Slave Captain: The Career of James Irving in the Liverpool Slave Trade (Liverpool English Texts and Studies)

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SLAVE CAPTA IN The Career of James Irving in the Liverpool Slave Trade

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‘An Accurate Map of Africa from the Best Authorities’, printed for G. Robinson, 18th century. Reproduced by permission of National Museums Liverpool, Merseyside Maritime Museum.

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SLAVE CAPTA IN The Career of James Irving in the Liverpool Slave Trade

Edited with an Introduction by

Suzanne Schwarz

Liverpool University Press

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First published 1995 by Bridge Books Wrexham Clwyd Revised second edition published 2008 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU

Copyright © 1995, 2008 Suzanne Schwarz

The right of Suzanne Schwarz to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Design and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available

ISBN 978-1-84631-067-6

Typeset by XL Publishing Services, Tiverton Printed and bound in the European Union by Biddles Ltd, King’s Lynn

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To the memory of Paul Hair and Michael Power

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Contents

List of Illustrations, Maps and Tables Preface to the Second Edition The Documents and Editorial Conventions List of Abbreviations

viii ix xiii xv

Part One: James Irving’s Career 1 Introduction

3

2 Early Career in the Liverpool Slave Trade

7

3 Irving’s Voyages in the Transatlantic Slave Trade

20

4 Shipwreck and Enslavement

39

5 Freedom and Return to England

65

6 Conclusion

70

Part Two: James Irving’s Correspondence, 1786–1791

81

Part Three: Journal of James Irving’s Shipwreck and Enslavement, May 1789–October 1790 A ‘Short Account’ by James Irving II, June–October 1789

125 149

Notes Bibliography Index

153 195 205

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List of Illustrations, Maps and Tables

Illustrations Frontispiece: ‘An Accurate Map of Africa from the Best Authorities’, printed for G. Robinson, 18th century. Reproduced by permission of National Museums Liverpool, Merseyside Maritime Museum. Figure 1: Liverpool, 1785. Reproduced by permission of Liverpool Libraries and Information Services. Figure 2: The coast of West Africa. Detail from ‘An Accurate Map of Africa from the Best Authorities’, printed for G. Robinson, 18th century. Reproduced by permission of National Museums Liverpool, Merseyside Maritime Museum. Figure 3: The Atlantic coast of Morocco. Detail from ‘An Accurate Map of Africa from the Best Authorities’, printed for G. Robinson, 18th century. Reproduced by permission of National Museums Liverpool, Merseyside Maritime Museum. Figure 4: Letter from James Irving to Mary Irving, 22 November 1786. Reproduced by permission of the Lancashire Record Office.

Maps Map 1: The coast of West Africa. Map 2: Morocco, showing the main locations referred to in the text.

Table Table 1: Voyages undertaken by James Irving, January 1782 – January 1789.

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Preface to the Second Edition

The career of James Irving, a surgeon and captain in the Liverpool slave trade in the late eighteenth century, was based on the forcible transportation of African men, women and children into a life of slavery in the Americas. This sophisticated trade in human cargo was ‘global and international, involving all the maritime powers in Europe, from Spain and Portugal to France, England, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and even Brandenburg’.1 Some 37,000 slaving voyages cleared from ports of the Atlantic littoral between the early sixteenth and the mid-nineteenth century and, collectively, they transported an estimated eleven million individuals from Africa.2 The pervasive nature of the trade was such that employment on slaving vessels was a fairly common maritime occupation in eighteenth-century Britain, and the archival imprint left by this form of commerce is extensive. Contemporary concern with the profitability of these human cargoes meant that copious business records were generated at different stages of the transatlantic venture. Logbooks written by captains and surgeons are among ‘many hundreds of extant firsthand accounts of slaving voyages’.3 In view of Britain’s dominance of the transatlantic slave trade in the eighteenth century, it is not surprising to find that a significant number of accounts written by men who served on slaving voyages have survived.4 Perhaps the most well known accounts are those written by John Newton and Hugh Crow, former captains in the Liverpool slave trade. Hugh Crow’s autobiography was first published in 1830 at a time when there was widespread public condemnation of the evils of the slave trade and slavery.5 John Newton’s letters to his wife and a log of three slaving ventures on the Duke of Argyle and the African were not published until the twentieth century, but a pamphlet (published in 1788) containing his Thoughts upon the African Slave Trade was used to support the abolitionist cause.6 The testimony of British captains in the trade also appears frequently in the records of parliamentary enquiries undertaken in response to growing abolitionist pressure in the late eighteenth century.7 Despite this wealth of evidence, it is still comparatively rare to find extensive personal accounts of the captains engaged in the slave trade. Letters written and received by James Irving, together with a journal describing a period of

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enslavement on the Barbary Coast, were deposited anonymously in the Lancashire Record Office in 1977. The brief catalogue entry conveys the intriguing nature of his case, as it describes how the archive comprises the ‘correspondence of James Irving of Liverpool, mariner and slave trader, with copy journal … when shipwrecked on the Barbary Coast, 1786–1809’.8 The first edition of Slave Captain was published in 1995, two years after the editor first consulted the archive at the Lancashire Record Office.9 The decision to produce a second edition of this book was based on two factors. Firstly, a significant amount of new evidence has come to light. Two more versions of Irving’s journal have been discovered, including an original manuscript of his captivity narrative held at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University. The journal used in the first edition of the book was the copy deposited anonymously at the Lancashire Record Office in 1977. This transcript was probably made in the early twentieth century and is contained in a cloth-bound stationers’ binding with marbled end-papers and marbled edges. The limited information on the provenance of the journal and the almost fictional quality of the narrative raised some doubts about the reliability of the source. Although I authenticated this copy journal through the linkage of diverse sources of evidence, I noted that an original journal might survive in private ownership. I commented that Irving ‘may have written more than one as a way of informing family and friends of his experiences’ and that ‘finding the original journal will complete the trail, and draw this chase of a dead man to a close’. I am very grateful to Linda Colley for informing me that in the course of her research for her book Captives she had located an original version of Irving’s journal. This manuscript also contains an additional account of captivity by Irving’s younger cousin and namesake which is not included in the copy journal held at Preston. A third version of the journal, a copy made by William Hill of Slack in 1833, has also been found at the museum in Whitehaven in Cumbria and this appears (with the exception of some small additions) to be very similar in content to the manuscript held at Yale.10 Secondly, since the publication of the first edition considerable advances have been made in research on the transatlantic slave trade, including the publication of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade database providing information on 27,233 slaving voyages. Accounting for some two-thirds of all slave-trading voyages undertaken between 1527 and 1866, this database brings together the results of research conducted by many scholars over more than three decades. This important resource facilitates ‘new insights into the history of peoples of African descent and the forces that determined their forced migration’.11 As far as this book is concerned, the database enables the career of an individual captain to be examined in the context of wider patterns of slave trading in Britain, Africa and the Americas. More prosaically, the database allows identi-

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Preface to the Second Edition

xi

fication of the movement of ships referred to in Irving’s correspondence. This new edition of Slave Captain will examine Irving’s career in Liverpool in relation to recent advances in scholarship on the scale and organisation of the transatlantic slave trade. Irving’s papers will be used not only to trace the patterns of his voyages as slave-ship surgeon and captain, but also to demonstrate the values and attitudes that enabled merchants and mariners to impose such inhumane conditions on African men, women and children. Since the publication of the first edition of Slave Captain there has also been a growing scholarly interest in the experience of Europeans and Americans enslaved in different contexts.12 As this book provides edited versions of Irving’s letters and journal, it will enable readers to form their own conclusions about the cultural assumptions and outlook of an individual participant in the transatlantic slave trade. Acknowledgements The generosity with which many scholars have offered their specialist advice and guidance has contributed enormously to the completion of this new edition of Slave Captain. I am very grateful to Stephen Behrendt, Amira Bennison, Roy Bridges, Michael Hopkins, Robin Law and Paul Lovejoy for their detailed and informative comments on a draft manuscript of this book. I would also like to thank David Pope for generously providing references based on his extensive knowledge of Liverpool merchants and shipping. Since the publication of the first edition of Slave Captain in 1995, David Richardson and Tony Tibbles have also been very helpful in reading my work and offering advice which has informed the content of this book. Stephen Behrendt’s extensive correspondence regarding James Irving and other captains and surgeons in the transatlantic slave trade has also proved extremely helpful. Thanks are also due to Richard Dunn, Gillian Hutchinson and Nigel Rigby of the National Maritime Museum at Greenwich for their valuable advice on navigational practice. I am also very grateful to David Darbyshire for his full and informative correspondence on navigation and sailing, which has helped to develop my understanding of Irving’s maritime skills and experience. My colleague Kenneth Newport has offered valuable advice and Joanne Carter’s translation of material was very helpful. Liverpool Hope University provided financial assistance for this research. I would also like to acknowledge the guidance I received from a number of scholars in completing the first edition of this book, including my former colleagues Kathryn Ellis and Gareth Williams. I would like to reserve a special mention for Paul Hair and Michael Power who had such an important influence not only on the first edition of this book, but also on the development of my research interests. Both were excellent tutors based in the Department of

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History at the University of Liverpool and their enthusiasm for historical research was inspirational. This book is dedicated to their memory. I am grateful for the assistance I have received from the staff of the Lancashire Record Office, the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University, Dumfries Archive Centre, the House of Lords Record Office, the John Rylands University Library of Manchester, Liverpool Record Office, Merseyside Maritime Museum, the National Archives, the National Maritime Museum, the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh, the Royal College of Surgeons of England, the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts and the Scottish Record Office. I would like to thank the County Archivist at the Lancashire Record Office for permission to include transcripts of Irving’s correspondence. Irving’s original journal is held at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University, Osborn Shelves c. 399: ‘A Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann, Captain Irving’. A letter from James M. Matra to William Wyndham Grenville, included as letter 13 in the text, is Crown copyright and has been reproduced with the permission of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office (TNA, FO 52/8, 105–6). Two letters written by Captain Irving whilst in captivity (letters 10 and 11 in the text) have been included with the permission of the National Archives (TNA, FO 52/9, 115–17). I am grateful to the Liverpool Libraries and Information Service for permission to include a copy of the 1785 map of Liverpool, and a transcript of a letter written by Captain William Sherwood (LivRO, 387 MD 28). William Jackson’s painting of a slave ship is reproduced with the permission of National Museums Liverpool, Merseyside Maritime Museum. Thanks are also due to David Irving for his help and hospitality, and for giving permission to include transcripts of three letters written by Captain Irving’s younger cousin and namesake. My special thanks go to Simon who has shared my enthusiasm and encouraged my interest throughout.

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The Documents and Editorial Conventions

This book contains edited transcripts of 40 letters relating to Captain James Irving and his younger cousin and namesake (hereafter James Irving II) in the period between 1786 and 1791. Most are held at the Lancashire Record Office and include letters that Captain Irving wrote to his wife Mary on his slaving voyages to Africa and the Americas. The collection does not include any of the letters that Mary wrote to her husband. Also included in the Irving archive at the Lancashire Record Office are letters that Irving received from John Hutchison and James M. Matra, consular officials in Morocco, during a fourteen-month period of enslavement on the Barbary Coast. Matra’s correspondence with government officials in Britain included regular reports on the progress of negotiations to free Irving and his crew, and one of these letters has been included in this edition. Transcripts of letters written by James Irving II to his parents in Scotland, and discovered in the private ownership of a descendant in Langholm, are also included. During the period that Captain Irving spent in captivity on the Barbary Coast, several friends wrote appeals on his behalf. Three such letters survive and are included here. Letters have been arranged in date order and, for the purposes of this text, have been numbered consecutively. This new edition of Slave Captain contains a transcript of the manuscript journal of Captain James Irving covering the period from 3 May 1789 to 26 October 1790. This manuscript, held in the Osborn Collection at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University, also includes an account by James Irving II entitled ‘A very short account of what happened to me after the seperation on the 16th June 1789’.13 This is much shorter than Captain Irving’s account, covering a period of less than four months and ending on 8 October 1789. The journal is written on laid paper ruled vertically and horizontally, and is contained in quarter-leather binding with paper boards measuring 23½cm in length and 19cm wide. There is a watermark in the paper which appears to comprise a grape leaf over a crown with the letters HPC.14 The journal is written in the same hand throughout and comparison of the letter formation with the surviving correspondence at the Lancashire Record Office indicates that Captain James Irving was the author. As the

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journal was intended for distribution to family and friends, Irving tried to write in a clear, legible and regular style. He subsequently made some alterations to the text, crossing out a number of words and making additions in a more informal style of writing. The two later copies of the journal, held at the Lancashire Record Office and the museum at Whitehaven, differ slightly in their content from the original manuscript held at the Beinecke Library. Where significant differences of content occur in the two copy journals, these are highlighted in the annotations. The annotations are also used in the letters and journal to explain terms, to identify individuals and places and to highlight relevant primary and secondary sources. The notes also elucidate aspects of the historical context in which the documents were written. Titles of works cited are given in full in the first reference, but are then given abbreviated titles. Full titles of sources are also provided in the Bibliography. Original spellings have been retained, although words are separated or joined according to modern usage. Inconsistent and inaccurate spellings have been reproduced in the transcription, and are presented without the use of [sic]. The original use of capitals within the texts has been retained. This includes the frequent and somewhat random use of capital letters within sentences. The editor has retained the use of original paragraphing and punctuation in the text as far as possible, although the use of a dash to denote the end of a sentence has been modernised and replaced with a full stop. Underlining is used only where it appears in the original manuscripts. Abbreviations (other than names) have been expanded where there is no doubt of their original meaning. This is denoted by the use of italics. For example, Decr is transcribed as December, Capt as Captain and husd as husband. Editorial insertions are enclosed in square brackets. Where a word is illegible or missing owing to damage this is indicated by the use of […]. Where more than one word is missing or illegible, an attempt has been made to estimate the extent of the illegible text: for example, [illegible, two or three words]. Where the transcription of a word is uncertain [?] is placed after the word. Deleted words are denoted by the use of [deleted]. Where words have been deleted but are still legible, this is indicated in the text by crossing through the word. Bold type has been used in the journal to highlight date headings. The numbering sequence follows the original pagination in Irving’s journal and the page numbers are presented as /1/.

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List of Abbreviations

BT BW CO DAC FO HL HLRO LivRO LRO MMM NMM TNA HA JAH JNAS SA THSLC WMQ

Board of Trade The Beacon, Whitehaven Colonial Office Dumfries Archive Centre Foreign Office House of Lords House of Lords Record Office Liverpool Record Office Lancashire Record Office Merseyside Maritime Museum Archives National Maritime Museum, Greenwich The National Archives History in Africa Journal of African History Journal of North African Studies Slavery and Abolition Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire William and Mary Quarterly

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Part One

James Irving’s Career

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1

Introduction

Historical interpretations of Britain’s role in the transatlantic slave trade have, until recently, placed a disproportionate emphasis on abolitionist campaigning activity and achievements in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century.1 This trend can be traced back to Thomas Clarkson’s influential History of the Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade by the British Parliament published in 1808, the year after the passage of the bill to abolish the slave trade. The attention given to the work of humanitarian campaigners has tended to obscure Britain’s position as the most prolific and efficient slavetrading nation in the eighteenth century.2 James Irving was among the many thousands of British men who contributed to the enforced migration of Africans in the transatlantic slave trade. This young Scottish surgeon undertook his first slaving venture from the port of Liverpool in 1783. During his career in Liverpool he was employed by John Dawson, Britain’s leading slave merchant and ‘possibly the world’s leading slave trader’.3 As a surgeon on Guinea ships, Irving faced a very high risk of mortality but this position was also ‘the second most profitable on a slave vessel’.4 Respected by his superior officers, Irving made rapid progress in the trade and was offered his first captaincy of a slave ship in 1789. Irving also persuaded his younger cousin and namesake to leave Scotland to take up a career as a surgeon in the Liverpool slave trade. Such family links were not unusual. Other captains and officers had relatives who were engaged in the Liverpool slave trade. As Behrendt points out, a ‘few sons followed their fathers as captains in the slave trade’. Richard and John Kendall, both slaveship captains in Liverpool in the late eighteenth century, were the sons of John Kendall who captained several Liverpool vessels in the 1760s and 1770s. A number of brothers served as slave-ship captains, including Hugh and William Crow and James and Thomas Stowell.5 James Irving’s career sheds light on the brutal reification of Africans in the transatlantic slave trade, an accepted feature of British commerce for most of the eighteenth century. Abolitionist voices were raised in protest at various intervals in the eighteenth century. As early as 1709, for example, a merchant in Jamaica wrote to a Member of Parliament pleading that ‘your wise Senate’

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should do something ‘for the relief and ease of so many, who are basely oppresst, and inhumanly treated by their unjust and cruel masters’.6 Such ‘moral doubts … remained the preserve of a minority’ and it was not until the closing decades of the century that there was a widespread mobilisation of public opinion in opposition to the slave trade.7 As Roger Anstey points out, ‘the content of received wisdom had so altered by the 1780s that educated men and the political nation, provided they had no direct interest in the slave system, would be likely to regard slavery and the slave trade as morally condemned, as no longer philosophically defensible’.8 Irving’s letters add little to what is already known about the organisation and business practices of the slave trade. The strength of Irving’s material lies rather in what it reveals of the contemporary attitudes and values that sustained this ‘most devastatingly evil system’ in the eighteenth century.9 Irving’s case is particularly informative for a number of reasons. His successful career was interrupted when he was shipwrecked off the coast of Morocco, captured and sold into slavery, and the evidence reveals his emotional and psychological response to the period spent in captivity in North Africa. Thousands of British people were taken captive on the Barbary Coast in the seventeenth and eighteenth century as a result of shipwreck or capture by the Barbary corsairs. Although many others experienced enslavement by Muslim captors in Morocco, Irving’s account is one of ‘only fifteen substantial narratives by Britons who were unquestionably captives there’.10 Irving’s case is more unusual than most. The survival of several versions of a journal written for family and friends enables an exploration of how a slave trader reacted to his own enslavement and whether it altered his perspectives on the transatlantic slave trade. Irving’s letters and journals date from the period before the abolition of the slave trade in 1807. In contrast to Hugh Crow’s Memoirs of the early nineteenth century, Irving did not see any necessity to justify his behaviour and attitudes, making his accounts all the more useful as an indication of contemporary views of the trade. His expansive and tender letters to his wife, Mary, make little reference to his work in purchasing and transporting Africans into slavery. In contrast, accounts of slaving voyages appearing after abolition ‘exhibit a selfconsciousness that their predecessors lack and tend to be suffused with guilt or outrage’. Irving’s correspondence reveals little of the sufferings of the slaves confined below decks during the sea crossing from Africa to the Americas and, again, this contrasts with accounts written after abolition which ‘focus on the horrors of the Middle Passage in the certain knowledge that there was a new audience for such material’.11 Furthermore, as Irving’s writings were not intended for publication they provide a more accurate insight into the mindset and values of a practitioner in the trade. Alan Rice has suggested that for these reasons Irving’s writings are ‘crucial to a nuanced understanding of the slave

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Introduction

5

trade and the racial beliefs which underpinned it’.12 Irving’s papers are particularly informative as they were written at a time when cultural attitudes and assumptions at a national level were beginning to change. From the 1780s there were tangible signs of an emerging anti-slavery culture.13 The first surviving letter in the Irving collection in the Lancashire Record Office dates from 19 May 1786, a year before the formation of the London Abolition Committee on 22 May 1787.14 In June 1787 Irving was on board the Princess Royal at Bonny in the Bight of Biafra and was engaged in the acquisition of a cargo of Africans for one of the world’s largest slaving vessels. In the same month Thomas Clarkson, embarking on his work as a leading abolitionist campaigner, published his Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, Particularly the African, in which he asserted that ‘this impious commerce’ is ‘incompatible with the Christian system’.15 Before he set sail on his second voyage on board the Princess Royal in April 1788, Irving may have heard reports of the activities of the London and Manchester abolition committees and the mass petitioning campaign directed against the trade.16 He subsequently took up his first captaincy of a slave ship in 1789 shortly after the Dolben Act imposed restrictions on the number of slaves carried in relation to the size of vessels. Recent literature on abolition has emphasised the importance of popular involvement in campaigning in urban areas of England and Wales. Consequently, even those opposed to abolition in Liverpool may well have developed an awareness of campaigning initiatives planned at a local and regional level, particularly as its close neighbour Manchester was at the forefront of extraparliamentary campaigning.17 Despite this context of contemporary debate, Irving’s letters and journals evince no trace of sympathy for abolitionist views. His apparent imperviousness to this emergent humanitarianism sheds light on the attitudes that sustained the slave trade for most of the eighteenth century. It also reveals the ‘older mentality of toleration’ which persisted in late eighteenth-century Liverpool as ‘newer abolitionist mentalities’ emerged at a national level.18 It is also possible to trace in Irving’s papers the reaction of Britons at home to the enslavement of their friends or relatives. All the people active on Irving’s behalf assumed that he was entitled to his freedom and that he should be reunited as soon as possible with his ‘distressed’ wife and young son. George Dalston Tunstall explained that his ‘humble and distressing petition’ to the Consul General was written not only on behalf of his brother-in-law, but also for ‘many others who have had their fond relations torn from them by being unfortunately wrecked upon that barbarous coast which from all accounts is so deserving of its title’ (Letter 24). A number of slave-trade mariners who testified before parliamentary investigations reported how the songs of slaves on board ship were lamentations for the loss of their homeland and friends.19 West-Indian Eclogues, written by a

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former mariner in the Liverpool slave trade, used the voice of an imaginary slave in Jamaica to lament the sufferings of Africans enslaved far from home. The first Eclogue criticised: These, who in regions far remov’d from this, Think, like ourselves, that liberty is bliss, Yet in wing’d houses cross the dang’rous waves, Led by base av’rice, to make others slaves:These, who extol the freedom they enjoy, Yet would to others every good deny:These, who have torn us from our native shore Which (dreadful thought!) we must behold no more:-20 When Irving returned home from his period of enslavement in North Africa he felt that he had suffered at the hands of the ‘savages’ and was eager to recount his ordeal to his friends and family. In the first letter he wrote to his wife from ‘Telling’ in Barbary he promised that he would relate his ‘Misfortune’ to her ‘at the fireside as soon as I get home which I hope will be soon’ (Letter 16). When he wrote to his mother-in-law the same day he explained that he would ‘not in this, give you the particulars of the Unfortunate Accident, they would fill a Volume. We’ll talk them over in a Winters night’ (Letter 15). Irving may well have recounted his tale many times to his friends and family in Liverpool, but he also wrote several versions of his journal for distribution to relatives in Scotland and London. In a letter to his wife, Mary, written on board the Ellen in February 1791, Irving expressed his hope that ‘Mr. Smith has received my Narrative’ (Letter 39). His uncle, living in London, may have been the recipient of one volume, whereas the copy in the Lancashire Record Office indicates that the original from which it is transcribed was written ‘by Mr. Irving, for his much loved brother-in-law, George Dalston Tunstall’.21 The original manuscript in the Beinecke Library is not dedicated to any named person. It is likely that it was written for Irving’s parents in Scotland, as it is very similar in content and expression to a nineteenth-century transcript prepared by William Hill of Slack.22 As an executor for the estate of John Irving, the captain’s father, Hill would probably have had access to his personal papers and may have retained the journal for himself. The decision to transcribe the journal in 1833 may have been linked to the popular interest in the question of the abolition of slavery that year. Hill seemed to have some personal knowledge of James Irving, as in his transcript dated 5 July 1833 he commented that Captain Irving ‘was an amiable and accomplished young man’.23

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2

Early Career in the Liverpool Slave Trade

James Irving, the son of an innkeeper from the Scottish border town of Langholm, built his career on the prodigious slave trade of late eighteenth-century Liverpool.1 As a ship’s surgeon and then as a captain, he participated in the movement of slaves from West Africa to the Americas. This transatlantic trade, in which Portugal and France were Britain’s chief competitors, accounted for the forced migration of over six million Africans in the eighteenth century alone.2 Of these men, women and children, almost two and a half million individuals, accounting for two-fifths of the total, were carried in British vessels.3 This British dominance of the slave trade was recognised in The West Indian Atlas of 1796, as the author commented that ‘every year about 72,000 slaves are carried from Africa to the West Indies. The Danes carry away about 3000, the Dutch 7000, the French 18,000, the Portuguese 8,000, the English have all the rest’.4 Liverpool entered the slave trade in the opening years of the eighteenth century, sending out the ships the Liverpool Merchant and the Blessing in 1700.5 By the 1740s Liverpool had eclipsed its rivals Bristol and London, and the port consolidated its position as ‘the undisputed slaving capital of England and by far the largest slave port in the Atlantic world’.6 Between 1783 and 1792, a period broadly corresponding with Irving’s career in the port, an average of 81 ships cleared annually from Liverpool compared with a combined annual average total of 36 from Bristol and London. In 1789, the year Irving was offered his first command, the tonnage of shipping engaged in the trade was 11,633 tons compared with 2,910 from London and 2,730 from Bristol.7 Liverpool’s pre-eminence was still more apparent in the period between 1780 and the abolition of the trade in 1807, as it accounted for over three-quarters of British slave-ship clearances.8 The ‘remarkable business acumen’ of Liverpool merchants in exploiting opportunities in the Atlantic economy is one factor that has been used to explain Liverpool’s ascendancy in the slave trade. Other significant factors included the investment in a dock and transport infrastructure, established patterns of trade with America and the West Indies, industrial expansion in Liverpool and its hinterland, and ‘an aggressive attitude towards realizing the political needs of a slave port’.9

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The town of Liverpool expanded rapidly in the eighteenth century.10 In the 1780s, when Irving and his cousin migrated to Liverpool, there was an addition of over 15,000 individuals to the population of the town. Longmore notes how ‘the migratory flow was relentless, continuing to account for more than 70 per cent of population growth until the late eighteenth century’.11 Overseas and internal trading links were facilitated by an expansion in the number of wet docks by the end of the century.12 The economy of Liverpool displayed a diverse trading and industrial base in the eighteenth century and controversy continues to centre on the extent to which the growth of the port was dependent mainly on slave trading.13 Liverpool’s trade with Africa created new employment opportunities within the town and its hinterland,14 and it is possible to trace specific linkages with industrial enterprises.15 There is, however, little scholarly support for Eric Williams’s argument in Capitalism and Slavery that the profits of the slave trade financed the ‘Industrial Revolution’.16 The part that James Irving played in the African diaspora, a term used to describe this forced migration of Africans and their dispersal in the New World, was comparatively small. During his career he was involved in a number of voyages accounting for the delivery of some 3,000 slaves to the Americas. Yet his significance was greater than the bare statistics suggest. Irving was one of an estimated 779 slave-ship captains who ‘traded at one time out of Liverpool’ between 1785 and the abolition of the trade in 1807.17 He was, therefore, one of many individuals, European and American, whose career ambitions and personal expectations were intimately bound up with the transatlantic trade in slaves. The rapid expansion of the Liverpool slave trade created new opportunities for men with medical training. The value placed on their skills is reflected in the fact that merchants offered large advances on the wages of surgeons prepared to embark on slaving ventures. Such men were needed to protect profit levels by trying to reduce mortality levels among Africans during the Middle Passage from Africa to the West Indies. On some parts of the African coast, the surgeon also assisted the captain in trading directly with African merchants for slaves. Demand for qualified men was sustained by particularly high levels of mortality amongst surgeons, as well as by ‘disgust with the trade, and the handsome annual salaries that allowed one to retire from sea and start a medical practice’. On entering the trade, usually aged 25 or 26, newly qualified surgeons could earn a salary ‘at least four times the median English annual income’.18 This would have enabled young men like Irving, fresh out of their apprenticeship, to earn enough money to hire premises and buy medicines to set up their own medical practice. Irving may have gleaned intelligence of career openings in Liverpool during his apprenticeship. Scottish surgeons migrated to England to take advantage of the openings in the trade, with the result that approximately two-fifths of slave

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Early Career in the Liverpool Slave Trade

Figure 1: Liverpool, 1785. (Courtesy of Liverpool Libraries and Information Services)

9

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trade surgeons in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century originated from Scotland.19 Relatively few slave-trading voyages to Africa were made from Scottish ports,20 but migrants from Scotland made a significant contribution to the supply of skilled officers in the Liverpool slave trade.21 Having survived five slaving voyages as a surgeon, Irving had built up a considerable knowledge of the operation of the trade by 1789. As Behrendt recognises, ‘in any year only 1 in 15 Guinea surgeons would have been a “veteran” of at least three voyages’.22 Irving’s success in this expanding and profitable trade is reflected in the comparatively young age at which John Dawson entrusted him with his first ship. Born on 15 December 1759, Irving was recorded as the master of the Anna when she was registered at Liverpool in April 1789.23 Liverpool slave-ship captains born outside Lancashire were typically aged 31 before they attained command. Aged 29, Irving was more consistent with the pattern amongst Lancashire born captains who, on average, achieved their first command at ‘just under twenty nine years of age’.24 Scottish men also formed a significant component among those promoted to command slave ships. One-fifth of a sample of 128 slave-ship captains in Liverpool between 1785 and 1807 were born in Scotland. The occupation of Irving’s father is also fairly typical of the trade and craft background of many of the Liverpool captains.25 However, Irving’s training as a surgeon differentiates him from the majority of Liverpool slave-ship captains. Although other examples of surgeons appointed to command can be identified in the ports of Liverpool, Bristol and London, it was apparently still not common practice in the 1780s.26 Luke Collingwood is the most infamous example of a Liverpool slave-ship surgeon who was promoted to captain. Reports of his behaviour during the voyage of the Zong in 1781 caused outrage, as he had ordered more than 130 sick and dying Africans to be thrown overboard as a device to protect the profits of the venture.27 Case studies by Behrendt suggest that experience for captaincy was more typically gained as mariners and mates in the Liverpool West India trade followed by a period as mates on slave ships. Prior to his appointment as first mate on the Vulture in 1791, Reuben Wright had undertaken three voyages from Liverpool to Barbados, one voyage to Jamaica and three voyages to New York. In contrast, surgeons often entered the slave trade without any maritime experience. Their career progression could still be rapid, however, as merchants recognised the value of having someone with medical experience to command a slave ship. It was usual for these surgeons to be offered their first captaincy after a period of four or five years in the slave trade.28 The career of Hugh Crow, a contemporary of James Irving, reflects a more typical progression to slave captain. In his autobiography Crow described how he served two years of an apprenticeship to a boat-builder and was then apprenticed to a merchant, during which time he served on various ships

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trading to the West Indies. After completing his apprenticeship, Crow undertook several voyages as mate in the Liverpool West India trade before taking up his first appointment as chief mate on a slave ship in October 1790. His first captaincy was achieved in 1798 at the age of 33 after serving on six slave voyages as a mate.29 A comparison of James Irving’s career with that of Hugh Crow reveals a number of similarities, as well as important differences. Details of Irving’s early education and professional training are sketchy. His later letters reveal that he was a man who derived immense pleasure from writing. His style is elegant, his vocabulary wide and his use of prose accomplished. The descriptive power of his writing is one of the most striking features of this correspondence, and is a factor that contributes to the impression of a man of liberal education. At first sight his background as the son of a smith turned innkeeper from Langholm, a small and fairly remote market town in a pastoral farming district, does not seem entirely consistent with this impression.30 Literacy was certainly an important qualification for Irving’s work as a surgeon. He would have needed to understand Latin and, as well as reading prescriptions, he may well have consulted the available medical literature. The education received by his first cousin, David Irving, author of The History of Scottish Poetry, provides some indication of the opportunities that might have been open to James Irving in Langholm. Editorial comment accompanying an edition of this work published in Edinburgh in 1861 indicates that David Irving was educated at the grammar school in Langholm in the late eighteenth century by a ‘skilful and successful master’. More interestingly, reference is made to the master of a private school in New Langholm named Andrew Little ‘who had lost his sight by lightning on the coast of Africa, when surgeon of a Liverpool vessel’.31 Little was buried in Langholm in May 1803, but it is not clear how long he had been in the town and whether he had any professional or personal contact with the subject of this text.32 One might speculate that it was Little who directed Irving to the trade with which he was obviously familiar. There were certainly strong connections with the Liverpool slave trade in the area which predated Irving’s maritime career, and a significant number of slave-ship surgeons active in the port in the late eighteenth century originated from Dumfries.33 The interval between Irving’s early education in Langholm and his first voyage out of the port of Liverpool in the early 1780s must remain a matter of some speculation. Although in later correspondence he refers to the fact that ‘I was bred a surgeon Originally’ (Letter 11), there is no evidence to indicate where he received his training. If Irving followed the usual pattern for surgeons, he would have been apprenticed between the ages of 14 and 18. It was usual for young men to spend between three and seven years in an apprenticeship and, in some cases, this was at some distance from their home. It is conceivable,

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though, that Irving was apprenticed close to home with George Little, a surgeon resident in Langholm in 1784.34 It is not clear whether Irving spent any time observing medical practice at a public hospital, or whether he attended university for further training. Official reference to Irving’s status as surgeon appears only in 1789. In the examinations book of the Company of Surgeons of London, the predecessor of the Royal College of Surgeons of England, Irving is bracketed together with four other individuals who were all passed as ‘Surgeons to African ships’ on 2 April 1789.35 This does not imply that he was a member of the Company of Surgeons, as the certificate granted was a much lower qualification.36 Details of Irving’s early career in the Liverpool slave trade can be built up from a number of sources, although the date at which he left Scotland and arrived in the rapidly expanding port is not recorded. William Lemprière, a doctor with whom James Irving later became acquainted, described how: his first essay in the world was as a surgeon to a Guinea-man; after having made several voyages in this capacity, however, finding it a disadvantageous employment, he obtained the command of a small vessel in the same trade, and this was his first voyage as commander.37 Crew lists or muster rolls indicate that prior to attaining his first captaincy, James Irving undertook at least seven voyages from the port of Liverpool between January 1782 and January 1789 (see Table 1).38 Irving undertook his first slaving venture at the age of 23. Muster rolls indicate that he was entered on board the Vulture on 26 July 1783 for a voyage that showed the characteristic route of a slave-trading venture.39 After embarking Table 1: Voyages undertaken by James Irving, January 1782 – January 1789 Ship

Captain

Destination Entered

Discharged

Prosperity

James Murphy

Tortola

January 1782

September 1782

Vulture

William Wilson

Tortola

November 1782 July 1783

Vulture

William Wilson

Jamaica

July 1783

May 1784

Jane

Quayle Fargher

Jamaica

August 1784

July 1785

Jane

Quayle Fargher

Tobago

May 1786

February 1787

April 1787

December 1787

April 1788

January 1789

Princess Royal William Sherwood Africa and Havana Princess Royal William Sherwood Havana

Source: The National Archives, BT 98/42–50, Liverpool muster rolls.

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from the port of Liverpool in the summer of 1783, the ship traded for slaves at Bonny in the Bight of Biafra.40 As the outward journey to West Africa normally took ten to twelve weeks,41 this suggests that Captain Wilson began the process of bartering for slaves in the month of October. The shipping newspaper Lloyd’s List reported in April 1784 that the Vulture in the command of Captain Wilson had arrived in the West Indies.42 A total of 592 Africans were disembarked at Kingston, Jamaica in March 1784 and the ship set sail for Liverpool on 7 April 1784.43 Irving, listed fourth out of a total muster of 66 men, was employed as the ship’s surgeon, although the muster roll does not record his rank. As members of the crew were listed hierarchically after the captain, though, this suggests that on his first slaving venture, Irving held a position of some responsibility on the ship. Although Lemprière’s account of Irving’s career development is substantially correct, he was not necessarily accurate in stating that his first voyage was in the slave trade. In common with Crow, Irving’s career at sea may have included voyages in the Liverpool West India trade. Muster rolls reveal that an individual named James Irving was listed on an earlier voyage of the Vulture with Captain William Wilson between 7 November 1782 and 3 July 1783.44 The sailing of the Vulture to St. Lucia and Tortola was advertised in Gore’s General Advertiser and Williamson’s Liverpool Advertiser on 3 October 1782, and the return cargo of sugar, fustic, coffee, cotton and rum was listed in these newspapers on 8 July 1783. The shipping intelligence in Lloyd’s List indicates that the ship sailed directly from Liverpool to Tortola, one of the Virgin Islands, with no recorded visit to Africa en route.45 A still earlier muster list records that an individual named James Irving was entered on board the Prosperity for a voyage to Tortola with Captain James Murphy on 31 January 1782 and discharged just over seven months later on 23 September 1782.46 As James Irving was a fairly common name, it is difficult to be certain that these two earlier voyages in the direct trade to the West Indies relate to the subject of this study. Although it was common practice for men to serve as mariners in the West India trade before moving to the slave trade, it was less usual for surgeons to have such maritime experience before entering the slave trade.47 Quayle Fargher, who captained three slaving ventures between 1784 and 1787, served as chief mate on the Vulture between November 1782 and May 1784. When Fargher was given command of his first ship, the Jane, in the summer of 1784 ‘Mr. James Irving’ was listed on board in his service. Irving was one of five men, other than the captain, whose names were prefixed by a status description which again suggests a position of seniority.48 Two of the officers, John Quirk and William Harrison, originated from the Isle of Man and it is likely that Fargher selected them on the basis of personal recommendations and local knowledge. This trend was still more marked on the next voyage of the Jane as all the officers, with the exception of Irving, were Manxmen.49

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Given the many risks involved in the trade, including slave resistance and insubordination among the crew,50 it was important for the captain to recruit a reliable body of officers. Qualifications and experience were vital considerations, but captains also made use of their personal contacts to hire suitable officers. Irving made contacts early in his career which proved useful when he was given command of his own ship a number of years later. On the second voyage with Quayle Fargher between May 1786 and February 1787, John Clegg was promoted from his former position of seaman to mate. When Irving was given command of the Anna in 1789, it was Clegg that he chose for his first mate. Joseph Pearson, a seaman on the Jane, was also recruited for the voyage of the Anna.51 It was on the second of these voyages on the Jane with Captain Fargher that Irving began the regular correspondence with his wife, Mary. These letters provide a more detailed insight into his slaving ventures. James Irving married Mary Tunstall in the unusually long interval between his discharge from the Jane on 2 July 1785 and his re-entry onto the ship ten months later on 17 May 1786. They were married at St. Ann’s church in Liverpool on 21 March 1786. Located on Great Richmond Street, this church was later described as a ‘brick edifice without any pretensions to beauty, with a low tower, ornamented with pinnacles’.52 The first letter addressed to his wife at 9 College Lane, Liverpool, was written as the ship sailed from port on 19 May 1786. The letter powerfully conveys the sadness he felt at the separation from his new wife, and of all the surviving letters this is by far the most personal and intimate, to the extent that he urged Mary to ‘show no person this letter, it is not fit to be seen’ (Letter 1). His wife was from a naval family, however, and may have been used to long separations (Letter 24). By the time the Jane reached Tobago seven months later in December 1786, Irving confided to his wife his intention of finding another kind of employment. He explained how ‘I’m nearly Wearied of this Unnatural Accursed trade, and think (if no change of Station takes place) when convenience suits of adopting some other mode of Life’ (Letter 4). In spite of these reservations though, Irving was entered on board the Princess Royal in April 1787, less than two months after he returned to Liverpool with the ship Jane.53 This may suggest that he was unable to find an alternative form of employment with comparable remuneration or that he was offered the prospect of promotion or enhanced reward on a larger ship. The Princess Royal was a larger and newer vessel than the Jane.54 As it could carry several hundred more slaves, Irving stood to benefit from the increased payments arising from the sale of the Africans. The Princess Royal, built in John Barton’s shipyard in Liverpool, was the largest ship owned by the merchants Peter Baker and John Dawson. This ‘very fine frigate built ship’ of 596 tons

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burthen with three masts and two decks was launched on 15 August 1783.55 The ship had a raised deck at the stern of the vessel and, as the Princess Royal was capable of carrying up to 1,000 slaves, this was an important safety feature for the crew giving an elevated observation and defence position in case of slave resistance. The deck would have been ‘reinforced with swivel guns and a barricade while at anchor off the West African coast’.56 His first voyage to Africa and Havana with Captain William Sherwood lasted just over eight months, after which Irving was entered on the same ship for a second voyage to Havana on 10 April 1788.57 In a document dated 26 March 1788, in which he appointed his wife, Mary, as his ‘true and lawful attorney’ to administer affairs in his absence, Irving described himself as ‘Surgeon of the ship Princess Royal’.58 James Irving was probably influential in the decision to engage another surgeon for this voyage. Although this was a pragmatic decision in view of the huge slave-carrying capacity of the Princess Royal, personal contacts again played a part as the surgeon engaged was Irving’s younger cousin and namesake, also from Langholm in Scotland. Aged 15, James Irving II was listed ninth out of a total muster of 83 men, two places below his more experienced cousin.59 Shortly after setting sail from Liverpool, James Irving informed his wife Mary that the ship was bound for Bonny on the coast of West Africa. With his usual concern for his wife’s peace of mind, he reassured her that ‘the ship proves very well so that you have nothing to fear from her late misfortune’ (Letter 7). No further details of this incident are provided in this badly damaged letter, although it is clear from the contents that he had informed her of the circumstances in previous correspondence.60 A letter written by his younger cousin though, discovered in the private ownership of a distant relative in Langholm, paints a fuller picture associated with the sailing of the Princess Royal in the spring of 1788. As the ship made ready to sail from Liverpool, James Irving II wrote to his parents, Janetus and Helen Irving of Langholm, and described how the ship had run aground in a strong tide in the River Mersey. He explained how the ship ‘being so sharp bottomed lay on one side which so strained her that she was all bent and leaked very much and she has been in the river ever since’. This may well have been his first voyage. The tone of the letter to his parents, the minor domestic details he described of his sleeping arrangements and the items that he had been given for his cabin, all convey something of the novelty of his experience (Letter 8). The voyage of the Princess Royal in 1788 would have partly fulfilled the terms of a legal contract or asiento with the Spanish government in which Peter Baker and John Dawson undertook to supply slaves to Spain’s American colonies.61 In a petition to the House of Lords dated 10 July 1788 Dawson described how earlier that year he had entered into a ‘contract with his Spanish Majesty for supplying slaves to the Spanish West India Islands’ and was ‘bound under very

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heavy penalties to import into the Spanish West Indies not less than 3000 slaves annually’. The Princess Royal was the most important vessel amongst the ‘five ships employed in the African Trade, the smallest of which is 325 tons and the largest 596 tons burthen’. These ships were ‘all frigate built and particularly constituted for the purpose of accommodating the slaves, none of such ships being less than 5' 10" between decks’. This was not a new commitment though, as in the same petition Dawson indicated that together with Peter Baker he had entered into a similar agreement in 1784 ‘to supply the Spanish West India Islands with not less than 5,000 slaves annually’. Under the terms of this contract they ‘delivered upwards of 11,000 slaves … for which they received dollars which they imported into this kingdom’. In a petition presented to the House a week earlier, Dawson estimated that this contract had been worth upwards of £350,000. Shipping information in Lloyd’s List of 28 October 1788 indicates that the Princess Royal arrived at Trinidad from Africa on 26 August 1788 ‘with about 800 slaves for Havannah’. At a time when Sherwood and his crew would have been heavily involved in the purchase of slaves on the African coast in the summer of 1788, Dawson, their employer, was engaged in petitioning Parliament to retain the right to transport such large numbers of slaves to the Spanish colonies. In two petitions presented to the House of Lords in July 1788, it is clear that Dawson was concerned that the terms of the legislation before Parliament would interfere with his ability to fulfil his Spanish contracts. He argued that ‘if the said Bill passes into a Law in its present Form the Ships Employed by your Petitioner will be rendered useless … and your Petitioner has great reason to apprehend that He and the said Peter Baker will be Totally ruined’. The cause of his concern stemmed from proposed regulations to limit the number of slaves that could be carried. He argued, seemingly altruistically, that far from protecting the slaves, their welfare would be adversely affected by the legislation: That the Bill now depending before your Lordships restrains the proportion of five Slaves to three Tons only to the first 201 Tons after which the Vessels above that Tonnage are to take but one slave for every Ton Exceeding whereby the small Ships which are less adapted to this Trade will have Advantage over the larger Vessels though the former will be much more lumbered with their Materials and Furniture as they must contain every Article which the largest ships can need at Sea and thereby be less benefitted by fresh Air and fewer conveniences of Room, and are liable to greater Motion from the sea than larger Vessels to the great Discomfit of the Slaves unused to Water Conveyance, and are much longer detained on the Coast than large Vessels are, because these by reason of their force dare Enter the largest Harbours whereas the small Vessels generally frequent only the lesser

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Harbours and by reason of their small Force and small compliment of Hands the crews of such small vessels are very frequently cut off by the Natives and the Slaves are also more easily Tempted to insurrections.62 Probably of more pressing concern to Dawson, however, was the fact that if the proposed regulations came into force a ship such as the Princess Royal would be forced to reduce the number of slaves carried by at least 70. Under the terms of the Dolben Act ships could carry five slaves for every three tons burthen up to a maximum of 201 tons, and one slave for each remaining ton. From 1 August 1788, the Princess Royal was entitled to carry some 730 slaves, a reduction of 70 from the 800 slaves which the ship had carried to Havana earlier that year.63 The voyage of the Princess Royal to Havana satisfied one quarter of the minimum requirement of 3,000 slaves specified in Dawson’s agreement with the Spanish government. Assuming that the ship landed the intended number of 1,000 slaves at Havana in 1787,64 the two voyages in which Irving participated accounted for more than one-tenth of the 11,000 slaves landed in Spanish colonies by Baker and Dawson between 1784 and 1788. These Africans carried to Havana were probably destined to work in the ‘sugar heartland’ of Cuba.65 On the first of these two voyages with Captain William Sherwood, Irving wrote to his wife from Havana in Cuba on 20 October 1787. He made no mention of the number of slaves carried, but did indicate that they were awaiting payment at Havana. He bid his wife ‘Adieu’ and predicted that ‘I think I shall chase this [the letter], very hard, if the Dollars dont detain us’.66 He described Havana to his wife as a ‘strongly fortified, almost impregnable’ city and that ‘30 Sail of the Line and 30,000 Men would not be able to force a Surrender’. The letter, though, was mostly concerned with news of a personal nature, including his comment that ‘the Spanish Beef and Cabbage have wonderfull effects on an exhausted Sailor after the long […] African voyage’. He informed his wife that they hoped to leave Havana on 1 November 1787 and that she should expect the ship by Christmas (Letter 6). His estimation was broadly correct as Williamson’s Liverpool Advertiser of Monday 7 January 1788 records that the ship arrived in Liverpool ‘from Africa and Havanna with 4 elephant teeth, 11 bags cotton, 1496 cow hides for Baker and Dawson’. James Irving’s conduct on these two voyages must have impressed the captain, William Sherwood, who later described him ‘to be as Carefull, Sober and Industrious a man as Ever Lived’. Sherwood’s comments in a letter of 2 May 1790 correspond with the information in the muster rolls as he points out that ‘I’ve had an Opportunity of knowing him well he haveing been two Voyages with me to Africa’. As Sherwood was himself described as amongst ‘the most respectable commanders in the African Trade … in the Employ of Messrs. Baker and Dawson’ (Letter 30), his favourable opinion may well have

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been influential in the decision to offer Irving command of the Anna in 1789.67 Hugh Crow certainly attributed his appointment as chief mate on the Prince, a ship owned by Dawson, to the ‘recommendations of the two captains with whom I had last sailed’.68 Irving’s experience in the slave trade built up over the previous six years, combined with his medical training, was of particular relevance to his employer. In the summer of 1788 newly introduced legislation stated that there should be at least one surgeon on board a slave ship with a ‘certificate of his having passed his examination at Surgeons Hall’. Clause XI of the ‘Act to regulate … the shipping and carrying of slaves in British vessels from the coast of Africa’ also stipulated that a master of a slave ship should have previous experience in the trade. The legislation, more widely referred to as the Dolben Act, specified that the master of a slave ship should have served on one previous voyage in that capacity, as chief mate or surgeon during two whole previous voyages or as chief or other mate in three voyages.69 Irving’s qualifications and experience satisfied these stipulations. The offer of command to Irving was possibly linked to the timing of legislative control of the slave trade, although it did make good economic sense to appoint a man with medical knowledge to the command of a slave ship.70 Irving’s voyage on the Anna, a ship purpose-built for the slave trade, irrevocably changed his life and career aspirations. As this voyage represented a markedly different phase in Irving’s career, it will be the subject of separate discussion below. In sum, James Irving’s traceable career at sea was based largely on the slave trade. Like many other Liverpool captains though, he may well have undertaken several voyages in the direct West India trade. The main focus of his activities before the offer of command was as a surgeon, as he completed five slaving voyages in that capacity between July 1783 and January 1789, two of which were on the largest vessel in the fleet of Baker and Dawson. During this time he seems to have gained the trust and confidence of Captain William Sherwood, one of the leading Liverpool slave captains, whom he came to regard as a personal friend. On the basis of the impression that he made with his superior officers during these five voyages, he was credited with having the personal character traits necessary to command a ship. The position of captain offered the prospect of enhanced financial reward, particularly through the payment of a commission from the sale of the slaves.71 Irving may have planned to complete a number of voyages as captain and use the profits to establish himself as a merchant, although recent research shows that the odds were against him as the many dangers of the African trade were such that ‘five captains died in the trade for every one who attained the status of merchant’.72 Despite these unfavourable odds, young men entering the Liverpool trade might have been inspired by prominent examples of success.73 Dawson was one of the most successful merchants with investments valued at

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over £500,000 in 1792. Although Dawson’s rise to prominence as a merchant was funded partly by the profits of privateering, he might have provided a potent example of the success that could be attained by former captains.74 Alternatively, Irving might have intended to follow Quayle Fargher’s example by returning home and investing his profits in property.75

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3

Irving’s Voyages in the Transatlantic Slave Trade The letters from each voyage undertaken by Irving highlight the familiar outline of the transatlantic slave trade.1 Common to each voyage was the purchase of slaves on the coast of West Africa, their re-sale in the Americas and the return journey to Liverpool with bills of exchange to be drawn against a British merchant house and/or a cargo from Africa and the Caribbean.2 Although these are well-studied characteristics of the slave trade, Irving’s letters shed some light on the complexities of the trade and the variable elements within this deceptively simple pattern. The African destinations mentioned by Irving in his letters included some of the most important trading locations for British ships in the late eighteenth century. All of the voyages in which he participated between 1783 and 1788 obtained slaves in the Bight of Biafra. This area supplied more than 326,000 slaves to the transatlantic trade between 1780 and 1800 and accounted for over one-fifth of all slave exports in the period. Over 85 per cent of the Africans exported from the Bight of Biafra between 1740 and 1807 were carried in British vessels and the region was of particular importance to Liverpool traders. Lovejoy and Richardson point out that ‘the Bight of Biafra was evidently the cornerstone of Liverpool’s slaving activities from 1725 through to 1807’.3 Bonny had emerged as the leading slave trading port in the Bight of Biafra by the 1730s, and in the closing decades of the eighteenth century it supplied over two-thirds of all slaves exported from the region.4 Bonny was the principal location for slave purchases during Irving’s voyages on the Vulture in 1783, the Jane in 1784 and the Princess Royal in 1787.5 This is not surprising since Irving was employed by William Boats and John Dawson whose firms dominated British slave trading at Bonny in the late eighteenth century.6 The Gold Coast, a minor trading region for British ships in the late eighteenth century, was the principal area from which Captain Irving obtained slaves during a voyage in 1791. Although the area classified as West Central Africa was of growing importance for Liverpool ships in the late eighteenth century, none of the voyages in which Irving was involved apparently visited this part of the African coast.7 Other than the obvious variables of wind and weather, the time taken to

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Map 1: The coast of West Africa.

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complete a voyage was influenced by a range of factors often outside the control of the captain and crew. On average, ships took ten months to complete the route in the 1780s.8 The speed with which ships could be turned around on the African coast was the most important variable affecting the overall duration of the voyage.9 Turnaround times varied markedly between different trading areas and were dependent on the availability of slaves, the organisation of supply and the terms of trade. The Niger Delta offered a number of advantages for trading, as it was characterised by ‘good harbours and large-scale suppliers, and perhaps more fundamentally, their slave trade derived from regular hinterland sources’.10 On 13 August 1786 at New Calabar in the Bight of Biafra, Irving expressed his frustration that they would be delayed on the coast for a further two months (see Map 1). The Jane in the command of Captain Fargher had arrived there a month earlier after a voyage of approximately two months, and Irving’s comment that ‘trade is dull’ implies that they were experiencing some difficulty in obtaining a sufficient number or quality of slaves (Letter 2). The supply of slaves for purchase on the coast was determined by political and economic conditions in the interior of Africa and it was not uncommon for officers to complain about delays in trading.11 The ship finally left the African coast early in October 1786, which suggests that almost three months had been spent obtaining their human cargo (Letter 3). William Boats, the owner of the Jane, had coordinated the sailing times of the vessel to respond as efficiently as possible to market conditions in Africa and the West Indies. The voyage pattern of the Jane corresponds closely with the ‘optimal’ sailing times for trading in the Bight of Biafra. The ship’s arrival in the Bight of Biafra coincided with the yam harvest in July and August, thereby providing an essential food supply for the slaves in the Middle Passage. As the Jane left the African coast in October, this meant that the vessel’s arrival time in the Caribbean had been planned to take advantage of a peak period of labour demand arising from the sugar harvest.12 According to Lloyd’s List of 26 January 1787, a final cargo of 526 slaves reached Tobago. As Irving informed his wife on his arrival in the West Indies on 22 November 1786 that they had ‘buried 48 slaves’, this suggests that 574 slaves were purchased on the African coast, although some further allowance may have to be made for those who died whilst the Jane lay off the coast of Africa.13 With a minimum total of 574 slaves obtained over a period of approximately 90 days, the Jane demonstrated a high loading rate of six to seven slaves a day. This is an average figure and gives little indication of the mechanisms of trade and the regularity of supply. In spite of the delays referred to by Irving, the stay of three months on the coast by the Jane is consistent with the average length of stay of ships in the Niger Delta of 91 days between 1791 and 1797.14 Bonny overtook Old Calabar as the leading port in the Bight of Biafra,15

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Figure 2: The coast of West Africa. Detail from ‘An Accurate Map of Africa from the Best Authorities’, printed for G. Robinson, 18th century. © National Museums Liverpool, Merseyside Maritime Museum.

