Selected Writings of Han Yongun: From Social Darwinism to ‘Socialism with a Buddhist Face’

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SELECTED WRITINGS OF HAN YONGUN FROM SOCIAL DARWINISM TO SOCIALISM WITH A BUDDHIST FACE

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Manhae Han Yongun, 1879–1944

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Selected Writings of Han Yongun FROM SOCIAL DARWINISM TO SOCIALISM WITH A BUDDHIST FACE

Vladimir Tikhonov University of Oslo

&

Owen Miller SOAS, University of London

GLOBAL ORIENTAL

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SELECTED WRITINGS OF HAN YONGUN

from social darwinism to socialism with a buddhist face Vladimir Tikhonov and Owen Miller First published in 2008 by GLOBAL ORIENTAL LTD PO Box 219 Folkestone Kent CT20 2WP UK www.globaloriental.co.uk © The Academy of Korean Studies ISBN 978–1–905246–47–2 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A CIP catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library

This book has been translated and published with the support of the Academy of Korean Studies

Set in Garamond 11.5 on 13pt by IDSUK (Data Connection) Ltd. Printed and bound in England by Cromwell Press Ltd, Trowbridge, Wilts

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Contents

Foreword Introduction Notes Bibliography Notes on Abbreviations and Citation Conventions

vii 1 30 32 37

SECTION ONE: KOREAN AND WORLD BUDDHISM 1. 2. 3. 4.

On the Reformation of Korean Buddhism The Buddhism I Believe In What Happens with Life after Death? Sakyamuni’s Spirit: Dialogue with a Journalist

41 153 155 158

5. 6. 7. 8.

Meditation and Human Life Meditation Outside of Meditation Be Cautious with Words! Patience

165 181 193 198

SECTION TWO: CRITICISM OF THE ANTI-RELIGION MOVEMENT 9. On the Anti-religion Movement 10. Communism and Anti-religious Thought v

211 216

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SECTION THREE: MEMOIRS 11. 12. 13. 14.

A Story of Life After Death The Wound I Will Never Forget To Seoul via Siberia Overnight in the Northern Continent

Glossary of Chinese Characters Index

229 233 235 238 252 256

vi

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Foreword

M

anhae Han Yongun (1879–1944) was an eminent monk, poet and independence movement activist of early-twentiethcentury Korea. He was a prophet who wished to become a beacon of light, dispelling the darkness of the colonial period, and who sang paeans to hope in those troubled times when his country had been lost. He was brave enough to ask, ‘How can we believe that the sword is omnipotent and force always wins?’ and to challenge the occupier with no weapon in his hand at a time when violence was triumphing around the world. His hopes, prayers and appeals have not been forgotten with the passage of time, but return to us today endowed with new meaning. His ideas – be they his Buddhist reformism, nationalist activism or poetic consciousness – were all deeply grounded in the great Way of humanism. Manhae always emphasized that it is ‘not the evil spirits but the True Teachings that have led innumerable generations of humans’. His collection of poetry, Silence of the Lover, has already been translated into many languages and introduced to the wider world. But the present English translation of his treatise, On the Reformation of Korean Buddhism, is a pioneering undertaking which I would like to welcome wholeheartedly. I am glad that the world will now have a chance to get to know Manhae better. He was a truth-seeker of unyielding will, a poet who loved flowers more than swords, and a thinker whose belief that freedom and equality are the most fundamental conditions of human existence recognized no national borders. ˘ PROFESSOR KIM SANGHYON Dongguk University, Seoul vii

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Introduction Han Yongun: From Social-Darwinism to Socialism with a Buddhist Face VLADIMIR TIKHONOV (Pak Noja & OWEN MILLER

)

1. The Beginnings: reformation for the sake of survival, 1900s and early 1910s

T

he first part of Han Yongun’s life story can be regarded as a perfect illustration of both the deepening crisis in social and political life during the last decades of Korea’s Choso˘n Dynasty (1392–1910), and the deep ambiguities and uncertainties of the chaotic period of Korea’s transition to modernity. He was born as Han Yuch’o˘n (or Cho˘ngok) near the county seat of Hongso˘ng,1 in southern Ch’ungch’o˘ng Province into a fallen yangban (noble) family of the Ch’o˘ngju Han clan. They were proud descendants of a famed statesman of early Choso˘n, Han Myo˘nghoe (1415–87), but possessed relatively little land by the end of the nineteenth century. Han Yongun could thus afford to study the Chinese classics from the tender age of five, but at the same time, he encountered many of the same burdens and dangers as his commoner friends. He was said to have been moved to tears when, as a nine-year-old, he read the thirteenth-century Chinese novel, The Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji), which concerns the obstacles a poor scholar encounters in love, and began thinking of the ephemeral nature of life. As a teenager, Han Yuch‘o˘n was also described as an unsurpassed muscular brave, famed for his physical strength already as a child 1

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and later renowned for successful fist fights with bandit gangs trying to prey upon his village (Kim Kwangsik 2004: 13–21; Yu Tong’go˘n 1980: 16–21). If the accounts of his followers are to be believed, he retained his predilection for ‘righteous violence’ into his later years as well; he was reputed to have threatened one of colonial Korea’s richest men, Min Yo˘nghu˘i (1852–1935) with a fake pistol and violent language to force him to secretly finance the March 1st independence movement in 1919. In the mid-1930s, he is also said to have seriously injured an elder Confucian scholar, Cho˘ng Manjo (1858–1936) for what he believed were impudently pro-Japanese remarks in a public conversation, and to have used his fists on many other occasions, betraying the rough upbringing he received in his childhood (Kim Kwanho 1981: 281–313). Married in his early teens (as was customary at that time) and employed as a teacher of the Chinese classics in a local private Confucian primary school (so˘ dang), Han Yuch‘o˘n suddenly left his native place for Seoul in 1897 and entered a Buddhist temple for the first time in his life. This move was due both to his fascination with Avatamsaka-sutra teachings (which he had discovered for himself at that time), and, very possibly, his unwillingness to follow in the footsteps of his father, a low-ranking local military commander who had recently been given orders to suppress the remnants of the anti-Japanese and anti-Western Tonghak (‘Eastern Learning’) rebels in the area (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 1: 253; Kim Kwangsik 2004: 22–25). When he returned after approximately three years, he was shocked to discover that the chaos of the late 1890s, when the Tonghak uprising was intermingled with the anti-governmental struggle of the conservative Neo-Confucian u˘ibyo˘ng (‘Righteous Armies’) rebels, had left his father dead. With his family becoming increasingly impoverished, Hongso˘ng was no longer a peaceful abode for Han Yuch’o˘n, and before long he was thrown unintentionally into the maelstrom of the political and ideological controversies of his time. In 1903, fully aware of the fact that his wife was pregnant with his child,2 Han Yuch’o˘n left his impecunious family, never to join it again, and headed first for a temple in the vicinity of his hometown (presumably Po˘pchusa, on the slopes of Mt Songnisan), and then to Wo˘lcho˘ngsa Temple in Kangwo˘n Province, known for the quality of its Buddhist doctrinal education. By his own later admission, his decision to leave his home town in favour of the 2

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wider world and to enter the monastic path was driven by two factors. On the one hand was a troubling sense of instability and crisis in the air. The old Korea was visibly on its way to ruin, and Han Yuch’o˘n was closely following the ‘pioneers’ of the new era, who were talking politics in his native town, but felt his classical Chinese education was not adequate for the new times. On the other was his personal existential angst over the meaninglessness of life, which was possibly aggravated by his father’s violent death (Han Yongun 1932: 19–20; Han Yongun 1973, vol. 1: 253–254). After learning some basics of doctrinal Buddhism at Wo˘lcho˘ngsa for around a year, Han Yuch’o˘n, still formally a layman, moved to the scenic Paektamsa Temple in the same province – the temple with which he would be associated for the rest of his life. There, after first being assigned to collect firewood and beg for alms in the nearby villages, he was ordained as a Buddhist monk on 26 January 1905 by Kim Yo˘n’gok, a monk known both as a meditator and a reformist figure, that is, a person interested in new ideas. In fact, the ideas Han learned about at his new teacher’s temple were not exactly ‘new’ at that time, as Han himself recollected later. His favourite book during that period was Xu Jiyu’s (1795–1873) Short Account of the Oceans around Us (Yinghuan Zhilue, 1848), one of China’s first modern accounts of world geography, but hardly one that was up-to-date enough for the beginning of the twentieth century. Xu Jiyu’s stories of the world overseas, incomplete and outdated as they were, managed to stir the novice monk into his first ‘modern adventure’, a journey by sea from Wo˘nsan to Vladivostok at the end of 1905 or beginning of 1906. Han departed without either money or documents, in the naive hope that he could somehow travel on from the Russian Far East to Europe and then finally to America, which had been so attractively described in Xu Jiyu’s book. Predictably, the adventure ended in grim failure in Vladivostok, a city which had been on the frontline of the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05) just a few months before. There Han Yuch’o˘n was mistaken for a Japanese spy and nearly killed by a gang of fiercely antiJapanese émigré Koreans (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 1: 243–251; Kim Kwangsik 2004: 29–42). This rather frightening episode, together with his other impressions of Vladivostok – its harbour filled with warships and protected by underwater mines – must have opened Han Yuch’o˘n’s eyes to the meaning of the rivalries and conflicts 3

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breaking out between the great powers during this period, as well as his own lack of preparedness for venturing anywhere into ‘modern’ foreign lands. He also realized the bad reputation which Buddhism had among Korea’s militant nationalists. In fact, Buddhism was regarded as a non-nationalist religion, whose adherents eagerly collaborated with the Japanese. This reputation was actually grounded in reality: having been traditionally despised and exploited by both local Neo-Confucian gentry and governmental officials within the framework of Choso˘n’s official policy of ‘constraining Buddhism’ (o˘kpul), the monks of the 1900s felt little bond of loyalty towards Korea’s dynastic state. Instead they were often attracted to Japanese Buddhist missionaries, who were instrumental in abolishing in April 1895 the centuries-old ban on monks entering Seoul, and to the religious policies of the Meiji state, which they believed to be more pro-Buddhist (Pang Kyo˘ngil 1987: 60–73). Han Yuch’o˘n’s evident personal patriotism notwithstanding, he himself was not free from the influence of this trend, and indeed seems to have been keenly interested in Japan’s Buddhist modernity in the 1900s and early 1910s. The failure of the Vladivostok adventure motivated Han Yuch’o˘n to learn as much as possible about the world outside Korea and the new order it was imposing on his country, first and foremost from the readily available Chinese and Japanese sources. He was then forced to retreat to So˘gwangsa Temple in Hamgyo˘ng Province by the unending skirmishes – often calamitous for the Buddhist establishments – between independence-minded u˘ibyo˘ ng detachments and Japanese troops.3 But later in 1906 Han Yuch’o˘n entered the ‘supplementary course’ (pojogwa) of Korea’s first-ever modern Buddhist educational institution, Seoul’s Myo˘ngjin School, where he was able to learn the basics of Japanese and attend lectures given by Korea’s leading Westernizing reformers (Nam Toyo˘ng 1981). At the same time, he continued to delve deeper into Buddhist doctrinal teachings and meditation practice, and having finished his first ever summer meditation-retreat at Ko˘nbongsa Temple in 1907, he received from his local meditation teacher Cho˘ng Manhwa the courtesy sobriquet under which he became universally known afterwards – Yongun, ‘Dragon Clouds’. Fulfilling his ambition to travel abroad he went to Japan in 1908 for around half a year, on the occasion of an invitation by the So-to- sect. Later he changed his occupation on several occasions, 4

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running at some point a modern land-measurement school in Seoul (attached to Myo˘ngjin School) and then becoming a lecturer in traditional Buddhist subjects at P’yohunsa Temple. But the main influence on his ideological development at this juncture seems to have been, together with several Japanese books he managed to procure and read, the famed collection of works by China’s great modern reformer, Liang Qichao (1873–1929), entitled The Collected Writings from the Ice-drinker’s Studio (Yinbingshi wenji; Kim Kwangsik 2004: 42–65). Liang Qichao’s writings, both in their original classical Chinese and in Korean translations, were immensely popular in post-1905 Korea. Liang’s particular combination of modernist zeal, emotional condemnations of China’s (and, by extension, Korea’s) ‘old evils’ and ‘weaknesses’, his heart-felt appeals to the enlightened elite to sensitize the ‘dark and stupid masses’ to modern nationalist politics, and his hard-nosed political moderation4 all wrapped up in a powerful patriotic rhetoric of largely Confucian origin, could probably fit best with the mindset of Korea’s reformists. They, after all, had Confucian educational backgrounds, and the situation in which they found themselves was one where they strove to ‘nationalize’ the subjects of the Choso˘n Dynasty into ‘Korean patriots’ in a fairly top-down fashion. While Liang Qichao’s writings had first been introduced into Korea in the late 1890s, and Liang’s record of the 1898 coup d’état against China’s progressives by Empress-Dowager Cixi was translated into Korean and printed as a textbook (Ch’o˘ ngguk musul cho˘ ngbyo˘ n’gi) by the Ministry of Education in September 1900, as soon as it became available in Korea, the real boom in the study of Liang Qichao texts came after Korea became a Japanese protectorate in November 1905. There was now an atmosphere of acute crisis, amidst dim feelings of impending national downfall, which many Korean reformists hoped Liang Qichao’s nationalist agenda might forestall. The main lesson the Korean nationalists were keen to learn from Liang was the Social Darwinist understanding of evolution as a competitive dog-eat-dog ‘struggle for survival’, where the downfall of the ‘weaker devoured by the stronger’ was blamed only on the victims’ ‘failure to strengthen themselves’. In this way of thinking, the only way for any sort of collective to survive was self-strengthening through (modern) education, the encouragement of a collectivist, self-sacrificing and adventurous spirit, and an enhanced collective 5

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will to expand at the expense of others (Yi Manyo˘l 2001: 78–118). Self-strengthening and the ‘struggle for survival’ all required heroism – both heroic geniuses at the helm of the modern and ‘competitive’ nation-states and mass heroism, especially at war, on the part of their patriotic citizens. It was hardly surprising, therefore, that the collection of Liang Qichao’s writings translated into Korean and printed in Seoul in 1908, greatly emphasized the topic of heroism, and included pieces on both individual heroes, such as Napoleon, Columbus, Bismarck, Washington, Nelson and Martin Luther, and nameless heroes, on whose willing sacrifices, according to Liang, the ‘survival of nations in the evolutionary competition’ depended (Liang Qichao 1908: 84–108, 141–176, 201–203). This logic provided much of the general framework for Han Yongun’s own thinking on the reforms necessary in Korean Buddhism in the late 1900s to early 1910s. In fact, Han Yongun’s own impressions of a heavily militarized Vladivostok might have served as a good illustration of Liang’s thesis on the competitive nature of modern statehood, as well as all the other forms of modern life. Besides the general ideological framework, Liang Qichao’s works were also essential for Han Yongun as a treasure trove of modern knowledge that he would not otherwise have been able to digest with such relative ease, given his complete lack of skills in any Western language and his quite limited reading proficiency in Japanese. In fact, Han Yongun drew upon Liang Qichao almost every time he had to refer to the likes of Darwin, Kant or Descartes, just as the majority of the reformist Confucians of this period did. In late 1900s Korea, even the use of the Japanese translations of the Western works that Liang Qichao himself utilized, not to speak of any direct contact with the Western originals, was still the privilege of a tiny minority (Niu Linjie 2000: 72–106). There were, however, important differences between Han Yongun as a Liang Qichaoinfluenced Buddhist doctrinaire, and the majority of Korea’s contemporary Social Darwinist nationalists. Han Yongun, who started his journey to the world of modernity in the late 1900s, struggled to reconcile the Social Darwinism he learned from Liang Qichao with the basics of Mahayana philosophy. Thus, he never tired from the very beginning of emphasizing the altruistic and egalitarian nature of Buddhism, which, according to him, guaranteed that Buddhism had an appropriate place in a 6

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modern world that was itself egalitarian and evolving towards a nobler state than today’s Darwinist jungles, where the ‘survival of the fittest’ was the main law. To be sure, ‘freedom’ and ‘equality’ were important topics discussed at great length by Liang Qichao as well, but both Liang and most of his Korean followers were envisioning freedom as freedom for the ‘fit and strong’, free to avoid being devoured in the proverbial struggle for survival, while equality generally applied to the necessity of equal patriotic interest in national affairs on the part of all ‘nationals’ (Lee Kwang-rin 2004: 439–475). Under the influence of both Liang Qichao’s approach and Meiji Japan’s patriotic Buddhists,5 Buddhism was also generally understood by Buddhist reformists as a religion successfully combining universalistic truth with ample possibilities for particularistic, nationalistic applications. For example, a typical younger Buddhist intellectual of that time, Yang Ko˘nsik (1889–1944), was known for introducing contemporary Chinese literature to the Korean reader as well as for his pioneering attempts to transcend fashionable Social Darwinism by appealing to the Buddhist ideals of compassion and altruism (Kim Poksun 1999: 104–146). Yang seemingly agreed with the view of Takakusu Junjiro- (1866–1945), on whose writings he built his theory of the ‘five major features of Buddhism’. Following Takakusu’s lead, he praised Buddhism for its ‘harmonization of egalitarianism and discriminatory thinking’, that is, the balance it supposedly struck between ‘nationalism (kukkajuu˘i) and cosmopolitanism (segyejuu˘i)’, unlike ‘Christianity with its negation of the distinctions between nations and states’, he was quick to add (Yang Ko˘nsik 1915: 14–21). Han Yongun collaborated with Yang in publishing a Buddhist journal, Yusim (Mind Only) in Kyo˘ngso˘ng6 in 1918 (Ko Chaeso˘k 1989: 101–149), but Han’s attitude was significantly different from those mainstream assertions of Buddhism’s supposed capacities to adapt to modern state-centred nationalism. In his seminal treatise On the Reformation of Korean Buddhism (Choso˘n Pulgyo Yusinnon; written by September 1910, published in May 1913), he cited the Mahayana idea of the universal Buddha-nature immanent in all beings, and concluded that, as equality was one of the main principles of Buddhism, Buddhism was both the religion of the liberal, egalitarian, modern present, and – more than that – the utopian ‘great unity’ of the future: 7

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In fact it may be said that both the liberalism and internationalism of modern times are the offspring of the truth of equality. The natural principle of freedom is said to be that ‘the limit of one person’s freedom is located where it intrudes upon the freedom of the others’. If every person keeps his or her freedom and does not intrude upon the freedom of others, my freedom will become synonymous with the freedom of others and one person’s freedom will become synonymous with another person’s freedom. Everybody’s freedom would make up a horizontal line in which there would be no internal differentiation. Can anything be more equal than this? Internationalism means that one does not speak about one’s own country or the country of another, this continent or that continent, this race or that race, but looks upon everyone as one family and regards them equally as brothers. It means that the whole world is being ruled as if it was one family, without competition or aggression. Should this be called ‘equality’ or not? The above discourse may be regarded as a hollow academic exercise today, but when, in the future, civilization has developed much further and reached its peak, this equality will undoubtedly be practised under Heaven. Why so? Because if there is a cause there must be an effect and if there is a principle there must be a phenomenon. It is like shadows following objects or echoes following sound. Even if one were to apply the strength necessary to lift a huge ceremonial cauldron or a canon able to destroy mountains, it would be of no use in resisting the coming of truth. Thus, the world of the future will be called ‘the world of Buddhism’. For what reasons will it be called ‘the world of Buddhism’? Because it will be equal, because it will be free, and because the world will achieve great unity. That is why it will be called ‘the world of Buddhism’. But how can Buddha’s equality stop at this? All the innumerable lotus worlds,7 and every thing, every phenomenon inside them, will be totally equal, without exception. (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 104–105).

Egalitarianism in this context could probably be better understood as a sort of liberal internationalism, with a focus on the idea of the equal rights of and brotherly solidarity between individuals and nations, rather than any understanding of the issue of economic equality. Indeed, the eleventh chapter of the treatise, entitled ‘The recovery of the human rights of the monks must begin with labour’, ascribes the low social status of Korean monks to their inability to produce and trade on the capitalist market and appeals to them to form companies and enrich the temples through the production of agricultural goods. Active participation in the monetary economy was essential for the survival of Buddhism, according to Han Yongun, because: 8

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Today’s world is at least partly underpinned by the forces of competition for monetary gain. All the ways of civilization are built upon the strength of money, and every success or failure is decided in the competition for profits. If production were to stop, the world would be destroyed, every country would be ruined, and individuals would not be able to achieve any position in society. (Han Yongun, Vol. 2, 1973: 117–118).

However much Han Yongun lamented the unabashed, inhuman cruelty of the Social Darwinist jungle of his day (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 110), and however much he might hope for the advent of the Buddhist ‘world of great unity’ in the future, he obviously remained convinced at the time he wrote the treatise that capitalist competition and subsequent economic inequality were natural, inescapable features of modern civilization. Following the logic of Liang Qichao, Han suggested that Buddhism had ‘to compete in order to survive’ as well, by strengthening its missionary capabilities to compete with Christian proselytizing, and by building up a modern educational structure, which would ensure that Buddhist monks would be able ‘to distinguish between the six continents, and to understand what the struggle for survival is’ (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 47–51, 60–63). The word sahoejuu˘i – which later became the stable translation of ‘socialism’ to Korean – is mentioned once in the treatise (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 115), but here it meant the principle of social solidarity as opposed to the individual awakening of the arahans of Hinayana Buddhism, rather than any sort of alternative world order. The other salient feature of Buddhism, which was also identifiable as a component of modernity’s progressive tendencies, was, according to Han Yongun, Buddhism’s principle of universal compassion – or ‘altruism’ in more modern parlance. Explaining this principle, which, in theory, was difficult to reconcile with the Social Darwinist logic of Liang Qichao and his Korean acolytes, Han Yongun was eager, first and foremost, to refute the old Neo-Confucian charge that Buddhists were egoists. Korean Confucianists had long claimed that Buddhists were interested only in their own salvation from the world, but devoid of righteousness and compassion and uninterested in saving the world (Cho˘ng Tojo˘n 1993: 454–458). He wrote: What is altruism? It is the opposite of egoism. Many of those discussing Buddhism say that Buddhism is a religion that makes its adepts interested only in improving themselves. But this betrays an 9

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insufficient understanding of Buddhism, since improving oneself alone is something in total contradiction to Buddhism. In the Avatamsaka-sutra, it is said: ‘I should broadly receive to the very end all the sufferings of all the living beings in all the worlds, in all the evil incarnations.’8 It is also said: ‘I should make myself a hostage in hell, in the world of animals, to Yamara-ja9 in order to redeem and save all the living beings in the evil incarnations and lead them to the attainment of liberation.’10 All the other ga-tha-s11 and all the words of the sutras have never abandoned the desire to save living beings, so how can this be the path of saving only one person? It was actually Buddha himself who went all the way in his desire to save others, so how can we living beings repay his kindness? (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 104–105).

The text then goes on to describe the willingness of China’s legendary sage emperors, as well as Confucius and Jesus Christ, to suffer for the sake of others, but offers very little on the question of how this Buddhist principle of compassion should manifest itself in today’s uncompassionate world of monetary gain, competition and Social Darwinist survival. All in all, it may be argued that in the years 1910–13, Han Yongun was already painfully aware of the inhumane nature of this ‘civilization built upon the strength of money’ and was, consciously or unconsciously, attempting to contrast the doctrinal values of Buddhism – described in a modernized way as egalitarianism and altruism – with the realities of what he aptly called ‘today’s barbaric civilization’ (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 110). But Han found it difficult to identify any realistic ways to realize the ideal Buddhist ‘society of the great unity’, and was unable to contextualize the Buddhist ideas of egalitarianism and altruism in the concrete sociopolitical settings of modern times. Rather he resigned himself to believing that, at least for the time being, there was no way out of a society driven by the struggle for survival and the competition for profits. Invectives against ‘superstitious rituals and cults’, and the general anti-ritualist, anti-traditionalist tone of Han Yongun’s text undoubtedly reveal some influence from the more radical quarters of the contemporaneous New Buddhist movement in Japan. It seems plausible, for example, that Han Yongun might have read some issues of the journal The New Buddhism (Shin Bukkyo-) published from July 1900 by the Association of Buddhist Puritans (Bukkyo- Seito Do-shikai), a group of Buddhist intellectuals influenced by Unitarianism, who were searching for a ‘sound, non-superstitious 10

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faith’ not bound by the ritualistic traditions, that was worldasserting and altruistic (Ikeda Eishun 1976: 210–232). Neither the Buddhist puritans of Meiji Japan nor Han Yongun achieved much immediate success in reaching out to the broader communities of their co-religionists; in both cases, radical Buddhist reformism remained a discourse among a few modernist intellectuals inside institutional Buddhism. From a longer-term perspective, however, the questions concerning the relationship between Buddhism and the modern world raised by Han Yongun in the early 1910s continued to challenge the more active and engaged segments of the Korean Buddhist community into re-examining the ways of their faith. In fact, they became part of the intellectual background for the minjung (‘mass-oriented’) Buddhist movement from the late 1970s onward and have remained a topic of discussion for Buddhist intellectuals up until today (Kang Mija 2006: 203–237; Kim Kwangsik 2003). 2. Enter Socialism: the new currents of the 1920s and 1930s The heightened popularity of socialism in 1920s Korea influenced the Buddhist community too. Just as the majority of the pioneering communist activists of the early 1920s were younger intellectuals in their twenties and thirties, who had often had the experience of studying in Japan and were from petty bourgeois or middle-class families (Cho˘n Sangsuk 2004: 80–103), the first Buddhist monks to interest themselves deeply in socialist or communist ideas were mostly idealistic students, often from relatively comfortable backgrounds. At the very beginning of the 1920s, ‘conversion’ to socialism – or anarchism, often viewed at that time as a branch of socialism – among young Buddhist intellectuals was limited to a few individual cases. Some Buddhist students were simply affected superficially by the fashionable ‘new ideas’, while others practically quit the Buddhist community as a result of their deep involvement with anti-establishment movements and thus exercised relatively little influence upon their co-religionists. For example, one of the first Korean Buddhist monks to be arrested and imprisoned (for six months) for the crime of ‘propagating extremist ideas’ in August 1921 was a To-yo- University student named Kim Kyo˘ngju, who then went on to pursue a successful career in various Buddhist organizations and eventually became a superintendent of the 11

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Central Buddhist College (Chungang puljo˘n) in Kyo˘ngso˘ng in the late 1930s, demonstrating no special continuing commitment to any sort of subversive ideas (Kim Namsu 1998). The monk of the early 1920s who made the most distinguished contribution to the incipient communist and anarchist movements in Korea was arguably Kim So˘ngsuk (1898–1969), a Pongso˘nsa (Kyo˘nggi Province, Kwangnu˘ng) monk from a poor peasant family, who met Kim Saguk (1892–1933), one of Korea’s first communists, in prison, while serving a term for involvement in the nationalist March 1st Movement (1919). Deeply impressed by his older friend, he then went on to read the Communist Manifesto (in Japanese), work in the communist-influenced Korean Labour Fraternal Association (Choso˘n Nodong Kongjehoe), and emigrate to China (1923), where he subsequently became a famed anarchist (Yi Cho˘ngsik and Kim Hakchun 1988). There were three more Korean monks who participated in the anarchist movement in China together with him (Kim Namsu 1998), but they were hardly in any position to influence Korea’s Buddhist community, with which they maintained only very casual contacts from their exile. An even more typical case of a former Buddhist who lost any connection whatsoever with Buddhism and the Buddhist community after his conversion to radical ideas is that of Kim Ch’o˘nhae (original name: Kim Hagu˘i 1898–?). He was a 1916 graduate of the Central Buddhist School (Chungang hangnim) in Kyo˘ngso˘ng, who went to Japan in 1921 to study, and eventually became one of the ‘founding fathers’ of the Korean communist movement in Japan, secretary of the Japanese Section of the Korean Communist Party (24 June 1928), and later one of the prominent leaders of the movement of proPyongyang Koreans in Japan after 1945, as well as a distinguished member of the North Korean establishment (Kim Namsu 1998; Kim Indo˘k 2004: 179–205). An important obstacle to deeper contacts between institutional Buddhism and the newborn radical groups was the emphasis that the latter, especially the communists, placed on ‘anti-religious propaganda’. The anti-religious campaign of the 1920s in Korea was basically an attempt by radical, predominantly communist-influenced circles to establish their own paradigm of modernity. This would be different from the modernity of the 1890s–1910s nationalist movement, which was strongly coloured by its association with either Protestant Christianity or new nationalist religions. The campaign 12

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coincided with the deepening of the critical mood towards the foreign missionary leadership of Korea’s Christian denominations among Korea’s non-leftist nationalists, heralded, for example, by the young novelist Yi Kwangsu’s (1892–1950) seminal 1917 article, ‘Faults of Today’s Korean Christianity’. Yi challenged the perceived indifference of Christians towards non-religious ‘civilizational improvements’, the superstitious character of their faith, the hierarchical nature of their churches, and, on a more general level, their ‘failure to become sufficiently Koreanized’ (Yi Kwangsu 1917: 81–84). Yi Kwangsu, was a profoundly religious person, who at that point was deeply influenced by Leo Tolstoy’s (1828–1910) interpretation of Christianity and considered a Christian nationalist leader, An Ch’angho (1878–1938), his mentor (Sin Kwangch’o˘l 2002: 91–109). So the fact that he could make such criticisms of Korean Christian churches, shows that the unquestioned acceptance of religion (especially Christianity which was regarded as the ‘religion of the civilization’) as the key element of national strength, which had been typical during the previous period, was in the process of becoming outdated. While the main inspiration for the leftist attacks upon religion was undoubtedly the Russian Bolsheviks’ unmitigated hostility towards institutional Orthodox Christianity in the wake of the 1917 revolution (Dickinson, Anna 2000: 327–335), another reference point, closer both geographically and culturally, was China. There, the New Culture Movement’s emphasis upon anti-imperialism and science laid the foundation for the anti-religious campaign of the early 1920s. The flames of this movement were further fanned by what was perceived as the World Student Christian Federation’s (WSCF) ‘provocative decision’ to hold its 1922 meeting in Beijing. The New Culture Movement, actively promoted by nationalists, anarchists and the nascent communist milieu alike (Lutz 1976: 395–416), was given sympathetic coverage in Korea’s nationalistic left-wing journals, such as Kaebyo˘ k and Sinsaenghwal, which often described it as ‘a pan-national, scientific assault upon reactionary religious ideas born from humanity’s primitive and now obsolete fear of nature’ (for example, Im Chu 1922: 50–53). As in contemporary China, the main target of this attack on religion in the Korea of the 1920s was Christianity, tarnished by the predominance of missionaries, the perceived superstitious nature of its doctrine and faith, and its association with the Bolsheviks’ Russian Orthodox 13

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adversaries. But Buddhism, as another major religion, was not spared from criticism. These attacks presented grave problems for those Buddhist organizations, first and foremost the Buddhist youth groups, which sought active participation in the burgeoning socio-political life of the period, dominated by either nationalist or radical-left tendencies. The Korean Buddhist Youth League (Pulgyo ch’o˘ngnyo˘nhoe), led by Okch’o˘nsa monk Yi Chongch’o˘n (?–1928), and the Korean Women’s Buddhist Youth League (Choso˘n pulgyo yo˘ja ch’o˘ngnyo˘nhoe), led by U Bongun, actively participated, for example, in the organization of the founding meeting of the AllKorean Youth Party Congress (Cho˘nchoso˘n ch’o˘ngnyo˘ndang taehoe) in March 1923, and had some of their concerns duly addressed there. The first section of the Congress (women, education, religion-related problems) adopted a resolution urging the abolition of the 1911 Temple Law (sach’allyo˘ng), which the Japanese colonial authorities used to administer Korea’s institutional Buddhism in a rigidly centralized, authoritarian way. But at the same time, the same section – following Moscow’s line12 – proclaimed religion as such to be ‘a prejudice, which harms the development and expression of individuality, contradicts the truth of science, and [. . .] serves as an opiate for the conquered’, thus making the continuing presence of religious youth groups, Buddhist included, inside the communistled leftist youth movement extremely difficult (Yi Hyo˘nju 2003: 186–264). ‘Anti-religious struggle’ was prominent on the agenda of the first ever Korean Communist Party, formed under the leadership of the so-called ‘Tuesday faction’13 (hwayop’a) in April, 1925, although, happily for the Buddhists, the focus was on the struggle against the main ‘imperialist agents’, that is, the Christians (Cho Tongho 1925). However, the militant anti-religious views of the Tuesday faction were not shared in full by the Kim Saguk-led Seoul group, who were concerned about the danger of alienating ‘revolutionary nationalists, disguising themselves under the mask of religion’ (Cho˘n Myo˘nghyo˘k 2001: 93–94). Neither did they satisfy the Comintern, since until the very end of the 1920s the latter was urging the tactics of the ‘united front with the radical bourgeois nationalists’ upon its branches in the colonial and semi-colonial countries, and the ‘radical national bourgeoisie’ was represented in many cases precisely by religionists (the radical ‘old faction’ inside 14

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Ch’o˘ndogyo, for example) in Korea (Scalapino and Lee 1972: 93–110). The anti-religious assault was therefore softened to a certain degree, especially between 1927 and 1931 when the communists cooperated with sections of the moderate and radical nationalist movement – often represented by people with religious affiliations and connections – in the framework of the Sin’ganhoe (New Korea Society), which was designed to become the ‘unified national party’, ultimately the vehicle for progress towards independence and ‘democratic reforms’ (Yi Kyunyo˘ng 1993). But after the Profintern’s 18 September 1930 resolution attacked the soon to be dissolved Sin’ganhoe as a ‘national reformist organization’ and urged a more radical and uncompromising line towards all ‘petty bourgeois elements’ (Scalapino and Lee 1972: 111), the anti-religious propaganda put out by the communist or communist-inspired leftist authors regained its ferocity (Kim 2000: 45–46). One of the typical salvoes was delivered by a certain Chin Yo˘ngch’o˘l, a communist who could be considered a moderate, since he was arguing in favour of a limited alliance with the petty bourgeoisie (‘under the hegemony of the proletariat’, of course: Kwo˘n Hu˘iyo˘ng 1996). Chin drew extensively from the famous thesis of Marx’s 1844 Introduction to a Contribution to a Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right – understood by him in an overly literal and extremely dogmatic way – that ‘Religion is, indeed, the selfconsciousness and self-esteem of man who has either not yet won through to himself, or has already lost himself again. [. . .] State and [. . .] society produce religion, which is an inverted consciousness of the world, because they are an inverted world. Religion is [. . .] the fantastic realization of the human essence since the human essence has not acquired any true reality. The struggle against religion is, therefore, indirectly the struggle against that world whose spiritual aroma is religion’ (O’Malley 1970). According to him, religion, which succeeded, due to Korea’s backwardness, in absorbing large numbers of Korea’s proletarians and peasants, posed the gravest threat to the working class movement as it was not only paralysing and manipulating the consciousness of the oppressed with its inverted, fantastic worldview, but also actively participating in politics as the main organized force in the camp of ‘national reformism’, thus subverting the basis for both the anti-colonial liberation movement and the struggle for socialism. For Chin, 15

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concrete anti-religious struggle had to proceed as an organic part of the general class struggle, and be centred upon both ‘theoretical propaganda concerning scientific atheism’ and practical movements for ‘separation between religion and education’ – that is, against the idea of religious education for the general masses of school pupils and students. ‘Marxists’, concluded Chin in a categorical tone, ‘are bound to be atheists’ (Chin Yo˘ngch’o˘l 1931: 10–16). Even for a relatively moderate communist, the struggle against religion was the epitome of the struggle against the world of class domination, religious consciousness being a synonym for the ‘ideological opiate’ of the oppressors. Institutional Buddhism, with its slogan ‘From the mountains to society!’ and its threats of more active proselytizing and organizing among the youth was mentioned specifically here. No distinctions between, for example, the original egalitarian spirit of Buddhism and Christianity and their later, institutionalized forms in class societies were made. No interest was shown in the finer points of the various religious doctrines (for example, Buddhism’s rather rational theory of causation). Korea’s religions thus encountered an uncompromising, total opposition from a group of political idealists widely respected by many younger members of their congregations for their ‘religiously’ devout and dedicated attitude towards the anti-colonial struggle, if not for their set of dogmas. This series of developments made defining the relationship between institutional religion and the leftist movement an important task for religious writers and activists catering to a younger audience, who were often strongly influenced by the radical currents. The task was even more important for those religionists directly involved with the radical nationalist movement, who often kept up working contacts with their leftist counterparts. Han Yongun, one of the most prominent and radical Buddhist intellectuals of the time, had the experience of giving a congratulatory speech to the All-Korean Youth Party Congress as early as 1923 (Kim 2000: 45). He was also among the twenty-seven founders of the Sin’ganhoe in 1927, maintaining, in his capacity as leader of the Kyo˘ngso˘ng branch, continuous, and, according to some of the Japanese police documents, indeed very friendly (Kang and Kajimura 1972: 95–97) cooperation with the Communists and opposing to the very end the dissolution of the organization. As a result, he could hardly avoid defining at some point what 16

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socialism might mean for a devout modern Buddhism with an avid interest in political and social issues. 3. A Buddhist response to the socialist challenge? Han Yongun’s thought in the 1920s and 1930s The mid-1910s brought a new turn to the development of Han Yongun’s thought. As an undoubted patriot, the somewhat uncritical modernist enthusiasm of the 1900s now became impossible: modernity in its colonial version was tightening its grip on the country without bringing much benefit to the impoverished majority of its people. Without alleviating Korea’s grinding poverty, colonialism brought a harsher regimentation of society – the fear-based discipline of daily life Han Yongun had good reason to resent and reject. In his essay on the reasons Korean needed political independence, written in prison after the March 1st Movement of 1919, Han Yongun summarized his impressions of the colonial order in a famous phrase: ‘Just at the sight of a gendarme’s cap, Koreans are as afraid as if they are seeing a ferocious tiger or venomous snake. (. . .) Koreans are as enslaved by this tyranny as if they were horses or oxen, and they have spent the last ten years simply adjusting themselves [to colonial rule], without the slightest attempt at resistance’ (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 1: 347–354). Feeling oppressed and estranged by the modernity of ubiquitous police stations and the detailed regulations of educational and religious life, Han Yongun turned back to the realm of traditional Buddhism. At the same time, he continued his attempts to give it a more popular, modern form, which, as he had already asserted in his On the Reformation of Korean Buddhism, was the key to the success of missionary work and, ultimately, to the religion’s survival (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 109–110). In April 1914, having immersed himself in the reading of the Tripitaka collection of Po˘mo˘sa Temple in South Kyo˘ngsang Province for around two years, he published his Buddhist Anthology (Pulgyo taejo˘ n). This was a careful selection of scriptural passages on a wide range of topics, from traditional Buddhist themes to matters of peace, class and state, in a modern Korean translation (Pak and In 1960: 107–112). Interestingly enough, out of the total of 1741 textual references there, 211 (12%) were taken from Avatamsakasutra – the text Han Yongun was fascinated with from the very beginning of his encounter with Buddhism. He was keen, for 17

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example, to employ the Avatamsaka teachings on viewing the nature of all things in a non-discriminatory, universalistic and holistic way to explain the Buddhist origins of the term p’yo˘ ngdu˘ng (Sanskr. sa-manya, Ch. pingdeng). This word generally meant ‘equality’ in the sense of the understanding that all the things are essentially equally empty in Buddhism, but was later invested with a new meaning – equality in its socio-political aspect – in the modern East Asian languages, Korean included (Chon Posam 1985: 183–207). Han Yongun undertook another project aimed at modernizing the classics during this period, this time publishing an annotated Korean translation of the late Ming Dynasty classical treatise on ‘wise behaviour’, Caigentan (Tending the Roots of Wisdom), purportedly composed around 1596 by a certain Hong Zicheng under both Confucian and Buddho-Taoist influence. This book, published in April 1917, made Caigentan (Kor. Ch’aegu˘ndam) one of modern Korea’s favourite textbooks of worldly wisdom, and was seemingly instrumental in making Han Yongun’s name much better known beyond Buddhist circles, among the Korean educated classes more generally (Im 2003: 3–20). Han Yongun also continued his exercises in meditation, and claimed to have reached their final stage, the sudden attainment of enlightenment, ‘upon having heard the noise of some objects falling down’, on 3 December 1917 (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 6: 384–387). In a word, by the end of the 1910s Han Yongun was becoming a recognisable cultural figure, earning a name for his attempts to excel in both traditional religious and cultural practices and their popularization by modern means. However, this relatively peaceful life of meditation, scriptural research and popularization of the East Asian classical legacy did not last long. By the end of 1918, Han Yongun – who, from September 1918 onwards, edited in Kyo˘ngso˘ng his short-lived Buddhist magazine Yusim – had become visibly agitated by the news coming from outside of colonial Korea’s heavily guarded borders. The November 1917 revolution in Russia was followed by the new Bolshevik-led government’s declaration on the right of selfdetermination for ‘all the oppressed nationalities of the tsarist prison house of peoples’, and a year later a revolution in Germany finalized the defeat of Europe’s exemplary militaristic state (a model for Japan’s own modern statehood) in the world war. In January 1918, US President Woodrow Wilson proclaimed his famed Fourteen Points, including the demand for ‘a free, open-minded, and absolutely 18

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impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined’ (Wilson 1918: 680–681). Of course, Korea’s modernist intellectuals, who had already witnessed the machtpolitik of imperialism in action in Korea in the 1900s, did not necessarily all accept ‘Wilsonian idealism’ at face value. Interrogated by the Japanese police after the March 1st Movement in 1919, O Sech’ang (1864–1953), one of its most important leaders, explicitly stated that he did not expect the self-determination principle to be applied to the colonies of the victorious Allied states, Japan included, but still thought that Koreans could not sit quietly while the oppressed nations of the whole world rose up. Ch’oe Namso˘n (1890–1957), who actually wrote the famed ‘Independence Declaration’ of 1 March 1919, went even further, calling the idea that the victors would support self-determination everywhere throughout the world ‘a foolish fantasy’ (Yi 1959: 514–515, 658). However, the sudden demise of two major imperial states, Germany and tsarist Russia, the internationalist course of the Bolsheviks, and the internationalist rhetoric employed by what emerged as the strongest Allied state, namely the USA, obviously gave the Korean nationalist leaders some hope that the world would be attentive to Korea’s claim for independence once the claim had been duly publicized. As Han Yongun himself recollected during the police interrogation afterwards, when he first met his old friend Ch’oe Rin14 on 27 January 1919, he expressed the hope that, for the sake of long-term world peace, the victorious Allied Powers might allow the independence of the colonies, and suggested that Koreans should signal their eagerness to follow the self-determination principle. It seems as if the defeat of the central powers, perceived by Han Yongun as a blow against ‘militarism and aggression’ (Yi 1959: 601–602), encouraged him to explore the possibilities that had been opened up for his country by this new and unexpected turn in the development of the modern world. After all, Koreans had little to lose under the yoke of militarized, authoritarian colonial rule. This conversation between Han Yongun and Ch’oe Rin prompted the latter to seek the approval of the Ch’o˘ndogyo leadership for the proposed action for Korea’s independence. It also led Han Yongun to a series of attempts to engage Buddhists and 19

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Confucians in the planned movement, while Ch’o˘ndogyo people took the lead in contacting the influential Protestants of Korea’s north-west and the metropolitan region. In the 1910s, Ch’o˘ndogyo, the heir to the Tonghak religious tradition, took a moderate nationalist position, seeking more freedom for their religious, educational and publishing activities without rejecting colonial rule as such. But by 1919, their leadership appeared to be interested in heightening their role as the leading national force by actively probing the new opportunities presented by the end of the European war and changes in the international climate. In the end, Ch’o˘ndogyo and Protestant activists constituted the overwhelming majority (thirty-one of the total thirty-three) of the signatories to the March 1st Independence Declaration. Han Yongun failed in his efforts to reach out to the Confucians and was able to secure the participation of only one Buddhist leader besides himself, namely the well-known proponent of conservative monastic discipline Paek Yongso˘ng (1863–1940). Buddhist students instructed and commanded by Han Yongun15 played an important role in the preparations for the demonstrations, which were scheduled for 1 March 1919, in anticipation of the gathering of large crowds in Korea’s colonial capital in connection with the funeral of the former King Kojong, planned for 3 March.16 However, it is hard to say that institutional Buddhists were as active in the movement as Protestants or the Ch’o˘ndogyo leadership. Han Yongun himself took a political stand that was not fully approved by the majority of the leaders of his own denomination. In the end, Buddhists came to constitute only one per cent of all those indicted for participation in the demonstrations, while Protestants and Ch’o˘ndogyo followers made up 22 per cent and 15 per cent respectively (Cho Chihun 1993: 118–133; Sin Yongha 2001: 173–180, 196, 212, 414–415). Han Yongun’s leading position inside the national movement after 1919 contrasted strikingly with the relative passivity of the mainstream Buddhist leadership, which was cosily integrated into the dominant socio-political structures of colonial society (Kim Sunso˘k 2002: 499–530). Han Yongun’s experiences as a leader of the March 1st Independence Movement in 1919, his arrest in the immediate aftermath of the movement, the prison term he served (he was released on 22 December 1921) and his further participation in a variety of Buddhist and general social and national movements17 20

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undoubtedly had an immense effect on his perception of modern realities. On the one hand, his original belief in the support of the First World War victors for the independence of all colonized peoples, Korea included, and in the forthcoming help from the powers for the cause of Korean independence (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 1: 361–373) was crudely betrayed. What he had mistakenly considered to be a ‘new era of peace’ and a ‘great defeat for militarism and imperialism’ (ibid.: 354–355) was in fact just the beginning of a new chapter in the history of imperialist competition, and no victorious power was going to challenge the ‘rights’ to Korea of Japan, one of the members of the victorious coalition. On the other hand, Han Yongun recognized that the German revolution, which in his view played the pivotal role in the ‘defeat of the Kaiser’s militarism’, was ‘achieved by the efforts of the Socialist Party’, and in addition, ‘under the influence of the Russian revolution’ (ibid.: 356). In prison he also observed the influence exerted by the Russian revolution on Korea’s own contemporary society (ibid.: 376). Consequently, his way of defining Buddhism in the socio-political context of modernity underwent a perceptible shift in the direction of more open radicalism, with clear allusions to the newly fashionable socialist ideas. For example, Kropotkinian mutual aid, very popular among Korea’s anarchists and some early communists in the early 1920s (Yi Horyong 2001: 103–107), now served Han Yongun as a tool for giving concrete form to Buddhism’s universal love. This concept was an ethical derivative of the Avatamsaka-sutra’s idea of ‘equality in emptiness’ and the interdependence of all things that fascinated Han from his earliest encounter with Buddhism. In March 1924, he wrote in the monthly journal Kaebyo˘ k: What then is the practical activity of Buddhism? It is universal love and mutual aid. With or without consciousness, everything and everybody is to be loved and to help each other. This is not limited to humans only – it is applied to all beings. In today’s world, where imperialism and nationalism have achieved real strength and predominance, such phrases as universal love and mutual aid sound very detached from reality, but the truth is the truth. And because it is the truth, it will eventually become reality. (The Buddhism I believe in, Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2:288).

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early 1920s Korea, the contrast in this text between imperialism and nationalism on one side and mutual aid on the other, does seem to have certain radical connotations. Interestingly enough, the same article makes a clear attempt to defend Buddhism against the possible accusation of being an idealist philosophy: [. . .] the impression that Buddhism is built upon an idealist theory is only a superficial one – in reality, mind and matter are not independent of one other in Buddhism. Mind is becoming matter (‘emptiness is form’), and matter is becoming mind (‘form is emptiness’). So, mind in Buddhism is the mind that includes matter. If we pay heed to the Buddhist sayings, ‘only the mind exists in the three worlds’ and ‘there is no matter outside of the mind’, it becomes even clearer that the mind in Buddhism is inclusive of matter. In that case, why is it that this complex entity consisting of both mind and matter is called only ‘mind’? This is because, especially with us humans, it is more common that the mind (that is, consciousness) prevails over matter (that is, flesh) than otherwise. (The Buddhism I Believe In, Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 288; present volume, pp. 153–155).

Although the Yoga-ca-ra thesis that ‘only the mind exists in the three worlds’ and ‘there is no matter outside the mind’ could hardly represent any sort of valid argument for Korea’s rather dogmatic students of dialectical materialism in the 1920s, Han Yongun seemed to be sincere and consistent in his attempts to describe Buddhism in terms acceptable to contemporary radicals. In an interview with the monthly Samch’o˘ lli in August 1929, he stresses that, despite the metaphysical emptiness of all the ‘forms’ (Sanskr. ru-pa, Ch. se – forms of material existence), the eternal Buddhahood is immanent to everything in the world and that provides the metaphysical grounds for the belief in the complete equality of all things, sentient or not: [. . .] ‘form is emptiness’, that is, everything is empty. Everything in the universe neither gets born nor dies, neither decreases nor increases. What is called ‘form’ can be known by us only through our organs of perception. But even what is not seen by us, like the air, also belongs to the realm of ‘form’. ‘Form’ is everything – mountains and rivers, grasses and trees, sun, moon and stars, running poultry and flying birds, the fishes and turtles of the seas and rivers, the humans and the six sorts of animals18 – everything. And all those things are also empty, because they belong to the realm of ‘form’. As they are empty, they are neither born nor die; neither decrease nor increase. Their basic essence

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remains intact forever. In the phenomenal world they might appear or disappear individually or partially from a temporal point of view, while what is called their Buddha-nature in Buddhism remains just as it is, intact. In possessing Buddha-nature, all the myriad things are the same. (What Happens with Life after Death, Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 289–290; present volume pp. 155–158)

Ideas of a similar kind seem to have inspired Han Yongun’s poetical creativity as well. In his celebrated 1926 poetry collection, Nim u˘i ch’immuk,19 the lyrical hero is nim, ‘the lover’, explained by Han Yongun in his author’s preface as a truly universal being: ‘it is not only the [actual] “lover” who becomes the lover [here] – everything worshipped is the lover. (. . .) Buddha’s lovers were all sentient beings, while Mazzini’s lover was Italy’ (Han Yongun 1976: 12). As the juxtaposition of Buddha the universalistic thinker and Mazzini the archetypical nationalist convincingly shows, the image of nim is allembracing and complex: all things, united by their common empty nature and by the omnipresence of Buddha-hood, belong to the realm of nim, the Korean nation included. And, among the sorrows of national and social tragedies, the ultimate, noumenal reality of the universal, equal nim emerges as the source of faith and hope: Those without household registration (minjo˘k) have no human rights. There was a general who said insultingly: ‘What sort of integrity can you have if you don’t have human rights?’ After resisting him, I saw you – in the moment when my gratitude to others was transforming into sorrow. Oh, I understood that all sorts of ethics, morals, and laws are just smoke from the sacrifices to Mammon and sword. Should I eternally embrace love? Should I spill ink on the first page of human history? (Han Yongun 1976: 70)

Poems like the one above are too lyrical and abstract to be interpreted in any unequivocal way. However, it is clear that what is contrasted to the mundane world, where ethics and morals are at best a disguise for militaristic and colonial brutality, is ‘eternal love’ – the real world of Buddhist emptiness, altruism and wisdom (Yi So˘nsuk 1987: 93–103). The relativist dialectics of the classic Mahayana philosophy, with their simultaneous negation of the self nature (Sanskr. svabha-va, Ch. zixing) of things and – in Yoga-ca-ra philosophy – the ultimate reality of their existence at all outside of the perceiving mind, must have proved difficult to explain to the adepts of dialectical 23

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materialism mindful of Lenin’s invectives against ‘empiriocriticism’, ‘subjective idealism’ and ‘negation of the reality of matter’ (Lenin 1972, vol. 14: 70–362). However, the socio-economic ethos of early Buddhism provided ample evidence for claims about the socialist nature of Buddha’s teaching. It was precisely Buddha’s economic socialism that Han Yongun emphasized in the strongest possible way in an interview published in Samch’o˘ lli in November 1931: In the Buddhist scriptures it is said that if you have two items of clothing, you should take one off and give it away. Of course, that is what Buddha would have done. Generally, Sakyamuni was negative about the accumulation of property. He criticized economic inequality. He himself always made his clothes from grasses and wore them while he travelled around preaching. His ideal was to live without the desire to own anything. [. . .] I have recently been planning to write about Buddhist socialism. Just as there is Christian socialism as a system of ideas in Christianity, there must also be Buddhist socialism within Buddhism. (Sakyamuni’s Spirit: Dialogue with a Journalist, Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 292–293; present volume, pp. 158–165)

Together with Buddha’s negation of the caste system (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 292), the communal property-owning of the early Buddhist monastic communities and Buddha’s criticism of the acquisitive instinct as the worst form of ‘desire’ (Sanskr. ra-ga, Ch. tanyu) and the basic cause of suffering formed the basis upon which Buddhism and modern radicalism could embrace each other. Not surprisingly, very similar ideas on the basic similarity of Marxist and Buddhist socio-economic ethics were also shared by Buddhist socialists in Japan in the late 1920s and early 1930s. One example was Seno’o Giro- (1889–1961), a radical Nichiren priest and the leader of the Buddhist socialist New Buddhist Youth League (Shinko- Bukkyo- Seinen Do-moi, formed on 5 April 1931). He maintained that the early Buddhist principles of universal brotherly love and the ‘communal society’ (Jap. kyo-do- shakai), free of selfish, possessive and acquisitive desires, went even further than Marxism in their struggle against the root psychological causes of human misery and suffering, and were in complete opposition to capitalist exploitation, inequality and war (Large 1987: 153–171). His beliefs closely parallel the views of Han Yongun. It should also be noted that the reference to ‘Christian socialism’ in Han Yongun’s interview is hardly accidental. Although ideological 24

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attacks by the communists after the dissolution of the Sin’ganhoe (15 May 1931) hardened Christian attitudes towards the leftist camp and its ideas, the 1920s witnessed an upsurge in debates about the possibility of Christian socialism among younger Christian activists, a development which did not evade Han Yongun’s attention. Forced to defend themselves against leftist accusations of being an ideological prop for an unjust social order, painfully aware of the desertion of some young Christian intellectuals into the communist camp20 and influenced in no small degree by the writings of Japan’s well-known Christian socialist, Kagawa Toyohiko21 (1888–1960), a group of YMCA student activists led by An Ch’angho’s acolyte Yi Taewi propagated a gradualist and non-violent version of Christian socialism. This movement neither managed to assume any stable organizational form nor to reach out to a wider audience. However, their preaching on Jesus as a ‘non-violent socialist’, and on ‘Christianity as the religion of the weak, the opponent of militarism and violent domination’, and on the future ‘society of mutual love and aid’, where capitalists would prioritize workers’ interests over profits and poverty would be eradicated through class collaboration, did leave its imprint upon many urban Christian intellectuals (Chang Kyusik 2001: 163–172). This trend, as well as the deep, albeit temporary, engagement of more senior Christian leaders such as Sin Hu˘ngu (1883–1959), with the ideas of a ‘Social Gospel’ in the 1920s (Cho˘n T’aekpu 1971: 178–235), were likely to have been influential in prompting Han Yongun into a more active search for Buddhist answers to these Christian alternatives to the Social Darwinist jungle of capitalism. As a meditation school (So˘n) practitioner and a Mahayana Buddhist of a trans-sectarian kind, with equally strong philosophical sympathies for both the Yoga-ca-ra ideas of ‘consciousness’ (Sanskr. vijña-na, Ch. shi) as the only true reality in the world and the Avatamsaka teachings of interdependent totality, Han Yongun never became either Marxist or communist. Certainly not in the sense of agreeing with the dogmatic version of dialectical materialism dominant in the East Asian (and not necessarily only East Asian) Leninist movements of the 1920s–1930s. Politically, he was scathingly critical of Stalinist religious policies. In 1938, for example, he wrote a long article entitled ‘Communism and antireligious thought’, where he summarized all the information he could glean from the Korean and Japanese press on the arrests of 25

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religious leaders and activists on ‘espionage’ and ‘sabotage’ charges, the destruction of churches, atheist propaganda in schools and the restrictions upon religious communities in the USSR. He concluded that these trials might become a renewed source of strength for the Orthodox faith and its remaining faithful, and that persecutions could only strengthen the religious persuasions of those who already possessed them, and awaken interest in religion among young people who were not previously religious (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 281–285). For Han Yongun, the anti-religious movement was a truly Sisyphean effort, as religious belief lay somewhere in the nature of human beings and communism itself was a sort of modern religion (ibid.: 278–281). At the same time, in Korea’s own politics Han Yongun was continuously urging the unity of the – predominantly communist – left and the independence-oriented ‘uncompromising’ nationalist right-wing in the all-important struggle for national independence (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 1: 379–381). At the same time, he made interesting and productive attempts to define and represent the socio-economic ideals of Buddhism in socialist terms, further building on his efforts of the 1910s to reconstruct Buddhism as a religion of equality and altruism. These attempts have much in common with the radical Buddhist currents of 1930s Japan, which Han Yongun was doubtless well aware of. 4. The last years: Buddhism as freedom The beginning of the 1930s was a time of both frustration and new hope for Han Yongun. On the one hand, Sin’ganhoe, the organization he had hoped would unify the whole nation under slogans that went beyond narrow party and group interests, was dissolved on 15 May 1931, due both to Japanese pressure and a change in communist views on the desirability of working together with ‘nationalists’ and ‘religious elements’. Han Yongun staunchly resisted the dissolution of Sin’ganhoe, and seemed to partially blame the communists for this outcome. This did not mean, however, that he was about to disregard the significance of socialist thought. Immediately after assuming the editorship of the Korean Buddhists’ only monthly, Pulgyo (Buddhism), in July 1931, Han published his Project for the Reform of Korean Buddhism (Choso˘n 26

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Pulgyo Kaehyo˘k an). In this he developed the basic themes of his earlier treatise, On the Reformation of Korean Buddhism, appealing to the monks to develop productive facilities in the temples under the supervision of a unitary pan-national Buddhist organ, so that the livelihood of the monks would be guaranteed. While the argument for developing commercial production facilities in the treatise On the Reformation of Korean Buddhism was mainly based on a Social Darwinism-tinged reading of contemporary capitalism as a society driven by the competition for profit, the Project for the Reform of Korean Buddhism mentioned both the duty of saving all living creatures by all means, including material ones, and the negative reaction of the ‘proletarian anti-religious movement’ to the ‘parasitism’ of the monks living off donations and rituals (Han Yongun 1973, vol. 2: 164–166). Although he sincerely accepted the leftist criticism of the traditional monastic lifestyle, Han Yongun at the same time felt genuine compassion towards all those believers abroad affected by persecution, regardless of whether the persecutor was the nominally left Soviet regime or the fascist German state. His article ‘Communism and anti-religious thought’, mentioned above, is a monument to his devout efforts in introducing the Korean reader to what was going on within the tightly locked borders of the USSR. It is a pity, however, that his limited access to materials on the USSR and Soviet history did not allow him to fully understand the difference between the Bolshevik-Orthodox confrontation at the time of Russian Civil War (1917–1923), which – however severe and brutal the actions of the Bolsheviks (and their Orthodox adversaries) might have been – still did not amount to a persecution of religion as such, and the Stalinist repression of the religion in the 1930s. The heavy restrictions upon any form of political activity in 1930s Korea were partly compensated for by opportunities to continue publishing Buddhism-related articles and treatises. In conformity with the Buddhist idea of the ‘non-duality of the sacred and profane’, and following his own ambition to construct a Buddhist paradigm of modernity, Han Yongun never limited himself simply to describing the Buddhist doctrine in a traditional scriptural way in his writings on Buddhism. The issues of modernity are always there implicitly, even if the modern world is mentioned only in passing. A 1932 treatise, Meditation and Human Life, ascertains, for example, that real, authentic meditation is 27

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neither a pre-planned, consciously controllable intellectual quest nor a way of keeping your mind silent and separating yourself from the rest of the world. Instead, meditation is freedom and equality in its essence: practitioners free themselves from the bonds of conventional delusion to see the whole world as it is – unobstructed, pure Buddha-nature in an endless variety of forms, not at all different from the Buddha-nature represented by the subject of perception. Meditation is highly spontaneous (this point is further elaborated upon in the 1937 essay, Meditation outside of meditation), it can and should be practised everywhere, in the midst of every sort of mundane activity, and it is liberating in the sense of enabling you to face the adversities of life fearlessly. An example he gives is that of the unnamed monk, whose calmness in the face of a possible shipwreck impressed the great Confucian, Cheng Ichuan (1033–1107), so much. This emphasis on ‘following freely nature’s way’, obviously buttressed by the teachings of the Meditation School on ‘inherent enlightenment’22 (Kor. pon’gak, Ch.: benjue) does not seem to be unconnected with Han Yongun’s search for a deeper Buddhist understanding of the notion he treasured most, namely freedom. Freedom as a modern concept is mentioned nowhere in the treatise, but the general context does not leave much doubt about the truth Han Yongun seeks to preach, that meditation is the sine qua non for any freedom worth its name. A good illustration for this thesis is Han Yongun’s own story, recounted in his autobiographical essay of 1928, A Story of Life after Death: Shot by a youngster’s pistol in the Manchurian Mountains. In a sort of spontaneous meditation, the Bodhisattva Avalokite´svara appeared to the severely wounded Han Yongun. This meditative experience freed him, in essence, from the insurmountable obstacle of a near-lethal gunshot wound, enabling him to cast away passivity and to impose his own will on the external world, by going to a nearby village and seeking help. This motif of physical life being maintained by a conscious act of concentrated, fearless will which is able to dispel wrongful emotions, passivity and delusions, appears again in yet another autobiographical story of miraculous salvation in the face of almost certain death, Overnight in the northern continent (1935). In this story Han Yongun is mistaken for a member of the Ilchinhoe (that is, a Japanese spy) and almost sentenced to death by ˘ m Inso˘p (1877–?), a feared militant leader of Vladivostok’s O 28

