The Amarna Letters

THE

AMARNA LETTERS Edited and Translated by William L. Moran

The Johns Hopkins University Press Baltimore and London

O r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d as Les Lettres

d'El-Amarna,

© Les E d i t i o n s d u Cerf, 1 9 8 7 E n g l i s h - l a n g u a g e edition © 1 9 9 2 T h e J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y Press A l l r i g h t s reserved P r i n t e d in the U n i t e d States of A m e r i c a T h e J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y Press 7 0 1 W e s t 4 0 t h Street Baltimore, Maryland 2 1 2 1 1 - 2 1 9 0 T h e J o h n s H o p k i n s Press L t d . , L o n d o n T h e paper used in this b o o k meets the m i n i m u m r e q u i r e m e n t s of A m e r i c a n N a t i o n a l S t a n d a r d for Information S c i e n c e s — P e r m a n e n c e of P a p e r for P r i n t e d Library Materials, A N S I Z 3 9 . 4 8 - 1 9 8 4 . Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publkation

Data

Tell e l - A m a r n a tablets. T h e A m a r n a letters / edited a n d translated by W i l l i a m L . M o r a n . p.

cm.

Translation of: Tel e l - A m a r n a tablets. I n c l u d e s b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l references and i n d e x . I S B N 0 - 8 0 1 8 - 4 2 5 1 - 4 (alk. paper) 1. A s s y r o - B a b y l o n i a n letters—Translations into E n g l i s h . 2. A k k a d i a n language—Texts. 3. Egypt—History—Eighteenth dynasty, ca. 1 5 1 0 - 1 3 2 0 B . C . — S o u r c e s . 4. M i d d l e E a s t — History—To 6 2 2 — S o u r c e s . I . Moran, W i l l i a m L . I I . Title. PJ3886.E5M67 4 9 2 ' . ! — dc20

1992 91-20570

For Suzie

Contents Preface

ix

Introduction

xiii

Editorial Apparatus

xli

Abbreviations and Short Titles

The Amarna Letters

xliii

i

Index of Words Discussed

371

Index of Proper Names

379

Map of the Near East in the Amarna Period Map of Vassal Cities and Egyptian Administrative Centers

1 124

Preface A little more than a century has passed since the discovery of the Amarna letters. At first virtually unique and so extraordinary that even their genuineness was seriously questioned, these letters over the years have gradually acquired context and perspective. As subsequent discov­ eries made clear, the Amarna letters reflect a cosmopolitan culture, a "cuneiform culture," that throughout most of the second millennium B . C . extended from the mountains to the east of Assyria and Babylonia, across the Fertile Crescent, over into Asia Minor. Though seen now as only part of a much larger picture, the Amarna letters still remain documents of the highest importance and still form, as one cuneiformist once put it so enthusiastically, "une des collections les plus precieuses du monde." This importance derives mainly from the rich evidence they provide for the social and political history of Syria and Palestine in the fourteenth century B . C . They may, therefore, be read as a kind of preface to biblical history, and it is for this reason, above all, that they have been, and continue to be, the subject of the most diligent inquiry and reflection. Indeed, one can safely predict that as long as the Bible retains in our culture its unique importance, the Amarna letters will command the serious attention of historian and exegete. Over the years, too, there has been great progress in our under­ standing of these letters. Collations of the originals by various scholars have yielded a more accurate reading of the text. Grammatical and lexical studies have vastly extended our grasp of the language of the letters. Unfortunately, however, since J . A. Knudtzon's magisterial edition, in 1 9 0 7 - 1 5 , of the letters known at that time, the results of all this progress have remained scattered in dictionaries, monographs, dis­ sertations, anthologies, articles, and footnotes. Except to the narrow specialist, they have been practically inaccessible. A long-standing desideratum, therefore, and one with everincreasing urgency, has been a translation of the entire corpus that reflects the advances of the last seventy-five years. It was to meet this demand that the present work was undertaken. A translation: that is my main objective, and, I might almost say, my only objective. The Introduction aims principally at tracing in ix

PREFACE

broad outline the form and the content of the translations that follow. Of the notes accompanying the translations, the primary, if not exclu­ sive, purpose is to indicate the reading of the cuneiform text on which the translation is based and to offer the arguments—grammatical, lexi­ cal, and contextual—that support the translation. I regret that consid­ erations of space often made it impossible to give in these notes due recognition to counterarguments and divergent views. The translation is, in general, what is called literal, with the lack of felicity the term usually implies. It might be added, however, that here traduttore traditore seldom, if ever, applies. For the most part, the prose of the Amarna letters is, at best, pedestrian. Where the transla­ tion is not literal is in its grammatical correctness, a virtue that conceals the solecisms and barbarisms of the language of so much of the original text. I have also taken a certain liberty in the translation of some particles, often replacing a more literal, paratactic version with a subor­ dinate clause. Those who have confronted the translation of hinne in the Hebrew Bible will recognize the option and perhaps sympathize with the inconsistency. With the support of the American Council of Learned Societies and of Harvard University, which I gratefully acknowledge, I was able in 1973—74 to collate almost all of the letters. Besides those that had disappeared many years before, there were thirteen that eluded me; at the time, they were either destroyed, lost, misplaced, or on loan. My time being limited, the collations were at times not sign by sign, but recognized difficulty by recognized difficulty. This limitation was com­ pensated for to some extent through the generosity of Albert E. Glock, at the time the Director of the Albright Institute in Jerusalem, who very kindly made available to me the results of the collations by the late Edmund I. Gordon of most of the letters housed in London and Cairo. As will become evident to the reader, Gordon's contribution is not a small one. For granting me access to the Amarna letters, and for all their kind assistance and courtesy, I heartily thank the authorities of the Arkeoloji Muzeleri (Istanbul), the Ashmolean Museum (Oxford), the British Mu­ seum (London), the Egyptian Museum (Cairo), the Louvre (Paris), the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York), the Musees royaux dArt and d'Histoire (Brussels), the Oriental Museum (Chicago), and the Vorderasiatisches Museum (Berlin). I am most grateful, too, to my col­ leagues Volkert Haas and Gemot Wilhelm for their contributing, re-

x

PREFACE

spectively, the translations of the letters written in the Hittite and Hurrian languages. The present work is a revision of an earlier one that appeared in French, Les Lettres d'El Amarna (Paris, 1987). It tries to bring the latter up to date; it also not infrequently corrects and expands. Since the earlier publication three scholars—Shlomo Izre'el, Nadav Na'aman, and Anson Rainey—have put me particularly in their debt, both by their published work and by their unpublished manuscripts they very generously placed at my disposal. As a result, the translation that follows often represents a considerable improvement of my earlier ef­ fort. I thank them. Finally, I am grateful to the Johns Hopkins University Press for making my work available in English and to the editorial staff for their painstaking labors on my behalf. I must mention by name Carolyn I. Moser, my copyeditor. I do not try to describe her contribution, which was enormous, but I do thank her, and most warmly.

XI

Introduction i. Discoveries and publications c

The Amarna tablets take their name from el- Amarna, a plain on the east bank of the Nile about 190 miles south of Cairo. This was the site of Akhetaten, the capital of ancient Egypt for a brief period in the fourteenth century B . C . Akhetaten was founded by Amenophis IV, also known as Akhenaten, one of the most famous of Egyptian kings, most renowned as a religious reformer, often called, the "heretic king" and "first monotheist." It was here, among the ancient ruins, that, probably in 1887, natives came upon clay tablets with some writing on them and began clandestine diggings. There are conflicting accounts of the dis­ covery, and we will never know how many tablets may have been found and later lost or destroyed, nor all the ways, perhaps many and de­ vious, by which more than 300 tablets came into the possession of antiquities dealers and private collectors. Eventually, by purchase, gift, or confiscation, most of the tablets made their way to museums: the Vorderasiatisches Museum in Berlin (at first about 160, eventually 202 or 2 0 3 , besides 3 fragments belonging with British Museum tablets and other unnumbered fragments); the Cairo museum (at first 3 1 , even­ tually 49 or 50, plus a fragment belonging with a British Museum tablet); the British Museum (at first 8 1 , plus a fragment belonging with a Berlin tablet, eventually 95); the Louvre (1, eventually 7). 3 Remain­ ing in private hands, at least for a while, were the four tablets of the 1

2

1 . On the various versions of the discovery and dispersal of the tablets, see J . A. Knudtzon, VAB 2 / 1 , pp. iff.; 2 / 2 , p. 1 5 8 4 . For the corrections of A. H . Sayce mentioned by Knudtzon, see the former's account in AJSL 3 3 ( 1 9 1 6 - 1 7 ) pp. 89f. Sayce says that the tablets were found in 1 8 8 6 - 8 7 . F ° the history of the publications, see Anson F. Rainey, AOAT 8 , pp. 5ff. 2. Sayce, AJSL 33 ( 1 9 1 6 - 1 7 ) p. 90, estimated the loss at 1 5 0 - 2 0 0 tablets, but the evidence for this high number, which is not supported by other arguments, comes from reports of questionable accuracy. 3. Most of the Berlin and Cairo collections, the Louvre tablet, and the Golenischeff tablets (see below) were published in the cuneiform copies of Ludwig Abel by Hugo Winckler in 1 8 8 9 - 9 0 (WA). The cuneiform copies of the British Museum tablets appeared in 1 8 9 2 ( B B ) . On the uncertainty as to the eventual numbers in the Berlin and Cairo museums, see n. 1 2 . r

2

XIII

INTRODUCTION

merchant Rostovitz Bey, 4 the three of the Russian Egyptologist Vla­ dimir Golenischeff,' the one of the American missionary Chauncey Murch, and the one of the French Assyriologist Jules Oppert. In 1896, in their first comprehensive edition, all the known tablets, to­ gether with a letter that had been found at Tell el-Hesi in Palestine, were transliterated and translated by Hugo Winckler. When the location of the ruins where the tablets had been discov­ ered was determined, Egyptian authorities explored the site but failed to find more tablets. More fortunate was Sir Flinders Petrie, who found 22 fragments in 1 8 9 1 - 9 2 ; these went to the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford.9 In 1 9 0 3 , M. Chassinat, director of 1'Institut fran^ais d'archeologie orientale du Caire, acquired two more tablets. By 1907, 3 5 8 inscribed tablets were known, and in that year—a landmark in the history of Amarna studies—the Norwegian Assyriologist J . A. Knudt­ zon published the first volume of his magisterial Die El-AmarnaTafeln. Based on painstaking collations of all except the Murch and Chassinat tablets and on an unrivaled knowledge of almost every aspect of the corpus, his readings and translations excelled by far those of all his predecessors, and even today his work remains of fundamental importance. 6

7

8

10

11

4. In the British Museum since May 1903 (information from museum authorities); see below, EA 28, 8 2 , 2 3 0 , 2 9 2 , on the cuneiform copies. 5. Perhaps given to the museum in Moscow in 1 9 1 1 (Kuhne, p. 2 , n. 8); see below, EA 7 0 , 1 3 7 , 160. 6. N o w in the Oriental Institute in Chicago, after earlier stops in the Art Institute of Chicago in 1894, then on to the Haskell Oriental Museum at the University of Chicago in 1 9 1 5 (Luckenbill and Allen, AJSL 3 3 [ 1 9 1 6 - 1 7 ] pp. if.); see below, EA 26, of which it is a fragment. 7. A cuneiform copy of this tablet, which seems to have been lost and will probably never be found, was never published; see below, EA 260. 8. Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna, in E . Schrader et al., eds., Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, 5 (Berlin, 1896); English trans, by J . Metcalf, The Tell-el-Amarna Letters (New York, 1896). The Tell el-Hesi tablet is in the Istanbul Arkeoloji Muzeleri; on the cuneiform copy, see below, EA 3 3 3 . 9. Of these, only seven are relevant here; see below, EA 1 4 , 4 3 , 6 1 , 1 3 5 , 1 8 4 , 1 9 0 , 2 3 6 . Cuneiform copies by Sayce in Tell el Amarna; see VAB 2 / 1 , pp. 1 5 , 996. One of the fragments was uninscribed; another is part of EA 1 4 . Four (EA 1 3 5 , 3 4 2 , 3 4 4 , 3 5 1 ) have been lost or destroyed. 1 0 . N o w in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in N e w York (L. Bull, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 21 [ 1 9 2 6 ] pp. 1 6 9 - 7 6 ) ; on the cuneiform copies, see below, EA 15. 1531 1 . VAB 2 / 1 . The second volume of commentary by O. Weber and glossaries by E . Ebeling, with additional remarks by Knudtzon, appeared in 1 9 1 5 . VAB 2/1—2 (reprint, Aalen, 1964). Knudtzon's numbering of the tablets became standard. XIV

INTRODUCTION

Since 1907 an additional 24 tablets have come to light, one as recently as 1979. Four more have turned up in the Berlin collection, to which two were added by the excavations of the Deutsche OrientGesellschaft in 1 9 1 1 - 1 4 . The Egyptian Exploration Society discovered one tablet in its excavations of 1 9 2 1 - 2 4 , ' 3 and eight more in the excava­ tions of 1 9 2 6 - 3 7 . ' 4 The most recent to appear perhaps goes back to the explorations under Petrie in 1 8 9 1 - 9 2 , a n d the rest, which eventually were made available to museums,' to the first clandestine diggings of the fellahin. With the exception of EA 3 8 0 - 8 2 , the "post-Knudtzon" tablets were ably edited by Anson F. Rainey in 1 9 7 0 . 1 2

6

17

2. The Archive Of the 382 tablets, only 32 are not letters or inventories attached to letters. The content of this small group is quite diverse.' Some belong in the Mesopotamian scribal tradition: myths and epics (EA 340?, 3 5 6 - 5 9 , 375?), syllabaries (EA 348, 350, 379), lexical texts (EA 8

1 2 . Two were published by O. Schroeder, VS n , 179 (now EA 360) and OLZ, 1917, col. ic^f. (now EA 361). (In 1 9 1 4 - 1 5 Schroeder published new cuneiform copies of the Berlin collection in VS 1 1 - 1 2 . ) The tablets discovered in 1 9 1 1 - 1 4 are VS 1 2 , 1 9 3 (now EA 359) and VS 1 2 , 190 (now EA 3 7 9 ; on this number, see P. Artzi, Orn.s. 3 6 [ 1 9 6 7 ] p. 4 3 2 ) . EA 3 5 9 now belongs to the Cairo collection; the location of EA I do not know. Finally, H. Klengel, OLZ, 1974, col. 2 6 2 , called attention to VAT 3781 (already noted by Schroe­ der, OLZ, 1917, col. I05f.) and added the "Sammelnummer" VAT 8 5 2 5 (almost entirely illegible fragments). To these two numbers J . - G . Heintz, Index Documentaire d'el-Amarna, I . D . E . A . , 1 (Wiesbaden, 1 9 8 2 ) , p. xvii, n. 2 5 , has given the code numbers EA 380 and 3 8 1 . Hence the number 382 for the most recent discovery (see n. 1 5 ) . The numbering EA 359!?., based on Knudtzon's EA 1 - 3 5 8 , was introduced by C. Gordon, Or n.s. 1 6 (1947) pp. if. 1 3 . S. Smith and C. Gadd, JEA 1 1 (1925) pp. 23off.; now in the Ashmolean Museum, EA 368 (see E . Edel, GM 15 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. nff.). 1 4 . C . Gordon, Or n.s. 16 (1947) pp. iff.; now in the British Museum, EA 3 7 0 - 7 7 . See below, EA 3 7 0 - 7 2 . 1 5 . C. B . F. Walker,_/C5 31 (1979) p. 2 4 9 ; now in the British Museum. See below, EA 3 8 2 . 1 6 . The Louvre (see below, EA 3 6 2 - 6 7 ) ; Musee Cinquantenaire, Brussels (see be­ low, EA 369); and the British Museum (see below, EA 3 7 8 ) . 1 7 . AOAT 8; 2d rev. ed., 1978. A n earlier edition by S. A . B . Mercer of the tablets then known (EA 1 - 3 6 7 , 369), The Tell El-Amarna Tablets, 2 vols. (Toronto, 1 9 3 9 ) , was not successful and is mentioned here as a matter of historical record. For a survey of the Amarna archive, certain characteristic features, and outstanding problems, see D. O. Edzard, in Biblical Archaeology Today, Proceedings of the International Congress on Biblical Archaeol­ ogy, Jerusalem 1984 (Jerusalem, 1985), pp. 6 9 - 8 3 . 1 8 . See HKL 1, pp. 1 6 2 , 2 3 9 ^ , 4 7 8 , 4 9 3 ; 2, pp. 88, 1 3 2 , 2 5 8 , 264; P. Artzi, in K . R . Veenhof, ed., Cuneiform Archives and Libraries (Istanbul, 1986), pp. 2 1 0 - 1 2 . XV

INTRODUCTION

3 5 1 - 5 4 , 3 7 3 ) , a god-list (EA 374). On one is a tale of Hurrian origin (EA 3 4 1 ) ; on another (EA 368), an unparalleled list of Egyptian words written in syllabic cuneiform with equivalences in Babylonian written either syllabically or logographically. One tablet is perhaps an amulet (EA 3 5 5 ) . The genres of the other 14 (EA 3 4 2 - 4 7 , 3 4 9 , 3 6 0 - 6 1 , 3 7 2 , 3 7 6 - 7 7 , 3 8 0 - 8 1 ) , which are often very fragmentary, remain to be determined. Of the 3 5 0 letters and inventories (EA 1 3 - 1 4 , 2 2 , 2 5 , 1 2 0 ) , our only concern in this volume, it seems that all except one were found in the same place. This was identified by inscriptions as "The Place of the Letters of the Pharaoh." The name, however, may refer to a larger complex, the more extensive part of which was devoted to affairs of state conducted in the Egyptian language, the smaller (the actual find-spot), to those conducted in foreign languages. In Die El-Amarna-Tafeln Knudtzon divided the correspondence into two parts. The first concerns foreign powers that dealt with Egypt more or less on a basis of equality. On a map, the arrangement moves counterclockwise: Babylonia (EA 1 - 1 4 ) , Assyria (EA 1 5 - 1 6 ) , Mittani (EA 17, 1 9 - 3 0 ) , Arzawa (EA 3 1 - 3 2 ) , Alasia (EA 3 3 - 4 0 ) , and Hatti (EA 4 1 - 4 4 ) . The other and by far the larger part concerns SyroPalestine and its various local rulers, most of whom were Egyptian vassals. The arrangement of these letters begins in the north, in central Syria, and moves down, ending in southern Palestine. Knudtzon's as­ signments, often only on grounds of clay texture and paleography, were remarkably successful, and only occasionally have been proved wrong. 3 Furthermore, throughout, in each dossier (for example, that of Baby19

20

21

2 2

2

1 9 . Perhaps an import (Kiihne, p. 1 3 9 ) . Despite the Babylonian ductus of EA 356— 58 (Kiihne, pp. i 3 8 f . ) , these tablets were hardly written in Babylonia (so Knudtzon, VAB 2 / 1 , p. 2 5 ) , for a Babylonian scribe is not likely to have introduced peripheral features (many plene-writings, syllabary, lexicon); note also the absence of poetic line divisions. This is not to deny that they may also be imports. P. Artzi, in H . - J . Nissen and J . Renger, eds., Mesopotamkn und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Vorderasien vom 4. bis. 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr., Berliner Beitrage zum Vorderen Orient, I (Berlin, 1 9 8 2 ) , p. 3 1 7 , maintains that they were written in Egypt. 20. EA y/i was discovered in "clerk house no. 4 3 , " the find-spot also of EA 368. According to Petrie, most of the tablets he found (part of EA 1 4 , EA 4 3 , 6 1 , 1 3 5 , 184, 1 9 0 , 2 3 6 , 3 4 2 , 3 5 3 , 3 5 5 ) were in "two early rubbish-pits" under the building where the other tablets were found and therefore antedating them. For strong reasons to doubt this earlier level, see Kiihne, p. 7 0 , n. 3 4 5 . 2 1 . See Kiihne, pp. 2 f , n. 1 2 . 2 2 . On EA 1 8 , see the note to the letter. 2 3 . See EA 6 3 - 6 5 , 2 6 0 , 2 9 5 , 3 1 7 - 1 8 . XVI

INTRODUCTION

Ionia or Jerusalem), Knudtzon also attempted to order the letters chronologically. Here the task was more difficult and the results less firm. Most of the archive consists of letters received, but a small number were written in Egypt. 4 Two letters (EA i, 5 ) , plus one inventory (EA 14), were directed to Babylonia, one to Arzawa (EA 3 1 ) , and the rest to vassals (EA 99, 1 6 2 - 6 3 , 9°^ 3^7, 3 6 9 - 7 0 ) . Their presence in the archive probably has more than one explanation. If one may assume that, in general, copies were made only of those letters that bore on matters of considerable importance and required more than some sort of simple record or notation, one would judge that, with the exception of EA 1 6 2 , the letters to vassals are not copies and, probably because of oversight, were not sent. ' Indeed, letters to vassals seem to have been somewhat infrequent, and even less often such as to demand copies./ Hence we should not expect to find many in the archive. Correspondence with major powers, however, was quite another matter. This was, at times at least, rather regular and often, if not always, dealt with serious issues—for example, marriage negotiations. If Egyptian practice was to make copies of such letters, we must ask why there are so few in the archives. Perhaps the explanation is that usually the letters were first written in Egyptian, and then a translation was prepared. It was the latter that was sent off, though perhaps occasionally the Egyptian messenger may have also carried a copy of the original. The original, if important enough to be saved, would be filed, but in the Egyptian, not the foreign, language section. If so, and 2

1

2

26

27

28

29

24. On EA 1 2 , see the letter, n. 1. 2 5 . See F. Pintore, OA 11 (1972) p. 1 2 6 , n. 1 4 5 . 26. See M . Liverani, OA 10 (1971) pp. 253ff., translated in Three Amarna Essays, Monographs on the Ancient Near East, 1/5 (Malibu, 1979), pp. 36°. 2 7 . On roughly contemporary practice at Nippur, see F. Kraus, JCS 1 (1947) p . 1 1 2 , and R . B i g g s , JCS 19 (1965) p. 96 and n. 1 3 . A t Boghazkoy, see KUB 3, 24 + ; K B o 1, 1 0 and 1 4 . A t Ugarit, see PRU 3 , pp. 4f.; PRU 4, p. 294 (probably not a copy); Ugar. 5, nos. 2i, 24, 28, 3 2 , 3 4 , 36. A t Mari, in the Old Babylonian period, copies of letters are common, especially in "the ministry of foreign affairs"; see A . Finer, Cuneiform Archives and Libraries (see n. 18), pp. 1 5 5 , 157. 28. Cf. the "originals" in Hurrian from Mittani (EA 24), in Hittite at Boghazkoy (H. Otten, AfO 19 [ 1 9 5 9 - 6 0 ] p. 3 9 ; AfO, Beiheft 1 2 , pp. 6 4 O , and perhaps in Ugaritic at Ugarit (PRU 5, no. 8). The Egyptians were certainly familiar with the practice, and they seem to have called the translations "copies"; thus, EA 27 is a "copy" of a Hurrian original (Kiihne, pp. 4 4 f , n. 209). 29. Cf. EA 24. A messenger needing an interpreter might prefer to have rhe Egyp­ tian version available. XVII

INTRODUCTION

assuming that they too were not victims of oversight and simply not sent, then we must consider EA i, 5, 1 4 , and 3 1 exceptional, being drafts or copies of the translations and filed accordingly in the foreign language section.

3. Language and Writing The Amarna letters are manifestations of the "cuneiform culture" that was shared in the fourteenth century B . C . throughout the ancient Near East. As it appears in these letters it is largely a provincial and, in many respects, a very heterogeneous culture, the product of a long, complex history, of which we know but a very small part. In some sense this history begins at least a thousand years before the Amarna period. By the middle of the third millennium B . C . not only had cuneiform writing been introduced into Syria, but already at that early date, as the celebrated discoveries at ancient Ebla have shown, it was being used in a breadth of application and with a sophistication rivaling those of the great centers in Sumer and Akkad. ° By the first quarter of the second millennium B . C . knowledge of cuneiform writing had spread far and wide, and Babylonian had become the principal language of a cosmopolitan culture. It was the language of interna­ tional relations, but often, too, of local affairs, both legal and adminis­ trative. It was also a language of learning. In Upper Mesopotamia and the west there developed a regional dialect, a kind of koine, which was also introduced into Anatolia, thus laying the foundations of the Hittite cuneiform tradition. A regional syllabary appeared and took root in Syria. Also discernible are the influences of other traditions and other languages. These were mainly 3

31

32

33

30. For a general introduction, see P. Matthiae, Un impero ritrovato (Turin, 1 9 7 7 ) , in English as Ebla: An Empire Rediscovered, trans. Christopher Holme (Garden City, N . J . , 1 9 8 1 ) ; G . Pettinato, Ebla: Un impero inciso nell' argilla (Milan, 1979), translated as The Archives of Ebla: An Empire Inscribed in Clay (Garden City, N . J . , 1 9 8 1 ) . On the local language and its place within the Semitic family, see L . Cagni, ed., La lingua di Ebla (Naples, 1 9 8 1 ) . 3 1 . See the survey of R . Labat, Syria 39 (1962) pp. iff. 3 2 . See K . Balkan, Letter of King Anum-hirbi of Mama to King Warshama of Kanish (Ankara, 1 9 5 7 ) , p. 2 7 ; E . von Schuler, in M . Liverani, ed., La Siria nel Tarda Bronzo (Rome, 1969), pp. ii3f. 3 3 . As the Mari archives continue to be published, we find sporadic examples of deviations from the standard language that in the Amarna period are common or even the rule: gender of nouns (alum, "city," feminine, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 6 : 1 4 ' ; no. 3 5 8 , note g); confusion of pronouns (mimma and mamma, AEM 1/2, no. 5 3 5 , note d; mannum and mTnum,

xviii

INTRODUCTION

West Semitic and Hurrian, the very forces that would be mainly re­ sponsible for the language and writing that we find in the Amarna let­ ters centuries later. With the exception of EA 1 5 (Assyrian), EA 24 (Hurrian), and EA 3 1 - 3 2 (Hittite), ' the language of the Amarna letters is Babylonian, but for the most part it is a Babylonian profoundly different from that of the previous international age. It reflects many of the developments that one finds in the "good" Middle Babylonian language of the letters from Babylonia itself (EA 2—4, 6 - 1 1 ) . But if the cuneiform culture of the provinces was to some extent up-to-date, it was not infrequently, as is usually the way with provinces, also behind the times. This is true of the writing: a logogram that had been replaced by another logogram centuries before in the scribal schools of Babylonia survives in the provincial culture; an exercise once part of the scribal training but long abandoned in Babylonia is still part of the provincial curriculum; old orthographies are retained, sometimes mixed together with the modern ones; and so on. In the language, too, one finds a similar quaint and archaic quality. The provincial scribes, perhaps at times because of analogues in their own native language, may use old com­ mon or dialectal forms that had otherwise disappeared centuries be34

3

3 6

37

38

39

no. 4 0 2 , note c); morpheme analysis (kima i-ia-ti-ia, "like me," AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 4 , note e); thematic vowels (haldqu, /a/, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 9 1 , note p); lexicon (initma, "that," introducing object clauses, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 5 2 3 , note k; aranu, "to be a sinner/criminal," AEM 1 / 1 , no. 39, note c; 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 2 , note d; (tf)aradu, "to serve," AEM 1 / 1 , no. 1 4 8 , note b; 1 / 2 , no. 377, note b; see J AOS 107 { 1 9 8 7 ] p. 135a). One can speak of "les lettres 'barbares'" (AEM 1/2, pp. 5if.). 34. The main evidence of the Hurrian influence is the syllabary, for which see Labat, Syria 39 (1962) pp. I4f. In the letters of Aplahanda of Carchemish (ARMT 5, 5 - 1 1 ) confu­ sion of gender, often a sign of Hurrian influence, is fairly frequent, especially in ARMT 5, 7. 3 5 . On the Hurrian letter, see n. 28. The Arzawa scribe, probably because of incompetence in any form of Babylonian, expressly requests that the correspondence be carried on in Hittite (EA 52:241.). Whether Assur-uballif's use of Assyrian (EA 1 5 ) and Hurro-Akkadian (EA 16) reflecrs a conscious avoidance of normative Babylonian is not clear. (On the term "Hurro-Akkadian," see the text below and n. 4 4 . ) 36. The modernizarion of western Old Babylonian, which is nor ro be understood as a direct development, in an unbroken tradition, is more evident in the north, in the HurroAkkadian tradition, just as archaisms of language are more common in the south (see below). 3 7 . See B . Landsberger and H . Gikerbock, AfO 1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 - 3 9 ) PP- 55ff- '< A- Falkenstein, ZA 5 3 (1965) p. 7 5 , discussion of line 1 0 7 ; Giiterbock, Festschrift Heinrich Otten (Wiesbaden, 1 9 7 5 ) , pp. 7iff.; W. Moran, Acta Sumerologica 5 (1983) pp. I75f. 38. See Nougayrol, AS 1 6 , pp. 29fF., on EA 3 5 0 and parallels at Ugarit. 3 9 . E . g . , in EA 38 the old wriring a-wa-ta along with later a-ma-ta. XIX

INTRODUCTION 40

fore. Their lexicon is full of words that by the fourteenth century B . C . had either disappeared completely from the Babylonian language or lived on only in the elevated language reserved for the solemnities of myth, epic, hymns, and prayers. It is this combination of the old and the new that is so typically provincial and so distinctive of the Amarna cuneiform culture. Equally distinctive, however, are many features that are specifi­ cally peripheral and are not found in normal written Babylonian, either in its contemporary or earlier forms. Some few are shared across the entire area; more commonly, one must distinguish two general tradi­ tions, northern and southern, within both of which further distinctions are necessary. They divide along a line, roughly, from Sumur on the coast to Qatna inland. The northern tradition, which is the more widely diffused, is generally called Hurro-Akkadian. The name indicates the dominant influence of the Hurrians in the formation and the diffusion of both the language and the graphic system in which it was written. It is HurroAkkadian that we find in one letter from Assyria (EA i 6 ) ; 5 in the letters from Mittani (EA 17, 1 9 - 2 3 , 2 5 - 3 0 ) , Hatti (EA 4 1 - 4 4 ) , Ugarit (EA 4 5 - 4 9 ) , Nuhasse (EA 5 1 ) , and Qatna (EA 5 2 - 5 5 ) ; and in many of the letters from Amurru (EA 1 5 6 - 6 1 , 1 6 4 - 7 1 ) . Nevertheless, the lan41

42

43

44

4

40. E . g . , dual forms of rhe pronoun (BASOR 2 1 1 [ 1 9 7 3 ] pp. 5off.) and ti- preformative in third masculine plural forms of the verb, which is first attested in a language perhaps related to earlier Eblaic ( H . Limer, Syria 52 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. 37ff., esp. p. 48; J . - M . Durand, MARI 1 [ 1 9 8 2 } pp. 8if., lines 2 1 - 2 4 ; 1- Gelb, Syro-Mesopotamian Studies 1/1 [ 1 9 7 7 ] pp. 9f.; D. O. Edzard, Miscellanea Babylonica, Melanges M . Birot [Paris, 1 9 8 5 } , pp. 85f.). In the latter instance, however, because the preformative is found in later West Semitic languages (Ugaritic), its origins need not go back to the early second millennium B . C . For the Amarna evidence, see S. Izre'el, VP 19 (1987) pp. 79fF. 4 1 . E . g . , awTlu, "man," as a designation of the ruler of a city; qaqqadu, "head," in the sense of "self, person"; various adverbs (anumma, appuna(ma), afranu, pdndnu); and the prepositional phrase ana ser, "towards." Note also dialectal giltappu, "footstool," at Mari, Chagar Bazar, K u m i d u (EA 195), and Qatna. 42. See the survey by Kiihne, pp. 5ff. 4 3 . The north seems to influence the south. 44. The Nuzi dialect of the eastern highlands is also Hurro-Akkadian; see G . W i l helm, Untersuchungen zum Hurro-Akkadischen von Nuzi, AOAT 9. As a designation of the language as used in the west, Huehnergard, Akkadian, p. 20 and n. 3 4 , prefers "SyroAnatolian," the influence of Hurrian being at times inconsiderable (see below). 4 5 . This suggests that Hurro-Akkadian was socially acceptable even in milieus where one might expect a certain contempt for its provincial character. XX

INTRODUCTION -

6

guage also differs considerably from site to site, * especially so far as the immediate influence of the, Hurrian language is concerned. A measure of the complexity of dialectal developments and relationships is, for example, the fact that at the same site the language of the letters may differ considerably from that of the legal documents. Also belonging to the northern tradition are the letters that are southernmost in origin, the letters from Egypt. The language and writing of these letters are quite unlike what we find just to the north­ east along the Egyptian border, in Palestine, and on the Phoenician coast. Their closest ties are farther north, especially in the writing system and, above all, in the sign forms. Many of the latter are typically Hittite, and the relationship can only be onet>f direct dependence on or derivation from a common source. The language itself, however, lacks many of the more common Hurro-Akkadian features, and so the bor­ rowing must have occurred at a relatively early date. In the southern tradition the transformation of the Babylonian language and the resulting deviation from normal usage were far more radical than in most forms of Hurro-Akkadian. Indeed, so radical is the transformation that one may ask whether the language of this tradition, even when qualified as "extremely barbarized," should be called Babylo­ nian at all. It is a pidgin in which the Babylonian component is mainly lexical, whereas the grammar is profoundly West-Semitized, most no47

48

49

4 6 . In the Amarna corpus, Hurrian influence is most evident in the letters from Mittani and Qatna; on the former, see Kiihne, p. 9, n. 40, and H.-P. Adler, AOAT 2 0 1 , pp. io ff. 4 7 . At Boghazkoy A . Kammenhuber, Or n.s. 45 (1976) p. 1 3 7 , sees two traditions, Hurrian and Hittite, plus the influence of direct imports from Babylonia, as formative of Boghazkoy-Akkadian. At ancient Emar, D. Arnaud, AAS 25 (1979) pp. 87ff., finds both a Syrian and a Syro-Hittite tradition. 48. This is the case at Ugarit; see Huehnergard, Akkadian, pp. 22off., with refer­ ence to T. Finley, "Word Order in the Clause Structure of Syrian Akkadian" (Ph.D. diss., University of California at Los Angeles, 1979). There is also in the legal texts evidence of an Old Babylonian, North Syrian background; see J . Greenfield, in M . Ellis, ed., Essays on the Ancient Near East in Memory ofJacob Joel Finkelstein (Hamden, Conn., 1 9 7 7 ) , pp. 8yff. 49. This was shown by K . Riemschneider in a paper delivered before the 186th annual meeting of the American Oriental Society, March 1 6 , 1 9 7 6 ; see also G . Beckman, JCS 35 (1983) pp. i i 2 f . , and G . Wilhelm, Studien zur Altdgyptischen Kultur 11 (1984) pp. 6436°. Note, however, that in the Amarna archive the Egyptian material includes two letters in non-Hittite ductus, EA 1 and 369, the former of which manifests a strong preference for verb-subject-object word order, as is the rule in Egyptian and was noted long ago by Bohl, Sprache, p. 78. On EA 3 6 9 , see below EA 3 6 9 , n. 1. 5

xxi

INTRODUCTION

tably in the word order and, most important of all, in the verbal system. 5° The language can only be described as an entirely new code, only vaguely intelligible (if at all) to the West Semite because of the lexicon, and to the Babylonian because of the grammar. It is regrettable that translations either cannot or do not reflect the diversity of language and writing within the corpus itself and the dis­ tance of the several dialects from the normative language of Babylonia. They should be read with an awareness of this limitation, correcting so far as possible the impression of a colorless uniformity and grammatical propriety.

4. The International Correspondence The form of the letters is pretty much the same everywhere, though the letters from Alasia (EA 3 3 - 4 0 ) have certain peculiarities. 5' In the usual form, the address, which is directed to the scribe who will read the letter, is usually of the type "Say to PN. Thus P N . " 5 This form was inherited from the Old Babylonian period, and neither then nor as used here did it carry any implications of the relative social status of the correspondents. Another form, however, "Thus PN: Say to P N , " appears in two letters from Egypt (EA 5 and 3 1 ) and in one from Boghazkoy (EA 4 1 ) . This is a different usage according to which the sender, if he is the superior or the equal of the addressee, names himself first, and therefore, in this system, the first and more common form 2

2

2

5 0 . This is a subject with a long history of inquiry; see the outline by Kiihne, pp. 8f., n. 3 6 , II p-III, and add the work of A . Rainey and his students, most notably S. Izre'el. Rainey has shown that regularly the (preformative) verb base, with no additional marker (udurative, ^-injunctive), no matter what "tense" (iparras, iptaras, iprus), if a statement of fact, has past-time reference (IOS i [ 1 9 7 1 ] pp. 86ff.; UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. 3 9 5 ? . ) . The same usage is found in a letter from Tyre a century later; see D. Arnaud, Syria 59 (1982) p. 1 0 4 . Wirhin the southern corpus rhere are two somewhat erratic blocks, the letters from Jerusa­ lem and those from Abi-Milku of Tyre. On rhe former, see Jerusalem Scribe; on the latter, a dissertation by Cecilia Grave, to be presented to the University of Lund, is in progress (see OA 1 9 [ 1 9 8 0 ] pp. 2 0 5 ? . ; UF 1 2 [ 1 9 8 0 ] pp. 22iff.; Or n.s. 5 1 [ 1 9 8 2 ] pp. i6iff.). 5 1 . For the various forms of address and greeting in Akkadian letters, see the survey of E . Salonen, StOr 38, esp. pp. 6iff. on the Amarna lerters. 5 2 . In the international correspondence, we retain the conventional translarion of umma by "thus," except in EA 1 9 : 3 and 2 9 : 2 , where it seems that umma was understood in the sense of "word, message" (Rainey, BiOr 37 [ 1 9 8 0 ] p. 96). The latter meaning seems to have been the rule in the Syro-Palestinian area (see EA 1 4 4 , n. 1 ) , as first noted by W. F. Albright (BASOR 87 [ 1 9 4 2 ] p. 3 3 , n. 7 ) , and it was not unknown to Hittite scribes (A. Goetze, JCS 2 [ 1 9 4 8 ] p. 2 2 4 ; see also P. Berger, UF 1 { 1 9 6 9 ] p. 2 1 8 ; Izre'el, IOS 8 { 1 9 7 8 ] p. 68; Huehnergard, Akkadian, p. 1 4 4 , n. 1 1 2 ; M . Kossmann, JEOL 30 ( { 1 9 8 7 - 8 8 ] pp. 38ff.).

xxii

INTRODUCTION

noted above ("Say to PN . . . " ) is employed only by an inferior writing to a superior. 5 3 A salutation—which as such was an innovation of the Old Babylo­ nian period—follows, and it consists of two parts. The first is a report on one's own well-being: "For me all goes well." Since it is omitted in the Assyrian letters (EA 1 5 - 1 6 ) , it seems to have been optional. The second part, never omitted and therefore probably not optional, is an expression of good wishes for the addressee, usually beginning with "May all go well with you," which is then elaborated and extended to the household, to wives and children, courtiers and troops, even horses and chariots. 54 The body of the letter is, naturally, /mich less stereotyped, and formal conventions are few and variable. Two types of letters, especially in combined form, dominate the international correspondence. These are what Jean Nougayrol called lettre d'envoi and lettre d'injonction. 55 Under the first we should place EA 2 - 3 , 5, 2 1 , 3 1 , and 4 1 ; they charac­ teristically end with "I (herewith) send... . " Lettres d'injonction are EA 4, 7, 28, and 3 8 - 3 9 , and they usually end with one or more injunc­ tives. 57 As I already mentioned, however, most common of all are combinations, which we find in EA 6, 8 - 9 , 1 5 - 1 7 , 1 9 - 2 0 , 2 3 , 2 6 - 2 7 , 9 , 3 3 - 3 5 , 40, and 44. Occasionally, there is either a double letter (EA 12)—i.e., the same person is addressed but by a third party—or a postscript (EA 32)—i.e., the writer sends a message to a third party, who in the case in question was the addressee's scribe and whose services, therefore, were needed in 5 6

2

5 3 . See Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, pp. 66f. Though "say" (qibT-md) is absent in EA 3 4 , this letter probably reflects the same usage. This seems more likely than a survival of the form of the Old Akkadian-Ur III periods (cf. E . Sollberger, TCS 1, pp. 2 f . ) . 54. W. von Soden, AfO 1 8 (1958) p. 3 6 9 , saw in this type of salutation a feature of an official as opposed to a private letter. Characteristic of the Egyptian letters is the addition of a parallel report on one's own household, etc. It seems that, in general, inferiors did not report on the state of their own person (cf. EA 1 2 ) , though this is hardly the explanation of EA 1 5 - 1 6 . Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, p. 67, has noted that the Hittite king and other highranking courtiers report only on themselves and do not wish well to their inferiors. (In Ugar. 5, no. 3 3 : 3 ' , read gabbu da\n-n\(i iulmu.) Cf. the conclusions of Egyptian letters from the king to vassals (see below, sect. 5). Note that in Hittite usage (cf. EA 3 1 : 4 ) A N 5 E . K U R . R A . M E S may contrast with E R I N . M E S and mean, not "horses," but "chariotfighters" (see A . Kammenhuber, Die Arier im Vorderen Orient [Heidelberg, 1968}, p. 2 2 , n. 30a). 5 5 . Ugar. 5, pp. 67f. 56. EA 2 , rev. 9(?); 3 : 3 4 ; 5 : 1 8 ; 2 1 : 3 8 ; 3 1 : 2 8 ; 4 1 : 4 3 . 57. EA 4:4off.; 7:8off.; 28:29flf.; 39.-iofF. XXlll

INTRODUCTION

communicating and perhaps explaining the message of the letter to his master.' The prevalence of the combination of envoi and injonction reflects the complex social, economic, and political relationships of the corre­ spondents, and the customs and ideology associated with them. Ac­ cording to the conceptions of the time, the most basic political relation­ ship between the rulers was an alliance of "brotherhood," which made them brothers and members of the same family and household. They were thus united by the bond of love and friendship that befits broth­ ers, 59 and the visible expression of this bond was the exchange of gifts. "From the time my ancestors and your ancestors made a mutual declaration of friendship, they sent beautiful greeting-gifts to each other, and refused no request for anything beautiful" (EA 9 : 7 - 1 0 ) . "Send me much gold, and you, for your part, whatever you want from my country, write me so that it may be taken to you" (EA 9 : 1 6 - 1 8 ) . "If your purpose is graciously one of friendship, send me much gold. And this is your house. Write me so what you need may be fetched" (EA 1 6 : 3 2 - 3 4 ) . Acknowledgment of gifts received, praise of the gifts or 8

60

6 1

58. In EA 42-.2j{. perhaps the scribe sends a brief message either to the addressee of the letter or to a third party. In the vassal correspondence, too, there are postscripts, all to the Egyptian scribe who will read the letters (EA 2 8 6 - 8 9 , 316). In EA 170:36$. both the addressor and the addressees are different from those in the first part of the letter. EA 128 is probably a double letter. On these additions to letters, see A . Leo Oppenheim, AS, 16, pp. 2536°., and Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, p. 67, with references to earlier literature. Other double letters: R S 3 4 . 1 3 4 , Ugar. 7, pis. X V - X V I ; (the following references from J . Huehnergard) PRU 6, no. 7; R S 3 4 . 1 6 1 , Ugar. 7, pi. X L ; R S 3 4 . 1 7 1 , Ugar. 7, pi. L I I . Emar 6/3 2 6 3 - 6 4 are double letters; 2 6 6 is exrraordinary, being four complere letters from the same correspon­ dent. Emar 6/3 2 6 1 is also unusual; it is sent by two correspondents who, after the greeting, send individual messages, the first being introduced by umma (line 10), the second by the logogram I N I M , "word" (see above, n. 5 2 ) . 59. B y the Amarna period "love" (ramulra'amu and derivatives) had become part of the terminology of international relations; see V. Korosec, Mednarodni odnosajipo klinopisnih porocilih iz el-amarnskega in hetitskega drzavnega arhiva (Internarional relations according to cuneiform reports from the Tell al-Amarna and Hittite State Archive) (Ljubljana, 1 9 5 0 ) , p. 340 (English summary, p. 3 9 3 ) . It is a favorite term of Tusratta (EA 17 ff., passim), when he speaks of the relationship between equals, but elsewhere in the Amarna letters it is also used of the relationship between sovereign and vassal (EA 5 3 : 4 1 ; 1 1 4 : 6 8 ; 1 2 1 : 6 1 ; 1 2 3 : 2 3 ; 1 3 8 : 7 1 ^ ; see Catholic Biblical Quarterly 25 [ 1 9 6 3 ] pp. 77S.). On "friendship" (fdbutu) and related terms, see M . Weinfeld, JAOS 93 (1973) pp. i9off., and below, EA 1 3 6 , n. 5. 60. See C . Zaccagnini, ho scambio dei doni nel Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV-XIII (Rome, 1 9 7 3 ) , which was inspired by Liverani, OA 11 (1972) pp. 297ff. (rranslated in Three Amarna Essays [see n. 2 6 ] , pp. 2iff.). 6 1 . This also belongs to the formal language of treaties: "We are all sons of SupXXIV

INTRODUCTION

even a frank expression of disappointment, expression of the motivation behind the exchange of gifts, petition of countergifts to respond to the gifts now being dispatched—these and related topics dominate much of the international correspondence. One of the related topics is marriage, for marriage not only binds the correspondents even closer together, but it also involves the ex­ change of goods. If in the gifts customarily exchanged the economic value was not always great and symbolic values were often as important, in the case of marriage the economic value was considerable, even staggering. Apart from declarations of friendship, the discussions of gifts asso­ ciated with this friendship, proposals of marriage, and lists of goods exchanged at the time of marriage, there is little else in the interna­ tional correspondence. Tusratta of Mittani tells of the difficulties at­ tending his accession to the throne and makes a passing reference to the Hittites, but he says nothing more about the larger political scene. Burna-Burias of Babylonia tells how a predecessor refused to support a coalition of Canaanite kings against Egypt, reveals the dangers of inter­ national trade, and implies growing Assyrian truculence and aspira­ tions. ' In the mention of Mayati, the daughter of Amenophis IV, there 62

63

64

6

piluliumaS and our house is one" (E. F. Weidner, Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien: Die Staatsvertra'ge in akkadischer Sprache aus dem Archiv von Boghazkb'i, Boghazkoi-Studien 8 [Leipzig, 1 9 2 3 ; reprint, Hildesheim and N e w York, 1 9 7 0 ] , p. 86:8f.). The language goes back ar least to the Old Babylonian period. Uruk and Babylon are "one house" (A. Falkenstein, BaghdaderMitteilungen 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] p. 561'i if.), as are their kings (ibid., p. 5 8 : 2 5 ) ; Larsa and Eshnunna are also "one house" (TIM 1, 2 6 : 1 6 ; see also A . Zeebari, Altbabylonische Briefe des Iraq-Museums [n.p., 1 9 6 4 ] , p. 7 2 ) . Ishi-Addu of Qatna wrote to Isme-Dagan of Assyria, "This house is your house. What is missing in your house? Does not a brother give a brother (his) request?" (ARMT 5, 2 0 : 2 5 - 2 8 ) . Hammurabi of Babylon is quoted as declaring, "From long ago and ever after the city Mari and Babylon have been one house and one finger that cannot be separated (na-ab'-tu-qi'-im)" (AEM 1 / 2 , no. 449:i5f.; see also ARMT 1, 2 : 1 3 ' ) . In the private sphere, see AbB 1, 8 2 : 7 ; ibid. 4, 1 5 2 : 2 0 ("my house is your house and my purse your purse"); ARMT 1 0 , 7 8 : 2 7 ; and Kraus, BiOr 22 (1965) p. 289 and n. 8. Cf. also "one man" (EA 2 0 : 1 7 ) . 62. See Pintore, Matrimonio, esp. pp. 1056°. On dynastic marriages, see also W. Rollig, RLA 4, pp. 282ff.; P. Michalowski, JAOS 95 (1975) pp. 7i6ff.; A . Schulman, JNES 38 (1979) pp. 177ft.; P. Artzi, i n J . - M . Durand, ed., La femme dans le Proche Orient Antique (Paris, 1987), pp. 236°. 6 3 . According to EA 1 4 ii 3 4 , over a half a ton of gold was used on the gifts listed in the previous lines, and according to ii 7 2 , about an eighth of a ton of silver. On EA 1 4 as a list of marriage gifts, see Kiihne, pp. 7of. 64. EA 7 : 1 1 - 2 0 , 3 0 - 3 8 . 6 5 . EA 7 : 7 3 - 8 2 ; 8 : 1 3 - 4 2 ; 9 : 1 9 - 3 5 . XXV

INTRODUCTION 66

is an opaque reflection of events at the Egyptian court. But all this adds up to little information, and there is not a hint of the religious reforms that make the Amarna period so notable in Egyptian history. ? 6

5. The Vassal Correspondence 68

The vassal correspondence reflects the Egyptian administration fbf its territories in Syria and Palestine. At the time of the Amarna letters, the area was divided into two or three provinces, each under an Egyptian official, who is, in the Amarna letters, without specific ti­ t l e . Probably always a member of the military, he resided in a garrison city, one of a network, and from there he looked after Egyptian interests in the city-states and crown-lands within his territory. One was sta­ tioned in Gaza, and his province took in most of Palestine, the Phoeni­ cian coast, and, if there were only two provinces, Amurru. If there was a 69

70

66. EA 1 1 rev. 2 6 - 2 7 . 67. On rhe alleged request of the AlaSian king that the Egyptians form no alliances with the Hittites or Babylonians, see EA 3 5 , n. 1 0 . 68. The rerm vassal is used loosely of any ruler subordinate to the Egyptian king, whether or not he was bound by oath and a vassal in the strict sense. It thus includes, for example, Addu-nirari of Nuha&se (EA 5 1 ) , Aziru of Amurru (EA 156fF.), and the rulers of Ugarit (EA 4 5 , 4 9 ; see A . Altman, Bar-Ilan 1 3 (1976) iff., English summary on pp. i x - x i ) . 69. Albright, CAH 2 / 2 , pp. I02ff.; A . A l t , Kleine Schriften, 3 (Munich, 1 9 5 9 ) , pp. I07ff.; M . Drawer, CAH 2 / 1 , pp. 4 6 7 ? . ; P. Frandsen, in Mogens Trolle Larsen, ed., Power and Propaganda, Mesopotamia, 7 (Copenhagen, 1 9 7 9 ) , pp. 16yfF.; R . Hachmann, ZDPV 98 (1982) pp. I7ff.; W. Helck, MDOG 92 (i960) pp. iff.; idem, Beziehungen , pp. 2 4 6 ? . ; K . Kitchen, in Liverani, ed., La Siria nel Tardo Bronzo (see n. 3 2 ) , pp. 8off.; Liverani, RA 61 (1967) pp. iff.; M . Abdul Kader Mohammad, Annates du Service des Antiquite's de t'Egypte 56 (1959) pp. I05ff.; N . Na'aman, Political Disposition, esp. ch. 7 - 8 ; idem, IEJ 3 1 (1981) pp. I72ff.; M . Several, PEQ 104 (1972) pp. I23ff.; R . de Vaux, Histoire ancienne d'lsrael, des origines a I'installation en Canaan (Paris, 1 9 7 1 ) , pp. 96ff.; J . Weinstein, BASOR 241 (1981) pp. iff. Against the once common view that the Amarna letters reflect Egypt's neglect of its territories and the absorption of Amenophis I V in internal matters, especially his religious reforms, see especially Liverani and Several; see also the text below on military operations. 2

7 0 . Na'aman, Political Disposition, pp. i66ff. (cf. IEJ 31 { 1 9 8 1 ] pp. i 8 3 f . ) , argues for only two provinces, whereas Helck (see n. 69), whose views have gained some currency, defends three. The crux is the status of Sumur. Donald B . Redford, Akhenaten, the Heretic King (Princeton, 1984), p. 26, proposes four provinces. The highest official was usually called "commissioner" (rabisu), but occasionally so were other Egyprian officials of lesser rank; see the survey of D. O. Edzard and F. A. M . Wiggermann, RLA 7 / 5 - 6 , pp. 449ff., esp. §2.5. All of rhese officials also shared rhe designation "magnate" (rabu; see O. Weber, VAB 2 / 2 , p. 1 1 8 8 , and cf. EA 1, n. 3 ) . In EA 2 5 6 : 9 and 362:69, rabisu is glossed by su-ki-ni and su-ki-na, respectively, West Semitic *sokinu (Hebrew soken), in my opinion "one who provides" (cf. below sakanu in the letters from Jerusalem), whereas J . - M . Durand, Miscella­ nea Babylonica (see n. 40), p. 8 2 , n. 1 0 , proposes "Resident," from a West Semitic verb "to dwell" (see AEM 1 / 1 , no. 1 6 8 , note j ; AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 6 : 1 6 ' and note b; no. 5 1 9 , note d). XXVI

INTRODUCTION

third province, its administrative center was Sumur and its principal territory Amurru, the borders of which remain ill-defined. Another official was in Kumidu, and he administered an area from Qades in southern Syria down to Hazor in northern Palestine, over to the Dam­ ascene and down into northern Transjordan. Subject to these officials, besides Egyptian underlings, were the native local rulers, who are usually referred to as "mayors" (hazannu) but are also called "rulers" (awilu, lit. "man") or "kings" (sarru) or, by the Egyptian term, "princes" (wr, lit. "great one"). Among their obliga­ tions, which may not have been the same in each province, were the payment of tribute, meeting other exactions of goods and personnel, furnishing corvee labor on crown-lands, supplying Egyptian troops in transit and reinforcing them, and protecting caravans. Six or seven letters in the vassal correspondence are from the Pha­ raoh (EA 99, 1 6 2 - 6 3 , 190?, 367, 3 6 9 - 7 0 ; see above, sect. 2). With the exception of EA 1 6 2 , as preserved they are formally very similar. The address, obviously ignoring any implications of social status, always names the inferior first (see above, sect. 4 ) , and would appear to go back to an old tradition. There follows an introduction to the message proper that is peculiar to the Pharaoh's letters to vassals, and it seems to be based on Egyptian models: "He (I?) hereby sends (send?) this tablet 71

72

73

74

7 1 . The province probably extended from Byblos to an area south of Ugarit, and inland to about the Orontes River. 7 2 . According ro Hachmann, ZDPV 98 (1982) pp. i8f., the Egyptian official dis­ placed the native rulers; see also Archeologie au Levant: Recueil a la memoire de Roger Saidah, Collection de la Maison de l'Orient mediterranean, no. 1 2 , serie archeol. 9 (Lyons and Paris, 1 9 8 2 ) , pp. 133fF. 7 3 . As used in the western periphery in the fifteenth to thirteenth centuries B . C . , the hazannu was usually a royal appointee, and the term as said of the local rulers implied their incorporation within the administration as "fonctionnaires peripheriques" (Liverani, in P. Garelli, ed., Le Palais et la Royaute"[Paris, 1 9 7 4 I , pp. 3466°.; on the hazannu at Boghazkoy, see F. Picchioli, OA 1 4 [ 1 9 7 5 I pp. 93ff.). However, if the place of rule was indicated, one usually did not use hazannu but awilu, a usage that goes back to the Syrian koine of Old Babylonian times (see CAD, A / 2 , p. 57b). larru was the nonadministrative, non-Egyptian term the city-state rulers used of themselves (Na'aman, UF 20 (1988) pp. 1 8 2 - 8 3 , n. 18). Egyptian wr, which is used in EA only by Abi-Milku of Tyre (EA 1 4 9 : 3 0 ; 5 39)> applied by the Egyptians to all foreign rulers, not just to vassals; see D. Lorton, The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dynasty XVIII (Baltimore, 1 9 7 4 ) , pp. 6off. I

I:

w

a

s

74. The use of awilu ro designate the local ruler suggests the Old Babylonian period (see n. 7 3 ) . These and the following remarks apply also to the king's letters discovered at Kumidu; see D. O. Edzard, Schriftdokumente aus Kamid el-Loz, Saarbriicker Beitrage zur Altertumskunde 7 (1970) pp. <,•){. (Kumidu 1 - 2 ) .

xxvii

INTRODUCTION

to you, saying to you . . . " (EA 99, 367, 3 6 9 - 7 0 ) . 7 5 Three times (EA 99> 367, 370), twice ruled off and included in the introductory section (EA 367, 3 7 0 ) , the message begins with the command to be on one's guard and to guard "the place of the king where you are" (lit. "which is by/near you"), and again there are underlying Egyptian models. The command may be repeated (EA 369:14), and along with more specific orders the vassal may be urged to obey without fault or negligence, two injunctions also with close Egyptian parallels. He may also be prom­ ised to hear, if he is obedient, an expression of the Pharaoh's approval, "this is good" (EA 9 9 : 1 7 ; 3 6 9 : 2 1 ) . Finally, all letters end in virtually the same words, following a longer or shorter form, by informing the inferior of the king's prosperity and power. From these letters, confirmed by letters of the vassals to the king, one sees that the main purpose of the king's writing was to acquire personnel and other goods, to introduce Egyptian officials and secure obedience to their orders, and to arrange for supplies for his troops. The rest of the vassal correspondence is concerned almost exclu70

77

78

7 5 . Cf., in the same position, after the address and immediately before the message, "This letter is brought to you to the following effect" (R. Caminos, Late-Egyptian Miscella­ nies [London, 1 9 5 4 I , pp. 4, 7, 1 3 - 1 4 ) , rendering Egyptian tn.tw nk ss pn n dd hn^ dd, followed by injunctions virtually identical with those continuing EA 99, 367, and 3 7 0 . The king usually speaks of himself in the third person (EA 99:8f., 1 1 , 17—19, 2 2 ; 162 passim; 3 6 7 : 6 , 1 0 - 1 1 , 1 6 , 1 8 , 2 0 , 22ff.; 369:5, 1 9 ; 370:7), but at Kumidu the first person is also attested ("send me": K u m i d u 1 : 5 ; 2:6), and some of the passages here taken as third person are ambiguous and could be in the first person. It seems likely that qabe (EA 99, 367, 3 7 0 ; K u m i d u 1—2)ox. anaqabe(EA 369), lit. "to speak," is meant to correspond to Egyptian hn dd, lit. "with saying," and therefore to introduce direct quotation. (For the infinitive expressing purpose without ana, J . Huehnergard points to PRU 4, p. 193:66°.; KBo 1, 3 : 3 8 0 "My saying/speech" (Edzard) accords with neither EA 369 nor the Egyptian parallel. On EA 369 as extra chorum, see EA 3 6 9 , n. 1. c

76. As first recognized by Liverani, OA 1 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p. 2 5 8 , n. 3 6 , and p. 2 6 2 , n. 52 (translared in Three Amarna Essays [see n. 2 6 ] , pp. 7, 9), who also established on the basis of Egyptian parallels the meaning of "which is by/near you." See also Liverani, Vicino Oriente 2 (1979) p. 68, n. 8. 7 7 . Cf. "lest the king find fault [lit. a crime] in you" (EA 3 6 7 : 1 0 ^ and "do not let yourself be found fault with" (Caminos, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies, pp. 5, 1 9 8 ) ; "do not become negligent" (EA 3 6 7 : 1 4 ) and "slack not" (Caminos, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies, p. 7 ) , "be not remiss" (ibid., 1 9 8 ) . 78. For the short form, see EA 99, 3 6 7 ; for the long form, EA 162 and 3 7 0 , and K u m i d u 1 - 2 . The conclusion of EA 369 is without parallel. For a brief analysis of the two forms, see J . Wesselius, UF 1 5 (1983) p. 3 1 3 . Liverani, Lingering over Words, pp. 34iff., studies the form and the background of EA 99, 367, and 3 6 9 - 7 0 , which he calls "Egyprian spring letters," in his opinion examples of a standard annual procedure. For difficulties with this view, see EA 367, n. 1. XXV1I1

INTRODUCTION

sively with letters from subordinate rulers or vassals to the king or high Egyptian officials. Formally, they are very similar, though regional differences are observable. In the address, the vast majority begin ei­ ther "Say to the king/PN . . . ; Message of P N , " or simply "To the k i n g . . . . " The exceptions are confined almost entirely to the letters of Rib-Hadda of Byblos, where we also find "Rib-Hadda speaks [ 1 7 times]/writes (9 times] to the king . . . " ; comparable are EA 260 and 3 1 7 - 1 8 . Another unusual form is found in EA 1 2 6 , i29(?), i37(?), and 3 6 2 . EA 1 0 0 is unique. The king is almost never addressed by name, only by title, to which are usually added various honorifics. To the identification of himself the vassal regularly adds various expressions of self-abasement. Salutations are rare. Only once does an inferior report on his own well-being (EA 1 4 5 , to an Egyptian official; see above, sect. 4), and only rarely does he wish his superior well (EA 44—45, 49, 5 9 ) . Again, the letters from Byblos are a notable exception. In letters addressed to the king the desire is expressed that the goddess, the Lady of Byblos, grant power to the king, and in letters to Egyptian officials it is hoped that Aman or the Lady of Byblos, or both, give the addressee honor in the king's sight. 4 The prostration formula, which in the Byblos letters always pre­ cedes the salutation of an official, but always follows the salutation of the king, is omitted only once in a letter to the king (EA 44) and once 79

(2)

8 o

8 1

82

83

8

7 9 . Exceptions: female correspondents (EA 48, 5 0 ; cf. EA 1 2 , 26, and see also 2 7 3 74); Egyptian general to vassal (EA 96, a copy sent to central archives?). Those sending the letters may be a group of vassals (EA 2 0 0 ; cf. 3 0 ) , the (senior) citizens of a city (EA 59, 1 0 0 ) , or a vassal's locum tenensltenentes (EA i 6 9 f ) . Letters to Egyptian officials and courtiers: EA 62, 7 1 (cf. 40), 7 3 , 77, 8 2 , 86f., 9 3 , 9 5 , 98, 1 0 2 , 1 4 5 , 1 5 8 , 1 6 4 , i66f., 169(F), 1 7 8 , 2io(?), 2 3 8 , 25r(?), 2 5 6 , 3 3 3 . On postscriprs, etc., see the text above at n. 58. 80. On umma, "message," see n. 5 2 . 8 1 . Liverani, Lingering over Words, p. 3 4 4 , n. 1 6 , points to the same form in letters written in Egyptian. On iqbiliStapar as examples of Koinzidenzfall, see W. Mayer, Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen "Gebetsbeschworungen" (Rome, 1 9 7 6 ) , pp. I 9 5 f ; cf. iqtabi in EA 5 9 : 5 . 8 2 . The king's name appears in EA 5 3 : 1 ; 5 5 : 1 . It may be doubted that EA 2 1 0 was addressed to king [.. . n i - i ] b - £ » - > 7 - [ i a ] (Amenophis I V ? Tutankhamun? see below, n. 1 3 7 ) , since he would be named without title (see VAB 2 / 1 , p. 7 4 5 , note f) or the homage of proskynesis (see the text below). 8 3 . EA 44 is from an independent Hittite prince, 45 and 49 from probably inde­ pendent rulers of Ugarit, and 59 from the city of Tunip. 84. EA 7 1 , 7 3 , 77, 8 6 - 8 7 , 95> ; cf. also i i 3 : 3 2 f . in the body of the letter, and, at K u m i d u , as a concluding formula (Edzard, ZA 66 [ 1 9 7 6 } p. 6 4 : 1 8 - 2 0 , with "the gods" as subject; in lines 7, 1 3 , B E is a logogram for belu, as frequently in EA). m

I 0 2

xxix

INTRODUCTION

in a letter to an official (EA 1 6 6 ; also 167?). In letters to officials one simply declares the prostration, but in letters to the king this is usually said to be performed "seven times and seven times," which in Palestin­ ian letters is made even more explicit, with the addition of "(both) on the belly and on the back." ' The body of the vassal letters, in both form and content, is quite varied. Most vassals, it seems, wrote neither regularly nor on their own initiative, but rather only in reply to a letter from the k i n g , and very many of the letters begin by acknowledging in different ways that the king's letter has been received: "I have heard"; "as to the king's writing/saying"; "you have written"; "the king . . . wrote"; "the word(s) . . . " ; "everything/whatever... . " 3 The king's letters are often cited. His command to be on one's guard or to guard oneself, 4 and to guard the place of the king where the vassal is (see above), is frequently quoted ' and even more fre­ quently alluded t o . Associated with this command is at times an­ other, either cited directly or alluded t o , to guard (pay close atten8

86

87

88

89

90

92

91

9

9

9

96

97

98

8 5 . See J . Pritchard, The Ancient Near East in Pictures (Princeton, 1 9 5 4 ) , fig. 5, for the representation of Syrian vassals in both positions. "Seven times" means "over and over." On Egyptian proskynesis, see H . Fischer, Bulletin University Museum 20 (1956) pp. 276°.; ibid., 2 1 ( 1 9 5 7 ) pp. 3 5 ? . ; A . Hermann, Zeitschrift fur dgyptische Sprache 90 (1963) pp. 2f. 86. On the quality of composition and the general poverty of lexicon, see Edzard, in Biblical Archaeology Today (see n. 1 7 ) , pp. 252f. 8 7 . Campbell, Chronology, p. 34. 88. EA 1 4 1 , 1 9 2 , 1 9 6 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 6 - 1 8 , 2 2 o f , 2 4 3 , 246, 2 5 3 f . , 269, 2 9 3 , 3 0 3 - 5 , 364; cf. also 3oif., 3 2 1 , 328f. 89. EA 1 1 9 , I 2 i f . , I25f., 1 3 0 , 2 2 2 , 2 2 4 , 2 5 2 , 3 0 6 ; also EA 77 and 9 5 , to Egyptian officials. On epistolary inuma, see EA 1, n. 9. 90. EA 2 0 1 - 6 . 9 1 . EA 1 9 1 , 2 4 3 , 2 5 5 , 2 8 3 , 3 3 7 ; cf. also 6 3 , 2 3 3 , 247. 9 2 . EA 267, 275—77; f ' 65, 225, 239. 9 3 . EA 2 2 3 , 2 6 1 , 297f. 94. See above n. 7 6 . 9 5 . EA ioo:t4f.; 1 1 2 : 9 ; 7'-&4\ 9:9'> 1 2 1 : 9 ; 1 2 2 : 1 0 ; 1 2 3 : 3 0 ^ 1 2 5 : 9 ^ i 2 6 : 3 i f . ; 1 3 0 : 1 6 ? . ; 2 3 1 : 1 4 ^ 2 9 2 : 2 i f . ; 2 9 4 ^ . For Liverani, Lingering over Words, pp. 3 4 2 ? . , in most instances reference to protection indicates a "Syro-Palestinian spring letter," a vassal's reply to an "Egyptian spring letter" (see n. 7 8 ) . 96. EA 6 3 : 9 ^ 1 4 2 : 1 1 ? . ; 2 2 1 : 1 1 ? . ; 2 2 7 : 5 ? . ; 2 4 3 : 1 0 ? . ; 3 0 4 : 1 9 ? . ; 3 0 5 : 1 8 ? . ; 307:3?.; 3i4:nf.; 316:10?.; 320:16?.; 321:23?.; 325:10?.; 326:9?.; 327:1?.; 364:14?. 9 7 . EA 2 9 2 : 2 0 ; 294:8f.; 3 1 7 : 2 1 . 98. EA 2 1 6 : 1 2 ? . ; 2 2 0 : 1 1 ; 2 3 0 : 9 ? . ; 3 0 3 : 1 9 ? . ; 3 1 9 : 1 5 ? . ; 3 2 1 : 1 5 ? . ; 3 2 2 : 1 7 ? . ; 328:21?. 5

c

a

ll

XXX

s o

TI

INTRODUCTION

tion to?) or listen to the king's commissioner. This may refer to the vassal's general duties, but at times at least it certainly looks to specific missions (cf. EA 367, 3 6 9 ; see above). The command to be on one's guard, etc., was probably never isolated (cf. EA 567, 3 7 0 ) . There were also orders, for example, "to prepare" (EA 99:ioff.), and the best-attested preparations are those of supplies for Egyptian troops in transit (EA ^,6-j:i^&.).^ The vassal occasionally cites the actual order (EA 1 4 1 : 2 1 - 2 2 ; 3 3 7 : 8 - 1 1 ) , but al­ ways, in one way or another, he states his compliance. The vassals reply to other commands and charges, some cited verbatim, others easily inferred from context, and they do so not always with an unquestioning submissivene^s. Thus, it is clear that the king has not succeeded in his attempt to have Aziru rebuild Sumur or to get him to come to Egypt (EA 1561?.). Lab'ayu does not hesitate to make known his displeasure at certain orders of the king (EA 2 5 2 ) , and in two other letters (EA 2 5 3 - 5 4 ) emphatically denies the serious charges brought against him by others and repeated by the king (cf. also EA 2 5 6 ) . But the most unusual correspondence as well as by far the longest is that between the king and Rib-Hadda of Byblos, for it goes far beyond the routines that we find in most of the EA archive. RibHadda writes and writes. If he is told to guard himself and the city where he is, he does not reply that he will do so; he insists that it is 100

101

n

e

102

99. On the background of these preparations, see the text below and nn. 1 1 7 - 1 8 . 1 0 0 . EA 6 5 , I 4 i f , 1 4 4 , 1 9 1 , 1 9 3 , 2 0 1 , 2 0 3 - 6 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 6 , 227, 3 0 2 , 324f., 3 3 7 ; see also 2 2 6 and 2 9 2 : 2 9 ? . One is to prepare "before the arrival" (ana pant) of the Egyptian troops. Cf. Caminos, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies (see n. 7 5 ) , p. 1 9 8 , where the order is to have things ready before the arrival of rhe Pharaoh; see also p. 199 and p . 2 0 2 , note. The use ofana pant may reflect Egyptian r-h',t (Pintore, AO n { 1 9 7 2 } p. 1 2 9 , n. 1 5 8 ; Liverani, Vicino Oriente 2 [ 1 9 7 9 ] p. 69), but it need not, for in Old Babylonian ana pant has the same temporal meaning; see, for example, M . Stol, AbB 9, 6 3 : 1 1 ; 98:8; 1 1 7 : 5 ; 1 3 7 : 2 9 ; 1 4 4 : 6 ' , and note too inapani'va F. Kraus, AbB 7, 56:26, and rhe remarks of Durand, ARMT 2 1 , p. 4 1 3 , n. 8 3 . In view of EA 5:15—17, irs survival in the periphery seems quite probable. The troops in quesrion were the regular army units, "archers" in the literal translation that I have followed, to be distinguished from auxiliaries (tillatu) and garrison-troops (massartu, massaru); see Rainey, AOAT, 8 , p. 87. 1 0 1 . EA 1 0 2 : 1 5 ^ ; 1 1 2 : 4 2 ^ 1 2 9 : 3 5 ; 130:108°.; i 6 i : 3 i f . ; 283:8f. 1 0 2 . See especially Liverani, OA 10 ( 1 9 7 1 ) pp. 2536°. (translared in Three Amarna Essays [see n. 2 6 ] , pp. 3ff.). For the narrative patterns and rhe self-perception in R i b Hadda's correspondence, see also Liverani, Altorientalische Forschungen 1 (1974) pp. 1746°., and for my criricisms and a somewhat different analysis, see A . Kort and S. Morschauser, eds., Biblical and Related Studies Presented to Samuel Iwry (Winona Lake, Ind., 1985), pp. i73ff2

xxxi

INTRODUCTION 10

impossible. ' And he does so not once; to a single letter of the king he sends, it seems, nine letters in reply. Told, too, to send a certain wood, he replies that this also is impossible. 4 The impression that one gets of a tireless and boring correspondent, endlessly reiterating his requests and his complaints, was also shared by the king (the foreign office), who complained that Rib-Hadda wrote to him more than any local ruler. 5 This, of course, gave Rib-Hadda the occasion to insist that he alone was loyal and suffering for his lord. Some vassals, however, did not simply reply to the various de­ mands of the king. They also reported on their own situation and on anything they thought of possible interest to the crown, frequently on their own initiative, as they were at times urged to d o . Such reports are often introduced by "may the king, my lord, know (idu) that . . . , " and they tell of the city as "safe and sound," or threatened, of lost territory, or of other dangers. Letters also end this way, calling attention to something in particular or summing up the letter as a whole. Unlike the international correspondence, the letters to and from vassals often refer to political events, too often indeed for even the barest summary here. In the north, politics were dominated by two io

i o

106

107

109

108

110

111

1 0 3 . EA ii2:ioff.; 117:84(1".; 1 1 9 : 1 0 ? . ; i2i:ioff.; I 2 2 : n f f . ; 1 2 3 : 3 0 ^ ; 1 2 5 : 1 1 f.; i 2 6 : 3 3 f . ; i3o:i9ff. 1 0 4 . EA 126:4s.; see also 77:7ft". 1 0 5 . EA 1 2 4 : 3 5 ? . ; see also 1 0 6 : 1 3 ? . ; "7:6ff. 1 0 6 . EA 1 4 5 : 2 4 ? ; 1 4 9 : 5 4 ? . ; i5i:5of. 1 0 7 . EA 6 8 : 9 ? . ; 7 4 : 5 ? . ; 7 5 : 6 ? . ; 1 4 4 : 1 0 ? . ; 2 2 6 : 6 ? . ; 2 6 8 : 8 ? . ; s e e also 1 0 0 : 8 ? . ; 2 5 7 : 8 ? . ; 3 3 0 : 9 ? . Since the writer may go on to describe the parlous situation of the city that is "safe and sound" (salmat), the meaning must have shifted from the original one of "well-being." EA 2 6 7 : 1 5 ? . and 3 3 0 : 9 ? . , where "safe and sound" is said of "the place of the king, my lord, where I am," and of "the city of the king where I am," respectively, clearly allude to the vassal's duty to guatd the place of the king where he is (see the text above) and suggest that "safe and sound" means that the place remains under the loyal protection of the vassal; cf. also EA 2 3 0 : 4 - 2 2 . Already in the Old Babylonian period we find occasional declarations of a city's well-being followed immediately by a report on the strength of the security forces (AbB 5, 1 5 8 : 4 ? . ; ARMT 2 , 8 8 : 6 ? . ; 3 , 1 2 : 6 ? . ) . 1 0 8 . EA 7 2 : i ? . ( ? ) ; 7 6 : 7 ? . ; 7 8 : 7 ? . ; 8 1 : 6 ? . ; 1 1 4 : 6 ? . ; n6:6ff. 1 0 9 . EA 2 7 2 : 1 0 ? . ; 2 7 3 : 8 ? . ; 2 7 9 : 9 ? . n o . EA 1 0 4 : 6 ? . ; 2 4 4 : 8 ? . ; 2 4 9 : 5 ? . ; 2 5 0 : 4 ? . ; cf. also 2 1 5 , 2 7 0 , 307. i n . EA i47:7of.; 1 4 9 : 8 1 ? . ; 2 3 0 : 2 0 ? . ; 2 4 5 : 4 6 ^ 2 7 3 : 2 5 ^ A virtual synonym of idu is lamadu, "to learn, be(come) informed," and though used much less frequently, it is otherwise indistinguishable; see EA 5 4 : 4 ? . ; 6 4 : 8 ? . ; 7 9 : 7 ? . ; 9 0 : 5 ? . ; 1 4 3 : 3 6 ? . ; 2 3 8 : 2 9 ? . ; 2 6 4 : 2 3 ? . ; 2 6 5 : 1 4 ^ 2 7 4 : i 7 f ; 2 8 1 : 3 0 ? . ; 2 8 2 : 1 5 ? . ; 3 0 1 : 2 1 ? . ; 308 rev. 2 ? . ; 3 0 9 : 2 6 ? . ; cf. 2 8 7 : 5 9 . The lerrers referred to in the text fall, in part at least, under what Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, p. 68, called "lettres d'information." For Liverani, Lingering over Words, pp. 3 4 5 ? , they

XXXI1

INTRODUCTION

major developments—first, the emergence of a new state, Amurru, and second, the appearance of a new threat to Egyptian power, the resurgent Hittites. The emergence of Amurru—which was achieved by a certain Abdi-Asirta, partly through exploitation of social unrest and disaffec­ tion, and then solidified by his able son and successor, Aziru —was the object of unceasing protest by Rib-Hadda of Byblos, who never tired of accusing the rulers of Amurru of disloyalty and treason. Others shared this view of Aziru. As the Hittite threat became evident, Aziru, along with Aitagama of Qades, was charged with being a Hittite ally and, with Hittite support, a despoiler of Egyptian territory. "4 Needless to say, in his own letters someone quite different is por­ trayed. ' The vassal correspondence in the south is more insular in its inter­ ests and less reflective of international tensions. This correspondence presents a scene of constant rivalries, shifting coalitions, and attacks and counterattacks among the small city-states." A probable excep­ tion to the isolation of the south from events to the north and the Hittite threat is seen in those letters that speak of preparations by the vassals before the arrival of Egyptian troops." These preparations seem to reflect plans for a single campaign and the dispatch of Egyptian troops through Palestine to Syria, there to confront the Hittites and former Egyptian vassals supporting them." c

112

113

11

6

7

8

are mostly "late-summer letters," sent, in his theory, at the time an Egyptian official came to collect the annual tribute. Be it noted, here without comment, that for Liverani rhe vassal correspondence is shot through wirh extensive and constant misundersrandings, both linguistic and political; see especially RA 61 (1967) iff.; Berytus 31 (1983) 4iff.; Lingering over Words, pp. 343f. 1 1 2 . On the rise of Amurru and rhe appeal to the disaffected, see Klengel, MIO 10 (1964) pp. 5 7 ? . ; Liverani, Rivistastorica italiana 77 (1965) pp. 3 1 5 ? ; idem, RSO 4 0 ( 1 9 6 5 ) pp. 2 6 7 ? . (translated in Three Amarna Essays [see n. 2 6 ] , pp. 1 4 ? . ) ; Altman, Bar-Ilan Departmental Researches: Bar-llan Studies in History (1978) pp. iff. 1 1 3 . See below, sect. 6. 1 1 4 . EA 5 5 : 2 4 , 3 8 - 4 3 , 4 5 ; 5 9 : 2 1 - 3 8 ; 9 8 : 5 - 2 0 ; 1 4 0 : 8 - 3 2 ; 1 4 7 : 6 8 ; 1 4 9 : 3 5 ? . ; 5 5 9 - 6 2 ; see also 5 3 : 1 1 ? . , 3 5 ? . , 5 6 ? . ; 1 7 4 - 7 6 ; 1 9 7 : 3 1 ? ' 1 1 5 . EA 1 5 6 ? 1 1 6 . See n. 69, especially Albright and Na'aman. 1 1 7 . Na'aman, Lingering over Words, pp. 3 9 7 ? . , defines rhe group by their references to subjects mentioned in the Egyptian letter of command (EA 367) and/or references ro preparations before rhe arrival of Egyptian troops: EA 5 5 , 65, 1 4 1 - 4 2 , 1 4 4 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 3 , 1 9 1 , 93> '95> 2 0 1 - 6 , 2 1 6 - 1 8 , 2 2 7 , 2 9 2 , 3 2 4 - 2 5 , 3 3 7 . 1 1 8 . This is the more common opinion, most recently defended by Na'aman (see n. 1 1 7 ) . Liverani, OA 10 (1971) p. 2 5 9 , n. 4 1 (Three Amarna Essays [see n. 2 6 ] , p. 7 ) , and Lingering over Words, pp. 3 4 1 ? . , sees in the preparation for rhe troops simply reference to an r

l :

r

xxxin

INTRODUCTION

6. Chronology Despite a long history of inquiry, the chronology of the Amarna letters, both relative and absolute, presents many problems, some of bewildering complexity, that still elude definitive solution. Consensus obtains only about what is obvious, certain established facts, and these provide only a broad framework within which many and often quite different reconstructions of the course of events reflected in the Amarna letters are possible and have been defended." 9

The Amarna archive, it is now generally agreed, spans at most about thirty years, perhaps only fifteen or so. The extremes depend on the number of years, if any, one assigns to the co-regencies of Amenophis IV with Amenophis III, and of Smenkhkare with Amenophis IV. The longer the co-regencies, the shorter the period. The archive begins about the thirtieth year of Amenophis III and extends no later than the first year or so of Tutankhamun, at which time the court abandoned the site of Akhetaten. The upper limit is sug­ gested, first of all, by the hieratic docket on EA 2 3 , which dates the reception of this letter in the thirty-sixth year of Amenophis III. Then, by inference from internal evidence, EA 17, 1 9 - 2 1 , and 2 4 - 2 5 fit into the previous five years or so. The Babylonian correspondence with Ame­ nophis III also fits well into his last years, and in general, nothing in the archive argues clearly for an earlier date. 120

121

annual procedure according to which Egyptian troops accompanied an Egyptian official in the late summer in his tour of vassals' cities to collect tribute. See also Pintore, OA 1 1 (1972) pp. 115fF., 1 3 0 , and OA 1 2 (1973) pp. 2 9 9 ? . , esp. p. 3 1 1 . 1 1 9 . See K . Kitchen, Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs: A Study in Relative Chronology (Liverpool, 1962); Campbell, Chronology; E . Hotnung, Untersuchungen zur Chro­ nologic und Geschichte des Neuen Reiches, Agyptologische Abhandlungen, Band 1 1 (Wies­ baden, 1964), pp. 63ff.; D. Redford, History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt (Toronto, 1967), pp. 88fF.; Helck, Beziehungen, pp. i68ff.; Kiihne; R . Krauss, Das Endeder Amarnazeit: Beitrage zur Geschichte und Chronologie des Neuen Reiches, Hildesheim A g y p ­ tologische Beitrage (Hildesheim, 1978); William J . Murnane, The Road to Kadesh, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, no. 42 (Chicago, 1985), app. 6; G . Wilhelm and J . Boese, in Paul Astrom, ed., High, Middle, or Low? Acts of an International Colloquium on Absolute Chronology Held at the University of Gothenburg, 20th-22nd August 1987, Part 1, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature, Pocket Book 56 (Gothenburg, 1 9 8 7 ) , pp. 74ff., and see the bibliography, pp. noff. 1 2 0 . On EA 1 6 , see n. 1 2 3 . 1 2 1 . The arguments for an earlier date of the Arzawa correspondence have been refuted by F. Starke, ZA 7 1 (1982) pp. 22iff. (See, however, EA 3 1 , n. 2.) Even if one sees in EA 3 1 : 2 5 - 2 7 reference to events in Hittite history far back in the reign of Amenophis I I I , this does not imply a date for the writing of the letter; see Wilhelm and Boese, High, Middle, or Low? (see n. 1 1 9 ) , pp. 1 0 3 ? . XXXIV

INTRODUCTION

Within this framework we may locate some of the international correspondence a little more precisely: Babylonian—the last years of Amenophis III until late in the reign of Amenophis IV, perhaps even as late as the first year or so of Tutankhamun; Assyrian—late in the reign of Amenophis IV, if not later; ' Mittanian—ca. year 3 0 of Amenophis III until year 4 - 5 (very short coregency or no co-regency) or year 1 4 - 1 5 (co-regency of ca. 10 years) of Amenophis IV; Arzawa—Amenophis III. 4 122

12

I2

Of the Hittite letters, EA 41 is addressed tQ Huriya, who, according to one's reconstruction of Hittite history, is either Amenophis IV, Tutankhamun, or Smenkhkare. The other letters (EA 42—44), non liquet. The Alasia letters (EA 3 3 - 4 0 ) : again non liquet. ^ Since, with few exceptions, the vassals never address the king by name, we lack this valuable evidence for establishing the relative chro­ nology of their letters. The correspondence of the northern vassals, however, presents a fairly clear if rather general sequence of three pe­ riods: an earlier and a later Rib-Hadda of Byblos, and one post-RibHadda. To the first are to be assigned EA 6 8 - 9 5 ; in this period AbdiAsirta of Amurru (EA 6 0 - 6 2 ) was Rib-Hadda's main enemy, and prob­ ably Amenophis III was k i n g . In the second period, EA 101—38 and 125

1

c

127

12 2. The possibility of the later date depends on the identity of the recipient of EA 9; see n. 137 and EA 9, n. 1. 1 2 3 . EA 15 and 1 6 were probably separated by a fair interval, since the latter implies, it seems, several exchanges of envoys, any one of which could explain EA 9 : 3 1 - 3 5 . If the addressee of EA 1 6 was Aya, the successor of Tutankhamun (see EA 1 6 , n. 1), one can only guess how this letter made its way to the abandoned capital. 1 2 4 . See n. 1 2 1 . 1 2 5 . See n. 1 3 8 and EA 41, n. 1. 1 2 6 . On the chronology of the international correspondence and for a critical review of earlier opinions, see Kiihne. 1 2 7 . The arguments for placing EA 6 8 - 7 0 in the second Rib-Hadda period (Camp­ bell, Chronology, pp. 80, 82f.) depend on questionable translations and readings. The assignment of EA 8 3 - 8 6 is also not without difficulties (Campbell, Chronology, pp. 93ff.). Putting the entire early period in the feign of Amenophis III is not universally accepted; see Campbell, ibid.; Klengel, Geschichte Syriens im 2. Jahrtausendv. u. Z., Teil 2 (Berlin, 1969), pp. 1 8 4 , 2 3 1 , n. 4; Kitchen, Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs (see n. 1 1 9 ) , pp. 4off. Wilhelm and Boese, Middle, High, or Low? (see n. 1 1 9 ) , p. 86, would assign all vassal letters, or at least the vast majority, to the reign of Amenophis IV. If, however, Rib-Hadda's letters fall in this period, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to explain why the Byblos

XXXV

INTRODUCTION

362 were written, and Amenophis IV was on the throne. The last period, beginning with the exile and, probably not long afterwards, the death of Rib-Hadda (EA 162:7 ff.), introduces new protagonists, nota­ bly Abi-Milku of Tyre (EA 1 4 6 - 5 5 ) and Aitagama of Qades (EA 1 8 9 ) , and new synchronisms. Just when this period begins in the reign of Amenophis IV, and whether within it some letters are addressed to his successors, are unresolved issues. The correspondence of the southern vassals has certain clear se­ quences and correlations, but its time span is more difficult to deter­ mine. One point of reference is the figure of Lab'ayu (EA 2 5 2 - 5 4 ) , who clearly belongs to the earliest level of this correspondence. His death provides a terminus ante and post quern for a good number of letters. He is 128

129

ruler, when wriring in the Aziru period, recalls (EA 1 0 8 , 1 1 7 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 2 , 3 6 2 ) the success the present king's father, certainly Amenophis I I I , had in an earlier action against 'Abdi-ASirta, but when writing in the Abdi-A5irta period, he does nor refer to it even once. Why, when Aziru is the enemy, is Amenophis I V urged to do as his father did to Abdi-A5irta, but when the enemy is 'Abdi-ASirta, and therefore the example of his father even more pertinent, he hears not a word about his father? Different scribes with differenr arguments are not the explanation; scribes span the two periods (Campbell, Chronology, p. 84). Besides, R i b Hadda did not leave the composition of his letters without his own contribution (Campbell, Chronology, p . 8 3 ) . Had he known at the time of the early letters of a previous defeat and capture of his archenemy, how could he have failed ro insist on their being mentioned and mentioned often? c

c

1 2 8 . Among the contemporaries of Abi-Milku were Zimredda of Sidon (EA I44f.; see 1 4 6 : 1 5 ; 1 4 7 : 6 6 ; 149:49, 57, 68, etc.), Biryawazaof A p u ( U p u , EA i 9 4 - 9 7 ; s e e 1 5 1 : 6 2 ) , Aitagama of QadeS (EA 1 5 1 : 5 9 ) , Aziru (passim), and Niqmaddu of Ugarit (EA 49), as may be inferred from the fact that Abi-Milku wrote EA 1 5 1 : 5 5 ! ? . after the fire in the palace of Ugarit (Liverani, La storia di Ugarit, Studi Semitici 6 [Rome, 1 9 6 2 ] , pp. 2 7 ? . ) . Aitagama was a contemporary of Akizzi of Qatna (EA 5 2 - 5 5 ; see 53:4!?.), Teuwatti of Lapana (EA 1 9 3 ; see 5 3 : 3 5 ? . ) , Arsawuyaof Ruhizzi (Ruhisu) (EA 1 9 1 - 9 2 ; see 5 3 : 3 5 ? . ) , and two kings of Nuhasse and N i ' i (see EA 5 3 : 4 0 ? . ) , who undoubtedly were Addu-Nirari (EA 5 1 ) and A k i Te&Sup, respectively (see Nougayrol, PRU 4, pp. 3 2 ? . ; cf. EA 5 9 : 1 5 , 1 8 ) , in the time of Amenophis IV (EA 5 3 : 1 ; see also 1 4 0 , 3 6 3 ) . 1 2 9 . Rib-Hadda's correspondence with Amenophis I V covered a period of at least five years (Campbell, Chronology, p. 88). There is, however, a hiatus in Rib-Hadda's letters during which Abdi-A5irta is captured and eventually dies or is killed. The length of this period is unknown. If Amenophis I V had a long co-regency with his father, Rib-Hadda died about the same time as his master, and the post-Rib-Hadda period would have to be assigned mainly to the reigns of Smenkhkare and Tutankhamun. (Following Krauss, Das Ende der Amarnazeit [see n. 1 1 9 ] , one would put nh.t-hpr.u>-r , Amenophis IV's daughter, Meritaten [Mayati], before Smenkhkare; see the table at the end of the Introduction.) Some letters have been placed in these later reigns on other grounds, apart from the question of co-regency (EA 1 4 7 and 1 5 5 , according to Redford, History and Chronology [see n. 1 1 9 ] , p. 220; EA 1 3 9 , 169, 1 7 1 , according to Ph. H . J . ten Cate, BiOr 2 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] pp. 275f.; etc.); on EA 2 1 0 , see above, n. 8 2 , but see Krauss, Das Ende der Amarnazeit, pp. 7if. c

c

c

INTRODUCTION

also a contemporary of Surata of Akka (EA 2 3 2 ; see EA 2 4 5 ) and of Milkilu of Gazru (EA 2 6 7 - 7 1 ) , to whom a letter was addressed very probably by Amenophis I I I . He was dead before Rib-Hadda, for EA 287 and 289 speak only of Lab'ayu's sons at a time when Pawuru (EA 287:45), whom Rib-Hadda survived (EA 1 3 1 , 3 6 2 ) , is still alive. Another correlation between the northern and southern correspon­ dences is probably found in the warnings to a number of vassals, both northern and southern, to make preparations before the arrival of Egyp­ tian troops. If these warnings were all issued at virtually the same time, inspired by the same plans for a Syrian campaign, then not only are the two correspondences linked and a number of synchronisms es­ tablished, but the relative date is also clear—i.e., shortly after RibHadda's exile and before his death (EA 1 4 2 : 1 5 - 3 1 ) . The major cruces are several. One is the reading of the hieratic docket on EA 254, a letter from Lab'ayu: "year 1 2 " or "year 32"? If the first, then it must refer to Amenophis IV and would require a very late date for the entire southern corpus. If the second, then it could refer only to Amenophis III and would put the earliest level of the southern correspondence with comparable levels of the northern and interna­ tional correspondences, late in this Pharaoh's reign. 4 Another and, depending on one's interpretation of the letter, a possibly even more serious crux concerns the reading of the hieratic docket on EA 2 7 : "[yea]r 2" or "[year} 12"? It raises, on one reading of the letter, the vexing and still unsettled question of the co-regency of Amenophis IV with his father. The letter is addressed to the former, and probably not long after the latter's death. If so, and if the first reading is correct, then a short co-regency remains a possibility, but it would have to be established, not from the Amarna letters, but from 130

131

1 3 2

133

I 3

1 3 0 . In EA 369 the king attributes his power to A m u n , not to the Aten. 1 3 1 . See the text above at nn. 1 1 7 - 1 8 . 1 3 2 . There seem to be few if any southern letters after this time. If the more recent northern correspondence was left behind at Akhetaten, it is perhaps to be explained by the fact that, whereas the southern letters were still relevant for the administration, the pro­ foundly altered situation in the north made letters written there of no practical value. 1 3 3 . See Campbell, Chronology, pp. 69f. "Year 2 2 " is another possibility, epigraphically, but suffers from the same difficulties as the alleged early date of EA 31 (see above, n. 121). 1 3 4 . It would also bring down the date of Rib-Hadda's correspondence.

INTRODUCTION

other evidence. But if the second is right, then a co-regency, and a long one of ten years or so, seems inescapable. ' A tissue of problems is the correlation of the data of the Amarna letters with the history of the Hittites and their expansion into Syria. Unfortunately, with the exception of EA 1 7 0 , the Amarna letters speak in rather general terms of Hittite activities, allowing therefore conflict­ ing interpretations, which are only encouraged by the uncertainties afflicting contemporary Hittite history. Basic to the discussion of the Amarna data is the date of the accession of Suppiluliumas to the Hittite throne, for it was under him that the Hittites moved onto the larger political scene and through their ambitions came into conflict with Egypt. Most scholars have put Suppiluliumas on the throne ca. 1 3 8 0 B . C . This would be late in the reign of Amenophis III and provide a broad chronological framework for references to Hittite aggression. This high date, however, has been challenged, with strong arguments assembled in favor of a much later date, ca. 1 3 4 3 B . C . , well into the reign of Amenophis IV. In this view, the Amarna framework collapses to a decade, and the period of possibly relevant Hittite activities is greatly reduced. Another and urgent problem is whether the Amarna data reflect the six-year Hurri war that Suppiluliumas waged in Syria late in his reign. On one reading of the evidence no reflection is possible, for it dates an early stage of the war at the time of the death of Tutankhamun; this would be many years after the abandonment of the site of Akheta­ ten and well out of the Amarna framework. But other readings are 13

136

137

1 3 5 . See Kiihne, pp. 431".; William J . Murnane, Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, no. 40 (Chicago, 1 9 7 7 ) , pp. 1 2 4 ? Murnane accepts the teading " 1 2 " but denies its bearing on the co-regency problem. The way, however, friend­ ship is requested and promised in EA 2 7 : 9 - 1 2 , 3 7 - 4 0 , 7 4 - 7 8 , strongly suggests a period of transition when friendship must be reestablished. N o t does it seem likely at all that after twelve years or more, Tusratta would still be urging that a promise made by Amenophis III be kept now by his son. 1 3 6 . For the arguments supporting this much later accession date, see Wilhelm and Boese, High, Middle, or Low? (see n. 1 1 9 ) . This would also make dating the reference to the Hittites in EA 7 5:3 5 fF. more problematic than ever. 1 3 7 . Early in the war SuppiluliumaS learned of the death of the Egyptian king BibhururiyaS (variant: Nibhururiyas) and received the widow's extraordinary request for a Hittite prince to replace him ( H . Giiterbock, JCS 1 0 { 1 9 5 6 ] p. 94; A . Goetze, ANET, p. 3 1 9 ) . As it stands, the name looks like Nibhurureya (Tutankhamun) rather than Naphurureya (Amenophis I V ) or A(na)hururiya (Smenkhkare). If, however, as seems virtually cerrain, the Hurri war is reflected in the Amarna letters, then one either postulates confusion in the Hittite tradition (Albright, JEA 2 3 [ 1 9 3 7 I p. 1 9 4 ; Redford, History and Chronology [see n.

xxxviii

INTRODUCTION

also possible, and indeed more probable. The dead king, whose identity is so important, is in one reading Amenophis IV, in another, Smenkh­ kare. In either one the Amarna data are most certainly relevant and part of the history of the six-year war. Absolute dates of kings reigning in the Amarna period cannot be fixed with certainty. The following reflect most recent studies: ' 138

1 9

Kingdom

King

Dates of reign

Assyria Babylonia

Assur-uballit Kadasman-Enlil I Burna-Burias II Amenophis III Amenophis IV (^nh. t-hpr. w-r ) Smenkhkare Tutankhamun Aya

1353-1318 ( 1 3 6 4 ) - ! 350 1349-1323 May 1 3 8 6 ^ 1 3 4 9 ( 1 3 9 0 - 1 3 5 2 ) 1350-1334 (1352-1336) (1336-1335) 1336-1334 (1335-1332)

Egypt

c

Hittite

Suppiluliumas

l

l

2

2

1

334- 3 5 (I33 - 323/22) 1 3 2 4 - 1 3 2 1 ( 1 3 2 3 / 2 2 - 1 3 1 9 / 1 8 ) or 1324-1319 1 3 8 0 - 1 3 4 0 ( 1 3 4 3 - 1 3 2 3 / 2 2 or 1319/18)^°

1 1 9 ] , pp. 1 5 8 ? . ; Wilhelm and Boese, High, Middle, or Low? [see n. 1 1 9 ] , pp. rooff.) or argues that Niphururiya was by a development in the Egyptian language a possible form of the prenomen of Amenophis IV (Krauss, Das Ende der Amarnazeit [see n. 1 1 9 ] , pp. 99ff.). 1 3 8 . Krauss, Das Ende der Amarnazeit (see n. 1 1 9 ) , pp. 5 4 ? . , offers an extensive reconstruction of the history, including the Amarna data, on the assumption that the dead king (see n. 1 3 7 ) was Amenophis IV. For criticisms of this view and a reconstruction that assumes the dead king was Smenkhkare, see Wilhelm and Boese, Middle, High, or Low? (see n. 1 1 9 ) , esp. pp. 96ff. 1 3 9 . The Assyrian and Babylonian dates are those of J . A . Brinkman, Materials and Studies for Kassite History: A Catalogue of Cuneiform Sources Pertaining to Specific Monarchs of the Kassite Dynasty, vol. 1 (Chicago, 1 9 7 6 ) , p. 3 1 , but lowered by ten years, according to the "low chronology" (see E . Wente and C. Van Siclen, Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, no. 3 9 [Chicago, 1 9 7 6 ] , p. 2 4 9 ; J . Boese and G . Wilhelm, WZKM 7 1 [ 1 9 7 9 } pp. i9ff.). The Babylonian dates have a margin error of ± 5 'years. The Egyptian chronologies, which are also "low," are rhose of Wente and Van Siclen, p. 2 1 8 , and, in parentheses, of Krauss, Das Ende der Amarnazeit (see n. 1 1 9 ) , p . 2 0 2 . 1 4 0 . For the lower dates, see Wente and Van Siclen, Studies (see n. 139), pp. 249f.; Wilhelm and Boese, High, Middle, or Low? (see n. 1 1 9 ) , pp. io7f. Note that, if Aya is addressed in EA 16, only the low Assyrian chronology is compatible with the Egyptian chronologies presented here.

xxxix

Editorial Apparatus T h e following symbols are used in the translations and transcriptions: {

]

restored text

[...]

missing text obscure or greatly damaged text

( ((

) ))

r

(

omission by scribe sign(s) repeated by error sign(s) partially illegible

)

word(s) supplied by editor to clarify text

In addition, the following appear in the text: boldface numbers

line numbers (also in the notes)

paragraph indent

indication of a line of separation traced across the surface of the tablet (a usage that was especially widespread in the N o r t h )

italics

translation doubtful (for italics in notes, see below)

centered colon

indication of a gloss (the gloss is translated only if it has a different meaning from the word glossed; glosses in Akkadian are not indicated)

For the transliteration of Sumero-Akkadian passages the following conventions apply: Sumerian

roman type

Sumerogram

small caps

Akkadian

reading certain: italics reading dubious: roman

A s always, proper names present problems. I have tried to resolve these in what seemed the simplest, if not always the most consistent, fashion. In general, c

syllabic writings have been kept; thus, for example, Yapahu, and not Yapa u. Whenever a logogram has been employed, however, I have given a more exact transcription—for instance, i R =

c

d

c

A b d u , I M = B a l u . W i t h the exception of

several well-known geographic names ( E g y p t , not Misru; Jerusalem, not Urusalim; etc.), I have retained the ancient forms, and although w e know that geo­ graphic names are generally in the genitive (the country/the city of 4- geographic name), the (diptotic) form of the text has usually been kept. In addition, through­ out these letters the short form "§umur" has been used rather than the long form "$umuru."

xli

Abbreviations and Short Titles AAAS

Annales archeologiques arabes syriennes (Damascus)

AbB

Altbabylonische Briefe (Leiden)

Adler

Hans-Peter Adler, Das Akkadische des Konigs Tusratta

AEM

Archives epistolaires de Mari (Paris)

AfO

Archiv fiir Orientforschung (Berlin, then Graz)

AHw

W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch,

von Mitanni,

(Wiesbaden,

AOAT 201 (1976)

vols. 1—3

1965-81).

AIPHOS

Annuaire de I'lnstitut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et

AJSL

American Journal of Semitic Languages (Chicago)

ANET

J . Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the

AO

Antiquites orientales (the Louvre)

AOAT(S)

Alter Orient und Altes Testament (Sonderreihe)

AoF

Altorientalische Forschungen (Berlin)

Arch Anz

Archd'ologischer Anzeiger (Berlin)

ARM(T)

Archives royales de Mari: Transcriptions et traductions

ArOr

Archiv Orientdlni (Prague)

AS

Assyriological Studies, The Oriental Institute of the

Ash

Ashmolean Museum (Oxford)

ATAT

H . Gressmann, ed., Altorientalische Texte zum Alten

BAM

F. Kocher, Die babylonisch-assyrische Medezin in Texten

Slaves (Brussels)

Old Testament, 3d ed. (Princeton, 1 9 6 9 )

(Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn)

(Paris)

University of Chicago (Chicago)

Testament, 2 d ed. (Berlin and Leipzig, 1 9 2 6 ) und Untersuchungen, 6 vols. (Berlin and N e w York, 1963-80) Barnett, Illustrations

R . Barnett, Illustrations of Old Testament History, 2d ed.

BASOR

Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research

(Bristol and London, 1 9 7 7 ) (Baltimore, then Cambridge, M a s s . , then Philadelphia, now Baltimore) BB

C . Bezold and E . W . B u d g e , The Tell el-Amarna Tablets

BE

The Babylonian Expedition of the University of

in the British Museum (London, 1 8 9 2 ) Pennsylvania,

Series A : Cuneiform Texts, vol. 1: H . V.

Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions Chiefly from Nippur, pt. 2 (Philadelphia, 1 8 9 6 ) Bi

Biblica (Rome) xliii

ABBREVIATIONS

AND

SHORT

TITLES

BiOr

Bibliotheca

BJPES

Bulletin

Orientalis

(Leiden)

of the Jewish

Palestine Exploration

Society

(Jerusalem) BM

British Museum

Bohl, Spracbe

Franz M . T h . Bohl, Die Sprache der

Amarnabriefe,

Leipziger Semitische Studien V / 2 (Leipzig, 1 9 0 9 ) Bottero,

Habiru

J . Bottero, Le Problem Assyriologique

des Habiru a la 4' Rencontre

Internationale,

Cahiers de la

Sociite

Asiatique, X I I (Paris, 1 9 5 4 ) BSOAS

Bulletin

of the School of Oriental and African

Studies

(London) C

Cairo (Egyptian Museum)

CAD

The Assyrian

Dictionary

of the Oriental

Institute

of the

University of Chicago (Chicago and Gliickstadt) CAH

The Cambridge

Ancient History,

(Cambridge, Campbell,

Chronology

3 d ed., vols. 1 - 2

1970-75)

E . F. Campbell, The Chronology of the Amarna

Letters

(Baltimore, 1 9 6 4 ) Campbell, Shechem

E . F. Campbell, "Shechem in the Amarna Archive," in G . Ernest W r i g h t , Shechem: The Biography Biblical

of a

City ( N e w York and Toronto, 1 9 6 5 ) , pp.

191-207 El Amarna

EA

(refers to the numbering of the letters in 2

VAB 2 / 1 and Rainey, A O A T 8 ) Ebeling

E . Ebeling, in ATAT

Edel,

Elmar Edel, Der Brief des agyptischen

Brief

(q.v.)

den Hethiterkb'nig HattuTili Keilschriftbriefe,

Wesirs Pasiyara

an

und verwandte

Nachrichten der Akademie der

Wissenschaften in Gottingen, I , Philologischhistorische Klasse, N o . 4 (Gottingen, 1 9 7 8 ) , pp. 117-58 = Emar

{1-42]

Daniel Arnaud, Recherches au pays dAs'tata,

Emar 6 . 1 - 4

(Paris, 1 9 8 5 - 8 7 ) GAG

W . von Soden, Grundriss Analecta

Orientalia

Erganzungsheft, Gottinger

GM

Analecta

Miszellen,

der akkadischen

Grammatik,

3 3 (Rome, 1 9 5 2 ) ; and Orientalia

4 7 (Rome, 1 9 6 9 )

Beitrage zur dgyptologischen

Diskussion

(Gottingen) Gordon

Unpublished notes on EA tablets in London and Cairo (see Preface)

Greenberg,

Hablpiru

Moshe Greenberg, The Hablpiru,

American Oriental

Series, 3 9 ( N e w Haven, 1 9 5 5 ) Helck,

Beziebungen

W. Helck, Die Beziebungen und 2. Jahrtausend Abhandlungen,

HKL

Agyptologische

2 d e d . , vol. 5 (Wiesbaden, 1 9 7 1 )

R . Borger, Handbuch (Berlin, 1 9 6 7 - 7 5 )

xliv

Agyptens zu Vorderasien im 3.

v. Chr.,

der Keilschriftliteratur,

vols. 1 - 3

ABBREVIATIONS

AND

SHORT

HSS

Harvard Semitic Series/Studies (Cambridge,

Huehnergard,

J . Huehnergard, The Akkadian

Akkadian Vocabulary

Huffmon,

Mass.)

HSS 34

(Atlanta, 1 9 8 9 )

Huehnergard, Ugaritic

ofUgarit,

TITLES

APNMT

J . Huehnergard, Ugaritic Transcription,

Vocabulary in

Syllabic

H S S 3 2 (Atlanta, 1 9 8 7 )

Herbert B . Huffmon, Amorite Personal Names in the Mari

Texts: A Structural

and Lexical Study (Baltimore,

1965) Israel Exploration Journal

IEJ IOS Izre'el,

(Jerusalem)

Israel Oriental Studies (Tel A v i v ) Amurru

Shlomo Izre'el, Amurru

Akkadian:

A Linguistic

Study,

H S S 4 1 (Atlanta, 1 9 9 1 ) JANES

Journal

of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of

University JAOS

Journal

Columbia

( N e w York)

of the American Oriental Society ( N e w Haven, now

A n n Arbor) Journal

JCS

of Cuneiform Studies ( N e w Haven, then

Philadelphia, now Baltimore) JEA

Journal

JEOL

Jaarbericht

of Egyptian

Archaeology

(London)

van het Voorasiatisch-Egyptisch

Genootschap,

Ex

Oriente Lux (Leiden) Jerusalem

Scribe

W . L . Moran, "The Syrian Scribe of the Jerusalem Amarna Letters," in H . Goedicke and J . Roberts, eds., Unity and Diversity (Baltimore and London, 1 9 7 5 ) . PP- 1 4 6 - 6 6 Journal of Near Eastern Studies (Chicago)

JNES JQR JSOR

Jewish Journal

of the Society of Oriental Research (Toronto)

JSS

Journal

of Semitic Studies (Manchester)

KB

Quarterly

Review (Philadelphia)

H . Winckler, Die Thontafeln

von Tell-el-Amarna,

vol. 5,

E . Schrader et a l . , Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek (Berlin, 1 8 9 6 ) KBo

Keilschrifttexte

Knudtzon

See

KUB

Keilschrifturkunden Berlin,

Kiihne Lingering

over Words

aus Boghazkoi

(Leipzig)

VAB aus Boghazkoi,

Staatliche

Vorderasiatische Abteilung

Museen zu

(Berlin)

Cord Kiihne, Die Chronologic der

internationalen

Korrespondenz von El-Amarna,

AOAT 17 (1973)

T. Abusch, J . Huehnergard, and P. Steinkeller, eds., Lingering

over Words: Studies in Ancient Near

Literature

in Honor of William

L. Moran,

Eastern

HSS 37

(Atlanta, 1 9 9 0 ) LTBA

L . Matous and W . von Soden, Die Tafelserien der Babylonier

lexicalischen

und Assyrern in den

Berliner

Museen, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1 9 3 3 ) MARl

Mari:

Annates de Recherches Interdisciplinaires

(Paris)

xlv

ABBREVIATIONS

AND

SHORT

TITLES

Mitteilungen

MDOG

der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft

zu

Berlin

(Berlin) MIO

Mitteilungen

MSL

Materialien

MUSJ

des Institut fur Orientforschung

Melanges de I'Universite

Na'aman,

Political

(Berlin)

zum sumerischen Lexjkon (Rome) Saint-Joseph

(Beirut)

Nadav Na'aman, "The Political Disposition and Historical Development of Eretz-Israel according to

Disposition

the Amarna Letters," pts. 1 - 2 ( P h . D . diss., Tel-Aviv University, 1 9 7 3 ; in Hebrew) NABU

Nouvelles assyriologiques

OA

Oriens Antiquus Orientalistische

OLZ Oppenheim,

LPM

breves et utilitaires

(Paris)

(Rome) Literaturzeitung

(Leipzig, then Berlin)

A . Leo Oppenheim, Letters from Mesopotamia

(Chicago

and London, 1 9 6 7 ) Or n.s.

Orientalia,

PBS

Publications

nova series (Rome) of the Babylonian

Section, University

University of Pennsylvania PEQ

Palestine Exploration

PJB

Paldstinajahrbuch

Pintore,

Matrimonio

Museum,

(Philadelphia)

Quarterly

(London)

(Berlin)

Franco Pintore, / / matrimonio

interdinastico

Oriente durante i secoli XV—XIII,

Orient is

nel Vicino Antiqui

Collectio X I V (Rome, 1 9 7 8 ) PN

personal name

PRU

Le Palais royal d'Ugarit,

vols. 2 - 6 , Mission de Ras

Shamra V I , V I I , I X , X I (Paris, 1 9 5 7 - 7 0 ) RA

Revue d'assyriologie

Rainey, El

Amarna

Tablets Rainey,

et d'archeologie orientale (Paris)

Anson F. Rainey, El Amarna

Tablets 359-379,

AOAT

8, 2 d ed. (Kevelaer and Neukirchen, 1 9 7 8 ) Particles

Anson F. Rainey, Canaanite Morphosyntactic

Analysis

in the Amarna

Tablets:

of the Particles and

Adverbs

(forthcoming) RB

Revue biblique

RHA

Revue hittite et asianique

RLA

Reallexikon

(Paris) (Paris)

der Assyriologie

Archaologie

und

vorderasiatischen

(Berlin and Leipzig, then Berlin and

New

York) royal name

RN RS

Ras Shamra

RSO

Rivista

Sayce, Tell el

Amarna

degli studi orientali

(Rome)

W . M . F. Petrie, Tell el Amarna

(London, 1 8 9 4 ) ,

cuneiform copies by A . H . Sayce, pis.

XXXI-

XXXIII Scheil,

Memoires

V. Scheil, O. P., "Tablettes d'el-Amarna de la collection Rostovicz," in Memoires publiees par les membres de la Mission archeologique frangaise 1 8 9 2 ) , pp.

xlvi

297-312

au Caire,

6 (Paris,

ABBREVIATIONS

AND

SHORT

TITLES

Jacques Briend and Marie-Joseph Seux, Textes du Proche-

Seux, Textes du Proche-Orient

Orient ancien et histoire d'lsrael

(Paris, 1 9 7 7 )

von Soden

W . von Soden, "Zu den Amarnabriefen aus Babylon

SMEA

Studi Miceni ed Egeo-Anatolici

SSDB

W . L . Moran, "A Syntactical Study of the Dialect of

und Assur," Or n.s. 2 1 ( 1 9 5 2 ) , p p . 4 2 6 - 3 4 (Rome)

Byblos as Reflected in the Amarna Tablets" ( P h . D . diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1 9 5 0 ) StBoT

Studien zu den Boghazkoy-Texten

StOr

Studia

TCS

Texts from Cuneiform Sources (Locust Valley, N . Y )

Orientalia

(Wiesbaden)

(Helsinki)

THeth

Texte der Hethiter

TIM

Texts in the Iraq Museum (Baghdad)

(Heidelberg)

UF

Ugarit-Forschungen

Ugar.

Ugaritica:

(Neukirchen-Vluyn)

vol. 5, J . Nougayrol et a l . , Mission de Ras

Shamra X V I (Paris, 1 9 6 8 ) ; vol. 7, A . al-Ouche et al., Mission de Ras Shamra X V I I I (Paris, 1 9 7 8 ) Vorderasiatische

VAB

Bibliotek,

El-Amarna-Tafeln,

vol. 2 , J . A . Knudtzon, Die

Anmerkungen und Register

bearbeitet von O. Weber und E . Ebeling,

1-2

(Leipzig, 1 9 0 7 - 1 5 ; rpt., Aalen, 1 9 6 4 ) VAT

Vorderasiatische Teil (der Staatlichen Museen, Berlin)

VBoT

A . Gotze, Verstreute Boghazkb'i-Texte (Marburg, 1 9 3 0 )

VS

O. Schroeder, Vorderasiatische

Schriftdenkmaler

Kbniglichen Museen zu Berlin,

der

Hefte 1 1 - 1 2 (Berlin,

1915) H . W i n c k l e r und L . A b e l , Der Thontafelfund

WA

Amarna,

in Mitteilungen aus den

Sammlungen, (Berlin,

von El

Orientalischen

Kbnigliche Museen zu Berlin,

Hefte 1 - 3

1889-90)

WZKM

Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes

YOS

Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts ( N e w Haven)

Youngblood,

Amarna

Correspondence

(Vienna)

Ronald E Youngblood, "The A m a r n a Correspondence of R i b - H a d d i , Prince of Byblos" ( P h . D . diss., Dropsie College, 1 9 6 1 )

ZA

Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie

und verwandte Gebiete; since

1 9 3 9 : Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie Archaologie ZAW

und

vorderasiatische

(Berlin)

Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft

(Berlin,

then Berlin and N e w York) ZDPV

Zeitschrift

des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins

(Stuttgart)

xlvii

EA 1

The Pharaoh complains to the Babylonian king TEXT:

BM 29784.

C O P Y : BB

1.

F. G. Giles, Ikhnaton: Legend and History (London, 1970), pi. X I (reverse only). PHOTOGRAPH:

1

Say {t]o Kadasman-Enlil, the king of Karadun[i]se, my brother: Thus Nibmuarea, Great King, the king of Egypt, your brother. For me all goes well. For you may all go well. For your household, for your wives, for your sons, for your magnates, your horses, your chariots, for your countries, may all go very well. For me all goes well. For my household, for my wives, for my sons, for my magnates, my horses, the numerous troops, all goes well, and in my countries all goes very well. 10—17 I have just heard what you wrote me about, saying, "Here you are asking for my daughter in marriage, but my sister whom my father gave you was (already) there with you, and no one has seen her (so as to know) if now she is alive or if she is dead." These are your words that you sent me on your tablet. Did you, however, ever send here a dignitary of yours-* who knows your sister, who could speak with her and identify her?? 1 7 - 2 1 Suppose he spoke with her. The men whom you sent here are nobodies. One was the [ . . . ] of Zaqara, {the ot]her, an assherder {fr\om { . . . ] There has been no one among thefm wh]o [knows her, wh~]o was an intimate of your father, and w\ho could identify her]. 21—25 Moreover, the messengers [who] . . . [ . . . ] 2 6 - 3 2 And as for your writing m e , "You addressed my me[ssen}gers as your wives were standing gathered in your presence, saying, 'Here is your mistress who stands before you.' But my messengers did not know her, (whether) it was my sister who was at your side" —about whom you yourself have now written me, "My messengers did not know her," and (still) you say, "Who is to identify her?"— 32—36 Why don't you send me a dignitary of yours who can tell you the truth, the well-being of your sister who is here, and then you can believe the one who enters to see her quarters and her relation­ ship with the king? 3 6 - 4 2 And as for your writing me, "Perhaps the one my messengers saw was the daughter of some poor man, or of some Ka(s)kean,' or the daughter of some Hanigalbatean, or perhaps someone from Ugarit. Who can believe them? The one who was at your side . . . , she did not op[en] her mouth.' One cannot believe them at 2

3

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

3

14

5

1

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

all." These are your words. 4 3 - 5 2 But if your [sister] were de[ad], what reason would there be for one's concealing her de[ath, and] our presenting someone [else]? [May] Aman [be my witness] ... [...} 52—62 And as for your writing me, "My daughters who are married to neigh[bori]ng kings, if my messengers [go] there, they speak with th[em, and they bri]ng me a greeting-gift. The one with you [.. . " Th]ese are your words. Undoubtedly [your neighboring ? kings are [ri]ch ° (and) mighty. Your daughters can acquire something from them and send (it) to you. But what does she have, your sister who is with me? But should she make some acquisition, I will send (it) to you! It is a fine thing that you give your daughters in order to acquire a nugget of gold from your neighbors! 6 2 - 7 7 As for your writing me the words of my father, never mind! you do not cite his (exact) words. Furthermore, "Estab­ lish friendly brotherhood between us"—these are the words that you wrote me. Now, we are brothers, you and I, but I have quarreled because of your messengers, since they report to you saying, "Nothing is given to us who go to Egypt." Those who come to me—has a single one of them ever come [and not] i received silver, gold, oil, solemn garb, 4 every sort of finery, [more than i]n any other country? He does not tell the truth to the one who sends him! The first time the messen­ gers went off to [y]ourf[ather], and their mouths told lies. The next time they went off [and] they told lies to you. So I said to myself, "Whether I [gi]ve them anything or do not give them anything, they are going to go on te(l)ling [l]i[e]s just the same." So I made up my mind in their regard and I did not gi[ve t]o them anymore. 7 7 - 8 8 And as for your writing me, "You said to my messengers, 'Has your master no troops? The girl he gave? to me is not beautiful.'"— these are your words, (but) it is not so! Your messengers keep telling you what is not true, (saying things) like this. Whether soldiers are on hand or not can be found out for m e . What reason is there for asking about whether there are troops on hand belonging to you, whether there are horses on hand also belonging to you? Please, do not listen to them^ Your messengers, of whom the mouths of both groups are untruthful and whom you sent here, I swear that they have not served you, and so they go on t(el)ling lies in order to escape your punish­ ment. 88-98 As for your saying to me, "He put my chariots among the chariots of the mayors. You did not review them separately. You humiliated them before the country where you are. You did not rev(iew) (them) separately." Whether the chariots were here or there, the chariots needed the horses of my [coun]try—all were my horses. As for your writing 16

11

l8

1

2

21

22

2

2

25

26

27

28

29

0

31

32

34

35

36

2

EA 1

me in order to aggrandize yourself (and) to put oil on the h\ea~\d of a girl, you for your part sent me one pr{es~\ent. Are we to laugh?i 37

H

NOTES 1.

m

k,a-dd

(over erasure; also Gotdon)-as-ma-an-en-l/l.

K U R ka-ra-an-du-

nli}-se (Gordon). 2 . T h e exact legal and political implications of the title "Great K i n g , " which is confined to the rulers of the major states, are not clear. It appears in the Old Babylonian period, certainly with implications of status and noblesse oblige (ARMT

5, 2 0 : 3 3 ) , but as used in the fourteenth to thirteenth centuries B . C . it was

perhaps an innovation of the Hittites (F. Starke, ZA occurrences, see M . - J .

6 7 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p. 2 8 8 ) . For

Seux, Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (Paris,

1 9 6 7 ) , pp. 298ff.; for the Old Babylonian period, see also M . Rowton, JCS 21 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. 2 6 9 , A . 7 5 3 5 : 2 4 f . , of the king of E l a m j C Charpin, MARl and K . Veenhof, MARI

3 , p. n o ;

4 , p. 2 0 9 and n. 7 2 . That the Babylonian king is here not

given the same title need not imply Egyptian claims of superiority or hostility; cf. EA 4 1 . T h e Pharaoh is also addressed as "Great King" by northern vassals; see P. A r t z i , JNES

2 7 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p. 1 6 5 , n. 1 8 . O n the West Semitic (at least linguistic)

equivalent mlk rb in Ugaritic and its later history in Syria and Palestine, see J . Greenfield, Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) pp. u 8 f . 3 . In the greeting-formula, the term "magnate" (rabu, "great one") refers to the highest officials of the palace organization; see Liverani, in Garelli, ed., Le Palais et la Royaute (Paris, 1 9 7 4 ) , p. 3 4 3 . Cf. PRU 4, p. 4 2 : 3 8 6 ^ , for a list of the magnates at the Hittite court; in Babylonian sources they are identified as let ekalli, "those of the palace" (S. Page, Sumer 2 3 [ 1 9 6 7 ] p. 64 ii 1 3 ; F. Reschid and C . W i l c k e , ZA 6 5 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p. 4 0 : 2 9 ^ ) . Lesser kings also had their magnates; for example, the king of Qades (see Ugar. 5 , no. 3 8 ) . 4.

iXS-ka

D U G U D (kabta;

LU ka-DVGVD?):

following

Pintore, OA 11

( 1 9 7 2 ) p p . 3 7 f . , and Gordon, confirmed by collation (RA 6 9 [ 1 9 7 5 I p. 1 5 6 , n. 1 ) ; also line 3 3 .

1

5 . u-ma-an-di-se (AHw, p. 6 4 0 ; CAD,

I / J , p. 3 1 ) .

6. rtqa, lit. "empty," contrasting with kabta (line 1 5 ) , "heavy, important," and therefore "nobodies" seems preferable to "simpletons" (Ungnad, OLZ, 1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 1 ; Kiihne, p. 5 3 , n. 2 4 5 ) or "idle" (AHw,

p. 9 7 9 ) . "Empty-handed"

(Pintore, Matrimonio, p. 6 1 ) does not fit the context. T h e figures mentioned were probably proverbial (Ungnad). 7 . s]a D-de -se s]a qe-ri-ib 4

21 a-na a-bi-ka it s\a u-ma-an-di-se] (cf. lines

1 6 f.); on qerib, for correct qerub, see AHw, p. 9 1 5 . 8. Line 2 2 : Knudtzon's qa, perhaps the end of a long sign (Gordon). Line 2 4 : the reading ti-na-din

is quite doubtful, since the prefix appears throughout

this letter as ta-, never ti- (cf. esp. line 6 1 , ta-na-an-din). (balata),

Read su-ul]-«w u T I

"well-being and life," with what goes before, and then na-din

25 [ x - y ]

a-[n]a SU-/[/'-su a\-na la-q[/-su.] a-na um-mi-se, "{x-y] was given into [his] hand [t]o fet[ch it] for her mother"'! Instead of "mother," in context perhaps ummu is better taken as "nurse"; cf. the "mother" who accompanies to the Mari court a woman given in marriage (AEM 1 / 2 , no. 2 9 8 : 2 9 and note f, with references to Durand, MARI

4, p p . 4 i 4 f . , and Bardet, ARMT

2 3 , p p . 72fF.).

3

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

9. Epistolary inuma introduces a clause that states the fact of communica­ tion, with or without following direct quotation (see also lines 3 6 , 5 2 , 7 8 , 8 8 , 9 5 ) , and is especially frequent at the beginning of the body of a letter (see above, Introduction, n. 8 9 ) ; cf. epistolary quod (quod scribis). kt is also used this way: kf ahtya taspura ma . . . . , "As to m y brother's having written m e , s a y i n g . . . . " Cf. perhaps in Ugaritic w.k.rgmJps

I mlk.rb.bHy (PRU 2 , i8:if.; see also PRU 5 , 6 5 r.

7 ) . Deictic ki probably also explains the use of inuma; see Or n.s. 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p. 1 7 , n. 1, and Rainey, Particles. 1 0 . fa Kl(itti)-ka ?a anumma: interpretation very difficult (see also lines 4 1 , 5 6 , 9 1 ) , but the existence of ktka (AHw, p . 4 7 8 , "thus," "she is thus, like this"; CAD,

K , p . 3 5 1 , "like her") is very dubious (on EA 1 3 8 : 6 6 , see below), and sa

cannot be the feminine pronominal suffix, which always appears as -le in this letter. T h e assumption of a logographic writing of itti is very difficult, though in line 9 1 "the country where you are" (mati la ittTkd) would be very reminiscent of the stock phrase "the place of the king where you are" in the vassal correspondence (alru sarri sa itttka; see Introduction, sect. 5 ) . 11.

Since the main question raised by the Babylonian king concerned his

sister's welfare, Julmani (for correct sulmana) seems best taken as "well-being," a meaning well-attested in the Western Periphery (see AHw, p . 1 2 6 8 ) . 12.

ta-qa-ap (cf. AHw, p . 9 1 9 ) : the assumption of a short form of taqabbi

(also lines 4 0 , 4 2 ) , proposed by Kiihne, p. 1 0 , n. 4 2 , does not seem necessary, a-na na-ma-ra, for a-na a-ma-ra (cf. the common expression fern x amaru), with CAD, N / i , p . 2 1 9 ; otherwise, AHw, p . 7 2 6 . 13.

ku

'ga-(as)-ga-ia:

see E . von Schuler, Die Kaskder (Berlin, 1 9 6 5 ) , p . 8 1 .

Cf. EA 3 1 : 2 5 - 2 7 . 1 4 . T h e sign after / / is uncertain: K I (Knudtzon), very doubtful;

sa{l]-ma

(Knudtzon's other proposal), impossible (Gordon). 15.

If sa a{n-n]i (Knudtzon) is correct, "as to what belongs to an answer"?

According to Gordon, there is room only for ip-t[i]. 1 6 . m[u-ta/ut-se]. 17.

[lu-ii i - d e ] , end of line 4 5 ; end of 4 6 , perhaps ^-[ha-at-ka bal-sa-at], 4

"{your] si[ster is alive"; end of 4 7 , [... al-ku-un-Se], "{... / have made her] a mistress of the household"; line 5 0 , "more than the wives {of neighboring kings 18.

O n our understanding of la Kl-ka,

...]"?

one would expect something like

lapnat, "is poor," halhat, "is in need," or the like; space is small. 19.

r

l[i-me]- ti"'-[ia], quite probable, was proposed by Kiihne, p. 5 1 , n.

2 3 7 , and also by Gordon. 20.

T a - « - r i : the reading is virtually certain (also Gordon). Perhaps the

language is more correct than assumed and the adjectives are attributive rather than predicative; if so, "as to the rich (and) mighty k i n g s . . . . " 21. p.

If Wl-ta (so Gordon), then either ra-si-lu-ta,

"the lucky ones" (cf. AHw,

9 6 1 ; " . . . you give your daughters to . . . " ) , or (ab-ta,

"(to acquire) good

thing(s)" (Gordon, though, has "to acquire friendship," also possible). However, I could not see the top horizontal that Knudtzon copied (VAB 2 / 1 , p . 1 0 0 1 , no. 6 ) , and U R seemed more likely, and therefore liq-ta (CAD, L , p . 2 0 6 ) . T h i s was also Artzi's reading (see CAD), but more recently he has favored ra-si-lu-ta

4

(La femme

EA 1 [see Introduction, n. 6 2 ] , p. 2 5 , n. 1 5 ) . T h e venality implied by liqta seems more to the point in context. 22.

Also possible: "As for your writing me (that) I have gone back on flit,

abandoned] the words of my father, you do not c i t e . . . . " However, with very few exceptions, the word order is verb-object. Moreover, instead of the expected tezib one must assume a virtual object-clause. T h e interjection ezib seems preferable, even though otherwise unknown in the periphery. 23. 24.

[ii la] el-te-qe. t i

8 M E ( M A / B A ) . H I . A , nalbalu, 6

probably a cloak or mantle of some

I 3

sort ("solemn garb" is a gloss); add this passage and PRU 3 , p . 1 8 3 : 1 0 , to the dictionaries. 25.

7 1 [ U G U sa i-n]a K [ U ] R sa-ni-ti.

Long-established custom required the

king to welcome royal envoys to his table as often as their rank demanded, to furnish board and lodging, and to give them gifts^sqe ARMT AEM

2 1 , p p . 5o6ff., and

1 / 2 , p p . i42f. 26.

a-na
27.

Perhaps the abstract sarrutu (AHw,

p . 1 0 3 1 ) , but in line 8 7

sa-ra-ti

(sarrati) favors the alternative interpretation, masculine plural adjective. 28.

T h e [z]a "may well be scratches; therefore {anandinsunu)-[ti\

(and no sa-ru-ti)" (Gordon). If so, perhaps 29.

u-ulW-dfi-in

30.

O r "they gave" (indefinite plural), "that was given."

31.

hu- ra-fa^

32.

Either ud-du-ni (CAD,

T

a-na

is possible

T-[di]b-bu-bu.

m]u-hi-Iu-nu.

is a possible reading (Gordon). I / J , p . 3 0 b ) or ut-tu-ni (atu, "to find, discover")

is possible. 3 3 . T h e feminine gender of the suffix is difficult (the things or words said? confusion of gender?). Perhaps better: "do not listen to (any) evil man (lem-na)." 34.

O n the dual suffix, see BASOR

35.

lumma is understood as introducing a negative assertory oath.

2 1 1 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . 52f.

36.

Lines 88ff. are very obscure. I assume that in the Babylonian king's

complaint, he speaks of the Pharaoh in both the third and second person. Line 9 1 , tu-fe^-pi-il-su-nu. 37.

ana su-ti-ri-ka

(for correct lu-tu-ri-ka;

a W e s t Semitism): following

Pintore, Matrimonii), p. 1 5 8 , n. 8 8 , which I take to imply that the Pharaoh refers to a request by the Babylonian king for an Egyptian girl whom he wishes to have anointed (cf. EA i n i j f f . ) ; otherwise, Pintore, Matrimonio, p . 2 7 ; p. 1 6 9 , n. 3 4 8 . 38.

Against N I = lamnu is the writing N I . H I . A in lines 7 0 and 9 6 , and the

impossibility of making any sense of the following Za-ah). For the assumed first person plural (nisdh), cf. nusezziz in line 4 5 . Perhaps "we are distressed"; on this meaning of sdhu, see Veenhof, JEOL

2 4 ( 1 9 7 5 - 7 6 ) p p . i07ff.

5

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 2

Proposals of marriage TEXT:

VAT 148 + 2706.

C O P I E S : WA

2 +

WA

5; VS

11,

1.

[Say} to Mimmuwareya, the king of Egypt, [my} brother: Thus [K}a[d}as[m}a[n-En}lil, the king of Kara[duniyas}. For me and [m}y country all goes very [well}. For you, for [yo}ur wi[ves}, for your sons, fo[r your magnates], your horses, your chariots, and your entire country, may all go very we[ll}. 6—II With regard to my brother's writing me ab[out marriage], saying, " [ / desir]e [your daughter]," why should you not marry (her)? [ . . . } . . . My daughters are available, [but their husbands must be a king o]r of royal blood. [These are the only ones whom I accept for my daughters. No king has ever gi]ven [his daughters to anyone not of royal blood]. 3 12—13 [Your daughters are available. Why have you not g}iven me 1

2

(one)?4 [ . . . } . . . [ . . . }

Reverse 1 - 5 [ . . . } fine horses [ . . . } 20 wooden [ . . . } . . . of gold, 6 - 9 1 2 0 shekels [ . . . I send} to you as [your} greeting-[gift}. 60 shekels' of lapislazu[li I send as the greeting-gift of} my [si]s[te]r, [...] your wife. NOTES 1 . a-n[a a-hu-za-ti}: following Kiihne, p. 5 5 , n. 6 3 . 2.

[ D U M U . M U N U S - k a a - h a - a s - s e - e ] h : following Kiihne, ibid.

3.

9 [mu-tu-si-na lu-u L U G A L u l]u- u"' ze-er L U G A L su-nu

r

sa a-na D U M U . M U N U S . M E S - i a e-le-eq-qa-a}s-.fo-»#-/i

1 0 [su-nu-ma

n [ L U G A L ma-am-ma

a-na la ze-er L U G A L D U M U . M U N U S . M E S - s u ul i\d-di-in-si-na-ti.

These are very

conjectural restorations based on the assumption that the Babylonian king wishes to stress the high standards of his own dynasty's customs, while also implying that to demand more would be unreasonable. H e would thus lay the grounds for his own request of an Egyptian princess; cf. EA 4. 4. nad,

5.

6

[ D U M U . M U N U S . M E § - k a i-ba-as-sa-a am-mi-ni la ta-d\d-di-na:

OLZ,

1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 1 .

1 S u G f N (Gordon).

cf. U n g -

EA 3

EA 3

Marriage, grumblings, a palace-opening TEXT:

C 4743 (12210).

C O P Y : WA

1.

[S]ay [to Nim]u'wareya, the king of Eg[ypt, m]y [brother]: [Thus Kad]asman-Enlil, the king of Karaduniyas, your brother. [For me all indeed goes wjell. For you, your household, your wives, [and for you]r [sons], your country, your chariots, your horses, your [mag]nates may all go very well. 4—12 With regard to the girl, my daughter, about whom you wrote to me in view of marriage, she has become a woman; she is nubile. Just send a delegation to fetch her. Previously, my father would send a messenger to you, and you would not detain him for long. You qui[ck]ly sent him off, and you would also send here to my father a beautiful greeting-gift. 13—22 But now when I sent a messenger to you, you have detained him for six years, and you have sent me as my greeting-gift, the only thing in six years, 3 0 minas of gold that looked like silver. That gold was melted down in the presence of Kasi, your messenger, and he was a witness. When you celebrated a great festival, you did not send your messenger to me, saying, "Come t[o eat an]d drink." No[r did you send me] my greeting-gift in connection with the festival. It was just 30 minas of gold that you [sent me].9 My [gi]ft [does not amouri\t to what [I have given you] every yea[r]. 2 3 - 3 1 I have built a [ne]w [house]. I[n my house] I have built a [l]arge [ . . . ] . Your [mes]sengers have see[n the house and the .. ., and are pleased. No]w I am going to hav[e] a house-opening. Come [yourself] to [eat an]d drink with m e . [/ shall not act a]s'4 you yourself did. [25 men and ] 25 women, altogether 50 i[n my service], "' I send [to you in connection with the house-opening]., 3 2 - 3 4 [ . . . ] for 10 wooden chariots, [and 10 teams of hor]ses I send to you as your greeting-gift. 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

10

11

12

13

1

l6

17

NOTES 1.

[ D U M U . M E $ - £ } t f : following von Soden, p . 4 2 7 , confirmed by collation

(also Gordon). 2.

D U M U . M U N U S . A . N l - k following U n g n a d , OLZ,

1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 1 , with

von Soden and also Kiihne, p. 5 4 , n. 2 5 0 ; otherwise, Pintore, Matrimonii), p. 2 6 . See also EA 2 8 7 : 2 6 for pronominal suffix as part of logogram, as commonly in the Old Babylonian period.

7

THE

AMARNA 3.

LETTERS

MUNUS

= amtltu or sinniftu? See CAD, A / 2 , p. 4 7 b , and S , p . 2 9 2

(discussion). 4.

r

r

ha-m if-\u\t- fa:

Gordon saw all the signs "quite clearly."

5 . O n lines 9 - 1 2 see von Soden, p . 4 2 7 . 6. Following AHw, p . 2 2 7 , and CAD, E , p . 1 9 6 . Other versions: "of the quality of silver" (Kiihne, p . 5 4 ) ; "worked with ( K I = itti) silver" (Landesberger in Gordon). E g y p t i a n gold had a high percentage of silver, g i v i n g it a grayish cast ( A . Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries* [London, 1 9 4 8 ] , p p . 2 5 7 f f . ) . r

7.

[akul]

8.

lulmant,

iT siti (Gordon). "my (greeting-)gift": following Kiihne, p . 5 4 , n. 2 5 2 . T h e

festival was undoubtedly one of three W-festivals celebrated by Amenophis III in his thirtieth, thirty-fourth, and thirty-seventh years (Kiihne, p . 2 5 4 ) , 9. tu-\se-bi-la\. 10.

following von Soden, p . 4 2 7 .

\su\-ul-ma-ni

la-a e-em M U . i . [ K A M ad-di-na-ak-ku ul ma-si]-i: free

restoration. 11.

[ £ es-s]a: cf. EA 5 : 1 3 , 1 9 . Von Soden, p . 4 2 7 , proposed

[a-nu-um-ma

bt\ta, but there is not enough room for this restoration, and anumma is not used in M i d d l e Babylonian. A t the end of the line ina libbi fits the traces very well. 12.

26 [i-na-an-»]rf. E n d of line 2 5 , free restoration: Ttam[ru-ma. ha-du-ii].

13.

27 [u at-ta] alkamma

itttya 28 [a-ku-ul]

1

[ a (head of final vertical

visible, Gordon) 14.

[ul ep-pu-us" T\a.

1 5 . rf-S[i-ib malm/panl-ia): a phonetic spelling, rf-m[i-li], does not seem likely. 16.

[a-na te-ru-ba-ti]: cf. Kiihne, p . 5 5 , n. 2 5 9 .

17.

"Wooden chariots" (also EA 9 : 3 7 ; 1 9 : 8 4 ) were perhaps the light t w o -

wheeled battle chariot, as opposed to the heavier four-wheeled wagons that were used for transport and were reinforced with metal fittings; cf. the same distinction in Egyptian and Edel's remarks in Manfred G o r g , e d . , Fontes atque Pontes: Eine Festgabe fur Hellmut Brunner, A g y p t e n und Altes Testament 5 (Wiesbaden, 1 9 8 3 ) , pp.

i04f.

EA 4

Royal deceit and threats T E X T : VAT

1657.

C O P I E S : WA 3; VS 11, 2.

1-3 2

4 - 2 2 [Moreove]r, you, my brother, when I wrote [to youp about marrying your daughter, in accordance with your practice of not gi{ying]4 (a daughter), [wrote to me], saying, "From time immemorial no daughter of the king of Egy[pt] is given to anyone." Why «[o/]?5 You are a king; you d[o] as you please. Were you to give (a daughter), 8

EA

4

who would s[ay] anything? Since I was told of this message, I wrote as follows t[o my brother], saying, "[Someone's] grown daughters, beautiful women, must be available. Send me a beautiful woman as if she were [you]r daughter. 7 Who is going to say, 'She is no daughter of the king!'?" But holding to your decision, you have not sent me anyone. Did not you yourself seek brotherhood and amity, and so wrote me about marriage that we might come closer to each other, and did (not) I, for my part, write you about marriage for this very same reason, i.e., brotherhood and amity, that we might come closer to each other? Why, then, did my brother not send me just one woman? Should I, perhaps, since you did not send me a woman, refuse you a woman, just as you did to me, and n[ot send her]?? But my daughters being available, I will not refuse [one] to y[ou]. 23—35 Perhaps, too, when I [wrote you] about marriage, [and] when I wrote you about the animals, . . . [ . . . ] Now, you need not accept] the offspring of my daughter whom I shall s[end to you, but} s[end me] any animals requested of you. 3 6 - 5 0 And as to the gold I wrote you about, send me whatever i[s on hand], (as) much (as possible), before your messenger [comes] to me, right now, in all haste, this summer, either in the month of Tammuz or in the month of A b , ' so I can finish the work that I am engaged on. If during this summer, in the months of Tammuz or Ab, you send the gold I wrote you about, I will give you my daughter. So please' send me the gold you [feel prompted t]o. But if in the months of Tammuz or Ab you do not send me the gold and (with it) I do not finish the work I am engaged on, what would be the point of your being pleased to send me (gold)? Once I have finished the work I am engaged on, what need will I have of gold? Then you could send me 3,000 talents of gold, and I would not accept it.' I would send it back to you, and I would not gifve] my daughter in marriage.' 6

8

IC

11

12

3

14

5

6

7

NOTES 1 . T h e greeting and perhaps several more lines are completely destroyed; lines 1—3 are too fragmentary for translation. That EA 4 belongs to the A m e ­ nophis III-Kadasman-Enlil correspondence is not completely certain; see Kiihne, p. 5 6 . 2.

fap-pu-na-»z]rf: [a-nu-um-ra]^ (Knudtzon) is not used in Middle Babylo­

nian; see EA 3 , n. 1 1 . 3 . ds-pu-r[a-ak-ku

ta-alltal-ta-ap-rd]: first word, with U n g n a d , OLZ, 1 9 1 6 ,

col. 1 8 1 , and von Soden, p . 4 2 8 . However, since temporal clauses regularly pre­ cede, or, as here, are inserted within, the main clause ( G A G {5169b), the main verb must have followed.

9

THE

AMARNA 4.

LETTERS

kT la na-d\a-ni-im-md\:

following

Knudtzon and A r o , StOr 2 0 , p. 1 3 5 ;

otherwise, von Soden, p. 4 2 8 . 5.

am-mi-ni

l[a innaddin]: beginning of a horizontal wedge visible, and

beneath it, a hole, not writing. 6.

G A L . M [ E § sa ma-am-ma]: M E § not collated (cf. copy VS 1 1 ) .

7.

ki-'P D f U M U M U N U S - £ t « : following von Soden, p. 4 2 8 , except for s[a

. . . ] , for which there is not enough room. 8.

Because of the preterite (aspurakku, line 18), lines i7f. must be taken as a

question; see A r o , StOr 20, p . 8 1 . Either ul (line 1 5 ) is still felt and understood in this clause, or, as seems more likely, we should read u a-na-ku (ul)....

T h a t ul is

used rather than la is undoubtedly due to the fact that lines 15—18 are rhetorical questions. O n the grammar of rhetorical questions, see also EA n , n. 1 8 . 9.

l[a usebbilsi]: following von Soden, p. 4 2 8 .

10.

a-ka-al-la-a[k-ku-us-si]:

11.

ta-sa-a[b-ba-at

following ibid.

12.

Literally, "seed"; for a woman's seed, cf. zer martiya,

u ] : cf. ibid. "my daughter's

seed" (KBo 1, 8 : 3 1 ) . 13.

T h e fourth ( J u n e - J u l y ) and fifth (July—August) months of the Babylo­

nian calendar. 14.

tultebila[m]: following von Soden, p. 4 2 8 .

15.

ina (ubi: following U n g n a d , OLZ, 1 9 1 6 ,

col. 1 8 2 . Pintore, Matrimonii),

p. 1 5 5 , n. 1 2 1 , sees in the expression as used in line 4 6 reference to a gift that has not been requested, but the distinction is hard to reconcile with the expression in line 4 3 . 16.

Three thousand talents is a huge amount of gold, roughly 1 0 0 tons.

17.

After a space of three lines, traces suggest additional writing, probably

a list of gifts; see VAB 2 / 1 , p. 7 4 .

EA 5

Gifts of Egyptian furniture for the Babylonian palace TEXT:

BM 29787 + C (12195).

C O P I E S : BB 4

+

WA

17.

1

{Thus Nibmuar]ey[a, Great King, the king of Egypt. Say to] Kafdasman-Enlil, the king of Karadu]niya[s, my brother: For m]e all goes (well). F{or you may all go well. For you]r [household, your] wives, [your sons, yo]ur [magnates], yo[ur] troops, [yo]ur [horses], your [chariots], and i[n your countries, may all go] well. [For me al]l goes well. For my household, [my] wives, [my sons], my magnates, my ma[ny] troops, my [horses], my chariots, and in [m]y [countries] all goes very, very well. 2

10

EA 5 3

13—33 I have [y^*] heard that you have built some n{ew] quar­ ters. I am sending herewith some furnishings for your house. Indeed I shall be preparing everything possible before the arrival of your messen­ ger who is bringing your daughter. When your messenger returns, I will send (them) to [yo]u. I herewith send you, in the charge of Sutti, a greeting-gift of things for the new house: 1 bed of ebony, overlaid with ivory and gold; 3 beds of ebony, overlaid with gold; 1 urussu of ebony, overlaid with gold; 1 lar[ge] chair [o]f ebony, overlaid with gold; 5 chairs of feb]ony, overlaid with gold; 4 chairs of ebo{ny], overlaid with gold. These things, the weight of all the gold: 7 minas, 9 shekels, of gold. The weight of the silver: 1 [mi]na, 8 A shekels, of silver. 9 (In addition), 1 0 footrests of ebony; [ . . . ] of ejxiny, overlaid with gold; { . . . ] footrests of ivory, overlaid with gold; { . . . ] . . . of gold. [Total x] minas, 10 and 7 shekels, of gold. 4

5

6

7

8

l

10

NOTES 1. [...

r}e-i[a . . . ] (Gordon). N o t e the form of address (see sect. 4 of the

Introduction). 2 . Probably not enough room for L U G A L G A I . , "Great K i n g , " at the begin­ ning of line 3 ; see Seux, Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (Paris, 1 9 6 7 ) , p. 2 9 9 , n. 1 6 2 . 3.

Restore either inanna or anumma (cf. EA 1:10).

4. E . H I . A . G I [ B I L ] : in line 1 9 , E G I B I L is certain, and the traces here fit G I B I L perfectly. r

5 . minima ma-a- W:

last sign possibly ad (so Knudtzon, VAB 2 / 1 , p. 7 6 ,

note n, denied by Gordon) or even ta; if mala, unusual orthography. Note the. stock expression siisuru ana pant, "to prepare before the arrival," so common in the vassal letters (see the Introduction, sect. 5, and n. 1 0 0 ) . CAD, followed by Durand, ARMT

E , p. 3 5 8 a ,

2 1 , p . 4 5 6 , n. 1 6 : "but now, I will prepare whatever

your messenger selects." T h i s gives ana pant a meaning for which I know no parallel. CAD,

M / i , p. 145a—b, confuses siisuru and wussuru, "to release."

6. N o t e the use of summa as a temporal conjunction, as at Boghazkoy, in a letter characterized by the Hittite ductus and the Hittite form of address. 7 . T h e join with the Cairo fragment begins here. 8. Lines 2 4 - 2 5 are conflated in the W A copy. 9. This is the first reference to silver. 10.

tSU.Nl'GIN . . .]

II

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 6

An offer of friendship T E X T : VAT

149.

C O P I E S : WA

4; VS

11,

3.

1

Sa[y t]o Nimmuwarea, the k\ing of Egypt], my brother: Thus BurraBuriyas, the king of [Karaduniyas], your brother. For me all goes we[ll]. For you, your household, your wives, [your] sons, your country, your magnates, [yo]ur horses, your chariots, may all go w[ell]. 8 - 1 2 Just as previously you and m[y] father were friend[Iy] to one another, you and I [should} now [be friendly] t[o one another].s Be­ tween us, anythin[g]4 else whatsoever is not even to be mentioned]. 13-17 Wri[te me] for what you want from my country so that it may be taken to you, and I will write you for what I want from your country so that it may be taken [to m e } . 17-19 [• • •} Ui will trust yo[u . . . } . Write me so that it ma[y be taken to you]. 2 0 - 2 2 And as [your] greeting-gift [ . . . ] and 1 [ . . . ] . . . / s[e]n[d 2

5

6

you]. NOTES 1.

m

ni-mu-a/wa/ut-re-a/ia: alternative readings; see Kiihne, p. 1 2 9 , n. 6 4 2 .

2.

A t the end of line 9, delete it: following von Soden, p . 4 2 8 .

3.

A t the end of line 1 0 , add { . . . lu fa-ba-nu]:

von Soden, ibid.; cf. EA

8:1 if. It must have been written at least partly on the reverse, or perhaps on the line below. 4. a-ma-tu-u[m}: a rare instance of mimation; cf. EA 3 : 1 2 ; 4 : 4 6 ; A r o , StOr 2 0 , p. 3 2 . amatum lanttum-ma, perhaps "a hostile word" (AHw, 5 . iq-[qa-ab-bi]\

p. 1164).

following von Soden, p. 4 2 8 ; see also Schroeder,

OLZ,

1 9 1 7 , col. 1 0 5 . 6. lilq&-\ni\.

following von Soden, p. 4 2 8 .

EA 7

A lesson in geography TEXT:

VAT 150 (not collated).

C O P I E S : WA

7; VS

TRANSLATION:

11,

4.

Oppenheim, LFM, pp. 113ff. 1

2

[Say to Naphujrureya, Great King, king of Egy[pt, my brother]: Thus Burra-Buriya[s, Great King, kin]g of Karaduniyas, [your] brot[her. For 12

EA 7

m]e and my household, for my horses and [m]y ch[ariots, for] my magnates and my country all goes ver[y well]. 6 - 7 For my brother and his household, for his horses and [his] cfhariots], for his magnates and his country ma[y all go] very [well]. 8—13 From the time the messenger of my brother ar[rived here],! I have not been well, and so on no occa[sionY has his messenger eaten food and [drunk] spirits [in my comjpany. If you ask [.. .] . . . , your mes­ senger, he will [tell you that] I have not been well and that, as far as my rec[overy] is concerned, I am [still b]y no means re[stored to health}. 1 4 - 2 5 [Furthermore], since I was not well and my brother [showed me no] conc[ern], I for my part became an[gry}9 with my brother, saying, "Has my brother not hea[rd] that I am ill? Why. has he sho[wn] me no concern? Why has he sent no messenger here and visi[ted me]?" My brother's messenger addressed me, s[aying], "(It) is not a place close by so your brother can hear (about you) and send you greetings. The country is far away. Who is going to tell your brother so he can imme­ diately send you greetings? Would your brother hear that you are ill and still not send you his messenger?" 26—32 I for my part addressed him as follows, saying, "For my brother, a Great King, is there really a far­ away country and a close-by one?" He for his part addressed me [as] follows, saying, "Ask your own messenger whether the country is far away and as a result your brother did not hear (about you) and did not send (anyone) to greet you." Now, since I asked my own messenger and he said to me that the journey is far, I was not angry (any longer), I said no [more]. 3 3 - 4 1 Furthermore, as I am told, in my brother's country everything is available and my brother needs absolutely noth­ ing. Furthermore, in my country everything too is available and I for my part nee[d] absolutely nothing. We have (however) inherited good relations of long standing from (earlier) kings, and so we should sen[d]'3 greetings to each other. It is these same relations that shall be lasting between us. My [greetings [/ will send t]o yo[u, and your greet­ ings you shall send to me}. 4 2 - 4 8 [ . . . ] M[y] greetings [ . . . ] and your greetings . . . [ . . . ] 4 9 - 6 2 You no[w, before es]corting (him on his way), '* have detain[ed] my messenger for two [years]. 1 informed your messenger and sen[t him] (on his way). Inform my messenger imme­ diately sf) he may co[me to m e ] . Furthermore, as I am also told, the journey is difficult], water cut off, and the weather ho[t]. I am not sending many beautiful greeting-gifts. I send to my brother 4 minas of beautiful lapis lazuli as a routine greeting-gift. In addition, I send my brother 5 teams of horses. As soon as the weather improves, my next 5

6

7

8

10

11

12

1

15

16

17

18

13

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

messenger to come I will have bring many beautiful greeting-gifts to my brother. Furthermore, whatever my brother wants, let my brother just write me so it can be taken from the house. 6 3 - 7 2 Being engaged on a work, I write to my brother. May my brother send me much fine gold so I can use it on my work. But the gold that my brother sends me, my brother should not turn over to the charge of any deputy. My brother should make a [personal] check, then my brother should seal and send it to me. Certainly my brother did not check the earlier (shipment of) gold that my brother sent to me. It was only a deputy of my brother who sealed and sent it to me. When I pu[t] the 4 0 minas of gold that were brought to me into a kiln, not (even) [10, I sw]ear, appear[ed]. 7 3 - 8 2 [Furthermore, [tw]ice has a caravan of Salmu, my messenger whom I sent to you, been robb[ed]. The first one Biriyawaza rob[bed, and] his [sec]ond caravan Pamahu, [a gov]ernor of yours in a vassalage, i robb[ed]. {When] is my brother [going to adjudi­ cate] this case? [As] my messenger sp[okeY before my brother, (so) [n]ow may Salmu sp[eak] before my brother. His [thi]ngs should be restored t[o him] and [he] should be compensated] for his losses. 19

20

21

22

23

2

25

6

27

2S

29

NOTES 1.

For Amenophis I V as the addressee of this letter, see Kiihne, p. 6 0 , n.

292. 2 . A t the beginning of line 2 , restore $E§-i
would be less crowded than i^-fsu-da-an-ni] (Knudtzon).


emend the text so that Burna-Burias says that no foreign messenger, non-Egyptian or Egyptian, had dined with him; see Kiihne, p. 6 1 , n. 2 9 5 . O n the banquets for messengers, see EA 1, n. 2 5 . m

5 . von Soden, p. 4 2 8 , proposes f H a - a ] - » ; cf. EA 1 1 : 1 9 , rev. i3f. 6. ana »^-a{b-la-t;i]: if «rf-p[a-as libbi] (von Soden, ibid.), one would expect to see traces of the vertical (cf., however, pa in EA 8 : 2 2 ) , and the expression refers to mood or sentiment, not to bodily health. Oppenheim: " . . . that I nearly lost my life, and that nothing could help me" (the assumed text is not clear). 7.

[a-di-na] m{t\-im-ma-ma

rather than ultallalimu,

la #/-[ta-la/li-mu]; on the assumed

ustallalimu

see A r o , StOr 2 0 , pp. 3 7 f . Another proposal: { U (sammu)]

. . . la «/-[ne-sa-an-ni], "and no medicine has given me any cure" (von Soden, ibid.). 8.

re-e-s[i la is-su-tt]: the enclitic -ma at the end of the previous clause favors

taking the following clause as coordinate, and therefore not resit ul is-Ii]

(von

Soden, ibid., following U n g n a d , OLZ, 1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 2 ) . 9. am-[ta-la]:

not am-{la] (von Soden, p . 4 2 9 ) , for in Middle Babylonian

EA 7 letters the perfect is the normal form of past narrative, as throughout this letter. In line 3 2 , amla because of the negative ul. 1 0 . i-mu-[ra-an-ni],

presumably visit by delegation. If i-mu-[ra]

is right

(Knudtzon), then "pro[vided for me]"? 11.

ana sulmlka,

"for your sulmu," might also mean "for your health";

probably neither version should be excluded. 12.

On the syntax of girru ruqatu, see von Soden, p. 4 2 9 . For a slightly

different interpretation, see Veenhof, JEOL s[a-k]u-[ut]: 13.

2 7 ( 1 9 8 1 - 8 2 ) p. 6 7 , n. 1. ul am-la as-

following Gordon. ni-sa-ap-pa-[ralar]\

it is not clear why we should create an anacolu-

thon—"the good relations which we have received from the kings in earlier times, so that we send greetings to each other, these same good relations ..."—and restore -[ru] (Ungnad, OLZ,

1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 2 , followed by von Soden, p. 4 2 9 ) .

Burna-BuriaS prefaces his proposal of continued gpod relations with remarks that establish how disinterested both parties are. If there are to be greetings with the necessary accompanying gifts, they are not inspired by need. 14.

[la-am t]e-re-ed-du-u: following von Soden, ibid. Provision of an escort

for messengers was customary. For the O l d Babylonian period, at Mari, see CAD, Ah,

p. 3 4 3 ; ARMT 15.

2 1 , p p . 5 0 9 , 5 1 4 ; AEM 1 / 2 , no. 5ii:2off. In EA, see 3 0 , n. 2 .

si-it-ta [sanati]: following von Soden, p. 4 2 9 .

1 6 . li-i{l-li-ka]:

following von Soden, ibid. T h e information is the answer,

perhaps quite perfunctory, to the message received; cf. EA 2 9 : 1 1 1 . 1 7 . T h e enclitic in kt iqbun'tm-ma probably looks back to kT iqbuni in line 3 3 , and therefore is rendered by "also." da-an-n[a-at],

with von Soden, ibid.,

unless the enclitic coordinates clauses (for this possibility, see Romer, A O A T 1 2 , p. 5 1 , n. 5 ) , and then da-an-n{a-tujtu] 18.

(cf. ruqatu in line 3 2 ) .

T h e gift sa qati seems opposed to the many gifts not sent at the mo­

ment; cf. sa qatim in O l d Assyrian, "normal quality, current quality" (CAD, Q , p. 1 9 8 ) , and at Mari (ARMT

2 1 , p. 2 5 2 , n. 1 6 ; p. 2 7 2 , n. 2 8 ) . T h a t the weight of the

stone is given implies, according to E . Porada, AfO 2 8 ( 1 9 8 1 - 8 2 ) p . 7, n. 1 8 , that the stone was unworked (see also EA 8 : 4 3 ; io:43ff.). Tusratta, therefore, gave only jewelry. 1 9 . L i t . "from their house." Since Burna-Burias hardly wishes to say that the gifts will come from others' houses, the suffix must refer to the indefinite plural subject of the verb. 20.

ki-sa (kfsa): see the dictionaries; for its influence on tenses, see Aro, StOr

2 0 , p. 8 3 . 21.

[ 1 0 s]a-ar-ru-um-ma:

theasseverativelarrumma(Knudtzon) fits the con­

text perfectly (originally, "by the king"; S. Parpola, A O A T 5 / 2 , p. 9 7 ) and implies a small number in the break (10 is only a guess); cf. EA io:i9f. Otherwise von Soden, p . 4 3 0 , followed by CAD,

B , 1 1 3 : [ K U . G I b]a-ar-ru-um-ma,

"pure gold."

22.

ha-ab-t[a-at]\ following von Soden, ibid.

23.

Written

24.

Pamahu may be an Egyptian title misunderstood as a personal name; see

m

bi-ri-ia-ma-za.

A l b r i g h t , JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p. 2 0 0 , n. 4 , w h o thought it the Egyptian equivalent of rabisu, seeing it also in EA 1 6 2 : 7 4 . Edel, JNES

7 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p. 2 4 , distinguished

15

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

between EA 7 : 7 6 (personal name) and 1 6 2 : 7 4 (title). Is ki-if-ri

a mistake for mi-is-

ri, "[a pre]fect in your country, the country of E g y p t " ? A n even greater enormity, right under the Pharaoh's nose! 25.

[ m a - t i ] . . . i-[da-an]: following von Soden, p . 4 3 0 .

26.

« / - [ b u - b u ] : following von Soden, ibid. Line 8 0 :

27.

[t-na\-an-na:

28.

See n. 2 6 .

29.

[u-d"\e-e-Iu: following von Soden, ibid.

following

li-id-[bu-ub].

von Soden, ibid.

EA 8

Merchants murdered, vengeance demanded T E X T : VAT

152.

C O P I E S : WA

8; VS

TRANSLATION:

11,

5.

Ebeling, pp. 371f.

Sa[y to] Naphu'rure[ya], the king of Egypt, my brother: Thus BurraBuriyas, the king of Kara[duniyas], your brother. For me all goes well. For you, your country, your household, your wives, yo[ur] sons, your magnates, your horses, your chariots, may all go very well. 8 - 2 1 My brother and I made a mutual declaration of friendship, and this is what we said: "Just as our fathers were friends with one another, so will we be friends with one another." Now, my merchants who were on their way with Ahu-tabu, were detained in Canaan for business matters. After Ahu-tabu went on to my brother, in Hinnatuna of Canaan, Sum-Adda, the son of Balumme, and Sutatna, the son of Saratum of Akka, having sent their men,4 killed my merchants and took away [th]eir money. 2 2 - 3 3 [I] send [ . . . ] . . . toy[o]uposthaste].* Inqu[ire from him so] he can inform yofu. Qanaan is your country, and [its] king[s are your servants}. In your country I have been despoiled. Bring [them] to account and make compensation] for the money that they took away. Put to death the men who put my servants [to] death, and so avenge their blood. And if you do not put these men to death, they are going to kill again, be it a caravan of mine or your own messengers, and so messengers between us will thereby be cut off. 3 4 - 4 2 And if they try to deny this to you, §um-Adda, having blocked the passage of one man of mine, retained him in his company, and another man, having been forced into service by Sutatna of Akka, is still serving him. These men sh[ould be] brought to you so you can investigate, inquire [whether they are de\ad, and thus become in­ formed. 4 3 - 4 7 [As a greet]ing-gift I send you 1 mina of lapis lazuli. 1

2

3

6

7

8

9

10

11

16

EA 8

Se(nd off} my [mess}enger immediately so I may knofw] my brother's [decjision. Do not deta[in] my [messjenger. Let him be off [to me immediately. 12

13

NOTES 1 . E n d of line n , written on reverse, (a-a-bu;

see Schroeder, OLZ, 1 9 1 5 , col.

1752 . T h e implications of the king's calling them "my merchants" are not clear; see Brinkman, in Garelli, ed., Le Palais et la Royaute (Paris, 1 9 7 4 ) , p. 4 0 0 , n. 3 4 . 3 . T h e scribe, or his informant, interchanged the vowels in the first syllable of the names of the two rulers. 4 . LU.ME3 = amelT (also lines 2 8 , 3 0 , 4 0 ) ; cf. von Soden, p. 4 3 0 . 5 . 22 [x-(x)]-x a-na pa-[ni-k]a ki-i {ka-al-li-ej: at the beginning of the line the very clear [.. of VS is misleading; see Schroeder, OLZ, 1 9 1 7 , col. 1 6 5 . T h e assumption that nothing followed ki-i in the rather large broken space at the end of the line is supported by neither the previous nor the following lines, and the resulting sense, "As soon as I send . . . , inquire . . . " (von Soden, p. 4 3 0 ; A r o , StOr 2 0 , p. 1 4 8 ) , does not seem satisfactory. It seems unlikely that the Babylonian king would put off to some future date sending the messenger who was to provide the Pharaoh with additional information. It is the bearer of the present letter who should have such a role. Cf. kikalle in the Babylonian letters EA 1 0 : 3 8 and 1 1 , rev. 18. 6. su-ni-iq-\su-nu-ti-md\: 7 . i-[du-k]u:

following von Soden, p. 4 3 0 .

following von Soden, ibid.

8 . Following U n g n a d , OLZ, 1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 2 ; von Soden, p. 4 3 0 ; CAD, N / i , p. 1 6 5 b . Denial can be refuted by two witnesses to the crime who are still available. A r o , StOr 2 0 , pp. I44f., postulates a contamination from s'umma-summa ("or they will treat you hostilely"). 9. Following CAD, N / i , p. 1 7 9 b ; cf. sepam nakasum in ARMT 4 , 3 8 : 7 ' ; 1 4 , 8 6 : 2 7 . If the Babylonian's feet had been literally cut off, it would have been an extraordinary indignity and hardly mentioned so casually. 1 0 . ina reli kl ulzizzu: following AHw, p. 9 7 4 a . 1 1 . k[i-i mi]-tu: von Soden, p. 4 3 1 , proposed [amela sa]-/a, but, as he admits, the form of the pronoun is otherwise unattested in the Middle Babylonian period. Besides, one expects a plural—"these men"—not a singular. 1 2 . 4 4 . . . ku-\ut-si-da-I\u 4 5 \je-e\-ma\ following von Soden, ibid, (but not fe-e-ma; cf. EA 7 : 5 1 , 5 2 ; 9 : 3 2 ; 1 1 , rev. 1 8 ) . 13.

li-it-ta-a\l-kd\\

following von Soden, ibid.

