsillu confederate clan. Ughurlu Muhammad, however, made good a second escape-this time to political asylum with the Ottomans-while war between Uzun Hasan and the Mamluksultan al-Ashraf Qayitbay was only narrowly averted. Ughurlu Muhammad was well received by Fatih Mehmed, who saw in the fugitive prince the means to realize Ottoman ambitions in the east. Giving Ughurlu Muhammad his daughter in marriage, Fatih installed his new son-in-law in the frontier province of Sivas and promised to furnish him arms and men with which to assert his claim to his patrimony at the proper moment. The exile and execution of the rebels deprived Ughurlu Muhammad's party of effective leadership and allowed Uzun Hasan a brief respite from internal concerns. After settling the issue of succession by designating SultanKhalil heir and vice-regent, Uzun Hasan began to gather his troops for an attack on the Georgian kingdom of Kartli, scheduled for the fall and winter 1476-77lsecond half of 881. 150 This move was doubtless dictated by the same considerations that had motivated the ghaza of 1461/866: refurbishing his image, badly tarnished at B~kent, and maintaining communications with his allies, which now included Muscovy and the Golden Horde. The Muslim sources for this ghaza, moreover, emphasize the role of the members of the religious establishment in this campaign, indicating Uzun Hasan's desire to ingratiate himself again with this group. The operations seem to have been extremely successful in terms of booty, prisoners, and territory gained. Tiflis
Principality to Empire
~. I23
was captured and made the capital of the Georgian march under the command of Sufi Khalil Beg Mawsillu, while King Bagrat was forced to pay a large indemnity. The rigors of the winter campaign also appear to have brought about a relapse in Uzun Hasan's condition; the news of his illness, along with rumors of his death, again fired the animosity between the two principal claimants to the throne. Sultan-Khalil, the heir designate, was summoned from Shiraz by Saljuqshah Begum, who is also charged with plotting the downfall of his halfbrother Ughurlu Muhammad by prematurely announcing the death ofUzun Hasan and falsely spreading the news ofUghuriu Muhammad's election to the sultanate by the military elite of Azarbayjan. Is1 A number of important ~fficers, including the powerful Qara-'Usmanid Bayandur b. Rustam and Sulayman Beg Bijan, met Ughurlu Muhammad near Erzincan, where they killed artd decapitated him, sending his head back to Uzun Hasan. Is2 With Ughurlu Muhammad dead and Maqsud in chains, the last obstacles were apparently removed from the orderly succession of Sultan-Khalil to the throne of his ailing father. 153 . On the eve of the Muslim festival of'Id al-FitT, 5January 1478, Abu al-Nasr Hasan Bahadur finally succumbed to his long illness at the age of fifty-two in his winter quarters near Tabriz.l54 He was buried in his imperial capital, where construction had already begun on a massive tomb complex, the Nasriya. Under this great leader, the Aqquyunlu had risen from a purely local principality in eastern Anatolia to an Islamic world power dominating much of the central Islamic heartlands. The apogee of this ascent had also been attained under Uzun Hasan, for after Ba§kent, the Aqquyunlu Empire was essentially on the defensive on all fronts. Internally, while Uzun Hasan's conquests and centralizing policies provided the material basis for the flowering of high Islamic culture in Tabriz under his son Ya'qub, many of the unresolved stresses and tensions inherent in his tribal-bureaucratic dualistic imperial structure combined to shake the Empire to its foundations and eventually bring about its total disintegration.
5
Stasis and Decline An uneasy wind arises from the panerre of the earth And mankind cannot draw an easy breath. Baba Fighani Shirazi, Elegy on la 'qub For nearlx five years afterthe death ofUzun Hasan, the political life of the Aqquyunlu Empire--Wa:S's~~iously disrupted by dynastic dissension and foreign invasion. Uzun Hasan's eldest son Sultan-Khalil, thirty-five, declared that his father had tried to ensure a peaceful transfer of power by designating him his successor,I but the partisans ofhis fourteen-year-old uter~ne bro!h~!'ya''ll!:2 'lJ;gued that Uzun Hasan had infact proposed a condominium'I; which the true succession (khilafot va qa'im-maqami) would remain with Ya'qub while Sultan-Khalil would only exercise administrative jurisdiction (hall va 'aqd-i umur-i jahanbani). 2 The institutional fragility of these arrangements, whatever they may have been, is obvious from the fact that from 1478/882 to 1481/886 seven Uzun-Hasanid and Qara-'Usmanid pretenders laid claim to the supreme-otnce-iIi-ilie-c()ufederatloii"andthe Empire. The government was finally brought under the control of a coalition of palace, military, and bureaucratic forces in the nanl!r,.2fYa'qub, quelling the relatively short-lived strife of the Third Civil Wai:'"Pree from dynastic conflict for almost a decade, the Aqquyunlu Empire experienced a period of cultural efflorescence that was paralleled by the processes of political stagnation and devolution. With the death of Ya'qub in 1490/896, forces and events took a course that rapidly undermined the foundations of the Empire and eventually wrecked the structure of the confederation. THE THIRD CIVIL WAR
The Ya'qubid bias informing most of the sources for Sultan-Khalil's short, troubled reign obscures the true significance of this period of transition} A I25
Stasis and Decline
Plate III. Sultan-Khalil, Divan of Hidayat, 1478/883, Tabriz Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, T. 401, fo!' 70b. (Reproduced by permission of the Trustees of the Chester Beatty Library, Dublin)
~ 127
careful study of Sultan-Khalil's actions as ruler of the Aqquyunlu suggests that he intended to continue the policies of dynastic and political centralization initiated by his father. Consequently, his first concern was the elimination of possible sources of opposition to his rule. Immediately after Uzun Hasan's death, Sultan-Khalil had his twenty year-old half-brother Maqsud executed in his Tabriz prison cell, the first recorded Aqquyunlu fratricide in the Ottoman manner. Following his enthronement ceremony, moreover, Sultan-Khalil further strengthened his personal hold on the sovereignty by sending his two uterine brothers Ya'qub and Yusuf to the distant province ofDiyar Bakr, along with the powerful queen-mother, Saljuqshah Begum, the generals Bayandur land Sulayman Beg, and Ya'qub's mentor, Qazi 'Isa b. Shukr Allah Savaji. Most i of the high administrative, military, and religious posts in the new regime were \ filled by individuals of known loyalty, many of whom had served in SultanKhalil's provincial government in Fars. Two members of the distinguished Iranian Daylami family, Shah-'Imad ai-Din Salman and Shah-Mahmud Jan, took charge of the financial affairs of Persian Iraq and Fars. 4 The capital ofFars and Sultan-Khalil's former seat, Shiraz, was appanaged to the sultan's eldest son, Alvand, who was sent to his new position with a contingent of Bayandurs iiiaconfederate amirs drawn from most of the major clans, including the Alpavut, Hamza-Hajilu, Miranshahi, Mawsillu, and Quja-Hajilu. Finally, Sultan-Khalil attempted to reestablish normal relations with his father's erstwhile enemies, the Ottomans, and to this end dispatched several high-ranking ambassadors to Istanbul.5 Opposition to Sultan-Khalil's rapid monopolization of power came first from his Jahangirid cousins. In May 1478/Safar 883,6 Murad b. Jahangir Bayandur, Sultan-Khalil's governor in Sava, raised some Qaraquyunlu and Kurdish amirs in revolt against the government in Tabriz. A royal army under Mansur Beg Purnak was initially defeated outside Sultaniya, forcing SliltanKhalil to take the field in person. But Murad's men dispersed before the battle could take place, and Murad himself sought refuge with Husayn Kiya Chulavi, governor of Firuzkuh. Several Aqquyunlll amirs were sent to extradite Murad, while Sultan-Khalil prepared to face more serious threats to his authority. Murad's brothers, Ibrahim and Qasim, who held governorships in the province of Kirman, invaded Fars to expel Alvand and the pro-Sultan-Khalil officers. They, too, were repulsed and fled to Persian Iraq, where they hoped to join forces with Murad. By the middle ofJune/Rabi' I, however, Murad had been executed and his brother Ibrahim arrested by Sultan-Khalil's agents. "A far greater challenge to Sultan-Khalil's authority was the revolt mounted in the name of Ya'qub in the west. Its organizers-Saljuqshah, Qazi 'Isa, Bayandur, and Sulayman Beg-exploited the long-standing discontent of the military elite of Diyar Bakr, Arminiya, and Kurdistan, who had been forced to
128 ~
The Aqquyunlu
accept subordinate status when the Aqquyunlu center had shifted to Azarbayjan, Persian Iraq, and Fars a decade earlier. Old dynastic quarrels were also exploited, and the Tur-l\lid Ahmadid and Pir-l\lid houses were represented, along with several Qara-'Usmanids. Additionally, Ya'qub was supported by a broad cross-section of the Aqquyunlu confederates, including members.of the Bayramlu, Chakirlu, <;epni, Dukharlu, Mawsillu, and Purnak clans.? A further indication of the "Anatolian" nature of the Ya'qubiya lies in the participation of the Istandiyarids, ~ramanids, and Zu'l-Qadr in the rebellion against Sultan-Khalil. Despite the broad base of the Ya'qubiya, they were still greatly outnumbered by the better-equipped imperial troops of Sultan-Khalil, but they continued to advance against the larger force. 8 The two armies finally met near the town of Khuy, northwest of Tabriz, on 15 July 1478114 Rabi' II 883. Initially, the battle swung in Sultan-Khalil's favor, but a sudden,"suicidal charge by Ya'qub's left wing under Bayandur cut Sul~.:~. off from the main body of his men. He was surrounded a~dhacked to pieces. Sultan-Khalil's army immediately disintegrated, and the officers dispersed, leaving the way to the imperial capital open to the rebels. Bayandur and Sulayman Beg led the victorious Ya'qubiya into Tabriz, where they seated their young charge on the throne of Uzun Hasan. The date on which the momentous enthronement ofYa'qub took place in Tabriz is not precisely noted in any of the contemporary Aqquyunlu sources. While Khunji-Isfahani discourses at some length on the cosmological significance of this event, only 'Abd Allah al-Baghdadi gives a specific month-but not a day-for the new ruler's assumption of power: an auspicious day in August 1478/Jumada 1883.9 The Ottoman sources, however, give two different dates, 884 and 886. The first, appearing in the chronicle of Idris Bidlisi and probably subsequently copied from it by Sadeddin, is simply a mistake.1O The second date is found in the seventeenthl eleventh-century compilation ofl
Stasis and Decline
~ 129
against Ya'qub in the Battle ofKhuywere for the most part granted amnesty and allowed to resume their former'posts. In other quarters, however, the rule ofthe Ya'qubiya junta was rejected outright, and opponents of the coup first rallied arou~~ Sultan-~alil's two young sons,l\li and Alvand. The counter''Ali waS' eaSirY"fiaiialed';'~anl"l\li himself later coup that coales'ce'd" became one of the pillars ofya.'qllb's state. Alvatldwas potentially more 'dangerous, as he had the support of the milit;;:rYsl!;~'~rF;r~~'Dastlonorp;C;: Sultan-Khalil feeli~g. His bid for power never materialized, however, as his grudging acceptance of the coup was followed very shortly by his death under circumstances that are less than clear.13 Persian Iraq, too, under the Qara'Usmanid governor Kusa-Haji-whose father Shaykh-Hasan had been executed in 1451/855 after disputing the leadership of the Aqquyunlu with Jahangir-became a center of resistance to the Ya'qubiya, but Bayandur's capture of Kusa-Haji ended this last internal challenge to the new regime. The bitterness engendered by these ruthless measures was sweetened by a massive general tax exemption and the reconfirmation of the individual fiscal and administrative immunities granted by Uzun Hasan. 14 The Ya'qubiyajunta, which now included the powerful generals Sufi Khalil BegMawsillu. and Timur 'Usman Beg Miranshahi, had little opportunity to consolidate its position within the confederation and the Empire as the Musha'sha' and the Ottomans, along with Timurid, Qaraquyunlu, and Mamluk adventurers, sought to take advantage of the confusion resulting from Sultan-Khalil's overthrow. Always awaiting some sign of weakness in their nominal overlords in Iraq, Fars, and Azarbayjan, the radical millenarian Musha'sha' of Khuzistan were the first to move against the Aqquyunlu, ad- J vancing as far as Baghdad in 1478/883. This revolt, which continued inter- I, mittently throughout the next decade, would prove to he one of the most troublesome internal problems for Ya'qub's government. IS The Ottoman conquest of a former Aqquyunlu dependency, the principality of Turul or Ardasa north of Bayburt, in spring 1479/early 884 intensified fears in Tabriz that Fatih Mehmed might also try to increase his holdings in easternAnatolia at the expense ofYa'qub and his supporters, but the Ottomans stopped short of further encroachments. 16 The Kelkit-<;Oruh valley was now established as the frontier between Ottoman-held Trabzon and its hinterland and the Aqquyunlu province of Arminiya. Later that same year, at the other end of the Aqquyunlu Empire, Bayandur and Sufi Khalil Beg drove Aba Bakr b. Sultan-Abu Sa'id Timuri and Ibrahim b. Muhammadi, a grandson ofJahanshah Qaraquyunlu, out of Kirman and restored Ya'qubid control in that outlying eastern province. l ? The Mamluks of Egypt and Syria were the final external enemy with whom the Ya'qubiya had to contend. In spring 1480/early 885, the masters of
around
I30 ~,
The Aqquyunlu
Tabriz had sent an ambassador to the Mamluk sultan in Cairo, aI-Ashraf Qayitbay, but the sultan had gone on the Pilgrimage and thus did not receive the envoy.I8 Several months later, a large expeditionary force under the command of the chief executive secretary, Yashbak-the same Mamluk officer who had blunted Uzun Hasan's invasion of Syria in 1473/877-left Cairo with instructions to proceed against the mutinous AI Fadl in the Syrian steppe. I9 The Arab tribes, however, retreated before Yashbak's army, which by that time included the troops of Damascus, Hama, Tripoli, and Aleppo. Impelled by his personal ambition, desire for revenge on the descendants ofUzun Hasan, and also perhaps the encouragement of anti-Ya'qubiya Aqquyunlu officers, Yashbak led his punitive expedition across the Euphrates frontier and laid siege to ; the citadel ofRuha. In answer to an appeal for aid from the Mawsillu governor, Bayandurassumed supreme command of a large Aqquymilu army-th'erigirr--and left wings of which were commanded by Sulayman Beg Bijan and Sufi Khalil Beg Mawsillu-and took the field against the Mamluks. The two armies confronted each other outside Ruha in late November 1480/Ramadan 885, and the numerically inferior Mamluk forces were completely routed.20 Yashbak himself, one of the many prisoners taken after the battle, was executed several days later, apparently on the personal initiative of Bayandur. This act, along with the problem of releasing the Mamluk captives, was to plague relations of the Ya'qubid regime with aI-Ashraf Qayitbay during the coming months. Yet Ottoman-Mamluk hostility resulting from aI-Ashraf Qayitbay's extension of asylum to the fugitive Prince Cern on the one hand and the growing insubordination of Bayandur on the other combined to bring about a rapprochement between the Mamluk sultan and Ya'qub. The prisoners were given robes of honor in Tabriz and released, and a formal apology for the execution of Yashbak was delivered to aI-Ashraf Qayitbay, who in turn liberated Aqquyunlu captives held since 1473/877-78 and allowed the Iraqi Pilgrimage litter to enter the Hijaz for the first time since the death ofUzun Hasan. 2I Emboldened by his impressive victories over Sultan-Khalil, Aba Bakr Timuri, and Yashba~, Baya~dur decided to dissolve the Ya'qubiya, dispose of the figurehead, and assume the rule personally.22 In fall 1481/mid-886, Bayandur was charged with bringing the Musha'sha' into line, but instead of carrying out this mission, upon arriving in the city of Hamadan, he laid claim to independent rule. The initial support for his movement came from Bayandur, Alpavut, and C;:emi§gezeki Kurdish chieftains in Persian Iraq; the Miranshahi and Chakirlu in Azarbayjan were also invited to join the new government. Af\ ter the failure of an assassination plot against Ya'qub, however, Bayandur's rebellion began to lose momentum, and many renounced their earlier commitments of support. Bayandur's depleted forces were then easily destroyed by
Stasis and Decline
~
IJI
Plate IV: Ahlat. the Tomb ofBayandur, killed 1481/886.
the Ya'qubiya loyalists Sufi Khalil Beg Mawsillu, Sulayman Beg Bijan, and Timur 'Usman Beg Miranshahi. Bayandur and the other members of the paramount clan who had followed him were executed, while the errant confederate leaders were reinstated. 23 The death of this key figure in the ruling junta both ended the four-year Third Ciy"il War and brought about a new alignment of forces within the Ya'qubiya. From 1481/886 until 1490/896, it is possible to speak of the personal reign ofYa'qub.
I32 ,..."".,
The Aqquyunlu
THE INDEPENDENT REIGN OF YA'QUB
Due to a four-yeu gap in Ya'qub's official history, Khunji-Isfahani's :Afamara-yiAmini, reliable information on the initial government reorganization in the capital and the provinces after the death of Bayandur is not readily available. 24 Nevertheless, scattered references in later sources permit one to trace several important trends through this and succeeding periods. First, it is clear that Ya'qub's reign was personal only in the sense that relatives and individuals attached directly to the sultan increasingly cazne to exercise most of the functions of the central government. On the highest levels, therefore, Ya'qub's mother, Saljuqshah Begum, continued to preside over the palace and dynastic affairs in general. Ya'qub's guudian, Sulayman Beg Bijan, became his chief of staff, combining the offices of commander-in-chief of the imperial army and president of the administrative counciU5 Ya'qub's preceptor, Qazi 'Isa Savaji, monopolized several civilian administrative offices: " ... his power soon surpassed that of finance minister and director of religious affairs and the other state dignitaries grew fearful of him."26 The power bases thus established by each of these personages were then expanded by patronage and nepotism to create an intense, triangular rivalry for influence with Ya'qub, control of the center, and the right to allocate the spoils of office. 27 In addition to its dipolar relationship with the central administrationusually described as centrifugal-the provincial regime Iopnc;p a fourth faction in the Aqquyunlu Empire. With the gradu:y ~i~~~!~E~hIU~IJ.t~· appanage syst~~~y!J;/;!l11 Has~n ilff~.r ~~~ revolt ofUghurhl Muha.mmaJ, the major provinces cazne under the control of either a member of the ruler's per- . sonal retinue or, more frequently, one of the confederate clan c!ii'fraws. Some hereditary domains, however, such as the Chakirlu holdings in the Mughan region of northeastern Azarbayjan, were not broken up. In the euly stages of this process, tenures of office, apparently based primarily on merit, were relatively brief, and there was often a F,apid turnover of the holders of governorships. 28 Provincial tribal contingents; forming the military support of the governors, moreover, were initially composed of elements of several clans to check the development of local roots and special interests by any single group. The dismantling of the royal appanages was completed shortly after the coup in Ya'qub's nanle in 1478/883 by the inclusion of the provinces ofShabankara and Fars among the lands administered centrally by the supreme administrative council,2 9 and the foundations oflocal autonomies in Fars and Arabian Iraq by the Purnak and in Arminiya and Diyar Bake by the Mawsillu were laidouly a decade later}O Thus the conversion of the appanage syste~ .. ~.~!.s",J.Iot,............___ . semi-independent tribal enclaves reminiscent of some laterS
Stasis and Decline ~
I33
I34 ~
The Aqquyunlu
Wars and must be accounted one of the most significant internal political developments ofYa'qub's reignY Yet another locus of power in this period lay in the ent~getic and ambitious personality ofSufiJd:l~iL:B¢gM~~ilIu. In return for his loyalty to Ya'qub in the conflict with Bayandur-andalso possibly to exclude him from the capital political scene-he was appointed guardian to Ya'qub's firstborn son, Baysunghur, and assigned the governorship of the province of Fars}2 There, however, he began to exhibit it propensity for independent actIon that greatly alarmed the government in Tabriz. An abortive attack on the island-city of Hurmuz, inriajor Indian Ocean-Persian Gulf entrep6t, finally led to his recall and reassignment to the Georgian marches, where his initiative and bellicosity might be better harnessed to the service of the central policymakers}3 As march warden frotn 1486/891 until 1490/896,34 Sufi Khalil/not only commanded veteranAqquyunlu troops seasoned in more or le~ continual ghazi warfare with. the Christians of the Caucasus, but also cont~olled most of the imperial artillery, two factors that combined to make him militarily one of the strongest men in the£mpite.3 5 Despite particularisms and personalities, the city of Tabriz-one of the great Islamic capitals of the age36- remained the center around which revolved not only Ya·qu~)_n()r.nadi!="court, but also the entire political, economic, cultura(""and religious life ~rth~ Aqquyunlu Empire. While the masters ofTabriz continued to serve both the ideals of haute politique and of high Islam-aS in the time ofUzun Hasan-there was nevertheless a distinct shift in emphasis from the former to the latter. Political conservatism replaced Uzun Hasan's dreams ofwodd domination, a development underlined by the fact that under Ya'qubno new territories were added to. the Aqquyunhl domains. AlongWithwaningirilpetial ambitions, the European alliances also withered. ih~Ughthiswis auc"lnpart to external factors's~cK;; "the ~nclu sinnuf the. Ottoman:.ye~etian war in 1479/884, the lapse in diplomatic relationswith Europe must also have resulted from a turning inward of the Aqquyunlu oligarchy and a distraction with other matters}7 One of the major preoccupations of the Ya'qubid regime was preserving the economic statUs quo, arid to this end considerable energy was expended on retaining and strehgthening the hold of Tabriz on the ~phln-Meditert::ll,lean silk trade. Political ties with the vassal kingdom ofSharvan "had been cemented in the time of Uzun Hasan by a double marriage alliance between his son Ya'qub and Gawhar-~ultanKhanum, daught~r of th~ Sharvanshah Farrukhyasar, and his daughter Sh;ihbeg Khatun and Ghazi Khan, Farrukhyasar's son. Indeed, relations between the Aqquyunlu and Sharvan remained cordial throughout the entire Empire Period)8 In contrast, the involvement ofTabriz with the traditionally autonomous petty states of the southern Caspian littoral
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was much more complex and strained. Though the region was in fact a mosaic of semi-independent districts and cantons, by the end of the fifteenth/ninth century the Kiyai or Malati Sayyids of Biyapas and Biyapish in Gilan in the west, the ancient house of Pasduban in the central Rustamdar district, and the Qavvami or Mar'ashi Sayyids of Mazandaran in the east had emerged as the major powers there. 39 The tributary status and the contributions of these political divisions had been established under Uzun Hasan:40 for example, according to an imperial rescript of 1476/881 the tribute of the disuict of Biyapas in Gilan alone was fixed at an annual rate of 7 ,200 kilograms of raw silk, worth more than 1.2 million akfes on the Bursa market in addition to nearly 300 ,000 akres in transit dues paid at Erzincan. The assessment on Qavvami-controlled Mazandaran was triple this figure!41 In Ya'qub's time, however, several regions, especially Mazandaran, fell into arrears in their contributions; Aqquyunlu military expeditions were dispatched on several occasions to the Caspian region both to collect the overdue levies and to install new rulers who would guarantee the arrival of the stipulated amounts of silk in the Tabriz warehouses. These eft-om were rarely crowned with complete success: in 1483/888, for example, a high-ranking Turkmen officer and many cavalry sent to collect the imperial tribute of Mazandaran were massacred near Sari by the ruler Sayyid 'Abd al-Karim II and his followersY Continued delinquency and insubordination eventually resulred in an Aqquyunlu invasion ofMazandaran in 1487/892 and a serious military threat against Sayyid 'Abd al-Karim's ally in Gilan, 'Ali Mirza Kiyai.43 Though 'Abd al-Karim was eventually extradited to Tabriz and 'Ali Mirza charged with a heavy indemnity, the Caspian region remained a serious administrative problem for Ya'qub's government, even after the direct annexation ofMazandaran in 1488/893. 44 Also determined by economic and commercial concerns, relations with the other Islamic capitals-Harat, Caito, and Istanbul-were superficially peaceful. Frequently dealing with family, cultural, or religious matters, AqquyunluTimurid diplomatic exchanges during Ya'qub's reign exhibit no trace of earlier rancor and emphasize the ties of goodwill linking the two houses. 45 Likewise, at first glance the standard narrative and diplomatic materials porrrayYa'qub's relations with al-Ashraf Qayitbay46 and Bayezid II47 as equally cordial and tranq uil. A closer examination of the sources, however, reveals an undercurrent of fear, suspicion, and uncertainty in both Cairo and Istanbul over Ya'qub's sympathies during the Mamluk-Ottoman wars of 1484-91/889-96. The first hint at these tensions appears in 1487/892, when Ya'qub's offer to mediate ai-Ashraf Qayitbay's dispute with Bayezid met with a flat refusal from the Mamluk sultan. Later that same year, according to an Ottoman intelligence report, Ya'qub promised twO Mamluk plenipotentiaries in Qum that he would honor his earlier treaty with ai-Ashraf Qayitbay and come to the aid of "his
Stasis and Decline
~ I37
father" in Cairo. In fact, his plan~,:tlegedly included nothing less than the complete subjugation of Anatolia and the ~i){ure oflstanbul. Ya'qub was prevented from carrying out this intention, the report continues, only by the revolt ofShaykQJ:t'!ldar Safavi in 1488/893.48 While a more moderate and realistic Ottoman agent ;riti~glnT49'(189)'doesindeed refer to an Aqquyunlu assault on Ottoman-held Karahisar,49 there is little firm evidence to warrant the assumption that Tabriz ever abandoned its policy of neutrality toward either of the belligerents out of fear of economic reprisals. Given the historical importance of the silk trade for the premodern economy oflran, this course of action was the logical result of the Ya'qubid regime's unwillingness to jeopardize its access to the markets of Aleppo and Bursa. 50 Not only was war averted by this prudence, but considerable wealth continued to accrue to the elite in Tabriz. The contrast between the ostentation of Ya'qub's court and the abstemiousness of his father's audiences is nicely depicted in the following anecdote:
i
Once, when embassies from the Mamluks and the Ottomans had reached Tabriz, Sultan Ya'qub Mirza arranged a rec~ption for them in the greatest pomp and magnificence. Donning a goJd-embroidered tunic, Ya'qub seated himself upon the dais and gave thc"ambassadors audience. When all had taken their places, Qazi 'Isa entered the assembly. Seeing the ruler attired thus, he stepped forward and declared: "Wearing gold-decorated garments is contrary to the Sacred Law." He then commanded his attendant Arnir Siraj al-Din to remove the tunic from Ya'qub Mirza's shoulders and replace it with a plain, coarse cloak. The ruler gracefully compliedY Moreover, the tendency toward excessive display seen in glittering state receptions, banquets, and hunts was further reflected in the construction of monumental architectural testimonies to the greatness and affluence of Aqquyunlu rule. The dedication in 1484/889 ofthe~~~iY~Ill2~q!,leand college 52- said to be several times larger than Jahanshah's Muzaffariya-was ~'overshadowed several years later by the completion of the secular Hasht Bihisht Palace 53 and the 'Ishratabad Gardens, considered one of the wonders of Persia by contemporary travelers, one of whom described the latter as "an earthly paradise inhabited by mortal men."54 Public works such as seminaries, hostels, markets, warehouses, baths, and canals are also mentioned in the narrative sources, all of which attest to the flourishing condition of the Aqquyunlu capital.5 5 Far more effective than these architectural projects in Tabriz in securing in- . ternational prestige for the Ya'qubid regime was its patronage of historical \ I writin~, literature, science, and the arts. The tradition of court historiography \' begun tn 1470/875 by Abu Bakr Tihrani-Isfahani with his Diyar-Bakrian Vol-
I38 ~ The Aqquyunlu
ume was raised to an even higher standard of eloquence, if not excellence, by the Aminian World-Adomer of Fazl Allah Khunji-Isfahani, ''Amini.'' Ahli of Shiraz, Baba Fighani, and Banna'i were among the most prominent luminaries in the galaxy of poets who flourished under the encouragement ofYa'qub and Qazi 'Isa-themselves literary dilettantes-and may have contributed significantly to the formation of the metaphysical Indian style of Persian poetry. 56 Moreover, Jami, the great Naqshbandi mystic and classical poet-in-residence at Sultan-Husayn Bayqara's court in Harat, not only corresponded with Ya'qub on several occasions, but also dedicated his version of the allegorical romance Salaman u Absal to Ya'qub and his brother Yusuf and wrote several shorter panegyric pieces in Ya'qub's name. 57 Calligraphy and miniature painting also attained a high level of originality and refinement under Aqquyunlu patronage in the late fifteenth/ninth century, rivaling the more celebrated Timurid school ofHarat. 'Abd ai-Rahim "Anisi" was only one of the outstanding calligraphers working in Ya'qub's atelier. i8 Moreover, as recent studies have demonstrated, the vigorous and enthusiastic Turkmen style of the artists of Tabriz such as Shaykhi, Muhammad-Darvish, and the enigmatic Muhammad Siyah Qalam constitutes one of the major influences on the development of Safavid painting under Shah Tahmasb in the middle of the sixteenthltenth century. 59 Consequently, though researches on Turkmen architecture, poetry, and painting are still embryonic, it is safe to say that Ya'qubid Tabriz was an Islamic cultural center of considerable importance and that judgments on the cultural barrenness and barbarity of Turkmen rule are no longer tenable. 60 In addition to fostering and supporting aristocratic Islamic culture, Ya'qub's government was also concerned with manipulating Islamic symbol~ of sovereignty in a renewed effort to buttress the politico-religious legitimacy of the regime. The lines of this policy were essentially the same as those laid down in the time of Uzun Hasan. In September 148s/Ramadan 890, for example, Ya 'qub led the Aqquyunlu ghazis against the infidels of Samtzkhe in his capacity as Imam and protector of the frontiers ()f Islam. This campaign, Ya'qub's second and last personal militaty venturefwasmaterially and spiritually very successful. Reduced by the:Aqquyunlu art:ill;ij" tne-·conquemt-nnesof Samtzkhe-Akhalkalaki, Akhaltsikhe, aJ1d"AtsKtl.ri-yieided much booty and many prisoners to be distributed among the members of the religious establishment in the ruler's train. 61 It is thus perhaps no coincidence that after the ghaza against Samtzkhe references to the imamate ofYa'qub begin to appear in the official sources. In a document dated April 1487/Jumada I 892, as Imam of the Age, Ya'qub exempted two Armenian clergymen from paying theJ'.
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Plate VI. Bahram Gur in the Green Pavilion; Khamsa ofNizami, 1475-81/880-86, Tabriz Topkapl Sarayl Library, Istanbul, H. 762, fo!' 189b.
14 0 ,...",.,
Stasis and Decline
The Aqquyunlu
the Aqquyunlu ruler as chief of the Muslim state. 63 Finally, a seventeenthl eleventh-century Shi'i biographical work claims that the religious scholar Jalal ai-Din Davani also recognized Ya'qub as religio-political head of all SunniJama'i Muslims. 64 There were further efforts to transfer Davani's envoy-renewer theory to his son Ya'qub in order to help create a true concept of dynasty. This task was no doubt facilitated by the assertions of no less a personage than the poet-mystic Jami, who asserted that Ya'qub, the Shadow of God (zill-i Allah), had in fact inherited both his father's upright character"andbissacral charisma (farr-i ilahi).65 According to Qazi Husayn Maybudi, "Since the age of the Patriarchal caliphs' there . have been few kings lik.e him [Ya'qub). During his reie:n,which . , I i !.. _"", 66 heralds the appear<J.nce gf me Mahdi, the people rest tranquil and carefree." These ideas were then combined with elements of esoteric cosmology by Khunji-Isfahani in a lengthy and difficult section on the accession ofYa'qub, the upshot of which is, first, that the advent ofYa'qub marks the real pivot of the fifteenthlninth century, not Uzun Hasan's defeat of Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu at the Battle of Mu§ in 1467/872; and, second, that the divine mandate to renew the faith is not fixed in a single individual, but rather belongs to the entire Uzun-Hasanid house of the Bayandur clan. 67 Clearly, the first principle is ,.intended to limit the second to a representative of the line ofYa'qub and thus promote the formation ofa dynastic house whose succession would be governed by unigeniture. That this hastily concocted dynastic theory was inadequate to guarantee the unopposed succession of Baysunghur to his father's throne is apparent not only from political events during the Confederate Clan Wars, but also in the essentially empty honorifics addressed to the young sultan Baysunghur by none other than Khunji-Isfahani: "His Majesty, refuge of the caliphate, shadow of God, heir to the glories of Ogllu?- Khan and the achievements of Anushirvan."68 Here the Islamic legitimizing principles simply occupy first place in a series of appeals to other great traditions of universal sovereignty and sacral kingship. In addition to the spoils gained in wars against non-Muslims, further remuneration for the Islamic aristocracy and intelligentsia who furnished ya qub's government with ideological backing was provided essentially by the same sources as under previous administrations. These included the reconfirmation of grants made by earlier rulers, personal immunities, gifts of cash and slaves, and tax exemptions. 69 Though anxious to propitiate this class, Ya'qub. was far more attached to and influenced by his ministers and political advisors than Uzun Hasan had been, and the growing conflict of interests between ! these twO groups is perhaps nowhere more dramatically portrayed than in the hagiography of Shaykh Ibrahim Gulshani. In one vignette, Ya'qu~ is ~n structed in the primacy of the principles of the Sacred Law and secular Justlce over the bureaucracy for the survival of the Empire.7° In other anecdotes,
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Shaykh. Ibrahim intercedes directly with the ruleno defeat plans by the ministe~s to mcrea:>e state re.venues by canceling immunities and exemption along with ot~er snpends pa1d to the members of the religious establishment while ~uggestlng that treasury de~~its be balanced by contributions from the private mcomes of the ruler, the m11l1sters, and the military officers! 7' Though initiall upon, Ibrahim's advice was ultimately ignored, resulting in Isas cat~stroph1c attemfts a~ bureaucratic reform in 1489-91/894-96. ~he mflue~ce ofYa qub s advisors may also have been responsible for the coolmg of relations between the ruler and the representatives of popular Islam. After the death of Uzun Hasan's sh;:tl)1a~-shaykh, the ecstatic Baba ~bd al-Rahman Shami, his position at court was takeiiby the more moderate Khalv~tis, D,ede 'Umar Rawshani and Shaykh Ibr~imq!:!,M!alli,who~e infl~~nce wJth Ya qub has already been alluded to. Other moderates did ~ot fare so well as the case of the Naqshbandi Darvish Siraj al-Din Qasim illustrates. ' Darvish Qasim, whose. c:ueer has been traced in chapter I, was a highly respected membe~ of .the rehglOus community in Tabriz and was serving as rector of the Nasnya m 1486/891. In Tabriz in March/Rabi' I of that year, an overzealou~ young Turkmen soldier by the name of Mahdi invoked the Holy War and killed ~ wealthy Armenian merchant who had refused to accept Islam. Apprehendmg alldex~c~ti~'&E~~oldi~!z.Ya'gl!!?:~ men turned his severed. head over to members of ~he Armenian community, ~ho then began to kick it i thr.ough thestreets.of t~e1.r quarter. Led by Darvish Qasim, shocked representatives o~ the Islam1c rehglOus classes obtained permission from Ya'qub to give the sold1er a proper burial. By nightfall, however, the funeral ceremonies had taken on the character of a public demonstration near the royal residence, where Ya'qub and ):lis companions were well into their cups. Brought before me e~raged ~nd besotted sultan, Darvish Qasim was slaughtered by Ya'qub and h1s court1ers. The next morning, when the news of Darvish Qasim's murder spread t~ro.ugh Ta~riz, a full-scale uprising of the Muslim citizenry broke out. In retal1~tlOn, Ya qu~ allow~d his trQ9l:>~!?p.1~er ~e. city ~or~everal hours and l~~~ed ~~.~~''rI~~~~~l~~~~~E~!~$?~;rh~Jllu.tua1 animosity engendered by ~lS mcid~nt may have caused Ya'qub;md the court virtually to abandon. the cap1tal: durmg the next five years, Ya'qub spent less than twelve mon~hs m the newly co~pleted H~~~~~i~~~r_~~ce".-ya.'(iub's"final stay in Ta~nz-a four-month res1dence from July to October 1488/Sha'ban to Dhu'lS-a da 893. ~er the d~feat ~f I:Iayda.:rS.ilfe,yi-was the occasion for his pubhc ~enUnC1at10n of wme-dnnking and the issuance of a general prohibition aga1~s\~he co~sum~tion of alcoholic beverages by the Muslim population of Tabnz. The mhab1tants of the capital were not to be placated by this tactic and two years later even spread false rumors of an epidemic in Tabriz to dissuade Ya'qub from holding his winter quarters there.74 The ~lienation of the y-a'gubid regime from the urban popular religious
~ct~d
Sh~ykh
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142 ~
leaders and their followers in the capital was paralleled in the provinces by growing hostility between the central government and the extremist Mu~~~iha' and Safavid paramilitarymillenarian movements. The Musha'sha' dis., turbances in the south, which had begun shortly before the-(feath'otUzun Hasan by 1488/893, resulted in the loss of "half the province of Iraq," according to a letter to Bayezid II,75 Direct military action proved necessary; the armies of Fars, Persian Iraq, and Arabian Iraq under the command of Mansur Beg Purnak besieged and captured the important Musha'sha' center of Shushtar in Khuzistan. The Musha'sha' leader Sayyid Muhsin, however, was quick to come to terms with the regime and so avoided an Aqquyunlu takeover of the principality. Khunji-Isfahani lists him among the tributaries pledging loyalty to Ya'qub at the New Year's Day ceremonies of 149°/895. In the north, the activities ofYa'qub's cousin and brother-in-law Haydar Safavi required even more drastic measures. The militant character of the radical wing of the Safavid order first apparent in the time ofJunayd, who died fighting the SharvanshahKhalil in 1460/864, had persisted and flourished under his posthumouss?n, Haydar. With Haydar's elevation to the leadership of the Safavid order in Afd:tbil sometime after his maternal uncle Uzun Hasan's conquest of Azarbayjan, many of Junayd's followers from among the extreme Shi'i Turkmen tribes of Syria and Anatolia rallied around the young shaykh. , Khunji-Isfaharii's graphiC pirtisan account of Haydar's martial bent and his reign of terror iIi Ardabil clearly reflects the official uneasiness and apprehension over these developrrients,76H.aydat'spolitica,tcareet,actualrYlJegan in 1483/888,77 and the following year Yaiqiibgrlldgi~gly gave him permission to conduct a ghaza against the infidel Circassians along with the right to traverse the landsoftheShllfVanshahFarrukhyasar, Ya'qub's father-in-law and son of the killer of Junayd,78 In 1486/891, Haydar raided the Circassians a second time, returning to Ardabil with much booty and maRY prisoners. On this occasion, however, Ya'qub summoned his cousin to Tabriz, where Haydar swore , to desist from further military exploits and to devote himself henceforth exclusively to the spiritual guidance of his followers,79 The responsibilityJor Haydar's rebellion. in 1488/893, however, must be partly charged to Ya'qub, who released Haydar from his oath by ordering him to reinforce a vanquished Aqquyunlu army on the Georgian front. 80 The proposed military cooperation between the Safavids and the forces of the march warden Sufi Khalil Beg Mawsillu never materialized, leaving Haydar with his fully mobilized troops camped for several months along the Kur River, awaiting formal permission from Ya'qub to lead a third campaign against the Circassians. Finally acquiescing to his cousin's request, Ya'qub instructed the Sharvanshah once again to give the Safavid ghazis freedom of passage through !
!
The Aqquyunlu
Stasis and Decline
,~,
[43
his lands. Instead of proceeding directly to Circassia, however, this time Haydar crossed the Kur and attacked Farrukhyasar's capital Shamakhi, driving the Sharvanshah from one defensive position to another. 8! In answer to an urgent appeal from his beleaguered vassal, Ya'qub dispatched a large Aqquyunlu cavalry force under his commander-in-chief, Sulayman Beg Bijan, to relieve the Sharvanshah. Pursuing the insurgents deep into the Caucasus, the combined Aqquyunlu-Sharvani army defeated the Safavids on 9 July 1488129 Rajab 893· Haydar's head was sent back to Ya'qub in Tabriz, while three of his sons-Sultan 'Ali, Sayyid Ibrahim, and Isma'il-were imprisoned in the castle ofIstakhr in Fa.rs,far from the seat of the order in Ardabil. 82 These actions against the Safavid order hence estranged the Ya'qubid regime from yet another source of support: those tribal and rural Turkmens of Azarbayjan and Anatolia among whom the radical doctrines of Junayd and Haydar had spread and for whom the urban aristocratic Islamic religion, culture, and politics ofTabriz had little meaning and less moral force. With the Musha'sha' pacified and the military Safavid order dispersed and leaderless, Ya'qub's administration had attained its immediate political ends and was now free to turn to other, more conventional internal problems. Constantine III, the Bagratid prince of Kartli, whose defeat of Sufi Khalil Beg Mawsillu in 1488/893 had not only facilitated the early stages of Haydar Safavi's rebellion but had also brought about considerable political instability in the troublesome region of Kurdistan, was the first to be dealt with. After extensive preparations, which included constructing fortresses and casting artillery, the regrouped army of Sufi Khalil Beg laid siege to the major centers of Bagratid power, and by the beginning of 1489/894 the Aqquyunlu had again occupied Tiflis. 83 Also thrown into chaos by the invasion of Constantine of Kartli, Kurdistan proved far more intractable than Georgia and finally required the intervention of imperial troops. In spring 1489/Rabi' II-Rajab 894, Ya'qub directed Sulayman Beg Bijan to the Kurdish regions south of Lake Van to restore Aqquyunlu control there. SUlayman Beg quickly obtained the submission of many rebel chiefs after seizing several of their mountain strongholds, but he was unsuccessful in his efforts to capture the leaders of the revoir, Hasan Bahadinan of'Amadiyah and 'Izz ai-Din Shir 'Azizan ofHakkari. Alternating between his winter encampment in Diyar Bakr and summer campaigns in Kurdistan, Sulayman Beg spent more than two years attempting to subdue the region. 84 The long absence from the court of these two powerful members ofYa'qub's government had a decisive effect on the course of events during the ruler's last years. It is thus no coincidence that Qazi 'Isa's rise to absolute power in the Ya'qubid regime occurred while both Sufi Khalil Beg Mawsillu and Sulayman
I44 ....",., The Aqquyunlu
Beg Bijan were involved in far-flung military operations. In the early part of 1489/8 94, Qazi 'lsa had managed to bring most of the civilian departments of the central administration under his personal control, in addition to the offices of military chancellor and recorder of documents. He was then ready to launch a sweeping program of refor~ns aimed at the complete reorganization of the Empire along the lines of traditional !rano-Islamic statecraft in order to strengthen the central bureaucratic apparatus. In the words of KhunjiIsfahani, Ever since the irruption of Changiz Khan, men's many improprieties had confounded all of the affairs of land tenure, and the Changizkhanid Yasa had roiled and polluted the pure stream of the commandments of the faith. The late Qazi ['Isa] desired that they flow in absolute accordance with the splendid Shari'a and the resplendent religion .... His intention was to send some trustworthy and pious government functionaries ro Iraq and Fars to collect by canonical financial means a sum of money that might equal the income of the urban commercial taxes [tamghavat]-the most important source of state revenue. After raising such an amount, it would be easy to entreat His Majesty [Ya'qub] to forgo imposing the urban levies, and, given the existence of these canonical revenues, this request would certainly not be denied. In this fashion, because of these taxes falling into desuetude, a great injustice would be wiped from the pages of time. 85 In practical terms, the abolition of the tamghavat 86 -imposts on crafts, urban commerce, and goods in transit-required shifting the entire state revenue system from the predatory exploitation of commerce by the nomadic military elite to the orderly taxation of a sedentary, agrarian "Oriental society." There, fore, this measure was also surely aimed at curbing the political power of the provincial clan chieftains who had grown steadily more independent ~f ~e central authority after the abandonment of the appanage syste~,,~arher 1ll Ya'qub's reign. The backlash against this threat to their economic interests wascirie of the driving forces of the Confederate Clan Wars after the death of Ya'qub. In order to abolish the illegal urban levies, however, Qazi'IsaspJ,?jected reforms required the carrying out of comprehens\y~ (;il:g~!!~ .~~~t:y~~odeter::.. mine the legal agrarian tax base. Regaining c
Stasis and Decline
~ I45
~rivilege and rais~d a storm of protest against the Ya'qubid regime. 88 The reac-
tion of Jalal al-Dm Davani, ideological mainstay of the Aqquyunlu Empire in Uzun Hasan's time and erstwhile supporter ofYa'qub, is especially enlightening: When Sultan Ya'qub Khan began to practice tyranny and oppression shortly before his death, Mawlana Davani took great offense and as an act of public protest he removed his white turban, saying: "I shall not desist as long as the world remains thus." On the night of the sultan's death, Mawlana relented and again placed the white turban on his head. Whenever he saw tyranny in a ruler, he became outraged and prayed regularly for the ruler's demise until that tyrant perished. 89 Hardest hit by Qazi 'Isa's centralizing policies, the religious establishment not only withdrew its recognition of the regime's legitimacy, but also closed down many public charities, spreading further discontent among the urban lower classes. The commercial taxes and dues as the major interim source of rev~~ue, however,. ~ere initially untouched by the reformers, and thus the opposltion of the mIlItary officers who farmed these revenues was not as immediate ~s the protests of the religious classes. Yet the revolt of Gulabi Beg Mawslllu, governor of the important commercial city ofErzincan-center for the transshipment of silk to Aleppo and Bursa-is said to have begun two years before Ya'qub's death or about the time Qazi 'Isa announced his programs. 90 In any event, it is clear that by 1490/895, Uzun Hasan's Sunni-Sufi politico-economic synthesis had begun to unravel at the seams. . These social, political, and economic disruptions were aggravated by a senes of severe e?idemi~s in AzarbaYjaIliIIH87/892, 1488/893, and 1490/895. Several members of the Bayandur paramount clan were casualties in these outbreaks, and even Ya'qub himself was stricken briefly in 1490/895. Recovered but much weakened, Ya'qub joined the court at the winter encampment in Q:rab~h. L~ss than six months later, the most important personages of the Ya qubld regime were dead and the Aqquyunlu lay in the grip of violent civil __\Var. ~et what actually happened in the camp at Sultan-Bud in Qarabagh is very difficult to determine with any degree of certainty.9 1 Most of the Iranian sources agree with the extremely complicated version of Khunji-Isfahani, whose ~ccount, while not based on firsthand experience,9 2 is corroborated by the te~~lmony ~f anotheri\qq~yu~I~_b~r~~~~!~E: Idris Bi~!i~i. According to KhunJl-Isfaham, p~ague broke out in the winter encampment, claiming the queen mother, SalJuqshah Begum, and Yusuf b. Uzun Hasan as its first victims. 93 Ove:come .w,ith sorrow, Ya'qub himself again fell ill. Incompetently treated by hiS phYSICians and demoralized by his courtiers, he too expired, on 24 December 1490/u Safar 896. More dramatic versions of these events centering on sex, politics, and mur-
I46 ~ The Aqquyunlu
der also circulated in neighboring courts and captured the imaginations of foreign travelers. The contemporary Mamluk chronicler Ibn al-Himsi, for example, tells the story of a young prince who had asked Ya'qub to grant him a benefice, whereupon the sultan demanded that the youth engage in unspeakable acts (fohisha) with him in return for this favor. The prince complained to Saljuqshah Begum, who severely rebuked her son for this behavior. In an intoxicated fury, Ya'qub struck and killed the queen-mother. When his brother Yusuf tried to avenge her murder, Ya'qub slew him as well. The army then rose against Ya'qub, who was killed in the fighting. 94 Several Italian accounts, moreover, claim that Ya'qub was murdered by his lascivious wife, who had taken a lover.9s Finally, the sixteenthltenth-century Safavid historian Hasan Rumlu relates that Saljuqshah Begum wanted to poison Masih Mirza, Uzun Hasan's son by Theodora Komnene. To this end, she prepared a bowl of apricots and water, but by mistake the deadly mixture was drunk by Ya'qub and Yusuf as they came out of the bath. When Saljuqshah saw what had happened, she finished the poisoned cup out of fear and regret. Sadeddin, however, declares that the cup was actually meant for Ya'qub so that Yusuf might succeed to the rule of the Aqquyunlu, and that, suspecting this possibility, Ya'qub made his mother and brother taste the cup first. 96 Though problems of chronology (e.g., Ya'qub died six weeks after his mother) and internal inconsistencies (e.g., Hasan Rumlu first speaks of the poison cup, while later referring to Ya'qub's fatal illness) strain the credibility of these coups de theatre, there is other evidence to suggest that Ya'qub might in fact have been assassinated. For example, a rumor reaching Damascus in February-March 1491/Rabi' 11896 claimed that Ya'qub and a large number of his relatives had died byviolence. 97 Moreover, in addition to Khunji-Isfahani's "disturbing metaphors," pointed out by Minorsky, two lines ftom an elegiaccongratulatory poem addressed to Ya'qub's son and heir designate Baysunghur on New Year's Day, II March 1491129 Rabi' 11896, by Baba Fighani Shirazi also hint at the poisoned cup episode: 9 8 , Ignoble fate, you merit not a kingly chalice; Fill an earthen beaker with your bitter wine. and more specifically: As they passed the brimming cup of pleasure round, I thought I must not taste this poison-tainted draught. While confirming the natural death version ofKhunji-Isfahani and Bidlisi, the biography of Shaykh Ibrahim Gulshani reintroduces the bath theme of Hasan Rumlu: "In a dream, I [Shaykh Ibrahim] saw Sultan Ya'qub and his mother enter a heated bath and it was revealed to me that they would not come
Stasis and Decline
~
I47
out again-a sign that the state was about to collapse."99 Further, Shaykh Ibrahim appears to have been one of those who demoralized and intimidated Ya'qub, thereby causing him to lose the will to live.IOO The agreement of Khunji-Isfahani, Bidlisi, and Gulshani would seem to outweigh the rumors and "disturbing metaphors" ofYa'qub's unnatural death, but the final answer to this question must await the discovery of more conclusive evidence. Regardless of the actual circumstances ofYa'qub's demise, the twenty-year crisis unleashed by the events oflate 1490 and early 1491/Dhu'I-Hijja 895 to Rabi' II 896 was to prove fatal for the Aqquyunlu Empire.
6
Devolution and the New Dispensation The Truth is made manifest in a man: Bow down: Flirt not with Satan: Adam has donned new clothes: God has come: God has come: Shah Isma'il, Khata'i, Divan In some respects, the seventeen-year period from the death of Ya'qub in 1490/896 to Shah Isma'il's seizure of Baghdad in 1508/9I4 superficially resembles the second or Great Civil War 0[14-35-57/839-=-61,btii in many others it
is markedly different. During this time~ nine Uzun-Hasanids and Jahangirids assumed or were installed as rulers of the Aqquyunlu confederation. At stake was the domination ofa vast Empire stretching eastward from the Euphrates to the borders of Khurasan and from the Kur valley southward to the Persian Gulf. not merely the control of the migration network of Diyar Bakr and Arminiya. Of these princes, only two had reached maturity at the time of their accessions; those who had not were, to one degree or another, merely figureheads legitimizing usurpations of power by various political factions within the Empire. Qasim (born not later than 1469/873-74) and perhaps Masih were adults at the time of their enthronements, while Ahmad (nineteen-twenty), Rustam (fourteen-fifteen), Mahmud, Alvand, Muhammadi (teenagers), Baysunghur (nine), and Sultan-Murad (seven) were adolescents or children on their installations. The sultanate thus ultimately became the plaything of warlords and the spoils of the collateral houses of the Bayandurs-especially the descendants of Kur Muhammad b. Qara 'Usinan~a.nd the Purnak and Mawsillu confederate chieftains. By the end of this period, the political balance had..swung powerfully in favor of the decentralizing) gi!l~ ~It:tpents of the Empire. The Uzun-Hasanid house had been all but destroyed in interfactional strife and the Bayandur paramount clan decimated and irreconcilably divided . against itself. Viewed in the context oflater Aqquyunlu history, the establishment of the Safavid dynasty by Shah Isma'il in the early years of the sixteenth/ tenth century may be considered the foundation of a new political dispensaI49
I50 .-<:::>-'
Murad,
Jahangir,
t 1469?
Devolution and the New Dispensation
The Aqquyunlu
t 1478
- { Ibrahim,
tion to the Turkmens ofAnatolia and Iran by a cognate branch of the Bayandur clan-Int:egrated by a new Shi
t 1488
'Ali Khan,
~. I5I
t 1490
THE CONFEDERATE CLAN WARS
Qasim, t '502
I
Khanum Khatun
t 1478
AIVand. Sultall-Khali~
t 1478
{ Mirza
Ughurlu Muhammad,
Uzun Hasan,
t '478
Maqsud.
Ytt'qub,
~ t 1477
t '478
t '490
'A/~
Mahmud,
Husayn,
t 1490
t 149'
t 1492
Ahmad,
t 1497
---Rustam,
t 1497
-f
BaYSUnghur.'
- - - Zayna~
t 1507?
t '493
Hasan.' t '493 {HaSan
Sultan-Murad'
t 15'4 Ya'qub
Shahbeg Khatun _ Ghazi Khan Sharvani
Yusuf,
t '490
AIVand. t '504/5 Muhammad;,
Khadija
i
-{
-[Sultan-'Ali' t '494
Halma
Junayd, t 1460 ---Haydar,
t IjOO
t
1488
Shah Ismail
~ SAFAVID DYNASTY
VIIII6/iv Major claimants in italics 'Mother Gawhar-Sultan bt. Farrukhyasar Sharvanshah l Mother Begijan Khatun bt. Sulayman Beg Bijan
Figure II. The Confederate Clan Wars and the Fall of the Uzun-Hasanids
In the confusion immediately preceding and following the deaths of Saljuqshah Begum, Yusuf, and Ya'qub, political and military preponderance in the royal winter quarters in Qarabagh was held by Sufi Khalil Beg, whose Mawsillu faction included a score of sons and almost a hundred clansmen.' This fact doubtless aided Sufi Khalil in initially persuading the Bayandur and Miranshahi princes to accept the elevation of his ailing, nine-year-old ward Baysunghur to the throne. This was allegedly done in accordance with the late sultan's last wishes to limit the succession to one of his sons. 2 Nimdihi has Sufi Khalil tell the assembled princes, "Ya'qub is gone and Baysunghur is his son. It has always been the custom for the son to succeed the father. You should all swear allegiance to him."3 Now virtual dictator, Sufi Khalil sent two of his sons to arrest Ya'qub's chief of staff, Mirza 'Ali b. Sultan-Khalil, a potential UzunHasanid candidate for the sultanate. He was put to death several days later. This action provoked the Bayandurs and their Miranshahi cousins, led by 'Ali-Khan b. ]ahangir, to reconsider their precipitous acquiescence. Rallying around Uzun Hasan's son Masih Mirza, they declared Baysunghur deposed and revolted against Sufi Khalil, the Mawsillu, and the Timurid renegade Amir Mughul. Savage fighting then erupted in the royal camp, resulting in the total destruction of the Bayandur princes and officers, including Masih Mirza and many of their supporters. Of those Uzun-Hasanids who escaped slaughter, Rustam b. Maqsud was captured and imprisoned in Alinjaq Castle near Nakhjavan, while Mahffiiid b. Ughurlu Muhammad managed to make his way to the Purnak-controlled province ofIraq.4 After the bloodbath in Qarabagh, Sufi Khalil Beg set about consolidating his coup by purging the Ya'qubid administration of all potential opponents. After first liquidating the surviving leaders of Masih Mirza's revolt, Sufi Khalil Beg turned against Qazi 'Isa, who had been instrumental in having him transferred to the Georgian marches and whose reforms had targeted the economic foundations of the power of the Turkmen military elite. Accusing the Qazi of holding the heretical doctrines of "incarnation and deviation" (hulul va ilhad), Sufi Khalil Beg turned people against [Qazi 'Isa]. Reviling him, they appeared on the point of sedition, while most of the religious authorities declared his execution legal and his rights defunct. In the administrative council, Sufi [Khalil] began to insult and rebuke him; the Qazi answered him bravely, but politely. Enraged, [Sufi Khalil] raised the issue of their previous reli-
152 ~ The Aqquyunlu
gious discussions, whereupon the Qazi was bound and imprisoned and his camp was pillaged .... The Qazi bore this injury pat~e~tly f~r a week .a~d on the eighth day he was brought before the admmlstratlve counCil I~ chains. Sufi [Khalil] said, "Despite your accomplishments and your POSItions as minister of religious affairs and Islamic magistrate, you have not observed Sunni religious principles and you have cast into your eye the dust of the evil innovation of the cult of the heretics [zanadiqa]." The Qazi responded, "No, never! I have always followed the Prophet and his descendants." Bur they did not credit this, and, taking him to an open space, they released his soul from the narrow prison of earthly grief.5 Ya'qub's preceptor and minister of religious affairs was executed on 24 Ja~uary 149 111 3 Rabi' I 89 6 .6 The finance minister, Shah-Mahmu~ !an I?aylaml, was more fortunate and fled to his native Qazvin. A new admlllistration was then formed around Shaykh Muhammad of the influential Shi'i Kujuji family of karbayjan. In Fars, Qazi 'Isa's brother, Shaykh 'Ali. Sava!i, ,~ead of the delegation of "trustworthy and pious government functlonanes sent to Iraq a~d Fars to implement the Qazi's policies, was arrested, tortured, and mulcted III Shiraz by the military governor, Mansur Beg Purnak. He was then. taken to Tabriz where he received similar treatment at the hands of Sufi Khalil.? Thus, only a' month after Ya'qub's death, Sufi Khalil Beg h.ad elimina~ed his most powerful rivals, achieved complete control of Azarbay~an, and ~allled the allegiances of his brother Bakr Beg on the Khurasan frontier and hiS nephew Gulabi Beg in Arminiya in the west. . . Sians of opposition to Sufi Khalil appeared almost immediately.. Perhaps the ea~liest hint occurs in Baba Fighani's New Year's Day poem dedicated to Baysunghur, cited previously in connection with the "disturbing metaphors" on the death ofYa'qub: Thanks to God, the world is again filled with Ya'qubian justice! The royal khutba is founded on the name ofBaysunghur. God grant him aid that he might take justice from the world, That he might take his heart's desire from both slave and free. This scion alone remains from so many noble kings; May he long remain to avenge his forefathers. Let the world become a rose garden through his justice Such that none might take a petal wrongly from another. . o God, give this fair-faced king the qualities of Solomon [~ula~mam] To grant the ants their wish and take vengeance from the wmd. The murderous tyranny of Sufi Khalil would certainl~ seem to ~arr~nt Bab;t Fighani's appeal for the return of justice and the exactlllg of retnbutlon from
Devolution and the New Dispemation
~ 153
those who had usurped the rights of the Bayandur royal house. Furthermore, it is tempting to see the last distich quoted.as more than a simple literary allusion to the Qur' anic story of Solomon and to interpret the expression "the qualities of Solomon [Su!aymani]" as a reference to Sufi Khalil's archrival Sulayman Beg Bijan, one of the pillars ofYa'qub's government, who was at that time campaigning in the westernmost parts of the Aqquyunlu Empire. 9 This view of Baba Fighani's verse is borne out by other traditions antagonistic to Sufi Khalil, which describe him as "un-Sufi-like" and "notorious for drunkenness and tyranny; marked by envy and conceit."IO The first open reaction to the Mawsillu coup came from the Purnak governors of Arabian Iraq and Fars. In Hamadan, Shah-Wi Beg Purnak, Ya'qub's long-time governor in Baghdad, proclaimed the Uzun-Hasanid fugitive Mahmud b. Ughurlu Muhammad sultan. Mahmud then drafted a letter to Tabriz, recalling the achievements of his father: "Hasan-Wi Qaraquyunlu was killed and Iraq conquered by my father's sword. I am his son and Sufi Khalil should recognize my rights. Both sides will be best served if Diyar Bakr and Azarbayjan are taken by Baysunghur while I retain Iraq and Fars."II However, Sufi Khalil Beg rejected this partition scheme and took the field against the Purnak antisultan. Near Darguzin, Mahmud and Shah-Wi Beg were routed; Shah~Wi Beg fell in battle, while Mahmud was later apprehended and executed. Meanwhile, the Purnak governor ofFars, Mansur Beg, initially recognized Baysunghur, but then shifted his allegiance to Mahmud on learning of his kinsman Shah-Wi Beg's opposition to the Mawsillu. The collapse of the Purnak revolt after the Battle of Darguzin, however, convinced Mansur Beg of the wisdom of according Baysunghur and his backers full recognition. His loyalty was soon put to the test, as he was ordered to suppress the anti-Baysunghur uprising of the Qara-'Usmanid Qayitmas Bayandur in Yazd. The arrival of the head of the rebel Qayitmas in Tabriz thus signified the end of Purnak recalcitrance and hence marked the extension of Sufi Khalil Beg's authority over Arabian Iraq, Persian Iraq, and Fars. . Nevertheless, two areas continued to hold out against Mawsillu pressure: Gilan ancLQi~fU",.Bakr. .Immediately after the Battle of Darguzin, an Aqquyunlu army was directed to Qazvin to prevent the seizure of this city, gateway to Gilan, by the forces of Wi Mirza Kiya'i of Lahijan. After changing hands several times, this urban center-along with much of north-central Persian Iraq-finally passed under Gilani control, where it remained for over two years. '2 Likewise, in Diyar Bakr, Sulayman Beg Bijan, Ya'qub's guardian, fatherin-law, and former chief of staff, initiated a determined campaign against the domination of Sufi Khalil Beg, a long-standing personal enemy.' 3 In early spring 1491/Jumada 1896, Sulayman Beg encountered and defeated Gulabi Beg
I54 ~ The Aqquyunlu
Mawsillu on the Tigris near Amid, and in mid-summer/Ramadan he confronted Sufi Khalil Beg himself on the frontiers of Azarbayjan. Prolonged skirmishing finally led to the withdrawal of the Mawsillu forces toward Tabriz. Falling on the retreating army outside the capital, Sulayman Beg overcame and killed Sufi Khalil Beg and his brother Bakr Beg on 29 July 1491122 Ramadan 896,14 thus ending the six-month Mawsillu military dictatorship. For the child Baysunghur, delivered into the insurgents' hands by some renegade officers, Sulayman Beg's countercoup merely meant exchanging one master for another; he reentered Tabriz with the new warlord for the winter of 1491-92/SafarJumada I 897. The new government now included Khvaja Ruh Allah Qazvini as finance minister and the Qara-'Usma.nid Qurkhmas b; Kur Muhammad Bayandur as chief of staff. Though there appears to have been little qualitative difference between the eight-month domination of Sulayman Beg and that of his predecessor internally, the Aqquyunlu Empire came under growing threatsJro.1l!..it§J:),.e.~rs, who hoped to profit from the internal discord to install their own candidates. For example, a report of imminent Ottoman intervention in Aqquyunlu affairs received in Cairo in February 1492/Rabi' II 897 initially led the Mamluk sultan al-Ashraf Qayitbay to decide on an expedition to Tabriz to enthrone the UzunHasanid Husayn b. Ughurlu Muhammad, resident in Cairo since 1477/882. The sultan, however, seems to have h~d second thoughts about such an undertaking and subsequently canceled the campaign. The death of Husayn nine months later in the Hijaz ended the feasibility of a Mamluk-imposed settlement of the Aqquyunlu succession crisis. 15 Sulayman Beg's regime was actually undermined from within. The sources emphasize the community of interest shared by both the religious establishment and the military elite 16 in replacing Baysunghur and Sulayman Beg with the.:Uzun-HasanidRustam.b..Maqsud, kept in Alinjaq Castle since the Qarabagh massacre. Open revolt against Sulayman Beg first broke out in Tabriz among the remnants ofUzun Hasan's personal retinue and the Bayandur paramount amirs under Uzun Hasan's brother-in-law, the chief of staff Qurkhmas. Sulayman Beg's ruthless suppression of the rebels and execution of Qurkhmas galvanized the Aqquyunlu in the Qarabagh winter encampment into action. Electing as their leader Qurkhmas's nephew Ibrahim b. Dana Khalil-better known by the sobriquet Ayba-Sultan-the Aqquyunlu amirs quickly gathered the Purnak and Qajar clans along with the survivors of the Mawsillu debacle and marched on Alinjaq Castle to free Rustam b. Maqsud. The Purnak castelain, Sidi 'Ali Beg, was soon won over to the insurgents and delivered his royal charge over to them. 17 The army of Baysunghur and Sulayman Beg, depleted by wholesale desertions to the rebels, was no match for Ayba-Sultan and his allies. Baysunghur fled to Sharvan and the protection of his grandfather, Far-
Devolution and the New Dispensation
~. ISS
rukhyasar, while Sulayman Beg returned to Diyar Bakr, where he wa~ captured and executed by Ayba-Sultan's brother, Nur 'Ali, in vengeance for the murder of their uncle Qurkhmas. Meanwhile, Rustam was led into the empty capital and enthroned at the end of May 1492/Rajab 897. ShaYkh Muhammad Kujuji and Shah-Mahmud Jan Daylami were recalled and asked to take charge of religious and fiscal affairs in the new government. The victory of the new Qara-'Usmanid strongman Ayba-Sultan Ba~andur and his Uzun-Hasanid nephew Rustam temporarily checked the rapid disintegration of the Aqquyunlu Empire, which had steadily gained momentum after the death ofYa'qub!s Since the elimination ofSaljuqshah Begum, Qazi 'Isa Savaji, Sufi Khalil Beg Mawsillu, and Sulayman Beg Bijan had in effect demolished the oldJTa~
I56 ~ The Aqquyunlu
Egypt by Qasim b. Jahangir, whom Rustam had sent to pacify Diyar Bakr in 1494/899.21 (Nur 'Ali remained in Mamluk lands until al-Ashraf Qayitbay's death in 149 6/ 901 , when he returned to Diyar Bakr once again to lead the opposition against Rustam.) Thus, by the middle of 14941 Ramadan 899, central control had been restored in Diyar Bakr, the Gilani garrison in Qazvin had been expelled, and superficially normal relations had been reestablished with Harat; Cairo, and Istanbul. 22 Other measures to consolidate the regime internally included renewed patronage of learning and the arts, extensive support of the religious establ~sh ment and the outward symbols of Islamic government, and a more lement attitude toward the Sufi brotherhoods. Major poets such as Baba Fighani, formerly connected with Ya'qub's court, now wrote poems in praise of ~u~!~! while a certain Lutf Allah Abu al-Futuh Shirazi dedicated his Guiding Treatise on the Hereafter to the "Lord of the Age," Rustam!2 3 Furthermore, according to Yahya Qazvini, author of Lubb at- Tavarikh. Rustam distributed more benefices to the religious intelligentsia than any other Turkmen ruler. 24 Indeed, the extent to which Rustam and the nomadic military elite were willing to go in order to conciliate the religious classes is clearly shown by Rustam's compliance with the remarkable religious court decision in 1495/900 forcing him to revoke a grant made to his guardian 'Abd al-Karim Beg and restore the p~ior rights of a leading religious figure ofIsfahan. 25 Later that same year, several Important religious officials were sent with the Pilgrimage litter to the Hijaz for the first time since Ya'qub's death. 26 Finally, unlike previous phases of the Confederate Clan Wars, Rustam's reign initially saw an improvement in relations between the regime and the popular religious groups: the Khalvatiya order was
.~~duct ~.e. ~ces t.~e._. zaffatiY~.!!!9.~g~~_i~bri~an~.:.:s
allowed . . .it.S r.v. .in.:-'... M .. u. early a{ 149;,/97, RUStam's cousins.:.t~~.sOI];~~·Sa6ivl,-were released from ca{mvlty and pennittecno'return to ArdabiL . In the latter connection, Rustam's advisors doubtless intended to explOIt both the Safavids' close blood relationship with Rustam and their family ~n mity"'toward the Sharvansh~J\!rQJkhyasat-...an~ub in . .!he ..~v~ous struggle against Baysungnur:'Safavidunits under the command ofHaydars eldest son, Sultan-'Ali, may in faahave partlclpatea 111 SotIi dashes wlth"lfaY-" sunghur,'white crtl'reYs''{oo!rparCulIhe suppression of Kusa-Haji. Bay~dur's revolt. Demobilizing these exuberant Safavid disciples after the vlctones had been won, however, proved extremely dif?~~~JQr the:;. Agquyunlu administra: {ion. Increasingly apprehensive"a:ttlle'gr~wing power of the militant Safavis so nea~ the Aqquyunlu capital, Ayba-Sultan and Husayn 'Ali-Khani Bayandur decided to arrest Sultan-'Ali along with his brothers Sayyid Ibrahim and Isma'il in summer 1494iRamadan-Dhu'I-Hijja 899· Forewarned, the three brothers tried to reach Ardabil, but were overtaken by the Aqquyunlu cavalry
Devolution and the New Dispensation
~
I57 ~-,
just outs'ide ditcity. In the ensuing battle, Sultan-'Ali became the third Safavi martyr at the h~nds of the Turkmens andifieirallies.OfHaYd3i's remaining sons, Sayyid Ibrahim apparently renounced the extremism of his ancestors and allowed himself to be instalbf in Ardabil as chief of a government-super~ised moderate branch of the Safavi order. His seven-year-old brother Isma'il, however, bearer of the militant traditions of the order, was taken to the court of 'Ali Mirza Kiya'i in Lahijan, where he spent the next five years in hiding from Aq- . quyunlu agents;:?2 ..... ·'tess-spectacular than the conRict with the militant wing of the Safavi order, but equally ruinous for Aqquyunlu imperial rule, was the detachment of several provinces from the central authority, a direct result of the regime's lack of physical and mor·al force in these regions. Bitlis, for example, was seized outright in 1494-95/900 by its hereditary Ruzagi Kurdish governor after more than two decades of Aqquyunlu control. 28 In Fars, moreover, the tenure of the Purnak confederate clan was strengthened in 1494-95/900 by the hereditary succession of Qasim Beg to the position of his father, Mansur Beg, who had held the governorship of Shiraz since 1486/891. Though originally intending to depose Mansur Beg, Rustam was convinced by Sidi 'Ali Beg, leader of the powe~ful Purnak faction at court, to reinstate his venerable kinsman in the provinCial post. Shortly thereafter, Mansur Beg was incapacitated by a severe illness, and his son Qasim Beg immediately took control of the region. Despite the fact that Qasim Beg claimed to rule in the name of his father, Rustam's appointed governor in Shiraz, the other confederate dans rose in protest over his ~surpation of the governorship. These disturbances along with Qasim Beg's Hon-handed measures for quelling the mutiny evoked another summons from Tabriz, bur once again Sidi 'Ali Beg's influence, along with Qasim Beg's bribes, resulted in a diploma of investiture officially transferring the province of Fars to Qasim Beg, where he maintained his virtual independence until 1501/ 907.29 In the west, likewise, after the expulsion ofNur 'Ali Bayandur from Diyar Bakr in 1494/899, Rustam's uncle Qasim b. Jahangir, known as Da'i Qasim or Qasim Padishah, began to embellish his capital Mardin in addition to minting coins, issuing rescripts, and carrying on foreign relations in his own name)O The ever-increasing disaffection and insubordination of Rustam's officers was exacerbated by the return ofNur 'Ali Bayandur from his Egyptian exile in 1496/9°1-2. This time, he found considerable support among the chiefs of the nomadic military elite, including those closest to the sultan himself. As spokesman for this group, Nur 'Ali complained of Rustam's incompetence to Bayezid II and petitioned the Ottoman sultan to allow the Uzun-Hasanid prince Ahmad, son of Ughurlu Muhammad and son-in-law of Bayezid, to claim the Aqquyunlu throne. After assuring himself of the sincerity of the Bayandur chiefs, Bayezid sent the young pretender with a detachment of Ot-
\.