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radical nationalists (see on him: Pak Minyo˘ng 1993: 71–134). In contrast to his travelling companions, who are frightened out of their senses, Han mobilizes the strength of his mind trained by long meditation, and succeeds, by demonstrating his fearlessness and ˘ m’s suspicions. readiness to die, in dispelling O Han Yongun’s emphasis upon the virtue of courage in the late 1920s and throughout the 1930s may seem like a continuation of his earlier Social Darwinist infatuation with the ‘spirit of adventure’, quite visible in the treatise On the Reformation of Korean Buddhism. A big difference, however, is that competition is no longer a catchword for Han Yongun in the 1930s. His new understanding of ‘courage’ was deeply grounded in Buddhist theory and practice: the experience of meditation-based enlightenment, of understanding at some point that death is not really different from life and that pain is just another side of pleasure. In this sort of religious weltanschauung, courage is no more than the externalization of the inner calmness of mind and mental unity with the rest of the world, and certainly not a requirement of the struggle for survival in the Darwinian jungle. Another side of this sort of courage is patience, the virtue Han Yongun elaborates upon in his lengthy 1938 treatise, Patience. He clearly distinguishes between ‘subservient, tame submission’ and patience in the genuine meaning of the word. The former is fed by the opposite of courage, namely fear, and the latter is the ability to relativize and endure hardships through the efforts of a mind accustomed to perceiving reality as conditional and relative, and to achieve in such a way one’s objectives in the end. Although it was a synopsis of the relevant Buddhist teachings, this essay also had a parallel political message. Han Yongun clearly did not want his readers to compromise with Japanese imperialism, or to submit to the militarist hysteria of the war of aggression against China. He never did this himself, even going so far as to ruthlessly cut all ties with erstwhile friends who had tainted themselves by collaborating in the war efforts, while refusing to officially register his household and receive a Japanese ration card. But neither did he want his young followers to needlessly reveal their true intentions and be subjected to harsh repression. Thus Han focused on the virtue of forbearance and self-control. The same message is even more explicit in a 1937 essay, Be cautious with words!, as Han Yongun was struggling to ensure that his younger friends and disciples would 29

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not be hurt amidst the psychosis of the ‘total mobilization’ for the war, which would, he firmly believed, eventually lead to imperial Japan’s defeat (Kim Kwangsik 2004: 194–245). On 29 June 1944, Han Yongun ended his earthly life, weakened by nervous diseases and chronic malnutrition. His dissident life without rations had meant dependence upon scarce honoraria from publishers, and this source of income diminished greatly as private Korean newspapers were shut down in August 1940. He has suffered a strange fate in his posthumous existence in South Korea’s national memory: while his nationalist struggle was duly praised, his ‘Buddhist socialism’ was not something the Buddhist establishment wished to extol in the days of the fiercely anti-communist dictatorial regimes prior to the late 1980s. His stance in favour of marriages for monks and nuns was also anathema for the mainstream, celibate Chogye Order, founded in 1954. Han Yongun’s iconoclastic ideas resurfaced only in the 1980s, reclaimed by the left-wing minjung Buddhist activists, and they currently continue to serve as a focal point for the ongoing debates on what Buddhism should mean in a modern society. Notes 1

Called at that time Hongju. His son Han Poguk was born in 1904, and later became a well-known leftist activist in the Hongso˘ng area during the 1930s. He was released from a South Korean prison by the North Korean armies that swept into the South on 25 June 1950, and died in 1977 in Pyongyang as a middle-ranked official. See Son Honggyu 2004. 3 The u ˘ ibyo˘ng were struggling against the so-called Protectorate Treaty of 17 November 1905, which made Korea into a Japanese protectorate. 4 That is, his willingness to collaborate with the existing Qing Dynasty power structures, especially visible after 1903–1904 (Pusey 1983:339–340). 5 Exemplified by the famous Inoue Enryo - (1858–1919), with his appeal to ‘defend the nation and love the truth [of Buddha]’ and his understanding of Buddhism as indispensable for Japan’s successful modernization and selfstrengthening (Staggs 1983: 251–281). 6 Kyo ˘ ngso˘ng was the official name for the Korean capital Seoul during the colonial era. 7 Kor. hwajang segye, Ch. huazang shijie: Padmagarbhalokadha-tu, or the lotus worlds (Pure Lands) of the cosmic Buddha Vairochana and all the other buddhas, considered to be endless and to exist in an endless number. 2

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Usually, being incarnated as an animal, a hungry spirit (Sanskr. preta, Ch. egui), or in one of the hells was considered ‘evil’ (Sanskr. apa- ya). The citation as a whole seems to summarize the general meaning of the altruistic practices of bodhisattvas as explained, for example, in the chapter on the ‘Ten Practices’ (Ch. shíxíng, chapter 20 in S´iksana-nda’s 699 translation into Chinese) from the Avatamsaka-sutra: T.10, no. 279: 105–111. 9 Kor. Yo ˘mnataewang, Ch. Yanmo dawang – Vedic god of the dead, who became a king of hell in Buddhist mythology. 10 A similar, though not completely identical phrase appears in the Record of the Mirror of Orthodoxy (Zongjìnglu, Kor. Chonggyo˘ngnok, compiled by the Song Dynasty’s Yanshou in 961), T.2016, no. 48: 913a2. Interestingly enough, the expression ‘redeem and save’ (Ch. jiushu, Kor. kusok) is often used in Chinese translations of Christian texts. 11 Kor. kesong, Ch. jìsong. Verses found in the sutras, which praise Buddha and/or explain Buddhist teachings, often giving short and precise synopses of the prosaic texts. 12 The Congress was in reality initiated by the Comintern-appointed Central Bureau of the Korean Communist Youth League (Koryo˘ kongsan ch’o˘ngnyo˘nhoe chungang ch’ongguk) and the Kim Saguk-led local communist faction known as the ‘Seoul group’. 13 This was the faction trusted most by the Comintern’s Korburo, charged with the task of organizing a unified communist party in Korea. 14 Ch’oe Rin (1878–1958) was a friend of Han Yongun’s from his 1908 sojourn in Japan and a known Ch’o˘ndogyo activist. 15 Some of these students, like Paek So ˘nguk (1897–1981, South Korea’s Minister of Domestic Affairs in February–July 1950) and Kim Po˘mnin (1899–1964, South Korea’s Minister of Culture and Education, October 1952–April 1954), later gained prominence both inside and outside of Buddhist circles. 16 King Kojong had died on 21 January 1919, and was rumoured to have been poisoned on the orders of his Japanese minders. 17 Among other things, he was the formal chairman of the Korean Buddhist Youth League from 1924. 18 Oxen, horses, pigs, sheep, cocks, dogs. 19 Translated by Younghill Kang as ‘Meditations of the Lover’, see Kang Younghill [Kang Yonghu˘l] 1970; a more precise translation would be ‘Silence of the Lover’. 20 Prominent Korean communists such as Han Wigo ˘n, Pak Ho˘nyo˘ng and Yun Chayo˘ng, for example, had Christian backgrounds. 21 See Bikle 1970: 447–453. Kagawa was often translated into Korean and serialized in the Christian journals of the 1920s. 22 The existence of enlightenment, which has only to be awakened to, at every given moment and for any sentient being (Habito 1996). 31

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Han Yongun 1976: Han Yongun si ch˘onjip [Complete Poems of Han Yongun]. Seoul, S˘omundang . Ikeda Eishun 1976: Meiji no bukkyo- : sono ko-do- to shiso[Meiji Buddhism: Activities and Ideas]. Tokyo, Hyo-ronsha . Im Chu 1922: ‘Chungguk pijonggyo undong u˘ i hy˘onsang kwa k˘u w˘onin’ [The Phenomenon of China’s AntiReligious Movement and its Underlying Causes]. In: Kaeby˘ok 24. Im Tongs˘ok 2003. Ch’aeg˘undam [Tending the Roots of Wisdom]. Seoul, K˘on’guk taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu . Kang Mija 2006. “Han Yongun u˘ i minjokchu˘ui wa k˘undaechu˘ui e taehan koch’al” [A Study on Manhae Han yong-un’s understanding of nationalism and modernism]. In Y˘oksa wa ky˘ongkye 58. Kang T˘oksang & Kajimura Hideki 1972: Kindaishi shiryo [Materials on Modern History]. Vol. 29. Tokyo, Misuzu Shobo . Kang Younghill [Kang Yongh˘ul ] transl, 1970: Meditations of the Lover. Seoul, Yonsei University Press. Kim Ind˘ok 2004: Chos˘on Kongsandang Ilbon Ch’ongguk kwa Kim Ch’˘onhae [General Bureau of the Korean Communist Party in Japan and Kim Ch’˘onhae]. In: Han’guk hy˘ondaesa wa sahoeju˘ui [Korea’s Modern History and SocialismKorea’s Modern History and Socialism], ed. by S˘ong Taegy˘ong . Seoul, Y˘oksa pip’y˘ongsa . Kim Kwangsik 2000: K˘unhy˘ondae pulgyo u˘ i chaejomy˘ong [Reappraisal of Modern and Contemporary Buddhism]. Seoul, Minjoksa . Kim Kwangsik 2003: “Chos˘on Pulgyo yusinnon kwa Han’guk hy˘ondae pulgyo” [Treatise On the Reformation of Korean Buddhism and Korea’s Contemporary Buddhism]. In: Pulgyo p’y˘ongnon 16. (Available online: http://www.budreview.com/article.asp?cnt_ id=3404) Kim Kwangsik 2004: Ch’˘ot k’is˘u ro Manhae r˘ul mannanda [Meeting Manhae (Han Yongun) with the First Kiss]. Seoul, Changs˘ung . Kim Kwanho 1981: “Simujang ky˘onmun’gi [The Account of what I have seen and heard at Simujang, Han Yongun’s Seoul house]”. In Ch˘on Posam et. al (ed.), Han Yongun sasang y˘on’gu [Research on Han Yongun Ideas]. Vol. 2. Seoul, Minjoksa . Kim Namsu 1998: “Ilche sidae pulgyogye ch’ogi sahoeju˘ui undong [Early Socialist Movement in the 33

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Pak Nojun

& In Kw˘onhwan 1960: Han- Yongun y˘on’gu [Research on Han Yongun], Seoul, T’ongmun’gwan. Pang Ky˘ongil 1987: “Y˘oksaj˘ok maengnak es˘o pon ilcheha pulgyo” [Buddhism of the Japanese Colonial period seen in its Historical Context]. In: Tongguk sasang 20. Pusey, James Reeve 1983: China and Charles Darwin. Cambridge, Harvard Univ. Press. Scalapino, Robert & Lee, Chong-Sik (Yi Ch˘ongsik: ) 1972: Communism in Korea: Part 1. The Movement. Berkeley, Univ. of California Press. Sin Kwangch’ o˘ l 2002: “Yi Kwangsu u˘ i kidokkyo pip’y˘ong e taehan y˘on’gu” [A Study on Yi Kwangsu’s Criticism of Christianity]. In: Han’guk kidokkyo wa y˘oksa 17. Sin Yongha 2001: Samil undong kwa tongnip undong u˘ i sahoesa 3·1 [The Social History of the March 1st Movement and the Independence Movement]. Seoul, S˘oul taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu . Son Honggyu 2004: “Manhae Han Yongun kwa ad˘ul Han Poguk” [Han Yongun, (alias) Manhae, and his Son Han Poguk]. In: Minjok ( 21.1 Staggs, Kathleen 1983: ‘“Defend the Nation and Love the Truth’. Inoue Enryo- and the Revival of Meiji Buddhism.” In: Monumenta Nipponica 38.3. Wilson, Woodrow 1918 “Speech on the Fourteen Points.” In Congressional Record, 65th Congress 2nd Session. Yang K˘onsik 1915: “Pulgyo u˘ i odae t’˘ukching” [The Five Major Features of Buddhism]. In: Pulgyo chinh˘ung hoebo 8. Yi Ch˘ongsik & Kim Hakchun 1988: Hy o˘ngmy˘ongga d˘ur u˘ i hangil hoesang [Revolutionaries’ Memoirs of the Anti-Japanese (Struggle)]. Seoul, Min˘umsa . Yi Horyong 2001: Han’guk u˘ i anak’ij˘um [Korea’s Anarchism]. Seoul, Chisik san˘opsa . Yi Hy˘onju 2003: Han’guk sahoeju˘ui sery˘ok u˘ i hy˘ongs˘ong: 1919–1923 [1919–1923: Formation of Korea’s Socialist Forces: 1919–1923]. Seoul, Ilchogak— . Yi Kwangsu 1917: “K˘umil Chos˘on Yasokyohoe u˘ i ky˘olch˘om’ [The Shortcomings of the Korean Christian Church Today].’ In: Ch’˘ongch’un 11. Yi Kyuny˘ong 1993: Sin’ganhoe y˘on’gu [Studies on the ‘New Korea Society’]. Seoul, Y˘oksa pip’y˘ongsa . Yi Many˘ol 2001: “Kaehwagi o˘ llon kwa Chungguk – Yang Kyech’o r˘ul chungsim u˘ ro” – [China and the 35

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(Korean) Media in the Modern Reforms’ Age – focusing on Liang Qichao]. In: Han’guk k˘undae o˘llon u˘ i chaejomy˘ong [Reappraisal of Korea’s Modern Media], ed. by Wiam Chang Chiy˘on S˘onsaeng Kiny˘om Sa˘ophoe . Seoul, K’˘omyunikeisy˘on Buks˘u . Yi Py˘ongh˘on 1959: Samil undong pisa [Secret History of the March 1st Independence Movement]. Seoul, Sisasibosa . Yi S˘onsuk 1987: ‘Manhae Han Yongun si e nat’anan pulgyo sasang’ [The Buddhist ideas expressed in Manhae Han Yongun’s Poetry]. In: Moak o˘munhak 2. Yu Tong’g˘un 1980 [1931]: “Manhae Han Yongun ssi my˘ony˘ong” [A Portrait of Mr. Han Yongun, (alias) Manhae)]. In: Manhae sasang y˘on’gu , ed. by Manhae sasang y˘on’guhoe . Seoul, Minjoksa .

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Ch. Chinese Kor. Korean Jap. Japanese Sanskr. Sanskrit T Taishzo- shinshu- daizo-kyoYBSHJ Yinbingshi heji

A

s a rule, all Buddhist works available in classical Chinese are cited from Taisho- shinshu- daizo-kyo- (Revised Tripitaka Compiled During the Taisho- Era, edited by Takakusu Junjiro- and Watanabe Kaigyoku, Tokyo: Daizo-kyo-kai, 1924–35). The citations are arranged in the following fashion: T[aisho-]; Taisho- serial number; Taisho- volume number; p[age], register (a, b, or c), line number(s). For example: Yuanjuejing (Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment): T 842.17.913a–922a. In the case of a brief reference, only the Taishoserial number is given. For example: Ma-dhyamika sastra (Sastra on the Middle Way): T 1564. Wherever it is appropriate, the Buddhist works are referred to either by their original (or reconstructed) Sanskrit titles (for example: Avatamsaka-sutra) or commonly accepted English translations of their titles (for example: Lotus Sutra). As a rule, works by Liang Qichao (1873–1929) are cited from Yinbingshi heji (The Collected Writings from the Ice-drinker’s Studio, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju chuban, 1989). The citations are arranged in the following fashion: YBSHJ, part (Wenji – Collection of Writings, or Zhuanji – Exclusive Collection), book; fascicle; page number. For example: ‘Lun Zhongguo xueshu sixiang bianqian zhi dashi’ (‘On the Main Tendencies in the Changes of Scholarly Ideas in China’) – YBSHJ, Wenji, 1.7.76. 37

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Transliterations of Asian languages follow the systems commonly used by scholars in the relevant fields today: pinyin for Chinese, revised Hepburn for Japanese, and McCune-Reischauer for Korean. In the case of Sanskrit terms, the system developed in Monier-William’s Sanskrit-English Dictionary (1899) is generally followed, but the transliteration symbols (macron for long vowels, underdot for retroflex consonants, overdot for velar nasals, acute accent for palatal sibilants) may be omitted in the case of the most commonly used terms (sutra, Mahayana, etc.). As the present work is aimed at both Buddhism and Korean history experts and the wider community of those people interested in the development of modern religious thought, the English equivalents are used instead of the original technical terms whenever possible. The East Asian term Dao (Kor. To), for example, is rendered as ‘Way’. However, the original terms in transliteration are used in cases where no easily identifiable equivalent can be found. For example, terms like pa-ramita- (‘perfection’ is a rough, but not fully satisfactory, translation) are used throughout the text. All Asian terms, unless they are judged to have become a part of English language (sutra, karma, etc.), are italicized.

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SECTION ONE

KOREAN AND WORLD BUDDHISM

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1

On the Reformation of Korean Buddhism Printed as a separate work by Pulgyo so˘gwam Publishers, Kyo˘ngso˘ng,1 May 1913

Foreword

I

have long contemplated the issue of the reformation of our Buddhism, but adverse circumstances did not allow me to realize my intentions. By way of experiment therefore, I intend to visualize the yet unformed new century of Buddhism through my trifling writings, with the sole aim of providing some solace to myself. It is said that Cao Cao (154–220) once lessened his soldiers’ thirst by promising them that they would soon see a plum tree.2 Of course, this piece of writing does not amount even to the shadow of a plum tree. The flames of thirst are now consuming the whole of my body, and the shadow of a plum tree must substitute for a refreshing spring of ten thousand so˘k.3 But what else can I do? These days, a drought is ravaging our Buddhist community, but I really do not know whether my fellow monks feel the thirst. When they do, I beg them to see this treatise as the shadow of a plum tree. I have also heard that among the six pa-ramita- s (of generosity, moral conduct, patience, diligent practice, meditation and wisdom)4 the pa-ramita- of generosity is the principal one. I wonder whether I will be saved from hell for the merit of generously donating this plum tree shadow? Eighth day, tenth month, 1910 (lunar calendar), evening The author

Introduction Why do we believe that failure and success exist in this world as such? Everything depends on us humans. Every matter either 41

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succeeds or a fails depending on human effort, and when success and failure are not decided independently of the concrete actors, the fate of each and every undertaking is solely the responsibility of humans beings. The ancients liked to say: ‘Humans endeavour and Heaven decides.’ When we ponder this aphorism more deeply, we understand that it might mean both that Heaven may cause someone’s undertaking to fail despite the fact that they have put sufficient effort into it, and that Heaven may grant success to somebody whose efforts as such were not sufficient. Ah! If this is true the whole amusement of the life is gone, and humanity sinks into disappointment. What could be worse? If Heaven really can determine the fate of human undertakings in this way, it means that humans are completely deprived of all the freedom they possess. But I have never heard or seen a case where all freedom has been taken away from a person. When we say ‘Heaven’, do we mean the material sky above us? Or do we speak about the formless Heaven? When we speak about the physical ‘Heaven’, isn’t this the blue image mirrored in our eyes? If it is material, then it is just one of the physical phenomena, and we may conclude that it cannot, in accordance with the principles of freedom, interfere with the others. The number of sentient beings is too large even to be calculated, so why should their successes and failures be ruled by just one physical phenomenon? When we speak about the formless ‘Heaven’, then we mean the heavenly principles and not ‘Heaven’ as such, and these principles mean, in fact, truth. The truth is exactly that those good enough to succeed, do succeed, and those bad enough to fail, do fail. Success, thus, is achieved by one’s own strength alone and failure comes when that strength is lacking. Is there any need for us to refer to ‘Heavenly judgements’ any longer? Be it the material or formless ‘Heaven’, it is clear that it has nothing to do with the judgement of human matters. And those people, who, in spite of this, still speak of a ‘destiny determined by Heaven’, demonstrate only that, while cognizant of Heaven, they are ignorant of humans. As soon as they pronounce such platitudes, they are putting their own names in the register of slaves. Why do they have so little self-respect? If a civilized person were to excavate such a slavish fellow from their crumbling tomb and give them a 42

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good talking-to, the accused would have no words with which to defend themselves. If Heaven has nothing to do with success or failure in the way I have argued, then among all the great multitude of things in the world it is enough simply to understand this principle. You should not simply say, ‘I endeavour’, you should also add, ‘everything depends on me alone’. A person who understands this principle, will always reprimand themselves rather than others. Believing in his or herself, such a person will never put their trust in other things (Heaven and so on). Those discussing the ways of things in the world should adopt this philosophy as their main guiding principle. The world of today is not that of the past or future, it is the present. There are innumerable people who are researching both the days of old and the most remote future, debating anew all kinds of practical and metaphysical issues, reforming and revitalizing science, politics, religion and everything else in the world; people who either have already revitalized their fields or do it now and plan to do in the future. Why is it then, that only in the Korean Buddhist world is the clamour for reformation not heard at all? I really do not know what such passivity forebodes. Does it mean that Korean Buddhism has nothing to renovate? Or is it still not mature enough for such a renovation? I have contemplated assiduously the reasons, but have nevertheless found none. However, this is actually something that I am able to understand, since the responsibility for it rests entirely with myself. Why is it that, despite the fact that there are certain people wishing to reform Korean Buddhism, they have yet to make their presence felt? The reason for this is our habit of blaming either ‘the will of Heaven’ or everybody else. Only after doing away with the old adage about ‘Heavenly decisions’ on human affairs did I recognize that the responsibility for reforming Korean Buddhism rests not with ‘the will of Heaven’ or somebody else – it rests with me. Feeling that such a responsibility is impossible to shirk, I began to think about the reason why such a reformation is vital. Consequently I wrote this treatise in order to keep myself alert and to share my ideas with my monastic brethren. In the eyes of people from the civilized countries, my reasoning will no doubt appear quite useless. But from the perspective of the future of the Korean monastic community, there are definitely some points in this treatise worth adopting. 43

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Usually, a false reformation comes before the authentic one, and even if this treatise were to provide the basis for such a false reform, I would consider it the highest possible honour for myself. The Nature of Buddhism Those who argue today for the reformation of Buddhism should begin by taking a look at its nature and examining its present state and possible future condition. Why? Because the tendency of today’s world is for ceaseless progress that does not rest until it reaches a level compatible with the ideals of true civilization. If Buddhism does not conform with the civilization of the future we will definitely fail in revitalizing it, even if we were to bring back to life Martin Luther and Cromwell and put them to the task. That is why I embarked on the business of scrutinizing whether Buddhism is superior as a religion, and whether it fits into the patterns of future civilization. My conclusion is that Buddhism lacks nothing in relation to the rest of human civilization; on the contrary, it possesses a variety of outstanding features. I am going to examine two aspects of the nature of Buddhism. First, I will take the religious nature of Buddhism. Why do people put their belief in a religion? Because it is there that our greatest hopes lie. Hope is the driving force of both survival and progress; without it, we would have lived in laziness, satisfied with simply vegetating from one day to another. Who would have exhausted the body and spirit in efforts and undertakings? If it were not for hope, all the inhabitants of this world, humans and non-humans alike, would have reached the edge of extinction, or otherwise degenerated into lechery and evil beyond recovery. Such a world, resembling a hell in its barbarity, would have looked limitlessly abominable and the so-called ‘civilized people’ would be forced to take refuge in some remote place without the slightest will to survive. That is why all the religions except for Buddhism, in their concern that humanity might lack hope, make all kinds of sweet, tempting promises about the immaterial world, and then make poor sentient beings believe this stuff. The Christian paradise, Jewish Jehovah, Muslim eternal life and so on – all these stories are created out of deep concern for the world. But to seduce people with promises of paradise, divine grace or eternal life, without any due examination of how substantiated 44

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these claims are, means to lead them into an abyss of ignorance and stupidity. Philosophers have long argued that such religions put limits on popular wisdom, and there is no need to add anything to these long-standing criticisms. However, there are some people who defend superstitions by sophistry of the following kind: We accept that these are superstitions, but are they not effective in forging the unity of the popular consciousness? Haven’t you seen the astonishing achievements of the European states after the eleventh century? At least half of them owe this to the strength of their religion, however superstitious it might be. Shouldn’t we therefore admit that superstitions have considerable merits in the world?

I admit this. But have not all the politicians who made themselves famous in history paved their way to fame with the corpses of the innumerable people whose achievements they had stolen? And if those politicians could not have relied on superstitious religion in their business of cheating the people, depriving them of the love of their own lives and then sending them into battle to die – as if they were fishing for sentient people using these superstitions as their bait, and then turning their bodies into shields to use against the arrows and stones of their enemies – would innumerable people down the ages have been lured into voluntarily giving up their lives, which they might not acquire again? The worst thing in the world is that the people have no other choice but to put all their hopes into superstition. It may seem as if superstitions have some merits in themselves, but in reality they do much more harm than good. Buddhism is not like this. Precisely because of the concern that sentient beings might not be able to untangle themselves from the cobwebs of superstition, Buddhist writings declare that ‘only enlightenment should be your rule’. They define themselves as written only to ‘help sentient beings to enter the seas of Buddha’s wisdom’, and the story of Buddha’s perfect, all-encompassing enlightenment points exactly to this. Everything the historical Buddha did – his six years of ascetic life, forty-nine years of preaching, entering nirvana, speaking and keeping silence in his daily life – all this was done precisely in order to awaken sentient beings from their delusions and lead them to enlightenment. 45

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It is not that the Buddhists do not mention hell, paradise or the world outside of the cycle of birth and death, but the meaning given to these terms is different from other religions. What is the difference? The Buddhist scriptures say: ‘Both hell and paradise all become the Pure Land’ and, ‘The mind of sentient beings is the Pure Land of the Bodhisattvas’. On this basis, the ‘paradise’ of Buddhism is not what is meant by the term in common sense terms, but the paradise being built inside oneself, just as the Buddhist ‘hell’ does not denote the place one is supposed to go after death. In principle, all the incalculable worlds and all the myriad phenomena are to be found in the mind of sentient beings, and that is why all of Buddha’s eighty-four thousand sermons do not exist outside of our minds. How great are the differences between Buddha’s teachings and all these cults of gods with their talk of a ‘paradise’ that is unrelated to us. All those things in their entirety may rightfully be called ‘superstitions’! It follows that what is called ‘no production and no extinction’5 in Buddhism is also different from all the talk about ‘eternal life’ in other religions. The idea of ‘no production and no extinction’ is the heroic protagonist of the world of perfect enlightenment, the one and only concept that represents the whole of Buddhism. All those stories about bringing back to life the souls of every dead person are in reality just food for obstinate and spiritually ungifted fools. The three worlds of past, present and future do not indeed last all that long, and the tangible universe with all of its ten directions6 is not really all that large. What transcends both our perception and its objects, always calm and always radiant, is Suchness.7 Since Suchness implies permanence, why should it have any relation to either production or extinction, either birth or death? All sentient beings are confused and ignorant of the peerless treasure within themselves. That is why the Buddha Sakyamuni, in his great mercy and compassion towards all sentient beings, began to teach them. As the capabilities of each sentient being are different, he applied a variety of pedagogical devices in his teaching, but the ultimate aim of his efforts was to open their eyes to their Suchness. Just as we can forget the fish trap once the fish has been caught and the finger pointed at the moon when the moon has been seen, these devices are devoid of any value as such, being necessary only to reach the goal of enlightenment. However, we cannot really call fish traps and fingers superstitions and it is of 46

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course true that means such as these are valuable in themselves. In this way, sentient beings should begin to understand how completely meaningless the several decades of earthly existence of a small piece of flesh are, and seek after their real ‘I’, unending and unrelated to either production or extinction, either birth or death. Is there any limit to the hopes one can put into such practice, or not? Why should we say that only believing in superstitions enables us to possess hope? Buddhism should be understood as a religion of wise faith and not a religion of superstitious faith. Second, I will consider the philosophical nature of Buddhism. The reason why the practitioners of religions and philosophers often come into conflict and refuse to tolerate each other is that truth and superstition are as incompatible as fire and water. While the practitioners of religion rely totally upon superstitions and wish to know nothing else, the philosophers put all their strength into resisting them and that is why the thing called ‘superstition’ will undoubtedly disappear completely from the world in a century. But why should Buddhism share the fate of the superstitious religions? The Buddhist sutras mention the ‘full perfection of virtue and wisdom’ and the ‘omniscience’ (sarvajna) of those who achieved their enlightenment through the work of their own consciousness, whose knowledge and understanding of everything is completely unobstructed. Isn’t this sort of complete examination of universal principles, and complete, all-encompassing knowledge of this kind, the ultimate ideal of the philosophers as well? It might be difficult for the philosophers to accomplish, but what is difficult for our Buddha Sakyamuni? If one wishes to know who are the great authorities of philosophy, then how is it possible to speak of any apart from Buddha? If you do not believe me, then let us examine what Buddhism and the philosophies of East and West have in common. The Chinese man, Liang Qichao says: Both Buddhism and Christianity are foreign religions that have entered China from the outside, but while Buddhism prospered, Christianity did not. What is the reason for this? Christianity is based upon superstitions and its philosophical doctrines are too shallow to satisfy the minds of China’s learned gentlemen. Buddhism essentially combines both religious and philosophical aspects. Its ultimate ideal of comprehending the Way lies in the realm of enlightenment, while its teaching on entering the Way lies in the sphere of wisdom, and its source of strength 47

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for personal cultivation lies in one’s own efforts. Thus, Buddhism should not be seen as identical with ordinary religions. Chinese philosophy acquired its distinctive features only after Buddhist scholarship entered China and then achieved its maturity there.8

Thus, Chinese philosophy, in reality, has been able to develop thanks to the contribution of Buddhism. It has already been 1500 years since Buddhism entered Korea! If someone were to ask those people who have been living in Korea during the last 1500 years: ‘Such was the situation in China, but how much did Korean philosophy develop after the acceptance of Buddhism?’ what would be the reply? The same method for preventing hands from being chapped may be used by one person to become a general, while another person continues to live by washing others’ clothes despite knowing it.9 The difference is between the way in which the method is applied by different people, but the method itself is the same. The German scholar Kant said: The actions we take throughout our life are nothing more than the outward expressions of our moral character. So, if we wish to know whether our human character suits the principles of freedom, we cannot judge it simply on the basis of external phenomena, but have to take the inherent moral character as the starting point of the discussion. Can it be said that there are any whose freedom in their moral character is in any way limited? The moral character is neither produced nor extinguished, it is not limited by either time or space, and has neither past nor future, but exists only in the present, and everybody has to practise moral conduct based upon this time-space transcendent immanent freedom. I cannot perceive my real, authentic ‘I’ with my naked eyes only – I have to base myself on the moral law and look far beyond the phenomena to find it. It is also clear that this authentic ‘I’ is always free from constraints, unlike my physical body, which is always constrained by the laws of necessity. What is this freedom from constraints? It emerges as I myself decide whether I will become a good or bad person. After the choice is made by my free will, the physical body follows the orders and makes me either a bad or good person. On this basis, it is obvious that both freedom and non-freedom coexist in our bodies.10 48

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Liang Qichao explains this hypothesis in the following way: What is called ‘Suchness’ in Buddhism, corresponds to the real11 ‘I’ of Kant’s writings, which is endowed with freedom. Then there is what is called delusion,12 and that corresponds to Kant’s phenomenal ‘I’, which is constrained by the laws of necessity and lacks freedom. In Buddha’s words, ‘without any beginning13 the karmic seeds14 of both Suchness and delusion are stored in the sea of our Buddha-nature and in the A laya consciousness,15 impressing upon and diffusing through each other. In the case of a common person, delusion impresses itself upon Suchness resulting in [Prajna-] wisdom16 being misunderstood as a plain, worldly consciousness. But in the case of a person studying the Way, Suchness impresses itself upon delusion, resulting in plain, worldly consciousness being transformed into [Prajna-] wisdom.’ Song dynasty Confucians aspired to follow this model in order to organize Chinese philosophy, and Zhuzi (Zhu Xi: 1130-1200) distinguished between the nature of principle (li) and the nature of vital (physical) force (qi) when he wrote his commentary on the Great Learning.17 He said: ‘Luminous virtue (mingde) is what a person gets from Heaven. Open, spiritual and unobscured, it is replete with all the principles by which one responds to the myriad things and affairs. But being hampered by the physical endowment and obstructed by selfish human desires, there are times when it becomes obscured.’18 While Buddha considered Suchness the common, universal basic nature of all sentient beings, and not something everybody is individually endowed with, Kant maintained that everybody has the real ‘I’ in him or herself. This is where the two differ. Buddha once said that ‘If there were only one sentient being who had not yet attained Buddhahood, I too would be unable to attain Buddhahood myself ’, the grounds for such a position being the commonality of the basic nature within all sentient beings. It may be said that such a position, from the viewpoint of the salvation of sentient beings, is relatively broader, deeper and more enlightened. Kant once said that ‘everybody wishing to become a good person, is able to become a good person’, as he believed that the basic nature of man is freedom. It may be said that such a position, from the viewpoint of self-cultivation, is also relatively more earnest, sincere, and easier to adopt. Zhuzi’s theories of ‘luminous virtue’, on the other hand, fail to explicitly point out the universal sameness of the basic nature of sentient

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beings, and in this aspect they are inferior to Buddha’s views. In addition, what he says about luminous virtue ‘being hampered by the physical endowment and obstructed by selfish human desires’, fails to make a clear distinction between the real ‘I’ on the one side and the constrained ‘I’ of the phenomenal world on the other side. In this respect, Zhuzi’s theories are inferior to Kant. What Kant meant was that the real ‘I’ is neither hampered nor obstructed by anything, and once it has been either hampered or obstructed it loses its freedom.19

What Liang has said on the differences and similarities between Buddha and Kant, is not necessarily entirely correct. Why? Buddha said immediately after his birth that, ‘In the heavenly realm and under the heavens, I am the only one to be revered.’ Thus, he made it clear that every person possesses the free, real ‘I’. Buddha spoke comprehensively about both the real ‘I’ that all people have in common, and the separate real ‘Is’, while Kant failed to mention the real ‘I’ all have in common. On this basis, Buddha’s philosophical principles are far broader. If Buddha, although he had already attained Buddhahood, still did not become Buddha on account of the other sentient beings, it is also clear that sentient beings, while having already become sentient beings, at the same time could not be simply sentient beings on account of Buddha. Why? There is no differentiation between the three things – consciousness, Buddha and sentient beings, so who will be Buddha and who will be the sentient beings? This is the so-called ‘mutual penetration and mutual separation’ wherein one is everything and everything is one. Drawing lines between ‘Buddha’ and ‘sentient beings’ is as fallacious as taking ‘sky-flowers’ or ‘a second moon’20 for real phenomena. The Englishman Francis Bacon said: ‘Our conscience is like an uneven mirror. When it reflects outside objects, it sometimes projects them pointed, but sometimes projects them sunken. In this way, even one and the same object might be projected differently. Our reflection cannot help being flawed, and that is the first reason for making mistakes of perception. In addition, what is being perceived by the five sense organs of the human body is not the real nature but the imaginary appearance of the things, and that is the second reason for making mistakes of perception. Moreover, our bodily constitutions are all different from one another, and that is the third reason for making mistakes of perception.’21 50

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Bacon’s views, acquired by way of arduous reflection and experimentation, are rather similar to what is said in S´u˘ram . gama Sutra.22 The sutra states: ‘Look at the parable (avadana) about a person with clear eyes who looks at the clear skies and sees there just clean air and nothing else. But if, for no particular reason, the person in question were to arduously stare at the sky without moving their pupils, phantom flowers will appear to that person.’23 Clear and tired eyes in this parable correspond to Bacon’s even and uneven mirrors respectively. Bacon’s theory that even the same thing may be reflected differently, in a pointed or sunken way, on account of the mirror’s unevenness, is similar to what the sutra says about the skies, which look like skies to clear eyes and phantom flowers to tired eyes. The sutra also says that, ‘both body and tactile sensation are unreal and fallacious’.24 The objects of perception and the six sense organs25 are all just imaginary appearances and not reality, and that is what the sutra calls ‘unreal and fallacious’. Bacon knew only that the objects of perception are not real, and did not know that the six perceiving organs of the senses also do not represent reality, and in this aspect Bacon is inferior to Buddha.26 The sutra also says: ‘The sun is reflected on the water, and if two persons looking at the sun on the water travel respectively to the east and the west, both will simultaneously think that the sun follows each of them. There is no fixed point for the light.’27 This has the same meaning as Bacon’s third reason for making perception mistakes. The French scholar Descartes put forward the following theory: If every person has his or her own truth to believe, clings to it and becomes an authority on it, then that person will have to oppose and attack those with irreconcilably different ideas. The perfect truth may emerge from discussions between them. Why so? Because wisdom may be higher or lower, bigger or smaller, but its basic nature is the same and truth is a pure, uncontaminated thing. If people search for the pure, uncontaminated truth through the agency of a basically homogenous wisdom, should they not come to the same conclusion, albeit by using different methods? Thus, even if people initially have mutually differing views, there will surely come a day when they will smile at one another.28

This theory of Descartes corresponds to the meaning of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment 29 in each paragraph. What Descartes says 51

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about differing ideas on the truth, corresponds to what the sutra says on ‘opinions as obstructions’.30 What he says about discussions corresponds to what the sutra says about ‘eradicating the illusion by arousing different illusions’.31 What he says on the perfect truth corresponds to what the sutra says on ‘acquiring the ultimate stage’.32 What he says on the sameness of the basic nature corresponds to what the sutra says on ‘the sentient beings and realms’ being ‘of the same dharmata-’.33 What he says about one conclusion reached by different methods corresponds to what the sutra says about ‘wisdom and stupidity together becoming Prajna-’.34 What sort of duality can exist in the basic nature, what sort of difference can exist in the universal principle? There is no doubt that when people carry out research on the non-differentiating principle by applying the idea of the non-dual basic nature, they will certainly come together to shake hands. That four plus four is eight is an unchanging law of mathematics, but for children ignorant of arithmetic, the sum might be either seven or nine. Making either seven or nine by adding four and four is an example of how opinions might become obstructive illusions. But once these illusions have been gradually eliminated, there would not be a single child in the world who would not say ‘eight’. The truth belongs to the same category as the fact that four and four are eight. Perhaps Descartes had read the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment a lot in his previous life. In addition, Plato’s idea of the Republic,35 Rousseau’s proposal on equality, Lu Jiuyuan and Wang Yangming’s meditative learning36 and all the others all conform to the Buddhist tenets. That is a brief outline of the commonalities between the philosophies of East and West and that of Buddhism. But as far as the books of Western philosophers are concerned, I have read none of them at all, and could only limit myself to collecting now and then glimpses of their thought, like the light of the morning stars, from various translations. I only lament that I could not see them in their wholeness. However, it goes without saying that the golden rules of philosophy, Eastern and Western, old and new, are nothing more than commentaries on the Buddhist sutras. Why? Because the aforementioned philosophers exerted themselves to the utmost to gain their reputations, enabling us to know that they were true philosophers. And as there are no differences in basic principles, 52

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there should be no contradictions in the views of these various true philosophers. Since the basic principles do not change, there should be no contradictions between the views of the true philosophers of today and the true philosophers of antiquity. We know already that the scholarly principles of several thinkers conform closely to Buddha’s Dharma Seal;37 so why shouldn’t we suppose that the principles of other scholars not mentioned above, also conform to Buddha’s Dharma Seal? I am not attempting to force through a farfetched argument. Since both basic principles and Buddha-nature are one and the same everywhere, the truth is universal: various paths lead to the same point, and the myriad branches belong in fact to one confession. Buddhism is the great homeland for the principles of philosophy. Basically, the realm of sentient beings is boundless and the realm of religion is boundless as well. However, the degree of development of civilization increases daily, and both religion and philosophy gradually enter nobler and more refined dimensions. At such a historical moment, how can we possibly encounter incorrect philosophical views or superstitions again? Buddhism, as both religion and philosophy, is the raw material for the ethics and civilization of the future. The Principles of Buddhism Nothing happens in this world without a principle. When the principles of an undertaking are not established, rifts arise and efforts are wasted, so that even with the wisdom of a sage you cannot put matters in order and achieve success. Once principles have been decided upon, the direction of things becomes as obvious as firewood piled up on a cart, so that good and bad luck, success and misfortune on the road ahead can be predicted while one is still in one’s seat. That is why those discussing a particular matter should first find out about its principles, so that there will be no confusion. As for the principles of Buddhism, they might be roughly divided into two, one being egalitarianism and the other being altruism.38 Egalitarianism is the opposite of inequality. Why does inequality make its appearance so often, and why has equality been so rare under Heaven throughout the ages? Although both were wise men, Yan Hui died early,39 while Zhong You received punishment.40 53

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Although both were beauties, Da Ji was wicked,41 while Diao Chan was loyal.42 Although both were heroes, Washington succeeded, while Napoleon ended his life in exile. Although they are all part of the same universe of a myriad things, some are being born, and some die, some are strong, while the others are weak. In combination these various inequalities are countless, and, frankly, I always cry with anxiety every time I think about the reasons that inequality is so common.43 But then, what is the Way of equality? Does it mean longevity and early death, good and bad, success and failure, strength and weakness becoming one and the same? The answer is both yes and no. You may consider it a strange way to answer the question, but my explanation is as follows. From the vantage point of inequality, there is nothing that is not unequal, while from the vantage point of equality, there is nothing which is not equal. What is the vantage point of inequality? It is a word that signifies the limitations imposed upon things and phenomena by the so-called laws of necessity. What is the vantage point of equality? It is a word signifying the unhampered, unconditioned truth, transcendent of time and space. Thus, we may understand that the early death of Yan Hui and the punishment of Zhong You, the wickedness of Dan Ji and the loyalty of Diao Chan, the success of Washington and the defeat of Napoleon, the births, deaths, strengths and weaknesses of the myriad things are nothing more than the limitations imposed upon these phenomena by the laws of necessity. But as for the truth that is transcendent of time and space, it was never limited by early deaths, punishments, wickedness, loyalty, successes, failures, births, deaths, strengths or weaknesses. Su Zidan once said: ‘If we look at a situation in transient, changeable terms, then neither Heaven nor Earth have lasted longer than the blink of an eye; if we look at it in non-transient, non-changeable terms, then neither the things of the world nor I myself will ever come to an end.’44 This quotation clearly grasps the real appearance of the origins of both phenomena and the truth. To summarize, the thing that we call ‘equality’ actually points to the truth, and not to phenomena. Our Buddha took pity upon sentient beings, who are bewildered by the illusion of inequality and unable to attain liberation, and so pointed out the truth of equality in his teachings. In the sutra, it is said, ‘one should know the ultimate equality of all bodies and minds, since all sentient beings are the same, without differences’.45 54

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It is also said that, ‘both those possessing a nature capable of Buddhahood46 and those lacking the Buddha-nature,47 will together accomplish the Way of Buddha’.48 This is a deep and broad exposition of the principle of equality, where nothing is left out. Can the difference with inequality be as great as this? In fact, it may be said that both the liberalism and cosmopolitanism of modern times are the offspring of the truth of equality. The natural principle of freedom is said to be that ‘the limits of one person’s freedom lie where it impinges upon the freedom of others’. If every person keeps his or her freedom and does not intrude upon the freedom of others, my freedom will become synonymous with the freedom of others and one person’s freedom will become synonymous with another person’s freedom. Everybody’s freedom then would make up a horizontal line in which there would be no internal differentiation. Can anything be more equal than this? Cosmopolitanism means that one does not speak about one’s own country or the country of another, this continent or that continent, this race or that race, but looks upon everyone as one family and regards them equally as brothers. It means that the whole world is being ruled as if it was one family, without competition or aggression. Should this be called ‘equality’ or not? The above discourse may be regarded as a hollow academic exercise today, but when, in the future, civilization has developed much further and reached its peak, this equality will undoubtedly be practised under Heaven. Why so? Because if there is a cause there must be an effect and if there is a principle there must be a phenomenon. It is like shadows following objects or echoes following sound. Even if one were to apply the strength necessary to lift a huge ceremonial cauldron or cannons able to destroy mountains it would be of no use in resisting the coming of truth. Thus, the world of the future will be called ‘the world of Buddhism’. For what reasons will it be called ‘world of Buddhism’? Because it will be equal, because it will be free, and because the world will achieve great unity. That is why it will be called ‘the world of Buddhism’. But how can Buddha’s equality stop at this? All the innumerable lotus worlds,49 and every thing, every phenomenon inside them, will be totally equal, without exception. What is altruism? It is the opposite of egoism. Many of those discussing Buddhism say that Buddhism is a religion that makes its 55

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adepts interested only in improving themselves. But this betrays an insufficient understanding of Buddhism, since improving oneself alone is something in total contradiction to Buddhism. In the Avatamsaka-sutra, it is said: ‘I should broadly receive to the very end all the sufferings for all the sentient beings in all the worlds, in all the evil incarnations’.50 It is also said: ‘I should make myself a hostage in hell, in the world of animals, to Yamara-ja51 in order to redeem and save all the sentient beings in the evil incarnations and lead them to the attainment of liberation’.52 All the other ga-tha-s53 and all the words of the sutras never abandon the desire to save sentient beings, so how can this be the path of saving only one person? It was precisely Buddha who went all the way in his desire to save others. How can we sentient beings repay his kindness? Yao was anxious that he would not meet such a benevolent person as Shun, Shun was anxious that he would not meet such a benevolent person as Yu, and Yu, while working in order to stop the deluge, three times passed by the gates of his house without entering it.54 Confucius found himself in trouble on the border between the states of Chen and Cai,55 and Jesus was executed in the street. All these things happened due to their most sincere desire to save the world. How can a person spread the fragrance of flowers throughout the ages without saving the world? But as far as strength of will or breadth and depth of compassion are concerned, there has never been anything like Buddhism. If we are to speak about the error of benefiting oneself alone, then we must refer to Chao Fu, Xu You,56 Chang Chu, Jie Ni, He Tiao Zhang Ren (‘Old men carrying a basket on a stick’),57 Yang Zhu58 and those studying the Taoist teachings. It is clear that people like Buddha are uniquely altruistic. The Reformation of Buddhism Begins with Destruction What is reformation? It is the child of destruction. What is destruction? It is the mother of reformation. While most people are able to state that nobody is born without a mother, nobody knows that there is no reformation without destruction. Why are people unable to get this far when understanding things by analogy? However, destruction does not mean simply the complete demolition of everything. It means reforming the old customs which do not fit with the times, and adjusting them to the new 56

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trends. This is called ‘destruction’, but it is not destructive in reality. The better people are at revitalizing, the better they are at destruction. Those slower to destroy things are slower to revitalize, and those quicker to destroy things are quicker to revitalize. When the destruction is small, reformation is small too, but when the destruction is great, the reformation is also great. The degree of reformation is directly proportionate to the degree of destruction. It is therefore clear that the first thing needed for reformation is destruction. Let us imagine a person suffers from a large boil and asks various doctors to cure it. Those who simply wait for the boil to burst and for the person to recover naturally afterwards without knowing how to treat the person, are not knowledgeable in the ways of medicine and are irrelevant to our discussion. But even if the ‘wait and see’ attitude is excluded from our discussion, to simply apply acupuncture and moxibustion to cure the skin and expect a temporary recovery while leaving the source of the disease untouched is the sign of a mediocre doctor. How can such a person know that only a few days after the completion of the treatment, the boil will fester and swell, the suffering of the patient will increase, and the moment of death will come close. But great doctors are not like this. They will cut away the superfluous flesh, draw off the clotted blood, remove the toxins, and then, after tackling the roots of the disease, administer the necessary medicine, leading to a gradual recovery, after which the patient will never have boils again. If those mediocre doctors were ever to see how the flesh is cut and how the blood is drawn off, as if no compassion is felt towards the patient, would they not be astonished at the sight of such murderous actions in such a hopeless situation? But once the patient has fully recovered, both the wise and the stupid can compare and understand who succeeded and who failed, who was superior and who was not. The destruction we are talking about is of the same kind as cutting the flesh and drawing off the blood, and the necessity of beginning reformation with destruction is therefore similar to a doctor performing this treatment. Speaking of reformation while avoiding destruction is no different to setting out in a northerly direction while heading for the southern state of Yue. People who attempt this will never be capable of achieving reformation, so it is not hard to make a guess at what the conservative faction among the Buddhist monks is capable of. 57

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In principle, everybody wishes that things could last a long time without corrupt practices arising. But with the passing of time, bad practices somehow emerge where one does not expect them, and then spread rapidly, so that the old features of bygone days disappear. It is already more than 1,500 years since Buddhism came to Korea. During this long period of time, vices have emerged and begot new vices, and now corrupt practices have reached their peak. However, as I have already mentioned, in spite of the fact that these vices must simply be destroyed, those things which should rightfully be destroyed are actually being preserved, while superficial reforms are pursued. This is not the way things should be done. Those who desire the reformation of Buddhism should not worry about the inability to revitalize, but about the inability to destroy. The Education of Monks When education spreads, civilization advances, and when education does not spread, civilization declines. The absence of education means degradation to the level of barbarians or animals. In the old days, the Zhou Dynasty established schools called xiang, the Shang Dynasty established schools called xu, and the Xia Dynasty established schools called xiao,59 in order to teach people and thus prevent them from turning into animals or barbarians. Mencius said: ‘[If the people are well fed, warmly clad and] comfortably lodged, but are not educated at the same time, they become almost like beasts.’60 Thus, if given a choice, any person would choose to be educated. Civilization is born from education; education is civilization’s flower, and civilization is education’s fruit. To make one more comparison, civilization is like the mercury in a thermometer and education is like the weather. The mercury goes up and down depending on the state of the weather, and civilization either develops or declines depending on the state of education. That is how we can know that learning is the most precious and indispensable thing. Since they are born and live in this world, people must ceaselessly eat, sleep, wake up and wear clothes, but they also need a further aim in their lives apart from this. What then, is this aim? It is reaching the other shore.61 But in achieving this goal, we need a method, which should be without obstructions, and it goes 58

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without saying that we need to learn in order to discover this method. When Iizumi Kikuzo-62 writes: ‘If you make a commitment and strive to achieve an aim, the reason that you achieve it is necessarily your reliance upon scholarship,’ I think that he is getting at the same thing. Are there essentials in learning? Of course, there must be. They are making wisdom your capital, making freedom of ideas your law, and making truth your aim, and a student should not lack any of these three attitudes. Even if lack of wisdom or truth is permissible, the lack of freedom of ideas is not. This is because a person lacking wisdom or truth but devoted to the freedom of ideas may not be acknowledged as a scholar, but, by virtue of his or her free character, may become an honest, albeit somewhat stupid, fellow. But a person lacking commitment to the freedom of ideas, no matter how exquisite his scholarship may be, is, in a word, engaged in the scholarship of the slaves. But then, who is a slave? It is difficult to give a precise definition but, to put it crudely, a slave is a dead person alive, that is, a person whose life is no different from death. Humans find it difficult to endure their grief for the death of those who have really died, but how incomparably stronger should be our grief for those who are already dead despite the fact that they are walking and breathing? Zhuang Zi said: ‘The deepest grief is that for the death of the mind, while sorrow for the death of the body comes second.’63 How can the words of ancient wise men deceive me? A slave who puts his body through hardship is bought by money while an academic slave is a slave in spirit. Slavery by purchase is temporary, but it is clear that slavery in spirit is eternal. What possible kind of mental disposition would lead a person towards the joyful acceptance of eternal slavery? When a student reads a book, they should use their own wisdom to examine in detail the depth and beauty of the writing and when there are things that do not coincide with their thinking they should be thrown away without hesitation like a worn-out pair of shoes, even if they are the theories of great sages or eminent philosophers. But those passages deemed suited to the reader’s own mind should be relished like an exotic flower, even if they were the words of a very stupid or obscure person. The search for what is at one with the truth should be carried out in a variety of ways, and if something is at one with the truth it should be considered just and 59

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as immovable as iron. Even if it goes against commonly accepted views, one should not be swayed by them. That is why the freedom of ideas is the lifeblood of humanity and the core of scholarship. Oh, how the Korean monastic students are being misled into slavery! Those misleading them are trying to avoid responsibility for this, but they will not succeed. I will account now for the fact that the freedom of ideas in scholarly circles is not as good as it is among the monks, while the lack of the freedom of ideas is also most severe among the monks. What does this mean? When monks begin their schooling, they are grouped according to their degree of academic progress, so that everybody might take a suitable course. Then, in their everyday study, the students first go through the given part of the curriculum on their own, grasping it independently through repeated discussion with their fellows, and only after this do they come to the teacher to receive the decisive final instruction. This is a peculiar feature of the monastic academic world. If one compares this with other systems where nothing is studied independently and only the teacher’s instruction is followed, it is true that there is a wide difference in terms of the freedom of thought. But unintentionally, the system, in the course of its long existence, has also produced pernicious effects. Actual practice has now diverged from the rules and the students study nothing more than short commentaries on canonical phrases and sayings. Debate and discussion serve only to promote one’s own personal views and overwhelm the views of others. And when it comes to general understanding and deeper meanings, no questions are being asked. In seven or eight cases out of ten, research and discussion are conducted all the time without any real knowledge of what is being studied and what is being discussed, in utter ignorance and without achieving any real results. If one establishes one’s own view and contradicts the views of one’s predecessors, the accusation of heterodoxy always follows, and the person in question is silenced on the spot. How is it that the actual practice is so restricted, even though the above-mentioned principles of the monastic educational system are so free? How can the freedom of ideas be limited to minute commentaries on the canonical phrases and the personal opinions of oneself and others? This means that while on the one hand the freedom of ideas in the academic world is not at the same level as it is in the monastic 60

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world, on the other hand, the lack of the freedom is also most severe among the monks. In the end, everything is reduced to the scholarship of slaves who should not even dare to call themselves ‘monks’. When ideas are not free, both wisdom and erudition can serve only to make a person a better slave. Since wisdom and erudition, together with the absence of freedom of thought, are the reasons for the degradation of monastic learning today, shouldn’t the students take some time to reflect on this? In the education of monks, there are three pressing needs. First is general knowledge. General knowledge is a necessity comparable to clothing or food. East or West, whether white or yellow skinned, everybody has to be clothed and fed to stay alive and it is obvious that anyone who is not clothed and fed will say their eternal goodbye to heaven and earth within a few days. It is the same with general knowledge – if somebody does not possess it, it will be a hindrance to everything they try to do in all sorts of everyday matters and it will clearly be impossible for them to survive in this epoch of competition for survival. That is why, in the civilized countries, everybody possessing the four limbs and six sense organs64 and able to speak, masters general knowledge. General knowledge is the basis for specialist knowledge, so this is something that those studying religion need to reflect upon anew. As for the monastic students, all of them, regardless of their academic credentials, devote themselves only to specialist Buddhist studies and look upon general knowledge with animosity, not only refusing to study it, but also slandering those who do study it. This shows very clearly that they lack common sense. In addition, the Buddhist textbooks and curricula are all inadequate, and this results in a situation where even putting in double the effort brings only half the desired results. Scholarship has declined into desultory, unsystematic fragments of knowledge, opinions have turned into obstinate bigotry and even the innermost thoughts have become corrupted. That is why the learned monks often astonish society with their strange and absurd remarks and groundless statements and are ultimately treated by everyone else as human trash, unable to associate with others in a dignified way. It is a pity when individual monks are being harmed by their own actions, but is it not even more deplorable that Buddhism as a whole is being harmed? If this is the case, then the Buddhist textbooks should be revised and edited anew, establishing 61

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a new order of curricular materials, so that things that are easy to learn can be included in general knowledge, and those who have successfully mastered this and acquired enough common sense of their own, can move on to specialist Buddhist studies afterwards and learn this with greater ease. This will ensure that general knowledge is not ignored. The second pressing need is pedagogy. If the moulds and models are inadequate, the vessels made with them will necessarily and unavoidably be dented and lean to one side. But it goes without saying that if the moulds and models are adequately square or round, long or short, tall or low, beautiful and upright, then they will make excellent vessels. The same is true when it comes to teaching people: if the teaching methods are properly established, we do not even need to worry ourselves thinking about what the results will be. There are two sorts of teachers. First, there are natural teachers: the phenomena of the external world perceived and accepted by our sense organs. Second, there are human teachers who instruct and morally influence us, correcting our faults. Throughout the ages, no-one has studied without reliance upon those two categories of teachers. Fu Xi learned the Eight Trigrams from the Ho River Map,65 and Emperor Yu learned the Great Plan with the Nine Divisions from the patterns on the back of a turtle that emerged from the River Lo.66 Columbus67 learned the Earth’s geography from the floating grass, while Newton learned the science of gravitation from an apple, Watt learned the science of steam engines from boiling water, and Darwin learned the science of evolution from the stones in the shallows. All of them learned from natural teachers. On the other hand, the educational officers68 from the first part of the Book of Documents, the teaching officials69 from the Record of Rites (Liji), the prenatal educational techniques of the mother and wife of Wen-wang of the Zhou Dynasty,70 and the three changes of residence by the mother of Mencius71 all constitute human teachers and teachings. Did any of the philosophers, noble gentlemen, heroes, gallant knights and the scholars of the Nine Schools leave their names to posterity and achieve their accomplishments themselves, without having had a wise teacher first? If the Way of teaching is not elaborated, it will surely, I believe, be ineffective, even if the voices of schoolchildren reading books fill every street. 62

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As today’s teachers are yesterday’s students, the competence of these teachers – or their incompetence – may be judged by looking at the pros and cons of yesterday’s education. As for the education of monks, I have already outlined the facts above, so the reader can make their own conclusions about the competence of those called ‘teachers’ today. These are people who got their teaching positions by a stroke of good luck, who cannot distinguish between the six continents, and who, when they hear about the competition for survival, understand as much as a deaf person listening to music. When they look at a world map, it is just like a blind person looking at a picture. The number of such incompetents is too high even to count. Alas, heaven and earth are vast, and the world of learning is enormously wide – for what crimes are those who have to follow them being punished, that they must be tutored by these ignoramuses, and become, so to speak, the next generation of mulberry insects!72 If such things were to continue without end, would there ever be an end to the harm done to later generations? The issue here is simply the ignorance of pedagogy. If we want to return to the ways of pedagogy, we have to build schools for the teachers first. Then those monks between the ages of fifteen and forty who are talented and virtuous at least to some degree, should be selected to study there. If they are given an adequate combination of general knowledge, pedagogy and specialist Buddhist studies to learn, then we will not only be able to end the shortages of teachers for primary schools in four or five years, but also improve the overall situation in our scholarly world to a level where people would be able to look at it without feeling nauseous. If, after continuous reforms and irreversible improvements, Buddhism is able to shine its light over the world in the future, it will only be because we have begun from this point. If we just say ‘education’, ‘education’ and ignore pedagogy in the way that Yegong Zigao ignored the real dragon out of love for the imaginary one,73 it means that in reality we still do not feel the necessity of education. The third requirement is study abroad. There is a necessity to go to India, trace the authentic footmarks of Buddha and the patriarchs, and translate and spread around the world the important parts of those sutras and treatises that were previously unknown in our country. One should also go to China in order to collect Buddhist materials, including those on the history of Buddhism after it arrived there and on the miraculous deeds of the patriarchs, 63

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so that we can use them as reference materials. Would it not also be good if one were to go to the civilized lands of Europe and America in order to learn about the history and present condition of their religions and other matters, select what is beautiful from them, and supplement our shortcomings in this way? This is only a rough sketch of the meaning of studying abroad. Exchanging knowledge and scholarship is a time-honoured, wide-reaching method of clarifying the Way. Adequately arranged study abroad will bring benefits beyond our wildest dreams, and that is something gentlemen of noble intentions should reflect upon deeply. The situation of education today has reached an extreme point where no delay is possible. However, the old, corrupt, bigoted and inferior cliques are doing everything they can to hinder reform, and the result is plenty of procrastination and no progress. They make the youth waste in idleness time that they themselves did not give to them. Alas, it seems as though it was not enough for them to destroy themselves and their religion by their ignorance! What sort of resentment do they have towards young people that they wish to deprive them also of learning and compel them to follow the same ruinous path? How can cruelty reach such an extreme? The tide of civilization is too strong to be resisted successfully by these old cliques of bigots and it is as clear as daylight that education will spread and make progress in the end anyway. But today’s civilization progresses so quickly every day that even a coach-and-four cannot easily keep up. The slightest slowing or hastening of the pace means a difference of thousands of li, so even if we do not wish to hurry up, is it possible not to be in a hurry? I shall shout loudly to our monastic compatriots: ‘Those hindering the progress of education will go to hell and those promoting education will achieve the Way of Buddha!’ Meditation All the tens of thousands of changes in the yin-yang combinations have their original roots in the Supreme Ultimate,74 and all the tens of thousands of images originate in the colour white. The dharmas big and small originate from our mind, and the method of clarifying the Way of our mind is called meditation. Strictly speaking, what is called ‘meditation’ is not really meditation, but as we need a name, we say ‘meditation’. 64