17

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 9

Ancient loyalties, new requests TEXT:

BM 29785.

C O P Y : BB

2.

PHOTOGRAPH:

BB,

pi.

24. 1

Say to Nibhurrereya, the king of Egy£pt, my brother]: Thus BurraBuriyas, the king of Karad[un]iyas, your brother. For me all goes well. For you, your household, your wives, your sons, your country, your ma[g]nates, your horses, your chariots, may all go very well. 6—18 From the time my ancestors and your ancestors made a mutual declaration of friendship, they sen[t] beautiful greeting-gifts to each other, and refused no request for anything beautiful. My brother has now sent me 2 minas of gold as my greeting-gift. Now, gold is plentiful, send me as much as your ancestors (sent), but if it is scarce, send me half of what your ancestors (sent). Why have you sent me 2 minas of gold? At the moment my work on a temple is extensive, and I am quite busy with carrying it out. Send me much gold. And you for your part, whatever you want from my country, write me so that it may be taken to you. 19—38 In the time of Kurigalzu, my ancestor, all the Canaanites wrote here to him, saying, "C{om]e4 to the border of the country so we can revolt and be allied [wi]tfc you." My ancestor sent them this (reply), saying, "Forget about being allied with me. If you become enemies of the king of Egypt, and are allied with anyone else, will I not then come and plunder you? How can there be an alliance with me?" For the sake of your ancestor my ancestor did not listen to them. Now, as for my Assyrian vassals, I was not the one who sent them to you. Why on their own authority have they come to your country? If you love m e , they will conduct no business whatsoever. Send them off to me emptyhanded. I send to you as your greeting-gift 3 minas of genuine lapis lazuli and 5 teams of horses for 5 wooden chariots. 1 2

6

NOTES 1.

O n the addressee, either Amenophis I V or Tutankhamun (so taken here),

see Introduction, n. 1 3 7 . O n the end of line 1, see VAB 2 / 2 , p. 1 5 8 5 . 2.

ul-te-bi-i-lu-n\t\:

3.

inanna-ma

following Gordon.

hurasu mad, "Right now, (if) the gold is plentiful," is probably

possible, but one then expects the same structure in the parallel clause. Hence inanna

{sum)-ma 4.

18

r

l

seems much more likely.

ku~u~ [s']-da-am-ma:

traces support this reading of von Soden, p. 4 3 1 .

EA 5.

[it-t]i-ka:

despite Knudtzon's correct observations (VAB

2 / 1 , p.

10 90,

n. a), this seems the only possible reading. T h e absence of any sign of the vertical could reflect a form like that in line 2 9 6.

See Introduction, n. 5 9 .

7.

See EA 3 , n. 1 7 .

(il-ti-ia).

EA 10

Egyptian gold and carpenters TEXT:

BM 29786.

C O P Y : BB

3.

PHOTOGRAPH:

BB,

pi.

10.

[Say t]o [Naphu]rar[ey]a,' the king of [Egypt: TJhus Burra-Buriyas, the king of Karad[uniyas]. For me all goes wel[l]. For you, for your house­ hold, for your wives, fo[r your sons], for your magnates, for your troops, for your chariots, for your horses, and for your country, may all go very well. 8 - 2 4 From the time of Karaindas, since the messengers of your ancestors came regularly to my ancestors, up to the present, they (the ancestors) have been friends. Now, though you and I are friends, 3 times have your messengers come to me and you have not sent me a single beautiful greeting-gift, nor have I for my part sent you a beautiful greeting-gift. (I am one for whom nothing is scarce, and you are one for whom nothing is scarce.) As for your messenger whom you sent to me, the 20 minas of gold that were brought here were not all there. When they put it into the kiln, not 5 minas of gold appeared. [The . . . th}at did appear, on cooling off looked like ashes. Was {the gold ev\er identi­ fied} (as gold)? [ . . . ] friends with e\ach other} [ . . . ] . . . 25—28 [ . . . ] 29—42 [ . . . ] of a wild ox for . . . [.. . ] when your messenger . . . [.. . ] let him bring to me. There are skilled carpenters where you are. Let them represent a wild animal, land or aquatic, lifelike, so that the hide is exactly like that of a live animal. Let your messenger bring it to me. But if there are some old ones already on hand, then as soon as Sindisugab, my messenger, reaches you, let him immediately, posthaste, borrow chariot{s] ° and get here. Let them make some n[e]w ones for future delivery, and then when my messenger comes here with your messenger, let them bring (them) here together. 4 3 - 4 9 I send as your greeting-gift 2 minas of lapis lazuli, and concerning your daughter Mayati, having heard (about her), I send to her as her greeting-gift a necklace of cricket-(shaped) gems, of lapis lazuli, 1 0 4 8 their number. 2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

l

11

19

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

And when your messenger [comes] along with Sindisugab, / will make { . . . ] and have (it) brough[t to b]er. 12

NOTES 1 . [a-n]a [na-ap-hu]r-ra-'>e"' -[i]a/a (Gordon saw more of hur than I could). O f the na-ap in B B , Gordon wrote that there are "no traces of original wedges, completely obliterated by modern pin scratches on rubbed surface of tablet—so confirmed by Mr. Bateman of Bfritish] M [ u s e u m ] who examined surface under a microscope." 2.

D U M U . M E 5 = maru: following von Soden, p. 4 3 1 .

3 . T h i s parenthetical remark stresses the independence of the parties and thereby the symbolism of the exchange of gifts; cf. EA 7, n. 1 3 . T h e usual interpretation—according to which it is stated here that the result of neither one's sending the other party a gift has been "I had nothing precious, and you had nothing precious"—must be rejected; minima ana X (w)aqar does not mean that " X has something precious" (which would be, rather, mimma aqrulaqartu ana X , or X mimma aqralaqarta Tsuli), but that "something is rare/scarce for X . " See AHw, p. 1460b. 4 . Cf. EA 7 : 7 1 - 7 2 and n. 2 1 . 5 . [ K U . G I im-m&-i]i-ma-a u'-e-du: immattma, Landsberger in Gordon; if the verb is uddH, one expects u'-e-du-[u\, but nothing follows (also Gordon). 6. 30 [Id i]r-'i-mu-Iu-nu-ti, "which he presented/with which he presented them" (von Soden, p . 4 3 4 ) , is not supported by collation. 7 . /7-q{u-s'}i (Knudtzon) is hardly right, especially s"]i; see VAB 2 / 1 , p. 1 0 0 1 , no. 1 0 . i/-l{a-k]a (Gordon) is equally difficult. 8. N A G A R . M E i s : following CAD, Gordon. 9. a-{n\a

r

p''i-i balp:

N / i , p . 1 1 4 a ; so already Landsberger in

following von Soden, p . 4 3 1 .

l5

1 0 . « G I G I R . M E [ 3 ] : the second and third signs are doubtful. If the reading is correct, narkabta nalu can hardly mean "to load a wagon" (Oppenheim, Dictio­ nary of Scientific Biography, 1 5 { 1 9 7 8 ] , p . 6 5 6 , n. 3 9 ) ; and "to bring a wagon" (AHw, p . 7 6 4 a ) does not seem to fit the context. I understand naM in the sense of withdrawing from a supply (CAD, N / 2 , p . 9 8 b ) or appropriating (CAD, N / 2 , p. 1 0 0 ) . N o t expecting to have a shipment of animal figures to bring back to Baby­ lonia, the messenger would have to borrow means of transportation. For narkabtu as a means of shipping, cf. EA 4 1 : 3 4 and CAD, Nil, p . 3 5 7 b . f

r

l

1 1 . ma-i-ia- a~ -tT: following von Soden, p. 4 3 2 , and confirmed by colla­ tion; correct CAD, M / 2 , p. 7 4 b . 12.

20

r

4 9 [il-la-ka x - x - x ] e-pu-ulf-ma a-/e-ba-l a"'-a[s}-s{i] (Gordon).

EA

11

EA 11

Proper escort for a betrothed princess TEXT:

VAT

C O P I E S : WA

151 6

+ +

1878. WA

218,

225;

VS

11,

6.

[Say] to Naphururea, the king of Egypt, [my] broth[er]: Th[us Bur]naBuriyas, the king of Karaduniy[as, your brother]. F[or me all goes w]ell. For you, your wives, you[r] household, [your sons, for yo]ur [horses,] your chariots, may all go very we[ll]. 5 - 8 [After the wife of] your father had been mourned, 1 sent Hu'a, [my] mess[enger, and . . . , an interpreter, [to you]. [I] wrote [as fol­ lows], saying, "A daughter of the king who [ . . . , was (once) ta]ken [to your father]. Let [them take] another [to you]."i 9-15 [And you yourself] sent [Haamas]si, your messenger, and [ . . . Mihuni, the interpreted, [saying, "... the wife of] my father was mourned [ . . . ] that woman [ . . . ] she die[d] in a [pl]ague [ . . . " / ] wrote, saying, "That woman [may be taken"]. 1 6 - 2 2 [When] I presented [my daughter] to [Haamassi], your [mess]enger, and to Mihuni, the inte[rpret]er, they [poujred o[il] on the hea[d of my] daughter. ~i But as to the one tak[ing her] to you, [w]ho is going to take her to you? With Haya there are 5 chariots. Are they going to take her to you in 5 chariots? Should I in these circumstances allow her to be brought to you [from m]y [house],$ my neighboring kings [would say], "They have transported the daughter of a Great King [t]o Egypt in 5 char[iots"]. 2 3 - 2 8 [When my father] a[llow]ed [his daughter] to be br[oug]ht to your father, [ . . . ] 3000 soldie[rs wi]th him [ . . . ] 1

2

4

5

6

8

10

Reverse 1 - 5 [• • •] • • • [• • • let] them carve [.. .l]et them brin[g me . . .l]et them carve [... which look like] live [ . . . ] " let them bring me. 6 - 1 2 If old ones in the number required are a[vailab]le, have them brought to me im[mediate]ly. If old ones are not available, let them carve new ones and have Salmu, the merchant, bring them to me. If Salmu, the merchant, has already departed for here, let your messenger that comes to me take them. Trees are to be carved from ivory and colored. Matching plants of the countryside are to be carved, colored, and taken to me. 13-18 As for Haya, your magnate, whom you sent to me, the chariots and soldiers with him are too few. Send here many [char]iots 12

13

21

THE AMARNA

LETTERS 4

and soldiers so that Haya be the one [to ta]ke' the princess to you. Do not send here some other [mag]nate. The princess [on] whose [he]ad oil [has been poured] should not delay here by me. ? Send them so [they can take her] immediately]. [/]/within this year you intend to sen[d here] chariots and soldiers, [a messen]ger should come out to me posthaste and info[rm m e ] . 1 9 - 2 3 [After] ? your [fa]ther sent [here] to Kurigalzu much gold, what was more lavish than [the gift] to Kurigalzu, and so in the palace [of my ancestor what wajs missing?' That neighboring kings might hear it said, "The go[ld is much. Among] the kings there are brotherhood, amity, peace, and [good] relations," [he] was rich in stones, rich in silver, rich in [gold]. 2 4 - 3 4 I s[end] 10 lumps of genuine ' lapis lazuli as your greetinggift, and to the mistress of the house [I send] 20 "crickets" of genuine lapis lazuli. [I know] that Mayatu alone did nothing for me by which [I am] res[tored to health], ^ and showed no concern for me. As soon as p o s s i b l e ] let them take to me much gold that is yours alone. ? Let them take to me [much gold}! By the end of [this very] year I wish to bring the work to completion quickly. And . . . [ . . . ] he must not say, "Your messenger has received a lar[ge and beautiful] greeting-gift." He . . . [ . . . } how can I send to you? Send me [much gold] so that [/, too, send] to y[ou a] large [greeting]-gift. 1

16

1

8

19

20

2

22

2

24

2

26

NOTES 1.

[ul-tu as-sa-at] a-bi-ka

qu-ub-ba-tu^.

stative subjunctive (cf. riiqatu,

7 : 3 2 ) of qubbii, "to (be)wail" (AHw, p. 8 9 0 ; CAD,

Campbell, Chronology, p. 4 6 , and also in Gordon. CAD, under qubbatu,

meaning

8 [...

Q , puts this passage

unknown.

2 . al-ta-ap-r[a-ak-k\x] 3.

EA

Q , p . 2 9 2 a ) ; cf. Landsberger in

7 [a-ka-an-na al-t]a-ap-ra;

a-na a-bi-ka i\-q]u-u-ni

la-ni-ta-am-ma

cf. EA 4 : 1 1 . //-i[l-qu-ni-ku].

4 . 9 [u at-ta . . . ] . 5 . qubbatu as in line 5 (see n. 1 ) . 6. sa-[a.-s\

li-il-qu-ni-(ku?)]. Perhaps the girl that had been promised first

died and there had been a delay in carrying out the offer of lines 7—8. 7.

1 7 [ D U M U . M U N U S - t i ki-i]

...

qa-qa-[d]d

DU[MU].MU[NUS-ti-ia]

1 8 T . f G I S " it-t]a-du-u:

following Landsberger, in Symbolae iuridicae

Martino

Tomus Alter (Leiden, 1 9 6 8 ) , p p . 7 9 - 8 0 , n. 4. For this

David

dedicatae,

et

historicae

first act of betrothal, in EA see also 1 1 , rev. i5ff.; 2 9 : 2 2 ^ ; and 3 1 : 1 iff. See, too, C . W i l c k e , La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique (Paris, 1 9 8 7 ) , p. 1 8 5 , n. 2 7 . A t U g a r i t , see Pardee, BiOr 3 4 ( 1 9 7 7 ) pp. 3f.; Brooke, UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) pp. 69ff. 8. saana

muhhika /«-q[u-(u)-si]: sa ...

/e-q[i-i/e-sa], grammatically less diffi­

cult, is not supported by collation; read (i)-/e-q[u-(u)-si]? 9.

22

2 1 [i-na E-i]a.

EA 10.

2 3 { u - u m a-bu-ii-a-a D U M U . M U N U S - s u ]

11.

rev. 5 [sa a-na . . . M ] E § ba-al-tu-t[i

11

4

ma-as-lu]: following Landsberger

in Gordon. 12.

h[a-mu-ut-t\a

also Schroeder, OLZ, 13.

su-bi-i-la:

following U n g n a d , OLZ,

1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 3 ; see

1 9 1 7 , col. 1 0 5 .

G i S . M E S = issr. see U n g n a d , OLZ, 1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 3 .

14.

[\i-\\-q]a-ak-ku.

15.

marat sarri sa I.GI§ [a-na qa-q]a-di-sa

1 6 [id-du]-u:

following Lands­

berger (see n. 7 ) . 16.

1 8 [ D U M U K I } N . . . li-iq-b[a-a]:

17.

[ki-i]: following von Soden, ibid.

following von Soden, p. 4 3 2 .

18.

ina ekal(li) [a-bi-ia

2 1 fmi-nu-u i]n-da-ti:

following von Soden, ibid.,

in the reading of the verb. Being rhetorical questions, minu Ttatir (line 2 0 ) and minu indati

are probably only apparent exceptions to the rule that in Middle

Babylonian letters the perfect was not used in questions ( A r o , StOr 2 0 , p . 8 1 ) . 19.

[i-na]: hardly enough room for [bi-ri-it] (von Soden, p. 4 3 2 ) .

2 0 . [su-u(-ma)]: cf. von Soden, ibid. 21.

For the distinction between "genuine" (lit. "of the mountain"; see EA

9 : 3 6 and passim in the inventories) and "artificial" (lit. "of the kiln"), see O p penheim, Glass and Glassmaking

in Ancient Mesopotamia

(Corning, N . Y . , 1 9 7 0 ) ,

pp. ioff. If the qualifier "genuine" is not used, the stone was probably artificial. ar

2 2 . fma-ia-tu-ma:

n

see EA 1 0 : 4 4 > d -

1 1

• Lines 26f. are often understood as

distinguishing Mayatu from the "mistress of the house" in line 2 5 . T h e title occurs in the badly broken EA 1 : 4 8 and YOS 1 3 , 9 0 : 2 1 ; as G A S A N E in a few N e o Assyrian texts cited in CAD, JAOS

B , 1 9 0 b ; and as nin e (-e-ke ) in Sumerian (Civil, 4

1 0 3 [ 1 9 8 3 ] p. 5 7 : 1 5 6 ) ; cf. bHt bhtm and L . M u n t i n g h , JNES

2 6 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p.

1 0 9 . T h e latter is identified either with the famous Nefertiti, Amenophis IV's first wife, or with Ankhsenpaaten, his daughter and last wife; see Pintore,

Matrimonio,

p p . 29f. Two translations have been offered for kT in line 2 6 , "whereas," which is without parallel, and "because," which assumes a causal clause after a main clause, a sequence that is extremely rare if not quite without parallel. In either case the line of thought and the implied enthymemes are curious: "I gave so-and-so some­ thing, (a) whereas so-and-so., treated me badly, or (b) because so-and-so., treated me badly." To abide by conventional usage we must read at the end of line 2 5 [ulte-bi-la

i-de]

2 6 ki-i....

T h i s favors the identity of the two figures. B y sending

the gift (and a small one) to Mayatu under her title it is perhaps suggested that the demands of propriety rather than those of friendship are being met. Cf. Na'aman, Political

Disposition,

23.

* p . 8 3 , n. 2 0 .

/ # - u [ l - l u - m a - k u ] : cf. EA 7 : 1 3 , n. 7.

2 4 . ki-i du-lu-uh-t[i-is): 2 5 . attilka-ma:

following Kiihne, p. 1 4 5 .

the enclitic seems to stress the identity of the source of the

gift, perhaps in contrast to Mayatu, from whom he has learned to expect nothing; cf. ^mayatu-ma

in line 2 6 and the enclitic "Mayatu alone."

2 6 . ki lusebilak[ku ul-m\a-na

ma-a-da

K U . G I ma-a(')-da su-b]i-la-am-ma

3 4 [a-na-ku-ma su-

a-na k[a-a-sa lu-se-bi-la-ak-ku].

23

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 12

A letter from a princess T E X T : VAT

1605.

WA 188; VS 11, 7 (tablet now in two pieces). T R A N S L A T I O N : Pintore, Matrimonio, p. 61. COPIES:

1

Say to my lord: Thus the princess. For you, your chariots, the m[e]n a[nd yo}ur [ . . . } , may all go well. 6 - n May the gods of Burra-Buriyas accompany you. March in safety, and safely push on so you will see your house (again). 1 2 - 2 2 In the presence of my lord] thus [do I prostrate myself], saying, "From . . . [. ..] my messenger brings (you) colored cloth. For your cities and your household may all go (w)ell. Do no[i] wo[rr]y, or you will have made me sad." 2 3 - 2 6 Your servant, Kidin-Adad, . . . I would give my life for 2

3

you.

4

NOTES 1.

T h e script is Babylonian, not E g y p t i a n , and so the letter was probably

written in Babylonia and sent by a Babylonian princess (lit. "daughter of the king"), perhaps one destined for the Pharaoh's harem. For other views, see Kiihne, p.

5 0 , n. 2 3 2 . Landsberger in Gordon, instead of "to m y lord" (ana

m

bi-li-ia),

proposed "to Biniya." 2.

i-na pa-[m

bi-li-ia]

1 3 a-ka-an-n[a

ul-ta-ki-in): Knudtzon could see

what looked like u [ l ] , no longer visible. For other and bolder restorations and corrections of the text, see Pintore, Matrimonio, 3.

it-ku-l[a]

p. 1 6 7 , n. 3 0 8 .

tetendanni: following von Soden, p . 4 3 3 , but suggesting that

the perfect be taken as future perfect (cf. GAG,

E r g . §8oe). T h e tone of the letter

argues against a statement of fact. 4.

T h e second letter (see the Introduction, sect. 4 ) was added perhaps by

the scribe. In line 2 4 , / sa aG N I remains unexplained; how it can mean "has decided" (Pintore, without comment) is not clear.

EA 13

Inventory of a dowry T E X T : VAT

1717.

C O P I E S : WA

216;

VS

12,

197.

1

2

[... date]-stone of carnelian (with?) ziminzu-shzped bead(s). [... and] . . .3 of gol[d}. [ . . . } "eye-stones" of genu[ine] pappardilu-stone. [ . . . ] "eye-stones" of munaru-stone. 4

5

EA

5

6

[ . . . } . . . an alabaster of [genuin]e [lapis lazuli). { . . . } . . . and . . . [of gold]. [...} small ziminzu-shaped bead(s) of lapis lazuli (and) m[us?arustone]. [ . . . } . . J and gfold}. [...] .. . "lentil" (stones) of lapis lazuli and mussaru-stone. [ . . . } . . . and g[old]. [ . . . } . . . of lapis lazuli, muHaru-stone and g[old}. [...} kakkussu-stone, lapis lazuli and muf[faru-stone). [ . . . } . . . and go[ld}. [... gold) leaf, genuine lapis lazuli and [mulsaru-stone]. [ . . . ] . . . and g[old}. [... gold] leaf genuine lapis lazuli and [gold]. { . . . } . . . lapis lazuli, genuine mu[¥sar]u-stone. [ . . . } . . . and gold; in [the] center, [ob]sidian. [ . . . ] genuine [lapis} lazuli; mounting and . . . of gold. A large [ . . . of go]ld. A small [ . . . ] . [ . . . ] inlay. { . . . } inlay. 8

10

13

9

10

11

15

20

[•••}

25

30

[ . . . ] . . . of gold. A large { . . . } . [... cla]sp(s?), ivory, of which 1 clasp is of ebony. [...}ofgold. [...]... [ . . . ] . . . ; mounting of g[o]ld. [ . . . ] and . . . [ . . . } and al[aba)ster. [...}...[...] [...}...

12

13

Reverse [...] kamm[uffakku-hed]. [ . . . side-bo}ards . . . [ . . . } . [kamm]unakku-bed ... [...}. [ . . . ] side-boar[ds along with cla]w-feet. [ . . . ] . . . kammuHakku-bed. [...]... supports and . . . (with) [claw-fe}et of silver. [...]ofgold. 14

5

25

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS 1

[... wi]th its cup, of gold. ' [... wash-basin for hands, w]ith their cups, of silver.' [... wash-basin for fleet, of silver. [ . . . spr}inkling-vessels of silver. [ . . . } . . . of silver. [ . . . ] . . . of silver. [ . . . } of bronze. [ . . . brazi}er of bronze.' [... ch]est, with their lamp(s?), of bronze.' [ . . . e]wer of bronze. [... t]allu-}a.r of bronze. [ . . . ta]//»-jar of bronze. [ . . . ke]ttle of copper. { . . . } . . . of bronze. {...] salinnu of bronze. {...} angurinnu of bronze. ( . . . } wash-basin for hands, with their cups, of br[onze]. [.. •] wash-basin for feet, [ ( . . . ) of bronze]. [ . . . ] . . . , lapis lazuli, . . . [ . . . } . [... fl}ask of dufu-stone, mounting of g o l d . [... fl]ask of lapis lazuli, mounting of gold. 6

10

17

15

8

9

20

20

25

21

22

NOTES 1 . T h i s inventory, from Babylonia, is apparently the dowry of a Babylonian princess, probably a daughter of Burna-Burias. T h e absence of identifying nota­ tion at either the beginning or the end of the tablet suggests that this was one of two or more tablets. 1

2.

uKhi" -»*(cf. EA 1 5 : 1 3 ) .

3.

Perhaps be-ra,

"in between" (Gordon); also lines 6 and 1 9 .

4 . A type of chalcedony; see Limet, MARI 5.

Durand, ARMT

sonne. T h e mus-sa-li pappardilu-stcme, 6. sikkatu,

a jar for oil, or an ornament so shaped (AHw,

p. 1 2 3 4 ) ; see also

1 / 2 , 2 9 4 , note a. a

Gordon proposed " *ta-r}a-am-ma-nu,

1 2 0 : 5 3 (cf. tarammu 8.

as onyx and cloi­

of Emar 6 / 4 , p. 1 2 7 , Annexe V 6 ' , between da/«-stone and

is pertinent.

D. Charpin, AEM 7.

4 , p . 5 1 1 , n. 7.

2 1 , p p . 2 2 4 f f . , identifies mussar(r)u

I, AHw,

Perhaps [ . . .

comparing tarammanu

in PBS 2 / 2 ,

p. 1 3 2 5 ) ; also lines 1 0 , 1 3 , 1 5 , 1 8 .

tu-di-it)-te (Gordon); see EA 1 4 , n. 1 1 .

9. G U . T U R = kakkii,

"lentil" (or the like)? See also EA 1 4 i 1 3 .

n a

10.

Written 4 M u S . G I R . T A B (von Soden, p. 4 3 3 ) ; a variety of

IT.

{ . . . K t J . G I ] tu-tii-ur-ru:

mussar(r)u-

stone? p. 1 2 7 , n. 1 0 8 . Durand, ARMT 26

see AHw, p. 1 3 7 5 ; Landsberger, RA 6 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) 2 1 , pp. 2 3 i f . , argues for "granulated."

EA 12.

napadu,

13.

p[a-ru]-/i.

14.

Reading in lines 1 - 6 :

a-tu x f. . . ] ra-[tu (10?)

perhaps a type of handle; see Durand, MAR] 1 [.. . ka]m-m[u-sa-ak-kuj

3 [. . . kam-m\u-sa-ak-ku

a-di su-up)-ri 'siP-up-ri

5, p . 1 8 6 . lS

2 [. ..

x [x x (x)] x K U . B A B B A R

5 f. . . } Z U R . M E S kam-m[u-sd]-ak-ku

& a-ma-r\a-

4 [. . .

6 (...)

K U . B A B B A R . Gordon recognized kammussakku

14

^fa-ma-

x

a x

(the double m is

otherwise unattested). 15. kasT-sa)

GU.ZI

= M w ; also rev. lines 9, 2 4 . In view of the feminine suffix (ina

and lines 9 and 2 4 , restore probably [ N I G . S U . L U H . H A

16.

=

namsitu).

For the restoration of this line and the following one, cf. lines 2 4 - 2 5

below; see also EA 2 2 ii 5 1 , iv 2 2 ; 2 5 ii 5 3 , iv 60. For syllabic writing, see EA 14 ii 3 6 ; 2 2 iv 2 7 ; 1 2 0 : 1 2 . Unless the plural of namsu (nemsu) is namsdtu (>namsTtu), least here and in line 2 4 the reading of the logogram is namsitu, CAD,

N / i , p. 2 4 5 ) , as the feminine suffix (ina £asF-sina)

at

not namsu (against

makes clear; note, too,

the syllabic writings. 17.

[...

mu-s\a-li-ha-tu

18.

[...

hu-lu-up-pd]-aq-qu

19. 20.

(AHw,

p. 1 0 1 3 ; CAD,

[. . . al-ta]-/>/-/w i-na l2A.GKR(nurT)-su-nu; dn

&tallu

M / 2 , p. 2 3 1 ) .

(also Gordon); cf. EA 2 2 iv 1 5 . cf. EA 2 2 iii 2 2 .

(also line 1 9 ) . U M D U

21.

[...

<

>S]EN

=

ruqqu

(Gordon); see also Durand, MARI

2 , pp.

22.

[...

m u } - & - / « (Landsberger in Gordon); for the meaning of musalu,

i33f. Durand, ARMT ed., Language,

see

2 1 , pp. 3 5 6 f . , and W . Farber, in Francesca Rochberg-Halton, Literature,

and History: Philological

and Historical

Studies Presented to

Erica Reiner, American Oriental Series 6 7 ( N e w Haven, 1 9 8 7 ) , pp. 94f. O n "agate" (banded chalcedony), see P. Steinkeller, ZA

dusu,

7 2 ( 1 9 8 2 ) pp. 2496°.

EA 14

Inventory of Egyptian gifts VAT 1651 + 2711 ( + ) Ash. 1891.1-41 (415, not collated). C O P I E S : WA 28 + WA 209; VS 12, 198; ( + ) Sayce, Tell el Amarna, no. 8. TEXT:

1 [These things Nap§uru~\tea., Great King, [king of Egypt, s)ent [to his brother, Burna]-Buriyas, [Great King, king of Karaduniyas.]

[...]...' 5-7

[•••}••• 2

[ . . . } strung with [ . . . ] . [...] 27

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS 3

10

[ . . . ] . . . , of gold, of the princes. , of gl]ass.4 , in]Iaid. , of g]old, (with) "lentil" (stones) inlaid, for the n]eck, of gold, (called) mafuya. 15 [ . . . ] , set with stones, (called) wizza. , for the n]eck, of gold, set with stones. , o]f gold. ] , of gold. ] . . . , of gold, inlaid. 20 [ . . . ] their [ . . . ] . , of go31d, inlaid. (22-31, broken) x kukkubu-containers, of g o l d ] , filled with "{sw]eet-[oil]," (called) namfa. 3, of gold, inlaid, (called) kubu. , of gol]d, inlaid, (called) . . . 35 [ . . . , of gold3, inlaid. , of} gold, inlaid, (called) anahu. ] , of copper. 3, for the hand, of gold, inlaid, (called) tuzuta. , of go]ld, inlaid; in their center, silver and gold. 40 [.. . 3 , of gold, and 1 small kukku[bu]-cont&iner. a pa}il, of gold. togg31e pins [(.. .)3. 3 . . . , large, (called) nas7i. 3, of gold. 45 [ . . . , of gol3d, and 1 small one. , o3f gold, (called) ra&da. 3 . . . [ . . . fo]r bathing. 5

6

7

8

9

10

11

, o3f gold [and of silver, set with gold, (called) da{f\i. x goblets of silver (and) go[ld . . t h e i r [.. . 3 , inlaid, (called) haragabaL 50-54 [...]...'3 55 2 female figurines . . . [ . . . ] , inlaid, which . . . [.. .3. 15 containers of oil, [of gold], inlaid. 1 "cucumber" [that is] an oil-container,^ of gold, inlaid. 1 hubunnu-container [...], of gold. (with) a female figurine [ . . . ] . . . , silver, standing. 60 1 h,ubun[nu-container, o]{gold. 12

28

EA

14

i small cont[ain]er (of aromatics), of gold, (with) i ibe[x] lying in its center. ' 8 goblets { . . . ] . . . , of gold, (called) haragabas, [and] i sfmall one]. [ . . . ] . . . , of gold, and 1 small one. fx] pails, of gold, and 1 small one. [ . . . } , of silver and gold, entirely; nam{J]a is its name. { . . . ] . . . , which is studded with gold and copper in its middle; zimiu is its name. [ 1 ] small kukkubu-containet, for bath[ing], of gold. [ 1 ] small tallu-\at, of gold. [1 container for eye-paint, of gold,«irrlaid; daba'uhi is its name. fx] large finger-rings, of gold. fx] finger-rings with gold plating. fx] hand-bracelets, of gold, with inlays; puati is its name. 19 gold rings for the finger. 3 (pairs of) gold sandals. 10 very wide hand-bracelets that are strung with stones; mahda is their name. 3 pairs of foot-bracelets, of gold, strung with stones, fx] razors, of gold. fx] razors, of bronze; their handles, of silver and gold. 1

16

65

11

70

18

19

20

75

21

80

22

1 3 gold bowls; zillahta is its name. 9 necklace-plaques, of gold and . . . -stone. 7 gold tubes, full of eye-paint, and 3 tubes with gold plating. 1 gold box of sippar(r)atu-cosmetics. 1 tube for eye-paint, with kibbu-omaments of polished gold, (called) kitini. 6 knives, 5 of gold, with pomegranates on their top. 1 small container (of aromatics), of gold, and a stopper of lapis lazuli in the middle. 4 ladles with claws, of g o l d . 1 large statuette that is overlaid with gold, of the king, ? and its pedestal is overlaid with silver. 1 female figurine, overlaid with gold, of the king's wife. 1 female figurine, overlaid with gold, of the king's daughter. 2 chariots, of ?us~sugu-wood, overlaid with gold. 23

5

24

2

10

26

2

28

15

29

29

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

20

2 chariots, of fussugu-wood, overlaid with gold, i ship, of cedar, overlaid with gold, along with all its gear, and 6 small ships that one tows. 3° i bed, overlaid with gold; female figurines for its feet. i bed, overlaid with gold, i headrest, overlaid with gold. 5 thrones, overlaid with gold. 1 throne, overlaid with gold and sahpu. 2 chairs, overlaid with gold, i chair . . . [ . . . ] .

25

L..]

[ . . . ] . . . of Canaan. [x hand-bracelets), of "sun"-stone; puati is its name. ' [hand-bracelets], their [ . . . ] , of gold; puati is its name. [ . . . ] overlaid with gold. [...] [ . . . ] overlaid with gold, delicate work. [...} [To]ta[l of all the gold]: 1 2 0 0 mi[nas, x] shekels of gold. 1 [large] measuring-ves[sel, of silver]. 3 [large] washing-bowls, of s[ilver]. 1 [large] mabru, [o]f silver. 1 (vessel called) "large," o[f silver], its [han]dles o[f.. . J . 10 goblets, of silfver . . . ] . . . [ . . . ] . 1 lar[ge] pot, [o]f silver. 1 kukkubu-contamet, for [ . . . , o]f silver, [al]ong with its cover. 3 s[mal]l measuring-vessels, of silver; burner is its name. 1 haragabas, o[f silv]er. 1 pail, of silver. 1 sieve, of silver. 1 small tallu-]ai, of silver, for a brazier. 1 "pomegranate," of silver. 1 (female) monkey, with its daughter on its lap, of silver. ' 1 oblong pot, for a brazier, of silver. 23 kukkubu-zoTAaixyzts, of silver, full of "sweet-oil"; namsa is its name. 6hubunnu-coatamtK, [and] 1 large hubunnu-container, also of silver. 1 upright chest, of silver, inlaid. 1 ladle, of silver, for an oil-container; wadha is its name. 11 bowls, of silver, zillahta (is its name). 3

30

32

35

33

3 4

40

45

3

50

30

EA

55

14

29 ladles, of silver, handles of boxwood and ebony, with which one curls the hair. 3 1 box, of pure silver. 3? 3 (pairs of) sandals, of silver. 1 kukkubu-cont&mev, of silver; its spout, of gold. [1 box of s]ippar(r)dtu-cosmeucs, overlaid with silver and gold. [x ladljes, for a barber, of silver. [ . . . } . . . , of silver and gold. 3 b[eds, of pure silver]; 1 headre[st], of pure silver. 1 [throne}, overlaid [with silver and gold]. 1 mi[rr}o[r, of silver], set with lston]es.$ 1 mi[rr}o[r], of silver and g[ol]d. 18 st[ones . . . } , their [mjouth, of gold, an[d . . . } . 3 9 1 small container (of aromatics), of silver], and a st[opper in the cen]ter, of s[ilver]. The to[ta]l of all the silver: 292 [minas], and 3 shekels [of silver]. The tota[l] of all the silver and g[old]: 1500 ( + x) minas and 4 6 ^ 2 shekels. 20 mi[rr]ors, of bronze. 12 large mi[rr]ors, of bronze. The to[talJ: [ 3 ] 2 mirrors. 80 mi[rrors . . . } . 90 m[irrors . . . , o]f bronze. 5 . . . [ . . . ] . . . , hand [. ..]; nassa is its name. 5 . . . [ . . . , o]f bronze. 3 . . . [ . . . ] . . . , of bronze; hunima is its name. 5 very long . . . [ . . . ] 4 ° . . . , of bronze. 3 [lar]ge, oblong plots], o[f bronze, fo]r a brazier. 2 tall p[o]ts, [o]f bronze. 3 small . . . [ . . . } , for bathing, of bronze. 2 [ . . . ] . . . , for a brazier, of bronze; kuldu is its name. 20 [ . . . ] , of bronze, fo[r ...]. 6

60

65

70

75

80

85

8

in 2 ... [...]. 6 plots ..., o]f bronze, . . . [ . . . ] . 12 . . . [ . . . ] . . . mouth, horses. 16 ra[zors, . . . of bronz]e; their [hand]les, of silver. 3i

THE

5

10

AMARNA

LETTERS

57 razo[rs, o}f bron[ze]. 41 ladles, for a bar[ber], of bronze. 51 ladles, of bronze; their [hanjdles, of ebony. The t[ot]al of the [ob}jects of [bronjze, all together: 300 [( + x)} objects. The weight of the bronze: 8[6o m]inas, 20 sh[eke]ls. 1 double-sized (piece of) [fine] linen cloth for a festive-garment, byssos (quality).4 20 (pieces of) [fi]ne linen cloth; byssos (quality). 20 [s]ma[ll] (pieces of) [fine] linen cloth, byssos (quality). 40 [large] (pieces of) [fine] linen cloth, by[ssos] (quality). 35 thin ma[ntl]es, bys[sos] (quality). 3 (pieces of) fine linen cloth, idru (quality), in size (equal to) 6 (pieces of) [fine] li[nen cloth]. 1 (piece of) fine linen cloth, idru (quality), in size (equal to) 2 (pieces of) [fine] linen c[loth]. 15 thin mantles, idru (quality). 100 large (pieces of) (fine) linen cloth, (for) shawl(s). 1 5 0 (pieces of) fine l[in]en cloth, [adaha] (quality).. 100 small (pieces of) fine linen cloth, adaha (quality). 2 5 0 thin mantles, (adafea) (quality). 250 thin girdles, (adafca) (quality).4 i2[o £]#«z«-cloaks.43 5 large [tu]nzu-cloaks, for the king's bed. [ 1 ] linen cloth, for the front of the body, decorated with borders. [...]... of a. robe, tabarru-red, not ami-red, ^ [go]ld, all set with stones. [x] (pieces of) fine linen cloth, for the front of the body, decorated with borders, colored ami-red. 6 (pieces of) fine linen cloth, tabarru-red. 6V2 half «//#-cloths(?), of linen cloth, for their length(wise strips?), tabarru-red, paqa (quality). The total of the linen cloth: 1 0 9 2 , and 6 / 2 half (»/)/«-cloths(?): 1 stone l>uttu-\a.r, full of "sweet oil," (called) azida. 1 9 stone jars, full of "sweet oil"; kubu is its name. 20 stone jars, (called) akunu, which are full of "sweet oil." 9 kukkubu-cor\x&va.er%, of stone, full of "sweet oil"; namla is its name. 1 "cucumber," of stone, full of "sweet oil." 1

15

20

2

25

44

4

46

30

41

35

32

EA

40

14

6 large stone vessels, full of "sweet oil." [x] kukkubu-containers, of stone, full of "sweet oil"; maziqta is its name. [x] jugs, of stone, full of "sweet oil"; kuba is its name, [x] kukkubu-containers, of stone, full of "sweet oil"; kuba-puwanah is its name. [x] kukkubu-containers, of stone, full of "sweet oil"; kuihku is its name. [x j]ars,4 full of "sweet oil"; alsa is its name. [The t]otal of the stone vessels full of "sweet oil": [x]ooo and 7 vessels. 8

45

50

[x] em[pty] boxes, of stone, [ . . . ] . [1} kukkubu-container, of stone; nasfo is its name, [and] 1 small one just li[ke i]t. [x] onagers, of stone, [and] 1 sm[all one] just like it. [x] galdu, of stone; . . . is its name. [ . . . and X sm]all ones just like them; 3 5 haragabas, of stone. A lar{ge . . . ] . . . , of stone; . . . is its name, [andx smal]l ones, of stone; vessels . . . and 2 . . . [... along with] their stands; sabnaku is its name. [...]; kuifeku is its name. [ . . . , o]f stone. [ . . . ] ; . . . is its name, and 1 sma[ll one] ju[st like it]. 21 female figurines, of stone, . . . [ . . . ] . 1 cripple, of stone, with a jar in his hand. 1 kukkubu-container, of stone; fuibta is its name. 3 jars, of stone; 2 large goblets, of hina-stone. 3 pails, of stone; 1 sieve, of stone. 1 tall kanduru-vessel, of stone. 2 agannu-bowls, of stone; 3 8 ilqillatu-vesseis, of stone. 1 container of oil; wadha is its name. 3 kukkubu-containers, of stone; namia is its name. 2 headrests, of stone. 1 headrest, of duiu-stone. 1 bowl, of white stone; zillafeta is its name. 9 containers of oil, of white stone; wadha is its name. The total of empty stone-vessels: 160 and 3 . 49

55

60

50

51

65

70

33

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

75

117 whetstones, for a barber. 9 boxes, of ebony and ivory, delicate work.? 2 boxes, of ebony and ivory, delicate work, (called) 2 ^ . 5 3 2

IV

[ . . . } . . . , of ebony and ivory, delicate work. 6 (pairs of) animal paws, of stained ivory. 9 plants, of stained ivory, [...]... 10 plants, various sorts, of stained ivory. 5 29 "cucumbers," containers of oil, of stained ivory. 44 containers of oil, decorated' with apples, pomegranates, dates, 54 (and) kurumanu, of stained ivory. 375 containers of oil, of stained ivory, [ . . . } (called) [z]a. 19 combs,55 of stained ivory. 10 1 9 toggle pins, of stained ivory. 13 boxes, of stained ivory, (called) upfa.^ 3 headrests, of stained ivory. 3 kukkubu-Q.ov&vxT&v.s, of stained ivory; kuba is its name. 3 oxen, containers of oil, of stained ivory. 15 3 ibexes,^ containers of oil, of stained ivory. 1 small container (of aromatics), of stained ivory, and [ . . . } in its center, and 1 ox on top. [ . . . ] . . . , of stained ivory. [ . . . , of e}bony, called mahan. ( 2 0 - 6 2 scattered signs and phrases) 6

NOTES 1.

For the restoration, see VAB 2 / 2 , p. 1 5 8 6 ; Kiihne, p . 7 0 , n. 3 4 2 ; ibid.,

p. 7 1 , n. 3 4 7 (line 4: "when he (Burna-Buriyas) gave his daughter to him"). T h e inventory of EA 1 4 is characterized by the frequent addition of the Egyptian names of the various objects, for which see especially T. Lambdin, Or n.s. 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p p . 362fF.; Edel, Brief; idem, Studien zur Altagyptischen ( 1 9 7 4 ) pp. i05fF., 2 9 5 ; Helck, Beziehungen, 2.

Kultur 1

esp. pp. 37off.

sukkukat.

3 . Cf. ii 1 1 . 4. [... pp.

n

\eh-l]i-pa-ak-ki,

a kind of glass; see Oppenheim, J AOS 9 3 ( 1 9 7 3 )

259E 5 . See EA 1 3 : 9 . 6. { . . . sa ti-i\k-ki\

also i 1 6 . Cf. ii 2 and sa tikki, "necklace" (Edel, Brief

p.

142). 7. iii 3 5 .

34

Here and passim, sAm-mu-hu (AHw, p. 1 0 1 7 ; CAD,

S, p . 1 0 9 ) ; cf. EA 2 2

EA 14 8.

[x ku-ku-bu

sa K U . G I I D U } G ; cf. ii 5 0 .

9. "Sweet oil" ( I D U G , samnu tabu—d.

EA 2 6 : 6 5 ,

1

ta-a-ba),

in recipes of

the O l d Babylonian period, contained no oil, but rather the best beer plus a wide range of aromatics, dates, figs, and other substances; see Robert M . W h i t i n g , J r . , Old Babylonian Heb.

Letters from Tell Asmar,

A S 2 2 (Chicago, 1 9 8 7 ) , pp. 1 0 7 - 8 . On

semen fob, see L . Stager, JSS 2 8 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p. 2 4 5 . 10.

Perhaps the designation of a container according to its form (Gordon).

11.

[ . . . du-ti-n~]i-du

(tudinetu);

cf. iv 1 0 . O n the tudittu,

see H . Klein, ZA

7 3 ( ^ 8 3 ) pp. 2 5 5 f f . ; Farber, in Rochberg-Halton, ed., Language,

Literature,

and

History (see EA 1 3 , n. 2 2 ) , p p . 96ff. 12.

Cf. i 6 3 .

13.

In line 5 3 , perhaps Canaan is mentioned; cf. ii 2 6 . T

1

14.

1 qi-U- su-

tP [sa E I (Gordon); cf. iii 3 8 , iv 5.

15.

1 du-ra-h{u

i-ri\a q[d]-ab-la-t[u-u]s-su;

16.

In EA, G A L is probably to be read kasu,

not absolutely certain; see CAD,

1 5 9 ; MARI,

"cup, goblet," though this is

K , p. 2 5 6 b . For the reading and meaning

elsewhere, see K . Deller, Baghdader Durand, ARMT

ci. ii 9.

Mitteilungen

1 6 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . 327fF.; J . - M .

2 1 , p. 3 5 1 ; idem, AEM 1 / 1 , p p . 4 2 1 - 2 2 ; H . Limet, ARM 2 5 , p.

4 , pp. 5 1 8 - 1 9 ; W . Mayer, Or n.s. 5 8 ( 1 9 8 9 ) p . 2 7 4 .

17.

It is assumed that mihhus = muhhus; cf. CAD, M / 2 , p . 8 3 b .

18.

meqitu.

19. 20.

tatbtku. T h e pwt and pu-wa-ti

found at U g a r i t , probably "madder," are not

relevant here; see Huehnergard, Ugaritic 21.

According to CAD,

Vocabulary,

p. 1 6 6 .

M / 2 , p. 3 8 , here and in ii 5 8 , mesenu (sa sepi) is a

buckle, not the sandal itself. 22.

sahharu; also ii 5 4 , iii 7 0 , iv 1 8 . Cf. st'-ha-ru,

ARMT

2 5 , 8 1 8 passim and

note, p. 2 8 9 . 23.

qanu.

24.

( ( E ) ) mi-qi-ti;

25.

quppii rather than quppu,

cf. ii 3 and note E in previous line.

26.

nalpattu,

"chest"; cf. AHw,

p. 9 2 8 b .

a small (metal) bowl or ladle, used with an oil-container (ii

5 3 ) and by a barber (ii 5 5 - 5 6 , 6 1 ; iii 6 - 7 ) . Here, rather than "with claws" (CAD, N/i,

p. 2 0 2 ) , AHw, p . 7 2 4 , sees the nalpattu 27.

sa sarri,

and sa assat

used "for fingernails."

sarri and sa marti sarri in ii 1 3 — 1 4 , respectively,

hardly means "for the king," "for the wife/daughter of the king," since everything is for the king, and additional small presents for the king's wife and daughter would not be listed here; cf. Kiihne, p. 6 9 , n. 3 4 1 . N o t e , too, the shift in ii 13—14 to lamassu

or lamassatu,

a female figurine, when the gift is "of the king's wife/

daughter"; cf. also EA 2 4 § 2 5 (end); 2 7 : i 9 f f . 28.

Following an unpublished proposal of

29.

sussugu

= sassugu,

CAD.

with G . W i l h e l m , A O A T 9, p. 3 1 , n. 5; see also K .

Veenhof, BiOr 2 5 ( 1 9 6 4 ) p. 1 9 7 a . 30. 994,

1«

i 5

5

S

M A / « 8 ' E R E N . . . 6 « ' M A . H I . A ru-ku-bu

and CAD,

. . . . with AHw, pp. 1 9 9 ,

E , p. 2 7 6 ; see also Edel, Brief, p. 1 2 7 , n. 1. CAD's

children can pull" does not translate the text, assuming sa sehheriiti... text's sehheriiti

"which

instead of the

sa....

35

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

31.

Cf. i 7 4 .

32.

du-ul-lu

33.

mabru, a West-Semitized form of nabru, a type of vessel? Cf. malbalu

q[a]-at-nu

= dullu S I G (also iii 7 5 - 7 6 , iv 1); see CAD,

D , p.

176b. nalbafu

for

in E A 3 6 9 : 9 , a letter from E g y p t . 34.

A s s u m i n g , with ARMT

7, p. 3 0 8 , no mistake in gender concord, and

therefore taking rabd as a substantive. However, such a mistake seems probable in iii 6 2 . 35.

Perhaps a vessel in the shape of a donkey; for the motif, characteristic of

Egyptian art, see Sally D u n h a m , ZA 7 5 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . 2 5 9 - 6 0 . 36.

For the reading of this entry, see CAD,

K , p . 3 1 6 . T h e identification of

5

8 ' T A S K A R I N as boxwood is still not universally accepted; see Ugar. 5 , p. 3 1 9 ; R . Borger, Akkadische uM

Zeichenliste,

A O A T S 6, p. 8 8 , no. 5 3 6 . O n the identification of

at this period as Ethiopian ebony, see van Lerberghe, in Stol, On Trees, Moun­

tains,

and Millstones

Durand, ARMT

in the Ancient Near

East

(Leiden, 1 9 7 9 ) , p p . 341T.

J.-M.

2 1 , p . 4 1 9 , in the final clause emends the text to sa fe-er (Durand:

ser)-fu ikessiru ina libbUunu,

which he understands in the sense that the handles are

attached by a strip of cloth. H e justifies the correction of D A to D U on the mistaken assumption that EA 1 4 comes from Mittani; see i b i d . , n. 1 0 6 . 37. ZA

tup-ni-nu

(also iii 4 7 , 7 5 ; iv 1 1 ) ; see ARMT

9, p . 3 2 5 , n. 2 ; von Soden,

6 7 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p. 2 3 8 ; Edel, Brief, p . 1 2 8 , n. 1. 38.

1 na-{ma]-a[rpa-ni

sa K U . B A B B A R N ) A ^ . { H I . A ) s[um]-m[u-h]u,

the following line, 1 na-[m]a-a{rpa-ni

and in

sa] K U . B A B B A R K [ U . G ] I ; cf. ii 7 5 , 7 7 . T h e

reading assumes signs that Knudtzon could see but are now no longer visible. N]A , 4

with Gordon. 39.

K A x U = pte (also iii 3 ) , as at Boghazkoy, U g a r i t (Ugar.

E m a r ( A r n a u d , Emar6/4,

5, p. 277),

and

7 8 3 passim, for example). Here perhaps "mouth" means r

"setting" (for stones; cf. AHw, p. 8 7 4 b ) . In line 6 8 , if

with VS 1 2 rather than 1 4

(Knudtzon). 40.

5 Gk*-x]-x-D#, w i t h VS 1 2 .

41.

For the reading and interpretation of lines n — 2 3 , see Edel, Studien

Altagyptischen 42.

Kultur

Reading 8

a d a

S A G . D U - a (fakattd). 4

AHw,

p. 1 1 3 9 , reads G A D A instead

of D U , and it is followed by Edel, Studien zur Altagyptischen M.

Birot, ARMT

418,

zur

1 (1974) pp. 1 1 6 - 2 5 , 1 3 8 - 4 6 , 2 9 5 . Kultur 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p. 1 3 9 .

9, p . 3 0 7 , suggested an undergarment; Durand, ARMT

a belt. See now gada-sa-ga-dii =

ku-u-sa-ga-da =

2 1 , p.

ne-be-hu (Emar

6/4,

556:56'). 43. tunzu,

t<x

1 M E 2 [ o ]Hu-un-zu,

see Waetzholdt, RLA

and in the next line, 5 {^&tu]-un-zu.

6 / 1 - 2 , p. 2 3 a ; cf. also tilzu (AHw,

O n the

p. 1 3 7 5 ;

M.

Green, JCS 3 0 [ 1 9 7 8 ] p . 1 5 0 ) . 44.

Reading with Edel, Studien zur Altagyptischen

AHw, p . 1 3 0 8 ) , . . . la pa-ni SU G A R

tdk-mu-uz-zi-e.

Kultur 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p. 1 2 5 (cf.

CAD, M / 2 , p. 2 4 6 , sees here

a colored decoration called la pan muse but offers no explanation of the inserted KUS.NfG N A

r

CAD).

la a- mi'

46.

For ami fabi,

124-25.

36

(so

4

45.

(cf. iii 2 9 ) . see Edel, Studien zur Altagyptischen

Kultur

1 (1974) pp.

EA

15

47.

That is, "(of) fine (threads)"; see Edel, Brief, p. 1 5 6 . miUu: gloss to Vil

48.

[x "^k]i-ir-re-tu

49.

[ . . . ] kd-an-du-ri-su-nu

(AHw,

p. 4 8 4 b ) . (cf. iii 6 4 ) ; on the reading sabnakii,

see Rainey,

2

A O A T 8 , p. 8 8 . 50.

CAD,

K , p. 4 0 9 a , sees in the "cripple" the bowlegged god Bes. T h i s

seems very plausible, since he was extremely popular at this time, his representa­ tion serving to ward off various evils; see D . Beyer, Miscellanea

Babylonica

(see

Introduction, n. 4 0 ) , p p . 4 2 - 4 3 . 2

51.

On luibta,

see Rainey, A O A T 8 , p. 9 5 .

52.

See above, n. 3 2 . A l l the uses of S I G as predicated of fabrics in EA 1 4

should be added to CAD, 53.

Q , p. 1 7 4 ; note, too, Emar 6 / 3 , 1 7 6 : 1 3 , subatu S I G .

T h e writing of za-a here and in iv 8, so much smaller than the other

signs, is noteworthy and unexplained. It was, according to L a m b d i n , Or n.s. 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p. 3 6 8 , a small vessel; according to E d e l „ Brief, p. 1 2 8 , n. 1, a type of container. 54.

5

< « ' > H A § H U R (Gordon) =

halhuru,

"apple (tree)," on which see A .

Sjoberg, JCS 4 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p. 1 7 4 , with reference to earlier literature, and M . C i v i l , in Rochberg-Halton, e d . , Language, 45.

Literature,

and History (see above, n. 1 1 ) , p.

J

«• 3 55.

5

«' GA.RiG

=

multulmulfu,

"comb"; on the Sumerogram, see C i v i l ,

A O A T 2 5 , p. 9 4 . 56.

On the Egyptian term, besides L a m b d i n , Or n.s. 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p . 3 6 8 , see

Edel, Brief, p. 1 2 8 , n. 1. 57.

A s s u m i n g du-Ia-hu

is an error for du-ra-hu;

cf. i 6 2 , iv 6 2 .

EA 15

Assyria joins the international scene Metropolitan Museum of Art 24.2.11. Scheil, Bulletin de I'lnstitut frangais d'archeologie orientate du Caire 2 (1902) p. 114; I. Spar, ed., Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art: Tablets, Cones, and Bricks of the Third and Second Millennia B.C., vol. 1 (New York, 1988), pis. 112-13. P H O T O G R A P H S : Bull, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 21 (1926) p. 170, fig. 1 (obverse); W. C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt, 2 (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), p. 296, fig. 182 (obverse). T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N S A N D T R A N S L A T I O N S : Artzi, Bar-llan Departmental Researches: Bar-llan Studies in History (1978), pp. 27f.; Moran, in I. Spar, ed., Cuneiform Texts (see above), pp. I49f. T R A N S L A T I O N : A. K . Grayson, Assyrian Royal Inscriptions, 1 (Wiesbaden, 1972), pp. 47f. TEXT:

COPIES:

37

THE AMARNA

LETTERS 1

2

Say to the king of Efgypt}: Thus Assur-ubal[Iit, the king of As]syria. For you, your household, for your {couri\try,?> for your chariots and your troops, may all go well. 7 - 1 5 I send my messenger to you to visit you and to visit your country. Up to now,' my predecessors have not written; today I write to you. [1} send you a beautiful chariot, 2 horses, [and] 1 date-stone of genuine lapis lazuli, as your greeting-gift. 1 6 - 2 2 Do [no}t delay the messenger whom I send to you for a visit. He should visit and then leave for here. He should see what you are like and what your country is like, and then leave for here. 4

6

7

8

9

NOTES 1.

Perhaps m[i-is-sa-ri];

cf.

EA

1 6 : 2 , unless the spelling is tied to

the

language (Hurro-Akkadian). 2.

For the restotation, cf. EA 1 6 : 3 ; on the emergence of the title "king of

Assyria," see R . Borger, Einleitung

in die assyrischen Konigsinschriften,

1 (Leiden,

1 9 6 1 ) , p. 2 6 . 3.

[ K U ) R most likely (so A t t z i , Bar-llan

Studies [see EA 1 5 headnote]); cf.

EA 1 6 : 5 . 4.

If interpreted correctly, the unusual word-order probably lays stress on

the fact of sending a messenger. 5 . adi annisa:

see Or n.s. 5 3 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p. 2 9 8 .

6. ah-ha-ii-ia:

following von Soden, p. 4 3 3 .

7 . u^-ma: following Knudtzon and Artzi (see n. 3 ) , since there is no basis in this letter for assuming the possibility of the peripheral writing of 8.

See A . Sachs, AfO

anumma.

1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 - 3 9 ) p. 3 7 1 , n. 1. On beads in the shape of

(unripe) dates, see A r t z i , p . 3 2 , n. 1 5 , and J . Bottero, RA 4 3 ( 1 9 4 9 ) pp. i4f.

On

the alleged connection between this bead and one found in E g y p t bearing a cuneiform inscription, see Borger, Einleitung 9. Assyrian

[l]a tu^-ka-as-su:

following CAD,

Royal

(see EA

Inscriptions

Spar's copy (Cuneiform

(see n. 2 ) , p p . 2off.

K , p . 2 9 5 b , with Artzi and Grayson,

1 5 headnote). This reading is confirmed by

Texts [see headnote above)).

EA 16

The profit motive TEXT:

C 4746 (12209).

C O P Y : WA

9-

TRANSLATION:

Grayson, Assyrian Royal Inscriptions, 1, pp. 48f.

Sfay] to . . . " [ . . . , Great King], king of Egypt, my brother: Thus Assur-uballit, king of [Assy]ria, Great King, your brother. 5 For you, your household and your country may all go well. 38

EA

16

6 - 8 When I saw your [me]ssfen]gers, I was very happy. Certainly your messengers shall reside with me as objects of grefat soli]citude. 9-12 I send as your greeting-gift a beautiful royal chariot outffitt]ed for me, and 2 white horses? also [out]ntted for me, 1 chariot not outfitted, and 1 seal of genuine lapis lazuli. 13-18 Is such a present that of a Great King?' Gold in your country is dirt; one simply gathers it u p . Why are you so sparing of it?? I am engaged in building a new palace. Send me as much gold as is needed for its adornment. 1 9 - 2 1 When Assur-nadin-aljhe, my ancestor, wrote to Egypt, 20 talents of gold were sent to him. 2 2 - 2 5 fW]hen the king of Hanigalbat *[wr}ote to your father in Egy[pt], [h]e sent 20 talents of gold to him. 2 6 - 3 1 [Now]' 1 am the [equal] of the king of Hani{galba]t, but you sent me [ . . . ] of gold, and it is not enough ffjor the pay ^ of my messengers on the journey to and back. 3 2 - 3 4 If your purpose is graciously one of friendship, send me much gold. And this is your house. Write me so what you need may be fetched. 35—36 We are countries far apart. Are our messengers to be always on the march with (only) such results? 37-42 As to your messengers having been delayed in reaching you, Suteans had been their pursuers (and) they were in mortal danger. [I] detfain]ed them until I could write and the pursuing Suteans be taken for me. Surely my messengers are not to be delayed in reaching me. 4 3 5 5 Why should messengers be made to stay constantly out in the sun and so die in the sun? If staying out in the sun means profit for the king, then let him (a messenger) stay out and let him die right there in the sun, (but) for the king himself there must be a profit. Or otherfwijse, why should they [d]ie in the sun? As to the messengers we have exchanged} . . . do they keep [my] messengers alive} They are made to die in the sun! 2

4

6

8

9

10

1

12

1

14

15

-

16

11

18

NOTES 1 . T h e reading of the name is uncertain. Instead of (Knudtzon, and generally accepted), Gordon read

m

n[a-a]p-hu-lr}i-i-x

mr

hu-[r]uJ[t]a.-bu-ri-i-[tu'-[x-x.

I thought the last sign might be 'a, ' replacing y as glide. If Gordon's reading of the beginning of the name is correct, then only hpr-hprw-r',

the praenomen of A y a ,

seems comparable. 2.

tfk'-ni-e

is virtually certain. Reference is to the care and honors shown

messengers (see EA 1, n. 2 5 ) , concrete expressions of, and implied by, the happi-

39

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

ness just mentioned. J o y moves, almost necessarily, to external expression; cf. Moses Finley, The World of Odysseus, rev. ed. ( N e w York, 1 9 6 5 ) , p . 1 3 2 . See also G a r y A . Anderson, A Time to Mourn, A Time to Dance: The Expression of Grief and Joy in Israelite Religion (University Park, P a . , 1 9 9 1 ) . 3 . W h i t e horses were highly prized; see Weidner, BiOr 9 ( 1 9 5 2 ) p p . i 5 7 f f . , and AHw,

p. 8 5 7 a (add ARM

1 0 , 1 4 7 ; ARM

1 4 , 4 0 , and 9 8 ) . In the classical

world, they were proverbial for their speed (Iliad x 4 3 7 ; Aeneid xii 8 4 ; Plautus, Asinaria

2 7 9 ; Horace, Satires i 7.7); see C . J . Fordyce, Catullus

(Oxford, 1 9 6 1 ) , p.

2334.

1 " S K l S l B Z A . G l N KUR-e.

5 . O n the sentence as question, see von Soden, p. 4 3 4 . Reference is to the gifts brought by the Egyptian messengers of lines 6ff. T h e topic of the size of the gifts, introduced by a rhetorical question, occupies lines 1 3 - 3 6 , concluding with another rhetorical question (kanna

. . . kammd). Lines 3 7 — 4 2 take up the risks of

the journey between Assyria and E g y p t , and the concluding section, lines 4 3 - 5 5 , combines the two: size of gifts (profit) and risks. 6. i-is-si-pu-us

(esepu): following von Soden, p. 4 3 4 .

7 . L i t . "why must it linger on in your sight (f«?)/presence (pant)" 1 0 0 6 , I I , 3 ; CAD,

(AHw, p.

S, p . 4 7 a ) .

8. ekalla esleta (Knudtzon), not ella (von Soden, p. 4 3 4 ) ; note the feminine suffixes of uhhuzt-Ja

and hilehti-Ia

in the following lines (Huehnergard).

9. Opinion is divided on the identification of the Assyrian king, whether the one who ruled before 1 4 3 0 B . C . (so Kiihne, p p . 7 7 f . , n. 3 8 7 ) , or the one who ruled 1 4 0 0 - 1 3 9 1 ( 1 3 9 0 - 1 3 8 1 ) B . C . (so A r t z i , Bar-Ilan

Studies in History, 1 9 7 8 , p.

3 6 , and others). Twenty talents is such a large sum and so much greater than the value of the gifts usually exchanged that, if the number is at all accurate, there is probably reference to bride-price gifts (Kiihne, 7 7 f . , n. 3 8 7 ) ; cf. EA 1 4 ii 3 4 ( 1 2 0 0 minas = 10.

2 0 talents).

Reference here could be to the bride-price of either TuSratta's sister or

daughter; see EA 11.

ijff.

[a-nu-ma]: possible in this dialect, but perhaps [a-na-ku], "I myself,"

is preferable. 12.

[me-eh-re]-ku (Friedrich in Kiihne, p. 7 8 , n. 3 8 9 ) , or a virtual syn­

onym, [sa-ni-na}-£# (von Soden, p. 4 3 4 ) . 13.

Sachs, AfO 1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 - 3 9 ) p p . 3 7 i f .

1 4 . See von Soden, p. 4 3 4 . r

,

1 5 . a k-td -la-ifu-nu:

following von Soden, ibid.; the reading is virtually

certain. T h e language of lines 37ff. is ambiguous and open to several interpreta­ tions: mttu (line 3 9 ) , as to its subject (Suteans? so generally; Egyptian messengers? so CAD,

M / i , p . 4 2 3 b ) and meaning (literal? so generally, but cf. mitu, said of

people in mortal danger, CAD,

M / 2 , p. 1 4 3 ) ; radii, "pursuer"? (so generally) or

"guide"? (so Kupper, Les nomades en MSsopotamie au temps des rois de Mart [Paris, 1 9 5 7 ] , p. 1 0 0 ) . I take la in the sense of "as to" (Middle Babylonian, A r o , StOr 2 0 , p p . i46f.; O l d Assyrian? cf. AHw, uhhirunikku

and maru

UprTya

uhharuni

p . 1 1 1 8 , 9 b ) , thus making maru parallel constructions;

intransitive or indefinite third plural subject (cf. CAD,

uhhuru,

liprtka either

M / i , p . 4 2 3 b ) . Also pos­

sible: "The ones who delayed . . . were the Suteans" (so generally). If the dead or

40

EA

17

those in mortal danger are the Egyptians rather than the Suteans, we would have a clearer connection with lines 43fF. 16.

Lines 43ft". have been given many interpretations, mainly because of

setu or situ: "pestilence" (VAB

2

2 / 2 , p . 1 5 8 7 ; H e l c k , Beziehungen ,

p. 1 8 3 ) ; "depri­

vation, fatigue" (Kiihne, p . 8 3 , n. 4 1 8 ; cf. von Soden, p . 4 3 4 ) ; "sun, open air" (CAD,

$ , p. 1 5 2 ; AHw,

p. 1 0 9 5 b ) ; "foreign country" (Knudtzon; Edzard, AS 1 6 ,

p. 1 1 3 ) . T h e Assyrian king probably refers to the long journeys mentioned in lines 351T., especially the heat and other dangers of the desert (cf. EA 7 : 5 3 1 ! . ) . Donald B . Redford, Akhenaten,

the Heretic King (Princeton, 1 9 8 4 ) , p. 2 3 5 , sees here a

reference to Amenophis IV's holding audiences in the sun, thus worshipping his father. 17.

»;'-/{/-tap-pa-ru], or perhaps the present tense (-ta-na-ap-).

18.

# ' - b a r - [ l } a - / £ - a is probable; subject, indefinite third plural.

r

EA 17

A Mittani bid for a renewed alliance TEXT:

BM 29792.

C O P Y : BB

9.

A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler, pp. 122-25. Kitchen, Suppiluliuma, 1 protagonisti della storia universale, fasc. 66 (Milan, 1966), p. 260, figs. 2 - 3 ; Giles, Ikhnaton: Legend and History, pi. X I (obverse). TRANSLITERATION PHOTOGRAPHS:

Sa[y] to Nibmuareya, the k[ing of Egypt}, my brother: Thus Tuiseratta, the king of [M]ittani, your brother. For me all goes well. For you may all go well. For Kelu-Heba may all go well. For your household, for your wives, for your sons, for your magnates, for your warriors, for your horses, for your chariots, and in your country, may all go very well. 1 1 - 2 0 When I sat on the throne of my father, I was young, and U D - i i i had done an unseemly thing to my country and had slain his lord. For this reason he would not permit me friendship with anyone who loved m e . I, in turn, was not remiss about the unseemly things that had been done in my land, and I slew the slayers of Arta[s]umara, my brother, and everyone belonging to them. 3 2 1 - 2 9 Since you were friendly with my father, I have accordingly written and told you so my brother might hear of these things and rejoice. My father loved you, and you in turn loved my father. In keeping with this love, my father [g]ave you my sister. [And w}ho els[e] stood with my father [a}s you did? 3 0 - 3 5 [The ver]y next year^ moreover, my brother's . . . all the land of Hatti. When the enemy advanced against [my] country, Tessup, 1

2

4

6

41

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

my lord, gave him into my hand, and I defeated him. There was [n]ot one of them who return[ed] to his own country. 3 6 - 3 8 I herewith send you 1 chariot, 2 horses, 1 male attendant, 1 female attendant, from the booty from the land of Hatti. 3 9 - 4 0 As the greeting-gift of my brother, I send you 5 chariots, 5 teams of horses. 4 1 - 4 5 And as the greeting-gift of Kelu-Heba, my sister, I send her I set of gold toggle-pins, 1 set of gold (ear)rings, 1 gold mashu-t'mgv and a scent container that is full of "sweet oil." 4 6 - 5 0 1 herewith send Keliya, my chief minister, and Tunip-ibri. May my brother let them go promptly so they can report back to me promptly, and I hear the greeting of my brother and rejoice. 5 1 - 5 4 May my brother seek friendship with me, and may my brother send his messengers to me that they may bring my brother's greetings to me and I hear them. 7

8

NOTES 1 . T h e exact implications of "young"—legally a minor or something less precise?—are not clear; see Kiihne, p. 1 9 , n. 8 4 , and cf. R S 3 4 . 1 2 9 : 5 - 7 (Ugar.

7,

pi. XI): "Now, there by you the king, your lord, is young (seher); he knows nothing (mimma la tde)," and so the correspondent writes to an official instead. O n this letter, see M . Dietrich and O . Loretz, UF 1 0 ( 1 9 7 8 ) pp. 53fF., and Lehmann, UF I I ( 1 9 7 9 ) PP- 48iff. 2.

On "love," see the Introduction, sect. 4 , n. 5 9 .

3 . Literally, "everything belonging to them," but the verb "to kill" argues for primary reference to persons (families and households of the traitors). 4 . {la k]i-i

ka-a-sa,

previous line, sa-n[u-ti]

following Kiihne, p . 1 8 , n. 7 8 . A t the end of the

(Knudtzon) is certain (against Adler).

5 . (i-n]a T I (for M U . T I , balaf)-ma;

{nu-kur]-//-fl&? (Adler) is not supported

by the traces. 6.

1

3 1 Id-i" ( B B 9; Adler, despite VAB 2 / 1 , p . 1 3 3 , note g ) is excluded.

7 . O n suharu

and suhartu,

Edzard, ed., Gesellschaftsklassen Gebieten,

see Ugar.

5, p. 1 3 5 , n. 3 ; A . Finet, in D . O .

im Alten Zweistromland

und in den

angrenzenden

Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Klasse, N F 7 5

(Munich, 1 9 7 2 ) , p p . 65£f. 8. T h e exact implications of "set" (pair?) are not clear; see Farber, in Rochberg-Halton, ed., Language,

Literature,

and History (see EA 1 3 , n. 2 2 ) , p p .

97-98. 9. According to Adler, mashu is a Kassite loanword, "god," here a represen­ tation of a god. However, the restriction of the term to a Hurrian milieu (Mittani, Alalakh, Qatna) argues against such a derivation.

42

EA

18

EA 18

A lost message T E X T : VAT

1880

( + ) VAT

COPIES:

11,

(cf.

VS

8

TRANSLITERATION

WA

1879217

[ + ] 230

A N D TRANSLATION:

Too fragmentary for translation.

=

226).

Adler, pp. 126-27.

1

NOTE i.

T h e two fragments may not belong to the same letter (Michel A r t z i ,

private communication; cf.,

however, VAB

2 / 1 , p.

1 3 4 , note b), and neither

fragment has the same clay as the other Mittani letters (letter of Allan Dobel, Dec. 1 0 , 1 9 7 5 ; cf. A . Dobel, F. Asaro, and H . V. Michel, Or n.s. 4 6 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p p . 3 7 5 f f - , 2

s

and AfO 2 5 [ 1 9 7 4 - 7 7 ] P- 5 9 ) - I t ' questionable, therefore, whether they belong to the Mittani archive.

EA 19

Love and gold TEXT:

BM 29791.

C O P Y : BB

8.

P H O T O G R A P H S : E. Budge and L. King, A Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities (London, 1900), pi. X X V I ; in 2d ed. (1908), pi. X X X I X (obverse). T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler, pp. 128-35.

Say to Nimmureya, Great King, the king of Egypt, [my] brother, my son-in-law, who loves me, and whom I lovfe]: Message of Tusratta, Great King, [your] father-in-law, who loves you, the king of Mittani, your brother. For me all goes well. For you may all go well. For your household, for my sister, for the rest of your wives, for your sons, for your chariots, for your horses, for your warriors, for your country, and for whatever else belongs to you, may all go very, very well. 9 - 1 6 As far back as the time of your ancestors, they always showed love to my ancestors. You yourself went even further and showed very great love to my father. Now, in keeping with our constant and mutual love,4 you have made it ten times greater than the love shown my father. May the gods grant it, and may Tessup, my lord, and Aman make flouriishp for evermore, just as it is now, this mutual love of ours. 1 7 - 2 4 When my brother sent Mane, his messenger, saying, "Send your daughter here to be my wife and the mistress of Egypt," I caused 1

2

3

43

THE AMARNA

LETTERS 6

my brother no distress and immediately I said, "Of course!" The one whom my brother requested I showed to Mane, and he saw her. When he saw her, he praised her greatly. I will l\ea~\d her? in safety to my brother's country. May Sauska and Aman make her the image of my brother's desire. 2 5 - 2 9 Keliya, my messenger, brou[ght] my brother's words to me, and when I heard (them), they were very pleasing, and I rejoiced very, very much, saying, "Certainly there is this between us: we love each other." Now, with such words let us love (each other) forevermore. 3 0 - 3 3 When I wrote to my brother, I said, "Let us love (each other) very, very much, and between us let there be friendship." I also said to my brother, "May my brother treat me ten times better than he did my father." 3 4 - 3 8 I also asked my brother for much gold, saying, "May my brother grant me more than he did to my father and send it to me. You sent my father much gold. You sent him large gold jars and gold j u g s . You se[nt him] gold bricks as if they were (just) the equivalent of copper." 3 9 - 4 2 When I sent Keliya to my brother, I asked for [much] gold, saying, "May my brother treat me [ten times] better than he did my father, and may he send much gold that has not been worked." 4 3 - 4 8 May my brother send me much more than he did to my father. Thus did I say to my brother: "I am going to build a mausoleum for my grandfather." ^ I also said, "In accordance with a favorable answer, * I am going to make the paraphernalia." And thus did I also say: "The gold that my brother sends me may he send for the bride-price as well." ' 8

9

10

11

12

1

1

1

4 9 - 5 3 Now my brother has sent the gold. I say, "It may be little or not, not a little but much. Still, it has been worked. But though it has been worked, I rejoiced over it much, and whatever it was my brother sent, I am happy about it."' 5 4 - 5 8 I now hereby write to my brother, and may my brother show me much more love than he did to my father. I hereby ask for gold from my brother, and the gold that I ask for from my brother is meant for a double purpose: one, for the mausoleum, and the other, for the bride-price. 5 9 - 7 0 May my brother send me in very great quantities gold that has not been worked, and may my brother send me much more gold than he did to my father. In my brother's country, gold is as plentiful as dirt. May the gods grant that, just as now gold is plentiful in my 6

44

EA

19

17

brother's country, he make it even ten times more plentiful than now. May the gold that I ask for not become a source of distress to my brother, and may my brother not cause me distress. May my brother send me in very large quantities gold that has not been worked. What­ ever my brother needs for his house, let him write and take (it). I will give ten times more than what my brother asks for. This country is my brother's country, and this house is my brother's house. 71—79 I herewith send my messenger, Keliya, to my brother, and may my brother not detain him. May he let him go promptly so that he may be on his way and I hear my brother's greeting and rejoice exceed­ ingly. Forevermore may I constantly hear the greeting of my brother. May Tessup, my lord, and Aman grant that these words that we shall be constantly writing achieve their purpose, and may they be, as long as they exist,' just as they are now. Just as we love (each other) now, exactly as now, so may we love (each other) forevermore. 80—85 I herewith send as my brother's greeting-gift: 1 gold gob­ let, with inlays of genuine lapis lazuli in its handle;' 1 maninnunecklace, with a counterweight, 20 pieces of genuine lapis lazuli, and 1 9 pieces of gold, its centerpiece being of genuine lapis lazuli set in gold; 1 maninnu-neckiace, with a counterweight, 42 genuine hulalu-stones, and 40 pieces of gold shaped like arzallu-stones, its centerpiece being of genuine hulalu-stone set in gold; 1 0 teams of horses; 1 0 woodenchariots along with everything belonging to them; and 30 women (and) men. 3 8

9

20

21

22

2

NOTES 1 . On umma,

"message," see Introduction, n. 5 2 .

2.

E R I N . G A L ( . M E § , EA 2 0 : 6 ) : logogram for huradu {CAD,

3.

O n lines 9 - 1 3 , see A . Poebel, AS 9, pp. 2 9 - 3 0 .

4 . inanna atta ki it-ti-{(ia))

a-ha-mel nirtana'

S, p. 50a)?

'amu: if the suffix is retained, the

syntax is extremely difficult; besides, in the Amarna letters ahamis

is never used

independently (except EA 2 9 : 4 8 ? ) , but only with a preposition: ana (EA 4 , 7, and 9, all Babylonia); itti (EA 6, 8 - 1 0 , Babylonia; 1 6 2 , E g y p t ; 1 9 : 2 8 , a line closely parallel to 1 9 : 1 2 ) . 5.

li-ne-ep-pf-[su]:

against the reading li-ne-eb-bi-[u]

(Knudtzon,

followed

by Adler) are the implicit assumption of an uncontracted form (an Assyrianism? cf. EA 2 5 ii 4 1 ) and the meaning of nubbu, which, except perhaps at Emar, does not mean "to proclaim," but "to lament." nuppusu,

"to broaden, expand," seems

plausible. 6. inapandtim-ma,

lit. "among the very first things"; hardly "previously, on

an earlier occasion" (Adler), which ill accords with the context; cf. EA 2 9 : 2 2 . O n the particle -maku (annt-maku), n.

here and elsewhere in EA, I follow Kiihne, p. 2 4 ,

in.

45

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

7 . lu-u-x-Ii: x = [b]a (Knudtzon; Winckler, K B 5, p. 3 4 ) ; du ( B B ) ; is (Adler, is-lim); [r]u (Gordon). T h e traces are extremely faint; I follow Gordon. 8. Cf. EA 2 0 : 2 f f . 5

9. it-ta-s[e-m]a: it-ta-s[a]r (Knudtzon), as if from mussuru, would be an unparalleled form. Against simply it-ta-s[e] (Adler) is the probable trace of a vertical (see VAB 2 / 1 , p. 1 0 0 1 , no. 2 0 , which also argues against it-ta-b[a]l;

cf.

Kiihne, p. 2 6 , n. 1 1 7 ) . 1 0 . s^KIRIg is a play-writing for kirret (CAD, K , p. 4 1 0 b ; Adler, p. 1 3 0 , n. 4 ) . A pin or the like (kirissu), a typically female adornment, does not seem a likely gift for a king (against AHw, p. 4 8 4 ) . 1 1 . ktma la er$ ma-su-u: cf. masu with the accusative (number of times), "reach, come to." Perhaps ma-su-u, "as if they were (only) refined copper" (CAD, M / 2 , p . 3 0 ) ; "when ones of copper would have sufficed" (Adler) seems much too free. 1 2 . la hpra la epsu does not mean "that cannot be counted" (Knudtzon, followed by Zaccagnini, Lo scambio dei doni nel Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV—XIII (Rome, 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 8 5 , and Pintore, Matrimonio, p. 1 4 8 , n. 4 3 ) ; see AHw, p p . i 2 4 5 f . , esp. 1 2 4 6 , 9a. O n this passage, see also von Schuler, ZA 5 3 ( 1 9 6 1 ) p p . i9of., and Kiihne, p . 2 5 , n. 1 1 5 . N o t e , too, that earlier, at Mari, metals are given ana siprim, "for working" (Limet, MARI 4 , p. 5 1 2 ) . 1 3 . O n karalku, "mausoleum," see Kiihne, p. 2 5 , n. 1 1 4 . (However, HSS 1 3 , 1 6 5 , does not refer to cremation; see Diakonoff and Jankowska, AoF 2 [ 1 9 7 5 } pp. i 3 i f . ) . 1 4 . Following Kiihne, p. 2 4 , n. 1 1 1 . Against taking a-as-ni as if from lanu, "to do a second time" (Pintore, Matrimonio, p. 1 4 8 , n. 4 5 ; Adler), is the restric­ tion in the Mittani letters of initial V-VC writings to verbs primae aleph and primae w a w (Adler, p p . iof.). 1 5 . ana terhatim-ma:

-ma, "also, likewise"; cf. EA 1 9 : 5 8 .

1 6 . For slightly different versions of lines 4 9 - 5 3 , see Kiihne, p. 2 4 , n. m , and Adler, who thinks that the entire passage is ironic. 1 7 . T h e subject in the singular is surprising and probably an error; one expects a plural referring to "the gods" (Adler). 1 8 . adi sunu-ma 1 9 . O n sakru,

(independent pronoun). "handle," see EA 2 2 i 3 3 .

2 0 . O n qablu in a necklace referring to the centerpiece, the part lying lowest on the breast, see Durand, ARMT 2 1 , p. 2 4 2 . d

2 1 . j « - » J ) - ^ / - I N A N N A : following AHw, p. 1 0 5 4 ; for the equivalence, arzallu, see also CAD, A / 2 , p . 3 2 4 . Cf. arzallu as a piece of jewelry in N e o Babylonian times, when apparently it was also made of gold. 2 2 . See EA 3 , n. 1 7 . 2 3 . In HSS 1 6 , 1 0 : 7 5 , S A L . N I T A . M E S means "women (and) men," a usage, as noted by W i l h e l m , Das Archiv des Silwa-TeHup, 2 (Wiesbaden, 1 9 8 0 ) , p. 7 3 , that seems pertinent here. In Emar 6/3, 2 1 7 : 8 and 2 5 6 : 8 , 1 1 , the logogram refers to children, female and male; see Durand, NABU, 1 9 8 9 , no. 5 5 . Perhaps the common denominator was "subordinate members of a household." See also the discussion of S A L . U § ( N I T A ) in CAD, S , p p . 2i6f.

46

EA 20

EA 20

Humiliation and wounded feelings TEXT:

VAT 191 (not collated).

COPIES:

WA

22;

VS

TRANSLITERATION

11,

9.

A N D TRANSLATION:

Adler, pp. 136-43.

Say [to Nim]mureya, the king of [Egypt], my brother, my son-inlaw, [whom I l]ove and who love[s me: Thus T]usratta, the king of Mitt[ani], your father-in-law, [who l]oves you, your brother. [Fo]r me all goes well. For you [may a]ll go well. For your household, for [your] wives, for your [s]ons, for your magnates, [fpr] your [ch]ariots, for your horses, for your warriors, [f]or your country and whatever else belongs to you, may all go very, very well. 8-13 In view of friendly relations, Mane, my brother's messenger, came to take my brother's wife to become the mistress of Egypt. 1 read and reread the tablet that he brought to me, and I listened to its words. Very pleasing indeed were the words of my brother. I rejoiced on that day as if I had seen my brother in person. I made that day and night a [fes]tive occasion. 14-17 I will carry out my brother's eve[ry] word [t]hat Mane brought to me. I will now, t[hi]s year, del[iver] my brother's wife, the mistress of Egypt, and they will bring her to my brother. On t[hat] day shall Hanigalbat and Egypt be [owe]1 8 - 2 2 For this reason, Ma[n]e {has been detainedhe]re a while. [I was going to se]nd Keliya and Mane promptly, but I had not finished. They should be of delicate workmanships It [th]us (came) to letting the w[or]k go, and I did not do the work, in order to d[o] ten times (more) for my brother's wife. But now I will do the work. 23—27 Within six months, I will send Keliya, my messenger, and Mane my brother's mes[senger]. I will delifver] my brother's wife and they will bring her to my brother. May Sauska, my mistress, the mi[stress of all lands and of m]y [brother],! and Aman, the god of my brother, make her the ima[ge] of [my brother's desire]. 2 8 - 3 2 They will bring [hi]s [wife] to my brother, and whe[n they show her to] my brother, [he will no]te this: she has become very mature, and . . . [ . . . She] has been fashioned according to my brother's desire. And, furthermore], my brother [will note th]at [the greeting-gi]ft that I shall present [is greater] than any before. 3 3 - 3 8 / herewith [send] Haaramass[i, w]hom my brother [sent] to 1

2

3

4

6

8

47

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

{me}. I have entrusted him with a tablet. [May my brother read and] reread my} re{port] and hear its words. I herewith] send [Haara]massi to my brother . . . [ . . . ] , my brother, did I not tre[at] his troops well? { . . . } 3 9 - 4 5 • •• 4 6 - 5 9 [And with regard to the gold] that my brother sent [ . . . ] , I gathered together all my [foreign-gu]ests. [My] brother, before all of them, [the gold that he sent] has now been cu[t o]pe[n^> .. .a]ll of them. They were sealed, but the gold [ . . . ] . They were full of [.. . ] , and they wept very much, saying, "Are all of these gold? They do not lo[ok (like gold)]." They said, "In Egypt, gold is more plentiful] than dirt. Be­ sides, my brother loves you very much. (But) if there be someone whom he loves, then he would not giv[e] such things to him. [What]ever is needed is in Egypt more plentiful than dirt, [and] anyone can give anyone J (else) so many things [that] they are beyond calculation." I said, "I cannot say [be]fore you, as I am used to sa[ying], 'My [brother], the king of Egypt, loves me very, very much.'" 60-63 My brother will consider whether I was somewhat dis­ tressed or not. May he forgive mel * Never again may Tessup, my lord, permit me to complain against my brother. Thus have I spoken to my brother that my brother might know. 6 4 - 7 0 1 have honored Mane, my brother's messenger, [and] all my brother's [tr]oo[ps] who accompanied Mane, and I have treated them with great distinction. Mane will indeed arrive, and my brother should [in]quire carefully from him whether I showed him very great honors. He will tell my brother, and my brother will hear from all of them whether I treated them just as was required. Mane is not dying. Truly, he is just the same, and he is not ill.' 7 1 - 7 9 May my brother send me much gold that has not been worked, and may my brother treat me even better than he did my father. May Tessup and Aman grant that my brother show his love for me, that my brother greatly glorify me before my country and before my foreign guests. Forever will I do what my brother wants, and my brother shall do what I want. Just as men love the Sun, so may we as now—may the gods grant us!—forever maintain love [in] our [heartjs. 80-84 [I herewit]h send to my brother as my brother's greetinggift 1 rope-lock, [the . . . of which is o f . . . ] and its base of hiliba-stone set in gold; [ . . . that] holds in its hand [ . . . ] ; [ . . . ] with beads of genuine hulalu-stone set in gold, that is meant for the hand [...] ... 10

11

12

1

1

5

16

17

48

EA

20

NOTES 1 . See EA 2.

19:7.

Tusratta's daughter was not going to replace Teye (cf. EA 2 6 ) , and

Tusratta certainly knew it; see Kiihne, p. 2 7 , n. 1 2 0 . In line 8,

it-ta-[d]l-ka,

following Adler. 3.

[1-en a-mi]-lu-#-t[u], lit. "one man(hood)," following Adler.

4.

i[k-ka-la-a] u-ba-an:

cf. Knudtzon's [.. .]-a; adverbial ubdn (see AHw, p.

1 3 9 9 a ) , if correct, is perhaps better taken with what follows ("I was just about to send . . . " ) . r

5.

uMma-as-s]ar-iw-««-// (Kiihne, p. 2 8 , n. 1 2 7 ) u la aq-ti

Knudtzon translated as if the text read akalla-sunu;

lu

Kiihne emends to

qat-nu:

ak-ta'-lu-su-

nu, but the apparent subjunctive remains unexplained; AHw, p. 9 1 8 (hesitantly), and Adler emend to aq-ti-ip'-su-nu,

but neither "I did not trust them" nor "I did

not trust (her) to them" (Adler) seems likely in context. Against my version is the absence of any parallel for the use of qatu (uqatti indicate the subject of qatnu.

expected) and the failure to

On qatnu said of work (dullu,

lines 2off.), cf. EA 1 4 ,

n. 3 2 . 6.

a-na [e-pe-es].

7.

be-el-ti be-l[e-et K U R . K U R u]

interpretations: belti be-l[e-ti], 1 8 3 ; Schroeder, OLZ, sa}

2 6 { § E S > i a : cf. EA 2 3 : 1 3 , 3if. Other

"mistress of mistresses" ( U n g n a d , OLZ, 1 9 1 6 , col.

1 9 1 7 , col. 1 0 5 ; Kiihne, p. 3 0 , n. 1 3 6 ) ; and belt!

be-e[l-tu

2 6 [ K U R - ( > , "my mistress, the mistress of my land" (Adler, despite VAB

2 / 1 , p. 1 4 6 , note 3 ) . In line 2 6 , Kiihne restores [ D I N G I R - i ] # , "my god(dess)," but as subject and in the nominative case Hi,, not iltya, is expected (cf. EA 2 3 : 3 1 , and Adler, p. 2 6 , on pronominal suffixes); cf. also "Tessup, my lord" (belt, EA 1 9 : 1 5 ; 20:61). 8. amaru,

ki-[i

u-kal-la-mu-si]

2 9 [i-im\-ma-ar-su:

on the sequence

kullumu-

cf. EA 1 9 : 2 i f . , and on the writing of the latter form see Adler, pp. iof.

Free restorations: fap-pu-na-ma] (line 3 0 ) , [i-im-ma-ar] ( 3 1 ) , [ra-bi] ( 3 2 ) . 9. nx-f\u -ia A

Reading and restoring (freely):

4 6 [u as-sum K U . G I ] . . .

(cf. lines 7 3 f f . ) . . . §E[§-/'« K U . G I ]

4 8 [sa u-se-bi-lu] . . .

4 7 [u-bais-sal-[tu]

(Kiihne, p. 2 8 , n. 1 2 6 ) . 10.

A mistake for "your brother"?

11.

awllutu,

12.

a-na ds-su:

13.

Cf. use of mannu at N u z i as indefinite pronoun ( W i l h e l m , A O A T 9, p.

"anyone"? a mistake for ana sa-su? Adler: ana A S (hisehti)-su,

"for his

need." 82).

See also the different interpretations by Adler and Kiihne of the entire

passage. 14.

lu-ilpa-as-ra

(napsuru,

"to forgive"). For other interpretations, see Adler

and Kiihne, p. 2 9 , n. 1 2 9 ; also Ugar. 5 , p. 7 3 , n. 1 1 . 15.

This translation, rather than "he is/will be falling ill," seems required

by context. 16. ra-ha-an-ni,

On ubaru,

"foreign guest," see Kiihne, p. 2 9 , n. 1 2 8 . T h e verb, ii-bar-

is probably a mistake for ti-sa-al-ra-ha-an-ni

(CAD,

B, p. I O I ; J . Fin-

49

THE

AMARNA

kelstein, JAOS

LETTERS 9 0 { 1 9 7 0 ] p. 2 5 3 , n. 4 8 ) ; otherwise, Adler and G . Driver, JSS 1 2

( 1 9 6 7 ) p. 1 0 6 .

17.

S

« ' E § . S A G . K U L (ebel sikkuri),

w i t h Adler; correct CAD,

K , p. 5 6 b .

EA 21

A necklace for T E X T : VAT

190.

C O P I E S : WA

21;

1 0 0 , 0 0 0

VS

11,

years

10.

Adler, pp. 144-47. Say to Nimmureya, Great King, king of Egypt, my brother, my son-inlaw, whom I love and who loves me: Thus Tusratta, Great King, the king of Mittani, your brother, your father-in-law, and one who loves you. For me all goes well. For my brother and my son-in-law, may all go well. For your household, for your wives, for your sons, for your men, for your chariots, for your horses, for your country, and for whatever else belongs to you, may all go very well. 1 3 - 2 3 I have given him my daughter to be the wife of my brother, whom I love. May Simige and Sauska go before her. May they m[ake he]r the image of my brother's desire. May my brother rejoice on t[hat] day. May Simige and Sau[ska} grant my brother a gre[af] blessing, exquisi[te} joy. M[ay they bless him} and may you, my brother, li\ve\ forever. 2 4 - 3 2 Mane, [my brother's} messenger, and Hane, my brother's interpreter}, I have ex[alted] like gods. I have given [them} many presents and treated them very kindly, for their report was excellent. In everything about them, I have never seen men with such an appearance. May my gods and the gods of my brother protect them. 33—411 herewith dispatch to my brother Nahramassi to carry out . . . , and I send 1 maninnu-necklace of genuine lapis lazuli and gold as the greeting-gift of my brother. May it rest on the neck of my brother for 100,000 years. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N

A N D

T R A N S L A T I O N :

1

2

NOTES 1.

2 1 . . . l{ik-ru-bu-su]

2.

3 4 sa taam

2 2 . . . lu-u £<*/-t[a-ta].

ra: Kiihne, p. 3 1 , n. 1 4 3 , emended the text to read

ta-as'-pu'-

ra ((a-na) x-x) ana epeli, "whom you have sent to me, I have sent to my brother to do (x x ) . " D i d the jargon of diplomacy develop in the periphery a word "personal report," from frequently used (introductory) sa atamru,

satamru,

"what I saw (was

. . . ) ? " Cf. the use of amaru in EA 1 5 . E d e l , / N E S 7 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p. 2 4 , has questioned the personal name; rather, "1 nahra (made of)

5°

massi."

22

EA

EA 22

Inventory of gifts from Tusratta TEXT:

VAT

COPIES:

WA

395. 26;

VS

TRANSLITERATION

12,

199-

A N D TRANSLATION:

Adler, pp. 148-69.

I

4 beautiful horses that run (swiftly). 2 - 3 1 chariot, its tulemus, its thongs, its covering, all of gold. It is 320 shekels of gold that have been used on it (the chariot). 4—6 1 whip of pUait, overlaid with gold; its parattitinu, of genu­ ine hulalu-stone; 1 seal of genuine hulalu-stone is strung on it. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. 7—8 2 sa burhi, overlaid with gold. 6 shekels of gold and 4 shekels of silver have been used on them. 9 - 1 1 2 (leather) ufeatati, overlaid with gold and silver; their center is made of lapis lazuli. 10 shekels of gold and 20 shekels of silver have been used on them. 12-14 «w»/»»»-necklaces, for horses; genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold; 88 (stones) per string. It is 4 4 shekels that have been used on them. 15-20 1 set of bridles; their bl[ink]ers, of gilamu-ivory; their "thorns,"3 of go[ld; . . . ] . . . , and . . . [ • • • o]f alabaster; [ . . . ] . . . their kustappanni; [...}...[...] of gilamu-ivory; and their [.. . } , of gold with a reddish tinge. 2 1 - 2 2 2 leather nattullu,* which are variegated like a wild dove. 23 1 set of torques, of bronze. 24—30 1 (set of) reins; its base and straps, overlaid with silver; the talli, of gold with a reddish tinge; its entire upper part is a gold fig­ ure [ . . . ] . . . ; the opening ... its surface . . . [ . . . } ; it is studded with dardarah-otn&ments of gold; and the "house" . . . is studded with dardarah-om&ments, also of gold. 60 shekels (of gold) were used on it. 31 fx} good, sharp arrows. 3 2 - 3 5 [ 1 ] dagger, the blade of which is of i[r]on;7 its guard, of gold, with designs; its haft, of ebony with calf figurines; overlaid with gold; its [pomm]el is of . . .-stone; its [ . . . } . . . , overlaid with gold, with designs. 6 shekels of go[ld} have been used on it. 3 6 - 3 7 [ 1 ] bow, of the apisamus-type [ . . . ] , overlaid with gold. It is 4 shekels of silver that have been used on it. 1

2

2

5

6

8

9

10

5

1

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

38 1 mace, of iron, overlaid with gold. 15 shekels of gold have been used on it. 39-40 1 zallewe-knifc, of bronze; its [ha}ft, overlaid with gold. 3 shekels of gold have been used on it. 41 1 addu-throwstick, of pisaii, overlaid with gold. 2 shekels of gold have been used on it. 4 2 - 4 3 1 tilpdnu-bov/, of zamiri;" 4 times overlaid with gold. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. 44 2 multicolored shirts. 45 1 set of snaffles, of silver; { j ] o shekels in weight. 46 1 pair of gloves that are trimmed with red wool.'3 47 1 shield . . . of silver, 10 shekels in weight. 4 8 - 5 4 1 leather halter, its "flint-blade" of genuine hulalu-stone; its inlay, of genuine lapis lazuli; the tasli, (with) inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. Its centerpiece is set with fyiliba-stone, and (this) centerpiece o[f hili\b[a-stone\ is mounted on genuine lapis lazuli. 2 genuine loulalustones, mounted [on gol]d, which are strung on its straps. 1 seal of genuine lapis lazuli, mounted on gold. 1 hulalu-stone, a counterweight, which is strung on its rear. 1 0 shekels of gold have been used on it. 5 5 - 5 7 1 bottle, horse-shaped, of amutu-metal, with eagles of gold as inlay; and (also) its inlay, genuine lapis lazuli. 300 shekels in weight. 5 8 - 5 9 1 fly whisk, of gold, along with its linen cloth. 3 shekels in weight. 60 [ 1 } counterweight, 10 shekels in weight. 61 [1 si^eve, ^ of gold, 20 shekels in weight. 62—66 [ . . . ] , of stone; its top, of mus[saru]-stone; [...] its haft, overlaid with gold; 2 times [ . . . ] ; its [ . . . } . . . , of pendu-stone [...}; [ . . . } , of gold, . . . [ . . . x] shekels of gold have been [used] on it. 12

14

1

16

11

1 - 2 1 ha[nd-brac]elet, of i[ro}n, [overlaid with gol]d; its mesukkubirds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. 3 - 4 1 hand-bracelet, of iron, overlaid with gold; its mesukku-bitds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. 5 1 foot-bracelet, of gold, inlaid. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. 6 - 8 1 maninnu-necklace, cut from 35 genuine lapis lazuli stones,

52

EA 22

35 hiliba-stones; in the center, a genuine hulalu-stone, mounted on gold with a reddish tinge. 9 - 1 0 1 set for the hand, beads of genuine lapis lazuli, 6 per string, mounted on gold. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. 11 1 set of karatnannu, of gold, 2 shekels in weight. 12—13 head-binding, of gold, twisted like a torque, 14 shekels in weight. 14—15 1 set of arapsanna, 6 iduzzarra, of gold with a reddish tinge. 12 shekels in weight. 1 6 - 1 9 1 dagger, the blade of which is of iron; the haft has an inlay of . . .-st[one], overlaid with gold; its pommel, of . . .-stone; its . . . , mounted on gold; its matru, (with) variegated <*im of blue-purple wool, 2 times overlaid with gold. 1 4 shekels have been used on it. 20—22 1 zallulu, its rettu overlaid with hiliba-stones and genuine lapis lazuli; the handle, the figure of a woman, of alabaster; the inlay, of genuine lapis lazuli. 2 3 - 2 6 1 pair of shoes, of dusu-colot (leather), and studded with d^tt^zra^-ornaments of gold; their buttons, of hiliba-stone; with karatnannalla-orn&ments, of genuine lapis lazuli, set here and {.there}. 13 shekels of gold have been used on them. 1 pair of leggings, off shaggy wool]. 27—28 1 pair of betatu-shoes, richly provided with dardarah-omaments of gold. 6 shekels of gold have been used on them. 2 9 - 3 2 1 pair of shoes, of blue-purple wool; their . . . [.. . ] and their . . . [ . . . ] , of gold; their buttons, of hiliba-stone; the center, an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 4 shekels of gold have been used on them. 1 pair of leggings, of shaggy {wool}. 3 3 - 3 4 1 pair of shoes, of colored linen, which have iduzzarri. 1 pair of leggings, of shaggy wool. 3 5 1 pair of shoes, of colored linen. 1 pair of leggings, ofshaggy wool. 36 1 garment of blue-purple wool. 1 pair of shirts, Hurrian-style, {for] the city. 3 7 - 3 8 1 a>y-shirt, Tukris-style. 1 pair of s[as]hes, of red wool, adorned. 39—40 1 linen garment, aHianni-type. 1 pair of shirts, Hur(rian)style, of linen. 1 city-shin, of linen. 1 robe, of linen. 4 1 - 4 2 1 garment, Hazor-style. 1 pair of shirts, Hurrian-style, of linen. 1 pair of «>y-shirts. 1 robe and 1 cap, of blue-purple wool. 4 3 - 4 7 1 fly-whisk. 3 Its rettu (has) an in[lay] of genuine lapis 1

17

l 8

19

20

21

22

2

53

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

l a z u l i . . . failiba-stone. [Its] haft, [overlaid with go]ld, 3 times; its inlay, of genuine lapis lazuli; its base, of [genuine l}apis lazu[li}. Its cloth streamers (held by) wire [ . . . ] 25 shekels of gold have been used on it. 4 8 - 5 0 A mumerritu-scrapet, of . . . , 4 a[nd] it is studded [with dardarah-otnaments] of gold. Its haft, of ebony [ . . . ] . 6 shekels of gold hav[e been used] on it. 51 1 wash-basin, of silver, 140 shekels in weight. 52 1 stone-..., (with) gilamu-ivory, 7 0 shekels in weight. 53 1 silver tube, (with) gilamu-ivory, shekels in weight. 5 4 - 5 6 2 bows . . . ; their astragal-ornaments overlaid with gold, and on 1 of them is the go\d-o[ver\lay double. 1 0 shekels of gold have been used on them. 5 7 - 5 8 1 spear, of bronze, with a double overlay of gold. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. 59-60 1 makkasu-axe, of bronze, its handle 2 times overlaid with gold. 3 shekels of silver have been used on it. 61 1 0 large combs, of (various) stones. 62-64 bottle, of stone. 1 helmet-container, of alabaster, (with) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli, the rim of which is overlaid with gold. 3 shekels of gold have been used on it. 6 5 - 6 6 1 helmet-container, of malachite, overlaid with gold. 4 [shekels] of gold have been used on it. 67-68 [ . . . ] of marhallu-stone. 1 kuninnu-bowl, of mar^allu-stone. [ . . . ] , of hulalu-stone. 1 counterweight, of stone. 6 9 - 7 3 I- • -J> ° f ebony; its center and [its] rungs, [overlaid with gold; abov\e and below [ . . . ] , and ivory [mounted on] go[ld . . . ] . 2

2 5

26

1

27

28

in ![...]... 2 - 4 . . . [ . . . ] their rungs [overlaid with] gold, [above and] be­ low overlaid with silver. 60 shekels of gold, 40 shekels of silver, have been used on them. 5 - 6 1 plaque with winged disks and Deluge monster(s), of ebony, overlaid with gold. s ° 30 shekels of gold have been used on it. 7 - 9 1 dagger, the blade, of iron; its guard, of gold, with designs; its haft, of . . . ; an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli; its pommel, of hilibastone. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. 10 1 set of salt (containers, in the form) of bull-calves and lions, of hiliba-stone. 29

54

EA

22

il

11 i tr{a)y, overlaid with silver. 60 shekels of silver have been used on it. 12 1 small trough, overlaid with silver. 40 shekels of silver have been used on it. 1 3 - 1 5 1 bowl, of gold, 1 0 shekels in weight. 10 bowls, of gold; 1 bowl, of silver, 1 0 shekels in weight. 1 small trough of silver, 10 shekels in weight. 16-17 1 bread shovel; its rettu, o f . . .-stone; its hilt, overlaid with gold, its pommel, a mesukku-bitd, o f . . .-stone. 2 shekels of gold have been used on it. 18 1 bread shovel, of gold, 5 shekels in weight. 1 bread shovel, of silver, [x sh]ekels in weight. 19—20 1 bread shovel, of ebony. 1 bread shovel, of ivory. 1 bread shovel, of boxwood. 1 awatamulufhe, of ivory. 21 1 brazier, of silver, 66 shekels in weight. 22—23 chest, without a cover, of ebony, with a winged disk, overlaid with gold and silver. It is 2 shekels of gold, 40 shekels of silver, that have been used on it. 2 4 - 2 5 1 0 bright garments; 1 0 pairs of shirts, Hurrian-style; 1 0 pairs of city shirts, 10 robes, 1 0 pairs of boots. 26 10 pairs of leggings; 1 0 pairs of betatu-shoes. 27 1 loincloth, of colored material. 1 susuppu-cloth, of linen, trimmed with colored cloth. 28 1 susuppu-cloth, trimmed with colored cloth. 29—35 scent container, with myrrh-scented oil. 1 scent container with sikil-oil.M 1 scent container with iaruttu-oil. 1 scent container with myrtle oil. 1 scent container with kanatku-oil. 1 scent container with elder-oil. 1 scent container with styrax-oil.^ 1 scent container with perfanti-oil. 1 scent container . . . 1 scent container with a mixture (of various oils). 36 1 0 kirru-pots, full of "sweet oil." 37-41 1 cuirass set, of bronze. 1 helmet, of bronze, [f]or a man. 1 cuirass set, of leather. 1 helmet, [of br]onze, for the sarku-soldiets.^ 1 cuirass set, of leather, for horses, set with ri[ng]s of bronze. 2 helmets, of bronze, f[or ho}rses. 42—43 1 shield, its urukmannu overlaid with silver. 1 0 shekels of silver have been used on it. 44 9 shields, their urukmannu, of bronze. 4 5 - 4 6 100 bows, of the apisamus-type, of gold . . . [ . . . ] 32

1

33

1

6

37

55

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

47 iooo arrows, sharp. 2000 arrows { . . . } 48 3000 arrows [ . . . ] . 49 10 javelins, with ir{pri\ tips. 50 10 javelins, with [bro}nze tips. 51 20 arrows ...{...].. .$ 52 20 arrows, with "thor[ns" . . . ] . 53 20 arrows, suku[du-type].4° 54 20 arrows (to be shot) flaming. 20 arrows . . . [ . . . ] . 55 1 0 maces of [ . . . ] . 56 1 0 zallewe-knives, of b[ronze}. 5 7 - 5 9 1 0 "bull-toes," bound together,^ of brfonze, and 1 bo]w 2 times overlaid with silver. It is 2 shekels of silver that have been used on it. 60 1 0 spears [ . . . ] . H

3 9

1

IV I

[ . . . ] * / . . .

[...].

2 - 3 [x] small . . . [...}• 4—5 [... fo\r a man; its erattinnu, of gold [ . . . ] . . . 8 shekels in weight. 6 1 spoon, of elammakku--wood. 1 sumbiru, of jasper. 7 - 8 1 set of telannu, of alabaster. 5 dogs, of gold, 5 shekels in weight. 9 5 dogs, of silver, 5 shekels in weight. 10 6 sarra, of alabaster. I I 1 (fabric) with cording above and below. 12 3 large blankets. 13 1 long spread, for beds. 14 1 short spread, of which the trimmings are many-colored, ' for a bed. 15 1 blanket, for the head. 1 blanket, for the foot. 16 1 bronze helmet as a brazier. 1 set of . . . , of wood. 17 1 ewer, together with its cover, of bronze. 18 1 kettle, of bronze. 1 water-dipper, of bronze. 19 1 0 jars, of bronze, 1 0 stands, of bronze. 20 1 brazier, of bronze. 10 wutru, of bronze. 21 1 0 "spears," ? of bronze. 1 0 bowls, of bronze. 22 10 washbasins, of bronze. 1 0 braziers, of bronze. 23 2 bolts, of bronze. 30 sakku,* of bronze. 24 1 0 kettles, of bronze. 1 0 sets of angurinnu, of bronze. 42

43

44

4

46

4

8

49

56

EA

25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

22

[ . . . } , of bronze. 10 appanannu, of bronze. [x] . . . , of bronze. 5 sprinklers, of bronze. 1 washing-bowl, of bronze. 1 pullustu,^ of bronze. [ . . . } . . .-vessels, of bronze, along with a brazier, of bronze. [ . . . } . . .-vessels, of bronze. 1 incense bowl. [ . . . ] . . .-vessels, of bronze. 1 pot-stand, of bronze. [ . . . ] . . .-vessels, of bronze. 1 chest, of bronze. 10 [ . . . } , of bronze. 6 gungubu, overlaid with bronze. For 1 0 teams: fx] coverings of a chariot.? 4 small troughs of elammakku-vjood, 1 small trough of boxwood. 5 spoons.5 500 large gunte memetu. 5000 small gunte memetu fr{om the treasury. 10 chariot-poles. 1 0 chariot-frames.' { x y]okes54 [for a ch]ariot, . . . the chariot-platform,55 along with their [ . . . ] . 12 yokes [ ( . . . ) ] . 10 teams [ . . . ] . . . [ . . . ] . 10 teams . . . [ . . . ] of kifkanu-wood. 400 [ ( . . . ) } . . . [ . . . ] . 0

1

2

3

6

4 3 - 4 9 It is all of these wedding-gifts, 5 of every sort, that Tusratta, the king of Mittani, gave to Nimmureya, the king of Egypt, his brother and his son-in-law. He gave them at the same time that he gave Tadu-Heba, his daughter, to Egypt and to Nimmureya to be his wife. NOTES 1.

On sihpu as "cover(ing)," see CAD,

2.

1 SU

k u 5

S, p. 2 3 9 .

K A . T A B . A N S E (katappu)

nap-\z.-&-\a\-ti-su-nu.

T h e reading

of the logogram, the standard form at Boghazkoy and attested in an Old Babylo­ nian forerunner to H A R - r a (CAD, G , p. 7 1 . T h e reading

k u 5

K , p. 3 0 3 a ) , follows AHw, p. 4 6 5 , and CAD,

K A . T A B K U f N G l ] (CAD,

K , p. 3 0 3 , followed by

Adler), "bridles for mules," must assume an unparalleled

k u S

K A . T A B and at least

one, probably two, mistakes in the writing of K U N G I : <§tJ> + N A B (rather than M U L ) . If my reading is correct, it would suggest that the blinkers were in some way attached to the bridle, or perhaps the meaning here is an extended

one,

applied to a part of the bridle. 3 . pu-uq-dd-a-ti-su-nu

(AHw,

p. 8 8 0 ) .

4 . Perhaps related to the na-tu-la-te W i l h e l m , ZA 6 3 ( 1 9 7 3 ) P- ' 9 . l '

n e

J

9>

s

e

in a letter found at K u m i d u ; see G . e

a

'

s o

M . G o r g , ZA 7 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) p. 3 0 3 .

5 . On a possible earlier form of talli (ti-sa-ld), ed., Ebla,

1975-1985

6. sarmu,

"cut," but probably to be understood of sharpening the tips.

7 . On habalkinnu, gate, BSOAS

see M . C i v i l , in L . Cagni,

(Naples, 1 9 8 7 ) , p. 1 5 6 . see M . Hoffner, JCS

2 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p . 4 2 - 4 3 ; J . Post-

3 4 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p p . 13fF. In EA 2 2 and 2 5 , A N . B A R is perhaps to be

read habalkinnu,

not

parzillu.

57

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

8. O n gumuru, 9.

"guard," see Salonen, StOr 3 3 , p . 5 7 .

K I N = sakru,

as long established by Knudtzon, VAB 2 / 1 , p. 1 5 8 , note f,

and now made explicit by H A R - n ? forerunner, Emar 6 / 4 , p. 7 7 : 4 3 7 ? . : kin = ak-ru,

kin-gfr =

Emar)/sikru

la-kar

pa-at-ri,

etc. H o w sakru

la-

(Middle Assyrian, Mittani,

differs from rettu (AHw, p. 9 9 0 b ) , with which it is also found (lines ii

2 1 , 4 4 ; iii 1 6 ; EA 2 5 ii 4 3 ; etc.), is not clear. Is the rettu the lower part of the handle that fits into the palm? Cf. at Ebla, Sumerian su-sa, "inside of the hand" = la-'d-tum

(rahatum) ( G . Pettinato, Materiali

epigrafici di Ebla [Naples, 1 9 8 2 ] , p.

256:516). 10.

B A N (not s ^ B A N ; also lines ii 5 4 ; iii 4 5 , 4 8 ) = qaltu

(CAD,

A / 2 , p.

170b)? 11.

O n the tilpdnu-bow,

see B . Groneberg, RA 8 1 ( 1 9 8 7 ) pp. 1 1 5 - 2 4 . O n

p. 1 1 7 , n. 2 1 , Groneberg speculates that here the bow may be a musical in­ strument. 12.

sd-di-in-nu;

13.

1 §U pi-ti-in-ka-ak

see also EA 2 6 6 : 3 2 . S1

' « H E . M E . T A sti-up-pu-ru.

O n the logogram, see

G o e t z e ^ C S 1 0 ( 1 9 5 6 ) p. 3 4 , n. 1 9 , and Landsberger, JCS 2 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. 1 6 8 ; on the reading tabarru

rather than nabasu,

see CAD,

N / i , p. 2 2 a . pitinkak,

"glove" (AHw,

p. 8 6 9 ) , though doubtful, seems more likely, in view of the trimming, than a part of the snaffle (Adler, following A . Salonen, Die Landfahrzeuge

des Alten

Mesopota-

mien [Helsinki, 1 9 5 6 ] , p. 5 7 ) . 14. (EA

n a

Assuming " S G I R . Z U =

- . G I R . Z U . G A L , surru;

cf. "\ZV

=

surru?

13:17). 15.

[1 ma-aS]-ha~lu

16.

Assuming

NA

(AHw, p . 6 2 5 ; CAD,

4§l.TlR

=

M / i , p. 3 6 5 ) .

""iSE.TIR. See PRU

AHw, p . 8 5 4 b , which also refers tentatively to LTBA

3 , p. 1 8 4 : 2 1 and note;

1, 7 1 : 9 (but cf. MSL 1 0 , p.

13:330). 17. t ( i

kaballu

I[a i-li] (cf. lines ii 3 2 , 3 4 - 3 5 ) , the last term taken as i'lu

s s i G . Z A ; see iv 1 2 . Durand, ARMT

2 1 , p. 4 2 3 , sees in kaballu

4

=

a special fabric

for sandals or leggings. 18.

CAD,

19.

1 §U 8 G U hur-ri [sa] U R U : "«GU (also lines ii 3 9 , 4 1 , and iii 2 4 in this

K , p. 3 7 5 a , proposes k[i-in\-st-Iu-nu, t a

"their leggings."

C

inventory; EA 2 7 : 1 1 0 ; and see '"SGU U R U in the next line) is an abbreviated t ( i

8 G U . E ( . A ) , nahlaptu (cf. EA 1 4 iii 1 5 , 1 8 , 2 2 ) . T h e same abbreviation is found at

Boghazkoy, and the Hurrian-style nahlaptu

is known from roughly contemporary

documents from Alalakh, Boghazkoy, and perhaps Ugarit; see Goetze, Linguistica

(Wiesbaden, 1 9 6 5 ) , p p . 52ff.; CAD,

S. Dalley et a l . , The Old Babylonian

N / i , p. 1 3 9 b ; ARMT

Tablets from Tell al Rimah,

Corolla

2 1 , p. 4 0 2 ;

British School of

Archaeology in Iraq (Hertford, E n g . , 1 9 7 6 ) , p p . 5 9 L If the qualification is to be understood as [sa] U R U = dli, "for the city" (longer? fuller? more elaborate?), this garment is perhaps opposed to the type of shirt worn by the military (Waetzoldt, RLA (PRU

6 / 1 - 2 , p. 2 5 b ) . T h e article of apparel called U R U (alu), 3 , p. 1 8 2 , note to line 4; ARMT

if a mural crown

7, p. 3 0 9 ; Hoffner, IEJ 1 9 [ 1 9 6 9 ] p p .

i 7 8 f f . ) , hardly appears here, alu, a type of jewelry (ARMT

1 8 , p. 1 6 9 ; ARMT

21,

p . 2 5 0 , n. 1 0 ) , also seems excluded. 20.

58

1 '"SGU U R U (also ii 4 0 , 4 1 ; iii 2 4 ; and EA 2 7 : 1 1 0 ) = nahlapti alii (See

EA

22

previous line.) Tukris (also EA 2 5 iv 2 5 ) was in Luristan and gave its name to metal objects and garments (see tukrilti, 21.

tl3

1 Su

AHw,

p. 1 3 6 7 ) .

« f { B } . L A (nebehu) . . . malu: "full" recalls the contrast in Hittite

texts of "full-empty," presumably "ornamented, non-ornamented"; see Goetze, Corolla Linguistica,

p. 4 8 , n. 2 ; cf. also ii 2 7 .

t ( i

22.

1 « B A R . D U L = kusitu (also ii 4 2 ; iii 2 5 ; EA 2 5 iv 4 8 ) , which is to be

added to the references in AHw and CAD (CAD, tCi

t l 3

« B A R . S I ) ; cf.

K , p. 4 8 5 b , misreads ii 4 2 as

« B A R . D U L / D U L , Practical Vocabulary of Assur 2 3 7 ^ (Lands­ 5

berger and Gurney, AfO 1 8 [ 1 9 5 7 - 5 8 ] p. 3 3 0 ) , cited CAD, 23.

la zubbtkulsudi

K , p. 5 8 5 .

(AHw, p. 4 6 1 a ; CAD, Z , p. 1 5 6 a ) is not an instrument

for catching flies (Knudtzon, Adler). T h e difference between this whisk (also EA 2 5 iii 5 2 ) and sa zubbt lull (i 5 8 ) is not clear. 24.

sa per -a-zi

(also EA 2 5 i 2 7 ; AHw,

6

paralleled at Mari by sapi'-(ih)-ha-zi(-im), prets as "having a mouse" (piazu, 25.

T h e garment sa-bd-at-ti

p. 8 5 5 ) : the qualification seems

which Durand, AEM 1 / 1 , p. 1 2 0 , inter­

pur'asu),

i.e., a part for g n a w i n g , tearing.

(EA 1 2 0 : 2 1 ) does not seem likely in this con­

text; cf. PRU 3 , p. 1 8 3 , note to line 1 1 . 26.

T h e reference to a handle favors taking makkasu

as a cutting instrument

(AHw, p. 5 8 9 , "an axe"; Adler) rather than as a bowl (CAD, also 2 G i R ma-ka-su

(ARMT

M / i , p. 1 3 2 ) . N o t e

2 1 , no. 2 1 9 : 3 1 ) , which indicates a knifelike

makkasu

as well as an axe ( T U N ) . 27.

"Helmet" is more probably a designation of shape (also ii 6 5 ; iv 16)

than a display helmet; see W i l c k e , RLA 4/4—5, p. 3 1 2 . 2 8 . gi^-il-tu 29.

(also iii 2 ) : see CAD,

K , p. 3 5 7 a .

O n istu, "on, around," not "from," see N . Illingworth, Iraq 5 0 ( 1 9 8 8 )

p. 1 0 3 . 30.

O n A L A M as "winged disk" here, in line iii 2 2 , and perhaps in line i

2 6 , see Dalley, Iraq 4 8 ( 1 9 8 6 ) pp. 94f. 3 1 . pa-as-(ju)-ru,

following Adler, since pasru,

"pole," is never found in a

gift list. 32.

5

1 8 ' B U G I N . T U R (buginnu

sehru? sussullu?):

the difference

between

B U G I N ( L A G A B x A ) and B U G I N ( L A G A B x N I N D A ) is that the former was used for liquids, the latter for kneading dough; see CAD,

B , pp. 3 o 6 f . , and H . Giiter-

bock, Often Festschrift (see Introduction, n. 3 7 ) , p. 8 0 . 33.

O n susuppu,

originally a cloth for wiping and later (as here) a kind of

undergarment worn around the hips; see K . Deller and K . Watanabe, ZA

70

( 1 9 8 1 ) pp. 2 i 8 f . , and M . Mallul, BiOr 4 3 ( 1 9 8 6 ) p. 2 9 , n. 6 1 . 34. ullu,

Perhaps S f ( . I K ) . K I L (EA 2 5 iv 5 2 ) is a phonetic writing of I.SIKIL, ellul

"(sesame?) oil." O n these oils as cosmetics and their containers, see Helck,

Beziehungen, 35.

pp. 3996°. Contrary to CAD,

B , p. 6 4 , neither here nor in EA 2 5 iv 5 1 is the

reading S l M . B A L ; here it is S l M . B U L U G (ballukku),

and in the latter, S l M . G I G

(kanatku). 36.

On the sarku,

see Ugar. 5 , p. 9 8 , n. 1, and I. Singer, Tel Aviv 10 ( 1 9 8 3 )

p. 8, n. 1 1 . 37.

On gurpisu,

"helmet," see T i m o t h y Kendall, in M . A . Morrison and

59

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

D. T. O w e n , eds., Studies on the Civilization

and Culture

of Nuzi and the

Hurrians

( W i n o n a Lake, I n d . , 1 9 8 1 ) , p p . 2011T. O n leather cuirasses for horses, see Edel, Brief, p p . 1 5 if. 38.

There is not enough room for &\ia-kd\-a-tu

(CAD,

H , p. 2 6 4 a , fol­

lowed by Adler). Lines 5 1 - 5 4 seem to list special types of arrows. r

39.

pu-uq- da-C[u ]

40.

su-ku-u-[du]

(cf. i 1 6 ) .

41.

1 0 S u . S I (ubanatu)

4

(Gordon). ka-sa-tu^

§a G U D . M E 5 : obscure (see AHw, p. 1 3 0 9 a ) .

Context seems to argue against interpreting S u . S I as suit and rendering "600 goblets (in the form of) oxen." 42.

(e^-mu-u; see also EA 2 5 iv 4 8 , and cf. ' " « G A D A te^-me-ta ( R S 3 4 . 1 3 4 :

1 0 , Ugar. 7, pi. 43.

XV-XVI).

3 ' " S T U N A N I B A ( S I G . Z A , ; ' 7 « ) . M E § (omitted by Adler): on the fabric 4

as hairy or shaggy and the logogram in peripheral texts, see Waetzoldt,

RLA

6 / 1 - 2 , p p . 2 i f . ; Dalley, Iraq 4 2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p. 7 3 . T h e i'lu was highly esteemed ( D u ­ rand, ARMT 44.

2 1 , p. 4 0 7 , n. 3 ) .

T U G . G I D . D A : reading uncertain, but if T U G = subatu,

= arku (not ariktu, kurTtu.

X

Cf. perhaps ARMT AHw,

not

2 2 , no. 1 6 4 r. 2 - 3 , 1 T U G G U Z . Z A B U . A , and see

comments of J . Kupper, ARMT 45.

then G I D . D A

Adler). Similarly, in the next line, G U D ( P U ) . D A = kuru, 2 2 / 2 , p. 6 1 4 .

p. 3 6 7 , and CAD,

I / J , p. 4 6 , agree in reading U G U N

(U +

G U N ) ihzetu (a kind of special trimming) here and in EA 2 5 iv 5 0 (cf. iv 4gff.). A s noted, however, by Knudtzon (VAB 2 / 1 , p. 1 6 2 , note h), the same sign is found in ii 1 8 , 3 3 , 3 5 , and iii 2 7 , and it is G U N . A , usually burrumu, "hem, trim," see Landsberger, JCS

"variegated." O n sunu,

2 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p . 1 6 0 , n. 1 0 5 ; Dalley, Iraq 4 2 ( 1 9 8 0 )

p. 7 2 ; Moran, RA 7 7 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p p . 93f. 46.

sa G l S (not I Z I [ A d l e r ] ) .

47.

A m o n g so many household objects, "spears" must be a kind of poker.

48.

Cf. sakku

I I (AHw,

p. 1 0 1 2 ) ; CAD,

S , p. 7 8 (perhaps zakku).

interprets Z A . A G . G I as a phonetic writing of S A G . G I = pihu,

Adler

"lock," but though

S A G . G I = pehd, "tostopup, block,"it is n e v e r a l o g o g r a m f o r a n d pihu is not a lock. R

1

49.

10 § E N

50.

T h e form (purrusu)

(ruqqu? sannu? also Gordon). and the reduplication in the corresponding S u -

merian term (dug-bur-bilr-ru) indicates a vessel with many "breaches," that is, with a strainer or sieve attachment (cf. Adler).

EA «

I 5

51.

Line 3 3 seems out of place and looks like a heading for 37ff.

52.

8'SBUGIN.TUR (

S E E

N

2

- 3 )

a n

d itquru,

"spoon," are joined here, as in

2 5 iv 6 3 - 6 4 , and the correspondence of the numbers suggests that for each B U G I N . T U R there was one 53.

itquru.

1 0 N I G . G f D . D A (masaddu:

da apin = ma-sa-ad-du,

AHw, p. 6 2 2 ; CAD,

M / i , p. 3 5 1 ; n i g - g f d -

Emar 6 / 4 , p. 7 0 : 1 6 6 ' ) 1 0 \&'¥bu-bu-{i\u

4

no reason to read ["']« (Knudtzon, CAD,

G I G I R : there is

B , p. 3 0 2 ; Adler); for the determinative, I S

note especially the A k k a d o g r a m at Boghazkoy, « B U - B U - T U / T I . O n bubutu as the main beam on either side of the chariot, not the axle, see C i v i l , JAOS 1 0 . Cf. also the plural bubatim, 54. 60

If [s\imittu

8 8 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p.

along with poles, for a cart (AbB 3 , 7 3 : 7 ) .

is the correct reading, it would refer to a part of the chariot,

EA

23

and it is not clear how it should be distinguished from ntru in the following line. On the difficulty in general of distinguishing the two, see C i v i l , J AOS 8 8 ( 1 9 6 8 ) pp.

9f. [«']

5 ?

55.

x-y-2

56.

T h e reading of N I G . B A . M E S

KI.KAL.GIGIR

=

sassu {AHw,

p.

1 0 3 2 ; CAD,

S , p.

195).

remains uncertain,

and

terhatu in the sense of "dowry" (Knudtzon, tentatively; Pintore, Matrimonio,

p.

149,

SAL.uS.MES

n. 5 3 ) seems excluded by the logogram and the almost exclusively masculine

character of the gifts; see Kiihne, p p . 34f. Were these gifts originally the brideprice or part of it and then returned to the Egyptian king as a kind of indirect dowry? On the indirect dowry in the Hurrian milieu of N u z i , see Grosz, in Morrison and O w e n , eds., Studies on the Civilization and the Hurrians

(see n. 3 7 ) , pp.

Katarzyna

and Culture of Nuzi

i7off.

EA 23

A goddess travels to Egypt TEXT:

BM 29793.

C O P Y : BB

10.

B B , pi. 23; L. Waterman, Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire, vol. 4 (Ann Arbor, 1930), pi. 4, no. 11; H. Saggs, The Greatness That Was Babylon (paperback; New York and Toronto, 1968), illus. 30 (reverse only). T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler, pp. 170-73. T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling, pp. 372-73. PHOTOGRAPHS:

Say to Nimmureya, the king of Egypt, my brother, my son-in-law, whom I love and who loves me: Thus Tusratta, the king of Mittani, who loves you, your father-in-law. For me all goes well. For you may all go well. For your household, for Tadu-Heba, my daughter, your wife, whom you love, may all go well. For your wives, for your sons, for your magnates, for your chariots, for your horses, for your troops, for your country and for whatever else belongs to you, may all go very, very well. 1 3 - 1 7 Thus Sauska of Nineveh, mistress of all lands: "I wish to go to Egypt, a country that I love, and then return." Now I herewith send her, and she is on her way. 1 8 - 2 5 Now, in the time, too, of my father . . .3 went to this country, and just as earlier she dwelt there and they honored her, may my brother now honor her 1 0 times more than before. May my brother honor her, (then) at (his) pleasure let her go so that she may come back. 2 6 - 3 0 May Sauska, the mistress of heaven, protect us, my brother 1

2

4

61

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

and me, 100,000 years, and may our mistress? grant both of us great joy. And let us act as friends. 3 1 - 3 2 Is Sauska for me alone my god(dess), and for my brother not his god(dess)? 6

NOTES 1 . lu-ul-lik-ma-me

(Adler, also Gordon).

2 . T h e statue sent by Tusratta need not have been the statue worshipped in the temple in Nineveh; see Kiihne, p. 3 7 , nn. 1 7 6 - 7 7 . One explanation of the goddess's visit is that she was to heal the aged and ailing Egyptian king, but this explanation rests purely on analogy and finds no support in this letter, contrary to what Use Wegner, Gestalt Sawulka

in Kleinasien,

und Kult der Utar-

A O A T 3 6 ( 1 9 8 1 ) p. 6 5 , declares. More likely, it seems, is a

connection with the solemnities associated with the marriage of Tusratta's daugh­ ter; cf. the previous visit mentioned in lines i8f., perhaps on the occasion of the marriage of K e l u - H e b a (see EA 1 9 : 6 ) , and note, too, Sauska's role, along with A m a n , of making Tadu-Heba answer to the king's desires (EA 1 9 : 2 4 ; 20:25ff.; 21:16). 3 . A reading i-en-nu-tu^

"the first time" (Adler; cf. EA 1 : 7 2 ) , would make

perfect sense, but it is not supported by collation, either Gordon's or my own. x-yBE/nu (possible, against K n u d t z o n ) - / # ; x = 4

4 . pa-na-a-nu 5.

NIN-»/

5

D I N G I R ? y = I§?

(Gordon). (Adler).

6. These lines are hardly an affirmation (so Knudtzon; cf. Weber, VAB 2 / 2 , p. 1 0 5 0 ; Adler, p. 1 7 3 , n. 1) to support Tusratta's request that the statue be returned. It may be doubted that Tusratta would say anything so obvious, or that, if he did, he would say it here and not five lines earlier when the return of the statue is mentioned (lines 2 4 f . ) . T h e writing ia-Ti-ma-a

indicates a question, and

the implied negative answer explains why the Pharaoh may expect to share with Tusratta in the protection and blessings of the goddess. She is "our mistress" (line 2 8 ) and, therefore, our goddess. Following lines 3 i f . , there are three lines of Egyptian, written in black ink and the hieratic script, the reading of part of which remains uncertain. T h i s much seems clear: "Year 3 6 , 4th month of winter, day 1. One (the king) was in the southern villa (of) the House of Rejoicing." See Kiihne, p. 3 7 , n. 1 7 8 . It is uncertain whether this letter is referred to as a "copy" (Egyptian myt.t); on the implications of the term, see EA 2 7 , n. 2 0 .

62

EA

24

EA 24

A letter in Hurrian about marriage and friendship TEXT: COPIES:

VAT WA

422. 27;

VS

12,

200.

J . Friedrich, Kleinasiatische Sprachdenkmaler (Berlin, 1932), pp. 8 - 3 2 ; improved readings, Otten in Farber, Or n.s. 40 (1971) pp. 6 5 - 6 6 . ' TRANSLITERATION:

§i 1 1 - 2 [Say to Nim]murey[a, the king of Egypf, my brother, my son-inlaw], wh[om I love (and) who loves me: 3 Thus (speaks) Tu]sra[tt]a, the ki[ng of the land of Mittani, your father-in-law, 4 who loves you, your brother}. All goes well with me. 5 [May all] go we[ll with you]. For m[y so]n-in-law, your wives, 6 [your children, your] magnates, your [hor}ses, your war chariots, 7 yo[ur troops], your land and your [possessions, may all go very well. §§2-4 (badly damaged) §5

47 . . . my father Suttarna's daughter . . . 48 . . . from the . . . of my grandfather . . . 49 . . . two . . . my brother 50 . . . he sent to me 51 . . . And give me your daughter as my wife! 52 . . . Assutemiwuya. And I did not express 53 . . . to Mane, your envoy, 54 . . . of the (genitive plural) . . . of my brother . . . which 55 . . . graciously 56 . . . everything [ve}ry, very 57 . . . all that 58 . . . I did gra­ ciously. §6 59 . . . Mane, your envoy, 60 . . . fine oil(?) for his head, good . . . 61 . . . fine oil(?) for his head; 62 my brother's [wife], the mistress of the land of Egypt 6 3 - 6 4 (destroyed or unintelligible). §7

65 . . . now my brother has sent. And earlier 66 . . . and my entire . . . 67 my brother us(?) very, very 68 . . . totally, my entire land very, very 69 . . . and I did all that totally 70 . . . very, very graciously, 71 with my [ . . . ] . . . (and) with those whom I love. Mane, 72 your envoy, 73 saw all the things that I did. 63

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LETTERS

§8

74 As now my brother loves me, 75 as now I love my brother, 76 so may Tessup, Sauska, Amanu, 77 Simige, Ea-sarri and all 78 the gods love us in their hearts very, very much. 79 For long years may fw]e(!) with great joy very, very much 80 rejoice. And the things that we wish for ourselves, 81 may one for the other, between us, gener­ ously, 82 most graciously do. §9

83 And Keliya, my(!) envoy, delivered . . . message, 84 and he re­ ported as follows: "Your brother Nimmureya, 85 the lord of Egypt, made a . . . gift. 86 And from Ihibe, the city of Simige, he had it come, 87 and to Simige, his god, his father, he conducted (it). 88 And all the gifts of his forefathers 89 were very, very delightful, and the pieces of booty left your brother's 90 country amazed. So the gift went off, 91 and your brother himself, in consideration of the gift, was 92 amazed." And Keliya expressly announced the gift's departure, 93 and he reported as follows: "He has . . . 10,000 . . . the way 94 . . . So he has . . . that of Simige . . . 95 . . . I . . . very much." Thus 96 . . . did he speak. The . . . 97 . . . of the land of my brother, 98 which are made for him, the 99 . . . objects that my brother 100 made for the gift, these may 101 Simige and Aman and Ea-sarri 102 for my brother and his land . . . in a favorable way, 103 . . . 104 The things that my brother in connection with the gift 105 did for Simige, his god, 106 his father, these will Simige give to my brother, 107 and all the things that my brother 108 wishes in (his) heart, 109 he will make. So shall it be (lit., so they are). §10 n o And may my brother not distress himself about that matter, i n My brother's envoys whom 112 I allowed to depart(?) (and whom) I sent, those . . . 113 . . . , and may my brother hear them . . . 114 Keliya, my envoy, and Mane, your envoy, I have allowed to depart, and they are coming to my brother. II 1 - 2 (destroyed) 3 . . . 4 And my brother has . . . them 5 . . . very correctly And when about all I had not done 6 for my brother's wife 7 I heard from Keliya and Mane, when they left, 8 I was/did . . . and . . . 9 to the dowry for my brother's wife . . . 10 very, very much, in a way according to my brother's heart n . . . we might . . . from our . . . 64

EA 24

§" 1 2 And I want just (lit., one thing) to say something to my brother, and may my brother 13 heed it. And Mane, my brother's 1 4 envoy, comes. When a dowry is broughtQ), 1 5 - 1 6 and when earlier Mane br[ought(?)] what my brother had dispatched {as] my gift, 17 I assem­ bled my entire land 1 8 and my nobles, as many as there are . .. And I addressed 19 Mane: "All . . . that my brother 20 dispatched, all 21 . . . that my brother 22 dispatched are . . . 23 . . . they may all . . . , 24 they may . . . , they may be satisfactory ... §12

25 And he did . . . them very much, in . . . fashion 26 . . . and I addressed (them): "My land 27 will . . . me; my nobles will . . . me. 2 8 - 3 3 (badly damaged) §13 34-49 (badly damaged) 50 . . . And my brother will inform me . . . 51 . . . , 52 may the gods not ordain . . . distressed . . . 5 3 - 5 4 I f . . . my brother will dispatch a shipment of gold as my gift, and over that 55 I would rejoice in my heart exceedingly, totally. 56 And so I have said them (these words) now to my brother. Know (this)! §14 5 7 - 5 8 And now may my brother send Mane, my brother's envoy. If the 59 four . . . , two . . . of ivory, . . . 60 golden . . . Just as I 6 1 . . . over the one large dowry . . . 62 rejoiced exceedingly, [I will] in view of 63 what my brother dispatches, 64 [rejoice] exceedingly. §15 65 And the things which in our midst Tessup and Amanu 66 . . . have done, . . . Just as ... 67 loves, so shall we together [in ou]r midst 68 and we, between us, are one, the Hurrian land 69 and the land of Egypt. From that ... they 70 among them are also of one mind. 7 1 1 am the k[ing] of the land of Egypt, 72 and my brother is the ki[ng] of the Hurrian land (sic). 73 And what both these lands do not w a n t . . . , 74 and we together do not w a n t . . . , 75 if those great things . . . 76 in our marriage alliance our gods . . . 77 and(?) we(!) do not(!) guide well the . . . of our gods, of Tessup (and) Amanu. 7 8 - 7 9 Whosoever did not carry on a relationship full of love in the manner of my forefathers (and) my own (manner), another matter that 80 all things for us . . . 81 So shall it be (lit., so they are). . . . Land . . . 82 For us may they . . . 83 all . . . other lands, which my 65

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

brother 84—85 . . . , in view of his/her/its matter, I will have with my brother a relationship full of love. So shall it be (lit., so am I). §16 86 May my brother send off Mane. If 87 . . . I have proper/y given, the other 88 lands, all envoys are present, 89 and all other lands, my servants, are present. 90 If I to my head . . . , if 91 Mane is not, 92 the others that I make, where are they? So 93 may my brother carry on with me a relationship full of love. . . . 94 all lands . . . §17 95 Mane, your envoy, is very good; there does not exist 96 a man(!) like [him] in all the world . . . 97 Thus my brother in my land 98 . . . that I saw . . . 99 . . . in my land . . . that he made . . . does not exist. 100 My brother did . . . Mane . . . From this . . . 101 . . . does not exist. The word that 102 Mane will communicate to my brother is graci[ous] and 103 true. And may my brother . . . it. It is not evil 104 (and) hostile towards my brother. 105 Towards his affairs it is not hostile, and he tells me (that) my affairs . . . 106 . . . §18 107-8 But now [m]y brother {has s}ent, and it is [M]ane [my bro]ther has sent. And guards has [my] brother . . . 109 sent . . . 110 And he has come . . . and my brother . . . him . . . 111 And Mane . . . my brot[her . . . ] land . . . 112 exceedingly . . . 1 1 3 - 1 5 (badly damaged) §19 116 The other . . . of my brother, who come with Mane, 117 have . . . in a brilliant way very much . . . 118—24 (badly damaged) 125 Just as . . . I l l 1 And my brother wanted a wife . . . 2 and now I have given her, and she has gone [to my] broth[er]. 3 Just as that entire . . . is pleas­ ant, . . . 4 that entire . . . 5 So shall it be (lit., so it is). What the 6 Hurrian land does not want at all, what the 7 land of Egypt does not want at all, all that my brother's wife shows 8 to my brother, is not 9 . . . sees . . . not. So 10 shall it be (lit., so it is), . . . so shall it be (lit., so it is). §20 11 And now I have given my brother's wife, and she has gone 12 to my brother. When she comes, 13 my brother will see her . . . And she comes 14 to my brother; she is pleasing, according to my brother's 66

EA

24

heart. 15 And again my brother will see a dowry 16 . . . We . . . from our . . . 17 and we are not . . . 18 (The things) that I have dispatched to my brother I have dispatched, and my brother will see them. 19 They come 20 to my brother, and they are . . . and they are . . . §21 21 And now when the wife of my brother comes, 22 when she shows herself to my brother, 23 may my . . . belonging to me, . . . and my . . . 24 they may show. And the entire land may my brother 25 assemble, and may all other lands 26 and the nobles (and) all envoys be present. 27 And they may show his dowry to my brother, 28 and they may spread out everything irf the view of my brother. 29 If it is spread out in the view of my brother, 30 on/from the earth may . . . And may my brother take 31 all the nobles and all the envoys 32 and all other lands and the war charioteers 33 whom my brother desires, and may my brother go. 34 And may he spread out the dowry and may it be pleasing. §22 35 And there is . . . my father's daughter, my sister. 36 And the tablet of her dowry is available. 37 And there is . . . my grandfather's daugh­ ter, my father's sister. 38 And the tablet of her dowry . . . 39 again is available. May my brother have their tablets given to him 40 and may he hear (the words of) both their (tablets). And the tablet(!) 41 of the dowry from me, which I gave, may he have given to him, 42 and may my brother hear that the dowry is very extensive, 43 that it is splendid, that it is befitting my brother. §23 44 If . . . the tablets of the dowries of my marriage alliance (through sister and father's sister) are not available, 45 —my brother 46 . . . in view of that not(!?), and there is nobody who does not know it. 47 And my brother knows in their regard 48 that they exist(ed), which the kings (also) know. §24 4 9 1 just (lit., one thing) want to say something to my brother, and may my brother heed it. 50 I have . . . my brother much more than my forefathers. . . . 51 in great love, and so I have . . . And I wish to say: 5 2 - 5 3 The things that Artatama, my grandfather, did for your father are . . . 54 And with just a single dispatch of mine I have done 67

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

ten times as much. 55~57 Similarly, the things that my father did for you, (well,) with just a single dispatch of mine I have done ten times as much. The gifts that 5 8 - 5 9 my grandfather (and) father dispatched to your father (and) to you, thus they are . . . , 60 and they . . . , in comparison with mine they are not equivalent. 61 And now my brother is going to see (the things) that I 6 2 - 6 3 have dispatched to my brother. Thus I will dispatch to my brother (gifts). So shall it be (lit., so am I). 64 Thus will I deal loyally with my brother, thus 65 will I be most loving. So shall it be (lit., so am I). §25 66—67 And for the horses my brother did not reward me with gold the way my forefathers (were rewarded). The golden . . . that your father to my grandfather 68 earlier dispatched—what you to my father 69 earlier dispatched was much more than that of your father. 70 And my brother has not given to me the equivalent 71 of what he dispatched to my father. And may my brother 72 make me rich in respect to the kings, my vassalsQ) 73 (and) the other lands. With much gold 74 may my brother have me provided. And I . . . And may my brother 75 also . . . carry out my business. And my heart 76 may he not distress. Of my sister, the wife of my brother, 77—78 may m[y brothe]r erect a mo[lt}en gold image . . . 7 9 - 8 5 (badly damaged) And may he not distress my heart! And may my brother give, 86 in the manner desired, according to] my heart, pleasing (things). 87 And my brother has . . . me much, much more than my fore­ fathers. 88 And may my brother make me rich in respect to my land. 89 And may my brother not distress my heart! For that ... 90—92 I have requested from my brother a molten gold image of my daughter. I know that my brother loves me exceedingly, from the heart, 93 but I also know that for my brother, in his land, gold . . . 94 much. And in respect to my brother . . . And may my brother 95 not . . . ; may he not distress my heart! And in the measure in which it appears, 96 . . . may my brother give pleasing (things). And next, 97 may my brother give an ivory image. As 98-99 I shall speak to my goddess, Sauska of Niniveh, that a gold image for me might 100 . . . So shall it be (lit., so it is), Before earth 101 (and) before the heavens are the words spoken. As 102 they should be spoken, so shall it be (lit., so they are): "This 103 molten gold image is Tadu-Heba, the daughter of Tusratta, 104 the lord of Mittani, whom he gave as wife of Immureya, 105 the lord of Egypt. 106 And Immureya made a molten gold image, 107 and full of love dispatched it to Tusratta." 68

EA

24

§26 108 And because of all this we both are of one mind and love one another . . . 109 exceedingly. And in our lands n o peace prevails. If only an enemy of my brother i n did not exist! But should in the future an enemy 1 1 2 invade my brother's land, (then) my brother writes 1 1 3 to me, and the Human land, armor, arms, 1 1 4 . . . and everything concerning the enemy of my brother 1 1 5 will be at his disposition. But should, on the other hand, there be for me an ene[my] 1 1 6 — i f only he did not exist!—I will write to my brother, 1 1 7 - 1 8 and my brother will dispatch to the land of Egypt, armor, arms, . . . and everything concerning my(!) enemy. 119—24 (unintelligible) §27 IV 1 And I want to say something (lit., one thing) more to my brother: 2 In my brother's presence there are not many evil words spoken. 3 Those do not come into the presence of the Great . . . lord/ king. 4 An evil word . . . to my brother. 5 And for the satisfaction of my person he has spoken to me, 6 - 7 and with satisfaction have I again heard him. That my brother has made the . . . , my brother has . . . to the great . . . 8 And for (or: among) the people of Awar he has made provision, and he has . . . 9 I heard this and I rejoiced. If, how­ ever, 10 my brother had not done them this way, then I would be very distressed. 1 1 And now again a . . . has reported 1 2 and Parattu . . . informs me(?). My brother is brotherly (minded). 1 3 That word comes, that . . . has thus 14 been actually expressed. This word is in . . . way spoken, and may my brother 1 5 . . . it before his land regarding the great . . . 1 6 - 1 8 . . . they could . . . And evil words are not spoken to my brother. And an evil word that anyone may say about me (or) about my land, 19—may my brother 20 not hear those words if Mane and Keliya 2 1 do not say them. But the (words) that Mane and Keliya say 2 2 about me (or) about my land, 2 3 they are true and right, and may my brother hear them. 24—25 That too that anyone might ex­ press to me about my brother (or) about his land, 26—27 those (words) I will not hear if Keliya and Mane do not say them. But what Keliya and Mane will say 28—29 about my brother (or) about his land, they (the words) are true and right, and I will hear them. §28 30 And now, all the things 3 1 that my brother has named (and) wants, these 32—33 have I done tenfold. And with not a single word have I distressed my brother's heart. My brother's wife 34 I have 69

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

given, who is pleasing to my brother's heart. 35—39 I have sent off Mane, my brother's envoy, most magnificently. Now, too, (I have sent off) Keliya and Ar-Tessup and Asali, my envoys—Keliya is a magnate, and Asali is . . . as my clay-tablet scribe—to my brother, and my brother will see them. §29 40 And may my brother not detain my envoys, may he not . . . (them). 41 And may my brother not . . . me. And my envoys 42 may my brother let go as fast as possible. And I would . . . for a word. 43 And I would like to hear (about the) well-being (and the) favorable situation of my brother, 44 and I will rejoice very much over the well-being of my brother. §30 45 My brother may say: "You yourself have also detained my envoys." 46 No, I have not detained them. And you . . . me 47 to the dowry for the wife of my brother, and my brother will see 48 what I have given as the dowry for the wife of my brother. 49 It is . . . It is . . . And it (the dowry) is coming. 50 In the view of my brother may it be satisfactory. §3i 51 May my brother let my envoys go as soon as possible 52 so they can leave. And may my brother send Mane along, 53 so he can leave together with my envoy! Any other envoy 54 may my brother not send. May he send only Mane. If 55 my brother does not send Mane and sends someone else, 561 do not want him, and my brother should know it. 57 No! May my brother send Mane! §32 58 And this wife of my brother whom I have given, this (woman) is pure (a virgin?). 59 And may my brother know it. If she . . . 60 . . . , she will speak. And she is pure. 61 And . . . are available, and as my . . . she my . . . 62 both of them, and my mother has . . . both of them. 63 . . . And I have . . . them . . . And . . . threefold 64 . . . And may my gods know, 65 and may the gods of my brother know! If 66-68 (unintelligible) §§33-34 (badly damaged) 107 to my [brother] it is . . . And that is the thing 108 that has [been demanded]. And may my brother know it. As 109 . . . speaks in some 7°

EA

24

other way, n o may [my br]other not hear the (things) that (in reality) are not [said]. §35

i n In my heart I wish to be on the best of terms with my brother 1 1 2 and to love one another. And may my brother keep faith 1 1 3 perfectly. And we wish to be friendly (to each other), and in our hearts we wish to love one another 1 1 4 - 1 5 (destroyed or unintelligible) As by Seri 1 1 6 (and) your god our life (and) our fate are determined, 1 1 7 may the gods guide both of us together, 1 1 8 Tessup and Amanu, our lords, our fathers. 1 1 9 And may we be protected. So shall it be (lit., so we are). And may we . . . , 1 2 0 and may we . . . Thus . . . us. And between us 1 2 1 we wish to love one another in brotherly fashion and close attachment. As 1 2 2 man loves Simige on seeing him, so do we want, between us, 1 2 3 to love one another. And in our relationship one will wish for 1 2 4 the goodfate{\?) of the other. And all the lands that 1 2 5 exist on the earth, that §imige shines upon, 1 2 6 . . . all for us . . . And so . . . they 1 2 7 . . . Tusratta is the Hurrian king, 128 . . . Immureya is the Egyptian king, and if they . . . 1 2 9 . . . between them . . . they 1 3 0 love . . . one another exceedingly. NOTE [The

translation and note for EA 2 4 are by G e m o t W i l h e l m . — W L M ] 1 . T h e "Mittani letter" is the only document in the Amarna archives writ­

ten in the Hurrian language, and since this language is quite inadequately under­ stood, the translation must be provisional and tentative. T h e content is often obscure even where the text is not damaged. T h e Staatliche Museen zu Berlin very generously made photos available, and these were consulted in numerous in­ stances. T h e interpretation of the text is associated especially with the names of Messerschmidt, Friedrich, Goetze, Speiser, and Bush; the relevant literature may be found in the extensive bibliography in the appendix to the latest comprehensive grammar of Hurrian, F. W . Bush, "A G r a m m a r of the Hurrian Language" ( P h . D . diss., Brandeis University, 1 9 6 4 ) . For the grammar also to be noted are I. M . Diakonoff, Hurrisch und Urartdisch und

grammatische

Hurritologische

Struktur

(Munich, 1 9 7 1 ) , and H . J . Thiel,

des Hurrischen,

Archiv . . . des Altorientalischen

Pbonematik

in V Haas, H . - J . Thiel et al., Seminars der Freien Universitat

(Berlin, [ 1 9 7 5 ] ) , p p . 9 8 - 2 3 9 . E . Laroche has published a lexicon, Glossaire

Das Berlin de la

langue hourrite, RHA 3 4 ( 1 9 7 6 ) and 3 5 ( 1 9 7 7 ) , reprinted as a monograph in the series Etudes et Commentaires, 9 3 ( 1 9 8 0 ) . For a new interpretation of several passages, see G . W i l h e l m , ZA 7 3 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p p . 9 6 - 1 1 3 ; idem, S M E A 2 4 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p p . 2 1 5 - 2 2 ; idem, Or n.s. 5 4 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . 4 8 7 - 9 6 ; and C . Girbal, ZA 7 8 ( 1 9 8 8 ) pp. 1 2 2 — 3 6 . T h e Hurrian-Hittite bilinguals discovered at Boghazkoy (see H . Otten, Archdologischer

Anzeiger [ 1 9 8 4 ] pp. 3 7 2 - 7 5 ) have been used for this preliminary

translation only to the extent that parts of them have been discussed in various articles of H . Otten and E . N e u prior to J u l y 1 9 9 0 . 71

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 25

Inventory of gifts from Tusratta VAT 340 ( + ) fragments 2191 a-c, no. 2. WA 25 (without fragments); VS 12, 201. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler, pp. 174-205. TEXT:

COPIES:

i 1

1-15C.}... 1 6 1 set [of earrings, of gold]; their [cones] of genuine lapis lazuli, and their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone. 17 1 set of ear[rings, of g]old; their [cones] of genuine hulalu-stone, and their kukkubu of genuine lapis lazuli. 18-19 of earrings, of gold; their cones of genuine lapis lazuli, 4 on each; their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone. 2 0 - 2 1 1 set of earrings, of gold; their c[o]nes of genuine lapis lazuli, . . . ; their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone. 22 1 set of toggle pins, (with) inlay; their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli; their top of genuine hiliba-stone. 2 3 1 set of toggle pins, (with) inlay; their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli; their top of genuine hulalu-stone. 24 1 set of toggle pins, (with) inlay; their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli; their top of genuine hulalu-stone. 25 1 set of toggle pins, (with) inlay; their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli; their top of genuine hulalu-stone. 26 1 set of toggle pins, (with) inlay; their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli; their top of hiliba-stone. 27 1 set of toggle pins, of gold with a reddish tinge (and) of ...; their top of hiliba-stone. 28 1 set of toggle pins, of genuine hulalu-stone; their top of genu­ ine hulalu-stone. 29 1 set of toggle pins, of genuine fculla^lu-stone; their top of hilibastone. 30 [ 1 se]t of toggle pins, of genuine [ . . . ] ; their top of hiliba-stone. 3 1 1 set of toggle pins, of solid gold; their top of genuine lapis lazuli. 3 2 [ 1 se]t of toggle pins, of solid gold; their top of genuine hulalustone. 33—34 1 "weave": 6 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 7 hiliba-stones, 1 4 1 s e t

2

3

72

EA 25

bikru-gems of gold, 72 strings of genuine lapis lazuli and gold, 40 strings of gold. 3 5 - 3 6 1 "weave": 9 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 10 hiliba-stones, 20 hikru-gems of gold, fx] strings of lapis lazuli, 38 strings of gold. 37 [1 "wea]ve," of gold: 1 hiliba-stone, 4 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 4 . . . of gold. 38 [1 maninnu-neckiace, of seal-shaped stones of lapis lazuli; 13 per string, mounted on gold. 39 [1 mani]nnu-necklace, of seal-shaped stones; 13 seal-shaped stones of genuine lapis lazuli, mounted on gold; 2 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone, mounted on gold. 40 [1 mani]nnu-necklace (with) a counterweight: 28 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 28 hiliba-stones; the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 41 [1 mari\innu-necklace, cut: 25 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 25 hiliba-stones; the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 42 [1 mani]nnu-necklace, cut: 26 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 26 hiliba-stones; the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 43 { 1 ] maninnu-neckiace, cut: 37 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 39 (pieces of) gold leaf;* the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 44 1 maninnu-neckiace, cut: 38 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 38 (pieces of) gold leaf; the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 45 1 maninnu-neckiace, cut: 26 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 28 hiliba-stones; the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 46 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace, cut: 38 [genuine lapis lazuli stone]s, 38 (pieces of) gold; its centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 47 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace, cut: 4 3 [genuine lapis lazuli stones}, x hiliba-stones; [the centerpiece] a sankallu-stone mounted on gold. 48 1 maninnu-neckiace, cut: 32 [genuine lapis lazuli stones, x hil~\iba-stones; the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 49 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace, cut: 30 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 28 hi{liba-stones]; the centerpiece a [.. .-stone] mounted on gold. 50 1 maninnu-neckiace, cut: 34 genuine hulalu-stones, 35 [.. . ] stones; the center[piece] a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold.

73

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

51 1 maninnu-necklace, cut: 17 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 1 6 sankallu-stones, 35 (pieces of) gold; the centerpiece a sankallu-stone mounted on gold. 5 2 - 5 3 1 maninnu-necklace, cut: 2 3 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 2 5 Marhafi-stones; 48 (pieces of) gold leaf, the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 54 1 maninnu-necklace, cut: 34 obsidian stones; 3 3 (pieces of) gold; the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 55—56 1 maninnu-necklace (with) counterweight: 1 4 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 25 genuine hulalu-stones, 1 7 hiliba-stones; {the center­ piece] a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 5 7 - 5 8 [ 1 mani]nnu-necklace (with) counterweight: 14 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 1 6 genuine §ulalu-stones; 3 0 (pieces of) gold {leaf; the centerpiece a . . .-stone] mounted on gold. 59-60 [1 maninnu-necklace . . . x] genuine hulalu-stones; 24 (pieces of) gold leaf; [the centerpiece, a . . .-stone] mounted on gold. 61 [ . . . ] genuine hulalu-stone; 26 gold k{ama]ru; the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 62 [ . . . ] 24 gold kamaru; the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 63—64 [ . . . } genuine lapis lazuli stones; 24 genuine hulalu-stones; [ . . . the centerpiece] a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 65—66 [ . . . ] . . . sankallu-stones, 16 carnelian stones; [ . . . the cen­ terpiece a ge]nuine [.. .-stone] mounted on gold. 67-68 [ . . . ] , mounted on gold. 69 [ . . . "cricket]s," of {genuine] l[apis lazuli"]; 1 0 "cr[icke]ts" of fydiba-stone. 70 [ . . . ] . . . 7 1 - 7 2 [ . . . ] , along with their [co]vers, of gold; their tops [ . . . ] of genuine lapis lazuli; [ . . . ] are strung [on] gold wire. 5

6

ii 1 - 2 [x a]skiru?hu-vessels, along with their covers [ . . . ] . . . gazelle [...]• 1

3 - 4 [x] utuppu: 60 genuine lapis lazuli stones, 63 genuine feulalu stones, 8 t>u{lalu-stones . . . (x + ) ] 5 "worms" of gold, 10 pomegranates of carnelian, 5 pomegranates of sankallu-stone. 5 - 6 [ . . . ] . . . : 1 2 2 genuine lapis lazuli stones, [x + ] 6 feulalustones, 180 "worms" of genuine hulalu-stone, a thin (band) overlaid with

74

EA 25

gold, 3 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone, mounted on gold. 7—8 { . . . ] new-moon crescents of genuine hulalu-stone, 1 3 per string, of gold tinged with red [ . . . ] . . . 14 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone, mounted on gold. 9—10 [x] large [ . . . ] . . . of gold tinged with red, n per string, set [in] genuine [lapis lazu]li, 1 2 bikru-gems and a seal-shaped stone of genuine hulalu-stone. n - 1 2 [ . . . ] . . . 1 new-moon crescent of [genuine] hulalu-stone, mounted on gold; 2 new-moon crescents of genuine lapis lazuli, mounted on gold [ . . . ] 3 genuine hulalu-stones (for a) counterweight; 4 . . . , (mounted) on gold. 1 3 - 1 4 1 set of large agarhu-]ewe\s, of genuine lapis lazuli, genuine hulalu-stone, genuine obsidian, mu[s?aru)-stone; the centerpiece a genu­ ine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold; their ulluru of hiliba-stone, not mounted. 1 5 - 1 7 3 sets of small agarh.u-]evje\s, of genuine lapis lazuli, genuine ^ulalu-stone, genuine obsidian, mus saru-stone; their centerpiece a genu­ ine hulalu-stone mounted on gold; 1 ulluru of hiliba-stone, not mounted; 4 bikru-gems of gold. 18 2 "eye"-stones, of genuine hulalu-stone, mounted on gold, for the hand. 19 1 3 "eye"-stones, of mussaru-stone, mounted on gold, for the hand. 20 2 1 9 "crickets," of genuine lapis lazuli, not mounted, for the hand. 2 1 - 2 3 3 finger-rings, of genuine joulalu-stone; 2 finger-rings, of genuine lapis lazuli; 2 finger-rings, of hiliba-stone; 1 finger-ring, of malachite; 2 finger-rings, (with) inlay; 3 finger-rings, of ir[on}; 5 finger-rings, of solid gold. 2 4 - 2 5 1 4 hand-bracelets, of solid gold; 2 foot-bracelets, of solid gold. 390 shekels in weight. 2 6 - 2 7 hand-bracelets, of gold, one attached to the other, (with) mesukku-bhds; the mesukku-birds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 30 shekels in weight. 28 10 thin bracelets, of iron, overlaid with gold; 30 shekels of gold [have been used] on them. 2 9 - 3 1 1 small torque, for a seal-shaped stone, of gold. 1 sealshaped stone of genuine lapis lazuli mounted on gold. 1 . . .-stone mounted on gold. 1 seal-shaped stone of pendu mounted on gold. 2 8

9

2

75

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

genuine lapis lazuli stones (to serve as) counterweights, mounted on gold. 2 genuine hulalu-stones (to serve as) counterweights, (mounted) on gold. 4 . . . mo[unted on] gold. 32—33 1 pin, of genuine hulalu-stone; its top of genuine lapis lazuli mounted on gold. 1 pin, of genuine hulalu-stone; its top of hiliba-stone mounted on gold, y/2 shekels of gold have been u[sed] on them. 34—35 1 harufyu, of genuine hulalu-stone; its top of hiliba-stone mounted on gold, ifearufhu, overlaid with gold, iharushu, overlaid with ivory and gold. 3 shekels of gold have been [used] on them. 36—40 1 {bunc]h ofgrapes, of gold. 1 parakkatanu, of gold. 1 ussabnannu, of gold. 6 [ . . . ] . . . , of gold. 1 huzunu, of gold. 3 . . . , of gold. 1 harushu, of gold. 7 small pomegranates, of gold. 6 "weaves," of gold. 11 "worms," of gold. 1 3 shekels in weight. This jewelry is for keeping {girded]. 4 1 - 4 2 1 0 pairs of boots and . . . of gol[d . . . ] Their b[ut]tons' are of loiUba-stone. 100 shekels of gold hafve been used] o[n them]. 4 3 - 4 4 1 ointment receptacle; its rettu of . . .-stone; the handle a figure of alabaster. 4 5 - 4 6 1 ointment receptacle;' its rettu of alabaster; its handle a . . . [ . . . , overlaid with g]ol[d};' 2 genuine lapis lazuli stones [are set]' in the center. 4 7 - 4 8 1 ointment receptacle; its rettu of abasmu-stone; its handle a s[wal]low overlaid with gold; one genuine lapis lazuli stone [is set] in the center. 4 9 - 5 0 1 ointment receptacle; its rettu of marhallu-stone; its handle [a pan]ther [overlaid with] gold. It is set here {and there] with lapis lazuli and alabaster. 51 1 oin(t)ment receptacle; its retifu) overlaid with gold; its handle a Delugue-monster overlaid with gold. 52 30 shekels of silver (we)re overpaid]' on them. 53 1 wa[shba]sin, of gold; 1 2 3 shekels in weight. 1 washbasin of silver; 80 shekels in weight. 5 4 - 5 5 1 water-dip(per), of gold; 30 shekels in weight. 1 alkali container of gold; 14 shekels in weight. 1 alkali container of silver; 20 shekels in weight.'9 56—57 1 mirror, of silver; 40 shekels in weight; its handle a figure of a woman, of ivory. i?4 shekels of silver have been overlaid on them. 58—59 1 mirror, of silver; 40 shekels in weight; its handle a figure of a woman, of ebony. i 4 shekels of gold have been overlaid on them. 10

11

I 2

3

4

5

6

17

8

3

76

EA

25

60—61 1 kuninnu-bowl, of stone; its inside and its base have been overlaid with gold; 1 genuine lapis lazuli stone is set in it. 62 1 kuninnu-bowl, of gold; 20 shekels in weight. 1 comb of mol[ten] g l a s s . 63 1 heart, of gold; the inlay, genuine lapis lazuli; 30 shekels in weight. 64 30 hearts, of gold; (with) inlay; 900 shekels i[n weight}. 65 20 combs, of silver [ ( . . . ) ] . . . [ ( . . . ) } . 66 1 0 combs, of silver. 10 [...] ... [(...)}. 67 1 0 combs, of silver [ . . . ] . . . [ . . . ] . 68 10 combs, of silver { . . . ] . . . [ . . . ] . 69 10 combs, of silver [ . . . ] . . . [ . . . } . 70 { 1 0 co}mbs, of silver [ . . . } . 71 10 combs, of silver [ . . . } . 72 10 combs, of silver [ . . . ] . 73 10 combs, of silver [ . . . } . 20

21

iii I-II

.]

[..