158 ~ The Aqquyunlu
toman troops to join the anti-Rustam officers in Erzincan. At the Aqquyunlu court, the re~egades, led by Husayn 'Ali-Khani-who was also related to Ah~ad by ~arrI~ge--failed in an attempt to assassinate Rustam, striking down hIS guardIan, ~bd aI-Karim Beg, instead. When Rustam and Ayba-Sultan marched from Tabriz to meet the Bayandur-Ottoman force advancing down the ~ valley, J;fusayn 'Ali-Khani occupied the capital, giving the Friday pra~er In Ahmad s name in June 14971Shawwal 902. The final blow to Rustams cause came with Ayba-Sultan's battlefield defection to Ahmad h'ch I ft R I' tl h' b ,w I e ustam It e c OIce ut to flee. Supported either by anti-Ahmad Aqquyunlu march ~dens or by Georgian infidels, he was executed after a vain bid to recover hIS throne several months laterY If the officers had a.bandoned Rustam for Ahmad thought to make the twen~-year~old prIn~e theIr creature, they soon discovered that Ahmad had other Ideas.3 Reared In the courts ofFatih Mehmed and Bavezid II Ah d' ·th h' .. I ,rna In II b . co. a oratIon WI . IS mInIster Shaykh Fazil NuqtachiughIi clearly intended to 1mport a central1zed Ottoman-type administration into the vastly different setting of Iranian tribal politics.33 He first attempted to ally himself with the reli~ious establish~ent by treating its members with special respect and byenforCIng such ordInances as the ban on wine-drinking. He simultaneously struck hard at the economic and political bases of the power of this group by greatly restricting the granting of immunities, apparently intending to replace them with cash stipends derived from legal Islamic sources of taxation.34 He also tried to break the hold of the Bayandur-Purnak military clique at the court and the grip of the warlords on the provinces. Shortly after his arrival in Tabriz, Ahmad abolished Turkish tribal law, placing the military elite under the jurisdiction of the Sacred Law; executed his brother-in-law Husayn 'AliKhani along with Muzaffar Beg, a representative of the Purnak court faction; banished Ayba-Sultan to the province of Kirman; and recalled the newly in. stalled governor ofFars, Qasim Beg Purnak. . En route to his exile in Kirman, Ayba-Sultan met with Qasim Beg Purnak, and they decided to oppose Ahmad. First giving the Friday prarer in AybaSultan's name, they then agreed to summon Ya'qub's seven-year-old son Sultan-Murad from Sharvan and set him up as figurehead of a government in which they would wield real power. When Ahmad learned of these developments, he gathered a large army and proceeded south from Tabriz against the rebels. Outnumbered twenty-five to one, Ayba-Sultan and Qasim Beg nevertheless engaged Ahmad near Isfahan at Khvaja Hasan Mazi or Kihar-Ulang on 13-14 December I497!I7-I8 Rabi' II 903. Ayba-Sultan and the Purnak were initially driven back by Ahmad's superior forces, but the tide of battle suddenly reversed as Ahmad's Turkmen cavalry refused to fight alongside the foreign slave troops against their fellow tribesmen in the opposite camp. Reining back
W?0
Devolution and the New Dispemation
~ 159
their horses, Ahmad's right and left wing commanders thus allowed AybaSultan's men to massacre the Ottoman guard along with Ahmad and his minister.35 Not only had Ahmad's rule of little more than six months, rejected so dramatically on the battlefield at Khvaja Hasan Mazi, failed to check the centrifugal tendencies in the Aqquyunlu Empire, but his attempts to institute an alien political system may even have helped to accelerate the eventual triumph of the nomadic old order under the early Safavids. In the decade following the first battle of Khvaja Hasan Mazi, mutuallv hostile factions of the Turkmen nomadic military elite continued the Confederate Clan Wars in the names of several Bayandur princes: Muhammadi b. Yusuf, Alvand b. Yusuf, Sultan-Murad b. Ya'qub, and Qasim b. Jahangir. The principal difference between this and previous periods lies in the fact that these figureheads did not succeed each other on the throne in Tabriz, but were raised simultaneously in various parts of the Empire, a development that shattered what little remained of the fiction of Aqquyunlu political unity, marking its resolution into a congeries of appanage states. In the early stages of this segmentation, the major protagonists were the two sons ofYusuf b. Uzun Hasan, Alvand and Muhammadi. 36 Alvand, who I had fled to Diyar Bakr after the death ~i Ah~~d:~'pro.?~ii1eqsl1ltan in the west b}' Qasim b. Jahangir, several descendants of Pir 'Ali b. Qutlu, and the MaWsillu chiefs of Diyar Bakr and Arminiya. Muhammadi, however, was supported by Ayba-Sultan Bayandur's brotherS;-MtiffitftTle'governor ofYazd), Nur 'Ali, and Ashraf along with the Afshar confederates. Ayba-Sultan himself had established a royal winter encampment at Qum in expectation of the arrival of Sultan-Murad b. Ya'qub from Sharvan. After extracting oaths of allegiance from many of the military elite, Ayba-Sultan marched on Tabriz in spring 1498/Rajab-Shawwal 903 to welcome SultanMurad, but en route to the capital a group of dissidents rose against the selfproclaimed kingmaker. Ayba-Sultan not only routed these officers, but also dispersed Sultan-Murad's Sharvani escort, imprisoning the young prince in a castle near Maragha and forcing Sultan-Murad's mother, Gawhar-Sultan Khanum, to marry him in order to strengthen his position further. Once again the most powerful individual in the Aqquyunlu Empire, Ayba-Sultan now shifted his support to Alvand, who was summoned from Diyar Bakr and duly enthroned in Tabriz. Meanwhile, by late fall 1498/Rabi' 11904, Ayba-Sultan's brothers Nur 'Ali and Ashraf had succeeded in conquering most of southern Persian Iraq and Fars in Muhammadi's name. Shiraz was wrested from Qasim Beg Purnak and given to Muhammadi's Afshar allies, while Isfahan was chosen as temporary capitalF Moreover, during the winter, Muhammadi's amirs-reinforced by contingents from the Caspian principalities-were able to block a thrust at
I
I
I60 ~
Devolution and the New Dispensation
The Aqquyunlu
Khalil _ _ _ _ Yusuf
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Figure 12, The Confederate Clan Wars and the Fall of the Qara-'Usmanids
northern Persian Iraq by Ayba-Sultan and the army of Azarbayjan, compelling them to retreat to Tabriz. From Persian Iraq, Muhammadi's troops then invaded Azarbayjan, forcing a decisive encounter at ~izkandi between Miyana and Maragha in May-June 1499/Shawwal904· In this battle, the Azarbayjanis were crushed, Ayba-Sultan killed, and Alvand again driven into refuge with Qasim b. Jahangir in Diyar Bakr. The death of the able Qara-'Usmanid AybaSultan, perhaps the last Bayandur capable of engineering the reintegration of the Uzun-Hasanid Dispensation and the reunification of the Aqquyunlu Empire, lent further impetus to the forces of political and social devolution and segmentation. In addition, by continuing to elevate rival Uzun-Hasanid can-
~ I6I
didates to the throlle, Ayba-Sultan's brothers only multiplied the sources of conflict, all but annihilating several Qara-'Usmanid houses in the process. From the points of view of both the Bayandur ruling house and the paramount clan, therefore, the Battle of ~izkandi must be considered one of the most disastrous of the Confederate Clan Wars. Muhammadi's triumph was shorr-lived, and he soon abandoned Tabrizwon after his Pyrrhic victory over Ayba-Sultan-to his brother Alvand. Again backed by the Bayandur and Mawsillu chieftains of the western provinces,3 8 Alvand reoccupied the imperial capital, appointingAmir Zakariya Kujuji and Shah-Mahmud Jan Daylami as his administrators. At the same time, Muhammadi and the chieftains of Persian Iraq attempted to regain control ofIsfahan. Finally, a third group of officers led by Ayba-Sultan's brother Gilzel Ahmad, governor of Maragha, and his cousin Farrukhshad released Sultan-Murad b. Ya'qub and took the prince to join the dispossessed warlord ofFars, Qasim Beg Purnak.3 9 There the survivors ofAyba-Sultan's regime expelled the Afshar governor of Shiraz and enthroned Sultan-Murad, thus setting the stage for the final conflict of the Confederate Clan Wars. In summer 1500/late 905, the Bayandur-Purnakarmy of Sultan-Murad marched north from Shiraz to meet Muhammadi's Bayandur-Afshar coalition in the second battle of Khvaja Hasan Mazi. Muhammadi's forces were scattered and the prince was put to death, rendering a showdown between SultanMurad and Alvand inevitable. First reducing the Afshar chiefs of Kashan, Qum, and Sava who had sided with Muhammadi, Sultan-Murad drew up opposite the army ofAlvand camped on the northwestern frontier of Persian Iraq in summer-fall 1500/early 906. Neither side, however, appeared willing or able to force the issue, and the dispute was finally submitted to arbitration. 40 An agreement was reached and formalized by treaty whereby the Aqquyunlu Empire was to be divided at the Qizil Uzan River and partitioned between the two pretenders: Alvand was accorded the rule of Diyar Bakr, Arminiya, Azarbayjan, Mughan, and Arran, while Sultan-Murad received Persian Iraq, Kirman, Fars, and Arabian Iraq. Accounts of this treaty, however, ignore the fact that Qasim b. Jahangir had already become indep.endent "sultan" in Diyar Bakr at least three years earlier.41 In any event, this document gave official recognition of the partition of the Empire in accordance with the political situation in 1500/906. Though internal strife continued almost unabated, civil wars were no longer fought in the names of dynastic claimants of any Aqquyunlu dispensation, but were conducted by Bayandur and confederate adventurers and opportunists acting out of pure self-interest. 42 The Treaty of Partition was hence the practical and logical outcome of the Battle of ~izkandi.
Devolution and the New Dispensation
~,
I63
THE TRIPLE PARTITION AND THE RISE OF ISMA'IL SAFAVI
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There is no doubt that this de facto and de jure division of the Aqquyunlu EmpiFe greatly facilitated Isma'il Safavi's conquest of these lands between the years 1501/907 and 1508/914. In fact, the history of this final period of Aqquyunlu . hisroryis oftei'iredticed simply to a chronicle o(Qizilbashsuccesses and Aqquyunlu failures in province after province. In summer 1499/early 905, as the partisans ofAlvafid, Muhammadi, and Sultall-:tviurad were preparing for the final round of Aqquyunlu ConFederate cI.in Wars, Isma'il b. Haydar Safavi, who had just celebrated his twelfth birthday, left his sanctuary in Gilan in the company of his. se l1 ior adyisors. 43 The following year,-manyToyal di~~ipi~~ of hi~ granarath~;J~~~;;d~~nd his father, Haydar-including the original Qizilbash Ustajlu, Shamlu, Takkalu, Varsaq, Rumlu, Zu'l-Qadr, Afshar, and Qajar ) confederate clans-flocked to the young grand master of the Safavid order in : his summer encampmerit near Erzincan. This considerable force was then directed against Isma'il's ancestral enemy, the Sharvanshah, at the end of fall or early winter 15001~}cl-906. Within a few months, ther!c:hpro"yin~e_?f~h~t:V~n had passed completely under Qizilbash control, and the r~ler ~
Devolution and the New Dispemation
Plate VII. The Battle of Alma-Qulaq, Bijan, Tarikh-i Shah Isma'il, British Library, London, Or. 3248, fol. 86b.
~ I65
andur princes and confederate clan chieftains. Alvand's second flight from Azarbayjan in 1502/908 eventually led him to Diyar Bakr, where he demanded territory from his uncle and erstwhile backer in the Confederate Clan Wars, Qasim b. Jahangir. Qasim's refusal ended in armed confrontation near Mardin in which Qasim was defeated, captured, and later executed. Ruling independently in Diyar Bakr until 1504-5/910, Alvand maintained communications with anti-Safavid groups in Iran, but does not seem to have entertained hopes of staging another comeback, acting rather as an intelligence clearing house for the Ottomans. 48 When Alvand died in 1504-5/910, ostensibly of natural causes, a conflict over the issue of succession arose between his chief of staff, Amir Beg II Mawsillu, and his inner or palace service. The palace chiefs, standing on the principle of dynastic legitimacy, appealed to 'Ala' al-Dawla Zu'l-Qadr for the release of the Uzun-Hasanid prince Zaynal b. Ahmad b. Ughurlu Muhammad. Upon the appearance ofZaynal with a Zu'l-Qadr army, the local Kurdish rulers offered their submission, Amir Beg was arrested, and most of the urban centers of Diyar Bakr and Diyar Rabi'ah either surrendered or were subjugated. The Mawsillu quickly rallied, however, breaking the Zu'l-Qadr blockade of Ruha and expelling the invaders. Freed from his bonds by his kinsmen, Amir Beg returned to Amid, where he assumed control of Diyar Bakr without a Bayandur figurehead until the Qizilbash conquest of the province in 1507-81 9H-14. In this manner, therefore, Zaynal b. Ahmad had become by default the last representative of the Aqquyunlu paramount clan's dynastic house to rule in the confederation's original Anatolian homeland. 49 Purnak rule in Arabian Iraq under the five-year shadow sultanate of Sultan-Murad b. Ya'qub survived the Qizilbash conquest ofDiyar Bakr by less than twelve months. In summer 1508/Safar-Jumada II 914, Shah Isma'il sent an envoy to Barik Beg Purnak, governor of Baghdad and Sultan-Murad's commander-in-chief. Barik Beg honored the ambassador and even allegedly donned the scarlet Safavid headgear as a symbol of his submission to Shah Isma'il and his willingness to participate in the new order. Yet when Shah Isma'il marched on Baghdad in person, Barik Beg and Sultan-Murad fled to Aleppo before the advancing Qizilbash legions. Entering the capital of Arabian Iraq in October 1508/Jumada II 914, Shah Isma'il ordered the execution of all Purnak clansmen apprehended in the city, ostensibly in retribution for their desecration of Safavid regalia.5° After abandoning Baghdad to the Qizilbash, Sultan-Murad and Barik Beg tried without success to enlist the help of the Mamluk sultan al-Ashraf Qansuh al-Ghawri against their enemiesY Leaving Aleppo empty-handed, they then turned to 'Ala' al-Dawla Zu'l-Qadr, who gave Sultan-Murad his daughter in marriage and encouraged the stateless Aqquyunlu sultan's ambitions to recover
I66 ~ The Aqquyunlu
his patrimonyY This hollowness of this alliance soon became apparent, and Sultan-Murad then set out for the Ottoman court in search of the support to realize his hopes,53 but once again he seems to have received more comfort than aid from Bayezid II. In frustration, Sultan-Murad may even have contemplated coming to terms with his Safavid cousin; in fact, one Ottoman document reports his conversion to Qizilbash Shi'ism. 54 Nevertheless, in the wake of widespread anti-Safavid uprisings in Azarbayjan, Kurdistan, Diyar Bakr, and Arabian Iraq in 1513/919 sparked by the news of the Qizilbash defeat at Ghujduvan at the hands of the Uzbeks in 1512/918, Sultan-Murad, with the backing of Bayezid's successor, Selim, attempted unsuccessfully to rally the Bayandurs and their traditional Turkmen and Kurdish allies to his government in exile against the usurpers of his kingdom. In Tabriz itself, one group of insurgents raised Shah Isma'il's brother Sayyid Sulayman to the throne, while another sought the return of Sultan-Murad. Arabian Iraq and Diyar Bakr were the scene of Arnir Beg Mawsillu's attempts to throw off his allegiance to Shah Isma'il sworn in 1507/913 and again enter the service of the Aqquyunlu. As for Kurdistan, the lords and former governors of Bitlis, Mardin, <;:emi§gezek, Egil, Hazo, and other centers all revolted against Qizilbash domination. SultanMurad's letter to Farrukhshad Bayandur and Qasim Beg Bulduqani dated 6 May 1513129 Safar 919 shows in both its form and content, moreover, that Sultan-Murad still considered himself rightful ruler of the Aqquyunlu Empire at this time. 55 It was in this vain bid that he lost his life fighting the Qizilbash near Ruha in 1514/920, only weeks after the Ottoman tactical triumph at Chaldiran. 56 Thus, with the death of Sultan-Murad b. Ya'qub at the age of twenty-four "the line of the Aqquyunlu sultans was severed," in the words of the latesixteenthltenth-century Safavid chronicler Qazi Ahmad Qumi.57 Though Sultan-Murad had two sons by ~a' al-Dawla's daughter-called Hasan and Ya'qub in honor of the two greatest Aqquyunlu emperors-nothing is known of the fate of these children. Indeed, only three branches of the Tur-~ids, Qara-'Usmanids, and Uzun-Hasanids are known to have survived the collapse of the Empire. One of these was formed by the descendants of the Qara'Usmanid Murad b. Dana Khalil, governor ofYazd, who fled to the Timurid court in 1503/908. Murad's daughter Jan Agha Khanum later married the Safavid governor-general ofKhurasan and guardian of the prince 'Abbas, ~i quli Khan Shamlu. After 'Abbas's accession in 1588/996, Jan Agha Khanum used her influence with the shah to secure permission for her brother Muhammad-Zaman to return to Iran and settle in Yazd. 58 The second branch is the Qutlu'id or Qara-'Usmanid house of Farrukhshad b. Qurkhmas, which was established as a client of the Ottomans after the Safavid conquest ofIran in the Bayburt region where the Aqquyunlu confederation first developed in the sec-
Devolution and the New Dispensation
.~ 167
ond half of the fourteenth/eighth century,59 In themid-I930S, individuals who claimed descent in the eighth generation from Farrukhshad were still living in the village of Pulur, west of Bayburt. 60 The third consists of a large group of individuals today in the area around Slnlr who trace their origins to the family of Ahmad b. Qutlu, chief of the confederation from 1389/791 until the beginning of the fifteenth/ninth century.6! The fact remains, however. that the Aqquyunlu political dispensation was essentially exhausted and that no scion of the Aqquyunlu paramount clan ever laid claim to the legacy ofTur 'Ali, Qara 'Usman, and Uzun Hasan after 1514/920. This date, therefore, marks not only the death of Sultan-Murad, but the passing of the concept of a Bayandur dynasty as well. THE SAFAVID SUCCESSION
According to the ex-Aqquyunlu bureaucrat Idris Bidlisi, his former Bayandur masters were deprived of their divine mandate to rule around the turn of the sixteenth/tenth century because of the injustice and destruction they had perpetrated during the Confederate Clan Wars. He continues: "In the year 1501/906, the Hand of the Unseen smote the napes of that stiff-necked band with the sword of retribution in accordance with the verse 'When you meet the unbelievers, smite their necks,' instantaneously clearing the entire kingdom of those tyrants and uprooting the tree of their wicked rule. "62 Hence, . Bidlisi casts the Qizilbash in the role of instruments of Divine Wrath sent to purge the earth of Aqquyunlu evil just as the Aqquyunlu sun had dispelled the night ofQaraquyunlu tyranny in 1467/872.63 Bidlisi's view here reflects his attitude in Ottoman asylum about early stages of Shah Isma'il Safavi's conquests; ltlsaIine orargumenitha.th~wourc:Iqt.if~·kly abandon as the Qizilbash threat to the lands of his new patrons steadily grew in magnitude. A few months before the Chaldiran campaign, the Ottoman sultan Yavuz Selim wrote to Muhammad b. Farrukhshad Bayandur: " ... your princely family and the peoples and clans of your fathers and grandfathers were most assiduous in the affairs of religion and their rule was buttressed by their efforts to strengthen Islam and to repress sinfulness and tyranny.... "64 For his part, Shah Isma'il appears to have taken his mission as divine scourge of the Aqquyunlu paramo~Il!5!~~~l}' s~~~~sly. Already decimated by the Confederate Clan Wars and politically Fragmented during.th~ Triple Partition, both the ruling Uzun~Hasanid [)~spensation and the Bayandur para~~~t clan were practica!1 exterminated by the Qizilbash at Sharur and Alma-Qulaq. Moreover, even the Bayandur dead and unborn were forced to ~n"~~~r for Aqquyunlu transgressions against God and His representativesthe house of 'Ali b. Abi Talib and the family of Shaykh San ai-Din Ishaq. In
y
r68 ~ The Aqquyunlu
Tabriz, Shah Isma'il ordered the disinterment and incineration of the remains ofYa'qub and his kin in addition to the slaughter of all pregnant Bayandur princesses. 65 In 1505/911, yet another calamity befell the Yazidlar-as Shah lsma'il termed his adversaries-when a high-ranking Qizilbash officer was charged with the liquidation of all persons involved in the 1488/893 Aqquyunlu-Sharvani campaign against Haydar Safavi, Shah Isma'il's father. 66 Two years later, Shah Isma'il personally beheaded a captured Bayandur prince. 67 Finally, those Bayandurs who managed to escape ~i~hol~c:~s~~nd opted to remain in Iran were forced to accept subordinate status among the remnants of the Aqquyunlu reformed by the Safavids into a new tribal grouping known as the Turkmen uymaq.68 Yet the seeming finality of the Bayandur collapse may at first glance appear paradoxical in view of the often noted continuity betWeen the Aqquyunlu and Safavid periods in personnel, administrative practice, economic policy, and social structure. 69 Indeed, it is surprising that, aside from the half-hearted efforts of 'Ala' al-Dawla Zu'l-Qadr and the Ottoman sultans Bayezid and Yavuz Selim on behalf ofZaynai b. Ahmad and Sultan-Murad b. Ya'qub, there were no real attempts £0 effect an Aqquyunlu restoration in Iran or to establish a Bayandur principality elsewhere in the Islamic world as had been the case of the Qaraquyunlu paramount clanJo It is therefore conceivable that Shah Isma'il was seen or saw himself in some fashion as the legal heir as well as God's instrument to chastise the Bayandurs. Later Safavid sources, in fact, reflect the notion that the dynasty founded by Shah Isma'il represented the union of the spiritual authority of the Safavid order and the worldly domination of the Aqquyunlu Empire. To quote Qazi Ahmad Qumi once more: "That eminence [Shaykh Haydar, father of Shah lsma'ill was the eldest son of Sultan Junayd and the nephew of Hasan Padishah; and because of these two considerations, the luster of sovereignty and guidance radiated from his august brow."?! The seventeenth/eleventhcentury Safavid his£Orical romance known as the Ross Anonymous contains much material that substantiates this point, such as the de~cription of the eleventh-hour peace negotiations attributed to Alvand Bayandur and Isma'il Safavi before the Battle of Sharur. In order to avert further conflict among the grandsons of Hasan Padishah, Alvand first appeals to the blood ties binding both parties and then suggests that lsma'il retain Sharvan as an Aqquyunlu imperial appanage. Isma'il answers that he is quite willing to consider Alvand both his elder brother and his liege on the condition that the Aqquyunlu prince accept Shi'ismJ2 It is thus Alvand's refusal to recognize the primacy of religion over kinship that finally precipitated the first Aqquyunlu defeat by the Qizilbash.
Devolution and the New Dispensation
~ r69
Figure 13· The Tamghas ofUzun Hasan (left) and Shah Isma'il (right)
Furthermore, if this dynastic continuity is postulated, other actions by Shah Isma'il acquire new significance. For example, his alleged marriage to a putative daughter ofYa'qub was seen as a step toward the conciliation and absorption of a rivallineage.73 Furthermore, the curious episode of Shah lsma'il's granting his governor in Fars the honorific "Sultan-Khalil" in 15 0 5/9 11 would thus constitute a faint echo of and perhaps an ironic appeal to the UzunHasanid Imperial Dispensation.7 4 Viewed from this perspective, his "revenge" ~n the descendants of Hasan Padishah also increasingly takes on the aspect of Just another example of third-generation dynastic elimination common to other periods of Aqquyunlu history. Perhaps, then, as has been suggested, the only real Safavid break with the Aqquyunlu past is. to be seen in the new religio-political ideology, or ideologies, adopted by Shah Isma'iV 5 1t isclearthatShalllsrna'iISprOinulgation of Imami Shi'ism as the offiCial doctrine of the new dispensation did in fact polarize an~ politicize religion on the high Islamic level, ending-the confession&.amb.igllitrth~t had previously prevailed in the ce~tral Islamiclands d~ring the ',l.au:f Middle Period, and laid the foundation for a state-e~fo~ced ortho(f~~ that would differentiate the Safavids from their Sunni-Jama'i Ottoman and Uzbek neighbors. Furthermore, despite the greatly increased tendency t~~ard tribal centrifugalism under the first Safavids, the abandonment of nomadic legitimizi~gprlndpl~s: begun by the Aqquyunlu was compJE!c;d by Shah Isma'il, who dismissed the Changiz-Khanid descent of Muhammad Shaybani Khan-Uzbek as "a branch of the tree of unbelief [shu'ba'i az dirakht-i kuft-i Changizkhani]."7 6 Though the tribes continued to have an important, albeit steadily diminishing, role in Iranian political, economic, and social life, by the beginning of sixteenth/tenth century, they had become isolated both from their great traditions and from their manpower reservoirs in Ottomancontrolled Anatolia and Uzbek-dominated Central Asii. Under the aegis of the Safavid dynasty and Imami Shi'ism, the way was now open for a gradual
j
r
I
Plate VIII. Shah Isma'it Proclaims Shi'ism the State Religion, Bijan, Tarikh-i Shah Isma'i/, British Library. London. Or. 3248, fo!' 74a.
172 .~
The Aqquyunlu
\ integration of nomadic and sedentary estates and a gradual healing of the Turk-Tajik split that had marked Islamic society in Iran throughout most of its
I( , "
history. Consequently, it is no coincidence that it was this increasingly rootless and alienated tribal sector that provided the most receptive and fertile ground for the more radical doctrines of the Safavid mission. In addition to accepting those loyalties due him as hereditary grand master of the Safaviya brotherhood, Shah Isma'il also allowed his Qizilbash tribal followers to venerate him as the forerunner of the promised deliverer 77 and perhaps even to worship him as incarnation of the Godhead.7 8 His less extreme personas included both archetypal nomad conqueror79 and quintessential Iranian epic her0 80 as well. However, just as in later Aqquyunlu times, these popular beliefs soon clashed with the more moderate doctrines of the political regime. Shah Isma'il's official protocols and inscriptions, for example, employ the tides imam and khalifa in much the same sense in which they had been used in the Aqquyunlu period. 81 Documents and chronicles ofTahmasb's time, moreover, clearly represent the Safavid ruler as the agent of the Hidden Imam, the intermediary of truesovereignty, who reveals his will to the shah through the medium of dreams. 82 Yet, despite the conflicts between the belief:;~f~~~.ilbash n'ibes aruL~ dogmas of th.elmami theologians..along.with.;t growing abstraction and deper~· sonalization of political authority, Safavid Shi'ism perhaps provided a more credible ideological vessel for the concept of a ruler designated by God to establish a just political and social order on earth tll.~n4ad the Aqq\.!Y1!nll!§Yllthesis. In this sense, Shah Isma'il may be said to have placed the spiritual ideals ! and political aspirations of his grandfather Uzun Hasan into a moreappropri- ... : ate religious context.
APPENDIX A
The Aqquyunlu Genealogy The studies of Paul Wittek on the various Ottoman genealogies proposed at different times by court poets and chroniclers have clearly shown that these writers manipulated and exploited Oghuz myths and traditions in order to help legitimize Ottoman hegemony over the Turkmens of Anatolia. While emphasizing the practical political motivations behind the fifteenth/ninthcentury Ottoman oguzculuk, Wittek also saw the sultans' interest in things Oghuzian as a "romantic" concern for the "Turkish national antiquities. "I This Ottoman-centered view with its rather unfortunate terminology-accepted by many subsequent writers on the subject-is no longer entirely adequate for a clear u~derstanding of some of the forces at work in Turkmen politics during the cruclal century following Timur's defeat ofYlhdmm Bayezid near Ankara to the enthronement of Shah lsma'il Safavi in Tabriz. Not only are the intense political rivalries among the Turkmen principalities established after the breakup of the Anatolian SaljUq state and the fall of the Ilkhans-especially the Ottomans, the Qaraquyunlu, and the Aqquyunlu-reflected in the claims and counterclaims ofTurkmen chieftains, but internal developments within the prin~ipalities themselves are also mirrored in the genealogies of the ruling group. Smce the decisive factor in the validation of any claim is its acceptance by those subject to the political authority advancing it, this discussion does not broach the difficult and much debated question of real tribal affiliations or actual ethnic origins. It does, however, attempt to show that, far from representing a unilateral Realpolitik or a nostalgic romanticism on the part of any single ruler, the genealogies represent conscious, competitive, and often conflicting efforts to establish an ascriptive legitimacy along pan-Oghuzian lines and hence to establish the basis for a universal appeal to the loyalties of the Oghuz Turkmens of Anatolia, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. The most complete Aqquyunlu genealogy is found at the beginning of Abu Bakr Tihrani-Isfahani's history of Uzun Hasan, Kitab-i Diyar-Bakriya,
173
174 ~ Appendix A
composed after 1475/880.2 This "official" genealogy establishes sixty-eight generations between Adam and Qara 'Usman (t 1435/839), but the emphasis here is on Qara 'Usman's relationship to Ughuz or Oghuz Khan and Bayandur Khan through Noah: 3 (I) Nuh or Noah, (2) Yafis or Japheth, (3) Abulja or UIjay Khan, (4) Dib Baquyor Dib Yavqu, (5) Qara Khan, (6) Ughuz, (7) Gun Khan, (8) Padshah Bayandur Khan, (9) Bakandur Khan, (10) Ilak Khan, (II) Ilkan Khan I, (I2) Bay Sunqur I, (13) Bukduz Khan I, (14) Chavuldur Khan, (15) Aymur Khan, (16) Tughan Khan, (17) Bughra Khan, (18) Iluk Khan, (r9) Yilduz Khan, (20) Yakandur Khan, (21) Bisut Khan, (22) Ildurkin, (23) Uyghur Khan, (24) Bayat Khan, (25) Uryavut, (26) Bukduz Khan II, (27) Salur Khan, (28) Bay Sunghur II, (29) Shaktur, (30) Bilakan, (31) Ilakan, (32) Ilkan Khan II, (33) Aq Tughan, (34) Mawdud Tughan, (35) Idris Beg I, (36) Birdi Beg, (37) Sunghur Beg I, (38) Ughruqchi Beg, (39) Aq Baliq Beg, (40) Yul Qutlugh, (4r) Tughachar Beg, (42) Tughanchuq, (43) Altan Khan, (44) Qibchaq Khan, (45) Shaktur Khan, (46) Jadaltu Khan, (47) Qaydu Khan, (48) Urkhan, (49) Qaraja Beg, (50) Qarachali Beg, (5r) Habil Beg, (52) Babil Beg, (53) Sunqur Beg II, (54) Idris Beg II, (55) Azdi Beg, (56) "Pahlavan" Beg, (57) Tur 'Ali Beg, (58) Qutlu Beg, (59) [Qara] 'Usman Beg, (60) 'Ali Beg, (61) Sahib-Qiran (i.e., Uzun Hasan). In analyzing the Aqquyunlu tree, it should first be noted that this genealogy lies within the "Japhetic" tradition common to many Turkish and Mongol genealogies. 4 In fact, DIYAR (r)-(6) (Nuh to Ughuz) corresponds exactly to the data given by the Ilkhanid minister Rashid aI-Din Fazl Allah in his section on the Oghuz in Jami' al-tavarikh, one of the earliest known and most widely utilized Oghuz-namas. The next segment of the genealogy in DIYAR, however, (6)-(8), departs sharply from the RASHID tradition, according to which the classical twenty-four Oghuz-Turkmen clans were descended from Oghuz Khan's twenty-four grandsons, offspring of his six sons (see figure Ar).5 The Oghuz-Turkmens were further divided into two subgroups, the senior Bozok on the right and the junior O"ok on the left.6 The supreme sovereignty was vested in the Bozok, and succession to the rule was established in a lateral or fraternal pattern, presumably expressed as follows: Oghuz -+ Gun -+ Ay -+ YlldlZ -+ Qayi -+ Bayat, etc. In actual practice, however, sovereignty became fixed vertically in the house of Qayi. 7 Thus, not only does RASHID deny that Bayandur was descended from Qayi, but it also excludes him and his progeny from the rule altogether. s The incorporation of other steppe traditions during the post-Mongol period produced a major variation on the RASHID genealogy. Compiled by Sharaf aI-Din Yazdi in the first half of the fifteenth/ninth centuty, this revised genealogy forms the introduction of Yazdi's biography of Timur and also appears in the works of the later Timurid historians Mirkhvand and Khvan-
The Aqquyunlu Genealogy
~ 175
t
Qayi/KaYI Bayat 3. Alqaravli 4. Qara-ivli
I.
J. Giin Khan _ _ _ _ _+
B
o
z
2.
5. Yazir 6. Doger II. Ay Khan ------+-7. Durdurgha 8. Yapurli
~
o
9. Afshar
K
Qiziq Begdili 12. Qarqin IO'
III. Ylldlz Khan OghuzKhan
---{
II.
---f t
13. Bayandur 14. BajanalBecene
IV. Gok Khan
o ~
o
15. Chavuldur 16. Chabni/ypni
Salur IS. Aymur V. DagKhan -----+-19. Alayunrli 20. Urugir 17.
K
Yigdir Bukduz 23. Viva 24. Qiniq 2I.
- - - { 22.
VI. Deniz Khan
Figure AI. The Oghuz according to Rashid aI-Din
damir,9 Safavid writers,IO Abu al-Ghazi Bahadur Khan,1I and the eighteenth/ twelfth-century Iranian historian and lexicographer Muhammad Mahdi Khan. 12 The major differences between the RASHID and YAZDI versions can most readily be seen in the comparison in figure A2. Accordingly, YAZDI identifies Yafis and Uljay, inserting Turk b. Yafis in generation 3. Four generations are then added between Nuh and Oghuz Khan. YAZDI further departs from RASHID in generation 8 by introducing the twin brothers Tatar and Mughul, eponyms of the Tatars and Mongols. YAZDI follows RASHID, ?'owever, in attributing six sons to Oghuz Khan, divided into the Bozok and U"ok groupings, but fails to mention the twentycfour clan eponyms. Consequently, the question of succession is also treated differently in YAZDI: Oghuz Khan's second and third sons are replicated in the son and grandson of Gun Khan, whose house thus becomes the noble lineage. One variation of YAZDI makes Gun Khan's successor his brother Ay Khan 1,13 while another work contends that Qayi was in fact the son of Ay Khan 1. 14 It is therefore clear that, though differing in many particulars, both genealogies emphasize the importance of Gun Khan; it is equally obvious that Abu Bakr Tihrani-Isfahani followed nei-
The Aqquyunlu Genealogy
176 ~ Appendix A
I
Yali,
2
I Abu ai-Turk Ya6s1Uljay
Yali,
I
I
I Chin
Uljay
I Dib Yavqu I Qara Khan I
4
r
I
Gun Ay
7
I
I
Ii
Y,ldlZ Gok
6
Amlanja Kban
Machin
I
SO
GokKban
,
I
Dog
I
I
Gun Alp
I
AyAip
I
YddlzAlp
ErrugruJ
,
I
Figure A3. The Oghuz in Shukr Allah
Alanja Kban
Deniz
I
I
I
Tatar Kban
MusI!al Kban
Bayandur
I
\ Oghuz Kban
I
14
J
DeOlr AiP jahan,bah
I
10
13
Ycr Alp
Dib Yavqu Kban
Qata Kban
12
I
OghuzKhan
I
\
9
11
QaraKban
4
T urklyafis..ughlan
\
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6
I
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177
Nuh
YAZDI
RASHID
r<:::>'
GUn
I
I
Ay v.tdlZ
I
I
Gok
I
Dog
I Deniz
I I YildlZ Kban II I MingliKhan AyKban II
Figure Az. The Oghuz in Rashid ai-Din and Sharaf ai-Din 'Ali yazdi
ther RASHID nor YAZDI exclusively in compiling his official Aqquyunlu family tree. lt is possible that Tihrani-Isfahani's source was in fact the lost Tabri~ Oghuz-nama seen by the scholar-diplomat Shukr Allah Rumi during his mission to the Qaraquyunlu court in 1448-49/852. During an audience with Jahanshah, the Qaraquyunlu sultan, Shukr Allah was informed of the close blood ties between the Ottoman and Qaraquyunlu ruling houses, in evidence, . of which Jahanshah produced a Turkish Oghuz-nama written in the Uyghur script. IS According to this work, Ertugrul, the father of Osman Gazi-founder of the Ottoman dynasty-was a descendant in the forty-fifth generation of Gok Alp b. Oghuz Khan. Figure A3 is a tabulation of Shukr Allah's data. As in the case of YAZDI, the twenty-four clan eponyms are not men-
tioned, nor for that matter are the Bozok and O~k divisions. Moreover, the Nuh-Oghuz Khan segment differs from both RASHID and YAZDI. Never~eles~, two points relative to this genealogy are significant for this discussion. First ,.s .the f~ct that B~yandur may be the son of Giin Alp/Khan without conflIctmg WI~ the clatms of either the Ottomans or the Qaraquyunlu. Second, and more Importantly, the Tabriz Oghuz-nama fixes the number of generatio~s between Oghuz Khan and the founder of the Ottoman dynasty at forty-sIX, a figure that determines the construction of the later genealogies of both the Ottomans and the Aqquyunlu. This l~~er fact is espec~ally striking when the Ottoman genealogy of Hasan Bayan m Cam-z Cem-Ayin composed after 1481/886 is compared with the Aqq~:.unlu g~neal0S! ~f Abu Bakr Tihrani-Isfahani. After spending "long y~rs m Tabnz as a ~s~lple of the Khalvati saint 'Umar Rawshani, Hasan Baya~ performed the PIlgnmage to the Holy Cities of the Hijaz, where he met the ~Iled ~ttoman prince Cern, and it was for this prince that Bayati composed hiS treatise on Ottom~ genealogy.16 While the DIYAR tree traces the ancestry of the, Aqquyunlu rulmg house from Adam through sixty-eight generations to Qara Usman, the BAYATI genealogy carries the list forward to the seventieth generation, Bayezid II (t 1512/918). The two lineages may thus be said to be in phase. In addition to this numerical correspondence, parallelisms in certain of the biographical entries permit the hypothesis that DIYA,R and BAYATI are somehow related, perhaps through the lost original of Sh4kr Allah's Tahriz ~ghuz~nama. ~he circumstantial evidence furnished by the fact that both Tihranl-Isfahanl and Bayati were in Tabriz (occupied byUzun Hasan in 1469~873-74) at approximately the same time and might have had access to the Tabnz Oghuz-nama supports, but cannot substantiate, this assumption.
178 ~
The Aqquyunlu Genealogy ,""",,"'
Appendix A
Both genealogies bear the traces of the incorporation of materials from other sources. Most of the "archaic" genealogy of A~IK,t7 for example, was taken over by BAYATI: A~IK
BAYATI
[(I) Nuh-(4I) Osman]
[(I) Nuh-(54) Osman]
(5)-(10) (13)-(16) (17)-(19)
(20) (22)-(24) (28)-(41)
(10)-(15) (19)-(22) (24)-(26)
(29) (37)-(39) (41)-(54)
BAYATI (31)-(33) appear to have been lifted en bloc from RASHID's account of the clash of the Syr Darya Oghuz with the Qarakhan governor ShahMalik. 18 In the same fashion, the fabricated nature of the DIYAR genealogy is quite obvious from the wholesale interpolation of much "eponymic" material: five Oghuz clans are represented,t9 along with the names of other Turkic peoples,20 Mongol tribes,2I Qarakhan rulers,22 and various steppe heroes. 23 Furthermore, the entry on Bayandur Khan is strikingly similar to the one on Oghuz. Both are world conquerors; whereas Oghuz's conquests included India and Kashmir, Bayandur Khan's were oriented to the west, embracing Anatolia and the Franks. Both have their capitals in Sayram in Turkistan, and both are associated with Lake Gok<;e (Sevan) in Armenia. Both give great public feasts for which precisely the same number of horses, sheep, and bulls are slaughtered. At Bayandur Khan's banquet, moreover, the ruler caused three basins (Persian abgir;Turkish kal) to be filled with wine, milk, and honey, an event reminiscent of the regent "Kol" Irki Khan Bayandur's banquet held in the memory of the deceased Qayi yabghu Inal Khan described in RASHID.24 The entries for generation 36 in both DIYAR and BAYATI are also quite similar:
DIYAR 36. Birdi Beg
I 37. Sunghur Beg
BAYATI 36. Yasu I 37. Kara Han II
Although Birdi Beg ruled Qarakhitay and Machin while Yasu controlled Mangyshlak, they both lived over eighty years and were both contemporary with the Prophet's birth in Mecca. DIYAR (37) Sunghur Beg did not become a Muslim, but he nevertheless engaged the idolaters in constant warfare, first in Turkistan and later in the west from his base in the Qipchaq steppe. Like his ancestor Oghuz, Sunghur Beg died in the region of Lake Gok<;e, martyred at the hands of the unbelievers. BAYATI (37) Kara Han II, however, sent Dede
179
Korkut to Arabia to seek knowledge of the new faith. After meeting :he · n Dede Korkut returned to his master with Salman FarSI to Prop h et m perso , CI . instruct the Oghuz in the fundamentals ofIslam and the Sacred .La~v. aiming the authority of an unknown Oghuz-nama, BAYATlfurther dignified Kara Han II with the title "Khan of Khans," an epithet usuall~ reserve~ for Bayandur Khan in The Book ofDede Korkut. 2s It is therefore qUite co~celva?le that both DIYAR and BAYATI replaced the name Bayandur Khan m their co~ mon source with Sunghur Beg and Kara Han II, respectiv~ly. Thi.s hypotheSIS is rendered even more plausible by the fact that generatlon 36 m the ASIK genealogy, one ofBAYATI's major sources, is occupied by ~ayantur [II]. Ba ati's desire to delete all references to the relationship of Dede Korkut with the alleged ancestor of his Ottoman patrons' archrivals, the Aqquyu~lu, is not difficult to comprehend, but Tihrani-Isfahani's reluctance to ~e~tlon the Bayandur Khan-Dede Korkut legends is more puzzling. Th~se omiSSions, . Lact have led Faruk Slimer to raise serious doubts as to the Importance of m 1; , 26 I . h these legends in the Aqquyunlu national mythology. 'Severa questlons, owever, still remain unanswered. For example, in the Sarabdar Ha.mze letter of ca. 1472/ 877, discussed in chapter 4, the unknown Aqquyunlu wnter tell.s th~ Ottoman governor-general: "Item: Amir Timur was the son ~f a golds~lth(.) but this monarch [Uzun Hasan] is of exalted lineage. By .vI~tue of Ius. p::~onal merit and noble descent, sovereignty over all the Turks IS r.lghtfully ~I~. . . Uzun Hasan's exemplary personal qualities, both acqUired and dl~tnely mspired, have already been dealt with in chapter 4; his inherited chansma may well derive from the Aqquyunlu house's claim to descent from Bayandur ~~n. But which Bayandur Khan? There is little eithe~ ~n the ~istories and ge· d in chapter 2 or in the Oghuz traditions discussed thus far ograp h les surveye . I' Th in this appendix that would provide the basis for a Bayandur unlversa Ism. e title "Khan of Khans" (hanlar ham) held by Bayandur Khan in The Bo~k of Dede Korkut, however, could have provided the support for such a pretensIOn. The identity of Bayandur Khan of the Dede Korkut ~c1e With the Aqquyunlu eponym is established by the "archaic," non-?ghuzla~ genealogy extracted from a lost treatise titled Bahr al-Ansab and mserte~ tn [~ay~urtlu] Osman's Tevarfh-i Cedfd-i Mir'at-i Cihan. From the informat;on given ~n ?sman's compilation the tree in figure A4 may be con~truct~d. 2 ~everal dlstmc. features of this genealogy merit further conSideration. FIrSt, figure A4 nve d I . . dd t indicates patterns of political affiliation in a dition to rea or Imagme es~en lines. In this connection, the relationship of the Khvarazmshahs to th~ SalJuqs should be noted. Second, the division between the descendants ofC~tn Khan and Machin Khan-both sons ofBuljas Khan or Uljay, rather than hiS son :md grandson as in YAZDI--disassociates the Saljuq invasions fro~ the establtshment of the Saltukids and Mangujakids and from the later nse of the Otto-
The Aqquyunlu Genealogy ISO
~
Appendix A
Nuh
I
Ya/is Khan
I Buljas IKhan
Machi~Khan
Rukn ~l-Din Saljuqi
t
t
[Rum Saljuqsl
[Khvarazmshahsl
~--------------~~~~----------~B:ay.rn~d~rKhan
•
[Aqquyunlul
Figure A4. The Oghuz in Bayburtlu Osman
mans and the Aqquyunlu. The latter twO are seen in relation to the movement of the Mongols under Changiz Khan, with whom the~ share a common ~n cestor, namely, GokAlp Khan (cf. figure A2, Gok Khan 111 YAZDI, generatlon 6). Finally, nowhere in the MIRATgenealogy do the names ofOghuz Khan, . d'his six sons, and his twenty-four grandson~ appe~r. Nor does Oghuz Khan figure in certa1l1 SalJuq and early Ottoman tra 1 tions. For example, according to Ahmedi (t 1413/815), the term "Oghuz" r:[.ers to those people associated with Gok Alp who respond~d to ~~e ~um S ~d ruler's appeal to wage war against the infidels alongslde Gunduz Alp Ertugrul.29 Even the later "primitive" but "oghuzified" genealogy of ~~kh pa§azade shows a strong resemblance to MIRAT, but identi~~s Gok Alp Wl~ Gok Khan, fourth son of Oghuz Khan in the RASHID tradltl~ns. In fact, t e energies of most later Ottoman genealogists were expended 111 at.tempts to square this "primitive" or folk genealogy with "high" Islamic adaptatlons of the
Oghuz-nama.
~ I8I
G"k Al According to MIRAT, Bayandur Khan was the youngest of. o· p h When Go" k Alp Khan died some time before the bmh of JeKhans' tree sons. d' .d d sus Christ his twO elder sons, Turmush Khan and Qaydur Khan II, IVI.e the patri~ony and established a double khanate in Turkistan. Meanwhlle,
Bayandur Khan and his followers-called the Oghuz nation--migrated westward from Khurasan to Kars, where they battled the Georgian idolaters, finally capturing the cities of Tiflis and Darband. Bayandur Khan's Oghuz followers were divided into the familiar two wings, in this case called the ic;: (Inner) Oghuz and the Ta§ (Outer) Oghuz. The names of several chiefs from each wing are given, making it possible to identify the ic;: Oghuz with RASHID's Dc;:ok and the Ta§ Oghuz with the Bozok, a reversal of the "classical" hierarchy. Qazan Khan Salur, son-in-law of Bayandur Khan, also acted as his chief minister as well as leader of the ic;: Oghuz; Oghuz spiritual affairs were under the control of Dede Korkut. When Bayandur Khan learned of the Prophet Muhammad's mission, he sent three of his officers to Arabia for instruction in the principles of the new religion. Returning to Darband, they brought Salman Farsi with them to inculcate the Oghuz with the basic doctrines of Islam. After his conversion, Dede Korkut was reinstated by Salman in his former office as spiritual director of the Oghuz. The MIRATtradition then goes on to praise the great efforts of Bayandur Khan's descendant Uzun Hasan for carrying on his illustrious ancestor's work in strengthening Islam in Aqquyunlu territories. Thus, the conclusion is inescapable that, just as AHMEDi's GokAlp is not identical with RASHID's Gok Khan, the Bayandur Khan of the MIRAT tradition is different from his homonym in the DIYARgenealogy. The reasons for both dynasties' rejection of the "romantic" for the pseudo-learned are not entirely clear, but the following suggestions may be considered. Both the "primitive" Gok Alp and Bayandur Khan genealogies appear to have been the products of an era in which the Ottomans and Aqquyunlu ruling houses were competing for influence among the Turkmens of Anatolia. The Ottoman defeat by Timur at Ankara in 1402/805, attributed largely to the defection of Turkish and Mongol elements recently incorporated willy-nilly into the Ottoman system, had shown the Ottoman reconstructionists that Ottoman might alone was not yet sufficient to make Turkmen right. Meanwhile, Qara 'Usman and the Aqquyunlu, who emerged as the principal beneficiaries of Timur's invasions of Anatolia and Syria, had committed themselves to an aggressive and expansionist policy. By the middle of the fifteenth/ninth century, however, with Fatih Mehmed's conquest of Istanbul and Uzun Hasan's overthrow of the Qaraquyunlu and the Timurids, both houses increasingly affected the trappings of universal Islamic empires. Islamic religion and culture in its aristocratic or establishment form began to predominate in the new courts on the Bosphorus and in Tabriz, gradually displacing popular Islamic and Turkish folk traditions. Politically, the Sultan of the Ghazis and the Khan of Khans gave ground to the charismatic Irano-Islamic padshah, a fact that necessitated sweeping ideological changes in the form of a shift to "high" Islamic legitimiz-
182 ~ Appendix A
ing principles. In the amicable but uneasy period of coexistence of the two "universal" empires under Bayezid II and the successors of Uzun Hasan, the Ottomans frequently acknowledged the Aqquyunlu claim to descent from Bayandur Khan-Oghuz Khan's thirteenth grandsonpo The Aqquyunlu, however, while continuing to refer to themselves as the Bayanduriya,3' abandoned all pretensions to universal sovereignty over the Oghuz Turkmens. By the end of the fifteenth/ninth century, Ya'qub's court historian Fazl Allah Khunji-Isfahani composed the epitaph of the Khan of Khans: The sons and grandsons of the victorious padshah Oghuz were scattered throughout the margins of the earth like the people of Saba by the Changizkhanid incursions, each clan to a corner, each tribe to a territory. One group--the sons of the eminent ghazi in the path of God, Sultan 'Osman (God have mercy upon him)-opened the doors of conquest and domination in Anatolia, while a second group contented itself with the rule of the kingdoms of Diyar Bakr. 32
ApPENDIXB
The Aqquyunlu Confederates AFSHAR ().!-)I .)l!.!I)
A group of the Afshar, one of the most important of the classical twenty-four Oghuz clans, is attested in northwest Syria in the fourteenth/eighth century, forming a part of the "Turkmens of Aleppo."! They are first associated with the Aqquyunlu in 1407/809, when they joined Qara 'Usman seeking refuge from the antitribal policies of the rebel Mamluk governor of Aleppo, Jakam, but it appears that they returned to their original home in Syria in 1418/821. 2 Nevertheless, the Qutbeglu-a branch of the Afshar-were in the service of Qara 'Us man as late as 1434/838.3 Under their leader Mansur Beg, the Afshar were among the earliest and most loyal supporters of Uzun Hasan, fighting in the Battle on the Tigris, in the Timurid campaign of 1468-69/873, and in the Battle ofBa§kent against the Ottomans. 4 Under Uzun Hasan's sons, Sultan-Khalil and Ya'qub, the Afshar continued to serve the ruling Bayandur family. 5 During the Aqquyunlu Confederate Clan Wars of the later fifteenth/ninth century, the Afshars sided first with Uzun Hasan's grandson, Muhammadi b. Yusuf, extending their control over many centers of Persian Iraq including Sava, Qum, and Kashan, and brieRy occupying Shiraz. After Muhammadi's death and the Treaty of Partition in 1500/906, they rallied behind his cousin Sultan-Murad b. Ya'qub. 6 With the conquests of Shah Isma'i1 Safavi, the branch of the Afshars represented by Mansur Beg shifted its support to the new dynasty and was incorporated into the Qizilbash confederation'? The Arashlu branch of the clan initially continued to resist the Safavids until the execution of its chief Murad Khan by Shah Isma'il in 1504/909, but they, too, later joined the Qizilbash. 8
183
184 ~ Appendix B
The Aqquyunlu Confederates ~ I85 'ARABGIRLU (}~r
Like the Afshar, the Aghaj-ari clan is attested in northwest Syria and southern Anatolia in the fourteenth/eighth century, but unlike the first group, the Aghaj-ari joined the Qaraquyunlu confederation at a very early date (before 1389/791).9 After the destruction of the Qaraquyunlu in 1467-69/872-73, some septs of the Aghaj-ari joined Uzun Hasan, but their role in the Aqquyunlu confederation was minimal, limited to participation in two minor campaigns. 1O
Rising to prominence under the Safavids as a part of the major Shamlu Qizilbash confederate clan, the 'Arabgirlu of central Anatolia saw limited service with the Aqquyunlu in the second half of the fifteenthl ninth century. 20 ARASHLU: SEE AFSHAR
AGHMALU (.,lUI)
This clan is represented by a single group that participated in the Aqquyunlu military review in Fars in 1476/88I.II AHMADLU C}..Lo..>I) .
From 1457/861 until his death in 1469/8]3, Ahmad Beg Ahmadlu was a staunch supporter ofUzun Hasan both in eastern Anatolia and in Iran itsel£ 12 He is, however, the only chief from this clan mentioned in the sources. In the seventeenthleleventh century under the Safavids, the Ahmadlu were settled in Qarabagh, and even today several villages bearing their name are found in Iranian Azarbayjan. 13
The Alpavut,14 one of the most important confederates of the Qaraquyunlu, were established in the middleAras Valley (Chukhur-i Sa'd), Arabian Iraq, and Iranian Kurdistan. '5 From 1467/872 on, the Alpavut gradually entered the Aqquyunlu confederation, taking part in the Battle ofBa§kent in 1473/878.16 Under Sultan-Khalil and Ya'qub, the Alpavut gained some prominence in Fars and Persian Iraq, but were involved on several occasions in revolts against the Aqquyunlu ruler.17 References to the Alpavut appear in the Safavid sources from the beginning of the sixteenthltenth century onward, when they were relocated in the regions of northern Azarbayjan, Sharvan, and Qarabagh. Another branch held fiefs and stipends from the Ottomans in the sixteenthltenth century. IS AMIRLU (}.r.'1 )
Represented by only three individuals in the sources studied, the Amirlu had minor importance in the Diyar Mudar and middle Euphrates regions from 1436/839 to 1457/86 1. 19
)
BAHARLU
(i)4; )
While most of this major Qaraquyunlu confederate clan fled to Khurasan after the Aqquyunlu conquest ofJahanshah's empire and later followed the Timurid adventurer Babur into India, a branch of the Baharlu led by Hasan Beg Shakar-ughli remained in Iran and supported Alvand b. Yusuf in his struggles against the Qizilbash. 2I BAYAT (...r'~ • _::.A~~ • .::..~)
Though associated with the Afshar in the events of 1407-18/809-21, the Oghuz Bayat clan never fully participated in the military life of the Aqquyunlu confederation. 22 Other me~bers of the clan, however, such as Hasan Bayatiauthor of the Cam-z Cem-Ayin-and the poet Muhammad Fuzuli, made significant contributions to the intellectual and spiritual life of the period. 23 A branch of the Sham-Bayat, the Qajar, supported Ayba-Sultan Bayandur in his efforts to seat Rustam b. Maqsud on the Aqquyunlu throne in 149 2/8 97 and later helped drive the Gilanis out of Qazvin. 24 The roles of both the Bayat and the Qajar in later Iranian history are too well known to require further comment. BAYRAMLU, BAYRAMI ( U--I.r.! .).-I.r.!) Bayram AbdSa'id
Ibrabi~-Shab. t 1483
I
Shabsavar
I
Shab~ Mansur
Shall-'Ali
I
Babram
Descended from Bayram Beg, one of Qara Yusuf Qaraquyunlu's officers, the Bayramlu joined the Aqquyunlu confederation in 1467-69/872-73- Under Uzun Hasan, the clan fought against the Timurids Sultan-Abu Sa'id and Sultan-Husayn Bayqara and assisted in the Aqquyunlu conquest of Khurramabad. 25 In 1478/883, Shah- ~i Bayramlu and his son Bahram supported Ya'qub against Sultan-Khalil in the Third Civil War, and, during Ya'qub's reign, members of the Bayramlu-especially Ibrahim-Shah Beg-held important
I86
.<:::Y
The Aqquyunlu Confederates
Appendix B
offices. 26 The Bayramlu disappear from the sources after the fall of the Aqquyunlu. BIJAN OR BIJANLU (~ ,~)
Ymanc;: lists the Bichan or Bijan clan, perhaps a branch of the Oghuz Becene or Pecheneg, among the Aqquyunlu confederates,27 but it is not known whether Bijan designates an actual clan or whether it is simply the name of an individual. In 1436/840, a certain Bijan Beg was in the service of Uzun Hasan' it is ?ossible that ~his officer was the father of the more famous Sulayman B:g Bi)~n who. dommated much later Aqquyunlu history.28 Sulayman Beg as well as hiS relatives and descendants are mentioned regularly in Aqquyunlu, Safavid, and Ottoman sources until 1526/932, after which there are no further references to this family or clan. 29 Bijan? I Ibrahim- bt. Qasim b. Jahangir
Sul~yman. t 1492 I
l
I
Farrukhzad
Begijan Khamn -
Pi~ Budaq
Ya' qub b.
~
I
Murl.d
Hasan
r=---:-_ _ _J.I_ _ _
Muha~mad?
Uzun Hasan
BOZDOGAN OR BUZTUGHAN (0~.,,1jy')
,~ I87
duqani initially submitted to the Zu'l-Qadr invaders in T504/9IO, but then led the resistance to the Qizilbash only a few years later. After the Ottoman conquest of eastern Anatolia in 1514/920, a branch of the Bulduqani seized the former Aqquyunlu stronghold ofPalu on the Murad Su, thus gaining control of one of the major migration routes of the Bozulus TurkmensY 'Ali tI443 / 44
Dawlatshah
I
'I,d II I
Shah-Muhammad
I
I
I
Daughter =
I
Isfandiyar
I
It
I
1478
t1477
Mahthud
Hu(ayn
t
t
1491
i . Jahangn t 14(,9?
I
Daughter-\ Ughurlu Muhammad .
LalaQasim
I Uzun Hasan
Qasim t
1502
149 2
CANDAROGULLARI: SEE ISFANDIYARI <;:EMISGEZEKI/CHAMISHGAZAKI-MALKISHI ( ~ \./~)
This Kurdish clan joined the Aqquyunlu in 1456/860; their alliance was formalized in 1459/863-64 by the marriage ofSu!tan-Khalil b. Uzun Hasan to the daughter of Suhrab Beg Gemi§gezeki. The clan later joined the Qizilbash confederation and is attested in the Safavid sources throughout the sixteenth/ tenth and seventeenth/eleventh centuriesY Saru Shaykh Hasan
I
Suh~ab
First linked with the Aqquyunlu in 1348/749 in a raid on Trabzon, the Bozdogan w~re. implicated along with Qara 'Usman in' the death of Qazi Burhan aI-Om m 1398/800. They do not appear again in connection with the Aqquyunlu confederation.3° BULDUQANI-MARDASI (i$""by ,.j[;J.u,) Th~ Kurdish Bulduqani-Mardasi clan controlled the town of Egil north of Amid. Dawlatshah Bulduqani was, for the most part, on excellent terms with both Qara 'Usman and his son 'Ali, whose son Uzun Hasan wed Dawlatshah's daughte~ in 1441/844. Dawlatshah's son 'Isa II, in contrast, opposed his brother-m-Iaw on several occasions; their alliance, however, was finally renewed with th~ marriage o~ l!gh~rlu Muhammad to 'Isa's daughter. During the rule of Qaslm b. J~anglr m Dlyar Bakr, relations between the two groups were also very close. With the fall of the Aqquyunlu Empire in Iran, the Bul-
Man~ur
Sultan-Khalil
~ Daughter
<;:EPNI OR CHABNI ( ~)
This Oghuz clan was situated in the hinterland of Trabzon in the fourteenth/eighth century and controlled the trade route linking Iran and Anatolia to the Black Sea. They also took part in the 1348/749 Turkish expedition against the Greek kingdom along with Tur 'Ali of the Aqquyunlu and the Bozdogan. Over a century later, the Gepni chief II Aldi Beg joined Uzun Hasan some time after 1467/872 and participated in the Ottoman campaign. In the Third Civil War, he supported the Ya'qubiya, but is not mentioned again after 1488 / 893. In the sixteenthltenth century, a branch of the Gepni joined the Safavids, but it appears that most of the clan remained in Ottoman territories. 33
I88 ,~ Appendix B
The Aqquyunlu Confoderates
CHAKIRLU ORJAKIRLU (}~ .}}'~ .}~\;,;-) Chakir
I
I Bistam
t 1459!
Ma~rnud t 1473
'Ali
"'f'"
I T Sultan-'A1i
ca. 1474-90
H. ca. 1500
'Urn.r
I
Mansur
Ma'sum
I
,
Muhammad
t 1474
~ I89
Mamluk .sultan ~-~hraf Barsbay ordered the Doger (0 attack the Aqquyunlu near Armd; thelf VIctOry over the Turkmen confederation, however, marks th~ir ~ast appearance as a real political force in the region. Only one Doger chIef ~s fou~d among the Aqquyunlu military elite in later times.37 During the Safavid penod, they were apparently included in the Turkmen uymaq)8 Qudu
I Bahadur
Among the earliest supporters of Qara YusufQaraquyunlu, in his conflict with the Timurids of Azarbayjan, Bistam Beg Chakirlu was rewarded with the post of chief of staff and the comrol of Ardabil, Qizilaghach, and the Mughan region of eastern Azarbayjan. With the collapse of the Qaraquyunlu, most of the Chakirlu submitted (0 Uzun Hasan and were allowed (0 retain their original holdings. They participated in the great Aqquyunlu conquests and fought in the Battle of Ba§kem against the Ot(Omans. During Uzun Hasan's last years, the Chakirlu opposed the nomination of Sultan-Khalil as heir designate and joined the rebellion of Ughurlu Muhammad. Later, during the Third Civil War, they backed the Ya'qubiya against Sultan-Khalil and thus maimained control of eastern Azarbayjan until the Safavid conquests. In the seventeenth/elevemh century, however, the Chakirlu still governed Shakki and Sharvan, where they are attested in the nineteemhlthirteenth century.3 4 CHIGANI (
fo )
I Haji
I Yaghmur t 1415
Salim -
I
, Dimishq Khvaja
Gokc;e
t 1404
t 1436
t 1389
r,---------r---L,-------
daughter
Ahrr!ad
Hasan
Musa
I
t 1435
I
1
Muhammad
Mihmad
t 14041
t 1404
r'-----L'-----"
Misr
Qara 'Usman
t 14031 I
.