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Nothing exists outside of mind – how can anything exist outside of it? History located in the flow of the time and the myriad things located in space; everything relies on mind for its existence, and nothing at all can exist independently. Of course, it looks as though those with horns are cows, those with manes are horses, those that fly are birds, those that run are beasts, those with scales are fish, and those that blossom and wither are plants and trees. It all looks like reality, not an illusion. Who would maintain that those cows, horses, birds, beasts, fish, plants, and trees are in reality not cows, horses, birds, beasts, fish, plants or trees? But they become cows, horses, birds, beasts, fish, plants or trees only insofar as the mind falsely defines them as such. Have you ever seen a phantom that appears and disappears, emerges in midair or from under the ground? Such a phantom is neither existent nor non-existent, and exists neither in the air nor under the ground. It is just the mind of the observer that conjures up the illusion and makes it either appear or disappear, places it either in midair or under the ground. If it were not for the mind of the observer, the so-called ‘existence’, ‘non-existence’, ‘existence in the air’ or ‘existence on the ground’ would never be realized by themselves and the creation of phantoms would come to a halt here. China’s Great Wall and Egypt’s Suez Canal, Britain’s London and America’s New York, the coral islands of the Pacific and the Trans-Siberian railroad, the still unending tears of colonized Vietnam and the secret talks of the Poles – are not all these things, which are as numerous as grains of sand on the banks of the Ganges, just the false definitions of our mind, without any real essence? That is why it is said that ‘mind creates everything’. When the eyes are shielded the phantom flowers begin to fall to the ground! The myriad things are all just phantom flowers produced by the mind, which is, in turn, shielded by them. When it is no longer shielded, it reflects the real appearance of the myriad things down to the slightest detail. When the mind is clear, all sorts of reasoning are resolved, and that is why meditation emerged. If, for the sake of experiment, you were to ask the people of the world: ‘By what karmic connection did you come into the world?’ they would likely have no reply. If you were then to ask: ‘Life is generally organized into two elements, mind and body. Physicists and doctors have theories about the body, but how is mind organized? Does it consist of just one element? Or is it a combination 65

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of two or more elements? Is there something on high, like God, that made it? Or did it emerge naturally, by itself?’ they would again have no reply. If you then ask: ‘The day of death is supposed to come before you turn 100 years old. Will both body and mind disappear together at the moment of death? Or will something undying remain to exist eternally?’ again they will have no answer. Throughout the ages there has been an endless stream of philosophers and physicists, so why is it that there are still no conclusions on the issue which is the closest to us, the issue of our mind? The physicists research – or guess – the principles of things only using the knowledge inside their brains, or they make experiments, and that is all. Generally, the principles of the things in our universe are endless, while our knowledge has its bounds. If you seek to clarify boundless principles through the use of limited knowledge, you could mobilize everyone who has ever lived on the earth to do this job and it still would not be enough to reach a conclusion. That is what the Buddhist scriptures mean when they say: ‘Even if you sum up the innumerable thoughts of ´Sa-riputra75 and all the bodhisattvas, who are as many as the grains of sand on the banks of the Ganges, you will not achieve even the slightest understanding.’ The most complicated and subtle of the principles of the universe cannot be grasped by the strength of logical thinking or comparisons. Moreover, mind stands above knowledge and rules over it, so how can subservient knowledge exceed its authority and elucidate what mind is? Mind is, from the start, not something that can be understood through the use of knowledge. Neither is there something standing over mind and able to explain what it is. That is why we are compelled to quietly nurture the original essence of mind, so that it will become clear for us on its own. On this account, when we stop our speech and discontinue our flow of thinking, we can suddenly break all our karmic connections and come to the final meaning of the great meditation topic,76 reaching enlightenment with a sudden flash of broad realization. This is when both the essence and functions of mind become clarified, and the basic questions of human psychology are resolved as easily as ice is melted. To summarize, meditation is the essence while philosophy is its function; meditation makes itself clear, while philosophy is to be studied; meditation is a sudden enlightenment, while philosophy is a gradual one. 66

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To sum up the main points of meditation very briefly, it is quietness and awareness. ‘Quietness’ means that the mind is calm and does not move, and ‘awareness’ means that it is awake and is not dull. If it does not move, it remains unperturbed, and if it is not dull, it does not fall into a confused state. When mind does not become either perturbed or confused, it can make its own essence clear. How strange are those practising meditation today! While the ancients silenced their minds, the practitioners of today quieten their abodes. While the ancients kept their mind from moving, the practitioners of today keep their bodies from moving. To quieten one’s abode means only to become misanthropic, and keeping one’s body still cannot help but develop into self-righteousness. Buddhism is an altruistic religion devoted to saving all sentient beings. Isn’t it wrong, therefore, if the disciples of Buddha become simply misanthropic and self-righteous? Nowadays, practically all Korean temples, with the exception of lonely hermitages or some derelict and abandoned monasteries, have their own meditation halls. Why has meditation become so popular? If one looks more closely at why the meditation halls are being built, it becomes evident that the enthusiasm does not always come from a genuine willingness to promote meditation. Some temples use their meditation halls in order to build their fame and some use them as a means for making profits. As diverse cases of the misuse of meditation halls emerge, the real meditation practitioners become as hard to find as the heirs of a phoenix or the horns of a qilin-unicorn,77 in inverse proportion to the growing number of meditation halls. This leads, inescapably, to the need to muster incapable people for the meditation sessions, just to make up the numbers. The ill effects of such practices have been gradually accumulating and now only one tenth of meditation practitioners are genuine, two tenths come just to fill their stomachs, and the remaining seven tenths are interested in filling their stomachs in addition to being stupid and lazy. Without even a basic understanding of the essentials of meditation, they simply waste their time, using the jokes of the patriarchs of old to emptily simulate meditation discourse. They soon succumb to their monkey-like, perturbed mind and fall asleep. For what possible reason are they spending their young days in vain and heading toward old age, between lethargy78 and excitement?79 Korean meditation of this sort has become meditation in name only. The meditation halls are the children of profit-seeking, and 67

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the practitioners there are bought for white rice. I do not include all in this category, but eight or nine out of ten, unfortunately, match my description. You doubt my words, my esteemed readers? For experiment’s sake, let’s remove all the food from the meditation halls one morning and then see whether the number of meditators is reduced in comparison with previous days. Please, think about it yourself. Even a great practitioner of vast wisdom based on a high degree of karmic maturity cannot succeed in meditation easily, so what possible results will such a loose, undisciplined way of life achieve? I know full well that we have to cleanse ourselves of the accumulated evils of this period of decline and establish the right sort of discipline in the life of meditation practitioners so that we can work towards a more wholesome state of meditation training in the future. What method can we use to reform and renew meditation? First of all, one or two large-scale meditation schools should be built in the right places by bringing together the material resources of all the meditation halls throughout the country. Several monks well versed in the principles and methods of meditation should then be invited there as teachers. All those aspiring to join the meditation sessions, monks or laymen, should be welcomed, but accepted only after they have passed a certain entrance examination. In meditation training a sort of time discipline should be imposed so that the practitioners do not fall into lazy inattentiveness: monthly lectures or discussions should be held, the degree of progress in meditation should be regularly examined, and knowledge should be exchanged. If a particular practitioner should, in time, achieve great progress then a book should be published on their success in order to guide and save other sentient beings. While one cannot hope to frequently encounter cases of people who suddenly jump to the stage of Tatha-gata, why shouldn’t we establish certain rules by imposing regulations and a more formalised spirit? If the monastic officials of the temples around the country are not able to join these meditation schools, they could organize small meditation groups in their respective temples to practise meditation daily when they have hours free of official duties. Is there any rule that meditation can only be properly discussed after a separate meditation hall has first been established at a given temple? Even in the activities of everyday life, like drawing water and carrying firewood, there are marvellous spiritual effects at every moment. 68

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You should know that the sound of a stream or the colour of the mountains are the same truth! Tol!80 Abolition of Amitabha81 Prayer Halls. In Korea, so-called yo˘ mbul – the chanting of Amitabha’s name – cannot be regarded as prayerful concentration upon Buddha, let alone the invocation of Buddha. Does Amitabha really reside in his paradise? If so, it means that there to the west, beyond innumerable countries, there is one country called ‘paradise’. But why should it lie so far away? If it is really so far away, then it is clear that without a telephone installed even if we shout in a very loud voice we will not be heard there, beyond those innumerable countries. Should we then say that Buddha’s dharmic body82 fills the whole dharmic realm83? But in that case, everything, be it near to us or far away, is Buddha’s dharmic body. Once again, what is it that we are attempting to invoke? Should we say that our mind is Amitabha? But in that case, it always resides inside our bodies. It does not go when you gesticulate with your hand, and does not come when called. It may be called ‘the unmovable respected head’ of our bodies. It may be invoked by others, but it cannot invoke itself. If Amitabha invokes Amitabha, who is invoking and who should answer? The ultimate Way is wordless. Why do we need that many words? Vimalakı-rti once replied to Mañjus´rı- simply with silence.84 Why can’t we keep silent as well? If it were possible for Buddha’s Way to be achieved by invocations, I would not have refused to make invocations thousands or tens of thousands of times, but if Buddha’s Way cannot be achieved by invocations, those invocations are simply superfluous words. I have heard that the ultimate aim of invoking Amitabha’s name is to be reborn in his Western Pure Land. Is this really possible? I have heard about people going to the Pure Land after achieving Buddhahood, but I’ve never heard of people getting there by invoking Buddha’s name. I have heard that the defiled mundane land is the same as the Pure Land, but I’ve never heard about a Pure Land that exists separately, outside of the defiled mundane realm. The distinction between pure and defiled is not spatial, rather it is the human mind that may be either defiled or pure. One and the same worldly affair may look completely easy for Napoleon, but very difficult for a weak-minded person. The same Han Xin85 was 69

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judged to be a beggar by a butcher, and hero by Xiao He.86 And the same land might have been judged to be defiled by these who came to visit Vimalakı-rti when he got sick, but the Pure Land by Vimalakïrti himself. Generally speaking, the phenomenon of the same things being viewed differently by different beings occurs when we follow our karma-influenced, mistaken mind. How can it be caused by anything else? That is why everything looks like the Pure Land from the viewpoint of a Buddha, while from the viewpoint of sentient beings, everything looks like the defiled mundane realm. Although the Saha--world87 is in reality the highest order of the Pure Land lotuses, sentient beings are simply unable to recognize this. What karmic relations make a Buddha able to see the world as the Pure Land, while making sentient beings see it as the defiled realm? A Buddha views everything as the Pure Land because he possesses a Dharma-eye. Sentient beings view everything as the defiled realm, because they have only their physical eyes. What is the Dharma-eye? It is the ability to penetrate into all things so that nothing remains hidden. What is the physical eye? It is an eye from which things are hidden. The ability or inability to penetrate the hidden depends on whether the mind is clear or not. So, to sum up, the mind is the Pure Land, and that is all. It is said in a sutra, ‘the mind of sentient beings is the Pure Land of the bodhisattvas’. If, despite the fact that the Pure Land is the mind, those aspiring to the Pure Land seek it outside of their own minds, it is the same as climbing a tree in search of a fish, or tying up a turtle in search of fur. What possible benefit can people derive from spending their whole lives doing this? Some people say: ‘When sentient beings invoke Buddha with the utmost sincerity, Buddha, moved by their earnest devotion, may take pity upon them and lead them into the Pure Land paradise’. But I ask: ‘How can this be possible?’ This statement implies ignorance of the theory of cause and effect. What is cause and effect? While good causes bring good effects, bad ones bring bad consequences. In the same way that in recent times evil-doers are arrested or given prison sentences while those doing good get official rewards and hereditary salaries. There is no such thing in the world as an effect without a cause or a cause without effect. Surely no-one can simply avoid calamities or achieve their wishes overnight by a stroke of good luck? 70

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So it follows that if one has no cause to be reborn in the Pure Land, then one will not be reborn there. If, in spite of this, they continue to say that regardless of the good and evil they have caused they can get to the Pure Land just because Buddha takes pity on the sincerity of their invocation, it would mean that Buddha ignores the law of cause and effect. If even those who have created bad karma can go to the Pure Land simply by currying favour with Buddha, what would be the difference with a criminal hoping to avoid punishment by ingratiating himself with an officer of the law? That would be called abuse of power, and the crime of abusing power is much worse than any common crime and subject to strict punishments. Buddha does not want sentient beings to achieve good results from bad actions; rather, he wishes that people would exhaust themselves doing good. A spring wind is totally impartial; it likes to give life and hates to kill. But still, the peaches grow where peach blossom has bloomed, plums grow where plum blossom has bloomed; where cucumbers are sown, cucumbers are reaped, and where beans are sown, beans are reaped. The fruits of persimmon or orange never grow where roses have blossomed, nor do banana leaves grow over zhu ling mushroom88 roots. We may call this the moral responsibility of the spring wind. How can Buddha be different? If we suppose that Buddha were willing to lead even those who create bad karma to the Pure Land, why would he take only those invoking his name, leaving the others behind? The Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment says: ‘Those who generate feelings of attachment or hatred cannot enter the sea of pure enlightenment.’89 It also states: ‘One should treat others just as one would treat oneself.’90 All these words of great compassion and equality, free of any discrimination, show that Buddha does not differentiate between different sentient beings. Even if we assume that attachment and hatred do not hinder the path to enlightenment, our mind is Buddha. That’s to say, if I have achieved the Way of Buddhahood, I can become Buddha and go to the Pure Land by myself. What is so impossible in this, that one has, with a servile attitude, to beg to Buddha from a remote and alien place? Why should one reject things that are close in favour of things that are far away? Why should one position oneself as a slave and the other as a master? When a human loses their freedom, they lose their humanity at that very moment, and when a human relies 71

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only upon others, he or she becomes a useless person. Is it not a great pity when a good man or good woman, in possession of a parietal bone as round as everybody else’s, a heel as square as everybody else’s, four limbs and five sense organs just like everybody else’s, becomes a useless person? As the old Chinese saying goes, ‘My good fortune depends only on me.’ What I am saying is said out of the desire that sentient beings should abolish the false invocation of Buddha and adopt the real invocation of Buddha. What then, is a ‘false invocation’? As I have already said, it is the invocation of Buddha’s name. What is a ‘real invocation’? It is when one invokes Buddha’s mind and makes it one’s own; invokes Buddha’s learning and makes it one’s own; invokes Buddha’s actions and makes them one’s own; invokes Buddha in every word and every moment of silence, every action and every moment of calm. Only when the distinction between real and false, between expedients and real aims is made and really internalized by oneself, is this the real invocation of Buddha. Thus, my suggestion that we abolish what, I am afraid, is not the real invocation of Buddha, concerns only those who assemble to make false invocations of Buddha. Why on earth do people who are in possession of a welldeveloped body, seven ch’o˘k 91 in height, and obviously in possession of Buddha-nature themselves, need to sit down together in broad daylight or on a refreshing, clear evening, and begin beating a halfbroken leather drum or an old piece of iron, and invoking – without any reply – a name with their drowsy, meaningless voices? And this is called ‘invocation of Buddha’ – how is such dark ignorance possible? Whatever their aim, people basically know how to invoke something in a concentrated state of mind, so why is there any need to voice one’s invocation? If someone really wants to invoke Buddha, then they can certainly do it by themselves, regardless of whether he or she is a scholar-official, peasant, artisan or trader, regardless of where he or she serves and what sort of labour he or she does. They do not need to join with others sitting around and repeating Buddha’s name like a gramophone. Would it not be better to abolish this practice so as to maximize the advantages and minimize the losses both with regard to human beings and to property? Of course, in this world sages and mediocre people coexist, like snakes and dragons mixed together. The gates of Buddhism are wide and can accept this. However, inadequate means cannot be called the real Way, and temporary expedients 72

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that are not appropriate to the times, cannot be called the real teaching. Once, the attachment of an emperor to slim-waisted women led to some at court dying of hunger;92 and the fashion for high top-knots in the capital led to the people in faraway regions wearing foot-high top-knots. Likewise, there are many who sacrifice themselves to the invocation of Buddha. There are many kinds of devices used in the teachings of Buddha, but among those who resort to using them, the plague of epigones has reached an extreme. Alas, it is said that there are always many sick people in a physician’s household, and a famous carpenter is said to have slept on a bed with broken legs! Isn’t it the same with the Buddhists; we belong to the religion of equality and freedom, but are unable to abolish our own superfluous practices? I am simply a sentient being myself, but if my concern about these pointless invocations is so strong, then how must Buddha, with his great compassion, feel about this? Missionary Work In the West, they say: ‘One thousand words of international law are worth less than one cannon.’93 To reformulate this philosophically, it means that truth cannot stand up to force. When I first heard this saying, I could not help but regard it as a vulgar one, and thought to myself that it was not worth including in civilized discourse. But now that I have seen how fierce the competition is in today’s world, I recognize that this saying is not only far from vulgar, it is in fact the highest truth of today’s civilization. I have often seen in the history of both East and West, that the rise and fall, efflorescence and decline of things, all these unspeakably terrible tragedies, have not been caused by the application of international law, but by cannon, not by the truth, but by force. This Western saying must undeniably be considered the golden rule for the whole world. This might be called a sort of ‘barbaric civilization’ and should not be praised by people of ethics and religion.94 However, as a Korean monk, a member of a group that is despised now due to our lack of strength, I feel that I need to study this more closely. Basically, if A possesses enough strength to surpass and suppress B, the sin – ethically speaking – is being committed by A and not by B. But from the viewpoint of the world’s natural laws, the sin, on the contrary, is being committed by B and not by A. How do I 73

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know this? It is undeniable, simply from a moral standpoint, that all the myriad things under Heaven should not use their strength to attack and harm each other. But it is also undeniable that the survival of the fittest – when the stronger prey upon the weaker – is a natural law as well. It takes a long time to elaborate upon the reasons why some become fit and some become unfit, some become strong and some become weak, as these reasons are not singular, but in a word, all is determined by strength. To make a comparison, the strength of A is like water, and the strength of B is like earth. If some water is poured upon uneven ground, will it flow up or down? Even a five-ch’o˘k tall child would understand that it will flow down. Why does water flow down and not up when poured on the ground? Because the water is placed higher than the ground it flows down to. Who could ever guarantee that it would not flow down? In fact, if an area of ground is low there is no guarantee that it will not be flooded. In this case, the best thing to do is to raise the ground, so that the water will not reach there. At this point, we can understand that the strength of A should not be accused of committing a sin, and that the real issue is with the strength of B. Those in the world, who, instead of accusing B, say that A committed a sin, are not good at self-reflection. For those in this world who find themselves in the same situation as B, it would be good to adopt the above-mentioned view of the circumstances. Today, other religions’ canons are shaking the earth, and other religions’ strength flows in a broad stream reaching up to the sky. The floodwaters of other religions have reached our foreheads. What is Korean Buddhism doing about this? The reason why Korean Buddhism is downtrodden is that it lacks strength, and this, in turn is due to the fact that its teachings are not being propagated. The teachings are the source of parallel forward movement along the lines of religious duty and religious strength. With all the foreign religions that have entered Korea exhausting themselves in missionary enterprises, who would dare to suggest that the propagation of teachings is not the duty of a religious person? This is certainly true. But we should also think more deeply about the suggestion that, aside from so-called religious duty, that which is called ‘strength’ in competition is involved here as well. With one missionary, a religion’s strength is doubled; with two missionaries, it is tripled. With the growth of the missionary enterprise, the strength 74

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of a religion grows correspondingly, and as it grows, it becomes easier for the people to follow this religion. And as it becomes easier to follow the religion in question, the level of missionary work also progresses by leaps and bounds, going beyond all expectations. At first, missionary work feeds the religion’s strength, but in the end, the strength of the religion translates into further progress in missionary work. In this way, steady progress and accumulated successes lead to prosperity for a religion. This is the reason why Christianity has managed to spread itself throughout East and West. It may be said that what are known as ‘Dharma talks’ in Korean Buddhism are similar to missionary work to a certain degree, but Dharma talks do not transcend the monastic boundaries and their content is so vulgar and useless that it included nothing that will move the listener. But besides this, there is nothing that can be called ‘missionary work’. In reality, the total number of the monks in Korea today is only one three thousandth of the whole population. This means that only one in three thousand Koreans is a monk. So, what sort of people are these monks? If they are not pressed into monastic life by poverty, then they are captivated by superstitious beliefs. In addition to being lazy, they are so stupid and weak that they do not even possess the ability to concentrate their inattentive minds. They are totally ignorant from the beginning of the real essence of Buddhism. If such people are not the lowest sort of humanity, then what are they? The whole of Korean Buddhism is made up from the worst in every three thousand Koreans, and as for the believers, they are composed only of a minority of Korean women, with men being as rare among the lay followers as phoenix feathers or unicorn horns. Alas, even a very great number of deaf people could not equal one musician of Shi Guang’s95 greatness, and however numerous a crowd of ugly women might be, it could not equal one beauty of Xi Shi’s96 calibre! Everybody says that the number of monks is too low, but I am concerned, on the contrary, that it is too high. The several thousand Korean monks currently possess several thousand varying personal intentions and are completely unable to unite together and succeed in anything. If this does not mean that there are too many of them, then what does it mean? Oh, what a pity! If Buddhists had been made to propagate their religion earlier, today’s monks might not have been composed of the worst of every three thousand Koreans, and the lay believers might not consist of a small number 75

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of women. To understand today’s situation, one should remember that it has been caused by past actions, and we should also know that future results are being created by today’s actions. As past days have already passed, they should be sent away down the river, and we should instead look to the future. Positive conditions must be created. Although the fragrant flowers growing on the spring earth do not possess feelings, the lotuses blossoming on a river in autumn really do not have a master. Once the moment is lost, we cannot catch up with it again, even with a coach-and-four. The eternal life of the graceful legacy of Buddha and patriarchs is here! It is here! We must realize just how very urgent missionary efforts are. If we are to engage in missionary work, we must first be competent enough for this enterprise. What does ‘competence’ mean? First, enthusiasm; then, patience; and, lastly, compassion. If only one of these three qualities is lacking, it will be impossible to become an accomplished missionary. Have you not seen the missionaries of other religions? Regardless of hot or cold weather, or great distances, they go everywhere to carry out their missionary work and preach to anybody. Even if they do not succeed in one case, they go and preach to somebody else. If their preaching does not succeed today, they redouble their efforts tomorrow. If this is not true enthusiasm, then what is it? Even if they are slandered or abused during their missionary endeavours, they never reply in kind. If this is not patience, then what is it? Wise and base, arrogant and obstinate . . . They welcome all sorts of people and treat them warmly, even those whom it is very difficult to instruct. If this is not compassion, then what is it? Such efforts must inevitably lead to the spread of their religion; the efflorescence of other religions today is no accident. Let’s look at some examples. There was a Westerner97 called Madagascar who was engaged in missionary work for ten years before he acquired his first convert. Another person, called Judson, had been working as a missionary in Burma for five years before he got his first convert.98 Nallin99 found his first convert after seven years of missionary efforts in China.100 They were surely great men, whose degree of excellence cannot be achieved by mediocre fellows! If Korean monks were sent to work as missionaries abroad, how many of them would manage not to feel disappointed when they fail to get a single convert in several months? And how many of them would not just give it all up and 76

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return home a few months later? How can I refrain from singing the praises and dreaming to myself of these heroic people who were able to stick to their initial intentions five, seven, or even ten years down the line? These religions, with doctrines not worth one ten thousandth of those of Buddhism, are doing missionary work so unyieldingly, while such an exquisite, profound, and broad religion as Buddhism, is sitting tight with drooping shoulders and bent head, unable even to budge! Who is to blame for this? The dilapidated state of Buddhism today was created by the people of the past, but the responsibility for Buddhism’s reinvigoration tomorrow rests with the people of the present. Force is a ‘divine general’101 protecting freedom, but once force has been broken, freedom will be lost too, which means that even if life can be preserved, it will feel like death.102 Oh, one cannot hope for an undamaged egg under an overturned nest; and how can one have hair when there is no skin left? Will the monks continue to exist on their own even after Buddhism dies? Will the monks continue to prosper even if Buddhism decays? In fact, Buddhism’s rise and decline is a forewarning of the rise and decline of the monkhood as well. This means that the willingness of the monks to contribute to Buddhism’s prosperity is really only a desire to benefit themselves indirectly. One step forward from simply benefiting oneself is the willingness to benefit all sentient beings, even at the cost of one’s own life. In this way, bringing benefits to oneself and to others are combined in missionary work. From the beginning, the methods of missionary work were multiple. Some have propagated the faith through speeches, some through newspapers and journals, some by translating and widely circulating the sutras, and some by philanthropic work. The lack of even one of these many methods of missionary work should have caused concern, but despite this, no such attempts at proselytizing are being made at all in Korean Buddhism today. I do not know whether there are any other ways of making Buddhism better known. If there are I would like to hear about them. The Location of Temples I have long wished to expand the power of Buddhism, but have always deplored the fact that the monks’ level of thought is lower 77

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than that of other people. Inasmuch as all humans possess the same Buddha-nature and all are born with the same bodies, this must mean that the monks are not inferior in themselves, but rather by their deficiencies they make others seem close to all-powerful and free of any clumsiness or awkwardness. Why should the sangha be like this, unable to catch up with everyone else? Those who have a mouth reply unanimously that the reason is the lack of education. This can also be believed. However, although the uneducated are unable to catch up with the educated, isn’t it still strange that even among the similarly uneducated, the natural thinking abilities of the monks are lower than those of others? My conclusion is that the reason for this is the inappropriate choice of locations for their residences. In The Analects, it is said: ‘To live among the benevolent is good. To choose not to be with the benevolent – how can one acquire wisdom?’103 What are examples of choosing a place of residence? We can look at the locations of human residences. The small universes inhabited by monks are called ‘temples’, and they usually lie in beautiful, picturesque places detached from the mundane world. How peaceful they are! To put it poetically, these are places where one can inhale the mist or the glow of the sunset, imbibe the breeze and the moonlight and have beautiful dreams in the fresh air. Such places might be called a separate universe, unlike that of humans. Alas, who has changed these beautiful landscapes into the swordtrees and sword-mountains of hell?104 Who has transformed the breeze and moonlight amidst the misty sunset into a devilish den of the three poisons – craving, anger, and ignorance? Since ancient times how many of the accomplished and famous have entered these formal ‘separate universes’ – from the point of view of the spirit, these devil-inhabited black mountains – to decay there in silence together with the grass and the trees, without sending a single message to the outside world? How can those who remember the past and are moved by the events of our times not feel saddened by this? If a vehicle going forward is overturned, it should be taken as a warning by the vehicles following behind it. The German philosopher Hegel said: ‘Water, by its character, leads people to communicate with one other, but the mountains, by their character, erect barriers between people.’105 Isn’t this true? Can it be denied? If this is so, although I am ignorant of geomancy I will elaborate upon the relations between the location of the 78

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temples and the good and bad in the thinking and enterprises of the sangha: 1) What happens when a temple is located in the mountains? First, progressive thinking becomes absent. ‘Progressive’ means going forward all the time without retrogression. Among our wishes and desires, that of going forward is called ‘hope’. The reasons for the appearance of hope are complicated and not easy to comprehend, but, as with all the human desires, it is basically generated by the wish to avoid suffering and enjoy pleasure. Although there are no humans who do not hope to enjoy pleasure, there are differences in how much they wish for pleasure, and the reasons for these differences rest with circumstances, not with us. Why is this so? Let us imagine a person born in a world where not a single thing exists. The person in question would obviously be satisfied simply with not being dead, without even the slightest desire for delicious food, luxurious clothing, a spacious house or a coach-and-four. And as our desire to avoid dying is the most precious thing in the world, in such a case a person’s wishes would inevitably be limited to avoidance of death. They will ask for nothing else. But if both humans and material things continue to mutually prosper and fill the world forever, clever techniques will grow more numerous every day, exquisite luxuries will rapidly increase and our six senses will encounter only improvements and no deteriorations. Thus the boundaries of human desires will widen and expand infinitely. Once our desires have become infinite, the development of progressive thinking will also know no borders, and that is how both humans and material things will continue their evolution, by becoming more and more interconnected and interdependent. One of the major pieces of evidence that interactions between diverse and manifold things accelerate progress is that the speed of progress is much higher in big cities than in isolated villages. But since the monks are very much afraid of living anywhere except for mountainous places, 79

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what they see and hear is limited to the sounds of flowing water, the blossoming of flowers, the singing of the birds, and the coming and going of clouds. Assured that ‘since I have already taken it, no-one will compete with me for this place’, they are satisfied with themselves and cannot take even a single step forward. This is what I mean when I speak about the dependence of progressive thinking upon location. 2) Next I would like to comment upon the absence of the spirit of adventure. Once I had a dream about crossing the Pacific with Darwin and Napoleon together on the same ship. On that vast expanse of water, with no land in sight, we spoke to one another, laughing together at the God of the Yellow River for having bragged about the vastness of his abode. A moment later came a fierce wind and a violent downpour, and ferocious waves rose up. The punting pole was broken and the rudder lost, and the ship, having nothing to steady itself with, was violently shaken. The passengers were dumb-struck and unable to act in their horror and astonishment. How was it possible not to be horrified, when beneath the pillows and reed-mats the skies and water were exchanging blows, and only a thin piece of board separated them from the fishes? During this Napoleon acted calmly, without the slightest sign of being disturbed at all. Darwin calmed his mind and sat down quietly as if he had something to think about. I was too overwhelmed at first and could not even manage to ask them a question. But as the wind died down and the waves became calmer, the skies cleared and the ocean returned to tranquillity, I gradually restored my spirits and asked them about the reasons for their calm, reserved behaviour. Darwin replied: I have returned to the sea now five years after I finished my trip around the globe. In the beginning, I doubt if there was much difference between you and me. But having had the experience on several occasions of surviving precariously among the wind and waves, I stopped being overly astonished or horrified. And after being thrown 80

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overboard dozens of times, I became a cross between human and fish, and came to forget about what the wind and waves were. Now, in addition to not knowing what the wind and waves are, I no longer know what the ocean is either; in addition to not knowing what the ocean is, I no longer know what the ship is either; and in addition to not knowing what the ship is I no longer know what I am. The reason I no longer know either the ocean, the ship or myself is formless evolution. In fact, I was just thinking about the laws of evolution several moments ago, during the storm. Napoleon said: How strange! As I have never sailed, I will make a comparison with war. When I first fought on the plains of Spain, my body moved as quickly as lightning in the midst of the swords, and under the rain of bullets. How could I not be afraid when life and death were decided in a split second and I was within a hairsbreadth of death? But once I had fought in more than a hundred wars I achieved a mental state that transcends the boundaries of life and death. After this, I stopped being afraid of anything under heaven, and even if the wind and waves were astonishing, they were no match for bullets. What can make me frightened now? Even if the waves were ten or a hundred times that size, I would continue to talk with a smile on my face and exercise leadership.

On hearing this I felt as if my spirits soared, despite the fact that I had no wings. On awakening, I yawned, straightened my back, stood up and paid my respects to Darwin and Napoleon: ‘Oh, how brilliant and unusual your achievements are! Future generations will bow to you deservedly and compete in eulogizing you!’106 We can understand from this that adventurous thinking is created by experience and practice. It is not that people are born with or without it. Have you not seen those dwelling in the Ku˘mgang or So˘rak Mountains?107 They walk almost as if they are flying, light-hearted and without a trace of hesitation, over streams and cliffs so dangerous that people from the plains would rather go fearfully on all fours. Why are they so adventurous? We cannot deny that it comes 81

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from their experience of life. But in some situations they encounter they will duck their heads like turtles even if they are treated like slaves or cattle; they will implore and supplicate like flies without any will to resist. Despite the similarities between worldly affairs and precipitous cliffs and mountain streams, people who are brave in the mountains may be rather cowardly in worldly affairs! What are the reasons for this? In one situation they have learned to overcome their sense of danger through experience, but in the other situation they encounter something they have not experienced before. What is strange about the fact that an inexperienced person, who has spent their whole life in a remote village, lacks adventurous thinking? Liang Qichao has written: People who live inland have all sorts of attachments to their native places and they miss these places a lot. But if, as an experiment, you were to give them an opportunity to look at the ocean in an instant, and to transcend all their worldly vexations, they will attain a limitless freedom both in their thinking and actions. Those who live near the ocean become braver and loftier in spirit every day. This is why, since ancient times, the coastal dwellers have always been more energetic and enterprising than those who dwell inland.108

As we can see from this, the thinking of those who live inland is inferior to that of those who live on the coast. So what can one say about those who dwell in temples in the secluded back country, where there is nothing to look at except the sun in the sky? This is my second point concerning the relationship between adventurous thinking and location. 3) Now I would like to comment upon the absence of the altruistic spirit. Sakyamuni, Confucius, Jesus and Mo Zi109 all lived together with others and not alone, as they were peerless altruists. As for such representatives of misanthropy as Chao Fu and Xu You,110 the four hermits of Mt Shang111 and Yan Ziling,112 they all lived amidst the mountains, not in the cities. Altruists dislike living in seclusion, while the mountains are the place beloved of 82

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misanthropes and it has been that way since ancient times. Why do altruists live with others and not alone? They do this in order to observe both the bright and the shadowy sides of everyday life, and then to rectify evils. Why do misanthropes live in the mountains, and not in the cities? In order to ignore the sufferings and joys of the world and cut off the emotional ties linking them to others. If a newborn child were to fall down a well while crawling around, anybody would come to the rescue, be they the child’s relatives or not, whether they were old friends or bitter enemies of the child’s family. When they begin the rescue, they will still have no prior knowledge of whether they will succeed. They will not attempt to rescue the child out of conscious choice but act instead out of the irrepressible emotion that arises when one is confronted with the scene of a child falling into a well. In the same way, if one’s elder brother’s wife were drowning, one would certainly try to rescue her. At the start of the rescue, one would still have no prior thoughts of the norms of etiquette to be maintained in such a situation and no idea of whether one’s elder brother’s wife is heavy or light. One would not attempt a rescue consciously but would act instead out of the irrepressible emotion that arises when one is confronted with the scene of one’s elder brother’s wife drowning. The emotions of the mind generally emerge in the encounter with circumstances, but the circumstances themselves are in fact created by the mind. Thus, even if one wishes to be emotionless, how is it possible when confronted with reality? Even if one wishes not to act, how is it possible to refrain from action once emotion has been born? That is why lofty gentlemen place so much importance upon the choice of the place to live. Not in the sense of geomantically ‘lucky’ or ‘unlucky’ locations, but in the sense of the choice of the right environment. People sometimes say that the reason why the hermits of the past were much talked about was that they kept their integrity intact and waited for the right time for action. Despite the fact that these misanthropic folks chose their 83

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environments for themselves, their names are vainly glorified with the phrase ‘they kept their integrity and waited for the right time for action’. They should instead be called fake heroes, who know only how to deceive others! If they had really wished to hide themselves and wait for the right time for action they could easily have done this in the city. Why do they have to say that they ‘hid’ only after hiding themselves egoistically in the mountains? The locations of all the Korean monasteries are well-suited for misanthropy and inappropriate for altruistic activities. Since misanthropy already dominates these locations, how can the altruistic spirit emerge there? Even the miniscule progress of misanthropy means a huge setback for the essential spirit of Buddhism. We must be diligent in rectifying this evil. That was my third point, concerning the relationship between altruistic thinking and location. 4) Next, I would like to comment upon the absence of the competitive spirit. From the beginning, the monks have formed a special world outside of the normal world, a special human race outside of the majority of humankind. They have been detached from society, as if surrounded by a huge moat. They used to live a selfrighteous life, unconcerned with worldly profits and losses, successes and failures. What then, is this ‘special world outside of the normal world’? It is the monasteries. What is ‘a special human race outside of the majority of humankind’? It is those people who ignore worldly affairs, and are concerned only with their own cleanliness. As the policies and customs of former times put tremendous pressure on the monks, this situation was to some degree inescapable, even if they did not like it, and the monks were not the only ones to blame. But if the monks had been forced to mix with others and live in the cities earlier, they would have gradually made contacts and exchanges with human communities, and, I am sure, the fetters created by the pressure on them would have been steadily loosened, and the monks’ competitiveness would not be as irrecoverably low as it is now. 84

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Living in secluded valleys deep in the mountains, the monks would not have known about it even if Heaven and Earth were smashed to pieces. That is why now, when the bugles and drums of strife between different religions shake the earth, Buddhism only rings its bells, unable even to rally its defeated troops. That is why now, when the flags and standards of the different religions are as many as the trees in the forest, Buddhism is unable even to raise a flag of surrender. What are the reasons for this? Buddhists believe that, however fierce the competition on the part of the other religions might be, they will not encroach upon Buddhism’s territory, and thus victories and defeats, cleverness and stupidity in this inter-religious competition are as irrelevant to them as the wandering clouds. They do not understand that every victory and defeat in this competition between religions, as well as the relative intelligence of the competitors do exert an influence on Buddhism. Everybody knows that in a confrontation between two sides, the victory of one means defeat for the other. Despite the obviousness of the fact that the expansion of the forces of other religions means the decline of Buddhism, they still think that the soldiers of the other religions will not shed our blood, and refrain from doing anything in this respect. How is this any different from observing a fire at the gates of the fortress and remaining unconcerned, in the belief that it will not harm the fish in the pond? They only demonstrate their narrow-mindedness and inability to think! Generally speaking, intention is the motivational element that leads to an action. Shouldn’t the causes that give rise to an intention therefore be regarded as the core motivational factors? Thus the monks’ lack of competitive thinking and intentions should be corrected by rectifying the microcosms in which the monks live (the monasteries). Stamina determines our health or sickness. So shouldn’t those things that produce stamina be regarded as the source of all the sources? Thus the monks’ lack of competitive thinking should be corrected by rectifying the microcosms in which they live (the monasteries). This was 85

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my fourth point, concerning the relationship between competitive thinking and location. Those are the surprising and astonishing facts about the relationship between location and ways of thinking. Besides this though, the location of Buddhist temples is the cause of many other inconveniences in conducting various affairs. Poor location causes inconveniences for education, missionary work, contact with the outside world, communications, organizational life and finances. To understand this does not require too many words so I will not elaborate here. The conclusion is that the secluded location of the temples exerts four sorts of influence upon the monks’ thinking and six sorts of influence upon their enterprises. The lack of even one of these ten points would cause us lots of pain today, and if all ten are absent, well, what more should I say? In principle, it is not that I do not like to transcend the mundane world, go into the mountains alone, halt all my idle thoughts, sweep the clouds with a broom, drink from the mountain springs, enjoy looking at flowers and cultivate my moral nature. The problem is just this: when kalpas follow one another in a worldconsuming fire,113 when the circle of creation and destruction is unsettled, when mulberry groves change into deep blue seas in a single morning, so that old fishermen find themselves smiling on a mountain peak and shepherds look in despair at the swift currents at their feet, what sorts of countermeasures should we adopt at such a time? It looks likely that in the current state of affairs seeking death may be the only possible countermeasure. That is the only thing I am afraid of, and that is why I feel unsatisfied. In what way should we sacrifice today’s leisurely indulgence in order to guarantee the development of our religion tomorrow? When the ferocious waves rise up it is difficult to reverse their flow even if one possesses huge strength. In the biographic account114 it is said: ‘Startled, the birds took flight’115 and this is a model for an agile response to changing circumstances. Is it possible therefore to change the location of the temples? I would like to say that there are three possible ways to do this. The best option is to leave only those few temples which are worth keeping as mementos, in their present locations, and, after demolishing the rest, build them anew at every county town and every port city. The second best option would be to leave only the bigger and more beautiful ones 86

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in their present locations, demolish the smaller ones and those bigger temples that are already dilapidated, and move them to the big cities. The last possible way is to destroy only the hermitages and merge them with the main temples, and then unite the temples of each and every province or every few counties, so that together they can open branch offices in the most important places and take care of missionary and educational work. These are the only possible ways to solve this problem. Of these three options, which one should be selected? The first one is definitely impossible to implement today, as the people’s intellect is still under the influence of the tradition of weak bookishness. The second best option can be implemented once the right people are obtained, but failing this, it will be impossible to implement. The last one is hopefully more or less feasible, but to implement it in its entirety, we will need to obtain people of higherthan-average abilities. Are there such people among the monks? If they exist, why have I not managed to meet them so far? If they do not, how can Buddhism escape its demise? Considering all this, I come to the following judgement: ‘If the youngsters and adolescents of today who dream of becoming heroes and great men in the future follow in the footsteps of their predecessors and do not empty the temples, then I am absolutely sure that the relocation of the temples to the cities is possible. But if those who are older than forty today,continue to occupy the higher positions, I am sure that reform is impossible.’

If you do not believe me, please think about it yourselves. It really would be deplorable if it meant that it were impossible to implement decisively even the least good option! But since heroes do not belong to a special separate race of humanity, and success or failure is not predestined, the affairs of the world are impossible to forecast beforehand or determine just as one wishes. Only by maintaining their devoted efforts could Columbus discover the Americas,116 and Faraday117 complete his theory of magnetism. While on the one hand, no effort will yield no results, on the other hand, there is nothing that cannot be accomplished through our efforts. On this basis, I would guess that all the monks of today have the potential to be heroes and great men, and they are more than ready to implement the best option even now. 87

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The Images Worshipped by Buddhists There are too many images worshipped by Korean Buddhists – more than one hundred different kinds. Some people argue: ‘Those images are imaginary representations created by superstition. The best way to deal with them is to burn them all. Then we should clean the temples, clear away all the superstitions of the dark ages, cultivate the truth and build the New Land of Buddhism’.

These words are inspirational, but they imply a desire to open up a new path with one stroke of a big knife or a broad axe, on account of the intellectual stupidity of the people, who are unable by themselves to part with their superstitions and accept the new truth. Those words contain the spirit of a great torrent, they make no reservations and are free from sentimentality. This certainly makes them reinvigorating and refreshing, but I am afraid they go too far. I am therefore going to give a word of advice, and await the judgement of the wise. Generally speaking, phenomena are imaginary representations of the truth, and religious images are imaginary representations of phenomena. So, viewed from the standpoint of the truth, religious images are imaginary representations of imaginary representations. What is the reason then, that these religious representations have been in existence between Heaven and Earth for so long? The human mind is originally calm, but when confronted by the material world, it is prone to be moved. Unless somebody is extremely wise or extremely stupid, there is no person whose mind is not moved by the circumstances around them. Grief at the sight of a dead person and joy when hearing that somebody is alive; the desire to become equal with the wise, when the wise are in sight; the desire to punish evil when evil is seen, and the desire to make efforts for a good cause; all these things exemplify the way in which our mind is moved by circumstances. Once mind is moved, actions follow. Having understood this, and being afraid that the human mind would choose the wrong and evil ways instead of the upright ones, the ancients devised various ritualistic imaginary representations, which depicted external phenomena, and religious images are one category of them. For example, imaginary representations of the sages and lofty gentlemen, installed in ritual pavilions and given raw meat to eat, 88

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led the people to the practice of worshipping the sages and nurturing the wise. Imaginary representations of loyal subjects and righteous gentlemen, installed in the Unicorn Gallery Qilinge118 and presented with ritual sacrifices, led the people to the cultivation of achievements and integrity. And imaginary representations of filial sons and virtuous women, which are installed in the Gates of Filial Sons and Virtuous Women and given respect, led the people to the glorification of good and encouraged them to good behaviour. One point here is to discharge the duty of respect towards the past, and another is to make an object that encourages future generations. In the same way that the aim of the ethics of jurisprudence is to warn hundreds by punishing one wrong-doer and to encourage tens of thousands by rewarding one good person, the origins of religious imagery lie in the desire to make an imaginary representation that can serve as a model for sentient beings. That is, a religious image is the objective world that confronts sentient beings. Among those able to speak about ideals, is there anybody who does not condemn religious images for being false and useless? In the more extreme cases, some think that these images are not only useless, but that they also tempt and inveigle people, destroying their willpower. That is why they are coldly ridiculed, hotly condemned and rejected outright. This may be the case, but nevertheless, who knows what sort of influences these ambiguous images may exert upon the ethical feelings of humans? Who knows what sort of miraculous effects they may have in this respect? I will clarify this by using an example from my own past experience: In my childhood, I once visited a shrine to Confucius,119 and there was a solemn stone image of Confucius standing there inside the pavilion. Looking at its dried lips, exposed teeth, and waist ten fathoms in circumference, I suddenly began describing for myself the laws of the sage emperors Yao, Shun,120 Wen and Wu121 who came before, and the merits of passing on the learning of the Way to the thousands of generations to come. Unintentionally, I paid my respects to the image. Then, when I visited the shrine of Guan Yu122 and looked at his jujube-coloured face, beautiful beard, and his imposing height of nine ch’o˘ k, I suddenly found myself thinking of his sense of justice and morality, which led him to read the Zuo Chronicle,123 by night with a candle by his side, and his sense of fidelity and trust, which led him to behead generals Yan Liang and 89

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Wen Chou, who had fought against his past benefactor Cao Cao. Looking upon him, I felt an elevation of my spirit, a wish to transcend everything in lofty deeds. The deeds of Confucius are known from the canonical Book of Changes, The Spring and Autumn Annals, and The Analects, while the deeds of Guan Yu are seen here and there in historical books. Even before my visits to these shrines, every time I read of the noble deeds of Confucius and Guan Yu in the books, I felt a deep respect and always worshipped them in my mind, but I still felt that it was too trifling an experience to induce me to do good in earnest. But then, suddenly, the sight of a lump of stone and earth, the most false thing in the world, inspired me to such sincere, earnest and immediate feelings. Among imaginary representations of this kind – pictures and statues – what is it that makes some so moving and impressive for the human heart, while others are not? Direct representations move the human mind directly, while indirect ones move it indirectly. What, then, is indirect representation? It is writing. And what is direct representation? It is imagery. Writings are called indirect representations, because they account for human words and deeds, and images are called direct representations, because they depict the people in question themselves. Such a distinction between directness and indirectness is an assumption of our mind, but the difference between the objects being perceived by us inevitably translates into differences in the state of the perceiving mind, and also differences in the sensations received. This is where the merit of images may be found. Even these days, those with unusual talents or special achievements are commemorated with images of stone or bronze, and this belongs to the same category. This might not have been needed if everyone were either very wise or very stupid, but unless that becomes the case, we may conclude without doubt that the tradition of creating images will last forever. However, the evil of the situation is that we, the descendants of the ancients, due to the low level of development of the popular intellect, create images of spirits whom we should not accept, make illicit sacrifices and curry favours with them, pray to them to defend us from perils and bring us good luck, and, ridiculously enough, use them for soothsaying about our future fortunes. This means that in order to prevent confusion only relevant images should be selected for placing in temples. They should also be not 90

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too many or too complex. Why then, are there so many images in Korean Buddhism, and why are they displayed and worshipped without discriminating between them? Below, I dare to state briefly my own foolish views on the appropriateness of displaying and worshipping certain concrete images: 1) Arhats,124 are those sages, who achieved enlightenment alone. With their narrow Hinayana views, they indulged alone in the pleasures of Nirvana, satisfied themselves with modest karmic rewards, without a thought about saving sentient beings from the dust of the sansaric world, and were thus scolded by Buddha. In the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment it is stated: ‘The karmic rewards of hundreds, thousands and tens of thousands of arhats and pratyeka-buddhas125 are lesser than the rewards of one person who hears this teaching of perfect, unobstructed enlightenment, follows it devotedly at least for a moment, and immerses themselves in self-cultivation.’ It is also stated that pratyeka-buddhas can never achieve full Buddhahood.126 On this basis, the arhats are really sinners against our Buddha, and heterodox in relation to the monastic community. The reason why Buddha entered hell, was born in the realm of the animals, and voluntarily accepted all sorts of sufferings, was because he simply wanted to save all sentient beings. Yet, despite the fact that Buddha’s every word and every moment of silence, every movement and every moment of calmness were all born from his altruism, those worshippers of the Hinayana do not comprehend his will, and satisfy themselves with modest things, not wanting to save others. That is why they were not only scolded by Buddha, but also cannot be accepted by modern civilization, which is based upon the principle of social solidarity. Those seeking the Way of Buddha, should therefore distance themselves from arhat worship and should avoid being personally close to it. The arhats should not be worshipped. 2) The worship of the Seven Stars of the Big Dipper127 is even more nonsensical, preposterous and laughable. If stars are to be depicted and worshipped, then since there are so many stars and constellations in the sky, why only 91

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give the Seven Stars special treatment? If it is done on the grounds that they embody Tatha-gata, then Heaven and Earth, sun and moon, and everything else in the universe also constitute one body with Tatha-gata, so why do the Seven Stars need to be given preference? For a disciple of Buddha, it should be enough to worship the real image of Tatha-gata. Isn’t it overly complicated to extend the scope of worship to all the embodiments of Tatha-gata? 3) The worship of the Ten Kings of Hell is based on the belief that these ten rulers of Yamaraja’s realm decide at will on the life and death of humans, pass judgement on the sins of humans and mete out rewards and punishments according to their relative gravity.128 In a word, they are the judges of the dead. On the surface it seems that they should be greatly feared, but if we look deeper we understand that there is nothing to fear at all. How is this so? Although it looks as if the judges are placed to punish the guilty, in reality, they exist in order to protect good and innocent folk. If I have never committed any bad acts, I am surely entitled to such protection. Since the judges are well-versed in the law and review all the cases in great detail, those who are tried on the basis of the law can neither avoid a due punishment by lucky accident nor be victimized by unfair punishment. Thus, what is there to fear from them? Besides, those learning Buddha’s teaching will inevitably be reborn in Paradise, which from the beginning was never a dependency of Yamaraja’s realm. Why then, should they be afraid of Yamaraja? If a person has not cultivated pure, wholesome karma and is cast into Hell, then their life and death will be determined by the relevant laws. What possible help could it be for them to flatter and curry favours? Even if currying favours with the Ten Kings of Yamaraja’s realm could have helped them to escape from their deserved punishment, so many people die in the world every day that Yamaraja – if he is to judge them all – will hardly have any free time to appear in the Saha--world to investigate whether sentient beings are praying to him and accept their requests. One can bow ten thousand times a day to him, but will it 92

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expiate one’s sins? Yet, despite this, the people make images of the Ten Kings in gold and jade; paint them in red and blue; and throw down their bodies in prostration in front of their images, as a sign of respect and worship. But for what reason? 4) The worship of the hosts of divine generals is based on the belief that this crowd of spirits always guarded and escorted Buddha when he resided on the Spirit Vulture Peak – G¸rdhraku-t¸a,129 and that to protect Buddha’s Law is their real duty. But they will not be more diligent in discharging this duty if you encourage them, and they will not stop discharging this duty if you prohibit them from doing so. Since their movements and actions only follow Buddha’s commands and never their own free will, why should we doubt their loyalty and provide additional encouragement? As Buddha, his Law and his monastic community are one, can they not protect the monks? If they were to fail to protect the monks, Buddha would rebuke them, saying: ‘The monks practise my law and fulfil my teachings. Why do not you protect them?’ Even if they would actually prefer to coldly ignore the monks, they can not. In this case, we can compare the monks with officers, and the crowd of divine generals with police guards. And today, these officers rub their two hands in prayer, bow down, touch their heads to the ground and supplicate their own escort. Wouldn’t this scene of superiors humiliating themselves before their subordinates be laughable to most people? Why can’t our monks realize their true situation by observing such scenes? I really cannot even force myself to look at the travesty that takes place today when monks compete with one another in bowing down and supplicating the hosts of divine generals for good fortune. There was a person called Jia Yi130 during the Han Dynasty who said: ‘The legs, contrary to the natural order, are above, and the hands instead are below: things stand fully upside down, and nobody understands it.’ As to the rest of the heavenly gods, kitchen gods, mountain gods, shamanistic ‘spirits of state preceptors’ and all the other nonsensical 93

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objects of superstitious worship, they are not even worth speaking of here. They are really the most confusing and irrelevant of all the images worshipped by Buddhists today. Was the intellect of Korea’s Buddhist circles so credulous and thick-headed from the very beginning? The threat that we feel from the law of the survival of the fittest did not appear overnight; our failure to guarantee our survival has deep roots. Despite the fact that there are no shortcuts to good and bad fortune, and fortune is actually created by people themselves, we have been sacrificing the freedom of our whole bodies in the servile worship of nonsensical, non-existent images devoid of any divinity. The evils of image-worship have reached a nadir. Who will now remove all such images from all their places under Heaven, burn them and throw them to the thousand waves, so that they drown there and never return to this world, and the truth of our Buddhism will again be rendered flawless? The critics will say: ‘If the superstitions go, Buddhism’s religious character will be seriously damaged. Do you want to make Buddhism into a philosophy?’ To which I reply: ‘Why are you so vulgar?’ The thing that is called ‘religious superstition’ means the ‘superstitious belief in one deity’, but not superstitious beliefs in so many of them. Even if we were to call Buddhism such a superstition, it would be enough to practise superstitious beliefs in Buddha only. Why should people act as if they have no fixed beliefs at all, superstitiously worshipping Buddha in the morning, and then the arhats in the evening, and the Seven Stars, the Ten Kings, the host of divine generals, heavenly deities, kitchen gods, mountain spirits, the shamanistic spirits of state preceptors and so on together with them? It seems as though people are searching for ghosts without any knowledge of where they are, going to the mountains, waters, trees, stones, and finally getting unbearably tired. This is not even a superstitious religion, it is superstitious thuggery. If it is neither a wise, intelligent belief nor even a normal superstition, then to what sort of belief does all this belong? As I cannot even properly name these beliefs, I shall call them ‘disorderly beliefs’. As this is a faithless faith, anybody accepting it ends in failure. If we call it ‘superstition’, this would mean that Korean Buddhism boasts more superstitions than any other religion, and, thus, if superstitions are what determines the strength of a religion’s character, why didn’t Korean Buddhism, with all its manifold superstitions, manage to spread itself all over the world? 94

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Why is it reduced instead to preserving what little remains of itself in the mountainous wilderness, eager just to survive one day at a time? Thus, we can understand that Korean monks do not even possess superstitions. Buddhism as such is far removed from any superstitions, its teaching being lofty and truthful, so why can’t these practitioners of ‘disorderly beliefs’ see this? The tools of the ‘disorderly beliefs’ – the images of paltry deities – should be, first of all, reformed. It is said that when bitten by a venomous snake on the hand, a valiant and strong man will cut off his whole arm! How much more should this be the case when the venom is worse than that of any snake, and the thing to be cut off is much less important than an arm. What sort of fear prevents us from carrying out these reforms? While it is clear what we need to do with these tools of ‘disorderly belief ’, there remains the question of whether we should retain all the images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas. It will do no harm to retain the images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, but there are too many of them. Even if the names of Buddhas and bodhisattvas are different, in the realm of principle they are one and the same. This is why we can take just one and incorporate all into it. If we are to take one in order to incorporate the rest, only Sakyamuni is suitable. Sakyamuni continues the line of the various Buddhas above, and leads to the salvation of all the sentient beings below. He entered Hell as if it were an inn, for the benefit of sentient beings, and out of compassion towards future generations, preached his Law as abundantly as rain falling from clouds. He is the real representative of the thousands of Buddhas and the guiding teacher for the myriad generations. It is appropriate for future generations to make his images of gold, silver, lapis lazuli, agate, cornelian and other precious materials, for commemoration and worship. Therefore, for any temple it is enough just to enshrine one statue of Sakyamuni, to devotedly pay respects to it, never blaspheme against it, to look up to his face, think about his deeds, be moved by emotion, and to practise what Sakyamuni preached. If we do it in this way, even the fact that it is an imaginary representation of an imaginary representation, will not put us to shame in relation to the truth. It would also be good to build separately a memorial hall in a special place, and enshrine there the tablets of those in Buddhist history who, regardless of epoch or nationality, are known for their unusual deeds and extraordinary 95

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reputations – Buddhas, bodhisattvas and so on. If they are protected and sacrificed to there, then this feat of respect towards the wise and this admonition to future generations will leave common sense unharmed. This does not constitute praying for good luck, only commemorating the wise. The Various Buddhist Rituals All the hundreds of institutions and customs in Korean Buddhism are unsatisfactory, but among them, the various offerings (the Buddhist hymns called po˘ mp’ae played with four instruments, repentance rituals, etc.) and sacrificial rituals (the entertaining of the dead called taeryo˘ ng, the bestowal of food upon hungry spirits called sisik, etc.)131 are an infinitely complex and disorderly mix of fine and inferior elements. They should really be called ‘ghost spectacles’, and I feel ashamed even to debate this topic here. As to the other, regular rituals (daily offerings to Buddha at the Hour of the Snake, morning and evening sessions of homage to Buddha, loud invocations and chanting, etc.), they have also fallen into disorder and lost their truthfulness to such an extent that it would be better to abolish all of them, large and small, at once and then establish one concise ritual. It would suffice if at every temple the homage to Buddha were held once a day. But in reality the signal bells ring five times a day, and the monks and lay folk put themselves in order and come all together to the Buddha Hall (where Sakyamuni’s image is enshrined), where they make three full prostrations, then sing once a hymn to Buddha (the melody will be made known later) before withdrawing. Some people would maintain that my suggestions are worth following here, apart from the idea of abolishing the daily offerings to Buddha at the Hour of the Snake and substituting them with a daily homage to Buddha accompanied by three prostrations. They argue that this would be an oversimplification of ritual. But I reply that it is not so. When ritual becomes too complicated and disorderly, it becomes disrespectful, and disrespect implies that the original meaning of the ritual has been lost. Since rituals focus on their original meaning, funeral rituals are based upon grief, and sacrificial rituals are based upon respect. As to the various lesser rites, it may not do any harm even if a person limits themselves to simply entering and exiting the ritual space. What is better – a 96

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complicated, but disrespectful ritual, or a simplified, but respectful one? What suits propriety better – a well-known traditional ritual devoid of solemnity, or an alien and strange one, but full of respect? The most venerated images should be solemnly respected, and one should not behave carelessly in their presence, even if this is something we are accustomed to doing. Our monks reside in the presence of Buddha’s images all the time, regardless of whether they are sitting or lying, going about their daily lives, whether they eat or chat jovially. As a natural result of this, they become fully accustomed to the presence of Buddha images and allow themselves to engage in all sorts of arrogant behaviour in front of them. This all happens on account of the excessive habitual closeness to the sacred images. It would be better to postpone a little the homage session by first inducing feelings of admiration and respect, and then after this, offering homage to Buddha, so that the mind becomes wholesome, and devotion grows. If this is done, even one daily homage session may be viewed as unnecessarily complicated by those with enough inner devotion and respect. But I argue that we should organize it temporarily in this way, because if one homage session is too detached from another, it might be easy to become lazy and forgetful, and it may become difficult to stay awake. Making only three prostrations does not really mean a reduction in the number of ritual prostrations that existed in previous ceremonies. The so-called ‘homage and repentance’ sessions (yech’am) today theoretically involve twentythirty or even eighty-ninety prostrations, but in reality, only one bow is usually presented, representing several hundreds or thousands, or innumerable Buddhas and bodhisattvas as well as the Law and the Monastic Community of Buddha. (‘Homage and repentance’ is a special term in Korean Buddhism. It implies bowing after paying homage to Buddha, and theoretically that might be up to eighty-ninety bows.) From time immemorial the number of the three jewels – Buddha, his Law and his Monastic Community – has been innumerable, not something that those born into the bodies of sentient beings can pay homage to fully. Is it not rather simple to limit oneself to twenty-thirty or eightyninety bows? My proposal to present three prostrations to the Buddha Sakyamuni, the One Venerated in the World, is therefore, in no way an oversimplification in comparison to previous practices. The reason I propose that we need three bows is because 97

