Science and Civilisation in China: Volume 5, Chemistry and Chemical Technology; Part 6, Military Technology: Missiles and Sieges

SCIENCE AND CIVILISATION IN CHINA BY

JOSEPH NEEDHAM,

C.H., F.R.S., F.B.A.

50)olI(TIN£ "''-ITER OF CO"Y1LL£ ... NO CAIUI COLLtG!, CAN RIl I DGE, OIIl£(:TOR EMERITUS Ot' Til E .'< 1:[1)11 "W RESE" RGII '"IT I TUT1, CA.\lRIlIDCE. HONORARY PROFESSOR OF ACADEMIA $ISIGA

ROBIN D. S. YATES PItOflUOJl; 00' HISTORY ... ,,0 OF EAST ASIA" LA:<(;UACEI AND LITElAT!.:"l' DIRECTOR, CENTR!: fOR EAIT "U ... S STUDIES )oIcGILL '-'"IYER'ITY, Q.'JUIIC, CASADA

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KRZYSZTOF GAWLIKOWSKI PROfESSOR, OIP"RTIO"1
EDWARD McEWEN IOWYER ... SO IIO'-'''TEO ""GlltR OF THt CITY Of LON[)ON ,.. 1')01 B Ell OF TilE SOCI ETV 0rAil Gil EIt.· ... STIQ.I.:A II. 11'.:1

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UISTORY, Al:STRALlA" "ATIO""'I. USIYtllSlTY, C"SIER."

VOLUME 5

CHEMISTRY AND CHEMICAL TECHNOLOGY PART V I

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY, MISSILES AND SIEGES

� CAMBRIDGE � UNIVERSITY PRESS

PUIIL l SII ED BY THE PRESS SY:XD1CATE OF TilE l':'>'!VERSIT\' 0.' CAMBRIDCE

The Piu Building, Tmmpington Street, Cambridge, united Kingdom CAMBRIDCE t:;';I\'ERSITY PIIESS

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CBI! 2 RU, UK 40 \rest 20111 Street, XCI,· York. xy 10011-4211, USA ..71 WiJliamslO\\ll Road, Pon :\Ielbournc, VIC 3207. Australia Ruiz de A1arc6n 13. 28014 :\ladrid, Spain Dock House, The "'a(crfrom, Capc lowlI 8001, South Africa hltp://www.eambridge.org Cambridge Cni\l�rsity Press 199.J Firsl published 199.J Reprinted 2002 Primed in the United Kingdom al the Univcrsity Press, Cambridge British library CalalQgulIIg ill ['Ub/iraliOIl dala Needham,Joseph 1900Science and civilisation ill China.

J. J.

VoL 5, Chemistry and cher:lical technology. Pt 6, .\Iilitary technology; missiles and
China. Science, history 2. China. '[cchnolog); history Title II. Yates, Robin D. S., Gawliko\\"ski, Krl.ys1.tof hbrary if Cougrw Cala/ogllli lg i1l PublitatiOIl da/a (Revised for ,ul. 5, pt 6) Xcedham,Joseph, 1900Science and civilisation in China.

Half litle of \:5, pi 6 in Chinese characters: Chung-kuo 1.'0 hsUeh chi shu shih. Vol. 5, pi6 has imprint: Cambridge; Xe\\' YOl"k, XY USA: Cambridge Uniw:rsity Pn:ss.

Includes bibliographies and indexes. Coments: \: t. Introductory orien tations _ ". 2. History of scientific thought - Letc.} v.5. Chemistf)' and chemical technology : pt 6. �Iilitnr}' technology: missiles and sieges / with the collabor­ ation of KrzYSZ10f Gawlikowski ... (et al.] I. China - Civilization. 2. Science China _ History. 3· Technology - China - HistOl)". 4. Scicnce and ch·il­ ization. I. ','ales, Robin D. S. II. ChUllg-kuo k'o hSOeh chi shu shih. III. Title. 05721.x39 509.51 54-4723 ISHX 0

521 32727 x

AO

hardback

To the memory of the late C H O U EN-LAl (,898 1o ' 976) leader oflhe uprising at Nanchhang ( 1927) later Premier ofthe Chinese People's Republic ( 1949- 1979) constant encourager of this project this volume is dedicated

CONTENTS

Usl ofillustrations

. pagt xii

IJsl oj(abits

XX1\"

1.15/ ofabbrtt'ialions Author's nolt

30

"X\"\1

�IILlTARY TECHNOLOGY a)

page 1

Introduction, p. [

(b)

Chinese literature on the an ofwar (with KrzysztofCawlikowski),p. [0 ( 1 ) The military theoreticians,p. [0 (2) The military encyciopaedisls,p. 24 (3) Basic concepts of the classical Chinese theory of war; general principles ofaction,p · 3' (4) Comba\ and competition,p. 37 (S) Olllcr components of the classical Chinese theor), of war, p. 46 (i) Territory, p'46 (ii) Signs given by enemy activities, p. 48 (iii) The commander,p. 49 (i\') Secret agents, p. 53 (6) The main COlltro\'ersies within Chinese military thought, p. 54 (i) \Ian and :-Iatu",p. 54 (ii) Time, p. 55 (iii) The Heavens,p. 55 (iv) Winds and clouds, p. 56 (\.) Divisions ofspace, p. 57 (\ ·i) Battle formations, p. 58 (\·ii) Virtues and spiritual factors versus natural obstacles and other objective, material features, p. 61

( ()

Distinctivc fc.uurcs ofChincse military thought, p. 67 (J) Reasons for its pcrennial vitality, p. 67 (2) A syncretistic tradition; the non-military approach to war and the duties of soldiers, p · 70 (3) The great popularity ofmilitary thought among the people, p. 80 . (i) Epics and operas,p. 80 (ii) The promotions of the ).l artial Genii, p. 8 1 (iii) The deificalion of Kuan Vii and Yo rei, p. 82 (i\") Knighls-erram and combat-arts, p. 86 (.l) ).Iilitary thought in civil life,p. 88 15) The place orthe military element (u:u) in the Chinese world order, p. 92 IX

x

CONTENTS

(d)

Projectile weapons: I. Archery (with Edward :'vlc[wen),p. 1 0 1 ( I ) The bow,p. 1 0 I (2) The crossbow, p . 120 (i) The trigger.mcchanism, p. 126 (ii) Origin and development orthe crossbow,p. [35 (iii) Arming, sighting and testing, p. 146 iv) Increasing fire-power; the multiple-bolt crossbow and the magazine crossbow, p. 155 (v) The crossbow in East and West, p . ' 70 (3) The social role of the bow and crossbow, p. I 78 ProjeClile weapons: II. Baltistic machinery {with Wang Ling),p. [84 (4) Spring, sinew, sling and swape; definitions and distribution, p. [84 (5) Forms orthe arcuballista, p. 187 (i) The rotary ballista,p. 200 (6) Trebuchcts, manned and coumcrwcighted, p . 203 (7) Distribution and diffusion, p. 23'

(t)

Early poliorcetics: The �'Iohists to the Sung (by Robin D. S. Yates), p. 24! ( I ) Early cities, p. 2,P (i) C,"",l inm"ction, 1o, d
Xl

CONTENTS BIBLIOGRAPHIES Abbreviations,p. 487 A

Chinese andJapancsc books before + l800,p. 490

B

Chinese and Japanese books and journal anicJes since

C

Books and journal anides in Western languages,p. 5'28

GENERAL INDEX

+ 1800,p. 503 555

Table ojChinue dynasties

592

Romanisalion CQ'fIlJtTJ;on table

593

LIST OF IL LUSTRATIONS

pagt6 Horse-archers depicted on a Han relief, from Chavanncs ([ I) 60 An example ofastrogcomancy from the Nil. Chhien Ching 2 3 -6 Chhing dynast)' battle formations as ponrayed in the Thing Phai Chin Thu, a hand-painted album held in the Lenin Library, )'Ioscow 7-8 Battle formations used by �he Thaiphing RevolUlionaries 9- I I Chhing dynasty battle formations as portrayed by the Russian diplomat D. V. Putyata A ':\'cw Year Picture', from an early 20th-century collection; Kuan Vii, 12 God ofWar and Peace 'New Year Picture' illustrating Chu-ko Liang's famous 'stratagem of the [3 empty stronghold' 14 The Chinese bow 15 Cross-sections showing the structural components of the Chinese bow 16 Bow, arrows and quiver of the Eastern Han dynasty (+2nd century), ,06 unearthed in 1 959 at Niya, �iya county, Sinkiang Detail from painting on silk showing the improved features of the \Iing 17 bow hcld by the emperor \-ling Shih-Tsung (+ [522 to + [566) ' 0) <08 The hsiao shao kung or short-cared short bow 18 <08 19 The l a shao kung or long-cared long bow 20 The structure of the compound bow '°9 Graph illustrating thc 'force-draw' of typical bows, after Klopsteg (I) 2[ "4 Testing the pull ofa bow with a steelyard. From the Thitn Kung Khai WI.! 22 1 t5 (+ [6 3 7) ofSung Ying-Hsing; ch. 15, p. 9b Archer's thumb-rings,jade, from an Eastern Chou 10mb (Anon (:<'0») 23 "9 24 Archer's thumb-rings, bone, from an Eastern Chou tomb (Anon (20») "9 The '\Iongolian release', after E. S. \10 rse (I) 25 "9 <2 ) 26 Crossbow-stocks from the tomb of\Vang Kuang, Lolang, Korea <2 ) 27 The stringing ofa crossbow. From TSCCfJCT 284/hui khaQ 2, [ 1 b 28 Reconsll'uction of the possible manner of mounting a crossbow on a chariO! The trigger mechanism ofa crossbow (assembled), from the 11'1.1 Pti Chih 9 ' The trigger mechanism of a crossbow (showing component parts), from 30 <29 the II'PC a to d Four views of+ tst-CCllIury bronze crossbow trigger mechanism 3' in the possession ofDr Needham Engineering drawing ofHan-type crossbow mechanism (Horwitz ( 1 3) 3' Crossbow trigger mechanism illustrated in \-lao Yiian-J's lVPC 33 A Li-su guard demonstrates a 'Iri\'el' crossbow (Rock (1) 34

Xl1

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

35

37 38 39

41 4' 43 44 45 46 47 ,8 49 50 5' 5' 53 54 55 56 57 58 59

Reliefof crossbowman, Pei-Ghai Tshun, Eastern Han period ( + 1St and + �lIld century) Arming a European crossbow without stirrup, Payne-Gallwey ( [ ), Fig. '4 Arming a European crossbow with stirrup, Payne-Gallwey (I), Fig. 25 Two Chinese crossbows with stirrups, pictured in the IVPC Stirrup-arming the Chinese crossbow. From TSCc/JCT 284111ui khao 2, 15a Knee-arming the Chinese crossbow. From TSCCIlCT 284111ui kllao 2, ,6a 'Belt-claw' arming of the Chinese crossbow. From TSCc/JCT 284111ui khao 2, 27a The 'belt·claw' is clearly to be sccn in this TSCC representation of a crossbowman firing Graduated sighting scale 6n the back of the lug of the nut of a crossbow trigger-mechanism, from Tuan Fang (I) A multiple-arrow crossbow from WPC, ch . t03, p. t3b �\'Iultiple-arrow crossbow from TSCCIlCT 282{hui khao t, [3a ' Crossbow ambush', IVPC, ch. 94, p. 26a Pedal-armed multiple-boh arbalests, from WPC, ch. 103, p. [8a Arbalest·ambush from the Chiith Chang Hsin Fa Small Chinese repeating crossbow, arming position. (Cambridge University :\Iuseum of Archaeology and Anthropology,) Small Chinese repeating crossbow, after shooting Repealing crossbow as depicted in !fPC, ch. [03, p. [2a Repeating crossbow, showing component parts, from IVPC, ch. [03, p. 12b :\Iagazine crossbow as depicted in the TKKII' :\lagazine crossbow being used by a fowler. (TKKIJI, Chhing edition, ch. 15, p, lOb.) Korean crossbows from Boots (1). Reconstruction by E. :\1cEwen of the 'arrow-tube' (lhulIg chien), Kore,lI) P)'UII ell1l11 ( Phiill chien) Reconstruction ofhalf-bamboo channel for guiding short arrows Tumbling nut of + 15th-century European crossbow trigger-mechanism (Payne·Gallwey (t») Side "iew of the trigger-mechanism of the later mediaeval European crossbow (Payne-Gallwey ( 1 » The lock ofa large 16th-century sporting crossbow (Payne-Gallwey ( t» Reconstructions of early forms ofarcuballistae :\'Iuhiple-arrow crossbow-catapuh, from JIIP C,ch. 103, p. 14a Triple·bow crossbow-catapult, from WCTY, ch. 13, p. 6a, equivalent to IYPCch. 103, p. 93

XIII

'49 '49 '49 '49 '5' 158 158 '59 ,60 ,6,

,68 ,68 '79 '79 '79 [85 ,89 ' 94

XIV 64 65 66a 66b 67 68 6g 70 71 7 "2 73 74 7S 76 77 7B 79 Bo B,

B, BS

B6

BB

LIST OF I L LUSTR A T I O NS Reconstruction of the stringing of the double-spring unit Reliefof complex wheeled arcuballista, Ankor Thorn (Carpeaux (I » Reliefof complex wheeled arcuballista, Ankor Thorn (Carpeaux ( I» Reconstruction (after CrosHer (I» of mounting of the Ankor Thorn wheeled arcuballisla Elephant-mounted, winch-operated arcuballista (Carpeaux (I» Hand-operated, two-bow arcuballista (sholl. she nul, from WCTr, ch, 13, p. l i b Re<:onstruclion of).-Ia Chlin's 'centrifugal flywheel ballista' 'Windmill fire-thrower' from the �·tS Dt Nobilitalibus of Walter de Milamcte (M. R.James ("2» ( a and b) Tentative reconstruction of the Mohist trebuchet (Yates (3}) 'Whirlwind (Hsiian-Feng) trebuchel', WCTYfCC, ch. 12, p. soa Battery of five whil'lwind trebuchets, IVCTF{CC, ch. 12, p. 48b (�1ing ed.) Trebuchet mounted on four-wheeled carriage (phao chhl), IVCTy/CC, Ch. 12, 39a 'Four-footed', 'seven-component' trehuchet, WCTYfCC, ch. 12, p. 48a Counterweighted trehuchet tower as depicted in the TSCCf]CT, ch."293, 1 Ib Counterweighted trebuchel tower, WPC, ch. 108, p. 13b Four-decker warship armed with counterweighted trebuchets, TSCCf JCT, ch. 97, p, 5h WCTr illustration of counterweighted trebuchet moullled on multi­ deck warship .\'Ianned trebuchet illustrated in �'IS of Peter ofEbulo, from Erben (t) (a and b) Arab-type manned and counterweighted trehuchets from illu­ minated '\IS by Hasan al Rammah (Reinard & Fav� (I ), pl. 2) �Iahmud ofChaznah besieging Arak (Blochet (t), pl. 57) Single-pole trebuchet illustrated in the Btllifortis of Konrad Kyeser von Eichstadt (Schneider (I» The defensive ditch, Yang-Shao village, Pan-Pho, near Sian. (PhotO­ graph Shensi Sheng Huan-Teng Chih-Phien-Chhang.) The city of Hsin-Cheng, Honan, capital first of the state of Cheng, then of the state of Han. (After drawing from Chen Shen ( 1), based on Honan Sheng Po-Wu Kuan Hsin-Cheng Kung-Tso Chan, Hsin­ Cheng Hsien Wen-Hua Kuan (I), p. 57, fig. L) The cily of Hsia-Tu, capital of the state of Yen, near I Hsien, Hopei. (AflerK. C. Chang (I), fig. 154.) Yen Hsia-Tu, western wall of the outer city. (From Chinese Academy of Architecture (I).) The city of Lin-Tzu, capital of the stale of Chhi, near Lin-Tzu, Shantung. (After K. C. Chang (I), fig. 157.)

195 196 196 196 197 199 201 202 208 2 1 "2 2[3 213 213 224

"7 "B '34

'4'

'45

'47

I

LIST OF I L LUSTRATI O N S 89

90 9'

93 94 95 96 91

98 99 ' 00 ' 0' ' 0'

006 '07 '08

The ancient cities that comprised Hsin-Thien, capital of the state of Chin. (Aner Shansi Sheng Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So Hou-yla Kung­ Tso Chan ( I). fig. I.) The city of Han-Tan, capital of the state of Chao, Hopei. (From K. C. Chang ([), p. 153, after Sekino and Komai ( I).) The Eastern Chou city of Lo-Yang with the smaller Han city inside it. (From Pei-Ching Ta-Hsiieh Li-Shih Hsi Khao-Ku Chiao-Yen-Shih Shang Chou Tsu (I), fig. Ig8.) Capital of the slate of Chung-Shan. (From Tokyo Kokuritsu Haku­ butsukan CI al. (1), p. g.) The city of An-I, state of Wei, near Hsia Hsien, Shansi. (From K. C. Chang (I), fig. [5]. Based on WW, 1962,4-5. p. 6 1 .) Yen-Chheng, Hunan. (From Liu Yung-Ta (Il .) Chao-Khang Chen, probable site of Chiang, from Shansi Sheng Wen­ Wu Kuan-Li \-Vei-YLian Hui Hou-yla Kung-Tso Chan (1) Shang-Tshai, capital of the state ofTshai. (From Shang Ching-I·lsi (I), fig. [.) Comparison of round with triangular bastion, after G. Busca (c. + [ 540 to + [600), Della architettura militare (ylilan, [601), cited in dc la Croix

i'l Construction of bastions for a hexagon, after B. Lorini, DellaJortifitatione fibr; V (Venice, [597), cited in de la Croix (2) Palmanova, as built, plan by Cacogliati, c. [6g5, from de la Croix (2) Palmano\·a, an aerial view, from de la Croix (2) Lucca, aerial view from the north-east, from de la Croix (2) Triangular blockhouse in the Han military map (Chu-Chiin Thu) found at ;"Ia-Wang-Tui, from Wang Tzu-Chin and :vIa Chen-Chih ( I), fig. 4. P·1I4 (a) Iron caltrops discovered at Ting-ChLin Shan, ;"1ien Hsicn, Shensi, from Chu-Ko Liang yLi \Vu-Hou Tzhu Picn-Hsieh Tsu (I) (b) Caltrop unearthed al the site of the Han city ofChhang-An, Sian, from Wang Zhongshu (Wang Chung-Shu) (t), fig. t56 Ground-plan of the Han fort at Chia-Chil, from IVW, [978, I, fig. t4 Excavating at Chhien-Shui Hou, viewed from the north-east \0 the soulh-west, from WW, 1978, " fig. to Ground-plan ofChin-Kuan, Chien-Shui, Han dynasty, from IVIV, 1978, l, figS.tll, 1 3 Ground-plans offour Roman military hospitals, from AnneJohnson ( 1 ) , fig. [I 7 :\'Iodel of the legionary hospital at Vetera, Lower Germany, from Anne Johnson ( [ " fig. 1 [8 Chhai Kan prong, from IVCTy/CC, ch. [II, p. 36b Shield from the stale ofChhu (lacquer, from tomb 406), approximately t

xv

'49

IIS[ '5'

'55

,68 '73 ' 73 '76

L I S T OF I L LUSTR A T I O N S

XVI

"

'

' "

"3 "4

"7 ,,8 "9 "0 '" '"

'3' '3' '33 '34

size, from Chung-Kuo Kho-Hsiieh Yiian Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu SO (I), plate2 Shield from the state ofChhu (lacquer, from tomb 406), approximately f size, from Chung-Kuo Kho-Hsiieh Yiian Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu SO (I), plate 3 Siege and naval warfare depicted 011 a Warring States period \'essel from Shan-Piao-Chen, Chi Hsien, Honan, from K. C. Chang (I), fig. 1 3 1 ; Kuo Pao-Chlin (3) fig. I I Han representations of the use of halberds, from Hayashi (6), figs. [0-22, to-23, 10-24, p. 199 Long axes from various Han sites, from Hayashi (6), figs. 6-63, 6-64, 6-65, 6-66, 6-67, 6-68, p. 123 Linked flail, from IVCTt/CC, ch. 13, p. 14a Long hammer, from the Wu Liang offering shrines, from Hayashi (6), fig. 10-44, p. 202 S:ckles from various Han sites, from Hayashi (6), figs. 6-35 to 6-41, p. 1 1 9 Curved hoes, from Hayashi (6), figs. 6-25 to 6-27, p . 1 1 7 Spades and blades, from Hayashi (6), figs. 6-7 to 6-10, p. 1 1 4 Iron stove and Iray from a Han tomb in Lo-Yang, from Wang Zhongshu (Wang Chung-Shu) ( I ) , fig. 127 :\IO\·able sto\·e, from WCTYlCC, ch. 12, p. 62b Thunder stick, from IVCTnCC, ch, 12, p, 21a '\\"ooden flying ladder that avoids thunder sticks', from IVCTr,CC, ch. [o,p. 28b Clay thunder stick, from IVCTt/CC, eh. [2, p. 2 1 b Tile thunder stick, from II'CTnCe, eh. [2, p. 2 1 b Cart leg thunder stick, from WCTt/CC, eh. t2, p. 21b Reconstruction of a windlass found at Thung-Lii-Shan, drawing, from Hsia i\"ai and Yin \Vei-Chang (I), fig. 8 Reconstruction of a windlass found at Thung-Lii-Shan, model, from Hsia Nai and Yin Wei-Chang (I), fig. 8 Night prong thunder stick, from WCTYlCC, ch. 12, p. 2I a 'Iron water chestnut' (below) and 'hoof-graspers' (above), from IVCTy{ Ce,ch. 12,p. 17b 'Oeerhorn wood' (left), 'earth stopper' (upper right), iron caltrops (lower right), from IFCTnCe, ch. 12, p. 17a Pole hook, from WCTy/Ce, ch, 12, p. 36b Axe for chopping hands, from IVCTy/eC, ch. t2, p. 36b 'Bladed lance with pommel' (left), 'scratch lance' (centre), 'projecting lance with pommel' (right), from !VCrnCC, ch. [2, p. 36b ·Scratch lance', from WCTYlCC, ch. 10, p, 22a Reconstruction of the wall at Chhcng-Tzu-Yai, from Fu Ssu-Nien, Li

-�-

'78 '78 '79 '79

,8, ,8, ,8,

,87 ,87 ,88 ,88

L I ST O F I L L U S T R A T I O N S '37

'39

'4' '4'

'43

' 44 ' 45

; 5

'47

5

5

7

' 49

7

8

' 5'

8 9

'5'

"

"

"

"

' 53

XVII

Chi e t aL (1), p. 27, fig. I '93 Ground-plan of the city walts at Wang-Chheng-Kang, from WW, 1983, '93 3, P· 1 4, fig. 1 3 Ground-plan of the neolithic city of Phing-Liang-Thai (left); ground­ plan of the south gate and its flanking guard rooms (right), from WIV, Ig83.3, PP. 27-8, figs. 16, 1 8 Ground-plan o f the city walls o f the early Shang city at Cheng-Chou, from K. C. Chang (I), fig. 28g, after An Chin-Huai (5) '94 Ground-plan of the Hsia or Shang city at Ven-Shih, Honan, from Chung-Kuo She-Hui Kho-Hsueh Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So La­ Yang Han Wei Ku-Chheng Kung-Tso Tui (I), fig. '2 Plan of the capital of the state of Lu, Chhii-Fu, ShanlUng, from Shantung Sheng vVen-Wu Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So (1), fig. 3 '97 Excavation areas of the capital of the state of Lu, Chhu-Fu, Shantung, from Shantung Sheng Wen-Wu Khao-KuVen-Chiu SO (I), fig. 2 298 Cross-section of the east wall, Chhu-Fu, site of the capital of the Slate of Lu, at excavation site T505, from Shantung Sheng \Ven-Wu Khao299 KuVen-Chiu So (1), fig. 18a I. South-west gate of the city ofLu; 2. South-east gate of the city ofLu. 300 From Shantung Sheng Wen-Wu Khao-KuVen-Chiu SO (I) Ground-plan ofTso-Ching-Chheng, Huang-Phi Hsien, from Huang-Phi Hsien Wen-Hua Kuan (J) 302 Ground-plan of Chi-Nan city, site of the capital of the state of Chhu, 303 from Hupei Sheng Po-Wu Kuan (I), fig. 2 Vertical and horizontal cross-sections of the passage of the Hsin-Chhiao river through the southern wall of Chi-Nan city, site of the capital of the state ofChhu, from Hupei Sheng Po-Wu Kuan (1), fig. I I 304 Vertical and horizontal cross-sections of the water-gate in the southern 305 wall, Chi-Nan city, from Hupei Sheng Po-Wu Kuan (1), fig. 1 2 Ground-plan of the site ofVung, first capital of the state of Chhin, from Shensi ShengVung-Chheng Khao-Ku Tui (I) , fig. I 306 Cross-sections of segments of the city walls ofVung, capital of the state of 308 Chhin, from Shensi ShengVung-Chheng Khao-Ku Tui (/ ) , fig. 2 Ground-plan of the second Chhin capital ofVueh-Vang, from ChungKuo She-Hui Kho-HsuehVuan Khao-KuVen-Chiu SoVueh-Vang Fa-ChuehTui (1). fig. 2 3 1 0- 1 1 Plan of the south gate of the Chhin capital ofVueh-Vang, from ChungKuo She-Hui Kho-Hsueh Vuan Khao-KuVen-Chiu SoVuch-Vang Fa-Chueh Tui (1), fig. 5 312 'Revolving window (chuonyu)', Kansu Provincial Museum, Lanchow. (Photograph Robin D. S.Vates.) 312 Shutters in the windows of s'Gravensteen. (Photo Editorial Escudo de Oro.) 3'3

XVIII

155

157

'59

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Carcassonne; reconstruction, after Viollet-le-Duc, of Visigothic lower, c. + 450, from de la Croix (2), fig. 37 Drainage system under the ancient city of Lin-Tzu, capital of the state of Chhi, from Lin-Tzu Chhii Chhi-Kuo Ku-Chheng J-Chih Po-Wu Kuan (1), fig. I, p. 785 Brick drain-hole buried under the Sian-)'1i:n gate, Chhang-An , from Wang Zhongshu (Wang Chung-Shu) (I ) , fig. 9 Ceramic water-main pipes buried under the city wall of Han Chhang­ An, from Wang Zhongshu (Wang Chung-Shu) (I), fig. 10 Ground-plan of the fortress on the island of Askut, from Badawy (t), fig. 102 Artist's impression of the fortress at Askut, seen from the south, from Badawy ( I) , fig. 103 Sclinus, defences ofthe north front, from de la Croix (2), fig. 18 Selinus, c. - 390, reconstructed plan, from de la Croix (2), fig. 19 ),10ntagnana, interior walls and pomoerium, from de la Croix (2), fig. 45

3' 4

3"

'70 '7 , , 7' '73 '74

'75

The honeycomb ofdefences in a Han city as depicted in a tomb-mural at An-Phing, Hopei, from Chinese Academy ofArchitecture (t) Aerial view ofLes Aigues-Ylones, from Sournia ( I ) Ground-plan ofLes Aigues-Ylortes, from Sournia ([) Ground-plan ofThang Chhang-An, from Hiraoka Takeo (1) Rubbing depicting a Han-period market scene, excavated at Kuang­ Han, from Liu Chih-Yi.ian (I ) , fig. I Rubbing depicting a Han-period market scene excavated at Pheng Hsien, from Liu Chih-Yiian (I), fig. 2 Rubbing depicting a Han-period market scene, excavated at Hsin-Fan, from Liu Chih-Yi.ian ( I) , fig. 3 Aerial view of the fort at Whitley Castle, Northumberland, showing the multiple ditches, from AnneJohnson ( I ) , fig. 28 Profile sections of jossa jastigata and jossa punica dilches, from Anne Johnson (I), fig. 26 Branches of thorn-trees placed as obstacles in defensive ditches. (After AnneJohnson (I), fig. 33.) Lilia, holes intended as defensive traps, found in 1904 in front of the nonhern defences of the Antonine walt-fort at Rough Castle, from AnneJohnson ( I) , fig. 34 Palisaded ditch with rampart, Paestum, restored. (After Adam (I), fig. 55) Chevaux-de-frise, from B/CTy/CC, ch. 10, p. 34b Outer palisade of fan at Hotta no Saku, Semboku County, Akita prov­ ince,Japan, from YlOtoo Hinago ( I) , fig. 20 Sheep-horse wall and barbican prOiecting the gates of a Sung city, from

33' 33' 33'

33' 333 335 335

LIST '79 ,So ,B, ,B, ,B3 ,B 4 185 ,B6 ,B7 I I

;

,88

7

,B9

8

'90 '9'

8 B

' 9' ' 93 '94

;'

'95

p

'06 I'

33 35 35

'97 '9B '99

'00 '0'

OF

I L LUSTRAT I O N S

IVCTf/CC, ch, 12, p. 3a Walls of the inner city of Thang Kao-Chhang, Sinkiang. (Photograph, Robin O. S. Yates.) Walls of the outer city ofThang Kao-Chhang, Sinkiang. (Photograph, Robin 0, S. Yales.) Cliff-face acting as a wall protecting the city of Chiao-Ho, Sinkiang. (Photograph, Robin D. S. Yates.) 'Enemy balconies' and small exposed rooms on 'horse-face tower' and walls, from WCTf/CC, ch. t2, pp. 8a and b Han dynasty granaries from Pheng Hsien (above) and Chi-Nan (below), from Hayashi (6), p. 6:2, figs. 4-10, 4-] I Detail from the southern Sung painter Hsiao Chao's Chung Hsing Ching ring Thll, from Hsieh Chih-Liu (.�), plate 66 Delail from the southern Sung painter Hsiao Chao's Chung Hsing Ching rillg Thu, from Hsieh-Chih-Liu (2), plate 65 Himeji-jo castle: the Great Tenshu during reSlOration work carried out between 1934 and 1958, from Motoo Hinago (I) , fig. 63 Stucco fireproofing on the wall and eaves of the Nu no Mon (Tenth Gate) ofHimeji-jo, from Motoo Hinago (I), fig. 64 StuCCO walls, window, loophole shutters and iron grilles of the Nu no ;,,'Ion (Tenth Gate), Himeji-jo, from Motoo Hinago (I), fig. 65 The iron-studded doors, Ishikawa Mon of Kanazawa-jo, from Motoo Hinago (I), fig. 78 Hidden gate with drilled leaves, from WCTytCC, ch. 1:2, p. 13h The northern gateway of the Hsiian Phing-Men gate of Han ChhangAn, from Wang Zhongshu (Wang Chung-Shu) (I), fig.:2:2 'Shieldboard' or portcullis, from WCTYjCC, ch. 1 2, p. 13a Turn in the wall protecting the gate of the Han fortress of Chi Lu Sai, from HouJen-Chih (3), fig. 18 I. Plan of Ulan-durbeljin (Chien-Shui hou-kuan); 2. Plan of Baghadurbeljin (Tho-Tho hOIl-kllan)j 3. Plan of Mu-durbeljin (Chia-Chii hou-kllan), from Chang Chun-shu (I), p. :2 1 1 South-eastern section ofthe walls of Miletus, showing the broken line of the walls and the postern gales protected by square towers, from Adam (I), fig. 3:2 Section of the walls west of the south gate, Miletus, from Adam ( 1 ), fig. 3 1 Gate of Arcadia, with its circular courtyard protected by twO square towers, ;"1essina, from Adam ( I) , fig. 58 Gate ofArcadia, ;"1essina, from Adam ( I) , fig. 1 1 5 Gate d Imaille, the Euryalus Fort, Syracuse, from Adam ( I) , fig. 50 Gate d ttl/aiUe, Mantinea, from Adam (I), fig. 78 The Sacred Gate in north-west Athens in the Kerameikos District, from

XIX

33B 340 340 34' 34' 345 346 346 34B 34B 349 349 350 350 35' 354

355

356 356 356 357 357 358

xx '0' '03

'06 '07 ,08 '09 "0 ", ,,,

"3

'.!IS

"7

"9 "0 ", ",

225

LIST O F ILLUSTRATIONS

Adam ( I), fig. 51! The North Gates of the Athenian Long Walls, Peiraieus section, from Adam ( I) , fig. 53 Plans of late Roman 'Andernach' gates of square or rectangular section (scale I : 800), from StephenJohnson (2), p. 48, fig. 21 Plans ofgates in the Aure1ianic Wall, Rome (scale I : 800), from Stephen Johnson (2), p. 45, fig. 18 Plans of late Roman gales in Spanish city walls (scale I : 800), from Stephen Johnson (I!), p. 46, fig. 1 9 Plans of late Roman gates protected by projecling lowers of polygonal shape (scale I : 800), from StephenJohnson (2 ) , p. 49, fig. 22 Plans onate Roman gates protected by curved or U-shaped towers (scale I : 800), from StephenJohnson (2 ) , p. 47, fig. 20 Hall fired pottery model, probably ofa city gate, from Yuan Tc-Hsing (1),VO!. ! , P· 304 Han reliefshowing city gate, from Yuan Tc-Hsing (I), vol. 1, p. 309 Rubbing of a Han relief of a city gate, from Chhang Jcn-Hsia (ll, fig. 52 Han-period gate-tower, Hsien-Ku (Han-Ku) pass, from Hayashi (6), p. 68, fig. 4'36 Decorative brickwork on wall of Roman fort at Le �
359 359

369 37' 37 ' 37' 373 373 373

LIST OF ILLUSTRAT I O N S

"7

"9

'33 '34 235 '36 '37 '38 '39 '4° '4'

'45

from Weber (4), fig. 76k Rubbing from a Han tomb-tile depicting a watchtower, from Yuan Te-Hsing (f), vol. I, p. 309 Green-glazed pottery tower-model with wide up�r balcony, later Han dynasty, from Lo-Yang, Honan, from Yuan Te.Hsing (I), vol. I, P· 3 1 0 :\1odcl of a Han watchtower, with windows, but no balconies, from Yiian Te-Hsing (I ) , vol. I,P. 3 1 1 �lodeJ of a Han watchtower found i n a tomb in Shan Hsien, Honan, designated Type I by the excavators, from KKflP, 1965, I, p. 137, fig. 26 Model of a Han watchtower found in a tomb in Shan Hsien, Honan, designated Type II by the excavators, from KKHP, [965. I, p. [38, fig. 27 Heavily armoured crossbowman firing his weapon from the Han type II watchtower, Shan Hsien, Honan, from KKHP, 1965, I, p. [39, fig. 28 Rubbing of a stone relief depicting three-story Han watchtowers with a cavalryman riding between them, from ChhangJen-Hsia (I), fig. 53 Crossbow-platform (?) protecting the entranc.:: to Wan-Chheng-Tzu, Kansu. (Photograph, Robin D. S. Yat.::s.) Crossbow-platform (?) protecting the entrance 10 Wan-Chheng-Tzu, Kansu. (Photograph, Robin D. S. Yatt::S.) Entranc.:: gal.:: 10 Wan-Chheng-Tzu, Kansu. (Photograph, Robin D. S. Yatt::S.) Walls ofWan-Chheng-Tzu, Kansu. (Photograph, Robin D. S. Yates.) WatlsofWan-Chheng-Tzu, Kansu. (Photograph, Robin D. S. Yates.) Crossbow-platform, from WCTrtCC, ch. 12, p. 6a and b Rope ladd.::r, from WCTrICC, ch. 12, p. 28b 'Hanging belt boards', from WCTytCC, ch. [2, p. [ la Ground-plan of Ta-Ma Ku-Chheng, Shansi province, from Thao Cheng-Kang (I), fig. 2, p. 246 Thang dynasty fresco from the Thousand Buddha Cav.::s, Tun-Huang, from sec, Vol. 4.3 Dcfensive walls with horse-face towers in an illustration of the Lotus Sutra, south wall, cave 2 [7, Tun-Huang (Thang dynasty), from Yuan Te-Hsing (/) Ground-plan ofThung-Wan Chheng, Shensi, from Shensi Sheng \Ven­ Kuan Hui (I), p. �226, fig. 2 Square hole used as a slOrage facility in the horse-face IO\ver, Thung­ Wan Chheng, Shensi, vertical and side views, from Shensi Sheng Wen-Kuan Hui (I), p. 228, fig. 3 Fan-Yang county, from Nei-:Meng-Ku Tzu-Chih Chhu Po-Wu Kuan & Nei-�·teng-Ku Tzu-Chih Chhu Wen-Wu Kung-Tso Tui (I) p. 130

XXI

377

379

38, 383 383 385 385 385

390

39' 39'

X X II

'47

'49

'5'

257

'59

LIST

OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Ning-Chheng county, from Nei-Meng-Ku Tzu-Chih Chhii Po-Wu Kuan & Nei-Yleng-Ku Tzu-Chih Chhii Wen-Wu Kung-Tso Tui (I), fig. 34 Armoury in Ning-Chheng county, Nei-Meng-Ku Tzu-Chih Chhii Po-Wu Kuan & from Nei-Meng-Ku Tzu-Chih Chhii Wen-Wu Kung-Tso Tui (I), fig. 35 Li-Shih Chheng Fu She (Headquarters), from Nei-Meng-Ku Tzu-Chih Chhii Po-Wu Kuan & Nei-Meng-Ku Tzu-Chih Chhii Wen-Wu Kung-TsoTui (I), p. 1 3 1 Model of a fortified manor, Eastern Han, Yiin-Meng County, Hupei, from Yiin-�teng Hsien Po-Wu Kuan (I), fig. I Model of a fortified manor, Eastern Han, Yiin-Meng County, Hupei, from Yiin-Meng Hsien Po-Wu Kuan (I), fig. 2 Elevations and ground plans of the model of the fortified manor from Yiin-Meng county, Hupei, Yiin-Yleng Hsien Po-Wu Kuan (I) Ele,rations, ground-plan and details of the model of the fortified manor from Yun-Meng county, Hupei Ground-plan and details of the fortified manor from Yun-Meng county, Hupei Model of a later Han fortified manor with a watchtower, Kansu, from Kan Po-\Ven (I) Drawing of a fortified manor, Kansu, from Wang Tzu-Chin & Ma Chen-Chih (I), fig. 2 Rubbing ofa carving, showing the structure of a further type offortified manor, from ChhangJen-Hsia (I), pl. 66 Cross-sections and vertical view of a model of a fortified manor, Eastern Han, from Kuang-Chou. From Kuang-Chou Shih Wen-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yiian Hui and Kuang-Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan (I), fig. 263 Cross-sections and vertical view ofa mood ofa fortified manor, Eastern Han, from Kuang-Chou. From Kuang-Chou Shih Wen-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yuan Hui and Kuang-Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan (t), fig. 264 Cross-sections and vertical view ofa model ofa fortified manor, Eastern Han, from Kuang-Chou. From Kuang-Chou Shih Wen-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yuan Hui and Kuang-Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan (I), fig. 265 Pottery model of a fortified manor, Eastern Han, from Kuang-Chou Shih Wen-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yiian Hui and Kuang-Chou Shih Po­ Wu Kuan (I), pI. 15[ POllery model of a fortified manor, Eastern Han, from Kuang-Chou Shih Wen-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yuan Hui and Kuang-Chou Shih Po­ \Vu Kuan (I), pI. 153 Pottery model of a fortified manor, Eastern Han, from Kuang-Chou Shih Wen-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yiian Hui and Kuang-Chou Shih Po­ Wu Kuan (I), pI. [55