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mainly because it developed a reputation for a high loading rate of slaves and, consequently, a faster turnaround time than its neighbouring ports. This efficiency is reflected in loading rates for Liverpool ships at Bonny which showed a marked improvement from the mid-eighteenth century onwards. Loading rates increased from just over three slaves per day between 1750 and 1775 to five per day in the last decade of the eighteenth century. This level in the 1790s was significantly higher than the daily loading rate of two to three enslaved Africans per day at Old Calabar, located to the east of Bonny. Loading rates at New Calabar were also comparatively high.16 It is clear that Irving expected a fast turnaround time on the Princess Royal in 1788, as he predicted that he would ‘be home in 9 months more or less’ (Letter 7). On an earlier voyage on board the Princess Royal, Irving wrote to his wife on 3 June 1787 from ‘Bonney river’, also in the Bight of Biafra, informing her that they had arrived five days previously. His comment that ‘we broke Trade yesterday’ indicates that they had already made the customary present or ‘dash’ to the local notable and that the process of bartering their cargo for slaves had commenced.17 Irving estimated that this would take nine or ten weeks to complete (Letter 5). As the Princess Royal could carry upwards of 800 slaves, Irving’s estimate of ten weeks suggests a loading rate of approximately ten or eleven slaves per day. If this was an accurate assessment, it points to loading rates for some vessels far exceeding the average rate. Even allowing for a smaller cargo of 480 slaves, which was the number that Sherwood had delivered to Havana in October 1785, this points to an average rate of six to seven enslaved Africans per day.18 Recent scholarly literature has emphasised the central role that Africans played in influencing the scale and direction of the transatlantic trade.19 An important aspect of African agency was the role indigenous merchants played in coordinating the supply of slaves to the European and American ships on the coast.20 Antera Duke, for example, was one of 49 Old Calabar merchants who sold slaves and other commodities to the Liverpool ship Dobson between July 1769 and January 1770.21 Although the organisation of the trade at Bonny was highly efficient, it still presented distinctive challenges to the captains of slave ships. In contrast to areas of the African coast where Europeans had established slave forts and factories, captains visiting Bonny were required to engage directly in negotiation with African merchants. This ship-trade, as Behrendt points out, was complex and depended on highly skilled officers who had the experience to negotiate with African traders.22 This form of trading also had important implications for the ship’s surgeon. Irving would have examined the slaves who were stripped naked for inspection to assess their medical state and suitability for resale.23 This was important as careful selection of Africans for transportation could contribute to lower mortality levels in the Middle Passage.24 Unfortu-

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nately, neither Irving nor his younger cousin made any reference in the letters to the manner in which they acquired the slaves. The letters are silent about the transactions involved and the nature of the contact that these surgeons had with the enslaved Africans. Irving would have already developed some measure of expertise in this shiptrade in the Bight of Biafra. On the voyage of the Vulture to Bonny in 1783, he would have assisted William Wilson with the purchase of some 600 slaves. Similarly, in 1784 he would have advised Quayle Fargher, captain of the Jane, on the purchase of over 500 slaves at Bonny. In 1786 the Jane in the command of Fargher left New Calabar with an estimated 574 slaves on board. As direct negotiations with African traders were also characteristic of slaving activity at this Biafran port, Irving would have acquired a familiarity with the techniques needed for successful bartering with experienced African traders. Irving’s engagement on the Princess Royal in 1787 would have offered an opportunity for further training in this specialist role, as the scale of the slave purchases required for this vessel far exceeded the levels on the Vulture and the Jane. Moreover, Sherwood was an experienced captain who had already completed two successful slave voyages to Bonny and Havana on the Princess Royal.25 In common with other captains, Sherwood developed specialist knowledge of particular regions and returned to trade with established African contacts.26 He later returned to trade at Bonny on other ships owned by Dawson, including the Garland and the Brothers in 1789, 1790 and 1791.27 The training Irving received from Sherwood and the personal contacts he made with African merchants during the visits ashore would have assisted his advancement in the trade. Irving may well have been aware that captains who were engaged in this specialist form of trade at Bonny could command wage rates which were double those of their counterparts trading through European forts or factors.28 A number of the officers who sailed with Sherwood on the Princess Royal went on to command vessels in the Liverpool trade. William Linton, first mate on the Princess Royal in 1787, was promoted to command of Dawson’s ship the Brothers in July 1788. Robert Catterall, who replaced him as first mate on the voyage of the Princess Royal in 1788, was also given command of the vessel in 1791. Trading for slaves near Bonny, Catterall would have applied the skills of the ship-trade developed on his earlier voyages.29 Given his long-running and successful career in the trade, it is appropriate to regard Sherwood as one of the ‘captain-princes’ who played an important role in training up future captains in the Liverpool slave trade.30 The same African traders who provided slaves for the Guerrier of Nantes and the Rodney and Jupiter of Bristol in the 1790s may well have supplied the Princess Royal. Lovejoy and Richardson identity a number of significant traders at Bonny including Finebone and Boniface, Allison and John Africa, King Pepple and Prince Frederick and Prince Will. It is likely that Dawson and his captains

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had cultivated personal contacts with some of these African traders over a number of years. It was common practice for slave merchants to send gifts to their African counterparts and to offer the opportunity for their children to be educated in Britain.31 Robert Bostock, a Liverpool merchant, attempted to retain the goodwill of William Cleveland, one of his African suppliers in Sierra Leone, by sending him a variety of presents including ‘8 ruffled shirts’ of his daughter’s ‘own making marked with your name’.32 The slaves offered for sale to Sherwood and Irving in 1787 were probably made up mainly of Igbo and Ibibio people. The men, women and children offered for sale at Bonny were typically brought to the coast from a distance of 200-300 kilometres.33 African merchants, using complex market and delivery networks in the interior, gathered them together on the coast and they were exchanged for an assortment of trade goods. As Lovejoy points out, the slaves intended for sale to the ships ‘were brought to the coast through the maze of creeks and lagoons that formed the delta of the Niger River and included the mouth of the Cross River’. They were moved from the interior in large and heavily armed river-boats and the supply was coordinated principally by Aro merchants.34 It is likely that Captain Sherwood on his arrival on the coast advanced trade goods on credit to African merchants in order to guarantee a suitable consignment of slaves. Bonny’s dominant position in the trade after 1730 can be linked to the institutional mechanisms which were used to protect these credit arrangements. Richardson emphasises that the skill of the captain in negotiating a favourable rate of exchange for these trade goods was central to the financial success of the voyage.35 Africans were typically exchanged for textiles, copper, brass and pewter goods, beads, guns, gunpowder and liquor. Textiles and metals were normally the most important commodities of exchange, although regional differences in taste along the West African littoral affected the precise ratio of different types of goods and the design and weave of the cloth. Goods in particular demand in the Bight of Biafra included metal goods and manillas or wristlets.36 Falconbridge reported in 1790 that the goods used to buy slaves at Bonny included guns, gunpowder, India and Manchester textiles, iron bars and brandy.37 As Lovejoy points out, the merchandise exchanged for slaves included ‘many goods which were relatively high in quality, thereby disproving the myth that Africa got virtually nothing for the export of its sons and daughters’.38 More detailed evidence of Irving’s activities on the African coast can be found for the voyage of the Ellen, which sailed from Liverpool on 2 January 1791. Specific information is available for this, his second captaincy of a slave ship, as the Ellen was one of approximately 350 ships listed in the ‘Return to an Order of the Right Honourable the House of Lords dated 10th July 1799’ in which the Clerk of the Parliament had been directed to extract several cate-

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gories of information from the ‘several log books and journals of ships employed in the slave trade in each year from 1791 to 1797’.39 This source records that the Ellen arrived at Anomabu on the Gold Coast of Africa on 5 April 1791 and, after an atypically long stay of more than five months on the coast, departed from the same location on 16 September 1791. The weather during this period might have been unfavourable, as The English Pilot of 1761 noted how early April through to the end of May was associated with ‘great tempests’ that ‘arise both at sea and land … mixt with thunder, lightning, and earthquakes’. The rainy season that commenced in May ‘begins to cease in August, but yet the sea hath a rowling motion with tumultous billows’. September, the month that Irving left the coast, was associated with weather ‘that grows fair’.40 During this period 341 slaves were purchased, indicating an average loading rate of approximately two per day. This level of loading on the Gold Coast is consistent with the average of two to three enslaved Africans per day on Liverpool ships in the period 1791 to 1797.41 Even so, this figure conceals the extremes as the number of slaves loaded varied from the large single consignment of 58 females and 29 males on 11 April 1791 down to just one female on 18 August 1791.42 This voyage of the Ellen was one of twelve slave-trading voyages that Dawson organised to the Gold Coast between 1785 and 1795. The main focus of Dawson’s trading activities in this period was at the port of Bonny, but his Gold Coast voyages gave him a 5.5 per cent market share among British merchant firms in that region. Irving’s former employer, William Boats, achieved a similar market share as he organised nine voyages to the Gold Coast between 1785 and 1795.43 A letter written by the ship’s surgeon, Captain Irving’s cousin and namesake, gives some clues to the movement of the Ellen along the African coast. In a letter written as the Ellen made ready to sail from Liverpool, James Irving II informed his parents, Janetus and Helen Irving in Langholm, that: We are Bound for Anamaboe in the Gold Coast, discharge what goods we have for that place and set sail from it again within 48 hours after we arrived. Then we are to call at Lagus,44 Accra and other parts whose names I have forgot. We are then to go down as far as Benin River and stay a day or two and then go back to Anamaboe from which place we are to sail for the West Indies.45 In broad outline, this account is consistent with the details in the House of Lords list, as the ship did in fact arrive at Anomabu and depart from the same location. This points to the overall reliability of the surgeon’s account, which was probably based on the instructions that his cousin, the captain, had received from Dawson.

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The timing and pattern of Hugh Crow’s first slaving venture on the Prince is very similar to the movement of the Ellen along the coast, although there is no evidence to indicate that Crow and Irving met during this period. After overcoming his initial antipathy to the slave trade, Crow accepted a position as ‘chief mate of a beautiful brig belonging to J. Dawson Esq. called the Prince’. The ship sailed from Liverpool in September 1790 and reached Anomabu after a passage of seven weeks. Crow records that ‘we lay there about three weeks without transacting any trade, the king of that part of the coast having died some time before, in consequence of which all business was suspended’. Following this delay they ‘proceeded to a place called Lago,46 with negroes, and thence to Benin. We traded between both places for several months, so that I acquired a considerable knowledge, as a pilot, of that part of the coast’.47 Crow’s description indicates that some slaves were eventually purchased at Anomabu and that they were taken along the coast, possibly for transfer to another ship. The account implies that the Prince experienced some difficulty in securing a sufficient cargo of slaves as ‘the agents who were employed on different parts of the coast by our owner, Mr. Dawson, having all fallen victims to the climate in a few months after their arrival’. Curtin argues that ‘Europeans newly arrived at trading posts on the Gulf of Guinea usually sustained a death rate of about 50 per cent in the first year of residence’.48 Crow records that ‘in order that we might convey to him the melancholy news as soon as possible, we took in a quantity of ivory and other articles and sailed from Benin’.49 In common with most other slaving voyages, trading for the Ellen was concentrated in one region of the African coast.50 Slaves were purchased at Cape Coast Castle and Anomabu on the Gold Coast.51 Details extracted from the log and journal of the Ellen by the Clerk of the Parliament indicate that the first group of 87 slaves was received on 11 April 1791, six days after their stated arrival at Anomabu. Most of these slaves were, however, transferred to another ship on 26 April with a further seven transhipped on 24 May 1791. These intership transactions left just five female slaves on board the Ellen until further purchases of slaves were made in July. This pattern may indicate that prior to sailing with his own cargo of slaves for the West Indies, Irving carried out instructions to supply slaves to other vessels owned by Dawson.52 Young adult males were the preferred choice of slave traders, but this voyage of the Ellen illustrates how ‘children were quite regularly victims of the slavetrading process’. Despite the preference for adult males, Irving may have been keen to improve his turnaround time on the coast by accepting a mixed assortment of slaves.53 Ten boys and thirteen girls were purchased on 2 July 1791 and it appears that they remained on the ship until it left the coast over three months later. These children accounted for just under one-tenth of the human cargo, which is significantly lower than the average ratio of 19 per cent on

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voyages from the Gold Coast in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. It is likely that some of these ‘terrified children’ were loaded onto the Ellen without any family members. Eckroyd Claxton, a former surgeon in the slave trade, testified in 1791 that children were usually put on board ship without their relatives.54 Although there is some tentative evidence to indicate that the survival rate of children was higher than that of adults, it is not recorded how many survived the horrors of the Middle Passage on the Ellen.55 Captain Irving wrote to Mary on 14 June 1791 on board the ‘Ellen off Benin Barr’, and his first concern in the letter was to express his happiness at the news that his parents, wife and infant son ‘Jammie’ were in good health. The letter also confirms the pattern of the voyage that his younger cousin and ship’s surgeon had communicated to his parents in Langholm. The surgeon had stated that they would only ‘go down as far as Benin River and stay a day or two and then go back to Anamaboe’. As no further slave purchases were recorded until 2 July 1791, this suggests that Anomabu was the principal location at which they obtained their cargo. The evidence extracted from the surgeon’s journal and ship’s log suggests that in the period from 2 July to 14 September 1791 effort was concentrated on securing a cargo for the Ellen, as only three of the 253 slaves purchased in this period were transferred to other ships. Progress in obtaining a cargo was particularly slow in the month of August as only one slave was added to the total of 111 purchased in July. This delay might have been occasioned by the loss of the agents on the coast described by Crow. As the Prince only reached Liverpool in August 1791 to convey the ‘melancholy news’, there would have been no time for the merchants to replace those agents who had died. September was by far the most successful month as Irving managed to load 142 slaves in a fourteen-day period. This was partly facilitated by two large receipts of 70 slaves on 9 September and 50 slaves three days later. In July the number of slaves acquired was typically much smaller, ranging from 30 individuals on 2 July to 12 on the following day. The conduct of the slave trade at Cape Coast Castle and Anomabu was very different from the form of trading that Irving had experienced earlier in his career at Bonny and New Calabar. The supply of slaves for the ship was organised by European agents. Irving would not have been required to negotiate directly with African merchants, and it is probable that agents stationed on the Gold Coast by John Dawson supplied the Ellen with slaves.56 Lower salaries for captains engaged in the fort trade reflected the less skilful nature of their role, and it is possible that Dawson was using this voyage to test out Irving’s capabilities as a commander. This was in contrast to Robert Catterall, first mate on the Princess Royal in 1788, who on his first voyage as captain in 1791 was sent back to Bonny to engage in the direct trade with Africans. The profits of the transatlantic trade were largely dependent, though not

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wholly, on the number of slaves fit for re-sale in the Americas. The trade was associated with high levels of ‘wastage’: shipboard mortality in the slave trade was higher than on other transatlantic voyages, and it was also high compared to levels of mortality on land.57 Africans embarked on European vessels were those who had managed to survive several preliminary stages of enslavement including capture, the march from inland areas to the coast, and a period of detention in forts or barracoons awaiting the arrival of slave vessels. Their chances of survival in the Middle Passage were shaped to a large extent by their regional origin and experience prior to embarkation.58 The effectiveness of the surgeon in controlling levels of illness and death is therefore difficult to quantify. The measures that a surgeon might take to control disease on board ship find no mention in the letters of James Irving and his cousin.59 Irving might have attempted to control the spread of disease through the isolation of sick slaves and by the application of hygiene measures on board ship. Attempts to control smallpox were based on the use of variolation, which was ‘a procedure in which a small amount of pox was injected into slaves to produce mild attacks from which slaves would recover and receive life-long immunity’. Surgeons of this period made use of Peruvian, or cinchona bark, to treat dysentery, malaria, fevers and diarrhoea. The assortment of medicines on board ship may also have included purgatives for the treatment of fevers and gastrointestinal diseases. Surgeons also carried magnesia, iron and gum arabic for the treatment of dysentery.60 Although Irving was well educated, there is no evidence to indicate whether he studied contemporary medical practice and adopted an experimental approach to the reform of shipboard conditions.61 Following a journey from Africa to the West Indies on board the Jane with Captain Fargher in 1787, Irving informed his wife that 48 slaves had died. This loss of 8 per cent is small compared to Irving’s later voyage on the Ellen. No deaths of slaves on the African coast were recorded, but of the 253 slaves that left Africa on board the Ellen in September 1791 only 206 survived the Middle Passage. This figure is high compared to an average mortality of 8.9 per cent amongst British ships engaged in the slave trade between 1780 and 1799. On average those British ships which obtained slaves from the Gold Coast where Anomabu is located showed an average slave mortality of 5.6 per cent, which again tends to emphasise the high losses on board the Ellen.62 The loss of almost one-fifth of the slaves (19 per cent) meant that neither the captain nor the surgeon on this voyage qualified for the payment of the bounty introduced by the Dolben Act of 1788, as the slave deaths far exceeded the maximum level of 3 per cent needed to qualify for a bonus.63 The surgeon had clearly taken this lump sum into account in his personal financial calculations. As the Ellen prepared to sail from Liverpool, the surgeon informed his parents that ‘if it please God we make a good voyage, I expect to get head Money, and

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if we only bury 6 slaves my Couzin will receive £100 and I £50 Bounty. If we bury not more than 9 slaves my Couzen will receive £50 and I £25 bounty’ (Letter 37). An outbreak of disease may explain the high proportion of slave deaths recorded on the Ellen. The flux or dysentery was the cause of death most commonly referred to by slave traders and it is possible that amoebic dysentery, the ‘bloody flux’ referred to by various commentators, could have been introduced onto the ship in contaminated water or food supplies or by slaves who were incubating the disease. This form of dysentery had an incubation period of between 20 and 90 days and the infected individual could experience frequent recurrence of the symptoms. The Ellen spent 117 days in the Middle Passage and it is possible that a shortage of provisions and water on a longer than expected voyage also affected survival rates amongst the slaves.64 The inexorable spread of disease on board ship is forcefully conveyed in John Newton’s dispassionate record of slave deaths on the Duke of Argyle by their allotted purchase number. He recorded on 21 April 1751 that he ‘was obliged to waive the consideration of the day [the religious service for the crew] and for the first and, I hope, the last time of the voyage, the season advancing fast and, I am afraid sickness too, for we have almost every day one or more taken with a flux, of which a woman dyed tonight (No. 79)’.65 Other common causes of deaths amongst slaves included yellow fever and communicable illnesses such as measles and smallpox. If disease had been present on board the Ellen during the voyage to Trinidad, the contagion could have spread rapidly in the space between decks where the slaves spent a large proportion of their time. The ‘tween-deck height of the Ellen was considerably lower than standing room at just four feet, and this was almost two feet lower than the more well-known case of the slave ship Brooks.66 If the information extracted from the surgeon’s log was an accurate record of the number of slaves taken on board, then the Ellen was not overcrowded by the standards established by the Dolben Act of 1788. The ship, a ‘prize captured from Americans’ in 1782, was a ‘square sterned ship’ with two decks and three masts. It was also ‘pierced for sixteen guns’.67 The Ellen, a ship of 152 tons, was smaller than the average British vessel of 191 tons that operated on the Gold Coast between 1790 and 1797.68 As it was less than 201 tons burthen, the Ellen was legally entitled to carry five slaves for every three tons of weight, in other words 1.67 per ton. With a final cargo of 253 slaves on its departure from the African coast, the Ellen was not technically overcrowded, but like most slave vessels it had been filled to its maximum legal capacity. The promoters of the Dolben Act obviously believed that by limiting the number of slaves per ton that they would limit slave-ship mortality, but the case of the Ellen indicates that, even when the regulations were observed, mortality

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could still be high. A number of quantitative studies of the British, French and Dutch trades in the eighteenth century have found no clear or direct relationship between mortality levels and the number of slaves carried per ton. In other words, tight packing or crowding of slaves, although it could contribute to the spread of disease, does not adequately explain the patterns of deaths amongst slaves in the Middle Passage.69 Analysis of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade database reveals a strong correlation between levels of shipboard mortality and the African port of embarkation.70 Those who argued in favour of abolition of the trade expressed concern not only about the African slaves but also for the well-being of the crew. Falconbridge, for example, pointed out in 1788 that ‘the evils attendant on this inhuman traffick, are not confined to the purchased negroes’. He argued that ‘the sufferings of the seamen employed in the slave trade, from the unwholesomeness of the climate, the inconveniences of the voyage, the brutal severity of the commanders, and other causes, fall very little short, nor prove in proportion to the numbers, less destructive to the sailors than negroes’.71 The loss of seamen in the ‘triangular trade’ was an important argument used to discredit the slave trade.72 In an analysis of Liverpool muster rolls, leading abolitionist campaigner Thomas Clarkson calculated that of 10,418 seamen who left Liverpool for Africa between December 1784 and 1 January 1790 fewer than half returned (4,786).73 The voyage of the Jane in which Irving was engaged between 1786 and 1787 recorded a much higher proportion of almost three-quarters. Taking the voyage as a whole, all 43 members of the crew were entered on board in Liverpool on 17 May 1786, of whom 31 returned to Liverpool (72 per cent). In total seven crew died (16 per cent), two of these during the three-month stay on the coast of Africa and the remaining five during their stay in the West Indies and on the return voyage to Liverpool. No deaths were recorded in the course of the Middle Passage. Several crewmen were lost through desertion. On this voyage of the Jane all of the men entered as ‘run’ on the muster list deserted the ship in the West Indies, but it was not uncommon for crewmen to desert on the African coast.74 The circumstances lying behind the events of 19 December 1786 are not explained in the bare listing of facts in the muster roll of the Jane. William Cock, Edward Griffiths and Joseph Guy all deserted the ship on that day. Nicholas Brown died on the same day and William Cenco was discharged from the ship. John Collins, a seaman, deserted the ship five days later on Christmas Eve.75 In a letter to his wife, written from Tobago on 2 December 1786, Irving informed her that there had been some delay in the sale of the slaves and that ‘I’m pretty certain of eating my Christmas dinner here (if able to eat one)’. The dates indicate that the desertions occurred in Tobago and may have resulted from frustration at the delay in sailing (Letter 4). Crew mortality on slave ships was significantly higher than on other transat-

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lantic voyages.76 In a study of 1,709 muster rolls for Liverpool slave voyages between 1780 and 1807, Behrendt finds that 17.8 per cent of the original crew died (10,439 out of 58,778). The time spent on the African coast was particularly dangerous and the levels of mortality varied according to the region visited. Although the muster rolls periodically record drowning amongst the crew, the major risk to mariners in the ‘triangular trade’ was disease. Behrendt’s analysis of a sample of muster rolls from the Bristol trade between 1789 and 1794 indicates that fever, ‘putrid fever’ and ‘bilious fever’ accounted for the majority of deaths. A variety of gastrointestinal diseases including flux, dysentery and diarrhoea accounted for 11 per cent of the sample. A variety of other causes were recorded including consumption, ‘dropsy’ and violent spasms.77 In letters written on board the Jane, Princess Royal and Ellen, Irving repeatedly commented on his own health and that of the officers. Although this was an obvious predisposition in a surgeon, the tone of his comments does suggest that the threat of illness was pervasive. In a letter written from New Calabar dated 13 August 1786, for example, he informed his wife that ‘We are all alive that left Liverpool, and in health, one excepted who is dangerously ill’ (Letter 2). Reference to the muster list of the ship Jane confirms that there were no recorded deaths on the first leg of the voyage to Africa. John Marvault who died on 30 August 1786 was the first of the two deaths recorded during their stay on the African coast, and it is likely that he was the ‘dangerously ill’ person referred to by Irving. He may have been suffering from malaria or yellow fever, to which Europeans were particularly susceptible on the African coast.78 During the voyage of the Princess Royal to Africa and Havana in 1787, eight of the 49 crew entered on the ship in Liverpool died (16 per cent). In a letter dated 3 June 1787, Irving informed his wife that they arrived at Bonny River in Africa on 29 May 1787 (Letter 5). Reference to the muster roll of the ship shows that none of these deaths occurred on the outward voyage to the Niger Delta. Most were concentrated in the period between 17 June and 2 August 1787 which corresponds with the time on the African coast.79 Irving wrote to Mary from Havana on 20 October 1787 and informed her that ‘Captain Sherwood and all our Officers are well. We have buried 6 white people’ (Letter 6). The muster roll confirms that the deaths were amongst the seamen rather than the officers named in the letters, but the total number of deaths for the period between his letter of 2 June and that of 20 October is seven rather than six. The eighth recorded death was that of William Coslett on 7 November 1787.80 Irving’s position as surgeon was particularly risky, as he would have been in frequent contact with diseases amongst the crew and slaves. Consequently, the mortality rate of surgeons on Liverpool vessels was twice the level of that for first mates.81 The percentage loss of crewmen was higher than that amongst the slaves

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during Irving’s second voyage on the Jane between 17 May 1786 and 27 February 1787. Overall, 16 per cent of the crew died compared to just over 8 per cent of the slaves. Despite the heavy losses of slaves in the Middle Passage, this was also true of the later voyage of the Ellen as 37.5 per cent of the crewmen entered on the ship in Liverpool died (6 of 16) compared with 19 per cent of the slaves (47 of 253).82 Three of the crewmen died on the African coast, including Thomas Webb who drowned on 20 June 1791. The loss of crew on this voyage of the Ellen was exceptionally high considering that the ship was trading on the Gold Coast, where mortality levels were typically lower than other regions of the African coast. As Behrendt points out, the risks of disease were reduced in this region as the slave ships typically anchored at some distance from the coast ‘well away from the pounding surf’.83 Comparative studies of mortality indicate, however, that Africans’ risk of dying was higher than that of the crew when considered in relation to the shorter period of time spent on board the vessel.84 These figures for the voyages in which Irving participated are broadly consistent with Curtin’s estimate that one in five of the crew members were lost in the African trade. He describes the South Atlantic system as ‘a cruel and wasteful operation – most damaging for the slaves themselves, but deadly even for those who were free and voluntary participants’.85 Hugh Crow found it particularly offensive that a bounty was paid when there were few slave deaths but ‘not a word was said about the white slaves, the poor sailors; these might die without regret’.86 As Robert Stein points out in a study of the French trade, slaves ‘were ultimately less dispensable than crew members in the search for a profitable trade. Captains were occasionally paid bonuses for keeping their slaves alive; they were never rewarded for keeping sailors alive’.87 Abolitionist campaigners drew attention to the cruel treatment of seamen in the trade. In his History of the Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade by the British Parliament, Thomas Clarkson singled out for comment a case of extreme cruelty on board a Liverpool slave ship in 1786.88 In the course of his ‘water expeditions’ to slave trading ports, Clarkson received intelligence of a seaman named Peter Green who had been ‘barbarously beaten’ and who subsequently died from his injuries on 19 September 1786. During his fact-finding mission to Liverpool in 1787, Clarkson noticed the ship in dock and went on board to question some of the crew about the incident. Although he did not reveal the name of the vessel, the details of sailing times and the names of crewmen taken from the muster roll identify the ship as the Vulture in the command of James Brown.89 Falconbridge also gave evidence on this incident before the Select Committee of the House of Commons enquiring into the slave trade in 1790.90 This ship, a prize captured by the French in 1777 and registered in Liverpool in 1779, was the vessel on which Irving had undertaken his first

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slave-trading venture in 1783. Irving was not on board the Vulture when the incident took place in September 1786, but he mentioned the vessel several times in a letter from New Calabar in August 1786. Irving was eagerly awaiting the arrival of the Vulture as he was hopeful that his wife would ‘certainly have put two or three sweet Billets on board’ (Letter 2). As the Jane did not leave the African coast until October 1786, it is possible that Irving came into contact with the crew of the Vulture during the period spent trading for slaves at New Calabar.91 William Boats probably considered this voyage of the Vulture a financial success, despite the death of one-third of the men who signed on for service in Liverpool.92 Captain Brown delivered 646 slaves to Kingston, Jamaica in January 1787.93 In contrast, the same ship was allowed to carry only 448 Africans after the introduction of the Dolben Act in 1788. Consequently, when James Brown sailed for Bonny in June 1789 he would have been instructed to buy approximately 200 fewer Africans than on his previous voyages.94 The reductions introduced by the Dolben Act would not necessarily have led to lower profits, however, as the costs of outfitting the vessel and supplying textiles and other cargo would have been lower. Although no will survives for James Irving, there is some evidence to indicate that his participation in slave-trading voyages generated a sizeable income and enabled him to improve his material circumstances in the 1780s. His first slaving venture on the Vulture appears to have been profitable. Assuming that Irving was paid £4 wages a month, together with the value of two privilege slaves and one shilling ‘head money’ for each of the 592 slaves delivered alive to the West Indies, it is likely that Irving earned approximately £140 from this voyage.95 This is consistent with the average voyage earnings of slave-ship surgeons in the late eighteenth century, which were typically between £100 and £150.96 Shortly after returning from this voyage in May 1784, Irving travelled to Scotland and purchased a property in Langholm. He entered into a contract on 24 June 1784 to purchase houses and a yard ‘consisting of thirty seven feet, seven inches street length, and one hundred and twenty four feet deep backward’. The property was in the possession of Peter Graham, a blacksmith in Langholm, and it is likely that Irving acquired the property as an investment for his father’s use. The houses and yard were ‘bounded on the N.W. by the dwelling house of Janetus Irving Baker in Langholm; on the N.E. by that part the property of George Little Surgeon in Langholm’. The buildings were subsequently used by John Irving as a public house, named the Buck Inn.97 Irving would also have earned approximately £140 from wages and bonuses during his voyage on the Jane between May 1786 and February 1787. Wages of £4 per month for nine months and ten days, combined with one shilling per head for 526 slaves disembarked alive in the West Indies, would probably have

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been supplemented by the value of two privilege slaves. The voyage of the Princess Royal between April 1788 and January 1789 was potentially more lucrative. The delivery of some 800 slaves to Havana would have earned Irving approximately £40 in ‘head money’. As this was one of the largest slave ships operating on the Guinea coast, Irving would have received the value of two privilege slaves in addition to his wages. As Behrendt points out, surgeons on such large vessels could earn up to £250 per voyage.98 It is likely that Irving received payment for the privilege slaves in the form of bills of exchange. After his marriage in 1786, Irving moved house in Liverpool several times. Shortly before his promotion to captain in 1789, Irving moved to Pownall Square on the open north-east side of the town. This area was in the process of construction at the time of Charles Eyes’s map of 1785 and appears to have been complete when Moss undertook his survey of Liverpool in 1796. Although this was not the most fashionable or exclusive area of Liverpool,99 Irving’s move away from streets near the working areas of the docks may be suggestive of some limited upward social mobility. Successful slave merchants certainly used their wealth to migrate to Liverpool’s ‘outer fringes or beyond its borders into the surrounding rural townships’.100 A more straightforward explanation for Irving’s change of location, however, may be found in the fact that his mother-in-law, Mrs. Mary Tunstall, occupied a property at 7 Pownall Square. Also resident in Pownall Square was Robert Catterall, who was promoted to captain of the Princess Royal in 1791.101 The profitability of each voyage in which James Irving was involved cannot be calculated, as there are no surviving accounts.102 However, the Liverpool slave merchants who employed Irving certainly exhibited a number of the outward trappings of material and social success. Both William Boats and John Dawson were in a position to send their sons to Oxford University. Boats, who invested in as many as 157 slave voyages between 1752 and 1795, was the son of a barber but his son Henry Ellis Boats began his studies at Magdalen College in October 1782. Frederick Akers Dawson, the son of John Dawson, commenced his studies at Brasenose College in 1814 before becoming a clergyman.103 Prominent Liverpool slave merchants, in common with their Bristol counterparts, invested their wealth in town houses and country estates.104 The extent to which wealth generated from slave trading contributed to British industrial growth and urban development is the subject of continuing academic controversy. A consensus has yet to emerge, particularly on the vexed question of how far Liverpool’s rise to maritime and commercial prominence in the eighteenth century can be attributed to slave-trading profits. Richardson has recently argued that as much as 40 per cent of Bristol’s income in 1790 was generated from slave trading and related businesses and that the proportion might be even higher for Liverpool.105

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The trade had some attendant risks though. Liverpool slave merchants ‘enjoyed mixed fortunes’. Some went bankrupt and others acquired only modest levels of wealth.106 Spectacular gains made in a handful of voyages could compensate for modest profits or even losses in other voyages.107 Contemporary commentators were aware of the unpredictable elements and the risks involved in slave trading. In 1788 Edgar Corrie, a Liverpool merchant who was not involved in the slave trade, described the African trade as ‘a commerce of Enterprise and Risk’.108 The shipwreck of the Anna on 27 May 1789, three and a half weeks after she sailed from Liverpool in the command of Captain James Irving, was a significant financial loss for Dawson.109 Although only a small schooner of 50 tons burthen, it was a ‘fine new vessell’ completed earlier that year in a Liverpool shipyard and registered just 17 days before she sailed.110 In contrast, many Liverpool slave ships were second-hand vessels adapted for the trade and only one-quarter were purpose-built.111 Dawson would have expended a considerable sum on building the Anna, fitting it out for the slave trade and providing a crew and cargo.112 Described as a ‘square sterned schooner’ in the Certificate of British Registry, the Anna was just one-tenth of the registered tonnage of the Princess Royal, the ship on which Irving had previously completed two voyages to Africa. The Anna was not the smallest vessel in the transatlantic trade, as in the previous year the Johanna of 19 tons had delivered 42 slaves to Barbados, but it was far smaller than the average size of slaving vessels of between 240 and 250 tons in the period 1785 to 1807.113 The small size of the Anna is particularly striking when compared to the ships which Dawson stated he owned in his petition to the House of Lords on 10 July 1788, the smallest of which was 325 tons. In this petition Dawson contended that the new legislation favoured smaller vessels, and the addition of the Anna to his fleet might be interpreted as an attempt to respond to the restrictions imposed by the Dolben Act.114 Under the terms of Dolben Act, the Anna was capable of carrying just over 80 slaves, which was broadly equivalent to the reduction that the legislation had imposed on the Princess Royal. It is not known, though, whether Irving had received instructions from Dawson to sail the Anna from the coast of West Africa to one of the Spanish colonies to make good the shortfall on the Princess Royal. As the Mediterranean Pass, issued on 16 April 1789, records only that the ship was bound to Africa and the Americas, it is not possible to be more precise about the intended port of disembarkation.115 In preparing the ship for departure, Irving recruited a number of men with whom he had come into contact on previous voyages. His younger cousin was engaged as the surgeon on the voyage and his second mate, Matthew Dawson, was the nephew of his employer. His first mate John Clegg had sailed with him on the Jane three years earlier, and he knew at least two of the common seamen from earlier voyages on the Jane and Princess Royal. With such a small vessel,

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Irving was in a position to draw on his personal contacts to recruit most of the crew. This avoided, or at least minimised, the need to rely on men pressed through the contemporary practice of crimping in alehouses.116 Of the five remaining crew signed on in Liverpool, three were black. Silvin Buckle, James Drachen and Jack Peters were described as ‘Portuguese blacks’ and their presence on the Anna highlights the multiracial composition of the crew of slave trading vessels operating out of British ports in the eighteenth century.117 Irving may well have come into contact with James Drachen on his previous voyage to Havana. A similar name appears as the last entry on the muster roll of the Princess Royal when it returned to Liverpool in January 1789. It appears that Drachen had been enlisted in Cuba in November 1788 and returned to Liverpool together with Black Silop[?] and Long Tommy who had been recruited on the same date. Also returning on the Princess Royal in 1789 were Black Joe and Black Buckley who had enlisted in Liverpool at the start of the voyage.118 It is conceivable that Black Buckley was the same person as Silvin Buckle who enlisted for the Anna. The presence of three men of African origin on the Anna as it sailed out of the Mersey represented an unusually high proportion of over one-quarter of the crew,119 and the duties for which they were enlisted would undoubtedly have included the acquisition and restraint of Africans and their preparation for sale in the Americas.

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Shipwreck and Enslavement

The maiden voyage of the Anna, Irving’s first captaincy, began propitiously. As he sailed from Liverpool on 3 May 1789, he wrote to his wife Mary informing her of the good progress made by the ship. He commented on the ‘fine promising Wind’ which was ‘so exceeding favourable the Vessel runs out very fast’. The tone of the letter is calm and reassuring and was intended no doubt to relieve the anxieties that his wife, two months pregnant at the time, felt about the voyage. He urged her not to ‘fret and distress yourself without cause’, but to trust in Providence who ‘is able and willing to support you in every situation in life’. The demands placed upon Irving in his new position as captain, particularly on the first day of the venture, probably explain the brevity of this letter. It was with some regret that he told his wife that ‘I really cannot find time to say what I have within’, although he did promise that ‘the next I write shall be a very long one’ (Letter 9). James Irving did not, in fact, have the opportunity to write to his wife again until August 1789. In a letter dated the first of that month from ‘Telling in Barbary’, he informed her that ‘as a dream all our hopes and prospects are vanished. The Anna is wrecked and everything lost’. Aware that the loss of the vessel dealt a severe blow to their plans for the future, he urged his wife to ‘be reconciled to your fate, God’s will be done’ (Letter 16). In a letter written to his mother-in-law, Mrs. Tunstall, Irving exhibited some anxiety about the effects of the news on his expectant wife’s well-being. He urged his mother-in-law to ‘banish all doubts and fears, be chearfull and prepare her for the reception of it’ (Letter 15). It seems unlikely that Mary Irving and her mother would have received these letters, conveyed from Morocco by James M. Matra, Consul General at Tangier, before September 1789.1 It was Matra who had informed the Secretary of State’s office in London in a letter of 21 July 1789 that the ship was ‘wrecked on the Arab Coast, opposite the west end of Fuertaventura’ (Letter 13). Official confirmation of the loss of the Anna was not available in Lloyd’s List until 29 September 1789 when it was reported that ‘the Ann, Irving, from Leverpool to Guinea, is wrecked at Uld Nun; the cargo plundered, and crew made slaves’. The same news was not reported in the local newspaper,

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Williamson’s Liverpool Advertiser, until 5 October 1789 with the announcement that the ship was wrecked at ‘Ohl Nun’. A navigational chart of 1794 indicates that ‘Nun’ was located on the north-western coast of Africa, opposite the Canary Islands. In present-day maps it is located approximately twenty miles south-west of Ifni and is recorded as Oued Noun.2 The events leading up to the shipwreck are described in letters that Irving sent to consular officials in Morocco. In an appeal that he drafted to send to Matra some two months after the shipwreck, he outlined that he was ‘bound to the Gold Coast of Africa, but was carried on by a strong current and wrecked on the 27th May last’.3 Irving’s journal, probably written some twelve or eighteen months after the events, provides a fuller account of the outward voyage to Africa and the circumstances of the shipwreck. He recorded how the favourable wind that eased his passage from Liverpool was soon replaced by more inimical weather conditions, and the progress of the ship was halting. After reaching Padstow on the Cornish coast on 10 May, the ship began its voyage down the western coast of France towards Spain. The return of favourable wind conditions ensured that the ship made good progress. They encountered a ‘hard gale’ in the Bay of Biscay which lasted two days, but Irving noted how well ‘our vessel behaved’. By 19 May the ship’s crew observed land at Cabo de Finisterre on the north-western coast of Spain, and a course was charted for the islands of Alegranza and Lanzarote. The journal creates a strong impression of the confusion that was felt about the ship’s location as they approached the Canary Islands. After checking his compasses and navigational charts, Irving calculated on 26 May that the vessel was a ‘few Leagues to the westward of Alegranza, the N. Eastmost of the Canary Islands’. On the basis of this calculation, Irving steered the ship south with the intention of reaching Lanzarote or Fuerteventura by nightfall. As these islands were located just a short distance to the south of Alegranza, Irving and his crew were ‘baffled’ in their ‘expectations’ when there was no sight of land after sailing for 34 miles. They concluded ‘that an Easterly currant during our run from the Burlings had deceived us, and that we were certainly to the Eastward of the Canaries, however unaccountably it had happened’.4 In his journey to West Africa in September 1750 John Newton also commented on an easterly current pulling his ship off course after they had passed Cape St. Vincent on the southern coast of Portugal.5 Irving was clearly aware that the position of the Anna between the Canary Islands and the North African coast was dangerous, and he attempted to steer the ship to safety. However, by the time Irving and his first mate had realised that the vessel was off course they were already close to the shoreline, but unable to see it in conditions of poor visibility. Contemporary commentators highlighted the various hazards presented by this coastline. In a map which forms a frontispiece to James Grey Jackson’s early nineteenth-century work, An

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Figure 3: The Atlantic coast of Morocco. Detail from ‘An Accurate Map of Africa from the Best Authorities’, printed for G. Robinson, 18th century. © National Museums Liverpool, Merseyside Maritime Museum.

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Account of the Empire of Morocco, the coastal area around ‘Noon’ where the Anna was wrecked is marked with the notation that the ‘current runs strong from hence towards the land which is extremely flat and the atmosphere hazy as far down as Cape Bajador [Boujdour] in latitude 26:12 North’. Jackson thought that most of the shipwrecks occurred on the coast of ‘Noon or Wedinoon’, and the correspondence of the Ironmongers’ Company of London includes several references to ‘Wedinoon’ [Wad Nun] as ‘the place where most of the wrecks … occur’.6 Jackson cautioned that ‘vessels bound to Senegal, the coast of Guinea, Sierra Leone, the Cape de Verde Islands, should vigilantly watch the currents that invariably set in from the west towards this deceitful coast, which has in times past and now continues to enveigle ships to destruction’. Jackson’s description of mariners disorientated by the conditions is very similar to the account of the shipwreck contained in Irving’s journal.7 An account by Monsieur Saugnier of shipwreck on the same coastline in January 1784 also contains many similarities to Irving’s narrative. Saugnier explained how: Every experienced captain knows that the currents always set towards the coast of Africa, that there are long banks of sand which run a great way out to sea, that in the morning and evening it is difficult to distinguish them from the water; that in short, in many places, it is impossible to see the land at the distance of three leagues.8 If the dangers of the Atlantic coast of Morocco were well known, it seems surprising that Irving ‘contrary to his inclinations … was ordered by his owners to sail between the Canaries and the coast of Africa’. This suggestion that culpability for the shipwreck lay with Dawson is contained in the published writings of William Lemprière who met Captain Irving during his captivity in Morocco.9 Lemprière did not provide any evidence to substantiate this claim and it seems surprising that Dawson, an experienced merchant who had also commanded a large number of slave vessels in the 1760s and 1770s, would have provided such flawed navigational advice.10 Clearly, in the version of events that Irving related to this acquaintance he may have been trying to evade responsibility for what might be interpreted as poor seamanship. This may be an overly harsh assessment, however, as the evidence in the journal suggests that Irving and his officers made competent decisions during the earlier stages of the voyage.11 Compass error may explain why the vessel was so far off course. Any navigational skill that Irving possessed had probably been acquired not through formal training but by observing the sailing practices of officers on the Vulture, Jane and Princess Royal. It is conceivable that Irving attended one of the navigational schools in late eighteenth-century Liverpool and his knowledge of

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mathematics gained from his training as a surgeon would have assisted him in checking the ship’s position and progress.12 The books and charts he consulted en route to Africa would probably have included The English Pilot and John Hamilton Moore’s Practical Navigator, and Seaman’s New Daily Assistant.13 The confusion about his position might have been caused by the prevailing tide and wind conditions in the area. Although the Anna was a new vessel, it is extremely unlikely that Irving had a marine chronometer on board to calculate longitude. These instruments were only just coming into commercial use, and their expense meant that they were introduced selectively on the ships of the East India Company in the 1780s.14 Irving may have had sufficient mathematical knowledge to calculate longitude using the complex lunar distance method.15 E.G.R. Taylor has noted, however, that although ‘the means to practise the method of longitude determination by lunar distances were … well established when Cook sailed on his first Voyage … practitioners were few’.16 However, as Irving was following a well-known route it is more likely that he relied on basic navigation and pilotage including dead reckoning, the use of the log line for measuring speed and distance travelled, the calculation of the variation of the compass from true north, taking latitudes by the sun, and coasting fairly near to land.17 The journal graphically describes the shipwreck of the Anna. After a period of six hours attempting to set the ship on a safe course away from the North African coast, Irving left the deck in the early hours of 27 May. Alarmed by the helmsman’s observation that the ‘water looked comically’, Irving returned ten minutes later to find waves breaking over the deck. His attempts to alter the ship’s course and ‘bring her to the wind’ failed and the vessel was soon overwhelmed by the waves which ‘fell on board so heavily, and followed one another so quickly, that she soon lost head way, and struck in the hollow of the Sea so very hard, that the rudder went away in a few seconds’. Within ten minutes the ship, buffeted by heavy waves, filled with water. The crew debated whether to abandon ship by means of a raft, but Irving recorded that they decided to stay on the Anna in the belief that the vessel would hold together until daylight. Daybreak presented to them a ‘long flat white sandy shore, at the distance of a Cables length’. As there was only about four feet of water alongside, they waded ashore and viewed the scene and saw ‘nothing but an uniform flat Sand at high water mark, and ragged rocks at low, bounded by a high breaker and heavy surf’. On examination of the ship they ‘found her keel entirely beat off, from stem to stern, 2 long holes bulged in her starboard her water way and side opened’.18 Also lost in the shipwreck was ‘her Cargo, India, Manchester and Hardware Goods with about 20 tons Salt, which was washed out’. In a report of events to the British Vice-Consul in Mogador (now Essaouira), Irving pointed out that ‘she had Also 1,000 Dollars on Board, all of which fell into the hands of the

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Arabs’ (Letter 10). This description of the cargo of the Anna is typical of the range of goods normally used to purchase slaves. A parliamentary listing of slave-ship clearances for the years 1788 to 1792 confirms that the vessel owned by John Dawson did not return to port.19 Shipwreck was not unusual. Other ships foundered on the journey to the coast of West Africa as the ‘marine intelligence’ in local newspapers readily attests. Over 250 British slave ships were lost in the period between 1785 and 1806, including 70 lost at sea before slaving and 29 lost or destroyed on the African coast.20 As the Anna was starting to sink, Irving recalled the ‘fate of my late worthy friend Pasley … and life was almost indifferent to me’.21 Irving was referring to Captain James Paisley of the Liverpool slave ship Adventure. The ship of 90 tons burthen, which departed Liverpool on 11 June 1785 bound for the Gold Coast of Africa, was ‘cut off by Africans from the shore’ and did not reach its destination in the Americas.22 Even the subsequent captivity, sale and enslavement of the crew of the Anna is not exceptional as there are a number of accounts of seamen who suffered a similar fate. Mariners would have been aware that shipwreck on the Barbary Coast brought with it the added perils of captivity and enslavement.23 Colley estimates that in the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, perhaps as many as 20,000 British people were taken captive as a result of shipwreck and the activities of the Barbary corsairs or privateers. Although the frequency of corsair attacks on British shipping had decreased by the late eighteenth century,24 shipwrecked mariners were often captured and held for ransom.25 Jackson estimated that in the period between 1790 and 1806 30 ships from different nations were wrecked on the Barbary Coast, suggesting an average of two per year. Of these, 17 were English vessels and he estimated that at least 120 crewmen spent a period of captivity in Morocco and the Sahara desert, of whom 80 were eventually redeemed.26 What distinguishes the shipwreck of the Anna from the normal type of nautical misadventure is that the crew of a ship heading to Africa to purchase slaves was captured and sold into slavery. Moreover, letters and several journals written by the captain provide a detailed record of his experiences of enslavement. The frequency with which British slave ships navigated the route to West Africa in the late eighteenth century might suggest that this was not an isolated incident. Although the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade database highlights many other Liverpool vessels which failed to embark slaves as a result of natural hazards,27 it is difficult to gauge how many of these slave-ship crews were captured and enslaved. There is at least one other example from eighteenthcentury Liverpool. Matra reported to the Duke of Portland on 31 October 1795 that he had received intelligence of the loss of a British vessel on the ‘southern extremities of Morocco’, but that he did not have any further information about the name of the ship or the master. Eighteen days later Matra

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wrote again to inform the Duke that the ship was the ‘Solicitor General, Thomas Smith, master from Liverpool to Guinea for slaves’.28 He explained how: she was wrecked the 11th of August ten leagues to the northward of Cape Bagadore [Boujdour], the whole crew nineteen in number were saved … Many of them have been bought by Jews at about 120 Dollars a head: as these unhappy men are perfectly naked and obliged to work all day in the sun in that state, my agent at Santa Cruz [Agadir] has sent them some clothing.29 Thomas Foxcroft, a British merchant in Agadir, wrote to Messrs. Forbes & Co. of Liverpool on 16 October 1795 to communicate intelligence of the loss of the ship. Foxcroft explained that he had heard rumours of the loss of a vessel and ‘I had the mortification to find it too true and that the vessel cast away was … your property bound to Africa for Negroes’. He explained candidly that ‘all Europeans (I am sorry to say) stranded in those parts are subject to Slavery and must patiently wait the kind interference of some Friend to redeem them from bondage’.30 On 19 April 1796 Daniel Backhouse wrote to John Tarleton M.P. asking him to use his influence with the government to secure the release of Captain Smith and his crew. In order to strengthen Tarleton’s interest in the case, Backhouse pointed out that Smith had been apprenticed to Tarleton’s father, was a freeman of Liverpool, and had undertaken several voyages to Old Calabar while in the employment of Tarleton and Backhouse.31 By the time Captain James Irving wrote in a ‘shamefull scrawl done with a reed’ to John Hutchison, British Vice-Consul in Mogador, he had been in captivity for almost a month. In two letters dated 24 and 25 June 1789, written from ‘Telling in Barbary’, Irving described how since the shipwreck ‘he and his Crew, Eleven in Number inclusive, have been … in the hands of Arabs and Moors in a Condition miserable beyond Conception’. Separated from the other members of his crew, Irving pleaded with Hutchison to ‘rescue us speedily from the most intollerable Slavery’ (Letters 10 and 11). Although he tried to contain his desperation within the boundaries and etiquette of formal address, he made an emotive appeal in which he provided a brief synopsis of what had occurred since the shipwreck: O I hope you can feel for us, first Suffering shipwreck, then seized on by a party of Arabs with outstretched Arms and Knives ready to stab us, next stripped to the skin, suffering a Thousand Deaths daily, insulted, spit upon, exposed to the Sun and Night Dews alternally, then travelled through parched deserts wherein was no water for 9 days, Afterwards torn from one Another and your poor Petitioner marched to this Place half dead with fatigue, whose only hope is in God and you.

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A fuller account of their capture is contained in Irving’s journal. After wading ashore from the wreck, it was decided that the crew would travel overland in an easterly direction ‘in hopes of reaching Santa Cruz [Agadir], or falling in with some hospitable inhabitants’.32 On the following morning of 28 May, the appearance of ‘three copper coulered naked savages … on the top of the rising sand’ signalled the start of an attack on the crew of the Anna. Irving recounts a confused and frantic ‘scene of rapine’ in which a large group of men armed with long knives and muskets attacked the eleven mariners and stripped them of their clothes and possessions.33 Few details are provided about Irving’s captors, but as Matra in later correspondence with the Secretary of State’s office described them as ‘wild Arabs’ it suggests a nomadic rather than a sedentary tribe (Letter 13). As Europeans tended to use the description ‘Arabs’ loosely, it is difficult to be certain of the origins of the people with whom Irving came into contact. Immediately after their capture the crew was taken to a ‘duhar’ or group of tents that ‘appeared at a mile’s distance, like mole hills in the sand’, and the men were dispersed amongst a number of the characteristically low-lying, dark-coloured tents in the encampment. In a later petition for help to Matra, Irving explained how they were ‘detained amongst their tents 12 days’ during which time they subsisted mainly on shellfish which they gathered from the shore.34 On the third day of his captivity, Irving recorded how ‘hunger was now so keen that I was almost induced to devour my own excrements’.35 It is unclear how Irving and his men communicated with their captors during this period. Berber and Arabic dialects formed the basis of communication in the south of Morocco, and it is very unlikely that the tribesmen spoke any English. During the period from 28 May to 8 June 1789, Irving recorded that he had intermittent contact with a number of members of his crew. One of his principal concerns throughout his period of captivity was the welfare of his cousin, and, in a journal entry for 29 May 1789, Irving recorded his ‘great joy’ when he observed his ‘mate and relation coming from 2 or 3 Tents, which were about a quarter of a mile distant’. One of the men had ‘been wounded in the thigh, when his pocket was cut off’ during the previous day’s struggle, although both retained a flannel shirt and trousers. Irving recorded that they resolved ‘to keep together, and share the same fate’, which they recognised would probably be one of slavery. In an entry for 2 June, Irving described the struggle that ensued when an attempt was made by the man ‘who claimed me as his property’ to separate him from the other members of the crew. Irving, knocked to the ground by several blows, resisted by clinging to his companions, as he ‘would rather have parted with life, than been taken away alone’. Despite assurances that the men would not be separated, the second mate and apprentice were taken away in the afternoon leaving Captain Irving, his cousin and chief mate alone.36 All the other members of the crew had been dispersed for sale, and it

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was these three remaining officers who on 8 June were ‘marched in 9 days more through barren parched desarts and mountaneous wilds’ to the village of ‘Guilemene’.37 The journey to Guelmine, located on the edge of the Sahara and about 30 miles to the south-east of the location of their shipwreck at Noun, was arduous. The walking conditions in parts must have been extremely difficult as an entry for 9 June records how they ‘passed several hills of accumulated sand, that kept driving before the wind like snow’.38 Jackson’s account of the treatment of shipwrecked mariners indicates how the captives were usually required to walk barefoot and their feet ‘from their not being accustomed, like the Arabs, to this mode of travelling, soon begin to swell with the heat of the burning sand over which they pass’.39 Added to the difficulties of the terrain they had to traverse, Irving noted that the ‘heat and drought was so intense, that the hills and valleys were like parched ashes’. After the first day of travelling Irving recorded that the three officers ‘craved a drink of water’, but they were obliged to ‘drink out of our hats as the dish would have been poluted, had any of us touched it with our lips’. The next day they were given an old wooden dish from which to eat, as ‘the people in every place, would never use any vessel that had touched our lips: so great was their detestation and contempt of us’. Irving’s cousin also complained in his brief journal account of how the ‘unfeeling moors … would spit in my face, and call me an infidel or unbeliever when I spoke’.40 Their captors were undoubtedly Sunni Muslims, the predominant religious group in eighteenthcentury Morocco, and their actions reflect the widespread and deep-rooted hostility to Christians.41 Robert Adams, an American mariner who was captured and enslaved in the early nineteenth century, observed how ‘Christian captives are invariably worse treated than the idolatrous or Pagan slaves whom the Arabs … bring from the interior of Africa; and that religious bigotry is the chief cause of this distinction’.42 By 12 June Irving recorded that he was so tired and despondent that he was ‘scarcely able to get one foot before the other’. The events of the following days only added to his sense of despair. An occurrence of 15 June seems to have particularly disturbed him. He was given a pair of scissors to cut his beard which ‘was by this time very long, and troublesome’, and ‘that action as it too much resembled the practice followed by the Slave traders, gave us much trouble’.43 Following their arrival at Guelmine on 16 June 1789, Irving was separated from his cousin and chief mate, indicating that they had been sold to different masters. He was lodged with an individual named Bilade who had escorted the men in the latter part of the journey to Guelmine, and his cousin and chief mate were taken to ‘Prince Muley Abdrahman’ who already had five other members of the crew in his possession. Mawlay ‘Abd al-Rahman was an exiled

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son of Sidi Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd Allah, Sultan of Morocco who had established political control in the southern territories of Morocco.44 Irving was unsure of the location of his second mate and apprentice, not having seen or heard of them since they were taken away on 2 June 1789. Irving spent just under a week at Guelmine, and in his journal he related how much of that time was spent ‘in a most melancholy state of mind, employed carrying water for the house Cattle etc.’. He described how Guelmine ‘appears at a little distance, like a fortification, as does every village in Barbary’. The settlement, a passage or focus for the movement of Saharan caravans, had an estimated population of about 800 people. It underwent expansion as a trans-Saharan trading centre in the 1820s, but was still a place where shipwrecked sailors were sold in the early nineteenth century.45 Jews played an important role in this marketing of captive seamen in Morocco. Jewish merchants in Mogador profited from this activity and, through their network of contacts with Jewish traders in and around Guelmine, they were able to play a central role in the sale and ransom of European captives.46 Irving was sold a second time at Guelmine and his new master, Sheikh Brahim, paid 135 ducats for him.47 As a result of this further sale, Irving was taken from Guelmine on 22 June by a party that ‘consisted of about 12 men, mounted on horses and mules’. They travelled in a north-easterly direction through mountainous countryside, parts of which were cultivated and populous. By 24 June, the date of his first letter to the Vice-Consul, Irving was at a place called ‘Telling’.48 In a letter of 1 August 1789, Irving indicated that his crew at Guelmine was ‘about 30 miles from this place’ and in a journal entry almost four months later he estimated that he was a three-day journey from Taroudannt. Taken together, the various references suggest that ‘Telling’ lay about 30 miles north-east of Guelmine, close to the coastal end of the AntiAtlas mountain range (see Map 2). A Carte de L’Empire de Maroc, first published in Paris in 1848, identifies a small settlement of Tallahin to the north-east of Guelmim.49 The position corresponds with present-day Talaïnt and its location is consistent with the direction of travel described in Irving’s journal. His arrival at ‘Telling’ represented a new phase in Irving’s already long period of captivity. The events of the following two days offered Irving some hope for freedom, yet at the same time highlighted the fragility of this hope. On 24 June Irving recorded the despair which he experienced as a result of meeting the crew of a French ship that had been wrecked off the same coastline in January 1789. He was informed that their vessel, heading for Senegal ‘with a Cargo suited to the Gum trade’, was ‘not bulged, but that the natives gathered round them in great numbers, so that they had voluntarly surrendred’. These seamen had been set to work in the fields and despite repeated pleas to their consul at Salé there was no immediate prospect of release. It was this information that dismayed Irving:

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This intelligence almost petrified me. Could have died rather than devote my life to be spent in so abject a state, bereft of all Christian Society, a slave to a savage race, who dispised and hated me, on account of my beleif. If this information diminished Irving’s faith in the diplomatic process, he still took full advantage of the opportunity that was offered later that day and the following day to write to John Hutchison, British Vice-Consul at Mogador. He was instructed to inform Hutchison of his ‘misfortunate situation’, as he was assured that the Vice-Consul would ‘send and purchase me, and that I, and the Crew, if alive, would return to our native country’.50 Irving recorded how ‘this intelligence quickened the small degree of hope that remained’.51 The entry in the journal for 25 June is entirely consistent with the contents of the surviving letters in Foreign Office papers, even down to the details of the implement used for writing. Irving described how he ‘wrote with a reed, on course wrapping paper, a long and plentiful letter, to the Consul and inclosing a list of the vessel’s Crew, as they stood on the Articles, requesting him, at the same time, that he would take the earliest opportunity to inform Mr. Dawson of the fate of his Vessel’. Irving’s meeting with the Frenchmen influenced the content of the letter as he urged the Vice-Consul ‘Suffer us not any longer like some poor Frenchmen About 10 or 12 Miles from hence to be the Slaves of Negroes’. In a comment on the French consul, Irving depicted the continued enslavement of the French crew as a sign of ‘Negligence on the man who should see them liberated’ (Letter 10). In later correspondence, it is apparent that the release of the French crew became very closely linked to the negotiations for the crew of the Anna. Although Sheikh Brahim’s probable motive for purchasing Irving was to make a profit by ransoming him to interested parties, he threatened the captain with a life of slavery in the agrarian economy of Morocco. On 25 June 1789 Irving informed Hutchison that ‘the people here tell me if you do not pay for me or get me Released, in Ten days I go out to the fields to work at the Corn. This you’ll Acknowledge to be hard. I was bred a surgeon Originally, and God knows how I shall endure it’ (Letter 11). Irving’s letters to Hutchison, an outpouring of emotions built up over the previous month of captivity, reflect his underlying fear that ‘if we are allowed to stay here to toil and be maltreated under a vertical Sun, we Shall soon be lost forever to ourselves, our Wives and familys, our Country and all we hold dear’ (Letter 10). On a more practical level, Irving informed Hutchison of the people who would stand as surety for any sum that was expended on their behalf in ransom money. He assured Hutchison that ‘our Merchants are very Affluent and some of us have friends, that would be happy in having an opportunity to prove themselves such’. In addition to his two uncles in London, Captain Anthony Robinson and Mr. Joseph Smith, Irving listed the merchant John Dawson and

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William Sherwood, a captain in the slave trade, as people who would be his ‘vouchers in this Melancholy Business’. In the initial part of the letter Irving assumed that their ransom would be similar to the sum demanded for the Frenchmen of 100 dollars each. In a later section of the letter, however, he explained that ‘I am this moment told that 500 Dollars per man is the sum expected’. Consequently, he offered to stand security for just himself and his cousin, although in a letter written the next day he had extended this to include Matthew Dawson, the nephew of his employer. He pointed out that he could not afford to redeem the chief mate and other crewmen as ‘I have not the sum’. In a revealing comment, he informed Hutchison that ‘if your goodness extend itself towards them, the Whites particularly I am almost certain restitution will be quickly made’ (Letters 10 and 11). In negotiating terms for their release Matra was also conscious of the distinctions within the crew. On 7 August 1789 he explained to William Wyndham Grenville, Vice-President of the Board of Trade and Commissioner of the Board of Control,52 that they would not buy the Portuguese blacks at the same price as the other crew members. Matra, anxious to keep down the costs of redeeming the seamen, explained that he would ‘have them thrown into the bargain, or left over for after consideration’. He concluded that it was the responsibility of a Portuguese agent to negotiate for the release of the black seamen.53 The perplexity that Irving felt emerges powerfully from the letters of 24 and 25 June, and is succinctly conveyed in the final question that he directed to Hutchison. He pointed out that ‘We are not on Hostile Terms with the Moors, and I have a pass granted by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty therefore why are we detained my good Sir’ (Letter 11). The Mediterranean Pass to which Irving referred was issued to protect shipping from ‘capture or plunder by the Barbary pirates operating off the Atlantic as well as the Mediterranean coast of North West Africa’.54 The pass, which Irving had ‘concealed in the headband of my drawers, unknown to my tyrannical proprietors’, furnished the crew of the Anna with no meaningful protection from the nomadic desert tribes. Some importance was still attached to it though as Hutchison, in a letter written in July 1789, pointed out that he had received the pass and would return it to the Admiralty Office ‘in order that the Bond for it may be canceled’ (Letter 14). The register of passes records that pass number 7469 issued to James Irving, master of the Anna, at Liverpool on 16 April 1789 was returned on 24 August 1789.55 The contact that Irving established with Hutchison almost a month after the shipwreck represented a positive change in his circumstances. The regular correspondence that ensued meant that Irving had a point of contact to ameliorate his sense of isolation and a safety valve for his obvious frustration. Although Hutchison’s early replies to Irving could offer little substantive hope