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it seems like a middle way between excessive simplicity and complexity. In addition, offerings to Buddha will have meaning only if they are offerings of Law, not offerings of food. If, in spite of this, daily offerings of food are still practised, there would be nothing wrong with abolishing them, since they only defile Buddha. It may however, be acceptable to present some rare and clean foodstuffs on special occasions (Buddha’s birthday, the day of Buddha’s Enlightenment, the day of Buddha’s entry into Nirvana, seasonal offerings) just as a token of the devotion of sentient beings. Some people ask: ‘What about the services for and the offerings to the deceased?’ To which I would say that both such services and offerings are just rituals praying for good luck. But luck is not something to be obtained by prayer and Buddha does not supervise good and bad fortune, so all these prayers will be of no help in getting good luck anyway. As for the sacrifices to the deceased, this is a ritual that expresses by obeisance and offering the sincere gratitude of the descendants, who reflect upon the kindness shown to them by their parents and grandparents that they still remember vividly. On this basis, after four generations, when there are no more direct benefits from one’s ancestors to repay, the sacrifices cease – that is, the parental kindness becomes too shallow and thin in the memory. But nowadays, every Mr Chang and Mr Yi indefatigably sacrifices every year to people who are completely unrelated to them on the basis of the supposed ‘favours’ bestowed by the latter upon the monastic community. Originally, since Buddhism’s aim is to save sentient beings, monks were supposed to make sacrificial offerings out of compassion, so as to help the souls of the deceased to be reborn in the Pure Land. So why should the monks, instead of offering sacrifices for everyone under Heaven, do it only for those whose descendants and relatives donate money and property to the temples? And what’s more, if sacrifices do help the deceased to be reborn in the Pure Land, it would be enough to make them just once, and if they do not, they would be useless even if one were to make them ten thousand times. Why then, should the sacrifices be made generation after generation without fail? I know why: it is for no other reason than to obtain and eat what remains of the sacrificial rice and soup. Why should the monks be so afraid that they will not be able to obtain their rice and soup for a day by making shoes or mats, that they have to curry favour with people who wish to do reckless and irrational things, and lower their heads in front of such 98

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people without thinking anything of it? Oh, how sorrowful! This picture illustrates how the meaning of the services to and offerings for the deceased has been degraded today. They can all be abolished. Some people ask: ‘Does this mean that we should completely stop worshipping Buddha, and the monks should not make any offerings at all any longer?’ To which I reply that this is not so. It is not that I wish people to stop worshipping Buddha or to discontinue their sacrificial offerings to their ancestors or teachers of the past. Let us just abolish praying for good luck and some of the more futile and absurd sacrificial offerings. Although this may seem like a small matter, in reality it is of great importance and reform is most urgent. Today, among those who discuss memorial services and sacrificial offerings, there are some who wish to make them less complicated and simpler, but there is nobody under Heaven who wishes to abolish them all completely, however loud you may cry out in search of such people. This is what results when people are bound by traditions and habits, when they dwell upon the superficial and secondary and are unable to explore the fundamentals. If those discussing these things begin by looking at them with an honest eye, from a viewpoint free of tradition, customs, and interests, and then make detailed observations based upon universal principles, they will make very few major mistakes. Some people ask: ‘When the services and sacrificial offerings have all been abolished, the finances of the temples will gradually dry up, and the monks will be reduced to penury. Will Buddhism be able to preserve itself under such circumstances?’ To which I say: ‘Alas, you do not understand!’ There are many religions under Heaven, and none of them are less prosperous than Buddhism. Did they achieve this by practising memorial services and sacrificial offerings? If we continue to make do by utilizing memorial services and sacrificial offerings to maintain our temples and provide the monks with their livelihoods, it will make Buddhism backward in comparison with the other religions. It would be like searching in the west for a son who actually went east. I ask that you reconsider this and turn your attention to my reform project. The Restoration of the Monks’ Human Rights Must Begin with Labour For several centuries, the monks were subject to the most unusual oppression. Although they are humans, they were considered to be 99

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almost non-human. One of the main reasons for that is the fact that they used to be idlers, receiving their food and clothing without providing any labour in return. To be an idler is what is called ‘parasitism’ by today’s economists. The parasites are injurious to other people, to the state, and to the whole world. The clothing worn by humans is woven by someone and the food consumed by humans is produced by those who plough the fields. To wear the cloth while not being engaged in the weaving yourself is to wear something woven by others, and to eat without being engaged in ploughing yourself is to eat something produced by others’ ploughing. In order to wear clothing and eat food without being directly engaged in ploughing and weaving, I have to compensate the labour of others by some article of value worthy of what I have been wearing and eating. In this case, both sides’ efforts are rewarded and there will be no ill feelings between the parties and no damage to the economy as a whole. But when somebody is provided with food and clothing for free, without paying any price at all, it means that some part of the efforts invested in the production of food and clothing are wasted, and the economy as a whole loses the productive capacity of one person. Growth or decline in the productive efforts of society and the expansion or contraction of the economy are directly proportional to the number of parasites in a particular society. Parasites, thus, are the enemies of production. They are necessarily oppressed by the producers, and naturally enough, have nothing to say in their own defence. If I have not produced an output of definite value and have been fed by others, it means that my survival depends on others, not on myself. In this case, unless I prefer to die, I will have to accept gladly all sorts of disdain and derision from others in order just to survive, no matter however ignoble it might be. Under such circumstances how will I have any leeway to preserve my freedom and escape oppression? Are there any Korean monks who would dare to be called a nonparasite? Since the olden days, there have basically been two ways of economic life in Korean Buddhism, one of them being to live by cheating and the other to live by begging. What do I mean by ‘to live by cheating’? This refers to those cases where monks, who are more or less literate and crafty enough, live by telling tales of fortune, misfortune and the necessity of donating to the temples, luring unenlightened females with their sweet talk. They act as 100

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dirtily as dogs, but curry favour with potential donors as cunningly as foxes, and thus provide themselves with some stuff to wear and food to relieve their hunger. What do I mean by ‘to live by begging’? That is what the majority of the monks have long done, bowing at doors and begging for a coin or some grain. Aside from this, they have no other ways of providing for themselves. There is one strange story well-known among the monks: that of the ‘Myriad Bodhisattva Deeds’. According to this, to beg best is the most virtuous of all the Bodhisattva Deeds. Begging for food thus becomes Buddhism’s chief dogma and everybody struggles to beg best and is afraid to be outdone by other beggars. If anybody is engaged in production among the monks, this person is defamed by the others and spoken of as if he or she has already forsaken their intention to lead the monastic life. But if we are to speak of the Bodhisattva Deeds, begging for food is just one of the tens of thousands of actions taken by the Bodhisattvas. It is simply one of the devices used by them and was born of the sincere desire to save sentient beings and to advance in religious practice. It was not the case that begging was originally the only form of subsistence for monks. However, the monks of more recent generations have not asked about the rest of the 9,999 kinds of Bodhisattva Deeds and choose only to practise begging, exerting themselves to maintain this way of life and not lose it. Isn’t this a strange thing? Hundreds and thousands of beggars are organizing religious congregations, and the so-called ‘high-class’ monks consider cheating the best of all skills. Even if they wish not to be despised by the others, how is such a thing possible? As a result, everyone in the country regards the monks as on the same level as cows, horses or slaves, without feeling even a grain of pity toward them, and the monks accept this, as if it were their natural status. None of them disagrees with this and some go so far as to talk emptily about ‘patience in the face of insults’ and ‘subduing the mind with humility.’ While they are afraid that they themselves will suffer personal insults, they almost become happier the more despicable their general position is. Natural human rights are the same for all the beings in the world, they are not deficient for some and excessive for others! What sort of people would voluntarily give up their natural rights so completely, without being at all ashamed of it? Whereas Buddha, the great man of great strength, proclaimed that he was the only one to be revered in the 101

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heavenly realm and under the heavens, what did these disciples of his learn from him that they practise the exact opposite? Their lack of vigour is truly extreme! The reason for this is simply their inability to provide for themselves. When you are ignobly fed by others, your body becomes as weak and soft as a willow tree, and your mind must bow down to others like a blade of grass in the wind, even if do not want it to. When one thinks of this it is impossible not to lament it deeply. Today’s world is at least partly propped up by the forces of competition for monetary gain. All the ways of civilization are built upon the strength of money, and every success or failure is decided in the competition for profits. If production were to stop, the world would be destroyed, every country would be ruined and individuals would not be able to achieve any position in society. The relationship between people and production is the same as that between fish and water. If the waters of the rivers Huanghe and Yangzi are abundant, all sorts of fish play freely at their ease and are able at some point to swim further, to the Great Northern Sea or to the Southern Ocean. But a fish living in a ditch made by a passing chariot will always end up in a dried fish shop sooner rather than later.132 The same happens with humans too, and for them parasitism is the way to ruin. That is why the people of the civilized countries dislike and disdain it most. Since we can assume that in the future our society will become even more civilized, can we not imagine how the monks will be looked upon if they continue, as before, to shun productive labour? The unprecedented humiliation and exhaustion, as well as the unprecedented oppression and derision of the future will be much worse than the absolutist oppression of earlier epochs, and at that point it will be too late for regrets. If we wish to throw off forever the yoke of bygone days and to restore our own original human rights, there is no better means than to engage in production and achieve self-sufficiency. If we remove the underlying reason for the humiliation, who would dare to humiliate us? Now, when somebody rebukes the monks and urges them to engage themselves in production, the defensive arguments they usually deploy are, first, the absence of capital and, second, their ignorance of production methods. Of course, it is not that these arguments are completely wrong. The monks used to live a simple sort of life, wandering around as clouds float or water flows, without hearing much about the affairs of the world and expecting 102

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that, as is often depicted in the Buddhist sutras, heavenly flowers would shower down upon them covering their bodies, and limitless quantities of fragrant foods would appear from nowhere. They did not anticipate that at some point they would have to complain to each other about the ruthlessness of natural principles133 and that one morning winds, showers and peals of thunder from the skies would intrude from without their world of dreams and slumbers, to rouse Oriental civilization. Now they look up and down, stare at their surroundings and realize that our rivers and mountains will never again be lost in spring dreams. Considering that the joys of the Paranirmita Heaven134 have transformed themselves into birds and flown away, it is an unavoidable fact that the monks have neither capital nor knowledge of the methods of production. However, this is not something to be overly concerned about. It is the nature of the value of things that anything can be transformed into capital. The reason things can be capitalized upon in this way is that human labour is necessary for the formation of capital. A jade stone of one ch’o˘ k in size or a chunk of wood measuring several arms-lengths might be beautiful and precious as such, but only after the labour of a good artisan has been applied to them will they become peerless and highly-prized products. Without human labour, the jade would just remain a piece of stone and the wood would not leave the mountains where it grew. They would not cost a single penny in their natural form. Labour is thus the capital of all capitals, and the method of production is just the use of capital in order to gain profit. When someone lacks capital, the methods of acquiring capital should be researched first, the methods of making profits being a secondary issue. Since there are really no other ways of acquiring capital except through labour, one may say that labour is the natural form of capital and the primordial form of its acquisition. Even the largest of capitals and the most artful methods of their acquisition all originate in the painful efforts of human arms and legs. Every form of the organization of things in the human world comes from labour; and any sort of comparison of the value of various things boils down eventually to a comparison between the kinds of labour that created them. Labour – what a great form of capital and what a wonderful method it is! Labour is something everybody can do freely, without waiting for something else to appear. The only reason the monks are not engaged in labour now is their laziness. 103

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If the monks begin to engage themselves in labour, their labour might be different from the labour of others in two aspects, one natural and the other human. What is the natural difference? It is the fact that the temples own large areas of mountainous forest lands. These lands are either not cultivated or their products are being thrown away, unused when they do exist. As a result, these lands are returning to a state of wilderness, causing knowledgeable people to lament. In the Confucian scriptures, it is said that ‘if there is land, there comes property’, but the monks, while they own a great deal of land, simply idle away their time waiting for poverty to come to them. This is unreasonable in the extreme. They should start afforestation (by planting mulberry or fruit trees, or developing tea plantations, or producing acorns, etc.). If good methods from East and West are employed, the climate and qualities of the soils are duly considered and the work is done diligently, without laziness, modest results will show themselves in four or five years, and great successes will come in ten years, with numerous incalculable benefits. Afforestation is a business where small investment can bring unexpectedly great returns. What then, is the difference in the human aspect? Monks usually live together in tens and hundreds in the temples, so it is easier for them to communicate their minds to one another and to trust each other in commercial affairs. For them, collective ownership (joint stock company, partnership, collective enterprise, etc.) is the most suitable form of business. Collective ownership is a good practice in the business world, and if people from different distant lands can work together, isn’t it natural for people who break bread with each other to become partners? These two special features described above are unique to us and not to be found among others. Isn’t this beautiful? If a bright pearl sewn into his clothes cannot alleviate the poverty of a wage worker,135 who is to blame for this? The Future of Buddhism Depends on Whether Monks and Nuns Marry If somebody were to ask me how to revive Buddhism in the future, I would always reply that one of the most important and urgent measures is to abolish the prohibition on marriage among monks and nuns. I will no doubt be criticized for ‘uttering reckless words and polluting Buddha’s precepts’, and my critics will surely say: ‘The Brahmaja-la-sutra136 teaches that those following the teachings of 104

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Buddha as monks can neither themselves perform sexual acts nor lead others to perform them, and they are also not allowed to behave illicitly with any woman.137 The Dharmagupta-vinaya138 teaches that, even if an unclean deed was performed in the way the animals perform it, it constitutes a pa-ra-jika- offence.139 The third precept given to ´sra-manera,140 when they are ordained, instructs them not to conduct sexual acts, and the worst of all the pa-ra-jika- offences of fully ordained monks and nuns is the commission of sexual acts. There are too many other prohibitions of sexual acts for monks and nuns in various books to mention all of them here, which in itself demonstrates the extent to which the idea of marriage clashes with monastic Buddhism. How can a person working for the benefit of Buddhism be self-indulgent enough to marry and break the monastic precepts? Marriages will destroy Buddhism rather than revive it!’ I would reply thus: ‘Your words may seem superficially true, but they are not sufficient to understand the Mahayana truth of the unobstructed interpenetration. How can the truth of Buddhism – lofty, mysterious, profound and boundlessly wide, showing that both the true and the false have no constant nature and that both achievements and transgressions can be found everywhere, and are all-embracing – be reduced to trifling rules and precepts? I would say that looking for Buddhism in the disciplinarian regulations is the same as fishing for dragons in a cup of water or searching for tigers in an anthill – it’s impossible. If marriage is an obstacle on the way to attaining Buddhahood, then why did all the seven Buddhas of the past epochs marry, and why did all these innumerable Bodhisattvas come from lay households? These trivial disciplinarian rules are simply expedients that were instituted by the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas to deal with those whose ability to understand Buddha’s truth is as shallow as that of the Hinayana adepts and who are easily captivated by their desires. The teaching of Buddha appears both clearly realistic and hazy, both permissive and restrictive, both like the way of the kings and like the way of hegemons, both like the heaven and earth and like a particle of dust. It is inexpressible in words, and cannot be discussed fully when only one part of it can be seen. With its subtle words and profound meanings, it prescribes the medicine in accordance with the disease and is designed to let people enter the Way following their own karmas. Once you follow its principles and search for its fundamental tenets with a calm 105

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mind, your thoughts will go halfway to the truth by themselves, the way being distant and broad. One cannot speak with a frog in a well about the greatness of the sea that far surpasses in size the rivers and lakes. How can a little crow-tit nesting on a bough fly high into heaven, towards the Southern Ocean? The perfect teachings of the Avatamsaka-sutra are not something the followers of the Disciplinarian School may dare hope to attain. But if there is a special taste in autumn moonlight falling on empty mountains or in springtime waters flowing to the great sea, that is where Buddhism dwells. In a scripture it is written that, ‘Calamities will befall you if you return to the ancient ways while living in today’s world.’ Today’s world is not the place for the self-cultivation of the past. ‘If you have long sleeves, you’ll be good at dancing; if you have lots of money, you’ll be good at business.’141 According to the Lotus Sutra, Buddha was forced to begin his preaching with the easier sutras such as the A gamas or Vaipulya142 sutras, because five thousand of his disciples left when he had intended to preach the essence of Mahayana. And when it proved difficult to enlighten and save a lascivious man, the Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara was forced to transform himself into a beautiful woman. Thus it is obvious that the teachings are dispensed in accordance with the times and in line with the abilities of their recipients. It is therefore possible to allow monks and nuns to marry as a means of achieving the salvation of the sentient beings that is beneficial for Buddhism in these times and suitable to the current abilities of the Buddhists. It will also be possible to rescind this permission and return to the old system if marriage no longer suits the current situation. Who would call this a transgression? Why then, should we think that the prohibition of marriage is suited to the current ways of the world? Below I will elaborate the arguments on its unsuitability. 1) It is injurious to morality. I have heard that among the sins of humans the lack of filial piety is a great sin, while the failure to produce offspring is even greater because the sacrificial offerings to ancestors will be discontinued and the lineage will be severed. How can one forgive the sin of failing to continue one’s personal bodily existence into innumerable generations of descendants, when it has innumerable ancestors before it? When a woman fails 106

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to take a husband and a man fails to take a wife, they succumb to incalculable sins. I do not feel I need to elaborate any more on this, as many people speak on this issue and the relevant passages may be found in both old and modern books. 2) It is injurious to the state. Today, racial nationalism is sweeping the whole world and all the politicians shout loudly about ‘colonization, colonization!’ Although the technologies of production and hygienic knowledge are developed further every day, they are still insufficient. Basically, a state consists of its people, and that is why the civilized states allow the freedom to marry to all. That is why their populations are increasing at an unusually high rate and the easiness of evolution there is like a fire on the prairie. Why would they even consider stopping their citizens from marrying? If the brilliant politicians of the Western nations were to hear about the prohibition of marriage among our monks and nuns, they would surely be astonished and saddened by this and would regard it as an oddity. If we do not abolish this prohibition now, the right of the monastic community to establish such prohibitions will inevitably be limited by the law in the future and we will have to abolish it anyway, even if it is against our will. 3) It is injurious to missionary activities. Will we prevent monks and nuns from getting married, or will we spread Buddhism around the world? From time immemorial, among all the myriad sentient things that have succeeded each other in an unbroken line, was there any that did not die but continued living forever? Of course not. The long-living tree dachun143 and the long-living sage Peng Zu144 are all known to the world for their longevity. Some of these beings have counted eight thousand years as a single spring or five hundred years as a single autumn. But the morning mushrooms and summer cicada are all known to the world for their short spans of life. Some of these beings do not know the first and last days of a month, and some of them do not even know twilight and dawn. These are extreme examples of longevity and short life respectively, but the lifespans of 107

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all the remaining myriad beings lie somewhere between these two poles, with the only difference being that they die a little earlier or later. Upon their deaths they become past; the process of being born and dying is their present; and those being born to live now are proceeding to their future. Past, present and future are simply the times of births and deaths. Thus if one dead being is not replaced by another living one, who can guarantee that all the moving and unmoving beings will still be visible in the world a century from now? If, once we have spread Buddhism throughout the world, we establish disciplinarian rules prohibiting marriages and stopping procreation, who will join the Buddhists to keep all these rules? There is hardly a temple which has not witnessed somebody who has returned to the lay life after joining the monastic order. Voluntary return to the lay world happens practically every day. What are the reasons for this? There may be many different reasons, but for the majority it is the issue of marriage. If seen from the viewpoint of the dissemination of Buddhism, the prohibition of marriage for monks and nuns entails much more harm than benefit. How will we control the harm it is doing in the future? It will be very difficult for Buddhism to survive in this way. Buddhism, like the season of spring, likes life and dislikes death, likes the way of humanity and dislikes the ways of evil. But how is it possible to practise the teachings of the great sage without preserving the human race? Unless the prohibition against marriage is abolished, even the eloquence of Su Qin145 and Zhang Yi146 will be of no avail for Buddhist missionary work. 4) It is injurious to the enlightening transformation of sentient beings by Buddhism. There are innumerable human desires, but cravings for food and sex are common to the wise and the stupid, the intelligent and the foolish. The desires of one person are also innumerable, but again it is the cravings for food and sex that persist in joy and anger, sorrow and pleasure. To say that anybody born in a bodily form to this life of worldly dust, may be free of desire for food and sex is just either nonsense or empty 108

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flattery. How then, can you practise the celibate life? Just being able to achieve a sexual life that is not disorderly is enough for one to be called a lofty gentleman. But in reality it is extremely difficult for everyone under Heaven to become a lofty gentleman. Thus, when the lust for food or sex casts off its restraints and reaches a climax, people tend to completely disregard their lives, as if they were worth nothing, and have no regrets about it later. The more you try to stop the water pouring down, the heavier the downpour is, and the harder you try to harness a runaway horse, the more violently it behaves! Cravings for food and sex are only further provoked when they are repressed. These are the normal human feelings of ordinary people. And in this world, where there are many people who are at a level below ordinary, how will it be possible to stifle their desires with disciplinary rules so that they give up even pursuing the shadow of enjoyment? Even if their desires were stifled and oppressed in this way, it would be only a formal, nominal compliance. A butterfly that lives through the winter becomes sick at heart longing for the flowers and a cuckoo goes mad if tied down to a willow tree after it has left its home valley. These things happen when desires suppressed for a long time reach a climax. When the carnal desires of humans are stemmed, the heart runs one thousand li. The male lover coming to his woman with a dead roe deer wrapped in straw,147 or the female lover crossing the Zhen River to meet with her love148 have existed since antiquity. If we stubbornly cling to the prohibition of marriages, we will damage public morals and thwart the innermost wishes of the people, and what can be worse than that? I am thinking now about the history of Buddhism in the last years of the Koryo˘ Dynasty, when there were so many examples of Buddhism as a whole being put into disrepute by the lewdness of the monks. This is how deep the relation between the prohibition of marriages and enlightenment is. On the basis of the discussion above, it may be stated clearly that it is truly inappropriate to prohibit marriage among the monks and 109

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nuns. But I am not going to lead all the monks and nuns to violate the disciplinary rules against engaging in sexual acts and to ignore Buddha’s monastic discipline. I just want every monk and nun to decide freely on this issue for themselves. What are the reasons for this? Among the historians, Gibbon, Gilmore (?)149 and Berger (?)150 did not marry and made historiography their wife; Descartes, Pascal, Spinoza, Hobbes, Spencer, Locke, Rousseau, Bentham and Kant did not marry and made philosophy their wife; Newton and Adam Smith did not marry and made science their wife; Voltaire and Goethe did not marry and made literature their wife; William Pitt and Somma (?)151 did not marry and made politics their wife; and Cavour, living the of whole his life alone, made Italy his wife.152 Although they were able to rob Heaven and Earth of their creativity, move the spirits to tears with their wisdom and strategies, and pioneer the greatest enterprises in many generations, they never got a wife. I wonder whether there are Buddhist monks able to eschew marriage and make Buddhism their spouse? If there are such people, why should I not show them the deepest respect, worship them, dream of them praise them and wish to eschew marriage myself? Among the Buddhas of the previous epochs there was Vipasyin, who married early and had a son, whose name was Fangying (?).153 The second Buddha of the past, S´ ikhin,154 was also married and had a son, whose name was Ananta. The third Buddha of the past, Vis´vabhu, was married and had a son, whose name was Bhadrabodhi, while the fourth Buddha of the past, Krakucchanda, was married and had a son, whose name was Uttara. The fifth Buddha of the past, Kanakamuni, was married and had a son, whose name was Satthavaha and the sixth Buddha of the past, Kas´yapa, was married and had a son, whose name was Vijitasena. Sˆ akyamuni Buddha was married as well, and had a son, whose name was Rahula. They were the progenitors of the thousands of Buddhas, and the origin of the myriad dharmas, but all of them had a son each. So perhaps there might also be some Buddhist monks able to adopt Buddha’s mind as their own, make Buddha’s affairs their own, but also take a spouse and have a child. If such people do exist, why should I not show them the deepest respect, worship them, dream of them, praise them, and wish to take a wife myself? Bi-gan made himself into a loyal subject by dying in an attempt to remonstrate with the vicious last king of the Shang Dynasty,

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named Zhou,155 while Ji Zi attained the virtue of humaneness by continuing to live.156 The reason for the defeat of Zhi Bo’s armies was his emphasis on water in the preparation for battle,157 while the generals of the state of Wu successfully used the method of attacking with fire in order to defeat the armies of the state of Wei headed by Cao Cao at the Chibi River.158 Basically speaking, life is opposed to death, and water is opposed to fire, but the use of the two opposing poles may not be contradictory when the two oppositions are used appropriately. Thus, where is the contradiction if the ancients worshipped Buddha by prohibiting marriage for monks while the peoples of today worship Buddha by abolishing this prohibition? It just has to be timely, that is all. I have been noisily advocating this sort of reform in Buddhism, but since no-one would listen to me, I came to the conclusion that I must make use of political power to take my proposals forward. Recently I have twice sounded the appeal bell and lodged petitions with the authorities, the full texts of which I include below for general reading: Memorial to the Consultative Committee:159 I respectfully believe that in the affairs of the human realm, there is nothing better than change and nothing worse than the absence of change. If they had been confined to fixed boundaries and did not know how to change, the people who inhabit the space between Heaven and Earth now would hardly be seen today. Heaven and Earth are good at changing, and that is how the myriad things emerge. The myriad things are also good at changing. They generate and generate new things endlessly. This endless generation, in combination with the proclivity towards change, means that the mysterious ways of evolution prosper daily. If we were to attempt to count the number of changes, we would not be able to complete this task, even with the best abacus and a span of one hundred years. Such a high ratio of changing things to unchanging things is the reason why the people of the world treasure change. Sometimes they change one thousand year-old designs, sometimes they change opinions that have been held for a generation. Sometimes, days- or months-old things are changed. The age of the things changed may differ, but the fact that the stage of evolution has been reached, is the same. Change is thus the Supreme Scripture of evolution. What then, will the failure to change imply?

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Is there any limit today to the things, which should be changed? I am going to present my suggestion about just one thing that I have a close personal relation to, and I hope to be fortunate enough to get a hearing. Investigation reveals that the monastic prohibition against marriage and procreation has been an unchanging rule for thousands of years. How can the people be so bigoted? As this matter has no insignificant bearing upon issues of national policy, it cannot be simply left to the monks to decide for themselves. It is not possible to reduce all the great problems of today’s world to a single problem, but if we pinpoint the foremost of them, it is the problem of increasing a country’s population. I guess that the present number of monks and nuns in the country is approximately five to six thousand, and it remains unknown how much this number will increase in the future. If they are left under the existing system, without any critical reflection upon it, it will cause a great deal of problems for plans to boost our population. Anybody with above average intellectual capacity would rightly agonize over this issue morning and night. So why, in spite of this, has there still been no attempt at reform? Buddhism is a great and harmonious teaching that does not prohibit anything. It simply introduced its disciplinarian regulations as expedients, out of concern for those sentient beings that have a low degree of karmic maturity. But those people who do not understand this erroneously take them as unchanging ‘golden rules’. They feel themselves overwhelmed by these rules and are unable to take a single step forward. In the past, Buddhism’s influence upon sentient beings was too weak and remote and for thousands of years no monk ever dared to say a word on this issue! How pitiful! If we will be satisfied to see Buddhism disappear from this world, then no action is required. But if not, wouldn’t allowing monks and nuns to marry, bear children, extend the sphere of their influence and plant their flag in the arena of inter-religious competition be a great way to preserve the Buddhist religion? If the prohibition upon marriages is removed, it will be helpful in the public sphere by increasing the population, and useful in the private realm by preserving the religion. It will incur no damage, so why should we avoid implementing this measure? This prohibition has, from the very beginning, had nothing to do with the laws of the state, so there is no difficulty either in keeping or abolishing it. It is just a thousand 112

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year-old custom, which is being discussed in hundreds of ways, with mutual misgivings on all sides, because it is difficult to reform it overnight. There was once an intention to carry out such a reform, but some years have passed and it has not been done yet. The sun is setting now, the road left to travel is still long, and as I feel that no more delay is acceptable I dare to present my foolish remarks. I would consider myself fortunate if you were to give this matter some consideration. Of course, if these words will be of no help to today’s development, you do not necessarily have to adopt my idea. But if there is something, however small, worth adopting here, it would be nice if it could be presented for governmental deliberation and then promulgated as a law giving the monks the freedom to choose whether to marry or not. If you were able to remove the obstacles to development in such a way, it would be extraordinarily beneficial both for the public good and private individuals. Third month, fourth year of Yunghu˘i Era (1910) To His Excellency Kim Yunsik,160 the Chairman of the Consultative Committee. Proposal to the [Japanese] Residency-General: I respectfully suggest that, although the prohibition on marriage for monks and nuns has been recognized as a Buddhist disciplinarian regulation for a long time, it does not conform to the realities of today, when revitalizing changes are taking place in all spheres. If the monks and nuns continue to be prohibited from marrying and we do not lift this ban, it will be highly damaging for the policy of population growth, for the physiological aspect of life as defined by ethics, and for missionary efforts in the realm of religion. This point could be made by anybody so I do not think I have to go into the details, but I still believe the main argument has to be reiterated. When we consider Buddhism’s doctrines, they represent such a profound, broad truth that marriage or its prohibition can hardly damage or benefit them. Buddha wished simply that sentient beings would cast off their delusions and strive for enlightenment, reform the evil and do good things. However, since everyone’s level of karmic maturity is different, it is impossible to lead all people along one and the same way. That is why Buddha had no choice but to preach about eliminating affections and cutting off desires in this world. But he also wished to assist 113

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in leading everybody on the path towards enlightenment in accordance with each person’s likings and inclinations. Thus, the Buddhist disciplinarian regulation prohibiting marriages is a simple expedient and nothing more. It is far from being Buddhism’s ultimate truth. If this ban were to be lifted, what harm would it do? Moreover, the mutual desire between men and women is something shared by both the wise and the stupid. If a person is prohibited from marrying for life, it will produce evils, and these evils will constantly multiply. In reality, the Korean monks already know that it would be preferable to lift this ban. It is just difficult to reform overnight a custom that has been around for millennia, and the monks, their hearts full of fear and misgivings, are wasting years in hesitation. Out of the desire to have this ban lifted by way of a royal decree, I have already memorialized the former Consultative Committee on this matter in the third month of this year. But no measures have been taken so far, and the fear and misgivings of the monks are only deepening. The numbers of them returning to the lay life are increasing daily and their missionary work is becoming increasingly atrophied. Why should we not lift the ban on marriages as soon as possible and in this way protect the Buddhist faith? If a large number of monks were allowed to change their ways, marry, and give birth to children, would it not have a great influence on politics, morals, and religion? Those are the reasons I dare to present you with my views, and I beg you, after due consideration, to lift the ban on monks’ marriages by promulgating a special ordinance, and thus make huge strides in renovating a custom that has lasted for millennia. In governance, nothing is better than renovation. Although this matter seems minor, it is indeed important. I hope you will take speedy measures and appeal to you with the utmost sincerity. Ninth month, forty-third year of Meiji (1910) To His Excellency Viscount Terauchi Masatake.161 The Method of Electing Temple Abbots What of the abbots? They have the general responsibility for running the affairs of the temples. If an appropriate person is chosen for the abbotship, the affairs of the temple prosper, while if 114

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an incapable person is selected, things will go into decline. The fortunes of the temple are therefore dependent on the appropriate person being chosen for the abbotship. The abbot’s responsibilities are not light. Why then, should we not explore the ways in which abbots ought to be elected? Since ancient times, there has been no precedent for abbots being elected in our country. If abbots were never elected, then how were they selected? I am not able to classify the methods of selection properly, but speaking very roughly and schematically, we can identify three methods. First, there is the method of assuming the abbotship on a rotating basis; second, there is the method of assuming the abbotship by external patronage; and, third, there is the method of assuming the abbotship by force. What do I mean by ‘assuming the abbotship on a rotating basis’? This means that all the monks of a given temple, without any regard to their wisdom or stupidity, aptness or ineptness, take turns to assume the abbotship, sometimes according to the order of their age, sometimes based on the order of their monastic seniority, and sometimes according to the order of the location of their living quarters. They turn the abbotship over to one another year after year, not daring to leave anyone out and filling the position without anything being really done. This method is practised in the somewhat larger temples. What then, do I mean by ‘assuming the abbotship by external patronage’? This means that a person will get ahead of others and violently seize the abbot’s position, acting like a fox pretending to be protected by a tiger, sometimes by making requests to local administrators and sometimes by bribing local strongmen. This person then diverts the choicest parts of the temple property into his own pockets and quits once nothing more is left to plunder. This method is practised in isolated hermitages and temples. What do I mean by ‘assuming the abbotship by force’? This means that the abbot’s office is taken not by general consensus or external protection, but independently by an individual’s own force. In brief, this is a situation where ‘the strong devours the weak’ relying upon muscle-power and violence. This method is also practised in isolated hermitages and temples. In fact, the intentions in the cases of ‘assuming the abbotship by external patronage’ and ‘assuming the abbotship by force’ are the same, but the techniques used are different. Whenever protection works, they resort to protection; whenever brute force works they use force. They use 115

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whichever method is applicable in the circumstances to achieve their aim of pocketing the best parts of the temple’s property. Alas! The abbot is the representative of the temple and when the methods of choosing abbots are so unreasonable, it is impossible for temples to avoid decay and disaster! There are reasons behind these malpractices that make them unavoidable. What are these reasons? Basically speaking, these evils come from the fact that norms and regulations for the monks are not established. Such norms and regulations are lacking in many areas, but here we will concentrate upon malpractices related to abbotships: first, the temples are not unified, and, second, there are no salaries for the abbots. Since the temples scattered here and there have no umbrella organization to oversee them, they do not concern themselves with each other’s affairs and observe each other’s rise and decline with the same equanimity that the peoples of the ancient Chinese states of Qin and Yue looked upon the fertility or infertility of each other’s soils. Thus, ambitious and greedy groups have nothing to fear, as they drool with greed thinking of the temples’ wealth, their bodies devoured by the flames of their ravenousness, their hands grasping in every direction. These are the origins of the practice of seizing abbotships either by external protection or force. By contrast, in the somewhat larger temples, the treatment of temple property is vastly different from the situation where an arbitrary manager does not even leave spoiled rice for the others to eat. Why then, if there are no properties to lay their hands on and no remuneration for their pains in the position of abbot, would anybody strive to occupy a position in which they would have to waste a year or more of their sincere efforts on temple affairs? As a result, the monks in the larger temples yield the abbotships to each other and promote each other to this position, very much like the small states of Yu and Rui, which had a dispute over a border field, but, moved by the moral greatness of Zhou’s King Wen, began to yield the disputed field to each other and, in the end, left it untilled.162 In this case, the monks, without even considering the ways of tackling the root of the problem (‘stopping the water from flooding and treating the root of the disease’ so to say), on the contrary, ‘use the medicine that caused the disease’. The assumption of abbotships on a rotating basis is an example of these extremely clumsy methods of tackling the issue. I feel so sorrowful 116

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thinking about this that it would probably be better to abstain from saying anything more. What is the way to solve this problem? Monthly salaries should be fixed for the abbots, differing according to the size of the temple and the degree of difficulty of managing its affairs. The abbots should be elected by a vote, two thirds of the votes being the requirement for an electoral victory. As far as the isolated hermitages and temples are concerned, it would be hard to claim that conducting a vote would in all cases lead to the right person getting the job, with no-one feeling any regrets. But there is no doubt that holding elections will give the abbotships to those people inside these temples who are relatively superior. I wonder what we will think about the pros and cons of this method when we come to reflect on what we had before? The Unity of the Monks Putting together sparks one by one you can melt metal and stone. Putting together many hairs, you can pull things as heavy as a thousand jun.163 The reason for this is simply the fact that they are united together. Metal and stone are the hardest of all objects and a thousand jun is a very heavy weight. If we look at a single spark or a strand of hair, wouldn’t everyone agree that they are unable to melt or pull anything at all? But when little things come together and pool their strength, this strength multiplies miraculously so that they are able to do these things with ease. If, even in the case of the smallest inanimate objects, such as a spark or a hair, the pooling of strength achieves miraculous results like this, then is there anything that humans, with their majestic appearance and sublime wisdom, cannot achieve when their strength is pooled? Is there anything they cannot defeat? When it is not combined with others, a single spark will eventually just become cold ash and a single hair will always remain just a thin thread. How wonderful is unity! How unusual is the strength of unity! Those who are aspiring to revitalize Korean Buddhism often say that the weakest point of the Korean monks is their lack of unity of principles. Is this really so? I feel unable to overcome my fear at this point: I look at the state of things with great sorrow, feeling enormous anxiety for Buddhism and for my colleagues. 117

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Nothing under Heaven can be achieved without unity. But there is the unity of one person, and the unity of the multitude. What is the unity of one person? A single person consists of an uncountable number of small individual elements, like ears, eyes, nose, mouth, hands, feet, heart, strength164 and so on. If these elements are not united, the person is not only unable to achieve anything, they will actually be paralysed, completely unable to move their body. Even the easiest matter like breaking off a branch from a tree at the order of a superior,165 requires remembering by heart, looking with the eyes, walking with the feet, taking the object with the hands and moving it by applying our strength. It is clear therefore, that success in breaking off a branch can only be achieved through the unity of five individual organs, namely the heart, eyes, feet, hands and strength. Talking with another person is also something done by one human being, but you have to make sense of things by applying your wisdom; utter sounds with your lips and teeth; and move your tongue in order to achieve success in talking. The unity of four individual organs and abilities, namely lips, teeth, wisdom and tongue, holds the key to success in talking. On this basis, things must work the same way in any other matters too. Now, there is a multitude of people here and the problem they must solve together is basically similar to breaking off a branch. Since we have already understood that it is impossible to break off a branch without heart, eyes and so on being united together, can it be possible for a multitude to achieve anything without their minds being united? Do I really even need to make the argument that it is completely impossible? In any matter, those things that one individual is unable to undertake, must, by necessity, be undertaken by a multitude of people, cooperating together and consulting with each other. To sail in a steamer is something to be done by a multitude. Some should open the sea route, some should operate the machinery, some should stay on guard, and some should provide the others with water and fuel. Their duties are different, but their aim is the same – to get to the other coast. A joint stock company is something to be run by a multitude of people. Some need to build the factories, some must lay railways, some should make purchases of yarn or grain, and some should broker the trade in jade or silk. The directions of their respective jobs are different, but their aim is the same – profit-making. For example, let us assume that one 118

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hundred people are to be engaged together in an enterprise. If the enterprise succeeds, all one hundred will enjoy the profits together. If the enterprise should fail, all one hundred together will suffer the losses. Only when all one hundred participants apply equal efforts can the enterprise succeed and the profits be enjoyed. Even if only one person does not pull his weight, the total strength will be reduced by one, the enterprise will prove unsuccessful, and it will be hard to make any profits. In the end, those who belong to a collective but do not unite their efforts with the others, only harm themselves. The unity of the multitude may be of two sorts: formal unity, and real, mental unity. What is formal unity? This is the degree of cohesion one can observe, for example, in a marketplace. When several thousand people gather in a marketplace it looks very much like a dense forest. But if a few dozen people armed with cudgels and knives, were to rush into that marketplace with the intention of plundering its treasures, nobody would be able to offer them resistance and soon not even the shadow of a human would be seen in the place. Jade, silk, gold and grain would lie around in disorder, waiting to be grabbed, and nobody would ask questions when the attackers chose the best things for their booty. Treasures are what humans tend to love best and the reason why several thousand people are unable to prevent dozens of bandits from forcibly taking the objects to which they are most strongly attached, is simply the fact that their strength is not united. What then, is mental unity? It is full, complete unity. If their minds are united, even such estranged foreigners as the peoples of the state of Chu and Yue, can become like brothers.166 Even those living at a distance of one thousand li from one another can rub their knees and follow each other in life and death, travelling together through trials by fire and water. That is why wise people treasure mental unity and are not interested in formal unity. The situation of the Korean monks today is the complete opposite. Formally, it looks as though they are very much united, as they live collectively in the same temple; but where have you ever heard about mental unity among them? If a monk emerges who is willing to undertake something, then with little discussion on the pros and cons or feasibility of the proposal, the monk in question will face the unmitigated envy and hostility of his colleagues. If somebody takes the initiative in the east, slanders will 119

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arise in the west. Discussions seem to end successfully in the morning, but then the sides suddenly start to differ in their opinions by the evening. The critics will run amok like dogs baring their teeth, and oppose any new initiative obstinately. How serious this problem is! Why do they not content themselves simply with disunity, but instead go further and actually harm the proponents of unity? Why do they not limit themselves to being mere spectators, but instead go further and envy the activists? Liang Qichao, known also by his sobriquet Rengong, has already written a piece entitled ‘I Scold the Idle Spectators’,167 and the picture drawn there looks like a photograph of the situation inside the Korean monastic community. I will cite the most pertinent parts of it, omitting the unnecessary details, as it presents an opportune warning for us: The most hated, abhorred and despised people under Heaven are the idle spectators. (. . .) The idle spectators always play the role of guests in human affairs, looking on with folded arms at what is happening around them. They are thieves harming humanity and the enemies of the whole world.

There are six sorts of idle spectators: 1) ‘The confused’ They live in complete ignorance about the things going on in the wider world. When they are hungry, they eat; when they are tired, they sleep; they are never interested in matters of life or death, of efflorescence or decline. They may be compared to a fish, which is caught and is being boiled in a cauldron, but still confuses the heat of the boiling water with the warmth of the river waters in spring. We can also compare them to a swallow, whose nest is already half consumed by flames, but who still thinks that it is being lit by the rays of the rising sun. They live like machines – having once been moved, they continue their motion, but are not themselves aware of what they are doing. Although they are idle spectators, they never understand that they belong to this category. Among the various kinds of idle spectators, they are like the children of nature. The teeming masses of ignoramuses belong here, and around nine out of every ten Korean monks. 120

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2) ‘The egoists’ They are the people about whom the proverb says: ‘Even if thunder strikes, they still sit and pack their bags.’ It is not that they are not aware of what they should do, they just think: ‘Why should I do something that does not benefit me directly? Why should I do something if the failure to do this would not harm me? Why should I endure hardships and bear risks instead of simply standing idly?’ They can be compared to teeth that are not concerned with the lips being gone,168 or with a rabbit who does not mourn the death of a fox.169 They really represent the extremes of stupidity. Among the Korean monks, those who are wary of losing their positions, bent on enlarging their fortunes and miserly in their dealings with money, belong to this category. 3) ‘The lamenters’ For them, the only thing to do is to lament, bewail and mourn. On their faces, there is always an expression of anxiety for the affairs of the world, and not a few words of regret about recent times come from their mouths. But, if they are asked to do the right thing now, they answer: ‘What you say is entirely proper and reasonable, but how in the world can we undertake such a thing?’ When told about the crises and the danger of ruin in our times, they answer: ‘The situation is really critical, but how in the world can we improve it?’ Pressed harder, they say: ‘It all depends on fate and everything is ultimately decided by Heaven.’ They look on with folded arms doing nothing, just like a person who watches the emerging flames without even attempting to extinguish them, and then laments the ferocity of the fire; or like a person who watches somebody drowning without even thinking of coming to the rescue, and then laments the ferociousness of the waves. They use current affairs simply as subject matter for poetry or idle conversation, without ever really putting their hands to any work. Among the Korean monks, those possessing passion but devoid of wisdom, or possessing wisdom, but devoid of courage, belong to this category. There are so many in this category! 121

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4) ‘The cynical denouncers’ They always denounce others behind their backs, either with cynical ridicule or acrimonious curses. Not being content with simply being idle spectators, they also desire to pressure other people into being idle spectators like themselves. After denouncing the conservatives they denounce the reformers; after denouncing the base they denounce the noble; they denounce the old for being deeply in their dotage, and they denounce the young for being too imprudent and reckless; they denounce the successful saying, ‘this burly fellow made himself a name!’ and they denounce the losers saying that they could predict their failure. They denounce others endlessly, without rest. They will halt an enterprise with some chance of success at any cost with their laughing denunciations, and they turn successes into failures by sneering at them. They are the wicked people of the world. If a lonely boat on the open sea encounters strong winds, they will denounce all: wind, waves, sea and boat. In the end, they will denounce everyone else on board; but if asked what should be done to ensure that the boat reaches its destination, they will just stare at you absentmindedly, giving no answer. What is the reason for this? They are unable to think about any other plans or measures apart from sneering at everything and denouncing it. Using their position as idle spectators, they carry on with their business of sneering and denouncing. If they are unable to stand and watch idly, they will also lose their ability to sneer at and denounce others. Among the Korean monks who belong to this category are those who put on airs of knowledge while being ignorant; those who hate those superior in talent to them while ill-treating those who are inferior; those who prevent others from successfully accomplishing the things which they themselves are unable to accomplish; and those who bear grudges against those who succeeded in accomplishing anything, sneering at them and denouncing them. Why can’t they think about becoming superior to others by doing ten things when somebody else does one, or one hundred things when 122

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somebody else does ten? Instead, without any reason, they become recklessly jealous, sneering at and denouncing others in vain, ending up defeated themselves due to their obsessive urge to harm others. What sort of mental disposition is this? 5) ‘The resigned’ They consider themselves unable to do anything, and always look up to others instead of relying upon themselves. In politics they are reliant upon the rich devourers of meat; in matters of moral cultivation in accordance with the Way, they are reliant upon the sages; in matters of success and accomplishment, they are reliant upon heroes. The first one passes their responsibilities and duties on to the second one, the second one passes them on to the third, and when it finally comes to the very last one, everything is shunted back to the first. They exhaust each other by entrusting their affairs to one other, and in the end, nothing is left to each individual. Even if the second one saddled with the responsibilities heaped upon him by the first one was able to solve matters independently, without soliciting somebody else’s help, would it be an achievement on the part of the first one? This is like having some gourmand to eat your food instead of you, or having some sleepyhead to sleep instead of you. Is such a thing actually possible? Even if I am extremely stupid and incapable, I am at least a part of humanity. How then can I possibly accept losing my status as a human in such a way? ‘The resigned’ really are sinners against the Way of humanity. Among the Korean monks, those crediting others with sagely qualities, or the followers of the incorrect views of the ‘annihilationists’ of Buddha’s time170 are actually the main protagonists of this category. 6) ‘The waiting’ In reality, they are just idle spectators, but they would not agree with being designated as such. Basically, their ‘waiting’ signifies that they are unable to predict the success or failure of an enterprise beforehand. If I were to wait until I were able to safely predict success, and only then begin doing something, it means that I will refrain 123

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from any action until the last moment. In what form will the time ‘ripe for the beginning of an enterprise’ actually appear, and after how long? For those who are really doing something, there is no such thing as a ‘time unripe for action’; while for those doing nothing the time will never be sufficiently ‘ripe’ anyway. Gentlemen of noble intentions themselves shape the main trends of the times – I have never heard of them waiting for these trends to suit their plans. Those saying that they are waiting for ‘better times’, are indeed seeing how the wind blows, preparing to catch some little bit of profit when the opportunity presents itself. If the winds blow to the east, they follow them to the east; if the winds blow to the west, they follow them to the west. That is what real hypocrites look like and they are the craftiest and most devious among all the categories of idle spectators. Those among the Korean monks who belong to this category always bring up the ‘Heavenly Mandate’, ‘Nature’s Providence’, ‘the Divine strength of the Sages’, ‘heavenly assistance’ and other such phrases. They console themselves by loudly reciting the sentence from the Myo˘ ngsim Pogam which reads, ‘If your fortune is good then it will bring you prosperity, just as a miraculous wind quickly drove Wang Bo’s boat to the Teng King Pavilion,171 but if good fortune leaves you, you will find yourself in the same position as that poor literatus who was going to make his living by making a rubbing of the famous poetry stele at the Jianfusi Temple, but arrived there just after a bolt of lightning had smashed the stele into tiny pieces.’172 The six categories described above cover all our monks, without a single exception. In severe cases, one and the same monk may combine several of the above-mentioned characteristics simultaneously. This means that all our monks, without exception, are nothing but idle spectators. What should we now do in such a situation? Who will dare say that the Korean monks lack unity? As soon as a group of idle spectators emerges somewhere, all our monks immediately start following their example blindly, gathering around like clouds in the sky. I suppose that is exactly what is meant by ‘unity around the idle spectators’. 124

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While we have all benefited greatly from the kindness of our parents, the kindness of Buddha, and the kindness of sentient beings, I ask you whether there is any sort of kindness we are in a position to repay? We have eschewed mundane love and bade farewell to our parents, that is, instead of repaying their kindness, we, on the contrary, added a sin, which is difficult to atone for. (I was originally a prodigal son. When I became adult, I first lost my father and then began living with my widowed mother, being extremely unfilial and impious. In the year u˘lsa (1904) I was ordained as a monk and became even more estranged from my birth family, travelling extensively both within our country and abroad. Having had practically no communication with my family for several years – not even a letter – last year I bumped into someone from my hometown, who told me that three years had already elapsed since my mother died. Since then, I have been feeling a lingering sorrow, which I will never be rid of, as a result of the huge crime I have committed. Now, when I think of this, I feel ashamed and cannot accept my own behaviour. Sometimes, I feel that I lose interest in people and mundane affairs. Holding my brush as I reach this point, I feel that my heart is choked with grief, and I tremble in anguish and remorse. I dare to inform the world of my sins, and await my punishment. Note added by the author.) If we are unable to realize Buddha’s noble intentions, if we betray the four sorts of worldly kindness,173 undertake nothing and achieve nothing as a result, causing Buddhism’s fortunes to decline, this means that we do not repay Buddha’s kindness. Moreover, we do not till, but eat; do not weave clothes, but wear them; we live on donations we are not worthy to receive, and provide no benefit others. This means that we do not repay the kindness of sentient beings. When this sort of life ends in a worthless death, will we go to paradise, or to hell? I know that the bureaucrats of hell are already waiting for us, sweeping the dust from their stools! Mistakes made in the past, should not be repeated again. The best thing we can do is to repent for our past, and be watchful in the future. If we make a loud call, unify our minds and combine our strengths, reforge the unity of the idle spectators into unity for practical work, and make efforts for the benefit of the country and happiness of the people, we will not only avoid betraying Buddha’s wish to save all sentient beings, but will also atone, at the least, for one ten-thousandth of our past sins. 125

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Supervision of the Temples If you look at the affairs of the Buddhist monastic community, you will see that nothing is being done in a uniform way. There are differences in how the rituals are conducted, differences in size, differences between individual temples, differences between individual people, differences by day and differences by year. Why are there so many differences? I heard once that if unnecessary and illogical changes are made, it is like tangling up a bunch of threads. In other words, there will be no beneficial changes at all. If, on the other hand, the changes are beneficial, even if things are changed ten thousand times, there is only one aim that they strive to attain. We can compare this to a good general commanding an army of ten thousand men. Changes are innumerable – like rain following clouds – so sometimes he carries out operations in a regular way, and sometimes he wages irregular warfare. Although changes are constant, the general makes clear calculations concerning the ultimate goals of the war. If change is dealt with in this way, what reason will we have to be anxious about its endlessness? But the current changes in the Buddhist community are not like this: there was from the beginning no clear direction for that which is changed or remains the same and the changes that have occurred have been accidental and sudden. These changes are not even being recognized by those who live in their midst. Is it possible to call this ‘developing a mind which alights upon no thing whatsoever’?175 Or should we rather call it ‘developing an attachment, which alights upon no mind whatsoever’?177 How severe the differences are between one another! The reason for these differences is simply the absence of any overall supervision over the temples. The absence of supervision means an absence of unitary command, and if there is no fixed command structure, then every temple takes command of itself, thus laying the basis for the wide differences between them. These differences lead to friction, the frictions prevent any unity, and without unity, nothing can be achieved. If we want to fix Buddhism’s problems, nothing is more pressing than the need for overall supervision. Thinking over the matter of supervision, I have realized that there are two possible modes of action on this issue. The first is ‘unitary supervision’ and the second is ‘sectional supervision’. So, what do I mean by ‘unitary supervision’? This means putting the 126

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whole Buddhist monastic community in Korea under a unitary chain of command. What then, is ‘sectional supervision’? This means dividing this community into two or more parts and establishing separate supervision structures for each. As it is impossible to combine these two modes, which one should we adopt, and which should we reject? Both modes have their advantages and disadvantages, which I will outline in brief below: Advantages of ‘unitary supervision’: 1) People and properties will be concentrated in one place, so it will be easier to solve problems. 2) Every time there is something to be done, it will be done together by everybody, without any differences in the efforts made. 3) There will be no confrontations and none of the evils caused by friction. Advantages of ‘sectional supervision’: 1) Societies with a low level of popular knowledge like disputes and dislike unity. Willingness to help each other is low, but the willingness to mutually compete and win by defeating others is high. Relationships between the parties involved often develop into mutual envy and competition. Although I cannot say that envy and competition are good things, they often have a great effect, accelerating progress in solving various issues. 2) Mutual balancing of the competing supervision structures will prevent the development of such evils as arbitrary, despotic management of affairs. 3) Meetings and negotiations will definitely be easier to conduct. Above I have outlined the pros and cons of the ‘unitary’ and ‘sectional’ supervision models. Since the advantages of the ‘unitary’ model will be lost if the ‘sectional’ model is adopted, and the advantages of the ‘sectional’ model will lost if the ‘unitary’ model is adopted, we need to assess what the relative importance of these advantages is. Which of these two modes should be adopted then? In the affairs of this world unity is treasured, while disunity is not, so without a doubt the ‘unitary’ model should be adopted. 127

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However, in Korea, from the very beginnings of Buddhism, the ties between the temples have been too loose to unite the monks, and consequently people simply do not know what ‘unitary supervision’ actually is. Who would be able to become awakened and achieve unity in such a situation? If we attempt to adopt the ‘unitary’ model, reinforcements in the east will lead to the deficiencies in the west, and although a crisis would be averted here, collapse will await us there. Moreover, there seems to be noone among the monks who has the qualities needed to head this pan-Korean unitary supervisory structure, since the level of knowledge in each and every temple is poor, and civic-mindedness is in great deficit. It looks, therefore, as though it would be very difficult to adopt the model of ‘unitary supervision’ in a radical way. At the same time, I am afraid that the adoption of the ‘sectional’ model may gradually cause an unnecessary split among the Korean Buddhists, leading to further disunity and disruptions. As neither mode is practicable today, we vacillate, and the situation further declines. I realize that issues like this are truly difficult to grasp for people like us, devoid of keen insight. Who was the man, who single-handedly shook the whole religious establishment of Europe? That man was Martin Luther. Were I to try to look at the situation of Korean Buddhists through the same prism he used to look at the whole of Europe, the objects would be too small to be visible and I would have to resort to the use of a microscope. And yet, despite the fact that the question is really so minor, I did not manage to find a satisfactory answer to the issue of supervision over Korean temples. Even to myself this fact is laughable. Conclusion Is it possible that those who possess intentions in their innermost hearts, will not also reveal them outwardly? No, it is impossible. Intentions will always be revealed, if not by actions, then by words; if not by words, then by facial expressions. How is it possible for there to be an inside but no outside? In the affairs of the world, there is a distinction between those things to be done in relation to myself and those things to be done in relation to others. Those things directly related to myself should necessarily be done by myself. But when it comes to those things directly related to others, it is not possible for me to do them even 128

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if I want to. Why is this so? This is because even if the cause of the action in question lies with me, the object of the action in question lies elsewhere with the other. If the other does not want to be influenced by my intentions, then the action caused by me will be stopped. But the reluctance of others to be influenced by me does not necessarily mean that my intention will consequently disappear forever. The more strongly that others resist my intentions to push them into doing something, the more passionate I will become about it. My passion will put me into an unbalanced, disordered state of mind and this mental misbalance will force me into speaking to the other. When my words do not receive an attentive hearing, I will naturally become even more impassioned, and will continue shouting loudly to the whole world. All the trivial noises, tens of thousands of words in length, that I have made above, belong to this category. Since all these words are things I did not wish to say, but had to say regardless of my desires, how can they be influenced by egoistic calculations? In that case, is this treatise a good one, or not? The quality of my writing is not something I dare say I know. But are all these words realizable in practice, or not? The feasibility of my proposals is not something I dare say I know either. It is just that my mind feels this way, and I simply spoke my mind. It is just that my duty lies here, and I simply did my duty. As for the rest, it is not something I dare say I know. I would, however, like to address a few more words to my monastic brethren. If there is anything practicable in this treatise, I would like to put these words into practice in cooperation with my monastic brethren. If, on the other hand, this treatise offers nothing that can be adopted in practice, it can simply be discarded forever, although I would not wish my monastic brethren to do that without thinking separately about other practical measures. All of us brethren have a very deep karmic connection with Buddhism, a very deep karmic connection with other sentient beings, and a very deep karmic connection with the infinite numbers of worlds and the everlasting kalpas. I wonder, my brethren, if there is any end to our responsibility in this respect. I sincerely wish, that we – us brethren – could renew ourselves every day178 and make even hell a sublimely magnificent place! The winds bring a fishy stench and the rains of blood perform a chaotic baptism for the sentient beings of this world. The Tree of 129

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Swords and the Mountain of Swords in Hell179 make great repentance for their sins and the people ask ‘what dynasty rules now’, as they did in Tao Yuanming’s Story of the Peach Blossom Spring.180 We live as if we are drunk, and die without being awakened from our dreams. Do we disappear completely after our deaths, or does anything of us remain? Outside in the mundane world, I have never heard the views of the ‘annihilationists’ or ‘substantialists’.181 Are we dreaming, or are we awake? I have not seen the butterfly of Zhuang Zi either.182 The night is deepening, and sleep does not come to me. My thoughts are getting longer and anxiety fills me once again. This anxiety is endless, and my sighs are mixed with songs. Do you not hear it, my elder and younger brothers? It is not the buzzing of the fly; it is the crowing of the rooster!183 Notes Jap. Keijo-. The name used during the Japanese colonial period (1910–1945) for today’s Seoul, the South Korean capital,. 2 A reference to an episode in the Romance of the Three Kingdoms by Luo Guanzhong, fourteenth century. This classic novel was popular in early twentieth century Korea as well and Han Yongun himself later embarked on the grandiose project of translating it into Korean in 1939. 3 So˘ k – unit of volume for grains, liquids, etc. Amounts approximately to 180 litres. 4 Pa-ramita-s (perfections) – the qualities a Mahayana Buddhist adept is expected to acquire and cultivate on the way to Enlightenment. 5 Citation from the beginning of the famous eightfold negation in Ma-_ dhyamika sastra (see Chinese translation in T 1564) by Na-ga-rjuna (150?–250?). Na-ga-rjuna, the founder of Ma-dhyamika (‘Intermediate’) school of Buddhist 1

thought, described the ultimate realities of all the dharmas (elements) of the being in a negative way, as ‘No Production and no Extinction, no Annihilation and no Permanence, no Unity and no Diversity, no Coming and no Departure’. 6 The eight geographical directions (east, west, south, north, northeast, northwest, southeast, southwest), plus up and down. 7 Tatha-va (‘Suchness’, ‘thusness’; Kor. chinyo˘ ) – essential nature, true nature, or truth. Tatha-tva is a fundamental concept in Mahayana philosophy and is interpreted as the true nature of all phenomena or as the original state of things, as perceived by an enlightened being. 8 A citation from Liang Qichao’s lengthy 1902 treatise entitled ‘Lun Zhongguo xueshu sixiang bianqian zhi dashi’ (‘On the Main Tendencies in the Changes of Scholarly Ideas in China’ – YBSHJ, Wenji, 1.7.76.). Liang 130

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summarizes in this way his reflections on the distinctive features of Buddhism in ancient and medieval China. 9 A reference to the parable found in chapter one (Xiao Yao You – ‘Wandering beyond’) of the Taoist classic Zhuang Zi. A family from the state of Song knew the method for preventing the hands from being chapped when they are kept in water, but only used it to make a living from laundry for generation after generation. When a visitor made this secret known to the ruler of the state of Wu, who needed it as his army waged long battles in rivers, he was consequently appointed a general. The point illustrated here is that the usefulness of things is not inherent in them, but depends on how far-sighted and wise those who use them are. 10 Here Han Yongun cites, in somewhat abridged form, Liang Qichao’s 1903 treatise on Kant entitled ‘Jinshi diyizhe kangde zhi xueshuo’ (‘The Scholarly Theories of Kant, the Greatest Philosopher of the Recent Era’, YBSHJ, Wenji, 2.13.58–60). Liang Qichao himself, as we shall see later, builds his interpretation of Kant upon a comparison between Kant’s understanding of the human capacity for freedom grounded in the ‘noumenal’ world of the universal moral law, and the Buddhist concepts of Suchness and the ‘real I’. 11 That is, noumenal. 12 Sanskr. avidya -, Ch. wuming, Kor. mumyo˘ ng. In Buddhism – the fundamental error of perception that brings about existence, the basic cause in the development of discriminations, and the source of all afflictions (greed, anger, pride, doubts, etc.). 13 Sanskr. Ana -di, Kor. musi: Refers to a situation where no matter how far back (in time) one goes, a beginning point cannot be found. 14 Sanskr. bi-ja, Kor. chongja: in the Yoga - ca-ra tradition, which is seemingly referred to here, the karmic seeds are the latent potentialities of all the dharmas, which came about as a result of the previous conditions and are stored in the a-laya consciousness (see below). 15 Sanskr. a -layavijña-na, Kor. changsik, aroeyasik: a distinctive concept of the Yogacara school, it originally denoted a central locus of accumulated karmic potential and latent afflictions (the ‘repository’ consciousness, the ‘store-room’ of the karmic seeds), but in Yoga-ca-ra treatises came to be identified, depending on the particular school and tradition, with either the mystical matrix of the Tatha-gatha (tatha-gatha-garbha: the Buddha-nature omnipresent in sentient beings), or, in a radically different way, the defiled ‘eighth consciousness’, the virtual ‘subject’ of sansaric existence, to be eliminated upon enlightenment. The seeds ‘stored’ in the A laya consciousness, are often classified into ‘defiled’ (sansaric, afflictioncausing) and ‘undefiled’. 16 The highest possible sort of human wisdom leading to the correct comprehension of the world and ultimately to enlightenment. 17 Ch. Daxue, Kor. Taehak: originally a chapter of the Book of Rites (Liji) written around the third century BCE, it was then singled out as one of the 131

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canonical ‘Four Books’. Zhu Xi’s commentary on the Great Learning, entitled the Great Learning by Chapter and Phrase (Daxue zhangju), was later elevated to the status of the main ‘pillar’ of Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. 18 See an abridged translation of Zhu Xi’s commentary in: Wm. Theodore de Bary and Irene Bloom (eds), Sources of Chinese Tradition, 2nd Edition, Vol. 1, Columbia University Press, 1999, pp. 725–731. 19 This lengthy citation also comes from the above-cited treatise by Liang Qichao: ‘Jinshi diyizhe kangde zhi xueshuo’ (‘The Scholarly Theories of Kant, the Greatest Philosopher of the Recent Era’, YBSHJ, Wenji, 2.13. 60–61). 20 Buddhist metaphors for the seeming appearance of non-existent things which are confused with reality due to ignorance. 21 This citation comes from Liang Qichao’s 1902 treatise on Bacon and Descartes, entitled ‘Jinshi wenming chuzu erdajia zhi xueshuo’ (‘The Scholarly Theories of Two Pioneers of Civilization in the Recent Era’ – YBSHJ, Wenji, 2.13.2). 22 Ch. Lengyanjing, Kor.: Nu ˘ ngo˘mgyo˘ng, T 945.19.106b–155b. This sutra, which was possibly originally written in 8th century Tang China and not translated from Sanskrit as was claimed, exhibits both tantric and Meditation School influences. 23 This citation comes from the last part of Fascicle 2 of the sutra, where Buddha explains to Ananda why the five skandhas (five ‘aggregates’ – form, feeling, conception, impulse and consciousness; representing both body and mind), while being conditioned by karma and thus in the last analysis unreal, contain at the same time Tatha-gata-garbha (‘Tatha-gata-womb’ – complete and perfect Buddha-nature). See: T945.19.114a27–29. 24 This citation comes from fascicle 3 of the sutra, where Buddha in his dialogue with Ananda dwells on a logical paradox: when you touch your head or another body part with your own hand, does the fact that the tactile sensation comes from both the touching hand and the touched body part mean that the two are separate, different entities? This suggestion contradicts commonsense, but if the touching hand and the touched head are one and the same object, how can you touch at all: where are the subject and object of ‘touching’? Showing that the commonsensical ideas of both ‘sameness’ and ‘separateness’ are only relative truths, Buddha leads Ananda to the thought that, in fact, in the last, absolute dimension the idea of ‘existence’ as such is just a fallacy. See: T945.19.116a27. 25 Eyes, ears, nose, tongue, skin, mind. 26 Here, Han Yongun displays a completely understandable lack of knowledge about Bacon’s philosophy, which he obviously knew only through Liang Qichao’s description. In fact, Bacon’s Novum Organum (Book I, Aphorisms 39–68) lists dull and easily deceivable human perceptions about the ‘idols’ – characteristic errors, natural tendencies, or defects that beset the mind and prevent it from achieving a full and accurate understanding of external things.