39'

393

394 395 395

397

399 399

LIST

,68 ,6g '70 '7 , '7' '73 7

9

>0

0'

0'

'74 275 '76 '77 '78 '79 ,80 ,8, ,8, ,83 ,84 ,85 ,86 ,87 ,88 ,89 '90 '9'

.0' '93 '94 295 '96 '97

OF

I L L U S T R A T I ONS

Pottery mood of two fortified manors, Eastern Han, front and rear views, from Kuang-Chou Shih Wen-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yuan Hui and Kuang-Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan (I), pI. 148 Pottery model of twO fortified manors, Eastern Han, front and rear views, from Kuang-Chou Shih Wen-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yuan Hui and Kuang-Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan (1), pI. 107 Hemp-cloth curtain, from WGTrICC, eh. [2, p. 32a Well-sweep used for lowering 'swallow-tail torches', from WeTneC. eh. [2, p. 60a Reconstruction of thc chh ii shield, from Yates (3) Reconstruction ofthe vertically hung firescreen, from Yates (3) Reconstruction ofthe horizontal firescreen, from Yates (3) Representations of targets on Warring-States pictorial bronzes, from \Veber (S ), fig. 77 Iron plated ram, from WCTrICC, ch. [2, p. 2sa 'Flying hook' (left); 'wolf's tooth striking board' (right), from WCTrt CC, ch. [2, p. 23a Fork cart, from WCTrtCC, ch. [0, p. 32b Hungry falcon cart, from WCTnCC, ch. [0, p. 33a Double hook cart, from WCTy/CC, ch. [0, p. 32a ;"'[ovable sky cart, from WCTY/CC, ch. [0, p. 28a Rake cart, from WCTy/CC, ch. 10, p. 28b High sided carl, from Hayashi (8) High sided can, from Hayashi (8) Nest cart, from WCTytCC, ch. 10, p. 3 1 a Watchtower cart, from WCTrtCC, ch. 10, p. 20b Tank, from WCTy/CC, ch. 10, p. 18a 'Sharp-topped wooden donkey', from WCTy/CC, ch. 12, p. ooa Swallow-tail tOrch, from WCTnCC, ch. 1 2, p. 28a Iron-tip� wooden ram (It:fl), from WCTrtCC, ch. 1 2 , p. 28a Windlass cart (right), from WCTy/CC, ch. 12, p. 2sb Wooden screen, from WCTytCC, ch. [0, p. [9a 'Waggon for filling in the moat', from WCTy/CC, ch. 10, p. 30a 'Leather cart for filling in the moat', from WCTrtCC, ch. [0, p. 30b Battering-ram from the Beni-hasan wall-paintings, from Newberry (I), vol. 2, plate XV Early Chinese elevator, the 'Windlass cart for descending walls', from WCTY/CC, ch. 12, p. 28b Iron rings for catching rams, from WCTY/Ce, ch. 12, p. 28a Duke Lu's overlook and assault cart, from WPC A highly imaginative drawing ofa ramp, from WCTy/Ce, ch. 10, p. sa Reconstruction of the counterweighted ladder, from SCC, Vol. 4, pI I Scaling ladder, from WCTy/Ce, ch. 10, p. ISb

XXIII

4'" 4'3 4'5 4,6 4'7 4 ,8 4'0 4'0 4" 4" 4'3 4'3 4'4 4 '7 4'7 4'7 4'7 4,8 4'9 4'9 430 433 437 439 444 449 453

XXIV

LIST OF I L L US TR A T I O N S

'98 '99 300 30' 3°' 303 304

Flying ladders, from WCT ytCC, ch. [0, p. [ 7 b The ru jang, from Hayashi (6), figs [O-[S, 10-19 A cheval-de-Jrise, from WCTr Geophones, from WC Ty/CC,ch. 12, p. 30a AnOlher type ofgeophone, from WCTytCC, ch. 12, p. 70a Reconstruction ofa Mohist mine, from Yates (3) :M ining complex at Thung-Lu-Shan, from Thung-Lil-Shan Khao-Ku Fa-Chueh Tui (I), fig. 5 Pipes for introducing smoke into Mohist mines Flying gadfly arrow, from Hayashi (5), fig. 391 The wandering fire cauldron, from WC Ty/CC, ch. 12, p. 62a 'The Wooden ox', from WCT ytCC, ch. 10, p. ISb Completed 'plaited gallery', from WCTr,CC, ch. 10, p. 7b (left); ch. 1 0 , p. 9 a (right) Screens for the 'plaited gallery', from WCTy/CC, ch. 10, p. Sa Uncovered frame for the 'plaited gallery', from WCTr,CC, ch. 10, p. Sa Uncovered frame for the 'plaited gallery', from WC Tr{CC, ch. 10, p. 6a Screens for the 'plaited gallery', from WC TrICC, ch. 10, p. 6b Hemp mop for applying liquid mud, from WC TytCC, ch. 12, p. 27a Sheepskin water-jug, from WCTy/CC, ch. 10, p. I i a 'Head cart', from WCTYjCC, ch. 10, p. 9h Earth-coloured felt screen for use in hiding subterranean tunnels, from WCTytCC, ch. 12, p. 3Sa Fan for propelling smoke and missiles down mineshafts, from WCTYfCC, ch. 12, p. 3 t a Leather screen for excluding noxious substances and gases from mine­ shafts and galleries, from WCTytCC, ch. 2. p. 25b Instruments for use in pouring noxious substances into enemy mines, from IVC T y/CC, ch. 1 0 , p. 25a Mining implements, from WCT rICC, ch. [0, p. 24a Pang maces, from WC TrICC, ch. '3, p. 13a Shu spiked mace from the tomb of Tseng Hou-I, from Sui-Hsien Lei-Ku­ Tun I-Hao-Mu Khao-Ku Fa-Chueh Tui (I), plate 9.2

3>0 3" 3" 3'3 3' 4 3'5 3,6 3' 7

3'9

3" 3" 3'3

454 458 46, 465 465 467 468 469 470 4 7' 473 473 473 4 74 4 74 474 476 476 476

LIST OF TABLES Books on military subjects, Chou to Chhing

page 29

2

The Eight Formations (according to the Thai Po rinChing)

3

Comparative information on different types ofbows and crossbows

176-177

4

Complement and ranges of mediaeval artillery (from the WC Tr etc.)

216-217

5

Artillery systems in different ages in East and West

59

238

LIST OF ABBREVIATIO N S The following abbreviations are used in the text. For abbreviations used for journals and similar publications in the bibliographies, see pp. 487 ff. B CKCTCCS CKT CLCf CSHK

NCC HNS

i

i

i

3

/lNT HSPC

K

B

KHCPTS MCPT I'TSC

8

R

SI'PF

sppr

SPTK STT/l TCHCC TCKM

59 77 TCTC

Bretschneider, E. ( [ ), Botanicon Sinjcum (succ�ive volumes indicated as B \, B II, B ill).

Chung-Kuo Chin Tai Chan Ching Shih. Unknown writer, Chan Kuo TsM. Sun I-Jang (ed.), Chou Li Ching /, 1899. Yen Kho-Chun (ed.), Chhiian Shang-Ku San- Tai Chhin Hall San-KuQ Liu eflnao Win (Complete Collection of prose literature (including frag­

ments) from remote antiquity through the Chhin and Han Dynasties, the Three Kingdoms, and the Six Dynasties), [836. Hsu Tung, Hu Chhien Ching (Tiger Seat Manual, a ylilitary Encyclopae­ dia), Sung, begun +962, finished + [004. Fan Yeh & Ssu-ma Piao, Hou Han Shu (History of the Later Han Dynasty), +450. Liu An et al., Huai Nan T�u (Book of the Prince of Huai-Nan), - 1 20. Wang Hsien-Chhien (ed.), Han Shu Pu Chu, 1900. Karlgren, B. (I), Gfammala &rica (dictionary giving the ancient forms and phonetic values ofChinese characters). Kuo Hsiieh Chi Pen Tshung Shu edition. Shi:n Kua, MingChhi Pi Than (Dream Pool Essays), Sung, + 1089. Yii Shih-Nan, Pt; Thang Shu Chhao (Book Records of the Northern Hall), Thang, c. + 630. Read, Bernard E. et aL, Indexes, translations and pri:cis ofcertain chap­ ters of the Pin Tshao Kang Mil. ofLi Shih-Chi:n. If the reference is 10 a plant see Read ( I ) ; if to a mammal see Read (2); if to a bird see Read (3); if to a reptile see Read (4 or 5); if to a mollusc see Read (5); if to a fish see Read (6); iftoan insect see Read ( 7) . Sun Pin Ping Fa (Sun Pin's An of War), Chou (Chhi), c . - 235. Ssu Pu Pei Yao edition. Ssu Pu Tshung Khan edition. Wang Chhi, San Tshai Thu /lui ( Universal Encyclopaedia), Ming, + 1609. Tshung Shu Chi Chhing (The Compcndius Collectania), Shanghai Com­ mercial Press, 1935-9. Chu Hsi et al. (cds.) , Thung Chitn Kang Mil. « Shon View of the) Comprehtnsivt Mirror (oj History),jof Aid in Coummtnl), classified into Headings and Subheadings); the T�u Chih Thung Chitn condensed, a general history of China, Sung, + 1 189; with later continuations. Ssu-ma K uang, T�u Chih Thung Chitn (Comprehensive Mirror (of His­ tory) for Aid in Government) , + [084, xxv

XXVI TFtK TH TKKW TPrc

TPrL TSee

TT II'CTt

wcrnee

LIST OF ABBREVIATiONS Wang Chhin-Jo & Yang I (eds.), Tsh; Fu Yiian Kuti (Lessons of the Archives, encyclopaedia), + 1013. Wieger, L. (I), Ttxles Hisloriques. Sung Ying-Hsing, Thitn Kung Khai lVu (The Exploitation of the Works of Nature), Ming, + [637. Li Chhiian, Shin Chi Chih Ti Thai Po rin Ching (Ylanual ofthe While and Gloomy Planel (of War, Venus» , Ireatise on military and naval affairs, Thang, + 759. Li Fang (ed.), Thai-Phing ru Lan (the Thai-Phing reign-period Imperial Encyclopaedia), Sung, +g83' Chhen :-vleng-Lei et al. (eds.), Thu Shu Chi Chhlng; the Imperial EncyclD­ lmedia of + ! 726). Index by Giles, L. (2). References to 1884 ed. given by chapu�r (thuan) and page. References to 1934 photolitho repro­ duclion given by lsh i (vol.) and page. Wieger, L. (6), Taoi"sme, vol. [ , Bibliographie Generale of the works con­ tinued in the Taoisi-Patrology, Tao Tsang. Tseng Kung-Liang (cd.), Wu Ching Tsung rao (The �'[ost Important Affairs to the :Vlilitary Classics - a military encyclopaedia), Sung, + 1044. Tseng Kung-Liang (ceL), lVu Ching Tsung rao ( Chhien Chi), military en­ cyclopaedia, first seCiion, Sung, + 1044 .\-Iao Yuan-I, Wu Pei Chih (Treatise on Armament Technology), Ming, + [628. .

WPC

AUTHOR'S NOTE

This is the first of the three 'earthly' volumes on Military Technology,. though it is not the first to be published, Pan 7 on the Gunpowder Epic having preceded it. Such derangements in the sequence of the volumes are due to the exigencies of collaborative work - but without them the completion of the whole enterprise would not be possible. After the Introduction the next three sub·sections were mostly drafted by KrLyszlof Gawlikowski, a leading authority on that immortal book the Sun Tzu Ping Fa (Master Sun's Art of \'Var), still greatly valued by strategists in spite of its high antiquity. One of the most interesting differences which is here brought out is the fact that plebeian people in ancient and mediaeval China were much more military-minded than the educated scholar-bureaucrats. Evidences or this come rrom novels such as Feng Shin Yen I (Promotions orthe Martial Genii), the deifica­ tion ormilitary heroes such as Kuan Yii and Yo Fei in the San Kuo and the Sung respectively, and the great popular interest in combat arts (kungfu). On the other hand nobody has ever been more successrul than were the scholar-bureaucrats in keeping the soldiers down all through the ages, 'on tap but not on tOp' ror more than twO thousand years. 'Power grows rrom the barrel or a gun' as Mao Tse­ Tung is reported to have said, but no one would have been more insistent than he that the Party should be in control or it. In this he would have been continuing (with a difference) the tradition orall the Chinese ages. For the bow, the crossbow (probably invented in the Chinese culture-area and introduced to Europe twice) and pre-gunpowder artillery, I have had the benefit orthe collaboration or Edward McEwen and Wang Ling respectively; the rormer a consummate archer and bowyer, the latter willing to extend his interests rrom Ihe history or gunpowder to the machines which supplied the place or cannon berorc cannon existed. Finally, the section on early poliorcclics, siege warrare in ancient and mediaeval times, is due entirely to Robin Yates or McGill University, a great authority on the /vlQ Tzu book, who has also devoted a great deal or painstaking time in the proor-reading or the entire volume. As ever 1 extend my warmest thanks 10 all my collaborators. And now it is time to offer thanks to all those whose selfless administrative work has made this book possible. The publication or this volume has taken an unusu­ ally long time, and much has changed since we first sent the volume to press. Then we had just moved into our new purpose-built home at the corner or Herschel Road and Sylvester Road in Cambridge. To Colin Ronan, then Secretary or the • Whcn Wang Ling and I

"'C",

planning these volumes in 194-8 "'e thought that Ie"en ",ould be enough to

('()\'cr aU thc lICicoces and technologies, BUI "'C had no idea ofthe "'ealth ofmaterial ",hich ",ould have 10 be dealt ",ilh ill each. Prople awxialcd ",ith the project have come to s�a.k oflhc

original Kvcn as 'hcavcnly' volumes, and oflhc Sl'paralc PUts as carthly volumes, For it proved 10 be ntcesUry 10 bring out thc Kvcral parts as disdllct ph)'sical volumes, and illdccd Vol. 5 may come 10 ha,·c as man)' as 13, '

'

XXVII

XXVIJI

A U T H O R 'S N O T E

East Asian History of Science Trust,a we owe much gratitude for all his help with settling us down there, as well as for the host of administrative tasks he shouldered daily. Responsibility for the publication of the volume now lies in the capable hands of Christopher Cullen, Deputy Director of the Needham Research Institute and Chairman of the Publications Board. Since this is one of the first volumes to appear from the new Institute and Library, it would only be proper to salute the architect, Christophe Grillet, and his assistants, together with the builder, Roger Bailey, and his foreman Peter Ashman, and all the workers who spared no pains to make the building beautiful and worthy. All our staff accomplished miracles in the move from our old home in Brooklands Avenue. Then I must say a word of gratitude to our secretary, Diana Brodie, accurate and imperturbable, who retyped many of the pages in this vol­ ume, and to the present secretaries of the Institute, Angela King and Winne Chen, for all their invaluable back-up work. We have pleasure in offering thanks to our formcr Librarian, Mrs Liang (Liang Chung Lien-Chu) who copied many a Chinese character onto the pages of successive drafts, and to her present successor, John Moffctt, as also to my research assistants,Jovana Muir and Corinne Richeux. Finally I should like to thank lain White and Helen Spillett, copy editors at the Cambridge University Press, and the officers of the publishing division for all their help in taking over this volume at an unusually early stage in its development and for resolving all the problems that have been involved. Since this volume first went to press, we have suffered a great blow, namely the loss of Lu Cwei-Djen, my life-long collaborator and second wife. She was taken from me in November 1991 after only two years of happily married life. She went through every word that was written in all the volumes, ineluding this one, and gave much valuable guidance into the intricacies ofknowledge about China. She also collaborated with me 0 11 many original papers mostly on medical subjects. It would be no exaggeration to say that this whole project would never have been started without her. In IgB7, we were also shocked to hear of the death of Victor Meally of Dublin, who weill through all our published volumes 'with a fine-tooth comb, letting us know of the mistakes and printer's errors. We are mOst grateful for this work, done with such devotion and dedication. Lastly, we must offer thanks to those who interpret for us languages which we do not know. For Korean we rely on Professor Gari Ledyard, for Japanese the late Dr Charles Sheldon and now Dr Ushiyama Teruya, for Arabic Dr Douglas Dunlop, and for Sanskrit Professor ShackletOn Bailey. Thanks are also due to Dr Christopher Cleary, Sarah Burgess, Bret Hinsch and Liu Hlli-chlin, research assistants to Robin Yales, and to the staff of the Harvard­ Yenching Library. And now let us draw back the curtain which conceals the military activities and the military science of two Chinese millennia from general knowledge. I

• And also the writerofthe volumes in the 'Shorter Scil.'nce and Civilisation in China' Jeries.

30. MILITA R Y TECHNOLOGY

(0) I N T R O D U C T I O N

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In a foregoing section the current of our enquiries led us in the direction of naval combat,' and the time could therefore not be long postponed when we must come to study the inventions connected with combat itself. To regard the Chinese as a people who were never successful in war would be as great an absurdity as to set them down as deficient in the great seafaring qualities. Yct this is what Europeans have sometimes done, misled by the predominance of a civil philosophy with a great pacific tradition, and also perhaps by the effects of post-Renaissance occi­ dental science in raising so greatly the war potential of Westerners in their later COnlnets with the Chinese seaboard. In fact, China has never lacked devoted soldiers, ingenious military technicians, and distinguished captains; though no doubt certain historical situations gave them a more ample field for their genius than others. The tale of wars throughout the ages in China and around her borders is nevertheless long, cominuous and intricate. After the innumerable cam­ paigns of the feudal period which ended in the unification of the first empire, there were the struggles with the Hsiung-Nu (possibly the Huns) which continued throughout the Han. I n the San Kuo period ( + srd century) there were the epic conflicts of generals such as Chu-ko Liang', Tshao Tsha02 and Sun Chhuan'; while after it, for many hundred years, the barbarian houses of the northern kingdoms warred with the autochthonous empires confined to their southern do­ mains. This same patlern, indeed, reasserted itself after the long peace of the Sui and Thang, for we find the Sung thrown back upon Hangchow in the + 1 2 th century, just as the Liu Sung had had Nanking for their capital nearly a thousand years before. But now the northerners recruited abundant Chinese talent as well as valour to the service of their arms, and it is precisely in the + 1 1 th and + 1 2 th centuries, as will clearly be seen later on, that the greatest advances were made in military techniques. The manifold applications of the new knowledge of the incen­ diary and explosive properties ofgunpowder and its related compositions were all made in the wars between the Sung and the (Jurchen) Chin, including the inven­ tion of the true metal-barrel cannon, which can now be dated to + I 128.b After this crowning achievement of Chinese military science, there followed the long decline of the Ming, a dynasty whose defences were never seriously challenged until the Manchu invasion discovered their inadequacy, both material and moral. And then the Jesuit cannon-founders ushered in symbolically the modern period. The study of the technique of war is not so lamemable a subject as in some • Vol. 4. pI 3. pp. 678f[ b 5« Lu, Nttdham & Phan (I) and VoL ;" pI 7, Appendix I.

' ff. fI

30. M I L I T ARY T E C H N O L O G Y

moods it may appear to us to be.- I n all ages it has stimulated the improvement of techniques, in China as elsewhere. 1> The perennial search for the hardest possible metal led from bronze through iron to steel of various kinds, and this not only for shock weapons but also for the defence of the individual against them, as in all the forms of armour, replacing the prepared skins of animals or the pierced slips of wood or bamboo. And what the metallurgist began the chemist continued. How great were the effects which flowed from the invention of gunpowder, a Francis Bacon did not dare to underestimate," A chemical explosion was something abso­ lutely new in human history, newer qualitatively than the physical sub-atomic explosions of our own time, for man had never known an explosion of any kind whatever. The preparation of the substances required for it invited the study of crystallisation and filtration; the fact that though fire it needed nOt air, invited meditation on the relations of these two 'elements'. Then, after the appearance of the true barrel-cannon, the problems of dynamics, of flight and violent motion, began to present themselves in earnest, for the trajectory of the missile could now be controlled to an extent far greater than with any of the old catapult machines. These, of course, in their time, had afforded much opportunity for the exercise of engineering skill, in China as in the West. But now the boring of the cannon to make an accurate cylinder, besides giving rise to the modern comprehension of the relation between heat and mechanical work, also led to possibilities ofemploying, in ways before undreamt-of, that other occupant of cylinders, in itself quite an­ cient,d the piston. While before it had always been used as the handle of a tool, in Malaysian fire-lighters, Chinese bellows and Alexandrian pumps, now it could for the first time be thought of as a projectile, but a tethered one, capable of produc­ ing alternating rectilinear motion ifsomeone could arrange an obedient succession of explosions within the cylinder.c This last chapter of technological history, which led to the steam engine and the internal-combustion engine, is of course well known; what needs expounding is that earlier obscurer chapter between the first achievement of the faleful mixture of chemical substances and the appearance of the true metal barrel-gun. This chapter is a Chinese one; the events which it contains took place between about + 850 and + ' 350; and we shall try to leU it in due course.' The hollow bamboo stem was the invitation of Nature which led to • It �tm$likdy that the pURly economic asp«ts ofprimili"e and ancicm social organisms have been empha­ sised a liule too much at the e�pen� of their mechanisms of sur"i"al; their incorporation, or resistance to incorporation, in highcr social organism•. - Cr. our quotation from Francis Bacon in Vol. I , p. 19. < Thil ofcoune does nOt imply that war will �ontinue to be a stimulating inAuence in the future. [t secms to have reached the point wherc nothing willsurvive to be stimulated. - Seeoll thispp. [35ff. abo"c, in VoI. 4,pt� . • One might reasonably apply here an extension of the tcrminology which proved fruitful and convcniem 3t an earlier stage - 'ad_aqu<':(lus' and 'cx-aqu«lus', 'ad-aerial' and 'cx.aeria['. Onc would thcn !lllY that all ancicm pistons ....ere . 'ad-gaseous', but that the projectile and all pistons which derive from it are 'e�·gaseous·, the work being donc by thc cncrgy confined in the cylindcr. Thc 'c)(-gascous' pistOn, in its projectile form, was perhapt thc greatest of all Chinese inventions, and it was duc to experiments of military te<:hnkians with Hame and smoke projectors. r Stt Vol. 5, pI 7, bo:low.

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all cylinder-barrels, but as will be seen later on, its first employment in connection with gunpowder was made with no thought ora cylinder in mind. The present Section will seek to avoid, as always, many by-paths not strictly connected with the history ofscicnce and technology. The study of strategy and tactics as such is ooe of these. Nor can more than minimum space be devoted to the varieties of shock weapons, for they merit a place of importance no greater, perhaps less, than the tools of the craftsmen, with which we were occupied in Section 27a.- It would be easy to fall into thal morass of antiquarianism rep­ resented by the majority of books on 'arms and armour'. Bearing in mind a dis­ tinction between techniques and technology, we shall reach the latter as soon as we study the more complex machines, for example the crossbow and its trigger­ mechanism, the catapult artillery of the Chinese middle ages, and the methods of fortification and assault. Our task of description is rendered more difficult by the fact that for China we know of nothing comparable, either in Chinese or a Western language, b to the great work of Oman ( I ) on the history of the art of war, or that of Lot ( I ) for the armies and campaigns of the middle ages.c Chinese military history is treated in a semi-popular book on the armies of Asia by von Pawlikowski-Cholewa ( I ) , but it is superficial and compiled entirely from secondary occidental sources. An attempt was made by Werner (s) to deal with Chinese weapons, but partly perhaps be­ cause of the conditions under which it was written, it is not to be recommended save to those already well acquainted with the subject. From Lei Hai-Tsung (I) we have a study of the Chinese soldier throughout the centuries, and that is almost all. Before going further into the realm ofdetail, it will be worth while to try to give a brief general outline of the history of military technique in the Chinese culture­ area.d When first we begin to be able to speak of armies, that is to say bodies of • Vol. 4, p1 2, pp. 50fT.

� There is now ofeoursc: Ihe ,iKleen-volume hinory ofwan and military campaigns in China, tdiltd by Chen Thing-Yiian & Li Chen (I). for the history ofmodern warfare in China, sec CKCTCCS. , lksidH the manys�ciali" works which will be mentioned in their plaCH below, it may be worth while here to name some orthe most important ",orh which one mUSI consult for parallel, 10 Ihe Chinese developmenl$. The massive productions of the Gennan school of military historians, Jahn, (1,2, 3); Delbriick ( I ) ; and Kohler (t), cover all Weslern Asia and Europe from Ihe ancient civilisations onward. BUI for anliquily a more reliable and up-tO-dale companion is the monograph of Kromayer & Veith ( I ) . It replaces the old but slill interesting work of RuSiOw & KOchl)" ( I ) . On parallels in India sec Chakravarti (I) and Dale ( I ) ; in Klutheast Asia Quaritch Wales (3)· For orientalion Oil the rationale ofwarfare in general, the sinologicaJ historian ofscience will have need oflhe military theoreticians, a paradoxical tribe among whom il is not difficult 10 go astray. We have found Ihe book of Winlringham ( I ) p.1rlicularly helpful, bUI those of Fuller and Renn may be read wilh profit, as also Keegan (t). d It i$ very regrettable thai no one has attempted to give a $triH of coherenl piclures of Ihe armament of Chinn( troops in successive agH, and il$ use. For the Chou period a great deal ofwork was done long ago b)" Plath (�) and Biot (19), but it stallds in need ofcomplelc uvision according 10 modem sinological knowledge. Two studiH - Chou Wei (,) and Hayashi .\·Iillao (s) - of reeeni archaeological discoveries, the one in Chinn(, Ihe olher inJapancsc, show what can be done, and a gual number of briefer spcciali5Cd. el$aYS have appeared in Ihe sinological journals. These will be discussed in Ihe 'Shock Weapons' sub6cction of Vol. S, pan 8. Hirth (3), pp. l66ff. extended Plath (2) and Biot ( 1 9)'s analyses 10 a comparison ofChinese military techniques. To Granet 3), pp. 307R"·, ....e are indebltd for a much more llalisfactory sludy ofChou warfare, built up from the innumera­ ble descriptions in the TJIt CAli"". Lan Yung-Wei (,) has Updaltd his research with respect to infantry warfare in the Springs and Autumns period. Ed....ard Shaughncuy of the Uni\'enity of Chicago s i preparing a study of WHlem Chou ....arfare as secn in the bronu inscripliolU and archaeological repom and ils publication is ngerly a....aited.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

4

troops with recognisable organisation in the service of distinct Slates, we find that their most important feature was the chariot. The Shang and the Chou, down to the last third of the - 1 5 t millennium, thus perpetuated in their chariot-fighting the methods which had been characteristic of the ancient Egyptian, Hittite, and Babylonian armies or an earlier age. Some have thought- that this kind ofconfliCl developed naturally from groups of chariot-riders hunting on the steppe or the edge of the desert, and warring with other groups which competed on the same territory. The Chinese chariol-fighting period shows some differences, however, from parallel periods in other cuhures.b Efficient equine harness developed there so earll that the occupants or the chariot were never less than three, an archer standing to the len or the driver, and a lancer to the right. The rormer wielded a pair or composite reflex bows, and the latter was furnished with various long­ harted shock weapons for piercing or striking blows at the occupants or other chariots. Each man was orcourse also armed with swords, knives and daggers, first or bronze, eventually or iron. Their bodies were protected by light armour made rrom hide. The chariot rorces, composed exclusively or members or the reudal nobility, were accompanied by inrantry or mediocre importance, mostly grooms and servitors, yct later armed with weapons or the halberd type ror attacking men mounted or in chariots. or the rormations in which these armies marchedd something is known, ror the banner or the South (the direction which princes and emperors must race) always flew in the van, and when encampment was made, it represented symbolically the presence or the parent city itselr. Divination was widely practised,e and theories or the sacrifice or prisoners lO the gods, reminiscent or certain Central Amerindian practices, occasionally manirest themselves. Yet the dominant reature orthe Chi­ nese chariot-fighting period was a kind or chivalry not at all unlike that of the European �iddle Ages, and sometimes pushed so rar as to evoke the renunciatory paradoxes or the Tao Ti Ching. ' Naturally enough, one aspect or this was an inhibitory effect on technical devel­ opment. The Tso Chuan has preserved' ror us a revealing story placed at 574. On a certain day -

Tang' , the son or Phan Wang2, together with Yang Yu-Chi', set up some cuirasses as a target and shot at them. They succeeded in piercing [no less than] seven at one time. Then • E.g. Biot (t8). Shaughncu)' ( I ) . howe,'u, argues thai Ihe China.. chariot derives from Western protOtypes. • Cr. 5«1. 1I7d aoo'<e; Vol. 4-, pi li. pp. 304-ff. Chauncey S. Goodrich (1I), pp. 1I79-306. � In laler agt'S the,.., was a g,..,al flourishing ofplans for dispositions and rormations (cf. SCC VoI.. v. 8), bUI il ne,'er quite reachtd Ihe famaslic heightS allaintd by Indian and southeast Asian military writen. Stt Quarilch Walt'S (3), pp. 99, 159, IgBff.; Chakravarti (I), pp. I I Iff. BUI againtt much opposition (cr. p. 55 below). In India the ,..,Iiance on it scems 10 have been g,..,aler and the opposidon leu (Quaril<;h Wales (3), p. 1I5; Chakravarli ( .) pp. 95ff.). f Cr.Sc:et. loabovc:VoI. 1I,PP, 56ff. • Duke Chhcng, 16th. y�ar; Ir. Couvreur (I), vol. 2, p. 134, cng. allct. b

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they went and told the prince ofChhu, saying 'With twO officers like us, what can you, sir, have to fear in combat?' But the prince was angry and said 'You bring great shame upon the State. I foresee that tomorrow you will both perish [in battle] while shooting with the bow, victims to your art.' ,

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Although apparently this did not happen, lhe skill of the twO archers evidently went beyond lhe bounds of the feudal conception affair play. We are not told in what devices their skill consisted; the point is that such improvements wefe oftcn nOt encouraged.Nevertheless a slow evolution took place, and we shall see in due course many changes, e.g. the introduction ofsted swords,b the spread of the crossbow'! and so on. During the technological unification of the whole Chinese culture-area one can even find an instance of what must be one of the most ancient technical military missions on record. In the - 6th-century wars between the States of Chhu and Chin, a refugee from the former at the Chin court, Wu Chhcn I , sug­ gested that he should be sent to the relatively uncivilised people of Wu in the south in order to train them in chariot-warfare and create a diversion in the rear of Chhu. This was done in - 583 and the power ofChhu in due course considerably diminished.d Once the struggle for the hegemony, and ultimately for the empire itself, had gOt under way, however, all this gradually broke up.c When absolute victory itself was sought, and not merely the accumulation ofmoral prestige as in a kind ofjoust between two feudal States, the limitations of chariots soon became apparent. The alternative of making some men archers and mounting them on horseback was borrowed from the nomadic tribes of the northern borders, and the size of the infantry component of the armies was greatly increased.r At the same time the attack and defence of cities took on a new seriousness, with all that that implied for inventions such as catapult artillery, sapping and mining, the use of water and fire, mobile assault-towers, and the like. And correspondingly the Warring States period produced an important harvest ofwriters of Tactica. These points may be illustrated by a few quotations. A story of - 540 relates how the forces of the State of Chin gained an important victory over the mountain barbarians (shanjung2).'

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• �Ially parallds might come '0 mind from the end of the feudal period in Europe; for instan<;e Christopher Trcchslcr of Dresden in\"emro in + 1595 a form ofmachine.gun, but 'he emperor forbade its usc (A. Rohde ( I ) , p. 10), not emirdy, il must be said, on humanitarian grounds. • SeeSCCVol. v. 8. • Sec pp. '35. 17o bclow. � See Tu CAWlln. Duke Chheng, 7th year (Ir. CouvreuT (I), vol. 1, p. 64); SlriA CAj, chs. 3 1 and 19 (tr. Chavannes (I), vol. 4, pp. 5. 311). For the historical COntCXI ofthe event see �Iaspero (2), 1nd ed., pp. 28df. We arc: indebted 10 Gen. S.B. Griffi,h for drawing OUT atlemion to it. o d. Kierman (II). T See Yates (3). • Ts. ChOVl, Duke Chao. t$l. year, (tr. Couvreur (t), \"01. 3, p. 28, eng. auct.). •

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A N D S I E G ES

Hsun \Vu I , the Lord of Mu, and commandu orthe centre host orChin, destroyed the \Vu chung and a multitude ofTi [barbarians] at Ta-Yuan. This was done by augmenting the number orroot-soldiers. When the baule was about to bejoined, Wei Shu2 said to him 'These people fight on foot, and we from chariots. Here the terrain is full ofobstacles. Now i[we replace each chariot by ten armed foot-soldiers we shall cer tainly gain the day. Even ifwe have to fight among nafrow rocky places we shall win. I propose that we use only foot-soldiers, and I myselfwill give the first example.

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The upshot was that beginning with the feudal dependants of Wei Shu the whole army dismounted, the commander-in-chief accepting the plan. But it was not done without opposition, for one of the favourite officers of Hsun Wu refused to abandon his chariot, and was beheaded by Wei Shu as an example to the others.' At first the barbarians laughed at the new Chinese tactics, but the result was an overwhelming Chinese victory. Afterwards, throughout the Warring States period, the infantry arm was one of the factors to be reckoned with. Even more important, however, was the adoption of the technique of horse� archery (Fig. I ) from the northern nomads. We are fairly well informed as to how this happened, or at least we have details of one focal point in the trend. In the State ofChao, which occupied much of modern Shansi and Hopei, and there­ fore bordered the northern marches, from -325 to 2g8 Wu Ling' was reigning. In -307 he assembled his counsellors and said that he 'proposed to introduce the clothing of the Hu· barbarians and to train horse-archers' (chin wu chiang Hu:fu, chhi-shi�). b Thus a professional cavalry, formed to oppose the 'natural' cavalry of the steppe," was introduced into the Chinese military domaind where it remained unchallenged down to modern times. The characteristic frontier tactics and Slrat-

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• Whh thisconKr ...ati,·c nobk, rrmarks Granrt, thcn:fdl not only the old ordcr offcudal balik, but thr whok conception of hem:litary nobility with a sprcific military function. Parallds with thc cnd of the European fcudal �Iiddlc I"go , arc ob,·ious. t SIt,.It Cit,.. ch 43, pp. �tbff. (tr. Cha...annes (I), vol. 5. pp. 6gff.), paralld with CIt4I� Kw TsM, ch. 19 (tr. Crump (I), pp. 2g6ff.). The rrasan for the change of dothing which greatly shocked conservativc Confucian susceptibilities. Wa.'l to permil easier exercise and marksmaruhip on horseback. Han bas-rdicfs, as in the famous picturcs ofthe Balllc on Ihe Bridge in the Wu Liang tomb-shrine, show thai traditionally the Chou warrion wore long robes when fighting. But now it was a mailer of adopting trowen. Sec further in Ihe monograph of Eberhard & Eberhard ( I ) . It islikdy that cavalry had, in fact, been introduced prior to King Wu Ling s time, for Ihe newly discovered Sun Pin's Art ojWar, which dates from the lasl halfofthe -4th cemury, describes cavalry as though the ChineK were Ihoroughly accustomed to it (YatCl (3); Yang Hung (I); Goodrich (2). The introduc· don of the long sword and scabbard slide in Warring Slates times also suggcs� that cavalry warfare had begun (Trousdale (t)). , Lauimore (t), pp. 61,64,387if. • The mounted archer, says Lattimon:, dcstroyed the old feudal nobilily of China, just a.'I the English long. bow defeated the chivalry of Francc. It is imeresting to consider also Indian parallds. Hopkins (I), in a cl3$$ical paper, described the military tcchnique ofthe San�krit epiC5, which may perhaps be regarded as roughly compa· rable with thaI of the Warring Slalo. In the chariOI period the bow (nol the croubow) Wa.'l importam, but shock weapons no lasso, and metal annour was worn by the nobles. BUI it i. quite dear from Chakravarti (I), pp. �'lff. and other writen, Ihal in India the chariot gave place, not to horse_archen but 10 elephants, used as primiti,·e and rather "ul�rablc tanks. The cavalry ann gn:w in importanre from Ihe + lIt CCntury onwards, but it nevcr displaced reliance on elephan�, and the viClorics of �1abm(jd ofGha:tnah (e. + 10(0) and Mubammad Ghori {c. + 1 'loo) were all "ictories ofhorse·archcn. Code (I) brings funherdocumentation to ths i thais. .