12 1 [.. . , of sil}ver, 2000 [ . . . } . 1 3 [ . . . ] , of silver. 1 set of . . . { . . . ] . 14 [ . . . } , of silver. 300 shekels [ . . . ] . 1 5 1 set of angurbinnu, of silver. 1 { . . . } . 16—17 "flasks, along with their covers [ . . . hu]Ialu-stone { . . . ] strung. 10 shekels of gold, 30 shfekels of silver . . . ala]baster. 1 8 - 1 9 25 sets of flasks, along with [their] co[vers . . . ] . 4 2 4 shekels of gol[d have been used on the]m. 2 0 - 2 1 26 sets of fla(sks), along with [their] c[overs . . . eb]ony [ . . . ] . 4 2 / [ 4 shekels of silver have been used on the]m. 22—23 W sets offlas\ks, along with their covers, am]ong whi[ch] 1 of [.. .}-stone. 24—25 [ . . . } , overlaid with gold. 30 [ . . . ] . 26 [ . . . o]f the country ... [...]. 27—28 25 sets of askurus [A#-vessels . . . ] 20 shekels of gold [ . . . ] . 29 25 sets of askuru\shu-vessels . . . ] . 30—31 [ . . . have been used o]n them. 32 [x sets of askurus\hu-vessels, along with [their] (c)ov[ers . . . ] . 33—34 1 set 4 of [ . . . ] their [ . . . ] . . . of ram-horn [ . . . st]rung on a w[ire of gold]. 16 shekels of gold [have been used on them]. 22

1

s e t

or

23

3

3

2

77

THE AMARNA

LETTERS 25

35 25 ho{rn-rhytons ...] overlaid with gold. 12 shekels of [gold have been used on them]. 36 [x horn-rhytons . . . } overlaid [with gold]. 1 2 shekels of [gold have been used o]n t[hem}. 3 7 - 3 8 [ . . . ] overlaid [with gol]d . . . [ . . . } . . . [have been used o]n t[hem]. 39-40 5 horn-rhytons . . . [ . . . ] overlaid [with go]ld. 18 [shekels] of gold [have been used on them}. Among [which] 1 [ . . . } . 41 5 small horn-rhytons, of ivory [ . . . ] their [ . . . } overlaid with gold. 16 shekels [of gold have been used on them]. 42 1 aurochs horn-rhyton, overlaid with gold 3 times; inlay, [ . . . ] ; its rettu of [.. .]-stone. 43 1 aurochs horn-rhyton, overlaid with gold 2 times; inlay of [genuine] lapis lazuli; its rettu of [.. .]-stone. 44 1 mountain-ox horn-rhyton, overlaid with gold, and [its] stand is se[t here and there with ...}. 45 1 aurochs horn-rhyton, overlaid with gold 3 times; inlay and [its] re{ttu) of alabaster. 46 1 lulutu (animal) horn-rhyton, overlaid with gold; its rettu of ebony. It {is set] here and {there] with genuine lapis lazuli [ . . . ] . 47 1 lulutu (animal) horn-rhyton, overlaid with gold, its rettu of ivory. [// is se]t here and there with lapis lazuli (and) .. .-stone [ . . . } . 48 90 shekels of gold have been used on them. 4 9 - 5 0 20 ayigalluhu (animals) horn-rhytons, overlaid with gold; their rettu of ivory; on one of which the rettu is of ebony. 35 shekels of gold [have been used] on them. 5 1 1 4 giant aurochs horn-rhytons, overlaid with gold; their rettu of ivory. 42 shekels of gold [have been used] on [them]. 5 2 - 5 4 1 fly whisk, overlaid with gold; its rettu and its handle . . . [ . . . } its {p]arattatinu, of hiliba-stone, strung on a wire of gold; and its wire strung with genuine hulalu-stones, genuine lapis lazuli stones, carnelian stones. 30 shekels of gold [have been used] on [them]. 5 5 - 5 8 2 sets of kapissuhfcu-omaments, of gold. 2 sets of earrings, of gold; their cones, of fciliba-stone; their kukkubu, of hulalu-stone. 2 sets of toggle pins, of gold; their top of lapis lazuli. 2 "weaves," [of . . . ] and hili{ba]-stone . . . 9 maninnu-nec\d&ces, of lapis lazuli, with a gold knob. 1 2 hand-bracelets, of gold. 8 foot-bracelets, of gold. This jew­ elry is for the 2 principal ladies-in-waiting. 3 1 3 [shekels of gold}. 5 9 - 6 2 2 sets of earrings, of gold; their cones of fyiliba-stone; their . . . of hula{lu)-stone. 2 s{ets of toggle pins], of gold; their top of hulalu26

21

28

78

EA 25

stone. 2 "weaves," of lapis lazuli and hiliba-stone. . . . [ . . . x maninnunecklaces], of lapis lazuli, with a gold knob. 12 hand-bracelets, of gold. 8 foot-bracelets, of gold. [This] jewe[lry] is for the 2 principal ladies-inwaiting. It is 208 shekels of gold that [have been used] on [them]. 63 10 hand-bracelets, of gold. 1 0 foot-bracelets, of gold, for 10 pages. - 74 shekels in wei[ght]. 64-67 4[o]o foot-bracelets, of silver, for women. 100 sets of tog­ gle pins, of silver, their top [ . . . ] , for 100 dowry-women. 1440 shekels of silver [have been used] on th[em]. 30 sets of earrings, of gold; their cones of lapis-lazuli, for 30 [dowry]-women. 60 shekels of silver have been used on them. 3 0 hand-bracelets, ofgo[ld, for j ] o [me]n." 40 she[kels of silver have been used on them]. 68 [1 plaque], with kaziru-hgures, of gold and silver.' 10 shekels of go[ld] have been used on them. 69 [1 plaqu]e, with kaziru-hgures, of gold and silver. 36 shekels of silver have been us[ed] on them. 7 0 - 7 2 [x spindles, of gol]d, 8 shekels in weight. 26 spindles, of silver, 1 0 shekels in weight, [x spindles, of .. .} 1 0 spindles, of lapis lazuli. 16 spindles, of al[abas]ter. [x spindles, o f . . . ] . . . n spindles, of . . . [ . . .}-stone. 3 3 spindles, of horn. 7 3 - 7 5 [1 . . . , with figures o]f apsasu-animals,a [ov]erlaid with gol[d]. 100 shekels of gold have been used on it. [ . . . ] 15 (shekels) have been used o[n it. . . . ] of blue-purple wool. 7 6 - 7 7 [...] goblets [.. . } , of gold. 47 [ . . . ] . 2< )

30

2

iv 1 - 3 [• • •], of dusu-stone, overlaid with [sil}ver. [ . . . ] . . . , overlaid with gold and silver. 15 shekels of gold, 38 shekels of silver, [have been used on it/them]. 1 subtu-garment, of blue-purple wool. 4 - 5 [1 plaque, withfigure]sof Deluge-monsters, overlaid with gold and silver, [x shekels of gold, x shekels of silver], hav[e been used o]n it. 6 [...] tallu-\ars, overlaid with gold. 15 shekels of gold have been used on them. 7 [ . . . ] shekels of gold. 8 [...}. 9 [ . . . ] 6 shekels of [si]lver [ . . . ] . 10-11 [ . . . shekels of . . . in] weight, [x shekels of . . . ] have been us[ed on them]. 12-13 [ . . . } . . . is set. Its front [ . . . x shekels of . . . } have been used on them. 79

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

1 4 - 1 6 [ . . . withfigure]sof deer34 . . . [ . . . ] . . . withfigureso}/lions [ . . . x shekels of . . . ] have been used {on them]. 17 [ . . . ] , overlaid with gold. 2 shekels [of gold] hav[e been used o]n them. 1 8 - 2 0 [ . . . ] its side-board^' [ . . . ] . . . [ . . . ] . 2 1 - 2 2 [ . . . ] lapis lazuli, its side-board [ . . . ] of lapis lazuli, over­ laid with gold and silver. 6 shekels of gold, 26 shekels of silver, [have been used o]n [it]. 23—24 [ . . . , of bo]xwood, overlaid with gold and silver. 12 shekels of gold, 30 shekels of silver, have been used on them. [A figure], of ivory. 25—26 [ . . . ] , of boxwood, overlaid with silver. 1 6 shekels of silver have been used on them. [A figure], of ivory. 27 [ . . . , of sil]ver, 380 shekels in weight. 2 8 - 3 1 [x ches]ts, of [ . . . ] ; theirf[ig]ures, of iv[ory . . . x c]he[sts, of . . . ejbony; [their] bot[tom . . . ] . . . [ . . . } overpaid] with gold, [x] che[sts . . . ] of elammakku-v/ood, overlaid with gold and silver. [...] 3 shekels of gold, 64 [shekels of silver], have been used [on] it. 32-44 [...} ...36 45 4 [sh]irt[s], of many-colored cloth. 37 1 garment, Tukris-style, of many-colored cloth. 46 1 . . . [ . . . ] , of many-colored cloth. [i]o susinnu-gatments, of many-colored cloth. 3 47 40 [ . . . ] . . .-garments, of many-colored cloth, for women. 48 41 r[obes]. i[o fabri]cs, with cording above and below. 49 30 large blankets. 4 long spreads, for a bed. 50 2 sh[or]t spreads, of which the trimmings are many-colored, for a bed. 4 blankets, for the feet. 4 blankets, for the head.4° 51 1 scent container, with myrrh-scented oil. 1 scent container, with kanatku-oil. 5 2 2 scent containers, with sikil-oil. 1 scent container, with elderoil. 53 2 scent containers, with myrtle oil. 1 scent container, with persantu-oil. 54 1 scent container, with elder-oil. 1 (scent container), with myr­ tle oil. 55 10 kirru-pots that are full of "sweet oil." 56 1 ewer, of bronze. [ 1 ] kettle, of bronze. 57 [x] large [jar]s, of bronze, [x] small [j]ars, of br[onze}. 58 [ . . . } , of bronze. [...] pots [ . . . ] . 8

i9

41

80

EA

25

59 [ . . . ] . . . , of bronze. [ . . . ] . 60 [ . . . } . . . , of bronze. 1 0 wash[basins, of bronze}. 61 [ 1 0 brajziers, of bronze. 1 0 sets of angurin\nu, of bronze}. 62 [1 water-dip\per, of bronze. 1 container for alkali, of bronze. 2 0 knives, [of bronze]. 63 [x] small troughs, of boxwood. 2 0 small troughs, of elammakkuwood. 64 { 2 0 + x s]poons, of elammakku-wood. 2 7 0 women, 3 0 men, are the dowry-personnel. 65—67 It is all these [ob]jects (and) dowry-personnel t[hat Tu}sratta, the king of Mittani, [ . . . } her [...} ga[ve .. . ] . . .. 42

43

4 4

45

46

4 7

NOTES 1.

L i n e s 1 - 5 are b r o k e n ; 6 - 1 5 have only e n d s o f l i n e s , p r o b a b l y m o s t l y

concerning earrings. 2.

sa-Za-tu :

p r o b a b l y t h e s a m e as sa-an-Za-[t]i

4

3 2 7 ) , a n d sa-izaj-a-tu^, t a t i v e l y c o m p a r e d samsdti, 3.

in line iii 5 7 ( A d l e r , p .

iii 60. W i t h t h e s e c o n d , L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ten­ "disks."

O n e e x p e c t s h e r e , as in i 2 7 — 3 2 , identification o f t h e m a t e r i a l . W a s

tamlfi a l s o t h e n a m e o f a m a t e r i a l ? S e e below, ii 2 1 - 2 3 . 4.

See EA 1 3 : 1 4 a n d n o t e .

5.

K n u d t z o n read \mar-ha-lim,

n

marhallu,

t h e last s i g n b e c o m i n g li for A d l e r . A g a i n s t

however, are t h e a b s e n c e o f d o u b l i n g a n d t h e a p p a r e n t g e n i t i v e ; c o n t r a s t

mar-hal-lu

n

(EA 2 2 ii 67, t w i c e ) a n d ^mar-hal-lu

(below, ii 4 9 ) , w h i c h is a l s o the

r e g u l a r w r i t i n g e l s e w h e r e . For s t o n e s a n d other o b j e c t s f r o m t h e c o u n t r y M a r h a s i , see CAD,

M / i , p . 2 8 1 , a n d n o t e mar-ha-su

6.

ka-ma-ru

at U g a r i t r a t h e r t h a n t h e u s u a l marhusu.

(also i 6 2 ) is f o u n d at M a r i (first p o i n t e d o u t t o m e b y S. J .

L i e b e r m a n ) as a k i n d of o r n a m e n t a t i o n on a n e c k l a c e ( ? ) , a chair, a n d a vase; see t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f D u r a n d , ARMT

2 1 , p p . 2 4 1 - 4 2 , a n d L i m e t , ARMT

2 5 , p. 2 7 9 on

2 3 0 , and p. 2 8 3 on 4 4 5 . 7.

S e e C i v i l , Ebla,

8.

A c c o r d i n g t o L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n , sa qdti,

1975-198}

(see EA 2 2 , n. 5 ) , p . 1 4 9 . "for t h e h a n d , " m e a n s

"loose, u n a t t a c h e d . " 9.

See note 3 a b o v e .

10.

{i)s-hu-un-na-tu

4

h]u-[u]n-na-tum. (CAD,

Cf. KUB

( G o r d o n ) ; CAD,

S , p . 2 4 2 , r e t a i n s K n u d t z o n ' s z[i-

2 2 , 7 0 : 2 0 , "a b u n c h o f g r a p e s m a d e o f p r e c i o u s stones"

I / J , p. 190). 11.

sa su-ur-k[u -si) 8

( L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ) . F r o m iii 5 9 , 6 1 , however,

o n e w o u l d e x p e c t a d e s i g n a t i o n o f p e r s o n n e l , not o f f u n c t i o n . 12. 499, l

9(>9s,

T h e a s s u m p t i o n o f a n u n c o n t r a c t e d f o r m , ku -dup-pi-a-na 8

followed by S a l o n e n , Die Fussbekleidung

der Alten Mesopotamien

(AHw,

p.

[Helsinki,

p- 6 1 , a n d A d l e r ) , is difficult (an A s s y r i a n i s m ? ) , a n d there is no other

e v i d e n c e t h a t kuduppanu ( r e a d i n g gumbu or guduppu; 13.

p[u]-ti-in-na-su-nu

d e r i v e s f r o m c o n t r a c t i o n . I follow CAD, relation t o kuduppanu

K , p.

494

unclear).

( G o r d o n ) ; cf. EA 2 2 ii 2 4 , 3 0 . 81

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

14.

pt'-is-sa-tu

15.

S i n c e in ii 4 3 — 4 4 , 4 7 — 5 1 , t h e h a n d l e has s o m e sort o f a figure, I a s s u m e

(AHw,

p.

869).

the s a m e feature here. 16.

[ G A R - » # ] : cf.

17.

s[i-nu]-un-t[u ]

ii 6 1 ; s i m i l a r l y in

ii 4 7 ,

[GAR-/«].

( G o r d o n ) . O n the abalmu-stone,

4

see MSL

10, p. 9:i75f.

and c o m m e n t a r y p . 2 1 . 18.

u{h)-hu-{zu\

19.

T h e a l k a l i (uhillu;

(Adler). S u m e r i a n n a g a ) w a s u s e d for b a t h i n g , a n d h e n c e its

m e n t i o n here w i t h a d i p p e r ; cf. iv 6 2 . 20.

N A

21.

Cf.

bu-u[s-lu]

4

(CAD,

M / 2 , p . 291a).

t h e h e a r t - s h a p e d c u p a t M a r i (ARM

9,

268:5)

B a b y l o n i a n " h e a r t s , " w h i c h a r e a l w a y s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h sulapu, 22.

N o t e the w r i t i n g of

23.

S e e EA

24.

F o l l o w i n g VS 1 2 ; VAB

25.

" H o r n - r h y t o n " ( S I , qarnu)

(bibru,

a n d the

Neo-

"knife-blade(s)" (?).

angurinnu.

1 3 , note 2 2 . 2 / 1 , "2 sets" ( n o t c o l l a t e d ) . as d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m t h e s i m p l e

rhyton

EA 4 1 : 3 9 ^ . 26.

T a k i n g i-sa-as-[su

27.

P r o b a b l y s o m e k i n d o f a c l a s p ( R e i n e r , AfO,

5 7 ; ARMT 28.

7, p .

. . . ] a s an A s s y r i a n i s m . B e i h e f t 1 1 , p . 5 8 , on line

320).

EME(for E M E ) . D A =

tarftu;

cf. t h e tarftu,

w h o a c c o m p a n i e s a y o u n g w o m a n (nadftu) 9 2 ) , a n d t h e n u r s e (ummu,

a sort o f n u r s e or g o v e r n e s s

e n t e r i n g t h e "cloister" (ARM

10, 4 3 ,

lit. "mother") w h o r a i s e d Q u e e n B e l t u m a n d a c c o m ­

p a n i e d her f r o m Q a t n a t o M a r i , w h e r e s h e r e m a i n e d (AEM

1 / 2 , no.

298:29ff.).

T h e t w o w o m e n are referred t o a g a i n in iii 6 2 , a n d s i n c e t h e n u m b e r s m e n t i o n e d e l s e w h e r e are l a r g e , r o u n d n u m b e r s ( 1 0 0 in iii 6 5 ; 3 0 in iii 66; 2 7 0 in iv 6 4 ) , t h e s e t w o w o m e n are c e r t a i n l y n o t i n c l u d e d in t h e 2 7 0 w o m e n in iv 6 4 . T h e y

were

p r o b a b l y m e m b e r s o f a n o b l e family, c o m p a n i o n s t o t h e p r i n c e s s far f r o m her n a t i v e l a n d . Cf. t h e r e q u e s t in AEM sumatum,

1 / 2 , no. 2 9 8 : 1 3 6 ° . for 4 or 5 d u e n n a s

(pur-

l i t . "old w o m e n " ) f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e c u s t o m s o f t h e p a l a c e , t o k e e p Q u e e n

B e l t u m in l i n e . 29.

S i n c e reference here is t o f u n c t i o n rather t h a n t o a g e , suharf

m o r e l i k e l y r e a d i n g (AHw,

seems the

p . 1 0 8 9 , has fehruti; A d l e r , sehheruti). L i k e t h e l a d i e s - i n -

w a i t i n g of the previous p a r a g r a p h s , these m e n ,

w h o are a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y

not

i n c l u d e d in t h e 3 0 in iv 6 4 , w e r e p r o b a b l y o f h i g h social s t a n d i n g (see EA 17, n o t e 7)30.

I f in iv 6 5 mulugi q u a l i f i e s ude, a n d h e n c e all t h e o b j e c t s l i s t e d in EA 2 5

are t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as m., a s t h e t e x t is g e n e r a l l y t a k e n , t h e n t h e o c c a s i o n a l u s e o f m. in t h e list i t s e l f (iii 6 5 ; a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y iii 6 6 , 3 0 M U N U S . [ M E § mu-lu-kt]\

iv

6 4 ) s e e m s p o i n t l e s s — t h a t i s , if it is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d , n o t o f t h e p e r s o n s i m m e ­ d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g , b u t o f t h e o b j e c t s n a m e d (so AHw, t o o , of m. is definitely,

CAD,

Adler). The position,

if n o t decisively, a g a i n s t t h e l a t t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . A s a

d e s i g n a t i o n o f p e r s o n s , m. is a t t e s t e d earlier ( N u z i ) a n d later ( N e o - B a b y l o n i a n ) . 31.

In v i e w o f t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n t h e n u m b e r s o f o b j e c t s a n d

t h o s e o f p e r s o n s in iii 6 4 ( 1 0 0 ) a n d iii 6 6 ( 3 0 ) , 3 ) 0 s e e m s fairly c e r t a i n . [ L U ] . M E § , r a t h e r t h a n ' " T U R } . M E § ( K n u d t z o n , A d l e r ) , in v i e w o f 3 0 L U . M E § in iv 6 4 ; cf. M U N U S . M E S in

82

iii

64,

66,

and

iv

64.

EA 32.

Cf. t h e f o l l o w i n g line, [1 G I § . D U B - p ] u ,

a n d EA 2 2 iii 5. If gistuppu

c o r r e c t , t h e n t h e kaztru are h a r d l y c u r l s on f i g u r i n e s {CAD, [...

A L A M . M E S s]a ap-sd-a-((ab))-sd-ti.ME&

itself.

( L a n d s b e r g e r , Die

des Alten Mesopotamien . . . [ L e i p z i g , 1 9 3 4 ] , p . 8 8 ) . R . M . B o e h m e r , ZA p p . i8f.,

Fauna

66 ( 1 9 7 5 )

p r o p o s e s "water-buffalo." r

34. (VAB

is

K , p. 310), but more

l i k e l y t h e e n t i r e o b j e c t t e p r e s e n t e d , p e r h a p s t h e kazTru-phnt 33.

25

D A R " ' A . M A § . M E § (ayalT);

a l s o G o r d o n . I c o u l d see less t h a n K n u d t z o n

2 / 1 , p . 1 0 0 1 , no. 3 5 ) b u t m o r e t h a n VS 1 2 . R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f deer ( s t a g s )

were c o m m o n .

don); [sa

35.

Cf. EA 1 3 , rev. 1 - 4 a n d n o t e 1 4 .

36.

[...

gu -ha]-rf;-;/(iv 32); (...

Va.-p]t'-iz-zu-uh-hu

pe-pa-{wa-Ti\

ku-ur\-si-i-in-ni,

5

. . . [h]a-[z]u-[r]a

(iv (iv

40, 40;

n x {p\(-pa-wa-si

M E ; o n t h e l a s t w o r d , AHw,

if c o r r e c t ,

cf.

L a n d s b e r g e r in ur-ra-se-na

EA

"ankles" (iv 3 3 ; G o r ­ 22

ii

Gordon,

41); 2

and

cf.

TUG.ME§ iii

55);

p . 1 4 3 3 , "objects o f d e s i r e ? " ) .

37.

Cf. EA 2 2 iv 1 4 .

38.

M . D i e t r i c h a n d O . L o r e t z , BiOr 2 3 ( 1 9 6 6 ) p . 1 3 3 , e x p l a i n s susinnu

E g y p t i a n sus, " b y s s o s , " p l u s H u r r i a n a d j e c t i v a l e n d i n g 39.

Cf.

EA

22

iv

[ B A R . D U L ] ? (Cf. EA 2 2 ii 40. 41.

10

(iv 4 4 ; 1 1 0 0 w o u l d not b e w r i t t e n 1 1

11. At

the

beginning

of

as

-alenni(lu). the

line,

41

TUG.MES

40.)

For iv 4 9 - 5 0 , cf. EA 2 2 iv 1 2 - 1 5 . 5 i m

G I G (kanaktu,

kanatku

{EA

2 2 iii 3 2 ] ; a l s o G o r d o n : the s i g n in

q u e s t i o n is definitely not o n e o f t h e B U L U G - s i g n s . For iv 5 1 - 5 5 , cf. EA 2 2 iii 2 9 36. 42.

1

N f G . § U . L [ U H . H A ] (namsu ): t h e a p p a r e n t m i d d l e h o r i z o n t a l m a y b e only

a s c r a t c h . Cf. t h e s e q u e n c e in EA 2 2 iv 2 2 — n a m s u a n d la N E — a n d t h e next e n t r y here. 43.

[1 sa m e - e s u - l ] i : cf. ii 5 4 - 5 5 .

44.

i-en,

45-

[x 8 ' ] D f L I M . M E § (itqurati):

g r a p h (VAB

w i t h VS 1 2 . 5

also G o r d o n . Despite Knudtzon's auto­

2 / 1 , p . 1 0 0 1 , n o . 4 3 ) , a p p a r e n t l y c o n f i r m e d by t h e c o p y o f V S 1 2 ,

there a r e traces o f o n l y o n e h o r i z o n t a l f o l l o w e d b y o n l y one vertical a n d p o s s i b l y a s m a l l s c r a t c h . M y r e a d i n g y i e l d s t h e s a m e s e q u e n c e in lines iv 6 3 - 6 4 a s in EA

22

iv 3 4 — 3 5 . For t h e a s s u m p t i o n of t h e s a m e n u m b e r o f s p o o n s as t r o u g h s , see EA 2 2 iv 3 4 — 3 5 a n d n o t e 5 2 . 46.

mu-lu-gu {ME§] y

(cf. iv 6 5 ) ; o n t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , see iii 6 4 a n d note

3 0 . T h e n u m b e r s s e e m t o b e t o t a l s . For t h e 3 0 m e n , cf. iii 66. B e s i d e s t h e

100

( 1 3 0 ? ) w o m e n referred t o in iii 646"., e i t h e r t h e o t h e r 1 7 0 ( 1 4 0 ? ) were also m e n ­ t i o n e d in t h e b r e a k s , or, as s e e m s m o r e likely, n o o b j e c t s b e i n g a s s i g n e d t o t h e m , t h e y w e r e s i m p l y a d d e d in here. 47.

[u]-de^-e:

f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e , p . 3 5 , n.

1 6 4 ; cf. EA

i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h i s e n t r y is t h a t muliigt qualifies ude, d e s i g n a t e d as m. - g i f t s . H o w e v e r ,

7:81. The usual

w h i c h are therefore all

w i t h i n t h e list i t s e l f o n l y p e o p l e s e e m t o b e

c a l l e d m. (see iii 6 4 ) , a n d in iv 6 4 t h e s e p e o p l e s e e m t o f o r m a s p e c i a l category, i . e . , p e r s o n n e l as o p p o s e d t o t h e o b j e c t s w i t h w h i c h t h e list h a d been u p t o t h i s p o i n t . A d i s t i n c t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , b e t w e e n ude a n d mulugfas

concerned

two separate

c a t e g o r i e s o f g i f t s c o m p r i s i n g t h e d o w r y s e e m s m o t e p r o b a b l e . It is not clear, as

83

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

P i n t o r e , Matrimonio, and

p . 1 1 8 , m a i n t a i n s , t h a t m.,

e a r l y - T a l m u d i c t i m e s ( B . L e v i n e , JAOS

l i k e later A r a m a i c mfliig in p r e -

8 8 [ 1 9 6 8 } p p . 2jiff.),

was already at

t h i s p e r i o d d i s t i n g u i s h e d as t h a t p a r t o f t h e d o w r y over w h i c h t h e wife r e t a i n e d s o m e control.

EA 26

To the Queen Mother: some missing gold statues BM 29794 ( + ) A 9356 (Oriental Institute). BB 11 ( + ) Luckenbill, AJSL 33 (1916) pp. 7f. Earlier copies of A 9356: Abel, ZA 7 (1892) p. 118; Scheil, Memoires, p. 310. P H O T O G R A P H S : B B , pi. 9 (BM 29794); E. Chiera, They Wrote on Clay (Chicago, 1938), p. 203 (A 9356). T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler, pp. 206-11. TEXT:

COPIES:

[Say] t[o Teye], the mistress of Egy[pt]: T[hus Tusjratta, the king of [Mittani. For me] all goes well. For you may all go w[ell. For your household, for] your son, may all go well. For Tadu-Heba, [my daughter], your daughter-in-law, may all go well. For your countries, fo[r your troops], and for whatever else belongs to you, may all go very, very [well]. 7-18 You are the one that knows that I [myself] always showed love [to] Mimmureya, your husband, and that Mimmureya, [your] husba[nd], on the other hand, always showed love to me. A[nd the things) that I wou[ld write and] say [t]o Mimmureya, your husband, and the things that Mimmureya, your husband, [on the ot]her hand, [would alwa]ys write and say to me, you, [Keli]ya, and Mane know. But you are the on[e, on the other ha)nd, who knows much better than all others the things [that] we said [to one an]other. No one [el]se knows them (as well). 19-29 [And n]ow, you yourself [sai]d to Keliya, "Say to your lord: 'Mi[m]mureya, my husband, always showed love to yo[ur] father, and maintained (it) for you; he did not forge[t]3 his love for your father, and he did not cut o[fFH the [em]bassies that he had been accustomed to sending, one after the other. And now you are the one that must not forget your [ljove' for Mimmu[reya], your brother. Increase (it) f[or] Naphurre[y]a and maintain (it) for hi[m}. You must keep on send[ing] embassies of joy, one after the other. Do not cut [them] off.' " 1

2

6

84

7

EA

26

8

3 0 - 4 8 I will [not} fo[rget] the love for Mimmureya, your hus­ band. More than ever be[fo]re,9 at this very moment, I show 1 0 times— much, much—more love to Naphurreya, your son. [You are the one who knows] the words of Mimmureya, [your] husb[and, but] you did not s[end] ° all of my greeting-gift" that {your husband ordered] to [be sent]. I had asked [your husband] for [statues] of sol[id} cast [gold], saying, "[May my brother send me] a[s my greeting-gift, statues of solid cast gold and . .. ofgold] and genuine lapis lazuli." But now Nap[hurreya, your son], has plated [statues] of wood. With gold being the dirt [in your son's country, w]hy have they been a source of such dist[ress] to your son that he has not given them to me?'4 Furthermore, I asked . . . [ . . . t]o give th[is]. 5 Is this love? I had sa[id], "Naphurre[ya, my brother], is going to treat me 1 0 times better than his father did." But now he has not [given me] even what his father was accustomed to give. 49—57 Wh[y] have you [no]t exposed before Naph[urreya} the words t[hat you your]self, and with your own mouth, said to [me]? If [you] do not expose them before him, and y[ou keep silent], can anyone [el]se know? Let [Nap}hurreya give me statues of sol[id} gold! He must cause me no [dis}tress whatsoever, nor { . . . } . Let him treat m[e] 1 0 times better [th]an his father did, [wi]th love and evidence of es[teem]. 5 8 - 6 3 May your own messengers g[o] regularly with the messen[gers o]f Naphurreya, with 3 [ . . . t]o Yuni, my wife, and may the messen[gers o]f Yuni, my wife, [g]o regula[rly} to [you]. 64—66 I [her]ewith [send] as your greeting-gift [x] scent con­ tainers [filled] with "sweet oil," (and) 1 set of stones [set in gold]. l

12

13

J

16

17

NOTES 1.

A 9 3 5 6 b e g i n s here (line 2 1 ) a n d w o u l d j o i n B M 2 9 7 9 4 d o w n t h r o u g h

line 5 3 . 2.

it-ta-sa-ar-k[a}\

s o K n u d t z o n , a n d c o r r e c t l y ; A d l e r h a s - [ k u ] . A s the

i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g akkdsa

m a k e s clear, t h e v e r b a l suffix is d a t i v e c a s e , not

a c c u s a t i v e , a n d therefore t h e v e r b in t h i s i n s t a n c e d o e s n o t m e a n "to p r o t e c t " ; similarly, usurs[u]

in line 2 7 , a n d h e r e n o t e t h a t rubbi, " i n c r e a s e , " a l s o h a s no d i r e c t

o b j e c t e x p r e s s e d . A r t z i , in D u r a n d , La femme dans le Proche-Orient

antique

(see

I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 6 2 ) , p . 2 4 , is o f a different o p i n i o n . 3.

im-s[e]:

4.

ip-r[u-us]\

s o K n u d t z o n , a n d c o r r e c t l y ; -[si]

5.

[r]a-a-mu-ut-ka:

in A d l e r .

so K n u d t z o n , and correctly; A d l e r has

-[ru-us].

t h e s m a l l o b l i q u e w e d g e s u g g e s t i n g [r]u or [r]i m a y b e

only a scratch (also G o r d o n ) . 6.

A r t z i , in D u r a n d , La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique,

p . 2 6 , sees in t h e

(literally) "journey o f joy" reference t o t h e royal p r o c e s s i o n c o n d u c t i n g a b r i d e t o E g y p t . In c o n t e x t , however, w h e r e t h e r e is n o reference t o m a r r i a g e , this s e e m s

85

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

m o s t unlikely. T h e joy t h a t q u a l i f i e s t h e j o u r n e y refers t o t h e p l e a s u r e at h e a r i n g t h e brother's g r e e t i n g a n d a t s e e i n g t h e g i f t s t h a t a c c o m p a n y it; cf. EA 7.

ta-pa-ar-ra-as-{si-(mey].

27:7—8.

K i i h n e , p . 3 9 , n. 1 9 0 , r e a d s -[(ma-a?)-me]

r e j e c t s K n u d t z o n ' s taparras-[si]

and

on the g r o u n d s that the form should be 2d m a s ­

c u l i n e s i n g u l a r — w h i c h it is: taparras

+

suffix r e f e r r i n g t o fyarrdna (line 2 8 , f e m i ­

n i n e ) . T h e r e is r o o m for a t l e a s t o n e m o r e s i g n ; s i m p l e taparras

( A d l e r ) is c e r t a i n l y

wrong. 8.

ra-'a-mu-ut-t[a

la]

3 2 a-ma-as-sP:

t [ a , "not likely" ( G o r d o n ) . I f t h e r e

is n o t e n o u g h r o o m for [ l a ] , t h e n w e m u s t a s s u m e a r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n . In line 3 1 , rf-r[a-a]m-we

( K n u d t z o n , r e t a i n e d b y A d l e r ) is c e r t a i n l y w r o n g ; t h e c o r r e c t r e a d ­

i n g w a s g i v e n b y W i n c k l e r , KB 9. 10.

R e a d pa-n[a]-nu

5, p . 6 6 .

or pa-n[a\-''a'-nu

(Gordon).

I f t h e s u b j e c t is s e c o n d f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r ,

to-s[e-(e)-bi-li];

i f p l u r a l , tu-

s [ e - ( e ) - b i - l a ] ; cf. K i i h n e , p . 3 9 , n. 1 9 0 . 11.

sulmant,

"my gift" ( K i i h n e , i b i d . ) , b u t consisting of more than one

p i e c e , a s mitharis

s h o w s ; cf. EA

12.

e-te-ti (for

ri)-il.

27:4if.

13.

tz-[na s u l m a n l y a ( l i n e 3 9 ; line 3 8 is free r e s t o r a t i o n ) .

14.

i-na § [ A - / »

4 3 sa D U M U 4 i » im-tar-sti-ma.

K i i h n e , p . 3 9 , n. 1 9 0 ; ina libbi marasu, 15.

rf#-»/-t[a]

( A d l e r ) ; not an-ni-'P

see EA

O n t h e e n d o f line 4 2 , see

19:64^; 27:50^; 29:139.

(Gordon).

44 . . . x [...]

y: x, n o t <s[a

(so K n u d t z o n ) ; y, p r o b a b l y n o t n ] a ( G o r d o n ) . 16.

a t [ a - s a - k u - t i ] : only a g u e s s , b u t not m [ a ( G o r d o n ) .

17.

T h e n u m b e r is u n c e r t a i n , b u t c e r t a i n l y m o r e t h a n 1: t h e h e a d o f v e r t i c a l

j u s t v i s i b l e is t o t h e r i g h t b o t h o f t h e b r o k e n - a w a y [ a ] a b o v e in line 6 4 , a n d o f t h e " 1 " j u s t b e l o w in line 6 6 ( G o r d o n : 3 or 5 ? ) . F o l l o w i n g l i n e 66 a r e p r o b a b l y t w o lines o f E g y p t i a n , w r i t t e n in h i e r a t i c , a n d a n o t h e r l i n e c o n t i n u e d o n t h e left e d g e , f r o m t h e u p p e r e d g e d o w n w a r d s . T h e e n d of the line reads " ( . . . ) the wife of the k i n g of U p p e r E g y p t . "

EA 27

The missing gold statues again T E X T : VAT

233

( + ) 2197,

no.

1;

2193.

WA 23 (only VAT 233); VS 11, 11. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler, pp. 212-25; Pintore, Matrimonio, p. 21 (lines 13-31). COPIES:

1

[Say to Naplmrreya, the king of Egyjpt, my brother, my son-in-law, whom [I love and who loves me: Thus T]usratta, Great King, the king of Mi[ttani, your father-in-law, who loves you, your brother}. For me all goes well. For you m[ay all go well. For Teye, your mother, for] your [house]hold, may all go [well. Fo]r Tadu-Heba, [m]y daug[hter, your wife, for the rest of your wives], for [your] sons, [for] youf [mag]nates, 86

EA 27

for your chariots, [for] your [hor]ses, f[or your troops, for your country, and] for [whatever else belongs to you], may all go [ve]ry, very well. 7-8 [Ma]ne, my brother's messenger, [came and] I heard the [gr]eeting o[f my brother] and I [r]ejoiced greatly. I saw the goods that my brother [sen}t and I re[jo]iced greatly. 9—12 My brother said this: "Ju[st] as you always showed love to my father, Mimmureya, so now show love [to me." Af]ter my brother is desirous of my love, shall I not be desirous of my brother's lo[ve]?3 At this very moment I show you 1 0 times more l[ov]e than I did to your father! 13-18 And your father, Mimmureya, s[aid] this on his tablet. When Mane brought the bride-price, thus spo[k]e my brother, Mim­ mureya: "These goods that I have now sent are nothing, and my brother is not to complain. I have sent nothing. These goods that I have now sent to you, I have sent to you with this understanding' that, when my brother hands over my wife whom I have asked for, and they bring her here and I see her, then I will send you 1 0 times more than this." 1 9 - 2 7 I also asked your father, Mimmureya, for statues of solid cast gold, one of myself and a second statue, a statue o/Tadu-Heba, my daughter, and your father said, "Don't talk of giving statues just of solid cast gold. I will give you ones made also of lapis lazuli. I will give you, too, along with the statues, much additional gold and (other) goods beyond measure." Every one of my messengers that were staying in Egypt saw the gold for the statues with their own eyes. Your father himself recast the statues [i]n the presence of my messengers, and he made them entirely of pure gold. [M]y messengers saw with their own eyes that they were recast, and they saw with their own eyes that they were entirely of pure gold. 2 8 - 3 1 He showed much additional gold, which was beyond mea­ sure and which he was sen[d]ing to me. He said to my messengers, "See with your own eyes, here the statues, there much gold and goods beyond measure, which I am sending to my brother." And my messen­ gers did see with their own eyes! 3 2 - 3 4 But my brother has not sent the solid (gold) statues that your father was going to send. You have sent plated ones of wood. Nor have you sent me the goods that your father was going to send me, but you have reduced (them) greatly. 3 5 - 3 6 Yet there is nothing I know of in which I have failed my brother. Any day that I hear the greetings of my brother, that day I make a festive occasion. 2

4

6

7

8

9

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THE AMARNA

LETTERS

37-40 When [Ha]amassi, my brother's messenger, came to me, reported my brother's words, and I heard them, I spoke as follows: "Just as I always showed love to Mimmureya, your father, I will now show 1 0 times—much—more love to Naphurreya." Thus did I speak to Haamassi, your messenger. 4 1 - 4 2 But now my brother has not sent me the statues of solid gold, nor has my brother sent all the additional goods that your father o[rde]red sent. 43—44 May my brother now give me the statues of solid gold that I a[sk]ed your father for, and may he not hold them back. 4 5 - 5 1 . . . And [with gold being the dirt] in [my] brother's country, [why] have [the statues] been a source of such distr[ess] to my brother that he has not [given them to me . . . ] . . . 52-54 . . . 55—58 [/ sent Haamassi] posth[aste t]o [Mimmureya, my brother, and within 3 months] he sent back [Haamasfi] po[sthas]te. [Your father] sent me [much gold]; there were four sacks [full of gold that he sent me]. May my brother ask [Haa]massi, his messenger. 59-62, 63-68 . . .'3 6 9 - 7 3 [The wor]ds that [/ used to speak] t[o your father], and that [your fa]ther [used to speak to m]e, no one [knows. Teye, your mother], K[el]i[y]a, [and Mane know th]em, [but] no one else knows [them. My brother's] mother [knows everything, how your father [would speak] with me [and did not forget his lo}ve [for my father], and how [/] would speak with your father and [maintained] the lo[ve that he had from my father]. '4 7 4 - 7 8 [And n]ow my brother h[as sai]d: "Ju[st] as you [always showed love] to my fa[th]er, so s[how love t[o me]." My brother will see th[at] I sh[all show great love to my brother. I have] said, "My brother m[ust a]s[k}'5 his mother [ . . . ] . . . He wi[ll s]ee that [ . . . ] . 7 9 - 8 2 [M]a[ne, m]y brother's [messenger, . . . ] . . . [ / heard] my [brother's words and I rejoi[ced] gre[atly]. 8 3 - 8 8 .. . 89-92 I herewith [send post]has[te] Piriss[i and Tulubri, with a small escort, and have told them to hurry]. May [m]y brother not [detain them, (but) release them so] they can report back to me, [/ may he]ar [my brother's greeting], and re[joice]. ~i 93-98 [May] my brother's [messengers] come to me [wi]th Pirissi, [according] to the custom [of kings], posthaste [ . . . ] . . . . [ . . . the messengers of each] one will turn ba[ck]. Accordingly, I will let [Mane], 10

11

12

l 6

l

18

88

EA

27

my [brothe]r's [messenger}, go, and m[y} mes[seng}ers [my brother shall let go]. Gladly shall I send Mane to . . . [...] of my brother. 99-103 [W}h[en} my brother's [mes]sengers [arrive} a[long wi]th [Pirissi . . . / shall invite them] t[o celebrate] a great feast, the kimru-ieast. [So] may they arrive [ . . . } , and if they do so [arri]v[e] f[or . . . , then h]ow will I treat them! . . . the feast. 104—109 May my bro[ther] send me much gold. [At] the kim[rufe]ast, . . . [ . . . with] many goods [may my] brother [honor me. I]n my brother's [countr]y g[ol]d is as plentiful a]s dirt. [May] my brother [cause me no dis]tress. May he send me [m]uch [gold in or]der that my brother, [with the gold and m]any [good]s, may honor me. [ M ^ ] my [bro]ther [...] more than his father did. May they bring back to me [muc]h [gold]. no—in [Herewith, as your greeting-gift: 1} shirt, Hurrian-style; 1 [c]ity-sh\tt; 1 r[ob]e; 1 [.. .]-stone; [ . . . } pair(s?) fo[r the hjand; "eyestones" of genuine hulalu-stone, 5 per string, mount[ed] on gold. 112 [1 scent container] fil[led] with "sweet [o]il"; 1 set of stones mount[ed] on gold—for Teye, your mother. 113 I send [1 scent container fil]led [with "sweet oil"]; 1 s[et] of stones [mounted] on gold—[for] Tadu-Heba, [my daughter, y]our wife. 19

20

NOTES 1.

F o l l o w i n g K n u d t z o n , b e c a u s e o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f s p a c e , I d o not r e s t o r e

L U G A L G A L , " G r e a t K i n g , " a n d in t h e o m i s s i o n see n o i m p l i c a t i o n s of h o s t i l i t y (see EA 1, n. 2); A d l e r a r g u e s o t h e r w i s e . 2.

\it-tal-ka

3.

O r : "{Af ] t e r m y b r o t h e r is d e s i r o u s o f f r i e n d s h i p w i t h m e , shall I not b e

u\.

f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e , p . 3 9 , n. 1 9 1 .

d e s i r o u s of f r i e n d [ s h i p ] w i t h m y b r o t h e r ? " 4.

an-nu-u

u-nu-fcT

(also line 6): in v i e w o f mala anni,

"as m u c h as this"

(line 1 8 ) , annu s e e m s t o b e t h e d e m o n s t r a t i v e p r o n o u n r a t h e r t h a n a n i n t e r j e c t i o n or a d v e r b , a s K i i h n e , i b i d . , has s u g g e s t e d . 5.

O n t h e d i v i s i o n o f c l a u s e s , see U n g n a d , O L Z 1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 3 , followed by

K i i h n e , p . 3 9 , n. 1 9 1 , a n d A d l e r . For a different o p i n i o n see K n u d t z o n , followed by Z a c c a g n i n i , Lo scambio dei doni durante i secoli XV-XIIl 5 6 , a n d P i n t o r e , Matrimonio,

(EA 1 9 , n. 1 2 ) , p . 2 4 , n.

p . 2 1 . A g a i n s t t h e latter, silbulu d o e s n o t m e a n "to

send back." 6.

B o t h s t a t u e s w e r e for T u s r a t t a ' s p o s s e s s i o n (cf. t h e p l a t e d ones in lines

3 2 f f . ) , a n d therefore ana iyali h a r d l y m e a n s "for m e . " I f t h e s e c o n d s t a t u e were for T a d u - H e b a , t h e s c r i b e w o u l d h a r d l y have w r i t t e n ana salam Taduheba.

Cf. EA 14 ii

1 1 - 1 5 ; EA 2 4 , § 2 5 ( e n d ) . 7.

O n musler, lit. "let g o , " see K i i h n e , p . 3 8 , n. 1 8 1 .

8.

S e e AHw,

p . 2 7 7 a , a n d CAD,

Z , p p . 2 4 b , 3 1 b . P i n t o r e , Matrimonio,

p.

89

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

1 5 0 , n. 6 6 , t o o k zukku t o m e a n "to ( r e ) p o l i s h (after c a s t i n g ) , " b u t t h i s m e a n i n g is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d , a n d it d o e s n o t fit t h e c o n t e x t w e l l . 9.

tultemty.

Julmanati... pi.

t h i s r e a d i n g is c e r t a i n ( a d d t o CAD,

mtsa,

M / i , p . 3 5 0 ) , a n d cf.

"the g r e e t i n g - g i f t s . . . were m e a g e r " ( R S 3 4 . 1 3 6 : 8 , 1 1 ; Ugar. 7,

XVIII). 10.

F o r t h e c o r r e c t i o n o f t h e c o p y in VS 1 1 , s e e S c h r o e d e r , OLZ 1 9 1 7 , c o l .

11.

[•..

105. i-na

§ A - / a f\a

3 E $ - [ / W A L A M . M E S ] im-tar-sa-a-ma,

2 6 : 4 2 ^ F o r t h e f e m i n i n e g e n d e r o f salmu, lapikta

uppuqta

n o t e santtu

salmu

a n d see

EA

in l i n e 1 9 , p r o b a b l y

in line 2 1 .

12.

O n l i n e s 5 5 - 5 8 , s e e K i i h n e , p . 3 1 , n. 1 4 5 ( e n d ) .

13.

M e n t i o n o f K e l i y a ( l i n e 5 9 ) a n d T u l u b r i ( l i n e 6 0 ) ; reference t o a s h i p ­

m e n t of g o l d (line 6 3 ) , 14.

L i n e s 6 9 - 7 3 , cf. EA 2 6 : 7 - 1 8 , 2 2 - 2 7 .

15.

l[u-(ii)

i-s]a-'a-[al-(si)

...]:

l[i-is-t]a-'-[al-si]

(Adler)

is

certainly

wrong. 16.

M e n t i o n o f M a n e ( l i n e 8 3 ) , p r o b a b l y a b o u t l e t t i n g h i m g o (cf. lines

9 3 - 9 8 ) ; t h e d e t e n t i o n o f his o w n m e s s e n g e r s in E g y p t ( l i n e 8 4 ) ; p e r h a p s a festival ( l i n e 8 7 , cf. lines 9 9 - 1 0 9 ) ; a n d T e s s u p a n d A m o n ( l i n e 8 7 ) . 17.

O n lines 8 9 - 9 2 ,

s e e A d l e r , b u t in l i n e 9 2 [.. Au-us]-me-e-ma

r

hT-

[uh-du] seems more probable. 18.

C f . parsu

19.

L i n e s 9 9 - 1 0 3 a r e free r e s t o r a t i o n s . T h e festival is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d a s

sa sarranT,

KBo 1, 1 4 , rev. 6.

c e l e b r a t e d i n t h e M i t t a n i c a p i t a l , n o t i n E g y p t , a n d it h a s n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h f u n e r a l rites for A m e n o p h i s I I I or w i t h ^ - f e s t i v a l s , a s D . R e d f o r d , The Akhenaten Temple Project, 1 ( W a r m i n s t e r , 1 9 7 6 ) , p . 8 6 , n. 8 0 , h a s p r o p o s e d ; s e e K i i h n e , p p . 4 3 f . , n. 2 0 5 . 20.

O n t h e left e d g e , b e g i n n i n g a t t h e b o t t o m o f t h e t a b l e t , a h i e r a t i c

d o c k e t : "[ye}ar 2 , first m o n t h o f w i n t e r , [ d a y . . . ] , w h e n o n e w a s i n t h e s o u t h e r n city, in t h e c a s t l e o f H^-m-iht; c o p y o f t h e N a h a r i n letter t h a t t h e m e s s e n g e r P i r i s s i and the m e s s e n g e r [ T u l u b r i ] b r o u g h t . " See t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , sect. 6 a n d note 1 3 5 .

EA 28

Messengers detained and a protest TEXT: COPY:

BM 37645. Scheil, Memoires, p. 302.

TRANSLITERATION

A N DTRANSLATION:

Adler, pp. 226-29-

1

Say to Naphurereya, the king of Egyp[t], my brother, my son-in-law, who lo[ves me] and whom I love: Thus Tusratta, the king of Mittan[i], your father-in-law, who loves you, your brother. For me all goes well. For you may all go well. For your household, for Teye, your mother, the mistress of Egypt, for Tadu-Heba, my daughter, your wife, for the rest of your wives, for your sons, for your magnates, for your chariots, for 2

90

EA

28

your horses, for your troops, for your country, and for whatever else belongs to you, may all go very, very well. 12-19 Pirissi and Tulubri, [m]y messengers, I sent posthaste to my brother, and having told them to hurry very, very much, I sent them with a very small escort.' Earlier, I had said this to my brother: "I am going to detain Mane, [my brother's} messenger, until [my] brother lets my messengers go and they come to m[e]." 20-28 And now my brother has absolutely refused to let them go, and he has put them under very strict detention. What are messengers? Unless they are birds, are they going to fly and go away? Why does my brother suffer so about the messengers? Why can't one [sim]ply g o into the presence of the other and hea[r] [the ot}her's greeting, [and] both of us rejoice very, very much every day? 29—36 May my [brother] let my messengers go promptly so I [m]ay hear the greeting [of] my [brothjer . . . 3 7 - 4 1 1 want to let [Mane] g o and I want to send [my] messen­ gers to m]y [brother] as in the past, [that] I may h[ear] my brother's former [ . . . ] . . . He went to my brother, and may my brother do abso­ lutely everything I want and not cause me dist[ress}." 42—49 Teye, your mother, knows all the words that I spoke with yo[ur] father. No one else knows them. You must ask Teye, your mother, about them so she can tell you. Just as your father always showed love to me, so now may my brother always show love to me. And may my brother listen to nothing from anyone else. 3

4

6

7

8

9

10

NOTES 1.

D e t e r m i n a t i v e o m i t t e d in c o p y ; s i m i l a r l y , an o m i t t e d in

mi-it-ta-a-an-

n[i] ( l i n e 4). 2. Written I . M U N U S (Gordon). 3. aq-ta-bd-a-Iu-nu-tU] 4.

(Gordon).

altaparsun[il-ti]?

5 . misutamma:

s i n c e {m)Tsu m o s t often refers t o n u m b e r s , w i t h A d l e r I follow

K n u d t z o n . O t h e r r e n d e r i n g s : "at least" ( T u s r a t t a s e n d s m e s s e n g e r s , w h e r e a s the E g y p t i a n k i n g r e m a i n s c o m p l e t e l y s i l e n t ; K i i h n e , p . 4 5 , n. 2 1 0 ) ; "at once"

{CAD,

M/2, p. 116). 6.

ana gamratimma:

Congres international

!975)»

P-

7.

3.

f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e , p . 4 5 , n. 2 1 0 ; A r t z i , Actes du X X / X ?

des Orientalistes,

Section organisee par Daniel A r n a u d (Paris,

"finally, after a l l . "

libbalu

ikkallu,

l i t . "his h e a r t e a t s h i m . " T h e e x p r e s s i o n , w h i c h A d l e r

m i s u n d e r s t o o d , is e l s e w h e r e u s e d o f a b d o m i n a l p a i n s , b u t here clearly is t i v e ; cf. CAD, 8.

AJ\,

p . 2 5 5 a ; AHw,

[e-se]-ru or

figura­

p. 549a.

[ n e - s u ] - r # la innesser: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e , p . 4 5 , n. 2 1 0 , w h o

u n d e r s t a n d s t h e e x p r e s s i o n t o m e a n "to b e s u c c e s s f u l , " i . e . , w h y can't o n e have

9i

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

s u c c e s s w i t h (lit. "before") t h e other. T h e n o t i o n , however, o f easy a c c e s s to e a c h o t h e r ( t h r o u g h one's m e s s e n g e r s ) , w i t h i t s i m p l i c a t i o n o f t h e q u i c k d i s m i s s a l a n d r e t u r n o f t h e m e s s e n g e r s , p e r h a p s fits t h e c o n t e x t better. 9.

u -mi-$a{m-ma) 4

10.

£...

(Gordon).

l]u-mel-s[e]>•-/»:

A d l e r ' s r e a d i n g , a-ra-am-su,

following

Scheil's

copy, is d i s p r o v e d by c o l l a t i o n . 11.

u-s[e-em-ra-af]

(Gordon).

EA 29

A long review of Mittanian-Egyptian relations VAT 271 + fragments: 1600, 1618-20, 2195-96 nos. 2197 nos. 3 - 5 , and two unnumbered. C O P I E S : WA 24 (without the fragments); VS 11, 12. P H O T O G R A P H : WA, pi. 2 (obverse). T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler, pp. 2 3 0 - 5 1 . TEXT:

3-4,

[Say to Naphureya, the king of Egypt, m]y [brother], my son-in-law, whom I [lo]ve and who lo[ves me: Message of Tusratta], Great [King], kin[g of Mittan}i, your brother, your father-in-law, who loves you. For me all goes we[ll. For you may all go well. For] Teye ma[y all go w]el[l. F]or Tadu-Heba, [m}y daughter, may all go we[ll. For the r]est [of your wives'] may all go well. For your sons, for your magnates, for your chariots, for [your] hors[es, for your troops, for] your [country], and for whatever else belongs to you, may all go very, very well. 6—10 [From the beginning] of my [king]ship on, as long as Nimmureya, your father, went on writing to me, {he wrote over and over] about peace. There was nothing el[sep whatsoever that he wrote about over and over to me. T[ey]e, the principal [and favorite] wife of Nimmureya, your father, knows all the words of Nimmureya, your father, tha[t] he would write [to] me over and (ov)er.4 It is Teye, your mother, whom you must ask about all of them: [what] your father {would write over and over],'' the words that he would speak with me over and over. II—15 {My love for] my {brother] is 10 times greater than what we always had with Nimmureya, your father. [But whatever] Nimmureya, your father, would constantly discuss with me, in absolutely not[hing] did he ever cause me distress. Whatever I might say, on that very day [he did] it. I, too, in absolutely nothing did I ever cause him distress, and what[ever he might say] to me, on that very day I di[d] it. 1

2

6

7

92

EA

29

8

1 6 - 2 7 When { . . . ] , the father of Nimmureya, wrote to Artatama, my grandfather, he asked for the daughter of [my grandfather, the sister] of my father. He wrote 5, 6 times, but he did not give her. When he wrote my grandfather 7 times, then only under such pressure did he g[iv]e her. When Nimmureya, your father, [wro]te to Sutt[arna], m[y] father, and asked for my father's daughter, my own sister, he wr[ote] 3 , 4 times, but [he did not giv]e her. When he wrote 5, 6 times, only under such pressure did he g[iv]e [her].? W[hen] Nim­ mureya, [yo]ur [fa]ther, wrote to me and asked for my daughter, I did [not] say n{6). The [very]firstti[me) I said [to] his messenger, "Of course I will give her." [When] your messenger came the sec{ond time], o[il] was poured [on] her head, and when I received her bride-price, I ga[ve her. '3 And the br]ide-price that Nimmur[eya], your [father, sen]t, was beyond measure, ri[v]alling in height heaven and earth. I did not [say], "I will [no]t give her." I sent posthaste Haamass[i], m[y] brother's [...] .. .'4 to Nimmureya, [and with]in 3 months, [w]ith extreme prompt­ ness, [he sen]t [him back]. He se[nt along] 4 sac[ks'5 f]ull [of] gol[d, not to me]ntion the jewelry [ . . . ] . . . , which he se[nt] separately. 2 8 - 5 4 [Wh]en I gave my [daug]hter and she was brought and Nimmureya, your father, saw her, [he] re[joiced]. {Was there anything] he did [no}t rejoice about? He rejoiced v[ery], very much! My brother spoke as follows: "{My brother g]ave {his daughter] in perfect fait{h]." He made that day a festive occasion along, too, with his country. Because of my messenger (32-37) [ . . . J]ust as when one sees [his] pee[r], he shows him respect, so Nimmureya showed respect to [my messengers as p]eers and as [f]rie[nds}. ° He sent back all my messengers that were in residence in (to?) the quarters that {were established] for Tadu-Heba, and there was not {a single one) among them who went in and {to whom he did not g]ive {something]. He gave Keliya's [in]got of gold weighing 1 0 0 0 shekels, and Nimmureya gave [ . . . sacks fu]ll of [gold] to Tadu-Heba. Tadu-Heba lai{d] them {all] out {before) my {messengers). As fa{r as] my [messe]ngers {were concerned), Nimmureya showed them respect with love {and evidence of esteem). (37—44) [Nimm]ureya sent Niyu, his messenger, [ . . . ] , which belonged to me, and he br{ought them post]haste. 4 Before me {he laid out) 7 sacks {full of) gold, {and 1 ijngot ' of gold [weighing [ 1 0 0 0 shekels] for Keliya. And thus {Nimmureya, your father), made [. . . ] . . . exceed, [out of l]ove. Before my messengers [ . . . ] . . . he had that brought to me posthaste [...] and he instructed [him], "Like {... y]ou shall eat." Because he sent him posthaste, he did not have {the statues] brought to me, but everything 10

11

12

l6

17

18

19

2

21

22

23

2

2

26

21

93

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

else, whatever he did have brought, was limitless. And thus [Nimmu]reya, your father, did not permit that in any mat[ter, even o]ne, distress be caused. (45-50) [And with regard to] all [the things} that I say, I call no one [el}se as witness. It is Teye—she is your [mother]! —that I call. Inquire carefully of Teye, your [mother], if in the things that I say there is [ev}en a single word of [un]truth; i[f there is a wo]rd that is not that of Nimmureya, your father; if [Ni]mmureya, your father, together with me, did not make [mutual lovefl]ourish;3°if Nimmureya, your father, [did n]ot say: "When I see to it that there is sufficient [Eg]yptian gold in Hanigalbat, I certainly will not send [...] . . . " (50-54) I asked for [2] statues of so(l)id chased gold from Nimmureya, your [father], and Nimmureya, [your] fat[her], said: "[W]hat are statues of just gold with nothing else [that] my [brot]her has asked for? Don't talk of just go[ld] ones! I will make o[nes with genu]ine lapis lazuli (too), and send them to you." [And] thus Nimmureya, your [fat]her, in no matter whatsoever, ever rejected what I said, [or] in any matter whatsoever caused me distress. 55—60 When [m]y [brother], Nimmureya, went to his fate it was reported. [When I heard] what was reported, [nothing] was allowed to be cooked in a p o t . ' On that day I myself wept, [and I] sat [ . . . ] . On that day I t[ook] neither food nor water. I grieved, [saying, "Let ev]en me [be dead],n or let 10,000 be dead in my country, and in my [brother]'s [country] 10,000 as well, [but] let [my brother, whom I lov]e and who loves me, be alive as long as heaven and ear[th." T]hat we love [ . . . } that [love] was in our hearts, [and] we indeed did make (it) last. 61-64 when they said, "Na]p[hurey]a, the oldest son of Nim­ mureya and Teye, his [principal] wife, is exercising the [king]ship [in his place], then I spoke as follows: "Nimmureya, [my brother}, is not dead. [Naphurejya, his oldest son, [now exercises the kingship] in his place. Not[hing whatsoever is going to be cha[ng]ed from the way it was before." 65—68 [Now I went o]n reflecting, thinking, "Naphureya is my brother. That we love, [that] is in our hearts. It is going to become 1 0 times gr[ea]ter [th}an what there was with Nimmureya, his father, for Teye, his mother, the [principal and favorite wife of [Nimmureya], is alive, and she will expose before Naphureya, [the son of Nimjmureya, her husband, the fact that we always loved (each other) very, very much." 69—79 [But at the time] when [my brother]firstwrote [to me], when he let Keliya go and [my brother] sent Mane, my brother sent me statues 28

29

}I

2

34

94

EA

29

(made) of wood. W[hen I sa]w the gold [that Nimmure}ya himself {had proni\ised, that it was not gold and that it was not solid, that [ . . . ] . . . , then I w{as in] even greater {pai]n than befo[re]. [ . . . ] Moreover, [the goods] that Nimmur[e]ya, my brother, gave me, my brother {great]ly {reduced]. So I became angry, {as] was {only r]ight. I became extremely hostile. [ . . . ] . . . As to what was from Naphureya, my [br]other, he added nothi{ng] more to [it]. ['...] . . . [(He ca)used] me [dis]tress. [.. .} . . . Before Mane came, [I caus]ed {you] no distress [whatsoever. 80—90 . . . [/ addressed] my magnates as f[oll]ows: "With my brother, in perfect {faith, ...]. My [ancestors, moreover, {always showed great love] to his ancestors." [...] The presents that my brother sent to me and [ . . . } we rejoiced greatly and we indeed made the day a festive occasion. [ . . . } He was delaying, and I rejoiced on that day [...] with the foreign guests. Mane, too, my brother's messenger, {greatly] re­ joiced. Let him tell [you] (about it). 91-99, 100-107 .. , 108—118 [...] . . . And ri[ght] now {inquire carefully of your mother about] the words that your mother {spo]ke to Keli[ya]. I asked for [stat­ ues] of solid chased gold, and the obj[ects of] my desire {that I asked your father for, you have not sent. Should L] be confident? My brother has not let my messengers go, and {he] has not [ . . . } . He has not sent him back, and he has not informed me. The statues o[f solid chased gold that I asked Nimmureya fo]r, I have now asked [yjou for, but you have not given them. And the objects of [my desire] . . . you have not [infor]med me. My messengers, since 4 years ago, . . . 119-135 .. .39 One must not change another's words. {Whatever be the things that I say], my brother {should] do, and whatever the things be that my brother {says, I will do]. One {shall not cause] distress to the ot[her] in anything whatsoever. [ . . . ] We [must] love and we must rejoice as long as we live. It will make {o]ur {countries] happier {than all other countries], and they will say, "How {the kings ofHanigalbatandEgy]pt {love (one another)]." If in this way {it makes our countries so very] much [more happy] than all other countries, all other countries {will see this, and] they will speak of y{ou]. 136-147 [ . . . } . . . [Sta]tues of s(o)lid chased gold I asked for from Nimmureya, your father, and I most urgently asked for much [go]ld that had [not] been work[ed]. Now, may my brother give me the statues of [solid ch]ased [gold]; {may] my brother {give me] promptly much gold that has not been [wo]rked. Your father himself gra[ntedme sta]tues of gold. [W]hy is it for [you] a source of distress, and (why) 35

i6

37

3 8

40

95

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

has he not in[quired] if [I did n]ot ask [your father] and if, moreover, your father did not grant them to me. [ . . . ] . . . They (the words?) are not at all t[r]ue. If not, (say that) your father also gave me the statues I asked for and now [I] have asked [my brother for other ones]. Would my brother not make other ones? Would he not give them to me? Would he cause me distress? [ . . . ] . . . of the entire matter. ( 1 4 3 - 1 4 7 ) Teye is your mother, and it is of Teye, your mother, that you must in[quire], [if I did not a]sk for [statues of go]ld [and] much other [gol]d from [your] father, and if your father did not grant them to me. May my brother give me [statues of] solid [ch]ased [gold] and [much] other gold, and may my brother not cause me dis[tress. In my brother's country gol]d is as plentiful as [dir]t, and I have not caused [my brother dis]tress. If I cannot build a mausoleum [for my ancestors], what can I do for them? 1 4 8 - 1 5 4 [/ reflected], "Keliya should return to my brother. Shall I cause [my] brother distress? I will send Keliya back to him!" [I spoke to my brother a]s follows: "My brother, I would like to send back [your] messengers promptly, but as long as my brother [has detained] my messengers, I have detained these men her[e]." I also s[ai]d;4 "As soon as he lets my messengers go, [ . . . } . . . and present their report to me, I will let Ma[ne] go and [I will send] Keliya [ba]ck to my brother as before. As long as my brother detains m[y] messengers like something for]gotten, I [will do] as I have planned." Furthermore, the affair of my brother has now become a matter for some kind of de[nuncia]tion. For what reason [has] my brother's [ . . . } . He is a man, and he has taken his seat on the throne of his father no[w become a g]od. Let my brother do as he pleases. 1 5 5 - 1 6 1 I [hereby] declare: "My brother has indeed not let my messengers go, and he inde[ed] detains them a long time. I certainly de[noun]ce [this], my brother, I indeed de[nou]nce (it). [I sent] Masibadli, my messenger, (who is) also Keliya's uncle, to [my] brot[her], and I sent him [to] my [brot]her with friendly intentions. My brother must not complain that I have not se[nt] Keliya, or have not s[en]t him [with friendly intentio]ns. That other messenger of mine whom I sent to my brother is the brother of Keliya, son of the same mother, [ . . . and] I sent him posthaste to my brother. Because my brother has not let him go promptly so he might return here, and because my brother has given me no information [with regard to the re]quests that I have made, for this reason I have not sent Keliya. [Nor is my brother] to tur[n] this into a matter of complaint or anything else. 41

2

4i

44

96

EA

29

162-165 [Masiba]dli, whom I sent to my brother, is Keliya's un­ cle. {May my brother give] the statues of solid ch[as]ed gold, and may my brother give me much gold that has not been worked for the mausoleum, as I have requested of my brother. May [my brother n]ot cause me [dis]tress and not hold back, for in my [bro]ther's country go[ld] is as plentiful as dirt. [Nor will I myself} cause my brother [dis]tress. 166—172 May [my brother] treat me with 1 0 times greater love and brotherliness than his father did, and we will al[ways sh}ow very, very much love t[o] my [brother]. May my brother let [m]y [messen­ gers go pr[omp]tly, and may he send Mane along with my messengers so that they may co[me . . . ] . . . If my brother grants this, then I will send Keliya to my [brothe]r, (and) [/ will pro]vide*^ a large expedition f[or] my [brothe]r. I will do absolutely [every]thing that my brother says. [ . . . } . . . I will do [an]d they are done. I have not written as before. It is like this (now) s[o / can write] and my brother understand me. My brother is not to complain. [/ will send] a lar[ge] mission. [I will se]nd Keliya, and I will send a large mission to my [bro]ther. 173-181 {My brother] spoke {about Art]asuba and Asali, declaring, "They broke the law in your brother's country." They were br[oug]ht in {before] their [ . . . ] , and the rest of my servants who had been living in Egypt were brought in. Ma[ne, too, en]tered my presence, and they were convicted in [m]y pre[sence. Mane] spoke {of their reputation], and I said in rheir presence, "Why [...] . . . your reputation?" {My brother, ajsk {Mane] how I treated them. / p{ut them] in chains and {fetter]s.^ I had [both of] them, one alongside the other, tra[nspor]ted to a town of mine on the border. But {my brother had said nothing] more, and for this reason I did not execute them. My brother, how {was I to know t]heir {crime} Since] my [brother] did not say, [I, for my part], did not ask. Now, may my brother esta[bl]ish the natu{re of their crime}, * and I will treat [them] j[ust a]s my brother wants them treated. 182-185 [A]s [my brother's] greeting-gift: 1 gold comb, inlaid with . . . , with the head of a yak; 1 huppa/u-mace* {...]; {.. .] lapis lazuli [ . . . ] , 1 pair for the hands, of y-shirts; [3] bows; 3 quivers overlaid with gold; o[o ar]rows of bronze; . . . [ . . . ] ; [ . . . ] fine [ . . . ] ; 3 ma{ces—I [herewith] send [a]s my brother's greeting-gift. 186-187 [.. .] of gold; 1 pair for the hands, of s"ada{nu]-stone; [1 pair] of earrings of [.. .]-stone; [ . . . ] ; 2 garments—I [herewith] send as the greeting-gifft of Te]ye, your mother. 6

1

1

8

50

97

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

188-189 [ . . . ] ; 1 pair for the hands of [sadanu-sto]ne; [1 pair of e]arrings [of . . .-stone; . . . ] ; 4 garments—[I herewith} se[nd] a[s the gre}eting-gift off Tadu-Heba}, my [dau}ghter. NOTES 1 . O n umma,

" m e s s a g e , " see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 5 2 .

2.

[istu res LVG]AL-ru-ti-ia:

3.

mimma sa-n\u-u\.

following Kiihne, ibid.

f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e , p . 4 6 , n. 2 1 2 .

4.

il-ta-nap-(pa)-ru:

f o l l o w i n g Adler.

5.

[Sa i l - t a - n a p - p a - r u ] .

6.

[ r a - ' a - m u - t i s a it-ti §E§]-irf.

7.

A s lines 1 2 — 1 5 m a k e clear, t h e s u b j e c t here m u s t b e "he," a n d t h e r e ­

fore

1 4 [i-te-pu-ufi; 8.

cf. EA

1 7 : 1 3 ; EA

29:30. c

T h e p r a e n o m e n o f T h u t m o s i s I V (mn-hprw-r )

m a y have a p p e a r e d in t h e

b r e a k . E x t e n d e d n e g o t i a t i o n s s e e m t o have b e e n t h e r u l e in i n t e r d y n a s t i c m a r ­ r i a g e s ( P i n t o r e , Matrimonio,

p p . 1 6 , 5 4 ) , a n d therefore o n e m a y not infer a c e r t a i n

h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d s T h u t m o s i s I V (so D . L o r t o n , The Juridical tional Relations in Egyptian

Terminology of

Interna­

Texts through Dynasty X V / / / [ B a l t i m o r e , 1 9 7 4 ] , p . 1 7 2 ,

n. 1 1 ) . 9. 10.

Cf. EA it

i :26ff. 7

rf-[ul-la]

2 2 [ u l - l a ] aq-bi,

2 2 [ l a - a ] aq-bi.

K i i h n e , p . 2 4 , n. i n , p r o p o s e d it a - [ u l ]

b u t t h i s y i e l d s a n u n u s u a l p o s i t i o n for t h e n e g a t i v e a n d d o e s not

a d e q u a t e l y fill t h e s p a c e at t h e e n d o f line 2 1 . T h e w r i t i n g u-ul-la t h e influence o f u-ul a n d p e r h a p s a-an-na 11.

ina ma-ah-[ti-im-ma

(cf. EA

could be d u e to

19:20).

a - n a C")] . . . ina s a (text: h[)-nu-ut-t[im-maY-

l o w i n g L a n d s b e r g e r , Symbolae . . . Martina

David

dedicatae (see EA

fol­

n , n. 7 ) , p p .

79f., n. 4; so a l s o A d l e r in K i i h n e , p . 3 0 , n. 1 3 8 , b u t A d l e r r e t r a c t e d t h i s r e a d i n g in A O A T 2 0 1 , p p . 2 3 2 f . Cf. EA 12.

it-ta-ab-k{u]:

catae, p p . 7 9 f . ,

19:58.

f o l l o w i n g L a n d s b e r g e r , Symbolae . . . Martino

13.

at-ta-d[in-si]:

14.

[ N I M ] G I R : very d u b i o u s . P i n t o r e , Matrimonio,

susapinnu,

David

dedi­

n. 4. see VAB

2/2, p. 1588. p . 1 5 0 , n. 7 1 , t a k e s it as

" a t t e n d a n t t o t h e g r o o m , " " g a r c o n d'honneur" (PRU

15.

4 K [ u S . M E $ ] : f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e , p . 3 1 , n. 1 4 5 .

16.

[mus-s]ir

3, p. 1 4 7 : 1 5 ) .

(cf. l i n e 5 2 ) w o u l d m a i n t a i n t h e rhetorical t o n e o f t h e p a s s a g e

b e t t e r t h a n "I/he sent" ( K i i h n e , p . 3 2 , n. 1 4 6 ) . 17.

G r a m m a r unclear, b u t h a r d l y "I b r o u g h t her." S u b j e c t o m i t t e d ?

18.

[mi-im-ma

u-u\l.

19.

ina ku -u-ul

libbtsu,

s

lit. "with all his h e a r t , " i . e . , w i t h o u t d u p l i c i t y ,

k e e p i n g his p a r t o f t h e a g r e e m e n t perfectly. O t h e r o p i n i o n s : (1) K n u d t z o n , l o w e d b y A d l e r , "joy," c o m p a r i n g H e b r e w ( a n d U g a r i t i c ) gyl,

fol­

b u t t h e r e is n o

e v i d e n c e for t h i s w o r d e l s e w h e r e in ( p e r i p h e r a l ) A k k a d i a n , a n d a C a n a a n i t i s m in T u s r a t t a ' s l a n g u a g e is not likely; (2) AHw,

p . 9 2 7 b , "quiet, peace," b u t this does

not m a k e very g o o d sense h e r e , a n d as s a i d o f s o l d i e r s references) it m a k e s n o sense at a l l . For d i v i d e d loyalty, cf. ina gammurti

fighting

fighting

(see B o g h a z k o y

w i t h all one's h e a r t , i . e . ,

libbi in A s s y r i a n t r e a t i e s ( W i s e m a n ,

[ 1 9 5 8 ] p . 4 1 iii 1 6 9 ; i b i d . , p . 5 1 v 1 0 ; cf. i b i d . , p . 3 3 i 5 2 - 5 3 ) .

98

Iraq

un­ 20

EA 20.

3 1 [...

AHw,

3 2 [ ' " D U M U . M E S KlN-ia

kf]me amelutu me-he-e[r-s'u] . . .

mehriiti n ki' \i\t-ba-a-ru-ti:

f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e , p . 4 6 , n. 2 1 2 . I n s t e a d o f

29 ki-i)

itbaruti,

p . 1 3 9 9 b , reads ubdruti. 21.

asdbu,

T h e e n t r a n c e p r o b a b l y is to the P h a r a o h ' s p r e s e n c e (cf.

"residing,"

a n d " e n t e r i n g , erebu," in line 1 7 4 ) , t h o u g h p e r h a p s e n t e r i n g E g y p t is m e a n t

(cf. EA

3o:9f.).

22.

Cf. lines 2 7 a n d 38f.

23.

Cf. EA

24.

/ / - / O - b a l - s u - n u a-ti\a

26:57.

25.

[ma-lu-ii

26.

it'"a '-ka-an-na:

27.

takkal:

(cf. line 4 1 ) .

i t - t a - t a - a d - d i ii 1 l\i-sa-nu

1

(cf. line 3 6 ) .

f o l l o w i n g A d l e r ; only t w o h e a d s o f verticals are v i s i b l e .

h a r d l y f r o m ekelu, "to b e c o m e d a r k " ( K n u d t z o n , followed

by

E b e l i n g , VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 3 6 5 ) , a n d akdlu d o e s not m e a n "to b e a n g r y " ( A d l e r , w h o correctly rejects a d e r i v a t i o n f r o m 28.

mam\ma

sa-nd\-am-ma:

29.

Teyema [umma]k[a]

nagdlu). f o l l o w i n g U n g n a d , OLZ,

1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 4 .

sit: A d l e r in K i i h n e , p . 4 6 , n. 2 1 2 , correctly i d e n t i ­

fied sit as the p e r s o n a l p r o n o u n , b u t in A O A T 2 0 1 , p . 2 7 1 , he r e t u r n s to the p r o p o s a l o f U n g n a d , OLZ, 30.

a-ha-m[is

1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 4 , Tt-i-it < si-i i-de,

r a - a - m a u-ul u]-ne-ep-pi-is

"she k n o w s . "

(cf. EA 1 9 , n o t e 5 ) .

31.

Cf. EA

32.

[ l a m i m m a ] ( B e r g e r in K i i h n e , p . 4 0 , n. 1 9 4 ) or the l i k e s e e m s r e q u i r e d

27:21.

by context. 33.

[ u m - m a - a l u - u m i - t a - k u a]-na-ku-ma.

O n t h e rest o f the p a s s a g e see

K i i h n e , p . 4 0 , n. 1 9 4 , w h o s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e s e c o n d n u m b e r b e r e a d a s 60 ( X ) 1 0 , 0 0 0 . P e r h a p s , a s h e a l s o s u g g e s t s , the d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n e x t e n d s t h r o u g h line 60. 34.

ti-se-"en'-nu-u:

35.

7 1 [ s a nimmur]eya-[m]a

f o l l o w i n g Adler.

m

[iq-b]u-[s\i-n]u

k[i-i a - t a - m } a [ r ] - / » - [ n u ] . . .

(not c o n f i r m e d by c o l l a t i o n ) . O n lines 6 9 - 7 9 , cf- EA

26:306°.; EA

27:328:.

T u s r a t t a s e e m s t o say t h a t t h o u g h offended a n d very angry, he d i d not s h o w it in t h e p r e s e n c e o f the E g y p t i a n m e s s e n g e r . 36.

rf»2-[ta-ra-as]:

37-

{!]? [iiyba-r[u-t\i:

following

mel

Adler.

following

K i i h n e , p . 4 6 , n. 2 1 2 ; c o n f i r m e d by

collation. 38.

O n line 1 0 6 , see V A B 2 / 2 , p . 1 5 8 8 .

39.

L i n e 1 2 2 refers to an o a t h by "my brother" ( A m e n o p h i s III or I V ? ) .

40.

[\m\-mar-sa

41.

O n lines 1 4 8 - 5 3 , see K i i h n e , p . 2 4 , n. i n ; p . 4 1 , n. 1 9 9 .

4 2 . u{m-ma

(cf. EA 1 9 : 6 5 ? ) .

l]u-ii andkii-ma:

following

Adler.

43.

a-na k [ a - a r - s ] i : see line 1 5 6 .

44.

[ k a - a r / k a r - s f - ( § u ) } : on t h e f o l l o w i n g u, after a d i r e c t o b j e c t , see W i l ­

h e l m , A O A T 9, p p . 54f. 45.

[lu-u u-ki]-i/.

46.

u [ i ] z - [ § ] U . [ M E § ] (izqdti) ^ - [ t a - k a - a n - s u - n u ] .

47.

ne-e-pe'-el-x.[i hifilfunu]: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e , p . 4 6 , n. 2 1 2 .

48.

1s

49.

1 S u ( p a i r ) ru-uh-tu

50.

See Ehelolf, ZA

I S

T U K U L S A G N A : following Adler. 4

A

or Juruhtu {AHw,

45 (1939) pp.

p. 1287)?

7of.

99

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 30

A passport TEXT:

BM 29841.

C O P Y : BB

58.

PHOTOGRAPH:

BB,

pi.

15.

Adler, pp. 252-53. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N : Artzi, Actes (see EA 28, n. 6), p. 7. T R A N S L A T I O N : Oppenheim, LFM, p. 134. TRANSLITERATION

A N D TRANSLATION:

1

To the kings of Canaan, servants of my brother: Thus the king. I herewith send Akiya, my messenger, to speed posthaste to the king of Egypt, my brother. No one is to hold him up. Provide him with safe entry into Egypt and hand (him) over to the fortress commander of Egypt. Let [him] go on immediately, and as far as his presents) are concerned,"* he is to owe nothing. 2

3

4

NOTES 1.

T h e "brother" is t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g , a n d t h e " k i n g " is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y

t h e ruler o f M i t t a n i , p r o b a b l y T u S r a t t a . S i m i l a r p a s s p o r t s , t h o u g h d i r e c t e d t o o n e p l a c e , a r e EA 3 9 - 4 0 ; PRU

3, pp. 12-13,

I

I

5 ~ 6 ; PRU 4 , p p . 1 9 3 , 1 9 6 - 9 7 .

2.

id-na-x

3.

G . d e l M o n t e , OA 2 2 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p . 3 0 9 , t h i n k s t h a t halzuhlu,

( G o r d o n ) : x is c e r t a i n l y n o t su, p e r h a p s ni. "fortress c o m ­

m a n d e r , " refers t o t h e h i g h e s t E g y p t i a n official, u s u a l l y c a l l e d rabisu (see I n t r o d u c ­ t i o n , n. 7 0 ) , b u t E l m a r E d e l , Festschrift

Alt: Geschichte und Altes Testament

Beitrage

zur historischen Theologie ( T u b i n g e n , 1 9 5 3 ) , p . 5 1 , is c e r t a i n l y r i g h t in i d e n t i f y i n g h i m w i t h t h e "fortress c o m m a n d e r o f S i l u " ( E g y p t i a n mr htm ntf),

at the E g y p t i a n

frontier. 4.

li-il-l'T'-[i\k

5.

k a d - ( r u ) - . f « : for t h e c o n f u s i o n o f su a n d su in M i t t a n i l e t t e r s , see K i i h n e ,

(also G o r d o n ) .

p . 2 8 , n. 1 2 6 . F o r t h e s e n s e , cf. t h e r e q u e s t for f r e e d o m f r o m v a r i o u s t a x e s a n d t o l l s i n ARM

5 , 1 1 ; EA 3 9 - 4 0 ; PRU 3 , p p . 1 5 - 1 6 ; PRU 4 , p p . 1 9 6 - 9 7 ; Ugar. 5 ,

n o . 2 6 . T h a t "hand" s h o u l d b e w r i t t e n qdt ( s o O p p e n h e i m a n d A r t z i ) d o e s n o t s e e m likely. G o r d o n t h o u g h t t h a t t h e first s i g n m i g h t b e ii-ib rather t h a n u, t h e n e x t s i g n p o s s i b l y e r a s e d o r m a [ r ] . si-ib-su

=

sibsu?

O n t h e seal i m p r e s s i o n o n t h i s t a b l e t , see E . P o r a d a , AfO 2 5 ( 1 9 7 4 - 7 7 ) P P I 2ff. 3

100

En

31

EA 31

Marriage negotiations, in Hittite C 4741 (12208). C O P I E S : WA 10; VBoT, no. 1; J . Friedrich, Hethitisches Keilschriftlesebuch, pt. 1 (Heidelberg, I960), no. 7a. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : L. Rost, MIO 4 (1956) pp. 334ff.

TEXT:

Nimuwa(r)eya,' Great King, king of Egypt, (speaks) as follows: Say to Tarhundaradu, the king of Arzawa: By me all is well. For my houses, my wives, my children, my magnates, my troops, my chariot-fighters, all my property i in my countries, all is well. 7 - 1 0 By you (too) may all be well. For your houses, your wives, your children, your magnates, your troops, your chariot-fighters, your property in your countries, may all be very well. ri—16 Behold, I have sent to you Irsappa, my messenger, (with the instruction): "Let us see the daughter whom they will offer to my majesty in marriage." And he will pour oil on her head. Behold, I have sent to you a sack of gold; it is (of) excellent (quality). 1 7 - 2 1 As to the things to be done that you wrote me about (with the words), "Send it here to me!"—now, I will send it (soon) to you, (but) later. (First) send back quickly your messenger and the messenger from me, and they must come. 2 2 - 2 6 Then they will come (back) to you (and) bring along the bride-price for the daughter. My messenger and your messenger who came, who . . J And send to me too . . . people of the country Kaska. I have heard that everything is finished, 2 7 - 3 8 and that the country Hattusa is shattered. And behold, I have sent to you as a greeting-gift a consignment in the charge of my messenger, Irsappa:'-' a sack of gold, weighing 20 minas of gold; 3 light linen garments; 3 light linen (ma)ntles; 3 linen huzzi; 8 linen kusitti; 100 linen sawalga; 100 linen happ{a. .. ] ; 100 linen mutalliyassa; 4 large kukkubu-containtts of "sweet oil"; 6 {small} kukkubu-containers of "sweet oil"; 3 chairs of ebony overlaid with beautiful sarpa {andgol]d; 10 chairs of ebony {inlaid] with ivory; 100 (beams of) ebony, as a greeting-gift. 2

4

5

6

8

10

11

12

NOTES [ T h e t r a n s l a t i o n s a n d n o t e s for EA 3 1 - 3 2 are b y V o l k e r t H a a s . — W L M ] 1.

m

R e a d i n g ni-mu-wa-(r)e-ia,

w i t h A l b r i g h t , JEA

2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p . 1 9 5 , n. 1,

101

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

a n d E d e l , Studien zur Altdgyptischen

Kultur

i ( 1 9 7 4 ) p . 1 3 5 ; cf. VAB

2/1, p. 270,

n o t e e. T h e h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e t h a t is m i s s i n g is t h a t o f t h e re, not o f t h e ( G o r d o n ) . O n p a l e o g r a p h i c and linguistic g r o u n d s , this and the following

wa

letter

are t o b e d a t e d in t h e p e r i o d b e t w e e n t h e H i t t i t e k i n g s A r n u w a n d a I a n d S u p p i l u l i u m a I . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e p a l e o g r a p h i c c r i t e r i a e l a b o r a t e d in StBoT

21 and 22,

t h e y a p p r o x i m a t e t h e s c r i p t o f t h e c h a n c e r y o f A r n u w a n d a I; cf. t h e s i g n s A K , A L , D U , LI, a n d S A R . T h i s fits t o o w i t h t h e correct d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e p l u r a l d e t e r m i n a t i v e s M E § a n d HI. A , t h e f r e q u e n t u s e o f e n c l i t i c p r o n o u n s ( n o t e e s p e ­ cially t h e u s e o f t h e e n c l i t i c p r o n o m i n a l s t e m o f t h e p l u r a l , - e , EA 3 1 : 1 8 ) , t h e v e r b f o r m a-u-ma-ni

( o t h e r w i s e , in O l d H i t t i t e , u-me-ni, StBoT

w r i t i n g s s u c h as hu-u-da-a-ak CHD

(EA 3 1 : 2 0 ) a n d al-su-u-li

8, p . 7 8 ) , a n d t h e p l e n e

(EA 3 2 : 1 8 , 2 0 , 2 1 ) ; cf. a l s o

3, pp. 254, 268 M H / M S . 2 . O n t h e l o c a t i o n o f A r z a w a s o m e w h e r e t o t h e w e s t o f C i l i c i a , its history,

a n d EA 3 1 - 3 2 , see H e i n h o l d - K r a h m e r , Arzawa:

Untersuchungen

zu seiner Geschichte

nach den hethitischen Quellen, THeth 8 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p p . 3 - 4 , 5 0 - 5 5 . T h r o u g h a m a r r i a g e w i t h a d a u g h t e r o f t h e m o s t p o w e r f u l ruler a m o n g t h e v a r i o u s p r i n c i p a l i t i e s t h a t w e r e f o u n d in A r z a w a b e f o r e S u p p i l u l i u m a I , E g y p t b e l i e v e d t h a t it c o u l d a s s u r e t h e loyalty o f t h e c o u n t r y a n d t h u s h e l p i m p e d e t h e r e s u r g e n c e o f t h e H i t t i t e s . A r z a w a ' s p r e v i o u s i s o l a t i o n m a y b e reflected in t h e fact t h a t c o r r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h it w a s c a r r i e d on in H i t t i t e a n d n o t , a s w a s c u s t o m a r y , in A k k a d i a n . ( T h e v i e w o f J . F r i e d r i c h , Or n . s . 8 [ 1 9 3 9 ] p . 3 1 0 , n. 1, t h a t in t h i s l e t t e r are t o b e f o u n d several "violations o f n o r m a l H i t t i t e s p e e c h " m a y b e q u e s t i o n e d . T h e p o s i t i o n , however, o f EGIRanda at t h e e n d o f a s e n t e n c e , after t h e v e r b , is a difficulty; cf. L . R o s t , MIO 4 [ 1 9 5 6 } p . 3 3 6 . ) 3 . T h e t e r m pippit, certain that similar pi-tarsw

"all o f one's p o s s e s s i o n s , " is a t t e s t e d o n l y here, a n d it is

farms—pi-pi-it-hi

d

a-dam-ma

(KBo X V I I 1 0 3 rev. i 1 8 ' ) ; pt'-pt-

KBo X I I I 2 4 8 rev. i 9 ' ) — h a v e n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h pippit.

H . Kronasser,

" H e t h i t i s c h pippit e x i s t i e r t n i c h t , " Die Sprache 7 ( 1 9 6 1 ) p p . 1 6 8 - 6 9 , b e l i e v e s t h a t it is a m i s t a k e for upessar t o b e e q u a t e d w i t h A k k a d i a n 4.

a m o n g H u r r i a n g o d s : see KUB KUB

d

X X X I V 1 0 2 ii 1 3 ( ir-sa-ap-pa

X X V I I 1 rev. ii 2 3 (ir-sap-pi-ni-isGAM.GkK-ra-a-n).

o f c o m m e r c e ; on tamgar-(P)Je, Urartaisch

subultu.

T h e n a m e of the E g y p t i a n messenger appears with the same writing dam-ki-ra-a-Ii),

and

H e i s , therefore, a g o d

" c o m m e r c e , " see I . M . D i a k o n o f f ,

Hurrisch

und

( M u n i c h , 1 9 7 1 ) , p . 69. T h e g o d I r s a p p a is t h e C a n a a n i t e R e s h e p h ; see

E . L a r o c h e , RHA

3 4 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . i 2 4 f . ; Or n . s . 4 5 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p . 9 7 ; Ugar. 5, p . 5 2 1 .

N o t e , t o o , a t E m a r N e r g a l , t h e B a b y l o n i a n R e s h e p h a s E N K I . L A M , bel

mahtri,

"lord o f t h e m a r k e t p l a c e , c o m m e r c e , " Emar 6 / 3 3 7 3 : 7 4 ' ; 3 7 8 : 1 0 . 5 . O n l i n e s n — 1 4 , see G i i t e r b o c k in L a n d s b e r g e r , Symbolae David

dedicatae 6.

Kratylos

(see EA

1 1 , n. 7 ) , p p . 79f.,

O n t h e n o u n zuhalaliya,

...

n. 4. O n t h e r i t e , see EA

see O t t e n , StBoT

Martino n , n. 7.

1 5 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p . 1, a n d H a a s ,

1 6 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 1 6 2 . A c c o r d i n g to G o r d o n , here a n d in line 3 0 t h e first s i g n

is SU a n d not Z U . S e e a l s o F r a n k S t a r k e , "Ein A m a r n a B e l e g fur nbw nfr ' g u t e s G o l d , ' " GM 7.

5 3 ( 1 9 8 1 ) p p . 55ff.

O n t h e v e r b aggas,

K i i h n e , p p . 96f., 8.

o f o b s c u r e m e a n i n g ( p e r h a p s "he is d e a d " ) , see

n. 4 8 1 .

S t a r k e , " Z u r D e u t u n g d e r A r z a w a - B r i e f s t e l l e VBoT

I, 2 5 - 2 7 , " Z A 7 1

( 1 9 8 1 ) p p . 2 2 1 - 3 1 , i n t e r p r e t s differently: "I have h e a r d all t h a t y o u s a i d . A n d a l s o

102

EA

32

t h e l a n d o f H a t t u s a is at p e a c e . " T h i s i n g e n i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is b a s e d o n an E g y p t i a n p a r a l l e l ( ? ) , b u t if o n e t a k e s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h e h i s t o r i c a l i m p l i c a ­ t i o n s , it falls s h o r t of c o n v i c t i o n ; see A . H a g e n b u c h e r , THeth 1 6 ( 1 9 8 9 ) p p . 9.

E d e l , Studien zur Altagyptischen 10.

3G2L

O n lines 2 8 - 2 9 , w i t h t h e i r p a r a l l e l s in t h e l e t t e r s o f R a m e s s e s I I , s e e Kultur

1 (1974) p. 1 3 5 .

With Edel, ibid., p p . 1 3 5 - 3 7 , I

r e a <

J 3 G A D A S I G (see EA 14 iii 1 1 ) 3

GADA ( G U ) . E . A S[IG]. 11.

G o r d o n : e i t h e r B/Pu over a n e r a s u r e , or else A S - B / P u , b u t n o t M U - A S

(cf. M l ) in lines 1, 1 7 , 1 8 , 2 5 ) . 12.

T h e o c c u r r e n c e s o f sarpa-,

sarpaHi,

have b e e n c o l l e c t e d by R o s t , MIO

4

( 1 9 5 6 ) p p . 338ff. ( G o r d o n : G l S . K A L clear; f K U . G ] l G A R . R A . )

EA 32

Reply to EA 31 T E X T : VAT COPIES:

342.

WA 238; VS 12, 202; VBoT, no. 2. A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Rost, MIO 4 (1956) pp.

TRANSLITERATION

328ff. Behold, (concerning the fact) that Kalbaya has spoken this word to me, "Let us establish a blood-relationship," 4-6 in this matter I do not trust Kalbaya. He has (indeed) spoken it as a word, but it was not confirmed on the tablet. 7—9 If you really desire my daughter, (how) should I not give her to you? I give her to you! 10—13 See to it now that Kalbaya returns quickly with my messen­ ger, and write back to me on a tablet concerning this matter. 14-20 May Nabu, the king of wisdom, (and) Istanus of the Gate­ way graciously protect the scribe who reads this tablet, and around you may they graciously hold the(ir) hands. 21—23 You, scribe, write well to me; put down, moreover, your name. 1

2

24—25 The tablets that are brought here always write in Hittite! NOTES 1.

T h i s t a b l e t is t h e e n d o f a l o n g e r b u t o n l y p a r t i a l l y p r e s e r v e d c o m m u n i ­

c a t i o n r e p l y i n g t o EA 3 1 . 2.

B e f o r e line 1 4 t h e r e is a d o u b l e d i v i d i n g - l i n e . O n lines 1 4 - 2 3 , w h i c h a r e

d i r e c t e d t o t h e s c r i b e a t t h e E g y p t i a n c o u r t , see O t t e n , MIO 4 ( 1 9 5 6 ) p p . i 7 9 f E , e s p . p . 1 8 5 . S e e a l s o t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 4. 103

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 33

An alliance in the making T E X T : VAT

1654.

C O P I E S : WA

15;

VS

11,

13.

L. Hellbing, Alasia Problems, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 57 (Giiteborg, 1979), p. 100 (obverse only). PHOTOGRAPH:

To the king of Egypt, my brother: Message of the king of Alasiya, your brother. For me all goes well. For you may all go we(ll). For your household, your wives, your sons, your horses, your chariots, and in your country, may all go [ve]ry well. 9 - 1 8 [More]over, I have heard [t]hafi you are seated on [the th]rone of your father's house. (You said), "{Let us have] transported (back and forth) [gift(s) ofp]eace. "4 [I have he]ard the greeting [of] my [brother], and I . . . [...] . . . [You wr]ote, "[Have transported to me] 200 (talents) of copper,"' [and I (herewith) have] transported'to you . . . [ . . . } . . . 10 talents [offine copper]. 1 9 - 2 6 [The mes]senger [that your father us]ed to se[nd t]o [me] / [let go immediately. So wri[te to me, and] may my [brojther not de[lay] my [m}an that . . . [ . . . ] . . . Let him g(o) [immediately. 2 7 - 3 2 [A]nd'-> year by ye[ar] let my messenger go [into your presence], and, on you[r part], year by year, your messenger should come from [your] pre[sence] into my presence. 1

2

6

7

8

10

NOTES 1.

T h e k i n g a d d r e s s e d w a s p r o b a b l y A m e n o p h i s IV, b u t neither S m e n k h ­

k a r e nor T u t a n k h a m u n m a y b e e x c l u d e d ; see K i i h n e , p . 8 6 . P e r h a p s , t o o ,

the

e n t i r e A l a s i a c o t r e s p o n d e n c e is t o be p u t in t h e r e i g n o f A m e n o p h i s IV, over a p e r i o d o f a b o u t a d e c a d e or s o ; for o p i n i o n s , see H e l l b i n g , Alasia

Problems (see

h e a d n o t e ) , p . 4 7 , n. 1 9 , a n d EA 3 4 , n. 1 1 . 2.

T h e r e is n o p l u r a l m a r k e r w i t h "chariots" or t h e t h r e e p r e c e d i n g

nouns

( a l s o EA 3 7 : 6 ; 3 9 : 6 ) , b u t p l u t a l s a r e t h e rule in t h e v a r i o u s f o r m s o f t h e f o r m u l a i c g r e e t i n g , a n d t h e u n m a r k e d l o g o g r a m is a l s o u s e d for t h e p l u r a l in EA

34:44-45;

39:10—20; 4 0 : 1 6 - 2 8 ; perhaps 3 7 : 3 9 and 3 8 : 2 5 . 3.

In l i n e s 1 - 8 t h e left m a r g i n m o v e s i n w a r d , t o t h e r i g h t (see p h o t o ) ,

whereas Knudtzon's restorations [ s a ] - n i - t a

?

a n d \a-ri\u-ma

at t h e b e g i n n i n g

l i n e s 9 - 1 0 , respectively, a s s u m e t h e m a r g i n o f l i n e 8. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , a s s u m p t i o n o f a b r o k e n s i g n s e e m s i n e s c a p a b l e . In l i n e 1 0 [e/i-n]u-ma p r e f e r a b l e ( K i i h n e , p . 8 6 , n. 4.

104

of the

seems

427).

A c h a n g e of rulers required allies to restate their expressions of friend-

EA s h i p ; cf. EA

6:8ff.; 8:8ff.; 9:7!?.; 1 7 : 5 1 6 ° . ; 4i:yfF. See a l s o G o e t z e ,

34 2

Kleinasien'

( M u n i c h , 1 9 5 7 ) , p . 98; O t t e n , A / 0 , Beiheft 1 2 , p . 65. T h e f o l l o w i n g r e s t o r a t i o n o f lines 1 2 — 1 3 ' mi

13 [ N I G . B A

i]a-la-mi.

s

most uncertain:

[nu-u]s-te-bi-ri-

T h e first w o r d , as if f r o m eberu ( a l s o line 1 7 ) , is

r e g u l a r l y u s e d o f c r o s s i n g b o d i e s o f w a t e r a n d w o u l d b e a p p r o p r i a t e in a l e t t e r f r o m a n i s l a n d ; for o v e r h a n g i n g / - v o w e l , cf. li-li-ki, p r o b a b l y S-perfecr, cf. ultebilakku, 5.

lines 2 9 , 3 2 ; for t h e f o r m ,

EA 3 5 : 1 0 ; -mi is a m a r k o f d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n .

E n d o f line 1 6 : [ s u - b i - r a - ( m i ) ] . T h e m e a s u r e is a l s o a b s e n t in EA

35:10;

3 6 : 6 ; 40:7, 1 3 ; u n d e r s t a n d "talent(s)" or p e r h a p s " b a r s , i n g o t s " ( K i i h n e , p . 86, n. 4 2 2 ) . O n t h e C y p r i o t e t a l e n t o f 2 8 . 2 k g or 3 5 . 2 5 k g , r o u g h l y t h e s a m e w e i g h t o f t h e i n g o t s f o u n d at C y p r u s , see A r n a u d , RA

61 (1967) p . 168. N e i t h e r the gift

r e q u e s t e d nor t h e o n e s e n t is n e c e s s a r i l y a c o r o n a t i o n g i f t ( R e d f o r d , History Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty 6.

L i n e 1 7 : [ u u]s-te-bi-ra-ku

and

of Egypt [see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 1 9 ] , p . 1 2 6 ) . x [x x ] . W h a t w a s a c t u a l l y s e n t s e e m s t o h a v e

b e e n less t h a n w h a t w a s a s k e d for, b u t t h e difference was p e r h a p s c o m p e n s a t e d for by a d d i n g (line 1 8 ) , [ x - x ] - A M 1 0 G U . U N [ U R U D U D U G ] ; cf. EA 4 0 : 1 3 . 7. 21 \a\-na

L i n e s 1 9 — 2 2 : [ u D U M ] U si-ip-r[i-su] mu-hi-[ia

ki-ma]

22 ar-hi-is

r

20 [ s a A D - k a / } / - t a - n [ a - p a - a r ]

u"'-[wa-as-si-ir-(su)]. C o m p a r i s o n of pre­

v i o u s r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e a d d r e s s e e ' s p r e d e c e s s o r is f r e q u e n t ; cf. EA 8 : 8 f £ ; 9:66°.; io:8ff.; 1 5 : 7 6 ° . ; i 7 : 2 i f f . ; 2 7 - 2 9 p a s s i m . 8.

L i n e 2 5 : « ' - [ u h - h a r / h a - a r - ( s u ) ] ; w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f EA

D - c o n j u g a t i o n o f kalu ( K n u d t z o n ) is u n a t t e s t e d in 9. 10.

108:48,

the

EA.

O n t h e a p p a r e n t la o f t h e copy, see S c h r o e d e r , O L Z , 1 9 1 7 , col. 1 0 5 . i / > - p [ a - n i - k a ] ; cf. i-pa-ni-ia

in t h e f o l l o w i n g

l i n e . T h a t in(a)

should

m e a n b o t h "from" a n d "to" in t h e s a m e s e n t e n c e , in t h e s a m e e x p r e s s i o n , is n o t very likely. ^ > - p [ a - f i - k a ] , "from y o u r t e r r i t o r y " ?

EA 34

The Pharaoh's reproach answered TEXT:

BM 29789.

C O P Y : BB

6.

PHOTOGRAPH:

Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100 (obverse only,

illegible). 1

Message of the king of Alasiya to the king of Egypt, my brother: Be informed that I prosper and my country prospers. And as to your own prosperity, may your prosperity and the prosperity of your household, your sons, your wives, your horses, your chariots, your country, be very great. 7-15 Look, yo(u) are my brother. As to your having written me, "Why did you not send your messenger to me?", the fact is that I had not heard that you were going to perform a sacrifice. Do not ta[k}e this at all seriously. 3 Since I have (now) heard (about it), I herewith send my messenger to you. 1 6 - 2 5 And behold, I (also) send to you with 2

105

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

my messen(g)er 100 talents of copper. Moreover, may your messengers now bring some goods: i ebony bed, goid-(trimmed), . . . ; and a char­ iot, sfuhttu, with gold; 2 horses; 2 pieces of linen; 50 linen shawls; 2 linen robes; 1 4 (beams of) ebony;? 17 habannatu-\ats of "sweet oil." [And] as to byssos, 4 pieces and 4 shawls. 2 6 - 3 1 {And as] to goods that are not available {in your country], I am sending {in the charge of] my [mess}enger a donkey-hide [ . . . } of a bed, and {hab]annatu-)ais that are not available [ . . . } 3 2 - 4 1 .. . 4 2 - 4 9 So an alliance should [be ma]de between the two of us, and my messen(g)ers should go to you and your messengers should come to me. Moreover, why have you not sent me oil and linen? As far as I am {concerned, what you yourself request / will give. 5 0 - 5 3 I herewith send a habannatu-)&t {that] is full of "sweet oil" to be poured on your head, seeing that you have sat down on your royal throne." 4

5

6

8

9

10

NOTES 1 . O n t h e writer's r e f e r r i n g t o h i m s e l f first, see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 5 3 . 2 . T h e festival c a n n o t b e i d e n t i f i e d ( C a m p b e l l , Chronology, p . 4 2 ) ; for p o s s i ­ b i l i t i e s w i t h i n t h e r e i g n o f A m e n o p h i s IV, see K i i h n e , p p . 86f. Cf. t h e c o r o n a t i o n referred t o in l i n e s 5 0 — 5 3 . 3. sakdnu

T h e r e a d i n g ti-Va^-kdn

is c e r t a i n . T h e e x p r e s s i o n (mimma)

ina

libbi

o c c u r s a l s o in EA 3 5 : 1 2 , 1 5 , 3 5 (all p a s s i v e ) ; 3 8 : 3 0 ; 1 7 0 : 7 ^ 4.

su-x-a:

( U n g n a d , OLZ,

x is n e i t h e r hi ( B B , b u t r e j e c t e d in VAB 2 / 1 , p . 2 8 1 , n o t e d ) , n o r ha 1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 3 ) ; u over a n e r a s u r e (or nu, G o r d o n ) is p o s s i b l e . su"a,

" p r o v i d e d w i t h m a t t r e s s ( e s ) " ? Cf. se'u sa ersi; o n t h e d i s a g r e e m e n t in g e n d e r , cf. lalim

in line 4. 5.

M a y e r , UF 8 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . 2 i 2 f . , c o m p a r e s N u z i sukitu,

(a t y p e o f ) c h a r i o t .

6.

G U . G A D A ( a l s o line 2 5 ) , t o b e a d d e d t o kUadu (CAD,

K , p . 4 4 9 b , "scarf

.worn a r o u n d t h e neck"; AHw, 7.

p . 490a, "Halstuch").

S e e EA 3 1 : 3 8 , w h e r e E d e l , Brief, p . 1 5 2 , a s s u m e s ( G i S ) , " ( b e a m s ) , " b u t

perhaps repetition of logogram/determinative avoided. 8.

S e e EA 1 4 iii

9.

A t t h e e n d o f l i n e 3 2 , $ E . M E § ( G o r d o n ) . L i n e s 39—40: " . . . m y m e r ­

n. 1

c h a n t s a n d 2 0 m e r c h a n t s o f y o u r s " Cu 2 0 , G o r d o n ) . 10.

a-na-ku-[t}e:

o n t h e e n c l i t i c , see K r a h m a l k o v , JSS 1 4 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p p . 2 0 3 ^ ;

for t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n anaku

. . . anaku

(line 4 9 ? ) , cf. EA 3 5 : 2 1 — 2 2 , 5 0 — 5 2 . T h e

a s s u m p t i o n o f a W e s t S e m i t i s n n is e s p e c i a l l y p l a u s i b l e in t h i s letter. A m o n g t h e A l a s i a letters it is t h e m o s t s t r o n g l y influenced b y t h e W e s t S e m i t i z e d l a n g u a g e f o u n d e l s e w h e r e in t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s f r o m s o u t h e r n S y r i a a n d f u r t h e r s o u t h ; see K i i h n e , p . n , n. 4 7 . T o his o b s e r v a t i o n s a d d t h e u s e o f t h e A k k a d i a n s u b j u n c t i v e as W e s t S e m i t i c i n d i c a t i v e : tinaqqu

(line 1 2 ) , tuwassiruni

(line 4 8 ) , terilu

(terrisu?)

(line 4 9 ) , iddinu (line 4 9 ) . N o t e , t o o , t h e a n o m a l o u s f o r m o f t h e d u a l p r o n o m i n a l r

suffix in bi- rp-ku-ni

(line 4 8 ) , p a r a l l e l e d only b y be-ri-ku-ni

1 1 6 : 3 3 , both l e t t e r s f r o m B y b l o s (see EA 1 1 3 , n. 5 ) .

106

in EA

113:18 and

EA II.

35

In a different c o n t e x t , "when y o u s i t . . . " w o u l d a l s o b e p o s s i b l e . T h e

l a n g u a g e s e e m s t o i m p l y a recent e n t h r o n e m e n t , a n d in b o t h t h i s a n d t h e a r r a n g e ­ m e n t for t h e e x c h a n g e o f m e s s e n g e r s (lines 4 2 - 4 6 ) t h i s letter is m u c h l i k e EA 3 3 . It m a y b e d o u b t e d t h a t t w o s u c h l e t t e r s w o u l d b e sent t o t h e s a m e k i n g .

EA 35

The hand of Nergal TEXT:

BM 29788.

C O P Y : BB

5.

PHOTOGRAPH:

Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100 (obverse only,

illegible). TRANSLATION:

Oppenheim, LFM, pp. 122f.

Sfay to the k]ing of Egypt, my brother: [Message} of the king of Alasiya, your brother. [F}or me all goes well. For my household, my wives,' my sons, my magnates, my horses, my chariots, and in my country, all goes very well. For my brother 6 - 9 may all go well. For your household, your wives, your sons, your magnates, your horses, your chariots, and in your country, may all go very well. My brother, I herewith send my messenger with your messenger to Egypt. 1 0 - 1 5 I herewith send to you 500 (talents) of copper. As my brother's greeting-gift I send it to you. My brother, do not be concerned that the amount of copper is small. Behold, the hand of Nergal3 is now in my country; he has slain all the men of my country, and there is not a (single) copper-worker. So, my brother, do not be concerned. 16—18 Send your messenger with my messenger immediately, and I will send you whatever copper you, my brother, request. 1 9 - 2 2 You are my brother. May he send me silver in very great quantities. My brother, give me the very best silver, and then I will send you, my brother, whatever you, my brother, request. 2 3 - 2 6 Moreover, my brother, give me the ox that my messenger requests,' my brother, and send me, my brother, 2 kukkubu-cont&meTs of "sweet oil," my brother, and send me one of the experts in vulture augury. 2 7 - 2 9 Moreover, my brother, men of my country keep speaking with m[e] about my timber that the king of Egypt receives from me. My brother, [give me] the payment due. 3 0 - 3 4 Moreover, here is the situation: a man from [Alasiya} has 2

4

6

7

107

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

died in Egypt, and [his] thing[s] are in your country, though his son and wife are with me. So, my brother, loo\k to] the things of the Alasiya people and hand them over, my brother, to the charge of my messenger. 3 5 - 3 9 My brother, do not be concerned that your messenger has stayed 3 years in my country, for the hand of Nergal is in my country and in my own house. There was a young wife of mine that now, my brother, is dead. 4 0 - 4 2 Send your messenger immediately along with my messen­ ger, with safe passage, and then I will send my brother's greeting-gift to you. 43—48 Moreover, may my brother send to me in very great quan­ tities the silver that I have asked you for. Send, my brother, the things that I asked you for. My brother should do quite everything, and then whatever things you say I will do. 4 9 - 5 3 You have not been put (on the same level) with the king of Hatti or the king of Sanhar. Whatever greeting-gift he (my brother) sends me, I for my part send back to you double. 5 4 - 5 5 May your messenger come to me as of o\ld, and] may my messenger go to you as of olid].' 8

9

10

1

NOTES 1.

O n t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r , see EA 3 3 , n. 2 .

2 . enuma,

as if anumma

H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian,

(cf. EA

p p . 1960.

3 8 : 1 0 ; 4 0 : 1 2 ; a n d see t h e c o m m e n t s o f

T o a p o l o g i z e for s e n d i n g only 5 0 0 t a l e n t s

( ? — s e e EA 3 3 , n. 5 ) , t h e l a r g e s t a m o u n t m e n t i o n e d in t h e e n t i r e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , is s o m e w h a t c u r i o u s . O p p e n h e i m ( " p o u n d s , " " m i n a s " u n d e r s t o o d ? ) r e d u c e s t h e a m o u n t , b u t c o n s i s t e n c y is r e q u i r e d , a n d t h i s s o l u t i o n a l l e v i a t e s o n l y s o m e w h a t t h e difficulty. G e o r g i o u , Levant 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 9 6 , t h i n k s o f i r o n y a n d ( m o r e p l a u s i ­ b l y ) s u g g e s t s a p r i o r r e q u e s t f r o m t h e P h a r a o h for m u c h m o r e . T h e a m o u n t w o u l d s u p p o r t t h e c l a i m o f lines 4 9 - 5 3 . O n E g y p t i a n - A l a s i a n t r a d e r e l a t i o n s in t h i s p e r i o d , see Y. H o l m e s , A O A T 2 2 , p p . 96ff. 3.

Whether

D

M A S \ M A § is here t o b e read N e r g a l , or W e s t S e m i t i c R a s p u

( R e s h e p h ; see EA 3 1 , n. 4 ) , or even t h e n a m e o f a n a t i v e C y p r i o t e g o d o f p e s t i ­ l e n c e , r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n ; see H e l l b i n g , p p . 2iff. O n summa,

" b e h o l d , " see JCS

( 1 9 5 3 ) p p . 79ff.; a l s o AbB 9, 2 5 3 : 1 3 a n d c o m m e n t . R a i n e y , Particles, m e a n i n g o f summa, l i n e 3 7 assum.

7

rejects this

p o i n t i n g t o p a r a l l e l s w h e r e inuma r e p l a c e s summa. N o t e a l s o in

I t d o e s n o t follow, however, t h a t summa

m e a n s "since, b e c a u s e , "

which would otherwise be without parallel and without explanation. A s a deictic p a r t i c l e reflecting W e s t S e m i t i c 'imlhm, summa s t r e s s e s t h e h e r e - a n d - n o w n e s s o f the situation. 4.

W h e t h e r t h e "worker" (epis) is here t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as m e r e l y m i n i n g

t h e c o p p e r (AHw, 36:5, 12, 14.

ro8

p . 2 2 7 a , "acquire"), or a l s o r e f i n i n g , e t c . , is n o t clear; cf.

EA

EA 36 5.

te-ri-is-su,

m i s t a k e for e-ri-il-su

(VAB

2 / 1 , p . 2 8 5 ) . T h e ox is p r o b a b l y a n

o x - s h a p e d o b j e c t or f i g u r i n e ; live b o v i n e s are u n a t t e s t e d a m o n g t h e g i f t s of t h i s period. 6.

O r " e a g l e - a u g u r y . " T h e s u d d e n r e q u e s t for a very s p e c i a l i z e d d i v i n e r ,

a l o n g w i t h an ox a n d "sweet o i l , " is s u r p r i s i n g , t h e m o r e s o s i n c e n o t h i n g k n o w n o f s u c h a f o r m o f d i v i n a t i o n in E g y p t ( B r u n n e r , GM,

is

25 [ 1 9 7 7 ] pp. 45f.).

O r n i t h o m a n c y , as A r t z i , BiOr 4 1 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p . 2 1 2 has s t r e s s e d , is o f w e s t e r n o r i g i n ; for t h e M a r i e v i d e n c e , see D u r a n d , A&M

I / I , p p . 3 8 , 386f. M c E w a n , ZA

70

( 1 9 8 1 ) p . 6 2 , n. 2 9 , h a s s u g g e s t e d t h a t erii refers here t o t h e N e o p h r o n p e r c n o p t e r u s ( E g y p t i a n v u l t u r e ) , w h i c h flies over C y p r u s ( A l a s i a ) on m i g r a t i o n s to a n d f r o m E g y p t . H e sees t h e r e q u e s t as reflecting t h e c o s m o p o l i t a n c h a r a c t e r o f t h e E g y p t i a n c o u r t , not a s e v i d e n c e o f a n a t i v e t r a d i t i o n . 7.

l A M . M E S (simati),

s y r i a n a n d at U g a r i t (AHw,

rather t h a n S A M , as n o t i n f r e q u e n t l y in M i d d l e A s ­ p . 1 2 4 0 ; H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian,

p . 3 7 3 , n o . i78aa).

8.

C e r t a i n l y M A § K [ I M ] , b u t t h e r e a d i n g is u n k n o w n .

9.

T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a s s u m e s mtt for c o r r e c t mitat; cf. EA 3 4 , n. 4. T h e

a l t e r n a t i v e , "a s o n or c h i l d h a s d i e d , " has o t h e r g r a m m a t i c a l difficulties. 10.

I agree with Vincentelli,

version of these lines,

RSO

4 6 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . i43ff., that the usual

"Do n o t m a k e an a l l i a n c e w i t h

does not

c o n t e x t , a n d t h a t s u c h a r e q u e s t , if m a d e , w o u l d r e q u i r e e x p l a n a t i o n .

fit

the

However,

her o w n v e r s i o n , " D o n o t c o m p a r e ( m e ) w i t h . . . , " h a s its o w n difficulties:

tassakin

is in f o r m p a s s i v e , a n d t h e a l l e g e d o b j e c t — t h e c r u c i a l w o r d — i s u n e x p r e s s e d . Cf. islakin

( l i n e 1 2 ) a l t e r n a t i n g w i t h s t a t i v e sakin (lines 1 5 , 3 5 ) . 11.

qad-mi-i[s~]

r

( l i n e 5 4 ) , qad-mi- W

r

(line 5 5 ) : Su-mi- e"'-[is] ( K n u d t z o n )

is e x t r e m e l y d o u b t f u l , b e c a u s e for e t h e r e is n o t r a c e o f a s e c o n d v e r t i c a l , a n d s p a c i n g favors o n l y o n e s i g n . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n is a l s o e x t r e m e l y d o u b t f u l ( M a y n a r d , JSOR

8 [ 1 9 2 4 ] p . 7 6 ) . For illik as i n j u n c t i v e , cf. the i n j u n c t i v e u s e o f t h e S - p e r f e c t

(ultebilanni,

line 2 0 ) , S - p r e t e r i t e (usebila,

line 4 4 ) , a n d N - p r e t e r i t e (issakin,

line

12).

EA 36

More about copper TEXT:

C 4750 (12187).

C O P Y : WA

19

PHOTOGRAPH:

+

WA

20.

Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100.

Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE 1.

EA 3 6 is t h e m i d d l e o f a r a t h e r l a r g e t a b l e t c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e e x c h a n g e

o f g o o d s . T h e r e a r e several references t o " d o i n g " c o p p e r (lines 4 ? , 5 , 1 2 , 1 4 ; see EA 3 5 , n. 4 ) . L i n e 6: "[Now] I a m s e n d i n g ( s e n t ? ) t o m y b r o t h e r 1 2 0 ( + x ? , G o r d o n ) (talents) [of coplper; 7 0 (talents) remain . . . " Lines 9 - 1 0 : " [ . . . ] . . . what I sent y o u w a s l i t t l e . N o w I have l o o k e d for ( m o r e ) [and]

I w i l l s e ( n ) d y o u [as much a]s

109

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

y o u r h e a r t d e s i r e s . [And

w ] h a t I a s k [yo]u for (e-ri-su-[k]a)

s e n d m e . " I n line 6

( e n d ) , AS" G [ U . U N ] , " I t a [ l e n t ] " ; t h e c o n v e n t i o n a l u s e o f t h e h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e for t h e n u m b e r s 1 - 9 w i t h biltu is a l s o f o u n d in EA 3 7 : 9 . I n line 1 5 , p]i-ba-ti,

while

p a l e o g r a p h i c a l l y p o s s i b l e , is q u e s t i o n a b l e b e c a u s e o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f s y l l a b a r y a n d p e r h a p s h i s t o r y ( N a ' a m a n , Political ki-na-bi

Disposition,

p . 2 * , n. 1 9 ) . A l s o d u b i o u s :

— Canaan.

EA 37

More about silver TEXT:

BM 29790.

COPY:

BB

7.

PHOTOGRAPH:

Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100 (obverse only,

illegible). [Sa]y [t]o the k[in]g [of Egypt}, m[y brother}: Message [of the king] of Alasiya, your [brot]her. For me all goes well. [F]or my brother may all go well. For his household, for his wives, [f]or his sons, for the horses, his chariots, and in his country, may all go ve(ry) well. 8 - 1 2 [/ have he\ard the greeting of my brother. [The gree}ting-gift for my brother is 5 talents {of copper), 5 teams of horses. I (herewith) promptly dispatch the messenger of my brother. 1 3 - 2 0 Now may my brother promptly let my . . . g o ; let me inquire about [m]y bro[the]r's health, and whatever [yo]u n[ee]d put down on a tablet so I can send (it) to you. Send me pure silver. May my brother dispatch my messenger without delay. 2 1 - 2 9 Pa-x-tum-x-e, Ku-ni-e-a, E-tel-lu-na may the cit[y] expel, and then may my brother let go x-ul-bar-ra (and) [B]e-[e]l-x-y-z, wh[o] with . . . 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

m

m

m

I O

NOTES 1.

Written

2.

O n t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r , see EA 3 3 , n. 2 .

a-la-si-ia.

3.

dan (over a n e r a s u r e ) - ( « / 7 ) .

4.

I f t h e 5 t a l e n t s a r e o f c o p p e r , t h e n o f c o u r s e t h e g i f t is for t h e E g y p t i a n

k i n g , n o t f r o m h i m . A g i f t o f 5 t a l e n t s o f g o l d or silver ( W e b e r , VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 0 8 3 ; G e o r g i o u , Levant 1 1 [ 1 9 7 9 } P- 9 7 ) s e e m s o u t o f t h e q u e s t i o n , a n d if h o r s e s a r e a l s o part of the g i f t — t h e reading cannot be confirmed—then this also a r g u e s a g a i n s t t h e g i f t ' s c o m i n g f r o m E g y p t ; s e e Z a c c a g n i n i , Lo scambio dei doni durante i secoli XV—Xlll

HO

(see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 6 0 ) , p . 1 2 2 , n. 1.

5.

S E S - / « x-y-ia

6.

lulmana

7.

ha- aV-h[a-i\a

8.

lu-se-bt'l- ak-ku~

( G o r d o n ) . N o t e t h a t S E S is never u s e d a l o n e in t h i s letter.

sa'dlu

r

r

=

lulma

sa'dlu.

( a l s o G o r d o n ) ; s e e VAB 2 / 1 , p . 2 9 1 , n o t e g . l

(Gordon).

EA 9. 10.

Idikalla

li-is-pur

( c o m p l e t e l y v i s i b l e ) , h e n d i a d y s (cf. CAD,

38

K , p. 102b).

T h e n a m e s in lines 2iff. have b e e n s t u d i e d t o d e t e r m i n e t h e e t h n i c

c o m p o s i t i o n o f A l a s i y a , b u t w i t h l i t t l e e v i d e n t a w a r e n e s s o f t h e e p i g r a p h i c diffi­ c u l t i e s ; see A s t o u r , J AOS 8 4 ( 1 9 6 4 ) p p . 2406°.; C a r r u b a , Studi classici e orientali 1 7 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p . 256°. L i n e 2 1 : p r o b a b l y n o p e r s o n a l n a m e d e t e r m i n a t i v e ; s e c o n d s i g n , pa m o r e likely t h a n as'; f o u r t h s i g n , ni m o r e l i k e l y t h a n me. L i n e 2 3 : l a s t s i g n , na ,

unlikely, U R [ U ] m o r e l i k e l y ( ? — p o s s i b l e ? ) . L i n e 2 4 : 1 i - i t , - r « - d ' a m - / B < * ( G o r d o n ) ; if c o r r e c t a n d n o t a n a r c h a i s m , tarddu

m u s t at t h i s p e r i o d m e a n "drive off, e x p e l . "

L i n e 2 5 : x - « / - b a r ( p a ? ) - > « ; x m a y b e a p e r s o n a l n a m e d e t e r m i n a t i v e ; G o r d o n has m

K u - « / - p a r / p a - r a . Line 26: B/Pel-x =

sa or ta; t h e n e x t t w o s i g n s are i l l e g i b l e .

EA 38

A brotherly quarrel T E X T : VAT

153.

C O P I E S : WA

11; VS

11,

14.

Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100 (obverse

PHOTOGRAPH:

only). Say to the king of Egypt, my brother: Message of the king of Alasiya, your brother. For me all goes well, and for you may all go well. For your household, your chief wives, your sons, your horses, your chariots, among your numerous troops, in your country, among your magnates, may all go very well. 7-12 Why, my brother, do you say such a thing to me, "Does my brother not know this?" As far as I am concerned, I have done nothing of the sort. Indeed, men of Lukki, year by year, seize villages in my own country. 13-18 My brother, you say to me, "Men from your country were with them." My brother, I myself do not know that they were with them. If men from my country were (with them), send (them back) and I will act as I see fit. 1 9 - 2 2 You yourself do not know men from my country. They would not do such a thing. 3 But if men from my country did do this, then you yourself do as you see fit. 2 3 - 2 6 Now, my brother, since you have not sent back my messen­ ger, for this tablet it is the king's brother (as messenger). L[et] him write. Your messengers must tell me what I am to do.4 2 7 - 3 0 Furthermore, which ancestors of yours did such a thin(g) to my ancestors? So no, my brother, do not be concerned. 1

2

in

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1.

N f T L A M ( S A L . U S ' ) , d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m D A M (assatu)

a l s o at A l a l a k h ( G o e t z e , JCS 5 : 6 ; PRU

1 3 [ 1 9 5 9 } p . 98); s e e a l s o PRU

4, p . 2 3 2 : 1 1 ( ? — c f . EA

r e a d i n g i s h i r t u or marhitu (CAD,

in EA 3 9 : 6 - 7 a n d 3 , p . 4:6; i b i d . , p .

1 9 : 8 5 ? ) ; Ugar. 5 , n o . 2 1 : 4 , a n d n o . 2 4 : 7 . T h e

Mil,

p. 2 8 1 ) ; sekretu (CAD,

S , p p . 2 i 6 f . ) s e e m s less

likely. S e e a l s o EA 4 9 , n. 2 . 2.

enuma for anumma;

3.

A g a i n s t copy, r e a d la-a

see E A 3 5 , n. 2 . e-pu-us ( S c h r o e d e r , OLZ,

1 9 1 7 , col.

105). The

c o n t e x t favors u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e s u b j e c t as t h e a c c u s e d A l a s i a n s . A s i n g u l a r v e r b w i t h a p l u r a l s u b j e c t is n o t w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l (EA 4.

1 7 0 : 2 3 ; Ugar.

5, p . 1 2 8 , n. 1 ) .

T h e w r i t i n g is so i n e p t in this p a r a g r a p h t h a t m y v e r s i o n is o n l y o n e o f

several p o s s i b i l i t i e s .

EA 39

Duty-free TEXT:

C 4748 (12206).

C O P Y : WA

12.

Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 101; catalogue of the exhibition, "Toutankhamoun et son temps," in the Petit Palais (reference from Kiihne, p. 87, n. 436). PHOTOGRAPHS:

Say to the king of Egypt, my [brothJer: Message of the king of Alasiya, your brother. For me all goes well, and for you may all go well. For your household, your chief wives, your sons, your wives, your chariots, your many horses, and in Egypt, your country, may all go very well. 10-13 My brother, let my messengers go promptly and safely so that I may hear my brother's greeting. 1 4 - 2 0 These men are my merchants. My brother, let them go safely and prom[pt]ly. No one making a claim in your name is to approach my merchants or my ship. 1

2

NOTES 1.

O n t h e a b s e n c e o f a p l u r a l m a r k e r , see EA 3 3 , n. 2 , a n d on t h e p l u r a l s in

l i n e s iofF. see VAB 2.

2/1, p.

2 9 5 , note * .

F o r t h e r e q u e s t o f safe p a s s a g e a n d e x e m p t i o n f r o m i m p o s t , cf. EA

30.

O n t h e r e v e r s e , in h i e r a t i c s c r i p t , "letter o f t h e p r i n c e o f A l a s a . " O n E g y p t i a n wr, " p r i n c e , " as a d e s i g n a t i o n o f f o r e i g n r u l e r s , see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 .

112

EA

40

EA 40

Duty-free, governor to governor TEXT:

C 4749 (12190).

C O P Y : WA

13

+

PHOTOGRAPH:

14.

Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 101.

Say [to the gojvernor of Eg[ypt, my brother]: Messa[ge of the governor o]f Ala[§iya, your brother}. For . . . [ . . . } all goes well, and fo[r you] may all go well. 6 - n My brother, before the z.t\rival of Su]mhti,5 I sent t[o him] 9 (talents) of copper, 2 pieces of i[vor]y, 1 beam for [a ship], but h[e] gave"* [no]thing to me, and y[pu se]nt5 (only some) lvor[y], my brother. 1 2 - 1 5 I herewith send as your greeting-gift 5 (talents) of copper, 3 talents offinecopper, 1 piece of ivory, 1 (beam) of boxwood, 1 (beam) for a ship. 1 6 - 2 0 [Mojreover, my brother, these men [and] this ship belong to the king, my lord. So send [me] (back) the ship {of the king, my lord], promptly and [saf }ely. 2 1 - 2 3 [And as for y]ou, my brother, [wh]atever you ask for ac­ cording to [your fancy], I will give it to y[ou]. 2 4 - 2 8 These men are servants of the king, [my] lo[rd], and no one making a claim in your name is to approach them. My brother, send (them back) to me safely and promptly. 1

2

6

7

NOTES 1.

T h i s letter w a s w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e a s t h a t o f EA 3 9 , p r o b a b l y o n e

after t h e other, a n d p r o b a b l y d e l i v e r e d a t t h e s a m e t i m e , p e r h a p s b y t h e s a m e m e s s e n g e r . ( O n m e s s e n g e r s c a r r y i n g several l e t t e r s , s e e E d e l , Brief, p p . i 4 5 f . ) M A § K I M (rabisu),

as here s a i d o f t h e E g y p t i a n official, p r o b a b l y refers t o t h e h i g h 2

office o f vizier ( H e l c k , Beziehungen ,

p. 2 4 8 ) , a n d a s p r o b a b l y s a i d o f t h e A l a s i a n

official it is t o b e c o m p a r e d w i t h L U . M A 3 K I M . G A L ,

t h e t i t l e o f t h e official in

A l a s i a w h o s e n t Ugar. 5 , n o . 2 2 , p e r h a p s n a t i v e p i d d u r i (Steiner, Kadmos 1 [ 1 9 6 3 } pp.

i 3 o f . ; O t t e n , MDOG 2.

9 4 { 1 9 6 3 ] p . 1 5 ; Ugar. 5 , p . 3 4 1 , n. 2 ) .

Traces fit n e i t h e r i[ydsi n o r m\ahrtya

nor UfGU-i.2. I n t h e n e x t l i n e , ana

[ U G U - / M ; cf. EA 3 9 : 5 . 3.

R e a d i n g ana [ p ] a - n [ i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) , b u t p e r h a p s ana [ m ] a h - r [ i ] ( G o r d o n ) .

T h e n a m e , w h i c h is n o t E g y p t i a n , is r e s t o r e d o n t h e b a s i s o f EA 5 7 : 1 3 ; cf. a l s o Ugar. 5 , n o . 2 0 : 2 . 4.

i-din-n[a]

5.

t[a]-as-pu-ra-am-ma

seems t h e m o s t likely reading ( G o r d o n ) . (Gordon).

6. S e e EA 3 5 , n. 2 ( r e a d 7.

i/e-nu-ma?).

O n t h e p l u r a l , s e e EA 3 3 , n. 2 , a n d VAB 2 / 1 , p . 2 9 7 , n o t e * * * .

"3

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 41

Of Egyptian-Hittite relations TEXT:

C 4747 (122-7).

C O P Y : WA

18. 1

[Thus the Sun], Suppiluliumas, G[reat] King, [king of Hat]ti. Say to Huriy[a, the king of Eg]ypt, my brother: 4—6 [For me all goes w]ell. For you may all go wel[l. For yo]ur [wives], your sons, your household, your troops, your chario[ts, and i]n your country, may all go very well. 7-13 Neither my messengers, whom I sent to your father, nor the request that your father made, saying, "Let us establish only the most friendly relations between us," did I indeed re[fus]e. Whatsoever your father said to me, I indeed did absolutely eve[ry]thing. And my own request, indeed, that I made to your father, he never refused; he gave me absolutely everything. 14-15 Why, my brother, have you held back the presents that your father made to me when he was al[iv]e? 16—22 Now, my brother, [yo]u have ascended the throne of your father, and just as your father and I were desirous of peace between us, so now too should you and I be friendly with one another. The request (that) I expressed to your father [/ shall express] to my brother, too. Let us be helpful to each other.' 2 3 - 2 8 My brother, do not hold back anything that [I asked] of your father. [As to the 2 st]atues of gold, one [should be standing], one should be seated. And, my brother, [send me] the 2 [silve]r statues of women, and a large piece of lapis lazuli, and a large stand for [ . . . ] . 2 9 - 3 8 [ . . . ] . . . If my brother [wants to give them], let my [broth]er give thefm.? But i]f my brother does not want to give them, when my chariots h.&[ve been r]eadied for . . . linen huzzi, I will return them to my brother. Whatever you want, my brother, write to me so I can send it to you. 3 9 - 4 3 I herewith send you as your greeting-gift: 1 silver rhyton, a stag, 5 minas its weight; 1 silver rhyton, a young ram, 3 minas its weight; 2 silver disks, 10 minas their weight, as $ 2 large nikiptu-trees. 2

3

4

6

8

9

10

11

12

l

NOTES 1.

[um-ma

d

d u c t i o n , s e c t . 4.

114

d

U T U - J 7 ] : cf. umma s*amlF R N larru

l e t t e r s a n d d e c r e e s (PRU

rabu i n t r o d u c i n g H i t t i t e

4, p a s s i m ) . O n t h e f o r m o f i n t r o d u c t i o n , s e e t h e I n t r o ­

42

EA 2.

T h e E g y p t i a n k i n g c o u l d b e e i t h e r A m e n o p h i s IV, T u t a n k h a m u n , or

S m e n k h k a r e ; see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 6, n n . 1 2 5 a n d 1 3 8 . P h i l o l o g i c a l l y ,

the

a r g u m e n t s o f W i l h e l m a n d B o e s e in favor o f t h e last n a m e d a r e v e r y s t r o n g . 3.

L i n e 9: at-te-ru-tam-''ma*

( G o r d o n ) . T h e p a r t i c l e -mi (nippus-mi)

indicates

d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e . T h e s y n t a x o f lines 7—10 is r a t h e r c o n f u s e d . T h e r e a d i n g o f t h e s i g n a t t h e e n d o f l i n e 9, a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line n , a n d p e r h a p s a l s o at t h e e n d (mi-ri-il-ta-ia

x-y, G o r d o n ) , is q u i t e u n c e r t a i n . T e n t a t i v e l y I f o l l o w K i i h n e ' s r e a d ­

i n g , L U G A L , a n d his s u g g e s t i o n o f a r e b u s - w r i t i n g for salurru(mma); p . 1 0 1 , n.

see A O A T 1 7 ,

500. r

4.

a-na- ku':

5.

22 [ a - q a b - b i ] us-sd-ta

virtually certain ( G o r d o n ) . (usdtu):

f a v o r i n g aqabbi

b r o t h e r , too." G o r d o n a l s o r e s t o r e d a-hu]-uz-za-ta,

is t h e e n c l i t i c -ma,

"my

"let's m a k e a m a r r i a g e b e t w e e n

u s , " b u t a b r e a k o f five s i g n s s e e m s e x c l u d e d . W h e t h e r a p r o p o s a l o f m a r r i a g e w o u l d b e m a d e so l a c o n i c a l l y m a y a l s o b e d o u b t e d . 6.

[ s u - b i - l a ] , at t h e e n d o f line 2 8 .

7.

li-it-ti-in-su-nu-ti-(ma)

8.

Suffix is -sunu,

9.

T h e r e a d i n g i-gam-ma-ru-ma

(also G o r d o n ) . r

1

n o t sunuti. L i n e 3 4 : [la]- a'

[h}a-sih.

is v e r y q u e s t i o n a b l e . G o r d o n read G A D A

hu-uz-hu-se. 10.

O n lines 3 0 - 4 1 , see Ehelolf, ZA

11.

S e e CAD,

A/i, p. 375a (LU.LIM

45 (1939) p p . 7if. 4

=

lidimu).

C f . , at M a r i , r h y t o n s in

a n i m a l f o r m , t h e h e a d b e i n g specified (vessel, "head o f a g a z e l l e , " e t c . ) ; see

ARMT

2 5 , p . 2 7 5 o n no. 8 2 . 12.

U D U . D A G + K I S I M x I R ( ? ) , followed b y a " G l o s s e n k e i l , " w h i c h is not 5

a t t a c h e d t o t h e p r e v i o u s w e d g e ( a g a i n s t VAB 13.

2 / 1 , p . 1003, no.

E i t h e r -ma over a n e r a s u r e ( m e a n i n g ? ) , or S E =

ana,

60). as e l s e w h e r e at

Boghazkoy. T h e m a t c h i n g n u m b e r s s u g g e s t the possibility that the

nikiptu-tcee

was d e p i c t e d o n t h e d i s k s .

EA 42

A question of honor T E X T : VAT

1655.

C O P I E S : WA

16;

VS

11,

16.

[ . . . ] may all go well. For [ . . . ] , your magnates, for [your] tro[ops, your horses], your chariots, and i[n your country, may all go very well.] 8-14 .. . 1 5 - 2 6 And now, as to the tablet that [you sent me], why [did you put] your name over my name? And who (now) is the one who upsets the good relations [between us], and is su[ch conduct] the accepted prac­ tice? My brother, did you write [to me] with peace in mind? And if [you are my brother], why have you exalted [your name], while /, for [my part], 1

2

3

4

115

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

am tho[ught of as} a (co]rpse. [/ have wrii\ten [the names . . . } . . . but your name [... I will bl}ot out. ... [...] 2 7 - 2 8 [Thu]s the scribe . . . [ . . . ] Do not . . . [ . . . ] . 5

6

NOTES 1.

T h e H i t t i t e p r o v e n i e n c e o f EA 4 2 is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n ; see t h e r e m a r k s of

K n u d t z o n , VAB

2 / 2 , p . i093f. N o t e , too, K U R U R U before g e o g r a p h i c a l n a m e s

( K U R U R U hu[r-ri,

l i n e 1 0 ) , t y p i c a l o f H i t t i t e s c r i b e s . I f t h e r e s t o r a t i o n in l i n e 2 is

c o r r e c t , it is p o s s i b l e w e s h o u l d r e n d e r b y " c h a r i o t - f i g h t e r s " r a t h e r t h a n "horses"; see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 2.

54.

T h e a d d r e s s e e is a s k e d , it s e e m s , t o recall t h e history o f t h e t w o

coun­

t r i e s , g o i n g b a c k t o t h e t i m e o f t h e i r g r a n d f a t h e r s . P e r h a p s a d e f e n s e is offered o f H i t t i t e a t t a c k s o n " H u r r i - c o u n t r y " (line 1 0 ) , i . e . , M i t t a n i . 3.

T h i s is u s u a l l y u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e f o r m o f t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n t o

letters

b e t w e e n e q u a l s or f r o m s u p e r i o r t o inferior, a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h t h e a d d t e s s o r n a m e s h i m s e l f first ( I n t r o d u c t i o n , sect. 4 ) ; t h u s VAB fur kleinasiatische

2 / 2 , p . 1094; Edel,

Forschung 2 ( 1 9 5 2 - 5 3 ) p . 2 6 5 ; H e l c k , Beziehungen,

Jdhrbuch

p . 4 7 5 , n. 3 .

If t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is c o r r e c t , w e m u s t a s s u m e an a d d r e s s e e q u i t e u n f a m i l i a r w i t h s t a n d a r d H i t t i t e p r a c t i c e . P e r h a p s w e s h o u l d t h i n k r a t h e r o f a list o f n a m e s in h i e r a r c h i c a l o r d e r ; cf. t h e list o f n a m e s a t t h e e n d a n d t h e p o s s i b l e t h r e a t n o t t o p u t t h e H i t t i t e on t h e l i s t at a l l . 4.

Cf. EA

5.

1 9 S E S - W as-sum-ma

27, n. 1 8 .

[§E§-ia at-ta sum-ka] bu-ul-tim 2 4 {as]-tur

ki-a-am ii sum-ka

su-lum-me-e [ a - n a i a - s i ]

2 1 am-mi-nim

ha-as-\sa.-]ui [...]

tu-ra-ab-bi

Su-mi sa]

2 5 [a-pa-a]s-fi-it

23 ii...

2 0 ta-as-pu-u-ra-a

ii ^ - [ n a - k u k i - m a ] m

[ (x)]-x-SAR

m

ru-mi-in-x

ii lum-ma 22

[ri]a[...]

L i n e s 2 1 - 2 2 , p e r h a p s b e t t e r : "I

am like a c o r p s e ( a n d ) t h u s am I thought of." 6.

[ u m - m a ] - ^ . I f c o r r e c t , a m e s s a g e f r o m t h e s c r i b e o f EA

42.

EA 43

Of malice and murder T E X T : Ash

1207.

Sayce, Tell el Amarna, pi. X X X I (obverse only). P. S. Moorey, Archaeology, Artefacts, and the Bible (Oxford, 1969), p. 43 (obverse only; erroneously identified as a letter from By bios). COPY:

PHOTOGRAPH:

Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE 1.

T h e c o r r e s p o n d e n t s are o f e q u a l r a n k ( " b r o t h e r s " ) , p r o b a b l y k i n g s , a n d

H i t t i t e p r o v e n i e n c e o f t h e l e t t e r is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n b e c a u s e o f t h e s i g n - f o r m s o f N I , U S \ D A M , L A , A Z ; see a l s o VAB men and someone's murder.

116

2 / 2 , p . 1 0 9 4 . T h e letter refers t o m a l i c i o u s

EA

44

EA 44

From a Hittite prince T E X T : VAT

1656.

C O P I E S : WA

29;

VS

11,

16.

Say to the lord, the king of Egypt, my father: Thus Zi[t}a, the king's son, your son. 5—6 May all go well with the lord, my father. 7 - 1 3 On an earlier embassy of any of your messengers, they came to Hatti, and when they went back to you, then it was I that sent greetings to you and had a present brought to you. 1

14-17

18—24 [ . . . } - ' Herewith [7 send ori\ to you your messengers (com­ ing) [from] Hatti, and I also send to my father my own messengers along with your messengers, and I send as your greeting-gift a present of 16 men. 2 5 - 2 9 I myself am desirous of gold. [M]y father, send me gold. Whatever you, the lord, my father, are desirous of, write me so I can send it to you. 4

NOTES 1.

I f t h e t i t l e "father" i m p l i e s difference o f a g e , A m e n o p h i s I I I w o u l d b e

t h e a d d r e s s e e o f t h i s l e t t e r ( K i i h n e , p . 1 0 2 , n. 5 0 8 ) . T h e w r i t e r s e e m s n o t t o have b e e n in t h e H i t t i t e c a p i t a l a t t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g , b u t h i s s c r i b e w a s e i t h e r t r a i n e d t h e r e o r u n d e r its influence (cf. f o r m s o f A K , A Z , a n d , t o s o m e e x t e n t , N I ) . 2.

P e r h a p s Z i t a w r o t e in t h i s p a r a g r a p h a b o u t h i s new s t a t i o n .

3.

N e w paragraph uncertain.

4.

O n l i n e s 1 8 - 2 0 , see K i i h n e , p . 1 0 3 , n. 5 1 2 .

EA 45

Friendly Ugarit TEXT:

1692 (smaller of two fragments not collated).

C O P I E S : WA

177;

VS

11,

17.

1

[Say to the king}, the Sun, [my lord: Message of Amm]istam[ru, your servant. 1 fall at] your [feet] 7 times [and 7 times. May all go well f ]o[r the king, the Sun, my lord, for your household, your chief wife, for your (other) wives, for your sons, for your archer]s, [for whatever else belongs to the king, the Sun, my lord], m[ay all go very, very well]. 2

3

117

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS 4

8 - 2 1 [... And] I myself [said a]s follows: "These men are [Egyp­ tians]. Why should I ha[ndthem over to you?"} I shall prepare [...} and he will acquire [ . . . ] . I hand them over t[o the Sun, my lord}, and [/ send] my messenger to the Sun, my lord, [promptly]. I now ha[nd them over to the Sun, my lord}. 2 2 - 2 9 Moreover, the king of [.. . ] wrote: "Why . . . { . . . and} do you seize [ . . . " ] . A second time he wrote [to me], and thus he sp[oke: " . . . } and to Egypt [ . . . ] . If you sen[d^ ..., I will ...} Indee[d, I am a servant] to the Su[n, my lord."} 3 0 - 3 5 Moreover, heaven forb[id] that [the Sun, my lord], turn against me. [May he send me] the life of [my spirit, and] may [his mouth] speak the life of [my] spirit. [And] may [the Sun, my lord], know (this): if . . . to Ugarit [ . . . ] . .. .<-> 5

7

8

NOTES 1. BASOR

EA 4 5 a n d 4 9 , a n d a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y 4 6 - 4 8 , a r e f r o m U g a r i t ( A l b r i g h t , 9 5 { 1 9 4 4 ] p p . 3off.); t h e k i n g a d d r e s s e d in EA 4 5 is p r o b a b l y A m e n o p h i s

III ( H . K l e n g e l , GeschichteSyriens,

p t . 2 , p . 3 4 0 ; M . D r a w e r , CAW,

2/2, p. 1 3 3 ) .

O n U g a r i t ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h E g y p t , see A . A l t m a n , Bar Uan, A n n u a l o f B a r I l a n U n i v e r s i t y , J u d a i c a a n d H u m a n i t i e s S e r i e s , 1 3 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . iff. (in H e b r e w ; E n g l i s h summary, p . 1 7 ) . E g y p t i a n a n d , t h r o u g h borrowing, H i t t i t e k i n g s were called, literally, "My S u n , " a s t h e e m b o d i m e n t s o f royalty, w h i c h w a s a l s o s y m b o l i z e d b y t h e w i n g e d s u n - d i s k ( I . W i n t e r , Iraq 2.

2 [um-ma

3.

3 [a-na

a/am-m]i-is-tam-[ri ...}

a

[ u (z)-k]dn "-na-am

(cf. EA 4 9 : 6 ) .

( N o u g a y r o l , PRU 4 lu-ii sul-mu 7 [...]

( p e r h a p s -(ma)) a-na-ku

an

EA 4 6 : 5 a n d (a)-kdn -na-ma 5.

iK-ka]

G 1 R . M E 3 ] - & * 1 [it 7 am-qut

6 [ E R I N . M E S pi-{d-i]i-[ka 4.

3 8 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p . 4f.).

m

at B o g h a z k o y (CAD,

l[u-u

3 , p. xxxvii).

a-na]

UG[U ...]

...]

[ a q - b i ] : cf. kdn-na-am-ma All,

p.

W h e t h e r t h i s w a s t h e H i t t i t e k i n g , as is u s u a l l y h e l d , r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n

( K l e n g e l , Geschichte Syriens,

p t . 2 , p . 3 4 0 a n d p . 4 8 0 , n. 6).

6.

tu-se-bd-[ai

7.

as-su-ri-im-[ma

. . . ] ( H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian,

p . 2 5 4 , n. 1 9 9 ) .

8.

F r e e r e s t o r a t i o n s ; o n t h e l i f e - g i v i n g b r e a t h a n d s p e e c h o f t h e k i n g , cf.

. . . ] (ibid., p. 195).

i o o : 3 6 f f . ; 1 3 7 : 7 ^ . ; 1 4 1 p a s s i m ; i44:6ff.; 1 4 5 : 2 0 ; 1 4 6 — 4 7 p a s s i m ; e t c . 9.

M o r e t h a n 1 0 lines m i s s i n g , w i t h t r a c e s o f a few s i g n s .

EA 46

Ongoing loyalty T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1694. 179;

VS

11,

18.

Too fragmentary for translation. 118

in

262).

1

EA

EA

47

NOTE la

i.

R e f e r e n c e s to "my a n c e s t o r s " (lines i, 9, 2 3 ; r e a d ab-ba-e-ia,

a n d cf.

EA

4 7 ) a n d d e c l a r a t i o n s o f loyalty e q u a l t o t h e i r s (lines 2 2 — 2 6 ) .

EA 47

Loyalty unrewarded T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1693. 176;

VS

11,

19.

1

[...] . . . My ancestors did service [for] your [ancestors, [and n]ow I am truly a servant too to the king, the Suq,, {m]y [lord]. 1 2 - 2 1 [Moreover, I sen]t3 my messenger to my lord, but my lord did not question him. [And to a]ll the messengers of [other]* kings [you gi]ve your tablet. You send (them), [but] your own messenger(s) [you (also)sen]dto them.' To me, however, [andto] my messenger(s) [you have not giv]en your tablet, and your own messenger you have not sent [to m]e. [Am I treated in accordance] with the loyal(ty) of my heart? 2 2 - 3 0 [Moreover, w]hy do you listen [to all the wor]ds of [Ha]nya?? [...]... Ask someone able [...}... 2

6

8

NOTES 1.

In v i e w o f EA 4 6 : 1 , 9, 2 3 , p r o b a b l y A B . B A . M E 5

=

abbd'e (all c a s e s ,

Assyrianism). 2.

O n t h i s c l a u s e see H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian,

ardum-ma, (ibid., p. 3. tanandin 4.

p . 2 0 3 ; in t h e e n c l i t i c of

however, I see t h e m e a n i n g "also" rather t h a n a m a r k e r o f t h e p r e d i c a t e 205). L i n e 1 3 : [al-ta-p]ar

( i b i d . , p . 2 1 8 , n.

3 1 ) . L i n e 1 5 : tanandin,

n o t Iii

(Knudtzon). {sa-nu-ti]: enough

room? Huehnergard, ibid., p. 219,

[fR.ME§-/fc*],

"your s e r v a n t s , " has t h e s a m e p r o b l e m . 5. ittlsunu

S i n c e we m u s t r e a d i]a in l i n e 2 0 (see c o p y ) , a n d very p r o b a b l y

[it-ti-i]a,

p r o b a b l y m e a n s , n o t "with t h e m " ( t h e m e s s e n g e r s ) , b u t "to t h e m " (the

k i n g s ) . T h i s W e s t S e m i t i s m , a t t e s t e d e l s e w h e r e (see EA

1 6 7 : 3 1 ) , is

otherwise

u n k n o w n at U g a r i t . 6.

f e p - s e - k u - u \d~\-ma ki-it-(ti?)....

H u e h n e r g a r d , i b i d . , p . 9 5 a n d n. 2 1 6 ,

sees t h e s h o r t f o r m kit as a p o s s i b l e o p t i o n . 7.

[ g a b - b a d}-wa-te.ME§,

8.

[...]

x la-al

following Huehnergard, ibid., p. 219.

le-'a; c e r t a i n l y n o t y]isdl,

the preformative y being

unknown

at U g a r i t .

119

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 48

A jar of balsam for my lady T E X T : VAT

1690.

C O P I E S : WA

181;

VS

11,

20. 1

[To . . . ] , my mistress. [Message of.. .-H]eba, your maidservant. 1 fall [at the feet of] my [mist]ress. [For] my mistress may all go well. 5 - 8 You have given {your maidservant . . . ] . [/ he]rewith [send t]o my mistress [ . . . and] a jar of aromatics: sii-ur-wa (balsam). 2

NOTES 1.

Probably from the queen of U g a r i t to the queen of E g y p t . Liverani,

Storia di Ugarit

(see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 2 8 ) , p p . 5 if., has p r o p o s e d t o identify t h e

f o r m e r a s t h e P u d u - H e b a (Pdgb) w h o w r o t e t o k i n g N i q m a d d a o f U g a r i t , t h e r e b y i m p l y i n g t h a t t h i s letter b e l o n g s in t h e t i m e o f N i q m a d d a I I . 2.

O n t h e f o r m of t h e g l o s s , see H u e h n e r g a r d , Ugaritic,

m e a n i n g , see M . S t o l , On Trees, Mountains,

p p . 13if.; on the

and Millstones in the Ancient Near

East,

( L e i d e n , 1979), p p . 5off.

EA 49

A request for a physician TEXT:

C 4783 (12238).

C O P Y : WA

204

+

180. 1

To the king, the Sun, my lord. Message of Niqm-Adda, your servant: I fall at the feet of the king, the Sun, my lord. May all go well for the king, the Sun, my lord, [h]is househ[old], his ch[ief wife], for his (other) wives, for [his sons, ... the ar]chers, for [everything else belonging to the king],i the Sun, my lord. [ . . . } 17—26 [ . . . ] . . . Previously [hegave ... to] my [fa]ther's house. May my lord give me 2 attendants], palace (attendants) from Cush. Give me, too, a palace attendant that is a physician. Here there is no physician. Look, ask [Hajramassa. And here[with] (I send) as your greeting-[gift . . . ] and one-hundred [ . . . J. 2

4

5

6

7

NOTES 1.

m

d

ntq-ma- IM,

f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t , BASOR

95 (1944) p p . 3if.

Undoubt­

edly, N i q m - A d d a I I , t h e s u c c e s s o r o f A m m i s t a m r u I (EA 4 5 ) , w r i t i n g p r o b a b l y t o A m e n o p h i s I V ( K l e n g e l , Geschichte Syriens, 2.

p t . 2, p .

344).

s t A L . U § ] - « / : KfUR.MESl ( K n u d t z o n ) is e x c l u d e d , since if it o c c u r s at all

in t h e g r e e t i n g , it d o e s s o t o w a r d s t h e e n d ; cf. EA 38. N o t e t h a t in t h e o t h e r

120

EA

50

letters o f t h e k i n g s o f U g a r i t in w h i c h they w i s h w e l l t o the c o r r e s p o n d e n t ' s w i v e s , N I T L A M (see EA 3 8 , n. 1 ) , never D A M ,

is u s e d ; cf. PRU

3 , p . 4 : 7 6 ; Ugar. 5, n o .

2 i : 6 ' f . ; n o . 2 4 : 8 f . ; no. 2 8 : 7 f . ; no. 2 9 : 5 6 ; n o t e a l s o PRU

3 , p . 5:7f. T h i s s e e m s to

b e a later p r a c t i c e ; cf. H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian,

p.

329.

3.

[ g a b - b i m i m - m u - u sa L U G A L ] : see t h e l e t t e r s referred t o in n. 2 .

4.

2 D U M U su-ha-[ri]

20

' ^ K D U M U ) E . G A L (cf.

line 22):

at t h e

begin­

n i n g o f l i n e 2 0 , t h e h e a d o f o n e h o r i z o n t a l is v i s i b l e , a n d this is n o t c o m p a t i b l e w i t h D [ U M U ] {AHw, 5.

p . 616a).

O n t h e f a m e o f E g y p t i a n m e d i c i n e , see E d e l , Agyptische Arzte und a'gyp-

tische Medizin am hethitischen Konigsbof: Neue Funde von Keilschriftbriefen

Ramses' II aus

Bogazkiiy ( O p l a d e n , 1 9 7 6 ) . A c c o r d i n g t o H o m e r (Odyssey I V 2 3 i f . ) , E g y p t w a s s o rich in m e d i c i n e s t h a t e v e r y o n e was a p h y s i c i a n , w i s e a b o v e all o t h e r s . 6.

m

[ ha.]-ra-ma-sa:

in line 2 6 , sa-al-m[i

c o u r s e ; see H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian,

(-mi

is not confined t o d i r e c t d i s ­

p . 2 1 0 ) , or s i m p l y sa-al

d o n , p r o b a b l y only erasures follow),

(according to G o r ­

"ask" (on t h e c o n f u s i o n

of sibilants,

see

H u e h n e r g a r d , i b i d . , p p . i n f f . ) . T h i s fits t h e c o n t e x t — i . e . , a s t a t e m e n t a b o u t t h e local s i t u a t i o n , t h e n an a p p e a l t o t e s t i m o n y (cf. EA 6 9 : 2 8 f . ; 8 9 : 4 1 6 ; 2 5 6 : 1 6 6 ° . ; 2 6 4 : 1 1 6 ; e t c . ) . It f o l l o w s , a l m o s t necessarily, t h a t "\-ra-ma-sa a s s u m i n g t h e c o n f u s i o n o f s i b i l a n t s a g a i n , cf.

is a p e r s o n a l n a m e ;

t h e E g y p t i a n m e s s e n g e r in

EA

20:336°. 7. and

T h e s c r i b e s e e m s t o have e r a s e d t h e v e r b , p r o b a b l y t o c o r r e c t a n error,

t h e n t o have f o r g o t t e n t o restore it; cf. VAB

2 / 1 , p . 3 1 8 , n o t e a.

EA 50

Maidservant to her mistress T E X T : VAT COPIES:

WA

1594. 191;

VS

11,

21.

[Say] to . . . [ . . . ] , ' my mistress: Message of the daughter of [ . . . , your] maidservant. [I] fall at the feet [of] my mistress 7 times and 7 tim[es}. [ . . . ] . . . my mistress. NOTE 1.

Perhaps the queen,

m f

t [ a - h a - m u - u n - s u ] , " T h e K i n g ' s W i f e " ; on t h i s t i t l e

and its a p p e a r a n c e in c u n e i f o r m , see F e d e r n , JCS

14 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . 3 3 . T h e p r o v e n i e n c e

o f t h e t a b l e t is u n k n o w n . I f < * / { l u - m i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) in line 7 is c o r r e c t , n o t e its u s e , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f EA

3 4 : 1 6 , 5 0 , only at B y b l o s and farther south.

121

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 51

Loyalty tempted and preserved T E X T : VAT

559.

C O P I E S : WA

30;

VS

11,

22.

[T}o the Sun, the king, my lord, the king of Egypt: Message of Addunirari, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord. {No]t{e] (that) when Manahpiya, the king of Egypt, your ancestor,' made [T]a[ku], my an­ cestor, a king in Nuhasse, he put oil on his head and [s]poke as follows: "Whom the king of Egypt has made a king, {and on whose head] he has put {oil], [no] one [shall . . . ] . " He gave . . . [ . . . ] . Now, [ . . . ] . Rev. i - 6 And [ . . . ] Taku, [my] ances[tor . . . ] . And now, my lord, . . . [ . . . ] . And the king of Hatti {wrote to me about an alliance]. My lord, [/ rejected] (the offer of) tablets of treaty obligations], and [/ am (still) a servant of] the king of Egypt, [my lord]. 7 - 1 7 And now, {may] our lord? {come forth] t[o us], and into {h]is power {we will] in{deed restore the lands], and indeed [ . . . ] . . . to our lord. [And] may our lord come forth (this) year.' Do not be negligent. You will see that they are loyal to the service of the king, my lord. And if my lord is not [w]illing to come forth himself, may my lord send one of his advisors [to]gether with his troops and chariots. [ . . . ] . . . 2

4

6

NOTES 1.

S i n c e T h u t m o s i s I I I ( M a n a h p i y a ) was n o t t h e g r a n d f a t h e r o f any o f t h e

k i n g s p o s s i b l y a d d r e s s e d in t h i s letter, A k k a d i a n ab(i) abi,

"grandfather," m u s t

h a v e here a m o r e g e n e r a l m e a n i n g , u n d o u b t e d l y t h r o u g h t h e influence o f H u r r i a n ammati,

" g r a n d f a t h e r , a n c e s t o r " ( L a r o c h e , RHA

a n d C a m p b e l l , Chronology,

p p . 68f.

3 4 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p . 4 7 ) ; see EA 5 9 : 1 1

N o u g a y r o l , PRU

4, p . 3 3 , n.

1, h e l d

to

"grandfather." 2.

tuppdte u ri-ik-[sa-te

g h a z k o y , a n d U g a r i t (AHw,

. . . ] : cf.

tuppi riksilrikilti,

e t c . , at A l a l a k h , B o -

p p . 9 8 4 ^ ; in v i e w o f t h e p l u r a l , p r o b a b l y riksdte.

H i t t i t e k i n g ( S u p p i l u l i u m a S ) h a r d l y s e n t t h e t a b l e t s (so A l t m a n , Shnaton, for Biblical

and Ancient Near Eastern Studies,

The

Annual

2 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p . 3 0 ) ; he w o u l d have d o n e so

o n l y as a final f o r m a l i t y o f t h e a l l i a n c e , p e r h a p s as a r e w a r d for d e m o n s t r a t e d loyalty (PRU 3.

4, p . 3 7 : 5 1 ^ ) . T h e rest o f t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s in t h i s p a r a g r a p h are free.

T h e shift t o t h e first p l u r a l , "our l o r d , " is p e r h a p s b e c a u s e t h e w r i t e r

t h i n k s o f h i s a l l i e s . Cf. b e l o w : "they a r e loyal." r

1

4.

/ / - / ' / - , ? / - m a : cf. rev. 1 3 , ana a-si-i-im,

5.

I a s s u m e otiose M E S \

6.

P e r h a p s "advisor" (milku) refers t o o n e o f t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s (rabisu)

S y r o - P a l e s t i n e ; cf. EA

122

b u t n o t e fi,

not;/.

1 3 1 : 1 5 , w h e r e " c o m m i s s i o n e r s " is g l o s s e d b y ma-lik.

of

MES\

EA

52

EA 52

The loyalty of Qatna TEXT: COPY:

C 4759 (12197, with join to former VAT 1596). WA 196 (before join; no published copy of join).

1

Say to the king of Egypt: Message of Akizzi, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Storm-god, 7 times. 5 - 7 Inspect, my lord, his tablets. [He/you will find} the houses of Qatna belong to my lord a[lone}.* 8-26, 2 7 - 3 1 , 3 2 - 3 5 . . .5 3 6 - 4 1 [Fo]r 3 years, my lord, when / wanted [to set out] for my lord, the messengers did not know of a caravan (going to Egypt). They did not know of: am-mu-li(?) . . . to my [lo]rd. Le[t them} come in [your] caravan. 42—43 Come, my [...] has abandoned me. : pu-ru x nu la-as-tina-an. 4 4 - 4 6 I will [cert]ainly not rebel agai[nst] the . . . of my lord or against Bir[u]aza. 2

3

6

1

8

NOTES 1.

qi'-bi'-ma, at t h e e n d o f line 1, is o m i t t e d in t h e c o p y a n d o v e r l o o k e d by

Knudtzon. 2.

d

I M : r e a d i n g c e r t a i n , a n d cf.

A d d u is A d d u " ( D . C h a r p i n , AEM

d

d

lM- IM,

d

a l s o w r i t t e n Ad-di- lM.,

"My

1 / 2 , n o . 3 0 3 , n o t e b ) . In t h i s i n s t a n c e we

p e r h a p s have a n a d a p t a t i o n , in local t e r m s , o f t h e u s u a l t i t l e or e p i t h e t "My S u n " (EA 4 5 , n. 1 ) ; cf. EA 3.

53:6.

A n u n u s u a l l y a b r u p t shift f r o m s e c o n d t o t h i r d p e r s o n in a d d r e s s i n g the

Pharaoh. 4.

I n t e r p r e t i n g t h e u as " r e s u m p t i v e " after d i r e c t o b j e c t ; see

Wilhelm,

A O A T 9 p p . 54ff. In E . H I . A t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r is p r o b a b l y o t i o s e , a n d "house" is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e r u l i n g d y n a s t y ; cf. EA 7 4 : 1 0 ; 8 9 : 4 8 . E n d o f l i n e 6: { . . . im/ta-am-ma]r. 5.

A t t h e e n d o f line 3 1 , isriqsunu,

"he s t o l e t h e m , " is p r o b a b l y a c h a r g e

a g a i n s t t h e H i t t i t e k i n g (cf. EA 5 5 : 5 3 ? . ? ) . 6.

[s]a K A M . 3 . M U ?

7.

n[t]-ta-nam-[mu-ul]:

i n s t e a d o f at,

ta or %-na is also p o s s i b l e ( G o r d o n ) .

I n t h e r e s t o f t h e p a r a g r a p h , t h e l a n g u a g e is m o s t o b s c u r e . G l o s s e s a r e H u r r i a n ; w o r d d i v i s i o n is u n c e r t a i n . 8.

r

46 [lu\- tT

la ipaffar

(Gordon).

123

Vassal Cities and Egyptian Administrative Centers

EA

53

EA 53

Of the villain Aitukama TEXT:

BM 29820.

C O P Y : BB

37.