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This citation comes from fascicle 4 of the sutra, where Buddha explains to his disciple Pu˘rna the basic fallacies of sensual perception. See: T945.19.120c25–27. 28 This short – and very fragmentary – exposition of Cartesian epistemology also comes from the same 1902 treatise by Liang Qichao on Bacon and Descartes: ‘Jinshi wenming chuzu erdajia zhi xueshuo’ (‘The Scholarly Theories of Two Pioneers of Civilization in the Recent Era’, YBSHJ, Wenji, 2.13.8–9). 29 Ch. Yuanjuejing, Kor. Wo ˘ n’gakkyöng. A one-fascicle long Chinese sutra, possibly written in the early eighth century. It deals with the issues of ignorance, afflictions, Buddhahood and enlightenment which were highly important for the earlier generations of Meditation School adepts. See: T 842.17.913a–922a. 30 Quotation from the 2nd chapter of the sutra: T842.17.917a22. 31 Quotation from the 7th chapter of the sutra: T842.17.917c21–22. 32 Quotation from the 8th chapter of the sutra: T842.17.918b07. 33 Quotation from the 6th chapter of the sutra: T842.17.917b06. Dharmata (Kor. po˘pso˘ng, Ch. faxing) – the ‘nature’ of all the dharmas as seen by perfectly enlightened beings. 34 Quotation from the 6th chapter of the sutra: T842.17.917b04. 35 Here, Plato’s ideal of the collectivistic Republic is translated using the traditional East Asian term taedong (Ch. datong), which meant ‘Great Unity’, the ideal world without divisions and enmities, in the Confucian classics. This way of translating – and understanding – Plato is undoubtedly indicative of Liang Qichao’s influence. In his 1902 treatise on Aristotle, entitled ‘Alishiduode zhi zhengzhi xueshuo’ (‘The Political Theories of Aristotle’, YBSHJ, Wenji, 2.12.68–69), he characterized the ideal republican government advocated by ‘Aristotle’s teacher Plato’, as ‘the ideal of Great Unity, which does not allow one to keep one’s wives, sons, or property as private possessions, so that there will be neither crafty intrigues nor theft’. Liang’s treatise was obviously one of the few secondary sources on ancient Greek philosophy available to the Korean intellectuals of the 1900s. 36 Lu Jiuyuan (courtesy name Xiangshan, 1139–93) challenged Zhu Xi with the thesis that the self-sufficient, all-embracing and originally good human mind is identical with the underlying ideal principle of things and eventually with the whole universe. While apparently drawing upon Mencian ideas of the innate goodness of the human heart, this thesis – further developed by Wang Yangming (1472–1529) into an unorthodox, anti-intellectual NeoConfucian philosophy of ‘innate knowledge’ – was clearly influenced by meditative (Ch’an) Buddhism as well. 37 Symbolic expression underlining the absoluteness and immutability of Buddha’s teaching. 38 Literally ‘principle of saving the world’ (kusejuu ˘ i). 133

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Confucius’ favourite disciple, whose untimely death is mentioned in the Analects (11:6; 11:8). 40 Zhong You, also known as Zilu, was Confucius’ youngest disciple and known for his impetuousness. He is said to have died during the internal disturbances in the state of Wei, by whose ruler he was employed at that time. 41 Da Ji – concubine of King Zhou, the last ruler of the Shang Dynasty (approximately seventeenth–eleventh centuries BCE), who was made by later historical tradition into an example of a depraved ruler committing – partly on the instigation of the wicked Danji – all sorts of misdeeds and eventually losing the Mandate of Heaven. 42 Han Yongun’s favourite novel, Romance of Three Kingdoms, contains the story of singing girl Diao Chan (chapter eight). Her adoptive father, Later Han minister Wang Yun, presented her to the usurper Dong Zhuo (? – 192 CE) in such a fashion that it angered Lu Bu (156–198 CE), the Commander of the Capital district. Diao Chan later aided the killing of Dong Zhuo by Lu Bu and became the latter’s concubine afterwards (chapter nine). 43 Here, Han Yongun uses the term ‘inequality’ (pulp ’yo ˘ ngdu˘ng) in a very broad sense of the word, encompassing all sorts of natural and personal differences. 44 Zidan is the courtesy name of Su Shi (1037–1101), famed statesman and poet of the Song Dynasty. The citation is taken from his 1082 Chibifu (Rhapsody on the Red Cliff ), English translation by Robert E. Hegel (Robert E. Hegel, ‘The Sights and Sounds of Red Cliffs: on Reading Su Shi’, Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews, Vol. 20, Des. 1998, pp. 11–30). 45 Quotation from the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment: T842.17920c07. 46 Kor. yuso ˘ng, Ch. youxing. 47 Kor. muso ˘ng, Ch. wuxing. The icchantika, or incorrigible, are those who lack the basic causes and conditions for achieving Buddhahood, no matter how much they strive, on account of their lack of the right views or beliefs, or the sins they have previously committed. The theory of the existence of icchantika was disputed by many East Asian Buddhist schools as contradicting the universality of Buddha-nature in sentient beings. 48 Quotation from the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment: T842.17.917b07. 49 Kor. hwajang segye, Ch. huazang shijie Padmagarbhalokadha-tu, or the lotus worlds (Pure Lands) of the cosmic Buddha Vairochana and all the other buddhas, considered to be endless and to exist in unlimited number. 50 Usually, being incarnated as an animal, a hungry spirit (preta), or in one of the hells was considered ‘evil’ (apa-ya). The citation as a whole seems to summarize the general meaning of the altruistic practices of bodhisattvas as explained, for example in the chapter on the ‘Ten Practices’ (Ch. shixing, chapter 20 in ´Siksana-nda’s 699 translation into Chinese) from Avatamsakasutra: T279.10.105–111. 134

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Kor. Yo˘mnataewang, Ch. Yanmodawang – Vedic god of the dead, who became a king of hell in Buddhist mythology. 52 A similar, though not completely identical phrase appears in the Record of the Mirror of Orthodoxy (Zongjinglu, Kor. Chonggyo˘ ngnok, compiled by the Song Dynasty’s Yanshou in 961): T2016.48.913a02. Interestingly enough, the expression ‘redeem and save’ (Ch. qiuxu, Kor. kusok) is often used in Chinese translations of Christian texts. 53 Kor. kesong, Ch. jiesong. The verses found in the sutras, which praise Buddha and/or explain Buddhist teachings, often giving short and precise synopses of the prosaic texts. 54 Reference to the legendary ‘sage’ emperors of ancient China, based mostly on information from Sima Qian’s (c. 145–90 BCE) famous Historical Records. See one of the translations of the relevant chapters in: ‘Ssu˘ma Ch’ien’s Historical Records. Introductory Chapter.’ trans. Herbert J. Allen, The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland for 1894, pp. 269–294, The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland for 1894, pp. 93–110. 55 According to Sima Qian’s biographical account of Confucius’ life, on his way to the southern state of Chu in 489 BCE he was surrounded and prevented from moving any further on the border between the states of Chen and Cai and consequently suffered from hunger. See Historical Records, fascicle 47. 56 Both are legendary Taoist hermits, mentioned, among other texts, in chapter one (Xiao Yao You – ‘Wandering beyond’) of the Taoist classic Zhuang Zi. When Xu You was approached by the Emperor Yao who proposed to hand over to him the power to rule the land, he answered that his ears were soiled, and washed them in a river. 57 The recluses mentioned in the Analects, 18:6,7. 58 A Taoist philosopher of the later Eastern Zhou period known for his radically individualist views. See: A. C. Graham, Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China, La Salle, Illinois: Open Court, 1989., pp. 108–110. 59 This reference to the educational systems of ancient China is based upon Mencius 3A:3, 10, where Mencius describes the communal organizations of the past and present, and their educational institutions – some of which should be considered legendary or semi-legendary – for Duke Wen of Teng. 60 Mencius, 3A:4, 8, translation by James Legge (The Works of Mencius, Clarendon Press, 1895). 61 Achieving nirvana. 62 A contemporary Japanese journalist and Christian clergyman (1865–1933), whose Gakujutsu jishuho- (Ways of Self-Education) was published in 1895 with a foreword by the famous philosopher Inoue Tetsujiro(1855–1944). It is the only known published monographic work by Iijumi, 135

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and it is obviously this work that is being cited by Han Yongun here. Iijumi, a Tokyo Nichinichi Shimbun political affairs correspondent, described his own experience of library work and self-education in his book. Later he studied Protestant theology and died a Methodist pastor. 63 Zhuang Zi, chapter 21: ‘Tian Zifang’. Supposedly the words of Confucius addressed to his disciple Yan Hui. 64 Kor. yukk˘ un, Ch. liugen, literally, ‘six roots’: eyes, ears, nose, tongue, body, consciousness. 65 Tradition credits the mythical cultural hero Fu Xi (who supposedly lived between 2852 and 2738 BCE) with laying down the fundamental principles of the canonical Book of Changes (Yijing), the eight trigrams summarizing the cyclical development of the universe, on the basis of a map found in the Ho River (Yellow River – Huang Ho). 66 Reference to the ‘Grand Plan’ (Hongfan) chapter of the canonical Book of Documents (Shujing), where this legend is mentioned. 67 Columbus (Kor. Karyunp’o), whom Han Yongun mentions several times in this treatise, was a popular personage among Korea’s Westernizing reformers of the 1900s, an epitome of perseverance, willpower and bravery. His ‘Biography’ (cho˘n) was serialized, for example, in issues 1–2 of the Taehan Hakhoe Wo˘lbo (Journal of the Korean Student Association in Japan – Taehan Hakhoe, January 1908-January 1909) in February – March 1908 by Cho˘ng So˘gyong (pp. 33–34 and 29–32 respectively). 68 Ch. jiaoguan, Kor. kyogwan. Mentioned in the first part (Yushu) of the Book of Documents as responsible for popular education under Emperor Shun. 69 Ch. renshi, Kor. imsa. 70 On the references to ‘prenatal teaching’ (Ch. taijiao, Kor. t’aegyo) in the Confucian classics and the practices of ‘prenatal education’ in the mother-son relationship in traditional China, see: Anne D. Birdwhistell, ‘Cultural Patterns and the Way of Mother and Son: An Early Qing Case,’ Philosophy East and West, 42/3, July 1992, pp. 503–516. 71 The mother of Mencius, who brought up her son alone, was traditionally considered a paragon of motherhood. She reportedly changed her place of residence three times, for she considered the proximity of either a cemetery or a marketplace to be a source of bad influences upon her son, and only a residence in the close neighbourhood of a school was satisfactory. See: James Legge, The Works of Mencius, Clarendon Press, 1895. 72 In Shijing (Classic of Odes), the second book (Minor Odes of the Kingdom), chapter four (Decade of Xiao Min), there is a poem, entitled Xiao wan (‘Small [Dove]’), where the process of raising the next generation is compared to the life of the insects: In the midst of the plain there is pulse, And the common people gather it. The mulberry insect has young ones, 136

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And the sphex carries them away. Teach and train your sons, And they will become good as you are. For Han Yongun, however, ‘the raising of the young mulberry insects by the sphex’ is a metaphor for an evil cycle, in which the shortcomings and prejudices of the older generation are being transferred to the younger generation without any improvement. 73

Yegong Zigao, an aristocrat from the Kingdom of Chu of the Spring and Autumn Period (722–481 BCE), had a fascination for dragons. All his furniture and implements bore motifs of dragons. All the walls of his house were painted with coloured pictures of dragons, some of which were so real that they appeared to be in motion. The real dragon in heaven heard about his infatuation and one day decided to pay him a visit. The real dragon descended to earth and arrived at Yegong Zigao’s house. The dragon entered the house, poking its head through a window and resting its tail in the lounge. Yegong Zigao was shocked and frightened to see the dragon. He realised that the real dragon did not have the same dazzling, radiant colours as the imaginary dragons painted everywhere in his house. The moral of the story is that mundane folk of ordinary abilities often perceive reality in a highly subjective way, arbitrarily ascribing to external objects qualities they do not necessarily possess. See fascicle 5 of Xinxu (New Preface: a collection of edifying historical anecdotes) by Liu Xiang (71–6 BCE). See: Chinesische Literaturgeschichte, Metzlerverlag, 2004, pp. 72–78. There is also a recent Korean translation: Im Tongso˘k (transl), Sinso˘ , Seoul: Yemunso˘wo˘n, 1999. 74 Ch.: taiji, Kor.: taegu ˘ k. One of the key concepts both in philosophical Taoism and Neo-Confucian doctrine: the primeval chaotic state of the universe, where all the dichotomies, including that of the passive female principle yin and active male principle yang, are still found in an undifferentiated state. The Supreme Ultimate then differentiates into yin and yang, and those two principles generate, in their dynamic interaction, all the things in the universe. 75 Ch. Shelifu, Kor. Saribul. One of Buddha’s principal disciples, known for his wisdom and learning. Often figures as Buddha’s interlocutor in the Buddhist writings. 76 Kor. kongan, Ch. gongan, Jap. ko-an. A meditation device, usually a text from the classics or older Meditation School masters’ records, contemplation upon which is supposed to break down conventional thinking and ‘push’ the adept toward the enlightenment experience. 77 Kor. kirin. A mythical horned deer-like animal, which symbolized humaneness, as its diet was not supposed to include flesh, and it could walk on grass without trampling it. As it was said to appear only when a sage has appeared, it also became synonymous with ‘rarity’. 137

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Sanskr. stya-na. Also known as laya (Ch. hunchen, Kor. honch’im). A hindrance in the way of meditation: torpor and drowsiness, caused by the lack of discipline and vigilance. 79 Sanskr. auddhatya, Ch. diaoju, Kor. togo ˘ . One of the afflictive factors, presenting an obstacle in the process of meditation: the inability to settle the mind and stop the flow of consciousness. 80 Ch. duo, Jap. totsu. A shouted exclamation used in the Meditation school, aimed at leading an interlocutor towards a sudden awakening through a sort of ‘shock therapy’. 81 Ch. Amituo, Kor. Amit’a. The buddha in possession of infinite merits, who resides in the Pure Land (Sanskr. sukhava-tı-, Ch. jingtu, Kor. cho˘ngt’o) in the West, and who had vowed, according to the Infinite Life Sutra (Larger Sukhava-tı-vyu-ha-sutra, T360), that anybody who desires to be reborn in his Pure Land could recite his name as few as ten times to be guaranteed rebirth in the Pure Land. Those reborn in the Pure Land are supposed not to suffer any retrogression into ‘worse’ spheres of existence, and to attain full Buddhahood and enter Nirvana in due course. Amitabha worship had become one of the main practices in Korean Buddhism by Han Yongun’s time, as it was associated, among other things, with the Confucian virtue of filial piety. It was considered virtuous of children to make offerings and pray in order to ensure rebirth in the Pure Land for their parents. See, Kwon, Ki-jong. ‘Chongt’o Thought’. In The Korean Buddhist Research Institute, ed. Buddhist Thought in Korea. Seoul: Dongguk University Press, 1994, pp. 211–257 (especially pp. 249–252 – on various Pure Land-related practices in late Choso˘n Korea). 82 Sanskr. dharmaka-ya, Ch. fashen, Kor.: po ˘ psin. Buddha’s metaphysical body, understood in Mahayana teachings as the absolute existence, possessing no form and equal to emptiness. 83 Sanskr. dharmadha-tu, Ch. fajie, Kor. po ˘ pkye. External reality understood as an object of perception by consciousness. 84 Vimalakı-rti (Ch. Weimo, Kor. Yuma) was a layman, who, however, was thought in East Asia’s Mahayana tradition to have attained a degree of understanding of non-duality (the fallaciousness of dichotomies such as ‘layman vs monk’, ‘profane vs sacred’) surpassing that of Buddha’s own disciples. Vimalakı-rti-nirdes´a-sutra (T474) describes a discussion between Vimalakı-rti and Buddha’s disciples, who came to visit Vimalakı-rti, when he was sick. While Buddha’s disciples tried to explain verbally what non-duality is (‘how the bodhisattvas enter the dharma-door of non-duality’), Vimalakı-rti reacted to the question with silence, thus showing that the metaphysical truth of Buddhism is unexplainable on the verbal level, as it transcends conventional thinking. See: Robert Thurman (trans.), Vimalakirti Nirdesa Sutra, Pennsylvania University Press, 1976. 78

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(?–196 BCE) – a great strategist of humble origins, once one of the closest confidants of Liu Bang (256–195 BCE), the founder of the Chinese Han Dynasty. 86 (?–193 BCE) – Liu Bang’s adviser and later prime minister, who first recommended Han Xin to Liu Bang. 87 The world of karmic transformations, which are to be endured by sentient beings. 88 Kor.: ch˘ ory˘ong (China sclerotium). Black mushrooms, around 10–20 cm high, usually growing on alder-tree or oak roots in Japan, Korea, and China. Used in traditional East Asian herbal medicine as a diuretic. 89 T842.17.p p0920a13. 90 Statements of this kind on non-duality and the fallaciousness of distinguishing between ‘self ’ and ‘others’ are ubiquitous in the Buddhist texts; however, I did not manage to find the exact sentence Han Yongun cites in the text of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. 91 One ch’˘ ok (Ch. chi) was approximately 33 cm in the late Choson period. 92 An anecdote narrated in the biography of Ma Liao (brother of Empress Ma, wife of Emperor Ming Di, who ruled Han Dynasty China in 58–76) in the Annals of the Later Han Dynasty (Hou Han Shu), fascicle 214. 93 For an earlier expression of similar misgivings about the supposedly ‘international law-based’ international order, see: Fukuzawa Yukichi (translated by David A. Dilworth and G. Cameron Hurst), An Outline of a Theory of Civilization, Tokyo: Sophia University, 1973 [1875], pp. 14–16, 38, 177–178. Fukuzawa’s first Korean disciple and a convinced Social Darwinist, Yu Kiljun (1856–1914), opined in his adaptation of a Japanese book on the Seven Years’ War of Prussia’s Friedrich the Great (‘Porosaguk Hureduik taewang u˘ i chilly˘on ch˘onsa’, Yu Kiljun ch˘ons˘o, Seoul: Ilchogak, 1971, Vol. 3, pp. 483–484), published in Seoul in 1908, that international law was nothing more than empty paper masking the real, that is, violent, methods of pursuing one’s interests internationally. 94 Here, Han Yongun seems to adopt a slightly more critical view of the modern ‘Darwinian jungle’ than his mentor in the issues of modernity, Liang Qichao. Liang, in his article on ‘[Benjamin] Kidd, who revolutionized the theory of evolution’, interpreted the cruelties of the ‘struggle for survival’ in a notably more optimistic and positive way: ‘The movement of evolution necessarily sacrifices individuals, but benefits their societies; necessarily sacrifices the present, but benefits the future’ (YBSHJ, Wenji, 2.12.78–81). In another article, on Charles Darwin, he emphasized that the ‘competition for survival’ in modern times is based on intellect and not naked force, thus, the methods of ‘artificial selection’ have developed much further than the brutish methods of the Spartans, who reportedly killed those new-born children judged to be ‘unfit’ (YBSHJ, Wenji, 2.13.14–15.). Han Yongun’s reluctance to

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‘praise’ the ‘law of survival of the fittest’ in the unabashed way Liang did in his writings of the 1900s, may be explained, first and foremost, by Han’s Buddhist beliefs. 95 Legendary famed musician from the ancient Chinese state of Jin. Cranes were said to come to dance when he was playing his music. 96 (c. fifth century BCE) – a famed beauty of ancient China, originally from the southern state of Yue. Her beauty was said to be so extreme that even fish dipped in shame when she washed her clothes in the river. 97 Kor. s˘ ogugin. May also be an abbreviation of s˘obanagugin – ‘a Spaniard’. 98 Adoniram Judson (1788–1850), the first American Protestant (initially a Congregationalist, he later joined the Baptists) missionary to work in Burma (from 1813), did spend around five years before he obtained his first convert, Maung Nau. See: Faith C. Bailey, Adoniram Judson: Missionary To Burma 1813-1850. Chicago: Moody Press, 1955. 99 May be an inaccurate transliteration of the name of Robert Maclay (1824–1907), who was one of the first ever American Methodist missionaries to be sent to work in China, coming to the city of Fuzhou in April 1848. It took him and his colleagues ten years to baptize their first Chinese convert. See his own description of his experiences: Robert Samuel Maclay, Life Among the Chinese: Characteristic Sketches and Incidents of Missionary Operations and Prospects in China, New York: Carlton & Porter, 1866. 100 All three examples of missionary perseverance were taken by Han Yongun from Liang Qichao’s magnum opus, The Treatise on the New Citizen (Xinminshuo), chapter 15 ‘On Perseverance’ (see: YBSHJ, Zhuanji, 1.4.99). In one case, Liang Qichao’s text was badly misread by Han Yongun – while Liang obviously meant ‘missionaries on Madagascar’ (and their nationality was not indicated), Han mistook the exotic term ‘Madagascar’ for an unknown Western family name. 101 Kor. sinjang, Ch. shenjiang. Divine beings, supposed to protect Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and their believers in Buddhist mythology (for example, twelve ‘divine generals’ are thought to protect the Medicine Buddha Bhaisajyaguru). Often portrayed in belligerent poses and with arms, or holding animals. 102 A similar emphasis on the importance of ‘force’ for ‘preserving freedom’ also characterizes Liang Qichao’s writings of the 1900s, for example, chapter 17, ‘On Revering the Military’, from The Treatise on the New Citizen (see: YBSHJ, Zhuanji, 1.4.108–118), which enjoyed wide popularity among Korea’s modernist intellectuals in that time. 103 The original saying from The Analects (4:1) reads: ‘To live among the benevolent is good. To choose not to be with the benevolent – of this I know not’. Han Yongun changed the last character, ‘to know/knowledge’ (Ch. zhi, Kor. chi) into its derivate, which has the same pronunciation and means ‘wisdom’, thus making a profound change in the meaning of the whole quotation. He seems to have done it intentionally, obviously wishing to utilize 140

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the authority of the classic in order to emphasize the supposedly ‘bad’ influence of the ‘inadequate choice of the place of residence’ upon ‘thinking abilities’. 104 Part of the depiction of hell in Buddhist literature. See, for example, the use of the term ‘Mountain of Swords’ in Fanwangjing (Kor. P˘ommanggy˘ong), a classical Chinese translation of the Brahmaja-la-sutra (The Discourse on Brahma’s Net), T1484.24.p1007c04. 105 This citation, ascribed to Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831), as well as the whole idea of geographical determinism of the kind developed in European nineteenth century thought, was borrowed by Han Yongun from Liang Qichao’s 1902 essay, ‘The relationship between geography and civilization’ (Dili yu wenming guanxi, YBSHJ, Wenji, 2.10.106–116). Hegel, whose Eurocentric understanding of world history privileged the ‘classical’ Mediterranean cultures (Greece and Rome), did praise the ‘salubrious influences of the sea on the development of civilization’ in his ‘Lectures on the Philosophy of History’ (‘Introduction: Geographical basis of History’), first presented in 1822–23, in terms which later influenced Liang and Han: ‘The sea gives us the idea of the indefinite, the unlimited and infinite; and in feeling his own infinite in that Infinite, man is stimulated and emboldened to stretch beyond the limited: the sea invites man to conquest, and to piratical plunder, but also to honest gain and to commerce. The land, the mere Valley-plain attaches him to the soil; it involves him in an infinite multitude of dependencies, but the sea carries him out beyond these limited circles of thought and action. Those who navigate the sea, have indeed gain for their object, but the means are in this respect paradoxical, inasmuch as they hazard both property and life to attain it. The means therefore are the very opposite of that which they aim at. This is what exalts their gain and occupation above itself, and makes it something brave and noble. Courage is necessarily introduced into trade, daring is joined with wisdom’ See: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, The Philosophy of History, with the Prefaces of Charles Hegel and the Translator, J.Sibree, Kitchener, Ontario: Batoche Books, 2001, pp. 96–121. 106 Both Darwin and Napoleon were among the ‘heroes of civilization’ most popular among Korea’s modernist intellectuals of the 1900s and 1910s. In 1907, a Seoul publishing house, Pangmunsogwan, and then in 1908, yet another Seoul publisher, U˘ijinsa, printed A History of Napoleon’s Wars (Nap’aryun ch˘onsa), obviously a Korean adoptation of the earlier work by Nonomura Kingoro- under the same title (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1894). The book was widely advertised in the contemporary newspapers, and is known to have enjoyed broad popularity. The Korean editions contained very little information on Napoleon’s upbringing or his path to power, but emphasized instead his ‘unparalleled military exploits’, calling him ‘the greatest hero, unmatched in the whole history of humanity, sent to humans by Heaven’. See: 141

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Kang Yunho, Kaehwagi ui kyogwayong tos˘o (Textbooks of the [Korean] Modern Reforms Period), Seoul: Kyoyuk ch’ulp’ansa, 1973, pp. 126, 211, 244, 248. Darwinism, understood first and foremost as the natural scientific background for the fashionable Social Darwinist theories of the time, was widely accepted by Korea’s modernizing reformers as the new ‘cosmic truth’ already by the mid-1890s. See: Pak S˘ongjin, Sahoe chinhwaron kwa singminji sahoe sasang (Social Darwinism and the Colonial Social Ideology), Seoul: S˘onin, 2003, pp. 32–43. In this context, Han Yongun’s ‘dream of Napoleon and Darwin’ can be interpreted as a ‘dream of modernity’, a personalized expression of the collective desires of Korea’s contemporaneous modernist intelligentsia. 107 Two mountain massifs near the coast of the Korea’s East Sea (Sea of Japan) known for the density of Buddhist temples found there. 108 A literal citation from Liang Qichao’s 1902 essay, ‘The relationship between geography and civilization’ (Dili yu wenming guanxi: YBSHJ, Wenji, 2.10.106–116), already cited above. 109 C. 470–390 BCE. An opponent of both Confucianism and Taoism, who argued for altruistic action based upon the principle of boai, or ‘universal love’, ‘universal’ in the sense of not being bound by Confucian clan or state loyalties. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, boai started to be used as a translation word for the newly borrowed Western concept of ‘altruism’. From the end of the nineteenth century, it became fashionable in the East Asian cultural sphere to compare Mo Zi and his philosophy both to primitive Christianity and modern revolutionary or leftist thought. See, for example, Roman Malek, Verschmelzung der Horizonte: Mozi und Jesus: zur Hermeneutik der chinesisch-christlichen Begegnung nach Wu Leichuan (1869–1944), Leiden: Brill, 2004. 110 Two proverbial hermits of the Taoist tradition. According to a Taoist legend, the sagely Emperor Yao offered to turn the whole kingdom over to the hermit Xu You. Horrified at the thought of becoming the ruler, the hermit washed out his ears, by which he had heard Yao’s offer, in a nearby river. Thereupon, the river became so polluted that another hermit, Chao Fu, would not cross it. He turned away from the river and returned home with his ox. 111 Four legendary Taoist hermits, who allegedly ‘left the world’ and went into seclusion at Mt Shang trying to avoid the troubles when the Qin Dynasty collapsed and China was engulfed in wars at the end of the third century BCE. Often depicted in East Asian art as four vivacious old men enjoying a game of go (Kor. paduk, Ch. weiqi). 112 A famed Taoist hermit of the times of the Eastern Han Dynasty’s Emperor Guang Wu Di (25–58 CE). A childhood friend of the emperor, he is said to have refused an offer of an official post, treated the emperor without any ceremonial courtesies, as if he was still his old friend, and preferred the life of a hermit. Often 142

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mentioned in Korean classical novels,– and painted by artists, as a paragon of anchoretic transcendence. See: H˘o Kyun, Na n˘un on˘ul yet k˘urim u˘ l poatta (I Have Seen an Old Picture Today), Seoul: Pukp’ollio, 2004. 113 The conflagrations at the end of every kalpa (cosmic age), which consume the whole of the physical universe, according to Buddhist cosmology. Sanskr. yuga-anta-agni. 114 The Analects are meant. 115 The Analects (10:18). 116 See footnote 67. 117 Han Yongun may have learned about Michael Faraday (1791–1867) and his discovery of electromagnetic induction from the popular physics textbooks – mostly compiled on the basis of contemporary Japanese scholarly literature – that were printed in Korea between 1906 and 1910. See: Kim Ch˘ongh˘um, ‘Han’guk mullihak sa’ (The History of the Korean Physics), Han’guk hy˘ondae munhwa sa taegye (Outline of the History of Korea’s Modern Culture), Vol. 3, Seoul: Koryo˘ taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1977, pp. 99–105. 118 Legendary gallery in the imperial palace of the Western (Early) Han Dynasty, adorned by emperor Xuan Di (73–48 BCE) with the portraits of eleven meritorious court officials. See the Annals of the Han Dynasty (Han shu), fascicle 54, ‘Biography of Su Wu’. 119 Kongjamyo (Munmyo), the Confucian shrine built in 1398 inside S˘onggyun’gwan, Seoul’s national Confucian university, is obviously meant here. On this Confucian shrine and its rituals, see: W˘on Chaesik, Munmyo s˘okch˘on˘ui, Seoul: Ch˘ont’ong munhwasa, 2005. On the basis of what we know about Han Yongun’s life it is doubtful that he visited the Munmyo in his childhood, so it is possible that he was mixing up a childhood visit to a local Confucian shrine (taes˘ongj˘on), such as the one at the Tangjin Confucian school close to Han Yongun’s home village, with a much later visit to the main shrine in Seoul. 120 See footnote 54. 121 King Wen and his son, King Wu (ca. eleventh century BCE) – semi-legendary founders of China’s Zhou Dynasty (eleventh century – 256 BCE), eulogized in Confucian historiography as ‘ideal rulers’. 122 It is not fully clear what shrine is meant here. The first ever shrine dedicated to general Guan Yu (162–219; deified as a war god in late sixth century) in Seoul was Nammyo, the ‘Southern Shrine’ built in 1598 by a Chinese general, who participated in fighting off the Hideyoshi invasion of 1592–98 by the united Sino-Korean forces. Another shrine, Tongmyo (the ‘Eastern shrine’; preserved as an important cultural property today), was built by a Korean royal decree in 1601, as Guan Yu’s ‘divine help’ was considered a factor behind Sino-Korean victory over the Japanese invaders. With the passing of time, Guan Yu entered the pantheon of Korea’s shamanistic gods, and the late nineteenth – early twentieth century. witnessed several new 143

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shrines built in Seoul in his honour. Han Yongun is known not to have visited Seoul before he was in his early twenties, so it may be possible that he visited a shamanistic Guan Yu shrine in his native place. 123 A commentary on Confucius’ Spring and Autumn Annals, covers the period from 722 to 463 BCE. See: Burton Watson (trans.), The Tso Chuan: Selections from China’s oldest narrative history, Columbia University Press, 1992. 124 Ch. aluohan, Kor. arahan. Literally, ‘venerable’. The highest stage of practice in the earlier Buddhist tradition, where Buddha himself was referred to as arhat. In later Mahayana tradition, however, the word was reinterpreted, and used instead to refer to the allegedly self-centred practitioners of Hinayana (‘Lesser Vehicle’) Buddhism, who supposedly strive for enlightenment only for the sake of themselves, without thinking of others, and are not capable of penetrating into the truths of emptiness or non-duality. 125 Ch. bizhifo, Kor. pyo ˘ kchibul. In Mahayana traditions, refers to those seeking enlightenment by themselves (without following Buddha’s teachings) and for themselves, without the sort of concern for all sentient beings exemplified by the bodhisattvas. 126 T842.17.p 0918a08-a10. 127 Kor. Puktu ch’ilso ˘ ng, Ch. beidou qixing. Worship of Ursa Major originates in the Taoist tradition, and became an important feature of Korea’s folk Buddhism. See: Henrik H. Sorensen, ‘The Worship of the Great Dipper in Korean Buddhism’, In Henrik H. Sorensen (ed.), Religions in Traditional Korea. Copenhagen: Seminar for Buddhist Studies, 1995, pp. 71–107. 128 Kor. Myo ˘ ngbu siwang, Ch. Mingfu shiwang. The deities of East Asia’s folk Buddhism which were considered responsible for the fates of humans in the afterlife. See: Stephen F. Teiser, The Scripture on the Ten Kings and the Making of Purgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994. 129 Ch. Lingjuishan, Kor. Yo ˘ngch’wisan. A mountain in northern India (near the capital of the ancient Magadha state) known as the place Buddha was said to have delivered several key Mahayana sutras (Lotus Sutra, etc.). 130 Jia Yi (201–168? BCE) – a famous poet and statesman of Han China. 131 On all these rituals, mostly concerned with ancestor worship and heavily influenced by Korea’s shamanistic tradition, see: Hong Yunsik, ‘Ku˘ndae Han’guk pulgyo u˘i sinang u˘irye wa minjung pulgyo’ (Worship Rituals of Modern Korean Buddhism and Mass Buddhism), Sungsan Pak Kiljin paksa kohu˘i kinyo˘m Han’guk ku˘ndae chonggyo sasang sa (Festschrift Honouring the 70th Birthday of Dr. Sungsan Pak Kiljin: History of Korea’s Modern Religious Ideas), Iksan: Won’gwang Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1984, p. 483. 132 The reference is to the parable found in the chapter 26 (Waiwu – ‘The Outer Things’) of the Taoist classic Zhuang Zi. A fish living in a ditch urgently 144

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needed a modest amount of water to continue its precarious existence, and, being offered ‘a channel from the Yangzi to this ditch’ in some remote future, angrily retorted that in that case it would soon be looked for in a dried fish shop – that is, grand promises mean death in the short term for those whom these plans are supposed to benefit in some very remote future. Here, Han Yongun uses this classic parable in order simply to indicate that inadequate means of subsistence lead to a sure extinction. 133 An allusion to a well-known dialogue between a wooden figurine and a clay figurine from the biographical account of Meng Changjun, an aristocrat from the state of Qin (Sima Qian, Historical Records, Fascicle 75). During a discussion on the ruthlessness of the ways of nature, the wooden figurine mentions that the rain would wash its clay counterpart away, while the clay figurine retorts that a flood would lead to the complete disappearance of a piece of wood. The dialogue was a parable presented to Meng by one of his followers in an attempt to dissuade him from accepting a proposal of high office from the state of Qin. Meng was compared to a helpless wooden figurine in the hands of the ruthless Qin rulers, as fierce as the floods. 134 The highest of the six heavens in the realms of desire (where the heavenly beings are still attached to their physical cravings) in Buddhist cosmology. Those who dwell in this Heaven, including Ma-ra – the demonic tempter and seducer, who examines the ascetic qualities and patience of the monks – are supposed to be able to satisfy their sexual needs by simply looking at each other, and also make the joys of other sentient beings into their own. The last quality seems to be the reason why Han Yongun mentions the Paranirmita Heaven here – he obviously wants to allude to the monks’ alleged ‘parasitism’ – that is, their ability to turn the possessions of others into their own. 135 The phrase alludes to the famous ‘parable of the precious pearl’ from chapter eight of the Lotus Sutra, ‘Prophesy of Enlightenment for Five Hundred Disciples’. In this parable, a man who went to the house of a close friend became drunk and lay down to sleep. At that time the friend, who had to go out, took a priceless jewel, sewed it in the lining of the visitor’s robe, and left it with him when he went out. The man was asleep drunk and knew nothing about it. When he got up, he set out on a journey to foreign countries. In order to provide himself with food and clothing he had to encounter great hardship as a wage labourer. Later, the close friend happened to meet him by chance and revealed to him that there was a priceless pearl in his clothing, so in reality it would have been enough just to exchange it for goods, without undergoing the hardships of wage labour. In the parable, the pearl stands for Buddhahood, and the poor wage labourer unable to recognize what he actually possesses, is a symbol of those who strove to attain enlightenment by their own individual efforts alone, ignorant of their immanent Buddhahood, and Buddha’s prophesy about their acquisition of 145

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full, complete enlightenment, Buddha being symbolized by the rich friend of the poor labourer. See T262.09.0029a01-a25 for the classic Chinese rendering of the parable. Here, the ‘bright pearl sewn into his clothes’ stands for the temples’ potential ability to provide for themselves, which is not being developed and used. 136 Ch. Fanwangjing, Kor. P˘ ommanggy˘ong. An apocryphal text, likely to have been compiled in China, which contains ten central and forty-eight secondary precepts for both monks and laity. 137 T1484.24.1004b26-b29. 138 Ch. Sifenlu, Kor. Sabunnyul. The Four-Fold Rules of Discipline, initially developed by the Indian Hinayanist Dharmagupta school. Were very influential in East Asian Buddhism. 139 The worst kind of offence for a monk, which merits complete exclusion from the monastic community. 140 Ch. shamini, Kor. samini. The younger monks, whose ordination includes only the ten most basic disciplinarian precepts. 141 This is an ancient Chinese proverb cited by Hanfeizi (chapter 49 ‘Five Vermins’). The meaning of the proverb is explained there in the following way: ‘This means that it is easy to become skilful when you have ample resources. Hence, it is easy to scheme for a state that is powerful and orderly but difficult to make any plan for one that is weak and chaotic.’ See: Han Fei Tsu (translated by Burton Watson), Basic Writings, New York: Columbia University Press, 1964. 142 Rendered into Chinese as fangdeng (Kor. pangd˘ ung) – ‘correct and equal’. This indicates a sutra of great breadth and scope. In the Tiantai teachings based upon the Lotus sutra, this defined the third of the five periods of the Buddha’s preaching. The Avatamsaka-sutra and Ágamas were, according to this five-fold periodization of Buddha’s lifelong preaching activities, preached respectively first and second. 143 Refers to the legendary long-living tree mentioned in the Zhuang Zi (chapter one, ‘Wandering Beyond’), which supposedly ‘counted eight thousand years as one spring and eight thousand years as one autumn’. 144 Mentioned as another symbol of longevity in the Zhuang Zi (chapter one, ‘Wandering Beyond’), he reportedly lived for 800 years. 145 Su Qin, known for his eloquence, was prime minister of six states during the Warring States period. Su Qin was the leader of the ‘Perpendicular Unionists’, the diplomats who lobbied a group of states from north to south to make war against the ‘predatory’ state of Qin. 146 Zhang Yi, another symbol of the persuasive powers of the strategists, was prime minister of Qin during the Warring States period. Zhang Yi was the leader of the ‘Horizontal Unionists’, the diplomats who persuaded a group of states from east to west to make peace with Qin. 146

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Refers to the poem entitled Ye you si jun (‘There is a dead deer in the wild’) from Shijing (Classic of Odes), chapter two (‘The Odes of Shao and the South’) of the first book (‘Odes of the States’). The poem tells the story of a male lover showing his love to a girl by presenting her a dead (musk) deer: In the wild there is a dead deer, And it is wrapped up with the white grass. There is a young lady with thoughts natural to the spring, And a fine gentleman would lead her astray. In the forest there are the scrubby oaks; In the wild there is a dead deer, And it is bound round with the white grass. There is a young lady like a gem. [She says], Slowly; gently, gently; Do not move my handkerchief; Do not make my dog bark

148

Refers to the poem entitled Qian Chang (‘Holding up the Lower Garments’) from Shijing, chapter seven (‘The Odes of Zheng’) of the first Book (‘The Odes of the States’). The poem tells of a woman confessing her willingness to endure hardships (‘cross the river’) in order to meet her lover, and suspecting a lack of fidelity in him: If you, Sir, think kindly of me, I will hold up my lower garments, and cross the Zhen. If you do not think of me, Is there no other person [to do so]? You, foolish, foolish fellow! If you, Sir, think kindly of me, I will hold up my lower garments, and cross the Wei. If you do not think of me, Is there no other gentleman [to do so]? You, foolish, foolish fellow! 149

It is unclear whose name has been transcribed into Chinese characters – it reads as Qianmo in Chinese or Kyo˘mmo in Korean 150 It is unclear whose name has been transcribed into Chinese characters – it reads as Baigea in Chinese or Paekkyo˘ga in Korean. 151 It is unclear whose name has been transcribed into Chinese characters – it reads as Junma in Chinese or Chunma in Korean. 152 This list of the outstanding bachelors of modern Europe is taken in its entirety from Liang Qichao’s short 1899 essay, entitled Buhunzhi weijen (‘Great people who did not marry’: YBSHJ, Zhuanji, 1.2.87–88). 147

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See, for example, Dirgha-hama-su-tra in classical Chinese: T001.01.0001c20–0002a6. 154 See, for example, Avatamsaka-sutra in classical Chinese: T278.09.0717c9 155 Bi-gan, a close relative of Shang King Zhou, is known for having reportedly advised the vicious king against cruelty and misdemeanour. As a result, the king decided to kill this loyal and straightforward relative, summoned him once to the palace and said to him, ‘People say a wise man has seven holes in his heart. You are a wise man. I want to see if your heart really has seven holes.’ Shang King Zhou ordered his body guards to take out Bi-gan’s heart to see whether Bi-gan was really a wise man. Bi-gan died for his loyalty and courage. 156 According to the same semi-legendary narrative, another virtuous man at the court of vicious king Zhou, royal tutor Ji Zi (Kor. Kija), chose to pretend that he was insane, and thus managed to survive. 157 Zhi Bo was a head of a powerful aristocratic family in the state of Jin in the Spring and Autumn Period, who was trying to monopolize land and power, but was eventually defeated and killed by a coalition of other Jin nobles, headed by his enemy Zhao Xiangzi (late fourth century BCE). 158 At the decisive battle of Chibi (208 CE), which cemented China’s partition into three independent states, Cao Cao, the ruler of the northern Wei state, amassed a vastly superior force, but was defeated by an incendiary attack launched by Zhou Yu, the commanding general of the southern state of Wu. 159 Kor. Chungch’uwo ˘ n. This committee was created as a fifty-strong royally appointed consultative organ for the Korean cabinet in 1895, but had little real power in the 1900s, the number of its counsellors being reduced to fifteen in February 1905. In the process of colonizing Korea, the Japanese authorities retained this rather ceremonial institution in order to use it for honorary appointments, which they gave to their high-profile Korean collaborators. Having no practical influence upon colonial governance, the Consultative Committee was mostly entrusted with surveys on Korea’s local customs and practices. 160 1835–1922, famous Confucian scholar, diplomat and statesman of the Chos˘on Dynasty’s last years. Played an important role in the diplomatic negotiations with China and Russia in the early 1880s and was the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the pro-Japanese reformist government of 1894–96. He adopted a cooperative posture in the process of Korea’s colonization by the Japanese, and was rewarded with the title of viscount and the prestigious ceremonial post of Chairman of the Consultative Committee. He lost his viscount title, however, after lodging a plea for the restoration of Korea’s sovereignty in the wake of the 1 March 1919 pan-national anti-colonial movement. 153

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1852–1919 – Japanese military leader and politician, became Army Minister in Katsura Taro-’s first cabinet in 1910, then was appointed to Korea as Resident-General, and, after full annexation of Korea in August 1910, as colonial Korea’s first Governor-General. Became notorious for the severity of the police repression during the first years of colonial rule. 162 Reference to the famous didactic story of the ‘moral virtues’ of the Zhou Dynasty’s King Wen, found in fascicle 4 of the Historical Records. 163 One jun (Kor. kyun) amounts to thirty jin (Kor. ku ˘ n), one jin being equal approximately to 600 grams in the early twentieth century See Kim An’guk (ed.), Tongasia sa yo˘ np’yo (Chronological Tables for East Asian History), Seoul: Ch’o˘ ngnyo˘ nsa, 1992, p. 406. 164 Kor. yo ˘ k, Ch.: li. Obviously muscles as an organ of the human body are meant here. 165 An example used by Mencius of the easiest possible effort in the following admonition to a king: ‘The king asked, “How may the difference between the not doing a thing, and the not being able to do it, be represented?” Mencius replied, “In such a thing as taking the T’âi mountain under your arm, and leaping over the north sea with it, if you say to people – ‘I am not able to do it,’ that is a real case of not being able. In such a matter as breaking off a branch from a tree at the order of a superior, if you say to people – ‘I am not able to do it,’ that is a case of not doing it, it is not a case of not being able to do it. Therefore your Majesty’s not exercising the royal sway, is not such a case as that of taking the T’âi mountain under your arm, and leaping over the north sea with it. Your Majesty’s not exercising the royal sway is a case like that of breaking off a branch from a tree. Treat with the reverence due to age the elders in your own family, so that the elders in the families of others shall be similarly treated; treat with the kindness due to youth the young in your own family, so that the young in the families of others shall be similarly treated: do this, and the kingdom may be made to go round in your palm. It is said in the Book of Poetry, ‘His example affected his wife. It reached to his brothers, and his family of the State was governed by it.’ ” ’ See: Mencius, 1B: 11, 12, translation by James Legge (The Works of Mencius, Clarendon Press, 1895). 166 The reference is to the proverbial rivalry between the two stronger southern Chinese states, Chu (central Yangzi valley, including modern-day Hubei, southern Shenxi, and southern Henan) and Yue (modern-day Zhejiang, Jiangsu, and Anhui), during the Spring and Autumn Period (771–473 BCE) and the Warring States Period (473–221 BCE). 167 Here Han Yongun refers to a piece written in 1900 entitled ‘He pangguanzhe wen’ (‘[I] Scold the Idle Spectators’, YBSHJ, Wenji, 1.5.69–75). He further utilizes the six-fold classification of the ‘idle spectators’ – those devoid of the spirit of patriotic civil engagement, ‘looking at the affairs of their state as if they were the affairs of others’ – proposed by Liang Qichao in this piece. Much of Han Yongun’s description of the ‘six sorts of 149

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idle spectators’ among the Korean monks follows Liang Qichao’s text, sometimes almost literally, sometimes with certain abridgments, changes and replacements. 168 Refers to a famous Chinese saying, ‘when the lips are gone, the teeth feel cold’, which is usually used to indicate the closest and strongest interdependence. 169 In a famous Chinese saying, ‘the fox mourns the death of a rabbit’ (Ch. tusihubei, Kor. t’osahobi). It implies that similar beings, due to their mutual dependence, are bound to mourn each other’s misfortunes. 170 Kor. tangyo ˘ n oedo, Ch. duanjian waidao, Sanskr. uccheda-va-da. One of the main groups of ‘heretics’ of Buddha’s times mentioned in the Buddhist doctrinal literature. Denounced for denying any ethical consequences of human actions by maintaining that once a being dies there is no rebirth in the future. These views are famously discussed and criticised by Buddha in the Brahmaja-la-sutra (The Discourse on Brahma’s Net). See: Dı-gha-nika-ya (The Long Discourse), 1:1–46. In: Dialogues of the Buddha (The Dı-gha-Nika-ya), translated by T.W. Rhys Davids, London: Pali Text Society, 1899, Vol. 1, pp. 49–50. Here, Han Yongun draws a parallel between the Korean monks who are disinterested in lay affairs and devoid of any practical initiative, and these ancient ‘immoral heretics’ in order to emphasize how immoral it is to eschew any actions for the benefit of others. 171 Wang Bo’s (649–676) piece entitled ‘The Preface to the Poetry Collection of the Teng Wang Pavilion’ is considered a masterpiece of Tang literature. According to legend, when Wang Bo was on his way to the Teng Wang Pavilion (built in what today is Nanchang County, Jiangsu Province, by a son of Tang emperor Gaozu, whose title was Teng Wang – King of Teng), and he was going to be late for a banquet hosted there, all of sudden a favourable wind blew and helped him to reach the pavilion in time for the banquet. He then authored the masterpiece during the banquet. The episode came to symbolize a sudden stroke of good luck. See: Victor Mair, Mei Cheng’s ‘Seven stimuli’ and Wang Bo’s ‘Pavilion of King Teng’ : Chinese poems for princes, Lewiston, NY: E.Mellen Press, 1988. 172 This story about a poetry stele located at the famed Jianfusi (Fortune Offering) Temple in Xian epitomizes the idea of predestined, inescapable bad luck. Both the story of Wang Bo’s stroke of good luck and the bad luck associated with the stele of Jianfusi Temple, are cited directly from the Choso˘n Dynasty primer of Confucian ethics, Myo˘ngsim Pogam (1454), chapter three (Sunmyo˘ngp’yo˘ n – ‘On following destiny’), sentence four. Han Yongun was sharply opposed to what he believed was the ‘fatalistic’ spirit of Confucianism, and links here the perceived opportunist attitudes of some monks (‘the waiting’) to the content of the obligatory Confucian moral learning of old Korea.

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Kindness of parents, king, sentient beings and the Three Jewels (Buddha, his Law and his Sangha). 175 A famous definition of a Bodhisattva’s unattached, enlightened mind from chapter 10 of the Diamond Sutra, ‘Setting forth Pure Lands’. See: T235.8.749c23. 177 Han Yongun attempts a pun here, describing the perceived disorderliness of Korean Buddhist rites and practices in a way that parodies the text of the sutra: Korean monks develop attachments to their desultory practices instead of the unattached Bodhisattva mind, but these practices do not rely upon any sort of uniform plan (‘mind’). 178 A passage quoted from the traditional commentary (part 2) to the Great Learning (Daxue), a Confucian classic variously attributed to Confucius’ grandson Zisi, or to Confucius’ disciple Zeng Zi. The passage admonishes ‘noble gentlemen’ to ‘fully exert’ themselves in cultivating their virtue. 179 See footnote 104. 180 Reference to a famous passage from Tao Yuanming’s (365–427) utopia ‘The Story of the Peach Blossom Spring’, where a visitor to the utopian ‘Peach Blossom’ country asks, upon having returned to the mundane world, what dynasty rules it now. The use of this passage is related to Han Yongun’s perception of contemporary Korean Buddhist circles as an archaic, timeless world, akin to Tao Yuanming’s ‘Peach Blossom’ country. See: David Hinton (trans.). The Selected Poems of T’ao Ch’ien, Copper Canyon Press, 1993. 181 Kor. sanggyo ˘ n oedo, Ch. changjian waidao, Sanskr. ´s a-svata-va-da. One of the main groups of ‘heretics’ of Buddha’s times mentioned in the Buddhist doctrinal literature. They were opposed to the ‘annihilationists’ mentioned above, since, contrary to the standpoint of the ‘annihilationists’, they maintained that the human personality and the world are really existing, eternal substances. Denounced by Buddha together with the ‘annihilationists’ as two wrong extremes in Brahmaja-la-sutra (The Discourse on Brahma’s Net). See: Dı-gha-nika-ya (The Long Discourse), 1:1–46. In: Dialogues of the Buddha (The Dı-gha-Nika-ya), translated by T.W. Rhys Davids, London: Pali Text Society, 1899, Vol. 1, pp. 43–45. 182 Reference to the well-known story of Zhuang Zi’s dream about being a butterfly, rendered in the last part of chapter two, ‘On Levelling all Things’ (Qiwulun) of Zhuang Zi: ‘Once upon a time, I, Zhuang Zhou, dreamt I was a butterfly, fluttering hither and thither, to all intents and purposes a butterfly. I was conscious only of my happiness as a butterfly, unaware that I was Zhou. Soon I awaked, and there I was, veritably myself again. Now I do not know whether I was then a man dreaming I was a butterfly, or whether I am now a butterfly, dreaming I am a man. Between a man and a butterfly there is necessarily a distinction. The transition is called the transformation of

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material things’ See: Chuang tsu: Inner chapters. A new translation by Gia-fu Feng and Jane English, New York: Vintage Books, 1974. 183 Han Yongun paraphrases a sentence from the poem entitled Ji ming (‘A rooster crows’) from Shijing (Classic of Odes), chapter eight (‘The Odes of Qi’) of the first book (‘Odes of the States’). The original sentence is the direct opposite: ‘The rooster has crowed; the court is full. But it was not the rooster that was crowing; it was the sound of the blue flies’. For Han Yongun, the ‘crowing of the rooster’ symbolizes his appeal to awakening and renovation.

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The Buddhism I Believe In March 1924, Kaebyo˘ k, No. 45

I

believe in Buddhism. I support Buddhism totally, whole-heartedly. And I do so because of the following qualities of Buddhism: 1) Faith in Buddhism is faith in one’s self. Unlike other religions, the object of faith does not lie somewhere else (in gods or the Lord-on-High, for example), it lies only in my own self. Sakyamuni said that ‘Mind is Buddha’ and ‘Buddha is Mind’, and that means that, inasmuch as the minds of everybody are Buddhas, we can attain Buddhanature only through our minds, that is, through ourselves. But here ‘my own self’ does not mean detaching a person from the other humans or things around them. ‘My own self’ is realized through other people and things. Human reason is capable of appropriating all the myriad things in the universe and of becoming a part of the myriad things. Therein lies the faith of Buddhism. That is why, unlike the other faiths, Buddhism does not subordinate the believer to the object of belief. 2) The main article of faith in Buddhism is equality. According to Sakyamuni, both humans and things are endowed with Buddha-nature, and that is equality. The only difference is whether a person has awakened to this or not. But even this difference between having attained or not having attained awakening is in reality only a mirage that appears when the non-awakened observe the awakened. It is not an actually existing difference. Once you have attained awakening, it all becomes the same. 153

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3) The biggest contradiction among modern scholarly theories or principles is that between idealism and materialism. But the impression that Buddhism is built upon an idealist theory is only a superficial one – in reality, mind and matter are not independent from one other in Buddhism. Mind is becoming matter (‘emptiness is form’), and matter is becoming mind (‘form is emptiness’). So, mind in Buddhism is the mind that includes matter. If we pay heed to the Buddhist sayings, ‘only the mind exists in the three worlds’ and ‘there is no matter outside of the mind,’ it becomes even clearer that the mind in Buddhism is inclusive of matter. In that case, why is it that this complex entity consisting of both mind and matter is called only ‘mind’? This is because, especially with us humans, it is more common that the mind (that is, consciousness) prevails over matter (that is, flesh) than otherwise. What then is the practical activity of Buddhism? It is universal love and mutual aid. With or without consciousness, everything and everybody is to be loved and to help each other. This is not limited to humans only – it is applied to all beings. In today’s world, where imperialism and nationalism have achieved real strength and predominance, such phrases as universal love and mutual aid sound very detached from reality, but the truth is the truth. And because it is the truth, it will eventually become reality. To summarize, in terms of faith Buddhism is based upon faith in one’s own self; in terms of ideology it is based upon equality; in terms of theory it is based upon idealism, which is inclusive – nay, transcendent – of both mind and matter; and in terms of practical activity it is based upon universal love and mutual aid. Thus, it is clear that it is appropriate for both present and future times and it will be sufficient to become the proper final form of living and believing for all humanity. I firmly believe this.

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What Happens with Life after Death? Interview: August 1929, Samch’o˘ lli, Vol. 1, Issue 8

Q: What happens to all of us after death? What will happen to you and me? As Buddhists greatly revere Indian philosophy, I guess that they should believe in the theory of the transmigration of souls. But what is your opinion? A: Yes, this theory of transmigration of souls retains its authority in certain Buddhist circles. It means that even if you were born a human in this life, you may be reborn as a mountain or a river, a flower, a pig or a donkey in the next. It follows that those who have done good things in this life are destined to a better rebirth, while those who have committed evil deeds in their relations with others may become pigs, or one of the other animals that is spat upon in this world. Q: Does this mean that, when I have been born as a pig one time, I get a chance to be reborn as a human afterwards, if I am lucky enough? A: Yes, transmigration should mean something like that. Q: So, there is no such thing as people going from the realm of being, or life, to the realm of non-being, or death? Although it takes the form of a horse or a cow, our soul, our life, are preserved continuously and consistently for eternity? Isn’t the idea of transmigration based upon a belief in the immortality of the soul? A: Well, one can say so, if one wishes. But what is called ‘being’ and ‘non-being’ in this world is subjective, dependent on human perception. And when you do not have an understanding of Buddhist epistemology, it is difficult to explain. Q: Isn’t the saying that ‘form is emptiness’ the basic viewpoint from which Buddhists examine the world? 155

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A: Yes, ‘form is emptiness’, that is, everything is empty. Everything in the universe neither gets born nor dies, neither decreases nor increases. What is called ‘form’ can be known by us only through our organs of perception. But even what is not seen by us, like the air, also belongs to the realm of ‘form’. ‘Form’ is everything – mountains and rivers, grasses and trees, sun, moon and stars, running poultry and flying birds, the fishes and turtles of the seas and rivers, the humans and the six sorts of animals1 – everything. And all those things are also empty, because they belong to the realm of ‘form’. As they are empty, they are neither born nor die; neither decrease nor increase. Their basic essence remains intact forever. In the phenomenal world they might appear or disappear individually or partially from a temporal point of view, while what is called their Buddha-nature in Buddhism remains just as it is, intact. In possessing Buddha-nature, all the myriad things are the same. That is why the saying that ‘form is emptiness’ is the truth. The opposite is true too – ‘emptiness is form’. Q: I am afraid I can’t understand you. Although it is an idealist philosophy, I would kindly ask you to explain it in such a way that anybody can accept – or, at least, understand. A: Since religious philosophy as a whole starts with the thesis that ‘everything is created by the mind’, it is difficult to explain it unless you make some dedicated efforts to attain awakening first. Q: But do you yourself believe in the soul transmigration theory you have just discussed? A: No, I don’t. I think this theory was promoted simply as a device designed to present Buddhism as a ‘utilitarian’ creed keen on promoting good and punishing evil, just like all other religions. Q: Then, what do you believe? A: The theory of Buddha-nature. As I have just said, Buddhanature is immanent to all things in the universe, and can neither be extinguished nor decrease. Q: So, there is something in common with Schopenhauer’s pessimistic philosophy, according to which the essences hang somewhere in heaven, and all things to do with life and death are just the shadows of this essence? 156

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A: Yes, you may say that there are such common points. Q: If so, isn’t life meaningless? Don’t all the plans and undertakings of life seem like nothing more than froth, dependent on the will of others and worthless? A: Why? Once we have come to live in the world, we must strive to live our lives in a worthy fashion. Q: How do Buddhists view suicide? Do they consider it a sin? A: No, it is hard to call it a sin. One just goes away, because the world seems to be too unattractive. Q: If this life is unattractive, wouldn’t the next life be unattractive too? A: Well, that is another question. Q: Do you consider the present life or the next life worthier? A: I cannot speak about any gradations of value. Everything is equal from the viewpoint of Buddha-nature. Q: And our past lives too? A: Yes, in the same way as our future lives. Q: Are you afraid of death? Do you wish to avoid dying? A: No. Since ‘form is emptiness’, I fear neither living nor dying, and have no wish to avoid either. Q: So finally, what happens in life after death? Where will we go after death? A: We just return wholly to our Buddha-nature. Notes 1

Oxen, horses, pigs, sheep, cocks, dogs.