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cgy of the Han period was thus laid down well before the end of the Chou. We hear, for instance, or a famous Chao general, Li MU', who scatlcred forts and signal towers all over the border regions with flying columns of mounted archers in readiness to harry the incursions of the nomads,- But again there was at first opposition, and the king of Chao needed all the support he obtained from his counsellors Lou Huan2 and the vcteran Fei I S . By the lime ofthe early Han period the technique of arms had reached a rather high level. The chief improvement was the introduction and universal use of the crossbow which, if not of veTY rapid fire-power, was much more accurate and shot a more deadly boh than any projectile weapon which opposed it. The bronze trigger-mechanisms of these crossbows, masterpieces or casting metallurgy, will demand our close attention later on. Combined in large sizes with three spring components each, they provided effective artillery weapons for stationary war­ rare around fortified sites. All the poliorcetic developments of the \'\.Tarring States period were now brought to a level of perfection not much exceeded afterwards. We have already seen how (as an example) Li Kuang-Lii in 101 employed hydraulic engineers to sap the walls ofa Central Asian City.b Another wave of developments took place during the San Kuo period. The name or the Shu general Chu-ko Liang became attached not only to an invention or great importance with respect to military supplies, namely the wheeJbarrow,� which could also be used to rorm laagers, but to crossbow-catapults which fired a number of arrows at once, and to repeating or magazine-crossbows. Crossbow­ catapults had, in fact, been developed in the late Warring States and Chhin periods four hundred years earlier,d but their attribution to Chu-ko Liang suggests that they became more common in the arsenals of the late Han and San Kuo periods. These we shall examine presently. At this time, too, there was a percepti­ ble improvement in the use of incendiary materials, both on land and in naval combat, as the Battle of the Red Cliffc witnesses, and the stirrup gradually came to be adopted, revolutionising cavalry warfare. Metal armour had been in use since the end of the Warring States period. During the time of the Six Dynasties there was seemingly little change, but the Northern Wei and the Sui participated in one development of considerable interest, namely lhe wearing of uniforms with distinctive colours, permitting the easy recognition in baltic of the men of one's own side. Recent archaeological discoveries and textual data suggest that this development may have started as early as the - 5th century, though it may nOt have been adopted by all armies in the field. At an earlier stage we saw one instance or this practice, the campaign of + 589 which ended with the destruction -

•

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of the Chhcn dynasty.- During the Thang there was still little new, hut in the obscure laboratories of Taoist temples an embryo of the future was developing, for alchemists were experimenting with mixtures similar to, hut not yet exactly, that which was to bring about so many consequences. Indeed the chemical arm was strangely mobilised, for by the end of the dynasty flamethrowers embodying double-acting pumps for projecting naphtha had been perfected, and it was in­ deed in connection with these that gunpowder found its first employment in war about the beginning of the + loth century. And now the crossbow, and crossbow-catapult or arcuballista, projectile-phase blended without a sharp transition into the gunpowder projectile-phase. The + [ I th and + [2th centuries saw a great variety ofdevices introduced during the fighting between Sung and Liao, and Sung and Chin. After the rise of the Yuan this wave of inventions continued, though with diminishing force, until the begin­ ning of the Ming, during which period there was a systematisation of all the earlier techniques by the time of arrival of the new stir from Europe. At the conclusion of this section we shall have something to say about the comparison between Chinese and European military history. Military theoreti­ cians have found it possible to make a distinction between periods when the main emphasis is on the shock of troops in hand-to-hand fighting, and other periods when the main emphasis is on the throwing of a cloud of projectile weapons. I t appears that the former have been associated with great elaborations of defensive body-armour while the latter have tended to do without it. In armoured or shock periods reliance is placed on massed advance (or maintenance of prepared posi­ tions) and the hope of the individual soldier is that the armour will protect him while his weapons will injure others. In unarmoured or projectile periods depen­ dence is placed on mobility and fire-power, while the hope of lhe individual sol­ dier is that the projectiles he fires will hit others but that he will be able to avoid those fired by them. It seems rather doubtful whether the military techniques of China passed through these phases in anything like the extreme forms which they took in other civilisations. Neither the heavily armed Greek hoplite nor the Roman legionaryb ever had any counterparts in Chinese armies. In China the distinctions are more difficult to make. Chinese soldiers were primarily archers, and mounted more often than on foot, yet the time frequently came for hand-to­ hand fighting, as in attacks on camps or sieges of cities, and then it was duly carried out. It can hardly have been a coincidence that when a new propulsive force was discovered astonishingly more powerful than the bent springs of bows, it was in China that it received all the most brilliant adaptations of its youth, and there that it reached such maturity as to spread rapidly over the rest of the civilised world . • 5« Vol. I. p. 122 a!xr.·(. This d(','(lopm(nI occurr«i much later in Europe; it ....as . one ofthe inll(watiOIl$ of

thf Nf..... �Iodd Armr in thf Engli$h Civil Warofthf + 17th Cfntury. - Cr. Connolly (I).

(b) C H I N E S E L I TE R A T U R E O N T H E A R T O F W A R ( I)

T H E M I L I T A R Y T H E O R ET I C I A N S

The abstract consideration of tactics and strategy must at all limes have been a subject of intense interest to rulers, and no civilisation has more, or older, texts to show concerning it than thal of China. They need not, it is true, long detain us, for their content is social rather than technological, yet they constitute a remarkable series of practical treatises.' However, there are also traditions which predate the written word. Folklore held that the beginnings of the art of war dated from the time of the mythical founder of the Chinese Empire, Huang Til (the Yellow Emperor). He was said to have been the first to introduce military battle formations, drill and exercises for soldiers in preparation for ballle; his assistanlS were said to have introduced bows and arrows and the drum;b which, in wars of antiquity, played a role of practical importance, giving the signal for attack, as well as having an important ritual role." Legend held that Huang Ti used specially trained wild animals in battle -bears, tigers, panthers and other beaslS ofpreyd - but since such methods of fighting are unknown to historical sources, quite early writers sug· gested that in point of fact these animal names referred to the titles of military units; possibly skins of those animals were worn and their effigies figured on war· riors' weapons and armour.e Of course it must also be remembered that such skins and effigies might well have carried some magical significance, terrified the enemy and, at the same time, strengthened the battle morale of the troops themselves. Indeed such effigies figuring on armour, weapons, etc., lasted on as one of China's military traditions down to the twentieth century/ while the names hu2 (tiger) and phi.hus (tigers and panthers) were always synonyms of brave soldiers. •

In Europe: abo the� were some conn�tions between the development of theories of aClion and military

exrrkna:, �.e. the arl5ofslluggle. " . . . '. . : Pi�, (,Tso phlen Sh,k Chi, Ch. l , p. 3: Sh,k ) , (p. 5); Tha. Phmg y" LA�, ch. 79, S«t. 3, p. 474b; cr. Hs,a Tseng.Vu (I), pp. '3-4. , For el
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There was also a legend that Chhih Yu L . leader of the southern peoples and Huang Ti's opponent,· began the fabrication of various lypes ofmctal weapons,b In fact it was he who was worshipped as the deity of Warc in the closing centuries of the - 1St millennium. I n the battlc orCha Lu2 Mountain, especially famous in Chinese mythology, an anack with fire and waterd was launched at the enemy, a method which also became onc of the traditional Chinese ways of waging war. Both opponents are said to have practised witchcraft and called the forces of Nature (the Five Elements) to their assistance, and in late antiquity this was recognised as a constant, permanent element of war. Obviously, such myths and legends cannot be viewed as historical sources of information, but they do provide a certain introduction to ancient ideas on meth­ ods of waging war, on the art ofwar, and on elements of war most important to the Chinese. And of course the fundamental point to which these Icgends bear witness is that the classical Chinese art of war was of pre-Statc origin, that it was first conceived towards the close of the Neolithic Period by ancient aboriginal tribes of farmers and hunters. The first works on the art of war were attributed to the mythological figures mentioned above; unquestionably, however, they are apocryphal. The interest­ ing fin Fu Ching' (Harmony of the Seen and the Unseen) enjoyed considerable esteem; it was traditionally attributed to Huang Ti, but in all probability it dates from the + 6th or + 7th century.e Tradition held, too, that Huang Ti's assistant Feng Hou· was the author of

• Cf. Vol. 2,p. I I$.

� S/u" PbI, (,Tso Phien'), p. ;,: TPYL, eh. 77, 5«1. I, p. 466a, eh. 79, SC'CI. 3, p. 474b. These mylhs arc discUMed in an ulremely delailed and pcnenaling manner by Ku Chieh.Kang (9), pp. :32-,\2, (5), pp. 1]6-88. Sec also HsiiJCn.Thu (I), pp. 101-10. , Cr. CltAim Han Shu, ch. I, pan I , pp. 1O-!1; ch. 2:', pan 2, pp. 120"2, 210. Cf. Karlgren (2), p. 28..; Cha\"annn ( 1 ) , \"01. :3. p. 4:34: Liang Yiian.Tung (f), \"01.1, p. l Ku Chieh.Kang hold! the opinion Ihal in the Han period, both IheK hcroes were wonhipped a5 war_gods (Ku Chieh.Kang (10), p. 187). In all probabilily il was nOI obligalory looffer Ihcm sacrificc before going 10 war; as a rule Ihe rila and rituals ofwar were conne<:tcd wilh ahan built to the spirits of Earth (thi'), on which sacrifices were offered bolh before and after military expeditions; Li Tsung-Thung (I), p. 104; Maspero (2), English translation, p. 100; Bodde (25)' II should be menliOlled Ihal bolh Huang Ti and Chhih Yu were connected in a \"aried 31ld rather complex, inlricale man­ ner, wilh Ihe Earth demellllOO. On HuangT; and Chhih Yu, lee Mark Lewis (I) p. 99. 4 /.Ii Shih Chhu� ChhIU, ch. 7, KCI. �, p. 67. • Liang Chhi-Chao (6), pp. '5;,-6, dated the lexl 10lhe -3rd century but Rand (a) argues persuasively Ihal il could nOI ha\"e been completed before the Sui unification (pp. 107-37). According to a popular \"e"ion oflhe kgtnd, Huang Ti ...·as gi\"en Ihis lexl by a goddess on a mountain-lOp. This kgend may also be interp�led in a diffrT("nl manner, namd)' that Huang Ti was not gi\"en a book but all authenlic Pm: F"", namely the symbol ..hi(h ga\"e authority to enlist soldien and wage war. This work ...·as trallslated by Legge among other important TaoiSl lextS; see I..A!gge (;,), \"0I. �, pp. �;,;,-64' He gi"a also a brief dC:SCriplion of the hislory oflhis tut, and A«fPI! Ihe hypolh<'$is Ihal Ihis work w,u wriuen not earlier than Ille +8th ccntury. Rand (2), howe"cr, m",inlains tllal the rill Fit Chlllg could not ha\"C been wrillen before the Sui dynasty, thus generally supporting I..A!gge·J interpretation.

• lUI:

• • 'ii

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12

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

the highly regarded Wo Chi ChingL (Grasping Opportunities Manual).a The text which has come down to us is probably a much later one, and may be as late as the beginning of our era.b Many treatises attributed to the legendary period, and mentioned in the Chhien Han Shu bibliography, have long been lost.� The deep· rooted conviction of the existence of ancient military treatises ofearlier origin than those known to us is confirmed by references to them in ancient books, and also by quotations from them, which exist in works which have been preserved. For exam­ ple, from the Tso ChuMl we know about the Chiin Chih' (Army Management) as a once highly esteemed military handbook,d although the existence of another work entitled Chun Chillg3 (Military Administration) raises a problem.e The earliest real names which have come down to us are of the - 7th century, Hu Yen4 of Chin, and Wang-tzu Chheng-Fu5 ofChhi, men who 'developed and threw light on the principles ofwar' (shin ming chiinyo6).r But the first writer whose works have been preserved was Sun Wu 7 , whose Sun T<.u Ping Fa' (Master Sun's Art of War), though written in the full chariot-fighting age, is still today given the

•

The second character of the tide is often replaced with eMi', which carries a similar but narro....er . sig. nificance- an indirect auack or an attack by ruse. � Cr. Liang Chhi·Chhao (6), p. 74. It may even be Liu Sung. , CMill YM, ,,k pkim '·, Hwang Ti, skih liw "kim " . are mentioned there, as well as several other treatises anributed to Huang Ti's officials; CMinl HIIJI SirM, ch. 30, pp. t 7S8-9, cf. Yates (7). � TJQ Ckuan. Duke H5i 28th year. Duke Hsuan t�th year. Duke Chao 2tst year (Legge ( I I ) , pp. '109, 319,

""I·

• According to Cr«l thes<' tWO characters appeared se\'eral times in TSII Chua� bUI do 1101 conslilute a title (Crttl (7), p. '188). In SII" T{M howC\'er they arc used at a book name (sec S.... T{Il Pi", F�. ch. 7; Kuo Hlla-Jo (I), p. I L 7). f Such are the words of Ihe Slrill Clli, ch. �S, p. 'la. They are contained in Ihal introduction 10 the chapter on the musical tubes (standard pitch·pipes) ofwhich so much has already been said in Sect. 'l6h. And as we laW in Sttl. 1 &. Ihis imroduClion seems 10 be pan ofa lost treatise on military affairs (Pillg Sku "), which may have been wriuen by Ssu.ma Chhien himself(ef. Chavanncs (I). "01. I, pp. cdr, "01. 3, pp. 293ff.). In ancient China music was considered as dosely related to war. The Five Pilches corresponding 10 Ihe Fi\'C Elements were used for defeating Ihe enemy in a semi-magical way by their supposed influences on Ille dlki" of bolh annics. Sec Liu Tltllll, ch. 3. sect. I I . pp. '.!7,5-7. Here, as in the next three subsections, the edition Ck"n,·K..a PiN, l/siitlr Ta IIsi " (CKPHTIIj was used, composed by Li Yu-Jih (z). It contains the most important Chines<' military texts. The LiM Tkao" was also known as the Thai Kw,,& Liu Thao . The exaCI date oflhis text and its history still remain in sollie doubt. Haloun (:'I) nOLes Ihat it was closely related 10 military manuals called Tkai·k",,&'s Art of lVar (Thai KIIlll Pm& Fa ") and may have separated from Ihe latler some time in the +'.Ind centlll)' or after. A manuseript of the Liu Thao was found at Tun Huang, daLing from Ihe early Thang, now held by Ihe Bibliolheque Nationale, Paris, as I'elliol �IS .,. r,.S0'.l. but it lacks a title, and so cannot be used 10 verify the name of the tex1. Fragments of the exlant teXI and pauagcs attribllted to the liM Thall in later compendia were found in Ihe Western Han tomb al Lin·l. Shantung. in L 972 and so at lcasl Ihcse fragments mUSI be of Warring StaLes, Chhin or early Han date (sec Yin·Chhiieh·Shan Han':\lu Chu·Chien Cheng.Li Hsiao Tsu (I). pp. 91- 1 0'.1 (Mo-pen) and pp. 107-26 (Shih·wen); Wll Chiu·lung (I); cr. Volku Slratz ( I). pp. 3-3'.1)). "

30.

'3

MISSILES AND SIEGES

highest regard in military circles, both occidental and Asian,' Modern criticismb accepts him as a quite historical figure, a contemporary of Confucius, and an officer, perhaps a general, of the State of Wu, then ruled by Ho Lu l , who diedc in -496. He doubtless served in the victorious campaign against the Chhu State, bUi already foresaw that the chiefdanger to Wu would come, as it did, from Ytieh. The following quotation gives some idea of the quality of the work, d

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To lift an aUlumn hair is no sign ofgreat strength, to see Ihe sun and moon is !losign of sharp sight, 10 hear the noise of thunder is no sign ora quick ear. What the ancients called a clever fighter is one who not only wins, but excels in winning with ease. Hence his victories bring him neither reputation for wisdom nor credit for courage. He wins his battles by making no mistakes. [Now] making no mislakes is what establishes the certainty ofvictory, for it means conquering an enemy who is already defeated. Hence the skilful fighter puts himself into a position which makes defeat impossible, and does nOt miss the moment for defeating the enemy. Thus it is that in war the victorious strategist seeks battle only after the victory has been won, whereas he who is destined to defeat fights first, and afterwards looks for victory. The consummate leader cultivates the Tao· and stricdy adheres to method [and discipline]; thus it is in his power to control success. In respect ofmilitary method we have, first :\Ieasurement [Iu�], secondly Estimation ofQuantity [liang'], thirdly Calculation [shu 4 ], fourthly Balancing [ofChancesJ [cMing�],f and fifthly Victory [shing�]. Measurement owes its existence to Earth, Estimation of Quantity to Measurement, Calculation to Estimation ofQuantity, Balancing ofChances to Calculation, and Victory to Balancing of Chances.'

Here we may see certain connections between military command and the growth of the scientific mentality. Accurate factual knowledge and cool-headed calculation are not far estranged from the scientific view of the world. To be able to find out the facts of the situation, and still morc, to be able to look them in the face, without self-deception, when found; to know how to avoid all vagueness,

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• Among transcriptions orthe trtatist: into modern Chinese, the following two mUSI be mentioned in particu­ br; Kuo Hua·Jo (I), and Sun I-Chih (i). The standard English translation is Ihe one by L. Giles ( I t). Many othen ha\'e tried their hand at new versions, from Cheng Lin (2) 10 ;o.'lachelJ·Co:< ( I ) , but none are in any way luperior 10 Giles. One of the more successful translations is by Griffilh (t), which also includes some of the rommentaries. The Ireatise was painltakingly translaled into Ruuian by Konrad ( I ) , who added all e:
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30.

M I LITARY T E C H N O L O G Y

to argue on the basis of concrete figures, whether of geographical distances or strengths of units in numbers; to raise and maintain as high efficiency as possible in the communication services; and then al the end to be able to guess right when the imponderables and the unknowns are assessed - such must have been some of the qualities ofgreat commanders at all periods of history, in China as elsewhere. We may recognise them as among the factors leading towards rationality and objec. livity in the approach to Nature and to man, circumscribed, though no doubt they always were, by the essemial irrationality of war itself. Another aspect of rationalism appears in Sun Tzu, namely the opposition to divination and soothsaying. His book is completely free from any reliance on 'supernatural' aid; 'Let the taking of omens' he says 'be prohibited, and do away with superstitious doubts. Then, till death itselfcomes, no calamity ma y be feared. (Chin hsiang, eMu i ehih ssu wu so lsai I ] . '. And this is echoed in several of the other ancient Chinese Tactica.b Of cou rse, the writers of this ancient period probably made an exception for the divination procedures of the State itself, but thus to restrict them was relativel y en lighte ned. We may allow ourselves one more quotation from Sun Tzu's book. Sun Tzu said: 'In war, a general receives his commands from the sovereign. Having collected an army and concentrated his forces, he must blend and harmonise the different elements thereofbefore pitching his camp. After that comes tactical manoeuvring, than which nothing is more difficuh. The ruson for this is that it is so hard to turn the devious into the direct, and misfortune into gain. Thus to take a long and circuitous route, after enticing the enemy out of the way, and though starting after him to contrive to reach the goal before him, shows knowledge of the artifice ofdeviation. �'lanoeuvring with an army is advantageous, but with an undisciplined multitude most dangerous. If you set a fully-equipped army to march, in order to snatch an advantage, the chances are that you will be too late. On the other hand, to detach a flying column for the purpose involves the sacrifice of its baggage and StOres. Thus, ifyou order your men to roll up their buff-coats, and make forced marches without halting day or night, covering double the usual distance at a stretch, going a hundred li in order to wrest an advantage ­ the leaders of all your three divisions will fall into the hands of the enemy. The stronger men will be in front, the tired ones will fall behind, and on this plan only one-tenth of your army will reach its destination. If you march fifty Ii in order to outmanoeuvre the enemy, you will lose the leader of your first division, and only halfyour force will reach the goal. If you march thirty li with the same objective, two-thirds of your army will arrive. We may • Ch. l l , tr.Giles ( l t ) , p. t26. • For (examplt, the 51111 Litlt, ch. 2, p. lb p. n2, forbids T«Oursc 10 ",'w and divinen in tht army, as does tht

;\/0 T�� (Yatt�$ (4). p. ,;8,;), but in both cases Ih(e control ordivination is appartntly to be htld by th(e offictn in command. Th(ey did indeed tak(e the auspices, but did not kt unauthorised UIlO: ordivination by thtirjunion or oracular specialists disturb th(e umy', morak. The l"iN-r�III military specialisu, howev(er, probably developed divination in military affairs to a high art even berore th(e (end of the Warring States period and their practices held an important plat<' in almost aU bter military (encyclopaedias (Yates (7), pp. 233-7). So also Sf/t._ F�, ch· 3· Wales (3), p. 2;', SU$ a gr<:at contrast h�re bet"'ecn Chinese and Indian practice in ancient times. Indian oommandcn had to take omem at I!'<'a)' step.

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30. MISSILES A N D S I E G E S

'5

take i t then that an army without its baggage.train is lost; without provisions i t is lost; without bases ofsupply it is lost [ . . . ] Ponder and ddiberate before you make any move. He will conquer who has learnt the artifice of deviation. Such is the art of manoeuvring.' The Book ofArmy Management [Chiin Ching I ] says: 'On the field ofbaule, the spoken word does not carry far enough; hence the institution ofgongs and drums. Nor can ordinary objects be seen dearly enough; hence the institution of banners and flags.' 'Gongs and drums, banners and flags, are means whereby the ears and eyes orlhe host may be focussed on one particular point. Thl'! host thus forming a single united body, it is impossible either for the brave to advance alone, or for the cowardly to retreat alone. This is the art of handling large masses ofmen [ . . . ] Disciplined and calm, to await the appearance ofdisorder and hubbub amongst the enemy - this is the art ofretaining self-possession. To be near the goal while the enemy is still far from it, to wait at ease while the enemy is toiling and struggling, to be well-fed while the enemy is famished - this is the art of husbanding one's strength. To refrain from intercepting an enemy whose banners are in perfect order, to refrain from attacking an army drawn up in calm and confident array - this is the art of studying circumstances. I t is a military axiom not to advance uphill against the enemy, nor to oppose him when he comes downhill. Do not pursue an enemy who simulates flight. Do not attack soldiers whose temper is keen. Do not swallow a bait offered by the enemy. Do not interfere with an army which is returning home. When you surround an army, leave an outlet free. Do not press a desperate foe too hard. Such is the art ofwarfare.-'

Sun Wu was fond of classifying the factors which were to be reckoned with. Thus in the first chapter he distinguishes five constant factors (ching'l ) in war, morale ( Tao'), climactic and terrestrial conditions (thirn Ii·), the nature of the commander (chiang'), and method and discipline (fa'). In the tenth he describes six types of terrain, in the eleventh nine kinds of tactical situations, and in the thirteenth five varieties of intelligence agents (hsim 1 ) . A similar division is used in the only chapter of any technological interest (ch. 12) on attack by fire (huo kung6); where we learn that incendiary methods may be used against soldiers encamped, or agains t stores, baggage-trains and arsenals, the fifth is '[to hurl] dropping fire , [huo Chlli9] [amongst the enemy] . This certainly means incendiary arrows. But no details are given, and the discussion mainly envisages grass-fires set in dry seasons. In fact most of the extant ancient and mediaeval theoretical books lack technical interest; there are occasional references to chariots,b covered mobile tanks (jill )'iill lO) and rams for attacking city gates and the walls of cities;t and notably the crossbow and its trigger,d but nothing much about the weapons in use and their • Tr. Giln (I i). pp. 55ff. mod. aUCI. Ch. �, Giln ( I i). pp. 9. t5· Ch.3.Gi1a( r l), pp. tSff. • Ch. 5, Giln ( I I). p. 3S. •

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

relative merits. Of the numerous treatises ofa technological nature mentioned in the flail Shu bibliography, only the MQ Tzu survives.a Yet the Sun Tz.u Ping fa ! is recognised, quite correctly, as the basic text of the classical Chinese theory of war. It determined the fundamental principles of Chi­ nese warfare for whole millennia, and no later writer ever succeeded in approach­ ing the level represented by this treatise. One of the Chinese scholars studying the subject is probably right in affirming that up to the prescnt no work in world literature on war can compare with this treatise.b Comparing it with military thought in Ancient Europe, E. A. Razin wrote: . . a Chinese theoretician, in times of antiquity, analysed the most important elements dctermining the conduct of war, demonstrated the contradictions inherent in the nature ofwar, and formulated laws which govern the waging ofwar. European military theoreticians ofantiquity never even considered setting themselves such a task.�

Although a certain convergence can be found in the approach to some specific questions by Sun Tzu and Vegetius ( + 4th century), their works are not really comparable.d It should be noted, however, that in the West, as in China, large numbers of ancient works have been lost, and our opinions can be based only on those texts which have been preserved. Nevertheless, in modern Europe it would be a difficult proposition to find a single military theoretician who could compare with Sun Tzu.c This is what Liddell-Hart had to say on the subject: Among all the military thinkers of the past, only Clausewitz is comparable, and even he is more 'dated' than Sun Tzu, and in part antiquated, although he was writing more than twO thousand years later. Sun Tzu has clearer vision, more profound insight, and an eternal freshness.f

Ever since the Sung period, there have been heated discussions about the authorship and date of origin of the Sun T?u Ping Fa. The most comprehensive commentary on the doubts raised in China is due to Chhi Ssu·Ho (4). These can be reduced to the following questions: In the Tso Chltan, which describes the war with the State ofChhu in detail, and in which Sun Wu is said to have participated (according to the Shih Chi biographical note), there is no mention of such a com· mander or of his strategy. Neither is there any mention of him in the Shih Chi chapters which describe those events. The biographical note itself provides very scant information; in fact, it only describes one colourful incident in his life (bul • YMa {3l. (4l. (�). (7)· Sec pp. �41�48� below for descriptions ofeaTly and mediaevat siege warfare in the light ofclttant !Cltl5. • Chang Chhi.Yim (4 , p.83. < For�word !O SidorenkO ( I ) , p . 6 . 4 For an aCCOUlll of the man)' 'Taclica' i n European titerawre, Vcgetius, thc Emperor Mauritius, Ctc., see Jahns ( ! , \'01. I. pp. 100ff. Cf And�non ( I ), pp. 84, 9-1. With the possible Cltceplion or.-on Clausc:witz (I I ; c[ K(Xh ( I ). I Griffilh I I), p. \ (forewon:l b)' Liddell.Hart) . •

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30. MISSILES A N D S I E G ES

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this has no connection with the subject of the treatise) . Hence the doubts as to whether Sun \Vu actually existed. In many respects, the ambiance of the treatise seems to correspond to the concepts and circumstances of the Warring States, rather than the Springs and Autumns period. Wars waged by massive armies over long periods of lime, during which cities wefe besieged, belonged to the time when such terms as po wang I ('hegemon') for example, Wefe used, and when the con­ cepts of the Legalists were first introduced, as well as the idea of continuous strife between lhe Five Elements. h should also be stressed that treatises which ex­ pounded the author's personal views and opinions came late tOO; to begin with, only the views and statements of other long-deceased figures were recorded in such works. Of course no schools of philosophy, nor specialist treatises, existed in the Springs and Autumns period. I t has also quite frequently been contended that this treatise was written by Sun Pin1 ( - 4th century), allegedly a descendant of Sun Wu. It was to him that the abbreviation Sun Tzu applied in discussions on military matters (Chhi Ssu-Ho (4), p. 1 79)· But since the text which has come down to us was edited by Tshao Tsha03, it was not clear to what extent it had been modified by him. ),1any of these doubts were nOl founded on sufficiently firm ground. For exam­ ple, the military concepts advanced in the treatise might well date from the end of the Springs and Autumns period, particularly since they originated in the South (outside of the ancient States of the Central Plain) where traditions of aristocratic wars were far less deeply rooted. Tsun Hsin4 was quite right in indicating that the fundamental ideas advanced in the treatise, such as fear of prolonged war and sieges of cities, related to earlier times, whereas works from the Warring States period showed a different approach to such questions.' Many remarks on termi­ nology lose their significance if the possibility is admitted that changes were intro­ duced during the subsequelll editing. Supposing it had been intended to attribute a later text artificially to some earlier personality, it may be assumed that in all probability some well-known historical figure would have been selected; the fact that so little is known of the author would rather seem to confirm the authenticity of the text. Chang Chhi-Yun (4) advanced one of the most original hypotheses on the subject, affirming that, at first, Sun Wu was the title ofa work on the art ofwar preserved in the Sun family, and that it only began to be considered a name at a later date. He identified this family ancestor with Wu Tzu_Hsu5.b This conten­ tion, however, is undermined by lhe fact that Sun Wu is actually mentioned in some other ancient works. However, archaeological finds of the seventies settled many earlier doubts, con­ firmed the authenticity of the text known to us, and tended to reaffirm the reliabil• Sec Anon. (lOIO). pp. 131-2.

•

Chang Chhi-YUll (J). pp. 81-2. cr. Vol. 3, pp. 485ft'.

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• • fit

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

ity of the traditional version. I n 1972, a large number of inscribed bamboo slips were found in two graves of the Han Period (dating from between - 136 and - 1 18) situated on a height known as Yin-Chhueh-Shan' (Silver Sparrows Mountain) near the little town of Lin_Il in Shantung Province. The slips in ques­ tion constituted volumes dealing with military matters. Found among them was the almost complete text of the Sun Wu treatise, the Sun Pin trealise which had become lost in antiquity, fragments of texts relating to Sun Wu, describing his conversations with Ho Lu and his activity at Coun, and also cenain hitheno unknown fragments and chapters connected with the Sun Tzu Ping Fa.a In 1978, a number of inscribed wooden slips were found in a grave dating from the end of the Early Han Period, situated near Shang-Sun-Chia-Chai' village in Chhinghai Province. These contained fragments of the Sun Tzu Ping Fa, and also one unknown chapter and documents dealing with military matters.b They con­ firmed that although it was customary at the time to speak of thirteen chapters of the Sun Tzu, other Sun Tzu writings also existed. The two early texts found differ from each other. Though it could not be said with absolute certainty whether Sun Tzu was their author or whether they were written by his pupils, certain informa­ tion from different fragments makes it clear that some at least of those texts must have been written in the State of Wu, not later than the - 5th century. The Shantung text, though relatively comprehensive (it comprises twelve of the thir­ teen chapters of the treatise as we know it), contains many gaps because parts have been lost. As regards volume, it represents only one-third of the known version, but does not differ from it in any fundamental manner, though in all well over a hundred variations have been noted.c On the strength of all these finds, it can be affirmed that some of Sun Tzu's writings were lost. I t is possible that different versions may have existed in anti­ quity; at present several are known.d If Sun Wu's authorship is accepted, and there is no reason why it should not be, then it must be appreciated that not only is the book Sun Tzu Ping Fa a' unique masterpiece of military thinking, but also quite a revolutionary development. In contrast with the Springs and Autumns period ( - 722 to - 480) , when wars were waged by the aristocracy in accordance with the rules and requirements of • �� Anon. (.1'10), as als.oAnon. (lI9), logethcrwith HsuTi (I) and 1.0 Fu.l (3). - Stt Atl()Il. (.1118) and (Z20), together with Chu Kuo-Chao ttl.

, The Kquence order of two chapten h;u been re"ened, in two ca.ses the sequence or chancten in chapter headings h;u been changed, abo $Orne chancu�n have been replaced by othen. Neverlhdw, the text contaiTUI Iosl fngmems \O·hich deal with local affain and $0 were sub$equently omitted, or provides a more comprehetl$i'"e explanation of some concept; morawer a thesis is occasionally expounded in a somewhat differenl manner. Sometimes the old text is more accurale, bUI on some occasions it is shorter. Other fragments found confirm Sun Wu's biography as prescnted by Ssu·ma Chhien, and add further details. See Chhang Hung (I) and Cheng Liang-Shu ttl, pp. 47ff. Some of the material, notably the chapter given the title 'A Visit to King Wu' ( 'Chien Wu Wang') , ' is similar to the biography of Sun Wu thai appears in the Shill Chi (Kuo Hua·Jo {z), pp. 504-5)'

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30. MISSILES A N D S I E G ES

'9

chivalry, Sun W u rejected every restriction imposed by custom and morals, rec· ommending that military operations should be based solely on the principle of maximum gain. Obviously this principle excluded wars waged for reasons of prestige, or because of personal animosities between princes, or for other reasons of that kind. Moreover, as we have already noted, contrary to the ancient traditional magico-rdigious attitude to war, with its consultation of omens and oracles before any decision could be made, and its magical and religious rituals practised to assure success in conflict, Sun Wu admits exclusively the role of rational human actions, contending that the outcome of war depends solely on its appropriate planning and efficient conduct. His treatise expounds the principles of the an of war understood in this way. Reading between the lines of his text one can sense a close affinity with the Taoists and the Legalists, as also looser tics with the Yin­ Yang Chia of the NalUralists and the schools of the Confucians.' By the - 3rd century, the time of Han Fei I (d. -233), both these works had become extremely popular. We know this from a passage in the Han Fti T�u book which goes as follows: Everybody in the State discusses strategy and military affairs; every household has a copy of the Sun T�u Ping Fa and of the Wu T�u Ping Fa yet the army grows constantly weaker and weaker. This is because many people talk about war, but very few are prepared to buckle on armour. Therefore an enlightened ruler makes use ormen's strength but does not heed their words, rewarding accomplishments but prohibiting useless activities. Then the people will be willing to exert themselves to the point of death in the service of their sovereign .b -

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This throws an interesting sidelight on the perennial interest of the mass of the people in military matters, an interest which, as we shall see (pp. 8off. below) persisted for centuries, in spite of all that the civilian bureaucracy did to exalt the civil ethos and to depress the military one. After the Sun T{u Ping Fa came other books of the Chou period, some of which d The most popular version of the Sun T�u t reatise which was included in the Northern Sung W� ChIng CMi differs from several versions baled on the Southern Sung Sun Tu Slrilr-I ClriQ Chu'. I\linor diffe�nces and alterations appear in different editions and publications of the lexi. All the ten editions of the t�;,uise known are reviewed and discussed in detail by Yang Ping-An (I). The earliesl ofthose preserved is the wood-block edilion of the latler work now �produced in fa(Simile with a preface by Kuo Hua-Jo (,) A Tangut trandation of the work printed in the first halfof the + 12th CCntury is p�scr\"ed in Ihe Orienlal lnstittue Library in Leningrad , but il$ firsl page is in the British .\luseum; Grinstead ( I ) . According 10 Keping (I) t he Iranslation was made from an unknown variant of the t�atisc which differed from all others. Indeed, differences exist both in the actual lext and in the commentaries 10 it. It is fairly obvious, the�fore, that this was not the lost Sung text which Giles mentioned, ( I l l. p. xxxi, and which provid ed Ihe foundation for many Chinese \"ersiont. It thould be added that differences belween the various versions are not very g�at ; at a rule they arc connected with the editing, and generally tpeaking, do not alter Ihe meaning of Sun Wu·s statements. The differenca between the ancient varianl$ mentioned above are more important . • On all these secVol. 1, pp. 331f., 2OfIf., 1321f., and 3ff. respectively. - HlllIl-"ri T.;:�, ch . 19 (PIrie" 49), p. 4a; HIUI Fa T�. ChiSlrill, ch 19, pp. t066-7; tf, auct. adjuv. Liao {Il. ,·oJ. 2, p. 'l9O. cr. (2), Watson (8), p. too. ,

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

survive while more have been lost. Among those that have survived is the second highly renowned treatise, the Wu Tzu Ping Fa 1 (Master Wu's An of War), rated second only to Sun Wu's text. Indeed, from antiquity, the classical theory of the an of war was defined in China as Sun Wu Ping Fa2 (Sun's and ""u's Art of War).' The text originates from that extremely colourful figure Wu Chhi', who died in -381. Wu Chhi was a member or the Ts04 family in the State or Wei, whose teachers were Tseng Tzu� and Tzu·Hsia', both pupils orConfucius. He was a ramous military commander in the States or Lu, Wei and Chhu, where he was assassinated after carrying out radical rerorms. b The treatise dates rrom his period in the service or Wei; in all probability, in accordance with custom, it was written by one or his pupils.c His vie�s on many questions differ rrom those advanced by Sun Tzu, for he is much closer to theJu Chia (Confucian School). The twO treatises JUSt mentioned provided the roundation for the Wu Ching Chhi Shu' (Seven Ancient Military Classics), which acquired its final shape during the Sung Period, in Shen Tsung's reign, that is between + 1078 and 1085. This mili· tary septuagint included other works then recognised as basic, such as a trealise by Phang Hsuan,.d But there were other pre-Han books on military malters, includ· ing the Ssu·ma Fa9 (The Marshal's Art of War), though this is nOt as old as Ssu·ma Jang-Chu 1 0 of Chhi ( -61h century) to whom it was traditionally attributed.e Another was the Liu Thao 1 1 (The Six Quivers) supposedly written by Thai-kung Wang l 2 , the great adviser to the founders orthe Chou Dynasty, but in actual fact

• The IWO names were already joined together in antique tellu, e.g. in Lii Shih Chhu ChhiM, ch. '9, 5(CI. 3 (,Kao I'''). p. 24" Among trallslatiom of this text, IWO should be memioned, Griffith ( I ) , pp. '50-68 and Konrad (2) . • His biography il gi\'en by Slu.ma Chhien, Sltilt Chi, ch. 6,5, pp_ 2 1 65-9' In an essay on Wu Tzu, Kuo ·or eumple, he ,uggests that Wu Chhi �'I....Jo . revieW' various items of information about him, (of), pp. 202-30. • was the authorofthe Tso ChMU. See also Ch. Goodrich (2). • Various "iews and opillions have been exprased on the subj«t ofitl authenticity. Kuo �lo-Jo belie\'ed that the prnt:rved tellt is not authentic alld that, ill all probability. it was wrinen in the middle or the Early Han period. He abo admitted the po$Sibility that it might be the altered and e:<panded te:
30.