Daughtet _ Iskandar Qaraquyunlu
!n.itially allied with the Aqquyunlu, the Dukharlu of Bayburt and Erzurum jomed the Qaraquyunlu after Qara Yusuf's conquest of Arminiya in 1410/812-13. In 1433-34/837 Qara 'Usman took Erzurum from the Dukharlu, but the city soon reverted (0 the Qaraquyunlu. In 1457/861, the Dukharlu of Bayburt surrendered the castle of Bayburt (0 Uzun Hasan without a fight, and ~er 146~/872 the clan achieved full membership in the Aqquyunlu confederation. WIth the Safavid overthrow of the Aqquyunlu and the Ot(Oman conques~ of eastern Anatolia, the Dukharlu remained in their original domains, holdmg them as timars from the Ottoman government. 39
This Kurdish clan, which rose (0 considerable importance under the Safavids, is also attested in the late Aqquyunlu period. Mansur Beg and his son Shad Beg both served Ya'qub, the latter as governor of Kurdistan umil 1489/ 894, when the province was reconquered by Sulayman Beg Bijan.3 5
DULGADIR: SEE ZU'L-QADR HAJlLU (kL:.-)
This
~araquyunlu
confederate clan, possibly a branch of the Oghuz Doger, to Uzun Hasan after the death of Jahanshah in 1467-68/872 and was l~ft m com.~ol of the castles it comrolled in Arabian Iraq. Under the ~afavId~, the HaJllu clan was apparently included in the Turkmen uymaq, and m the eighteemh/twelfth cemury branches of the clan are (0 be seen in westcemral Ana(Olia as well as in central Syria. 40 submltte~
The powerful Oghuz Doger clan of northwest Syria, although associated with both the Qaraquyunlu and the Aqquyunlu, never really joined either confederation)6 In the early fifteemh/nimh cemury, they figured among the most importam Turkmen auxiliaries of the Mamluk army on the northern fromier; and in the rivalry berween Qara 'Usman and Qara Yusuf, they appear first on one side, then on the other. However, by 1415/818, they had lost comrol of many of their former cemers in Diyar Mudar to the Arab tribes of Syria and the Aqquyunlu of Diyar Bakr. On the death of Qara 'Usman in 1435/839, the
HAMZA-HAJlLU (kL:.-.r>-) Tho~g~ the I:'farnza-Hajilu were doubtless one of the clans in the Diyar BakrArmmlya reglOn (Bozulus) that joined the Aqquyunlu during the rule of Qara
190 ~
Appendix B
The Aqquyunlu Confederates
~. 191
'Usman, they are first referred to under his son Hamza. In the Empire Period, the Hamza-Hajilu in Fars supported the claims of Sultan-Khalil in the Third Civil War; they are not attested again in the sources until Sufi Khalil Beg Mawsillu's coup d'etat and the beginnings of the Confederate Clan Wars in 149 0 / 896. The Hamza-Hajilu are mentioned by the Safavid historians and are found in Ottoman documents of the sixteenth-eighteenthltenth-twelfth centuries, first in the Bozulus region and later in central Anatolia. Today a branch of the Hamza-Hajilu is settled on the southern Anatolian coast near Antalya.41
Although only one chief of this Bozulus clan is attested in the Aqquyunlu narrative sources during the Principality Period, documentary evidence indicates that the 'Izz-al-Din Hajilu were among the last loyalist confederates to aid Sultan-Murad in his attempts to regain his kingdom from the Qizilbash. 46
HAYDARLU ().JJ,:>-)
KHARBANDALU (}.J:.J..;>-)
A clan of the Diyar Bakr-Arminiya (Bozulus) region, the Haydarlu are mentioned in the Aqquyunlu sources under the events of 1451-57/855-61, when they supported Uzun Hasan in his efforts to expel the Qaraquyunlu from Aqquyunlu territory. After the Safavid conquest, they remained in Diyar Bakr and Arminiya, but were finally forced westward into central Anatolia with the breakup of the Bozulus in the seventeenth/eleventh century.42
According to SharafKhan Bidlisi, this Qizilbash clan was one of the mainstays of the Aqquyunlu confederation before the Safavid conquest; but, though attested in northwest Syria from the fourteenth/eighth century, the Kharbandalu are not mentioned at all in the Aqquyunlu sources. 47
INALLU (.,u~1 )
Along with the Afshar and the Bayat, the Inallu of northwest Syria joined Qara 'Usman briefly from 1407/809 to 1418/82I. They later entered the Qizilbash confederation and were included in the Afshar uymaq.43 ISFANDIYARI OR CANDAROGULLARI «(.$.;4..1.:.4.....1)
This. group, composed of the ruling family of the Black Sea principality of Isfandtyar or Candar and their personal forces, joined Uzun Hasan after the Ottoman conquest of the northern Anatolian coast in 1459-61/864-65. Qizil Ahmad, last Isfandiyarid governor ofSinop (1461-62/865-66), was resident in Iran as late as 1478/883, when he took part in the Battle ofKhuy against SultanKhalil. 44
'IZZ-AL-DIN HAJILU (k-L:.. ~..JI r )
JAKIRLU: SEE CHAKIRLU
KOCAHACILU: SEE QUJA-HAJILU MALKISHI: SEE
<;:EMI~GEZEKI
MAMASHLU (~ (.$Jl.....o .Jl.....o .}l.....o .~l.....o)
The Mamashlu clan led by 'Ali Beg entered the Aqquyunlu confederation during Qara 'Usman's lifetime; 'Ali Beg later rose to the position of chief of staff under Hamza. On Hamza's death in 1444/848, 'Ali Beg supported the candidacy ofMahmud b. Qara 'Usman. After Mahmud's capture by the Qaraquyunlu in 1450/854, 'Ali Beg Mamashlu joined Jahanshah and was appointed governor of Khuzistan. Two decades later, his descendants in that region had once again sworn allegiance to the Aqquyunlu. It is possible but not certain that this group is identical with the Turkmen Mamalu clan originally from the region of Mar:l§ mentioned in seventeenth/eleventh- and eighteenth/twelfthcentury Ottoman documents. 48
'IVAZ (Joy:.)
MARDASI: SEE BULDUQANI-MARDASI
Like the Haydarlu, this Bozulus clan aided Uzun Hasan in his struggles with the Qaraquyunlu general Rustam Ibn Tarkhan in the mid-fifteenth/ninth century but does not appear again in the Aqquyunlu period.45
MAWSILLU OR MUSULLU (}~ ·J4...Y '}Y'Y .;L>y)
The Mawsillu, chief clan of the left wing of the Aqquyunlu, although not attested in Kitab-i Diyar-Bakriya before 1436/839, must have been one of the
192 .~
The Aqquyunlu Confederates ~ 193
Appendix B
earliest components of the confederation as it established control over Diyar Bakr and Arminiya. 49 During the Great Civil War, the Mawsillu, like most of the confederates, first backed Hamza and Shaykh-Hasan then shifted their allegiance to Uzun Hasan after 1451/855.50 One of the best-known Mawsillu chiefs, 'Umar or Arnir Beg I, first appears in 1457/861, while his equally famous brother, Sufi Khalil Beg, is first mentioned under the events of 1468/873.51 For his role in the destruction of Sultan-Abu Sa'id Timuri's army, Arnir Beg was promoted to chief of staff and commander-in-chief, later briefly assuming the post of governor of Shiraz. 52 Meanwhile, Arnir Beg's brothers, Sufi Khalil Beg and Bakr Beg, were dispatched to Arran-Shakki and Astarabad, respectively. 53 Spearheading Uzun Hasan's drive to the west, Arnir Beg led the Aqquyunlu forces against the Ottoman frontier cities ofTokat and Kayseri in 1472/877, but he died shortly thereafter in spring 1472/late 877 .54 In the succeeding years, Arnir Beg's son Gulabi as well as his brothers Sufi Khalil and Bakr continued to exercise control in such important areas as Arabian Iraq, Fars, the Khurasan frontier, and the Georgian marches.5 5 Mawsillu loyalties were split during the Third Civil War, with Sufi Khalil Beg and Bakr Beg standing behind Sultan-Khalil; after the Battle of Khuy, however, both leaders were reconciled with the Ya'qubiya. Sufi Khalil Beg played key roles in the Kirman campaign and the defeat of Bayandur (1481/886), which ensured him a position of power during Ya'qub's personal reign. Appointed guardian to Ya'qub's firstborn son, Baysunghur, Sufi Khalil Beg first commanded Fars and the maritime provinces, but was later transferred to the Georgian marches, where he effected the Aqquyunlu recapture of Tiflis in 1489/894. His brother Bakr Beg along with his nephews Gulabi Beg and Pulad Beg likewise prospered under the Ya'qubid regime. On Ya'qub's death in 1490/896, Sufi Khalil Beg's coup d' etat in the Aqquyunlu winter quarters made him the most powerful individual in the confederation. Six months later, Sulayman Beg Bijan's rebellion-in which Sufi Khalil, Bakr, and Gulabi were killed-broke the grip of the Mawsillu for several years to come. 56 Gulabi Beg's son, Arnir Beg II, and many of the Mawsillu in Diyar Bakr went over to the Qizilbash in 1507/913. Arnir Beg II, later Arnir Khan, became one of the most important officers in the new state, holding the positions of keeper of the seal, guardian of Shah Isma'il's eldest son, Tahmasb, and governor-general of Khurasan. Furthermore, his brother Ibrahim became governor of Baghdad under Shah Tahmasb. In addition, two Mawsillu lines established links with the Safavid royal house: Hamza Beg's granddaughter Tajlu Begum (Shah Begi Begum) married Shah Isma'iI, and Bakr Beg's great-granddaughter Shah married Tahmasb. Most important of all, however, is the fact that the Mawsillu were installed as chief clan of the Turkmen uymaq, a tribal grouping
~
Muhammad
t 1451 Hasan
Amir II
Amir Sharaf Ruzagi
1---- SharafKhan Bidlisi
Daughter
Marjumak
t 1528
t 1522 'Umar, Amir I
t 1473
Ma'sum
Gulabi I
t 1528
t 1491
Gulabi II
t 1528
Fulad
Ibrahim - - - Malik Qasim -
t 15 28
Jamshid
t 1529
Muhammadi
t 1491
Begtash
'Ali - -_ _ Zu'I-Faqar Shaykh 'Ali
t 1492 Isma'il Sufi Khalil
t 1496
t 1491
Yusuf Nur 'Ali Pir 'Umar Begrash
Ya'qub _ _ Mihmad
Bakr
'Isa
t 1491 II AQQUYUNLU
i t
Isma'il
I I i
~
'Ali
"
Ahmad
Qutb al-Din Hamu -
t 1529
Shah Isma' il -Tahmasb
i TajluBegum
I
Musa
III
Sultan Muhammad
Sultanum
N
V
VI
SAFAVIDS
created by the S~vids ~o absorb the remnants of the Bayandur-Ied Aqqu!unl~ confederation)? Fmally, still another section of the Mawsillu remained m Dlyar Bakr and Arminiya, where they were numbered among the peoples of the Bozulus by the sixteenthltenth-century Ottoman census takers.58
194
.-<:::Y
Appendix B
The Aqquyunlu Confederates
MIRANSHAHI ( 1.S"l..!..;1.r." )
This collateral branch of the Aqquyunlu paramount clan was formed by the union of Sidi-Ahmad b. Miranshah Timuri and Ruqaya-Sultan bt. Qara 'Usman, probably berween 1401/803 and 1408/810. After Uzun Hasan defeated Sultan-Abu Sa'id-himself a descendant of Miranshah-in 1469/873. this group remained in Aqquyunlu territory, playing a conspicuous role in the Ottoman campaign. The most prominent member of the Miranshahis in later Aqquyunlu times was Sharaf al-Din 'Usman Beg, also known as Timur 'Usman. 59 After serving as military chancellor under Uzun Hasan, Timur 'Usman initially backed Sultan-Khalil in the Third Civil War, but subsequently became one of the most powerful officers in the Ya'qubid regime. His halfbrother Ghazanfar and his nephew 'Abd al-Baqi involved themselves in the early stages of the Confederate Clan Wars, but only 'Abd al-Baqi survived this turbulent period. After the Safavid takeover of the Aqquyunlu Empire, 'Abd al-Baqi sought refuge at the court of his Timurid kinsman, Sultan-Husayn Bayqara. He died several years later fighting the Uzbeks. 60 Qara 'Vsman
Miranshah b. Timur -
t 1435 ~_--_~~~I--_---------_'i 'AIi tt443 / 44
I
Vzun Hasan
t
14r
Mahr'ud
t 1408
I
Oawlatgaldi Barlas
I
Ruqaya·Sultan- Sidi Ahmad -Sahib Sultan
I
rl------~I------~----_,i~-----,I Daughter-Muhammad Timur Zaynal Muzaffar Ghazanfur ~ Baqir, t 1475 'Vsman t 1490
Oaughter- 'Abd al·Baqi, t 1505/6
The Pazuki Kurds are first associated with the Aqquyunlu in 1464/868, when a group of them killed the Mamluk governor of Gerger and turned the castle over to Uzun Hasan. During the reign ofYa'qub, the Pazuki chief Khalid Beg made himself master of <::emi§gezek, from whence he extended his influence over other centers in Arminiya. Khalid Beg initially swore fealty to Shah Isma'il, but after the Qizilbash debacle at Ghujduvan in 1512/918, he championed the cause of the dispossessed Aqquyunlu prince Sultan-Murad b. Ya'qub. Khalid Beg's descendants subsequently reentered Safavid service, first holding the area ofEle§kert until the end of the sixteenthltenth century and later Simnan, Firuzkuh, and Khvar in north-central Persian Iraq.61 PURNAK OR PIRNEK (..!1;.r. ,.!ll;~ ,.!ll;.J.~)
Chief clan of the right wing, the Purnak were the most "noble" Aqquyunlu confederate clan and the only one to intermarry with the paramount Bay-
.-<:::Y
195
andur ruling house during the formative Principality' Period. This clan is first mentioned in the account of Qara 'Usman's battle with Iskandar Qaraquyunlu in 142ii824, in which Qara 'Usman's son-in-law Kuh Ahmad Purnak distinguished himself.6l After supporting Hamza and Shaykh-Hasan in the early stages of the Great Civil War, the Purnak aligned themselves behind Uzun Hasan'in 1451/855 and offered him their unflinching loyalty throughout his rule. 6, Like the Mawsillu, the Purnak were divided during the Third Civil War, but after the victory of the Ya'qubiya, the Purnak soon rallied behind the new regime. Under Ya'qub, the Purnak acquired strong local roots in the provinces ofArabian Iraq and Fars held by Shah-'Ali Beg and Mansur Beg, respectively.6 4 With Sufi Khalil Beg Mawsillu's coup d' etatin 1490/896 and the beginning of the Confederate Clan Wars, the Purnak of Arabian Iraq and Fars emerged as the major opposition party. Initially checked by the Mawsillu and the reaction ofSulayman Beg Bijan, the Purnak joined the Bayandur in seating Rustam b. Maqsud on the throne, thus acquiring great influence in his new government. Their control ofFars and Arabian Iraq was reconfirmed, and their hold on the central apparatus was second only to that of the military dictator Ayba-Sultan Bayandur. In 1497/902, their hold on the Aqquyunlu administration was somewhat loosened by the reforms of Ahmad b. Ughurlu Muhammad; but with this ruler's death later that same year, they again established independent power in Fars and Arabian Iraq. In the last years of Aqquyunlu hegemony, the Purnak supported the claims of Sultan-Murad b. Ya'qub, helping him to maintain a tenuous authority in Baghdad following his defeat by Shah Isma'a Safavi in 1503/908.65 After Shah Isma'il's massacre of the Purnak of Baghdad in 1508/914, this clan virtually disappeared from the Iranian political scene for several decades. A section of the Purnak survived in Diyar Bakr and Arminiya, and some of its leaders were singled out for special honors by the Ottoman rulers.66 In the later sixteenthltenth century, however, another branch of the Purnak, now part of the Turkmen uymaq, again appeared in the Safavid sources, holding such important offices as the governor-generalship of Azarbayjan. 67 QAJAR: SEE BAYAT QARAMANI OR QARAMANLU ( .,u~I) ,~~I} )
Two distinct groups in Aqquyunlu history bear this designation. First are the various members of the ruling house of the Qaramanid beylik principality in central Anatolia who sought aid from and later refuge with Uzun Hasan. Qasim Beg Qaramani is last mentioned in 1478/882 in Aqquyunlu sources. 68 The second group was composed of the descendants of Arnir Qaraman settled
I96 ~
Appendix B The Aqquyunlu Confoderates ~ I97
in the Barda'-Ganja region of Azarbayjan near the beginning of the fifteenth/ninth century. After the decline of the Qaraquyunlu confederation, they joined the Aqquyunlu and are last mentioned in the account of the Battle of Khuy in 1478/883.69 It was this latter group that became one of the early supporters of Shah Isma' il Safavi and was still living in Shakki and Sharvan in the nineteenth/thirteenth century.7° QUJA-HAJlLU OR KOCAHAClLU (k.l>~y- 'k.l>~";)
Although the Quja-Hajilu first joined the Aqquyunlu confederation und!!f Qara 'Usman, they are attested in the period ofHamza. After Uzun Hasan executed Shaykh-Hasan in 1451/855, the Quja-Hajilu, along with the Mawsillu and the Purnak, accepted his leadership.7' They participated in Uzun Hasan's restoration of the Aqquyunlu principality and in his great conquests. They rose to considerable prominence in Sultan-Khalil's provincial administration in Fars; Husayn Beg Quja-Hajilu became Sultan-Khalil's chief of staff. chancellor, and guardian of his eldest son, Alvand. 72 However, after the overthrow of Sultan-Khalil, the Quja-Hajilu do not appear again in the sources of the Aqquyunlu period. In the sixteenth/tenth century, the Quja-Hajilu were stillliving in Ottoman-controlled Diyar Bakr and Arminiya.73 They are not represented among the Safavi uymaqs.
SHAM-BAYAT: SEE BAYl\T SHAMLU ( .,Lol.!. )
Though this clan-one of the "original" Qizilbash confederates-does not appear eve~ to have joined the Aqquyunlu formally, its relations with Ya'qub are attested 10 a docume~t dated ca. 1486/891, a report of the "Shamlu Affair." The Shamlu, who. nomadlzed in the region of Aleppo , Adana, and'T' larsus, are acd fh " th·· ficuse 0. aVlOg , murdered an Ottoman agent near Ruha. 0 n receivIng IS Ino~matlon,. Ya qub .dispatched Sulayman Beg Bijan and Timur 'Usman Beg ~lransh~1 to punlS~ them for having jeopardized Aqquyunlu-Ottoman relations dUrIng the perIod of Bayezid II's conflict with the Mamluks. When the A~quyunlu generals reached Diyar Bakr, however, they were informed that Ya qub had concluded a peaceful settlement with the Shaml I d .. Tabriz.77 . u ea ers In TABANLU (.,t~.)
•.,tw.. )
This ~Ian, which nomadized in Diyar Bakr and Arminiya, is mentioned only once 10 Aqquyunlu sources. In later Ottoman documents, however, the Tabanlu are first registered in the Bozulus and later in central Anatolia.78
QUTBEGLU: SEE AFSHAR URDAKLU (.,lS".))) RABI'AH (~.)
Though the Aqquyunlu were generally hostile toward the Arab tribes of central Syria,74 Musa Beg (~ab), chief of the Banu Rabi'ah, considered Uzun Hasan his overlord and was frequently found in the Aqquyunlu leader's retinue. On at least one occasion, their conduct became an issue in Aqquyunlu relations with the Mamluks. 75 SA'DLU (y..\a...o)
The Sa'dlu, a prominent Qaraquyunlu confederate clan settled in Chukhur-i Sa'd (as the middle Aras valley was known), joined the Aqquyunlu after 1468/873, but they did not play an important role in that confederation. They subsequently joined the Qizilbash and were seen in Safavid service throughO\.f.t the sixteenthltenth century.76
The ~r~u are not attested in Aqquyunlu sources, but do appear in the Safavld perIod as a component of the Turkmen uymaq.79 YURTCHI (~Jy.)
The Yurtchi, appearing in the sixteenthltenth-century Ottoman census of the Bozulus, are represented by one chief who took Uzun Hasan' . . s part agamst Shaykh-Hasan 10 1451/855. 80 ZRAQI OR ZIRQI (,.jJj)
. Unlike their ~ulduqani neighbors, the Zraqi Kurds ofTercil, 'Ataq/Harakh, ~ushad, and 'Ayndar, northwest ofAmid, initially opposed Qara 'Usman until.the Aqquyunlu conquest of the region in 14241827.8, Although a marriage alliance was concluded between Uzun Hasan and the daughter of'Umar Beg
I98
r<::::Y
Appendix B
Zraqi around 1446-47/850, the Zraqi did not submit to the Aqquyunlu leader until 1460/865.82 Despite the fact that Aqquyunlu-Zraqi relations remained cordial throughout the period ofYa'qub, the Zraqi were quick to accept Zu'lQadr overlordship in 1504/910 on the eve of the Qizilbash invasion of Diyar Bakr. 83 ZU'L-QADR (j)\."b 'jJ.A.l1 -'~)
'" D :s Q)
Though the Zu'l-Qadr were frequently in conflict with the Aqquyunlu, some Zu'l-Qadr chiefs were oc<;asionally found in the service of the rival confederation. The earliest example of this cooperation occurs il) 1456/860, when a group of Zu'l-Qadr joined Uzun Hasan just before the Battle on the Tigris.84 A large Zu'l-Qadr contingent was also present on the Aqquyunlu side at the Battle ofB:l§kent in 1473/878.85 In the later Aqquyunlu period, the Zu'I-Qadr ruler ~a' a1-Dawla tried to enthrone an Aqquyunlu prince in Diyar Bakr without success; likewise, his marriage alliance with Sultan-Murad b. Ya'qub, while producing two grandsons, had no practical results. 86 Finally, a section of the Zu'I-Qadr were among the earliest supporters ofIsma'il Safavi and thus in the end helped bring about the complete overthrow of their Aqquyunlu rivals in Iran.
· _/· · cP 0. . ··.-, .. .... , . ( . . . . . . . ..... ..... ,
r
. · · · ·•· · .A
,
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.
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o
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U)
AppendixC
Aqquyunlu Genealogical Tables
201
Tur 'Ali ca. 130o-ca. 1360
I
II
Qutlu = Maria Komnene ca. 1360-89
I
I
~--
IlIIl
I
I
Ahmad 1389-14031 (table 2)
Pir 'Ali (table 3)
Qara 'Usman 14031-35 (table 4)
Husayn t 13891
IVf2
Qilich Asian 1444-5 2
I
I
I
I
Sultan-Khalil 1478
I
Ughurlu Muhammad (table II)
j.
'I--~---'I
Mahmud 1491
VIII5/iii
I
I
I
Mahmud 1444-50 (table 6)
'Ali 1435-38 (tablf 8)
Ahmad 1497
I
Maqsud
I
Rustam 149 2-97
I
I
Yaqub 147 8-9 0 (tabli 12)
Murad
jahahgir 1444-57 (table 9)
Rustam
'I~-------'I
Baysunghur 1490-9 2
Sultan-Murad 1497-1508
Yusuf
I_
I
I
~ ~
'" ~
~
CJ
Bayandur 1481
1497-1502
Muhammadi 1497-1500
'"~ ~
I
I Qasim
I
Masih Mirza 149 0
I
Shaykh-Hasan 1444-51 (table 6)
UzuJ Hasan 1457-7 8 (table 10)
jafar 143 8
V/31i
VI/4lii
I
Hamza 1435-44
Ya' qub (table 5)
I Daughter = Salim Dager
I
Alvand 1497-1504/5
I
Zaynal 1504/5
VIIII6/iv Boldface: founders of successive dispensations Italics: rulers
Qutlu ca. 1360-89
II
£ ~ ;:
I Ahmad
III
~
E" ~ ~
1389-14031
~
II IV
Muhammad t 1404?
Mihmad t 1404?
Daughter Pir 'Ali
Qjlich Asian 1444-5 2
=
I I
v
Tur 'Ali
Sultan-Ahmad
<:;-
---,-
Daughter ~ Mutahhartan I
Pir Hasan
Daughter ~ Musa h. Pir 'Ali
I Jamshid
Qutlu t 1435?
I
I
Ahmad ~ bt. 'Ali b. Qara 'Usman
I
VI
Bakr t 1478?
VII
Ahmad' t 1500?
I
•Ancestor of Dilaver Akkoyunlu
Table 2. The House of Ahmad b. Qurlu
~.
'~"
......
"'~" ~ '" ,5:
204 ,"""""
~ 205
Aqquyunlu Genealogical Tables
Appendix C
Ibrahim (table 5)
t
1407
Habil Ctable 5)
t
1430
Murad (table 5)
t
1433
Bayazid (table 5)
t 1435 :.iIi (table 8) - - _ jahangir
t
I
1443/44
Hamza - - - - - Shah-Sultan Khanum
t
1444
Ya'qub (table 5)
t
1446
Shaykh-Hasan (table 6) Qutlu - - Qara 'Usman ca. 1360-89
140 3?-35 (I) Saljuq
(2) Daughter, Alexious Komnenos (3) niece, Rustam Ibn Tarkhan
t
1451
MahmudCtable 6) Kur Muhammad (table 7) Iskandar, t 1433? Shams al-Din,
t
1433?
Qasim, t 1450 Khalil Ruqaya-Sultan Sidi-Ahmad Miranshahi Daughter_ MuhammadJuki Shahrukhi Daughter_ Kuh Ahmad Beg Purnak
II
..... .....
..... ..... .....
>
IIIII
Nh
Table 4. TheHOI.Ise ofQara 'Usman b. Qutlu
Qutlu
II
ca,1360-89
I
IIIII
Qara 'Usman 1403?-35
I Ibrahim t 1407
IVh
I
V /3
Iskandar
I
I
I Habil t 1430
-,---Murad t 1433
I
I
'Ali
Husayn
--- -----,Ya'qub t 1446
I
Khalil
I
I
143
I
Muhammad
VIliS
~
~ ",;;
I
~
~
Khurshid
8
I
Bayandur -Shah Salima t 1481 br, Bahlul
Habil t 1481
~
I Bayazid t 1435
jafor, t 1456
Rustam
I VI/4
N
t
li
73
Yusuf t 1;91
CJ __----,
Mansur
I
I
'I
I
Qurkhmas
Qayitmas t 1491
'Abbas
I
Husayn Chalabi t 1550?
Yusuf
VIII/6
i
~
~ ;:j
li:' ~ ;:j ~
Qutlu
II
~ §" -.
ca,1360-89
I
!:;l
Qara 'Usman
IIIII
~
~
1403?-35
~
I
I
IVh
V/3
I I
SuItan-IH usayn ?
Bayazl'd t 1451
Muhammad
Abu al-Farh t 1503
N
Mahmud
~
1444-5 0
1444-51
I
VI/4
I
Shaykh-Hasan
KusaI H a)l..
t 1493
I
I
Shaykh-Hasan t15 0 3
0 augI h ter -
Shah I- 'Al'1
Muhammad Baqir Miranshahi I
Mahmud
Table 6, The House ofQara 'Usman (2)
Y) a qub
H asan I
Shibl' 1 1
208 r":>'
Appendix C
Aqquyunlu Genealogical Tables
Ibrahim. Ayba-Sultan
t
1499
Ashraf t 1500 Shaykh-'Ali
t 150 3 Ya'qubJan
t 150 3
Dana Khalil
GUzeIAhmad
t 1503 Nur'Ali t I503? JanAgha
Qara 'Usman 1403?-35
~
-'Ali-qull KhanShamlu
Kur Muhammad - br. Pir 'Ali Blinded 1437/8
Murad
MuhammadZaman
Shah-Kharun Maqsud b.---Rustam UzunHasan Saljuqshah UzunHasan
t 1490 Farrukhshad
~
'Usman*
_ (I) Zibad br.
Yusuf _(2) Tajlu Qurkhmas t 1492
Muhammad
t 1517?
Tahir Ghaybi Eslemez
*14"-generation descendant Iskandar interviewed by Beygu. ca. 1935
IlIII
IVI1
VI}
VI/4
Table 7. The House ofQara 'Usman (3)
"
VIliS
=
...
;::;
=
~ 209
2IO ~
Aqquyunlu Genealogical Tables
Appendix C
~ 2II
Alvand
t
1478
Sultan-Khalil' -----+Mina 'Ali t 1490
~bt. Suhrab <;:emi~gezeki
1478
Zulaykba Ughurlu Muhammad' (table II)
t 1477 ZaynaJl
t 1473 . Maqsud4 -
t 1478
Shah Khatun -RuJtam bt. Dana Khalil 1492-97
Ya'qub' (table 12) Muhammadi
1478-90
Uzun Hasan - - - - - - - - 1 1457-78
'Saljuqshah bt. Kur Muhammad 1 Daughter, Dawlatshah Beg Bulduqani 3 Daughter, 'Umar Beg Zraqi 4 Theodora Komnene
1497-1500
Alvand Yusuf' - - - - - - - - 1 1497-1504/5
t 1490 Jahangir
t 1490
Masih Mirza 4 1490
Khanum Khatun _ Qasim b. Jahangir
Daughter 'Abd al-Vahhab Tabataba'i
Shahbeg Khatun Ghazi Khan Sharvani SUltan-'Ali
'N"
~t
Halimal'Alamshah Haydar Safavi
~.
0\
8'"
- -....
N
~
:>'"
'" ;:t :c:+-
Daughter 'Abd al-Baqi Miranshahi
- -
DaughterBayram Beg Qaramanlu
"'" !>
'"
!>
1494
Shah Isma'il Safavi 1501-24
VI/41ii Table 10. The House ofUzun Hasan b. 'Ali
'"tl
~ ~
Daughter, Dawlatshah Bulduqani
UzunHasan
V/3/ i
1457-78
~
~ VI/4/ii
Daughter, 'Isa Beg Bulduqani (1) married 1460 I
Mahmud
VIliS/iii
1491
Ughurlu Muhammad -(2) Gevher Han bt. Fatih Mehmed t 1477 married 1476
I
i
Husayn t 1492
i
Ahmad -
Daughter,
Ya'qub
1497
Cl
i
Hatice bt. Bayezid II
Daughter -
Husayn b. 'Ali-Khan
I
Zaynal
VIII/6/iv
15045
t IS07?
f
~
~
;:s
::~
;:s
UzunHasan
V/3/ i
Saljuqshah bt. Kur Muhammad t 1490
1457-78
VI/41ii
VIliS/iii
Ibrahim, _ Ayba-Sultan I
I
Baysunghur
Hasan t 1493
1490-92 t 1493
VIlII6/iv
Yaqub -
Gawhar-Sultan bt. (I) _ Farrukhyasar Sharvanshah
~
~ §.
....
(2) Begijan Khatun bt. Sulayman Beg Bijan
1478-90
I i
Sultan~Murad
-----~
-Daughter, 'Ala' a1-Dawla 1497-1508 Zu'I-Qadr t 1514 I ,----- I Yaqub Hasan
I
MuradPa§a Table 12. The House ofYa'qub b. Uzun Hasan
Daughter- Husayn b. Ughurlu Muhammad
~
<:3-0
~
~ .:::'"
AppendixD
Sources for Aqquyunlu History The primary materials for the study of Aqquyunlu history, though fragmentary, are numerous and varied, including documentary, archaeological, epigraphical, numismatic, iconographic, narrative, literary, and bureaucratic . sources.! This appendix classifies, brieRy describes, and indicates the usefulness of the materials examined in the preparation of this monograph. DOCUMENTS, RECORDS, AND OTHER INFORMAL SOURCES
The major documentary sources available for Aqquyunlll history include diplomatic correspondence, intelligence reports, internal communications, laws, rescripts, and immunities. This body of material may be further classified on the basis of provenance into documents preserved in governmental archives, in museums and libraries, in collections and compilations of correspondence, and in narrative and literary sources. By far the richest fund of Aqquyunlu documents is located in the Topkapi SaraYI or Sultan's Palace Archives in Istanbul, where, under various rubrics, approximately one hundred separate "folios" (evrak) have been cataloged. 2 Three-quarters of these in fact deal with the Aqquyunlu and consist of diplomatic dispatches exchanged by the Aqquyunlu and the Ottomans, Aqquyunlu letters to other powers captured by the Ottomans, Ottoman intelligence reports on the Aqquyunlu, Ottoman communications to other powers regarding the Aqquyunlu, and, finally, Aqquyunlu domestic documents. Chronologically, the documents range from 1452/856 to 1513/919, with the bulk of the material surveyed concentrated in the years between 1471/875 and 1473/878-the period of Uzun Hasan's decisive conRictwith the Ottoman sultan Fatih Mehmed II. This fact, however, should not obscure the great importance of the relatively fewer intelligence reports and captured domestic documents for the internal history of the Aqquyunlu. Finally, it must be pointed out that although the Topkapl Sarayl fund consti-
2[5
2I6 ~
Appendix D
cutes the most direct evidence for Aqquyunlu history, these documents cannot be utilized effectively without a firm grasp of the narrative sources. FRAG~ NER is a useful guide to published Topkapl Sarayl documents. The Ba§velcllet or Prime Minister's Archives in Istanbul also contain much ' valuable material for the study of Aqquyunlu history. Particularly important are the sixteenthltenth-century registers (defiers) for eastern Anatolia. One group of these registers preserves many ofUzun Hasan's fiscal regulations for Amid, Bayburt, <;:ermik, Ergani, Erzincan, Erzurum, Harput, Kemah, Mardin, Ruha, Siverek, and other administrative centers ofDiyar Bakr and Arminiya} Although the documents in which they are preserved date from 1516/922 to 1540/ 947, the regulations themselves in fact provide information ontaxa~ tion, administration, agriculture, commerce, and demography in the eastern . part of the Aqquyunlu Empire in its heyday under Uzun Hasan and Ya'qub. A second group of registers deals with the tribal situation in eastern Anatoliil in the first half of the sixteenthltenth century; in this connection, the surveys ilfiQ. ' regulations pertaining to the Bozulus-as the Ottomans commonly called the, remnants of the original Aqquyunlu confederate clans-are especially significant.4 Data such as the names of clans and septs, major migration routes, and the taxes and tolls paid by the nomads are helpful in reconstructing the life of, the confederation both during the First and Second Principality Periods and during the troubled times following the Safavid and Ottoman conquestS Diyar Bakr and Arminiya. :, , Other official Aqquyunlu documents have been discovered in several mu~' ,,' seums and libraries as well as in the possession of private individuals, and some have been copied in later literary sources. To date, approximately thirty such documents have been published, spanning the years I470-99/875-905·~ For; the most part immunities pertaining to the eastern part of the Aqquyunlu pire, these documents frequently list the taxes and tolls from which the ,,"r~,nT"'F>" is exempt, thus somewhat complementing the Ottoman documents froIll western part. Although these immunities furnish significant details on quyunlu chancery practice, titulature, and heraldry in addition to social, . ical, and economic organization, they do not constitute a coherent body source materials for the study of the Aqquyunlu per se, due to their and widely separated frames of reference. For the economic historian. ever, these documents, together with similar materials from both prc:cecun,it and succeeding periods, make up a source of the utmost importance for study of Irano-Islamic institutions during the later middle period. These terials are also referenced in FRAGNER. Another group of Aqquyunlu documents is preserved in the comt)lla.t1o.~·. and collections of correspondence known as insha: 6 The Ottoman insha' compilation is the MUjeiit us-selatin of Feridun Bey
Sources for Aqquyunlu History ~ 21:7 (t 1583/991), volume 1 of the second edition of which contains copies of approximately seventy letters pertaining to the Aqquyunlu. covering nearly a century, from 1416-17/819 to 15141920. Though dealing primarily with diplomatic relations between the two powers, these lette.rs also include numerous references to Aqquyunlu internal developments that corroborate and are in turn corroborated by the narrative sources. Despite the occasional scribal errors in headings, personal names, and dates. there seems little reason to doubt the authenticity and accuracy of the copies. Aqquyunlu relations with the Timurids and, to a lesser extent, the Mamluks are represented by several pieces of correspondence in the Safavid counterpart of Feridun Bey's work, the unpublished insha'compilation ofAbu al-Qasim Haydar Ivughli (Evoglu. t 1664-651 1075). Nuskha-yi jami'a-yi murasalat-i ulu al-albab. Both Feridun Bey and . Ivughli have been thoroughly excerpted by the modern Iranian scholar 'Abd alHusayn Navai in his excellent Asnad va mukatabat-i tarikhi-yi Iran. Finally, among the "private" collections of insha' containing correspondence relative to . the Aqquyunlu, mention can be made of Riyaz al-insha' of the Bahmani minister Mahmud Gavan (tI481/886). the letters ofQazi Husayn Maybudi (t15051 910),7 the Sharafnama of Khvaja 'Abd Allah Marvarid (t 1541-42/948), the Munshaiu of Taci-zada Sa'di <;:elebi (t 1516/922), and the Munsha'at ofIdris Bi~lisi (t 1520/926). Many documents and letters dealing with Uzun Hasan's alliance with var" ious European powers ilgainst the Ottomans have been published in several collections. The most important of these are the Lettere of Giosafat Barbaro and the dispatches of Caterino Zeno, some of which are transcribed in .Oomenico Malipiero's Annali W!neti dall'anno I457 a I500, while others have been appended by Guglielmo Berchet to his La Repubblica di venezia e la Per·sia. Other documents dealing with Aqquyunlu-European relations have been published by Enrico Comet in Le Guerre dei veneti nell'Asia, I47D-I474 and by e s;eNicolae lorga in Notes et extraits pour servir l'histoire des croisades au "cle. Lastly, the monumental Dian; of the, historian and statesman Marino 'San4to the Younger (t 15361942) contain copies of reports from Venetian merchants and diplomats on the troubled final decade of Aqquyunlu domination i\fid the rise of Shah Isma'il Safavi (1497-1508/902-914).8 The Armenian manuscript colophons selected and translated by Avedis K. . Sanjian should perhaps be considered quasi-informal sources. While Sanjian's sdections cover the years 1301-148017°0-886, the Aqquyunlu are first mentioned in a colophon dated 1422/825 and appear regularly thereafter. Produced , QyArmenian scribes in both major and minor urban centers in the heartland of the Aqquyunlu Principality, these colophons furnish details of chronology i\fid economic, political. and social history unavailable from any other source. In addition to providing a valuable control on the major internal Aqquyunlu
a
xv
2I8
~
Appendix D
narrative source for the Principality Period, Kitab-i Diyar-Bakriya, the colophons also help fill many lacunae in that chronicle. Less reliable and comprehensive are the chronograms (mavadd al-tavarikh) found in many Persian and Turkish chronicles, some insha' collections, and verse anthologies. A poetic form, the chronograms, which usually require the reader to convert a key word or phrase into its numerical equivalent in accordance with the abjad system, frequently subordinate historical accuracy to literary considerations. Moreover, for a single event, several chronograms may be found, each yielding a different date. Nevertheless, they are a source that should not be overlooked, as they sometimes transmit information other than mere chronology. A modern compilation of chronograms culled from various sources has been published by Hajj Husayn Nakhjavani. ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, NUMISMATICS, AND ICONOGRAPHY
There are abundant material remains and other nonwritten sources for the Aqquyunlu period. Metin S6zen has catalogued nearly one hundred Aqquyunlu architectural structures in almost thirty locales in Anatolia alone. These buildings include mosques, madrasas, tombs, hospices, markets, caravanserais, baths, bridges, fountains, palaces, and fortifications. Unfortunately, no similar ,:ork exists for th?se monuments constructed in Iran during the imperial penod, many of which have now disappeared. Approximately twenty Aqquyunlu inscriptions have been discovered and published to date, ranging in time and place from Khvand-Sultan bt. Piltan's 1~12/.815 epitaph in Kigi to ~i Beg Purnak's 1497/902 commemorative inscriptIOn In Isfahan. Although these materials are not found in the standard repertories of Islamic inscriptions, many building and tomb inscriptions from Amid (Diyarbakir), Mardin, Ruha (Urfa), Hisn-Kayf, Harput, Erzincan, Erzurum, Bayburt, Ahlat, Kigi, and their environs are published both in modern lo~al histories and provincial yearbooks and in the archaeological and epigraphical survey of Albert Gabriel. For Iran, Andre Godard and more recently Lutf Allah Hunarfar have published the Aqquyunlu inscriptions in Isfahan, Iraj Mshar has transcribed Uzun Hasan's 1470-71/875 order in the entrance of the Grea~ Mo~q~e ofYazd, and. A. S. Melikian-Chirvani has studied the Aqquyunlu Inscnptlon at Persepohs. In addition to supplying much valuable information on chronology, titulature, genealogy, and administration, these inscripti~ns are a so~rce ?f the utmost importance for the evolution of Aqqu~nlu Ideology.9 LikeWise, the numismatic evidence in the catalogues of the British Museum as well ,as the Istanbul and St. Petersburg collections and in the articles and monographs of H. L. Rabino and Sayyid Jamal Turabi Tabataba'i was also studied formally; no attempt was made to use these materials quantitatively.
Sources for Aqquyunlu History
~ 2I9
The history of miniature painting and other arts of the book in the Turkmen period is just beginning to be explored. Illustrated manuscripts produced by artists working for Aqquyunlu rulers are found today in collections in Turkey, Ireland, and the United States. Later works completed under the Ottomans and Safavids deal with aspects of the conflicts of those two powers with the Aqquyunlu. 1O NARRATIVE AND LITERARY SOURCES
Aqquyunlu history is very well served by a great variety of both internal and external narrative and literary sources, including official chronicles, local and regional histories, biographical and autobiographical literature, travel accounts, and poetic works. In fact, one of the major problems encountered in using this material was its sheer bulk, necessitating much comparison and collation. Though most of the works studied are available in editions of varying quality, several important narrative texts on the Aqquyunlu are still in manuscript, some of which were not accessible at the time of writing.
Chronicles The Aqquyunlu are first mentioned in two central Anatolian narrative sources of the late fourteenth/eighth and early fifteenth/ninth century. The earlier of these is Bazm u Razm by 'Aziz Astarabadi, a Persian history of Burhan ai-Din Ahmad completed in 1398/800, several months before Burhan al-Din's death. This chronicle contains scattered references to the Aqquyunlu under Qutlu (t 1389/791) and his son and successor Ahmad (t 1403/805?), their relations with the rulers of Sivas and Erzincan, and the internal struggles for control of the confederation. II The second is the short Greek chronicle of Trabzon, by Michael Panaretos covering the years 1330-1412/730-816. The Aqquyunlu, called the "Turkmens of Amid" and led by Qutlu's father Tur 'Ali, first appear under the events of 1348/749 in an attack of the Turkmens on Trabzon, and in 13$2/753 Panaretos records the marriage of Qutlu to Maria Komnene. After 1365/766, however, the Aqquyunlu are not heard from again in this work. The careers of these early chiefs are also treated very briefly in the genealogical section of the earliest major Aqquyunlu internal narrative source, Abu BakrTihrani-Isfahani's Kitab-i Diyar-Bakriya, composed for Uzun Hasan and his son Sultan-Khalil between 1469/875 and 1478/883.12 From about 1389/791 onward, however, events are treated in a much more systematic fashion, which nevertheless emphasizes the exploits of Qara 'Usman and his grandson Uzun Hasan. The narrative is broken in several places, the most extensive gaps occurring for the years 14°8-19/812-22, 1424-28/828-31, and 1429-33/832-36. These discontinuities can be worked around by making use of
220 ~
Appendix D
the Mamluk and Timurid narratives discussed below. In addition, the account of the years 1441-44/844-48 and 1446-50/850-54 is quite thin, and the coverage of the period 1462-641866-69 is disturbed in the manuscript and in Lugal and Sumer's edition.'3 However, from approximately 1450/854 until the manuscript suddenly breaks off in spring 1472/end of876, the rise ofUzun Hasan to the leadership of the Aqquyunlu confederation and his great triumphs over the Qaraquyunlu and the Timurids are presented in great detail. Joining Uzun Hasan in summer 1469/late 873, Tihrani-Isfahani thus wrote the account of the next three years based on his firsthand knowledge. His sources for the period before 1469/873, however, are not precisely known. Though he probably consulted the guardians of earlier Aqquyunlu traditions as well as the remembrances of his contemporaries who had been actual participants in earlier events, he may also have had access to some archival documents-specifically copies of diplomatic correspondence and possibly a lost chronicle or calendar.'4 Whatever his sources, Tihrani-Isfahani's version of events tallies remarkably well with independent contemporary Armenian colophons and Mamluk chronicles. In addition to the question ofTihrani-Isfahani's sources, another problem encountered in using the Kitab-i Diyar-Bakriya is its virtually total lack of specific dates prior to 1469/873. The chronology of most earlier events is determined in relation to the Aqquyunlu confederation's seasonal migrations, which suggests an oral rather than a written transmission. These chronological difficulties are responsible for considerable confusion in the arrangement of material borrowed from Tihrani-Isfahani, directly or indirectly, in later annalistic works such as Hasan Rumlu's Ahsan af-tavarikh or dynastic compilations such as Muneccimb;u/s jami' al-duwaL Fazl Allah Khunji-Isfahani's Tarikh-i alam-ara-yi Amini, covering the years 1478-9r1882-96, may be considered a continuation ofTihrani-lsfahani's work historiographically. This chronicle of the reign ofUzun Hasan's son Ya'qub in fact deals with the years 1478-81/882-86 on the basis of secondhand knowledge, omits the years 1481-85/886-890, resumes the narrative with the years 1485-86/890-91, again based on secondhand sources, and finally treats the events of 1486-91/891-96 from an eyewitness point of view. In addition to his implicit Ya'qubid bias, Fazl Allah Khunji-Istmani unabashedly declares his intention to suppress the news of any events counter to the Sacred Law oflslam, such as Ya"qub's slaying of Darvish Siraj al-Din Qasim Naqshbandi while intoxicated.'s Nor does he mention the ineffective campaign of his secondary patron, Sulayman Beg Bijan, in Kurdistan. Despite these shortcomings, Khunji-Istahani's analytic sociological and economic interpretation ofYa'qub's reign compares favorably with Tihrani-Istahani's heroic and providential ac~ count of the rise of Uzun Hasan.
Sources jor Aqquyunfu History
~ 221
Minor independent Aqquyunlu internal narrative sources include Jalal al-Din Muhammad Davani's /1rz-nama, an eyewitness description of the review of the provincial army of Fars in 1476/881;,6 the Turkmen sections of the Arabic chronicle by Abu Fath Abd Allah al-Baghdadi, "Ghiyathi," to 14831 888,'7 and the firsthand account of the years 1491-1500/896-906 by the Aqquyunlu bureaucrat Idris Bidlisi, whose report was cut short by the Safavid capture ofTabriz and the author's flight to the Ottoman court. I8 In addition to the invaluable information it furnishes on the Aqquyunlu military and bureaucratic organization per se, the /1rz-nama is an important aid to Aqquyunlu prosopography by virtue of its lists of personnel and their offices. Af- Ta'rikh af-ghiyathi, though full of inaccuracies and inconsistencies, views political developments from the vantage point of the provincial capital Baghdad and adds many important details on the Turkmen domination of that ciry. Finally, Idris Bidlisi's nonpartisan insights into family and tribal politics during the Confederate Clan Wars included in his Ottoman history, Hasht bihisht, provided great assistance in making sense out of this complex period. As in the case ofIdris Bidlisi, whose firsthand observations on Aqquyunlu activities were recorded under the Ottomans, individuals who witnessed the last years of the empire also included their memoirs in histories written for the Safavids. A good example of this phenomenon is Mir Yahya Husayni Sayfi Qazvini (t 1555/962), author of Lubb af-tavarikh. Born in 1482/886, Qazvini was thus a young man at the time or the Safavid takeover and was apparently opposed to the policies of the new regime. His eulogies ofYa'qub and Rustam can hardly reflect the official Safavid line on these two Aqquyunlu rulers, who were seen as responsible for the deaths of Shah Isma'il's father Haydar and brother Sultan Ali. Qazvini's short, independent account of the Aqquyunlu is filled with numerous minor details not available elsewhere. Secondhand information gleaned from Aqquyunlu fugitives to foreign courts or officials drafted into the Safavid regime also informs the traditions transmitted by later historians. For example, the Ottoman history of Kemalpa§azade (t 1535/941) contains references very antipathetic to Uzun Hasan's chief wife, Saljuqshah Begum, which must have been spread by her enemiesthe family ofUghurlu Muhammad, who had taken political asylum in Istanbul after 1477/882. Kemalpa§azade's contemporary at the other end of the Islamic world, the historian Ghiyas al-Din Khvandamir (t ca. 1535/941) of Harat, knew of the existence of both Kitab-i Diyar-Bakriya and Tarikh-i 'alamara-yi Amini, but apparently had never seen a copy of either. '9 Khvandamir's major sources for Aqquyunlu history, in addition to his personal knowledge of the diplomatic relations between Tabriz and Harat under Sultan-Husayn Bayqara (t 15 06 /9 12), were unquestionably the members of the Savaji family who had risen to prominence under Ya'qub, switched their allegiance to Shah
222 ,...:::,y
Sources for Aqquyunlu History
Appendix D
Isma'il Safavi, and were posted to Khurasan. 20 In fact, the historian dedicated his general history Habib al-siyarfi akhbar afrad al-bashar to the Savaji fiscal administrator of Khurasan, Karim ai-Din Habib Allah, and transmitted information on the authority of the Islamic magistrate of Harat, Ziya' ai-Din Nur Allah Savaji. Lik!!Wise, the sources of the unique details of Aqquyunlu history found in Tarikh-i mahmudshahi by 'Abd aI-Husayn Tuni (t ca. 1490/895) and Al-Tabaqat al-mahmudshahiya by 'Abd ai-Karim Nimdihi (fl. 1500/905), two chronicles composed under the ruler of Gujarat Mahmud I (1458-15II/ 862-917), Tarikh-i ilchi-yi Nizamshah, a Safavid Indian general history to 1562/970 by Khvurshah Husayni (t ca. 1565/972), and Mir'at al-advar va mirqat al-akhbar, an Ottoman-Indian general history to 1566/972 by Muslih ai-Din Lari (t 1572/979), were probably bureaucrats and religious officials from Persian Iraq and Fars who had taken up residence in India as a result of the "brain drain" from Iran or in order to seek refuge from the Safavids. 21 Yet another example is afforded by Qazi Ahmad Ghifari 22 Qazvini (t 1567/975), who supplemented his rather limited use of Kitab-i Diyar-Bakriya in his Nusakh-i jahan-araand Nigaristanwith details supplied by his father, Muhammad, and his grandfather 'Abd aI-Ghaffar, who was Uzun Hasan's chief magistrate in 1477/881. Finally, the detailed account of Aqquyunlu history from the death ofYa'qub (1490/896) to the accession of Rustam (1492/897) in Budaq Munshi Qazvini's Javahir al-akhbar is probably derived from the memoirs of the Daylami bureaucrats who participated in these events.23 As shown in figure DI, all of these narrative sources except the ;4rz-nama and Al-Ta'rikh al-ghiyathi were exploited-in most cases copied verbatim-by Hasan Rumlu (fl. 1578/986) in his Safavid general history Ahsan al-tavarikh.24 Other Safavid narrative works also contain sections on Aqquyunlu history and references to former Aqquyunlu confederates, bureaucrats, and architectural monuments. The earliest of these are Khvandamir's Habib al-siyar, mentioned above, and its contemporary Futuhat-i shahiby Ibrahim Sultan Haravi (t 1535/941). Later works include Takmilat al-akhbar by 'Abdi Beg Shirazi (fl. 1570/978, a text closely related to Ghifari's Nusakh-i jahan-ara), Khulasat al-tavarikh (to 1592/rOOO) by Qazi Mir Ahmad Qumi (fl. 1605/r014),25 and the great chronicle of Shah 'Abbas by Iskandar Beg Munshi (t 1633/r043), Tarikh-i 'alam-ara-yi ;4bbasi. The anonymous tribal history Tarikh-i Qjzilbashan adds many points of information and prosopographical details on elements of the Aqquyunlu confederation absorbed by the Safavids. Finally, there are three seventeenth/eleventh-century historical romances on the life of Shah Isma'iJ that contain interesting and bizarre details on the late Aqquyunlu period. Foremost among this is the so-called Ross Anonymous, portions of which have been edited and translated by E. Denison Ross.26 Others include the anonymous ;4lam-ara-yi Shah Isma'il (ed. Asghar Muntazir-
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Sahib, Tehran, 1970/r349) and 'Alam-ara-yi Safovi (ed. Yad Allah Shukri, Tehran, 1971lr350). Although such works cannot be used for the history of the Aqquyunlu, they show how the Aqquyunlu past was viewed toward the end of the Safavid period. The most extensive body of external narrative materials for the study of Aqquyunlu history, particularly during the Principality Periods, is the virtual Hood of Arabic chronicles produced in Mamluk Egypt and Syria during the fifteenth/ninth century!7 The most prominent representatives of this school as far as the Aqquyunlu are concerned are aI-Maqrizi (t 1442/845), Ibn Hajar
224 ~
Appendix D
al-~qalani (t 1449/852), al-~yni (t 1451/855), Ibn Taghribirdi (t 14701874), al-Sayrafi (t 14941900), al-Sakhawi (t 1497/902), Ibn al-Himsi (fl. 15041910), . Ibn Iyas (t ca. 1524/930), and Ibn Tulun (t 1546/953). Al-Maqrizi's Kitab al-suluk Ii ma'rifot duwal al-muluk, Ibn Hajar al-~qalani's Inba' al-ghumr li abna' al- 'umr, and al- ~yni's 1qd ai-juman ji ta'rikh ahl aI-zaman are the most important Mamluk chronicles of the first half of the fifteenth/ninth century. The first two have been published in their entirety, while al-~yni's history exists in two separate partial editions. Though based in part on the works of Ibn Hajar and al-~yni, Majmuah ji al-tawarikh, an epitome of Turkmen history to 1446/850 by Abu Fadl Muhammad Ibn Bahadur (fl. 1470/875), supplies milch information not found in those two chronicles. 28 For the second half of the fifteenth/ninth century, there exist good editions of Ibn Taghribirdi's Nujum al-zahirah ji muiuk Misr wa al-Qahirah and his Hawadith al-duhur ji mada al-ayyam wa ai-shuhur, a continuation of al-Maqrizi's Kitab al-suluk; the fragments of al-Sayrafi's Inba' al-hashr ji abna' al- 'air concerning the years 1468-73/873-77 and 1480-82/885-86; al-Sakhawi's continuation of Kitab al-suluktitled Al-Tibrai-masbuk; volumes 2 to 5 ofIbn Iyas's Bada'i'al-zuhurji waqa'i'a al-duhur; and Ibn Tulun's Damascus chronicle of Egypt and Syria,
Mufokahat al-khiiian ji hawadith al-zaman. 29 These Mamluk chroniclers provide firsthand, and in some cases eyewitness, details on the diplomatic and political relations of the Circassian sultanS, of Egypt and Syria with the Aqquyunlu from Qara 'Usman's defeat ofBuri1an al-Din in 1398/800 to Sultan-Murad's flight from Baghdad in 15081914,!Ilthough not all with the same degree of accuracy. In fact, due to a lacuna i~ Kitab-i Diyar-Bakriya, the chronicles of al-~yni, al-Maqrizi, and Ibn Hajarall contemporaries of Qara 'Usman-are practically the only sources of infor~ mation on the activities of the Aqquyunlu from 1408/8u to 1419/822, a period of Mamluk resurgence in Anatolia after the death of Timur. Ibn Taghribirdi, the best representative of the second generation of historians, however, witnessed the climax, followed by the rapid erosion of Mamluk power and influence in the north before the increasingly aggressive Turkmens. By the time ofIbn Iyas, the Aqquyunlu had emerged as a rival empire and were practically the military equals of the Circassian Mamluks. Moreover, these histQr~ were in many cases linked in a teacher-student relationship, and their works often borrow heavily from each other; occasionally, later writers criticize their predecessors, adding details from their own knowledge. Though almost all these historians held high posts in the Mamluk administration, perhap,s al-Maqrizi and Ibn Taghribirdi were the best placed (0 observe the rela,tioqs of the Marnluk sultans and governors with the Aqquyunlu chiefs-a fact ~e. flected in the frequent references to their works here.3° Second only to the Marnluk materials just discussed, the court histori~
Sources for Aqquyuniu History
~ 225
produced underTimur, Shahrukh, Sultan-Abu Sa'id, Sultan-Husayn Bayqara, and other Timurid princes also furnish a great volum.e of information on the Aqquyunlu. Unlike the Mamluk chroniclers, who often declare their independence from the influence of the sultan's court in their writings, the Timurid historians aimed at showing their patrons in the most flattering light. Following the Persian historiographical traditions established during the Mongol period by Juvayni and Yassa£, the Timurid historians usually expressed themselves in a florid, bombastic style that contrasts with the simple, sometimes colloquial, writing of their Mamluk counterparts. A third difference lies in the Timurid historians' preference for a mixed annalistic and topical presentation, as opposed to the Mamluk historians' month-by-month, even day-by-day, calendar of events. The career and conquests ofTimur (1370-1405/771-807) afford the major theme for the works of five authors, Nizam ai-Din ~i Sharni (t before 14U / 814), Mu'in al-Din Natanzi (fl. 1415/818), Hafiz Abru (t 1430/833), Sharaf al-Din ~i Yazdi (t 1454/858), and Ibn ~abshah (t 1450/854). The earliest of these biographies, Shami's Zafor-nama, composed by Timur's order in 140 4/ 806, contains no reference whatsoever to the Aqquyunlu or their redoubtable chieftain Qara 'Usman, even thollgh they had been mentioned in an earlier western Iranian source, Zayn al-Din's Zayl-i tarikh-i guzida. The works of Hafiz Abru and Yazdi, however, completed almost a generation later, speak frequently about the participation of Qara 'Usman in Timur's campaigns against the Mamluks and the Ottomans, 1401-3/802-5.31 Shami's omission of the Aqquyunlu and their appearance in the work of Yazdi may be explained by Shami's lack of access to official sources, narratives, and eyewitness testimony later available to Hafiz Abru and Yazdi and by the fact that, after 1416/819, Qara 'Usman had emerged as one of Shahrukh's staunchest allies against the Qaraquyunlu. Similarly, when Ibn ~abshah came to write his hostile Arabic biography of Timur in 1437/840 after resettling in Mamluk lands following a long period of captivity in Samarqand, the bitter rivalry between the sultan ai-Ashraf Barsbay and Shahrukh and his Aq_ quyunlu vassals was still one of the burning issues of Mamluk foreign policy; thus Ibn ~abshah devotes much space to the activities ofQara 'Usman. The pretensions to Islamic universality charact~ristic of the period of Shahrukh b. Timur (1405-47/807-50) were paralleled in historiography by a series of universal chronicles beginning with the series of historical compositions by Shihab al-Din Lurf Allah Khvafi, known as Hafiz Abru (t 1430 /833), and extending to Khvandamir's Habib al-siyar, mentioned earlier. Hafiz Abru Imew Timur and Shahrukh personally and accompanied both of them on several of their campaigns in western Asia. His major work, Zubdat al-tavarikh, is especially important for the period ofQara 'Usman down to 1427/830. One of
226 ~
Appendix D
Hafiz Abru's younger contemporaries, Fasih ai-Din Ahmad Khvafi (t after 1442/845), wrote Mujmal-i Fasihi, a compendium of chronology and biographical notices that includes many details of Aqquyunlu history. These data are amplified and expanded in Mat/a'-i sa'dayn va majma'-i bahrayn by 'Abd al-Razzaq Samarqandi (t 1482/887), an Ilkhanid-Timurid history to 1470/875. While the earlier part of Samarqandi's chronicle is heavily dependent upon the work of Hafiz Abru to 1427/830, it contains original information for the years 1427-70/830-75,31 In the same fashion, Rawzat ai-safar Habib al-siyar draws on earlier chronicles up to 1470/875, but presents new material from that point until 1524/930.33 Finally, the first part of Zahir ai-Din Muhammad Babur 'Umar-Shaykhi's Eastern Turkish autobiography, covering the years 14941508/899-914, supplements the information furnished by Khvandamir on the breakup of the Aqquyunlu Empire and thus may be included in this discussion of the Timurid Persian historiographical tradition. Events in Diyar Bakr and Arminiya during the first three quarters of the fifteenth/ninth century are viewed in all of these chronicles from Harat, more than two thousand kilometers distant. Compounding this situation, the Qaraquyunlu-enemies of both the Timurids and their Aqquyunlu vassalsblocked the route from Amid to Harat for almost fifty years. Although Shahrukh's three campaigns to Azarbayjan and eastern Anatolia temporarily reestablished direct links between the two powers, until the Uzun-Hasanid conquests notices on the Aqquyunlu in the Timurid chronicles are limited to sporadic accounts of their wars with the Qaraquyunlu or references to the infrequent embassies that managed to traverse Qaraquyunlu territory. After 1469/873, however, the territories of the Aqquyunlu and the Timurids were contiguous and contacts became much more regular and varied in nature, including cultural as well as diplomatic and political exchanges. While maintaining the fiction ofTimurid overlordship, the historians of Sultan-Husayn Bayqara's court (1470-1506/875-9II) exhibit the same uneasy attitude toward Aqquyunlu power mentioned in connection with Ibn Iyas. Compared to fifteenth/ninth century Mamluk and Timurid historiography, Ottoman historical writing is indeed a latecomer, a phenomenon that has been dealt with in some detail by Halil inalClk and V. L. Menage. 34 In the view of these scholars, OttOl~an historiography as such dates from the end of the fifteenth/ninth and the beginning of the sixteenthltenth century, specifically, the reign ofBayezid II (1481-1512/886-918). For the most part, the products of this period lack the detail even of the Timurid chronicles, not to mention the contemporary Mamluk works. In their scope, they are limited to recording the rise of the house of Osman to the status of an Islamic world power. Thus, these sources-with the exception of the works of Bidlisi and Kemalpapzade discussed above-are important mainly for their accounts of direct Ottoman-
Sources for Aqquyunlu History
~
227
Aqquyunlu conflicts such as the Trabzon confrontations of 1459-61/864-65 and the Qaraman crises of 1464-65/868-70 and 1470-73/875-78. Special mention should be made here of the fragments of Bayburtlu Osman's Tevarih-i cedid-i mirat-t cihan, published by C. N. AtSlZ. This "history," probably composed near the end of the sixteenthltenth century in eastern Anatolia, is in fact a compilation of Islamic folk religion and myths of origin, interwoven with historical fact. Though of little importance as a history of the Ottoman dynasty, the section of this now lost work transcribed by AtSlZ nevertheless has preserved many of the Aqquyunlu traditions apparently still alive in Arminiya at the time of its composition, including a "primitive" genealogy of the steppe peoples that affiliates the Aqquyunlu paramount clan with Bayandur Khan, ruler of the Oghuz in the Dede Korkut cycle (see appendix A). The work also contains a relatively lengthy section on Farrukhshad b. Qurkhmas, a great-grandson ofQara 'Usman, who was given a military fief in Arminiya by the Ottoman sultan Yavuz Selim I after the fall of the Aqquyunlu Empire in Iran. The historical writings of the Christian states, principalities, and communities of Anatolia, Syria, and the Caucasus transmit information on various aspects and phases of Aqquyunlu history. The late Byzantine chronicles of Dukas (t after 1462/868), Chalkokondyles (t ca. 1490/895), and the anonymous Ekthesis chronike (to 1543/950) add a few details on Aqquyunlu relations with the Greek kingdom ofTrabzon during its last years. The Georgian annals compiled in the eighteenth/twelfth century deal with the raids carried out by Uzun -Hasan and his son Ya'qub against the Christian principalities of the Caucasus, but add very little to knowledge of the internal history of the confederation. In contrast, the Armenian and Syriac sources furnish unique information on internal developments, as noted in connection with the Armenian colophons discussed above. While the Armenian chronicle of Thomas of Metsop (t 1446/85°) concerns the First Principality Period and the TimuridQaraquyunlu wars,35 the anonymous Syriac continuations of the political and ecclesiastical histories of Yuhanna Abu al-Faraj Ibn al-'Ibri, Gregorius Barhebraeus (t 1289/688), extend to the end of the fifteenth/ninth century and thus cover both Principality Periods and the province of Diyar Bakr after the political center of the Aqquyunlu Empire had shifted east to Azarbayjan and Iran.3 6 The political chronicle (1394-14941796-899) has been edited twice, first with a Latin translation by Otto Behnsch as Rerum seculo quinto decimo in Mesopotamia gestarum librum (Bratislava, 1838) and more recently with an English translation by E. A. W. Budge. Although the Budge translation is cited throughout this study, I referred to the Latin ofBehnsch to clear up several obscure points and omissions in the English version. The fact that the work of
228
~
Appendix D
these Christian historians and scribes is often affected by a strong antipathy toward their Muslim overlords should not detract from the value of these sources for the social and economic history of the Aqquyunlu confederation, areas not usually touched upon in the official narrative sources.
Regional Histories The court-centered view of the official Aqquyunlu chronicles may be further controlled by the use of regional histories. For the Aqquyunlu, important works in this category include the contemporary writings of Zahir al-Din Mar'ashi (fl. 1490/896) and 'Ali Lahiji (fl. 1516/922) on the Caspian provinces and the near-contemporary Sharafnama, a history of Kurdistan composed in 159 6 /100) by Sharaf Khan Bidlisi. Even such later works as the seventeenth/ eleventh-century histories ofYazd and Sistan and the nineteenthlthirteenthcemury works on Fars and Azarbayjan often preserve important local traditions and occasionally contain copies of earlier documents, the originals of which have since been lost; similarly, descriptions of buildings no longer extant may also be found in the local histories. Fin;llly, these sources are· indispensable for the biographies oflocal individuals and their families.
Biographical Literature More important than the local histories for the biographies of Aqquyunlu rulers, military officers, bureaucrats, scholars, saints, and artists are the various forms of Islamic biographical or tabaqat literature, including the biographical dictionary, tazkira, manaqiblmaqamat, mazarat, and 'ilm al-rijal forms)? For most of the period dealt with in this study, one of the most useful tabaqat books is the Arabic biographical dictionary of personalities of the fifteenthl ninth century by the Mamluk traditionalist and historian 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sakhawi (1" 1497/902) titled Al-Daw' al-lami' Ii ahl al-qarn al-tasi: Though most of the twelve thousand entries pertain to members of the military, administrative, and intellectual elite of the Mamluk state, Sakhawi's biographical dictionary also contains the lives of foreign rulers, with data extracted princi~ pally from Mamluk chronicles,38 In addition, Sakhawi wrote on the lives of foreign dignitaries and scholars he met during the Pilgrimage and students he taught in Cairo and the Hijaz. Sakhawi's sources are thus literary tradition, contemporary secondhand knowledge, and firsthand testimony. The resulting body of material often supplies a missing date or relationship for the information found in the chronicles. In the Irano-Turkish cultural areas, while there are no works comparable in scope or magnitude to Sakhawi's biographical dictionary, the more modest
Sources for Aqquyunlu History
,~ 229
tazkira, manaqib, and rijal genres enjoyed considerable popularity. The tazkira is usually limited to the lives of members of a single class or profession, such as poets, painters, calligraphers, mystics, or bureaucrats; tazkiras of poets are by far the most common during the period under consideration. Along with the barest details of a poet's biography, the tazkira writer may include selections from his work or an illustrative anecdote about his character or experiences. These anecdotes often furnish interesting insights into social and economic conditions, but rarely deal with political matters,39 Thus, as in the case of other minor sources discussed above, tazkiras add yet another dimension to the official narrative sources. The most useful example of this genre for Aqquyunlu history is Hakim Shah-Muhammad Qazvini's Persian adaptation of Majalis al-nafo'is, a tazkira of contemporary poets composed in Chaghatay Turkish by the great Timurid administrator and patron of the arts 'Ali Shir Nava'i (t 1501/906). Probably a fugitive from the Qizilbash, Qazvini completed his "translation" in 1523/929 under the Ottoman sultan Kanuni Siileyman. In addition to supplementing Nava'i's accounts of Aqquyunlu literary figures from his own knowledge, Qazvini adds forty biographies not found in Nava'i's Chaghatay original (nos. 339,346-85).40 Gulistan-i hunar, a Safavid tazkira of painters and calligraphers by Qazi Mir Ahmad Qumi (fl. 1605lr0I4), though much later, also provides many particulars on cultural life at the Aqquyunlu court in Ya'qub's time. The other tazkiras cited in part II of the bibliography, however, contain only scattered references to the Aqquyunlu period. Though usually associated with aristocratic literary and artistic activity, the tazkira form is also the vehicle for recording the lives of mystics and the leaders of popular religious brotherhoods. A notable example is Rashahat 'ayn al-hayat by 'Ali Va'iz Kashifi (t ca. 1532/939), the collected biographies of prominent Naqshbandis. The popular tradition itself is perhaps best represented in the variety of Islamic hagiography known as "spiritual biography" (maqamat) or "exemplary life" (manaqib). This form frequently focuses on a single saint or founder of a brotherhood for the purpose of preserving the traditions of the order, providing devotional materials for the disciples, and extolling the virtues of the founder-saint. Composed by Derv~ Muhyi Gw§eni (t 16171 1026), the manaqib of Shaykh Ibrahim Gulshani or Gw§eni (t 1534/940), founder of the Gulshaniya branch of the Khalvatiya order, is the richest work of this kind for Aqquyunlu history. More than half of the published text (pp. 2-313) concerns the long association of Shaykh Ibrahim with the Aqquyunlu rulers from 1469/874 to 1507/913, a relationship that terminated with the rise of the Qizilbash Shi'i extremists, the overthrow of the Aqquyunlu, and Shaykh Ibrahim's flight to Egypt and Ottoman landsY This section contains over one hundred anecdotes and traditions (most of which are introduced by the phrase
230 ~
Appendix D
"it is related that ... ") dealing with the period of Uzun Hasan when Shaykh Ibrahim first joined the Aqquyunlu court, the apogee of the shaykh's influence under Ya'qub, and the confusion of the Confederate Clan Wars, during which Shaykh Ibrahim was under the patronage of Rustam, Qasim b. Jahangir, Alvand, and finally Amir Beg II Mawsillu. The precise method of the transmission of these traditions to Muhyi Giil~eni over a century after the actual events is unknown, but their close agreement with and consistent differences from such contemporary internal Aqquyunlu narrative sources as Kitab-i DiyarBakriya and Tarikh-i 'alam-ara-yi Amini imply an earlier contemporary or near-contemporary written account of Shaykh Ibrahim's life. The significance of Manaqib-i Gulshani for the study of Aqquyunlu history is due to Shaykh Ibrahim's special position as both the leader of a popular religious brotherhood and a powerful and respected member of the ruler's entourage. In his capacity as spokesman for the common folk, Shaykh Ibrahim frequently interceded with the sultan on behalf of the oppressed peasantry and urban classes; he also appeared as the conscience of the administration, however, even taking the sul~ tan himself to task for his failure to rule justly in accordance with the Sacred Law. Though the providential and the miraculous often color the narrative, the reader is nevertheless impressed by Shaykh Ibrahim's realistic and thorough understanding of the highest circles of Aqquyunlu politics. These in~ sights are especially helpful for studying the period ofYa'qub. The perspective on late Aqquyunlu history offered by J1anaqib-i Gulshani is to some degree also found in Rawzat al-jinan va Jannat al-janan, composed in 1567/975 by Hafiz Husayn Karbala'i-Tabrizi. Technically a branch of geographical literature, Rawzat al-jinan is a guide to the tombs (mazarat) of famous religious figures buried in Tabriz and its environs and is thus both regional history and tazkira. Hafiz Husayn's grandfather Darvish Hasan was a disciple of the mystic Baba Faraj and a contemporary of Uzun Hasan Aq~ quyunlu, while the author himself was a member of the "Sunni" Lala'iya branch of the Kubraviya brotherhood, which-like the Khalvatiya-Ieft Azarbayjan after the Safavid takeover. Consequently, Hafiz Husayn had access to written and oral Sufi traditions as well as official sources such as Kitab-i Diyar-Bakriya and ;4rz-nama in compiling the Aqquyunlu sections of his guidebook. However, it is again the popular traditions that contribute most to the study ofAqquyunlu history, as illustrated most dramatically by Hafiz Husayn's account of the events leading up to Ya'qub's murder of Darvish Qasim Naqshbandi. Biographies of such prominent individuals as Uzun Hasan's shamanshaykh Baba ~bd al-Rahman Shami and his chief magistrate, ~i Bayhaqi, moreover, fill other major gaps in the chronicle narratives. Finally, along with Manaqib-i Gulshani, Rawzat al-Jinan is a major source for the Aqquyunlu "Sunni-Sufi" ideological synthesis swept away so completely by the Qizilbash conquest.