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of immediate change, he was able at least to offer some rational explanation for his situation. Hutchison pointed out on 10 July 1789 that securing their freedom was more complex than Irving had supposed, as ‘no money I could offer, and would chearfully advance, can effect the purpose without the intervention of the Emperor, who will be very soon informed concerning you’ (Letter 12). The situation was more complex still, as Irving and his crew had been shipwrecked in an area that was outside the formal control of the Sultan of Morocco.56 With limited military resources and bureaucratic structures, the Makhzan or Moroccan government was unable to extend effective control over the southern provinces.57 Sultan Sidi Muhammad showed little interest in trying to pacify these areas, but concentrated on his northern provinces and the encouragement of trade with Europe. As El Mansour points out, the southern territories, remote and inaccessible, remained largely independent and were regarded as ‘zones of dissidence’.58 Moreover, as Matra explained to the Secretary of State’s office most of the seamen were ‘in the hands of Muly Abderhaman, an excommunicated son of the Emperor (his second) who remains independant of his father, and is maintained by the free Arabs’. Although Matra intended to apply to Court for their release, he expressed his ‘doubts of immediate success’ in a letter of 21 July 1789. In this letter, one of his regular reports to Whitehall, Matra anticipated the difficulties of negotiation as ‘the Prince will listen to no terms from his father on any occasion, and I am afraid that the Emperor will not readily consent to let anybody treat with his son’ (Letter 13). Mawlay ‘Abd al-Rahman was the leading political figure who controlled the territory around Guelmine until the area was pacified in 1807, albeit temporarily, by Mawlay Sulayman, his brother.59 The replies that Hutchison sent to Irving, a large number of which survive amongst the collection in the Lancashire Record Office, indicate that Irving wrote to him time and time again to establish whether any progress had been made in the negotiations for his release. These letters, together with the record of proceedings contained in Matra’s official correspondence, indicate the twopronged approach of diplomacy. Firstly, a sustained effort was made to improve the men’s situation whilst in captivity. Secondly, several devices were used by Hutchison and Matra to secure the release of Irving and his crew which took full account of the complex political circumstances in Morocco. This combined approach is effectively conveyed by Hutchison in a letter of July 1789 in which he told Irving that ‘it will give me the utmost pleasure to contribute to your ease and Comfort, whilst under restraint, and to your deliverance as soon as possible’. Hutchison explained, though, that it was pointless to send Irving and his men any superfluous items, as ‘any superior Appearance would only tend to augment the difficulties of your redemption’ (Letter 14). Consequently, Hutchison used presents of clothing, tea and sugar to encourage

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Irving’s master to ‘mend his behaviour’. Hutchison also sent Sheikh Brahim a cloak and expressed satisfaction that Irving ‘felt some good effects from it’ (Letter 19). The month of August, Irving’s third in captivity, saw only the most marginal progress in negotiations for release. For Irving the time spent in captivity passed extremely slowly, and he clearly detested his work as a servant to Aaron Debauny, the Jew with whom he had been lodged. He described the work as ‘most meanly servile’ and found it all the more difficult to accept, as he was aware of the inferior dhimma status of Jews in Moroccan society.60 Irving appeared unaware, however, of the important role that Jews played in negotiations for the release of Christian captives in late eighteenth-century Morocco.61 In a letter to Hutchison dated 2 August 1789 Irving recorded that ‘the prospect darkens as the time lengthens’. He described how ‘the State of quiet and Serenity that I boasted of and thought had attained, is almost wore away, and two packets arriving within these few days, without any letter or good news, depressed me still more’ (Letter 17). In contrast, the weight of diplomatic inertia was such that Matra in a letter to the Secretary of State’s office dated 7 August 1789 dispassionately commented that ‘it is not yet time to hear, what has been done towards the relief of our men in the hands of the Arabs’.62 Irving’s anxiety and ‘great unhappiness’ were also related to the reports he had received from his men of the material deprivation and gratuitous cruelty to which they claimed they were subjected. He recorded in his journal that he had ‘received a Letter from my officers and people, in which they complained pitifully of the usage they received. That they were frequently beat most unmercifully, and toiled hard from Sunrise, till sunset’. Irving was clearly distressed by the harsh treatment of his men, particularly as he felt their captors had humiliated them. He was appalled that their master stood by and watched as his ‘Negroes beat them with Sticks’. Worse still in Irving’s view was his action in removing shoes from the crew members and putting them ‘on the feet of his own Negroes, while they go barefooted, an Action that would degrade a peasant, nay a Highwayman, yet he deems it meritorious, as he laughed heartily at it’ (Letter 17). For Irving, this sharp inversion of social and racial distinctions was quite unbearable.63 Hutchison responded promptly to Irving’s letter of 2 August as ‘the Contents very much affect me, both on your Account, and that of your people, who, I am sorry to see, are so inhumanely treated’. In this letter dated 13 August he again reassured Irving of his ‘best endeavours’ and reported to him the steps that had been taken towards their ‘deliverance’ (Letter 18). Hutchison agreed to pay the ransom demanded by Sheikh Brahim, the terms of which Irving had been instructed to set out in his letter of 2 August. The total price demanded for nine of the crew was 1,200 dollars. One-quarter of this was the price set for Captain Irving and one of the black seamen, James Drachen, who had recently been

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purchased at Guelmine and taken to ‘Telling’ by Sheikh Brahim. The remaining 900 dollars was for seven men with Mawlay ‘Abd al-Rahman, including the chief mate, the surgeon, three white seamen and two Portuguese blacks. Hutchison appeared optimistic that by negotiating directly with Sheikh Brahim, he could secure the release of the seamen. However, further delays ensued. According to the entries in the journal for August 1789, Sheikh Brahim rejected Hutchison’s offer and attempted to improve his bargaining position by purchasing three more seamen from Mawlay ‘Abd al-Rahman. Returning to ‘Telling’ a week later, he brought with him William Brown, John Richards and Jack Peters, one of the Portuguese blacks on the vessel. Sheikh Brahim instructed Irving to write a letter to the Vice-Consul informing him that the price for the five in his possession was now 900 ducats. Irving observed that this development ‘afforded fresh cause of grief and misery to us’, as they were fearful that their prices might be increased yet again. Further complications arose from the fact that Hutchison did not have the power to act completely independently, as any offer to Sheikh Brahim had to be made in the context of imperial approval. The Vice-Consul clearly thought that he possessed this when he wrote to Irving on 13 August 1789. A fortnight later though, Hutchison explained to Irving that ‘there has intervened some small obstacle’ and that he no longer had the authorisation to proceed with negotiations. He explained that the Sultan had authorised a Jew to purchase the crew, but had then changed his mind and ‘desired his son Muley Absolem to do it’ (Letter 19). In Matra’s opinion, Sidi Muhammad’s actions were calculated and intended to secure a favour from the British consulate. In a letter of 5 September Matra explained concisely to his correspondent that the Sultan ‘has since recalled the Jew, and given his power to Prince Abslem; I suspect to induce me to get a doctor for Abslem’. He added that ‘the Emperor is very desirous to have an English occulist to attend his son, who is almost blind’. From this point, Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam became a key figure in the negotiations for the release of the crew of the Anna. Judging from this letter of 5 September, Matra had already decided to send for a doctor from Gibraltar to attend the Sultan’s son.64 He clearly viewed this course of action as judicious, as he commented that ‘I dare say I shall get the people soon, perhaps cheaper, for I have many irons in the fire, but the doctor I hold to be the best’.65 The first doctor selected for this task refused to leave Gibraltar as he was ‘frightened by some medling people in the garrison’.66 By 24 September, though, Matra informed Grenville that he had ‘at last procured a good doctor for the Prince, who goes tomorrow for Mogodore, a favour that will make him zealous to procure the seamen, and most probably induce him to be useful to me at Court’.67 Three days later Matra informed Irving of this new development and pointed out that it was ‘a place that I certainly would not have risked

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a Subject in were it not for the prospect of being useful to You and Your People’ (Letter 21). The doctor, William Lemprière, arrived in Morocco on 14 September 1789. The account that he subsequently wrote of his travels is well known to students of late eighteenth-century Morocco. It contains an intriguing mix of factual observation and highly descriptive, exotic accounts of his journey and experiences.68 Lemprière described how he was promised a ‘liberal reward for his professional exertions’ by Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam and that he would be free to leave the country as soon as he was required by his garrison in Gibraltar. He recorded, however: the most flattering circumstance which attended this requisition of the Moorish prince was, the release of certain Christian captives who were at this period detained in slavery. These unfortunate persons consisted of the master of an English vessel trading to Africa, and nine seamen, who had been wrecked upon that part of the coast which is inhabited by the wild Arabs, and were carried into slavery by that savage and merciless people.69 Lemprière spent two weeks with Matra at Tangier before being summoned to attend to his patient at Taroudannt. He reached Taroudannt late in October 1789 and noted that two hours before his arrival ‘the whole of the English people who had been shipwrecked, except the Captain and a Negro, passed through the town in their way to the metropolis’.70 James Drachen, a Portuguese black, was left in captivity with Irving. The journal records that after William Brown, John Richards and Jack Peters were ‘redeemed and taken away by some officers of the Emperor’ early in October 1789, the ‘poor man, felt the separation so sensibly, that 2 days afterwards he sickned, and in 12 days more, paid the debt of nature’. A crew list that the Consul General sent to Whitehall in December 1789 noted that one of the Portuguese blacks ‘is supposed to be dead’.71 Irving, therefore, spent the month of November isolated from the rest of his crew. He suffered a recurrence of the fever that had so debilitated him during the month of September, and he had clearly not recovered fully from the earlier attack which daily rendered him ‘delirious’. His illness was sufficiently severe to halt the flow of his regular correspondence with Hutchison, and it appears that the Vice-Consul expressed some concern about Irving’s wellbeing. In a letter addressed to Grenville dated 19 December 1789 Matra pointed out that he had received intelligence that Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam had sent a party to redeem the captain.72 Irving’s journal records that on 30 November ‘three horsemen belonging to Prince Absalom … arived at the house of my master, and with much difficulty purchased me for 200 ducats’. After a journey in which Irving was still clearly suffering from the effects of his

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illness, they reached Taroudannt on 3 December 1789. Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam immediately sought Irving’s advice on his complaint and in subsequent weeks required the surgeon to visit him on a daily basis. As Matra pointed out in an informal letter to Evan Nepean, a government administrator whom he treated as a confidant,73 Irving ‘having been bred a surgeon, he detains with him till he departs for Court’.74 It was Lemprière who had informed Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam that Irving was a surgeon, which ‘he did to induce the Prince to send and redeem me, in order that I might attend while the other was absent’. Lemprière was summoned to the court of Sidi Muhammad, and left Taroudannt before Captain Irving’s arrival on 3 December 1789.75 In common with Lemprière, Irving found the period at Taroudannt demanding and frustrating. Both surgeons recorded that when it became known that they were doctors they were overwhelmed by the number of people seeking medical advice. Irving recorded in December 1789 that ‘during this time I was most grievously harased by the uncivilized moors, who hearing that I was a docter flocked around me in the streets, and with outstretched hands begged I would examine their pulses, and so great was their ignorance, that they beleived I could, by so doing, not only discover their complaints, but cure them’.76 Irving spent just over three weeks at Taroudannt, which he described as a ‘waled Town of tolerable extent situated in the centure of a fruitful valley, well watered by a large river’. The town, located on the River Sus, was set in fertile plains and was noted for the manufacture of leather goods.77 Jackson described Taroudannt as the ‘metropolis of the South’, a reference to the fact that it was the centre for the state’s administration of south-west Morocco. This town also marked the southern limit of Sidi Muhammad’s control. Irving was aware of these broad contours of political influence as he observed that Taroudannt was the ‘most southerly Town or City, in the Emperor’s dominions’.78 Irving left Taroudannt, according to the entries in his journal, on 26 December 1789. As Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam had been ordered to the city of Morocco (Marrakesh) by the Sultan, Irving formed part of his caravan ‘in number about 300, all mounted on horses, camels, and mules’. The caravan reached the outside of the city walls at 3 p.m. on 31 December and Irving recorded how ‘the Surgeon who had been at Terwdant’ was standing there waiting to ‘pay his court to the Prince’. Lemprière recorded his pleasure at meeting Irving, particularly as there was the prospect that the captain might soon be reunited with his friends and family in England: But if this circumstance had such an effect upon me, what must it have had upon this unfortunate officer, who for some months past had been separated from his people, one of whom was a near relation, and without knowing whether they were dead or alive; who with the evils of slavery had experi-

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enced that of a severe fever, without having any person to console him, or afford him that assistance which is so necessary upon such occasions. To be redeemed under such circumstances from his inhospitable situation, to recover from his illness, and to meet with all his companions at Morocco, well taken care of by the Emperor was a change which he had given up all expectation of ever beholding. Irving obtained permission to go with Lemprière and his men to their lodgings and ‘the gratest part of the night was spent in reciting our preasent and past hardships’.79 Irving and Lemprière became more closely acquainted at Marrakesh and Lemprière recorded that Irving was ‘a well-informed young man, and an agreeable companion’ and that ‘his good sense and agreeable conversation lessened in great degree the uneasiness I experienced from the irksomeness of my situation’. In his Tour Lemprière showed some knowledge of Irving’s background and a very detailed awareness of events surrounding the shipwreck and capture and, in many respects, the account resembles that presented in the captain’s journal.80 The later description that Jackson provides of the shipwreck and capture of sailors on the Barbary Coast is very similar in outline to Irving’s experiences.81 This is not surprising though, as Jackson had read Lemprière’s work and was also closely acquainted with Matra, the Consul General, and Layton, a merchant in Mogador, both of whom were actively involved in negotiating for the release of Irving and his crew between 1789 and 1790.82 During the weeks spent at Marrakesh, Irving re-established contact with the Vice-Consul. This had lapsed during late November and December due to Irving’s ‘malignant fever’ and his move to Taroudannt, of which Hutchison seemed temporarily unaware.83 By late December 1789, Hutchison had obviously received news that Irving was en route to Morocco with Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam as he sent a courier with a letter to meet him outside the city walls. Although this letter does not survive, Irving’s journal records that Hutchison had made arrangements to supply him with clothes. Hutchison was clearly trying to spare Irving the indignity that his men had experienced when they arrived at Marrakesh ‘perfectly naked’.84 In his journal for 1 January 1790 Irving recorded how he received a parcel from the Vice-Consul which contained a ‘compleat set of common cloaths’ together with some of his own shirts ‘that had been carried from the wreck, and sold at Mogodore to the vice Consul’.85 As much as Hutchison could contribute to Irving’s comfort, he was still not free to return to England. In a letter of 11 January 1790 Hutchison explained that ‘all our hopes at present center in what Mr. Lempriere may be able to effectuate by means of Muley Absolem’ (Letter 25). Lemprière had already achieved a great deal. In a letter of 27 December 1789 Matra explained to Nepean that ‘had he not been sent, the Prince would never have

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taken so much pain to procure Irving’s men, as he has done, they would probably have remained in slavery till they expired; for the French who by the same opportunity got relieved, had been there near a twelve month before them’.86 According to Lemprière’s recollections, Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam assured him in the first week of January 1790 that he had reached an agreement with the Sultan about the release of the crew. Lemprière communicated this prospect of freedom to Irving but ‘he seemed too much accustomed to disappointments to entertain any very sanguine expectations from my information’. In subsequent days, however, Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam left Marrakesh without taking the surgeon or the seamen with him as he had earlier promised. Lemprière recorded his frustration that ‘in return for all the fatigues and inconveniences which I had experienced on his account, I found myself deserted entirely, and left in the charge of a haughty and perfidious Emperor’.87 Lemprière was detained in Marrakesh until 12 February 1790, as he was required to provide medical treatment for one of the wives of Sidi Muhammad.88 He returned to the garrison in Gibraltar at the end of March 1790, and recorded how his appointment as surgeon to the 20th or Jamaica regiment of Light Dragoons89 was a handsome reward for his services in Barbary.90 Irving attended two audiences with Sidi Muhammad at Marrakesh, although it is unclear whether the interviews were in private or part of a ceremonial occasion.91 Any communication would have been through an interpreter, but it is unlikely that the Sultan would have required Irving to prostrate himself on the floor before him, as Muslim visitors were required to do.92 There seems to have been some level of personal contact though, as the Sultan, using a chart of the Atlantic, pointed out to Irving the courses he ‘ought to have steered, in order to have avoided shipwreck’.93 Irving noted that he gave this lesson to every shipwrecked mariner who ‘has the misfortune to come before him in this light’. More importantly, the Sultan informed Irving that the crew would not be released until ‘our court should think proper to send an ambassador, that some differences that subsisted between the courts might be settled’.94 This illustrates how Sidi Muhammad sometimes used Christian prisoners to exert diplomatic pressure on European nations and to obtain armaments to equip his navy.95 Judging by a letter from Hutchison dated 18 January 1790 the release of the mariners was still not imminent as he referred to their being ‘condemned to stay in the Country for some time longer’ (Letter 26). Although the long-term aim of diplomatic endeavour was to secure the release of the men, in the short term Matra concentrated on having them transferred to Mogador to ‘remain with the Christians, where from the number of their countrymen they will be more comfortable; and as that town is well fortified by land, much safer from the first effects of a commotion in case of a revolt in the country’.96 By the end of January Matra’s objective had been secured, as on the last day of that month

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Irving wrote to his wife informing her that they had all reached Mogador in ‘perfect health’. Matra was apparently relieved that the crew had moved from Marrakesh to Mogador, as he was concerned that their intemperate behaviour might incur the anger of the Sultan. He explained how ‘as His Imperial Majesty affects to dislike drunkeness more than any other vice, there would not have been much difficulty in prevailing on him to remove a bad example, and have the men sent home, in a manner very expensive to us’.97 The first letter that Irving wrote to his wife from Mogador on 31 January 1790 was genuinely buoyant and optimistic. Entering his ninth month of captivity, he entertained real hopes of freedom. Even though he was desperate to know how Mary had ‘withstood the Storm of Fate’, he advised her that ‘as I have every prospect of being soon with you I think it will be improper to write now’. There is the impression that he thought his ‘trial’ was over and that he would soon return to England ‘to enjoy the smiles of Fortune once more’. In reflective mood, he pointed out ‘she hath Jilted me once but you know she’s fickle and may next time be propitious’. He urged Mary to be cheerful and reassured her that his conduct would stand up to severe scrutiny. In optimistic mood, he predicted that ‘we shall flourish the more after our pruning’. In the same letter Irving described Mogador as a ‘most hospitable place’ as the European merchants ‘strive who to outdo each other in kindness and hospitality’ (Letter 27). Lemprière indicates that there were ‘about a dozen mercantile houses of different nations’ in Mogador.98 The port was founded in 1764 by Sidi Muhammad to encourage foreign trade and to boost revenue for the Moroccan state.99 Set in a rather desolate, windswept position it was a planned settlement with a geometric layout, imposing gateways and bastions, and a style quite out of character with other urban centres in Morocco. The town remained the most important maritime centre in Morocco until the late nineteenth century,100 and was described by Lemprière as: a large uniform and well built town, situated about 350 miles from Tangier on the Atlantic ocean and surrounded on the landside by deep and heavy sands … The entrance, both by sea and land, consists of elegant stone archways with double gates.101 In the reign of Sidi Muhammad, European merchants and consuls were encouraged to live in Mogador and other port towns to minimise the possibility of conflict with Muslims.102 When Irving’s cousin wrote to his parents in Langholm on 25 March 1790 to reassure them of his well-being, he also commented on the kindness of the Christian merchants. He explained that they were well supplied with clothes and money, and that they had ‘nothing to do but amuse ourselves, so that we are just as well as we could wish only loosing our time’ (Letter 28). In a letter

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written to Mary on the following day, Captain Irving also pointed out that ‘our distress is now only Mental which we endeavour to lighten as much as possible by reading and other Amusements’. Although he was still the Sultan’s property, Irving pointed out that he was no longer a slave ‘but rather a prisoner at large’. His movements as well as those of his men were largely unrestrained, but the letter still conveys his tremendous anxiety and frustration. In this, as in a number of later letters, there is an emotional tension between his attempts to comfort and reassure his wife and his overwhelming despondency. His journal gives a clear sense of his frustrations during this period. He complained bitterly about the sparseness of their accommodation in Mogador, their apparent neglect by friends and family, and ‘the insulting abuse and domineering conduct of the Barbarians’.103 After two months detained in Mogador, Irving could not conceal his despair beneath the thin veneer of optimism which he feigned to comfort his wife. In many ways his advice to Mary, although positive and encouraging, reflected his own low morale. He urged her ‘despair not this is our day of trial’ and reassured her that ‘Providence will yet befriend us and restore me to you’. He was frantic to hear from his wife as ‘ten long Months have elapsed since the fatal Shipwreck and not any letter from or Account of you has reached me’. In particular he recorded how ‘my heart breaks for your destitute situation’. He was at a loss to know what advice to give her about money for her support and recorded his hope that ‘friends forsake you not in the day of tribulation’ (Letter 29). This was still his main concern in a letter dated 8 June 1790, his thirteenth month in captivity. He also apologised for the contents of a letter of 3 June 1790 sent by a brig from ‘Pulhely in Wales’104 in which he ‘gave a loose to the sense of our situation, and the little attention showed us, either by our friends or by our Court’ (Letter 31). This sense of neglect was clearly linked to the long periods of waiting without any positive news of their release. As it was the Sultan who had purchased the seamen from their various captors in the southern provinces it was, as Hutchison pointed out in a letter of 11 January 1790, the Sultan ‘to whom we are only (under God) to look for your ultimate deliverance from this Country’ (Letter 25). The prevarication that bedevilled the negotiations with Sidi Muhammad is documented in Matra’s correspondence. Matra clearly found it difficult to communicate directly with the Sultan and, to circumvent this problem, his strategy involved trying to influence those who could gain his attention and confidence. This policy was pragmatic given that the Sultan did not have a formal government of ministers and was assisted by a circle of trusted individuals.105 In an outburst to Nepean in December 1789, Matra described some of the difficulties of diplomacy: The men, are what I just now pay the most attention to but unhappily the distance the Court is from us and the distracted state it is in prevents our

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getting an Answer under Six or Eight weeks, even when we can get a Paper delivered to a friend or to the Emperor.106 Matra’s account is, of course, one-sided and represents a Eurocentric and simplistic view of Moroccan politics. For this reason, Matra’s letters will be used selectively to continue Irving’s narrative rather than to provide an interpretation of Anglo-Moroccan diplomatic affairs. As Jackson later pointed out, Matra’s inability to speak Arabic contributed to ineffective and unreliable negotiations at Court. Jackson also noted how the Sultan was deterred from communication with the British government by the difficulties of diplomatic procedure.107 In the early nineteenth century Jackson referred to the ‘tardiness and supineness of diplomacy’ which contributed to the plight of seamen in captivity. He argued that the length of negotiations could have been shortened considerably if a fund of money had been deposited at Mogador ‘in the hands of a competent agent’ who could actively negotiate for the release of seamen. If such arrangements had been put into effect, Jackson questioned: How many an unfortunate Englishman would have been delivered from bondage? How many of our valuable countrymen would have returned to their families and connections? How many valuable sailors would be navigating on the ocean, who, dreadful to relate, are now bereft of all hope of ever again seeing their native land, and are dragging out a miserable existence in the interior of the wild, uncouth African Desert? Jackson estimated that at least 40 English seamen shipwrecked between 1790 and 1806 were ‘dispersed in various parts of the Desert, after a lapse of time, in consequence of the Consul making no offers sufficiently advantageous to induce the Arabs to bring them to Mogodor’. He estimated that a further 80 seamen were ‘redeemed after a tedious existence among the Arabs of from one to five years, or more, originating from various causes, such as a want of application being made through the proper channel, want of remitting money for their purchase, or want of a competent agent settled on the coast’.108 In Matra’s view the Sultan would not sanction the release of Irving and his crew until two conditions were fulfilled: the receipt of a good present and a request for each of them by name from the British government. A letter from Sidi Muhammad to George III links the release of the ‘crew of the merchantman that was shipwrecked to the southward of our territories’ to a request for ‘several pieces of small cannon, mortars etc’. Although this letter was dated 29 August 1789, Matra claimed on 19 December 1789 that he had only just received a copy. This was significant as Layton, a merchant who spoke to the Sultan on Matra’s behalf, reported that ‘it will be difficult to do anything

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before answers come to the request some time past made for cannon and mortars’. Matra also sent to the Secretary of State’s office a translation of a letter he had received from the Court of Morocco: I have received your letter respecting the Christians whose vessel was wrecked. I will send them to nobody until a letter comes from your Court demanding in the name of the nation the said Christians, and in which they must name, each man by his name; then I will send them, but without that I never will send them to anyone – never. We have in time past redeemed and sent some away. They did not even write us a letter when they arrived and say in it, God reward you for this good action.109 The release of the crew of the Anna depended upon a written request. Irving explained in a letter of 31 January 1790 that ‘the Emperor himself told me he could not grant til our Gracious Sovereign shall write to him requesting it’. Irving informed his wife ‘this we daily expect as Mr. Matra, his Majesty’s Consul General at Tangier hath wrote a long time ago to the Secretary of States office concerning us’ (Letter 27). As early as December 1789 Matra had urged Nepean to send a letter requesting the men. Matra tentatively asserted that the Sultan deserved a present as ‘I suppose Irving’s crew have cost him at least what he asserts and last year you know he bought the Minerva’s crew, 5 or 6 men’. By 14 February 1790 it appears that no progress had been made in this respect, as Matra noted in his report to Whitehall that ‘I shall not obtain the men, until His Majesty condescends to ask for them’.110 Although these were seemingly straightforward demands, the British government was apparently reluctant to acquiesce. The reason for this becomes clearer if Irving’s case is considered in the context of the larger political agenda. Matra’s correspondence during the previous eight months indicates that there was a considerable measure of disagreement between the Moroccan and British governments regarding terms of trade and, in particular, the tariffs charged on various goods.111 The reluctance to send the Sultan a present or to write a personal request for the men was linked to the animosity that had built up between the two governments. In his earlier letter to Nepean, Matra recommended goodwill: I should be very sorry if you took the least notice of that he [the Sultan] sent to England when he broke the Treaty, or of his raising the duties: it would be best policy to pass it over as beneath your notice, and leave me to work it out which I trust I shall do.112 The breakthrough in negotiations in March 1790 was linked to the Sultan’s offer to settle the long running dispute about tariffs. Jacob Attal, described by

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Matra as ‘the Emperor’s favourite Jew’, wrote the letter which informed the Consul General of the terms of negotiation.113 In a letter to the Secretary of State’s office dated 22 March 1790, Matra reported that the Sultan had agreed to ‘immediately grant us a free Export of Provision, and restore the Seamen’ on condition that he was supplied with an English frigate. James Irving II explained to his parents three days later that he soon expected to have his ‘long lost liberty’ as the Sultan had agreed to free the captives on condition that he was loaned a frigate to go on pilgrimage to Mecca with one of his sons (Letter 28). Matra urged Admiral Peyton to meet the Sultan’s request and send a frigate as ‘it is the cheapest, and most decent way to be relieved from a very irksome situation’. The arrangement was particularly attractive as it ‘does not so immediately interfere with the Kings Declaration, refusing all grants to this Court that are not directly applied for to His Majesty’. The Sultan informed Matra that once the frigate had reached Tetouan he would send Captain Irving and his men, together with some horses, as a present for the Prince of Wales during his planned visit to Gibraltar. In a letter to Whitehall dated 17 April 1790 Matra confirmed that the Sultan ‘had ordered a letter to be written to Captain Irving’s men to be sent to his Royal Highness, Prince Edward’.114 However, the death of Sidi Muhammad shortly after this order was given entirely negated the arrangements for the men’s release. The process of negotiation for the men’s release had to recommence with Mawlay al-Yazid, the newly proclaimed Sultan.115 With this change of political regime Matra was optimistic that ‘His Majesty’s business in this country will now be favourably attended to’. In a number of private audiences with the Sultan in late April and early May 1790, Matra received positive assurances ‘in the politest manner’ that the men would be released. Immediate success was not assured though, as in subsequent correspondence with Whitehall Matra recorded the Sultan’s repeated failure to fulfil the promises made at these meetings.116 By the end of May 1790 Matra was clearly optimistic that Mawlay al-Yazid would approve the men’s release as he had arranged for Admiral Peyton to send a ship to Mogador ‘to receive on board Captain Irving and his crew’. In a letter to Whitehall dated 23 June 1790, Matra explained that his efforts were again frustrated as ‘the Bull Dog was sent here on the 30 ultimo, but on the 7th instant before I could have an Answer from Court and receive the necessary papers she was recalled’.117 The fact that the crew’s freedom had still not been secured is reflected in a letter Irving wrote to his wife on 8 June 1790. He explained that ‘the Emperor is expected at Morocco in 20 Days when he will be again solicited by Mr. Hutchison Esquire, His Brittanick Majjestys Vice Consul here’ (Letter 31). A month later no obvious progress had been made. Irving wrote to his wife in July 1790 and was unable to give ‘any very flattering hopes of our being immediately released’ (Letter 32).

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The backdrop to the continuing negotiations for the crew’s release was one of political instability and internal conflict between opposing factions, which added to the difficulties of maintaining effective diplomatic communication. The reign witnessed a violent reaction against many of Sidi Muhammad’s policies, particularly his ‘open door’ policy with Europe.118 El Mansour argues that ‘the two-year reign of Mawlay al-Yazid (1790–1792) was enough to undo the achievement of thirty years of stability and throw the country back into a dangerous state of civil war’.119 Mawlay al-Yazid, described by Matra as a ‘great bigot and decided enemy to every religion but his own’, sought to establish his authority in the months following his declaration as Sultan. Continuity in the administrative structures and procedures of the Moroccan state was considerably weakened by the Sultan’s proclivity to dispose of the former officials and servants of his father. Jacob Attal, who had played such a significant part in the early negotiations for the crew’s release, was executed just weeks after Mawlay al-Yazid was proclaimed Sultan. Matra described how ‘Attal met with the most shocking Barbarity; being cut in four and burnt, was by far the mildest part of his treatment’.120 El Mansour suggests that the reign of Mawlay al-Yazid ‘became one of terror’; a reign that was particularly associated with a persecution of Jews.121 During the period from April until the end of July 1790 the crew of the Anna had considerably less freedom of movement than they had experienced in earlier months. It would still be accurate to describe the officers as ‘prisoners on parole’, a term used by one correspondent to characterise their situation, but the other members of the crew were not permitted ‘to pass the threshold of the door’. Guards were posted to monitor their activities, and Irving and his officers took it in turns to purchase provisions from the market. Restrictions on their movement were imposed as the crew had made an attempt to escape during the disturbed and confused period that followed the death of Sidi Muhammad in April 1790. This opportunist endeavour, few details of which are provided in the journal, failed as none of the ships in the harbour would agree to carry them.

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Freedom and Return to England

The removal of the sentries guarding their lodgings in Mogador at the end of July 1790 finally signalled their freedom. Irving described how they were all summoned before the Governor of Mogador and ‘delivered up to the Vice Consul as British subjects, to his disposal’. The exact reasons that led Mawlay al-Yazid to free the crew of the Anna after 14 months in captivity are not clear, but the persistence of diplomatic endeavour undoubtedly played a part. Hutchison, who had played such a central role in negotiations for their release, arranged a celebration. As Irving pointed out in his journal ‘Our good vice Consul bountifully enabled us to make merry and the evening was spent conviviably’.1 After months of reassuring his wife that he would soon be with her, Irving was at last able to say with some certainty that ‘I and my Crew have at last obtained our final discharge from this Country’. On 9 August 1790 he joyously reported the ‘termination of my bondage, which I have weathered with ten Thousand difficultys’. Quite a touching aspect of this letter is the way in which Irving listed his clothes on a folded down part of the manuscript, giving the impression of preparing for home. Included in the list are black satin breeches, black silk stockings, eight silk handkerchiefs and a number of the items that Hutchison had sent to Irving on his arrival in Marrakesh. He informed his wife that they expected to leave Mogador ‘in a month or 5 Weeks in the Brigg Bacchus Captain Prouting’ (Letter 32). On 24 September 1790 they finally sailed from Mogador Bay ‘with a cordial prayer, that we might never again visit those Barbarious regions in a similar predicament’. The journal adds some detail to the account provided in his letter to Mary, as it indicates that the ten surviving members of the crew were distributed on board three ships. Captain Irving, the surgeon, chief mate and the second mate went on board the Bacchus as passengers, whilst two ‘were shipped on board as seamen’. The remaining four seamen were split between the sloop Charlotte in the command of Captain William Davis and the Tryal in the command of Captain Plumb Baldry.2 James Irving arrived in Dartmouth on board the brig Bacchus in the last week of October 1790 and wrote immediately to his wife to inform her of his safe

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arrival. His anxiety to hear from his wife was overwhelming and he urged her to ‘dispatch a Cupid post haste to relieve me’ (Letter 34). Whilst a prisoner he had longed for news of his wife, not least because their baby had been due in his absence. Christopher Robson, a Liverpool slave-ship surgeon who had tried to forward letters to Irving whilst he was in captivity, explained in September 1790 that Mary Irving had written to her husband frequently but none of her letters had reached him. Many of Irving’s friends had also written to him but, despite sending them via the Secretary of State’s office to the consul at Mogador, none of the letters had reached him (Letter 33). During a period of quarantine at Stangate Creek, Irving wrote again to his wife on 6 November 1790 and urged her to ‘write for Gods sake’. Just as he was ready to despatch this brief letter to Mary he received one from her ‘brought alongside by the Quarantine Boat’. He broke open his own letter to inform her that he had read her letter of 30 October 1790. His response to this letter, the first he had received since his shipwreck eighteen months previously, was ecstatic. Overjoyed to hear that his wife and infant were safe, he expressed his gratitude to ‘our benificient Creator for his bounteous mercys in keeping and preserving you and our Infant in your day of trial’ (Letter 35). Irving’s son was by this time almost eleven months old. The Register of Births and Baptisms for the Congregation of Protestant Dissenters at Benns Garden Chapel in Liverpool records that James son of James Irving mariner and Mary his wife was born on 4 December 1789 and baptised on 18 December 1789.3 Jamie, as Captain Irving affectionately referred to him in later correspondence, was baptised in his father’s absence, a common practice in a seafaring community.4 Although released from captivity in Africa, there were still obstacles to negotiate before Irving could be reunited with his wife and his young son. The most serious danger that presented itself was that of the press gangs, or ‘land sharks’ to use Hugh Crow’s phrase.5 Irving referred to the ‘many fears of being carried on board some of His Majesty’s Ships’ and he confided ‘how to steer clear I’m very much at a loss to invent’ (Letter 34). He subsequently solved this problem though with the assistance of his uncle, Mr. Smith, who ‘hath procured protections for me and officers and shall send them down the moment he hears of my Arrival’ (Letter 35). Irving was also concerned about a number of practical matters which needed to be resolved before he could return to Liverpool. These included his shabby appearance, the loss of his surgeon’s certificate and his uncertainty about his employer’s opinion of him. A letter written to Mary from his uncle’s house on 12 November 1790 indicates that two of these problems were all but solved. He referred to the receipt of a letter and £20 from Dawson which he viewed as a ‘good Omen’ for his future prospects. The £20 also gave Irving the power to assist his officers to return to Liverpool and meant that he could return ‘in some degree of decency’. He informed his wife that ‘Mr. Smith and I

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are this minute going to a Cloaths shop where I mean to get myself pretty well rigged, and cast of the Arabic Rags that as I thought il-fitted me’ (Letter 36). His surgeon’s certificate had been lost at the time of the shipwreck, although he managed to recover a few fragments of it from the shoreline on the Barbary Coast four days later. It is not clear whether he renewed his certificate during this time in London in November 1790 as the only reference to James Irving in the examinations book of the Company of Surgeons precedes his voyage on the Anna in April 1789. It is possible that a new certificate was issued in November 1790 without any requirement for re-examination. Irving was probably unaware that a medical board in Liverpool had secured the right to conduct such examinations but, again, there is no reference to Irving in the records of the Liverpool board in 1790 or 1791.6 In the letter of 12 November 1790, written from ‘our good friend Mr. Smith’s fireside where I moored myself late last night in tolerable health’, Irving informed his wife that he hoped to be with her in a few days time. He assured her that ‘I long most Ardently to be with you and our little lad’ (Letter 36). There is no evidence to indicate the exact date of his arrival in Liverpool or of the emotions that he felt when he was reunited with his wife. The extent to which he recounted details of his experience is unclear, but in earlier letters he had promised Mary that he would tell her everything that had happened as soon as he returned home. It is probable that he was in Liverpool for his son’s first birthday on 4 December 1790. Even if the day was not a focus for celebration as in modern practice, James Irving must have reflected on the change in his circumstances that had occurred in the course of one year. It was on the day of his son’s birth that Irving had been summoned to attend Mawlay ‘Abd alSalam in his palace at Taroudannt to give advice on his ocular complaint. Despite his prolonged absence from his wife and new baby, it seems that the financial pressures repeatedly referred to in his letters necessitated an early return to sea. His happiness when he reached England in October 1790 was tempered by ‘too acute a sense of our poor and dependant condition’. He expressed his hope that ‘we shall soon lift our heads and enjoy a comfortable state of Mediocrity, however embarrased we may be at present’ (Letter 34). His agreement by mid-December 1790 to command the Ellen owned by Dawson was undoubtedly linked to his need to ‘retrieve what I’ve lost’ and possibly to re-establish his reputation with his employer (Letter 16). The Ellen was in port after completing a slaving voyage to Africa and Jamaica on 23 November 1790.7 By 14 December 1790 James Irving was recorded as the master of this vessel which measured 152 tons and was just under 76 feet in length. Dawson had purchased this ship after it had been advertised for sale in the local press in 1789.8 The Ellen, previously owned by Thomas, William and James Moss, had been employed in trade with New Providence and the Bahamas, and Dawson adapted the vessel for use in the

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transatlantic slave trade. It appears that Mary Irving had some doubts about the condition of the vessel as her husband found it necessary to reassure her that she should ‘not be anxious about the state of the Vessel as I have no doubt of doing well and making the Voyage prosperously’ (Letter 39). As the Ellen sailed from the port of Liverpool on 2 January 1791, Irving had spent just over one month with his family before returning to sea.9 His cousin, the surgeon, sailed with him and it is unclear whether he had had sufficient time to visit his parents in Scotland before undertaking another slaving voyage. When he wrote to his parents from Mogador on 25 March 1790 he told them not to worry as ‘I hope in a short time to be sitting at your fireside where I will tell you all that has happened to us since we came into Barbary’ (Letter 28). Other than his cousin, James Irving II, none of the former crew members of the Anna sailed with Irving on his second voyage as captain. Although Matthew Dawson, his second mate and the nephew of John Dawson, and John Clegg, his first mate, returned to England with him on board the Bacchus, they were not engaged for this voyage of the Ellen.10 In common with Captain Irving, though, Clegg showed no compunction about returning to a career in the slave trade. The Manks Mercury of 30 April 1793 noted how Clegg ‘who had some years ago been taken by the Algerines, and kept a slave in Barbary’ has ‘since been employed as a slave factor on the coast of Guinea’. The newspaper reported that Clegg ‘had come home captain of a Guineaman’.11 He returned to Liverpool as the second captain of the Young Hero in April 1793. The brig of 80 tons had purchased slaves at Cape Coast Castle and disembarked them at Kingston in Jamaica in January 1793.12 As Dawson owned the vessel, this suggests that the shipwreck of the Anna had not prevented Clegg’s continued employment with this influential merchant, probably as one of his Gold Coast factors. In a letter dated 25 January 1791 Captain Irving informed his wife that ‘I’m very well supplied with officers, particularly the first and second mates, videlicet, Mr. Patton and Mr. Winter’ (Letter 38). In a letter of 2 February 1791 he asked his wife to visit Mr. Patton’s wife once or twice as ‘he deserves that attention as a good officer and Scholar although a Cooper’. He also described how Mr. Bailey, his third mate, had ‘proved a Rascal’. Irving caught him attempting to escape with two other men, but ‘on presenting a Pistol to his head he ran and I secured him’. The letter does not mention the names of the two seamen who tried to escape with Bailey, but Irving decided to ‘tie them, in spite of all their machinations’ (Letter 39). The decision to retain them on board ship was undoubtedly a risk as Irving had an unpredictable and untrustworthy element amongst his crew of 26 men. As captain he must have had to balance this consideration against the likelihood of sailing to Africa without a full complement of men, something which could have caused difficulties in the purchase and control of slaves. He was already short of a carpenter for the voyage but intended to ‘make a shift without one’.13

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Although the ship left Liverpool on 2 January 1791, it was delayed off the coast of Lancashire for at least a month. In a letter from ‘Pile Fowdrey’ dated 2 February 1791 Irving pointed out that ‘as I have been so long detained and retarded contrary to my inclination you may be assured not one Single Tide shall be lost and the Ellen shall go to sea on the least prospect of getting round Holyhead’ (Letter 39). The reason why the Ellen was in the Pile of Fouldrey, a channel located to the south-west of Ulverston in present-day Cumbria, is not clear. It is possible that Irving had sought a safe anchorage in a storm or had sailed to one of the small ports on this coastline to complete his cargo for the purchase of slaves. Irving repeatedly reassured his wife of his strength, fortitude and health. Prior to sailing from the Pile of Fouldrey he urged that she should not be fearful on his account as ‘I am an old Veteran in hard service and defy hardship. Had I been a Coward, had been dead many Years ago’ (Letter 39). On his arrival in the Benin district on the coast of West Africa four months later he again stated ‘I am healthy’, a condition that he had enjoyed since he left Liverpool. When Irving wrote this letter on 14 June 1791, he had already been sailing off the coast of Africa for more than two months. The Ellen left Anomabu on 16 September 1791 bound for Trinidad with the maximum legal number of 253 slaves on board, of whom only 206 survived the Middle Passage.14 By the time the ship reached Trinidad on 11 January 1792, Captain James Irving was dead. The muster roll records that he died on 24 December 1791, and was the sixth and final member of the crew to perish. There is no evidence to indicate how he died. The chief mate, Thomas Patton, died approximately one month before the captain on 28 November 1791 and the second mate Joseph Winters had been discharged in Africa on 25 May 1791. It was James Bailey, the third mate, who had been held at gunpoint by Irving, who took over command of the Ellen and returned with her to Liverpool in May 1792. Irving’s cousin did not return with the Ellen to Liverpool as he was discharged in the West Indies on 14 February 1792.15 In the final surviving letter that Captain Irving had written to Mary from the Benin district in June 1791 he apologised for the brevity of the letter and promised that the next he wrote would be a very long one. He explained that ‘when I sat down I meant to make this a long one but the ship getting under weigh leaves me no time’ (Letter 40). This promise to write was remarkably similar to the one that he made as he sailed from Liverpool on board the Anna on 3 May 1789 before the fateful shipwreck (Letter 9). His death on the Ellen might be linked directly to his experiences in slavery, as it is likely that he had not fully recovered from the debilitating effects of the long period spent in Morocco.

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6

Conclusion

James Irving’s career in Liverpool in the late eighteenth century developed against the backdrop of the debate on the morality and sustainability of the slave trade. Although Irving stated in a letter of December 1786 that he was ‘nearly Wearied of this Unnatural Accursed trade’ and was considering ‘adopting some other mode of Life’, this still does not give a clear indication of how he viewed the slaves or the institution of slavery. At first sight, Irving’s comment might be interpreted as a rejection or condemnation of the trade in slaves. After all, Olaudah Equiano, a former slave, used the phrase ‘this accursed trade’ in his Interesting Narrative published in 1789.1 Such a change of outlook by Irving was not beyond the bounds of possibility. The careers of Alexander Falconbridge, John Newton and Edward Rushton illustrate how a number of former slave traders revised their attitudes towards the trade in the late eighteenth century.2 Giving evidence before a Select Committee of the House of Commons in 1790, Falconbridge explained that in his first and second voyages as a surgeon he thought little about the ‘justice or injustice of the trade’. In his fourth voyage, though, he explained how he thought more about the trade and became convinced that it was ‘an unnatural, iniquitous, and villainous trade’ which he could no longer reconcile with his conscience.3 The context of Irving’s statement, however, indicates that he was more concerned with his own conditions of work and the remuneration of his ‘station’ than with the plight of the slaves. Lemprière’s summary of Irving’s career lends support to this view, as he records that Irving found his position as surgeon ‘a disadvantageous employment’ and that he ‘subsequently obtained command of a small vessel in the same trade’.4 If Irving had any moral qualms, they were not sufficiently strong to prevent his continued involvement in the trade as, on his return to Liverpool, he took up a potentially more lucrative position on the Princess Royal. Far more revealing is a comment contained in the same letter from Tobago in which he informed his wife that ‘I think I’ll desist [writing] as our Black Cattle are intolerably Noisy5 and I’m almost Melted in the Midst of five or six Hundred of them’ (Letter 4). This comment records his own discomfort but, otherwise, Irving makes no mention in any of his letters of the conditions expe-

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rienced by the slaves during the voyage to the West Indies. He evinces no trace of concern for the sufferings of the men, women and children confined in the stifling heat of the ship’s hold for over six weeks. As Alan Rice has noted, a principal characteristic of Irving’s letters home was the way in which he juxtaposed the oppressive and suffocating atmosphere on board ship with imagined scenes of ‘domestic bliss a continent away’.6 This is illustrated particularly well in a postscript to a letter written on board the Princess Royal in October 1787. Irving made no reference to the 800 slaves carried from Bonny in the Bight of Biafra, but asked his wife how she had spent the night. He imagined a scene in which ‘warm sheets are agreeable’ in the cold weather in England, unlike ‘this Torrid Clime where Universal heat is diffused in every Void space and you cannot inspire without danger of being choaked by flies’ (Letter 6). During this voyage to Africa and Havana, Irving looked forward to returning home when he and his wife would warm their ‘Shins together over a clear fire when the Hoary head of Winter reigns crowned with a wreath of snow and Boreas Serenades us in every Chimney’ (Letter 5). The phrase ‘Black Cattle’, which Irving used to describe the African slaves, is striking. The term may already have been in his vocabulary as the market town of Dumfries, set in a pastoral farming district close to his home town of Langholm in Scotland, was noted for the sale of ‘an immense number of black cattle’.7 Irving’s use of this phrase to describe the human cargo powerfully conveys the way in which individual Africans were dehumanised and treated as objects or commodities for exchange. It reflects a view, commonly held in early modern Britain, that Africans were racially inferior and suitable for enslavement. This view ‘cut the Negro off from the normal mechanisms of sympathy and identification’.8 Irving’s utter disdain for the Africans carried on board the Jane is reflected in an earlier part of the letter where he informed his wife that ‘we … have not yet disposed of any of our very disagreeable Cargo, but expect it on the 7th Instant when our Sale Opens’ (Letter 4). His use of the term ‘disagreeable’ may also point to his revulsion at the smell created in the hold of the ship. To the modern reader, drawn from a society in which ‘disapproval of slavery’ is the ‘kind of cultural assumption which requires no evidential support’, Irving presents something of a paradox.9 His letters reveal a man avowedly Christian in outlook, yet involved in a trade which has been variously described as ‘iniquitous’, ‘morally repugnant’ and a ‘human atrocity that has yet to be duplicated’.10 It is clear that Irving was able to reconcile his occupation with his Christian beliefs, and there is no suggestion in his correspondence with his wife, typically frank and reflective, that he was wrestling with a moral dilemma. Irving may well have exercised the type of savage cruelty towards the Africans and the common seamen on board ship that was widely reported by

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abolitionist campaigners. He was undoubtedly hardened to the inhumanity and endemic violence of the trade. Thomas Clarkson explained how after several voyages in the trade men became brutalized by the experience. It was impossible, he argued, for them ‘to be witnesses, and this for successive voyages, to the complicated mass of misery passing in a slave-ship, without losing their finer feelings’. He explained how: Men in their first voyages usually disliked the trade; and, if they were happy enough then to abandon it, they usually escaped the disease of a hardened heart. But if they went a second and a third time, their disposition became gradually changed … Now, if we consider that persons could not easily become captains (and to these the barbarities were generally chargeable by actual perpetration, or by consent) till they had been two or three voyages in this employ, we shall see the reason why it would be almost a miracle, if they, who were thus employed in it, were not rather to become monsters, than to continue to be men.11 Contemporary justifications for the slave trade were diverse in nature. This is reflected in Liverpool’s response to the ‘political and ideological onslaught’ of abolitionism after 1787, as the defenders of the trade deployed economic, cultural and religious justifications for its continuance.12 Some participants in the trade justified their involvement by reference to divine will. Captain Hugh Crow, for example, stated his ‘decided opinion that the traffic in negroes is permitted by that Providence that rules over all, as a necessary evil’.13 Reflecting on his participation in the slave trade in the 1750s, John Newton observed that he thought that this was the ‘line of life which Divine Providence had allotted me’.14 In his letters Irving often exhorted his wife to trust in Providence who ‘sees farther than we can and orders all aright’, a philosophy which could easily encompass the type of moral certainties expressed by Crow. A number of contemporary commentators argued that conditions in Africa were far worse than those endured by slaves in the Americas. Bryan Edwards, the Secretary of the Association for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of Africa,15 was one of the most influential proponents of this view. In his Memoirs Crow also maintained that the treatment of slaves in the colonies was more humane than that which would be meted out by their own countrymen, views shared by Robert Norris and Archibald Dalzel, Liverpool delegates who opposed restrictions on the trade in the parliamentary session of 1788.16 James Irving, and other participants in the trade, may well have developed personal variations on these justifications which could embrace their own philosophy of life. Hugh Crow’s argument that ‘masters in the African trade were not such wretches as commonly represented’ is not particularly helpful. His opinion that

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‘men of integrity and humanity were to be found on board of Guineamen, as well as in other lines of life’ reflects a defensive stance written at a time when abolitionist arguments were widely accepted at a national and local level.17 More important is the recognition of the complexity of individual attitudes towards the slave trade and their interaction with broader societal values and cultural assumptions. As the authors of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade point out, the prevailing mindset of the seventeenth and eighteenth century ‘for those Europeans who thought about the issue’ was that ‘the shipping of enslaved Africans across the Atlantic was morally indistinguishable from shipping textiles, wheat, or even sugar’.18 The prosaic and offhand manner in which Irving referred to the trade in human cargo in his letters to his wife points to his acceptance of the normalcy of this form of commerce. For Irving, like other European and American captives on the Barbary Coast, his enslavement turned his life upside down.19 In the captivity narratives he wrote for family members on his return to England, he presented himself as the victim of a brutal, uncivilised and barbarous system of slavery. He deliberately constructed a narrative inviting the empathy and involvement of his intended readers and placed himself at the centre of the unfolding drama. Although there were times when he stressed his vulnerability and his fears, the overriding image he conveyed was of someone who responded with strength and courage to his ordeal. He emphasised his various forms of resistance to his servile state and his willingness to risk injury to protect his freedom, and in some ways he cast himself as an heroic figure. As Colley has noted, the writing of such accounts may have been a way in which captives made sense of their traumatic experiences in an alien country and culture. Irving’s narrative is suffused with prejudice and reflects an ‘inflated sense of national and … racial conceit’.20 He stereotyped his captors as ‘savages’ and characterised the females he encountered as ‘a disgrace to humanity, possessing nothing human, but shape’. He emphasised the cruelty and abusive conduct of his Muslim captors and the way in which they victimised him for his Christian beliefs. A similar attitude emerges in the short journal account written by Captain Irving’s cousin, as he commented on the inhumane behaviour of his captors and their deceitful conduct. Captain Irving also portrayed the country as backward and uncivilised and, imposing European views of agricultural progress, stated ‘what a fine country this would be were it watered like Great Britain’. His dismissive attitude towards the culture he observed is reflected in his reaction to an audience with Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam at Taroudannt. He noted that ‘I was much surprised to find the defferance and respect that was shown him. I expected to find him only one degree removed from a Savage, as all the other moors or Arabs are’.21 In many respects, therefore, Irving’s account is typical of the Barbary captivity narrative which ‘frequently invokes the barbarity of Africans, casting

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them as demonic, amoral, and bestial’.22 What emerges clearly from Irving’s experience of enslavement, though, is that despite this sense of cultural superiority Britons were able to exercise little control over Moroccan officials or affairs of state. Hutchison warned Irving in the strongest terms ‘not to make use of the term, Infidels, either in your letters or discourse, when speaking of the Moors. They look upon the term as the most oprobrious in their language, And as they have the power in their hands, it may Operate to your prejudice’ (Letter 19). In this period, European consuls in North Africa had to show obeisance to Moroccan customs, governments and hierarchies of power. Irving felt distraught about his prolonged separation from his wife and family in Britain and his cousin in the possession of Mawlay ‘Abd al-Rahman. He feared for their safety and mourned for his own emotional loss. The psychological deprivation experienced during his captivity contributed to physical debilitation, and it is clear from his journal that he experienced several recurrences of fever in a strange disease environment. Irving recorded the verbal and physical abuse to which he was subjected and noted how his Christian faith, which he found so ‘soothing … in affliction’, was a factor that excited the hatred of his captors.23 In a letter to his wife dated 9 August 1790, Irving referred to the ‘termination of my bondage, which I have weathered with ten Thousand difficultys’ (Letter 32). He clearly felt that he had been ill-treated. This can be overstated. After all, ten of the eleven crew members of the Anna survived and returned to England, whilst James Drachen, a Portuguese black, died of a fever in ‘Telling’ in October 1789. Irving and his crew were also redeemed far more quickly than the crew of the Solicitor General wrecked on the Atlantic coast of Morocco in August 1795. Nine months after this shipwreck, Matra had still received no information about the Liverpool seamen and his correspondence emphasises his inability to negotiate with their captors for fear of offending the Sultan. It was not until July 1797, almost two years after their shipwreck, that he could write home to government that they were ‘at length finally redeemed’.24 The use of the term ‘slavery’ to describe Irving’s condition in Morocco as well as the economic and social status of the 3,000 or so Africans that he helped to transport to the colonies of the West Indies and America is misleading if it implies homogeneity of experience.25 At a superficial level there are many apparent similarities, yet the differences in their circumstances were fundamental. Although recent writers have argued that the number of Europeans who experienced enslavement on the Barbary Coast was substantial, it was still low in proportion to the number of Africans enslaved in the transatlantic system in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.26 Moreover, Irving’s enslavement resulted from chance circumstances, not from the sophisticated economic system of the Atlantic slave trade. Compared with the brutality of the plantation system, it appears that Irving’s enslavement was of a relatively mild

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domestic form. Although threatened with the prospect of field labour, much of Irving’s time was spent carrying out the menial work of a personal servant.27 A key factor which distinguished Irving’s enslavement from that of African slaves in the Americas was that government representatives were willing to spend time and money to secure his release. It is true that negotiations were drawn out and complex and that his release was not a foregone conclusion. However, Irving’s legal right to freedom was never in question amongst the consular representatives and they were prepared to use a range of devices to secure his liberty. For most of his period in captivity, Irving was regularly informed of the progress of negotiations and, therefore, had an indication of his likely fate. More basic still, Irving had a clear sense of his geographical location. In contrast, many of the Africans sold as slaves had little or no idea of what was intended for them. It was widely rumoured, for example, that ‘the whites were cannibals, carrying off their captives in order to eat them’.28 The disorientation was so great that some Africans, unfamiliar with the oceans, attempted to swim ashore during the voyage across the Atlantic. Liberty was precious to Irving and, on a number of occasions, he recorded his sentiment that he ‘Could have died rather than devote my life to be spent in so abject a state, bereft of all Christian Society, a slave to a savage race, who dispised and hated me, on account of my beleif’. Recalling the feelings he experienced shortly after capture, Irving considered that he and his men felt like people who had been sentenced to death. He saw his enslavement as a sleight of the hand of fate, that through misfortune he had been temporarily deprived of his natural liberty. He seems to have regarded liberty as a quality or condition that was particularly appropriate to Englishmen. In his journal, for example, he recorded that ‘Had I been master of the Indies, I would most chearfully have parted with them for liberty: a priviledge so dear to Englishmen’.29 Although a Scot, Irving clearly identified with the cultural assumptions and mores of his adopted English home. Irving remained completely blind to the irony of his situation.30 Even though he had direct experience of being treated as a commodity for sale and of the emotional pain of separation from his wife and family, he did not draw any parallels with the trade in Africans. His enslavement prompted no reflection on the morality of the transatlantic slave trade or of his own role within it. Despite the importance he attached to his Bible in the early stages of his captivity, he showed no awareness of the potential relevance of the Golden Rule to his circumstances.31 This maxim was a prominent feature of abolitionist propaganda and the image of a kneeling slave was accompanied on the reverse of tokens by the text of ‘Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them’. Such half-penny tokens were issued between 1787 and 1807, so it is conceivable that Irving had seen examples before sailing on the Anna in 1789 or on his return to Britain in October 1790.32

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The same biblical text (Matthew 7:12) was used by the former slave trader John Newton at the beginning of his Thoughts upon the African Slave Trade published in 1788. Jean Barbot, a commercial agent on late seventeenthcentury slaving voyages to West Africa, also recognised the potential application of the Golden Rule to the behaviour of slave traders. In 1732 he commented on how some captains had been ‘perpetually beating and curbing’ the slaves under their control. He cautioned such officers to: consider, those unfortunate creatures are men as well as themselves, tho’ of a different colour, and pagans; and that they ought to do to others as they would be done by in like circumstances; as it may be their turn, if they should have the misfortune to fall into the hands of Algerines or Sallee men, as it has happen’d to many after such voyages perform’d.33 Barbot’s comments illustrate the fears of Barbary Coast slavery in the late seventeenth century, but they also indicate that the Golden Rule was not used exclusively by abolitionist campaigners. Irving’s inability to recognise the irony of his situation is striking, particularly as he seems to have been aware of the changing climate of national opinion and even attempted to use this knowledge to his advantage. In pleading for the release of the crew of the Anna in June 1789 he urged the Vice-Consul to ‘Let that spirit of humanity which at present Manifests itself throughout the realm actuate you to rescue us speedily from the most intollerable Slavery’.34 Irving would undoubtedly have heard reports of abolitionist arguments during the periods he spent in Liverpool between his slaving voyages early in 1788 and 1789. As Drescher points out, there was a shocked reaction in Liverpool to abolitionism which ‘suddenly broke upon the city like a tidal wave’ in 1788.35 Irving may also have gleaned intelligence of abolitionist ideas from his employer Dawson, whose petitions opposing the Dolben Bill in 1788 challenged the humanitarian claims of its promoters. Admittedly, though, Irving was in captivity during an important phase of the political debate on abolition when the Commons examined evidence in relation to the slave trade in 1789 and 1790. However, it seems unlikely that Irving’s entrenched views would have been swayed by reports of the arguments presented.36 Irving was unable to recognise any similarity between his circumstances and the plight of African slaves because he did not regard them as fellow humans entitled to their liberty. Irving may well have accepted the theory of polygenesis, with the result that he held views of Africans similar to those propounded by Edward Long in his History of Jamaica (1774). Long tried to show in his work that Africans were a different form of creation from Europeans and that they shared certain characteristics with animals.37 Certainly, the language Irving used in his letters to describe Africans suggests that he viewed them as ‘different and savagely other’.38 As such, he would have regarded them as eligible for

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enslavement. In contrast Irving would have accepted that Britons, as James Thompson’s poem related, were entitled to their liberty.39 Irving undoubtedly accepted the legitimacy of slave trading on economic, cultural and social grounds, and he was inured to the ‘older mentalities’ of anti-abolitionism characteristic of the culture of late eighteenth-century Liverpool.40 As David Richardson points out, Irving’s ‘insensitivity suggests that, even at a time when moral outrage in Britain at the enslavement of Africans was spreading, participation in the slave trade was still capable of promoting racism and blinding otherwise apparently quite caring individuals to the appalling suffering that they were helping to inflict on others’.41 Irving’s early return to sea was undoubtedly linked to the exigencies of his financial situation. However, as he died during the voyage of the Ellen, there are few letters from which to gauge whether his experience of enslavement in North Africa had significantly changed his attitudes to the trade in which he was engaged. This is highly unlikely. There is no evidence to suggest that after his own captivity he was able or willing to empathise with the African slaves. Far from changing his attitude to the transatlantic slave trade, there is the possibility that the period spent in Morocco reinforced his notions of European superiority and African inferiority. As Linda Colley has observed, it is likely that Irving’s confrontation with the Islamic world sharpened his sense of identity as someone who was ‘Christian, British, European and white’.42 In drafting an appeal for help to Matra, the Consul General, Irving referred to the ‘sordid avarice’ of his captors and how he had been ‘consigned over to a Slavery more detestable than Death’.43 Irving’s views on liberty were brought into sharp relief through his own experience of enslavement. As such, his case offers a number of insights into the character and attitudes of a Liverpool slave captain that are not readily available in other types of sources. Irving’s letters to his wife and his account of enslavement were written before abolition and, as a result, his testimony is not coloured by popular feeling against the trade. Irving’s story is highly individual, yet his death at sea reflects a commonplace experience amongst captains in the slave trade as many died during their first or second voyage in command.44 The career of his younger cousin, James Irving II, was also short-lived. A gravestone in the churchyard at Langholm reads: In memory of Janetus Irving, Baker, who died on 8th April 1815, aged 74. Helen Little his spouse who died 17th August 1797 aged 60. Also James and Ann children who died 17th June 1771 in infancy. And James their son, surgeon, who died at Lagus in Africa 22nd June 1793, aged 21. Captain James Irving has no memorial stone in Langholm’s old churchyard. He was baptised at the chapel, now in ruins, the day after he was born on 16

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December 1759. His sister, Ann, was baptised on 26 December 1762 but died the next day and was buried ‘in Langholm in the churchyard’ on 28 December 1762. Five years later on 19 December 1767, John and Isobel Irving buried James’s younger brother, William, who was aged just three and a half months.45 The inscription in the churchyard is dedicated to the memory of: John Irving, Innkeeper in Langholm, who died 21st October 1807, aged 76. Isobel Little, his wife who died 4th November 1791 aged 66. And children Ann and William who died in infancy. That Captain James Irving was the only surviving son of John and Isobel Little is confirmed by the legal proceedings that followed the death of John Irving, innkeeper. On 30 November 1807 James Irving the son of Captain James Irving (hereafter James Irving III) began proceedings in Dumfries Services of Heirs to establish that he was the nearest lawful heir to the deceased John Irving, his grandfather. A petition addressed to the ‘honourable the magistrates of the Burgh of Dumfries’ on 16 February 1808 claimed that James Irving of Liverpool is the ‘only lawful son of the deceased James Irving late surgeon in the Affrican trade who was the son of the deceased John Irving innkeeper in Langholm’. In Liverpool in February 1808 witnesses were called before the magistrate, Thomas Golightly, to establish the legality of James Irving III’s claim.46 John Bell, gentleman of Liverpool, aged 50, swore that he was ‘well acquainted with the now deceased James Irving surgeon in the Affrican trade and that he also knowes and is well acquainted with his son James … who was the only lawful child of the said deceased James Irving’. John Redcliff, described as a landing waiter47 in the customs of Liverpool, concurred ‘with the preceding witness John Bell in omnibus and which is truth as he shall answer to God’.48 When William Hill made a transcript of Captain Irving’s journal in 1833 he commented that he was: an amiable and accomplished young man, and would have cut a great Figure in life had he lived, but alass he was born to misfortunes. He died Captain of the ship Helen, next voyage at St. Thomas’s Island on the Coast of Africa leaving a poor disconsolate widow and a lovely Boy.49 The death of Captain James Irving on Christmas Eve 1791, at the age of 32, left the two year old Jamie without a father.50 Mary Irving remarried on 1 May 1796. Her wedding to Joseph Barry, a Liverpool merchant, took place in the parish church in which she had married her first husband ten years earlier.51 In March 1809, at the age of 19, Jamie was still in Liverpool and was living or working at 12 Mount Pleasant.52 In June 1809 two letters were sent to him in

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Liverpool care of I. or J. Littledales Esquires, which may refer to Thomas and Isaac Littledale, brokers at 6 Bold Street.53 He married Mary Creswick of Sheffield on 25 September 1816 and they had at least two children, Nathaniel and James C. Irving.54 In 1843, aged in his mid-twenties, James Creswick Irving, the grandson of Captain Irving, was resident in Sheffield and engaged in trade with Wigg and Irving of Rio Grande, Brazil.55 This family connection with Sheffield is pertinent, as the twentieth-century copy of Irving’s journal was transcribed into a cloth-bound exercise book marked with the stamp of J. Robertshaw, bookbinder, printer and lithographer, of Hartshead, Sheffield. The subsequent history of this family lies outside the scope of this text, but the fact that Captain Irving’s descendants saw fit to preserve the documentary record of his extraordinary experiences has allowed this story to be told.