21

MISSILES A N D SIEGES

it probably dates from the -4th century'- Then there was the Wei Liao Teu 1 (Book of l\'I aster Wei Liao)j this was attributed to Wei Liao, the dignitary of the State of \'\lei in the reign of Hui Wang' ( - 335 to - 3 1 9), though it could also have been written by a man of the same name who served as an army commander before the King of Chhin proclaimed himself Emperor. For centuries this book was believed to date from a late period, but archaeological discoveries have now confirmed its authenticity. b The San Liieh3 (Three Stratagems) though attributed to Huang Shih Kung· of the Chhin ( - 3rd century),C was probably written much later, in the + 5th or +6th century.d Finally the Li Wei Kung Win Tui), is the last work of this Canon; though taking the popular form of a dialogue between the Thang Emperor Thai Tsung and his famous general Li Ching6 ( + 5 7 1 to + 649), and certainly writlen by an expert hand, it is actually of later date.e Indeed it is possible that this text dates from the + loth or + I I th century, and it closed the list of works which soldiers seeking promotion during the Sung period had to study.r •

&ginning wilh Ih� Sung period, this book was usually considered non.aluhencic, dating from tht Han or e\'en from between the +4th and + 6th cencunes. Despite the disco\'try oflOme pans ofit at the Han dynuty sitt at Lin· l , then� I"<:main doubts about the dating oflhe work as a whole. Cf. Hsu Ti (I), pp. 29-30; La Fu·J (J), p. 33: Chang lisin.Chheng (I), \'01. ii, pp. 933-8. Ancienc legends I"<:lating to Thai.kung Wang have been analysed by Sarah Allan (sec Allan & Cohen ( I ), pp. 57-99). InformatiOn about the tCKt, iu authorship, elc. al"<: given in the introduction to a German transhuion ofthe text by Stritz (I). - It "'as also found at Lin·1. Ne\'ertheless. the ancient text differs fairly significantly from that transmilled by tradition and included in the Canon, primarily because it is much thoner, similar to the text included in eMibt SIt� Clnk ra,,' of the Thang. In point offact, "'e arc dealing "'ith three versions orthe treatise, expounding "'hat ar� actually the same theses though explained in different form. Their anal)"is indicates that originally two texu "'rinen by Wei Liao may ha\'e existed, and (in the CMim HIl1I Sh.) Pan Ku attributed one ofthem to the Ping Chia School, the other to Tsa Chia. Sec Chang Hsin·Cheng (I), \"01. ii, pp. 944-$; Hsu Ti (I), p. 30; La Fu· (j), p. 33; Anon. (216, 211), Ho .·a·Chou (I); Chung Pei-Hua (I). New crilical "udies of Ihe \'anous \'ersions of the text. discussions on their subjttt·maner, and basic information on the work, will be found in the Wti Liu T�II �ition pl"<:p
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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Besides all these books, mention must be made of some texes lost i n earlier times and recently found again; these are also important for our knowledge of ancient Chinese military thought. Unquestionably the most important and significant of them is the Sun Pin Ping Fa ) (Sun Pin's Art of War) - a text mentioned earlier. However, although attributed to Sun Pin ( - 4th century), it was probably written only partially by him, while some chapters were due to his pupils. Sun Pin was a descendant of the great Sun Wu,' but whereas his ancestor discussed the theoreti­ cal foundations of the art of war, Sun Pin, on the other hand, enters into various mallers of detail, and approaches specific problems differently. Other texts, too, though of lesser importance, have been found in recent archae­ ological digs. b Indeed, the Chhien Han Shu hihliographt lists no less than 55 hooks on military matters, though sixteen of them are concerned with divination, includ­ ing astrology, geomancy and Five-Element theory. More interesting and signifi­ cant, perhaps, is another group of 1 5 works dealing with military techniques (chi chhiao2) which include seven on archery, with two specifically devoted to the crossbow, and three on shock weapons. Pan Ku adds Ihal these were concerned with the construction of war machines ofal! kinds, and the training of men in their use. In his usual concluding epitome, he qUOtes Confucius and the I Ching to justify such training, and goes on to reveal that in the time of the empress Lil (c. - 185) her family made away with many of the texts which had been collected. Sixty years or so later, therefore, under the emperor Wu, Yang Phus was commissioned 10 assemble them all again and edit them, a work which was finally completed about - 20 by Jen Hung4. During the Three Kingdoms period, Chu-ko Liang5 ( + 1 8 1 to + 234), that colourful figure famous in the State of Shu as a politician and strategist, exercised enormous influence on the Chinese theory of war and conduct of military opera­ tions. He left many original writings on political and military matters,d but his • ActuaUr, Pin is not necessarily a name but rather a cognomen; it means remo"al orlhe kncc prepared by a Shenyang army group; Anon. (oi'Z3). In th� su�u�nt leltt all rt:f�renca arc giv�n 10 Ihc Sikcr-slK'rrows Mountain edition, Allon. (zn); but the Ilumbering of chapten has beell added by the authon. � '-or eltample, mention should be made or thc WtJII, Pi",' (The King'. Soldien), and other tUIl found at Lin.I in 1972; Anon. (Zlj). Finds diKQ\'ercd in the -2nd century tombs at Ma.Wang.Tui in 1972 and 1973, included Ih� book Hs,,,, T{O (Punilhmenll and Vinua), military maps and matcrials on astronomy (which alK> had its uses in the military practice oranciem China), as well as Ihe lAo T{u book, rill Yang Wu Hsin, '0, and some other works dealing wilh military mallcn. Sec Anon. (20J); (n�) pp. )6-7; Hliiao H an (I); Liu Yun-Yu (I); Hulling (16); Riegel ( I , 2). , Ch_ 30, pp. 37bff. • The)" were published repc-at�dly: Ch.k4 UtJII, Clti" is perhaps Ihe best modern collc.:tion. ' !II I!! ' E�

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30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

most popular work was the apocryphal Hsin Shu I (Book of the Hearts and Minds); the present text probably dales from the Yuan period, or possibly even the begin­ ning of the Ming.- The title is linked with his concept that military operations should be based primarily on the mentality, convictions and emotions of the sol­ diers on both sides and of the civilian population. He is commonly credited with having conceived the kung hsin2 strategy of attack on hearts and minds, though both Sun Wu and Wu Chhi had already written at considerable length about it. Chu-ko Liang was famed for his tactical ruses - chi' (stratagems) - and for making use of rin and Yang forces, the Five Elements, geomancy, astrology, and so on.b The epic Yuan novel San Kuo Chih Yen /4 (The Romance oCthe Three Kingdoms), in which he is one of the principal heroes, contributed greatly to his popularity. There was also Than Tao·Chi�, who died in + 436, and who is believed to be the author of San·Shih·Liu Chi6 (The Thirty-Six Stratagems), though this is not certain; the text may be either earlier or later than his time. The title itself has become a kind ofsaying, synonymous with the art ofwar and everyday ruses. This is partly because the text describes thirty-six stratagems or manoeuvres well­ known in history, and partly because the number thirty-six is symbolic. Both the I Ching and the Li Chi say that the figure 6 corresponds with the concentration of rill, with which military affairs were identified.t Consequently, the figure 6 times 6 represents the highest concentration of Yin, hence also of the element wu 7 fighting and the art of war. This text presents in the most concise form an old and important tradition of Chinese military thought, categorising established strata­ gems as individually-named manoeuvres. However this text remained unknown until 1941 - the title-page of a copy found in one provincial library carries the sub-heading Mj Pin Ping Fa8 (Secret Book on the Art of War), which perhaps gives a clue why the text remained unknown for so long.d Since Than Tao-Chi's time, hundreds ofstratagems were devised in China,t though the classical book on that topic was unknown to the reading public and even to many theoreticians. Later centuries were not so prolific in the military writings they produced. A number were written, but on the whole they mostly developed or even just re­ peated concepts first advanced in ancient works; though various questions con­ cerning weapons, fortifications, geomancy and astrology were discussed in greater • Cf. Chang Hsin-Chheng (I), \"01. ii, p_ 953. In later ages Chll-ko Liang's Ilarne was lillked with many imponallt military inventions. evell gunpowder, al we shall see in Vol. 5, pt ,. b Cf. Kuo Hua-Jo (7). • See I Chin,. eh. I, Sttl . 2, wilh Wang Pi's cornments, and Legge (9). Li Clti, eh. , ('Yiieh Ling'), regulations concerning winler; �gge (7), voJ. I , pp. 2g6, 300-2, 306; K�atl T�r, pt 3, section on Inner North, ch. 8; Ir. Rirkelt ( I ), p. 210. Cf. also Hu Cltltitn Cltin" ch_ 78, p. 178. • �Iuch inrormluiOIl kindly gi"en 10 liS by Dr Carl �)'$(hab helped our interprelation orvariOIl$ problems pcos«I by Ihe lexu ,uch as the categ
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24

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O GY

detail. This, however, caused a certain change in the nature of military science and the art of war. Whereas ancient Chinese literature was concerned primarily with reflections on the nature of war and the basic principles governing the use of military force, with a specific philosophical outlook on war, later writings coneen· trated much morc on practical information and advice. Thanks to commentaries on the Sun T<.u Ping Fa which had given various concrete examples of applications of the principles which it expounded, and an approach to the infinite variety of operations by classified systems of chi 1 (stratagems), the ancient philosophy of war was eventually reduced to specific professional knowledge. To an increasing degree, the art of war became a military profession. Many ancient Chinese theoreticians and schools attached great importance to the political and moral factors which were considered decisive in war. Texts of this kind were preserved, while texts concerned with weapons and military equipment were almost completely lost. h seems that during the Warring States period the two trends existed side by side, one giving priority to the moral and psychological factors, the other stressing the role of technical equipment - the writings of the Mohist school and the Sun Pin Ping Fa are examples. In later times the technical equipment of armies began to play an incomparably greater role, but all the same, the old philosophical concepts were preserved as unquestionable truths. The attitude to extra-human factors was revised in a similar way. Following a period of rationalism in the art of war which took place between the -6th and - 2nd centuries, there was a return to superstition and thaumaturgy. Search was made for magical models of marshalling armies which would ensure victory, using for this purpose the symbolism of the Five Elements, as well as the Yin and rang forces. Astrology, geomancy and astro-geomancy were harnessed to serve military purposes. And while originally it had been accepted that victory was won through active offensive operations, later on the diametrically opposite view became domi­ nant, aiming to win battles by defensive means only. Perhaps the spread of Taoism had a hand in this. (2)

THE

M I L ITARY

E N C Y C L O P A EDISTS

Whether by the time of the Thang everything that could be said about strategy had already been said, or whether so many techniques had now accumulated that need was feil for systematisation, the character of the literature changes and ency­ clopaedias replace theoretical works. Among the last of these must be mentioned the Li Wei Kung Ping Fa 2 (Li Wei Kung's Art of War) attributed to Li Ching3 (d. + 649), the great Thang general who defeated Turkic invaders. A more popu­ lar book, however, was another work attributed to him, Li Wei Kung Win Tui4 (Li Wei Kung's Answers to Questions), writlen in the form of a conversation between him and the Thang emperor Thai Tsung. This work may possibly have been

,

,

30. MISSILES A N D SIEGES

written by the end of the Thang, but more probably it dates from the beginning of the Sung period. It was later included (as we have seen) in the Military Canon. However, of all the early works, the one of greatest interest to us now was the Thai Po Yin Ching I (Canon of the White and Gloomy Planet of War [i.e. Venus]),' written in + 759 by a Taoist, Li Chhuan', who was also one of the commentators ofthe Sun T?,u Ping Fa.b It gives us an admirable account ofthe war techniques of the period, particularly valuable because it provides a background for the spate of invcmions which followed in the subsequent dynasty. The book opens with brief observations on morale and planning, giving conditions which might be regarded as requisite for a victorious campaign. The second part (on strategy) is still not far from the theorists, but the third introduces new subjects such as the physiognomy of men and horses, army organisation, and field disci­ pline.c Then follows a survey of the war machines in use for the attack and defence of cities, trebuchet artillery, arcuballistac, mining and fortification, scaling lad­ ders, assault towers, drawbridges, crenellations, incendiary methods, and the like. A section on naval warfare is included, together wilh bridging and various other means of crossing rivers, such as swimming on inflated skins.d The story offortifi­ cation is continued in the fifth part, with lists ofstores, water-clock timings, signal­ ling with beacons, medical services and military colonies (tJwn (him'). � Afterwards comes a lengthy discussion of the various formations of troops, including squaresf and the three-rank system of crossbowmen to which we shall shortly recur. Li Chhiian finally describes the sacrifices which a commander should make to gods and spirits, adds medical and veterinary prescriptions, and ends his book with two long sections giving details of divination procedures. Technicians were now in the ascendant, and among them the star-clerks and weather-clerks were nowise distin­ guished from armourers, mechanicians, leeches and horse-leeches. We are able to look at the situation just about three centuries later because we still have most useful material from this time. There was the very popular Hu Chhitll Ching· (Tiger Seal Manual)' wrillen by Hsti Tung5 ( + 970 to + 1 0 1 I) and • Full titlt: Shbl Chi Chih Ti Thai Po fin Ching' (SttUI Contrivances for tht Ikfeat of Enemies; the Manual of the White Planel) . � We met with him on a previous occasion (Sect. 10). • It also contains (ch. 34) a brief account oftht geography of the frontier regiont. This has been studied by Pulleyblank (5). d Such IC(:tions as theiIC can be found in all the subsequent eompendia, each copying (rom and sometimes enlarging its predttC$SOrs. • These agricultural eolonies played a vcry important part in the gradual expansion of the Chinest into the northern and north.western border lands. One of the fint generals to stule his troops on an aua of land surrounded by nomad grazing grounds, and so to establish a ilClf'lupporting fortified camp which could later be. come a cilY, was Chao Chhung.Kuo' about -60. But Chang.Yeh, Chiu·Chhiian and Tun.Huang had aluady been ilCltled sixty years bcfou, after Huo Chhu·Ping" had turned the Huns OUI of those diltricu. There were many later examples, e.g. Yenan in + 1072. Stt BioI (18), who drew upon Yi/ Hai, eh. t77, among olher sources. r To repel barbarian cavalry, like the squares ofoccidental ninetecnth-century armies. I The 'Tigcr Sui' was I"" insignia or symbol ofauthority granted 10 a commanding �neraJ by his sovereign.

26

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

presented to the Emperor in + 1 005.- But even more to the point is the precious compendium put together by Tseng Kung·Liang1 in + 1040 (preface of + 1°44) , the IVu Ching Tsung rao� (Collection of the Most Important Military Tech­ niques). b For many years this was kept secret, indeed not printed in full till morc than five centuries later, and even now it is available in only one tshung-shu colIee­ tion.� It permits of direct comparisons between the knowledge of the Thang and the early Sung. The work is divided into two separate parts,d each of 20 chapters; the second part may be dismissed if we note that three-quarters of it constitutes a great treasure-house of battle descriptions and stratagems drawn from the dy­ nastic and other histories, while the last quarter deals with divination procedures. The first part is most interesting for us. After general discussions on training and discipline, it deals with the disposition of pikemen (chanflng lui'), and cavalry (.lung chlii4). There is a chapter on com­ munications and signal troops (fing huo�) and another on principles of fortifica­ tion (yingJa 6 ) . Formations (chinfa ' ) are now becoming rather fantastic, following Indian models and resembling various constellations, but from what we know of Chinese common sense, these probably remained mostly on paper. The terms for the various arms scattered over them do not include gunners (huo shaul) so that they probably date from before the middle of the + loth century. In one of these diagrams is the 'recumbent crescent' (J'en .liieP) formation attributed to Li Ching'O, and one can see twO left wing headquarters (Iso Isung kuan" ) and the left wing reserve (lso.lii hau I� ) . The tenth chapter describes equipment for sapping and mining, illustrating the pit-prop frames, pulleys for removing spoil, and so on, also a number of different kinds of mobile scaling ladders and mantlets.c Then, to­ wards the end of chapter I I , after an account of naval warfare, Tseng Kung-Liang

• For detailed information on the author and his work, $IX Franke (14), p. 196. His chapter also contains information on olher works mentioned here, as well as on thO$t which were written between the + I I th and + 19th cellIuries but arc not discuS1Cd by us in this place. In Vol. !I, pt 7 we shall refer not infrcqucntly to the HIJ eM",,, Clii/ll. "'hich giVCl a piclure of Ihe siUlation jusl before Ihe "'idespread UK: ofgunpowder. II also contains some interesting clepsydra material. b Lit. 'What is most importalll in the Mililary Classic$". Tseng Kung_Liang was assisted by Yang Wei-Te" andTing Tu". • The work .....as firsl primed in the Yung.Lo reign-period, between + 1403 and + 1415, bUI no copy of Ihis edition is known. Several copies of the Wan-Li edilion of + 1596, which was based on a .lts of + 1131, are p�.r..ed in Peking libraries. The oldest printed edition nailable now is that of + 1!lIO, which has been issued in facsimile. • CMtItIl cl/i " and HOM chi". At Ihis poinl there arc two illustration, (ch. 10, pp. 1330, b) of metal-barrel cannon (bombard, or culverins) on gun·carriages or primitive typt, but no explanatory lexi is attached to them as in all olhcr cascs. It is quile certain thal thesc muSI have been inK:rted by late editors, probably those ofthe Wan.Li issue. We shall neverthe­ less reproduce Ihe pictures in Vol. :" pi 7, Figs. 77, 79 belo"·. •

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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gives many details of incendiary methods, including the use of expendable animals, and on p. 27b wrote down for posterity the first formula for a gunpowder composition (huQ)'QQ 1 ) known to us in any literature. From this he breaks off into a long account of the different kinds of catapult artillery in chapter 12, returning therearter to gunpowder and its manifold uses in bombs, flamethrowers, and toxic smoke canisters. The following chapter is devoted entirely to bows, crossbows, shock weapons, and armour, and the remainder of the first pan is geographical, dealing with the defence of the frontiers (pitnfong2) and arranged according to places and provinces. In Tseng Kung-Liang's time, nearly a century after the successrul unification of the empire under the Sung, there were no very serious enemies to contend with, for since + 1005 there had been little fighting with the (Chhi-tan) Liao. Far differ­ ent was the situation sixty years later, when (he (Jurchen) Chin were founding their northern State from + I I 1 5 onwards. Before their capture of the Sung em­ peror at Khaifeng in + 1 1 26 and the settlement orthe Sung capital at Hangchow in + 1 1 35, there was violent fighting between the (wo armies, Sung and Chin. From + 1 1 27 to + 1 1 32 the city of Te-An in Hupei (north of modern Hankow) withstood eight separate sieges by several Chin generals commanding consider­ able forces. But within was a notable captain, Thang Tao', and an equally nota­ ble civil magistrate Chhen Kuei4, both of whom lived not only to tell the tale but to write down a treatise on the defence of fortified places which reads like an epic to this day. It is the Shou ChMng Lu$, presented to the throne in + 1 1 70 and + 1 1 93· All the sieges involved a massive use of trebuchet artillery by both sides, but in + 1 1 2 7 the attackers hurled containers ofgunpowder, and later, in + 1 132, the defenders used fire-lances as well, an invention apparently due to Chhen Kuei himselr.Arter this, the other military books of the Sung seem rather tame, for example, the Pai Chiang Chuan6 (Memoirs ofa Hundred Generals) compiled by Chang Vii'. The Mongol period was an age or action rather than of writing, and the next time of flourishing military literature was the Ming.b A great wealth of books on these subjects then appeared, as may be seen from the bibliographies of Lu Ta­ Chieh (/,2) which cover all the dynasties. Some need be but mentioned, such as the Chen Chi8 on training and tactics, written about + 1 546 by Ho Liang-Chhen9; and two works by Chhi Chi-KuanglO ( + 1528 to + 1587) who was the most origi­ nal and best known theoretician of later times. These were the Litn Ping Shih Chi I I (Treatise on Military Training), and Chi Hsiao Hsin Shu t2 (New Treatise on Mili• See;" ,xl(1lJ�. Vol. j, pt 7, pp. 220ff. - But one must always remember the highly important Hu LM"1 ell;", ,, (}'ire-Drake �lanual) by Chiao Yii 10 which. ihough not printed till + '4'2, deals with alll
30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

tary and Naval Efficiency); they were still held in high esteem even as late as the beginning of this century.- The technical element in these is subordinate to the organisational, but Ho included a short section on incendiary and explosive weap­ ons,b and Chhi illustrated thelo-lang-chi' (Portuguese breech-loading cannons),C as well as muskets, mines and rockets. The laager of mobile shields shown in Vol. 5, pt 7, Fig. 159, is also derived from his book. A difficulty about the literature of the late Ming is that a number of books on military subjects, especially those which dealt, like Li Phan's2, with the raising and training of militia,d were afterwards banned by the government of the Chhing.e This applies, for example, to an important work on military pyrotech­ nics, the Ting Than Pi Chiu3 (Knowledge Necessary for Army Commanders) writ­ ten by Wang Ming-Ha04 in the last decade of the + 16th century. Most of its content was however incorporated into the third great compendium of Chinese war science, the Wu Pei Chih � (Treatise on Armament Technology) finished in + 1621 and presented to the throne by its author Mao Yuan_I6 in + 1628. This is the most extensive military encyclopaedia in all Chinese history.f First Mao reprinted the old Tactica from Sun Tzu downwards,' and then a resume of military history arranged according to the dynasties. h Next come chapters de­ voted to discipline, exercises and tactics, including the formations again, where we sec the various arms deployed, archers (chien shou ' ) , artillerists (phao shou'), shock troops armed with sabres (lao shou9) and cavalry units (ma IO). 1 In these chapters the illustrations of arms in connection with training somewhat overlap with the next section, the longest in the work,j on war material of every kind. This ranges

• Biographical information on Chhi Chi-Ku ang is provided by Hsith Chh(ng-J(n & Ning Kho (t). Th�re is now a somt"'hat similar book in G�rman by W�rhahn-�ltes It $Ccm, that Chhi was thc first theorelician to adnICalt the Iraining ofregular soldiers in the myuical ans or"'·M-JAw" . b Ch.�, p. ,ob. , TJHhistcl. ch. S, pp. ' 3bff On thiuubjcct, $Ct more runyin Vol. S pt 7. ' • This was the Clrin TlranK Clri,Ir CIr� Slrilr.E,Ir C,w�" (Twelve Suggestionl for Impregnable Defence), ca. + ,630. Tht first two words oflhe litle recall the phrase {lrln {hhhlK Ilraftl d,lrilr " (adamaruin� walls and scalding. moats, hen(e impregnable, a proverbial phrase) Thtrt wal also Lii Kh un ; wi,h hi, Clri� MinK Sh" (A Book on Saving Lives) on which sec Handlin ( I ) . • Nevertheless, Wt shall have occasion to refer later on in spedal conneclions to a numl:>crofthese books. r It was anal)"sed more than a c�ruury ago, not ,·try correctly, b)" Mayers (6), who found many of the fire-weapons 'more or leu fantastic', and 'obviousl)" no more than crude and impracticable fancies'. But ht did not take thtm seriously enough '0 undel"$tand them, e"en ifhe had possessed adequate chemical and engineering competence as well as the sinological learning of his timt. Long I:>cfort, it had formed the ba,is ofthe disquisitions of,heJcsuiIJ.J. M. Amiot (2) which, though valuable for their lime ( + 1782), contained very poor translations ofthe theorists and showed little understandiJlg ofthe fire-weapons. • 1 8 chs.

( I ).

.

.

•

33 chs.

t �r chs. I 5.) chi.

"

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

e e .­ , I.

n g " ,t­ ts ;e

m

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from Rags· and mobile spear-rack armouriesb to bombards and cannon� a t least equivalent to those ofcontemporary Europe, as well as the types introduced by the Portuguese. One finds rocket-launcher bancriesd and land-mines,e Finally Mao Yuan-l added a long section on divination tcchniques,r and another on geograph­ ical malters which includes not only many maps of the coast but also sailing-chans from the + 15th century naval expeditions,- Of these remarkable documents we have already said something in Section 22d on Geography (in Vol. 3) and then again in connection with Navigation (Sec!. 30rin Vol. 4, P(3). After the establishment ofthe ehhing dynasty further publications based them· selves on Mao's book, such as the Wu Pei Pi Shu 1 (Confidential Treatise on Arma· mem Technology), issued by Shih Yung.Thu2 in the + 1 7th century, but the changes were mostly mistakes.h It is interesting to tabulate the rises and falls in the rate of production of military literature through the different dynasties, and the bibliographies of Lu Ta-Chiehi enable us to do this. Including the works of which only the titles have come down to us, the detailed figures are as follows: Table I . Books on military subjecls, Chou to Chhing

Chou Chhin

H,n

,u '"

". "g­ ook

'h,

did :ing ions ions

San Kuo Chin Nan Pei Chhao Sui & Thang WuTai & Sung Liao,J/Chin & Yuan :Vling Chhing

• Chs.99 and 100. • Ch. 98, p. I ;:.b. , E.g. eh. 172, p. 4b. • Ch. 132, pp. 9b, loa, • Ch. 134,P."b. f 4' ens. I 52cn5. � Cf. Pcltiol (33). I fl, pp. 35-7: c[ abo (I l.

no. of years

no. of books on military subjects

Bog '4

'0

4"

'5

59 I SS

'0'

3'5 37' '53 '76 ,67

9'

60 ,6 '3 77

'07 ,6 ,68 '0'

0

0 of the whole

production

books/year

1 1 .4 3· '

0.10 1 . 33 0.06

M

0.07

' ·5 H

,.8 9.6 1 3·3 '.0

J3.3 12·5

1 .0 7 0.14 0.24 0.29 0.04 0·97 0.38

30.

MILITARY TECHNO LOGY

From this one can pick out the Chhin, the San Kuo and the Ming periods as the mOSt productive, but the intensity of writing does nOt seem always to follow the times of greatest strife and warfare; if it did, one would expect the Northern and Southern Dynasties, and the Sung with the Northern 'barbarian' dynasties, to have made a better showing. No doubt the conditions which have to prevail in order to induce generals, technologists and military theoreticians to set down their thoughts and experiences in writing are quite complicated. But at least it is inter­ esting to have a breakdown of this kind. Clearly, Chinese literature on military matters is vast, though as yet unfortu­ nately very little known abroad. It had importance even in antiquity, for the Chhien Han Shu bibliography lists 55 books entirely concerned with military af­ fairs.- Another group of ' 5 dealt with military techniques (chi chhiao I ) , including 7 on archery, '2 specifically on the crossbow and its use, with 3 on the construction of war machines of all kinds. Pan Ku also tells us that in the time of the Empress Lu (c. - ,85), her family, for some reason or other, made away with many of the texts which had been collected. Then, sixty years or so later, under the Emperor Wu, Yang Phu2 (admiral of river and coastal fleets) was commissioned to assemble them all again and edit them. This work was completed about -30 by Jen Hung', a guards officer of literary interests, but most of these texts were also subsequently losl. Our knowledge of the military theories and philosophies of ancient China is incomplete because it has to be based on texts, many of which were preserved or mentioned by accident only. Moreover, much teaching at that period was trans­ mitted by word of mouth and not committed to a written text. And, of course, during great political upheavals great quantities of works were lost, including many of importance. Besides the texts recognised as 'military' today, there were many others which we normally think of as the classics or the works of ancient philosophers, having particular chapters devoted to quasi-military matters. Some of these played an important role in Chinese military thought, and mention must be made of the Tao TiChing\ the Kuan Teu) book and the Shang Chiin Shu'; these were often counted outright as military works,b while the Hsiin Teu ? book was also occasionally numbered among them. Other texts related to or including sections on military matters are the I ChingB, Shu Ching 9 , Chan Kuo Tshi 1 0, Tso Chuan I I , Lii Shih Chhun Chhiu l2, Ming T;:'U I3, Mo T;:,u. 14 and Kuti Ku. T.{U I�. But none of these could conceivably be called military encyclopaedias. • Ch. 30, pp. 37bff.

b The Thu Shu ChI Chhl�g " for example, includes lhem in the part concuned wilh the an of war (lUll, (hhg litll, chs. 82 to 90). All were di.c:ulSed in earlier volumes, espedally Vol. � , s.v.

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30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

3'

(3) BASIC CONCEPTS O F T H E C L A S S I C A L CHINESE T H E O R Y O F W A R ; G E N E RA L P R I N C I P L E S O F ACTION

In Ihe West general principles of action evolved only in modern limes within a philosophical and psychological framework, with cybernetics also contributing important ideas. In China a comparable theory was developed in antiquity, ere· ated and popularised mainly by the Military Theoreticians (Ping Chia I ). although Ihe TaoislS ( Tao Chia'l), the Diplomats ( Tsung-Hlng Chia'), the Legalists (Fa Chiai), the Naturalists (Yin rang Chia» and the Confucians (Ju Chioe) also gave some attemion to it. The mosl important and influential work in this field was always Sun Tzu's treatise;- some of the principles contained in it have even been rormulated as general rules of action or are closely related [0 such rules. Since his time the general theory of action has constituted an important part of the classical Chinese theory of war; even in antiquity, military treatises were studied by men of private enterprise or by politicians as a guide to their daily activity. The Chinese theoreticians analysed human action in a way similar to praxio­ logists,b but quite different from the sociological perspectives common in the Western world. Whereas in the West action was considered by many sociologists the central component of the social syslem,� the Chinese analysed it in a cosmic perspective, as part of the natural order. They were always looking for rules common to people and natural phenomena. Another important treatise which contributed much to the general theory of action was the Kuei Ku Tzu 7 (Book of the Devil Valley Master) written probably in the -4th century.d This book does not belong to the Ping Chia' school, though it is closely related to military knowledge and contains some sections about it.e In it we find general terms equivalent to 'action' (though [he stress is on 'achieving results', not 'acting' as such). They are: 'to conduct business with good results' or 'to arrange affairs satisfactorily' (chMng shih9), and 'to carry out everything' (chien wan wu 10). Thus the Kuei Ku Tzu expressed the general theory of action in a more elaborate rorm, but the text is very abstract and sometimes difficult to understand, lacking the impressive metaphors so much used by Sun Tzu. Nevertheless, both books contain similar ideas. The Kuti Ku Tzu stresses more the 'natural aspect', the need to adjust to the forces of Yin and Yang, to the changes of the Five Ele­ ments, and to appropriate time. It should be mentioned that these 'naturalistic' • Discussed above, pp. [2-20. b I.t. those: "'ho study tht springs of individual aClion and conduct. • Sorokin ( I ) , pp. 39!)ff.; Parsons & 5hils ( I ) .

• A large part of this book, chapl<':rs of which are believed to be ofp�.Han origin, was translated b)' Kimm Chung-Sc ( t ) into Gennan. fordetailed infonnation about the work and the author see 5a[0 Hitoshi (I); Chh�n Ying.Luch (I, z); Liang Chia·Pin (/); Chao Thieh-Han (I). See also Vol. 2, p. 206. • Thc KlIli K� T{� was sometimes C"tn published among military IreatillCS and was studied al a military text, Ke ChhC:1l Yillg-Lueh (z). According to on(C tradition Sun Pin was Kuei Ku T�u's pupil (Kimm (I), p. log). It may be no�ed that the recently exca"ated lext ofSun Pin is indeed close: to his leaching. ' 1< . • IIU'

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOCY

concepts were also referred t o by later military theorists, though the Ku�i Ku Tzu was much less popular than Sun Tzu, and indeed was reckoned as rather 'immoral' and 'secret'. After they were first expounded, Sun Tzu's principles of action were never substantially changed or rejected. Later thinkers only added a few new concepts and interpretations. Before presenting the main principles, however, we should remember that 'action' for him was mainly competition between two sides in achieving something; profit (Ii I ) , territory, inRuence, a better initial position, and so 011. Sun Tzu's principles are not easily discernible at first reading, but here we present them in a more orderly fashion, with the use of later interpretations and concepts. [ .

2.

3·

The principle of acting according to a plan. Before starting any action the situation should be analysed and an exact plan should be prepared. This must be based on the strength and weakness of both protagonists, their potentials and latent capacities, on expected changes, the intentions of allies and sub· ordinates, etc. Sun Tzu introduced the use of several technical terms for this purpose; 'estimations', 'calculation' (chi2), 'making plans', 'scheming' (mou3) , 'compare', 'evaluate' (chiao4).- Action may be set in motion only if its success can be guaranteed according to one's estimates. A good plan is a basic cle· ment for achieving any success.b The principle of achieving profit. Every action aims aT gaining profit or avoid· ing harm. The way chosen should provide for maximum profiT, with the least possible expense and risk.c According to this principle one should, in the course of competition, demonstrate one's own potential and avoid the aCTual use of weapons or coercion. Fighting always causes losses; moreover, if coer· cion is tOO frequently used, then its awe-inspiring power will disappear and it will hold no Terrors. Therefore demonstrating one's own power is much more effective than using it.d An auxiliary principle is: do not destroy anything or anybody. Iffighting, the aim is to subdue a partner and to preserve everything whole. Only in this way is it possible to achieve 'complete profit' (cMilan Ii'), i.e. seize everything un­ destroyed without losses to oneself.c

• SUq T�u l'i�8 Fa, chs. � and 3. b In some caso Sun Tzu wen( as far as accepling a good plan as a guarantee of success, in o(hers, only as a fac(or increasing (he chane" of sueccSii. Cf. ehs. 1, 3, 4, 6. Confucius also e�prcssed a similar idea, namely (hal aClion, Cipttially war, should � laken only after preparalion ofa plan (Lull ril 7, 10, 2-3; Ir. Legge (2), p. :98). , S"II T�.. Pillx Fa, chs. l,j,6,8. • In S..� T�.. Pi�X Fa (ch. 3) only a general idea is given, bUI i( ....31 e�pre5S((j in more detail in other ancient SOUf("", (".g. liMO n,', ch. I, p. 'a; ch. 2, pp. 6b-7a. Even (he e(ymology oflhe charac(er 'mili(ary· (It·.') was believed 10 � related 10 Ihest; ideas. The meaning is �lIIiaJJy defen);ve, ror (he lances (to 'J arc there precisely IO IlOp (1,\,,.°) hostile incursions illlo one's terri(ory. • S�,. T{M PI/IX Fa, ch. 3. ' It ' it

' II ' j!

' /0 ' It

• 3t.ftJ

30.

M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G ES

33

4. Thc principle of weakening the cncmy. Beforc combat some preparations are

necessary; they should bc aimed at strengthening one's own position and weakening that of the enemy (or opponclll). If done well, it eliminates any resistance, and victory will be easier.5. The principle of burdening the opponelll with a task. A useful principlc for the maximisation of profit is to burden the enemy by provoking him to come to a prc-planned place or to leave a good position, to weaken himself and to create disorder on his own side. One should also play on his mistakes, or even induce them. b Again, the enemy may be weakened or destroyed by somebody else who may be provoked todo it.( A similar effect may be achieved by skilful usc of circumstances, conditions unfavourable to the enemy, e.g. difficult ter­ rain, changing weather, distance, hunger, illness, and the like.d In this way one may limit one's own elTons; so that the opposite side defcats itself or is defeated by oUlside conditions.e The paradoxical conclusion is that victory or defeat is based not on balance of power but on skill; the weak may defeat the strong, and success is based on the doings of the opposite side, not on one's own. r Afterwards the concept of the creation and seizing of opportunity (wo chi 1 ) became a substantial one.' 6. The principle of independent spontancous movement. All individual persons (the enemy, soldiers, allies, officials, and the like) have their own intentions, psychological characteristics and drive, under any given set of circumstances.

• This idea is p�m in S.." T�.. PiNg FII bUI developed fully in liM TIuJ. (np. eh. �, pan 3). As a principle il is gi"en in H�1lI .villi T�II, ch. 15, p. 6b. • Sw� T�" Pilll FIl, ehs. 1,6. , This principle was often used in forrign policy as a fundamenlal one. Chhao Tsho', a famous poJilician and Kholar oflhe Earlier Han period. in teaching the Cro....n Prince said: 'to UK barbarians to attack barbarians ­ this is the Chinese method' (i _" i hNg mllN i Chug K", chihluittgyth.'), Clth.im HIlII Shit, ch. 49, p. �281. This idea "'as also expnssed in OIher words: i iJII i' ( usc barbarians to punish barbarians), TCTC, eh. 41, p. 1515. Sa also Yang Lien.Sheng (15), p. 33: Duman ( I ), pp. 4�-5. A special case ofthis w;u the political urge for 51rategic nanking movements. whieh we discuSlCd in detail in Vol. t, pp. ��3ff. The Europeanscould play at this 100. • SUII T�u Pi"l 1-'''' ch. 6. ror a Ocller undemanding of this concept of putting the burden nf defeat on the enemy or on extern:ll conditions, one may use the parallel ofthe pulley or the leller. The ancient Chinese invented something similar for social relations; they tried to use the SmallCSI posiIiblc force loovcrcome great resistance. For details Oil ancienl Chinese physical knowledge, see Vol. 4, part t, pp. 19-4�. Coilnections belween physics and military theorics ...· cre rather dose in ancient China; bOlh wnc Sludicd by the Mohi"s. • I t should Oc noted, however, that the Chinese understood 'conditions' in a different way from Europeans; 10 them it Wat the lI10st ,ubstantial part ofa causal complex and an active faClor, a mOiling force. It was explained quitc well by the metaphor given in the Chan Kuo Tsh.l where a direct cause is compared ....ith a sharp s....ord or a point�-d arrow, and conditions with a situation; only whcn human strength is applied to a sword. or a bow used with an arrow. are Ihey able to kill or wound somebody (ch. I�, p. 4�8; tr. Crump (I), p. 195) ' Psychological Studies confirm that today the Chinese still tend to undentand a direct cause as unimportant and accidental, "'hcrcas conditions ncccssarily cause a specific effect. !fthey wish 10 caU$( or to prevcnt something, they tend to change the conditions, ralhcr than initiating a direct cause. Sec Gawliko....ski (,�). I SIIN T�" Pi�l FII, chs. 3,6. • The idea ofsdzingopponunity was known to Sun Tzu, but a special term for il was lacking. It appeared in the later teXIS ,,·ith the dcvelopmelll ofths i concept (u II'ti Ku"g II'hI Till, eh. I; 11'. Chi Ch'lll). In some casn /(.11 chI has other meanings, for example, 'managing or ming moving forca' "'hieh n:latn 10 the universe, to the useof 'nalural spirit' and 'hea"enl), pal\ems'.

, 1M /!!

' ..

-

34

30.