Sources for Aqqu),unlu Histo7J1
~ 23I
Travel Accounts Aqquyunlu lands were traversed by a number of foreign diplomats, merchants, and travelers who fortunately recorded their impressions and experiences for posterity. Though most of these accounts date from the periods ofUzun Hasan and Ya'qub, several earlier and later works are of great importance for Aqquyunlu history. Hans Schiltberger (t after 1427/830-31), the Bavarian page captured first by the Ortomans at Nicopolis in 1396/798 and then byTimur at . Ankara in 1402/805, makes the earliest specific mention of the Aqquyunlu, describing Qara 'Usman's defeat of Burhan aI-Din in 1398/800. Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo (t 1412/815), member of a Spanish embassy to Timur, also describes meeting an envoy of Qara 'Usman in Samarqand. But after a passing reference by the Levantine merchant and crusade propagandist Emmanuel Piloti (t 1438/841-42) to Qara 'Usman's wars with the Mamluk sultan Barsbay, the Aqquyunlu are not mentioned again in the travel literature until the seventies of the fifteenth/ninth century. In that decade, the anonymous Greek itinerary from Cyprus to Tabriz in 1470/875 is followed by the mission of Shams aI-Din Muhammad Ibn Aja from the Mamluk governor of Syria to Uzun Hasan (1471/876),42 the account of the Russian trader Afanasi Nikitin (1472/877), the diplomatic dispatches of Caterino Zeno (1472-74876-78), and the travels of Giosafat Barbaro and Ambrosio Contarini to the Aqquyunlu court (1474-78/ 878- 82). Perhaps a few words about volume 49 of the Hakluyt Society Publications (London, 1873) are necessary. This collection includes Travels to Tana and Persia by Giosafat Barbaro and Ambrosio Contarini and A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, comprising "six narratives by Italians of their travels in Persia about the time of Shah Ismail" (introduction, v), namely, Giosafat Barbaro, Ambrosio Contarini, Caterino Zeno, Giovanni Maria Angiollelo, an anonymous Venetian merchant who has now been identified by Jean Aubin as Domenico Romano,43 and Vincentio d'Alessandri. Barbaro's travels in Persia begin approximately where his letters leave off (early 14741ate 878).44 Composed in 1487/893, his account, ViaggiJatti alia Tana, in Persia, in India, et in Costantinopoli, was first published by A. Manuzio (Venice, 1543/950) and was translated shortly thereafter by William Thomas, whose curious sixteenthltenth-century English rendition was chosen for the Hakluyt Society volume. This work was later included in volume 2 of G. B:Ramusio's Delle Navigation; etviaggi (Venice, 1559, 1574, 1583, 1606). Barbaro apparently remained with Uzun Hasan until 1477/881, when he journeyed to Russia, returning to Tabriz the following year. His narrative also contains references to the year 1486/891. Occupying a central place in his travels, Contarini's account of his eleven-month stay in Aqquyunlu lands (August 1474-June 1475/Rabi' I 879-Safar 880), was first published in Venice in 1487/
232 ,~
Appendix D
893 and subsequently inserted in volume 2 of Ramusio, Navigationi et viaggi (all editions). Caterino Zeno's "travels" are in fact "commentaries" on his letters by his relative Nicolo Zeno (t 1565/973) and include other documents from archival sources and private family papers. Some of this material has also been transcribed in Malipiero's Annali Veneti and published in Berchet's La Repubblica di Venezia e fa Persia. Zeno's "travels" were included in editions ofRamusio after 1574. Pans of Ramusio's "discourse" on the writings of Giovanni Maria Angiollelo are identical with sections from Historia Turchesca by Donato da Lezze (t 1526/932), which is in turn based on numerous other sources, including Angiollelo, Barbaro, and Romano. However, PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO A: 370-86, B: 74-93/LEZZE, 39-59, appears to be Angiollelo's authentic eyewitness description of the Battle of Ba§kent while in the service of Prince Mustafa b. Fatih Mehmed. Domenico Romano is in fact the only Italian traveler in this collection who visited Iran in the time of Shah Isma'il Safavi, 1506-1O?/9I2-16? Finally, Vincentio d'Allesandri visited the Safavid court in ca. 1570/978 during the reign of Shah Isma'il's son and successor, Shah Tahmasb. The Italian text of d'Alessandri's report was first published in E. Alberi,
RefaziMli degli ambasciatori verleti al Senato durante il sec. XV/, Serie III (Refazioni di Costantinopoli), 3 vols. (Florence, 1840-55), and copied in Berchet's La Repubblica di Venezia e fa Persia, pp. 167-182. The Italian texts of the accounts of all of these Italian travelers and diplomats except d'Allesandri have been published by Marica Milanese in her edition of Ramusio (Turin, 1978- 88).45 In the mid-1480s/early 890s, Tabriz was visited by the Flemish merchant and pilgrim Joos van Ghistele (ca. 1484/890), by the Venetian diplomat Giovanni Dario (1485/890),46 and by the Persian poet and tourist Kamal al-Din Husayn Abivardi (ca. 1485-86/890-91),47 all of whom left records of their stays in Aqquyunlu lands. Finally, the early years of the Safavid dynasty were witnessed by the Venetian merchant Domenico Romano (ca. 1510/916) and the Portuguese diplomat Antonio Tenreiro (1524/930). Even later travel accounts such as those of Talikizide Mehmed (1585/993), Pedro Teixeira (ca. 16001I01O), IG.tib <;:e1ebi (1635/r045), and Evliya <;:e1ebi (second half of the seventeenthleleventh century) are noteworthy because of the data on lost literary works and architectural monuments they preserve. On [he whole, these travelers were concerned with either diplomatic or commercial matters or with both. For example, although their primary mission was to consolidate the Venetian-Aqquyunlu alliance against the Ottomans, the Italian merchant-ambassadors reported to the Republic on the economic conditions of eastern Anatolia and Iran as well. In some cases, the Europeans knew one or more Middle Eastern languages, but in others they were dependem upon interpreters and their local commercial contacts, in-
Sources for Aqquyunlu History
~ 233
cluding Europeans and members of the Armenian community. Thus, their understanding of contemporary personalities and events was often filtered through one or more foreign languages and several points of view; the distortion of the "facts" produced as a result of the travelers' language difficulties is more than offset by important checks on the official indigenous Islamic sources provided by the perspective of Muslim or non-Muslim commercial classes. Finally, the travelers' interest in trade routes, markets, demography, and monuments sheds considerable light on the economic and social conditions of the Aqquyunlu realm.
Works ofLiterature In addition to the Turkish myths and epics studied in connection with the "official" Aqquyunlu genealogy in appendix A, some of the published COUrt poetry written during the reigns of the later Aqquyunlu sultans was also examined. The collected works of'Abd aI-Rahman Jami (t 1492/898), Baba Fighani of Shiraz (t 1519/925), and his fellow townsman Ahli (t 1535-36/942) yielded the most positive results. Titles, chronology, relationships, and allusions to political events were all extracted from this material; the utilization of them is dependent upon an absolute control of the other sources discussed above. NORMATIVE SOURCES
Besides the material preserved in the Ottoman qanun-namas for eastern Anatolia and some insha' collections, no Aqquyunlu bureaucratic works have yet been discovered. Davani's :Arz-nama is perhaps the most useful source for the study for Aqquyunlu bureaucratic and military organization. The Mamluk manuals of Qalqashandi and Zahiri furnish a few details on early Aqquyunlu history, while inferences concerning Turkmen institutions may be made with the help of the earlier Jalayirid handbooks of Nakhjavani and Mazandarani and the anonymous Tazkirat al-muluk of the late Safavid period. Without a doubt, the most significant representative of the Fiirstenspiegel literature for Aqquyunlu history is the ethical treatise and political pamphlet Lavami' al-ishraq.li makarim al-akhfaq, better known as Akhfaq-i jalali, composed for Uzun Hasan and his son Sultan-Khalil by Jalal al-Din Muhammad Davani (t 15 0 3/ 90 8) between the years 1471/876 and 14771882. This work, on one hand, prescribes the normative code of conduct for a Muslim ruler subject to the Sacred Law and, on the other, prepares the ground for the advent of a sovereign "distinguished by divine support ... the Shadow of God, the Caliph of God, and the Deputy of the Prophet," Uzun Hasan Bayandur. In the latter connection, Davani's Akhfaq proved especially useful in unraveling some
234 ~ Appendix D
of the "cabalistic prognostications" encountered in contemporary diplomatic correspondence and official narrative sources. Hence, Akhlaq-i Jalali is likewise a valuable document for the study of the ideological bases of the Aqquyunlu Empire. The substantially thematic and ahistorical analysis of E. 1. J. Rosenthal ignores this aspect of Davani's work,48 legitimately considering it an extension and modification of the Akhlaq of Nasir ai-Din Tusi. It is also interesting to note that Khunji-Isfahani, whose work under the Aqquyunlu is dominated by the radical ideas of Davani, abandoned those doctrines when he entered the service of the Shaybanid Uzbeks after the Safavid conquest of Iran. 49
Notes
I.
THEMES AND STRUCTURES
1. See Petrushevsky 196p:43-121, 2:3°6-431; and CHI, 5:483-537, for this view of economic dislocation in Iran during the Mongol period. 2. TAZKlRAT, appendices, 188, and elsewhere; Siimer 1967b:143-53. 3. See, e.g., Kopriilii 1993; Petrushevsky 198P48ff.; Mazzaoui 1972:58-63, 67-71, 83"-85; and Murta~vi 1979:167-366. 4. An example of the type of study that might be undertaken for Islamic history of the thirteenth-sixteenth/seventh-tenth centuries is nlrnished by Norman Cohn's (1970) work on millenarian movements in medieval Europe. Several recent articles and monographs indicate the directions taken by current research; see, e.g., Ocak 1980, 1992; and especially Fleischer 1998. 5. Personal collection. 6. Mole 1961:69, and A. Bausani in CHI, 5:538-4°; but see also Lambton 1962:108. 7. Quoted in Gibb 1962b:142-43. 8. Abu Da'ud al-Sijistani, Sunan, book 340 Fitan, 1. 9. On the king as rainmaker, see SASRA 147b-48a. 10. See Tucker 1968 for a discussion of Weber's theory of charismatic leadership and SIYASATA:13-16, B:9-II, for one of the most comprehensive statements on sacral kingship in Islam. 11. See Barthold 1968:467-69; Mazzaoui 1972:38-39. 12. Quoted in Kritzeck 1960:180-81. 13. Barthold 1968:6:43-55; Becker 1915=364-410. 14. NAKH]AVANI 11r:14: "muhyi-yi matasim-i dawlat-i Changizkhani ... barafrazanda-yi rayat-i shar'-i nabavi, bar-furuzanda-yi sham'-i din-i mustafavi ... al-mu'ayyad bi ta'yid-i Allah, rabb al-'alamin .... " On the sense of "distinguished by the support of God" as charisma, see inalclk 1959b:80-8r, 86-87, 94, 1993:47, 53, 60-61.
15. TMEN1:397-98; EDPT, 647. 16. NATANZI 158: " ... ughur az khandan-i Changiz Khan namanda'ast haman bih kih khud-ra bar sirat-i muluk-i mazi bih laqab-i ashraf mulaqqab sazi va bih zarb-i shamshir-i abdar ikhtiyar-i mulk va millat bisitani." For ughuras good fortune or charisma, see TMEN 2:152-53; EDPT, 89; and the notion of qutor forrdiscussed in this chapter. 17. GUZIDAZAYL035.
235
236 ~ Notes to Chapter I IS. f"ARA'JD, Tehran MS, 618-20, quoted in Aubin 1976:31. My colleague Heshmat Moayyad has kindly given me access to the unpublished portions of his edition of this work. 19. ZUBDAT, 7Iab; PAN] RISALA, 38: " ... u az nizhad-i kist kih da'va-yi salranat mikunad ... chih rah-i Tajik bashad kih da'va-yi padshahi kunad?" 20. Woods 1984:332-33. 21. See SUmer 1967a:67, 85, 88. 22. Hodgson 1960:890-91, 1993:181-84. 23. Zeno in BERCHET, xi, 134: "Li signoti, a beneplacito di questo signore, Ii mette e dismcttc aile sue zenti e castelli, Ii quali secondo la signoria che hanno, quando il signor Ii chiama sono obbligati di venir con certo numeto di cavalli et huomini secondo Ie sue rendire, c cosi vengono."
24. AMINI,25. 25. The classic study of nomadic "feudal relations" remains Vladimirtsov 1948; for a more recent treatment of this theme, see inalclk 1980. 26. TlvlEN, 1:145-47, 2:667-69. 27. DIYAR, 371: "... Jahanshah Mirza bih arraf va aknaf-i mamalik bukavalan azbaray-i jam'-i lashkar firistada Muhammadi Mirza az Isfahan va sayir-i umara va tiyuldaran-ra az a'maq-i vilayat jam' kard .... " 2S. DIYAR, 517: " ... a'yan-i sipahiyan-i padishah kih dar ulkaha va tiyulat manda budand va amasil va aqran-i u kih az ruy-i nasab khvishtan-ra buland sakhta budand bih nukari-yi u furud amadand va marsumat va mavajib va tashrifat va an'amat 'ala qadr al-maratib bahra-mand gashta." 29. TKS E. 1071. 30. TKS E. 12212. 31. Zeno in BERCHET, xi, 134: " ... le zente d'armi sono pagate a ragion di anno, et hanno Ie paghe de mesi sei in mesi sci, et da per homo col cavallo da ducati 40 fin a 60 Ii homini aU'anno." 32. Minorsky 1939:16+ 33. DiYAR, 385. 34. AMINI, 157, 190. 35. FERiDUN, 1:32.1, 323/A~1VADA:648, 652. 36. SIYASAT A:131, B:102. For more on boy nukar, nukar, and inaq, see Vladimi~tsov 1948:1Il-21; and TMEN, 1:521-26, 2:217-19, 358-61. Cf. also yoldaj in YAZICIOGLU A:lSb. 37. See TMEN,2:183-8+ 3S. Cf. "Atabak" in EP and TMEN, 2:7-8. 39. See EP, TMEN, 1:319-23; and Manz 1985. 40. The most comprehensive list of these service personnel is found in ARZ, 34-35, where they are termed nukarall-i khassa, "the king's men." 41. AMINI, 22-23. On the Timurid dynasty, see Woods 1990a. For a brief description of the Aqquyunlu haram, see ROMANO A:450, B:175-76. 42. Dario in BERCHE1~ 150. 43. QANUNS,147. 44. Sec TMt.N, 3:613-14; compare janqi, TMEN, 1:280-82, and quriltay, TMEN 1:435-37. For examples of this assembly among the Aqquyunlu, see DIYAR, Ill, II5, 127, 179, 180, 183,263,272,421; AMiNI, 142, 145, 401; GO~ENi, 93. 45. TAZKiRA7; appendices, 188. See also Barthold 1962:3:5-7.
Notes to chapter I ~ 237 46. GOLSENi, 93. 47. ALI-SHIR, 294. 4S. See also ABBASI, 153, 155. . 49. GUZ~DA ZAYL, 33; c£ ZUBDAT, 47b: " ... Mughul-ra dar shahr nishastan qa'ida I1lst va khalaf-l Yasaq-i Changiz Khan' ast." 50. YAZICIOGLU A:17a: " ... Olmasm ki oturak olaslz ki beylik TUrkmenlik ve yoriiklUk edenlerde kalur."
51. AMINi, 24-25, 413-14, 419-22; see APeC; FARMANS, 27-3 0 ; and PAPAZIAN B:1O,454-56. 52. GOLSENi, 108, 151. 53. According to Ibn Aja, this position was equivalent to that of confidential secretary (katib al-sirr) in the Mamluk state (YASHBAK, II6). 54. No bureaucratic handbook for Aqquyunlu administration exists; these conclusions are based primarily on information collated from the contemporary narrative sources and the interpretations in Minorsky 1940 and Minorsky's commentary and appendices to TAZKIRAT. See also Uzun~af§llr 1941:286-312, and 19 69: 20 5-8. 55. The offices of the chief of staff and commander-in-chief may have been identical. Note the judicial function of the divan-begi under the Safavids (TAZKIRAT, 2Ob-22b, trans. 50-51). .. 56. U~un~ar§llr 1941:295 compares this office to the Ottoman llijancl or tahrir emini. GULSENI, 28, moreover, defines pa4ahm pervanesi simply as pa4ahm muhurlu tezkiresi (i.e., any sealed royal document). 57. TMENI:35)-57. 5S. TMENI:277-79, 2:301-7. According to DIYAR, 353,\the bukavuls also rook oaths of loyalty from the nomadic military elite. 59. E.!?, SIYASAT A:94 ff., B:74 ff.; TKS E. 5469a; QURQUT A: I: 1I7-20; TKS E. 3067; FERIDUN, 1:153IASNAD A:181; AMiNI, 235-37 (see also Aubin 1971:II-12, note 6); ANON SYR, Ii.
6~: YASHBAf<:. 105: " ... wa dakhaltu 'a1ayhi [Uzun Hasan] wa 'indahu jama'atun min ahl a1- ilm wa a1-tuJJar a1-waridin 'a1ayhi min sa'ir a1-aqalim," 61. RAWZAT,I:47 6-77. 62, RAWZAT,I:89-91; RASHAHAT, 263; TKS E. 5649. 63. RAWZAT, 1:476-77. 64. DIYAR, 63, ?2, 18 5, ~nd especially 401; AMINI, 127, 173> 229, 253, 375, 43 2. 65. See, e.g., GULSENI, 32-35, where the inhabitants ofSimnan and Shiraz seek and obtain redress for the tyranny ofUzun Hasan's sons. 66. Particularly lucrative were posts in the great commercial centers such as Erzincan Tabriz, and Shiraz (QANUNS, 182-83; ROMANO A:447, B:I73> GHIYATHI A:3 8; B:317)~ 67. Hodgson 1974:2, 64ff., 91ff. See Aubin 1956 for an important variation on this model and the monograph ofBlok 1974 on a parallel case in Europe. 6S. Yman~ 1940:263. 69. inalClk 1959 b:93-94, 1993:60; inalclk 1959b:81, 82-85, 1993:49-5 2. 70. Kern 1954:13-15 and note 26 (Anhang A, 248-49); inalc1k 1959b:82ff., 1993:49ff.; Goody 1966:13, 14, 24-29, 35-36. 71. Kern 1954:35-36: Erbteilung, Apallagierung; Togan 1946:277-93, 456-61; inalcIk 1959b:81, 82-85, 1993:49-52: Uli4' sistemi; Dickson 1963: passim. See also TMEN, 2:120-21. For these institutions among the Ayyubids, see Humphreys 1977.
238
~
Notes to Chapter 2
72. Goody 1966:2-3. 73. Pritsak 1954 and Grignaschi 1970. 74. On the notion of the sacral origin of charismatic authority among the Turks, see O. Turan 1955:78-82; Roux 1959; and inalclk 1959b:73-82; compare Kern 1954:16-18. 75. For this terminology, see Radloff 1891:I:liiiliv (neue Geschlechtsname); and Dickson 1963:passim. In this monograph, the patronymic suffix "-id" has been used to indicate lineages or houses as well as dynasties. "Dispensation" has replaced Dickson's "neo-eponymous clan" (e.g., the Qara-'Usmanid Dispensation); and "collateral" is in most cases equivalent ro Dickson's "cousin." 76. Goody 1966:35-36.
2. CLAN TO PRINCIPALITY
1. RASHID B:597a, 597b-598b; C:55-61; SUmer 1959:370, 371-73; SHAjARA, 38, 42, 43. On the Syr Darya Oghuz, see Pritsak 1952; SUmer 1967b:26-59, 371-76; Golden 1972:52-58; Golden 1992:205-1I. For Rashid aI-Din's systemization of the Oghuz, see appendix A, figure Ar. 2. GARDIZI A:27, B:258. See also Minorsky's commentaty on HUDUD, 304; SUmer 1953:324-25; 1967b:31-P; Ozergin 1976; Golden 1992:202-5. 3. On Kashghari and the date of the Diwan, see Pritsak 1953. 4. KASHGHARI AI:56-57, n04-7, B:l:101. See also Golden 1992:229-30. 5. YAZICIOGLU A:5b; KONYAR, 2:145. 6. KONYAR, 2:145. 7. RASHID A:" ... an zamin hamisha pur-ni'mat bashad ... "; YAZICIOGLU A:13b: " ... hemi§e bay ve nimetle 01. ... " 8. E.g., Koprulu 1992a:42-48, 77-84, 1943:277 ff., 302-3; SUmer 1967b:209-13, 412-49. 9. Cahen 1968:314-17. 10. YAZICIOGLU B:57, 89, 91, 97, 105, 1I5, 124, 208. 11. See Cahen 1952:179-81, 1968:35, 145-50. The Bayandur also appear in MUBARAKSHAH, 47, and facsimile facing 84, a work composed for the Turkish ruler of Lahore, Qutb ai-Din Aybak (1206-101602-7) , among the sixty-three Turkish "tribes" listed. MUBARAKSHAH was perhaps influenced by KASHGHARI, since the orthography of the OghuzTurkmen clans is roughly the same in both works. See also Golden 1992:230. 12. VILAYET, transcription 73, facsimile 164. 13. I.e., Ming Qishlaq, "1,000 Winter Encampments." This area along the eastern shore of the Caspian Sea was also known as Siyah Kuh, "Black Mountain." 14. TAJI, 34-35. 15. Vambety 1865:36. 16. SHAjARA, 64-67. For traditions on pre-Saljuq Turkish invasions of the central Islamic lands, see Boratav 1958:46-48, quoting a poem from the Belediye MS, Cevdet, 5 of the Vilayet-name of Hacl Bekta§ Veli, according to which Anatolia was subjected by the Turks twice before the Saljuqs, once during early 'Abbasid times and once again just before the coming of the Saljuqs (the 'Iraqiyah Turkmens). 17. ATHIR, 9:378-91. 18. QURQUT C:introduction, x-xiii, and map facing ix; SUmer 1959:402-13, and 1967b:371-76. For more on the Aqquyunlu and Oghuz traditions, see appendix A.
Notes to Chapter 2
;<::::,.'
239
19. DIYAR,15-16.
20. DIYAR, 15, declares that pahlavan (champion) was in fact an honorific given Idris Ill's valiant grandson and not his real name. See FALAKlYA, 136-37, where pahlavan precedes the names of several castelains during the Ilkhanid-Jalayirid period. According to SULUK, 4:461, his name was Muhammad. 21. DIYAR, 14-15. The participation of the Aqquyunlu in this campaign is not mentioned in RASHID. 22. These clans are mentioned in the Mamluk insha'work Ijabat a/-sa'il ila ma'rifot al-rasa'il (Bibliotheque Nationale, arabes, 4437, f. 47), quoted in SUBH, 7:281-82. See SUmer 1953:319. 23. PANARETOS A:68, B:488-89. For other references, see BT.·2:319· 24. On the classical Mongol significance of ulus as "people-state," see Vladimirtsov 1948:126ff.; for other references, see TMEN, 1:175-78. In sixteenthltenth-century Ottoman administrative documents, the remnants of the Aqquyunlu "people-state" were termed the Bozulus (see SUmer in BOZULUS; Planhol 1968:225ff.). 25. Cahen 1968:363-64. 26. For the geography of this region, see Birot and Dresch 1953:2:144, 155-57, 164-65, 184-85, 266, 288, 290; and Sara~oglu 1956. See also Q4NUNS, xix, 63-73. and xxxii, 140-44, for the traditional migration routes of the Bozulus as well as SUmer in BOZULUS. 27. On the later Artuqids of Mardin, see Ilisch 1984. 28. The following are the most important synthetic works used in preparing this section: Socin 1884; SUmer 1967a:45-54, 1967b:241-49; Uzun<;ar§lh 1969:155-75; Yticel l 970b, 1971. 29. PANARETOS A:65-68, B:485-87·
30. NUZHAT, 77-80. 31. BAYBURT, 42-46; ERZURUM, 249, 254-58; ERZiNCAN, 243-45; SOZEN, 132-33; Akkoyunlu 1992:10. See also SEYAHATNAME, 2:344· 32. PANARETOS A:70, 72, B:491, 495· 33. QURQUTA:I:Ergin's introduction, 56, B:Rossi's introduction, 33, 62-63; Boratav 1958:33, note 3,45-46,50-57: MelikoffI964:23-24; and especially Bryer 1987. 34. Erzi 1954:191-92; SUmer 1959:399-400, note 157, 1967b:402, note 140. 35. DIYAR, 13, 90. 36. PANARETOS A:75, B:497. Tur 'Ali is not mentioned again in the Greek chronicle. 37. DIYAR, 15; HAJAR, 2:59, 357, 462, J:I33, 231; SULUK, 4:45, 141, 190, 310, 417, 458, 461,517,535,806; and NUjUM, 6:185, 383, 415, 695, and 740 all use Ibn Tur 'Ali in a ncoeponymous sense, whereas in HAJAR, 2:40; SULUK, 4:984; NUjUM, 6:840; and DAW, 5=135 Qara 'Usman's nasab is given correctly. 38. DIYAR, 12, spells his name Qutlii, but the following forms also occur in other sources: Qiitlii, Qutlii, Qutluq, and Qutlugh. 39. Yman~ 1940:258. On the cossacks, see Stokl 1953, especially 102-5. For another comparison with European history, see BARBARO A:560, B:85·
40. BAZM, 369. 41. BATTUTAH, 2:294; Yman~ 1940:253. 42. E.g., TAQVIMS, 80; COLOPHONS, 82-85. 43. See also BT.'2:76, 178: 1\rr'ITpO'ITpoj3CtTOOne<;, AellKCtJ,Lv&c;, AellKapVCtt; BARBARO A:560: " ... Accorlu, che vuol dire ne! nostro idioma castroni bianchi .... " 44. Pritsak 1955=248-49; Krader 1963:321ff.
45. OGHUZ, lines 361-63; but see SHAJARA, 30; DIYAR, 25·
240 ,~'
Notes to Chapter 2
46. DIVAR, 277; ARZ, 29; AH~ANA:546; Uzun.;ar§tll 1969:plate XLIX. 47. In The Book afDde Korkltt, for example, Bayandur Khan's tent is white (QURQUT A:I:66-·67, 202, 235), and Uzun Hasan wore a camphor-colored turban in Jami's dream (JAMl B:324). 48. E.g., SULUK, 4=984; NUjUM, 6:840; and tomb inscriptions in ERZiNCAN, 244; and ERZURUM, 257. According to MIR'AT, 14, Qutlu Haji Beg performed the Pilgrimage to Mecca thirty-nine times! 49. See ERZiNCAN, 243-45; ERZURUM, 257; BAYBURT, 42-46; and SbZEN, 37-40, for the inscription dated 1550/957 attributing the mosque to Qutlu and commemorating the repair of damages to the building perpetrated by the Safavids. The Husayn b. Mansur mcmioned in the inscription is probably identical with Husayn b. Mansur Bayanduf, who held a zetlmetof 30,000 tlkfes in Baybuft, Kelkit, and Tercan in 1)36/943 (Gakbilgin 1951:43). AfIR'AT, 14, also mentions Husayn b. Mansur b. Khurshid Ibn Qutlu, the final term of which is dispensational or neo-eponymous (i.e., Husayn the Qutlu'id). See also MIROGLU, 63, 139, 141. For a more recent presentation of this material, see Akkoyunlu 1992:14-31. 50. DIYAR, 13-14- This ghtlZtl is not mentioned in BROSSET. 51. PANARETOS A:7S, B:498-99; see Fallmerayer 1827:204f.; Miller 1926:57-58,60. 52. BAZJI,f, 163. The first reference to Mutahhartan, independem amir of the city, who would play such an importam part in Timur's involvement in Anatolia and in early Aqquyunlu history, occurs in the account of the battle outside Erzincan. 53. BAZM, 292; see also DIYAR, 38. 54. BAZM,347· 55. SULUK, 4:984; NUjUM, 6:840; DAW, 5:135. If this contention is true, it might account for Panaretos's appellation ~Il-LTLW'T(U. 56. See NUZHAT. 57. SULUK, 4:884; NUjUM, 6:682. For the career of Salim Dager, see SUmer 19 67b: 2 4 1-45. 5S. Df}'AR, 5..j., 114, 125, 270, 381. Writing to the Mongol governor ofPalu ca. 1300/700, th~ lIkhanid minister Rashid ai-Din Fazl Allah warned him of the necessity of keeping the excellent tonifications and moat of Palu in good repair in order to protect merchant caravans from the raids of the evil Kurds of Hani (MUKATABAT, 132-35). Though it is not known when, by what means, and from whom Ahmad b. Qutlu acquired Palu, the suonghold remain~d in the hands of his descendants until it was seized by the Qara-'Usmanid Uzun Hasan in I.~59/863. According to Barbaro, who visited Palu in ca. 1475/880, the town included a high citadel and about three hundred houses (BARBARO A:S60, B:84). After the fall of the Aqquyunlu, Palu was occupied by the Bulduqani Kurds of Egil (SHARAF, 1:183ff.), who thereby gained the power to tax the T urkmen nomads coming from and going to rh<::ir summer encampments in Arminiya (QANUNS, xxxii, 141-42). For photographs of the casrie, see HARPUT, between pages 8 and 9 and Sara.;oglu 1956:PI. XXIX. . 59. D!1'AR, 38, 150, 222; HABIB, 4:469; NUSAKH, 256. When Pir 'Ali died in 1413/815 (?), his son Piltan took over Kigi, ruling it at least until 1444/848 (DIYAR, 171). The Pir'AI ids carried Out considerable building activity in the town; for the tomb of Pir 'Ali, the tOmb of Khvand-Sultan bt. Piltan, and Piltan's minbar in the mosque of Kigi, see ERZiNCAN, 246-47; KicJ. 94--95; and SbZEN, 40-41. The Pir-'AIids by and large supponed the Qara-'Usmanids, intermarried with them freely, and were thus left in control of their original appanage. In 1500/906, a descendant ofPir 'Ali was still in control of the town.
Notes to Chapter 2 ~ 241 Little. i~ ~nown of the fortification of the citadel in Aqquyunlu times (see the photographs KIGI, 32, 45-57) other than a reference to its partial destruction in an earthquake in 1452/ 856 (COLOPHONS, 224). Finally, in the sixteenthltenth century, the nomads ofDiyar Bakr paId a summer encampment (yaylaq) fee to the governor of Kigi before they pitched their tents (QANUNS, xxxii, 142; see also xix, 67). il1
60. DIYAR, 33. The castle of Ergani is mentioned in NUjUM, 6:703-4; COLOPHONS, 20 5, 213; ZQ FATH-NAMA, 139; the photograph in GABRIEL, 2:pl. CIY, however, show~ a rather low, unimposing hill in the center of the town. Nevertheless, in early Ottoman times, borh merchants and nomads were required to pay transit taxes to the rulers of Ergani (QANUNS, xxxii, 141, xxxiv, 149-53). See also SbZEN, 183-84. 61. BAZM, 369-70; DIYAR, 35-40 . 62. FURAT, 9: 177; HAJAR, 1:378; NUjUM, 6:515; SUmer 19 67a :53-55. 63. HAJAR, 1:419; DIYAR,64. 64. BAZM, 478, 506. 65. See BAZM, 371-76, 379-81, for Ahmad's collusion with Amir Ahmad b. Haji Shadgaldl, governor of Amasya and one of Burhan al-Din's most inveterate enemies,· in 13 89-9 0 /79 1-9 2. Brinner's translation of SASRA, 132a, implicates the "White Turcomans" (al- Tltrkamiin al-Bayiit/iyah) in the revolt of Mintash against the Mamluk sultan Barquq under the events of 1391-2/794. This, of course, is a reference to the Bayat Oghuz clan, not the Aqquyunlu. 66. BAZM, 474-75. On Timur's second Anatolian campaign, in 13941796, see BAZM, 449-63; SHAMl, 146-57; NATANZI, 357-62; ARABSHAH, 124-29; MUjMAL, 3=13 6-37; YAZDI, 1:468-5°3. Mutahhartan had actually sworn fealty to Timur when the latter first invaded Anatolia in 1387/789 (SHAMI, 103; NATANZI, 335; MUjMAL, P 27; YAZDI, 1:3°3)· 67. BAZM, 478; DIYAR, 38-39. 6S. BAZM, 493-95. 69. BT, 2:15°. 70. Hinz 1936:33, 34, 40; Spuler 1960:75. 71. See EDPT, 928. Compare the name Saqalsiz (beardless), common in Mamluk chronicles.
72. DIYAR, 22, GHIYATHI A:49, B:372. 73. BAZM, 506.
74. ARABSHAH, 184-85. 75. DIYAR,43-46. 76. BAZM, 518. 77. TAJI, 53. 78. BAZM, 534. 79. SULUK, 3:9 0 6; HAJAR, 2:40, 59; SCHILTBERGERA:16-19; BAHADUR, 23ab; NUjUM, 5:5 84; Uzun.;ar§11r 1968:219-22; YUce! 1970b:156-60. SO. HAJAR, 2:108; ARABSHAH, 190; SCHILTBERGER A:19-20; DIYAR, 46-47. Schiltberger states that he took part in the Ottoman expeditionary force to Sivas. SI. SHAMI, 1:214; HAJAR, 2:108; YAZDI, 2:171; ARABSHAH, 190; DIYAR, 47-48. 82. HAJAR, 2:55-56, 107; NUjUM, 6:u. 83. SHAMI, 1:218; YAZDI, 2:190-92. 84. TAQVIMS, 82. On the economic bases of this conflict, see inalc!k 19 60a:51. S5. Qara 'Usman's control of this city is mentioned only in YAZDI, 2:19 8.
242 ""'" Notes to Chapter 2
Notes to Chapter 2 ,~. 243
86. DIYAR, 48, 101. ARABSHAH, 301, notes, however, that Timur gave the city to Qara 'Usman himself in April-May 140I/Ramadan 803. MUjMAL, 3: 144, and YAZDI, 2:255-5 6 , simply mention Timur's presentation of a robe of honor ro Qara 'Usman at Mardin.
have inspected the battlefield during aI-Ashraf Barsbay's personal campaign against the Aqquyunlu in 1433/836. 99. DIYAR, 65, 100-IOI; ZAHIRI, 137; BAHADUR, 68a. 100. DAW, 5=135; HAJAR, 2:358. 101. ZUBDAT, 456a; HAJAR, 2:404; MUjMAL, P98; DIYAR, 67-68; MATL4, 171-72; GHIYATHI, A:2-3, B:241-42: AHSAN A:59-60. 102. Since the events of the years 14IO-18/812-21 are not included in DIYAR, little or nothing is known of Aqquyunlu internal history during this period. The foreign relations of the confederation with its neighbors, however, are to some extent reflected in contemporary Mamluk and Timurid chronicles and diplomatic dispatches. On the Qaraquyunlu capture of Erzincan, see ZUBDAT, 456ab; HAJAR, 2:459 (14IO-II/813): MUjMAL, 3=198 (February-March 1410/Shawwal 812); MATLA, 173 (spring 14IO/Dhu'I-Qa'da 8I2-Safar HI3); AHSAN A:60; SULUK, 4:133, 137,141. 103. METSOP, 59. Originally a part of Mutahhartan's domains, the castle of Kemah guarding the north-south trade route branching off from Erzincan to Malatya was captured by the Ottomans in 1401/803 and reconquered by Timur the following year. (CLAVIJO A:90, B:130-31; SHAMI, 250-52; HAJAR, 2:228: ARABSHAH,j14-16; YAZDI, 2:288ff.; DIYAR, 33). After first returning it to Mutahhartan, Timur finally gave Kemah to Qara 'Usman, presumably before his departure from Anatolia in 1403/805. Qara 'Usman, in rum, placed his son Ya'qub in command of this important site. All the sources refer to its nearly impregnable position. See Sevgen 1959:212-15. 104. SULUK, 4:181, 190; and HAJAR, 2:483, report that Qara Yusuf's request for a truce was rejected by Qara 'Usman, who carried the war into Kurdish territory as far as Sinjar. There he forced the inhabitants to pay an ihdemnity ofIOo,ooo dirhams and 1,000 head of sheep. 105. ZUBDAT, 492ab; MUjMAL, pu; MATIA. 240-41: AHSAN A:88-89. In spring and summer 1412/Muharram-Jumada II 815, Qara Yusuf attacked Amid and <;:ennik, forcing Qara 'Usman to give battle at Ergani, a defeat for the Aqquyunlu. 106. According to SULUK, 4:364, an Aqquyunlu siege ofErzincan was broken in early summer 1416/Rabi' II-Jumada I 819 by Iskandar b. Qara Yusuf, who had been sent to reinforce Pir 'Umar, the Qaraquyunlu governor. 107. IQD, 1:292, 293, 294; HAJAR, 3=132-33: SULUK, 4:409, 412, 417; BAHADUR, 38a-42b; NUjUM, 6:369-72. According to information reaching the Mamluk sultan al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh on his third campaign to the northern Mamluk provinces in summer 1417IJumada II-Rajab 820, Qara 'Usman had again been defeated by Qara Yusuf and forced back to Birecik, asking for asylum with al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh. The conflict was finally settled by the Aqquyunlu surrender of the castle ofSaur, northeast of Mardin, and the payment of a large indemnity. 108. HAJAR, 3=168-72; SULUK, 4:450, 457-59, 460-61, 463, 464-65; BAHADUR, 87a: NUjUM, 6:383-88. 109. FERiDUN, 1:286-89/ASNAD A:,87-93: A~IK A:181, B:I74: BIDLISJ, 2:[ I04a; AHSAN A: 540-41. The descendants of this union held important positions under Uzun Hasan, Ya'qub, and Baysunghur, forming a cognatic branch of the paramount Bayandur clan called the Miranshahi (see appendix B). 110. See FERiDUN, 1:152-55/ASNAD A:I77-85, for the exchanges of correspondence relative to this event among the Ottomans, Qaraquyunlu, and Aqquyunlu.
87. DIYAR, 50. YAZDI, 2:304, 308, mentions Qara 'Usman only and enumerates him among the leading amirs of the right wing of Timur's army. BIDLI.SI, 1:180a places him in the lefr wing. 88. DIYAR, 52· YAZDI, 2:361, records Qara 'Usman's release from Timur's service as the army passed Sivas in spring 1403/Sha'ban-Dhu'I-Qa'da 8°5, but does not mention the actions of his nephews. 89. CLAVI]O A: 204: "caraotoman vlglan." Not in Le Strange's translation. 90. See MIR'AT 14, 16. For the use of the term "Qara-Yiiliikid," see TKS E. 3128 ; HAWADITH, 423, 545-46, 712; ANON SYR, xl, xlvii. 91. See appendix B, s. v. Doger. 92. DIYAR, 90, 20 4-5, 251. Ahmad b. Qutlu b. Ahmad married the daughter of 'Ali b. Qara 'Usman.
93. HAWADITH, 513. The assumption that Saray Khatun (A~IK A:248, calls her Dilshad Khatun) was in fact a Christian from Diyar Bakr, first made in Minorsky 1933:6, was still accepted years later in Babinger 1978:192, in spite of the discovery ofHinz 193 6:4°, note 2, and the retraction in Minorsky 1937:242. This "Christian lady" also allegedly built and endowed a mosque in Harput that still bears her name (SEYAHATNAME, 3: 218 ; GABRIEL, 1:259; HARPUT, 74; SOZEN, 59-62; Siimer 1990:631-32); although the information in HAWADITH relates to the year 1466/870 when Saray Khatun was sent to Cairo on an important diplomatic mission, it is possible to date her marriage to 'Ali prior to 1416-17/ 820, the year ofJahangir's birth (DAW, 3:80), in the formative period ofQara 'Usman's rule. According to the relationships described in GHIYATHI A:390, B:5 6 , Qara 'Usman's son Muhammad, later called Kur Muhammad, was also married to a daughter ofPir 'Ali, but the date and circumstances of this alliance are not known. 94. DIYAR, 64· It was probably Nur 'Ali who became Qara 'Usman's representative in Ruha after the death ofYaghmur Doger in 1415/817 (HAJAR, 2:40; SULUK, 4: 291; NUJUM, 6:34 2-43; but see DIYAR, 91, where he was still alive in 1421/824). SULUK, 4:410 ,517, lists "Tur" 'Ali (b. Qara 'Usman) as governor of Ruha in 1417/820 and 1420 / 82 3. 95. DIYAR, 58-59· Turan 1966:1:184-85, considers this quotation an indication of national or tribal feeling among the Aqquyunlu and Qaraquyunlu, perhaps marking a reaction to Mongol traditions cultivated in Iran and Central Asia. 96. ]akam or Chikim, viceroy of Aleppo, was proclaimed sultan with the regnal honorific AI-Malik al-'Adil on 21 November 1406/9 ]umada II 809 (HAJAR, 2:35 6) or 21 March/II Shawwal (NUjUM, 6:183) and was recognized throughout the Syrian region of the Mamluk state. His name is incorrectly rendered "Hakim" in Yazlet'S edition of GOL~ENi, 486. . 97. DIYAR, 60-61; NIGARISTAN, 353. On these clans, see appendix B. 98. TAQVIMS, 14; HA]AR, 2:357-58, 365-66, 379; SULUK, 4:45-46; NUjUM, 6: 184-85; BAHADUR, 30ab; DIYAR, 64-65; DAW, 3:no. 292, 86; GOL~ENi, 485-86. Four different dates, however, are given for the battle: 6 April 1407/27 Shawwal809 (NUjUM, 6:186), 19 April/II Dhu'I-Qa'da (HA]AR, 2:366), 23 April/15 Dhu'I-Qa'da (HAJAR, 2:357), and 25 Ap rillI 7 Dhu'I-Qa'da (SULUK, 4:46; NUjUM, 6:184). Ibn Taghribirdi claims to
Notes to Chapter 2 ,~ 245
244 ,~ Notes to Chapter 2
Ill. ZUBDAT, Wa; MATLA, 376; AHSAN A: I07· 112. TAQVIMS, 20, 56; ZUBDAT, 557a; METSOP, 65; IQD, 1:3 83-84; HAJAR, 3=2 22 ; SULUK, 4:535; NUjUM, 6:415-16; DIYAR, 69-71/AHSANA: I07-9· Al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh's joy at this evenr is indicative of the Mamluk concern with keeping the major commercial cenrers of cenrral and eastern Anatolia in friendly hands to guaranree the free flow of commodities--especially silk and slaves-into Syrian markets. 113. FERiDUN, 1:160-611 A!:JNAD, A:160-61; (Shahrukh's foth-nama to Mehmed I); MUjlvIAL. 3: 242. According to a dispatch received in Cairo from the Ayyubid sultan of Hisn-Kayf, Qara Yusufwas poisoned (SULUK, 4:543 1NUjUM, 6:4 2 3). 114. ZUBDAT, 557ab; lvIATLA, 413-151AHSAN A:II8; DIYAR, 75· Hafiz Abru affirms that 'Ali b. Qara 'Usman presenred himself to Baysunghur upon the latter's arrival in Tabriz, but it was probably actually Ya'qub b. Qara 'Usman. 115. ZUBDAT, 561a. 116. This twenty-six-year war of succession among the Qaraquyunlu from 1420/823 to 1446/ 8 50 is the analog of the Aqquyunlu Great Civil War studied in chapter 3· 117. FERiDUN, 1:161-63/ASNAD A:1l5-17 (Iskandar's foth-nama to Mehmed I); ZUBDAT, 565a; MATLA, 442; DIYAR, 77-821 AHSAN A:I20-23· 118. See, e.g., DIYAR, 134, 273; ARZ, 24; AHSANA: 535. 119. ZUBDAT, 567b, 568a. 120. ZUBDAT, 568b; MATLA, 449-51; AHSAN A:I25-26; DIYAR, 83-85. According to DIYAR it was 'Ali, not Qara 'Usman, who convinced Shahrukh to attack the Qaraquyunlu heartland. 121. ZUBDAT, 568b. This speech is not found in MATLA.
122. For accounrs of rhe Battle of Ele~kert, see ZUBDAT, 568b-572b; MATLA, 451-641AHSAN A:126-33; DIYAR, 85-88. See also COLOPHONS, 146 , 147, 157-59· 123. See the letter in FERiDUN, 1:185-861ASNAD A:226-28. . 124. On Qara 'Usman's unsuccessful thirteen-week siege of Erzincan and Kemah in 1+22/825, see COLOPHONS, 163-64. According to DIYAR, 90, the "Sultan ofTrabwn" (Alexious IV Komnenos) joined rhe Aqquyunlu outside Erzincan; it is thus possible rhat the nuptials between Qara 'Usman and Alexious's daughter were celebrated at this time
(DUKASA:124-25, B: 127)· 125. DIYAR,93-94· 126. DIYAR, 95. A raid on the Qaraquyunlu cenrer of Erci~ in 1425/828, however, did not result in the acquisition of new territories (COLOPHONS, 168). 127. IQD, 2:3 17; HAJAR, 3:384; NUjUM, 6:623 Qanuary-February 14271 Rabi' I 83 0). 128. See Barthold 1963:6:43-55; Becker 1915:379-86; Jomier 1953:50 ; and Darrag 1961:159-94, 381- 85. 129. For a comparison of the Hijaz policies ofShahrukh Timuri and Uzun HasanAqquyunlu, see the late fifteenrh/ninrh-cenrury Mamluk chronicle SAYRAFI, 4 28 . 130. See COLOPHONS, 169, 17 8. 131. IQD, 2:362-63; HAJAR, H22, 452; SULUK, 4: 806- 8; ZAHIRI, 137; NUjUM, 6:644-49,65 2,686,816; DAw'IO:no. 878, 206; DIYAR, IOo-I061AHSAN A:136-37· The Mamluk and Aqquyunlu versions of this event complemenr each orher nicely. According to NUjUM the force appears to have been commanded by the chief executive secretary Arikmas (or possibly Urkmas, modern Turkish Orkrriez, "fearless") al-Zahiri, while the DIYAR tradition claims that rhe commander was Husayn b. Ahmad al-Bahasni, "Taghribirmish," who also figured in later Aqquyunlu history.
132. For the Timurid versions of this campaign, see Shahrukh's foth-nama in ASNAD A:1l9-23; M'!jMAL, 3=263-66; MATLA, 6or-251AHSAN A:195-200. NUjUM 6:649, 662-63, quotlng SULUK, 4:8II, asserts rhat Qara 'Usman at the head of one thousand Aqquyunlu fought at Salmas, after which he returned to Diyar Bakr, raiding Mardin and Malarya. See also Siimer 1969a:127-31. 133. See FERiDUN, 1:116-17IASNAD A:463-64 (letter of the governor of Mardin to ;vturad ~I); ~U.LUK 4:.850; ~AHADUR, 56b; NUjUM, 6:660, 665-68, 669, 67J, for Qara Usman s actlvltles dunng thiS period. 134. ~JAR, 3:473; BAHADUR, 62ba-63a; ANON SYR, xxxix. After numerous Aqquyu~lu sleg~s, Mardin was finally incorporated into rhe first principality and appanaged to ~ara Usmans son Hamza. Ibn Bahadur notes that Qara 'Usman tendered the keys of the citadel to al-Ashraf Bar~bay as a token of his submission; his attitude rhe following year, ho~ev:r, appears anyt~lllg but submissive, if the account of the insulting embassy sem to Carro III 1432-33/836 IS ac~urate (reported in rhe late Marnluk chronicle IYAS [Bulaq, 1893-94ir3II], 2:19, but not III Mohamed Mostafa's 1972 edition of volume 2). 135. For Ibn Taghribirdi's eyewitness account of the campaign, see NUjUM, 6:691-711. IQD, 2:430-32; SULUK, 4:890-97; HAJAR, 3:492-98; and BAHADUR, 66b-68b, furnish complementary versions. For the terms of the tre.aty, see IQD, 2:432; SULUK, 4:897; and BAHADUR, 68b. IQD, 2:432; and SULUK 4:906, mention the Mamluk use of artillery at rhe siege of Amid. 136. HAJAR, 3=498-99; ERZiNCAN, 250-51. ,137. SULf.!K, 4:915, 917; HAJAR, 3:519; NUjUM, 6:718-19; BAHADUR, 69a. Barsbays governor III Ruha was Inal al-Ajrudi al-'Ala'i, the future sultan al-Malik al-Ashraflnal
(1453-61/857-65). 138. Al-Ashraf Barsbay's heavy losses were also noted by contemporary foreign observers such as Emmanuel Piloti, who considered the domination of "Cara Julucho" as reaching as far south and west as Aleppo (PILOTI, 211-12). 139. IQD, 2:453; SULUK, 4:926; NUjUM, 6:721; BAHADUR, 74b. See also Broome 1979· 140. SULUK, 4:937; HAJAR, 3:541; NUjUM, 6:727. Another campaign against Qara 'Usman had been announced in December 1434/Jumada I 838 and then canceled. 141. DIYAR, I07-8/AHSAN A:lll-ll. 142. For accounts of Shahrukh's third and last Azarbayjan campaign, see COLOPHONS, 186-87; MUjMAL, 3=278-81; MATLA, 674-791AHSANA:212-17,220-23; Siimer 1967a:I32-37. 143. COLOPHONS, 182-83; METSOP A:133; IQD, 2:467; SULUK, 4:949, 956, 963, 984, 988; HAJAR, 3:543-44; NUjUM, 6:740-41, 840-41; BAHADUR, 87b-88a; DAW, 5=135-37; DIYAR, III-I+, AHSAN A:213-18, 119-20. The accounts of Qara 'Usman's death differ only slightly in their major details. The DIYAR report represents the "official" UzunHasanid version, while the Egypto-Syrian tradition of SULUK HAJAR, and IQD seems to b~ based upon Iskan~ar's foth-nama acc?mpanying the heads to Cairo. Qara 'Usman's age at hiS death: however, IS .cause for some disagreement among the chroniclers, as is the precise date of hiS death. DIYAR, II3, places his age at eighty lunar years, but the Mamluk sources vary on this point from ninety to one hundred. If Qara 'Usman was indeed the son of Maria Komnen~ by Qutlu b. :rur 'Ali, Qara 'Usman could not have been more than eighty-five lunar years III 1435/839, sillce according to PANARETOS, 70, Qutlu and Maria were married in 1352/753. Moreover, BAZM, 347, specifies that Qara 'Usman was younger rhan his
246 ~ Notes to Chapter 2
Notes to Chapter 3 ~' 247
brother Ahmad, a fact corroborated in DIYAR, 36. Thus an age of eighty lunar years or seventy-seven solar years appears more likely than the exaggerated estimates of the Mamluk historians. Finally, the dates given for Qara 'Usman's death are 29 August/5 Safar (SULUK, 4:956,984; NUjUM, 6:840); 26 August-4 SeptemberlI-ro Safar (NUjUM, 4741; DAW 5:136); 13-23 SeptemberlI9-29 Safar (BAHADUR, 88a). 144. Only two officials of Qara 'Usman's government are named in the narrative sources: his finance minister Khvaja Muhammad and his chief of staff Ibrahim b. Idris (DIYAR, 80, II9). 145. With the exception of the Purnak, these clans are first attested in the various phases of the Great Civil War, bur it is likely that they joined the Aqquyunlu during the rule of Qara 'Usman. See appendix B. 146. YAZICIOGLU A:14b-16b. For the identification of merhum Kara Osman, previously considered the Ottoman eponym by Togan 1946:101, and Turan 1969:2, 26, with the founder of the first Aqquyunlu principality, see Erzi 1950716, and Wittek 1964:163ff. 147. Among others, Togan 1946:roO-I02, has discussed the ideological importance of the maintenance of nomadic traditions among the Turks and Mongols. 148. SCHILTBERGER A:16: "Es ist gewonhaitt in der haydenscha/fr, das ettlich herren umbzigen in dem land mit viech und woe sie dann komen in ain landt, do gutte wayd ist so besteen sie die wavd von dem herren desselben lands auff ain zein. Nun was ein th:lrkischer herre genand; Ottman, der zoch im land umb mit viecli und kam in dem sumer in ein landt, das haysset Sewast .... " 149. YAZICIOGLU A:15b-I6b, nos. ro, 20, 22. See Togan 1946:ro6-9, and inalctk [969:ro7-II, on law as the expression of the sovereign's will in Turko-Mongol states. For the legislation ofUzun Hasan, Qara 'Usman's grandson, see chapter 4. 150. On this Ottoman sultan's interest in "Turkish national antiquities," see Wittek 1938a:27-28, 1938b7-13, 1952:673; SUmer 1953:319, 1959:453, 1967b:365-68; Turan 1969:2, 25-28 . 151. ERZURUM, 255-56; ERZjNCAN, 245, 247; Jdci 94. 152. FRAEHN, 1:145. SUmer 1967b:147, however, basing his judgment on TEVHiD, 475, dates the use of the Bayandur tamgha from the reign of Qara 'Usman's son Hamza (1444/848) (but see SUmer 1964:385). Among the Aqquyunlu, the Bayandur arms were used in inscriptions (GABRIEL, 1:13-17; ETEM, 141-47); on coins (RABINO, 125 and plate IX; Hinz 1936: facing ro4); on banners (Uzun<;:ar~t!t 1969:plate 49); and on official documents (e.g., BUSSE, plates II, IV, XIII; PAPAZIAN A: [:vii; FARMANS A:xi; TIEM, 2200; TKS E. 3127 [KE<;:iK, 2, FEKETE, 18], 3132 [AK, 2], 3134 [KE<;:iK, 6, FEKETE, 21], 5486 [KE<;:iK, 9], 8344 [KE<;:iK, 12], 8926 [KE<;:iK, 14, FEKETE, 20], 9662 [KE<;:iK, 17], etc.). In several of the documents cited above, the Bayandur tamgha appears to take the place of lillah in the invocatio al-hukm lillah. 153. For "Bayandur Khan of fortunate estate," see the Oghuz-nama fragment at the beginning ofYAZICIOGLU A:f. 2a; for Bayandur Khan, the Khan of Khans, see QURQUT A:transcription 77, 84, 153; facsimile ro, 19, 121. See also appendix A on the Aqquyunlu and Oghuz traditions. Note that COLOPHONS, 309, 312, refers to Qara 'Usman simply as Bayandur. 154. A~TK A:ro9-II, B:97-98. 155. Stromer 1961,1962, and 1972. 156. The large number of Christians relative to Muslims in the urban centers of Arminiya and Diyar Bakr was noted by foreign observers throughout the fifteenth/ninth
century. See, e.g., SCHILTBERGER A:99; CLAVIJO A:84, R9-90, 96, B:123-24, 129-}1, 139; Zeno in BERCHET, ix, [34; GHISTELE, 268, 271; ROMANO A:430 , 432, B:147, 150 . 157. COLOPHONS, [64, 169, 182-83, 207, 210-n, 213-14; METSOP, 59. But see COLOPHONS, 168, 182, 207, 221-22, 158. COLOPHONS, 211; ANON SYR, xxxix; DIYAR, 136; DA\Y~ )'165: especially
GDL~ENi, 13-15. 159. YAZICIOGLU A:14b-16b, nos. 2, 3, 4, 9, 28. 3. THE GREAT CIVIL WAR
1. COLOPHONS, 18+ This quasidocumentary source is invaluable in establishing the chronology of this complicated and confusing period for which the major narrative source DIYAR gives very few precise dates. For the stake-holding amirate of ~>\li. see DIYAR, II5-40 .
.
2. DIYAR, 117. According to COLOPHONS, 188, however, Qilich Asian recognized Hamza in 1437/840-41. 3. DIYAR, II9. 4. COLOPHONS, 186, 5, BIDLISI, 1:248a/AHSANA:5 22. 6, MATLA, 686. 7. BAHADUR, 79b. 8, On this "lesser" route (as opposed to the "greater" Diyar Bakr-Arminiya migration route), see QANUNS, xxxii, 140-41, and MARDjN, map, 199-200. Bacque-Grammont's reading of the proper noun Barriya as "Ie desert" in TKS E. 6367, is, of course, incorrect (ZQ FATH NAMA, 141), It is perhaps the "self-contained" nature of this region that helps account for its political domination of Arminiya throughout most of Aqquyunlu history, 9. DIYAR, 120-241AHSAN A:127. See SUmer's note I ro DIYAR, 123, and SUmer 19 6 7b:247-48, for the date of the battle and the date ofJahangir's arrival in Cairo. 10. The betrothal of 'Ali's son UZlm Hasan and Kur Muhammad's daughter Saljuqshah may have formalized their alliance, According to RASHAHAT. 257, Dana Khalil b. Kur Muhammad was the brother of Uzun Hasan's wife, The marriage took place before 1441/ 844, since Sultan-Khalil was born to Saljuqshah in spring 14421late 845 (DIYAR, 162). 11. DIYAR, 126-27= "Baradar-i buzurg-i rna Ya'qub Beg'ast va da'iya-yi salranat nist. Farzand-i arshad ru'i varura [tore] va rasm an'ast kih tu padshah shavi; biya kih saltanat haqq-i rust va rna hama a'van va ansarim." ,., . . ·12. On the Harput negotiations, see. DIYAR, 129, '34-35. For Airs submISSIon to the Mamluks, see ZAHIRI, 137-38, 13. On this campaign, see SULUK, 4:IOro; DIYAR, 130-34; BAHADUR, 89b: GHl-
YATHI A:16-17, B:271-73. . . . 14. DIYAR, 136; SULUK, 4:ro25; NUjUM, 6:756-57; GU~EN\' 13-15. The sIege lasted from September to December 1437/Rabi' I-Jumada II 841; the decisive factor seems to have been the cooperation of the Christians of the city, who opened the gate to Hamza. 15. DIYAR, 140. 'Ali had requested sanctuaty from Murad in a letter sent earlier to the Ottoman court. Indicating his willingness to grant protection to Qara 'Usman's son, Murad also sent 'Ali a robe of honor (FERiDUN, 1:188-89/ASNAD A:458- 61), According to Idris Bidlisi, 'Ali's flight was motivated by fear ofYa'qub, not Hamza (BIDLISI, 2:96b): "Valid-~ Hasan Beg ba farzandan az khawf-i Ya'qub Beg, pisar-i buzurg-i 'Usman Beg kih hakim-I
24 8 .~ Notes to Chapter 3
Notes to Chapter 3 ~ 249
Aqquyunlu shuda bud, farar namuda salha dar zill-i himayat va ra'ayat-i padsh~-i firishtanijad Sultan Murad (qaddasa Allah ruhahu fi al-ma'ad) mura:'i. va muham~1 ~llb~dan~ ~a dar mamlakat-i Rumiya-yi Sughra qasaba-yi Iskilip va tavabl -I anra dar vaJh-1 m~ ash-I IShan muqarrar farmudand va bisyari az mardum-i Bayanduri misl-.i ~ustam Beg bill Mura~ bin 'Usman Beg va Bayandur Beg bin Rustam Beg va amsal-I Ishan salha dar saya-YI marhamat-i sultani muraffah ai-hal budand." Ottoman historians such as A~IK A:1 69, 247-48, B:[63; and KEMAL, 405, claim that Uzun Hasan (f~r Husayn?) and not Uvays accompanied his father into exile, but this is not corroborated III DIYAR. 16. MATLA, 690; SULUK, 4:1025; NUjUM, 6:747· Shahrukh's ~nal solution to the Timurid "Western Question" in 1436/839 had been the appointment ot another son of ra
30. According to A~IK A:248, al-Zahir Jaqmaq ordered Hamza to surrender Ruha to 'Ali, not Jahangir. This contention, however, is not corroborated in the Mamluk sources. According to DAW, 3:80, Jahangir was first given Aleppo but was later posted to Ruha, the Mamluk governor of which was recalled in March 1439/Shawwal842. Both Jahangir and his btother Husayn were involved in the revolt of the previous viceroy of Aleppo-the Turkmen Husayn b. Ahmad al-Bahasni, known as Taghribirmish-against the new sultan al-Zahir Jaqmaq in spring 1439/Ramadan-Dhu'I-Hijja 842 (NUjUM, 7:95-97, 259-63). Though many Turkmen groups joined in this uprising, Abu Bakr Tihrani-Isfahani insists that Jahangir and Husayn were unwilling participants and were in fact held hostage by Taghribirmish in order to force Hamza to support the revolt (DIYAR, 153-54). Husayn's Hight to Anatolia after the execution of the rebel leaders in May 1439/Dhu'I-Qa'da-Dhu'I-Hijja 842 (NUjUM, 7=98; DAW, 4:35), however, indicates that he was more than just a passive observer. 31. The chronology of this period is based solely on the abbreviated account in DIYAR, 155-68, and should be considered tentative. 32. See Hamza's letter to Murad II in FERiDUN, 1:190-91/ASNAD A:467-7J. 33. On the fall of Erzincan, which took place either in summer 1440/early 844 or spring-summer 1441/late 844-early 845, see Murad II's answer to Hamza in FERiDUN, 1:191-92/ASNAD A:472-73. 34. See Hamza's coin struck in Erzincan, TEVHiD, 4:no. 965, 477. It is also possible, however, that his name was in fact Sultan-Hamza, though Mamluk and Ottoman sources do not indicate this to be the case. 35. Personal collection. 36. Hamza was recognized in Mardin (ETEM, 141-47; TIBR7), Amid (TEVHiD, no. 961, 475), Erzincan (TEVHiD, no. 964477), Palu (COLOPHONS, 188), Ergani, and Harput (COLOPHONS, 202). 37. Hamza's well-attested use of the Bayandur tamgha suggests a continuation of Qara 'Usman's nomad ideology (GABRIEL, 1:13, 17; TEVHiD, no. 961, 475; ETEM). 38. DIYAR, 161, 163. Uzun Hasan was married to the daughter of Dawlatshah Bulduqani before 1442/846, when she gave birth to Ughurlu Muhammad. 39. The news of Hamza's death in the second half of October 1444/first half of Rajab 848 reached Cairo in DecemberlSha'ban (NUjUM, 7=296; TIBR, J08; DAW, p65; IYAS, 2:243). For Hamza's tomb in Mardin, see GABRIEL, 1:38-39; 2:plateXI; MARDiN, II9-20; ARTUK; SbZEN, 148. 40. DIYAR, 169: " ... sultan 'ala al-idaq dar Aqquyunlu.... " 41. The major narrative source for the eight-year period, DIYAR, 169-213, is very sketchy for the years 1446-50/850-54; important details of internal history during this period are supplied by COLOPHONS, especially 221-24. While dealing mainly with the foreign relations of the Aqquyunlu, the Mamluk chronicles NUjUM-HAWADITH and TIBR also furnish some information on internal developments. 42. According to GHIYATHI A:18, B:276-77; and LUBB, 214, Ispan died on 8 March 14451z8 Dhu'l-Qa'da 848. 43. Note the interesting details in COLOPHONS, 206-7, on Shaykh-Hasan's abandonment of the traditionally pro-Christian policies of his father and brothers. 44. See FERiDUN, 1:227-28, for the exchange of correspondence. The addressee of Mehmed II's letter dated mid-June 1444l1ate Safar 848 is denoted as Qilich Asian, "governor ofErzincan," in the heading of the published text of the document. But Qilich AsIan ruled Erzincan as Qaraquyunlu puppet from 1450/854 to 1452/856, before which time he was gov-
?a
Yusuf Qaraquyunlu, Jahanshah, as governor of Azarbayja~. The Qaraquyu~lu soverel~nty was thus divided among Iskandar in Arminiya and Kurdlstan, Jahanshah III A:arbarJan, and lspan in Arabian Iraq. It was not until Jahans.hah's ~eath in 1467/872 that Tlmur s descendants reasserted their claims to these lost provlllces III the west. 17. AI-Ashraf Barsbay's attitude toward Hamza is difficult ro assess pr.ecisely. For example, in a letter to Murad II written between 1435/839 and 143 8/8 41 he praI~ed the O~tOl~an sultan's support of Hamza (FERiDUN, 1:200-201); then, in early 1438/mld-841, he Illvlted Hamza to present himself to the governor of Damascus-acceptance .was to be rewarded with Manlluk recognition as legitimate ruler in Diyar Bakr; refusal, with d~ath (NUjUM, 6:759). Finally, Hamza's support ofJanibak al-Sufi kindled al.-AshrafBarsbays anger,: th~ casus belli of the third Mamluk campaign against Hamza IS said to have been Hamz:s blInding (A~IK A:247; SULUK, 4:1031: execution) of his brother Muhammad b. Qara Usman, Janibak's assassin. For the Aqquyunlu tole in this alfalf, see BAHADUR, 80b; SULUK, 4:1023-24,1026,1030-31; NUjUM, 6:736-37, 752-56; IYAS, 2:17 8-79. 18. ZAHIRI, 52. 19. On this campaign, see SULUK, 4:1058-59; TAQVIMS, 28; BAHADUR, 91b ; DI-
}j4R, [42-43.
20. Al-Ashraf Barsbay's Qaraqnyunlu ally Iskandar was in fact ~rea~y dead, struck down by his son Shah-Qubad in Alinjaq in April 1438/Shawwal-Dhu I-Qa da 841. For the date ofIskandar's death and a summary of the sources, see Siimer 19 67a:141. 21. On this conflict, see Har-e1 1995· . . 22. For example, compare Ibn Taghribirdi's accounts of the Shahrukhld embassies. to ai-Ashraf Barsbay in 1429/833, 1432/836, and 1436/839 (NUjUM, 6:65 0 , 684, 743-44) With those to al-Zahir Jaqmaq in 1439/843, 144°1844, and 1444f 848 (NUjUM, T108, 112-13, 137-38). . 23. SULUK, 4:1069; NUjUM, 7:6, 9-10. At this point, it is unlikely that Hamza con. trolled ErLUrum, probably held by a Qaraquyunlu governor. 24. The structure of the alliance is reHected in their military formation: Uzun Hasan was the vanguard ofJahangir, who in turn was the vanguard ofJa'far (DIYAR, 148-49). 25. SULUK, P 07 2, mentions the defection of Hamza's confederate support to Jahangir and DIYAR, 148, explains this alienation by Hamza's favoritism toward the Mamashluclan. 26. According to A~IK A:248, 'Ali was summoned from retirement in Otto.man lands by Nasr al-Din Zu'l-Qadr, who promised to help him regain the Aqquyunlu amlfate. 27. For these developments, see DIYAR, 15 1-5 2. 28. On 'Ali's asylum with al-Zahir Jaqmaq, see SULUK, 4:Il05; BAHADUR, 88a; DJ-
YAR, 153; A~IK A:248; DAW, 3: 80 . 29. COLOPHONS, 19 2 .
250 ~
Notes to Chapter 3
ernor of Palu. Barring a copyist's error in transcribing the date, it is probably the heading of the letter, added by the compiler in the sixteenth/tenth century, which is open to question. 45. E.g., HAWADITH, 46, and TIBR, 262, mention an Aqquyunlu scare in Aleppo in spring 1449/eariy 853.