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Part Two

James Irving’s Correspondence, 1786–1791

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Letter 1: 19 May 1786. James Irving to Mary Irving in Liverpool.1 My Dear Lassy I have just found time to withdraw from the Bustle a few minutes to address myself to you. The wind is at present rather contrary which oblidges us to keep the Pilot a little longer, otherwise I should have said no more, but everything in Nature has its use so has the foul wind, in giving me this sweet opportunity, to tell you that never till now did I know your Worth. Oh! for a volley of these endearing embraces, that I have so often received, I could at this moment almost smother you with caresses. I feel as if I was dismembered or deficient of a part essential to my existence. My sweet lassy[?] show no person this letter, it is not fit to be seen, but it is at the same time the [deleted] feelings of a heart solely and enthusiastically yours. May God Almighty out of his inexhaustable benificence support and provide for you and the friends I have obtained through you till I am enabled by his blessing to see you again in the Cordial Wish of him who lives only for you. 10 o’clock JI May the 19th My Compliments to all the Gentlemen particularly Amoss, Mr. Hippius’s family2 etc. etc. Letter 2: 13 August 1786. James Irving in West Africa to Mary Irving in Liverpool.3 New Callabar 13th August 1786 My Dearest Mary The Ship Ally. Dodson4 f[…] this place sails tomorrow and I most chearfully embrace the Opportunity of informing you, that I retain (through the Assistance and protection of divine providence) my wonted health and Contentment. The […] Venus from Liverpool Arrived here a Week ago and I had the Mortification to find that you had Neglected the Opportunity.5 I readily excused you when I heard that the Vulture6 sailed the same day but had called at Lisbon. She is not

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yet Arrived but when she does, I flatter myself that what she will bring me will sufficiently compensate for my disappointment, but still my Girl you should not have neglected or overlooked any Opportunity. You see I dont, as this is the third since my Arrival which is only a Month.7 In my last I hinted that our stay would be short, but I’m now sorry to say that most probably we shall be here 2 two Months hence. Trade is dull and […] an exorbitant price. I expect (God Willing) to be in the West Indies by the latter end of November or early in December. The above intelligence you may communicate to any person concerned or Acquainted with Our employers, as the Captain’s letter may Miscarry, and the least intelligence of the Ship will be very satisfactory. I’m all impatience for the Arrival of the Vulture, and Golden Age,8 as you certainly have put two or three sweet Billets on board each of them. You cannot be a Stranger to the comfort and pleasure they will afford to an Affectionate Husband who is toiling away with the Sweat on his brow in a pestiferous Climate under a Vertical sun. Therefore oblidge and please me at all times and in all places by your constant correspondence. In so doing you contribute much to the felicity of My Dearest Mary Your most loving Husband, Jas. Irvingg P.S. My duty and Love to Granny and Mammy. I most sincerely wish them health and a comfortable enjoyment of the things of this life. The song book’s lost. My Dear and only Brother George is most Affectionately remembered,9 also Cousin Tan[…] and Longfield. I am making the necessary use of Spangenburgh’s […]. We are all alive that left Liverpool, and in health, one excepted who is dangerously ill.10 J.I. My best respects await the Gentlemen lodgers and […] friends Messrs. Hippius, Laycock11 and Jameson and their familys. I wrote Mr. Jameson per the sloop Princess which he must have received by this time. In it I begged he would inform me of the prices of certain Articles. 15th August 1786 My Dearest Girl The ship should have sailed yesterday but did not. I therefore subscribe this little Note. I found it in some book or other and it seems to me so instructive that I have sent it for your perusal. I call it the Art of happiness. “A good temper is one of the principal ingredients of happiness. This it may be said is ye work of Nature and must be born with us, and so in a good measure it is, yet sometimes it may be Acquired by Art, and always improved by Culture. Almost every object that Attracts our Notice has its bright and its dark sides. He that habituates himself to look at the displeasing side, will sour his disposition

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and consequently impair his happiness while he who constantly beholds it on the bright side insensibly meliorates his temper and in consequence of it impr[…] his own happiness and the happiness [illegible, two words] about him”. The above lines are so consistent with truth that I think I never saw anything more[?] so. How does all friends in the North. […] I think no Opportunity will offer this 2 Months for writing therefore you must be as patient as possible. Farewell again J.I. 15th August I received your two by W. Amoss about ten minutes ago. Letter 3: 22 November 1786. James Irving in Barbados to Mary Irving in Liverpool.12 My Dearest Mary With extatic pleasure am I again enabled to address you from a Christian Country. I arrived off this place this morning after a passage of 46 Days.13 A Boat hath just come off with the letters, so that we proceed directly for Tobago where we expect to sell our Cargo. God Almighty bless you my Dear Girl for your kind letter. I also received George’s. I am hurried[?] beyond Measure. Pardon my brevity as I shall write on my Arrival. God protect you, my Compliments to everyone. Adieu Jas. Irving Captain Fargerer and fellow Officers are all well.14 Again adieu. Carlisle Bay, Barbadoes 22nd November 1786. We have been all healthy and buried 48 slaves. Letter 4: 2 December 1786. James Irving in Tobago to Mary Irving in Liverpool.15 Scarborough Road in Tobago 2nd December 1786 My Dearest Mary My last voyage was from Barbadoes, where we staid about 2 Hours, and proceeded to this place, where we are safe Moored. We have been here since the 25 Ultimo and have not yet disposed of any of our very disagreeable Cargo, but expect it on the 7th Instant when our Sale Opens. Nevertheless I’m pretty certain of eating my Christmas dinner here (if able to eat one). I joyfully

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received your long Wished for letter at Barbadoes, inclosed in one from our very worthy friend Hippius with the prices of Sundries Annexed, in consideration of Which, make my most gratefull Acknowledgements. Often, very often have I perused my Dear Girls Letter, and each time with redoubled pleasure. In fine I’m really and truly happy in the Anticipation of joys that I fancy await me on again meeting with my Dear little Girl. O! that the Omnipotent bestower of all good may preserve you from the Numerous evils that so easily beset us and which from our Vicious Natures we are daily and Hourly liable to, that he may keep you to bless the Arms of an affectionate Husband as an ample reward for the pangs of a long Absence. Many thanks to you Mary for the Various news your billet conveyed. Wish our Cousin Longfield extreme joy in my name. It pleaseth me much to hear our Uncle has so agreeably deceived you. Pride my Girl generally takes its residence in little Minds. I like the Character or picture you have drawn of him, and we’ll endeavour to fulfill your promise made to him, if kind providence deigns to escort me to my Native Shore. If he’s enlisted under Hymens Banner,16 may he long be happy and Conspicuous in that Corps, and when the grisly visage of old age shall beset him may his Childrens Children bear him off the field with eclat. I’m nearly Wearied of this Unnatural Accursed trade, and think (if no change of Station takes place) when convenience suits of adopting some other mode of Life, Although I’m fully sensible and aware of the difficultys Attending any new undertaking, yet I will at least look around me. As this is a French Island I shall not have it in my power to purchase any produce of any kind, therefore shall bring the Returns of my Voyage home in my pocket. Brother George wants a parrot[?]. I’m sorry to say there is not one in ye Ship, but if one can be procured here it shall be sent as directed as I have little reason to hope for a Sight of him till he hath made his second Voyage. Poor fellow, does he still like the Naval Department? [several words deleted]. I think I’ll desist as our Black Cattle are intolerably Noisy and I’m almost Melted in the Midst of five or six Hundred of them.17 There is a schooner bound for Barbadoes tomorrow morning early and by he[…] […] to transmit this to be forwarded from the […]. God grant it may catch you as healthy as […]ves. Your most Affectionate Husband James Irvingg Dear Mary The Old folks are dutifully remembered. My Compliments to every enquiring friend. Write to Langholm and satisfy the longings of good indulgent parents.18 Have at you, on the first of March (God willing).

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Letter 5: 3 June 1787. James Irving on the Princess Royal in the Bight of Biafra to Mary Irving in Liverpool.19 Bonney River June 3rd 1787 My Dearest Girl Another conveyance per the Brigg Young Hero20 occurs, and well I dare say its contents will be received. I was happy in getting Opportunitys from Bassa21 and Anamaboe22 to write you my Good Lass accounts of my health and happiness, the latter of which will be still heightened when I receive your Vivifying Epistles by the Different Ships. Many, many are the hours that I have spent most pleasingly on a retrospect of our Loves. I dare say your our Cogitations were reciprocal. I arrived here 29th May and found the Garland and a French Ship here, the former with about 280 Slaves the principal part of which she has put on board the Brigg that Arrived the Day After us, with which she proceeds to the West Indies.23 While our Ship lay without the Barr24 waiting for the Spring Tides, Captain Sherwood, Mr. Bakers Nephew25 and I went in our Boat on board of Captain Forbes and spent the principal part of two Days. He is perfect health and has behaved with very great affability. He even gave me a bed and slept without himself. I most sincerely wish for his fortunate Voyage. He has been about a Month in the River and expects to sail in 6 Weeks. His Officers and people are all pretty healthy [deleted]. We broke Trade yesterday and believe from what we can learn that our stay will be about 9 or 10 Weeks. The Space is not very long and if kind providence deigns to keep us healthy, the time will Slide away insensibly. As for you, you enjoy the sweet Summer of your Native Country and I hope very happily. Would dare to hope that we shall warm our Shins together over a clear fire when the Hoary head of Winter reigns crowned with a wreath of snow and Boreas26 Serenades us in every Chimney. The Garland will be the next Ship that Sails and by her you may expect to hear from me. Captain Sherwood, Mr. Linton, McLeish and every other Officer and Man are in perfect health.27 That the Almighty Creator and preserver of our beings and Existance may keep you my Dear Til[?] in the same List is the hourly prayer of My Dearest Girl Your most Affectionate and faithful Husband James Irving P.S. Our mother and the Old Lady are most Affectionately and dutifully remembered. My only brother George also possesseth my best and truest Love. Our friends, Hippius, Laycock, Jamieson and others are also frequently thought of. McLeish desires his Compliments, including Mrs. Robinson and Mrs. Tunstall. How does Shirlock. Adieu. J.I.

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Letter 6: 20 October 1787. James Irving in Cuba to Mary Irving in Liverpool.28 Havana 20th October 1787 Dear Mary I wrote you per a Londoner 5 Days ago, but as Captain Forbes (the bearer of this) is immediately for Liverpool, in all probability this will be the first received.29 It leaves me healthy and tolerable fat. The Spanish Beef and Cabbage have wonderfull effects on an exhausted Sailor after the long […] African voyage. This is a very plentifull p[…] affording the necessarys of live in great p[…] and the we have them without limitation. We expect to leave this on the 1st November, God wil[…] in consequence you may expect us by Christm[…]. I hope we shall toast our Shins together Darby and Jo[…]30 over a clear Coal fire and talk over the Occurrences and incidents of our lives during our Separation with a pleasing Retrospect. I haveing nothing to say in this of the nature of news, should I say that the Havana is a City with Walls, Gates and Barrs, and most strongly fortified, almost impregnable. 30 Sail of the Line and 30,000 Men would not be able to force a Surrender. Each dwelling house is a Citadel built of Huge stones with its Bastions and Breastworks. In fine, its the strongest place I ever saw. Adieu, I think I shall chase this, very hard, if the Dollars dont detain us. How that will be I cannot say but hope their Treasury will receive a fresh supply before we are ready if so await me. Dear Mary Yours Only Jas. Irving. P.S. I hope our good Mother and Grandmother weather all their Misfortunes with chearfullness and fortitude. My sincere Love and Duty to them and Brother George, who I most sincerely hope to catch at home. Adieu J. Irving I’m sorry to say Captain Forbes has been unfortunate in respect of [illegible, two words] and mercifully[?], he arrived here […] days ago from Carriccas31 in Good health and […] to sail about the same time we do. […] Ship will make a pretty good Voyage, you see […] I’m poor Luck, or rather providence doth not forsake […] that respects. What great reason have we to […] […]ankfull for such numberless benefits unmerited […]its. Captain Sherwood and all our Officers are well. We have buried 6 white people. Farewell again October 21 – I’ve been well all night, how have you spent it Lassy? I sincerely hope most comfortably. The weather with you is grown Cold and I imagine

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warm sheets are agreeable. How different from this Torrid Clime where Universal heat is diffused in every Void space and you cannot inspire without danger of being choaked by flies. Adieu with Compliments to those you know your friends. […] is vicious, never mind commonplace ones. No opportunity to send this. 24th October 1787 and we expect to sail in the Princess Royal on the 4 November promiss. JI Letter 7: not dated [probably Spring 1788]. James Irving on board the Princess Royal to Mary Irving in Liverpool.32 [The top half of the letter is missing.] if it stands and keeps moderate […] down channel. The ship proves very well so that you have nothing to fear from her late misfortune. If I should write you from Bonney desiring you’ll make Insurance, Mr. Hippius will with his usual friendship get it done for you. Remember me m[…] affectionately to him and family. Let me […] beg that you’ll behave with fortitude […] that by the Assistance of Divine Providence, […] be home in 9 months more or less, it is but [illegible, two or three words] voyage. Cherish yourself with that reflection and […] writing to me very often viz. per ships Elizabe[…], Vulture, Ann, Hannah or any vessel that sails […] months after us to Bonney or New Callabar.33 Mrs. Sherwood will give you other information on that score.34 As Mr. Catteral has not time to write therefore he desire me to his Compliments and begs you would take the trouble of going to his house and tell Mrs. Cattaral what has happened and of his being very well. Cousin James desires his Complimen[…]. I have wrote to my father informing him of me etc.35 remember me most [illegible, two or three words] to our parents and Brother and Sisters. Heaven bless you is the present and will be the future prayer My most Beloved Girl Your Affectionate Husband J. Irving […]clos’d is a letter I wrote that night I was […] on board from you. Excuse every thing you may find in it as I thought it my duty to let you see it. Again farewell. Mind letters. Letter 8: not dated [probably April/May 1788]. James Irving’s younger cousin (James Irving II) to his parents in Langholm, Scotland.36 On board the Princess Royal Clear of the banks Honoured parents, I received yours in good time and was happy to hear that you were all well as I

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and my friends are at present. We would have sailed long before this but as the ship [deleted] was going out of the Dock into the river on the 23d of last Month it being past high water and no wind the strength of the tide turned her round and ran her aground and left her there till next tide. And she being so sharp bottomed lay on one side which so strained her that she was all bent and leaked very much and she has been in the river ever since. But now she is straight and leaks so little that there is scarce enough to wash the Decks and in the Course of a month we expect there will be none. But however if it should continue it can do us no harm. And we have wated ever since she came out of the Dock for a fair wind. But now the wind is fair and we are to sail the first tide. And I wrote this letter to send back with the Pilot who leaves us after we are past the NorWest Boy. I have been abord 4 days And I eat in the Cabin and I have got a good Coat Bed and Blankets and Twilt37 and I sleep very well. The other Mate is a very good man and I like my place very well. The Captain gave me the Coat frame and my Couzen got me the Blankets, Twilt, Jackets, Trowsers Tea and Sugar and everything that was necessary and I have everything as good as any on the ship. I forgot to write in my last about John Geddess things as his Mother told me to tell my Couzin to lift the remainder of his Money and pay Mrs. Tunstall38 but my Couzin told his Merchants are disaggreed and they would not give him the Money without a receipt from John Giddes. Mrs. Lawson got a letter from her husband from the West Indies about 2 weeks ago. I have no news to write you but must conclude as the ship is under way with remaining Honoured Parents Your dutyful Son James Irving. Give my love to my Brothers39 and Compliments to enquiring friends. J. Irving. Letter 9: 3 May 1789. James Irving on board the Anna to Mary Irving in Liverpool.40 Anna May 3rd 1789 My Dearest Girl You see I’ve been very smart out so far already with a fine promising Wind. I expect to be round the Head early in the Afternoon. Would fair hope you went to bed and got a comfortable sleep to quiet your agitated mind. Don’t fret and distress yourself without cause. Providence if you confide in him is able and willing to support you in every situation in life. Think on these little matters and the reflection will afford Balm to your mind. Go to church now and then or as often as you please. Take plenty of exercise in the Open Air, that is a practice that must be followed if you hope to be healthy. As the wind is so exceeding

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favourable the Vessel runs out very fast so that I really cannot find time to say what I have within but do rest satisfied My sweet Girl the next I write shall be a very long one. Duty to all our good folks and again farewell. May God of his infinite Mercy bless and protect you is and shall be the fervent prayer My Dearest Girl Your most loving and tender Husband J Irving Letter 10: 24 June 1789. Captain Irving at ‘Telling’ to John Hutchison, Vice-Consul at Mogador [Essaouira] in Morocco. Copy of the following Letters received from Captain Irving. Teilin41 June 24th, 1789. Sir The subscriber a most distrest and suffering object takes the Liberty to inform you that he had the most greiveous misfortune to lose his vessell on the Arab Coast opposite the west End of Forte Ventura42 on the 26th May Ultimo. He and his Crew, Eleven in Number inclusive, have been since that time in the hands of Arabs and Moors in a Condition miserable beyond Conception. A gleam of hope now Ariseth from this indulgence writing to you. For the sake of Almighty God, neglect us not. We are Englishmen, and we hope good and Loyal ones. Let that spirit of humanity which at present Manifests itself throughout the realm actuate you to rescue us speedily from the most intollerable Slavery. Suffer us not any longer like some poor Frenchmen About 10 or 12 Miles from hence to be the Slaves of Negroes, which reflects an unpardonate Negligence on the man who should see them liberated. If we are allowed to stay here to toil and be maltreated under a vertical Sun, we Shall soon be lost forever to ourselves, our Wives and familys, our Country and all we hold dear. My Mate, Surgeon and six men Are with the Muley Abdrahman,43 at Gulimeme, working while the sun shines in the open field. My Second Mate and an Apprentice are somewhere else in the Country. As I passed from Gulimeme hitherward just got leave to speak to the frenchmen. They tell me that they were informed One hundred Dollars each was the sum demanded for their ransom. If that be so, most worthy Sir advance it for us, and if required satisfactory security shall be given you for the Sum. Our Merchants are very Affluent and some of us have friends, that would be happy in having an opportunity to prove themselves such. I have two Uncles in London, Mr. Jos Smith and Captain Anthony Robinson on the East India Company half pay list, Castle Street Long Acre. In fine if the sum be so trifling it shall be sent to you with any Interest required, and the favour deemed an unpayable one. Our vessel was the Anna, James Irving Master off and from Liverpool, bound to the Gold Coast of Africa, her Cargo, India, Manchester and Hardware Goods with about 20 tons Salt, which

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was washed out. She had Also 1000 Dollars on Board, all of which fell into the hands of the Arabs. When I set out was told that they were going directly to you, but I find shall be detained here till your Answer determine our fate. The Pass Commonly Called the Mediteranean Pass is safe No 7469.44 I am Almost naked having been plundered by the Captors of everything. The people who at present Claim me are pretty Civil. Sheak Braham is my master, and he boards me with a Jew Merchant named Aaron Debauny.45 My Unfortunate shipmates know not what is become of me. Here follows a List of the Crew James Irving, Master Jno Clegg, 1st Mate M. Frans Dawson, 2nd ditto a Nephew of the Merchants James Irving Surgeon a Cousin of the Masters Joseph Pearson – Seaman Willm Brown – ditto Jno Richards – ditto Silvin Buckle James Drachen – Portuguese Blacks Jack Peters Samuel Beeley – Apprentice

}

The Vessell was owned by Jno Dawson Esquire of Liverpool. I Cannot help again requesting your exertions in our behalf. Ample restitution shall be made you. O I hope you can feel for us, first Suffering shipwreck, then seized on by a party of Arabs with outstretched Arms and Knives ready to stab us, next stripped to the skin, suffering a Thousand Deaths daily, insulted, spit upon, exposed to the Sun and Night dews alternally, then travelled through parched deserts wherein was no water for 9 days, Afterwards torn from one Another and your poor Petitioner marched to this Place half dead with fatigue, whose only hope is in God and you. If you will Condescend to answer this, satisfying me with respect to future Expectations, and whether we are or are not to be slaves, you’ll Confer an Obligation that shall never be forgotten by your poor Petitioner and Most obedient Servant. James Irving Master If any vessels are sailing for any Christian Country be pleased to Communicate our fate. If my Cousin who is with the Muley Abdrahman was Conveyed hither, should then endeavour to make myself a little happier. I was the Cause of his Coming to Sea, and now he is torn from me to work from Morning till Night without cause. Pardon the freedom I’ve treated you with, and the shamefull scrawl done with a reed. I am this moment told that 500 Dollars per man is the sum expected. If so, will only be security for myself and my Cousin the

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Surgeon, till I get to England when I expect to redeem them by subscription if Government does not. I hope you’ll not hesitate and doubt my security as you may suppose what I’ve said is dictated by an honest heart and Character that is well known as Corresponding therewith. I am obliged to say so much as I’ve no opportunity otherwise to prove it. If ever I have through your aid[?], I trust what I’ve said will be verifyed. J.I. If we are not to be directly set at Liberty, be so kind as to obtain leave for me to come to Severa46 to treat with you on the Business. Letter 11: 25 June 1789. Captain Irving in Morocco to either John Hutchison, Vice-Consul at Mogador, or James M. Matra, Consul General at Tangier. Teilin 25th June 1789 Sir When I wrote the 2 half sheets inclosing this, I was informed then that Mr. Hutchison was Consul, but since that Time have been made to know that he is at Fez on business and as the Carriage of the Letters won’t leave this Place these 2 days, have again taken up my pen to Address you praying your Assistance speedily. Let what I’ve said above be addressed to you, and let what I have farther to say stand as appending. I shall here give you the Names of different Persons who will be my vouchers in this Melancholy Business videlicet: Captain Anthony Robinson London Willm Sherwood Liverpool47 Jno Dawson Esquire ditto Mr. Joseph Smith – London, or Mrs. Irving No 2 Pownel Square48 Liverpool in my absence. If my own Draught for whatever sum you expend on Account of my Cousin the Surgeon the Second Mate Mathew Dawson and myself seem to you insufficient, any or all of the above Gentlemen will pay it on demand. As for my Chief Mate, and the rest of my poor people, it would be dishonest in me to say I will redeem them as I have not the sum, but if your goodness extend itself towards them, the Whites particularly I am almost certain restitution will be quickly made. The people here tell me if you do not pay for me or get me Released, in Ten days I go out to the fields to work at the Corn. This you’ll Acknowledge to be hard. I was bred a surgeon Originally, and God knows how I shall endure it. We are not on Hostile Terms with the Moors, and I have a pass granted by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty therefore why are we detained my good Sir. Do what you can for us. Send me a Note relative to the Nature of our state, pray send it by a safe Conveyance. It will be thankfully Acknowledged by yours etc.

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Letter 12: 10 July 1789. John Hutchison, Vice-Consul, to James Irving at ‘Telling’, Morocco.49 Mogodore 10th July 1789 Captain James Irving Sir I have received your letter of the 1st July. I hope mine of the 7th has got safe to you. Your sollicitude for your release and liberty is natural. I only wish my power was equal to my desires to procure them. I promise you, you should not remain a momment, but my last letter will have instructed you that no money I could offer, and would chearfully advance, can effect the purpose without the intervention of the Emperor, who will be very soon informed concerning you. The Prince Muley Absolem is now here.50 I had immediate information conveyed to him of your situation and that of your people, and he immediately dispatched some horsemen to procure yours and their delivrance. I hope it will be soon effected. I am exceedingly sorry for your bad treatment. I hope it will be otherwise when Sheik Brahim receives my letter. I have again wrote him upon the subject. You seem to be very Apprehensive of your Cousin’s being sent to the Emperor. Nothing could be more favourable to him, and I heartily Wish you were all there now. You would have nothing to fear, and would presently be at liberty. The Emperor is at Morocco, and not at Fez as you have been informed. Be of good Cheer and keep up your spirits. Be Assured that I feel for you, as for a fellow subject under Misfortune, Which I will do everything in my power to Alleviate. I am very truely Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant John Hutchison Vice Consul Letter 13: 21 July 1789. James M. Matra, Consul General at Tangier, to William Wyndham Grenville in London.51 Tangiers 21 July 1789 No. 12 Sir, I have the honour to inform you that I have just received advice of the loss of the schooner Anna, James Irving master, belonging to Liverpool, who on the 26 of last May was wrecked on the Arab Coast, opposite the west end of Fuertaventura. The crew consisting of eleven people, were saved; two yet remain with the wild Arabs. The master, mate, surgeon and six men, are about four days from Mogodore, in the hands of Muly Abderhaman, an excommunicated son of the Emperor (his second) who remains independant of his father, and is maintained by the free Arabs.

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The Prince I hear has promised to release them, and I hope he will. Meanwhile I have given orders to supply them, by means of the trading Moors, with what necessaries they want, and shall make application to Court that they may be released as soon as possible: but I have some doubts of immediate success. The Prince will listen to no terms from his father on any occasion, and I am afraid that the Emperor will not readily consent to let anybody treat with his son. The latter has made frequent application to the Commerce for wine and brandy, which in consequence of the Emperors threats they were obliged to refuse, and probably now he will not part with the Christians, till he be well paid with the articles he wants, the supplying him with which in the state he is in with his father will be attended with great difficulty. In my application to the Court, I shall strive to obtain leave to purchase them myself. At this time there are eight French seamen in the hands of the Arabs, who will not sell them to the Emperor, and he has refused to let anybody else buy them. While I am writing this, I have received an express by which I learn that Muly Islemmed52 full brother to Jezid,53 and who hitherto has not been in favour, is just appointed to the command of all the south, in room of the favourite Abdslem, who being totally blind is to return to Court. It will be in that Princes power to assist me, and as I am certain he will, I shall write to him. When my express came away the Emperor had not written to Jezid. My friends inform me, that as there was no vessel at Mogodore of sufficient accommodations for finish[?], the Emperor means to write me for a frigate. I have the honour to be with the greatest respect Sir Your most obedient humble servant, James M. Matra. Letter 14: 21[?] July 1789. John Hutchison, Vice-Consul, to James Irving at ‘Telling’, Morocco.54 Mogodore 21st[?] July 1789 Captain James Irving Sir I received a few days ago, your letter of the 13th, and am happy to see that my last letter brought you some Consolation, and that your health and spirits are in some measure restored. It will give me the utmost pleasure to contribute to your ease and Comfort, whilst under restraint, and to your deliverance as soon as possible. I can Assure you that I am taking every step that may conduce to that end, and will continue my endeavours till it is Accomplished. You will therefore, I hope, keep up your spirits, and by frequent Communication with your People, endeavour to make them easy. I observe the severall triffling things you have taken of the Jew55 who will continue to supply you with what-

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ever you may think necessary for yourself and people. I am glad to see that you have lately met with a little better treatment. I have received a letter from Sheak Brahim, wherein he promises to behave well to you, and to use his endeavours in behalf of the rest of your people. To secure his good Offices I have sent him a Cloth Cloak he desired me to send him. It goes by this occasion, by which I have also sent 40 Cubits of Oznaburg linnen which the Jew will get made up as you may direct him. Mr. Wynne56 also sends you a few triffles, and you may be assured that every necessary should be sent you, were it not that any superfluity, would be either stole or taken from you, or that any superior Appearance would only tend to augment the difficulties of your redemption. I have received the Pass safe, and it shall be transmitted to the Admiralty Office, in order that the Bond for it may be canceled.57 I will take care in due time to furnish you with my Official receipt for it. I have wrote sometime ago to your Owner Mr. Dawson of Liverpool to acquaint him of your Misfortune. That however need not prevent your writing yourself, as a few lines in your own handwriting must give satisfaction to your freinds and Relatives. I hope you will soon have the pleasure of seeing them. I earnestly Wish it And am very truely Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant John Hutchison You may be Assured that as soon as I am at any certainty regarding your fate I will advise you. Write by every Opportunity, it will Amuse you. I think it would not be amiss you should write a letter to James M. Mattra Esquire His Majesty’s Consul General, setting forth your situation and craving his Assistance and Protection.58 It will at least bring you acquainted should you meet together. […] already informed of all the Circumstances of your case, and I expect his Answer every hour. Letter 15: 1 August 1789. James Irving to Mrs. Tunstall, his motherin-law, in Liverpool.59 Telling in Barbary August 1st 1789 Honoured Madam Start not, the Anna is lost, but thank God, we are all saved. We were carried ashore by a current on the 27th May last, on the coast of Barbary, opposite the Canaries Islands, and have been since that time amongst the Natives in a poor condition although healthy. Had I taken your advice and gone to Langholm this would not have happened, but it’s now too late, at that time I could not have

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relished it. Let us keep Popes opinion on events, whatever is, is right. Have Inclosed a letter to my Mary. Banish all doubts and fears, be chearfull and prepare her for the reception of it.60 Shall not in this, give you the particulars of the Unfortunate Accident, they would fill a Volume. We’ll talk them over in a Winters night. Fret not my good mother at this Accident which distresseth us most severely. We shall yet be as happy nay much happier than those who have only eat of the bread of prosperity. As Physic’s for the Bodys good designed, so Afflictions are the Physic of the Mind. My Duty to the Old Lady our Grandmother and most sincere Love to happy George. Heavens bless and protect you all. We shall yet be as comfortable as if nothing had happened. At present Gods will be done. Farewell. Honoured Mother Your unfortunate son J. Irving Need make no Apology for the Appearance of this. Necessarys for writing are neces scarce in this country. Compliments to Neighbours and all friends particularly the London ones. Letter 16: 1 August 1789. James Irving in ‘Telling’ in Morocco to Mary Irving in Liverpool.61 Telling in Barbary My Poor Dearest Girl, As a dream all our hopes and prospects are vanished. The Anna is wrecked and everything lost, Yet be reconciled to your fate, God’s will be done. Although the misfortune distresseth us most griveiously, yet by it I’ve learned what I never could have acquired by advice that to be happy is not be ambitious. I hope to be at home soon when we’ll talk over our toils and difficultys and be yet happy notwithstanding our poverty. Would advise you my pet if your condition admits of it to go spend some time with my father, no one will be half so welcome. Write to him and inform him of what has happened and ask his Assistance, he will chearfully give it.62 I shall [not] trouble you with the particulars of the Misfortune but will relate it to you at the fireside as soon as I get home which I hope will be soon. Happier are those who have no Ambition but toil Hedgers and Ditchers, than those who explore foreign Countrys for what too often eludes their grasp. I have now formed a firm resolution that if I get home and through Gods Assistance make another Voyage to retrieve what I’ve lost, that the […]od shall bring me up, if I live on Bread and Water. James and All the Crew are well. They stay about 30 Miles from this place. My Dearest Mary repine not, but be chearfull everything is for the Best. I might have missed this Shipwreck gone to Benin and Died there.63 There is no prying

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into the designs of Providence, he sees farther than we can and orders all aright. My Duty and Love to our Good family and while alive I am My poor dearest Girl Your Most Affectionate Husband J. Irving. NB Blessed be God Brother George did not go. Letter 17: 2 August 1789. James Irving at ‘Telling’ in Morocco to Mr. Hutchison, Vice-Consul at Mogador.64 Telling 2nd August 1789 Mr. Hutchison Esquire Copy Sir, I again address you to communicate what information I’ve received concerning my people. I received their theirs in answer to mine of the 13th two Days ago, and am very sorry to say, they write in bad Spirits. Their Master Prince Muley Abdrachman most certainly intends to free them from their distresses by being their murderer. They say that when they are Struggling under their burdens, and exerting their utmost strenght to accomplish their tasks, that he beats them most unmercifully and stands by till his Negroes beat them with Sticks. One of them has an Abscess in his hand that has penetrated through amongst the sinnews on the back of it, and the Surgeon is sick. His ailment is not mentioned, yet nothwithstanding, the same duty is expected from them. They must work if they die under their load. They also say that they scarcely obtain provision enough to Sustain life. They had saved by some means or other 7 or 8 Dollars, and one day being impelled by hunger offered one for anything that was eatable. As soon as he was informed thereof he ordered them to be Stripped and Searched, he found and took them from them. They also write me that 2 of the 6 pairs of Shoes that where sent them, he hath taken and put on the feet of his own Negroes, while they go barefooted, an Action that would degrade a peasant, nay a Highwayman, yet he deems it meritorious, as he laughed heartily at it. My master arrived here last night from Gulimeme where he hath been these 18 Days past, and hath brought with him one of the Blacks. He says that he hath also purchased 2 of the Sailors from Muley Abdrackman, but hath left them behind. He desires me to inform you that the price of each is Settled in all amounting on the Nine to 1200 Dollars, videlicet for the 7 with Muley Abdrackman, 900 and for the Black and I 300 Dollars. You best know what use to make of this information. I must tell you that my master positively declines any Business whatever with the Emperor. He Says, he only pays a trifling sum for Christians, and my master will be paid the Sum he now asks and in European Goods. How it will terminate Heaven knows. In spite of my fortitude I’m most unhappy, the prospect darkens as the time lengthens. I fear the Emperor

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hath either forgot us, or does not intend to redeem us. May God of his infinite mercy send our redemption soon, or their will be fewer of us to redeem in all probability, and the same money must be payd for us as if we had all survived it. The State of quiet and Serenity that I boasted of and thought had attained, is almost wore away, and two packets arriving within these few days, without any letter or good news, depressed me still more. Yet while I live I’ll hope (knowing that your best endeavours are and will be exerted in our favour) that some wellcome news will one or other of these days arrive. I had almost forgot to inform you that the 2nd mate and apprentice have been at Gulimeme but were taken away again on 13th ultimo the people here Still Say to Morocco. When I sit down to write to you, could write a whole quire but as I have nothing to say further than convey my feelings and anxiety after an Emancipation from my slaving shall therefore not tresspass on your Goodness, but write to Mr. Wynne and communicate the principal causes of my great unhappiness. I am Sir Your much Obliged and most obedient Servant Signed J Irving. P.S. My people wish very much to Change their Master and Supposed that much was in your power. Poor fellows. I heartily wish they had not been mistaken. My Master will not allow me to Close[?] the letter till I inform you, that the Muley Abdrackman means to Send them into the Gum Country65 if not redeemed soon. Have inclosed some letters for Liverpool in forwarding of which you’ll much oblidge J.I. An account of the Shipwreck you’ll see in Mr. Dawson’s or Captain Sherwood’s letters which after you have read do beg of you to Seall, and forward. Letter 18: 13 August 1789. John Hutchison, Vice-Consul, to James Irving at ‘Telling’ in Morocco.66 Mogodore 13th August 1789 s

Captain J Irving Sir I return your Courrier as expeditiously as possible to acknowledge the reception of yours of the 2nd. The Contents very much affect me, both on your Account, and that of your people, who, I am sorry to see, are so inhumanely treated. I do assure you that I have been doing everything in my power, And will continue my best endeavours for your deliverance. Mr. Mattra, the Consul General, is doing the same, and I hope that in a short time I shall have the pleasure of seeing you here, where you may be assured that your situation shall

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be made as easy as possible, and I hope you will meet with very short detention. I am truely sorry for the bad treatment your people meet with from the Prince with whom they are.67 I make no Observations on his behaviour, as they are but too obvious. You will see by his taking away the shoes from the Poor people, how useless it would be, to send any superfluities. And that consideration will I hope reconcile you to the deprivation of many necessaries I could wish to send you. The Jew Aaron I hope still continues to supply you with everything you may want, either for yourself or people. I have now to inform you of the steps that have been taken, And the success they have had with regard to your redemption. The Emperor being informed of your Misfortune, gave immediate orders to a Jew (Sintop Ben Attar) to send and purchase you at any price. The Jew is Willing, but has not the Power. I have wrote him to offer him every Assistance in my power, and that I will be Answerable for any difference there may be, betwixt the Emperor’s Allowance and your real ransom. I also now write to Sheak Brahim, that I accept of the proposition he makes of 900 Ducats for the people with Muley Abderhaman and 300 Ducatts for you and the other man who is with you, And that the money shall be paid as soon as you arrive here. I have Wrote the Jew to be bound for the Money, and to accompany you here, or send a proper person with you. In short, if the Twelve hundred Ducats will relieve you, and I have every reason to think it will, you have nothing farther to fear. Comfort yourself, and send Comfort to your People. Your second Mate and Apprentice are Arrived at Morocco.68 They are well. The Emperor has given them up to his son Muley Absolem, till the others arrive. I have Wrote the Prince, begging he would be so good as send them to me, And I hope to see them in a few days, And in the meantime have given orders to supply them with Necessaries. You will see by the above narrative, that I am doing everything in my power for you. I expect speedy and Agreable effects. Keep up your spirits, Comfort your people, and believe me to be with sincerity Sir Your most Humble Servant John Hutchison Letter 19: [28] August, 1789. John Hutchison, Vice-Consul, to James Irving at ‘Telling’ in Morocco.69 Mogodore […] […]ugust 1789 Captain James Irving Sir I have received your severall letters of the 12th, 17th and 22nd Current, the first by the Bearer, being the Courrier you sent, and I now return, who only delivered his letters the 26th. The last I received yesterday by one of the returned Cour-

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riers. I am glad to see that your Master was pleased with his Cloak, and that you felt some good effects from it. I wish he may continue in the same mind till you are out of his Power, which I have every reason to think, will be soon. I shall forward your letter for Tangier by first occasion.70 I see that your sensibility has taken an Alarm from my suggesting to you, the propriety of writing the Consul General. My suggestions did not proceed from any new difficulty that has, or can occur, but from my thinking it proper for every British Subject in this Country to apply for Protection to the person, who has His Majesty’s Commission for that purpose. I am sorry to see that the few things sent you begin to attract the avidity of your tyrants, and on that account, shall only continue my orders to Aaron, which you will make such use of as you please. I must beg leave to caution you not to make use of the term, Infidels, either in your letters or discourse, when speaking of the Moors. They look upon the term as the most oprobrious in their language, And as they have the power in their hands, it may Operate to your prejudice. You will excuse my Caution. I see your Master desires a little Tea and sugar. I send it by the Bearer who will deliver it to Aaron, and he to you, or Sheak Brahim as you choose. It is no great matter, and will help to keep him quiet. I am very glad to see that my letter of the 13th conveyed some Comfort to you. You may be as[…] that I write you nothing, but what had been executed, and what I firmly believed would have immediately taken place. There has intervened some small obstacle, which however will soon be obviated. When I wrote you, and made the proposition to Sheak Braham, it was, as you will see by my letter, in the intelligence that a Jew, Sintop Ben Attar,71 was commissioned by the Emperor to purchase you. My interference, was consequently under his supposed sanction. The Jew arrived here and informed me that it was true the Emperor had given him such orders, but had immediately withdrawn them, and desired his son Muley Absolem to do it. I was consequently obliged to stop farther proceedings till I am authorised either by the Emperor or the Prince, who is now at Tarrudant.72 I have Courriers absent to both on the business. I have made no scruple to inform you of the above Circumstances, lest you should imagine something worse. Your Captivity will, I hope, soon have an end. Mr. Dawson and the Apprentice are with me, the Prince having sent them to me on his leaving Morocco. Mr. Dawson I am sure would write you, but I have given him permission to go on board ship for a day or two, and he is not yet come on shore. I hope Sheak Brahim will be more reasonable than you seem to imagine, not that I believe he would be at all scrupulous about breaking his word, if he could get anything by it. With regard to the Frenchmen, I do not think they are purchased yet.73 There came a Frenchman here a few days ago, who has been long in the Country. He has been purchased here for Account of the Emperor for 110 Dollars. I hope soon to send you better news, and am very truely

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Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant J[…] […]tchison Letter 20: 11 September 1789. John Hutchison, Vice-Consul, to Captain Irving at ‘Telling’ in Morocco.74 Mogodore 11th September 1789 Captain James Irving Sir Since my last of the 28th August, yours of the 23rd and 3rd September have come to hand. I pay due Attention to their Contents although it has not been in my power to Answer them at large, nor will it now, on account of being very busy. I take due note of the double dealing and tergiversation of the people you are with. There is no remedy but patience, the exercise of which will not I hope be long necessary. As to Aaron, I know your Character of him to be true. Indeed I believe there is not an honest Jew in the Country. His Conduct as well as that of Sheak Brahim is naturall enough, All for self Interest, but we must make such use of them as we can. I have the pleasure to acquaint you, that I received a most favourable Answer to the letter I wrote [deleted] concerning you, to the Prince Muley Absolem. He says I may make myself perfectly easy regarding the Christians, And that they shall be with me in 15 days. He immediately gave orders to an Alcaide75 Mohd Dlimy to procure and send them immediately. I have the greatest hopes that the orders will be executed, And wait with much impatience to see the result. Your Masters views will also probably be Answered, As it is that same Alcaide or a Brother of his, who possest the Frenchmen, 4 of whom have been sent here, and from hence to Morocco, I believe in order to be sent to their Consul at Sallee. I am glad to see that some more of your people are with you. I do not Apprehend anything of the Prince Muley Abderhaman’s intention to send the people to the southward, or if he has, that His Brother’s Application will prevent it. I can say no more on that head, except that if I have not any satisfactory news when the 15 days are expired, I will again recur to the Prince. As to Aaron’s claim about the 16 Dollars, I think it by no means reasonable. It is however needless to enter any dispute about it at present, as the settling it must depend upon the final Adjustment, as well as the Sheak’s Claim about his horse. With regard to Aaron’s insisting about boarding you, I am not very sorry he should do so, as you will be better treated, and a triffle of expence more or less does not signify. I have formerly allowed people in your situation, so much per day in money to be paid into the Captains hands and to find themselves. Pray do you think you could venture to do so without a risk of the money’s being taken from you? I will give immediate orders as soon as you tell me what

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will be sufficient, but I hope we shall very soon have no occasion for it. I heartily sympathise with you and am sincerely Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant John Hutchison Letter 21: 27 September 1789. J.M. Matra, Consul General, Tangier to Captain James Irving at ‘Telling’.76 Tangiers 27 September 1789 Sir I have […] just received Your Letter of the 10 August.77 The moment Your unhappy situation was known, every effort was began for Your relief, and shall be continued till You are all released from the wretched state you are in. I am happy to find Mr. Vice Consul Huchison78 has found means to convey you a few necessaries. He has directions to supply You, with whatever can with safety be conveyed, and as I know his attention and humanity, I am certain you will have much reason to be content with his exertions. I have authorised him to pay the sums demanded for your Ransom, whenever the Arabs are willing to accept of it, which I hope by this time is done, as Prince Abslem has the Emperors authority to undertake the business, and to induce the Prince to be active in Your favour. I have promised, and now send an English Doctor down the Arab Country to attend to his Health, a place that I certainly would not have risked a Subject in were it not for the prospect of being useful to You and Your People.79 I am in hopes that You will receive this Letter in Mogodore, but if by any unexpected conduct in the Arabs, Your redemption should be delayed, do not lose Your Courage, for depend upon it, no time will be lost, nor no expence spared to procure the liberty of You and your People. I am Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant James M. Matra. Letter 22: 7 October 1789. James Irving at ‘Telling’ in Morocco to Mary Irving in Liverpool.80 Telling 7th October 1789 My Dearest Girl I wrote you sometime ago, which I hope you had received, giving you a short Account of my Misfortune, and my expectation of being soon at home. I have

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however been detained by one cause and another and Mr. Hutchison our good Vice Consul, and Mr. Atkinson Wynne another gentleman at Mogodore both of them Assure me by letter that we shall all very soon be at liberty to return home. Mr. Wynne hath been exceeding kind in sending me different things. Keep up your Spirits my good pet. I am in health and you may most assuredly expect me soon. Kisses, Duty and Love to our good friends singly and collectively. It will answer no purpose to enter into a detail of every occurrence since the Shipwreck as they would fill many Sheets. I am My Dearest Wife Yours Affectionately till Death J Irving P.S. Brother George is I dare say returned from his Voyage and sailed again. If you should write to him, remember me most Affectionately, as also to our friends in the North and South. I shall in all probability come to London, but do not mean to show myself as my condition will not be very pleasing to myself particularly. I shall write you the Instant I get my feet on my Native Shore. Letter 23: 1 November 1789. John Hutchison, Vice-Consul, to Captain Irving at ‘Telling’ in Morocco.81 Mogodore 1st November 1789 Captain James Irving Sir I had the pleasure of writing you the 15th and on the 17th. I received yours of the 7th which had no opportunity of Answering till now. I am glad you received the Medecines And that your fever has in a manner left you. I hope the other symptoms will have gradually disappeared.82 It also gives me pleasure to hear that Aaron has a little mended his behaviour. I hope you are by this time, or will be very soon out of his power as I have repeated letters from the Prince that I might fully depend upon your being all redeemed and immediately sent up to Morocco. I find he has been as good as his Word with regard to your Cousin and three of the People who were with you.83 I had a letter from Mr. Irving84 the 27th from Tarudant. They have received some little necessaries from a Frenchman at that place by my directions, and were to set out next day for Morocco where they are no doubt arrived. Mr. Clegg and the two others85 arrived there the 3rd. Every care shall be taken of them, for though they are not immediately under my Eye, they are in a situation much preferable to their former one, and where I can immediately render them every necessary Assistance. I hope your being left behind the others will not have affected you. I do not comprehend the cause, but suppose it must be owing to Dlaimy’s having no more money, than[?] purchased the other 3. I have again wrote the Prince,

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And as the surgeon Mr. Lempriere from Gibraltar is now at Tarudant86 there is no doubt but that you will immediately [deleted] join your People. I heartily wish it. Be of good cheer, Your deliverance I hope is near. I beg you will not make yourself uneasy about any Expences I may have been at, that matter will be easily settled. I only wish to be of service to you. Your letter for Mrs. Irving, was forwarded the 19th under Mr. Wynne’s Cover to the Ladies of his Family. I am sincerely Sir Your most Humble Servant John Hutchison Letter 24: 9 November 1789. George Dalston Tunstall to J.M. Matra, Consul General at Tangier.87 Honoured Sir Please to consider this my humble and distressing petition which not only concerns me for the welfare of a dear Brother in law but many others who have had their fond relations torn from them by being unfortunately wrecked upon that barbarous coast which from all accounts is so deserving of its title. Reflect Sir upon the distressed situation of a beloved Brother and his fellow sufferers as also of an unhappy only sister who labours under the greatest anxiety of mind for her Dear husbands liberty. His name is James Irving, he was Master of a small Schooner called the Anna belonging to Mr. Dawson merchant in this Town bound to the Coast of Africa but unfortunately getting into a strong current off the Isle of Furtaventura setting to the Eastward was hurled on shore near Cape Non. This event happened on the 27th of May about 8 o’clock in the evening, they continued by her till morning when she went to pieces, they then left her taking with them some provisions with an intent to travel to Santa Crose but were next morning taken by the Arabs and by them conveyed back into the Country. My distressed Sister received a letter from her husband dated Telling the 1st of August88 wherein he mentions that his case for some time has been very deplorable, and that the rest of the crew, which I believe consists of 15 are distant from him near a days journey. Honoured Sir your interest with the Emperor I have no doubt might be of infinate service in effecting their speedy release. Consider Sir they are all British subjects, and demands from those barbarians liberty. But fulfilling this the humble petition of a Young Sailor (who will be ever ready and willing to serve my King and Country upon all occasions as my late Farther who died at Madrass in the year 71 soon after my birth had the honour of doing as lieutenant in the Navy on board his Majesties ship the Orford) you will make the wretched happy. I remain Honoured Sir

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Your humble petitioner and one who will ever offer up his prayers for your safety, honour and welfare George Dalston Tunstall. Liverpool November the 9th 1789. Letter 25: 11 January 1790. John Hutchison, Vice-Consul, to James Irving in the city of Morocco [Marrakesh].89 Mogodore 11th January 1789 Captain James Irving Sir I received your favour of the 2nd with much satisfaction, as I began to be apprehensive that my letter with the parcell had miscarried, though that could hardly be the case, as the man that carried them, is well known to me, and has his family here. It is certain that we have both suffered by miscarriage of letters, but that inconvenience is now, I hope, over, as the conveyances are much more frequent and sure to and from Morocco than Tilling. Aaron I know is a rascall, so are they all, and entirely attached to their own Interest. I am well acquainted with their impositions, but there was no choice, or doing without them, so that we must have patience. Your receipts for the disbursements at Tilling have not yet reached me, nor have I received your letter informing me of the Conditions of your ransom. As to any future Claim it can noways concern us, they must settle it with the Emperor to whom we are only (under God) to look for your ultimate deliverance from this Country. I am very glad to see that the Prince was so considerate as to supply you with some necessary Cloathing. The Contents of the Parcell will, I hope, have also been of some service, and I now send you a Cloth Coat and Waistcoat and a pair of black Breeches, which were making when I received your letter. They are made after Mr. Wynne’s Measure, as I saw by your few lines to him that you were much of a size. The Cloth is the same I had made up for your Officers. I could find no better here. Mr. Matra is continually pursuing every measure that can lend to your deliverance. All our hopes at present center in what Mr. Lempriere may be able to effectuate by means of Muley Absolem. Should his endeavours fail, other means must be tried. Mr. Matra has sent home to Government a list of your Names, and there is little doubt, but that our Gracious Sovereign will write the Emperor to demand you, so that, at any rate you will not, I hope, be long in Captivity. I am glad your present situation is not disagreable to you, And that the necessary subsistence is not Wanting. If it should, I must beg leave to tell you, that it will be your own fault, as you will always find me ready and Willing to supply whatever may be necessary for yourself or People. In the same parcell with your Cloaths there is also 5 pair Trowsers and 7 Check shirts, which Mr.