MI LITARY TECHNOLOGY

I f one wants to lead them or StOP them, one should use their own potential, 'might' (shih I ),. lO achieve this, not just give orders or prohibit something. Sun Tzu used the metaphor 'round stones rolling down from a high moun­ tain'. One should understand the mental characteristics ofothers (,roundness of slones') and then create the necessary circumstances ('put the Siones on a high slide'); only then will the people do what is needed, usually without realising that they are fulfilling the commander's plan. Sun Tzu compared 'might' with a drawn crossbow and with a mountain stream pushing aside slones. b This general principle was implemented in several forms. One was the selection of the proper person for a given task; a commander should know the mental characteristics of his subordinates and use them in a beneficial way, making capital either of someone's intelligence and the stupidity of the enemy, or using avidity, treachery, bravery, great physical strength, and such factors, to achieve this.c Another skill was to lead others by creating the necessary conditions for them to behave in a desired way. For this purpose Sun Tzu recommended set­ ting people in a real situation which would lead them to behave in a planned fashion, or creating a make-believe situation only to mislead one's opponents or the opposite side. He introduced the term 'form' (hsing 2 ) and recommended 'shaping' one's own side to mislead the enemy.d He advised luring the enemy by profit and frightening him by danger (often only imaginary), always re­ membering that the enemy is doing the same.t Another aspect was the education of the people and of personnel by their rulers or commanders, to create those characteristics needed for future action. Wu Tzu recommended several methods for instilling confidence and trust, and a wish to fight.f Yet another was to cause temporary changes in one's antagonist's mental­ ity. Sun Tzu, for example, recommended raising the enemy's anger to pro• Sec Ames's ( I ) study oflJua; Nan T�u which translates slrilr as 'strategic advantage' and 'polilical purchase', b Sun T�u Ping Fa. eh. ;j, e[ Giles ([ I), pp. 37,.j.!. • Sun T�u Ping Fa. ch. ,5, and comments, Kuo Hua-jo (6), pp. [[ 7-[9. Especially important was the tradition ofusing selected [TOOPS for dangerous or difficult tasks, or for starting an anack, Usually men ready 10 face death "'ere used. having beenprcpan:d psychologically in a specific way (Wu T�N, eh. 1 . pt j; ch. 6; Liu Thao, eh. 6, p. 3, Sun I'in Ping F�, chs. 3, 5). 4 Sun T�u Ping Fa, ch. 6. p_ 22. The concept of 'form' is rather a complicated onto !U the highest 'form' he r«ommended 'form without form' (ltsing W" Itsilll'), a conception very much related 10 Taoism. The concept later came to be much elaborated in the different philosophical sehools; see, forcxample, thc chaptcn in the K"an T�.. translated by Rieken (2) as 'On Condilions and Circumstances' and 'Explanation' of Xi�l Slri (Hsi�g Slrih'), pp. 58-go, and Ames (I), ef. Lau (6), Yales (7). • SIIII T�" PINg fD,ch.6,p.�l, f 11'. T;;. PillA fD. eh. 6, pp. 7t-3. Sec abo biographical information about him in SlrihCh" eh. 6.'); Ir. Griffith (I), pp. 57-9: Ui Slrlt i Chill'" ooill, eh. 25, pt 6; Hall Fn T�., eh. 9, pt 30, �r. Liao (I), vol. [, pp. 300-[. An analysis ofthis biographical data was madc by Kuo :\hrjo (,,) p. 2 14. Sec also Ch. Goodrich (�).

,

' fl

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30.

M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G ES

35

yoke him into unreasonable actions, or creating general obedience by severely punishing leading rebels.b 7. The principle of striking with 'fullness' (shih I ) against 'emptiness' (hsij2). The nature of every fight is to avoid the strong and strike the weak (like water leaving high places and flowing down to the low). In competition one should use one's advantages and strong points to benefit from the enemy's disadvan­ , tages, and attack his weak points, 'hitting an egg with a grindstone .e All this is what constitutes 'form' (hsing ' ) . Estimation of the enemy's true forms as well as one's own is the basis ofall calculations and planning. Afterwards this principle was developed into a general one: fight on the basis of complementarity, i.e. resist one's opponent with the appropriate counterparts or characteristics. For example, one should not oppose the enemy's 'concentration' with one's own 'concentration' or 'dispersion' with , 'dispersion', because 'concentration' and 'dispersion d are counterparts, and should be used against one another.c Strength against strength only makes one weaker and does not guarantee success. r In addition a specific principle was elaborated: at the beginning resonate, only afterwards, oppose; at the beginning be patient and afterwards quickly smash the enemy; first behave according to his wishes and then destroy his plans.' 8. The principle of combining profits and losses. Every advantage is inevitably accompanied by certain disadvantages, strength in one aspect is connected with weakness in another; to achieve any profit one must lose something, for what is profitable in one aspect is unprofitable in another. Success may be achieved only by the art of combining profits and losses, by changing one's weaknesses and losses into advantages, and by changing the opposite side's advantage into weakness and 10SS. h • S.II TZN Pi", Fa. ch. I . p. 12. 5« al$o the account of how he train� palace women as troops. ready to respond to his talents (Sh.k ChI, ch. 65; Ir. Griffith (I), pp. 57-8). An account of this event "'as round in 1972 among other maler;als related 10 Sun Tzu. the teXI5 which were not included in his thinttn-<::hapler lreatise Anon. (:<'10), pp. 106-8). This dacriplionconslituled a kind of leaching material, like other mililary lexts. b These terms were also of high importance in m�ical theory, shik ' as 'plerotic', h$ii' as 'asthenic'. See SeC!. -H in \·01. 6. • Sun T�u Ping fa. eh. 5, p. 19; Giles Ir. ( 1 1), p. 35. • On these concepts see Vol. �, p. 4' and s.v.; the pre·Socralic philosopher1 also had them. Slin Pin Ping Fa, ch. 29. pp. 29-30; Kllti K" T�., ch. 2, pp. !JEj-7; Rand (I), pp. 75-6; this is now not considered 10 be pan of the SII" PI" Pi"t Fa: Wu Chiu·Lung (/) assigns it to section 27 of the 'Trealises on Government and Warfare' (Lu Ckillt LIm Pi"t Ckih Lt.") 'Collccmrat;on and Dispersion' ('Chi Shu" ), slips 012�. 0129. 0'70, o,80 etc. f SIm"t Chn Sh•• ch. 4. p. lob; tr. DuyvendaJr. (3), p. 196; cr. Too TI Clr'lft, chs. 29, 36. I SII" TZII Pi"t f-", eh. I I. p. 41. This principle is usually gi"en in metaphon or in concrete applications. One popular saying may also be quot�: 'at the beginning behave according 10 rituals, afte.....·ards - fight' (lsi(lt Ii h6.. �'), �Iiu Thien·Hua ( I ) , p. go. o Sun T{II Pi"g Fa. ch. 7, p. �4' e

' m

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y g.

10.

The principle of acting according to the nature of things and their changes. One should always act according to the How of events, 'in accordance with the Way of Heaven' (shun thien tao L), in conformity with the conditions of time and space, and with the laws of change (pien2). Nothing is stable, absolute and unchangeable.a There is the constant change of the seasons, of day and night, of rain and wind. Strength is changed inevitably into weakness, order into chaos, bravery and the wish to fight into hope of retreat. One may achieve success if one can calculate and predict these changes, and use them for one's own profit. I t is also especially important to recognise turning·points, and immediately change one's behaviour accordingly. The highest point in the development of an event, or of a particular characteristic, was named a 'pole' (chi3). b Sun Tzu recommended attacking the enemy when his spirit had become weaker, when an order on his side would fail, and when his strength was exhausted.c The principle ofachieving a goal by some indirect way. During a competition one's goal may be achieved much more easily and certainly by an indirect way which the opposition does not expect. \ direct way, which is easier to predict, and does not entail much imagination, has far less chance of success; and may be blocked by one's opponent, causing very heavy losses.d

qw

bod

I. I

ddi

xh

..

Principle g, closely related to Taoism,e was accepted by all the main philosoph· ical schools. t t thus became an integral part of Chinese thought, though there were differences in interpretation. Some philosophers understood it in a rational way, others preferred a quasi-magical viewpoint, searching for astrological knowl­ edge, Five-Element correlations, and so on.r The psychological aspect is very important for the concept of action, because any success would be based mainly on knowledge and skill, on the ability to predict future changes, on one's own potential and on the possibilities of the enemy, on one's ability to manipulate a situation, and so on. Real material op•

The only constant is the universality ofchange. � Ser the analysis of this concept by Rand (t), pp. 8 L , 87. Cr. TdO TI Clring, chI. 23, 24, 29. 36; I Clring, ch. 8, pp. ja-b; Wilhelm (2), LT. BaynC$, p. 340; K�o Yii, eh. 2 t, parl$ 1-7. • S�n T�u Ping Fa, eh. 7, p. 26. Probably the most famoul example of it is a trick used by Tshao Kuei'. He ordered his own forces to remain inactive while the enemy attacked them Ihree timcs. Only afterwards did he allow them to attack the opposition. In thi� way he confronted the growing high spirits of his own forces with the dedining �piriLS of the enemy. See TJO Chuan, Duke Chuang, year L I ; Legge (1 I). p. 86. Cf. also the well·known descrip1ion ofprinciplC'l by Ting the butcher (cf. Vol. 2, pp. 4j-6). • SUI! T�u Pi�G Fa. eh. 7, p. �4' One ofthe mOM famou� examplC$ i, Sun Pin', aLlaek on the Siale ofWei for the JaI\'atiol1 ofthe State ofChao. • Cr. Vol. 2. pp. 331f. f This principle will � ,'ery familiar to readen o{thac: ,·olumes. Sec Vol. 4, pi I . pp. 91f. and Fig. 277, a5 also VoL ;,. pt 4, pp. 2261f. and Fig. Ijtj. When any process reaches il$ maximum intensily it inevitably begins to dedil1e, and its oppo:'litc inevitably takes over. This is true <>fthe Yilt and the Y4IIg. It hal been called the 'First Law oqu-aditionalJ Chinac: Physics (and Chemis1ryl', and could be gener-alilCd tOlaY thaI 'any maximum state of a variable il inherently unstable'. Here is anmher indication 0{ parallelism between Ihe scientific and the military thought ofancient China.

' II!

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..

30.

s:es. the ime lute and ·der nay ,<m .nts, It in �d a had 19th

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and the

MISSILES AND SIEGES

37

erations with one's own forces were secondary. Moreover, there were strong ten­ dencies to rely on the 'nature of things', and on calculated and expected 'natural changes', combined with a tendency to avoid action by force alone, or to rely on sophisticated tools.- These concepts naturally oriented social efforts towards aims other than the improvement ofmilitary technology. (4)

C O MBAT A N D C OMPETITION

As was suggested earlier, there evolved in China a concept of war and fighting quite different from the European one. Westerners tend to 'fight against' some­ body, whereas, since Sun Tzu's time, the Chinese tended to 'fight for' something. In the first case both sides concentrate on the enemy, and accept as their main task defeating or annihilating his opposition; in the second, attention is focussed on achieving a given political or economic purpose. When two sides are fighting agaillst each other the logic of their action is a very simple one; it is two-valued . When they are fighting JOT something it becomes much more complicated, and the logic of the action is multi-valued, since defeating the enemy does not constitute the only aim. Indeed one may have several aims, and the enemy must establish what constitutes the purpose of war. He may be misled if both sides fight with different aims.b Moreover, if they are fighting against eaeh other, and if fighting is based on a 'duelling' approach, the question of honour becomes crucial, as also do the rules of fighting and of prestige. On the other hand, when fightingJor some­ thing, like a 'company fighting for its position in the market', achieving the aim is the -most important factor, knightly behaviour is not applicable, and one may easily sacrifice prestige to gain one's object. One could even accept a transitory success for the enemy if it led in the end to one's principal aim.e In the second case an actual fight is not always necessary; an aim may sometimes be achieved without coercion. Competition may be combined with co-existence, indeed the 'enemy­ partner' may be allowed to exist for a long time. His efforts to satisfy his needs may be accepted up to a point. Ever since the - 5th century, therefore, Chinese military and political thought developed a strong tendency towards limiting the usc or force and war between •

On negalivt altitudes

10 the use of force 5ee: Han Sh,h IVai Chuan, ch. 2, parts 24, 31, pp. 14a, 19a; tr.

Hightower (3), pp. 64, 7 t ; see also Lin Yutang tl), eh. 3, pp. 77-8. On the Taoisl attitude to technology cf. Vol.�, pp. t�2-4' • An interesting comparison of Western and Chinese strategie thought was made by Scott Boorman, and some

of his

concel'u have been used here (Boorman ( t ) , pp. 23-!l, 2 t I). The COnCtpt of a 'duel·like war' deepl)' influenced Western thought. Evtn in a book analysing ancient and 'primitive' wan throughout the world. the author slated that 'the objective of tht war must be the defeat of a people' (Turney.High ( t ) , p. t03), but Ihis opinion needs to be revised in the lighl ofmore recent research, Otterbein ( I ) .

• I n that case 51rategy and laClics differ significantly; thty may even be contradictory. Ultimate sueeess is not connected with tactical questioJl$; one may be defeated in one aspect after many ttmporary successes. As Takagawa Shukaku said 'In "'Ci-chhi, tactics depend on strategy, whereas in chess, itrategy is based on taclics' 'Takaga"'a ( t), p. 70). Thiscomparison Sttnu applicable to some extent also to Western and East Asian sll-ategic thought. In China, however, a tactical victory had $Orne "alue, and many theoreticians clearly separated the achie"ing ofa strategk aim from the winning ofpurely tactical victoria.

30.

MI LITARY TECHNOLOGY

States; it was accepted by many thinkers that war is very dangerous and costiy, and according to them even victories were dangerous. As Sun Tzu said: 'To fight and get victory in all battles is not supreme excellence; supreme excellence consists in subduing the enemy's army without war.'A In the Kuan Tzu book one may find, ror example, the rollowingstatement: 'It is best to have no battles at all; next best is to have only one." Similar ideas were expressed in the Wu Tzu and many other political and historical works which constituted the basis or classical Chinese strategy. Generally, there were three main tendencies. The first, propagated by the Con­ rucians (and to some extent the Legalists),C recommended achieving the supe­ riority or a State by improvements in government, and the creation or internal harmony and well-being. However, while their orientations may be treated as similar, their means differed sharply. Sometimes the creation or a strong army and good military preparations were recommended by Confucians as well as Legalists \0 be sufficient for protecting peace and achieving political success in inter-State affairs.d These ideas may be found in many military treatises such as Wei Liao Tzu, Wu Tzu, SSII-rna Fa, Liu Thao, San Liieh, etc. The second school of thought assumed that 'victory without fighting' may be achieved by skilful diplomacy, by sending agents and envoys to foreign countries, by making the enemy withdraw his plans, or merely by clever calculation, 'defeat by plans' (mou kung ' ) . In the last cases some fighting might be allowed, though victory was achieved in reality by the competition of minds rather than by force. This concept was expressed in the famous saying 'to break an enemy's forces while at the cups and dishes' i.e. at the rilUal feast in the ancestral temple, where strat­ egy was planned (chichhung tsun tsu7).e Such ideas were propagated in Sun Tzu, the Li Wei Kung Win Tui, and by other ancient philosophers from the School of Politicians ( Tsung Hing Chia'). Some ofthese elements also exist of course in all the previously-mentioned military treatises. The third tendency searched for easy victories and subduing enemies by using the Yin- rang theory, the forces of the Five Elements, by magical numerology, astrology and the like; in other words by the implementation of natural forces and magic. These concepts also influenced many theoreticians, as may be seen in Wu Tzu, Liu Thao, and the Sun Pin Ping Fa, but especially in the Thai Po Yin Ching, Yill Fu Ching, Hu Chhien Ching, Wo Chi Ching, Li Wei Kung Ping Fa and other texts. • SUII T�u p,'�G Fa, ch. 3, p.

'S; IT. Giles ( I I ) , mod, KNQII T��, ch. 6 (ch. '7), p. 13b; IT. Rieken (I), p, 730. • II is Irue Ihal some LegaliSI wrilen envisaged Ihe Slale primarily as an engine of war, but none oflhem thought it could do withoUl good lawl conducive 10 Ihe ",'ell.being ofil5 people. � Cr. Shih ChillG, pari 3, book 3, ode 2, Ket. 4; Ir Legge (8), p. 513; Krum T�M, ch. 6 (parI 17); IT. Ricken (I), "01. I , p. 224. Probably Ihc:sc: concepl5 contribuled mueh 10 Ihe developmenl of defensi�·e $ITaleg)' in the Han. Accwding 10 Ihem proper bordeTIand preparalions, and IOIInd defence, should be sufficient for defeating the Northern Barbarians (HfI. Hf1.1ISlut, ch, 119), i.e. Ihe Huns. • Sec: Miu Thien·Hua (f), p. 347; d. Cla" KIIII TJIrJ, ch. 12, p. 447; !r. Crump (I), pp. 701 -2. �

.

30.

Iy, ht

SIS

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39

MISSILES AND SIECES

Of the three, it is the second orientation - the avoidance ofcombat and crushing victories - which seems to be the most important, and which dominated Chinese military thought and political practice. I t stems from a cullural background which generated several specific principles, one of which recommended conquer­ ing or subduing the enemy slowly step by step, i.e. 'eating a whole [leaf] like the silk-worms do' (Isan shih cMing thun 1 ) .a Another basic principle resulting from this attitude to war was that 'the best is to attack minds, the worst is to attack for­ tresses; the best is psychological warfare, the worst is military combat' {Kung hsin wti shang, Kung ,hhing wti hsia; hsin ,han wti shang, ping ,han wti hsia2).b It therefore stressed the psychological aspect of war, the possibility of substituting an image of force for real combat, and manipulating the mind of the enemy, the wishes of his people and the plans of his leaders. In brief, the ancient Chinese well understood that the ultimate aim of war is a change of the enemy's mind, so that he is ready to accept something apparently unprofitable; and they recommended achieving this directly, i f possible, without the use ofweapolls. Such ideas were expounded not only in the military books like Sun Tzu and Wu Tzu, but also in various descrip­ tions of political events and discourses on policy in the Tso Chuall, Shih Chi, Chhim fi(m Shu, fiou fian Shu and other texts. Evcn when war was waged, military theoreticians recommended a limit to coercion and the use of force; and instead they implemented other means such as, for instance, provoking disunity among leaders of the opposition, bribing com­ manders, or even killing them. With the usual stress on psychological aspects, they recommended basing strategy and tactics on the personal characteristics of the opposing commander, or on the 'national psychology' of the enemy. An example of this can be seen in an interesting quotation from the Wu Tzu book. The men ofChhi' are hardy, the State is rich, the sovereign and his officials are arrogant and extravagant, and they treat the people with contempt. The government is lenient, but emoluments are inequitable. Its arrays are oftwo minds, at the front they are strong, but weak at the rear. Therefore although massive [the army] is not firm. The way to fight them is this: divide [their army] into three pans, and attack them from the left and right, threaten them and follow them [all the time]. Then they will be defeated. The people ofChhin' are strong, its territory mountainous, its government strict. Its rewards and punishments are to be trusted. Its people are unyielding, and all determined to fight. I ts battle formations are easy to disperse, and then everybody fights for himself. The way to attack them is as follows: at first offer them some apparent advantage and entice them by your retreat. Their troops will take the bait and will become separated .

• Se� \-liu Thicn-Hua (I), p. 752; Shih Chi, ch. 6, p. �176. Ir. Chavanne, (I), "01. 2. b This idu "'as first TC<:orded in Clriilf Chill', the tOSt military treati$C quOted in the TSQ Chualf (Dukc Hsuan, )'ear 12; IT. Legge (II). pp. 31;{, 319). Th� present form of its exprcmon i$ derived from comments in Ihe Sa1/. K�Q Ch,h (ch. 39, p. 983), the words of Ma Suo in his discussion wilh Chu·ko Liang, and qUOted by him as a popular

�xpr($$ion. An�rwards the 'Tak of Three Kingdoms' (Sail Ku CII/It Yt'II J) much contributed to ils popularity laLe 87. p. ¥), IT. Brcwiu_Taylor, ,·0J. 2, pp. 281-2.

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• lIl m

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

from their commanders; then you may take advantage of the situation and hunt down the dispersed troops. :\10reover, ifyou prepare ambushes, seize any opportunities, so that even their general can be taken in."

Sometimes a psychological factor was introduced in war by yet another way. Through well-thought-out political and psychological preparations, the opposi­ tion could eventually be paralysed and its resistance seriously weakened. For ex­ ample, in Liu ThaQ among the twelve methods oCthe 'civilian attack' ( Win Fa I ) it says: Satisfy the enemy, behave according to his wishes, then he will doubtless become proud and arrogant. Among his officials traitors will appear, and afterwards it will be easy to defeat him. Increase the fascination ofthe ruler of the enemy State with pleasures and merry­ making. By providing morc than he wishes, by presenting to him pearls, beautiful girls, and the like, his State may be sulxlued even without any war. Bribe high officials of the enemy court, cause disunity between central and local a uthori ties, hence provoke internal conflicts and chaos; then the State will inevitably collapse. b

Another classical method since the time of Chu-ko Liang ( + 3rd century), was to practise extreme politeness and benevolence towards the enemy's leaders and sol­ diers in lime of war; to imprison them while fighting but release them soon after, present them with gifts and show them all possible kindness. As a resuit their will to fight would certainly decline and they would eventually be subdued for a long time, without any wish for revenge. One of the most interesting concepts was expounded in the Wu T-t.u book. In this text five categories ofwar are distinguished according to their causes. The first is the righteous war, aiming to suppress violence and quell disorder;( the second the aggressive war, aimed at taking advantage by using greater force; the third is enraged war, caused by the ruler's anger; the fourth is wanton war waged against all the rules of propriety, only for advantage; the fifth is war caused by disorder or famine in one's own country. The strategy for each war should be different, and anyone who wishes to oppose every kind of aggression should prepare suitable plans. In a righteous war norms ofpropriety are important. In an aggressive war a humble position is necessary and readiness to accepl a peace offer. Enraged war may be Slopped by diplomatic speeches. In a wanton war victory may be achieved by trickery. War caused by an internal situation must be waged with proper calculation, and adjustment to the prevailing conditions.d • It'� T..., ch. 2, pan I, pp. ;'3-4; Jr. Griffilh ( I ) , mod. o u� TlrIU. ch. �, pan 3 (14); aboHsii Phci·Ken (I), pp. 93-4; If. Slrii.t� (I). pp ..7-50. < II would be imercsting 10 lTace Ihe similarilics and differenccs belweenlhi, Iypc of hostility and the 'jusl war'

.

ofChristian thwlogy - a concept still nol withoul inAuence today. • 11'. T.._, th. I, pan 4, pp. 50-I; tr. auct., adjuv. Griffith (I). Similar ideas, the dassificalion of wan wilh re«>mmendationsofSiTalcgy, may be round also in other sourccs. Sec, ror c�amplc, I CioN $,1,., ch. �, pp. 3a-4b.

. x u<

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

,yo

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So the Chinese theoreticians crealed many concepts with only one aim; to avoid relying in combat on the use of force,- Different means were often combined together; 'attack on the enemy's intentions' would be combined with various as­ pecls of diplomatic and military activity. One of the famous examples of how a victory could be achieved without relying on actual fighting is the plan for self­ defence prepared in the Yen state in the - 3rd ccnlUry. In the Shih Chi a descrip­ tion of Prince Tan's 1 speech is given: Now the king ofChhin has an avaricious mind and insatiable desires. Until he has conquered all the territories of the world and subjected all the rulers within the Four Seas, he will not be satisfied. At present, he has already captured the king of Han and annexed all his lands. Moreover, he is sending troops to invade Chhu in the south and Chao in the north [ . . . J Chao cannot resist Chhin and will certainly surrender; then disaster will reach Yen. Yen is a small and weak State which has already suffered several military setbacks. I reckon that even with the power of the whole country we cannOt resist Chhin, while the other feudal lords are so afraid ofthem that they will not dare to form an alliance [against ChhinJ. In my humble opinion, ifwe could get one of the bravest men in the world to go to Chhin as an envoy and offer the king ofChhin heavy profits, he, being greedy, will certainly give this man a chance to do what we want. Jfwe could force the king ofChhin to return all the lands he has conquered [ . . . ] all will be well. Ifnol, then kill him. The generals ofChhin are leading armies outside the country, SO thaI ifa disturbance occurs inside, the new king and generals will suspect each other. Taking advantage of this opportunity, we can then form an alliance with the OIher feudal lords, and so we will cenainly defeat Chhin.

For this purpose Yen sent an envoy, Ching Kho', to the king ofChhin presenting him with the head of an important political imigri (Fan Yii-Chhi', who had com­ mitted suicide especially for this purpose), and also made a false offer of one of the richest districts of the country. At the time of the audience the envoy tried to assassinate the king but was nOt successful;b afterwards Yen was taken over by Chhin, and the first empire was formed. Many similar cases, but with positive results, were known to have occurred in China. Since these concepts were commonly accepted, inter-State competition could not be dominated by military groups. Moreover the Chinese military were often not very martial according to Western standards; thc attributes demanded of them have, as we saw earlier, often made army chicfs more like politicians. This was one important reason why it was so easy after a war to change from military to

'

CSlwar'

• h should be noted, however, thai 'force' in ancient Chinese texu was undentood in a quite specific way - as n:adincss for aClion, efficiency. a: Wit T�It, ch. 4, pari 1, pp. 63-4. - Thi5 incident i$ auocialed wilh one or the early menlions or cartography, which is described in some del ail in Vol. 3, pp. j341f., Fig. 211. Prince Tan's speech has �n preserved in SMA CM, ch. 86, pp. loaf!"., I jb, If. J.J. Y. Liu (I), P. 19, mod. auci. For moredeiailed accounu s«: Cheng Lin (I); &dde (t5); Margoulies (3). The Jlory orChing Kho', ass;winalion allemPI was popular taler on in Han lomb art, e.g. al Wu Liang·Tzhu·. cr. W. }"airbank ( I , �); Wu Hung (I), pp. 604- 13, ror a discussion O(Ching Kho.

• Wli fOI

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

civilian government. In Chinese history, then, there were many wars but little militarism.' Keeping in mind that war was not essential in inter-State competition, and that combat and the use offorce were not essential when war did occur, two important concepts may be discerned in the Chinese principles of war. The first is the so­ called 'Sons and Father Army' (Ju tzu chih chun I ) , emphasising that a commander should treat his soldiers like his own sons, eating together with them, standing by them and showing his care as well, of course, as exercising discipline. This was an echo of everyday familial social patterns. Today this tradition is still strong, even in Japan and Hongkong; the patriarchal type of organisation and types of depen­ dent personality are still quite popular.b This principle also created favourable conditions for the evolmion of personal armies, which emerged many times in Chinese history, because it pushed to the fore the idea of the commander as a paternal person.1: The second concept concerned bravery, stimulated by putting an army into the 'place of death' (ssu li2), when the situation was such that soldiers believed there was no chance ofsurvival and were therefore ready to die. This was also related to prevailing attitudes to death; individuals tied very closely to collective communi­ ties were perhaps able [Q accept death more easily. d Perhaps the idea ofreincarna­ tion (introduced by Buddhism), together with the cult of ancestors and heroes, created a conviction that individual death was not an ultimate end. In many cases an individual was obliged to devote his life to his family or chief, on the under­ standing that, under certain circumstances, he might even have to commit sui­ cide.e Whereas in the West expectation of death could lead to a loss of drive, in East Asia the same situation often led to just the opposite, a feeling of fury. This psychological phenomenon, the possibility ora sudden change from complete con­ trol of one's own behaviour to the loss of all mastery over the emotions, was used by military theoreticians. It resulted in two combat patterns. One was the 'relaxed army', fighting without bravery, and ready to escape when the situation became • This senlelKe is Ihe opposile ora Slalemenl made by Turney-High (I). p. 103, Ih al Ihe Amerindian region ...as a conlinenl rire wilh militarism bUI wilh liule war. The weakness ofmili\aristic lradition in Chinese c;,';lisa.. lion cannOI be over_simplified as a mere lack oflhis tendency. It was presenl, bUI nOt well-delleloped. If it had developed, the siress would nOi have been on force and bravery but on trickery and skill, Ilirlues and secret knowledge. cr. IVt; UaQ T�u,ch. 8; Liu Tlwo, ch. 3, parl 6 (23); WU T�N, ch. 4;J.J. Y. Liu ( I ) ; Ruhlmann (I). b Reischauer (5), pp. 230-1, 237-42, 328-g; Li Jih-Yiian &. Yang Kuo-Shu (I), esp. pp. 52-3, I tO-13, 1 16-17, 245-7, 360; cr. Tasker (t). p. Ig. Some seholars supposed a conncclion between dependent types of personality with strong ramily ties and the luppression ofaggressi"e tendencies in e"eryday lire as ...c1I;u politics. Set again liJih.Yuan &. Yang Kuo-Shu, pp. '38-9, 164-5' < The personal character of the anoy ,,'as manifested, for example, in the tradilion offighling under a banner nrr}'ing the family name of the commander. There existed also a strong tendency 10 transfono military se!Vi� illlo a family duty, where the soldiers' familiC'l were tied for generalions with officers' families. On the personal character of the Chinese armies of the twelllieth Century sec Chhi Hsi.Sheng (I), pp. 41 , 61-8; VYlOgorels ( I ) , p . 126. On the + 18th·century army uprising case in Shantung, sec Naquin (I), pp. 65, 14, 1 14. 4 The Legalist writers sometimes talked explicitly about the stringent measures n.-cded to get people to fight wars, ....hich ....ent so much against ....hat people naturally desire, gfety and comfort at home. , " ,.

• _c

". · , Q.y · , •

30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

43

dangerous; and {he other the 'death army', fighting to the bitter end with cnor· mOllS bravery. h seems that training soldiers and officers to fight in a 'reasonable way', with calculation of sacrifices and their consequent advantages, turning an organised and well-balanced resistance into an ordered retreat, was the most diffi­ cuil to arrange ofall the processes of modernisation carried out at the beginning of the twentieth century.Chinese principles of war clearly show that the theoreticians did not relate the final victory to any military potential. The main factor was the commander's skill. However, strategy which was devised for a war should not run counter to the balance of military strength. Although Sun Tzu demanded numerical superiority at the tactical level, Wu Tzu rejected its necessity even in a single battle (his principle was to fight one against a thousand). The idea of how the weak may fight against the strong was a leitmotiv in Chinese military thought and was, it seems, connected with Taoism.b The best concise description of strategies recom­ mended for different balances offorces may be found in the Sun Pin Ping Fa. One of the most famous examples of these principles occurred in a war between the States ofWu and Chhu. In the year - 5 1 2 Wu Tzu-Hsii I proposed provoking Chhu into sending an army, by creating an illusory danger for them in the north, and when the Chhu forces arrived, those ofWu should retreat. An apparent danger should next be created in the south, and again be followed by a retreat. The procedure was repcatcd several times within a year, provoking the State of Chhu to send an army but nOt allowing them to achieve anything, nor permitting any real battle to take place. In the end, after all this had been done, the army of '<\'u was able, without great difficulty, to conquer the capital ofChhu.c

•

,

,f

,

" "

"

Sun Vat·Sen ga\'e a quite imereSiing example ofa politicat suicide. While rttommending the crealion in Ihe Na[ional Revolulionary Anny ofthe 'piril ofself-sacrifice and [he death_wish, he told about [wo Chinese SlU­ denll who, being unable 10 sacrifice their lives to Ihe fatherland because Ihe TCvolution had nOI yel begun, drowned Ihemselves in Ihe sea and so 'gave Iheir lives for the TCvolution' (Sun Chung-Shan (2), p. 8:07). This suicide had no practical meaning or usc; il only showed their devotion 10 a given idea, namely, the TCvolulionary change of Ihe falherland. The Shih Chi comains many Case$ which are varialioru on the same Iheme. One may find [here a descriplion ofthe famous suicide oflhe greal poel Chhii Yiian (ch. 84), and a well-known descriplion of how by hi' eXlreme benevolence, Wu Tzu created in his soldiers the wilh 10 sacrifice Iheir lives for him (ch. 6$; Ir. Griffilh (I), pp. 7t-3). In the Shih Chi one mili[ary trick actually involving suicide is given. During a war between Wu and Yiieh, once the Yiieh soldiers had started an allack, three or their party tame to Ihe Wu lines and with a great shout cut off their heads. While the men of Wu were watching this with astonishment, anOlher part of the Yiieh army launched a surprise auack, defeated Ihe enemy and wounded the king. Sec Shih Chi, ch. ,p, p. t 739; Yang Hsien-Yi & G. Yang ( I) , p. 47. For an analysis ofsome aspects ofaliitudes to death in China, see Granet (6), pp. 203-�0. AnOlher interesting analysis of 'ideological suicides' in China and Japan, involving Buddhist practices. is given by Dcmieville (II), Pl'. 3-7, 407-3�. On Chinese attitudes towards dea[h, 'ICC Watson & Rawski (cds.) ( I ) . • 5« descriptions of combalS and lraining given by: Vogak ( I ) , Rzhcvuskii (I ), Vladimir ( I ) , Rouov (I), Cherepanov (I), BlagodalOV ([), VysogorelS (I). b Cf. T/Ul TlChi,,&,chs. �4,36. • TJ#Chl/all, Duke ChaO,30lh year; tr. Legge (I I), pp. 733-$. cr. commentary 10SI/1I Tlll,eh. 6 (Kuo Hua-Jo 'I), p. 116). This strategy was used later on by the Communist Party leaden during Ihe war agailUlJapan. See �laoTsC-Tung (4), 'On Protracled War'.

, In -r- Ii

44

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

One of the basic ideas of the classical Chinese philosophy was 'to follow the current' (shun ' ) instead of 'opposing it' (ni2); particularly expounded by the Taoists and (he Yin- Yang school, this also influenced military thought in many ways. I t resulted in onc special way of fighting, namely by pitching the weak against the strong. According to the Liu Thao, Thai Kung' recommended provok­ ing the enemy to become yet stronger, and to increase his forces. In this way he would become proud, and then underestimate the opposing army. When he be­ came strong enough, some weak points would certainly arise, and these wefe precisely lhe points at which an attack should be launched. The method was called 'using strength to attack [its own] strength' (kung chhiang i chhiang4 ) . More­ over, Thai Kung recommended creating disharmony within the enemy's court, pilling a ruler's bribed attendants and officials against other officials, and dis­ couraging the fighting spirit ofa people by showing them one's own lack of aggres­ sive intentions, thus 'dispersing his masses by his masses' (sa chung i chung�). Another method he recommended was to fight against the enemy after blocking his mind, and thus his abilities to create clever policies.' Such military concepts were obviously related to Taoism and the other philo­ sophical schools, such as Confucianism, Legalism, Yin-Yang theory, and to the ideas of the 'Diplomats' ( Tsung Hing Chia6). Essentially, though, they were based on the same cultural heritage, and were adjusted to other cultures of East Asia, containing as they did the main principles of war used by many peoples from remotest antiquity." Although the concepts differ basically from those accepted in Europe between the end of the + 1 3 th century and the Second World War, they have much in common with auitudes in the Roman Empire and, paradoxically, with contemporary ideas. Some similarities may be observed also with + 1 6th­ and + 1 7th-century European military concepts, which laid special emphasis on trickery and manoeuvres. It must, of course, be appreciated that in the West war was mainly a conflict between nations, as the Romans, and later von Clausewitz ( I) , appreciated. I n consequence warfare was offensive, whereas i n Imperial China, from the - 3rd century onwards, military activity was a means ofsupponing a permanent inter­ nal order, keeping peace on the borders, and maintaining dependency and ac­ knowledgement of suzerainty of neighbouring peoples. Coupled to this is the fact that the avoidance of brute force seems to have been a very old tradition in East Asia. Certainly Sun Tzu's Warring States concept of offensive warfare leading to a possible destruction of the enemy's country is much nearer to + I gth-century

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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Western concepts, evolved in a multi-national political milieu, and must nOt be ignored; but in the main the Chinese adopted a defensive strategy. This promoted a stable social and military organisation, but it laid stress on propaganda warfare and espionage with the aim of preserving political and economic systems. Of course, Chinese efforts to conserve force were not unique. The ideal Roman general was nOI a figure in the heroic style, leading his troops in reckless charges to victory or death; he would rather advance in a slow and carefully prepared march, building supply roads behind him and fonified camps each night in order to avoid the unpredictable risks of rapid manoeuvre. He preferred [0 let the enemy retreat into fortified positions rather than accept the inevitable losses of open warfare, and would wait to starve out the enemy in a prolonged siege rather than suffer great casualties in taking the fortifications by storm. Overcoming the spirit of a culture still infused with Greek martial ideals, the great generals of Rome we,'c noted for their extremc caution. Was not one called Fabius Cunctator? But the ancient Chinese, it seems, went even further. They also had plenty of past experience of military combats, but their civilisation did nOt generate a mili­ tary-oriented culture and military institutions, like the Greeks and Romans.- All attempts to propagate military values and raise the prestige of soldiers failed, and so it happened that in the course of millennia, they fully accepted non-militaristic concepts of war. The Chinese undcrstood quite early that a great and stable empire could be created rather by political means and economic structures than by military conquest. It seems also that they lacked the wish to make great con­ quests, an attitude that has attracted Western minds since antiquity. Both these factors, the lack of 'military industry' and the conscious avoidance of unduly costly victories, helped to preserve the Chinese State and its culture, and also contributed to their slow growth. The great development of the psychological aspects of war, and the elevated role given to all subjective factors, were certainly related to reality; though in China logistics were usually much weaker than in Rome, with the result that the material aspect of war was less important, and was considered to be less impor­ tant. The strength of China was based not only on a certain degree of technologi­ cal superiority,b but also on her political, cconomic and human potential and on her high civilisation. If China was defeated by foreign peoples, it was obviously due to internal political reasons, by an inability to organise existing potential, and not due to technological backwardness. The classical Chinese theory of war is in one aspect surprisingly 'modern', but in another, with its negligence about weapons, it belongs to the past.