To N[am]h[ury]a, so[n] of the Sun, my lord: Me[ssa}ge of [A]k[i]zz[i], your servant. I fall [a]t the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and [7 times]. 4 - 1 0 [My] lor[d, . . . } . . . has survived, and / will not desert}. [I belong] to my lord. [And n]ow, m[y lo]rd, of my lord alone [am I the serv]ant in the place, the l[andof] Te[ssup]. [ . . . ] . . . now [in] the place of the god . . . [ . . . ] . And now, the king of Hatfti] (has) [s]ent* Aitukama out [against] me, and he seeks [my] li[fe]. 1 1 - 1 6 And now [Aitukam]a has written me and said, "[Come] with me to the king of Ha[tti." I s]aid, "How could[Igo* to the ki]ng of Hatti? I am [a ser]vant of the king, my lord, the king of Egypt." I wrote and [...] to the king of Hatti. 1 7 - 2 3 . . . May my lord send him (it?) . . . [ . . . ] that he (it?) may come ag[ainst Ai]tukama so that my lord [ . . . ] he may fear your presence. 2 4 - 3 4 . . . My lord, Aitukama came and [he sent Up]u, the land of [m]y lord, [up] i[nflames]. He took the (ruler's) house [ . . . ] , and he took 2 0 0 d[isks . . . } , and he took 3 [d]is[ks . . . ] , and he took [1 d]isk [...] from the house off] Birwaza. 3 5 - 3 9 My [l]ord, Teu[w]atti of L[apa]na and [A]rsawuya of Ruhizzi place themselves at the disposition of Aitukama, and he sends [U]pu, the land of my lord, up in flames. 4 0 - 4 4 My lord, just as I love the king, m[y] lord, so too the king of Nuhasse, the king of Nii, the king of Zinzar, and the king of Tunanab; all of these kings are my lord's servants. 4 5 - 5 1 As far as the king, my lord, can, he co[mes forth. But] it is being said, "The king, my lord, will not come forth." [Andso] may the king, my lord, send archers [that] they may co[me] to this country. [Si]nce, my lord, these kings are ones who l[ov]e him, let a magnate of the king, my lord, just name their gifts so they can give them. 52—55 My lord, if he makes this land a matter of concern to my lord, then may my lord send archers that they may come here. (Only) messengers of my lord have arrived here. 56—62 My lord, if Arsawuya of Ruhizzi and Teuwatti of Lapana 1

2

125

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

remain in Upu, and Tassa remains in the Am[q], my lord should also know about them that Upu will not belong to my lord. Daily they write to Aitukama and say as follows: "Come, takfe] Upu in its entirety." 6 3 - 7 0 My lord, just as Dimaski in Upu : ka -di-hi (falls) at your feet, so may Qatna : ka^-di-hu-li-ei'(fall) at your feet. My lord, one asks for life before my messenger. I do not fear [at al]P in the presence of the archers of my lord, since the archers belong to my lord. If he sends (them) to me, they will enfter] Qatna. A

5

6

NOTES 1.

la a-paf-[t&i-(me)]:

cf. EA 5 5 : 6 . I f K n u d t z o n ' s "not d e a d " is c o r r e c t , a

s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g is u n l i k e l y ; r e a d , rather, la-a

U G [(:) m i - i t } . 6

T h e o b v e r s e o f t h i s t a b l e t is e x t r e m e l y difficult, t h e t r a c e s are very f a i n t , a n d therefore t h e t r a n s l a t i o n s are often e x t r e m e l y d u b i o u s . 2.

{ a - n a - k u } a-na

3.

{u)-l[e]-es-fr.

a n d t h e r e f o r e y[i]-is-fi (see EA 4.

{f\a

be-lt-ia:

cf. EA

55:9.

t h e W e s t S e m i t i c p r e f o r m a t i v e is not u s e d in t h i s d i a l e c t , ( K n u d t z o n ) is e x c l u d e d ; b e s i d e s , t h e f o r m w o u l d b e yussi

362:30). ki-i

rf-[na-ku

al-la-ak . . . ] .

5 . O n t h e H u r r i a n g l o s s e s , see G o e t z e , RHA F r i e d r i c h , WZKM 6.

5 (1939) p p . 1096,

and

47 (1951) p. 2 1 3 .

O b s c u r e ; p e r h a p s "life" is t h e f a v o r a b l e r e p l y o f t h e k i n g , d e c l a r e d in t h e

m e s s e n g e r ' s p r e s e n c e or l e a d i n g h i m , as it w e r e , b a c k t o Q a f n a . 7.

[mi-nu-m]e-e.

EA 54

More about Aitukama T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1868

+

1869

229

+

232

+ +

1721. 233;

Too badly preserved for translation.

VS

11,

23.

1

NOTE 1.

T h i s l e t t e r is over 5 0 lines b u t , e x c e p t for t h e g r e e t i n g , very p o o r l y

p r e s e r v e d . A k i z z i s e e m s t o r e p e a t t h e c h a r g e s o f EA 5 3 a g a i n s t A i t u k a m a a n d h i s a l l i e s , T e u w a t t i a n d A r s a w u y a . I n l i n e 5 1 , p e r h a p s C a r c h e m i s h is m e n t i o n e d .

126

EA

55

EA 55

A plea for troops TEXT:

BM 29819.

C O P Y : BB

36. 1

Say to Namhurya, the son of the Sun, my lord: Message of Akizzi, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times. 4 - 6 My lord, I am your servant in this place. I seek the path to my lord. I do not desert my lord. 7-9 From the time my ancestors were your servants, this country has been your country, Qatna has been your city, (and) I belong to my lord. 10-15 My lord, when the troops and chariots of my lord have come here, food, strong drink, oxen, sheep, and goats, honey and oil, were produced for the troops and chariots of my lord. Look, there are my lord's magnates; my lord should ask them. 1 6 - 2 4 My lord, the whole country is in fear of your troops and chariots. If my lord would take this country for his own country, then let my lord send this year his troops and his chariots so that they may come out here and all of Nuhasse belong to my lord. If, my lord, the troops [c]ome [out], stay for 6 days in . . . [ . . . ] , then they would certainly take Aziru. 25—27 If the troops and chariots of my lord do not come forth this year and do not flight], it (the country) will be in fear of Aziru. 28-37 ... 3 8 - 4 3 My lord knows it. My lord [...] his ancestors [ . . . ] . But now the king of Ha[tti] has sent them up in flames. The king of Hatti has taken his gods and the fighting men of Qatna. 4 4 - 5 2 My lord, Aziru took men of Qatna, my servants, and has le[d] them away out of the country of my lord. They now d[wel]l outside of the country of my lord. If it ple[ases] him, may my lord send [(the ransom) money] for the men of Qatna, and may my lord ransom them. . . . [ . . . ] , my lord, the money for their ransom, as much as it may be, so I can hand over the money. 53—66 My lord, your ancestors made (a statue of) Simigi, the god of my father, and because of him became famous. Now the king of Hatti has taken (the statue of) Simigi, the god of my father. My lord knows what the fashioning of divine statues is like. Now that Simigi, the god of my father, has been reconciled to me, if, my lord, it pleases 2

3

4

5

6

1

8

9

127

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS 10

11

him, may he give (me) a sack of gold, just as much as is needed, for (the statue of) Simigi, the god of my father, so they can fashion it for me. Then my lord will become, because of Simigi, more famous than before. NOTES 1.

D e s p i t e t h e form ( m o r e l i k e E N . H M ) , nam m u s t b e t h e s i g n i n t e n d e d .

2.

R e a d U Z : so a l s o , i n d e p e n d e n t l y , G o r d o n a n d N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposi­

tion, p . 5 4 * , n. 4 7 . S i n c e it r e g u l a r l y follows "oxen" ( G U D . M E S : see EA

124:50;

1 2 5 : 2 0 ; 1 6 1 : 2 1 ; 3 2 4 : 1 4 ; 3 2 5 : 1 6 ) , i t s e e m s t o b e a r e p l a c i v e o f "sheep a n d g o a t s " ( U D U . M E S = senu; cf. EA 1 9 3 : 2 0 ) . In c o m p a r a b l e E g y p t i a n t e x t s t h e s e q u e n c e is o x e n , g o a t s , s h e e p , w i t h a n a l t e r n a t i v e "sheep a n d g o a t s " ( " K l e i n v i e h " ) ; see E d e l , Geschichte und Altes Testament (see EA 3 0 , n. 3 ) , p . 5 2 , n. 1. 3. 4.

i-pal-la-he. T h e r e a d i n g in t h e b r e a k is m o s t u n c e r t a i n . T h e c o n t e x t s e e m s t o r e q u i r e

t h a t here t h e r e b e a p r o m i s e o f v i c t o r y over A z i r u , f o l l o w e d in t h e n e x t p a r a g r a p h by a t h r e a t o f t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s if t r o o p s are n o t f o r t h c o m i n g .

If so, then the

c o n s t r u c t i o n is u n d e r H u r r i a n i n f l u e n c e , ilteqe u n d e r s t o o d as p a s s i v e , t h e s u b j e c t A z i r u , w i t h t h e suffix -sunu e x p r e s s i v e of e r g a t i v e ; see K i l m e r , . / A O S 9 4 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p . 1 7 9 ; cf. lines 53ff.

up,

5.

i<7-{te-ri-ib].

6.

P e r h a p s "the g o d " ( o t i o s e M E § ) , s i n c e t h e next p a r a g r a p h s s e e m t o t a k e

in reverse order, t h e m i s s i n g m e n a n d t h e m i s s i n g g o d . r

n

7.

ip- pa -lu-nu:

8.

O n t h e s y n t a x o f t h e p a s s a g e , see a b o v e , n. 4.

f r o m nepu, "to d i s t r a i n " ?

9.

il-te-qe-su-((nu)) K U S ? Cf.

11.

V o n S o d e n , OLZ,

s a n d , " b u t t h e ma-

EA

(influence o f line 4 3 ) .

10.

29:26.

1 9 6 8 , col. 4 5 8 , r e a d s ba-as-si-im-ma,

is c e r t a i n a n d kT masi(mmd)

"like t h e very

is well a t t e s t e d (CAD,

M/i, p.

347a)-

EA 56

A declaration of trust T E X T : VAT

1714.

WA 173; VS 11, 24 (corrections in Schroeder, OLZ, 1917, col. 105).

COPIES:

[Say to the king, my lord: Message of..., your servant. I fall at the feet of] my [lord]. 4 - 8 [Look, the ene]my has . . . [Did I not write] th[is] to my lord, the king of [Egypt. And] my [lord] said, "You did not write [to m]e about (their) num[bers],"3 and my [lo]rd did not come forth. 9 - 1 3 I am your servant, and, my lord, you must not let [me] go 1

2

128

EA

57

[from] your hand. I, for my part, will not [desert] my lord. I have put my trust [i]n my lord, his troops, [and in] his chariots. 1 4 - 2 2 , 2 3 - 2 8 , 2 9 - 3 5 . . .4 3 6 - 4 2 My lord's messenger came to me and said as follows: "I [journeyed about] in Mittani, and there were 3 or 4 kings who were host[ile to] the king of Hatti, al[l of whom] were [at] my disposal." 43-5i . . . 5 NOTES 1.

P r o v e n i e n c e u n k n o w n , but lines 3 6 - 4 2 =

EA 5 4 : 3 8 - 4 3 , a n d therefore

EA 56 m u s t b e c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e A k i z z i c o r r e s p o n d e n c e ; see VAB 2/2, p .

1121. 2 . an-ni-[ta.^} 3.

i-na

5 [la as-pu]r.

[ m i - n i ] : traces o f p o s s i b l e m [ i ,

v i s i b l e t o K n u d t z o n , have d i s ­

appeared. 4.

R e f e r e n c e s t o T a s s u ( l i n e 1 7 ; cf. EA 5 3 : 5 8 ) , A t a k k a m a ( ? — l i n e s 2 3 , 2 7 ) ,

a n d t h e t o w n R u h i z z i ( l i n e 26). 5.

R e f e r e n c e t o H u r r i - l a n d (line 44).

EA 57

Of kings and Tunip T E X T : VAT COPY:

VS

1738. 11,

25.

Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE 1.

O n l y t h e e n d s o f lines are p r e s e r v e d . T h e r e a r e references t o "Akizzi, k i n g

o f Q a t n a " (line 2), "the k i n g o f B a r g a " ( l i n e 3), P u h u r u ( l i n e 10), Sumitta (line 1 3 ) , a n d t h e c i t y T u n i p ( l i n e 1 2 ; rev. 1 ) . S e e K l e n g e l , Or n . s . 32 (1963) p . 4 5 , n. 3.

EA 58

Of the king of Mittani T E X T : VAT

1716.

C O P I E S : WA

214;

VS

11,

26. 2

Sa[y to the Gre]at [King],' my lord: [Message of] Tehu-Tessup, [your] ser[vant}. I fal[l at] the feet of my lord. 4—10 [Mo]reover, be informed tha[t] the king of Mittani came forth together [with chariots] and together with an expeditionary force], and we heard, "At the waters [...]." .. . 3

4

5

129

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1.

P e r h a p s a d d r e s s e d t o a n official ( " m a g n a t e " ; cf. EA 9 5 , 2 3 8 ) , b u t t h e

" G r e a t K i n g " is m o r e l i k e l y (VAB

2 / 1 , p . 3 4 1 , note h). B e s i d e s the script a n d the

clay, t h i s w o u l d i n d i c a t e a n o r t h e r n p r o v e n i e n c e , for o n l y EA 1 6 0 — 6 1 ( A m u r r u ) , 2 6 0 , a n d 3 1 7 - 1 8 (see b e l o w ) b e g i n w i t h t h i s t i t l e . 2.

F o t K n u d t z o n ' s Q a t i h u s u p a , w h i c h rests p a r t l y o n a m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f

t h e g l o s s e s in EA 5 3 : 6 4 - 6 5 , t h e r e is n o t sufficient s p a c e . 3.

ERIN.MES" K A S K A L +

4.

a-na-mi

? . [ B A D ? ] ; see

EA

106,

n.

5.

Rev. 3 : reference t o A b d i - A s i i r t a or h i s s o n . L i n e 6: p e r h a p s [ i q - b ] i

(-mi is a m a r k e r o f d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e ) me-e

10.

[...].

c

mi lu x, "he ( t h e k i n g ) s a i d , A l i v e . . . ' " ( N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

ha-ia-

p. 1 7 * ,

n. 4 9 ) .

EA 59

From the citizens of Tunip TEXT:

BM 29824.

C O P Y : BB

41.

To the king of Egypt, our lord: Message of the citizens of Tunip, your servant. For you may all go well. And we fall at the feet of my lord. 5 - 8 My lord, thus says Tunip, your servant: Tunip—who ruled it in the past? Did not Manaljpirya : am-ma-ti-wu-u? (your ancestor) rule 1

2

it?3

9 - 1 2 The gods and the . . . : na-ab-ri-il-la-an (?)4 of the king of Egypt, our lord, dwell in Tunip, and he should inquire of his an­ cients : am-ma-ti (ancient) when we did not belong to our lord, the king of Egypt. 1 3 - 1 7 And now, for 20 years,' we have gone on writing to the king, our lord, but our messengers have stayed on with the king, our lord. And now, our lord, we ask for the son of Aki-Tessup from the king, our lord. May our lord give him. 1 8 - 2 0 My lord, //the king of Egypt has given the son of AkiTessup, why does the king, our lord, call him back from the journey? 2 1 - 2 4 And now Aziru is going to hear that in Hittite territory a hostile fate has overtaken your servant, a ruler (and) your gardener. 2 5 - 2 8 Should his (the king's) troops and his chariots be delayed, Aziru will do to us just as he did to Nii. 29-33 ^ ourselves are negligent and the king of Egypt does nothing about these things that Aziru is doing, then he will surely direct his hand against our lord. 6

7

w

!30

e

EA

60

3 4 - 3 8 When Aziru entered Sumur, he did to them as he pleased, in the house of the king, our lord. But our lord did nothing about the(s)e things. 3 9 - 4 2 And now Tunip, your city, weeps, and its tears flow, and there is no grasping of our hand. 4 3 - 4 6 We have gone on writing to the king, our lord, the king of Egypt, for 2 0 years, and not a single word of our lord has reached u s . 8

NOTES 1.

P r o b a b l y , j u s t as t h e city I r q a t a a n d its e l d e r s w r o t e t o t h e k i n g b e c a u s e

their o w n k i n g h a d b e e n k i l l e d (EA 1 0 0 ; 7 5 : 2 5 f . ) , s o t o o T u n i p (see lines 1 3 - 2 0 ) . I f o n e m a y s p e a k o f its " r e p u b l i c a n " o r g a n i z a t i o n ( L a n d s b e r g e r , JCS 6 1 , n.

8 [1954] p.

1 3 4 ) , t h e t e m p o r a r y c h a r a c t e r o f t h i s a r r a n g e m e n t s h o u l d a l s o b e rec­

ognized. 2.

T h e v e r b is n o t clear; it is t a k e n here as asabu,

"to s i t , d w e l l , " b u t as s a i d

o f k i n g s , w i t h t h e i m p l i c a t i o n o f o c c u p y i n g as s o v e r e i g n , a s in N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c l a n g u a g e s ( O ' C o n n o r , BASOR (ARMT

226

[ 1 9 7 7 ] p . 2 2 ) a n d in t h e O l d S y r i a n koine

1 3 , 1 4 4 : 5 a n d note; 1 4 , 6 9 : 2 5 a n d n o t e ) .

3.

T h u t m o s i s I I I (see EA 5 1 : 4 ) t o o k T u n i p in h i s f o r t y - s e c o n d year.

4.

T h e H u r r i a n g l o s s is u n e x p l a i n e d ; t h e w o r d g l o s s e d is e q u a l l y u n c e r t a i n .

5 . T h e 2 0 years here a n d in line 4 4 are r o u n d n u m b e r s m e a n i n g

nothing

m o r e t h a n "a l o n g / c o n s i d e r a b l e t i m e " ( L i v e r a n i , OA 1 0 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p . 2 5 4 , n. 2 , a l s o in Three Amarna 6.

Essays,

p . 3 ; W i l h e l m a n d B o e s e , High,

Middle,

or Low? p p . 9of.).

A k i - T e s s u p , p r o b a b l y t h e last k i n g o f T u n i p , n o w d e a d , w h o s e son h a d

b e e n t a k e n t o t h e E g y p t i a n c o u r t for t h e t r a i n i n g g i v e n t o v a s s a l p r i n c e s ; see H e l c k , Beziehungen, 7.

p. 155.

2 4 N A M (limtu) sar-ra-tu^.

a p p a r e n t l y a reference t o a recent E g y p t i a n

d e f e a t . W h a t f o l l o w s is very o b s c u r e . R u l e r a n d g a r d e n e r , h i g h a n d l o w ? one a n d all? 8.

N o t e t h e f r a m i n g o f t h e c o m p l a i n t , "20 years . . . 2 0 years" (lines 1 3 ,

4 4 ) , after the d e c l a r a t i o n o f loyalty ( l i n e s 5 - 1 2 ) . L i n e s 1 3 - 4 6 e n c o m p a s s four s e c t i o n s , each i n t r o d u c e d b y u inanna:

t h e c o m p l a i n t ( 1 3 - 1 4 ) ; t h e r e q u e s t (15—20);

t h e g r o u n d s for t h e r e q u e s t , t h e d a n g e r o f A z i r u ( 2 1 — 3 8 ) ; t h e c o m p l a i n t (39—46).

EA 60 c

Loyal Abdi-Asirta T E X T : VAT

343.

C O P I E S : WA

93;

VS

TRANSLITERATION

11, A N D

27. TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 7ff. 1

[T]o the king, the Sun, my lord: fMess]age of 'Abdi-Asratu, your [ser]vant, the dirt under your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 131

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

7 times and 7 times. 6 - 9 As I am a servant of the king and a dog of his house, I guard all Amurru for the king, my lord. 10-13 I have repeatedly said to Pahanate, my commissioner, "Take auxiliary forces to guard the lan[ds] of the king." 13-19 Indeed, all the [k]ing[s] under the king of the Hurri forces seek to wrest the lands from my [ . . . ] and . . . [... o]fi the king, [my} lord, [but I g}uard th[em}. 1 9 - 2 9 [Look], there is [Pajhanate, [my] commissioner. May the king, the [Su]n, ask him if I do not guard Sumur and Ullassa. When my commissioner is on a mission of the king, the Sun, then I am the one who guards the harvest of the grain of Sumur and all the lands for the king, my Sun, my lord. 3 0 - 3 2 May the king, [m]y lord, know me and entrust [m]e to the charge of Pahanate, my commissioner. 2

3

4

6

7

8

NOTES 1 . T h e n a m e o f t h e g o d d e s s a p p e a r s m o r e f r e q u e n t l y as A s i r t i / a ; for a comparable

fluctuation

in the O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d , see K u p p e r ,

Uiconographie

du dim Amurru dans la glyptique de la I" dynastie babylonienne ( B r u x e l l e s , 1 9 6 1 ) , p . m

6 2 , n. 1. In Ugar. 5, n o . 9 : 2 0 , read IK-a-sir -ti. 9

N o t e , t o o , the

fluctuation

in the

s a m e letter (EA 1 3 7 ) . 2 . W i t h Izre'el, Amurru,

"zero-forms" (see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 50) are not

t a k e n as p t e t e r i t e s , t h o u g h c o n t e x t d o e s not r u l e o u t s u c h an (Rainey, UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p .

3. T h e quotation m a y extend into the following 4.

interpretation

410L). lines.

T h e k i n g o f M i t t a n i ; on t h e e x p r e s s i o n , see C a r r u b a , Or n . s . 4 0 ( 1 9 7 1 )

p p . 2I2f. 5.

[ § ] U (qdti)-ia

a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 7 is i m p r o b a b l e ; s p a c e r e q u i r e s r

o n e l a r g e or t w o s m a l l s i g n s . A t the e n d o f line 1 6 , traces o f l i b " ' - { b ] i ? R e s t o r e u at t h e e n d o f line 1 8 ? A c c o r d i n g to AHw, habdti.

Izre'el, Amurru,

c o m p a r e s habal

p . 1 5 5 7 , not ha-ba-lim,

b u t ha-ba-si

=

in Ezekiel 1 8 : 1 6 .

6.

[a-n]a-s'a-ar-s[u-(nu)

a - m u r ] : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 4 1 1 , n.

7.

S i n c e l o g o g r a m s o f v e r b s are e x t r e m e l y rare in EA,

133it is b e t t e r t o read the

l o g o g r a m as n o u n (infinitive) esed, a n d therefore as o b j e c t (CAD,

E , p.

340;

Rainey, UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p . 4 1 1 ) . D e s p i t e the s i n g u l a r suffix on t h e v e r b , "all the l a n d s " is p e r h a p s a l s o the o b j e c t o f the v e r b . T h e t e m p o r a l c l a u s e "when m y c o m m i s s i o n e r . . . " Izre'el, Amurru, 8.

joins with what precedes.

" K n o w i n g " here a n d in s i m i l a r p a s s a g e s i m p l i e s t a k i n g c o g n i z a n c e of,

s h o w i n g c o n c e r n for, s o m e o n e , m u c h as g o d s k n o w their c l i e n t s (CAD, 2 7 6 , s e c t s , ie a n d 2a 2 ' ; D a l l e y et a l . , The Old Babylonian Rimah

(see EA

IIJ, p p .

Tablets from Tell

Al

2 2 , n. 1 9 ) , n o . 1 1 8 : 1 1 , "the g o d w h o k n o w s t h e h o u s e o f your

father"; see a l s o W h i t i n g , Old Babylonian

Letters from Tell Asmar (see EA 1 4 , n. 9 ) ,

n o . 1 1 : 5 4 a n d c o m m e n t a r y , p . 5 1 ; in O l d A s s y r i a n , cf. Veenhof, JCS

30 [1978] p.

1 8 8 ) . F o r a different view, a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h "to k n o w " m e a n s "to a c k n o w l e d g e as a v a s s a l , " see C a m p b e l l , in F r a n k M o o r e C r o s s et a l . , e d s . , The Mighty Acts of God: In Memoriam G. Ernest Wright ( G a r d e n City, 1 9 7 6 ) , p . 5 0 , a n d the l i t e r a t u r e c i t e d

132

t h e r e . O n the H i t t i t e e v i d e n c e ,

see G o e t z e , JCS

2 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p . j[.

r e q u e s t t o b e t u r n e d over t o a c o m m i s s i o n e r , cf. EA

2^,y.^2ff.;

EA

61

With

the

it is p e r h a p s a

f o r m u l a i c e x p r e s s i o n o f loyalty, a r e n u n c i a t i o n o f a u t o n o m y .

EA 61

A lost message TEXT: COPY:

Ash 1893.1-41:410. Sayce, Tell el Amarna, no. 3. Izre'el, Amurru, pp. 9f.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

c

{To the k]ing, the Sun, my lord: [Mes]sage of Abdi-Asirti, {your] ser[vant, and'] the mud under your f[ee]t, a do{g o]f the house of the king, my lord. A[t . . . ] . . . ' NOTE 1.

O n e m o r e line o f i l l e g i b l e t r a c e s o n o b v e r s e , a n d n i n e f r a g m e n t a r y lines r

k i

o n t h e reverse. R e f e r e n c e t o U l l a s s a ( ? — [ U R U u ] l - l a - z r , rev. 3 ) , S u m u r , a n d A m u r r u ; r e q u e s t for a r e p l y ( 8 - 9 ,

end of letter?).

EA 62 c

Abdi-Asirta to the rescue T E X T : VAT

1680.

C O P I E S : WA

158;

VS

11,

28.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. lOff. c

{To P]ahanate, [my l]or[d: Message of Abd]i-Asirti, [your] s[ervant. I fall at the fe]et of my lord. 4 - 1 0 [Wh]at do your words, [my lord, that you sp]eak, mean? . . . [ . . . ] my lord, (you spea]k [like th]is: "Y[ou are an enemy o/E]gypt, [and] you [committeda crime against Eg]yptians."' [May my lord listen. There were n]o men in §umur [to gua]rd it [as he had ord]ered, 10-20 and [$um]ur [was afraidof]5 the tr[oo]ps of Sehl[al]; there were no m[en i]n it to [gua]rd it. [So] I myself [has]tened to the rescue from Ir[qat], and I myself [c]ame [before] Sumur and . .. your [ . . . ] from the hand of the troops of S[eh]lal. If I had not been staying in [Irqat], if I had been staying where life was peaceful, then the troops of Sehlal [would certainly have s]ent Sumur and the palace up in fl[am]es.' 2 1 - 3 4 When I myself hastened to the rescue from Irqat and arrived in $umur, there were no men that had stayed on in the palace. Here are the 2

4

T

33

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

(only) ones that had stayed on in the palace: Sab-Ilu, Bisitanu, Maya, Arsawa. There were (only) 4 men that had stayed on in the palace, and they said to me, "Save us from the hand of the troops of Sehlal." And so I savfed t]hem from the hand of the troops of Sehlal. [Of 4 per]sons I saved the lives. 25 (was the number of those) whom [the troops of §e]hlal killed. 3 4 - 3 6 And when . . . [...] 3 7 - 4 5 [t\hey [fl]ed from Su­ mur. I did not expel (them) [...] .. . the mayors lie to you, [and y}ou keep on listening to them? [And YJsrmaya, when he writes [ . . . ] , lies [t]o you, and you keep on listening [to] his [wor]ds. 4 5 - 5 5 As for Ksrmaya, (the troops) of Sehlal [came wi]th him. [They cam\e to seize [Sumu]r. He too[k ... t}o seize the city itself . . . " 6

7

s

9

10

NOTES 1.

Free r e s t o r a t i o n : [ a t - t ] a - [ m i LU. K U R ]

lum-na]

8 [ a - n a L U j . M E S . . . (cf. EA

2.

[li-is-me]

k

7 [ s a K U R mi]-is-r[i ]'

#-[pu-us

106:32).

9 [be-li i a ] - » « . . .

10 [a-na

na-f\a-ri-s"[i

Cf. kima qabe sarri (EA 1 4 4 : 2 1 , etc.); ktma qabeka (193:22);

ki-ma

qa]-be-su.

ktma sa qabelu ( 3 0 2 : 1 8 ;

329:20). 3.

[ p a l - h a - a t ] ( b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 2 ) .

4.

[i/a-pan-m-m]a

( B A N clear to K n u d t z o n ) ; cf. panto (AHw,

p. 822).

An

c

i m a g e o f A b d i - A 5 i r t a p l a c i n g h i m s e l f b e t w e e n the t r o o p s o f Sehlal a n d the b e s i e g e d c i t y ? F o r a different r e a d i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , see Izre'el, 5.

r

r

i-na'' [ I ] Z f - t e M E S : c o n t r a r y to K n u d t z o n (VAB

Amurru. 2 / 2 , p . 3 5 1 , note c),

i-na fits t h e t r a c e s very well (na l i k e the na at the e n d o f line 5 0 a n d o n line 5 2 ) , b u t t h e w r i t i n g o f isati is u n p a r a l l e l e d . 6.

R e a d i n g o f t h e first t w o n a m e s u n c e r t a i n .

7.

u-wi(wa?)-i-mi:

8.

[x-x in-na]-fe-t[u-m]a.

9.

B e g i n n i n g o f line 40: t r a c e s d o n o t favor [ m i - n i ] m .

10.

f o l l o w i n g Izre'el,

m

[ u i]a-ma-a-ia

( A l b r i g h t , JNES

Amurru.

5 [ 1 9 4 6 ] p . 1 3 , n o . 1 5 ) . In line 4 5 ,

c o l l a t i o n is not d e c i s i v e , b u t I c o u l d not see t h e vertical nor t h e h e a d s o f all three h o r i z o n t a l s , all of w h i c h are so clear in V S 1 1 a n d w o u l d c o n f i r m K n u d t z o n ' s T U R . 11.

L i n e s 5 0 — 5 5 : very p o o r l y p r e s e r v e d , w i t h several very o b s c u r e f o r m s .

EA 63

Orders obeyed TEXT:

BM 29817.

C O P Y : BB

34.

PHOTOGRAPH:

BB,

pi.

15. c

Say [t]o the king, my lord: Message of Abdi-Asta(r)ti, servant of the k i n g . 1 fall at the feet of my king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. I fall 1

134

EA

64

2

at the feet of the kin[g, my] lord. 7-9 The king, [the lo]rd, has given orders [t]o me, and I heed the [or]ders of the king, [my] lord. 1 0 - 1 6 [I h]eed (them), and so [may] the k[ing, m]y l[or]d, heed my [wor]ds, [for the wa]r again[st me] is s[ev]ere. May the k[iri\g [kri\ow [and be informed. NOTES 1.

N a ' a m a n , UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p p . 6 7 6 6 , h a s d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t EA 6 3 - 6 5 a n d c

3 3 5 w e r e all s e n t b y A b d i - A § t a r t i , a n d all f r o m t h e s a m e p l a c e w h e r e S u w a r d a t a r e s i d e d . S c h r o e d e r , OLZ,

1 9 1 5 , c o l s . 2 9 3 6 , l i n k e d EA 6 5 a n d 3 3 5 , a n d N a ' a m a n

s h o w s t h e c o m m o n s c r i b a l b a c k g r o u n d o f EA 6 3 — 6 5 , 2 8 2 — 8 4 ,

a n <

:

J 3 3 5 cf.

VS

1 2 , p . 7 4 . N o t e a l s o : t h e f o r m o f T U in EA 2 8 3 : 2 4 as well as 6 5 a n d 3 3 5 ; the f o r m o f G i R in 63—65 a n d 2 8 3 ; the w r i t i n g da-na-at

in 6 3 : 1 3 ; 6 4 : 9 ;

2 8 3 : 2 2 , 31

( e l s e w h e r e : 1 4 4 : 2 3 , 1 7 8 : 9 ; 2 7 1 : 1 0 ) ; t h e w r i t i n g 1 G l R . M E S in 6 3 : 5 ; 6 4 : 3 ; 6 5 : 4 . c

N a ' a m a n m a k e s A b d i - A s t a r t i the successor of Suwardata. 2.

a-na

r

GlR.MES sV

m

LUG[AL] EN-fe .. .].

EA 64

Women for the king TEXT:

BM 29816.

C O P Y : BB

33.

PHOTOGRAPH:

BB,

pi.

11. c

Say to the king, my lord: Message of Abdi-Astarti, servant of the king. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times ((the feet of the king, my lord)) and 7 times, here and now, both on the stomach and on the back. 8 - 1 3 May the king, my lord, be informed that the war against me is severe, and may it seem good to the king, my lord, to send a magnate to protect me. 1 4 - 2 3 Moreover, the king, my lord, has sent orders to me and I am heeding (them). I heed all the orders of the king, my lord. I herewith : ia-pa-aq-ti (send on) 1 0 women . . . 1

2

NOTES 1.

T h e m e a n i n g o f mila (milt, milanna—or

mila anna?),

which with only

t w o e x c e p t i o n s (EA 2 2 5 : 6 ; 3 3 0 : 7 ) is confined t o EA 6 4 - 6 5 , 2 8 2 — 8 4 ,

i s

proposed

on the basis of 2 8 3 : 1 5 . 2.

T h i n g s r e q u e s t e d b y t h e k i n g , as t h e ten w o m e n s e e m t o have b e e n , are

e i t h e r r e a d i e d (susuru: EA

EA 9 9 , 3 1 6 , 3 2 5 ) , b r o u g h t (abalu:

3 1 4 ) , or g i v e n (naddnu:

yapaqtt

( K r a h m a l k o v , JNES

EA 3 2 7 ) , s e n t

(ulluru:

EA 2 4 2 , 3 0 1 ) , a n d h e n c e t h e m e a n i n g a s s i g n e d to 3 0 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p p . 2 2 6 ; i d e m , BASOR

7 8 6 ; R a i n e y , UF 6 [ 1 9 7 4 ] p . 3 0 0 ) . T h e m e a n i n g o f mi-Ki-tu

223 [1976] pp.

remains obscure. If

135

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

a n a d j e c t i v e , t h e n it s h o u l d refer t o s o m e f a v o r a b l e q u a l i t y o f t h e w o m e n ( L o r e t z a n d M a y e r , UF 6 [ 1 9 7 4 ] p p . 4 9 3 f . ) , b u t t h e g l o s s m a r k e r in front o f it m a y s i m p l y b e a n i n d i c a t i o n o f a runover l i n e (cf. t h e m a r k e r before E N at t h e e n d o f l i n e 1 6 ) . munusmei

Read

mi-KJ-tu?

EA 65

Preparations for Egyptian troops T E X T : VAT

1685.

COPIES:

175;

WA

VS

11,

29. 1

[Sa]y {to the king, my lord]: Me[ssage of "Abfjdi-Astarti, your serva[nt]. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times, here and now, both on the stomach and on the back, at the feet of the king, my lord. 7 - 1 0 Since the king, my lord, has sent me orders, I am heeding (them). All the orders of [m]y king I h{ee]d. The cities of the king by (me) I guard, 1 1 - 1 5 and (i) prepare before the arrival of the arch{ers of the kin]g, my lord, [.. . ] . 2

NOTES 1.

W h a t e v e r the explanation of the w r i t i n g , the sender of the lettet m u s t be

c

t h e A b d i - A s t a r t i o f EA D

63-64.

Instead of

m

[a]d-[r]a-INANNA,

mr

ab"'-td]i

+

I N A N N A ; for t h e a s s u m e d l i g a t u r e o f di a n d d i n g i r , cf. t h e e x t r a o r d i n a r y l i g a t u r e

of L U G A L 2.

+ ri in line 6.

O n l y o n e line m i s s i n g . L i n e 1 1 : (t)-su-si-ru,

t h a n a n o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d infinitive su-si-ru pa-ni

. . . (see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n.

100).

EA 66

A lost message T E X T : VAT COPY:

VS

1702. 11,

30.

Too fragmentary for translation. NOTE 1.

136

Reference to H a y a (line 4).

1

(VAB

a well-attested f o r m , rather 2/2,~p. 1 3 8 3 ) . Line 1 2 :

[a]-na

67

EA

EA 67

A plea for a reckoning T E X T : VAT

1591.

C O P I E S : WA

186;

VS

11,

31.

i - 6 . . . 6—13 [. . . ] He resides i[n $umur along with] his [troops] (and) along with [his] c[hariots. Now may the Sun call] to account [S]umur, [the ci}ty of the Su[n], my lord, [and] may the [S]un k[now] (the facts). Is it pleasing^ A[l]l the E[gyptians wh]o had resided in Sumur, the city of the Su[n, my lord, ca]me out and are residing in my land, [m]y [lord]. 1 3 - 1 8 He made a [tr]eaty [wi}th the ruler of Gnbla and with the ru[ler o f . . . , and] all the fortress commanders of your land . . . [ . . . ] became friendly with him, my lord. Now he is l[ike] the Apiru, a runaway dog, and he has seized [Su]mur, the city of the Sun, my lord. .. . 1

2

3

c

4

NOTES

likely,

D

1.

Free r e s t o r a t i o n . L i n e 8: [ii i - n a - a n - n a U T U - s i

2.

T h e s u b j e c t o f t h e v e r b is not clear; it c o u l d e v e n b e first p e r s o n . M o s t

li-is]-al-mi.

it s e e m s , is A z i t u o f A m u r r u ; t h e n t h e ruler o f B y b l o s w o u l d be t h e

p e r f i d i o u s b r o t h e r o f R i b - H a d d a (cf. G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

EA

1 3 7 - 3 8 ; see VAB

2 / 2 , p p . 1 1 4 4 ff.;

p . 4 1 ) . T h e i d e n t i t y o f t h e w r i t e r o f t h e letter c a n n o t b e

d e t e r m i n e d . T h e d e s i g n a t i o n hahuhlu,

"fortress c o m m a n d e r , " a n d t h e e p i t h e t "(my)

D

S u n , " w r i t t e n U T U - J v ( e l s e w h e r e in EA, 4 9 , a n d f r o m N u h a s S e , EA

o n l y in letters f r o m U g a r i t , EA 4 5 , 4 6 ,

5 1 ; r e g u l a r l y at B o g h a z k o y ) , g i v e t h e l a n g u a g e a n d

writing a northern cast. 3.

DUG.GA-KZ0?

4.

O f t h e o b v e r s e t h e r e a r e p r e s e r v e d o n l y t h r e e f r a g m e n t a r y lines; t h e

=

tabuni (see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n.

59).

e n t i r e reverse, e x c e p t for a few s i g n s a n d t r a c e s , is c o m p l e t e l y

lost.

EA 68

Byblos under attack T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1239. 80;

VS

11,

32.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. Iff. T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling, p. 373. I

[R}ib-Hadd[a sa]ys to his lord, [king] of all countries, Great King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. 7 — 1 1 1 fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. May the king, my lord, know that Gubla, the loyal maidservant of the king, is safe and J

37

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS c

sound. 12-18 The war, however, [o}f the Apiru forces [aga}inst me is extremely severe, and so may the king, my lord, not (ne)glect Sumur lest ever[yo]ne be joined to the Apiru forces. 1 9 - 2 6 Through the king's commissioner who is in Sumur, Gubla is alive. Paha[mna]ta, the commissioner of the king who is in Sumur, knows the straits : ma-naA§ that Gubla is in. 2 7 - 3 2 It is from the land of Yarimuta that we have acquired provisions. The w[a}r [agai}nst us is extremely severe, and so may the king not [ne}glect his [ci]ties. 2

c

NOTES 1.

m

[ ri]-ib-ha-ad-a\a\.

l a s t s i g n , d[u] p o s s i b l e , b u t n o t d[i].

O n iqbi, see EA

7 4 , n. 1. 2.

la-a

3.

G l o s s ( r e a d ma-na-ru!)

(i)a-qul-me:

a w r i t t e n over a n e r a s e d /. u n e x p l a i n e d (cf. ARMT

7, p . 3 2 0 ) ; t h e first s i g n

is m o r e l i k e I Z t h a n in t h e c o p y o f VS. Y o u n g b l o o d , p . 3 7 , p r o p o s e s W e s t S e m i t i c mdnas

<

ma'nas

i'nP),

" t r o u b l e , " w h i c h leaves t h e b o u n d f o r m b e f o r e s"a u n ­

explained.

EA 69

Report to an official TEXT:

BM 29856.

C O P Y : BB

73.

TRANSLITERATION

A N D

TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 4Iff. [Say to . . . : Message of Rib-Hadda. I fall at your feet. May the Lady of Gubla, the goddess of the king, my lord, establish your honor] in the pr[esence of the king, my lord, my god], my Sun. . . . 10-14 £H said repeatedly, "They have a[ll} agr[eed] among themselves against [me}." Moreover, look, they have now attacked day and ni[ght} in the war against (me). 15—18 Mor[eo]ver, you yourself know that my towns are threatening me,3 [and] I have [no]t been able to make [pe]ace wi[t]h the[m].4 1 9 - 2 4 [M]ore[ov\er, [ . . . } . . . [o}/Magdalu, and the forces of Kuasbat are at war with me, and there is no one who can rescue me from them. 2 4 - 3 0 Moreover, on Appiha's re(ac)hing me, there was an out­ cry against me, and, as for all my gates, the bronze : nu-hu-us*-tu was taken. 5 As[k] Appiha about the w[hole] affair. 3 0 - 3 9 Moreover, urge with lo[ud cries] the king, [your] lor[d, and] if [archers] come out [this year] [...] ... [/ will be able to mak]e pe[ac]e. 1

2

4

6

1

138

EA

70

NOTES 1.

A d d r e s s e d t o an E g y p t i a n official.

2.

gd[b-bu

a - w a - t i ] : for gabbu,

t h e e x p r e s s i o n awata 3.

dannu

4.

i-pi-is

leqii, see EA

eltya,

cf. EA 8 2 : 3 2 ; 1 0 2 : 2 5 ; 1 0 6 : 4 9 ; 1 1 4 : 1 4 . F o r

116:51.

p e r h a p s "are s t r o n g e r t h a n I , " or "are t o o s t r o n g for m e . "

1 7 [ S I G } - q { a ] : cf. line 3 9 . I f t h i s is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g , t h e n

t h e c o n t e x t a r g u e s t h a t dumqa

epesu (itti) is "to m a k e f r i e n d s h i p " ; cf.

"friendly r e l a t i o n s , " a n d bel dumqildamiqti, 2 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] p . 1 7 5 ; W e i n f e l d , JAOS 5.

n o t e a l s o nuhultu, 6.

S e e EA

7.

See EA

JNES

9 3 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p p . 1916°.).

S y n t a x o b s c u r e ; r e a d i n g ti-ul,-qe'

( g e n d e r f r o m nuhultu),

damqatu,

"friend" (as p o l i t i c a l t e r m s , see as t h i r d s i n g u l a r f e m i n i n e

passive

since the context s u g g e s t s no other singular subject, and

nominative case. 87:25 and note. 129:40-42.

EA 70

Request for Nubian troops TEXT:

Golenischeff (see Introduction, sect. 1).

C O P Y : WA

67.

TRANSLITERATION

A N D

TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 6Iff. 1

2

... 1 7 - 2 3 [And] send me [x Egyptians and fx me]n from Meluhha, [just] as (you did to) the kings [to wh]om you [ga]ve c[bariots],$ so they can gu[ar]d [until the coming] forth of the archers. 2 4 - 3 1 [And] may the king, my lord, know [that] the land of Amurru longs day and [night] for the coming forth of the archers. [The d]ay the [arc]hers arri[v]e, the land of Am[urru] will [certainly] be join[ed . . . t]o the king, [my lord]. . . .5 4

NOTES 1.

L i n e s 1 - 7 ( g r e e t i n g ) : o n l y a few s i g n s p r e s e r v e d . L i n e s 8 - 1 6 : reference t o

M a g d a l u ( ? — l i n e 9), "to his s o n [ . . . ] . . . b e t w e e n t h e t w o o f u s " ( 1 5 6 ; see EA

be-ri-ku-ni,

113:18).

2.

"Meluhha" d e s i g n a t e d N u b i a , and N u b i a n s and N u b i a n troops are m e n ­

t i o n e d f r e q u e n t l y as p a r t o f t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y (EA

95:396;

108:67;

112:20;

i i 7 : 8 i f f . ; 1 3 2 : 5 6 ) . T h e y are a l s o c a l l e d m e n o r t r o o p s o f K a s i ( C u s h ) , a n d M e l u h h a is p r o b a b l y identified as K a S i (EA 1 2 7 : 3 6 ; 1 3 2 : 5 6 ; 1 3 3 : 1 7 ) . O n t h e e v i d e n c e o f t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s , see P i n t o r e , OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . 1 0 5 ; for o t h e r e v i d e n c e on N u b i a n s in t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y , see S c h u l m a n , Military Egyptian 22ff.,

New Kingdom,

Rank,

Titles,

and Organization

in the

Miinchener agyptologische Studien 6 (Berlin, 1964), p p .

I27ff.

139

THE

AMARNA 3.

20

LETTERS

[ki-i]-tna

LUGAL.MES

N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

2 1 [sa na-a]d-na-ta «

I 5

[GIGIR.ME§]:

cf.

p . 2 2 * , n. 1 0 0 ; "wood" ( G l S , isu) h a r d l y s t o o d a l o n e

( G I G I R . M E S at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e x t l i n e , n a r k a b a t I - s ] u - » # ? ) . 4.

tu-ba-(u)

w o u l d b e m o r e in a c c o r d w i t h e s t a b l i s h e d u s a g e ( R a i n e y , UF 6

[ I 9 7 4 J P- 3 0 2 ) . 5.

O n e line; rest o f t a b l e t l o s t .

EA 71

To a wise man T E X T : VAT

1632.

C O P I E S : WA

72;

VS

11,

33.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 78ff. 1

[To] Haya, the vizi[er}: Message of Rib-Hadda. I fal[l] at your feet. May Aman, the god of the king, [y]our lord, establish your honor in the presence of the king, your lord. 7—16 You are a wise man; the king knows (this) and because of your wis(d)om he sent you as commis­ sioner. Why have you been negligent, not speaking to the king so he will send archers to take Sumur? 16—22 What is Abdi-Asirta, servant and dog, that he takes the land of the king for himself? What is his auxiliary force that it is strong? Through the "Apiru his auxiliary force is strong! 23—27 So send me 50 pairs of horses and 200 infantry that I may resist him in Sigata until the coming forth of the archers. 2 8 - 3 5 Let him not gather together all the "Apiru so he can take Sigat[a] and Ampi, and [seize . . . } . . . What shall I be able to d[o]? There will be no place where [men] can enter against [him]. 2

3

c

4

5

6

7

NOTES 1 . pa-s/-t[e]:

a r e a d i n g M A § [ K I M ) ( K e s t e m o n t in K i i h n e , p . 1 4 5 ) is e x ­

c l u d e d , u n l e s s o n e a s s u m e s a n a b e r r a n t f o r m t h a t a l s o differs f r o m M A $ K I M as w r i t t e n in l i n e 1 0 . T h e t r a c e s o f te as d e s c r i b e d in VAB 2 / 2 , p . 3 6 6 , n o t e c, a r e s t i l l v i s i b l e , t h e VS 1 1 c o p y n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g .

For t h e t i t l e , see A l b r i g h t , JNES

5

(1946) p. 1 2 . 2. pp.

O n ti-di-nu

s e e J C S 5 ( 1 9 5 1 ) p . 3 5 ; Biblica

45 (1963)

3.

im-(qu)-ti-ka:

4.

L i n e s 2 0 - 2 2 , w i t h E b e l i n g , VAB

5.

E R I N . M E S " G l R . M E S : t h e e x p r e s s i o n is a l s o f o u n d in EA 1 4 9 : 6 2 ; 1 7 0 : 2 2 ;

at B o g h a z k o y (AHw,

140

as p l u r a l (tiddinu),

8of. f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t , JNES

5 ( 1 9 4 6 ) p . 1 2 , n. 8.

2/2, p. 1591.

p . 1 0 7 2 b ) ; in a n O l d B a b y l o n i a n l e t t e r (AbB

10, 150:11) and

EA

72

in u n p u b l i s h e d N e o - A s s y r i a n c o p y o f an O l d B a b y l o n i a n tamttu ( N D 4 4 0 1 ; c o u r ­ tesy W. G . L a m b e r t ) . 6.

See EA 7 6 : 2 3 a n d n o t e .

7.

mu-hi-isu

L U . M E S ] : cf. EA

76:22.

EA 72

Message lost T E X T : VAT C O P Y : VS

1712. 11,

34.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. lOOf. Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE 1.

A letter to t h e k i n g , p e r h a p s r e p e a t i n g t h e r e q u e s t o f EA 7 1 t o H a y a

( P i n t o r e , OA 11 [ 1 9 7 2 } p . 1 0 2 , n. 1 0 ) . L i n e s 14 ( o b v . ) a n d 6 (rev.) are f r a g m e n t a r y , c

w i t h references to I r q a t a ( ? ) , A r d a t a ( ? ) , G u b l a , A m p i , S u m u r , a n d A p i r u .

EA 73

Of ambivalent Amurru TEXT:

BM 29798.

C O P Y : BB

15.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 106ff. To Amanappa, my father: Message of Rib-Hadda, your son. I fall at the feet of my father. May the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king, your lord. 6—11 Why have you been negligent, not speaking to the king, your lord, so that you may come out together with archers and fall upon the land of Amurru? 11—16 If they hear of archers coming out, they will abandon their cities and desert. Do not you yourself know that the land of Amurru follows the stronger party? 17—25 Look, they are not now being friendly to Abdi-Asirta. What will he do to them? [And so] they are longing day and night for the coming out of the archers, and (they say), "Let us join them!" All the mayors long for this to be done to "Abdi-Asirta, 26—33 s i he sent a message to the men of Ammiya, "Kill your lord and join the Apiru."4 Accordingly, the mayors say, "He will do the same thing to c

1

2

3

n c e

c

141

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

us, and all the lands will be joined to the "Apiru." 3 3 - 3 8 Report this matter in the presence of the king, your lord, for you are father and lord to me, and to you I have turned. 3 9 - 4 5 You know my conduct when you were in [SJumur; I am your [l]oyal servant. So speak to the king, [your] lord, that an auxiliary force be [s]en(t)' t[o] me with all speed. NOTES 1.

c

P e r h a p s "they a r e n o t f r i e n d l y t o ( l i t . , love) A b d i - A s i r t a ( b e c a u s e o f )

w h a t he does to t h e m . " 2.

tu-bcf-u-na:

f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , UF 6 (1974) p . 302. Traces o f o n l y o n e

h o r i z o n t a l a r e v i s i b l e , b u t ba fits t h e s p a c e b e t t e r , a n d bu"ii is r a t h e r c o m m o n in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (cf. e s p . EA 7 0 : 2 6 ^ ) , w h e r e a s qu"u,

"to w a i t for," is o t h e r w i s e

unattested. 3.

T h o u g h t h e l a n g u a g e , ipes (ipisl)

annutu,

"to d o / t h e d o i n g o f t h e s e

t h i n g s , " is a m b i g u o u s , t h e m a y o r s need n o t b e t h e a g e n t s o f t h e a c t i o n s l o n g e d c

for, a n d t h e p a s s a g e h a r d l y s p e a k s of t h e i r j o i n i n g A b d i - A s i r t a ( W e b e r , VAB p.

1 1 5 8 ; G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

s y n o n y m o u s w i t h nenpusu ana,

p.

34; L i v e r a n i , RSO

40

[1965] p . 274,

2/2, as if

"to b e j o i n e d to"). N e i t h e r here nor in EA 74:266°.,

366°.—a letter p r o b a b l y s e n t a t t h e s a m e t i m e as EA 7 3 ( n o t e t h e reference t o A m a n a p p a in EA

7 4 : 5 1 ) — i s t h e r e a n y s u g g e s t i o n t h a t t h e local r u l e r s h a d or

f o r e s a w any a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h e i r d e a t h or e x p u l s i o n . R e c o g n i z i n g , rather, t h a t c

A b d i - A s i r t a h a d t h e s a m e d e s i g n s o n t h e m as o n t h e ruler o f A m m i y a , t h e y t o o

d e s i r e d a s h o w o f force by t h e E g y p t i a n s a n d a n i n s u r r e c t i o n in A m u r r u . 4.

O r " ' K i l l y o u r l o r d , ' a n d t h e n t h e y w e r e j o i n e d t o t h e "Apiru." S e e a l s o

EA 7 4 : 2 6 a n d n o t e . 5.

\f\u-tva-Ia-(arlra)

til-la-tu.

EA 74

Like a bird in a trap TEXT:

BM 29795.

C O P Y : BB

12.

P H O T O G R A P H : BB,

pi.

20.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 122ff. 1

Rib-Hadda says to [his] lord, king of all countries, Great King, King of Battle: May [the Lady] of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 5-10 May the king, the lord, know that Gubla, the loyal maidservant of the king since the days of his ancestors, is safe and sound. The king, however, has now withdrawn his support of his loyal city. 10-12 May the king inspect the tablets of his father's house (for the time) when the ruler in 2

142

EA

74

3

Gubla was not a loyal servant. 13—19 Do not be negligent of your servant. Behold, the war of the Apiru against (me) is severe and, as the gods of y{our] land {are ali\ve, our sons and daughters (as well as we ourselves) are gone since they have been sold in the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep us alive. "For lack of a cultivator, my field is like a woman without a husband." 1 9 - 2 2 All my villages that are in the mountains : ha-ar-ri or along the sea have been joined to the Apiru. Left to me are Gubla and two towns. 2 3 - 3 0 After taking Sigata for him­ self, Abdi-Asirta said to the men of Ammiya, "Kill your leader and then you will be like us and at peace." They were won over, following his message, and they are like Apiru. 3 0 - 3 8 So now Abdi-Asirta has written to the troops:? "Assemble in the<e1mple of N I N U R T A , and then let us fall upon Gubla. Look," there is no one that will save it from u[s}. Then let us drive out the mayors from the country that the entire country be joined to the Apiru, .. . to the entire country. Then will (our) sons and daughters be at peace forever. 3 9 - 4 5 Should even so the king come out, the entire country will be against him and what will he do to us?" Accordingly, they have made an alliance' among them­ selves and, accordingly, I am very, very afraid, since [in] fact there is no one who will save me from them. 4 5 - 5 0 Like a bird in a trap : ki-lubi (cage), so am I in Gubla. Why have you neglected your country? I have written like this to the palace, but you do not heed my words. 5 1 - 5 7 Look, Amanappa is with you. Ask him. He is the one that knows and has experienced the stra[its] I am in. May the king heed the words of his servant. May he grant provisions for his servant and keep his servant alive so I may guard his [lo]yal [city], along with our L{ad]y (and) our gods, f{oryou]. 57—62 May {the king] vis{it] his [land] and {his servant]. [May he] give thought to his land. Pac{ify yo]ur {land] . May it seem go[od] in the sight of the k[ing], my [lo]rd. May he send a {ma]n of his to stay this time so I may arrifve] in the presence of the king, my lord. 6 2 - 6 5 It is good for me to be with you. What can I do by [my]self ? This is what I long for day and night. 4

c

5

6

c

c

1

c

8

c

1 0

c

I 2

3

14

15

1

NOTES 1 . O n iqbi (istapar,

iltappar)

as " K o i n z i d e n z f a l l , " see I n t r o d u c t i o n , sect. 5

a n d n. 8 1 . 2 . T h i s e p i t h e t o f t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g is confined t o t h e l e t t e r s o f R i b - H a d d a a n d a p p e a r s o n l y w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t o r y f o r m " R i b - H a d d a s p e a k s / w r i t e s . " It w a s p r o b a b l y d r a w n f r o m t h e e p i c , k n o w n b y t h i s n a m e a n d a t t e s t e d at A m a r n a (EA 3 5 9 ) , a b o u t t h e l e g e n d a r y S a r g o n o f A k k a d ; see M . - J . S e u x , Epithetes akkadiennes

royales

et sumeriennes (see EA 1, n. 2 ) , p p . 3 1 9 ^

143

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

3.

O r "whether t h e ruler in G u b l a has n o t b e e n a loyal s e r v a n t . "

4.

summa;

see EA 3 5 , n. 3 .

5 . qa-du-nu,

m e a n i n g u n c e r t a i n . I f t h e p r e p o s i t i o n qadu,

t h e n it o c c u r s

o n l y here in EA w i t h a p r o n o m i n a l suffix ( D . O . E d z a r d , in B . H r u s k a a n d G . K o m o r o c z y , e d s . , Festschrift

L. Matous

[ B u d a p e s t , 1 9 7 8 ] , p . 8 6 , n. 1 7 ) ; p e r h a p s

" t o g e t h e r w i t h s o m e o f o u r n u m b e r " (the o l d e r g e n e r a t i o n ; cf. W e b e r , VAB

2/2, p.

1 1 5 9 , "fellow-citizens")? In t h e p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s (EA 7 5 : 1 2 ; 8 1 : 3 9 ; 8 5 : 1 2 ; 9 0 : 3 7 ) , t h e s e q u e n c e is s o n s - d a u g h t e r s - w o o d ( f u r n i s h i n g s ) of h o u s e s . Is qad(d)u

the corre­

s p o n d i n g C a n a a n i t e w o r d ? S . S m i t h ' s i d i o s y n c r a t i c v e r s i o n o f EA 7 4 : 1 3 - 1 7 Statue

of Idri-mi

w r o n g . ARMT

(The

[ L o n d o n , 1 9 4 9 ] , p - 3 4 ) i s , as t h e p a r a l l e l s m a k e p e r f e c t l y clear, 2 2 , 1 4 3 : 2 , p e r h a p s a t t e s t s t o a n o u n qadu (i-mi-iG

qa-di-im),

but

its m e a n i n g is q u i t e unclear. 6.

O n t h i s p r o v e r b ( a l s o EA 7 5 : 1 5 - 1 7 ; 8 1 : 3 7 6 ; 9 0 : 4 2 6 ) , w i t h M e s o p o t a -

m i a n a n d o t h e r p a r a l l e l s , see D . M a r c u s , JANES L i e b e r m a n , Hebrew Union College Annual

5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . 2 8 1 6 6 ; see a l s o

5 8 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . 1 6 2 , n n . 2 0 - 2 1 . O n "plow­

i n g t h e field" in S u m e r i a n l i t e r a t u r e see S j o b e r g , JCS

2 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p . 2 4 , a n d on ittu,

"seeder-plow," as a m e t a p h o r for father see L a m b e r t , RA 7 6 ( 1 9 8 2 ) p . 8 4 . L a t e r , in G r e e c e , t h e m e t a p h o r b e l o n g e d n o t o n l y t o l i t e r a t u r e ( J . M . E d m o n d s , Elegy Iambus,

and

vol. 1, L o e b C l a s s i c a l Library, p . 4 2 7 ) b u t a l s o t o l e g a l l a n g u a g e (see t h e

d i c t i o n a r i e s u n d e t arotos, aroura, 7. -la-ku-nu?),

T h e u s e o f e(lu,

speiro).

" ( y o u n g , a d u l t ) m a l e , " if it is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g ( [ E ] N

is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in r e l a t e d or s i m i l a r p a s s a g e s . It a p p e a r s e l s e w h e r e

in EA l e t t e r s o n l y in 2 9 : 1 5 4 , p r o b a b l y as a d i s t i n c t i o n o f a g e (cf. U g a r i t i c

bahhilru

= eflu, Ugar. 5 , n o . 1 3 7 ii 2 4 ' ) ; for t h e r e a d i n g , see R a i n e y , IEJ 1 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . 1 0 7 , a n d B l a u a n d G r e e n f i e l d , BASOR

2 0 0 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p . 1 7 . U n d o u b t e d l y t h e r e is reference

here t o t h e m u r d e r o f t h e ruler o f A m m i y a , w h o in EA 7 3 : 2 7 a n d 7 5 : 3 4 is c a l l e d belu,

"lord" ( E N ; cf. a l s o EA

8 1 : 1 2 ) , a n d , p r o b a b l y , in 1 4 0 : 1 1 is c a l l e d

sarru,

" k i n g . " U n l e s s , t h e r e f o r e , eflu i m p l i e s here a c e r t a i n s a r c a s m ("your y o u n g

fel­

low"), it is p r o b a b l y m e a n t t o s u g g e s t a u t h o r i t y . T h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e t e r m c o u l d b e u s e d as a c o l l e c t i v e ( " p r i n c e s , " K n u d t z o n ; "chiefs," G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

p . 3 4 , a n d L i v e r a n i , Rivista Storica Italiana

yj [ 1 9 6 5 ] p . 3 2 4 ; " s e i g n e u r s "

[ a l s o o f EA 7 3 : 2 7 ; 8 1 : 1 2 ] , L i v e r a n i , in G a r e l l i , e d . , Le Palais et la Royaute, p . 3 5 4 ) . 8.

c

W i t h t h e p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 6 7 : 1 6 6 , "like a n / t h e A p i r u , " d o e s c

n o t o c c u r e l s e w h e r e . It is t h e n a r r a t i v e v e r s i o n o f "like u s " in A b d i - A s i r t a ' s s p e e c h , c

c

a n d it i m p l i e s t h a t , for R i b - H a d d a , t h e followers o f A b d i - A s i r t a a n d t h e A p i r u w e r e v i r t u a l l y i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e ( G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru, 9. JCS

p. 34).

O n l i n e s 3 0 - 4 1 , see G . M e n d e n h a l l , J N E S 6 ( 1 9 4 7 ) p p . 1 2 3 6 ; see a l s o

7 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p . 7 8 , n. 4 . 10.

T h e a b s e n c e o f U R U (dlu),

"city, t o w n , " b e f o r e E N I N . U R T A , or o f t h e

d e t e r m i n a t i v e K.I after i t , a r g u e s a g a i n s t a p l a c e - n a m e B l t - N I N . U R T A (cf.

EA

2 9 0 : 1 6 ) . T h e t e m p l e w a s p r e s u m a b l y t h e s c e n e o f t h e o a t h m e n t i o n e d in l i n e 4 2 . T h e C a n a a n i t e g o d referred t o b y S u m e r o - A k k a d i a n N I N . U R T A is n o t k n o w n ; a t Ugarit, Ninurta = 11.

S e e n. 4.

12.

ii [k]i-tu

G a s a r u (JCS

3 1 [ 1 9 7 9 ] p . ' 7 2 , n. 2 3 ) .

ti-in-(ni-p\i-us)-ma,

"and let a n a l l i a n c e b e m a d e (for all t h e

l a n d s ) " : A l b r i g h t in M e n d e n h a l l (see n. 9).

144

EA 13.

L i t . "placed a n o a t h . " N A M . R U , mdmTtu, "oath" (JCS

75

7 [ 1 9 5 3 ] p. 78,

n. 5 ) , b u t p e r h a p s n o t a m i s t a k e for N A M . ( N E ) . R U ; cf. N A M . R U . M A , , PBS 1 / 2 , 7 2 : 2 5 ; N o u g a y r o l , JCS den,

1 ( 1 9 4 7 ) p . 3 3 4 , n. 2 8 ; F a l k e n s t e i n , Das Sumerische ( L e i ­

1 9 6 4 ) , p . 2 6 , 4 . b ; K r e c h e r , A O A T 1, p p . i 9 3 f . 1 4 . a-lna

k a - t a ] : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 4 1 4 . N o t e t h a t adi ?

in

t h e m e a n i n g "(along) w i t h " o c c u r s e l s e w h e r e in EA o n l y in t h e J e r u s a l e m letters ( b u t see EA 9 2 : 4 2 a n d n o t e ) . 1 5 . yi-da-ga[\ T h e f o r m yidaggalu yidaggal

or

LUGAL]

58 [ K U R ] - / a u f l R - s u ] : f . EA 8 5 : 6 i f f . ; c

n6:62f.

( K n u d t z o n ) m a y n o t serve a s a n i n j u n c t i v e , w h i c h w o u l d b e

yidaggala.

EA 75

Political chaos TEXT:

C 4757 (12191).

C O P Y : WA

79.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 155ff. Rib-Hadda {says t]o his lord, k[ing of all countries]: May the Lady of [Gubla] grant power t[o my lord]. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, [7} times and 7 times. 6-14 [May] the king, my lord, know th[at] Gubla, the maidservafnt of the king] from ancient times, is safe and sound. The war, however, of the Apiru agai[nst] me is severe. (Our) sons and daughters and the furnishings of the houses are gone, since they have been sold [in] the land of Yarimuta for ou[r] provisions to keep us alive. 1 5 - 2 1 "For the lack of a cultivator, my field is like a woman without a husband." I have written repeatedly to the palace because of the illness afflicting me, {but there is no one] who has looked at the words that {keep arr]iving. [May the king] give heed [to] the words 2 - 2 of [his] servant. 2 2 - 2 5 • • • 5 9 The Apiru killed'* Ad[una, the king] of Irqata, but there was no one who (s)aid5 anything to Abdi-Asirta, and so they go on tak{in]g (territory for themselves). 3 0 - 3 4 Miya, the ruler of Aras«i, seized Ar[d]ata, and just now the men of Ammiy(a) have killed the(ir) lord. I am afraid. 3 5 - 4 8 May the king be informed that the king of Hatti has seized all the countries that were vassals of the king of Mitta(ni). Behold, {he} is king of Nah(ri)ma {and} the land of the Gre{at] Kings, {and} Abdi-Asirta, {the servant} and dog, is tak[ing the land of the king}. Send arc{hers}. Severe is . . . 49—50 [and sen]d a man to [Gubla] that I may [ . . . ] . . . his word[s]. 1

c

2

3

c

c

6

7

8

c

145

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1 . amqu[t

lu-u]:

following

Y o u n g b l o o d , Amarna

Correspondence,

p.

160;

R a i n e y , UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 2 4 1 , n. 4 1 . 2.

P e r h a p s "the d i s t r e s s " ; cf. maris (ana) iyali (EA 1 0 3 : 7 ; 3 6 2 : 5 9 ) ,

(EA 106:23), 3.

a

n

19 [ia-nu];

20 \ti-ik-hx\-du-na.

1 3 6 : 2 2 ; 2 2 1 : 1 4 ) , o f r e q u e s t s (EA R

Cf. kafadu

last s i g n

2/1, p. 1519).

(ia)-aq-bi.

6. / i - / 7 - q [ u - n ] a : cf. EA 9 0 : 1 5 ; 1 0 4 : 2 2 , 2 5 , 3 2 ; 1 2 6 : 1 3 ; " 7 : 6 4 ; 7.

59:46; 100:40;

100:24; i55'55?)-

,

[ L ] U . M E § G A Z " ( ? ) . Z A ( ? ) . M E [ § ] (cf. EA 6 7 : 1 7 ) ; i-du-ku-s[u],

e i t h e r lu or na, b u t a p r e t e r i t e is e x p e c t e d (cf. VAB 5.

s a i d o f w o r d s (EA

8 2 : 1 6 ) , o f t h e b r e a t h o f t h e k i n g (EA

1 4 5 : 1 9 ; 1 4 6 : 1 2 ) , a n d o f t a b l e t s (EA 4.

marsaku

d EA 95, n. 4.

I

I:I

3 7-

T h e c o n t e x t r e q u i r e s t h a t t h e l a n d s b e a s s o c i a t e d in s o m e way

M i t t a n i ( ? ) ; cf. G o e t z e , CAH

with

2/2, p . 8, "all t h e l a n d s affiliated(?) w i t h t h e k i n g o f

t h e M i t a ( n n i ) l a n d . " Very h e s i t a n t l y , it is p r o p o s e d t h a t K U . T I . T I is a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g for G U . ( U N ) . D I . D I , abilat 6

8. (ni),

I f K U R mi-it-ta

6

bilti, lit. "bearers o f t r i b u t e . "

refers t o M i t t a n i , n o t e n o t o n l y t h e o m i s s i o n o f (na)

or

b u t a l s o t h e w r i t i n g w i t h d o u b l e t, u n p a r a l l e l e d in n i n e o t h e r w r i t i n g s o f t h e

n a m e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . S e e W i l h e l m , ZA t[a. K ] I , a n d c o m m e n t a r y p p . 73f.;

63 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 7 1 , l i n e 1 6 , K U R me-

G o r g , ZA

76 (1986) p .

308.

EA 76

Of ambition and arrogance T E X T : VAT

324.

C O P I E S : WA

74;

VS

11,

35.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. I68ff. Rib-Hadda says to the king of all countries, Great King, King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 6 May the king, my lord, know that the war of Abdi-Asirta against me is severe. [H]e wants to take [for himself] the two cities that have remained to me. [Mojreover, what is A[bdi]-As[ir]ta, the dog, that he strives to [ta]ke all the cities of the king, the Sun, [fo]r himself? Is he the king of Mittana, or the king of Kassu, that [h]e strives to take the land of the king for himself? 1 7 - 2 9 He has just gathered together all the Apiru against Sigata [and] Ampi, and [h]e himself has taken these two cities. [/ s]aid, "There is no place where [me]n can enter against him. He has seized [ . . . ] . . . , [so] send me [a garris]on of 4 0 0 men a[nd x pairs of h]orses [with all speed." It] is [thus that I keep writing to thepal]ace, but [you do not rep]ly [to m]eA 3 0 - 3 7 [ . . . } . . . For years archers would come c

1

c

c

2

3

146

EA

77

out to inspect [the coun]try, and yet now that the land of the king and Sumur, your? garrison-city, have been joined to the "Apiru, you have done nothing. 3 8 - 4 6 Send a large force of archers that it may drive out the king's enemies and all lands be joined to the king. Moreover, you are a great lord. You must not neglect this message. 6

NOTES 1.

[ a - n a S a - a - s u ] : c o n t r a r y t o K n u d t z o n (VAB

2/1, p. 380,

n o t e h) a n d

S c h r o e d e r ' s copy, I c o u l d s e e no certain t r a c e s o f signs t h a t e x c l u d e t h i s o b v i o u s r e s t o r a t i o n (lines 1 4 , 1 6 ; EA 7 1 : 1 9 ; 7 4 : 2 4 ; 8 1 : 9 ; e t c . ) . 2.

[ L U . M E ] S - t o : for t h i s w r i t i n g see EA

3.

[ x - S ] A G : sa Pl-x-Za:

4

x =

106:39.

B A R , n o t at all c e r t a i n . Is t h i s t h e n a m e o f a c

hill or m o u n t a i n ( [ H U R . S ] A G ) t h e c a p t u r e o f w h i c h , h a s m a d e A b d i - A s i r t a i n a c ­ c e s s i b l e ? Cf. a l s o EA 4. a]

7i:3iff.

[ k i - m a a r - h i - i s a-ri\u-ma

2 8 [ a s - t a p - r u a - n a ] f.

[ G A ] L ii [ l a -

2 9 [ t u - t e - r u - n ] a [ a ] - w a ( t e x t : U D ) - t [ a a - n a ia]-//': for t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s , see the ?

f o l l o w i n g : kima arhil—EA EA

r

[ki-a-ma]

74:496;

7 3 : 4 5 ; 8 8 : 2 5 ; 1 1 2 : 2 2 6 ; e t c . ; anumma

85:6; 89:76;

118:86; 122:536;

8 1 : 2 2 6 ; 8 3 : 7 6 , 4 7 6 S e e a l s o Y o u n g b l o o d , Amarna 5.

T h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix is -kunu,

6.

I a s s u m e t h a t £ R I N . M E § pifati

. . . ana

1 3 2 : 5 1 ; u la tuterruna Correspondence,

ekalli—

...

—EA

pp. 1746

p r o b a b l y a p l u r a l of majesty. is t h e s u b j e c t , c o n s t r u e d as t h i r d f e m i ­

n i n e s i n g u l a r (cf. EA 1 0 3 : 5 5 6 ; 1 2 7 : 3 8 6 ; 1 2 9 : 3 3 6 ° . ; 1 3 1 : 4 0 ; see a l s o JCS p . 7 8 ) , w i t h a shift f r o m m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r (rabd,

6 [1952]

l i n e 3 9 ; cf. a l s o EA 7 7 : 2 7 ) .

A l s o p o s s i b l e is "that y o u m a y d r i v e o u t , " t h e w r i t e r s h i f t i n g b e t w e e n s e c o n d a n d t h i r d p e r s o n in a d d r e s s i n g t h e k i n g .

EA 77

A rebellious peasantry T E X T : VAT COPIES:

1635

+

1700.

WA 81 (only 1635); VS 11, 36.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 178ff. To Ama[nappa, my father}: Message of [Rib-Hadda, your son}. I fall [at your feet]. May [Aman, the god of the king], your lord, and [the Lady of Gu]b[la] establi(sh) your hon[or] in the presence of the king, [your] lord. As to 7—15 your writing me ffor] copper and for sinnu, may the Lady of Gubla be witness:^ there is no copper or sinnu of [cop}per available to me or [to] her unjustly treated ones. Milkayu^ overlaid one with . . . [ . . . ] , but I gave his sinnu to [the ruler} of Tyr[e f]or [my] provisions. 1 5 - 2 5 [Y]ou yourself [should] know [the straits I am i]n ... Wh[y have you been negligent? ... who [m]oves [agains]t the country. You do not 1

2

4

6

i47

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

7

spefak t]o your lord so he will send you at the head of the archers to drive off the Apiru from the {rn}ayors. 2 6 - 3 7 If t[hi]s year no [ar]chers come out, then all lands will be joi[ne]d t[o the Apir]u. If [the king, my lor]d, is negligent] and there are no [archers], then let a ship [fetch] the men [of Gubla], your [me]n, (and) the g[ods} (to bring them) all the wa[y to you so I can abandon Gubla. Look], I am afraid the peasa[ntry] will strike m[e] down. c

c

8

NOTES 1.

3 amqut

u b

g]#£ -[la]

d

[ a - m a - n a D I N G I R sa L U G A L ]

5 ti-di-{nu)-mi:

cf. EA

4 Eti-ka

7 i : 4 f . ; 8 7 : 5 f . ; 95:3ff.

u

D

N [ I N sa U R U

T h e clear gub-lcT

of

S c h r o e d e r ' s c o p y a g r e e s n e i t h e r w i t h K n u d t z o n ' s c o l l a t i o n nor w i t h m i n e . 2 . sinnu,

d e s p i t e sinnu in lines 10 a n d 1 3 , is h a r d l y ivory (SSDB,

p . 1 5 4 ; Or

n . s . 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . 1 7 ; Y o u n g b l o o d , p . 1 8 3 , followed by R a i n e y , UF 5 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . 2 4 3 , n. 4 9 ) . Ivory w a s r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e in E g y p t f r o m t h e s o u t h a n d w a s not l i k e l y t o have b e e n t h e o b j e c t o f a s p e c i a l r e q u e s t . B e s i d e s , if a t the e n d o f line n

the

correct r e a d i n g is [ U R j U D U (eru),

see

AHw,

"copper," t h e n ivory is e x c l u d e d . For sinnu,

p. 1048. 3.

x - [ ( t i ) ] - V - < & : x, n o t mi (see VAB 2 / 1 , p . 3 8 5 , n o t e d ) , a n d n o t ul ( R a i n e y ,

UF 5 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . 2 4 3 ; b e s i d e s , t h e n e g a t i v e ul is a l w a y s w r i t t e n u-ul in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s ) ; / « / ( L I D ) , for lu tide! X

la]

4.

[ a - n a ] hab-Ti-se:

5.

( )mil-ka-yu?

m

t h e r e s i d e n t s o f B y b l o s ? reference t o M i l k a y u ? K-timabas?

6.

[ p u - u s - q ] a - i r f : cf. EA 6 8 : 2 4 f . ; 7 4 : 5 2 .

7.

ta-aq-[bu]:

8.

3 1 it ia-nu

see Or n . s . 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . 1 0 , n. 3 . [ERIN.MES

pf-ta-ti u]

3 3 [ L ] U . M E § - & * D I N [ G I R . M E S ti-il-qe]

5

32 «' MA LU.M[E§ U R U gub­ 3 4 a-di

;«#-[hi-ka u

i-te-zi-ib]

3 5 U R U [ g u b - l a a - m u r ] : cf. EA 8 2 : 4 2 ? ; 8 3 : 4 5 ! ? ; 8 4 : 3 ^ . ; 1 2 9 : 4 9 ! ? ; 1 3 2 : 5 3 ! ? .

EA 78

Request for a garrison T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1282. 84;

VS

11,

37.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 19Iff. [Rib]-Hadda says [to] his lord, king of all countries, [Grea]t [King]: May the Lady of [Gubla gr]ant power to [the king, my lord], my [S]un. I fa[ll] at the feet of [my] lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 6 [M]ay the king, my lord, know [that] the war of [ Ab]di-Asirta against m[e is se]vere, [and he has tak]en all [my] cit[ies. N]ow only two towns remain [to] me, and even these he s[trives to ta]ke. Like a c

148

79

EA

bird in a trap, so am [I] in Gub[la]. 1 7 - 1 9 May my lord heed the w[ords of] his [servant]. I have just b[e]en in Batruna. 2 0 - 3 7 . . m[y .. .] send me [immediately, 3 7 - 4 1 and {send] a ga[rr]ison, j [ o pairs of hors]es [i]n the char[ge o f ] . . .$ 2

NOTES 1.

In line 3 0 , p r o b a b l y a reference t o kundsu,

a n d t h e only m e n t i o n o f e m m e r in 2.

R

3[o ta-pal]

40 [ A N S E . K U R ] . R A \ [ M ] E S

83:216; 85:20; 103:43; 112:21; 3.

"emmer," written S E . Z I Z . H I . A

EA. [i]-na

qa-[at

...]:

cf.

EA

119:126

S i x t o ten lines m i s s i n g .

EA 79

At the brink T E X T : VAT COPIES:

WA

1634. 75;

VS

TRANSLITERATION

11,

38.

A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 197ff. [Ri}b-Hadda says [to] his [lord], king of all countries, Great King, [King of Ba]ttle: May the Lady [of] Gubla grant [pow]er to the king, my lord. 6 - 1 2 I fall [at] the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. Be informed that since Amanappa reached me, all the Apiru have at the urging of Abdi-Asirta turned against me. 1 3 - 1 7 May my lord heed the words of his servant. Send me a garrison t[o] guard the city of the king un[til] the archers [co]me out. 1 8 - 2 6 [I]f there are no ar[chers], then al[l la]nds will be joined to the [ Api]ru. Listen! [Si]nce Bit-Ar[ha] was seized [at] the urging of Abdi-Asirta, they have as a result been striving to [ta}ke over Gubla and Batruna, and thus all lands would be joi[ned] to the Apiru. 27—33 There are two towns that remain to [me], and they want to take th[em] from the king. May my lord sen[d] a garrison to his two towns until the archers come out, and may something be given to me for their food. 34—47 I have nothing at all. Like a bird in a trap : ki-lu-bi (cage), so am I in Gubla. Moreover, {i]f{the kin]g is unable to save me fr[om] his enemies, [then al]l lands will be [j]oined [to Abd]i-Asirta. [What is h]e, the dog, that [he ta]kes the lands of the king for [him]self ? c

c

c

c

1

c

2

c

3

NOTES 1.

W h a t e v e r t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n "to d o / m a k e a city" e l s e w h e r e ,

here "to fortify" s e e m s clearly e x c l u d e d . 149

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

2 . yii-da-na-ni. { » / ' } ; cf. yuddana

C a n a a n i t e Q a l p a s s i v e yuddan

+ i n j u n c t i v e {a}

in EA 8 5 : 3 4 , 3 7 ; 8 6 : 3 2 , 4 7 ; a n d see SSDB,

+ p r o . suff.

p . 1 5 5 , a n d Rainey,

VF 1 ( 1 9 7 5 ) P- 4 ° 4 3. tilquna

[yi-il]-qu: in EA

cf. EA 7 1 : 1 6 ? ; 7 5 : 4 1 ? ; 9 1 : 4 ; a n d t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g p l u r a l

104:17?.

EA 80

A lost message T E X T : VAT C O P Y : VS

1711. 11,

39.

Youngblood, Amarna

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Correspondence, pp. 205ff. Too fragmentary for translation.

EA 81

An attempted assassination T E X T : VAT

1318.

C O P I E S : WA

89;

VS

11,

40.

Youngblood, Amarna Correspondence, pp. 210ff. [Rib-Hadda say]s to [his] lord, [king of all countries, Great King, K]ing of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power [to the kin]g, [my lord]. I fa[l]l [at the feet] of my lord, my [Sun], 7 times and 7 times. 6-13 [May] the king, my lord, know that the war of Abdi-Asirta is [se]vere, [and] he has taken all my cities [for] himself. Gubla and Batru[na re]main to me, and he strives to take the two towns. He said to the men [of Gubl]a, "[Ki]ll your lord and be join[ed] to the Apiru like Amm[iya]." 1 4 - 2 4 [And so] they became trait(ors) to me. A man with a bronze dagger : paf-{r]a [at]tacked m[e], but I ki[ll]ed him. A lirdanu \wh~\om I know g{ot away f\o Abdi-Asirta. At his order was this [de]ed done! I have stayed {like th]is [in] my city and done nothing. I am unable to go out [into the countryside, and] I have written to the palace, [but you do not re]ply [to me]. I was struck [9 ti]mes. 2 5 - 3 3 [Accordingly, I f[ear for] my life. [And I have writt]en re{peatedly to the palace}, "Do not {be negligent. Why are you negligent o{f the distress afflicting me? I]f within these two months there TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

c

1

c

2

r

3

c

4

5

6

7

8

150

EA

81

are no archers, then { . . . ] May he not fall [upon] my [city] and take me. I h{ave written to the pal]ace. What (am I to say) to my p e a s a n ­ try]? 3 4 - 4 1 Like a bird in a {tr]ap : ki-lu-bi (cage), so are they in [Gubl]a. "[Fo]r l[ac]k of a cultivator their [field} is [li]ke a woman without a husband." [Their sons, their] dau[gh]ters, [the fur]nishings of their houses are gone, [since they have been s]old [i]n the land of [Ya]rimuta [for] provisions to keep them alive. 41—47 [/] was the one that said to them, "My god {is sending archers." Since they (now) kno[w that] there are none, they have tu{rned against] (u)s. If within two months archers do not come ou[t], then [ Ab]di-Asirta will cer­ tainly come up and take the two t[owns. 4 8 - 5 1 Previously Sumur and [its] men were [stjrong, and there was a«[g*ar]rison with us. Wh[at] can I [d]o by my[sel]f ? 5 2 - 5 9 . . . 9

10

11

12

c

NOTES I.

Paleographically,

[URU

g u b - l ] a is t h e

more

probable reading;

see

K n u d t z o n ' s r e m a r k s , VAB 2 / 1 , p . 3 9 3 , n o t e d ) . C e r t a i n l y t h e "lord" t o b e k i l l e d is R i b - H a d d a ; cf. EA 7 4 : 2 6 a n d n. 7. - 2 . ar-(nu),

or p e r h a p s a n a b b r e v i a t i o n (CAD,

tor, c r i m i n a l , " cf. UJ-lu ar(-(nu)?)

L U G A L (EA

ar-nu

A / 2 , p . 2 9 9 ) . For arnu, " t r a i ­

(EA 1 3 8 : 1 0 4 ) , ar(-(na)?)

L U G A L (EA 1 3 8 : 2 1 ) , a n d

1 3 9 : 4 0 ) . T h e t r a n s l a t i o n follows R a i n e y , UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p .

252. 3.

For t h e c o n f u s i o n o f l o g o g r a m s a n d t h e s o m e w h a t o b s c u r e s y n t a x , cf.

82:371}"., a n d see JCS 4.

1 7 [s]a-rf i-de p [ a - t a - a r a - n ] a ma-bar

cally; see VAB

: sa-a

EA

T

2 (1948) p p . 247f. R e a d GIR :

paf-[r\a.

i n s t e a d o f sa o c c u r s s p o r a d i ­

2/2, p. 1506.

5.

[a-na

6.

S e e EA 8 2 : 3 9 . T h e e x p r e s s i o n "9 t i m e s " m e a n s "over a n d over" or "once

E D I N . M E S J : cf. EA

88:2of.

a n d for all": N a r a m - S i n fights n i n e b a t t l e s in o n e year (YOS

1, 1 0 , a n d d u p l i c a t e s ) ;

n i n e t i m e s he w a s w a r r e d a g a i n s t , n i n e t i m e s he d e f e a t e d a n d freed his e n e m i e s , o n l y at t h e t e n t h a t t a c k i n f l i c t i n g final defeat (VS 1 7 , 4 2 ; see a l s o Sumer 3 2 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p p . 636°.); n i n e t i m e s S a r g o n c a p t u r e s m e n a n d a n i m a l s (TIM a l s o JCS

9, 4 8 rev. i i4f.; see

2 [ 1 9 4 8 ] p . 2 4 8 ) . N o t e , too, the nine peoples that d i v i d e the world and

t h e n i n e c h a m b e r s on each level o f U t n a p i s t i m ' s a r k ; see J . G l a s s n e r , Akkadica

40

(1984) p. 19. 7. p.

[ki-na-an-n]a:

cf. EA 9 0 : 5 3 , w i t h Y o u n g b l o o d , Amarna

Correspondence,

220. 8.

Free r e s t o r a t i o n : [ u a s - t a - p a - a ] r u ^ / - [ t a - n i

[qa-al-mi] Cf. EA

2 8 [ a - n a m i - n i m qa.]-/a-ta

as-[sum

2 7 [ a - n a E . G A L ] u-ul

mur-si]

29 [UGU-ia

ta-

su]m-ma.

7 :i f.

9. 10.

5

7

a[s-tap-par a-na]. (a-qa-bu-na).

II.

[yu-si-r]u: enough space?

12.

ti-du-[\x]:

cf. EA

105:36.

J

5i

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 82

A threat to abandon Byblos TEXT: COPY:

BM 37648. Scheil, Memoires, p. 306.

T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : JCS 2 (1948) pp. 24lf.; Youngblood, Amarna Correspondence, pp. 224ff.

Say to Am[a]nappa, my father: Message of Rib-Hadda, your son. I fall at the feet of my father. 5 - 1 3 J have said to you again and again, "Are you unable to rescue me from Abdi-Asirta? All the Apiru are on his side, and as soon as the mayors hear anything, they write to him. Accordingly, he is strong." 14—22 You ordered me again and again, "Send your man to me at the palace, and as soon as the request arrives, I will send him along with an auxiliary force, until the archers come out, to protect your life." But I told you, "I am unable to send (him). 2 3 - 3 0 Let not Abdi-Asi[rta} hear about it, or who would rescue m{e} from him?" You sa[id] to me, "Do not fea[r]!" You ordered me again and again, "Send a ship to the land of Yarimuta so silver and clothing can get oufi to you from them." 31—41 All the men whom you gave me have run off. The (legal) violence done to me is your responsibility, if you neglect me. Now I have obeyed. Is it not a fact that I sent my man to the palace, and he gave orders to a man and he attacked me with a bronze dagger. I was stabbed 9 times!? He is strong through this crime, and from another crime what could rescue me? 4 1 - 4 6 If within two months there are no archers, then I will abandon the city, go off, and my life will be safe while I do what I want to do. 47—52 Moreover, do not you yourself know that the land of Amurru longs day and night for the archers? Has it not been distressed : na-aq-sa-pu (have they not been angry)? So tell the king, "Come with all haste." c

c

c

1

2

4

6

NOTES 1.

O n t h e form yi-is-ma,

2.

P e r h a p s ta-a[q-bu],

3.

Otherwise, J C S 2 (1948) p. 247.

4.

habdltya

c

dlekd (Gen.

see Or n . s . 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . 4, n. 4. "you k e e p s a y i n g t o m e . "

elika is very r e m i n i s c e n t o f Sarah's r e p r o a c h t o A b r a h a m ,

Ifmdsi

1 6 : 5 ) , o f w h i c h it c o u l d b e t h e literal t r a n s l a t i o n . P e r h a p s R i b - H a d d a

u s e d a n e x p r e s s i o n o f c o n t e m p o r a r y c u s t o m a r y law. 5.

c

S e e EA 8 1 : 2 4 . R i b - H a d d a t h i n k s t h a t it is s e l f - e v i d e n t t h a t A b d i - A s i r t a

is t h e v i l l a i n ; cf. EA 8 5 : 8 a n d n. 1. 6.

T h e r e a d i n g ti-ul ta-sa-as

m u s t b e r e t a i n e d , a n d u-ul-ta-sa-as

(CAD,

p . 4 2 4 b ) r e j e c t e d for t h r e e r e a s o n s : (1) t h e r e is n o t a s i n g l e i n s t a n c e o f t h e r 2 5

A/2, first

EA

83

s y l l a b l e in p o l y s y l l a b i c w o r d s w r i t t e n V - V C in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s ; (2) t h e r e are only t w o q u i t e d u b i o u s e x a m p l e s o f / / > / / in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (EA 9 2 : 3 9 ; 1 3 0 : 4 1 ) ; (3) if mat amurri

is s i n g u l a r , t h e n it is f e m i n i n e a n d t h e f o r m w o u l d b e

tu-ul-ta-sa-as.

EA 83

Pleas and threats TEXT:

BM 29797.

COPY:

BB

14.

P H O T O G R A P H : BB, TRANSLITERATION

pi.

13.

A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 237ff. T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling, pp. 373f. [R]ib-[Hadda sa]ys to his [lord], king of all countries, Great King: May the [L]ady of Gubla grant p[owe]r to the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 4 Why do you not send back word to me that I may know what I should d[o]? I sent a man of mine to my lord, and both his horses were taken. A second man—a man of his—was taken, [and] a tablet of the king was not put [i]n my man's hand. Listen tfo m]e! 15—20 Wh(y) are you negligent so that your land is being taken? Let it not be said in the days of the commissioners, "The Apiru have taken the entire country!" Not so shall it be said in the days (of the commissioners), or you will not be able to take it back. 21—29 Moreover, I have written for a garrison and horses, but they are not given. Send back word to me, or like YapahHadda and Zimredda I will make an alliance with Abdi-Asirta and stay alive. Moreover, now that over and above everything else Sumur and BitArha have defected, 30—37 may [yo]u put me in Yanhamu's charge so he will give me grain to eat th(at) I may guard for him the king's city. May the king also give the order and release my man. His family are very upset with me, (saying) day and night, "You gave our son to the king." So release him, especially him. 3 8 - 4 2 (The other is a citi­ zen of Ibirta.) He is, I assure you, in Yanhamu's house. Moreover, tell Ya(n)hamu, "I declare Rib-Hadda to be in your charge and whatever (ha)ppens to him to be yofur} responsibility." 4 3 - 5 1 May the troops on campaign not fall upon me. And so I write, "If you do not tell him this, I will abandon the city and go off. Moreover, if you do not send word back to me, I will abandon the city and go off, together with the men who are loyal to me." 5 1 - 5 7 Also for your information: c

1

c

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

153

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

Ummahnu (along with Milkuru, her husband), the maidservant of the Lady [of] Gu[bl]a, . . . p{ow\erful [pray]s [t]o the L[ady of Gubla for the king, my lord}. 9

NOTES 1.

P e r h a p s t h e q u o t a t i o n b e g i n s w i t h "in t h e d a y s o f t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s "

( K n u d t z o n ; G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

p . 36). T h e context seems to require that with

t h e s e c o n d "in t h e d a y s " we s u p p l y "of t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s " (lost by v e r t i c a l h a p l o g r a p h y ? ) or p e r h a p s "in ( t h e i r ) d a y s . " T h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e p h r a s e o f i t s e l f m i g h t m e a n "in ( f u t u r e ) d a y s " ( K n u d t z o n , f o l l o w e d b y G r e e n b e r g ) . L i n e 2 0 : ii, "or," as i n l i n e 2 4 ; ti-li-ii, { i 9 6 0 ] p . 4, as if 2.

[t]a^-din-ni:

s e c o n d s i n g u l a r ( K n u d t z o n ) , n o t t h i r d p l u r a l (Or n . s . 2 9

ti-li-u-na). very p r o b a b l e r e a d i n g ; c e r t a i n l y n o t [i]a (Or n . s . 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ]

p . 6, n. 3 ) . C o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f f o r m (cf. ta-di-en, bary rule out 3.

EA 9 1 : 1 7 ) a n d t h e B y b l o s s y l l a ­

[t]u.

R e a d ana a-ka-li-ia

§1 ( b e g i n n i n g o f a p a r t i a l l y w r i t t e n u): cf. t h e p r o ­

n o m i n a l suffixes in EA 7 9 : 3 3 ; 1 0 5 : 8 5 ; 1 0 9 : 4 1 ; 1 2 5 : 1 8 , 2 6 , 4.

silt e m p h a s i z e s t h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix o f ussirasu

30.

(SSDB,

p. 22). Perhaps

"release h i m , t o o , " for if I u n d e r s t a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e s , reference is t o t h e m a n w h o s e d e t e n t i o n is m e n t i o n e d in line 1 2 a n d w h o has m a d e h i s way to Y a n h a m u ' s house. 5.

alla-mi

( a n d v a r i a n t f o r m s ) m u s t b e g i n a s e n t e n c e or b e p r e c e d e d o n l y b y

u, " a n d . " O n t h i s p a r t i c l e see R a i n e y , UF o c c u r r e n c e in O l d

2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p p . 2146°. F o r a p o s s i b l e

B a b y l o n i a n , see D u r a n d , RA

82

(1988)

p.

106:40

(a-li,

"certes"). f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) P-

2

2

6.

{en)-ni-ip-su:

5 -

7.

ana sdlu, at t h e e n d o f line 4 4 , is w r i t t e n s l i g h t l y s m a l l e r a n d h i g h e r t h a n

t h e rest o f t h e l i n e . I t w a s p r o b a b l y i n s e r t e d l a t e r w h e r e it c o u l d fit, a n d n o t a t t h e e n d o f line 4 5 , w h e r e it b e l o n g s a n d a l o n e m a k e s s e n s e . R e f e r e n c e is b a c k t o lines 3 9 - 4 0 , "Say t o Y a n h a m u . " 8.

L i t . "who love m e . "

9.

U m m a h n u , w h o a l s o a p p e a r s in t h e n e x t t h r e e l e t t e r s , is a l w a y s i d e n t i f i e d

as t h e m a i d s e r v a n t o f t h e g o d d e s s a n d w a s p r o b a b l y a p r i e s t e s s . T h i s is t h e b a s i s for m y very t e n t a t i v e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f her a c t i v i t i e s in t h i s a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g l e t t e r s . In l i n e 5 5 I a s s u m e s o m e f o r m o f kardbu,

"to p r a y " ( [ t i - i k - t a r ] - r a - b [ u ] ? ) .

EA 84

Outrage upon outrage T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1633. 73;

VS

11,

41.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION:

Correspondence, pp. 264ff. 154

Youngblood, Amarna

EA

84

[S}ay [to] the king, my lord, Sun of all countries: Message of RibHadda, your servant, [fo]otstool for your feet. I fall at the feet of the Sun, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. Furthermore, is the activity of Abdi-Asirta, the dog, with the result that the lands of the king are joined to him, pleasing in the sight of the king, my lord, and so he has done nothing for his lands? 1 1 - 2 1 Now, indeed, Sumur, my lord's court and [h]is bedchamber, has been joined to h[i]m. He has slept in the bedcha[mber of] my [lord],3 and opened the tre{asure] room of my [lo]rd, and yet he (the king) has done nothing. Who is he, the traitor and dog, {that he is s]trong? Moreover, as to men's [say]ing in the presence of m]y {lord], "Gubla {has been seiz]ed; {its ruler is distr]aught, "5 21—31 my lord should know (that) they have {not tak]en Gubla. Those in authority {have gone off...} and the situation of the lands of my lord is ve[ry} bad. Moreover, may the king, [m}y lord, send his commis­ sioner, who is strong, al{ong with troops], to guard the city of my lord so that I for my part may (re)build the brickwork and serve my lord, the Sun of all countries. 3 1 - 3 8 May my lord send men to take the posses­ sions of my Adonis to the king, my lord, lest that dog take the possessions of your g o d . " {Or] would it be pleasing that he had seized Gubla? {Loo]k, Gubla is like Hikuptah to my lord! 3 8 - 4 4 Moreover, as Abdi-NiNURTA, the man I sent with Puheya, is . . . Send him (back) to yo[ur} servant. {Moreover], Umm[ahn]u, the maidservant of [the Lady of Gubla, and} her husband, Milkur[u . . . ] . . .'5 send . . . 1

c

2

4

6

7

8

9

10

12

c

13

14

NOTES 1.

"All c o u n t r i e s , " w r i t t e n K U R . K I . D I D L I . H I . A ; K U R . K I . D I D L I o c c u r s

e l s e w h e r e o n l y in EA 1 0 6 . N o t e a l s o : (1) giltappu,

" f o o t s t o o l , " in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s

o n l y in EA 8 4 a n d 1 0 6 ; (2) t h e o n l y p r e c a t i v e forms o f usluru in t h e s e l e t t e r s , luwa-Ii/si-ra(-am),

in EA 8 4 : 2 6 , 3 1 ; 1 0 6 : 2 6 , 3 6 , 4 2 ; (3) Tde w i t h p r e c a t i v e force, in

t h e s e l e t t e r s o n l y in EA 8 4 : 2 1 a n d 1 0 6 : 4 7 . 2. 257;

KUR.KUR.KI-/a:

f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d , Amarna

Correspondence,

p.

for the w r i t i n g , see EA 1 2 1 , n. 4. 3.

E(to)-u[r-!>i BE]-ia:

f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d . bit urli,

a l s o PRU

4, p .

109:5; N o u g a y r o l , "maison privee." T h e s l e e p i n g quarters a n d the treasury were areas reserved t o t h o s e m o s t i n t i m a t e a n d / o r m o s t t r u s t e d . 4. 1030; Idru.

L U . L U L remains the m o s t likely teading. L U . L U L =

CAD,

Perhaps LU.LUL = 5.

sarru (AHw,

p.

S , p . 1 8 0 ) , w h i c h a t B y b l o s ( a l s o EA 1 8 5 - 8 6 ) s e e m s t o b e r e p l a c e d by

20

narru; cf. narru

[sa-ab-ta]-*tf-»zi

(cf.

line

= sarru, 36);

a n d EA 9 4 : 6 0 , 6 3 .

2 1 [LU-(su)

ma-an]-g
EA

106:15). 6. 7. 922).

be-lt-i[a\. [ p a t ( a ) r u / p a t ( a ) r a t ] qt-ip-tu;

cf. qtptu

=

qTpu a t B o g h a z k o y (AHw,

p.

T h e a u t h o r i t i e s w o u l d b e t h e E g y p t i a n officials i n S u m u r . E n d o f l i n e 24:

155

THE

AMARNA

ma-ri-is

LETTERS

ma-g[al]: 8.

qa-d[u

9.

SIG

10.

following

Y o u n g b l o o d (cf. EA 9 5 : 4 1 ; 1 0 3 : 7 ; 1 1 4 : 5 0 ; 1 1 6 : 5 4 ) .

E R I N . M E S ] : following Y o u n g b l o o d . (libittu)?

4

T h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix (my A d o n i s ) p e r h a p s reflects B y b l i a n

'adonal

(suggestion of Frank M . Cross). 11.

D I N G I R . M E S very often h a s a s i n g u l a r referent a n d here s e e m s b e s t

referred t o A d o n i s . 12.

T h i s m a y b e a s a y i n g ( a l s o EA 1 3 9 : 8 ) g o i n g b a c k t o m u c h e a r l i e r t i m e s

w h e n B y b l o s w a s a very i m p o r t a n t p o r t for t h e E g y p t i a n s a n d M e m p h i s w a s t h e capital of E g y p t . 13. 14. 15.

ul-sir^-ti. m

mil-kur-t[\i}.

x S A R yi-ni,

"...

o f wine"?

EA 85

Nothing to eat T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1626. 48;

VS

11,

42.

Youngblood, Amarna

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Correspondence, pp. 264ff. Sa[y to the king}, my lord, the Sun: [Mes}sage of Rib-Hadda, your servant. I fal{l} at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. May [the Lad]y of Gubla grant [powjer to the king, my lord. 6 - 1 5 Though I keep writing like this to the king, my lord, he does not heed my words. Since he has attacked me 3 times this year, and for two years I have been repeatedly robbed of my grain, we have no grain to eat. What can I say to my peasantry? Their sons, their daughters, the furnishings of their houses are gone, since they have been sold in the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep us alive. 1 6 - 2 2 May the king, my lord, heed the words of his loyal servant, and may he send grain in ships in order to keep his servant and his city alive. May he grant 4 0 0 men and 3 0 pair[s of h]orses, as were given to Su[r]a[t]a,3 that they may guard the city for you. 2 2 - 3 2 As to Yanhamu's having said, "I [ga}ve grain to RibHadda, [and / wouldg]ive [...]... : hu-ta-ri-ma (?) [...] g[rai}n for 4 0 men." W[ha}t did he give m(e)? I deposited the payment for them with Yapah-Hadda. Look, P[uh]eya is with you; ask him to tell the whole story in your presence. 33—39 May it be pleasing in the sight of the king, my lord, and may he give grain that is pro[du]ced in the land of Yarimuta. What used to be given in Sumur, may it now be [g]iven in Gubla, [so that] we may have provisions until you gi\ve thou]ght to your 1

2

4

5

6

156

EA

85

city. 3 9 - 5 0 Moreover, [as the kin]g, my lord, lifves], truly my men are lo[yal to me. Abdi]-Asirta and the Api[ru have gone i\o Yapah-Hadda in [Beiru]t so {an alliance] might be formed. [ A s ] there is no one in [your] city, send a garrison [to pro]tect [y]our land, lest your [city] be seized. Listen to me. [Te}ll Yanhamu to [tak]e the money [ . . . ] . . . for the people of [Gu]bla in the land of Yarimuta. 51—63 Moreover, the king of (Mi)ttana came out as far as Sumur, and though wanting to mar[ch] as far as Gubla, he returned to [h]is own land, as there wa[s n]o water for him to drink. I keep writing like this t[o] the palace for what [I] need. [Wh]y do you not reply, "What my servant [re]quests is available," or "is not available}," so I may know [wh]at I should do [un]til the king ar[riv]es and visits his loyaf servant? 63—74 Who is Abdi-Asirta, the servant and dog, that they [men]tion his name in the presence of the king, my lord? Just let there be one man" whose heart is one with my heart, and I would drive Abdi-Asirta from the land of Amurru. Moreover, since your father's return from Sidon, from that time the lands have been joined to the Apiru. Accordingly, I have nothing. 75—87 May the king heed the words of his servant; may he [g]ive men to guard his [c]ity, lest he gather together all the Apiru and they seize [the city]. At [thi]s time send a [large] force that they may drive him f[rom the land of Amur]ru. When the commissioner of the k[ing was wi]th us, it was to hi[m] that [we used to writ]e; we cannot write t[o hi]m (now). Umma[hnu—along with] her [hus]band Milkuru—the maidservant of the La[dy] of Gub[la], as truly as the king [li]ves, i[n ...] ... from the hand of the magna[te, to] the Lad[y . . . ] . 7 c

c

8

9

10

c

c

c

c

12

NOTES c

1.

T h e s u b j e c t is, o f c o u r s e , A b d i - A s i r t a ; see EA 8 2 : 3 7 a n d n. 5.

2.

I n s t e a d o f IR-su ii U R U - & , K n u d t z o n ' s r e a d i n g , w h i c h m a k e s sense a n d

is f o l l o w e d h e r e , t h e c o p y o f VS 11 offers IR-su a-na ia-su,

w h i c h m a k e s no s e n s e .

N o t collated. 3.

U n d o u b t e d l y t h e r u l e r o f A k k a ; see EA 2 3 2 a n d cf. EA

4.

R a i n e y , UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p . 2 1 3 , p r o p o s e s i-na (qa-at),

88:46ff.

b u t an u n d e r l y i n g

B y b l i a n bi o f p r o x i m i t y or a c c o m p a n i m e n t ( " u s i n g t h e s e r v i c e s o f " ) c o u l d e x p l a i n t h e u s e o f ina. 5.

O n it ( a l s o EA 1 1 4 : 4 6 ; 1 3 0 : 2 4 ) as an a b b r e v i a t i o n o f itti, n o t a reflex of

N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c 'et, see H u e h n e r g a r d , Ugaritic 6.

? i - m [ a - l a - k ] u ( K n u d t z o n ) is w i t h o u t

1 1 4 : 4 8 ) , a n d for ? / ' - m [ a - l i - k ] u (VAB

Vocabulary, p a r a l l e l (cf.

94:12; 104:16;

2 / 2 , p . 1 5 9 1 ) t h e r e p r o b a b l y is n o t e n o u g h

r o o m . R e a d ? i - s f a - i - l ] u , "you i n q u i r e ( a b o u t ) " ? (Cf. EA 7.

p. 111. EA

89:40.)

It is d o u b t f u l t h a t R i b - H a d d a w o u l d a d m i t t h a t t h o s e he identifies as c

"my m e n " are all loyal t o A b d i - A s i r t a ( s o K n u d t z o n ) ; cf. EA 8 3 : 5 o f . ; 1 3 7 : 4 6 ? .

157

THE

AMARNA

Hence

LETTERS

ra-[i-mu-ni/ia].

Onadi,

"truly," see AHw,

p . 1 3 a , a n d ARMT

1 3 , p. 165,

commentary on 44:8. 8. d

pa-ah- lM 9. 10.

Very tentatively, i-na

41 . . . L U . M E S G [ A Z al-ku]

4 3 [ U R U b e - r u ] - t a u tu-pa-su

m

42 [a-na ma-ha]r

[ k i - t u ] ; cf. EA

ia-

83:24.

[ a - n u - m a ] ; end of line, U R U - [ k a u ] . 57 [ a - n a m i ] - n i l [ a - a t]u-te-ru

58 [ a - w a - t a ] i-ba-si-mi 5

ii i-ia-n[\i]:

l[a,

in v i e w o f p a r a l l e l s (EA 8 1 : 2 3 ; 8 3 : 7 , 4 5 6 ) , d e s p i t e K n u d t z o n ' s l e g i t i m a t e d o u b t s . If t h e t r a c e s ( m i s s i n g in V S 1 1 copy, b u t still v i s i b l e ) d e s c r i b e d by K n u d t z o n a r e n o t n[u a n d d o n o t b e l o n g t o t h e e n d o f line 5 8 , I c a n n o t e x p l a i n t h e m . 11.

P r o b a b l y in t h e s e n s e o f "ruler"; cf. EA

12.

R o o m for o n l y o n e (fairly l a r g e ) s i g n : cf. EA

74:12. 76:39.

EA 86

Complaint to an official TEXT:

BM 29804.

C O P Y : BB

21.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 283ff. {Say to] Ama[nappa]: Message of Rib-Had[da]. I fall [at your feet]. May Aman, [the god of the king], your lord, establish yo[ur] honor [in the presence] of the king, your lord. Listen to m[e! The war] 6 - 1 2 is severe, and so come w[ith] archers that you may take the land of Amurru. Day and ni[ght it has cri]ed to you {and they s]ay (that) what is taken f[rom tjhem to Mittanfa] is very much. 1 3 - 1 7 [S]o now you [yourself] must not [say], "Why should . . . { . . . ] come out?"3 You have said [ind]eed, "Yanhamu sent yo[u] grain." Have you not heard? A servant . . . [ . . . ] 1 7 - 2 2 . . . 5 2 3 - 3 0 [And be in]form[ed that Um]mah[nu—along with her husband, Milku]ru—the ma[idservant of the Lady] of Gub[la . . . ] . . . [S]o speak to the king [that] it may be presented to the Lady. Do [n]ot hold an[ything] back. 3 1 - 4 0 More­ over, speak to [the king] so that [grain], the product of the land of Yz.[rmuta], be given t[o his servant], just as it was [formerly] given to Sumur, so we may keep alive until the king g[ives thought] to his city. For 3 years I have been constantly plundered] of our grain; there is no[thing] to pay for h[orses]. 4 1 - 5 0 Why should the king g[rani] 30 pairs of [horses] and you your(self] take 10 pairs? It you t[ake], take al[l of them], but from the land of Y[arimuta] let grain be given for [us] to eat. [Or] sen[d ships so I myself] can get [out]. 1

2

4

6

7

8

158

EA

87

NOTES 1.

i{a-Ii\.

2.

[ t a / t i - s ] a - « ' : as if f r o m sasu; if f r o m asasu ( K n u d t z o n ) , t h e final vowel is

f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d , Amarna

Correspondence,

p. 287.

I 7

a difficulty, as is t h e u n p a r a l l e l e d u s e o f ana (cf. EA 8 2 : 5 0 ; 8 3 : 2 3 ; 9 3 : 4 ; 1 2 2 : 3 9 ) . P e r h a p s a l s o t o b e c o n s i d e r e d is [ t a / t i - t ] a - / z ( i G l ) ( h a p l o g r a p h y ) , "it has lifted ( i t s ) face t o y o u (in h o p e ) . " 3.

la-a

r o o m for atta; 4.

ta-[aq-bu]

1 4 [ a t - t a ] a-mi-ni

tu-sa-na

x f x ] : p e r h a p s not e n o u g h

x is n o t E R [ I N ] (as c o p i e d in B B ) .

K n u d t z o n ' s s u g g e s t i o n t h a t in H I S E . H I . A

t h e first H I a n t i c i p a t e s t h e

s e c o n d o n e s e e m s t h e m o s t p l a u s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n (VAB 5.

Line 19: [ K U ] §

?

: ma-as-ka,

2 / 1 , p . 4 1 3 , note m ) .

"hide"?

6.

[i]\x-da-na:

"that s h e ? / y o u ? m a y b e p r e s e n t e d . . . . "

7.

ana

ana

nadani

A[N5E.KUR.RA:

following

e x a c t p a r a l l e l is EA 1 0 7 : 3 7 ? , a n d note t h e f o l l o w i n g 8.

Youngblood, p. 292.

An

lines.

summa t [ i - i l - q e ] .

EA 87

Broken promises TEXT:

BM 29805.

C O P Y : BB

22.

P H O T O G R A P H : BB,

pi.

5.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 294ff. [To} Amanappa, m[y] l[or}d: Message of Rib-Hadda, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord. May Aman and the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king, your lord. 8 - 1 4 Why did you lead me astray, saying, "Send your messenger here to me before the king so he may give you troops and chariots as a help to you to guard the city"? 15—24 So I listened to your words, and I sen[t (him)], and he came out empty-handed. Then he heard that there were no troops with him, and as a result Batruna was join[ed] to him. He has stationed the Apiru and chariots there, and they have not moved [f]rom the en­ trance of the gate of Gub(la). 2 5 - 3 1 {Loo]k, urge the king, my lord, with loud cries! Let an elite force, {together with] chariots, {advance with you that / may . . . [ . . . the Apir]u from it (the gate). {So} come out, but be on your gua{rd, for if} you die, {then I too] must die. 1

2

c

3

4

5

c

6

NOTES 1.

d-wa-![ir

]: SSDB,

p . 1 5 9 ; p e r h a p s , w i t h Y o u n g b l o o d , Amarna

Corre­

spondence, p . 2 9 8 , -su is t o b e a d d e d . O n lines 1 5 - 2 4 , see R a i n e y , UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p p . 424?

159

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

2.

e-nu-ii:

3.

la:

following

following

A l b r i g h t in SSDB,

4. T h e r e a d i n g ku-ru-ub qu-ru-ud

p . 159.

A l b r i g h t , i b i d . ; cf. Or n . s . 29 (i960) p . 1 7 , n. 2. (JNES

8 [ 1 9 4 9 ] p . 1 2 4 ) is w r o n g , a n d K n u d t z o n ' s

(also EA 69:30) is r i g h t . F o r t h e m e a n i n g , cf. qardu,

noisy," a n d s e e t h e r e m a r k s o f C i v i l , JNES 5.

{a-sa-a}m

(JNES

"one w h o s h o u t s , is

4 3 (1984) p p . 2 9 4 ^

8 [ 1 9 4 9 ] p . 1 2 5 ) is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y w r o n g .

6. N o t e n o u g h r o o m for ujur ramdnka,

" g u a r d yourself," b u t t h e f o l l o w i n g

l i n e s favor s u c h a m e a n i n g h e r e ; cf. Y o u n g b l o o d , p . 304.

EA 88

Blockaded TEXT:

BM 29800.

C O P Y : BB

17.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 305ff. {Ri]b-Had{da s]ay{s to his lord: Be}fore the king of all countries, [Great King], a[t the feet of my lord], my Sun, I fall [ 7 ] times and 7 times. I have w[ritten] 5—12 repeatedly to y[ou, "The war is against] Ardat, against Irqat, and agai[nst . . . , an}d Am(mi)y[a and Sigat]a, loyal [ci]ties of the king," [but the king], my lord, {has done nothing]. More­ over, what is [he, A]bdi-Asrati, the servant (and) dog, that he has a[ct}ed as he pleased in the lands of my lord, [and yet] the king, my lord, has done nothing for [his] servant? 1 3 - 2 1 [Moreov]er, I sent my messenger (each time) that [he toojk my cities and moved u[p aga]inst me. [N]ow he has taken Batruna, and he has moved up against me. [Beh]old the city! He has . . . the entrance of the gate of Gubla. How long has he not moved from the gate, and so we are unable to go out into the countryside. 2 1 - 2 8 Moreover, look, he strives to seize Gubla! And [ . . . and] may the king, my lord, give heed t[o the words of] his [ser]vant, and [may] he hasten [with] all speed chariots and [troops] that they may gu[ard the city of the king], my lord, and [ . . . until] the arr[iva]l of the king, [my] lor[d}. 2 8 - 3 9 For my part, I will [no]t neglect the word of [my] lord. But iff the kjing, my lord, does [not give heed] to the words of [his] serfvant], then Gubla will be joined to him, and all the lands of the king, as far as Egypt, will be joined to the Apiru. Moreover, should my lord not have wor[d] brought ro hi[s] serv{ant) by tablet, with all speed, then . . . the city to him and I will request a town from him to stay in, and so I will stay al(iv)e. 4 0 - 5 1 [Moreov]er, may the king, my lord, hasten the 1

c

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

c

11

12

160

EA

88

13

troops (and) chariots that they may guard the city of the king, my lord. Look, Gubla is not like the [other] cities; Gubla is a loyal city of the king, [my] lo[rd], from most ancient times. Still, the messenger of the king of Akka is honored more than [my] messeng[er], f[or they fur]nished [h]im with a horse. [May he furn]ish him (my messenger) . . . with 2 horses. May he not come out [empty-handed]. 14

NOTES 1.

L U G A L K U R . [ K I . H I . A L U G A L G A L ] : cf.

see Y o u n g b l o o d , Amarna

Correspondence,

K U R . K l . H I . A in l i n e n ,

and

p. 3 1 0 . Knudtzon's restoration assumes a

f o r m o f g r e e t i n g f o u n d in n o B y b l o s letter. 2.

L i n e s 1 3 - 2 1 : see R a i n e y , UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 4 2 5 . L i n e 1 4 : [il-q]e,

following

Y o u n g b l o o d , p . 3 1 2 ; cf. l i n e 1 6 . 3.

\a\-mur

U R U U D ( v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n ) §1 x p i ( R a i n e y ) K A . G A L ; x, p o s s i b l y

K A B ( K n u d t z o n ) , i D ? ta^-si-it, g a t e " (setu, AHw, 4.

ma-ni U D . K A M . M E S - ? / ' la yi-na-mu-us

2 1 a-sa-am 5.

a-na

E D I N . M E S (RA

(Or n . s . 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . 17, n.

2)

69 { 1 9 7 5 ] p p . 1 5 6 6 ) .

T h e r e can h a r d l y b e a n y d o u b t t h a t " A b d i - A s i r t a w i s h e s to c a p t u r e B y ­

b l o s , a n d h e n c e fumma, 6.

"the c i t y has kept away from the entrance o f the c i t y -

p. 1221?)?

"look, b e h o l d " (see EA 3 5 , n. 3 ) .

D e p a r t i n g from normal word order and fronting the object B y b l o s , R i b -

H a d d a s t r e s s e s t h a t now his very o w n c i t y is u n d e r a t t a c k . 7.

[ » l u ] - h a - m u - u t : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 4 1 5 , b u t p e r h a p s -{dm

r a t h e r t h a n -ut (cf. hu-mi-[dm, 8.

[MRIN.MES],

EA 1 0 2 : 2 9 ) ; a l s o l i n e 4 0 .

w i t h o u t pitdti,

as in line 4 1 . F u r t h e r m o r e , archers are

never r e q u e s t e d for p u r p o s e s o f d e f e n s e ; see P i n t o r e , OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p p . io6ff. 9.

ti-[su-ru]

( a l s o line 4 1 ) : a s r e q u i r e d b y t h e r u l e s of m o d a l s e q u e n c e ; see

a l s o R a i n e y , UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 4 1 5 . 10. and

O n t h e u s e olandku,

w h i c h sets u p a c o n t r a s t w i t h "the k i n g , m y l o r d "

w h a t is e x p e c t e d o f h i m (lines 2 3 f f . ) , see A g u s t i n u s G i a n t o , Word Order

Variation

in the Akkadian

of Byblos,

S t u d i a Pohl 1 5 ( R o m e , 1 9 9 0 ) , p . 8 5 .

The

f o l l o w i n g s e q u e n c e o f o b j e c t - v e r b e m p h a s i z e s R i b - H a d d a ' s fidelity t o t h e w o r d of his m a s t e r , izzib: i n j u n c t i v e ? zero = 11.

a-na

p r e t e r i t e ? ( S e e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n.

1 ( R ) - S [ U ] : a r e a d i n g t h a t K n u d t z o n r e j e c t e d (VAB

n o t e b ) , b u t n o t e (1) t h e l i g a t u r e o f t h e a l l e g e d as-sad; i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h e l a s t s i g n o f EA

50.)

2/1, p.

420,

(2) t h a t t h e p o s t u l a t e d su is

8 7 : 2 8 ( K n u d t z o n , / » ? ) ; a n d (3) sense.

The

c o n s t r u c t i o n , however, t h a t is a s s u m e d h e r e — a n u n m a r k e d p r o t a s i s o f a c o n d i ­ t i o n a l s e n t e n c e — i s w i t h o u t c e r t a i n p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . 12.

u bal-(td)-ti:

cf.

EA

8 2 : 4 5 ; 8 3 : 2 7 ; 1 2 3 : 3 5 ; u,

" a n d , " lines 1 0 , 2 2 ;

8 4 : 3 2 ; n o n - B y b l o s o c c u r r e n c e s in EA 6 2 , 2 6 0 , 3 1 7 , a n d 3 3 7 . L i n e s 3 4 - 3 9 s e e m to b e a t h r e a t , e s p e c i a l l y c o m p a r a b l e t o EA c

A b d i - A s i r t a a n d u na-ri-x

8 3 : 4 7 ^ , so t h a t "him" m u s t refer to

at t h e e n d o f l i n e 3 6 m u s t b e a n e x p r e s s i o n for s u r r e n ­

d e r i n g B y b l o s , p e r h a p s first p l u r a l ( i . e . , a c o m m o n a c t i o n o f R i b - H a d d a a n d fellow c i t i z e n s ; cf. l i n e 2 0 , "we a r e n o t a b l e " ) ; x = d i s t a n c e o u r s e l v e s f r o m t h e c i t y for h i m " 13.

iG or su. na-re-eq,

"we w i l l

(requ?)?

See n. 9.

161

THE

AMARNA 14.

LETTERS

49 [ia-d]i-na . . .

50 [x x] x . . .

5 1 [ u r i - q u - t ] a : cf. EA 5

87:17.

K i i h n e , p . 1 0 7 , n. 5 2 5 , offers a different i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : R i b - H a d d a ' s m e s s e n g e r was deprived of two horses.

EA 89

Events in Tyre T E X T : VAT

1627.

C O P I E S : WA

49;

VS

11,

43.

JCS 4 (1950) pp. l64f.; Youngblood, Amarna Correspondence, pp. 322ff. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

[Rib]-Hadda say[s to his lord, k]ing of all countries, Grefat] King: [May the Lady} of Gubla [grant power t}o the king, [my} lord. I fall [at the fee]t of my lord, [m}y Su[n, 7 times and 7} times. 7 - 1 4 [Though} I keep writing like this {to thepald\ce, my words are not [taken to he}art, and they go utterly un[hee}ded. Look at the deed in Tyre. On this account I am afraid. Even now the king makes no inquiry about his mayor, my brother. May the king h(eed) my words. Their words are not true. 1 5 - 2 9 "If the king makes inquiry, we will devote ourselves to your service." I made connubium with Tyre; they were on good terms with me. (But now) they have, I assure you, killed their mayor, to­ gether with my sister and her sons. My sis(te)r's daughters I had sent to Ty[re}, away from Abdi-A[sirta. They killed] him al{ong with my sister ...]... 3 0 - 3 9 [//] the king {makes inquiry about my brother], then all lands {will be joined to the king, my lord. But] if the king does {not} make inquiry about [my] brother, {then} . . . [ . . . ] He wrote again and again to the king, [but h}is words went unheeded. And so he died. I know it! 39—47 But if you make inquiry about my brother, then the city will say, "This man is not the mayor! Inquire, O king, about him! We are unable to do anything." They are afraid. Will the king not make inquiry about the mayor of Tyre? For his property is as great as the sea. I know it! 4 8 - 5 7 Look, there is no mayor's residence like that of the residence in Tyre. It is like the residence in Ugarit. Exceedingly [gr]eat is the wealth [i}n it. May the king heed [the word]s of (his) servant. May he send [ . . . } . . . that he may stay [in the l}and and {be concerned} for the mayors. 5 8 - 6 7 May {no} property be handed [over to] them. G{ive thought to the com]missioner of the king. H e is t{aking fr}om the king {all} the lands {of the king}. I know (it)! Does the king like it {that Abdi-A]sirta has taken the sea {in} front of them, and so they are at 1

c

2

3

c

162

EA 90

peace? May the king [ter]rify them! Do I not continue to write of {the)ir crime to the king? NOTES 1.

A f t e r t h e a s s e v e r a t i v e p a r t i c l e allu,

the word order, o b j e c t - v e r b , stresses

the object and underscores the enormity of the crime. 2.

L i n e s 5 8 - 6 7 follow

these a d d i t i o n s : . . . k[a-li]; na-{su)-nu.

Knudtzon's restorations with one exception and

5 9 [qa-tQ-su-nu

6 4 . . . a-ia-ab

s"[a];

( t h e r e b e l s in Tyre); 65 [i-na];

60 /'-[le-qu];

61 [is-tu]

6 6 [y\xly'\-x)a-\\\-ih-su-nu;

67

ar-

c

R i b - H a d d a s e e m s t o say t h a t A b d i - A 5 i r t a c o n t r o l s t h e sea a r o u n d t h e

i s l a n d t o w n o f T y r e , t h u s r e n d e r i n g the r e b e l s s e c u r e . For a d i s c u s s i o n a n d c o m ­ m e n t a r y o n t h e e n t i t e letter, see JCS 3.

4 (1950) p p . 1631?.

c

Probably Abdi-Asirta.

EA 90

Alone and unheeded T E X T : VAT

1661.

C O P I E S : WA

53;

VS

11,

44.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 337ff. [S]ay [t]o the king, my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda, [your} se[rvant]. I fall at the feet of my lord, [my] Su[n, 7 times and 7 times]. Be in­ formed [that] the war aga[inst me] is severe. [He has taken] all my cities; [Gubla] alone rem[ains] 8 - 1 2 to me. I was in Sigata and I wr[ote] to [y]ou, "Give thought to [your] city lest Abdi-Asirta take it." 1 3 - 1 9 [But] you did not listen to m[e. Then fr]om Batruna I wr[ote to yo]u, "Send men to ta[ke the ci]ty for you." [My] words went [u]nheeded, [and] they were [no]t taken to heart. Now they have [ta]k[en] my cities. 1 9 - 2 8 Moreover, that [do]g* is [i]n Mittana, but his eye is on [Gu]bla. What can I do by myself? You yourself have been [negligent of your cities so that the Apiru [dog] takes them.' It is to you that I have tu[rn]ed. Moreover, all the [mayors] are at peace with Abdi-A[sirta}. 2 9 - 3 5 . . . 3 6 - 4 7 [Ou]r [sons], [our daughters, the furnishings] of the houses are gone, since they have been so[ld in the land] of Yarimuta (([fo]r)) for provisions to keep [u]s alive. Li[k]e [a bird] in a tr[ap], s[o am I] in [Gub]la. "For lack of a cultivator my fie[ld] is [l]ike a woman without a [hus]band." Moreover, . . . [ . . . ] , and send [x m]en and 30 pairs of [h]ors[es] that [I] may g[ua]rd the city for yo[u]. 4 8 - 5 6 [And] yo[ur] me[ss]engers send . . . , and if you do not 1

c

2

3

c

6

7

c

8

163

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

send a garrison, [then] . . . I am afrai[d] for my life. [And] al[l] messen­ g e r s that] were b[ou]nd have been relelased]. ... 57—62 Do not be negligent. Send ar[chers that they may ta]ke the land of [Amurru]. Day and night [everyone awaits the coming forth of the ar]ch[ers]I have been plundered of [my grain, and] it is [to you] that I have tur[ned]. 9

10

12

NOTES 1.

[il-qe']: cf. EA 9 i : i 9 f f . , a n e x a c t p a r a l l e l to EA

2.

ti-[il-qu]

3.

P r o b a b l y r o o m o n l y for u; I c o u l d n o t see t r a c e s c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o K n u d t -

or ti-\tl-ti-qu\.

9o:6ff.

according to the rule of m o d a l sequence.

zon's [ l a - q ] a . 4.

[ U R . K ] U : cf. e s p . kalbu silt (EA

84:35).

5.

I f p l u r a l , t h e n [ti-il~]-ti-qu-su-nu,

"when t h e A p i r u t o o k . . . " In EA 9 1 : 5 ,

however, 26

c

L U . G A Z . M E S U R . K U is s i n g u l a r , a n d it a l s o s u g g e s t s the r e s t o r a t i o n

[UR.KU];

hence

[yi-il]-ti-qu-su-nu,

with

Knudtzon

(yi-il-ti-qu,

also

1 0 9 : 1 7 , 1 9 ) , b u t s i n g u l a r , n o t p l u r a l ( K n u d t z o n , followed by E b e l i n g , VAB

EA 2/2,

P- 1 4 5 3 ) 6.

2 7 [pa-ni-i]a:

7.

T h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f bel alani,

see VAB

2/2, p. 1591. "lord(s) o f t h e c i t i e s , " on t h e b a s i s o f

EA

1 0 2 : 2 3 , is, s t a t i s t i c a l l y , less p r o b a b l e t h a n s o m e reference t o t h e m a y o r s (cf. e s p . EA 1 1 4 : 1 4 ; 1 2 6 : 1 1 ) , a n d a l s o , it w o u l d s e e m , less likely in a c o n t e x t s p e a k i n g o f m a n y c i t i e s ; h e n c e [ba-za-nu]. 8.

P e r h a p s sal-mu

T h e r e a d i n g yi-i[s~]-mi

spondence, p . 3 4 6 ,

followed

(AHw,

p . 1 0 1 4 ) , not

sal-mu.

at t h e e n d o f line 4 4 ( Y o u n g b l o o d , Amarna

by Rainey,

UF

7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p. 4 1 4 ) seems

t h o u g h t h e s i g n is n o t clearly as as in t h e c o p y o f VS 1 1 . O n ussiru

Corre­

excluded,

in line 4 5 as

p l u r a l o f " m a j e s t y , " a n d ' ' a - n a - s a - r ' a in line 4 7 ( c o l l a t e d ) , see Y o u n g b l o o d , p . 3 4 6 . 9.

54 . . .

r

n

g a b - [ b u sa]

55 h [ a ] r - / » # / - t e - [ s a / s i - r u ] : r e a d i n g s d u b i o u s a n d

c o n t e x t unclear. 10.

T

6 1 [it ti\- eP-qe

K U R [ a - m u r - r i ] : cf.

EA

91:38, 45; 94:11;

107:30;

121:48; 123:42. 11.

6 2 [u]r-ra

mu-sa

p [ a - n u k a - l i a - n a a - s i E R I N . M E S p i - t ] a - [ t i ] : cf.

91:39-41. 12.

Cf. EA 8 5 : 9 ? ; 8 6 : 3 5 ? ; 9 0 : 2 6 ? ; 9 1 : 1 6 .

EA 91

A plea for a payoff T E X T : VAT

931.

C O P I E S : WA

56;

VS

11,

45.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION:

Correspondence, pp. 35 Iff.

164

Youngblood, Amarna

EA

EA

91

[Rib-Hadda says to] h[is] lord: I fall [at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. / wrote to you, "W}by have you sat idly by [and] done nothing, so that the Apiru dog tak[es you]r cities?" 6—13 [When] he took Sumur, [I wr]ote to you, "Why do you [do noth]ing?" (Then B[it]-ar#G*] was taken.) [Wh]en he saw [that] there was no one [t]hat said anything [to h]im about Sumur, his intentions were re[in]forced, so that he strives to take Gubla. 14—23 He has attacked me (and) my orchards, [and] my own [me]n have become hostile. I have been plundered of my [grain]. [May] you pay a thousand (shekels of) silver and 1 0 0 (shekels of) gold, so he will go away [fr]om me. He has taken [al]l my cities; Gubla alone remains [t]o me, and he strives to take it. 23—30 I have just heard (that) he has gathered together [ajll.the Apiru [t]o attack me. What can I [d]o by myself? I go on writing like this for archers and an auxiliary force, but my words go unheeded. 3 1 - 3 6 [Mojreover, give [thought your]se[lf i]o your lands.? [ . . . ] . . . Moreover, [listen to me, and i]f there are no [archers] and auxiliary force, [then there will be no . . . ] for Gubla, [and it will be] joined [to the Apiru}. 36—41 O king, [listen to me, and s]end ar[chers t]o take the land of Amurru. [Now indeed] everyone aw[aits day and nigh]t [the coming forth of the arch]ers. 4 2 - 4 9 [And may] the king, my lord, [ . . . ] . . . c

1

2

3

4

c

c

6

NOTES 1 . T h e forms o f t h e v e r b , yi-ll-qu

(line 4) a n d yi-il-qa

(line 6), are s i n g u l a r ,

a n d therefore L U . G A Z . M E 5 is a l s o s i n g u l a r ( K n u d t z o n ; G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

p.

38). 2 . yi-"da"'-ni-en: f o l l o w i n g G r e e n b e r g , i b i d . , t h o u g h t h e s i g n s e e m s a l i t t l e l a r g e r t h a n da. sab ( K n u d t z o n ) is c e r t a i n l y w r o n g . 3 . am-ma-qu-ut:

c o n t a m i n a t i o n b y ammassah

( l i n e 16)? T h e g r a m m a r of l i n e

14 is o b s c u r e . 4 . U n l e s s e m p h a s i s is i n t e n d e d t h r o u g h g r o s s e x a g g e r a t i o n , t h e n u m b e r s h a r d l y refer to m i n a s ( K n u d t z o n ; H e l c k , Beziehungen,

pp. 382, 384).

5.

02/'-[li-ik a t ] - t [ a a - n ] a K U R . M E 5 - & * : cf. EA 1 3 3 : 2 .

6.

Free r e s t o r a t i o n :

p i - t a - t i ] u til-la-ta

M E 5 . G A Z . M E 5 ti-nii-ip-su 38 [ p f - t a - t i ii t]i-il-qe 4 0 [ u r - r a ii m u - s ] a

33 { s i - m i a - n a ia-si ii s u m - m ] a ia-nu

35 [ u i a - n u x x (x)} a-na LUGAL

U R U gub-la

341ERIN.MES 36 [ii a - n a L U .

37 [ s i - m i a - n a ia-si ii us]-si-ra

K U R a-mur-\r\i

ERIN.ME5

39 [ a - n u - m a i - n a - a n - n a ] pa-nu

4ifa-na a-sf E R I N . M E 5

ka-li

pi-t\i-ti.

165

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 92

Some help from the Pharaoh T E X T : VAT

868.

C O P I E S : WA

50;

VS

11,

46.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 360ff. Rib-Hadda says to the king, his lord, the Sun of [all countries]: I fall at the feet of my lord, [my] S[un], 7 times and 7 times. May the Lady of Gub[la] g[rant powe]r to the king, my lord, [m]y [Sun]. 7 - 1 5 [Moreov]er, Abdi-A[srati . . . ] . . . If he had made inquiry . . . [...], he would [no]t have taken up residence in them. A[n]d now an evil war has been waged against [me], and I sent my tablet and [m]y [messenger] to the king, my lord, but the k[ing] paid no attention to the words of my tablet and [my] me[ssenger]. So what am [I t]o do? 16-24 I y messenger to the king, [m]y lord, [in regard to] my cities that Abdi-Asrati had taken. Abdi-Asrati hea[rd] that my man had arrived from the king, my lord, and he heard that there was noth­ ing (with him). Since there was no auxiliary force that [cam]e out to me, he has [n]ow mo[ved] up$ against me. 2 5 - 2 9 . . . 2 9 - 4 0 And what could I say? Moreover, it was a gracious deed of the king, my lord, that the king [wr]ote to the king of Beirut, to the king of Sidon, and to the king of T[y]re, [sa]ying, "Rib-Hadda will be writing to you for an auxiliary force, and all of [y]ou are to g o . " ' Thispl[eased] me, [and so] I sent my messenger, but they have [no]t come, and they [have] not s[en]t their messenger(s) to gre[et] us. 4 1 - 4 8 Moreover, who is he, that he [has taken] the men to[gether wi]th the oxen with th[em]? What did he give for t[h]em? As the three of us are brothers, I wrote to them for help." May it seem right in the sight of the king, my lord, that [they should s]end soldiers of an expeditionary force . . . 4 8 - 5 7 .. . ' c

1

s e n t

2

m

c

c

4

6

7

8

9

10

12

13

NOTES

(EA

, c

1.

Reference to Abdi-Asirta's occupation of cities?

2.

ii: s i g n e x t e n d e d b e c a u s e o f c o n t i n u a t i o n o n e d g e .

3.

i - r i - e r - [ i } a : cf. EA 8 1 : 4 6 ; 8 8 : 1 4 , 17-

4.

[ u ] m - m a " - » z i : i f t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g , it w o u l d reflect E g y p t i a n u s a g e

r

,

1 : 2 6 , 3 7 ) . VS 1 1 , 4 6 : r

,

5.

ii a t-[la]-ku

6.

D U G . t G A ] (fab)

8.

«

r

7 . a-na sa-al

166

4

mi-ia^-mi:

[al-Uu-wi.

gdb-bu-[k]u-nu.

R i b - H a d d a a l l u d e s t o t h i s o r d e r in line 3 9 .

$8elTya.

J [ u ] l - [ m i } - » « : sulma Idlulsa'alu f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d , Amarna

as in EA 9 6 : 5 6 ; 9 7 : 3 . Correspondence,

p. 370.

EA 9.

93

/ 7 - { q e ] : cf. l i n e 1 7 a n d EA 8 8 : 1 4 , 1 6 ; 9 1 : 1 9 .

10.

tf-fdi]

G U D . M [ E § ] />-?/'-s{u-nu]: adi,

t i o n o f N . N a ' a m a n ; see a l s o EA 11.

following a private c o m m u n i c a ­

7 4 : 5 6 a n d n. 1 3 .

O n e e x p e c t s "the f o u r o f u s . " T h e s i g n g i v e s e v i d e n c e o f h e s i t a t i o n or

c o r r e c t i o n ; see K n u d t z o n ' s n o t e . 12.

T h e s i n g u l a r i n j u n c t i v e is i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e "indicative" m a r k e r ,

a n d therefore t h e f o r m is p l u r a l . R e a d [tu-wd]-si-r[u); is \lu-wd\-si-r\u\

a l s o p o s s i b l e b u t less likely

(see EA 8 4 , n. 1 ) .

13.

ERIN.MES K A L . B A D . K A S K A L

14.

L i n e s 5 2 - 5 5 : p e r h a p s "If t h e k i n g , m y l o r d , d o e s n o t s e n d t r o o p s . . ' . , I

+

?: see EA

109,

w i l l a b a n d o n t h e c i t y o f m y l o r d . " Cf. EA 8 2 : 4 3 ; 8 3 : 4 6 ,

n.

10.

49.

EA 93

An angry vassal T E X T : VAT

1663.

C O P I E S : WA

55;

VS

11,

47.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 372fF. [To Am]anappa: [Message of R]ib-Hadda. I fall [at] your [f]eet. [Look, I] was distressed :' na-aq-sa-ap-ti (angry) [a}t your words, "I am [on my] way to y[o]u." 8-18 You are always writing [li]ke this to me! Listen to me. Tell the king to give you 300 men so we can visit the city and regain (it) [for the king}. Do not the [com]missioners lo[ng forY> the coming out of the archers? He is stronger than the king! 1 9 - 2 8 Moreover, if we are able to [se]ize Batrun[a] fo]r you, then' the men will abandon Abdi-Asirta. Things are [n]ot as they were previ­ ously. [I]f this year there are no archers, [then] he will be strong forever. 2

c

NOTES 1. (CAD,

[a-mur

All, 2.

a}-ta-sa-al:

following

Youngblood,

p.

375. On

[ul}-ta-sa-as

p . 4 2 4 ) , see EA 8 2 , n. 6.

P e r h a p s "to visit" (dagalu,

"to l o o k at") is u s e d t o s u g g e s t t h a t a m e r e

s h o w o f p o w e r w i l l suffice t o r e g a i n B a t r u n a . 3.

t i - b [ a - u - n a ] : ti is q u i t e p r o b a b l e .

4.

P e r h a p s t h i s is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as a q u o t a t i o n c i t i n g t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s '

5.

O n t h e c o n f u s i o n in lines 1 8 - 2 1 o f sanTta a n d u, see Y o u n g b l o o d , p . 3 7 6 .

fears.

167

4

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 94

Treachery everywhere TEXT:

C 4756.

C O P Y : WA

78.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 377ff. 1

2

Rib-Hadda [wrijtes to the king, [the kin]g of [all cou]ntries, the ki[ng, his] lord, his {god]: I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 4 - 1 8 Why has my lord not heeded the word of his servant? My lord should know that there is no evil in the words of his servant. I do not speak any treacherous word to the king, my l[ord}. The king, my lord, has examined the words and has heard$ the words! I said to the king, my lord, "Send archers to take Abdi-Asrata." Who would ad­ vise, "He would resist (successfully) the archers of the king, my lord"? . . . Treacherous men say [trea}cherous [things] t[o the king], my lord. [ . . . ] archers [ . . . ] 1 9 - 5 8 [ . . . ] 5 9 - 6 4 . . 6 5 - 7 8 he has brought them water, and he is the one who has given them provisions. Since I am the one who checked the Apiru, there are hostilities against me. He is the one who has given them provisions, and so may the king give thought (to) his servant. May the king send his commissioner. [Le]t him advise on the spot itself. That fellow is [no]t to make a raid. {Ear]lier the king ordered {with regard] to the asses that they be g[ive]n to (his loyal] servant [ . . . ] . . . 4 c

6

c

7

8

NOTES 1.

[i]s'-[t]a-par.

cf.

EA

108:1; 116:1;

119:1;

123:1;

f o r m o f ta,

slightly

aberrant. R

2.

[ L U G } A L [ K U ] R . K U R . K f : cf. t h e p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s c i t e d in n. 1.

3.

is-mi ((iG)): p e r h a p s u n e r a s e d b e g i n n i n g of iq-bilbu, c

t e m p t t o r e p r o d u c e a f o r m o f sm 4.

r

te-el- qf:

(VAB

but hardly an at­

2/2, p. 1592).

q u i t e clear a n d as e x p e c t e d (Or n . s . 2 9 { i 9 6 0 ] p . 1 2 , n. 1 ) .

K n u d t z o n ' s qu is u n d o u b t e d l y a m i s p r i n t . 5.

L U na-a-ru

( l i n e 6 0 ; a l s o 6 3 ? ) , " t r e a c h e r o u s p e r s o n " (cf. EA 8 4 , n. 4 ) .

R e f e r e n c e t o a "singer" (ndru) d o e s not s e e m likely. 6.

A mi-e: p e r h a p s ame-red

4 6 . E n d o f line 64: sa-na

168

=

( c l o t h ) s h o u l d not b e r u l e d o u t ; see EA 1 4 , n.

Sanna,

"kettle"?

7.

L U . M E S G A Z : r e a d i n g v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n ; cf. G A Z in EA

8.

Cf. EA

96?

179:22.

EA95

EA 95

Men from Meluhha T E X T : VAT

1668.

C O P I E S : WA

70;

VS

11,

48.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, Amarna

Correspondence, pp. 388ff. Say [to] the magnate: [MJessage of Rib-Hadda. I fall at [your] feet. May Aman and the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king, your lord. 7 - 2 6 [A]s to your wr[it]ing me, . . . " 2 7 - 3 3 • • • The king of Mitta[ni] visited the land of Amurru itself, and he said, "How great is this land! Your land is extensive." May the \kiri\g of Egypt [sen]d me his commissioner that he may take it for him. 3 4 - 4 3 [Mor]eover, come yourself with all speed, and t\ake\ everything. Then return to get the archer[s] later on. [Mo]reover, get [.. .]3 (and) get, too, 2 0 0 [men] of Meluhha [ . . . } Abdi-Asirta is very ill A [Wb]o knows, when he dies, [w]hat . . . 44—53 • • 2

c

5

NOTES 1.

T h e d u b i o u s ( V A B 2 / 1 , p . 9 9 8 ) [y]u b e f o r e ku-us-da

i n c o m p l e t e ii ([S]I

+

r

r

( L U ) ) . L i n e 2 0 : u^-sli]- ru-bif-ka,

in line 1 7 m u s t be a n

"I will g e t you i n t o t h e

l a n d o f A m u r r u " ; cf. Trub, "he e n t e r e d , " in l i n e 2 5 . 2 . yu-wa-s[i-r}a:

there is n o r e a s o n t o read -r}u (see c o p y o f V S n , w h i c h is

a c c u r a t e ) , a n d s t r o n g r e a s o n s a g a i n s t it; see EA 9 2 , n. 1 2 . 3.

S i n c e N u b i a n t r o o p s , w i t h t h e s i n g l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 1 3 3 : 1 6 ? , a l w a y s

a p p e a r in c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h E g y p t i a n s (EA w i t h s o l d i e r s (EA

127:36;

131:nff.;

1 1 7 : 7 8 ? ? ; see P i n t o r e , OA n

70:18?.; 108:67; 112:19?.),

132:56),

[ 1 9 7 2 ] p.

or

finally

o

r

simply

with a garrison

(EA

1 0 5 ) , we s h o u l d u n d o u b t e d l y restore

3 9 [x L U . M E 5 ] . S i n c e they are a l s o r e g u l a r l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p r o t e c t i o n , at t h e e n d o f l i n e 4 0 w e s h o u l d p r o b a b l y r e s t o r e s o m e t h i n g l i k e [anassar(a)i'tinassaru

did],

"that I / t h e y m a y g u a r d t h e city." 4.

O f t h e e i g h t o t h e r o c c u r r e n c e s o f mardsulmarsu

in t h e l e t t e r s f r o m B y ­

b l o s , n o t o n e clearly refers to p h y s i c a l i l l n e s s , a n d several c l e a r l y refer to d i s t r e s s c a u s e d b y e n e m i e s a n d t h e p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n (EA

103:7, 1 5 , 49; 114:50; 116:54;

1 3 1 : 2 6 ; 3 6 2 : 5 9 ) . O f t h e four o c c u r r e n c e s o f mur$u, i l l n e s s (EA 137:29,

t w o c l e a r l y refer t o p h y s i c a l

3 2 ) , t w o n o t clearly at all (EA 7 5 : 1 8 ; 1 1 6 : 5 8 ; see EA 7 5 , n. 2 ) .

c

T h e r e f o r e , A b d i - A s i r t a m a y s i m p l y b e u n d e r severe d i s t r e s s , e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e it is not clear w h o is t h e s u b j e c t of B A . u S , mdtu, "to d i e , " in t h e n e x t line. 5. 98:11?.,

L i n e 4 4 : after S i g a t a , p r o b a b l y U R U [ a m - p f ] ; c ? EA

71:30?.; 76:19;

40?

169

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 96

The king's asses T E X T : VAT

1238.

C O P I E S : WA

82;

VS

11,

49.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Youngblood, BASOR

168 (1962) pp. 24ff. c Say to Rib-Hadda, my son: Message of the general, your father. May (your personal) god show concern for you and your household. As to your saying, "I will not permit men from Sumur to enter my city. There is a pestilence in Sumur," 1 2 - 2 7 ' ^ pestilence affectfing] men or one affectf.ing] asses? What pes[til]ence affects asses so that they cannot walk? But watch [o#/]! Do the asses belong to the king or not? Proper­ ties of the king are not lost; indeed, their owner seeks them out. If the king is the owner of the asses, then look for the king's asses. Why do you act so towards servants of the king? 28—33 Send men [t]o guard the city. [And] at the same time I am writing [t]o the king about you. He is to [r]eply to me by tablet about the whole af[fair]. 1

s

2

a

3

NOTES 1.

i-\ti\u-ma

2.

ta-la-ku-[na]:

(text: G l S ) . the writer seems to anticipate R i b - H a d d a ' s c l a i m i n g that

t h e a s s e s a r e u n a b l e t o leave B y b l o s b e c a u s e t h e y c a n no l o n g e r w a l k , or (cf. lines 2off.) that they are lost. 3.

# - $ { u - u r ] : s e e EA 87,

n.

6.

EA 97

A bad reputation T E X T : VAT

1598.

C O P I E S : WA

183;

VS

11,

50.

To Sumu-Hadd[i ( . . . ) : Mes]sage of Yappa[h-Hadda]. May (your per­ sonal) god show concern for you. [/ kn]ow that your reputation with the king is fb]ad, and so you cannot leave Egypt. 9—11 You did [n]ot cause the loss of {the king's lands; '•Abdi-AIirta c]aused the loss. 12-21 ... 1

NOTE 1.

1

1 0 [ m a t a t s a r r i ] u '-hal-li-iq c

m

n t I R - a - s i - i r - t a . . . ] . Cf. l i n e 2 1 , w h i c h c

m e n t i o n s A b d i - A s i r t a or p e r h a p s "the son o f A b d i - A § i r t a . " I n EA, hulluqu

170

always

EA

98

has a p l a c e as o b j e c t , a n d " d e s t r u c t i o n " is n o t n e c e s s a r i l y p h y s i c a l , b u t r a t h e r ( E g y p t i a n ) loss o f p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l . A n d t h e s a m e is t r u e o f haldqu s u b j e c t ; see G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

w i t h a p l a c e as

p. 44.

EA 98

Losses from Byblos to Ugarit T E X T : VAT

1675.

C O P I E S : WA

128;

VS

11,

15.

{S]ay [t}o Yanhamu: Message of Yapah-Hadda. Why have you been ne­ glectful of Sumur so that all lands from Gubla«to Ugarit have become enemies in the service of Aziru? 1 0 - 1 8 Sigata and Ampi are enemies. He has now [st]ationed ships of Arw[ad}a' {i}n Ampi and in Sigata so grain cannot be brought into Sumur. 19—26 Nor are we able to enter Sumur, and so what can we ourselves do? Write to the palace about this [mat]ter. It is good [tha]t you are inf(or)med. 2

NOTES 1.

[ U R U ] ar-w[a-d~),a:

2.

lum-{mu)-da-ta:

so a l s o N a ' a m a n , Political

f o l l o w i n g AHw,

Disposition,

p. 60*,

n. 7.

p . 5 3 2 , b u t p e r h a p s b e t t e r -(mi)-

v i e w o f t h e w i d e s p r e a d u s e o f purris as s t a t i v e / p e r f e c t in EA.

in

We should probably

a l s o a l l o w for lam^ ( L U M ) .

EA 99

From the Pharaoh to a vassal TEXT:

C 4742 (12196).

C O P Y : WA

202.

TRANSLATION:

Oppenheim, LFM, p. 120.

[S]ay [to . . . ] . . . , (the ruler of ...] . . . : ' Thus the king. He herewith sends this tablet to you, saying to you: Be on your guard. You are to guard the place of the king where you are. 1 0 - 2 0 Prepare your daughter for the king, your lord, and prepa(re) the contributions: [2)0 first-class slaves, silver,' chariots, first-class horses. And so let the king, your lord, say to you, "This is excellent," what you have given as contributions to the king to accompany your daughter. 2 1 - 2 6 And know that the king is hale like the Sun in the sky. For his troops and chariots in multitude all goes very well. 2

3

4

6

7

171

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1.

W h a t K n u d t z o n read as ma in l i n e i m a y n o t b e a s i g n a t a l l ; i n d e e d , it is

n o t c e r t a i n t h a t t h e r e w a s a n y t h i n g i n s c r i b e d o n t h i s "line." O n t h i s h y p o t h e s i s , m

r

r

G o r d o n c o n s i d e r e d r e a d i n g line 2 as line 1, a n d t h u s : [ a - n a z ] i - [ i ] r " ' - d a m " ' - i a r

1

- a s - d a ' (cf. EA 2 3 4 : 1 1 ) . T h e t r a c e s , however, a r e e x t r e m e l y f a i n t , a n d t h i s r e a d i n g w o u l d leave t h e a d d r e s s e e w i t h o u t i n d i c a t i o n o f his p l a c e o f r e s i d e n c e , w h i c h w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d in t h e letters t o v a s s a l s . r

2. u s-f

e-bi-la-ku:

3. us-sur lu-u 4. tamaratu,

f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , RA

8 na-sa-ra-ta:

19 ( 1 9 2 1 ) p . 100.

see I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 5.

O n t h e g i r l as b e i n g g i v e n in m a r r i a g e , a n d t h e t r a n s l a t i o n o f susir a n d see P i n t o r e , Matrimonio,

p . 146, n. 2 1 .

5. N o t " s i l v e r - c o a t e d c h a r i o t s " ( O p p e n h e i m ) . 6.

si-ia-tu

7.

F o r m u l a i c s h o r t form (see I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 5). ma-a-du

ba-an-til:

as in EA

369:21. ( l i n e 26, a n d

r e g u l a r l y in b o t h l o n g a n d s h o r t f o r m s ) is p r o b a b l y n o t a p r e d i c a t e ; cf. mad

1:9) a n d p e r h a p s mddu (EA 5:10), b o t h f r o m E g y p t ; ina ma-a-du (EA

38:5) a n d ma-du

i n d e c l i n a b l e ma-a-ad

(EA

ERIN.MES-^Z

A N § E . K U R . R A . M E § - & ? (EA 3 9 : 7 ) , b o t h f r o m A l a s i a ; a n d (EA 367:i6f., a l s o f r o m E g y p t ) .

EA 100

The city of Irqata to the king TEXT:

BM 29825.

C O P Y : BB

42.

P H O T O G R A P H : BB,

pi.

4.

This tablet is a tablet from Irqata. To the king, our lord: Message from Irqata and its el(d)ers. We fall at the feet of the king, our lord, 7 times and 7 times. To our lord, the Sun: Message from Irqata. May the heart of the king, (our) lord, know that we guard Irqata for him. 11-19 When the [ki]ng, our lord, sent £>[VM.u]-Bi-ha-a, he said to [u}s, "Message of the king: Guard Irqata!" The sons of the traitor to the king seek our harm; Irqata see[ks]5 loyalty to the king. 2 0 - 3 2 As to [silver] having been given to S{u]baru alfong with} 3 0 horses and cha[riots], may you know the mind of Irqata. When a tablet from the king arrived (saying) to ra[id] the land that the A[piru] had taken [from} the king, they wa[ged] war with us against the enemy of our lord, the man whom you pla[ced} over u s . Truly we are guarding the l[and]J May the king, our lord, heed the words of his loyal servants. 3 3 - 4 4 May he grant a gift to his servant(s) so our enemies will see this and eat dirt. May the breath of the king not depart from us. We shall keep the city gate barred until the breath of the king reaches us. Severe is the war against us—terribly, terribly! 1

2

3

4

c

6

8

172

9

EA

100

NOTES 1.

si-b(u)-ti-si:

2.

A t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f a letter, w h e r e 111 Tde is so c o m m o n , Tde p r o b a b l y h a s

f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t , JNES

5 (1946) p. 2 3 .

t h e force o f a p r e c a t i v e , as o c c a s i o n a l l y e l s e w h e r e (EA

84:21; 106:47;

137:30?;

144:18; etc.). 3. nasdru.

r

uT-sa-ru-mi,

t h o u g h an a n o m a l o u s f o r m , m u s t b e t h e i m p e r a t i v e o f

T h e k i n g ' s o r d e r t o g u a r d t h e c i t y w a s s t a n d a r d in l e t t e r s t o v a s s a l s

( I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 5 ) . M o r e o v e r , t h e w r i t e r s here have j u s t a s s u r e d t h e k i n g t h a t they a r e g u a r d i n g t h e city, a n d they g o on t o a s s e r t t h e i r loyalty, w h i c h t h e i r actions prove. 4.

F o r bu"u,

"to s e e k s o m e o n e , " in t h e s e n s e o f s e e k i n g his h a r m , cf.

1 2 5 : 3 8 . P e r h a p s , however, we s h o u l d not e x c l u d e tuba"una

EA

N U . ( K U R ) , "in t h e

k i n g ' s r e g a r d , t h e y are i n t e n t u p o n war, ( b u t ) I r q a t a is i n t e n t u p o n loyalty." T h i s yields better parallelism. 5 . tu-b[a-u],

s i n c e t h i s l e t t e r has t h e s a m e v e r b a l s y s t e m as t h e

Byblos

letters. 6.

I u n d e r s t a n d t h i s very difficult p a s s a g e as follows: t h e loyalty o f I r q a t a

h a d b e e n q u e s t i o n e d b y t h e k i n g , w h o h a d l e a r n e d o f t h e city's g i v i n g g i f t s t o M i t t a n i . T h e w r i t e r s d e f e n d t h e m s e l v e s by p o i n t i n g o u t t h a t M i t t a n i h a d c o o p e r ­ c

a t e d in t h e w a r a g a i n s t "Abdi-AiSirta a n d his A p i r u f o l l o w e r s , t h e very o n e s r e s p o n ­ s i b l e for k i l l i n g their o w n k i n g w h o m t h e P h a r a o h h a d p l a c e d over t h e m (cf.

EA

7 5 : 2 6 6 ; 1 3 9 : 1 5 ; 1 4 0 : 1 0 ) . I n o t h e r w o r d s , t h e g i f t s were o n l y r i g h t a n d p r o p e r . R e a d i n g s : L i n e 2 5 : ana / ^ - [ h a - a t ] (sahdfu,

"to r a i d , " fairly c o m m o n in EA).

Lines

2 6 6 : LU.MES GfAZ i s - t u ] . L i n e 2 7 : L U G A L - n ( e n o u g h r o o m in 2 6 ? ) . L i n e 2 8 : K [ u ] R is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n . L i n e 2 9 : "our l o r d " is n o t t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g , b u t t h e I r q a t a k i n g w h o h a d b e e n k i l l e d ; ti-el-ta-\kdn-(lu)"\

(in EA, ifapdru elilmuhhi,

which

K n u d t z o n restores h e r e , m e a n s o n l y "to w r i t e a b o u t " ; sitkunu elilmuhhi, s a i d o f royal appointments,

see EA

1 0 1 : 3 0 ) . I f m y u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h i s p a s s a g e is at all

c o r r e c t , t h e n t h e a t t a c k on A m u r r u m a y have c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e c a p t u r e o f "AbdiA s i r t a ( c f . EA io8:28ff.; 7.

H7:24ff.).

I n s t e a d o f K [ U R ] (mdta),

f r e q u e n t e x p r e s s i o n alar

" l a n d , " p e r h a p s K [ I ] (alru),

larri la ittTka

"place"; cf.

the

nasdru.

8.

"To eat d i r t " m e a n s "to b e d e f e a t e d " (CAD,

9.

O n t h e "breath" (sdru) o f t h e k i n g , w h i c h is his m e s s a g e a n d g i v e s life t o

All,

p.

256).

his v a s s a l , see e s p . EA 1 4 1 , 1 4 3 — 4 5 , a n d a l s o t h e s a m e u s e o f t h e s y n o n y m o u s fehu in t h e l e t t e r s o f A b i - M i l k u (EA L o r t o n , The Juridical Dynasty

XVIII

a p p e a r s in EA

1 4 6 - 5 5 ) . O n t h e E g y p t i a n b a c k g r o u n d , see

Terminology of International

Relations in Egyptian

Texts through

(see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 4 ) , p p . 1 3 6 ( 6 T h o u g h t h e c o n c e p t i o n as it is u n d o u b t e d l y o f E g y p t i a n o r i g i n , t h e influence

of the

S e m i t i c s u b s t r a t u m is p r o b a b l y t o b e seen in t h e f e m i n i n e g e n d e r a g r e e m e n t

West (EA

1 0 0 : 3 7 ; 1 4 1 : 1 5 ; 2 9 7 : 1 8 ; cf. H e b r e w ru^h, " b r e a t h , " f e m . ) .

173

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 101 c

The death of Abdi-Asirta TEXT:

BM 29827.

C O P Y : BB 1

44. 2

3

Moreover, why is there war {against] the king? Is it not Haya? {No]w, the ships of the army are not to enter the land of Amurru, for they have killed Abdi-Asirta,4 since they had no wool and he had no garments of lapis lazuli or MAR-stone color : bu-bu-mar(?) to give as tribute? to the land of Mittana. 1 1 - 1 8 Moreover, whose ships have attacked me? Is it not the men of Arwada? Indeed, they are now with you. Seize the ships of the men of Arwada that are with you in Egypt. 1 8 - 2 5 Moreover, though Haya [s]ays, " [ . . . ] . . . If we [do] not {give] (it) to the land of Amurru, then {the men] of Tyre and the men of Sidon and the men of Beirut will furnish (it)," 2 5 - 3 1 to whom do these cities belong? Is it not to the king? Put a man in each city and let him not allow a ship from the land of Amurru (to enter), for they have killed Abdi-Asirta. It was the king that placed him over them, not they! 3 2 - 3 8 Let the king tell the 3 cities and the ships of the army not to go to the land of Amurru. / / a servant seize a bo{a]t, let him give it to you. Be informed of the affairs of your loyal servant. c

6

7

c

8

9

NOTES 1 . T h i s is t h e s e c o n d o f a t w o - t a b l e t letter, l i k e EA

1 1 3 , 245, 2 5 1 , and

W i l h e l m , ZA 6 3 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . 6 9 ? It is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y a d d r e s s e d t o t h e k i n g , a n d very p r o b a b l y b y R i b - H a d d a ; see Eretz Israel 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . 9 4 , n. 1; A l t m a n , UF 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p . 8. 2 . mtnu, 3.

"why," as in EA 1 2 6 : 1 4 , 1 9 ; 1 3 8 : 1 3 8 .

P e r h a p s H a y a is here a b s o l v e d o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , s o t h a t t h i s s h o u l d b e

r e a d , " N o t ( b e c a u s e o f ) H a y a " ( N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

p . 6 3 * , n. 3 3 ) . If,

however, I u n d e r s t a n d t h e t h r u s t o f lines i8ff., H a y a is c r i t i c i z e d for t h e a d v i c e he g i v e s t h e k i n g , a n d therefore I a s s u m e t h a t he is a l s o c r i t i c i z e d h e r e . 4.

F o r a n o t h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e lines ("if/when t h e s h i p s o f t h e a r m y

d o n o t enter . . . , t h e n they w i l l k i l l . . . " ) a n d i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s , see A l t m a n , UF 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p p . yf. 5. Political

G U . U N : see RA Disposition,

69 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 1 5 8 ; so also, independently, N a ' a m a n ,

p . 10. r

6.

[ n a - a d - n u ] m'-nu:

7.

[U]RU sur-rz: f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , i b i d . , p . 6 3 * , n. 3 3 .

for t h e f o r m , cf. na-ad-na

8.

S e e n. 4.

9.

T h e r e a d i n g lK-a-(si)-ir-{t\a

m

(EA

89:16).

(Or n . s . 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . 1 1 , n. 3) is q u i t e

w r o n g , a n d K n u d t z o n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n (VAB

2 / 1 , p p . 4 5 4 ? , n o t e s c a n d e) is e x a c t .

T h e l a s t s i g n c o u l d n o t p o s s i b l y b e {t\a,

as t h e s p a c e is m u c h t o o s m a l l , a n d o f

174

EA

102

c o u r s e we m a y not a s s u m e a w r i t i n g o f t h e n a m e w i t h o n e s i g n o m i t t e d a n d an u n p a r a l l e l e d [t]a

y

[ 1 9 5 0 ] p p . i69ff.)

Very tentatively, u sabdt (for t h e use o f t h e i n f i n i t i v e , see JCS m

4

l R (for t h e d e t e r m i n a t i v e w i t h c o m m o n n o u n s , see B o h l ,

Sprache, p p . 9f.) ^ - n i - [ t ] a (cf. a-na-yi, 5

EA 2 4 5 : 2 8 ; H e b r e w '"niyyd). A n y A m u r r u

s h i p i n t e r c e p t e d is t o b e t u r n e d over t o t h e k i n g .

EA 102

An empty house TEXT:

BM 29806.

C O P Y : BB

23.

[S]ay [to . . . } . . . [ . . . ] : ' Message of Rib-Hadda. I fall at your feet. May the Lady of Gubla, the goddess of the king, my lord, establish your honor in the presence of the king, your lord, the Sun of all coun­ tries. 8 - 1 9 Moreover, you know that, though informed, you have delayed coming out. Why did you write? Now you are going to come into an empty house. Everything is gone. / am utterly ruined. Moreover, as to your writing me, "Go, stay in Sumur until I arrive," know that the war against me is very severe and I have been unable to go. 20—28 Now Ampi is at war with me. Know t(hat) the magnate and the lords of the city are at peace with the sons of Abdi-Asirta, and accord­ ingly I am unable to go. Know that all are traitors, and you must not inquire about me from my enemies. Now, because of the situation, I am afraid. 2 8 - 3 8 Moreover, listen to me. Hasten your arrival with all speed, and go in there. Know that they are traitors. Moreover, do not [del]ay your arrival, [and send] archers [to capture the city of the king], your [lord. Go] in. Do not be afraid. [As soon as you eri]ter~i the city, it is from there that you must write [me]. 2

3

4

5

c

6

NOTES m

1.

Perhaps addressed to [ i a - a n - h a ] - m [ i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) .

2.

T h e a n a l y s i s of talapparta

a n d t h e even m o r e difficult ti-ih-ta-ti

(line 13)

r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n ; see R a i n e y , UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . 2 5 7 L T h e s a m e letter is referred to in lines 146°. 3.

A n " e m p t y h o u s e " s e e m s to have been a p o p u l a r i m a g e o f d e s t i t u t i o n a n d

d e s o l a t i o n : cf. EA 316:166°.; "you left m e in a n e m p t y h o u s e " ( O l d A s s y r i a n ; K . B a l k a n , Letter of King Anum-hirbi

of Mama

to King Warshama

of Kanish ( A n k a r a ,

1 9 5 7 ) , p . 16, n. 20); "I a m d e s o l a t e in an e m p t y [ h o u s e ] " ( T a a n a c h L e t t e r , no. 2:6, t r a n s , o f A l b e r t E . G l o c k , Berytus 31 [ 1 9 8 3 ] p . 60, n. 27); "I have e n t e r e d an e m p t y h o u s e , an e m p t y r u i n " ( A . 8 1 8 , c i t e d by AEM 4.

1 / 1 , no. 234, note a).

In t h i s a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g lines ti-di s e e m s b e s t t a k e n as an i n j u n c t i v e .

5. T h e p r o p e r t y o w n e r s ( a l s o EA

1 3 8 : 4 9 ) . Cf. t h e s i m i l a r u s e o f ba^al in

175

THE AMARNA

LETTERS c

H e b r e w a n d U g a r i t i c (b lbib,

"the lords o f H a l b a , " Ugar. 7, p . 1 4 3 ) ; see R e v i v , IEJ

16 (1966) p p . 2 5 2 6 6.

Free restoration.

7.

[xx ir]-ba-ta:

t h e w o r d order, w i t h t h e a d v e r b i a l p h r a s e f r o n t e d , s t r e s s e s

where the letter should be written.