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Sakyamuni’s Spirit: Dialogue with a Journalist Interview: November 1931, Samch’o˘ lli, Vol. 4, Issue 11

1. What Did Sakyamuni Intend to Save and How Did He Do It? Q: If Sakyamuni had been born not in India 2400 years ago, but in today’s Korea, would he not, having observed the reality of our situation, throw himself into the struggle to help the Korean people? A: Throw himself into the struggle? Q: I mean, wouldn’t he become an enthusiastic nationalist and launch some party movement, or at least make some street speeches or disseminate leaflets in some dark back alley . . . A: He would not have busied himself only with the affairs of Korea. Q: Why? A: Buddha transcended both life and death, that is, differences between sentient beings and inanimate objects, time and space. As Buddha’s ideal is, so to say, a cosmic revolution, he could not concern himself only with working for one place, Korea. Q: So, you say that he completely negated the limitations of nationality, state borders and blood lineage? But even if this were the case, didn’t Buddha actually appear on the streets of India 2,500 years ago in order to save the wretched Indian masses? Didn’t he wear Indian clothes, speak the Indian language, didn’t he preach to and lead the Indians, whose faces were wan from malnutrition? Didn’t he strive to help them? A: That was just because the Indians were living close to him and he came to them, making his first step on the way to helping the 158

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whole of humanity. But he wasn’t going to single out only the Indians to be helped, discriminating in this way against, say, Turks, British or Germans. In Buddha’s eyes, there are no limitations, no differences in treatment. When he set out to help others he had as his object all the myriad beings in the entire Universe. Humans, flying birds, crawling animals, of course, but also even mountains, rivers, grass and trees, the fishes and turtles of the rivers and seas – he intended to help everything, both visible and invisible to the eye. Q: You say ‘help, help’, but how actually was he going to help others? If we, for example, were to provide help to other humans, have we done anything other than launching a moralist, idealist movement, which says to people that they should be kind, should turn the other cheek if somebody hits them on one, and should not lie? Did he wish, for the benefit of the poor, to reform the basic system that doomed the Indian poor to poverty, and did he commit any act worthy of a revolutionary – the killing or expulsion of a tyrant, for example? A: Buddha was busy at that time breaking down India’s vicious caste system. Is there any country with a class system so rigid as it was in India? He wanted to break down these four terrible castes and put into practice the ideal of universal equality. Q: But the main tool of his struggle was preaching, right? A: At that time, communications were not well enough developed to raise a broad collective movement, so he had to traverse the world by cart, preaching to the citizens on the streets or persuading powerful people – he was generally busy putting his ideals into practice. Q: It may be the case that such a method was possible in the times of remote antiquity, but do you think a movement can succeed today with this sort of strategy and tactics? A: I am just saying how it was at that time. Q: Whatever Sakyamuni’s philosophy might have been, if he were alive now in Korea, in Seoul, in the neighbourhood of Chongno Street,1 could he just stand idly by, looking at the real lives of the Korean people, at the things happening between China and Japan in Manchuria, at the relationship between the great powers in the 159

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League of Nations, and so on? Under such circumstances would he just idly contemplate the stars in the sky, or life and death? Would there be no place in his head for the idea of belonging to the white-robed race,2 or for contemplating solutions to poverty? A: The focus of the problem here is not whether he would have launched a political movement, or that he wasn’t a revolutionary. Buddha’s truth is in the idea that everyone in the world can live prosperous lives together. Who would criticize actions aimed at achieving a prosperous life? But Buddha would never think of helping only the Korean people among the whole of humanity. He was not one to make distinctions between all those insignificant national borders or ethnic groups. His ideal was simply an equal, free life for the whole of humanity. Q: Is Gandhi a Buddhist? A: I have also heard about this. But . . . (Text below abridged) 2. Buddhist Socialism Q: Let’s imagine that Sakyamuni, while strolling along Kwanghwamun Street today at lunchtime, were to meet a very rich person. What would Sakyamuni do? A: In the Buddhist scriptures it is said that if you have two items of clothing, you should take one off and give it away. Of course, that is what Buddha would have done. Generally, Sakyamuni was negative about the accumulation of property. He criticized economic inequality. He himself always made his clothes from grasses and wore them while he travelled around preaching. His ideal was to live without the desire to own anything. Aren’t the distinctions between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ people really a chronic disease caused by the lust for ownership? Q: So, if we were to express Buddha’s economic ideas in modern language? A: It would be Buddhist socialism. Q: But is there something called Buddhist socialism in Buddhism’s sacred place, India? A: No, but I still believe in these ideas. And that is why I have recently been planning to write about Buddhist socialism. Just as 160

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there is Christian socialism as a system of ideas in Christianity, there must also be Buddhist socialism within Buddhism. Q: Buddhist socialism! I hope to read more about it in the future through your writings, but it seems that if Buddha were to come to today’s Korea, 2,400 years after his own time, he would have become one of these communists we always hear about. A: (Abridged). Q: If Sakyamuni had been born in Korea today, he would wear Korean clothes, put on Korean straw sandals, speak Korean, drink the rain and dew that falls on Korea’s mountains and rivers, and observe the laws and duties Koreans must observe. I find it impossible to believe that there would have been no national ideas in his head. A: It is impossible to deny this as far as everyday life is concerned. But could a person who thought day and night of a cosmic revolution have limited himself to a particular, regional movement? 3. Sakyamuni’s Spirit, Eternally Lofty Q: What sort of person was Sakyamuni Tathägata? A: Of course, as everybody knows, he was born one of the princes of King Suddhodana in India, 2497 years ago, that is in the year 565 BC. Q: But how did he first come to practise Buddhism? A: Once, when he was still at the young age of twenty-nine, he left his father’s palace for a walk around its perimeter, attended by his courtiers. First, after leaving the palace’s east gate, he saw a woman who had had just given birth to a child and was now walking with her baby on her back. Then, when he came to the west gate of the palace he saw a dying man, who looked extremely pitiful. After this, near the southern gate, he saw an old white-haired man, barely managing to drag himself along with the help of his cane. And finally, near the northern gate, he witnessed a funeral procession for a dead person. Having seen a birth near the east gate, the effects of ageing near the south gate, illness by the west gate, and a death near the north gate, he sensed deeply the fact that human beings live only a short while after they are born, enduring innumerable 161

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sufferings before dying all too soon. He therefore began to think about whether it might be possible for humans not to have to die eternally. This was the initial motivation that gave birth to Sakyamuni’s ideas. Q: So what is the truth of Buddhism? A: With the above-mentioned motivation, he gradually began to become aware of the realities around him, and then came to observe the tyranny of India’s ruling castes, especially the Brahmans (like yangban gentry in Korea). As you know, this tyranny is similar today, but at that time India’s social discrimination was worse than anywhere else in the world. He therefore started to maintain that all people are the same, that all beings with consciousness and all things without consciousness are the same, that everything is equal, that all the myriad beings in the entire universe, all sentient beings are the same. To put it in modern language, that the myriad beings of the entire universe are absolutely equal. Where else can one find such a great doctrine, such a peerless position? Even today there are no other theories maintaining that all the sentient beings, in fact all beings, are absolutely equal. People dare not even think about it. If Sakyamuni was able already to develop this sort of thinking two thousand and several hundred years ago, we today cannot but admire his great ideas. It is also the case that all religions up to this day, with the sole exception of Buddhism, have believed in superhuman gods or in Heaven, and have placed their truth there. But Sakyamuni said (to his disciples): ‘You can follow me as much as you like, but don’t believe in me, believe in yourself.’ In other words, he stated that ‘All the myriad things in the universe are created by the human (mind).’ We can again see the greatness of Buddha in those words. Here was the prince of a state, who enjoyed all the wealth and fame he could possibly want, who was as noble as the Son of Heaven and as rich as if he owned all under Heaven. How can we today not find his deeds great and praiseworthy when we consider that he threw away all the luxury and wealth of the mundane world and went into the forests to practise ascetic self-cultivation. Q: Before he went into the forests to practise asceticism, what sort of difficulties did he undergo? A: Of course, he was a prince, so as soon as he started to develop these great ideas, his father, King Suddhodana, became extremely 162

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worried and did not leave a stone unturned in order to force him to change his mind. He summoned beautiful women from all over India and made them sit in his son’s lap and use all their powers of flirtation. He did everything he could to change his son’s mind, but Sakyamuni did not sleep or eat and spent his days in contemplation and anguish. Suddhodana tried every means to stop him, but then one night, the prince left the palace by stealth while everybody was sleeping and went into the forest. Q: How many years did he spend there? A: His initial period of self-cultivation was three years, and then at the age of thirty when he first attained the Way to some degree, he left and acquired disciples whom he gave guidance to before returning to practise asceticism for three more years. All in all, he spent six years almost naked and hungry, and then emerged into the world as the Buddha. Q: When did he leave the world? A: He lived by begging until the age of eighty and then finally left the world. He left the world under the twin sal-tree. At that moment, in addition to his closest disciple, Ananda, there were several other disciples at his side. Sakyamuni said to them: ‘Even if my body dies, the truths I have been speaking about are eternal.’ This is what is called ‘Buddha’s Nirvana’ in Buddhist terms. Today, we must begin by speaking of the greatness of Sakyamuni, of his ideas, and of the formidable nature of what he did as a human being, (and particularly as someone who had been born a prince). He uttered another eternally luminous saying when he first came out of his mother’s womb. After taking seven steps he said, ‘In the heavenly realm and under the heavens, I am the only one to be revered.’ Those words – meaning that both above and under the skies I am the best – are uniquely wellknown. Another one of Sakyamun’s brilliant achievements is the Tripitaka, consisting of the 80,000 books that he left to us after completing his self-cultivation. This has been passed down to us today and is justly famous. The 80,000 books of the Tripitaka are also kept in Korea, at Haeinsa Temple in Hapch’˘on County. Q: Did Sakyamuni ever marry? A: He took a wife at quite early age, and already had a son by the age of twenty-nine. 163

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To repeat once again, Sakyamuni maintained first the equality of everything – all people, all beings, with or without consciousness, then second he insisted on the boundless nature of the world. Third, he pointed out that ‘all the myriad things are created by the human (mind)’ and fourth that ‘Buddhas are capable of saving others’. Fifth, while he began life ‘as noble as the Son of Heaven and as rich as if he owned all under Heaven’, he compiled the 80,000 books of Tripitaka before turning eighty, and sixth, after his birth he took seven steps and shouted: ‘In the heavenly realm and under the heavens, I am the only one to be revered.’ Those are the main points of his greatness. Notes 1

The central commercial street of the Korean capital. Korean nationalists during the Japanese colonial period (1910–45) referred to Koreans as the ‘white-robed nation/race’, and the rhetorical use of this expression continued after decolonization. While Korea’s traditional white clothes were considered a sign of Korea’s ‘underdevelopment’ by the Japanese colonizers, who even conducted from the 1910s several campaigns to encourage Koreans to wear coloured clothes, they became an emotion-laden symbol of ‘Koreanness’ for many Korean nationalists.

2

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Meditation and Human Life Pulgyo, Vol. 91, 1 February 1932

1. The meaning of ‘meditation’

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sually, people think that meditation can be found only in Buddhism. Of course, it is correct that Buddhists hold meditation in high regard. But it would be wrong to understand meditation only as a sort of religious practice. Meditation is neither a religious practice nor a form of academic research; it is neither lofty contemplation nor quiet indifference of mind. It is simply something everybody is bound to do, and thus something all can do, something ordinary and necessary. Meditation is open to any sort of human character. It is also the highest form of pastime and the noblest of the arts. Meditation is synonymous with cultivation of the mind, or development of the consciousness. I now have to explain why such cultivation is necessary and how it is done. 2. Necessity of meditation The necessity of cultivating the mind is as follows: Even without speaking about the basic differences between idealism and materialism, we may ascertain the fact that the body and actions of an adult person follow the orders of the mind. It is the mind that sets the person on certain actions and which takes full responsibility for the direction of these bodily actions. If a baby picks a flower in a park, the direct responsibility for this action will rest not with the baby’s hand but with the baby’s mind. Giving some money to a disabled beggar in the street is not a function of the body, it is the expression of a charitable mind. The famous Communist Manifesto came not out of Marx and 165

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Engels’ hands, but out of their minds, and historical materialism, the golden rule for the materialists, came from Bukharin’s mind, not out of his pen. The thing that made the enemy generals shiver for the sake of France was not the beautiful body of diminutive Jeanne D’Arc, but her brave mind. The one that receives sacrificial offerings mixed with the aroma of evening mist, in a little grave under Ch’oks˘ongnu Pavillion, on the bank of the Namgang River, is not the corporal beauty of Non’gae, who as a female entertainer, had to accept any ordinary men as her guests. It is actually her righteous spirit, which led her to an honourable death for the sake of the state – a heroic deed unparalleled in a thousand years of history. The person who incites a crime is a worse criminal than the one who actually commits it. In battle, a successful general making clever calculations in his tent and controlling his camp, is given greater merit than the nameless foot soldiers dying in their tens of thousands under the showers of bullets, in the fog of gunpowder. So, the full responsibility for a person’s actions rests with the person’s mind. This means that the full rights of the person also belong to the mind. That a good person became good, or a bad person became bad depended on their minds; that a traitor became a traitor and a patriot became a patriot depended on their minds too. On this basis, can we not say that the mind is our ‘Mind King’,1 determining every aspect of our lives? To make water clear, you have to tackle its source, and to make a tree flourish you have to take care of its roots. In the same way, the cultivation of the mind is a necessary condition for putting a person’s actions into order. Here the necessity of meditation becomes clear. Meditation is not only needed by Buddhists – it is necessary for intellectuals, peasants, artisans, traders and everyone else. 3. Methods of meditation If, as described above, meditation and the development of the consciousness are necessary, what are the methods of meditating – of cultivating one’s mind? If, as I said above, it is neither a religious practice nor a form of academic research; neither lofty contemplation nor quiet indifference of mind, what is it? Before describing the forms and structures of mind cultivation, I have to mention the forms and structures of mind itself. 166

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Of course, mind is not matter. While it is not being, it is also not emptiness. In this respect, it is not correct to speak about mind’s ‘forms’. But, if I am to express such things in words and characters, I have to borrow the formal methods of description. Empty and luminous, the mind, while not a ‘being’, includes all the ten thousand kinds of dharmas, without a single exception. As it is empty and luminous there is nothing it cannot accept, and as there is nothing it does not include, it is also free of any biases. By its original nature, it is free of desires and clean, hollow and silent, devoid of names and appearances, forms and matter. But as the nature of sentient beings flows through it, it incorporates tens of thousands of dharmas, the dharmas of true and false, good and evil appear and disappear there without end. The ancients, when speaking on the mind, compared it to the surface of water or to a mirror, and this is a good comparison. A mirror is clean, empty and free of consciousness, but is able to reflect tens of thousands of images. At the same time, if it gets dusty and loses its lucidity, it also loses its ability to reflect. But its reflective abilities are not lost permanently, they are only impaired by the dust. Once the dust is removed, the lucidity comes back again, just as before, and shows barbarians when the barbarians come, and Chinese when the Chinese come. The same is true with water too. Its original nature is clean and calm, but if it is mixed with dust and dirt, it becomes muddy, and if it meets wind, it is moved. But mixing with dirt does not make the original nature of water muddy, and meeting wind does not mean that the original nature of water is moved. When the dirt settles, the water is clean again, and when the wind stops, the water is calm again. The same is true of the mind too. Its original nature is empty, luminous, free of desires and calm, but when deluded thoughts arise, it moves to build a burning house2 and create hell. To calm down the deluded thoughts and reveal the original nature of the mind again is the cultivation of mind. If we are to compare the mind with water, it would be good also to compare the cleansing of water with the cultivation of the mind. If muddy water is to be cleansed, the only way is to calm the water first so that the dirt will settle by itself and make the water clean. The reason for this is that if we try to take the dirt from the water, we will fail and the water will only get muddier. Cleansing the water therefore, does not require any particular techniques or methods; the ‘non-method’, or ‘non-technique’ that we must apply 167

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instead is simply to still the water so that it will follow its original nature. The same is true about the cultivation of mind, that is, meditation. In meditation, it is forbidden to apply any other method than taking up a meditation phrase, hwadu, from a meditation topic, kongan. If, in order to remove deluded thoughts, we make up our mind to struggle against these thoughts, this struggling mind will itself become one more deluded thought, and in the end our mind will only be more deluded than before. If thoughts about your meditation skills, or about the easiness of attaining enlightenment, or about anything at all, arise in your mind, you will fall into the realm of deluded thoughts. In meditation it is not only bad thoughts that are called ‘deluded’ – good thoughts are called ‘deluded’ as well. It is said that you should not be attached to the quest for Buddha, his Dharma (Law), or his Sangha (monastic community). That is, although there is nothing to equal the Three Treasures – Buddha, Dharma and Sangha – in goodness, you should not be attached even to them, let alone anything else. Cultivating the mind means retaining its original body – empty, luminous, free of desires and calm. But just to keep the original body of the mind, without anything to cling to, may feel too ambiguous, and sentient beings with low levels of karmic maturity can be misled into thinking that meditation is too difficult for them, even before they begin it. That is why the meditation phrases, hwadu, are used as a device to guide them. These phrases come from the one thousand seven hundred ‘meditation topics’, called kongan. For example: Has a dog Buddha-nature? – No! What is it? The ten thousand dharmas return to one? Where does the one return?

But they are nothing more than devices, used in order to arouse feelings of doubt.3 The meditation phrase arouses feelings of doubt; the feelings of doubt remove deluded thoughts; removal of deluded thoughts consolidates mind and consciousness; and then, consolidation of mind and consciousness make the original body of the mind self-evident. That is, working with the meditation phrases is the only method of meditation. But the meditation phrases were not intentionally created with the purpose of arousing meditation 168

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scholars’ feelings of doubt. These meditation phrases are clear, directly spoken Dharma talks, given by successive Buddhas and patriarchs as a result of their scrupulous care for sentient beings. But scholars with low levels of karmic maturity, unable to become awakened on hearing these Dharma talks, attach these words to their feelings of doubt and spend quite an amount of time in their quests, sometimes becoming awakened in the end and sometimes failing. Later scholars began to cite the ‘meditation topics’ and use them as meditation phrases, but originally the ‘meditation topics’ were not intentionally created to arouse feelings of doubt. Sentient beings, who are less mature karmically, fall into feelings of doubt due to their inability to understand these clear, directly spoken Dharma talks. These became meditation phrases, but the meditation phrases are not the aim of meditation – they are just the tools of meditation. What sort of state of mind are you in when you fall into feelings of doubt? It is not an intellectual quest; and it is not simply keeping your unconscious mind silent. If you overindulge in an intellectual quest, you commit the mistake of being excited – unsettled and unfocused;4 if you only focus on keeping your unconscious mind silent, you commit the mistake of laxity – carelessness and slackness.5 Those meditating should be mindful, awakened and quiet: a mindful and awakened state of mind chases away laxity, and inner calm prevents excitement. At the point when the mind is too excited, the vigorous feelings of doubt should be cooled. The stage at which feelings of doubt arise is described as something like a great, all-devouring fire, like a great sword reaching to the very sky, like a clean space where dust rises no longer. On this basis, meditation involves neither the conscious efforts of an intellectual quest nor the state of emptiness without memories brought about by stopping the flow of mind. The key phrases are intended to arouse the feelings of doubt in an energetic way. Cultivation of mind exists not only in the form of Buddhist meditation: there are analogies both in Confucianism and Christianity. In Confucianism, Mencius had the idea of the ‘search for the lost mind’6 and the Song Dynasty Confucians spoke of the ‘preservation and nourishment of the mind’. In Christianity, Jesus is said to have spent forty days on the banks of the Jordan fasting. But the content and methods there differ from that of Buddhist meditation. 169

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4. Meditation and the ‘search for the lost mind’ The ‘search for the lost mind’ means avoiding abstraction of mind, or absent-mindedness. Mencius maintained that humans are innately good, but their innate goodness becomes obscured by desires and thus they come to commit evil acts. This means that when we fend off our desires, the innate principles of our original nature would shine through. Thus, Mencius came to assert emphatically the necessity of ‘nipping human desires in the bud and preserving the Heavenly Principle to the end’, that is, nipping in the bud the human desires so that the Heavenly Principle could be retained in its original form. You need to ‘seek for the lost mind’ in order to realize the ‘blocking of human desires and preservation of the Heavenly Principle’ and the ‘lost mind’ here means self-indulgence and careless absentmindedness. ‘Lost mind’ means that while immersed in material desires, you are unable to maintain your original nature, and instead follow circumstances, chase after your desires and behave in an unrestrained, unreserved way, so that the ‘mind becomes like a monkey, and thoughts become like horses’. Only if this ‘lost mind’ is put in order, can the original nature be revealed. So, the ‘search for the lost mind’ is a method of inner self-cultivation. However, while ascertaining the necessity of the ‘search for the lost mind’, Mencius said nothing on the method of achieving this. What then, should the later scholars rely upon in their realization of the ‘search for the lost mind’? It is easy to say ‘search for the lost mind’, but the realization of this search is no easy matter. One can only regret that there is no detailed method of ‘searching for the lost mind’. That is an important reason why it does not equal Buddhist meditation as a way of selfcultivation. Moreover, the ‘search for the lost mind’ implies redeeming the mind that has been immersed in carelessness, but once the mind has already become careless, it cannot be redeemed. The careless mind is a derivative function issuing from what is the essential body – the empty, luminous mind. But while it is possible to keep the mind’s original essential body, hollow and silent, preventing it from sinking into carelessness, it is impossible to save the mind from carelessness once this function has already issued from the original mind. In the realm of mind-cultivation, the Mencian ‘search for the lost mind’ is not only inferior to Buddhist meditation, it is also no match for the Song Confucians’ theories of the ‘nourishment and preservation of mind’. 170

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5. Meditation and the ‘nourishment and preservation of mind’ The ‘nourishment and preservation of mind’ and self-introspection are two consecutive stages of the cultivation process which are related to the essence and function of the human mind and nature. Before mind and nature issue emotions, they are to be nourished and preserved; after this, self-introspection should remove the evils of carelessness or fallacies. Here, I am going to speak about ‘nourishment and preservation’. Compared to the ‘search for the lost mind’, ‘nourishment and preservation’ is concrete and rational, and represents an advance in the development of methods of selfcultivation. As I have already argued above, the ‘search for the lost mind’, which is meant to cure already existing carelessness, is not only insufficient as a scholarly theory, it also lacks concrete methods for realization, and thus became useless for later scholars. But ‘nourishment and preservation’ is not an attempt to restore the mind, which has already begun issuing emotions; it is the preservation and nourishment of the mind’s essential body beforehand, aimed at preventing the issuance of emotions in the future. This has a more rational logic than that of the ‘search for the lost mind’. But as far as the method of ‘nourishment and preservation’ is concerned, there are no concrete theories at all. Is it therefore possible to attain the achievements of ‘nourishment and preservation’ simply by insipid peace, calm and silence? Or can we achieve the goals of ‘nourishment and preservation’ by silent meditation? If we present only vague goals, without explaining any concrete paths leading to them, this theory will lack a systematic character and will not benefit others practically. Although ‘nourishment and preservation’ is more advanced than the ‘search for the lost mind’, it is still inferior to Buddhist meditation, with its fully developed logic and methods. 6. Buddhist Meditation Methods When Buddha gathered billion-strong crowds on the Vulture Peak7 and preached them his Dharma, he suddenly showed them a single flower. The crowds were at loss about what this gesture could mean, and only one of those present, M¯ah¯ak¯a´syapa,8 smiled. He was the sort of good friend whom you can be lucky to meet once in tens of thousands of kalpas; and his smile was the most joyful event for the whole world. In the realm of meditation methods, that was the 171

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loftiest and the most peaceful. There is no hierarchy between the various meditation methods: they are neither superior nor inferior to each other in the matter of their form or in their unfathomable beauty. But in their application, the sharpness or dullness of the adept, or the degree to which those meditating can progress quickly, should be taken into account. Once, the Bodhisattva Manju´ ´ srı¯ grabbed a sword and threatened Buddha.9 In formal terms, he was surely about to commit one of the Five Cardinal Sins of Buddhism.10 But, to the extent that the shining light of Buddha and the sparkling of the blade are the same and not different from one another, threatening Buddha with a sword was not one of the Five Sins, but an unparalleled, unmatched meditation method. This does not mean that Manju´ ´ srı¯ was absolutely free from sin. It just means that he did not see Buddha with his eyes, did not grasp the sword with his hands, and did not think about threatening Buddha at that moment. In other words, although he took the sword and threatened Buddha, he was not observing this action externally and did not recognize it internally in his mind. That is why he is not counted as a sinner. The shouts of Linju Yixuan11 and the staff-blows of Deshan Xuanjian12 are particularly famed meditation training methods. The school of Linji was always built upon shouts only, and the school of Deshan was always built upon blows alone. Whatever sorts of questions students presented him with, Linji always answered with shouts and whatever questions on Dharma his students asked him, Deshan always answered with blows. But all Linji’s shouts were grounded in Dharma; and not one of Deshan’s blows ever violated Dharma. Every one of Linji’s shouts sounded like a mad one, and every one of Deshan’s blows looked like a blind one. The reason for this was that Linji, while shouting, had no intention of shouting, and Deshan, while giving blows with his staff, was not observing and recognizing what he was doing. In other words, Linji’s shouts were nothing more than unwitting, unconscious words, and Deshan’s staff was nothing more than an unfeeling piece of old wood. Since the shouts were devoid of comprehension and understanding, they were interconnected with all parts of the Buddhist Dharma; and since the blows were free of feelings of love and hatred, closeness or remoteness, and not even recognized by Deshan himself, they were in perfect harmony with everything in the Dharma. So the shouts really had to be mad and the blows really 172

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had to be blind. If that were not the case and the shouts and staffblows were filled with understanding and vision, then they may also have become ‘clever mad shouts’ and ‘conscious blind blows’. Such shouts and blows are the 18,000 paths away from proper meditation training. Once China’s Huang Shan’gu13 asked Master Huitang14 about Dharma. Huitang, a famous meditation master at that time, used the usual mode of expression, replying that to go to sleep when tired and drink tea when thirsty is Dharma. When Huang Shan’gu asked Master Huitang his question, he was hoping for some unusual, peculiar reply, and having heard the Master’s answer worded in this ordinary way, he felt doubt and thought that the Master might have avoided revealing the profound principles of Dharma because they were not close friends. He therefore continued to press for another answer, but every time the Master was asked about Dharma, he only replied ‘I have nothing to conceal from you’. The reason he gave such an answer was precisely because the Master really did have nothing to conceal. But Huang Shan’gu’s doubts persisted. Once, on a day in late spring, when he was walking together with the Master, they saw a blossoming ash tree whose sweet fragrance was literally assailing passers-by. The Master asked Huang Shan’gu: ‘Can you sense this fragrance?’ ‘Yes,’ replied Huang Shan’gu. Then the Master said, ‘That is it – I have nothing to conceal from you,’ and on hearing this Huang Shan’gu achieved awakening. What perfection in meditation this is. 7. Seeing One’s True Nature To see one’s true nature means to behold one’s own nature as such. If you practise meditation and destroy at last the feelings of doubt aroused by your key phrase, all the ‘meditation topics’ are suddenly destroyed and you can see Buddha-nature without hindrance. But since the self-nature has no essence and no form, how will it be seen by the human eye? Explanations on this point are diverse, some people saying that ‘to behold the self-nature’ means ‘to be awakened to the self-nature’, and others saying that ‘it is to be seen by the mind, not by the eye’. However, Buddha-nature is perceptible to the eye, the nature having form in this case. The reason I am saying this, is that the concept of Buddha-nature is not limited only to the true nature of all dharmas, which is understandable only after the 173

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path of language is cut off and the movements of the mind are stopped. Among the mountains, rivers, flowers and grasses, there is nothing which is not Buddha-nature. As the mountains, rivers, flowers and grasses are visible to anybody, the question may arise: does this not mean that all sentient beings have already seen their true nature, and if this is the case, why should they wait to be awakened by meditation so that they can experience their true nature? Yes, all sentient beings have already seen their true nature, but those among them who are deluded, are not aware of this. They are not aware that the mountains, rivers, flowers and plants are all Buddha-nature: even if they know it on a conceptual level, they are still unaware of it. This is not all, the true nature of all dharmas – empty and luminous, hollow and silent, devoid of form and colour – may be seen not only by the mind, but also by the eyes. Those who attain enlightenment are able to substitute their sense organs for one another: this means that what is visible to the eyes becomes visible to the mind, but it also becomes audible by the ear, and may be sensed by the nose as well. And it is not only the six sense organs – eyes, ears, nose, tongue, body, mind – that attain the ability to substitute for one another; the six objects of perception – colour, sound, smell, taste, touch, and emotions – also become interchangeable. As form is emptiness and emptiness is form, real emptiness may well coexist with the exquisite forms of existence. Thus, you can see your own true nature with the help of both your mind and all the other sense organs; your own true nature may be perceived in colour, sound, smell, taste, touch and emotions. Master Lingyun,15 as everybody knows, perceived his true nature on seeing peach blossoms. But throughout the ages that have passed since then, nobody has understood that the peach blossoms also saw their true nature upon seeing Master Lingyun. And that is a great pity! 8. The Use of Meditation Buddhist meditators often engage in meditation in caves among the mountains and this is why some members of the general public misunderstand meditation as a sort of world-rejecting ‘living death’, or as the hermit life ‘under the pine-trees’. Of course, meditation is something done by people and not dependent on a particular place, although beginners need to choose those conditions which are most 174

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appropriate for them. In other words, meditation training can be done everywhere, and its success depends only on the practitioner’s efforts, although it may be better to eschew places that are too noisy and boisterous in favour of calmer, quieter locations. This is why meditators have chosen to practise in caves among the mountains since ancient times. However, on the completion of their practice, they must came back, ‘to the mud and water of the world’, to save other sentient beings. Moreover, meditation practice is not necessarily conducted in caves and among the mountains – you may meditate during literary studies, while tilling the land, and while doing whatever else you do. You can even meditate amidst the busy life of a military encampment, under a hail of bullets, in the fog of gunpowder. Not only can you meditate [in these conditions], but actually the more pressing the circumstances are, the more you need meditation. The meditation I am speaking of is not ‘dead meditation’, which rigidly clings to cemetery-like silence; it is ‘live meditation’, which energetically utilizes all available methods, in accordance with the situation. Meditation is able to help you rid yourself of fear in danger; it is able to chase away grief and anguish, and to transcend life and death. What a marvellous method of self-cultivation it is! The well-known Confucian scholar and wise man of the Song Dynasty, the great Cheng Ichuan,16 once took a boat and crossed a river together with several companions. They were joined in the boat by a mendicant monk in tattered clothes. When the boat reached the middle of the river, it stopped, unable to go either forward or backward on account of the wind and waves, and was on the brink of being wrecked. All those on board were struck with fear. They almost lost their minds and were crawling around on their hands and knees in panic – even the boatman lost his head in confusion. Cheng Ichuan, as a cultivated Confucian, was not, of course, as panicked as the others, but even he felt fear and was unable to maintain his dignified seated pose. The mendicant however, despite all the danger of being shipwrecked, was sitting indifferently, leaning upon his knapsack and alms-bowl as if he was feeling drowsy. The others could not but feel strange watching his super-human posture. Cheng Ichuan, as a man of unusual talent in everything, could not fail to notice the monk’s unusual behaviour, and guessed in his heart whether the monk was a man of perfection or just a born idiot. Then, once the boat, with some good luck, had 175

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reached the other shore and the fellow-travellers dispersed, Cheng Ichuan turned to the mendicant and asked him why he was so perfectly calm and self-possessed, to the point of falling into a halfsleep at the moment of danger when the boat was about to be sunk by the sudden storm. The mendicant replied with a smile: ‘There was nothing strange: from the very beginning of our trip I saw neither water nor boat. As I saw neither water nor boat, how could I see the storm? Since I could not see the boat, the water or the storm, I forgot about my life and death. And since I forgot about life and death, how could I be interested in moments of danger? So this has nothing to do with what you call “calmness” and “selfpossession”.’ Later, Cheng Ichuan said that he reflected critically upon his shortcomings when he heard this answer. That is the real use of meditation – to sharpen your staff amidst calm, and to keep calm amidst confusion. Meditation does not imply annihilating your will and reducing your mind to cool ashes – it means adroit, skilful, free and enthusiastic practice in tens of thousands of ways. In addition to being misunderstood by outsiders as ‘dead meditation’, this sort of meditation practice is sometimes not fully appreciated by the practitioners themselves. It is so unfortunate that, oblivious to the practical meanings of meditation, they reduce themselves to ‘preserving integrity amid hardship’ while living in caves among the mountains! 9. Conclusion From the viewpoint of the human personality, or one’s conception of human life, real humans are not supposed to be passive tools of their circumstances. If your sight is being confused by colours and your hearing is being tangled by sounds; if your emotions run off the normal track following externally induced feelings of joy, anger, sorrow and pleasure, and if your mind’s centre of gravity shifts in accordance with external circumstances of security or danger – if, in a word, your personal consciousness is being determined by external circumstances – you can not develop a well-rounded, full-fledged personality. One’s sight is functioning normally when one does not confuse the red colour one is seeing now with the blue colour one saw a moment ago; and one’s hearing is functioning normally when one does not confuse the note gong that one hears now with the note 176

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jue one heard just before.17 In the same way, not to lose the normal ways of the ‘real I’ regardless of changing external circumstances is the normal function of the human personality. ‘Through the wind and rain all looks dark’, and the cock has already stopped crowing;18 although a great invasion threatens Heaven, the axis of the world cannot be moved! That is why Han Qi,19 who, when attacked by a would-be assassin while in a deep sleep in the middle of the night, so strongly moved the attacker by readily offering his throat and calmly inviting him to proceed with the assassination, that the latter withdrew on his own, awe-stricken, eventually became a minister of shining fame. And that is why Germany’s Bismarck, who used to stroll in his garden calmly observing the fish swimming in his pond every time he encountered a difficult political question, became a great politician. This might be called the ‘meditational mood’. Of course, the people mentioned above did not meditate with key phrases, but they had a predilection – either innate or acquired – toward self-cultivation, which closely corresponded to the uses of meditation we know. The successive Buddhas and patriarchs are said to have been able to ‘kill or rescue’, ‘capture or set free’, ‘keep under or look up to’ and ‘reward or punish’ their adepts at will. That is, to act as masterful teachers for those seeking enlightenment. All the pedagogical devices they use are ultimately based on meditation. Notes 1 Sanskr. citta-r¯ja, Ch. xinwang, Kor. simwang. The term denotes the overall cognitive function of the mind, as opposed to its more specific qualities or attributes (emotions, etc.). 2 Burning house (Sansk. adı ¯ ¯ptâgara, ¯ Ch. huozhai, Kor. hwat’aek) – famous Buddhist parable of the world consumed by unending desires, from which sentient beings are to be saved. Used, for example, in the Lotus Sutra: T262.09.p0012b21-p0013c18. 3 Ch. yiqing, Kor. u˘ ij˘ong. A special meditation school term describing the psychic state of a meditator immediately after having taken the meditation topic. Inability to ‘solve the riddle’ and become enlightened ‘here and now’ gives rise to the basic, principal doubts about the epistemological limitations of the normal, ‘unenlightened’ human mind, which gradually undermine commonsense beliefs in the reality and perceptibility of the world and lead eventually to a qualitative ‘leap’ to the new, ‘enlightened’ state of consciousness.

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Sanskr. auddhatya, Ch. diaoju, Kor. tog˘o. One of the afflictive factors, presenting an obstacle in the process of meditation: the inability to settle down the mind and stop the flow of consciousness. 5 Sanskr. laya, Ch. hunchen, Kor. honch’im. Another hindrance on the way of meditation: lack of discipline and vigilance. 6 Here, the known passage from Mencius 6A:11 is meant: ‘When people lose their chickens and dogs, they know enough to look for them, but when they lose their mind, they do not know enough to seek it. The way of study and inquiry is none other than the search for the lost mind.’ What is ‘sought’ in this way is the ability to overcome inner inattention and to concentrate upon moral cultivation and study. 7 Sanskr. G˘ rdhrak¯uta-parvata, Ch. Lingshan, Kor. Y˘ongsan. A mountain in Northern India known as a place where Buddha liked to preach, it emerges as the setting for passages in many Buddhist sutras, famously in the Lotus Sutra. 8 Ch. Mohejiaye, Kor. Mahakas˘ op. Appears in the Buddhist sutras as Buddha’s foremost disciple. Known for his thorough observance of dh¯uta – ascetic practices. The Chan (Kor. S˘on, Jap. Zen: Meditation School) tradition made him into the ‘first patriarch’ of its presumed Indian lineage. 9 Reference to a known Chan legend (mentioned in many Chan writings – for example, in the Zongmen Niangu Huiji, a collection of Chan stories complied by Jingfu, Qing Dynasty: Xuzangjing, Vol. 66, No. 1296) about Ma´nju´srı¯, who, during a preaching meeting on the Vulture Peak, threatened Buddha with a sword, moving Buddha to explain to the crowd that ‘I’ is not in reality different from the ‘others’, and threatening others means harming oneself as a result. On hearing this, ‘five hundred monks awakened by themselves to their original mind, and understood that they were living among dreams and delusions’. 10 Killing one’s father, mother, or an arhat; causing a Buddha to bleed; destroying the unity of the sangha. 11 Kor. Imje Uihy˘ ˘ on (?-866). Chinese Chan monk, founder of the most successful Chan school among the ‘Five Houses’ of Chan in late Tang times. Known for his unconventional teaching methods, including shouts and blows with a staff used as stimuli to break up conventional – that is, ‘deluded’ – thinking and make the leap to awakening. 12 Kor. To ˘ ksan So˘n’gam (780–865). One of the patriarchs of the Yunmen House of Chan. Famed for his habit of never ascending the platform in the meditation hall without his short staff, which he brandished in the air shouting, ‘If you can speak, thirty blows! If you cannot speak, thirty blows!’. The blows were intended as a pedagogical device helping to transcend commonsensical dichotomies like ‘I can vs. I cannot’. See: Heinrich Dumoulin, Zen Buddhism: A History, NY: Macmillan, 1988, pp. 168–169. 178

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Huang Tingjian (courtesy name – Shan’gu, 1045–1105). Famous poet, historian and calligrapher of the Song Dynasty, a friend and political ally of Su Shi, known for his introspective, learned poetry written in the strict classical style. See David Palumbo-Liu, The Poetics of Appropriation. The Literary Theory and Practice of Huang Tingjian, Stanford, Calif. : Stanford University Press, 1993. 14 Huitang (1025–1100) – a Chan master from the Linji School, originally hailing from a learned Confucian family. Known for his friendly exchanges with contemporary Confucian intellectuals. 15 Lingyun Zhiqin (d.u.) – a disciple of the famed Chan master Guishan Lingyou (771–853). Lingyun’s enlightenment poem, which mentions his awakening upon seeing peach blossoms, was approvingly cited by master Dahui Zhonggao (1089–1163), known for his advocacy of the use of ‘meditation topics’ as the ‘shortcut’ to reaching enlightenment. See Christopher Cleary (trans.), Swampland Flowers: The Letters and Lectures of Zen Master Ta Hui, N.Y.: Grove Press, 1977, p. 117. 16 Cheng Yi (courtesy name: Ichuan, 1033–1107) – a famous figure of the Song Dynasty Confucian revival, known for his investigations of the metaphysical principle (li), which later laid the foundations for Zhu Xi’s (1130–1200) Neo-Confucian system. Cheng Yi’s brother, Confucian Cheng Hao (1032–85), was known for his penchant for meditational exercises. See Angus C. Graham, Two Chinese Philosophers: The Metaphysics of the Brothers Ch’êng, 2nd edition, La Salle: Open Court, 1992. 17 Traditional Chinese – and more generally, East Asian – music was based on a pentatonic scale, with the basic notes gong, shang, jue, zhi and yu corresponding respectively to do, re, mi, so and la. 18 A slightly altered citation from the poem entitled Feng yu (‘Wind and rain’) from Shijing (Classic of Odes), found in chapter seven (‘The Odes of Zheng’) of the first book (‘Odes of the States’). The original poem depicts the staunch fidelity of a wife who is rejoicing at having seen her husband, despite the worst possible external circumstances – wind and rain: Cold are the wind and the rain, And shrilly crows the cock. But I have seen my husband, And should I but feel at rest? The wind whistles and the rain patters, While loudly crows the cock. But I have seen my husband, And could my ailment but be cured? Through the wind and rain all looks dark, And the cock crows without ceasing. But I have seen my husband, And how should I not rejoice? 179

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For Han Yongun, the poem obviously symbolized the victory of the ‘internal I’ over external adversities. 19 Han Qi (1008–75) was a famed Song Dynasty statesman who assisted Fan Zhongyan (989–1052) in the latter’s bold reformist policies. Known for his calmness, composure and bravery.

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Meditation Outside of Meditation Pulgyo (sin) 5, 1 July 1937

1. Foreword

I

once went to an inn in the Nagwo˘ndong1 area, to meet a provincial friend who was staying there. On my way back, going along a side street, I heard a lettuce-seller, who was shouting: ‘Buy my lettuces, Western-style lettuces!’ A middle-aged woman quickly came from one of the inns nearby and called to the peddler: ‘Lettuce-seller!’ ‘Yes!’ answered the peddler, taking the sack containing the lettuces and bringing it to the woman. The woman began to rummage in the sack, but then pronounced: ‘These lettuces are too small’, and stopped inspecting the peddler’s wares. The lettuce-seller laughed: ‘Yes, if you look at them thinking they are small, they will seem small, but if you look them thinking they are big, they will look big.’ I was observing the scene, and all of sudden, unconsciously began to nod when I heard the last remark. The reason for this was that the remark represented, in fact, a meditation talk pointing out that everything in the world we perceive is created by our mind. Of course, for those engaged in meditation everything looks and sounds like meditation; but in fact, this remark by the lettuce-seller was just as good as any ‘meditation topic’.2 Commentaries are actually superfluous here, but if we are to interpret the remark through the prism of its Buddhist meaning, there will be those people who see a lettuce as big, and those who see it as small. It depends upon the desires of the person wishing to buy it. Those looking for a tender, quality product might consider it too big, while 181

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those looking to get more for their money, might consider it too small. The woman worked in an inn, where she had to take care of numerous guests, and obviously needed quantity more than quality – that is why she thought that the lettuces were too small. But the reply of the lettuce-seller to this – ‘if you look at them thinking they are small, they will seem small, but if you look at them thinking they are big, they will look big’ – was a real meditational talk, which did not reveal explicitly the speaker’s intention, but at the same time fully exposed the reality of the world created by the mind alone. That was what caused me to nod. Of course, that lettuce-seller was completely ignorant of the meditational meaning of his remark. In fact, if the peddler had had even the slightest intention of producing a meditation phrase, the remark, on the contrary, would have become a worthless, vulgar piece of chat. Meditation is something done neither with intention nor without it. Meditation talks are not necessarily produced only by solemn, disciplined practitioners who are fully focused upon their practice. They may unintentionally come from the mouth of a lettuce-seller as well. Should we call this ‘meditation outside of meditation’? That is what motivated me to write this piece and I will use this opportunity to elaborate a little bit on what meditation is. 2. Meanings of ‘meditation’ The Sino-Korean word for ‘meditation’, so˘n, is an abbreviation of the Chinese transliteration of the Sanskrit word Dhyana – which was also historically interpreted in China as ‘cultivation of one’s thinking’, ‘calm thinking’, ‘right concentration’, ‘forest of merits’ or ‘eschewing evil’. ‘Cultivation of one’s thinking’ here means thinking about a certain external object and improving oneself in the process. As is said in fascicle 17 of the Mah¯aprajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a-s´a¯ stra:3 ‘Concentrating on various merits is called “cultivation of thinking”. That is how the Indian word for “meditation” is to be translated into the language of China.’4 And in fascicle 13 of the Dacheng Yizhang,5 it is said: ‘ “Meditation” (Ch. chan, Kor. so˘n) is a Chinese word. It is interpreted as “cultivation and training of one’s thinking”.’6 In the Moheyan Lun,7 it is said: ‘If we interpret “meditation” in a Chinese way, it will be “cultivation of one’s thinking”.’8 182

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‘Calm thinking’ here means calming down the body of your mind, and preventing it from getting into disorder. In fascicle 28 of the Abhidarmako´sa-´sa¯ stra,9 it is said: ‘In what sense is it called “calm thinking”? It is called this because with the help of calm, we are able to observe the thinking process. To observe the thinking process means to perfectly understand its meaning in reality. Thus, it is said that, in the state of meditation, we are able to understand reality as it is.’10 Then, in fascicle 18 of Puguang’s commentary on the abovementioned treatise,11 it is stated: ‘If the mind is calmed by meditation, wisdom gives the capability to observe the process of thinking.’12 In fascicle 83 of Abhidharma-mah¯avibh¯asa-´sa¯ stra,13 it is said: ‘ “Calm” means “meditative” here, and “thinking” means “wide observation”. That is why it is called “calm thinking”.’14 In the first fascicle of Huayanjing Yinyi by Huiyuan,15 it is said: ‘Meditation is called “calm thinking”: it means “calming the mind and thinking”.’ ‘Right concentration’ here means ‘concentrating, stopping the thinking and calming oneself down into silence’. In fascicle 28 of the Mah¯aprajñ¯ap¯aramit¯a-´sa¯ stra, it is said: ‘The four kinds of meditation16 are also called either “meditation” or “concentration”. Another name is sam¯adhi.17’18 In the Shi Moheyan Lun, it is said: ‘Dhyana-p¯aramit¯a is the p¯aramit¯a of concentration.19 “Concentration” here is a translation for “meditation”.’ In the ‘Chapter on Peaceful Practices’ from the Lotus Sutra, it is said: ‘[He will be] deeply entering meditation and seeing the Buddhas of the ten directions.’20 And in the Larger Sukh¯avatı¯vy¯uha-sutra,21 it is said: ‘[They all] achieve deep meditative concentration.’22 And in the commentary to this sutra by Huiyuan of the Sui Dynasty from the Jingyingsi Temple, it is said: ‘ “Meditation” refers to the four kinds of meditation: it is the same as the four kinds of meditation upon the formless.’23 ‘Forest of merits’ here means the merits that result from meditation. Abhidharma24 scholars used to refer to meditation as the ‘Luxuriant forest of the karmic merits’. It is said in fascicle 12 of the Dacheng Yizhang: 183

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‘ “Meditation” is a Chinese word, which may be interpreted both as “cultivation and training of one’s thinking” and “luxuriant forest of the karmic merits”.’25 ‘Eschewing evil’ also refers to the merits acquired through meditation. In Fajie cidi chumen,26 it is said: ‘ “Meditation” is an Indian word, and it is translated as “eschewing evil”. It is translated as “eschewing evil”, because it enables one to eschew all evil – the realms of desires,27 the five obstacles,28 and so on.’29 Above I have listed the different interpretations of what meditation is about. As to the merits of meditation, the ten benefits of meditation enumerated in Yuedeng sanmei jing30 are as follows: When those cultivating the deeds of bodhisattvas, are able to practise meditation well, all the tens of thousands of forms of perception come to rest, and nature in its true form appears before their eyes. Thus, the following ten benefits are achieved: First, the constraints of discipline are maintained. When bodhisattvas practise diverse kinds of meditation, they do it in a stately, dignified manner, following all the established ritual forms. When done for a prolonged period, it calms all the organs of perception, reveals the original essences of things, and makes maintenance of the constraints of discipline completely natural – you no longer have to study anything in an artificial way. Second, compassion is practised in the realm where sentient beings live. When bodhisattvas practise diverse kinds of meditation, their compassionate minds become deeply entrenched, they stop even thinking about killing or wounding others, and strive to put all sentient beings into a peaceful, undisturbed state. That is what is called ‘the practice of compassion’. Third, the state of freedom from kle´sa – the mental afflictions. When bodhisattvas practise diverse kinds of meditation, all the organs of perception are calmed, and the mental afflictions – greed, anger, and stupidity – do not arise. That is what is called ‘the state of freedom from the mental afflictions’. Fourth, the protection of the organs of perception. When bodhisattvas practise diverse kinds of meditation, their eyes and other organs of perception are protected from being moved by sensory contact with colour and other objects of perception. That is what is called ‘protection of the organs of perception’. Fifth, joy and pleasure without eating. When bodhisattvas practise diverse kinds of meditation, they taste the joy of 184

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concentration, and, reliant upon the body of the Way, are able to maintain a joyous state of mind without supporting themselves by eating. That is what is called ‘joy and pleasure without eating’. Sixth, parting with attachments and desires. When bodhisattvas practise diverse kinds of meditation, they keep the One Mind in tranquillity and silence without making it disturbed, and that is why they are not tainted with attachments and desires. That is what is called ‘parting with attachments and desires’. Seventh, freedom from nihilism based upon meditation practice. When bodhisattvas practise diverse kinds of meditation, they attain their merits and master the principle of the real, authentic emptiness, steering clear at the same time of nihilistic views, which misunderstand ‘emptiness’ as the complete, absolute elimination of being and do not recognize the reality of the conditioned existence of things. That is what is called ‘freedom from nihilism based upon meditation practice’. Eighth, liberation from the nets of Ma¯ra the tempter.31 When bodhisattvas practise diverse kinds of meditation, they part totally with Ma¯ra’s life-and-death cycle, and are never again caught in it. That is what is called ‘liberation from the nets of Ma¯ra the tempter’. Ninth, establishing oneself in Buddha’s realm. When bodhisattvas practise diverse kinds of meditation, they develop infinite wisdom, and, through deep concentration, naturally and easily attain the same insights as Buddha did, calm and immovable in their minds. That is what is called ‘establishing oneself in Buddha’s realm’. Tenth, maturation of emancipation. When bodhisattvas practise diverse kinds of meditation, their karma of delusions and mental afflictions no longer disturbs them, and their unobstructed, full emancipation matures naturally. That is what is called ‘maturation of emancipation’.32

The above text is an interpretation of the word ‘meditation’, and a verbal explanation of meditation’s beneficial effects. The various interpretations of meditation in these diverse writings appear almost limitless. But however different these interpretations might be, how can they conflict with one other, given the Meditation School’s original credo of ‘a special transmission outside the scriptures; no dependence upon words and letters; direct pointing to the human mind; seeing into one’s own nature and attainment of Buddhahood’? 185

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3. Meditation outside of Meditation To speak about ‘meditation outside of meditation’, I have to begin first by describing the normal method of meditation, in order to make the contrast clear. ‘The normal method of meditation’ means following the practice of meditation consciously, working with the meditation phrases – that is, what the practitioners of meditation are usually supposed to do. But ‘meditation outside of meditation’ is, strictly speaking, also one among the various forms of the ‘normal method of meditation’, and it differs from other ‘normal methods’ in terms of what functions as the momentum leading to the attainment of enlightenment. Of course, the ‘most normal’ of all the ‘normal methods’ for the attainment of enlightenment is to achieve it while practising formal meditation, or hearing a dharma talk by a virtuous friend or teacher, or when somebody strikes a meditation mat, takes up a meditation fly whisk, raises their eyebrows, or blinks their eyes – that is, to achieve it consciously through some sort of artificial learning. But the cases where enlightenment is attained unconsciously and spontaneously, without such goal-conscious learning efforts and through the opportunities presented by nature, are classified as ‘meditation outside of meditation’ – one of the normal ways to enlightenment. To such cases belongs, for example, the attainment of enlightenment by Buddha Sakyamuni, or Master Lingyun Zhiqin, who achieved enlightenment on seeing peach blossoms, or Master Xiangyan Zhixian, who was enlightened having, by chance, heard the sound of something striking a hollow bamboo stalk.33 In order to achieve the great karmic affair of his life – his enlightenment – Sakyamuni practised the ascetic life for six years in the Himalayas, concentrating fully on his study. Then, on the eighth night of the last month of the year, he suddenly became enlightened while looking at a bright star. There was no conscious connection between him and the star – it was just that his karmic roots became mature enough, and the star furnished an opportune occasion to attain awakening. Lingyun Zhiqin was a disciple of Master Guishan Lingyou, and was suddenly enlightened after having seen a peach blossom. In his enlightenment poem, he wrote: I was wandering thirty years in search of the spring While several times, the autumn leaves fell baring the boughs 186

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But having seen the peach blossom once I no longer have any doubts! For this, he was greatly praised by Guishan. Xiangyan was also a disciple who took refuge in Guishan; Guishan, cognizant of the lustre of his wisdom, wanted to push him towards enlightenment, and said to him one day: ‘I will not ask you about all these words you have been learning throughout your whole life in the books – but just tell me in one and only one word the one and only real thing that you knew before you were born in the womb, and before you learned to distinguish east and west!’ Xiangyan was at a loss and unable to answer him. Having been absorbed in thought for a while, he explained his understanding in several words, but Guishan did not acknowledge this as authentic. Xiangyan asked for further guidance, but Guishan refused, saying: ‘Will my opinions be of any help to your insights?’ On hearing this, Xiangyan returned to his abode, looked again through all the texts he had been studying, and found there nothing useful for formulating a reply to his teacher. Then, he wrote ‘A rice cake in a picture is unfit to appease your hunger’, and burned all his books saying: ‘I would rather practise miscellaneous crafts and make offerings to the monks, to avoid forcing my mind to work’. Then he bid a tearful farewell, and went to Nanyang, where he toured the relics of Patriarch Huizhong and decided to take some rest. One day, while mowing the grass and sweeping debris there at the cemetery, by chance he heard a fragment of tile strike some bamboo, producing a sound. On hearing this, he laughed, unbeknownst to himself, and felt that he was fully awakened. He went back to his abode, bathed, burned incense, bowed down in the direction of Guishan’s faraway monastery, and wrote, praising his teacher: You, my compassionate teacher, Rendered me greater favours than my parents. If you had made explanations that time, How could I have experienced what I experienced today? Then, he wrote a poem: At a single sound, I forgot everything I knew How could I achieve that by cultivating wisdom? Even if my actions and appearance advance the old path, I will not fall into a sorrowful, lonely state of mind. 187

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At every point – no traces are left, And sounds and colours are free from dignity and solemnity All those who attained the Way in various parts of the world, Say unanimously that they owe it solely to their karmic maturity. As for Buddha, in all his previous lives, during the long kalpas of the past he did everything for the benefit of all sentient beings; his Great Enlightenment is not something we need to speak about too much. As for Lingyun and Xiangyan, they were karmically mature practitioners of sharp faculties and great wisdom, who needed only an opportune occasion to achieve their enlightenment directly. Who can say then that ‘meditation outside of meditation’ is not one of the normal ways to realize enlightenment? But the ‘meditation outside of meditation’ I am going to speak about here, is not exactly of this kind. What I mean by ‘meditation outside of meditation’, are the cases of people who have no experience of meditation practice, but are able to act in ways befitting meditation practitioners. When Wang Yangming was forty-eight years old, he suppressed the rebellion of Zhen Hao,34 and thus acquired great merit in the state’s service. During the war, he stayed at the State Inspector’s office, reading and answering correspondence, receiving everybody desiring an audience, and teaching his pupils. At the beginning of the war, amidst shellfire, not only was the personal security of Wang Yangming endangered, but the very fate of the state was at stake. Once, a spy came to him reporting the defeat of his troops. Everybody present turned pale in fear, but Wang Yangming, calm and self-composed after meeting the spy, simply continued his teaching. After a while, the spy came again, bringing the news of a great defeat of the enemy’s troops. Everybody’s facial expressions showed relief, but Wang Yangming remained calm and self-composed as before when he had seen the spy, and he just continued his teaching again. At that time, Wang Yangming was not a meditation practitioner. But how aloof and unconcerned he was. He continued to teach his disciples while in armour, commanding armies, discussing weapons and detachments, and living the camp life. He was able to act in a truly meditational way, ‘with a mind as calm in reacting to external objects as a wall’! Such things can be called ‘meditation outside of meditation’. Examples of this sort are many – the lettuce-seller mentioned above, expressed the nature of ‘meditation outside of 188

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meditation’ even more clearly. The lettuce-seller not only had nothing to do with meditation practice, it is likely he had never heard the very word ‘meditation’. And if in the incidental commercial dialogue of such a person the subtle taste of meditation can be discovered, then what an appropriate example of ‘meditation outside of meditation’ it must be. Thinking about this, one comes to realize how many nameless meditators there are among the average men and women roaming the seas of suffering – and how many famous philistines there are on the meditation mats in the mountain temples, wearing monks’ clothes and mumbling meditation phrases, like ‘What is it?’ for twenty-six hours a day! But there is nothing strange about ‘meditation outside of meditation’. Training in meditation is not meant to bring into being existence out of non-existence – it is meant to help you rediscover your original appearance, which was forgotten in delusion, through gradual cultivation and sudden enlightenment. If you were not deluded, you would not have needed to resort to these expedient means of cultivation, being able to demonstrate your original spirit without it. As all sentient beings possess the same Buddha-nature, all of them may become meditation practitioners; as both sentient and non-sentient beings are endowed with Buddha-nature, it was not only Master Lingyun who saw his true nature upon seeing the peach blossoms – the peach blossoms also saw their true nature upon seeing Master Lingyun. It was not only Master Xiangyan who became enlightened upon hearing the sound of the bamboo – the bamboo also became enlightened upon being struck. It is a great pity that throughout the centuries nobody has realized this! Who indeed managed not only to hear the incidental meditation talk of the lettuce-seller, but also the inanimate melody sung by the lettuces? Notes 1

The name of a sub-ward in Seoul. Kor. kongan, Ch. gongan, Jap. k¯oan. A meditation device, usually a text from the classics or older Meditation School masters’ records, contemplation upon which is supposed to break down conventional thinking and ‘push’ the adept towards the enlightenment experience. 3 A commentary to the Mah¯ aprajñaparamit¯a-sutra, popularly attributed to Nagarjuna (150?–250?). 2

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T1509.25.p 0185b16. Essay on the Meaning of Mahayana, by Huiyuan (523–592) of the Sui Dynasty. 6 T1851.44. p0718a08. 7 The treatise referred to here in an abbreviated form, is Shi Moheyan Lun (Explanations of the Treatise on Mahayana), attributed to Nagarjuna, but widely thought to be an apocryphal work of Chinese provenance. 8 I did not manage to find this sentence in the text of Shi Moheyan Lun. Unlike most other cases when the classical Buddhist treatises are cited here, Han Yongun does not give the fascicle number for this presumed citation from Shi Moheyan Lun. It is not impossible that he could have made a mistake when citing the treatise from memory. 9 Doctrinal treatise by Vasubandhu (fourth fifth centuries), written before his conversion to Mahayana, and based upon the teachings of the Sarv¯astiv¯ada and Sautrantika schools of Indian Buddhism. In this treatise, Vasubandhu analysed and catalogued seventy-five dharmas, the basic factors of experience, for the purpose of attaining Enlightenment. He also elaborated on many other elements of the Buddhist doctrine, including its cosmology and the practice of meditation. See the reprint of a classical translation of this monumental work: Louis de la Vallee Poussin, (trans). L’Abhidharmakosha de Vasubandhu. 6 vols. Bruxelles, 1971. 10 T1558.29. p0145b12. 11 Puguang, a disciple of Abhidarmako´ sa-´sa-stra’s Chinese translator, Xuanzang (602–664), is known for having authored Jushe Lun Ji (Kor. Kusa Ron Ki) – the most authoritative East Asian commentary to Vasubandhu’s masterpiece. 12 T1821.41.p0417c21. Han Yongun made a mistake – it is fascicle 28, not fascicle 18, of Puguang’s commentary. 13 A classical work, which summarizes the doctrine of the Sarv¯ astiv¯ada school. Xuanzang’s translation (659) is considered most authoritative, and is cited here by Han Yongun. 14 T1545.27. p0412a20. 15 Huiyuan’s (673–743?) treatise on Avatamsaka-sutra, explaining its terminology, Huayanjing Yinyi, was considered ‘unorthodox’ in East Asia’s mainstream Avatamsaka (Ch. Huayan, Kor. Hwa¯om, Jap. Kegon) tradition. It is included in Zhonghua Dajangjing (Taibei, 1962–1968), Vol. 59, No. 1167, pp. 0424–0480. 16 Sanskr. Catv¯ ari-dhy¯an¯ani, Ch. sichan, Kor. saso˘n: controlling one’s breathing, abandoning intentions, abandoning both intentions and mental examination, and lastly, full and complete abandonment of all sorts of cognition. 17 A concentrated, self-collected, intent state of mind and meditation, which, concomitant with right living, is a necessary condition to the attainment of higher wisdom and emancipation. 5

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T1509.25. p0268b11. The six principal p¯aramit¯as – ‘perfections’, or ways of perfecting one’s virtue in the quest for emancipation from the cycle of life and death – are that of giving, discipline, patience, vigour, meditational concentration, and wisdom. 20 The ‘Chapter on Peaceful Practices’ (chapter 14 of the Lotus Sutra) says of the devoted adept of the Lotus Sutra: ‘Again he will see himself in the midst of mountains and forests, practising the good Law, understanding the true nature of all phenomena, deeply entering meditation, and seeing the Buddhas of the ten directions.’ See: Burton Watson (transl.), The Lotus Sutra, NY: Columbia University Press, 1993. 21 Ch. Wuliangshoujing, Kor. Muryangsugy¯ ong. Basic text of the East Asian Pure Land tradition, usually cited in the classical Chinese translation by Sanghavarman (252). One of the earliest European translations: Max Muller, The Larger Sukhâvatî-vyûha-sûtra. In ‘Buddhist Mahâyâna Texts’, The Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XLIX, Part II (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1894; New York, Dover Publications, 1969); pp. 1–72. 22 T360.12.p0274a03. Refers to those reborn in the Pure Land of the Buddha Amitabha. 23 T1745.37.p0110a21. ‘Four kinds of meditation upon the formless’ (Sanskr. catasra-¯ar¯upya-sam¯apattaya, Ch. sigongding. Kor. sagong jo˘ng) refers to emancipating oneself from the images of the forms, observing the limitless nature of one’s consciousness, observing the emptiness of one’s mind, and, finally, liberating oneself from both images and the idea of their absence – that is, arriving at the stage where the flow of thinking fully stops. 24 Literally, ‘higher doctrine’. Refers to the systems of classification and analysing the dharmas (elements of the material and mental world) in Buddhist philosophy. 25 T1851.44.p0705b09. 26 Beginner’s Gate to the Order of the Dharma-World – a treatise, compiled by the fourth patriarch (de facto founder) of the Tiantai School, Zhiyi (538–597), for beginners. Includes brief descriptions of the teachings of various Buddhist schools. 27 Refers to the ‘six realms’ where sentient beings suffer from the desires for eating, sleep and sex: the ‘unenlightened’ realms of hell-beings, hungry ghosts, animals, a´suras, humans and gods. 28 Sanskr. pa˘ nca a¯varan¯ani, Ch. wugai, Kor. ogae: cravings, anger, drowsiness, excessive emotion (exaltation and feelings of guilt) and indecisiveness in the matter of learning Buddha’s Dharma. 29 T1925.46.p0671b03. 30 Sutra of the Moonlight Sam¯ adhi – reported to have been translated into classical Chinese in 557, but the Sanskrit original was never found. Contains 19

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a dialogue between Buddha and Prince Moonlight Child on the highest possible forms of sama-dhi. 31 The ‘Demon’ of Buddhist writings, who reportedly tried to seduce Buddha with visions of beautiful women in an attempt to prevent him from attaining enlightenment. From a philosophical, rather than mytho-cosmological viewpoint, he is seen as an embodiment of all the ‘unskilful’ human emotions, or a metaphor for the totality of our conditioned existence. 32 T639.15.p0584c24- p0585a17. 33 According to example five of the famed Wumenguan (Gateless Passage, 1229), Xiangyan Zhixian (d. 898) was unable to achieve enlightenment for some time due to his attachment to textual learning, and his teacher was in no position to help him. But he accidentally came to the ruined temple of Patriarch Huizhong (675–775) in Nanyang, and, while sweeping debris there with a straw broom, suddenly heard the sound of an object striking a hollow stalk of bamboo. He became enlightened at that moment. 34 Wang Yangming (1472–1528), Ming China’s premier Confucian philosopher, best known for his concept of the metaphysical ‘principle’ as being immanent to the human mind, and his theory of the unity of knowledge and action, was made the governor of Jiangxi and adjacent areas in 1516. In this post he distinguished himself by suppressing the bandits and rebel leaders who had been in de facto control of Jiangxi for a long time. Having suppressed Prince Zhen Hao’s rebellion in 1519, he was appointed War Minister in recognition of his outstanding service.