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• Set an inspiring comparison ofChina and Rome by Creel (7., pp. 1-3. i1 should be added that militaristic lrndencics in Ihe West were also slimulated by lhe embanled heritage of Israel proem in Christianity. Sec Baimon (I); Craigie ( , ). - This ....as the Cale, for uampk, ....ith thr en)SllOOw in Han times and gunpo...·der...·eaponl)· in Ihr Wu Tai and . Sung, which ..·ediKu$$ in Vol. $, pt 7.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y (5) O T H E R C O M P O N E N T S O F T H E C L A S S I C A L C H I N E S E T H E O R Y OF WAR

Besides principles ofcombat and general principles ofaction, the classical Chinese theory of war included several other components: a theory of territory, a theory of command, a diagnosis ofmilitary matters, concepts of army management, of intel­ ligence, of the use of water and fire, of military formations and army training. Moreover, since the Han epoch developed the science and pseudo-science ofmili­ tary equipment, the Chinese were also concerned with fortifications, astrology, correspondences of the Yin and rang forces and the Five Elements, magic forma­ tions of troops, and so on. Here a short description of some of them is given. (i) Territory (thul ) The theory of territory constituted one of the most important parts of the classical theory. The proper usc of territory was treated as very significant in achieving victory, and as a separate factor in supporting an army's efforts. Conditions, as mentioned earlier, were treated by the Chinese as an active factor; the configura­ tion of territory created an army's strength, and determined its combat power. Nevertheless, the classical theory of war gives priority to men, not to physical factors. In the Wei Liao Tzu book, for example, there is the following statement: 'The seasons of Heaven are not as beneficial as the profits of the Earth, and the profits of the Earth are not as beneficial as harmony among the People. What the sages appreciated did not range beyond human affairs.'- Yet if people were the most important element in war, the next most important was territory. Since Sun Tzu, territory was analysed in twO aspects: physical and political. With regard to the first aspect, Sun Tzu introduced several territorial classifica­ tions. The most popular one enumerated 'mountains' (shan2), 'rivers' (shui'), 'salt­ marshes' (chhih tsi4) and 'dry and level country' (phing lu5). b Afterwards 'forest' (lin6) was added. For every kind of territory a specific tactic was recommended. In its physical aspect Sun Tzu defined six kinds of territory, 'easy-to-cross' (thung'), 'entangling' (kua'), 'delaying' (chih'), 'narrow passes' (ai 10), 'precipitous heights' (hsien H ) , and 'distanl' (yiian I2),C And as far as its political and psychological as­ pects were concerned, he distinguished nine categories: A place where the army and the soldiers' minds easily disintegrate (san til'), i.e. one's own country, through which the army is passing on its way to some expedition .

I.

• 11'(1 Li�Q T�., ch.�, p. 166, lr. Weigand ch. I , lr. Legge (3), p. 8.J. b S"n T�w '>ing Fa. eh. 9, p. �8. < Sun T�u Ping FII, ch. [0. pp. 33-�.

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30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

47

2. A place where doubts and hesitations arise (chhing til ) , from which individual

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escape is still possible. A place of strategical value, for which every side would like to fight (ching ti2). Open ground, where any side may move across it in any direction (chiao ti'). 5 - A place of intersecting highways, important for international relations (eMu Ii 4 ) . 6. A place of serious situation (chung li�), i.e. territory within the enemy's State, with many unbesieged cities behind the advancing troops, and a place from which retreat would be difficult. 7. Embarrassing terrain (phi Ii '), with mountains, forests, narrow passes, marshes and lakes. 8. Hemmed-in ground (wei ti7); a potential place for ambushes, with few roads leading in and all easy to block. 9. A place ofdeath (ssu tit), from which there is no escape, and where soldiers may expect only to die.a

3. 4.

These categories were interpreted in different ways, even by Chinese commenta· tors. To Westerners, accustomed to classifications based only on physiographic characteristics, it was unusual and difficult to understand, so that it was sometimes even thought of as illogical.b But ifone remembers that territory was treated as creating fighting power and impetus for the army, this classification becomes quite logical. It was, indeed, an interesting attempt to describe territory according to those characteristics which determined human behaviour. The function ofterritory in war was also interpreted in another way. In Sun Tzu there is the following statement, According to the principle of war the first measurement is Distance, the second measuremelll is Volume, the third is N umber, the fourth is Weight, the fifth is Victory. TerritOry creates distances, distances create weight, weight creates victory.c

This passage is probably a quotation rrom a very ancient text, older than Sun Tzu's (reatise. I t was not rully understood and has always disturbed commenta· tors. However, the basic meaning is clear enough; territory determines physical distances and contours, and these determine the necessary strength for an army, because there are potentially strong and weak areas which indicate the number of troops which should be used in particular places. The distribution of troops deter· mines the might that can be mustered at any particular place, and this in turn affects the balance of power; this last ractor is the one which determines victory. This is why terrain or territory constitutes a primary factor in war. • Sn T�� Pi", FIf. tho I " pp. 36-7.

b Su. for u:ample• •ht opinion e�pn:sscd by Gila (I .), pp. '00, I 'of. Konrad undenlood il belltf (Konrad

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

It should be mentioned, that some theoreticians, for example the poet T u Mu l ( + 803 to + 8Y2), understood this passage in a different way. Territory was for him not only contour and distance but also the size of the State, with its popula­ tion and resources. These factors were significant, too, in determining viclOry.· Sometimes of course, territory was interpreted in a semi-magical way with the help of Yill- Yallg concepts, and this became popular after the Warring States period. (ii) Signs given by enemy activities On the basis of natural phenomena and of social and psychological knowledge, Chinese thinkers described a set of indications which gave information about the state of the enemy, his actions and intentions. This knowledge was necessary for a commander as an aid in making proper decisions. Since Sun Tzu's time it consti­ tuted a separate branch of military science in China, and his remarks, early though they may be, are still undoubtedly the best on this aspect. He said, When the enemy is close at hand and remains quiet, he is relying on the natural strength of his position. \"hen he keeps aloofand tries to provoke a battle, he is anxious for the other side to advance. Ifhis place ofencampment is easily accessible, he is offering a bait [ . . . ] The appearance ofa number ofscreens in the midst ofthick grass means that the enemy wants to make us suspicious. The rising of birds is the sign ofan ambush, and startled animals indicate that a sudden attack is coming. \Vhen there is dust rising in a high column, it is the sign ofchariots advancing; when the dust is low, but spread over a wide area, it signifies the approach of infantry; when it goes in different directions, it shows that they are collecting firewood. A fe\v clouds ofdust moving to and fro signify that the army is encamping. Humble words and increasing preparations are signs that the enemy is about to advance. Violent language and driving forward as if to attack are signs that he wilt retreat. ( . . . J a plot. When there is much running about and the soldiers fall into ranks, it means that the critical moment has come. [ . . . J from wam offood. If those who are sent to fetch water begin by drinking themselves, the army is suffering from thirst. Iflhe enemy sees an advantage and makes no effort to secure it, the soldiers are exhausted [ . . . ] Clamour by night signifies anxiety. Disturbances within the army indicate that the commander's authority is weak. If the banners and flags are shifted about, it indicates chaos . If the officers are angry, it means that the men areweary.b

Some of this advice relates to the specific equipment used in antiquity, or to the classical Chinese ways of warfare, but much is still valid. Among the many brilliant statements, true now as ever they were, is:

• .'itt comments to SNn T�. Pi"8 Fa, ch. 4. Kuo Hua·Jo (8), p. 9�. That ideas, ho....ever, ....ere rather far r
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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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Frequent rewards signify the end of resources; many punishments signify a condition of dire distress. To begin by blustering but aftemards taking fright at the enemy's numbers, indicates a supreme lack of intelligence.-

Indirectly, the advice given contains guidance on what should be avoided, and what the enemy expects. It was also used for tricks Ii rtbouTS. For example, Chu-ko Liang introduced a famous stratagem, repeatedly shifting the positions of banners and flags in order to indicate chaos, and so lure the enemy to attack. Arter Han times these rational principles of diagnosis were supplemented by pseudo-scientific indications based on lhe Yin- rang forces and various magical procedures. Ofcourse, the distinction between these two kinds of principle was not an easy task. In both cases, the scientific and pseudo-scientific, the investigation was similar; it consisted, after all, of the observation of symbols indicating some­ thing else, and then their evaluation according to the contemporary state of knowledge.b

;

(iii) The commander (chiang ' ) According to the classical Chinese theory the commander was a key person in achieving military victory and also in preserving internal peace and preventing aggression. The Sun T{u book maintained that the commander is the support oflhe State. Irthe support is firm, the State may be strong; if there are defects in the support, the State must correspondingly be weak.C

The IVu T{u book elevated the role of the commander even more highly .

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The establishment ofthe potential power ofa whole army, ofa host ofa million, is based on olle single man. This is called the factor of the spirit [ . . . 1 The commander's majesty, virtue, human-heartedness (jin'J and courage must be sufficient to lead those under him, to give peace to the multitudes, to awe the enemy, and to throwaway all doubts [of subordinates}. When he issues the orders none dare disobey, and wherever he is, no rebels are rash enough to oppose him. Ifone gets a commander like this, the country will be strong, ifone loses such a man, the country will perish.d

In the Liu ThaQ a similar idea was expressed: 'Peaceful existence or danger for the State are based on the commander alone' (she chi an wei i lsai chiang-chiin').c These concepts probably originated from the old custom of appointing the commander as chief of the border region; the practice was important for defcnce,f but was also • 511>1 T�" Pin, Fa, ch. 9, p. 30; If. Giles (I I ) , p. 95, mod. auct. b cr. Vol. 4, pi I, pp. 135ff. where we discussed th� role ofth� military diviner listening to Ihe sounds oflhe eMi in his humming-lubes and prognosticating from them th� oUlcome ofan approaching bailIe. , 5,,>1 T�" Pi", Fa, ch. 3, pp. 16-17; IT. auCI. Cr. Gila ( I I ) , p. 21. • 11'11 T�M, ch. 4, part I, p. 64; IT. aUCI. adjuv. Griffilh (I). • li" TlI4o, ch. 3, part 4, p. 265; tT. aUCI. f 5«; Ku Chieh-Kang (9), pp. 9-10; Hu Hou-Hsilan (8), "01. I, pp. 3�-7; Chhcn Mcng-Chia (4), p. 325. According 10 the SlIiIt Chi, Wu Ttu himselfw;u a commander ofthil kind.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

50

closely related to the classical theory of war in its emphasis on the human factor and on the use of skill rather than force. Therefore it comes as no surprise that Sun Tzu even proposed fixin g the whole strategy on onc aim, that of killing the opposing commander.The classical theory of war with its stress on morale and personality, on mental unily and social harmony, and on the manipulation of external conditions, treated the commander as the army's moving soul and force. This was expressed quite clearly by ,,,IU Tzu and Sun TZU,b but the best metaphor was given by Sun Pin, who compared the army to arrows and the commander to a bow; the ruler was an archer." Besides the rational ideas that the commander can create a fighting spirit in the army by his appropriate training and management, there were also meta· physical concepts. According to these, the commander was able to create the necessary spirit in the army by a mystical resonance with his own spirit and vir· tues.d Moreover, he could assist this by using and manipulating the Yin-Yang forces and the Five Elements.c This was, of course, esoteric knowledge, and many theoreticians refused to consider it. At all events, and quite independently of any interpretation, it became clear that the commander should possess special spiri· tual power and virtues. These were often discussed by the theoreticians. Besides the combination of military and civil qualities, many other abilities were also demanded ofa candidate for a post as commander. Wu Tzu pointed out five of them: ability to rule people (iii), ability to be always ready for action (pei2), resolution (kUQ3), carefulness (chieh4 ) , economy of words and simplicity in his given orders (yiieh� ) .f According to him a commander should be careful, like someone expecting to meet the enemy just behind an open door; though on the other hand too much care was a great fault. The enumeration of virtues was often combined with an enumeration of a commander's possible faults. One of the best descriptions is given in the Liu Thao : The brave man [Jungti] underestimates danger and easily loses his life. A person fast in action [chi7J lacks stability and may easily lose his hopes. A greedy man [thanl] easily aCCeptS rewards and may be bribed. A human-hearted person [jinP] does not burden others with tasks and may easily become tired. A far-sighted man [chih IG] is often anxious about consequences and may become overstressed. A trustworthy person [hsin 1 1 ] is tOO ready to confide in others and so may be cheated. An honest person [lien 1 2] is not • Su� T�w Pillg F�, ch. [ I , pp. �O-I, Gilts (I I), p. '4S, • SIIII Tell Pi�g rd, ch. .l; WII Tell, ch. 4. • SIIIIPiIl Pill, FII,ch. 10,p. 67· • ThCK concepts were analysed in detail by Rand (t), pp. 58-75. However, he o\"cTt$t;matro their impor­ lance and he did nOI cven mention Ihc Clli$len("c of rational signs. • In the Jill TIt�1I thc five musical pitchts and their correspondencc with the Five Elements and baltle rorma. 1;01\$ a� given (ch. 3 , PlITt I t, pp. '175-6), s« abo Tltai p� rill Clti"t, ch. 8 (Pltint 88). f IL'" T��. ch. 4. PlIrt I, p. 63. ' .Ill!

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indulgent to the people and so may be resented. A wise man (chih I ] often lacks resolution and may be vulnerable. A stubborn man [ko.rlg�] is orten boastful and may be seduced by flattery. A weakling {ju.'J likes to burden others with duties, who deceive him by not carrying them QUI.-

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Thus positive characteristics, when isolated or developed to a high degree became negative ones. All this was an acute analysis of applied psychology_ Sometimes victory was related to the understanding of the Tao by both the ruler and commander. Sun Pin probably gave the best formulation.

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Ifnumerous troops ensure victory, then we should only have 10 make a simple calculation to find the winner. Ifwealth ensures victory, then we would only have to measure grain to know the victor. Ifsharp weapons and strong armour ensure victory, then it would be easy to know the victor fin advance]. But the wealthy are still not safe, and the poor are still in peril; the numerous are still not victorious, and the few are still not defeated. (The factorJ deciding victory, ensuring peace or peril, is the Tao.b

In so far as the Tao Ti Ching recommended emptiness, renunciation, persistence, and never going against the grain of things, Taoist knowledge and sympathies were obviously necessary for any commander. But 'acting according to the Tao' was subject to a variety of interpretations in Chinese history. According to Sun Tzu it was simply recognising reality, and using natural changes and conditions. The Confucian interpretations introduced the moral factors of virtue and the will of Heaven. Later Taoists and Naturalists searched for increased knowledge of the universe. Each option made specific demands on the commander; sometimes he was even expected to possess magical power and knowledge, a view that had not existed in antiquity but which has persisted even down' to modern times.� For example, Edgar Snow sketched such a popular image of general Chu Te4, leader of the Communist forces fighting againstJapan. �o wonder Chinese legends credit him with all sorts of miraculous powers: the ability to see 1 00 Ii on all sides, the power to fly, and the mastery ofTaoist magic, such as creating dust-clouds before an enemy, or stirring a wind against them. Superstitious folk believe he is im'ulnerable, for have not thousands of bullets and shells failed to destroy him?4

In this way a subjective attitude to war achieved its highest point; victory was related to personal esoteric knowledge and magic power. The relationship between the commander and the ruler constituted another topi c constantly considered in the military treatises. Since the time of Sun Tzu the common opinion was that the commander should act independently of the ruler npor:lrma-

:...4" T�#,.rh. 3, p�.p. z62; Slrilz (1),. pp.68-9; Ir. aUC;l. -

S"�Piii7'•. rh. 19, p. 91; Ir. auci. adJuv. Rand (I).

< Cf. Shilr. Chi. ch. 82, p. 2454; Ihe biography of Thien Tan'; Ir. Watson ( [), pp. 3[-2; J.J. Y. Liu (I), pp. [29-30; Naquin ([). pp. 84-.'), '33-4; Anon. (25/) "01. 1 . pp. 241 -4, cf. Anon (252). 4

Soow ( I ) , P. 362.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

and the court; from the moment that he received the order until the end of a military campaign the prince had no power over him. Moreover Sun Tzu pointed out that the principles used in governing the State should not be applied in the army, and the rules for appointing officers should not be confused with the criteria for civil officials.- As commentators pointed out, the principles used in State ad­ ministration are based on human-heartedness (jin 1 ) and on norms of propriety (li2), on justice (i') and confidence (hsin4); whereas the army cannot use norms of propriety and virtue - i t should practise deception (eha5), authority based on punishments (ehhiian6) and always adjust to a changing situation (pim') instead of keeping to stable principles. A commander's independence was often expressed in a very striking manner. For example, the Wei Liao T,("u book said that the commander is not dependent on Heaven above, nor upon the Earth below, nor upon the Men in the middle.b A similar formula was repeated when the commander was officially appointed by the ruler in the ancestral temple; independence from the ruler and the court were especially emphasised.� On the basis of these concepts an idea of the full separation of the army and State was born. As the Ssu-ma Fa put it: in antiquity the State did not interfere in the affairs ofthe army, and the army did not interfere in State affairs. If the army interferes in State affairs, the virtues ofthe people decline. If the State interferes in army affairs, the virtues of the people also dedine.d

It should be added, however, that this defence of the army's right to indepen­ dence was formulated always with its subordinate position in mind; only within its limited instrumental functions was it given freedom. In reality the army was not fully independent of the State bureaucracy, and was never completely separated from it.

• Sun T�u Pin, Fa, (h. 3. p. 16; cf. Giles ( I I ) , p. ��. See in lhis connection whal we say about Fhl, Skin r... l on

i CM biography teHs how I). 8� below. Many famous examples oflhe army's independcn(c were known. The Shh

in a courtjesl, Sun Tzu was once appointed commander of two detachmenls composed of court women. 8ecawe lhe women did nOl obey his commands he order� thaI lhe leader, lhe mOSl loved of the concubines, should be beheaded. The prinee begged for their pardon, bUI Sun T�lI refllsed to obey, 'being lhe (ommander in the field' and independenl oflhe rliler. See: Shih CM, (h. 65, Ir. Griffilh (t), pp'. 57-8. When Choll Ya· Fu' wasappointed a commander, the emperor came 10 Ihe gale of lhe mililary camp. The guard did not allow him 10 emer and 'lOpped him according 10 lhe normal reglilations, permilling him to go in only afler r«d"ing an order from the eommander. The emperor was very satisfied and condemned the commande!""$ of other camps when: everybody rushed OUl lO greet him. 'Stt: Shih Chi, ch. .>7, p. 1074; C(lmmeotl to S�1I T�It, ch. 3, Kuo Hua·Jo (I), p. 7 1 - II''; l..illo T�It, ch_ 8, p. 176; Weigand (I), pr. 8df. • Lill Thao, ch. 3, pan .., p. 166; Li Wli KII", II'''' T�I, ch. 3, p. 146. .see Ob,a Os.amll (t), pp. 70-1, on the Han generals. � SS/t·/IUI F(J, ch. t, pan 1, p. 81. , t:. ' II

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53

MISSILES AND SIEGES

(iv) Secrtt agents (chim) Any army and any combat unit needs military intelligence, and the classical Chi· nese theory of war especially emphasised this aspect because it was closely related to the understanding of war as a competition of plan-making, a duel of minds. As Sun Tzu put it: thus what enables the wise sovereign and the good commander to act and win, to achieve successes beyond the reach ofordinall' men, is foreknowledge.-

According to him and to many other writers, subversive activity constituted a basis for combat and competition, in accordance with the principle 'weaken the enemy before an engagemem'. Sun Tzu even believed that victory over the Hsia dynasty, the establishment of the Shang, and afterwards that of the Chou, were accomplished mainly because the attacking side had one important person at the opposition's court.b Thus all great historical changes had the use of secret agents as one of their basic factors. Of course this concept of the function of spies in making history was limited by Sun Tzu when he recognised also the need for certain virtues such as the enlightenment ofa ruler and the wisdom ofa command­ er. He believed that only highly talented persons could obtain virtuous agents and use their information and assistance in the right way. Nevertheless the concept of the value ofspies remained, because it was related to the general conviction of the classical theory that man is the most important factor in war. Sun Tzu said: Foreknowledge cannot be elicited from spirits [i.e. by divination], it cannot be obtained by analogies ofoccurrences, nor by calculations alone. [i,e. measurement of the numbers of . ofthe enemy's situation can only be obtained from trOOps, distances, etc.]. Kno....ledge other mcn,c

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Sun Tzu specified five kinds of secret agents: ( I ) 'local spies' (hsiang chien I ) , recruited from the population at the time of the campaign; (2) 'inside agents' (nti chitn2), recruited from the officials of the enemy, among them both worthy men and traitors able to disturb internal affairs as well as giving important informa­ tion; (3) 'double agents' (Jan chien' ) , the agents of the enemy used for one's own purposes (these were considered especially valuable); (4) 'doomed agents' (ssu chien") sent to deceive the enemy and expecting death as a result; (5) 'surviving agents' (sheng chien1), sent to the enemy's side with the expectation that they would come back with news.d • � <

S�n T�� I'i�l Ft/, ch. 13, p. 4$ Giles ( I I ) , pp. 1601f.

Ciles ( l l j , PP· I 73-4·

Su T�� Pi"l 1-a, ch. 13. p. 43; Ir. auct. adju\!. Giles ( I I), p. 163. 'Analogies ofoccurrcnces' (Iflit/nIP shill')

�� imcrpnted by Ih" wmmcnlalOrs as occurrences ofth" tam" kind' (In ..blt/nl'). similar to Tung Chung.Shu's' conCept (cf. Vol. �, pp. �81-�). This pari ofthc stlllcnce il lost in the rtto\,crro text. II may be undcrslood also u 'hittorical analosies'. which i$ probably n"an:r to Sun Tzu's original idea. • S"" T(,M Pi", FII, ....h. 13; Gila ( I I ) , pp. 16-tff.

• & fl", , :8HHl

• 1:. roll

30.

j4

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

According to Sun Tzu, agents should be under the direct supervision of the ruler, who can use different combinations of them simultaneously. Great secrecy should be observed; in lhe case of an agent revealing his mission to somebody, both should be liquidated. For spies there should be no economy of money, gifts and emoluments, because it is both cheaper and easier to achieve victory with their help than by the use orthe full force oran army. In other treatises detailed systems for lhe transmission of seeret information and orders were described.(6)

THE

MAIN

CONTROVERSIES WITHIN

CHINESE

MILITARY THOUGHT

Some problems were solved by the theoreticians i n different ways. Though classi· cal theory might be in ravour or one concept, sometimes another opinion was popular among the people and the officials. Even ir rejected by the theoreticians, such a popular opinion might be revived many times, and exert considerable influence on military thought. (i) Man and Nature In Chinese military thought two main tendencies may be observed. The first interpreted the world in a rational and anthropocentric way; victory was consid­ ered as achieved by human skill and effort. The second searched ror means using components orthe natural world which were interpreted in a proto-scientific way; ror example, it was assumed that men are able to win only when they act in harmony with the natural environment, with the conditions prevailing at the time, with the Five Elements, and so on. Particularly important was the idea that each or these may only be dereated by another specific Element, according to the Mutual Conquest order, thus Water conquers Fire, Fire conquers Metal, and Metal conquers Wood. b Because each or the Five Elements had corresponding numbers, planets, colours, parts or space, pitches of sound and hexagrams in the symbolic correlation system, this concept involved a highly complex system of beliefs. Since magical concepts and practices were not separated from scientific ones,c this second tendency cannot be dismissed as entirely pseudo-scientific. And because magical practices were nOt separated from religious observances, military treatises often give detailed descriptions of the proper sacrifices to be made to many gods and spirits. • See, fore�ample, Liu Thao, ch. 3. parIS 7, 8, pp_ �6g-70. It would be interesting to compare all this with what is said about spies and secret agents in Kau\ilya's famous Ar/hai/fs/ra. $te e.g. Shamlastry Ir. (I), pp. 1 ,ff., 22ff., 3¢-7. 41 7ff., 4�7-8. This Indian work was once thought to be of the - lSt century, but Kalyanov ( 1 ) belie"ed il should ralhcr be as.signed to the + 3rd. 5« her<: Sil ( t ) , «Imparing Kaulilya wilh Machia,·cUi. - Sec Vol. 2, pp. �53-68 npttially 256-7; Forkc (4), \'01. 2, pp. 431 -18. , 5«, for c:tamplc, Vol. 2, PI'. 57. 84, ag-gS.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

55

In the classical theory of war the first, rationalistic tendency always dominated. Nevertheless, concepts elevating the role of Nature were also influential, and many military thinkers contributed to this, developing a whole system of martially useful nalUral sciences and proto-sciences. But the classical theory of war devel­ oped, it seems, totally in opposition to those quasi-scientific concepts and religious practices which were judged so important by other writers in early times. Certain­ ly some treatises, like the Sun Tzu and the Wti Liao Tzu,· rejected the mystical approach completely, but others, like Wu Tzu,b accepted divination and symbols related to the correspondences of the Five Elements as particularly useful orga­ nisational patlcrns, and also as means for strengthening the spirit of one's own troops,� still others, like Sun Pin,d combined natural philosophy with the classical theory. Here we give only the main elements of such proto-science, without any detailed description and analysis oftheir interreiations.t (ii) Timt Calculations of the 'proper time' were again composed of rational, scientific con­ siderations (for example, which day will be windy, favourable to the use of fire), and magical (for example, the computation of 'lucky days').f For example, the day of Metal, and the hour of Metal, were generally thought to be favourable times for a defender; any attack against him would be unsuccessfuL' (iii) Tht Htaums Without astrology playing as great a part as it did in European antiquity, there were beliefs in ancient China about the great significance of the heavenly bodies. They gave information about a 'nalUral spirit' (thitn chhi ' ) existing at a given period and in a given space, corresponding to the periods of the dominance oflhe • See SMII T�M, eh, I I, 13, Giln ( I I), pp. 126, 163: lV,i LiiUl hM, ch. I , Weigand (I), pp. 58-9. Set II'. T�Il. ch. I, part I ; ch. 3, pan ,. • One rtmembers Rudyard Kipling's 'Astrologer'llOng', which comai," the linn:

�

What chariots, what horses, againSi U$ $hall bide When the 51ars in their courses to fight on our side? Kirling (2), p. 164, (3), p. 249· See SMIIPill Pi,.,Fa. chs. 8, 30. • Fordelailed infonnation aboul man)' ofthem, sec Vol. 2, pp. 346-44. f E"err ci\"ilisalion has had ideas about this. For example tdiros (I«I'�) in Greek meanl the proper or appointed time, the right time, for action. And one remembers the prophc<:), 'To proclaim the acccptabit year of tht Lord', the passage from the Torah (Isaiah, 61 .�), whichJcsus himsclfread OUt in the s),nagogue (Luke, 4. t9). Pla)'ing upon such conceptions as this could be ver)' heartening for troops, for example, Cromwell's New Modd Army. I Tluli KlIlIg Pi�g Fd, ch. t, part 3. pp. 45-6. Some rttOmmendations related to time are quile falional. For example the Sn·nra Fa contains advice 1101 10 Slart a military campaign in the height ofwinteror summer,;l.I this "'ould be too difficult for the soIdien (ch. I , pan t, p. 7'!'). cr. also Li C�i, eh. I ('Yueh Ling'); KIlQJI T{I<, ch. 3, pan 8; tr. Rickell (I), pp. � 13-19. . ""

30.

M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O LO G Y

Five Elements and their symbols. Sometimes they were treated as envoys of the Heavenly Emperor (hao lhien shang Ii chih shih I ).1 Patterns of the heavenly bodies inspired some of the basic battle formations (cMn2), and constellations inspired camp lay-outs (ying'). The most popular battle formations were called the Four Animals (ssu shout) corresponding to the constellations of the south, north, east and west, and were specified for troops in various situations. The divisions of an army, and the gates ofa military camp, also used banners carrying their respective stars, constellations and symbols. But the most important was the combination of celestial bodies with the five pitches of sound, because each pitch either created a particular human spirit or defeated another according to the theory of the Five Elements.b There was also astro-geomancy, an idea of correspondences between the Heav­ ens and the Earth,� while the heavenly bodies were sometimes also used for fortune-telling. For example, if the moon had a red halo, it predicted a victory for outside forces, but if the disc itself was red then the army which remained in camp, or in a city, might expect victory.d Even the decision about starting a military campaign was sometimes based on the colours of the heavenly bodies and their inter-rclations.e Besides the sun, the moon, planets and stars, comets were consid­ ered particularly important.f But once again, the classical theoreticians rejected all this quasi-knowledge. (iv) Winds a1/d douds These were considered heavenly occurrences.' Colours of clouds were supposed to indicate the dominance of one or other of the Five Elements, so that conclusions about the possibility ofa victory were made.h Winds were also very important. I t was a common opinion that an attack was possible only in the direction of the • Thai Po ri� Chi�g, eh.8,eh_84'p_ '99.

b Liu ThaD, eh. 3. part I I , pp. 275-7; Li W,; KUlig Will Tlli. eh. 2. p. [30; Thai K�ng Ping Fq., pp. 64-S; F inS 11011 11·0 CMi Ching, p. 5. Dt[ailed dtscriplions ofmusic, including its mililary use, are gi\'tn in Shih Chi, ch. 2'10 tf.

ChavanntS ( I ). vol. 3, pI. 2, pp. 230ff. • Cr. Vol 3, p. HS, whtrt Wt discuss Thang dtvdopmems oflheflrryth' sySlcm, whoso: roolS go back 10 tht Warring StalCS �riod. • Thlli 1'0 fin Cking, eh. 3. part 83. Ibid, eh. 8, par� 84r l/uChkrm Ckins.eh.. l4, part [49; JI'.iLi�o T�II.ch. [ , p. 156. lr. Weigand ( I ). • cr. Vol. 3, pp. 462ff. • Thai P� 1"i� Chi�g. eh. 8, parI 88; lIu Chkim CkinS, ch. 1 7, parts 1 6g- 76 Sa in tht first plaet Loe"'e (12). Ho l'ing.Yi i & Ho Kua,,·Piao ( I ) have ftc<:nlly sludied ont oflhe lexu from lhe Tun·Huang MSS (S-33,6) emilla! Ck�n ni� Chhi ShM' (Divination from Clouds and Vapoun). probably wtiuen in lhe urly + 7th century and copied in Iht �arly + lmh. This was an arcane astrological handbook inltnda! for military use, for it contains many pra-aga useful for guiding army eommanden For exampk 'whtn red clouds are ob5erva! on a king·lui" day lhe enemy should not Ix auaeka!'. Cr. also Iht ChintS( article by Ho &: Ho (I), as well as :-'1a Shih·ehhang , .

.

e

.

.

.

' lJl

.

.. ..

, 1 1

• "

•

30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

57

wind; if it changed its direction, troops should at once limit their activIties to defence,' The Eight Winds corresponded to the Eight Directions of space, and all had their own names and characteristics. b Besides clouds and winds, the colour of the sky, rain and thunder were also considered indicators of a given 'spirit' (ehhi I ) possessed by one's own or by the enemy's side. This was regarded as a basic factor for victory," (v) Diuisions ofspace All spaces were divided into 'inside' (nti�) essentially Yang, and 'outside' (wai'), essentially rin, Moreover, space itself was divided into five parts (East, West, South, North and Centre) corresponding to the Five Elements. According to the spatial distribution of troops and the direction of an expected attack, some Chi­ nese theoreticians recommended the use of corresponding colours for dress, flags and banners, numbers, sizes, sacrifices, and the like. For example, the Mohists held the opinion that if an attack on a town was expected from the south, a sacrifice to the Ruler of the South should be made at the southern side or the town, and rurther recommended the use of red Rags and uniforms, of the number 7 for shooting with arrows, as also for the size of ritual implements, and so on.d Many theoreticians also gave similar directives for camping and marching.t The division of space was related to the natural features mentioned above, though sometimes a more elaborate scheme was used, corresponding to the 'nine mansions' (chiu kung4).f

Many theoreticians recommended that it was preferable for troops to keep to

rang places and avoid rin places, with the result that a whole army might be

positioned according to this belief. Some interesting results accrued; on the rear and Ranks of an army it was best to have hills, and at the front water or marshes; the opposite distribution of troops was regarded as 'unlucky'.' A position to the east of a mountain was considered the 'position or death'.h Theoreticians also • Wu T�u, c h · 3 , p · 6 r .

b Sun Pi� Ping Fa, eh. 8; p . 6r; Thai Po fin Ching, eh. 8, parI 88, s�ets r�-3; Thai Ku�g Pi�g Fa, ch. r , pan 3 : Hu Chhitn Ching, eh. '9, parIS ,83, rll9. See also the comparison ofdiff�relH source, in Chang Chhi·Yun (3), vol. I ,

I)' 141 I . Sec alsoJ. S . :\Iajor (4). , Liu 711(10, eh. 3. part 12, pp. 277-9; ThaiPo Yin Clring, eh. 8, parr 88. • :\to T�u, ch. 68. Cf. YaleS (5), pp. 353-5, fragmct1\ 52. • W� T�u, ch. 3, parr 7; Thai Po Yin Clring, ch. 6, part 7 ' ; H� Clrhi(ll Ching, eh. 7, parr 82. f The 'nine mansions' was an aSlrological division oflhc sky; composed with one cenlral mansion and eight others corresponding 10 the Eight Directions and the E.ight Trigranu, and in\'oh'ed in all Ihe othtr magical corrnpondcncn. The 'nine mansions' ....ere . often identified with spirits and used in Ihe mililary p5Cudo-scienen. Sec Chang Chhi-\'un (3). \"0J. I, p. 507; Thai P� rill Glri"l, ch. 9; cr. H� ClUtim Clli"l, ch. I�. parI 13�, pp. 309- '�' for addilional information on space division and its magical uselrC Vol. 4. part I, pp. 26'-9. �93-6. • S�" Pi" Pi"1 Fa. eh. 8, p. 6.; Thai K�"l Pi., F., eh. 3; H� ClrJtim CIt•.,. ch. 8. parI 78. Sec also th� criticism or Ihisconecp. in II''; Li.� T��. eh. r. • Sill Pi" PI"g F•. ch. 8. p. 6 •. He also oollSid�red a higher place as guaranleeing victory O\'er a lo...erol\(. '

.

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

recommended the use o f banners with colours corresponding to the territory - for example, green in a foresl.· The colour of the soil was also important, and could predici victory according to the Five Element theory. Movements against a cur­ rent of water were considered 'unlucky', and water flowing to the north was , supposed to be 'death water' while that flowing to the eaS( was 'living water .b (vi) BattiejormaliQns From antiquity onwards battle formations were regarded as a basis of military arts and knowledge. C According to legend, formations were invented by Huang Ti, the founder of civilisation,d though the invemion of many of them was also ascribed to famous heroes. Some formations were purely practical,£ others made use of magical numbers, hexagram patterns, and the like, 'Circular' (yuan chen I ) and 'square' (jang chen 2 ) formations were mentioned in many ancient sources.f The circular ones corresponded to Yang and Heaven, while the square corresponded to Yin and Earth. The most famous set of battle formations was the Eight Forma­ tions Plan (pa chin thuS) , known in various versions.- The most popular version was ascribed to Chu-ko Liang, and included patterns for Heaven (lhien4 ) , Earth (thu�), Wind (jing6) and Clouds (yun 7 ) , in addition to those for the Four Animals mentioned above.h (Cf. Table 2 and Fig. 2.) These formations were believed to correspond to the Eight Trigrams, thus also to embody the Tao, and many sophis­ ticated elaborations of the possible relations between them were devised. Forma­ tions and combinations offormations were divided into types to be used in various circumstances, for instance, the 'direct fighting' (ching') appropriate for entering into combat, and 'surprise manoeuvring' (chhi9) by which final victory could be achieved. Strict sequences were laid down, designating which formation could follow which, and also which could be used to overcome that adopted by the •

H. CMi,. Ch'�I, ch. 7, pan 6cJ. The author also advised a commander 10 use colours of hit banners corre-

sponding to the colours of the army'sclotha and to the intended activity (red for attack with fire). etc.

� Sun Pin Pin, F«, ch. 8,p.6 • . • cr. Lu� ri, ch. 15, pan . ; Ir. Legge ( �), p . 158. � Thai Po rin Chinl, ch. 6, p. '37; Li It'll' Kunl Wh Tui, ch. 1, p.

106)

• Cf, Vol. 5, part 7. f S." I'i� Pilll "-a, ch. 16, pp. 83-8; W� T(u, ch. 3, part 5. p. 60; Kuti Ku T(u, ch, 3, p. 176, I Sec, for example, Thai Po rin Chinl, ch. 6, part 72 (Ping HSiith Ta Hsi edition) and Jl'M HOM Hsin Miao '· (Chunl KIlO T(� HSiith Ming Chu Chi Chhlnl tililion, "01. 72). Pa Chin Tu Ho Pit/! ShMO, p. 6b and pa�im. Cr. W�ng \,ijan·Chhi's" commentary to Khun IIsiith Chi Will, ch. '3, pp. '3a-b. Among sc"eral kinds of the Eight Formations gh'en by Hsi u Hsiith KIJ� CAu (ch. 9, p. 356) there is one composed of the Five ElementS, Heaven, Earth and �lan. II should be mentioned thai t�h was also used in Ihe meaning of 'division'. In Sun Pi n PiJll Fa the righl (h", are used in this meaning only, as a division ofan army into right partS, or as a given amangemenl of an army, and nOI as baule formations (Itt SUI! Pi" PUtt FIJ, ch. 7), The term Pa CItht" therefore has scveral

. meanmgs. • 5«:

S4!n KMO Chlh, ch. 35, p. 927; Li Wti KM�I II'h r.i, eh. I , p. 105; eh. 2, pp. 1�'-2. Chu·ko Liang was

sometima also named

11'" Ho,,"; texts or formations a.scribcd to him usc this name.

' 1i � ' lE

, A � fIl . '"

'± " j); ;r(; lfr'

. ,.. " A Jf

;9

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Table 2. The Eight Formations (according to Thai Po Yin Ching) Name '"

IE

Chhien

Cheng

Earth

Khun

Wind

Sun

Clouds

Ii.

I

'"

Direct! Ylanoeuvrc

Heaven l1!!

I r

Trigram

lRlII!

Yin{Yang '"

Direction

, , .S o ;-

North-West

Cheng

Yin

South·West

Cheng

Yin

South-East

Khan

Cheng

Yin

•

'"

North

White

East

1: upper j( Black r below m- Red

West

J:. Ji' r ".

South

Jo upper :>t Black T below r3 White

North-East

1:: upper 'Ii Yellow r below iji' Red

hi' 8e

#:

Flying Dragon

Chen

lUi Winged Tiger

Tui

A I!!

iii

,­ " g .e d

Soaring Bird

*til

Curling Snake

:>t

Yin

IE ,E

IE

Chhi

� ,

'"

�

N!

Yang

,

j

Colour

Q

Li

a

Ken

'"

Ghhi

'"

Chhi

'"

Chhi

N!

Yang

N!

Yang

N!

Yang

Black I\'

Yellow '*'

R,d r3

upper Vellow below Green

Remark; In some platH thl" Snake is gi"(n as equi"aknt 10 the trigram Khan, and the Clouds as corresponding 10 the trigram Ken rnp«li"d�', which "'II probably a mistake.

."

cr.

,h. '", F.