46. GHIYATHIA:20, 21, 31, B:281-82, 284, 304-5. The siege lasted from 12 December 1445121 Ramadan 849 to 10 June 1446h5 Rabi' I 850. 47. DIYAR, 178/AHSAN A:270, gives Jahangir's refusal to accede to Jalranshalr's demands as the cause of the conflict between the Aqquyunlu and the Qaraquyunlu. However, according to Jalranshah's letter to al-Zahir Jaqmaq in 1451/855 (HAWADITH, 103; TIBR, 345), the Qaraquyunlu invasion of Arminiya and Diyar Bakr took place because of Jahangir's oppressio ll of the people and his enmiry to the Mamluk sultan [sic]. 48. COLOPHONS, 216-17, 225; DIYAR, 179, 204-5/ AHSANA:270-71. Al-Zahir Jaqmaq heard ofJalranshalr's intention to attack Jalrangir in July 1450/Jumada II 854 (HA~ DITH, 79), but the news of the fall of Erzincan did not reach the Mamluk capital until October/Ramadan (HA~DITH, 94-95).
49. Rustam began his assault on Mardin on 29 November 1450123 Shawwal854, and five days later the citizens opened the city gates (see the eyewitness account of the Armenian priest Dawit' in COLOPHONS, 221). A runner bearing the news of the surrender of the city and the continued resistance of the citadel of Mardin arrived in Cairo in January 1451IDhu'I-Hijja 854 (HAWADITH, 98-99). Uvays was invested in Ruha by his uncle . Shaykh-Hasan, probably in early 1451/ 855. 50. NUjUM, 7:201. 51. On the rebellion of Bayghut al-Mu'ayyadi, viceroy of Hama, see NUJUM, 7:188, 21 4-15, 570-71; HA~DITH, 83, 356-57; DAW, 3=23-24. 52. HAWADITH, 79-80, 93. 53. HAWADITH, 95; TIBR,323. 54. HAWADITH, 99; DAW, 3:81. In early 1451/855, Jahangir's young son arrived in Cairo to submit his father's declaration of loyalty and to present himself as a hostage. He was also honored and given a command of ten in Tripoli (HAWADITH, 102; TIBR,344). 55. The execution of traitors is provided for in the yasaq ofQara·'Usman: " '" ve daha eyitmi§ ki ha'in ve sw;:lu ki§iyi elbette yasaga yetiirmek gerekki dalra kimsine hiyanet ve aglfltk ve haramilik etmiyeler" (pand no. 20, YAZICIOGLU A:£ 16a). 56. The news ofUzun Hasan's breaking the siege ofRuha arrived in Cairo in early April 1451/Rabi' I 855 (HA~DITH, 1°4, TIBR, 345, IYAS, 2:290). According to DIYAR, 18 4, Shaykh-Hasan's head was sent to Egypt, but the Mamluk chronicles do not record its arrival.
~~. Jalrangir's attempt to relieve Mardin on 23 May 1451121 Rabi' II 855 was thwarted by the cmzens themselves, who refused to open the gates. The great battle outside Amid occurred a week later, on 1 Juneh Jumada I (COLOPHONS, 222). In DIYAR, Jalrangir's military incompetence is implicitly used to justify Uzun Hasan's revolt in 1452/ 856, just as Ahmad b. Qutlu's failures had legitimized the rebellion of Qara 'Usman half a century earlier.
58. TEVHiD, nos. 1045-64b, 510-n. 59. COLOPHONS, 222, incorrectly states that Rustam was killed in the course of the <;:ermik campaigning, but see COLOPHONS, 223. 60. In January 1452lDhu'l-Hijja 855, the Shalrrukhid Abu al-Qasim Babur b. Baysunghur, ruler ofKhurasan, defeated and killed his brother Sultan-Muhammad, whose do-
Notes to Chapter 3 ~
251
mains included Persian Iraq, Fars, and Khuzistan (MATLA, 1032). By late September 1452/mid-Ramadan 856, the Qaraquyunlu conquest of these provinces was completed by the entry ofPir Budaq b. Jahanshah into Shiraz, the capital ofFars (MATLA. 1°38-39, 1°44: GHIYATHI A:33, B:307: DIYAR, 326-28). 61. On the date of the Treaty of Amid, see Dawit' of Mardin in COLOPHONS. 222. The conditions of the agreement are recorded in HAWADITH, 127; and AHSANA:321. 62. The major source for the period ofUzun Hasan's revolt is DIYAR, 214-80.
63. DIYAR, 222-23. 64. DIYAR. 224-25.
65. As noted earlier, Palu-the appanage of Qilich Asian's father Ahmad under the Tur-'Alid Dispensation-was reconquered by Uzun Hasan in 1459/863. According to COLOPHONS, 263, Qilich Asian was released from prison in Tabriz at the rime of Hasan 'Ali's rebellion against his father Jalranshah in 1458/862. After leading an unsuccessful arrack on the city of Van, Qilich Asian disappears from the sources. 66. The question of whether Uzun Hasan took Amid in 1452 (Ymanlj: 1940:259) or 1453 (Hinz 1936:34-35,131-32) can now be settled with the help ofDawit' of Mardin's eyewitness account of the years 1451-57/854-62 (COLOPHONS, 221-24), cited frequently above. Unfortunately, the DIYARversion ofUzun Hasan's coup does not provide specific dates, and Hinz's claim that Uzun Hasan took Amid the same year that Fatih Mehmed II conquered Istanbul-while poetically apt-is based on the seventeenth/eleventh-century compilation JAMI: 633b, which is in ttirn ultimately derived from a faulty chronological analysis of DlYAR. The contemporary Mamluk chronicle HAWADITH, 137, however, reports that Jahangir lost Amid in 23 January 1452-1I January 1453/856 and that it was al-Zahir Jaqmaq who recognized Uzun Hasan (al-Zahir Jaqmaq abdicated in favor of his son ai-Mansur 'Uthman on 12 February 1453121 Muharram 857). A later work, TlBR, 423, moreover, lists Uzun Hasan as governor of Amid at the beginning of the year 1453/857. Dawit asserts that Jahangir arrived in Mardin on 20 September 1452/6 Ramadan 856 after his brother had seized Amid, corroborates HA~DITH. and definitively establishes 1452/856 as the year of Uzun Hasan's capture of Amid. . 67. On the commercial importance of Hisn-Kayf in the fifteenth/ninth and early sixteenthltenth centuries, see BARBARO A:529, B:49; GHISTELE, 268; and ROMANO A:432, B:151-55· 68. The previous year Uzun Hasan had lefr Amid in the hands of Abu Bakr of an unspecified clan, who may be Abu Bakr or Bakr Beg Mawsillu, brother of the famous Arnir ['Umar] Beg Mawsillu (DIYAR, 232). 69. Compare COLOPHONS, 222, and DIYAR, 235, on this truce. 70. TKS E. 3143 is a letter in Arabic from al-Kamil Ahmad, who governed Hisn-Kayf ftom 1452/856 to 1455/859, addressed presumably to the Mamluk sultan al-Zahir Jaqmaq or al-Ashraf Inal. After emphasizing the political chaos of the region and the depredations of Uzun Hasan, Ahmad calls for Mamluk intervention to restore peace and security. 71. On the use of the victory proclamation !.foth-namal in· international propaganda in the Islamic world during the Middle Periods, see HM£, 192-96. 72. These embassies are mentioned only in DIYAR. 239. 73. According to ANON SYR, xli-xlii, Uzun Hasan was defeated and forced to abandon the siege. DIYAR, 241, however, claims that Khalaf was forced to pay tribute while the siege was raised to meet a renewed Qaraquyunlu threat in the north. '74. DIYAR, 247; ANON SYR, xlii.
252 ~
Notes to Chapter 3
75. Reminiscent of the state banquets (tuy) of BayandUt Khan in The Book ofDede /(orkut, these feasts were held on the occasions of the circumcision of Uzun Hasan's three sons: Sultan-Khalil (born in 14421845 to his chief wife Saljuqshah, daughter ofKur Muhammad b. Qara 'Usman), Ughurlu Muhammad (born eight months later to the daughter of Dawlatshah Beg, Bulduqani Kurdish ruler of Egil), and Zaynal (born ca. 1448/8 52 to the daughter of'Umar Beg, Zraqi Kurdish ruler ofTercil) and the marriage of his brother Iskandar b. 'Ali. 76. On these negotiations, see COLOPHONS, 222, and DIYAR,250-53· 77. After joining Uzun Hasan at Akziyaret, Baba 'Abd al-Rahman predicted not only Uzun Hasan's triumph over Rustam Ibn Tarkhan and Jahangir in 1457/861, but also the ~ sassination of al-'Adil Khalaf of Hisn-Kayf-with a gesture of the famous sword-Ill 14621866 (DIYAR, 393-94; RAWZAT. 1:471-72) and the Aqquyuniu defeats of Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu in 1467/872 (DIYAR, 416) and the Timurid Sultan-Ab~ Sa'id in 1469/~73 (DIYAR, 476, 485; RAWZAT.I:470). An "independent" (majzub) defVlsh apparentl~ With no affiliations with other orders, Baba 'Abd al-Rahman Shami died during the reign of Uzun Hasan's son Ya'qub and was buried in Tabriz (RAWZAT. 1:472). On his hospice in Mardin, see TIEM, Z200; MARDiN, 119, Ill; and SOZEN, 144· There are two independen~ ar.:r.:ounts of this incident in DIYAR, 253-54, 2801RAWZAT. 1:4711AHSAN A:385/jAMI, 634'1, and in a slightly different form in BARBARO A: 573-74, B:96-97. For a parallel event in limUt's r.:areer, see SHAMI, 57, and YAZDI, 1:228. 78. AMINI, 266-67: " ... an hazrat [Uzun Hasan] rounankih shima-yi karima-yi ishan bud kih payvasta az gusha-nashinan roashm-i nazari midashtand va ~ar-i bi-sar-u-pay~-~a bi awj-i ta'zim bar miafrashtand har majzubi-ra mahbubi bar miguzldand va har shunda Ira nur-i-dida'i mididand." See also Hinz 1936:1ll- 22. 79. Arenga (lines 4-6) ofUzun Hasan's 1471/876 benefir.:e in favor o:~aba 'A~d al-Rah: man (TIEM, 2200): " ... az mabda'-i tulu'-i subh-i saltanat va mansha-I zuhUt-1 ~arat-l khilafat abvab-i fath va firuzi kih bar roihra-yi dawlat-i rna gushada shuda va ayaH nu~ra~ va bihruzi kih bar safahat-i ahval-i farkhanda-amal-i rna zahir va bahir gashta az mayamm-l himam-i 'aliya-yi darvishan va mahasin-i niham-i saniya-yi ishan danista'im .. : ." 80. On the Shi'ism of the Qaraquyunlu, see Minorsky 1954 and MazzaouI1972:63-66. For the Mamluk view of them as unbelievers (kuffor), see NUfUM 6:415,475,637,835,855,
7:815; HAWADITH, 52.4, 591-93·
. . . . 81. For muro valuable information on the Lala'iya branro of thiS order III Tabnz and Its founder, Badr al-Din Ahmad, see RAWZAT. 2:109-206 . .' 82. SHAQA1Q 264-65; RAWZAT. 1:472-78; and especially GOqENI, 20 If. 83. See RAWZAT. 1:89-105, 416-18. 84. MUFlDI, 1:52-53; Aubin 1956:1II- 12 . 85. Hinz 1936:31-32,36-37, based primarily on AHSAN A:407-9· DIYAR, however, does not r.:orroborate Hinz's reconstruction of Junayd's career; in fact, there is no reference whatsoever to Uzun Hasan's relations with the leader of the Safavid-order-in-exile in Tihrani-lsfahani's biography. DIYAR, 521, however, mentions Shaykh al-Islam-; a'zam Shaykh Ja'far, Junayd's uncle and master of the governm~nt-~up~rvised branro of the Safaviya at Ardabil. It was this ja'far, of course, who, at the IIlsugation ofJahanshah, had originally driven Junayd from Ardabil in r.:a. 1448/851-52. 86. This view is also borne out by the tone of a letter sent by Jahanshah to the Mamluk sultan al-Ashraflnal in November 1456/Dhu'I-Hijja 860, upbraiding him for his failUte.to maintain diplomatic relations and r.:omplaining about Uzun Hasan. In addition to estab-
Notes to Chapter 4
~ 253
lishing the protocol for future Mamluk-Qaraquyunlu exroanges, al-Ashraf Inal's answer also insists that Uzun Hasan was to be considered al-AshrafInal's deputy and his behavior a Mamluk internal matter (HAWADITH, 279-80). 87. The exact date of the Battle on the Tigris is not known, but acr.:ording to Ibn Taghribirdi, the news of Rustam's defeat rearoed Cairo on II June 1457118 Rajab 861 (NUfUM, 7:485-86; see also IYAS, 2:340). For accounts of the battle, see DIYAR, 263-8I/AHSANA:356-59; COLOPHONS, 223-2.4; GHIYATHIA:51, B:377; ASNAD A:716-17 (Uzun Hasan's Jath-nama to Fatih Mehmed II) 88. COLOPHONS, 223-24. But acr.:ording to GHIYATHI A:51, B:377, Jahangir himself deserted the Qaraquyunlu during the battle and joined the forces ofUzun Hasan. 89. HAWADITH, 302. Uzun Hasan's ambassador also presented al-Ashraf Inal with souvenir weapons taken from the Qaraquyunlu. 90. In hisJath-nama (ASNADA:716-17), Uzun Hasan accords Fatih Mehmed a long string of honorifics, while calling himself Fatih's mamluk. 91. Jahangir also renounced his allegiance to Jahanshah and henceforth support!!d his brother Uzun Hasan in his conflict with the Qaraquyunlu. In 1467/872, for example, Jahangir was still r.:onsidered governor of Mardin by the Mamluks (HAWADITH, 546). Jahangir died in his early fifries (born ca. 1417-18/820: DAW, 3:80), between 1469/874 and 14711875 (GHIYATHI A:51, B:378), possibly a victim of the plague that struck Mardin in 1469/873-74 (COLOPHONS, 297). On his tomb there, see GABRIEL, 1:38-39; MARDiN, 120-21; SOZEN, 134-35.
4. PRINCIPALITY TO EMPIRE 1. The major narrative source for this ten-year period is DIYAR, 367-70, 376-405. 2. On the Ottoman Beylerbeyi HIZlf Aga's attempts to shake down Kalo Ioannes, see, e.g., ~IKA:266-67, and CHALK, 2:222. 3. On the Aqquyunlu-Trapezuntine alliance and the marriage of Theodora or DespinaKhatun and Uzun Hasan, see CHALK, 2:243, 249; MALIPIERO, 25-26; PSEUDOANGIOLLELO A:369, Bm; ROMANO A:452-53, B:178-79; and the ser.:ondary works of Fallmerayer 1827:259-61, Diehl 1913, Miller 1926:88-89, and Hinz 1936:39-42. According to Fallmerayer, the marriage took place in 1458/862-63; DIYAR, 382, however, only hints at the pact, indicating that this event took place in summer 1459/Sha'ban-Dhu'I-Qa'da 863. Yet, if Barbaro's estimation of the age of Maqsud, presumably the eldest roild of this union, at twenty in 1478/882 is correct, the wedding should have occurred at least in 1457/861-62 (BARBARO A:568, B:93). 4. The Latin text of the letter attributed to David Komnenos and addressed to Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy is published in Fallmerayer 1827:266-67, and is translated into English in the appendix of Bryer 1965:197-98. Another version of this letter from the ruler of Circassia to the Doge of Venice is fuund in IORGA, 4:cii, 172-73. See Bryer's article for an excellent critical analysis of the curious circUt.llStances of Lodovico da Bologna's 1460-61 embassy. 5. The number of campaigns that Uzun Hasan waged against the Georgian principalities has been the subject of some r.:ontroversy (Minorsky 1933:22-23, n. 31); Hinz 1936:44-45, 137-38, concludes that there were five campaigns in all, but YlIlan.. 1940:259-60, reduces this number to four. However, a r.:areful scrutiny of the sources indi-
.J.,r ..:.. .~
.'f ~
254 ~ Notes to Chapter 4
Notes to Chapter 4 ~' 255
cates that there is conclusive evidence for only three campaigns: in 1458/862-63, 1461/866, and 1476-77/881. The following list of the major documentary and narrative sources demonstrates the origin of the confusion.
7. While the Aqquyunlu compared the ghaza activity ofUzun Hasan to that of the Ottomans (TKS E. 11440 and 11602 [facsimile, lines 12-131/Baykal 1957=275), the Ottoman reaction to these claims was very cautious. In 1470-71/875, Prince Bayezid b. Fatih Mchmed, governor of Amasya, congratulated Uzun Hasan on his intention to wage the Holy \'V'ar, but did not apply the title ghazi to the Aqquyunlu ruler (TAJI, 32). This attitude was maintained by Bayezid after his accession in 1481/886 and by his son Selim toward Ya.'qub b. Uzun Hasan, who was responsible for at least two campaigns in Georgia. See FER1DUN, 1:322-23, 3701 ASNAD A:649-52, 659-60. 8. Hikmat 1941:36-37/ASNAD A:446-47. UZlm Hasan probably received this accolade after his last ghaza in 1476-77/881. 9. ARZ, 3. This tide appears in Davani's eyewitness account of the review of the provincial army of Fars in September-October 1476/Mizan 881. 10. There is considerable disagreement between the Muslim and Georgian sources on this ghaza. According to the histories compiled in the eighteenth/twelfth century by the Georgian ruler Vakhtang and his son Vakhusht (BROSSET, 1:687-88), Uzun Hasan personally led the expedition against Kartli, not Samtzkhe. The date of this attack is fixed. moreover, at 1456/860-61, the year before Uzun Hasan's defeat ofJahangir and Rustam. DIYAR, 281, 378-79, however, indicates that the raid occurred in 1458/862-63, a date corroborated in HAWADITH, 321, which records the arrival in Cairo ofUzun Hasan's ambassador with the keys of six Georgian fortresses on 5 February 1459/1 Rabi' 1I 863. 11. DIYAR, 270, 381. 12. On the first Ottoman attempt to take Koyulhisar, see A~IKA:158-59. B:I)1-52. and NE~Ri A:748-50, B:I:193, 2:276-77, in addition to DIYAR, 383-85. 13. On this campaign, see Fatih Mehmed's letter addressed to "my dear father" Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu in FERiDUN, I:225-27/ASNAD A:536-41. and the narrative sources KRITOBULOS, 166-68; TURSUN, 97-100; DUKAS A:W-42, B:258-59; A~IK A:154-57, B:I47-5I; NE~Ri A:740-48, B:I:190-93, 2:272-76; CHALK, 2:238-43: BIDLlSl. 2:74a-75a; KEMAL, 187-97; TAJI, 472-76. 14. The Aqquyunlu and Ottoman narrative sources natllrally do not agree on these clashes: according to DIYAR, 389-91, the first encounter resulted in the ambush and defeat of twenty Ottoman sancak contingents and their Zu'I-Qadr allies by four thousand Aqquyunlu cavalry under Uzun Hasan and his second cousin Yusufb. Khurshid. BIDLISI, 2:75b-76al TAj, 1:478-79, however, contends that the Aqquyunlu, led only by Khurshid, were repulsed by the Ottoman general Gedik Ahmed Pa~a, who pursued them up to the camp of Uzun Hasan, who was then forced to sue for peace. Both groups of narrative sources agree that UZlIn Hasan's men continued to harry the Ottoman columns marching on Trabzon. Arriving in Cairo in July 146I/Shawwai 865. the news of an Aqquyunlu-Ottoman armed conflict was discounted as sheer rumor by Ibn Taghribirdi (HAWADfTH, 408). 15. The narrative accounts of the Aqquyunlu-Ottoman negotiations over Trabzon, in which UZlIn Hasan's mother, Saray, again played a major part, also vary greatly. According to DIYAR 391-92. Fatih Mehmed first sent an ambassador to Uzun Hasan, announcing that the Trabzon campaign was to be considered a ghaza. Mter deliberating with his chief religious officials, UZlIn Hasan declared hindering the ptogress of the Holy War contrary to the interests ofIslam and forbade his soldiers ftom further harassing the Ottoman columns in the mountain defiles. A~IK A:159-6I, B:153-54; and NE~Ri A:750-54, B:l:193-94, 2:277-79, essentially show the Aqquyunlu mission under Saray and Shaykh-Hasan <;:emi~gezeki to be an attempt at intercession with Fatih Mehmed on behalf ofUwn Ha-
Ghaza Date/Destination I 1458/862-63; Samtzkhe
II
1461/866: Imereti
*III
1466-67/871; Imereti
*IV
1471-72/876; Samtzkhe-Kanli
III/*V 1476-77/881; Kanli
Georgian Sources BROSSET, 1:687-88
Other Sources DIYAR, 281, 376-79; HAWADITH, 321 BROSSET, 1:688; 212:3 DIYAR, 392-93; HAWADlTH, 418 AHSAN A:446-47; JAMI: 634b BROSSET,21r:3 22 TKS, E. 5433b; TKS, E. 5486; TAJI, 28, 32, 35; DIYAR, 55? = AHSANA:52I?; MALIPJERO, 70; jAMI:636a BROSSET, 2ir:I2-3, 251 COLOPHONS, 314, 316, 320, 321, 322; BARBARO A:565-67, B:90-91; AMINL 97, 340; ANON SYR, xlvii; ASNAD A:446-47; LUBB, 221: AHSAN, A:556-57; NUSAKH, 253; jAM!',636a
The confusion over ghaza *III thus appears to stem from the arrangement of the material in DIYAR, which reports ghaza I twice-once before and once after a long digression on the Timurids and the Qaraquyunlu. AHSAN A and JAM!' appear to have omitted the first reference and placed the second under the events of 1466-67/871. The case of ghaza *IV is far more complex: according to Lugal and Siimer's edition of DIYAR, 559, Uzun Hasan dispatched a cavalry detachment "bi-janib-i Bidlis va Diyar-i Arman" whereas Nava'i's edition of AHSANA:5 21 has "bi-janib-i Tiflis va Diyar-i Arman." In my opinion, the reading ofLugal and Siimer is correct and the campaign referred to is Sulayman Beg Bijan's siege of Bitlis, 1471-73 /8 76-78 (COLOPHONS, 307; YASHBAK, I2I; DIYAR, 543). The documentary sources (TKS E., and TAJI) merely refer to Uzun Hasan's intention to carry out the ghaza. The account of ghaza *IV in JAMI; moreover, is not derived from AHSANA. as was *III; in fact, the details presented in JAM!' are most similar to Barbaro's eyewitness account of the attack on Tillis in 1476-77/881, but include information not found in any of the other sources for ghaza III/*V Most difficult to explain of all is MALIPIERO, 70 , which speaks of an Aqquyunlu-Qaraman expedition against the Ottoman coastal defenses in the province of Colchis, an event uncorroborated by any other source. 6. Wittek's well-known ''ghazi thesis" with respect to the rise of the Ottoman Empire has also been applied to the Turkmen Qaraquyunlu, Aqquyunlu, and Safavids by Mazzaoui 1972:73:-77. The apparent selectivity of the Aqquyunlu ghazis in exempting the Trapezuntines from the Holy Raids while invading their Georgian co-religionists time after time is explained in DIYAR, 382: Trabzon was not subject to the ghaza since the Grand Komnonos had agreed to pay the jizya entitling the Greeks ofTrabzon to dhimmi stams.
256 ~ Notes to Chapter 4
Notes to Chapter 4 ~ 257
san's wife, Theodora. However, when Fatih raises the issue of the ghaza, Saray has no answer and returns to her son. Saray's speech to Farih in CHALK, 2:244-46, is noteworthy as an example of rhe Uzun Hasan-Timur comparison common in later Aqquyunlu diplomatics (e.g., the ~arabdar Hamze letter). Finally, TKS E. II688 appears to be a fragment of the letrer sent by Uzun Hasan to Farih along with Saray's mission. After mentioning sending "my morher" and Saru Shaykh-[Hasan?] to negotiate a settlement, the fragment insists upon the necessiry of restoring peace among Muslims. Moreover, the writer refers to himself as the younger brother of the addressee. For a summary of the scholarship on the chronology of the fall of1t-abwn, see Bryer 1965=193, n. 3. 16. Sec, e.g., the immunities granted by Qara YusufQaraquyunlu to the Ruzagi ruler of Bitlis in 14171820 (SHARAE 1:376-781 FARMANS, 20-22) and by Qasim Aqquyunlu to the Bulduqani lord of Egil in 14981903 (QASIMIFARMANS, II3-16). 17. See "Bulduqani" and "Zraqi" in appendix B. 18. DIYAR, 239, 268, 271, 281. 19. DIYAR, 210,232,268,387. 20. DIYAR, 173-74, 225, 230, 246, 260, 265, 272. 2l. DIYAR, 383; ARZ, 25; AiYflNI, 159. 22. In 1461/865, Shaykh-Hasan accompanied Saray on her mission to discuss the question ofTrabzon wirh Fatih Mehmed. Shaykh-Hasan's son Suhrab continued to serve his son-in-law Sultan-Khalil until the latter's death in 1478/883 (DIYAR, 418; ARZ, 25; AMINI, 159).On the <;:emi~gezeki or Malkishi Kurds, see appendix B. 23. NUjUM, 7:712. According to Ibn Taghribirdi, the siege lasted from February to August 1462fJumada I to Dhu'l-Qa'da 866, bur the earlier date given in ANON SYR, xliii-xliv, agrees more closely with the information furnished by DIYAR, 393-94. Also on the conquest of the Ayyubid principality, see HAWADITH, 418; DIYAR, 367; DAW 3:no. 716,184-85; IYAS, 2:392; SHARAR 1:154-55. 24. On the Janim al-Ashraf! afElir, see NUjUM, 7=704, 708-9, 773; HAWADITH, 417, 418-19,423,425,757; DAW 3:No. 255, 63-64. 25. On the early stages of this crisis, see HAWADITH, 466-67, 473-74. 26. The firsthand testimony of COLOPHONS, 285, mentioning the attack of Uzun Hasan and 20,000 cavalry on Kayseri should be added to HAWADITH, 486-87, 581-82; NUjUM, 7:805; DIYAR, 369-70; A~IK A:167-69, B:160-62; NE~Ri A: 770-77, B:1:200-201, 2:285-87; DAW 2:276-77, in the excellent study ofUzun Hasan's first Qaraman campaign by Erzi 1954:203-21.
34. This is the date given in most of the narrative sources and compilations: DIYAR 4 26; LUBB, 218; NUSAKH, 250; AHSANA:467, 470. Uzun Hasan's lath-nama cited above,
27. HAWADITH, 508. 28. On these complex events, see HAWADITH, 490-94, 500-501, 507-8, 510, 513; NUjUM, 7:732; COLOPHONS, 290; DIYAR, 395-96; DAW 2:312-13; IYAS, 2:432, 433, 434-35,437. On Uzun Hasan's palace and castle in Harpur, see SOZEN, 180-81, 193-96. 29. DIYAR,385.
30. DIYAR,389. 31. See Jahanshah's letter to Fatih Mehmed complaining about Uzun Hasan's hypocrisy and treachery and announcing his intention to attack the Aqquyunlu (probably written around March 14671Sha'ban 871) in FERiDUN, 1:273-74IASNADA:552-53/TKS E. 1228!. 32. The major narrative source for this period is DIYAR, 405-545. 33. In addition to DIYAR, 418-19, see also Uzun Hasan's foth-rldma to Fatih Mehmed in I:ERiDUN, 1:274-75IASNADA:554-56.
however, gives the date II Novembcrlr3 Rabi' II. Other variants include 4 October/5 Rabi' I (GHIYATHI A:29, B:301) and 16 Novemberlr8 Rabi' II (GIlAN, 329). 35. This sobriquet was given to the Qaraquyunlu ruler by the Ottoman sultan, according to DIYAR,414- GHIYATHIA:27, B:296, however, says he was called the "sleepy-headed king" (al-malik al-nawwam). 36. DIYAR,425. GHIYATHI A:27, B:297, says he was a lowly slave, while ILCHIB:4b calls him Iskandar.
37. DIYAR, 426, and FERiDUN, 1:2741ASNADA:m. 38. GHIYATHI, A:28, B:299. 39. HA.WADITH, 663; NUjUM, 7:855. 40. DIYAR, 426; LUBB, 218. 41. For these developments, see HAWADITH, 603, 606, 607, 609-20, 625-28, 63 0-3 1; IYAS, 2:472, 3:7-8, 9, 12-13, 15-16; COLOPHONS, 294-95. 42. On Uzun Hasan's "siege" of Baghdad, see DIYAR, 457-59, and GHIYATHI A:45, B:331.
. 43. On Uzun Hasan's first defeat of Hasan-:Ali and the conquest of western AzarbayJan, see TKS E. 107 27; DIYAR, 438-42, 459-67, 473; GHIYATHI A:44-45, B:328-30; and Uzun Hasan's letters to Prim;~_Bayczi.d.inFATIH, II-l2, 20-21. See also HAWADITH, 68 5, and SAYRAFI, 27-28, 29. 44. Sultan-Abu Sa'id's yarligh (0 Uzun Hasan, dated 10 October 1468122 Rabi' I 873 (TKS E. 12307), has been published in AK, xx, and KURAT, x, transcription and notes II9-34, facsimile 195-200. See also TKS E. 107271ASNADA:564 and DIYAR, 472, 50 9. 45. On the Timurid hisar-i 'arabaor Wagenburg, seeTKS E.10727IASNADA:565; DIYAR, 473, 474, 4 80, 482, 483, 4% AMINI, 33. 46. DIYAR, 494: bura, qazan. 47. The Timurid narrative sources give midnight, Monday-Tuesday, 30-3 1 Januarylr6-17 Rajab as the time and date of Sultan-Abu Sa'id's capture (MATLA, 135 2; HABIB, 4:9 2), but Uzun Hasan's letter to the Ottoman grand vazir Ishaq P
50. See TAJI, 26-27, and DIYAR, 524-29, 534-35, on the Aqquyunlu subjugation of Fars and Kirman. 5l. In his letter to the governor of Niksar, Shams al-Din Muhammad, Uzun Hasan
Notes to Chapter 4 ~ 259
258 ~ Notes to Chapter 4 refers to Shiraz as "throne of the sultanate and seat of the caliphate. TKS E. 12288a, the original or an archival copy of this letter, is included in FERiUUN, 1:278/ASNAD A:576-77, and, in a more correct form, in TAJI, 22-23: for a criticism of the FERiDUN version, see Ymanc;: 1940:268. Fars was later given to Sultan-Khalil, Uzun Hasan's eldest son. The province subsequently became the appanage of the heir-apparent during the reigns of Sultan-Khalil, who gave it to his eldest son, A1vand, and Ya'qub, who assigned the revenues ofFars for the upkeep of his eldest son, Baysunghur. 52. The sources for the tributary status of these regions are Luristan (DIYAR, 555-56; TAJI, 35; FERiDUN, in ASNAD A:57I-74); Khuzistan (AMINL 312); Sistan (TAJI, 27; IHYA, 129-30); the Caspian provinces (TKS E. 5671, n676; DIYAR, 547, 555; GlLAN, 375-76; TABAR/STAN, 314; BARBARO A:562-63, B:86; CONTARINI A:633, B:172; coins minted in Astara, Lahijan, and Sari, RABINO, 126); and Hurmuz (BARBARO A:554-55, B:79)· 53. On the history of Baghdad from Uzun Hasan's show offorce in 1468/872 until the Aqquyunlu occupation, see TAJI, 15, DIYAR, 537-39, GHIYATHI A:45-48, 55, B:331-37, 387-88; LUBB, 218, and NUSAKH, 251, observe that the Jahanshahid line of the Qaraquyunlu paramount clan ended with the death of Hasan-'Ali (not Abu Yusuf?), but GHIYATHI A:47-48, B:336-37, points out that the last Qataquyunlu paramount clan representatives in Iran died in December 1469/Jumada II 874, when Bayram and ShahMansur, sons of Zaynal b. Bayram b. Qara Muhammad, were executed by Uzun Hasan's governor in Baghdad. Ten years later, a grandson of Jahanshah, Ibrahim b. Muhammadi, tried to return to Iran with Timurid help, but was expelled by Ya'qub b. Uzun Hasan. Minorsky 1955b chronicles the fortunes of yet another branch of the Qaraquyunlu paramount clan that sertled in the Deccan, founding the Shi'i Qutbshahi dynasty of Golconda (1512-1687/918-1098). In connection with Minorsky's note (1957:26, n. 3) on Baghdad and Maqsud, Maqsud's first guardian (Aqa Kur) Khalil Tuvachi died in November 1470/Jumada II 875 and was replaced by a Bayandur, Dana Khalil b. Kur Muhammad b. Qara 'Usman, who remained in Baghdad until his transfer to Hillah in 1475/879 (GHIYATHI A:55-56, B:387-89). Maqsud himself stayed in Baghdad until spring 1474/early 879, when he visited his father in Azarbayjan (BARBARO A:541, B:64). In late 1474fmid-879, however, he was imprisoned in Tabriz in the wake of the Chakirlu revolt and Ughurlu Muhammad's attempt to seize power. 54. HAWADITH, 675; SAYRAFI, 12; IYAS, 3=19. 55. HAWADITH. 699; SAYRAFI, 51-52, 5J; IYAS, 3=27. 56. On this embassy, see HAWADITH, 712, 713-14; SAYRAFI, 74-75, 76-77; and IYAS, 3:32. An archival copy of this foth-nama exists in Istanbul, TKS E. 10727, while another version was copied by lvughli, ASNAD A:$61-70. The TKS E. copy is dated 21 March 1469/7 Ramadan 873. Note, however, that SAYRAFI, 198-99, records yet another embassy in July 1470/Muharram 875, through which Uzun Hasan again declared himself the l1lam[uk of ai-Ashraf Qayitbay. 57. Both the archival copy and lvughli's version give the entire third verse of Surah 48. The initial wa, (and), however, must be omitted in order to obtain the date 1467/872. The inclusion of the letter waw, having the value six in the abjad system, results in the year 1473/878, the date ofUzun Hasan's defeat in the Battle of Balikent! 58. See, e.g., DIYAR, 406 (the word bida'must be restored in Siimer and Lugal's edirion); GHIYATHI A:29-31, 51-52; B:301-2, 378-79; AMINL 31, 164-65; BIDLISI, 2:107a-8b (the Ottoman rebuttal). H
59. TKS E. n676, line 15/Baykal 1957:275: " ... 'inayat-i Sari Ta'ala dar sha'n-i an padshah [Uzun Hasan] ziyada azan shuda kih sharh tavan dad va ayat-i Qur'an va ahadis bar in ma'na varid'ast va akabir daran bab chandin khabarha nivishtiand.... " The original letter is preserved in the Topkapi Sarayl Archives in two fragments (E. U602 and n676) and in several copies (e.g., E. 9522 and U440). It has been partially analyzed in Tansel 1953 and published in Baykal 1957 on the basis ofE. 11602 and 11440; KE<;:tK. 124, only refers to the document.
60. AKHLAQ 10: " ... va chih amarat bar istihkam-i qava'id-i in dawlat-i qahira ajla va a'la aZ ankih subh-i zuhurash az matla'-i "bida' sinin" sar bar zada ...." See also AMINI. 16 5. 61. AMINI, 31-32. 62. AKHLAQ 9· 63. From a private collection: " ... bi quwwat aI-ahadiya wa al-'inayat al-sarmadiya wa aI-mu'jizat aI-muhammadiya wa al-dawlat al-bayanduriya...." 64. Abu Da'ud. Sunan, book 36, Malahim: "inna Allah yab'athu Ii hadhihi al-umma 'ala tis kulli mi' at sannah man yujaddidu laha dinaha. » 65. KHWANSARI, 525, declares the doctrine peculiar to the Imamis. 66. For the lists ofIbn al-Athir and al-Suyuti, see Sa'id 1984:40-45.
67. Woods 1990b:1I5.
68. Rashid aI-Din Fazl Allah, Jami' aI-tavarikh, MS, Istanbul, Topkapl Sarayl, Hazine ~ 16 53, 3b : " ... mujaddid marasim al-Shari'at aI-ghurra mu'ayyad ma'alim al-millat al- ) . zahra... ." 69. YAZDI, 1:212. See also MATLA 739·
70. ARZ,3· 71. GAWHAR,186. 72. TKS E. 11676 (facsimile, line 15/Baykal 1957:275): All, 3, and Minorsky 193R:148, note I; AMINL 164. 73. AKHLAQ 3, 9· 74. AKHLAQ 228-29. 75. AFSHAR, 169. 76. TAJI, 24-29, See also GHIYATHI A:57, B:391 and DIYAR, 555· The latter source mentions the restitution of the hisbah in Qazvin, whose inhabitants were allegedly guilty of various religiously disapproved practices: CONTARINI A:601, B:132, however, speaks of Uzun Hasan drinking wine with his meals. 77. See Uzun Hasan's inscription in the Ulu Cami of Amid dated 1469-70/874 (KONYAR, 2:145) in which he is referred to as: "Mawlana aI-sultan al-malik al-'adil aI-'alim aI'abid al-mu'ayyad ai-muzaffar al-mansur aI-Bayandur Husam al-dunya wa :.t\-din sultan ai-Islam wa aI-Muslimin qatil aI-fajarah wa aI-mutamarridin." 78. For Uzun Hasan's inscription in the south ivan of the Masjid-i ]um'a dated 1475-76 / 880, see GODARD, 26; and HUNARFAR, 95. In another inscription dated 1476/881 in nearby Ushturjan, Uzun Hasan and his rule are described in the following terms (HUNARFAR, 275-77): "dar zaman-i khilafat-i padshah ai-Islam aI-sultan al-a'zam malik ruqab aI-umam Abu al-Nasr Hasan Bahadur Khan." 79. For example, in 1471/875, Uzun Hasan ordered the repair of the mosque of Abhar, the dome of Muhammad Khudabanda Uljayru's tomb, and other pious foundations of Sultaniya (DIYAR. 557-58). 80. DIYAR. 523-24, 529, 530, 558-59, 564- The slim documentary evidence is found in FARMANS, 63-67; and BUSSE, ii, 151-53IFARMANS, 74-76 .
260 ~ Notes to Chapter 4
81. YASHBAKI06-9, 112-16. 82. L1Rl, 219b-229a; Hinz 1936:119-20 . 83. COLOPHONS, 299, 301, 316, 320. The testimony here is contradictory, however; e.g., for other references to Uzun Hasan's anti-Armenian policies, see COLOPHONS,.2 96, 303,309,312,314-17,318,320-21; bur see also COLOPHONS, 301, 30 4, 30 ?, 3Il for hls.essentially pro-Christian articude. PAPAZIAN A:l:V, 253/ FARMANS, 78-79, IS an exemption dated 1475/880, freeing the Armenian clergy ofO~ Kilisa from discriminatory taxation. 84. DIYAR, 558; BARBARO A:570-72, B:96-97; RAWZAT.I:47°. 85. RAW7~T.l:114-15· . 86. RAWZAT.l:381, 440. See also DIYAR, 476, 485, and GOL$ENl, 36 . 87. RAWZAT. 2:152-5488. HABIB, 4:427; and LUBB, 239, which claims that Uzun Hasan himself then became a disciple of the Safavid leader! 89. DIYAR, 553-54, 560-61. 90. Sce "Mahmal," in EJI 3:123-24; and EP 4:44-4 6. 91. HAWADITH, 546, 549. For copies of Jahanshah's orders on the mahmil, see
TABRIZ, 83-85/ FARMANS, 47-52· 92. For the earlier mahmi/s, see DIYAR, 553-54, 560-61; JAZlRI, 33 6 . On the 147 2/8 76 mahmil, see JAZIRI, 337. According to SAYRAFl, 428, in AprilIDhu'I-Qa'da of that year, an envoy from Uzun Hasan reached al-Ashraf Qayitbay in Cairo; though the purpose of the embassy was not generally known, it was speculated that Uzun Hasan had requested permission ro send a kiswa ro cover the Ka'bah as Shahrukh had done in the time ofJaq!llaq. IYAS, 3:70, adds that al-AshrafQayitbay was not at all pleased with this embassy. 93. IYAS, 3:88, 90, 191-9 2;JAZIRI, 337· 94. JAZIRI, 338. 95. For the date and circumstances of each group's entry inro the Aqquyunlu confederation, see appendix B. 96. On the first four families and their roles in the administration of the Qaraquyunlu, Aqquyunlu, and Safavids, see Aubin 1959. For further information on Sayyid 'Ala' al~Din 'Ali Bayhaqi, who later gave up his position as Uzun Hasan's minister of religious affaus to become a Khalvati disciple, see RAWZAT.l:476-77, in addition to DIYAR, 415-16 , 477-7 8, 545, 552; ARZ, 16, 32-33; A.MINI, 128. For evidence of conflicts between Principaliry and Empire bureaucrats, see GOL$ENi. 74-75, 15 Iff., 241-44. _ . ., 97. An examination of FALAKIYA in the context ot Uzun-Hasamd centralization lends grearer weight ro Hinz's assumption that the work was copied at the Aqquyu~lu court (FALAKIYA, introduction, 3). If this in fact is the case, a direct link may be estabhshed between later Ilkhanid bureaucratic practice and Aqquyunlu imperial administration; cf., e.g., the model daftar-i qamm in FALAKIYA, 172-84, with Uzun Hasan's commercial regulations.
98. GHIYATHI A:57, B:391-9 2. 99. On Uzun Hasan's Anatolian qanun-namas retained by the Ottoman sultans Yavuz Sdim and Kanun! Siileyman, see QANUNS, xxxiii, xxxiv, =vi-xlii, xliii, xlv-xlvii; Hinz 195 0 ; inalclk 19S9a , 1969. In Safavid-controlled areas, the revenue farming order operative "throughout the whole of Persia" mentioned in ROMANO A:447, B:17 2-73, is clearly a reference to Uwn Hasan's qanun-nama. According to SHARAE 2:120, the peasants of Azarbayjan, Iraq, and Fars continued to remit their taxes in accordance with Uzun Hasan's fiscal regulations throughout the sixteenthltenth century. It is further apparent that the
Notes to Chapter 4
~ 261
salaries of certain Safavid central government officials were paid on the basis of Aqquyunlu laws until the early eighteenth/twelfth century (TAZKIRAT. 65Iroob). For Kanun! Siileyman's restitution of Uzun Hasan's laws in Arabian Iraq, see QANUNS, Ii; and ADALET., xvii. 100. On the importance of the Tabriz silk trade with Aleppo and Bursa during this period, see BARBARO A:549, B:73-74; CONTARINI A:597, B:127; GHISTELE, 271ff.; and inalclk (1966a, 1966b):212-14; on the Caspian provinces (e.g., GILAN, 366, 375-76; TABARISTAN, 314/NUSAKH, 90) and the high position of merchants in Uzun Hasan's court (YASHBAK, 105). 101. BUDAQ, 207a, mistranslated in Hinz 1936:121. For more on Uzun Hasan's exercise of the mazalim jurisdiction, see DIYAR, 530; and LUBB, 219. For the code of 'Ala' alDawla, see QANUNS, xxix; and Heyd 1973:44-53,132-47. 102. On the "Ottoman content" of the eastern Anatolian qanuns, see inalclk 1959a. Further evidence of Uzun Hasan's concern for increasing agricultural productivity and prosperity is furnished by a brief mention in HAFT. 3=169, of his unsuccessful project to reopen the Nahr-i Karbala' in Arabian Iraq. For the Ottoman rectification of abuses in the collection of taxes from the Bowlus nomads by reinstituting the qanun-i qadim, see QANUNS, xix and xxxii. 103. See ARZ and Minorsky 1939; DIYAR, 427; FERiDUN, 1:276-78IASNAD A:573-74; ASNAD A:322. For other contemporary descriptions of Uzun Hasan's army, see Zeno in BERCHET, xi, 134; BARBARO A:542-44, B:65-68; and CONTARINI A:604-5, B:137· 104. BARBARO A:566, B:91, estimates the number of captives taken during the third ghaza in 1476-77/881-82 at 4,000 or 5,000, while in COLOPHONS, 314, the exaggerated figure of 36,000 is given. According to LUBB, 221, the prisoners were distributed among the religious scholars, leaders of the popular brotherhoods, and descendants of the prophet who accompanied Uzun Hasan to TifUs. Some of these were sold (ANON SYR, xlvii)-there were markets in Amid and Erzincan dealing in both black and white slaves ( QANUNS, 147, 183)-while others converted to Islam. BARBARO A:543, B:66, noted that only a very small fraction of the Aqquyunlu army consisted of slaves. Thus, EKTHESIS, 32, as quoted by Vryonis 1965:241, n. 123, is the only reference to an Aqquyunlu military slave corps of which I am aware. 105. For many details on the Aqquyunlu subjugation of northeast Kurdistan, see the long poem on the conquests of Uzun Hasan by Moses of Erci§ in COLOPHONS, esp. 305-7. See also DIYAR, 542-44; YASHBAK, 121; Uzun Hasan's letter to Ferrante I of Naples in LETTERE, 30-31; SHARAR 1:123-24, 387ff. 106. The principal narrative sources for Uzun Hasan's Khurasan adventure are MATLA, 1363ff.; ISFIZARI, 2:306ff.; DAWLAT. 593-99; HABIB, 4:93ff.; DIYAR, 513-14, 524, 531, 539, 545-48, 551-52; GOL$ENi. 29-31; and IYAS, 3:52. Documentary sources include TAJI, 22-23, 27, 33-34; MALIPIERO, 71-72/BERCHET, 114-15; and the important diplomatic correspondence preserved in Ivughli's compilation of imha' and published in ASNAD A:I suggests the following chronological arrangement of the material in ASNAD A: (I) 346-48; (2) 349-52, 353; (3) 317-19?; (4) 325-29; (5) 342-43; (6) 344-45; (7) 320-23; (8) 330-34; (9) 335-41. 107. TAJI. 22-23. In ASNAD A:325-26, a letter from Uzun Hasan to Sultan-Husayn Bayqara, the Aqquyunlu ruler acknowledged Sultan-Husayn's first embassy, but failed to mention the khutba and sikka. In general, Uzun Hasan's letters to the Mamluks, Ottomans,
262 ~ Notes to Chapter 4
Notes to Chapter 4 ,~. 263
and European powers emphasize the Timurids' submission, while the tone of his correspondence with Sultan-Husayn Bayqara suggests rather the dealings of equals. 108. ASNAD A:3ZD-Z31 FARMANS, 69-73- The composition of this edict-beneficein which the sacral nature ofUzun Hasan's authority is emphasized-has been attributed to the historian Abu Bakr Tihrani-Isfahani by Erzi 1954:181. According to DIYAR, Tihran-Isfahani joined the Aqquyunlu conqueror the previous summer, I4691late 873. 109. DIYAR, 551-5Z; and HABIB, 4:154, report that Qazi 'Ala' al-Din Bayhaqi, who had led an earlier mission to Khura~an, accompanied the Timurid embassy back to Harat in February-March 1471/Ramadan 875. GDL~ENi, 30, however, omits all reference to Qazi 'Ali and credits the supervision of the Friday sermon and other details to Shaykh Ibrahim Gulshani. 110. In the period following the Battle of Ba~kent, Fatih Mehmed tried to exploit Sultan-Husayn Bayqara's ill-will toward their common rival Uzun Hasan in order to effect an Ottoman-Timurid rapprochement against the Aqquyunlu-forerunner of the sixteenthltenth-century Ottoman-Uzbek anti-Safavid alliance. (FERiDUN, 1:283-851 ASNADA:361-64). References to (I) the Aqquyunlu destruction ofTokat, (2) the defeat of Yusuf near Beysehir, (3) the Battle of B~kent, (4) the Ottoman capture of Karahisar, and (5) Uzun Hasan's mistreatment of Ottoman envoys corroborated by TKS E. 3131 and LETTERE, xlvii, 121-22, all date this letter after the Battle of Ba~kent. Finally, see the safeconduct issued by Sultan-Husayn Bayqara in 1474/879 on behalf of Fatih's ambassador, TKS E. 123051 BAYQARA. 111. Lazaro Quirini became the first of many European ambassadors to visit Uzun Hasan's court (BERCHET, ii 102-4). In addition to BERCHET, still useful for the documents appended to the work, see the more recent studies of Minorsky 1940; Tansel 1953:281-38; Turan 1965:65-94; and Palombini 1968:12-31, 120-22, for more on Aqquyunlu-European relations. 112. In 1464/869 and 1465/870, Aqquyunlu envoys reached Venice. The second, Kasam Hasan, reiterated Uzun Hasan's readiness to make war on the Ottomans (MALIPIERO, 33-34: BERCHET, iv and v, 105-8). 113. MALIPIERO, 68: "Non ne resta altro ostaculo et inimico, salvo el fiol dell'Othoman Turco, Maomet Bei; et ne e facil cosi abbassar et eradicar el suo dominio et signoria." Written in Sultaniya, this letter is dated "2 Agosto nell'anno dopo Macometo 874 [sic]," i.e., 23 Muharram 1469, but the mention of the Aqquyunlu subjection of Baghdad, which took place in December 1469/Jumada II 874, indicates that the Hijri year was in fact 875 and that the date should be read 2 August 1470/4 Safar 875. 114. Fatih Mehmed apparently sent Uzun Hasan a foth-nama, TKS E. 10822, celebrating his victory over the Venetians. See also TAJI, 36-41. 115. These complex maneuvers are particularly difficult to sort out, owing to the contradictory and sketchy nature of the sources. In late wintet and early spring I47I/Iate 875, letters were sent to the ruler of A1anya on the Mediterranean coast of Anatolia (TKS E. 3122), the knights of Rhodes (TKS E. 8344), the king of Cyprus (TKS E. 9662), and the Venetian Republic (BERCHET, 6; Pastor 1891:4:228), announcing Uzun Hasan's intention to march on Ottoman-occupied Qaraman. The letters to Rhodes and Cyprus, both dated 21 February I47IIr Ramadan 875, refer to a 30,ooo-man army under Uzun Hasan's son Zaynal sent to the western front. In June/Dhu'I-Hijja, however, Uzun Hasan wrote to Pir Ahmad Qaramani about a 40,ooo-man contingent commanded by Mihmad Beg (TKS E. 5486; see also the letter to Qasim Qaramani, TKS E. I2288b). This information does not
tally with details given in DIYAR: e.g., DIYAR, 553, 556, records the departure of an army from Qum for Qaraman in Hamal-Shawwall April, bur gives neither its size nor its commander. DIYAR, 559, mentions Mihmad Beg among the officers leading a 2,ooo-man force to besiege Bitlis in July I471/Muharram 876. TKS E. 5433a, an undated intelligence report to an Ottoman official, moreover, declares that the chief religious representative of Erzincan, Ahmad Bikriji, had received a sum of money from Uzun Hasan with orders to gather the religious personnel of the region and proceed to the Aqquyunlu summer camp to accompany the troops assigned to attack Georgia. This confusion in the sources probably stems from Uzun Hasan's desire to maintain both the anti-Ottoman resolve of his Muslim allies in Anatolia and the credibility ofhis ghaza cover story to conceal rhe milirary buildup in the eastern provinces until he could secure a full commitment of Venerian support. 116. For these details, see Zeno's dispatch to Pietro Mocenigo, dared 30 May 1472121 Dhu'l-Hijja 876, in MALIPTERO, 76. 117. TKS E. n602 and n676; Baykal 1957. 1 18. The other sources do not mention Hamre's complicity with the enemy. The major documentary and narrative sources studied for this section are TKS E. 9095 (9196)/Baykal 1957=284; MU'ALI, 150; TURSUN, 146-49; A~IK A:176-n. B:169-70; NE~Ri A798-800, B:I:206-8; 2:294-95; BIDLISI, 2:97b-98b; AHSAN A:522-25; KEMAL, 344-60; TAJ, 1:522-24; FERiDUN, 1:279-80/ ASNAD A:580-83. Orher sources for Uzun . Hasan's invasion of .ottoman territory include PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO A:37D-82, B75-88; CIPPICO, 273; Moses of Erci~ in COLOPHONS, 307; NIKITIN, 30-31; Zeno in MALIPIERO, 82-83. 119. YusufBeg, YusufMirza, YusufShah, Yusufcha. This individual's precise identiry is the subject of some confusion in the sources. He is variously styled Uzun Hasan's nephew (a son ofJahangir or of a sister) or his cousin (son of his paternal uncle). Most sources concur in the latter. 120. This detail, found in the long poem of Moses of Erci~ (COLOPHONS, 307), along with the reference to the foundation of the silk-weighing station at Tokat in the ~arabdar Hamze letter, further confirms the contention in inalclk 1966a:212 and inalclk and Quataert 1994:196 that Ottoman economic strangulation of the silk trade sparked the Aqquyunlu attack on Tokat. On the Tokat scales, see docs. xxxi and xxxii in SULTANI, 41-44. 121. See Zeno's letter dated 9 October 1472/6 Jumada I 877 to Andrea Correr in Cyprus in MALIPIERO, 82-83: "Questo Capitanio [Amir Beg Mawsillul con buon numero de cavalli ha posto turto'l paese a fuoco e a fiama, et e andado a Caraseri [KayscriJ, terra altre volte del Caramano, et l'ha havuta, con molte hombarde; Ie qual son sta lassate dal fiol de Turco, che e fuzzido, et ha lassado nltto quello che l'havea nel suo alozamento." The captured firearms were later used in the winter campaign against the Mamluks (see Barbaro's letter to the Doge of 27 April 14731z9 Dhu'l-Qa'da 877, LETTERE. xii, 26-30). NIKITIN, 31, moreover, speaks of the capture of Amasya, seat of Prince Bayezid's government. 122. The explanation for the Ottoman failure to respond sooner is given in BIDLISI, 2:98a, and elsewhere as the severity of the winter. According to BIDLlSI, Yusuf Bayandur left Kayseri in Day, hywhich December 1471/Rajab 877 musr be meant-at least six months before Uzun Hasan began his move to the west with the main body of the Aqquyunlu troops. 123. The date is given by Prince Mustafa's filth-nama to his father Fatih Mehmed
Notes to Chapter 4 ,~ 265
264 ,~ Notes to Chapter 4 (FERiDUN, n79-80IASNAD A:582-83). The location of the battle is given as "Begisar," i.e., Benehir (PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO A:378, B:83); between ~ehir and Bey~ehir (NESRi A:800, B:I:207, 2:295); Eflatun Pman (KEMAL. 354); and Kireli (TAJ, 1:5 2 4). Yusuf was taken to Istanbul, where, according to MALIPIERO, 80, he was imprisoned and executed. However, according to PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO, he was consulted by Fatih about the upcoming campaign against Uzun Hasan, and he is mentioned among the prisoners still held for ransom by the Ottomans in a letter dated February 1476/Shawwal880
(FERiDUN,I:287-88IASNADA:589-90). 124. TKS E. 3132 , Uzun Hasan to Pir Ahmad, dated 5 September 1472/1 Rabi' II 877· This letter is published in facsimile in AK as doc. vi. 125. The sources for this campaign are TKS E. 3128; Zeno in MALIPIERO, 83-84; LETTERE, viii, 14-15, xii, 26-30; GHIYATHI A:55, B:387; BIDUS!, 2:98b-99aIAHSAN A:5 2 5- 26 ; IYAS, 3: 80-82, 84> 86-87; BARBARO A:527, B:47-48; ANON SYR, xlv. 126. TKS E. 3128 , dated 9 November 1472/7 Jumada II 877, the day after Uzun Hasan's capture of Malatya (Zcno in MALIPIERO. 84): " ... inna al-hurriyah aqdam sharaitin lilamarah wa al-hukumah shar'an wa 'urfhn la yakhfi inna hadha al-shart mafqudUn fi salatin Misr wa hukkam bilad ai-Sham ... bina·n 'ala hadha yajibu 'ala kull dhi shawka daf tasallut al-'abid wa raf h~dha [sic] a1-bid'at al-ba'id [sic] min bayna al-muslimin ...." 127. IYAS, 3:81. 128. GHIYATHI A:55, B:3 87= "Hasan Beg arrived in the vicinity of a place called al-Bab where, by divine ordinance, he turned back; had he wanted to take Aleppo, he could ):lave done so, but God's will was otherwise." In October 1472/Jumada I 877, Fatih Mehmed II had announced a spring campaign against the Aqquyunlu (TKS E. 1459) and a second announcement was issued in Istanbul in February 1473/Ramadan 877 (FERiD UN, 1:282-83)· According to TKS E. 83 06 , Fatih left Istanbul on II Aprillr3 Dhu'I-Qa'da, but TKS E. 9095/Baykal1957 284 dates this event four days later. 129. By the end ofr472/mid-877' the Venetian Republic had managed to extract real commitments to the eastern alliance only from the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily, the Papacy, Cyprus, and Rhodes. An allied fleet of over ninety galleys was directed to secure the Qaramanid coast while GiosaElC Barbaro was dispatched to escort the munitions and technical advisors requested by Uzun Hasan. Barbaro was further instructed by the Senate to promise Uzun Hasan control of all of Anatolia ifhe agreed to demilitarize the straits and allow commerce free passage (CORNET, Ii, Iv/BERCHET, ix-x). The arms deal consisted of "Ie bomharde grosse mezane et piccole, spingarde e schiopeti polvere in grandissima quanrira et ogni a1tra necessaria artiglieria, maistri per exercitar Ie bombarde mandate e far de Ie nove, inzegnieri et £ure cosse necessarie per espugnar Ie terre de IO inimicho" (CORNET, Ixiii). Two manifests of the gifts, armaments, and men sent exist; though differing on quantities and values, they generally agree on specific items (MALIPIERO, 82; BARBARO A:5 17-17, B:37-3 8). The landing force, including a detachment of Greek horse marines, was successful against several Ottoman-held coastal fortS, but Barbaro was unable to disembark the military supplies and was finally obliged to proceed emptyhanded to Tabriz. 130. Shortly after the tout at Birecik, an Ottoman ambassador arrived at al-Ashraf Qayitbay's court in Cairo with captured Aqquyunlu documents addressed to the European infidels. This was the first concrete proof of Uzun Hasan's intrigues to reach the Mamluk sultan (see WansbroughI961). The comment in this regard in IYAS, }:86, is interesting: "This, the beginning of his reversals, was due to his seeking aid from the Franks to fight Muslims." BUI it is also noteworthy that an Ottoman-Mamluk common front was not es-
I tablished and that peace with the A tive (Zeno in BERCHET, xi 134_35~quyun u was concluded on al-AshrafQayitbay's initia-
131. The sources utilized for this section include TKS E 8306, 90 95 /Baykal 1957: II 9 801YARLIK; FATH-NAMA. .3134, 5445 /Baykal 1957:70 76 , 5, Zeno 111 MALIPIERO 89-9 1. Zeno in BERCHET . ... , XI-X1U, 130-39; PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO A· ' , . .373-86 , B:7 8-931 LEZZE, 44-59; CIPPICO, 28 7-88 ; COLOPHONS, 0 _ 2 26 34, B:173; ROMANO A3 7 9, 3 5- , CONTARINI A:633MU'AL . .453-5 6 , B:180-82;. TURSUN, 150-59; GIESE ANON _. 1, ASIK A:I77-82 , B:170-175· NESRI A-8 8 . ' II3 15, 02; AMINI, 99, . 9; BIDUS!, 2:9 b--105 KEMAL' 3 8. A~~ B:l:208-13, 2:295-3 16 8 b NAME, 170b. ' , 5 40 4, A: 529-42; TAJI, 525-44; HVNER132. inalclk 1957"526 Other fi . 15 0 ,000 (Zeno In B·ERCHET 135~ures given a(rpeSE36U'000 (ROMANO A:455, B:182); B. 8 ILE ' , 19 0 ,000 DO-ANGIOLLELO A.79- 0 ZZE, ) ·374-75, . 45-46), and 320 ,000 (CIPPICO ,287-8 8. 133 N
U
. ot Jan, as claimed b AHSAN AS ' and TKS E. 3134, dated 14 June 14Y 73 1r7 M h ·531. ee ~enos correspondence listed above 1. u arram 878 111 Harput. 34. Zeno 111 BERCHET, xii, 135; CONTARINI I ... known source in his compilation AHSAN A- I state/'~· Hasan Rumlu, utilIZIng an un0 were counted and he had 300 00 th Id· ·53, II . 4 ,000 mighty mounted lancers , 0 er so lers as we "indicati I f is clear, however, that several A . . '. ng a tota 0 70 ,000 men. It .. d h qquyunlu provll1clal armies (ca. 30,000 each see ARZ) h d ' a not lOll1e t e group near Erzincan TKS E . and Fars had not yet answered U . H : 5445 mentions that the armies of Arabian Iraq zun asans summons TKS E 7076 c conflict between Uzun Hasa d h· S I . . , moreover, rerers to a ' f, fi n an IS son u tan-Khalil over th I province of Fars to Diyar Bakr d h k. e atter s trans er rom the MANO A. . an t e wea enll1g effect of this dispute on the arm . RO.455, B.182, gives the most conservative estimate at 24>000-25 000 Y 135. Y~Il{, I. 19-32; PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO A:378-79, B:8 iLEZZE 136. The lIne of march described in PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO ' 50. 80 861 LEZZE, 51, implies that the Ottoman arm .379- , B:85Malatya, then retraced this route northeast t: along the Euphrates toward
~.
E:~~:;~n~outh
BER;~~;o ~. ~t~I;~n
137. TURSUN, 152: ayin-i osmani uzere. Other refere h Wlzgenburgare found in COLOPHONS, 308 ; Zeno in e tabur or 138. PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO A- 8 B.88 L ' XII, 135,. . ICO, 28 7· muster rolls. AHSANA-. 0 .3 2, : 1 EZZE, 54: 12,000 mlssll1g from the "b··· . , .532.4,000 ttomans killed But YARLIK 11 gtini bizden iildtiler." . , ·43-44: If l1lce ki~1 01 n the hostdility between Ughurlu Muhammad and Saljuqshah Begum l~~i:r:i~:eo~e~ails °H , zun asan an mother of Sultan Khal·1 Y' b d Yi SAN A:53 2. PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO A- 82I, aqu, an usuf, see ANexistence of dissension in the Aqq I ·3 83, B.89/LEZZE, 54, also confirms the uyun ucamp. 140. According Rabi'I (Zeno in BE to· the tw0 I ta Ian eyewitnesses, the battle took place on 10 AugustlI 5
~
r
.
RCHET, 135) or at the end of August/early Rabi' II (PSEUDO-ANGI :383, B:89/LEZZE, 55.) The date Wednesda A 1 Ra·' .attested in both YARLIK 11 76d FERI·DU . y, II ugust 16 bl I, however, IS ,. 77, an N ll1ASNADA-58 . Ottoman narrative Th b I fi . 5, not [0 mention most I 10 I . sources. e att e eld is various termed Tercan (-i Erzincan) 0 I t uk-Bell, and The latter, appearing only in YARLIK has b d . If OLLELO A
~IZ v
B~kent.
~~~iLTEhLeOm/oLst useful accounts of the battle itself are Zeno in BERCH~~ ;~c~~~~~ EZZE; YARLIK· and AHSANA. ' 141. Z~~nal~s body was later buried in a tomb near Hisn-Kayf: see GABRIEL ·8 8 30 9-10, 2:xlu-xhv; SOZEN, 148-51; but see Si.imer 1990 :638-39, 48. ' 1. 0- 1,
d
266 ~. Notes to Chapter 4 142. This standard is now in the Topkapi SaraYI Museum; see Uzun.;ar§lh 1969:plate
XUx. 143. YARLIK ll. 153-66: 4,000 heads taken on the battlefield, 3,700 prisoners; PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO A:384, B:91/LEZZE, 56, and CIPPICO, 288: 10,000 killed; TURSUN, 15T 10,000 prisoners sent to the divan, 3,000 to Istanbul. The prisoners were divided into several groups; many of the Aqquyunlu and Qaramanids were executed, while most of the Qaraquyunlu and Timurid amirs who had fought against the Ottomans were released. A third group was taken back to Istanbul and held for ransom. For one aspect of negotiations to free these prisoners, see FERiDUN in ASNAD A:587-93. 144. On the decisive role of firearms at Ba§kent, see Zeno in BERCHET, xii, 136: "[Fatih MehmedJ commenzQ a cargar a dosso a questo ill. mo signore con bombarde, spignarde, e con molta fantaria, con schiopeti in modo che Ie zenti de questo ill. mo signore commeza fuzir," and CIPPICO, whose account is based on Zeno's letters and possibly on the oral testimony of their bearers. The Ottoman contemporary sources, however, are silent in this respect, although YARLIK ll. 174ff: and TURSUN, 158, refer to the use of siege artillery in the reduction ofKarahisar about two weeks after Ba§kent. Later sources such as BIDUSI, 2:103b, mention the use of firearms on the battlefield and some recensions ofNE$Ri A (Vienna MS): 818, and GIESE ANON, II4, accord the weapons a decisive role in the clash. Finally, HONER-NAME, f. 170b, shows the Ottomans armed with handguns, while the Aqquyunlu are depicted only with conventional "cold" weapons. 145. Zeno in BERCHET, 136: "Questo ill. mo signore e in pe, e su la reputation e non par rotto." 146. The transfer of divine support from Uzun Hasan to Fatih Mehmed is the main theme of the treatise of 'Ali b. Muluk on the occasion of the Ott.oman victory published in FATH-NAMAS, iii, 177-92. Here, as in KEMAL, 405, the numerical value of Qur'an 48, 3, is quoted in support of Fatih Mehmed's divine designation. BIDUSI, 2:107a-8b, is a longwinded and tedious digression to show how Qur' an 30, 3-4, the biM'sinin tradition, in fact refers to Ba§kent and not to Uzun Hasan's defeat ofJahanshah Qaraquyunlu in 1467/872. See also KEMAL as above. 147. BID US!, 2:142b-43a, claims that Uzun Hasan became ill on his return to Tabriz for the winter of 1473-74/mid-878. Ambrosio Contarini, the Venetian emissary who saw Uzun Hasan about one year later, commented on the fifty-year-old monarch's poor health and estimated his age at about seventy (CONTARINI A:60I, 633, B:133, 172). According to AMINI, 97, 100-102, however, Uzun Hasan's final illness did not appear until after the ghazaof 1476-77/881. See also BROSSET, 2:1, 13: NUSAKH, 253; ANON SYR, xlvii. 148. Several Aqquyunlu missions to Fatih Mehmed during the post-Ba§kent period are mentioned in the sources. The earliest is that of Mawlana Ahmad Bikriji, immediately following the battle (TKS E. 3130, 8353, 9096; KEMAL, 404. MU'AU, 155, relates a curious episode in which an Aqquyunlu envoy called Mirza Hasan is accompanied back to Tabriz by 'Ali Fenari to arrange a marriage between Uzun Hasan's daughter and Prince Bayezid). In late 1473/mid-878, Barbaro, still in Cyprus, heard of Uzun Hasan's defiant refusal of Ottoman peace terms and his ungentlemanly treatment of the Ottoman ambassador (LETTER£, xlvii, 121-22; TKS E. 3131). In 1474/879, CONTARINI, 127-28, notes the return of an unsuccessful peace mission to Istanbul led by Uzun Hasan's qazi- 'askar ('Ala' ai-Din 'Ali?). Finally, TKS E. 8967 (Sultan-Khalil to Fatih Mehmed) mentions the arrival of the Ottoman envoy Taci Beg Defterdar just after the death ofUzun Hasan. Venetian envoys to Uzun Hasan in the post-Ba§kent period included (1) Paolo Ognibene, 1473-74/878-79
Notes to Chapter 4 ,"""'"' 267 (MALIPIERO, 91-92; CORNET, d, 126-28; HURMUZAKI, 2:2, ccii, 224-25lBanateanu 1958): (2) Giosafat Barbaro, 1474-78/878-83 (BARBARO A:526-74, B:46-1O[): (3) Ambrosio Contarini, [474-75/879-80 (BERCHET, xiv and xvi, 139-45, [48-49; CONTARINI A:594-605, B:123-38); (4) Bartholomeo Liompardo, 1474/R79 (CONTARINI A:'97, B: 127)· 149. The major sources for this uprising are the contemporary or near-contemporarv FATIH, 100-101; BARBARO A:W, 546, B:64, 69-70; CONTARINI A:596, B:126-27: GHIYATHI A:55-56, B:388-89: GILAN, 3)3-56. Later sources include BIDUSI, 2:143a: IYAS, p08-9, III; KEMAL, 477-81; AHSAN A:545-46, 566, 568. COLOPHONS, 319, also mentions the rebellion ofHusayn Beg (of the Qaramanids ofShakki?) in 1476/881, but it is not clear whether this revolt was in any way connected with the uprising of Ughurlu Muhammad. 150. For the sources on this ghaza, see above. The fragment of a letter preserved in the Topkapl SaraYI Archives, TKS E. II448, is addressed to "my noble son Sultan-Khalil" and contains references to both "the jihad in the way of God" and Sultan-Khalil's position as heir-designate. 151. The KEMAL-AHSAN account is extremely hostile to Saljuqshah Begum and probably represents the view of the members of Ughurlu Muhammad's family who Aed to the Ottoman court. Later she is even accused ofhaving smothered Uzun Hasan in his sickbed out oHear of his retribution for her alleged machinations to manipulate the succession. 152. According to MJR'AT, 16, Ughurlu Muhammad's body was buried in Erzincan. His death signaled a general exodus by the members of his family to escape Sultan-Khalil's agents. One of his wives, the daughter of Fatih Mehmed, and her infant son Ahmad Aed to Istanbul; the return of this prince in 1497/902 constitutes one of the most important episodes in the period of Confederate Clan Wars. Another wife and her son Husayn sought refuge with al-AshrafQayitbay in Cairo. This prince spent the rest of his life in the Mamluk capital and the Hijaz, where he died in 1492/897 (see IYAS, J:l39 and ABIVARDI, zR-30). A third son, Mahmud, apparently remained in Aqquyunlu lands, where he was killed in a bid for the throne in 1491/896. 153. Quite naturally, Ya'qub's court chronicler Khunji-Isfahani in AMINI. 97ff., gives a different view of the bedside intrigues that immediately preceded the death of UZlm Hasan. He terms Sultan-Khalil's succession a "usurpation," asserting that Uzun Hasan's last will stipulated that a "double-kingship" be established after his death in which the thirtcenyear-old Ya'qub would hold the titular position while the reins of government would lie in the hands of Sultan-Khalil (AMINI, 101: " ... sazavar an'as! kih ism-i khilafat va qayimmaqami in farzand-ra [Ya'qubJ bashad va madar-i hall va 'aqd-i umur-i jahanbani bih ray-i mamlakat-ara-yi sultani manut va marbut bashad .... "). Sultan-Khalil, thirty-five, could scarcely have been overjoyed at such an arrangement and seized the entire rule for himself: sending Ya'qub into virtual exile as governor of the distant province of Diyar Bakr. Clearly this version must be seen as an ex post facto attempt to legitimize Ya'qub's revolt against his elder brother Sultan-Khalil'six months after Uzun Hasan's death. 154. This is the date given by Barbaro, who was in Tabriz at the time (BARBARO A:568, B:93). This date is corroborated, moreover, by later Safavid histories such as LUBB, 221; and NUSAKH, 253. The contemporary work GHIYATHI A:57, B:391, however, reports that Uzun Hasan died on 2 Januarylz7 Ramadan. Uzun Hasan was born under the sign of Pisces (GHIYATHI A:43, B:326), i.e., February-March 1425/Rabi' l-Rabi' II 828 (NUSAKH, 253).