EA 103

Critical days for Sumur T E X T : VAT C O P Y : WA

1208. 77;

VS

11,

52.

[T}o the king, my lord, my Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 5 - 1 9 May the king, my lord, heed the words of his loyal servant. My situation is very difficult. The war of the sons of "Abdi-ASirta against me is severe. They have occupied the land of Amurru, and the entire country is theirs. §umur and Irqata remain to the magnate. I have now been in $umur because the magnate is in difficulty due to the war. I left Gubla, but Zimredda and Yapah-Hadda were no[t wi]th me. 2 0 - 2 9 So the [mag]nate keeps writing [t]o them, but they pay n{o} attention to him. May the king, my lord, heed the [wjords of his loyal servant. [S]end an auxiliary force with all speed to §umur in order to guard [ijt [un]til the arrival of the archers of the king, the Sun. 3 0 - 3 9 May the king, the Sun, expel the traitors from his land. Moreover, may the king, my lord, heed the words of his loyal servant. Sen(d) a garrison to Sumur and to [I]rqata. As the entire garrison has fled from Sumur, 40—49 may it seem right in the s[igh}t of the lord, the Sun of all countries, and give me 20 pairs of horses, and send an auxiliary force with all speed to Sumur in order to guard it. Whatever is left of the garrison is in difficulty, 5 0 - 5 7 and few people are still in the city. If you do not ((not)) se(n)d archers, then there will not be a city remaining to you. But if arch[ers] are on hand, we will take all the lands for the king. 1

2

1

3

NOTES 1.

P e r h a p s "I a m n o w in $ u m u r , " a n d therefore EA 1 0 3 w o u l d have b e e n

w r i t t e n f r o m t h e r e . T h e s i e g e o f S u m u r , w h i c h b e g i n s t o b e m e n t i o n e d in EA 1 0 4 , h a d a p p a r e n t l y n o t yet b e g u n . 2 . ia-[nu],

"were n o t w i t h m e , " i . e . , d i d n o t a s s i s t ? Cf. VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 2 0 1 ,

n. 1. 3.

P r o b a b l y ma-ar-sa-(at):

1 1 4 , n. 5.

176

f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 2 5 6 ; see EA

EA

104

EA 104

Ullassa taken TEXT:

C 4751 (not collated).

C O P Y : WA

60.

Say to the king, my lord, my Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun 7 times and 7 times. 6—13 May the king, my lord, know that Pu-Bahla, the son of Abdi-Asirta, has occupied Ullassa. Theirs are Ardata, Wahliya, Ampi, Sigata. All the cities are theirs. 1 4 - 2 6 So may the king send an auxiliary force to Sumur until the king gives thought to his land. Who are the sons of "Abdi-Asirta, the servant and dog? Are they the king of Kassu or the king of Mittani that they take the land of the king for themselves? Previously, they would t[ak]e cities of your mayors, and you did noth­ ing. 2 7 - 3 9 Now they have driv[en] out your commissioner and have taken his cities for themselves. They have taken Ullassa. If in these circumstances you do nothing, then they are certainly going to take Sumur and kill the commissioner and the auxiliary force in Sumur. What am I to do? I cannot go personally to Sumur; 40-48 the cities of Ampi, Sigata, Ullassa, Erwada, are at war with me. Should they ((they)) hear? that I was entering Sumur, there would be these cit­ ies with ships, and the sons of Abdi-Asirta in the countryside. 4 9 - 5 4 They would attack (me), and I would be unable to get out, and Gubla would be joined [t]o the "Apiru. They have gone to Ibirta, and an agreement has been made with the "Apiru. c

1

2

c

4

5

NOTES 1.

E R I N . M E S Bl-la-ti:

either B I =

? i / or p r o b a b l y s i m p l y a m i s t a k e for til x

( B E ) . T h e p h r a s e is m o r e p r o b a b l y t h e o b j e c t o f tidukuna, E b e l i n g , V A B 2 / 2 , p . 1 4 0 2 ; G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru, su-na,

"they w i l l kill" (so a l s o

p . 3 8 ) t h a n t h e s u b j e c t o f i-pu-

"what w i l l t h e a u x i l i a r y forces d o ? " ( K n u d t z o n , f o l l o w e d b y L i v e r a n i , AoF 1

{ 1 9 7 4 ] p . 1 8 6 ) . A g a i n s t t h e l a t t e r v i e w a r e several c o n s i d e r a t i o n s : (1) t h e a s s u m e d p o s i t i o n o f t h e i n t e r r o g a t i v e p r o n o u n ( u n p a r a l l e l e d in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s ) ; (2) a t t e s t e d u s a g e , i-pu-Iu-na,

1 0 t i m e s first p e r s o n , never t h i r d ( o n EA

b e l o w ) ; ( 3 ) mtna Tpulunalippusuna,

1 1 9 : 1 8 , see

"what s h a l l I d o ? , " is a s t o c k p h r a s e o f t h e

B y b l o s l e t t e r s . See a l s o Izre'el, UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p p . 796°. 2.

U R U er^-wa-da,

or p e r h a p s s i m p l y a m i s t a k e , b u t c e r t a i n l y A r w a d a is the

c i t y in q u e s t i o n ; see RA 6 9 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 1 5 7 , n. 4. 3.

samd-ma,

p e r h a p s ennepld(line

t h i r d p l u r a l f e m i n i n e ; so a l s o izzizd

( l i n e 4 9 ) , alkd (line 5 2 ) ,

5 2 ) , a g r e e m e n t w i t h "cities" u n d e r s t o o d , dlu b e i n g r e g u l a r l y

c o n s t r u e d as f e m i n i n e in C a n a a n i t e E A . SeeSSDB,

p . 1 6 4 ; G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

p.

38.

177

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

4.

S e e RA

5.

S o CAD,

69 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 1 5 7 . E , p . 2 1 6 . Less likely from the viewpoint o f attested u s a g e ,

t h o u g h p e r h a p s y i e l d i n g b e t t e r s e n s e , in "and (t)here ( t o o ) ( t h e c i t y ) has g o n e over c

t o t h e A p i r u " ( G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

p . 3 8 ; cf. B o t t e r o , Habiru,

C a n a a n i t e po, "here, in t h i s p l a c e " ( B o h l , Sprache,

p. 71);

p . 9 2 ) . pu-u

=

en-ni-ip-sa-(at).

EA 105

Sumur under siege T E X T : VAT

1628.

C O P I E S : WA

51;

VS

11,

53.

Rib-Hadda says to [his} lord, Great King, king of all countries, the King of Batt[le}: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 6—13 Moreover, may the king give thought to Sumur. Look at Sumur! Like a bird in a trap : ki-lu-bi (cage), so is Sumur; the sons of AbdiAsirta by land, the people of Arwada by sea, are agai[nst it] day and night. 1 4 - 2 1 1 se(n)t 3 s[hi]ps to Yanhamu, [but ships] of the people of Arwada were (there) to intercept th[em], and out they came! Consider the case of the people of Arwada. When the archers came out, all the proper(ty) of Abdi-Asirta in their possession was not taken away, and their ships, by an agreement, left Egypt. 2 1 - 3 3 Accordingly, they are^ not afraid. Now they have taken Ullassa, and they strive to take Sumur. Everything belonging to Abdi-Asirta they gave to the [so]ns, and so now they are strong. They have taken the army ships together with everything belonging to them, and I am unable to go to the aid of Sumur. Yapah-Hadda is at war with me because of [my] property in his possession. 3 3 - 4 5 Let us put the case before Aman-... and liVMV-Bi-ha-a and before Yanhamu, for they are the ones that know what is my due concerning [ . . . ] . Because my property in his possession is considerable, he has accordingly waged war against me. When I heard of the ca[ptu}re of Ullassa, I wro[te repeatedly^ [ . . . ] . . . to him, but he [r\aide[d . . . } and too[k . . . ] . He has wa[ged war agai]nst me. 4 6 - 7 8 .. . 7 9 - 8 8 [May he s]end [ . . . that w]e may put the case be[fore them].? May [an]y property of mine in his possession be taken for the king, and let the faithful servant live for the king. The Egyp­ tians that got out of Ullassa are now with me, but there is no [gr]ain for them to eat. Yapah-Hadda does not let my ships [in]to Yarimuta, and I cannot send them to Sumur because of the ships of Arwada. Look, he says, "Rib-[Hadda to\ok [i]t, a[nd s]o he is against m[e\." [...] c

c

c

1

2

4

178

EA

106

NOTES 1.

See EA 1 1 8 , n. i.

2.

§[a-ba]t.

3.

" R e p e a t e d l y , " if w i t h K n u d t z o n o n e reads as-[t}a-pa-[ru];

[t]a-pa-[ar] 4.

o t h e r w i s e , as-

(cf. EA 7 4 : 4 9 ; 7 5 : 1 7 ; 1 3 2 : 1 2 ) , a n d s i m p l y "I w r o t e . " L i n e 7 6 , e n d : [. . . mi\-im-mt-ia

(cf. lines 3 2 , 3 8 , 8 1 ) ; in t h e last s i g n , the

w e d g e s are very c o m p r e s s e d . 5.

ina

[pa-ni-su-nu].

EA 106

Sumur holding out T E X T : VAT

344.

C O P I E S : WA

43;

VS

11,

52. 1

Rib-Hadda says t[o his lord, Great King], the king of all countries: I fall at the feet {of my lord, the kin]g, 7 times and 7 times. Gubla is [from] ancient times the loyal city of my lord, the Sun of all countries, and I am a footstool for the feet of the king, my lord, and his loyal servant. 8—13 Now as for Sumur, the war against it is severe, and it is severe against me. Sumur is now raided up to its city gate. They have been able to raid it, but they have not been able to capture it. 1 3 - 2 2 Moreover, "Why does Rib-Hadda keep sending a tablet this way to the palace?" He is more distraught^ than his brothers about §umur. Look, in my case, there has been war against me for 5 years. Accord­ ingly, I keep writing to my lord. Look, I am not like Yapah-Hadda, and I am not like Zimredda. All brothers have des[erted] me. There is war against Sumur, and now its commissioner is dead. 2 3 - 2 9 Indeed, I myself am now in distress. I was in [Sumur], and all its people f[led]. May my lord [s]end [a commissioner and troop]s with him with al[l speed that he may g]uard it.5 I myself can[not get out]. {Let him] move in between the two of them th[at are against it]. 30—40 How can the king say, "Why does Rib-Hadda keep sending a tablet to his lord?" Because of the evil that was do[ne] before, and especially so noth­ ing like this will be done to me now! Moreover, may it seem right in the sight of [my] lor[d], and may he send Yanhamu as its commis­ sioner, Yanhamu the parasol-bearer of the king, my lord. I have heard it reported that he is a wise man and (that) everyone loves him. 4 1 - 4 9 Moreover, may it seem rig(h)t to my lord, and may he send 2 0 pairs of first-class horses to his servant—there are many men on my side—so that I can march against the enemies of the king, my lord. 2

4

6

1

8

9

J79

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

Moreover, as for all my cities that I have reported on to the king, my lord, as my lord is witness, they have not returned. The day the troops of my lord's expeditionary force left, all became enemies. 10

NOTES 1.

L U G A L - r i : t h e a p p a r e n t N U N , w h i c h w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d , is a c a r e ­

l e s s l y f o r m e d ri; cf. L U G A L - W K U R . K U R . K I in EA 1 2 3 : 3 . L i n e 2 : . . . BE-ia

GiR.M[E§

?

LUGAL -r]i. 2.

T h i s s e e m s t o b e a q u o t a t i o n f r o m a letter o f t h e k i n g , as in lines 3off.

T h e k i n g f o u n d R i b - H a d d a a n e x c e s s i v e l y d i l i g e n t c o r r e s p o n d e n t (see t h e I n t r o ­ duction, sect. 5). 3.

ma-an-ga:

f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , RA 1 9 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p . 9 2 , n. 3 ; see a l s o

2

R a i n e y , A O A T , p . 8 0 . I . K o t t s i e p e r , UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p p . \2^S., N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c r o o t mgg, 4.

"to war, t o

a r g u e s in favor, o f a

fight."

F o r t h e s y n t a x , see G i a n t o , Word Order Variation in the Akkadian

of Byblos

(see EA 8 8 , n. 1 0 ) , p . 5 1 . 5.

[li-ifl-sur-Ii:

a s in EA 8 4 : 2 8 (on t h e s c r i b e o f EA 8 4 a n d 1 0 6 , see 8 4 , n.

1 ) , t h o u g h [(u) yi-nd]-sar-n

is p o s s i b l e . I n a n y c a s e , a n i n j u n c t i v e is r e q u i r e d .

6.

# - [ s u - u / n a ] : t h e f o r m is u n a t t e s t e d .

7.

bi-ri-su-ni

s[a

U G U - s i ] : t h e d u a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix (BASOR

p p . 5off.; see a l s o N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

t h e f o r c e s , s e a a n d l a n d , t h a t s u r r o u n d § u m u r (EA 8.

211 [1973]

p . 1 9 * , n. 6) p r o b a b l y refers t o 104:461?.; 105:116°.).

i-ni-pu-\us\.

9.

Following

Helck,

E g y p t i a n hbs'w bh(.t). in W e b e r , VAB

Beziehungen,

A l b r i g h t , JNES

p. 249,

w h o sees here a reflection

of

5 ( 1 9 4 6 ) p . 1 3 , " f a n - b e a r e r , " follows R a n k e

2 / 2 , p . 1 1 7 3 , a n d he is followed b y AHw,

p . 1 1 1 0 , a n d CAD,

§, p .

240. 10. +

ERIN.ME& K I . K A L . K A S K A L +

? . [ B A D ? ] (EA

5 8 , n.

? . B A D : cf. E R I N . M E S K A L . K A S K A L

3) and K A L . B A D . K A S K A L

+

? (EA

92,

n.

13). I

i n t e r p r e t t h e l o g o g r a m s as v a r i a n t s a n d t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f K I . K A L . B A D / K A L x B A D , karalu,

" c a m p , e x p e d i t i o n a r y force"; cf.

[ E R I N . M E S k]a-ra-s[u ing,

E R I N . M E S ka-ra-[f]i

(EA

83:43) and

(EA 1 3 4 : 3 9 ) . T h e u n i d e n t i f i e d s i g n , g i v e n t h e l i k e l y m e a n ­

is p r o b a b l y f o r m e d w i t h K A S K A L .

P. S t e i n k e l l e r s u g g e s t s K A S x S U D U N

(private communication).

EA 107

Charioteers but no horses T E X T : VAT

346.

C O P I E S : WA

41;

VS

11,

55.

Rib-Hadda says to (his) lord, king of all countries, Great King, King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. Being a loyal servant of the king, the Sun, 10—19 with my mouth I speak words to 180

EA

108

the king that are nothing but the truth. May the king, my lord, heed the words of his loyal servant. May the archer-commander stay in Sumur, but fetch Ha'ip to yourself, examine him, and find out about {his] affai[rs]. 2 0 - 2 8 Then if it pleasles] you, appoint as its commis­ sioner someone respected by the kin[g's] mayors. May my lord heed my words. Seeing that Aziru, the son of Abdi-Asirta, is in Damascus along with his brothers, 2 9 ^ 3 6 send archers that they might take him, and the land of the king be at peace. If things go as they are now, Sumur will not stand. Moreover, may the king, my lord, heed the words of his loyal servant. 3 7 - 4 8 There is no money to pay for horses; everything is gone so that we might stay alive. So give me 30 pairs of horses along with chariots. I have charioteers {:] jnar-ia-nu-ma, but I do not have a horse to march against the enemies of the king. Accordingly, I am afraid, and accordingly, I have not gone to Sumur. 1

2

c

3

NOTES 1. 2.

m

ih-ri-pt-{a:

E g y p t i a n hry-pdt, w i t h A l b r i g h t , JNES

R e a d fukun ina rabisi-Ii

i 5 5 f . , a n d cf. a l s o EA 3.

D U G U D (kabta)

5 (1946) p. 14.

ina . . . ; see RA

69 (1975) p p .

129:156

T h e s i g n ( s ) a t t h e e n d o f line 4 2 a r e s t i l l u n i d e n t i f i e d ; see EA 1 0 8 , n. 2 .

O n t h e g l o s s , w i t h its C a n a a n i t e p l u r a l f o r m a t i o n , see S c h r o e d e r , OLZ, i 2 5 f f . , a n d H e l c k , Beziehungen,

1 9 1 8 , cols.

p. 483.

EA 108

Unheard-of deeds T E X T : VAT

345.

C O P I E S : WA

42;

VS

11,

56.

Rib-Hadda writes to his lord, king of all countries, Great King, King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. 6 - 1 7 I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. Moreover, is it pleasing in the sight of the king, who is like Baal and SamaS in the sky, that the sons of Abdi-Asirta do as they please? They have taken the king's horses and chariots, and they have sold into captiv­ ity charioteers : /i-x-y(?) and soldiers to ((to)) the land of Su(ba)ru. 1 8 - 2 5 In whose lifetime has such a deed been done? False words are now being spoken in the presence of the king, the Sun. I am your loyal servant, and whatever I know or have heard I write to the king, my lord. 2 5 - 3 3 Wh[o] are they, the dogs, that they could res[istY the archers of the king, the Sun? I wrote t{o] ((to)) your father, and he 1

c

2

181

3

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS c

hefeded] my wor[d}s, and he sent ar[ch]ers. Did he not take AbdiAsirta for h[imself]?s 3 4 4 5 Moreover, since the mayors have not oppotsed] thfem], they are stron[g]. The army furnishes whatever they nefed], and so they are not afra[id] of the magnate. Because they have taken the horsfes], they are bold. Because we know that they are strong, we have to{ld) the king, "They are strong." Truly, they will not prevail. 46—58 When I sent 2 messengers to Sumur, I retained this man in order to report to the king. Moreover, why do you listen to other men? The king's messengers must bring (news) by night and bring (it) back by night because of the dog. If the king, the Sun, desires, they will be taken in a day. 59—69 Moreover, has he {n}o[t] plotted evils [upon evils a]gainst you, and rev[olted? A]nd as for the man of [my] god, Apiru came from Sumur to take him prisoner, but I did not give him up. May the [k]ing he[ed] the words of his servant. Send me [2)0 men from Meluhha and 20 men from Egypt to guard the city for the king, the Sun, my lord. (I am) your loyal se[rvan]t. _

6

7

8

9

10

c

NOTES 1.

T h e s t o r m g o d ( p e r h a p s H a d d u r a t h e r t h a n B a a l ) a n d t h e s u n g o d ; cf. EA

147:14. 2.

T h e s a m e l o g o g r a m as EA 1 0 7 : 4 2 ; t h e g l o s s ( s e c o n d a n d t h i r d s i g n s ni/

i r ? - b a / m a , respectively) remains unexplained. T h e reading o f the l o g o g r a m as K E S D A a n d t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e g l o s s as i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e s i g n ( § I R ; so

SSDB,

p . 166) are to be rejected. 3.

Cf. EA

4. 5.

109:40.

ti-z[i-zu-na]. sfa-su]:

perhaps,

with

Rainey,

UF

7

(1975) p.

400,

n.

c

n o t A b d i - A s i r t a t a k e n to him?" R i b - H a d d a r e t u r n s t o t h i s e v e n t (EA 1 3 2 : 1 6 ? . ; i38:33f.;

56,

"was

ii7:27f.;

362:20).

6.

O n lines 3 4 - 3 8 , see JCS

7.

K A L A G . G A (dannu)

7 (1953) p. 79.

ina pantsunu,

lit. "they are s t r o n g in their f a c e , "

reflects C a n a a n i t e i d i o m ; cf. Proverbs 7 : 1 3 , hfezdpanehd,

"she ' s t r e n g t h e n s ' her

f a c e , " i . e . , "she a c t s b o l d l y " ; 2 1 : 2 9 , he^ez 'is rasa* bPpanau, "a w i c k e d m a n 'shows c

c

s t r o n g ' in h i s face; Qohelet 8 : 1 , oz pdntm; Deuteronomy 2 8 : 5 0 , az 8.

I f ni-iq-(bi),

pdnim.

t h e n t h e e n c l i t i c in K A L A G . G A (dannu)-me

m a t k s direct

quotation. 9.

O n U D . K A M . M E 5 as s i n g u l a r , see EA i09:i6fF. T o t a l v i c t o r y in a s i n g l e

day, w h i c h is a l s o p r o m i s e d in EA 1 0 9 : 1 6 ? . , i i 7 : 6 o f f . , a n d i 3 2 : i o f f . (cf. 7 0 : 2 7 ? . ) , w a s o f c o u r s e a d i s p l a y o f p o w e r a n d s o m e t h i n g t o b o a s t a b o u t ; see t h e t e x t s c i t e d b y S t u a r t , BASOR

211 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . i6iff., a n d S o l l b e r g e r - K u p p e r , Inscriptions

sumeriennes et akkadiennes 10. r

ulyaskun

( P a r i s , 1 9 7 1 ) , p p . 1 5 7 ^ , I I I A 5 b - c ; RLA

60 lum-ni [ l u m - n i - m a i]-na lib-bi \\S\GVr-ka

1

a r ] « ' L U D I N G I R - [ i a ] : cf. lumna lumna-ma n 6 : 4 i f . ( w i t h U G U , elilmuhhi);

182

sakanu

royales

5, p. 6b. 61 a

pa-[ta-

in EA i i 3 : i 2 f . ( w i t h and) a n d

after libbi, p o s s i b l y t r a c e s (su?).

EA

109

EA 109

Then and now T E X T : VAT

1629.

COPIES:

52;

WA

VS

11,

57.

Rib-Hadda [says] to his lord, king of all lands, [Great] King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. In times past, 6—14 whenever the [ki]ng of Mittana was at war with your ancestors, your ancestors did not deser[t my] ancestors]. Now the sons of Abdi-Asirta, the [servan]t and dog, have t[aken] the cities of the king and the [ci]ties of his mayor, just as they please; they are the ones that [took] A{rdat]a for themselves. And you did nothing [about t]heir [actions] when you heard (of them). 1 5 - 2 5 {Andso] they have taken [Ull]assa. For my part, I keep saying, "[If] the king gives heed for a [d]ay, in (that) day the king will take them. [And i]f he gives heed for a night, [in (that) n]ight he will take them." Accordingly, I am {filrm'i in my resolve. They have taken {the treasures of your mayors, and {they have tak\en the {charioteers], your chariots, and soldiers, [but] you have done nothing. Accordingly, they are fi{rmp in their [resol}ve, and they intend crime upon cri[me]. 25—29 [Being at war] with me, they seized [ 1 2 men of mine]; they bound (th)em,7 (and) they are in pri{son]. The rans[om price] between us they have set as 50 (shekels of) silver, and [ . . . ] 3 0 - 3 4 . . . 3 5 - 4 6 They go about and [ . . . ] . They are the ones who have kid­ napped, and [ . . . ] Yanhamu knows. The king [...] a man. They put him in [ . . . ] : tu-uh-nuQ), and they sold a soldier into captivity in Subaru for their food. Look, I am a loyal servant of the king, [and] the king has no servant like me. Previously, on seeing a man from Egypt, the kings of Canaan fled bef[ore him, 4 7 - 5 5 but] now the sons of Abdi-Asirta make men from Egypt prowl about {like do]gs. Death would be sweet t[o m]e. Let them {not] be arrogant towards my lord and {towards] my [li]fe.'3 As all our gods {and the Lady o]f Gubla live, (trjuly {h]e is a man that intends evil fo[r h]is [lord]. (But) note well,' it is power, only power, that I intend for my lord. 5 6 - 6 9 Moreover, I am una[ble] to [g]et this man of yours into $[um]ur. All my towns are at war with me, on the side of the sons of Abdi-Asirta. Accordingly, they are strong. The mayors are not just to me. [W]hen Ha[ya and A]manap[pa de]parted fro[m Su]mur, along with the copper {and] his [ . . . t]hey sai[d that] I [was your loyal servant]. c

1

2

4

6

H

9

1 0

c

11

12

14

5

c

183

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1.

[u U R U

2.

1 6 [lum-ma

qu-Iu-nu.

ul-l]a-sd. U D . K ] A M . M E § yilmu Jarru

T h e p a r a l l e l i s m w i t h t h e s i n g u l a r musa,

1 7 [u U D ] . K A M . M E §

yi-il-ti-

" n i g h t , " in t h e f o l l o w i n g

lines,

a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f M E § in t h e r o u g h l y p a r a l l e l EA 1 1 7 : 6 3 (ina U D . K A M ) , favor t a k i n g the l o g o g r a m as s i n g u l a r a n d another e x a m p l e of otiose M E § . 3.

[ksL-ijSig-a-na-ku,

a n d in l i n e 2 3 , & ? - i [ a - n u ] : t h e a s s u m e d s y l l a b a r y g

(ia ) 8

a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f p a r a l l e l s m a k e t h e s e r e a d i n g s very t e n t a t i v e . 4.

[ N f G . G ] A (makkiiru):

makkiiru

is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d in t h e

B a b y l o n i a n p e r i p h e r y , w i t h t h e p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA

Middle

138:106.

5 . S e e n. 3 . 6.

[ 1 2 LU.ME§-i
1 1 4 : 8 ; i f not e n o u g h r o o m , t h e n p r o b a b l y t h e

n u m b e r was o m i t t e d . 7.

ra-ak-Iu-(lu)-nu.

8.

E [ k i - l i ] : bit kili is well a t t e s t e d in t h e W e s t e r n Periphery.

9.

A r a n s o m p r i c e o f 5 0 m i n a s ( K n u d t z o n ; CAD,

I / J , p . 1 7 2 ) , even i f t h e

r a n s o m o f all t w e l v e m e n , w o u l d c o m e t o 2 5 0 s h e k e l s a p e r s o n , a n i m p r o b a b l y h i g h p r i c e . I n EA 2 9 2 , 1 0 0 s h e k e l s are c o n s i d e r e d o u t r a g e o u s l y h i g h . T h e r e f o r e , 5 0 s h e k e l s p e r p e r s o n ; cf. EA 9 1 , n. 4. 10.

la-ra-qu-ma:

to context,

i n t e r p r e t e d as C a n a a n i t e p e r f e c t a n d t r a n s l a t e d a c c o r d i n g

b u t p e r h a p s b e t t e r larraqii-ma,

"they are thieves" (AHw,

p. 1188;

2

Rainey, A O A T , p . 93). 11.

mat mi-if-r[i

ki-ma]

4 9 [ U R ] . K U . M E § : t h e v e r b m u s t b e ddlu ( a l s o

EA 1 1 4 : 6 5 , a n d p e r h a p s 1 1 0 : 5 4 ) ; t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f s c r i b a l error b o t h here a n d in EA 1 1 4 (CAD,

D , p . 5 9 b ) is m o s t i m p l a u s i b l e . T h e m e a n i n g is clearly t r a n s i t i v e ,

a n d therefore w e m u s t a s s u m e e i t h e r a c o n f u s i o n o f t h e G a n d D c o n j u g a t i o n s , or a n o t h e r e x a m p l e o f t h e s p o r a d i c r e p l a c e m e n t o f a / t e - p e r s o n m a r k e r b y ilti. P e r h a p s ddlu c o n t r a s t s w i t h t h e p r o p e r o r d e r l y a d v a n c e o f t r o o p s ; it is a n a c t i o n t y p i c a l o f d o g s (see t h e d i c t i o n a r i e s ) . AEM

1 / 2 , n o . 3 9 1 : 5 0 — 5 2 s u g g e s t s h e s i t a n t or e v a s i v e

a c t i o n ("tergiverser"; see n o t e k ) , w h i c h w o u l d a l s o fit here a n d in EA 1 1 4 . 12.

i s

damiq mutu a-{na. ia]-i7: a g a i n s t [ 8 } . T U K U L . M E § (kakki)

du, "they l a i d h o l d o f w e a p o n s o f b l o o d " (AHw, vivid l a n g u a g e , are the following: K n u d t z o n a l r e a d y n o t e d in VAB o n c e in EA,

da-mi

iq-mu-

p . 896), apart from the unusually

(1) G l S is t o o s m a l l a s i g n for t h e s p a c e (as

2 / 1 , p . 4 8 4 , n o t e b ) ; (2) kakku is a t t e s t e d o n l y

a n d t h e n in a l i t e r a r y t e x t (EA 3 5 9 : 4 ; on 2 0 : 8 0 , see a b o v e , EA 2 0 , n.

1 7 ) , a n d is e x t r e m e l y rare in t h e M i d d l e B a b y l o n i a n w e s t e r n p e r i p h e r y (CAD,

K,

l i s t s u n d e r kakku t h r e e o c c u r r e n c e s , d e l e t i n g reference t o EA 2 0 : 8 0 ; a n d u n d e r be/ kakki

t h r e e o c c u r r e n c e s a t A l a l a h , p l u s its u s e a s a S u m e r o - A k k a d o g r a m a t B o -

g h a z k o y ) ; ( 3 ) t h e v a l u e du is n o t e x p e c t e d in t h e B y b l o s s y l l a b a r y ; a n d (4) t h e v e r b is e x t r e m e l y rare a n d t h e s e n s e o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d . 13.

[ l a tYi-if-mu-bUy

t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f hu^ is difficult; cf. t h e O l d A s s y r i a n

m e a n i n g o f t h e v e r b , "to a c t i n d e p e n d e n t l y ( P ) " (AHw, 14.

7 4 : 1 5 ; libluf sarru,

t h e o b j e c t o f a n o a t h in EA

184

1153b).

EA 8 5 : 3 9 , 8 6 ; 2 5 6 : 1 0 ? ; 2 8 9 : 3 7 ; for (a)di,

lumma:

cf. T I (liblut), cf. adi

EA

introducing

8 5 : 4 0 , 8 6 (see n. 7 ) a n d its u s e e l s e w h e r e as a n

asseverative particle. 15.

p.

53 [ T } I . L A ( a ) - d [ i s u - u ] t : for t h e a s s u m e d liblufu,

see EA 3 5 , n. 3 .

EA

110

EA 110

The army's ships T E X T : VAT

1666.

WA 64 ( a . e . b . c ) ; VS 11, 58.

COPIES:

2

. . 4 8 - 5 4 [N]o ship of the [ar]my [is] to lea[ve] Can[aan]. [W]hy does he not givfe me] (some of) the royal [property that the ships of the army transport, and then]* the mayors a[nd . . . trans]porP to [Aziru], 55-end . . . 3

NOTES 1.

L e t t e r to t h e k i n g ; references t o A z i r u . * 40

[...

mi]-i-na

la-a

yu-sii,

" W h y d o e s he not c o m e o u t ? " r

2. cf. EA

,

K U R k i " - n [ a - a h - n i ] : so a l s o N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

p . 1 * , n. 1 4 ;

ioi:3f. 3.

? | > - b a - l u - n a ] : cf. EA

4.

52 . . . L U . M E S mi-I[i

5.

108:39,

a r

> d below, l i n e 5 4 ; a l s o EA

111:23.

u].

[tu-bo]-lu-na.

EA 111

Army activities T E X T : VAT

1631.

C O P I E S : WA

68;

VS

11,

59.

1 7 - 2 4 [If] this [year] there [are no a]rchers, then all lands [will be joined] to "the Api]ru. Look, members of the ar[my] have en[ter]ed Akka [in] or[der to transport ... [...] [nee]ded by the king. 25-end . . . c

2

NOTES 1.

L e t t e r t o t h e k i n g , w h i c h p r o b a b l y b e g a n b y r e c a l l i n g h o w often R i b -

H a d d a h a d w r i t t e n in v a i n for a g a r r i s o n a n d t h e n r e n e w i n g t h e r e q u e s t . A t the b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 7 , : ba-lu, tu]- :

or d o e s t h e Glossenkeil

2.

22 i[r-ru]-bu:

p e r h a p s , f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , Political

23 [ a s ] - s u [ m a ] - b a - l t x - [ . . . ] : cf. hilihtaabdlu, allum

indicate a runover line?

ba-lu?

ba-li-i\x

i i ] , balit

Disposition,

p . 48.

EA 1 0 8 : 3 9 . N a ' a m a n , i b i d . , p r o p o s e s

b e i n g e i t h e r s t a t i v e or a n o u n a n d v a r i a n t o f

balafu,

"provisions."

185

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 112

Questions for the king T E X T : VAT

1664.

C O P I E S : WA

57;

VS

11,

61.

Rib-[Hadda says t]o his lord, ki[ng of all lands], Great [K]ing: [I] fall at the feet of [my] lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. Why does the king, my lord, write to me, 9 - 1 5 "Guard! Be on your guard!" With what shall I guard? With my enemies, or with my peasantry? Who would guard me? If the king guards his servant, [then I will survi]ve. 1 6 - 2 4 [But i]f the [ki]ng does not [gu]ard me, who will guard me? If» the king sends men from Egypt and Meluhha, and horses in the charge of this man of mine, with all speed, then I will survive to serve the king, my lord. 25—39 [No]te well, I have nothing with which to acquire horses. Everything of] mine [is gon]e through being sol[d i]n the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep me alive. I[f ] the king wants his servant and his city to survive, then send a [g]arrison to guard your city and your servant until the king is (really) concerned for his lands, sends his archers, and brings peace to his lands. 4 0 - 5 0 Thus was it pleasing in the si[ght] of the king when you wrote to [your ser]vant, "Get Haya into Sumur." I paid 1 3 (shekels of) silver and a pair of mantles as the hire? of the Apiru when he brou(gh)t the tablet into Sumur. Look, ask Haya. Truly it was by night that he got (him) into ((into)) Sumur. 5 0 - 5 6 Previously, provisions from the king were at [m]y disposal, and we could pay the hi(r)e of a man whom we sent. But [lo]ok, now there are n[o provisions from the king, [and there is no garri]son [at my disposal]. . . . 5 7 - 5 9 • • • 1

2

c

4

NOTES 1.

O r " w i t h w h o m . " T h o u g h istu,

" f r o m , " rather t h a n t h e m u c h rarer

e q u i v a l e n t o f / / / / , here y i e l d s g o o d s e n s e , t h i s is n o t t r u e in p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s , w h i c h d o n o t refer t o t h e e n e m i e s a n d peasantry. It is q u i t e clear, in g e n e r a l , f r o m R i b - H a d d a ' s l e t t e r s from w h o m o r w h a t he m u s t p r o t e c t h i m s e l f a n d t h e k i n g ' s city. In EA 1 2 3 : 3 1 , n o t e t h e s e q u e n c e : t h e n e e d o f t h e t h r e e m e n t o g u a r d t h e c i t y ( l i n e s 2 3 - 2 8 ) , t h e n t h e q u e s t i o n t o t h e k i n g ' s o r d e r t o g u a r d h i m s e l f , a n d finally b a c k t o t h e n e e d o f t h e t h r e e m e n ; h e r e "from w h o m " m a k e s l i t t l e s e n s e . I n EA 125:116°., R i b - H a d d a shifts i m m e d i a t e l y from the q u e s t i o n o f from w h o m or w i t h w h o m t o g u a r d h i m s e l f , t o t h e a b s e n c e o f m a n p o w e r ; a g a i n , "with w h o m " o b v i ­ o u s l y m a k e s b e t t e r s e n s e . Cf. a l s o in EA 119:96°. a n d 122:106°. t h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m the k i n g ' s c o m m a n d t o t h e a b s e n c e o f m a n p o w e r . I n EA 1 2 6 : 3 3 , tstu manni

is

r e p l a c e d by kl, "how." W e m u s t , t h e r e f o r e , t a k e t h e q u e s t i o n " W i t h m y e n e m i e s ,

186

EA

113

or w i t h m y p e a s a n t r y ? " as i r o n i c a l . O n istu = itti, see EA 1 4 5 : 6 ; 1 6 6 , n. 1; 1 7 0 : 5 , 1 5 ; Jerusalem

Scribe, p . 1 6 5 , n. 6 8 .

2 . summa: see EA 3 5 , n. 3 . 3 . agriitu.

O n s h e k e l s rather t h a n m i n a s , see EA 1 0 9 , n. 9; here a g a i n , even

t h o u g h t h e w o r d o r d e r (initial p o s i t i o n ) s t r e s s e s t h e size o f t h e pay, m i n a s w o u l d yield a n excessively h i g h f i g u r e . 4.

G e t t i n g t h e t a b l e t in a n d g e t t i n g H a y a i n , w h o s h o u l d p r o b a b l y b e

t h o u g h t o f as b e a r i n g a t a b l e t w i t h t h e k i n g ' s o r d e r s , were p r o b a b l y the s a m e t h i n g . T h a t R i b - H a d d a is h i m s e l f in S u m u r is not clear; o t h e r w i s e , G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

p. 39.

EA 113

War and peace TEXT:

C 4753.

C O P Y : WA

63.

1

2

Moreover, { . . . ] . . . 4—10 Inquire from another may[or]. Is he not [always] committing] or plotting a crime? Look, Yapah-Hadda has commit[ted] a crime. Be informed! [What] has the king done to hi[m]? 1 1 - 1 8 Moreover, what have I done t[o] Yapah-Hadda that he plo[ts] evil upon evil against m[e}? As he has plundered two of my ships and my sheep and goats so that the amount of my property in his possession is very large, may the king [se]nd his commissioner [to de]cide between the two of us. 19—28 [Everything] that [is ta]ken from him [may he (the king) take]. Concerning [my] property [that] is in [his] possession [he should inquire of] my [m]en . . . [ . . . fr]om Rib-Hadda [and] for the Apiru has [all of it] be[en acquired] but there is no one that [can td]ke anything belonging to him from my [hand]. 2 8 - 3 5 Why am [I] not able like my associates to send a man to the palace? Their cities are theirs, [and] they are at peace. May the Sun establish [my] honor in your presence so that you bring peace to [your servant], and then he will never leave your side. 36—48 Tell Amanmassa to sta[y] with me so he can brin[g] my tablet to yo[u. For] once he goes off, there will be no one to bring [my tablet] to you. So may the [k]ing be concerned] about Amanmassa [so] he sta[ys with me] .. . and Yapah-Hadda . . . [So send] provisions for the cities t[hat have not] turned again[st you]. 3

4

5

6

7

c

8

9

10

NOTES 1.

EA 1 1 3 is a t w o - t a b l e t letter; cf. EA 1 0 1 . T h e a d d r e s s e e is n o t clear, b u t

t h e k i n g s e e m s likely. 2.

O c c a s i o n a l l y assum

m e a n s "from" in EA ( V A B 2 / 2 , p . 1 3 8 5 ) , a n d t h i s

187

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

s e n s e s e e m s t o fit t h e c o n t e x t b e t t e r t h a n " a b o u t , w i t h r e g a r d t o . " R i b - H a d d a says t h a t , o n i n q u i r y , any o t h e r ruler will c o n f i r m t h e c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s o f Y a p a h Hadda. 3 . y[i-pu-Iu\.

as required by the parallelism w i t h the indicative

4.

S e e EA

5.

N o t "the t w o o f you" (BASOR

2 1 1 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . 5 2 ) , w h i c h is f o r c e d . N o t e ,

however, t h a t , w h e n t h e l i t i g a n t s are t h r e e , t h e n ina bertnu r e p l a c e s ina EA

yalkunu.

5 5 , n. 2 .

1 1 7 : 6 4 6 ° . ) . W h a t e v e r t h e n t h e e x p l a n a t i o n , {kunf}

berTkunT(ci.

is first p e r s o n d u a l p r o ­

n o m i n a l suffix. Cf. a l s o EA 3 4 : 3 3 ; 1 1 6 : 3 3 . 6.

T h e b e g i n n i n g o f l i n e s 1 9 - 2 1 : [ k a - l i ] ; [ y u - u l ] - q u ; [ y i - i l - q e ] . For t h e

r e s t o r a t i o n s , cf. EA 1 1 6 : 3 4 6 ° . ; 1 1 7 : 6 7 6 ° . C o n t r a r y t o K n u d t z o n (VAB n o t e h ) , t h e r e is a m p l e r o o m for yi-il

or yu-ul

at t h e b e g i n n i n g

2/1, p. of line

494, 20;

e l s e w h e r e o n t h e t a b l e t t h e s p a c e c o r r e s p o n d s t o t h r e e or f o u r s i g n s . 7.

Free restoration:

8.

Free r e s t o r a t i o n : / / > - [ p u - s u ]

9.

T h e question was probably asked by the addressee, w h o m R i b - H a d d a

n o w q u o t e s ; cf. EA 120:45),

a

r

e

22 { s a - a ] it-ti-[iu 26

yi-sa-al]

23 £a-na L ] U . M E § - / < * .

[gab-ba].

1 0 6 , n. 2 . T h e o t h e r m a y o r s , here c a l l e d "associates" (cf.

EA

"friends" in EA 1 2 6 : 1 6 . B o t h t e r m s s e e m t o i m p l y e q u a l i t y o f r a n k ,

rights, and obligations. 10.

T h e u s e here o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n basta

naaanu

is u n u s u a l .

EA 114

Loyalty and its rewards TEXT:

BM 29796.

C O P Y : BB

13.

[Rib-Hadda says] to [his] lord, [king of all countries, Great King, King of B]attle: May the La[dy o]f [Gu]bla grant power to the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. May the king, my lord, know 7 - 1 7 that Aziru is at war with me. He has seized 12 men of mine, and the ransom price between us he has set at 50 (shekels of) silver. It was the men whom I sent to Sumur that he has seized. In Wahliya are the ships of the rulers of Tyre, Beirut, and Sidon. Everyone in the land of Amurru is at peace with them; I am the enemy. As Yapah-Hadda is now on the side of Aziru against me, he has, I assure you, seized a ship of mine, 1 8 - 2 6 and he has, I assure you, for this very reason been going to sea to seize my ships. May the king give thought to his city and his servant; my peas(an)try long only to desert. If you are unable to rescue m[e] from my enemies, then send back word so I can know what action I am to take. 2 6 - 3 4 Look, I (must) keep writing like (th)is to you about Sumur. 5 Look, I did go and I strongly urged the troops to {guard i]t, but now they have abandoned it, [and] 1

2

3

4

188

EA

114

6

the garrison {.has deserted}. And {for this reason I keep wr]itingJ I have sent [.. . ] a messenger of mine time and again. 35—43 How often did I send him and he was unable to get into Sumur! They have blocked all the roads against him. That fellow looks with pleasure on the war against me and against Sumur. For 2 months he has been encamped against me. For what reason is your loyal servant so treated? For service to you! 4 4 - 5 0 If you are unable to fetch you[r] servant, then send archers to fetch me. It would be good to be with you. The ene­ mies of the king are at war with me, as are his mayors, to whom he gives thought." For this reason my situation is extremely grave. 5 1 - 5 9 Look, ask the other Amanmassa if it was not (from) Alasiya that I sent him to you. Give thought to your Joyal servant. Prefvijously, my peasantry got provisions from the land of Yarimuta, but now, now Yapah-Hadda does not let them go. 5 9 - 6 9 W{hy are you negligent? ! {The king must} send a garrison {toprotect] yo[ur loya]l {servant. ...} ... the enemies of the king, for they make a mayor who serves you with loyalty prowl about. Moreover, give thought to me. Who will be loyal were I to die? Look, Yapah-Hadda is on the side of Aziru. 8

9

10

12

1

14

NOTES 1 . S e e EA 1 0 9 , n. 9. 2.

T h e u n u s u a l a b s e n c e o f c o o r d i n a t i n g c o n j u n c t i o n s a n d c l a u s e - m a r k e r s in

lines ioff., a l o n g w i t h o u r i g n o r a n c e o f t h e l o c a t i o n o f W a h l i y a , m a k e s t h e d i v i s i o n o f c l a u s e s a n d t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e lines q u i t e difficult. I reject K n u d t z o n ' s v e r s i o n , a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h t h e s h i p s o f t h e t h r e e c i t i e s c a p t u r e t h e m e n s e n t to J u m u r , for t h i s r e s u l t s in a c o n s t r u c t i o n w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s ( f e m i n i n e p l u r a l s u b j e c t , m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r v e r b ; in EA s u b j e c t , "ships" [eleppetu], sab(b)at

1 0 5 : 2 0 ? , the s a m e

h a s a t h i r d f e m i n i n e p l u r a l v e r b , asa).

I take « . . .

as an e x p l a n a t o r y c l a u s e , w i t h i n v e r s i o n o f w o r d o r d e r s t r e s s i n g t h e i d e n ­

t i t y o f t h e m e n w h o were s e i z e d , t h o u g h it m i g h t refer t o a n o t h e r c r i m e . P e r h a p s "in W a h l i y a " b e l o n g s w i t h t h i s c l a u s e , b u t w h e t h e r s h i p s m i g h t a s a r e s u l t b e at p e a c e w i t h t h e p e o p l e o f A m u r r u is n o t clear. O f c o u r s e , i f W a h l i y a w a s not o n t h e c o a s t , t h e n it c o u l d n o t serve as a p o r t . I t a k e t h e r e m a r k o n t h e s h i p s as i n t e n d e d t o s h o w t h e f r i e n d s h i p o f t h e t h r e e cities t o A z i r u , w h o n o w h o l d s W a h l i y a (EA 104:11). 3 . O n "men" in t h e s e n s e o f " r u l e r s , " see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n n . 7 3 - 7 4 . 4.

la-qa-i\a\.

5 . ki-(a)-ma,

cf. EA 7 9 : 4 0 ; 8 2 : 7 . r a t h e r t h a n ki-ma,

for t h e f o l l o w i n g reasons: (1) kttna a s a

c o n j u n c t i o n o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s (EA 1 2 7 : 3 1 ) , w h e r e a s ki'amma

followed b y lapdru,

u s u a l l y in t h e i n d i c a t i v e , is q u i t e c o m m o n (EA I

2:

1

8 5 : 6 , 5 5 ; 8 9 : 7 ; 9 1 : 2 7 ; 1 0 3 : 2 0 ; 1 1 8 : 8 ; 1 1 9 : 1 0 ? ; 1 2 2 : 5 3 ? ; 3 5 )', never i n t r o d u c e s a s u b o r d i n a t e c l a u s e ; ( 3 ) anumma

. . . anumma

2

( )

anumma 74:49; anumma

not infrequently

i n t r o d u c e s c o o r d i n a t e c l a u s e s (EA 7 8 : 1 ? ? ; 85:66°.; 9 0 : 1 8 ? ? ; i o 6 : 8 f £ ; 3 6 2 : 2 1 ! ? ) . O c c a s i o n a l l y , a n d p e r h a p s h e r e , kVamma,

u s u a l l y " t h u s , l i k e t h i s , " s h a d e s over i n t o 189

THE

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LETTERS

t h e i l l a t i v e , "so, t h i s b e i n g t h e case" (cf. EA 9 1 : 2 7 ; 1 0 3 5 2 0 , "in t h e s e c i r c u m ­ stances" [ K n u d t z o n ] ; 1 1 9 : 1 1 ) . 6.

E x c e p t for t h e c u r i o u s marsa (EA 1 0 3 : 4 9 ) , ( E R I N . M E S 7 L U . M E S )

is in all clear c a s e s c o n s t r u e d adsensum

massartu

as m a s c u l i n e p l u r a l : cf. EA 7 9 : 3 0 / 1 2 5 : 1 4

(referred t o b y p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix in lines 3 3 / 1 8 , r e s p e c t i v e l y ) ; 1 0 3 : 3 7 , 4 9 ; 1 1 2 : 3 4 ; 1 3 0 : 3 7 (massartu

s u b j e c t , v e r b s in t h e p l u r a l ) . In EA 1 2 6 : 2 5 , t h e a g r e e ­

m e n t w i t h E R I N . M E S massartu f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r (tussaru) massdru,

is p r o b a b l y therefore p l u r a l (tussarund),

is a l s o p o s s i b l e ; see EA

a l s o referred t o by p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix (EA

1 1 7 : 7 9 , 8 1 ) ; on 1 1 7 : 5 0 ,

see below. T h e r e f o r e , t h e s u b j e c t o f Ttezib ( l i n e 3 0 ) is n o t massartu, be

J - R I N . M E S (sdbu)

u n d e r s t o o d ; cf.

t r o o p s ; cf.

EA

E R I N . M E S massartu patdru

126:25,

where

ERIN.MES

EA

m u s t refer t o t h e

is i m m e d i a t e l y

followed *by

as s y n o n y m o u s . L i n e 3 1 : [ii p a - a t - r u ] : cf. t h e s e q u e n c e ezebu-

in EA 7 3 : 1 3 ^ ; 8 2 : 4 2 ^ ; 8 3 : 4 6 6 ° . , 49f.;

(cf. EA

a n d it c a n o n l y

E R I N . M E S as m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r in

7 6 : 3 8 ^ ; 1 1 7 : 2 4 , 2 7 ; 1 2 4 : 1 2 ; 1 2 6 : 4 0 . B o t h sdbu a n d massartu same

though

1 1 6 , n. 1. Cf. a l s o L U . M E §

1 1 8 : 3 4 ^ ) ; p e r h a p s [ii e n - n a - b i - t u ]

103:37).

7.

[ k i - n a - n a i s - t a p ] - r » : cf. EA

8.

P r o b a b l y a p e r s o n a l n a m e in t h e b r e a k .

io6:i7f.

9.

P e r h a p s "to it" ( $ u m u r ) .

10.

Cf. EA

11.

Cf. line 5 4 , " G i v e t h o u g h t t o y o u r loyal s e r v a n t . " T h e k i n g is c o n ­

74:62^

c e r n e d for t h o s e w h o are d i s l o y a l t o h i m , w h i l e he is u n c o n c e r n e d for t h e loyal Rib-Hadda. 12.

T h e w o r d o r d e r p u t s s t r e s s o n t h e p l a c e , b u t h o w or w h y R i b - H a d d a

s h o u l d s e n d a n y o n e f r o m or v i a A l a s i a r e m a i n s o b s c u r e . T h e t r a n s l a t i o n o f lines 52f. by S m i t h in G . F. H i l l , History of Cyprus, v o l . 1 ( C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 4 0 ) , p . 4 3 , n. 2, has R i b - H a d d a freeing Alasia. 13.

tf-[na]

6 0 [ m i - n i q a - l ] a - t a : t h e s p a c e s e e m s t o o l a r g e t o b e filled b y

e i t h e r ba ( [ b a - l ] a - a t / t a ) or T I ( T I . L [ A - t a ) . B e s i d e s , w h y " p r o v i s i o n s for the g a r r i ­ s o n , " s i n c e a t t h i s t i m e t h e r e w a s n o l o n g e r a g a r r i s o n at B y b l o s , in c o n t r a s t , as R i b - H a d d a n o t e s s o o f t e n , t o earlier a n d b e t t e r d a y s ? 14.

Free restoration:

1 R k i - t ] i - k [ a . . . . Cf. EA

6 1 [ L U G A L - r u yu)-wa-si-ru-na

1 1 7 : 7 6 6 ° . O n ti-da-lu-na

62 [a-na na-sa-ar

( l i n e 6 5 ) , see EA

1 0 9 , n. 1 1 .

EA 115

Message lost T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1630. 69;

VS

11,

60.

Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE 1. all

A l e t t e r t o t h e k i n g o f w h i c h 1 4 lines o n t h e o b v e r s e a n d 9 o n t h e r e v e r s e ,

o f t h e m f r a g m e n t a r y , a r e p r e s e r v e d . T h e r e a r e references t o A z i r u , S u m u r ,

A m u r r u , a n d p e r h a p s t h e difficulties o f r e s c u i n g S u m u r . L i n e s 5, 7 - 9 : 190

5

[...

EA i]-na

se-[n],

s[a-a]

"in t h e c o u n t r y s i d e " (cf. EA

8 [ u - s e - z i - b u U R ] U i-na qa-ti-[s\i

u]

104:48)

7 [. . . su\m-ma

9 [ k i - n a - n a i - i a - n ] u llb-ba

116

i-ia-nu a-na

U R [ U s u - m u - r i , " N o t e w e l l , there is no o n e t h a t c a n save t h e city f r o m h i m , a n d so S u m u r is d i s h e a r t e n e d . "

EA 116

Who do they think they are? TEXT:

C 4752 (not collated).

C O P Y : WA

61.

{Rib-Had]da writes t[o his lord], Great [Kin]g, king of all countries, King of [Ba]ttle: May the Lady of Gub[la gr]ant power to the king, my [lord]. I fall at the feet of [m]y lord, the Sun, [7 times] and 7 times. 6—16 May the king, my lord, know that the war [again]st us is very severe. As to its being told to you, "Sumur belongs to the king," may the [ki]ng know that there was an attack on our garrison, and the sons of Abdi-Asirta seized it. And so there has been no one to carry wor[d t]o the king. But give thought to the fact that I am your loyal servant, and whatever I hear I write to [my] lord. 1 7 - 2 4 Moreover, give thought to Sumu[r]. It is like a bird in a t[rap] : ki-lu-[bi} (cage). [The war] is very severe, and the messengers that [came} from the palace were [u]nab[le] to get [in]to Sumur. It was by nig[ht] that I got them in. 2 5 - 3 3 And here is how Yapah-Hadda is not just in my regard: when my man arrived, he bound him. May what is due to me [be gi}ven\5 it is very much. Now as the king is going to send the royal commis­ sioners, may the king tell them to decide between us. 3 4 - 4 4 If the king gives (the property) to his servant, well and good! Or, on the other hand, let the king take everything for himself.' Moreover, all my towns have been joined to the Api[ru], and all of them [are extremely hostile} to me, for [Yapah-Hadda keeps devising] evil upon evil against me. They have no[th]ing, having paid ransom money, some twice, some three times. 44—55 May the king heed the words of his loyal servant and give provisions to his servant and his maidservant, Gubla. Moreover, it would please me were I with you and so at peace. Look, Aziru and Yapah-Hadda have made an agreement against m e , and I am unable [to d]o anything. Their actions [are hosti}le to me. Accordingly, my situa­ tion is [ext]remely gra[ve]. 5 5 - 6 9 Moreover, note that we have been loyal servants of the king from ancie[nt ti]mes. Moreover, note that I am [your] loyal servant, but I have nothing but distress. No[te] this matter. Note that I am the dirt at your feet, O king! Note: did not your 1

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4

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6

7

8

9

10

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THE

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LETTERS

father come out and visit (his) lands and his mayors?" And now the gods and the Sun and the Lady of Gubla have granted that you be seated on the throne of your father's house (to rule) your land. Who are they, the sons of "Abdi-Asirta, that they have [t]aken the lands of the king for themselves? 7 0 - 7 4 The king of Mittani? The king of Kassu? The king of Hatti? May the king send archers (and) Yanha(mu) along with [the prefects from the land of Yarimuta. 7 5 - 8 0 The commissioner from Kumidu [...] . . . 12

NOTES 1.

L i n e 8: yu-qa-bu-na,

ma-qa-ti-ma

rf-(na)

following

Izre'el, UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . 8 6 . L i n e s r i f . :

U N - w : n a r r a t i v e infinitive; U N = massartu,

as in EA

114:31,

1 3 6 : 1 8 , 2 3 4 : i 5 ( ? ) , a n d p r o b a b l y several t i m e s at U g a r i t ( R a i n e y , IOS 3 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . 4 4 ) ; sabtu-h,

suffix r e f e r r i n g t o massartu

(see EA 1 0 3 , n. 3 ; 1 1 4 , n. 6; 1 1 7 , n. 10).

D i f f i c u l t i e s : (1) in EA, elilmuhhi is e x p e c t e d rather t h a n ana; (2) it is a s s u m e d t h a t t h e r e is a s i g n o m i t t e d ( b u t cf. e s p . EA 7 4 : 1 3 ; 1 0 3 5 1 0 ; 1 2 5 : 3 1 ; 1 3 8 : 1 3 5 ) ; ( 3 ) t h e m o t i v a t i o n for "oar g a r r i s o n " is not clear. B o t h AHw,

p p . 591 and 637, and

M / i , p p . 1 4 0 a n d 4 3 7 ( t h o u g h on p . 3 3 3 U N is t a k e n a s massartu) ma-ka -ti A

ka

A

ma-a-un-nu,

CAD,

a g r e e in r e a d i n g

"I l a c k a d w e l l i n g . " T h e difficulties w i t h t h i s r e a d i n g : (1)

o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s (ka -bi-it, 4

v e r b t h e f o r m e x p e c t e d here is makttt(zt r u l e e l s e w h e r e ; iballdtt,

ibalsdtunu,

EA 8 8 : 1 7 ) ; (2) o f a t h i r d w e a k

B y b l o s , qabftt,

laqttt,

samttT, a n d t h e s a m e

e t c . , is a s p e c i a l d e v e l o p m e n t ) ; (3) t h i s a s s u m e s

t h e s u d d e n i n t r u s i o n o f C a n a a n i t e a n d n e c e s s i t a t e s p o s t u l a t i n g , a g a i n s t t h e avail­ c

a b l e e v i d e n c e ( H e b r e w ) , t h a t *ma dnu t h e suffix on sabtu-h;

w a s o f f e m i n i n e g e n d e r , in o r d e r t o e x p l a i n

(4) in c o n t e x t , t h e s t a t e m e n t m a k e s l i t t l e s e n s e .

2 . O n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n , see JCS raksii-{Iu)nu, 3.

4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p . 1 6 9 ; rakla-Iu

EA 1 0 9 : 2 7 ) , n o t a n a d j e c t i v e (AHw,

[tu]-ta-na,

p r o b a b l y t h e p a s s i v e f o r m (tuttanaltuddana,

s i n g u l a r ) o f yad(d)ina

kitttya

ina qattya

is a v e r b (cf.

p. 948). third feminine

in EA n 8 : i 6 f . , w h i c h a l s o refers t o t h e

litigation between R i b - H a d d a and Y a p a h - H a d d a . 4.

ma'id is p r e d i c a t e d o f mimmtya,

"my p r o p e r t y , " or s o m e t h i n g s i m i l a r ,

u n d e r s t o o d (cf. EA 1 0 5 : 3 8 ) . T h e s u b j e c t is not kitttya w o u l d have r e q u i r e d

(CAD,

K , p. 4 7 1 ) , which

ma'idat.

5 . Cf. EA n 8 : i 6 f f . T h e s y n t a x is n o t clear. 6.

T h e c o n t e x t s e e m s t o r e q u i r e a n i t e r a t i v e (yaskunu,

7.

P e r h a p s " s o m e for t w o ( p e r s o n s ) , s o m e for t h r e e . " I r e a d apil ( a c t i v e ?

p a s s i v e ? ) , s t a t i v e o f apdlu.

W e r e it n o t for t h e r e s u l t i n g very l o w s u m s , o n e m i g h t

a l s o c o n s i d e r " S o m e f e t c h e d (abil) (cf. CAD, 8.

A/i, p. For awata

ytpusu).

t w o ( s h e k e l s ) , s o m e t h r e e , as r a n s o m m o n e y "

20b). leqii ina bin,

cf. EA 6 9 , n. 2 , a n d alkamma

awatam

ina birttini

nilqe, " C o m e s o w e c a n r e a c h a n a g r e e m e n t b e t w e e n u s " ( D a l l e y et a l . , The Babylonian 9.

192

i

Old

Tablets from Tell al Rimah [see EA 2 2 , n. 1 9 ] , n o . 15:86°.). [ K U R - n u - t ] u m : cf. EA 1 0 3 : 8 .

10.

mar -sa-ma?

11.

T h e s e q u e n c e in l i n e s 5 5 - 6 1 o f santta

x

E r r o r for

mur-su-ma? amur...

santta

amur...

amur...

EA

117

amur . . . amur is without close parallel and seems to be extraordinarily emotional language.

1 2 . [qf]-p[a]-»/: see VAB 2 / 2 , p. 1 5 9 3 .

EA 117

A lesson from the past T E X T : VAT

350.

C O P I E S : W A 4 5 ; VS 11, 62. Rib-Hadda [writes to his lord], Great [Kin]g, King of [Battle]; May the Lady of G[ubl]a gr[ant pow]er to the kiag«, my lord, [m]y [Sun]. I fall at the feet of my lord, [m]y Sun, [7} times and 7 times. Indeed the king, my lord, keeps saying, "Why do you alone keep writing to me?" Here is my situation: there is not 1 0 - 2 1 a mayor from Sumur (south­ ward) that supports me, and indeed, everyone is turned against me. And the two men from Egypt whom I sent to the palace have not come out. Did I not write to the king, "There is no one to bring my tablet to the palace. It is these two men that must bring a tablet to the king." And (n)ow, as they have not come out, I am accordingly afraid and I have turned to my lord. 2 1 - 2 8 Moreover, I sent a ma[n] to your father. When Amarnappa ca[me]3 with a small force, I wrote to the palace that the king should s[en]d ((should send)) a large force. Did he not take Abdi-Asirta along with everything belonging to him, just as I said? 2 9 - 3 4 Had I been writing treacherous words to my lord? And you say, "Why do you write treacherous words?" If my words are heeded, Azaru will certainly be taken like [hi]s f[ather]. Look, I am the strong one of the king, [my] l[ord].4 3 5 - 4 3 Moreover, just who are they, the sons of Abdi-Asirta, the servant (and) dog, [that they have tak]en5 the cities of the king's mayors for [themselves]? They are with you? The cities are in Aziru's se[rvice]. May the king not en[ter] their cities. They are not at peace (with you) from . . . [ . . J as far as] Ullassa, the city where he has been sen[ding] chariots. 4 3 - 5 2 Previously, I would desire to send a man [ . . . ] . . . I [sent] men to Egypt an[d] ((and)) a g[ar}ri[so]n was sent to me in their charge. Accordingly, I have sent this man. 5 3 - 6 4 Moreover, did I not write to the king, "The two men from Egypt must now come out to me. There is treachery against me." But they have not come out. If th[is] year there are no archers, all the lands will belong to the Apiru. And if the king does not want to sen[d] archers, may he write to Yanhamu and Pihura, "March along with 1

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your mayors. Take the land of Amurru." In a day they will take it. 64—71 Moreover, I have litigation with Yapah-Hadda and Ha'(ip). May the king send a com[missioner to] de[ci]de between us. Everything that is taken from them belongs to the king. Let no one else take it for himself. May it please the king. 71—82 Moreover, may the king send horses to ((to)) his servant that I may guard the city of the king. I have nothing. Everything is gone, having been sold for provisions to keep me alive. May the king send this man of mine with all speed and give a garrison to guard his loyal servant and his city, and along with them men from Meluhha, according ro the practice of your ances­ tors. 83—94 Moreover, as to the king's saying, "Guard! Be on your guar[d]," [wh]at i[s to guard me? Look, in] the days of [my] ances­ tors, there was property of the king at their disposal, and] a garri[son of the king] was with them. [But now], as for me, the wa[r is severe again]st me. I [have become af Jraid of my peasantry. Thus must I be the one that keeps writing [to] the palace fo[r] a garrison and men from Meluhha. But you have not wri(tt)en. Only one is st[ro]ng. '4 What am I to do? May the king se(n)d a gar[ri]son and men from Meluhha to guard me. May the city not be joined to the Apiru. 12

13

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NOTES 1. 2. 3.

(i-nd)-an-na. L [ U ] : certain. yi-la-{ak\.

i f yi-la-[ku-nd\

( K n u d t z o n , a n d see c o p y o f VS 1 1 ) , t h e n

"when he w a s c o m i n g . " O n laqi in line 2 7 , see EA 1 0 8 , n. 5. 4.

If K A L A G . G A

c o r r e s p o n d s t o dannu,

" s t r o n g ( o n e ) , " or t o

dunnu,

" s t r e n g t h , " as a l w a y s e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s , t h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t s t r e n g t h is u s e d here as i m p l y i n g t r u s t w o r t h i n e s s . O r p e r h a p s t h e reference is t o t h e f u t u r e , t h e s i t u a t i o n after A z i r u is t a k e n , a n d t h e s t r o n g o n e t h e n w i l l b e , n o t Aziru, but Rib-Hadda. 5.

[ a la]-qu:

cf. EA n 6 : 6 8 f . ; 1 2 3 : 3 9 . T h e p r e s e n t - f u t u r e f o r m c o r r e s p o n d ­

i n g t o s i n g u l a r yilqu (EA 6.

sunu ittika:

7 1 : 1 8 ; 7 5 : 4 2 ; 9 1 : 4 ) is tilquna

(EA

104:22). c

w h e t h e r sunu refers t o t h e m a y o r s or t h e s o n s o f A b d i - A s i r t a ,

it is h a t d l y a s i m p l e s t a t e m e n t o f fact. It m a y b e s i m p l y a r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n , b u t the c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t R i b - H a d d a here a l l u d e s t o t h e letter o f t h e k i n g j u s t m e n t i o n e d , in w h i c h , in a n s w e t p e r h a p s t o o n e o f R i b - H a d d a ' s c h a r g e s , t h e k i n g c l a i m e d t h a t t h o s e referred t o were really "with h i m , " o n his s i d e . T o t h i s R i b H a d d a r e p l i e s , q u o t i n g t h e k i n g in a t o n e e i t h e r o f s h o c k a n d sheer d i s b e l i e f or perhaps of bitter sarcasm. I n s t e a d o f K n u d t z o n ' s d [ a - g i - i l ] , w h i c h is followed h e r e , G r e e n b e r g , piru, p . 3 9 , p r o p o s e d i\t-ti\,

Habl­

"the c i t i e s are w i t h A z i r u . " A t t r a c t i v e as t h i s t e a d i n g

i s , it s e e m s e x c l u d e d b y c o m p a r i s o n w i t h / / in t h e s a m e l i n e a n d in lines 6 5 a n d 81 ( t h e b r o k e n s i g n l a c k s t h e t w o v e r t i c a l s at t h e b e g i n n i n g ) .

194

EA 7.

K e s t e m o n t proposed the reading U R U N [ I N . U R T A ] ( K e s t e m o n t ,

118

Berytus

20 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p. 49). 8.

A g a i n s t ( U R U sa) / « - d [ i - n u ] , "the city w h i c h g a v e " ( K n u d t z o n ) are the 8

f o l l o w i n g : (1) t h e v e r b a l prefix w r i t t e n w i t h ia

(ia -am-li-ik,

s

EA 1 0 5 : 6 , is the o n l y

8

c e r t a i n e x a m p l e ) ; (2) t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f alu as m a s c u l i n e (prefix { i a } , not { t a } ) , w h e r e a s t h e n o u n is r e g u l a r l y f e m i n i n e ( e x c e p t i o n , ennepsa, sa-(at)?).

H e n c e , yu-u>[a-si-ru],

EA 8 8 : 3 1 ?

en-ni-ip-

"he has been s e n d i n g " ; for s e n d i n g c h a r i o t s , s a i d

o f t h e k i n g , see EA 1 3 1 : 1 2 ; 1 3 2 : 5 6 ( ? ) [ b o t h f r o m B y b l o s ] ; 1 8 0 : 6 , 1 0 , 2 1 ; 2 7 0 : 2 4 ; a n d 2 7 1 : 1 8 . For t h e a b s e n c e here o f a r e s u m p t i v e p r o n o u n or a n a d v e r b , I can offer no p a r a l l e l s — t h e e v i d e n c e is e x t r e m e l y m e a g e r — e x c e p t t h e g e n e r a l o n e s of A k k a ­ d i a n (GAG

§ i 6 5 d , § i 6 6 c ) a n d H e b r e w (P. J o i i o n , Grammaire

de I'he'breu biblique

[ R o m e , 1 9 4 8 ] , p p . 4 8 4 ? ) , t h e u s e o f the relative p r o n o u n in reference t o n o u n s of place. 9.

m

R e f e r e n c e s t o S u m u r , to t h e official P a w u r u (line 4 7 ,

[ pa]-wu-ra;pawuru

as a c o m m o n n o u n is f o u n d only in l e t t e r s from T y r e , EA 1 4 9 : 3 0 ; 1 5 1 : 5 9 ; so also N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

p . 1 5 9 ) , a n d p e r h a p s t o A z i r u (line 4 7 ; t h e a b s e n c e

o f a d e t e r m i n a t i v e is n o t d e c i s i v e ) . 10.

T h e a s s u m e d p a s s i v e m e a n i n g o f the v e r b is u n u s u a l , a n d if ma-sa-ar

the correct r e a d i n g , it is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y an error for massartu. a g r e e m e n t , see EA 11.

sari:

1 1 6 , n. 1.

n a r r a t i v e infinitive

(cf.

EA

1 1 6 , n.

e n e m y , " a n d sdru, "to lie, c h a r g e falsely" (VAB M a r i (AEM

is

O n the gender

1 ) . Cf. saru,

"treacherous,

2 / 2 , p . 1 5 1 8 ) , a n d p e r h a p s sarum at

1 / 1 , no. 1 9 9 , n o t e e).

12.

lu na-sa-ra-\td\:

13.

85

VGV-su-nu]

cf. EA 9 9 : 8 ; 1 1 2 : 9 ; 3 6 7 : 4 ;

[ a - m u r i-nd]

86

8 7 [ u ] ma-sa-ar-[(ti)

i4ff.; 1 3 0 : 2 1 6 ° . In l i n e 8 6 , balat

UD].ME§

370:5.

a-b[uyf[i-ia

mi-im-mi

L U G A L - r c ' } . Cf. EA sarri,

LUGAL-ri

i 2 i : n f f ; i22:nff.; 125:

" p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e k i n g , " is a l s o p o s s i b l e .

A g a i n s t t h i s a s the r e a d i n g at the e n d o f l i n e 8 7 ( K n u d t z o n ) ,

"with," is s a i d

only o f a g a r r i s o n , w h e r e a s elilmuhhi is u s e d w i t h baldtu a n d mhnmu. In line 8 7 I a s s u m e a r e d u c t i o n in n u m b e r o f s i g n s in the l i n e ; n o t e t h e f o l l o w i n g line. 14.

1 d { a - a ] n - » r f : p e r h a p s "Is a s i n g l e ( p e r s o n ) s t r o n g ? " ( R i b - H a d d a refer­

ring to h i m s e l f ) .

EA 118

Not like other mayors TEXT:

BM 29808 + VAT 1662.

C O P I E S : BB

25

+

WA

54;

VS

11,

54.

Say to the king, my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 6 - 1 5 May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. I keep writing like this to the pala[ce], . . . [...] the war against me, and so may the king give a garrison to his servant. Moreover, I have litigation. Send the commis­ sioner, let him hear my case, 16—23 ^ S t^lv due, or, on the anc

lye

m

e

1

J

95

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

other hand, let the king take from the mayors anything of mine for himself. Moreover, the war [again}st me is severe, and so there are no provisions [for] the peasantry. 2 4 - 3 3 Look, \th~\ey have {gone off} to the sons of Abdi-Asirta, to Si(do)n and Beirut. As the sons of AbdiAsirta are hostile to the king, and Sidon a(nd) Beirut do not be­ long (any longer) to the king, send the commissioner to take them, 3 4 - 4 4 lest I abandon the city and go off to you. 3 Look, if the peasantry goes off, the Apiru will seize the city. Seeing that my only purpose is to serve the king in accordance with the practice of my ancestors, may the king send archers and pacify them. 4 5 - 5 6 As for the mayors,' since the cities are theirs and they are at peace, they do not keep writing to the king. It is against me and against Yanhamu that there is war. Look, previously the commissioner at Sumur would [d]ecide between us, but now no mayor listens to hi[m]! The king has no servant like Yanhamu—a loyal servant! 2

c

c

c

4

6

7

NOTES 1.

T h e u s u a l m e a n i n g s o f kittu,

" j u s t i c e , loyalty, t r u t h , " d o n o t fit t h i s

p a s s a g e ; see a l s o EA 1 1 6 : 2 9 . C o n t e x t r e q u i r e s "right" ( K n u d t z o n ) , " v i n d i c a t i o n , " or, even m o r e concretely,

" d u e . " Cf. H e b r e w sedeq a n d fddqd,

both of similar

semantic range. 2.

I f [ p } a - r t # ' - r u ] is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g , t h e n w e m u s t u n d e r s t a n d t h e d e s e r ­

t i o n t o have b e e n o n l y p a r t i a l ; cf. lines 39ff. 3.

A g a i n s t t h e r e a d i n g ti-ul 1 ( K n u d t z o n ) a r e t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e n u m e r a l

a n d t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s t h a t s u p p o r t o u r v e r s i o n : a s t h e s e q u e n c e dla ezebu-pafdru u s e d in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s , t h e s u b j e c t is first p e r s o n a n d pafdru away"; cf. EA pafrdti

8 2 : 4 3 6 ; 8 3 : 4 6 6 , 4 9 6 ; p e r h a p s 1 1 4 : 3 0 6 T h e difference

in t h e o t h e r p a s s a g e s a n d ipaffara

is

m e a n s "to g o between

here is t h e e x p l i c i t m a r k i n g for m o d e in

t h e latter. 4.

L i n e s 3 6 - 3 9 ; see JCS

4 (1950) p p .

5 . A s t h e clear p a r a l l e l s in EA

1696

124:356°. (39) and 1 2 5 : 3 4 6 m a k e evident,

e i t h e r w e m u s t d e l e t e ana a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f l i n e 4 5 ( a n t i c i p a t i o n o f ana at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line 4 6 a n d f a i l u r e t o e r a s e ? ) , w h i c h s e e m s p r e f e r a b l e , b o t h b e c a u s e o f EA 1 2 5 : 3 4 6 a n d b e c a u s e o f t h e u n u s u a l t y p e o f e r r o r in t h e u s e o f c a s e e n d i n g s (ana hazdnutu),

or w e m u s t t a k e ana in t h e s e n s e o f "as t o , c o n c e r n i n g " (VAB

2/2,

p. 13746). 6.

a-{{na))-[m]ur.

7.

\yii\-pa-ri-Iu:

cf. EA

122:11; 130:21.

t a k i n g t h e f o r m a s s i n g u l a r , d e s p i t e M A S K I M . M E S , for t h e

p a s s a g e is c o n c e r n e d w i t h c u s t o m a r y a c t i o n in t h e p a s t , a n d t h e e x p e c t e d p l u r a l f o r m w o u l d b e tuparriluna. luna,

196

131:31.

Cf. tilquna,

EA 1 0 4 : 2 5 ; tuballifuna,

1 1 4 : 5 6 ; a n d ttpu-

EA

119

EA 119

Recalling past kindnesses T E X T : VAT

349.

C O P I E S : WA

44;

VS

11,

64.

Rib-Hadda writes to his lord, Great King, King of Batt(le): May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. 6 - 1 3 I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. As to the king, my lord's having written me, "Guard yourself," [wh]at is to guard me? Indeed, I keep writing like this to the palace (for) a [g]ar[ri}son and for horses in order that I may gu[ard}' his [city}. 1 4 - 2 1 What am I to do? While alive I shall guard the king's city for him, but if I die, what can I (d)o? As to its having been said to the king, "Rib-Hadda has caused the death of (some) royal archers, " 2 1 - 3 2 since the commissioners are alive, let me tell about all their deeds so the king will know that I am a loyal servant of his. May the king pay [n]o attention to the slanders against his loyal [ser}vant that [a treacherous man] may utt{t)ri before {the king, m]y [lord]. ... 3 3 - 4 2 Rib-Hadda, is[ol}ated, is a servant of the king. [There is n]o one that has report[ed} my loyalty before the king, my lord. He knows my loyalty! The king knows how often he has done some kindness to me because I am without duplicity. 43—52 My only purpose is to serve the king, my lord. Now this case is a case concerning my loyalty, which I have declared.* Everything (belonging to me)—may the king, my lord, take [all of it]? for himself. [0]r my lord may give the small(er) [things] to Abdi-Ha[dda}. Or 5 3 - 5 9 this may not be acceptable. What more shall I say? There is still a second tablet, and it is this that will lay before the king all my things that are in Yapah-Hadda's possession. 2

c

6

7

NOTES 1.

[i-n\a-sa-[ru]:

a c c o r d i n g t o t h e r u l e o f m o d a l s e q u e n c e ; p e r h a p s trace o f

ru as in c o p y o f VS 1 1 . 2.

T h e g r o u n d s o f t h e c h a r g e a r e n o t clear; see EA

1 2 4 : 5 1 ? . N o r , in m y

o p i n i o n , is there e v i d e n t a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n EA 1 1 9 a n d 1 2 2 — 2 4 ( P i n t o r e , OA 1 2 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . 3 0 4 , n. 2 9 ) . T h e f o l l o w i n g c l a u s e d o e s n o t m a k e m u c h s e n s e if i n c l u d e d in t h e c h a r g e ( K n u d t z o n ; Or n . s . 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . 1 5 ) . T h e c l a u s e is u n d e r ­ s t o o d h e r e as t h e r e a s o n w h y R i b - H a d d a is p r e p a r e d t o a t t a c k h i s a c c u s e r s : t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s ( ? ) (officials? officers?) a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e e v e n t s in q u e s t i o n are alive a n d w o u l d s u p p o r t R i b - H a d d a ' s v e r s i o n of w h a t a c t u a l l y h a p p e n e d . 3.

2 8 [ i ] - d [ a ] - £ « - ( b u ) : a v e r b o f s p e a k i n g s e e m s r e q u i r e d , b u t n o f o r m of

qabu is c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e t r a c e s ; cf. adabbuba

in line 2 3 .

197

THE

AMARNA 4.

LETTERS

Cf. kitta qabu in lines 3 6 6 T h a t a r e l a t i v e c l a u s e (sa qabTti) s h o u l d b e g i n a

s e n t e n c e w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d . T h e d e c l a r a t i o n p r o b a b l y refers t o t h e

imme­

d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g l i n e s , b u t it m i g h t a l s o b e u n d e r s t o o d o f w h a t f o l l o w s . T h e case c o n c e r n s R i b - H a d d a ' s loyalty p r o b a b l y in t h e s e n s e o f d e m o n s t r a t i n g it, for he is w i l l i n g t o g i v e t o t h e k i n g all h i s s t o l e n p o s s e s s i o n s . W e m a y n o t e x c l u d e "my d u e " (EA

1 1 8 : i 6 f f . ) , t h o u g h it d o e s n o t s e e m as l i k e l y a n o b j e c t o f

kitttya, qabu.

5.

P e r h a p s at t h e e n d o f line 4 8 [ g a b - b a ] , r e e m p h a s i z i n g the e x t e n t o f t h e

6.

49 . . .

offer. c

5 4 . Abdi-he-[ba]

r

u

n

5 0 [ u - n u - t e / t a : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 4 0 0 , 5

n.

( R a i n e y , i b i d . , n. 5 5 ) is n o t a likely r e a d i n g . K n u d t z o n s a w a

w h o l e IM; cf., t o o , EA 7 . annu lalaqe:

120:31.

cf. R a i n e y , i b i d . , p . 4 0 0 . T h i s p r o p o s a l is here u n d e r s t o o d c

to m e a n that the k i n g may want to give s o m e t h i n g to A b d i - H a d d a , which o » l y here is j o i n e d t o t h e p r o p o s a l t h a t t h e k i n g t a k e e v e r y t h i n g . T h e a s s u m e d c o n ­ s t r u c t i o n w i t h t h e infinitive is n o t a t t e s t e d e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s .

EA 120

Stolen goods T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1636. 85;

VS

11,

65.

[These are} the things that are wi[th] [Yapah]-Hadda' and I clai[m\:' 2

5

10

[ . . . } . . . 2000 each [th]eir [weijght. i o (leather-) . . . , braided,^ [/}ooo each their weight. ioo swords, ioo dag[gers]. 8o sububuA i (leather-) . . . , braided. 4 [ . . . ] . . . 1 (reed-) . . . 4 [ . . . ] . . . 1 (reed-) ku-ku-tu. 4 ([re}ed-) . . . 1 (reed-) . . . 4 [ . . . ] . [1} hammer.' { . . . } . [1} washbasin. [...'] ... Mi ...[...]..• io[oo . . . } . [. . . ] . [...}...[...]. ...[...}. [1} bed. 2 j over[laid] with gold. 1 chair ove[rlaid} with gold. All of them pertain to ... [...]. 6

15

8

9

198

EA

120

l

20

[10 k]ipa[l]allu of bo[xwood]. ° 100 chairs. 100 . . . { . . . ] . 15 sabattu-garments. 15 blankfets}. 90—100 maidservants (and) manservants. 11

12

. . .13

25

...

100 (shekels?) of gold. With regard to ... They have acted unjustly. . . . [ . . . ] . Her brother [ . . . He is po]werful, and so there is no [one] 3 0 - 3 4 who will take ac[tion] against him. The king sent Abdi-Hadda and Bin-aZimi to fetch her. They have waited. 3 5 - 3 9 And to Abdi-Hadda the king said, "Send her things for her." And [ . . . ] . . . the king. When the [message'] was* heard, no decision was announced. 4 0 - 4 5 I herewith [s]end to the kin[g] all the things [o]n a tablet. May [the king inquire] about him. [He is hostile] to my lord. He has acted kindly towards my partner. '* c

c

NOTES 1.

See EA 1 1 9 : 5 5 1 ? . T h e inventory form, w h i c h I r e t a i n , is a b a n d o n e d at t h e

e n d (lines 26ft. ?). 2.

u z-sa-lu;

3.

K U § L A G A B x ? ze-ru-tu;

or " 1 0 asallu-bowls";

or " 1 2 salu" ( K n u d t z o n ) .

see CAD,

Z , p . 8 9 . T h e s a m e w o r d a p p e a r s in

l i n e 7. 4.

P e r h a p s a k i n d o f w e a p o n ; see E . S a l o n e n , Die Waffen der Alten

Meso-

potamier ( H e l s i n k i , 1 9 6 5 ) , p . 5 6 . T h e r e a d i n g is d o u b t f u l . 5.

ma-qi-bu:

6.

nam-si-ti

s e e H u e h n e r g a r d , Ugaritic for namsitu

7.

"A s e c o n d ( b e d ) " ?

8.

1 [ G ] U . Z A ka-ah-su:

Vocabulary,

p. 154.

(nemsetu)? see K . B o n k a m p , Die Bibel im Lichte der

forschung ( R e c k l i n g h a u s e n , 1 9 3 9 ) , p p . 2 7 4 ^ ; a n d cf. U g a r i t i c kht, d r i c h , AfO 9.

Keilschrift-

despite Frie-

14 ( 1 9 4 1 - 4 2 ) p p . 3 2 9 L

P e r h a p s t h e r e m a r k c o n c e r n s o n l y t h e b e d s a n d t h e chair j u s t m e n t i o n e d ;

it c e r t a i n l y d o e s n o t refer t o m a t e r i a l or w e i g h t . It m a y a l s o b e a s u m m a r y r e m a r k , the c o n c l u s i o n o f t h e list o f R i b - H a d d a ' s p o s s e s s i o n s , w i t h t h e list o f "her t h i n g s " ( l i n e 3 6 ) in lines 2off. S u g g e s t i n g t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y is t h e fact t h a t t h e l i t i g a t i o n w i t h Y a p a h - H a d d a , w h i c h h i t h e r t o s e e m e d to i n v o l v e o n l y R i b - H a d d a ' s t h i n g s , n o w a l s o s e e m s s o m e h o w c o n c e r n e d w i t h a w o m a n a n d "her t h i n g s . " 10.

GlS.TASKARIN?

11.

ma-ar-

2

bo"'-d[u]: w i t h R a i n e y , A O A T , p . 8 1 , f o l l o w i n g B o n k a m p , Die

Bibel (see n. 8 ) , p . 2 7 4 . B e s i d e s H e b r e w marbaddim, 5 0 : 9 , followed b y mskbt, " b e d f s ? ] ) , mrbdt (PRU c

trbd. rs.pdry.bst.mlk,

5, n o .

"you p r e p a r e t h e b e d o f P i d r i y a w i t h royal covers" (Ugar. 7, p .

4 2 : 2 f . ) . B o t h ma-ar-su-u

(AHw,

be r e j e c t e d ; see now AHw, 12.

cf. U g a r i t i c mrbd(PRU

2 , n o . 1 1 1 : 1 1 ) , a n d t h e v e r b rbd in

p . 6 1 7 ) a n d ma-ar-sa-u

(CAD,

M / i , p . 2 9 0 ) are t o

p. 1573b.

T h e t e a d i n g "90 h u n d r e d " y i e l d s a n a b s u r d l y h i g h n u m b e r a n d a s s u m e s

199

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

an u n p a r a l l e l e d w r i t i n g o f 9 0 0 0 ; for "90-100," see EA 1 3 2 , n. 6. U n t i l lines 22ff. are b e t t e r u n d e r s t o o d , w e m u s t a l l o w for " 9 0 - 1 0 0 m a i d s e r v a n t s ; o f m a n s e r v a n t s there are none." 13.

Lines 2 2 - 2 5

a r e

e x t r e m e l y difficult; p e r h a p s on line 2 3 a r e m a r k o n t h e

b e a u t y o f t h e f e m a l e s ( U R [ b a s t a ] - J 7 - n [ a ] ) . T h e w o m a n w i t h w h o m lines 28ff. are c o n c e r n e d m u s t have b e e n n a m e d at t h e e n d o f l i n e 2 6 . T h e p o w e r f u l m a n o f line 2 9 I a s s u m e w a s Y a p a h - H a d d a , a n d if h i s s i s t e r w a s t o b e f e t c h e d b y e m i s s a r i e s o f t h e k i n g , a n d if s h e h a s " t h i n g s , " it w o u l d s e e m t h a t s h e w a s t o b e c o m e p a r t o f t h e royal h a r e m (cf. EA 9 9 ) . I f s o , Y a p a h - H a d d a h a d s t i l l n o t s e n t e i t h e r her or t h e " t h i n g s . " A l l o f t h i s r e m a i n s q u i t e o b s c u r e . S e e t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f W e b e r , VAB 2 / 2 ,

p p . I220f. 1 4 . W h o t h e p a r t n e r — t h a t i s , fellow m a y o r — w a s is n o t clear. T h e c h a r g e w o u l d s e e m t o b e t h a t he d i r e c t s h i s g o o d d e e d s , n o t t o t h e c r o w n , b u t t o o t h e r s , f r o m w h o m o f c o u r s e he w i l l d e m a n d m u c h in r e t u r n . I n s t e a d o f ( K n u d t z o n ) , u da-me-i[q],

u-da-me-i[q\

" b u t he is k i n d l y " ?

EA 121

Past and present T E X T : VAT

1665.

C O P I E S : WA

59;

VS

11,

66.

Rib-Hadda w[rit]es to his lord, king of all countries, Great King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, [7} times and 7 times. As to the king, my lord's, writing me, 8 - 1 7 "Guard yourself," what is to g[uar]d [me}? Con­ sider that with my ancestors there was a garrison of [the king], and provisions from the k]ing were at th[eir] disposal, but in my case, [there are no provisions (or) garrison of the king for [me. 1 8 - 2 5 And] as the war against (me) is very severe, the sons of AbdiAsirta have said to the Apiru and the men who have [jojined them, "What is there [wit]h Rib-Hadda?" [So give thou]ght t[o] your [ser]vant and let me tell my [lord'} 2 6 - 4 0 . . . 4 1 - 4 9 [I wrjote to [the king, my lord, "S]end [archers]." Did they [no]t take [in a day] the lands for the k[ing, your father}? Now, may the king [heed] the words of [his] serva[nt] and send archers to {t)a[ke}?> the land of the king for the king, 5 0 - 5 3 that you may give p[ea]ce in the lands to the [king's] mayors.4 Have they not been [ki]lled like [do]gs, and you have done nothing? 5 4 - 5 9 Moreover, . . . 6 0 - 6 4 [SJend . . . [ . . . ] If [the king, my lord], love[s] his servant, [then may he fetch his servant] to himself 1

c

c

2

5

200

EA

122

NOTES 1.

a-na-ku

r

[u-ui]

1 6 [ba]-la-f u':

cf. EA i 2 2 : 2 8 f f . I f [ia-nu]

were u s e d , we s h o u l d have t h e a c c u s a t i v e batata; 2.

[ i - n a U D . K A M ] : s e e EA

see JCS

(Knudtzon)

2 (1948) p. 248.

1 0 8 , n. 9. I f a r c h e r s a r e r e q u e s t e d , t h e n t h e

s u b j e c t o f laqu is indefinite t h i r d p l u r a l ; cf. n. 3 . 3.

E R f N . M E S pi-fd-ti

( t i ) - e [ l - q e ) : see EA 9 0 , n. 1 0 . A m o n g t h e p a r a l l e l s

n o t e e s p e c i a l l y EA 1 0 7 : 3 0 a n d t h e s e q u e n c e t h e r e o f lequ-palahu.

Haplography

e x p l a i n s t h e o m i s s i o n o f ti. A l l t h e p a r a l l e l s have u tilqe, b u t t h e c o n j u n c t i o n s e e m s o p t i o n a l in g e n e r a l . O f c o u r s e , o n e c o u l d p a r t l y a v o i d t h e difficulty a n d t r a n s l a t e "Let it t a k e . . . " 4.

K U R . K U R . M E 5 : f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , RA

5.

u-ul

[t\i)-da-ku

53 ki-ma

19 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p . 9 3 , n. 1.

[ U R . K ] U : for t h e p a s s i v e tuddkit,

cf.

EA

131:28; 132:50. 6.

Cf. EA 74:6off.; 1 1 4 : 4 5 6 ° . ; 1 2 9 : 5 0 6

EA 122

An enormity T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1625. 47;

VS

11,

67.

Rib-Hadda writfes t]o his lord, king of all countries, [Great] King, King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 9-19 As to the king's saying, "Guard yourself," consider that previously, in the days of my ancestors, there was a garrison of the king with them and property of the king was at their disposal, but as far as I am concerned, there are no provisions from the king at my dis[pos]al, and there is no garr.ison of the king with me. 1 9 - 3 1 1 must guar[d mys]elf by myself. . . . There is a garri[son] . . . of the king with him, and there are pro[visi]ons from the king at his disposal, but for me there is neither garrison nor pro­ visions from the king. 31—39 Pahura has committed an enormity against me. He sent Suteans and they killed firdanu-people.s And he brought 3 men into Egypt.4 How long has the city been enraged at me! 40-49 And indeed the city keeps saying, "A deed that has not been done since time immemorial has been done to us!" So may the king heed the words of his servant and send (back) the men, lest the city revolt. What am I to do? 5 0 - 5 5 Listen to m(e). For {my) sake, do not refused [But whether] the men are at court o[r n]ot, listen to me. I keep writing like this to the palace, but (my) w(ords) are (not) heeded. 1

2

6

201

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1 . 'T-na-sa-r[u d u r a t i v e . ramana

ra-mAa-ni-ia:

nasdru:

inassar

is a l s o p o s s i b l e , b u t c o n t e x t favors t h e

b e s i d e s t h e f r e q u e n t usur ramdnka,

see a l s o EA 1 2 5 : 1 2 ? ;

126:33. 2.

I n lines 2 4 ? , massar[ti

L U ] G A L - ; i L U G A L - r i is h a r d l y r i g h t , since

sarriitu

is u n k n o w n in t h e vassal l e t t e r s , a n d t h e r e p e t i t i o n o f "royal" m a k e s n o s e n s e . 3 . Cf. EA 8 1 : 1 6 . T h e s a m e c h a r g e , in a l m o s t t h e s a m e w o r d s , is r e p e a t e d in EA

1 2 3 , w h i c h clearly w a s w r i t t e n a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e as EA 1 2 2 . T h e u s e o f

Suteans probably implies a raid, killing, and kidnapping. 4. T h e w o r d o r d e r e m p h a s i z e s t h e o b j e c t . It is t h e s e t h r e e m e n t h a t are t h e p r e s s i n g c o n c e r n o f R i b - H a d d a a n d have a r o u s e d B y b l o s . 5 . si-mi ( i a ) - / z U G U (eli)-(ia):

cf. t h e o m i s s i o n in line 5 5 . O n ti-im-i,

see EA

1 3 6 , n. 2 . 6. a-(wa-tu-ia

li-ul) tu-us-mu-na:

cf. EA 7 4 : 4 9 ? ; 89:7??.; 1 0 3 : 2 0 ? ? ; 1 3 2 : -

5 if?.

EA 123

An enormity: another version TEXT:

BM 29803.

C O P Y : BB

20.

Rib-Hadda writes to his lord, Great King, king of all countries, King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. I fa(ll) at the feet of my lord, (my) Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9-15 A deed that has not been done from time immemorial has been done to Gubla. Pihura [s]ent Suteans; they kill[ed] sirdanu-people, 1 6 - 2 1 [t]ook 3 men, and brought them in[to] Egypt. 2 2 - 2 8 [If] the king, [my] lord, does not se[nd] them (back), there is [su]rely going to be a revolt against m[e. I]f the ki[ng], my [lor]d, loves [his] loya[l] servant, [then] send (back) the [ 3 ] men that I may live and guard the city for the king. 2 9 - 3 7 As to the king's writing, "Guard yourself," with what am I to guard? Send the 3 men whom Pihura brought in and then I will survive: Abdi-Rama, Yattin-Hadda, Abd(i)-Milki. 3 8 - 4 3 [Wh]at are the sons of Abdi-Asirta that they have taken the land of the king for themselves? May the king send archers to [take] them. 1

c

c

c

2

NOTES 1 . C ? Ea 1 2 2 : 3 1 ? ? 2. 202

r

if

[ti-il/el-qe]:

s e e EA 1 2 1 , n. 3 .

EA

124

EA 124

The tireless correspondent TEXT:

C 4755 (12188).

C O P Y : WA

62

+

WA

64d

+

WA

65.

[To the k]ing, my lord, [my Sun: Mess]age of Rib-Hadda, [your] ser[vant. May the La]dy of Gubla [grant po]wer to the king, [my] lord. I fall [at the fe]et of my lord, my Sun, [7 times and 7 ] times. Ri[bHadda] 7—13 writes to his lord, "Aziru has taken all my cities. Gubla alone remains to me. So give thought to your loyal servant." Now, should troops advance against Gubla, they will take it. 14—19 He is now in fact gathering together all the cities in'order to take it. Where am I to make a stand? Loo[k], he now speaks as follows: "The cities of Ri[b-Hadd]a have been taken [and] §umu[r . . . ] . " 2 0 - 2 6 Who is t[his fellow, servant (and) dog], that he has taken the ci[ties of the king for himself], and (even) mayor[s has killed. And so] may the king make inquiry [ . . . } whether [things are] like th[is]. May the king [give thought] to guarding his city ...] 2 6 - 3 1 . . . [ . . . ] 3 2 - 4 0 [ . . . } he sent troo[ps to se]ize Gubla [and to se]ize Batruna. It [is true], you keep talking [li]ke this, "Yo(u) are the one that writes to me more tha[n a]ll the (other) mayors." Why should the[y be the ones] to write [t]o you? Th[ey] have (their) cities, (but) my [ci]ties Aziru has taken! 4 1 - 5 2 In fact, he has returned in order to [se]ize Gubla. In view of the mur[der of Abdi]-Asirta [and] Paw[ura], h[e n]ow [says] to me, "No[w], the king will [not] come out." So [may the king come out], as your ancestors did. The traitors [have rebelled] agai[nst the king]. As far as I am concerned, there are no oxen nor any sheep and goats. Why has the king (not) sent [chari]oteers (and) archers to take the ci[ties]? 5 3 - 6 0 If he is unable to take [them, then] he will also take Gubla [fr]om you. [You will] not [ta]ke it ev[er] (again). If the king's desire is to (gu)ar[d his city, gr]ant and send [a gar]rison [with all s]peed in[to 1

2

3

4

c

5

6

7

8

9

10

J1

...]

61-67 .. .

I 2

NOTES 1.

su]

20 mi-ia-[mi]

22 u ha-za-nu-\ti

s[u-ut

IRUR.KU]

21 a la-qa

U[RU.ME§ LUGAL

sa-

d a - k a / a k } : for l i n e s 2 i f . , cf. EA 7i:i6ff.; 75:4166; 7 6 : 1 2 ( 6 ;

79:45ff.; for e n d o f l i n e 2 2 , cf. EA 1 3 9 : 1 4 ; 1 4 0 : 1 1 , 1 3 , 26. 2. at-(ta)-m\a]\

cf. at-ta-ma

tistapruna

(EA 1 1 7 : 8 ) in a v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l

context. 3. alanu ana s[a-su-nu]\

cf. EA

125:336 203

THE AMARNA 4.

LETTERS

< f i - [ i k - t i / k a - a t } : t h o u g h diktu o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in p e r i p h e r a l A k k a d i a n

( S . L a c k e n b a c h e r , RA 7 6 [ 1 9 8 2 ] p . 1 4 5 : 3 7 ) , s t i l l t h e p r o p o s e d r e s t o r a t i o n s e e m s c

w o r t h y o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n , s e e i n g t h a t t h e v e r b ddku, "to k i l l , " is u s e d o f b o t h A b d i A s i r t a a n d P a w u r u ; see EA 1 0 1 : 5 , 2 9 ; 1 3 1 : 2 2 ; 3 6 2 : 6 9 ; cf. 5.

132:45.

c

A n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y : "If a t t h e d e a t h o f A b d i - A S i r t a a n d P a w u r u t h e k i n g

d i d n o t c o m e o u t , he w i l l n o t c o m e o u t now." Cf. Or n . s . 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p p . 6.

47 . . . [na-ak-ru]

7 . u-ul G U D . M E S

4 8 L U . M E § la-ru-tu

is-t\u

L U G A L ] : cf. EA

i4f. 113.49.

5 0 u la-a U Z . M E S : o n t h e w r i t i n g o f ul, see EA 1 1 8 , n.

3 , a n d n o t e t h e a b s e n c e o f "one" b e f o r e U Z . M E S (EA 5 5 , n. 2 ) . 8.

A s t h e t e x t s t a n d s , R i b - H a d d a a s k s w h y t h e k i n g s e n t charioteers

(and?

o r ? ) a r c h e r s , as i f t h e y c o u l d n o t b e e x p e c t e d t o b e s u c c e s s f u l ( W e b e r , VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 2 0 6 ) , a n d t h e y w e r e n o t . T h e s e a r c h e r s c o u l d t h e n b e c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h o s e for w h o s e d e a t h R i b - H a d d a h a s b e e n a c c u s e d o f b e i n g r e s p o n s i b l e (EA

ii9:i8fE;

P i n t o r e , OA 1 2 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p p . 3 0 4 f . , n. 2 9 ) . T h e r e a r e , however, n o o t h e r clear l i n k s b e t w e e n EA 1 1 9 a n d EA 1 2 2 - 2 4 ,

a n <

3

m

a

n

u n e m e n d e d text there seems to be no

g r a m m a t i c a l l y a n d s t y l i s t i c a l l y a c c e p t a b l e w a y o f r e a d i n g lines 5 4 ?

that also

makes sense. 9.

I a s s u m e a shift o f p e r s o n s in r e f e r r i n g t o t h e k i n g in lines 5 3 — 5 5 . A l s o

possible: "He will not be a b l e . . . , and t h e n . . . . " 10.

5 5 . . . la-a-Kmi)]

5 6 [ t i - i l - q ] u - & : p r o b a b l y n o t e n o u g h r o o m for [ y i -

il-q]u-/c. 11.

5 7 . . . a-na ( n a ) - s f a - a r U R U - s u ]

5 8 [id]-na

. . . : cf. EA 1 2 7 : 2 6 - 2 9 .

A g a r r i s o n ( l i n e 5 9 ) is n o t u s e d for offensive p u r p o s e s , a n d h e n c e ana s[abai)

is

excluded. 12.

A n o t h e r reference t o t h e t h r e e B y b l o s c i t i z e n s d e t a i n e d in E g y p t ; see

EA I22f.

EA 125

A study in contrasts TEXT:

BM 29802.

C O P Y : BB

19.

TRANSLATION:

Oppenheim, LFM, pp. 130f.

To the king, [my] lord: Message of Rib-Hadda, [your] ser[vant]. I fall at the feet of my lord, my S[un], 7 times and 7 times. 5—13 May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. As to the king, my lord's, saying, "Guard yourself and guard the city of the king where you are," with what shall I guard myself and the city of [the king]? 1 4 - 2 4 Previously, there was a garrison of the king with me, and the king was accustomed to give grain for their food from the land of Yarimuta. But now Aziru has repeatedly raided me. I have neither oxen nor sheep and goats. Aziru has taken everything. 2 5 - 3 2 And there is no grain for my food, and the peasantry has gone off to towns where 1

2

204

EA

126 3

there is grain for their food. Moreover, why does the king compare me with the (other) mayors? 3 3 - 4 0 The mayors have their towns, and their pea(sant)ry4 is in their control. But Aziru has my cities, and he seeks my life. Why shall I make an alliance with him? 40-45 What are the dogs, the sons of Abdi-Asirta, that ((that)) they do as they please and set fire to the cities of the king? 5

c

NOTES 1 . la ittTka: see I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 5. 2.

S e e EA 5 5 , n. 2 .

3 . yistak(k?)anu-ni: litkunu

durative,

not punctive ( O p p e n h e i m ) , and

sakdnul

kima m e a n s "to c o m p a r e " ; see L i v e r a n i , RA 6 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p . 8, n. 1; OA 1 0

( 1 9 7 1 ) p . 2 6 4 , n. 6 1 ( a l s o in Three Amarna 4.

Essays,

p.'ii).

T h e first s i g n s e e m s t o b e hu rather t h a n ri, for t h e d a m a g e is s u c h t h a t ,

were t h e s i g n ri, o n e w o u l d e x p e c t t o see s o m e t r a c e o f t h e m i s s i n g v e r t i c a l . A reference here t o t h e p e a s a n t r y o f t h e o t h e r m a y o r s w o u l d a l s o yield a m o r e c o m p l e t e c o n t r a s t w i t h R i b - H a d d a ' s p l i g h t ; see lines 276°. A g a i n s t t h e a l t e r n a t i v e r e a d i n g relulunu

( K n u d t z o n ; L i v e r a n i , i b i d . ) is a l s o t h e fact t h a t relu a s t h e d e s i g ­

n a t i o n o f a p e r s o n d o e s n o t a p p e a r in EA. O p p e n h e i m ' s v e r s i o n , " T h e r e g e n t s of t h e o t h e r t o w n s , however, b e l o n g f r o m h e a d to t o e t o t h e m ( i . e . , t h e t r i b e of c

A b d i - A s i r t i ) , " is w i t h o u t f o u n d a t i o n in e i t h e r g r a m m a r or c o n t e x t . S e e also EA 113:30?; 118:45?; 124:39. 5.

C ? EA 1 0 0 , n. 4.

EA 126

Rejection of Byblos or Rib-Hadda? T E X T : VAT

1183.

C O P I E S : WA

76;

VS

11,

68.

1

Rib-Eddi. Say to the king, my lord: I fall beneath the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. As for my lord's having written for bo\xwood} it is taken from the lands of Salhi and from Ugarit. 7 - 1 3 I am unable to send my ships there, since Aziru is at war with me, and all the mayors are at peace with him. Their ships go about as they please, and they get what they need. 1 4 - 2 3 Moreover, why does the king give the mayors, my friends,4 every sort of provision, but to me not give anything? Previously, money and everything for the(ir) provisions were sent from the palace to my ancestors, and my lord would send troops to them. 2 3 - 3 3 But now I write for troops, but a garrison is not sent, and nothing at all is given [to m]e. A[s for] the king, my lord's, [having said], "Gua[rd yourself] and [the city of the king where you are]," how am I to guar[d myself]? 3 4 - 4 2 I wrote t[o the king, my lord], "They 2

3

5

6

205

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS c

have taken a[ll] m[y cities]; the son of Abdi-Asirta is their [master]. Gub[la is the only c]ity I have." I have indfeed sen]t my mes(sen)ger t[o the king], my [lo]rd, but troops are not sen[t], and {my] messenger you do not allow to come out. 4 3 - 5 2 So send him along with rescue forces. If the king hates his city, then let him abandon it; but if me, then let him dismiss me. Send a man of yours to g[uar]d it. Why is nothing given to me from the palace? . . . the Hittite troops and they have set fire to the country. 53—60 I have written repeatedly, but no word comes back to me. They have seized all the lands of the king, my lord, but my lord has done nothing to them.9 Now they are mobiliz­ ing the troops of the Hittite countries to seize Gubla. 6 1 - 6 6 So give thought to [your] city. And may the [k]ing pay no attention] to the men of the army." They give all the silver and gold of the king to the sons of Abdi-Asirta, and the sons of Abdi-Asirta give this to the strong king, and accordingly they are strong. 7

8

10

c

c

12

NOTES 1.

A n u m b e r o f d i s t i n c t i v e features a s s o c i a t e EA 1 2 6 , 1 2 9 , i 3 7 ( ? ) , a n d 3 6 2 ,

i n d i c a t i n g t h a t they were w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e , a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e : (1) t h e g r e e t i n g f o r m u l a o f EA 1 2 6 a n d 3 6 2 , i d e n t i c a l a n d u n p a r a l l e l e d e x c e p t p e r h a p s in EA 1 2 9 ; (2) t h e w r i t i n g am-qut"', 1

(x-quf );

(3)

tu-ba-lu-na

fluctuation

in EA,

only 1 2 6 : 3 , 3 6 2 : 4 , and possibly 1 2 8 : 2 3

b e t w e e n {una} a n d \uni\

in lines 5 8 — 5 9 , b u t ta-di-nu-ni

lines 1 7 a n d 2 5 , b u t te-eq-bu-na

o n l y in EA 1 2 6 a n d 3 6 2 (EA 1 2 6 :

in lines 6 4 — 6 5 ; EA 3 6 2 : te-eq-bu-ni

in

in line 2 1 ; see a l s o lines 2 4 , 3 5 , 4 4 , a n d n.

1 2 b e l o w ) ; (4) H i t t i t e s referred t o as a t h r e a t o n l y in EA 7 5 : 3 5 6 ° . , i 2 6 : 5 o f f . , a n d p r o b a b l y 1 2 9 : 7 6 1 6 ; (5) teti-ba-u-na i n s t e a d o f n o r m a l tu-ba-u-na;

o n l y in EA

(6) kazbutu,

129 and 3 6 2 , perhaps 9 3 : 1 5 ,

"lies," only in EA 1 2 9 : 3 7 a n d 3 6 2 : 5 3 ,

b e s i d e s i 3 8 : i i 9 ; ( 7 ) £ A 1 2 9 : 3 2 6 = 3 6 2 : 2 5 6 , a n d 1 2 9 : 2 9 = 3 6 2 : 4 5 ; (8)hummutu, "to s e n d ( t r o o p s ) q u i c k l y , " o n l y in EA 1 2 9 : 7 8 a n d 3 6 2 : 7 , b e s i d e s 1 0 2 : 2 9 (see a l s o EA 8 8 , n. 7 ) ; (9) t h e E g y p t i a n official, w h o s e n a m e is w r i t t e n in several w a y s , m

a p p e a r i n g as pi-wu-ri 2.

o n l y in EA 1 2 9 , 1 3 1 , a n d 3 6 2 .

In v i e w o f tu-ul^-qu-na

in line 6, t h e l o g o g r a m is t o b e r e a d as f e m i n i n e

s i n g u l a r or c o m m o n p l u r a l . T h e l a t t e r s e e m s m o r e likely ("logs," " b e a m s , " b e i n g isr

u n d e r s t o o d ) . I f t h e correct r e a d i n g is « TASKARIN"'-wz<2, t h e force o f t h e e n c l i t i c escapes m e . 3.

S e e EA 90, n. 7.

4.

S e e EA

1 1 3 , n. 9.

5 . tu-s[a-ru]

or tu-s[a-ru~na]:

4.

a-na-sa-r\u

7.

I r e a d ia-ti-ia

see EA 1 1 4 , n. 6, a n d cf. yti-sa-ru,

line 4 0 .

r a - m a - n i - i a ] : see EA 1 2 2 , n. 1. r

u~', t h o u g h K n u d t z o n ' s J 7 - b [ a ] , "old m a n , " is p o s s i b l e .

N o t h i n g r e q u i r e s it, however, a n d t h e p a r a l l e l i s m o f t h e t w o s e n t e n c e s favors t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f b o t h a p o d o s e s b y u. In s u p p o r t o f t a k i n g i-zi-ba-si

in t h e s e n s e of

"(then) I w i l l a b a n d o n it," EA 82:416°. a n d 83:456°. have b e e n c i t e d as p a r a l l e l s , a n d it has a l s o b e e n a r g u e d t h a t t h e k i n g w o u l d not b e a s k e d t o s e n d a r e p l a c e m e n t

206

EA

127

if he w e r e b e i n g t o l d to a b a n d o n B y b l o s ( L i v e r a n i , RA 6 1 { 1 9 6 7 ] p . 1 3 , n. 4 ) . T h e latter a r g u m e n t i g n o r e s t h e fact t h a t t h e r e p l a c e m e n t is c a l l e d for o n l y u n d e r the second c o n d i t i o n . M y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , in w h i c h , d e p e n d i n g on w h e t h e r the k i n g rejects t h e city i t s e l f or i t s ruler, t h e k i n g has t w o p o s s i b l e c o u r s e s o f a c t i o n , s e e m s clearer a n d m o r e forceful. N o t e , t o o , how frequently, if o n e h a t e s , o n e also flees (ndbutu)

or a b a n d o n s (ezebu); see t h e p a s s a g e s c i t e d in CAD,

8.

Z, pp. 97?

K n u d t z o n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e s i g n ( s ? ) is e x a c t ; as-su is e x c l u d e d .

la(?),

"Are t h e r e n o t the H i t t i t e t r o o p s . . . ?" 9.

il(texv.tu)-tu.

10.

S e e M . L i c h t e n s t e i n , JANES

11.

S e e EA 1 0 1 , n. 4.

12.

In ta-di-nu-ni

2 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p . 1 0 0 , n. 4 9 .

I t a k e {uni} as a free v a r i a n t o f {una} a n d a p e c u l i a r i t y o f

t h i s s c r i b e . Izre'el, UF 1 6 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . 9 1 , n. 3 7 , has c h a l l e n g e d t h i s view a n d w o u l d t r a n s l a t e the f o r m s w i t h {uni} as p r e t e r i t e s . In EA 3 1 6 2 : 2 1 - 2 5 , however, t h e t i m e reference of teqbuna a n d teqbuni is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y t h e s a m e ; n o t e a l s o t h e p a r a l l e l ­ i s m o f teba'una

a n d teqbuni.

D e c i s i v e , however, is t h e fact t h a t in t h e s t r i c t l y

p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s EA 1 2 9 : 3 2 - 3 3 =

3 6 2 : 2 5 - 2 6 , t h e teqbuna o f t h e first is r e p l a c e d

in t h e l a t t e r b y teqbuni. T h e " s t r o n g k i n g " w a s p r o b a b l y t h e H i t t i t e ruler ( M u r n a n e , The Road to Kadesh { s e e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 1 9 ] , p . 2 0 6 ) rather t h a n t h e k i n g o f M i t t a n i ( G . B u n n e n s , AIPHOS

20 { 1 9 6 8 - 7 2 ] p . 150).

EA 127

Alone against the world T E X T : VAT

1687.

C O P I E S : WA

184;

VS

11,

69. 2

..." 12—22 Let the arch[ers] come out [an]d fetch us. Cry out, "On to GublaV's For who—seeing that everyone is against me—who is to rescue me? {/ assure yo]u, upon the taking of Gubla there will be no men from Egypt {who] will get in here. Should Gubla be [jojined? [to] the { Ap]iru, then there will be no [soldiers from Ka]Ia who will get in. 2 3 - 2 9 [Certai]nly, Yanhamu being [with you], the king should inquire from him [about the sl]anders. Gubla is a loyal city. If it is the desire of the king, my lord, to guard his city, then may my lord give a garrison of . . . { . . . ] , and it will be guarded. 3 0 - 4 1 And now I declare, my lord: when? previously Abdi-Asratu used to come up against me, T w[as str]ong, but now there has been a controversy among my men, and it is different. I am being hard-pressed : si-ir-ti (I am besieged). May my lord grant 100 men and 100 soldiers from Kasi, and 30 chariots, that I may guard the land of my lord until a large force of archers comes out, {and] 4

c

6

c

8

9

207

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

my lord [ta]kes the land of Amurru [fo]r himself, [and it h]as peace. [...].. NOTES 1 . L i n e 8: » qe-bi-ir Line 1 2 : [... 2.

m

qa-al,

"and he was buried. [ T h e k i n g ] d i d

D

nothing."

c

ia-ab-»]i- IM (Hadda/Ba al).

If U R I N . M E S pifdti

is t h e s u b j e c t o f b o t h v e r b s , tus.fi a n d tilqe are ex­

p e c t e d ; cf. t h e f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r a d j e c t i v e rabtti in l i n e 3 9 . 3.

"(Let u s set) o u r faces u p o n G u b l a , " (nadltna)

pa-ni-nu

elilmuhhi

U[R]U

4.

[ a l - l u ] - » w la-qe: infinitive r a t h e r t h a n s t a t i v e laqat; for t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n ,

gub-la. w i t h loss o f v o i c e d i s t i n c t i o n , see JCS 5 . [ti-tn-i\p-Ia-mi: 88:31

4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p p . 1696°.

l i t . "let G u b l a b e j o i n e d " (yaqtula);

cf., however,

EA

(en-ni-ip-sa-(at)l). 6.

[ a - n a k]a-ar-fi:

cf. EA 1 1 9 : 2 6 ; p e r h a p s "the s l a n d e r s a g a i n s t G u b l a , t h e

loyal city." 7.

kima,

8.

I f D u r a n d ' s a n a l y s i s o f rihfu in AEM

"when," is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . 1 / 1 , p p . i8ifF., is c o r r e c t , a n d if it is

p e r t i n e n t h e r e , t h e n t h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e c o n t r o v e r s y or p a l a v e r c o n c e r n e d t h e i r loyalty t o R i b - H a d d a . Zani, "another" ( p a l a v e r ) ? 9. =

I r e a d is-sd-qu

: ft-ir-ti;

A k k a d i a n sidqu,

"to b e c o m e narrow, s t r a i t e n e d "

C a n a a n i t e fur, "to confine, b e s i e g e . " T h e A k k a d i a n f o r m s e e m s t o b e a n e r r o ­

n e o u s p e r f e c t , issdqifor 10.

issTq) +

{ u } of Canaanite durative. c

F i v e l i n e s , w i t h a reference t o t h e A p i r u . L a s t w o r d s : "{then I will] d i e . "

EA 128

Message lost TEXT:

VAT 1873 (not collated).

C O P I E S : WA

227;

VS

11,

71.

Too fragmentary for translation; addressed to the king.

1

NOTE 1 . A few s i g n s p r e s e r v e d o n t h e o b v e r s e , a n d 1 3 very f r a g m e n t a t y lines on t h e reverse. L i n e s 2 iff. m a y c o n t a i n a p o s t s c r i p t o f t h e f u t u r e ruler o f B y b l o s (cf. EA

1 4 0 ) , w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e as t h a t o f EA

[pf-ih]

126:

2 2 [ a - n a K I ] . T A G l R . M E S LUGAL E [ N - w ]

21 [um-ma]

2 3 [7 u 7

m

i-li-rau

am\-qut '-ma,

" M e s s a g e o f I l i - r a p i l i : I fall 7 t i m e s a n d 7 t i m e s b e n e a t h t h e feet o f t h e k i n g , m y l o r d . A n d m a y t h e k i n g , m y l o r d , hear a b o u t t h e d e e d o f ( t h a t ) c r i m i n a l . . . " O n p o s t s c r i p t s , see I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 4.

208

EA

129

EA 129

A long review of the situation T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1637 86

+ +

1638. WA

87;

VS

11,

70.

[Rib]-Add[i. Say t]o the [ki]ng, [my] lord: [I fall beneath the fee]t (of my lord) 7 times and 7 [times]. 4 - 1 2 May the king, my lord, inq(ui)re abo[ut the s]on[s] of Abdi-Asirt[a, f ]or they d[o}?> as they please. Who are they, the dogs [ . . . ] that they should acquire fo[r themselves a]nything? They have piled up prop[erty of] the lands of the king in [their own] han[ds}.*> The mayors of the Jckig . . . [ . . . } soldiers and [...] 1 3 - 2 1 Now what they too[k ha]d been i[n the charge of] the commissioners of the king, [my] lord, and the (last) commissioner [was] a wi[se] man who was highly respected, b[ut they have killed him] All my cities belong to (t)hem. Batruna remai[ns to me}, and they strive to ta[ke] it. On its being [ta]ken [Gubla (itself)] they will [t]ake. 2 2 - 2 5 ••• 6 - 3 4 greatly. Truly, they have long[ed] to commit a great [crime]. Since a tablet to the mayors is [notpro]duced, they are intent on committing [a crime]. If there are no archers, [then] their aim will be to seize [Gubla]. They say, "If w[e] seize Gubla, ' what will the archers do?" 3 4 - 5 4 L[ook], as to the king, my lord's, having written, "Troops have indeed come out," you spo[ke] lies : ka-ma-mi(?). There are no archers; they do not come out. And they are stronger than we are. [Look], unless archers come out within this year, they will [tak]e ° Gubla. If Gubla [is taken, then they will be strong. W]hat will the troops do [for your servant], Rib-Hadda? Fo[r my ancesto]rs, earlier kings guard[ed] Gubla, and you yourself must not abandon it. If there are no archers this year, then send ships to fetch me, along with (my) living g o d , to my lord. May the king, my lord, not say, "Surely it cannot be seized. It is at pe[ace}." And now .. . [ . . . ] . . . 5 5 - 7 4 • • • 7 5 - 8 9 the king of [ . . . and] the king of the Hittite countries, so that [the lands of the king belong] to the sons of Abdi-Asirta, servants (and) d o g s . Accordingly, may the king hasten the sending of the archers so he may take them, and the lands be joined to the king, m[y l]ord. Who are they, the dogs? If Biryawaza is afraid (o)/the king, my lord, he has not taken them. If the king, my lord, keeps telling the magnate of . . . [.. . ] and the magnate of Kumidu, "Ta[ke (them)],"i° they have not taken them. [They have committed] a cri[me.$ Th]ey are against me; they have won [the lands] for the Apiru. 1

2

c

4

6

7

8

9

u

10

2

12

13

14

1

16

17

18

19

2

21

22

23

24

2 5

26

c

27

28

2 9

l

c

209

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS i2

90—94 . . . 94—98 Since there are n{o arc]hers, th[ey are str]ong. They took Pewurfu and ki]lled him. They are [against me]; they took the territo(ry) of Sr.umu]r for themselves, and [they killed the commissioner of the king], Pewuru. If [the king] is not going to listfen to his servant, then may he se]nd ships. 33

NOTES m

1.

1 [ ri-ib~}-ad-d[i

qi-bilbi-mi]

r

3 [ G ] i [ R ] . M E § 7 u ~T lam-quf'Y.

2 [a-n]a

[ L U G ] A L be-li-[ia

a-na

KI.TA]

cf. EA 1 2 6 : 1 - 3 ; 3 6 2 : 1 - 4 , a n d see EA 1 2 6 , n. 1,

on t h e s c r i b e o f EA 1 2 9 . 2.

r

y i - ( s a ) - t f / : cf. EA 1 2 4 : 2 3 . T h e r e a d i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f lines 4 - 2 r *

are e x t r e m e l y difficult, a n d s o t h e t r a n s l a t i o n is here often e x t r e m e l y t e n t a t i v e . 3.

/ i - T - t p u - s u - n a ] : cf. ti-e-te-pu-Iu

4.

UR.ME$-

r

ko*-b[ii):

c o m p a r a b l e t o KUR-nu

( o r i g i n a l l y for nukurtu, ?

1 0 2 : 7 ) , a n d p e r h a p s [SA]G -q[d]-di 5.

8 tipusilna

in line 8 8 .

as in l i n e 8 1 , for & z - U R . M E § - t e (kalbu),

a-n[a

(for qaqqadT,

sa-su-nu]

9

p a s s i m ) , TE^-ba

EA 2 0 9 : 1 6 ) . B e t t e r ,

\m~\a-am-ma

1 0 [ K ] U R . M E § L U G A L a-na U Z [ U . M ] E § qa-[ti-su-nu]: u p " ) , l i k e ussir, puhhir, e t c . ; mi-am-ma,

w h i c h is

(for bdsta,

ku-mi-ru kummiru

EA

ka-{al)-bu?

mi-a[m-ma (kamdru,

sa]

"to p i l e

as e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (VAB

2/2,

p. 1469). 6.

V-Cnja [qa-at].

7.

LU e [ m - q u s u - u t ]

1 6 sa ka-bu-ut

a s s u m i n g here a s p o r a d i c A s s y r i a n i s m 8.

r

9.

ana ( s a ) - / a - [ n u ] .

if

ma-gal:

cf. EA

106:39

a n c

l

i o

7

: 2

3>

(kabbut).

[ d a - k u - s u ] : cf. line 9 6 a n d EA

362:69.

10.

irttha[t

11.

[URU.KI gub-la]: enough room?

a-na ia-si]: enough room?

12.

ti-i}-b[u

a r - n a ] : sabu, "to d e s i r e , l o n g for," is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d in t h e

periphery. 13.

i-nu-\ma

la-a]

2 8 s [ u - / ] i : t h e k i n g ' s s i l e n c e s h o w s indifference a n d

encourages the rebels. 14.

i-pi-il[ar-ni]:

15.

sa-bat-mi

EA 1 2 9 : 2 9 =

362:45.

ni-[nu]: EA 1 2 9 : 3 2 =

3 6 2 ^ ; see JCS

4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p . 1 7 0 . In EA

1 2 9 a n d 3 6 2 , t h e ME§ in U R U . ( K I ) . M E § is e i t h e r o t i o s e or carries w i t h it t h e c o n n o t a t i o n o f " a l l / g r e a t e r G u b l a " (or t h e l i k e ) ; see a l s o T h u r e a u - D a n g i n ' s t r a n s l a ­ t i o n , RA

19 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p p . 9iff. Cf. U R U . K I in line 3 1 , b u t here U R U . K I . M E § ;

similarly, EA 3 6 2 : 2 6 has U R U . M E S , b u t 3 6 2 : 2 8 U R U . K I . T h a t B y b l o s , a n d n o t t h e o u t l y i n g v i l l a g e s , is i n t e n d e d t h r o u g h o u t is a l s o r e q u i r e d b y c o n t e x t . O n l y t h e city o f B a t r u n a r e m a i n s , a n d t h e p r i z e s o u g h t b y t h e e n e m y a n d feared b y R i b H a d d a is t h e c a p t u r e o f B y b l o s i t s e l f (EA 3 6 2 : 1 2 ^ ) . N o t e , t o o , t h a t in EA

129:53,

w h e r e t h e h o p e is e x p r e s s e d t h a t t h e k i n g will not d i s m i s s t h e t h r e a t s e x p r e s s e d by R i b - H a d d a , o n l y o n e c i t y is referred t o . 16.

Cf. amur-mi

in EA

3 6 2 : 2 7 , w h i c h follows i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e s e n ­

t e n c e b e g i n n i n g , "If we seize . . . " 17. 210

A r t z i , Bar-llan

1 ( 1 9 6 3 ) p p . 38f.,

e x p l a i n s t h e g l o s s as A k k a d i a n

EA kdmma-mi,

130

" t h u s , " w h e r e b y t h e s c r i b e e m p h a s i z e s t h a t it is r i g h t to call w h a t t h e

k i n g w r o t e lies. I d o not a c c e p t t h e a l l e g e d p a r a l l e l in PRU 18.

3, p . 48:16.

P e r h a p s b e t t e r : "(If) t h e r e are no archers ( a n d ) t h e y d o n o t c o m e o u t ,

they w i l l b e s t r o n g e r . . . . " Cf. EA 3 6 2 : 2 7 a n d line 44

below.

19.

[ a - m u t - f f l ] / : cf. EA 362:27, a n d see n. 16 a b o v e .

20.

[u

21.

[ u d a - n u ni]i-na

\a]-qu-mi. m

...

45 [ a - n a i R - k a \rib-hadda:

cf. u dannu

3 6 2 : 2 8 ; K n u d t z o n ' s r e s t o r a t i o n is g r a m m a t i c a l l y u n a c c e p t a b l e (tiqbilna In l i n e 45, t h e p a r a l l e l in l i n e 34 s u g g e s t s a r e s t o r a t i o n o f [pi'-td-tu],

in

EA

required).

which would

a l s o fit t h e b r e a k perfectly. B u t t h i s w o u l d leave t h e p e r s o n a l n a m e h a n g i n g in t h e air. P e r h a p s R i b - H a d d a refers t o h i m s e l f b y n a m e b e c a u s e he is i m p l i c i t l y

citing

t h e w o r d s o f his enemy. 22.

ti-n[a-sa-ru-n}a.

23. balfa,

I f t h e s h i p s were to fetch " m e a l i v e " , . ( K n u d t z o n ) , we s h o u l d

expect

not balti, a n d r i g h t after tilquni; see Or n . s . 29 (i960) p . 4, n. 3. T h e "living

g o d " is very likely t h e s a m e g o d t h a t is m e n t i o n e d in EA /><2-[as-ha-at]: see JCS

84:35.

24.

mi-di la sa-ab-ta-at

25.

tu- i^-ba-t{u-na],

26.

P e r h a p s , 746°., " W h o are t h e y ? the k i n g o f M i t t a n i ? t h e k i n g of K a s s u ?

r

3 1 (1979) p . 94, n.

46.

"your m e s s e n g e r s are b e i n g s e i z e d " ?

t h e k i n g o f H i t t i t e c o u n t r i e s ? " Cf. EA

116:706

27. S e e n. 4. 28.

pal-ha

(it)-tu L U G A L BE-[/
o f t h e k i n g (as t h e k i n g says he i s ) , he is n o t s h o w i n g it a n d a t t a c k i n g the k i n g ' s enemies. 29.

T h e m o s t l i k e l y r e a d i n g s e e m s to b e U R U . K I a [ z - z a - t i ] , G a z a ; see

N a ' a m a n , Political 30.

Disposition,

p . 1 7 0 ; H e l c k , Beziehungen,

p.

249.

/ e - [ q u - m i ] : a g a i n (see n. 28) R i b - H a d d a s e e m s t o refer to a letter f r o m

the k i n g . 31.

a[r-na]

87 [ e p - s u ] : d e s p i t e K n u d t z o n ' s o b j e c t i o n s , VAB

2/1, p.

552,

n o t e a. 32. 33.

r

1

dan -«#.

T h e s c r i b e o f EA

1 2 6 , 1 2 9 , a n d 362 never i n t r o d u c e s a c i t y s i m p l y by

U R U , b u t b y U R U . M E S or U R U . K I ( . M E S ) , a n d so it is u n l i k e l y t h a t U R U r)i is c o r r e c t . I p r o p o s e i-pi-(ti)

K I . U R U ( l o g o g r a m r e v e r s e d ) s[u-mu-r]i;

s[u-mu-

cf. eperu,

"territory," w h i c h is a t t e s t e d in A l a l a k h , A l e p p o , a n d B o g h a z k o y ( S u n a s s u r a treaty).

EA 130 c

Life among the Apiru T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : WA

1624. 46;

VS

11,

72.

Say [t]o the king, my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda, your servant. May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of 211

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

the king, my lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9-14 As to the king's having written to me, "Irimayas's'a is coming to you," he has not come to me. 14—20 As to the king's having written me, "Guard yourself and guard the city of the king where you are," who can guard me? 2 1 - 3 1 Look, formerly my ancestors [were str]ong. There was war against the[m, but] a garrison [of the king] was wi(t)h them. There were provisions from the king at their disposal. {Though the war against me] is seve[re], I have [n]o [provision]s [from the king or gar]ri[son of the king]. Wh[at shall I] do? 3 2 - 4 2 As for the mayors, [the]y are the ones who strik[e] our city. They are like dogs, and there is no one who wants to serve them. What am I, who live among "Apiru, to do? If now there are no provisions from the king for me, my peasantry is going to fi[gh]t (against me). 4 3 - 5 2 A(ll) lands are at war against me. If the desire of the king is to guard his city and his servant, send a garrison to guard the city. [I] will guard it while I am [a]live. When [I] die, who is going to [gu]ard it? 1

2

NOTES 1 . ti-du-ku-[na 2.

Iu\-nu.

I f t h e v e r b in q u e s t i o n is sananu,

p e r h a p s "will b e c o m e h o s t i l e " ; see

L i v e r a n i , in G a r e l l i , e d . , Le Palais et la Royaute (see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 73), p . 1 8 8 , n. i n , w h o n o t e s t h e p a r a l l e l i s m in U g a r i t i c o f nkr a n d tn.

EA 131

A commissioner killed TEXT:

BM 29807.

C O P Y : BB

24. 1

[...} 6-14 My lord {us]ed to send a garri[son] to Gubla. Sumur has now been seized; troops from Gubla have been killed. If the desire of the king, my lord, is (to guard) Gubla, then may my lord send 300 sol­ diers, 30 chariots, and 100 men from Kasi, that they may guard Gubla, the city of my lord. 15—20 If the king does not send the summergrain, should troops a{dv]an{cep on Gubla, they will s[ur]ely take it, and m{e, your servant], they will k i l l . . . . 2 1 - 3 0 They have attacked' commissioners : ma-lik. M E S (counselors) of the king. When Pewuru, the king's counselor, was killed, he was placed in . . . We are servants of the king, and it is distressing for us to see that w(e) are going to be taken. I myself am afraid I will be kil{led. 1 The corps]e was cas{t aw]ay; i{t] had no one for fu{nerary offerin]gs. 30-40 {Form]erly, this is the way they 2

4

6

8

212

9

EA

131

10

acted: the king, [your}fath[er}, did [not] send a small archer force, and he t[ook} everything. Pahamnata would not listen to me, and he went on with his tr[eacher]ous activities. Now his son has plundered] Sumur. If [the king] heeds the words of his servant and [sends] a large archer force, he (the king) wil[l take everything. 4 1 - 4 7 As to its being said 3 be[fore] the king, "There is no grain (or) food [for] the archers to eat," wherever are all the cities of the king food and grain [may be found}.... 4 8 - 5 6 [ . . . ] 5 7 - 6 2 [ . . . arch}ers and auxiliary forces [ . . .]'4 He must not ne[glec}t [his city.'i If] he does not send (them) [to Gubl}a, they will take it, and [ . . . ] . The lands of Canaan will not belong to the king. [May the king ask] Yanhamu about th(ese) ma(tt)ers.' 11

12

1

6

NOTES 1.

[ y u - s ] i - r # : cf. yti-Ii-ra

( l i n e 1 2 ) a n d yu-Ii-ru

(line 1 5 ) ; [ u s - s ] i - r a ( K n u d t ­

z o n ) m u s t a s s u m e an e x t r e m e l y rare p l u r a l o f m a j e s t y . 2 . T h e difficulties w i t h S E . M E § qe-e-si are (1) §E is not c o m p l e t e l y c e r t a i n ; (2) qi (GI) is o t h e r w i s e u n k n o w n in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s ; a n d (3) t h e s u b j e c t o f s u p p l i e s is i n t r o d u c e d s u d d e n l y a n d in an u n p a r a l l e l e d m a n n e r . r

3.

1

y i - s a - [ b a ] - t e a-na 5

URU.KI gub-l{a

KASKAL

?

(liarrana)]: if yisabbata

the c o r r e c t r e a d i n g , n o t e t h e c h a n g e in n u m b e r i n tilqunali,

is

w h i c h is p e r h a p s to b e

t a k e n as an indefinite p l u r a l . T h e final {a} is p r o b a b l y a fossilized v e n t i v e ,

not

m o d a l . A l s o p o s s i b l e ( K n u d t z o n ) : "If . . . , t h e n t r o o p s w i l l a d v a n c e . . . " 4.

ia-[a]-t[i

l R - k a ] : cf. line 2 8 . T h e t a b l e t is b a d l y d a m a g e d or e r o d e d h e r e ,

a n d t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t r a c e s is e x t r e m e l y difficult a n d s u b j e c t i v e . 5 . T h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t qerebu, "to a p p r o a c h , " h e r e i m p l i e s h o s t i l i t y ; cf. qitrubu a n d taqrubtu, 6.

ni-{au)

nulqu e x p e c t e d ) ; alaqu 7.

Hebrew

na-ld-qu:

u-da-a-k{a]:

q°rab.

very t e n t a t i v e l y t a k e n as p a s s i v e o f leqii (nulaqqu

= haldqu,

or

"to p e r i s h " ?

the r e a d i n g is a l m o s t c e r t a i n ; o n t h e s y n t a x , see Or n . s .

29

(i960) p. 14. 8. la-a-Uu

2 8 . . . udakla ...]:

LU. U]S

2 9 yu-n[a-d]a

LU KI. [SE. GA]-p{

3 0 ia-nu

a-na

q u i t e c o n j e c t u r a l . R e f e r e n c e to P e w u r u ' s b o d y ? A n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y :

" S h o u l d a c o r p s e b e l a i d t o r e s t , there is n o o n e . . . . " 9. pdnanu,

30 not

10.

...

ana

sa-a-[su

pa-na]-nu-ma:

elsewhere

in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s ,

pananumma.

U n l e s s t h i s p a s s a g e c o n t r a d i c t s EA 1 1 7 : 2 3 6 ° . , e i t h e r a n e g a t i v e is t o b e

r e s t o r e d or t h e s e n t e n c e m u s t b e read a s a q u e s t i o n ; n o t e , t o o , t h e r e q u e s t for a l a r g e force in lines 38ff. B e g i n n i n g o f l i n e 3 2 : r e a d p r o b a b l y yu-fir or see VAB

2 / 2 , p . 1 5 9 4 . E n d o f l i n e 3 2 : i f ab-b[u-ka]

d o u b l i n g m u s t b e i g n o r e d . R e a d AD-b[u-ka] 11.

N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

=

yu-{wa)-Iir,

is the correct r e a d i n g , the

abilkal

p p . i66f., p r o p o s e s yu-ba-lli-iq],

b u t it is

q u e s t i o n a b l e w h e t h e r t h e r e is e n o u g h r o o m . 12.

I n v i e w ofyilmu (line 3 8 ) , p r o b a b l y [ y ] u - [ 5 i - r u ] ( l i n e 3 9 ) a n d j / ' - f i l - q u ]

(line 40). 213

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

1 3 . yti-qa-bu: 14.

f o l l o w i n g Izre'el, UF 19 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . 8 6 .

I f a r c h e r s a r e m e n t i o n e d in l i n e 5 7 , t h e n a f o r m o f nafdru,

"to g u a r d , " is

not t o b e r e s t o r e d in t h e b r e a k ; see EA 8 8 , n. 8. P a r a l l e l s (EA 1 1 2 : 3 3 ! ? ; 1 3 2 : 5 6 ? . ) s u g g e s t a f o r m o f pasahu

(u pashat al gubla,

15.

lami { i - m ] a - a [ k ] - / & /

16.

62

{yi-sa-al

"then G u b l a w i l l b e a t p e a c e " ? ) .

59 { a n a U R U . K l - s u ] .

m

]ia-an-ha-ma

a-na

a-{wa)-te.

M E S an-(nu-tu):

cf.

EA

132:29?.

EA 132

The hope for peace TEXT:

BM 29801.

C O P Y : BB

18.

[S]ay {to] the king, my lord, m[y] Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda, your {serjvant. May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 8 - 1 8 Moreover, give thought to Gubla, your loyal city. Earlier, Abdi-Asirta attacked me, and I wrote to your father, "Send the royal archers, and the entire land will be taken in a day." Did he not take fo{r himself] Abdi-Asirt{a], together with his possessions? 19—23 Now Aziru has gathered a{ll] the Apiru and has said to them, "If Gubla is not . . . { . . . ] " 3 24—28 { . . . ] . . . 29—37 {LJook, Yanhamu being with you, a{sk him] if I did not say to him, "If you make an alliance . . . { . . . ] with the sons of Abdi-Asirta, they will take you prisoner." He listened t{p me], and he guarded the c{ities] of the king, his lord. 3 7 - 5 0 1 said the same thing to Pawuru so he would not listen to the words of Ha'i{p], whose father turned the citi{es] into enemies. Now Ha'ip has hand{ed over] Sumur. May the king not neglect this deed, since a commissioner was killed. If now you are negligent, then Pihura will not stay in Kumidu, and all your {ma]yors will be killed. 5 1 - 5 9 I keep (wr)iting like this to the pa[lac]e, {but] no attention is paid {t]o me. Send ships to fetch the Lady's property and me. {Sen]d 5 0 - 1 0 0 men and 5 0 - 1 0 0 m[en fro]m [Meluh]ha, 50 chariots, {to g]uard [the city] for you. Se{nd] archers and bring peace to the land. c

1

2

c

c

c

4

5

6

NOTES 1.

O n t h e o t i o s e M E § in U D . K A M . M E § , see EA 1 0 9 , n.- 2 .

2.

O n laqi,

3.

P e r h a p s n i - x - [ x ] ( l i n e 2 3 ) ; t h e t h i r d vertical o f ir ( K n u d t z o n , B B ) is n o t

see EA 1 0 8 , n. 5.

clear. "If we d o n o t . . . G u b l a , t h e n . . . " ?

214

EA 133 4. a-pa-si

ma a-na [ia-si]:

m

x - [ x - x ] at-ta ki-ta it-[ti D U M U . M ] E § IR-a-si-ir-ta

see JCS

it la-qu-ka

sa-

4 (1950) p . 1 7 0 ; Or n . s . 29 (i960) p . 1 0 , n. 1. I n m y

o p i n i o n , M E § definitely b e l o n g s o n l i n e 3 3 ; o n line 3 2 , t h e vertical after §1 in B B is c e r t a i n , b u t a p l a u s i b l e r e s t o r a t i o n e s c a p e s m e . 5. O n lines 37ff., s e e Or n . s . 29 (i960) p . 1 0 , n. 1; for a s o m e w h a t different v e r s i o n , see N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

6. L i n e 57: [(ii) ti-n\a-si-r[u\.

p . 167.

I f t h e r e is n o t e n o u g h r o o m for t h e c o n j u n c ­

t i o n , t h e c o n s t r u c r i o n is a s y n d e t i c , for w h i c h see EA 1 2 1 , n. 3. R u l e s o f m o d a l s e q u e n c e e x c l u d e anassiru

( K n u d t z o n ) . O n the reading of the n u m b e r s , see Pin­

t o r e , OA 1 1 (1972) p . 1 0 3 , n. 9.

EA 133

Some advice for the king TEXT:

VAT 1667 (not collated).

C O P I E S : WA

66;

VS,

11,

74.

{ . . . the kin]g, [my] lord. { . . . Moreover, give thought your[self t]o your servant and to G u b l a . . . . [ . . . ] 5—n Sumur {. . . } . The sons of Abdi-Asi[rta have taken] all [your] cities. They [ar]e at war wi[th me. A]s Ha'ip is [withyou], ask him. And [may it seem right] in your sight, and then 1 2 - 1 9 d a [garrison] to your cities with all [sp]eed. [I ke]ep writing like [this] to the king, [my lord]: [Se(n)]d me 1 0 [men from Meluh]b.a : ka-[si that I may gua]rd [...]' c

s e n

NOTE 1. O n t h e g l o s s , s e e P i n t o r e , OA 11 (1973) p . 1 0 5 , n. 24.

EA 134

Departure of the gods TEXT:

C 4754 (12189).

C O P Y : WA

83.

[Sen]d [troops to Gu]bla,* lest Azi[ru ta]ke it. From time im[memorial] the g[ods] have not gone aw[ay] from Gubla. 7—14 [N]ow Aziru has sen[r] troops t[o sei]ze it, so that we must give u p our gods, a[nd they have gone for]th. And there being no [troops i]n the city to smit[e the servant], thfrevil dog,* 1 5 - 2 2 they can[not] return. [Wh]at am I to do [b]y myself? [The people w]ho were i[n the cit]y have deserted i[n order to g]etprovisions fo]r th[emselves]. ... 2 3 - 2 9 [andhe s]ends a [garris]on 2

3

215

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

to {bis] ci{ty}. {/} and Gubla, the king's loyal city [ . . . ] . As I have sent a man of mine to the palace, why has the ki[ng} not written? 29—38 . . . and / wrote. N\ow\ the war against me is severe, and I am afraid. He has, I assfure you], taken $umur. Who has said anything to him? This being true, he has turned again[st Gub]la . . . 3 8 - 4 1 [...] NOTES 1.

t u S - s i - r a ] - w i [ E R I N . M E 3 ] : cf. EA 8 2 : 1 5 ; 9

2.

I f read correctly, lit. "have n o t g o n e u p "

0 : l

5 ; 94^°; 132:13.

(elu).

To their heavenly dwell­

i n g s , a b a n d o n i n g t h e i r e a r t h l y o n e s in B y b l o s ? 3.

nadttnu:

t a k e n as first p l u r a l (cf. nadltna

in EA 8 9 : 1 6 ) ; p e r h a p s nadnu,

"have b e e n g i v e n u p . " 4.

R

[1R] L U '

?

U R . R I (kalbi)?

In t h e b r e a k t h e r e is r o o m for a n a v e r a g e - s i z e

s i g n , followed by a s o m e w h a t o b l i q u e w e d g e , under which traces o f a horizontal, p o s s i b l y c r o s s e d b y t w o or t h r e e v e r t i c a l s ; t h e n t h e e r a s u r e . Cf. L U U R . K U 8 4 : 3 5 ; 3 2 0 : 2 2 ; 3 2 2 : 1 7 ) , U R (kalbu, g e n i t i v e o f U R . K U (EA

EA

(EA

129:7, 77, 8 1 ; 137:26), and U R . K I ,

138:96).

EA 135

Message lost T E X T : Ash COPY:

1893.

1-41:

409.

Sayce, Tell el Amarna, no. 2.

Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE 1 . T h i s t a b l e t n o l o n g e r e x i s t s ; see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 9.

EA 136

Rib-Hadda from Beirut TEXT:

BM 29799.

C O P Y : BB

16.

P H O T O G R A P H : BB,

pi.

20.

[T}o the king, my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 6-15 May the king, my lord, heed the words of his servant. Men of Gubla, my own household, and my wife, kept saying to me, 216

EA c

136

1

"Ally yourself with the son of Abdi-Asirta so we can make peace be­ tween us." But I refused. I did not listen to them. 1 6 - 2 3 Moreover, I repeatedly wrote to the king, my lord, "Send immediately^ a garrison to your servant that they may guard the city for the king, (my) lord." No word, however, from the king, my lord, has reached his servant. 2 4 - 3 6 Moreover, when I was hard pressed, I thought to myself, "Come! I must mak(e) an alliance of friendship : T U . K A ' with Ammunira." So I went to his house in order to make an alliance of friendship between (us). Then I returned to my own house, but he barred the house against m e . May the king, my lord, give thought to his servant. 37—46 I am now awaiting day and night the archers of the king, my lord. May the king, my lord, give thought to his servant. If the king, my lord, does not have a change of heart, then I will die. May the king, my lord, give life to his servant. Moreover, they have given two of my sons and two of my wives to the rebel against the king. 2

4

6

7

NOTES 1 . salma epesu, for sallma 2.

epesu (AHw,

p . 1 1 4 9 b ) , or p e r h a p s sul -ma

Cf. ma'u, "to p u s h away, repel" (AHw,

x

epesu.

p p . 6 3 7 , 1 5 7 4 ; v o n S o d e n , OLZ

7 6 { 1 9 7 1 } c o l s . 2 4 6 ? ) ; see a l s o EA 1 2 2 , n. 5. 3.

BIL? hamafu,

"to b u r n , " c o n f u s e d w i t h hamdfu,

( i m p e r a t i v e ) , h e n d i a d y s ? Cf. EA

"to h a s t e n " ? ussira

hutnfa

137:79.

4.

F o l l o w i n g CAD,

5.

D U G . G A : T U . K A : t h e g l o s s is a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g o f t h e S u m e r o g r a m

S, p. 1 2 3 .

D U G . G A . T h e A k k a d i a n e q u i v a l e n t — i f t h e r e w a s o n e a n d t h e e x p r e s s i o n w a s not s i m p l y "to m a k e tuka"—-was

p r o b a b l y tdbiltu (JNES

22 [1963] pp. 173?.;

AHw,

p . 1 3 7 8 ) ; s e e a l s o EA 3 0 2 , n. 2 , a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 5 9 . 6.

T h e f o r m id-du-ul

is m o r e e a s i l y e x p l a i n e d as a c t i v e ; t h e u n n a m e d s u b ­

ject w o u l d b e R i b - H a d d a ' s b r o t h e r (cf. EA 1 3 7 : 1 4 1 ? . a n d EA 8 2 , n. 5 ) . I f it is p a s s i v e (CAD,

E , p . 2 6 b ) , eddul, a n A s s y r i a n i s m ?

L o c k e d o u t o f his o w n h o u s e a n d d r i v e n f r o m h i s city (EA 1 3 7 : 2 4 ? ) , R i b H a d d a w r i t e s t h i s l e t t e r a n d EA 1 3 7 - 3 8 f r o m B e i r u t . T h e f o r m a t ( c r u d e p a r a g r a p h i n g s ) a n d s o m e ?eatures o ? t h e l a n g u a g e ( e . g . , santta u a n d endu(m) in l i n e 2 4 ; itttlu

sa P N in l i n e 2 9 ) d i s t i n g u i s h EA 1 3 6 ? r o m t h e l e t t e r s w r i t t e n a t B y b l o s . 7.

P e r h a p s b e t t e r : " L o o k , t h e r e is n o d i v i d e d loyalty. F o r t h e k i n g , m y l o r d ,

I w o u l d d i e . " O n summa,

" l o o k , " see EA 3 5 , n. 3 ; o n libbu sanu, " d i v i d e d loyalty,"

lit. "another h e a r t , " c ? EA 1 1 9 : 4 2 ; 1 6 9 , n. 2 ; 3 7 1 : 1 8 ; a n d "another ?ace" in EA 253:27.

217

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 137

An old man in exile Golenischeff (see Introduction, sect. 1).

TEXT:

C O P Y : WA

71.

Oppenheim, LFM, pp. 132ff.; Albright, ANET, pp. 483f.; Seux, Textes du Proche Orient, pp. 48ff. TRANSLATIONS:

1

Rib-Adfdi says] to the king, [his] lord, [the Sun of all countries]: [I fall] beneath the feet [of the king, my lord], 7 times and 7 timfes]. 5 - 1 4 I wrote repeatedly fo[r a garrison], but it was not granted, [and] the king, my lord, did [not] heed the word[s of his servant}. I sent a mess[enger of mine} to the palace, but he returned} empty-handed; he had no garri[son]. The men of my {house} saw that no money had been given, and so, like the mayors, my brothers, they did me injustice and despised me. 1 4 - 2 6 Moreover, when I had gone to Hammuniri, my younger brother turned Gubla into an enemy in order to give the city to the sons of Abdi-Asirta. When my brother saw that my mess(en)ger had come out empty-handed and that there was no garrison with him, he despised me. Accordingly, he committed a crime and drove me from the city. May the king, my lord, not neglect the deed of this dog. 2 7 - 3 5 I personally am unable to enter the land of Egypt. I am old and there is a serious illness in my body. The king, my lord, knows that the gods of Gubla are holy, and the pains are severe, for I com(mit)ted sins against the gods.** Accordingly, I shall not enter the presence of the king, my lord. 36—51 So I herewith send my own son, a servant of the king, my lord, into the presence of the king, my lord. May the king heed the wo(r)ds of his servant, and may the king, my lord, grant archers so they may se[ize] Gubla, and traitor(ous) troops and the sons of A[bdi]-Asirti not [en]ter it, and the archers of the king, m[y] lord, be too few to take it. As there are many that are loyal to me in the city (and) few the traitors in it, when the archers come forth and they hear (of it), as soon as they arrive, the city will return to the king, my lord. 5 2 - 5 8 The king, my lord, knows that I will die for him. When I was in the city, I guarded it for my lord, a(nd) I was dedicated to the king, my lord. I did not give the city to the sons of Abdi-Asrati. Accordingly, my brother turned the city into an enemy in order to give it to the sons of Abdi-Asrati. 5 9 - 6 5 May the king, my lord, not neglect the city. Note, there is much silver and gold in it, and much is the property belonging to its temples." If the king, my lord, seizes it, 2

c

3

5

6

c

7

8

9

c

c

218

IQ

EA

137

let him do to his servant as he will, but may he give(e) Burusilim for me to live in. 65—77 I am now with Hammuniri. When the cities became hostile, Burusilim became hostile, being in fear of the sons of AbdiAsirta. ' When I came to Hammuniri because of the sons of AbdiAsrati, seeing they were stronger than I and there was no breath from the mouth of the king for me, I said to my lord, "//Gubla becomes their city,'4 there is much property of the king in it, possessions of our an(ces)tors in the past. If the king neglects the city, of all the cities of Canaan not one will be his. May the king not neglect this matter." 7 8 - 8 9 I herewith send your servant, my son, to the king, my lord, and may the king send him quickly along with troops that they may take the city. If the king, my lord, shows me favor, and returns me to the city, then I will guard i[t' . . . ] as before for the king, my lord. If the king, my lord, {does not return me] to it, then [...] the city from B{ur]us{ilim. May the king, my lord, d}o as he wi[ll to his servant, but let him not] ab{andon me. I am with] Hammun[iri . . . ] . How lo{ng am I to stay with him]} 9 0 - 1 0 4 May {the king, my lord], heed [the words} of his servant . . . [ . . . ] , and may he send troops quickly to take the city. May the king, my lord, not neglect this painful deed that has been done to the lands of the king, [my lord]. May the king, [my] lord, rush' archers to seize the city as quickly as possible. Should it be said to the king about the city, "It is a strong city," it will not be strong before the troops of the king, my lord. 12

c

1

c

5

6

NOTES m

1.

P e r h a p s ri-ib-ad-[di

2.

ti-is-la-Uy

qt'-bi'-malmi],

" R i b - A d d i . Say . . . " ; see EA 1 2 6 a n d

n. 1. sald'u

(AHw,

p. 1 1 4 7 ; only O l d Assyrian)? K n u d t z o n and

E b e l i n g t r a n s l a t e a s " i n v e i g h a g a i n s t , " O p p e n h e i m , LFM, and A l b r i g h t , ANET,

p p . 132!?"., as " i n s u l t , "

p p . 4 8 3 ^ , as " r i d i c u l e , " all a p p a r e n t l y only f r o m c o n t e x t ;

no e t y m o l o g y is p r o p o s e d . 3.

mur-su-u

(cf. mur-fi-i,

EA 7 5 : 1 8 ? ) magal:

serves as a n a d j e c t i v e , p e r h a p s b e t t e r , mursu-ma

s i n c e magal

G A L (rabilrabu),

e l s e w h e r e never "the p a i n / p a i n s ,

t o o ( ? ) , is/are g r e a t . " A l b r i g h t , "the i l l n e s s is severe"; O p p e n h e i m , "my d i s e a s e has b e c o m e c h r o n i c " ( t o o free). 4.

ep-(sa)-ti:

cf. EA 8 9 : 1 7 ; 1 1 3 : 1 1 . A g a i n s t t h e t e a d i n g ep-ti, "I confessed"

( K n u d t z o n ; O p p e n h e i m , LFM,

p p . 1 3 2 ? . ; AHw,

d i a n petit nor t h e related root pth

p . 8 6 0 b ) is t h a t n e i t h e r A k k a ­

in W e s t S e m i t i c l a n g u a g e s ever m e a n s "to

confess." T h e a t t e s t e d m e a n i n g o f "to reveal" d o e s not fit t h e c o n t e x t ; R i b - H a d d a ' s sins w e r e p r e s u m a b l y n o secret t o t h e g o d s . F u r t h e r m o r e , u n l e s s o n e a s s u m e s e i t h e r a p a r e n t h e t i c a l r e m a r k or a n u n p a r a l l e l e d c o n s t r u c t i o n ( O p p e n h e i m : "al­ t h o u g h I c o n f e s s e d . . . " ) , t h e c l a u s e e n u n c i a t e s o n e m o r e reason w h y R i b - H a d d a c a n n o t g o t o E g y p t , a n d t h i s can h a r d l y b e b e c a u s e h e c o n f e s s e d his sins.

219

THE

AMARNA Mutatis

LETTERS mutandis,

ep-di, "I have r e d e e m e d (by a vow)" ( A l b r i g h t ) , suffers

f r o m t h e s a m e difficulties: t h e a s s u m e d m e a n i n g is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in A k k a d i a n or W e s t S e m i t i c . I t c o u l d e x p l a i n R i b - H a d d a ' s not g o i n g to E g y p t o n l y on t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t he h a d v o w e d not t o g o . htfaepes'u:

S t a n d a r d B a b y l o n i a n , U g a r i t , E g y p t (EA 162:9). hittta epesu: B o -

g h a z k o y . O n a c a u s a l c l a u s e i n t r o d u c e d b y u, cf. EA

ioi:3ff., 29?;

104:36?.;

1 0 5 : 3 6 ? ; 1 3 9 : 1 1 ? T h e w o r d o r d e r ( o b j e c t - v e r b ) s t r e s s e s the o b j e c t : R i b - H a d d a sinned a g a i n s t t h e g o d s . 5. T h e w o r d o r d e r ( o b j e c t - v e r b ) e m p h a s i z e s t h e ?act t h a t R i b - H a d d a is s e n d i n g h i s o w n s o n , a m e a s u r e o ? the g r a v i t y o ? t h e w h o l e s i t u a t i o n . 6.

te-is-[ba-at]:

t h i r d f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r r e q u i r e d i n v i e w o?timtafi in line 44

(see n. 8) a n d ana umi kasddi-Tt,

"on its [ ? e m i n i n e ] a r r i v a l . " T h e p l u r a l tisbatii

in

line 98 is p r o b a b l y d u e t o c o n f u s i o n w i t h s i m p l e E R I N . M E S , w h i c h is t r e a t e d a s p l u r a l in lines 42(F), 80, a n d 9 3 . 7.

I f [ti-r]i-bu-mi

should probably be 8.

( K n u d t z o n ) is c o r r e c t , t h e n the a p p a r e n t a c c u s a t i v e sara sa-ra-(tulte). r

T h e g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t e d r e a d i n g / i - £ i ] h - { § } a - J > } / ( K n u d t z o n ) suffers f r o m

several difficulties: (1) t h e w r o n g t h e m a t i c v o w e l in B a b y l o n i a n ; (2) an over­ h a n g i n g v o w e l ; a n d (3) i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ( u n i d e n t i f i e d o b j e c t , K n u d t z o n ; p a s s i v e s e n s e , O p p e n h e i m ; u n p a r a l l e l e d s e n s e , w i t h key w o r d s s u p p l i e d , A l b r i g h t ) . T h e r e a d i n g ti-[i]m-[i]a-U]i,

w h i c h fits well w i t h w h a t K n u d t z o n s e e m s t o have seen,

m a k e s s e n s e a n d is u n o b j e c t i o n a b l e . T h e a s s u m e d l e v e l i n g t h r o u g h o f the p e r f e c t for all f u n c t i o n s o f t h e v o l i t i v e h a s m a n y p a r a l l e l s (ezebu, leqU, semu, e t c . ) , a n d for ff see he-e-fi'm

line 3 3 . R i b - H a d d a ' s a d v i c e t o t h e k i n g is t o s e n d forces n o w to t a k e

t h e c i t y f r o m h i s b r o t h e r before t h e A m u r r u forces o c c u p y it, for t h e n , t h e t r o o p s t h a t the k i n g m i g h t b e e x p e c t e d to s e n d w o u l d b e t o o few t o c a p t u r e the city. 9.

L i t . "when t h e a r c h e r s c o m e o u t , t h e n t h e y w i l l hear ( o f it)."

1 0 . kinanna,

"accordingly," in line 57 i n d i c a t e s t h a t lines 5 3 - 5 6 are t h e

e x p l a n a t i o n o f the p e r f i d i o u s b r o t h e r ' s activity, w h i c h is m o r e likely, it s e e m s , t o lie in t h e p a s t ( K n u d t z o n , O p p e n h e i m ) t h a n in t h e f u t u r e ( A l b r i g h t ) . 11.

O n lumma in t h i s s e n t e n c e , see EA 3 5 , n. 3. I t d o e s not i n t r o d u c e an

o a t h ( O p p e n h e i m ) . P e r h a p s t h e r e is reference t o o n l y o n e t e m p l e . 12.

I n line 6 2 , yi-is-ba-tu-Ii

is a l w a y s i n t e r p r e t e d as p l u r a l , "If t h e y t a k e

i t , . . . , " b u t a g a i n s t t h i s is t h e fact t h a t t h e p l u r a l t h r o u g h o u t t h i s letter h a s t h e { t } - p r e ? o r m a t i v e (tuddanil, 9 3 ; tisbatii,

98; [u-r\i-bu-mi,

line 6; timuru,

\\\tislahil,

1 2 ; tina"isu-ni,

1 4 ; tilqu,

80,

42?). M o r e o v e r , w h e n sarru a n d / o r belt f u n c t i o n a s

s u b j e c t o f t h e v e r b , t h e y a l w a y s a p p e a r r i g h t after t h e v e r b (lines 7, 26, 3 1 , 38,

39,

5 2 , 59, 7 5 , 77, 84?, 90?, 94, 97), w i t h o n l y t w o e x c e p t i o n s ( 8 0 - 8 1 ) , neither o f t h e m c o m p a r a b l e to t h e w o r d o r d e r a s s u m e d h e r e . For summa w i t h the i n d i c a t i v e , see lines 8 1 ? R i b - H a d d a d o e s not a s s u m e he w i l l b e r e s t o r e d t o his city (cf. 8iff.), a n d he e x p r e s s e s his w i l l i n g n e s s t o a c c e p t a n y d e c i s i o n o f the k i n g , o n l y a d d i n g a r e q u e s t to b e a l l o w e d t o live in a p l a c e a p p a r e n t l y d e a r to h i m . 1 3 . Lines 67? t a k e pal-ha-tu

are e x t r e m e l y difficult. I follow O p p e n h e i m , e x c e p t t h a t I

a s f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r p a r t i c i p l e , n o t a s first s i n g u l a r "stative" (so a l s o

A l b r i g h t ) b e c a u s e I d o u b t t h e e x i s t e n c e o f t h e { a t u } - e n d i n g (see EA 1 3 8 , n. We m u s t thus take N A . K U R . R U , 220

o r i g i n a l l y n o d o u b t a w r i t i n g o f nakm,

28). as

EA s i m p l y l o g o g r a p h i c for a n y form o f nakdm, NA.KAR -ra-rf/ 5

(nakrat).

here nakrat.

138

In line 67, p e r h a p s

Instead of a singular verb with plural subject

(EA

8 5 : 7 2 6 ?; 1 2 9 : 8 0 ? ) , p e r h a p s t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r D I D L I s h o u l d b e i g n o r e d . T h e city, o f c o u r s e , w o u l d b e B y b l o s . A l b r i g h t r e n d e r s t h i s , "since there is left but one city, n a m e l y , B u r u s i l i m , " r e a d i n g na-Id-ra-at

URU.KI

1 U R U . . . ; see BASOR

( 1 9 4 4 ) p . 3 1 , n. 4. T h e w r i t i n g h a r d l y reflects a s s u m e d C a n a a n i t e nafarat,

95 the

n u m e r a l w o u l d not b e w r i t t e n w i t h a h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e , a n d K n u d t z o n saw t w o wedges (DIDLI). 14.

T h e a s s u m e d f e m i n i n e p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix is very difficult. I f it c

refers t o the s o n s o f A b d i - A s i r t a , t h e n R i b - H a d d a c o u l d n o t have s a i d that they actually hold the city ( K n u d t z o n , O p p e n h e i m ) . "Behold our city B y b l o s " (Al­ b r i g h t ) t a k e s t h e na o f t h e suffix as first p l u r a l (cf. kaspu-na,

EA

138:38) and

i g n o r e s t h e si. 15.

a-na-sdr-s{f\:

cf. a-na-an-sdr

(EA

1 4 7 : 6 1 ; , 1 5 1 : 6 ; 1 5 3 : 1 5 ) ; s e e a l s o EA 2

2 3 5 , n. 2 , a n d v o n S o d e n - R o l l i g , Das akkadische (Rome,

Syllabar ,

1 9 6 7 ) , p . 5 0 , n o . 2 5 5 ; i d e m , Ergdnzungsheft

Analecta Orientalia 42 zum akkadischen

Syllabar,

A n a l e c t a O r i e n t a l i a 4 2 A ( R o m e , 1 9 7 6 ) , p . 7 * ; G e l b , Or n . s . 3 9 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p . 5 3 6 . anassar:

v o l i t i v e , f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 4 1 3 .

16.

O r , "may he g e t t h e t r o o p s m o v i n g " (AHw,

p . 9 4 3 ) . O n tisbatu

(line

9 8 ) , see n. 6.

EA 138

De profundis T E X T : VAT

351.

C O P I E S : WA

58;

VS

11,

73.