'"' !Tal

enemy. The formations were thought of as distinguished from one another in terms of configuration, colour and number! (One particularly popular numer­ ological idea was to begin with five and end with eightb) . The patterns were often supposed to be invested with magical powers and liable to magical control.c Yet • Stt Tluli Po 17" CIt;"A, ch. 6, pan 7 1 , p. 160; HM CltAu" CAi"A, ch. 8, pans 82, 83; Li Wti KrUlg II'h Tit;, ch, 1, pp. 98-101. Th( sam( balie symbols and magical meanings were also used for camping arrangements. Stt also n"A 110/1 Ww CAi CAmg, WN I{O/l Pa CM" Pi"g Fo ' (Wu Hall', Plan ofIhe Eighl formalions) , IVN Ho" Hsi" Mioo ("",, l'lo,,'s M}'ileriOl1S Ideas). b Seefor exampteLi W.; Kling W", Tui, ch. I, p. 106. • See TAni Po r;" Chi"A, ch. 3, pan 28; ch. 6, pan 1 7 1 , p. 161; Hu CMi." CAi"" ch. 8, part 78, p. 178. See also ralcl1lalions rdaled to the River Chart and Lo \\'riling, Rieken (I), pp. 183-8.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

60

o

Fig. 2. An uampl� oramogromancy from (he H" CAAi", CJii�t (WangYun·\\'u ed., Shanghai 1936).

there is no doubt that straightforwardly rational arrangements and formations, such as the 'Ten Formations' of the Yin-Chhiieh-Shan military texts, were also known.Besides the pseudo-scientific ideas just mentioned, there were olher components and practices related directly to magic and religion. For example, beliefs con­ cerning omens, fonune-telling, sacrifices to spirits, amulets, magical training of lhe body, and the magical power of weapons (especially swords) were popular.b Indeed, they were still strong at the beginning of the twentieth century,e though ever since Sun Tzu's time they were condemned and rejected by many profcssionais.d • Sun Pin Ping FlI, ch. 16.

b Descrip!iOll5ofmany of!hem ar<: given in Hu CllAim elling, chs. ! 7-'10. However i! should be noted that !her<: was no strict borderline betwe�n Ih� religious and the magical (generally using the nn-YlIn" the Five Element (orre5pondcl1ce5 and the Eight Trigrams) on the one hand, and the natural.philosophical concepu of adjusting to the Tao on the other. Many omens concerning comeu, clouds, winds, the behaviour of birds, snak�, thunder and 50 on. "'en: pcr<::e;'·o:d purely as l)'mptOITU of a given natural 'spirit' (lllAi'). For some descriptions of the myths and beliefs concerning swords 'ICC L.ancioui (!I); P�ng Hao (I);J.J. Y. Liu (I). pp, 70, 85-7, 1'19-34. • :\lany of Ihem Rourished al !he lime of the I Ho Thuan (Boxer) uprising 1900; Anon. ('1.lI), "01. I , pp. 90, 3.l3-4: \'01. 4, p. 438. Cr. Naquin (I). pp. tOO-I, 1 t6-1 7, 134; Couling (I ). pp. .l9ft'.: also Purcell (4). Tan ( I ) . Esherick ( I ) alld O'Connor ( I). • Sa Vol. '1. pp. 36S-9:i; cf. Anon. (IS'). vol. t, p. 48.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

, � n ,,� , t '* 'u t }j " · �" H

nw\

1\

i l

'*

it

..l

) + It ' +l

(I

1� !

Figs. 3-6. Cllhing dynasty banl� formations as portuyed in tile Thing Phai Clrhl Tlru, a hand-painted album held in the Lenin Library, lI,loscow_

(vii) Virtues and spiritualfactors versus natural obstacles and other objectivt, mattrialftaturts

Differences of opinion concerning the realistic importance of men, and of the role played by moral or psychological factors on the one hand, and by Nature on the other - or more generally, by the spiritual and the material factors in a campaign, constituted the basis of other controversies. Was the outcome of a war decided by

62

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig�. 7-8. Battle rormations l1$td by the Thaipings.

the virtues of the ruler or the proper management or natural conditions of the State's tcrrilOry, by psychological conviction or deception and physical power, by a heroic spirit or numerical superioriry, even by men or weapons? These questions were discussed throughout two millennia. Many theoreticians tried to find a solu­ tion by compromise, others tended to one option. Whereas Confucians advocated moral, spiritual and human faclors, others adduced material maHers, brute strength or trickery. The Ssu-ma Fa and Wu T�u represent the first tendency, Sun T{u the second.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

I

�rill .

""

Ito...o...... "".......0 .. 1... '"' 'f>�� ........ ,",,'"

•

J.

he

by .os

lu·

.ed JIe

;'un

cp':ll�""'"

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 00 0

O O O O O O O O O O f.,o O O O O O O o o

OOO

0000 000

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 00000 0 0 0 0 000 000

-- - - (, • '.'. . -

"

-

-

�

....c.t> l...."'"

�- -..o....v., . . ,----

sr.,)o.lw.,<..!l. �- "-"';l ""'\ �'Wt'.. -

""':'"

_ . - - - - --­

t'iS'. 9- t t. Chhing dynasty battle formations as portrayed by the Russian diplomat D. V . Putyata.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

The controversy was presented best in the famous discussion between Wu Chhi I and the Prince Wu2, the ruler of Wei state. When the prince expressed his opinion that the river and mountains created magnificent defences for his State, Wu Chhi replied 'We must rely on our virtue, nOt on a strategic position.' Afterwards he presented many historical and legendary examples of how, without a virtuous government, different States were destroyed, despite their possessing favourable territorial conditions.- Mencius was of the same opinion. That a State is strong is due not 10 natural obstacles like mountains and rivers; the world is overawed not by sharpness orarms. He who possesses the Tao has many supporters, he who has lost the Tao has rew. b

The Ssu-ma Fa presents in detail the concept of war based on benevolence and justice. According to this treatise, combats may be prolonged by the use of force, but final victory is the resuh of spirit and of virtue, above all courage and bravery based on an understanding of one's own rightness.� The author allowed the use of deception, tricks, and military science, but emphasised that they all should be subordinate to virtue; only virtues would be decisive. According to Mencius, peo­ ple from a virtuous country using only wooden sticks may defeat soldiers with the best swords and armour,d and may reduce the greatest strongholds.e I n this way one important concept of Chinese political and military thought was born: an idea of the 'Righteous Army' (i ping'). Such an army was created for restoring justice, therefore it behaved admirably to the people; embodying the virtues it must therefore be victorious.r This became one of the most powerful beliefs in Chinese history.' Some philosophers went so far as to reject the use of deception by a 'Righteous Army',h but others maintained a moderate standpoint; if the purpose was right, then violence and trickery might be used.; There was, of course, always a basic controversy between the professional mili-

•

I

•

1

•

<

•

T .. T .. I

..

•

T

n or

... If

U<

• Shih Clti. (h. 65, pp. 2166�7. Cf. Griffith (I). Stt also liM Tlt44. ch. t, part 7, pp. 240�1 .

, .lIb,S T�,,; tr. aU(I. adjuv. Legge (3). p . 85, (2), ii, I, para. 4. • S!u-ma "-a, ch. 3 (parq), pp. 9'. 94; cf. alsoch. t (part 2). p. 79; ch. 2 (part 3), pp. 87,8g.

Mt1!g T�,,; Ir. u,gg" (3), p. t I . MlwS T�u; tr. Legge (3), p. 8S. This laSI Slal"ment is based 011 Ih" belief Ihat 'COIlWrd among men is more im/>?�I� nl than the prOfit orlht Earth' . . . . . . I Ins wn"ept IS "xplalll"d III d"1311 1ll Lii Sh,h Chhun CkkIU, (h. 7; H!fin . r�u, ch. 1.5; Ir. Dubs (8), pp. t.57-70. Cf. Chhltn Han Shu, (h. 74. The nam" seems nOt to be aecid"ntal, because while 'human-heartedlless' (jin') cor�_ spond«l to ranS, righteouslI"ss (i") "orrt'"Spo"d«l 10 }'in. Therefore righteousness was a virtu" b3.5ic 10 all army. I It seems Ihal it was an important factor in t'"Stablishing lIew dynastiC$, for it paralysed resistance against a n"", ruler who was �tTei"ed as 'virtuous' and 'legal', JXl6$(Uillg Ih" ':-'Iandate of Hea""n'. [I was due to this faclor that the Kuominlang ulliled China �lati\"ely easily in t9�9, and in a similar way the Chinese Communist Pan)' achie\"«! liberatiOIl ill t949. In bQlh ClIscslocal chi"fssubordinated Ih"mselve5 to the new gO\'emment, and the old regime ...·as "roded befo,.., th" military victory of the opposition. On the use oflhis principle by Thang Thai Tsung. sec Bingham ( I ), p. g6. � C( f{!M� T.{M. (h. 1.5; IT. Dubs (8), p. t .59. 1 5«, for example. KIUJ" T�",ch. 9, p.8a, If. Rickett (t); r"" Tltilll Uft. ch. 8, p. 4a, If. Gale (I); Sw-ma Fa, ch. I, pp. 7.5�6; howcvu, in a diffe,..,nt degTtt, this opinion was acttpted by many mililary Ir"aliscs, 11''; Lial> T�M, liM TAoQ, Sa.. Liitll, Su" Pi� PI"S "-a. d

I

' ft �

' I::.

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n

•

30.

6j

MISSILES AND SIEGES

tary theoreticians and the Confucians. This has been expressed excellently by Hslin Tzu 1 , in his account of a debate before Prince Hsiao Chheng2 of Chao! about - 250.

The prince said 'I should like to ask what are the most important points of military art.' The Hon. Lin Wu' replied 'To observe the seasons of heaven above and to take advantage of the canh below. Observe the movements orlhe enemy. Depart after the enemy and yel reach the goal before him. These are the important points in managing an army.' :\!laster Hsun Chhing$ said 'No, I can't agree. From what I have heard orthe ancient Tao, in managing an army combat, everything depends on uniting the people. [ . . . ] If the officers and people had not been attached to each other and in accord with their prince, Thang6 and Wu [Wang]' could not have conquered. Hence the men who can gain the support ofthe people are the best men {Q wage war [ . . . ]' The Hon. Lin \·Vu replied, 'No, I disagree. Whal is valuable in war is strength and advantage; when one moves one does it suddenly, and uses deceitful stratagems. He who knows best how to manage an army is sudden in his movements, his plans are very deep [aid, and no one knows whence he may attack. Whcn Sun [TZUJ8 and Wu [TzuJ9 led armies, they had no enemics in the whole world; why should it be necessary to wait for the support of the peoplC?"

I

f

The unity of the soldiers mentioned here was of course based on the virtues of the ruler and the government. According to this Confucian concept , im provem ents of administration, introducing proper agrarian organisation and cultivating virtue among the people would guarantee military victory. Other military theoreticians, however, advocated the necessity of good weapons, equipmen t and fortifications.b This was expressed quite clearly by Mo Tzu:

.,

lethe storehouses have no reserves ofweapoIls, even though you may be righteous, yet you cannot punish the unrighteous!

.-

Nevertheless t he Confucian tradition has been strong for two millennia, and even some political leaders of modern China have s upported these concepts and under­ estimated the role of weapons.d Another importan t dis pu te concerns a similar problem: what is the most impor­ tant means to vic tory, numeri cal s uperiority or a righteous and courageous spirit? There were twO basic a ltitudes to this question . The first, presented by Sun Tzu,

,.

" ;lis in "'

".

• HSiin T�M, th. '0 (th. • �). pp. • bff.; 'T. Dubs (8), pp. '57-8. mod. autl.; Wa\.Wn (5), pp. 56ff. • Sec, for cxample, ....,Q T�M, ch. 52-3; SMII Pill Ping I'll, ch,. 4, 9, pp. -l9-�o, 64-5; WM T�M, th. ", pari 2; 11''; LiQO T':;M, chs . ... 6. CMif1l HIP! SlzM. ch. ..9, pp. 2279-81. • Mo T�M. ch. • , p. '23; Ir. Rand (,). Cr. CMif1l H(J" Sr\.., ch. 49> p. 2280.

FOTcxamplc. Sun Yal.�n Sla.ed Ihal malcrial conditiOns. including "'capons, ho,,·c,·cr nceanry, all: much " as go " in achic,·ing victor.,.. According to him. a "ictory may be achiC'o·ed e,·cn when .he balancc of material potential is • to ',000, if.hc spirit is exc<:p.ional. Hc also undcrestimated thc rolc ofprofcssional military education; for him a tigh.ing spirit was much more importam. Sec Sun Chung.Shan (I), pp. 3, 9, '0, 14· "lao Tsi-Tung (/, I) has al:iospokcn of the most dcvastaling modem weapons as 'paper tigen', cr. Griffi.h (2). 4

Leu important than spirit. Hc c!uima.ed thc rolc of ..·capoll$ in war as 10"", and .he rille of ,piriE

, {iFf . il!

, ., '" , itt E

' III • lif: 7-

• fil Ml

66

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

demanded a numerical superiority of 5 to I , at least on a tactical level.' The second, presented by \<\'u Tzu, was to fight I against 1 ,000, to confront cowardly troops ready to escape with brave warriors ready to die.b It should be mentioned, however, that even Sun Tzu did not overestimate numerical superiority. Accord­ ing to him, a good commander should know how to achieve ultimate viclOry either with a small number of troops or with a large number; final victory was possible regardless of any numerical imbalance. This concept was the mOTC influ­ ential. Wu Tzu's idea of fighting with a very small number of troops against large numbers was regarded as a special case; only in the popular imagination did anyone fight according to this pattern. Still, usually the enormous spiritual, or even magical, power, of the soldiers, was a great help, though overestimation of the psychological facLOrs, manifested in many different forms, was a constant characteristic of Chinese military thought. Practical experience, too, often sup­ ported this conviction. The moral factor really was a very important one; and in war waged with relatively simple weapons and without highly developed logistics, the spiritual factor was bound to be ofgreat importance. • Sw" T.r;w Ping F�, ch. 3, p. 15.

b IF. T�", ch.;" pp. 72-3.

(e) D I ST I N CT I V E F E A T U R ES O F C H I N E SE M I L I T A R Y

THOUGHT Before examining further the classical Chinese ideology of war, we must consider how the Chinese construed their theory of warfare, what they thought of war itself, what place it held in their civilisation, and how distinctive they thought their ideas were. Here it must be appreciated that although this classical theory was originally developed in China, it had a great influence on China's neighbours, such as Vietnam, Korea andJapan. ( I ) R E A S O N S F O R ITS P E R E N N I A L VITALITY

Classical Chinese military works, unlike those ofancient Greece and Rome, func­ tion in two dimensions at the same time: they are both part of the history of thought and also topical manuals of warfare. I n Europe, it is only in the field of law that we find historical continuity over a comparable period, though no one regards the works of Roman law as applicable without change to our own times. Despite the fascination with Western arms and modern exact sciences, the clas­ sical theory was still part of Chinese military education in the 1920S, as is evident both from the instruction material of the various armies of that period and in works of a theoretical character.- Soviet advisers in the revolutionary armies have spoken and wriuen about lhe persistent tradition many limes. They have asserted that the ancient authors, Sun Tzu, Wu Tzu and Chu·ko Liang, still remained incontrovertible authorities on the military art for Chinese generals,b and one of them, VitaIii Primakov, even went so far as to write that on account of their different education, Chinese military men had an entirely distinct understanding of strategy. Unlike Europeans, they did not construe it as a matter ofstriking with force, but as an art of stratagem, trickery and outsmarting the enemy.c In effect, their behaviour was quite opposite to that propounded by Western canons of war. For example, they avoided wiping out an enemy force, or locking it into a circle. Instead, they only forced it to fiee, and, as an inviolable rule, left a passage for retreat - 'the golden bridge'.d They tried a gamut of trickery to bring the enemy inlo confiict with some other force, or to [oment treason, or a rift within his ranks.e To that end they did not even hesitate to disguise soldiers in foreign uniforms.' Occasionally, they attempted 'an attack with water',' or with stampeding animals • �ee.g_ Chu Chih-Hsin (/); Wu Shih-Hsien (/); Anon. ("56).

b Slrong ( I ) , vol. �, pp. �3:'-]; Dubinskii ( I ) , p. 145; Blagodatov (I), p. 44; Vysogoreu (I), pp. 39-4I . , Primakov ( I ) , p.67· . 5« for example: Konchits ( I ) , pp. 43. 66-7; Vysogorets (I), p. 127: Cherepanov (I). pp. 188, 191, 194, 1 9;'. '98-9, 230; BlagOO:l1ov ( I ) , p. 86; Kazanin ( I ) , p. 4. • Chnepanov ( I ) . pp. 129-30, 204: (2), p. 166; Primakov ( I ) , pp. 18.f 6. r Kuanin ( I ) , pp. 74-6. • Primako\' ( I ) , PP.148-9. But Ihe breakage ofdams to Aood Ihe enemy was not carried into effect in his time. It was not until the war againstJapan that the dams on the Yellow River were blasted for that purpose. -

68

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

which had tufts of blazing hemp tied to their tails. Such tactics were practised from remote antiquity,. yet classical theory has also inspired the new political and military concepts of the present century.b Though discontinued by modernisers who were looking either to the West or to the Soviet Union it regained its impor­ tance in the years of the war with Japan. For example. Hsiao Chien (2) wrote in 1 940 that 70% of Sun Tzu's theory still remained valid, and the task facing the military today was to marry it to modern weaponry.c Since it was felt to be an analysis of war as such, and an exposition of its permanent laws, the theory has been used in China to analyse all wars waged around the entire world from antiquity to the present time.d Indeed, Sun Tzu's treatise has been the only ancient work published frequently by the People's Re­ public in a popular form for mass readership,e while descriptions of famous an­ cient battles have also been published in a similar style as classical models of the art of war.f However, this astonishing vitality of Sun Tzu's concepts has not been confined to China alone; in Japan, too, the classical theory of war was studied throughout the twemieth century, and instilled with great persistence into the population during the Second World War.' A similar situation occurred in Vietnam. But the issue of the vitality of the classical theory in the twentieth century should not be oversimplified. In the individual coumries of East Asia, attitudes to that system were not identical and underwent certain Auctuations. They were framed by two extremes: one, that offascination with modern Western arms and methods of organisation, coupled with the rejection of a past heritage; the other, that of ·ho also visiled China al that tim�, Wriles Ihal th� UK ofsheep • PTimakov (I), pp. 141-8. AnOlh�� author, ...

ofoxen) at Tientsin in t92,) did not go beyond th� planning stage. But she did report thaI this ancient tactie was �mploycd by onc ofthc genera15 during Ihe man::h to the north in the autumn of t926 (Vishnyakova· Akimova ( I ). p. 134). On the UK against the enemy ofanimab with hemp burning al Iheir tails, sec: Karaev (t), pp. 4S-8; Slrilr Clri, ch. 82, p. 2455; and Vol. S' pt 1, pp. 66, 2 1 t , 214. • Sec for example ....non. (2jJ), as w�lI a! Anon. (2.,6), pp. tSs-60; Li Yu-jih (2), vol. 14. Also F. F. Liu (t), pp. 88-9. pointed OUt Chiang Kai-Shck's fascination with Western idea!. The dauical schemn constitu ted a major pan ofthe strategy later developed in the civil war againsl lhe Communist armies. Sec Anon. (255), p. t 12. On th� role of cla"ical conceplS in the de\'cLopmcnt of the Communi,. military-political idea!, sec Mao Tsi.Tung (3), pp. 4-9, 32-3, 83-7, 95, 97, t02; Griffith (2), pp. 39-56, 54, 56-65; Gawlikowski (2); Kuo

«

I r I

"

(instead

Hua-Jo elaL{,).

The inllucnce of the classical thwry WiU also evident in the concepu propagated among the Manchurian arrnit'$. See Anon. (J/49). • Hsiao Chien (2), pp. 65-10. d Sec, for example, Hsiao Chien (I); Li Vii.jih (I); Li Chan (I). • The mOSt frequent publication was the modern colloquial Chinese version of Sun Tzu's treatise, ediled by Kuo Hua-jo (I), who was its chi�fpropagator in Venan in the 1 9401 Bet....een . 1957 and rg65 there were nine editions in Shallghai and Peking; and in the follo.....ing years new edilions continued 10 appear, even in Hong Kong. Thus this phenomenon is not exclusively a mailer of political inspiration. One might mention that a new popular edition ofth� Tao TiC/!i"l ha! appeared ill PCOpJ�'1 Olina as 'a military work'. Bcc:ausc oflhe great number ofsuch ....orb . .....e call mention only a f�w. Challg Hsi-Khung &: Tshao Tseng­ Hsiang (I) and Chang Chhien (I) have r�vi�....ed . the major ....an . and battlefields ofantiquity. Shih Chin-Chung (I) and Kuo Hua-Jo (.,) ha\'e dacribcd the famous Battle of the Fei Ri--er, while Kuo Hua-jo (J) has done thr same for th� Balik of the Red Oiff, a! well a! (j) for th� Battle of Chi.Mo between the Slatn of Chhi and Ven.

.

I SeeGriffith (I), PP. t6g-78.

(

o

• •

�

30. MISSI L E S A N D S I E G ES

69

continued examination of the ancient works as containing perpetually valid truths. Apart from these extremes, there existed many intermediate views, favour­ ing a selective use of past achievements to a varying extent and in various forms. There were quotations from the classics (with and without references to the origi­ nal sources). A borrowing of relevant elements from the ancient ideology was not in every case the result of familiarity with its fundamental texts. Frequently the classical theory of war was assimilated indirectly, by way of the vernacular culture which it had stamped with a distinctive mark. Despite these diverse tendencies and variations, the classical theory still partly retained in this century the character of 'perpetual truth'; a feature normally only belonging to Confucianism or Taoism or, in a somewhat different way, Buddhism. This is all the more astonishing because the theory was tied so closely to practical needs, and was essentially devoid of any element offaith; indeed it was almost an exact science.What were the causes of the astounding vitality ofthis ancient theory for so long a time? They seem due to the fact that the theory was primarily concerned with the intrinsic nature of war, with the cardinal rules of strategy, and the social and psychological aspects of belligerency. In other words, it dealt with just those areas where changes have been minimal, for classical theory had nothing to say on matters ofweaponry and on technical subjects. Hence the impossibility ofusing it to discover, for instance, how an ancient army was organised, or what role chari­ ots might play in the fI,g'hting; in brief, it avoided the very subjects which changed so noticeably with time. The timelessness of classical theory is particularly evident in its analysis of the psychological reasons for waging war and the rules of conduct it recommends; these have both remained surprisingly valid, in the Western world as well as in the East. Thus Razin ( I ) remarked how well the theory set out the basic science ofwar; b while Andries put it even more emphatically: 'The principles [ . . . ] of Sun Tzu are astonishingly modern, his art of war as military theory is one of the best ever formulated.'c One can, of course, ask whether the traditionalism observable in many areas of social life in East Asia might not explain the scale of modern uses of that theory, and of the admiration fell for it. We think that the answer has to be in part affirmative, even though one cannot fully explain the scope, causes and character of Asian conservatism and traditionalism. d • One might seck a parlial p;!raJld in Ihe interesl of Western Renaiuaru;e Kholars in the classical writings on Taclifa. • For example many popular pro"crbs and sayings are derived from this theory, and many ofthem contain its basic $tatCmenlS. Sec Chhtn Chi-Kang (I). pp. 8-1 r. Ncarly all quotatiOn! from Sun Tzu in �Iao Tst-Tung'l works are in reality popular sayings only. • ( I ). p. 56. d Arnold Toynbe.., while analysing his impressions from Japan, wrot.. that the people of East Asia place the new alongside thc old, whereas the peoplc of the West replace Ihe old wilh the ncw; (3), p. 69. E=ntially similar judgements on East Asia havc bee" "oieed many tima in regard 10 technology, social ttructura and literalure. Sec, for c�ample: Chi Wcn-t'u (I), pp. 6g�7]; BoriskO\'Skii (I), pp. 99�tOt, t07, t�7; PershitS, Mongait &: AlckS«\' (I). pp. 75,84; Porncramt (I). p. �g6. For an analysi$ ofthe phenomenon ofChinesc 'traditionalism' sec Ga",likowski (I).

70

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

The classical theory of war also remained alive because it set out many princi­ ples of social activity, which, though not quite universal in character, were ad­ justed to the outlook and emotional responses of the peoples of East Asia. As long as no fundamental changes in culture occurred, the many elements of the classical theory were bound to retain their practical applicability. Of course, some such changes have indeed taken place, and consequently certain aspects of the psycho­ logical stratum of the classical theory have become out of date. Yet even inJapan, where a new industrial culture has developed to an advanced stage, many key elements of the traditional culture still remain. The ties between the classical theory and the cultures of East Asian peoples were many-sided, highly complex and deeply-rooted, because that theory became basic both to the elitist 'canonical culture' and to the popular plebeian one. Whereas in Europe a knowledge of Clausewitz's ideas was confined to small groups, and even the military did not think it necessary to know them; in China and the neighbouring countries the concepts of Sun Tzu or Chu-ko Liang were widespread knowledge among educated people, and compulsory reading for those who wanted to try their hand in politics.' Even peasant-farmers, coolies and teen­ agers could discourse upon famous stratagems and principles of action with exper­ tise and involvement - as anyone knows who has listened to the conversations in war-time Szechuanese tea-houses.b But in that sphere, lOa, relevant changes have been in progress since the 1920S, with some of the elite as well as the ordinary people, particularly the young, looking to Western models, ideals and fashions. Nevertheless, in spite of various fluctuations, also caused by political considerations, Chinese interest in the classi­ cal theory of war was incomparably greater than were military ideas in Europe. The classical theory continues to occupy pride of place in China's national culture and, in a somewhat different way, in the cultures of neighbouring countries. To explain this phenomenon one has to go back to the content of the classical theory, and to the way war has always been considered in China. {2}

A S Y N C R E T I S T I C T R A D I T I O N ; THE N O N -MILITARY

A P P R O A C H T O WAR A N D T H E D U T I E S OF S O L D I E R S

In the ancient and later texts one comes across three general terms referring to • This was partly du( 10 th( wid� popularity ofepics and operas among Ih( people; Soef! pp. 8off. below. Of courY Iher� w(usimilar h(roic figura in Europe, as in Balkan ballads and SIOries, but they had lesser popularity

than their Chinac counterparts. - I "i"idly remember on( luch conversation that took platt ""hen I was present in 1943. '�1ark my ""ords' said an old farm(r, 'il will be JUSt at it was befor( - the North will win!' He wat r(ferring to the time of the Three Kingdoms in the + 3rd cemury, when WeiI under Tshao Tshao' in the north battled with Chu·ko Liangl of Shu' (Szechuan) in the WClt, and Sun Chhiian' ofWu' in the cas!. What he wassaying, therefore, wa, that Mao Tsi·Tung in the north would e"cntually win the day against both Chiang Kai·Shek in Szechuan and Wang Ching.Wei (the Japanese puppet ruler) in Nanking. This showed not only great perspicacity, but also great familiarity with lh( popular no...d and opera Epi( 'iw n,tt Ki",dollU (cr. p. 80). '.

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30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

7'

the military sphere: ping I - arms, soldiers, troops, belligerency, war, jung2 weapons, war-chariot, warlike, war, soldiers, wus - military, manial, penaining to war, having military ability. Many other more detailed terms were in wide use.­ Encyclopaedias explain that war simply means opposing an enemy with the use of armed force (i ping Ii hsiang lui li4), which seems to be a definition very aptly rendering the meaning of the Chinese term. b It appears that the fundamental matter was to assemble the armed forces and take them out in the field. But commanding an armed force did not necessarily mean armed combat. The ancient Chinese were able to make a very modern demonstration of armed force and its preparedness, yet refrain from any fight at close quarters, in order to achieve a panicular political end. They regarded the latter as of prime impor­ tance, so that their military victories did not become feats in themselves, and thus obscure the principal objective, as so often happened in the Western world. There are twO well-known sayings (chhingyu5) which refer to such restrained behaviour. One is the 'treaty signed at city-walls' (chhing hsia chih ming'), which means sub­ ordination to an opponent, orjoining up with him as the result of his encirclement of one's capital city with troops, in other words, a forced submission." The other is the 'encirclement of Wei to save Chao' (wei Wei chiu Chao' ) . This refers to the famous manoeuvre employed by Sun Pin in the war of -353. Instead of rushing the Chhi troops directly 10 the aid of Chao, which was invaded by Wei, he encir­ cled the capital city of lhe latter. The Wei forces hastily returned to save their country and fought a battle against great odds which ended in their defeat. In this way, the ally was defended and the enemy crushed. d The latter element - to crush the enemy with armed force - is actually missing in the ordinary understanding of the phrase, because \vhat is really involved is an indirect approach which plunges the enemy inlO confusion by a surprise capture of his vital positions, or endangers them so that he is compelled to surrender. Still another way, involving no force of troops, is the famous stratagem of 'an empty stronghold' (khung chhing chi I). Back in the Three Kingdoms period, the celebrated Chu-ko Liang, while staying in a small town with an insignificant body of troops, was taken by surprise when a whole army of the enemy appeared. • Slich as (ha�' - 10 fighl a baltle, 10 go \0 war; fa " - an open alla(k on anolher Slale, a punitive expedilion, 10 (haslise rebels, 10 (III down, 10 smile; thhtg II - 10 hum down, 10 go on a pllnitive txpedilion, a mililary expedition. 10 correCl, r�lify; thhj� It - a secrel or iIltgal allack (made against a prince or bcnC\'oltnt T\llcr), 10 in"adt; tMi" - an indire(:1 allad . • losmil� fTOm a rearor side, odd, strange, ran'; hllg " - 10 allack, 10slrike. Stc Ihe anal),sis ofth(;S(' and olhtr military lemu by Than Chhuan·Chi (I), pp. 178-87, WaUacker tS), pp. 29!)-9, AlekStt" ( I ), pp. 187-9. • T�hu Hai, p. 553. , This saying mainly serves 10 indicalt a compulsory SilUalion, and funclions in lileratu rt as a mtlaphor. Stc: T�hw /fai, p. 320, �b Kuo-Fan (I), pp. 108-9; and Dobson (I). • Shih Chi, (h. 65, p. 2163; Su� Pill Ping Fa, ch. I ; Wu Ku (I), pp. 10-1 I; Huang Sheng-Chang (.,) , p. 444.

• U ¥.: 1:I .ttI JHre '. " Jt,t:

)2

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Chu-ko Liang immediately ordered the gates of the small stronghold to be opened wide, and then he himselfsat over the gateway and began to chant verses to a lute accompaniment. The enemy commander sensed some extremely perfidious strata­ gem, for he could not believe that Chu-ko Liang was entirely bluffing, and so withdrew his forces to a safe distance.- Ever since, this stratagem has been the classical form of obtaining a desired effect through a discreet use of appearances, avoiding an actual battle. The usc of armed force is restricted even further by onc oCthe models of action recommended in the Shih Ching (Book orOdes): Have in good order your chariots and horses, Your bows and arrows, and all kinds of\veapons, VVith due preparations for waging warAnd thus keep at a distance the [aggressive] South. b

In olher words, the build·up of military might and preparedness for war will of themselves deter the warlike Man tribes of the South. Concomitant with that are instructions, in the true Confucian spirit, on how to improve the methods of rule and virtuous government inside the country. In the Tso Chuan for - 596 we find a good explanation of the meaning of the character wu 1 (military), said to be formed from chih2 (to stop) and ko3 (a halberd), From this it was inferred that the word 'military' did not mean fighting as such, but rather protecting the peace against enemies from both within and without by many methods, including the repression of crimes and injustices, enlightenment, and the establishment of har­ mony. The text criticises the display of weapons and the adoption of an awesome attitude to other States instead ofpractising virtue in one's own.c Again, in the Lun ru it is said: (fremoter people are not submissive, civil culture and virtue are to be encouraged to attract them; and when they have been attracted, they must be made contented and

tranquil."

The Sun Tz.u Ping Fa considers war very broadly. In it we read: The rule ofwaging war [yung pmg' J is this: to take the enemy's Country whole is the best thing of all; to shatter and destroy il is not so good. It is better to capture an entire army than to destroy it, to capture a complete regiment, a detachment or a company than to destroy them. Hence to fight and to gain victory in all batlies is not supreme excellence; supreme excellence consists in breaking the enemy's resistance without fighting. Thus the highest form ofwar [pingJ] is to baulk the enemy's strategic plans; the next best is to

• So� KNOC�"" ch. 3;:', Shu Chih,eh.;:.; Wu Ku {I}, pp. 97-9. - SIIIIr CIIIIII. III (3), ii. 4: n. Legge (8), Vol. 2, p. ;:" 3. mod. aUe!. • Tso ClrliOll, Duke Hsuan 12rh year, 'r. CoUVJl!"Ur (I), vol. I, p. 635; Legge (I I). p. 3�o. • U,II Yol". XVI. i, . 1 ; Ir. Legge (2), p. '72, mod. aucl. A derailed analysis oflhe Confucian concepts of war

and peace, and one's auitude 10 the military means u� agairull barbarians has been made by Yang Lien-Sheng

(.6), in Fairbank (;:.

, pp. 24-8.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

73

destroy his alliances; the next i n order is to anack the enemy's army i n the field; and the worst ofall is to besiege walled cities.· I t can be seen that war (ping I ) includes the nipping of the enemy's plans in the

bud by employing agents, as well as by diplomatic moves to isolate him from his allies. It is only afterwards that Sun Tzu mentions leading an army out into the field. I n view of all this, one should not be surprised to note that victories brought about by the highest art ofwar are passed over almost unnoticed and are no source offame.b Given such a broad understanding orthe terms wu and ping, they cease to be, in essence, the equivalent to the term war in European languages.c With these the Chinese associated a very broad range of social phenomena and, consequently, understood the art of war (pingfaZ) quite differently from Europeans.d Though treatises devoted to military matters often discuss the conduct of war and military preparations, many of them touch also on civil administration, and the proper internal policy ofa Slale. Indeed, these subjects were often given priority, as can be seen in many ancient and mediaeval texts; and the Chinese included military knowledge in many political, philosophical and historical books. This is evident, for example, in the memorandum written by Yli Hsiu-Lieh3 who objected to the bestowal of classical books on the Tibetans, when they asked for these in + 730 . .\10reover, your servant has heard that though these Tibetans arc ofa wild and warlike nature, they are firm in their plans, intelligent, industrious and resolved to learn with rapt attention. Ifthey read well the Shu Ching, they will learn war strategy. If they familiarise themselves with the Shih Ching, they will learn how to command an army, and how soldiers should be trained for defence. tfthey carefully read the Li Chi, they will learn the system of weapons to use depending on the seasons. If they study the T.so Chuan, they will learn that resorting to stratagems is an accepted part ofwarlike operation .c

Strategic planning, chhiian mou·, was indeed the key area of knowledge for mili­ tary theoreticians. In the Chhien Han Shu its principles are given thus: Rely on the way ofjustice and right administration to defend the country, then cultivate stratagems and tricks in using the armed forces; first plan and calculate, only then wage • Sun T�" Ping Fa. eh. 3, Ir. Giles (r r ) , pp. r 7- 18, mod. auet. adju,'. Konrad ( 1). Sun T�" Ping Fa, d. 4, GlIe$ ( t l ) , pp. 28-9. • Ofeourst, the Chines<: had no monopoly of bluffing, or making shows offoT<:e in order 10 deler enemies and pre"ail wilhoul fighting, but in Europe ;1 was hardly Ihe $trategic principle. overtly expressed, Ihal it became in b

China.

� The term pmgfa, 10 be found in many titles ofmililary Ireatises, is difficull to translate. t'irst, the word ,ing has a meaning much broader than the word for 'war' in European languages. Se.::ondly, the lermftl has several meanings; il is positive Jaw (including rewards and punishmenu) and administrati"e regulations; it means principle, method or model, and sometimes �'Cn a mould, moulding human beings and society by Confucian ,inues. The phrase: 'art of war' is simply retained here because of iu tradilional use. On Ihe usages of/a in ChillC$C" literature, see Needham (36, 37), as also in Vol. 2, pp. 205-15, 546-7. • CII,It TIt8"I SIr", eh 146 A, pp. 91, b; tf. auet., adju\'. Pdliot (67), p. 2 I .

.

' Nl II

30.

74

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

war. Use form- skilfully [decoy troop strength] and hide actual strength, observe the rules of rill and Yang [time and terrain], apply knowledge and cunning.b

CI

As shown by ancient texts, the commander's tasks certainly included duties of administrative type; indeed the very term commander is confusing. The Tso Chuan lists the following among the things he had to do:

th,

an

"0 mi

Thus military enterprise [wu '] involves the repression of tyranny and cruel ty, the ending of combat, the preservation of the sovereign power, and the firm establishment ormerit, bringing peace 10 the people, harmonising all [the State] and increasing [the national] wealth."

11 fi

of •

A similar point is made by Hsun Tzu.

fin

The way of ensuri ng affluence in the world consists in understanding the division [of duties]. Peasants and simple folk have the duty of keeping field-patches tidy, with boundaries between them clearly marked, ofweeding out wild-growing grasses, of growing grain, and enriching the fields with manure to keep them fertile. The tasks facing the commander [thiang shuai2 J are to direct the field work in tune with the seasons, to move things forward to increase achievements, to maintain harmony among the village elders and to keep order to prevent them from acquiring privileges against the law.d


m.

cal
loti

Such a military-administrative approach to the role of the commander was combined with ideas in which the population was expected to perform productive and military functions at the same time (ping min ho is); and to form administra­ tive communes, organised in a hierarchical way, which could provide police and military units. These ideas have fascinated Chinese minds from the ancient to the most recent times and underlie almost every attempted reform; all that changes is the precise form of organisation.e Such an outlook is already to be found in the ancient Chou Lif, and attempts to carry it into effect were made by the rulers of many dynasties, from Han to Thang.' Thus arose the famous system ofthun Ihitn\ military-agricultural colonies or seulements, often situated towards the borders of the country, where farming and military functions could be carried out as neces­ sary. Especially keen on these ideas was the famous Sung reformer Wang An­ Shih,h as also the rulers of the Ming dynasty,; and, to some extent, those of the

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... •

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• �e p. 34 abo\te.

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.... .... ....