Notes to Chapter 5 ~ 269
268 .-<::>' Notes to Chapter 5
17. The sources for the Aqquyunlu reconquest of Kirman are BAYEZID; COLOPHONS, 324-25; AMINI, 180-86; DAWLAT, 604-5; HABIB, 4:168-69; NlHA-
5. STASIS AND DECLINE 1. TKS E. 8967 in AlVlINI. 444-46.
2. AAllNI. 100-101. 3. The major sources tor Sultan-Khalil's reign are TKS E. 5649, 89 67, 9695; ARZ; COLOPHONS, 323-25; AKHLAQ, lItT.; DIYAR, 8-10; BARBARO, A:5 68 , B:93; GHIYATI-fI A:S7, B:392-95; AlVlINI, 97-1621AHSANA:568-80; BIDUSI, 2:I43 a-43 b; HABIB, 4:430-3 1; IYAS, p6I; LUBB, 222; GOL~ENi, 56-57; BUDAQ, 27 2a-73 a. . 4. According to HABIB, 4:431, Sultan-Khalil's government was charactenzed as tightfisted and parsimonious, anomer hint at his centralizing intentions. On the sense of p
4:44-
months (GHIYATHI A:56, B:390). 8. According to BIDUSI, 2:I43b, the ratio was as high as 1:10. AMINI. 159, reports t~e use of handguns and artillery by Sultan-Khalil's forces (the provenance of these weapons IS unknown); firearms, however, do nOt seem to have played ~ important role in the battle. 9. AlVIINI, 163-67; GHIYATHI A:57, B:393·
10. BIDUS!, 2:144aITAj, 2:!17· 11. KOCA HUSEYN, 195a; on Jinabi's chronicle, see GOw'108-9· 12. USHSHAQ, 238.
13. AMINI, 17 8, mentions a "serious illness," but Minorsky 1939: 146 , n. 2, quotes the British Library MS of NUSAKH (perhaps derived from AMINI), pointing out me omino~s quality of the phrase Alva1Jd-ra aram sakht. Perhaps the published text of NUSAKH, 254, IS not quite so sinister: Alvand-ra ram sakht. . 14. AMiNI, 177, mentions a 7o,00o-tumall tax reduction and trots out Qaraquyu~~~ tyranny as a rationale. See Aubin 1969:31, n. 881 FARMANS A:81 and BUSSE, Ill, 154-61/ FARl'vJANS A:83-87 for me reconfirmation of immunities. 15. On the ten-year revolt of the Musha'sha', 1478-88/883-93, see GHIYATHI A:57, B:394-95, TKS E. 8321; AMINI. 204,. 312, 316, 375-76 , 387; QARAMANI, 337-3 8. 16. COLOPHONS, 323, mentions a Georgian thrust in this area as well. On the Ottoman conquest ofTurul, see KEMAL, 516-20; TAj, 1:568; AHSANA:578-motive~ for me campaign appear to have been primarily economic .. For the .Aq~uyun.l~ reaction, See GOL~ENi, 57-58, tor Ibrahim Gulshani's miraculous mtervennon 111 Fanhs alleged campaign against Er:t.incan in 1481/886.
VANDl, 1:58-61. After their flight from Kirman, the Timurid and Qaraquyunlu adventurers were defeated on the Gurgan River by Sultan-Husayn Bayqara, Timurid ruler of Khurasan. Aba Bakr was executed on 17 October 1479/30 Rajab 884 and Ibrahim was imprisoned in Harat. 18. TULUN, 1:14. This Aqquyunlu ambassador, who arrived in Damascus in spring 1480/early 885, may also have conveyed the news ofYa'qub's enthronement to Cairo in February-March 1480lDhu'l-Hijja 884 (IYAS, p61). 19. The major sources for Yashbak's campaign and defeat are AMINI. 187-991AHSAN A:593-95 (however, AHSAN contains several details not found in AMINI); BIDUSI, 2:144a-44b; LUBB, 222; GOL~ENi, 76-77; SAYRAFl, 494, 505, 507, 508; DAWIO:I077> 272-74; IYAS, p64; TULUN, 1:26, 29; ULAYMI, 2:324, 327 (the Aqquyunlu sultan is called Ya'qub b. Haydar!); ANON SYR, xlvii-xlviii; PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO A:389-90, B:98; ROMANO, A:456, B:I82-83 (bom Italian accounts seem to have confused me 1473/877 and 1480/885 campaigns ofYashbak against the Aqquyunlu); WALTHER, 192. 20. According to IYAS, P71, the Egyptian-Syrian army consisted of 10,000 mam/uks and auxiliaries, while the Aqquyunlu forces numbered 40,000 (AHSAN A:593, modifYing the 100,000 figure in AMINI. 189). The most precise dates given for the battle are 19 Novemberlr6 Ramadan (HIMSI. 84b-85a), 20 November/17 Ramadan (SAYRAFI, 505), and 23 Novemberlr Kanun I (ANON SYR, xlviii). 21. SAYRAFI, 514; IYAS, p83, 189, 191-93; JAZIRI, 341. After Uzun Hasan's attempts to have the Hijaz Friday sermon read in his name in 1473/877, the Iraqi mahmilwas sent on several occasions-in 1476/880, 1483/887, 1487/892 (AMINI. 229-30; HABIB, 4:183, 218; JAZIRI, 343), and 1490/895 OAZIRI, 343). The last recorded Aqquyunlu mahmil is that of Rustam b. Maqsud in 1495/900 (GOL~ENi, 226). 22. The sources .for Bayandur's revolt are FERiDUN, 1:316-17IASNAD A:639-42; AMINI, 200-2011AHSANA:595, 597-601; GOL~ENi, 115-19. 23.. Minorsky 1957:47, n. I, is unsure ofBayandur's genealogy, accepting the table in YInan« 1940:264-65. In BIDUSl, 2:97a, his llasab is given as Bayandur b. Rustam b. Murad b. [Qaral 'Usman; the inscription on his tomb in Ahlat, moreover, refers to him as Mubariz al-Din Bayandur b. Rustam, giving his death date as October-November I481/Ramadan 886 (GABRIEL, 1:349-50; 2:plates LXXXV-XC; AHLAT77, plate 24; SbZEN, 155-58). The month, but not the year, is found in Ya'qub's foth-nama in FERiDUN II ASNAD A. 24. Diplomatic correspondence and local histories of the Caspian provinces are the only contemporary sources of information on this obscure period in Aqquyunlu history. The late-sixteenth/tenth-century GOL~ENi, however, provides much insight into the internal structure of the post-148I/886 government. Controls on this material are provided by AMINI, HABIB, ALI-SHIR, etc. 25. References in AMINI. passim. Sulayman Beg held the post of chief of staff and president of the administrative council until 1489/894, when he was sent to pacifY Kurdistan. He was succeeded by 'Ali b. Sultan-Khalil (AMINI. 385). 26. BUDAQ, 273a, in AMINI. 452: " ... karash az sadarat va vazarat darguzasht va arkan-i dawlat azu ramidand.... " Likewise, according to HABIB, 4:431, "Ya'qub's minister of religious affairs and regulator of the Sacred Law; he even acquired influence in the administration of secular and fiscal matters." In other sources he is called Ya'qub's tutor, preceptor, religious minister, and deputy (vakil).
270 .~
Notes to Chapter 5
27. In this connection, note the important roles played by Saljuqshah's brothers and nephews in later Aqquyunlu history (e.g., Nur 'Ali and Ibrahim, ''Ayba Sultan"). Before 1489/894, moreover, Sulayman Beg Bijan married his daughter Begijan Khatun to Ya'qub, becoming father-in-law of the sultan (AMINI, 379; LUBB, 224; GOLSENi, 108, 151). A document of 1489/894 furthermore indicates that Sulayman Beg's brother Ibrahim Beg had displaced the descendants ofJahangir Bayandur as governor of Mardin (TKS E. 5943), a position h~ held long enough to carry out considerable building activity in that city (MARDIN, 108-9, n8-19, 123). The best example of this tendency toward nepotism, however, remains the spectacular rise ofQazi 'Isa and his relatives, the "Qazis of Sava." Qazi 'Isa, himself both minister of religious affairs and chief magistrate (AMINI, 227, 243. 324, 331, 350). later appointed his brother 'Ali to the magistracy as he became more and more involved in the problems of financial administration (AMINI, 350; MAYBUDI. 32a-40b; GOLSENi, 144). Another relative, Ziya' al-Din Nur Allah, served as judge of Persian Iraq (ALI-SHIR. 142). while 'Isa's nephew Shaykh Najm ai-Din Mas'ud ultimately attained the position of chancellor (AMINI, 356). an office usually held by a member of the nomadic ,military elite. 28. For eXample. after the imprisonment ofMaqsud b. Uzun Hasan and the transfer of his guardian Dana Khalil to Hillah. Baghdad was administered by at least four different governors in eight years (1475-83/879-88)-two Purnaks, one Mawsillu. and one Tajik (GHIYATHI A: 56-57. B:390-91; ILCHIB:5a-5b). 29. AMINI. 173. 177. 1791AHSAN A:582-83. This interpretation is thus at complete variance with that ofMinorsky 1957:41. n. 2. 30. Fars was in and oUt of the hands of Mansur Beg Purnak (t 1498/903) and his son Qasim Beg (t 1501/907) for nearly a quarter of a century. During the relatively unbroken period ofPurnak rule from 1486 to 1501/891-9°7, Shiraz rivaled Tabriz politically. economically, and culturally (see. e.g.• AMINI. 228. 341; HABIB, 4:443 ff.; ILCHIB:5a-5b; AHSAN A:631, B:Ilff.; AHLI. 470-71; FIGHANI. 180-81; Aubin 1971:4, 15). Arabian Iraq was also ruled by a branch of the Purnak for at least fifteen years: first by Shah-'Ali from before 1483/888 until his death in 1491/896. and then by his son Barik Beg until the Safavid conquest in 1508/914 (e.g .• BIDLISI. 2:144b; HABIB. 4:436-37. 491-93). Gulabi Beg Mawsillu controlled Erzincan from before 1486/891 until his death in 1491/896. at which time he had been independent from Tabriz for more than two years (TKS E. 8569. 10736; ANON SYR. I). On his building activity there. see ERZiNCAN. 75.224-25,228.235-37 and SOZEN. 84. no-n. 164-65. Finally. GOLSENi, 288 ff. and other sources indicate a clear Mawsillu predominance in Amid. Ruha, Siverek. and other centers of Diyar Bakr. 31. See TMEN, 1:225-27. under qushighul-tama. 32. AMINI, 217. Baysunghur was the son of Ya'qub and Gawhar-Sultan Khanum, daughter of the Sharvanshah Farrukhyasar (LUBB, 224). 33. On the Hurmuz attack ca. 1485/890, see MUNSHA'AT, 41b. 48a, 52a; AMINI, 228; TEIXEIRA, 43-44. According to BUDAQ, 273b. in AMINI, 452, the transfer of Sufi Khalil was engineered by Qazi 'Isa, an act for which he was later to pay with his life. AHSANA:615 mentions the intervening governorship of"Qazi Beg," but I have not been able to identify this individual. 34. AMINI, 228-29. Sufi Khalil had previously served in this capacity briefly from 1477/881 to 1478/882 under Uzun Ha~an (AMINI, 340; see also JAMI: 636a). 35. Siege artillery was employed to great effect on the Georgian front: Ya'qub's personal
Notes to Chapter 5 ~
271
campaign against Akhaltsikhe and Atsqur inl48s/890 (AMINI, 221, 222. 224; ABIVARDI. 51 and esp. 52), and Sufi Khalil's capture ofTiflis and Kojori in 1489/895 (AMINI, 342. 344. 345). The casting of one large and twelve smaller cannons for the latter expedition is mentioned in an intelligence report to the Ottoman sultan, TKS E. 5943 (Woods 1979). Earlier. in 1481/885, SAYRAFI. 494. reports that the Aqquyunlu had captured cannon and other war materiel from the Mamluks at Eski Malatya. 36. ABIVARDI considered Tabriz along with Cairo. Istanbul. and Harat one of the "Four Thrones." 37. Only two European embassies to Ya'qub's court are recorded, both in 1485/890: a Venetian mission headed by Giovanni Dario and a Hungarian delegation (BERCHET. xvii-xviii). Unfortunately, the content of these diplomatic exchanges is not known. It is clear, however, from its resurgence in the time of Shah Isma'it that the idea of an IranianEuropean alliance against the Ottomans had not died; see, e.g., Palombini 1968:38ff. At the same time, official Aqquyunlu diplomatic correspondence with the Ottomans increasingly refers to their ghazi role against the Franks, a practice virtually absent in Uzun Hasan's time. See, e.g., FERiDUN; 1:297, 309, 316, 330lASNAD A:609, 616, 639, 646; and AMINI, 387. 38. On this alliance, see NIMDIHI, 564b. AHSAN A:624-25. preserves what appears to be a copy of the treaty between Farrukhyasar and Ya'qub in which the Sharvanshah agrees to present himself on call for military service and to remit the sum of 5,000 Tabrizi tumans in tribute annually. This treaty seems to have been honored by both sides equally: for example, prior to 1483/888, Ya'qub cooperated in expelling a Sharvani political fugitive from Aqquyunlu t~rritories (TKS E. 3160). The combined Aqquyunlu-Sharvani military operations against Shaykh Haydar Safavi in 1488/893 may also be mentioned in this connection. But in a letter writren in early 14841889 by Farrukhyasar to Bayezid II, the Sharvanshah complains of the destruction of some of his lands committed-according to the heading of the letter-by Ya'qub's men (TAJI. 42-44). Since it is difficult to square this information with what is known of Aqquyunlu-Sharvani relations, it is possible to hypothesite that Farrukhyasar may in fact have been referring to the depradations of Ya'qub's cousin and brother-in-law, Shaykh Haydar, and the Safavid forces during their first expedition to Circassia. 39. On the Caspian littoral in general and its political complexity, see Rabino 1928 and 1949· 40. See chapter 4 for the vassal states ofUzun Hasan's empire. During the Khurasan adventure of 1469-71/873-75, Sari and Amul were briefly annexed to Sultan-Khalil's domains. After the peace settlement and the return of Astarabad to Sultan-Husayn Bayqara, Mazandaran again assumed a vassal status vis-a-vis Tabriz (DIYAR, 547). 41. The source of the tribute figures is Zahir al-Din Mar'ashi (G/LAN, 375-76, TABAR/STAN. 314). The market value is calculated on the ba~is of inalclk 1966:212, 213; and Hinz 1955:15, 18-19. For the transit duties paid at Erzincan, see QANUNS. xlv, 182-83. 42. GlLAN, 443-44. According to Mar'ashi, Ya'qub's collection agent Ibrahim-Shah Beg Bayramlu actually intended to establish himself as independent ruler of Sari before he was killed on 24 April 14831I6 Rabi' I 888. 43. GlLAN, 451-52, 457-58, 460-69; AMINI. 238-46; KHANI, 20-23. Mirza 'Ali never openly revolted against Ya'qub, who is referred to as padshah and padshah-i Islam (GlLAN, 457,460,469). It was rather his abetring of'Abd ai-Karim II that nearly involved him in a direct military confrontation with the Aqquyunlu.
272 ...."... Notes to Chapter 5
Notes to Chapter 5"""'" 273
44. AMINI, 30S-II, 387. In 1488/893, Aqa Rustam Ruzafzun of Savadkuh was appointed governor of Mazandaran, but the following year fiscal responsibility for the area
vented his troops occupying Tabriz from vandalizing the Hasht Bihist (see KrrzlOglU 1976:186-87). In 1585/993, the Hasht Bihist Palace was converted into a fortress by another Ottoman army of occupation (SHARAF, 2:275). 54. GHISTELE; 278: "eenen ersche paradyse dan woonsten yii menssche." See also ROMANO A:448-50, B:176-77; AHSAN A:627; SEYAHATNAME, 2:255; and Wilbur 1979:87. 55. RAWZAT, 1:524: "Under [Aqquyunlul rule, Tabriz was extremely prosperous. Among the works of this dynasty are fine and beautiful buildings, including mosques, colleges, gardens, and baths." Note the following references to other Aqquyunlu monuments in Tabriz: baths (GHISTELE, 276); bazzazistan and qaysariya (GHISTELE, 275-76; ROMANO A:446-47, B:171-72; HAFT, p08; AHSANA:568); markets and shops (CONTARINI A:597, B:127; GHISTELE, 276, 289); Maqsudiya (RAWZAT, 1:527; SEYAHATNAME, 2:250; TABRlZ, 88, 90); Hasan Padishah's canal (TABRlZ, 35-6); colleges of Sultan Hasan and Sultan Ya'qub (SEYAHATNAME, 2:250). See MASHKUR, 740-51, for a list of the Aqquyunlu buildings in Tabriz. 56. See AHLI, 435-36, 437-39,513-16,575-77,798-821; and FIGHANI for panegyrics addressed to Ya'qub. Sources for the literaty history of the Aqquyunlu include ALI-SHIR, TUHFA, and FUSAHA. For the Tabrizi origin of the Indian style, see Shibli 1955:3=22-23. For selections ofYa'qub's poetty, see SALATIN, 65-66; there is a copy of Qazi 'Isas Divan in Vienna (Mxt. 82, Flugel 603) and selections from it are included in AMINI, 352-55. See Losensky 1998. For scientific works composed under Ya'qub, see PL' , 212:78, 229. 57. In addition to the materials cited above, see also JAMI A:39-41, 45-46, 48-49, 797, 798, 819,842, B:294-95, 314-25. 58. On calligraphers at the Aqquyunlu court, see HUNARA:31-33, 42-46. 59. Welch 1972:U, 34-42; Gray 1979:215-47; Dickson and Welch 1981:17-26; <;:agman and Tanmdl1986:texts 87-88, illustrations 74-109; Soudavar 1992:127-45. 60. See, e.g., Kasravi 1956:303-9; Hodgson 1960:891; and especially Spuler 1960:77: "Though many episodes and aspects of the 'Black Sheep' and 'White Sheep' domination remain obscure, it is clear that the two Turcoman dynasties left no significant imprint on the Muslim civilization of the Near East. Apart from a certain number of architectural monuments, notably at Tabriz, they cannot be credited with any cultural achievement comparable with those of their Safavid and Ottoman successors or their Timurid or Mamluk contemporaries." 61. FERiDUN, 1:320-23/ASNAD A:646-52; ABIVARDI, 49-56; MAYBUDI, 2¥; AMINI, 218-25; ISFIZARl, 1:345; GOqENi, Il2-1}; BROSSET, 211:14, 210-U, 325-26. The dating of this ghaza is not completely certain. The Georgian sources report that Ya'qub's desecration of the Virgin of Atsqur took place on 25 September 1486126 Ramadan 891, but Bayezid II's reply to Ya'qub's foth-nama is dated early February 1486/Safar 891, indicating that the campaign must have occurred in 1485/890. Indeed, Khunji-Isfahani does not include the ghaza among the events of 1486/891. However, another problem is posed by the foth-nama in which Ya'qub claims that Akhaltsikhe fell on Friday, 8 Ramadan: in 1485/890, 8 Ramadan was a Sunday and in 1486/891 a Thursday. Here I have assumed that the date ofBayezid II's letter was copied correctly and have thus accepted the year 1485/890 as the correct date. With reference to the difficulties raised by Minorsky 1957:U5 on the use of firearms at Akhaltsikhe, I would like to poinr out that ABIVARDI's account of the siege mentions a breach caused by the artillery through which fire then spread into the inner castle. See now AMINI, translation, 99-100.
was assigned to 'Ali Mirza Kiyai. 45. See AMINI, 246--48 (ASNADA:381-85), 248-50 , 375, 387; MARVARID, 57 a-5 8b, 69a-70alASNAD A:386-87; JAMI A:57-59, 79-80; ISFIZARl, 1:345-54; HABIB,4: 175, 180, 350-51. 46. For Aqquyunlu-Manlluk relations, see TKS E. 5943; AMINI, 227-28 , 23 1-34, 386-87; IYAS, 3=180-81, 184, 189, 233; TULUN, I:l4, 80, 81. 47. On relations with the Onomans, see TKS E. 5829, 6470, 85 69, 10255; BERCHET, 150-53; DARIO, 124, 125; AMINI, 316-17, 387; FERiDUN, 1:294-99, 3c>8-19, 330-33,
368-701ASNAD A:594-660. 48. TKS E. 5943. A facsimile of this report is published in Tansel1966 as document xii; it should be dated prior to Sufi Khalil's campaign against Tiflis, late 1488-early 1489/early 894 (Woods 1979)· 49. TKS E. 1073 6 . Gulabi Beg Mawsillu, governor of Erzincan, acted on his own initiative in surrounding Karahisar; he withdrew at the urging of the queen-mother, Saljuqshah Begum. . 50. On the presence ofYa'qub's commercial agents in Bursa, see Inalclk 1966:212. In the Bursa .$eriat siciilcr. A 8/8 f. 33a, there is a reference dated 14911896 to the sale of 16 yuks of silk belonging to Ya'qub. Furthermore, TKS E. 10255, a list of gifts presented by Ya;qub's emissary to Bayezid II, demonstrates the importance of costly textiles in the relatiods between the twO powers as brocades, silks, and satins of Yazdi manufacture comprise the bulk ofYa'qub's offerings. As for rrade relations with the Mamluks, GHISTELE, 271-7 2, mentions considerable development of the Aleppo-Tabriz routes passing south of Lake Van in Ya'qub's time (compare, e.g., BARBARO A:530, B:51 and ROMANO A:439, B:161, on the city of Vustan or Gevili)' Finally, note Ya'qub's grant of personal immunity to twO sayyids clearly involved in commerce, dated 1486/891 (ZABIHl, 3Il-121 FARMANS A:8S-91). 51. HABIB, 4:432; and HAFT, 3:526. This anecdote is also quoted in Minorsky 1955:45 2. For descriptions of court ceremonies under Uzun Hasan, see BARBARO A:53 2-33, B:51-63; under Ya'qub, Dario in BERCHET, xvii-xviii, 150-53· 52. Details of the inauguration and endowment of the Nasriya are to be found in RAWLA.T, 1:91. Like all Aqquyunlu buildings in Tabriz, Uzun Hasan's tomb complex has virtually disappeared without a trace and is known today only through literary sources (but see the photograph in MASHKUR, 887). ROMANO A:451, B:I77, extols its magnificence and the beauty of its decoration at the beginning of the sixteenthltenth century. Though Hasan Rumlu speaks of its decay near the end of that century (AHSAN A:568), the Nasri~ was still one of the principal sights ofTabriz by all accounts (TEBRlZIYE, 32b-33a; Kanb <;:debi in tvtASHKUR, 6S-69; SEYAHATNAME, 2:249)· By the end of the nineteenthl thirteenth century, however, it had fullen into ruin (TABRlZ, 35-3 6 , 88, 90, 1I0). 53. On the Hasht Bihisht Palace, which lay in the midst of the 'Ishratabad Gardens, see th~ description in ROMANO A:447-48, B:I73-75. See also GHISTELE, 275; AMINI, 226; AHSAN A:622, 627; HAFT, p08; TEBiUZiYYE, 31a-31b; Qadi Muhibb ai-Din Muham~ mad Dimishqi in RAWZAT, 1:598-99. (For congratulatory messages on the completion of the palace from Sultan Husayn Bayqara and Jami, see MARVARID, 57a-5 8b and JAMI A:1I-12.) In the painting ofTabriz in MATRAK<;:i, 27a-28b, carried out in conjunction with Kanun! Suleyman's 15341941 expedition against the Safavids, the palace and gardens appear on 28a, lower center, next to the polo grounds. In 1548/955, Kanuni Suleyman pre-
274 ~ Notes to Chapter 5
Notes to Chapter 5 ~ 275
62. PAPAZIAN A:1:vi, 254-551 FARMANS A:92-93= "fatva-yi a'imma-yi din ma'ruz shud agar imam-i vaqt rahaban-i ghayr-i mukhalitin-ra az jizya mu'af va musallam darad shar'an mujaviz'ast." 63. AMINI, 71, refers ro Ya'qub as "khilafat-panahi imamat-dastgahi ziIl-i ilahi" (identical to DIYAR, 6, in reference to Uzun Hasan); see also AMINI, 38: "alihazrat-i khilafatmanqabat imamat-martabat padshah-i 'alam-panah." 64. SHUSHTARI, 347, also quoted in Minorsky 1957:3, n. 2: "ayzan manqul'ast kih az 'allami (Davani) pursidand imam-i zaman kist dar javab farmud kih agar az shi'a mipursid Muhammad bin aI-Hasan farzand-i payghambar-i akhir aI-zaman va agar az ahl-i sun nat va jama'at su'aI mikunid muguyand Sultan Ya'qub bin Hasan Beg Turkman va sawq-i in kaIam khali az istkhfafi bih 'aqida-yi ahl-i sunnat va jama'at nist." 65. JAM! A:12 (dated ca. 1486/891) and B:314-15 (dated ca. 1488/893). 66. MAYBUDI, 2Ib: "misl-i in padshah ba'd az khulafa-yi rashidin kam buda majma'i ra'aya dar 'ahd-i u kih muqaddama-yi Mahdi'st dar mahd-i jam'iyat asuda va farigh bashand." 67. AMINI. 163-67. Khunji-Isfahani's discourse on world years is difficult both to follow and to associate with the advent ofYa'qub, which he contends took place in [8]87, i.e., 1482. Could 887 possibly refer to Ya'qub's first year of "independence"? MAYBUDI, 40a, however, clearly considers the year 900, i.e., 1494-95, as the turn of the century. 68. AMINI, 51. As Minorsky 1957:50, n. I, points out, the Sharvanshah whose daughter was Baysunghur's mother claimed descent from the Sasanian kings. 69. See AMINI. 252, 355-56; LUBB, 222; BUDAQ, 272b; FARMANSA:95-106. 70. GOL~ENi, 120-21. 71. GD~ENi, 36-37, IlI-!2, 1I3-14. 72. Darvish Qasim's murder is reported independently in both RAWZAT, 1:92-95; and BARBARO. A: 573-74> B:99-101. 73. AMINI. 319-28. Jami wrote his allegorical tale of purification and redemption, Salaman uAbsal, in commemoration ofYa'qub's repentance (JAMI B:321). which indicates that the work was composed after 1488/893, not in 1480-81/885 as postulated in Hikmat 1941:19°. 74. AMINI. 419-20. 75. TKS E. 8321. 76. The rise of the Safavids in general and the rebellion of Haydar in particular occupy a central position in AMINI. 255-307. o.n Haydar's early career in Ardabil, see AMINI. 272-75. Secondary accounts include Hinz 1936:72-80; and Mazzaoui 1972:75. 77. SILSILAT, 103-4, contains a document issued by Haydar and dated August-September 1483/Rajab 888 reconfirming the rights of the descendants of Shaykh Zahid Gilani. 78. TAl, 1:42-44; AMINI. 276-77; AHSANA:6II-12. But see Hinz 1936:80. 79. BARBARO. A: 564-65 , B:89; AMINI. 278-79; AHSAN A:614-615. The sources do not concur on the date of Haydar's second raid (see Minorsky 1957:117-19). However, if Haydar visited Ya'qub in 1486-87/892, as stipulated in AMINI, their meeting must have taken place before 18 May 1487124 Jumada I 892, when the court left the capital for summer quarters (AMINI, 229, 233). It thus seems very likely that the date 1486/892 given by AHSAN possibly refers to the Year of the Horse, which began on II March 148615 Rabi' I 891 and ended on 10 March 14871I5 Rabi' I 892. 80. The defeat of the Aqquyunlu under Sufi Khalil by Constantine III, prince ofKartli, is not mentioned in AMINI; it is, however. artested by TKS E. 5943; AHSAN A:615-16; BRo.SSET, 2/r:14-15.
81. The major accounts of Haydar's rebellion are FERiDUN, 1:309-uIASNAD A:615-19; AMINI, 280-307; FUTU/fAT, 259a-6Ib; HABIB, 4:432-34; A~IK A:267-68; AHSANA:615-19; Ro.MANo.A:458-60, B:184-86 (incorrectly placed in the reign of"Alumut," i.e., Alvand); GDL~ENi, 194-95· 82. According to SHARAP, 2:133-34, Haydar's sons were first imprisoned on the island ofAkhtamar in Lake Van and were later transferred to the custody of Mansur Beg Purnak in Fars. With some curious modifications, this tradition also appears in Ro.MANo. A:460, B:187· 83. o.n Sufi Khalil Mawsillu's reconquest of Kartli, see AMINI, 340-49, and BRo.SSET, 2/r:14-16, 327-29. Again, note the following in connection with the hesitation expressed in Minorsky 1957:89, n. 2, and II5-16 on the Aqquyunlu use of firearms at Kojori and Tillis, TKS E. 5943 (intelligence report to Bayezid II. Woods 1979)· 84. TKS E. 5943 (Woods 1979): ANON SYR, xliX-I; SHARAP, 1:108-9, 146; QARAMANI, 338. Though Khunji-Isfahani does not directly mention this less than glorious exploit of his secondary patron Sulayman Beg Bijan, he notes that Sulayman Beg was busy with urgent affairs on the frontier on 2 April1489/r Jumada I 894 when his grandson Hasan was born to his daughter Begijan Khatun and Ya'qub (AMINI, 377-82) and that Ya'qub's cousin 'Ali b. Sultan-Khalil was promoted to the position of chief of staff formerly held by Sulayman Beg in summer 1489/Rajab-Shawwal 894 (AMINI, 385). Khunji-Isf.'lhani's chapter in praise of Sulayman Beg, however, indicates that Sulayman Beg was in Diyar Bakr when Ya'qub died in 1490/896 (AMINI, 59). The other narrative sources do not provide much assistance in establishing the chronology of this period; the date given in ANON SYR for Sulayman Beg's campaign (1796-99 of the Seleucid era, i.e., 1484-88/889-93) is too early, and QARAMANI speaks ofYa'qub's "conquest" of Diyar Bakr in 1489/894. The documentary evidence, however, affords the key to understanding these scattered chronicle references and allows us to place Sulayman Beg's expedition between the years 1489/894 and 1491/896. 85. AMINI. 355-56, 358: " ... jami'-i umur-i milki kih az mabadi-yi khuruj-i Changiz i1a aI-yawm az vufur-i ta'diyat-i qawm mukhatall gashta va saf-i zulal-i ahkam-i iman bi khadsha-yi kudurat-i Yasa-yi Changizkhani aghishta qazi-yi marhum mikhvast kih mutlaqan bar nasaq-i Shari'at-i ghurra va nahj-i millat-i zahra dayir bash ad ... murad-i u in'as[ kih ba'zi az umana-yi mulk va millat bih janib-i 'Iraq va Fars ravand va az abvab-i kifayat mablagh'i hasil namayand kih muvazi-yi mahsul-i tamghavat-i mamalik-i mahrusa kih mu'zam-i abvab al-mal-i mamlakat'ast tavanad bud ta ba'd az husul-i an vujuh-i kifayat az hazrat-a'ia iltimas-i bakhshidan-i tamghavat asan bashad chih vajh-i kifayat chun mawjud bashad an i1timas asian mardud nagardad va bih vasita-yi taraddud bidan nahv chunin zulm'i 'azim az safha-yi ruzgar mahv gardad." Qazi 'Isa's reforms have been discussed in detail in Minorsky 1955a:451-58. The paraphrase of the second part of the passage in Minorsky 1955a:452 conveys the essence of this text. while the translation in Minorsky 1957:92-93 is off the mark. 86. TMEN, 2:554-65. 87. TMEN, 1:351-53· 88. AMINI. 356-74, 390-418. 89. Hakim Shah-Muhammad Qazvini's Persian translation of ALI-SHIR, 310. 90. ANON SYR I. o.n the opposition ofUzun Hasan's officers to his proposal for abolishing the tamghavat, see GHIYATHI A:57, B:391-92. Ro.MANo. A:447, B:172-73> describes the tamghavat-farm of Tabriz, assessed in accordance with Uzun Hasan's qanun-nama in the early part of Shah Isma'il Safavi's reign. These taxes were not successfully
276 ~ Notes to Chapter 6 abolished until [565/972, nearly seventy-five years after Qazi 'Isa's death (MASHKUR, 208-JOIASNADC:22- 2 3; SHARAF, 2:225-26; D'ALLESSANDRI A:[74-75, B::U9, 226). 91. See Minorsky 1957:128. The sources for the twO versions ofYa'qub's death are as follows: natural-AMINI, 427-43; BIDUS!, 2:144a; ANON SYR, I; HABIB, 4:43 6 ; LUBB, 223; NUSAKH, 254; GOLSENi, 201-3; unnatural-FIGHANl, 60-68 (uncertain); ROMANO A:4S6-S8, B:183-84; HIMSI, 132a; IYAS, P96; AHBAB, 137; LARI, 23 0a; AHSAN A:626-27; TAl, 2:uH; BROSSET, 2!I:329; ARAKEL, 542. NIMDIHl, 588b, reportS both versions: "Some say he died of poison; others, of disease" (" ... va sabab-i rihlatash ba'zi tasmim guyand va ba':ti vaba ... "). 92. Khunji-lsfahani did not accompany the court into winter quarters, remaining in Tabriz from July [490/Ramadan 895 to January 149[/Rabi' I 89 6 . 93. According to NUSAKH, 254; and SHARAE 2:[27, Saljuqshah Begum died on 12 November 1490128 Dhu'I-Hijja 895 and was followed ten days later by her youngest son, Yusut~ on 22 November 1490/9 Muharram 89 6 . 94. HIMSI, [3 2a. 95. See, e.g., ROMANO A:456-58, B:183-84; and PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO A:390-')I, B:9 8-99· 96. AHSAN A:626-:q; TAl, 2:n8. The garbled version of ROMANO A:45 6-5 8, B: 18 3-84, actually predates the Safavid and Ottoman chronicles, but it is possible that both AHSAN and TAl are based on Kl;'MAL. in which the strong anti-Saljuqshah bias of Ughurlu Muhammad's family is reflected. 97. TULUN, 1:137· 98. FIGHANI, 61, 66. Minorsk-y 1957:128 singles out AMINI. 373: "vaqa'-yi haila-yi Hazrat-i Ala," a conventional expression meaning "untimely death," and far more significandy, A]vlINI, 391. See also MAVADD, 273: "sharbat-i zahr-i fana az saghar-i dawran chashid." 99. COLSENi, 201. 100. Compare A.lvlIN1, 440-42, with GOLSENi. 202.
6. DEVOLUTION AND THE NEW DISPENSATION 1. For Baysunghur's reign and the coups of Sufi Khalil Beg and Sulayman Beg, the major nmative sources are AHLI, 60-68; AMINI, 59-61; NIMDIHI, 589a-9 1b; BIDUS!, 2: 144b-145 b/ TAJ, 2:111-21; HABIB, 4:436-38; IYAS, p85; ANON SYR, I-Ii; KHANI, 30 -41; LUBB, 224- 2 5; ILCHI B:5b; NUSAKH, 254-55; BUDAQ, 274a-76b, in AMINI, 453- 60 ; AHSAN A:628-3 2; GOLSENi. 203-15, 218-20. See also Y1I1an~ 1944; and Minorsky 1957:113-142. Ya'qub had three sons, all of whom were alive at the time of his death. The eldest was Baysunghur, son of Gawhar Sultan Khanum bt. Farrukhyasar. The second, Hasan, son of Begijan Khatun bt. Sulayman Beg Bijan, was almost two, and the third, Sultan-Murad, second son of Gawhar-Sultan Khanum, was only an infant. 3. NIMDIHI, 589a-89b; BUDAQ, 27¥, in AMINI. 453-54, names ten princes who agreed to Baysunghur's accession. 4. HABIB, 4:442, mistakenly reportS that Ahmad b. Ughurlu Muhammad also escaped from the minions of Sufi Khalil Beg after the battle in Qarabagh and fled to Istanbul. In fact, he had been taken to the Ottoman capital after the death of his father in 14771882.
Notes to Chapter 6,..;;:y 277 GIESE ANON, 122, records Ahmad's marriage to Sultan Bayezid II's daughter in 1488:-89/894; and a ~ocument ~ublished in Gokbilgin 1951:37-38 mentions Ahmad's repairs to hiS rented house 111 Istanbul 10 1489-90/895. See also the chronogram in TAJI, 72. 5. BUDAQ, 273a-73b, in AMINI, 452-)3; see also Akhmedov 1967:15. For the verses written on this event by Kamal al-Din Bina'i, an eyewirness to the execution, see Akhmedov 1967:16 and Mirzoev 1976:72: Didam u-ra birahna [u] zar u na-zar, Kushta jitada bar sar-i bazar. 'Alami garcha [buvad] nukar-i u, An qadar kas [nabuvadl bar sar-i u Kih ravad bahr-i u kafon sazad, Baradash dar lahad vatan sazad. GOLSENi, 204, reports that Qazi 'Isa was charg:d with .being a member of the Ahl-i Haqq. ~. f>!USAKH, 254. AMINI, 372-74; and GULSENl, 239-41, emphasize the economic motIV~tlOns: ,:hen the news ofYa'qub's death reached Shiraz, Mansur Beg Purnak, govern.or of Fars, sel2ed Shaykh 'Ali Savaji, who had been sent by his brother Qazi 'lsa to supervise the cadasrral, surveys in connection with the resumption of the suyurghals. After tortunng Shaykh 'Ali and confiscating his wealth, Mansur Beg sent him to Tabriz, where he was cruCified. 7. AMINI. 369-74, GOLSENi, 239-41; ALI-SHIR, 310; AHSAN, 631. 8. FlGHANI, 60-69, distiches 1,074-1,078. 9. AMINI. 61, 380. 10. GULSENi, 204, 207. 11. For the partition proposal, see BUDAQ, 274b, in AMINI. 455. TKS E. 3129/FEKETE, doc. 27, indicates that Mahmud also sought support from an Ottoman prince, and this document echos the sentiments expressed in BUDAQ: "My father hoped to rule one day and such is my desire now." 12. For this rroubled period, see KHANI, 30-46, 52-59; LUBB, 225-26/ AHSANA:630, 638; BUDAQ, 275a-75b, in AMINI. 456-58 . . 13. F~r a~ e~ample of t~e frict!on between Sufi Khalil Beg and Sulayman Beg Bijan dunng Ya qub s reign, see GULSENI, 150-51, where the competition of both officers for the position of chief of staff is described. 14. NIMDIHI, 591a. BUDAQ, 275b, in AMINI, 458, dates these events to July-August.1491/Ramadan 896, and by October-NovemberlDhu'I-Hijja, the news of a great civil war 111 Aqquyunlu lands had reached Cairo (IYAS, p85). 15. See IYAS, p86; and Husayn's obituary in DAW, P56-57. ANON SYR, Ii, mentions a p~ace mission from Baysunghur and Sulayman Beg to al-AshrafQayitbay under the leadership of a KhvaF Hasan Mardini. 16. ~ile th~re was considerable hostility between Sufi Khalil Beg and the Khalvatiya order (GULSENI, 2031f.), the opposition to Sulayman Beg was much more widespread among various religious groups (AHSAN A:631; GOLSENi, 215). The role of the officers is described in detail in TKS E. 6474 in AMINI, 447-450, and BUDAQ, 275b-76a, in AMINI, 457-58. , . 17. NIMDIHI, 591a, claims that Sulayman Beg had advised Baysunghur to send Sidi 'Ali Purnak to release Rustam from A1injaq. 18. The major narrative sources for Rustam's reign are ANON SYR, lii-liii; BIDLISI, 2:144b-45b; KHANI, 57-61, 77-78, 88-9°, 101-3; FUTU/jAT, 262b-64a; HABIB,4:438-
278 ~ Notes to Chapter 6
Notes to Chapter6.~ 279
42; LUBB, 225-27; NUSAKH, 255, 262-63; BUDAQ, 277a-77b; AHSAN A:632-35, 638; B:2-3, II, 12-14, 15-16; KHULASAT, 42-45; GDLSENi, 2191f. 19. On Badi' a1-Zaman's invasions, which reached as far west as Varamin and Ray, see HABIB, 4:198-99; and LUBB, 2251AHSANA:638. 20. Most of the Safavid sources emphasize the decisive military role of Sultan-'Ali and the Safavid disciples in these struggles; the Aqquyunlu sources such as BIDLISI, 2:145a, do not mention the Safavids at all. 21. On Nur 'Ali's uprising in Diyar Bakr, his alliance with Sultan-Husayn Bayqara, his defeat by Qasim, and his flight to Egypt, see MARVARID, 55a-56b; ANON SYR, lii-liii; CHRONICUM, J:559-60; IYAS, J:302; LARI, 230b. According to these sources, Qasim b. Jahangir's conquest ofDiyar B~kr must have taken place in early spring 1494/Jumada II 899, not 1479/884 or 1491-921 897-99, as suggested by Minorsky in QASIM, 934-37. SultanHusayn Bayqara mentions revenge for the murder of Baysunghur and Rustam's alliance with the "godless infidels" as motives behind his proposed invasion. He may actually have been concerned about the danger posed by his sons Muhammad-Husayn and Abu Turab, in refuge at various Aqquyunlu courts (MARVARID, 65a-66aIASNAD A:413-15; HABIB, 4:216-17; BABUR, 166a; ILCHI A:469-70). 22. MARVARID, 51a-52a, 56b-57a; IYAS, P95; FERiDUN, I:329-30IASNAD A:675-79· 23. FIGHANI, 53-57; MAVADD, 463. After Ya'qub's death, the poet Ahli devoted many panegyrics to the Purnak governors of his native Shiraz (AHLI, 416-17, 439-40, 466- 67,470-71,473-74, 576). For more on Rustam's titles, see HUNARFAR, 359, for Sidi 'Ali Purnak's 1496-97/902 inscription in Isfahan. 24. LUBB, 2251AHSANA:15-16; and BUDAQ, 277b. For documentary evidence, see PAPAZIAN A:l:vii; APCA:142, B:5-6; RUSTAM A; FARMANS, 108-11. 25. RUSTAMBIFARMANS, 132-38; and APCA:139-41. 26. GDqENi, 227-36, mentions Sayyid 'Abd a1-Vahhab Tabataba'i, Shaykh ai-Islam ofTabriz, and Sayyid Muhammad Kamuna, chief sayyid of Arabian Iraq, in addition to Shaykh Ibrahim Gulshani and the amir ai-hajj Arnir Zakariya Baghdadi, a descendant of 'Abd ai-Qadir Gilani. 27. Sayyid Ibrahim's cooption by the Aqquyunlu is mentioned in HABIB, 4:442: "After several months, Sayyid Ibrahim desired to return. He removed the twelve-gored Haydarian crown, symbol of the spiritual and secular power of the dynasty, and placed a skullcap upon his blessed head in the fashion of the Aqquyunlu Turkmens. He then set out for Ardabil." BUDAQ, 277a; and KHULASAT, 44, however, claim he accompanied Isma'il into exile in Gilan. The clash in which Sultan-'Ali was killed apparently occurred in July-August 1494Shawwal 899 (BUDAQ, 277a) , i.e., after the winter of 1493-94Rabi' I-Jumada II 899, though the dates 1493/898 (HABIB, 4:441; LUBB, 226, 240; NUSAKH, 263; KHULASAT, 73> 76) and 1495/900 (AHSAN B:2-3) are also given. In summer 1493/Sha'banDhu'I-Qa'da 898, Ayba-Sultan was busy with the recapture of Qazvin from the Gilanis (LUBB, 225-26IAHSAN A:638; KHANL 57-59), and it is indeed possible that Hasan Rumlu was in fact listing the martyrdom of Sultan-'Ali under the solar Turki year Bars (II March 1494-10 March 1495) rather than the lunar Hijri year 900 (2 October 1494-20 September 1495). 28. SHARAP, 1:390*,396-97. SharafKhan Bidlisi asserts that the Aqquyunlu had ruled Bitlis for twenty-nine years when it was retaken by his cousin Shah-Muhammad. However, the city was captured by Sulayman Beg Bijan in 1473/877 (i.e., direct Turkmen control of Bitlis at the most lasted twenry-two years).
29. AHSANB:II, 12-13. In addition to showing the power of the Purnak clan both at court and in the provinces, as well as the corruption and venality of Rustam's administration, this episode furnishes important evidence that governorships were not as yet hereditary "fiefs" (cf. Petrushevsky 1949:145-46). Mansur Beg's recall and Qasim Beg's coup d'etat took place in 1494-95/900 and 1495-96/901. For further confirmation of these dates, see AHLI, 561, whose chronogram on the death of Mansur Beg's deputy Shah-Quli Beg in 1494-95/900 marks Qasim Beg's rise to power. Mansur Beg himse1flingered on for several years, finally dying in March 1498/Rajab 903 (AHSANB:20; AHLI, 470-71). 30. On Da'i Qasim's buildings in Mardin and Amid, see GABRIEL, 1:33-J?; MARDiN, U6-18, 123, 124; BEYSANOGLU, 127; and SOZEN, 91-95, II9-29, 160-61. His coins, moreover, bear titles such as "the just sultan" (RABINO, 134); some were counterstruck by Rustam, indicating that Da'i Qasim had arrogated sovereign privileges while Rustam was still alive (LANE-POOLE, 8:no. 35, 15, n. I7). See also QASIAfIT-ARMANS, 113-16; and FERiDUN, 1:302-95. 31. Several of the narrative sources emphasize the reluctance ofBayezid II ro let Ahmad embark on this Iranian adventure; BIDLISI, 2:145a, even claims that Ahmad left Istanbul without Bayezid's blessings ("he fled across the Bosphorus"). However, Bayezid's letter to the Bayandur chiefs (FERiDUN, 1:332IASNAD A:685-86) indicates the Ottoman sultan's full knowledge and complicity in the undertaking. According to AHSANB, *Husayn Beg 'Ali-Khani traveled to Istanbul and played a major role in convincing both Bayezid and Ahmad of the feasibility of the enterprise. The Italian sources also mention Ahmad's "election" as king of Persia (SANUTO, 1:644-45; this news reached Istanbul on 4 May 149712 Ramadan 902). But the Persian chronicles do not tally with the documentary evidence on the question of when this election actually took place. According to LUBB, 227IAHSANB:13, the Tabriz khutba was given in Ahmad's name on 3 May 1497/1 Ramadan 902, while Rustam's rescript of 29 Mayh7 Ramadan shows that he was still in control of the capital on that date (RUSTAM A). The chronology of the military operations is also confusing: HABIB, 4:442 and AHSANB:14 indicate that Rustam was captured and killed in a single clash with the forces of Ahmad, but other sources record two battles with Rustam's execution after the second in early July/Dhu'I-Qa'da (NUSAKH, 225). If, as appears likely, the fWo-battle version is correct, Ahmad's foth-nama to Bayezid probably commemorates the first victory (FERiDUN, 1:333-35IASNAD A:687-92), the news of which also reached Venice on 17 Julylr7 Dhu'l-Qa'da (SANUTO, 1:844-45). 32. The short and tumultuous rule of Kaducha or Govde Ahmad b. Ughurlu Muhammad has been treated in two excellent articles, Petrushevsky 1949:148-52 and Minorsky 1955a:458-61. In addition to the sources utilized by Petrushevsky and Minorsky (i.e., HABIB, 4:442-43; LUBB, 227-28; NUSAKH, 255-56; AHSAN B:14-15, 16-17, '9-20; SHARF, 2:130-31; LARI, 230b, I have collated details from RABINO, NIMDIHI, 596a-96b; BIDLISI, 2:145b-46al TAl, 2:123-24; BUDAQ, 277b; and Ahmad's rescript in APCB:6-7, 9. 33. NUSAKH, 255: ''Ahmad Beg khvast ta bih tariq-i Rum minhaj-i 'adl bashad"; and SHARAR 2:130: ''Ahmad irada namud kih bih adab va qanun-i AI-i 'Usman 'amal namayad." 34. For the most detailed and comprehensive statement of Ahmad's economic policies, see HABIB, 4:443: "ra'aya va muzari'an-ra bih tamhid-i qava'id-i 'adalat navid dada rayat-i Shari'at-parvari barafrakht va farman farmud kih ziyada az ancha bih hasb-i Shar'-i sharif mutavajjih-i arbab-i dihqanat bashad vuzara' [val divaniyan yak dinar va yak bar bar hich afarida'i havala nadadand va tamami-yi tava'if-i insani-ra az takalif-i divani mu'af danista
280
~ Notes to Chapter 6
bih ikhrajat va shaltaqat kasi-ra nayazarand amma raqam-i ibtal bar muqarrariyat-i arbab-i suyurghal kashid va nishan-i mu'afi az ashab-i 'amayim-ra i~za narasanid." (Petru~hevsky 1949: 151, n. 38, tollows the Bombay edition of HABIB in readmg ras~m~for narasamd) The document dated 29 September 1497/r Safar 903, published by Aubin m APC~:6-7' ho,:ever, shows that Ahmad was still signing immunities and that non-IslamiC leVies were snll being collected kss than three months be~ore his ~eath..". , 35. While LUBB, 228, notes the 'lack ot enthUSiasm (swtt) of Ahmads ar~y, BIDLlS\, 2:14 6a , gives the most graphic account of the actions of the Turkmen am,lfS: " ... va an-ra ancha shart-i mardanagi bud dar ma'raka-yi karzar bih Jay avard va umara va lashkariyan-i Ahmad-Khani dar yamin va yasar 'inan-i mardana~i-ra k:shidand va mutlaqan az an jama'at bih imdad va_ taqviyat Sultan ~m~d narasld~?d. Sc: also ~HLI, 473-74, tor the commemoration ot Qaslm Beg Purnaks vICtory over Sultan-I Rum. 36. The major narrative sources for this period are NIMDIHI, 597a-602a; BIDLlSI, 2:14 6b ; HABIB, 4:443-45; KHANI, 97-98; LUBB, 227-3 0 ; NUSAKH, 256-57; ILCHi, B:6b; BUDAQ, 277b-78a, 284b-87b; AHSANB:17-18 , 20-22, 24-25. 37. For more details on the rivalry between Qasim Beg Purnak and Mansur Beg Afshar, see NIMDIH\, 597b-9 8a . . . 38. HABIB, 4:444-45, indicates that Alvand's second enthronement m Ta~~lz m~y have been the work of forces hostile to Qasim b. Jahangir. The fact that the Qutlu Id latif. a descendant of Pir 'Ali and hereditary lord of the Kigi region, rather than Qasim bec~e Alvand's vakil underlines the continuing conflict between the rulers of the steppes of Dlyar ., . Bakr and the highlands of Arminiya discussed in chapter 3· 39. BIDLlSI. 2:146a; LUBB, 230; and NUSAKH, 256, mention the amlr.s freemg of Sultan-Murad from Rubandar or Ru'indiz near Maragha, where he had been ~ncarcerated by Ayba-Sultan. HABIB, 4:444, however, claims that S~ltan~Murad took part m the Battle of'Azizkandi, fleeing after the death of Ayba-Sultan. Fmally, AHSANB:24 contends that Guzel Ahmad and Farrukhshad approached Sultan-Murad in Tabriz. 40. The economic disruption and social dislocation brought about by the confedera~e clan wars is emphasized in both Safavid (LUBB, 23 1; NU~li: 25 8) and non-Safa~ld (BIDLlSI, 2:146a-46b) narrative sources. Concerning the negotiations between..rhe par,~les of Alvand and Sultan-Murad, LUBB, 230; and NUSAKH, 257, speak simply of people. or "the righteous" as mediators, but in HABIB, 4:446; and AHSAN B:25 the mystenous dervish Baba Khayr Allah Abhari settles the dispute. 41. See, however, AHSAN B:62, where nine "independent" rulers in the former Aqquyunlu imperial lands are listed in 15°1-2/9°7-8: ls~a'il Safavi in~arbayjan; Sultan-Murad b. Ya'qub in Persian Iraq; Murad b. Dana Khalil Baya~dur. 111 YaW; Ab~ al-Fath b. Bayazid Bayandur in Kinnan; Qasim b. Jahangir Bayandur 111 Dlyar B~kr; Bank ~~g ~ur nak in Arabian Iraq; Rais Muhammad Kara Lur in Abarquh; Husayn Kiya Chula~11I1 S.~ nan, Khvar, and Firuzkuh; Qazi Muhammad Kashi and Mawlana Mas'ud Bldgull 111 Kashan. . 42. A case in point is the struggle for control of the key commercial city ofShlraz, a~ajor link in the Indian Ocean-Black Sea,.-Mediterranean Sea trade network. (The followmg account is based on HABIB, 4:446; AHSANB:62, 69, 72-73; LUBB, 23 1, 243; NUSAKl!' 25 6 ,268.) After signing the Treaty of Partition, Sultan-Murad b: Ya'qub wintered in Qazv111 (1500-150l/mid-906). Suspecting treachery on the part of Qaslm Beg Purnak, governo,r of Shiraz, Sultan-Murad made his way to Fars in summer 1501/late 906-e~ly 90 7. On I September 150111 7 Safar 9°7, Sultan-Murad had Qasim Beg arrested and hiS property confisc
Notes to Chapter 6 ~
281
cated, thus ended the quarter-century ofPurnak domination in Fars. Between this date and Shah Isma'ii's entry into the city two years later, Shiraz charrged hands at least eight times: Sultan-Murad (September 150l-March 1502/Safar-Ramadan 907); Ya'qub Jan b. Dana Khalil Bayandur (March-August 1502/Ramadan 907-Safar 908); Abu al-Fath b. Bayazid Bayandur (August 1502-February 1503/Safar-Sha'barr 908); Shaykh-Hasan and Mahmud, sons ofKusa-Haji Bayandur (FebruaryISha'ban); and from 9 February 1503/nSha'ban 908 until Shah Isma'ii's conquest on 25 August 150312 Rabi' I 909, Shiraz was held successively by Shaykh-'Ali b. Dana Khalil Bayandur, Ughuz or Ughur Muhammad Beg, Shaykh-Hasan Bayandur, and Ya'qub Jan Bayandur. Other urban centers, such as Yazd, Kirman, and Abarquh, also underwent similar periods of political upheaval (BIDLISI, 2:146b; AHSANB:54, 69; NUSAKH, 269). 43. For the early stages of lsma'ii's career, I have used FUTUljAT, 3a-31a; HABIB, 4:446-63; LUBB, 240-42; NUSAKH, 264-66; TAKMILAT, 36ff.; BUDAQ, 284aff.; AHSANB:26-36, 41-47; KHULASAT, 46ff.; SANUTO, 4:487-89; and ROMANO A:460-64, B: 187-9 0 . 44. Although according to Falsafi 196p, lsma'ii's capture ofTabriz is said to have occurred on II March 150212 Ramadan 907, the precise date of this event has never been satisfactorily established. The year 907 (1501-2) does indeed appear in most of the narrative sources: LUBB, 242; NUSAKH, 226; TAKMILAT, 39; AHSAN A:618, B:60-61; KHULASAT, 72-730 wirh the exception of FUTUljAT, 31b; and HABIB, 4:467, which indicate that Tabriz passed under Qizilbash control "in [the days of] 906," i.e., before 17 July 1501. The terminus a quo for Isma'il's Azarbayjan campaign is furnished by arr anonymous Venetian observer who mentions hearing of Isma'il's march against Alvand in August 150l/Muharram-Safar 907 (SANUTO, 4:192) while a terminus ad quem is provided by a reference to a foth-nama that reached Muhammad-Husayn Timuri in Astarabad in March-April 1502/Ramadan 907 (lLCHI A:472). Moreover, all the above-cited narrative sources concur that Shah Isma'il wintered (150I-2/mid-907) in the Aqquyunlu capital. Therefore, the date proposed in this study seems more likely than that suggested by Falsafi. See also ROMANO A:463-65, B:190-92. 45. FUTUljAT, 33a-34a; HABIB, 4:467-68; AHSANB:63-64; LUBB, 243; NUSAH, 267; TAKMILAT, 41; KHULASAT, 74. It was probably after this second defeat that Alvand wrote to Bayezid II complaining about the disuniry of the Bayandur "sultans" in general and about the lack of cooperation on the parts of his cousin "Mir" Murad and his uncle Qasim "Beg" in the face of the Qizilbash threat in particular (FERiDUN, 1:351-521ASNAD A:703-5). See also SANUTO. 4:431-32, 487-89. The first dispatch written by Nicolo Prioli in Cyprus on 7 September 1502/4 Rabi' I 908, refers to Shah Isma'il's march to "Passi" (Pasin?) on the farthest confines ofUzun Hasan's kingdom. The first, written two days later in Pera, mentions Bayezid II's sending the governor-general ofAnatolia and do jioli of Uzun Hasan against the "Sophi." 46. FUTUljAT, 35a-39b; HABIB, 4:469-73; AHSANB:64-68; KHANi, 148; LUBB, 243; ILCHIC:9a-IOa;.NUSAKH, 257, 267-68; TAKMILAT, 41-2; KHULASAT, 75-80. According to FJi, 5:20, Alma-Qulaq is on or near the Qizil-Uzan River, 50 kilometers west of Bijar arrd 165 kilometers northwest of Hamadan. See also SANUTO, 5:196-97 (report of Morati Angurioto recently returned to Cyprus from Tabriz, dated 26 August 1503/3 Rabi' I 909); and ROMANO A:465-66, 471, B:192-94, 199: he confuses the Battle of Alma-Qulaq with the Safavid conquest of Baghdad in 15°8/914. 47. On Isfahan, see ROMANO A:471, B:199; FUTUljAT, 40b-41a; HABIB, 4:473; ILCHIC:lob. Yazd and Kirman were abandoned by their Bayandur governors, who sought
282 ~
Notes to Chapter 6
refuge in Sultan-Husayn Bayqara's court in Harat (FUTU/fAT, 41b-44b; HABIB, 4:257; BABUR, I75b-76a; LUBB, 246; NUSAKH, 268, 269; TAKMILAT, 43, 44; AHSANB:70; KHULASA.~ 84-86). ~azd was reconquered by Shah Isma'i1 in 1504-5/910 along with several other cItIes of Peman Iraq held by rebellious local governors. 48. On Alvand's takeover in Diyar Bakr. see the brief references in FUTUHAT. 3 . HABIB, NUSAKH, 257; TAKMILAT, 45; AHSANB:87; and 'the [uti:; treatment III GOL~ENI. 272ff. TKS E. 6392 is a Turkish summary translation of a letter f~om Alvand to the Ottoman prince Sultan-Ahmed b. Bayezid concerning the successful resistance ofr.'usa~n Kiya Chulavi ofFiruzkuh against the Qizilbash army sent to subjugate Rustamdar III .winter 1503-4/mid-909 (see . e... g nn UAB'TB . . . 1 . , 4'475 • - 76) • Th e eyewitness account of Arnlr Beg Mawsdlus capture of Alvand in 1507/913 found in ROMANO A:469-70. B:197-98. is not corroborated by any other source. and it is possible that the capt~red ~rince was in fact Zaynal b. Ahmad b. Ughurlu Muhammad. Alvand is last mentioned III a report by the Venetian consul in Damascus dated 2 October 1504/22 Rabi' II 910 (SANUTO.6:no). 4~. On the elevation ofZaynal b. Ahmad. the Zu'l-Qadr irruption. and the ascendancy of ~I~ Beg Mawsillu. see TKS E. 6367/ ZQ FATH-NAMA and GDL~ENi. 288-303. For the Qlzllbash conquest of Diyar Bakr. see. e.g .• SANUTO. 7:166-67; ROMANO A:46770. B:195-98; FUTU/fAT, 63a-68a; HABIB, 4:485-90; AHSANB:92-96; SHARAp'I:18182. 245-46. 251. 264-65. 408-9; 2:143-44: GDL~ENi. 303-13. 50. ROMAN? A:471-72, BI99-200; FUTU/fAT, 68a-70b; HABIB 4:491-92; AHSANB:103-4. HaJl-Rustam <;:emi~gezeki's answer to Bayezid II's inquiry about the Bayandurs, moreover. refers to the massacre of the Purnak in Baghdad (FERiDUN . 53/ASNADA:7U). • 1.353
4:~69; ~UBB ~32;
51. Sultan-Murad arrived in Aleppo on 16 November 1508122 Rajab 914 (SANUTO. 8:80; see ~so SANUTO. 6:710-n). Barik Beg Purnak reached Cairo on embassy to Qansuh al-Ghawn on I January 1509/9 Ramadan 914 (IYAS. 4:143-44) and remained there until February-MarchlDhu'I-Qa'da (IYAS. 4=146). TKS E. 3149, a copy of a letter from the Mamluk governor of Aleppo to Bayezid II. refers to the Right of Barik Beg Purnak from Syria to Ottoman territory. 52. TKS E. 7680; ASNAD B:72; LUBB, 232; NUSAKH, 257: AHSANB:150-51. 53. TKS E. 9684. Sultan-Murad's letter to an Ottoman official, mentions the favors personally shown him by Bayezid II. ~~. TKS E. 7680. a report by the Ottoman governor of Sivas. contends that Shah Isma d sent Sultan-Murad a Safavid crown. 55. TKS E. 5591, 5842, 6556. 8303. 8315. 12060; FERiDUN. 1:392/ASNADB:180. 56. According to NUSAKH, 257. Sultan-Murad's head reached Shah Isma'il in Tabriz on 30 November 1514h2 Shawwal 920. 57. KHULASAT,!33. 58. ABBASI: 804 •. 1009; MUFIDJ, 3:472-77. 661-62. As early as 1530/936. the Bayandur are mentioned III the account of a military review. where they are listed as a subbranch of the new Turkmen confederate clan created by the Safavids to absorb the old Aqquyunlu confederates. It is unlikely. however. that the Aqquyunlu ruling dispensations were represented in this group (KHULASAT, 201). Other Bayandurs were settled near Kirmanshah in the eighteenth/twelfth and nineteenth/thirteenth centuries. but their genealogy i.s also unkno,,:,n (BUSTAN, 161; FUSAHA, 3:319-20). Members of the Bayandur clan continued to hold Important diplomatic and military posts in the Pahlavi period (Minorsky
Notes to Chapter 6 ~ 2 83 1933: 20 • n. 8; Arfa 1965:297-98) and an Imperial Iranian Navy corvette was named for Admiral Bayandur. who had scuttled the Iranian Reet in 1941 rather than allowing it to fall into British hands (Blackmon 1966:135). 59. On Farrukhshad and his sons, see AHSANB:24; SHARAR 1:[65-66 ; TAj.2:255-5 6 ; MIR'AT, [6-22; PE<;:Evi, 1:[55; GDqENi. 95-97; MARDiN, 6r. 65-6 7. 68; Gokbilgin 1951:38-39. TKS E. 3140 , 8315. and 9614 are letters written either to or about Farrukhshad. For his buildings in the Bayburt area. see ERZiNCAN. 243-45; ERZURUM. 2)2-54, and SOZEN. 96-99. 130-32, 145. 162. Seiim wrote to Farrukshad's son Muhammad on the eve of the Battle of Chaldiran. and this letter is preserved in FERiDUN, 1:3RI-82IASNAD B:151-52. 60. Interviewed by Abdiirrahim ~erefBeygu (ERZURUM, 25 1). 61. Akkoyunlu 1992:table, 236. 62. BIDUSI, 2:146b. 63. BIDUSI, 2:IIa. 64. FERiDUN, 1:281-82IASNADB:I5 1-5 2. 65. AMINI 443 and ROMANO (A) 463-64. (B) 190-91. Family vengeance appears to have been one of the major motive forces of Isma'il's personality as reRected in his poetry (Minorsky 1942:1025a; and KHATA'I, poems 16. 94, 105. 171, erc.). For another view of these actions. see Roux 1973· 66. LUBB, 247IAHSANB:88. 67. ROMANO A:470, B:198. 68. Under the leadership of the Mawsillu, the Turkmen uymoq included the Bayandur, Doger, Hajilu. and Purnak; see appendix B. In contrast, the Qaraquyunlu formed a disrinct subgroup in the Safavid system (QIZILBASHAN; DON JUAN A:65-66). One notable exception to this suppression of the Aqquyunlu paramount clan is furnished by a certain Qasim Bayandur, lord of Zanjan in 1524/930, who led the modest life of a countty gentleman with his hawks and his hounds under the early Safavi rulers (TENREIRO, 26-2 7). 69. The Turko-Mongol demographic "wave" theories ofMinorsky-Slimer imply continuity in the tribal components of the two states. For specific examples of this phenomenon, see Afshar and especially Mawsillu in appendix B. Continuity in the Tajik bureaucracy has been masterfully demonstrated in Aubin 1959· 70. Contrast such efforts made in the name of the Qaraquyunlu ruling house in Kirman in 1479/884 and in Golconda in 1512/918. 71. KHULASAT 36: " ... an hazrat arshad awlad-i Sultan Junayd va khvaharzada-yi Hasan Padshah; azin du jihat anvar-i saltanat va hidayat az nasiya-yi humayunash zuhur dasht ...." 72. ISMA IL, 68a-b. 73. For references to the marriage ofYa'qub's daughter to Isma'il, see Hinz 193 6 :9 2 .