To the king, [my} lord, [the Su}n of all countries: Message of RibAd[d]i, your [ser]vant. I fall beneath the feet of the king, [m}y lord, 7 times and 7 times' 5-18 As to its being said to the king, "He (should he) in Yapu. He is exh\austed; he should} get strong and be like th{em}." I have not [go]ne to Ap[i]. Just now people from Gubla have written me, "Do not leave Beirut since we . . . and we will come in to you." Look at their treacherous {words} ... 1 9 - 2 5 for my entrance into [ . . . ] , 3 After the re[vol}t of my territory, s{in}ce [ i } 2 mo[nth}s ago, have I not lived in Beirut? . . . I sent a tablet [to] the [palajce of the king. Now [...] has come out to me {since} 4 months ago. Thus does my lord [ . . . } for his servant. I am a servant of the king. 2 6 - 3 8 The king has no royal mayor l[ike m]e who will die [for] my [lo]rd. When Abdi-Asrati seized Sumur, I guarded the city by (my)self. There was no garrison with (me), and so I wrote to the king, my lord. Troops came out [and] took Sumur and [ Abdi-As]irti. Now Aziru has ta[kenV §um[ur], and when the people of Gubla saw this, (they said), "How long shall we contain 1

2

4

c

5

c

6

221

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

c

8

the son of Abdi-Asirti. Our money is completely gone for the war." 3 9 - 5 0 Then they moved against me, but I killed them. They said, "How long can you go on killing us? Where will you get people to live in the city?" So I wrote to the palace for troops, but no troops were given (to) me. Then the city said, "Abandon him. Let's join Aziru!" I said, "How could I join him and abandon the king, my lord?" Then my brother spoke and [sw]ore to the city. They had a discussion a[n]d the lords of the city [were jo]ined to the sons of Abdi-Asrati. 51-70 I myse(lf) [w]ent to Beirut for a dis[cuss]ion with Hammuni[ri], and we ma[de an al]liance so that Ha[mmuniri], when . . . [ . . . ] , then [ . . . ] . . . We went, [ . . . ] and I, t[o the cit]y. They did not pe[rm]it me to enter. The rebel against the /b'[ng had taken [troop]s s of Aziru; he had stationed (them) in the city, and the city saw'4 that there were foreign troops in the city. So the residents favored my entering the city, and they said to him, "(You say), 'Behold, our lord is dead.' How can you say, 'Rib-Addi is dead, and so we are out of his control?' Let him not write to Egypt or he will take us and our children." So they drove the troops of Aziru fro[m] the city. ' 7 1 - 8 0 Half of the city is on the side of the sons of Abdi-Asirti, and half of it is on the side of my lord, and just as is done to a ruler that resides in his own city should be done to m e . ' Though I sent my son to the palace of the king seconds after' I arrived in Beirut, he has not had an audience with the king for four months. My man reports, "I have reached him at Tahda." 80—93 Why is my man whom I se[nt t]o the p[alac]e of the k[ing] detained? For my part, I keep say­ ing to [ . . . ] Why do you [ . . . ] the lands of Yapu? Wh[y do you . . . ] to me, since [you know that Gubla has been] a loy(al) city? And . . . [ . . . ] Though I am living in [Beirut], there has been no man of the king who ha[s come]. The city has said, "Look, [Rib-Addi] is living in Beirut. Where is a man who has come to him from Egypt?" And so they are being joined to Aziru. 9 4 - 1 0 9 Previously I would write to the king; he would not heed my word. Now I am living in Beirut like a d o g , and my word is (still) unheeded. If the king listened to his servant and troops were given to me, the city [would return} to the king. So [may the king give troo]ps that we may seize the cit[y. Let] n[ot] the troops of the sons of Abdi-Asrati [take it] for [themselves] and its people revol[t]. He is a rebel. In order to give (it) -* to ((to)) Aziru, he committed a [great] crime; he took the (trea)sures ^ and then drove [m]e away, and [he has sh]own contempt for [A]pi along wi[th .. . } 1 0 9 - 2 1 May the king, my lord, [not ne]glect his city so that the city says, "Rib-Addi is dead, ands[o we are out of] hi[s control. Let's be joined t]o Aziru." . . . [ . . . } 9

10

I!

c

12

l

1

c

6

7

18

19

20

21

c

22

23

2

2

2 6

27

222

EA

138

Against [the men] he a[c]ted treache[rous}ly. At the urging of the sons of Abdi-Asrati he committed that cri(me). Moreover, look, I myself did [n]o[t tel]l lie[s to the king, my lord]. Fearful { . . . } . . . 1 2 2 - 3 0 Look, the people of Gubla keep writing, "Where are the days when the king, your lord, used to writfe t}o you? Where are the troops of the days [wh}en they were sent to you?" A nice thing : ha-mu-du (desirable) that was sent from the king, (my) lord, has not been given to me. Gra[in} for my city is held back : ha-si-ri. 1 3 1 - 3 8 And what is Hammu[ni]ri goi[ng to s]ay? How long I have sta[ye]d with him! May the king give troops lest the sons of [( Abdi)-As}eratu enter the city. Should they seize Beirut, then the king, my lord, will have no lands. Moreover, is this the sort of treatment that is to be given to [m]e whom the king, my lord, should be concerned about? And why should we .. . another man? When I am dead but my sons, servants of the king, are alive, they will write to the king, "Please, restore us to our city." Why has my lord neglect(ed) me? c

c

28

29

NOTES 1.

L i n e 7: g [ a - m ] i - [ i r l u ] da-an-na,

a s s u m i n g t h a t a p p a r e n t t r a c e s before da

m a y b e i g n o r e d . It s e e m s t h a t o n e v i e w at c o u r t was t h a t R i b - H a d d a s h o u l d leave Beirut and g o to J o p p a ,

t h e r e t o r e g a i n h i s s t r e n g t h a n d a l s o to m e e t

Api,

a p p a r e n t l y an E g y p t i a n official. R i b - H a d d a d o e s n o t a g r e e , a n d he p o i n t s t o a loyal faction in B y b l o s t h a t s h a r e s h i s view. Cf. N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

p . 7 1 * , n.

40. 2.

T o j o i n forces w i t h h i m ? It w o u l d m a k e even b e t t e r s e n s e i f we c o u l d

r e n d e r "we will g e t y o u in ( t o G u b l a ) " — t h a t i s , r e s t o r e h i m t o his t h r o n e — b u t u s a g e d o e s not s u p p o r t s u c h a r e n d e r i n g . T h e t r e a c h e r y m e n t i o n e d in t h e next l i n e is p r e s u m a b l y t h a t o f a different f a c t i o n , t h e o n e a g a i n s t R i b - H a d d a (see lines 7iff.). 3.

URU.{K]I x [...]

s e e m s a p o s s i b l e r e a d i n g , a n d t h e city, o f c o u r s e , is

B y b l o s , w h i c h is f r e q u e n t l y s o d e s i g n a t e d in t h i s letter. 4.

H I . G [ A . R ] I K[i]-ia:

for barti asrtya

(itttya,

"against me"?),

HI.GAR

b e i n g p r o n o u n c e d a n d d e c l i n e d (cf. n. 2 0 a n d EA 7 5 , n. 7)? Very d u b i o u s . 5.

i-di-(ni)-ia:

w i t h ana in EA 6.

m o r e l i k e l y t h a n a n u n a t t e s t e d u s e o f idu,

For t h e r e s t o r a t i o n , see Eretz Israel 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . 9 8 . T h e q u e s t i o n a b l e s i g n

is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y ni rather t h a n ir, b u t n o t e ga-mi-ni 7. 8.

"arm, strength";

91:26. for gamir in line 3 8 .

l\a-qitqd\. I f a p r o n o m i n a l suffix is i n t e n d e d , t h e n na is c e r t a i n l y a m i s t a k e for nu\

cf. lines 4 1 , 6 5 , 68f.,

a n d 1 3 8 , as r e g u l a r l y in t h e s o u t h e r n t r a d i t i o n . P e r h a p s

b e t t e r , K U . B A B B A R - / W ( ( n a ) ) , s i m p l y a m i s t a k e p r o m p t e d p e r h a p s by t h e follow­ ing

a-na. 9.

T h e vertical after a-sa-bi

an a; n o t e a-na

in line 4 1 is p e r h a p s t h e u n e r a s e d b e g i n n i n g of

at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e x t l i n e . 223

THE

AMARNA 10.

LETTERS

I m p e r a t i v e rather t h a n i n d i c a t i v e :

following

R a i n e y , UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p .

25411.

y[i]-it-wzi: f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , i b i d .

12.

D i s c u s s i o n , with perhaps the connotation o f p l o t t i n g (Rainey, i b i d . ) ,

or f o r m a l d e c l a r a t i o n ( s e e EA 8 : 1 2 ) ; s e e a l s o line 5 2 . O n t h e l o r d s o f t h e city, s e e EA 1 0 2 , n. 5 . L i n e 5 0 : 13. position,

Dis­

p p . i86fF.).

14. tiqbu,

[ti-t]e-pu-Iu-mi.

L [ U G A L £ R I N . M ] E § : t h e first s i g n m a y b e L U ( N a ' a m a n , Political

T h e t r a n s l a t i o n a s s u m e s t h a t city is c o n s t r u e d ad sensum a s p l u r a l ; cf.

l i n e 9 0 ( b u t here a n i t e t a t i v e is q u i t e p o s s i b l e — " t h e city [ f e m i n i n e ] k e e p s

s a y i n g " ) , a n d c o n t r a s t taqbi i n l i n e i n . P e r h a p s b e t t e r , " T h e y s a w ( t h e s i t u a t i o n i n ) t h e city, ( n a m e l y ) , t h a t t h e r e w e r e f o r e i g n t r o o p s in t h e city." 15.

L i n e s 62—70 a r e very difficult. In v i e w o f t h e lines t h a t i m m e d i a t e l y

follow, it s e e m s l i k e l y t h a t R i b - H a d d a i n lines 6 2 - 7 0 g i v e s e v i d e n c e o f t h e l o y a l t y he is a b o u t t o c l a i m . L i n e 6 2 : aslabu,

" r e s i d e n t s , " p e r h a p s o f inferior s t a t u s , in

c o n t r a s t w i t h "the l o r d s o f t h e city" w h o have s i d e d w i t h R i b - H a d d a ' s b r o t h e r ; cf. CAD,

A / 2 , p . 4 6 1 b . T h e "death" o f R i b - H a d d a is p r o b a b l y t h e l e g a l o n e o f l o s s o f

office a n d royal s u p p o r t . T h e a n s w e r t o t h i s false c l a i m is t h a t h e n e e d o n l y w r i t e t o t h e k i n g a n d h e w o u l d have t h e s u p p o r t t o c a p t u r e all o f t h e m ; for t h e c o n s t r u c ­ t i o n , cf. EA 16.

362:22f.

awilu s e e m s b e t t e r t a k e n a s "ruler" rather t h a n s i m p l y " m a n " ( I n t r o d u c ­

tion, nn. 7 3 - 7 4 ) . 17.

is-tu 1 0 $E-ti (uftdti):

l i t . "after 1 0 g r a i n s . " T h e reference is t o a c l o c k ,

p r o b a b l y a w a t e r - c l o c k ( A k k a d i a n dibdibbu;

s e e T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , RA 3 0 [ 1 9 3 3 ]

p p . 5 i f . ; O . N e u g e b a u e r , Isis 3 7 [ 1 9 4 7 ] p p . 3 7 f f . ) r a t h e r t h a n a s a n d - c l o c k ( A k k a ­ d i a n maltaktu).

In the Babylonian system of weights (180 grains =

1 shekel, 60

shekels = 1 m i n a ) , if 1 m i n a = 4 hours (see dictionaries, also N e u g e b a u e r ) , then 10 g r a i n s is l i t t l e m o r e t h a n 1 0 s e c o n d s . R e c k o n i n g a c c o r d i n g t o t h e l i g h t e r S y r i a n m i n a (50 shekels) would m e a n only a slight modification. T h e exptession seems i d i o m a t i c for " i m m e d i a t e l y . " 18. and

Iia-si-ri,

c

a l s o t h e g l o s s i n line 1 3 0 : p r o b a b l y asiri;

cf. H e b r e w 'asar,

s i m p l y a q u e s t i o n o f w r i t i n g ; cf. di-ki, 19. (ri)-ka

s e e VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 4 1 6 ,

"to confine, stay, r e s t r a i n . " T h e final vowel is p r o b a b l y EA 1 3 1 : 2 3 .

R a t h e r t h a n a s s u m e a n o m i s s i o n h e r e , mah-(ri)-su,

a n d in line 1 2 4 , mah-

( p e r h a p s a l s o EA 1 4 0 : 2 5 ) , I t a k e M A H a s a l o g o g r a m for seru,

assuming

c o n f u s i o n o f v i r t u a l h o m o n y m s , stru, " h i g h , " a n d seru, " b a c k " ( a s u s e d i n p r e p o s i ­ t i o n a l p h r a s e s ) . I n v i e w o f t h e d u r a t i v e in l i n e 9 3 , p r o b a b l y b e t t e r , " T h e city k e e p s saying . . . they keep b e i n g j o i n e d . . . . " 20.

kT U R . K I :

l o g o g r a m U R . K U , properly U R . G I , to be explained 7

ei­

ther a s a d e c l e n s i o n o f t h e l o g o g r a m , U R . K I b e i n g g e n i t i v e , o r s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g , UR.GI . 5

21.

[ u t a - r a - a t ] - w i : cf. EA 1 3 7 : 5 1 .

22.

I n v i e w o f E R I N . M E S a s f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r i n lines 9 8 a n d 1 2 5 , l [ a - a t i -

il-qi-Si]. 23.

224

ti-bal-ki-~tu*.

24.

a-na na-da-((na))-n[i]

25.

( N I G ) . G A . M E S (makkurt):

a-na

((a-na)). cf. EA 1 0 9 : 2 1 a n d n. 4. A reference t o t h e

EA t r e a s u r e s o f B y b l o s (cf. EA

139

137:606°. 7 4 6 ) fits t h e c o n t e x t b e t t e r t h a n o x e n

(GUD.MES, Knudtzon). r

26.

iT [t]i-pi-il:

as p r e s e r v e d , t h e d u b i o u s s i g n l o o k s m o r e l i k e la ( K n u d t ­

m

m

z o n ) . In line 8, a-p[i]; r

27.

1

a -na

here a-pi, m

1 1 3 a-zi-ri

m

or a-bi-{x]

a n d a different p e r s o n .

[ n i - t e - p u - u l . . . ] : cf. l i n e 4 5 .

2 8 . D i s t i n c t i v e o f EA 1 3 7 - 3 8 a n d t h e l e t t e r s f r o m H a s i , EA 1 8 5 - 8 6 , a r e f o r m s o f erebu w i t h i a s t h e m a t i c v o w e l , w h i c h a p p e a r s e l s e w h e r e in EA only in 1 2 7 : 1 9 ; see EA 1 3 7 : 3 4 , 4 2 ; 1 3 8 : 1 2 , 1 3 4 ; 1 8 5 : 2 0 , 3 6 , 4 0 ; 1 8 6 : 2 6 , 5 0 , 5 7 . It m a y n o t b e s i m p l y a p r o v i n c i a l a b e r r a t i o n ; n o t e \t-i\e-ri-ib Asmar,

in W h i t i n g , Letters from Tell

AS 2 2 , n o . 2 : 6 . 2 9 . T h e v a l u e tit is so rare in EA (never o c c u r r i n g in a l e t t e r f r o m B y b l o s or

B e i r u t ) , a n d t h e o t h e r e v i d e n c e for {dtu}

so u n c e r t a i n (pal-ba-tu,

1 3 7 : 6 8 ; 1 3 8 : 1 2 0 ) , t h a t we m u s t c o n s i d e r mi-ta-tu

EA

129:82;

s i r n p l y a m i s t a k e , or p o s s i b l y an

u n f i n i s h e d te.

EA 139

A new voice, an old story TEXT:

BM 29828.

C O P Y : BB

45.

P H O T O G R A P H : BB,

pi.

4.

To the king, [my] lo[rd, my Sun]: Message of Ili-ra[pih, your servant]; message of Gu(b)la,' [your maidservant. I fall at] the feet of the lord, the Sun, 7 times and [7 times]. 5 - 1 2 Do not neglec[t Gu(b)la], your city and the city of [your] ancestors] from most ancient times. More­ over, behold Gu(b)la! Just as Hikuptah, so is Gu(b)la to the king, my lord. Do not neglect the delicts of a serva[nt],$ for he acted as he pleased in the lands of the king. 12—17 Here is the crime that Aziru . . . against the king: [he kill]ed the king of Ammiya, and [the king of E]ldata, and the king of Ir(qata), [and a co]mmissioner of the king, my lord. He also broke into Sumur. 1 8 - 2 9 [And indeed] he is now intent on [committing} a cri(me) against the king. Moreover, . . J 2 9 - 4 0 May the king, (my) lord, know [I] am his loyal servant. And so let him send a garrison to his city—30 to 50 men—as far as Gubla. The king is to take (n)o account of whatever Aziru sends him. Where were the things that he sends coveted? It is property belonging to a royal mayor whom he has killed that he sends to you. Look, Aziru is a reb(el) against the king, my lord. 2

4

5

6

8

9

10

225

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1 . T h e w r i t i n g gu-la is so f r e q u e n t t h a t it s h o u l d p r o b a b l y b e c o n s i d e r e d a conscious abbreviation. Line 34: conventional URU 2.

3 . a-na-a-mesti-ri

1{R]: very t e n t a t i v e ; cf. a-na-me in EA 1 9 7 : 6 , a n d see surru

p . 1 0 6 3 ; CAD,

S , p . 4 1 3 , b u t n o l o n g e r a t t e s t e d o n l y in O l d A s s y r i a n ; see

(AHw, AEM

gub-la.

See EA 8 4 , n. 1 2 .

1 / 2 , 4 3 6 : 4 3 ) . A p a r t f r o m t h e u n l i k e l i h o o d o f "one t h a t s i t s o n t h e b a c k o f a

servant" ( K n u d t z o n ) , n o t e t h a t t h e v a l u e sib is not a t t e s t e d in t h e s o u t h e r n t r a ­ dition. 4.

B e t w e e n a a n d as u n d e c i p h e r e d traces b u t c e r t a i n l y n o t pa (apas, " c o m ­

mitted"). 5.

A z i r u is c h a r g e d w i t h h i s father's c r i m e s ; cf. EA 7 5 : 2 5 ? . E l d a t a is t h e

s a m e as A r d a t a (cf. EA 1 4 0 : 1 2 ) , a n d t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r is u n d o u b t e d l y P a w u r u (cf. EA

129:95?.; 362:69). 6.

1 9 [ i - p f - i s ] ar-(ni/n&):

7.

L i n e 2 3 : yi-de. L i n e 2 7 : p r o b a b l y T]a-ra-[q\i

cf. lines 2 2 a n d 4 0 . (cf. EA 1 0 9 : 3 6 ) .

8. libba sakanu d o e s n o t m e a n here "to e n c o u r a g e , " a s in A k k a d i a n , b u t "to c o n s i d e r , p a y a t t e n t i o n " (cf. H e b r e w slm leb). T h e k i n g is t o d i s r e g a r d A z i r u ' s p a y m e n t s o f t r i b u t e as e x p r e s s i o n s o f a p p a r e n t fealty, for it is all s t o l e n g o o d s . 9. a-ia -ti: g

10.

l i k e ayya-mi.

O n t h e e n c l i t i c , see EA 3 4 , n. 1 0 .

W e see h e r e a g e n e r a l c h a r g e rather t h a n a reference to a n u n n a m e d

m a y o r ( W e b e r , VAB ill,

p. 1241).

EA 140

Again the crimes of Aziru T E X T : VAT

1639.

C O P I E S : WA

91;

VS

11,

75.

[To] the king, the lord, my Sun: Message of Gubla, your maidservant; message of Ili-rapih, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord, the Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 5 - 1 6 The king, my lord, shall not neglect Gubla, his maidservant, a city of the king from most ancient times. Moreover, why did the king communicate through Aziru? He does as he pleases. Aziru killed Aduna, the king of Irqata; he killed the king of Ammiya, the king of Ardata, and a magnate. He took their cities. To him belongs Sumur; to him belong the cities of the king. 1 6 - 3 3 Gubla alone is a . . . of the king. Moreover, he broke into Sumur and Ullassa. Moreover, Aziru even [com]mitted a crime [whjen he was brought [in]to you. The crime {was against] us. He sent {his} men [t]o Itakkama [and] he smote all the lands of Amqu, lands of the king. Now he has sent his men to seize the lands of Amqu and (their) territories. More­ over, is not the king of Hatta active, and the king of Narima and 1

2

3

226

EA

141

NOTES 1.

Cf. EA 1 3 9 : 1 4 ^ T h e c o m m i s s i o n e r o f EA 1 3 9 is here c a l l e d a m a g n a t e

( I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 0 ) . 2 . ana ser: see EA 1 3 8 , n. 1 9 . N a ' a m a n , Political proposes 3.

2 5 [u-sa.]-mah,

Disposition,

p . 8 2 * , n. 1 5 ,

"he c o n s p i r e d w i t h . "

T h e letter b r e a k s off h e r e , p r o b a b l y t o b e c o n t i n u e d o n a s e c o n d t a b l e t .

O n yi-pu-su

as s i n g u l a r , see Izre'el, UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . 8 2 . T h a t t h e s e n t e n c e is

i n t e r r o g a t i v e is not c e r t a i n .

EA 141

Ammunira of Beirut TEXT:

BM 29809.

C O P Y : BB

26.

P H O T O G R A P H : BB,

pi.

23.

Say to the king, my lord, m{y] Sun, my god, the breath of my life: Message of Ammunira, the ruler of Beirut, your servant and the dirt : a-pa-ru at your feet. 6 - 1 7 I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, the breath of my life, 7 times and 7 times. Moreover, I have heard the words of the tablet of the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, the breath of my life, and the heart of your servant and the dirt at the feet of the king, my lord, my Sun and my god, the breath of (my) life, has rejoiced very, very much that the breath of the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, has come forth to his servant and the dirt at his feet. 1 8 - 3 5 Moreover, as to the king, my lord, my Sun's, having writ­ ten to his servant and the dirt at his feet, "Make preparations before the arrival of the archers of the king, your lord," I listened very, very carefully, and I have indeed made preparations, including my horses and my chariots and everything of mine that is available to the servant of the king, my lord, before the arrival of the archers of the king, (my) lord. And may the arch(e)rs of the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, smash' the heads of his enemies, and may the eyes of your servant look with pleasure* on life from the king, my lord. 36—48 Moreover, may the 2 . . . of the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, the breath of my life, aven[g]e his servant.' I am indeed a servant of the king, (my) lord, and a footstool for his feet. I will indeed guard the city of the king, my lord, my Sun, the breath of my life, and its wall : hu-mi-tu, until I see the eyes of the archers of the king, my lord, and . . . the servant of the king . . . l

2

6

227

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1.

R e a d S A H A R . R A , a frozen c o n t e x t f o r m ("in t h e d u s t " ) , r a t h e r t h a n

S A H A R - r a (epera), a n e r r o n e o u s a c c u s a t i v e ; cf. CAD,

A / 2 , p . 166. O n the breath of

t h e k i n g , s e e EA 1 0 0 , n. 9. 2.

sulirdku,

with no object expressed, corresponds to the absolute use of the

i m p e r a t i v e in l i n e 2 1 , a n d i t h a s o t h e r p a r a l l e l s in t h e a b s o l u t e u s e o f t h e infinitive (anasuhri,

8x) a n d o f first s i n g u l a r d u r a t i v e (isusiru,

EA 6 5 : 1 1 a n d 2 1 6 : 1 0 ;

useliru,

3 2 9 : 1 9 ) . T h e s e p a r a l l e l s , e s p e c i a l l y t h e latter, a r g u e a g a i n s t "I a m ( p r e p a r e d a n d ) ready" (CAD,

A / 2 , p p . 1 3 2 a , 1 4 8 a ; see a l s o EA 1 4 4 , n. 1 ) . T h i s v e r s i o n is a l s o

r e j e c t e d b y P i n t o r e , OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . 1 1 9 , n. 97. 3.

ti-ra-'a -as:

4.

amaru

rasu; see AHw,

4

ina,

S e m i t i s m ; cf. H e b r e w ra'a 5.

p. 959.

"to l o o k u p o n , " w i t h t h e c o n n o t a t i o n o f p l e a s u r e , is a W e s t ¥.

In t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g l i n e s a n d lines 4 5 6 ° . , A m -

m u n i r a p r o b a b l y s t a t e s a w i s h r a t h e r t h a n a fact ( K n u d t z o n , t e n t a t i v e l y ) . T h e s u b j e c t , 2 H A R or A . H A R , r e m a i n s u n e x p l a i n e d . O r s h o u l d w e read a-mur, " b e ­ hold," a n d a s s u m e that the subject has been o m i t t e d ? 6. timuruna;

N o t "until t h e eyes see t h e archers" ( K n u d t z o n ) , w h i c h w o u l d r e q u i r e cf. Iii tfmuril in line 3 4 . For "to see t h e e y e s , " see EA

237:16.

EA 142

News about Byblos TEXT:

BM 29810.

C O P Y : BB

27.

P H O T O G R A P H : BB,

pi.

2.

[To the king, my lord, the breath] of my life: [Message of Ammuni}ra, your servant [and the dir]t at your feet. [I fall at the feet] of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. Moreover, 6-10 [/ have hea]rd the words of the tablet that the king, my lord, sent (thr)ough [Han}i, and when I [he]ard the words of the tablet of the king, my lord, my heart rejoiced and my eyes [sh]one brightly. 11-14 Moreover, I am indeed very much on my guard, and I shall guard Beirut for the king, my lord, until the arrival of the archers of the king, my lord. 1 5 - 2 4 Moreover, as to the ruler of Gubla, who is here with me, I shall indeed guard him until the king gives thought to his servant. Moreover, may the king, my lord, be informed of the deed of his brother, who is in Gubla, (namely) that he has g[i]v[en] the sons of Rib-Hadda, wh(o) is here with me, to the rebel[s] again[st] the king 1

2

who are in A[mu]rr[u].3

228

EA

143

2 5 - 3 1 Moreover, I have indeed made preparations, including my horses and ((and)) chariots and everything that is available to me, before the arrival of the archers of the king, my lord. 3 2 - 3 3 Moreover, I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, [ 7 ] times and 7 times. NOTES 1 . M i s p l a c e d ; i n t e n d e d t o i n t r o d u c e t h e f o l l o w i n g p a r a g r a p h : cf. lines n , !5, 25, 32. 2.

us-ti-sir

3.

K U R a-[mu]r-r[i]:

m

( i - n a ) SU (qdt)

7 [ h a - n ] i : cf. EA 1 4 5 : 1 1 .

reading certain.

EA 143

Egyptian ships in Beirut TEXT:

VAT 1584 ( + ) C 4764.

C O P I E S : WA

211;

VS

11, 79

(see

VS

12, p.

95)

( + ) WA

203.

{Say} to the king, my lord, the br[eath} of my life: {Mes]sage of Ammunir{a, your servant and} the dirt at {your] feet. {I fall at the fee]t of the king, {my] l{ord, 7 times and 7 times. . . . the breath] of my {lif]e. 10-17 The king, my lord, {wrote] to his servant and to the dirt : Joa-pa-ru at his feet. As to his order, wherever what was ordered by the king, my lord, the breath of my life, is, I shall search it o{ut] and then send it on to the king, my lord, the breath of my life. 1 8 - 3 1 {M]ore{ove]r, note how, as soon as ships of the king, my lord, {th]at have been sailed into Beirut, come in, I relea{se] (them). As to the maidservant of the king, my lord, just as . . . J so is Beirut for the king, my lord. And I am like a warmer of the horses of the king, my lord, { . . . } . . . to the king, my lord. 3 2 - 3 5 { . . . ] . . . {i}n sh{ips o/the king], my lord, / ha{ve sent}. 3 6 - 3 8 Moreover, may {the king, my lord], be info{rmed] that the { . . . ] of the king, my lord, are used {up . . . ] . 39-41 Moreover, may {the king, my lord], be inform{ed} that powerful are the { . . . fo]r his servant. 1

2

3

5

6

NOTES 1 . See EA 1 4 1 , n. 1. 2.

si-ki-pu:

3.

P e r h a p s w e s h o u l d n o t e x c l u d e a n o t h e r v e r s i o n : "as s o o n as t h e s h i p s . . .

f o l l o w i n g ARMT

3 , p . 1 1 5 ; see a l s o CAD,

S, p . 7 3 b .

t h a t are u n d e r sail for B e i r u t c o m e i n , I w i l l s e n d ( i t ) , " t h a t i s , w h a t has b e e n s e a r c h e d o u t a n d is ready for delivery. 229

THE AMARNA 4.

LETTERS

L i n e s 2 3 6 r e m a i n h o p e l e s s l y o b s c u r e . L i n e 2 3 : i n s t e a d o f ib ( K n u d t z o n ) ,

perhaps DI. Line 24: za-ta, also possible. 5 . ta-a[s-r]a-hi:

f o l l o w i n g AHw,

6.

=

Cf. da-at-nu

da-aV>-na-ti,

qar-ra-[du]

p. 1337. (CAD,

D , p . 1 2 2 ) . T h e relevance o f E Z E N

"feast o f t h e . . . " (Emar 6.1, 3 6 9 : 4 8 ) , is u n c l e a r .

EA 144

Zimreddi of Sidon T E X T : VAT

323.

C O P I E S : WA

90;

TRANSLATION:

VS

11,

76.

Oppenheim, LFM, pp. 126f. 1

Say to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the breath of my life: Thus Zimreddi, the mayor of Sidon. 6 - 1 2 I fall at the feet of my lord, god, Sun, breath of my life, ((at the feet of my lord, my god, my Sun, the breath of my life)) 7 times and 7 times. May the king, my lord, know that Sidon, the maidservant of the king, my lord, which he put in my charge, is safe and sound. 1 3 - 2 1 And when I heard the words of the king, my lord, when he wrote to his servant, then my heart rejoiced, and my head went {h}igh, and my eyes shone, at hearing the words of the king, my lord. May the king know that I have made preparations before the arrival of the archers of the king, my lord. I have prepared everything in accordance with the command of the king, my lord. 22—30 May the king, my lord, know that the war against me is very severe. All the cit{i]es that the king put in {m]y chfar]ge, have been joined to the Ap{ir}u. May the king put me in the charge of a man that will lead the archers of the king to call to account the cities that have been joined to the Apiru, so you can restore them to my charge that I may be able to serve the king, my lord, as our ancestors (did) before. 2

c

c

3

NOTES 1.

A s t h e f o l l o w i n g ^ha-za-nu

( n o m i n a t i v e ) i n d i c a t e s , umma here p r o b a b l y

d o e s n o t m e a n " m e s s a g e of"; s i m i l a r l y , EA 232:3; in line 5 ) ; 3 6 6 : 6 (qaqqaru). however, a-pa-m

S e e R . M a r c u s , JCS

2 5 3 : 2 / ' / ' 2 5 4 : 3 ; 2 5 5 : 3 ( n o t e fitfu 2 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p . 2 2 3 ; as a g l o s s ,

in EA 1 4 1 : 4 p r o v e s n o t h i n g ; cf. ana S A H A R . R A : ha-pa-ru

in EA

143:11. 2 . O p p e n h e i m , "I a m in readiness"; line 2 1 , "I a m ready." See EA 1 4 1 , n. 2 . 3.

R e a d i n g tu-ta-ri-si-na:

T h e a l t e r n a t i v e , ut-ta-ri-si-na, l a c k s t h e e x p e c t e d {yu},

cf. tu-ti-ra-an-ni,

EA 1 4 5 : 1 0 ; tu-te-ra-am,

a n d in c o n t e x t first p e r s o n is n o t likely. In m y r e a d i n g ,

t h i r d f e m i n i n e , a g r e e m e n t w i t h E R I N . M E S pi fat sarri

230

145:26.

u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e k i n g or t h e l e a d e r o f t h e t r o o p s , is p o s s i b l e , b u t , in m y

EA o p i n i o n , less likely t h a n s e c o n d m a s c u l i n e . F o r m : D of tdru, tutdr +

145

epenthetic

vowel ( s p o r a d i c a n d t y p i c a l f e a t u r e o f t h e p e r i p h e r y ; see K i i h n e , UF 3 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p . 370,

n. 1 4 ) +

p r o n o m i n a l suffix.

EA 145

Word on Amurru T E X T : VAT

1695.

C O P I E S : WA

182;

VS

11,

77.

[Sa}y [to . . . } . . [ m y lord: Message of Z}imre[ddi]. I fall [at (your) fee]t. [May] you know that I am safe and sound, and with your greet­ ing from the presence of the king, my lord, ybu yourself brought back to me the breath of his mouth. 11—22 I have heard your words that you sent me through . . . [ . . . } . The war is very severe. [...] . . . The king, our lord, has indeed been earnestly adjdressed from his lands, but the breath of his mouth does not reach his servants that are in the hinterlands. 5 2 2 - 2 9 Moreover, as to your ordering with regard to the lands of Amurru, "The word you hear from ther[e] you must report to me," everyone [has] heard (that) [...] . . . : ia-aq-wu-un-ka (he awaits 2

3

4

6

you)J

[...]...

NOTES 1 . S o m e o n e o t h e r t h a n t h e k i n g . T h i s is t h e only l e t t e r in w h i c h a v a s s a l r e p o r t s in t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f his l e t t e r o n his o w n w e l l - b e i n g ; see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 5 4 . T h e m e s s a g e referred t o in l i n e s 6ff. s e e m s t o have i m p l i e d an e x c e p t i o n w o u l d b e in p l a c e . 2.

\lu-u\

ti-T-de:

cf. EA

B y b l o s letters; Iii tide inuma 3.

1 4 4 : 1 0 ; lu Tde iniima

salmat

. . . , p a s s i m in t h e

. . . , EA 3 3 3 : 4 .

O n istu, "with," see EA 1 1 2 , n. 1.

U 2 U

K A : pi'-su ( t e x t , ka): the m e s s e n g e r

b r o u g h t t h e b r e a t h o f t h e king b a c k t o t h e v a s s a l (see e s p . EA 1 4 7 : 1 7 ? . ) , a n d t h e only b r e a t h t h a t is o f a n y i m p o r t a n c e a n d is ever m e n t i o n e d e l s e w h e r e is t h e b r e a t h o f t h e k i n g , "the b r e a t h o f his m o u t h " (line 2 0 ) , "the b r e a t h o f t h e m o u t h o f t h e k i n g " (EA

1 3 7 : 7 ) . T h e a s s u m e d error m i g h t easily have b e e n o c c a s i o n e d by t h e

l o g o g r a m K A just before. T h e a d d r e s s e e , in p e r s o n or b y letter, b r o u g h t a l o n g w i t h his o w n g r e e t i n g w o r d f r o m t h e k i n g . T h e c o n j u n c t i o n p r o b a b l y d o e s not i n t r o d u c e a s e c o n d c l a u s e d e p e n d e n t on inuma,

b u t , rather, a v i r t u a l c a u s a l c l a u s e in w h i c h t h e p r o n o u n atta

e m p h a s i z e s the c o n t r i b u t i o n o f t h e a d d r e s s e e : "I a m w e l l , for it w a s you w h o . . . " 4.

u[p-ti-/']g-gi: u p , less clear t h a n in VS 11 c o p y ; pagu (AHw,

p . 8 0 9 ; cf.

mupeggu?). 5.

D e s p i t e EA 3 3 4 : 3 , h a r d l y a p l a c e - n a m e . R e a d su-uh-ri

(suhri),

West Se­

m i t i c "back" (cf. subru in t h e g r e e t i n g - f o r m u l a ) ? A r e t h e " b a c k - l a n d s " s i m p l y t h e provinces? 231

THE AMARNA 6.

LETTERS

I n favor o f t h e d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n a r e t h e e n c l i t i c , w h i c h is r e g u l a r l y a t ­

t a c h e d t o t h e first w o r d o f a d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n (awat-mi), EA

a n d t h e p a r a l l e l s in

1 4 9 : 5 5 6 ° . ; 1 5 1 : 4 9 6 ° . ; cf. a l s o t h e c o n c l u s i o n o f a letter in U g a r i t i c , w.mnm

rgm.d.tJm*

c

tmt.wJt

b.spr. my, "And w h a t e v e r w o r d y o u hear t h e r e , p u t in a letter t o

m e " ( A . H e r d n e r , Corpus des tablettes en cuneifomes Shamra-Ugarit

de 1929 d 1939,

R a i n e y , Particles,

c i t e s u awata

alphabetiques

decouvertes a Ras-

M i s s i o n d e R a s S h a m r a 1 0 [ P a r i s , 1 9 6 3 ] , no. 5 3 ) . mimma sa telme iltu alrdnum

supram itya, "whatever

w o r d t h a t y o u have h e a r d f r o m t h e r e p u t in w r i t i n g t o m e " ( T a a n a c h L e t t e r 1 : 1 5 18).

7 . iaqwu

+

n(a) + ka: A k k a d i a n qu"u, H e b r e w qiwwa~>

EA 146

Abi-Milku of Tyre T E X T : VAT

1871.

C O P I E S : WA

231;

VS

11, 78 (see

VS

12,

p.

95).

[To the king, my l}o[rd, my Sun: Message of A]bi-M[ilku, your ser­ vant. I fall a}t the feet [of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. I am the di]rt under the feet (and) sandals of the king, my lord. 6-13 You {are the Eternal Sun]. The sweet breath [of life belongs t]o my lord, [my Sun, and I], your servant, am guar[ding Tyr]e, the city of the king, [my] lor[d, and waiting f]or the brea[t]h of [the king. For m]e [there is to be hostility] until [the breath] of the king com[es] to m[e] with power. 1 4 - 2 2 [No]w, indeed, the ruler of [Sidon, Z]imredda, is ho[stile to m]e. Dai[ly] he does not [per]mit [me to fetch water : m]i-ma. [I cry] out. $ ... [ . . . ] take me [ . . . ] . . . [There is no] water : m[i-m]a [for] them [to drin]k.* . . . [ . . . ] Apiru . . . [ . . . ] . ' l

2

c

NOTES 1.

[u-qa-(am)]-«rf.

2 . i-na » - / « [ / - 5 a - m a l a - q e ] 4

17 [A

?

: m\i-ma

la-a

/ - [ n ] a - [ d i n - n i ] : cf.

1 4 8 : 2 4 ; 154:136°. 3.

[&-sa-d]s-si:

4.

. . . mima [ i a - n u ]

enough room? 2 1 [ a - n a li-i]i-Iu-nu:

5 . M o r e t h a n 3 0 lines m i s s i n g .

232

cf. EA 1 4 8 : 1 3 ; 1 5 4 : 1 8 .

EA

EA

147

EA 147

A hymn to the Pharaoh TEXT:

BM 29812.

C O P Y : BB,

pi.

11.

TRANSLATIONS:

Oppenheim, LFM, pp. 123ff.; Albright,

ANET, p. 484. To the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of Abi-Milku, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. I am the dirt under the sandals of the king, my lord. My lord is the Sun who comes forth over all lands day by day, accordiog'to the way (of being) of the Sun, his gracious father, 9—15 who gives life by his sweet breath and returns with his north wind; who establishes the entire land in peace, by the power of his arm : ha-ap-Ii; who gives forth his cry in the sky like Baal,3 and all the land is frightened4 at his cry. 1 6 - 2 1 The servant herewith writes to his lord that he heard the gracious messenger of the king who came to his servant, and the sweet breath that came forth from the mouth of the king, my lord, to his servant—his breath came back! 2 2 - 2 8 Before the arrival of the messenger of the king, my lord, breath had not come back; my nose was blocked.' Now that the breath of the king has come forth to me, I am very happy and : a-ru-u (he is satisfied), day by day. 2 9 - 3 8 Because I am happy, does the earth not pr[osp]erV When I heard the gracious me[sse]nger from my lord, all the land was in fear of my lord, when I heard the sweet breath and the gracious messenger who came to me. When the king, my lord, said : ku-na "(Prepare) before the arrival of a large army," then the servant said to his lord : ia-a-ia-ia ("Yes, yes, yes!") 3 9 - 5 1 On my front and on : su-ri-ia (my back) I carry the word of the king, my lord. Whoever gives heed to the king, his lord, and serves him in his place, the Sun com(e)s forth over him, and the sweet breath comes back from the mouth of his lord. If he does not heed the word of the king, his lord, his city is destroyed, his house is destroyed, never (again) does his name exist in all the land. (But) look at the servant who gives heed to ((to)) his lord. His city prospers, his house prospers, his name exists for­ ever. 52—60 You are the Sun who comes forth over me, and a brazen wall set up for him, and because of the powerful arm : nu-uh-ti (I am at rest) : ba-fi-i-ti (I am confident). I indeed said to the Sun, the father of the king, my lord, "When shall I see the face of the king, my lord?" 6 1 - 7 1 1 am indeed guarding Tyre, the principal city, for the king, my 1

2

6

8

9

10

11

233

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

lord, until the powerful arm of the king comes forth over me, to give me water to drink and wood to warm myself. Moreover, Zimredda, the king of Sidon, writes daily to the rebel Aziru, the son of Abdi-Asratu, about every word he has heard from Egypt. I herewith write to my lord, and it is good that he knows. c

12

NOTES 1.

A c c o r d i n g t o A s s m a n n , Liturgische

gen zur altagyptischen

Hymnik,

Lieder an den Sonnengott:

Untersuchun-

v o l . i ( B e r l i n , 1 9 6 9 ) , p . 1 1 9 , n. 2 2 , "day b y day"

c

reflects E g y p t i a n r nb a n d i m p l i e s t h e d a y s o f all eternity. O n t h e h y m n in lines 5— 15 a n d its E g y p t i a n b a c k g r o u n d , see A l b r i g h t , JEA 2.

2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p p . I97ff.

S e e C . G r a v e , Or n . s . 5 1 ( 1 9 8 2 ) p p . i6iff.

3 . S e e EA 1 0 8 , n. 1. O n hapsu as t h e d e s i g n a t i o n o f a p a r t o f t h e b o d y r a t h e r t h a n t h e n a m e o f a w e a p o n , see K n u d t z o n ' s n o t e , VAB 2 / 1 , p . 6 0 8 , n o t e d , w h i c h is still relevant; P e t e r s o n , BiOr ( 1 9 6 6 ) p . 1 5 1 a ; a n d L i p i n s k i , RSO 4 4 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p p . 8 9 ? For a different view, see D u r a n d , ARMT 4.

t[a}r-gu^-ub:

2 1 , p.

344.

f o l l o w i n g d e M o o r , UF 1 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . 1 8 8 ; cf. a l s o t h e p e r s o n a l

n a m e yrgbfrl (Ugar.

7, p . 6, R S 2 4 . 2 4 6 : 1 6 ) .

5 . A n E g y p t i a n i s m m e a n i n g "I w a s d i s t r e s s e d , " a s d e m o n s t r a t e d b y G r a v e , OA 1 9 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p p . 2 0 5 f f . , in a d i s c u s s i o n o f lines 1 6 - 2 7 . R e a d i-sd-kir

K A . M E S ap-

pt-ia. 6.

O n t h e E g y p t i a n g l o s s , see A l b r i g h t , JEA

A c c o r d i n g t o N a ' a m a n , Lingering

23 (1937) p.

1 9 7 , n.

3.

over Words, p p . 4 0 1 ? . , t h e s o u r c e o f t h e writer's

joy is n o t s i m p l y his r e c e i v i n g a m e s s a g e f r o m t h e k i n g , b u t t h e c o n t e n t o f t h e m e s s a g e — n a m e l y , t h a t t h e k i n g is c o m i n g at t h e h e a d o f his t r o o p s . S i m i l a r l y , in EA 1 4 1 : 8 ? . ; 1 4 2 : 5 ? . ; 1 4 4 : 1 3 ? . ; 1 9 5 : 1 6 ? . ; 2 2 7 : 5 ? . ; 2 9 2 : 8 ? . , he t h i n k s t h e w r i t e r s rejoice b e c a u s e t r o o p s or t h e k i n g h i m s e l f (EA 2 2 7 ) are s o o n t o a r r i v e . S e e a l s o t h e Introduction, nn. 7.

117-18.

//'-tsi-ijr: f r o m eleru? P e r h a p s b e t t e r , w i t h N a ' a m a n , Lingering ?

p . 4 0 2 : " D i d not t h e ( e n t i r e ) l a n d p r o s p e r (ti-[si-i]r)

over Words,

s i n c e it has h e a r d o f t h e

gracious messenger from my lord?" 8.

S i n c e o n e o f t h e m o s t f r e q u e n t o r d e r s o f t h e k i n g in t h e EA

correspon­

d e n c e is t o m a k e p r e p a r a t i o n s before t h e arrival (ana punt) o f t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y (Introduction, ready"

sect.

Hiphil,

5 ) , cf.

Hebrew

*kun:

"prepare (transitive),

N a ' a m a n , Lingering

Niphal,

make

"prepare (intransitive),

ready." S o

also,

be

independently,

over Words, p . 4 0 2 , n. 2 5 . kiina: i m p e r a t i v e s i n g u l a r +

{a} a s

e

in H e b r e w l kd, e t c . S e e a l s o EA 1 5 4 , n. 1. For o t h e r v e r s i o n s , see A l b r i g h t a n d Oppenheim. 9. 10.

S e e A l b r i g h t , JEA S e e A l t , ZDMG

2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p. 197. 8 6 ( 1 9 3 3 ) p p . 3 3 ? . ; A u e l e t t e , RB 8 0 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . 3 2 1 ? .

H e r e , as so often in t h i s letter, t h e a u t h o r s p e a k s o f h i m s e l f in b o t h t h e first a n d the third person. 11.

A s o p p o s e d t o m a i n l a n d T y r e , t h e c i t y o f U s u ; cf. rabttu,

Tell al R i m a h i n s c r i p t i o n ( W a l k e r , Iraq 147:62).

234

" c a p i t a l , " in a

32 [1970] pp. 2 7 ? . , who compares

EA

EA 12.

E y r e , JEA

6 2 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . 1 8 3 ? , c o n s i d e r s u damiq

inuma

148

another

Egyptianism.

EA 148

The need for mainland Tyre TEXT:

C 4765.

C O P Y : WA

99.

To the king, my lord, [m]y god, my Sun: Message of Abi-Milku, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 4 - 1 7 The king, my lord, has written for glass. I give to the king, my lord, what I have on hand—100 (units) in weight. May the king, my lord, give his attention to his servant and give Usu to his servant so he can drink a jug : a-ku-ni of : mi-ma (water). May the king, my lord, give 1 0 palace attendants to guard his city in order that I may enter and see the face of the kifng], my lord. 1 8 - 2 6 My presence will be as pleasing to the king, my lord, as when the king, my lord, charged me with the guarding of his city. I write to the king, my lord, because every day the king of Sidon has captured a palace attendant of mine. 26—34 ^ a y the king give attention to his servant, and may he charge his commissioner to give Usu to his servant for water, for fetching wood, for straw, for clay. 3 4 - 4 0 Since he has acted hostilely, has he not violated the oath? There is not another palace attendant. The one who rai[d]s the land of the king is the king of Sidon. 4 1 - 4 7 The king of Hasura has abandoned his house and has aligned himself with the Apiru. May the king be concerned about the palace attendants. These are treacherous fellows. He has taken over the land of the king for the Apiru. May the king ask his commissioner, who is familiar with Canaan. 1

1

c

3

c

NOTES 1.

L U . G I R ( a l s o lines 2 6 , 3 8 , 4 4 ; a n d EA 1 4 9 : 1 8 , 8 3 ; 1 5 1 : 6 0 ) is p r o b a b l y

n o t t h e s a m e as E R I N ( M E § ) . G I R ( M E S ) (EA 1 4 9 : 6 2 ) . Very tentatively, I t a k e it as a l o g o g r a m for girsequ.

A l b r i g h t , JEA

2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p . 2 0 2 , n. 2 , t h o u g h t it m e a n t

simply "man, person." 2.

A l b r i g h t , i b i d . : " T h o u g h (he) h a s m a d e war ( a g a i n s t m e ) he has n o t

r e t u r n e d t h e o a t h o f p e a c e (i.e., 3.

he is s t i l l n o m i n a l l y a t p e a c e ) . "

T h e k i n g s of Sidon and Hasura.

235

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 149

Neither water nor wood TEXT:

BM 29811.

C O P Y : BB

28.

P H O T O G R A P H : BB,

pi.

14.

To the king, my lord, my Sun, my god: Message of Abi-Milku, [yo]ur servant. I fall at the feet of the king, [m]y lo[rd], 7 times and 7 times. I am the dirt under the feet and sandals of the king, my lord. 6 - 2 0 O king, my lord, you are like the Sun, like Baal, in the sky. May the king give thought to his servant. The king, my lord, charged me with guarding Tyre, the maidservant of the king, but after I wrote an express tablet to the king, my lord, he has not replied to him. I am a commis­ sioner of the king, my lord, and I am one that brings good news and also bad (news) to the king, my lord. May the king send 20 palace attendants to guard his city in order that I may go in to the king, my lord, and see his face. 2 1 - 2 7 What is the life of a palace attendant when breath does not come forth from the mouth of the king, his lord? But he lives if the king writes {t]o his servant, and he lives [for]ever. 2 8 - 4 0 For my part, [si]nce last year [my intention has been] to go in [and behojld the face of the king, my lord, [but Zimredda, the p]rince, [heard about m]e. He made [my caravan] turn back [fro]m the king, my lord, [saying, "Who c]an get you in [to the king?" Hea]r, my lord! Aziru, [the son of Abdi]-Asratu, [the re]bel against the king, [has taken posses­ sion ofSumu]r. Haapi [ . . . ] . . . [g]ave S u m u r [t]o Aziru. 4 0 - 5 4 May the king not neglect [th]is city and his land. When I hear the name of the king and the name of his army, they will be very afraid, and all the land will be afraid, that is, he who does not follow the king, my lord. The king knows whether you installed me as commissioner in Tyre. (Still), Zimredda seized Usu from (his) servant. I abandoned it, and so we have neither water nor wood. Nor is there a place where we can put the dead. So may the king, my lord, give thought to his servant. 5 4 - 6 3 The king, my lord, wrote to me on a tablet, "Write whatever you hear to the king." Zimredda of Sidon, the rebel against the king, and the men of Arwada have exchan(ge)d oaths among themselves, and they have assembled their ships, chariots, and infantry,4 to capture Tyre, the maidservant of the king. 6 4 - 7 3 If the powerful hand of the king comes, it will defeat them. They will not be able to capture Tyre. They captured Sumur through the instructions of Zimredda, who 1

2

c

3

236

EA

150

brings the word of the king to Aziru. I sent a tablet to the king, my lord, but he has not replied to his servant. 7 4 - 8 4 [Si}nce last year there has been wa{r a}gainst me. There is no water, [th]ere is no wood. May he send a tablet to his servant so he may go in and see his face. May the king [give thought] to his servant and to his city, and may he not [abandon] his city and his land. Why should [a commissioner of] the king, our lord, move awa[y] from the land? [Zimredda] knows, and the traitor knows, that the arm? of the king is absent. Now a palace attendant [is bringing] my tablet to the king, the Sun, [my] lord, and may the king reply to his servant. NOTES 1 . S e e EA 1 0 8 , n. 1. 2.

2 8 [pa-nu-ia

(cf. EA

151:8ft".)] a-na

L U G A L be-li-ia (cf. EA i 5 o : n f F . ; 1 5 1 : 1 3 6 7 . ) t e - m i - « ] i it-te-er-mi le-ri-ib-ka

i-ri-bi

2 9 {a-na

dd\-ga-li

m

30 [ zi-im-re-dap]a-u>u-ra

3 2 [ h a r - r a - n i i s - / ] # L U G A L be-li-ia

3 4 [ a - n a U G U - h i L U G A L si]-ma be-li

pa-ni 31 [is-

3 3 [ma-an-nu-mi

u/i]-

3 5 [il-qe URU su-mu]-ra . . .

O n t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f line 3 0 , s e e t h e r e m a r k s o f K r a u s s , Das Ende der

Amarnazeit

(see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 1 9 ) , p . 5 9 , n. 2 ; o n " p r i n c e , " see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 . 3 . il-ta-(nu)-ni:

f o l l o w i n g G r a v e , OA 19 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p . 2 0 7 , n. 1 6 .

4 . S e e EA 7 1 , n. 5. 5.

H e r e A (ID) rather t h a n Z A G (EA 1 4 7 : 1 2 ) ; cf. EA 1 4 7 , n. 3 .

EA 150

Needed: just one soldier TEXT:

C 4766.

C O P Y : WA

98.

[To] the king, [my] lo[rd, my god, my Sun: Mes]sage of Abi-Milk[u, your servant]. I fall at the feet of the k[in]g, [my] lo[rd], 7 times and 7 times. 4 - 1 3 The king gave his attention to his servant and gave sol­ diers t[o] guard the city of the kin[g, m]y [lord]. I am like th[i]s m[a]n. Should a single soldier guard the city of the king, my lord, then I would go in to behold the face of the king, my lord. 1 4 - 2 1 May the king give his attention [t]o his servant and give him Usu that he may live and [dr]ink w[ate]r. 22-32 . . . [ . . . ] 3 2 - 3 7 [They are wai]ling {i}n thestr[eet(s that) / should] give (them) wood. The king, my lord, [is ex]ceeding great. [Y]ou gave [t]o my fathers [ . . . ] . . . 1

237

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTE i.

Since A b i - M i l k u usually laments the absence of the E g y p t i a n military,

h e p r o b a b l y refers h e r e t o s u p p o r t g i v e n t o h i s p r e d e c e s s o r . H e says h e is l i k e h i m a n d a l s o n e e d s s u c h s u p p o r t . P i n t o r e , OA n ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . 1 0 2 , n. 5 , m a i n t a i n s t h a t A b i - M i l k u here calls h i m s e l f a soldier, b u t Pintore does not translate the p a s s a g e .

EA 151

A report on Canaan TEXT:

BM 29813.

C O P Y : BB

30.

P H O T O G R A P H : BB,

pi.

13.

To the king, my Sun, my god, my gods: Message of Abi-Milku, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 4 - 1 1 1 am the dirt under the sandals of the king, my lord. I am indeed guarding carefully the city of the king that he put in my charge. My intention has been to go to see the face of the king, my lord, but I have not been able, due to Zimredda of Sidon. 1 2 - 2 4 He heard that I was going to Egypt, and so he has waged war against me. May the king, my lord, give me 20 men to guard the city of the king, my lord, so I can enter before the king, my lord, to behold his gracious face. I have devoted myself to the service : u-bu-di of the ki[ng], my lord. May the ki[ng], my lord, ask his commissioner whether I have devoted myself to the king, my lord. 2 5 - 3 4 I herewith send my messenger t[o the kin]g, my lord, and may [the king], my lord, send [his messenger and] his ta[bl]et t[o me], so I may enter before the king, my lord. [I] have devoted myself to\tallyY to {the king), t[p seeing] the face of the king, [my] lord. 3 5 - 4 8 May [the king, my lord], not abandon his servant. May the king, my lord, give [his] attention and gi[ve] water for 6[ur] drink and wood to his servant. The king, my lord, knows that we are situa[te]d on the sea; we have neither water nor wood. I herewith send Ilumilku as messenger to the king, my lord, and I give 5 talents of bronze, ma{ll)ets, (and) 1 whip. 4 9 - 5 8 The king, my lord, wrote to me, "Write to me what you have heard in Canaan." The king of Danuna died; his brother became king after his death, and his land is at peace. Fire destroyed the palace4 at Ugarit; (rather), it destroyed half of it and so hal(f) of it has disappeared.'' 5 9 - 7 0 There are no Hittite troops about. Etakkama, the prince of Qidsu, and Aziru are at war; the war is with Biryawaza. I have experienced the injustices of Zimredda, for he l

3

6

238

EA

152

assembled troops and ships from the cities of Aziru against me. Is it good that a palace attendant of my lord should become frigh[tened]? All have become frightened. May the king give his attention to his servant and return : yu-sa (come forth). NOTES 1. W i t h G r a v e , Or n . s . 51 (1982) p . 166, n. 3 0 , t h e g l o s s is t a k e n as c

reflecting W e s t S e m i t i c bd.

(ur)-ru-di?

T h e p r e c e d i n g mi-ru-Ti

remains obscure:

a-na-mi

Cf. EA 1 4 7 : 4 2 ; 1 5 5 : 2 7 ?

2. ma-[gd\

ma-gal]. 5

3. s'hna-(q\)-bu-ma

1«' USAN

?

: qi-na-zu(AHw,

p . 922; CAD,

Q, p . 256).

4.

E L U G A L : as a l r e a d y c o n f i r m e d b y G a d d in Schaeffer, Syria 17 (1936) p p .

5.

L i t . "there is n o t h a l ( f ) o f i t , " b u t t h e r e p e t i t i o n is c u r i o u s , a n d o n e

146? w o n d e r s w h e t h e r the m e a n i n g is n o t , rather, t h a t h a l f was d e s t r o y e d , h a l f n o t . 6.

For E t a k k a m a ' s t i t l e , see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 . For t h e v a r i o u s inter­

p r e t a t i o n s o f lines 5 5 - 6 3 , see L i v e r a n i , Storia di Ugarit

(see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 2 8 ) ,

p p . 28ff., a n d R e d f o r d , History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt (see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 1 9 ) , p . 2 2 2 , n. 17.

EA 152

A demand for recognition T E X T : VAT C O P Y : VS

1719. 11,

80.

[T]o the k[in]g, my lord, [my] g[od, my Sun: Me]ssage of AbiMi[lk]u, yo[ur] servant, [the dirt und]er the sandals on the feet of [my lo]r[d. I fall] a[t the feet of the king], my l[or]d, my god, [m]y Sun, {7 times and 7 times]. 5 - 8 May the king, [m]y lord, [my god, my Sun], take cognizance of his city, [his maidservant. As Z]imre[dda, the rule]r of [Sidon, is at war] with me, 9 - 4 6 . . . [ . . . ] 4 7 - 5 7 [and] may he give me 80 s\pldiers] to gu[ard] h[is] . . . , [for] the war again[st me is sev]ere. In addition to the s[oldier]s, [wb]ere are the . . . [ . . . ] , and so may he give provisions. May the king, the Sun, my lord, know that Abi-Milku is a servant [ . . . ] . . . , and he has dev[oted him]self to : d-bu-ud (the service^ of the kin[g, his lord, and the ki]ng, the Sun, my l[o]rd [...] 5 8 - 6 6 [ . . . ] . . . 1

2

NOTES 1.

ti-e-ti-s[u]:

p r o b a b l y a d e s i g n a t i o n o f T y r e ; see a l s o EA 295, n. 7, a n d

N a ' a m a n , UF 11 (1979) p p . 6 7 4 ? 239

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

2.

Z u - x - [ x - x ] : ayya,

a-ia

8

however, is o t h e r w i s e a t t e s t e d in EA o n l y a t

Byblos. 3.

S e e EA 1 5 1 , n. 1.

EA 153

Ships on hold Metropolitan Museum of Art 24.2.12. Scheil, Bulletin de I'Insthut frangais d'archeologie orientale du Caire 2 (1902) p. 116; I. Spar, ed., Cuneiform Texts (see EA 15), pis. 114-15. P H O T O G R A P H S : Bull, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 21 (1926) p. 170, fig. 2 (obverse); Pritchard, The Ancient Near East in Pictures (see Introduction, n. 85), no. 245 (obverse). T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Moran, in Spar, ed., Cuneiform Texts, pp. 150f. TEXT:

COPIES:

1

(To] the king, my lord: [Mes]sage of Abi-Milku, your servant. I fall at your feet 7 times and 7 times. 4 - 1 1 1 have carried out what the king, my lord, ordered. The entire land is afraid of the troops of the king, my lord. I have had my men hold ships at the disposition of the troops of the king, my lord. 1 2 - 2 0 Whoever has disobeyed has no family, has nothing alive. Since I guafrd the ci]ty of the king, [my] lo[rd], m[y] s[afety] is the king's responsibility. [May he take cognizance] of his servant who is on his side. 2

NOTES 1 . W r i t t e n ia-bi-UJGKL, (um-ma a-bi > 2. 2 0 it-ti-Iu.

perhaps reflecting a g l i d e between the a-vowels

yabt).

1 7 [ii S u - u ] l - m [ i ]

1 8 [m]u-bi

LUGAL l[i-de ) 4

1 9 a-na

iR-Ja

sa

Cf. EA 1 5 4 : 2 7 - 2 9 a n d n. 2 .

EA 154

Orders carried out T E X T : VAT

1718.

C O P I E S : WA

162;

VS

11,

81.

To the king, my lord: Message of Abi-Milku, [your] servant. I fall at the feet of the king, [m]y lo[rd], 7 times and 7 times. I am the d[i]rt un(der) the sandals of the king, my lord. 5 - 1 0 I have heard what the 240

EA

155 1

king wrote to his servant, "Let my forces : [ia-k]u-(un) (be prepared)) again[st] Yawa." What the king ordered, that I have carried out with the greatest joy. 1 1 - 2 0 Moreover, since the departure of the troops of the king, my lord, from me, the ruler of Sidon does not allow me or my people to go to land to fetch wood or to fetch water for drinking. He has killed one man, and he has capt[ured] another. 2 1 - 2 9 [ . . . ] . . . May the king take cognizance of his servant. 2

NOTES 1.

S e e EA 1 4 7 , n. 8. For a n o t h e r r e a d i n g see D o s s i n , RA

2.

27

30 (1933) pp.

8 f. 9

/«{/-mu/mi . . . ]

28

a li-i-de

4

L U G A L a-na

29

\K-su.

EA 155

Servant of Mayati TEXT:

BM 29814 ( + ) VAT 1872.

C O P I E S : BB

31 ( + ) WA

228;

VS

11,

82.

To the king, [the Sun, my lord]: Message of Abi-M[ilku, your servant. I fall] at the feet of the k[ing, my lord], 7 times and 7 times. I am the dirt under the sandals of the k[ing, my lord], and the king is the Eternfal] Sun. 7—17 The king ordered that the breath (of life) be given to his servant and to the servant of Mayati, and water : mi-ma be (given) for his drink, but they have not acted in accordance with the command of the king, my lord; they have not given (these things). So may the king give thought to the servant of Mayati, that water be given so he may live. 1 7 - 2 3 Moreover, O king, my lord, since there is no wo[od, n](o) water, no straw, no supplies, no burial for the de[ad], may the king, my lord, take cognizance of the servant of Mayati, that life be gi[ve]n to him. 24—39 Should the king, my lord, give water to drink to the servant of Mayati, then I will devote myself to his service (and that of) Mayati, my mistress, night and day. Should I en[ter] before the king, [my] lo[rd], I would be afraid : ir-x-[x](?), [and] unable [to speak], since the king, the Sun, looked on. But the commissioner has not done [what] the king [commanded]. He does [not] give [water, a]s the ki[ng] commanded. 40-47 So may the king take cognizance of his servant and of Tyre, the city of Mayati, for whatever command has issued from the mouth of the king to his servant, that he has done. The word of the king [g]oes : pa-ni-mu (before him).5 4 7 - 5 4 The king is the Eter[n]al Sun, and I am the loyal servant of the king, [m]y lord. 1

2

241

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

The ki[ng charged me] with guarfding] the ci[ty] of [M]a[y]ati, my mistress. 4 . . . [ . . . ] . Moreover, my lord, [since the departure] of the troops from me, [/ can]not [go] to land. 5 5 - 6 4 Should a ta[bl]et [of] the king, my lord, arrive, then I will approafch] the land. May the king, my lord, know the sentiments of the enti[re] land. May the king gifve] attention to {his] serfvant] and to Tyre, the city of Maya[ti], so [wood and] water are given that [he] might li[ve]. 6 5 - 7 1 Moreover, [my] lord [ . . . ] the king should inquire from his commissioner whether Sumur is [set]tled. As the ruler of Bei[r]ut has done service with one ship, and the ruler of Sido[n] is doing service with two ships, I will do service with all yo[ur] ships. So may the king give thought to his servant [and] protect the s[hips] of the king with all my city.' NOTES 1 . sa-mu,

lit. " p l a c i n g , " u n d e r W e s t S e m i t i c influence (cf. H e b r e w s'im)?

2.

BE-ti-ia

3.

F o r t h e v a r i o u s p o s s i b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , see A l b r i g h t , JEA

(belttya):

f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , UF 11 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 6 7 5 . 23 (1937) p.

1 9 7 , n. 2 . 4.

S e e n. 2 .

5.

F o l l o w i n g G o r d o n ' s r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t : gdb-bi

Glossenkeil

VRV-ia

is p l a c e d w i t h

a t t h e e n d o f line 7 0 b e c a u s e o f insufficient r o o m a t t h e e n d o f l i n e 7 1 .

EA 156

Aziru of Amurru T E X T : VAT

337.

C O P I E S : WA

34;

VS

TRANSLITERATION

11,

83.

A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 15f. To the king, my lord, my god, my [S]un: Message of Aziru, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 4 - 8 Now as to a(ny) request that the Sun, my lord, makes, I am [yo]ur servant forever, and my sons are your servants. 9—141 herewith give [my] sons as 2 attendants], and they are to do what the k[ing, my lord], orders. But let him leave [me] in Amurru. 1

2

NOTES 1.

L U . T [ U R . ( M E § ) : f o l l o w i n g K n u d t z o n ; o n t h e m e a n i n g , see EA 1 7 , n. 7.

On

the historical b a c k g r o u n d of the A z i r u correspondence, see m o s t re­

c e n t l y S . Izre'el a n d I . S i n g e r , The General's Letter from Historical 2.

242

Evaluation

ofRS

20.33,

Ugaritica

Ugarit:

A Linguistic

and

V, n o . 2 0 (Tel Aviv, 1 9 9 0 ) , p p . 1286°.

Cf. t h e r e q u e s t o f A z i r u a s r e p o r t e d b y t h e P h a r a o h in EA

162:42—54.

EA

157

EA 157

Eager to serve T E X T : VAT

624.

C O P I E S : WA

36;

VS

11,

84.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

pp.

Izre'el, Amurru,

IIS.

[S]a[y to] the king, [my] lo[rd, my god, and my Sun]: Message of Az[iru, your servant}. I f[all] at [the feet of my lord] 7 times and 7 times. 6—8 Now may the king, my lord, know that I am [your] servant forever. I do not deviate from the orders of my lord. 9—16 My lord, from the very first I have wanted (to enter) the service of the king, my lord, but the magnates of Sumur do not permit me. Now, of dereliction of duty or the slightest thing against the king I am innocent.' The king, my lord, knows (who the real) rebels (are). 17—19 And whatever the request o[f the king, my lord], I will gr[ant] (it). 20-24 ... 2 5 - 3 3 And thus [ . . . ] . . . If the king of Ha[tti] [advances'] for war against me, the king, my lord, should give me . . . [ . . . } troops and chariots [t]o help me, and I will guard the land of the king, my lord. 3 4 - 3 6 Moreover, in all haste send me my messenger, and [/ wi]ll [...]. 37-41 And whatever the mayors have given, I too will give to the king, my lord, my god and my Sun. I will give forever. 1

2

NOTES 1.

O n L L V I R . M E S , ardutu,

a l s o Izre'el, 2.

"service," see Or n . s . 5 3 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p p . 2 9 8 6 ; so

Amurru.

E g y p t i a n h i g h officials r e s i d i n g i n , or in c h a r g e of, S u m u r , n o t the city's

e l d e r s ( K i t c h e n , Suppiluliuma

and the Amarna

Pharaohs [ s e e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 1 9 ] ,

p . 1 7 ) . I n EA 1 7 1 , Y a n h a m u is m e n t i o n e d as o n e o f t h e s e m a g n a t e s . 3. hi-i(-fa , x

L i t . "I have n o t c o m m i t t e d , " a n d r e a d i n g , w i t h Izre'el, Amurru, n o t laa-hi-i(-ta . x

la-a

T h e e x p r e s s i o n htta epesu as u s e d in EA 2 7 : 3 5 (failure to

s h o w m e s s e n g e r s d u e h o n o r s ) a n d 1 6 2 : 9 ( f a i l u r e t o d e n o u n c e ) s u g g e s t s that hitu refers t o n e g l i g e n c e , a d e r e l i c t i o n o f duty. T h i s w o u l d e x p l a i n w h y t h e n o u n s hlfu a n d httitu a n d t h e v e r b hafu are so rarely u s e d in t h e A m a r n a c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , even t h o u g h it is filled w i t h d e n u n c i a t i o n s : t h e a c t s d e n o u n c e d are t h o s e o f c o m m i s s i o n (arnu).

P e r f e c t i n n o c e n c e is t o b e g u i l t y o f n e i t h e r (EA 2 5 3 : 1 6 6 ° . ; 2 5 4 : 1 1 1 ? . ) . T h e

243

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

d i s t i n c t i o n o f "Yarnu f a u t e d e l i c t u e l l e e t le htfu f a u t e c o n t r a c t u e l l e " ( K e s t e m o n t , in G a r e l l i , e d . , Le Palais et la Royaute [see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 ] , p . 4 8 1 ) , w h e t h e r or n o t it o b t a i n s e l s e w h e r e , d o e s n o t s e e m t o e x p l a i n a d e q u a t e l y t h e A m a r n a evi­ d e n c e . N o t e , for e x a m p l e , t h a t a t t h e t i m e o f EA

1 5 7 A z i r u , as h e h i m s e l f

l a m e n t s , is n o t f o r m a l l y an E g y p t i a n v a s s a l , a n d h e is therefore u n d e r n o c o n t r a c t . T h e b a s i s for K e s t e m o n t ' s c l a i m ( i b i d . , n. 4 6 ) t h a t t h e c a s e o f A z i r u s h o w s h o w t h e s a m e a c t c o u l d b e , before a p a c t , arnu,

a n d after a p a c t , htfu,

is n o t clear. T h e

c o n t r a s t I p o s t u l a t e b e t w e e n arnu a n d httu, e t c . , g o e s b a c k t o t h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d ; cf. awilum nor fault" (AEM

sit arnam u hifltam

ul Tsu, " T h i s m a n h a s ( c o m m i t t e d ) n e i t h e r s i n

1 / 2 , n o . 3 1 2 : 1 1 ' , "peche" a n d "faute").

EA 158

Father and son TEXT:

C 4758 (12205).

C O P Y : WA

40.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 20ff. T[o] Tutu, my lord, [my] father: Message of Aziru, your son, your servant. I fall at the feet of my father. For my father may all go well. 5 - 9 Tutu, I herewith gr]ant the re[ques]t of the ki[ng, m]y l[or}d, [and] whatever may be the request [o]f the king, my lord, he should write and I w[ill g]rant it. 1 0 - 1 3 Moreover, a[s} you in that place are my father, whatever may be the request of Tutu, my f[at}her, just write and / will grant it. 3 1 4 - 1 9 [A]s you are my father and my lord, [and] I am your son, the land of Amurru is your [lan]d, and my house is your house. [Wr]ite me any request at all of yours, and I will grant your [eve^ry* request. 2 0 - 2 6 [And] you are in the personal service [of the king], my [lord. Hea]ven forbid that treacherous men have spoken maliciously [again]st me in the presence of the king, my lord. And you should not permit them. 2 7 - 3 1 [And a]s you are in the personal service [of the king, m]y lord, representing me, you should not permit malicious talk [ag]ainst me. 3 2 - 3 5 I am the servant of the king, my lord, and I will [n]ot deviate from the orders of the king, my lord, or from the orders of Tutu, my father, forever. 3 6 - 3 8 [But z]/the king, my lord, does not love me and rejects me, then what a[m] I to s[a]y? 1

2

5

6

7

8

244

EA

159

NOTES 1.

ardi-ka-[ma]:

as in all o f A z i r u ' s letters; G o r d o n saw p o s s i b l e traces of

ma. 2.

[d]t-[t}a-din

3.

N e i t h e r i nor ad-din:

( G o r d o n ) . L i n e 7: c e r t a i n l y

4.

[ g a b - b ] a : a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y not [ a - m u ] r ; so a l s o G o r d o n . Cf. EA

5.

[as-s]ur^-[r]i: [a-na

VGV-h]i-ia:

7.

as-ba-ta:

8.

r

160:9.

the A m u r r u f o r m o f Z U R - s i g n is q u i t e clear, a n d the s p e l l ­

i n g as e l s e w h e r e in A z i r u ' s letters (EA 6.

erihu-'7/T.

so a l s o G o r d o n .

165:20, 1 6 6 : 2 3 ; 1 6 7 : 2 5 ) .

so a l s o L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ; cf. line 3 1 .

bd d u b i o u s ( G o r d o n ) . n

k i - i - m a a - i a - / ; : L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n , ia d u b i o u s ( G o r d o n ) ; lit.

"in

m y place, instead of me."

EA 159

Nothing but the truth T E X T : VAT

1658.

C O P I E S : WA

35;

VS

11,

85.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 24ff. [T]o the king, my lord, my Sun: [Mess}age of Aziru, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, [m]y [god} and my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 5 - 1 0 1 do not deviate [fr]om the order[s] of the king, my lord, my god [and} my [Su]n. [As] you are like Ba[al and y]ou are like the Sun, [then h}ow could (any) [serva]nts li[e}' to my lord, [my god]? n - 1 6 [Loo]k, I am going to build Sumur. No[w . . . ] . . . 17-28, 2 9 - 3 8 39-42 [Andas fa}r as the mayor[s] are concerned, [I dec}lare: they are all [tr]aitors of my lord. [Do not tr]ust them. 3 4 3 - 4 6 [M]y lord, right now, [in] all haste, I am going to build Sumur. [N}ow, may he trust me [th]at I am going to build Sumur. [(• • •)]• NOTES 1.

u-ka-az-zi-[bu-mm]:

t h e v e r b f r o m kuzzubu.

If

f o l l o w i n g N o u g a y r o l , Ugar. 5 , p . 4 9 , in d e r i v i n g 1 0 [ a - m a - t ] e . M E § ( N o u g a y r o l ) , t h e n ukazzi-[ba],

c o u l d I tell likes . . . , " I a l s o read S e e a l s o EA 2.

9 [ u k]i-i

"how

rathet than {ki-i-k]i-/ (Nougayrol).

1 0 8 , n. 1.

Line 26: [...

iT-nu-ta,

"vessels, g e a r " ( g i f t s for t h e k i n g ? ) . L i n e s 33ff.:

p r e p a r a t i o n (line 3 8 , a - [ s e - s e - e r ] ) o f ( a d d i t i o n a l ? ) g i f t s for t h e k i n g ( ? ) : G l S . l . M E S , "oils" or samassamme

(Izre'el; m e a n i n g d i s p u t e d , e i t h e r " s e s a m e " or "linseed"; l i n e

245

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

3 2 ) ; [x mn]-na as-si mi-{...],

"fx mi)nas of myrtle" ( l i n e 3 4 , assu as a t B o g h a z k o y ? ) ;

fx K U S . M E S J S U N . M E S , "fx hides of] w i l d - c o w s " ( l i n e 3 6 ) . 3.

EN-ia-ma

\la-(d)]

4 2 [ta-qi-i]p-Iu-nu:

cf. line 4 5 . T h e u s e o f t h e p r e t ­

e r i t e f o r m i n s t e a d o f t h e c o r r e c t p r e s e n t - f u t u r e taqdp

i s , in t h i s d i a l e c t , n o t a

difficulty.

EA 160

Ships and lumber for the king TEXT:

Golenischeff (Introduction, sect. 1).

C O P Y : WA

34a.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 28ff. [To] the Great King, [my] l[ord, my god, my Sun: Messa]ge of Aziru, [your] serva[nt]. I fal[l] at the fee[t of my lord], my god and my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 5—8 My lord, my god, my Sun, I am your servant, and my sons and my brothers are servants of the king, my lord, forever. 9 - 1 3 I am indeed preparing all the requests of the king, my lord, and whatever came forth from the mouth of the king, my lord, I am preparing. 1 4 - 1 9 I am indeed, in very truth, now [preparing] 8 ships, box{wo]odlogs, and large logs of [ . . . ] . . . , everything that ca[me forth] from the mo[uth] of the king, [m]y lord, [my god, my Sun]. 2 0 - 3 2 [And], O king, [my lord, as to Sumur, about which] he say[s, "Why have] you {not] buil[t $umur?"],' [ . . . ] . . . of [my] lo[r]d, [ . . . ] , and the kings of Nuha[ss>e] have been at war with [me], and so I have not built Sumur. This year I will bui[l]d Sumur. My lord, I am your servant forever. O king, do not listen to the treacherous men that [de]nounce me be[for]e the king, my lord. 3 3 - 3 7 May the king, my lord, my god and my Sun, send me his mes[sen]ger so he can fet[ch] everythi[ng] that the kin[g, my lord], orde[r]s. 3 8 - 4 0 My lord, no[w you are going to hear t]hat I am buil[ding the city of the king], my lord, my god, [my Sun]. 4 1 - 4 4 [And, O k]ing, m[y] lord, send me {your messenger al]ong with [my] messenger [in] all haste, [and] then he can brin[g] the tribute of the king, my lord. 246

EA

161

NOTE i.

[EN-ia

2 2 [la i}a-bd-an-[ni

as-sum

URU

su-mu-ri]

U R U su-mu-ri]: cf. EA

21

[sa]

i-qd-a[b-bi

am-mi-(i)-ni]

161:35-40.

EA 161

An absence explained TEXT:

BM 29818.

C O P Y : BB

35.

P H O T O G R A P H : BB,

pi.

22.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 3Iff. To the Great King, my lord, my god, [my Sun]: Message of Aziru, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord, [m]y god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 4-10 My lord, I am your servant, and on my arrival in the presence of the king, my lord, I spoke of all my affairs in the presence of the king, my lord. My lord, do not listen to the treacherous men that denounce me in the presence of the king, my lord. I am your servant forever. 11—22 The king, my lord, has spoken about Han'i. My lord, I was residing in Tunip, and so I did not know that he had arrived. As soon as I heard, I went up after him, but I did not overtake him. May Han'i arrive safe and sound so that the king, my lord, can ask him how I provided for him. My brothers and Bet-ili were at his service; they gave oxen, sheep and goats, and birds, his food and his strong drink. 23-34 I g horses and asses [f]or his journey. May the king, my lord, hear my words. [W]hen I come to the king, my lord, Han'i will go before me; like a mother and like a father he will provide for me. And no(w) my lord says, "You hid yourself from Han'i." May your gods and the Sun be witnesses: (I swear) I was residing in Tunip. 35-40 The king, my lord, has spoken about the building of Sumur. The kings of Nujjasse have been at war with me and have taken my cities at the instruction of Hatip. So I have not built it. Now, in all haste, I am going to build it. 41—46 And may my lord know that Hatip has taken half of the things that the king, my lord, gave (me). All the gold and silver? that the king, my lord, gave me, Hatip has taken. May my lord know (this). 1

2

3

4

a v e

247

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

4 7 - 5 3 Moreover, the king, my lord, also said, "Why did you provide for the messenger of the king of Hatti, but did not provide for my messenger?" But this is the land of my lord, and the king, my lord, made me one of the mayors! 5 4 - 5 6 Let my lord's messenger come to me so I can give all that I promised in the presence of the king, my lord. I will give food supplies, ships, oil, logs of boxwood and (other) woods. 6

NOTES 1.

F o l l o w i n g Izre'el, Amurru.

A z i r u refers t o t h i s o c c a s i o n a g a i n at t h e very

end o f t h e letter, g i v i n g h i s m e s s a g e a k i n d o f inclusio. It w a s o n t h i s o c c a s i o n , t o o , t h a t he w a s p r o b a b l y i n s t a l l e d f o r m a l l y as a m a y o r ; s e e lines 4 7 - 5 3 . 2.

S e e EA 5 5 , n. 2 .

3.

P r o b a b l y fowl; see K r a u s , AbB

10, 1 2 4 , note a of the translation.

4. O r " b r e a d a n d beer." 5.

K U . B A B B A R - ^ : f o l l o w i n g Izre'el,

Amurru.

6 . O n e o f t h e m o r e n o t a b l e ignorationes elenchi in t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s .

EA 162

A letter from the Pharaoh: threats and promises T E X T : VAT

347.

C O P I E S : WA

92;

VS

11,

86. 1

Say [to Aziru], ruler of Amurru: [Thu\s the king, your lord, saying: The ruler of Gubla, whose brother had cast him away at the gate, [sai]d to you, "[Ta]ke me and get me into my city. [There is much silvjer, and I will give it to you. Indeed, there is an abundance of everything, [but n]ot with me." Thus did the ruler speak to you. 7 - 1 1 Do you [n]ot write to the king, my lord, [say]ing, "I am your servant like all the previous mayors in his city"? Yet you acted delinquently by taking the mayor whose brother had cast him away at the gate, from his city.' 12—14 H residing in Sidon and, following your own judg­ ment, you gave him to (some) mayors. Were you ignorant of the treacherousness of the men? 15—18 If you really are the king's servant, why did you not de­ nounce him before the king, your lord, saying, "This mayor has writ­ ten me, saying, 'Take me to yourself and get me into my city'"? 2

e

4

248

w a s

EA

162

1 9 - 2 1 And if you did a[c]t loyally, still all the things you wrote were not true. In fact, the king has reflected on them as follows, "Every­ thing you have said is not friendly." 2 2 - 2 9 Now the king has heard as follows, "You are at peace with the ruler of Qidsa.5 The two of you take food and strong drink to­ gether." And it is true. Why do you act so? Why are you at peace with a ruler with whom the king is fighting? And even if you did act loyally, you considered your own judgment, and his judgment did not count. You have paid no attention to the things that you did earlier. What happened to you among them that you are not on the side of the king, your lord? 3 0 - 3 2 Con[sider] the people that are [training you for their own advantage. They want to throw you into the fire. They have lit {the fire), and (still) you love everything so very much! 33—38 But if you perform your service for the king, your lord, what is there that the king will not do for you? If for any reason whatsoever you prefer to do evil, and if you plot evil, treacherous things, then you, together with your entire family, shall die by the axe of the king. 3 9 - 4 1 So perform your service for the king, your lord, and you will live. You yourself know that the king does not fail when he rages against all of Canaan. 42—54 And when you wrote, saying, "May the king, my lord, give me leave this year, and then I will go next year to the king, [my] l[ord]. If this is impossible, I [will send} my son [in m\y [place]" —the king, your lord, let you off this year, in accordance with what you said. [Co]me yourself, or send your son, and you will see the king at whose sight all lan[ds] live. You are not to say, "May he give me this year, too." If it is impossible to go to the king, your lord, send your son to the king, your lord, in your place. If it is impossible, he is to come. 5 5 - 6 7 Now the king, your lord, has heard that you wrote to the king, saying, "May the king, my lord, send Hanni, the messenger of the king, once more, so I can have the enemies of the king delivered into his charge." He herewith goes off to you, in accordance with what you said. So have them delivered, omitting no one. The king, your lord, hereby sends you the names of the king's ene(mi)es on [this] tablet given to Hanni, the messenger of the king. Have the[m] delivered to the king, your lord, omitting no one. Copper fetters are to be put on their ankles. Here are the men whom you are to have delivered to the king, your lord: 6

7

8

9

10

11

249

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

68 Sarru along with all his sons; Tuya; 70 Leya along with all his sons; Pisyari along with all his sons; 72 the son-in-law of Manya, along with his sons, along with his wives; 74 the commissioner, who is expert in sacrilege, that fellow {who) has mocked a resident-alien; ^ 76 Daasarti; Baaluma; Nimmahe—he is a brigand in Amurru. 12

1

14

7 8 - 8 1 And know that the king is hale like the Sun in the sky. For his troops and his chariots in multitude, from the Upper Land to the Lower Land, the rising of the sun to the setting of the sun, all goes very well. ? 1

NOTES 1.

[ u m - m a - ( a ) - m ] i : umma-mi is a t t e s t e d in EA 1 : 2 6 , 3 7 ( E g y p t ) . W h a t e v e r

t h e correct r e s t o r a t i o n m a y b e , it is clear t h a t no c o n v e n t i o n a l f o r m o f i n t r o d u c t i o n w a s u s e d . W i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f t h e c o n c l u s i o n (lines 7 8 ? . ) , EA 162 is in f o r m as well a s c o n t e n t q u i t e u n l i k e t h e P h a r a o h ' s letters t o inferiors (see I n t r o d u c t i o n , sect. 5 ) . 2.

5 [ma-ad KU.BAB}BAR . . .

w r i t i n g i-ia-nu

6 [ u i]-ia-nu:

in line 2 7 a n d i-ia-nu-um-ma

free r e s t o r a t i o n s ; n o t e t h e

in l i n e 5 2 . I t is not clear t h a t "take"

m e a n s "take as a v a s s a l , " as p r o p o s e d b y K . M c C a r t e r , OA 1 2 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 1 7 . 3 . T h i s is a d e l i n q u e n c y b e c a u s e u p o n r e c e i v i n g R i b - H a d d a ' s c o m m u n i c a ­ t i o n , A z i r u s h o u l d have i m m e d i a t e l y d e n o u n c e d h i m to t h e k i n g (lines i j f f . ) ; see EA 1 5 7 , n. 3 . 4.

ta-a-ku-ulkar-si-i-su:

f o l l o w i n g M c C a r t e r , i b i d . , p p . i5ff. T h e r e a d i n g is

c o n f i r m e d b y c o l l a t i o n ; t h e c o p y is i n e x a c t , a n d t h e r e is a l i g a t u r e o f T E a n d A. T h e d e n u n c i a t i o n w o u l d a l s o have r e q u i r e d h a n d i n g over t h e v a s s a l t o E g y p t i a n a u t h o r i t i e s ; cf. EA 2 4 5 : i f f . , a n d see K i i h n e , Andrews University Seminary Studies 1 ( 1 9 6 3 ) p p . 7ifF., a n d K e s t e m o n t , in G a r e l l i , e d . , Le Palais

et la Royaute

(see

I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 ) , p . 4 7 7 . A z i r u w a s , t h e r e f o r e , d o u b l y d e l i n q u e n t . 5.

Etakkama.

6.

S e e EA

1 6 1 , n. 4. M e a l s s e a l e d a l l i a n c e s a n d w e r e s h a r e d o n l y b y a l l i e s

and friends. 7.

T h i s is p r o b a b l y a reference t o A z i r u ' s h a v i n g b e c o m e a v a s s a l - m a y o r .

8.

T h i s s e e m s t o b e a reference t o a n i n i t i a l c o n t a c t w i t h t h e H i t t i t e s , w h i c h

is a l l u d e d t o e l s e w h e r e , b e f o r e A z i r u ' s final c a p i t u l a t i o n as a H i t t i t e v a s s a l ; see K l e n g e l , M10 9.

10 (1964) p p . 7 2 ? .

I n s t e a d o f li-mu-ut-ti

S , p . 1 8 5 a , p r o p o s e an-mu-ut-ti,

here a n d in t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e , G o r d o n a n d "these t h i n g s " ; see anmu,

CAD,

CAD,

A / 2 , p. 1 2 5 , and

comparable forms at Alalakh and Boghazkoy. 10.

250

T h e l a n g u a g e is s o m e w h a t o b s c u r e a n d o t h e r v e r s i o n s a r e p o s s i b l e .

EA N a ' a m a n , Lingering

163

over Words, p . 4 0 5 , p r o p o s e s : "And y o u k n o w t h a t the k i n g

d o e s n o t w a n t (to g o ) to t h e e n t i r e l a n d o f C a n a a n w h e n he is angry." r

1

11.

<*-[sap-pa-ra k i - m u ] - u - a ' : q u i t e d o u b t f u l .

12.

D A M . M E 3 - / z - / # as-sa-te-e-su:

f o l l o w i n g K n u d t z o n a n d r e c o g n i z i n g the

H i t t i t e - E g y p t i a n d u c t u s o f D A M , n o t N I N , as p r o p o s e d b y R i e s , RLA

6, p . 1 8 3 b ,

followed b y M o r a n , Or n . s . 5 3 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p . 2 9 7 . 13.

" C o m m i s s i o n e r " : f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t , JNES

5 ( 1 9 4 6 ) p . 1 8 ; p e r h a p s an

a d d i t i o n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f "the s o n - i n - l a w o f M a n y a . " I n s t e a d o f " c o m m i s s i o n e r , " J e f f r e y Z o r n , JNES

5 0 ( 1 9 9 1 ) p p . 1296°., a r g u e s well in favor o f "the soldier." W e

t h e n r e a d : sa ha-an-ni-pa The

i-de^-e-i-u

75 sa-su (sa) u-bd-a-ra

il-ta-na-as

(sandsu).

c h a r g e s e e m s t o refer t o a s e r i o u s b r e a c h o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l law i n v o l v i n g a

foreign

dignitary. 14. 15.

li

ha-bd-tu{habbatu,

"robber"): f o l l o w i n g AHw,

p. 304.

L o n g f o r m : see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 3 , ' a n d EA 9 9 , n. 7.

EA 163

Message lost T E X T : VAT C O P Y : VS

1885. 11,

87.

Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE

1.

A letter f r o m t h e P h a r a o h , w i t h t h e s a m e c o n c l u s i o n as EA 162:786°.

EA 164

Coming—on condition T E X T : VAT C O P I E S : 38;

249. VS

11,

88.

Izre'el, Amurru, pp. 36ff. To Tutu, my lord, my father: Message of Aziru, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord. 4—17 Hatip has come and brought the gracious and sweet words of the king, my lord, and I am quite overjoyed. My land and my brothers, the servants of the king, my lord, and the servants of Tutu, my lord, are overjoyed when the breath of the king, my lord, comes. I do not deviate from the orders of my lord, my god, my Sun, and from the orders of Tutu, my lord. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

251

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

1 8 - 2 6 My lord, since Hatip is staying with me, he and I will make the journey. My lord, the king of Hatti has come to Nuhasse and I cannot g[o}. Just let the king of Hatti depart and straightaway I will make the journey with Hatip. 2 7 - 3 4 May the king, my lord, heed my words. My lord, I am afraid of the king, my lord, and of Tutu. Here are my gods and my messenger. Tutu and the magnates of the king, my lord, I would put under oath and then I will make the journey. 3 5 - 4 2 And thus Tutu, the king, my lord, and the magnates: "(We swear) we will not devise anything regarding Aziru that is not good." Thus are you to be put under oath to my gods and to Aman.3 Indeed, Hatip and I are servants of the gracious king. 4 3 - 4 4 Tutu, know [t]hat I will come to you. 1

2

NOTES r

1.

lu-u- ta^

2.

AHw,

-\a\m-mi\

f o l l o w i n g Izre'el,

p . 1 1 7 9 , p r o p o s e s ni-is-qti-uq,

u p o n , " b u t t h i s leaves mimma

. . . sa la damiq

p r o p o s e a d e r i v a t i o n f r o m sakaku, t e x t . Izre'el, Amurru, in Jeremiah 3.

Amurru. a C a n a a n i t e l o a n w o r d , "to r u s h without adequate explanation. I

"to s t r i n g t o g e t h e r , " u s i n g "devise" f r o m c o n ­

f o l l o w i n g W i n c k l e r ' s c o m p a r i s o n w i t h t h e p r o b l e m a t i c Jak

5 : 2 7 , is in e s s e n t i a l a g r e e m e n t a n d r e n d e r s b y "plot." D

W r i t t e n A ; s e e S c h r o e d e r , OLZ,

1 9 1 5 , cols. 326f.

EA 165

Tunip threatened T E X T : VAT

325.

C O P I E S : WA

33;

VS

11,

89.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 40ff. {T]o the k[ing, my lord, my god, my Sun]: Message of [Aziru, your servant]. [I fall at the feet of my lord] 7 times and 7 [times]. 4 - 9 My lord, m[y] god, [my Sun], what m[ore do I seek]? I seek [to see] the gracious face of the king, m[y] lord, [my Sun], forever. Baaluya and [I] are [yo]ur [servants]. 1 0 - 1 3 I am guarding the land of the king, my lord, and I am devoted to the service of the king, my lord. Safe and sound, I would s[ee] the gracious [f]ac[e] of the king, my lord. 1 4 - 1 7 My lord, Hatip and I are coming, and may my lord know that I will [be] there in all ha[st]e. 1

252

2

EA

165

1 8 - 2 1 The king of Hatti is staying [in Nuhasse], and I am afra[id of him]. Heaven forbi[d that he come into Amurru] and the land [of the king, my lord]. 22—27 Because of [these] things I have been staying on. Just let him d [ e p a r t 3 and] return t[o his own land, and straightaway] I will ma[ke the journey] with Hatip. [/] am a [ser]vant of the ve[ry], ve[ry] gracious king.^ 2 8 - 4 1 [My lord, do not wor]ry at all. I will be [th]ere! [My only concern has beenY> the king of Hatti, [but n]o[w] I shall b[e th]ere to s[ee the f ]ace of [my] Sun, [m]y [lord]. My lord, [when] I was staying [i]n [ . . . , the king] of Ha[tti] ca[me] into Amurru, the land of the k[in]g, [m]y lo[r]d, because the king, my lord, did not let me stay to guard his land. And now he is staying in Nuhasse. It is (only) two day-marches to Tunip, and so I am afraid of his attacking Tunip. May he depart. 4 2 - 4 5 Mo[reo]ver, my lord, do not listen to the tr[eacherous men]. I, [my brothers], and my sons are [servants of the king, my lord], foreve[r]. NOTES 1 . See EA 1 5 7 , n. 1. 2.

ina sulmi:

lit. "in a s t a t e o f w e l l - b e i n g , " s a i d o f arrivals (EA

161:18;

1 6 7 : 1 8 ; 1 6 8 : 5 , 9, a n d cf. l i n e 1 1 ) , a n e v e n t a l s o i m p l i e d here. Cf. t h e s e q u e n c e in EA i67:i8ff. o f arrival ina sulmi f o l l o w e d b y s e e i n g t h e face o f t h e k i n g . In O l d B a b y l o n i a n , ina salimtim

w a s fairly c o m m o n ; see AHw,

p . 1 1 4 8 , a n d a d d ARM

10,

1:9; 1 7 : 7 . 3 . l[i-ip-(u -ur]: 4

4.

cf. line 4 1 ; EA 1 6 4 : 2 4 ; i 6 7 : i 2 f f . , 2 4 ; a l s o 1 6 6 : 2 9 .

banu is s a i d o f t h e k i n g ' s face, w h i c h is g r a m m a t i c a l l y s i n g u l a r

(EA

1 6 3 : 1 ) or p l u r a l (EA 1 6 5 : 7 ; 1 6 6 : 7 ; 1 6 7 : 1 9 ) , o f h i s w o r d s (EA 1 6 4 : 6 ) , a n d o f the k i n g h i m s e l f (EA 1 6 6 : 1 1 ) . In its u s a g e in EA 1 6 6 : 1 1 , "all m y b r o t h e r s a r e servants sa sarri beliya bd-ni," t h e f o r m is c l e a r l y g e n i t i v e s i n g u l a r a g r e e i n g w i t h sarri, a n d there is n o t t h e s l i g h t e s t r e a s o n t o refer it t o t h e b r o t h e r s . H e n c e h e r e , t o o , bani refers t o t h e k i n g , n o t t o A z i r u . 5.

[pa-ni-ia-ma].

253

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 166

Coming—but not yet T E X T : VAT

250.

C O P I E S : WA

31;

VS

11,

90.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 43ff. [T]o Haay, my brother: Message of Aziru, your brother. For you may all go well, and for the archers of the king, my lord, may all go very well. 6 - n What more do I seek? I seek the gracious face of the king, my lord. I, my sons, and my brothers are all servants of the gracious king, my lord. 1 2 - 1 6 Hatip and I are indeed coming, right now, in all haste. Haay, may you be convinced that I will be there. 1 7 - 2 0 I do not deviate [f]rom the orders of my lord, and from your orders (I do not deviate). I am the servant of my lord. 2 1 - 2 9 The king of Hatti is staying in Nuhasse, and I am afraid of him. Heaven forbid that he co(m)e into Amurru. If he attacks Tunip, then it is (only) two day-marches to where he is staying. So I am afraid of him, and for this reason I have been staying on until he departs. 3 0 - 3 2 And (then) straightaway I will come with Hatip. 1

NOTE 1 . T h a t t h e g r e e t i n g s h o u l d c o m e from t h e archers ( s o K n u d t z o n , VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 5 9 8 ) w o u l d b e w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l ; for istu,

"with," see EA 1 1 2 , n. 1.

EA 167

The constant Hittite menace T E X T : VAT

326.

C O P I E S : WA

32;

VS

11,

91.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 46ff. {...}

5—7 [I do not devi]ate [from the orders of my lord, and from your orders I do not dev]iate [forever]. 8 - 1 0 [And wh]at m[ore do I seek? I seek] the graciou[s face of the k]in[g]. [ . . . ] . . . [ . . . ] . 254

EA

168

1 1 - 1 5 [The king} of Hatti is [sta}ying in Nuhasse. Just let him d[epar}t, and straightaway [ . . . } H[atip] and I will co[m]e [in all haste]. 1 6 - 1 9 Do not be [wo]rried at all. / [willbe] the[re, s]afe and sound, and I would see the gracious face of [my] lord. 2 0 - 2 4 The king of Hatt[i] is staying [i]n Nuhasse, and I am afraid of [him]. It is (only) two day-marches fro[m] Tunip to where he is staying, and so I am afraid. Just let him depart and straightaway I will be there. 2 5 - 2 7 He[av]en forbid that he come he[r]e into Amurru, the land of my lord. I am afraid for the land of my lord. 28—34 Tutu, now as my heart and my words are [in accordance with whatever is in [your] intentions, [/ will be reac]hing Tutu, [my] lo[rd]. [My lord], may you be happy [since] I will [indeed] be there, sa[fe and sound, to se]e the face of the king, [my] l[ord]. 1

2

3

4

NOTES 1 . T h i s is p r o b a b l y a v o c a t i v e (cf. EA 1 6 4 : 4 3 ) , w h i c h w o u l d m a k e T u t u the r e c i p i e n t o f t h i s letter. r

2.

[d]m-[m]a- la~':

3.

[a-ka]-as-(sa)-d[u

a highly probable reading. m

i]t-//' tu-u-tu:

Izre'el, Amurru,

accepts m y interpreta­

t i o n o f itti, b u t c o n s i d e r s , a n d r i g h t l y , W e s t S e m i t i z e d A k k a d i a n in this d i a l e c t i n t r u s i v e a n d i m p r o b a b l e . T h a t t h e use o f ; / / / is o f W e s t S e m i t i c o r i g i n o n l y p a r t l y a l l e v i a t e s t h e difficulty; cf. EA 3 5 : 5 4 ? ; 4 7 : 1 6 ; 8 2 : 1 5 ; 8 7 : 1 0 . H i s o w n i n t e r p r e t a ­ t i o n , a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h A z i r u ' s heart a n d w o r d s have r e a c h e d (kasdu)

Tutu, seems

somewhat obscure. 4.

[ i - n u - m a ] : f o l l o w i n g Izre'el,

Amurru.

EA 168

Royal cargo T E X T : VAT

1659.

C O P I E S : WA

37;

VS

11,

92.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 49fF. [T]o the king, my lord, [m]y god, [my Sun]: Message of Aziru, yo[ur] servant. I fall at the feet of [my lord, my god], my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 4 - 1 2 O Sun, my lord, my god, I [will be th]ere, sa[fe] and soun[d, to s]e[e] the f[ace of the king, m]y [lord, and} . . . [ . . . and H]atip will ar[rive, safe and s]ound. The thin[gs], too, [for the king], my lord, [my 255

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

god, wi]ll be there [i]n ships, [unha]rmed, in the land of the king, and Reverse 1-16 [ . . . ] . . .

EA 169

Aziru in Egypt T E X T : VAT

1660.

C O P I E S : WA

39;

VS

11,

93.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 5 Iff. 1

[ . . . may all g}o well. 4 - 1 5 [In me] there is no [dupl]icity. [...] . . . [Y]ou may keep me alive {and] you may put me to death. To you alone do I look, and you alone are my lord. So may my lord heed his servants. Do not delay Aziru, your servant, there (any longer). Send him here immediately so he may guard the countries of the king, our lord. 1 6 - 3 9 Moreover, to Tutu, my lord: Hear the words of the kings of Nuhasse. They said to me: "You sold your father [t]o the king of Egypt for gold, and w[he]n will he let him go from Egypt?" All the country and all the Sutean forces said to me, also to that point, "Aziru is not going to get out of Egypt." And now the Suteans are deserting* the country [and I am] repeatedly informed, "Your father is staying [i]n Eg[yp]t, [and so] we are going to wage war against you." [ . . . ] . . . Listen, [my lord. Tut]u, my lord, [let] Aziru go [immediately. . . . ] . . . Nuhasse . . . 40—47 [ . . . " . . . Let] him stay on, [and then we will wage] war against you." [Now indeed ever]yone is d[eser]ting. 2

3

NOTES 1 . T h e s e n d e r o f t h e l e t t e r is A z i r u ' s s o n , p e r h a p s D U - T e s s u p , t h e f a t h e r o f A z i r u ' s s u c c e s s o r , as K l e n g e l , MIO 10 ( 1 9 6 4 ) p . 75, n. 1 0 2 , h a s p r o p o s e d ; s e e a l s o K l e n g e l , Geschichte Amurru,

Syriens

(see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n.

1 2 7 ) , T e i l 2 , p . 2 8 1 . Izre'el,

s u g g e s t s B i t - i l i . If, f o l l o w i n g Izre'el, i b i d . , in lines i6ff. w e see T u t u

b e i n g a d d r e s s e d , t h e n h e is h a r d l y t h e a d d r e s s e e o f t h e p r e c e d i n g m e s s a g e . T h e l a t t e r m u s t b e a n o t h e r h i g h E g y p t i a n official. 2.

[ a - n a ia-si S A ] : cf. EA 1 3 6 , n. 7. F o r o b j e c t i o n s a g a i n s t t h i s r e s t o r a t i o n ,

see Izre'el, 3. 256

Amurru.

See n. 1.

EA 4.

i-pa-ta-ru-nim:

f o l l o w i n g AHw,

170

p . 8 5 0 , b u t the reading of the third sign

is m o s t u n c e r t a i n .

EA 170

To Aziru in Egypt T E X T : VAT

327.

C O P I E S : WA

143;

VS

11,

94.

M. Dietrich and O. Loretz, in Stiehl and Stier, eds., Beitrdge zur Alten Geschichte und deren Nachleben, Band 1 (Berlin, 1969) pp. l6ff.; Izre'el, Amurru, pp. 55ff. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

1

To the king, our lord: Message of Baaluya and message of Bet-ili. We fall at the feet of our lord. For our lord may all go well. Here with the lands of our lord all goes very well. 7 - 1 3 Our lord, do not worry at all. Do not trouble yourself. Our lord, as soon as you can, meet with$ them : zu-zi-la-ma-an(?) so they will not delay you there (any longer). 14—18 Moreover, troops of Hatti under Lupakku have captured cities of Amqu, and with-i the cities they captured Aaddumi. May our lord know (this). 1 9 - 3 5 Moreover, we have heard the following: Zitana has come and there are 9 0 , 0 0 0 infantrymen that have come with him. We have, however, not confirmed the report, whether they are really there and have arrived in Nuhasse, and so I am sending Bet-ili to him. As soon as we meet with them, I will immediately send my messenger so he can report to you whether or not it is so. 3 6 - 4 4 To Rab(i)-Ilu and A b d i - U R A § , to Bin-Ana and Rabisidqi: Message of Amur-Ba la. For you may all go well. Do not trouble yourselves, and do not worry at all. Here with your families all goes very well. Wish Anatu well. 2

5

c

D

c

NOTES 1 . T h e k i n g is A z i r u , d u r i n g his s t a y in E g y p t , a n d this l e t t e r s e e m s t o have b e e n w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e as t h a t o f EA 1 6 9 , w i t h w h i c h it w a s p r o b a b l y d e l i v e r e d ; see K l e n g e l , MIO 1 0 ( 1 9 6 4 ) p p . 7 6 6 , a n d D i e t r i c h a n d L o r e t z ,

Beitrdge

(see h e a d n o t e ) , p p . 14L 2.

See EA 1 1 2 , n. 1.

3.

In l i n e s 3 0 - 3 1 , pdnTsabdtu

is a c h i e v e d by a j o u r n e y ( w h a t B e t - i l i d o e s ,

B a a l u y a in effect d o e s t o o ) a n d p r o v i d e s t h e n e c e s s a r y c h e c k o n t h e report; t h e r e -

257

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

fore, "to m e e t , face t o face." H e r e in line n , the m e e t i n g referred t o is p e r h a p s t h e official a u d i e n c e w i t h t h e k i n g a n d his c o u t t , w i t h o u t w h i c h A z i r u c o u l d n o t d e p a t t . T h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e H u r r i a n g l o s s is u n c e r t a i n . 4.

S e e n. 2 .

5.

F o l l o w i n g AHw,

p . 1 3 2 7 ; for turrusu

=

kunnu,

"to c o n f i r m , " cf.

tins

kusse, " f i r m i n g o f t h e t h r o n e , " in A . A b o u - A s s a f , P. B o r d r e u i l , a n d A . M i l l a r d , La statue de Tell Fekherye et son inscription

bilingue assyro-arameenne,

Etudes assyriolo-

g i q u e s , C a h i e r no. 7 ( P a r i s , 1 9 8 2 ) , p . 1 4 , line 2 1 .

EA 171

Eager to serve T E X T : VAT

1723.

C O P I E S : WA

185;

VS

11,

95.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Izre'el, Amurru,

pp. 59fT. {To the king . . . : Message of Aziru . . . ] . " • . . . I fall a[t the fee]t of the king, the Sun, my [lord}. 3 - 8 {From the very first I ch}ose to enter {the servi}ce of the ki[ng), the [Su}n, my lord, [but Ya}nhamu would not a[ll]ow me. [/ s]ent my mes[sen]gers [/op the king, my lord, {but} Yanhamu {stopped th]em on the way, and {they have not got away. 9 - 1 3 May}' the gods of the king, my lord, grant that my messengers get away [fr]om Yanhamu. I would enter the service of the king, the god, the Sun, my lord, but Yanhamu has not allowed me. 14—21 And now, O king, my lord, {Pu]wuru, {the archer]-comma{nder of the king, my lord, has reach]edme. {Pu]wuru {knows} my [lo}yalty, and {may} the Sun, the king, my lord, {inquire from him} . . . [ . . . } May he tell them. For I am a servant of {the Sun, the king, my lord, and} wh{at]ever the ki[ng, the Sun, the king, my lord, orders}, \.d\p it ... May] the Sun, the king, my lord, {know: I am a loyal servant] of the king, my lord. 22—37 Moreover, my lord [ . . . } Yanhamu when . . . [ . . . } . . . I do not deviate from {his] orders or from th{is}~i servant of the Sun, the king, my lord. 2

4

6

NOTES 1.

T h i s l e t t e r is v e r y r e m i n i s c e n t o f EA 1 5 7 , b u t t h e s c r i b e h a s h i s p e c u ­

liarities: t h e g r e e t i n g is n o t r u l e d off f r o m t h e b o d y o f t h e letter, a n d "7 t i m e s a n d 7 t i m e s " is o m i t t e d . S e e a l s o K n u d t z o n , VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 2 7 5 , n. 1. 2.

[ i s - t u p a - n a - n u - u m - m a ] : f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , Political

6 0 * , n. 9; cf. EA 3. 258

Disposition,

p.

157:9.

[ a - n a ] : d e s p i t e t h e r e s e r v a t i o n s o f K n u d t z o n , VAB 2 / 1 , p . 6 7 9 , n o t e h.

EA 4.

[u i k - t a - l a - s u - n ] u .

5.

[la i t - t a - a s - s u - n i m ]

6.

[ik-llu-ud-ni

u-Pl-ru

172

9 [lu-ti].

m

1 5 [ pu]-u-wu-ru

[

m/1

"ih-r]i-/>A[ta L U G A L be-li-ia]: that

is p a r t o f a p e r s o n a l n a m e s e e m s , in c o n t e x t , p l a u s i b l e , a n d

otherwise

m a k e s n o sense. I f a p e r s o n a l n a m e , P a / u w u r u is the o b v i o u s c h o i c e , a n d if c o r r e c t , t h e n c e r t a i n l y the P a w u r u o f the B y b l o s l e t t e r s . T h a t he m i g h t have been the u n n a m e d c o m m a n d e r o f EA

1 0 7 : 1 4 is, o f c o u r s e , o n l y a g u e s s .

T h e f o l l o w i n g r e s t o r a t i o n s are free. 7.

LU.IR J7/-[(u)-Ut].

EA 172

Message lost T E X T : VAT

1887.

C O P I E S : WA

224;

VS

11,

96.

A small fragment.

EA 173

An attack on Amqu T E X T : VAT

1875.

C O P I E S : WA

22;

VS

11,

97.

[... and] chariots he fel[l upon] Amqu. 3 - 1 6 [An]d / went to the rescue . . . [. . . } . . . [/ went] up to . . . [...] of the king, my lord, and [defea]ted them. [And I here]with send 10 prisoners] to the king, my lord. [May] the king, my lord, [know about] the mat[ter] of his enemies. NOTES 1

2

1 .
im Alten Zweistromlandund

in den angrenzenden Gebieten (see

1 7 , n. 7 ) , p . 2 3 , is w i t h o u t any s u p p o r t in c o n t e x t , w h i c h is u n i q u e l y c o n ­

c e r n e d w i t h m i l i t a r y m a t t e r s . ( C o n t r a A s t o u r , first a n d t h i r d p e r s o n s d o c o n t r a s t as attasser a n d 2.

rf-b[a-at]:

f o l l o w i n g K n u d t z o n ; cf. the s a m e A s s y r i a n i s m in EA

19. A n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y is abdd, 'dbad);

cf. EA

not

uttasser.) "flight, p e r i s h i n g " ( A k k a d i a n ndbutu,

211:10, Hebrew

244:42.

259

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 174

A joint report on Amqu (1) T E X T : VAT

1585.

C O P I E S : WA

160;

VS

11,

98.

M. Weippert, in Kuschke and Kutsch, eds., Archaologie und Altes Testament (Tubingen, 1970), pp. 268f.

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION:

Say to the king, [my] lord, [my god, m]y [Sun]: Message of Bieri, [yo]ur se[rvant], the ruler of Hasabu. I fall down in the dir[t] under the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 8 - 1 7 Look, we are in Amqu, (in) cities of the king, my lord, and E[takka]ma, [the ruler] of Kinsa, assisted the troops of [H]att[i] and set [the cities] of the king, my lord, on fir[e]. 18—26 May the king, my lord, take cognizance, and may the king, my lor[d], give archers that we may (re)gain the citi[es] of the king, my lord, and dwell in the cities of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun. 1

2

NOTES 1.

"We" refers t o h i s fellow m a y o r s , w h o s e n d e x a c t l y t h e s a m e r e p o r t t o t h e

k i n g in EA 1 7 5 - 1 7 6 a n d 3 6 3 . 2.

ana pan! alaku h a s here b e e n t a k e n t o m e a n t o g o " t o w a r d s , to" ( K n u d t ­

z o n ; T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , RA 1 9 [ 1 9 2 1 ] p . 9 5 ) , w h i c h has b e e n f o l l o w e d b y K i t c h e n , Suppiluliuma

and the Amarna

G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

Pharaohs

(see EA 1 5 7 , n. 2 ) , p . 1 4 , n. 4, a n d cf. 2

p . 4 3 , o n EA 1 9 5 ) , or "at t h e h e a d of" ( R a i n e y , A O A T 8 , p .

2 5 ; W e i p p e r t ; cf. a l s o B o t t e r o , Habiru,

p . 1 0 4 , o n EA

195). Neither meaning

s e e m s satisfactory. I t d o e s n o t s e e m l i k e l y t h a t E g y p t i a n v a s s a l s w o u l d b e o r d e r e d t o m a r c h a t t h e h e a d o f E g y p t i a n t r o o p s (cf. EA 1 9 1 : 1 5 6 , a n d 2 0 2 : 8 f f . ) , a n d it is n o t clear w h y t h e vassal s h o u l d g o t o m e e t t h e E g y p t i a n t r o o p s . H a v i n g m a d e p r e p a r a t i o n s for their a r r i v a l , he w o u l d r a t h e r w a i t for, a n d t h e n j o i n , t h e m , a d d i n g h i s forces t o t h e i r s a n d p r o c e e d i n g o n t h e m a r c h . F u r t h e r m o r e , "(to b e ) ana pam

t h e t r o o p s w h e r e v e r t h e y g o " (EA 203:13ft".; 2 0 4 : 1 5 1 6 ; 2 0 5 : 1 3 6 ° . ) s e e m s t o b e

v i r t u a l l y s y n o n y m o u s w i t h ana pant alaku. s i t i o n of"; cf. H e b r e w halak

T h e r e f o r e , ana pant,

( 1 9 8 2 ) p . 3 1 , n. 7 6 .

EA 175

A joint report on Amqu (2)

260

T E X T : VAT

1588.

C O P I E S : WA

163;

VS

"for, at t h e d i s p o ­

lipne, "to s e r v e , " a n d see M . W e i n f e l d , Maarav

11,

99.

3/1

EA

176 1

[Sa]y [to] the king, my lord, [my] god, my [Sun: Mess]age of'Ildayyi, [your] sfervant], the ruler of Hasi. I fall down in the dirt under the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 3 Look, we are in Amqu, (in) cities of the king, my lord, and E[takkam]a, the ruler of Kinsa, assisted the troops of Hariri and s]e[t the cities of the king, my lord, on fire. 1 4 - 2 0 May the king, my lord, take cognizance, and may the king, my lord, give archers that we may (re)gain the cities] of the ki[ng, my lord], and [dwel]l in (the cities) of the ki[ng], my lo[rd}. NOTE 1 . T h e a n a l y s i s o f t h i s n a m e as W e s t S e m i t i c is u n c e r t a i n ; for o t h e r p o s s i ­ b i l i t i e s , see N a ' a m a n , UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p . 1 8 8 , n. 4 1 .

EA 176

A joint report on Amqu (3) TEXT:

BM 29829.

C O P Y : BB

46.

[Say to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of . . . , your servant, the ruler o f . . . ] . I fall [down in the di]rt under the feet of the king, m[y] lord, 7 times and 7 times. 7—13 Look, we are in Amqu, (in) cities of the k[ing], my [lord], and Eta[kkama], the rulfer] of Kinsa, assisted the t[roops] of Hatti, [and s]et the cities of the ki[ng], my [l]ord, [o]n [f]i[r]e. 1 4 - 2 0 [May the king, my lord, take cogni­ zance, and may the king, my lord, give] archers that we may (re)gain the citi[es] of the king, my lord, my god, [my Sun], and dwell in the cities of the king, my lord.

EA 177

A broken message T E X T : VAT

1684.

C O P I E S : WA

170;

VS

11,

101.

To the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of Yamiuta, the ruler of Guddasuna, the servant of the king, my lord. I fall down in the dirt under the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. May the ki[ng], my [lord], take cognizance of his lands and the men . . . [. . . ]

261

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 178

On grain supplies T E X T : VAT

1677.

C O P I E S : WA

146;

VS

11,

100.

[To the m}agnate, my lord: [Mess]age of Hibiya, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord. 4 - 1 1 We have now moved up into the land(s) of Yatanu. We will [g]uard it [un]ti[l] the arrival of the magnate, my lord, but the war against the cities of the magnate, my lord, is severe. 1 2 - 1 9 Moreover, I have heeded the order, in accordance with the com]mand {of the king, my lord}. [ . . . } . . . 2 0 - 2 6 {He ca]me down from Amurru and kept saying to me, "There will be plen[ty of g]rain in {Amur]ru {until] the magnate {arri]ves {from the kin]g, my lord."

EA 179

A treacherous brother T E X T : VAT

1703.

C O P I E S : WA

171;

VS

11,

103.

1 1 - 1 8 May [the king, my lord], my [g]od, my Sun, send back word. And brea{the on me}, the servant of the king, my lord, [my Sun]. Look, my brother who is in Tubihu, is a . . . , and he goes about taking over cities of the king, my lord, my god, [my] Sun. 1 9 - 2 9 {He has made} Amurru an enemy territory, [and] has turned over* all the men in the cities of the king, my lord, [m]y god, [my] Sun, to the Apiru. And now'' the god of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, has permitted (it) and he has seized Tubihu. And so / would curse my brother and guard Tubihu for the king, my lord, my god, [my Sun], for, consider, Tubihu is my ancestral city. 1

2

3

c

6

NOTES 1 . up-s{a EA

a - n a i a - s i ] : napdsu is n o t u s e d e l s e w h e r e in EA e x c e p t p e r h a p s in

1 9 : 1 6 a n d 2 9 : 4 8 , b u t t h e a s s o c i a t i o n o f t h e k i n g ' s m e s s a g e w i t h his b r e a t h is

q u i t e f r e q u e n t ; s e e EA 1 0 0 , n. 9. 2.

W h e t h e r a m e m b e r o f h i s f a m i l y or a fellow v a s s a l is m e a n t is n o t clear.

3.

S e e CAD,

4.

[u -ga-mi-ir: t h e r e is n o t e n o u g h r o o m for ii, w h i c h w a s p r o b a b l y a t t h e

S , p . 4 1 5 . A s u s e d h e r e , suru s e e m s a p e j o r a t i v e .

1

end of the previous line. 5. 262

F o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . . 4 1 3 .

EA 6.

180

P e r s o n a n d m o o d o f e-ra-ar are n o t c e r t a i n . T h e c u r s e s e e m s in c o n t e x t t o

imply banishment.

EA 180

An audience with the king requested TEXT:

C 4788 (12233).

C O P Y : WA

198.

[ . . . And behold, I] a[m a loyal servant of the king, m]y [lord, my] god, [my Sun], in thi[s] place. 1 send (even)my own son [to] the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, and may the king, my lord, my [g]od, my Sun, send chariots along with my son, that they may guard the cities of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun. 1 0 - 2 0 Send chariots, O king, my lord, my god, my Sun, that they may take me to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, and I may enter into the presence of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, and tell what has been done against the lands. As a loyal servant of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, I am of course slandered before the king, my lord, my god, my Sun. 2 1 - 2 4 Send chariots [that t]hey may take me to [the king, m]y [lord], my god, [my Sun . . . } . . . . 1

2

NOTES 1 . Cf. EA

1 8 7 : 9 - 1 1 . In line 1, [.. .a-n]a-k[u

. . . ] ( G o r d o n ) . G o r d o n also

s u g g e s t e d t h a t EA 1 8 0 m a y b e t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n o f EA 1 8 3 . 2.

//'-/> ( t e x t ni)-te: (1) cf. sdru ina pant in EA 2 5 2 : 1 4 (si-ir-ti)

2 1 (cf. a l s o 2 4 ) ; (2) lemnu (lamnu)

is very rare in EA,

and 2 8 6 : 6 - 7 ,

its u s e as a p r e d i c a t e

u n a t t e s t e d , a n d Si = lint is e x t r e m e l y rare e x c e p t as a w r i t i n g o f 1 0 0 0 or in frozen phonetic complements.

EA 181

A broken message T E X T : VAT C O P Y : VS

1623. 11,

102.

[ . . . } . . . [ . . . the king, my lord, my god], my Sun, [ . . . ] his [m]en [ . . . } . . . Sen[d, O king, my lord, m]y [god], my Sun, [...] that we may protect [the cities of the king, my lord], my god, m[y] Sun . . 263

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTE i . L i n e s 1 1 — 2 6 c o n t a i n f o r m u l a i c references t o t h e k i n g , p l u s o t h e r s i g n s impossible to interpret.

EA 182

Request for a garrison TEXT: VAT 1615. COPIES: WA 130; VS 11, 104. [To the king], m[y] lord, [my god], my Sun: Message of Sutarna, [your] serva[nt], the ru[ler] of Musihuna. I fall down in the dirt at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 6-15 May the king, my lord, take cognizance of his lands, and may the king, my lord, send a garrison that we may hol(d) the cities of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, until the king, m[y] lord, takes cognizance of his lands. 1

NOTE 1.

ni-leq-(qe):

I d u r a t i v e o f lequ, very rare in EA ( A l a s i a , B a b y l o n i a , E g y p t ,

M i t t a n i , J e r u s a l e m ; o n EA 1 0 9 : 5 3 , see i b i d . n. 1 4 ) , a n d t h e m e a n i n g "to h o l d , " w h i c h s e e m s r e q u i r e d b y c o n t e x t — g a r r i s o n t r o o p s w e r e n o t a n offensive f o r c e — i s also unparalleled. N o t e the erasure that follows.

EA 183

A lost message TEXT: VAT 1595. COPIES: WA 130; VS 11, 105. Say to the king, m[y] lord, [my god], my Sun: Message of Sutarna, [the ruler] of Musihuna, the servant of the king, my lord [ ( . . . ) ] . [I fall down] below, in the dirt under the feet of the king, my lord, [ . . . ] . . . [• • • ? NOTE 1 . S e e EA 1 8 0 , n. 1.

264

EA 184

EA 184

A lost message TEXT: Ash 1893. 1-41: 426. COPY: Sayce, Tell el Amarna, no. 18 bis. Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE

i. F r o m Sutarna to the king; part of prostration formula preserved.

EA 185

An Egyptian traitor TEXT: VAT 1725. COPIES: WA 189; VS 11, 106. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: BottetO, Habiru, pp. 97ff. (lines 9 - 6 3 ) ; Greenberg, Hablpiru, pp. 4lf. (lines 1-64). Say to the king, my lord, my god, [m]y Sun: Message of [Afj^yarzana, the ruler of Hasi, your servant, the dirt under the feet of the k[in}g, my lord, my god, m{y] Sun, the grounfd h]e t[r]ea[d}s on. I fall at the feet [of the kin]g, m[y} lord, [ 7 times] and 7 times. 9 - 1 5 M[ay} the king, my lord, [m]y [g]o[d], my S[un], know of the d[ee]d that Amanhatpe, the ruler of Tusultu, committed against the [cjities of the king, my lord, when the Apiru forces [w]a[ge]d war against me and captured the cities of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun. 16—20 The Apiru captured Mahzibtu, a city of the ki[n}g, my lord, and plundered (it) and sen[t] it up in flames, and then the Apiru took refuge with Ama[nhatp]e. 2 1 - 2 7 And the Apiru captured Gilunu, a city of the king, my lord, plundered it, sent it up in flames, and hardly one family escaped from Gilunu. Then the "Apiru t(o)ok refuge with Amanhatpe. 2 8 - 3 6 And the Apiru cap(tu)red [M]agd[a]lu, a [ci}ty of the king, my lord, my god, m[y] Sun, plundered it, se(n)t it up in flames, and h[a]rd[l}y [on]e family escaped from Mag[da]lu. Then the Apiru took refuge with Amanhatpe. 3 7 - 4 1 And Ustu, a [ci]ty of the king, my lord, the Api[ru] captured, plunderefd i}t, and sent it up in flames. Then the Apiru took refuge with Amanhatpe. 1

c

2

c

c

3

c

c

c

c

c

265

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

4 2 - 7 5 And then the "Apiru having raided Hasi, a [ci]ty of the king, my lord, we did battle with the "Apiru, and we defeated them. Then 40 Apiru w{ent] t[o Amanhjatpe, and Amanhatpe welcomed who­ ever had escaped. {And] they were gathered {together) {in] the city.4 [Ama]nhatpe is an "Apir[u}!5 We he[ar]d [thajt the "Api[ru w]ere with Amanhatpe, so [m]y broth[ers] and my so[ns}, your servants, d{rov]e a chariot t[o] Amanhatpe. My [br]others sa[i]d to Amanhatpe, "Hand ov[er] the Apiru, traitors to the king, our lord, so we can [de]mand a reckoning of those "Apiru that have taken re[fu]ge7 with you, f[or having c]aptured cities of the king, my lord, and burning them down." He [a]gre[e}d to hand over the Apiru, but he took them in the night and fled to the "Apiru. Amanhatpe being a traitor, may the king, my lord, demand a reckoning of him. He has fled from him. May the king, my lord, not be negligent, with no reck{on]ings> demanded of Amanhatpe. (As to another ruler, traitors are not to be (al)lowed into the loyal land of the king, my lord.) When [the kin]g, my lord, has demanded a reckoning of] Amanhatpe, the traitor, he will make (him) fl{ee] from him." [And so we] (always) obey. And note: I am a loyal servant of the king, my lord. c

6

c

c

8

10

NOTES 1 . { u l } i - T - d f . e ] : cf. EA 1 4 8 : 4 3 ; 248:9; 2 5 7 : 8 , e t c . , for t h e w r i t i n g , b u t 4

t h e r e a d i n g is d o u b t f u l b e c a u s e t h e h o r i z o n t a l a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e l a s t s i g n is c e r t a i n . P e r h a p s it w a s m e a n t t o b e e r a s e d . 2.

T-p[u-s}u-m[f\: v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n .

3. L i t . "entered." C h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f EA 185—86 is /' as t h e m a t i c v o w e l in f o r m s o f erebu: s e e EA 1 8 5 : 2 0 , 26, 36, 40; 1 8 6 : 2 6 , 50, 87. T h e only p a r a l l e l s are EA 1 2 7 : 1 9 ; 1 3 7 : 3 4 , 4 2 ; 1 3 8 : 1 2 , 1 3 4 . T h e s e f o r m s m a y n o t b e p r o v i n c i a l a b e r r a ­ t i o n s ; n o t e O l d B a b y l o n i a n [i-t]e-ri-ib,

R . W h i t i n g , J r . , Old Babylonian

Letters

from Tell Asmar (see EA 1 4 , n. 9), n o . 2:6. 4. (EA

[ u i - n a ] U R U pa-ah-(m)-mi:

there is no reference in t h e p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e

186:50—52) t o a p l a c e c a l l e d P a h m u , w h i c h is o t h e r w i s e u n k n o w n , a n d in

c o n t e x t it is h a r d t o s e e w h a t role t h e p l a c e m i g h t have p l a y e d . T h e s c r i b e o m i t t e d a s i g n in lines 26, 28, 3 1 , 69, a n d p o s s i b l y 60 (i-sa-ra-pu-ni-(li)-na).

Throughout

t h e letter -mi is r e g u l a r l y a t t a c h e d t o t h e v e r b (27 t i m e s ) . m

5. ii L U . S A . G A f Z a-ma-d]n-ha-at-pe:

a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y n o t e n o u g h r o o m for

G A [ Z . ME§ . . . } . 6.

t [ i - n a - a m ] - « ? i - j a : f o l l o w i n g L a n d s b e r g e r in B o t t e r o , Habiru,

7. i-[ri]-bu-mi:

p . 98.

o n c e it is r e c o g n i z e d t h a t erebu itti c a n m e a n "to e n t e r i n t o

( t h e p r e s e n c e ) , " t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s e e m s v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n ; see e s p . EA

283:11;

286:40. 8. a-na mu-Ii ((ir)): a s s u m i n g t h e ir s h o u l d have b e e n e r a s e d l i k e t h e p r e c e d ­ ing 266

Winckelhaken.

EA 9 . ba-lu Ya'-a-al:

186

t h e a l l e g e d ma-ha is a c t u a l l y w r i t t e n m u c h c l o s e r t h a n in

t h e c o p i e s , m a k i n g sa very p r o b a b l e . 10.

A parenthetical t e m a r k referring to A m a n h a t p e ' s replacement?

11.

S y n t a x ("converted p e r f e c t " ? ) a n d m e a n i n g ( b a n i s h m e n t ? ) unclear.

EA 186

Another report on the Egyptian traitor TEXT: VAT 1724. COPIES: WA 193; VS 11, 107. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Bottero, Habiru, pp. lOOff. (lines 12-69). [To the king, my lord, my god, m]y [Sun: Message of Afoyarzana, the ruler of Hasi, your servant, the dirt beneath your feet. I fal]l [at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my] Sun, [7 times and 7 times. A]s I a[m] a loy[al] servant of [the king], my lord, [my god], my Sun, I serve the [k]ing, [my lord, my god], my [Su]n, together with (my) brothers and [my] sons, lo[yal servants of the king, my lord], my god, my Sun. {No]te that {we would) die beneath the feet of the king, [my] lord, my [Sun], my god. 1 2 - 2 7 A[s fo]r [Am]anha[tp]e, rhe ruler of Tusul[tu, whe]n the Ap[ir]u captured {Mahzib]tu, a loyal city of the k[ing, my] l[ord, my god], my Sun, plundered] i[t, and] butned it down, they {u>}en{t} to [Aman]hatpe, the r[uler of Tusultu, and Amanhatpe, the ruler of Tusu]ltu, [kept giving food along with . . . to] the Apir[u. Gilunu, too], a loyal city [of the king, my lord, my go]d, [my Sun, rhe Apiru] captur[ed, plundered it, bur]ned [it down], and then took ref[ug]e [wi]th A[manhatpe], the ruler of T[usultu], and [Amanhatp]e, the ruler of T[usultu], kept giving food a[long with . . . t]o the Apiru. 2 8 - 3 4 {Magd]al{u, too, a loyal] city of the king, [my] lord, my god, [my Sun], the Apiru captu[red], plundered it, [burned it down], and then they t[ook refuge wit]h [Amanhatpe], the ruler of [Tusultu], and [Amanhatp]e, the ruler of [Tusultu], kept gi[ving food along with . . . to the Apiru]. 1

c

2

c

c

c

3

c

c

4

35-42 •• 4 3 - 8 5 And there was [Hasi, a loyal city of the king, my lord}. The Apiru r[aided Hasi, a loyal city] of the king, my lord, my god, [my Su]n, {and} the loyal servants of [the king], m[y lo]rd, my [god], my Su.n,f{ough}t,' and the loyal servants of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, personally co{nquered) the Apiru. But 40 Api[ru] (( Apiru)) took c

i

6

c

c

c

267

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

refuge with A[manhatpe], the ruler of [Tusul]tu. We he[ard] th[at] the 4 0 <Api[ru were] wi[th Amanhatp]e, the ruler of Tu[sultu], and [my] broth[ers] and [m]y [s]on[s], servants of the king, my lord, m[y] god, m[y Su]n, d[rov]e~i their chariots and en[tered] the presence of Aman­ hatpe, the rule[r of TJusultu. They said to Amanhatpe, "[Hand over] the A[pi]ru, the traitors to the king, [m]y lo[rd], [m]y god, my Sun, so we can demand a reckoning of th[em] fo[r having cap]tured cities of the king, m[y lor]d, [my go]d, my Sun, and for having raided [Has]i, [a city of the kin]g, my lord, my god, my Sun." ( 6 4 - 8 5 ) [He ag]reed to hand over the Ap[iru. / was going to Remove the "Apiru, but he to[ok] his [servants] and [w]ent off to the Api[ru. . . . ] . . . from his city. [And] I knew his crime, but he went [off to] the Ap[ir]u. [What] can I do? [ . . . ] I have sent [ . . . to the king], my lord, m[y] god, [my] S[un, . . . ] . . . Like . . . [ . . . } he raised [ag]ain[st the king, my lord], my god, [my] Sun, [and] against [his lo]yal land. But we listen t[o the words of the king, my lord], my [go]d, [m]y Sun [ . . . And] as to his having said [to the king, my lord], my god, my Sun, [ . . . } . . . c

c

8

c

c

9

NOTES 1.

[su]m-ma

2.

U R U . K [ I m a - a h - z i - i b ] - f r ' : cf. EA

BA.UG

7

[ n i - m u - u t ] : Glossenkeil b e f o r e nimut? Cf. EA 3 6 2 : 1 1 . ki

185:17. Against U R U

t[u-su-ul]-ti

( K n u d t z o n , f o l l o w e d b y B o t t e r o ) : (1) it d o e s n o t fill t h e b r e a k ; (2) it s e e m s h i g h l y c

u n l i k e l y t h a t t h e A p i r u d e s t r o y e d A m a n h a t p e ' s o w n c i t y a n d still g a i n e d h i s s u p p o t t ; ( 3 ) after t h e i r forays t h e y s e e m t o retreat t o T u s u l t u ( G r e e n b e r g ,

Hablpiru,

p . 4 2 , n. 1 3 ) . A g a i n s t m y r e a d i n g is t h e fact t h a t n o w h e r e else in EA 1 8 5 - 8 6 is a c i t y n a m e p r e c e d e d b y U R U . K I . I a s s u m e influence o f t h e i m m e d i a t e l y f o l l o w i n g URU.KI 3.

kitti. U R U [ m a - a g - d ] a - l [ i ] : cf. EA 1 8 5 : 2 9 . N o t e , however, t h e a b s e n c e o f

determinative ki at the e n d . 4.

P i l l a g i n g o f a n o t h e r city, p r e s u m a b l y U s t u ; cf. EA

5 . i-[du-k]u-mi:

daku

"they w a g e d w a r " ? (Cf. EA 6.

9.

185:37-41. 46

i-[pu-S]u-mi,

185:44-45.)

cf. EA 1 8 5 : 5 2 a n d n. 6.

[a.-[a]-qa-at. [ m i - n a ] i-pu-su-na:

cf. EA 7 4 : 6 3 ; 9 0 : 2 2 ; 9 1 : 2 5 6 ; 1 0 4 : 3 6 6 ; e t c .

EA 187

A daughter sent to the Pharaoh TEXT: BM 29860. COPY: BB 77. 268

?

ME ]

i-kfa-sa-du/da].

7 . ti-\na-mi-T\u-mi: 8.

w i t h o u t a n o b j e c t ? [...

EA

188

Sa[y to the kin}g, my lord, {my god, my Sun: Mess]age of Satiya, the ruler of [Enisasi], your [ser]vant, the dirt undfer the f]eet of the king, my lord. I [fa]ll [a]t the feet of the king, [my] lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 1 6 As I am the loya[l] servant of the king, my lord, my god, [my Sun], in this place, and Enisasi is a city of the king, my lord, [my] god, my [Sun], I am guarding {the pl]ace of the king, [m]y lo[rd, my god, my Sun, where I am\. 16—21 [ . . . ] 2 2 And I herew[ith s]end my daughter to the [pa]lace, [t]o the king, my lord, m[y] god, my Sun. 1

2

NOTES 1.

U R U e-ni-Ia-si

[(->)]; see Rainey, Tel Aviv 2 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 1 5 ; N a ' a m a n , UF

2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p p . i88f. 2.

R e a d i n g not certain;

1 6 [ s a i t - t i - i a . . . ] (see I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 5 ) .

EA 188

Message lost TEXT: C 4793 (12237). COPY: WA 208. [ . . . I fall at the fee]t of the k[ing, m]y {god}, m[y] Sun, [7 times] and 7 times. [A]s I am . . . [ . . . ] , and as I [a]m a lfoyal] servant of the ki[ng, my] g{od, my Sun], and [ . . . ] . . . [ . . . ] . 1

2

NOTES

DINGIR t h a n EN

1.

S i g n m o r e like

(Gordon).

2.

T h e s i g n in line 8 is n o t a, as it b e g i n s w i t h t w o h o r i z o n t a l s ( G o r d o n ) .

EA 189

Etakkama of Qadesh TEXT: VAT 336. COPIES: WA 142; VS 11, 108. To the king, my lord: Message of Etakkama, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord, my Sun, 7 times plus 7. My lord, I am your servant, but the wicked Biryawaza has gone on defaming me in your sight, my lord, and when he was defaming me in your sight, then he took my entire paternal estate along with the land of Qidsu, and sent my cities up in flames. 1 3 - 2 0 But, I assure you, the commissioners of the king, my 1

269

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

lord, and his magnates know my loyalty, since I said to the magnate PuIjuru, "May the magnate Puhuru know that [ . . . ] . . . " Reverse 1 - 8 [ . . . } . . . Biryawaza. Thus do I serve you along w[it]h all my brothers, and wherever there is war against the king, I go, together with my troops, together with my chariots, and together with all my brothers. 9-18 Since Biryawaza had allowed all of the cities of the king, my lord, to go over to the Apiru in Tahsi and Upu, I went, and with your gods and your Sun leading me, I restored from the Apiru the cities to the king, my lord, for his service, and I disbanded the Apiru. 1 9 - 2 7 May the king, my lord, rejoice at Etakkama, his ser­ vant, for I serve the king, my lord, together with all my brothers. I serve the king, my lord, but Biryawaza caused the loss of all [your] lan[ds.3 His intention}* is solely injustice, but I am {your servant] forever. c

2

c

c

NOTES 1.

S e e EA 112, n. 1. O r d i d B i r y a w a z a c u t off t h e p a t e r n a l e s t a t e from t h e

land? 2.

P e r h a p s "your g o d . "

3.

O n t h e v e r b , s e e EA 9 7 , n. 1 .

4.

[pa-nu-su].

EA 190

A letter from Egypt TEXT: Ash 1893. 1-41: 411. COPY: Sayce, Tell el Amarna, no. 4. 1

{... Guard] the land of the king, {your} lord, {and guard Pu]buru, {your] . . . { . . . Be on your gu]ard, and gua{rd Qid]su, and guar{d . . . ] , the garrison city [of the king}.

2

6-12

...3

NOTES 1.

S i g n forms a n d formulaic e x p r e s s i o n s i n d i c a t e t h e E g y p t i a n o r i g i n o f EA

1 9 0 , w h i c h w a s s e n t e i t h e r b y t h e k i n g o r b y a h i g h E g y p t i a n official. R e s t o r a ­ t i o n s : u§-sur ( l i n e s 1—2, n o t u § s u r - m i ! see R a i n e y , UF 6 [ 1 9 7 4 ] p . 3 0 6 , o n l i n e s 3 4) a n d [lu-ti na-sd\-ra-ta

( l i n e 3 ) , f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

n. 6 3 . 2. 270

Na'aman, ibid., proposes [URU

ku-mi]-di.

p. 7 3 * ,

EA 3.

N o c o n n e c t e d s e n s e : qi-pa,

( l i n e 1 0 ) ; [ . . .]te-es -si(?) l7

191

"trust" (line 9 ) ; H f U R . S A G , " m o u n t a i n " ( ? )

( l i n e 1 1 ) ; [ . . .]-es -si(?) I7

(line 1 2 ) .

EA 191

Preparations for war TEXT: C 4760 (12192). COPY: WA 125. To the king, my lord: Message of Arsawuya, the ruler of Ruhizza. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord. The king, my lord, wrote to me to make preparations before the arrival of the archers of the king, my lord, and before the arrival of his many commissioners. 9 - 1 0 And could I think of not serving the king, my lord? 11—21 May I join up with the archers of the king and his commis­ sioners so that, having everything prepared, I might follow them wher­ ever they are at war against the king, my lord, and we capture them (and) give his enemies into the hand of the king, our lord. 1

2

NOTES 1.

A s u s e d h e r e , h i g h officials a n d m i l i t a r y c o m m a n d e r s .

2.

A g a i n s t K n u d t z o n , luksudam-me

is first p e r s o n , n o t t h i r d , a n d s i n g u l a r ,

not plural.

EA 192

Message received TEXT: VAT 1674. COPIES: WA 126; VS 11, 109. [Sa]y [t]o the king, my lord, both Sun and my god: Message of [A]rsawuya, the loyal servant [o]f the king, my lord, [and the di]rt at the feet of the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, both Sun and my god, 7 times and 7 times. 1 0 - 1 7 [I have] heard the words [of the king], my lord and my god, [and here]with { . . . ] . . . [the king], (my) lord. And the king, [m]y lord, must [not] neglect his country.

271

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 193

On the alert TEXT: VAT 1608. COPIES: WA 161; VS 11, 110. To the king, my lord: Message of Tiwati. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times plus 7 times. 5 - 2 4 I am indeed in the city; I am very much on my guard. M[y] horses and [my] t[roops (and my chariots) are for] the ser[vice of the king, my lord], and (when) the archers c[ome forth], I will accompany thfem]. (The ruler [who] does not serve the king curses.) I have indeed oxen and sheep and goats ready, in accordance with your command on the tablet to me. 1

2

3

NOTES 1.

I f t h e r e w a s w r i t i n g o n t h e e d g e ; see VAB 2 / 1 , p . 7 1 8 , n o t e b , a n d copy.

2.

V - l s a - a t ] : t h e a s s u m e d a s y n d e t i c c o n s t r u c t i o n is f o u n d o n l i n e s 17—18.

3.

O r , "will curse"; p e r h a p s n o t "ruler," b u t s i m p l y " m a n . "

EA 194

A tradition of service TEXT: VAT 1705. COPY: VS 11, 112. To the king, my lord: Message of Biryawaza, yo[ur] servant. I fal[l] at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 6 - 1 6 Behold, we are servants (who) have served the king from time immemorial. Like Sutarna, my father, like . . . [ . . . ] . . . , ' [my] grandfather, ...] 17—27 . . . [ . . . ] to gu[ar]d the cities. And the expedition that you sent to Nahrima . . . [ . . . ] 2 8 - 3 2 [ . . . ] is very afraid. [I] herewith [s]end [m]y brother [t]o you. 2

3

4

NOTES 1 . C o l l a t i o n s h o w s o n l y t h e h o r i z o n t a l s o f t h e fairly clear TAR N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

m

p . 7 4 * , n. 6 5 , ha[s-x]-tar.

Na'aman,

of copy; UF

20

( 1 9 8 8 ) p . 1 8 0 , sees here t h e b e g i n n i n g o f B i r y a w a z a ' s d e f e n s e a g a i n s t c h a r g e s b y the k i n g , p e r h a p s o f r o b b i n g a B a b y l o n i a n caravan (cf. EA 7 : 7 5 ) . 2.

KASKAL-na

( w r i t t e n su). I n s t e a d o f " e x p e d i t i o n , " p e r h a p s "caravan"; see

3.

T h e g e n d e r ( f e m i n i n e ) s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e s u b j e c t is a city.

n. 1. 4.

272

[\x-w~\a-as-sar.

EA 195

EA 195

Waiting for the Pharaoh's words TEXT: C 4761 (12230), COPY: WA 96. Say to the king, my lord: Message of Biryawaza, your servant, the dirt at your feet and the ground you tread on, the chair you sit on and the footstool at your feer. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun of the dawn (over) : li-me-ma (peoples), 7 times plus 7 times. 1 6 - 2 3 My l ° d is Sun in the sky, and like the coming forth of the Sun in the sky (your) servants await the coming forth of the words from the mouth of their lord. 2 4 - 3 2 I am indeed, together with my troops and chariots, together with my brothers, my Apiru and my Suteans, at the disposition of the archers, wheresoever the king, my lord, shall order (me to go). 1

2

r

t

n

e

c

3

NOTES 1.

GlS.GIR.GUB :

gis-tap-pi.

2 . T h a t the s a m e s c r i b e w r o t e EA 1 9 5 a n d 2 0 1 - 6 (so a l s o G o r d o n ; cf. K n u d t z o n , VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 2 9 4 , n. 2 ) is i n d i c a t e d b y (1) a c o n s t e l l a t i o n o f u n u s u a l s i g n - f o r m s ( n o t e e s p . sa, n't, bi, na, i, ia); ( 2 ) t h e p r e s e n c e o n l y in t h e s e letters (not in EA 2 0 2 ) o f -j-su a-na pani -]-ta-(an)-ni; letters o f a-nu-ma Therefore,

D

UTU

a-na-ku li-mi-ma

qa-du

in EA 2 0 5 : 6 rules o u t le-la-ma

c e r t a i n . F o l l o w i n g Rainey, Particles, KIN.(NIM) se-ri. ME§, a r g u e s fot li{')mu.

a n d ( 3 ) t h e a p p e a r a n c e o n l y in t h e s e

£ R I N . M E § - i # it (qa-du) c h a p t e r 1, read KIN

GlS.GIGIR.MES-/^. and makes

li-me-ma

as a n a b b r e v i a t i o n or

"dawn(s)." T h e W e s t S e m i t i c p l u r a l f o r m a t i o n lim + Tma

T h e f o l l o w i n g lines e l a b o r a t e t h e i m a g e o f t h e r i s i n g s u n . Cf.

t h e h y m n s c e l e b r a t i n g t h e s u n b r e a k i n g over t h e h o r i z o n , g i v i n g life t o m e n a n d a r o u s i n g t h e m f r o m d e a t h l i k e s l e e p a n d t o r p o r ( J o h n A . W i l s o n , ANET,

p. 368,

Amenophis III; ibid., p p . 3 7 0 8 - 3 7 i a , Amenophis IV). 3 . S e e EA 1 7 4 , n. 2 .

EA 196

Unheard-of deeds TEXT: VAT 1592 + 1710. COPIES: WA 159 ( + ) 143; VS 11, 111. [S]a[y to the king, m}y [lord: Message of Biryjawaza, [your] servant. I fall [a}t the feet of the k[in]g, (my) l[ord], 7 times pl[us] 7 times. 5 - 1 2 I obeyed when the k[ing, my] lord, sent [.. .]saya. [/ a]m on my {guardx, and [/ serv]e [the k]in[g, my lord], i\n\ this [plac\e. May [a 1

2

273

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS 4

larg]e [forced of the ki]ng, my lord, co[m]e [immediately] aga[inst the king of H]at[ti]S The gar[rison of the king, my lord, has left (me)]. 12-19 I i t!> servant of] the ki{ng] that has [o]pened the {w)ays~i fo{r the troops, but] the king, my lord, [should kn]ow that [al]l the servants of the king [have g]one (run off) [to] Hatti, and all the commissioners of the king], my [lo]rd, who came [forth], 20-26 [...] . . . 2 7 - 3 3 t- • •} y wives [and] my [daug]hter-in-lau>, and [hepu]t in [his] lap (anyone) [pre]sent. Now [the kin]g, [my] lord, has been informed of this affair. No one has ever done such a thi(ng). 3 3 - 4 3 Moreover, may the king, [my] lord, send me 200 men to guard ((to guard)) the cities of the king, [my] lord, [un]til [I] see the archers [of the king], my lord. The king, my lord, must not negle[ct] this deed that Biridaswa [has] committed, for he has moved the land of [the king], my lord, and [his] cities to rebellion. 6

a m

e

8

9

m

10

11

12

NOTES 1.

[n]a-a\j]-r[a-k]u:

cf. EA 1 4 2 : 1 1 ; 1 9 3 : 7 ; 2 3 0 : 1 0 .

2 . i - n f a a s - r ] i an-ni: cf. EA 5 5 : 4 ; 1 8 0 : 3 ; 1 8 7 : 1 1 ; 2 8 6 : 1 1 . A vertical w e d g e is v i s i b l e before an-ni (cf. an-ni, 3.

[ar-hi-is

line 4 0 ) .

ERIN.GA]L:

cf. EA 1 1 7 : 2 6 ; 3 3 7 : 1 0 , 1 7 , 2 2 .

4 . S e e n o t e 3 , a n d cf. EA 8 2 : 5 2 ; 9 3 : 3 5 ; 1 0 2 : 3 0 ; 3 6 7 : 1 9 . 5 . a-na

m[a-ha.r...].

r

1

6. ma- sar'

{LUGAL EN-ia i - p a - t a r ] :

cf. i-pa-tar

in EA 1 9 7 : 1 9 . For a q u i t e

different r e a d i n g o f lines 10—11, see N a ' a m a n , UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p . 1 8 7 , n. 3 3 . 7.

r

ipT-te (ut)-ha-te:

if ipte is t h e correct r e a d i n g , t h e n t h e c o n t e x t r e q u i r e s

s o m e t h i n g l i k e t h i s ; (pe)-ha-te, 8. \\~\t-ta-al-ku

"the b l o c k e d ( r o a d s ) ? "

eb-tu: f r o m abdtu

(ndbutu)?

tu is rare b u t a t t e s t e d

(EA

145:10). 9. [ « ] ; - s [ u - n i ] : f o l l o w i n g M a y n a r d , JSOR R

E\GI-/rf: cf. E.GI.A =

kallatu

[u]

( M i t t a n i , U g a r i t ; CAD,

11.

UR : s u - n [ i - s u ] : t h i s s e e m s t o have b e e n t h e g l o s s , before t h e e r a s u r e .

A p p r o p r i a t i o n ^ ) of wives a n d daughter-in-law, women, would be unusual charges. 12.

[ba]-J>'-/
EA 197

Biryawaza s plight TEXT: BM 29826. COPY: BB 43. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 3.

274

9 (1925) p. 130.

10.

K , p . 80).

and/or violation of the available

EA

197

1

[ . . . he] said t[o me when] your servant was in K[dura. ... They gave] his horses and hi[s] chariot to the "Apiru, and they did not [give them] to the king, my lord. 5—12 And who am I? My (only) purpose is to be a servant. Everything belongs to the king. Biridaswa saw this deed and moved Yanuamma to rebellion against me. Having barred the city gate against me, he took chariots from Astartu but gave both of them to the "Apiru and did not give both of them to the king, my lord. 13—23 When the king of Busruna and the king of Halunnu saw (this), they waged war with Biridaswa against me, constantly saying, "Come, let's kill Biryawaza, and we must not let him go to [ . . . ] . . ." But I got away from them and stayed in [ . . . ] Dimasqa, for [by myself h]ow can I serv[e the king, my lord]? 2 3 - 3 1 [They] keep saying, "[We are ser­ vants of the king of Hat]ti," and I keep saying, "I am a servant of the king of Egyp[t]." Arsawuya went to Ki[ssa], took (some of) Aziru's troops, and captured Saddu. He gave it to the "Apiru and did not give it to the king, my lord. 31—42 Now, since Itatkama has caused the loss of the land of Kissa, and since Arsawuya along with Biridaswa is caus­ ing the loss of Apu, may the king look carefully to his land lest the enemies take it. Since my brothers are at war with me, I am guarding Kumidu, the city of the king, my lord. May the king indeed be at one with his servant. [M]ay the king [not] abandon his servant, [and may] the kings of [ . . . (and) the ki]ngs of Apu see whe[ther . . . ] . . . I have seen the archers. 2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

NOTES 1 . S e e N a ' a m a n , UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p . 1 8 3 . 2.

?

I G I . 2 : d e s p i t e t h e p o s s i b l e d u a l - m a r k e r panu.

3 . yi-{(mas))-na-mu-us:

following

Rainey, UF 6 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p . 3 0 6 . O n the s u b ­

ject o f t h e v e r b , see K i i h n e , p . 7, n. 3 4 ( e n d ) . 4 . O n t h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix, see BASOR 2 1 1 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 5 3 . T h e i m p l i c a t i o n t h a t B i r i d a s w a t o o k o n l y t w o c h a r i o t s is s o m e w h a t s u r p r i s i n g a n d p e r h a p s not r i g h t ( m i s t a k e n u s e o f t h e d u a l suffix?). 5.

[ x ] - x - / c : o f t h e s e c o n d s i g n o n l y o n e o b l i q u e w e d g e is v i s i b l e ; a g a i n s t

T a h s e is its d i s t a n c e f r o m t h e area t h a t is B i r y a w a z a ' s p r e s e n t c o n c e r n , as noted by N a ' a m a n , UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p . 1 8 3 , n. 2 3 . 6.

P e r h a p s " m a d e a s t a n d " ; cf. N a ' a m a n , i b i d . , p . 1 8 4 .

7.

2 3 [ L U G A L E N - i a u te]-eq-bu-na:

cf. l i n e 1 6 , tilqu-se ( l i n e 3 6 ) a n d tedag-

galu ( l i n e 4 1 ) . 8. S e e EA 9 7 , n. 1. 9.

lu-u

((UD))

sa-lim,

o r p e r h a p s lu-il

y(i)-sa-lim.

275

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 198

From Kumidu TEXT: C 4763 (12194). COPY: WA 205. 1

Say [to the kin}g, [my] lord, [my] personal god: Message of Ara{ss]a, the ruler of Kumidu, the dirt at your feet, the ground you tread on. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 1 0 - 1 7 I indeed your loyal servant. May the king, my lord, inquire of all of his commissioners whether I am a loyal servant of the king, my lord. May the king, my lord, inquire of Hamass[a] whether I am a loyal servant of the king, my lord. 1 7 - 2 3 May the king, my lord, welcome (me) and give me life, for I have neither horse nor chariot. 24—31 May //please^ the king, my lord, to give life to his servant. Truly, I send my own son to the king, my lord, and may the kin[g], my l[or]d, give me life. a

m

2

NOTES 1 . L i t . "the g o d o f m y h e a d " ; cf. in S y r i a n O l d B a b y l o n i a n il alim, g o d , " a n d /'/ resim (resin?),

" g o d o f t h e h e a d = p e r s o n a l g o d " (AEM

"city-

1/1, p. 239,

n. 4 3 ; n o . 1 0 8 , n o t e a ) . 2.

li-es-al :

3.

li-ut-i[u]-as-me

x

cf. al^-lu-u-me, =

line 2 7 .

litrus-me

(cf. EA 9 2 : 4 6 ^ ; 1 0 3 : 4 0 ; 1 0 6 : 3 5 ; 2 8 6 : 4 4 ) :

the h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e is n o t o n l y lower t h a n in si ( K n u d t z o n ) , b u t s o m e w h a t l o n g e r , s o t h a t ru is p o s s i b l e . G o r d o n c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t l y t o t h e s a m e r e a d i n g a n d the s a m e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .

EA 199

Caravan escort TEXT: C 4789 (12234). COPY: WA 205. [To the king, my lord, my Sun: Message of . . . , your servant]. I [f ]all at the feet of [my lord]. 5—14 The king, my Sun, is a fatb\erY to me, and . . . [ . . . ] I heard the con{seni] of the king, my lord. [I made very] care­ ful preparations], and [I escorted^ a]ll the king's caravans as far as Busrunfa]. I heeded {you}. 15—21 As I am your servant [...] . . . 2

276

EA200

NOTES r

1 . a- ba'-mi: 2. ussuru,

G o r d o n t h o u g h t a-mu\r\-x

[u]s-su-ur-t[e]:

"to s e n d , " a n d susuru, 3.

[ u - b i - i l ] : cf. EA

possible.

i f t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g , it s e e m s t o reflect a c o n f u s i o n o f "to p r e p a r e . "

255:23.

EA 200

About Ahlameans TEXT: VAT 1622. COPIES: WA 164; VS 11, 113. [S]ay to the king, my lord, [my god, my Sun: Messa]ge of [your] servants. We [fa]ll 7 times and 7 times [a]t the feet of the king, my lord. 7 - 1 7 [Her]e is what we hear:* [ . . . ] . . . The Ahlamean(s?) [...] the king of Karadunias [ . . . ] the Ahlamean(s?) [ . . . ] . . . 1

2

4

NOTES 1 . T h e s c r i b e o f t h i s letter is d i s t i n g u i s h e d by less a r c h a i c w r i t i n g p r a c t i c e s : qi-bi ( n o t bi')-ma; ni-[x q]u (not qu)-ut; d i s t i n c t A H - s i g n . 2.

F o r m u l a i c "the k i n g , m y l o r d " p r e v a i l s over c o n t e x t .

3.

nismu: d u r a t i v e s e e m s m u c h m o r e p r o b a b l e t h a n p u n c t i v e +

subjunc­

t i v e - m a r k e r , t h e u s e o f t h e l a t t e r b e i n g v i r t u a l l y u n k n o w n . T h e p e c u l i a r i t i e s o f the s c r i b e (see n. 1 ) , however, p r e c l u d e c e r t a i n t y on t h e m a t t e r . 4.

A n i n c o m p l e t e ra is m o r e l i k e l y t h a n dr ( K n u d t z o n ) . P e r h a p s , as N a ' a ­

m a n , UF 20 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p . 1 8 1 , n. 1 4 , a l s o s u g g e s t s , B a b y l o n i a n c a r a v a n s were b e i n g h a r a s s e d by t h e A h l a m e a n ( s P ) ; cf. EA 1 6 .

EA 201

Ready for marching orders (i) TEXT: VAT 338. COPIES: WA 132; VS 11, 114. Say to the king, my lord: Message of Artamanya, the ruler of Siribasani, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times plus 7 times. 9 - 1 6 As you have written me to make preparations before the arrival of the archers, who am I, a mere dog, that I should not go? 1 7 - 2 4 I am herewith, along with my troops and my chariots, at the disposition of the archers wherever the king, my lord, orders (me to go). 1

2

3

4

277

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1 . O n t h e s c r i b e o f EA 2 0 1 — 6 , see EA 1 9 5 , n. 2 . P r o b a b l y all seven l e t t e r s w e r e w r i t t e n a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e a n d p e r h a p s in t h e s a m e p l a c e . A n o t h e r p o s s i ­ b i l i t y is t h a t B i r y a w a z a s e n t h i s s c r i b e f r o m t o w n t o t o w n ; b u t see EA 2 0 4 , n. 1. 2 . kalbu isten ( a l s o EA 2 0 2 : 1 3 ; 2 4 7 : 1 5 ? ) : P i n t o r e , OA 11 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . 1 2 5 , n. 1 3 6 , t h o u g h t t h e p h r a s e refers t o a w i l d d o g (wolf, j a c k a l ) c u t off f r o m t h e p a c k a n d l i v i n g i s o l a t e d a n d m i s e r a b l e ; b u t cf. EA 3 . al^-la-ku 4.

319:19?

( a l s o EA 2 0 2 : 1 4 ) : cf. EA 1 9 8 , n. 2 .

S e e EA 1 7 4 , n. 2 .

EA 202

Ready for marching orders ( 2 ) TEXT: VAT 331. COPIES: WA 135; VS 11, 115. Say to the king, my lord: Message of Amawase, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 4 You have written me to assist the archers. Who am I, a mere dog, that I should not go? 1 5 - 1 9 I am herewith, along with my troops and my chariots, at the disposition of the archers. 1

NOTE 1.

S e e EA 2 0 1 .

EA 203

Ready for marching orders ( 3 ) TEXT: VAT 330. COPIES: WA 134; VS 11, 116. c

Say to the king, my lord: Message of Abdi-Milki, the ruler of Sashimi, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 1 9 You have written me to make preparations before the arrival of the archers. I am herewith, along with my troops and my chariots, at the disposition of the troops of the king, my lord, wherever they g o . 1

NOTE 1 . S e e EA 2 0 1 .

278

EA

204

EA 204

Ready for marching orders ( 4 ) TEXT: VAT 328. COPIES: WA 133; VS 11, 117. Say the king, my lord: Message of the ruler of Qanu, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times plus 7 times. 9 - 2 0 You have written me to make preparations before the arrival of the archers. I am herewith, along with my troops and along with my chariots, at the disposition of the troops of the king, my lord, wherever they go. 1

NOTE 1 . S e e EA 201. T h e fact t h a t here a n d in t h e t w o f o l l o w i n g letters the ruler's n a m e is not g i v e n s u g g e s t s t h a t it w a s n o t k n o w n to t h e s c r i b e , w h i c h also s u g ­ g e s t s t h a t he d i d n o t w r i t e o n t h e s p o t .

EA 205

Ready for marching orders ( 5 ) TEXT: BM 29861. COPY: BB 78. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 7; C. Pfeiffer, Tell el Amarna and the Bible (Grand Rapids, 1963), p. 11 (obverse only). Say to the king, my lord: Message of the ruler of Tubu, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun of (all) peoples, 7 times plus 7 times. 9 - 1 8 You have written to me to make preparations before the arrival of the archers. I am herewith, along with my troops and my chariots, at the disposition of the troops of the king, my lord, wherever they g o . 1

2

NOTES 1 . See EA 1 9 5 , n. 2 . 2.

See EA 2 0 1 .

279

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 206

Ready for marching orders (6) TEXT: C 4762 (12229). COPY: WA 151. Say to the king, my lord: Message of the ruler of Naziba, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times plus 7 times. 9 - 1 7 You havfe wr]it[ten]' to make preparations before the arrival of the archers, and I am herewith, along with my troops and my chariots, at the disposition of the archers. 2

NOTES 1 . G o r d o n s a w t r a c e s b e l o w t h e -ra o f sa-ap-ra

a n d t h e si-ri

of

su-U-ri,

" p r o b a b l y : ta." 2.

S e e EA 2 0 1 a n d 2 0 4 , n. 1.

EA 207

A loyal servant TEXT: VAT 1593. COPIES: WA 194; VS 11, 118. [S]ay to the king, my lord, [my Sun]: (Message) of I p t e [ . . . ] , your [servant. I fall a]t the feet of m[y} lord. 4 - 9 I have obeyed a[ll the orders of the kin]g on the {tablet]. Look, I am a [loyal] servant [that] has served [the king. Wh]o [is a loyal] servant like m[e? 9 - 1 4 As to your saying, "Wh]y must the commissioner of the king [spjeak twice the wor[d of . . . ] . . . Look, [ / . . . } . . . 1 5 - 2 4 [ . . . ] . . . like the Sun and like [Baal].* In fact, Puhur has not protected me. Lost to the "Apiru : 1ga-[.. .]"> from [my] control are all the cities of the king. 1

2

4

NOTES 1.

IR [ k i - i t - t i ]

2.

i-nu-ma

7 [ s a - a ] : cf. EA 1 1 4 : 5 6 .

[ta-a]q-fe*

1 0 [ m i - n u ] - m i . . . a-wa-a[t

EA 1 1 6 : 8 ; 1 3 1 : 4 1 ; 1 4 5 : 2 3 ; iotmtnu, 3.

Cf. EA

x - ( x ) ] - x : for taqbu,

cf.

"why," cf. EA 1 2 6 : 1 4 , 4 9 .

159:5?.

4. T h e reference t o t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r P u h u r ( u ) l o c a t e s t h e o r i g i n o f t h i s l e t t e r s o m e w h e r e in t h e a r e a o f h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ; see H e l c k , Beziehungen, p . 1 8 3 , n. 9 6 . 5.

R e a d i n g o f t h e g l o s s is u n c e r t a i n ; see B o t t e r o , Habiru,

b e r g , Hablpiru, 280

p. 44.

p. 105, and Green­

EA208

EA 208

Inquiry urged TEXT: VAT 1699. COPY: VS 11, 119. _

i 7 [ • • • ] • • • 8 - 1 4 to me and . . . { . . . ] , and I sent him {imme)diately. And look, there is Puhuru. Ask him about the cities of the king, my lord, [whe}ther the cities of the king, my lord, are safe. 1

NOTE 1.

See EA 207, n. 4.

EA 209

Abounding joy TEXT: AO 2036. COPIES: WA 149a; Thureau-Dangin, RA 19 (1922) p. 101. [S]ay to the king, m{y] lord: Message of Zisamimi, yo[ur] servant. I fall at [yo]ur feet. 7 times and 7 times I fall before the king, my lord. 7 - 1 1 Your cities where I am are happy. Look, I am your servant forever. And look, I am your servant and your [sori\.?> 1 1 - 1 6 And look, your cities where I am are cities of the king, my lord, and if I have \n~\ot guarded y{our] cities, may the gods where you are smash my {he]ad. 1

2

4

5

NOTES 1. W r i t t e n

AN§E.ME§-/>/.

2. T h e joy o f a s u b o r d i n a t e u s u a l l y i m p l i e s a m e s s a g e f r o m t h e k i n g (cf. EA 1 4 1 - 4 2 , 144, 147, 1 5 4 , 362), p e r h a p s t e l l i n g o f his arrival (cf. EA 227); see also N a ' a m a n , Lingering

over Words, p p . 4oiff. N o v e l f e a t u r e s o f t h i s letter: the p l a c e ,

not its ruler, is h a p p y ; t h e l a n g u a g e a l l u d e s t o t h e vassal's d u t y o f p r o t e c t i n g the p l a c e w h e r e he is (lines i i f f . ) .

3. Cf. EA 288:66. 4.

See R a i n e y , UF 6 (1974) p .

5.

[sYAG'-ka-di

(qaqqadt):

306.

virtually certain.

281

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 210

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1876. COPIES: WA 223; VS 11, 120. Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE i.

A d d r e s s e d t o a n E g y p t i a n (see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 8 2 ) . L i n e 3 : " [ M e s s a g e

of] Zisami[mi]."

EA 211

Inescapable orders TEXT: VAT 1648. COPIES: WA 140; VS 11, 121. Say to the king, my lord: Message of Zitriyarfa], your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times, both on the back and on the stomach. 7 - 1 5 As I am a servant of the king, my lord, he has obeyed the order that the k[ing, m]y [lord], s[e]nt {t]o hi[s] servant. I am the servant of the king, my lord. 1 5 - 2 5 As the king is like the Sun from the sky : sa-mu-ma, we are unable to ignore the order of the king, my lord, and we obey the commissioner that you have placed over me. EA 212

Perfect obedience TEXT: VAT 1587. COPIES: WA 141; VS 11, 122. To the king, my lord: Message of Zitriyara, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 6—14 Just as we have alw[a}ys acted—as all the mayors (have acted) —s(o) shall I act towards the king, my lord. I am the servant of the king, my lord. Every order of the king, m(y) lord, I do obey. 1

2

3

NOTES 1. 253:nff. 282

P r o b a b l y a reference t o h i s p r e d e c e s s o r s ; cf. EA

74:ioff.;

i94:ioff.;

EA213 2.