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Clegg wrote me were necessary for the People. I would also have sent the 3 Jackets, but cannot get them ready for this occasion. As to hats, there are none to be procured here. If they can point out any succedaneum,90 they shall be supplied. As to the money part of the supply, Mr. Clegg and your Officers will have informed you, that the Emperor allows every person An ounce a day each, which, for the bare subsistence, I thought sufficient, Any other necessaries to be supplied by my order. To Mr. Irving, Clegg, and Dawson I allow an ounce91 per Diem extraordinary. Should you think any addition necessary to this Arrangement, you will let me know. With regard to yourself, you will make your own regulations for your necessary Subsistence. I have ordered the Jew who pays the others to supply you with what you may call for, And in case he should be absent, and have left nobody in his place, the Son of the Man at whose house your are at, Joseph Ban Mushee Ben Behé will supply you. Mr. Wynne has made a short trip to Portugal. Let me hear from you, by every occasion, and believe me to be very sincerely Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant John Hutchison My compliments to Mr. Clegg, Mr. Irving and Mr. Dawson. In the Box with the things there are also 10 pairs Old Stockings and an old Black hand[…]. Inclosed is a letter for Joseph Ben Behé from his Father. He will supply you with whatever you may want in case the other should be out of the Way. Letter 26: 18 January 1790. John Hutchison, Vice-Consul, to James Irving at Morocco [Marrakesh].92 Mogodore 18th January 1790 Captain James Irving Sir I received last Saturday Afternoon your letter of the 10th, by the Moor who carried you your small parcell. I hope the other Moor I sent with a Box and my last letter of the 11th, will have delivered both safe long before now. I principally write this at the desire of the Jew, who brought me your former letter, of whose departure however I was too late informed to be able to answer your letter at length. Indeed by what is reported here since yesterday, it would be needless, as it is reported that the Emperor intends immediately to send you all to this place, and to put you under the care of one of our Countrymen, a Mr. Layton (Milbank, as the Emperor calls him) a merchant here.93 Since you are condemned to stay in the Country for some time longer, I am glad you are to

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come here, as I hope you will find it, on many Accounts, more agreable than at Morocco, and it will always give me much pleasure Notwithstanding the Emperor’s putting you under the care of Another, to render you every service in my power. Mr. [deleted] Lempriere’s case is certainly extremely hard, but I hope it only proceeded from a Misunderstanding, and has been set to rights before now. If however he should be sent down with you, Pray give my Compliments to him and tell him I expect he will take up his lodgings with me, As the Emperor can have no right to treat him as a prisoner.94 I am sorry for the trouble you had with those thievish Jews. They did not however venture to make any Appeal to me on the business, nor did they even inform the Master of the house where you live about the matter, a sure sign of their guilt. My last will have directed you, in regard to any additional supply you may think Necessary for yourself. My Compliments to your Officers. I am very truely Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant John Hutchison. Letter 27: 31 January 1790. James Irving at Mogador to Mary Irving.95 Mogodore 31st January 1790 My Dearest Girl, I wrote you from the City of Morrocco three weeks ago, which I hope on your Account particularly is received.96 I have now the pleasure to tell you that after many difficultys and inconcievable hardships every one of us are got safe here in perfect health, and are under the care of our humane Consull Mr. Hutchison, who supplys us with Cloaths and the necessarys of life, so that nothing is wanting but the Emperors leave to visit our dearest connections and Native Country, which the Emperor himself told me he could not grant til our Gracious Sovereign shall write to him requesting it. This we daily expect as Mr. Matra, his Majesty’s Consul General at Tangier hath wrote a long time ago to the Secretary of States office concerning us.97 Be comforted therefore, my dear Mary and bear up under your sufferings with the fortitude of a good Christian, and to encourage you let me assure you that I am no longer a Slave and but enjoy my liberty in every respect (that of leaving the country excepted) and expect very soon to leave this country and to enjoy the smiles of Fortune once more. She hath Jilted me once but you know she’s fickle and may next time be propitious. Let us be virtuous and providence will uphold as, whom he loveth he chastiseth and afflicteth in order to render them worthy of his future care. Be cheerfull and repine not, my conduct will bear any Scrutiny however severe, and we shall flourish the more after our pruning. This is a most hospitable place. There are 7 Christian Mercantile houses

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here 3 of which are English and they seem to strive who to outdo each other in kindness and hospitality. My Good friend Mr. Wynne is at present on a Voyage to Malaga, have therefore not seen him. He corresponded a long time with me during my stay in the Arab Country at Telling and his and Mr. Hutchison’s kind letters contributed very considerably to my life and support. I dare now tell you what before I thought proper to conceal that my life through sickness during my Slavery had well nigh fallen a prey to it. Blessed be God I have fairly weathered all and enjoy good health and as good spirits as can be supposed after so severe a trial, the remembrance of which will never be erased. Mine once was the condition and this the Country to give a person a proper relish for the happiness Englishmen enjoy, to cure the Epicure and the Spendthrift and instill into them true notions of Oeconomy and frugality. I have been most anxious to know your state and how you have withstood the Storm of Fate, but as I have every prospect of being soon with you I think it will be improper to write now. Mr. Hutchison informs me that he wrote to Mr. Dawson instructing him how to get [illegible, two or three words], but as Mr. Dawson had [illegible, two or three words] […]pposed as it was very reason[…] [illegible, two words] […]uld not write, and perhaps you was not acquainted with the mode of conveying a letter. I shall therefore rest in hopes that providence watcheth kindly over you, and every one of you collectively. My constant prayers have been offered up for you all. Assure our Mother and Grandmother of my Most dutifull and Affectionate remembrance of them as also of my Dear Brother and fellow Tar,98 George, our Parents in the North and every other relation and friend. My Pet forget not to relieve their anxietys by letter. Inform them of James’s health and welfare he is grown in stature most amazingly.99 Farewell may God Almighty take you into his care and keeping is and shall be the constant prayer of My Dearest Girl Your most Affectionate Husband J. Irving P.S. in looking over some newspapers I see that the officers of the East India Company are ordered abroad. How does Uncle Anthony [illegible, three words] it is a very trying one. Letter 28: 25 March 1790. James Irving II to his parents in Langholm, Scotland.100 Mogodore in Barbary 25 March, 1790 Honoured parents, I now again sit down to let you hear that your unfortunate son enjoys good health and all that he can wish except the liberty to return to our native

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Country, but that blessing we expect very soon as Mr. Hutchison’s (the English Consul) Clark writes from Morroco which is the place which the Emperor resides at present that the Emperor has wrote to the Governor of Gibraltar for the loan of a Frigate to go to Alexandria with one of his sones who is going a Pilgrimage to Mecca which if the Governor will grant, and there is no doubt but he will the Emperor will deliver all of us up to him, and likewise allow the Trade of fresh provisions (duty free) from Tangier to Gibraltar which has been stopt for some time past.101 I therefore beg that you will give yourselves no concern about me as we are now in a Town, where there are Christian merchants and Shipping of different nations which are very kind to me and we live very well. Have a house to ourselves, got good Cloaths and alwise[?] money in our pockets and nothing to do but amuse ourselves, so that we are just as well as we could wish only loosing our time. I need say no more at present as I hope in a short time to be sitting at your fireside where I will tell you all that has happened to us since we came into Barbary. I need only say since we came here we have been very happy, with the thoughts in a short time of enjoying our long lost liberty and being again in our native Country. I therefore bid you adew with wishing all thats good attend you, Honoured Parents, I am, your very dutiful Son, J. Irving P.S. My Couzen joins in his love to you and my Brothers and other friends. J. Irving. N.B. I write this By an English Brig who sails in 2 Days. My Couzen writes to Mrs. Irving by the same vessel and desires here to write to Langholm. Letter 29: 26 March 1790. James Irving at Mogador to Mary Irving.102 Mogodore 26th March 1790 My Dearest Girl, An anxious care for your quiet and peace of mind induceth me to embrace every opportunity that offers to let you hear from me. In my last from this place I ventured to inform you of my present and part of my past condition. I have still ye same liberty and indulgence, and although am still I continue the Emperors property, yet have little reason to call myself a Slave, but rather a prisoner at large, restrained only from going aboard any Vessel or returning to my Native country and to you my poor sharer in Misfortune. I blame myself much for not instructing you in the method of getting a letter conveyed to me. Heaven only knows how anxious I am to hear from you. Ten long Months have elapsed since the fatal Shipwreck and not any letter from or Account of you has

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reached me. God forbid it should Arise from any other cause than from your ignorance of the conveyance. Mr. Hutchison our Vice Consul here at my desire wrote Mr. Dawson, communicating the disagreeable intelligence and put him in the method of writing to me should he have anything to say. I fear you were not informed thereof. Mr. Hesketh Esquire our late Mayor will forward your letters for me should I be redeemed before any of them reacheth me. The loss will be immaterial, but if they find me here will contribute much to my felicity. Inform me how Mr. Dawson received the Account of my Misfortune with other particulars, As also whether Uncle Anthony goes or is gone to India. A treaty103 is at present on foot between the Emperor and the Consul General respecting our release. How it will succeed or terminate I am uncertain only I can assure you that sooner or later it must end in our final release. My dear Girl my heart breaks for your destitute situation. How you are supported I know not neither do I know what advice to give. I have wrote to Captain Sherwood my good friend and requested his Assistance, should you find it necessary. Your poor Mothers resources must fail. I hope other friends forsake you not in the day of tribulation.104 God strengthen and support you all, despair not this is our day of trial. Providence will yet befriend us and restore me to you when I hope I shall be enabled to provide for you. The time I hope is not far distant when our present and past sufferings shall only be remembered for our benefit. We are all here and healthy except one of the Blacks who I gave an Account of in one of my former letters. Providence hath most wonderfully preserved us through a dreadfull series of hardships. He is able still to support us. Our distress is now only Mental which we endeavour to lighten as much as possible by reading and other Amusements. Our Grandmother, Mother and Brother George are most dutifully and Affectionately remembered as also our parents in Scotland. Write them concerning me and James. Assure them I am we are healthy and entertain strong hopes of being soon in my native country. Adieu for a while. Heavens bless and keep you is the daily prayer of My Dearest Wife Your most Affectionate but Unfortunate Husband J. Irving Mr. Wynne is not in this country at present. He went from here on a Voyage to Malaga. I long to see him, to thank him for his Attention to me when in Slavery. Direct me under cover to Messrs. Gwyn and Hutchison, Mogodore to the care of Mr. Jno Metcalfe Merchant London or to Mr. John Anthony Butler Merchant, Cadiz or to Thomas Gavino Esquire Gibraltar

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or to Messrs. Isaac Megueres and Co Ditto. Our Uncle Smith will put it into the hands of Mr. Metcalf […] […]ou have no reason to fear its miscarri[…]. Letter 30: 2 May 1790. Captain William Sherwood to an unnamed individual. Liverpool the 2nd May 1790 Sir, Not having the honour to be personaly Acquainted with you I must first beg your pardon for the liberty I take in addressing you. I next Beg Leave (with Mrs. Robinson, Mrs Tunstall and Mrs. Irving) to Crave the Indulgence […] forwarding[?] the Inclosed Copys of Letters from [illegible, two words]. He had the Misfortune to Lose a fine new Vessell on the Coast of Barbary as he was persuing his pass[…] out of this Port towards the Gold Coast of Africa. […] vessel belonged to Mr. John Dawson of this place, and although Mr. Irving has mett with this unfortunate Accident I know him to be as Carefull, Sober and Industrious a man as Ever Lived. I’ve had an Opportunity of knowing him well he haveing been two Voyages with me to Africa.105 If your Interest Can be of Any Service in Relieving him from this present Unhappy state and In Restoreing him to his Native Country I […] no doubt but you Chearfully would do your utmost[?] Endeavours for that purpose, for doing which you would be justly Entitled to the Gratefull thanks of him, his family and of Sir Your much Obliged and Obedient Humble Servant W. Sherwood The Inclosed letters Mrs. Irving and myself will Thank you to forward to Mr. Metcalfe as soon as possible and Mrs. Irving no doubt will be anxious to hear of their Welfare. [There is a note in different handwriting appended on the letter as follows:] […] from Captain Sherwood who is supposed to be one of the most respectable commanders in the African Trade and from the above Port and in the Employ of Messrs. Baker and Dawson. Letter 31: 8 June 1790. James Irving at Mogador to Mary Irving in Liverpool.106 Mogodore 8th June 1790 My Dear Girl I wrote you 5 days ago by a Brigg belonging to Pulhely in Wales107 and bound

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for London, the Master of which showed us many civilitys while he lay in the harbour. In it I gave a loose to the sense of our situation, and the little attention showed us, either by our friends or by our Court. Should I in the heat of my Chagrin from the sensibility of my heart have said anything to hurt your feelings, I flatter myself you will be very ready, my suffering partner to forgive me. I have nothing to communicate to you of the nature of news, as my last explained my prospects and expectations. The Emperor is expected at Morocco in 20 Days when he will be again solicited by Mr. Hutchison Esquire, His Brittannick Majjestys Vice Consul here. I am under many obligations to that Gentleman who hath used every means in his power to alleviate our Afflictions, as hath also his partner Commercial partner Mr. Gwyn. Mr. Wynne who I mentioned in some of my letters, as having corresponded with me, and sent me some necessarys whilst I was in Slavery at Telling, is not yet returned from Malaga but is daily expected as a War with Spain is rumoured about. My Dear Mary, it is a most melancholy truth that it is entirely out of my power to assist you in any respect. I can only pray for you, and trust to friends and a benevolent world for your Support. O! the reflection is a cutting one, but the will of Heaven be done. Had I the liberty of Acting I doubt not but my endeavours are fully adequate to produce a tolerable support for us. That day through the help of providence will yet come and all shall be well. I live on the hope of obtaining my release and receiving letters from England. I hope you have a Dozen at least on their way hitherward. My Officers and people continue in health and are still with me. Our Good Mother, Grandmother, Brother George are most affectionately remembered, as are also every relation and welwisher. Respectfull compliments to Captain Sherwood and family, Linton, Maxwell, Amon[?] etc. etc. etc. I have wrote to Scotland to the Old folks there, and shall continue to let you hear from me by every opportunity, while I am My Dear Girl Your most Affectionate And Forlorn Husband J. Irving Letter 32: 9 August 1790. James Irving at Mogador to Mary Irving.108 Mogodore 9th August 1790 Dearest Wife I wrote you about a month ago and could not at that time give you any very flattering hopes of our being immediatly released. I can now with much satisfaction inform you that I and my Crew have at last obtained our final discharge from this Country, and expect to leave it in a month or 5 Weeks in the Brigg Bacchus Captain Prouting, at present lying in this Road and bound to London. I

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dare say my Good Girl you’ll feel as happy as I do on the termination of my bondage, which I have weathered with ten Thousand difficultys. Such a severe Affliction happens seldom and one such trial in a mans life, is more than sufficient to prove his fortitude [deleted]. On my Arrival in London should it please God, I’ll write immediately, as it will not be convenient for me to come directly for Liverpool for many reasons. 1st my shabby Appearance, 2nd the loss of my Certificate as a Surgeon, which it will be necessary (let whatever may happen) to get renewed, and 3rd my uncertainty with respect to the state of you and family as also of Mr. Dawsons sentiments. But you may be assured on these difficultys being removed, I shall make the best of my way for Liverpool. We are all well. Love, Duty and best respects to Our parents, George and everyone who you have found friendly. Farewell, I am still Dearest Wife Yours most Affectionately J. Irving A list of James Irvings cloths 1 Coat, waistcoat and Breeches 1 pair of Black Sattin Breech 1 Shirt 3 Neck cloths 2 Pocket Handkerchiefs 1 Pair of Black silk stockings 3 Guinea cloths 2 Pieces of Nonkeen109 8 silk handkerchiefs Letter 33: 22 September 1790. Christopher Robson in Liverpool to William Graham, a physician in Gibraltar.110 Liverpool September 22nd 1790 My Dear Doctor Graham I have this Afternoon been solicited to write you by a Vessel that sails for Gibraltar Tomorrow. Had I known of the Opportunity would have wrote if it had been only to tell you of my welfare, which at all times I know you will be glad to hear of. The inclosed is a letter that I beg your utmost attention to get it forwarded through Channel so as poor Irving may Receive it. Its on a case of Humanity. I know you have a good Heart, and the feelings of a man and will use your utmost Endeavours to find an Opportunity which never has been yet, that he may Recive this. Hear now I’ll tell thee. About the time we was taking the fresh air last Summer in the Boarders and sporting Among the rose buds on the banks of the Esk111 Jimmy Irving got the Command of a Schooner to go the

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coast of Africa. Three weeks after he left Liverpool run ashore in the Night on the Coast of Barbary. The natives Siezed the Vessel, himself and crew and marcht them into the interior parts of the Country and made Slaves of them. To recount the Hardships they underwent would be too tedious and give no pleasure to the feelings of Willy Graham. Chance, gave him an Opportunity to write to the English Consul at Mogodore who used his Interest so far with the grandee there as to get them made prisoners on parole at Mogodore. Since Mr. Irving has been at Mogodore Mrs. I has heard from him often and has as often wrote, as well as many more of his Friends here but he never has Recivd any of the letters, though they have been sent from the Secretary of States office to the Consul at Mogodore. In his last letter he wrote with an unusual gloom over his spirits, and thinks his Friends now in the time of Adversity has forgot him. His Sweet Charming little sensible wife, who has brought him a son since his Departure, is the most unhappy of woman. I shall say no more on this Subject as I am sensible everything that lies in your power will be done. I arrived the 18th Instant from Africa and the West Indies in good health and high spirits, and have the pleasure to tell you the Merchants has given me the Ship and I shall sail again in the course of three weeks or a month as – Captain.112 I shall not have time to see my […] in the country, have not Heard from them yet. When you write to Longtown113 after Receiving this Mention if you have had any opportunity of forwarding the inclosed or write Mrs. Irving. Direct to Captain Mrs. James Irving Liverpool. I Conclude my Dr Graham wishing you every success […] and Enjoyment in this life, and am with the greatest respect your […] Humble servant. Chr. Robson. It is universally thought here there will be no war. Letter 34: 26 October 1790. James Irving in Dartmouth to Mary Irving.114 Dartmouth in Devonshire on Board the Brigg Bacchus My Dearest Girl Heaven only knows the satisfaction and pleasure I now feel in once again being at liberty and having it in my power to address myself to from a place in England. We put in here this forenoon in want of provision and shall sail again for London the first fair Wind.115 It is at present contrary but may shift soon. We shall be oblidged to ride Quarantine at Standgate Creek in London river for a few days so that I shall expect to meet your letter either there or at London directed to the care of Mr. Smith our Uncle who will get it forwarded to me. If you knew my Anxiety to hear from you, you would dispatch a Cupid post haste

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to relieve me. I shall be on Tenterhooks till I hear of your welfare, which pray Heaven I may soon hear of. Should now be tolerably happy were it not for too acute a sense of our poor and dependant condition, but I trust we shall soon lift our heads and enjoy a comfortable state of Mediocrity, however embarrassed we may be at present. My Officers are all with me, but we have many fears of being carried on board some of his Majestys Ships. How to steer clear I’m very much at a loss to invent. Dear Girl I am well assured we ly under many great and heavy obligations to our Mother and perhaps some others. At present can only say that I entertain a just sense of them and hope soon to be able to repay them all. Kiss them all in my name. I believe they will all partake of the joy you’ll feel on this occasion. My love and duty to our Mother, Grandmother and George, most particularly and Affectionately and also to every relation and friend who you have tried during our long scene of adversity. For a little while farewell and believe me My Dearest Girl Your most Affectionate although Unfortunate Husband J Irving P.S. I am badly off with respect to cloaths, but I’ll make a shift somehow or other. Let me know Mr. Dawsons sentiments with respect to me. Should transmit him the protest of self and Officers but think it more safe do it from the place where we ride Quarantine. Letter 35: 6 November 1790. James Irving at Stangate Creek in London to Mary Irving.116 Stangate Creek, November 6th 1790 Dearest Girl I have only just time to inform you that I arrived here this morning in health God be praised. We shall ride Quarantine 4 or 5 Days and then proceed to London to discharge the cargo. In the meantime I expect your letter on my Arrival there. Have wrote to our friend Mr. Smith to endeavour to procure some sort of protection from the press Gangs as it is very hot.117 I hope however to escape and be blest with a happy Meeting. Pardon my brevity, the Quarantine Boat is come alongside for the letters. Duty and love to our Mother Grandmother etc. etc. Heaven bless you I am Dearest Girl Your most Affectionate Husband, J. Irving.

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N.B. I wrote you from Dartmouth as also Mr. Dawson. Write for Gods sake. Most Beloved Wife, I have broke open the Letter to acknowledge the receipt of yours of 30th October brought alongside by the Quarantine Boat. I’m unable to express my most extreme Joy and happiness and my gratitude to our benificient Creator for his bounteous mercys in keeping and preserving you and our Infant in your day of trial and under the distresses that oppressed you. The Almighty will never forsake those who put their trust in him. Neither your letters, nor Uncle Anthonys nor Captain Sherwoods, have I at any time received, but am most gratefull to them for their great Attention to you and shall by first occasion assure them of it. Do you however in the meantime pay your respects to them in my name. I have received here 2 letters from good Mr. Smith wherin he informs me that he hath procured protections for me and officers and shall send them down the moment he hears of my Arrival. There is an instance of extreme benevolence. Happy should I be were it in my power to repay him. Shall trouble him for some supplys as soon as I get to London. My pride and independant spirit is considerably humbled. Misfortunes my Dear Mary are unavoidable, better fortune yet awaits us. Rejoice with me and my Cup will be full. My daily prayers are offered up for you, our Babe, Mother and Grandmother, also our friends in the North and elsewhere. Again may God bless you. J Irving Have requested Mr. Smith to write Mr. Robinson (if in England) and assure him of my gratefull sense of his friendship and the Attention he has showed you. Respects to Mr. Gibbins etc., etc., etc., etc., etc. You know who is who. I do not[?]. You have sense and Opportunity to thank our friends. I want perhaps both. Again may God bless you. JI How is Brother George, you never mentioned him. James love and respects. Put a wafer in Mrs. Sherwoods Card. Letter 36: 12 November 1790. James Irving in London to Mary Irving.118 London 12th November 1790 My Dear Mary It gives me much pleasure to address you from our good friend Mr. Smith’s fireside where I moored myself late last night in tolerable health with a heart as light as a cork, owing in great measure to the pleasing Accounts your letters conveyed. I have strong hopes of being with you in a few Days, as I shall not

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stay one hour longer here than is unavoidable. Another circumstance also affords me much comfort, videlicet, the receipt of a letter from Mr. Dawson with £20 inclosed. This is a good Omen and will enable me to go to Liverpool in some degree of decency and also to Assist my Officers up there. My dear Girl be assured I long most Ardently to be with you and our little lad. He may in a future day with Gods blessing be a Comfort to us and conduce to render our toils and hardships supportable. Tap, Rap, goes the Knocker, and a letter for Mr. Jas Irving. It is yours and our good Mothers of the 12th Ultimo. You see I have above anticipated the Answer. Shall only add that if you knew my feelings, you would have no reason to inculcate haste. Mr. Smith and I are this minute going to a Cloaths shop where I mean to get myself pretty well rigged, and cast of the Arabic Rags that as I thought il-fitted me. Love duty and compliments are unnecessary. May God bless you all prayeth fervently My Dear Mary Your most Affectiona[…] J Irving Honoured Mother Your maternal anxiety for my welfare and Your care of mine during my Captivity are gratefully felt by Your most Loving and Dutyfull Son J Irving X Mrs Tunstall X My Great Grandmother James C. Irving119 Letter 37: 2 January 1791. James Irving II to his parents in Scotland.120 North West Buoy, 6 miles from Liverpool, January 2nd 1791 Honoured Parents, I duly received yours of the 21st Ultimo in answer to mine of the 17th. You said you were surprised I did not mention in my last the Articles best for you to send me. The truth was I did not think you were in a condition to supply my wants. Therefore I would not write, as I knew you would straiten yourselve in order to supply me. My heart forebad me and told me not to ask what you had got by the Sweat of your Brows. I likewise received the Bundle and everything in it safe. I also had a letter from my Brother Simon.121 He desired me to write to him before we sailed which I have not done which I hope hee’l excuse[?] for 2 reasons. The one because I had nothing to write worth his notice, the other

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because ever since I received his we have been very busy loading the Vessel etc. I suppose before you have read this far, you will be saying that I am gone away without telling you where I am gone to or anything else. I therefor will tell you as well as I can. We are Bound for Anamaboe in the Gold Coast, discharge what goods we have for that place and set sail from it again within 48 hours after we arrived. Then we are to call at Lagus,122 Accra and other parts whose names I have forgot. We are then to go down as far as Benin River and stay a day or two and then go back to Anamaboe from which place we are to sail for the West Indies.123 My wages is £4 Sterling per month besides if it please God we make a good voyage, I expect to get head Money, and if we only bury 6 slaves my Couzin will receive £100 and I £50 Bounty. If we bury not more than 9 slaves my Couzen will receive £50 and I £25 bounty.124 I don’t expect we will be out less than 12 Months, although my Couzin says 10 months. However don’t let that trouble you as it makes no difference provided we keep our health, as I hope we will. I will now tell you a story in return to my Brothers of the Spanish Cobler. A little while ago there happened to be a gale of wind in the Channel, and I heard it myself reported for truth by some as respectable people as any in Liverpool that the Globe Cutter with 150 impressed men on board, a Scotch sloop, a vessel belonging to Liverpool and several other Vessels foundered in the Channel and all hands perished. This was all falsehood to the disgrace of humanity invented by some malitious persons on purpose to make people unhappy who had any friends or relations in the vessels. You may also remember that Nickol Taylor wrote from London about 4 years ago that my Couzen was dead.125 I mention these falsitys to put not only you but also all the people at Langholm upon their guard against such vague reports who has any friends or Relations Abroad. I will now conclude with wishing God will Bless you, my Brothers and other relations, which will always be the prayer of Honoured Parents, Your ever Dutiful Son, Jas Irving. P.S. I was going to fill the other leaf side with Compliments, but I have not time to write so you may give them as you think proper. Don’t forget to tell my Brother to give my compliments and sincere well wishes to Wm. Scott, Hawick Miln. N.B. The Pilot puts this in the Liverpool post-office. J.I.

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Letter 38: 25 January 1791. James Irving, anchored near Ulverston, to Mary Irving.126 Piel Fowdrey127 January ye 25th 1791 My Mary As there is a prospect of a Brigg sailing for Liverpool tonight, I could not neglect the opportunity to inform you that I am still here without any prospect of getting away, the wind contrary and blowing hard. My spirits are but low owing to so long detention, but my health is unimpaired. God grant you may be as well with our dear Jamie, Mother and Grandmother. Pray write me, as I’m anxious about you. Let the letter take its chance. Direct care of Mrs. Postlethwaite [illegible, two words] Ulverstone, it will be sent down. You know the pleasure your letters afford, they give as much now, as heretofore. I know I […] not remind you of gratitude to relations […] other worthy friends. I had a letter from Mr. Dawson the other day. He seems anxious to have me sail, but knows it impossible. I am with all the affection you justly merit. My Mary, Yours Unalterably, J. Irving In one of mine from this place, I expressed a wish to see a copy of the Policy of Insurance. Send one if you can, Mr. Dawson hath not insured. I’m very well supplied with officers, particularly the first and second mates, videlicet, Mr. Patton and Mr. Winter.128 Letter 39: 2 February 1791. James Irving, anchored near Ulverston, to Mary Irving.129 Ship Ellen Pile Fowdrey February 2nd 1791 My Dearest Girl, This day yours of the 27th January was duly received. It always gives me as much Comfort and Delight as you can conceive, to hear from you, and of your health. The Indisposition of our sweet and darling little Lad I confess distresseth me, yet I hope God Almighty will deal tenderly with him and we shall both be thankfull and happy. May I hope you’ll not be anxious about the state of the Vessel as I have no doubt of doing well and making the Voyage prosperously. Thank heavens for my being in port as the weather hath been most severe particularly yesterday (Tuesday) when we had as violent a storm of Wind as perhaps ever blew. This day the aspect of the Weather is changed and I have some hope of being able to put to sea, yet I doubt it only flatters. While I am writing it begins blowing from the North West. Pray God send a change as our

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Anchors could scarsely hold us. I fear not my health my Mary, be not uneasy on that Account. Mr. Welsh I know and have proved to be a friend. His readiness to do that business, will manifest it. Have not got a Carpenter, but shall make a shift without one. Mr. Dawson I know will excuse me if I cannot fulfill his orders with respect to the Boat, the Little Devil,130 I mean. As I have been so long detained and retarded contrary to my inclination you may be assured not one Single Tide shall be lost and the Ellen shall go to sea on the least prospect of getting round Holyhead. There are 24 sail of Vessels here, bound to the Southward and Westward and if you hear of one of them going to Sea, say it is the Ellen. Have had some little trouble with my people, but shall tie them, in spite of all their machinations. My Third Mate Mr. Bailey has proved a Rascal. I watched him one night and caught him ready to get from alongside, with his Cloaths and two of the people. On presenting a Pistol to his head he ran and I secured him. He was shipped a stranger although he belongs to Liverpool. My Dear Girl when you write again, pray tell me what Ships are sailed since I did (Guineamen are meant) and when. I think none could. If they did they must have fared worse than the Ellen has. Take every opportunity to call on Mr. Horriban, he will tell you all African news. Visit for once or twice Mrs. Patton, my mates wife. He deserves that attention as a good officer and Scholar although a Cooper. When you write mention her. Many kind compliments to Uncle Anthony. Hope Mr. Smith has received my Narrative.131 Many Compliments to him as a worthy friend. Forget not the good Lasses his daughters. Forget not our parents in Scotland. In short remember me to everyone who you find a true friend, the Sherwoods132 and Forbesses133 particularly, also Lintons134 and Maxwell.135 I am confident they are so. I presume Frank Harrison hath not come to Liverpool. Shall again say fear me not. I am an old Veteran in hard service and defy hardship. Had I been a Coward, had been dead many Years ago. Mind plenty of News and Guinea Friends. I wrote to Scotland from this place [illegible, two words] would be […] from me. Shall now conclude with much duty, Love and respect to Mother, Grandmother and our most worthy Brother George. I have not a friend I more Value. Should you see Mr. Gibbons136 Offer my respects. Believe […]e constantly My Dear Mary Yours most Affectionately J. Irving. Mr. Andw Irvings137 Letters, were missed. Pray send to Mr. Beggs […] 7 [illegible, two words] and send them to me if the Wind continues Westerly or N.W. Am sorry to go without them. February 3rd I this moment received yours of the 28 January. Good God how undesiredly have I offended Mr. Welsh. I would

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sooner have forfeited my right hand than suspect him or give him a cause […] doubt my Integrity. Shall write him. Letter 40: 14 June 1791. Captain James Irving in Africa to Mary Irving.138 Ellen off Benin Barr June 14 1791 My Dearest Love, How happy am I to say I have received your 2 kind letters by the Princess Royal and Brothers139 with the most welcome of all tidings, your, our Parents and little Jammie good health. That the Almighty may long preserve you, so is my daily prayer. My good, nay best of Girls, will be happy when she is informed that I am healthy, a state I have been in since I left her. Brother Georges was also received. He will yet be an honour and ornament to the family, this I propheccy, although not inspired. Remember me most affectionately to him. This line goes by the Brothers to be forwarded from Bonney.140 She is under sail going down, am therefore oblidged to cut this very short as I shall write you in two or 3 Days by the Maria, and a very long letter. Indeed, when I sat down I meant to make this a long one but the ship getting under weigh leaves me no time. I know my pet you’ll excuse me if I conclude with Love and Duty to Mother, Grandmother and a kiss to Jamie. Gratefull respects to our Friends, Sherwoods etc. May Heavens keep you till the day comes when your Company and Arms shall bless My Dearest Love Your ever Affectionate Husband J. Irving J.I. and Mr. Patton are both well.

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Part Three

Journal of James Irving’s Shipwreck and Enslavement, May 1789–October 1790

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A Narrative

Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann Captain Irving

Which was wrecked on the Coast of Barbary, on the 26th of May 1789, the Crew sold for Slaves; continued in that state untill January 1790, were detained at Mogodore,1 to August 1st arrived at Dartmouth,2 on the 26 of October 1790. /1/ 1789 May 3rd at 4 A.M. weighed and sailed from Liverpool, with a moderate favourable brieze3 which ran us as far as Bardsey Isle, in St. George’s Channel, when it fell calm, and soon after sprung up from the south west, blowing strong with thick rainey weather. In consequence of which, we ran for St. Studwal’s Road, where we anchored on the 5th Instant.4 On the 7th sailed again with a light brieze at S.E. which failed again at noon: Bardsey Bearing N.N.E., where a Revenue Cutter Boarded us in the afternoon,5 the wind freshened again from the westward, varying to the N.West till the morning of the 8th, when the atmosphere became exceeding thick, and the wind settled at west a strong brieze. We continued plying down the Channel till the 10th when we made the land [deleted] at Padstow, in the Bristol Channel,6 the brieze dying away to a calm, but soon sprung up /2/ to the Eastward, which continued fresh and favourable till it carried us into Latitude 46° 30' Longitude 9° 30' west; when it again varied into S.W., and blew a hard gale.7 We close reeft our fore Sail, and Laid the Vessel to the Sea, which was yet exceeding high. Our vessel behaved exceeding well, and very agreably deceived us all. Every trifling shift of wind was carefully watched, in order to [deleted] wear8 and Lay her on the best tack for bowing the Sea. The gale lasted 2 days, when it moderated gradually, and shifted to the westward, so that we could carry a little sail standing to the Southward. We were now blessed with fine weather, although the wind continued at N.W. On the 18th it varied into the N.W. pleasant weather.9 On the 19th in the morning saw the land between Carruna10 and Cape Finister,11 and at noon observed 2 or 3 miles to the Southward of it that the shore was distant 4 leagues.

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From the 18th till the 22nd, the wind was very favourable, when we made the Burlings.12 At noon got a good observation abreast of them, distance 2 or /3/ 3 Leagues, from whence we took a departure for Alegranza or Lancerota,13 Distance 654 miles, Variation 18 or 19 Degrees westerly, Compass course S.W. by South. But on account of a constant inset in this tract of ocean, we kept a little to the westward. In the afternoon saw several Vessels runing for Cape Roxant.14 The wind was now settled at North, and a prospect of fine weather. On the 24th and 25th examined our compasses by Azimuth and equal altitude of the sun,15 and found our wooden one to vary 17°, and the one we steared by (a brass one)16 only 13°, that our true course was consequently 4 degrees more westerly.17 On the 26th observed in Latitude 29° 06' North Longitude per Account 13° 20' West,18 or according to Books and Charts a few Leagues to the westward of Alegranza, the N. Eastmost of the Canary Islands, the weather was clear but no prospect of land. Having duly considered the course and compass steared by, there was a strong presumption of our being to the westward of the Islands; in consequence of that opinion, the Vessel was steared South, with a view to make Lancerota19 or Forteventura,20 before /4/ night; however 6 P.M. came without any appearance of either, although we had run 34 miles, we were baffled in our expectations, and were unanimously of opinion, that an Easterly currant during our run from the Burlings had deceived us, and that we were certainly to the Eastward of the Canaries, however unaccountably it had happened; but being fully persuaded thereof, we hauled S.W. by South W. till sunset (7 P.M.) distance for that hour 7 miles,21 and although we were favoured with clear weather, could see no land from the masthead. We had then no doubt of our being between the Canary Islands, and the Barbary shore, and in order to avoid the probability of danger, steered W.S.W. till 11 P.M. when the sky that had been clear till then became a little cloudy, and the wind again freshened. The jibb and square sails were taken in and furled and the Vessel hauled up W. by S. the watches were placed in the [deleted] proper stations for looking out:22 midnight came without the least shadow of land or danger, the watch was releived, some betook themselves to sleep while others went to their respective stations, as /5/ happy a ship’s company as perhaps ever sailed. But alas! how fleeting our felicity. I had not left the Deck 10 minutes, when I heard the man at the helm say, the water looked comically. Much alarmed at the expression, I jumped on deck and was met by a very heavy sea, that fell on board. We instantly endeavoured to haul the Sheets aft, and bring her to the wind which blew fresh at N. or N. by W. But the Breakers fell on board so heavily, and followed one another so quickly, that she soon lost head way, and struck in the hollow of the Sea so very hard, that the rudder went away in a few seconds. She bounced with every wave so far to Leward that she lifted very little, but

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fell with such shocks, that we expected every minute to find her part asunder, or overset. In about 10 minutes she filled, and the danger of oversetting being thereby greatly increased, we cut away the main mast, and hove everything of any weight, (that lay upon Deck) overboard in order to prevent it. She lay for some time bow to Sea, which /6/ considerably prevented her breaking to pieces. I shall not attempt to explain our shocking, heart rending situation; you are capable of feeling what sensations occupied our minds, when our Vessel, which we were lately so happy in, lay buffited with heavy Breakers. Already biuldged, and full of water; no Land or Strand in view, and 3 long tedious hours to pass before daybreak. The fate of my late worthy friend Pasley immediately got root in my reflection,23 and life was almost indifferent to me.24 Soon after she filled something was discryed to Leward. One supposed it land, another smooth water within a reeff that we had got upon. In a little time however we were all convinced that it was land. A Tub that had been thrown overboard showed itself and was at first taken for a Bush. As the tide ebbed it appeared plainer. A Raft was proposed, wherein to take our chance, but as there was a probability of her sticking together till daylight, all agreed to stay on board. Daylight, long looked for, came at last, and presented to us a long flat white sandy shore, at the /7/ distance of a Cables length. There was now only about 4 feet of water alongside, and the tide ebbing fast. About sunrise, waded ashore, and took a view of it, to the Eastward and Westward. Nothing but an uniform flat Sand at high water mark, and ragged rocks at low, bounded by a high breaker and heavy surf. appeared25 We also examined the Vessel’s bottom, and found her keel entirely beat off, from stem to stern, 2 long holes bulged in her starboard [deleted] her water way and side opened, and all hope of doing anything with her, or even putting to sea being was now lost. The Boat being vanished, we unanimously agreed to travel by land to the Eastward in hopes of reaching Santa Cruz,26 or falling in with some hospitable inhabitants. In consequence of this resolution, it was deemed proper to save the dollars, if possible.27 They were accordingly brought ashore, with some water and provision. May 27th About 9 o’clock fore noon, began our march along the shore, and in about an hour after, saw the print of a human foot in the Sand.28 Before this discovery, we had beleived the Country was uninhabited. During the day’s journey we passed /8/ several pieces of wrecked Vessels, and sometimes fell in with tracks made with the feet of Camels, and among them the print of a dog’s foot. All these discoverys tended to confirm the opinion of there being inhabitants in some part of the Country; although you could not conceive a more striking picture of a desert and wilderness. Nothing met our eye but a boundless light sand, driving before the wind Northerly wind that accumulated in some places

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into impassable hills, generally bare, although where the shore was steep and rocky, the Country inland produced several succulant weeds on which we imagined the Cattle, the prints of whose feet we had seen, must feed. With much dificulty we kept on foot till 6 in the afternoon, exceedingly fatigued with traveling on the loose sand. When we discovered a hanging or projecting cliff that formed a kind of Cave, here we resolved to lodge all night. Accordingly pieces of wreck were gathered and a fire made, round which we warmed /9/ ourselves, as the night was chill. We paired ourselves in order to keep watch with a loaded Blunderbuss that we had brought from the ship, to defend us from the wild Beasts. May 28th Started early in tolerable spirits, having strong great hopes of our meeting with a river according to our Charts.29 But alas! They were erronious. No river appeared: and our stock of water being also expended, except about half a Gallon, which we determined to save as a medicine, should any of us be taken sick, or unable to proceed. The shore was now pretty high, and formed by a perpendicular rock. The Sea washing its bottom, so that we could no longer keep the Sea on board; but were obliged to travel on the precipices, where we had an extensive view of the Country, which was a brown trackless Sand, with some herbs sprouting here and there. About 10 forenoon perceived living animals at a great distance, and soon after observed a flock of sheep, and almost at the same instant 2 or 3 people runing from us over a small /10/ eminence of Sand. We were now full of anxious hopes, fears, resolution and cowardice; a strange medley of sensations. Some dropping astern, others pushing ahead. In this situation of mind, three copper coulered naked savages appeared before us, on the top of the rising sand, running at full spead, and shouting hidiously. They were followed by a whole tribe, some armed with long knives, others with muskets. You cannot conceive a scene more shocking (at least were you the victim on which it was practiced). We were seized by the throats, our little Bundles and neck handkerchiefs instantly taken from us. They cut and tore the cloaths from our backs, and they showed such a frantick rage for the plunder, that the weakest of them, who in all probability would get small share of it, attempted to stab us. I for my part was struck at with a large dagger, several times, and must either have been murdered or terribly mangled, had not a strong man who had got possession of /11/ me, defended me, till he was wounded in the arm; the Ysailant then sheathed his weapon, and was allowed share of the plunder. During this scene of rapine, I had frequent opportunities of seeing my unfortunate ship-mates served in the same manner, and fresh parties of Arabs coming from Tents that lay at a great distance (whether of the same tribe or not, I am ignorant)30 occasioned a repetition of the scene several times, till we were striped almost naked. The savages who had possession of us, hurried us

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away to their Tents, that appeared at a mile’s distance, like mole hills in the sand.31 On my getting to them, I complained of thirst, and was presented with about a quart of milk and water in a wooden dish, and although it contained a great quantity of sand, was the most acceptable draught I ever drunk tasted. The men mounted themselves on Camels, and went in quest of the Vessel: we were left /12/ under the charge of the women, who were a disgrace to humanity, possessing nothing human, but shape. I had a waistcoat left. This they instantly striped off, with much wanton abuse.32 I had now time to reflect on my deploreable situation, my people were carried I know not whither, all hopes of escaping cut off, and the distressing ignorance of my future fate, wrought so forcibly upon me, that my heart was ready to burst; my grief however found vent at my eyes for a moment that consciderably releived the oppression I laboured under. In the afternoon observed one of the Crew standing before a Tent.33 I ventured towards him, and enquired after the others. He enquired informed me that the 2nd mate and apprentice were at a Tent, about 30 yards off. On visiting them, I found them asleep.34 They had been more humanely handled by the Bandittii, and retained the Cloaths they wore when they left /13/ the Vessel. They knew nothing of the others. In this situation we spent the night under the eave of one of the Tents. May 29th Was overhauled several times for money. My most secret places and hair underwent the search. This was done by the women and some strange Arabs, who passed that way, on their journey to the wreck.35 About noon to my great joy, I observed my mate and relation coming from 2 or 3 Tents, which were about a quarter of a mile distant.36 I beleive there was scarce ever a more agreeable meeting. They had each a flannel Shirt and trousers left. My relation had been wounded in the thigh, when his pocket was cut off. They were also ignorant of the fate of the others who were a missing. We each of us passed our conjectures on the situation we were in. Many were the reasons to beleive, that if they spared /14/ our lives, it would only be to prolong our a maserable existance in a state of slavery. A resolution however was formed to keep together, and share the same fate, whatever it should be, that Providence had aloted for us.37 One of us had saved a Bible, from which we selected some Psalms and Chapters, suited to our forlorn situation; and received considerable comfort and benifit from reading them: I am convinced we felt as people do, who are condemned to die. We durst scarce hope for life, although I confess, hope never entirely forsook me.38 At night a seperation again took place, contrary to our wish; each was forced to the tent he belonged to. When almost famished, and late in the night, by

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earnest intreaty, I procured a drink of buttermilk and water, which was all I had tasted during the last 24 Hours. /15/ May 30th I was turned out amongst the sheep that went to graze. Hunger was now so keen that I was almost induced to devour my own excrements.39 After begging in the most supplicant manner, some berries of the colour and size of haws, tasting like juniper, was given me. With them I filled the stomach, without satisfying the appetite. About sunrise my mate and relation obtained leave to join us again, and about 10 forenoon the other 5 joined us.40 We had neither seen nor heard of them since the capture. They were kept at another group of Tents, behind a rising sand about half a mile distant. They had some pieces of buis biscuit, which they shared with us, and a most affecting scene followed the eating of them. After the savages had diverted themselves, at our expence, for the /16/ space of half an hour, the 5 who visited us last were drove home, as I may call it, to the tyrants who possessed them. We who were left procured a pen and ink (that had been taken from us) and some scraps of paper that we found on the sand, where the vessels papers were torn, on which we wrote small certificates of our being in that Country. These were distributed so, that if any of us should at any time either escape,41 or get one of them convayed to Mogodore, or any place where Christians resided, it might be the means of procuring our release. In the afternoon, the 2nd mate and apprentice were delivered up to some strangers, to our great sorrow, and marched away to the Southward. This considerably increased our fears, as we knew of no civilized Country /17/ in that direction. Towards the evening, were sent to the seaside, with each a skin on our back, to fetch water. Two or three women attended us, and pointed out a hole amongst the rocks at high water mark, from which we filled the bags with water, very little better than salt water, and returned to the Tents, scarce able, through hunger and dispondency, to support our load.42 After dark they ground some barley, by a hand mill (made of 2 circular stones about a foot diameter) of which they made some Poridge or barggoe so called on board a ship. What remained after they had eaten what they could of it, fell to our share. There remained now only 3 of us together, and after many earnest intreaties, we were allowed to spend the night together on the sand, /18/ among the sheep.43 May 31st Started at [deleted] the usual time, from our sandy couch, and went with an intention of visiting our poor shipmates, but alas! they were not to be found. Our 3 black people told us, that the whites (3 in number) after they had been striped of their shirts, set out early in the morning, without any of the Arabs, and that they had gone to the Eastward. This was a fresh pang, and a paradox we could not solve. However, we were soon given to understand, that

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they were accompanied with their proprietors, and were gone towards Marrocco,44 where we supposed they would be sold for slaves. Our bible was now our only comfort.45 How soothing is religion in affliction. We went to the Seaside, and gathered shellfish, on /19/ which a hearty meal was made, and thanked God most fervently, that every recourse had not failed us. In the afternoon, whilst we strayed about the sand, where we had been striped, found several pieces of the ship’s papers, and among the rest the Mediteranian pass entire; this we looked upon as a very valuable aquisition.46 I slipt it into the head-band of my drawers, which was always overlooked. 2 or 3 Two or three very small pieces of my certificate as Surgeon, also fell into our hands.47 Our Logbook was in one of the Tents,48 but never could procure any of it, as they alway answered our requests by threats and blows.49 June 1st Nothing very particular occured; the shellfish aforded us food, the sand a bed. It was, after all, a very difficult matter to exist. /20/ The savages old and young harrassed and distressed us most unhumanely, by searching us for money, although they knew we had none, and by spitting upon us, and dancing in rings around where we sat.50 The men were by this time returned from the wreck, with several pieces of Cloth etc. of the Cargo. The 2nd mate and apprentice returned. They had been marched about 20 miles, to the Southward (for what purpose they knew not), where a man wrote something on a piece of paper with a stick, which he sent away with a messenger. June 2nd We passed this day most miserably. Early in the morning went to the Sea, and gathered a few shellfish, and on our return, lighted a fire, and roasted them. We had scarcely /21/ finished our repast when the man, who claimed me as his property, came running towards us. He carried his musket, and his wife followed him. On saying something to the people of the tent, he turned hastely round, and knocked me down. Then he instantly uncased his gun, and I had scarsly got upon my legs, when he repeated his blow, and beckened to go towards his tent, where a crowd of people were assembled. As I, dreaded, nothing so much as separation and supposing that was his intention, I resolved, should death be the consequence, to frustrate his intentions. I therefore ran past him, and took hold of my companions. He endeavoured by many stripes and threats to force a seperation, but without effect; and at last drove us all before him, striking us as we went on, with the muzzle of the gun. We /22/ had no sooner got to the Tent, than the whole party began their endeavours again, but my hold was similer to death’s gripe. I would rather have parted with life, than been taken away alone. One of the Tribe, I beleive, sympathized for me, and opposed the rude assaults of the others; so that they were soon divided into 2 parties, one for, the other averse to

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a seperation. Their fury now seemed to turn from us, against one another; so that a scene of masacre seemed to commence. My friends, as I may call them at this instant, prevailed without any bloodshed.51 We were ordered to sit down, with an assurance that a seperation would not again be attempted. They however took an opportunity in /23/ the afternoon, of driving the 2nd mate and apprentice away without me. The agonizing state of mind we were then in can neither be conceived nor discribed, unless by one in a similer situation. In the evening we were made to understand that I, the chief-mate, and my relation, being all that remained (as the blacks who saw the treatment I received, took an opportunity during the tumult to steal away towards the sea, unperceived, and were no more heard of by us till many days afterwards) should be taken to the Sultan of Morrocco and sold. That if they could not obtain 100 dollars a head for us, they would cut our throats. This information horrid as it may appear /24/ considerably eased our minds and excited a hope of obtaining our liberty and a sight of our Dear Native Country. This hope was formed on a probability of an Ambassador being at the court of the Emperor, and that when he heard that his Countrymen were on sale, he would certainly pay so triffling a sum to purchase and return us to our native Country. June 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th & 7th At the Tents, in a most deplorable situation, our only comfort lay in the Bible, which was wantonly and most maliciously taken from us. Our employment was chiefly fetching a load or two of water daily, and in the intermediate time /25/ gathering the shellfish for our subsistance, and endeavouring to keep ourselves clear and free from body vermin, which were there innumerable. Every night at dark went as mendicants round the tents, in hopes of getting something to eat or drink, but often without effect. Were sometimes obliged (a knife being applied to our throats) to sing, and say part of their prayers which we did not then understand.52 On the 7th we understood that in the morning we were to begin our march towards the Sultan’s. June 8th Our Caravan began to move about 9 in the morning, it consisted of 7 men, 2 women, 6 camels, and we 3 slaves as their merchandize. /26/ About 4 afternoon came to a duhar53 or hamlet of tents, in number about 40, where we unloaded the Camels, which were turned out to graze on the herbage, which was more plentiful that in any part of the Country we hitherto had seen. The people flocked around us, and treated us most harshly, particularly the women. We craved a drink of water, but they buffited us, and spit in our faces; they at last consented to give us some, but obliged us to drink out of our hats as the dish would have been poluted, had any of us touched it with our lips. The tent we stoped at was a School, and the /27/ Master said prayers in the

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evening. It was evacuated before night, and we crept into it. But the unhospitable pedant soon disloged us. We spent the night on the sand in the open air, as usual. About midnight a draught of butter milk and water was brought us which we drank of greedily. It was breakfast, dinner and supper to us. June 9th Got under weigh at daybreak, and in less than an hour halted at the foot of an extensive flat sand, that appeared like a sea. Here the Camels fed for half an hour, when they again set out, and passed several hills of /28/ accumulated sand, that kept driving before the wind like snow. Here one of the Arabs acted as guide, runing upon the tops of the ridges, and pointing out the safest places for the Camels to pass over. These hills formed a kind of girdle to the plain. We soon got on it, and its appearance beyond the visible horizon, induced us to think the sea formed one side of it. It was perfectly level and smooth as a table, and encrusted over with a salt pellicle,54 that cracked under our feet. In about 5 hours55 obtained firm footing on the East side of it, and fell into a beaten track among shrubs. There were some mountains to the southward of us. They seemed to be the end of a Chain that streached from the Eastward. The track was attentively followed. /29/ We met with many hills of sand between the sea and the mountains. About 2 afternoon crossed a place that seemed to have been the bed of a river. It contained only a little salt stagnated water in it. On the east side of this, came to some tents, on the side of a hill, where we halted and stayed during the night, but were severely tormented by the women and young ones.56 At this time however a large share of barley meal Barggo fell to us. Here it may be proper to observe, that our conducters had brought with them an old wooden dish for our use, as we observed that the people in every place, would never use any vessel that had touched our lips: so great was their detestation and contempt of us. /30/ June 10th Soon after our setting out, proceeded towards the Sea, till we got within a mile of it. Stopt at a high sand hill, which must be very remarkable when seen from the Sea. Here some of the convoy left us, and returned with some breakish water, which we supposed they had procured at high water mark, by digging in the sand. A little to the eastward of the sand hill, they pointed out to us the place where a French Ship had wrecked about 3 months before with a valuable cargo on board. They said the crew were with the Sultan. Some of them alighted and alowed us to ride a little. The Camels are most uneasy animals, but as we were much fatigued, we made a shift to hang on them an hour, when we were pulled off and they again mounted. The Country was /31/ still exceeding barren and stony, the sea about a League distant, the mountains another, the latter to the southward of us.

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At night we left the road and loged between it and the sea on the open common, where there was tolerable pasturage. A fire was lighted, as usual. Some stones were heated, and afterwards immersed in a dish of cold water, they communicated a considerable degree of heat to it, when some barley meal was stired in. On this our conducters suped. Their leavings fell to our share; they imployed us to in gathering weeds and shrubs to make a fire, and a barricade, to screen them from the driving sand, and wind. Our situation was always in front of the place where they lay. /32/ Early in the night some noise was heard on which they armed themselves, and went towards it. We thought they had seen saw nothing, although 2 of them did not return till the morning of the 11th when the Camels were accutered, and we proceeded along the shore as before. In a hour or two, came to another bed of a river which was dry, at the mouth of which the Caravan stoped, and in a hole, which we found dug, procured another bag of very breakish water. N.B. What I have called the bed of a river, was a deep cut in the land, extending from the sea in straight line. The sea at spring tides flows over a kind of barr, and leaves a lake of salt water about a foot deep. This during the neap tides, is nearly all absorbed and /33/ evaporated, and filled again the next spring tides. In the middle of this Chasm, I think that during the rainey season, a little Brook had run. We ascended out of it, and proceeded along to the Eastward between the sea and the ridge of mountains till the afternoon, when on inclining a little to the letter, we came to a small river of runing water about 5 in the afternoon. This we supposed to be Alba-river,57 as mentioned in our Charts.58 It was very breakish and unfit for use. Here we found a pond of putrid stagnated rain water, out of which the bags were filled. One of the camels having never seen water before, refused to pass over, so that we dragged him to the other side, broadside foremost. /34/ Slept all night in a place where water had run during the rains. Supped on the same kind of food as last night. June 12th Mustered a little before daybreak to get the camels rigged, and at daylight started again, scarcely able to get one foot before the other. We ascended out of the course of the [deleted] river, and bent our way to the N. Eastward as we supposed by the sun. The sea in sight distant about 3 leagues. The country was still exceeding barren, but not so sandy, owing perhaps to our distance from, and hight above the Sea. Saw several tents between us and it, also large herds of goats and camels. We met several Arabs traveling in a contrary direction, some of them enquiring if there was /35/ any money or watches in the Vessel. On our answering in the negative, our conductors seemed well pleased, treated us with a drink of water and a ride, informing us, if we always behaved so, they would treat us well. But if we should at any time, either before on our journey, or

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before the Sultan, confess, they would assuredly cut our throats. About 2 P.M. met with a better dressed man than any we had yet seen. He was mounted on a camel, and carried a long musket, mounted with silver and ivory. After some conversation with our conductors, he enquired particularly for the master of the Vessel, and spoke a word or two of Spanish. He also turned back with us, and guided the caravan over a ridge (so that /36/ we here lost sight of the Sea) to a single Tent. Here was a piece of cultivated ground, and barley growing on it.59 The proprietor was son to an old man of our party. They employed us in gathering barley till night, when we got some bargo. The man whom we met in the afternoon, gave us some tobacco and behaved with some civility. The idea we entertained of him was that he was an officer sent by the government of Morrocco to seek for us, and take us to the King. Slept in the open air as usual, amongst loose straw. June 13th Were employed gleaning barley till about noon, when we all mounted and proceeded to the N.N.E. Our new guide took an opportunity to say something about a port where ships /37/ were, which he called Swara.60 He also mentioned an English consul of the name of Hudson.61 This intelligence aforded us much pleasure, as we thought there was a probability of his hearing of us, and if so, some steps might be taken in order to effect our deliverance. During the afternoon’s journey saw several tents, and much cattle, but no more cultivated ground. In the evening halted at 3 tents, situate in a hollow, where the herbage was plentiful. The master of one of the Tents brought a mat with some courtesy on which he and our conductors sat, and conversed till late. We were employed gathering sticks and keeping the cattle together. June 14th Traveled most part of the day mounted, saw many tents and two deer or Antelops, /38/ crossed over some very extensive plains of fine soil, and saw several heaps of barley that had been cut down, and gathered. At one of these heaps halted, where were five or six people pulling the ear from the straw. It was then deposited disposed into handfuls, and gathered together by the young ones of both sexes. Here they procured some water, made some dough, and covered it up with hot ashes till the heat had passed through it. Then it was given to us. We then mounted and trotted on till night.62 When we fell in with a large hamlet of Tents and also very much cattle. The pasturage was tolerable, not grass but succulant weeds, that afforded drink as well as food. Were much at a /39/ loss to know where they got water, as it must at least be one whole day’s journey to the sea and the heat and drought was so intense that the hills and valleys were parched like ashes. We had never seen any pit or well, either here or in the sandy country. This night’s situation was very cold, owing to its elevation, and being exposed to the Northerly wind. But on account of our fatigue, having traveled

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a very long day’s journey, sleep overcame us, although almost sterved to death. Supped some butter milk and meal. What a fine country this would be were it watered like Great Britain! June 15th Were on foot early, and traveled till about noon. The soil and country similar to that /40/ we passed over yesterday. Saw several tents, much cultivated ground, but no water or inclosure. We halted at a duhar of tents, in number about 36, pitched in form of a crescent. My beard was by this time very long, and troublesome. The person whom we met three days ago procured me a pair of scissars, although unasked for, and desired me to use them on it. That action as it too much resembled the practice followed by the Slave traders, gave us much trouble. The people old and young were very curious to view us. Our conductors obtained a carpet on which they slept during the night. The ground as usual, fell to our share. Supped on a mess this night that we never yet tasted /41/ of Cooscoosoo63 they called it. It is similer to Sago, but made of barley meal, and stewed dry in a cullender. June 16th Bilade, so our new conductor was called, set out with us (the others having staid behind to procure horses to ride to town, as I may call it), and informed us, that we would that day arive where the King resided, and that the mate and my relation would go to his house, and that I would lodge with himself, and have food plenty. This information excited fresh hopes conjectures, and much uneasiness. However to put the best construction possible on it, we supposed that as the maintenance of us all in one house would /42/ be attended with much expence, more perhaps than one man could easily bear, that the dividing us would lighten the expence on an individual. Bilade also assured us that the three white people and one of the blacks, who had been marched from the tents in the desert, on the 31st of May, were with the King, whom he called Muly Abdraughman.64 In about 3 hours we were overtaken by the other Arabs of our party, mounted on horseback; at the same time discried something, like a fortification, which we supposed was on the Frontiers of the Empire /43/ of Morrocco. About 10 o’Clock forenoon, passed a fine clear fresh water brook, issuing from a spring in a rocky eminence. Here we drank heartily, and washed ourselves. It was the first we had seen since our leaving the shipwreck. Early in the afternoon arived at the town where the King, we had so often heard of, resided. I was taken to the house of our conductor, my mate and relation went to the Palace in a most distressed state of mind. This place is called Gulimeme, or Wadnoon.65 It appears at a little distance, like a fortification, as does every village in /44/ Barbary. The place we saw in the forenoon, was another village of the same kind. They consist of several houses built of clay, and closely connected with one another; so that the outer walls of the outside

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houses seem like the Bastions and Curtains of a fortified Town. They have flat tops, with a battlement round them, appearing at a short distance like Ambrazures. At night was served a most plentiful mess of cooscoosoo, and slept on the terrace or house top. June 17th Was visited by my mate, who with much difficulty, obtained liberty to see me, under the escort of a stout black fellow. He informed me that he had seen the others, /45/ and that they were employed in a garden belonging to the King, to till and water it.66 He also said that they had been all marched away, except the black man, he knew not whither, and that the negro and he had been employed in the garden ever since under the direction of a Mahomitan negro, who beat them frequently. My mate obtained leave to spend the night and sup with me. June 18th, 19th, 20th & 21st I spent in a most melancholy state of mind, employed carrying water for the house Cattle etc. My bed the hard terrace, my food a supper of cooscoosoo. Saw no more of my shipmates, except my mate /46/ and black man, at a distance, working in the garden. June 22nd Was summoned before a company of Moors, of which my master made one. Here I was interrogated respecting the Vessel’s cargo etc. They desired me to write, which I having done, they seemed pleased, and told me I should go to Mogodore in a few days. These news dispelled many of the gloomy notions I entertained. One of the company took me out and told me he was to see me safe at Mogodore. From that time I lookt upon him as my Guardian Angel. He also gave me some tobacco. About midnight I was alarmed with /47/ much stir in the house, and was soon turned out to proceed as they said to Mogodore. The party consisted of about 12 men, mounted on horses and mules; I had many suspicious notions, as they proceeded in a direction that did not at all satisfy me. On enquiring where they were going, they answered to Swera (Mogodore).67 About 3 in the morning of the 23rd halted at another village where we rested till daybreak; when we proceeded to the N. East, through an extensive plain surrounded by Cloud Capped Hills. About noon I halted, refusing to proceed, unless they would alow me some food and /48/ drink. There were some houses at a little distance, where one of them went and procured a little water, and some parched barley meal, of which we made a meal. In the afternoon, I was unable to proceed farther through faintness. A negro slave who had been also purchased by my master, gave up about the same time. Two of the party (finding it impossible to get forward) alighted from their mules and we were lifted upon them. We both road rode about 2 hours, when we again alighted in order to descend into a valley, that