74. NUSAKH, 269; TAKMILAT, 44· 75. See especially Aubin 1970 . 76. Said by Shah Isma'il of Shaybani Khan Uzbek in a foth-nomd to ai-Ashraf Qansuh al-Ghawri (ASNAD B:94). Shah Isma'il's statement echoes that of Malik Mu'izz ai-Din Pir Husayn Muhammad Kart nearly 250 years earlier, quoted in chapter I. 77. See Glassen 1971:64-66. However, in n. 20, p. 64, she mistranslates the important passage in TAKMILAT, 38: " ... parvanajat-i mushtamala bar istihzar-i muntaziran-i zuhurian a'lahazrat kih 'muqaddima-yi zuhur-i sahib-i zaman'ast' bihar janib raft," a valuable insight into the secret doctrines of the Safaviya and the methods used to propagate them. Is it
284 .~ Notes to Appendix A
Notes to Appendix A .~ 285
possibk that KHATA'I, poem 252, formed the text of these announcements: "Zaminlerde zamanlarda salah a1-khayr muqaddamdlr /I Feleklerden meleklerden hezaran merhaba geldi ... "? 78. ROMANO A:"77-78, B:206: Minors!...]' 1942:1026a; KHATA'I, poems 6, 16, 19, 20, 207, 252, etc. 79. According to ILCHIC:3a, Isma'il was born clutching a blood clot, symbol of the violence of his career, Compare the birth legends of Changiz Khan and Timut. See also Aubin 1970 : 2 37. 80. KHATA'l, poems 198, 259, etc. 81. See A.SNAD B:lOl, 108; and HUNARFAR, 86-87. 82. AHSANB:42, 47. See also ASNADC:22-23.
ing, otherwise it will devolve upon my second son Ay,'" but this is later modified in RASHID B:£ 601b: "The sovereigns [padshahanl of the Oghuz have come from five sons: Qayi, Yazir, Eymur, Afshar, and Begdili. After these, there was no [other] noble lineage." (Also quoted in Siimer 1959:363). SHAjARA, 40-41, possibly following RASHID A:l:44, replaces Afshar and Begdili with Bayat and Salur. S. Although RASHID formed the basis of later oghuz-namas, it must be pointed our that these works frequently took the form of adaptations of the original rather than mere imitations. The political, social, and cultural conditions under which each version was composed left unmistakable traces on the adaptation. Two examples dealing with the question of succession demonstrate the range of these modifications. SHAjARA, 28-29, abrogates the "rule" established by Oghuz Khan and throws the succession open ro a free-for-all among all the Bozok houses. Abu al-Ghazi's Oghuz Khan tells his sons: "After my death, Kiin Khan shall sit on my throne. After that, people shall install whomever is most able of the Bozoq and thus it will always be as long as there is a suitable Bozoq candidate. The Uchoq and their tents are on the left and they shall ever be content with performing service [nukarlik]." Behind this apparent Bozok merirocracy, however, lies the ordeal selection process characteristic of tribal organization with its conflicting concepts of corporate sovereignty and charismatic leadership, a reflection of the Central Asian milieu in which SHAJARA was composed. At the other end of the spectrum stand the fifteenth/ninth-century Otroman adaptations of YAZICIOGLU and his disciple PSEUDO-RUHI. Clearly inspired by the exigencies of Otroman centralizing policies, YAZICIOGLU A:13b stipulates the creation of a single aristocratic house, the Qayi/KaYl: Oghuz issues the following statement: " ... Giin shall become khan and after him, Kay!. As long as there is khan from the line of Kayl, Bayat shall not become khan, rather he will serve as chieftain [beg] in his own clan [boy]. When Kayl becomes khan, Bayat shall be the commander [beylerbey] of the right wing and Bayandur, the commander of the left. Thus, as long as there is an elder raga], the younger [ini] will not exercise the function of the elder, that is, as long as the elder brother lives, the younger brother shall not be prince [beg]." See PSEUDO-RUHI: 5a-6a, composed under Bayezid II, for a much stronger statement in which all non-Qayi Turkish rulers, including the Ghaznavids and the Saljuqs, are.labeled usurpers and Bayandur's subordinate position is heavily emphasized. The ideology of the Qayi-Ottoman "restoration" is of obvious significance for fifteenth! ninth-century Anatolian politics. 9. YAZDI, 49-60. See also MIRKHVAND, 5:4ff.; and HABIB, 3=4ff. 10. E.g., NUSAKH, 40-43. The fact that Ghifari does not consider the YAZDI version contradictory ro the Aqquyunlu genealogy quoted in NUSAKH, 251, may have some bearing on this discussion. 11. SHAjARA, 10-12. 12. SANGLAKH, 49v, 56v, 77r, 128r, 152r, 157r, 202V, 226r, 234r, 27Ir, 281V, 299v, 31Or, 319V, 345V, 347v. 13. HABIB, 3:7-8. It should be noted that the SHAjARA version reverts to the RASHID tradition at this point. 14. SANGLAKH,281V. 15. SHUKRALLAH, 51. From the details furnished by Shukr Allah, it does not appear that the so-called Tabriz Oghuz-nama is related to the fragments of OGHUZ, also written in Uyghur script. 16. BAYATI, 378-39. 17. A~IKA:2-3; B:4-5.
APPENDIX A. THE AQQUYUNLU GENEALOGY 1. Witrek 1938b:lI. See Fleming 1988 and Woods 1990b for the "constitutional" tole of genealogies during the Later Middle Period. 2. DIYAR, 11-30. This genealogy is mentioned in AMINI, 21, but is not quoted. It is given in full in NUSAKH, 251; andjAMJ', 630b. In order to indicate this emphasis and to facilitate comparisons with other genealogies, the order of the entries is reversed. 3. In order to indicate this emphasis and to facilitate comparisons with other genealogies, the order of the entries is reversed. 4. A "Semitic" version was also known among the Ottomans in which Qavi Khan or Qayi/Kayr Khan, ftom whom the Ottomans claimed descent, was identified with 'Is b. Ishaq (Esau); see, e.g" PSEUDO-RUHI, 15ab; and BIDLISI, I:2lb. Another "Semitic" genealogy included in Abu'l Hayr Rum!'s late-fifteenth/ninth-century work Saltukndme has a dcsct:ndant of 'Is, Si.iIeyman ~ah, as father of the founders of both the Ottomans and the Aqquyunlu (Erzi 1954:19..-95, 197, 200). On the Saltukndme, see Kopri.ilii 1992b:43-52. 5. In attempting to reconcile the many versions of the Oghuz-nama, the modem res.:archer is in much the same quandary as those seventeenth/eleventh-century Turkmen chiefs who complained to Abu al-Ghazi Bahadur Khan, "There are many oghuz-namas among us, but not one of them is reliable. The extant texts are corrupt and do not agree with each other; each one is different" (SHAjARA, 5). Yet many Orientalists have considered RASHID vulgate despite these contradictions (e.g., see Rossi's introduction to QURQUT B:16-18). Recently, several efforrs have been made ro establish the correct text of RASHID's Ogbuz-nama, analyze its contents, and compare it with other traditions. In my opinion, the best results hav~ been achieved by A. Z. V. Togan in his Oguz Destam, Rejideddin Oluzndmesi, Terciime vt' Tah/ili cited as RASHID C. On the descendants of Oghuz Khan, se" RASHID A:l:34-45; B:t~ 597a; C:50-53· 6. The division of the Oghuz-Turkmans into fWO wings is recorded by the thirtcemh/seventh-century Arab historian Ibn al-Athir and later by the Armenian historian Vahram Rabun ofUrfa (Siimer 1967b:20l, n. 5). 7. RASHID A:3T "Since the way of the right hand is greater, he gave those peopk a bow, which is a symbol of sovereignty [padshaht], and to those on the left he gave an arrow, which is a symbol of subordination [ilchz]. He then assigned all the appangages [yurtha] of rhe right and the left in like manner, saying, 'The throne of sovereignty and the path of succession belong to the Buzuq such that after this it shall belong to Gun, the eldest, ifhe is Iiv-
Notes to Appendix B ~ 2 87
286 ~ Notes to Appendix B 18. RASHID B:60Ia. C:73-75; SHAjARA, 60-63. 19. (13) and (26) Bukduz Khan. (14) Chavuldur Khan. (15) Aymur Khan. (24) Bayat Khan, and (27) Salur Khan. 20. (23) Uyghur Khan and (43) Qibchaq Khan. 21. (22) Ildurkin and (25) Uryavut. 22. (IO) Ilak Khan and (17) Bughra Khan. 23. (12) and (28) Baysunghur Khan. (19) Yilduz Khan. (46) Qaydu Khan. and (47) Urkhan. 24. For references. see chapter 2. 25: Dede Korkut (Qurqut b. Qara Khuja Bayat) is associated with Kol Irki Khan Bayandur 10 ~S~ID B:f. 597bff.• C:55ff. Another fourteenth/eighth-century author. the Mar.nl~k hlston~n Abu Bakr Ibn Aybak al-Dawadari (t 1331/732). knew at least one of the stOries IOcluded 10 the later recensions of The Book ofDede Korkut, but he does not mention Bayandur Khan in this connection (Ergin's introduction to QURQUT A:l:36-37). Bayandu~ Kha~. Dede Korkut. and many other characters from The Book ofDede Korkut are ~entloned 10 fragments of the Oghuz-nama. prefacing YAZICIOGLU A:2a-3a; transcription, Edgiier 1934. which probably dates from the second half of the fifteenth/ninth century. Th~ are also associate~ in the late-fifteenth/ninth-century Vitayet-name of Haci Bekta§ Veh (VlLAYET, transcnption 73. facsimile 164). The date and ambience in which the ext~nt manuscripts of The Book of Dede Korkut were produced. however. have been the subject of m~ch controversy. The Dresden and Vatican recensions are variously dated late fourteenth/elghth-early fifteenth/ninth century (Rossi's introduction to QURQUTB:3334). second half of the fifteenth/ninth century (Boratav 1958:61-62). and late sixteenthl tenth-ea~ly se:ent~ent~/eleventh. century (Slimer 1959=396-4°2; 1967b:368-70). In any event. thiS version IS set 10 a defi~Ite Ottoman context by the addition of Dede Korkut's famous prophecy from YAZICIOGLU A:14b: "In the end. the sovereignty shall again be held by the KaYI and no one shall be able to deprive them of the kingdom until the day of doom" (cf. qUR(~UT A •. tr~nscription 730 facsimile 2). The context of the prophecy in YAZICIOGLU IS also signIficant: Murad II. by virtue of his descent from KaYI b. Glin the khan of kha~s. is e?titled to the homage of all the Turks. Tatars. and Mongols. incl~ding the ChanglzkhanIds! 26. Slimer 1959=398-401. ~7 .. TKS ~. II687/.Baykal 1957:276: "Digar-Amir Timur pisar-i zargari bud va an padshah ah-nasab ast va blh hasab va nasab padshahi-yi tamam-i atrak bidu mirasad." 28. MIR'AT, 24-27. 29. AHMEDi. 7-8. Ertugrul. of course. is the ancestor of the Ottomans in most Ottoman traditions. Glindliz ~p is identified in Saltukname as the father of'Umar, a putative ancestor ofB~yandur Khan m the Diyar Bakr-Arminiya region (Erzi 1954:194-95). 30. FERIDUN. vol. I/ASNADA:294/595. 312/622.314/634.369/756. 31. E.g .• AMINI. 21. 23. 25. 27. etc. 32. AMINI, 29. APPENDIX B. THE AQQUYUNLU CONFEDERATES
1. SUBR, 7:281-82; ZAHIRI. I05; for other references, see Slimee I967b:261-68. 2. See chapter 2.
3. DIYAR, no; Slimer 1967b:268. 4. DIYAR, 216. 218. 219, 221. 273-74.485; AHSAN A:m· 5. ARZ30; FERiDUN. 1:330-33/ASNADA:646-52.
6. AHSANB:21-25· 7. NUSAKH. 269. 8. lLCHI A:476; ABBASI. 135, 32°· 9. SUBH, 7=282; FUTUijAT, 7b; QlZlLBASHAN. II; SUmer 19 6 7a:30-31.
10. DlYAR, 544. 547· 11. ARZ, 28. 12. DIYAR. 268. 5IO. 13. ABBASI881; Fjl,4:8. 14. Slimer 19 67a:27, quoting KASHGHARI (Arabic text 1:127-28 , nil), establishes the meaning of this clan name as "heroic champion," but according to Minorsky's commentary on HUDUD, 292, the word is Mongol. meaning "the subjects, estate-owners." For the most recent word on this controversy, see EDPT, 128. 15. PAPAZIAN B:I:iv. 416-26 (1429-30/832-33), 6:43 8-39 (143 6/8 4°)' x. 454-5 6 (15 0 3/ 908 ); DIYAR, 71. 426, 429. 433, 458; GHlYATHI A: 43-44, B:327: SHARAF, 1:3 15. 16. See, e.g., BIDLISI, 2: I04b-I05 alAHSAN A: 540. 17. AMINI. 127, 168, 175, 205, 206, 211, 213. 18. TKS E. 5678, II99 6 (Bacque-Grammont 1987:148-56, 178- 84); and for references in AHSAN B, QIZILBASHAN. 35; KHULASAT; ABBASI; and TAZKIRAT, see Slimer 19 67a:28 , notes 50 and 51. See also the map of Armenia and adjacent countries in Lynch '9 01 for Alpavut settlements in the middle and lower Kur Valley and FIT, 4:41 (Ahar). Gokbilgin 1951:42. 19. DIYAR, 122-24, 164, 192• 218, 277· 20. DIYAR. 379. In addition to the references in Slimer 196 7b :l p, 3° 2, and 1976:50-51, 4, 10 to the 'Arabgirlu under the Safavids, FUTU/fAT, 48a; TAHMASB, 40; QrZTLBASHAN, 25; and KHULASAT, 201,223,278,293,294, should be mentioned. 21. HABIB, 4:463IAHSAN B:57-58; QIZILBASHAN, 36: NIHAVANDI. 1:57· For other references, see Slimer 1967a:23-25, and 19 67 b :47, 146-47, 314· 22. E.g .. see DIYAR, 265; and QIZILBASHAN. 24- 2 5. 23. SUmer 1967b:220, 231. 24. See SUmer 1967b:227-28, 23425. DIYAR. 399, 438-39, 452, 465. 466, 482, 48 3, 490, 546, 555· See also SUmer 19 67a:3 1 for further references. 26. AMINI, 150, 156. 160, 161; TKS E. 3160; GlLAN, 434-3 8, 443-44; KHANl,I7- 20 ;
QIZILBASHAN. II-I2. 27. Ymanc; 1940:253; SUmer 19 67b :3 12- 13· 28. DIYAR, 135. In lLCHIB:6a, Sulayman Beg is called Bijanlu and in SHARAF.I:passim, Bijanughli. 29. TKS E. 5943 and 6474; YARLlK,1. 62; Gokbilgin 1951:41; COLOPHONS, 30 5, 3°7; DIYAR, 218, 395, 543; AMINI. passim; GILAN, 466-67; ANON SYR. xlviii-Iii: HAB~B, 4:437-3 8; BIDLlSI, 2:145 a; AHSAN A: 535; SHARAF, 1:108, 146 , 388- 89. 394; MARDIN. I08-9. 123. Gokbilgin 1951:42, note 29, is incorre~~ in id~ntifying Sulayman Bayandur (AMINI, 13 6/ AHSANA:570) as Ya'qub's vazir; see GU~ENI. 66, 67. 108 , where Sulayman Beg Bijan is also termed vazir ( -i a 'zam), a possible Ottoman "translation" of amir al-umara or divan-begi.
Notes to Appendix B ~ 289
288 ~ Notes to Appendix B 30. On rhis early common enterprise, see PANARETOS A:68, B:488-89. On Qazi Burhan ai-Din, see chaprer 2, bur see also DIYAR, 82, where a certain Bozdogan fought with Qara 'Usman against Iskandar Qaraquyunlu in 1421/824. Refer to Sumer 1967 b :178-79, 193-95,275-76,306,348, for more on this clan. 31. QASIMIFAR1vlANS, II3-16; TKS E. 5591, 5847, 63671ZQ FATH-NAMAS, 655 6 , 83 15; Q4.NUNS, xxxiii; NUjUM, 6:701: DIYAR, 99, 161-62, 239, 268, 271: SHARAF, 1:175-87. 32. See, for example, TAHMASB, 56; DON JUAN A:65: Chamizcazaclu; ABBASI, 533,569,631,927,1088; and TAZKIRAT, 102/n3b. 33. PANARETOS A:68, B:489; CLAVIJO A:82-83, B:12o; TKS E. 3296 (BacqueGrammom 1987=117-21); TKS E. 5486; DIYAR543: AHSANA:m, B:32o; QIZILBASHAN, 24; KHULASAT, 201, 299, 324, 329 (Chini!); REFiK, 85, 93, 96, 121, 135, 171, 188. For other references, see Siimct 1967b:318-26 and 1992. 34. TKS E. 7076 and ll996 (Bacque-Grammont 1987:178-85); YARLIK, I. 151; FERiDUN, 1:288IASNADA:590;DIYAR, 429, 480, 521, 544; GILAN, 353-56, 436: CONTARINI, 126; AMINI, 148, 157, 288; FUTUl;lAT, 4b, 18ab; AHSAN A:541, B:27; GOL~ENi, 1I5, n6, 1l7; KHULASAT, 686; QIZILBASHAN, 37; ABBASI, 671, 1086; IRAM, 16. For additional references, see Siimcr 1967a:28-29· 35. AlviINI, 147, 1m TKS E. 5943; SHARAR 1:326-29; KHULASAT, 201, 674, 7 0 9, 885,886,887,906,921,943; ABBASI, esp. 141. 36. Siimer 1967a:3I. 37. For Aqquyunlu relations with the Dager; see DIYAR, 53-54, 56-57, 77-79, 91, 121- 23,537; SULUK, 4:291; HAJAR, 2:266-67, 3:40; NUjUM, 6:7, 162, 342-43, 652; DAW, 3=no. 823, U9: Siimcr 1967b:241-52. 38. SADIQI, 120-21. 39. DIYAR, 12-13, 108, 204, 241-42, 368-39, 426, 543-44; AJvlINI, 141, 146 , 159; MARDjN, 139; Gakbilgin 1951:40-41; Siimer 1967a:26 and 1967b: 146, 370. 40. DIYAR, 457, 461-62, 471, 537: TAHMASB, 13; NUSAKH, 283, QIZILBASHAN, 39; REFiK, 130, 147, 151, 202; Sumcr 1967a:30 and 1967b:14 6 . 41. DIYAR, 133, 359; AMINI, 127,136,179; BUDAQ, 273b, 276a, 276b; BOZULUS, 48, n. 5; REFiK, 219; Roux 1970:27· 42. DIYAR, 190, 198, 212, 277; BOZULUS, 32, n. 9, 42-44, 49: REFiK, 130; Sumer 1967b:300.
43. SUBH, p81; SULUK, 4:464; HAJAR, P71; NUjUM, 6:389, 557; ZAHIRL 105; DIYAR, 60, 6401 NIGARISTAN, 353; KHULASAT, 817, 828, 844, 865, 868; ABBASI, 108 5 (lmanlu); Siimcr 1967b:152, 174-76, 191, 221-22, 229, 261-63, 284, 287, 302-4, 342-43. 44. For the Isfandiyari family under the Aqquyunlu, see YARLIK, 123; DIYAR, 543;
AivlINI, 150, 153. See also Yiice! 1970a. 45. DIYAR, 201, 236; BOZULUS, 32, n. II, 48. 46. TKS E. 8315; DIYAR, 133; BOZULUS, 32, n. 8,48; Sumer 1967b:14 8, 175· 47. SHAIUlF, 1:164; SUBH, p82; ZAHIRI, 105; DON JUAN A:45; ABBASI, 661, 971, 997 (part of the Shamlu uymaq); Siimer 1967b:152, 164, 174-76, 23 1, 302 . 48. DIYAR, 132,147-48,169,172; ARZ, 32; GHIYATHI A:32, B:307; AHSAN A:3 22; REFiK, 66, 69-70, IlI-13, 127-28, 171-73, 192-97.
49. DIYAR, 122-23. 50. DIYAR, 133, 185· 51. DIYAR, 265, 273-74, 390--91, 462.
52. DIYAR, 481, 485-86, 54453. DIYAR, 544, 547·
54. Zeno in MALIPIERO, 82; GHIYATHI A: 54, B:384; BIDLISI, 2:97b, 99blAHSAN A:524, 526. There is no corroborating evidence for the contention in SHARAR 1:448-49, that Arnir Beg fought at Ba§kem in summer 1473/early 878. 55. All, 27; AMINI, 127, 340-41; GHIYATHIA:57, B:395; AHSANA:532, m;jAMf', 63 6b. 56. TKS E. 6474,8569,10736; AMINI, 61, 127, 131, 135, 142, 150, 179, 190, 191, 220, 239, 309, 310, 346, 349; AHSAN A:628-32; NUSAKH, 254; GOL~ENi, I2I-22, 150-51, 203if.; TEIXEIRA, 43-44. 57. The Mawsillu are mentioned in such Safavid sources as HABIB; AHSANB; KHULASAT, passim; QIZILBASHAN, 21-22; and ABBASI, passim. For the Mawsillu as the leading clan in the Turkmen uymaq, see KHULASAT, 20!. 58. BOZULUS, 31-32, n. 7, 50. For other references, see Sumer 1967b:148, 175, 231. 59. There appears ro be little justification for the assumption in BAYEZID, 223-24, that two Miranshahi princes called 'Usman and Timur 'Usman must be postulated. ~O. YARLIK, 11. 135-37; TKS E. 5486, 5814IBAYEZID, 8569; PAPAZIAN A:v; FERIDUN, 1:288-89IASNAD A:590-92; MU1ZZ, 123a-23b; ABIVARDI, 50; AMINI, 127,131,158,159,160,168,179,207, 2Il; BIDLIS!, 2:105b; HABIB, 4:257-58, 387; BABUR, 175b-176a; RAWZAT, 1:445; BUDAQ, 274a-275a, 276b, in AMINI, 454, 455, 456, 4601AHSAN A:629-30. 61. TKS E. 5842, 5943; NUjUM, 7=730; HAWADITH, 466-67, 473-74, 490-94500-501, 508; DAW, 4:77; SHARAF, 1:184, 257, 328if.; ABBASI, 644, 646, 799, 800, 1089. 62. DIYAR, 82, 1I3. 63. DIYAR, 120, 131-33, 147, 171-73, 185, 198, 225-26, 229, 232, 242, 260-61, 266, 281, 418, 468, 482-83, 499, 512, 542, 546, 547, 555, 559; YARLIK, I. 176; PSEUDO-ANGIOLLELO A:385, B:92-93; AHSANA:m. 64. On the Purnak, 1478-90/882-96, see AMINI, 129, 141, 158, 159, 228, 315, 373; BIDLISI, 2:144b. 65. E.g., HABIB, 4:443, 492-93; BIDLISI, 2:144b-146a; AHSAN A:630, 631, 632-33, 635; B:ll, 12-13, 14, 16, 20, 21-22, 24-25, 62, 73. 66. BOZULUS, 50; Gakbilgin 1951:42; NUSAKH, 257. 67. E.g., AHSANB:483, 485, 487; KHULASAT, passim; QIZILBASHAN, 22-23; ABBASI, passim See also BOZULUS, 32-34, n. 14,44, n. 42; and Sumer 1967b:148, 175, 281,313. 68. AMINI, 124. 69. For further references, see DIYAR, 467; AHSAN A:51O; COLOPHONS, 319; Siimer 1967a:26-27·
70. FUTUl;lAT, 13b-14a, 45b, 76a, 93a; DON JUAN, 46; KHULASAT, 476, 649, 686; ABBASI, passim, esp. 261, 270, 806, 1088; IRAM,16. 71. DIYAR, 131-33, 150-51, 180, 185, 199, 233. 72. DIYAR, 243, 2730 380-81, 482, 540; ARZ, 21; AMINI, 127, 179· 73. Gakbilgin 1951:41. See also BOZULUS, 31, n. 5; and Sumer 1967b:175. 74. DIYAR, 66, 89, 164-66, 169, 383. 75. YASHBAK, III; DIYAR, 233, 281, 485. 76. DIYAR, 543. In addition to the rderences to AHSAN B and ABBASI given in Siimer 1967a:20-23, see PAPAZIAN B:I:xxi, xxiii, xxv, KHULASAT, 353,354,356,357,368, 369, 572, 579, 806, and QIZILBASHAN, 38-39.
290
,-<;:y
Notes to Appendix D
77. TKS E. 85 69. See also QIZILBASHAN, 8-9; and SUmer 1976:47-48, 9 2-94144-43,172-77.
78. GHIYATHI A:17, 50, B:273, 376; BOZULUS, 47; REFiK, 67, 77, 146, 171-7 2, 179-81, 185, 197. 79. ABBASI, lO85.
80. DIYAR, 198 (but see BOZULUS, 32, n. 13); BOZULUS, 50. 8 I. DIYAR, 49, 57, 95. 82. DIYAR, 2lO, 268, 387; SHARAF, 1:250. 83. ZQ FATH-NAMA, 139; SHARAF, 1:251. 84. DIYAR, 254. 85. YARLIK, II. 73-75; AHSANA:m. 86. ZQ FATH-NAMA; GDL~ENi, 288 If.; NUSAKH, 257.
APPENDIX D. SOURCES FOR AQQUYUNLU HISTORY 1. The starting point for Aqquyunlu heuristics is the bibliography m Hinz 193 6 :150-60, as supplemented by Ymanc;: 1940:267-70. 2. AK, fasc. I, 28, passim. 3. Published by Orner LUtfi Barkan in QANUNS, xix, xx, xxxi, xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, xlii, xlv, xlvii, Ii.
4. QANUNS, xix, xxxii; BOZULUS, 47-53. All three documents are dated 1540 /947. 5. APC; ASNAD B:15-17, BUSSE; FARMANS; FEKETE; KE<;:iK; PAPAZIAN; QASIM; RUSTAM; TIEM; ZABIHI; Aubin 1969:31, note 88; etc. Twenty-five Aqquyunlu documents have been collected from these compilations and republished by Husayn Mudarrisi-Tabataba'i (FARMANSA, B). 6. On insha'literatute in general, see H. R. Roemer's introduction to MARVARID, 1-20, and his article "insha'" in EF. 7. On Maybudi, see Dunietz 1990. 8. See Babinger 1922. The entries in Sanuto's Diarii relating to the late Aqquyunluearly Safavid period have been collected by Biancamaria Scarcia Amoretti, Sah Isma 'il I nei «Diarii" di Marin Sanudo (Rome, 1979). 9. In this connection, see especially MELIKIAN, 27-37, for the esoteric significance of the Persepolis inscription and its relation to the political thought ofDavani. 10. See Basil W Robinson's article on the Turkmen school of miniature painting in Gray 1979:215-47. See also Welch 1972; Dickson and Welch 1981; <,:agman and Tamndt 19 86; and Soudavar 1992. CONTARINI A:600, B:191, mentions a fresco in Isfahan depicting the execution of Sultan-Abu Sa'id Timuri in 1469/873, but this work is no longer extant. 11. See the important study of BAZM; Giesecke 1940; and more recently YUcei 1970b. 12. For what little is known of Abu BakrTihrani-Isfahani's life, see PL2 2:84 6-47. 13. In the published text, DIYAR, 367-70, should come between pages 394 and 395. . 14. On the calendar or taqvim and its role in the rise of Ottoman historiography, see Inalctk in HME, 157-59. It is conceivable that Tihrani-Isfahani used a calendar similar to the taqvim of events in Arminiya, TAQVJMS, 80--81. 15. AMINI, 93. 16. The text of ARZ has been published most recently by Iraj Mshar (Tehran,
Notes to Appendix D,-<;:y
291 .
19561r335) and translated with a commentary by Minorsky in BSOAS 10 (1939):741-78, but see also MELIKIAN. 17. On the manuscript and author of GHIYATHI, see Marianne Schmidt-Dumont's introduction to her edition and translation of the Turkmen sections of the text (Freiburg, 1970),.1-35. The entire work has been edited by Tariq Nafi' al-Hamadani (Baghdad, 1975). 18. BIDLISI, 2:144b--147a. On Idris Bidlisi, see V. L. Menage in EP. Bidlisi's version of the last years of Aqquyunlu rule was also utilized by the descendant of another Iranian refugee to the Ottoman court, Sadeddin (t 1599/1008), and supplemented by recollections of the compiler's grandfather, Hafiz Muhammad Isfahani (TAj. 2:114-27). 19. HABIB, 4:430, 607. 20. For a concise history of the Savaji family, see Aubin 1959:48-5°, 64-65. 21. E.g., TUNI, 171, In. on Uzun Hasan's march to Isfahan against his son Ughurlu Muhammad; ILCHIB:5b-6a, on the madness of Mansur Beg Purnak, governor of Fars; or LARI, 229a-29b, on Uzun Hasan's Qur' an translation. On these historians and their works. see PL2 l:n3-44, n6--18, 393-94. LUBB should be added to ILCHf's sources in Dickson 1958:appendix II, I-Ii. 22. Apparently not Ghalfari as in PV I:II4 and EP. See Naraqi's introduction to NUSAKH, page vav. 23. Budaq Munshi's maternal grandfather, Khvaja Ruh Allah Shalikani Qazvini. was first a minister in the regime ofSulayman Beg Bijan (BUDAQ, 276a, in AldINI, 4,R) and then vazirin the provincial administration ofFars (AHSANB:13). 24. However, several details not found in the other sources appear in AHSAN A, the section dealing with Uzun Hazan's conflict with Fatih Mehmed. These variants have been analyzed by SUmer in introduction 2, DIYAR, viii-xi. 25. For the portion dealing with Shah Tahmasb, see Dickson 1958:appendix II, lii-liii. On Qazi Ahmad in general, see Hans MUller's introduction to his edition and translation of the section on Shah 'Abbas, Die Chronik lju/4at al-tawiirib des Qaii Abmad Qumi: Der Abschnitt fiber Schah 'Abbas I (Wiesbaden, 1964); for his sources on the early period, see Erika Glassen's introduction to Die friihen Safowiden nach Qii# Abmad Qumi (Freiburg, 1968). On some formal aspects ofSafavid historiography, see Quinn 1996. 26. See Morton 1990 on the provenance of this work and his work on the rise of Shah Isma'il 1996. 27. The best guides to Mamluk historiography in the Burji period arc Ziyadah 1954; though dealing specifically with the earlier Bahri period. Little 1970:73-94 on the larer historians is very useful, and Guo 1997. 28. MS Topkapt III. Ahmet, 3057 (Ymanc;: 1940:269). The manuscript in fact includes three works: Ibn Bahadur's Majmuah ji al-tawarikh, Ib-I06b; Shams ai-Din Muhammad Ibn Aja al-Halabi (t 1476/881, but see GAL, 2:42, apparently quoting DAW, 10:43), Kitab ji Ta'rikh Yashbak al-Zahiri, IIob--180a (YASHBAK); and Ta'rikh Timur Lank Ii Ibn Hajar, 180b-226b. 29. The following Mamluk sources cited in Ymanc;: 194°:269 were unavailable to me: Ibn Qadi Shuhbah (t 1448/851), Al-I'lam bi ta'rikh ai-Islam (GAL, 2:51); Nasr aI-Din Muhammad al-Ja'fari (fl. ca. 14941900), Bahjat al-salik (GAL, 2:53), and al-Sakhawi, Df,a)'l duwal aI-Islam (GAL, 2:34-35). 30. Both al-Maqrizi and Ibn Taghribirdi frequently quote or paraphrase diplomatic correspondence and the reports of Mamluk provincial governors in their chronicles. Cita-
292 .~ Notes to Appendix D
tiuns to NUjUM in this study refer to Popper's partial edition (Universi:r of California Publications in Semitic Philology, vols. 2-7 19°9-29). The Caito edition ot the enme work is now complete in 16 volumes (1929-72). . 31. S~e Woods 1987 on these works. 32. Mohammad Shafi's two-volume partial edition of MATLA (Lahore, 1941-49), 111eludes daftur II only. See EP and PI', 2:820-28. . . 33. Most of volume 7 of Mirkhvand's Rawzat al-safil (pp. 3-368 of the pnnted text) IS more or less identical with juz;' 3, mujal/ad 3, of his grandson Khvandamir's Habib al-siyar (volume 4:IIO-405) and is usually attributed to the latter writer. See PI' 1:361.
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316 ~ Bibliography - - - . 1971. Se/tu/ular zamanmda Tukiye, siydsi tarih Alp Arslan'dan Osman Gazi'yc (1071Ip8). Istanbul. - - - . 1973. Dogu Anadolu Tiirk dev/edcri tarihi. Istanbul. Turan, $erafenin. 1965. "Fatih Mehmet-Uzun Hasan mucadelesi ve Venedik." TAD 3:63138. Uzunc;:ar~lh, H. 1941. OS/fumit devicti te!'kilatma medhal. 1st ed. Istanbul. ---.1968. "Sivasve Kayseri hukumdan Kadl BurhaneddinAhmed." TTKB32: 191-245. - - - . 1969. Anadolu beylikicri. 2nd ed. Ankara. Vambcry, Arminius. 1865. Travels in Centra/Asia. New York. Vladiminsov, V. 1948. Le Regime socia/ des Mongols. Trans. M. Carsow. Paris. Vryonis, S. 1965. "Seljuk Gulams and Ottoman Devshirmes." ZDMG 41: 224-52. Wansbrough, John. 1961. "A Mamluk Letter of8771r473." BSOAS 24: 200-213. Welch, Sruart Cary. 1972. A King's Book ofKings, the Shah-Nameh ofShalJ Tahmasp. New York. Wilbur, Donald. 1979. Persian Gardms and Gardm Pavilions. Washington, D.C. Wirtek, Paul. 1925. "Der Stammbaum der Osmanen." Der Islam 14: 94-100. - - - . 1938a. "De la defaite d'Ankara ala prise de Constantinople." REI 12: 1-34- - - . 1938b. The Rise of the Ottoman Empire. Royal Asiatic Sociery Monographs, 23. London. - - - . 1952. "Le Role des rribus rurques dans I'empire ottoman." In Melanges Georges Smets (Brussels), 665-76. ---.196+ "Miscellanea." TM 14: 263-75. Woods, John E. 1976. The Aqquyun/u, Clan, Confederation, Empire: A Study in 15th/9th Century Turko-Iranian Politics. Minneapolis and Chicago. ---.1979. "Turco-Iranica I: An Ottoman Intelligence Report on Late Fifteenth/Ninth Century iranian Foreign Relations." jNES 38: 1-9. ---.1984. "Turco-Iranica II: Notes on a Timurid Decree ofr396/798." jNES43: 331-37. ---.1987. "The Rise of Timurid Historiography." jNES 46: 81-108. - - - . 1990a. The Tim urid Dynasty. Papers on Inner Asia, 14. Bloomington, Ind. - - - . 1990b. "Timur's Genealogy." In Intelhtual Studies on Islam: Essays Written in Honor ofMartin B. Dickson, ed. Michel M. Mazzaoui and Vera B. Moreen (Salt Lake City), 85-125. - - - . 1993. Akkoyunlular. Trans. Sibel Ozbudun, with additions by Necdet Sakaoglu. Istanbul. YazICI, 1ahsin. 1965. "Gulmani." EI', 2:II36-37. Yl11anc;:, Mukr~~nin Halil. 1?,4?' "Akkoyunlular." iA, I: 251-70. - - - . 1944. Baysungur. fA 2: 427-28. - - . 1945a. "Cihan-Sah." iA 3: 173-89. - - - . 194,b. Cuneyd." iA 3: 242-45. Yl11anc;:, Refet. 1989. Du/kadir bey/igi. Ankara. Yiicel, Y~ar.1970a. "Candar-ogullar beyligi (1439-1461)." TTKB34: 373-407. - - - . 1970b. Kadt Burhancddin Ahmed ve dev/cti (1344-1398). Ankara. ---.1971. "XIV-XV: yuzYlllarTurkiye tarihi hakkrnda ar~tIrmaiar I: Mutahharten ve Erzincan emirligi." TTKB 35: 665-719. ---.1973. "XiV-XV. yUqlllarTurkiye tarihi hakkrnda ara§tIrmaiar II: Turkiye ve Yakl11-
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Index Page numbers in italic refer to figures and maps. A 'yan-amirsystem 19 Aba Bakr b. Sultan-Abu Sa'id, Timurid prince 129,130 Abarquh 135, 162 'Abbas b. Sultan-Muhammad Safavi, Safavid shah 166, 2:1.2 'Abbas b. YusufBayandur 206, 209 'Abbasid "shadow caliph" 7, I03 'Abbasids + 6, I05 'Abd al-Baqi Beg Miranshahi 194, 2Il 'Abd ai-Karim Beg. guardian of Rustam b. Maqsud 156, 158 'AbdAllah b. Tahir Dhu'I-Yaminayn 54 'Abd ai-Rahim Anisi 138 Abivardi, Kamal ai-Din Husayn 23:1. Abjadsystem 102, 103, 218 Abkhazia 88 Abu al-Path b. Bayazid Bayandur 207 Abu aI-Ghazi Bahadur Khan, Uzbek ruler ofKhvarazm :1.7, 175 Abu al-Qasim Babur, see Babur, Abu alQasim Abu ai-Turk (seealsoYafis, Uljay) 176 Abu Bakr b. Piltan Bayandur 204 Abu Sa'id b. Qara YusufQaraquyunlu 48,
Afshar, Oghuz Turkmen clan (see also Arashlu; Mansur Beg; Murad Khan; Qutbeglu; Sharaf ai-Din Aqa Yasavul) 13,27.28,45,46,54.78,84,159.161. 162. 163. 175. 183. 184, 185, 190. 199 Afyon Karahisar 116 Aghaj-ari (Aga<;-eri), Turkmen clan 108. 184. 199 Aghmalu, Turkmen clan 184 Agnboz (Negroponte) 114 Ahlat 30,32,55. 72,76, 94, 101, IIO. 218 Ahl-i Haqq 3 Ahli of Shirazi 138, 233
Ahmad b. Bakr Bayandur 203 Ahmad b. Qutlu Bayandur 36.37,38,39, 41,42,43,50,58,62,73,167,189.202, 203, 204, 219 Ahmad b. Qutlu Bayandur 62, 203
Ahmad b. Ughurlu Muhammad Bayandur, Abu al-Nasr 149, 150, 157, 158-59, 195, 202, 212
Ahmad Beg Ahmadlu 184 Ahmad Beg Mawsillu 193 Ahmad Beg Purnak 48, 53, 54. 58, 195, 205 Ahmad, al-Malikal-Kamil, Ayyubid ruler
~n
h
Abu Sa'id, I1khanid ruler 29 Abu Sa'id Beg Bayramlu 185 Abu Yusufb. Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu 18,
Ahmadids 39, 43, 63, 65, 77, 79, 80, 89, 128, 203
Ahmadlu, Turkmen clan (see also Ahmad Beg) 184, 199 Ahmedi, Taceddin Ibrahim 180 Ahstln al-tavarikh 220,222 Ak(e 136 Akhalkalaki 138
96,97, IOO
Abulja (Uljay) Khan 174 Adam 174,177 Adana 197 Afshar, Iraj 218 319
320 ,~
Index
AkIllClI!7, lI8
'Ali Mirza Kiya'i, Kiya'i ruler of Gilan 136, 153, 157 'Ali Shakar Baharlu 84, 85 'Alid loyalty 4 'Ali-Khan b. Jahangir Bayandur 85, ISO, 151,
Akkoyunlu, Dilaver 203 Aksaray 93 A4ehir (Guzdler or Ezbidler) 30, 50,55, 68, 72, 76, 94 Ak!j chir 93 Akziyarcr 82, 83, 84, 94, 107 AI AlIi Kishi As-Dunkli Qayi Inal Khan, Oghuz. yabghu 25, 178 Al Fadl 31, 130 'Ala' aI-Dawla Beg Zu'I-Qadr 109,163,165, 166, 168, 198, 213 'Ala' ai-Din 'Ali Ererna 36 Alaiye 2
'Ali-quli Khan Shamlu 166, 208 Alinjaq Castle 28, 30, 32, 55, 72, 76, 94, 151, 154 A1ma-Qulaq, Battle of 162, 163, 167 Alp Arslan, Saljuq sultan 26 Alpavur, Turkmen clan (see also Pir Muhammad Beg) 13, 98, 103, 127, 130, 18 4,199 Alqaravli, Oghuz Turkmen clan 175 Altan Khan 174 A1vand b. Iskandar Qaraquyunlu 74, 75 A1vand b. Sultan-Khalil Bayandur 127, 129,
Akhaltsikhe (Akhsiqa) 32, 35, 55, 72, 76, 89, 94, Ill, 135, 138 AkhLaq-i jaLali 103, 105, 233
AkhLaq-i nasi,.i 234
'ALam-ara-yi Amini (Aminian WorldAdorner) 1}2, 138, 220, 221, 230 'ALam-ara-yi Shah lsma'il 22.2, 223 'Alamshah Khatun. See Halima Begi Agha, 'Alamshah Khatun bt. Uzun Hasan Alanja Khan 176 Alayuntli, Oghuz Turkmen clan 175 Alberi, E. 232 Aleppo 30, 41, 45, 46, 47, 51, 52,55,68,75, 80,92,94,97, III, n6, Il2, 130, 135, 137, 145, 162, 165, 170, 183, 197 Alexandria 135 Alexious III Komnenos 34, 205 'Ali (Mirza ~\li) b. Sulran-Khalil Bayandur 129, 150, 151, 2II 'Ali b. Abi Talib 167 'Ali b. Ibrahim Bayandur 206 'Ali b. Musa aI-Rida, eighth Shi'ite Imam 104 'Ali b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur, JaIaI ai-Din 44,45,46,48,49,5°,51,52,58,59,61, 62, 63, 64, 65,66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71,7J, 79, 93, 102,174, 186, I87, 194, 202, 203, 204,
205, 209, 210
'Ali Beg Chakirlu 188 'Ali B"g Manlashlu 73 'Ali Beg Mawsillu 193 'Ali Beg Purnak 218
210
150 ,21I
Alvand b. YusufBayandur, Abu alMuzaffar 149, 150, 159, 160, 161, 163, 165, 168, 185, 202, 2II, 230 'Amadiyah 143 Amasya I35 Amid (Diyarbakrr) 14, 26, 29, 30, 31,32, 33, 36,38,41,42,45,46,48,5°, 52, 54,55,57, 58,61,64,65,66,68,69,7°,71,72,73, 75,76,77,78,80,84,85,94,97,99,106, I35, 154, I62, 165, 170, 189, 197, 216, 218, 226 Amini. See Khunji-Isfahani Amir akhur (equerry) 14 Amir aI-hajj 108 Amir al-umara'(see also commander-inchief} 17 Amir Beg I, 'Umar Mawsillu 1I5, 1I6, 192, 193 Amir Beg II, Amir Khan Mawsillu 12., 14, 165, 166, 192, 193, 230 Amir Mughul, Timurid officer 151 Amir SharafBeg Ruzagi I93 Amir-i divan (see also chief of staff; president of the council; divan begz) 17 Amir-i divan-; tuvachi (see also secretary of the army) !7 Amirlu, Turkmen clan 64, 78, 84, 184, 199
Index 1\,.UTLWTUL (see also Turkmens of Amid) 33 Amlanja Khan 176 Anadolu 117, 118 Anatolia 1,3,9,13,16,26,27,28,29,3°,33, 35,38,39,40,41,42,45,46,47,51, 52., 53, 56, 57,67,87,90,95,97,98,109, 1I3, 1I4, 1I5, 116, 1I7, 121, 123, 128, 129, 137, 142,143,151,169,173,178,181,182,184, 185,187,189,190,195,197, 216, 218, 224, 226,227,23 2,233 Andarun ("ourer service") 14 Angiollelo, Giovanni Maria 231, 232 Ankara 41, 1I5, 135, 173, 181, 231 Annali l-0neti dall'anno 1457 a 1500 217 Anonymous Venetian merchant. See Romano, Domenico Antalya 190 Antioch 135 Anushirvan 'Adil, Changizkhanid puppet of Malik Ashraf Chuban 8 Anushirvan, Sasanian monarch 56, 140 Appanage, appanage system 19, 20, 21, 22, 26, 42, 43, 45, 50, 52, 58, 59, 62, 63, 64, 74,93,100,101, 1I0, 122, 127, 132, 144, 155, 159, 168 Aq Baliq Beg 174
Aqquyun 35 Aq Tughan 174 'Arabgirlu, Turkmen clan 185,199 Arabia 179, 181 'Arabshah Beg Ayinlu 81, 84 Arapklr 30, 68, 72, 76, 94 Aras River, Aras valley (Chukhur-i Sa'd) 30, 53, 81, 158, 184, 196 Arashlu, Turkmen clan, branch of the Afshar 183, 185 Ardabil30, 32, 55, 72, 76, 94, 98, III, 135, 142., 143, 156, 157, 162, 170, 188 Ardasa. SeeTurul Aristotle 105 Armenia 178 Armenian sources 217, 2.2.0 Armenians. See Christians Arminiya 28,2.9,30,31,33,34,36,37,38, 42,44,45,46,47,48,49, 51, 52., 53, 54, 57,61,63,64,66,68,69,71,73,74,77,
~ 321
78,79,80,81,91,99,102.,109, III, 127, 129,149,152,159,161,163,189,190,192., 193,194,195,196,197,2.16,226,2.2.7 Arran 97, 161, 192 Artillery (see also firearms) 52, 90, 99, 1I4, 1I5, U7, u8, 120, 134, 138, 143 Arruqids 2, 31, 33, 36, 45, 45 'Arz-nama22I, 222, 230, 233 Al-Ash'ari, Abu ai-Hasan 104 'Ashiq b. Abu Bakr Bayandur 204 'Ashirat (confederate clan) II Ashrafb. Dana Khalil Bayandur 159, 160, 208 A~lkpOl§azade, Dervi~ Ahmed 180
Asnad va mukatabat-i tarikhi-yi Iran 217 Astarabad III, I12, 1I3, 135, 155, 192 Astarabadi, 'Aziz 37,38,4°,219 'Ataq (Hatakh) 58, 197 AtSlZ, C. N. 227 Atskuri 138 Aubin, Jean I
Al-Avamir al- 'aLa'iya ji al-umur al- 'aLa'iya 27 Avnik32,81 Ay, Ay Alp, Ay Khan 174, 175, 176, 177 Ay Khan II 176 Ayba-Sultan, Ibrahim b. Dana Khalil Bayandur 154, 155, 156, 158, 160, 161, 185,
195, 208, 213 Aydm2 Ayinlu, Kurdish tribe (see also 'Arabshal1 Beg) 199 Aymur, Oghuz Turkmen clan 175 Aymur Khan 174 'Ayndar 197 A1-'Ayni, Badr ai-Din 224 'Ayntab 30, 46, 91, 94, 116 Ayyubids (see also Hisn-Kayf, Malikan Kurds) 2.0, 31, 32, 33, 36, 66, 80, 81, 91, 9 2 ,112.,199
Azarbayjan 3, 7, 8, 9, 2.8, 29, 3 0, 31, 33, 44, 45,47,48,49,51,52,53,56,57,68,74, 97,98,99,100,107,108,109, III, l2.1,
123, l2.8, l2.9, 130, 132, 142, 143, 145, 152, 153, 154, 160, 161, 163, 165, 166, 184, 188, 195,196,22.6,22.7,228 AzdiBegl74
322 'Azizkandi 160, 161 'Azizkandi, Battle of 161 Baba 'Abd aI-Rahman Shami, Taj al-Majzubin 82, 83, 84, 107, 141, 230 Baba Faraj 230 Baba'i-Bektashis 3 Babil Beg 174 Babur, Abu al-Qasim, Timurid sultan 4 Babur, Zahir aI-Din Muhammad, Timurid prince, later Mughal emperor 185, 226 Badal' al-zuhurji waqa'i' al-duhur 224 Badi' aI-Zaman b. Sultan-Husayn, Timurid sultan 155 Badr aI-Din, Shaykh 3 Baghdad 4, 6, 12, 48, 66, 71, 7J, 74, 96, 98, 100, 101, 105, III, 121, 122, 129, 135, 149, 153,162, 165,110,192,195,221,224 Al-Baghdadi, 'Abd Allah Abu Fath, "Ghiyathi" 39, 97, 102, 128, 221 Bagrat, Georgian ruler 90, 123 Bahadur Beg Doger 189 Baharlu, Turkmen clan (see also 'Ali Shakar Beg; Hasan Beg; Pir 'Ali Beg) 18 5 Bahlul b. Piltan Bayandur r60, 204, 206 Bahmanids 217
Bahr al-ansab 179 Bahram Beg Bayramlu 185 Bailiff (see also yasavub 17 Bakandur Khan 174 Bakr b. Ahmad Bayandur 203 Bakr Beg Mawsillu 152, 154, 192, 193 Balandur 25 Banna'i 138 Banu Rabi'ah, Arab tribe (see also Musa Beg) 13, 196 BarbaIo, Giosafat 217, 231, 23 2 Barda' 155, 196 Barhebraeus, Yuhanna Abu al-Faraj Ibn al-'Ibri 227 Barik Beg Purnak 165 Barquq, aI-Malik al-Zahir, Mamluk sultan 4 0 ,41 ,45 Barriya 30, 36, 64 Barsbay, aI-Malik aI-Ashraf, Mamluk sultan 4 6 , 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 57, 61, 64, 65,66,67,68,69, 107, 189,225,231 Ba~kent (Ba~koy) II8
~
Index Ba~kent, Battle of87, 89, 99,
Index III,
120, 122,
12 3, 183, 184, 188, 198, 232 Basrah III, 135 Ba~vekalet Archives 216 Batn (confederate clan) II Bay Sunqur 174
Bay at. See oath of allegiance Bayandur (Bayantur), Bayandur Khan II, 25,27,28,42,174,177,179,180,181,182, 227 Bayandur b. Rustam Bayandur, Mubariz aI-Din 67, 101, 123, 127, 128, 129, 130, 13 1, 13 2, 134, 160, 192, 202, 204, 206 Bayandur, Oghuz Turkmen clan and paramount clan of the Aqquyunlu (Bayanduriya) 10, II, 13, 14, IS, 16, 17, 19, 23, 25, 26,27,28,35,43,54,56,59,63,73,78, 84,85,9 8, 104, 1I2, 121, 127, 130, 140, 145, 149,151, 153, 154, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166, 167, 168, 174, 115, q6, 178, 182, 183, 193, 194-95, 199, 233 Bayanduriya. See Bayandur Bayat Khan 174 Bayat, Oghuz Turkmen clan (see also Hasan Bayati; Muhammad Fuzuli; Sham-Bayat) 13,28,45,46 ,54,174,115, 185,190 ,199 Bayati, Hasan 177, 185 Bayazid b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur 49, 50, 53, 54,58, 59, 62,93,101,205,206 Bayazid b. Shaykh-Hasan Bayandur 77, 160, 201 Bayazid Beg Chakirlu 188 Bayburt 29, 30 , 32, 33, 34, 39, 43, 50, 55, 58, 62,65,12 ,74,16, 79, 81, 94, 96,129,166, 167,189, 216, 218 Bayburtlu Osman 179, 227 Bayezid I, Ylldtrlm, b. Murad I, Ottoman sultan 40, 41, 57, "5, 173 Bayezid II b. Mehmed II, Ottoman sultan 27, 106, 1I2, "7, II8, 136, 142, 157, 158, 166,168,177,182,197,226 Bayhaqi family 108 Bayhaqi, 'Ala' aI-Din 'Ali, Qazi 18, 230 Bayram Beg Bayramlu 185 Bayram Beg Qaramanlu 2II Bayramlu, Turkmen clan (see also Abu Sa'id Beg; Bahram Beg; Bayram Beg; Ibrahim-Shah Beg; Shah-'Ali Beg; Shah-
Mansur Beg; Shahsavar Beg) 98, 108, 128, 185-86, 199 Baysunghur b. Shahrukh 48 Baysunghur b. Ya'qub Bayandur, Abu alFath 134, 140, 146, 149, ISO, 151-55, 156, 192, 202, 213 Bazarganan (see also merchants; tujjar) 18 Bazm u Rttzm 219 Becene (Pecheneg), OghuzTurkmen clan (see also Bijan) 115,186 Begdilli, Oghuz Turkmen clan 28, 17f Begijan Khatun bt. Sulayman Beg Bijan ISO, 186, 213 Begtash Beg Mawsillu 193 Beirut 135 Bensch, Otto 227 Berchet, Guglielmo 217, 232 Besni 32, 51, 1I6 Beygu, A. S. 208
Bey1ikz9, 33, 195 Bey~ehir 93, II7 Benehir, Battle of III Bey~ehir Golli 116
Biela'sil1il1 102, 103 Bidlisi, Idris 64, 67, 128, 145, 147, 167, 217, 221,226 Bidlisi, SharafKhan 191, 193, 228 Bijan (Bichan), Bijanlu, Turkman clan (see also Becene; Farrukhzad Beg; Ibrahim Beg; Muhammad Beg; Murad Beg; Pir Budaq Beg; Sulayman Beg) 186 Bijanlu, Turkmen clan 78 Bilakan 174 Bingo!' See <;:apakc;ur Birdi Beg 174, 178 Birecik 30, 46, 55, 62, 12, 7J, 16, 94, n6, "7, 122 Birecik, Battle of III Birun ("outer service") 14 Bistam Beg Chakirlu 188 Al-Bistami, 'Abd ai-Rahman 102 Bisut Khan 174 Bitlis 30, 32, 5-', 12, 16, 94, IIO, III, 135, IS?, 162,166 Biyapas (see also Gilan; Kiya'i Sayyids) 136 Biyapish (see alw Gilan; Kiya'i Sayyids) 136 Black Sea 29, 88, 90, 121, 187. 190 Book ofDede Korkut25, 28, 34, 179
~
323
Bosphorus II7, 181 Bov(confederatc clan) lJ B;y begleri (clan chieftains) II Boy khal1larz (clan chieftains) II B;y l1ukartll1 (personal forces) I} Bozdogan (Buztllghan), Tmkmen clan ,H. 40, 54, 186. 187 Bozok (Ta~ Oghuz) 35. 174. 175, 177. 181 Bozulus, Bozulus Turkmens 187. 189. 190, 191,193, 197, 216 British Museum 218 Budge, E. A. W. 227 Bughra Khan 174
Bukavull7 Bukduz, Oghuz Turkmen clan 115 Bukduz Bayandur 25 Bukduz Khan 174 Bukhtan 110 Bukhti Kurds (See also Bukhtanl 44, Il2, 199 Bulduqani-Mardasi. Kurdish tribe (sent/so Dawlat.shah Beg; Egil; '!sa Beg; Isf.1ndiyar Beg; Qasim Beg; Shah-Muhammad Beg) 13,31,32.71,91,112.121,166.18687,197,19.9 Buljas (Uljay) Khan 179, 180 Bureaucracy If, 19 Burgundy 89 Burhan ai-Din. Qazi, Sultan, ruler ofSivas )1,35,3 6,37, 3R, 39, 40, 41, 46, 54. Ig6, 219, 224, 231 Bursa 41,54,80, 13), 136, 137, 145 Buyids 20 Buzuqiyah 28 Byzantine Empire. Byzantines 28. 227
Caffa. See Kefe Cahen, Claude I, 29 Cairo 7, 46, 4 8, 51, 53. 54, 64, 68, 70, 75, 80. 9 2 ,95,97,102, 107, III, 116, 130, 135, 136, 137, 154. 156, 162, I70,228 Caliph (khalifo) 4, 5, 6, 105. T72 Caliphate 4 Cam-I Cem-Ayil1 177, T85 C;:apak<;ur (Bingo\) 30, 94. 96 Caspian Sea, Caspian region 28. 99, 134, 136, 159, 228 Caucasus 28, 35. 89, 134, 143, 227
324 ~
Cem b. Bayez.id II. Ottoman prince 139. 177 C;:emi~gezek (see also C;:emi~gezeki- Malkishi Kurds; Mansur Beg; Saru Shaykh Hasan Beg; Suhrab Beg) 30. 31. 32. 50. 55. 58. 64. 68. 72. 76.94. 166. 194 c;:emi§gezeki-Malkishi Kurds (see also C;:emisgezek; Saru Shaykh-Hasan Beg; Suhrab Beg) 31. 91. Il2. 130. 187. 199 Cenrral Asia 3.27.28.33.54.169 C;:epni (Chabni). Oghuz Turkmen clan (see also II Aldi Beg) 32. 34. 108. 128. 175, 187. 199 C;:ermik JO. 72. 76. 77.78.94, 216 Ceyhan River 95 Chagharay. Chagharays 8. 45 Chakirlu Oakirlu). Turkmen clan (see also 'Ali Beg; Bayazid Beg; Bistam Beg; Mahmud Beg; Mansur Beg; Ma'sum Beg; Muhammad Beg; Sultan-'Ali Beg; 'Umar Beg) 13. 121. 12.2. 12.8, 130. 132. 199 Chaldiran. Battle of 12.0. 166. 167. 170 Chalkokondyles 227 Chamberlain 14.17. 19 Chancellor 18. 144. 196 Changiz Khan 3. 7. 8. 17. 20. 56. 100. 144. 180 Charisma of rule. See ta'yid-i i/ahi; Jam qUI; ughur Chavuldur. Oghuz Turkmen clan 175 Chavuldur Khan 174 Chief Islamic justice (see also qazi 'askar; qazi ai-quzat) 17, 19. 222 Chief of protocol (see also mihmandar; shiqavui) 17. 18. 19 Chief of staff (see also president of the council; amir-i divan; divan begi) 17. 19. 151.153.154.188.191.192.196 Chigani. Kurdish tribe (see also Mansur Beg; Shad Beg) 188 Chin. Chin Khan 176.179. 180 Chormaghun. Mongol governor 28 Christians (see also Georgia; Trabwn) 31. 33.34.35,36.57. 89.106.134.227.228: Armenians 31, 57. 106. 138,141.233; Jacobires 33, 57
Index Chubanids (see also Siildiiz) 7. 8 Chukhur-i Sa'd. See Mas River Circassia. Circassians 88. 142. 143 Circassian (Burji) Mamluks (jarikisa) 102. 224 Civil War (see also Confederate Clan Wars): First Civil War 37.39.42.63; Great Civil War 10.16,44,45,59.61-85. 91.IlO. 149. 192. 195; Third Civil War 12. 125-31. 185. 187.188.190.192.194.195 Cizre Oazirat Ibn 'Umar) 30. 44. 55. 66. 72. 76, 82. 94 Clan chieftains (see also boy begleri; boy khanlarz; Ii signori; sardaran-i il; ulu begleri; umara-yi 'izam) n. 14. 15 Clavijo. Ruy Gonzalez de. Spanish envoy to Timur 42. 231 Commander-in-chief (see also amir alumard) 17. 19. 132. 143. 165. 192 Comptroller (see also mustawji) 17.19 . Condottieri 35 Confederate Clan Wars 10. 49. 132-33. 140. 144.150.156.159.160.161.163.165.167. 183. 190. 194. 195. 221. 230 Confederate clans (see also 'ashirat; barn; boy;jama'at; uymaq) 15.17.19. 50, 73. 77. 80.82,121.12.7. IzS. 132. 144. 149. 157, 163. 192. 116 Constantine III. Georgian ruler 143 Contarini, Ambrosio 1l7. 231 Cornet. Enrico 217 Corporate sovereignty 19-20, 22 C;:oruh River (see also Kelkit River) 30 Crusades 92 C;:ubuk-ova 41 Cyprus 1l4.231 D·Alessandri. Vincentio 231, 232 Dag. Dag Khan 175. 176 Da Lezze. Donato 232 Dahajatllo Damascus 44. 47.51.130.146,224 Dana Khalil b. Kur Muhammad Bayandur 62. 93; 101. Ill. 12.2. 160. 208. 21/ Darande32 Darband III. 135, 162, 181. 170
Index Darbar (ministry of court) 14. 15 Darende41 Darguzin. Battle of 153 . Dario. Giovanni 14, 232 Darughagi. See military governorship Darvish Hasan. grandfather of Hafiz Husayn Karbalii-Tabrizi 230 Dashtaki, Sadr al-Din Muhammad 105 Dastur al-katib ji ta 'yin a/-maratib 7 Davani. Jalal al-Din Muhammad 89. 103. 105. 140. 145. 221. 233 David Komnenos 88. 90 Davud Pasa. Ottoman generalll7 Al-Daw' al-lami' Ii ahl al-qarn al-tasi' 228 Dawit' of Mardin 85 Dawiat(fortune) 6.20.27.103.104 Dawlatgaldi Barlas 194 Dawlat-khana 107 Dawlatshah Beg Bulduqani-Mardasi 91• 93. 121. 186. 211. 212 Daylami family 108. 127. 222 Daylami. Shah-'Imad al-Din Salman 127 Daylami. Shah-MahmudJan 127. 152•155, 161 Dede Korkut 25.27.34,178-79,181.227 Defterll6 Delhi 6 Delle Navigationi et viaggi 231, 232 Deniz. Deniz Alp. Deniz Khan 175. 176, 177 Dervishes (see also sufis) 15. 18 Despina Khatun. See Maria Komnene ~e(T1TOwa. See Tisbina Develi 93 Dhimmi 89. 106 Diarii217 Dib Baquy (Dib Yavqu) 174 Dib Yavqu (Dib Baquy) 174. 176 Dib Yavqu Qayi II. Oghuz yabghu 25 Dimishq-Khvaja b. Salim Doger 31, 43. 189 Din 5 Dispensation 22. 23. 27. 33. 34. 45, 50. 59. 63.64.149-50.167.169: Miranshahid 98; Qara-'Usmanid 23.34,43.58.71.77.98; Qara-Yusufid 48.74; Tur-'Aid 23. 34. 37. 42. 63. 64. 77; Uzun-Hasanid 23. 89, 93. 101. 160. 167, 169
~ 325
Divan begi (see also chief of staff. presidenr of the council; amir-i divani) 17 Divan-i a '/a (see also supreme administrative council) 15. 17 Divine mandate 140 Divine support. See ta'yid-i i/ahi Divrigi32 Diwan lughat a/-Turk 26 Diyar Bake 28. 29, 30. 31. 33. 34. 36• 37. 42, 43.44.45.46.47.48.49,50 .52.54,57. 61.63.64.66.67.68.69.70.71.74.78, 80.84.91.92.95.96.97.98.99.109. III. 127.132.143.149.153.155.156.157.159. 160, 161. 163. 165. 166, 182. 186. 188. 189. 190.192.193.195.196.197.198.216.226. 227 Diyar Mudar 29. 30. 31. 36. 43. 44. 64, 70• 73.80,82.88.184.188 Diyar Rabi'ah 29. 30, 64. 66. 80, 81. 165 Doger. Oghuz Turkmen clan (see also Bahadur Beg; Dimishq-Khvaja Beg; Gokc;:e Musa Beg; Haji Beg; Hasan Beg; 'Isa Artuqi; Misr Beg; Salim Beg; Yaghmur Beg) 13. 27. 28. 31. 32. 36. 37. 43. 44. 48• 54. 64. 66. 70. 175. 188-89, 199 DUkas227 Dukharlu. Turkmen clan 37. 96. 108. 128. 189. 199 Durdurgha. Oghuz Turkmen clan 175
Egil (see also Bulduqani-Mardasi Kurds) 30. 31. 32. 52, 55. 71• 72. 76, 91. 94. 121. 186 Egirdir 41 Egypt 70.98.102, n6. 156. 157. 224. 229 Ekthesis chronike 227 Elbistan 32. 41, 94. 95 Ele§kert 49. 194 El~kert. Battle of 49, 55 Elite council (see also kingash) 14. 19. 20. 63-4. 65.74 Envoy (mab'uth) 104. 121. 140 Erci§ 30, 32. 55. 72 • 76, 94. 97 Eretna. Eretnids 2. 31. 33. 36 Ergani 29. 30. 32. 35. 40. 42, 46• 52.55. 64. 70.71.76, 77, 94. 216 Ertugrul 176. 177. 180
Index
326 ~ Index Erzincan 27. 29,30,32,33,34.36.37,38, 39.41.44.46,47.48.49,51,52,54,55, 58, 59, 62, 63, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, n 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 81, 82, 84, 87, 88, 9°,91,92.93,94,98,101, III, U5, U7, 123, 135, 145, 158, 162, 163, 170, 216, 218,
Gabriel, Alben 218 Ganja 155, 196 Gardizi, Abu Sa'id 'Abd al-Hayy 25 Gawhar Shad Tarkhan, wife ofShahrukh
21 9 Erzurum 29, 30.31,32,35,37,44,53,54,55, 58, 59. 62, 63, 66, 69, 72, 76, 81, 88, 94, III, 135, 162, I70, 189. 216, 217 Eshik-aqasi (chamberlain) (see also qapuchi) 14, 17 Eslemez b. Qurkhmas Bayandur 208 Euphrates River 29, 30, 31, 33. 46, 50, 53, 68, 75,88,91.92, I16, u7, u8, 130, 184 Europe. Europeans 54. 89. 90. u6. I17. 134. 217, 232, 233 Evliya <;:e1ebi 232 Eymur-Ramandan. Oghuz Turkmen dan grouping 28
wife ofYa'qub 134. 150,159,213 Gazurgahi, Kamal aI-Din Husayn 128 Gedik Ahmed P~a, Ottoman general u6, 121 Germiyan 2 Georgia, Georgians (see also Samrzkhe;
Fakhr ai-Din Bahramshah Magujak 27 Faraj, ai-Malik ai-Nasir, Mamluk sultan 45, 46
Farr, forr-i ilahi (charisma. sacral charisma) 5. 6,20,14° Farrukh-Jamal b. Jahangir Bayandur 210 Farrukhshad b. Qurkhmas Bayandur 160, 161,166, 167,204,208,227 Farrukhyasar Sharvanshah 142, 143, 154-55, 156• 163 Farrukhzad Beg Bijan 186 Fars 78,97,99,100.108,109, III, 121, 122, 127, T28, 129, 132, 134. 142, 143. 144, 152, 153,157,158,159,161,163.169,184,19°, 192, 195, 221, 222, 228 Feridun Bey Ahmed 216, 217 Firearms (see also artillery) 99, U4, u8, 120 Firuzkuh 127, 135, 162, 194 Florence 89 France 20, 89 Franks 178 Fratricide 127 Fulad Beg Mawsilli 193 Futuhat-i shaM 222
Futuwwah3
99 Gawhar-Sultan Khanum bt. Farrukhyasar,
Imeretia; Kanli) 33, 35, 38, 47. 87, 89, 90, no, III, I14, 122, 123, 134, 142, 143, 151. 158, 163,181,192,227 Gerger 32, 70, 72, 76, 9 2, 93, 94, 95, u6, 194 Gevher Han bt. Fatih Mehmed 212 Ghaybi b. Qurkhmas Bayandur 208 AI-Ghazali, Abu Hamid Muhammad 4, 104 Ghazan Khan, I1khanid ruler 28, 33 Ghazanfar Beg Miranshahi 194 Ghazi Khan b. Farrukhyasar 134, ISO. 2II Ghazi, ghaza (see also Holy War) 35, 89, 90, 103, II5, 122, 134, 138, 142, 181, 227 Ghaznavids 25 Ghujduvan 166, 194 . Ghujduvan. Battle of 194
Ghulaml4 Ghuzziyah. SeeOghuz Gilan (see also 'Ali Mirza Kiya'; Kiya'i Sayyids; Biyapas; Biyapish) 47, 100, 108, III, 136, 153, 163 Godard, Andre 218 Gok Khan, Gok AIp I75, 176, 180, 181 Gokc;:e Musa Beg Doger 189 GokIen Turkmen confederation 27 Golden Horde 122 Goody, Jack 20 Great Conquests 10, 92 Guardian (see also lala) 19, 196 Guiding Treatise on the Hereafter 156 Gujarat 222 Gulabi Beg I Mawsillu 145, 152, 153, 192, 193 Gulabi Beg II Mawsillu 19.'1
Gulistan-i huna7229 GUI§eni, Dervi§ Muhyi (see also Khalvatiya) 229,230
~
Gulshani Khalvati, Ibrahim, Shaykh 18, 14°-41,146,147,229,23° GUn, GUn Alp, GUn Khan 35, 61, 174, 175, 176, 177 GUndUz AIp 180 Guzel Ahmad b. Dana Khalit Bayandur 160, 161, 208
Habib al-siyarfi akhbar afrad al-bashar 222, 225,226 Habit b. Khalil Bayandur 206 Habit b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur 45, 51, 52, 58,205,206 Habil Beg 174 Haci Bekt~ Veli 27 Hadith. See Prophetic Tradition Hanz Abru, Shihab ai-Din Lurf Allah Khvan I, 49, 104, 225, 226 Haji Beg Doger 189 Hajilu. Turkmen dan 98. 108, 189 Hakkari 143 HakIuyt Society 231 Halal-khana 107 Halima Begi Agha. 'Alamshah Khatun br. Uzun Hasan. wife of Haydar Safavi 107. 150,211 Hama 75.130 Hamadan 100, 107, III, 130, 135. 153, 162, 163,170 Hamid 2. 47 Hamza b. Jahangir Bayandur 82. 93. 101. 210 Hamza b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur. Nur alOin 57,58,59, 62.63. 64. 65,66.67,68, 69,7°,71.73,74,75,91,93,19°,191.192, 195,196, 202, 205. 210 Hamza Beg Mawsillu 192, 193 Hamza-Hajilu. Turkmen dan 54, 127, 189-
90 ,199 Hani30 Hanin religion 105 Hapsburg Empire 89 Haram (palace) 14 Harat 8, 47, 49,51,53.54. III, 1I2, I13, 135,. 136,138,156.162.170,221,226 Haravi, Ibrahim Sultan, Amini 222 Harpur 30. 51. 58, 59, 65. 66, 72, 76, 94, 95. 216.218
32 7
Hasan Aqa Chalahi-ughli Mawsillu 13-4 Hasan b. Mahmud Bayandur 207 Hasan h. Sultan-Murad Bayandur Iro. 166, 213 Hasanb. Ya'qub Bayandur ISO, 155. 186. 2 13 Hasan Beg Bahadinan, Kurdish lord of 'Amadiyah 143 Hasan Beg Doger 189 Hasan Beg Mawsillu 13. 193 Hasan Beg Shakar-ughli Baharlu 18 5 Hasan Rumlu 146, 220 Hasan-'Ali b. Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu 38, 96,97.9 8 .99,100, 10 5, 107,153
Hmht bihisht221 Hasht Bihishr Palace 137, 14 J Hass Murad Pa§a. Ottoman general 117 Harke br. Bayezid II 212
Hawadith al-dttl71lrfi mllM tll-IIJ'Ytlm Wtl al-shtthur 224 Haydar b. Junayd Safavi 107. 137, 141, '42, 143, ISO, 156, 157, 163,168, 209,221 Haydaris 106 Haydarlu, Turkmen dan 54,77,78• 84, 190 ,199
Hazara no Haw 166 Herald (see also jarcbi) 17 Hidden Imam 172 Hijaz 50, 107, n6, 130, 154, 156, 228 Hillah 101. III, 122, 135 Hinz, Walther I Hisn-Kayf 30,31,32,36,52,55,66,72. 76• 80. 81, 82, 92, 93, 94. 218
HistoriJZ FurchescIl232 Hizan 30 Hodgson, Marshall 9, 19 Holy Cities (dl-Haramllyn 1l1-Shllrifayn) (see also Mecca; Medina) 50. 52, n6, 177 Holy War (see also ghaza, ghllZl) 141 Hukttmat. See appanage, military governorship Hulagu, grandson ofChangiz Khan and founder of the Ilkhanids 6 Hunarfar, Lutf Allah 218 Hungary 57, 89 Hurmuz 100, Ill, 134, Huruns 3.52
I3i,
162, 170
328 ~
Husayn b. :Ali Bayandur 62, 64, 65, 66, 69, 209
Husayn b. /\Ii-Khan Bayandur 156. 158. 210.212
Husayn b. Ibrahim Bayandur 206 Husayn b. Qudu Bayandur 38, 42. 202 Husayn b. Ughurlu Muhammad Bayandur 150,154, 187, 212. 213 Husayn b. Uvays Bayandur 209 Husayn Beg Quja-Hajilu 196 Husayn ChaIabi 16 Husayn ChaIabi b. Mansur Bayandur 206 Husayn Kiya Chulavi Il7 Hussite Wars 57 Ibn 1\rabshah. Ahmad 39, 225 Ibn Aja, Shams ai-Din Muhammad 231 Ibn aI-1\rabi. Muhyi ai-Din 4 Ibn al-Athir, 'Izz ai-Din Abu ai-Hasan 28 Ibn aI-Himsi, Ahmad 146, 224 Ibn aI-Tiqtaqa 6 Ibn Bahadur, Abu Fadl Muhammad 224 Ibn Battutah 35 Ibn Bibi 26 Ibn Dihya, Ahmad, Qazi 108 Ibn Hajar aI-'Asqalani. Shihab ai-Din Abu aI-Fadl ai-Hafiz Ahmad 51. 223-24 Ibn Hanbal. Ahmad 104 Ibn Iyas. Muhammad 224. 226 Ibn Taghribirdi. Abu aI-Mahasin Yusuf 92, 97. 102,224 Ibn Tulun. Shams ai-Din Muhammad 224 Ibrahim b. 'Ali Bayandur 209 Ibrahim b. Dana Khalil Bayandur. See Ayba-Sultan Ibrahim b. Jahangir Bayandur 127,150,210 Ibrahim b. Muhammadi Qaraquyunlu 112. 129 Ibrahim b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur 38. 41, 42,45,5~20~206
Ibrahim b. Tur 'Ali Bayandur 204 Ibrahim Beg Bayandur 27 Ibrahim Beg Bijan 186, 210 Ibrahim Beg Mawsillu 192, 193 Ibrahim Beg Qaramani 93, 1I4 Ibrahim-Shah Beg Bayramlu 185 i~ (Inner) Oghuz 181
Index
Index Idris Beg 1174 Idris Beg II Bayandur 28, 174 II Aldi Beg <;epni 187 Ii va uius (confederation) II Ilak Khan 174 Ilakan174 . Ildurkin 174 Ilkan Khan 174 Ilkhans. See Mongols Illuminationism 4, 9 1im5,6 1im ai-rijai 228, 229 Iluk Khan 174 Imam 172 Imeretia 2, 88, 90 Inal, ai-Malik ai-Ashraf. Mamluk sultan 85. 92 Inal, Oghuz group 28 inalclk, Halil 226 Inallu, Turkmen elan 45, 46,54,19°,199 Inaq begi25 Inaq Hasan 50, 68 lnaqan (personal forces) 13 Inba' ai-ghumr Ii abna' ai-'umr 224 Inba' ai-hashrfi abna' ai-'asr 224 India 54, 178, 185, 222 Indian Ocean 50, 134 Imha' 216. 217, 218, 233 Ioannes IV Komnenos 88 Iorga, Nicolae 217 'lqd ai-juman fi ta'rikh ahl ai-zaman 224 Iran I, 3, 7, 8. 26. 47,54,87,100,137,151, 165,166,172.173,184,186,187,190,198, 218.222,227,232•234 Iraq 3,7,26.27,28,29,44,87,122,129, 142, 144,151, 152, 153, 173: Arabian 45, 48, 74.81,97,98,100,107,109, III, 122, 132, 142, 153, 161, 163, 165. 166, 184, 189, 192, 195; Persian 28, 45. 47, 53. 78, 82. 84, 97. 98,99,108,1°9. III, 1I3, 127, 128, 129, 130, 142. 153, 155, 159, 160, 161, 163, 183, 184, 194, 222 'Iraqiyah Turkmens 28 Irbil98 Ireland 219 Irki b. Dunkar Bayandur (Kol Irki Khan Bayandur) 25, 178
Irqil Khvaja 61 'IsaArtuqi, aI-MaIikal-Zahir Majd ai-Din, Artuqid ruler of Mardin 31, 36, 38. 41. 44,45 'Isa Beg Bulduqani-Mardasi 91. 186, 212 'Isa Beg Mawsillu 193 Isfahan 12, 100. 101, 106, III, 135, 155, 156, 159, 161, 162. 163. 170, 218 Isfandiyar. Infandiyarids (Candar, Candarogullari. Jandarids) (see also Qizil Ahmad Beg) 2. 13, 47. 88. 90, III. 128, 187, 190 Isfandiyar Beg Bulduqani-Mardasi 187 Ishaq Beg Qaramani 93, 95 'Ishratabad Gardens 137 Iskandar b. 'Ali Bayandur 209 Iskandar b. Ibrahim Bayandur 45,58,206 Iskandar b. Pilean BayandUI 93, 204 Iskandar b. Qara Yusuf Qaraquyunlu 44, 48, 49,53,54,57,61,63,65,66.67,68.195 Iskandar b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur 205 Iskandar Bayandur 2{J8 Iskandar Beg Munshi 222 iskilip 67 Isma'il b. Haydar Safavi, Shah Isma'il I 9. 12, Il3, 143, 149,150, 156, 157, 163,165,166, 167,168, 169,172.173,183,192.193.194, 195, 196, 198, 211, 217. 221, 222, 231, 232 Isma'il Beg MawsiIlu 193 Ispan b. Qara Yusuf Qaraquyunlu 49, 66, 71,73 ispir 31,32. 72, 76. 77, 94 Istakhr 143 Istanbul 47, 88, 89, III, 127. 135. 136, 137, 156, 162, 170, 181, 215, 216 Ivughli (EvogIu), Abu aI-Qasim Haydar 102, 217 'Ivaz, Turkmen elan 54, 78, 190, 199 Iyalat. See appanage, military governorship izmir 41, 47 'Izz-al-Din-Hajilu, Turkmen elan 54, 66, 191,199 'Izz ai-Din Shir i\zizan 143 Ja'bar 31, 32 Ja'far b. Ya'qub BayandUI 62, 63, 64. 65, 68, 69,71.77.78 • 80,202,206
~ 329
Ja'far Safavi 98 Jabal Sinjar 81, 94, 98 Jacobites. See Christians Jadalru Khan 174 Jahangir b. 'Ali Bayandur, Mu'izz ai-Din 43,44,46,62,63,64. 65,66,68,69,70• 71,73,74,75,77,78,79,80.81,82,84. , 85, 88, 91, 93, 96. 101, 129. 150, 160, 187, 202, 205, 209, 210
Jahangir b. YusufBayandur 211 Jahangirids 149, 210 Jahanshah b. 'Ali Bayandur 209 Jahanshah b. Qara Yusuf Qaraquyunlu, Abu ai-Muzaffar 9,12,48,68.74.75.78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 105, 108, 1I2, Il3, 1I8, 129, 140, 176, 177, 184, 189. 191 Jakam, aI-Malikal-~il, Mamluk rebel and antisultan 45, 46. 52, 183 Jaial ai-Din Firuzshah Khalji, sultan of Dehli 6 Jalayir, Mongol tribe (see also ShaykhUvays; Sultan-Ahmad) 2,3, 7, 29, 45 jama'a5 jama 'at (confederate elan) II Jami. ~ ai-Rahman 89, 138, 140, 233 jami' ai-duwal220 jami'al-tavarikh1. 104. 174 Jamshid b. Qudu Bayandur 203 Jamshid Beg Mawsillu 193 Jan Agha Khanum bt. Murad Bayandur 166,208
Jandarids. See Isfandiyarids Jani Beg Khan, Jochid ruler 8 Janibak ai-Sufi, Mamluk rebel 67, 68 Janim aI-Ashrafi, Mamluk rebel 92 Janissaries Il7 Japheth (Yafis) 174 Jaqmaq. ai-Malik aI-Zahir. Mamluk sultan 7°,71,74,75,77,80,81 jarakisa. SeeCircassian (Burji) Mamluks jarchi (see also herald) 17 Javad 30, 32, 55, 72, 76. 94 javahir ai-akhbar 222 Jazirah 66, 102 Jerusalem 135 Jesus Christ 180
:1.· "
330 Junayd Safavi 83, 142, 143, 150, 168, 209 Justice ('adl, ma'dalat) 105, 106 Juvayni, 'Ali ai-Din Ata' Malik 225 Kacheti 2 Kaglzman 30, 32, 55, 72, 76. 81, 94 Kahta 32, u6 Kan Turah 34 Kanh Koja34 Kara Han II 178, 179 Kara Su 29, 30, 91 Karahisar 30, 40, 49, 50, 55, 58, 72, 76. 77, 89,90 ,94,117,120,137 Kupu OVAOVX, KupuAOVK1]<; (See Qara 'Usman) 39 Karasl2 Kara~u 81 Karbalii-Tabrizi, Hafiz Husayn 230 Kars 181 Karts2 Kartli 2, 32, 88, 122, 143 Kashan 161, 162, 183 AI-Kashghari, Mahmud 26 Kashifi, 'Ali Va'iz 229 Kashmir 178 Kastamonu 90, 135 Katib C;:elebi 232 Kayseri 31, 93, III, 115, 192 Keeper of the seal (see also muhrdar) 17, 19, 192 Kefe (Caffa) 121 Kelkit River, Kelkit valley 30, 89, II7, lIS, 120, 129 Kemah 29, 30, 31, 32, 40, 42, 46, 47, 50,55, 58,62,63,68,69,70 ,72, n 76. 77, 80, 89, 93, 94, 216 Kemalpa§azade, ~emseddin Ahmed 221, 226 Khadija bt. 'Ali Bayandur, wife of}unayd Safavi ISO, 209 Khalaf, al-Malik al-'Adil, Ayyubid ruler 81,
92 Khalil b. Habil Bayandur 206 Khalil b. Piltan Bayandur 101, 160, 204 Khalil b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur 205 Khalid Beg Pazuki 194 Khalil Sharvanshah 142
...-:::y
Index Khalil Tuvachi 88, 90, 100 Khaljis 6 Khalvatiya Sufi order (see also Dede 'Umar Rawshani; Dervi§ Muhyi Giil§eni; Ibrahim Gulshani) 18, 83, 156, 177, 229, 230
Khan of khans (hanlar ham) 179, lSI, IS2 Khanum bt. Qara 'Usman Bayandur 64 Khanum Khatun bt. Uzun Hasan Bayandur 101, 150, 210, 2II Kharbandalu, Turkmen clan 191, 199 Khavass (personal forces) 13 Khazin (see also treasurer; khazinadar) 17 Khazinadar (see also treasurer; khazin) 17 Khulasat al-tavarikh 222 Khunji-Isfahani, Fazl Allah "Amini" II, 14, 17,1°3,105,128,132,138,140,142,144, 145,146,147,182,220,234 Khurasan 3, 8, 12, 53, 74, 87, 99, 100, 108, IIO, III, 1I2, 1T3, 120, 149, 152, 166, 181, 185,192,222
Khurishl9 Khurramabad 185 Khurshid b. Bayazid Bayandur 62, 88, 90, 93,101,206
Khushqadam, ai-Malik al-Zahir, Mamluk sultan 92, 93, 95, 97, 100 Khuy 3°,128 KhUY, Battle of 128, 129, 135, 190, 192, 196 Khuzistan 3, 97, 100, 107, III, 122, 129, 142, 191 Khvafi, Fasih ai-Din Ahmad, Fasihi 226 Khvaja Hasan Mazi (Kihar-Ulang), Bartle of 158, 159, 161 Khvandamir, Ghiyas ai-Din 174-75, 221, 222, 225, 226 Khvand-Sultan bt. Piltan Bayandur 204, 218 Khvar 194 Khvarazm 27 Khvarazmshah 179, 180 Khvurshah Husayni 222 Kievan Russia 20 Kigi 30, ]2, 36, 42, 43, 55, 56, 58, 62, 72, 76. 93,94,218 Kihar-Ulang. See Khvaja Hasan Mazi Kimak 25
Index Kingash (see also elite council) 14, 15 Kirman 26, 87, 97, 99, 100. lOT. III. 127, 129. 135, 15S, 161, 162, 16" 170, 192 Kitab al-fakhri 6 Kitab al-suluk Ii ma'rifot duwal al-muluk 224
...-:::y
331
Lala'i, Ahmad 107 Laliiya Sufi order (st't' also Baba Farai; Hafiz Husayn Karbala'i-Tabrizi; Kubraviya Sufi order) 230 Lari, Muslih ai-Din 222 Latifb. YusufBayandur 204
Kitab al-sunan 104 Kitab-i Diyarbakriya (Diyar-Bakrian Volume), Abu Bakr Tihrani-Isfahani's
Lavami' al-ishraq fi makar;m al-aMlaq. See Akhlaq-i Jalali Le Guerre dei Venet; nell'A.