&-(a/ia-am).

3 . T h e w o r d order, w i t h t h e o b j e c t a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e s e n t e n c e , e m ­ phasizes the completeness of the obedience.

EA 213

Preparations under way TEXT: BM 29859COPY: BB 76. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 6. Say to the king, my lord, my Sun, my god: Message of Zitriyara, your servant, the dirt under your feet, and the mire you tread on. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, 7 times and 7 times, both on the stomach and on the back. 1 0 - 1 5 I have heard the message of the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, to his servant. I herewith [m)ake the preparations in accordance {w]ith the command of the king, my lord, my Sun, my go[d}. EA 214

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1607. COPY: VS 11, 123. Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE 1.

A letter t o the k i n g ; p o s s i b l e m e n t i o n o f Z i t r i y a r a o n line 11 (cf. EA 2 1 1 -

13).

EA 215

A warning TEXT: BM 29843. COPY: BB 60. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 7. To the king, my lord, my Sun, my god: Message of Bayawa, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, 7 times and 7 times, on the stomach and on the back. 9—17 Should Yanhamu 1

283

THE AMARNA

LETTERS c

not be here within this [year, a]ll the lands are [lo}st to the Apiru. So give life to your lands. NOTE i.

T h e p o s i t i o n o f lu a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e s e n t e n c e a n d not before t h e

p r e d i c a t e s u g g e s t s C a n a a n i t e influence (cf. AHw, t a k i n g lit as a s s e v e r a t i v e ( C a m p b e l l , Chronology,

p. 560) and argues against

p . 1 0 0 , n. 7 0 ) .

EA 216

Obedience to the commissioner TEXT: C 4784 (12202). COPY: WA 195. 1

Say t[o] the king, my lord: Message of Bayawa, your servant. I fall at the fe[et] of the king, my lord, [my] Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 6 — 1 1 1 have heard the message of the king, my lord, to his servant to make preparations before the arrival of the archers. [1} am now making prepa­ rations [in] accordance with the comma[nd] of the king, my lord. 1 2 - 1 4 1 °bey most carefully the words of Maya, the commissioner of the king, my lord. 1 5 - 2 0 May the king, my lord, send arc[hers] to his servants. To men who do not obey the king, will the king, my lord, give thought? 2

NOTES 1 . T h e s c r i p t o f EA 2 1 6 is q u i t e different f r o m t h a t o f EA 2 1 5 . B e t w e e n Y a n h a m u a n d M a y a a new s c r i b e w a s e m p l o y e d . 2 . O r , "the k i n g , m y l o r d , w i l l g i v e t h o u g h t " ( t h r e a t ) , b u t n o t "may t h e k i n g . . . , " w h i c h is i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e i n d i c a t i v e yimluku.

EA 217

About Maya TEXT: VAT 1604. COPY: VS 11, 124. Sa[y] to the k[in]g, m[y] lord: Message of . . . [ . . . ] , yo[ur] servant. I fall at the feet of the king, [my] lord, [my Su]n, 7 times and [ 7 ] times. 7 - 1 2 I have heard all the words of the king, [my] l[ord], and indeed [ . . . of] the king, {my lord . . . } . 1 3 - 2 3 And wh[o am] I that I would not obey [M]ay[a, the commissioner of the kin]g, [my] l[ord]? May 284

EA218 1

the ki[ng}, m[y lor}d, send troops to his country, so that [I can g]uard. The men who have not o[beyed] Maya, they s h a l l . . . [...]—all of (th)em. NOTE

i.

H e r e a n d in t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is very d u b i o u s .

EA 218

Preparations and obedience TEXT: VAT 1696. COPY: VS 11, 125. [Say t]o {the king, my lord: Message o f . . . } , the rul{er of. . . 1 f]all [at the feet of my lord, j times] and [j times. 7—12 I] have helard a]ll the wo[rds] of the king, m[y] lord, [and n]ow / [am preparing] what the king, my [lo]rd, [ . . . ] 1 2 - 1 7 A[nd] I obey the worlds] of Maya [ve]ry caref[ully]. May the king, my lord, send troops to his countries. 1

NOTE

1 . e - [ s u - s i - r u ] : cf. i-su-si-ru

in EA 2 1 6 : 1 0 ; 2 2 6 : 1 5 ; 3 1 6 : 2 3 .

EA 219

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1720. COPY: VS 11, 126. Too fragmentary for translation.' NOTE 1.

L e t t e r to t h e k i n g ; o n t h e r e v e r s e , p r o b a b l y reference t o g i f t s or t r i b u t e

( 2 5 3 0 GAL.fMES' . . . ] K U . G { I } , "30 g o b l e t [ s . . . ] , o f g o l f d } " ) .

EA 220

Awaiting the commissioner TEXT: C 4785 (12226). COPY: WA 150. Say to the king, my lord, (my Sun] Message of Kurtuya, the ruler of . . . nu, your servant, the dirt at the feet of the king, my lord, my Sun, 285

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

and the mire you tread on. I fall at the feet of the king, m[y] lord, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9—14 I have heard all the words of the king, my lord, my Sun. Who am I that I should not obey the commissioner of the king, my lord, my [Su}n, in accordance with the command of the [kin]g, my lord? 1 5 - 2 4 I am [in]deed guarding the [ci]ty of the king, my lord, my S[un], until the arrival of the commissioner of the king, my lord, my Sun. May the king, my lord, know that the city of the king, my lord, my Sun, where I am, was raided and my father struck down. 2 5 - 3 1 I am indeed guarding the city of the king, my lord, my Sun, where I am, until the arrival of the commissioner of the king, my lord, my Sun, to learn abfout the lajnds of the king, my lord, [my Sun]. 1

NOTE 1 . T h e r e is an E g y p t i a n n o t a t i o n o f s o m e s o r t , in b l a c k i n k , o n l i n e 2 ; s i m i l a r l y , EA 2 2 1 , 2 2 5 , 2 6 2 , 2 9 4 , 3 2 6 .

EA 221

Message received TEXT: VAT 341. COPIES: WA 136; VA 11, 127. Say to the king, [m]y lord, the Sun from the sky: Message of Wiktasu, your servant. I prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 8 - 1 0 I have heard the message of the king, my lord, to me. n - 1 6 I am indeed guarding the city of the king, my lord, until the word of the king, my lord, arrives (again). 1

NOTE

1.

E g y p t i a n n o t a t i o n a t t h e e n d o f t h e t a b l e t ; see EA

220.

EA 222

Giving all TEXT: VAT 1683. COPY: VS 11, 128. Say to the k[i]ng, [my lord]: Message of Wik[tasu, your servant]. I prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 286

EA

A[s] to the king, my lord's, having written me, I herewith] to the king, [my] lor[d], whatever [I] have on ha[nd], 6—ii

1

223

give

NOTE i.

«-[nu-ma}.

EA 223

Compliance with orders TEXT: VAT 1870. COPIES: WA 220; VS 11, 129. Say to the k[in]g, my lord, the Sun fr[om] the s[k]y: Message of En[d]a[r]u[t]a,' your servant. I prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 0 Whatsoever the king, my lord, orders, I shall prepare. 2

NOTES 1. 1; see EA

m

en-[d]a[r}-u-[i]a:

f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , RA 1 9 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p . 1 0 0 , n.

367.

2 . O r "I p r e p a r e . "

EA 224

From ancestral days TEXT: BM 29849COPY: BB 66. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 15. Say to the k[in]g, [my lo]r[d], my [Sun]: Message of Sum-Add[a], the serva[nt o]f the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 7—13 As to the king, my lord's, having written for grain . . . , ' it has been destroyed. May the king, my lord, ask his commissioners whether our ancestors, since the days of Kusuna, our ancestor, always shipped (grain). NOTE 1 . N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

p . 78*,

let." In t h e n e x t l i n e , d e s p i t e t h e Glossenkeil,

n. 78, p r o p o s e s (du)-uh-ni,

mu-hu-su

"mil­

is p r o b a b l y n o t a g l o s s .

287

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 225

Perfect obedience TEXT: C 4787 (12222). COPY: WA 131. Say to the king, my lord: Message of Samu-Adda, the ruler of Samhuna. I fall at the feet of my king 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 3 I obey all the orders of my king, and I obey all the orders of the commissioner whom my king appoints over me. 1

NOTE

1. E g y p t i a n n o t a t i o n f o l l o w s (see EA 2 2 0 ) .

EA 226

Cultivating and plucking TEXT: VAT 1610. COPIES: WA 157; VS 11, 130. S[a]y t[o} the king, [my] lord: Messa[ge] of Siptu-ri;[^, your servant], and the dirt a{t] your [feet]. I fall at the feet of the king 7 times and 7 times. 6—14 May the king, my lord, know that hi[s] city is safe and sound, and all the orders the king, my lord, has sent to his servant, I am obeying. I am indeed cultivating : ah-rz-[su] and pluckin[g,' and so I] must keep going out [of] my city. I am, however, preparin[g the . . . ] , and food and [strong drin]k before the arrival of the expeditions of the [k]ing, my lord, \be\cause I obey all the orders of the king, my lord. 2

3

4

NOTES 1. Cf. EA 244:8ff. 2.

u]

1 3 [a}-af-fii-m[i]:

t h i s p e r m i t s a n o r m a l i z a t i o n ufsu c o n f o r m i n g t o

established usage. 3.

Cf.

4.

Perhaps "expedition."

EA 5 5 : 1 2 .

EA 227

The happy king of Hazor TEXT: BM 29830. COPY: BB 47. 288

EA

228

Say to the king, my lord: Message of the king of Hasuru. I fall at the feet of my lord. 5—13 Look, I have the cities of the king, my lord, under guard until my lord reaches [me}. And when I heard these words of yours and of the coming forth o/the Sun to m[e}, I rejoiced accordingly. I pond[ered} (the news), and my jubilation came forth.' There was peace, and the gods themselves looked (favorably) on me. 1 3 - 1 7 And I have indeed prepared everything until the arrival of the king, [my] lord. Look, whenever [Han]i, your messenger, arrives, the heart [rejoic}es exceedingly. 1 8 - 1 9 [In} my [heart] my joy [is great]. When ...[...] 20-28 ... [...]. 1

2

3

4

6

7

8

9

NOTES 1 . an [ i a - s i ] : cf. lines 9, 1 3 ; an for ana, lines 5 - 1 8 , see N a ' a m a n , Lingering 2 . a-si-ti

d

U T U an-ia-s[i]:

p r o b a b l y an a r c h a i c s u r v i v a l . O n

over Words, p .

403.

f o l l o w i n g Rainey, UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 4 2 2 , n. 3 5 . If

the writer's joy c o m e s , not f r o m t h e n e w s of the k i n g ' s journey, b u t s i m p l y f r o m h a v i n g heard f r o m the k i n g , a n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y is a-se Tl (balat)...,

"the c o m i n g

forth o f the life o f . . . " ; cf. t h e m e s s a g e ( b r e a t h ) o f the k i n g as l i f e - g i v i n g , EA 100, n. 9. 3 . ki-ia -sa-ma: 8

kiam (4), AHw,

if r i g h t , a n o t h e r a r c h a i s m ; cf. klasu,

p . 4 7 0 b . T h e a l t e r n a t i v e , ki yu-sa-ma,

CAD,

K , p. 309, and

"when it ( t h e m e s s a g e ? ) was

h e a r d , " i n t r o d u c e s a r e p e t i t i o n t h a t is h a r d t o e x p l a i n . 4.

ah-di am-tal-[li-i\dliky.

ah-di, w i t h R a i n e y , i b i d . , w h o p o s t u l a t e s a n o t h e t

a r c h a i s m , u n c o n t r a c t e d ahdiatn, 5 . AHw, 6.

p . 1 5 6 3 , ellattya,

sa-li-mu:

7 . ip-pal-Iu pp.

a n d restores rz'-[is-te] (cf. line 1 9 ) . "my b a n d . "

indefinite t h i r d p l u r a l ? (for ippalsii)

an ia-si: f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

5 f. 5

8.

T h e d u r a t i v e yiksudu

a t g u e s for a g e n e r a l s t a t e m e n t a n d a g a i n s t "when

H a n i a r r i v e d , " t h o u g h it is very l i k e l y t h a t H a n i w a s in fact t h e bearer o f the m e s s a g e to w h i c h EA 2 2 7 is the answer. S e e a l s o EA 2 0 0 , n. 3 . 9.

Free r e s t o r a t i o n s .

EA 228

An invitation to recall the past TEXT: BM 29831. COPY: BB 48. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 16. c

Say [t]o the king, my lord: Message of Abdi-Tirsi,' the ruler of Hasuru, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times ((at the feet of the king, my lord)). 1 0 - 1 7 As I am the loyal servant of 289

THE AMARNA

LETTERS 2

the king, my lord, I am indeed guarding Hasuru together with its villages for the king, my lord. 1 8 - 2 5 May the king, my lord, re­ call : ia-az-ku-ur-mi whatever has been done against Hasuru, your city, and against your servant. NOTES 1 . M . W e i p p e r t , ZDPV

8 2 ( 1 9 6 6 ) p . 3 2 2 , p r o p o s e d iK-dir^-si,

c

Abd(i)-Irsi,

a n d is f o l l o w e d b y N a ' a m a n , UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p . 1 8 8 , n. 3 8 . 2 . a-nu-um-ma-mi:

following Gordon.

EA 229

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1689. COPIES: WA 178; VS 11, 131. Say to the king, my lord, [my Sun}: Message of "Abdina, {the ruler of . . . ] , ' your servant, the [loyal] servant of the [king], my lord, the dirt [at the feet of the k]ing, [my] lord, [my Sun. I fall at the fe]et [of the king, my lord, . . . ] . NOTE 1.

B o t h the reading of the personal name and the assumption of room

sufficient for LU URU

are uncertain.

EA 230

An unusual message TEXT: BM 37646. COPY: Scheil, Memoires, p. 309. TRANSLATION: Na'aman, Lingering over Words, p. 401. 1

Say to the king, my lord: Message of Yama, your servant. I fall at your feet. 4—10 As I am your servant in the place where I am, the places where I am are all cities belonging to you. As your (lo)yal servant, I have indeed guarded your commissioners. 11—16 If a soldier of yours comes to me, then I guard [h]im. And the cities where I am are all really guarded for you. 1 7 - 2 2 Just ask your commissioners whether they are really guarded. May you know tha(t) all your cities are safe and sound. 2

3

4

290

EA 231

NOTES T . N a ' a m a n , Lingering

over Words, p . 4 0 1 , p r o p o s e s t h a t Y a m a is a m i s t a k e

for M a y a , the n a m e o f a w e l l - k n o w n E g y p t i a n c o m m i s s i o n e t (rabisu). w o u l d e x p l a i n t h e c l a i m t o offer p r o t e c t i o n t o hazannutu,

This reading

a t e r m t h a t only very

e x c e p t i o n a l l y d o e s n o t refer t o t h e local r u l e r s , t h e " m a y o r s . " I f M a y a is t h e writer, EA 2 3 0 is t h e only c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f an E g y p t i a n official w r i t t e n in c u n e i f o r m . 2.

1R {k\)-te-ka:

3.

I f t h i s letter is w r i t t e n b y a v a s s a l , then hazannu,

cf. VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 6 0 1 . N a ' a m a n , i b i d . , reads

)R-di -ka. 12

as in EA 2 3 7 a n d 3 1 7 ,

m u s t refer t o E g y p t i a n officials, for a mayor's d u t y w a s t o p r o t e c t , not o t h e r mayors, but Egyptians. 4. na-ds-ru:

see O t t e n , MIO 1 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p . 1 3 7 , n. 3 0 . For Iii, "really," cf. EA

2 5 5 : 2 5 , mddis nasrat,

"it is m u c h g u a r d e d . "

EA 231

Following orders TEXT: VAT 1599COPIES: WA 212; VS 11, 132. [Say to the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky: Message o f . . . , the ruler o f . . . , the ser]vant o[f the king, the dirt] at [his] fee[t, the ground on which] h[e] treads. [I fall at the feet] of the king, my lord, [the Sun from] the sky, 7 [times and 7 times], n - 1 9 In accordance with what the king, my lord, [the Sun f]rom the sk[y], w\rote, "G]ua[rd] the city o[f the ki}ng where you [are]," I have [g]uarde[d] the cit[y in ac­ cordance with what the king, [my] lord, [my god], my Sun, w[rote].

EA 232

Who would not obey? TEXT: VAT 1640. COPIES: WA 93; VS 11, 133. Say to the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky: Thus Surata, the ruler of Akka, the servant of the king, the dirt at his feet and the ground on which he treads. I prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times, on the chest : ba-af-nu-ma (belly) and on the back : sii-uh-ru-ma. 1 2 - 2 0 Who is the ruler, should the king, his lord, write to hi[m], that would not ob[e]y? In accordance with what has issued from the mouth of the Sun from the sky, so is it done. 1

2

291

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1.

O n t h e g l o s s , s e e R a i n e y , UF 3 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p . 1 7 0 .

2 . O r s i m p l y "the m a n . "

EA 233

Work in progress TEXT: C 4767 (12201). COPY: WA 94. Say to the king, [m}y {lord], the Sun from [the sky}: Message of Satatna, the ruler of Akka, your servant, the servant of the king and the dirt at his feet and the ground on which he treads. I prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times, both on the stomach and on the back. 1 6 - 2 0 He is obeying what the king, my lord, has written to his servant, and prepar­ ing everything that my lord has order{ed~\. 1

NOTE 1 . yi-q[a-bi\:

i f K n u d t z o n ' s r e s t o r a t i o n o f -bu is c o r r e c t , t h e n lines 1 6 — 2 0

s t a t e a g e n e r a l t r u t h : "he o b e y s . . . a n d p r e p a r e s e v e r y t h i n g t h a t m y lord o r d f e r s ] . " O n line 2 , E g y p t i a n h i e r a t i c n o t a t i o n , in b l a c k i n k , wr, "prince"; see I n t r o ­ d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 .

EA 234

Like Magdalu in Egypt TEXT: VAT 1641. COPIES: WA 95; VS 11, 134. TRANSLATION: Albright, ANET, pp. 484f. To the king, m[y} lord, the Sun from the sky: Message of Satatna, the ruler of Akka, your servant, the servant of the king, and the dirt at his feet, the ground on which he treads. [I] prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times, both on the stomach and on the back. 1 0 - 3 5 May the king, my lord, heed the word of his servant. [Zir}damyasda des[er]ted [B]iryawaza. He w[as] with Suta, a . . . [ . . . ] of the king, in the gar[risori] city. He said [n]ot[hi}ng [t}o him. Out came the troops of the king, my lord. H e w[as] with them in Magidd[a]. Nothing was said to hi[m}.4 Then he deserted to me, and 1

2

292

3

EA235

Suta has just written to me, "Hand over Zirdamyasda to Biryawaza." But I have not agreed to hand him over. Akka is like Magdalu in Egypt,' and has the king, [my lord], not [h]eard that Suta is turned against me? May the king, my lord, [sen]d his {com]missioner to fetfch] him. NOTES 1.

URU

R

UN"'-[ti/su?]: o n UN

=

massartu,

see EA 1 1 6 , n. i; al

massarti

o c c u r s in EA 76:36 ( S u m e r ) a n d 1 9 0 : 5 ( K u m i d u ? ) . T h e t e x t d o e s n o t say that t h e Z i r d a m y a s d a ' s d e s e r t i o n o c c u r r e d in this p l a c e (so P i n t o r e , OA 1 1 [ 1 9 7 2 ] p . 3 0 7 ) . 2 . asu, "to g o / c o m e f o r t h , " as s a i d o f t r o o p s , a l w a y s refers in EA t o l e a v i n g E g y p t ; t h e text d o e s n o t say that t h e t r o o p s have d e p a r t e d (so A l b r i g h t ) . 3.

P e r h a p s t h e s u b j e c t is p l u r a l ("they"), referring t o Suta t o o . Z i r d a m y a s d a

a n d S u t a m i g h t have j o i n e d t h e E g y p t i a n forces in G a z a a n d m a r c h e d w i t h t h e m as far as M e g i d d o . 4. S i n c e la is c o n s i s t e n t l y w r i t t e n la-a (lines 1 6 , 2 6 , 3 0 ) , w e s h o u l d r e a d , w i t h K n u d t z o n , la-a qa-bi, n o t la a-qa-bi, the n o m i n a t i v e

"I s a i d n o t h i n g " (so A l b r i g h t ) ; note a l s o

mi-mu.

5 . T h e p o i n t o f t h e c o m p a r i s o n is n o t clear: w h e t h e r t h e t h o r o u g h E g y p t i a n i z a t i o n o f A k k a ( A l b r i g h t ) , or its loyalty ( N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

p.

2 1 * , n. 8 4 ) . T h e r e a d i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f w h a t follows is a l s o q u i t e uncer­ t a i n . I n l i n e 3 4 , read \yu-si\-ra

(cf. EA 2 7 0 : 2 4 ) , s i n c e uHira

( K n u d t z o n ) is always

imperative. A t t h e e n d o f l i n e 1 0 , E g y p t i a n hieratic n o t a t i o n , in b l a c k i n k ; see EA 2 5 8 .

EA 235 ( + ) 327

An order for glass TEXT: BM 29815 ( + ) C 4791 + VAT 1882 (with join = C 12235). COPIES: BB 32 ( + ) WA 206 (without join).' PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 6. Say to the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, the Sun from the sky: Message of Sitatna, your servant, the dirt at your feet. (I pr)ostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, 7 times and 7 times, ((at the feet of the king, my lord)), n - 2 1 (EA 3 2 7 : 1 - 1 1 ) [I] have obeyed the [or]ders of the king's comm[issioner] to me, to guard the citie[s f]or the king, my lord. I have guarded very carefully. More­ over], the king, my lord has wri[tten] to me for glass, * [and] I herewith send 50 (units), [their] weight, to the king, my lord. 2

4

293

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1 . T h e l o n g - d i s t a n c e j o i n , m a d e w i t h o u t c o m m e n t , is G o r d o n ' s .

Apart

f r o m o t h e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , K n u d t z o n ' s a s s u m p t i o n in EA 2 3 5 : 1 1 o f a [ m - q u t w a s in i t s e l f very i m p r o b a b l e ; suhenu a n d maqdtu

...]

in t h e s a m e l e t t e r w o u l d b e

w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l , a n d a n y r e p e t i t i o n o f t h e p r o s k y n e s i s is c o n f i n e d t o t h e s c r i b e w h o w r o t e EA 6 3 ( p r o b a b l y o m i t t e d b y m i s t a k e in 6 4 - 6 5 ) a n d 2 8 4 , a n d t o 1 8 4 . A m i s t a k e n r e p e t i t i o n o f "at t h e feet . . . " in l i n e 1 0 , as in EA 2 2 8 , is in i t s e l f m o s t plausible. 2. 3.

na-sdr; NI

s i m i l a r l y , u-na-sdr

(line 1 5 =

3 2 7 : 5 ) ; see EA 1 3 7 , n. 1 5 .

V"eh''-tu-Ba-ak-ku: a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y an error for eblipakku (AHw,

p. 191);

cf. EA 3 1 4 , 3 2 3 . 4. EA

T h e u n i t o f m e a s u r e is n o t clear. "50 ( p i e c e s ) , ( t o t a l ) w e i g h e d o u t " ? Cf.

326:16.

EA 236

Message lost TEXT: Ash 1893 1-41: 423COPY: Sayce, Tell el Amarna, no. 16. Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE 1.

P e r h a p s a reference t o t h e r u l e r o f A k k a as a n enemy.

EA 237

Under fire TEXT: VAT 1701. COPY: VS 11, 135. [ . . . ] . . . They have [ca]ptured Lab{'ay u] and attacked the citifes} of the king, my lord. They have captured, too, the cities of the king, my lord, that the king, my lord, \_pu\t in [my] charge to guard. 8 - 1 8 May the king, my lord, be informed that they have [ca]ptured the [ci]ties off] the king, m[y] lord, [but] the city in which I am I now keep under guard until I see the eyes of the commissioner of the king, my lord. 1 8 - 2 4 Indeed, from the day I send this tablet to the palace, they will be attacking me], and . . . [ . . . ] . NOTE 1

1.

Cf. EA 2 3 0 : 9 .

EA 2 3 7 is p r o b a b l y f r o m t h e w r i t e r o f EA 2 3 8 ; s e e VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 3 0 4 . 294

EA238

EA 238

Absolute power TEXT: VAT 1867. COPIES: WA 219; VS 11, 136. [To] the magnate, [my] lord: [Messa]ge of Bayadi, [your] servant. I fall [a]t the feet of the magnate, my lord. 4 - 1 4 As to the cities that the magnate, my lord, put in my charge, they have seized all the cities, and the city in which I am I cannot guard. So may the magnate, my lord, s[en]d me a 50-man garris[on] to guar[d the city] until the arr[ival] of the magnate, [my lord}. 1 5 - 2 1 And [ . . . ] 2 2 - 2 3 again[st . ..} and the son of S{a]t[atna) and Hagurr[u . . . ] and they have captured [.. .] and attacked \me]. They have captured the cities of the magnate, my lord, so may the magnate, my lord, be informed. It is you who can keep us alive, and it is you who can put us to death. 1

2

NOTES 1.

For c h r o n o l o g i c a l difficulties w i t h t h i s r e a d i n g , see C a m p b e l l ,

Chronol­

ogy, p . 1 0 8 . 2.

A n e x p r e s s i o n o f a p p a r e n t l y a b s o l u t e p o w e r , w h i c h o n e w o u l d have ex­

p e c t e d t o b e a s c r i b e d only t o t h e k i n g ; cf. L o r t o n , The Juridical International

Relations in Egyptian n

7 3 ) ) P- 73> -

2

Texts through Dynasty XVIII

Terminology

of

(see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n.

5 - P e r h a p s t h e fact t h a t p l u r a l "you" is a d d r e s s e d i m p l i e s the k i n g

as well as the m a g n a t e .

EA 239

Evil talk TEXT: VAT 334. COPIES: WA 139; VS 11, 137. Sa[y to] the king, my [I]ord: Message of BaduzawM, your [ser}vant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 8 - 1 7 I will execute every order of the king, my lord, until the magnate comes forth and fetches everything the king, my lord, has ordered. 1 8 - 2 7 As we are the servants of the king, may the magnate come forth and know our crime, [f]or in yo[ur] presence he has been speak[ing] evil of your servants. 1

2

295

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1 . i-pd-as-si: cf. i-pa-as(EA

ippas + -//' ( p r o n o m i n a l suffix) r a t h e r t h a n o v e r h a n g i n g vowel;

1 9 6 : 3 2 , 4 1 ) , e-pa-as (EA

2 . T h e f o r m y]i-iq-{bu] iq-[bi],

289:9).

is s i n g u l a r ; see Izre'el, UF 19 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p p . 84f.

Ify]i-

t h e n "has s p o k e n . "

EA 240

Message lost TEXT: VAT 2198 + 2707. COPY: VS 11, 240. Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE

1.

A p r o m i s e o f s e r v i c e t o t r o o p s a n d chariotry.

EA 241

A servant from ancient times TEXT: VAT 1678. COPIES: WA 148; VS 11, 139. Say to the king, my lord, my god, the Sun: Message of Rusmanya, the ruler of Saruna, your servant, the dirt at your feet, the mire on which you tread, the footstool of the feet of my lord. (I fall at the feet of the king, my lord), 7 times and 7 times. 9—11 As I am a servant of the king from time immemorial, it is the king, my lord, I serve. 1 2 - 1 6 And here and now the king, my lord, [ . . . ] , the king, my lord. 1 7 - 2 0 Another he smo\teY throutgh] my se[rvic}es, for I am a loyal servant of the king, my lord. NOTE 1.

r

aW - k [ i : p e r h a p s i n f i n i t i v e + / (JCS 4 [ 1 9 5 0 } p p . 169ft".), a n d p e r h a p s

t o b e r e n d e r e d a s p a s s i v e , "another w a s s m i t t e n , " o n t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f no d i s t i n c ­ t i o n o f v o i c e in t h e infinitive.

296

EA242 EA 242

Request granted TEXT: VAT 1670. COPIES: WA 114; VS 11, 140. 1

Say to the king, my lord and my Sun: Message of Biridiya, the ruler of Magidda, the loyal servant of the king. I prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord and my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 1 7 I herewith give what the king, my lord, requested: 30 oxen, [x sheep and goats, x bi\rds* [...] ... [... And in\deed, [the . . . } . . . of the [T\and are at peace, but I am at war. 2

4

NOTES 1.

O n t h e B i r i d i y a in a K a m i d e l - L o z letter a n d his r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the ruler

o f M e g i d d o , see M . G o r g , ZA

3u.KAM.MI (eristi)

2. 1988,

7 6 (1986) p . 308.

sarri \belT\ya:

see JCS

31 (1979) p p . 2 4 7 6 ;

NABU,

no. 36.

3 . 3 0 GUD.ME§ 1 2 fx UZ.MES x is-Su]-tt*-/
[K]UR.KI: f o l l o w i n g

4.

N a ' a m a n , Political

also reads at the b e g i n n i n g o f the line [a-n]a

Disposition,

p . 1 5 * , n. 3 5 , w h o

[E]N.

EA 243

Around-the-clock defense TEXT: VAT 1669. COPIES: WA 113; VS 11, 141. [Say] to the king, [my l]ord and my Sun and [my] go[d]: Message of Biridi[ya], the loyal servant of the king. I f[a]ll at the feet of the king, [my] lord and my Sun and my god, 7 times and 7 times. 8 - 2 2 I have obeyed the orders of the king, my lord and my Sun, and I am indeed guarding] Magidda, the city of the king, my lord, day and night : l{e-l~\a. By day I guard (it) [f ]rom the fields with chariots, and by n[ight] on the wall[s of] the king, my lord. And as the warring of the A[pi]ru in the land is seve[re], may the king, my lord, take cognizance of his land. 1

2

3

c

NOTES 1.

Gl -sa 6

(musa): there is no reason t o p o s t u l a t e *mfsu.

T h e r e a d i n g of t h e

g l o s s f o l l o w s R a i n e y , UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 4 0 5 . 297

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

2.

l [ e - l ] a : f o l l o w i n g Rainey, i b i d .

3.

BAD.M[E§ (sa)]: t h e r e a d i n g is c e r t a i n ; t h e M E § , p e r h a p s o t i o s e . I a s ­

s u m e a c c u s a t i v e o f p l a c e , b u t (istu) durdntis

another possibility. Another reading

t h a t h a s B i r i d i y a g u a r d i n g t h e w a l l s s e e m s unlikely.

EA 244

Besieged by Lab'ayu TEXT: C 4768 (12200). COPY: WA 244. TRANSLATIONS: Albright, ANET, p. 485; Campbell, Shechem, p. 193; H. Freydank in A. Jepsen, ed., Von Sinuhe bis Nebukadnezar: Dokumente aus der Umwelt des AIten Testaments (Stuttgart and Munich, 1975), p. 101; Seux, Textes du ProcheOrient, pp. 5 If. Say to the king, my lord and my Sun: Message of Biridiya, the loyal servant of the king. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord and my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 8 - 1 7 May the king, my lord, know that since the return (to Egypt) of the archers, Lab'ayu has waged war against me. We are thus unable to do the plucking : Ka-Zi-ra (harvesting), and we are unable to go out of the city gate : sa-ah-ri because of Lab'ayu. 1 8 - 2 4 When he learned that archers were not co[ming o]ut, he imme­ diately [determined to take Magidda. 2 5 - 3 3 May the king save his city lest Lab'ayu seize it. Look, the city is consumed by pestilence, by . . . 5 So may the king give a garrison of 1 0 0 men to guard his city lest Lab'ayu seize it. Look, Lab'ayu has no other purpose. He seeks simply the seizure of Magidda. 1

2

3

4

6

NOTES 1 . T h e g l o s s is difficult. T h a t w h a t p r e c e d e s is to b e read ni, " p l u c k i n g , " m u s t b e c o n s i d e t e d c e r t a i n ; see M e i s s n e r , AfO 1 8 4 ; K r a u s , Staatliche

Viehhaltung

im altbabylonischen

ZtJ.SI.GA

ba-qa-

5 (1928-29) p.

Larsa ( A m s t e r d a m , 1 9 6 6 , p .

1 3 ) ; F i n k e l s t e i n , RA 6 3 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p p . 6iff. O n t h e left o f t h e g l o s s m a r k e r , there is n o t h i n g a b o u t h a r v e s t i n g fields (so C a m p b e l l ) . M i d d l e B a b y l o n i a n baqdnu O l d B a b y l o n i a n baqamu; a c c u s a t i v e baqana

t h e a p p a r e n t g e n i t i v e baqani

replaces

rather than the expected

r e m a i n s u n e x p l a i n e d . T h e g l o s s m a y not b e read

ga -zi-ra l4

( H e b r e w gdzar, "to c u t off, d i v i d e " ) , w h i c h , difficulties o f f o r m a s i d e (Piel infini­ tive gazzira?),

w o u l d i m p l y c u t t i n g u p t h e s h e e p , not p l u c k i n g or s h e a r i n g t h e m .

T h e r e f o r e , qa-si-ra,

" h a r v e s t ( i n g ) , " s e e m s m u c h m o r e likely (cf. H e b r e w

qasir),

b u t not as a g l o s s t o w h a t p r e c e d e s ; rather, as a n o t h e r activity, t h e g l o s s m a r k e r s i m p l y i n d i c a t i n g a n o n - A k k a d i a n w o r d . I n t e r f e r e n c e in t h e b a s i s o f a g r a r i a n life, flocks 298

a n d fields, s e e m s t o b e l o n g t o t h e t o p o s "under s i e g e " (cf. EA

226:iofF.).

EA 245 2. pitatu

ti-it-[ta-s~\ii-na:

following

G o r d o n ; this r e a d i n g fits w i t h t h e n o m i n a t i v e

in t h e f o l l o w i n g line. 3.

[l]\x-ut-ri-iy.

o n l y o n e v e r t i c a l v i s i b l e . Rainey, p r i v a t e c o m m u n i c a t i o n ,

18 J a n u a r y 1 9 8 1 , after c o l l a t i o n , r e a d s

\t\a-ri-is.

4 . O n summa (also l i n e 3 8 ) , see EA 3 5 , n. 3 . 5. T h e r e a d i n g u[p}-ri

h a s y i e l d e d n o s a t i s f a c t o r y s e n s e . D h o r m e , RB 3 3

( 1 9 2 4 ) p . 1 6 , n. 3 , a l s o p u b l i s h e d in Recueil Edouard Dhorme ( P a r i s , 1 9 5 1 ) , p . 5 0 1 , n. 4 , p r o p o s e d "the d u s t ( o f S h e o l ) , " b u t o n e d o e s not d i e from t h e d u s t o f t h e n e t h e r w o r l d ; see a l s o JCS

7 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p . 7 9 , n. 8. It s h o u l d b e n o t e d t h a t n e i t h e r s i g n

is clear (so a l s o G o r d o n ) . A l b r i g h t a n d C a m p b e l l (see h e a d n o t e ) p r o p o s e "disease," a p p a r e n t l y f r o m c o n t e x t . P e r h a p s ddb-ri ( H e b r e w deber), a v i r t u a l g l o s s a n d s y n ­ o n y m o f A k k a d i a n miitanu, w h i c h is here t r e a t e d as s i n g u l a r . 6. sabatu

's£-ba-at-me:

m o r e l i k e l y t h a n abatme,

"destruction" (Gordon); note

in lines 1 8 a n d 3 7 . T h e i n v e r t e d w o r d ordeB, o b j e c t - v e r b , stresses t h e

former.

EA 245

Assignment of guilt TEXT: BM 29855. COPY: BB 72. PHOTOGRAPHS: B B , pi. 3; Barnett, Illustrations, p. 16 (obverse). TRANSLATIONS: Albright, ANET, p. 485; Campbell, Shechem, pp. 198f. 1

Moreover, I urged my brothers, "If the god of the king, our lord, brings it about that we overcome Lab'ayu, then we must bring him alive : ha-ia-ma to the king, our lord." 8 - 1 4 My mare, however, hav­ ing been put out of action : tu-ra (having been shot), I took my place behind him : ah-ru-un-u and rode with Yasdata. But before my arrival they had struck him down : ma-ah-su-u. 1 5 - 2 3 Yasdata being truly your ser­ vant, he it was that entered with me into batt[Ie]. May . . . [ . . . ] the life of the king, my [lord}, that he may br{ing peace to ever]yone*> in {the lands of] the king, [my] lord. 2 4 - 3 5 ^ had been Surata that took Lab'ayu from Magidda and said to me, "I will send him to the king by boat : a-na-yi. " Surata took him, but he sent him from Hinnatunu to his home, for it was Surata that had accepted from him : ba-di-u his ransom. 3 6 - 4 7 Moreover, what have I done to the king, my lord, that he has treated me with contempt : ia -qt-il-li-ni and honored : ia -ka-bi-id my less important brothers? It was Surata that let Lab'ayu 2

3

4

6

8

7

8

299

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

go, and it was Surata that let Ba l-mehir go, (both) to their homes. And may the king, my lord, know. c

NOTES 1 . A t w o - t a b l e t letter; see EA 1 0 1 , n. i. 2 . O n t h e s i n g u l a r referent o f D I N G I R . M E S a n d onyi-pu-Iu as s i n g u l a r , see Izre'el, UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p p . 8 2 6 3 . O n lines 8ff., 4.

see C a m p b e l l .

T I L . L A - t f / : p e r h a p s baldt

f r o m t h e k i n g ; til-la-at,

refers t o p r o v i s i o n s r a t h e r t h a n t o a m e s s a g e

" a u x i l i a r i e s , " s h o u l d not b e r u l e d o u t .

5 . / / - / w - a [ s - 3 i - i h ] : b u t o n l y t h e b a s e a n d c a u s a t i v e c o n j u g a t i o n s are a t t e s t e d in EA: - a [ l - l i - i t ] is e x c l u d e d . 6.

Finley, Word Order in the Clause Structure of Syrian Akkadian

(see I n t r o d u c ­

t i o n , n. 8 ) , p p . 6 7 6 , s h o w s t h a t in lines 2 4 - 4 5 , w h e r e t h e w o r d o r d e r is s u b j e c t v e r b - o b j e c t , S u r a t a as t h e g u i l t y one is s t r e s s e d . O n t h e g l o s s , cf. E m a r ( ? ) d i a l e c t anu, ii-nu-tu

=

7.

a-nu (Emar 6/4,

"gear, e q u i p m e n t , " in a p i n - a - k a r =

no. 5 4 5 : 1 3 6 ' ) .

B i r i d i y a ' s "brothers" were p r o b a b l y his c o n f e d e r a t e s j o i n e d w i t h h i m

a g a i n s t L a b ' a y u (cf. lines i f f . ) , a n d t h e r e f o r e , "small" (sehruta)

would seem better

u n d e r s t o o d in t e r m s o f r a n k rather t h a n a g e ("younger").

EA 246

The sons of Lab'ayu TEXT: VAT 1649. COPIES: WA 111; VS 11, 142. Say to the king, my lord and my Sun: Message of Biridiya, your loyal servant. I fall at the feet of the king, m[y] lord and my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 8 - 9 I have heard the mes[sage] o[f] the ki[ng . . . ] . . . Rev. 1 - 1 1 and [ . . . ] , and indee[d . . . } you ar[e . . . ] . ' May the king, my lord, know. The two sons of Lab'ayu have indeed gi[v}en their money to the Apiru and to the Su\teans* in ora"}er to w[age war again]st me.4 [May] the king [take cognizance] of [bis servant]. 2

c

NOTES 1 . i-ba-as-sa-tu-[mi 2 . te-ed-[di]n-na: 3.

...]:

f o l l o w i n g Rainey, UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 2 5 0 .

t h e c o p y o f VS 11 is e x a c t .

L U . M E S K U R s [ u - t i ] : f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

p . 4 0 ; cf.

EA i 9 5 : 2 7 f f . ; 3 i 8 : n f f . For t h e w r i t i n g , cf. EA 1 2 2 : 3 4 ; 1 2 3 : 1 4 ; 2 9 7 : 1 6 . 4. 300

[ a - n ] a i-pe'-e[s n u - k u r - t e ]

1 0 [ U G ] U - w : cf. G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

p. 45.

EA247

EA 247

Who am I? TEXT: C 4792 (12236). COPY: WA 207. 7 times [I fall}. 8 - 1 3 As to the message that the king}, my lord, sen[t} t[o me], I have obeyed very [carefully the orders} of the king, my lord. 1 4 - 2 1 Wh[b am} I, a [mere] do[g}, that I would not [granfi a re]ques[t of the king}, my lord? I am in[deed} preparing for] the king, [my lord, what* he or]dered. [...}.

[...]

L

2

NOTES 1.

T h e s c r i p t a n d t h e clay m a k e t h e p r o v e n i e n c e o f t h i s f r a g m e n t clear; it

w a s M e g i d d o . T h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e m e s s a g e favors B i r i d i y a , t h e ruler, r a t h e r t h a n Y a s d a t a , t h e exile (cf. EA

semu,

248).

2.

O n kalbu ilten,

if t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g , see EA 2 0 1 , n. 2 .

3.

I f eriltu o c c u r s in t h e n e x t l i n e , t h e n a f o r m o f nadanu,

"to g r a n t , " n o t

"to h e e d , " s e e m s r e q u i r e d , for in c o m m o n p a r l a n c e o n e d i d n o t h e e d r e ­

q u e s t s ; o n e e i t h e r g r a n t e d or r e f u s e d . S e e JCS b e i n d i c a t i v e {addinu,

anaddinu);

31 (1979) p p . 247f. T h e form should

cf. t h e i n d i c a t i v e f o r m s o f Jemii in EA

201-2,

319—20, 3 2 2 . 4.

O r ki-md]

2 1 [q]a-b[e

IXSGAL-ri]:

cf. EA 1 4 4 : 2 1 ; 1 5 5 : 1 2 , 3 9 ; 2 1 6 : 1 1 ;

220:13; 323:11.

EA 248

An exiled ruler TEXT: BM 29842. COPY: BB 59. Say [to} the king, my lord, Sun and god: Message of Ya[sd}ata, the loyal servant of the king and the dirt at the feet of the king. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, Sun and god, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 2 2 May the king, my lord, know that everything the king, my [l}ord, gave to [his} servant, the men of Tahn[ak]a' [have m]ade off with; they have slaughtered my oxen and driven me away. So I am now with Biridiya. May the king, my lord, take cognizance of his servant. 2

3

NOTES 1.

U R U ta-ah-n[a-k]a:

there s e e m to be traces of the b e g i n n i n g o f one

horizontal, and above these the traces of a slightly i n d e n t e d , slightly o b l i q u e w e d g e . I n t h e l e t t e r s o f B i r i d i y a a n d Y a s d a t a , N A is w r i t t e n w i t h r a t h e r s h a r p l y 301

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

o b l i q u e w e d g e s , b u t t h e a b s e n c e o f t h i s f e a t u r e here c o u l d b e d u e t o t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e s i g n o n t h e u p p e r c o r n e r o f t h e reverse. 2. p.

\na~\m-su-mi:

here t r a n s i t i v e , w i t h AHw,

p . 7 2 6 ; o t h e r w i s e , CAD,

N/i,

220.

3.

na-ak-Iu

=

naksu: AHw,

p . 7 2 1 ; CAD,

N / i , p. 177b.

EA 249

A desperate vassal TEXT: VAT 1603. COPIES: WA 149; VS 11, 143. [Sa]y {to] the king, [my] lo{rd]: Message of Ba [lu-UR.SAG], your ser­ vant. I fall at the feet of m[y] lord. 4 - 1 0 As to the king, my lord, may he know that my m\eri\ are doing service in the day(s) of Mz'fjkilu]. What have I done to Milkilu that he should treat my men (even) more unjustly than his own servants? (To Tagi, his father-in-law, he has handed over his own servants!) 1 0 - 1 7 And what can I myself do? They have been struck down because* I am a \l6\yal servant of the king. And so they cannot \ser\ve you. [May] the king {release me! Where [...] . . . Milkilu and Lab'ayu? 1 7 - 3 0 [...] . . . c

1

2

4

NOTES m

1 . L[u.MESV}rf UD (urn) mi-i\l-ki-lf\: CAH

first r e s t o r a t i o n w i t h A l b r i g h t ,

p . 1 0 6 , a n d N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

p . 6 2 , w h o m , however, I d o

not follow in t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f (a) b y h a p l o g r a p h y a n d o f UD b y m i s t a k e for na, s o t h a t t h e m e n a r e g o i n g over to (ana) M i l k i l u . M y o w n s o l u t i o n , p e r h a p s h a r d l y less d e s p e r a t e , is aldku,

"to s e r v e , d o service"; see CAD,

AJi,

p p . 3 0 9 ? , and note

i t s u s e in t h e periphery. 2.

F o r a s o m e w h a t different v e r s i o n o f t h e difficult lines 8 - 1 0 , see A l b r i g h t

and N a ' a m a n , ibid, (note 1). 3.

m a h - s u : t h e difference f r o m K n u d t z o n ' s m e a n i n g l e s s m a h - b a is m i n i m a l

a n d easily c o n c e a l e d in a d a m a g e d s i g n ; UGU (eli? mubbi?),

" b e c a u s e , " a s in EA

250:17. 4.

[ y i - i ] p - / « - » w - » / : t h e p e t i t i o n , a m e a s u r e o f t h e vassal's d e s p e r a t e s i t u a ­

t i o n , is t o b e r e l e a s e d f r o m o b l i g a t i o n s o f service a n d d i s m i s s e d (cf. EA 1 2 6 : 4 7 ) . A n o t h e r p r o p o s a l is N a ' a m a n ' s in Political

Disposition,

p . 6 1 : [ u t]s-tu-ra-ni

"And t h e k i n g w r o t e t o m e , ' W h a t have M i l k i l u a n d L a b ' a y u d o n e ? '

...,

({yi-pu-u]s-

mi)." A l t h o u g h t h i s a c c o u n t s for m o r e of t h e t e x t , it p o s t u l a t e s t o o m a n y f e a t u r e s t h a t a r e e x c e p t i o n a l (satdru;

i n d i r e c t p e r s o n a l o b j e c t e x p r e s s e d by t h e a c c u s a t i v e

v e r b a l suffix; s i n g u l a r v e r b w i t h p l u r a l s u b j e c t ) or u n p a r a l l e l e d (ay'yu-ma, rogative pronoun).

302

inter­

EA250

EA 250

A calling to account TEXT: C 4769 (12204). COPY: WA 154. TRANSLATIONS: Albright, ANET, pp. 485f.; Campbell, Shechem, pp. 202ff. c

Say [t]o the king, my lord: Message of Ba lu-UR.SAG, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 4 - 8 May the king, my lord, know [t]hat the two sons of the rebel against the kin{g], my [l]ord, the two sons of Lab'a[y]u, have made their purpose the loss of the land of the kin{g], my lord, over and above the loss that thefir] father causfed]. 9 - 1 4 May the king, my lord, know that—for how many days!—the two sons of Lab'ayu have been calling me to account, (saying), "Why have you handed Gittipadalla [t]o the king, your lord, a city that Lab'ayu, our father, had taken?" 15—27 And the two sons of Lab'ayu keep talking to me like this, (saying), "Wage war against the people of [G]ina for having killed our father. And if you do not wage war, then we will be your enemies." I have answered the two of them, "May the god of the king, my lord, preserve me from waging war against the pe[op]le of {G)ina, servants of the king, my lord." May it seem rig[ht] in the sight of the king, my lord, and may he sen[d] one of his magnates to Biryawaza [to tel]l him, "You will ma{r]ch against the two sons of Lab'ayu or [yo}u are a rebel against the king." 2 8 - 3 0 After this may the king, my lord, wr[i}te t[o m}e, "D[o] the work of the \kin\g, your \lo~\rd, against the two son[s of LJab'ayu."* 3 1 - 3 6 [. . . ] . . . 3 7 - 3 9 . . . in order to*> cause the loss, with the assistance of the two of them, of the rfer]/ of the lan[d] of the k[ing, m}y [l]ord, over and above what Milkilu and Lab'ayu caused to be lost. 4 0 - 4 7 And thus the two [s]on[s of L]a[b'a]yu keep saying to me, "Wage war against the king, your lord, as our father did, when he attacked Sunama, Bur[q]una, and Harabu, and deported the evil ones, Hifiijng up the loyal. He also seized Gittirimmunima, and he cultivated the fi{el]ds of the king, your lord." 4 8 - 5 4 But I have answered the two of them, "May the god of the king, my lord, preserve me from waging war against the king, my lord. It is the king, my lord, I serve, along with my brothers that give heed to me." The messenger of Milkilu does not move from the two sons of Lab'ayu. 55—60 Now, Milkilu is indeed trying to cause the loss of the land of the king, my 1

2

4

6

1

8

9

303

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

lord, but I have no other purpose: the king, my lord, I serve, and

the

orders that the king speaks I obey. NOTES 1 . arki la, hulluqu,

"over a n d a b o v e what": see BASOR

211 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 5 1 , n. 6. O n

see EA 9 9 , n. 1.

2 . tu-\))\i-hu-na:

reading certain.

3 . i - [ p u - u s ] - » z i ipsi: cf. ipsa ana muhhi epesu, EA 2 8 7 : 7 1 ^ 4.

T h e r e a d i n g o f lines 3 1 - 3 6 is so difficult t h a t it s e e m s b e s t t o a v o i d even

a very t e n t a t i v e v e r s i o n . T h e f o l l o w i n g m a y b e n o t e d : (1) t h e c o p y o f W A o m i t s l i n e 3 1 a n d m a k e s t h e first l i n e o f t h e reverse t h e l a s t line o f t h e o b v e r s e ; (2) e n d o f l i n e 3 3 h a s yi-e[n]-na-Bi-'"W

( w i t h c o p y ; a l s o G o r d o n ) ; ( 3 ) a n y r e a d i n g s at t h e

b e g i n n i n g o f lines 3 4 - 3 5 m u s t b e c o n s i d e r e d e x t r e m e l y t e n t a t i v e ; (4) line 3 5 : . . .

a Zi x UZU.ZI. 5 . T h e r e a d i n g o f t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e line is e x t r e m e l y difficult, w i t h not o n e s i g n c e r t a i n . G o r d o n d o u b t e d a-n[a]

and s u g g e s t e d that there was only one

s i g n (//'? ta?). 6. -[t]i

A c c o r d i n g t o G o r d o n , not EGIR-^/'-[/]i, b u t o n l y

EGIR-&,

the alleged

b e i n g in r e a l i t y t h e ni]e o f t h e e n d o f l i n e 2 3 . T h e m e a n i n g is d e d u c e d f r o m

c o n t e x t ; p e r h a p s , w i t h N a ' a m a n , Political 7 . yi-is-su-uh

Disposition,

p . 60,

"hinterland."

lem-ni : A * - a [ n - s ] u ke-en-ni: (1) lemnt ( s u b s t a n t i v e , not a d j e c ­

t i v e , a n d therefore not n e c e s s a r i l y lemnuti) s e e m s p r e f e r a b l e t o a n u n m o t i v a t e d d u a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix (-si-ni; s o BASOR

2 1 1 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . 5 3 ) ; (2) t h e r e a d i n g ( - a [ n -

n ] a is a l s o p o s s i b l e , t h o u g h p e r h a p s less l i k e l y ) a n d t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e a p p a r e n t g l o s s a r e t e n t a t i v e in t h e e x t r e m e (kenni, indicative, circumstantial clause, "lifting," i . e . ,

for kenT, l i k e lemnT; yansu,

" p r o m o t i n g , favoring"; g l o s s

m a r k e r m a r k i n g specifically n o n - A k k a d i a n s y n t a x ) . S e e a l s o EA 1 8 0 , n. 2 . 8. yu-pa-at-ti

: # - [ g a ] r - r / : t h e d u b i o u s s i g n is very p r o b a b l y ("definitely,"

a c c o r d i n g t o G o r d o n ) n o t GI or ZI; GAR p r e t a t i o n o f yupatti,

is likely. T h i s r e a d i n g g u i d e s t h e inter­

"he o p e n e d , " i . e . , l o o s e n e d t h e e a r t h a n d m a d e t h e

fields

r e a d y for f u r t h e r c u l t i v a t i o n , as t h e v e r b w a s u s e d in b o t h A k k a d i a n a n d H e b r e w . I f t h i s is t h e correct r e a d i n g , t h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t t h i s a c t i o n w a s seen a s a s i g n o f a p p r o p r i a t i o n . N a ' a m a n , in H e l t z e r a n d L i p i n s k i , e d s . , Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean

(c. 1500—1000

B. C.),

Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta,

2 3 ( L o u v a i n , 1 9 8 8 ) , p . 1 8 5 , sees h e r e a reference t o t h e c r o w n l a n d s in t h e J e z r e e l Valley. G l o s s m a r k e r u s e d t o m a r k a q u a s i - l o g o g r a m (TJ.GAR-ri)? 9.

N o t e t h a t t h e w o r d o r d e r — o b j e c t - v e r b ("the k i n g , m y l o r d , I serve")—

s t r e s s e s t h e o b j e c t o f service ( a l s o lines 5 8 - 5 9 ) ; cf. t o o lines 5 9 - 6 0 ("the o r d e r s t h e k i n g s p e a k s I obey").

304

EA251

EA 251

A reckoning requested TEXT: BM 29862. COPY: BB 79. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 6. 1

Let the king inquire of them if I have taken anything from a mayor. Let him speak in the presence of the king, and let the king, my lord, demand of me a reckoning. 6—15 You have now in this way been negligent. Surely the king, my lord, is going to learn of this matter, and the king, my lord, will reply to me as he will, and the order of the king I will obey. NOTE 1.

Cf. EA 28o:25ff.

A t w o - t a b l e t l e t t e r (cf. EA

1 0 1 , n. 1 ) , p e r h a p s a d ­

d r e s s e d t o t h e k i n g ( s o G o r d o n ) rather t h a n t o a n E g y p t i a n official ( s o K n u d t z o n ) .

EA 252

Sparing one's enemies TEXT: BM 29844. COPY: BB 61. PHOTOGRAPHS: B B , pi. 21; Barnett, Illustrations, p. 15 (obverse). TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Albright, BASOR 89 (1943) pp. 30f.; B . Halpern and J . Huehnergard, Or n.s. 51 (1982) pp. 227f. TRANSLATIONS: Albright, ANET, p. 486; Campbell, Shechem, p. 195. Say to the king, my lord: Message of Lab'ayu, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord. 5 - 9 As to your having written me, "Guard the men who seized the city," how am I to guard (such) men? It was in war that the city was seized. 10—15 When I had sworn my peace—and when I swore the magnate swore with me—the city, along with my god, was seized. He has slandered me : li-ir-ti (I am slandered) before the king, my lord. 1 6 - 2 2 Moreover, when an ant is struck, does it not fight back and bite the hand of the man that struck it? How at this time can I show deference and then another city of mine will be seized? 2 3 - 3 1 On the other hand, if you also order, "Fall down beneath them so 1

2

3

4

305

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

they can strike you," I will d(o) (it).5 I will guard the men that seized the city (and) my god. They are the despoilers of my father, but I will guard them. 6

NOTES 1 . u-sur-me: f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y ( p r i v a t e c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) , c o n f i r m e d b y c o l l a ­ t i o n . M y u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h i s difficult letter is t h a t , in t i m e o f p e a c e u n d e r o a t h , t o w h i c h a n E g y p t i a n official w a s a l s o a p a r t y (lines i o f . ) , c e r t a i n e n e m i e s

of

L a b ' a y u h a d t a k e n his p a t e r n a l c i t y or v i l l a g e b u t h a d t h e n b e e n c a p t u r e d a n d c o m e i n t o his h a n d s . O n l e a r n i n g o f t h i s , t h e c r o w n h a d w r i t t e n h i m , t e l l i n g h i m t o k e e p his p r i s o n e r s in c u s t o d y , p r e s u m a b l y for i n v e s t i g a t i o n b y E g y p t i a n offi­ c i a l s . L a b ' a y u p o i n t s o u t t h a t he w a s not t h e a g g r e s s o r , as he s e e m s t o have b e e n a c c u s e d (lines 1 3 6 ) , a n d t h a t h i s s t r i k i n g b a c k w a s o n l y n a t u r a l (lines 16—19). M o r e o v e r , d e f e r e n c e now t o royal o r d e r s w o u l d o n l y e n c o u r a g e further a g g r e s s i o n (lines 2 0 - 2 2 ) . N e v e r t h e l e s s , i f o r d e r e d t o d o s o , he w o u l d let his e n e m i e s have t h e u p p e r h a n d , even k i l l h i m . F a i t h f u l v a s s a l , he c a p i t u l a t e s , a n d r e t u r n i n g t o t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e letter, he p r o m i s e s t o g u a r d t h e p r i s o n e r s . 2 . T h e s u b j e c t is t h e E g y p t i a n official; see H a l p e r n a n d H u e h n e r g a r d ( h e a d n o t e ) , p . 2 2 9 , n. 1 4 . C f . , t o o , EA 3.

S e e RA

4.

i-sa-ha-tu:

253:166

6 9 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 1 4 9 , n. 1. o n sahdtu ( p r o p e r l y o f t h e u-u c l a s s ) , t o r e n o u n c e p e r s o n a l a c t i o n

o u t o f d e f e r e n c e t o a u t h o r i t y , see D u r a n d , AEM 5 . i-pe-(iu): 6.

1 / 1 , n o . 3 2 , n o t e c.

very d u b i o u s .

B y t a k i n g t h e s t a t u e or i m a g e o f t h e f a m i l y g o d , L a b ' a y u ' s e n e m i e s h a d

v i o l a t e d his family.

EA 253

Neither rebel nor delinquent (i) TEXT: VAT 1589. COPIES: WA 155; VS 11, 144. [To the kijng, [my lord] and my [Sun]: Thus [L]ab'ayu, your [servant] and the d[irt on which] you tre[ad]. I fall [a]t the feet of the k[in]g, my [l]ord, 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 0 I have [o]beyed the orders [th]at the king, my lord, [w]rote to m[e] on a tablet. 1 1 - 1 7 [A]s [I am} a servant of the king [like] my [fathe}r and my [gr]andfa[th]er, a servant [o]f the ki[n]g from l[on]g a[g]o, I am [n]ot a rebel [and] I am not delinquent in duty. 1 8 - 2 5 Here is my act of rebellion and here is my delinquency: when I entered Gazru, I (spoke) as follows: "The king treats us kindly." 2 5 - 3 1 Now there is indeed no other purpose (for me) except the service of the king, and whatever [the k]ing orders, I [o]bey. 32—35 May the king keep me in [the char]ge of my commis­ sioner [in order to] guard the c[it]y [of the king]. 1

2

306

EA254

NOTES 1.

S e e EA 1 5 7 , n. 3 .

2.

" T h e k i n g p u n i s h e s / w i l l p u n i s h us" (Rainey, A O A T , 8 , p . 7 0 ) w o u l d

2

r e q u i r e a q u i t e different a n d , it s e e m s t o m e , q u i t e i m p l a u s i b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f EA

253-54.

EA 254

Neither rebel nor delinquent ( 2 ) TEXT: VAT 335. COPIES: WA 112; VS 11, 145. TRANSLATIONSTAlbright, ANET, p.^486; Campbell, Shechem, pp. 196f.; Oppenheim, LFM, p. 125; Freydank, in A. Jepsen, ed., Von Sinuhe bis Nebukadnezar (see EA 244, headnote), pp. 254f.; Seux, Textes du Proche-Orient, pp. 52f. To the king, my lord and my Sun: Thus Lab'ayu, your servant and the dirt on which you tread. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord and my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 6—101 have obeyed the orders that the king wrote to me. Who am I that the king should lose his land on account of me? 1 0 - 1 5 The fact is that I am a loyal servant of the king! I am not a rebel and I am not delinquent in duty. I have not held back my payments of tribute; I have not held back anything requested by my commissioner. 1 6 - 2 9 He denounces me unjustly, but the king, my lord, does not examine my (alleged) act of rebellion. Moreover, my act of rebellion is this: when I entered Gazru, I kept on saying, "Every­ thing of mine the king takes, but where is what belongs to Milkilu?" I know the actions of Milkilu against me! 3 0 - 3 7 Moreover, the king wrote for my son. I did not know that my son was consorting with the Apiru. I herewith hand him over to Addaya. 3 8 - 4 6 Moreover, how, if the king wrote for my wife, how could I hold her back? How, if the king wrote to me, "Put a bronze dagger into your heart and die," how could I not execute the order of the king?' 1

2

3

4

c

NOTES 1.

S e e EA 2 5 3 , n. 1.

2.

O n yi-ka-lu

as s i n g u l a r , see Izre'el, UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . 8 3 ; on karsi'

"to d e n o u n c e , " see EA 1 6 2 , n. 4 . I t a k e ha-ba-lu-ma

akalu,

a s an infinitive e x p r e s s i n g

c i r c u m s t a n c e ; cf. t h e infinitive a b s o l u t e in b i b l i c a l H e b r e w after a finite v e r b , a n d see P a u l J o u o n , S . J . , Grammaire 3.

de I'Hebreu Biblique

( R o m e , 1947), §i23r.

ep-se-et-su sa: last t w o s i g n s o m i t t e d in K n u d t z o n ' s t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n ; see

S c h r o e d e r , OLZ,

1 9 1 5 , col. 1 7 5 .

307

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

M

DUMU.MU-« (also

4.

line 3 3 ) : an u n p a r a l l e l e d p e r s o n a l n a m e , D u m u y a m

( K n u d t z o n , O p p e n h e i m , S e u x ) , d o e s not s e e m likely, a n d i-mu-ia, in-law" ( A l b r i g h t , CAH

"my father-

2 / 2 , p . 1 1 5 , n. 7 ) , m u s t b e r e j e c t e d on g r o u n d s o f

g r a m m a r ( g e n i t i v e e x p e c t e d in line 3 1 ) a n d e s p e c i a l l y p a l e o g r a p h y ( t h e

DUMU-

a n d I-signs are q u i t e d i s t i n c t , a n d in b o t h i n s t a n c e s t h e s i g n in q u e s t i o n is clearly m

t h e f o r m e r ) . In v i e w o f £>UMU-a-ia

8

p r o b a b l y B i n a y a ( G l o t z , BASOR

at roughly contemporary Taanach, most

204 { 1 9 7 1 } p . 20), the s a m e name may occur

here. T h e a p p a r e n t a s s o c i a t i o n , however, o f i d e a s — d e l i v e r y o f a s o n , r e a d i n e s s to deliver a wife—favors a c o m m o n noun and a display of provincial learning: S u merian

DUMU.MU, "my

s o n , " p l u s A k k a d i a n p r o n o m i n a l suffix. S e e a l s o EA

3,

n. 2.

5 . O n t h e E g y p t i a n d o c k e t after t h e letter, see I n t r o d u c t i o n , sect. 6.

EA 255

No destination too far TEXT: VAT 333. COPIES: WA 144; VS 11, 146. TRANSLATION: Campbell, Shechem, p. 205. Say [t]o the king, [my] lord and my Sun: Thus Mut-Bahl[u], your servant, the dirt at your feet, the mire you tread on. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 8 - 1 1 The king, my lord, sent Haaya to me to say, "A caravan to Hanagalbat is this (man) to send on, and (all of you) send it on!" 1 2 - 2 1 Who am I that I would not send on a caravan of the king, my lord, seeing that [La]b'ayu, my father, [used to ser]ve the king, his lord, land] he [himself] used to send on [all the carav]ans [that] the king [would se]nd to Hanagalbat. 2 1 - 2 5 Let the king, my lord, send a caravan even to Karaduniyas.. I will personally conduct it under very heavy guard. 1

2

3

4

NOTES 1 . T h e p o s i t i o n o f annu in t h e s e n t e n c e a r g u e s a g a i n s t its b e i n g the d e i c t i c p a r t i c l e , a n d uwaJJeruna

is n o t a p l u r a l f o r m . T h e p l u r a l i m p e r a t i v e uifseru is

p e r h a p s a d d r e s s e d to t h e e n t i r e local a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , b u t m o r e p r o b a b l y , it s e e m s t o m e , t o all w h o m H a a y a w o u l d m e e t on his journey. 2.

[ s a yu-wa-sle-ru

3.

P l a c e d a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f its c l a u s e , "to K a r a d u n i y a s " b e c o m e s

ultima

or

[yu-wa-sle-ru. an

Thule. 4.

T o p a r a p h r a s e : "Send a caravan even m u c h farther, even to B a b y l o n i a ,

a n d I w i l l not o n l y s e n d it o n b u t c o n d u c t it t h e r e myself, w i t h a l a r g e e s c o r t . "

308

EA

256

EA 256

Oaths and denials TEXT: BM 29847. COPY: BB 64. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 5. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Albright, BASOR 89 (1943) pp. lOff. TRANSLATION: Albright, ANET, p. 486. Say to Yanhamu, my lord: Message of Mut-Bahlu, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord. 4-10 How can it have been said in your presence, "Mut-Bahlu has fled. He has hidden Ayyab"? How can the king of Pihilu flee from the commissioner : su-ki-ni of the king, his lord? 10-19 As the king, my lord, lives, as the king, my lord, lives, I swear Ayyab is not in Pihilu. In fact, he h[as been in thefie\ld for two months. Just ask Ben-Elima. Just ask Tadua. 19—28 Just ask Yisuya whether, after he 1>0]££&/Jsulum-Marduk, I went to the aid of Astartu, when all the cities of Garu had become hostile: Udumu, Aduru, Araru, Mesta, Magdalu, Heni-anabi, Sarqu.3 (Hayyunu, along with Yabiluma, has been cap­ tured.) 29-35 Moreover, seeing that, after you sent me a tablet, I wrote to him, before you arrive from your journey, he will surely have arrived in Pihilu. And I do obey [your] orders.' 1

2

4

NOTES 1. T h e rhetoric of defense:

a rhetorical question

challenging

the

two

c h a r g e s a g a i n s t M u t - B a h l u (lines 4—6); a n o t h e r r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n c h a l l e n g i n g t h e first c h a r g e ( 6 - 1 0 ) ; u n d e r o a t h b y t h e life o f t h e k i n g , t w i c e i n v o k e d , d e n i a l o f s e c o n d c h a r g e , followed by s t a t e m e n t o f t h e facts (10—14); i n v o c a t i o n o f p o s s i b l e witnesses to s u p p o r t denial of i m p l i e d third charge (15—28); transition ("More­ over") a n d , b y i m p l i c a t i o n ,

r e t u r n t o t h e first t w o c h a r g e s : a s s u r i n g A y y a b ' s

p r e s e n c e in P i h i l u ( 2 9 - 3 4 ) , g e n e r a l s t a t e m e n t o f c o m p l i a n c e w i t h o r d e r s ( 3 5 , as against the charge of 2.

flight?).

i
(Albright),

t h o u g h m a k i n g very g o o d sense ("he is n o t / h a s not b e e n here"), d o e s n o t ; cf. surbusu

a t M a r i , s a i d o f p u t t i n g t r o o p s in c a m p s (ARMT

2 2 3 : 2 2 ) . A y y a b , in this

r e a d i n g , is still e n g a g e d in s t a m p i n g o u t t h e r e b e l l i o n referred t o later in lines 22— 2 8 . H e m i g h t therefore b e difficult for Y a n h a m u t o r e a c h , w h o m i g h t t h e n s u s p e c t Ayyab's alleged ally of h i d i n g h i m . 3.

T h i s n e w u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f l i n e s 1 5 - 2 7 d e p e n d s o n N a ' a m a n , UF

20

r

( 1 9 8 8 ) p p . i8if. L i n e 2 0 : o f t h e t w o r e a d i n g s t h a t have b e e n p r o p o s e d — g i r C - b a r

( K n u d t z o n ) a n d £2 sa ( B B , followed b y A l b r i g h t ) — o n l y t h e first is p o s s i b l e . T h e r e a d i n g la is w r o n g : o f t h e p u t a t i v e t w o o b l i q u e w e d g e s b e f o r e t h e l a s t vertical,

309

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

t h e lower is t h e e n d o f t h e m i d d l e h o r i z o n t a l in ba, t h e u p p e r a b r e a k in t h e t a b l e t a n d n o t w r i t i n g at a l l . B e s i d e s , o n l y m o s t rarely are p e r s o n a l n a m e s w r i t t e n w i t h o u t a d e t e r m i n a t i v e ( t h e final vertical o f t h e a l l e g e d sa). M u t - B a h l u w i s h e s t o d e n y t h a t after A y y a b ' s s e r i o u s c r i m e a g a i n s t a B a b y l o n i a n — a c c o r d i n g t o N a ' a m a n , r o b b i n g h i s c a r a v a n , b u t t h e u s a g e o f ganab in b i b l i c a l H e b r e w favors k i d n a p p i n g (cf. EA 8:346°.)—he g a v e any ( f u r t h e r ? ) s u p p o r t t o t h e ruler o f A s t a r t u w h e n t h e l a t t e r w a s faced w i t h r e b e l l i o n . ( I f t h e c i t y A s t a r t u were t h e s u b j e c t o f ennerir { A l b r i g h t ] , t h e f o r m w o u l d have t o b e e i t h e r tennerir or ennerirat.)

What

r e m a i n s u n c l e a r in t h i s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n is h o w M u t - B a h l u , h a v i n g in s o m e s e n s e b r o k e n off r e l a t i o n s w i t h A y y a b , c o u l d a s s u r e Y a n h a m u o f A y y a b ' s p r e s e n c e s o o n in Pihilu. 4.

D o e s t h i s m e a n t h a t t h e s e c i t i e s have b e e n r e t a k e n ?

5.

istimuna:

2

6rst p e r s o n , f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , A O A T , 8 , p . 9 4 .

EA 257

Under the yoke TEXT: VAT 1715. COPIES: WA 149; VS 11, 147. c

[Sa]y [to the king}, my [lor]d: [Messa]ge of Ba lu-mehir, your [ser]vant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 1 As I am the loy[al] servant [o]f the king, may the king, my lord, know [th]at [h]is [city], along with his servant, is safe and sound. 1 2 - 1 9 As I have placed my [n}eck in the yoke that I carry, may the king, my lord, know that I serve him [with com}plete devotion, and [.. .i}Gmate' [s]erves him [with complete devotio}n. NOTE 1.

{ U R U x-x-i]G-ma-te:

f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , Political

a different r e a d i n g , see R a i n e y , Biblica

Disposition,

p . 3 4 . For

7 0 ( 1 9 8 9 ) p p . 57of.

EA 258

Complete approval TEXT: VAT 329. COPIES: WA 167; VS 11, 148. c

To the king, my lord: Message of Ba lu-mehir, the loyal servant of the king. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 6—9 Whatsoever the king, my lord, has done to his land is very good. 1

2

310

EA259

NOTES 1 . T e x t : E N E N for E N - i * . 2 . O n t h e u n i n s c r i b e d reverse t h e r e a p p e a r s a p p a r e n t l y t h e s a m e h i e r a t i c n o t a t i o n as o n EA 2 3 4 .

EA 259

All the news TEXT: VAT 1582. COPIES: WA 213; VS 11, 149. c

To the k[ing}, my [lord}: Message of [Ba lu-meh}ir, the loyal servant of the king. I fal[l} at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 6 - 8 Whatsoever [/ have hear\d> I have told (to the king}, my [lor}d. [ . . . } . NOTE

1.

f e s / i s - m l e . A few lines a r e m i s s i n g o n t h e reverse.

EA 260

A plea for royal concern TEXT: Oppert (see Introduction, sect. 1 and n. 7). COPY: none published. TRANSLITERATION: Anzi,JNES 27 (1968) p. 170. Balu-Mer says to the Great King, my lord: I fall at the feet of the Great King, the Sun in the sky, 7 times and 7 times. 6—10 As for me, when the Great King, my lord, commands, I obey the orders of the Great King, my lord, the Sun in the sky. 11-16 May* the Great King take cognizance of his servant. I reside in Bit-Tenni, and may the Great King, my lord, take cognizance of his servant. 1

2

NOTES 1 . O n t h e n o r t h e r n o r i g i n o f t h i s letter, see A r t z i . 2.

T h e shift f r o m p r e s e n t - f u t u r e iqabbi t o p r e t e r i t e isme c a n n o t be inter­

p r e t e d w i t h c e r t a i n t y ; q u i t e p r o b a b l e is " . . . c o m m a n d e d , I o b e y e d " (see I n t r o d u c ­ t i o n , n. 5 0 ) . 3.

T h e m a r k i n g for m o o d is n o t e x p l i c i t .

3"

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 261

Total obedience TEXT: BM 29858. COPY: BB 75. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 16. Say to the king, my lord, my Sun: Message of Dasru, the loyal servant of the king. I f[al]l at the feet of the king, my lord and my Sun, 7 times and 7 times.

7 - 1 0 Whatsoever the king, my lord, orders, I obey.

EA 262

Total approval TEXT: C 4786 (12220). COPY: WA 127. Say to the king, my lord: Message of Dasru, the loyal servant of the king. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 6 - 1 1 Whatsoever the king, my lord, does to his land is very, very good. EA 263

Robbed of everything TEXT: VAT 1688. COPIES: WA 169; VS 11, 150. 1

[Say to my lord: Me]ssage of [ . . . , your servant]. 1 fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times . . . [ . . . ] . 5 - 1 7 [A\ndmay my lord listen to the wo[r]ds of his servant. When I vi[si]ted the house of my lord, everything was taken from the house of your servant. Silver was taken; men were taken; sheep and goats : su-u-nu were taken. The cities of my lord : ha-sf-lu (were despoiled), and whatever my lord had given to his servant, this too was taken. 1 7 - 2 5 So may my lord give thought to his servant. I make this speech through Pawura. May my lord send a garrison and horses : su-u-[si-ma]. 2 6 - 3 4 My lord commanded his servant [ . . . } . . . [fr]om Tagi [ari}dfrom Lab'ayu.4 2

3

312

EA264 NOTES 1.

A l t h o u g h the a d d r e s s e e is never c a l l e d k i n g , t h e sevenfold p r o s t r a t i o n is

g i v e n t o the k i n g a l o n e . 2.

Traces a n d a s m a l l b r e a k .

3.

O n hasilii,

see H e l d , AS 1 6 , p p . 398ft".; hsl, w i t h t h e s a m e m e a n i n g , is

a l s o a t t e s t e d in U g a r i t i c (Ugar. 4.

m

[ i - n ] a ta-a-gi

7, p . 5 2 ) . 1

34 fu" i-na: f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

p.

1 6 * , n. 3 6 .

EA 264

The ubiquitous king TEXT: BM 29853. COPY: BB 70. TRANSLATION: Oppenheim, LFM, p. 127. To the king, m[y} lord: Message of Tagi, you[r] servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 5 - 1 0 As I am the servant of the king, I tried to assemble a caravan, with my brother in charge, but he barely escaped being killed. He is unable to send my caravan to the king, my lord, n - 1 9 Ask your commissioner if my brother did not barely escape being killed. Moreover, as far as we are concerned, it is to you that my eyes (are directed). Should we go up into the sky : fa­ me-ma, or should we go down into the netherworld, our head : ru-su-nu is in your hand. 20—25 So now I try herewith to send my caravan to the king, my lord, with a partner of mine in charge. May the king, my lord, be informed that I serve the king and am on my guard. 1

2

3

4

NOTES 1.

It s e e m s m o r e l i k e l y t h a t a v a s s a l w o u l d b e s e n d i n g one c a r a v a n , not

m a n y ; for o t i o s e HI. A, cf. KASKAL-ra-ni. p r o n o m i n a l suffix (ushru-si,

HI. A (EA 2 5 5 : 9 ) , referred t o by s i n g u l a r

line 1 1 ) . O r g a n i z i n g a c a r a v a n i n v o l v e d a s s e m b l i n g

t h e v a r i o u s g o o d s r e q u e s t e d or e x p e c t e d , a n d t h i s c o u l d e n t a i l s e a r c h i n g in v a r i o u s p l a c e s (cf. EA 2.

143:106°.).

O r "a b r o t h e r o f m i n e . " S i n c e tappu,

"partner" ( l i n e 2 2 ) , p r o b a b l y a l w a y s 2

refers in EA t o fellow m a y o r - v a s s a l s (EA 1 1 3 : 3 0 ; 1 2 0 : 4 5 ; 9 5

r e v

- 3)> "brother"

m u s t m e a n here e i t h e r a b l o o d r e l a t i o n or s o m e o n e o f T a g i ' s i m m e d i a t e e n t o u r a g e . 3.

"I a m u n a b l e " ( K n u d t z o n ) is h a r d to r e c o n c i l e w i t h lines 2off.

4.

T h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e a l t e r n a t i o n o f first p e r s o n s i n g u l a r a n d p l u r a l is

p e r h a p s t h a t "it is t o y o u t h a t m y eyes ( a r e d i r e c t e d ) " is an i n s e r t i o n in a s t o c k expression of the impossibility of escaping the Pharaoh's control and support.

313

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 265

A gift acknowledged TEXT: VAT 1697. COPIES: WA 165; VS 11, 151. To the king, my lord: Message of Tagi, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord. My own man I sent along with [ . . . ] to see the face of the king, my lord. 7 - 1 5 [And} the king, my lord, [s]ent a present to me in the care of Taljmaya, and Tahmaya gave (me) a gold goblet and i [ 2 se}ts of linen garments. For the information [of the kin}g, my lord. 1

2

3

NOTES 1. T h e word order (object-verb), which stresses the object, s u g g e s t s that a vassal was n o t e x p e c t e d t o s e n d h i s o w n m a n ( w h a t e v e r t h a t m e a n s ) , at l e a s t n o t in t h e writer's s i t u a t i o n , t o t h e c o u r t . T h e k i n g a c k n o w l e d g e d s u c h d e v o t i o n b y s e n d i n g b a c k a g e n e r o u s g i f t . T h i s r e p o r t m i g h t a l s o have s e r v e d as a c h e c k o n T a h m a y a ' s honesty. 2.

GAL (kdsu): r e a d i n g c e r t a i n .

3.

"Set" s e e m s t o i m p l y t h a t t h e g a r m e n t c o n s i s t e d o f m o r e t h a n o n e p i e c e ;

see O p p e n h e i m , J C S 2 1 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . 2 5 0 , n. 7 6 .

EA 266

And there was light TEXT: VAT 1590. COPIES: WA 156; VS 11, 152. [S}ay [to} the king, [my] lo[rd], my [g]od, my [Sun]: Message of Tag[i, your servant], the dirt at [your] fe[et. I fall] at the feet of the king, [my] lor[d], my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 1 5 I looked [th]is way, and I l[oo]ked [th}at way, and there was no [li]ght. Then I looked [to}wards the king, [my lord, and the]re was light. 1 6 - 2 5 I am [ind]eed deter[min]ed to serve the king, my lord. A brick may move fro[m u]nder [its] par[tner}; still I will not move from [un]der the feet [of the k]in[g}, my lord. 2 6 - 3 3 I herewith se[nd] [ha]rness(es) [for a pa]ir of hor[ses, and] a bow, and [a qu]ive[r], [a s}pea[r, c]ove{rs, t]o the king, [my] l[ord]. 1

NOTE 1.

27

G]lS.BAN» 314

[KUS].ME§ 3 0 [KUSl

a-si-ti

28

E.MA[R.URU

[sa ?

(u)]

i\a-pal

AN3[E.KUR.RA]

3 1 [ G l S ] i-mi-[it-td]

32

29

[u

[TUG] :

EA sd-di-[in-ni]:

for t h e r e a d i n g o f lines 2 7 - 3 1 , see N a ' a m a n , JCS

267

29 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p. 2 3 8

(on line 3 0 , see a l s o K i i h n e in W i l h e l m , ZA 6 3 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . 7 3 ) ; for t h e r e a d i n g o f line 3 2 , see N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

p . 7 6 * , n. 7 7 . In line 2 8 N a ' a m a n

restores u, so t h a t a t e a m o f h o r s e s is a l s o g i v e n , b u t in t h i s case o n e w o u l d e x p e c t t h i s g i f t t o b e a t t h e h e a d o f t h e l i s t . Ksaddinnu

is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g , it m u s t have

b e e n s o m e k i n d o f cover for t h e h o r s e s ; cf., a t N u z i , "saddinnu CAD,

S , p . 1 7 , c i t i n g Joint

Expedition

and harnesses,"

with the Iraq Museum at Nuzi,

588:36.

EA 267

Safe and sound TEXT: C 4771 (12232). COPY: WA 109. {Sa]y [t]o the king, my lord, my [g]od, my Sun: Message of Milkilu, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 1 4 The order the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, dispatched to me I am indeed carrying out for the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky. 1 5 - 2 0 May the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, know that the place of the king, my lord, where I am is safe and sound.

EA 268

A consignment of personnel TEXT: VAT 1532. COPIES: WA 108; VS 11, 153. Say [to] the ki[n]g, my [l]ord, {m]y g[o]d, my [S}un: Message of Milkilu, your servant, the [d]i[r]t at your feet. 5—n I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. May the k[ing}, my [lor]d, know that [the city of the king, my lord], that {he put] i[n my] ch[arge], is safe and sound, {and} the word 12—14 • • • [ . . . } . 15—20 [/ sen]d {in the care o]/Hay[a] 46 female-... [.. . ] , and 5 male-... [.. . ] , 4 and 5 asTruma> to the king, my lord. 1

2

3

NOTES 1.

11 ^ - [ t i - i a u ] a-w{a]-at.

For lines i2ff., cf. EA 267:966. ? I n s t e a d of o n l y

o n e c o m p l e t e l y d e s t r o y e d l i n e (line 14 a c c o r d i n g t o K n u d t z o n ) , t h e r e are p e r h a p s t w o or t h r e e . 2.

1 5 [ u us>-si-ir-?}i: f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

p . 7 6 * , n. 7 3 . 315

THE AMARNA 3.

LETTERS

sai

ar-d[i-ti],

Zweistromland

for arddti,

"slave-girls" ( A s t o u r , Gesellschaftsklassen

im Alten

und in den angrenzenden Gebieten { s e e EA 1 7 , n. 7 ] , p . 2 3 ) , is h i g h l y

unlikely. R e a d r f > * - k { i - t a ] , "a l a t e r / f o l l o w - u p c o n t i n g e n t " (cf. CAD,

A/2, p. 288), a

g r o u p to be a d d e d to a previous c o n t i n g e n t ? 4.

LU.MES DUMU.{KIN]:

A s t o u r , Gesellschaftsklassen

R a i n e y , JNES

2 6 (1967) p . 299, tentatively;

(see n. 3 ) . A n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y is

TUR.{ME§],

suhdrf,

"attendants." 5 . T h e f u n c t i o n o f t h e alTruma is still n o t clear. T h a t t h e y w e r e m e r c h a n t s ( A s t o u r , Gesellschaftsklassen (asTruma,

{ s e e n. 3 ] ) d o e s n o t s e e m s u p p o r t e d b y s o l i d e v i d e n c e .

r a t h e r t h a n aliruma,

S e e H u e h n e r g a r d , Ugaritic

w h i c h s h o u l d a p p e a r a t G e z e r as otiruma, Vocabulary,

ii-si-ru-ma.

p. 163.)

EA 269

Archers and myrrh TEXT: BM 29846. COPY: BB 63. Say to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of Milkilu, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 1 7 I have heard what the king, my lord, wrote to me, and so may the king, my lord, send the archers to his servants, and may the king, my lord send myrrh for medication. 1

NOTE 1.

{SJIM.ZAR.ME5 :

mu-ur-ra:

see CAD,

M/2, p . 2 2 1 .

EA 270

Extortion TEXT: BM 29845. COPY: BB 62. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 2. TRANSLATION: Oppenheim, LFM, p. 128. Say to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of Milkilu, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 1 6 May the king, my lord, know the deeds that Yanhamu keeps doing to me since I left the king, my lord. 1 7 - 2 1 He indeed wants 2000 shekels of silver from me, and he says to me, "Hand ov[er]' your wife and your sons, or I will kill 316

EA

271

(you)." 22—29 May the king know of this deed, and may the king, my lord, send chariots and fetch me to himself lest I perish. NOTE 1 . id-na-m[i\:

f o l l o w i n g Izre'el, IOS 8 ( 1 9 7 8 ) p . 5 9 , n. 1 7 5 ( a n d last s e n ­

t e n c e o f n. 1 7 6 ) , w h o c l a i m s t h a t his c o l l a t i o n s u p p o r t e d t h i s r e a d i n g . M y o w n collation was inconclusive.

EA 271 c

The power of the Apiru TEXT: VAT 1531. COPIES: WA 110; VS 11, 154. TRANSLATIONS: Albright, ANET, pp. 486f.; Seux, Textes du Proche-Orient, p. 54. Say to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of Milkilu, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 9—16 May the king, my lord, know that the war against me and against Suwardata is severe. So may the king, my lord, save his land from the power of the Apiru. 17—27 0{th}erwise, may the king, my lord, send chariots to fetch u{s} lest our servants kill us. Moreover, may the king, my lord, ask Yanhamu, his servant, about what is bein[g] done in his {l]and. c

EA 272 c

Apiru activity TEXT: BM 29863. COPY: BB 80.

[TJo the kin[g, my lord, my Sun: Messa]ge of Sum-[...the ruler of] . . . [ . . . , your servant, the dir]t a[t your feet. I fal]l {a]t the fleet of] the k[in}g, {my} lord, [my god}, my {Sun, 7 t}imes and 7 tifrnes}. 8 - 1 7 I {a]m the {lo}ya{l servan}t of the {king}, my lord. [May] the king, my lord, [kri]ow [tha]t the mayors that were in the (major) ci{ties of my lord] are gone, and the [entire] land of the king, my l{or}d, {has de}serted to the "Apiru. 1 8 - 2 5 May the king, my lord, inquire of {h}is commissioner about what is b{eing d}one in the land of the k{ing}, m{y l}ord, so the king, my lord, will instruct his arc{hers} in my regard. 2

3

4

5

6

3*7

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1.

Knudtzon's

transliteration omits

the

determinative

of

the

text,

m

sum-[.... 2 . N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

p. 6 8 , p r o p o s e s URU

w o u l d i d e n t i f y it w i t h t h e U R U muhhazi

[ m ] a - [ a h ] - ^ 0 - z i ] and

in EA 2 9 8 : 2 5 . T h o u g h n ] a ( K n u d t z o n ;

N a ' a m a n ' s m ] a ) is q u i t e u n c e r t a i n , it m a y b e d o u b t e d t h a t ma-ha-zi

in line 1 3

e x p l a i n s t h e d e v i a n t s p e l l i n g (so N a ' a m a n ) . 3.

CAD,

M / i , p . 8 8 , p u t s t h i s use oimdbazu

u n d e r "town, s e t t l e m e n t , " b u t

t h i s s e e m s t o b e a later m e a n i n g o f t h e w o r d , a n d if it h a d t h i s m e a n i n g , it is h a r d t o see w h y it o c c u r s n o w h e r e else in EA. I f here t h e c o n n o t a t i o n is n o t o f " i m p o r ­ t a n t city" (CAD, 4.

M / i , p . 8 7 ) , p e r h a p s it is "harbor (city)" ( i b i d . , p . 8 8 , 5 ) .

" G o n e , " n o t j u s t "have g o n e " or " d i s a p p e a r e d " (halqii),

d e s t r o y e d , w i p e d o u t " (gamru),

b u t "used u p ,

l i k e t h e s o n s a n d d a u g h t e r s o f B y b l o s (EA 7 4 : 1 5 ! ! .

and parallel passages). 5.

O r , " t h r o u g h t h e a c t i v i t y of, a b e t t e d by"

6.

I i R I N . M E S p i - liT-\ti\-su:

(ina).

f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , Lingering

over Words, p. 4 1 7 ,

a r e a d i n g t e n t a t i v e l y n o t e d in m y c o l l a t i o n n o t e s . EA 2 7 2 - 7 7 w e r e w r i t t e n b y t h e s c r i b e o f t h e M i l k i l u l e t t e r s ; see K n u d t z o n , VAB

2 / 2 , p . 1 3 2 9 , n. 1, a n d EA 2 7 8 , n. 1.

EA 273

From a queen mother TEXT: VAT 1686. COPIES: WA 137; VS 11, 155. Say to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of *NIN-UR.MAH. MES\' your handmaid. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 8 - 1 4 May the king, my lord, know that war has been waged in the land, and gone is the land of the king, my lord, by desertion to the "Apiru. 1 5 - 2 4 May the king, my lord, take cognizance of his land, and may the {k}ing, my lord, kn[owp thaft] the "Apiru wrote to Ayyaluna and to Sarha, and the two sons of Milkilu barely escaped being killed. 2 5 - 2 6 May the king, my lord, know of this deed. 2

NOTES 1. T h e bearer of this n a m e , still of uncertain interpretation, was p r o b a b l y r u l i n g as q u e e n m o t h e r ; see L i v e r a n i , in G a r e l l i , e d . , Le Palais

et la Royaute

(see

I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 ) , p . 3 3 6 , n. 5. 2.

S e e EA 2 7 2 , n. 5.

3.

N o t e t h e different n u a n c e s o f yide in t h i s a n d t h e p r e c e d i n g c l a u s e ; for

t h e latter, see EA Go, n. 8.

318

EA274

EA 274

Another city lost TEXT: C 4773 (12216). COPY: WA 138. TRANSLITERATION (PARTIAL) AND TRANSLATION: Albright, BASOR 89 (1943) p. 17. Say to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of *NIN-UR.MAH. ME§, your handmaid, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 10-19 May the king, my lord, save his land from the power of the Apiru lest it be lost. Sapuma has been take(n). For the information of the king, my lord. c

1

NOTE 1.

1

'la '-'a*'i-ta-(at):

d i a n leqii a n d laqdtu,

t h e t e x t reflects p e r h a p s s o m e c o n f u s i o n b e t w e e n A k k a ­

C a n a a n i t e lakada;

n i n e in t h i s d i a l e c t , -{at). ki

na ,

m u s t b e r e j e c t e d : URU

cf. EA 2 8 4 : 7 . S i n c e c i t y n a m e s are f e m i ­

Albright's reading,

15

URU.KI-&Z

16

URU

sa-pu-

in line 1 5 is m o s t u n l i k e l y ( t h e c o p y is e x a c t ) , a n d ka

is i m p o s s i b l e ( c o p y is e x a c t ) ; in line 1 6 , t h e n e x t - t o - l a s t s i g n is c o n c e i v a b l y ba, b u t c e r t a i n l y n o t na (so a l s o G o r d o n ) . § a p u n a , if i d e n t i f i e d w i t h b i b l i c a l S a p h o n in t h e J o r d a n Valley, is a l s o o p e n t o o b j e c t i o n s o n g e o p o l i t i c a l g r o u n d s ; see N a ' a m a n , UF 11 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 6 8 0 , n. 3 3 .

EA 275

As ordered (i) TEXT: VAT 1682. COPIES: WA 166; VS 11, 156. Sa[y to the king, my lord, my g]od, {my Sun]: Message of Yahzib-Adda, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9-14 The order that the king, my lord, my [g]od, my [Sun], gave [t]o me, I am [injdeed carrying out [for] the king, my lord.

319

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 276

As ordered ( 2 ) TEXT: VAT 1706. COPIES: WA 187; VS 11, 157. [S]a[y to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun}: Message of Yahzib-Adda, your servant, the dirt [at} your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 1 5 The order that the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, sent to me, I am [in}deed carrying out [f}or the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky. EA 277

As ordered ( 3 ) TEXT: BM 29864. COPY: BB 81. [To the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of . . . } , yo[ur ser}vant, [the dirt at} your [fee}t. [I fa}ll [a]t the fe[et of the king, my lord}, my god, [my Sun], 7 times and 7 t[imes}. 8 - 1 6 The order that the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, sent to me, I am indeed carrying out for the king, my lord. EA 278

As ordered ( 4 ) TEXT: BM 29852. COPY: BB 69. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 5. Say to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of Suwardata, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 1 5 [The or]der that [the king}, my lord, the Sun [fr]om the sky, sent to me, I am [in]deed carrying out [for the kin}g, my lord, [the Sun f}rom the Sky. 1

NOTE 1 . T h e s i g n f o r m s o f EA 2 7 8 — 8 0 e x h i b i t m a n y differences f r o m t h o s e o f EA 281, 2 8 2 - 8 4 ,

a n c

l

a

r

e

i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e in s c r i p t a n d clay f r o m EA 2 6 7 — 7 7 ;

s

e

e

K n u d t z o n , VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 3 2 9 , n. 2 . N o t e , t o o , t h e v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l m e s s a g e s o f EA 2 7 5 - 7 8 . A f o u r t h s c r i b e w a s r e s p o n s i b l e for EA 3 6 6 . Cf. EA 2 7 2 , n. 6. 320

EA279

EA 279

A wasteland TEXT: VAT 1647. COPIES: WA 107; VS 11, 158. S[a]y [to] the king, my lord, my [god], my Sun: Mess[age] of Suwardata, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 1 3 May the king, my lord, know that the land of the king, my [lor]d, is [gojne. 1 must dri{ve back]\ I must go fo[rt]h to Qeltu [again]st the t[raitors}.?> 1 4 - 2 3 May the [king] sen[d ar\cher[s. May the king, my lord, /]is[ten to his] may[ors}4 so that we may attack them and drive out the traitors from the land of the king, my lord. 1

2

NOTES 1 . S e e EA 2 7 2 , n. 4 . 2 . z'-n[i-i]: p e r h a p s t r a c e s o f /; f r o m rie'u?

3. LU.MES"

s T a - r u - t a / t i ] : cf. line 2 1 .

4. [yi-i]s-[me

LUGAL EN-ia a - n a ]

17

[LU].ME§

ha-za-nu-[ti-s\i\.

EA 280

Lab'ayu redivivus TEXT: C 4772 (12213). COPY: WA 100. TRANSLATION: Albright, ANET, p . 487; Seux, Textes du ProcheOrient, p . 60. Sa[y] t[o] the king, my lord, [m]y g[od}, my Sun: Mes[sage] of Su wardata, [yo}ur servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the [fee]t of the king, my lord, [m]y god, my Sun, 7 [ti]mes and 7 times. 9 - 1 5 The king, my lord, permitted me to wage war against Qeltu. I waged war. It is now at peace with me; my city is restored to me. 1 6 - 2 4 Why did Abdi-He[b]a write to the men of Qeltu, "[Ac]cept silver and follow me"? 2 4 - 2 9 Moreover, may the king, my lord, conduct an inquiry. If I took a man, or a single ox, or an ass, from him, then he is in the right! 3 0 - 3 5 Moreover, Lab'ayu, who used to take our towns, is dead, but now [an]other Lab'ayu is Abdi-Heba, and he seizes our town. 3 6 - 4 0 [So] may the king take cognizance of [hi]s servant be1

c

c

321

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

cause of this deed, but I will do nothing until the king sends back word to his servant.

2

NOTES 1 . O r "sent," b u t in a n y case s t r e s s i n g the i n t e r v e n t i o n o f t h e c r o w n , w i t h o u t w h i c h h e p r o m i s e s ( l i n e s 3 6 ? . ) no f u r t h e r a c t i o n ( o c c u p a t i o n o f Q e l t u ? ) . 2.

I n s t e a d o f yti-su-te-ru,

p e r h a p s yu-na-ki-ru,

"changes," i . e . , revokes an

earlier d e c i s i o n ( s o G o r d o n ) .

EA 281

Rebellion TEXT: VAT 1681. COPIES: WA 190; VS 11, 159. 1

Say to the king, my lord, my god, (my) Sun, [and] my breath (of life): Message of [S]uwardata, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times, both on the st[oma}ch and on the b{a}ck. 8 - 1 7 May the king, [my} lord [be informed t}hat \no\w my own cities are hostile to me, and so may the king, my lord, send archers to [d}o [to i\he[m\ as in the case of . . . , so the king, my lord, may t[a}ke them. The . . . [ . . . } 18—26 and may they writhe [be\fore the kin[g, my} lord. The king, my lord, has r[ej]ected my pr[6\posal, but the king should k[now the h}ostilitie[s again\st m[e. Wh]o is [co}mmitting [a crime) ag[ain]st the king? [Th]ese fellows are d[ogs], and so they have com[mii]ted [a crime] against the king. 3 2 7 - 3 1 So may the k[in}g send archers that he may ta[ke t}he[m}. May the king, my lord, be informed. 2

NOTES 1. UTU.ME§. D

2 . T h e r e a d i n g o f t h e first t w o s i g n s a s UR[U

h ] a ( - r a - k - W A ) is e x t r e m e l y

doubtful. Line 14: [a]-n[a sa-s]u-»#. 3.

23

UR.[KU.ME§

...

me/mi-i]a-»zz

a]n-nu-ta

m a n , UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 6 7 9 , n. 3 1 .

322

24

\y]i-pu-su

a-na LUGAL 2 5 ii LUGAL: f o l l o w i n g N a ' a ­

[ar-na]

2 6 u t [ i ] - / w - [ s ] u [ a r - n a ] a-na

EA282

EA 282

Alone TEXT: BM 29851. COPIES: BB 68; A. Millard, Biblical Archaeologist 45 (1981) p. 147. PHOTOGRAPHS: M. Noth, Die Welt des Alten Testaments (Berlin, 1953), Tafel 3; Barnett, Illustrations, p. 16 (obverse only). TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Millard, Biblical Archaeologist 45 (1981) p. 146. To the king, my lord, (my) god, my Sun: Message of Suwardata, (your) servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times, both on the stomach and on the back. 8—16 May the king, my lord, be informed that I am alone. May the king, my lord, send a very large archer-force that it may save me : ia-si-ni (get me out). May the king, my lord, be in(fo)rmed.

EA 283

Oh to see the king TEXT: VAT 339COPIES: WA 101; VS 11, 160. 1

To the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of Suwardata, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times more. 7 - 1 3 The king, my lord, has written me, "Enter and pay me homage." Into the presence of the king, my lord! Would that it were possible to enter into the presence of the king, my lord, to* receive the . . . and the . . . 5 of the king, my lord. 1 3 - 1 7 Since Yanhamu is with you, speak with him. If there are still no archers available, then may the king, my lord, take me away. 1 8 - 2 4 May the king, my lord, be informed that 30 cities have waged war against me. I am alone! The war against me is severe. The king, my lord, has cast m e from his hand. 2 5 - 3 3 May the king, my lord, send archers. May the king, my lord, ta(k)e me away. Since Yanhamu, that is, the commissioner of the king, my lord, is there, may the king, my lord, spea[k] with him, (asking), "Is the war against Suwardata severe or is it not?" 2

3

6

7

8

2

3 3

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1 . T h e r e is a r u l i n g b e t w e e n l i n e s i a n d 2 , a n d t w o m o r e b e t w e e n lines 1 6 and 17. 2 . du-gu-la-ni

KI (///«) . . . : f o l l o w i n g A H w , p . 5 7 6 a .

3 . mfya-mi yumaggir,

lit. "who w o u l d g r a n t " ; cf. H e b r e w mi

yitten.

4 . T h e i n t e t p r e t a t i o n o f line 1 2 is q u i t e t e n t a t i v e : ana o m i t t e d (for t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n , see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 5 ) o r {a-na);

le-qe-ma,

infinitive, b u t

la-qe-ma

e x p e c t e d ( s e e VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 4 5 2 ) . 5 . T h e r e a d i n g o f KU

+ 4 0 a n d KU

+ 4 0 x is as o b s c u r e as ever. I f t h e

o c c a s i o n o f t h e v i s i t reflects t h e p r e s e n c e o f a n e w k i n g o n t h e t h r o n e , t h e r e m a y b e reference here t o t h e renewal o f t h e v a s s a l o a t h . 6. Cf. AHw,

p . 7 0 9 , nadu,

I V ; CAD,

N , p . 3 0 9 , nuddii.

7 . T a k i n g S u w a r d a t a away is t h e a l t e r n a t i v e t o s e n d i n g a r c h e r s ; cf. lines 15-17. 8.

I t d o e s n o t s e e m l i k e l y t h a t t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r in q u e s t i o n is s o m e o n e

different f r o m Y a n h a m u , a n d s o , tentatively, I t a k e t h e u as c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o wawexplicativum.

EA 284

The powerful hand of the king TEXT: BM 29850. COPY: BB 67. To the king, my lord: Message of Suwardata, [your] servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord. I fall 7 times and 7 times more, both on the stomach and on the back. 6 - 1 2 Be informed, O king, my lord, that all the lands of the king, my lord, have been taken away. 1 am all alone. As Ra[h]manu, wh[o inspected the lands of the king, my lord, has de­ parted, [thjere is n[o] one for the king. May the king, my lord, t[a]ke m[e]. 1 3 - 1 6 1 wrote to the king, my lord, "He knows . . . [ . . . ] . " May the king, my lord, se{n]d 1 7 - 2 0 . . . [...] still. May the king, my lord, [s]end [forth] his power[fu]l hand. 21-35 . . . [.. .].4 1

2

3

NOTES 1 . S e e EA 2 7 4 , n. 1. 2. 3.

sa

ra-a[b]-ma-nu

sfa].

[y]u-u[s]-i7-[ra]

l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , Political

19

M

LUGAL-n EN-i
Disposition,

qa-ti-hu

2 0 da-an-na-{i]a:

fol­

p . 4 3 * , n. 5 7 . T h e f e m i n i n e a d j e c t i v e a g r e e s

w i t h qdti + hu ( p r o n o m i n a l suffix); cf. EA 3 6 6 : 3 4 , in a n o t h e r l e t t e r o f S u w a r d a t a ,

ZAG (pafiyn

: up-si-hi

4. Lines 2iff.,

= upst + hi ( p r o n o m i n a l suffix), qdta uffuru,

EA 2 9 9 : i9f.

e x c e p t for l i n e 2 2 ("I fall 7 t i m e s a n d 7 t i m e s " ) a n d a n

occasional word or phrase, are unintelligible. Because of the sevenfold prostration 324

EA formula

285

t h i s is not likely t o b e a p o s t s c r i p t , d e s p i t e the p o s s i b l e i m p e r a t i v e p l u r a l

UYimadu, "be i n f o r m e d " (line 2 3 ) . S e e a l s o EA 2 9 8 , n. 2.

EA 285

The soldier-ruler of Jerusalem TEXT: VAT 1601. COPIES: WA 174; VS 11, 161. TRANSLITERATION (LINES 9~25) AND TRANSLATION: Na'aman, Political Disposition, pp. 97f. 1

c

[Say to the kin]g, [my lord: Message] of Abdi-H[eba, your servant. I fall at] the feet [of the king, my lord], 7 times and 7 ti[mes]. 5 - 1 1 1 am not a [mayor]; I am a soldier fo[r the king, my lord]. Why has the ki[ng, my lord], not sent a messenger . . . [...] . . . [Accordingly, [Enha]rnu se[nt] a military {force}* here, [and it has not vacjated the house [that I w~\ant. 4 1 2 - 1 9 \And ri}ow°> as for me, may the king [give heed to Abdi]-Heba, his servant. [7/th]ere are no archers available, may the king, my lord, [sen]d [a commissione]r that he may fetch [the ma]yors to himself. 2 0 - 2 5 [...] . . . And as for [the garrison] that belongs [to Adday]a, the commissioner of the king, [I] want their house. 26—31 So may the ki[ng] provide [f]or them, and may he send a mess[enger qu]ickly. When [/ d]ie, w[ha?> ...] ... 2

6

c

7

8

NOTES 1 . In the s u m m e r o f 1 9 5 1 , I p r e p a r e d w i t h A l b r i g h t a t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n a n d t r a n s l a t i o n of t h e J e r u s a l e m letters t h a t , t h o u g h often c o n s i d e r a b l y m o d i f i e d , I here d r a w o n . 2.

P e r h a p s k [ i - m a ar-hi-e]<>, "with all s p e e d " ( K n u d t z o n ) , b u t t h i s e x p r e s ­

sion is o t h e r w i s e a t t e s t e d o n l y a t B y b l o s . 3 . e - m [ u - q i / q a ] : so a l s o N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

p . 97. T h o u g h t h e

w o r d is a t t e s t e d o n l y in EA 1 5 4 : 7 , its a p p e a r a n c e in a l e t t e r f r o m Tyre is e s p e c i a l l y relevant b e c a u s e o f a certain s h a r e d b a c k g r o u n d o f t h e J e r u s a l e m a n d T y r i a n s c r i b e s . N o t e a l s o in the n o r t h emuqa kasddu,

"to have t h e a d v a n t a g e over s o m e ­

one" ( N o u g a y r o l , Ugar, 5, n o . 2 0 : 1 4 , 1 7 ' , 2 3 ' ) . 4.

1 0 . . . ii]

1 1 [ l a - a itlti-t]i-si

v o w e l - h a r m o n y , ittasi

> ittifi,

5.

[u

6.

13 [li-il-m]e

7.

[ s u m - m a t]a-a-nu-mi:

8.

LU.ME3 m[i-na:

cf. line 2 5 ; o n t h e a s s u m e d

Scribe, p . 1 5 3 .

i-na]-an-na.

LUGAL-ra

m

1 4 [ a - n a \R]-he-ba:

2 3 [ m a - s a r - t u ] sa i-ba-su-u

cf. EA

cf. EA

290:19.

cf. EA 2 8 6 : 5 9 ; 2 8 7 : 2 3 ; 2 8 8 : 5 7 .

b e l l , Chronology, p . 1 0 3 , n. 7 5 ; cf. EA 9.

E [ s a a-i]ar-su:

see Jerusalem

m

2 4 [ a - n a ad-da-/']*z: see C a m p ­

287:46-48.

119:17? 325

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 286

A throne granted, not inherited TEXT: VAT 1642. COPIES: WA 102; VS 11, 162. PHOTOGRAPHS: H. V Hilprecht et al., Explorations in Bible Lands during the Nineteenth Century (Philadelphia, 1903), p. 621; R. W. Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament (New York and Cincinnati, 1912), p. 529, pi. 30. TRANSLATIONS: Ebeling, pp. 374f.; Albright, ANET, pp. 487f.; Borger, in Galling, ed., Textbuch zur Geschichte Israels (Tubingen, 1968), pp. 25f.; Seux, Textes du Proche-Orient, pp. 54f. 2

c

Say [t]o the king, my lord: Message of Abdi-Heba, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord, the king, 7 times and 7 times. 5 - 1 5 What have I done to the king, my lord? They denounce me : u-sa-a-ru (I am slan­ dered) before the king, my lord, " Abdi-Heba has rebelled against the king, his lord." Seeing that, as far as I am concerned, neither my father nor my mother put me in this place, but the strong arm of the king brought me into my father's house, why should I of all people commit a crime against the king, my lord? 1 6 - 2 1 As truly as the king, my lord, lives, 1 say to the commissioner of the king, {my] lord, "Why do you love the Apiru but hate the mayors?" Accordingly, I am slandered before the king, my lord. 2 2 - 3 1 Because I say, 4 "Lost are the lands of the king, my lord," accordingly I am slandered before the king, my lord. May the king, my lord, know that (though) the king, my lord, stationed a garrison (here), Enhamu has taken i[t al]l away. { . . . ] . . . 3 2 - 4 3 [Now], O king, my lord, [there is n]o garrison, [and so] may the king provide for his land. May the king [pro~]vide for his land! All the [la]nds of the king, my lord, have deserted. Ili-Milku has caused the loss of all the land of the king, and so may the king, my lord, provide for his land. For my part, I say, "I would go in to the king, my lord, and visit the king, my lord," but the war against me is severe, and so I am not able to go in to the king, my lord. 44—52 And may it seem good in the sight of the king, [and] may he send a garrison so I may go in and visit the king, my lord. In truths the king, my lord, lives: whenever the commissioners have come out, I would say (to them), "Lost are the lands of the king," but they did not listen to me. Lost are all the mayors; there is not a mayor remaining to the king, my 1

c

2

3

c

326

EA287

lord. 53—60 May the king turn his attention to the archers so that archers of the king, my lord, come forth. The king has no lands. (That) Apiru has plundered all the lands of the king. If there are archers this year, the lands of the king, my lord, will remain. But if there are no archers, lost are the lands of the king, my lord. 61-64 fT}o the scribe of the king, my lord: Message of Abdi-Heba, your [serjvant. Present eloquent words to the king, my lord. Lost are all the lands of the king, my lord. c

6

c

NOTES 1.

O n t h e g l o s s , see EA

see S c h r o e d e r , OLZ EN-rz =

1 8 0 , n. 2 . For t h e v a r i o u s e x p l a n a t i o n s o f

EN.RI,

1 9 1 5 , c o l s . 2 9 5 6 H u r r i a n influence has a l s o b e e n s u g g e s t e d :

H u r r i a n iwri (ibri); see L o r e t z , UF 6 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p . 4 8 5 , a n d Jerusalem

p . 1 6 3 , n. 5 2 . Rainey, in A v i s h u r - B l a u , e d s . , Studies in Bible and the Ancient East ( J e r u s a l e m , 1 9 7 8 ) , p . 1 5 1 , p r e f e r s a m i s t a k e n t r a n s p o s i t i o n f r o m

Scribe, Near

LUGAL-W,

a n error o c c u r r i n g three t i m e s in t h i s letter b u t n o w h e r e else in t h e J e r u s a l e m correspondence, t h o u g h the work of the s a m e scribe. 2.

zu-ru-uh

LUGAL-ri KALAG.GA

(dannatu):

cf. EA 1 4 7 : 1 2 , a n d see W e i p ­

p e r t , UF 6 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p . 4 1 5 , n. 2 ; not "the a r m o f t h e m i g h t y k i n g " ( A l b r i g h t ) . S e e a l s o M . G o r g , Homages a Francois Daumas,

Institut d ' E g y p t o l o g i e , Universite Paul

Valery ( M o n t p e l l i e r , 1 9 8 6 ) , p p . 3 2 3 1 6 . 3.

"As l o n g as t h e k i n g l i v e s , I ( w i l l ) say" ( K n u d t z o n , E b e l i n g , A l b r i g h t )

d o e s not m a k e m u c h s e n s e , w h e r e a s adi a s a s s e v e r a t i v e / c o n d i t i o n a l

("whether")

c

p a r t i c l e in an o a t h d o e s : A b d i - H e b a swears t h a t w h a t he a c t u a l l y s a i d or d i d , as against the charges of rebellion, was nothing m o r e than to accuse the c o m m i s ­ s i o n e r s ) o f p r e f e r r i n g t h e k i n g ' s e n e m i e s t o his s u p p o r t e r s . 4.

d-qa-bi:

5.

I n v i e w o f t h e p a r a l l e l i s m w i t h adi in l i n e 1 6 (see n. 3 ) , eniima reflects

see Jerusalem

Scribe, p . 1 6 1 , n. 3 7 .

C a n a a n i t e a s s e v e r a t i v e ki (cf. A l b r i g h t ' s t r a n s l a t i o n ) . 6.

T h e I l i - M i l k u o f line 3 6 .

EA 287

A very serious crime TEXT: VAT 1644 (not collated). COPIES: WA 103; VS 11, 163. PHOTOGRAPH: A. Jepsen, ed., Von Sinuhe bis Nebukadnezar (see EA 244, headnote), pi. 29TRANSLATIONS: Ebeling, pp. 375f.; C. Mullo Weir, in D. Winton Thomas, ed., Documents from Old Testament Times (London, 1958), pp. 39f.; Albright, ANET, p. 488; Freydank, in A. Jepsen, ed., Von Sinuhe bis Nebukadnezar, pp. 102f.; Seux, Textes du Proche-Orient, pp. 55ff. 327

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS c

[Say to the kin}g, m[y] lord: [Message of Ab]di-Heba, yo[ur] servant. [I fall at the feet] of my lord 7 t[imes and 7 times. 4 - 9 Consider} the ent{ire) affair. {Milkilu and Tagi brou]ght [troop)s into [Qiltu] against me. [Consider] the deed that they did [to your servant].* Arrow(s) [ . . . ] ... 1 0 - 1 9 C- • •] e y brought into [Qilt]u. May the [kin]g know (that) all the lands are [at] peace (with one another), but I am at war. May the king provide for his land. Consider the lands of Gazru, Asqaluna, and L[akis]i. They have given them food, oil, and any other requirement. So may the king provide for archers and send the archers against men that commit crimes against the king, my lord. 2 0 - 2 4 If this year there are archers, then the lands and the mayors will belong to the king, my lord. But if there are no archers, then the ki[ng] will have neither lands nor mayors. 2 5 - 3 2 Consider Jerusalem! This neither my father nor m[y] mother gave to me. The [str]ong hand : zu-ru-uh (arm) [of the king] gave it to m e . Consider the deed! This is the deed of Milkilu and the deed of the sons of Lab'ayu, who have given the land of the king (to) the "Apiru. Consider, O king, my lord! / am in the rightl 3 3 - 4 2 With regard to the Kasites, may the king make inquiry of the commissioners. Though the house is well fortified, they attempted a very serious crime. They [t]ook their tools, and / had to seek shelter by a support? for the roof: ga-ag-gi. A[nd so i]fhe is going to send [troop]s into [Jerusalem], let them come with [a garrision for] (regular) service. May the king provide for them; [all] of the land might be in dire straits on their account. 4 3 - 5 2 May the king inquire about the[m. Let there b e ] much food, much oil, much clothing, until Pauru, the commissioner of the king, comes up to Jerusalem. Gone is Addaya together with the garrison of soldiers [that] the king [pro]vided. May the king know (that) Addaya [sa]id to me, "[Beh]old, he has dismissed me."'4 Do not abandon it, [and] send this [year] a garrison, and send right here ' the commissioner of the king. 5 3 - 5 9 I sent [as gift]s' to the king, my lord, [x] prisoners, 5000 . . . [ . . . ] , [and] 8porters for the caravans of the k[ing, my lord], but they have been taken in the countryside : sade -e of Ayyaluna. May the king, my lord, know (that) I am unable to send a caravan to the king, my lord. For your information! 6 0 - 6 3 As the king has placed his name in Jerusalem forever, he cannot abandon it—the land of Jerusalem. 6 4 - 7 0 Say to the scribe of the king, my lord: Message of AbdiHeba, your servant. I fall at (your) feet. I am your servant. Present eloquent words to the king, my lord: I am a soldier of the king. I am always yours. 1

2

4

tri

5

6

7

8

10

11

12

13

1

6

1 7

18

4

19

c

20

3 2 8

EA287 21

7 1 - 7 8 And please make the Kasites responsible for the evil deed. I was almost killed by the Kasites [i]n my own house. May the king [make an inquiry] in the[ir] regard. [May the kin]g, my lord, [provide] for thfem. 7 t]imes and 7 times may the king, my lord, [provide] for me. 22

NOTES 1.

[ a - m u r g j a b - ( b i ) a-wa-ta

a l l t h e letters f r o m J e r u s a l e m , w i t h t h e e x ­

y

c e p t i o n o f ' E A 2 8 6 , b e g i n t h e b o d y o f t h e letter w i t h amur; cf. N a ' a m a n , Disposition, 2.

Political

p . 3 9 * , n. 3 7 . Cf. A l b r i g h t (see h e a d n o t e ) , b u t o t h e r r e s t o r a t i o n s are o f c o u r s e p o s s i b l e ;

see lines 2 9 - 3 1 . V e n t i v e , " a g a i n s t m e " ? 3.

O r "did t o m e " ; cf. EA 2 9 0 : 5 . U R U D U

4.

GAG.U.TAG.GA

(mulmullu,

tiltahu):

following

A . S a c h s , AfO 1 2

( 1 9 3 7 - 3 9 ) PP- 37iff5.

E n o u g h r o o m ? S e e N a ' a m a n , Political

6. pi-fa-ti

( 1 9 8 0 ) p . 1 8 6 ; S c h r a m m , Einleitung and

Disposition,

p . 4 0 * , n. 3 8 .

ii: ii for u, " a n d , " s p o r a d i c a l l y in EA a n d e l s e w h e r e ; see JAOS 1 0 0 in die assyrischen

Kbnigsinschriften,

p t . 2 (Leiden

Cologne, 1973), p . 2. 7.

See EA 2 8 6 , n. 2 . O n ' " A D . D A . A . N I , l o g o g r a m w i t h frozen p r o n o m i ­

nal suffix (cf. EA 3 , n. 2 ) , see Jerusalem Ugaritic

Scribe, p . 1 6 3 , n. 5 2 , a n d H u e h n e r g a r d ,

Vocabulary, p . 4 8 , n. 2 , a n d h i s c r i t i c i s m s o f W e i p p e r t , UF 6 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p p .

4i5ff. ( T h e D U M U . A . N I

rt-ki-ba-al,

I. G e l b , D U M U A-ni-is-ki-ba-al; 8.

Iraq 3 2 [ 1 9 7 0 ] p . 2 7 : 2 , s h o u l d b e r e a d , w i t h

p r i v a t e c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f C . B . F. W a l k e r . )

saduq ana iydsi: t r a n s l a t i o n , w i t h A l b r i g h t , a c c o r d i n g t o c o n t e x t ( c r i m i ­

nal c h a r g e s a g a i n s t e n e m i e s ) , b u t t h e a s s u m e d i m p e r s o n a l s u b j e c t — l i t . "it is r i g h t for m e " — i s difficult; see F e i g i n , JQR 3 4 ( 1 9 4 3 - 4 4 ) p p . 4436°. F o r a different v e r s i o n , "it is t h e k i n g m y m a s t e r t h a t is saduq H.

C a z e l l e s , JANES r

9.

for m e , " saduq

= "generous," see

5 (1973) p. 76.

n

a 5 - r u - u : cf. seru (AHw,

p . 1 2 2 0 ) , with accusative o f place, b u t no

s a t i s f a c t o r y e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e a p p a r e n t d u r a t i v e (yaqtulu).

F o r earlier p r o p o s a l s

a n d v a r i o u s p o s s i b l e r e a d i n g s , s e e F e i g i n , JQR 3 4 ( 1 9 4 3 - 4 4 ) PP- 4 4 9 ^ - A l b r i g h t , a g a i n s t t h e copy, r e a d bat-'qu-iT', N a ' a m a n , Political

"they b r e a c h e d " ( s e e a l r e a d y F e i g i n , p . 4 4 9 ) ; T

Disposition,

p . 9 1 , r e a d s (e)-tel- lu-u^,

"they c l i m b e d u p . " A s

c o p i e d , t h e first s i g n is c o n s i d e r a b l y l a r g e r than t h e B E o n lines 3 7 a n d 4 5 . 37 [f-mid (see ANET). 10. ardiiti,

(imdu): f o l l o w i n g a n earlier r e a d i n g o f A l b r i g h t , later r e t r a c t e d r

After t h e g l o s s , u ] 39 £RIN].ME§ ti-ta-lu

38 [ s u m - m ] a . it-ti [ L U m a - s a r - t i ]

4 0 { a - n a ] 1 R . M E 5 : ana

c

w i t h A l b r i g h t (cf. EA 1 5 7 , n. 1 ) . A b d i - H e b a a s k s , n o t for a p u n i t i v e

e x p e d i t i o n , b u t for t r o o p s s t a t i o n e d p e r m a n e n t l y in J e r u s a l e m t h a t w i l l g i v e h i m t h e n e e d e d p r o t e c t i o n (cf. lines 4 6 f . ) . T h e a s s u m p t i o n o f ti-ta-lu ti-la-tu,

a s e r r o n e o u s for

"auxiliary t r o o p s , " a p r o p o s a l o f N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition,

p . 91, and

R a i n e y , Studies in Bible (see EA 2 8 6 , n. 1), p . 1 4 4 , s e e m s u n n e c e s s a r y a n d unlikely. A l b r i g h t restores [^ti-e-e]

(cf. l i n e 4 7 ) , a n d t r a n s l a t e s "officer." E g y p t i a n

c

w w,

however, referred t o a n i n f a n t r y m a n ( l o w e s t g r a d e ) o r s i m p l y a s o l d i e r ; s e e A . R . S c h u l m a n , Military

Rank,

Title, and Organization

in the Egyptian

New

Kingdom,

329

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

M u n c h n e r a g y p t o l o g i s c h e S t u d i e n , vol. 6 ( B e r l i n , 1964), p p . 3 6 6 ; EA 288, n. 1. 11.

ta-sa-qa:

cf. p e r h a p s H e b r e w suq; f o r m , yaqtula

(cf. teppasa in l i n e 7 1 ) .

A m o r e v e n t u r e s o m e p r o p o s a l is f o u n d in R a i n e y , Studies in Bible (see EA 286,

1),

n.

149.

p.

12.

lisdl ana sdlu[nu

lu-u]:

Idlu d o e s n o t m e a n " r e q u i s i t i o n " ( A l b r i g h t ,

S e u x ) , a n d mad s e e m s t o b e a p r e d i c a t e , not a t t r i b u t i v e , a d j e c t i v e ( p r i v a t e c o m m u ­ nication of D . G r o p p ) . 1 3 . O n t h e u s e o f t h e infinitive (pafdri),

see JCS

6 ( 1 9 5 2 ) p . 77.

1 4 . A g a i n s t "let m e g o " ( A l b r i g h t ) — a p a r t f r o m t h e difficulties o f f o r m (pafranni

for e x p e c t e d pufranni)—is

t h e u n l i k e l i h o o d o f a h i g h E g y p t i a n official's

a s k i n g p e r m i s s i o n f r o m a local ruler for a n y t h i n g . T h e s u b j e c t u n d e r s t o o d is t h e k i n g . T h e dismissal of A d d a y a — i . e . , sending h i m elsewhere—arouses

c

Abdi-

H e b a ' s fears t h a t t h e k i n g is g o i n g t o a b a n d o n J e r u s a l e m t o its o w n r e s o u r c e s . 1 5 . annikdnu,

"here," its i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n in t h e s e n t e n c e s t r e s s i n g J e r u s a l e m

as t h e p l a c e a c o m m i s s i o n e r s h o u l d b e s t a t i o n e d ; see Jerusalem

Scribe, p . 1 5 4 .

1 6 . [ N f G . B A j . H I . A : f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t ; cf. EA 2 8 8 : 2 2 . 17.

A l b r i g h t , "silver ( s h e k e l s ) , " b u t t h e c o p y is a g a i n s t K [ u . B A B B A R ] .

18.

B e f o t e "8" K n u d t z o n s a w t r a c e s t h a t he t e n t a t i v e l y read as " 3 1 8 . "

1 9 . S e e Jerusalem 20.

ma-at-ti:

Scribe,

p . 1 6 2 , n.

46.

a d e s p e r a t e c r u x ; cf. H e b r e w tamid a n d p e r h a p s md,

d u r e " ( ? ) , in A m o r i t e p e r s o n a l n a m e s (see H u f f m o n , APNMT, t r a n s l a t e d as " i n s i g n i f i c a n t ( ? ) , " a s i f ma-fi-ti (1969) p p . 3 3 6 ,

(mafu),

p . 229).

"to e n Albright

a n d F i n k e l s t e i n , Eretz Israel 9

a s "I w o u l d s u r e l y d i e (for y o u ) , " b u t t h e m o d a l force o f t h e

p e r f e c t is q u e s t i o n a b l e , a n d o n e m a y d o u b t w h e t h e r it is p o s s i b l e t o d i e "very m u c h " (magal,

EA

289:50).

21.

O n lines 7 1 - 7 2 , see Jerusalem

22.

R e s t o r i n g liskin in b o t h b r e a k s , w i t h N a ' a m a n , Political

Scribe, p . 164, n. 6 1 . Disposition,

p.

92, b u t u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e first i n s t a n c e a s p r o v i s i o n in t e r m s o f j u s t i c e for t h e K a s i t e s , not o f p r o v i s i o n or c o n c e r n for t h e g a r r i s o n , w h i c h has not b e e n m e n ­ t i o n e d for over 20 l i n e s . A l b r i g h t ' s "avenge" a s s u m e s [li-iq-qi-im] p o r t e d C a n a a n i t i s m (nqm); see W. P i t a r d , Maarav

and an unsup­

3/1 (1982) p p . 56°.

O n m e s s a g e s t o t h e s c r i b e s o f a d d r e s s e e s , see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , sect. n.

4,

58.

EA 288

Benign neglect TEXT: VAT 1643 (not collated). COPIES: WA 103; VS 11, 164. TRANSLATIONS: Ebeling, pp. 376f.; C. Mullo Weir, in D. Winton Thomas, ed., Documents from Old Testament Times, pp. 43f.; Albright, ANET, pp. 488f.; Freydank, in A. Jepsen, ed., Von Sinuhe bis Nebukadnezar, pp. 103f. 33o

EA

288

Say [t]o the king, my lord, {my Su]n: [M}essage of "Abdi-Heba, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 5 - 1 0 Behold, the king, my lord, has placed his name at the rising of the sun and at the setting of the sun. It is, therefore, impious what they have done to me. Behold, I am not a mayor; I am a soldier of the king, my lord. 1 1 - 1 5 Behold, I am a friend oi the king and a tribute-bearer of the king. It was neither my father nor my mother, but the strong arm of the king that [p]laced me in the house of [my] fath[er}.3 16—22 [ . . . c]ame to me. . . . [ . . . ] . I gave over [to his char]ge 1 0 slaves. Suta, the commissioner of the king, ca[me t]o me; I gave over to Suta's charge 2 1 girls, [8]o prisoners, as a gift for the king, my lord. 23—28 May the king give thought to his land* the land of the king is lost. All of it has attacked me. I am at war as far as the land of Seru and as far as Ginti-kirmil. All the mayors are at peace, but I am at war. 2 9 - 3 3 I am treated like an "Apiru, and I do not visit the king, my lord, since I am at war. I am situated like a ship? in the midst of the sea. 3 4 - 4 0 The strong hand (arm) of the king took the land of Nahrima and the land of Kasi, but now the "Apiru have taken the very cities of the king. Not a single mayor remains to the king, my lord; all are lost. 41—47 Behold, Turbazu was slain in the city gate of Silu. The king did nothing. Behold, servants who were joined to the "Api[r]u smote Zimredda of Lakisu, and Yaptih-Hadda was slain in the city gate of Silu. The king did nothing. [Wh~jjy has he not called them to account? 4 8 - 5 3 May the king [pro]vide for [his land] and may he [se]e to it tha[t] archers [come ou]t to h[is] land. If there are no archers this year, all the lands of the king, my lord, are lost. 5 4 - 6 1 They have not reported to the king that the lands of the king, my lord, are lost and all the mayors lost. If there are no archers this year, may the king send a commissioner to fetch me, me along with my brothers, and then we will die near the king, our lord. 6 2 - 6 6 [To] the scribe of the king, my lord: [Message] of "Abdi-Heba, (your) servant. [I fa]ll a[t (your) feet]. Present [the words that I hav]e offered to [the king, my lord]: I am your servant [and] your [s]on. 1

2

4

5

6

8

9

10

11

12

NOTES 1.

" A b d i - H e b a d o e s n o t d e n y t h a t h e is a s o l d i e r (so A l b r i g h t ) ; cf.

EA

2 8 5 : 5 - 6 , a n d see t h e r e m a r k s o f L i v e r a n i , RA 61 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p . 1 5 , n. 4. Israel i t - G r o l l , in M . G o r g , e d . , Fontes atquepontes

(see EA 3 , n. 1 7 ) , p . 2 3 8 , is o f t h e view t h a t

E g y p t i a n we'u (vf-w) here m e a n s "post c o m m a n d e r . " l6

2 . O n ru-bi,

"friend'X?), see D o n n e r , ZAW

7 3 ( 1 9 6 1 ) p p . 269ff.

ubil,

"bearer," l i k e UbilT in EA 2 8 7 : 5 5 , o r "I h a v e b r o u g h t . " 331

THE

AMARNA 3.

LETTERS

S e e EA 2 8 7 , n. 7.

4. MUNUS.DUMU.MUNUS, 5.

Cf. tisbutu,

subdrtu?

"to seize o n e a n o t h e r , fight." T h e u s u a l v e r s i o n , "all o f it h a s

b e e n t a k e n f r o m m e " ( K n u d t z o n , f o l l o w e d m o r e or less b y E b e l i n g , A l b r i g h t , et a l . ) , has a g a i n s t it not o n l y t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f a s e p a r a t i v e a c c u s a t i v e ( a n o t h e r e x a m p l e in EA?),

b u t t h e fact t h a t all o f t h e k i n g ' s l a n d c a n n o t b e t a k e n f r o m a

v a s s a l b e c a u s e h e never h a d all o f it t o l o s e . 6.

l

eniima "bapiri:

translation with A l b r i g h t , who recognized that

enuma,

u s e d c o m m o n l y a s a s y n o n y m o f ktma a s c o n j u n c t i o n , is here a l s o g i v e n t h e latter's m e a n i n g as p r e p o s i t i o n . 7 . enuma eleppi: see n. 6. ka-((pa))-si:

2

8.

KUR

f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y , A O A T , p . 1 0 5 , p e r h a p s for ka-a-si.

9.

T h o u g h royal p o w e r is sufficient t o achieve c o n q u e s t s far t o t h e n o r t h a n d c

far t o t h e s o u t h , s o very c l o s e b y a r e t h e c o n q u e s t s o f t h e A p i r u . 10.

ig-gi-u-Iu:

t e r o , Habiru,

f o l l o w i n g E b e l i n g , VAB

p . 1 0 9 , r e a d s iq-qi-u-su,

2 / 2 , p . 1 5 4 6 , for yigge'-u-su.

Bot-

"slaves . . . h a v e i m m o l a t e d ( ? ) h i m , " as i f

f r o m naqii. 11. a-na

r

[u l~\iddin larrupanTsu

1

u'

ERIN pi-fa-ti,

5 0 [LU.MES] ERIN.MES" pi-fa-ti LU.MES pi-fa-ti u lu-si-mi LU.ME3 49 . . . iT [lu-ma-Ie-e]r 5 0 [LUGAL]

[lu-si-m]i

KUR-/M; cf. li-din LUGAL pa-ni-Iu

-

a-na

r

in EA 2 8 6 : 5 3 6 T h e r e a d i n g

( s o A l b r i g h t ) a c c o r d s w i t h n e i t h e r t h e s p a c e nor t h e t r a c e s . T h e r e is n o reason w h y -m]i b e l o n g s a t t h e e n d o f l i n e 5 0 ( K n u d t z o n ) rather t h a n l i n e 4 9 . 12.

6 5 [la no]-''ad''-na-ti:

f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

p. 3 7 * ,

n. 1 9 .

EA 289

A reckoning demanded TEXT: VAT 1645 + 2709. COPIES: WA 105 + WA 199; VS 11, 165. TRANSLATIONS: Ebeling, pp. 377f.; Albright, ANET, p. 489; Campbell, Shechem, pp. 200f.; Seux, Textes du Proche-Orient, pp. 58f. [Say t]o the king, my lord: Message of Abdi-Heba, your servant. I f[all] at the feet of my lord, the k[ing], 7 times and 7 times. 5-10 Milkilu does not break away from the sons of Lab'ayu and from the sons of Arsawa, as they desire the land of the king for themselves. As for a mayor who does such a deed, why does the king not (c)all him to account? 1 1 - 1 7 Such was the deed that Milkilu and Tagi did: they took Rubutu. And now as for Jerusalem, if this land belongs to the king, why is it {not) of concern to the king like Hazzatu? 1 8 - 2 4 Gintikirmil belongs to Tagi, and men of Gintu are the garrison in Bitsanu. Are we to act like Lab'ayu when he was giving the land of Sakmu to the c

1

2

33

2

EA290

Hapiru? 2 5 - 3 6 Milkilu has written to Tagi and the sons (of Lab'ayu), "Be the both of you a protection. Grant all their demands to the men of Qiltu, and let us isolate Jerusalem." Addaya has taken the garrison that you sent in the charge of Haya, the son of Miyare; he has stationed it in his own house in Hazzatu and has sent 20 men to Egypt. May the king, my lord, know (that) no garrison of the king is with me. 3 7 - 4 4 Accordingly, as truly as the king lives, his />/>/-official,5 Pu'uru, has left me and is in Hazzatu. (May the king call (this) to mind when he arrives.) And so may the king send 50 men as a garrison to protect the land. The entire land of the king has deser[ted]. 4 5 - 5 1 Send Ye((eh))enhamu that he may know about the land of the king, [my lord]. To the scribe of the king, [my lord: M]essage«of Abdi-Heba, [your] servant. Offer eloq[uent] words to the king: / am always, utterly yours. I am your servant. 3

4

6

c

7

NOTES 1.

W i t h A l b r i g h t , CAH ill,

p . 1 1 6 ; cf. ina libbi sakdnu? O n enuma,

"like,"

see EA 2 8 8 , n. 6. 2.

H i s e n e m i e s m a k e u p t h e p r o t e c t i v e forces t o t h e n o r t h . " W h o w i l l

g u a r d the guardians?" 3.

lu-u 2 si'l-la-tu-nu:

difficult a n d o b s c u r e ; see Jerusalem

4 2 , a n d t h e r e m a r k s o n t h e r e a d i n g lu-u a-mi-la-tu-nu, O t h e r e m e n d a t i o n s : lu t-mi

at-tu-nu,

C a m p b e l l ) ; lu-ii sa-mi at-tu-nu, 6; i m p e r a t i v e o f 4.

Scribe, p . 1 6 2 , n.

"be m e n " (AHw,

p . 90b).

"you a r e o f m y h o u s e " ( A l b r i g h t , A N E T ;

"as for y o u , g o on" ( A l b r i g h t , CAH 2 / 2 , p . 1 1 6 , n.

asul).

lu nipfur. l i t . "let u s s e p a r a t e " ; p e r h a p s , "let u s d e s e r t . " B y t h e i r g e n e r ­

osity to Q i l t u they would entice the city to their side and thereby isolate J e r u s a ­ l e m ; see N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition, 5 . ir-pi: f o l l o w i n g AHw,

p. 386;

p . 100.

MASKIM (rabisu,

" c o m m i s s i o n e r " [so A l ­

b r i g h t a n d C a m p b e l l ] ) is e x c l u d e d . 6. A r e a d i n g li-is-kin

( A l b r i g h t a n d C a m p b e l l ) , i n s t e a d o f li-iz-kur,

is e x ­

c l u d e d b e c a u s e o f t h e a s s u m e d kin ( a v a l u e u n k n o w n in EA) a n d t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n (all n i n e o c c u r r e n c e s o f sakanu

a r e w i t h ana, never ina

pant).

7 . S e e EA 2 8 7 , n. 2 0 .

EA 290

Three against one TEXT: VAT 1646. COPIES: WA 106; VS 11, 166. TRANSLATIONS: Ebeling, p. 378; Albright, ANET, p. 489; Seux, Textes du Proche-Orient, pp. 58f. 333

THE AMARNA

LETTERS c

[Sa]y [t]o the king, my lord: Message of [ Abdi]-Heba, your servant. I fall at the feet [of the kin]g, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 5 - 1 3 Here is the deed against the land that Milkilu and Suardatu did: against the land of the king, my lord, they ordered troops from Gazru, troops from Gimtu, and troops from Qiltu. They seized Rubutu. The land of the king deserted to the Hapiru. 1 4 - 2 1 And now, besides this, a town belonging to Jerusalem, Bit- NiN.URTA by name, a city of the king, has gone over to the side of the men of Qiltu. May the king give heed to Abdi-Heba, your servant, and send archers to restore the land of the king to the king. 2 2 - 3 0 If there are no archers, the land of the king will desert to the Hapiru. This deed against the land* was [a}t the order of Milki[lu and a]t the order of [Suard]atu, [together w]ith Gint{i].5 So may the king provide for [his} land. 1

2

d

c

4

NOTES 1.

ipla KUR

(ipsu KUR,

l i n e 2 5 ) : n o t ipsa g l o s s - m a r k e r ( K n u d t z o n ,

l o w e d b y E b e l i n g a n d A l b r i g h t , w h o i g n o r e s t h e KUR Political

Disposition,

fol­

in l i n e 2 5 ) . N a ' a m a n ,

p . 5 1 * , n. 1 9 , s u g g e s t s a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g , KUR

=

KUR,

"hostile." 2.

mu-'i-ru:

s e e Jerusalem

Scribe, p .

1 5 1 . O t h e r s o l u t i o n s : "they hired"

( K n u d t z o n , E b e l i n g ; cf. H e b r e w mohar, " b r i d e - p r i c e " ) ; "they r u s h e d " ( A l b r i g h t ; cf. H e b r e w nimhar, "to h a s t e n " ) ; "they w e r e t a k e n in" (CAD,

M / i , p . 68, Akka­

d i a n muhhuru); "they a s s e m b l e d " ( e m e n d i n g mu t o p u , G r e e n b e r g , Hablpiru,

p. 49,

f o l l o w e d b y R a i n e y , Studies in Bible [see EA 2 8 6 , n. 1 ] , p . 1 5 0 ) . 3. 4. 5.

S e e n. 1. r

a-nd*

KA-i

URU

gin -t[t\: s

...

2 7 [it a]-na KA-i:

following Albright.

w i t h c o p y a n d S c h r o e d e r , OLZ,

1 9 1 5 , col. 1 7 5 .

EA 291

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1713. COPY: VS 11, 167. Too fragmentary for translation.

1

NOTE 1.

A letter f r o m J e r u s a l e m ; see VAB 2 / 2 , p . 1 3 4 4 , n. 1; n o t e , t o o , t h e f o r m

o f ti a n d li, a n d t h e v e r b a l f o r m lumasser.

334

EA

292

EA 292

Like a pot held in pledge TEXT: BM 37647. COPY: Scheil, Memoires, p. 298. TRANSLATION: Albright, ANET, pp. 489f. 1

Say to the king, my lord, [my] go[d], my Sun: Message of Adda-danu, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 8 - 1 3 I looked this way, and I looked that way, and there was no light. Then I looked towards the king, my lord, and there was light. 1 3 - 1 7 A brick may move from under its partner, still I will not move from under the feet of the king, my lord. 1 7 - 2 6 1 have heard the orders that the king, my lord, wrote to his servant, "Guard your commissioner, and guard the cities of the king, your lord." I do indeed guard, and I do indeed obey the orders of the king, my lord, day and night. 2 6 - 4 0 May the king, my lord, be informed about his servant. There being war against me from the mountains, I built : b[a]-n[i]-t[i]i a house—its (the village's) name is Manhatu—to make preparations before the arrival of the archers of the king, my lord, and Maya has just taken it away from me and placed his commissioner in it. Enjoin Reanap, my commissioner, to restore my village to me, as I am making preparations before the arrival of the archers of the king, my lord. 4 1 - 5 2 Moreover, consider the deed of Peya, the son of Gulatu, against Gazru, the maidservant of the king, my lord. How long has he gone on plundering it so that it has become, thanks to him, like a pot held in pledge.4 People are ransomed from the mountains for 3 0 shekels of silver, but from Peya for 100 shekels.? Be informed of these affairs of your servant. 2

NOTES 1.

T h e reading of the name, written

d

lM-DI.KUD

remains a matter of

d i s c u s s i o n . S e e i ? A 6 9 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p p . 1 5 3 6 ; Izre'el, Tel Aviv 4 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p p . 159ft". ; i d e m , 10S 8 ( 1 9 7 8 ) p . 1 5 , n. 1 6 ; N a ' a m a n , UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 6 8 1 , n. 3 8 . 2.

L i n e s 8ff.: cf. t h e v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l i n t r o d u c t i o n s o f EA 2 6 6 a n d 2 9 6 .

3 . T h e r e a d i n g o f t h e g l o s s is n o t entirely c e r t a i n . 4.

Cf. EA 2 9 7 : i 2 f f . ri-qi

I); hu-bu-li,

in v i e w o f hu-bu-ul-li

= riqqu, a b y f o r m o f ruqqu (AHw,

p . 9 9 5 , ruqqu

in EA 2 9 7 : 1 4 , m u s t d e r i v e f r o m hubullu,

"debt,

i n t e r e s t , " a n d "the p o t o f a d e b t " m a k e s s e n s e o n l y as a t y p e o f s e c u r i t y held u n t i l t h e d e b t is p a i d . T h e m o d e s t y o f such a s e c u r i t y carries w i t h i t , t o o , t h e i m p l i c a ­ t i o n s o f e x t r e m e poverty. T h i s l i n e o f t h o u g h t l e a d s t o t h e t e d e m p t i o n in the following lines.

335

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

5 . A c c o r d i n g t o PRU

3 , p p . 7 ? , the k i n g of Carchemish paid a ransom of

50 shekels to g e t someone from the Suteans.

EA 293

Always on the watch TEXT: C 4774 (12231). COPY: WA 201. [Say to the king], my [lord, my god], my [Sun: Me]ssage of A[ddad]anu,' [your] ser[vant, the di]rt at your feet. I fall [at] the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and [7] times. 8 - 1 3 [I h]ave heard the order that the king, my lord, wrote to his servant, "Guard the place of the king where you are." I am indeed guarding day and night. 1 4 - 2 2 Since' . . A the king, my lord, . . 2

NOTES 1.

md

R

x- D''I.KUD: t h e

s e c o n d d e t e r m i n a t i v e (deus) is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n , a n d d

is a l m o s t i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h e d e t e r m i n a t i v e in VTV-ia

( l i n e 6) (also G o r d o n ) . T h e

n e x t s i g n is d o u b t f u l o n l y b e c a u s e so l i t t l e is p r e s e r v e d , a n d t h i s is c o m p a t i b l e w i t h IM. I n v i e w o f t h e o t h e r w i s e ( e x c e p t EA 2 9 4 ) u n p a r a l l e l e d features c o m m o n t o EA 2 9 2 - 9 3 , t h e r e c a n b e n o d o u b t a b o u t t h e i d e n t i t y o f t h e s e n d e r o f t h i s letter. 2.

[i]s-te-mi:

3 . i-nu-ma:

following Gordon. t h e first s i g n is c o m p l e t e l y p r e s e r v e d (also G o r d o n ) ; p e r h a p s

"when, as t o t h e fact t h a t . " 4.

Traces o f

?

?

LU .KUR

(Gordon).

5 . L i n e s 1 6 - 2 2 , too b a d l y d a m a g e d for t r a n s l a t i o n .

EA 294

Unquestioning obedience TEXT: BM 29854. COPY: BB 71. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 1. Say to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of Ad[d]a-[d]anu,' your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 6-13 I have heard the orders that the king, my lord, wrote to his servant, "Obey your commissioner, and guard the cities of the king, your lord, where you are." I am indeed obeying the orders that the king, my lord, gave me. 1 4 - 2 4 May the king, my 336

EA

295

lord, be informed about his servant. Consider the deed of Peya, the son of Gulatu, [against] me. My men whom I sent to serve in Yapu and to guard the house : fu-nu-ti (granary) of the king, my lord, Peya, the son of Gulatu, has just taken.' 2 5 - 3 5 May the king, my lord, be in­ formed of these affairs of his servant. If the king, my lord, says this to me, "Abandon your city, (fleeing) from before Peya," then of course I will abandon it, and I will come and of course serve the king, my lord, day and night, forever. 2

4

NOTES 1 . O n the s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g here a n d t h e c o n t e s t e d r e a d i n g s , see EA 2 9 2 , n. 1.

c

e

dz bu

2.

su-nu-ti

3.

Cf. EA 2 9 2 : 4 iff.

- E g y p t i a n snwtj: see H e l c k , MDOG

4.

A p r e g n a n t e x p r e s s i o n very r e m i n i s c e n t o f Isaiah

mippPne ¥ne yisrd'el,

92 (i960) p. 11. Ca

1 7 : 9 , ka -zubat...

'"-ser

"like t h e r e g i o n d e s e r t e d b y t h e . . . t h a t t h e y d e s e r t e d

(fleeing) f r o m before t h e s o n s o f Israel."

EA 295

A servant from head to toe TEXT: VAT 1650. COPIES: WA 88; VS 11, 168. [Sa]y [to the king], my lord, my Sun, my g[od: Message of . . . ] DI.KUD, your servant, a loyfal] servant, [the dirt] beneath the sandals of the [ki]ng, my lord. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, 7 [times] and 7 times. 8 - 1 1 1 am indeed the servant of the king, my lord, who serves the king, my lord, [from] my head to my feet, just as my [ancestors (have done) since time immemorial]. 1 2 - 1 5 May the king, [my] lord, be i[nformed] of the de[ed that] Yab[w/'-..., the ruler of S]idon*> [d]id to me. 1 5 - 2 2 . . . [ . . . ] Evil [was done ...], and he fell [upon . . . ] , along with the d[og, the ruler of.. . ] , along with h[is] brothers [ . . . ] , along with the men of the l[and of...], and he assembled ...]... 1

2

4

Reverse [...] 3 - 1 0 E[vi]l [has (also) b]een don[e] to [my] partner. May the king be informed of [my] loy[alty], and may the king, [my] lord, give 50 men along with the garr[ison] commander to guard the city : ti-e-ti (.. .) f[or the king]. I am indeed preparing] my caravan and my intention is to go (to Egypt) to serve the king. 5

6

7

337

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

NOTES 1 . N a ' a m a n , UF n ( 1 9 7 9 ) p p . 6 7 3 E , has s h o w n t h a t EA 2 9 5 w a s s e n t b y a ruler o f T y r e . H e w a s p r o b a b l y t h e p r e d e c e s s o r o f A b i - M i l k u (EA 1 4 6 - 5 5 ) , a n d the o n e k i l l e d in a p a l a c e revolt (see EA 8 9 ) . T h e s c r i b e o f EA 2 9 5 is n o t t h e s a m e as t h a t o f EA 1 4 6 - 5 5 ; p e r h a p s he t o o p e r i s h e d w i t h h i s m a s t e r . 2.

\a-bu\-ti-ia:

so a l s o N a ' a m a n . T h e s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g w i t h o u t t h e d e t e r ­

m i n a t i v e L U is f o u n d o n l y a t B y b l o s a n d T y r e . 3.

F r o m K n u d t z o n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n o f traces before -du-na

(VAB

2 / 1 , p . 887,

n o t e f ) , n o l o n g e r v i s i b l e even t o S c h r o e d e r , N a ' a m a n p r o p o s e s [... $]i-du-na; 4.

LU URU

s e e UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 6 7 3 (also G o r d o n ) . qa-du

m

ka-a[l-bi

L U U R U . . . ] : for t h e d e t e r m i n a t i v e , see B o h l , Sprache,

p . 9; however, a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g o f kalbu is f o u n d e l s e w h e r e in EA o n l y in EA 320:22 and 322:17. 5.

f a - p ] i - i [ s ' ] : if c o r r e c t , this o c c u r s e l s e w h e r e o n l y a t B y b l o s (a-pt-es,

5

t i m e s ) , a n d a l w a y s p a s s i v e . W a s t h e p a r t n e r ("partners" is a l s o p o s s i b l e ) t h e ruler o f B y b l o s ? ( S e e n. 1, a n d cf. EA 2 6 4 , n. 2 . ) 6.

L U . I G I . K A R E N . [ N U N / N U . U N J : in favor o f E N . N U N (massartu),

"gar­

r i s o n , " a r e t h e t a s k a s s i g n e d t o t h e m e n a n d t h e fact t h a t 5 0 is a c o m m o n n u m b e r for m a n n i n g a g a r r i s o n (see EA 1 3 9 : 3 2 ; 2 3 8 : 1 1 ; 2 8 9 : 4 2 ) . L U . I G I . K A R , p e r h a p s asiru

or paqidu,

a n d dsir/pdqid

massarti

m a y c o r r e s p o n d t o E g y p t i a n imy-r

juf-jt,

"overseer o f t h e g a r r i s o n . " For further d i s c u s s i o n , s e e Acta Sumerologica Japonensia

5

( 1 9 8 3 ) p . 1 7 6 , a n d cf. EA 3 3 7 , n. 1. 7.

Cf. EA

152:48.

EA 296

Under the yoke TEXT: BM 29840. COPY: BB 57. PHOTOGRAPH: Pfeiffer, Tell el Amarna and the Bible (see EA 205, headnote), p. 11 (reverse only). TRANSLATION: Oppenheim, LFM, pp. 125f. Say to the king, my lord, my god, my [Sun]: Message of Ya[h]tiru, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9—16 Moreover, I am indeed the loyal servant of the king, my lord. I looked this way, and I looked that way, and there was no light. Then I looked towards the king, my lord, and there was light. 1 7 - 2 2 A brick : la-bi-tu may move from [un]der its partner, still I will not move from under the feet of the king, my lord. 2 3 - 2 9 May the king, my lord, inquire of Yanliamu, his com­ missioner. When I was young, he brought me into Egypt. I served the king, my lord, and I stood at the city gate of the king, my lord. 1

338

EA

297

3 0 - 3 5 May the king, my lord, inquire of his commissioner whether I guard the city gate of Azzatu and the city gate of Yapu, and (whether) where the archers of the king, my lord, march, I m[arch] with them. And indeed, now that I have [p]la[ced] the . . , of the yoke : hu-ul-lu of the king, my lord, on my neck, I carry it. 2

3

NOTES 1.

L i n e s off.: see EA 2 9 2 , n. 2 .

2.

A f t e r it-...,

I c o u l d see n o t h i n g .

3 . Traces i m p o s s i b l e t o r e a d .

EA 297

The sweet breath of the king TEXT: BM 29834. COPY: BB 51. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 5. TRANSLATION: Albright, ANET, p. 490. Say to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of Yapahu, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 8 - 1 6 Whatsoever the king, my lord, has said to me, I have listened to with the greatest care. Moreover, I have become like a (bronze) pot : si-ri given in pledge, because of the Suteahs. 1 7 - 2 1 I have, however, just heard the sweet breath of the king. It has come forth to me, and my heart is very content. l

2

NOTES 1.

ki-ma

W-^/URUDU : si'-ri: o n riqqi, see EA 2 9 2 , n. 4 . T o j u d g e f r o m the URUDU is p r o b a b l y b e s t t a k e n as a d e t e r m i n a t i v e . A s to

s y n o n y m o u s g l o s s siri,

t h e g l o s s , Rainey, UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 2 5 1 , n. 8 2 , c o m p a r e d H e b r e w sir, b u t t h i s had a l r e a d y b e e n a s s u m e d by A l b r i g h t , as s e e m s clear f r o m h i s t r a n s l a t i o n , "an e m p t y [rtq't] b r o n z e

[URUDU]

c a u l d r o n [stri]," a n d he r e s t o t e d t h e g l o s s in EA 2 9 2 : 4 6 .

O n t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e g l o s s , n o t in t h e p t e v i o u s line ( K n u d t z o n ) , st'-ri is w r i t t e n h i g h e r t h a n t h e rest o f l i n e 1 3 , b u t t h i s s e e m s t o have b e e n o c c a s i o n e d b y the scribe's a w a r e n e s s o f t h e l a c k o f r o o m ; ri is even h i g h e r t h a n si, a n d the w r i t i n g s l o p e s g r a d u a l l y u p w a r d . S e e a l s o EA 2 9 2 , n. 4. 2 . S e e EA TOO, n. 9.

339

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 298

A perfidious younger brother TEXT: BM 29833. COPY: BB 50. TRANSLATIONS: Albright, ANET, p. 490; Freydank, in A. Jepsen, ed., Von Sinuhe bis Nebukadnezar, p. 100. [T}o the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky: Message of Yapa[h]u, the ruler of Gazru, your servant, the dirt at your feet, the groom of your horses. I prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times, both on the stomach and on the back. 1 4 - 1 9 Whatsoever the king, my lord, has said to me, I have listened to very carefully. I am a servant of the king and the dirt at your feet. 2 0 - 3 3 May the king, my lord, be informed that my younger brother, having become my enemy, entered Muhhazu and pledged hi(m)self to the Apiru. As [Tijanna is at war with me, take thought for your land. May my lord write to his commissioner with regard to this deed. 1

c

2

NOTES 1 . qa-{ti)-Iu:

"to g i v e t h e h a n d s " is u n d e r s t o o d , w i t h G r e e n b e r g ,

p . 4 9 , in t h e l i g h t o f H e b r e w p a r a l l e l s ; CAD, 2.

Cf.

URU

tf/'}-i|>-n]a

(EA

Hablpiru,

N / i , p . 5 4 , "to j o i n . "

284:31) and

{KUR/URU

ti-a]n-»«

k i

(EA

3 0 6 : 3 4 ) , f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , UF 11 ( 1 9 7 9 ) , p . 6 7 9 , n. 2 8 .

EA 299

A plea for help TEXT: BM 29832. COPY: BB 49. PHOTOGRAPH: Barnett, Illustrations, p. 14. To the king, my lord, my god, the Sun, the Sun [f}rom the sky: Message of Yapahu, the ruler of Gazru, your servant, the dirt at your feet, the groom of your horses. Truly I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times, on the stomach and on the back. 1 2 - 2 1 I have listened to the words of the messenger of the king, my lord, very carefully. May the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, take thought for his land. Since the Apiru are stronger than we, may the king, my lord, (g)ive me his help, and c

1

340

EA300 1

c

may the king, my lord, get me away from the Apiru lest the 'Apiru destroy us. NOTES 1.

(yu)-us-si-ra: r

2 . yi-it-ra-

following

Izre'el, Tel Aviv 4 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p . 1 6 3 .

: t h e last s i g n , w h i c h is m o r e p r o b a b l y -ni t h a n -nu, " u s , "

s e e m s to have b e e n w r i t t e n over

LUGAL,

w h i c h s h o u l d p r o b a b l y b e i g n o r e d in the

t r a n s l a t i o n ; cf. EA 2 9 8 : 3 1 , beliya a l o n e . For t h e r e a d i n g , see B o t t e r o , Habiru,

p.

1 1 0 ; N a ' a m a n , UF 11 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 6 7 9 , n. 2 9 .

EA 300

A servant like his father TEXT: VAT 1606. COPY: VS 11, 171. [Say to the king], my [lor]d, [my g]o[d, my Sun, the Su]n f[rom the sky: Message of Yapaf}u\, the r[uler ofG]a[zru], your serv[ant, the dirt at] your feet, the g[ro]o[m of] your [hor]ses. [I fa]ll at the f[ee]t [of the king, m]y lord, 7 times and 7 times. 1 0 - 1 4 {May the king, my lord, m]y {god, know th]at the means of subsistence have disappeared [fr]om my [coun]try, and in(d)eed I have [nothin\g at all. 15—22 May he send [hi]s a[rcher]s. It is they alone who [ . . . ] must get me back into my cities so I can serve the king, my lord, in accordance with (the practice of) my father and [his frjiendly deeds. 2 3 - 2 8 I have indeed o[bey]ed the or[ders] of the king, my lord, and I obey [al]l the orders of May[a, the com]mi[ssio]ner of the [k]ing, my lord, [the Sun] from the sky, the s[on] of the Sun. 1

2

NOTES ma]

1.

1 0 [am]-qut

12

T[I.LA

?

[li-de-m]i

hal]-qa

i[s]-tu

[LUGAL EN-ia]

n

[DINGIR.M]E[3-i]tf

"i-n^u-

1 3 K U R - M U < z - ( n u ) - m a ia-nu m [ i - i m - m ] a a-na

ia-si: s e e a l s o Izre'el, IOS 8 ( 1 9 7 8 ) p . 1 4 , n. 1 5 ; N a ' a m a n , UF IT ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 6 7 9 , n. 30. 2.

A g a i n s t t[a-p]d-ti-[su],

local q u e e n (VAB ill,

"his ( f e m a l e ) p a r t n e r , " u n d e r s t o o d e i t h e r o f t h e

p . 1 3 4 8 ) o r o f t h e w r i t e r o f EA 2 7 3 ? ( G o r d o n ) , is t h e fact

t h a t tappu (4 t i m e s ) a n d tappdtu (3 t i m e s ; n o t e t h a t EA 2 9 2 : 1 4 w a s p e r h a p s w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e as EA 3 0 0 ) a r e a l w a y s w r i t t e n w i t h t h e tap-sign.

For

t[i-b]a-ti-

[ S u ] , p l u r a l o f pabtu, see EA 1 3 6 , n. 5.

341

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 301

500 oxen and 20 girls TEXT: C 4781 (12214). COPY: WA 117. To the [k]ing, my lord, the [Sun] fr[om] the sky: Message of Suban[d]u, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I prostrate myself, on the stomach and on the back, at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times. 1 2 - 2 3 The king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, sent Hanya to me, and I have indeed listened to the [w]ords of the king, my lord, [ve]ry carefully, and I herewith g[iv]e 500 oxen and 20 girls. For the information of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky. 1

NOTE 1.

T h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e o n e clear v e r t i c a l a n d t h e traces I t h o u g h t I c o u l d see

favor, I b e l i e v e , K n u d t z o n ' s r e a d i n g o f " 5 0 0 " or " 3 0 0 " ; G o r d o n c o u l d see n o t h i n g b e s i d e s t h e s i n g l e v e r t i c a l . T h e r e a d i n g " 2 0 " is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n .

EA 302

Preparations as ordered TEXT: VAT 332. COPIES: WA 120; VS 11, 172. To the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the [s]ky: Message of §uban[d]u, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times. 11—18 As to the messenger whom the king, my lord, sent to me, I have listened to his words [ve]ry carefully, [and] I am indeed [ma]king the preparations j[ust as h]e commanded.

EA 303

Careful listening TEXT: BM 29821. COPY: BB 38. To the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky: Message of Subandu, your servant, and the dirt at your feet, the groom of your 342

EA304

horses. 7—12 I prostrate myself, on the stomach and on the back, at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times. 1 3 - 1 8 I have heard [a]ll the words of the king, my [lord], the Sun from the [s]ky, and I am indeed [g]uarding the place [of the kin}g where I am. 19—21 I have listened [t]o Tahmassi [ve]ry carefully. EA 304

Guarding the place of the king TEXT: BM 29822. COPY: BB 39. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 12. To the king, [my lord, my god], my Sun, the Sun from the sky: Message of Subandu, your servant, the dirt at [your] feet, the groom of your [hor]ses. 8—14 I [p]ro[st]rate myself, on the [st]omach and on the b[a]ck, at the feet [of the king], my lord, the Sun [fr]om the sky, 7 times and 7 times. 1 5 - 2 4 I have heard the words of the t[ab]let of the king, my lord, that he s[e]nt me, and I am indeed [g]uarding the place of the king, my lord, where I am. May the king take cognizance [of] his lands. EA 305 c

The power of the Apiru TEXT: C 4780 (12215). ' COPY: WA 116. To the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, my god, my Sun: Message of Subandu, your servant, the dirt at your feet, the groom of your horses. 8—14 I indeed prostrate myself, on the stomach and on the back, at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times. 1 5 - 2 4 I have heard the words of the king, my lord, that he sent me, and I am indeed guarding the place of the k[i]ng where I am. As the Apiru are more p[ow]erful than we, may the king take cogni­ zance of his lands. c

343

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 306

Vicarious homage TEXT: BM 29823. COPY: BB 40. [To the king, my lord, my god, m}y [Sun, the Sun from the sky: Mess]age of Suban[du, your servant, the di]rt at [your} f[eet, the groo]m of [your horses}. I [in}deed prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times, on the stomach and on the back. 1 2 - 1 8 As to the king, my lord's, having written, "[Co]me a[ndpay homage to~\ the king, yo[ur] lord," [to w~\ho[rri\ can I l[eave the king's city)? The war is se[ver]e. I am a servant of the king who kn[ow]s3 the land of the king, my lord. 1 9 - 2 7 I indeed tire myself out in order to guard the land of the king. Being hard pressed, I herewith send another servant of the king to proc[eed] direc[tly\ (to you)^ and to pay [homage] to the king, the Sun from the sky. 2 8 - 3 5 And may you, my lord, know that they have set fire to your cities and your places. [As Tia]nna [is at war against you\r [servant), [...] .. . 1

2

4

6

7

8

NOTES 1.

r

[a]l-fez-[m]e u ' [ d u - g u - u l pa-ni]

c o p y o f t h e first s i g n (VAB

1 4 L U G A L be-li-k\a\.

2 / 1 , p . 1007, no.

if K n u d t z o n ' s

1 6 5 ) is a c c u r a t e , m y r e a d i n g is

e x c l u d e d ; w h a t I c o u l d see a l l o w e d for al. Cf. lines 2 6 - 2 7 below, w h e r e S u b a n d u s e n d s s o m e o n e else after a p p a r e n t l y e x c u s i n g h i m s e l f in t h e p r e v i o u s lines; cf., t o o , urruba

dugulani,

" C o m e i n t o ( E g y p t ) a n d v i s i t m e " (EA

283:8^).

For a

different r e a d i n g , see N a ' a m a n , UF 11 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 6 8 0 , n. 3 4 . 2.

1 4 . . . [u a - n a ]

1 5 [ m ] a - ^ » - [ n i ] g-[zi-bu U R U L U G A L ] : cf. "leave c i t y —

g o t o t h e k i n g " (ezebu—alaku, (ezebu—pataru,

EA 2 9 4 : 3 1 6 ° . ) a n d "leave c i t y — g o away ( t o E g y p t ) "

EA n 8 : 3 4 f f . a n d n. 3 ) . r

3 . Traces s u g g e s t a final v e r t i c a l , a n d h e n c e de"' r a t h e r t h a n m [ u ] r ( K n u d t ­ z o n ) . B e s i d e s , amdru, 4.

marsaku:

e x c e p t a s d e i c t i c i m p e r a t i v e , is rare a n d n o r t h e r n l a n g u a g e .

p e r h a p s , "I a m s i c k , " e s p e c i a l l y after "I tire m y s e l f o u t , " b u t

still t h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t it is t h e c u r r e n t h o s t i l i t i e s t h a t d e m a n d his p r e s e n c e in t h e city. r

5 . J a - t a " ' - / i - r [ i ] : if t h i s is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g — o r K n u d t z o n ' s

sutasiru—

t h e n t h e reference is h a r d l y t o m a k i n g p r e p a r a t i o n s , w h i c h is a l w a y s e x p r e s s e d b y luluru.

Cf. lutesuru, 6.

r

"to p r o c e e d , m a r c h o n , " CAD,

n

K I . U D ( K I S L A H ) : ma-as-ka-n\a-ti-k\a:

r e a d i n g o f t h e first s i g n , maskandtu cf. EA 3 1 5 : 8 ^ , alu—asm,

344

E , p. 358. there is n o d o u b t a b o u t t h e

s e e m s t o r e p l a c e t h e m o r e u s u a l asm,

"place";

a n d see N a ' a m a n , UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p p . 68of., n. 3 4 .

7.

S e e N a ' a m a n , i b i d . , p . 6 8 9 , a n d p . 6 7 9 , n. 2 8 .

8.

L i n e s 3 6 — 4 1 : a few l e g i b l e s i g n s .