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appeared below. In this valley we found a decent looking village. At the principal house of which we stoped, it being /49/ sunset. This day’s journey was the most fatiguing one I had hitherto traveled. The country during the latter part of the day, was exceeding mountanious, although a great deal of it was cultivated, and from the many cottages we had seen, I judged it was very populous, although in this season all the rivulets between the mountains were dried up except one only. In many places by the wayside we found Tanks or Cisterns, containing fresh water, that had been collected during the rainey season. The barley in most places was gathered, and thrown into heaps near their houses. I saw no other grain. June 24th Started from my stony couch half an /50/ hour before daybreak, and proceeded on the same direction as yesterday, up one side of a mountain and down the other, passing many cottages and beds of rivers, that were at preasent dried up, by the excessive heat. The road in most places little better than a precipice. About 11 in the forenoon, obtained the summit of the highest hill I had seen. In an extensive valley below I could perceive a town, where my new master (by name Sheck Brahim) informed me that the French people, who had been shipwrecked some months before us, were in slavery. Their employment was chiefly cultivating the ground and gathering the crop. He also told me that /51/ I was not going to Mogodore, but to a place called Telling,68 where he resided, and where I must write to the Consul, who would send for, and purchase me and all the others. In the meantime, he promised me well. About half past noon, arived at the Town. The poor Frenchmen were sent for, distress and dijection were evident in their countenances. They informed me that they were shipwrecked on the 2nd or 3rd of January last, about 10 P.M., that the Vessel was not bulged, but that the natives gathered round them in great numbers, so that they had voluntarly surrendred. They also informed me that the currant according to their opinion ran as /52/ strong as in the Gulf of Florida. They were bound to Senegal, with a Cargo suited to the Gum trade. I spent about half an hour with them, and shared of their allowance of cooscoosoo. I learned from them that they had repeatedly wrote to their Consul, at Salle, who had ordered them some cloths and also a triffling sum of money, to be given them occasionaly, by a Jew who resided there, and that they had no immediate prospect of being redeemed from their deploreable situation.69 This intelligence almost petrified me. Could have died rather than devote my life to be spent in so abject a state, bereft of all Christian Society, a slave to a savage /53/ race, who dispised and hated me, on account of my beleif. I would not proceed unless they allowed me to ride. This refusal procured me two or [deleted] three hard blows with the butt end of the musket. I was however allowed to mount a mule, and road rode about half an hour, when

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they pulled me off, and I took to my legs again. During the afternoon’s journey, we crossed a fine fresh water rivulet, where I again washed and refreshed myself. At the close of the day we got to Telling, my master’s recidence. Here were about 12 families of Jews, who were under my master’s protection. At the house of one of them, a fowl was boiled for me, /54/ and he told me in broken Spanish (of which I understood a little)70 that I must reside with him at my master’s expence, and that in the morning I must write to Mr. Hutchison the British Vice Consul at Mogodore, informing him of my misfortunate situation, as he (the Jew) had occasion to dispatch a Courier for that place, which was distant about six day’s journey. The Jew also assured me, that the Vice Consul would send and purchase me, and that I, and the Crew, if alive, would return to our native country.71 This intelligence quickened the small degree of hope that remained. I had however many fears concerning my poor /55/ fellow sufferers, as I knew not how they had been disposed of. In this state of mind I betook myself to rest upon a rush mat, thankful to providence for the prospect before me. June 25 Wrote with a reed, on course wrapping paper, a long and plentiful letter,72 to the Consul and inclosing a list of the vessel’s Crew, as they stood on the Articles, requesting him, at the same time, that he would take the earliest opportunity to inform Mr. Dawson of the fate of his Vessel.73 I also mentioned my having saved the pass entire in the headband of my drawers, unknown to my tyrannical proprietor. On account /56/ of the Courier’s being delayed, I wrote again the 28th to Messrs. Gwyn and Hutchison, as I was informed the latter was gone to Fez on business. From this day till July 14th, my time was spent most anxiously and impatiently. Every hour seemed a day. At last came a long looked for letter from the vice Consul, inclosing one for Mr. Atkinson Wynne.74 They informed me that the part of the coast where we were wrecked, not being in the Emperor of Morrocco’s dominions, the unfortunate people who suffered shipwreck on that coast, were seized by the Arabs or moors inhabiting it, and sold, or /57/ otherwise disposed off, as their interest or inclination directed. The Consul also said, that he would willingly send down a person to treat for our ransom, but that the Emperor did not alow any Christain to purchase shipwrecked people; that he took it upon himself as a compliment to the nation they belonged to, but he would immediatly write to his Imperial Majesty, and also to James Maria Matra Esquire his Britannic Majesty’s Agent, and Consul General in these dominions, residing at Tangier, who would use every mean in his power, to effect our ransom, which I might depend on would be soon.75 He also desired me to keep up a /58/ correspondence with my people as much as possible, and write to him by every opportunity, and inclose my pass in in my next letter, in order that it might be sent home to the Admiralty,

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that the bond might be cancelled.76 All this flattering information afforded me some comfort, and I wrote the sum of the intelligence to my people, whom I understood were employed at differant places, near Gulimeme, in gardens belonging to Muly Abdrauchman, who was an exiled son of the preasent Emperor. The second mate and apprentice were amissing, and I had many fears that they had either been /59/ detained in slavery in the desert, or fallen victoms to the ferocity of the natives. About this time I was informed by the Jew that I had been bought from Bilade at Gulimeme, by Shiech Brahim my preasent master for 135 Ducats, and that the least price he would accept was 200. Had I been master of the Indies, I would most chearfully have parted with them for liberty: a priviledge so dear to Englishmen. From this day, till the 7th or 8th of July, I lived tolerable, and my labour was not severe, although meanly servile. I wrought as a servant to the Jew, who was a kind of merchant. This service though unavoidable, I cordially hated, as I discovered that the Jews in this /60/ country were little better than than slaves to the Moors. Their property, yea their lives are at their disposal. Necessity, however, inculcated submission and resignation to my fate. July 8th I received another Letter from the Vice Consul, inclosing another from Mr. Wynne. They contained little more than assurance of their friendly endeavours in our behalf, and that the time was near at hand when they hoped to see me at Mogodore, the Consul advised me to write to the Consul General, and solicit his assistance. He sent a piece of Azenburgh Linnen, for Frocks and Trousers, which the Jew was to get made up, and sent /61/ to the others at Gulimeme, he also sent a coat to my master to induce him to behave well to me. I had likewise an order to take some necessaries from the Jew. Mr. Wynne informed me that there was at that time at Mogodore, a Moor of some rank, who waited there for an opportunity to go as an Ambasadore to the Court of England, and that he had great hopes of our going along with him. July 26th Received a Letter from my officers and people, in which they complained pitifully of the usage they received. That they were often frequently beat most unmercifully, and toiled hard from Sunrise, till sunset; that they were at that time all together except the /62/ Second mate and apprentice, who had been there a week, but were marched away towards Morrocco about a week before. My master who was the bearer of this Letter brought with him James Dram one of the Crew, whom he had purchased.77 About this time I was seized with a slight fever which left me again in three days. August 1st I received a most agreeable Letter from the vice Consul, informing

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me that the second mate and apprentice were arived at Morrocco, and that he expected every day to see them at Mogodore; that the Emperor had given orders to one Sintop-ben-attar to go and redeem us all, and bring us to him.78 /63/ The Vice Consul also wrote to my master, offering to pay the sum demanded for me and the others, immediately on our being brought to Mogodore; but he, instead of accepting the offer, collected all the money he could, and went in two or three days to Gulimene in order to purchase as many of the others as his purse could effect. In a week he returned with Wm Brown, John Richards, and John Peters, three others of the Crew; and disired me to write the Consul that our prices were now augmented to 900 Ducats, for the 5 in his possession, and that Muly Abrauchman would not take /64/ less for the 4 with him, than 700 Dollars.79 This declaration afforded fresh cause of grief and misery to us. We languished and pined in sorrow, dreading an addition to our price at every advance that might be offered for us. Early in september, I experienced another attack of the fever, which rendered me delerious during, the hot Stage of Paroxison,80 which seized me every day. I wrote to Mogodore for medicine, and received some, which was all the Consul could procure of what I wanted.81 Judge of my situation, my bed the hard earth, and my drink /65/ from the Cistern, my poor shipmates ministered unto me, and gave me all the help and assistance in their power. In this condition I languished for 40 days, when Wm Brown, John Richards and Jack Peters were redeemed, and taken away by some officers of the Emperor. James Dram alone remained, but he poor man, felt the seperation so sensibly, that 2 days afterwards he sickened, and in 12 days more, paid the debt of nature. My endeavours in his behalf, so exhausted me, that I suffered a relapse, and continued in a weak situation, scarcily able to help myself, till the /66/ last day of November, when heavens be praised, three horsemen belonging to the Prince Absalom, who at that time resided at Terudant,82 about 3 day’s journey distant, arived at the house of my master, and with much difficulty purchased me for 200 ducats.83 In the intermediate time, I received many Letters from the Vice Consul, and one from the Consul General, all informing me how matters went on, and exorting me to bear up under my affliction, for the day of my redemption would certainly come soon. The Consul General procured a Surgeon from Gibralter and sent him to attend this /67/ Prince for a defect of sight. His offices to the Prince conduced considerably to my being redeemed.84 Early in October, while at Telling, I received information that the others at Gulimeme, had been ransomed and marched towards Morrocco.85 This piece of service was also done us by the same Prince, who was constantly stimulated on by the Vice Consul’s Letters and presents.

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December 1st Left Telling, which I may deem one of the happiest days in my life. The people who purchased me, procured a mule, on which I and one of the party mounted and that night got into the dominions of the Emperor, and stayed all night at the house /68/ of an alcaid or Officer, about 20 miles to the Eastward of Agadier or Santa Cruze. I was still in a very poor state of health, and the motion of the mule so disordered me that I was scarcely able to turn myself. But the fair prospect of a termination of my slavery and imprisonment buoyed me up and supported me. I was kindly intertained by my convoy, who assured me that I should soon see my native Country. December 3rd Got to Terwdant86 the most southerly Town or City, in the Emperor’s dominions. It lies nearly East from Santa /69/ Cruze, and is a waled Town of tolerable extent situated in the centure of a fruitful valley, well watered by a large river. Here are many fine gardens, and a royal Palace.87 In the afternoon I was taken before the Prince where I was much surprised to find the defferance and respect that was shown him. I expected to find him only one degree removed from a Savage, as all the other moors or Arabs are. But I found him seated in an Antechamber, or rather Portico, and the avenue of it formed by two rows of his Body Guards, or Domestics, who bowed frequently, and whenever he deigned to say anything they all /70/ answered Namma Cedi, that is, Yes your Majesty,88 and ran to execute his orders with alacrity.89 Amongst his officers, was one who understood a little English. He interrogated me respecting my country, the place where I was wrecked in, and the station I filled on board the Vessel. I was ordered from his preasence, where I, as well as all the moors, stood barefooted. I omitted mentioning that the Surgeon who attended the Prince from Gibralter, but who had been ordered to Morrocco by the Emperor, had informed him of my being bred to physic. This he did to induce /71/ the Prince to send and redeem me, in order that I might attend him while the other was absent.90 As soon as he had issued all his orders, he withdrew into an inner apartment, when I was again ordered in, and questioned respecting his complaint.91 He sat upon a bed like a Taylor upon his shop board, with a cussion under each knee. His dress was rich and graceful. His menial servants stood at the door, and the chief scribe with other Grandees sat at some distance from him on a Carpet. He was served with a cup of coffee poured from a Golden Pot, and the rest of the service /72/ was of plate. The chamber was large and spacious. The wall was hung round with a kind of Tapestry, and the floor tiled with various coulered Tiles, arranged in differant figures, and covered with a rich Turkey carpet.92 I was with him about half an hour, when I was dismissed with a promise that he would new cloath me, and that I must follow a person whom he had ordered with me to a Jew’s house, where I would find mentainance, and that he would

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send for me night and morning.93 This however (happily for me) he did not, as the /73/ slow fever that still preyed upon me, oblidged me to lie all day. The next day I was sent for and my opinion and advice was again taken respecting his disease. From that time till the 26th current I visited him daily, and also the Governors and several other Seraglios or Harems, where no moor was admitted.94 I met with a Spanish Renegado, who stood Linguist for me on all occasions; but stood without the door, and explained what I said to those within. During this time I was most grievously harased by the /74/ uncivilized moors, who hearing that I was a docter flocked around me in the streets, and with outstretched hands begged I would examine their pulses, and so great was their ignorance, that they beleived I could, by so doing, not only discover their complaints, but cure them.95 While I remained here, I met with a Frenchman, who kept a little shop, and by the vice Consul’s order, I received some necessaries from him. He told me that all my people had been there, but were immediately sent to the Emperor of Morrocco where they remained, as there /75/ was some disagreement between the Emperor and the Court of England. From this place I wrote to the Vice Consul, and also to my friends in England.96 December 26th The Prince having received orders from his father to come to Morrocco,97 I made one of his train. Having received from him a coat, waistcoat, trowsers, and 5 ducats in money, with which I purchased some necessaries. About noon the Caravan moved from the Palace, in number about 300, all mounted on horses, camels, and mules.98 I was placed upon a loaded mule, and we proceeded across the plain towards /76/ the foot of Mount Atlas. One of the highest mountains in the universe world. About 8 at night we pitched our Tents at the foot of it. The cattle were unloaded, and fires lighted before each tent, as the nights were very cold. December 27th At daybreak the Prince, Grandees, and Body Guards mounted, and began to ascend up a zig zag road. The baggage Mules followed immediately after. About noon we had got to the top, which was covered with ice and snow, and on the valley below, tall trees could not be distinguished, although the place where we passed /77/ over was the lowest part of the whole chain. To the right of us, the mountain appeared double the hight it was at that place.99 We continued descending till sunset, when the Tents were again pitched, and we passed the night as before. During our descent we passed over several brooks of fine fresh water that ran down from the summit, and in the evening saw several villages. I lodged in the Steward’s Tent, and was plentifully supplied with provision by the Prince’s order; but was almost starved to death, owing to my want of bedding, and sickly condition.

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December 28th Struck the tents at daybreak, and soon /78/ after crossed a river fine river of fresh water. Our course was most of this day to the N.E. over several high hills, and very stony roads. About 4 afternoon, the Tents were pitched near a village, where was a fresh water Brook. December 29th Proceeded again between daybreak and sunrise, in the same direction as yesterday. The roads very stony and mountanious, and about noon got clear off the chain of mountains which makes a part of Atlas, and came into the plain where Morrocco stands.100 At sunset the tents were pitched at the side of a river. Where /79/ were some villages at a little distance. December 30th Were all mounted about sunrise, and proceeded to the Eastward over a flat dry country. During this day’s travel we crossed two or three brooks, that arise from the mountains and ran across the plain towards the North. Here was much cultivated ground, and many people plowing: some with two asses, some with two camels, and others with bullocks. About 5 afternoon, passed through a pleasent village, where were many gardens and olive trees. About half a mile to the Eastward of this place, we pitched our Tents. This night while I lay /80/ asleep a person called me, and presented me with a Letter from Mr. Hutchison, informing me of his hearing that I was at Terwdant. He had sent me some cloaths by the bearer. The man said I could not get them till we got to Morrocco, which would be the next day, when they would all be delivered to me safe.101 December 31st Moved about the usual time, and in about 2 hours got sight of the highest Steeple in the City of Morrocco.102 Distant about 20 miles, and soon after crossed several rivers, from which canals were cut /81/ to water the Country. About 3 afternoon got to the outside of the walls, where I met the Surgeon who had been at Terwdant.103 He was going to pay his court to the Prince. Here we alighted. The Prince entered at a back gate to his Palace. The guards fired a volley, and soon after I was visited by my officers and people. It was a most joyful interview! We not having seen one another for almost 7 months.104 They informed me how they were situated. The Emperor alowed them 6d. per day; they lodged at a Jew’s house, at the /82/ expence of the British vice Consul, and had no prospect of their being releived from their captivity.105 I was pleased to see them tolerably well cloathed. The Vice Consul had sent them supplies of that kind.106 I obtained leave to go with the Surgeon, and the others to their lodgings. The gratest part of the night was spent in reciting our preasent and past hardships.107 January 1st 1790 Received my parsel from the moor, that had been sent to me from the Vice Consul. On opening it, I found a compleat set of common

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cloaths, and among the rest, one of my own shirts, that had been carried from the wreck, /83/ and sold at Mogodore to the vice Consul. He knew it, and therefore purchased it, and sent it to me. From this time till the 17th I lived with my people, and had two audiences of the Emperor.108 I understood from him that we would not be set at liberty, till our court should think proper to send an Ambassador, that some differances that subsisted between the courts might be settled.109 On the 16th were informed that his Majesty intended to send us to Mogodore to a Mr. Layton, and not to the Vice Consul, where we should receive the same alowance, as we did there; but should not be /84/ allowed to leave the country till he gave orders for so doing. January 17th Mules were procured for us, and we set out in a party, under a guard, in order to proceed to Mogodore,110 and on the 20th on the fore afternoon, arrived there,111 and were immediatly visited by our good Consul, who took us to his house, and provided dinner for us. He also procured a room for us.112 Mr. Layton continued paying the 6 pence per day, by the Emperor’s order.113 Our situation now may appear to many, as tolerably comfortable. But when they are informed that the room we lodged in, was no better than a cell, without a window or /85/ any furniture,114 the ground being our bed, and covered only with a kind of thin blanket called a hyk.115 One being given to each of us by the Vice Consul. But what tended most to our dejection and unhappiness was the poor prospect, or rather no prospect, of our ever obtaining our precious liberty.116 We had never heard from, or of our friends in England.117 And considering the infernal government under whose clutches we were enthralled, together with the insulting abuse and domineering conduct of the Barbarians, we had few comfortable moments. About the 20th of April, we received /86/ information of the death of the Emperor Sidy Mahomit.118 This intelligence threw the whole country into an uproar. The Town was fortified on the land side, and cannons were transported from the batteries that commanded the sea, to the land side of it. Every inhabitant bore arms, and kept watch, as the tribes from the mountains were daily expected to plunder the town: As government was suspended, and nobody knew who should succeed to the Throne.119 Muly Ally Jzed was at last established, and proclaimed, and in a few weeks all was quiet again.120 During this disturbance, we concerted /87/ a plan for our escape. I made a shift to get on board the Vessel in the Bay, but nobody would consent to carry us away. This was by some means or other carried to the government, who placed guards over us, and no one was allowed to pass the threshold of the door, myself excepted, who was alowed to go and purchase provisions etc. I complained to the Vice Consul, who obtained a toleration for the officers, and we went in turns to the market, but never were permitted to pass the town

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gates, till the last week of July when the centries were taken off. In two or three days the new Emperor’s Letter to his /88/ governer (through the medium of our Consul General) was received, when we were all summoned before him, and delivered up to the Vice Consul as British subjects, to his disposal.121 Let the sympathizing and sensible heart judge of our joyful feelings on this happy occasion. Our good vice Consul bountifully enabled us to make merry and the evening was spent conviviably.122 August 1st We were distributed on board the differant English Vessels in the Bay, in order to take our passage to England, bare and pennyless as we were, we began to anticipate better days.123 /89/ Two went aboard the sloop Charlotte, Captain W. Davis.124 Two others on board the Tryal, Captain Plumb Baldrey.125 Two were shipt on board as seamen, in the Brig Bacchus, Captain Prouting. My two mates, relation and self went also on board her of her, as passengers. September 24th Sailed from Mogodore Bay, with a cordial prayer, that we might never again visit those Barbarious regions in a similar predicament. October 26th put into Dartmouth with a foul wind and short of provisions.126 Captain Jas. Irving

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[This ‘short account’ by James Irving II covers the period from June to October 1789. The handwriting is that of Captain James Irving.] /90/ A very short account of what happened to me after the seperation on the 16th of June 1789.127 It was already observed that as soon as we got to Muly Abdrauchman’s,128 I and three others of the people were marched into the country. So it is sufficiant to say we were conducted to a place belonging to Muly Abdrauchman, about 5 miles from Gulimeme, where we were employed digging the ground (as it was too hard to plow) with things like pick axes, from sunrise till sunset,129 and nothing to eat but a little /91/ barley meal pottage about 10 o’Clock at night; and so little of that, that we frequently thought we were hungrier after we had eat it than before. During our stay here, Muly Abdrauchman visited us, and I asked him to let me go (after we had done our day’s work) to Gulimeme to see the Captain, but he told me I could not see him, as he was locked up in the Castle, but we would see him in two or three days. We continued here till the 27th When we were taken back to Gulimeme. On our arrival, I saw the Mate and blackman, drawing water in the garden. I asked the Mate where the Captain was and he told me he /92/ left that place some time ago, and hence he neither saw nor heard anything of him since. From this time till the 27th of August, we were employed at Gulimeme, in drawing water out of wells to water the gardens, digging gardens, cariing water in skins for the houses, horses, mules etc, cutting wood for the fire, and in short everything that was to be done. August 27th Were called out about half an hour before daylight, and I, the mate, and two others of the crew (the other three being bought the night before, and the morning of the /93/ 28th began their journey towards Telling) went with Muly Abdrauchman into the country. After we had run and walked about 25 miles, we met some of Muly Abdrauchman’s people, bringing some sheep and barley meal. We turned back with them, and in about three began to

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be very much fatigued. The Mate was then mounted upon a mule, and in a little time I, and one of my shipmates began to drop astern, and also two Mahomitan Negros. All the rest were out of sight in an hour after, and I beleive we could never hav been able to walk to Gulimeme, if we had not /94/ promised the two moors some money when we got there. And in the meantime we stop at a house which was a little before us, and get us some bread, which we did, and got 3 barly cakes from an old black woman, which having eat and got a drink of water (having got nothing to eat since the night before) we set out in pretty good spirits (as we alway had when our belies were full) about sunset we met two moors riding upon mules, which our master had sent in quest of us; he fearing that some moors might either kill or steal us. They allowed us to get upon the mules behind them, and we soon after got to Gulimeme. This was the hardest day’s /95/ travel that I had in the country, we having at least traveled 40 miles with an empty belly. We stayed at Gulimeme four or five days, when we again went into the country. We traveled from one village to another (begging a we supposed) and at every village the moors brought our master barley, barley meal, eggs, fowels, onions, pomegranates, grapes, and at some of the capital villages, a sheep.130 Most part of the country during this journey was good, with grate plenty of Date Trees, although sometimes sandy, with very little upon it. Our employment was, as soon as the Tents /96/ were pitched, to got up into the mountains as there was no wood in the valleys, to cut wood for the fire, with sharp stones, as they durst not trust us with hatchets, and after we had brought a load of wood each, we were sent to pull bushes to make a barricade round the fire, to keep the wind from it. August 31st There came three horsemen belonging to Prince Absalom, and presented two Letters to Muly Abdrachman from their master. Our master Muly Abn131 immediately sent for a Jew to come and read them (as he could not do it himself) which the Jew having done,132 our master told us we were to go to Terwdant next day. /97/ September 1st In the morning our master called us before him, and after looking at us a little, he said something to one of his servants who took me aside. My master then told the others, that they were to go to Terwdant, and I was to stay with him, till the men came back from Terwdant. As soon as I saw the others going, and heard that I was not to go, I threw myself upon the ground, and wished for death. My master heard me crying, and called me to him, and told me I should go away soon, and if I did not give over, he would beat me. I went from him, but I cried worse, if possible, than before. He then sent a moor to make me give over, but I pointed to his knife, which

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hung /98/ by his side, and told him to kill me, as at that time death would have been very acceptable to me. The tents by this were struck, and the mules loaded. He mounted me upon a loaded mule, and we went to another village, about twelve miles distant. Judge of my situation now, amongst unfeeling moors who would spit in my face, and call me an infidel or unbeliever when I spoke. I continued in this situation, too miserable to describe, till the 14th, when I saw one of the moors that came for the others, and two others riding towards my master’s tent. They likewise gave my master a letter from Muly Absalom,133 and told me, I was to go away, /99/ next morning. They likewise told me, that the three others, whom they took to Terwdant, were on board an English ship, at Swara (or Mogodore) and that I should be with them soon. But this news I would not believe, as I knew they were guilty of lying, and so would not believe one word they said. September 15th Left Muly Abn and on the 22nd arrived at Terwdant, and lodged in a Jew’s house during my stay there, at the expence of Prince Absalom. September 29th I was informed that three of the crew were come to town, and were with the Prince. I immediately went out in search of them, and found them at the Governour’s house. It was a very happy sight for me, as I had /100/ seen none of the crew these nineteen days past. They told me that the Captain was at Telling, but they expected that by that time he was released from that place; as they met a man two day’s journey from it, who said he was going (by Muly Absalom’s orders) to buy him, and take him immediately to Terwdand. October 1st Mules were procured for us, and the Frenchman who resided there furnished us with a large bag of bread, a jar to carry water, and a hyke, or thin blanket and we began our journey towards Morrocco, under the escort of a strong guard. I need give you no discription of the journey, as we traveled /101/ the same road the Captain did, and he gives you a description of it. October 8th Arrived at Morrocco, where we were taken before the Emperor. And after asking us some questions, ordered us to go and live with our shipmates, who had been at Morrocco some time, but had no prospect of being released from their unhappy situation. Jas. Irving Junior.

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Notes

Preface to the Second Edition

14

David Brion Davis and Robert P. Forbes, ‘Foreword’, William and Mary Quarterly [hereafter WMQ], 3rd series, 58, 1 (2001), p. 7. David Eltis, ‘The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A Reassessment’, WMQ, 3rd series, 58, 1 (2001), pp. 17, 29, 43. David Eltis, ‘Tales from the Ships’, WMQ, 3rd series, 61, 1 (2004), pp. 161–62. See, for example, Bruce L. Mouser (ed.), A Slaving Voyage to Africa and Jamaica. The Log of the ‘Sandown’, 1793–1794 (Bloomington, Indiana, 2002). Hugh Crow, Memoirs of the Late Captain Hugh Crow of Liverpool (London 1830; reprinted 1970). Bernard Martin and Mark Spurrell (eds), The Journal of a Slave Trader (John Newton) 1750–1754 (London, 1962). This included evidence given by captains and former captains in the Liverpool slave trade including James Penny, John Dawson and John Newton. Sheila Lambert (ed.), House of Commons Sessional Papers of the Eighteenth Century (Wilmington, Delaware, 1975), vol. LXVIII, p. 37; vol. LXIX, pp. 12, 142. Lancashire Record Office [hereafter LRO], DDX 1126/1/1–45. Suzanne Schwarz (ed.), Slave Captain: The Career of James Irving in the Liverpool Slave Trade (Wrexham, 1995). I would like to thank the person who sent me a photocopy of this manuscript in 1995. David Eltis, Stephen D. Behrendt, David Richardson and Herbert S. Klein, The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-ROM (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 1–2; Stephen D. Behrendt, ‘Counting the Slaves’, History Today, 51, 1 (2001), p. 4. See, for example, Linda Colley, Captives: Britain, Empire and the World, 1600–1850 (London, 2002), and Robert C. Davis, Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters. White Slavery in the Mediterranean, the Barbary Coast, and Italy, 1500–1800 (Basingstoke, 2004). Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, Osborn Shelves c. 399, ‘A Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann, Captain Irving’ [hereafter Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’]. This manuscript was acquired from a London dealer in 1954. I have been unable to trace the source of this watermark.

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Slave Captain the Liverpool Privateers and Letters of Marque with An Account of the Liverpool Slave Trade (London, 1897). The work of Roger Anstey in the 1960s and 1970s included analysis of the operation of the slave trade: Roger Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition 1760–1810 (Basingstoke, 1975; reprinted Aldershot, 1992). Seymour Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery. British Mobilization in Comparative Perspective (Basingstoke, 1986), p. 1; Anstey, Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, p. xix. James A. Rawley with Stephen D. Behrendt, The Transatlantic Slave Trade. A History, revised edition (Lincoln/London, 2005), p. 186. John Dawson organised an estimated 84 slave-trading voyages in the period between 1785 and 1795, and had a 10 per cent share of the British market. Stephen D. Behrendt, ‘The British Slave Trade, 1785–1807: Volume, Profitability, and Mortality’, Unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1993, Table C3, p. 293. Stephen D. Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, in David Richardson, Suzanne Schwarz and Anthony Tibbles (eds), Liverpool and Transatlantic Slavery (Liverpool, 2007), pp. 70, 72, 74; Stephen D. Behrendt, ‘The Captains in the British Slave Trade from 1785 to 1807’, Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire [hereafter THSLC], 140 (1991), p. 110. Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 86–88, 100–101. A Letter from a Merchant at Jamaica to a Member of Parliament in London, Touching the African Trade. To Which is Added, A Speech Made by a Black at Gardaloupe, at the Funeral of a Fellow-Negro (London, 1709), p. 14. James Walvin, ‘The Rise of British Popular Sentiment for Abolition, 1787–1832’, in Christine Bolt and Seymour Drescher (eds), Anti-Slavery, Religion and Reform: Essays in Memory of Roger Anstey (Folkestone, 1980), pp. 150–51; James Walvin, ‘British Abolitionism, 1787–1838’, in Anthony Tibbles (ed.), Transatlantic Slavery. Against Human Dignity (London, 1994; enlarged edition, Liverpool, 2005), p. 84. Anstey, Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, pp. 95–97. Henry Louis Gates, Jr., ‘Preface’, WMQ, 3rd series, 58, 1 (2001), p. 5. Colley, Captives, pp. 88–89. Eltis, ‘Tales from the Ships’, p. 162. An account of a seaman in the trade published in 1822 shows the methodological problems associated with using recollections written after abolition had been secured. The account imposes attitudes characteristic of the early nineteenth century on an earlier period. Butterworth refers to serving on the Liverpool ship Hudibras in the command of Jenkin Evans. The ship cleared Liverpool for Calabar in May 1786. Butterworth stated how he had ‘firmly believed that a time would arrive, when virtuous legislators would lend an ear to the cause of degraded Africans, and, by resisting the powerful influence of opulent planters, finally overthrow the system of cruelty practised in slave ships, not only on defenceless negroes, but also on the wretched crews’. William Butterworth, Three Years Adventures of a Minor, in England, Africa, the West Indies, South-Carolina and Georgia (Leeds, 1822), pp. iv–v, 5–6, 10; Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 81890. Alan Rice, Radical Narratives of the Black Atlantic (London/New York, 2003), p. 57. David Brion Davis, ‘What the Abolitionists Were Up Against’, in Thomas Bender (ed.), The Antislavery Debate: Capitalism and Abolitionism as a Problem in Historical Interpretation (Oxford, 1992), pp. 19–26; Brycchan Carey, Markman Ellis and Sara Salih (eds), Discourses of Slavery and Abolition. Britain and its Colonies, 1760–1838 (Basingstoke, 2004), pp. 2–3.

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14 Judith Jennings, The Business of Abolishing the British Slave Trade 1783–1807 (London, 1997), p. 35. 15 Thomas Clarkson, An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, Particularly the African, Translated from a Latin Dissertation, Which was Honoured with the First Prize in the University of Cambridge, For the Year 1785, With Additions (London, 1786), pp. 244, 248; Ellen Gibson Wilson, Thomas Clarkson: A Biography, second edition (York, 1996), pp. 14–16. 16 J.R. Oldfield, Popular Politics and British Anti-Slavery. The Mobilisation of Public Opinion Against the Slave Trade, 1787–1807 (London, 1998), pp. 7, 41–51. 17 Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery, pp. 67–73; Seymour Drescher, ‘Whose Abolition? Popular Pressure and the Ending of the British Slave Trade’, Past and Present, 143 (1994), pp. 136–66; Clare Midgley, ‘Slave Sugar Boycotts, Female Activism and the Domestic Base of British Anti-Slavery Culture’, Slavery and Abolition [hereafter SA], 17, 3 (1996), pp. 137–62. 18 Seymour Drescher, ‘The Slaving Capital of the World: Liverpool and National Opinion in the Age of Abolition’, SA, 9, 2 (1988), pp. 128–29. 19 See, for example, the evidence of Alexander Falconbridge, a former surgeon in the Bristol trade who became an abolitionist. James Towne commented in 1791 that slave singing in his experience was never joyous, but based on regrets at having been taken away from home. The National Archives [hereafter TNA], ZHC 1/85, Evidence on the Slave Trade 1790, p. 595; ZHC 1/87, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1791, p. 22. 20 Edward Rushton, West-Indian Eclogues (London, 1787), p. 3. 21 LRO, DDX 1126/1/1, ‘Copy of Mr. James Irving’s Journal When Shipwrecked on the Coast of Barbary, 1789’ [hereafter ‘Copy of Mr. James Irving’s Journal’], p. 6. 22 This may refer to Slack near Hebden Bridge in West Yorkshire. 23 The Beacon, Whitehaven [hereafter BW], ‘Journal of Voyage and Shipwreck’, pp. 105–6.

2

Early Career in the Liverpool Slave Trade

1

In a letter written on board the Jane at Tobago, Irving asked his wife Mary to ‘write to Langholm and satisfy the longings of good indulgent parents’ (Letter 4). The number of slaves exported from Africa has been the subject of ongoing academic debate since the publication of Philip D. Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison, 1969). Revised estimates of the numbers exported from Africa over four centuries, the coastal distribution of the trade and the numbers carried by ships of different nations have been proposed by a number of scholars. Paul Lovejoy argues that ‘when the revisions are examined carefully … it is apparent that Curtin’s initial tabulation was remarkably accurate’. Paul Lovejoy, ‘The Volume of the Atlantic Slave Trade: A Synthesis’, Journal of African History [hereafter JAH], 23 (1982), pp. 473–501. On the basis of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade database, Eltis indicates that in the period 1519–1867 over 11 million individuals were exported from Africa, of whom 9.6 million arrived in the Americas. He also considers that Curtin was ‘close to the mark in his estimate of the overall volume of the slave trade’, but points out that the new aggregate total is slightly higher than Curtin’s original estimate of 9,566,100 arrivals in the Americas. The database enables new and more accurate estimates of the numbers carried by ships of

2

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Slave Captain different nations, mortality levels, the gender and age structure of enslaved Africans, the ethnic origins of Africans and their distribution in the Americas. However, the database is particularly valuable for the ‘new light it casts on transatlantic connections’. Eltis, ‘Volume and Structure’, pp. 17, 19, 29–30, 39, 41, 43, 45. Ships from Britain, France, the Netherlands, Spain, the United States and British Caribbean, Denmark and Portugal carried 6,096,200 slaves from the West African coast in the eighteenth century. Of these, 2,471,800 were transported in British ships (40.5 per cent), 1,101,200 in French ships (18 per cent), and 1,883,000 in Portuguese vessels (30.8 per cent). Eltis, ‘Volume and Structure’, Table I, p. 43. Thomas Jefferys, The West Indian Atlas; or, A General Description of the West Indies: Taken from Actual Surveys and Observations (London, 1794; reissued 1796), p. 7. Rawley with Behrendt, Transatlantic Slave Trade, p. 177. David Richardson, ‘Liverpool and the English Slave Trade’, in Tibbles, Transatlantic Slavery, p. 67; D. Richardson (ed.), Bristol, Africa and the Eighteenth Century Slave Trade to America, Vol. I. The Years of Expansion 1698–1729, Bristol Record Society Publications, 38 (1986), p. vii; Kenneth Morgan, Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 132–33. Bristol’s peak period of trading was in the 1720s, when ships from the port shipped approximately 11,000 Africans each year to the Americas. Although Liverpool overtook Bristol as the leading British slave-trading port by the 1740s, this should not obscure the fact that a large investment in slave trading was made by Bristol merchants in the second half of the eighteenth century. Investment between 1788 and 1792 was approximately £280,000 a year. David Richardson, ‘Slavery and Bristol’s “Golden Age”’, SA, 26, 1 (2005), pp. 35–37, 46–47. Eltis notes that ‘almost no slavers leaving Liverpool in the eighteenth century escaped notice’ in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade database. Eltis, ‘Volume and Structure’, p. 20; Rawley with Behrendt, Transatlantic Slave Trade, Table 8.2, pp. 155, 176–77. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade; Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, Table 4, p. 95; Stephen D. Behrendt, ‘The Annual Volume and Regional Distribution of the British Slave Trade, 1780–1807’, JAH, 38 (1997), Table 1, p. 189. Rawley with Behrendt, Transatlantic Slave Trade, pp. 176, 186–87; Kenneth Morgan, ‘Liverpool’s Dominance in the British Slave Trade, 1740–1807’, in Richardson, Schwarz and Tibbles, Liverpool and Transatlantic Slavery, pp. 14–42. Diana E. Ascott, Fiona Lewis and Michael Power (eds), Liverpool 1660–1750. People, Prosperity and Power (Liverpool, 2006), chapters 1–3. Rapid growth between 1780 and 1800 ‘strained the capacity’ of administrative systems in the town. Jane Longmore, ‘Civic Liverpool: 1680–1800’, in John Belchem (ed.), Liverpool 800. Culture, Character and History (Liverpool, 2006), pp. 113, 119, 167, 169. Joseph Sharples, Liverpool (New Haven/London, 2004), pp. 7–10. The profitability of the Liverpool slave trade is discussed by a number of contributors to Richardson, Schwarz and Tibbles, Liverpool and Transatlantic Slavery; Rawley with Behrendt, Transatlantic Slave Trade, pp. 167–88; Longmore, ‘Civic Liverpool’, pp. 132–35; Richardson, ‘Liverpool and the English Slave Trade’, pp. 67–72. Richardson, ‘Liverpool and the English Slave Trade’, p. 66; Longmore, ‘Civic Liverpool’, p. 135. Industrial enterprises at Holywell supplied brass and copper goods to the Liverpool

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slave trade. The demands generated by the African trade may have provided the initial stimulus for the development of copper working at Holywell. Kenneth Davies, ‘The Eighteenth Century Copper and Brass Industries of the Greenfield Valley’, Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion (1979), pp. 203–5. A good summary of this debate is contained in Rawley with Behrendt, Transatlantic Slave Trade, pp. 228–30; Seymour Drescher, ‘Capitalism and Slavery after Fifty Years’, SA, 18, 3 (1997), pp. 213–17; Herbert S. Klein, The Atlantic Slave Trade (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 98–102. Roger Anstey was dismissive of Williams’s claims. Anstey, Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, pp. xi–xii. Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, p. 82. This paragraph is based on Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, p. 74. Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, p. 177. Stephen D. Behrendt and Eric J. Graham, ‘African Merchants, Notables and the Slave Trade at Old Calabar, 1720: Evidence from the National Archives of Scotland’, History in Africa [hereafter HA], 30 (2003), p. 38. A small number of vessels from Dumfries, located approximately 40 miles from Langholm, undertook voyages to the Cape Verde islands and Virginia in the mid-eighteenth century. Mark Duffill, ‘The Africa Trade from the Ports of Scotland, 1706–66’, SA, 25, 3 (2004), pp. 104, 109–10, 121 note 56. Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 76–79, 81. Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, p. 74. Dumfries Archive Centre [hereafter DAC], MF 67, Langholm Parish Registers, 1668–1854; Merseyside Maritime Museum [hereafter MMM], C/EX/L/4, Vol. 7, No. 20, Certificate of British Registry. Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 89–91. Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 85–87, Table D, p. 129. Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 97–100. John Knox, who had completed six voyages as surgeon before being promoted to master, gave evidence to the parliamentary enquiry into the slave trade in 1789. TNA, ZHC 1/82, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1789, p. 73. James Walvin, Black Ivory. A History of British Slavery (London, 1993), pp. 16–21. Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 91–94, 98–100. Crow, Memoirs, pp. 1–66; Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 84– 85, 87. His father, John Irving, is described as a smith in the baptism registers between 1759 and 1762, and also in the entry that records the burial of his wife Isobel in 1791. He is described as an innkeeper on his gravestone in Langholm old chapel. DAC, MF 67, Langholm Parish Registers, 1668–1854; Memorials of Langholm Parish, Reference 18. This is probably a fanciful account of his loss of sight, which may have been caused by an outbreak of ophthalmia on board ship. This was contagious and could lead to blindness. Rawley with Behrendt, Transatlantic Slave Trade, p. 252. David Irving, The History of Scottish Poetry (Edinburgh, 1861), pp. xi–xii. The following list notes the date of the men’s first voyage from Liverpool in brackets after their name. John Wright (1771), Roger Aikin (1775), George Broadfoot (1776), John Laidley (1784), Christopher Robson (1785), Alexander Armstrong (1786), David Hannay (1791), William Hotson/Hutson (1798), Thomas Kirkpatrick (1798), Alexander Wilson (1798), Robert Wallace (1802),

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34

35 36

37 38

39 40 41 42 43

44 45

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Slave Captain John Duff (1803), James Wallace (1803), John Dickson (1804), Adam Murphy (1805), William Geddies (1806) and John Campbell (1807). Biographical information on 1,000 surgeons who made 2,500 Guinea voyages is contained in Stephen D. Behrendt, ‘The Surgeons in the British Slave Trade: An A–Z Listing’, typescript. DAC, RS 22/5, Register of Sasines, 1781–1820, No. 2551, Contract of Feu, 1784. When Irving bought a property in Langholm in 1784, a description of the land and buildings indicated that the plot was bounded on the north-east by the property of George Little, surgeon. As the maiden name of Irving’s mother was Little, there may well have been a family connection with George Little and Andrew Little. The stipulation in the Dolben Act that surgeons must obtain certification contributed to reductions in slave mortality. Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785– 1807’, pp. 172–81. I am grateful for this information, which was supplied by Glen Jones at the Royal College of Surgeons of England. As there is no record of James Irving in the archives of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh, it is possible that he was apprenticed closer to home in the nearby town of Dumfries, or even in Langholm. His apprenticeship is not listed in P.J. and R.V. Wallis, Eighteenth-Century Medics, second edition (Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1988). It is unlikely that the record of apprenticeship of ‘James Irvine’ to Nathaniel Spens and Robertson, surgeons of Edinburgh, on 1 September 1768 relates to the future slave-ship captain. The different surname spelling may be of little significance, but his apprenticeship at the age of eight would have been atypically young. R.B. Sheridan refers to the careers of three surgeons in the West Indies who were apprenticed between the ages of 15 and 17. R.B. Sheridan, ‘Mortality and the Medical Treatment of Slaves in the British West Indies’, in Stanley L. Engerman and Eugene D. Genovese (eds), Race and Slavery in the Western Hemisphere: Quantitative Studies (Princeton, 1975), pp. 293– 302. William Lemprière, A Tour from Gibraltar to Tangier, Sallee, Mogodore, Santa Cruz, Tarudant, and Thence over Mount Atlas to Morocco, third edition (London, 1804), pp. 275–76. TNA, BT 98/42–50. Muster rolls were completed after the ship had returned to Britain. For a discussion of Liverpool muster rolls, see D.J. Pope, ‘The Liverpool Muster Rolls’, The Bulletin of the Liverpool Nautical Research Society, 42, 3 (1998), pp. 97–102. TNA, BT 98/44, 2 June 1784. Lloyd’s List, 23 January 1784. Stephen D. Behrendt, ‘Markets, Transaction Cycles, and Profits: Merchant Decision Making in the British Slave Trade’, WMQ, 3rd series, 58, 1 (2001), p. 172. Lloyd’s List, 23 April 1784. His next slaving voyage on the Jane also disembarked slaves at Kingston, Jamaica. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 83976, 81989. This sugar-producing island had the ‘largest demand for slaves of any British colony in the Americas’. Most slaves taken to Jamaica were landed at the port of Kingston. Trevor Burnard and Kenneth Morgan, ‘The Dynamics of the Slave Market and Slave Purchasing Patterns in Jamaica, 1655–1788’, WMQ, 3rd series, 58, 1 (2001), pp. 205–6, 208–11. TNA, BT 98/43, 11 July 1783. Lloyd’s List of 4 February 1783 recorded that the Vulture in the command of Captain Wilson had arrived at Tortola. This voyage is not listed in the Trans-Atlantic Slave

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Notes

46 47 48 49 50

51 52 53 54

55 56 57 58 59

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Trade database, as there is no evidence to indicate that any trade was conducted in Africa. TNA, BT 98/42, 17 October 1782. The Prosperity, a ship of 100 tons burthen, was built in Philadelphia in 1773. A certificate of plantation registry was granted at Liverpool on 3 November 1778. Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, p. 74; Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 91–93. Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, Table B, p. 126; TNA, BT 98/45, 16 July 1785. The use of ‘Mr.’ instead of ‘Dr.’ probably denotes that Irving was a surgeon, rather than a physician trained at a university. Frances Wilkins, Manx Slave Traders. A Social History of the Isle of Man’s Involvement in the Atlantic Slave Trade (Kidderminster, 1999), pp. 87–88. Insurrections by slaves occurred on up to 10 per cent of slave ships. Merchants not only emphasised the importance of maintaining discipline among the crew, but also employed larger numbers of crew to deter rebellion. Even so, the reason for differing levels of rebelliousness between African regions requires an explanation which takes account of political and cultural circumstances in Africa. David Richardson, ‘Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade’, WMQ, 3rd series, 58, 1 (2001), pp. 72–74, 88, 90; Stephen D. Behrendt, David Eltis and David Richardson, ‘The Costs of Coercion: African Agency in the PreModern Atlantic World’, Economic History Review, 65, 3 (2001), pp. 454–76. TNA, BT 98/47, 27 March 1787. Richard Brooke, Liverpool as it was: 1775 to 1800 (Liverpool, 1853; new edition Liverpool, 2003), pp. 54–55. TNA, BT 98/48, 19 January 1788. The Jane, a ship of 242 tons burthen, was built in 1766. The ship, in the command of Captain Quayle Fargher, disembarked 540 Africans at Kingston, Jamaica in March 1785. During a subsequent voyage in 1787, Captain Walker delivered 490 slaves to St. Vincent. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 81989, 81991. Gore’s General Advertiser, 14 August 1783; MMM C/EX/L/4, Vol. 4, No. 96, Certificate of British Registry. M.K. Stammers, ‘“Guineamen”: Some Technical Aspects of Slave Ships’, in Tibbles, Transatlantic Slavery, p. 34. TNA, BT 98/49, 2 March 1789. LRO, DDX 1126/1/9. DAC, MF 67, Langholm Parish Registers, 1668–1854. James Irving, son of Janetus Irving and Helen Bell of Langholm, was born on 24 August 1772 and christened on 6 September 1772. The couple had baptised a child, also named James, in June 1771, but the baptism of a second infant with the same name the following year suggests that the first child died in infancy. LRO, DDX 1126/1/34, James Irving to Mary Irving, not dated (Letter 7). In the catalogue this letter has a suggested date of spring 1791. However, the address of 45 Paradise Street corresponds with an earlier phase in Irving’s career. A letter of 20 October 1787 is also addressed to Mary Irving at 45 Paradise Street, although by May 1789 Irving addressed his letters to 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool. The importance of such contracts is noted by F.E. Sanderson, ‘The Liverpool Delegates and Sir William Dolben’s Bill’, THSLC, 124 (1972), p. 75; J. E. Inikori, ‘Measuring the Atlantic Slave Trade: An Assessment of Curtin and Anstey’, JAH,

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17, 2 (1976), pp. 208–9; Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, pp. 22–23. 62 House of Lords Record Office [hereafter HLRO], Lords Journal 3 July and 10 July 1788; House of Lords [hereafter HL], Main Papers, 3 July 1788 and 10 July 1788. 63 Elizabeth Donnan (ed.), Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America, Vol. II (Washington, 1931), p. 583. 64 Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 83239. 65 Eltis, ‘Volume and Structure’, p. 39; Rawley with Behrendt, Transatlantic Slave Trade, p. 186. 66 Securing payment for slaves in the Americas could be time-consuming, and was a factor that contributed to longer voyage times. However, it was the loading rates of slaves on the African coast that exercised the main influence on the overall speed of the voyage. Paul E. Lovejoy and David Richardson, ‘“This Horrid Hole”: Royal Authority, Commerce and Credit at Bonny, 1690–1840’, JAH, 45 (2004), p. 365. 67 Liverpool Record Office [hereafter LivRO], 387 MD 28. This comment on Captain Sherwood is noted on the reverse side of the letter, although the author is unknown. 68 Crow, Memoirs, p. 32. 69 ‘An Act to Regulate for a Limited Time, the Shipping and Carrying of Slaves in British Vessels from the Coast of Africa’, Donnan, History of the Slave Trade, pp. 582– 89. 70 Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 99–100. 71 A former surgeon in the slave trade referred to the ‘expected premium usually allowed to the captains, of 6 per cent sterling on the produce of the negroes’. Alexander Falconbridge, An Account of the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa (London, 1788), p. 27. 72 Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 112–14. 73 For a discussion of how some Liverpool merchants engaged in the slave trade used their wealth, see David Pope, ‘The Wealth and Social Aspirations of Liverpool’s Slave Merchants of the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century’, in Richardson, Schwarz and Tibbles, Liverpool and Transatlantic Slavery, pp. 164–226. 74 In October 1778 Dawson captured a French East Indiaman called the Carnatic with a cargo of diamonds, silk, coffee and tea. Dawn Littler, ‘The Earle Collection: Records of a Liverpool Family of Merchants and Shipowners’, THSLC, 146 (1997), p. 105. Dawson was no longer involved in the slave trade after 1795 and might have been declared a bankrupt in 1793. Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785– 1807’, p. 127; Rawley with Behrendt, Transatlantic Slave Trade, pp. 186–87. 75 Fargher’s third and last voyage as a captain in the Liverpool slave trade was probably on the Eliza. This cleared from Liverpool to Bonny in May 1787 and returned to Liverpool in February 1788. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 81181. Fargher purchased a property called Snugborough in the Isle of Man from Patrick Kelly in 1787. Wilkins, Manx Slave Traders, p. 91.

3

Irving’s Voyages in the Transatlantic Slave Trade

1

Ships typically carried cargo on three stages of the voyage. Walter E. Minchinton, ‘The Triangular Trade Revisited’, in H.A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn (eds), The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York, 1979), pp. 331–51. However, the term ‘triangular’ is problematic, as it does not adequately convey the complexities of the trade. Slaves were part of a complex

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series of transactions and repercussions were felt along other trade routes. George Shepperson, ‘Comment’, in Engerman and Genovese, Race and Slavery, p. 102. Relatively few ships returned to England without a cargo. Minchinton, ‘Triangular Trade’, pp. 339, 351; Roger Anstey, ‘The Volume and Profitability of the British Slave Trade, 1761–1807’, in Engerman and Genovese, Race and Slavery, p. 17; David Richardson (ed.), Bristol, Africa and the Eighteenth Century Slave Trade to America, Vol. 3. The Years of Decline 1749–69, Bristol Record Society Publications, 42 (1991), p. xxiv. Lovejoy and Richardson, ‘“This Horrid Hole”’, Table 1, p. 368; Paul Lovejoy and David Richardson, ‘African Agency and the Liverpool Slave Trade’, in Richardson, Schwarz and Tibbles, Liverpool and Transatlantic Slavery, pp. 48–49. Lovejoy and Richardson, ‘“This Horrid Hole”’, pp. 363–72. The place of trading for the Princess Royal in 1788 is not specified, but may have focused on Bonny or New Calabar. Irving asked his wife to write to him often by any vessel that sails ‘after us to Bonney or New Callabar’ (Letter 7). The three firms of William Boats of Liverpool, John Dawson of Liverpool and James Jones of Bristol accounted for more than 50 per cent of all slaves shipped from Bonny on British ships in the late eighteenth century. Lovejoy and Richardson, ‘“This Horrid Hole”’, p. 373. Behrendt calculates that in the period 1785–1807, Dawson organised 19 voyages to Bonny, accounting for 19 per cent of ‘British merchant shares of African slave exports’ in that port. Boats organised 29 voyages to Bonny, giving a market share of 21 per cent, and Jones organised 21 voyages, giving a market share of 11.9 per cent. Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, Table C5, p. 302. David Richardson, ‘Slave Exports from West and West Central Africa, 1700– 1810: New Estimate of Volume and Distribution’, JAH, 30 (1989), Table 5, pp. 11–20. David Richardson, ‘The Costs of Survival: The Transport of Slaves in the Middle Passage and the Profitability of the 18th-Century British Slave Trade’, Explorations in Economic History, 24 (1987), p. 192. Liverpool vessels demonstrated a turnaround time of eleven months in 1792, although the outbreak of war in 1793 prolonged the length of the voyage. B.K. Drake, ‘The Liverpool–African Voyage c. 1790–1808: Commercial Problems’, in Roger Anstey and P.E.H. Hair (eds), Liverpool, the African Slave Trade, and Abolition: Essays to Illustrate Current Knowledge and Research, Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, Occasional Series, 2 (Liverpool, 1976; enlarged edition, Liverpool, 1989), pp. 132–35. Lovejoy and Richardson, ‘“This Horrid Hole”’, p. 365. Drake, ‘Liverpool–African Voyage’, pp. 148–50. Robin Law, Ouidah. The Social History of a West African Slaving ‘Port’ 1727–1892 (Oxford, 2004), pp. 132–33. Behrendt, ‘Markets, Transaction Cycles, and Profits’, pp. 172–75, 181–85, 187, 192–93, 196, 201. High death rates occurred amongst slaves awaiting embarkation on European ships. Johannes Postma, ‘Mortality in the Dutch Slave Trade, 1675–1795’, in Gemery and Hogendorn, The Uncommon Market, pp. 240–42. Drake, ‘Liverpool–African Voyage’, Table 1, p. 146. This occurred in the 1730s, some 40 years earlier than previous interpretations have suggested. Lovejoy and Richardson, ‘“This Horrid Hole”’, pp. 371–72, 390. Lovejoy and Richardson, ‘“This Horrid Hole”’, pp. 379–80.

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17 Falconbridge described how ‘after the kings have been on board, and have received the usual presents, permission is granted by them for trafficking with any of the black traders’. He noted that ‘after permission has been obtained for breaking trade, as it is termed, the captains go ashore, from time to time, to examine the negroes that are exposed to sale, and to make their purchases’. Falconbridge, Slave Trade, pp. 7–8, 12. 18 The intended number of slaves on this voyage was 850. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 83237. 19 Paul E. Lovejoy and David Richardson, ‘African Agency and the Liverpool Slave Trade’, in Richardson, Schwarz and Tibbles, Liverpool and Transatlantic Slavery, pp. 43–65. 20 Behrendt et al., ‘Costs of Coercion’, pp. 474–75; Law, Ouidah, pp. 123–54; David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 164–92; Klein, Atlantic Slave Trade, pp. 103–29. 21 P.E.H. Hair, ‘Antera Duke of Old Calabar – A Little More About an African Entrepreneur’, HA, 17 (1990), pp. 359–65; Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 91545; Stephen D. Behrendt, A.J.H. Latham, and David Northrup, The Diary of Antera Duke: An Eighteenth-Century African Slave Trader (New York, forthcoming, 2009). 22 Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 69, 74. 23 Falconbridge explained how the surgeons ‘minutely inspect their persons, and inquire into the state of their health; if they are afflicted with any infirmity, or are deformed, or have bad eyes or teeth; if they are lame, or weak in the joints, or distorted in the back, or of a slender make, or are narrow in the chest; in short, if they have been, or are afflicted in any manner, so as to render them incapable of much labour; if any of the foregoing defects are discovered in them, they are rejected’. Falconbridge, Slave Trade, pp. 16–17. The role and duties of the slave ship surgeon are discussed in W.N. Boog Watson, ‘The Guinea Trade and Some of its Surgeons’, Journal of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh, XIV, 4 (1969), pp. 206– 7. 24 Herbert S. Klein, Stanley L. Engerman, Robin Haines and Ralph Shlomowitz, ‘Transoceanic Mortality: The Slave Trade in Comparative Perspective’, WMQ, 3rd series, 58, 1 (2001), p. 104; Robin Haines and Ralph Shlomowitz, ‘Explaining the Mortality Decline in the Eighteenth-Century British Slave Trade’, Economic History Review, 53, 2 (2000), p. 276. 25 Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 83237, 83238. 26 Eltis, ‘Volume and Structure’, p. 32; Behrendt, ‘Annual Volume and Regional Distribution’, p. 197. 27 Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 80687, 81553 and 81554. 28 Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, p. 69. 29 Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 80686, 81822 and 83233. 30 Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 72, 74; Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, p. 105. 31 Lovejoy and Richardson, ‘“This Horrid Hole”’, pp. 375–76. 32 LivRO, 387 MD 54, Letter Book of Robert Bostock 1779–90, Bostock to William Cleveland, 19 June 1788. 33 Most of the slaves shipped from the Bight of Biafra were Igbos. Richardson, ‘Ship-

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board Revolts’, p. 81. The typical slave-ship cargo from Bonny and New Calabar in the last quarter of the eighteenth century comprised 47 per cent men, 38 per cent women and 15 per cent girls and boys. G. Ugo Nwokeji, ‘African Conceptions of Gender and the Slave Traffic’, WMQ, 3rd series, 58, 1 (2001), Table II, p. 60. Diptee suggests that the journey to the coast by canoe took a few days. Audra A. Diptee, ‘African Children in the British Slave Trade during the Late Eighteenth Century’, SA, 27, 2 (2006), p. 188. Paul Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery. A History of Slavery in Africa (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 57–58, 99–100; Lovejoy and Richardson, ‘“This Horrid Hole”’, pp. 378, 381–82. David Richardson, ‘West African Consumption Patterns and their Influence on the Eighteenth Century English Slave Trade’, in Gemery and Hogendorn, The Uncommon Market, p. 319. Eltis, ‘Volume and Structure’, p. 31; P.E.H. Hair, The Atlantic Slave Trade and Black Africa (London, 1978), pp. 13–17; Marion Johnson, ‘The Atlantic Slave Trade and the Economy of West Africa’, in Anstey and Hair, Liverpool, the African Slave Trade, and Abolition, pp. 14–17; Richardson, ‘West African Consumption Patterns’, pp. 303–30. TNA, ZHC 1/85, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1790, p. 609. Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, p. 103. HLRO, HL Main Papers 28 July 1800. This source is described more fully in D.P. Lamb, ‘Volume and Tonnage of the Liverpool Slave Trade 1772–1807’, in Anstey and Hair, Liverpool, the African Slave Trade, and Abolition, pp. 107–8. The English Pilot, sixth edition (London, 1761), p. 30. Another edition was published in 1780. This had increased from an average of 1.3 slaves per day between 1750 and 1775. Lovejoy and Richardson, ‘“This Horrid Hole”’, Table 3, p. 179. The rate of loading on the Ellen was significantly higher than that of the Swallow which traded for slaves on the Gold Coast between 9 March and 25 May 1791. The schooner in the command of Captain John Johnston acquired, on average, one slave every two days. Stephen D. Behrendt, ‘The Journal of an African Slaver, 1789–1792, and the Gold Coast Slave Trade of William Collow’, HA, 22 (1995), pp. 61–62. In addition to the ‘Return … of Ships Employed in the Slave Trade in Each Year from 1791 to 1797’, there is a separate and more detailed statement of slave purchases for the ‘Ellen of Liverpool, 1791’. This records the number of slaves by sex and age purchased between 11 April and 14 September 1791. This table records the number who were transhipped on the African coast, the number who died in the Middle Passage and the number landed and sold in the West Indies. HLRO, HL Main Papers 28 June 1799. Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, Table C5, pp. 299–306. This may refer to Lagos. However, the sequence of the voyage might suggest that the reference was to Legu. This coastal location was twenty miles east of Anomabu and one mile east of Tantumkweri. Letter 37. A transcript is held at DAC. This may refer to Lagos or Legu. The Prince traded for slaves at a number of locations including Anomabu and Benin. The ship left the coast of West Africa on 16 March 1791 carrying 150 slaves for delivery to Grenada. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 83183.