chronicle ofUzun Hasan 12. 137, 191. 218, 219. 220, 221, 222, 224, 230 Kiya'i or Malati Sayyids (see also Gilan) 136,
Lettere217
18 5 Koca Hiiseyn, Ottoman chronicler 128 Komneni 88. 90 Konya I, 93. III, II6 Koyulhisar 30,90,94, II7, IIS Kubraviya Sufi order 83.107.23° Kuh Ahmad. See Ahmad Beg Purnak Kujuji family 108. 152 Kujuji. Arnir Zakariya 161 Kujuji, Shaykh Muhammad 152, 155 Kiilerkin (viceroy) 25 Kur Muhammad. See Muhammad b. Qara 'Usman Kur River 30, 142, 143, 149, 155 Kurdistan 3.30,42.44,47, So. SI, 87, 91. 96,97, IIO, III. II4, 120, 127. 143. 166, IS4, ISS, 220, 228 Kurdistan 33 Kurds (see also Ayinlu; Ayyubids; Bukhti; Bulduqani-Mardasi; C;:emi~gezeki Malkishi; Chigani; Malikan; Pazuki; Ruzagi; Sulaymani; Zraqi) 31, 45, 47. 4S, 50, 52, 59, 66, 80, 81, 91, 92, 98, no, 127, 13°, 165,166 Kusa Haji b. Shaykh-Hasan Bayandur 129, 155.156. 160, 207 Kutais III, 135
La Repubblica di Venezia e la Persia 217, 232 Lahijan 135, 153, 157,162 Lahiji, 'Ali 228 Lake Gokye (Sevan) 30, 178 Lake Urmiya 30,51-2 Lake Van 29. 30, 49, 81, 98, 143 Lala (guardian, mentor) 14
21 7 Lodovico da Bologna 88-9 Lord of the Age (Sahib al-Ztman) 156 Lubb al-tavarikh 221 Luristan 47, TOO, III, 113
Luif5,6 AI-Ma'mun, 'Abbasid caliph 104 Mab'uth. See envoy Machin, Machin Khan 176, 178, 179, ISO Mahdi. mahdism 122. 140 Mahdi. Turkmen soldier 141 Mahmil (see also pilgrim caravan) 107, 108, 130 Mahmud h. Kusa Haji Bayandur 160, 207 Mahmud b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur 62, 63, 64. 65,71, 7J, 74, 75, 9 8, 99, 191, IN, 202, 205, 207
Mahmud b. Ughurlu Muhammad Bayandur 149,150, 151, 153, 187,202,212 Mahmud Beg Chakirlu 18S Mahmud Gavan 217 Mahmud I, sultan ofGuiarat 222 Mahmud P~a. Ottoman minister IT7
Majalis al-nafo'is 229 Majmu 'ah fi al-ttlwarikh 224 Malatya 30,32,41,50,55,91,94,95, lIf, IT6. 135 Mal-i halal(legitimately acquired fortune) 106 Malik Ashraf Chuhan 8 Malik-Asian b. Tur 'Ali Bayandur 204 Malik-Asian Beg Zu'l-Qadr 95 Malikishi Kurds. SeeC;:emi~ge7.eki-Malkishi Kurds Malikshah, Saljuq sultan 26 Malipiero, Dominico 217, 2U
332 ~ Mamalu. See Mamashlu Mamashlu, Turkmen clan (see also 'Ali Beg) 71,191,199 Mamluks of Egypt and Syria (see also Barquq; Barsbay; Circassian (Burji) Mamluks; Faraj; Inal; Jaqmaq; jarikisa; Khushqadam; Qansuh; Qayitbay; Shaykh) 2, 7, 13, 2.8, 31, 33, 34> 36, 41, 45, 46,47,50,51,52.,53,54,61,64,66,68, 77,80,92,93,95,97,100,102.,103,108, no, JII, 114, 116, I17, 12.0, 12.2, 129, 130, 135,136,154,156,170,183,188,196,197,
217,223,2.24,225,231,23} MarllUfib u8, 2.29 Manaqib-i Gui.-halli 230 Mangujak27 Mangujakids 179, 180 Mangyshlak 27,178 Mansur b. Khurshid Bayandur 206 Mansur Beg Mshar 183 Mansur Beg <;emi~ge2.eki-Malkishi 187 Mansur Beg Chakirlu 188 Mansur Beg Chigani 188 Mansur Beg Purnak 12.7,142,152,157,195 ManU2io, A. 231 Maqan~t228,229
Al-Maqrizi, Taqi ai-Din Ahmad 51, 223, 224 Maqsud b. Ibrahim Bayandur 204 Maqsud b. Uzun Hasan Bayandur 93, 100, 12.1,122.,123,127,150, 160, 202,208,2II Mar'ashi, Zahir ai-Din u8 Maragha 159, 160, 161 Marand 30, 32, 55, 72, 76, 94, 98, III Mar~32, 191 Mardin 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 36, 38, 44, 46, 49, 52, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 62, 63, 66, 69, 70, 72,7J, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82., 84, 85, 88, 93, 94, 135, 157, 162, 165, 166, 170, 216, 218 Marjumak Beg Mawsillu 193 Maria Komnene (Despina Khatun) 34, 36, 42,202, 219 Marriage alliance 22, 34, 36, ~3-4, 47, 48-9, 64,73,77,78,91,134,169,194,197,219 Marvarid, ~bd Allah,· Khvaja 217 Mashhad 135, 170
Index Masih Mirza b. Uzun Hasan Bayandur 101, 146, 149, 151, 202, 211 Ma'sum Beg Chakirlu 188 Ma'sum Beg Mawsillu 193 Matla '_i sa'dayll va ~jma' al-bahrayn u6 Mavadd al-tavarikh (chronograms) 218 Mawdud Tughan 174 Mawsillu (Musullu), Turkmen clan (see also Ahmad Beg; 'Ali Beg; Arnir Beg I; Arnir Beg II; Bakr Beg; Begtash Beg; Fulad Beg; Gulabi Beg I; Gulabi Beg II; Hamza Beg; Hasan Beg; Hasan Aqa Chalabi-ugli; Ibrahim Beg; 'Isa Beg; Isma'il Beg; Jamshid Beg; Marjumak Beg; Ma'sum Beg; Mihmad Beg; Muhammad Beg; Muhammadi Beg; Musa Beg; Nur ~ Beg; Pir 'Umar Beg; Pulad Beg; Qayitmas Beg; Qutb ai-Din Beg; Shaykh 'Ali Beg; Sufi Khalil Beg; Sultanum; Tajlu Begum; 'Umar Beg; 'Usman Beg; Ya'qub Beg; YusufBeg; Zu'I-Faqar Beg) 12., 13, 15,49, 54, 64, 66, 70,71,75,77,78,84,122,127,12.8,129, 130, 132, 149, 151, 153, 154, 159, 161, 162, 165, 191-93, 195, 196, 199 Maybudi, Husayn, Qazi 140, 217 Mayyarfariqin. See Silvan Mazandaran (see also Qavvami or Mar'ashi Sayyids; Sayyid ~d ai-Karim II) 3, 100, 111,136
Mazandarani, ~d Allah Ibn Kiya 2.33 Mazarat228,230 Mazgird 58 Mazzaoui, Michell Mecca 108,178 Medina 108 Mediterranean Sea 50, 90, II6, 121, 134 Mehmed Bey, Ottoman painter 120 Mehmed I b. Bayezid I, Ottoman sultan 47 Mehmed II, Fatih, Ottoman sultan 51, 74, 85, 88, 89, 93, 102, II3, Il4> II7, II8, 120, 12.1, 122, 129, 158, 181, 215 Melikian-Chirvani, A. S. 218 Menage, v. L. u6 Ment~e2, 56 Merchants (see also tujjar, bazarganall) 15, 18,31,100
Index Merovingians 20 Mesudiye-Melet 90 Mihmad b. Ahmad Bayandur 42, 43, 189, 203
Mihmad Beg Mawsillu 193 Mihmandar (see alsf) chief of protocol; shiqavul) 17 Milanese, Marica 232 Military chancellor 19 Military governorship 18 Mingli Khan 176 Mingrelia 2, 88 Minister of finance (see also vazir) 17, 19 Minister of religious affairs (see also sadr ai-Shari 'a) 17, 18, 19 Minorsky, Vladimir I, 3, 13, 16, 146 Mirat al-advar va mirqat a/-akhbar 222 Miranshah b.1imur 45,47,98,194 Miranshahi, Timurid clan (see also ~bd aI-Baqi Beg; Ghazanfar Beg; Muhammad Baqir Beg; Muzaffar Beg; Timur 'Usman Beg; Zaynal Beg) 13, 108, 127, 130, 151, 194 Mirkhvand, Muhammad 174 Misr Beg Dager 189 Misr Qaraquyunlu 204 Miyana 30, 32, 55, 72, 76, 94, 98, 99, III, 160 Mole,M·4 Mongols: Changizkhanid 1,4,7,20,104, 105,180; Ikhanid I, 4, 7, 28, 29, 31, 33, 173; invasions 3, 6, 7, 27, 28, 182; tribes (see also Jalayir; Oirot; Siildiiz) 178, 181 Mosul30, 32, 55, 72, 76, 81, 94, 98, III, 135, 162,170
Mu'izz ai-Din Pir Husayn Muhammad Kart 8 Mufakahat al-khillanfi hawadith al-za~n 224
MughalSl Mughan 132, 161, 188 Mughul, Mughal Khan 175, 176 Muhammad b. Ahmad Bayandur 41, 42, 43,189,203
Muhammad b. Bayandur Bayandur 206 Muhammad b. Farrukhshad Bayandur 160, 167,208
~ 333
Muhammad b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur, Kur Muhammad 58, 62, 63,64, 65, 93, 101, 149, 160, 204, 205, 208 Muhammad b. YusufBayandur 204 Muhammad Beg Bijan 186 Muhammad Beg Chakirlu 188 Muhammad Beg Mawsillu 193 Muhammad Beg Miranshahi 194, 207 Muhammad Fuzuli 185 Muhammad Ibn 'Usman. See Mehmed II, Fatih Muhammad Juki b. Shahrukh 62, 63, 64, 205
Muhammad Mahdi Khan 175 Muhammad Shaybani Khan Uzbek 169 Muhammad Siyah Qalam. See Siyah Qalam Muhammad the Prophet 5, 104, 105, 106, 152, 178, 179, 181 Muhammad-Darvish 138 Muhammad-Zaman b. Murad Bayandur 166,208
Muhammadi b. Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu 78,96,97 Muhammadi b. YusufBayandur, Abu aIMakarim 149, ISO, 159, 160, 161, 163, 183, 202,'211
Muhammadi Beg Mawsillu 193 Muhrdar (see also keeper of the seal) 14, 17 Mujaddid (renewer) 104, 105, 106, 121, 140 Muj~/-i Fasihi 226 Muluk al-tawa'i/ I Miineccimb~1 220 Municipal levies (see also ~mgha; tamghavat) 19, 144, 145; lvJii1ljeat us-selatin 2.16 Munshaat 217 Munshi a/-~ma/ik (see also state secretary) 17 Muntazir-Sahib, Asghar 22.2-23 Murad b. Dana Khalil Bayandur 159, 100, 166,208
Murad b. Jahangir Bayandur 78, 84, 89, 93, 101, 120, 127, ISO, 210 Murad b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur 45, 52, 58, 101, 160, 202, 205, 206
Murad Beg Bijan 186
334 ~'Index Murad II b. Mehmed I, Ottoman sultan 9, 49,56 ,67,68 Murad Khan Afshar 183 Murad Pa§a b. Ya'qub Bayandur 213 Murad Su 29, 30, 91, 96, 187 Mu§ 30, 96, IOI, no Mu§, Battle of 94,97,99,102,140 Musa b. Pir 'Ali Bayandur 58, 62, 77, 79, 203, 204 Musa Beg 'Arab Rabi'ah 196 Musa Beg Mawsillu 193 Muscovy 122 Musha'sha' (see also Sayyid Muhsin) 3, 107, 122, 129, 130, 135, 142, 143 Al-Musta'sim, 'Abbasid caliph 4, 6 Mustafa b. Mehmed II n6, 117, n8, 232 Mustafa Jinabi, Ottoman chronicler 128 Mustansiriyah 7 Mustawji (see also comptroller) 17 Mutahhartan, governor of Erzincan 31, 36, 37,38,39,40,41,46,203 Muzaffar Beg Miranshahi 194 Muzaffar Beg Purnak 158 Muzaffarids 2 Muzaffariya (Masjid-i Kabud, Gok Masjid), mosque and tomb complex of Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu 97,137,156
Na'ib (viceroy) 25, 105 Nakhjavan 28, 151, 163 Nakhjavani, Hajj Husayn 218 Nakhjavani, Muhammad 7,233 Naqshbandi. SeeSiraj ai-Din Qasim Naqshbandiya Sufi order (see also Jami; Kashifi; Siraj ai-Din Qasim) 83, 229 A Narrative ofItalian Travels in Persia in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries 231 Nasriya, mosque and tomb complex of Uzun Hasan 18, 123, 137, 141 Natanzi, Mu'in ai-Din 225 Nava'i, 'Abd al-Husayn 217 Nava'i, 'Ali Shir 229 Negroponte. See Agnboz Nesimi, Hurufi poet 52 Nicopolis, Battle of 57 231 Nigaristan 222 Nikitin, Afanasi 231
Niksar 30, Il7, 120 Ni'matAilah IT 107 Ni'matullahiya Sufi order 83 Nimdihi, 'Abd ai-Karim 151, 222 Nizam al-Mulk, Saljuq minister 14, ,6 Noah (Nuh) 174 Nogay horde 35 Nomadic military elite IS
Notes et extraits pour servir a l'histoire des croisades au XVe siecle 217 Nuh (Noah) 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, I80
Nujum al-zahirah ji muluk Misr wa alQahirah224 Nukaran-i khassa (personal forces) 13 Nuqtachiughli, Shaykh Fazil 158 Nut 'Ali b. Dana Khalil Bayandur 155,156, 157,159, 160, 208 Nur 'Ali b. Pir 'Ali Bayandut 44, 50, 58, 63, 64, 204 Nur 'Ali Beg Mawsillu 193 Nusakh-i jahan-ara 222 Nusaybin 48, 55 Nushad 197
Nuskha-yi jami 'a-yi mllrasalat-i 11111 al-albab 21 7
Oath of allegiance (bay 'at) 138 Oghuz, Oghuz Khan 9, II, 25, 26, 27, 28, 35,36,42,56,61,140,173,174,175,176. 177, 178. 180, 182 Oghuz, Tutkic people II, 178, 179, 181, 182. 183,187, 227 Oghuz-nama 61, 174. 176, 177, 179, 180
Oguzculuk 173 Oirot, Mongol tribe 3, 29 Osman Gazi 176, 178, 182, 226 Ossetes 88 Otluk Dag ITS Ottomans (see also Bayezid I; Bayezid II; Mehmed I; Mehmed II; Murad II; Osman Gazi; Selim; Suleyman) I, 2. 9, 13, 14,18,26,27,31,33,40,41,48,5°,56,57, 61,67.68.81.87,89,90,92,93,95,97, 99,109. no, Ill, I14, lIS, 116, II7, u8, 121, 122,127,129.134,135,136,137,154,157, 158,159,162,165.167.169,170,173,176, 177,179-80,181,182,183.184,187,188,
Index ,-.;:::,.' 335 189,192,193,195,197,215,216,217,219, 221.225.226,227, 231. 2~2, 233
Padshah 6.181,182 Pahlavan Beg Bayandur 28, 42,174 Palu 29. ]0, ]2. 36, 42, 55, 58, 62. 63, 72, 76, 89,94. 18 7 Panaretos, Michael 28. 33, 36, 219 Pasduban (see also Rustamdar) 136 Pasin 30.36 Patriarchal caliphs 140 Patronage 137-38,156 Pax Mongolica 3 Pazuki Kurds (see also Khalid Beg) 92, 93. 194,199 Peasantry IS Persepolis 218 Persia 16, 137, 231 Persian Gulf 134, 149 Personal forces, retinue (see also boy
nukaran; inaqan; Ie zenti d'armi; khal'ass; nukaran-i khassa;warband) 13. 14. 50, 66.82,84, 132, 154 Petrushevsky. I. P. I Pilgrim caravan (see also mahmil) 107. 108, 13 0 Pilgrimage (Hajj) n6, 130. 156, 177, 228 Piloti, Emmanuel 231 Piltan b. Pir 'Ali Bayandur 41.42,58, 62,6" 93, 101. 160, 204 Pir Ahmad Beg Qaramani 93, 95. 97. 114, u6 Pir 'Ali b. Qutlu Bayandur 36, 38. 39. 41, 42,43,44. 50. 56, )8, 62,63.93. 101. 1,9. I60, 202, 203,204,208
Pir 'Ali Beg Baharlu ll2 Pir-'Alids 65, 71, 74, 77, 78, 81. 128. 204 Pir Budaq b. Jahanshah Qaraquyunlu 12.
96 Pir Budaq b. Qara YusufQaraquyunlu R Pir Budaq Beg Bijan [86 Pir Hasan b. Ahmad Bayandur 20., Pir Muhammad Beg Alpavut 120 Pir or Qara Hasan b. Husayn Qaraquyunlu 37,38 Pir 'Umar, Qaraquyunlu governor ofErzincan 46. 47, 4 8, 50
Pir 'Umar Beg Mawsillu W, Plague, epidemic 52. 141, l45 Plato 105 Poland 89 Pontus Mountains 29 Popular religious leaders. See Sufi.< Portuguese f70 Poti (Phasis. Fasso) 90 President of the council (see also chief of staff; amir-i divan; dizwl begil 17,132 Prophetic Tradition (Haditf,l 104. 105, 106 Pulad Beg Mawsillu 192. 193 Pulur 58. 62, 167 Purnak (Pirnek), Turkmen clan (see also Ahmad Beg; 'Ali Beg; Barik Beg; Mansur Beg; Muzaff.~r Beg; Qasim Beg; Shah'Ali Beg; Sidi ~O\li Beg) 13. 15.48,49, 54. 64.66.70.71,75.77.78.80.84.128.1)2. 149,151,153.1)4.1,5,157.158. [61, 162, 16 3, 16 5, 194-95. 196• [99 Qabul Khvaja Bayandur 25
Qablls-l1amil56 Qajar. Turkmen clan (Sl'l" also Bayar) 154. 16 3. 18 5 Qalandars 106 AI-Qalqashandi, Ahmad 233 Qansuh al-Ghawri. ai-Malik ai-Ashraf. Mamluk sultan [65 Qt111/Ill-nama. qamm 108-09, 213 Qapllchi (chamberlain) (see also eshikaqmi) 14, 17 Qara-ivli, Oghuz Turkmen clan [~) Qara Khan 174. 176. 177 Qara Muhammad Qaraquyunlu 31. 33. 37 Qara 'Usman b. Qurlu Bayandur. Fakhr ai-Din. Qara YUltik 9.10,17.28.34.36, 38.39-,9,61. 62, 63. 64. 6(,. 67, 70. n 85,87,89.95,98. lOr. 102, lOR. 109, lIO. 167,17+ 177. lSI. 183. 186. 188.189-90. 191.194. 195,196.197,202.20(,20.6,20.7, 208, 209, 2[0., 219. 224. 225, 227.2)1
Qara YUlLik (see alia Qara 'Usman) 39. 4.3 Qara Yusufb. Qara Muhammad Qaraquyunlu 8. 37, 38, 44. 45. 46. 47, 48,49.5 2.97,185,188.189 Qara-'Usmanids (see aho dispensation)
,9.
Index""""" 43.44.45.50.63.65.66.67.69.70.71. 74.75.77.78.79.80.88.123.125.128. 12.9.153.154.155.160.161.166.205.206, 207. 208. 209 Qarabagh 41. 48. 99. 145. 151. 154. 184 Qarachali Beg 174
Qarachu (non-Changizkhanid commoner) 7. 8 Qaraja Beg 174 Qaraja Dagh (modern Karcalt Dag) 64 Qarakhanids (Ilekkhans) 20. 178 Qarakhitay 178 Qaraman. Qaramanids (see also Ibrahim Beg; lshaq Beg; Pir Ahmad Beg; Qasim Beg) 2.13.31.47.88.90.92.93.95.97. III.
114. 115. n6. 117. 128. 195-96. 227
Qaramanlu. Turkmen clan (see also Bayram Beg) 195-96. 199 Qaraquyunlu (see also Abu Sa'id; Abu Yusuf; Iskandar; Ibrahim; Ispan; Jahanshah; Misr; Muhammadi; Pir Budaq; Pir Husayn; Qara Muhammad; Qara Yusuf) 2. 3. 8. 9. 12, 13, 28, 31, 32, 33, 35, 37.38,42,43,44,45.46,47,48,49.5°, 51, 53, 54,65, 66,7}, 74, 75. 77. 78, 79, 81,82,84,85,87,88,95,96,97,98,99, 102,106,107,108, II2, 1I4, 127, 129, 167, 168,173,176,177,181,184,185,188,189, 190, 191, 196. 220, 225, 226 Qara-Yusufids (see also dispensation) 49 Qarqin, Oghuz Turkmen clan 28, q5
Qasim b. Jahangir Bayandur, Abu aIMuzaffar; Da'i Qasim, Qasim Padshah 101.127,149, ISO. 156. 157, 159, 160, 161, 165, 186, 181, 202, 210, 2II, 230 Qasim b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur 58, 62, 71.75,78,79,80,81. 205
Qasim Beg Bulduqani-Mardasi, Lata Qasim 166 Qasim Beg Piunak 157, 158, 159, 161 Qasim Beg Qaramani 114, 116, 195 Qavi Khan 117 Qavvami or Mar'ashi Sayyids (m also Mazandaran) 136 Qaydu Khan 174 Qaydur Khan I 180 Qaydur Khan II 180
Qayi (Qayigh), Oghuz Turkmen dan 26, 27. 174, 175, 176, 178
Qayitbay, ai-Malik aI-~hraf, Mamluk sultan 51, 100, u6, 122, 130, 136, 154, 155, 156 Qayitmas b. YusufBayandur 153, 206, 209 Qayitmas Beg Mawsillu 193 Qazaghan Qaraunas. warlord of Transoxiana 8 Qazi 'askar (see also chiefIslamic justice; see also qazi al-quzat) 17 Qazi 'Isa. See Savaji; 'lsa Qazi al-quzat (see also chief Islamic justice; qazi 'askar) I? Qazvin 14, 99, 101, III, 135, 152. 153, 156, 162. qo, 185 Qazvini. Ahmad Ghifari, Qazi 222 Qazvini. Budaq Munshi 222 Qazvini, Hakim Shah-Muhammad 229 Qazvini. Mir Yahya Husayni Sayfi 221 Qazvini. Muhammad, father of Ahmad Ghifari 222 Qazvini, Ruh Allah, Khvaja 154 Qazvini, Zayn ai-Din b. HamdAilah 225 Qibchaq Khan 174 Qilich Asian b. Ahmad Bayandur 58, 62, 63,65.71 .74,77,78,79,80,81,202, 203, 204 Qizil Bugha Khan 180 Qiniq, Oghuz Turkmen clan 26, 27, 28, 175 Qipchaq steppe 38, 178
Qishlaq. See Winter emcampment. Qizil Ahmad Beg Isfandiyari II5 Qizilaghach 188 Qizilbash 3, 10, 12, 163. 165, 166, 167, 168, 172,183,185,187.190,191.192,194,196, 197,198,229,23° Qizil Uzan River 161, 162 Qiziq. Oghuz Turkmen clan 175 Quhistan 1I2
Quja-Hajilu (KocahacIlu), Turkman clan (see also Husayn Beg) 66,71.75.77,79, 80,84, 127,191,196, 199 Qulu (Tulu) Bayandur 25 Qum 114, 135. 136, 159, 161, 162, qo, 183 Qumi, Ahmad, Qazi, 166, 168. 222, 229 Qumri Khan 180 Qur'an 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 121, 153
Quraysh 17 Qurkhrnas b. Kur Muhammad Bayandur 154, 155, 160, 208
Qurkhmas b. YusufBayandur 206, 209 Qurqut Ata b. Qara Khvaja Bayat. See DedeKorkut Qushunuo Quts, 6, 20 Qutb ai-Din Beg Mawsillu 193 Qutbeglu, Turkmen clan, branch of the Afshar 183 Qutlu b. Ahmad Bayandur 42, 43, 58, 62, 65, 203
Qutlu b. Tur 'Ali Bayandur, Fakhr ai-Din 33,34,35,36,37,38,42,43.56,58,189, 202, 203, 204. 205, 206, 207, 209, 210, 219 Qutlu'ids 166
Ra'is (see also sardar) 19 Rabino. H. L. 218 Radi ai-Din ibn Taus 7 Ramadan confederation 68, 88 Ramusio, G. B. 231, 232 Raqqah 29, 30. 31, 32. 94, III Rashahat ayn al-hayat 229 Rashid ai-Din Fazl Allah I, 25, 26, 61, 174 Rawshani, Dede 'Umar 141, 177 Rawzat al-jinan va jannat al-jinan 230 Rawzat al-safa' 226 Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il sec. XV/, Serie III (Relazioni di Costantinopoli) 232 Religious institution (see also 'ulama') IS, 19
Renewer. See mujaddid Rerum seculo quinto decimo in Mesopotamia gestarum librum 227 Riyaz al-imha' 217 Roemer, H. R I Romano, Domenico (anonymous Venetian merchant) 231, 232 Romans 102 Rome 89 Rosenthal, E. I. J. 234 Ross Anonymous 168, 222 Ross, E. Denison 222 Royal house IS
337
Rulra 29, 30, 32, 38, 45, 46, 50, 51, 52, 53. 54, 55,58,62.66.70 .71.75.76, 77. 79. 80. 82.87. 88.92.93,94. 101. III. II7.I2I. 122.13°. 135, 162, 165. 166. qo. 197. 216•. 218 Rukn ai-Din Saljuqi 180
Rum. Rumiya 30.31.67. u5. II7 Rumeli 117. 118 Rumsaray (Mecidiye) 34 Ruqaya Sultan bt. Qara 'Usman Bayandur 58• 194. 205
Russia 8..231 Rustam b. Maqsud Bayandur. Abu aIMuzaffar 149. ISO. 151. 154. 155-58. 160. 18 5. 195. 202, 208. 211. 221. 222. 230
Rustam b. Murad Bayandur 67. 101.160. 206
Rustarn Ibn Tarkhan 75.77.78• 82.8.3. 84. 85. 91. 190. 205
Rustam. Aqquyunlu amir ai-hajj 108 Rustamdar 100. 136 Ruzagi Kurds (see also Arnir Sharaf, Sharaf Khan Bidlisi) 32. 98. IIO. 1I2. 157. 199 Sa'd aI-Mulk.leader of Bozdogan Turkmens 40 Sa'dlu. Turkmen clan 108, 196. 199 Sa'idi family 108 Saatbago. See Samtzkhe Saba (Sheba) 182 Sacred Law (Sharia) 4. 5. 7. 8. 9. 13. 104. 105. 106. u5. u6. 137. 140. 144. 158. 179. 220. 230. 233 Sadeddin. Ottoman chronicler 128. 146
Sadr ai-Shari a (see also minister of religious affairs) 17
Safavids (see also 'Al>bas; Haydar; Isma'il; Ja'far; Junayd; Qizilbash; Safi ai-Din; Sayyid Ibrahim; Sayyid Sulayman; Sultan 'Ali; Tahmasb) I. 3. 4. 9. 10. 12. 13. 16. 50.92.132.142.149. ISO. 156. 157. 159. 163. 166. 169. 183. 184. 187. 188. 189. 193. 216, 217. 218. 221. 222, 232. 234
Safaviya Sufi order 93.157.163.168.172 Safi ai-Din Ishaq. Shaykh 167 Sahand. Mr. 138 Sahib Sultan 194
338~'
AI-Sakhawi, 'Abd ai-Rahman 224, 228 Salah ai-Din Ayyubi 92 Salaman u Absal 138 AI-Salih, Artuqid ruler of Mardin 46 Salim Beg Doger 31, 36, 43, 189, 202 Saljuq, wife of Qara 'Usman 58, 205 Saljuqs, 14, 20, 26, 83. 179. 180: Anatolian (Rum) 26, 27, 31, 17}. 180 Saljuqshah Begum bt. Kur Muhammad Bayandur, wife ofUzun Hasan 16, 62, 93, 121, 123, 127. 131, 145, 146, 151, 155, 16o. 208, 211, 2I3, 221 Salman Farisi 179. 181 Salmas 51, 52 Salmas, Battle of 51-2, 53.55 Salta nat. See appanage Saltuqids 179, 180 Salur, OghuzTurkmen clan 27, 31, 175 Salur Khan 174 Salur Qazan 25, 27, 181 Salur Ughurjiq (Ogurcuk) Alp 27 Samarqand 41,42.225,231 Samarqandi. 'Abd al-Razzaq 226 Sarnt2khe (Saatbago), Georgian principality 2, 32, 35, 88, 89, 90, 138 Sanjian, Avedis K 217 Sanuto. Marino 217 $arabdar Hamze. Ottoman governorgeneral of Rumiya 103,104, II5, 179 Saray Khatun bt. Pir 'Ali Bayandur, mother ofUzun Hasan 44,58, 62,75,78,81,82, 84,85,95, 2 °4 Sarbidars 2. 3, 8 Sardar(see also rats) 19 Sardaran-i il(clan chieftains) II Sari 135, 136, 162 Saru Shaykh Hasan Beg <;:emi§gezekiMalkishi 91, 187 Saruhan 2 Sava 127, 161, 183 Savaji family 108 Savaji. 'Isa b. Shukr Allah, Qazi 16, 127, 132,137.138,141.143,144,145,151,152, 155 Savaji. Karim al-Din Habib Allah 222 Savaji, Shaykh 'Ali 152 Savaji, Ziya' ai-Din Nur Allah 222
Index Savur 30, 88, 94 Sayrafi, al-Nur ai-Din 'Ali al-Jawhari 224 Sayram 178 Sayyid 'Abd ai-Karim II, Qavvami ruler of Mazandaran 136 Sayyid Ibrahim b. Haydar Safavi 143, 156, 157 Sayyid Muhsin Musha'sha' 142 Sayyid Sulayman b. Haydar Safavi 166 Schiltberger, Hans 40, 56, 231 Secretary of the army (see also amir-i divan-i tuvachi) 17, 19 Selcan Hatun 34 Selim, Yavuz, b. Bayezid II, Ottoman sultan 68, 166, 167, 168, 227 Servitor of the Two Holy Cities (khadim al-Haramayn al-Sharifoyn) 52,107,108 SewasI. See Sivas Shabankara III, 132 Shad Beg Chigani 188 Shadow of God (zill-i Allah) 105, 140 AI-Shan'i, Muhammad b. Idris 104 Shah-'Ali b. Mahmud Bayandur 207 Shah-'Ali b. Musa Bayandur 204 Shah-'Ali Beg Bayramlu 185 Shah-'Ali Beg Purnak 122,153,195 Shahbeg bI. Uzun Hasan 134, ISO, 2II Shah Budaq Beg Zu'I-Qadr II6 Shah-Khanum br. Dana Khalil Bayandur 208 Shah Kharun br. Dana Khalil Bayandur I60,2II Shah-Malik, Qarakhanid governor 178 Shah-Mansur Beg Bayramlu 185 Shah-Muhammad Beg Bulduqani-Mardasi 187 Shahrukh b. Timur, Timurid sultan 44, 47, 48,49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 57, 64, 67, 68, 70, 73,74,75,84,98,104,107, II2, 225, 226 Shah Salima bI. Bahlul Bayandur 160, 204, 206 Shahsavar Beg Bayramlu 185 Shahsavar Beg Zu'I-Qadr 97 Shah-Sultan Khanum bt. Harnza Bayandur 62, 93, 7}. 205, 210 Shakki 1I0, 188,192,196 Shaktur 174
Index Shaktur Khan 174 Shamakhi III, 135, 143, 162. 170 Sham-Bayat, Turkman clan 185 Sharni, Nizam al-Din 'Ali 225 Shamlu, Turkmen clan (see also 'Ali-quli Khan) 163, 185, 197. 199 Shams ai-Din b. Qara 'Usman 205 Sharaf ai-Din Aqa Yasavul Afshar 14 Sharafnama (Bidlisi) 228 Sharafnama (Marvarid) 217 Shari 'a. See Sacred Law Sharifs of Mecca and Medina 1°7,108 Sharur 163, 167 Sharur, Battle of 162, 168 Sharvan 47, 53, 100, III, 134, 154, 158, 159. 163, 168, 184, 188, 196 Sharvanshah (see also Farrukhyasar; Khalil) 2,53, 163 Shaykh-'Ali b. Dana Khalil Bayandur 160. 208 Shaykh-'Ali Beg Mawsillu 193 Shaykh ai-Islam 107 Shaykh Mu'ayyad, nephew of Bur han alDin 40 Shaykh Najib. governor ofTokat 40 Shaykh, ai-Malik al-Mu'ayyad. Mamluk sultan 44, 46, 47, 50 Shaykh-Hasan b. Kusa Haji Bayandur 160, 207 Shaykh-Hasan b. Qara 'Usman 53, 58, 59, 62. 63, 65, 70, 71, 7}. 75, 77. 79. 160, 19 2 , 195,196,197,202,205, 2°7 Shaykhi 138 Shaykh-Uvays b. Shaykh Hasan Jalayir 7. 8 Shibli b. Mahmud Bayandur 207 Shi'ism (see also 'Alid loyalty) 83, 151, 168: Isma'ili 3, 6. 7, 104; Extreme (ghuluvv) 8, 93, 122, 142, 157. 172,229; Imami 4. 7, 9. 140, 169; Nizaris (see also Isma'ili Shi'ism) 3; Qizilbash 166; Safavid 172 Shiqavul (see also chief of protocol, mihmadar) 17 Shiraz 12, 101, III, 121, 122, 123, 127, 135, 152, 157,159,161,162,163,17°, 183, 192 Shirazi, 'Abdi Beg 222 Shirazi. Baba Fighani 138, 146, 152, IS}, 156. 233
~ 339
Shirazi, Lutf Allah Abu al-Futuh 156 Shukr Allah Rumi. Ottoman chronicler 176• 177 Shukri, Yad Allah 223 Shush tar III, 142, 170. Siberia 26 Sidi 'Ali Beg Purnak 154. 157 Sidi Ahmad b. Miranshah 47,18, 108, 194, 205 Sidi Ghazi b. YusufBayandur 204 Sigismund. Holy Roman Emperor 57 Li signori (clan chieftains) II Siirt 30,92 AI-Sijistani, Abu Da'ud Sulayman 104 Silk, silk trade 107, 109. 112. 115. 134, 136, 137. 145 Silvan (Mayyarfariqin) 31.32.44.50.55.58. 59 Simnan 87. Ill. II2, 113. 135. 194 SInlr 32. 34. 35. 55. 56. 167 Sinjar. See Jabal Sinjar Sinop 90, 190 Siraj ai-Din. Amir 137 Siraj ai-Din Qasim Naqshbandi. Darvish 18. 141, 220, 230 Sistan 100. III. 228 Sivas 30. 31, 32. 35. 36, 39. 40. 41. 49, ).1. 56. 72,76,9°.94. Ill, 115. II7. 122. 135.162. 170 , 21 9 Siverek 30,31,32.216 Siyah Qalam 138 Siyasat-nama 56 Solomon 153 Sozen, Metin 218 SI. Petersburg 218 State secretary (see also munshi al-mamalik) 17, 19 Succession to the rule 19. 20. 22. 37. 63. 65. 93. 140 Sun Khalil Beg Mawsillu 123, 129. 130. 131. 134. 142• 143. 151.153.154.155.190. 192• 193. 195 Sufi orders (see also Lala'iya; Khalvatiya; Kubraviya; Naqshbandiya; Ni'matullahiya; Safaviya) 83. 89. 107, 156 Sufis (see also den'ishes) 18 Sufism 6, 9
Index'~ 341
340 ,~ Index Suhrab Beg <;:emi~gezeki- Malkishi 91, 187 Suhrawardi, Shihab ai-Din Yahya 4 Sulayman Beg Bijan 123, 127, 128, 130, 131,
Summer encampmenr (yayfaq) 29, 30, 36,
[32,143-44,153, [5+, 155, [86, 188, 19 2 ,
37, 54, 61, 63, 64, 80, 88, 91, 100, 163 Sunghur Beg 174,178, 179 Sunnism 4, 6, 7,9,83,14°,152, 169
197, 213,220
Supreme adminisrrarive council (see also
Sulaymani Kurds 31, 32, ·H, 50, 59,199 Sulduz, Mongol tribe (see also Chubanids; Malik Ashraf) 3, 7, 29 Slileyman, Kanuni, b. Se!im, Onoman sulran 229 Suleyman, son of Bayezid I 40 Sulran 'Ali b. Haydar Safavi 143, ISO, 156, IS7, 211, 221 Sulran-rtli Beg Chakirlu 188
SIt/taI/6,34
divan-i a 'fa) 17 Surmeli 30
Suyurghal, suyurghafat 144 Suyurgharmish b. Danishmandcha, Ogedayid pupper ofTimur 8 Syr Darya 25,27,178 Syria 3,13, 26, 41, 44, 45, 46, 47, 50, 56, 68, 71,82,97,98,102, II3, II4, 116, 120, 122, 13°,142,173,181,183,184,188,189,190, 191,196 ,224,227,231
Sulran-Ahmad b. Qilich Asian Bayandur
68, 203 Sultan-Ahmad b. Shaykh Uvays Jalayir 8 Sulran-Bud, locale in Qarabagh 145 Sulran-Husayn b. Shaykh-Hasan Bayandur
207 Sulran-Husayn Bayqara b. Mansur, Timurid sulran Il2, 113, 138, 155, 185, 194, 221, 225, 226
Sulraniya 51, 127, 135 Sui ran Ahmad b. Qilich Asian Bayandur 62 Sulran-Khalil b. Uzun Hasan Bayandur, Abu aI-Farh 16, 18, 89, 91, 93, 92, 96, 99,
101, 10.1, 105, 1I0, Il2, Il3, 121-23, 125-28, 129, 130, ISO, 169, 183, 184, 185, 187, 188, [90, 192, 194, 196, 202, 2][, 219, 233 Suhan-Mahmud b. Suyurgharmish, Ogedayid puppel ofTimur 8 Sui ran-Muhammad b. Tahmasb, Safavid shah 193 Sui ran-Murad b. Ya'qub Bayandur, Abu aI-Muzaffar 149, ISO, 158, 159, 161, 163, 165, 166, 167, 168, 183, I9Io 194, 195, 198, 202, 2I3, 224 Sulranum Mawsillu, wife ofTahmasb Saiavi 193
Siiliik 39 Sumer, Faruk I, 3, 179
Tarsus 197 Ta§ (Ourer) Oghuz 181 Tarar, Tarar Khan 175, 176 Tarar cossacks 35 Tatars 51 Taurus Mountains 29, 33, II7
Tazkara 228, 229 Tazkirat al-Muluk 233 Teixeira, Pedro 232 Tenreiro, Antonio 232 Tercan 30,49, 5°,55,58, 62, 63, 72 , 74, 76, 77,94, II7
Tercil (see also Zraqi Kurds) 31, 32, 44, 50,
Sui ran-Abu Sa'id, Timurid sulran 97, 98, 99,100, 102, 103, 105, IlO, Il2, Il4, Il8, [20,155,185,192, 194, 225
Tarikh-i ilchi-yi Nizamshah 222 Tarikh-i mahmudshahi 222 Tarikh-i Qjzilbashan 222
Ta'yid-i ifahi (divine support) 5, 6, 105, 140 Tabanlu, Turkmen clan 54, 197, 199
Teviirikh-i cedid-i mir'iit-i cihiin 43,179,227
Tabaqat228 AI- Tabaqat al-mahmudshahiya 222
Tevhid, Ahmer 77 Theodora Komnene, wife ofUzun Hasan
Tabaraba'i, rtbd aI-Ghaffar, Sayyid 107, 222 Tabataba'i, 'Abd aI-Vahhab 2II Tabataba'i, Sayyid Jamal Turabi 218 Tabriz I, 30, }2, 41, 48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 72 , 76,
Thomas ofMersop 227 Thomas, William 231
79,80,81,82,88,94,96 , 97,98,99, 1°7, III, II4, 122, 123, 127, 128, 129, 130, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 141, 142, 143, 152, 153, 154,155,156,157,158,160,161, 163,166,
168,17°,173,176,177,181,197,221,231, 23 2
Taci-zada Sa'di <;:e1ebi 217 Taghay Timur, Changizkhanid ruler 8 Tahir b. Qurkhmas Bayandur 208 Tahir Dhu'I-Yaminayn 54 Tahmasb b. Isma'il Safavi, Safavid shah 12, 138, 172, 192, 193, 232 Tajik, Tajiks 8, IS, 16, 19, 172
Tajlu Begum (Shah Begi Begum) Mawsillu
192, 193, 208 Takkalu, Turkmen clan 163
Takmifat al-akhbar 222 Talikizade Mehmed 232 Tamgha. tamghavat, arms, brands 26, 35, 56, 169; municipal levies 13, 144
AI- Ta'rikh al-ghiyathi 221, 222 Tarikh-i afam-ara-yi 'Abbasi 222
59,91,197
93,121,146,2II
AI- Tibr al-masbuk 224 Tillis III, 135. 143, 162, 170, 181, 192 Tigris River 29, 30, 73, 84, 154 Tigris, Barrie on the 44, 63, 73, 85, 87, 89, 91, 94, 96, 120, 183, 198
Tihrani-Isfahani, Abu Bakr 28,33,34,35, 37,38,40 ,44,48,63,'71,77,79,82,83, 99,137,175,176 ,177,179, 219,220
Timarr89 Timur 'Usman Beg Miranshahi, Sharaf ai-Din 129, 131, 194, 197 Timur Barlas, Tamerlane 8, 33, 38, 39, 40, 4 1,42,43,44,45,47,49,51,74,83,84, 87,98,100, II2, II5, 173, 174, 179, 181, 224,225,231
Timurids (see also Babur; Badi' ai-Zaman; Baysunguhr; Muhammad Juki; Shahrukh; Sidi-Ahmad; Sultan-Abu Sa'id; Sultan-Husayn Bayqara) 2, 4, 8, 13,14,51,61,63,84,87,96 ,97,98,99, roo, 102, 104, ro8, IIO, III, II3, II4, II7,
129,135, 136,155,162,166,181,185,187, 217,220,225,226
Tisbina34
Tiyulr2 Tokar 40, III, II5, 192 Topkapl SaraYI 215, 216 TOlJpaAvrrelJ<;. SeeTur 'Ali b. Pahlavan Bayandur Trabzon 2, 28, 30, }2, 33, 34, 35, 36,47,55, 72 , 76, 88, 89, 90, 94, III, 129, 135, 162, 17°,186,187. 219, 227 Trade roUles 30, 31, 46, 50, 54, 81, 88, no, II6, 135, 187
Transoxiana 8, 20, 74, roo
Travels to Tana and Persia 231 Treasurer (see also khazinadar; khazin) 17,
19 Treaty of Amid 78, 79 Treaty of Partition 161, 183 Tribes IS Triple Partition 167 Tripoli 46,130,135 Tughachar Beg 174 Tughan Khan 174 Tughanchuq 174 Tughrul, Saljuq sultan 26 Tujjar (see also bazarganan; merchants) 18 Tukhramish Khan, Jochid ruler 38
TumanIIo Tuman,Oghuzyabghu25 Tuni, rtbd aI-Husayn 222 Tur rtbdin plareau 32, 33 Tur 'Ali b. Abu Bakr Bayandur 2'04 Tur 'Ali b. Pahlavan Beg Bayandur 28, 33,
34,35,42,167,174,187,202, 219 Tur 'Ali b. Qilich AsIan Bayandur 79,89,
203 Tur-'Alids (seeaslodispensarion) 34, 41, 128, 166
Turan, Osman I Turk b. Yalis (Yalis-ughlan) 175, 176 Turkey 13,219 Turkic invasions 3 Turkistan 20, 27, 178, 180 Turkmen uymaq (Qizilbash confederare clan) 168, 189, 190, 192, 195, 197 Turkmen, Qizilbash clan 168 Turkmenisran 27
342 ,~. Turkmens of Aleppo I8l Turkmens of Amid C'\j.LLTLWTm) 33, 219 Turks IS. 16. 19, 20, 172. 179 Turmush Khan IRa Turul (Ardasa) 30. 129 Tusi, Nasir ai-Din 234 o~ Kilisa30 O,ok (i~ Oghuz) 174.175,177,181 Ughruqchi Beg 174 Ughur f. 6. 7. 20 Ughurlu Muhammad b. Uzun Hasan Bayandur 89. 90. 93. 98, 100. TOI,107. 1I0, lI3, 1J6, 1J7, II8. 120, 121-23, 1}2. IS0. 157. 186, h~7, 188, 202, 210, 2II. 221 Ughuz. SeeOghuz Ujan 30. 32, 48, 5), 72 ,76, 94 Uljay (Abulja) Khan (see also Buljas Khan) 174,175. 1,76 'Ulallw'6.7
Ulka (see dw appanage) 12 Ulu al-amr5 Ulu begler (clan chieftains)
IT
Ulu Cami of Amid 26 Ult/s29
'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, Umayyad caliph 104 'Umar Beg Chakirlu T88 'Umar Beg Mawsillu (See alsoAmir Beg I) 193
Uygbur Khan 174 (0'maq (see (i/so confederate clans; Turkmen uymaq) 196 Uzbcks I, 27. 166,169.17°,194,234 Uwn Hasan b. 'Ali Bayandur, Abu ai-NasI' or Abu ai-hub. Hasan Padshah 9. 10. II, 13.18,26.27,34,35,38,41,43,44,46,51, 52 ,57,59,62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, J3, 74,77,78,79-85,87-123,125,127,129, no, IU, 134, 136, 138, 140, 141, 142, 145, 146, 110, 155, 160.163,167,168. 169,172, 174, 177, 179, lSI, 182, 183, 184, 185.186, 187,188.189,190,192,194,195,196,197, 1')8,202,209, 2Jl, 2[2, 2[3, 215, 216, 217, 218,219,220,222,227.230,231,233 Uzun-Hasanids (see ,71w dispensation) 63. 84,125,140,149, I,D, 151, 153, 155, 157, 160-61, 165,166,2[[ Vambery, Arminius 27 Van 30, 32, 55, 7 2 , 76, 94 Van Ghistelc, Joos 2)2 Varsal1, Turkmen clan 163 Vassaf 225 Vazir (sec also minister of finance) 17 Venice, Venetians 11,89,90, 1I4, II7, 121, I14, 231, 232
Viaggifatti alia ulIla, in Persia, in India, et in Costaminopoli 231 Viliijlet-lli1ma 27
'Umar Beg Zraqi 91, 93,197-98, 2[[ Umam-yi 'izam (clan chieftains) II
Vustan 30
Umma5
~!agon fort (tabur) 99, lIS, 120 Warband [5, 17, 19,110 Winter emcampment (qish/aq) 29,10. 53, 54,61,64,73,80,88,99,100, 123,143, 145,151,154,19 2 Winek, Paul 173
United States 219 Urban notables (see also m'is, sardar) Tf Urban proletariat 15 Urdaklu, Turkmen clan 197 Urkhan 174 Urugir, OghuzTurkmen clan T75 Uryavllt 174 'Usman b. Farrukhshad Bayandur 20S 'Usman b. Jahangir Bayandur 210 'Usman Beg Mawsillu 193 Ustajlu. Turkmen clan 163 Uvays b. 'Ali Bayanduf 62, 67, 75, 77. 80, 84,88,93,10[, 107,121,122, 209 Uyghur 176
[lldex ,~. 343
Index
Yabghu 25, 178 Yadigar Muhammad b. Sultan-Mubammad, Timurid sultan 97,99, II2, II3 Yafis, Yafis Khan (see also Japheth) f16, I/7, 180
Yaghmur Doger 43, [89 Yakandur Khan 174 YalI1lzbag 52
Ya'qub b. Mahmud Bayandur 207 Ya'qub b. Qara 'Usman Bayandur 42, 45, 46. 47, 48, 50, 52, ,8, 59, 62,63, 64, 65, 66,67,68,69,7 0 ,71,73,202, 205,206
Ya'qub b. Sultan-Murad Bayandur 150, 166, 2T3
Ya'qub b. Uzun Hasan Bayandur, Abu al-MllZatfar 10, II, 16, 17, 18, !OI, 105,109, 123,125,127,128-47,149, 150,15 1,152, 15),155,156,168,169,182,18,,184,185, I86, 188, 192, 195, 197, 198, 202, 2[[, 212, 2I3, 216, 220, 221, 222, 227, 229, 2.lo, 211 Ya'qub Beg Mawsillti I93 Ya'qub Jan b. Dana Khalil Ba),andur 160, 208
Yusufb. 'AhbJS IbvJIldur 20n Yusufb. JJlungir BJ\'.Jf1dur ?II! Yusufh. JalullShah B.. Lllldur 20,! Yusufb. Khalil Rav;lIldur 160. 21!.J Yusufb. Khurshid BaY,lIldur OJ, /01.211(, Yusufb. Uzun H,lsan B;1\";lndm, .\hu al-'Ia IIJ/. Ic", 11R. I-f), Lf(', i(1). 1\1. "'J. 202, 2lf
Yusuf BaV;lIldur (,{usuf Beg, '{usuf :--.1 irl..l. YusllfShah, Yusufcha) 115. 116 Yusuf Beg M.I\\sillu 103 Yusukha. Sec Yusllr B.II";lndur Zab River.l" Z/~f;lJ·-}hn}}" 22)
Ya'qubiya 128, 129, 130, 131,187, 188, 1')2,
Al-Zahiri. Kldillbl1 Sld,in
195 Yapurli, OghllZ Turkmen clan 175 Yar 'Ali b. Pir 'Ali Bayandur 204 Vasa 7,17,144
LlIl'/-i tarijJ,-i gll2irlil 22)
Yasaq 109 Ytzsallul (see also bailiff) 17 Yashbak, Mamluk general 117. 130 Yasu 178 Ya,jllaq. See Summer encampment Yazd 106, Ill, 135, 153. 159, 162, 163, 166, [70, 218, 228 Yazdi, Sharaf ai-Din 'Ali 104, 174, 225 YazlClOglu Ali 26, 27, 54, 56 Yazidlar, enemies of the Safavids 168 Yazir, OghuzTurkmen dan 175 Yer Alp 177 Yigdir, Oghuz Turkmen clan 175 YIldlflm. Sec Bayezid I Y,ld,z, YIldlZ All'. Y,ldlz Khan 174, 176, 177 Yilduz Khan 174, 175 Y,ldlZ Khan II 176 Yman" Mlikrimin HalilI, 186 Yiva, Oghuz Turkmen clan 27, 17\ Ylice!, Ya:w I Yul Qutlugh 174
Yiiliik 39 Yurtchi, Turkmen clan 54,77.197, t99
Zaynal b. Ahmad Ihvandur
211
1\0,
165,
I(,S,
202,212
Zaynal b. Tur 'Ali Bapndllr 201 lJvnal b. UZUl1 Hasan lhyandur 100,
[(1[,
rn
99.
110, 112., IlR. 12.0, 21I
Za\'ll.llBeg ~lir,lnshahi WI Leno, C.ltcrino II. 12., 13, 1I4,
II ..... , 120. Ill,
217, 2JI. 252
lel1o, Nicoli)
232
Lc zmte r/ill"llli (personal fc)rces) 1\ Zibad bt. YusufBaY,Hldur 100. 204 /.ill-i AII"h. See Shadow of Cod Zraqi (Zirqi) Kurds (ra lIiw'Icrcil; 'l:l11ar Beg) 31.32.44,50,59.91, 112. 19~-9R. 199 Zu'l-Fa,]ar Beg r.lawsillu 19.1 ltd-Qadr (Dulg,ldlr). 'lllrklllcn group and confederation (sce"lso 'Ala' al-Dawla Beg; Malik-Asian Beg; Sh.lh Bmbq Beg; Shahs;lVar Beg) 2, 2R •.11.l2, r. 6(,. 6S. 7').
'':.>' g2.
92, 9'), 9'7,109, Ill, II'), Il-,
128,13), 162,
16" 16s, IS,.. 19S.
19
,,1-lil1iariA'" 22\ Zulavkha br. Sulun-Kh,dil [\,Iv:lndur 211
LII/;{j,U
/u11ll6 Zuwadah C;,ne (Bab al-Ltmad.lh) q.
<)7