EA307

EA 307 c

The power of the Apiru TEXT: VAT 1586. COPIES: WA 215; VS 11, 170. [ . . . I pro]strate myself {7 times and] 7 [times]. 3 - 1 0 I am indeed guarding the city of the king where I am, and may the [k]in[g], my lord, know [tha]t the [ Api]ru are more powerful than we. 1 1 - 1 2 May [the king] take cognizance of [his] lands. c

EA 308

A request for horses TEXT: VAT 1602. COPIES: WA 172; VS 11, 173. [ . . . the dirt at your] f[e]et. I indeed pr[ostr]ate myself [at the f}e[e]t of the king, my lord, my [god], my [Sun], the Su[n] fr[om] the sky, [7] times [and 7 tim]es. [ . . . ] Reverse [ . . . } and for the infor[matio]n of [the king], my lord, [my S]un, 4 - 9 so horses will be given to yo[ur] servant for keeping lgua]r[d"} for the king, my lord, the [Su]n fr[om the s]ky, and so [ . . . ] . EA 309

Servants and shekels TEXT: VAT 1874. COPIES: WA 221; VS 11, 174. To the k[in]g, [my lord], my god, [my Sun], the Sun [from the sky}: Message of [ . . . , the ruler o]f[...]. 1 8 - 2 4 [ • • • ] ' • • • [x + ] 1 you[ng] servants [ . . . an]d io[o] shekels of sil[ver fo]r the king, m[y] lord. 10 servants . . . [ . . . ] and 10 maidservants . . . [ . . . ] 25—28 For the infor­ mation of the ki[ng], my lord, the Sun from the s[ky]. NOTE 1.

Lines

i9ff.:

see N a ' a m a n , Political

Disposition,

p.

76*,

n.

74.

345

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 310

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1698. COPY: VS 11, 169.

Too fragmentary for translation.

EA 311

Following orders TEXT: VAT 1597. COPY: VS 11, 175. {To the king, my lord, my] Sun . . . [ . . . the dirt at] your [feet, the groom of your] hors[es. I prostr]a[te myself at the feet] of the king, [my lord, the Sun fr]o[m the sk]y, [7 ti]mes and 7 times. 1 4 - 1 9 [ . . . ] . . . I guard the city [of the king] whfere I am]. [ . . . ] . EA 312

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1886 + 1709COPY: VS 11, 176.

Too fragmentary for translation.

EA 313

Payment to the commissioner TEXT: C 4782 (12228). COPY: WA 197. [ . . . ] ' 1—11 your [ . . . ] 1 3 mer[chants}5 from Egypt, who were struck down in the attack of the Apiru. I have given 400 shekels of silver, plus iooo,4 to the commissioner of the k[in]g who is over me. 1 1 - 2 0 And ((and)) the men that did this deed the Sun has given into the powerful .. .5 of the king. And truly the 2 servants [of the ki]ng [were] not [ . . . ] ; they were struck [down], ... 346 2

c

6

EA314 NOTES 1 . T o j u d g e f r o m t h e clay ( g r a y i s h a n d filled w i t h seashell f r a g m e n t s ) a n d the s c r i p t , this letter w a s very p r o b a b l y sent b y S u b a n d u (EA 301—6). 2.

k]a p r o b a b l y b e l o n g s on line 1 ( G o r d o n ) rather t h a n on l i n e 2 ( K n u d t ­

3.

L U . M E S D A [ M . G A R . M E S ] : t h e first q u e s t i o n a b l e s i g n is c e r t a i n l y not

zon). ?

?

7

i[h ( K n u d t z o n ) ; t h e c o p y is a c c u r a t e . G o r d o n s a w traces f o l l o w i n g S A L t h a t r e q u i r e D A M ; if correct, t h e rest o f t h e r e s t o r a t i o n is o b v i o u s . 4. U n l e s s there is q u e s t i o n o f t w o s e p a r a t e p a y m e n t s or t w o s e p a r a t e i n d e m ­ nities, this is a s t r a n g e w a y t o w r i t e 1 4 0 0 . O r are 4 0 0 s h e k e l s p a i d against

a debt of

1000? 5 . x-ri. first s i g n is n o t f s ] a ( K n u d t z o n ) ; u n l e s s t w o s i g n s , a l a r g e s i g n . 6. me-eh-s[u]\ last s i g n is h a r d l y h f a ( K n u d t z o n ) ; cf. line 4.

EA 314

A shipment of glass TEXT: C 4778 (12219). COPY: WA 153. To the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky: Message of Pu-Ba lu, your servant, the ruler of Yursa. I indeed prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times, on the back and on the stomach. 11—16 I am indeed guarding the place of the king, (my) lord, my Sun, the Sun from the sky. Who is the do[g that would not Ojbe[y the orders of the king, the Sun from the sk]y? 17—22 [Since the king, my lord, has ord]ere[dj some glass, I {s]end it to the king, my lord, my god, the Sun from the sk[y]. c

EA 315

Like a command of the Sun TEXT: BM 29839. COPY: BB 56. {To the kin]g, my lord, my god, the Sun from the sky: Message of PuBa lu, the ruler of Yursa, the dirt at your feet. I indeed prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times, on the back and on the sto{ma}ch. 8 - 1 2 I am indeed guarding] the city of the king, [my] lo[rd], and the place of the king, my lord, the Sun fr[om the sk]y. Whatever the c

347

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

king, my lord, has commanded—I am indeed observing, day and night, the order of the king, my lord. 1 3 - 1 8 As to [R]eanapa, the commissioner [of the kin]g, (my) lord, what the king, my lord, commanded (through him), [is mig]hty like the command of the Sun in the sky. [Wh]o is the dog that would not [ob]serve the orders of the king, my lord, [the Sun} f[ro}m the sky? 1

2

NOTES 1 . O n t h e l o g o g r a m u S . G U , see K i i h n e , p . 1 4 5 . 2.

2

[yi-n]a-fa-ru:

following Rainey, A O A T 8 , p . 84.

EA 316

Postscript to the royal scribe TEXT: BM 29838. COPY: BB 55. [To the kin]g, m[y] lord, [my] god, my Sun fr[o]m the s[ky: Mess]age of Pu-B[a] lu, your servant and the dirt at your feet, the [gr]oom of your horses. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun from the sky, 7 times and [ 7 } times, on the back and on the stomach. 1 0 - 1 5 I am indeed guarding the pla[ce of the kin]g carefully. And who is the [d]og that would [ne]gl[ee}t [the comma\nd of the king? I am indeed obeying the orders of [Ta]§m[ay]a, the commissioner of the king. 1 6 - 2 5 To the scribe of [my lord: Me]ssage of Pu-Ba lu. I fal[l] at your feet. There was nothing in my h[ou]se when I [en]ter[ed] it,' and so I have not sent a caravan to you. I am now preparing a fine caravan for you. c

I

2

3

4

c

NOTES 1.

[i]a. -a[m-t]a-ku :

2.

[a-n]a

3.

[ t a ] h - m [ a - i ] a ; A l b r i g h t , JNES

8

s

f r o m meku?

[IN]IM.G[AR.R]A?

m

5 (1946) p . 11, rightly d o u b t e d the exis­

m

t e n c e o f a n o t h e r w i s e u n k n o w n [ h ] a - b [ a - i ] a ( K n u d t z o n ) , b u t his o w n r e a d i n g rm

h a - a n - i a " ' , is u n l i k e l y ; cf. EA 2 6 5 : 9 . 4.

F o r t h e E g y p t i a n i s m , s e e A l b r i g h t , i b i d . , p p . 2of.; H e l c k , Beziehungen,

p . 4 3 5 , n. 6; S c h u l m a n , Journal

of the American Research Center in Egypt 3 ( 1 9 6 4 ) p .

60, n 7 3 . 5.

348

P e r h a p s r e f e r r i n g t o h i s a c c e s s i o n t o t h e t h r o n e ; cf. EA 2 8 6 : 1 3 .

EA317

EA 317

A family tradition of service TEXT: VAT 1676. COPY: WA 129; VS 11, 177. TRANSLITERATION: Artzi, JNES 27 (1968) p. 170. Dagantakala, your servant, says to the Great King, my lord: I fall at the feet of the Great King, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 2 And now Dagantakalfa], your servant, belongs to the Great King, my lord. I have indeed listened to the orders of the Great King, my lord. 1 3 - 1 8 Dagantakala says, "Just as my father [and] my [gran]d-father, too, [a]cted towards the Great King, I have attted] towards the Great King, my lord." 1 9 - 2 5 The Great King, my lord, has said to me, "Obey your commissioner." 1 have obeyed very carefully, and the com­ missioner is the one who knows whether I have not obeyed him. 1

2

NOTES 1.

O n t h e n o r t h e r n o r i g i n o f EA 3 1 7 6 , see A r t z i .

2.

LU.(M)ASKIM ha-za-ni-ka:

o n hazannu as t h e d e s i g n a t i o n o f an E g y p t i a n

official, see EA 2 3 0 , n. 3 .

EA 318

Save me TEXT: BM 29857. COPY: BB 74. PHOTOGRAPH: BB, pi. 1. TRANSLITERATION: Ami, JNES 21 (1968) p. 170. Dagantakala, your servant, says to the Great King, [my] lord, the Sun in the sky: I fall at the feet of the Great King, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. Save me from the powe\rful~\ enemies, from the hand of the Apir[u], robbers, and Suteans. And save m[e], Great King, m[y] lord! And behold! I have wr(it)ten [to] you\* Mo[reov]er, you G[reat] Ki[ng], my lord, save me or / will be lo{st] to the Great King, [my] lord! 1

c

2

4

NOTES 1.

S e e EA 3 1 7 , n. 1.

2.

F o l l o w i n g t h e p r o p o s a l o f W e i p p e r t , Die

Stamme in der neueren wissenschaftlichen r e a d ii-k-zi-ba-an-ni

Landnahme

der

israelitischen

Diskussion ( G o t t i n g e n , 1 9 6 7 ) , p . 7 6 , n. 2 , t o

a n d to translate as if the precative does not seem probable.

349

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

r

3. u « - m u - u r - m r 4 . i-na-ba-a-a[t]:

r

17 ar-(tap)-ra-[k]a ? 4

so A r t z i , b a s e d o n h i s c o l l a t i o n , a n d t r a n s l a t i o n o n t h e

b a s i s o f EA 2 8 8 : 5 2 ( p e r h a p s t h i r d p e r s o n , "it w i l l b e l o s t , " i . e . , t h e t e r r i t o r y ) . T h e t h e m a t i c v o w e l , however, is p u z z l i n g , a n d t h e w r i t i n g ba-a is a l s o u n e x p e c t e d . S i m p l y i-na-ma-a,

"it will b e c o m e a w a s t e l a n d " ?

EA 319

An obedient dog TEXT: VAT 1722. COPIES: WA 145; VS 11, 178. [To the king], my lord, my god, [my Sun], the Sun from the [sk]y: Message of Sur-Asar, the ruler of Aihjtiasna, your servant, the dirt at your feet, the groom of your horses. I indeed pros[tr]ate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times, on the stom[ach and on] the back. 1 5 - 2 3 I have indeed listened to the orders of the com[mi]ssioner of the king, my [lo]rd, very carefully. Who is the [d](og) that would not obey the orders of the king, his lord, the Sun from the sky, the son of the Sun? 1

NOTE 1 . O r A [ h ] t i r u m n a , A [ h ] t i r u n a : f o l l o w i n g K n u d t z o n ' s r e a d i n g a n d the a r g u ­ m e n t s o f N a ' a m a n , in E . S t e r n a n d D . U r m a n , e d s . , Man and Environment in the Southern Shephelah: Studies in Regional Geography and History ( M a s s a d a , 1 9 8 8 ) , s e c t . 9 8 , n. 1 9 , a g a i n s t G i [ n ] t i a s n a .

EA 320

Listening carefully (i) TEXT: C 4777 (12218). COPY: WA 121. TRANSLATION: Albright, ANET, p. 490. [T]o the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky: Message of Yidya, the ruler of Asqaluna, your servant, the dirt at your feet, the groom of your horses. 10—15 I indeed prostrate myself, on the stomach and on the back, at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 16—21 I am indeed guard[ing] the place of the king where I am. Whatever the k[ing], my lord, has written me, I have listened to very carefully. 22—25 Who is the dog that would not obey the orders of the king, his lord, the son of the Sun? 35°

EA321

EA 321

Listening carefully ( 2 ) TEXT: VAT 1671. COPIES: WA 119; VS 11, 182. To the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky: [Mes]sage of Yidya, the ruler of Asqaluna, your servant, the dirt at your feet, the [gr]oom of your hors[e]s. 1 0 - 1 4 I indeed prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times. 15—23 As to the commissioner of the king, my lord, whom the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, sent to me, I have listened to his orders [ver]y carefully. 2 4 - 2 6 [And] I am indeed guarding the {pla]ce of the king whe[re} I am. EA 322

Listening carefully ( 3 ) TEXT: C 4776 (12217). COPY: WA 118. To the k[ing], my {lor}d, [m]y g[od], [m]y Sun, the Sun fr[om] the sky: Messfage] of Y{i]dya, the ruler of A[sq]aluna, y[our] servant, the [di]rt at [y}our f[eet], the g[roo}m of your horses. 9 - 1 4 I [in]deed prostrate myself, on the stomach and on the back, at the f[eet of the k]ing, my lord, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times. 1 5 - 1 9 I am indeed guarding the place of the king where I am. Who is the dog that would not obey the commissioner of the king? 2 0 - 2 4 I have indeed listened very carefully to the commissioner of the king, my lord, the son of the Sun from the sky. EA 323

A royal order for glass TEXT: BM 29836. COPY: BB 53. To the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky: Message of Yidya, your servant, the dirt at your feet, the groom of your horses. 6 - 1 3 I indeed prostrate myself, on the back and on the stomach, at the 351

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. I am indeed guarding the [pl}ace of the king, my lord, and the city of the king, in accor­ dance with the command of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky. 1 3 - 1 6 As to the king, my lord's, having ordered some glass, I [ h e r e ­ with send to the k[ing], my [l]ord, 30 (pieces) of glass. 1 7 - 2 3 More­ over, who is the dog that would not obey the orders of the king, my lord, the Sun fr[o}m the sky, the son of the Sun, [wh]om the Sun loves?

EA 324

Preparations completed (i) TEXT: BM 29837. COPY: BB 54. PHOTOGRAPH: B B , pi. 21. To the king, my lord, my Sun, my god, the Sun from the sky: Message of Yidya, [y]our servant, the dirt at your feet, the groom of your horses. I indeed prostrate myself, on the back and on the stomach, at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 10—15 I am indeed observing the orders of the king, my lord, the son of the Sun, and I have indeed prepared food, strong drink, oil, grain, oxen, sheep and goats, before the arrival of the troops of the king, my lord. I have [st]ored everything for the troops of the king, my lord. 1 6 - 1 9 Who is the dog that would not obey the orders of the king, my lord, the son of the Sun? 1

2

NOTES 1.

S e e EA 5 5 , n. 2 . Y i d y a m a y b e h e r e r e p l y i n g t o t h e d e m a n d s o f EA 3 7 0 .

2.

[b]e-it-ti:

t h e r e a d i n g is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n ; t h e t r a n s l a t i o n a s s u m e s d e r i v a ­

t i o n f r o m bidtu, as if "to h o u s e . " I t m a y a l s o b e a n a b e r r a n t f o r m o f bu"TtT, "I have s e a r c h e d out"; cf. EA 1 4 3 : 1 5 ; 2 6 4 : 6 , 2 0 .

EA 325

Preparations completed ( 2 ) TEXT: BM 29835. COPY: BB 52. PHOTOGRAPHS: B B , pi. 14; Barnett, Illustrations, p. 15. [To] the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun fr[om the s]ky: Message of Yidya, your servant, the dirt at your feet, the groom of 352

EA326

[yo]ur horses. I indeed prostrate myself, on the back and on the stom­ ach, at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 1 0 - 1 4 I am indeed guarding the place of the king, my lord, and the city of the king, my lord, [wjhere I am. Who is the dog that would not obey the orders of the king, the Sun from the sky? 15—19 I have indeed prepared absolutely everything—[f]ood, strong drink, oxen, sheep and goats, grain, straw, absolutely every­ thing that the king, my lord, commanded. I have indeed prepared it. 2 0 - 2 2 And I am indeed preparing] the tribute of the Sun, in accordance with the comma[nd] of the king, my lord, the Sun frfom the sky]. 1

NOTE 1 . S e e EA 5 5 , n. 2 . T h i s letter is h a r d l y m o r e t h a n a r e s t a t e m e n t o f EA 3 2 4 , a n d l i k e EA 3 2 4 , it m a y b e an a n s w e r t o EA 3 7 0 .

EA 326

A new commissioner TEXT: VAT 1672. COPIES: WA 122; VS 11, 183To the king, my lord, my god, [my] Sun, the Sun from the sky: Message of Yidya, your servant, the dirt at your feet, the groom of your horses. I indeed prostrate myself, on the [back] and on the stomach, at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 9 - 1 2 I am indeed guarding the city of the king, my lord. May the gods of the king, my lord, [guard] his cities, and may the [powerful hands of the king guard his entire land. 1 3 - 1 9 I have heard the word of the king, my lord, to his commis­ sioner. Since he was unable to guard the land of the king, my lord, the king, my lord, has now appointed Reanapa as [comjmissioner of the king, my lord. He brings to m[e] whatever seems good to the king, my lord. 2 0 - 2 4 [Wha]tever procee[ds] from the mouth of the king, my lord, I indeed observe it day and nig(ht). 1

2

NOTES 1.

f d a - a n / d a n ] - » # - / # - » & « : f o l l o w i n g Rainey, UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 4 1 2 ; on t h e

g e n d e r a g r e e m e n t , cf. annutu,

both masculine and feminine,

in EA

101:26;

104:46; 227:9; 2 9 2 : 5 2 ; 294:26.

353

THE AMARNA 2.

LETTERS

L i t . "to m y h e a d . " O n qaqqadu,

W e s t e r n Periphery, see CAD,

" p e r s o n , self," a n d its s u r v i v a l in t h e

Q, p p . i o 6 f .

EA 327

An order for glass See EA

235.

EA 328

Obedience to the commissioner TEXT: C 4775 (12193). COPY: WA 124. To the king, my lord, [my] god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky: Message of Yabni-Ilu, the ruler of Lakisa, your servant, the dirt at your feet, the groom of your horses. 1 0 - 1 6 I indeed prostra[te] myself at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times, on the stomach and on the back. 1 7 - 2 6 As to the [com]missioner [of] the king, my lord, [wh]om [the k]ing, my lord, sent to m[e], I have indeed heard all the words that Maya, the kin[g's] commissioner, has spoken to me. I am indeed carrying out every one of them. EA 329

Preparations under way TEXT: VAT 1673. COPIES: WA 123; VS 11, 181. TRANSLATION: Freydank, in A. Jepsen, ed., Von Sinuhe bis Nebukadnezar (see EA 254, headnote), p. 100. To the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky: Message of Zimreddi, the ruler of Lakisa, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times. 1 3 - 2 0 As to the messenger of the king, my lord, whom he sent to me, I have listened to his orders very carefully, and I am indeed making preparations in accordance with his order. 354

EA

330

EA 330

Dirt at the feet of the king TEXT: BM 29848. COPY: BB 65. PHOTOGRAPH: Barnett, Illustrations, p. 15. c

Say t[o] the king, my lord: Message of Sipti-Ba lu, your servant and the dirt at the feet of the king, my lord. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, 7 times and 7 times, at the feet of the king, my lord. 9 - 1 6 May the king, my lord, know that I have heard all the [w]ords of the king, my lord. Moreover, note, too, that Yanhamu is the loyal servant of the king and the dirt at the feet of the king. 1 7 - 2 1 Moreover, may the king, my lord, know that the city of the king where I am is safe and sound. 1

NOTE 1 . sal

x

(sul)-ma-at.

EA 331

Glass for the king TEXT: C 4779 (12221). COPY: WA 200. [T}o the k[in]g, [my] lord, my god, [my] Sun, the Sun from the [sk]y: Message of Sipti-B[a ]lu, your se[rv]ant, the dir[t] at your feet, the groom of your horses. I in[de]ed pr[ostr]ate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun [f]rom the sky, 7 tim[es] and 7 times, on the sto[ma]ch and on the ba[c]k. 1 2 - 2 4 I am indeed gu[ar]ding the place of the king, my lord, and the city of the king where [I] am. And as to the king, my [l]ord's, [having] ordered w{hate\ver glass [I] may have on hand, I herewith [s]end (it) to [the kin]g, my lord, my god, my [S]un, [the S]un from the sky. c

355

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 332

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1883. COPY: VS 11, 184. [To the ki}ng, (my) lord, [my] Su[n], my [god, the Sun fro]m the [sky: Message of] Sipti-Ba[ lu, the ruler of L]akisa, [your servant], the dirt [at yo]ur [feet], [the groo]m o[f] your [horses . . . ] . c

EA 333

Plots and disloyalty TEXT: Istanbul Arkeoloji Miizeleri, Tell el-Hesi, Fi. 11. COPY: BE 1/2, pi. LXIV, no. 147.' PHOTOGRAPH: BE 1/2, pi. XXIV, nos. 6 6 - 6 7 . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Albright, BASOR 87 (1942) pp. 33ff. TRANSLATION: Ebeling, p. 370; Albright, ANET, p. 490; Na'aman, in E. Stern and D. Urman, eds., Man and Environment in the Southern Shephelah: Studies in Regional Geography and History (Massada, 1988), sect. 94 (Hebrew). 2

Say [to] the magnate: [Message of P]aapu. I fall [a]t your feet. 4 - 1 8 May you know that Sipti-Ba lu and Zimredda are acting disloy­ ally together, and Sipti-Ba lu said to Zimredda, " The forces of the town of Yaramu have written to me. Give me [x + ] n ? bows, 3 daggers, and 3 swords. Look, I am about to sally forth against the land of the king, and you are in league with me." 19—26 To be sure, he rejects? (the charge of) disloyalty to the king, (saying), "The one who is disloyal is Paapu, so send him [t]o'° me." I \no~\w send RabiIlu. He will \certain\ly answer him [ i ] » this matter. c

3

c

r

6

4

7

8

11

12

13

NOTES 1.

I h a v e n o t s e e n t h e c o p y b y S c h e i l (see VAB 2 / 1 , p . 1 5 ) .

2.

[urn-ma p]a-a-pi:

m

f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t , BASOR

87 ( 1 9 4 2 ) p p . 33ff., a n d

cf. K n u d t z o n , VAB 2 / 1 , p . 9 4 5 , n. 1; t h e r e a d i n g is c e r t a i n . 3. T h i s f o r m , tu-sa-fti-na, b y AHw,

lu-uf ( l i n e 2 0 ) , a n d u-Ia-a{

p . 1 2 0 5 , as ( C a n a a n i t e ) p a s s i v e s o f Jafu,

(line 2 1 ) , are classified

"to d e s p i s e . " F o r m a l l y , t h i s is

possible, b u t I cannot m a k e sense o f the letter under this a s s u m p t i o n , and so I f o l l o w A l b r i g h t in t a k i n g a l l f o r m s as "intensives" ( i b i d . , p . 33, n. 8).

356

The

EA334 a b s o l u t e u s e in t h i s l i n e is c o m p a r a b l e t o sefu,

"to c o n t e m n , " b u t a l s o "to s i n , " a n d

t h e r e m a y have been s o m e c o n f u s i o n b e t w e e n satu a n d setu. 4.

r

n

V - f o ' or sa -fo': t r a c e s o f t w o v e r t i c a l s , w i t h K n u d t z o n a n d BE 1 / 2 ;

A l b r i g h t ' s LU ( i b i d . , p . 3 4 , n. 10) is i m p o s s i b l e . 5.

Traces favor 10 +

1, w i t h r o o m for a n o t h e r 10. A g a i n s t 6 ( K n u d t z o n ) is

t h e fact t h a t e n o u g h o f t h e final vertical is v i s i b l e t o a r g u e a g a i n s t a n o t h e r above it. 6.

GIR.URUDU: f o l l o w i n g

7.

"If" d o e s not s e e m t o fit t h e c o n t e x t ; on lumma,

8.

T h e e r a s u r e a t t h e e n d o f l i n e 1 8 s e e m s t o have b e e n o f a-na;

Albright, ibid. see EA 3 5 , n. 3 . cf. a-na

ia-si

in t h e line a b o v e . 9.

ti-ti-ru-mT:

f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t , i b i d . , t h e v i s i b l e h o r i z o n t a l is lower

t h a n one w o u l d e x p e c t if t h e l a s t s i g n were

(Knudtzon).

10.

\i-n\a

( K n u d t z o n ) fills t h e b r e a k b e t t e r t h a n \a-n\a

11.

[i-na-nja.

12.

[ l u ] - u"'

13.

[ i - n ] a : traces o f a vertical p r o b a b l e ( K n u d t z o n ) .

r

(Albright).

yi-pal-Iu.

EA 334

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1609. COPY: VS 11, 185. 1

[Sa}y {t]o the kin[g], my lord: Message of [ . . . ] . . . Zuhra. [ . . . } . . . NOTE zu-uh-ra^

seems a possible reading of the traces. For

t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f r e a d i n g zu-uh-ra-tla^,

1.

[...]

x L[U]

URU

see N a ' a m a n , in S t e r n a n d U r m a n (see EA

3 3 3 ) , s e c t s . 9 7 - 9 8 , n. 1 8 . T h e rest o f t h e letter is t o o f r a g m e n t a r y for t r a n s l a t i o n .

EA 335

All alone TEXT: VAT 1616 + 1708. COPY: VS 11, 186. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Na'aman, UF 11 (1979) p. 677. c

[Say to the king, my lord: Message of Abdi-Astarti, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 rimes and 7 times, both on the stomach and} on the back, [at the feet of the king}, my lord. 6 - 1 2 [May the kin}g, my lord, be [informed that} I am [all alone}. May [the kin}g, my lord, be in[formed} that Tu[rbazu and} Yaptih-Hadda 1

357

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS 2

h[ave been slai]n : mi-hi-sa, and . . . [.. . L]akisu. May the king, my lord, be in[formed}. And [the r]ebel has [taken] 1 3 - 2 1 all my . . . May the king, my lord, be informed that Lakisu is h[os]tile, Muhrastu s[ei]zed, [Jerusalem hos]tile. [Andso may] the king, [my lord, sen]d [arch­ ers ...}. NOTES 1 . T h e l i n e a t i o n is N a ' a m a n ' s . S e e a l s o EA

63-65.

2 . I f o n e r e a d s « # - k [ i - i r ] ( K n u d t z o n , N a ' a m a n ) , o n e m u s t find a m a s c u l i n e s u b j e c t . B y r u l e , L a c h i s h is f e m i n i n e ; cf. line 1 5 .

EA 336

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1707. COPY: VS 11, 188. [S]ay [to the kin]g, [my] lo[rd: Message of] Hiziru, [your] servant. [I fa]ll [at the f]eet of my lord 7 times [and 7 ti]mes. [ . . . ] . . . EA 337

Abundant supplies ready TEXT: VAT 1679. COPIES: WA 147; VS 11, 187. Say to the king, my lord, my Sun, my god: Message of Hiziru, your servant. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 2 The king, my lord, wrote to me, "Prepare the supplies (:) ma-atni-a before the arrival of a large army of: pi-ta-ti (archers) of the king, [m]y l[ord]. 1 3 - 2 3 May the god of the king, my lord, grant that the king, my lord, come forth along with his large army and learn about his lands. I have indeed prepared accordingly abundant supplies : ma-afni-a before the arrival of a large army of the king, my lord. 2 4 - 3 0 The king, my lord, wrote to me, "Guard Maya," the com­ missioner of the king, my lord. Truly, I guard Maya very carefully. l

2

NOTES 1 . O n I G I . K A R , " p r o v i s i o n s , s u p p l i e s , " see P. S t e i n k e l l e r , Acta Japonensia

see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , sect. 3 , a n d n. 3 7 , a n d Acta Sumerologica Japonensia pp. i7 f. 5

358

Sumerologica

4 ( 1 9 8 2 ) p p . 1496°.; o n its u s e here a n d t h e g l o s s (cf. P h o e n i c i a n

mtn'),

5 (1983)

EA338 2 . pi'-td-ti

is p e r h a p s s i m p l y a g l o s s t o ERIN.ME3; n o t e t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e

g l o s s in line 2 1 , a n d see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 0 0 .

EA 338

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1884. COPY: VS 11, 189. Too fragmentary for translation.

EA 339

Message lost TEXT: VAT 1887. COPY: VS 11, 190. Too fragmentary for translation. EA 3 4 0 - 6 1 A sequence of tablets not containing letters or inventories, and therefore omitted here. See the Introduction, sect. 2 . EA 362

A commissioner murdered TEXT: AO 7093. COPY: Thureau-Dangin, RA 19 (1922) pp. 102f. PHOTOGRAPH: "Amarna," Dktionnaire de la Bible, Supplement, vol. 1 (Paris, 1928), fig. 10. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Thureau-Dangin, RA 19 (1922) pp. 9Iff.; Rainey, AOAT 8 , pp. 18ff. TRANSLATION: Oppenheim, LFM, pp. 13 Iff. 2

Rib-Haddi. Say to the king, my lord: I fall beneath the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 5 - 1 1 I have indeed heard the words of the king, my lord, and my heart is overjoyed. May my lord hasten the sending of the archers with all speed. If the king, my lord, does not send archers, then we ourselves must die and 1 2 - 2 0 Gubla will be taken. He was 1

2

359

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS 3

distraught recently; he is also distraught now. Recently they were saying, "There will be no archers," but I wrote with the result that archers came out and took their father. 2 1 - 3 0 Now indeed they are saying, "Let him not write or we will certainly be taken."4 They seek to capture Gubla, and they say, "If we capture Gubla, we will be strong." If they capture Gubla, they will be strong;' there will not be a man left, (and) they (the archers) will certainly be too few for them. 3 1 - 3 9 I for my part have guarded Gubla, the city of the king, night (and) day. Should I move to the (outlying) territory, then the men will desert in order to take territory for themselves, and there will be no men to guard Gu­ bla, the city of the king, my lord. 4 0 - 5 0 So may my lord hasten the archers or we must die. Because my lord has written to me, they know indeed that they are going to die, and so they seek to commit a crime. As to his having said before the king, "There is a pestilence in the lands," the king, my lord, should not listen to the words of other men. There is no pestilence in the lands. It has been over for a long t(i)me. 5 1 - 5 9 My lord knows that I do not write lies to my lord. All the mayors are not in favor of the archers' coming out, for they have peace. I am the one who wants them to come out, for I have distress. 6 0 - 6 5 May the king, my lord, come out, visit his lands, and take all. Look, the day you come out, all the lands will be (re)joined to the king, my lord. Who will resist the troops of the king? 6 6 - 6 9 May the king, my lord, not leave this year free for the sons of Abdi-Asirta, for you know all their acts of hatred against the lands of the king. Who are they that they have committed a crime and killed the commissioner : su-kina, Pewure? 6

7

8

9

ID

c

11

NOTES 1 . S e e EA 1 2 6 , n. 1.

URU.ME§ as s i n g u l a r , URU.MES gub" -li tu-ul -qu

2.

On

see EA 1 2 9 , n. 3 3 .

b

3.

u

D a n g i n , RA

ma-a-ga-mi

1 9 [ 1 9 2 2 ] p . 9 2 , n. 1; AHw,

...:

agdmi,

p . 1 5 ; CAD,

"today" ( T h u r e a u -

All,

p. 141) must be

r e j e c t e d . It is n e i t h e r W e s t S e m i t i c (AHw,

CAD),

e x p l a n a t i o n , n o r a c o m p o u n d o f agd

umi ( T h u r e a u - D a n g i n ) , s i n c e t h e

+

w h e r e it is u n k n o w n a n d h a s no

e l e m e n t is a t t e s t e d o n l y in very late t i m e s . M o r e o v e r , tulqu-ma

first

is i m p r o b a b l e ,

s i n c e e n c l i t i c -ma is rare in g e n e r a l a n d d o e s n o t a p p e a t o n c e in t h i s letter, w h e r e we find -mi 1 3 t i m e s a n d e v e n qi-bi-mi, qt'-bi-ma. ma-a-ga-mi (inanna; lalsdmi)

a n e x t r e m e l y rare r e p l a c e m e n t o f s t a n d a r d

W e t h u s have a t w o f o l d c o m p a r i s o n b e t w e e n t h e p a s t a n d t h e p r e s e n t : in t h e p a s t (tumdl

salsdmi),

ma-an-ga-am-mi

(also) in t h e p r e s e n t

o n t h e n o n - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n , cf. EA 1 0 1 : 1 1 - 1 8 ) ; b u t , in t h e p a s t t h e y w e r e s a y i n g . . . (teqbuni; o n t h e f o r m see EA 1 2 6 , n. 1 2 ) , n o w

(tumdl (inanna)

t h e y a r e s a y i n g . . . (teqbuna). A n u n a t t e s t e d W e s t S e m i t i s m , md(n) "what" +

360

gam

EA363 "also" ( R a i n e y ) , u n d e r s t o o d t o m e a n t h a t w h a t w a s t r u e in t h e p a s t is also t r u e now, d o e s not allow for the s t a t e m e n t o f c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n t h e p a s t a n d t h e p r e s e n t . A n d so I a s s u m e either a m i s t a k e (ma-a for ma-ari) or mdga = manga.

T h e subject I

w o u l d identify as A z i r u , w h o r e a p p e a r s u n n a m e d in l i n e 4 6 (see n. 9). O n t h e m e a n i n g of t h e v e r b , see EA 1 0 6 , n. 3 . 4.

L i n e s 1 5 - 2 3 : see Or n . s . 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p p . 4 a n d 1 5 .

5 . L i n e s 2 5 - 2 9 : see JCS 6. iyanu,

ia-nu-am-mi

a c c o r d i n g t o r u l e (JCS

(w)asu,

4 (1950) p . 170.

LU~la te-i-sa a-na sa-su-\nu\:

a c c u s a t i v e awtla,

governed by

2 { 1 9 4 8 ] p . 2 4 8 ) ; te'tsa is f r o m (w)idsu,

not f r o m

s i n c e in t h e l a t t e r the p r e f o r m a t i v e is a l w a y s tu- (see lines 1 9 , 5 6 , a n d 6 2 in

t h i s l e t t e r ) . O n a s i m i l a r w a r n i n g a b o u t t h e archers ( f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r , b y rule; see JCS

6 [ 1 9 5 2 ] p . 7 8 ) , cf. EA 1 3 7 : 4 4 a n d n. 8. 7.

L i n e s 3 3 - 3 9 : see Or n . s . 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . 1 4 .

8.

R i b - H a d d a s e e m s t o i m p l y t h a t t h e s o n s e f ' A b d i - A s i r t a were f a m i l i a r

w i t h t h e P h a r a o h ' s letter p r o m i s i n g t h e arrival o f a r c h e r s , an e v e n t t h a t

would

m e a n t h e i r d e a t h s . T h e c r i m e w o u l d b e t h e c a p t u r e of B y b l o s , an event r e n d e r i n g t h e arrival o f t h e a r c h e r s m e a n i n g l e s s ; see a b o v e , lines 2 5 — 3 0 . P e r h a p s t h e m u r d e r o f P e w u r e s h o u l d a l s o b e i n c l u d e d ; see below, line 69. 9. yiqbu is in f o r m s i n g u l a r , a n d t h e s u b j e c t c a n o n l y b e A z i r u , at t h i s p e r i o d at least primus inter pares (fratres); 10.

2

see Rainey, A O A T 8 , p . 2 1 .

O r "all is h e a l t h y for a l o n g t i m e " (cf. Rainey, i b i d . ) , "all is h e a l t h i e r

t h a n before" (cf. T h u r e a u - D a n g i n ; D h o r m e , RB 3 3 [ 1 9 2 4 } p . 8 [ a l s o in Dhorme, p . 4 9 2 } ; O p p e n h e i m , 11. na-i:

RecueilE.

LFM).

L i n e 66: f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u - D a n g i n ; cf. EA 1 6 2 : 4 2 ? L i n e 6 7 : ti-di

cf. sannd'um,

"hater, e n e m y " (AHw,

su-

p . 1 1 6 4 ) , b u t t h e c o m p a r i s o n is q u e s ­

tionable, and other interpretations are possible ( T h u r e a u - D a n g i n ,

Oppenheim,

Rainey).

EA 363

A joint report on Amqu ( 4 ) TEXT: AO 7097. COPY: Thureau-Dangin, RA 19 (1922) p. 107. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Thureau-Dangin, RA 19 (1922) pp. 94f.; Rainey AOAT 8 , pp. 24f. 2

1

c

2

Say to the king, my lord, my god, my Sun: Message of Abdi-Risa, your servant, the ruler of E(ni)sasi.' I fall in the dirt under the feet of the king, my lord, 7 times and 7 times. 7 - 1 4 Look, we ar(e) in Amqu, in cities of the king, my lord, and Etakkama, the ruler of Qinsa, assisted the troops of Hatta and set the cities of the king, my lord, on fire. 1 5 - 2 3 May the king, my lord, take cognizance, and may the king, my lord, give archers that we may (re)gain the cities of 361

THE

AMARNA

LETTERS

the king, my lord, and dwell in the cities of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun. NOTES d

1 . UTU-ia,

w r i t t e n o n the reverse, w a s o m i t t e d in the c o p y ; see RA

69

( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 1 5 5 , n. 1. O n t h i s letter, s e e EA 1 7 4 , n. 1. J o i n t r e p o r t s 1 - 3 are EA 1 7 4 76. 2 . N a ' a m a n , UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p p . 1 8 7 ^ , s u g g e s t s t h a t -ri-sa m e t a t h e s i s for -la-ri,

is a m i s t a k e n

an e l e m e n t well k n o w n in H u r r i a n n a m e s . A g a i n s t this

p r o p o s a l is t h e fact t h a t "servant o f . . . " is a t y p e o f n a m e u n a t t e s t e d a m o n g the Hurrians ( G e m o t W i l h e l m , private communication). 3 . See EA 1 8 7 , n. 1.

EA 364

Justified war TEXT: AO 7094. COPY: Thureau-Dangin, RA 19 (1922) p. 104. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Thureau-Dangin, ibid., pp. 95f.; Rainey, AOAT 8 , pp. 26f. 2

To the king, my lord: Message of Ayyab, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. I am the servant of the king, my lord, the dirt at his feet. 1 0 - 1 6 I have heard what the king, my lord, wrote to me through Atahmaya. Truly, I have guarded very carefully [the citie]s of the king, my lord. 1 7 - 2 8 Moreover, note that it is the ruler of Hasura who has taken 3 cities from me. From the time I heard and verified this, there has been waging of war against him. Truly, may the king, my lord, take cognizance, and may the king, my lord, give thought to his servant. 1

2

3

NOTES r

1 . as-sur- mP:

following

T h u r e a u - D a n g i n ; if as-sur-ri?

is t h e r e a d i n g

( R a i n e y ) , "I a m g u a r d i n g . " 2. Though

[KUR}.ME§

rarely the o b j e c t o f nasdru,

seems required by the space,

KUR

is only very

a n d never w i t h p l u r a l d e t e r m i n a t i v e , w h e r e a s URU

4-

p l u r a l m a r k e r is q u i t e c o m m o n . 3 . In lines i8f.,

the word order, subject-verb, stresses the identity of the

one w h o t o o k the c i t i e s . In line 2 1 , t h e s e q u e n c e semu-amdru, o u t t h e fact o f p e r s o n a l verification. P e r h a p s a-ma-ru

"hear-see," b r i n g s

is b e s t t a k e n as a n infinitive,

"I h e a r d a n d t h e n t h e r e w a s verification." R a i n e y p o s t u l a t e s a W e s t S e m i t i s m , "I c o m m a n d e d (the w a g i n g of war)."

362

EA 365

EA 365

Furnishing corvee workers TEXT: AO 7098. COPY: Thureau-Dangin, RA 19 (1922) p. 108. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Thureau-Dangin, ibid., pp. 97f.; Rainey, AOAT 8 , pp. 28f. TRANSLATIONS: Ebeling, p. 378; Alt, Kleine Schriften zur Gescbichte des Volkes Israel, vol. 3 (Munich, 1959), pp. I69ff.; Albright, ANET, p. 485; Borger, in Galling, ed., Textbuch zur Gescbichte Israels (Tubingen, 1968), p. 28; Na'aman, in M. Heltzer and E. Lipinski, eds., Society and'Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean (ca. 1500—1000 B.C.), Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 23, pp. 180f. 2

2

Say {to the ki]ng, my lord and my [Su]n: Message of Biridiya, the loyal servant of the king. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord and my Sun, 7 times and 7 times. 8—14 May the king, my lord, take cognizance of his servant and his city. In fact, only I am cultivating : ah-ri-su in Sunama, and only I am furnishing corvee workers. 1 5 - 2 3 But consider the mayors that are near me. They do not act as I do. They do not cultivate in Sunama, and they do not furnish corvee workers. 24—31 Only I : ia -hu-du-unni (by myself) furnish corvee workers. From Yapu they come, from [my] resources here, (and) from Nuribta. And may the king, my lord, take cognizance of his city. s

1

NOTE 1. L i n e s 2 6 - 2 9 : t h e l a n g u a g e is q u i t e a m b i g u o u s , a n d v a r i o u s t r a n s l a t i o n s have b e e n p r o p o s e d . L i n e 2 7 : yi-la-ku,

s i n g u l a r , s u b j e c t massu,

§U-[ti/ia]. T h e r e s t o r a t i o n istu su-ina-ma^]

(Albright,

CAH

a collective; istu 2 / 2 , p . 106) is

h i g h l y i m p r o b a b l e , since t h r o u g h o u t t h i s letter, city n a m e s are p r e c e d e d b y

URU.

N a ' a m a n reads "from [ y o u r ? ] h a n d , " i . e . , b y t h e Pharaoh's a u t h o r i t y they c o m e t o M e g i d d o ("here") f r o m Y a p u , a n E g y p t i a n g a r r i s o n - c i t y ; w h e t h e r , however, istu qattka

c a n have this m e a n i n g is n o t clear.

363

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 366

A rescue operation TEXT: AO 7096 (not collated). COPY: Thureau-Dangin, RA 19 (1922) p. 106. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Thureau-Dangin, ibid., pp. 98f.; Rainey, AOAT , pp. 32f. TRANSLATIONS: Ebeling, pp. 378f.; Alt, Kleine Schriften zur Geschichte des Volkes Israel, vol. 3, pp. I62ff.; Albright, ANET, p. 487; Borger, in Galling, ed., Textbuch zur Geschichte Israels , p. 27; Seux, Textes du Proche-Orient, p. 59. 2

2

Say to the king, my lord, my Sun, my god: Message of Suwardata, your servant, the servant of the king and the dirt at your feet, the ground you tread on. I prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times, both on the stomach and on the back. 1 1 - 1 9 May the king, my lord, be informed that the Apiru that rose up : na-al-sa-a against the lands, the god of the king, my lord, gave to me, and I smote him. And may the king, my lord, be informed that all my brothers have abandoned me. 2 0 - 2 8 Only Abdi-Heba and I have been at war with (that) Apiru. Surata, the ruler of Akka, and Endaruta, the ruler of Aksapa, (these) two also have come to my aid : na-az-a-qu (have been summoned to help) with 50 chariots, and now they are on my side in the war. 2 8 - 3 4 So may it seem right in the sight of the king, my lord, and may he send Yanhamu so that we may all wage war and you restore the land of the king, my lord, to its borders : up-st-^i.* c

1

c

c

2

3

NOTES 1 . L i n e s 1 1 — 1 5 : w i t h N a ' a m a n , Political Disposition, 2.

a n o t h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e l i n e s , see A l b r i g h t , CAH

364

p. 1 2 0 .

O n t h e d u a l p r o n o u n & w ( - m a , "also"), see BASOR

3.

O n t h e g l o s s nazlfaqii,

4.

S e e EA 2 8 4 , n. 3 .

2 1 1 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 5 1 . For

2/2, pp.1 1 4 !

see F i n k e l s t e i n , Eretz Israel 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . 3 3 .

EA367

EA 367

From the Pharaoh to a vassal TEXT: AO 7095. COPY: Thureau-Dangin, RA 19 (1922) p. 105; idem, Recueil d'etudes egyptologiques dediees a la memoire de Jean-Francois Champollion (Paris, 1922), pp. 377ff.; Rainey, AOAT 8 , pp. 36f. TRANSLATION: Albright, ANET, p. 484. 2

Say to Endaruta, the ruler of Aksapa: Thus the king. He herewith dispatches to you this tablet, saying to you, Be on your guard. You are to guard the place of the king where you are. 6 - 2 1 The king herewith sends to you Hanni, the son of Maireya, the stable overseer of the king in Canaan. And what he tells you heed very carefully lest the king find fault in you. Every word that he tells you heed very carefully and carry out very carefully. And be on your guard! Be on your guard! Do not be negligent! And may you prepare before the arrival of the archers of the king food in abundance, wine (and) everything else in abundance. Indeed he is going to reach you very quickly^and he will cut off the heads of the enemies of the king. 2 2 - 2 5 And know that the king is hale like the Sun in the sky. For his troops and his chariots in multitude all goes very well. 1

2

NOTES 1 . L i v e r a n i , Lingering

over Words, p p . 3411T., m a i n t a i n s t h a t t h e k i n g here

a n d in EA 3 6 9 - 7 0 a n n o u n c e s an e v e n t o f t h e f u t u r e , "will s e n d , " b u t t h i s is i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h the f o r m o f t h e v e r b , umtesser, w h i c h is clearly a perfect. It no m o r e h a s f u t u r e reference t h a n ustebilakku

in l i n e 3 . I n l i n e s 1 8 - 2 0 t h e s u b j e c t is

t h e k i n g , n o t H a n n i . S e e a l s o I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 8 . 2 . akiltarbasi

r e n d e r s E g y p t i a n hry ifyw; see H e l c k , Beziehungen, p . 4 3 8 . F o r

t h e rest o f t h e letter, see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , sect. 5, a n d EA 9 9 , n. 7.

EA 368 A list of Egyptian words written in syllabic cuneiform, and therefore omitted here. See Introduction, sect. 2 .

365

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

EA 369

From the Pharaoh to a vassal TEXT: Musees Royaux dArt et d'Histoire (Brussels) E. 6753. COPY: G. Dossin, RA 31 (1934) p. 127. PHOTOGRAPH: Dossin, Academie Royale de Belgique, Bulletin de la Classes des Lettres et des Sciences Morales et Philosophiques 20 (1934), facing p. 86. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Dossin, RA 31 (1934) pp. 126, 128; Rainey, AOAT 8 , pp. 40ff. TRANSLATIONS: Dossin, Academie, pp. 87f.; Albright, ANET, p. 487; Borger, in Galling, ed., Textbuch zur Geschichte Israels , pp. 24f.; Seux, Textes du Proche-Orient, p. 53. 2

2

To Milkilu, the ruler of Gazru: Thus the king. He herewith dispatches to you this tablet, saying to you, He herewith sends to you Hanya, the stable (overseer) of the archers, along with everything for the acqui­ sition of beautiful female cupbearers: 9 - 1 4 silver, gold, linen gar­ ments : ma-al-ba-Tt, carnelian, all sorts of (precious) stones, an ebony chair; all alike, fine things. Total (value): 160 diban. Total: 40 female cupbearers, 40 (shekels of) silver being the price of a female cupbearer. 1 5 - 2 3 Send extremely beautiful female cupbearers in whom there is no defect, so the king, your lord, will say to you, "This is excellent, in accordance with the order he sent to you." 2 4 - 3 2 And know that the king is hale like the Sun. For his troops, his ch[ariot]s, his horses, all goes very well. Aman has indeed put the Upper Land, the Lower Land, where the sun rises, where the sun sets, under the feet of the king. 1

2

3

4

NOTES r

1 . an- na-am':

s e e RA 6 9 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 1 5 1 , n. 2 . T h i s ( e l s e w h e r e an-na-a)

o n e o f several f e a t u r e s t h a t s e t EA sals ( I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . ustebilakku);

is

3 6 9 apart from the other letters to vas­

5): (1) n o n - H i t t i t e d u c t u s ; (2) ultebilakku

(elsewhere

( 3 ) ana qabe ( e l s e w h e r e qabe); (4) o m i s s i o n o f qibima; (5) c o n c l u s i o n o f

letter w i t h o u t parallel. 2 . Ia-qi-tu:

s e e RA 6 9 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 1 5 1 , n. 2 .

3.

E g y p t i a n dbn; o n t h e r e a d i n g , see E d e l , GM

{t-ba-an:

15 (1975) p. 12.

T h e dbn w e i g h e d c a . 9 1 g r a m s , a n d therefore t h e s h e k e l here ( 1 0 s h e k e l s =

1 dbn)

is n o t t h e B a b y l o n i a n s h e k e l ( 8 . 4 1 6 g ) b u t t h e s l i g h t l y h e a v i e r S y r i a n o n e ( c a . 9 g ) . 4.

366

KA (pi) ft-pir -ti: 6

see RA 6 9 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p p . 151ft".

EA370

EA 370

From the Pharaoh to a vassal TEXT: BM 134870. COPY: Gordon, Or n.s. 16 (1947) p. 15. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Gordon, ibid., p. 5; Rainey, AOAT 8 , pp. 44f. 2

Say to Idiya, the ruler of Asqaluna: Thus the king. He herewith dis­ patches to you this tablet, saying to you, Be on your guard. You are to guard the place of the king where you are. 7 - 8 The king herewith sends to you Irimayassa, 9 - 2 2 . . . [...]. 2 3 - 2 9 And know that the king is hale like the Sun in the sky. For his troops and his chariots in multitude, from the Upper Land to the Lower Land, the rising of the sun to the setting of the sun, all goes very well. 1

2

NOTES 1. G o r d o n , (LU.MA5KIM

=

(LU PA.TUR), a

f o l l o w e d b y R a i n e y , w o u l d m a k e Irimayass'a a c o m m i s s i o n e r rdbisu),

whereas

Na'aman

p a r a l l e l t o EA 3 6 7 : 8 (Lingering

has

him

a

stable

overseer

over Words, p . 4 0 0 , n. 1 6 ) .

2 . T h e l o n g f o r m ; see I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 5 , a n d EA 9 9 , n. 7.

EA 371

Smitten, smitten! TEXT: BM 134868. COPY: Gordon, Or n.s. 16 (1947) pp. I6f. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Gordon, ibid., pp. 8f.; Rainey, AOAT 8 , pp. 4 6 f ; Izre'el, Amurru, pp. 62ff. 2

[ . . . ] 1 0 - 1 8 [ . . . } . . . I guard them [ . . . ] . . . until the king, the Sun, [gives tho]ughP to his servants. [And hea]r my lord, truly [I guar]d his place and [the cii\y of my lord, a[s my father did]; there is no duplic­ ity]. i 9 4 With regard t]o the troops of Sehlalu, [may he] know that [they are] not friendly, and they go on seizing [the land]s along with the men who [assi\st them. [I am guard]ing the commissioners . . . 2 5 - 3 3 [and] I went to the rescue [ . . . ] along with my chariots [and] my [troops], but [ . . . ] . . . had been burnt down, and slain [the . . . ] who were in the house [of my lord]. The very city of the king, my lord, from [ . . . ] was smitten, smitten! And [ . . . ] . . . with money [ . . . bef]ore the - 2

2

3

367

THE

AMARNA

kings. afraid.

LETTERS 4

5

34—39 [At] their orders he seized [ . . . of] the city, and I was [...]...

6

NOTES 1.

[yi-ma]-lik:

cf.

EA

85:38;

1 0 4 : 1 6 . Izre'el i n c l u d e s

EA

3 7 1 in

the

A m u r r u c o r p u s (see n. 2 ) . H i s c o l l a t i o n o f t h e t a b l e t a l s o s u g g e s t e d t o h i m a w i d e r t a b l e t t h a n a l l o w e d for here. c

2 . T h e t o w n o f S e h l a l u figures p r o m i n e n t l y in A b d i - A s i r t a ' s a d v e n t u r e s as t o l d in EA r

ia ki- ma'' ma la-a

62.

1 5 [ u s i - m ] i EN-irf a-di

3.

[a-bi-ia]

DUG.GA

pa-ni-su-[nix]

1 6 [ a - n a - s a - r f > a s " - r i - s u - ii

1 8 ia-nu §A-ba sa-na-a[m] 21 [su-nu] . . .

22

17

19 [as-su]m . . .

[KUR.KUR].KI ...

?

?

[URU .K]I EN2 0 [U]-de

13 \a\-la-ki

i-nua-na

2 4 [ a - n a - s a ] - r a . . . L i n e 1 5 : t h e i m p e r a t i v e a d d r e s s e d t o t h e k i n g is

fairly c o m m o n , e s p e c i a l l y in letters f r o m B y b l o s ; l i n e 1 6 : t h e a p p a r e n t g e n i t i v e is a difficulty, a n d a c c e p t i n g Izre'el's l a r g e r f o r m a t (see n. 1 ) , o n e m i g h t s u g g e s t [ p a n u - i a a - n a aa-sa-d]r

as-ri-su,

"my p u r p o s e is t o g u a r d his place"; line 1 7 : I c o u l d

see o n l y o n e final vertical a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e l i n e , a n d t h e last s i g n is not clearly if ( G o r d o n ) ; line 20: if not [ l i ] , t h e n [ y i ] , a n d a t t h e e n d o f t h e

DUG.GA

line

is q u i t e clear (see c o p y ) ; line 2 1 : p e r h a p s not e n o u g h r o o m for [ s u - n u ]

a n d not necessary for s e n s e ; line 2 2 : t h e d u r a t i v e ( ? ) tisbatuni

(cf. EA 1 2 6 , n. 1 2 ? )

p r o b a b l y calls for s o m e s o r t o f p l u r a l o b j e c t (no o b l i q u e w e d g e in qa-sign;

correct

c o p y ) ; line 2 3 : after -su I c o u l d identify n o t h i n g as c e r t a i n l y traces o f w r i t i n g ; line 2 4 : I c o u l d not m a k e o u t t h e last s i g n , b u t R a i n e y ' s / / s e e m e d p o s s i b l e a n d Izre'el suggests k a 4.

4

(QA).

[i-na]

UZU

5 . yi-h-bat: 6.

r

ap-lu- ulf:

pi-su-nu:

q u i t e clear.

q u i t e clear; so a l r e a d y Rainey. for

aplah.

EA 372-77 Omitted; see Introduction, sect. 2 . EA 378

All orders obeyed TEXT: BM 50745. COPY: Millard, PEQ 97 (1965), pi. XXV. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Millard, ibid., pp. I4ff.; Rainey, AOAT 8 , pp. 54f. [To] the king, my [lord], m[y] god, [my Sun], the Sun fr[om] the sky: [Mess]age of Ya[pahu], the ruler of Gazru, [your servant], the dirt at [your] feet. 5 - 1 3 I indeed prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my Sun, the Sun from the sky, 7 times and 7 times, on 2

368

EA379

the stomach and on the back. I am indeed guarding the place of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, where I am, 14—26 and all the things the king, my lord, has written me, I am indeed carrying out— everything! Who am I, a dog, and what is my house, and what is my [ . . . ] , and what is anything I have, that the orders of the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, I should not obey constantly?

EA 3 7 9 - 9 1

Omitted; see Introduction, sect. 2 .

EA 382

About greetings TEXT: BM 58364. COPY: Walker, JCS 31 (1979) p. 249. [Th]us ... [... To] my {brother] s[ay: . . . } . . . 5 ' [M]ay [my brother] be we[ll]. Why [has he] not [sent me] greetings, (saying), "May all go wefll with my brother]"? Why [has he] not [sent] 1 0 ' in the charge of[..., the . . . ] of the king, . . . [ . . . ] and . . . [ . . . ] . If . . . [ . . . ] . . . [ . . . ] 1 5 ' [ . . . } the scrifbe}. NOTE 1

1.

O n the a s s i g n m e n t of this f t a g m e n t to the A m a r n a archive, see Walker.

T h e s c r i p t , e s p e c i a l l y t h e f o r m s o f la a n d ni, a r g u e s for e i t h e r H i t t i t e or E g y p t i a n p r o v e n i e n c e . N o t e , t o o , t h e f o r m o f a d d r e s s (see I n t r o d u c t i o n , sect. 4 ) . T h e t e x t is p r o b a b l y a lettet, w i t h t h e o b v e r s e a n d reverse o f t h e editio princeps t o b e e x c h a n g e d (I k e e p t h e l i n e a t i o n , however). I f s o , t h e n it s e e m s t o b e s e n t b y o n e official t o a n o t h e r , n o t b y a k i n g t o a n o t h e r k i n g . M y t r a n s l a t i o n is b a s e d on t h e f o l l o w i n g reading:

Reverse [\xm\-ma

m

x { . . . a-na]

[§E§]-irf # / - b [ f - m a . . . ] { ( x ) ] - x ma a KA[B { x ] ma a u7. 5'

[ / ] « - # j V l [ i - i m §E§-ia] am-me-ni

la [ i s - p u - r a ]

sul-ma

[(...)]

lu-d sul-\mu am-me-ni

10'

...]

[...]

a - n a §E§-ia]

l[a i s p u r a / u s e b i l a ] M

i-na SU { ...] 369

THE AMARNA

LETTERS

Obverse la LUGAL <*[...] it su x £ . . . ] Hum-ma PA x fx u]m ma a x

[...] [...]

LFI

{. ..] DUB.S[AR (...)] T h a t ana s h o u l d a p p e a r o n t h e first line a n d n o t at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e x t line w o u l d b e w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l , as far as I know.

370

Index of Words Discussed The following list contains the words dis­ cussed either in- the Introduction (reference by page number [roman]) or in the notes to the letters (reference by EA number). The order is strictly alphabetical, even of E gyp­ tian words. Note the sequences: d, d; h, h, h; s, s, t, I, I; z, z.

Akkadian aba lit, xxviii n.75, 45 n.6, 75 n.7, 1 1 0 nn.3, 5, m n.2, 1 2 6 n.10 abdtu, 1 7 3 n.2, 196 n.8, 3 1 8 n.4 abi abi, 5 1 n.i abu, 47 n.i, 1 1 7 n . 1 3 , 287 n.7, 295 n.2 adi, 85 n.7, 92 n.10, 109 n.14, 286 n.3 agdmi, 362 n.3 ahdmil, 19 n.4 ahu, 264 n.2 akdlu, 28 n.7, 29 n.27, 162 n.4 (a)kannamma, 45 n.4 aldku, 92 n.5, 1 7 4 n.2 allalu(-mi), 50 n.i, 83 n.5 altapipu, 1 3 n. 9 dlu, 22 n.17 amartu, 1 3 n.19 amdru, 1 n . 1 2 , 1 4 1 n n . 4 - 5 , 364 n.3 ami, 14 nn.45—46, 94 n.6 ammala (ana mala), 167 n.2 ana, 41 n.3 ana gamrdtimma, 28 n.6 ana panl, xxxi n.ioo, 64 n.2, 174 n.2 andku, 1 8 0 n.i anmtt, 1 6 2 n.9 annikanu, 287 n.15 anniHa, 15 n.5 annii, 27 n.4 apdlu, 1 1 6 n.7, 3 3 3 n.12 appu, 147 n.5 apsasU, 25 n.33 arddu, xviii n . 3 3 , 1 5 1 n.i ardnu, xviii n . 3 3 , 81 n.2

ardutu, 1 5 7 n.i J

n

amu, 1 2 9 n.14, 5 7 - 3 dru, 290 n.2 arii, 19 n.7 as(s)u, 1 5 9 n.2 assurri, 1 5 8 n.5 asltu, 2I7 h.2 asu, 55 n.4, 2 3 4 n.2, 244 n.2 at abu, 59 n.2 a'sallu, 1 2 0 n.2 asdsu, 82 n.6, 93 n.i aiirtu, 3 3 7 n.i alTru, 1 7 3 n.i, 268 n.5, 295 n.6 ahtu, 266 n.i alru, xxviii, 1 0 0 n.7, 1 3 8 n.4 alsdbu, 1 3 8 n.15 aUum, 1 1 3 n.2 atdru, 1 n.37, 1 1 n.i8 atu, 1 n.32 awata lequ, 1 1 6 n.8 awatu, 1 2 2 n.6 awilu, xxvii n n . 7 3 - 7 4 , 8 n.4, 85 n.u, 1 1 4 n . 3 , 1 3 8 n.i6, 193 n.3, 2 3 2 n.2 awtlutu, 20 n.i 1 ayalu, 25 n.34 ayya, 1 3 9 n.9 baldtit, 16 n.18, 17 n.5, 88 n . 1 2 , 1 1 1 n.2, 117 n.13 ballukku, 2 2 n.35 balu, 185 n.8 banu, 1 6 0 n.i baqdmlnu, 244 n.i barru, 7 n.21 bdrtu, 1 3 8 n.4 baSii, 196 n.12 bdtu, 3 2 4 n.2 beltu, 11 n.22, 20 n.7, 1 5 5 n.2 belu, 1 0 2 n.5 bera, 1 3 n.3 berikunt, 1 1 3 n.5 to £/"//', 109 n.8 to iamni, 14 n.14

371

Index of Words

Discussed

biturii, 84 n.3 bitu, xxiv n.64, 1 0 2 n.3 bubtttu, 22 n.53 buginnu, 22 n.32 burrutnu, 2 2 n.45 butlu, 25 n.20 butinnu, 25 n . 1 3 bu"u, 1 0 0 n.4, 3 2 4 n.2 *&£r», 244 n.5 d
87

n.2

enuma (inuma), 1 n.9, 288 nn.6—7, 289 n.i eperu, 1 2 9 n.33 epesu, 1 3 2 n.4, 1 3 7 n.4, 2 3 9 n.i epHu, 35 n.4 erebu, 1 3 8 n.28, 185 nn.3, 7 eriitu, 242 n.2 erii, 3 5 n.6 esepu, 16 n.6 eseru, 28 n.8, 1 4 1 n.2 etlu, 74 n.7 gamdru, 1 7 9 n.4 gamru, 28 n.6 gandbu, 2 5 6 n.3 £/'//», 22 n.28 girsequ, 148 n.i gistuppu, 25 n.32 guhassu, 25 n.36

372

gumuru, 2 2 n.8 gurpisu, 22 n.37 habalkinnu, 22 n.7 habdlu, 60 n.5, 82 n.4 habdtu, 60 n.5 habbdtu, 1 6 2 n.14 hablu, 77 n.4 j>«d!», 2 2 7 n.4 haldqu, xviii n . 3 3 , 97 - ' halzuhlu, 3 0 n.2, 67 n.2 hamdtu, 88 n.7, 1 3 6 n.3 hamutta, 3 n.4 />a/)/», 147 n.3 hardsu, 90 n.9 hasdlu, 263 n.3 basasu, 42 n.5 hasdru, 1 3 8 n.18 haZdhu, 37 n.7, 4 1 n.8 hashuru, 14 n.54 Ji*z/», 1 5 7 n.3 hayyu, 58 n.5 n

hazannu, xxvii n.73, 2 3 0 n . 3 , 3 1 7 n.2 />/r/», 38 n.i hita/hTtita epefu, 1 3 7 n.4 httulhitttu, 1 5 7 n.3 hubullu, 292 n.4 huliam, 2 2 n.27 hulupaqqu, 1 3 n.i8 hurddu, 1 n . 3 1 , 19 n.2 huzhuse, 4 1 n.9 z'fow, 1 1 3 n.9 ihripifa, 107 n.i, 1 7 1 n.6 ihzetu, 2 2 n.45 /'/», 22 nn.17, 43 /'/»(&, 287 n.9 imtnitu, 266 n.i inanna, 1 1 7 n.i issuru, 161 n.3, 242 n.3 /'/<«/#, 62 n.5 ishunnatu, 25 n.io iSpatu, 266 n.i 3 5 n.6, 201 n.2 iltu, 22 n.29, 1 1 2 n.i, 145 n . 3 , 166 n.i itbaru, 29 n.20 itquru, 22 n.52, 25 n.45 itti, xxviii n.76, 1 n.io, 3 n.6, 9 n.5, 47 n.5, 1 3 8 n.4, 167 n.3, 185 n.7, 283 n.2 iydti, xviii n.33 izqatu, 29 n.46

Index of Words kaballu, 22 n.17 kabbutu, 1 2 9 n.7 kabtu, 1 n.4, 107 n.2 kadru, 3 0 n.5 kakku, 1 3 n.7 1 2 9 n.4, 134 n.4, 201 n.2, 281 n . 3 , 295 n.4 kallatu, 196 n.io kalu, 16 n . 1 5 , 3 3 n.8 ka-ma-mi, 1 2 9 n.17 kamaru, 25 n.6 kammussakku, 1 3 n.14 kanatku, 22 n . 3 5 , 25 n.41 kanduril, 14 n.49 kapizzuhhu, 25 n.36 kardSu, 106 n.io 29 n n . 4 3 - 4 4 , 1 2 7 n.6, 162 n.4 1 3 n.5 (written G U . Z I ) , 25 iii 76 ( w r i « ' . M E S ) , 14 i 49, 6 3 , 14 iii 6 2 , 19:80, 2 1 9 : 2 5 , 2 6 5 : 1 2 (wr.GAL), 22 n.41 kaSddu, 9 n.4 kdsu, 1 5 n.9 katappu, 22 n.2 kayydnu, 109 n.3 kazdbu, 1 5 9 n.i kaziru, 25 n . 3 2 tow, 1 1 4 n.5 ktala(-ma), 2 2 7 n.3 kikalle, 8 n.5 22 n.18 £/"»«, 89 n . 1 4 , 5 ° - 7 kirissu, 19 n.io kirru, 14 n.48, 19 n.io kispu, 1 3 1 n.8 7 n.24 kiSddu, 34 n.6 2

n

kit/a epesu, 74 n . 1 2 , 85 n.8, 1 3 2 n.4 kittu, 44 n.6, 1 1 8 n.i, 1 1 9 n.4 kuduppu, 25 n.i2 kullu, 29 n.19 £aB<«, 1 4 7 n.8,

154

n.i

-kunT, 1 1 3 n.5 kundsu, 78 n.i kursinnu, 25 n.36 kusitu, 22 n.22 lamddu, 98 n.2 laqdtu, 274 n.i 180 n.2, 2 5 0 n.7 lequ, 162 n.2, 274 n.i

Discussed

libba sakdnu, 1 3 9 n.8 lanu, 1 3 6 n.7 libittu, 84 n.9 limu, 195 n.2 liqtu, 1 n.21 /a, 52 n.8, 2 1 5 n.i -ma, 7 n.16, 19 n.15 mabru, 1 4 n.30 magdgu, 84 n.5, 106 n . 3 , 3 6 2 n.3 magal, 84 n.7 mahdsu, 224 n.i, 249 n . 3 , 3 1 3 n.6 makkasu, 22 n.26 makkuru, 109 n.4, 1 3 8 n.25 malii, 22 n.21 mdmTtu,*q4 n . 1 3 maqqibu, 1 5 1 n.3 mardsu, 26 n . 1 4 , & n . n , 7 5 n.2, 95 n.4, 306 n.4 marbadu, 1 2 0 n.n marhallu, 25 n.5 marhasu, 25 n.5 marbitu, 38 n.i maryannu, 107 n.3 massartu, 1 1 4 n.6, 1 1 6 n.i, 1 1 7 n.io, 2 3 4 n.i, 295 n.6 27 n.9, 3 6 2 n.6 masu, 19 n . n , 55 n . u maSaddu, 2 2 n.53 mashalu, 22 n.15 matyu, 17 n.9 maskanu, 306 n.6 masku, 29 n . 1 5 , 55 - ' 8(5 n.4 ow^a, 26 n.8 ma-at-ti, 287 n.20 ff&zto, 8 n.i 1, 1 8 6 n.i matu, 1 1 n.18, 1 3 7 n.8 ma'u, 1 3 6 n.2 ma'unnu, 1 1 6 n.i mehru, 1 6 n . 1 2 »z&&a, 3 1 6 n.i meqitu, 14 nn.18, 24 »zer», 19 n.i 1 middi, 1 2 9 n.24 mi-Ki-tu, 64 n.2 mila, 64 n.i milku, 5 1 n.6 minu, 1 0 1 n.2, 207 n.2 mi-ru-li, 1 5 1 n.i mtsu, 28 n.5 mulugu, 25 nn.28, 46 2

n

1 0

373

Index of Words

Discussed

musallihtu, 1 3 n.17 musallil iarri, 1 0 6 1 1 . 9 muXdlu, 1 3 n . 2 2 , 25 n.23 mullaru, 1 3 n.10 muf/u/mulfu, 14 n.55 muXu, 2 4 3 n.i 109 n . 1 2 nabdsu, 22 n . 1 3 nablatu, 7 n.6 11 nn.7, 1 5 nagd'u, 288 n.10 nahlaptu, 2 2 n.i9 nakdru, 280 n.2 290 n.i nalbaiu, 1 n.24 nalpattu, 14 n.26 namdru, 1 n . 1 2 , 14 n.38 narndfu, 52 n.7, 185 n.6, 1 8 6 n.7 »
n.4

napddu, 1 3 n . 1 2 napafu, 7 n.6, 1 9 n.5, 29 n.30, 1 7 9 n.i naplastu, 2 2 n.2 naplusu, 2 2 7 n.7 naqdmu, 287 n.22 narkabtu, 3 n.17 »<*>r», 84 n.4, 94 n.5 nasdru, xxviii, 190 n.i, 2 3 0 n.4, 2 3 5 n.2 naXii, 1 0 n . 1 0 , 1 9 n.9, 2 5 0 n.7 nattullu, 2 2 n.4 nebehu, 1 4 n . 4 2 , 22 n.21 nemsu (namsS), 1 3 n.16, 2 1 5 n.42 nepeltu, 29 n.47 nepu, 55 n.7 »£F«, 7 n.7 ne'u, 2j<) n.2 1 2 9 n.15 ntru, 2 2 n.54 B«r«, 1 3 n.19

pagru, 1 3 1 n.8 pagu, 1 4 5 n.4 pahdru, 1 8 5 n.4 paldhu, 55 n . 3 , 3 7 1 n.5 pdndnu, 2 3 n.4, 1 3 1 n.9 pdnTsabdtu, 1 7 0 n.3 62 n.4 pappardilu, 1 3 n.4 pdqidu, 295 n.6 parutu, 1 3 n.13 paldhu, 1 2 9 n.24, 4 5 paXdru, 20 n.14 2

374

n

-5

pafdtu, 42 n.5 pasluru, 22 n . 3 1 ^dftw, 8 1 n.3, 3 3 3 n.6 pafdru, 165 n.3, 169 n.4, 249 n.5 pendit, 2 2 n.16 pepawaHi, 25 n.36 per'azu, 2 2 n.24 1 3 7 n.4, 2 5 0 n.8 pitinkak, 22 n . 1 3 ( £ R I N . M E § ) pifatu, xxxi n.ioo, 76 n.6, 3 3 7 n.2 /»«, 14 n.39, 88 n.4, 104 n.5, 290 n.3, 369 n.4, 3 7 1 n.4 pudti, 14 n.20 pullustu, 22 n.50 puquttu, 22 nn.3, 39 pufqu, 77 n.6 qabaltu, 14 n.15 qablu, 1 9 n.20 6 n.5 qad(d)u, 7 4 n.5 qadmis, 3 5 n.n 1 2 7 n.i 14 n.23 1 n . 1 2 , 2 0 n.5, 1 5 9 n.3, 1 9 0 n.3 qaqqadu, xx n . 4 1 , 3 2 6 n.2 qarddu, 87 n.4 qasTru, 244 n.i qaUu, 2 2 n.10, 266 n.i qdta uHuru, 284 n.3 qatnu, 14 n.5 2, 2 0 n.5 qat£, 20 n.5 qeberu, 1 2 7 n.i qerebu, 1 3 1 n.5 qinnazu, 1 5 1 n.3
Index of Words requ, 88 n.12 reSu, 1 2 5 n.4 rettu, 2 2 n.9 rihsu, 1 2 7 n.8 riksu, 5 1 n.2 riqqu, 292 n . 4 3 , 297 n.i riqu, 1 n.6, 88 n.14, -3 ruhi, 288 n.2 ruhtu, 29 n.49 r » ^ » , 1 3 n . 2 1 , 22 n.49, 9 1 0 2

n

2

2

n

-4

saddinnu, 22 n . 1 2 , 1 2 6 6 n.i sahdru, 1 6 n.7 sajoharu, 1 4 n.22 sakdnu, xxvi n.70, 287 n.22 sakdtu, 7 n . 1 2 , 26 n.16 jaA&a, 2 2 n.48 samdhu, 1 4 n.7, 140 n.2 1 2 7 n.9 sarku, 22 n.36 sarru, 1 n.27, 59 n.7, 84 n.4 sassu, 2 2 n.55 sekeru, 147 n.5 2 2 n.i sikkuru. See cfe/ sikkuri sinniStu, 3 n.3 «»»», 7 7 n.2 sinuntu, 25 n.17 ifra, 297 n.i

Discussed

surru, 2 2 n.14 Sadli, 22 n.19 la me lull, 25 n.43 la qdti, 7 n.18, 25 n.8 la tikki, 14 n.6 SazubbtkuSSudilsuli, 22n.23 Sa'dlu, 27 n . 1 5 , 49 n.6, 92 n.7, 185 n.9, 198 n.2 Sadu, 1 1 n.21 Sahdtu, 2 5 2 n.4 sabdfu, 100 n.6 Sakdku, 164 n.2 Sakdnu, 34 n.3, 35 n.io, 100 n.6, 1 2 5 n.3, 1 3 9 n.8, 289 n.i Sakattu, 1 4 / 1 . 4 2 Sakru, 22 n.9 Saldmu, 7 n.7, n n.23 Sald'u, 1 3 7 n.2 SalmaepeSu, 1 3 6 n.i Samdhu, 109 n.i3 /
78 n.2, 86 n.7 sufaSi-IStar, 19 n.21 ja»», 2 2 n.45, 196 n.n surru, 1 3 9 n.3, 1 7 9 n.3 sussullu, 2 2 n.32 sabdtu, 1 7 0 n.3, 288 n.5 sdbu, 3 3 3 n.4 j
Sarrumma, 7 n . 2 1 , 4 1 n.3 sarrutu, 29 n.2 w « , 45 n.8, 1 0 0 n.9 /•», 84 n.4, 1 1 7 n.n, 180 n.2 fasti, 86 n.2, 1 4 6 n.3 Safdru, 42 n.5, 249 n.5 Sepu, 8 n.9, 209 n.i seru, 1 9 5 n.2 Seru, 287 n.9 / & « , 88 n.3 Se'u, 34 n.4 Sibsu, 30 n.5 JWa, 100 n.i, 1 2 6 n.7 Sikkatu, 1 3 n.6 Simtu, 59 n.7 Sina, 7 n.5 Sinnu, 77 n.2

375

Index of Words

Discussed

lipra epeSu, 1 9 n.2 suhitu, 34 n.5 fukudu, 22 n.40 tulma fa'dlu, 92 n.7 iulmdna fa'dlu, 37 n.6 tulmu, 1 n.8, 7 n.n, 92 n.7, 1 5 3 n.2, 165 n.2, 3 8 2 n.i summa, 1 n . 3 5 , 5 n.6, 8 n.8, 35 n.3 -Sum, 366 n.2 suruhtu, 29 n.49 $usi, 2 n.5 susinnu, 25 n.38 susuppu, 22 n . 3 3 suHsugu, 14 n.29 34 n.4 tabdku, 29 n . 1 2 tabarru, 22 n.13 /
376

u-bu-di, 1 5 1 n.i uddii, 1 n . 3 2 , 1 0 n.5 udu, 7 n.29, 25 n.47 8 j « , 2 5 0 n.8 uhhuru, 3 3 n.8 «£z»», 1 3 n.2, 15 n.8 uhulu, 25 n.19 »//», 22 n.34, 29 n.io umma, xxii n.52, 144 n.i umma-mi, 92 n.4, 1 6 2 n.i ummu, 1 n.8, 25 n.28 108 n.8, 109 n.2, 1 1 7 n.13 urhu, 196 n.7 usdtu, 41 n.5 (m)uUuru, 27 n.7, 87 n.i utuppu, 25 n.7 uttatu, 1 3 8 n.i7 uwwu, 62 n.7 we'u, 287 n.io, 288 n.i zukku, 27 n.8

Sumerian (Sumerograms) w

AD. D A . A . N ] , 287 n.7 ALAM, 22 n.30 A N . B A R , 22 n.7 ANSE, 209 n.i A N S E . K U R . R A , xxiii n.54, 78 n.2, 86 n.7 BAN, 22 n.io, 266 n.i '"SBAR.DUL^,, 22 n.22 B E , xxix n.84, 1 5 5 n.2 BIL, 1 3 6 n.3 5

S' BUGIN.TUR,

22 n.32

D A M . G A R , 3 1 3 n.3 D A R A . M A S , 25

n.34

s

8 ' D i L I M , 25 n.45 D U G ( . G A ) , 67 n.3, 92 n.6, 1 3 6 n.5, 3 7 1 n.3 D U G U D , 1 n.4, 107 n.2 EDIN, 81 n.5, 88 n.4 E . G I , 196 n.io E . I , 14 n.14 E . M A R . U R U , 266 n.i EME.DA, 25 n.28 E N . R I , 286 n.i E R I N . G A L , 19 n.2 ERIN(.MES).GIR(.MES), 7 1 n.5 ERIN.MES K A L . B A D . ? , 106 n.IO k u 5

5

Index of Words Discussed

E R I N . M E S K A L . ? . [ B A D } , 1 0 6 n.IO E R I N . M K S K I . K A L . ? , 1 0 6 n.io

S

« ' M A , 14 n . 3 0 MAH, 1 3 8 n . 1 9 M A S K I M , 35 n.8, 40 n.i " ^ M E ( M A / B A ) , I n.24 ME, 186 n.5 W

i5

« E S . S A G . K U L , 20 n.17

c

6

i s

8 G A . R I G , 14 n.55 GAL. Sec kdsu (Akkadian) G I , 2 4 3 n.i GIBIL, 5 n.4 GIN, 2 n.5

M U N U S . D U M U . M U N U S , 288 n.4

6

n a

n

G l R ( . U R U D U ) , 81 n . 3 3 , 3 3 3 - 6 4 G I R . Z U ( . G A L ) , 22 n.14 R' GIGIR G l S . M E S , 3 n.17 GlS.KAL, 31 n.I2 '"GIR, 1 4 8 n.i. See 7 1 n.5 '"«GU(.E), 22 n . 1 9 G U . G A D A , 34 n.65 G U . T U R , 1 3 n.9 G U . U N , 1 0 1 n.5 G U ( . U N ) . D I . D I , 75 n.7 G U . Z I , 1 3 n.15 G U N . A , 22 n.45 NA

S

6

6

5

8 ' H A S H U R , 14 n.54 ' 8 H E . M E . T A , 22 n . 1 3 H I . G A R , 1 3 8 n.4 I J U R . S A G , 76 n . 3 , 190 n.3 S,

i . D U G , 1 4 n.9 i . G I S , I I nn.7, 15 s f B . L A , 22 n.21 I G I . K A R , 295 n.6, 3 3 7 n.i I N I M . G A R . R A , 3 1 6 n.2 17.1, 62 n.5 I Z I . G A R , 1 3 n.19 tfi

K A , 147 n.5, 290 n . 3 , 369 n.4 K A . T A B . A N S E , 22 n.2 K A . T A B . K U N G I , 22 n.2 KAxU, 14 n.39 KALAG, 1 1 7 n.4 K A S x S U D U N , 106 n.10 KI, 1 n . 1 0 , 3 n.6, 1 0 0 n.7, 1 3 8 n.4, 283 n.2

k u g

k u 5

S

S ' K I . K A L . G I G I R , 22 n.55 K I . S E . G A , 1 3 1 n.8 KIN, 22 n.9, 195 n.2 K I R I , 1 9 n.6 KISLAH, 306 n.6 6

K U R , 290 n.i KUS, 29 n . 1 5 , 55 n.io L U . I R ( . M E S ) , 1 5 7 n.i L U . L U L , 84 n.4 L t J . u S , 1 3 1 n.8

n

. M U S . G f R . T A B , 1 3 n.io

N A G A R , 1 0 n.8 N A M , 59 n.7 N A M ( . N E ) . R U , 74 n . 1 3 N I G . B A , 287 n . 1 6 NIG.BA.MEg S A L . U S . M E 5 , 2 2 n.56 NIG.CiA, 109 n.4, 1 3 8 n.25 N f G . S U . L - U l J . H A , 1 3 n . 1 6 , 25 n.42 NITLAM^, 38 n.i, 49 n . 2 S A y A R . R A , 141 n.i S A L . U S . M E S , 19 n.3 (I) S I . K I L , 2 2 n.34 SIG, 14 n n . 3 2 , 5 2 SIG,, 84 n.9 a d

s » S A G . D U , 1 4 n.42 4

S A M , 35 n.7 SE, 34 n.9, 1 3 8 n.17 S E . Z I Z , 7 8 n.i SE, 41 n . 1 3 (urudu)g|; 1 3 n . 2 I , 2 2 n.49 N>

na

4Sl.TIR, 2 2 n . 1 6 S I M . B U L U G , 2 2 n.35 S I M . G I G , 2 2 n . 3 5 , 25 n . 4 1 §IM.SAR, 269 n.i SU, 2 n.5 S U . K A M . M I , 2 4 2 n.2 SU.SI, 2 2 n . 4 1 S U . S A , 2 2 n.9 5

K' TASKARIN, 1 4 n.36 TI, 1 n.8, 17 n . 5 , 109 n . 1 4 ,

2 2

7

n

-

2

T I L , 245 n.3 T U G . G I D . D A , 2 2 n.44 T U G . G U D ( P U ) . D A , 2 2 n.44 '"STUNANIBA, 2 2 n . 4 3 X

U D U . D A G + K I S I M , x I R , 4 1 n.I2 U G U N , 2 2 n.45 U N , 1 1 6 n.i, 2 3 4 n.i U R , 1 2 9 n.4, 1 3 4 n.4, 1 3 8 n.20 U R , 196 n.n (Sa) URU, 2 2 n.20 i s

s U S A N , 1 5 1 n.3 U S . G U , 3 1 5 n.i

377

Index of Words

Discussed

tiz, 55 n.2 uzu, 3 7 1 n.4

/ » , 1 3 0 n.2 upsu, 284 n.3

Z U . S I . G A , 244 n.i

yapaqa, 64 n.2 yfnu, 84 n.15

West Semitic

zrw, 48 n.2

'•abada, 1 5 1 n.i anttu, 101 n.9 anu, 2 4 5 n.6 ^asara, 1 3 8 n.18 az, 108 n.7

dbn, 369 n.3 db\fnd, 1 4 7 n.5

c

bahhuru, 7 4 n.7 £7, 102 n.5 bHt bhtm, 1 1 n.22

Egyptian

MC./), 106 n.9 hn dd, xxviii n.75 hry tbw, 367 n.2 hry pdt, 1 0 7 n.i c

dabru, 244 n.5 ganaba, 2 5 6 n.3

tmy-r jufyt, 295 n.6 /Vy /> /, 289 n.5

&z/d£ 1 7 4 n.2 -hi, 284 n.3 £f/, 2 6 3 n.3

maSSi, 2 1 n.2 »zr te» n tr, 30 n.3 »z)tf./, xvii n.28, 27 n.20

kht, 1 2 0 n.8 147 n.8

nahra, 2 1 n.2 nbw nfr, 3 1 n.6

c

matni'u {mtri), j,yi n.i md, 287 n.20 mi yitten, 2 8 3 n.3 »zrW, 1 2 0 n . n

pasite (p\ t'.ty), 7 1 n.i

ndtan ydd, 298 n.i »# , 288 n.io nkr, 1 3 0 n.2

sS.f.t, 3 1 6 n.4 Smut], 294 n.2

c

pwt, 14 n.19

r-h',t, xxxi n.ioo r ȣ, 147 n.i c

xxvii n.73, 3 9 n.2, 1 4 9 n.2, 2 3 3 n.i vf-w. See we'u (Akkadian)

#rfizr, 244 n.i rbd, 1 2 0 n . n rahatum, 22 n.9 155 n.i J7»z leb,

139

aggaS, 3 1 n.7 pippit, 3 1 n.3

n.8

j/r, 297 n.i skn, xxvi n.70, 287 n.22 sokinu, xxvi n.70, 287 n . 2 2 suhru, 1 4 5 n.5 287 n . n sur, 1 2 7 n.i 1 Semen fob, 1 4 n.9

378

Hittite

Sarpa-sarpaSSi, zuhalaliya,

3 1 n.12

3 1 n.6

Hurrian ammati, 5 1 n.i itvri (ibri), 286 n.i

Index of Proper Names This index includes all the ancient proper names found in the introduction, the let­ ters, and the notes to the letters. Where possible, the language of the personal names in the letters is identified and the names translated. It should be noted that many names classified here with the remark "language uncertain" have been considered by many scholars to be of Indo-Aryan ori­ gin. The analyses of these names, however, are often so divergent, and the objections against them so serious, that the option here is on the side of caution. Abbreviations: A k k . = Akkadian; Egy. = Egyptian; Hitt. = Hittite; Hurr. = Hurrian; hypo. = hypocoristique; Kass. = Kassite; l.u. = language uncertain; Ugar. = Ugaritic; W S = West Semitic; D N = divine name; P N = personal name The order is strictly alphabetical. Note the sequences: s, s, / ; /, /, / . All references are to EA.

c

c

c

1 3 8 : 2 9 , 3 4 , 37, 50, 5 2 , 7 2 , 1 0 2 , 1 1 6 , 1 3 4 ; 1 4 7 : 6 8 ; 362:67 Abdi-Asirti. See Abdi-A5irta Abdi-Asratu. See Abdi-Asirta Abdi-A5tarti (WS "servant of Astartu"), c

c

c

mayor of Qiltu(?), 6 3 : 3 ; 6 4 : 3 ; 65:3 Abdi-Hadda (Ba'la?) (WS "servant of Haddu [Ba lu}"), messenger of the Pharaoh, 1 1 9 : 5 1 ; 1 2 0 : 3 1 , 35 Abdi-Heba ( W S "servant of Heba"), ruler

c

c

c

2

c

c

of Jerusalem, 2 8 0 : 1 7 , 3 . 3 4 ; 2 8 5 : 2 , 1 4 ; 2 8 6 : 2 , 7, 6 1 ; 2 8 7 : 2 , 6 5 ; 2 8 8 : 2 Abdi-Irsi (WS "servant of Irsu"), mayor of Hasura, 2 2 8 : 3 (see note) A b d i - M i l k i ( W S "servant of Milku"), 1. Citizen of Gubla (instead of l < R > m

m

L U G A L . perhaps A / - / & » r - L U G A L ,

c

c

Personal names Aaddumi (WS[?] "It is Haddu"[?]), mayor(?) captured by Hittites, 170:17 Abdi-Asirta /-ASirti /-Asratu ( W S "servant of ASirtu"), Amurru leader, position in Egy. administration not clear, 58 rev. 3; 60:2; 6 1 : 2 ; 6 2 : 2 ; 7 1 : 1 7 ; 7 3 : 1 8 , 2 5 ; 7 4 : 2 4 , 3 0 ; 7 5 : 2 9 , 4 1 ; 76:8, 1 2 ; 7 8 : 9 ; 7 9 : 1 2 , 2 2 , 4 4 ; 81:7, 1 8 , 4 7 ; 8 2 : 8 , 2 3 , 2 5 ; 8 3 : 2 5 ; 84:8; 8 5 : 4 1 , 64, 68; 8 8 : 1 0 ; 8 9 : 2 4 , 6 4 ; 9 0 : 1 2 , 2 8 ; 92:7, 1 8 - 1 9 ; 93:23; 94.11; 95:24, 41; 97:21; 101:6, 3 0 ; 1 0 2 : 2 3 ; 3 9 ; 104:8, 1 8 , 4 7 ; 105:11, 19, 2 5 ; 107:27, 36; 118:26, 29; 121:20; 123:38; 124:43; 125:41; 126:36, 6 4 - 6 5 ; 1 2 7 : 3 1 ; 1 2 9 : 5 ; 1 3 2 : 1 1 , 17, 3 4 ; 1 3 3 : 7 ; 1 3 7 : 1 9 . 4 3 . 56, 5 8 , 68, 7 0 ; c

i o

:

c

c

c

c

"Askur is king"), 1 2 3 : 3 7 ; 2. Mayor of Sashimi, 2 0 3 . 3 Abdina (WS hypo, "servant" [of D N ? "servant of Na-[x-x]"?]), mayor in northern Palestine? 2 2 9 : 3 A b d i - N I N U R T A (WS "servant of N I N U R T A " ) , citizen of Gubla? 8 4 : 3 9 A b d i - R a m a ( W S "servant of Ramu"), citizen of Gubla? 1 2 3 : 3 6 Abdi-Rii>a (WS "servant of Risu"), mayor of Enisasi, 3 6 3 : 3 Abdi-Tirsi (WS "servant of Tirsu"), mayor of Hasura, 2 2 8 : 3 (see note) A b d i - U R A § ( W S "servant of U R A S " ) ,

detained in Egypt with Aziru, 170:36 Abi-Milku (WS "My father is Milku"), mayor of Tyre, 146—55:2; 1 5 2 : 5 5 Adda-danu ( W S "Hadda has judged" [see 292 n.i}), mayor of Gazru, 2 9 2 - 9 4 : 3 Addaya ( W S [ ? ] , hypo. "Hadda"[?]), commissioner, 2 5 4 : 3 7 ; 2 8 5 : 2 4 ; 287:47, 49; 289:32 Addu-nirari (Akk. "Addu is my rescue[r}"), a king in Nuhasse, 5 1 : 2

379

Index of Proper Names Aduna (WS hypo, "father" or "lord"), mayor of Irqata, 7 5 : 2 5 ; 1 4 0 : 1 0 Ahutabu (Akk. "[He is] a friendly brother" or "The brother is friendly"), Babylonian messenger, 8 : 1 4 , 1 6 Aitukama, Atak(k)ama, Etak(k)ama, Itak(k)ama (l.u. mayor of Qidsu), 5 3 : 8 , 1 1 , 24, 37, 60; 5 4 : 2 2 , 2 8 ; 5 6 : 2 3 , 2 7 ; 140:25; 151:59; i 7 4 : u ; 175:9; 176:9; 1 8 9 : 2 , rev. 2 0 ; 1 9 7 : 3 1 ; 3 6 3 : 9 Akhenaten, Amenophis I V (Introduction, xiii) Aki-Tessup (Hurr. "Tessup is the guide"[?]), k i n g o f N i i , 5 9 : 1 5 , 18 Akiya (Hurr. hypo. [cf. Aki-Tessup}), Mittanian messenger, 3 0 : 3 Akizzi (l.u.), mayor of Qatna, 52—55, 57:2 Amanappa/i (Egy. "Aman is in Luxor"), Egy. official, 7 3 : 1 ; 7 4 : 5 1 ; 7 7 : 1 ; 79:9; 8 2 : 1 ; 86:1; 8 7 : 1 ; 93:1; 109:62; 117:23 Amanhatpe (Egy. "Aman is gracious"), mayor of Tusultu, 1 8 5 - 8 6 p a s s i m Amanmassa (Egy. "Aman is born"), probably two Egy. officials with the same name, 1 1 3 : 3 6 , 4 3 ; 1 1 4 : 5 1 Amawase (l.u.), mayor in Basan(?), 2 0 2 : 3 Amenophis I I I , Pharaoh, 1 3 8 6 - 1 3 4 9 B . C . Amenophis IV, Pharaoh, 1 3 5 0 - 1 3 3 4 B . C . Ammistamru (WS "the paternal uncle {the people?} has prospered [protected?}"), king of Ugarit, 4 5 : 2 Ammunira, Hammuniri (WS "the paternal uncle [the people} is the/my light"), mayor of Beirut, 1 3 6 : 2 9 ; 1 3 7 : 1 5 , 66, 69, 88; 1 3 8 : 5 2 - 5 3 , 1 3 2 ; 141:3; 142:2; 143:3 Amur-Ba la ( W S "I have seen[?} B a l u [Hadda?}"), brother of Aziru and same as Baaluya? 1 7 0 : 3 8 Anatu (WS hypo., the goddess Anatu), detained with Aziru in Egypt, 1 7 0 : 4 3 Api (Egy. hypo., the god A p i ) , Egy. official? 1 3 8 : 8 , 57, 1 0 7 ; 1 4 5 : 1 2 Aplahanda, king of Carchemish in the Old Babylonian period Appiha (Egy. "Api shines[?]"), Egy. messenger to Gubla, 6 9 : 2 5 , 29. See also DUMV-Bi-ha-a Arali. See Arassa c

c

c

380

m

AraSsa (l.u., instead of A-ra-[as-s}a, perhaps A - r a - [ l } i , but certainly not A.-ra-\wa\-na), mayor(?) of K u m i d u , 198:4 Arnuwanda I , Hitt. king at end of 14th century B . C . Arsawa (l.u.), 1. Saved by Abdi-Asirta, 6 2 : 2 7 ; 2. His sons were enemies of the Pharaoh, 289:7 Arsa(w)uya (l.u.), mayor of Ruhizzi, 5 3 : 3 6 , 56; 5 4 : 2 6 , 3 1 ; 1 9 1 : 2 ; 1 9 2 : 4 ; 197:26, 33 Artamanya (l.u.), mayor of Siribalani, 201:3 ArtaSumara (Artasuwara?) (l.u.), brother of Tusratta, 1 7 : 1 9 Artatama (l.u.), Tusratta's grandfather, 24 iii 5 2 ; 2 9 : 1 6 Ar-Tessup(a) (Hurr. "gift of Tessup"), Tusratta's envoy to Egypt, 24 iv 3 6 ; 29:173 Asalu (l.u.), scribe and Tusratta's envoy to Egypt, 24 iv 3 6 - 3 7 ; 2 9 : 1 7 3 Askur-milku. See Abdi-Milki Assutvnadin-ahhe (Akk. "Assur is the giver of the brothers"), Assyrian king (see 1 6 n.9), 1 6 : 1 9 AsSsSur-uballit (Akk. "Assur has given life"), Assyrian king 1 3 5 3 - 1 3 1 8 B . C . , 1 5 : 3 ; 16:3 Assutemiwuya (l.u.), identity unknown, 24 i 52 Atahmaya. See TahmasSi Atakkama. See Aitukama Aya, Pharaoh, 1 3 2 4 - 1 3 2 1 B . C . Ayyab (WS "Where is the father?"), mayor of Astartu, 2 5 6 : 6 , 1 3 ; 364:2 Aziru, Azaru ( W S hypo. " [ D N is} the helper" [? historical spelling of Oziru?}, or perhaps "Helped (by D N " [? AzTru?}), son of Abdi-Asirta and his successor in Amurru, 5 5 : 2 4 , 27, 4 5 ; 5 9 : 2 1 , 27, 3 2 , 3 4 - 3 5 ; 98:7; 1 0 7 : 2 6 ; 1 1 0 : 3 4 , 4 4 ; H 4 7 . 69; 1 1 5 : 1 5 ; 1 1 6 : 5 0 ; 7 : 3 3 > 3 9 . 4 7 i 4 : 8 . 4 ° ; 1 2 5 : 2 0 , 24, 3 7 ; 1 2 6 : 9 ; 1 2 8 : 1 0 ; 1 3 2 : 2 0 ; 1 3 4 : 3 , 8; • 3 8 : 2 3 , 3 5 , 4 5 , 59, 7 0 , 9 3 , 5 , 1 0 9 , 1 1 3 ; 139:13, 35, 39; 140:9-10, 2 1 ; 1 4 7 : 6 8 ; 1 4 9 : 3 5 , 4 0 , 5 8 , 7 0 ; 1 5 1 : 6 1 , 67; 156:2; 1 5 7 : 3 ; 158—61:2; 162:1; 164:2, 38; 1 6 5 - 6 8 : 2 ; 1 6 9 : 1 2 , 28, 3 6 ; 1 9 7 : 2 8 m

m

c

c

c

c

c

:

I J

I 2

I 0

Index of Proper Names c

Baaluma (WS "Lord" [Ba aluma, pi. of majesty]), Pharaoh's enemy, 1 6 2 : 7 6 Baaluya ( W S hypo., the god Ba lu), brother of Aziru? 1 6 5 : 9 ; 1 7 0 : 2 Balume (WS "It is Ba lu"[?]), father of Sum-Adda, 8:18 Ba lu-mehir (WS "Ba lu {Hadda] is a warrior"!?]), a mayor in Palestine, probably to be distinguished from B a l u - U R . S A G , 245:44; 257:3; 258:2; 259:2 c

c

c

c

c

Balu-Mir (Mer) (WS "The lord is Mir"), mayor of Bit-Tenni? 260:2 B a l u - U R . S A G (WS "Ba lu [Hadda] is a warrior"), mayor in Palestine. See Ba lumehir, 249—50:2 Bayadi (l.u.), mayor in Syria? 2 3 8 : 2 Bayawa (l.u.), mayor in Syria? 2 1 5 - 1 6 : 3 Ben-Elima (WS "son of Elu" [Eluma, plural of majesty?]), identity unknown, 256:15 Bet-ili (WS "house of god [Ilu?]"), brother of Aziru? 1 6 1 : 2 0 ; 1 7 0 : 3 Bieri (Beri?) (l.u.), mayor of Hasabu, c

c

c

174:3 Bin-Ana (WS "son of Ana"), detained with Aziru in E g y p t , 1 7 0 : 3 7 Bin-aZimi (WS[?J "son of the strong one" [? Azzi-mi?]), Pharaoh's messenger to Rib-Hadda, 1 2 0 : 3 2 Biniya. See 12 n.i Biridaswa (l.u.), mayor of Astartu, 1 9 6 : 4 1 ;

Dagan-takala (WS "He trusted in Dagan" [? "Dagan has given confidence"? takkala?]), mayor in Syria, 3 1 7 : 2 , 9, 1 3 ; 3i8:3 Dasru (WS "The old one"[?]), mayor in Palestine!?], 2 6 1 - 6 2 : 3 OUMU-Bi-ha-a (l.u.), Ap-pi-ha-a (Albright, JNES 5 [ 1 9 4 6 ] p. 2 3 ) is certainly wrong, and l-pi'-ha-a (Campbell, Chronology, p . 80) is not probable. The copy of VS n , 53 is not exact, and the sign is virtually identical with the n u M U of line n . Pharaoh's envoy to Irqata and Gubla, 1 0 0 : 1 2 ; 105:35 „ • Duppi-Tessup, successor of Aziru. See 169 n.i Ebeluna. See Etelluna Endaruta (l.u.), mayor of Aksapa, 2 2 3 : 4 ; 366:23; 367:1 Enhamu. See Yanhamu Etakkama. See Aitukama Etelluna (Ebeluna?) (l.u.), identity unknown, 3 7 : 2 3

c

Gulatu ( W S [ ? ] , meaning uncertain), mother of Peya, 2 9 2 : 4 2 ; 294:17

c

•97:7, i5> 3 3 Biridiya (l.u.), mayor of Magidda, 2 4 2 - 4 4 : 3 ; 246:3; 248:19; 365:3 Biruaza. See Biryawaza Biryawaza ( Bi-ri-ia-ma-za, 7:75), Biruaza, Birwaza (l.u.), mayor of Damascus, 7 : 7 5 ; 5 2 : 4 5 ; 5 3 : 3 4 ; 1 2 9 : 8 2 ; 1 5 1 : 6 2 ; 189:6, rev. 2 , 9, 2 5 ; 1 9 4 : 2 ; 195:4; 196:2; 197:17; 2 3 4 : 1 3 , 26; 250:24 Bisitanu (l.u.), saved by Abdi-Asirta, 62:26 Burra/Burna-Buriyas/Burariyas (Kass. "protection of BuriyaS"), Babylonian king 1 3 4 9 - 1 3 2 3 B . C . , 6:3; 7 : 2 ; 8:3; 9:3; 10:2; 1 1 : 2 ; 12:7; 14:2

Haamassi (Egy., meaning uncertain), Pharaoh's envoy to Burna-BuriyaS and Tusratta, 1 1 : 9 , 1 6 ; 2 7 : 3 7 , 40, 5 2 ; 29:25 Haapi, Haip (Egy. hypo., the god Ha pi), commissioner, 1 0 7 : 1 6 ; 1 3 2 : 4 0 , 42; 133:9; 149:37 Haay ( E g y , meaning uncertain), Egy. official, 1 6 6 : 1 , 1 4 Hagurru (Haqurru?) (WS[?J, "hobbled"[? aquru?], identity unknown, 2 3 8 : 2 4 Haip. See Haapi Hamassa (Egy., probably another writing of Haamassi), 1 9 8 : 1 5 ( Ha-ma-as-s[a, but perhaps -s]e, with Gordon) Hammuniri. See Ammunira Hane (Egy., meaning uncertain), Egy. interpreter with delegation to Tusratta, 21:25

Daasarti (Egy., meaning uncertain), Pharaoh's enemy, 1 6 2 : 7 6

Han'i, Han(n)i (Egy., meaning uncertain), Egy. official, 1 4 2 : 7 ; 1 6 1 : 1 1 , 17, 27, 3 1 ; 162:56, 63; 227:16; 367:7

m

c

c

c

m

381

Index of Proper Names r4an(n)i. See Han'i rjanya (Egy., meaning uncertain), Egy. official(s?), 4 7 : 2 3 , 2 6 ; 3 0 1 : 1 2 ; 369:5 Haramassa, Haramassi (Egy. "Horus is born"), Pharaoh's envoy to Tusratta and known to Ammistamru, 2 0 : 3 3 , 3 6 ; 49:25 Hatip (Egy. hypo. " [ D N is] gracious"), Egy. official, 1 6 1 : 3 8 , 4 3 , 4 6 ; 1 6 4 : 4 , 1 8 , 26, 4 2 ; 1 6 5 : 1 5 , 2 6 ; 1 6 6 : 1 2 , 3 2 ; 167:14

Kalbaya (WS[?] hypo, "dog [of D N ] ? " ) , envoy of king of Arzawa to the Pharaoh, 32:1 Kasi (l.u.), Pharaoh's envoy to Babylonia, 3:16

Haya (Egy. hypo, of Amanhatpe and Haamassi {EA 11?}). In EA, more than one person is called Haya, 1 1 : 1 9 , 1 3 - 1 4 ; 66:4; 7 1 : 1 ; 1 0 1 : 2 , 1 9 ; 1 0 9 : 6 2 ; 1 1 2 : 4 2 , 48; 1 1 7 : 6 5 ; 2 5 5 : 8 ; 2 6 8 : 1 8 ; 289:31

Kelu-Heba (Hurr., meaning uncertain, cf. Keliya), sister of Tuiratta, wife of Amenophis III, 1 7 : 5 , 41

r e v

y i b i y a (Td-bi-ia ?) (l.u.), mayor? 1 7 8 : 2 Hiziru ( W S [ ? 1 , "piglet"!?]), mayor in Palestine, 3 3 6 : 3 ; 3 3 7 : 4 Hu'a ( A k k . [ ? l , hypo.[? < A h u ' a ? ] ) , Babylonian envoy to the Pharaoh, 1 1 : 5 Huriya (Egy. hypo, [see 4111.1]), Egy. king, 4 1 : 2 s

Idiya. See Yidya Ildayyi ( W S [ ? ] "Ilu is my sufficiency" [? cf. Ugar. 'ildy, but see 1 7 5 n . i ] , mayor of Hasi, 1 7 5 : 3 Ili-Milku (WS "My god is Milku"), aberrant writing of Milkilu, mayor of Gazru, 2 8 6 : 3 6 Ili-Rapih (WS "My god is Rapi' [the healer]"), probably the mayor of Gubla after Rib-Hadda, 1 2 8 : 2 1 ; 1 3 9 : 2 ; 1 4 0 : 3 Ilumilku (Ili-Milku) (WS "Ilu is king" [The god/my god is Milku"?]), Tyrian messenger, 1 5 1 : 4 5 Immureya. See Nimmureya Irimaya&Sa, Iriyamassa (Egy., meaning uncertain), Egy. official, 1 3 0 : 1 1 ; 3 7 0 : 8 Iriyamassa. See Irimayassa Irsappa (Hurr. hypo., the god Irsappa), Pharaoh's envoy to the king of Arzawa (see 3 1 n.4), 3 1 : 2 9 Itakkama. See Aitukama Itatkama. See Aitukama Kadasman-Enlil (Kass. "refuge of Enlil"), Babylonian king ( i 3 6 4 ) - i 3 5 0 B . C . , 1 : 1 ; 2 : 2 ; 3 : 3 ; 5:2

382

Keliya (Hurr. hypo. "Keli [ D N ] , " meaning uncertain), Mittani official and envoy to the Pharaoh, 1 7 : 4 6 ; 1 9 : 2 5 , 3 9 , 7 1 ; 2 0 : 1 8 , 2 3 ; 24 i 8 3 , 9 2 , 1 1 4 ; 2 4 ii 7; 24 iv 2 0 - 2 1 , 2 6 - 2 7 , 3 6 - 3 7 ; 2 6 : 1 5 , 1 9 ; 7 5 9 > 7 ° ; 9 3 4 ° d p a s s i m in 29 2

:

2

:

a

Kidin-Adad (Akk. "protection of Adad"), identity unknown, 1 2 : 2 3 Kuniea (Kunea?) (l.u.), identity unknown, 37:22 Kurigalzu (Kass. "shepherd of the Kassites"), Babylonian king, regnal years unknown, 9 : 1 9 ; 1 1 rev. 1 9 - 2 0 Kurtuya, reading of text and l.u. (cf. Ugar. krty?), mayor in Syria? 2 2 0 : 3 Kusuna (l.u.), ancestor of Sum-Adda, 224:17 Lab'ayu (WS hypo. " [ D N is] a lion"), mayor of S a k m u , 2 3 7 : 2 ; 2 4 4 : 1 1 , 1 7 , 2 9 , 38, 4 1 ; 2 4 5 : 6 , 2 5 , 4 3 ; 246 rev. 6; 2 4 9 : 1 7 , 2 9 ; 2 5 0 : 6 , 1 1 , 1 4 , 1 6 , 2 6 , 30, 36, 3 9 , 4 0 , 54; 2 5 2 : 3 ; 2 5 3 : 2 ; 2 5 5 : 1 5 ; 2 6 3 : 3 4 ; 2 8 0 : 3 0 , 3 3 ; 2 8 7 : 3 0 ; 289:6, 2 2 Leya (Le'eya) (Egy., meaning uncertain), Pharaoh's enemy, 1 6 2 : 7 0 Lupakku (l.u.), Hitt. general, 1 7 0 : 1 5 c

Maireya (Egy. "beloved of R e " ) , father of Hanni, 3 6 7 : 7 Manahpi(r)ya (Egy. "May the 'essence' of c

R e endure"), prenomen of Tuthmosis III, 5 1 : 4 ; 59:8 Mane (Egy. "shepherd"), Pharaoh's envoy to Tusratta, 1 9 : 1 7 , 2 1 ; 20 passim; 2 1 : 2 4 ; 24 passim; 2 7 : 7 , 7 0 , 8 3 , 9 6 - 9 7 ; 2 8 : 1 7 , 3 7 ; 2 9 : 7 0 , 7 8 , 8 9 - 9 0 , 1 5 1 , 167, 1 7 4 , 176 Manya (Egy. hypo. [cf. Manahpirya]), his son-in-law is an enemy of the Pharaoh, 162:72 Maya (Egy. hypo, of TahmaSiSi), 1. Saved by 'Abdi-Asirta, 6 2 : 2 6 ; 2 . Commissioner,

Index of Proper Names 2 1 6 : 1 3 ; 2 1 7 : 1 6 ; 2 1 8 : 1 4 ; 23o:2(? see 2 3 0 n.i); 2 9 2 : 3 3 ; 3 0 0 : 2 6 ; 3 2 8 : 2 4 ; 3 3 7 : 2 6 , 29 Mayarzana (l.u.), mayor of Hasi, 1 8 5 : 3 Mayati, Mayatu (Egy. hypo, "beloved [of the Aten]"), Meritaten, daughter of Amenophis IV, 10:46; 1 1 rev. 2 6 , 29 Mazibadli (Hurr., meaning uncertain), envoy of Tusratta to the Pharaoh, 2 9 : 1 5 6 , 162 Mihuni (Egy.[?}, meaning uncertain), Egy. interpreter in Babylonia, 1 1 : 1 0 , 1 6 Millcayu (WS hypo.), the god M i l k u , 7 7 : 1 2 Milk-ilu (WS "Milku is [the] god"), mayor of Gazru, 249:5, 6, 1 6 , 3 0 ; 2 5 0 : 3 2 , 3 6 , 39> 5 4 , 56; 254:27, 2 9 ; 267:4; 2 6 8 : 3 ; 2 6 9 - 7 1 : 4 , 273:24; 287:29; 289:5, 1 1 , 2 5 ; 290:6, 26; 369:1. See also Ili-Milku Milk-uru (WS "Milku is the light"), 8 3 : 5 3 ; 8 4 : 4 3 ; 8 5 : 8 5 ; 86:25 Mimmureya. See Nimmureya Miya (l.u.), mayor of Arasni, 7 5 : 3 0 Miyare (Egy., meaning uncertain), father of H a y a , 2 8 9 : 3 i Mursilis I I , Hitt. king, son of Suppiluliumas Mut-Bahli (WS "man of Ba'lu"), mayor of Pihilu, 2 5 5 : 3 ; 2 5 6 : 2 , 5 NahramaSsi (Egy., probably an aberrant form of Haramassi), 2 1 : 3 3 Namhurya. See Naphu(')ru/a/ireya NaphuOru/Wireya, Naphurriya, Namhurya (Egy. "beautiful of forms is R e " ) , prenomen of Amenophis IV, 7 : 1 ; 8:1; 1 0 : 1 ; 1 1 : 1 ; 1 4 : 1 ; 26passim; 2 7 : 1 , 3 9 ; 29:1, 6 1 , 6 3 , 6 5 , 67, 7 6 ; 5 3 : 1 ; 5 5 : 1 . See also 1 6 n.i [Neri, 24 iv 26, is not a P N ; it means "my mother." G . Wilhelm] Nib/phurrereya (Egy. "Lord of forms is R e " ) , prenomen of Tutankhamun, or a variant form of Naphu-rureya, 9:1 Nibmu('w)areya (Egy. "Lord of the truth is R e " ) , prenomen of Amenophis III, 1 : 2 ; 2 : 1 ; 3 : 1 ; 5 : 1 ; 1 7 : 1 ; 1 9 - 2 1 : 1 ; 22 iv 4 5 , 47; 2 3 : 1 ; 24 i 84; 24 iii 104, 106; 24 iv 1 2 8 ; 2 6 : 8 - 3 4 passim; 2 7 : 9 , 1 3 - 1 4 , 2 0 , 38; 29 passim Nimmahe (Egy. "lord of the northwind"), Pharaoh's enemy, 162:77 c

c

c

NIN-UR.MAH.MES

(probably W S

but

reading of logograms uncertain, "lady of the lions"), queen regent? 2 7 3 - 7 4 : 4 Niqm-Adda (WS "avenged by [H]adda"), king of Ugarit, 49:2 N i y u (Egy. hypo.), Pharaoh's envoy to Tusratta, 2 9 : 3 7 Paapu (Egy., meaning uncertain), Egy. official, 3 3 3 : 2 , 22 Paduzana (l.u.), mayor in Syria? 2 3 9 : 2 Paha(m)nata/e (Egy. "servant of [the] god"), commissioner, 6 0 : 1 0 , 2 0 , 3 2 ; 62:1; 68:22; 131:35 Pahura, Piluir(u), Pihura, Puhuru/e (Egy. "the Syrian"), commissioner, 5 7 : 6 , 10; 117:61; 122:31; 1 2 3 : 1 3 , 34; 132:47; 189:17-18; 190:2; 207:17; 208:11 Pamahu (Egy. "the one of [the goddess] Mhyt"{? see 7 n.20]), Egy. vassal? 7:76 Parattu (l.u.), identity unknown, 24 iv 1 2 Pauru. See Pawura Pawura, Pauru, Piwure, Pu(w)uru (Egy. "the great one"), Egy. official, 1 1 7 : 4 7 ; 124:44; 129:95, 97; 1 3 1 : 2 2 ; 132:38; 1 7 1 : 1 5 - 1 6 ; 263:21; 287:45; 289:38; 362:69 Peya (Pi'eya) (Egy., meaning uncertain), accused of serious crimes, 2 9 2 : 4 2 , 5 1 ; 2 9 4 : 1 6 , 24, 3 0 Pihura. See Pahura Pirissi (Hurr. "he who belongs to the lord"!?]), Mittani envoy to Egypt, 27:89, 9 3 , 1 0 0 ; 2 8 : 1 2 Pisyari (Egy. "the prince" {Edel, Brief, pp. 120IT.]), Pharaoh's enemy, 1 6 2 : 7 1 Piwure. See Pawura Pu-Bahla (WS "the word {lit. mouth] c

c

of Ba lu"), 1. Son of Abdi-Asirta, 1 0 4 : 7 5 2 . Mayor of Yursa, 314—16:3 Puheya (Hurr. hypo, "replacement {of dead brother]"), envoy of Rib-Hadda to Egypt, 84:40; 8 5 : 3 1 Puhi (Hurr. hypo, "replacement of {dead brother]"), identity unknown, 1 8 rev. 5 Puhuru/e. See Pahura Rab(i)-llu (WS "Great is Ilu/the god/my god [///]." ra-bi ( 3 3 3 ) is ambiguous; also possible are: "my healer" [ra-pi];

383

Index of Proper Names Rab(i)-Hu (cont'd) [Ilu] "has pleaded" {rab
1

u

: 2

: i

105:88; 106:14, 3 ; 3 4 ; u 9 9 . 34; 1 2 1 : 2 3 ; 1 2 4 : 1 8 ; 1 2 9 : 4 5 ; 1 3 8 : 6 6 , 90, 1 1 1 ; 142:21 Rib-Haddi. See Rib-Hadda Rusmanya (l.u.), mayor of Saruna, 2 4 1 : 3 Satatna, Sitatna, Sutatna (l.u.), mayor of Akka, 8:19, 38; 233:4; 234:3; 2 3 5 : 5 ; 238:23 Sitatna. See Satatna Sitriyara/Zitriyara (l.u.), mayor? 2 1 1 - 1 4 : 3 Smenkhkare, Pharaoh 1 3 3 6 — 1 3 3 4 B . C . Surata, Saratu (l.u.), mayor of A k k a , 8 : 1 9 ; 85:21; 232:3; 245:31, 33, 41, 43; 366:2 §almu (Akk. "black"), Babylonian envoy to Egypt, 7 : 7 3 , 80; 1 1 rev. 8 Sur-ASar (WS[?] "The rock is Asar"[?]), mayor of Ahtiasna, 3 1 9 : 4 Sab-Ilu (WS "Ilu/the god has pardoned [lit. returned]"), saved by Abdi-Asirta, 62:26 Samu-Adda (WS "child [lit. name] of Adda"), mayor of Samhuna, probably the same as Sum-Adda, 2 2 5 : 3 Saratu. See Surata Sarru (Egy. "prince"), Pharaoh's enemy, 162:68 Satiya (l.u.) [cf. Ugar. bn Sty?]), mayor of Enisasi, 1 8 7 : 3 Sindi-Sugab (Kass. "gift of §ugab"[?]), Babylonian envoy to Egypt, 1 0 : 3 7 , 4^ c

384

c

Sipti-Ba la (Hadda) (WS "judged by Ba'la [Hadda]), mayor of Lakisa, 3 3 0 : 3 ; 331:4; 332:3; 333:5, 9 Siptu-risa (WS[?] "Siptu, come to the rescue"!?]), mayor? 2 2 6 : 3 Suardatu. See Suwardata Sub-Andu (WS[?] "pardon [lit. return] Andu"[?]), mayor in Palestine, in the beginning of 301—6 Sulum-Marduk (Akk. "well-being of Marduk"), identity unknown, 2 5 6 : 2 0 Sum-Adda (WS "child [lit. name] of Adda"), son of Balume (see Samu-Adda), 8:13, 3 5 ; 224:3 Sumitta/i (l.u.), Egy. agent(s) in Alasia and Syria, 40:6; 5 7 : 1 3 Sumu-Haddi (WS "child [lit. name] of Haddu"), mayor(?) detained in Egypt, 97:1 Suppiluliumas (Hitt. "he who originated in the pure pool"), Hitt. king, 4 1 : 1 Suta (Egy. hypo., the god Seth), commissioner, 2 3 4 : 1 4 , 2 3 , 3 3 ; 2 8 8 : 1 9 , 22 Sutatna. See Satatna Sut(t)arna (l.u.) 1. Father of Tusratta, 24 i 47; 2 9 : 1 8 ; 2. Mayor of Musihuna, 1 8 2 : 2 ; 1 8 3 : 3 ; 184:4; 3. Father of Biryawaza, 194:9 Sutti (Egy. hypo., the god Seth), Pharaoh's envoy to Babylonia, 5 : 1 9 Suwardata, Suardatu (l.u.), mayor of Qiltu? 2 7 1 : 1 2 ; in the beginning of 279—84; 290:6, 2 7 ; 3 6 6 : 3 Tadu-Heba (Hurr. "beloved of Heba"), daughter of Tusratta, 22 iv 4 6 ; 2 3 : 7 ; 24 iii 1 0 3 ; 24 iv 67, 89; 26:4; 2 7 : 4 , 2 0 , 1 1 3 ; 28:8; 2 9 : 3 , 3 2 , 3 5 , 1 8 9 Tadua (Hurr. hypo, "beloved [of D N ] " ) , identity unknown, 2 5 7 : 1 7 Tagi (Hurr. hypo, "beautiful"), mayor of Gintikirmil(?), father-in-law of Milk­ ilu, mayor of Gazru, 249:8; 2 6 3 : 3 3 ; 264—65:2; 266:4; 2 8 9 : 1 1 , 1 9 , 25 Tahmassi (Egy. "Ptah is born"; hypo, is [A]tahmaya), Egy. official, perhaps a commissioner, 2 6 5 : 9 ; 3 0 3 : 2 0 ; 3 1 6 : 1 5 ; 364:13 Taku (Tagu?) (Hurr. hypo.[?] "beautiful"[?]), ancestor of Addu-nirari, 5 1 : 5 , rev. 2

Index of Proper Names Tarhundaraba, Luvian, " T a r h u n t . . . , " king of Arzawa, 3 1 : 2 Tassa/u (l.u.), Egy. enemy, 5 3 : 5 8 ; 5 6 : 1 6 Tehu-Tessup (Hurr., meaning uncertain), mayor in Syria? 58:2 Teuwatti, Tiwati (l.u.), mayor of Lapana, 2

5 3 : 3 5 . 5 7 ; 54:27. 3 ; ' 9 3 : 2 Teye (Egy. hypo., meaning uncertain), wife of Amenophis III and mother of Amenophis IV, 2 6 : 1 ; 27:4, 1 1 2 ; 28:7, 4 3 , 4 5 ; 29 passim Tiwati".* See Teuwatti Tulubri (Hurr., meaning uncertain), Mittani envoy to E g y p t , 27:60, 89; 2 8 : 1 2 ; 29:91 Tunipibri (Hurr., meaning uncertain), Mittani envoy to Egypt, 17:74 Turbazu (l.u.), mayor of Silu? 288:41; 335:io Tusratta, Tuiseratta (17:3) (l.u.), king of Mittani, 1 7 : 3 ; 19:3; 20:3; 2 1 : 5 ; 2 2 iv 44; 23:4; 24 iii 1 0 3 , 107; 24 iv 1 2 7 ; 25 iv 66; in the beginning of 26—29 Tutankhamun, Pharaoh 1 3 3 4 - 1 3 2 5 B . C . Tuthmosis III, Pharaoh 1504—1450 B . C . Tuthmosis IV, Phataoh 1 4 1 9 - 1 3 8 6 B . C . Tutu (Egy. hypo., meaning uncertain), Egy. official, 158:1, 5, 1 2 , 34; 164 passim; 167:28; 169:16, 3 6 Tuya (Egy. hypo., meaning uncertain), Pharaoh's enemy, 162:69 U D - h i (probably Hurr., meaning uncertain), murderer of Mittani king, 17:12 Ummahnu (WS[?], meaning uncertain), woman in the service of the Lady of Gubla, 8 3 : 5 3 ; 84:42; 85:84; 86:24 Wiktasu (Wiktazu? Yiktazu?) (l.u.), mayor? 221:4; 2 2 2 : 3 [W/Pudukki, 24 iv 68 ^wu-du-u-\uk~\-kii-ta (collated), name of a profession rather than a P N . G . Wilhelm.] Yabni-llu (WS "Ilu has created"), mayor of Lakisa, 328:4 Yahtiru ( W S , meaning uncertain), mayor? 296:4 Yahzib-Adda (WS "Adda has saved" [ zb]), mayor? 2 7 5 - 7 6 : 4

Yama (l.u.), mayor? 230:2 and see n.i. See also Yawa Yamaya (Egy. hypo, [if the correct reading], meaning uncertain), rebel against Egypt, 62:42, 45 Yamiuta (l.u.), mayor of Guddasuna, 177:2 Yanhamu, Yenhamu, Enhamu (WS hypo. " [ D N ] has consoled"), commissioner, 8 3 : 3 1 , 3 9 - 4 0 ; 8 5 : 2 3 , 48; 86:15; 98:1; 102:1; 105:15, 36; 1 0 6 : 3 6 - 3 7 ; 109:37; 1 1 6 : 7 3 ; 1 1 7 : 6 1 ; 118:49, 5 5 ; 1 2 7 : 2 3 ; 1 3 1 : 6 2 ; 1 3 2 : 2 9 ; 171 passim; 215:10; 256:1; 2 7 0 : 1 1 ; 2 7 1 : 2 5 ; 2 8 3 : 1 3 , 28; 284:3^; 685:10; 286:28; 289:45; 296:24; 366:40 Yapa-Hadda. See Yapah-Hadda Yapah/Yapa-Hadda (WS "Hadda [Ba-lu] c

has appeared [yp i), mayor of Beirut? 8 3 : 2 6 ; 85:29, 4 2 ; 9 7 : 2 ; 98:2; 103:19; 1 0 5 : 3 1 , 7 5 , 8 5 ; 106:19; 1 1 3 : 8 , 12, 4 7 ; 114:16, 59, 69; 1 1 6 : 2 5 , 4 ° . 5 ; 1 1 7 : 6 5 ; 119:57; 120:2 Yapahu (WS hypo. " [ D N ] has appeared"), mayor of Gazru, in the beginning of 297-300; 378 Yaptih-Hadda (WS "Hadda has opened" or perhaps "has inspired confidence" [bth"\), mayor of Muhraltu? 288:45; 335:io Yasdata (l.u.), mayor? Ally of Biridiya, 2 4 5 : 1 2 , 1 5 ; 248:3 Yasuya (WS hypo. " [ D N ] has saved" [yH), identity unknown, 256:18 Yattin-Hadda (WS "Hadda [ B a l u ] has given." The writing S U M - I M is ambiguous: natan(a)? yatan(a)? yatin? mat(t)in? [cf. mtnb'l]), citizen of Gubla? 123:37 Yawa (l.u.), another writing of Yama? 154:8 Yenhamu. See Yanhamu Yidya, Idiya ( W S [ ? ] , meaning uncertain [cf. Ugar. ydy}}), mayor of Asqaluna, in the beginning of 320—26; 3 7 0 Yuni (Iuni?) (l.u.), wife of Tusratta, 26:60, 62 1

c

J

Zaqata (Zakara?) (l.u.), identity unknown, 1:19

c

385

Index of Proper Names Zimr-Edda/i ( W S "My protection is Edda" [Hadda] or "protected by Edda"), 1. Mayor of Sidon, 83:26; 103:18; 106:20; 144:4; 1 4 5 : 3 ; 146:15; 149:30, 49. 57. 68; 1 5 1 : 1 1 , 6 5 ; 1 5 2 : 7 ; 1 5 4 : 2 3 ; 2. Mayor of Lakisa, 288:43; 3 2 9 : 5 ; 333:6, 9 ZirdamyaSda (l.u.), took refuge with Satatna, 2 3 4 : 1 1 , 25 Zisamimi (l.u.), mayor? 2 0 9 - 1 0 : 3 Zita, Luvian "man," probably brother of §uppiluliuma5, 44:3 Zitana, Luvian "man" ( + -na), Hitt. general, 170:20 Zitriyara. See Sitriyara

Fragmentary names m

A[h...], 217:3 A-ma-an-[x-D]i, 105:34 [B}e-0]/-x-x-x, 37:26 [ B ] i - z a - [ x ] , 207:15 [.. . ] - D I . K U D , 2 9 5 : 3 D I N G I R - w - / ' B - [ x - x ] , 168 rev. 12 Ha{s-x]-ter, 194:10 {.. .-h]€-pa, 48:2 [ x - h ] u , 8:22 Ip-te-[x], 207:2 [ ]Pa-x-tum-x-e, 37:21 Ru-mi-in-[...], 42:23 { x ] - S A R , 42:23 Su-[...], 46:14 Sum-{...], 272:2 [.. .~\-x-x-ta (king of Barga), 5 7 : 3 [ Y a b n ] i - l M , same as following? 127 n.i Ia-ab-[ni-...], mayor of Sidon? 295:14 x-ut-bar-ra, 3 7 : 2 5 Z [ i . . . ] , 338:2

Adonis, a Hellenized form of Phoenician Adon, "the Lord," perhaps "my Lord," 84:33 Aman(u)/Amun, god of Thebes and, before the Aten revolution, the supreme god during the 18th dynasty, 1:46; 19:15, 24, 76; 20:26, 7 4 ; 24 i 76, 101; 24 ii 65. 7 7 ; 24 iv 1 1 8 ; 27:87; 71:4; 7 7 : 3 ; 86:3; 87:5; 9 5 : 3 ; 164:40; 369:29 Aten, the Solar Disk c

Ba lat Gubla. See Lady of Gubla Baal/Ba lu, "the Lord," appellative of Hadda, which it tends to replace. See Adad c

Ea-Sarri, an aspect of the SumeroAkkadian god Enki-Ea, very popular in the Hurro-Hitt. culture, 24 i 7 6 ,

m

IOI .

m

m

M

Gasaru, W S god; cf. Gasrum at Mari and the gods of the rephaim at Ugarit, gtr u> yqr. See 7 4 n.10

m

Hadda/i/u. See Adad

m

m

m

m

Inanna, Sumerian goddess, identified with the A k k . IStar Istanus, Hitt. Sun-god, 3 2 : 1 7

m

m

m

m

d

m

m

Divine names outside ofpersonal names Adad (Addu, A k k . ) , Hadda/i/u ( W S ) , storm-god. I M may also stand for Baal/ Ba lu (q.v.) or, in Hurr. milieu, Tessup (q.v.), 24 i 7 6 ; 24 ii 6 5 , 7 7 ; 52:4; 5 3 : 6 ; 108:9; 147:14; J49:7; 1 5 9 7 Adonis, written D A . M U , a Sumerian god, "the Child," identified with Dumuzi (Tammuz). The Byblian god must be the one that classical writers called

Lady of Gubla, in EA N I N U U R U Gubla, b lt gbl in Phoenician inscriptions, and Balthis among the Greeks; identified with the Egy. goddess Hathor and perhaps with Canaanite Asirtu, and the supreme deity at Byblos, 68:4; passim in the greetings of 6 9 - 7 0 , 7 3 - 7 9 , 8 1 , 8 5 , 87, 89, 9 2 , 95, 101, 105, 107—10, 1 1 2 , 1 1 4 , 1 1 6 - 1 9 , 1 2 1 - 2 5 , 1 3 0 , 1^2; also 83:54-55; 84:42-43; 85:85-86; 86:25-26 c

Li(')m (WS god). See 195, n.2

D

c

D

386

D

M A § . M A § . See 35

n.2

Nabu, Babylonian god, patron of scribes, 32:15 Nergal, Sumero-Akk. lord of the underworld and plague-god, also patron of commerce. See 31 n.4 and 35 n.3

Index of Proper Names Ninurta, Sumero-Akk. god of war and agriculture, son of Enlil. See 74 n.io

c

-Astartu, Ugar. ttrt, Astarte of the Greeks, identified with Aphrodite, the planet Venus: Abdi-Astatti c

Raspu (Resheph), W S god corresponding to Nergal. See 3 1 n.4 and 35 n.3 Sun, SamaS, §amsu (Akk.) See also IiStanuS, R e , Simige, and Utu, 99:23; 108:10; 147:8, 4 3 , 5 2 , 58; 149:6; 159:8; 162:78, 80—81; 163 rev. 2, 4 - 5 ; 207:16; 3 6 7 : 2 3 ; 369:25, 30—31; 370:24, 28 Samas, A k k . sun-god. See Sun SauSka, the Hurr. Istar. Her cult was very popular among the Phoenicians, and to be identified with the Istar of either Nineveh or Arbail, 19:24; 20:25; 5> 18; 2 3 : 1 3 , 26, 3 1 ; 2 4 i 76; 24 iii 98 Seri, bull-god in the service of Tegsup, 24 iv 115 Simige, Hurr. sun-god, 2 1 : 1 5 , 18; 24 i 77, 8 6 - 8 7 , 94> » 4 ' 5 ! 5 5 : 5 3 , 56, 59, 63, 66 c

2 i : i

I O I

2

v

I 2

TeSsup, Hurr. storm-god. See Adad Utu, Sumerian sun-god. See Sun

Divine names only in personal names c

A m m u , W S deified paternal uncle or people (tribe): Ammistamru, (H)ammunira "Anatu, W S goddess of wat and love: Anatu A n u , W S god known only in P N : B i n Anu Api, Egy. god known only in P N : A p i , Appiha(?) Asar, W S god known only in P N : Sur-Asar(?) Asirtu, Asratu, biblical Asherah, according to Ugar. myths, spouse of E l , mother of the gods and creatress of mankind: Abdi-A5irta Askur, W S god known only in P N : Askur-milku? Assur, numen of the city ASSur, national god of Assyria: ASsur-nadin-ahlie, Assur-uballit

c

c

Buriyas, Kass. storm-god: Burna-Buriyas Dagan, perhaps originally a storm-god, known to the Akkadians, but extremely popular along the Middle Euphrates and in Syria: Dagan-takala El(u). See Il(u) Enlil, supreme god of the Sumetian pantheon: Kadasman-Enlil « * Ha api (h py), Egy. god of the Nile: Haapi, Haip Hammu. See A m m u rjeba(t), Hurr. goddess, spouse of TeSsup: Abdi-Heba, Kelu-Heba, Tadu-Heba Horus, Egy. falcon-god, lord of the sky: Haramassi, Haramassa c

c

c

c

Il(u), El(u), head of Canaanite pantheon: Rab(i)-Ilu, §ab-Ilu, Yabni-Ilu Ir5u, W S god, known mainly from P N : -Abdi-Irsi Marduk, god of Babylon and Babylonian national god: Sulum-Marduk Mer, Mir, Wer, storm-god, assimilated to Adad: Balu-Mir, Pirissi(?) Mhyt, Egy. goddess of the notthwind: Pamahu(?) Milku, W S god, "the king": A b d i - M i l k i , Ili-Milku, Milk-ilu, Milkayu, Milkuru c

N I N . U R . M A y . M E S . See Personal names Ptah, god of Memphis and, according to Memphite theology, the Creator: (A)tahmaya, TahmasSi Ramu, W S , "the exalted one," known only in P N : A b d i - R a m a R e , Egy. sun-god: Huriya, Maireya, Manahpirya, Naphurureya, Nib/phurrereya, Nibmuareya, Reanap(a) Ri5u (WS[?], meaning uncertain [cf. Ugar. WW?}): A b d i - R i s a c

c

C

c

387

Index of Proper Names Seth (Sth), god of Upper Egypt, rival of Horus and Osiris: §uta, Sutti Sidqu (WS "justice"): Rab-Sidqu Siptu (WS "judgment"), known only from the P N §ipturisa(?) Sugab, Kass. god of the underworld: Sindi-Sugab Tarhunt, Luvian storm-god: Tarhundaradu Tirsu (WS "wine"): Abdi-Tir5i c

the Orontes and the Mediterranean, and from north to south, between Arwada and Tripoli; also a state established by Abdi-Asirta and his sons. On the province, see xxvii n.71. Despite U R U A-mu-ur-ra ( 1 6 2 : 1 ) , a city named Amurru seems questionable (see, however, R . Stieglitz, JNES 50 [ 1 9 9 1 ] pp. 45ff.), 60:8; 61 rev. 5; 7 0 : 2 5 , 28; 7 3 : 1 1 , 1 5 ; 8 2 : 4 8 ; 85:69, 8 2 ; 9 1 : 3 8 ; 9 5 : 2 1 , 2 8 ; 1 0 1 : 5 , > 9> 3 5 ; 1 0 3 : 1 0 ; 114:14; 1 1 5 : 1 7 ; 1 1 7 : 6 3 ; 127:40; 142:24; 145:24; 156:14; 158:15; 162:1, 77; 1 6 5 : 2 0 , 3 5 ; 1 6 6 : 2 4 ; 1 6 7 : 2 5 ; 1 7 8 : 2 1 , 24; 179:19 c

2 I

Uras, Sumerian god of the city Dilbat; also the goddess "Earth," spouse of A n , the sky-god. Canaanite correspondent unknown: A b d i - U R A S c

2

*Anatolia, Asia Minor Wer. See Mer

+ A p u , U p u , area around Damascus,

Geographical names

4 Araru, a town to the east of the Sea of Galilee, 2 5 6 : 2 5 Arasni, reading and location uncertain, 75:30 -HArdata, Eldata, Arde, 7 2 : 5 ; 7 5 : 3 1 ; 8 8 : 5 ; 104:10; 109:12; 139:15; 140:12 + Arwada, Erwada, biblical Arvad, the island Ruad, 9 8 : 1 4 ; 1 0 1 : 1 3 , 1 6 ; 1 0 4 : 4 2 ; 1 0 5 : 1 2 , 1 6 , 1 8 , 87; 149:59 *Arzawa, a country to the west of Cilicia, 31:2 *Assyria, in EA "the country of the god Assur," state named after the city and its god, 1 5 : 3 ; 1 6 : 3 ; Gentilic "Assyrian," 9:31 + Asqaluna, biblical Askelon, 2 8 7 : 1 4 ; 320-21:6; 322:5; 370:1 * Assur. See Assyria + AStartu, biblical Ashtarot, Tell'Astara, 197:10; 256:21 Awari. See under group name Awargena + Ayyaluna, biblical Aijalon, Yalo, 237:20; 287:57 Azzatu. See Hazzatu

5 3 : 2 7 , passim; 189 rev. 1 2 ; 1 9 7 : 3 4 ,

Names marked with *, see map of Near East (p. 1); names marked with + , see map of vassal cities (p. 1 2 4 ) ; modern site identi­ fications given in italics. Aduru, town to the east of the Sea of Galilee, 1 9 7 : 2 ; 2 5 6 : 2 4 Ahtiasna, or Ahtiru(m)na, town probably south of Tahnaka, 3 1 9 : 5 Akhetaten, capital of Egypt, built by Amenophis IV. See xiii and El-Amarna + Akka, biblical Acco, 8 : 1 9 ; 88:46; 1 1 1 : 2 2 ; in the beginning 0 / 2 3 2 - 3 4 ; 2 3 6 ; 366:22 *Akkad, northern half of Babylonia Aksapa, biblical Achshaph, near A k k a , 366:23; 367:1 *Alalakh, city in northern Syria *Alasi(y)a, Cyprus or a part of the island, in the beginning of 33—35, 37—40; 3 4 : 3 9 ; :

35 3°. 33; '14:52 Ammiya, probably Amyun, near Tripoli, 7 3 : 2 7 ; 74:25; 7 5 : 3 3 ; 8 1 : 1 3 ; 88:7; r

: l

95:45; 3 9 4 ; 1 4 0 : " + A m p i , probably Enfe, 7 1 : 3 1 ; 7 2 : 8 , 2 9 ; 76:19; 95:44; 102:20; 104:11, 40 Amq(u), Beqa , 5 3 : 5 8 ; 140:27, 3 0 ; 1 7 0 : 1 6 ; in the beginning of 1 7 3 - 7 6 , 3 6 3 + Amurru, territory of uncertain boundaries, from east to west, between c

388

2

*Babylonia, southern part of modern Iraq, Sumer, and Akkad Barga, a town, perhaps Barkum, 25 km. southwest of Aleppo, 5 7 : 3 + Batruna, Batrun, 7 8 : 1 9 ; 7 9 : 2 5 ; 8 1 : 9 , n ; 87:20; 88:16; 90:14; 93:20; 95:46; 124:34

Index of Proper Names -(-Beirut, in EA Biruta, 9 2 : 3 2 ; 1 0 1 : 2 5 ; 1 1 4 : 1 3 ; 1 1 8 : 2 8 , 3 1 ; 138passim; 1 4 1 : 4 ; 142:12; 143:21, 25; 155:67 Bit-Arha, town, site unknown, 7 9 : 2 1 ; 8 3 : 2 9 . See Bit-Arqa Bit-Arqa, reading uncertain; aberrant writing of Bit-Arha? 9 1 : 9 B i t - N I N . U R T A , town, site uncertain, 290:16 Bit Tenni, town in Syria, 2 6 0 : 1 3 - 1 4 *Boghazk6y, city in central Turkey, site of Hattusas, Hitt. capital Burquna, town, probably Burkin, 4 km. southwest of Gina, 2 5 0 : 4 3 Burusilim, town near Gubla? 1 3 7 : 6 4 , 67, D

85 4- Busruna, biblical Bosora, Busra eski Sam., 1 9 7 : 1 3 ; 1 9 9 : 1 3 Byblos. See Gubla Canaan, in EA Kinahhi and Kinahni/a, territory of uncertain boundaries, from north to south, between Amurru and Egypt, and from east to west, between ill-defined borders and Mediterranean, 8 : 1 5 , 17, 2 5 ; 14 ii 26; 3 0 : 1 ; 109:46; 110:49; 131:61; 137:76; 145:46; 151:50; 1 6 2 : 4 1 ; 3 6 7 : 8 ; Gentilic "Canaanite," 9:19 *Carchemish, in EA KVGark/gamis, city on right bank of upper Middle Euphrates, Jerablus, 5 4 : 5 1 *Cilicia, region of Asia Minor where coast faces Cyprus *Cyprus. See Alasi(y)a * + Damascus, in EA Di/umasqu, 5 3 : 6 3 ; 107:28; 197:21 Danuna, a kingdom in eastern Cilicia Ebla, Tell Mardikb, about 60 km. southwest from Aleppo Eldata. See Ardata *Egypt, in EA K U R Mis(sa)ri/Misri-niwe, 1 : 3 , 5 1 - 5 2 , 68; 2—3:1; 4:6; 7 : 1 ; 8:2; 9 - 1 1 : 1 ; 1 1 : 2 2 ; 1 5 : 1 ; 1 6 : 2 , 2 0 , 2 3 ; 1 7 : 1 ; 1 9 : 1 , 1 9 ; 20:1, 9, 1 6 - 1 7 , 5 2 , 5 5 , 59; 2 1 : 2 ; 22 iv 4 5 , 4 7 ; 2 3 : 1 , 14; 24 i 62, 8 5 ; 24 iii' 1 0 5 ; 2 6 - 2 7 : 1 ; 2 7 : 2 4 ; 2 8 - 2 9 : 1 ; 29:49, 1 7 4 ; 30:4, 8, 1 0 ; 3 1 : 1 ; 34:2; 3 5 : 1 , 9, 28, 3 1 ; 3 7 - 4 0 : 1 ; 4 1 : 3 ;

4 4 : 1 ; 4 5 : 2 7 ; 5 1 : 1 , 4, 7, rev. 6; 5 2 : 1 ; 5 3 : 1 5 ; 56:5; 59:1, 1 0 , 1 2 , 18, 30, 43; 62:7-8; 67:10; 70:18; 88:33; 95:32; 97:8; 1 0 1 : 1 8 ; 1 0 5 : 2 1 , 8 3 ; 1 0 8 : 6 7 ; 109:45, 48; 1 1 2 : 2 0 ; 1 1 7 : 1 3 , 4 9 , 54; 122:37; 123:18; 127:18; 135:18; 137:28; 1 3 8 : 6 8 , 9 2 ; 1 4 7 : 6 9 ; 1 6 9 : 2 1 , 2 3 , 28, 3 3 ; 1 9 7 : 2 5 ; 2 3 4 : 3 0 ; 2 8 6 : 3 1 ; 289:34; 2 9 6 : 2 6 ; 3 1 3 : 3 ; Gentilic "Egyptian," 24 ii 69, 7 1 ; iii 1 1 7 ; iv 97, 128 *Elam, country to the east of Babylonia *E1-Amarna. See xiii Enisasi, town near Hasabu and Hasi, 1 8 7 : 1 2 ; 363:4 Erwada. See Arwada Eshnunna, Babylonian city in the Diyala valley Garu, perhaps K U R ga-(ju)-ri, biblical Geshur, 2 5 6 : 2 3 Gaza. See Hazzatu + Gazru, biblical Gezer, 2 5 3 : 2 2 ; 2 5 4 : 2 2 ; 2 8 7 : 1 4 ; 290:8; 2 9 2 : 4 3 ; 2 9 8 : 5 ; 299:4; 300:5; 369:1; 378:4 Gezer. See Gazru Gilunu, town near Hasi, 1 8 5 : 2 2 , 25 G i m t u , biblical Gath, site uncertain, 290:9 + Gina, probably Beth-haggan, Jennin, 250:17, 21 Ginti. See Gintikirmil Gintikirmil, Ginti, town, perhaps near Carmel, 2 8 8 : 2 6 ; 2 8 9 : 1 8 - 1 9 ; 290:28 + Gittipadalla, probablyJett, 2 5 0 : 1 2 Gittirimmunima, town, probably biblical Gath-Rimmon, Rummana, near Tahnaka, 2 5 0 : 4 6 * + Gubla, biblical Gebal, the Byblos of the Greeks, besides the introductions of 6 8 - 1 4 0 , 6 7 : 1 4 ; 68:4, to, 2 1 , 2 6 ; 70:8; 72:7; 74:12, 2 2 , 3 2 , 48; 75:8; 78:16; 79:24, 38; 81:9; 84:20, 22, 3 6 - 3 7 ; 85:37, 50, 5 3 ; 8 8 : 2 2 , 3 1 , 4 3 - 4 4 ; 90:7, 2 2 , 4 2 ; 9 1 : 1 3 , 2 0 , 3 5 ; 98:8; 1 0 3 : 1 7 ; 1 0 4 : 5 1 ; 106:4; 1 0 9 : 6 5 ; 116:47, 7 9 ; 1 2 3 : 1 2 ; 1 2 4 : 9 , 1 3 , 3 3 , 4 2 , 54; 126:37, 60; 1 2 7 : 1 4 , 1 7 , 20, 2 5 , 4 5 ; 1 2 8 : 2 0 ; 1 2 9 : 3 1 , 3 3 , 4 2 - 4 3 , 4 7 ; ' 3 1 : 7 , 9, '4, 16, 5 8 , 60; 1 3 2 : 9 , 2 3 ; 1 3 3 : 5 ; 1 3 4 : 2 , 6, 25, 38; 136:8; I 3 7 : ! 7 , 3 ' , 4 - 7 3 ; 1 3 8 : 1 0 , 1 8 , 36, 1 2 2 ; 1 3 9 : 8 , 9, 2 1 , 3 3 ; 1

389

Index of Proper Names Gubla (cont'd) 140:6, 16; 1 4 2 : 1 5 , 20; 1 5 2 : 1 3 ; 162:2; 362:26, 3 2 , 38 GuddaSuna, town near Hasi, 1 7 7 : 1 2 Halunnu, town near Bu$runa, 197:14 Hana/igalbat, region between Upper Euphrates and Upper Tigris Rivers, of which the political center lay between the Balih and Habur Rivers; also called Mittani and "Hurrian land," 20:17; 29:49; 2 5 5 : 1 0 , 20; Gentilic "Hanigalbatean," 1:38 Harabu, town near Burquna and Sunama, 250:44. See also 281 n.2 Hasi, probably Tell Hizzin, 10 k m . southwest of Baalbek, 175:4; 185:3, 4 3 ; 186:44, 62 *Hasura, biblical Hazor, 148:41; 2 2 7 : 3 , 2 1 ; 228:4, 1 5 , 2 3 ; 364:18 + Hasabu, Tell Hasbe, 174:8 *Hatta/i, Hittites and their country in eastern Asia Minor, 1 7 : 3 1 ; 35:49; 4 1 : 2 ; 44:19; 4 5 : 2 2 ; 5 1 rev. 4; 52:30; 5 3 - 5 6 passim; 59:23; 7 5 : 3 6 ; 1 1 6 : 7 1 ; 1 2 6 : 5 1 , 59; 129:76; 140:31; 1 5 1 : 5 8 ; 1 5 7 : 2 8 ; 161:49; 1 6 4 - 6 7 passim; 170:14; 174:14; 1 7 5 : 1 1 ; 176:11; 196:10, 1 7 ; 197:24; 363:11 Hayyunu (Hayyanu?), probably Ayyun, to the east of the Sea of Galilee, 2 5 6 : 2 8 Hazor. See Ha$ura Hazzatu, Azzatu, biblical Gaza, 129:84; c

2 8

: I

7 7 . 3 3 . 4 ° ; 296:32 Henianabi, town to the east of the Sea of Galilee, 2 5 5 : 2 6 *Hikuptah ("dwelling of the soul of the god Ptah"), name of Memphis in Egypt, 84:37; 139:8 Hinnatuna/i, biblical Hannathon, site uncertain, 8:17; 2 4 5 : 3 2 Hurri, the Hurrians and their country; see Hana/igalbat, 42:10; 56:44; 60:14; Gentilic "Hurrian," 24 ii 68, 7 2 ; iii 6, 1 1 3 ; iv 127 Ibirta, reading uncertain, Inamta also possible, town probably north of Gubla, 8 3 : 3 8 ; 104:52; 105:77 Ihibe, On (Heliopolis) in Egypt, center of the cult of the sun-god; connection

390

of name Ihibe with On remains obscure, 24 i 86 + Irqata, cf. biblical Arkite, Tell Arqa, 6 2 : 1 3 , 17, 2 2 ; 7 2 : 4 ; 7 5 : 2 6 ; 88:6; 100 passim; 103:12, 36; 1 3 9 : 1 5 ; 140:10 c

* + J e r u s a l e m , in EA Urusalim, 2 8 7 : 2 5 , 46, 61, 63; 289:14, 29; 290:15 Joppa. See Yapu KaraduniyaS, Karadunifc (perhaps of Kass. origin, meaning uncertain), name of Babylonia, 1:1; 2:2; 3 : 3 ; 5:3; 7—8:3; 10—11:2; 200:9; 2 5 5 : 2 1 Kasi. See KaSa/i Ka5a/i, Nubia, biblical Cush, 49:20; 1 2 7 : 2 2 ; 1 3 1 : 1 3 ; 1 3 3 : 1 7 ; 2 8 7 : 7 2 ; 288:36; Gentilic "Kasite," 2 8 7 : 3 3 , 7 4 Kuasbat (Kusbat?), probably Kusba, 4 km. east of Amyun (see Ammiya), 69:21; 70:16 4-Kumidu, Kamid el-Loz, cf. biblical Gammadites, 1 1 6 : 7 5 ; 9 8 5 ; 132:49; 197:38; 198:5 I 2

;

Lachish. See Lakisa + Lakisa, Lasis/su, biblical Lachish, Tell ed-Duweir, 2 8 7 : 1 5 ; 288:43; 3 2 8 : 5 ; 329:6; 3 3 5 : 1 0 , 16 + Lapana, town, perhaps biblical "the entrance to Hamath (lebo' bamdt)" Ubwe, 5 3 : 3 5 , 5 7 ; 54:27, 3 2 *Larsa, city in southern Babylonia Lukki, country, location of which in southern and western Asia Minor is debated, 38:10 Luristan, province of western Iran Magdalu, town, 1. In Garu, 256:26; 2. In Amqu, 185:29, 3 4 , and 186:28; 3. Near Tripoli, 69:20, 70:9; 4. In Egypt, probably Migdol of the Exodus, Tell el-Heir, 234:29 4-Magidda, biblical Megiddo, 2 3 4 : 1 9 ; 242:4; 2 4 3 : 1 1 ; 244:24, 4 2 ; 2 4 5 : 2 6 Mahzibtu, town near Hasi, 1 8 5 : 1 7 ; 186:12 Manhatu, town near Gazru, 292:30 Marhasi, country to the east of Elam. Cf. 25 i 52 Mittani/a (see Hana/igalbat), 1 7 : 3 ; 19:4; 20:3; 21:6; 22 iv 44; 23:4; 24 iii 104;

Index of Proper Names 25 iv 66; 2 7 : 2 ; 29:2; 54:40; 56:39; 58:5; 7 5 : 3 8 ; 76:14; 8 5 : 5 1 ; 86:12; 90:20; 9 5 : 2 7 ; 101:10; 104:21; 109:6; 116:70 Muhhazu, town, site uncertain, 298:25 Muhrastu, town, site uncertain, often identified with biblical MoreshethGarh, 3 3 5 : 1 7 Musihuna, town south of Damascus, 182:2; 183-84:4 Na(h)rima/i (Egy. and W S name of Mittani, 7 5 : 3 9 ; 140:32; 194:23; 2 8 8 : 3 5 . See also 27 n.20 Naziba, town south of Damascus, near Qanu, 206:4 * N i i , country, probably on the Orontes, near the later Apamea, 5 3 : 4 2 ; 59:8 *Nineveh, in EA Nina and Ninua, Assyrian city on right bank of Tigris River, 2 3 : 1 3 ; 24 iii 98 *Nuha!>se, country south of Aleppo, 51:5; 5 3 : 4 1 ; 5 5 : 2 1 ; 160:24; 161:36; 164:22; 165:18, 38; 166:21; 167:11, 20; 169:17; 170:27 Nuribda (Nuribta?), town near Yapu 2, 365:29 + Pihilu, one of the cities of the Decapolis, Khirbet Fahil, 256:8, 1 3 , 34 Qades. See QidSu Qanu, town south of Damascus, perhaps biblical Kenath, Qanawat, 204:4 4-Qatna, el-MiMfe, 52:6; 53:64; 55:44, 49; 5 7 : 2 + Qeltu. See Qiltu + Qidsu, Qissa, Qinsa, Qadesh on the Orontes, Tell Nebi Mend, 151:60; 1 6 2 : 2 2 ; 1 7 4 : 1 2 ; 1 7 5 : 1 0 ; 176:10; 189:11; 190:4; 197:27, 3 2 ; 363:10 + Qiltu, town, probably biblical Keilah and therefore in the Amarna period Qi'iltu, 2 7 9 : 1 2 ; 280:11, 18; 289:28; 290:10, 18 Qinsa. See QidSu Qissa. See Qidsu Rubutu, town between Gazru and Jerusalem, 2 8 9 : 1 3 ; 290:11 Ruhisu. See Ruhizzi

Ruhizzi, earlier Rahisu > Rohisu, written in syllabic cuneiform Ruhisu, town near QidSu, east of the AntiLebanon, 5 3 : 3 6 , 56; 191:2 Salhi, region near Ugarit, 126: 5 (reading uncertain) Sarqu, town east of the Sea of Galilee, 256:27 * + Sidon, in EA §iduna, 8 5 : 7 1 ; 9 2 : 3 3 ; 101:24; 1 1 4 : 1 3 ; 118:27, 30; 144:5, n ; 146:14; 147:67; 148:25, 40; 149:57; 1 5 1 : 1 1 ; 152:8; 154:14; 155:68; 162:12; I95:i4 Silu, town, perhaps Egy., at the border of eastern Delta, 288:42, 4 6 Sinzar, probably Qala'at Seijar on the middle Orontes, 5 3 : 4 2 Subaru, in EA the region between Aleppo and Qidsu, 100:21; 108:17; 109:40 *Sumer, the southern half of Babylonia Sapuma, town, site uncertain, 274:16 Sarha, town, probably biblical Zorah, to the west of Jerusalem, 2 7 3 : 2 1 Siribasani, town east of the Sea of Galilee, 201:4 + §umur(u), town, the Simyra of the Greeks, whence biblical Zemarites, at the mouth of the Nahr el-Kabir, 59:34; 60:23, 2 7 ; 61 rev. 4; 62 passim; 67 passim; 68:16, 20; 7 1 : 1 6 ; 7 2 : 3 1 ; 7 3 : 4 1 ; 7 6 : 3 5 ; 81:48; 83:29; 84:12; 85:36, 5 2 ; 86:35; 88:6; 90:31; 91:6, n ; 98:4, 1 8 , 20; 102:15; 1 0 3 : 1 1 , 1 4 , 27, 3 5 , 39, 46; 104:15, 3 3 , 36, 39, 4 5 ; 105:7, 31, 49, 86; 106:8, 11, 16, 2 1 , 2 4 , 3 7 ; 107:15, 34, 48; 108:47, 5 3 ; 109:57, 6 3 ; 1 1 2 : 4 3 , 47, 50; 1 1 4 : 1 1 , 28, 37, 40; 1 1 5 : 9 , 1 2 , 14, 17, 2 2 ; 116:10, 17, 2 3 ; 1 1 7 : 1 1 , 46; 1 1 8 : 5 2 ; 124:19; 127:6, 7; 129:96; 1 3 1 : 8 , 38; 1 3 2 : 4 3 ; 1 3 3 : 5 ; 1 3 4 : 3 4 ; 1 3 5 : 3 ; 138:29, 3 3 , 3 5 ; 1 3 9 : 1 7 ; 140:15, 18; 149:39, 67; 1 5 5 : 6 7 ; 1 5 7 : 1 2 ; 159:12, 1 5 , 43, 46; 160:27—28; 161:35 Saddu, town in A m q u , 197:29 + Sakmu, biblical Shechem, 289:29 Samhuna, town, site uncertain, 225:4 Sanhar, biblical Shinar, a name for Babylonia, 24 iv 95; 35:49 Saruna, rown, site uncertain, 2 4 1 : 3

391

Index of Proper Names Sashimi, town east of the Sea of Galilee, 203:4 Sehlali, town, probably to the west of N i i , 62 passim; 3 7 1 : 1 9 Setu, a region, perhaps biblical Seir, 288:26 + Sigata, town, probably Sekka, 7 1 : 2 5 , 30; 7 4 : 2 4 ; 7 6 : 1 8 ; 88:7; 90:9; 9 5 : 4 4 ; 98:11, 1 6 ; 104:12, 41 Sunama, town, biblical Shunem, Solem, east of Magidda, 2 5 0 : 4 3 ; 3 6 5 : 1 2

rev. 3 ; 104:9, 3 0 , 4 1 ; 1 0 5 : 2 3 , 4 1 , 84; 109:15; 117:42; 140:19 Upu. See Apu URU

N I N . U R T A . See 74 n.io;

1 1 7 n.7

*Uruk, biblical Erech, city of southern Babylonia + Usu, mainland Tyre, the Palaityros o f t h e G t e e k s , 1 4 8 : 1 1 , 3 0 ; 149:49; 150:18 Uste, town near Hasi, 1 8 5 : 3 7 Wahliya, perhaps Tripoli, 1 0 4 : 1 1 ; 1 1 4 : 1 2

Taanach. See Tahnaka Tahda, town in Egypt, 1 3 8 : 7 9 Tahnaka, town, perhaps biblical Taanach, 248:14 Tahsi, country in A m q u , south of Qidsu; cf. biblical Tahash, son of Nahot, 189 rev. 1 2 Thebes, capital of Egypt in the 18th dynasty, before the building of Akhetaten Tianna, town near Muhhazu, 2 8 4 : 3 1 ; 2 9 8 : 2 8 ; 306:34 Ti-e-ti (see 1 5 2 n.i), 1 5 2 : 4 8 ; 295 rev. 7 Tukris, a region in Luristan, 2 2 ii 3 7 ; 25 iv 45 Tunanab (mistakenly written Tu-na-na-ad), town, probably between Qatna and Horns, 5 3 : 4 3 Tunip, city, site uncertain, 5 7 : 1 2 , rev. 1; 59 passim; 1 6 1 : 1 2 , 3 4 ; 1 6 5 : 3 9 , 4 1 ; 167:23 TuSultu, town near Hasabu, 1 8 5 : 1 1 ; 1 8 6 passim (line 57, [ U R U T]u-M (SAL)-ti) * + Tyre, in EA Surru, the island city, 7 7 : 1 5 ; 89passim; 9 2 : 3 4 ; 1 0 1 : 2 3 ; 1 1 4 : 1 3 ; 1 4 6 : 1 0 ; 1 4 7 : 6 2 ; 149 passim; 1 5 5 : 4 1 , 61 Tubihu, town in A m q u ; cf. biblical Tebah, sonofNahor, 1 7 9 : 1 5 , 2 4 , 26, 28 Tubu, town east of the Sea of Galilee; cf. the biblical country of Tob, 2 0 5 : 3 x

Udumu, town east of the Sea of Galilee, 256:24 *Ugarit(u), Ras Shamra, 1:39; 4 5 : 3 5 ; 8 9 : 5 1 ; 98:9; 1 2 6 : 6 ; 1 5 1 : 5 5 Ullassa, town neat Sumur, probably at the mouth of the Nahr el-Barid and near the Orthosia of the Greeks, 6 0 : 2 3 ; 61

392

Yabiluma, town east of the Sea of Galilee, 197:8 Yanuamma, probably Tell en-Na am, southwest of the Sea of Galilee, 1 9 7 : 8 Yapu, 1. + Biblical J o p p a , 294:20; 2 9 6 : 3 3 ; 2. Town near Magidda, 3 6 5 : 2 6 ; 3 . A third town or the same as biblical Joppa, 1 3 8 : 6 , 85 Yaramu, town, site uncertain, 3 3 3 : 1 0 Yarim(m)uta, Yarmuta, coastal town, perhaps south of Beirut, site uncertain, 68:27; 7 5 : 1 3 ; 8 1 : 4 0 ; 8 2 : 2 9 ; 8 5 : 1 4 , 3 5 , 50; 8 6 : 3 3 , 46; 9 0 : 3 8 ; 1 0 5 : 4 8 , 86; 112:29; 114:55; 116:74; 5 7 Yatanu, town near Amurru, 1 7 8 : 5 Yursa, town, site uncertain, 3 1 4 : 4 ; 3 1 5 : 3 c

I 2

: I

Zuhru, town, site uncertain, 3 3 4 : 3

Fragmentary names [... i)G-ma-te 2 5 7 : 2 1 [ U R U ] x-nu 220:3 U R U [S]#-[x-x] 92:8 U R U x-[x]-/)[<j-x]272:3

Group names Ahlamean (ahlamayyu), in the Amarnaperiod a name for certain bands moving along the Middle Euphrates and in northern Mesopotamia; originally, perhaps the name of a tribe (cf. Suteans), 200:8, 1 0 "Apiru, usually a pejorative term, meaning uncertain, used of those who did not accept Egy. authority or who wished to throw it off. Their identity and

Index of Proper Names Awargena, Hurr. form, with the relationship to the Hbri, the Hebrews of morpheme of origin -ge and the plural the Bible, have long been a matter of article -na, "the people of Awari." The debate. Recent works: M . Chaney, toponym Awari is not attested elsewhere "Ancient Palestinian Peasant Movements in cuneiform sources ( G . Wilhelm), 24 and the Formation of Premonarchical iv 8 Israel," in D. N . Freedman and D. F. Graf, eds., Palestine in Transition: The Emergence of Ancient Israel (Sheffield, Hapiru. See Apiru 1 9 8 3 ) , pp. 39ff.; O. Loretz, HabiruHebraer. Eine soziolinguistische Studie iiber Kaskean, inhabitant of the country die Herkunft des Gentiliziums ibri vom *Ka5ka, in the Pontus region along the Appellativum habiru. Beitrage zur ZAW, coast of the Black Sea, 1:38 vol. 160 (Berlin, 1984); N . Na'aman, Kassu/i, the Kassites, ethnic group that "Habiru and Hebrews: The Transfer of came to power in Babylon in the 16th a Social Term to the Literary Sphere," century B . C . , a n d maintained it to the JNES 45 (1986) pp. 271ft"., 6 7 : 1 7 ; middle of the 12th century B . C . 7 6 : 1 5 ; 68:18; 7 1 : 2 1 , 29; 73:29, 3 3 ; 74:29, 36; 104:20; 1 1 6 : 7 1 75:10, 27; 76:18; 77:24, 29; 79:10, 20; c

c

8 2 :

8

: i

81:13; 9 ; 3 7 ; 85:41.73.78; 87:21; 88:34; 90:25; 9 1 : 5 , 2 4 ; 104:54; 1 1 1 : 2 1 ; 1 1 2 : 4 6 ; 1 1 6 : 3 8 ; 1 1 7 : 5 8 , 94; 1 1 8 : 3 8 ; 1 2 1 : 2 1 ; 130:38; 1 3 2 : 2 1 ; 144:26, 30; 1 4 8 : 4 3 , 4 5 ; 1 7 9 : 2 2 ; 185 passim; 186 passim; 1 8 9 rev. 1 1 , 17—18; 1 9 5 : 2 7 ; 197:4, 11, 30; 207:21; 2 1 5 : 1 5 ; 243:20; 246 rev. 7 ; 2 5 4 : 3 4 ; 2 7 1 : 1 6 ; 2 7 2 : 1 7 ; 2 7 3 : 1 4 , 1 9 ; 2 7 4 : 1 3 ; 286:19, 56; 2 8 7 : 3 1 ; 2 8 8 : 3 8 ; 289:24; 2 9 0 : 1 3 , 24; 2 9 8 : 2 7 ; 299:18, 24, 26; 3 0 5 : 2 2 ; 3 1 3 : 6 ; 3 1 8 : 1 1

Sutean (sutS), name of an ancient tribe that by the Amarna period had acquired a more general sense and designated roaming and often dangerous bands, 16:38, 40; 122:34; 1 2 3 : 1 4 ; 169:25; 1 9 5 : 2 9 ; 2 4 6 rev. 7; 2 9 7 : 1 6 ; 3 1 8 : 1 3 Sirdanu, a term that probably has nothing to do with the srdn, one of the Sea Peoples mentioned in Egy. documents. A type of soldier? Also found at Ugarit, 81:16; 122:35; 123:15

393