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48 Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 282. Death rates were even higher in the seventeenth and early eighteenth century. K.G. Davies, ‘The Living and the Dead: White Mortality in West Africa, 1684–1732’, in Engerman and Genovese, Race and Slavery, p. 97. 49 Crow, Memoirs, pp. 32–34. 50 Eltis, ‘Volume and Structure’, p. 31. 51 Eltis et al., Trans–Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 81242. 52 Some ships were used as ‘factory ships’ for the supply of other vessels. Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, p. 42. 53 Paul Lovejoy, ‘The Children of Slavery – the Transatlantic Phase’, SA, 27, 2 (2006), pp. 197–98, 211–12; Diptee, ‘African Children’, p. 184. 54 TNA, ZHC 1/87. Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1791, p. 38. 55 Diptee, ‘African Children’, pp. 186, 189–91, 193 note 22. 56 Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 67–69, 84. 57 Richardson, ‘Costs of Survival’, pp. 179–80; Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 29; Robin Haines, Ralph Shlomowitz and Lance Brennan, ‘Maritime Mortality Revisited’, International Journal of Maritime History, 8, 1 (1996), pp. 134–38; Klein et al., ‘Transoceanic Mortality’, pp. 98–100, 105. 58 Klein et al., ‘Transoceanic Mortality’, pp. 94–102, 109. 59 Falconbridge suggested that the surgeon could have little impact on levels of slave mortality. Falconbridge, Slave Trade, pp. 28–29. 60 Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, pp. 181–86; Richard B. Sheridan, ‘The Guinea Surgeons on the Middle Passage: The Provision of Medical Services in the British Slave Trade’, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 14, 4 (1981), pp. 601–10, 613–22. 61 The ‘care and treatment on slave vessels could correlate with significant differences in shipboard mortality for slaves and for crew’. Klein et al., ‘Transoceanic Mortality’, p. 95; Haines and Shlomowitz, ‘Explaining the Mortality Decline’, pp. 262–83. 62 Behrendt, ‘Annual Volume and Regional Distribution’, Table 4, p. 193. The Ellen had 149 males on board when she sailed from the African coast, of whom 31 died (21 per cent) compared with 16 of the 104 female slaves (15 per cent). In the Dutch trade proportionately more men than women died in the Middle Passage, although ‘the reasons for this remain speculative’. Postma, ‘Mortality’, p. 260. 63 Clause XIV of the Act stated that £100 should be paid to the master and £50 to the surgeon if slave deaths accounted for 2 per cent or less of the total number transported from Africa. A bounty of £50 for the master and £25 for the surgeon was payable if slave deaths did not exceed 3 per cent. ‘An Act to Regulate for a Limited Time, the Shipping and Carrying of Slaves in British Vessels from the Coast of Africa’, Donnan, History of the Slave Trade, p. 587. 64 Klein et al., ‘Transoceanic Mortality’, p. 103. 65 Martin and Spurrell, Journal of a Slave Trader, p. 47. 66 Stammers, ‘“Guineamen”’, p. 34. 67 MMM, C/EX/L/4, Vol. 8, No. 133, Certificate of British Registry. 68 Lamb, ‘Liverpool Slave Trade’, Table 10, p. 101. 69 Klein et al., ‘Transoceanic Mortality’, pp. 99, 103; Herbert S. Klein and Stanley L. Engerman, ‘A Note on Mortality in the French Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century’, in Gemery and Hogendorn, The Uncommon Market, pp. 264–65. As Postma points out, ‘the more or less crowded conditions added little to generally

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unhygienic conditions on board ship’. Postma, ‘Mortality’, p. 250. 70 Klein et al., ‘Transoceanic Mortality’, pp. 101–2. 71 Falconbridge, Slave Trade, pp. iii, 11, 37. 72 Thomas Clarkson, An Essay on the Impolicy of the African Slave Trade. In Two Parts (London, 1788), pp. 31–55. 73 TNA, ZHC 1/85, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1790, pp. 277–81. Clarkson was given the muster rolls by William Rathbone, a Liverpool merchant. Sanderson, ‘Liverpool Delegates’, p. 69 note 34, p. 81. In the French trade between 1714 and 1778 between 15 to 20 per cent of crew members did not return to France. Robert Stein, ‘Mortality in the Eighteenth Century French Slave Trade’, JAH, 21 (1980), p. 36. 74 Emma Christopher, ‘Another Head of the Hydra? Slave Trade Sailors and Militancy on the African Coast’, Atlantic Studies, 1, 2 (2004), pp. 145–46. 75 TNA, BT 98/47, 27 March 1787. 76 Klein et al., ‘Transoceanic Mortality’, p. 105; Pope, ‘Liverpool Muster Rolls’, p. 101. 77 Stephen D. Behrendt, ‘Crew Mortality in the Transatlantic Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century’, in David Eltis and David Richardson (eds), Routes to Slavery: Direction, Ethnicity and Mortality in the Transatlantic Slave Trade (London, 1997), pp. 54, 57–58; Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, Table E3, p. 344. 78 Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 283; Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, pp. 192–93; Behrendt, ‘Crew Mortality’, pp. 54–55. 79 This corresponds with the pattern of crew mortality in a sample of 158 Liverpool voyages between 1770 and 1775. Behrendt, ‘Crew Mortality’, pp. 56–57. 80 TNA, BT 98/48, 19 January 1788. 81 Behrendt, ‘Crew Mortality’, p. 60. 82 TNA, BT 98/52, 31 July 1792. 83 There was a mortality loss of 10.7 per cent amongst the crew of Liverpool slave ships visiting the Gold Coast between 1780 and 1807. This compares with rates of 18.4 per cent in the Bight of Biafra, 21.3 per cent on the Windward Coast and 30.3 per cent in the Gambia River. Behrendt, ‘Crew Mortality’, pp. 56–60. 84 Klein et al., ‘Transoceanic Mortality’, pp. 105–6; Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 29. 85 Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, pp. 282–83, 286. 86 Crow, Memoirs, p. 42. 87 Stein, ‘Mortality’, p. 39. 88 Thomas Clarkson had published an account of this case in 1788. This earlier work provides few specific details about the captain and the vessel, but the description of the punishment inflicted on the seaman is very similar to the account in the publication of 1808. Clarkson, Essay on the Impolicy of the African Slave Trade, pp. 44–47. 89 Clarkson referred to the names of five seamen: Peter Green, George Ormond, Patrick Murray, Paul Berry and Michael Cunningham. Thomas Clarkson, The History of the Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave–Trade by the British Parliament, Vol. I (London, 1808), pp. 396–411. The muster roll indicates that Green died on 19 September 1786. Ormond was discharged on 30 January 1787 and Murray was discharged on 2 February 1787. Cunningham died on 4 October 1786 and Berry died 10 November 1786. TNA, BT 98/47, 30 July 1787. 90 TNA, ZHC 1/85, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1790, p. 599. 91 Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 83979.

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92 A further 16 men were engaged in the West Indies on 3 April 1787. TNA, BT 98/47, 30 July 1787. 93 The delivery of 99 per cent of the intended total of 650 slaves to the West Indies suggests that this was a profitable voyage. On the basis of William Davenport’s papers, Richardson suggests that those vessels ‘which failed to deliver more than 55 per cent of their originally intended complement of slaves to the New World almost invariably made financial losses, while those that delivered over 55 per cent of their complements usually, though not invariably, produced profits’. Richardson, ‘Costs of Survival’, p. 180. The vessel carried five more slaves than the number recorded in the customs records. Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, p. 47. 94 Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 83979, 83980, 83981. 95 Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, p. 92 note 41. This calculation is based on a figure of £38–40 for an adult male privilege slave. 96 Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, p. 74. 97 DAC, RS 22/5, Register of Sasines, 1781–1820, No. 2551, Contract of Feu, 1784. The Buck Inn was sold on 11 July 1808 by Articles of Roup following the death of John Irving. 98 Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, p. 92 note 41. 99 The more fashionable areas of the town were located in areas leading up to Everton ridge and to the south of the town centre. Longmore, ‘Civic Liverpool’, pp. 155, 158, 167. 100 Pope, ‘The Wealth and Social Aspirations of Liverpool’s Slave Merchants’, p. 170. 101 Gore’s Liverpool Directory (Liverpool, 1790); Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 83233. 102 Irving’s voyages are not included among a list of 93 surviving accounts. Richardson, ‘West African Consumption Patterns’, Table 12.2, pp. 312–15. 103 Pope, ‘The Wealth and Social Aspirations of Liverpool’s Slave Merchants’, pp. 178–80. 104 Pope, ‘The Wealth and Social Aspirations of Liverpool’s Slave Merchants’, pp. 164–65, 169–74. Many of the leading residents of Queen Square in Bristol were linked to slave-trading activity through a ‘dense web of business and kinship interests’. Clifton was also ‘awash with slave-based wealth’. Madge Dresser, ‘Squares of Distinction, Webs of Interest: Gentility, Urban Development and the Slave Trade in Bristol c. 1673–1820’, SA, 21, 3 (2000), pp. 21–47. 105 Richardson, ‘Bristol’s “Golden Age”’, pp. 49–50. 106 Pope, ‘The Wealth and Social Aspirations of Liverpool Slave Merchants’, pp. 168–70, 185. 107 David Richardson, ‘Profitability in the Bristol–Liverpool Slave Trade’, Revue Française d’Histoire d’Outre–Mer, 62 (1975), pp. 301–5; David Richardson, ‘Profits in the Liverpool Slave Trade: The Accounts of William Davenport, 1757–1784’, in Anstey and Hair, Liverpool, the African Slave Trade, and Abolition, pp. 65, 69, 73, 76–77; Richardson, ‘Costs of Survival’, pp. 178–96. 108 Cited in J.E. Inikori, ‘Market Structure and the Profits of the British African Trade in the Late Eighteenth Century’, Journal of Economic History, 41, 4 (1981), p. 761. 109 The partnership between Baker and Dawson was dissolved between 1788 and 1789. Anstey, Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 6 note 13. 110 MMM, C/EX/L/4, Vol. 7, No. 20, Certificate of British Registry. 111 Stammers, ‘“Guineamen”’, p. 35; Kenneth Morgan, ‘Liverpool’s Dominance in the British Slave Trade, 1740–1807’, pp. 19–20.

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112 The cost of fitting out a Liverpool slaving vessel in 1787 was £15.92 per ton, compared with £9.34 per ton for a West Indiaman. Richardson, ‘Costs of Survival’, pp. 184–86. A listing of ships owned by Dawson in March 1790 states that the value of the Anna and outfit was £677 and the cargo was valued at £1,682. The list was out of date though, as the Anna had been shipwrecked ten months earlier. TNA, ZHC 1/85, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1790, p. 500. 113 Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, pp. xvi–xvii. 114 HLRO, Lords Journal 3 July and 10 July 1788. HL Main Papers, 3 July 1788 and 10 July 1788. However, a listing of March 1790 indicates that John Dawson owned seven other small vessels, including the Young Hero and Margaretta of 80 tons burthen, the Amery and Prince of 55 tons burthen, and the Maria, Charlotte and Trinidada Packet of 50 tons burthen. His ownership of some of these vessels predates the passage of the Dolben Act. TNA, ZHC 1/85, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1790, pp. 500–9. The Holt-Gregson papers record that Dawson owned 19 ships valued at £156,699. LivRO, 942 HOL, Holt-Gregson Papers, ‘An Account of the Ships and Cargoes and the Amount Employed in the African Slave Trade from the Port of Liverpool this 3rd day of March 1790’, vol. x, p. 367. 115 TNA, ADM 7/109, Pass Number 7469; ADM 7/108. The Anna was bound for the Gold Coast. The principal destination for slaves embarked on British ships on the Gold Coast in the last quarter of the eighteenth century was Jamaica, but a small number of Africans were disembarked in Cuba. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. 116 Clarkson described in 1788 how men were entertained in public houses with ‘musick and dancing’. Once in an ‘intoxicated state’, they were presented with their bill and informed that they were heavily in debt. They were then offered the alternative of going on board a slave ship or going to gaol. Clarkson, Impolicy of the African Slave Trade, p. 33. 117 A sample of the geographical origins of crewmen in the British slave trade between 1789 and 1807 indicates that black mariners accounted for 3 per cent of the total. Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, Table 3.4, p. 79, Table 3.6, p. 81; Emma Christopher, Slave Ship Sailors and Their Captive Cargoes, 1730–1807 (Cambridge, 2006), pp. xviii, 51–90. 118 The muster roll of the Princess Royal included five out of a total of 83 entries with names suggestive of African origin (6 per cent). The proportion of black crew might have been higher, as men of African origin sometimes had names that were European in character. 119 Black seamen typically formed a very small proportion of the crew, but their presence was very visible. The Liverpool slave ship Hibernia was unusual as it listed seven men of African origin amongst a crew of 35 men (20 per cent). Christopher, Slave Ship Sailors, pp. 57, 80, 231–33.

4

Shipwreck and Enslavement

1

James Mario Matra, born in New York in 1746, had some maritime experience. He served on a number of vessels as captain’s servant and able-bodied seaman in the 1760s. He sailed as an able-bodied seaman on the voyage of the Endeavour in July 1768. Joseph Banks also sailed to the Pacific on board this vessel in the command of Captain James Cook. Through his friendship with Joseph Banks, Matra was able to develop a career in the diplomatic service. He spent periods as Vice-Consul to Tenerife and as Embassy Secretary in Constantinople before

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Slave Captain taking up a position as Consul General to Morocco in 1787. He died at Tangier in March 1806. Alan Frost, The Precarious Life of James Mario Matra (Melbourne, 1995), pp. xi, 1–4, 71, 83, 124, 138; A. Giordano (ed.), The Anonymous Journal. A Journal of a Voyage Round the World in His Majesty’s Ship Endeavour (Adelaide, 1975), pp. v–xi. MMM, OA 1866. Atlas of Charts, 1794. LRO, DDX 1126/1/16, James Irving to J.M. Matra, not dated. Modern day Hydrographic Office planning charts indicate that the prevailing currents along the African shore flow generally west and south in the area where Irving was shipwrecked. The reason why Irving was so far to the east of his planned route could be linked to the cumulative effects of compass error. National Maritime Museum [hereafter NMM], LOG/M/46, John Newton’s Manuscript Journal 1750–1754, p. 18. TNA, FO 174/14, Letters from the Ironmongers’ Company of London Regarding the Redemption of British Slaves and Shipwrecked Mariners in Morocco, Letter to James Green, Consul General at Tangier, 27 June 1811. James Grey Jackson, An Account of the Empire of Morocco (1811; third edition, London, 1968), pp. 270–71. Jackson is described as ‘an enlightened traveller’ who developed a detailed knowledge of Morocco through a sixteen-year period of residence in the country. Mohamed Chtatou, ‘Morocco in English Travel Literature: A Look at J.G. Jackson’s Account’, Journal of North African Studies [hereafter JNAS], 1, 1 (1996), pp. 59–62, 65–71. Jackson’s work is described as an ‘illuminating text’. Michael Brett and Elizabeth Fentress, The Berbers (Oxford, 1996), pp. 175–77. Voyages to the Coast of Africa, by Mess. Saugnier and Brisson; Containing An Account of Their Shipwreck on Board Different Vessels, and Subsequent Slavery (London, 1792), pp. 10, 17. Lemprière, Tour, p. 276. According to the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade database, Dawson completed twelve voyages as a commander. Six of these voyages obtained slaves on the Upper Guinea Coast of Africa. The first voyage was on the Rainbow which cleared for the Windward Coast on 14 April 1761. His last recorded voyage on the True Briton on 17 March 1776 was to Bonny in the Bight of Biafra. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 90927, 91414, 91415, 91563, 91667, 91668, 91712, 91831, 91832, 92567, 92014, 92566. If Lemprière’s account is accurate, Dawson’s motives for instructing Irving to follow a ‘dangerous navigation’ are unclear. The first mate was the navigator. Captains often did not take the initial navigational readings. Street directories for Liverpool listed a number of navigation schools in the late eighteenth century. In 1787 these included Thomas Aspinwall at Cropper Street, Joseph Barnes at Carpenter’s Row, the Reverend William Hobrow at Edmund Street, and Henry Young at Dukes Place. Bailey’s Liverpool Directory (Liverpool, 1787). This book was intended ‘to facilitate the improvement of youth in nautical knowledge, and be an useful companion for seamen’. John Hamilton Moore, The Practical Navigator, and Seaman’s New Daily Assistant. Being a Complete System of Practical Navigation, Improved, and Rendered Easy to Any Common Capacity, seventh edition (London, 1782), p. xi. Moore’s obituary referred to ‘his Epitome of Navigation which will be a lasting memorial of his knowledge in that science’. The Gentleman’s Magazine, 72 (1807), p. 1174. The East India Company was ‘in advance of the Royal Navy in the introduction of chronometers’. From 1790, the East India Company produced printed logbooks

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which provided spaces for the entry of chronometer readings. W.E. May, A History of Marine Navigation (Henley-on-Thames, 1973), pp. 33–36; W.F.J. Mörzer Bruyns, ‘Longitude in the Context of Navigation’, in William J. H. Andrews (ed.), The Quest for Longitude. The Proceedings of the Longitude Symposium, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, November 4–6, 1993 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1996), p. 47; Brian Lavery, Nelson’s Navy. The Ships, Men and Organisation 1793–1815 (London, 1989), p. 186. This method was used widely in the period from c.1780 to 1840. However, ‘while the principle is simple, one of the big disadvantages of this method is that the arithmetic needed to compute the longitude is formidable’. Derek Howse, ‘The Lunar-Distance Method of Measuring Longitude’, in Andrews, Quest for Longitude, pp. 150–61. E.G.R. Taylor, Navigation in the Days of Captain Cook, Maritime Monographs and Reports, 18 (London, 1975), p. 3. Moore’s Practical Navigator included instruction on the use of Hadley’s quadrant, the method of finding the latitude by the ‘Meridian altitude of the Sun or Star’, and the method of calculating the ‘variation of the Compass by an Amplitude, Azimuth, and equal Altitudes of the Sun, rendered plain to any common capacity’. Moore, Practical Navigator, pp. viii–ix, 44, 47, 155, 157, 162, 166, 169; Lavery, Nelson’s Navy, pp. 181–87. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, pp. 1–7. TNA, T64/286, ‘An Account of all Vessels which have Cleared for London, Bristol and Liverpool to Africa since the Year 1788’. Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, pp. 35–38. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, p. 6. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 80052. This threat was particularly significant for mariners from France, Spain, Portugal and Italy, who were enslaved in larger numbers than British sailors. Davis, Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters, p. 4; Colley, Captives, pp. 44, 80. The period before 1720 was the most dangerous phase of activity by the corsairs ‘as far as Britain was concerned’. Between 1600 and 1640, a total of 12,000 English people might have been captured, and between 1660 and the 1730s the Barbary corsairs might have captured 6,000 or more English subjects. During this period, Moulay Ismaïl ‘systematised corsairing as a weapon of state finance’. For a short period from 1756, the acting ruler Sidi Muhammad revived corsairing as a way of exerting diplomatic pressure on the British government. Colley, Captives, pp. 43– 44, 52, 69, 89, 126–32. There was a marked decline in corsairing from the mid-eighteenth century. Mohamed El Mansour, ‘The Anachronism of Maritime Jihad: The U.S.–Moroccan Conflict of 1802–1803’, in Jerome B. Bookin-Weiner and Mohamed El Mansour (eds), The Atlantic Connection. 200 Years of Moroccan– American Relations 1786–1986 (Rabat, Morocco, 1990), p. 49. N.R. Bennett, ‘Christian and Negro Slaves in Eighteenth-Century North Africa’, JAH, I (1960), pp. 65–82. Jackson, Morocco, pp. 279–81. In the period 1776 to 1800, 50 Liverpool slave ships were shipwrecked or destroyed before they embarked slaves. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. Lloyd’s List of 22 December 1795 reported that the vessel ‘was totally lost on the coast of Barbary, on the 11th August last’. The brig of 185 tons sailed from Liverpool on 17 July 1795 and was bound to Bonny on the coast of West Africa to

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Slave Captain purchase 310 slaves. William Forbes was listed as the first of five owners, together with Thomas Rigmaiden, William Gregson junior, Joseph Ward and William Begg. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 83572. TNA, FO 52/11, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, 1795–1810, ff. 48–49, 51. TNA, FO 95/1/3, Barbary States, 1766–1801. Memorial of Messrs. Forbes & Co., owners of the ship Solicitor General. TNA, CO 267/10, Daniel Backhouse to John Tarleton, ff. 132–34. Jackson explained that ‘Agadeer is the Arabian name … and Santa Cruz is the Portugueze appellation’. Jackson, Morocco, p. 3. This is similar to Saugnier’s account of his shipwreck on the Moroccan coast in 1784. He recorded how ‘they came running down in crowds to the sea-side, and bellowing in the most dreadful manner’. Voyages to the Coast of Africa, by Mess. Saugnier and Brisson, p. 14. In 1810 Robert Adams, an American mariner shipwrecked and enslaved on the Barbary Coast, recorded how the crewmen were ‘surrounded by thirty or forty Moors’ who ‘stripped all of them naked’. The Narrative of Robert Adams, A Sailor, Who Was Wrecked on the Western Coast of Africa, In the Year 1810 (London, 1816), pp. 8, 10. LRO, DDX 1126/1/16, Irving to Matra, not dated. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, p. 15. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, pp. 13–23. LRO, DDX 1126/1/16, Irving to Matra, not dated. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, pp. 27–28. A map of Morocco included in Jackson’s Account of the Empire of Morocco describes the area just south of the position of their shipwreck as a ‘desert of moving Sands’. Jackson, Morocco, p. 272. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, pp. 25–29, 98. Mohamed El Mansour, Morocco in the Reign of Mawlay Sulayman (Wisbech, 1990), p. 5. Moroccans visiting England in the nineteenth century exhibited a ‘deep seated resentment’ towards Christian Europe in their travel accounts (rihla-s). Mohamed El Mansour, ‘Moroccan Perceptions of European Civilisation in the Nineteenth Century’, University of London Centre of Near and Middle Eastern Studies Occasional Paper 7 (London, 1988), pp. 41, 44; Jackson, Morocco, p. ix. Narrative of Robert Adams, p. 146. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, p. 40. Sidi Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd Allah of the ‘Alawid dynasty, Sultan of Morocco between 1757 and 1790, is usually credited with restoring peace and stability to the country and expanding trade with Europe. Following the death of the Sultan in 1792 Mawlay ‘Abd al-Rahman established ‘an independent principality in the Sous’, an area surrounding Agadir and Taroudannt. He had no pretensions to the throne, unlike a number of his brothers. El Mansour, Morocco, pp. 89, 96; Richard Gray (ed.), The Cambridge History of Africa, vol. 4 (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 148, 150. Jackson, Morocco, p. 56; D.J. Schroeter, ‘Merchants and Pedlars of Essaouira: A Social History of a Moroccan Trading Town, 1884–1886’, Unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of Manchester, 1984, p. 47; C.R. Pennell, Morocco Since 1830. A History (London, 2000), pp. 6–7, 26. There was a ‘reputedly rich trans-Saharan trade’ passing through the settlement in the second half of the nineteenth century. Michael Brett, ‘Great Britain and Southern Morocco in the Nineteenth Century’, JNAS, 2, 2 (1997), p. 3.

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46 A Jewish merchant who profited from this activity was Mordecai De La Mar. Daniel J. Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew. Morocco and the Sephardi World (Stanford, 2002), pp. 20–22. 47 ‘Shaykh’ was a title of respect which meant ‘old man’. This epithet was used for ‘learned teachers, but also for political rulers (esp. in Arabia) or for people of importance; an important leader in a tribe, village, guild etc. (cf. ‘elder’), or a Sufi mystical master’. Pennell, Morocco Since 1830, p. xxxi. 48 Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, pp. 29–54. He also spelt the name as ‘Teilin’ and ‘Tellin’. Hutchison spelt it as ‘Tillim’ and ‘Telling’ in his correspondence with Irving. 49 TNA, FO 925/519. Carte de L’Empire de Maroc, Paris 1848 with Memorandum of 8 July 1881. 50 Irving explained that he was given these instructions in ‘broken Spanish’. On the journey to Guelmine, Irving recorded how they met a man who spoke a few words of Spanish. As Spain was one of Morocco’s most important trading partners in the late eighteenth century, knowledge of Spanish was probably more widespread than that of English or French. 51 Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, pp. 52–55. 52 Grenville served as foreign secretary between 1791 and 1801, and as Prime Minister between 1806 and 1807. H.C.G. Matthew and Brian Harrison (eds), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004), Vol. 23, pp. 749–52. 53 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra 1789–1790, ff. 108, 177. The issue of responsibility for the payment of ransom for men of different nationalities amongst the crew of British vessels was debated in 1807. The Ironmongers’ Company of London, which deployed charitable funds for the redemption of Barbary captives, queried whether efforts to redeem shipwrecked mariners should extend only to British-born subjects, or to people of all nationalities (except those at war with Britain) employed on British vessels. After seeking the advice of counsel, it was decided that ‘any person employed fairly in the British service, and falling into slavery may properly be redeemed by the Company without reference to the birth place of the captive’. Jackson, who was consulted on this issue, advised that it was the usual practice of British consuls in Morocco to redeem men of all nationalities. TNA, FO 174/14, Letters from the Ironmongers’ Company of London Regarding the Redemption of British Slaves and Shipwrecked Mariners in Morocco, Letter from Ironmongers’ Hall, 7 July 1807; Colley, Captives, p. 120. 54 M.M. Schofield, ‘The Slave Trade from Lancashire and Cheshire Ports Outside Liverpool, c.1750–c.1790’, THSLC, 126 (1977), p. 31. 55 TNA, ADM 7/109; ADM 7/108. 56 Jackson noted in 1809 that ‘From Santa Cruz southward the sovereignty of the Emperor slackens, so that at Wedinoon it is scarcely acknowledged’. He explained how ‘this place being thus only nominally in his dominions is another impediment to the redemption of the mariners who happen to be shipwrecked about Wedinoon’. Jackson, Morocco, pp. 55, 276–77. 57 The sultan had limited influence in the southern Sus until the late nineteenth century. Mustapha Naimi, ‘American Expansionist Aims in South-Western Morocco During the Nineteenth Century’, in Bookin-Weiner and Mansour, Atlantic Connection, p. 109. 58 El Mansour, Morocco, p. 16; Chtatou, ‘Morocco in English Travel Literature’, p. 63.

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59 El Mansour, Morocco, p. 24. 60 El Mansour, Morocco, pp. 14–16; Chtatou, ‘Morocco in English Travel Literature’, p. 64. Some Jews achieved a high social position and played an important role in the development of international trade, but they were still ahl al–dhimma. Schroeter comments on the role of ‘court Jews’ and identifies the importance of Jewish merchants in the port of Essaouira during the reign of Sidi Muhammad. Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, pp. xi–xii, 1–3, 7, 9–11, 22–26; Schroeter, ‘Merchants and Pedlars of Essaouira’, pp. 23–24; Amira K. Bennison, Jihad and its Interpretations in Pre-Colonial Morocco. State–Society Relations During the French Conquest of Algeria (London/New York, 2002), p. 25. 61 Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, pp. 20–22. 62 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, 1789–1790, ff. 108–9. 63 Colley, Captives, pp. 115–16. 64 A request for a doctor to attend Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam was made in September 1789. Lemprière, Tour, p. 1. 65 TNA, FO 52/9, Morocco Series, Miscellaneous Papers, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 113–14. 66 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 130. 67 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 143–44. 68 Lemprière’s Tour was republished a number of times: Berlin in 1792; a second edition with additions, London in 1793; Lisbon, 1794; a third edition with additions in 1800; and an enlarged third edition, Newport on the Isle of Wight, 1813. In 1816 the work was printed by J. Davis of the Military Chronicle and Military Classics Office. In contrast to the later work of Jackson, Lemprière’s Tour showed little understanding of, or empathy with, Moroccan culture. He spent only a short period in the country, and Jackson commented that although he provided an interesting description of the Sultan’s harem ‘the rest of his account has many errors’. Jackson, Morocco, p. vi; Chtatou, ‘Morocco in English Travel Literature’, pp. 59– 62, 65–71. Jonas Francisco Zigers, a Dutch man resident in Morocco between 1778 and 1792, was very critical of Lemprière’s comments on the cultural and religious life of Morocco. Zigers, also known as Caïd Dris, argued that many aspects of Lemprière’s account were inaccurate. A. Farouk, ‘Critique du Livre de Lemprière Par un Témoin de L’Époque’, Hespéris Tamuda, 26–27 (1989), pp. 105–37. 69 Lemprière, Tour, pp. 2–3. 70 Hutchison informed Captain Irving that he had received a letter from his cousin written at Taroudannt dated 27 October 1789, a date more or less corresponding with Lemprière’s arrival. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 5–13, 122–33. 71 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 180. 72 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 177. 73 Evan Nepean spent a period at the Home Office where his responsibilities included oversight of botanical expeditions, and ‘from March 1783 he held the sinecure appointment of naval officer in Grenada, Dominica and Barbados’. Due to poor health, he spent regular periods of recovery at Bath from 1789. Matthew and Harrison, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 40, p. 425. Nepean was also Governor of Bombay in 1813–14. 74 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 183. 75 Lemprière used his meetings with Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam to plead the case of Irving and his crew. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 138–39, 169–72. 76 Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, pp. 73–74.

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Notes 77 78 79 80 81 82

83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91

92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99

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Jackson, Morocco, p. 73. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, p. 68. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, pp. 75–82. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 275–79, 288. Jackson, Morocco, pp. 269–81. Jackson referred to the sufferings of those people wrecked on the Barbary coast ‘which no tongue can utter, no pen can accurately describe’. This phrase is very similar to one contained in a draft letter that Irving wrote to Matra. Irving described how ‘a sensible heart may in some degree feel that no pen or the tongue of a Cicero can express first a dreadfull shipwreck, then viewed by a party of naked savages with drawn knives expecting every moment to be deprived of a painfull existence and now consigned over to a slavery more detestable than death’. In a letter to Captain Irving dated 27 September 1789, Matra acknowledged receipt of a letter from him dated 10 August 1789. This letter does not survive, but it is likely that this was based on the fragile draft letter held at the Lancashire Record Office. Irving’s letter to Matra may well have included this eloquent phrase. LRO, DDX 1126/1/16, Irving to Matra, not dated. In a letter of 22 October 1789, Matra informed Grenville that ‘by the last accounts the captain was very ill with a malignant fever’. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 151. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 172. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, pp. 82–83. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 183, 188. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 280–84. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 188, 194–95. Lemprière used his experience in Jamaica to write Practical Observations on the Diseases of the Army in Jamaica, As They Occurred Between the Years 1792 and 1797 (London, 1799). Lemprière, Tour, p. 426; Matthew and Harrison, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 33, p. 338. These audiences might have taken place at ‘the imperial palace of Marocco, which faces Mount Atlas’. Alternatively, they might have been conducted in an area that Jackson described as ‘(the M’shoar, or) Place of Audience’. This was ‘an extensive quadrangle, walled in, but open to the sky, in which the Emperor gives audience to his subjects, hears their complaints, and administers justice.’ Jackson, Morocco, pp. 58, 60. C.R. Pennell, ‘Meeting the Sultan: Personal Encounters with the Commander of the Faithful’, JNAS, 9, 1 (2004), pp. 22–35. The copy journal prepared by William Hill indicates that Captain Thomson of the navy supplied the Sultan with information about navigation. He may also have provided the Sultan with the chart he used to instruct shipwrecked mariners. BW, ‘Journal of Voyage and Shipwreck’, pp. 98–100. El Mansour, ‘The Anachronism of Maritime Jihad’, pp. 50–51. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 188. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 190. Lemprière, Tour, p. 87. Brett, ‘Great Britain and Southern Morocco’, pp. 3–4; Michael Brett, ‘On the Historical Links Between Morocco and Europe’, University of London Centre of Near and Middle Eastern Studies Occasional Paper 7 (London, 1998), pp. 9–10;

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Chtatou, ‘Morocco in English Travel Literature’, pp. 63–64; Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, pp. 13, 17, 22. 100 Schroeter, ‘Merchants and Pedlars of Essaouira’, pp. 1–6, 15–19, 28, 448; El Mansour, Morocco, pp. 59–71. 101 Lemprière, Tour, pp. 86–89. 102 Fatima Harrak, ‘Foundations of Muhammad III’s Western Policy’, in BookinWeiner and El Mansour, Atlantic Connections, p. 39. 103 Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, p. 85. 104 This letter is not amongst those held at the Lancashire Record Office. 105 El Mansour, Morocco, pp. 19–26. 106 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 181. 107 Jackson, Morocco, pp. 258–63. 108 Jackson, Morocco, pp. 273–74, 279–81. 109 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 160–62, 177–79, 181–82. 110 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 182, 190. 111 Disputes with England during Sidi Muhammad’s reign also focused on Gibraltar. Jerome B. Bookin-Weiner, ‘The Origins of Moroccan American Relations’, in Bookin-Weiner and El Mansour, Atlantic Connection, p. 22. 112 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 182. 113 His name is variously spelt as Atall and Attar in Matra’s correspondence. Attal was a Jewish merchant who attained an influential position at court. Sidi Muhammad granted him trading privileges. In common with other Jewish merchants, Attal might have been in a position to profit from transactions involving the ransom of enslaved mariners. Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, pp. 20–22, 170 note 33. 114 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 199, 201, 210. 115 Mawlay al-Yazid claimed the throne following the death of Sidi Muhammad, his father. He received extensive support from various influential groups, including the Berber tribes and the army, although the support dissipated quickly when he was unable to meet the diverse needs of his supporters. His death on 17 February 1792 created a new power struggle amongst a number of Sidi Muhammad’s sons. El Mansour, Morocco, pp. 88–89, 101. 116 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 210, 214, 221–22. 117 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 242, 248. 118 Harrak, ‘Muhammad III’s Western Policy’, p. 41. 119 El Mansour, Morocco, pp. 20, 88–89. 120 TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 228, 230; Lemprière, Tour, pp. 465–66. 121 El Mansour, Morocco, pp. 14–15, 89; Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, pp. 26–27; Bennison, Jihad and its Interpretations, p. 28.

5

Freedom and Return to England

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Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, p. 88. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, p. 89. William Enfield described Benns Garden Chapel as one of three places of worship in Liverpool of the ‘Presbyterian persuasion’. He commented that it was a ‘neat and convenient building, and belongs to a numerous, flourishing and respectable society’. William Enfield, An Essay Towards the History of Liverpool (Warrington,

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1773), p. 47. LivRO, MF 1/32, RG 4/1042, Register of Births and Baptisms Belonging to the Congregation of Protestant Dissenters at Benns Garden Chapel, 1734–1832. Crow, Memoirs, pp. 3, 31, 92. Boog Watson, ‘Surgeons’, pp. 210–11; LivRO, 614 INF 9/1. Register of Certificates Granted to … Surgeons of the African Trade’. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 81241. Gore’s General Advertiser, 2 April 1789; Williamson’s Liverpool Advertiser, 6 April and 18 May 1789. Williamson’s Liverpool Advertiser, 10 January 1791. TNA, BT 98/52, 31 July 1792. I am grateful to Frances Wilkins for this reference. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 84095. The carpenter was a vital member of the crew, as he was required to erect structures for the control of the purchased slaves. Falconbridge refers to the construction of a ‘barricado’ of ‘about eight feet in height … made to project near two feet over the sides of the ship’. This structure ‘serves to keep the different sexes apart; and as there are small holes in it, wherein blunderbusses are fixed, and sometimes a cannon, it is found very convenient for quelling the insurrections that now and then happen’. Falconbridge, Slave Trade, pp. 5–7. The importance attached to this occupation is reflected in the fact that carpenters were the highest paid men amongst the general crew. Behrendt, ‘Markets, Transaction Cycles, and Profits’, pp. 177, 180; Behrendt, ‘Human Capital in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 72, 75, 93 note 47. HLRO, HL Main Papers 28 June 1799, 28 July 1800. TNA, BT 98/52, 31 July 1792. It was usual for surgeons and other skilled crew members to return to the home port with the ship. Richardson, ‘Costs of Survival’, p. 189.

6

Conclusion

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Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, Written by Himself, first published 1789 (ed.), Werner Sollow (New York/London, 2001), p. 42. Debate has focused recently on Equiano’s origins and the reliability of his account. See, for example, Vincent Carretta, ‘Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa? New Light on an Eighteenth-Century Question of Identity’, SA, 20, 3 (1999), pp. 96–105 and Alexander X. Byrd, ‘Eboe, Country, Nation, and Gustavus Vassa’s Interesting Narrative’, WMQ, 3rd series, 63, 1 (2006), pp. 123–48. Sanderson notes how Edward Rushton, who served as second mate on a Liverpool slave ship in the early 1770s, began writing abolitionist poetry as early as 1782. F.E. Sanderson, ‘The Liverpool Abolitionists’, in Anstey and Hair, Liverpool, the African Slave Trade, and Abolition, pp. 204–5. John Newton, a captain in the Liverpool slave trade in the 1750s, condemned the slave trade as brutal, degrading and antiChristian in his Thoughts upon the African Slave Trade in 1788. Alexander Falconbridge made four voyages as surgeon on Bristol slave ships. In 1788, however, his Account of the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa made an important contribution to abolitionist debate. The newly formed Sierra Leone Company employed Falconbridge. He travelled out to Sierra Leone on the Upper Guinea Coast of Africa to re-establish

2

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Slave Captain the colony for freed slaves following an attack by a neighbouring Temne ruler. Christopher Fyfe (ed.), Anna Maria Falconbridge: Narrative of Two Voyages to the River Sierra Leone During the Years 1791–1792–1793 and the Journal of Isaac DuBois with Alexander Falconbridge, An Account of the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa (Liverpool, 2000), pp. 1–5, 193–95. TNA, ZHC 1/85, Evidence on the Slave Trade 1790, p. 604. Cited in Fyfe, Anna Maria Falconbridge, p. 193. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 275–76. John Newton also complained about the heat and the ‘perpetual talking’ on board ship. Rice, Radical Narratives, p. 52. Rice, Radical Narratives, pp. 50–54. The New Statistical Account of Scotland, Vol. IV. Dumfries–Kircudbright–Wigston (Edinburgh/London, 1845), p. 20. Davis, ‘What the Abolitionists Were Up Against’, p. 24; Anstey, Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, pp. 93–95. C. Duncan Rice, ‘Literary Sources and the Revolution in British Attitudes to Slavery’, in Bolt and Drescher, Anti-Slavery, Religion and Reform, p. 319. Falconbridge, Slave Trade, p. 46; Stephen Small and James Walvin, ‘African Resistance to Enslavement’, in Tibbles, Transatlantic Slavery, p. 37; Jennifer Lyle Morgan, ‘Women in Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade’, in Tibbles, Transatlantic Slavery, p. 57. Clarkson, History, p. 395. Drescher, ‘Slaving Capital of the World’, pp. 133–37. Liverpool’s defence of the trade is well known, but this has had the effect of obscuring the anti-abolitionist role played by London. James A. Rawley, ‘London’s Defense of the Slave Trade, 1787–1807’, SA, 14, 2 (1993), pp. 48–69. Crow, Memoirs, pp. 133, 176–77. Martin and Spurrell, Journal of a Slave Trader, p. 99. Matthew and Harrison, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 17, pp. 910–11. Sanderson, ‘Liverpool Delegates’, p. 67. Crow, Memoirs, pp. xvi, xviii, xxxiii, 170. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 1. Paul Baepler, ‘The Barbary Captivity Narrative in American Culture’, Early American Literature, 39, 2 (2004), p. 230; Colley, Captives, p. 65. Colley, Captives, pp. 84, 87, 116. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, p. 69. Baepler, ‘Barbary Captivity Narrative’, pp. 220, 230. Their captors’ refusal to eat or drink from the same utensils is similar to an incident recorded in the Barbary captivity narrative of Abraham Browne in 1655. Baepler, ‘Barbary Captivity Narrative’, pp. 217–18, 240. TNA, FO 52/10, Morocco Series, Miscellaneous, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 51, 59, 64–65, 85, 112–13, 118. Differences in the forms and conditions of ‘slavery’ are explored in Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, pp. 1–22. An estimated number of one million Europeans were enslaved on the Barbary Coast between 1530 and 1780. Davis, Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters, pp. xiv–xxiii, 23–24. This was noted by David Eltis in his review of Slave Captain: The Career of James Irving in the Liverpool Slave Trade in The Northern Mariner, 6, 4 (1996), pp. 91–92.

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28 Patrick Manning, Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental and African Slave Trades (Cambridge, 1990), p. 122. 29 Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, pp. 52–53, 59. 30 In their reviews of the first edition of Slave Captain, Stephen Behrendt and David Eltis noted how Irving did not recognise the irony of his situation. Stephen D. Behrendt, review of Slave Captain: The Career of James Irving in the Liverpool Slave Trade in Journal of African History, 40, 2 (1999), p. 348; Eltis, Review, The Northern Mariner, p. 92. 31 Eltis, Review, The Northern Mariner, p. 92. 32 Tibbles, Transatlantic Slavery, p. 173. 33 P.E.H. Hair, Adam Jones and Robin Law (eds), Barbot on Guinea. The Writings of Jean Barbot on West Africa 1678–1812, Volume 2 (Hakluyt Society, London, 1992), p. 782. 34 This is reminiscent of a line in John Walker’s poem of 1789 defending the Liverpool slave trade. In his Descriptive Poem on the Town and Trade of Liverpool, Walker stated that ‘Humanity is now the pop’lar cry’. Cited in Drescher, ‘Slaving Capital of the World’, pp. 134–35. 35 Drescher, ‘Slaving Capital of the World’, pp. 128, 133. 36 Jennings, The Business of Abolishing the Slave Trade, pp. 57–62. 37 Philip D. Curtin, The Image of Africa. British Ideas and Action, 1780–1850 (London, 1965), pp. 36, 40–45. 38 Rice, Radical Narratives, pp. 56–57. 39 Irving’s outlook reflects the ‘slave–free paradox’ that emerged in early modern Europe. Eltis argues that Europeans were willing to impose exploitative systems of slave labour on Africans, but not on other Europeans. Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, pp. 15–18, 280. 40 Drescher, ‘Slaving Capital of the World’, pp. 128–36. 41 David Richardson, Review of Slave Captain: The Career of James Irving in the Liverpool Slave Trade in The Mariner’s Mirror, 82, 3 (1996). 42 Colley, Captives, pp. 116–17. 43 LRO, DDX 1126/1/16. Irving to Matra, not dated. 44 Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 111–15. 45 DAC, MF 67, Langholm Parish Registers, 1668–1854. 46 Thomas Golightly served as mayor of Liverpool in 1772. He was an alderman and senior member of the Council and Borough Treasurer between 1789 and 1820. Tibbles, Transatlantic Slavery, p. 74. 47 A customs officer who usually remained on shore. 48 DAC, RS 22/5, Register of Sasines, 1781–1820, No. 2551, 11 July 1808; DAC, GF 5/9, Dumfries Services of Heirs, 30 November 1807; A.E. Truckell, ‘Some 18th Century Transatlantic Trade Documents’, a copy of which is deposited at DAC. 49 BW, ‘Journal of Voyage and Shipwreck’, pp. 105–6. 50 TNA, BT 98/52, 31 July 1792. 51 Joseph Barry merchant and Mary Irving widow, both of the parish of Liverpool, were married by licence. Four witnesses were present. LivRO, 283 ANN 3/3, Register of St. Ann’s parish. I am grateful to Roger Hull for this reference. 52 Letters to James Irving II contain evidence about members of his family. Frederick Hippius, a friend of the late Captain Irving, expressed his concern about the poor health of James Irving II’s grandmother (Mrs. Tunstall) in 1809. LRO, DDX

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1126/1/37, Frederick Hippius to James Irving, 17 March 1809. 53 LRO, DDX 1126/1/38, Hippius to Irving, 6 June 1809; LRO, DDX 1126/1/39, Hippius to Irving, 24 June 1809; Gore’s Liverpool Directory (Liverpool, 1805). 54 International Genealogical Index. James C. Irving annotated one of Captain Irving’s letters of 12 November 1790, and indicated that Mrs. Tunstall was his great grandmother. LRO, DDX 1126/1/32, Irving to Mary Irving, 12 November 1790. 55 LRO, DDX 1126/1/44, Wigg and Irving of Rio Grande to James Irving, 14 March 1843.

James Irving’s Correspondence, 1786–1791 1 2

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7

This letter was addressed to 9 College Lane, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/2. Mr. Hippius was a Liverpool merchant who arranged insurance for Irving on a number of occasions. He was born at Reval in Livonia, Russia, but was settled in Liverpool as a merchant by 1785. An entry in Gore’s General Advertiser in January 1785 indicates that part of the cargo of the Bella from Rotterdam was consigned to Hippius. In 1790 he was resident at 64 Sparling Street in Liverpool and had a timber yard at 3 Tabley Street. He was engaged in trade with northern Europe and was still in Liverpool in May 1806 when the death of his son was announced in the Liverpool Chronicle. He subsequently moved to Deptford, where he worked at the dockyards. In a letter to Captain Irving’s son in 1809, he indicated that ‘my occupation at the Docks prevents me from going about during Day time’. LRO, DDX 1126/1/39, Hippius to Irving, 24 June 1809. For the development of Liverpool’s north European trades and the immigration of foreign merchants, see David Pope, ‘Johann Reinhold Forster’s Son Carl: A Merchant in Liverpool in the 1780s and 1790s’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 89, 1 (2003), pp. 92–94. This letter was addressed to 9 College Lane, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/4. Lloyd’s List of Friday 1 December 1786 (no. 1834) recorded that ‘the Ally, Dodson was well at New Calabar the 23rd July’. This newly constructed ship sailed from Liverpool on 27 April 1786. Its first port of embarkation was New Calabar and it began the disembarkation of 420 slaves at Dominica in October 1786. Its return cargo from Dominica comprised sugar, coffee, cotton and fustic. Eltis et al., TransAtlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 80202; Gore’s General Advertiser, 8 March 1787; Williamson’s Liverpool Advertiser, 12 March 1787. The brig Venus in the command of Richard Hodgson sailed from Liverpool on 6 June 1786. Its first intended port of slave embarkation was New Calabar and the ship left Africa with 273 slaves on board. The slaves were disembarked in Grenada and the ship returned to Liverpool in April 1787. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 83939. This was the same ship on which Irving completed two voyages between November 1782 and May 1784. TNA, BT 98/43, 11 July 1783; BT 98/44, 2 June 1784. This ship was built in 1777 and was a prize captured from the French. It sailed from Liverpool on 5 June 1786, a day earlier than the sailing of the Venus. The Vulture purchased slaves at Bonny and New Calabar, and its principal port of slave disembarkation was Kingston, Jamaica. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 83979. A letter from James Irving at New Calabar to his wife dated 19 July 1786 is listed in the catalogue at the LRO, but is now missing. LRO, DDX 1126/1/3.

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Lloyd’s List of Tuesday 12 December 1786 (no. 1837) records that the Golden Age in the command of Captain Jackson was at Bonny on the coast of West Africa. The ship owned by Thomas Hinde junior left Liverpool on 25 June 1786. Its first port of slave embarkation was Bonny and 670 slaves were disembarked at Dominica. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 81607. Later letters indicate that this refers to his brother-in-law, George Dalston Tunstall. This could refer to either John Marvault who died, according to details in the muster roll, on 30 August 1786 or James Maxwell who died on 18 September 1786. TNA BT 98/47, 27 March 1787. This may refer to Thomas Laycock, a merchant resident at 1 Watkinson Street, Liverpool in 1790. Gore’s Street Directory (Liverpool, 1790). This letter was addressed to 9 College Lane, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/5. This indicates that the ship left New Calabar on 7 October 1786. Eltis et al., TransAtlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 81990. In the muster roll John Quirk, Hugh Christian, William Harrison, John Clegg and James Irving are listed in descending order after Captain Quayle Fargher. This letter was addressed to 9 College Lane, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/6. Hymen, the god of marriage. I am grateful to Christopher Fyfe for elucidating this reference. Lloyd’s List of Friday 26 January 1787 records that the ‘Jane, Fargher arrived [at Tobago] from Africa, 526 slaves’. The parish registers of Langholm record the baptism of ‘James son to John Irving smith in Langholm and Isobel Little his spouse’ on 16 December 1759. DAC, MF 67, Langholm Parish Registers, 1668–1854. LRO, DDX 1126/1/7. The Young Hero in the command of Thomas Molyneux sailed from Liverpool on 18 March 1787. Owned by Peter Baker and John Dawson, the ship’s principal port of slave disembarkation was Havana, Cuba. The ship returned to Liverpool in November 1787 and her cargo included logwood and tortoise shell for Baker and Dawson. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 84091; Gore’s General Advertiser, 8 November 1787. Bassau on the Ivory Coast. Anomabu on the Gold Coast of Africa. The Garland, a ship of 525 tons, was owned by Peter Baker and John Dawson. The ship, in the command of Captain William Forbes, left Liverpool on 10 March 1787. Its principal place of slave purchase was Bonny. The slaves were disembarked at Havana, Cuba in 1787. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 81550. Williamson’s Liverpool Advertiser of 7 January 1788 recorded that the Garland, W. Forbes, arrived in Liverpool from Africa and Havana ‘with 13 elephant teeth for Baker and Dawson’. William Forbes, baptised in Liverpool on 13 February 1753, captained six slave voyages between 1786 and 1791. Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, p. 124. Falconbridge described Bonny as ‘a large town … lying about twelve miles from the sea, on the east side of a river of the same name’. The barr refers to a bank or shallow at the mouth of the river. Falconbridge, Slave Trade, p. 51. The muster roll lists William Baker, possibly the nephew of the merchant Peter Baker, as the final name in a crew list of 54. This may indicate that he was an apprentice. TNA, BT 98/48, 19 January 1788.

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26 The North Wind. 27 The muster roll for the Princess Royal lists William Linton after Captain Sherwood, and John McLeish is listed eleventh after the captain. TNA, BT 98/48, 19 January 1788. 28 This letter was addressed to 45 Paradise Street, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/8. 29 The Garland in the command of Captain William Forbes returned to Liverpool on 26 December 1787. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 81550. 30 Darby and Joan. This phrase refers to an elderly married couple, particularly one in humble circumstances. The phrase was used in a verse in The Gentleman’s Magazine of 1735. 31 Caracas. 32 This letter was addressed to 45 Paradise Street, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/34. 33 The Elizabeth in the command of John Marshall sailed from Liverpool on 27 May 1788. Bonny was the principal place of slave purchase, and the ship departed Africa for Montevideo with 546 slaves on board. The Vulture in the command of James Brown sailed from Liverpool on 12 May 1788. This ship, on which Irving had previously sailed, purchased slaves at Bonny for re-sale in Montego Bay, Jamaica. The ship, a prize taken from the French, was owned by Thomas Seaman, James Percival and William Boats. The Ann in the command of Samuel Clough left Liverpool on 12 May 1788. The principal port for slave purchases was Bonny, and the slaves were taken to Kingston, Jamaica for re-sale. This vessel was also owned by Thomas Seaman, James Percival and William Boats. The Hannah in the command of Charles Wilson left Liverpool on 5 May 1788. Owned by Thomas Leyland and Moses Benson, the ship traded for slaves at New Calabar. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 81208, 83980, 80255, 81712. 34 The wife of the ship’s captain. By 1790 Sherwood was resident at 4 Duke Street, Liverpool. Gore’s Liverpool Directory (Liverpool, 1790). 35 On the voyage of the Princess Royal between 10 April 1788 and 22 January 1789, Robert Catterall is listed directly after Captain Sherwood. There are two people named James Irving in the list. The first, the subject of this text, is listed seventh in a total crew list of 83, whilst his younger cousin is listed two places lower. TNA, BT 98/49, 2 March 1789. 36 This letter is in private ownership. The letter was addressed to Mr. Janetus Irving, Langholm, via Carlisle. 37 Dialect for quilt. 38 Mrs. Tunstall was Mary Irving’s mother. 39 James Irving II had three surviving brothers. The eldest, Simon, born in 1769, John and David, the youngest, born in December 1778. Irving, Scottish Poetry, p. xi. 40 This letter was addressed to 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/10. 41 It is possible that this relates to modern-day Talaïnt, a fortified settlement, located approximately 30 miles north-east of Guelmine in Morocco. 42 Fuerteventura, one of the Canary Islands. 43 Mawlay ‘Abd al-Rahman was an exiled son of Sidi Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd Allah, Sultan of Morocco. El Mansour, Morocco, pp. 89, 96. 44 This corresponds with information in Admiralty records. TNA, ADM 7/109, pass number 7469; ADM 7/108. 45 In the journal Irving notes in July 1789 that ‘About this time I was informed by the

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Jew that I had been bought from Bilade at Gulimeme, by Shiech Brahim my preasent master for 135 Ducats’. Mogador (Essaouira), a port on the Atlantic coast of Morocco. An appeal for assistance to unnamed individuals, written by Captain Sherwood on Irving’s behalf, survives in Liverpool Record Office, 387 MD 28 (Letter 30). This is probably an error in transcription by Hutchison (or his clerk), as the address on surviving letters from Captain Irving to Mary Irving between 1789 and 1791 is 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/11. Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam, son of Sidi Muhammad, Sultan of Morocco, was virtually blind. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 105. In a letter to the Secretary of State’s office dated 17 August 1789, Matra noted that ‘Muly Islemma has already purchased two of Captain’s Irving’s crew, who are now with Muly Abdslem at Morocco’. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 118. This may refer to Mawlay al-Yazid, a son of Sidi Muhammad, who was proclaimed Sultan in 1792. This letter is addressed to Captain James Irving at ‘Tillim’. LRO, DDX 1126/1/12. Aaron Debauny, the Jew with whom Irving was housed. Mr. Wynne was an English merchant resident at Mogador in the late eighteenth century. Jackson, Morocco, p. 123. The register of Mediterranean Passes shows that the pass was returned on 24 August 1789. TNA, ADM 7/109; ADM 7/108. Irving seems to have followed this advice and repeated some of Hutchison’s wording in a letter he drafted to send to Matra. In this letter, Irving described how ‘I am a most distresst and unfortunate person takes the liberty of addressing you and craves with the Humility of a poor slave your Assistance and protection’. He explained how ‘I feel a considerable palliation of my Sufferings […] I commit any part of them to paper’. LRO, DDX 1126/1/16, Irving to Matra, not dated. This letter was addressed to Mrs. Tunstall, Pownall Square. LRO, DDX 1126/1/13. Mary Irving gave birth to a son James on 4 December 1789. LivRO, MF 1/32, RG 4/1042. LRO, DDX 1126/1/14. John Irving of Langholm in Scotland died in 1807, aged 76. DAC, Memorials of Langholm Parish, reference 18. Benin City, or Great Benin, was some miles inland from the coast. Although Irving, like many other sailors, referred to ‘Benin’, the city was not accessible to ships. This is a copy of a letter from Irving. TNA, FO 52/9, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 117. Slaves were used in the production of gum arabic in Senegal. Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, p. 210. LRO, DDX 1126/1/17. Mawlay ‘Abd al-Rahman. Matthew Dawson, the second mate, was a nephew of John Dawson, the owner of the Anna. The apprentice was Samuel Beeley (Letter 10).

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69 This letter was addressed to Captain James Irving at ‘Telling’. LRO, DDX 1126/1/15. 70 In a letter dated 27 September 1789, Matra acknowledged receipt of a letter from Irving dated 10 August (Letter 21). The collection in the LRO includes a draft letter which Irving prepared to send to Matra. LRO, DDX 1126/1/16. 71 This may refer to Jacob Attal, a Jewish merchant, who held an influential position at court in Marrakesh. 72 Taroudannt. 73 Irving met the crew of a French ship that was wrecked in January 1789. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, pp. 50–52. 74 LRO, DDX 1126/1/18. 75 A governor of a town. Lemprière, Tour, p. 17. 76 LRO, DDX 1126/1/19. 77 This may well have been based on the draft letter in the LRO. Although the letter is not dated, Irving explained to Matra that he first established contact with Hutchison six weeks earlier. As the surviving copies of these letters amongst consular papers are dated 24 and 25 June, this suggests that the draft letter to Matra was composed in early to mid August 1789. LRO, DDX 1126/1/16, Irving to Matra, not dated. 78 John Hutchison. 79 The surgeon wrote a detailed account of his experiences in Morocco between September 1789 and February 1790. Lemprière, Tour, passim. 80 This letter was addressed to 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/20. 81 LRO, DDX 1126/1/21. 82 In his journal Irving described how in September he was ill with fever, and wrote to Hutchison to request some medicine. Irving, ‘Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann’, p. 64. 83 In the journal Irving recorded in August 1789 that William Brown, John Richards and Jack Peters were purchased by his master Sheikh Brahim and transferred to ‘Telling’. He also recorded that early in October 1789 the same three men were ‘redeemed, and taken away by some officers of the Emperor’. 84 Captain Irving’s younger cousin. 85 This refers to John Clegg, the first mate; Joseph Pearson, a seaman; and Silvin Buckle, one of the three ‘Portuguese blacks’ (Letter 10). 86 Taroudannt was the usual residence of his intended patient, Mawlay ‘Abd alSalam. In his Tour Lemprière recorded that he reached Taroudannt on 28 October 1789. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 120-71. 87 LRO, DDX 1126/1/22. 88 Letter 16. 89 The letter was addressed to Captain James Irving, Morocco. LRO, DDX 1126/1/23. 90 A substitute. 91 The ounce was used to calculate slave prices on the West African coast. This ‘in origin represented the value in goods of an ounce of gold (value £4 sterling) … but which by the 1770s had become a conventional unit of account, equivalent to, for example, 16,000 cowries (4 grand cabess, 40lb. by weight), 4 iron bars, 5 guns, 1 role (80lb. weight) of Brazilian tobacco or 8 pieces of linen cloth’. Law, Ouidah, pp. 129–30. This seems a generous daily allowance for Irving and his officers. 92 The letter was addressed to Captain James Irving, Morocco. LRO, DDX 1126/1/24.