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Be Cautious with Words! Pulgyo (sin) 7, 1 October 1937

The mouth is the gate of misfortune, so shut it up first in the way you would cork up a bottle, and only after this allow yourself to speak!

T

his aphorism cautions against the possible evil effects of speech. Speech is the most important thing in socializing with other people and in dealing with things. It is not only the most crucial part of our worldly wisdom, but also the central and holistic expression of what we are. Through language, you can gauge another person’s ideas, character or scholarship, and language also influences the world, determining success or failure, good or evil, good or bad fortune. That is why wise people and profound gentlemen have always been cautious about their language since ancient times, and that is why people should be on their guard when speaking, to preserve the integrity of their character and harmony in dealing with things. This is all the more the case in times of emergency! I learned from the newspapers recently that a misfortune suddenly befell some people who were suspected of disseminating false rumours. If you circulate ungrounded and preposterous tales, and are unable to stop your gossip, it may exert considerable influence upon the naive masses, and the consequent bewilderment may result in all sorts of unusual calamities. Should you not be cautious for the sake of innocent people? Such false rumours result not only in unwanted troubles for their disseminators, they also have bad consequences for ordinary folks. Is it not a great moral sin to cause them such troubles? Moral transgressions may be considered even more important then the legal ones. 193

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I therefore offer my reader some aphorisms urging caution in speech, gleaned from various sutras: Keep your distance from rude words and avoid harming yourself and others, cultivate good words and benefit both yourself and others. In this way both yourself and others will achieve beneficial consequences. (Sukh¯avat¯ıvy¯uha-sutra)1 Oh, Subh¯uti,2 the language of all the bodhisattvas who have reached the stage of non-retrogression3 is always full of meaning and benefits; they do not speak meaningless words, and do not make observations of the others’ good and evil acts, merits and demerits. I say to you again, Subh¯uti, the bodhisattvas who have reached the stage of non-retrogression never speak on the various affairs of the world, never speak on military affairs, never speak on the affairs of the military camps. (Fomuchushengjing: Sutra on the Appearance of Buddha’s Mother to the World)4 Do not make any reckless remarks, do not enjoy empty words, be extremely sincere in what you declare, be truthful in your words, transmit what was said before in exact accordance with the principles, speak only at the opportune time, do not perform acts which do not befit the Dharma, even while sleeping, always propagate the sutras of the true Dharma, do not undertake anything vulgar and unbeneficial, do not speak with two tongues and do not pass bad words from one person to another, do not reveal the bad words of one side to another side, reconcile the litigants, and ensure that nobody remains bitter! (Da´sabh¯umika-sutra)5 In places where people are engaged in conceptual proliferations and meaningless metaphysical arguments, all sorts of mental defilements arise. The wise should keep their distance from this. (Ratnak¯uta-sutra)6 Do not testify falsely on your experiences to people and make them commit sinful actions, do not spread evil words, do not enter into verbal arguments with one another, do not slander the intentions of others, do not speak about what you have never heard and seen as if you have heard and seen it. (Ehanzhengxingjing)7 It is better to earn the animosity of others by speaking the truth, than to earn the friendship of others by flattery. It is better 194

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to fall into Hell after discussing the true Dharma, than to be born into paradise after preaching sycophantic lies. (Pusabenyuanjing: Sutra on Bodhisattva’s Past Births)8 Not saying anything preposterous or reckless, not having reckless words in mind even while dreaming – that is the Dharma of the monks. (Mah¯aparinirv¯ana-sutra)9 If a person who endlessly produces the worst sorts of preposterous and reckless remarks, claims to follow Buddha’s Way, it is as if somebody were to try to make a sandalwood altar out of human excrement and burn incense there. Such things ´uram.gama-sutra)10 would not be possible. (S¯ Lying to oneself, lying to others, using lies as expedients (up¯aya) – all these are parajika offences11 for bodhisattvas. (Brahmaj¯ala-sutra – Brahma’s Net Sutra)12 Empty and preposterous remarks are sins. (Mah¯aparinirv¯anasutra)13 If a person born into this world produces bad words from their mouth, it is the same as cutting one’s own body into pieces with a sharp knife. (Sarv¯astiv¯ada-vinaya)14 The mouth is like a sharp axe, able to destroy the body: bad words generate violence, and increase the sum of evil as a whole. (Dharmasamuccaya)15 If you show your scorn towards others through bad and abusive words, great bitterness will emerge; but if you show your respect towards others with polite and objective remarks, bitterness will disappear of its own accord. Every person is born with an axe in their mouth – bad words produced by the mouth mean decapitation. (Dhammap¯ada)16 Bad mouths are like (Sarvadharmapravrttinirde´sa)17

knives

and

clubs.

Not to praise those deserving praise, to speak beautifully of the undeserving – this may be called ‘a great strife inside the mouth.’ (Qishijing)18 If you create a bad poison with your tongue, nobody will trust you; so why should you not eschew reckless speech? (Saddharmasmrtyupasth¯ana-sutra)19 Preposterous and dishonest speech deceives first the speaker and then the others – unless you stop speaking preposterously 195

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and dishonestly, you will destroy yourself and the others. (Saddharmasmrtyupasth¯ana-sutra)20 On the tongues of those born into this world, a pound of iron grows up during their lifetimes. If they preach a poisonous evil with their tongues, they really harm themselves. (Qishiyinbenjing)21 Buddha said to Ananda: ‘The calamities happening to the people of the world all begin in their mouths. That is why the mouth is to be watched with greater caution than ferocious flames. The ferocity of the flame consumes the wealth of the world, and the ferocity of bad mouths consumes the wealth of the seven sages. The calamities of all the sentient beings come out from the mouth – the axe destroying the body, the blade ruining the body.’ (Baoenjing – Sutra on Repaying Kindness)22 Truthful speech has the best taste in the world. (Sanyukat¯agama-sutra)23 If a person does not speak recklessly, their words have the taste of sweet dew, everyone accepts them with joy, and they bring broad benefits to themselves and others. But if a person speaks recklessly, their words have the taste of poison, polluting the mind of the speaker and the listeners, and depriving them of peace. (Saddharmasmrtyupasth¯ana-sutra)24 You should not utter evil words, and should be fearful of retribution for what you say. Evil invites calamities, and the knives and clubs approach your body. (Dhammap¯ada)25

Notes 1

T364.12.p0330c15–16. Ch. Xuputi, Kor. Subori. Known as one of Buddha’s ten principal disciples, often figures as Buddha’s interlocutor in Mahayana sutras. 3 The stage where the high degree of spiritual progress guarantees entering Nirvana. 4 T228.08.p 0643a18–19. 5 T285.10.p 0466a04–10. 6 T310.11. p0525a17. 7 T151.02. p0884a27–29. 8 T153.03.p 0053a28–b01. 9 In the Mah¯ aparinirv¯ana-sutra (Niepanjing: T375), there are several exhortations against improper (‘reckless’, ‘preposterous’) speech (for example, 2

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T375.12.p 0734a25), but I did not manage to find there the passage cited here by Han Yongun. 10 T945.19.p 0132c17. 11 Grave and irremediable offences, which necessarily entail the falling off of the offender from the monkhood. 12 T1484.24.p1004c03–07. 13 T375.12.p0709a06. 14 T1448.24.p 0006c27–28. 15 T728.17.p 0484a22–24. 16 T210.04.p 0561c20–22. 17 T650.15.p 0751c17. 18 I did not manage to find the passage cited here by Han Yongun, in Qishiqing (T24). 19 T721.17.p 0051c03–05. 20 The exhortations against imprudent kinds of speech are many in this sutra (T721.17.p 0274c17, for example), but I did not manage to find the exact phrase cited here by Han Yongun. 21 T25.01.p 0384c10–12. 21 T156.03.p 0141a18–23. 23 T100.02.p 0460a18. 24 T722.17.p 0423a14–18. 25 T210.04.p 0565b06–07.

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Patience Pulgyo (sin) 14, 1 July 1938

S

uccess necessarily requires patience. In this sense, we can say without making too big a mistake that success is patience. It is not that there are no accidental successes in this world, but such cases are extremely rare. If a success is achieved by accident, it is not really a valuable thing and it is not something that humans should aspire to. A day’s labour is a day’s hardship; a year’s labour is year’s hardship; a grand plan for a century is century of hardships. On this basis, the weightier the labour is and the longer the labour takes, the harder is the life you must accept. So-called ‘success’ means achieving certain man-made results out of nothing – making something that did not exist before. Thus, you must make continuous efforts before you finally succeed, and no necessary effort should be spared. Some efforts may be not of your personal liking, some may be extremely difficult to make, and there is always the demonic temptation to resort to somebody else’s help. This is what I call ‘hardships’. Only when you have overcome these hardships do you become entitled to success, but overcoming hardships requires much more than a short-lived, half-spirited effort. It requires both strenuous endeavour and a certain amount of time, and that is why patience becomes a necessary precondition for success. Patience means enduring what is difficult to endure; and sometimes it means enduring some unendurable things. That is why we can say that patience is suffering. Nobody likes suffering in this world, but those who hate suffering, lack patience. However, the aim of being patient is not to suffer; the aim is to achieve your objectives. You have to endure unavoidable suffering in the process as a means to an end. Patience is not for the sake of suffering as 198

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such; it is the price of achievement. But we have to distinguish between patience and subservient, tame submission, because in times of emergency it is all too easy to mistake patience for submission, or to disguise submission as patience. Patience means enduring what you otherwise may choose not to endure, in the name of certain objectives; submission means enduring due to the absence of any other choice, and enduring thus becomes an objective in itself. Patience is an active deed aimed at something else; submission is passivity for the sake of submission itself. How can those who are too weak or lacking in spirit to endure sufferings dare to speak of successes in great endeavours? How can a peasant unable to endure the labour of tilling his fields, hope for a harvest in the autumn? How can a scholar-official unable to endure the sufferings of years of diligent study, become a great scholar? How can those who avoid shedding their sweat and blood, hope for success for the sake of the state and society? ‘Falling down seven times, getting up eight times’ is an expression that represents well what ‘patience’ stands for. Another four-character expression also sums up its meaning well: ‘Indefatigable even after receiving one hundred blows.’ If you show real patience, you will attain success in direct proportion to your patience. Does history not provide evidence bearing this out? Remember that China’s great poet Li Bo once wanted to give up his studies halfway through, but felt ashamed when he met an old lady who was patiently cutting an axe, making it into a pestle, and returned to the mountains to study further. Recall that Confucius read the Book of Changes so patiently that the leather strap on the book wore away and broke three times. Remember the sufferings endured by Buddha during the innumerable kalpas of the past. Are these not incomparable examples of patience? Difference in the degree of patience translates directly into difference in the degree of achievement. That is why we can call patience a ferry transporting passengers to the other shore called ‘success’, or the touchstone of a person’s character: A monk asked Buddha – who is the strongest and who is the brightest? Buddha answered that forbearance in the face of insults is what makes a person strongest, and when the person does not bear evil designs, that also makes the person peaceful. Those who are patient, being free of evil, always come to be respected by others. (Sishierzhangjing: The Forty-Two Chapters’ Sutra)1 199

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If you succeed in cultivating the ability to withstand insults through your practice, it will help you to attain Buddhahood.’ (Suvarnaprabha-sa-sutra)2 If some stupid, deranged sentient beings insult you, accept it peacefully and patiently. Just as a drunken elephant, however hard he might be to control, can still be controlled by an iron cudgel, the wrathful heart, which resembles a drunken elephant, can be controlled by the cudgel called ‘forbearance in the face of insults’. This is the p¯aramit¯a of forbearance. Even if heavenly demons, spirits, malignant devourers of human flesh and evil sprites were to attack him, a bodhisattva, staunch in his devotion to the p¯aramit¯a of forbearance, would avoid clashing with that crowd. The 84,000 vengeful enemies called ‘mental afflictions’ may also be subdued and annihilated by peaceful forbearance, and even the smallest vengeful enemies can be defeated by this weapon. This is the p¯aramit¯a of forbearance. Unlike a peasant, who, preparing to sow seeds, begins by repairing irrigation ditches in order to water his paddy, but then suddenly stops when he realizes that he is unable to dig out a stone blocking the path of the water, the bodhisattvas, who dig the ditches on the great field of births, deaths and reincarnations, and irrigate them with the water of sweet dews, eliminate the stones of anger in their way, however difficult it may be, by the application of peaceful, patient self-reflection. For the bodhisattvas, their faith, mindful patience, meditational concentration and wisdom are their forest, and their pure precepts are branches and leaves. If the flames of anger flare up in this forest and begin consuming the leaves and branches of their pure, disciplined life, they should be extinguished with the rain of peaceful forbearance. For the bodhisattvas, their peaceful forbearance is their armour, and when the evil ones, with their hands of anger, take the bows of mental afflictions and fire the arrows of ugly words at this armour, the arrows will break while the armour suffers no damage at all and the bows turn into lotuses. There are some ladders tall enough that sentient beings can use them to climb directly to the palaces of Brahma the heavenly god. But the ladders of patience are equally tall! And bodhisattvas climb up these ladders, to the highest of all heavens. A skilled, trained artist paints all sorts of images in luxurious colours, but the painter named peaceful patience is also able to paint the picture called ‘accomplishment of solemn virtue’. Rooted deeply in the force of patience, the bodhisattvas are solid 200

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and immovable. Just as all the whirlwinds in the world are unable to move the great mountain S´umeru in the centre of the world, all the fierce winds of anger are unable to move the mountain of patience. (Dacheng liqu liubolomitojing: Sutra of the Six P¯aramit¯as on the Methods of Mahayana)3 Buddhas widely cultivate deeds of patience. They are able to cut off their limbs for the sake of others, but unable to generate anger. They accomplish sublime wisdom. (Pita-putrasama-gamasutra)4 Buddha said to S´a-riputra:5 ‘In the past, I used to observe strictly the disciplinary precepts and practise the p¯aramit¯a of forbearance. Once, the great king of demons transformed himself into a five hundred-strong force of muscular fighters, who assumed the appearances of great anger, and began to pursue and fight each other day and night, while walking, standing, sitting or lying. They deceived each other meaninglessly with their anger constantly, on the roads, in the towns and villages, in the fields and in the houses of the lay folk, dazzling and confusing the sentient beings. That host of demons stayed near me constantly for five hundred years, assuming the appearance of great anger and raising the fruits of their actions. But I observed them with compassion, and then, having given birth to the mind of great compassion, I broadly preached the marvellous Dharma to them. Their wrongful actions ceased once they had heard the Dharma. (Pusazhengfazangjing – Sutra on Bodhisattva’s Storage of the Truthful Dharma)6 To be committed to patience is the most solemn thing in the world, the most precious treasure, to which no worldly treasure can be compared. Patience is a marvellous medicine, able to cure the poison of anger. With the application of patience, anger does not arise even as one’s mood changes constantly. Patience is a storage place for one’s karmic merits. That is why good people always stick to patience. If you are in control of your intentions, then the mental afflictions have nowhere to arise. Patience is a ladder allowing you to be reborn in one of the heavens. If, being afraid of unfortunate reincarnations, you develop the ability to practise patience, then you will be liberated from the sufferings of hell. Patience is the water of karmic merits, pure and clean, able to slake the thirst of those born as hungry spirits, and to cleanse those who have been reborn in inauspicious ways, from the dust of their karmic sins. (Dharmasamuccaya)7 201

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The strength of patience is as great as the mountain S´umeru in the centre of the world. (Sama-dhira-ja-candrapradı-pa-sutra)8 Bodhisattvas are insulted and slandered all the time in this world, but they endure it despite the great suffering it brings. It means that there, in the place where Buddhas act, the noble ones accept becoming inferior and the base ones become ennobled at once. (Pusaxing wushiyuan shenjing – Sutra on the Body of Fifty Karmic Connections of the Boddhisattvas)9 To be able to endure the unendurable is the source of myriad kinds of happiness. (Liudujijing – The Six P¯aramit¯as Sutra)10 The people are often unable to control their own minds, but try to control the minds of others instead. Those able to control their own minds, are also able to control the minds of others. (Sanhuijing – Sutra of the Three Wisdoms)11 Those who attempt to stop quarrels with another quarrel will never be able to achieve their aims. Only patience is in a position to end quarrels and that is why this method is the most respected one. (Madhyama-gama-sutra)12 Patience is brighter than the sun and the moon, and even the ferocious strength of dragons and elephants is nothing more than one ten-thousandth of the strength of patience. The seven treasures are considered precious in the lay world, although they generate anxieties and invite calamities. But the treasure called ‘patience’ always brings peace. If you commit yourself to charity in all the ten directions, it will bring you great happiness, but nothing to compare with the good effects of patience. Those who act compassionately with patience in their minds, encounter no evil in all their reincarnations, always keep peace and joy in their hearts, never suffer from any misfortunes, and rely only upon their abilities to be patient, not upon anything in this world. Patience is a peaceful house where calamities and misfortunes do not arise, a miraculous armour no disease can penetrate, a great ship able to cross the sea of troubles, a good medicine able to save all lives. When was a patient person ever unable to achieve his or her aim? (Renlujing – Sutra on Forbearance)13 Patience is the rightful cause for becoming a bodhisattva, and the Supreme Perfect Enlightenment of Buddhas is an effect of patience. (Upa-saka-s´ı-la-sutra)14 Those who assiduously cultivate their patience, are able to reach the other shore, and to obtain the most precious Dharma of 202

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nirvana. Their minds are able to penetrate the sameness of all the things, and they are immovable. This is the way that must be taken by limitless wisdom. (Avatamsaka-sutra)15 Oh, sons of Buddha, this is the way that bodhisattvas achieve the Dharma of patience. Even if there were a limitless number of sentient beings who transformed themselves into a limitless number of mouths letting forth an endless stream of oaths upon the bodhisattvas, and even if a limitless number of their hands took a limitless number of bludgeons and attacked the bodhisattvas, the bodhisattvas would still recite repeatedly: ‘This suffering moves my mind beyond my ability to control it’, and then recite again: ‘For incalculable kalpas, I have been suffering from mental afflictions in both life and death’. They will think assiduously, twice encouraging themselves to purify their minds, and they will then obtain joyfulness in this way. Exercising selfcontrol, they will be steadfast in their allegiance to Buddha’s Dharma, and will also help other sentient beings to obtain this Dharma. They will then think: ‘This body is empty and there are no such things as “I”, or “truth” in the world – the original essence of the world and emptiness are the same thing. Suffering and enjoyment are the same, and there is nothing at all to be owned. All the dharmas are empty, and that is what I should understand perfectly myself and then propagate broadly to others, so that they too can rid themselves eventually of their previous wrong views. Now, even if I encounter the poison of hardships, I will patiently endure it.’ (Avatamsaka-sutra)16 Even if it involves spending incalculable kalpas in the various hells, the bodhisattvas are able to endure sufferings in order to save sentient beings. (Avatamsaka-sutra)17 In all the worlds, sufferings are deep, broad and borderless, like a great sea. Such things should all be patiently endured, and used, on the contrary, to benefit sentient beings and help them to attain ease and bliss. (Avatamsaka-sutra)18 When you patiently accept all evils, when your mind gives equal consideration to all sentient beings and is never agitated, that is the same as the attitude of the good earth accepting all the beings on it, and that is the practice of the pa-ramita- of purity.19 (Avatamsaka-sutra)20 If somebody, sword at hand, becomes angry and tries to harm Buddha, Buddha will respond with joyfulness, and the anger will disappear. (Maha-parinirva-na-sutra)21 203

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Is there only one ‘I’, or are there many different ‘I’s? If we accept that there are many different ‘I’s, it means impermanence, and on this basis, there would be no authentic ‘I’. But if we accept that there is only one ‘I’, it means a permanent body that is preserved constantly and never moved. As we know that nothing abides constantly in this world, this idea of a single ‘I’ does not hold water either. This observation shows us that both beliefs – in many ‘I’s and in one ‘I’ – are fallacious. On this basis, the bodhisattvas, following the correct understanding of individuality, should save, by the force of their patience, those sentient beings reborn as evil spirits and abiding near the places where the bodhisattvas abide. They should preach to them the correct views and make them understand the emptiness of the original nature of all dharmas. That is called ‘the pa-ramita- of patience.’ (Dacheng liqu liubolomitojing: Sutra of the Six Pa-ramita-s on the Methods of Mahayana)22 Bodhisattvas should be steadfast in practising the pa-ramita- of patience. Not getting angry is patience, not harming others is patience, not getting into arguments with others is patience, refraining from killing others is patience, protecting one’s own life is patience, protecting the lives of others is patience, purifying one’s bodily actions, speech and thought is patience, abstaining from greed and attachment is patience, submitting to one’s karma is patience, persistently accumulating good deeds is patience, abstaining from bringing mental anxiety to yourself and others is patience. (Pusazhengfazangjing – Sutra on Bodhisattva’s Storage of the Truthful Dharma)23 The bodhisattvas continue in the cycle of lives and deaths due to their compassion towards all sentient beings. They suffer from loneliness, penury and diseases, but, however base and low their birth might be, they stay peaceful, free from mental anxiety. (Ghanavyu-ha-sutra)24 Just as a great mountain cannot be moved by winds, the minds of the bodhisattvas cannot be moved to either joy or grief by any sort of sounds, good or bad. (Aja-tas´atrukaukatyavinodana-sutra)25 In the country of Va-ra-nasi26 there was a great saint, whose name was Ks´antiva-din. Together with five hundred of his disciples, he practised the pa-ramita- of patience in the forest. At that time, king Kalinga was traveling through the forest with his courtiers, court women and beauties. When the king became tired and took a nap, the beauties left him and ventured into the forest on their 204

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own, and while enjoying the sight of the flowers, they suddenly saw Ks´antiva-din, sitting in deep meditation. Feelings of reverence emerged in their hearts at the sight of him and they sat down in front of him to hear his preaching. But then, the king rose from his sleep and realized that his women had gone somewhere. Together with his courtiers, he went to search for them, and found them sitting in front of the saint. Having seen this, the king asked the saint whether he had achieved the Four Limitless States of Meditation.27 The saint replied in the negative. The king then asked whether the saint had achieved the Four Kinds of Compassionate Mind.28 The saint again replied in the negative. The king then asked whether the saint had achieved the Four Kinds of Meditation.29 The saint replied in the negative. The king, in irritation, shouted at him: ‘Without any merits, you are nothing more than a base fellow! How can I believe you after you have spent time in this remote place with these beauties? And what do you practise all the time here?’ The saint replied: ‘Patience’. ‘So’, replied the king drawing his sword from its sheath, ‘I will examine your patience now.’ The king cut off the saint’s two hands, asked him whether he was still patient and received a positive reply; he cut off the saint’s two feet, asked him whether he was still patient and received a positive reply; then he cut off the saint’s ears and nose, but the saint did not change his facial expression and remained patient. At this point, the five hundred disciples of the saint asked him whether he had not lost his patience in the face of such suffering. ‘No’, replied the saint, ‘I have not changed my mind.’ Having heard this, the king became shocked and penitent, and the saint said to him: ‘You cut my body with your sword of carnal desire, but my patience is like the good earth. Afterwards, I will be reborn as Buddha, and will cut away with my sword of wisdom the three poisons – greed, anger and stupidity – from your heart.’ At that time, the dragons and spirits of the forest, troubled and distressed by the sight of the king’s cruelty towards the saint, were gathering in the mists and clouds and were about to send thunderbolts and lightning down upon the king and those who followed him. But the saint addressed them and said: ‘If you are going to do it for my sake, then, please, refrain from harming the king’. ‘Deeply repentant, the king often came to the saint after that to ask for his advice, and received him inside the palace as well. Jealous of the respect being paid by the king to the saint Ks´antiva-din, one thousand itinerant Brahmans began to hurl dirt and excrement at the saint from hidden places. Seeing this, the 205

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saint took an oath: From now on, I will practise patience and accumulate good deeds without rest in order to save all sentient beings. After I become a Buddha, I will wash out your dirt with the waters of Dharma, and make you forever clean, free from the filth of desires. (Damamu-kanida-na-sutra)30 Ja-nussonı- the Brahman31 came and reverently asked Buddha: ‘What are the differences between the disciples of Buddha and other people? And what are the merits of the disciples of Buddha?’ Buddha replied to Ja-nussonı- the Brahman: ‘My disciples, both lay folk and the monks, do not fall into anguish, distress, and insanity because of the failure to achieve something. Even if tormented by starvation, thirst, heat, cold, wind or rain, even if beaten and reviled, they endure it all. But that is not something others can do. That is the merit of my disciples.’ On hearing this, Ja-nussonı- the Brahman became a lay disciple of Buddha. (San¸yukta-gama-sutra)32 Even if bodhisattvas are vilified for the duration of incalculable kalpas, they do not become angry about it. And even if they are praised for the duration of incalculable kalpas, they do not feel joyful about it. The reason for this is that they know that human words, just like all sounds which are born and then disappear in the end, are like echoes in a dream. (Maha-prajña-pa-ramita--s´a-stra)33 Lack of patience in the face of abuse is a cause of mental afflictions which cause you suffering. The afflictions in your mind are to be blamed on yourself and no-one else. If you are not able to accept evil things cheerfully, and do not show enough patience when you face them, you create the conditions for those things to repeat themselves. Should you not therefore be patient, even as you suffer in the cycle of life and death? The voice-hearers34 and solitary buddhas35 also practise patience for their own benefit, but should not abuse be endured patiently for the benefit of all sentient beings as well? If you do not endure abuse patiently, you will not be able to observe the precepts of the bodhisattvas fully, to realize Buddha’s Eightfold Noble Path to Enlightenment,36 and to attain the realization of the highest truth. (Bodhisattvabhu-mi)37

Notes 1

T784.17.p0722c18–19. T665.16.p0418b23–28,c20–25. A lengthy original text from the sutra on the merits of withstanding insults, as well as cultivating other pa-ramita-s

2

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(‘perfections’ – one of which is forbearance, ks´anti), seems to have been compressed by Han Yongun into one sentence. 3 T261.08.p 0891a07–17,a29–b11,b29–c02. 4 T320.11.p 0955a01–02. 5 Ch. Shelizi, Kor. Sarija. One of Buddha’s principal disciples, known for his wisdom and forbearance. 6 T316.11.p 0842c01–11. 7 T728.17.p 0502c04–p503a02. Han Yongun makes certain omissions and compresses the citation into a much shorter form than the original. 8 T639.15.p 0590b22. 9 T812.17.p0773b15–16. 10 T152.03.p 0024b01. 11 T768.17.p 0702c29–a01. 12 Patience is mentioned in many parts of the Chinese translation of the Madhyama-gama-sutra as a major virtue (for example, in Ratthapa-la-sutra, T26.01.p623–628), but I did not manage to locate the passage Han Yongun cites here. 13 T500.14.p 0770a02–10. 14 T1488.24.p 1073b16–17. 15 Exhortations to cultivate patience assiduously are many in the Avatamsakasutra (for example, see T293.10.p 0837b14–29), but I did not manage to locate the passage Han Yongun cites here. 16 T279.10.p 0103c28–0104a19. 17 A similar phrase, praising Buddha’s voluntary suffering among all kinds of ‘worldly dust’ for the duration of ‘incalculable kalpas’, can be found in a commentary to the Avatamsaka-sutra by the Tang Dynasty monk Chengguan (738–839 – see T1736.36.p 0013b27), but not in the sutra’s main text. 18 T279.10.p 0074c23–24. 19 Purity (s´ubha), together with eternity, bliss and the existence of personality, was considered one of the transcendental qualities of Nirvana. 20 T279.10.p 0097b01. 21 T374.12.p 0396b13–14 22 T261.08.p 0892b01–14. 23 T316.11.p 0841b14–c26. 24 T681.16.p 0730c03. 25 T626.15.p 0390a22–24. 26 Benares – in the vicinity of this wealthy trading city on the banks of Ganges, in Sarnath Deer Park, the historical Buddha preached the Dharma for the first time. 27 Catasra-a-ru-pya-sama-pattaya – the ability to transcend the worldly forms; to understand the limitlessness of the consciousness; to abandon the image of the mind; and finally, to abandon the attachment to the idea of the unreality of all the images. 207

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Catva-ri-aprama-n¸a-citta-ni – the will to help others to achieve joy and bliss; the compassionate will to free others from sufferings; eagerness to help others to free themselves from sufferings and achieve joy and bliss; and an altruistically equal attitude towards all sentient beings, regardless of any sort of personal relations to them. 29 Catva-ri-dhya-na-ni – meditations with observation and analysis; without deliberate observations but with analysis; without both observations and analysis; and without any thoughts about the dharmas of the world at all. 30 T202.04.p 0359c08–0360b07. 31 Ch. Shengwen, Kor. Saengmun – a ranked Brahman, often mentioned in early Buddhist literature as Buddha’s follower and interlocutor. 32 There are several dialogues between Ja -nussonı- and Buddha on the life of Buddha’s disciples and their practise of virtue recorded in the Buddhist literature (see, for example, the dialogue on the sufferings endured by the monks: T2127.54.p 0265a01–b26), but I did not manage to find the exact dialogue Han Yongun cites here in the classical Chinese translation of San¸yukta-gama-sutra in Taisho- Tripitaka. 33 There is a long passage on the patience of bodhisattvas in the face of abuse and humiliation in this text (T1509.25.p 0164b01–0168a27), which Han Yongun apparently summarizes here in a very brief form. 34 Sanskr. ´s ra-vaka, Ch. shengwen, Kor. so ˘ngmun – initially, the direct disciples of the historical Buddha, that is, those who actually heard his voice. In later Mahayana tradition – those self-centred elitist practitioners, who strive for enlightenment for themselves, while ignoring the sufferings of other sentient beings. 35 Sanskr. pratyeka-buddha, Ch. yuanjue, Kor. yo ˘n’gak – those who have reached a degree of enlightenment alone, meditating upon their karmic conditions in separation from others, and without any willingness to benefit other sentient beings. 36 Right understanding, right thought, right speech, right action, right livelihood, right effort, right mindfulness, right concentration. 37 T1582.30.p 0985b14–21. 28

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SECTION TWO

CRITICISM OF THE ANTI-RELIGION MOVEMENT

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On the Anti-religion Movement Pulgyo 84-85, January 1931

T

he Marxist atheists have developed a number of theories aimed at repudiating all religions. At the same time they have gone as far as considering methods for putting this aim into practice. This movement is an inescapable aspect of historical progress. If one looks at anti-religious theory as a whole, it claims, among other things, that religion is subjective, that is to say it is a mirage of superstition derived from the illusion of faith and not a truth of objective reality; that it is the playground of the bourgeoisie; that is unscientifically deluding the masses; and that it obscures class consciousness. The anti-religionists therefore cling to the grounds of these various theories and in promoting their aims they use all available methods – incitement, coercion and the deployment of their theories. Those people who want to develop an anti-religion movement by worshipping Marxist atheism and moving forward in unconditional agreement with one another, actually harbour a religious belief stronger than that of established religion. We must therefore view them as ‘anti-religious believers’. In other words, they have a religious mindset and their movement is based on faith. It is possible to say that the religious mind is an instinct that humans are endowed with. Humans are not infinite but finite beings. The state of being finite brings with it both fear and a sense of deficiency. Humans have a mind, a body and a fixed lifespan. Having a body means that spatially we try to avoid physical pain; having a definite lifespan means that temporally we have a fear of death; and having a mind means that we require a mental state of purity, freshness and unattached peace. We therefore come to expend almost all our mental energy on eradicating physical danger, fear of death and mental anxiety. 211

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Since everyone possesses an intellectual horizon based on scientific theory, can it be possible for us, purely by our own efforts, to eliminate that physical danger, fear and anxiety and instead enjoy safety, pleasure and comfort? As a person whose life is conditioned by physical danger, fear and anxiety, it is generally impossible for us to eradicate these things by ourselves and obtain the opposite results – that is safety, pleasure and comfort. Consequently, people have to acknowledge their weaknesses and call upon a power that is greater than themselves if they wish to advance toward eternal happiness. The way in which people manifest their need to avoid physical danger, fear and anxiety and obtain safety, pleasure and comfort is paradoxical and contradictory. So they drift through these rash currents of the sea of suffering, tormented by their raging desires, not knowing how to bring an end to the suffering of sentient beings. The social contradictions and the misfortunes of life that arise from this cannot be eliminated by any of the latest so-called civilized trends, whether that be simply the enforcement of certain laws; or the application of scientific theories; the philanthropy of the altruists who wish to save the world; the sacrificial efforts of the humanitarians; the utopian socialists’ construction of the ideal world; or the absolute freedom advocated by the anarchists. Like ten thousand arrows that have one target, every human, regardless of whether they are wise or foolish, gracious or unworthy, must have a sacred object of worship that can manifest their faith. The object of that belief may manifest itself differently according to differences in human knowledge or the changing times. In the age when human knowledge was still primitive, there were people who worshipped fire, snakes, plants, the sun and many other things besides. Regardless of what it was that the believer worshipped, they were able to gain the same comfort from it. This is not an artificial, forced affectation, but an expression of our instinctive religious mind, which, as human beings, leads us to avoid pain and seek pleasure. It seems to me that this transcends the affirmation rule of dialectical theory and the vicissitudes of historical necessity and is an eternal and unchanging instinctive phenomenon. However, I do not intend to give my support to any old religion, regardless of its form. In this day and age, when human knowledge has developed and there has been remarkable progress in the level of our civilization, inferior religions will not be able to survive. 212

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To put this another way, if you wished to make this civilization accept fire or snakes or plants or the sun as objects of religious belief, it would not be possible. If there are things which to some extent form obstacles to the promotion of culture and the development of human knowledge within the rituals of the established religions, then religious groups should not hesitate to reform these things themselves, without waiting for the Antireligion Movement. However, in religions like Buddhism which are noble and profound and where our mind – which is, in fact, one with the Buddha – both possesses the ability to strive for salvation on its own and functions as the object of belief, there is nothing which does not conform with the truth and nothing that does not respond to belief. Therefore the religion we believe in must reach this level before it can cause all sentient beings to transcend this bitter world of obsessive mental anguish and enjoy the rapture of nirvana. The Marxists of the Anti-religion Movement actually reveal a religious mindset in the psychology of their movement. Why is this the case? It is not that every member of the Anti-religion Movement is investigating Marx’s materialism, his view of history or his atheism and then promoting the movement after dialectically coming to a final conclusion. Actually, the majority of them have just come to unconditionally put their faith in Marx. The economic thought of Marx advocates the elimination of capitalism and its replacement with communism and since it was Marx that brought this good news to the proletariat, the socialists have come to worship him as the highest god. When the majority of socialists look at Marx he just becomes the object of worship for the achievement of each person’s happiness. So, whether it is the Buddhists’ belief in Buddha, the Protestants’ belief in God or the anti-religionists’ belief in Marx, while there may be some small differences in form, what they have in common is the religious mindset that they reveal. What a great contradiction it is to engage in an anti-religion movement with the mindset of religious faith. Like a person who runs away, trying to escape from space, their goal cannot be achieved. The anti-religionists reveal the unreality of religion and clearly point out the necessity of social relations and historical transformations that systematize a new outlook on life and the world. Thus they intend to sweep away the mentality of religious faith and 213

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construct the ideal materialist paradise that can be perceived and experienced. Whatever sort of materialist you are, it is impossible to deny that there are two different types of existence: corporeal and mental. Thus, at the same time that a person seeks a secure corporeal existence, they will also require spiritual peace and calm. There is, to a certain extent, a connection between our corporeal and spiritual existence and we cannot see them as distinctly separate from one another. However, physical security cannot just become spiritual tranquillity. A person may enjoy a most secure physical life, eating tasty food and wearing the finest brocade, living in a palatial mansion, riding in a carriage and not wanting for servants or concubines, but this does not mean that that person will definitely enjoy tranquillity in their spiritual life. On the other hand, people may be unable to achieve security in their physical life, living a life of poverty in a slum and eking out a living working in the fields or picking greens in the mountains, but from the point of view of their spiritual life they may be overwhelmingly self-satisfied and not feel the slightest anguish and thus be able to achieve complete tranquillity for themselves. That’s to say, our physical body or material life may be insecure, but this does not mean that our spiritual or mental life will also be sacrificed. Religion is the paradise and the heaven of our spiritual life. A single word of the sutras can cool the bottomless, raging fires of hell; a single moment of rapturous meditation can dispel eons of unenlightened darkness; religion is the supreme art and the highest morality. If this is true for the bourgeoisie then it is even more the case for the proletariat. The bourgeois class is able to obtain a degree of physical comfort and, to the extent that this is connected with their spiritual life, they are able to maintain a relatively tranquil state of mind. However, the proletariat, for whom material life is fraught with difficulties, can only gain spiritual comfort through religion. To borrow one of the clichés of the anti-religionists, although the proletarian has nothing to eat or wear, and is always busy at work without a moment’s break, they still believe in religion and attend churches or missions to listen to sermons, but the sermons do not make their stomachs full or provide them with clothes. It is also a fact that the proletariat hardly has any free time to strive for consciousness of itself. But, however eagerly the proletariat pursues 214

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its own class consciousness, the worker cannot go day and night without rest. If one believes in religion one can use a reasonable amount of one’s spare time to study and listen to sermons without giving up one’s work entirely and becoming a specialist. Not only that, but as one’s material life becomes more impoverished one tends to place more emphasis on the spiritual life, the mutual connection between these two sides of life being a necessary requirement for maintaining the balance of our life as a whole. Looking at all the points made above, it seems that the Antireligion Movement may be nothing more than the result of a misperception caused by people’s rapidly-changing consciousness during the transition period of the economic revolution. In Russia, the headquarters of the Anti-religion Movement, the suppression of religion reached its zenith during the period of so-called ‘wartime communism’ when places of worship belonging to all religions were destroyed and their religious artefacts were defaced and broken. However, not only did people become gradually aware that this was a crime, but since this went against the inclination of popular expectations, the constitution of Soviet Russia later permitted freedom of religious faith. Thus we can see that because the religious mind is an instinctive part of human life it cannot possibly be opposed through some temporary organization. Religion is eternal life and immortality. The Anti-religion Movement will only be successful when it leaves behind the world of sentient beings.

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Communism and Anti-religious Thought Pulgyo (sin) 11, 1 March 1938

1.

I

f we are to talk about the relationship between communism and anti-religious movements, the concise and correct approach is to get away from petty theories and examine the actual situation in the Soviet Union. An examination of the trajectory of all religions in the Soviet Union during the roughly twenty years since the country’s economic revolution1 would seem to be the most eloquent way of explaining this relationship. If we want to look at the trajectory of religions in the Soviet Union we must first discuss the state of religion during the Tsarist era. Tsarist Russia recognized the Orthodox Church as the only national religion and the existence of other religions was not sanctioned at all.2 Then, after the communist revolution of October 1917, freedom of religion was granted under the constitution and suddenly Roman Catholic churches as well as Gospel, Baptist and other Protestant churches began to appear in the Soviet Union. Besides Christianity, other religions such as Islam, Judaism and even Shamanism appeared. However, the Orthodox Church, having permeated the soul of Russia for a thousand years, also continued to be an important religion. The Orthodox Church is also called the Greek Orthodox Church and along with the Roman Catholic Church it forms a separate part of the original catholic church. The Orthodox Church first came openly to Russia during the period of Vladimir I3 of the Rurikovich Dynasty. For chiefly 216

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political reasons Vladimir imported the Greek Orthodox religion and set it up as the state religion, forcing the Russian people to be baptized en masse. In Russia, this baptism of the entire nation is called the ‘Russian Baptism’. It is also thought that Vladimir’s adoption of the religion for political purposes signalled his intention to conquer the world through his imperial Christianity. According to the beliefs of the Orthodox Church, the apostolic succession of the true, primitive Christian church had been defamed because of the Roman Pope, and it was then destroyed by the descendants of Hagar4 in Constantinople, known as the ‘Second Rome’. Finally, the succession was preserved permanently in the ‘Third Rome’ – Moscow – and it was believed that from there the whole world would be evangelized. This is known as the Russian concept of the ‘Third Rome’. 2. In Russia, the leader of the church, the patriarch, had such complete independence in his religious authority that his power exceeded that of the tsar. The selection of a successor to the tsar required the agreement of the patriarch and the patriarch had the authority to crown the tsar. By the time of the famous Peter the Great however, this separation of religious and political authority – even the supremacy of religious power – was transformed into the supremacy of the autocracy. Not only was political authority now above religious authority, there was a complete turnaround from a situation where the church had once used the state to one where the state used the church. While this meant the flourishing of the state and the decline of the church, it was also the origin of a form of pressure upon the church, as it was confirmed now that the power of the tsar was above that of the patriarch. From then on the Russians gradually lost their ideal of being the third Roman Empire. The patriarchate system fell into disuse, the tsar came to hold both political and religious authority and a religious council made up of senior priests and laymen was formed to manage the church. 217

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Then, following the Russian Revolution of 1917, religious and political power were separated once again, the patriarchate system was revived and Metropolitan Tikhon was raised to patriarch. However, far from being a restoration, this was actually the beginning of a new suppression of church power by the government. 3. From the materialist standpoint of the Communist Party, religion is an ‘opiate’ and faith is a form of intoxication. Thus religion as a whole is condemned. The result of this is that the Communist Party’s repression of religion – the anti-religious movement – began immediately after the October Revolution with churches being destroyed, religious icons desecrated and a large number of priests massacred. The Russian Orthodox Church, which for centuries had been in good health under the protection of the state, like a hothouse flower, encountered a merciless and unprecedented persecution. The majority of the Russian people, who had maintained their traditional beliefs for such a long period without experiencing any great persecutions or hardships, did not know at all how to counter the religious persecution carried out by the communists. Some people were massacred, some fled abroad and some had to give up their beliefs. However, even during that period of great suffering, Patriarch Tikhon and his faction alone struggled bravely, insisting on their independence and inviolable rights. In the end though, Tikhon was arrested and detained and he eventually came to a compromise with the Communist Party under which he was released on the condition that he would recognize the authority of the communist Government and not oppose it. After his release he made a statement, declaring that, ‘The church is not the crony of the tsar or the nobility nor the friend of the millionaire or the landlord, it is an independent entity which has as its aim the salvation of the souls of mankind.’5 From then on, the Russian Orthodox Church under the jurisdiction of Patriarch Tikhon was called the ‘Living Church’,6 to clearly distinguish it from the former church which had been dependent on the tsarist system. 218

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As a result, priests belonging to the faction who had fled the country and wanted to restore the tsar decided to align themselves under the authority of Patriarch Zelba7 and break off relations with the ‘Living Church’ of Patriarch Tikhon’s faction. Although, since Tikhon had passed away a few years before, the patriarch by this time was actually Sergius. 4. Due to the compromise between Tikhon and the Communist Party, the Soviet anti-religion movement, which had previously been extremely fierce, gradually began to quieten down and freedom of religion was recognized in the way described by the above-mentioned existing constitution. However, in the so-called Stalin Constitution, promulgated in the autumn of 1936, while the citizenship and voting rights of believers were recognized, religious propaganda was prohibited. In consequence, the Soviet anti-religion movement has seen a revival since last year. From the beginning, Marxism has seen all religions and all religious organizations as reactionary bourgeois institutions that provide support for the exploitation of the working class and deceive it with superstitions. Stalin himself stated that, ‘The Communist Party cannot remain neutral on the subject of religion. The Communist Party must direct anti-religious propaganda towards all religious prejudices. We must do this because the Communist Party always sides with science and religious prejudices are opposed to science.’ He has also said, ‘Religion, in its opposition to science, in the past persecuted many famous scientists. This is because science has overthrown Christianity’s creationist idea that God created humans and actually denies the existence of God. In addition, religion views labour as a sin and therefore explains it as a curse from God. But labour is actually a necessary condition for the existence of humans and if humans do not work they will not survive.’ So the Communist Party generally suppresses religion for the reasons given above. But recently the religious spirit has even sprung up conspicuously among the members of the Communist Youth League (Komsomol). These young people, who have been raised 219

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from the moment they were born with the communist ideology and spirit, have by their own independent power of speculation come up against the fundamental problem that, ‘although communism may be able to provide plenty for people to eat and provide everyone with an enjoyable life, it cannot save them from the grave’. This is what has brought about the rise of a new religious spirit even among the communist youth. 5. In the vanguard of the anti-religious movement in the Soviet Union are the League of the Militant Godless and the Communist Youth League. However, the anti-religious movement organized by these groups is not a theoretical anti-religion movement but consists principally of slander against religious rites and institutions and the obstruction of the performance of rituals. So the Communist Party’s anti-religious movement has been all the more frowned upon by mindful people. The repeated exposure of the Communist Youth League’s scandalous actions against the faithful inside the churches when attempting to obstruct the performance of rituals has made the anti-religious movement unpopular and caused it to decline. The Soviets, who have this failure as a lesson, have recently been attempting to rectify the world view of the young people in a scientific direction. They have tried every possible method in order to fundamentally uproot religion from their minds using educational means. They have, for example, attempted to instil elementary and middle school students with plentiful general knowledge so as to break down religious superstitions. The Soviets have on the one hand carried out an educational anti-religious movement aimed at the youth, while at the same time using governmental repression against adults to the same end. However, the peasants, who are rather strongly influenced by the men of religion and the priests, are not only opposed to the government’s policy of collectivizing agriculture, they also initiated anti-communist activity during the national elections for delegates to the Supreme Soviet held last March and this created rather a serious situation. 220

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So even Stalin himself had to sigh heavily and admit that ‘the eradication of religion is no easy matter’. Yaroslavsky8 has also warned: Of course our success in anti-religious agitation and propaganda has been great. There has been no other era or state that has seen so many people break away from religion. In our country tens of millions have broken with religion. A great number of people have completely severed their connections with religion and have not returned to it later. This actually confirms the fact that the socialist revolution has given rise to an extremely serious change in the consciousness of the people. However, despite this, to this day there are still some 30,000 religious groups and millions of believers inside the Soviet Union and they form a great hidden power.

In fact, if a single country has 30,000 religious organizations with millions of believers they must indeed constitute a large and serious force.9 In Russia, where the Orthodox Church was the state religion and where all citizens were believers, even if tens of millions have given up religion, they have not gone as far as to betray their religious spirit, but have rather given up religion only formally, unable to bear all the political and social forms of coercion. What is more, if it is said that there are still 30,000 religious groups and tens of millions of believers then this is certainly a very powerful force to be reckoned with. Considering that these believers have overcome every hardship and ordeal to maintain their ancestral beliefs, their faith must be as solid as a rock. This is the reason that Stalin and Yaroslavsky have come to bemoan and grieve over the fact that they are unable to easily scorn the power of faith. 6. Directly before the elections for delegates to the to the Supreme Soviet, the Soviet authorities actively stepped up both their suppression of religion and the anti-religious movement. According to their propaganda: The men of religion, priests and churchgoers saw the granting of voting rights to them under the constitution as an opportunity 221

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and in order to have churchgoers elected to the Supreme Soviet and instigate an anti-Soviet movement, they made contact with the Trotskyists and are carrying out espionage for foreign countries. Just as the members of the Communist Party eradicated the Trotskyists, the men of religion must also be eradicated. We may allow ourselves to see most of the churchgoers as foreign spies.

For this reason, the suppression of religion by the Soviet authorities has been prevalent recently as a means of carrying out internal purges. For example, four bishops from Moscow, Ukraine, Siberia and elsewhere have been arrested and one metropolitan from the city of Tver’ has been taken into custody. They have all been accused of being German spies or it has been claimed that the leaders of terrorist groups plotting against key figures in the Soviet Union and sabotage gangs have been caught. Also, in Chelyabinsk, a priest named Ugarov was arrested for setting fire to a tractor parking area on the orders of the intelligence agency of a certain country,10 while another priest father and son were accused of setting fire to a school in the city of Krasnoyarsk. They were arrested and immediately shot on the basis that they had piled up firewood at the entrance to the primary school, thus preventing the schoolchildren from escaping and resulting in some twenty of them being burnt to death. A metropolitan who was the disciple of head priest, Father Johann, famous on the island of Kronstadt during the Tsarist period as a miracle worker,11 was also arrested as a foreign spy and accused of engaging in anti-government propaganda at the time of the Supreme Soviet elections. 7. The above examples are nothing more than a handful of recent notable cases of repression against religion. There is thus a mutually-generated conflict between the sudden rise of religious fervour and the suppression of religion, of the kind we witnessed in the nationwide slaughter of believers under the Emperor Nero. Prominent members of the Soviet Communist Party have been arrested and shot one after another on the basis that they are Trotskyists, members of the Bukharin faction, Obstructionists, 222

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Diversionists or fascists. The repression meted out against religious believers on the pretext that they are behind these anti-Stalinist factions has been so unusually fierce that in the end his majesty King Carol II of Romania even protested directly to Stalin. It is a remarkably noteworthy fact that Stalin has linked together capitalist imperialism, the Trotskyists and the religious believers as a sort of trinity. The Soviet authorities have even gone as far as to call the appeals from the people that their churches be reopened Menshevik or Trotskyist incitements, and it must be said that their decision to turn down these requests is a travesty. They have been attempting to suppress religion on a variety of other pretexts too. However, even while Stalin himself has claimed that, ‘religion decays of its own accord’, not only does religion not whither away naturally, haven’t we also confirmed the fact that the more it is suppressed the more strongly it revives? The ordeals of twenty years of pressure from the Communist Party have only strengthened the indomitable spirit of the Soviet peoples’ faith. The religious spirit of humans is something that we are born with and has become almost instinctual, so there are times when the religious spirit is even stronger than the will to live. Thus, throughout history there have been innumerable cases of people who have set their own lives at naught for the sake of their beliefs. The 30,000 religious organizations and millions of believers who clearly still exist inside the Soviet Union and continue to experience great suffering, actually form a force hostile to the Communist Party which has great tenacity and has been hardened by numerous battles – this is a fact that cannot be hidden with deception. Of course, the more we try to block something up, the more it bursts out, and in the same way, the more the religious spirit is repressed, the greater resilience it has and the more it grows. The fact that the Orthodox Church has recently been gaining a remarkable amount of support from the citizens of the Soviet Union and is causing a revival of faith there will have a huge influence on the future fate of the country.12 I have so far avoided offering any subjective thesis on this topic and limited myself to summarizing some concrete examples of the situation of religion in a communist state. I will leave it to the reader to analyse them. 223

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Notes 1

Han Yongun here refers to the 1917 socialist revolution in Russia in a rather euphemistic way. 2 In reality, the existence of most major non-Orthodox denominations (Catholics, Lutherans, Muslims, Buddhists) among their traditional ethnic followers was fully sanctioned by the Tsarist authorities, but non-Orthodox missionary work, particularly among Orthodox Russians, was prohibited in practice. The Orthodox Church did willingly play the role of the autocracy’s nationalist hegemonic ideology, propping up monarchist sentiments among the ethnic Russian population. See Gregory L. Friz, ‘ “Tserkov”, Religiya I Politicheskaya Kul’tura na Zakate Staroi Rossii’ (Church, Religion and Political Culture in the Last Period of Old Russia), Istoriya SSSR, Vol. 2, 1991, pp. 107–118. 3 St Vladimir the Great (r. 980–1015), credited by the early Russian historical accounts with making Byzantine Orthodoxy the official religion of the mainly Eastern Slavic tribal confederation (‘Ancient Rus’) he ruled. 4 Here, Han Yongun confuses, on the grounds of their shared Islamic faith, the Turks, who did conquer Constantinople in 1453, with the Arabs, whose ancestors were commonly identified as Ishmaelites, descendants of the Biblical Ishmael, the son Abraham had by Hagar or Agar. 5 In July 1923, after being released from prison, Patriarch Tikhon lodged a petition to the Supreme Court, where he officially cancelled his ‘anathema’ (excommunication order) against the Soviet regime, issued in January 1918. This petition was usually interpreted as a strategic turn towards coexistence with the Soviet authorities. It was further strengthened by the 1927 declaration by Tikhon’s successor, Vicar (Mestoblyustitel’) Patriarch Sergius (Stargorodsky), where he denounced all the previous attempts at counter-revolutionary struggle by the Church and proclaimed the Soviet regime to be ‘providentially given’, that is, the sort of power the Christian faithful are obliged to submit themselves to in their lay lives. 6 Han Yongun confuses here the mainstream Russian Orthodox Church in early Soviet Russia, led by Tikhon and then his successor Sergius (which, after 1923, renounced any attempts at destabilizing the Soviet regime), and the splinter ‘Living Church’ group (Zhivaya Tserkov’), led by the well-known Church intellectual, ‘Christian Socialist’ A.Vvedensky (1889–1946). The splinter group (which continued to exist until the late 1940s) proclaimed itself ‘modernist’ and ‘progressive’, and distinguished itself from the mainstream Church by allowing its bishops to marry and allowing the ordinary priests to wear civilian clothes and marry twice, as well as by many important doctrinal innovations. It was politically even friendlier to the new authorities than the mainstream Church. 7 Metropolitan Antonius (Alexis Khrapovitsky) is probably meant here. Under his leadership, the foreign-based Russian Orthodox hierarchs of extremely 224

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anti-communist orientation held their Congress in Serbia in September 1927, at which they denounced the 1927 Declaration of Sergius and appealed for the continuation of the military struggle against the Soviet government (the ‘red Anti-Christ’). The foreign-based Russian Church entity founded at that Congress is commonly called Russkaya Zarubezhnaya Tserkov’ (Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia), and Zarubezhnaya was obviously misunderstood by Han Yongun for the name of a non-existent ‘Patriarch Zelba’. 8 Yemelyan Yaroslavsky, leader of the League of the Militant Godless. 9 This figure – around 30,000 religious organizations – was often mentioned in Soviet periodicals in 1936–37. See: Odintsov M.I., Vlast’ I religiya v Gody Voiny (The Authorities and Religion during Wartime), Moscow, 2005, chapter one. 10 On 2 October 1937, twenty Orthodox priests and lay activists from the Chelyabinsk region were given death sentences. Which of them is meant here is unclear. ‘On byl izbrannik Bozhiy’ (He Was God’s Selected), Blagovest, 13 June 2003: http://www.cofe.ru/blagovest/article.asp?heading=42&article=6466 11 Johann (Ioann) Kronshtadsky (1829–1908), a prominent Russian Orthodox priest of ultra-conservative persuasions, was also famous as a ‘miracle-worker’, especially for his alleged ‘miraculous healings’. 12 Han Yongun’s analysis of the religious situation in the USSR at the end of the 1930s, although obviously based upon secondary, mostly Japanese, sources, strikes a modern reader as serious and insightful. The Stalinist repressions, and especially the forced ‘collectivization’ of the peasantry in the late 1920s – early 1930s, did alienate a large strata of the underprivileged, many of whom, disillusioned by the oppressiveness of Stalinist ‘socialism in one country’, began to return to the traditional religions and cults, which thus became a form of ‘silent protest’. In the end, after the German attack against the USSR on 22 June 1941, the Stalinist leadership had to radically change its religious policy and embrace the Russian Orthodox Church as a ‘patriotic’ collaborator with the authorities, lest it be co-opted by the Germans. Odintsov M.I., Vlast’ I religiya v Gody Voiny (The Authorities and Religion during Wartime), Moscow, 2005, chapter two. At the same time, Han Yongun greatly exaggerated the scale of the anti-Orthodox actions in the wake of the 1917 October revolution. In most cases, these actions were closer to a form of political struggle than religious persecutions, and were caused by the explicitly anti-Soviet attitudes of the majority of the priesthood (including Patriarch Tikhon, before his pro-Soviet turn in 1923) during the Civil War. Real ‘religious persecution’ should probably be dated from the collectivization of 1929–30, when around six thousand Orthodox churches were forcibly closed and tens of thousands of priests and lay activists perished. This campaign was a part of the general drive to break down the resistance of the peasantry. See: R.W. Davies, The Socialist Offensive, The Collectivization of Soviet Agriculture, London, MacMillan, 1980. 225

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SECTION THREE

MEMOIRS

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A Story of Life after Death: Shot by Youngsters in the Manchurian Mountains Pyo˘lko˘n’gon, Vol. 2, Issue 6, August 1928

L

ife after death! It is already around twenty years since it happened, so even my memories are as dim as mist. It was the year after the great wind and rainstorm passed through Korea – the annexation by Japan – that is, some time around the autumn of 1911. The unusual heat of the summer had disappeared, and the whole universe greeted the new autumnal mood. The autumn breeze was shaking the tree boughs, the insects were buzzing under the window, and my consciousness was lost under a wave of ardent nostalgia for my faraway lover. I embarked on a largely aimless trip around that time, bound for Manchuria and equipped with a bamboo hat, knapsack and a walking cane as company. After the course of life was so drastically changed in Korea, many Koreans, no longer able to enjoy life in their beloved homeland, headed to the boundless Manchurian plains with certain hopes in their hearts. The womenfolk followed the lead of the men, but nobody had invited them there, and nobody welcomed them. Some of them had been unable provide for themselves in their native places, but there were also many others with certain desires and plans in their minds. As a Buddhist, then as now, I intended to travel in monk’s attire around all those innumerable places in Manchuria where our kin were living, to meet my countrymen, to share our sorrows, and to discuss the road ahead, which was still unclear for us at that point. When I got there, I talked about this and that with all those Koreans I happened to meet, asked them about their life in this foreign land, and shared news from home with them. I also discussed with them, how, in cooperation with some kindred spirits, we could establish an organization that all our Korean 229

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compatriots, who were drifting aimlessly like a flock without shepherd, would be able to rely upon, and how we could protect them. I have not been there recently, but in those bygone days, a mixture of strange anxiety, deep emotion and hope reigned there. The people there went into the beautiful mountains, collecting herbs and sowing millet seeds every day, and then in the autumn, they would harvest the millet, collecting it in their the shell-like hovels under the hills. They would eat their fill of millet porridge, make bonfires with the resinous knots of pine trees and discuss the affairs of the world bitterly, and sometimes even go hunting for birds with their matchlock guns. Those coming from Korea proper were often received first with misgivings and then with suspicion. If these suspicions were particularly strong, it could sometimes end in murder. The situation that brought me close to my own demise was also seemingly caused by this sort of general atmosphere of suspicion. Of course, it is still unclear to me why I was subjected to such an ordeal twenty years ago. But, judging from what others say, it seems as if I was suspected of being some sort of strange spy from Korea. It was an autumnal day and I was coming from a mountain village, which was incredibly remote even for Manchuria, when two or three youngsters joined me, suggesting that we travel together. All of them were healthy and robust Korean youths around twenty years old, but I cannot recollect their appearances or names. The road was leading us further into the mountains, over a pass called Kullajae,1 and the trees around were so high as to make the sky almost invisible, even in daylight. I call it a road, but in reality it was just a smallish path made by the woodcutters, sometimes almost invisible to me. Soon the sun was going down, and it grew darker among the trees, as though dusk were setting in. It happened then! One of the youngsters who had followed me suddenly fired a shot! No, at that time I did not know myself whether he had fired his gun or what had happened. I just heard ‘bang!’ and then my blood began to run cold. It was when I heard another ‘bang!’ and I was shot for the second time that I at last began to feel pain. When one more shot was fired after that, I tried to turn around and scold the youngsters for their misbehaviour. I was rebuking them as loudly as I could, in a variety of ways. But what was going on? Had my vocal cords been cut? Had my tongue 230

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become stiff? I could say whatever I wished, but no words came out, not even the buzzing of a mosquito. I was bleeding heavily. And at that point the pain became extreme. It really hurt so much. It hurt as though one half of my body had been cut off and taken away. Oh! But then the acute pain suddenly disappeared and things became extremely peaceful. That was the moment I crossed the line from the state of life to the state of death. My whole body felt very tranquil, but then even this sensation of peace stopped. At that moment, I was dead. No, not really fully dead, but my consciousness was lost, as if I were dead. And my life-long faith brought me a hallucination at that moment. Bodhisattva Avalokites´vara came to me. Oh, how beautiful! Oh, how glad I was! It was becoming painfully bright in front of my eyes, but I was looking at unsurpassable beauty, a woman with looks you cannot find on this earth. She had flowers in her slender, delicate hands, and she was smiling to me. It was a very compassionate, sweet smile. However, I felt somewhat angry at her for smiling at someone who had been struck down by a bullet and my feelings became very mixed up. Suddenly, she was throwing her flowers to me! She was saying to me: ‘Your life is on the verge of extinction; why do you simply lie there without moving?’ On hearing this, I regained consciousness and opened my eyes. It was as dark all around as it had been before, and my blood was flowing like a stream. The youngsters who had shot me, were going through my luggage. One of them was moving a big stone, apparently wishing to put it on my breast, where the last breath of life was still visibly present. I came to my senses, and decided to go back the way I had come, even though I was bleeding. My plan was to evade the youngsters by assuring them that I was not going to run away from them (since in that case, they would follow me more energetically). Seeing that I was retracing my steps, they would feel confident and would not feel the need to run after me. I returned the way I had come, and I myself cannot remember how I managed to cross that mountain pass once again. There was a Chinese village under the mountain and in the house of its headman – we would call such a person tongjang in Korea – the villagers were having a meeting of their mutual aid association. Seeing me bleeding, they dressed my wounds with torn up pieces of sackcloth. At that point, the youngsters who had shot me arrived, having followed after me. ‘If you want to shoot me, do it 231

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again!’ I shouted at them, but for whatever reason, they just ran away. I stopped bleeding, more or less, while at that house and was then treated for around a month in a Korean village further down the mountain. My bones had been shattered by the bullets and to put them back in order they had to cut through my living flesh. The bones made a terrible grating sound as they were scraped together. But there are still bullets inside my bones that could not be removed. They destroyed the nerves there, so that whenever it is a cold day I feel giddy. Even now, if I were to meet those youngsters again, I would love to ask them in a peaceful tone why it was they shot me. Notes 1

In the modern-day Tonghua County (Jilin Province), near Shaoyejia village, People’s Republic of China.