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93 A. Layton, a British merchant at Mogador, is mentioned frequently in Matra’s correspondence. Jackson commented that ‘Mr. A. Layton was the chief partner in a house of considerable capital and respectability; the other partners were French men’. Jackson, Morocco, pp. 263–65. 94 In his Tour Lemprière described how he enjoyed Irving’s company at Marrakesh in January 1790. Lemprière experienced some difficulty in obtaining the Sultan’s permission to return to the garrison in Gibraltar. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 274 ff. 95 This letter was addressed to 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/25. 96 In his journal Irving recorded that the crew of the Anna left the city of Morocco (Marrakesh) on 18 January 1790, and arrived at Mogador three days later. 97 The first letter which Matra wrote to the Secretary of State’s office concerning the crew of the Anna is dated 21 July 1789 (Letter 13). Matra made frequent reference to the men in subsequent letters. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, 107ff. 98 Sailor. 99 His cousin and namesake was aged 17 or 18. DAC, Memorials of Langholm Parish, reference 5. 100 This letter was addressed to Janetus Irving, Langholm via Carlisle. The letter is in private ownership. 101 This is consistent with information contained in letters dated 22 and 27 March 1790 from Matra to the Secretary of State’s office. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 199–201. 102 This letter was addressed to 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/26. 103 This refers to negotiation. 104 There is no evidence to indicate that Mary Irving received any financial help. It is possible that her mother, Mrs. Tunstall, and her brother, George Dalston Tunstall, offered support during this period. 105 Liverpool muster rolls indicate that between April 1787 and January 1789, Irving sailed to Africa and Havana on two voyages of the Princess Royal in the command of Sherwood. TNA, BT 98/48, 19 January 1788; BT 98/49, 2 March 1789. 106 This letter was addressed to 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool. The letter was carried by Captain Prouting of the Fanny. LRO, DDX 1126/1/27. 107 Pwllheli on Cardigan Bay, North Wales. 108 LRO, DDX 1126/1/28. 109 A buff coloured cotton cloth. 110 The letter was addressed to Dr. William Graham, Physician, Gibraltar. LRO, DDX 1126/1/29. 111 Langholm is situated on the banks of the River Esk. 112 The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade database includes information on a later voyage commanded by Christopher Robson. In common with Irving, Robson was a surgeon promoted to the position of captain in the Liverpool slave trade. He commanded the Porcupine which sailed for Africa and Barbados on 24 April 1792. The brig of 183 tons was owned by Thomas Earle, Francis Holland, Joseph Caton, William Earle, John Smale, Ralph Fisher, William Molyneux, Edmund Molyneux and Thomas Jolly. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 83151. 113 Longtown is situated between Carlisle and Langholm. 114 This letter was addressed to 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/30. 115 Lloyd’s List of Tuesday 9 November 1790 recorded that the Bacchus, Captain

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Prouting, had arrived at Stangate Creek. 116 The letter was addressed to 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/31. 117 Hugh Crow referred to being ‘apprehensive of being impressed’ in August 1790 as ‘we learned from a brig of war that England was on the eve of going to war with Spain’. Crow, Memoirs, p. 31. 118 The letter was addressed to 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool. LRO, DDX 1126/1/32. 119 This is a note written in pencil in a different hand. The two capital letters ‘X’ are also later additions in the same hand. James Creswick Irving was the grandson of Captain James Irving. 120 This letter was addressed to Janetus Irving, Langholm, via Carlisle. The letter is in private ownership. 121 Simon, the eldest son of Janetus and Helen Irving, established himself as a successful merchant in London. Irving, Scottish Poetry, p. xi. 122 This may refer to either Lagos or Legu. 123 The pattern of the voyage he described is consistent with information contained in the ‘Return to an Order of the Right Honourable the House of Lords Dated 10th July 1799’, in which the Clerk of the Parliament had been directed to extract several categories of information from the ‘several log books and journals of ships employed in the slave trade in each year from 1791 to 1797’. HLRO, HL Main Papers, 28 July 1800. 124 Clause XIV of the Dolben Act of 1788 introduced bounties for the captain and surgeon if the slave deaths were 3 per cent or less. Donnan, History of the Slave Trade, p. 587. 125 Four years previously James Irving was on board the Jane in the command of Quayle Fargher and was then entered on board the Princess Royal with Captain Sherwood for a voyage to Africa and Havana in April 1787. The reason for this observation though is unclear. TNA, BT 98/47, 27 March 1787; BT 98/48, 19 January 1788. 126 This letter, addressed to 7 Pownall Square, is stamped Ulverston. LRO, DDX 1126/1/36. 127 The Pile of Fouldrey is a channel located to the south-west of Ulverston in Cumbria. 128 Thomas Patton and Joseph Winters are listed after Captain Irving in the muster roll. TNA, BT 98/52, 31 July 1792. 129 This letter was addressed to 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool, and was stamped Ulverston. LRO, DDX 1126/1/33. 130 This vessel is not listed among the nineteen vessels owned by John Dawson in March 1790. TNA, ZHC 1/85, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1790. 131 This reference indicates that James Irving sent a version of his journal to his uncle in London. 132 William Sherwood was employed as a captain by John Dawson. 133 This probably refers to William Forbes, a Liverpool slave captain, who commanded five voyages for John Dawson in the period between 1785 and 1795. Irving met William Forbes during a voyage on the Princess Royal in June 1787 (see Letter 5). Both William Sherwood and William Forbes went on to become merchants in the Liverpool slave trade. Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, pp. 105, 112–13. 134 William Linton served as first mate on board the Princess Royal in 1787. In a letter of 3 June 1787 Irving mentioned that Captain Sherwood, Mr. Linton and the

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other officers and crewmen ‘are in perfect health’ (see Letter 5). Linton had also served as first mate on an earlier voyage of the Princess Royal. TNA, BT 98/47, 8 January 1787; BT 98/48, 7 January 1788. Linton was subsequently promoted by Dawson, and given command of the Brothers in July 1788 and the Hero in July 1789. He sailed from Liverpool on 1 September 1790 in command of the Blaydes, a vessel of 306 tons, which was owned by John Dawson. The ship returned to Liverpool on 3 November 1791. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 83238, 80686, 81822, 80584. 135 The reference to Maxwell may relate to George Maxwell, also a captain in the Liverpool slave trade. Captain Maxwell returned to Liverpool on 14 December 1790 on board the Ned. The ship left Liverpool on 7 April 1790 and traded for slaves at Angola. 327 slaves were disembarked at Grenada. He left Liverpool again on 20 February 1791 in command of the Ned bound for Angola. This suggests that he was in Liverpool during the period of Irving’s correspondence. Eltis et al., TransAtlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 82884 and 82885. 136 This may refer to James Gibbons, captain of the Garland in 1785. Eltis et al., TransAtlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 81549. 137 This may refer to Andrew Irving, captain of the Orange Grove in 1790. The vessel, owned by John Dawson, sailed from Liverpool on 27 November 1790 and commenced slave purchases in the Bight of Benin on 7 February 1791. The ship left the African coast on 28 May 1791 bound for Cartagena, Colombia and Havana, Cuba. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity number 82968. Andrew Irving completed three voyages as a surgeon between 1783 and 1786. Behrendt, ‘Captains in the British Slave Trade’, Table 5, p. 98. 138 This letter was addressed to 7 Pownall Square, Liverpool, and stamped ‘Pulhely’. LRO, DDX 1126/1/35. 139 The Princess Royal left Liverpool on 8 March 1791 in the command of Robert Catterall. The purchase of slaves commenced on 6 June 1791 at Barabalemo near Bonny, and the second place of slave purchase was Bonny. The ship, owned by Dawson, left the African coast on 21 October 1791 and 444 slaves were delivered to Havana. The Brothers in the command of Joseph Withers left Liverpool on 9 April 1791. The purchase of slaves commenced at Bonny on 15 June 1791, the day after this letter was written. The Brothers left Bonny on 18 October 1791 with 371 slaves on board. The ship, owned by Dawson, delivered 358 slaves to Montego Bay, Jamaica and returned to Liverpool on 2 March 1791. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 83233 and 80689. 140 The letter was presumably sent home to Liverpool by the first ship leaving the African coast.

Journal of James Irving’s Shipwreck and Enslavement 1 2 3

4

Mogador (Essaouira) on the Atlantic coast of Morocco. Dartmouth in Devon, England. Williamson’s Liverpool Advertiser of 18 May 1789 recorded that the ‘Ann, Irving’ sailed on 3 May 1789. A letter Irving wrote to his wife, Mary, as the vessel sailed from Liverpool was sent back to port ‘per Pilot’. As he sailed out of the Mersey, he commented several times on the favourable wind conditions (Letter 9). Bardsey Island lies to the south-west of Aberdaron off the Lleyn Peninsula, North Wales. ‘St. Studwal’s Road’ refers to St. Tudwal’s Road, also off the Lleyn Penin-

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5 6

7

8

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Slave Captain sula, near Abersoch. The anchorage at St. Tudwal’s Road offers partial shelter from the south-west. This anchorage is also noted on modern day charts. The copy journal held at the Lancashire Record Office has a large section of the voyage missing. There is a gap in the transcript until the Anna reached the island of Alegranza. The route from the anchorage at St. Tudwal’s to Padstow was 140 miles. The journey took two days, partly because they would have had to travel to the southwest to navigate around south-west Wales. With the wind at west, their progress would have been slow. This indicates a position in the Bay of Biscay to the west of the French coast between Nantes and La Rochelle. This position indicates the vessel had covered a distance of 300 miles from Padstow before encountering the gale in the Bay of Biscay. At this point, the vessel was 200 miles from Finisterre, which lay directly south. The use of the word ‘wear’ indicates that Irving turned the ship through the wind, presenting the stern to the wind. This was a means of changing tack or course in a gale. Turning the bow of the ship through the wind was too dangerous for a small vessel in high winds, particularly as it carried the risk of not making the turn. It is likely that the gale referred to by Irving had wind speeds of 35 knots, gusting up to 45 knots. The gale came from the south-west, then moved around to the west and then to the north. ‘Carruna’ can probably be identified as La Coruna on the north-western tip of Spain. Cabo de Finisterre on the north-western tip of Spain. This stretch of the passage from Finisterre was 200 miles. It is likely that Irving kept close to the coast and benefited from the northerly Portuguese trade winds. The ‘Borlings’ are marked on The English Pilot of 1761 as a series of large crosses off the Portuguese coast close to Lisbon. The English Pilot (London, 1761). The ‘Burlings’ refer to the small islands of Berlenga and Farilhao Grande, off Cabo Carvoeiro, located about 50 miles north of Lisbon. These islands were regarded as a danger to mariners, and there is now a lighthouse 120 metres high on Berlenga. May, History of Marine Navigation, p. 12. Alegranza is a small island directly to the north of Lanzarote. Cape Roxant refers to Cabo da Roca or Cabo Raso, which are the turning points for entering Lisbon road. John Hamilton Moore explained the method for ‘finding the latitude, by taking two altitudes of the Sun when near the Meridian’. Moore, Practical Navigator, pp. ix, 44, 157, 162. As the needle of the magnetic compass did not point to true north, it was necessary for mariners to calculate the variation of the angle from true north. This could be calculated by taking an ‘azimuth (bearing) of the sun in the morning and at the same time to observe its altitude. In the afternoon the navigator waited until the sun was once more at the same altitude and then took the azimuth again. The mean of the two azimuths would be the magnetic bearing of the sun at midday and if different from south would give the amount of the variation’. An azimuth compass featured sights which were used to take bearings. May, History of Marine Navigation, pp. 12–13, 83–87; Lavery, Nelson’s Navy, p. 182. The reference to the wooden and brass compasses describes the casings in which they were held. The two compasses on the vessel showed significant levels of variation.

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18 This calculation indicated a chart position close to Cabo de la Poloma, the most easterly point of Lanzarote. However, the vessel was actually to the east of this calculated position. It is probable that the vessel’s actual position was about 40 miles to the east and 30 miles to the south of their calculated location. As Irving’s journal was written twelve or eighteen months after the events described, it is not clear if this was a contemporaneous calculation of longitude. As the logbook of the ship was lost at the time of their capture on the Barbary Coast, it is not possible to glean any further information on the way in which Irving navigated the vessel. If Irving or his first mate calculated longitude measurements on the ship, it is possible that they may have used the complex lunar distance method. It is very unlikely that the Anna carried a marine chronometer for the computation of longitude at this date. Moore explained in 1781 that it was now possible to ascertain the ‘Longitude by celestial observation so long desired’. Moore, Practical Navigator, p. ix. 19 Lanzarote, one of the Canary Islands. 20 Fuerteventura, one of the Canary Islands. 21 The distance travelled would have been measured using a log line. John Hamilton Moore’s Practical Navigator explained that ‘the log is a flat piece of wood like a flounder … to this log is fastened a long line of about 150 fathoms, called the LogLine, which is divided into certain equal spaces, called knots, each of which ought to bear the same proportion as a Nautical mile’. He then explained how the log and log-line were thrown overboard ‘and the line veered out … as fast as the log will carry it away, or rather as fast as the ship sails from it, will shew how fast the ship has sailed in the given time, or rate of sailing per hour’. Moore, Practical Navigator, pp. 165–66; Lavery, Nelson’s Navy, p. 183. 22 Irving’s comments on the arrangements for the look-out indicate that he was concerned about the vessel’s position. The sails had been shortened at sunset and it is likely that the vessel was only travelling at a few knots. Consequently, the vessel must have been close to the shore. 23 This name is transcribed in the copy journal in the Lancashire Record Office as Paisley. The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade database indicates that Captain James Paisley of the slave ship Adventure of Liverpool was ‘cut off by Africans from the shore’. The vessel cleared from Liverpool on 11 June 1785 and, as a result of this African resistance, did not reach its intended destination in the Americas. Paisley was also associated with another vessel that failed to embark slaves successfully. The Champion in the command of Ralph Abram sailed from Liverpool for Bonny in June 1784, but the vessel was shipwrecked or destroyed before embarking slaves. Williamson’s Liverpool Advertiser of 4 November 1784 recorded that the Champion was lost at Bonny, but the ‘people saved’. No further voyages are recorded for James Paisley after his captaincy of the Adventure. It is unclear if James Paisley, a gentleman living at 8 Leigh Street, Liverpool in 1790, relates to the same individual. Eltis et al., Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, voyage identity numbers 80052, 80796. 24 This phrase ‘life was almost indifferent to me’ was not used in the copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office, but it was included in the transcript held at The Beacon, Whitehaven. 25 Lloyd’s List reported on 29 September 1789 that the vessel was wrecked at Oued Noun. A navigational chart of 1794 indicates that ‘Nun’ was located on the northwestern coast of Africa, opposite the Canary Islands, and in present day maps is recorded as ‘Noun’. MMM, OA 1866, Atlas of Charts, 1794. It was noted in The English Pilot that ‘They that sail near this coast, pass along, none goes ashore; for tis

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28 29

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40 Ten crew members were listed in addition to James Irving, the captain (Letter 10). 41 This reference to escaping is not included in the copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office, but is included in the transcript made by William Hill. 42 The last part of this sentence is included in the transcript made by William Hill, but is not included in the copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office. 43 Aspects of this paragraph differ from the copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office, but the content corresponds closely with the transcript by William Hill. 44 Marrakesh. 45 As Irving’s son was later baptised at Benns Garden Chapel in Liverpool, it is likely that the captain worshipped at this Presbyterian chapel, which is logical given his Scottish background. Enfield, History of Liverpool, p. 47. 46 This refers to the Mediterranean Pass, which was issued by the Admiralty Office to protect shipping from the activities of Barbary corsairs or pirates. Pass number 7469 was issued to James Irving, master of the Anna, bound to Africa and the Americas, at Liverpool on 16 April 1789. TNA, ADM 7/109; ADM 7/108. 47 The Dolben Act of 1788 stipulated that there should be at least one surgeon on board a slave ship with a ‘certificate of having passed his examination at Surgeons Hall’. Donnan, History of the Slave Trade, pp. 582–89. Irving would have had to pay a fee of £3 3s to obtain this certificate at Surgeon’s Hall. Behrendt, ‘British Slave Trade, 1785–1807’, p. 178. 48 The logbook would have recorded details of the weather en route, as well as various measurements necessary for the navigation of the vessel. John Hamilton Moore referred to the importance of keeping a log. Moore, Practical Navigator, p. 47. 49 This section relating to the ship’s logbook is not included in the copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office, but is included in the transcript made by William Hill. 50 This reference to spitting and dancing does not appear in the copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office, but is included in the copy made by William Hill. 51 These last two sentences are not included in the copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office, but they are contained in the transcript by William Hill. 52 This sentence is not included in the copy journal held at the Lancashire Record Office, but is included in the transcript made by William Hill. Jackson noted how captives were often ‘induced to abjure Christianity, and accordingly become Mooselmin; after which their fate is sealed, and they terminate their miserable existence, rendered insupportable by a chain of calamities, in the Desert, to the disgrace of Christendom, and the nation under whose colours they navigated’. Jackson, Morocco, p. 273. 53 A duar, also spelt douar or dowar, is a circular Arab encampment of tents. 54 A thin skin or film. 55 The transcript by William Hill refers to five hours, but the copy journal held at the Lancashire Record Office refers to a period of four hours. 56 The copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office does not refer to how they were ‘tormented’ by the women and children, but the transcript made by William Hill includes the same phrase. 57 This is spelt ‘Albagh’ in the copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office, but the spelling ‘Alba’ is used in the transcript made by William Hill. 58 The English Pilot published by Mount and Page in 1761 includes reference to the Bay of Albach or Albagh. It states that ‘About 18 Leagues SW by S from Cape Non, lie Amselli, and … Southward from thence the Bay of Albach’. The English Pilot, p. 5.

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59 For a discussion of the agrarian economy of Morocco, see El Mansour, Morocco, pp. 35–38. 60 Mogador (Essaouira). Lemprière referred to ‘Mogodore, so named by Europeans and Suera by the Moors’. Lemprière, Tour, p. 86. 61 Hudson is most probably a reference to John Hutchison, British Vice-Consul at Mogador. 62 The phrase ‘trotted on till night’ is also used in the transcript made by William Hill, but it does not appear in the copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office. 63 Couscous, also spelt couscousou. 64 Mawlay ‘Abd al-Rahman, the exiled son of Sidi Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd Allah, Sultan of Morocco. 65 Guelmine is located to the south of Taroudannt, Agadir and the Anti-Atlas mountain range. 66 This is consistent with information Irving supplied to Hutchison. In a letter dated 24 June 1789, he explained that some of his crew were ‘with the Muley Abdrahman, at Gulimeme, working while the sun shines in the open field’ (Letter 10). 67 This corresponds with the letter that Irving sent to Hutchison on 24 June 1789. Irving explained that ‘when I set out was told that they were going directly to you, but I find shall be detained here till your Answer determine our fate’ (Letter 10). 68 It is possible that this relates to present-day Talaïnt, located approximately 30 miles north-east of Guelmine. 69 In a letter of 24 June 1789 to John Hutchison, Irving commented that ‘As I passed from Gulimeme hitherward just got leave to speak to the Frenchmen’ (Letter 10). 70 Irving may have acquired some familiarity with the language during the two slaving voyages to Cuba on the Princess Royal in 1787 and 1788. TNA, BT 98/48, 19 January 1788; BT 98/49, 2 March 1789. 71 In his account of the experience of mariners shipwrecked on the Barbary Coast, Jackson described how ‘If the Jew have a correspondent at Mogodor, he writes to him, that a ship had been wrecked, mentioning the flag or nation she belonged to, and requests him to inform the agent, or consul, of the nation of which the captain is a subject; in the mean time flattering the poor men, that they will shortly be liberated and sent to Mogodor, where they will meet their countrymen: a long and tedious servitude, however, generally follows, for want of a regular fund at Mogodor for the redemption of these people’. Jackson, Morocco, p. 273. 72 The copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office refers to a ‘plaintiff letter’, whereas the transcript by William Hill refers to a ‘pitiful letter’. 73 This refers to the letter Irving sent to Hutchinson, a copy of which survives amongst the papers of James M. Matra, Consul General to Morocco. In the letter Irving apologised for the ‘shamefull scrawl done with a reed’ (Letter 10). 74 An English merchant at Mogador. Jackson, Morocco, p. 123. 75 Matra had received news of their circumstances by 21 July, as he wrote to the Secretary of State’s office to inform them of ‘the loss of the schooner Anna’ (Letter 13). 76 In a letter of 21 July 1789, Hutchinson informed Irving that he had received the pass and he would return it to the Admiralty (Letter 14). 77 James Drachen was one of the Portuguese blacks among the crew of the Anna (Letter 10). In a letter to Hutchison dated 2 August 1789, a copy of which survives amongst consular papers in the National Archives, Irving pointed out that ‘my master arrived here last night from Gulimene where he hath been these 18 Days

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past, and hath brought with him one of the Blacks’ (Letter 17). 78 This corresponds with the contents of a letter from Hutchison dated 13 August 1789 (Letter 18). 79 This was an increase of 400 dollars on the price which Irving had reported to Hutchison in a letter of 2 August 1789 (Letter 17). 80 Paroxysm or acute pain. 81 In a letter to Irving dated 1 November 1789, Hutchison noted that ‘I am glad you received the Medecines And that your fever has in a manner left you’ (Letter 23). 82 Taroudannt. 83 In a letter to the Secretary of State’s office dated 19 December 1789, Matra pointed out that ‘Doctor Lempriere in a letter to me of the 24 hour says Prince Abslem that morning had sent off a party to bring in Captain Irving’. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 177. 84 A view also expressed by Matra in correspondence. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 183, 188. 85 In October 1789 a number of the crew members of the Anna passed through Taroudannt ‘in their way to the metropolis’. Lemprière, Tour, p. 132. 86 Taroudannt. 87 Lemprière commented that a number of lofty palm or date trees ‘which are intermixed with, and overlook the houses’ gave the town ‘a very rural appearance’. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 159–60. 88 The correct transliteration of this Arabic phrase is na’m ya Sidi. Sidi translates as ‘my lord’ and na’m means ‘yes’. 89 Lemprière commented that the prince was aged about 35. He provided an extremely unfavourable description of the prince, which is unlikely to have been based on an objective assessment. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 151–53. 90 This corresponds directly with Lemprière’s account. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 151–53. 91 Irving made little comment on the prince’s complaint or the treatment he offered. Lemprière noted how one of the prince’s eyes was ‘darkened by a cataract and the other affected with a paralytic complaint’. He advised the prince that it was unlikely that he could improve his sight, but still ‘administered internal as well as topical remedies’. Lemprière commented on how the prince had a number of health problems which were all linked to his debauched lifestyle. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 128, 133–36. 92 This is very similar to Lemprière’s description of the palace. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 123–29. 93 This may have been ‘the habitation of the Prince’s principal Jew’ where Lemprière had been lodged. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 129–30. 94 Lemprière was also required to offer medical advice to the women in the prince’s harem, and he wrote a detailed account of his experiences. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 139–46. 95 Lemprière complained about the same problem. Lemprière, Tour, p. 138. 96 There are no surviving letters written by Irving in December 1789. 97 Marrakesh. 98 Lemprière noted that Irving travelled to Marrakesh with Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam. Lemprière, Tour, p. 274. 99 It is possible that the route was over the Tizi N’Test. This was the pass from Taroudannt to Marrakesh over the High Atlas. Brett and Fentress, The Berbers, pp. 108, 186.

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100 Marrakesh is situated to the north of the High Atlas mountain range. Jackson estimated its population at 270,000 and commented that it is ‘situated in a fruitful plain’ with the ‘snow-topped mountains of Atlas in the background’. Jackson, Morocco, pp. 57–65. 101 In a letter dated 11 January 1790, Hutchison referred to sending the captain a parcel of clothes (Letter 25). 102 The ‘steeple’ may refer to the high square tower of a mosque described by Jackson as the Lantern Tower. Jackson, Morocco, p. 61. 103 A much fuller account of this meeting is provided in Lemprière, Tour, pp. 274–75. 104 Irving was clearly referring to the date of their original capture at the end of May 1789. 105 This corresponds with information contained in Hutchison’s letter of 11 January 1790 (Letter 25). 106 In a letter to the Secretary of State’s office dated 4 December 1789, Matra reported that ‘as they came perfectly naked, Cloaths are by my direction made at Mogodore for them, and I have given such directions to my Agents as shall keep them supplied in case the Emperor’s Orders in their favour be not properly attended to’. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 172. 107 Judging by Lemprière’s comments, the two surgeons became quite well acquainted in the period spent in Marrakesh. Lemprière, Tour, pp. 274, 288. 108 The copy journal transcribed by William Hill includes a section that is not in the original manuscript at the Beinecke Library. This explains that during an audience the Sultan ‘sent for a Chart of the Atlantic Ocean and pointed out the courses I ought to have steered, in order to have avoided shipwreck. This is a Lesson he gives to every one, who has the misfortune to come before him in this light, however he does it in a very ignorant lame manner, having got this information from a Captain Thomson of the Navy. The Emperor it is said insisted on a midshipman being sent from the Frigate before Captain Thomson could be admitted, he accordingly dressed himself off in the midshipman uniform, and waited on the Emperor who asked questions to the purport I have mentioned, thereby qualifying himself, to point out Errors to others’. BW, ‘Journal of Voyage and Shipwreck’, pp. 98–99. 109 In a letter to his wife dated 31 January 1790, Irving referred to a meeting with the Emperor (Letter 27). 110 In a letter to the Secretary of State’s office dated 14 February 1790, Matra reported that they had ‘all safely arrived’ at Mogador. He noted that ‘His Imperial Majesty sent his Mules down with them giving orders that the hire of them should be paid into his Treasury at that place’. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, f. 190. 111 Jackson pointed out that the journey from Marrakesh to Mogador took three days. Jackson, Morocco, p. xi. 112 In a letter to his wife dated 31 January 1790, Irving commented that ‘Our humane Consul Mr. Hutchison … supplys us with Cloaths and the necessarys of life’ (Letter 27). 113 Layton, a British merchant at Mogador, was in partnership with two Frenchmen, Secard and Barré. Jackson, Morocco, pp. 263–65. 114 Jackson noted that ‘the houses having few windows towards the street, they have a sombre appearance’. Jackson, Morocco, p. 51. 115 Variously spelt haik, haick, haique or hyke. This is a cloth of oblong shape worn by Arabs on the head and body.

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116 Letters written by Matra, Hutchison and Irving confirm James Grey Jackson’s observation on ‘the tardiness … of diplomacy’. Jackson, Morocco, p. 273. 117 Christopher Robson, a slave ship surgeon and captain who tried to forward letters to Captain Irving, commented that ‘since Mr. Irving has been at Mogodore Mrs. I has heard from him often and has as often wrote, as well as many more of his Friends here but he never has Recivd any of the letters, though they have been sent from the Secretary of States office to the Consul at Mogodore’ (Letter 33). 118 On 15 April 1790, Matra reported to the Secretary of State’s office that ‘Sidi Mahomet, Emperor of Morocco, died suddenly last Sunday of an apoplexy while on horseback’. TNA, FO 52/8, Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, ff. 202, 209. 119 Instability followed the death of Sidi Muhammad. El Mansour, Morocco, p. 88. 120 Mawlay al-Yazid, a son of Sidi Muhammad, was proclaimed Sultan. El Mansour, Morocco, pp. 88–89. 121 In a letter of 9 August 1790, Irving informed his wife that ‘I am my Crew have at last obtained our final discharge from this Country’ (Letter 32). 122 Hutchison played a vital role in securing their release. Unfortunately, no personal papers or further official correspondence are available for Hutchison. 123 On his return to England on 26 October 1790, Irving again referred to ‘our poor and dependant condition’ (Letter 34). 124 Lloyd’s List of Friday 17 December 1790 records that the Charlotte in the command of Captain Davis had arrived at the Downs from Mogador. 125 Lloyd’s List of Friday 14 January 1791 records that the Trial in the command of Captain Baldry had arrived at Stangate Creek, London from Mogador. 126 Lloyd’s List of Tuesday 9 November 1790 records that the Bacchus, Captain Prouting had arrived at Stangate Creek, London from Mogador. Irving wrote to his wife from Dartmouth on 26 October 1790 (Letter 34). 127 This section was written by Captain Irving’s younger cousin, James Irving. This account is not included in the copy journal at the Lancashire Record Office. The transcript made by William Hill includes a slightly different version entitled ‘A short account of the rest of that unfortunate crew, and what they were employed in, by Muly Abdraughman, near Gulimeme’. BW, ‘Journal of Voyage and Shipwreck’, p. 107. 128 Mawlay ‘Abd al-Rahman. 129 In the transcript of the journal by William Hill reference is made to how the digging was ‘under the Eye of a ferocious negro task-master, who beat them unmercifully without any provocation’. BW, ‘Journal of Voyage and Shipwreck’, p. 108. 130 The transcript made by William Hill records how ‘Sometimes Mully Abdraughman made a tour through the country, living as he went along on the bounty of the Peasantry, at every village bringing him Barley, Eggs, Pomegranates, grapes, Fowls, and not infrequently sheep’. BW, ‘Journal of Voyage and Shipwreck’, pp. 108–9. 131 Mawlay ‘Abd al-Rahman. 132 In the transcript made by William Hill reference is made to ‘Muly Abdraghman, who being very illiterate sent for a Jew to read them and told us we were to go to Terudant next day’. BW, ‘Journal of Voyage and Shipwreck’, p. 109. 133 Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam.

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Bibliography

Manuscript Sources New Haven, USA Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University Narrative of the Shipwreck of the Ann, Captain Irving, 1789–1790, Osborn Shelves, c. 399. Dumfries Dumfries Archive Centre Langholm Parish Registers, 1668–1854, MF 67. Register of Sasines, 1781–1820, RS 22/5. Liverpool Liverpool Record Office Holt-Gregson Papers, ‘An Account of the Ships and Cargoes and the Amount Employed in the African Slave Trade from the Port of Liverpool this 3rd day of March 1790’, 942 HOL. Letter Book of Robert Bostock, 1779–1790, 387 MD 54. Letter from Captain William Sherwood to an Unnamed Individual, 387 MD 28. Register of Births and Baptisms Belonging to the Congregation of Protestant Dissenters at Benns Garden Chapel, 1734–1832, MF 1/32. Register of St. Ann’s Parish, Liverpool, 283 ANN 3/3. Register of Certificates Granted to … Surgeons of the African Trade, 614 INF 9/1. Merseyside Maritime Museum Atlas of Charts, 1794. OA, 1866. Customs Registers of Shipping, C/EX/L/4, Vols 4–8. London House of Lords Record Office Petitions of John Dawson, Merchant of Liverpool. House of Lords Main Papers, 3 July and 10 July 1788. Return … of Ships Employed in the Slave Trade in Each Year from 1791 to 1797’. House of Lords Main Papers, 28 July 1800.

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Extracts from the Log and Journal of the ‘Ellen of Liverpool’, House of Lords Main Papers, 28 June 1799. National Maritime Museum, Greenwich John Newton’s Manuscript Journal 1750–1754, LOG/M/46. The National Archives, Public Record Office, Kew Admiralty 7/108, 109: Register of Mediterranean Passes, 1787–1790. Board of Trade 98/42–52: Liverpool Muster Rolls, 1782–1792. Colonial Office 267/10: Memorial of Daniel Backhouse to John Tarleton. Foreign Office 95/1/3: Barbary States, 1766–1801. Memorial of Messrs. Forbes & Co., Owners of the Ship Solicitor General. Foreign Office 925/519: Carte de L’Empire de Maroc, Paris 1848 with Memorandum of 8 July 1881. Foreign Office 174/14: Letter to James Green, Consul General at Tangier, 27 June 1811. Letters from the Ironmongers’ Company of London Regarding the Redemption of British Slaves and Shipwrecked Mariners in Morocco. Foreign Office and Predecessors 52/8: Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, 1789–1790. Foreign Office and Predecessors 52/9: Morocco Series, Various, 1772–1792. Foreign Office and Predecessors 52/10: Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, 1791–1794. Foreign Office and Predecessors 52/11: Morocco Series, Consul James M. Matra, 1795–1810. Treasury 64/286: An Account of all Vessels which have Cleared for London, Bristol and Liverpool to Africa Since the Year 1788. ZHC 1/82, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1789; ZHC 1/84, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1790; ZHC 1/85, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1790; ZHC 1/87, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1791; ZHC 1/90, Evidence on the Slave Trade, 1791–1793. Preston Lancashire Record Office Copy of Mr. James Irving’s Journal When Shipwrecked on the Coast of Barbary, 1789, DDX 1126/1/1. Correspondence Relating to James Irving, 1786–1844, DDX 1126/1/2–45. Whitehaven The Beacon James Irving, Journal of Voyage and Shipwreck, 1789–1790.

Printed Sources Newspapers Gore’s General Advertiser. Lloyd’s List, 1781 & 1782 (Farnborough, 1969). Lloyd’s List, 1783 & 1784 (Farnborough, 1969).

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Lloyd’s List, 1785 & 1786 (Farnborough, 1969). Lloyd’s List, 1787 & 1788 (Farnborough, 1969). Lloyd’s List, 1789 & 1790 (Farnborough, 1969). Lloyd’s List, 1791 & 1792 (Farnborough, 1969). Williamson’s Liverpool Advertiser. Other Printed Sources A Letter from a Merchant at Jamaica to a Member of Parliament in London, Touching the African Trade. To Which is Added, A Speech Made by a Black at Gardaloupe, at the Funeral of a FellowNegro (London, 1709). Bailey’s Liverpool Directory (Liverpool, 1787). Brooke, Richard, Liverpool as it was: 1775 to 1800 (Liverpool, 1853; new edition Liverpool, 2003). Butterworth, William, Three Years Adventures of a Minor, in England, Africa, the West Indies, South-Carolina and Georgia (Leeds, 1822). Clarkson, Thomas, An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, Particularly the African, Translated from a Latin Dissertation, Which was Honoured with the First Prize in the University of Cambridge, For the Year 1785, With Additions (London, 1786). Clarkson, Thomas, An Essay on the Impolicy of the African Slave Trade. In Two Parts (London, 1788). Clarkson, Thomas, The History of the Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade by the British Parliament, Vol. I (London, 1808). Crow, Hugh, Memoirs of the Late Captain Hugh Crow of Liverpool (London 1830; reprinted 1970). Donnan, Elizabeth (ed.), Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America, Vol. II (Washington, 1931). Enfield, William, An Essay Towards the History of Liverpool (Warrington, 1773). Equiano, Olaudah, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, Written by Himself, first published 1789, ed. Werner Sollow (New York/London, 2001). Falconbridge, Alexander, An Account of the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa (London, 1788). Frost, Alan, The Precarious Life of James Mario Matra (Melbourne, 1995). Fyfe, Christopher (ed.), Anna Maria Falconbridge: Narrative of Two Voyages to the River Sierra Leone During the Years 1791–1792–1793 and the Journal of Isaac DuBois with Alexander Falconbridge, An Account of the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa (Liverpool, 2000). Giordano, A. (ed.), The Anonymous Journal. A Journal of a Voyage Round the World in His Majesty’s Ship Endeavour (Adelaide, 1975). Gore’s Liverpool Directory (Liverpool, 1790). Hair, P.E.H., Jones, Adam and Law, Robin (eds), Barbot on Guinea. The Writings of Jean Barbot on West Africa 1678–1812, Volume 2 (Hakluyt Society, London, 1992). Jackson, James Grey, An Account of the Empire of Morocco, (1811; third edition, London, 1968). Jefferys, Thomas, The West Indian Atlas; or, A General Description of the West Indies: Taken from Actual Surveys and Observations (London, 1794; reissued 1796). Lambert, Sheila (ed.), House of Commons Sessional Papers of the Eighteenth Century (Wilmington, Delaware, 1975), vols. LXVII–LXIX. Lemprière, William, A Tour from Gibraltar to Tangier, Sallee, Mogodore, Santa Cruz, Tarudant, and Thence over Mount Atlas to Morocco, third edition (London, 1804).

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Index

‘Abd al-Rahman, Mawlay (Abderhaman) independence from Sultan 52 Irving and crew taken to Guelmine 47–8, 92, 93, 138–9, 142, 147–9, 150–1 negotiations for release of Irving and crew 52, 54, 95–6, 101, 103, 143 treatment of crew while in captivity 99–100, 101 ‘Abd al-Salam, Mawlay (Abdslem) blindness 54–6, 96, 144–5 crew taken to Marrakesh 56–8, 101, 105–6 crew taken to Taroudannt 150–1 Irving taken to Marrakesh 107, 145–6 Irving taken to Taroudannt 55–6, 105–6, 143–5 Irving’s opinion of 73 negotiations for release of Irving and crew 54–8, 95, 102, 103, 104 Abderhaman, Muly see ‘Abd al-Rahman, Mawlay Abdrachman, Muley, see ‘Abd alRahman, Mawlay Abdrackman, Muley see ‘Abd alRahman, Mawlay Abdrahman, Muley, see ‘Abd alRahman, Mawlay Abdrauchman, Muly see ‘Abd alRahman, Mawlay Abdraughman, Muly see ‘Abd alRahman, Mawlay Abdslem, Muly see ‘Abd al-Salam, Mawlay abolitionism 3–4, 5–6, 71–3, 75–6 Abrauchman, Muly see ‘Abd al-Rahman, Mawlay Absalom, Muly see ‘Abd al-Salam, Mawlay

Absolem, Muly see ‘Abd al-Salam, Mawlay Adams, Robert 47 Adventure 44 Agadir (Santa Cruz), Morocco 45–6, 50, 129, 144 Alegranza, Canary Islands 40, 128 Ally 83 Ally Jzed, Muly see (al-)Yazid, Mawlay Amoss, W. 83, 85 Anamaboe see Anomabu Ann 90 Anna cargo 43–4 crew 14, 37–8 Irving’s captaincy of 10, 18 letter from Irving on 91–2 setting sail 39, 127–9 shipwreck 37, 39–44, 92–3, 95–6, 97– 8, 128–9 size 37 Anomabu (Anamaboe), Gold Coast 27– 9, 69, 88, 120 Anstey, Roger 4 Aro 26 Association for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of Africa 72 Attal, Jacob 62–3, 64 Attar, Sintop Ben 101, 102, 143 Bacchus 65–6, 68, 114–15, 116–17, 148 Backhouse, Daniel 45 Bailey, James (third mate on the Ellen) 68, 69, 122 Baker, Peter 14–16 Baker, William 88 Baldry, Captain Plumb 65, 148 Barbados 85

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Barbary Coast enslaved Europeans 44, 74–5 wreck of the Anna 37, 39–44, 92–3, 95–6, 97–8, 128–9 Barbot, Jean 76 Barry, Joseph 78 Barton, John 14–15 Bassau, Ivory Coast 88 Beeley, Samuel (apprentice on the Anna) held at Guelmine 100, 142 taken captive in Morocco 93, 131, 132, 133–4 taken to Mogador 102 Beggs, Mr 122 Behrendt, Stephen D. 10, 24, 33, 34, 36 Beinecke Library 6 Bell, John 78 Ben Behé, Joseph Ban Mushee 108 Benin, Bight of 21, 69 Benin River 27, 29, 120, 123 Biafra, Bight of Liverpool slave trade 20–6 map 21, 23 Princess Royal 5, 88 Bilade 47, 138, 142 ‘Black Buckley’ 38 ‘Black Joe’ 38 ‘Black Silop’ 38 Blessing 7 Boats, Henry Ellis 36 Boats, William Bonny 20 Gold Coast 27 Jane 22 profits from slave trade 36 Vulture 35 Bonny, Bight of Biafra Liverpool slave trade 20–6 Princess Royal 5, 15, 88 Vulture 12–13 Bostock, Robert 26 Brahim, Sheikh buying Irving 48, 49, 142 keeping Irving in ‘Telling’ 93, 97, 140 negotiations for the release of Irving and crew 53, 54, 95, 101, 102, 103 Bristol 7, 10, 25, 33, 36 Brooks 31 Brothers 123

Brown, Captain James 34, 35 Brown, Nicholas 32 Brown, William 54, 55, 93, 143 Buck Inn, Langholm 35 Buckle, Silvin 38, 93 Bull Dog 63 Burlings 128 Butler, John Anthony 112 Canary Islands 39, 40–1, 50, 92, 127–8 Cap Boujdour 42, 45 Cape Bagadore see Cap Boujdour Cape Coast Castle, Gold Coast 29 Catterall, Robert 29, 36, 90 Cenco, William 32 Charlotte 65, 148 Christianity attitudes to slave trade 72, 75–6 Irving’s treatment in Morocco 74, 132, 134, 140 Clarkson, Thomas 3, 5, 32, 34, 72 Claxton, Eckroyd 29 Clegg, John (first mate on the Anna) held in Guelmine 47–8, 138–9, 149, 150 held in Marrakesh 105, 108 James Irving II’s journal 149 joining crew of Anna 14, 37 later career 68 negotiations for release of Irving and crew 54, 94 return from Morocco 65, 148 taken captive in Morocco 46–7, 131, 132–4 Cleveland, William 26 Cock, William 32 Colley, Linda 44, 73, 77 Collingwood, Luke 10 Collins, John 32 Company of Surgeons 12 Corrie, Edgar 37 Coslett, William 33 Creswick, Mary 79 crews Africans 38 desertions 32 ethnicity of 38 mortality rates 32–5 crimping 38

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Index Crow, Captain Hugh attitude to the slave trade 72–3 career 3, 10–11, 18 deaths of crew 34 Memoirs 4 Prince 28, 29 Crow, William 3 Cuba 17, 38, 89 see also Havana Curtin, Philip D. 28, 34 Dalzel, Archibald 72 Dartmouth 65, 116, 118, 127, 148 Davis, Captain William 65, 148 Dawson, Frederick Akers 36 Dawson, John 3 abolitionism 76 Anna 10, 37, 42, 141 Dolben Act 1788 16–17 Ellen 27, 28, 29, 67–8, 122 Irving’s return from Morocco 66, 119, 148 negotiations for release of Irving and crew 49–51, 94, 110, 112, 113 Princess Royal 14–16 profits from slave trade 36 slave trade at Bonny 20 success as a merchant 18–19 Dawson, Matthew (second mate on the Anna) in Guelmine 100 joining crew of the Anna 37 later career 68 in Marrakesh 100, 101, 108, 143 in Mogador 102 negotiations for release from Morocco 51, 94 return from Morocco 65 separated from rest of crew in Morocco 92, 142 taken captive in Morocco 46, 93, 131, 132, 133–4 Debauny, Aaron 53, 93, 101, 102, 103, 105, 107 desertions, crew 32 disease 30, 31, 33 Dlaimy, Mohammed 103, 105 Dobson 24 Dolben Act 1788 5, 16–17, 18

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bounty 30–1 overcrowding 31–2 Princess Royal 37 restrictions on numbers of slaves carried 35 Drachen, James (James Dram) 142 death 55, 74, 143 joining crew of Anna 38 negotiations for release of crew 53–4 taken captive in Morocco 93 Dram, James see Drachen, James Duke, Antera 24 Duke of Argyle 31 Dumfries, Scotland, slave-ship surgeons 11 Edward, Prince 63 Edwards, Bryan 72 El Mansour, Mohamed 52, 64 Elizabeth 90 Ellen Irving’s letters from 120–3 mortality rate of crew 33–4 mortality rate of slaves 30–1 size 31–2 voyage 1791 6, 26–9, 67–9 Eltis, David 73 The English Pilot (1761) 27, 43 Equiano, Olaudah 70 Essaouira, Morocco see Mogador Eyes, Charles 36 Falconbridge, Alexander 26, 32, 34, 70 Fargher, Captain Quayle 12, 13–14, 19, 30, 85 Finisterre, Cabo de, Spain 40, 127 Forbes & Co. 45 Forbes, Captain William 88, 89, 122 fort-trade, Gold Coast 29 Foxcroft, Thomas 45 Fuerteventura (Forteventura), Canary Islands 39, 40, 50, 92, 128 Garland 88 Gavino, Thomas 112 George III, King 61–2, 109 Gibbons 122 Gibraltar 54, 55, 58, 63, 106, 111, 115, 143–4

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Giddes, John 91 Gold Coast, Africa Anna 40 Ellen 1791 20, 27–9 European factors 68 fort-trade 29 loading rates of slaves 27 map 21 mortality rates of crew on slave ships 34 Golden Age 84 Golightly, Thomas 78 Gore’s General Advertiser 13 Graham, Peter 35 Graham, William 115–16 Green, Peter 34 Grenville, William Wyndham 51, 54, 55, 95–6 Griffiths, Edward 32 Guelmine (Gulimeme), Morocco 47–8, 50, 92, 99–100, 138–9, 141–3, 149– 50 Gulimeme see Guelmine Guy, Joseph 32 Gwyn, Mr 112, 114 Hannah 90 Harrison, Frank 122 Harrison, William 13 Havana 12, 15, 17, 33, 38, 89 Hesketh, Mr 112 Hill, William 6, 78 Hippius, Mr 83, 84, 87, 88, 90 Holyhead 69, 122 Horriban, Mr 122 Hutchison, John (Vice-Consul at Mogador) letter to Irving at Taroudannt 146 letters from Irving at ‘Telling’ 45, 48, 49–54, 55, 92–4, 99–100, 141 letters to Irving at ‘Telling’ 95, 96–7, 100–4, 105–6, 141, 142–3 letters to Irving in Marrakesh (Morocco) 107–9 negotiating for the release of Irving and his crew 48–54, 57, 58, 63, 109, 111, 112, 114 release of Irving and crew from Morocco 65

Ibibio 26 Igbo 26 Irving, Andrew 122 Irving, Ann 78 Irving, David (cousin to James Irving) 11, 91 Irving, Helen (mother of James Irving II) 15 death 77 letter from James Irving II on Ellen 27, 119–20 letter from James Irving II in Mogador 110–11 letter from James Irving II on Princess Royal 90–1 Irving, Isobel (mother of James Irving) death 78 letters from Irving in Morocco 110, 114 letters from Jane 87 Irving, Captain James attitude to own enslavement 5–6, 73, 75, 76–7 attitude to the slave trade 4–5, 70–2, 75–7 captive in Morocco 4, 44–64, 92–115, 127–48 death 69, 77–8 early career in the Liverpool slave trade 7–19 earnings from slave trade 35–7 education 11 enslavement in Morocco 4, 39–65 journal 127–48 letters 83–123 marriage 14, 36 navigation 42–3 shipwreck of the Anna 39–44 surgeon 8–10, 11–18 Irving, James II Anna 37 attitude to captors in Morocco 73 death 77 Ellen 27, 68, 69, 119–20 in Guelmine 138–9 journal 149–51 letters 90–1, 110–11, 119–20 negotiations for release from Morocco 54, 63, 93, 94, 105, 110, 111, 112 Princess Royal 15, 90–1

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Index return from Morocco 65, 148 taken captive in Morocco 46–7, 131, 132–4 trading in Bight of Biafra 25 Irving, James III 66, 78–9, 121, 123 Irving, James Creswick 79, 119 Irving, Janetus (father of James Irving II) 15 death 77 letter from James Irving II on Ellen 119–20 letter from James Irving II in Mogador 110–11 letter from James Irving II on Princess Royal 90–1 property in Langholm 35 Irving, John (brother to James Irving II) 91 Irving, John (father of James Irving) 10 death 78 letters from Irving on Jane 87 letters from Irving in Morocco 59–60, 98, 110, 114 letters from Irving on Princess Royal 90 Irving, Mary (wife of James Irving) birth of son James 66 Irving on Anna 39, 91–2 Irving on Ellen 68, 69, 121–3 Irving on Jane 83–7 Irving on Princess Royal 15, 88–90 Irving’s return from captivity in Morocco 65–7, 116–19 letters from Irving in captivity in Morocco 6, 59, 60, 62, 63, 98–9, 104–5, 109–15 second marriage 78 shipwreck of the Anna 39 Irving, Nathaniel 79 Irving, Simon 91, 119–20 Isaac Megueres and Co 113 Islam, Morocco 47 Isle of Man 13–14 Islemmed, Muly 96 Jackson, James Grey An Account of the Empire of Morocco 40–2 negotiations to free Irving and crew 61 shipwrecks on the Barbary Coast 44, 47 Taroudannt 56

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wreck of Anna and capture of crew 57 Jamaica 12, 13 Jane 12 desertions 32 health of officers 33 Irving’s attitude to slaves 71 Irving’s earnings 35–6 letters from Irving on 83–7 mortality rate of crew 32, 33–4 mortality rate of slaves 30 voyage 1784 13–14, 20 voyage 1786-1787 14, 22, 30 Jefferys, Thomas 7 Johanna 37 Kendall, John, Jr 3 Kendall, John, Snr 3 Kendall, Richard 3 Lancashire Record Office 6 Langholm, Scotland 7, 11, 87, 97 family graves 77–8 Irving’s education 11 Irving’s property in 35 Irving’s training as a surgeon 12 Lanzarote, Canary Islands 40, 128 Laycock, Mr 84, 88 Layton, A. 61–2, 108, 147 Lemprière, William Dawson’s responsibility for the shipwreck of the Anna 42 Irving held in Marrakesh 56–7, 146 Irving held in Mogador 59 Irving’s early career 12, 13 Irving’s view of slave trade 70 negotiations to free Irving and crew 57–8, 107, 109 treating Mawlay ‘Abd al-Salam 55, 56, 106 Linton, William 88, 114, 122 Lisbon 83 Little, Andrew 11 Little, George 12, 35 Littledale, Thomas and Isaac 79 Liverpool abolitionism 5, 72, 76 Irving’s early career in the slave trade 7–19 map 1785 9

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Pownall Square 36 profits from the slave trade 36–7 slave trade 7–8, 36–7 West India trade 13 Liverpool Merchant 7 Lloyd’s List 13, 16, 22, 39 London 6, 7, 10, 67, 89, 92, 95, 98, 105, 114, 118 London Abolition Committee 5 Long, Edward 76 ‘Long Tommy’ 38 Longfield (cousin of James Irving) 87 Longmore, Jane 8 Longtown 116 Lovejoy, Paul E. 20, 26 McLeish, John 88 Malaga 110, 112, 114 malaria 30, 33 Manchester, abolitionists 5 Manks Mercury, John Clegg 68 Maria 123 Marrakesh (Morocco), Morocco 56–9, 107–9, 133, 145–8 Marvault, John 33 Matra, James M. (Consul General at Tangier) letter from George Dalston Tunstall 106–7 letter to Irving at ‘Telling’ 104 letter to William Wyndham Grenville 95–6 letters from Irving at ‘Telling’ 40, 46, 77, 94 negotiating for release of Irving and crew 51–6, 57–9, 60–3, 100, 107, 109, 141 Solicitor General 44–5, 74 wreck of the Anna 39 Maxwell 114, 122 Mediterranean Pass 51, 93, 133, 141–2 Metcalfe, John 112–13 Middle Passage, mortality rates 8, 30–5 Minerva 62 Mogador (Essaouira), Morocco 43–4 British Vice-Consul 43–4, 45, 49 Irving and crew released 65 Irving held in 58–60, 142–3, 147–8 letters from Irving in 109–13

map 50 slave trade 48 Mogodore see Mogador Moore, John Hamilton 43 Morocco crew of the Anna taken captive 130–1 internal instability 52 Irving’s enslavement in 4 Irving’s opinion of 73–4 map 50 negotiations 62–3 shipwreck of the Anna 39–44, 128–30 shipwrecks on the coast of 44–5 see also Guelmine; Marrakesh; Mogador; ‘Telling’ Morocco (city) see Marrakesh mortality rates, Middle Passage 30–5 Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd Allah, Sultan Sidi 48 crew of the Solicitor General 74 crew taken to Marrakesh 101 death 63–4, 147 Irving brought to Marrakesh 145, 146–7 Irving and crew moved to Mogador 108–9 Lemprière 56 negotiations for the release of Irving and crew 52, 54, 58–63, 95, 96, 99–102, 107, 109, 111, 112, 114, 141, 146–7 Murphy, Captain James 12, 13 navigation 42–3 Nepean, Evan 56, 57–8, 60, 62 New Calabar, Bight of Biafra 22, 24, 33, 35, 83–4 New Langholm, Scotland 11 Newton, John 31, 40, 70, 72, 76 Niger River 22, 26 Norris, Robert 72 Ohl Nun see Oued Noun Old Calabar, Bight of Biafra 22–4 Oued Noun (Ohl Nun), Morocco 39–40, 42, 50 Padstow 127 Paisley, Captain James 44, 129

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Index Patton, Mrs 122 Patton, Thomas 68, 69, 122, 123 Pearson, Joseph 14, 93 Peters, Jack (John) 38, 54, 55, 93, 143 Peyton, Admiral 63 Pile of Fouldrey (Piel Fowdrey), Cumbria 69, 121–3 Portuguese blacks 38, 51, 54–5, 74, 93, 112, 132 see also Silvin Buckle, James Drachen and Jack Peters press gangs 66, 117 Prince 18, 28, 29 Princess 84 Princess Royal 12 conditions on board 71 crew 33, 38 Dolben Act 37 health of officers 33 Irving’s earnings from 36 letters from Irving on 5, 88–90 mentioned in letter from Ellen 123 mortality rate of crew 33 voyage 1787 5, 14–15, 17, 20, 24, 71 voyage 1788–1789 15–17, 24, 36, 90–1 privilege slaves 36 Prosperity 12, 13 Prouting, Captain 65, 114–15, 148 Quirke, John 13 racism 53, 71, 73, 76–7 Redcliff, John 78 ‘Return to an Order of the Right Honourable the House of Lords dated 10th July 1799’ 26–7 Rice, Alan 4–5, 71 Richards, John 54, 55, 93, 143 Richardson, David 20, 26, 36, 77 Robinson, Captain Anthony (uncle of James Irving) Irving on Ellen 122 Irving returning from Morocco 118 letters from Irving in Mogador 110, 112 negotiations for release of Irving 49, 92, 94 Robson, Christopher 66, 115–16

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Roca, Cabo da see ‘Roxant, Cape’ ‘Roxant, Cape’ 128 Rushton, Edward 5–6, 70 St Lucia 13 Santa Cruz see Agadir Saugnier, Monsieur 42 Senegal 42, 48, 140, Sherwood, Mrs 90 Sherwood, Captain William assisting Mary Irving 112 letters from Irving in Morocco 114, 118, 122 negotiations for the release of Irving 51, 113 opinion of Irving 17–18 Princess Royal 12, 15, 88, 89 ship-trade 24–6 shipwrecks 39–45 Sierra Leone 26 slave trade abolitionism 3–4, 5–6, 71–3, 75–6 captains 10–11, 18–19 children purchased as slaves 28–9 European agents in Africa 28, 29 fort-trade 29 Irving’s attitudes to 70–2 Irving’s early career in 7–19 loading rates of slaves 22–4, 27 mortality rates of slaves and crew 30–5 profits from 35–7 public opinion on 3–4 role of Africans 24–6 ship-trade 24–6 size of ships 37 surgeons 8–10, 24–5, 35–6 time taken to complete a voyage 20–2 trade goods used to buy slaves 26 Smith, Joseph (uncle of James Irving) 49, 92 Irving on Ellen 122 Irving’s return from captivity in Morocco 66–7, 116–17, 118–19 letters from Irving in Mogador 113 negotiations for release of Irving 94 Smith, Thomas 45 Solicitor General 44–5, 74 Spain 15–16 Spanish West Indies 15–16

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Stangate Creek 66, 116–18 Stein, Robert 34 Stowell, James 3 Stowell, Thomas 3 Sulayman, Mawlay 52 surgeons 8–10 earnings from slave trade 35–6 Irving 13–18 mortality rates on Middle Passage 30– 1, 33 ship-trade in Bight of Biafra 24–5 training 11–12 treating slaves 30 Sus, River 56 Talaïnt, Morocco 48, 50 see also ‘Telling’, Morocco Tallahin, Morocco 48 Tangier 39, 50, 59, 62, 94, 102, 104, 106, 109, 111, 141 Tarleton, John, the wreck of the Solicitor General 45 Taroudannt, Morocco 55–6, 143–5, 150–1 Taylor, E.G.R. 43 Taylor, Nickol 120 ‘Telling’, Morocco Irving held in 6, 48–55, 140–4, 149 Irving’s letters from 39, 45, 92–4, 97– 100, 104–5 letters to Irving at 95, 96–7, 100–4 Terudant see Taroudannt Terwdant see Taroudannt Tetouan 50, 63 Thompson, James 77 Tobago 12, 14, 85–7 Tortola 12, 13 trade goods 26 Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade database 32, 44 Trial (Tryal) 65, 148 Trinidad 16, 69 Tryal see Trial Tunstall, George Dalston (brother-in-law of James Irving) copy of Irving’s journal 6 Irving’s return from Morocco 118 letters from Irving on Ellen 122, 123

letters from Irving on the Jane 84, 85, 87 letters from Irving in Morocco 99, 105, 110, 112, 115 negotiations for the release of Irving 106–7 response to Irving’s enslavement 5 Tunstall (grandmother of Mary Irving) 84, 88, 89, 110, 112, 114 Tunstall, Mary (mother of Mary Irving) letter from James Irving II on Princess Royal 91 letters from Irving on Jane 84 letters from Irving in Morocco 97–8, 110, 112, 114 letters from Irving on Princess Royal 88, 89 Pownall Square, Liverpool 36 shipwreck of the Anna 39 Tunstall, Mary (wife of James Irving) see Irving, Mary Uld Nun see Oued Noun Ulverston 69, 121 Venus 83 Virgin Islands 13 Vulture 10, 12–13, 20, 34–5, 90, 93–4 Wad Nun see Oued Noun Webb, Thomas 34 Welsh, Mr 122–3 West Indies, Liverpool trade 10–11, 13, 18 Williams, Eric 8 Williamson’s Liverpool Advertiser 13, 17, 40 Wilson, Captain William 12, 13 Windward Coast 21 Winters, Joseph 68, 69 Wright, Reuben 10 Wynne, Atkinson 97, 100, 105, 106, 107, 108, 110, 112, 114, 141, 142 al-Yazid, Mawlay 63–4, 65, 96, 147 Young Hero 68, 88 Zong 10