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The Wound I Will Never Forget Choso˘n Ilbo, 8 January 1932

I

t is now an old tale, but during the outburst of the kimi year (1919) movement, while the whole capital was ringing with shouts of ‘xxxxxx’1 and the people’s feelings were at boiling point, we sat in what is today the T’aehwagwan Restaurant, but was then called the Myo˘ngwo˘lgwan Restaurant. After reading aloud the ‘xxxxx’ declaration,2 we were encircled by the ‘xxxxx’,3 and while on one side the people were still making speeches, on the other side, we were ‘xxxxx’4 and escorted away by car. I too had my freedom of movement taken away and was transported by car through narrow side streets to the Map’o ‘xxxx’.5 It happened at that point. Two primary school students, seemingly aged around twelve or thirteen, were waving their hands in the direction of our car, shouting ‘xxxx’.6 They were stopped by ‘xxxx’7 and fell into a ditch, but continued to shout slogans and were in the end arrested. But I could see through the car window that one student was continuing to shout even as the other student was arrested. I do not know who those students were or why they were shouting those slogans with such extreme enthusiasm. But as I watched this scene and listened to their shouts, I burst into tears before I realized what was happening. The tears I shed at the sight of those two students and the sound of their voices are the wound I will not forget for the whole of my life. Notes 1 Judging from the context, the words here should be ‘Long Live Korea!’ (Taehan manse) or ‘Long Live Korean Independence!’ (Taehan tongnip manse), which were the main slogans of the 1 March 1919 Independence Movement

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that Han Yongun is writing about here. However these ‘subversive’ words were omitted from the original text, obviously due to censorship concerns, and replaced with ‘xxxx’ signs. 2 The famous ‘Independence Declaration’ of the 1 March 1919 Movement is meant here. 3 Obviously, ‘Japanese police’ is meant. 4 The subversive word here should be ‘arrested’. 5 ‘Police Station’. 6 ‘Long Live Korea!’ or ‘Long Live Korean Independence!’. 7 ‘Policemen’.

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To Seoul via Siberia Samch’o˘lli, September 1933

W

hen I first had the ambition to leave my hometown behind and head for Seoul I was eighteen years old. At that time I didn’t even know where Seoul was and I started out with only the vague idea that if I looked for a big road to the northwest the great teeming capital would appear. So, why was it that thirty years ago, as a young man buried away in the corner of the countryside, I set out for Seoul? 1. My hometown is Hongju in Ch’ungch’o˘ng Province. Now, with the passing of time, even the name has changed to Hongso˘ng, South Ch’ungch’o˘ng Province. When I was still living in my hometown, my father always gave me good advice. While reading a book, he would often call me over to him and teach me about the deeds of the great martyrs and exemplary figures of history. He would also instruct me so that I understood the state of the world and all the various matters related to the state and society. When I had listened to these stories a few times, I began to feel a strange flame burning in my heart and I thought admiringly, ‘I wish that I too could become a great person, like those martyrs and exemplary figures of the past.’ That was the year before 1904 and the tide of events on the peninsula was beginning to turn. Word was going around that some sort of treaty had been concluded in Seoul and important local figures were regularly leaving for the capital. I’m not sure whether they originated in the papers or from the postmen, but in those days rumours about the big things afoot were spreading like wildfire both in the countryside and the capital. 235

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2. After thinking about it for a few days, I made my mind up that, ‘now is not the time to be buried away in the countryside’, and one morning I left my home and set out on the road to Seoul in my threadbare clothes, carrying only a tobacco pipe. I took no money for travel expenses with me. Even so, my mind was composed. Although I did not even know which direction to take to the capital I was perfectly calm because I thought I could ask others the way there. However, the sun was already setting, my feet ached from the journey, I was absolutely famished and couldn’t bear to walk another step, so I went to a certain inn on the road and found myself somewhere to sleep for the night. It was only then that I realized what a foolhardy step I had taken. What knowledge was I, who had nothing but an elementary understanding of the Chinese classics, going to use to achieve my grand designs? After thinking about this for a while, a scene of lamentation from the book The Romance of the Western Chamber,1 which I had read at the age of nine, suddenly came to mind. Life seems such a fleeting thing. We struggle to live night and day and then, when our life is over, what is left? Reputation? Wealth? Don’t we lose everything? In the end, everything becomes emptiness, everything becomes colourless and formless. My doubts grew greater and greater. I realized that it was these doubts that were causing me to feel so bewildered. 3. I came to a conclusion: ‘Let’s begin with the question of what is life,’ and at that moment decided to forget my journey to Seoul. Instead, I beat a path through the mountains to Paektamsa temple in Odaesan, Kangwo˘n Province, where I had heard that there was an enlightened Buddhist master of great renown. Thus I suddenly became a monk and leaving behind all material and carnal desires, spent a few years simply reciting Buddhist chants and sweeping paths. However, after a number of years cloistered in the monastery, I still had not learnt anything more about life and I could not repress my youthful ambitions. Just as I was starting to agonize once again, a geography book called Short Account of the Oceans 236

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around Us2 opened my eyes to the fact that there was a wide world outside of Korea. I put on my travelling clothes and set out for Siberia via the port city of Wo˘nsan. After spending a few years in a transitory, wandering existence, I returned to Korea and immersed myself in a life of meditation at So˘gwangsa temple in Anbyo˘n. In the spring of the next year, as I was about to leave for Tokyo, the new centre of Oriental civilization, I first set foot in Seoul. This is the record of how I first came to the capital. Notes 1 The Romance of the Western Chamber (Ch. Xixiang ji, Kor. So˘sanggi) was a thirteeth century Chinese play written by Wang Shifu. 2 Ch. Yínghuan Zhilue, Kor. Yo˘nhwan Chiryak. One of China’s first-ever accounts of the geography, society and politics of the modern world, compiled in 1848 by Xu Jiyu (1795–1873).

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Overnight in the Northern Continent Choso˘n Ilbo, 8–13 March 1935

A

s someone with fifty years of life behind me I should have things that are worth reminiscing about, and usually when I think about it there is much that would be worth recollecting, both in terms of quantity and quality. It seems that if these things were written down they might be worth reading, and accordingly I have received polite requests that I should write my memoirs as soon as possible. But when I lift my brush to write, there seems to be nothing worth writing, or if there is, it seems to be inconvenient to write and publish it at this time – so the reality is completely different to what I had always thought. Considering this, I was once again reminded of the fact that in all matters, not only reminiscences, there is a great difference between thinking vaguely about doing something and actually doing it. ‘Take a boat, sail with the spring wind, part with my old friends’ This is a line I remember from a poem that an old friend wrote for me one early spring, thirty years ago when he came to see me off at Wo˘nsan wharf, where I was catching a boat to Vladivostok. This was only a few years after I had ‘entered the mountains’.1 In fact, the extent to which my motivation for becoming a monk had not been simply a matter of religious faith, is demonstrated by the fact that I hadn’t been in remote So˘raksan Mountains all that long before I was driven by worldly passions to set out on my world tour as a penniless wanderer. At that time, all the people of Korea, not just myself, lacked any kind of knowledge or experience of the wider world, so for me to suddenly set out from a remote corner of the mountains on a world tour without a clear purpose or a word 238

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of any foreign language, and what’s more, without a penny in my pocket, was pure foolhardiness. However, as someone who knew nothing about the state of the world or its geography, if I wanted to learn the basics of things and what road to take, I realized I would have to go somewhere where a lot of people gathered – the capital. Thus I set out from Paektamsa2 in So˘raksan Mountains and pointed myself in the direction of Kyo˘ngso˘ng.3 It was the beginning of the second month by the lunar calendar4 and of course deep in the mountains the ice and snow were still piled up. But it was the time when in the meadows and sunny spots the snow had melted considerably and while the mountain streams were still frozen in places, in others spots the ice had melted and they were flowing. If you wanted to get from Paektamsa to Kyo˘ngso˘ng one had to travel by mountain paths for about twenty li 5 before crossing a stream called Kap’yo˘ngch’o˘n. The water was about the width of one li and of course there was no bridge there. When I reached the stream I found that it had been swelled considerably by the melt water. Since I had had some experience of the fact that melt water is actually colder than ice, I couldn’t help but hesitate before crossing when I reached the fording place. This was the first trial of my world tour. Someone who has not tried crossing melt water in the cold might laugh at the idea that this could be one of life’s great trials, but if they were to try it once they would know how difficult it can be. I rolled my trouser legs right up and began to cross. Mountain streams are commonly strewn with round pebbles of varying shapes and sizes and when they are covered in moss they can be the most slippery things in the world, so much so that it is impossible to put one’s feet on them. Kap’yongch’on is one of the worst streams in this regard. Shortly after I had begun to cross, the cold and the pain became unbearable; not only was the water dreadfully cold, but each time I put a foot down I was slipping and bumping into things. When I reached the middle of the stream my legs were numb and I couldn’t stand the pain. I had become paralysed due to the loss of sensation, my body lost its power to resist and my mind was at the end of its endurance. Even if I had managed to retain some degree of resilience of mind, the loss of strength and sensation in my legs would have meant that they would not have been able to submit to my brain’s final command. I had to turn back, but I couldn’t turn back. I needed to go forward, but I couldn’t go 239

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forward: I really did find myself up the proverbial creek without a paddle. If there was anything at all left to do it was only to sink down or collapse. Suddenly it occurred to me that although I was in the direst situation I should try to make one last effort. Had I not set out on my trip to see the world with only my bare hands and not a penny in my pockets? Had I not prepared myself for whatever troubles might come my way? Human nature is colder than melt waters; the path of life is more rugged than a few stones. I rebuked myself once again with the thought that if I did not have the perseverance to cross this much water then it was completely futile to think about embarking on a world trip. I don’t know whether I was able to bear the cold and the pain or whether I just forgot about them, but in a moment I had made it to the other shore.6 When I looked I saw that I had torn the tops of my feet and my toes were beaten up and bleeding. However, in my mind I was just thrilled that I had managed to cross over. Looking back at the stretch of water I had crossed, it occurred to me once again that everything in the world is in reality just a creation of our mind. As I was sitting by the side of the stream putting my socks back on, a man who looked around fifty and a woman of around thirty years came along. The man noticed that the ankles of my trousers were tied up and asked: ‘Did you cross the water?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘How deep is it?’ ‘It’s not that deep. If you roll up your trousers you can cross.’ ‘Is it very cold?’ ‘Yes, it’s very cold.’ The man tried dipping his hand in the water and, grimacing, said, ‘Oh, it’s so cold I can’t cross! I’ll have to go back!’ With this he turned his back on the water and headed for the foot of the mountains. It didn’t look as though the woman who had accompanied him was going to go with him. She spoke to herself, saying, ‘If I return, when can I go again?’ Taking off her socks she held them and her straw shoes in one hand, and hoisting up her skirt with the other hand she stepped 240

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into the water and began to cross, shivering as she did so. The woman had barely made it halfway across before she reached a deep spot. I could not tell whether it was because she couldn’t stand the cold or because it was slippery, but she just fell over. She rolled over a couple of times before she managed to get up again, trembling all over and unable to go forward or back. Without even the time to roll up my trousers I went back into the stream just as I was, lifted the woman onto my back and carried her to the other side before returning across the stream once again. This time as I crossed with comparative ease, I didn’t really notice the cold and my feet, still in socks, didn’t feel the pain. I felt a childlike sense of superiority at having crossed a stream that other people could not, but at the same time, the fact that the second crossing did not seem particularly difficult made it seem childish and ridiculous to have thought that it was so very difficult the first time – as though I had conquered a great devil by launching a great campaign against him. I went to the nearby inn and while I dried out my clothes I heard people saying that it was no small matter to return from the mountains and cross the stream at this time of year when the melt waters come down. Hearing this, my initial feelings of pride, upon which I had poured scorn, were able to gain some degree of comfort. By that road I came to Kyo˘ngso˘ng, only to find that the people with personal experience of the geography and affairs of the world whom I had expected to encounter were nowhere to be heard. The narrowness of my acquaintance may have been a factor in this, but in truth the number of people with experience of the world was small. So I decided to make maps and texts my guides and find the right path by myself. I made my mind up that I would go to America via Europe, heading first to nearby Russia. Thus I planned to catch a boat from Wo˘nsan to Vladivostok. On the journey from Kyo˘ngso˘ng to Wo˘nsan I met two other monks, one from my home temple of Paektamsa and one from Mahayo˘n in the Ku˘mgang Mountains. Although it was the first time I had met him, I found that he was a righteous person. Soon he looked to me just like an old friend. The two of them were going to Vladivostok to buy a tasu˘p’o.7 They said that a Daspo was used to make food and that if they got one they could earn money with it. Whatever their aim was, I was just glad that I could travel with them for a while. 241

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At Wo˘nsan the three of us caught the boat to Vladivostok together; for me it was the first time that I had travelled on a steamer. It was only a small boat, no more than 500 tons, but until then my only experience of boats had been catching ferries on a few occasions. I had never set eyes on anything other than the typical wooden Korean-style boat and I remember realizing the size and advanced nature of that boat and carefully looking around the inside. When the boat reached the outside of Vladivostok harbour it came to a halt. Coming out on deck the harbour and the surrounding villages could be seen. I asked why the ship had stopped and one of the crew told me that, since there were mines hidden in the harbour, boats from other countries did not know the safe route and had to signal when they reached this point so that Russian sailors could come out and pilot the boat in. At that moment the boat sounded the signal on its horn and a small steamer darted like an arrow from the direction of a nearby hill, some Russians boarded our boat and we immediately continued our journey. Placing mines in front of a harbour so that entering boats are forced to be piloted by people from that country is probably nothing more than a part of the national defence apparatus that divides one country from another, but as someone from Korea – a country still slumbering, which until the recent reforms8 had an army of no more than 5,772 men9 – I couldn’t fail to be stimulated by what I saw. The boat entered the harbour, pulled up at the wharf and we disembarked directly onto land. At that time in Korea there were no developed harbours and even at harbours frequented by steamers one had to stop offshore and take a dinghy ashore. It was for that reason that I was surprised by the scale of this country’s facilities when I saw all those steamers, large and small, moored at the wharves. I looked around when we came ashore and noticed that most of my fellow passengers were merchants or labourers and those of us with shaved heads were only our company of three and two others. As our party left the boat and headed for Kaech’o˘ngni – the Korean district – I discovered that of all the many passengers from the boat, the groups of Koreans gathered here and there by the side of the road noticed us in particular and whispered to one another with strange expressions on their faces. The more I looked, the more they seemed to behave like that. I didn’t think that their 242

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behaviour had any special meaning, however, other than that perhaps I looked strange to them because I was wearing a Pokchu kamt’u10 at the time. Arriving at Kaech’o˘ngni, it appeared that the style of the houses there was a mixture of the Korean and Manchurian styles and I got the impression from the irregular and insanitary nature of the local facilities that from a formal point of view at least these Koreans living abroad did not really have much to hope for. We entered an inn on the street to rest our travel-weary bodies, but the people there, just like those we had encountered on the street earlier, looked at us in a strange way and started whispering something to one another. Once again, it seemed to me that their behaviour was rather ungentlemanly, but I didn’t think anything in particular of it. Shortly after we had eaten dinner dusk began to fall. From the street outside came the noisy sounds of a crowd of people. The other people in the inn went outside to see what was going on. After having a look they came back inside, talking to one another. ‘They’re out to kill someone again.’ ‘How many?’ ‘Two.’ ‘They got off today’s boat.’ ‘Right.’ ‘They’re really going to kill them.’ When I heard this it was impossible for me to understand the content of what they were saying. I could, however, understand that someone was going out to kill someone else and out of surprise and curiosity I called to the strangest looking one among them and asked him what they were talking about. He hesitated a moment before he would answer me, but then in a low voice he replied to my questions. ‘You said that they are going out to kill someone now, who are they going to kill?’ ‘Yes, if people with shaved heads come here from Korea, then they kill them. They said they’re going to kill the two people who got off the boat today.’ ‘Why do they kill people with shaved heads?’ ‘They kill them because they’re members of Ilchinhoe.’11 ‘Who kills them?’ ‘Koreans kill them.’ 243

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‘What do they do these people?’ ‘What do you mean, what do they do? There are lots of people who first come here and then become naturalized as Russian subjects.’ ‘Do they try them first before they kill them? How do they kill them?’ ‘What do you mean try them? They just kill them without any explanation.’ ‘How do they actually kill them?’ ‘They throw them into the sea.’ ‘So here people just kill others indiscriminately and no one tries to get involved?’ ‘Nothing happens.’ ‘You say nothing happens. Are you saying that there are no police or law here at all? How can people live in a place where people just kill others indiscriminately?’ ‘Of course there are police here, but they’re ridiculous. It’s not just that sort of thing, there’s hardly an evening goes by here without someone being murdered by a thief. On top of that, why would they even pretend to know that the Koreans are killing each other?’ ‘So how many people with shaved heads have they killed?’ ‘They’ve killed a great many. They only have to come here and they’ll kill them.’ ‘How can it be that they just kill people with shaved heads indiscriminately, whether or not they are actually members of the Ilchinhoe?’ ‘All Koreans with shaved heads these days are Ilchinhoe members aren’t they? So they just kill them all.’ ‘So how are we going to avoid being killed?’ ‘How do I know? You’ll just have to wait and see.’ Having heard what he said, I felt as though I had been listening to the sort of comic story dramatized in the classical novel Outlaws of the Marsh, about the rebels’ den in the marshlands near Mount Liang.12 Although I was frightened I was also doubtful and found it hard to believe what I had heard. However, when I put it together with what the other people had said I realized that it must definitely be true. So in less than a few hours our world had changed and the fate of the three of us was truly akin to the proverbial candle flickering in the wind. Thinking that it was 244

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ridiculous to sit around waiting quietly for death when I knew that I would be killed, I prepared to set out for the police station and seek their help. I heard the footsteps of a number of men outside my door and about ten youths and young men wearing suits entered our room without removing their shoes and surrounded the three of us. They all carried the same walking sticks, wound tightly with wire at one end and combining both strength and flexibility. There could be no doubt that they were weapons intended for offensive rather than defensive use. They looked just like those man-eating lions of the underworld that you find in classical novels. At that moment I decided that the most important thing was not to lose heart, thereby giving them some justification for their actions, so I acted as though I was indifferent to them and remained sitting, cross-legged with my chin resting in my hands. One of the young men among them crouched in front of me and glared at me, asking: ‘Who the hell are you?’ ‘We are monks,’ I replied, lifting my chin from my hands. ‘Monks, what monks? Are you members of Ilchinhoe?’ ‘No. If you look at our attire and conduct you will see.’ ‘You’ve come in disguise to spy, do you think I don’t know?’ ‘No. Understand that we’ve come from a temple back home for the purposes of research.’ ‘You don’t seem like monks. If you were really like monks how could you have remained seated with your legs crossed when we entered?’ ‘It is not bad behaviour to cross one’s legs.’ ‘You say it’s not bad behaviour, but if you were indeed monks you would stand up and bow when we enter. You wouldn’t just sit there cross-legged, pretending to ignore us would you? It’s clear that you’re Ilchinhoe members who’ve come in disguise.’ As he said this he raised his walking stick, aiming to strike me. I thought that the best policy would be to avoid hurting his feelings so I tried sophistry for a while. I told them that what I was doing was different from the way that normal people sit crosslegged; it was called kabujwa, which is a way of sitting seen in Buddha images and often used by monks when they are studying. Then, while continuing to sit cross-legged, I pushed the tips of both my feet through behind my knees. Since they had no way of 245

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knowing what kabujwa actually was they could not confirm what I had said, but nor could they deny it. The leader of the group asked again to have a look at our luggage so I opened up my bundle first, revealing nothing more inside than some clothes, a copy of the Diamond Sutra and one monk’s robe. He then asked the two others seated behind me, but when I heard no sign of them, I turned around to see that their complexions had become deathly pale and they had both succumbed to fear and lost their spirits. I tried to comfort and persuade them, and of course, when they unpacked their luggage there was nothing unusual in there. The luggage of the monk from Mahayo˘n contained a dipper made from a tree burl. Pointing to it, the leader asked what it was and the monk replied that it was called a ‘Ku˘mgang Mountains Burl’. He had to explain that it was a water dipper made from a Ku˘mgangsan Mountains tree burl, but the whole company burst into laughter as he stumbled over his words in fear, shortening ‘Ku˘mgang Mountains tree burl’ to the improbable ‘Ku˘mgang Mountains Burl’. In that position, where it felt as though we were being tried at the gates to the next world, this laughter may have resulted from a momentary slip of the tongue, but it suddenly seemed as though a little of our spirits returned. The leader put us through quite an ordeal, asking us various questions, but in the end he rejected my explanations and said that since it was getting late he would have to deal with us tomorrow. He called over the owner of the inn and told him to keep an eye on us to make sure that we didn’t try to escape, after which they left. When he said that he would ‘deal with us tomorrow’ we knew he meant that they would kill us tomorrow. It clearly felt as though we were on death row. When one comes face to face with death one’s emotions are truly complex. This is all the more so when it is an unexpected and meaningless death. Confused thoughts and memories crowded my mind, deep and complicated like the feelings of the friends who once parted ways at a peach blossom-covered pond in ancient times.13 But they also changed from one moment to the next, like clouds in the morning and rain in the evening. On the one hand, although it was said that they killed people without hesitation, since this was nothing more than an assassination and the proper time for an assassination was at night when public attention could 246

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be avoided, I wondered whether the postponement until the next day was just an excuse and perhaps this meant that they didn’t intend to kill us after all. On the other hand, I wondered whether, like the ‘raw barbarian’14 aboriginal tribes of Taiwan who make it a point of honour to have killed many people, they might like to butcher people in broad daylight for everyone to see in order to make their heroic deeds known to all. At any rate, I spent the night as a condemned criminal awaiting execution. The next day, at dawn, I called for the owner of the inn and asked him about the man who had acted as the representative of the group ˘ m Inso˘p. He the previous evening. He told me that his name was O had grown up in the Russian Far East and received a Russian education, afterwards entering the army where he was even awarded a medal for his martial achievements and paid a considerable salary. His disposition was fierce and courageous and he was not lacking in spirit and determination. The inn owner told me that he had undeniably become a ringleader among the Korean people living in the Russian Far East. It was a gloomy business for an impatient person like me to sit around waiting for the hour of his death. I decided I would either hasten that hour voluntarily or use my wits to find a means of escape. ˘m I immediately set out with the inn owner for the house of O ˘ Inso˘p. When we arrived there Om had not yet arisen from his bed. The inn owner urged me to wait for him to get up, but I ˘ m opened the door, still in his bedclothes knocked on the door. O and wearing a somewhat surprised expression, he looked out at us and showing his shock again, as though he had really not expected this, he asked what I had come for. I told him that I had come because there was something that I wanted to say and once he had closed the door again and changed his clothes he told us to come in. When we had entered he asked me in scolding tone what it was that I wanted to say. ‘I came to give you my testament before I die,’ I said, and with a strange look he stared straight at me and replied, ‘Testament, what testament do you mean?’ ‘I mean a testament. From what I’ve heard you people kill people by throwing them in the sea, but I’d like to ask you not to throw me in the sea but rather just kill me yourself and return my bones to the home country for burial,’ I said, raising my voice. 247

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Of course, this was not my true intention, I just said this to begin with as a way of moving him. Our conversation continued somewhat after that, but I don’t want to write about it. ˘ m’s speech and demeanour became more peaceful, as though O he saw the reality of my situation, and he suggested that we go and see a certain other person. I followed him and not far away we came to a small house, where he stepped inside first. I asked the inn owner whose house this was and he replied that it was a place where Yi Noya, who was something like the village headman, offered ˘ m called us and counsel on important matters. After a little while O when I entered I could see straight away that Noya did indeed have the bearing of an elder. I replied to his questions truthfully explaining my situation and later he assured that there was no problem at all. ˘ m immediately started to leave and ordered me At that point O to return to the inn first. On my way back to the inn I felt as though I had just been to visit my grave but had instead arrived in heaven. It seemed as though the spring sky of Vladivostok was bursting with my pride, I was like a triumphant general who had just been victorious in a surprise attack. For a twenty-year-old youngster without cultivation or learning, feeling this sort of youthful emotion now and then was nothing out of the ordinary. When I arrived back at the inn I turned first to my two travelling companions, who had been waiting only for death, comforting and ˘ m arrived alone reassuring them. Then, as I was eating breakfast, O and consoled us over the events of the previous evening. He told us that the whole area from Vladivostok to Khabarovsk was a danger zone and that we shouldn’t even think about going that way but rather return home after having a look around the harbour of the city. He added that since even looking around the harbour was dangerous, I should carry his name card with me and before he left he gave me one of his cards, writing on the back an order to provide me with protection. I knew that that name card was the only talisman I had. Feeling rather confined I decided that I would first have a look around the harbour and asked my two companions whether they wanted to come with me. However, I had to go alone since they had no appetite for a walk and looked as though they had been struck down by a serious disease. So I set off and ended up going 248

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to the beach on the shore in front of the harbour. The people scattered around the environs were a mixture of Russians, French and Koreans. Before long, five or six young Korean men, dressed in Westernstyle suits, started heading toward me, calling out to me as they came. I stood waiting and when they reached me they grabbed hold of me and asked, ‘Are you the person who arrived on the boat yesterday evening?’ ˘ m’s name card. I replied that I was and showed them O They took the name card and had a look at it, then tore it into little pieces and discarded it. Two of them took my two arms while the rest of them began to push me in the back, heading in the direction of the sea. This was their straightforward way of carrying out their very simple murder technique. One kiss of death, another kiss of death . . . There are many forks on life’s road toward death. I was no longer in a situation where I might be able get away by making excuses for my self – talking was useless. I gathered my strength and resisted with all my might. Gradually a scuffle began to break out. Now the war clouds had really gathered and the situation was reaching a climax. A Chinese man who had been watching from a distance came up to us and, trying to stop the fight, he asked what the cause was. This Chinese man was fluent in Korean. When I had explained to him what the reason for our fight was he turned to the youths and spoke to them as though he were making a speech. The gist of what he said was that it was not simply a personal misfortune for them to indiscriminately kill other Koreans who had travelled abroad. But they had no reason to listen to the Chinese man. Bit by bit they were dragging me away. With the strength that I had gained from the intervention of the Chinese man I had no reason to go easily. The struggle reached the climax of its second round. The Chinese man called out something in Russian in a loud voice and two Russian policemen ran up and spoke with him. They put a stop to the fight and began to question the young men in Russian, then they dispersed the youths and addressed me through the Chinese man, telling me to go back to Korea before returning to their usual beat. 249

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Only the Chinese man comforted me with a few words and told me about the misconduct of the Koreans living in the Russian Far East. He also said that the situation in China and Korea was almost the same. Then, for some reason, I sank down where I was and started to weep bitterly. After that I returned to the inn. Everything about us was now as insecure as a piece of rooftile tumbled and tossed by a whirlwind, and we felt completely resigned and desperate. Since we didn’t have the fare we couldn’t go by train and it was absolutely impossible to go forward on foot. There was no road open to us but the one back home. My two travelling companions also decided to return with me, but the really pitiful thing was that we didn’t have enough money for the boat ticket back to Wo˘nsan. We found out that we could take a land route if we crossed the ‘Fifty Li Sea’ of the Amursky Gulf, and so the three of us set out without delay, crossing the sea in a wooden boat and advancing at a snail’s pace. After a few days we passed through the Korean village of Yo˘nch’u near Kraskino, and crossed the Tumen River into our homeland. That one night in Vladivostok is something that will never be erased from my memory. Notes 1

The term ‘enter the mountains’ (Kor. ipsan) refers to becoming a Buddhist monk and retreating to a mountain temple. 2 The name of the temple in the So ˘raksan Mountains where Han Yongun had been living as a monk. 3 Jap. Keijo -. An old name for Seoul, primarily used during the Japanese colonial era. 4 Approximately February or March according to the Western calendar. 5 An old measure of distance equivalent to about 400 metres in early twentieth century Korea. 6 The term used by Han Yongun for ‘the other shore’ can also mean nirvana or pa-ramita-, so an obvious pun is intended here. 7 In Northern Hamgyo ˘ng dialect in the late-nineteen to the early-twentieth centuries, tasu˘p’o (probably derived from Russian gospodin – ‘master’, ‘Sir’, a form of address used, among others, by servants) meant ‘a cook’, or ‘a servant’, so Han Yongun’s companions were seemingly interested in finding out about the prospects of employment in domestic service with Vladivostok’s Korean residents and earning some money. But since the word tasu˘p’o was unusual in Seoul Korean, Han Youngun seemed to have forgotten what it meant at the 250

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time he started writing this autobiographical piece in 1935, and instead misinterpreted the word as ‘material for making food’. This misinterpretation, and the failure to correct it on the part of Choso˘n Ilbo proofreaders, shows enormous distance between Seoul Korean and Northern Hamgyo˘ng dialect, which, with its specific vocabulary and many loanwords from Russian, was almost incomprehensible for the people from the metropolitan area or southern regions of the country in early twentieth century”. 8 Reference to the Kabo Reforms of 1894–95, which, among other things, restructured the old Korean army and put some of the best troops under the Japanese command. 9 The sources Han Yongun used for giving this figure are unclear. Russian military agents in the end of the 1880s estimated the size of Korea’s standing army at approximately 3,000 men and officers (Galina D. Tyagai, Po Koree, Moscow, 1958, p. 131). After the Kabo Reforms, it was enlarged to approximately 4,400 soldiers and officers (So˘ Inhan, Taehan Cheguk u˘i kunsa chedo, Seoul: Hyean, 2000, p. 62). 10 A winter cap usually worn by Buddhist monks. 11 An organization of pro-Japanese Koreans. The name is translated variously as the Advancement Society or the Progress Party. 12 The classical Chinese novel, Outlaws of the Marsh (Shuihujuan), attributed to Shi Naian (1296?–1370?), tells a series of stories about ‘righteous bandits’ based in the marshlands around Mt Liang in Shandong. 13 Han Yongun seems to be alluding to a line from a poem by the famous Tang Dynasty poet Li Bo (701–762). 14 Ch. shengfan, Kor. saengbo ˘n, Jap. seiban. A term used by the Qing Dynasty administration and then Japanese colonizers for some of the inland aboriginal tribes of Taiwan, which did not pay taxes, could not speak Chinese and resisted the adoption of Chinese cuisine or marital/funeral customs. See David Faure, ‘The Mountain Tribes before the Japanese Occupation’. In Search of the Hunters and their Tribes, Taipei: The Shung Ye Museum of Formosan Aborigines, 2001, p. 5.

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People An Ch’angho Ch’oe Namso˘n Ch’oe Rin Cheng Ichuan Chin Yo˘ngch’o˘l Cho˘ng Manhwa Cho˘ng Manjo Empress-Dowager Cíxî Han Myo˘nghoe Han Poguk Han Yongun Han Yuch’o˘n Han Cho˘ngok Hong Zicheng Inoue EnryoKagawa Toyohiko Kim Ch’o˘nhae Kim Hagu˘i Kim Po˘mnin Kim Saguk Kim So˘ngsuk Kim Yo˘n’gok king Kojong Liang Qichao Min Yo˘nghu˘i O Sech’ang 252

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˘ m Inso˘p O Paek So˘nguk Paek Yongso˘ng Seno’o GiroSin Hu˘ngu Takakusu JunjiroU Bongun Xu Jiyu Yang Ko˘nsik Yanshou Yi Chongch’o˘n Yi Kwangsu’s Yi Taewi Place names Ch’o˘ngju Ch’ungch’o˘ng Choso˘n Chungang hangnim Chungang puljo˘n Hamgyo˘ng Hongso˘ng Kangwo˘n Ko˘nbongsa Kyo˘ngso˘ng Mt Songnisan Myo˘ngjin School Okch’o˘nsa P’yohunsa Paektamsa Po˘mo˘sa Pongso˘nsa Po˘pchusa So˘gwangsa South Kyo˘ngsang To-yo- University Wo˘lcho˘ngsa Wo˘nsan 253

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Book and journal titles Caigentan Ch’o˘ngguk musul cho˘ngbyo˘n’gi Choso˘n Pulgyo Kaehyo˘k an Choso˘n Pulgyo Yusinnon Kaebyo˘k Pulgyo taejo˘n Samch’o˘lli Shin BukkyoSinsaenghwal Xixiang ji Yinbingshi wenji Yinghuan Zhilue Yusim Zongjìnglu General terms arahans Bukkyo- Seito Do-shikai Ch’o˘ndogyo Chogye Order Cho˘nchoso˘n ch’o˘ngnyo˘ndang taehoe Choso˘n Nodong Kongjehoe eguî hwayop’a Ilchinhoe jìsong jiushu Koryo˘ kongsan ch’o˘ngnyo˘nhoe chungang ch’ongguk kukkajuu˘i kyo-do- shakai Ming minjung Nichiren o˘kpul p’yo˘ngdu˘ng pojogwa 254

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pon’gak Pulgyo ch’o˘ngnyo˘nhoe sach’allyo˘ng sahoejuu˘i se segyejuu˘i shi Shinko- Bukkyo- Seinen Do-mei shíxíng Sin’ganhoe so˘dang so˘n So-to- Sect tanyu Tonghak u˘ibyo˘ng yangban Yanmo dawang zixing

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Index

Abhidharma , 183 Abhidarma-maha-vibha-sa-´sa-stra 183 Abhidarmako´sa-´sa-stra , 183 Agamas , 106 Aja-ta´satrukaukatyavinodana-sutra , 204 All-Korean Youth Party Congress (Cho˘nchoso˘n ch’o˘ngnyo˘ndang taehoe), 14, 16 altruism (kusejuu˘i), 26, 53, 55, 82, 83, 91 America, 64, 65, 87 Amitabha 69, 191 An Ch’angho , 13, 25 Analects , 78, 90, 134, 135, 140, 143 Ananda , 132 Anbyo˘n , 237 ‘annihilationists’ (Kor. tan’gyo˘n oedo, Ch. duanjian waidao, Sanskr. uccheda-va-da), 123 arahan (Sanskr. arhat), 9, 91, 94, 178 arhat: see: arahan. Aristotle, 133 Association of Buddhist Puritans (Bukkyo- Seito Do-shikai ), 10 atheism (musillon), 211–15 attachment (ae), 71 auddhatya (Ch. diaoju, Kor. togo˘ ), 138, 178

,

Avalokite´svara, Bodhisattva , 28, 106, 231 Avatamsaka-sutra , 17, 21, 31, 56, 106, 190, 203 Bacon, Francis, 50, 51, 132 Baoenjing (Sutra on Repaying Kindness), 196 Bentham, Jeremy, 110 Bismarck, Otto von, 6, 177 Bolsheviks, 13, 18, 27 Book of Changes (Yijing), 90, 136, 199 Book of Documents (Shujing), 62, 136 Brahma , 200 Brahmaja-la-sutra (Ch. Fanwangjing, Kor. Po˘mmanggyo˘ng), 104, 195 Brahmans, 162 Britain, 65 Buddha Hall , 96 Buddhahood/Buddha-nature , 22, 23, 28, 69, 71, 78, 91, 134, 153, 156, 157, 173, 174 Buddhist Anthology (Pulgyo taejo˘n), 17 Buddhist socialism , 160, 161 Bukharin, Nikolai Ivanovich, 166, 222 Burma, 76 burning house, parable (Sanskr. a-dı-ptâga-ra, Ch. huozhai, Kor. 19 hwat’aek), 167, 177

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Index Cai , 56, 135 Caigentan (Tending the Roots of Wisdom, Kor. Ch’aegu˘ndam), 18 Cao Cao , 41, 90, 111 capital , 103 Carol II, king of Romania, 223 Cavour, Camillo Benso conte di, 110 Central Buddhist College (Chungang puljo˘n), 12 Central Buddhist School (Chungang hangnim), 12 Central Bureau of the Korean Communist Youth League (Koryo˘ kongsan ch’o˘ngnyo˘nhoe chungang ch’ongguk), 31 Chang Chu , 56 Chao Fu , 56, 82 Chelyabinsk, 222, 225 Chen , 56, 135 Cheng Ichuan , 28, 175, 176, 179 Chibi , 111 Chin Yo˘ngch’o˘l , 15, 16 China, 29, 47, 48, 63, 65, 76, 159, 182, 199, 232, 237, 249, 250 Ch’oe Namso˘n , 19 Ch’oe Rin , 19 Chogye Order , 30 ch’o˘k , unit of measurement, 72, 74, 89, 103 Ch’okso˘ngnu Pavillion , 166 Ch’o˘ndogyo , 14, 19, 20, 31 Cho˘ng Manhwa ,4 Cho˘ng Manjo ,2 Ch’o˘ngguk musul cho˘ngbyo˘n’gi ,5 Ch’o˘ngju Han clan ,1 Chongno Street , 159 Choso˘n Pulgyo Kaehyo˘k an, see: Project for the Reform of Korean Buddhism Choso˘n Ilbo , newspaper, 233, 238 Christianity, 7, 13, 16, 44, 75 Christian socialism, 24, 25 Chu , state, 119 Ch’ungch’o˘ng Province , 1, 235 civilization (munmyo˘ng), 58, 64, 73

Collected Writings from the Ice-drinker’s Studio ,5 colonization (singmin), 107 Columbus, Christopher, 6, 62, 87, 136 Comintern, 31 communal society (Jap. kyo-do- shakai), 24 Communist Manifesto, 165 Communist Youth League (Komsomol), 219, 220 competition (kyo˘ngjaeng), 55, 61, 63, 73, 74, 84, 85, 102, 112, 139 Confucius , 10, 82, 89, 90, 135, 144, 199 consciousness (Sanskr. vijn˘a-na), 25 Consultative Committee , 111, 113, 114 cosmopolitanism (segyejuu˘i), 7, 55 Cromwell, Oliver, 44 Da Ji , 54, 134 Dacheng Yizhang , 182 dachun , 107 D’Arc, Jeanne, 166 Damamu-kanida-na-sutra , 206 Darwin, Charles, 6, 62, 80, 81, 139, 141, 142 Da´sabhu-mika-sutra , 194 Descartes, Rene, 6, 51, 52, 110, 132 Deshan Xuanjian , 172 desire (t’amyo˘k, Sanskr. ra-ga), 24 Dhammapa-da , 195, 196 dharmas (po˘p), 64, 110, 167, 173, 174, 191 dharma-eye (po˘ban), 69 Dharma Seal (po˘bin), 53 Dharma talks (so˘lpo˘p), 75 Dharmagupta-vinaya (Sabunnyul, Ch. Sifenlu), 105 Dharmasamuccaya , 195, 201 dharmic body (Sanskr. dharmakaya, Ch. fashen, Kor. po˘psin), 69, 138 Diao Chan , 54, 134 Diamond Sutra , 246

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, 134

egalitarianism (p’yo˘ngdu˘ngjuu˘i), 8, 53–5 Egypt, 65 egoism (tongnijuu˘i), 55 Eight Trigrams , 62 Eightfold Noble Path to Enlightenment , 206 Empress-Dowager Cixi ,5 emptiness (kong), 22, 23, 155, 157 Engels, Friedrich, 166 equality (Sanskr. sa-manya-, Ch. pingdeng, Kor. p’yo˘ngdu˘ng), 18, 52–5, 71, 73 Europe, 64 Faraday, Michael, 87, 143 Fomuchushengjing , 194 form (Sanskr. ru-pa, ), 22, 155, 157 Four Limitless States of Meditation (samu yangsim), 205 France, 166 freedom of ideas (sasang chayu), 59, 60, 61, 71 Fu Xi , 62, 136 Fukuzawa Yukichi , 139 Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand, 160 Ganges, river, 65, 66 ga-tha(kesong, Ch. jìsong), 10, 56 Germany, 18, 19, 21, 48, 177 Ghanavyu-ha-sutra , 204 Gibbon, Edward, 109 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 110 gong , musical note, 176 Great Learning , 49, 151 Guan Yu , 89, 90, 143 Guishan Lingyou , 186 Haeinsa , temple, 163 Hamgyo˘ng Province ,4 Han Dynasty , 93 Han Myo˘nghoe ,1 Han Poguk , 30 Han Yongun , passim Han Yuch’o˘n ,1 Han Cho˘ngok ,1 Han Qi , 177, 180 Han Wigo˘n , 31

Han Xin , 69 Hapch’o˘n County , 163 hatred (chu˘ng), 71 He Tiao Zhang Ren , 56. Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 78, 141 Himalayas, 186 Hinayana (sosu˘ng), 91 Ho River Map , 62 Hobbes, Thomas, 110 ‘homage and repentance’ sessions (yech’am), 97 Hong Zicheng , 18 Hongju , 30, 235 Hongso˘ng , 1, 235 Huang Shan’gu , 173 Huayanjing Yinyi , 183 Huitang, Master , 173, 179 human rights , 99, 100 hungry spirits (Sanskr. preta, Ch. eguî), 31, 96, 134 Huanghe , 102 hwayop’a (Tuesday Faction), 14 idealism (yusimnon), 154, 159 Iizumi Kikuzo, 59 Ilchinhoe , society of proJapanese Koreans, 28, 243–5 ‘inherent enlightenment’ (Kor. pon’gak, Ch. benjue), 28 India, 63, 158, 159, 161, 162 Inoue Enryo, 30 international law (kongbo˘p), 73 Introduction to a Contribution to a Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, 15 Ja-nussonı- the Brahman Japan, 113, 159 Jehovah, 44 Jesus Christ, 10, 25, 82 Ji Zi , 111 Jia Yi , 93, 144 Jie Ni , 56 jìsong , 31 jiushu (Kor. kusok), 31 joint stock company hoesa), 104 Judson, Adoniram, 76 258

, 206

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Index jue jun

, musical note, 177 , 117

kabujwa , 245, 246 Kabo Reforms , 250 Kaebyo˘k , 13, 21, 153 Kaech’o˘ngni , 242, 243 Kagawa Toyohiko , 25 kalpa, (ko˘p), 86, 129, 199 Kanakamuni , 110 Kang Younghill [Kang Yonghu˘l] , 31 Kant, Immanuel, 6, 48, 49, 50, 110, 131 Kangwo˘n Province , 2, 236 karma (o˘p), 105 Ka-s´yapa (kaso˘p), 110 kesong , 31, 135 Khabarovsk, 248 Kidd, Benjamin, 139 Kim Ch’o˘nhae , 12 Kim Hagu˘i , see Kim Ch’o˘nhae Kim Po˘mnin , 31 Kim Saguk , 12, 14, 31 Kim So˘ngsuk , 12 Kim Yo˘n’gok ,3 Kim Yunsik , 113 King Kojong , 20, 31 kitchen gods , 94 kle´sa , 184 Ko˘nbongsa , temple, 4 Kongjamyo , 143 Korburo , 31 Korean Buddhist Youth League (Pulgyo ch’o˘ngnyo˘nhoe), 14, 31 Korean Communist Party (Choso˘n Kongsandang), 14 Korean Labour Fraternal Association (Choso˘n Nodong Kongjehoe), 12 Korean Women’s Buddhist Youth League (Choso˘n pulgyo yo˘ja ch’o˘ngnyo˘nhoe), 14 Koryo˘, Dynasty , 109 Krakucchanda , 110 Kronstadt, 222 Ks´antiva-din, 204, 205

kukkajuu˘i (nationalism), 7 Ku˘mgang Mountains , 81, 246 Kyo˘ngso˘ng , colonial-era name for Seoul, 7, 12, 16, 18, 30, 239, 241 labour , 103, 104 Larger Sukha-vatı-vyu-ha-sutra , 183 Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich, 24 League of Nations , 160 Li Bo , 199, 251 Liang, Mount , 244 Liang Qichao , 5, 9, 47, 49, 50, 82, 120, 130, 131, 132, 133, 139, 140, 141, 142 liberalism , 8, 55 Lingyun, Master , 174, 179, 186, 189 Linju Yixuan , 172 Liu Bang , 139 Liu Xiang , 137 Liudujijing (The Six Pa-ramita-s Sutra), 202 ‘Living Church’ group, 224 Locke, John, 110 Lord-on-High , 153 Lotus Sutra , 106 Lu Jiuyuan , 52, 133 Luther, Martin 6, 44, 128 Maclay, Robert, 140 Madagascar, 76 Madhyama-gama-sutra , 202 Ma-dhyamika-´sastra , 130 Ma-ha-ka-s´yapa, see also: Ka-s´yapa, 171 Maha-parinirva-na-sutra , 195, 203 Maha-prajn˘a-pa-ramita--´sa-stra , 182, 183 Mahayana , 6, 106 Mahayo˘n , temple, 241, 246 Mammon, 23 Manchuria , 229, 243 Man˘ju´srı(bodhisattva), 69, 172, 178 Map’o, Ward , 233 Ma-ra , demonic tempter in Buddhism, 185

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Selected Writings of Han Yongun marriage, 104–14 Marx, Karl, 15, 165, 213 materialism (yumullon), 154, 218 matter (mul), 22 Mazzini, Giuseppe, 23 Meditation (So˘n ) School, 25, 28, 185 meditation phrase (hwadu), 168 meditation topic (Kor. kongan, Ch. gongan, Jap. ko-an), 66, 137 Meiji , Japanese era 1868–1912, 4, 7, 114 Mencius , 58, 62, 136, 149, 170, 178 Mensheviks, 223 Min Yo˘nghwi ,2 mind , 22, 64, 65, 66, 83, 101, 153, 154, 165–77 Ming Dynasty , 18, 192 mingde (luminous virtue), 50 minjung (the people or popular masses), 11, 30 Mo Zi , 82, 142 Moheyan Lun , 182 Moscow, 14, 222 Mountain of Swords , 78, 130, 141 Myo˘ngjin School , 4, 5 Myo˘ngsim Pogam , 124 Myo˘ngwo˘lgwan Restaurant , 233 ‘Myriad Bodhisattva Deeds’ , 101 Na-ga-rjuna , 130, 190 Nagwo˘ndong , 181 Nammyo , 142 Napoleon, 6, 54, 80–1, 141–2 nationalism, 4–7, 107, 158, 164 Nelson, 6 Neo-Confucianism, 2, 4, 9 Nero, Emperor, 222 New Buddhist Movement, 10 New Culture Movement, 13 Newton, Isaac, 62, 110 Nichiren , 24 Nim u˘i ch’immuk , 23 Nirvana , 45, 91, 98, 138, 163, 202, 207, 250

Non’gae

, 166

O Sech’ang , 19 Okch’o˘nsa, temple , 14 o˘kpul (constraining Buddhism), 4 ˘ m Inso˘p O , 28–9, 247–9 On the Reformation of Korean Buddhism, 17 Orthodox Christianity, 13, 216–225 Outlaws of the Marsh (Shuihujuan), 244, 251 P’yohunsa , temple, 5 p’yo˘ngdu˘ng (equality), 18 Paek So˘nguk , 31 Paek Yongso˘ng , 20 Paektamsa , temple, 3, 236, 239, 241 pa-ra-jika-, 105, 195 (perfection), 41, 183, pa-ramita191, 200, 201, 203, 204, 206, 250 Paranirmita Heaven , 103 Pascal, Blaise, 110 Peter the Great, 217 Pı-taputrasama-gama-sutra, 201 Pitt, William, 110 Plato, 52, 133 pojogwa (supplementary course), 4 pokchu kamt’u , 243 Po˘mo˘sa, , temple, 17 po˘mpae , 96 pon’gak (inherent enlightenment, Ch. benjue), 28 Pongso˘nsa, , temple, 12 Po˘pchusa, , temple, 2 prajna(wisdom), 49, 52 pratyeka-buddha , 91, 208 production, 100, 102 Profintern, 15 proletariat, 214–15 Protestantism, 12, 20, 213, 216 Puguang , 183, 190 Pulgyo ch’o˘ngnyo˘nhoe, , 14 Pulgyo (Buddhism), 26, 165 Pulgyo taejo˘n (Buddhist Anthology), 17 260

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Index Pure Land , 46, 69–71, 98, 134, 138 Pusabenyuanjing (Sutra on Bodhisattva’s Past Births), 195 Pusaxing wushiyuan shenjing (Sutra on the Body of Fifty Karmic Connections of the Boddhisattvas), 202 Pusazhengfazangjing (Sutra on Bodhisattva’s Storage of the Truthful Dharma), 201, 204 qi (vital force), 49 Qin, state , 116, 142, 145, 146 Qing Dynasty, , 30, 178, 251 Qishijing , 195, 197 Qishiyinbenjing , 196 Rahula , 110 Ratnaku-ta-sutra , 194 Record of the Mirror of Orthodoxy (Zongjìnglu), 135 Renlujing (Sutra on Forbearance), 202 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 52, 110 Romance of the Three Kingdoms , 130, 134 Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji), 1, 236 Romania, 223 Rome, 217 Rurikovich Dynasty, 216 Russia, 19, 27, 216–25, 241, 247–50 Russian revolution, 18, 21, 216, 218, 224, 225 Russo-Japanese War, 3 sach’allyo˘ng (Temple Law), 14 sacrifices, 98–9 Saddharmasmrtyupastha-na-sutra , 195, 196 Saha--world, 92 sahoejuu˘i (socialism), 9 Sakyamuni , 47, 82, 95–7, 110, 153, 158–64, 186 Sama-dhi , 183, 191 Sama-dhiraja-candrapradı-pa-sutra (Ch. Yuedeng sanmei jing; Sutra of the Moonlight Sama-dhi), 184, 191, 202

Samch’o˘lli , 22, 155, 158, 235 sangha (su˘ngga), 78–9, 168 Sanhuijing (Sutra of the Three Wisdoms), 202 Sanyukata-gama-su-tra , 196, 206, 208 S´a-riputra , principal disciple of Buddha, 66, 201 Sarvadharmapravrttinirde´sa , 195 sarvajna (ominscience), 47 Sarva-stiva-da , 190 Sarva-stiva-da-vinaya , 195 Satthavaha, 110 Schopenhauer, Arthur, 156 science, 212, 219 se (Sanskr. ru-pa), 22 segyejuu˘i (cosmopolitanism) 7 Sergius, Patriarch, 218, 224–5 Seno’o Giro, 24 Seoul , 235–6, 250 Seven Stars (ch’ilso˘ng), 91–2, 94, 144 sexual activity, 105, 108–10 Shamanism, 216 Shang Dynasty , 58, 110, 134 shi , 25 Shijing (Classic of Odes), 136, 152, 179 Shin Bukkyo(The New Buddhism), 10 Shinko- Bukkyo- Seinen Do-mei , 24 shíxíng (Ten Practices), 31, 134 Short Account of the Oceans around Us (Yinghuan Zhilue), 3, 235, 236 Shujing (Book of Documents), 62, 136 Shun, Emperor , 56, 89 S´u-ram.gama-sutra , 51, 195 Siberia, 222, 235 S´ikhin, 110 Sin Hu˘ngu , 25 Sin’ganhoe (New Korea Society), 15–16, 25, 26 Sinsaenghwal , 13 Sishierzhangjing , 199 sisik , 96 261

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Selected Writings of Han Yongun Smith, Adam, 110 Social Darwinism, 5–7, 9, 25, 139–40, 142 Social Gospel, 25 socialism, 9, 11, 15–16, 21–6, 160–1 so˘dang ,2 So˘gwangsa , temple, 4, 237 so˘n (meditation school), 25, 178, 182 Song Dynasty , 31, 49, 169, 175, 179, 180 So˘raksan Mountains , 238–9, 250 So-to- Sect ,4 soul, immortality and transmigration of, 155–6 South Kyo˘ngsang Province , 17 Soviet Union, 215, 216 Spencer, Herbert, 110 Spinoza, Baruch, 110 Spring and Autumn Annals , 90, 143 Stalin, Iosif Vissarionovich, 219, 221, 223 Stalinism, 25 ‘substantialists’ (Kor. sangngyo˘n oedo, Ch. changjian waidao, Sanskr. s´a-svata-va-da.) 130, 151 Subhu-ti , 194 Suchness (Sanskr. Tatha-tva), 46, 49, 130 Suddhodana, King, 161–3 Sukha-vatı-vyu-ha-sutra, 194 Sui Dynasty , 183, 190 Supreme Ultimate (t’aegu˘k) , 64 ‘survival of the fittest’ , 74, 94, 140 Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment , 51–2, 71, 91, 134, 139 Sutra of the Six Pa-ramita-s on the Methods of Mahayana , 201, 204 Suvarnaprabha-sa-sutra , 200 Taehan tongnip manse 233 T’aehwagwan , 233 taeryo˘ng , 96

,

Taiwan , 247, 251 Takakusu Junjiro,7 Tang Dynasty , 150, 207, 251 tanyu (Kor. t’amyok), 24 Tao Yuanming , 130, 151 Taoism, 135, 142 Tatha-gata , 68, 92 Ten Kings of Hell , 92–4 Terauchi Masatake , 114 Tikhon, Metropolitan and later Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church, 218–19, 224, 225 , 237 Tokyo Tonghak , late nineteenth century rebellion, 2, 20 tongjang (village headman), 231 Tongmyo , 143 total mobilization, 30 To-yo- University , 11 Tripitaka , 17, 163, 164 Trotskyism, 222–3 Tumen River , 250 U Bongun , 14 u˘ibyo˘ng (Righteous Armies), 2, 3, 4, 30 Ukraine, 222 Upa-saka-´s ı-la-sutra , 202 Upa-ya , 195 USSR, 26, 27, 215, 216–25 Uttara, 110 Vaipulya sutras, 106 Va-ra-nasi (Benares), 204 Vasubandhu , 190 Vimalakı-rti , 69–70, 138 Vijitasena , 110 Vipasyin , 110 Vis´vabhu , 110 Vladimir I, 216–17, 224 Vladivostok, 3, 6, 238, 241–2, 248, 250 Voltaire, Francois-Marie Arouet, 110 Wang Bo , 124, 150 Wang Shifu , 237 Wang Yangming , 52, 133, 188, 192 Washington, George, 6, 53 262

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Index Watt, James, 62 Wei, state , 111, 148 Wen, King of Zhou , 89, 116, 143, 149 Wen Chou , 90 Wo˘lcho˘ngsa , 2, 3 Wo˘nsan , 3, 237, 241–2, 250 Woodrow Wilson, 18–19 World Student Christian Federation, 13 Wu, King of Zhou , 89, 143 Wu, state , 111, 148 Xia Dynasty , 58 Xiangyan Zhixian, 186–8, 189, 192 Xi Shi , 75 Xixiang ji (The Romance of the Western Chamber), 1, 236 Xu Jiyu ,3 Xu You , 82, 135, 142 Xuanzang , 190 Yamara-ja , (Ch. Yanlo dawang or Yanmo dawang, Kor. Yo˘mnataewang or Yo˘mmataewang), 10, 31, 56, 92, 135 Yang Ko˘nsik ,7 yangban ,1 Yanshou , 31 Yao, Emperor , 56, 89, 135, 142

Yaroslavsky, Yemelyan Mikhailovich, 221, 225 yech’am , 97 Yi Chongch’o˘n , 14 Yi Kwangsu , 13 Yi Noya , 248 Yi Taewi , 25 Yijing (Book of Changes), 90, 136, 199 Yinbingshi wenji (The Collected Writings from the Ice-drinker’s Studio), 5 Yinghuan Zhilue (Short Account of the Oceans around Us), 3, 235, 236 yin-yang , 64 Yoga-ca-ra, 22–3, 25, 131 yo˘mbul , 69 Yu , 56, 62 Yu Kiljun , 139 Yue, state , 116, 119, 140, 149 Yusim (Mind Only), 7, 18 Zhiyi , 191 Zhou Dynasty , 58, 62, 142 Zhuang Zi , 59, 130, 131, 135, 136, 144, 146, 151 Zhu Xi , or Zhuzi , 49–50, 132, 133, 179 zixing , 23 Zuo Zhuan , 89

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