� Chhirn Hat! SA�. p. t 758, Ir. auel. • T� Cit"",., Duke H$iian 12th year, n. Cou"reur (I), "01. I, p. 636; Legge (II), mod. aUCI. •

HSiill

T�II. ch. 10 ('Fu Kuo'), tr. auet. cr. Dubs (8), pp. 151ff.; Burton WalSOn (!I).

• See Chh"n Teng-Yiian (I); an in-depth interpretation of thaI phenomenon and ill ideological TOOlI J i

prcloCntcd by Bauer (4). f Chou Li, ch. ' - I I; IT. BiOI ( t ) . ,"01. I , pp. 22off., 240ff. I s.,� Wang Ch'en'Y'ng (I); Chang Wei·Hua (I); Chao Yu-Wen (I); Ku Chi-Kuang (I); Lotwe (4), \"01. pp. )6-7; El"in (2), pp. 36-8, )4-68. • SeeJames T.C. Liu (2); Lapina (t). , See Wang Yii·Chhuan (I), (2); Bobhchanin (I).

!,

30.

, ;

MISSILES AND SIEGES

75

ehhing.a They were revived during the Thai.Phingb and I.Ho·Thuanc uprisings, and they were still present in some of the reforms at the end or the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries.d Just how much the Chinese were attached to these links between the organisa­ lion of the rural population into quasi-communal collectives on the one hand, and military units on the other, can be seen in the following statement from the Hsin Thang Shu: 'In ancient limes military regulations were born orthe system ofwell. fields' (ku chi ping fa chhi yii ching thim L ).e Here we meet again with the concept of ching thitn2, the nine fields with a well in the middle, a concept even mOfe ancient than that of thun lhien.r A liule further on, the writer asserts that the basic function of the military is to check chaos (chih ping so i chih luan'), 'chaos' being a euphemism for popular rebellions and barbarian inroads. Hence, what was in essence an administrative-productive organisation of the population, designed to maintain internal order and oppose possible invasion, could be treated as identi­ cal with 'military organisation' if the term 'military' were interpreted broadly enough. Could this system not go some considerable way to explain the singular longevity of Chinese bureaucratic society? Thus those who were in command of war operations took interest not merely in armaments, regular troops and auxiliary forces, but also in their own, and possibly the enemy, population, people whose whole lives tend to be reorganised in accor­ dance with wartime exigencies. Commanders had to enforce the rigours of a 'state of emergency', by meticulous supervision and control of everyday life, in such matters as the provision of food; seeking always how (Q strengthen morale on their own side and erode that of the enemy. While reading the respective instructions in

f f

e

. i

'.

• AI this time these principles wue implemented only On a limited scak - applying mainly 10 Manchurians and :\'Iongols (:\1ichad ( I l): Chinese military viUaga were organi5ed chiefly in Ihe frontier areas (Duman (�l; Kuhn ( II). This book eontains a brief des<:ription ofvariou.s military-agJ'llrian systeJll5 sInCC antiquity, and an analysis ofposillble ehango within a bureaucJ'lItic statcsY'tem with a shift in its character from civil to military. - Sec Li Chhun (I): :\Iichad (�); lIiu.shechkin (I). < During the de"elopmcm oftht: I.Ho-Thuan movt:mt:nt. the concept oforganising the whole population into �mi.military units "'as alive not only among the insurgents, but also promoted by some local officials and t:,-cntually a<:ceptcd by the monarch. Anon. (l'5l') , vol. I , pp. 1-::, 4-6, t6-17; Anon. (.75'), vol. 4, pp. u-13; Rudakov ( I). pp. 49-j I; PUT('eU (4); Kaluzhnaya ( t ) . • A n edict promulgated on j Sept. t8g8, during Iht: Hundred Days of Reform. enfon::ed a system of military training for lht: whok population. It was ont: of the few mt:asura uphcld by the Empress-Dowager after the countu-coup, and tht: system Wat e,'t:n t:"p"ndcd in Ihe reforms of 19Oj. .xe Powcll (I), pp. 96, lOt, 173, who bdit:"a that this military reform had been inspired by European conct:pts. We do not believe ht: is right hert:, bc:cau'IC in the te,,1S ofediclI and proclamations we come across many quotations from classical trutises, and the fundam�ntal ideat oftht: reform had been pre5C1lI in China since urly times. • Hri" Tlla", Shit, ch. jO. p. ta; Ir. auct. Wt: translale thus bc:cau� the idu expressed ...at not al all ne.... In the CAlli", Hall 511. ch. 23, p. toSl, it was put in another ...ay: 'the army spruds OUI from tht: wdl-J'idds' (JII'
30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

military books, one has the irresistible impression that these matters were of tre­ mendous importance for their authors and were integral with the whole process of waging war. Their approach to war was like that ofofficials of a bureaucratic state - which in fact they usually were. As H. Franke has convincingly demonstrated: the tradition initiated in antiquity was expanded in later times. The military as a whole, and every commander in particular, had a broad range of jurisdiction because of the incomplete separation of military functions from State administration. Moreover the army and the soldiers as a group were nOt shaped as distinct social units, with their own syStems of values, ideology and ' patterns of behaviour. In a word, they had no autonomy. Individual persons were often posted from civil to military offices and vice versa. b t ndeed, a common opinion prevailing in the Empire was that any good administrator could be a good com­ mander because their functions were perceived as essentially lhe same, based as they were on administrative qualifications. Allhough the process of separation of the military (bOlh as a social group, and as an organised structure) set in by the end of the Springs and Autumns epoch and developed during the Warring States period,c it was never brought to completion in Chinese culture. Officials were traditionally divided into 'military' (wu 1 ) and 'civil' (win2), but their functions were far from being precisely separated, and they belonged to one single organisa­ tion - State administration.d The traditions of the army's discharge of many of its diverse functions: policing, keeping guard, taking charge of transport, and even of production, survived as late as the close of the nineteenth century. What we call the army in old-time • Frankc {14),Pp· 151-6[, 173-9. , Loc:wc has wrincn (5$C"$Kd an intimate acquaimance with the terrain where the campaigru werc to be roughl. AI [he !arne time the go\"ernment was initiating sehema to auract men [0 serve as officials in the ci.·it scr....ice. and auempting to create a f«:ling of profasionalitm among them. There is no natement of the funda­ nlental qualitia which \VU Ti required of his military leaden, or of any distinction he made be[ween such qualities and those oftht scnior civilscTVanu. Vtry often a man would be promoted from a civil to a military post · or till urs�, and r . . . ) senior provincial officials were often faced with (he duties of military leadership as well as civil administration. But while it is nOt possible 10 find evidence for the e:
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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

77

China was in actual essence many varying services of local and central administra­ tion which did not form a single organisational whole, and served the needs of every administrative level.a The modernisation of the Chinese army essentially consisted in giving it a uniform structure, and freeing it from administrative func­ tions other than those of a purely mili tary nature. All this was a much more important and difficult problem than procuring modern weapons. The separation of military functions and their permanent ascription to definite persons was obstructed, among other things, by a classically supercilious treat­ ment of military men. Therefore they all invariably aspired to civilian posts, which were regarded as promotion; and they were quite willing to take up tasks in administration, education or production, because these were more prestigious than military chores. Thus the trend to fuse together civil and military functions was accompanied for two millennia by a contrary trend to separate the military as a despised social category with restricted civil rights and a status inferior to cor­ responding civilian groups.b These two trends dominated alternately; while the first usually prevailed at the commanding officer level, the second generally held good at the level of lower-ranking officers and soldiers. Yet even at periods of relative separation between the two classes, military men took care of many mat­ ters outside those purely military functions which determined their lower status. This social altitude was connected with precise theoretical concepts. All the philosophical schools of ancient China assumed that factors of a political nature, nOt military power alone, would decide the final outcome of a war - a view accepted also by many military theoreticians.c Of all the factors contributing to victory, Sun Tzu puts the Tao in the first place. He writes: ,

[The observance of the principles of] the Tao causes the people to be in accord with their ruler, 50 that they will follow him unto death, and would be ready to live always with him, undismayed by any danger.d

The Hlu T�u text elaborates upon this view: Marquis 'Vu asked: 'I should like to know the way to make my battle formations firm, my defences Strong, and how in war [I can] be certain of winning.' Wu Chhi replied: '[ . . . ] I f Your Majesty can employ the worthy in high position, and those who arc worthless in inferior position, then your array will be already firm. Ifpeople are secure in their farms and dwellings, and friendly with their governing officials, then your defences wilJ be already strong. If the dans approve of their own sovereign and disapprove oflhose from neighbouring countries, then your battles will be already won.'� • See Michatl (I), pp. 64-6, 10:,-6; PUlyala (I), pp. (�-27; Jakinf ( I ) , "oJ. I, pp. 2:'4-7; GawJikowski (3); Bobro" (I). � See Chang Chhi-Yun (3); Kradc (I), pp. :,6, 91. Upgrading Ih� prestige ofthc military seT"\lie� was a major taU: during the army moderni�tion? (I), pp. 3:,-6, :,6-7, 63, 163. • or course, ....·riten like Julius Caozar OT MaehincUi cmphuiscd political loyahies and moralc as major faeton in warfare, but not perhaps iUurilr.ingly as Ih� Chinese. • S__ TVI Pi1l& F", ch. I, tT. Giles (I I), p. 2 , mod. auci. • JVw T.t_, eh. I, 5«t. 6, tT. Griffith (I), p. 1.)4" mod. auel.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

\o\'u Tzu also maintained that Generally in administering a country and controlling an army it is necessary to instruct the people with IiI, and to encourage them with j7 [justice, good customs and nalUral law and righteousness] so as to inculcate the sense of honour. Now ifmen's sense of honour is great they will be: able to take the initiative and go on campaign, ifless, they will still be able to defend.-

In the Confucian School there even appeared statements directly questioning the role of armaments and military strength. Mencius, having presented the Kingly Way - the ideas of ensuring prosperity to the country by good management, reduction in tax and COTuit burdens, provision of material conditions for flourish­ ing growth, and education in moral virtues - addresses the king with the following words: you will have then a people who can be employed,just with sticks which they have prepared, to oppose the strong mail and sharp weapons of the Chhin and Chhu troops. , [ . . . J In accordance with this is the saying: 'the benevolent has no enemy .b

That was essentially an elaboration on the concepts of Confucius himself, who asserted that one could beat an army, but never defeat the will of the people.c Analogous concepts were expressed many limes in various ancient texts; they are already to be found in developed form in the Tso Chuan.d Given such definitions of the factors for victory, the inclusion of political and administrative affairs in the commander's tasks was fully understandable. Wu Tzu wrote that 'the best commander of an army is one in whom civil and martial [virtues] are perfectly combined [tsung win wu chi chun chih chiangyth3],.e Among the many judgements attributed to Confucius, we find also this: military prepara­ tions are indispensable to civil administration, and civil preparations are equally essential in the military sphere (yu win shih chi piyu wu pti,yu wu shih chi piyu win pti4).f In such circumstances, it became the ideal, accepted even in modern times, to combine the elements of win and wu in all organisations.1I Under such condi­ tions, the separation of military functions from the civil ones was simply impossi• Jl'1/ T�M, ch. I, $UI. 4. II. Griffith (tj. p. t !j7, mod. auCI.

b Mi�8 T�", I. ( 1 ) , v , 3 & 6;tT. Legge (3), pp. I �, '3. , Lu� Hi. IX. �!j; tT. Legge (�), p. 88. mod.auct. A good collection ofhis stalemenlS relating to military affairs, and Ih(M of:\I"ncius 100, is conlained ill Li Yii·Jih (J'), \'oL '3, pp. tff. His explanalioru, however, are far from

perferl. • There .....e read: 'According 10 whal I ha\'e heard, military enterpri50should be undertaken only when some . cuhh-ales, ,,�thoul challgillg, kindllns in his virtue, justice in his pUllish. prine.. hu done ...,il. All ..nemy ....ho mCIIIS, Ihc [righll ordcring ofhis government, righl r..gulalions in differenl affairs, and in Ihe sialuies and laws of his State. is not to be contended .....ith. It is not against such a one that ....e . conduct punitive expeditions.' TJO Chl//JII. Duke Hsiian )'ear l � ( - 596); tT. Legge ( I I), p. 317; Couvreur (I), "01. 1, p. 6 1 3. • II'M T�II, ch. 4. seCI. I; IT. Griffith ( t), p. t61, mod. aUCI . I Shilt Clti, ch. ..7. p. '91!j; tT. Cha,-anna (I j, "01. 5, pp. �83ff. • Sa- Chang Chhi·Yun (J). p. '.I; (of), pp. I ff.

' . ' ��a��z�& t ft • :fj' x 1t� ;J1f ·QH-j' R li . 1i 1it * a ·!Z· ii X Ifl

30.

M I SS I L E S A N D S I E G E S

79

ble. Not until the twentieth century did the situation begin to change. In ancient I ndia we come across a similar approach to command, and a very broad range of commander's duties, including administrative matters and international rela· tions. There, the commander-in-chief, it seems, bore the title of Minister for War and Peace.However it may be with Indian history, was it not a wonderful feat on the part of the Chinese that for two thousand years, by and large, they 'kept the soldiers down'? As Churchill said oCthe scientists during the Second World War, they were 'on tap but not on top'. The primacy of the civilian ethos throughout those twenty centuries is most impressive, with its peaceful (if not pacifist) emphasis dominating the scene; and the socially approved despising ofmilitary men was precisely part of lhe sociological mechanism by which it was done. Of course from time to time the system broke down, as in the case of the chith lu shih I provincial governors at the end of the Thang; but the classical evaluations always inevitably returned, as soldiers found themselves kings or emperors, and came quickly to depend upon the civilian bureaucrats, who inevitably brought back their own way of thinking into power. Already long agob we heard Lu Chia2 saying to the fim Han emperor 'Yes, sire, you conquered the empire on horseback, but it is not on horseback that you will be able to govern it.' What a contrast all this presented with the European situation! The Roman State made some effort to keep the generals under control, but the Augustan emperors evaded that and it never returned. In the Middle Ages kings themselves personally led armies into battle. In more recent times generals have often been the most important figures in their respective countries, and some, like Napoleon, have risen to wield imperial power. And nearer our own period there have been army conspiracies, military juntas and militaristic Fuhrers and Caudillos without end. All this may be just another way of saying that military-aristocratic feudalism was characteristic of Europe, while China on the other hand, had bureaucratic feudalism, a form of society which seemed to be weaker, but was actually much stronger, than that of Europe, perhaps in part because more rational. It may well be true, in the famous saying of Mao Tse-Tung, that political power grows only 'out of the barrel of a gun', but for him everything depended on who aimed it, and that had to be the Pany.c Oliver Cromwell would have fully agreed, only in his case it was Parliament and not the King, hence the New Model Army and the Eastern Counties Association. But as soon as the fighting was over, and the Revolution safe, civilian forces took control, and once again more effectively in China than ever in Europe .

• Sharma (I).p. IS.

, Vol. I, p. 103. • Cf: Bullard ( l j .

' ''' I(

30.

80

(3)

T H E GREAT

M I L I TA R Y T E C H N O L O G Y P O P U LARITY O F MILITARY THOUGHT AMONG THE

PEOPLE

(i) Epics and OptTQS

The classical theory ofwar not only became an integral part of the 'official culture' of China's political thought, exerting a tangible influence on the actual activities of the administrators and diplomats; it was also assimilated by the people, to become a part ofordinary popular cullUre.' It may seem more difficult to explain this, but a few things can be said at the outset. Ordinary people, often illiterate, could nOt know the war treatises directly. These entered social consciousness and plebeian culture through the medium of tales on historical subjects, through the theatre which made use of some of the themes, and through the popular New Year's images, nien hua 1 . The thematic cycles spun by itinerant story.tellers gave rise to great epics, the mOSt popular of which, perhaps, were 'The Romance of the Three Kingdoms' (San Kuo Chih Yen J2 ) ,b 'Stories of the River Banks' (Shu; Hu Chuan'),C 'The Complete History of Yo Fei' (Shuo ro Chhiian Chuan4 ) , and the 'Pilgrimage to the West' (Hsi ru Ch;,).d A majority of these, like the popular epics of other nations, lold stories of wars and baltles, but pride of place was held by the 'Romance of the Three Kingdoms', a re·telling of the events of the San Kuo period ( + 3rd century). First, one of its leading characters was Chu·ko Liang, the great military strategist and theoreti· cian, Captain·General of the State of Shu in the West, while another was Tshao Tshao, prince of Wei in the North, the strategist and commentator on the Sun T{u treatise. In effect, the 'Romance', composed of many episodes, is a description of the classical strategic and tactical solutions which were part of the ancient theory of war; one could even call the 'Romance' a popular lecture on classical theory. Secondly, its popularity exceeded that of all the other works. Although the epic as we know it today was shaped at the turn of the Yuan and Ming epochs,c its threads had already been extremely popular much earlier. This is confirmed by Su Tung.PllO', who died in + I 1 0 I . Wang Pheng' once wid me that when children are naughty and their ramilies cannot stand them, they toss them some money and make them sh in a group to listen to old

• Al leasl lhis was IHle from Ihe Sung onwards. Plelxian imeresls before Ihal lime need furlher invesligation.

• See e.g. Ihe Tct:en1 ITansJalion or Moss Roben! ( I ) . , Tr. Buck ( I ):Jackson (I). I I il lhe wen.known novel All Mm are Brolhm. 4 Tr. Waley (17), allO. more recemlr Yu (I). • Lo Kuan·Chung", i15aulhor. mosl probabJr lived in Ihe years + 1330 10 + 1400, according 10 Ihe eslimale made by Lu Hsun (/ . p. 99, (2). The fullest analysis todate of the epic-forming process has been made by Riftin ( I ) . p. [81. ..·ho accepts �hesc dales.

• :::: fp!iLtc tJlI a ' E�

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

stories. \Vhen tales ofthe Three Kingdoms are wId and the children hear of Liu Pei's l defeat, they frown or even weep, but when they hear ofTshao Tshao's2 defeat they cry out forjoy.-

According to Alekseev, stage adaptations of fragments of the 'Romance of the Three Kingdoms' accounted for about 70 per cent of China's extremely popular theatrical repertoire at the beginning of this century,b being the most frequently staged ofall plays.e On the basis of his direct observations Alekseev wrote: I think that China can be called a 'theatre·land' without fear ofoverstatement. The huge number of theatre troupes in China, downright inconceivable by European standards, is evidence of an equally incredible popularity ofthe theatre [ . . . ] There is not the remotest backwoods imaginable which a theatre troupe would not visit a few times a year. Arguably, there is no other country in the world where fondness for theatrical performance is so organic to the whole life of the populace [ . . . J A ragamuffin beggar singing Chu·ko Liang's aria from the 'Empty Stronghold Stratagem' opera, and acting out his part right there in the street, is a normal sight. \Vhile travelling in China in 1907 I kept hearing drivers, boatmen and itinerant pedlars singing operatic arias.d He also pointed to close links between the epics, the theatre, and the very popular , New Year picLUres often presenting scenes from plays based on the 'Romance .e In effect, the 'Romance' became a folk manual ofwaging war from which leaders of peasant rebellions and guerrillas derived instruction for ccnturies.r It also shaped the generals' ideas of war even as late as the 1 920S,I and it was the 'Romance' from which Mao Tsc-Tung himseJflearnt the classical theory ofwar. (ii) The promotions oflhe Martial Genii Another extremely popular military epic was the Fing Shin rrn IS (Stories of the Promotions of the Martial Genii), commonly known as Ping Shin Pang4 (Pass·Lists of the Deified Heroes); attributed to Hsu Chung·Lin3 but actually put together by Lu Hsi·Hsing6 in the Ming about the middle of the + 1 6th century.h Since it had a less certain historical background than those already mentioned, and since it con-

• Tung-1'110 C!tilt Lin ', 5«1. 6.lr. Yang Hsicn_Yi & Yang. Glady� (4): cr. Iou Hsun (I), p. 166, ( t ) .

b .<\lcksec\' (lI), p . 76. j Sec nOle by Rinin ( I ) . � Alclrn:c\' (lI). pp. 60-1 I mysdfbad txacdy Ihe samc cx�rienct during thc war yurs 19411-6. And wher­ t\'cr you WCI11 som«>l1c was playing Ihc airs on the!t� chlti,," violin. <

(lI). p. 7�. Lu Ti (I), p. 61. The Thaiphing and C'·CI1 Ihc Mancbu cour! u$<:d il IOO. Ste Shih Yu-Chung (lI), pp. �8S-7. Young reVOlutionary studentJ al the lUrn Oflhis century "'ere also attraCled 10 the herotS ofthc 'romance' as well at to ils cxposition ofmililary Ih«>ry; 5t<: Rankin (1), p. 39. • This is quite c\'idcll1 from thc memoirs of Soviet advisers to Chinn<: annics in tht 19705. See, for example, ]'rimako,· ( ' ) . pp. 66-1. 147; Blagodal0v (I), p. +I. o This has bl:cn shown in a Ill()nograph by Liu Tshun.Jen (6). Thtre i, a Iranslation by Grube ( I). < Alcks«"

f

82

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

taincd a good deal of science-fiction wish-fulfilment material, it needs a separate i!!esent. We have mentioned it already,' entry - but the idea of warfare was though in the context ofpossible ranian-Chinese c !tufal exchange. The central theme is the overthrow 0 ou Hsin I the wicked last Shang2 emperor, by Wu Wang', the champion oflhe house ofChou4• Lu Hsi-Hsing, who was a Taoist and a Tantric Buddhist, gave full rein to his imagination in describ­ ing the magical means whereby the spirit-supporters of the Chou destroy the monsters which come to the aid of the Shang. There is much talk of 'thousand­ league eyes' (chhim liytn�) and 'wind-borne ears' (shullfing erne), foreshadowing television and radio respectively, as bringers of intelligence. There are plenty of magical fire-weapons and whirling fire-wheels,b based no doubt upon the gun­ powder armaments oflhe time, like Wei Hu's' 'cudgel'(kun)B.� There were rays of light that killed, like laser beams; and even chemical and bacteriological warfare was not forgotten, for Chhen Chhi9 blew fonh from his nostrils a yellow gas which slew the enemy,d and elsewhere there is talk of the dissemination of 'plague­ carrying seeds'" On occasion it could rain blood, and battlements could split apart. No wonder the novel remained so popular for so long. But fmally Chou Hsin perishes in the flames, after which Wu Wang rewards the spiritual beings and loyal ministers who have helped him by endowing them with titles, ranks and fiefs. All this material was nOt new with Lu Hsi-Hsing, many ideas going back to pre-Han Taoist and post-Han Buddhist legends. Its immediate predecessor was an older novel entitled Wu Wang Fa Chou Phing Hua 10 (The Story of King Wu's Expedition against Chou), bearing no author's name, but published c. + ' 32 1 . Another book, now only preserved inJapan, the Lieh Kuo Chih Ckuan. I I (Records of Famous Countries), was probably also one of the forerunners of the Fing Shin ren J.

(iii) The deification ofKuan ru and Yo Fe; " The powerful role played hy all these tales in shaping popular ideas of belliger­ ency is also indicated indirectly by the deification of Kuan Vii 1 2 (d. + 2 1 9), one of

• Vol. l . p. 16j.Cf. pp. 88ff. • Liu Tshun-J�n (6), pp. �37-8. The '!iery-poimed spear' may "'·ell have been laken from the fire-lance (Vol. j, pt], pp. 220ff. ). • As wr shall �rin Vol. j, pt 7. one ofthe guns or proto-guns was called a 'eudgel', p. 247. • Liu Tshun-Jen (6), p. 182. tbid., p. vi. •

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30.

Fig. 11.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

A 'New Year PiclUr�', from an �arly 1olh'<:entury rolltttion;

Kuan Yii, God orWar and P�ace.

rig. t 3. 'N�w Year PiCiure' illusu-ating Chu·l
30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

their protagonists, as the god of war or, more precisely, a god of war and peace­ - the most favoured guardian of towns, villages and family homes in old-time China. b Another character out of the Romance, Chang Fei 1 (d. + '2'2 1 ) , exercised a similar function, but he enjoyed much less respect and was incomparably less popular.c Sometimes Yo Fei' ( 1 1 03-41) also appears as a god of war.d The folk cult of Kuan Yii demonstrates clearly the previously mentioned broad range of functions of commanders, who were not treated as 'military men' in the narrow European sense. This is how C. K. Yang describes the cuh.e He was worshipped by merchants as a god ofweahh and fidelity in business contracts, by the common people as a curer ofdisease, by soldiers as their patron deity, and by many local communities as the chiefspirit protecling against calamities and destruction. For many social organisations, such as brotherhoods and secret societies, he was the overseer of fraternal ties and the god who blessed the cause ofmutual interest and justice. •

This Sttond appellation was already rdl«ted in one ofhis earlier litles: Chuallg Mu Wu An Wang' (King of War and Peace Forlifying Concord) - conferred on him in + t 178. The Kuan Yii cult, born shortly after his death, was supported by the authorities, and ranked among the officially sanctioned forms ofreligion. The hero r«ei"cd increasingly magnificent lilies, to earn the highest one afler Ihe Thaiphing uprising: Kuan Fu Tzu' ­ Greal Teacher Kuan, a title which made him the peer ofConfucius (Dore ( I ) . vol. vi, pp. ;41£.). Early in the 20th century the most popular title among the populace was Kuan Sheng Ti Chun' - Divine Lord Sage Kuan. Nevertheless, he assumed the jXl>Sition ofthe god or"'aronly in relatively lale times. In Ihe Han period Chhih Yu' was worshipped as the Patron of War (Pi�l Ch'). After the beginning ofthe Thang dynasty Thai-kung Wang was worshipped as a greal military sage in th� capital, and local Temples of Martial Life (W. Miso") paralleled th� Confucian T�mplcs ofCulturc ( Will Miso·). The Chhing dynasty replaced him with Kuan Ti who had long bttn esP'"daHy popular among the masses. The China.e R�publk added another h�ro to Kuan Ti, Yo Fei" + t t03 to + 1 (41). the commander in many battles against the Jurehen Chin; they were <"qual in rank and worshipped togelher in the Wu �Iiao. For further det�ils sec W�i Ju-Lin &: Liu Chung.Phing (I), pp. 139-;6. On th� cult of Yo Fei sec an interesting study by Wilhelm (I;). No doubt th� best discussion of Kuan Yu's deification in a Western language is that ofDiesing�r (t). , for th� forms orth� Kuan YU cult sec Day (I), p. ;7. EStimates of his great popularity are available, though with some differences. Gamble (I). p. 401, analped the t(mples in on� district of northern China and r�ported that in J978th� of Kuan Yu accounted for i; per C�tII ofall which were officially rcwgnUcd, and t 7 P'"r cetll of all the t�mples and shrines in the area. from an analysis of the local gU(l\ccr material c","'ering eight district!, C. K. Yang I I ). p. 44t. supplies much lower figures for t946; these �mount only to 37 P'"r Cent of the official temples and ;.4 per cent of all temples. The differences could be due both to the change of time and to diff�rent local Iraditions and ways of classification. In any calculations concerning temples, one should take the cardinal deities aSlhe basis, but b«au$(: of Kuan Yu's tremendow popularity, his statuettes or portraits were found in "arious t(mples. homes and shops. Thus the figures given above do nOt completely rcAttt the power of his cult. In mainland China since the Second World War it has distinctly walled. but it nil! flourishes in Taiwan and in South t:ast Asian Chinese Centres. , A cutain id�a of the place held by th<:$!! P'"rsons among the god! is provided by the characterisation of th( Chinese pantheon prepared by Hsu Lang-Kuang (3) on the basis of his obs�rvations and interview! in Yiinnan bctwttn t94 t and t 943. Supreme Heaven was headed by theJade Emperor, under whom were various ministers, the moSt important being Kuan Yii and Chang Fei. Somewhere under theJade Emperor, 100, were the founders of th� 'three religions', Confucius, the Buddha and Lao T�u, bUI these were not very active, unlike the tWO ministers and other lower official gods. Kuan Kung" , tile god ofwar, was the most outstanding of all, most active at all religious gatherings, and the most respected, revered and feared. He was a historical character, and his sworn brolher, General Chang fei, was regarded as holding <"qual rank with him; but according to those inter. "iewed, Kuan was far abo"e Chang. See Hsu Lang-Kuang (3), pp. 139, t47. • The worship of Yo I'ei, hero of the batllcs againSt the Jurchen Chin Tartars, was much less popular, although it alsoenjoycd official support. See a very interesting study by Wilhelm (1;1. • C.K. Yang (I), pp. l;g-60.

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30.

M I SSILES

A N D SIEGES

85

There was, however, a more specific ethical and political aspect to his cuil which caused it to be universally fostered in all parts ofChina by both the govern­ ment and the gentry. This was the symbolisation of the civic values of loyalty, righteousness, and devoted suPPOrt for the legitimate political power.It may be added that Kuan Vii was also regarded as a devil-controller, a diviner offUlUre events, a god of literature, a guardian of Buddhist temples, and even as a god oCthe theatre;b his cult, though supported by the State, was distinctly popular in character, and so quite different from that ofConfucius.c The temple tales and local legends about his assistance to people were laced with threads ofSlories from the 'The Romance or the Three Kingdoms', which made him the leading repre­ sentative or mass imagination in China during the past dozen or so cenluries.d In the worship of Kuan Vii military values and virtues clearly mingle with civil ones, the win I clements with the wu 2 •e It is precisely this rusion that seems to provide the key to understanding the popularity or the worship or Kuan Vii and the other military dcities. f The Chinese justified even the use or violence against people - malefactors, wrongdoers and devils - if the need arose to restore or derend the principles orjustice, virtues, social and moral order, peace and harmony - all recognised as absolute values in them­ selves.' The worship or heroes appears to contradict Confucianism and Bud-

• (I may � added Ihal Ihe moral virtues of loyallY and fralernily were regarded as clIcniial for Ihe 'ideal warrior' in China. According 10 Shih Vu.Ching (2), p. 290, Kuan Vii became deified as Ihe god ofwar primarily because oflhesc moral qualilies. b Day ( I ) , p ' S4;Gamble (I),P'418. < Lou Tw-Khuang (I), p. 27. d On Ihe formalion and developmenl of his worship, � Gamble (I), pp. 'P9-29; Lou Tw.Khuallg (I), pp.26-62. Somelimes ill Ihe templesdediuled lohim oneroma across IWOSlalue5, one - Kuan Vu the military man­ dad in annour and wielding a .word, and the olher - Kuan Yii the eh'il servant - in an official's attire wilh a •

brush and books. f For example, cOllsider the :\I':n Shen' - 'Door Gods', idenlified with IWO generals of the Thang epoch (though the worship ofgate spirits as such is much carlin); MU Ta Thien Chiang' - the Four Great Heavenly Generals; Yell Kung YUan·Shuai· -Generalissimo Duke Yen; Tshao Ta Chiang.Chun' - General T$llao (pro­ IN:ling health); Pao Thung Chiang·Chiin - General Prolecling Children; Chung Khuei" - Conlroller of Evil Demons, elc. • Ha"ing analysed many cOll!emporary lexIS, E�rhard concludtd Ihat killing in defence of the Siale, or the ruler, or one's parents, wa� con$id�red asjustified or even honourable. Killing in re"enge for injuslice was a small sin, but killing for trivial reasons, momemary emolions or for any profit was much moreserioul, (29), p. 66. II is wonh notillg in this context that plain (not crud) killing was regarded in China as a light offence, Eberhard (29), p. 62. On the basis ofsociological �Iudies, Olga Lang has explained how Ihe ideals orpatriolism and opposilion 10 oppression. inspired b)' popular literalure, really functioned in motivaliollll tojoin Ihe army, and especially Ihe Communis! Ann)". She w;u "'riling len years before their final ViclOry, and her title 'The Good Iron oflhe New Chinese Arm)"' needs a lillie eXplanalion. There s i an age-old proverb in Chinese: 'fum /bull "" /jI li,.,; IItJIIfor "" /0", pi�," (Good iron is not Uled 10 make nailt; good men do not become 5Oldien); Smilh (I), p. 346; Scarborough & ,Sollan ( t ), p. 341. But in faci the Red Army had a mission and high ideals, so the iron Ihatjoined il was good iron. Cf. Cdl (I); !..aT)' (t); Bullard ( I ) . 1

,

86

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

dhism: but if one analyses its content in China - reflected in the titles conferred upon the figures worshipped, and the prayers to them - it turns out that the contradiction is only apparenl.b Just as the MohislS, who most severely con­ demned war in ancient China, preserved the most detailed instructions and de­ scriptions of its conduct, so Confucian and popular thought of the later period were anti-militaristic, but not at all paciflst.c

d. n

(iv) Knights-errant and combat-arts Our analysis, however, is still incomplete. 'While Confucian writings and Chinese philosophy in general'. wrote Eberhard, 'regard all military activity as undesir­ able, though sometimes necessary, the material written for the common man, and apparently also the material written by the common man, extols war, fighting and heroism.'d As rightly pointed out by Bauer, the latter writings were sometimes in opposition to the official Confucian idcology,t but he also made it clear that among the common people, insurgents and members of secret associations, a spe­ cific ideological mixture involving both religious and military elements was popu­ lar, as well as models of the military organisation of society, and military titles. No doubt, the various manifestations of the ideology of militarism, and the exaltation of fighting, savoured of something antagonistic to the Tao, and inspired both a shiver ofterror and fascination. Says the Tao Ti Ching: Weapons are ill-omened things; a man of the Tao has no concern with them. Wherever armies have been quartered, thorns and brambles grow. He who takes pleasure in the slaughter ofmen will never get his way in the world.f

But militarism was not in every case linked with an opposition to Confucianism. I t seems that we are simply dealing here with still another current in Chinese culture, chiefly but nOt solely plebeian,' a current that is still alive at the present • Buddhism was. ofcou!"$(", pacifi51 b)' definilion, as il were, yel il is interesling thai Ihe Buddhas and bodhisal­ I,'as had 10 be pl"Olet"led by so many mililary demigods, INllpaIM, as al 1I.lo-Kao-Khu, the cave_lemples of Tun-Huang. Long ago we ga"e an ithUlration ofone of these, ""earing Persian-ty� armour, in Vol. I, Fig. a3 opposite p.la8. All Buddhist temples in China (and many TaoiSI ones too) are protecled by two l�tapal/lS of partieularl)' ferocious mien, one on each side of Ihe main gale. And indeed their uniforms provided Laufer ( I j) with material for a claS$ical monograph on Ihe history ofdefensive armour (d. Vol. j, pt 8). cr. also OtmieviHe (u).

b Thc Chinese people wcre nOt unconscious orthe horrors ofwar, as many a poem could teslify, bUI Ihey never at any time developed that terrible concept of the 'Holy War' (jihad) SO characteristic of Islam. War was for Ihcm a regrenable necnsity, needed at limes to 'put things straight', never an activity d
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30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

day, as shown by the tremendous popularity of films depicting combats.- A char­ acteristic of the military-type hero given by Ruhlmann confirms this opinion; The swordsman-hero's primary attribute is great bodily strength [ . . . ] Good fighters have trained for years in 'military arts' (wu shu I J, i.e. boxing and wrestling, fencing and the use ofvarious weapons.b These arts remain their favourite pastime. They can also jump and climb high walls, walk on roofs and so on, with exceptional agility. Some know how to walk under water ( . . . ] Not content to fight well and bravely, the tfue swordsmen-heroes add to their prowess the spice ofan often humorous bravura, crowning serious action with an aura of playful an. [ . . . J Outspoken bluntness and a volcanic temper characterise most swordsmen-heroes in popular fiction. They are obtuse, guileless, child-like, belligerent, tempestuous, irascible, devoid of manners, and completely uninhibited. They boast and quarrel as a pastime, and occasionally kill by mistake ( . . . ] Why are these raving bullies still so loved by their companions and by the devotees offiction? First, because they are honest and straightforward in a world in which persons officially vested with authority prefer the devious approach. With them one knows where one stands. Their friendships, born in the street, in wineshops, or in other humble places, are disinterested, spontaneous alliances ofcongenial souls. They are totally indifferent to money and will not take a penny ofwhat is not theirs. They do not fawn and flatter, and nothing can make them shift their loyalty [ . . . 1 They are resolute men, always ready to lay down their lives for their friends, never willing to surrender or to leI themselves be curbed or humiliated. �uscle play brings them a natural exhilaration, their"strength and courage lead to a careless self-confidence, their crude jokes reveal a robust sense of humour, and their whole manner cxudesjQie dt vivTe. They have all the companionable qualities that are subsumed in the phrase haQ_han2, 'good fellow'.c

Heroes of this kind, shaping the popular image ,of the military man in China, would naturally fascinate the common people of any count ry. Moreov er, aU the types ofChinese military hero presented by Ruhlmann have one basic characteris­ tic: their activity is directed to restoring order and juslice, to fighting against evil persons and bad adm inis tration . Sometimes, in the sorry circumstances of a par­ ticular age, only robbers or rebels can behave like Confucian gentlemen and make an attempt to restore a moral order. This tradition, as h e pointed out, began in

• Inde�d, one ofthe most popular opera sc�nes al th� prC$Cnt time i. Ih� fight in th� dark bel"'un a knight.

erratU Slaying

at an inn, and th� innke�per who is trying \0 kill him. W� hav� often seen Ihi. played in China.

� l\'u sku - \h� military arts - is a common name for different kinds of phpicaI exercists and fighting tcch­

niqucs. Some made uSC only of the hands and the whole body, like the famom ChinC$C kung-fu orJapan�judo and karate; othen used the traditional eightun weapons. Th�y are ofl�n dos-ely connected one with another, and ..-eTC learned not only as fighting techniques but a. a means for achieving spiritual excellence, immortality, nirvana. etc. In each case t raining ofth� spirit was truted at eut:ntial, and they W�Te nC'o'er percei"ed merely a. physical abililies. This was the reason for the de"elopment ofsom� ofth� techniquCl in Buddhist monut�ries. Sometimes the military and spiritual upt<:t! were inseparable, as in Ih� I-Ho-Thuan m()\'emCnt, where achic\'c­ ment of particular spiritual and physical exccllence was the aim in order to wage a real figh t again51 the foreignen. We have had occasion to describe all thcse tech niques briefly in connection with acupuncture; see Lu Gwci-Djen & Needham (5), pp. 30�ff. It was a matter of the lor� of "ita! 'pou, particular points on th� body'! surfan wheTe any lrauma was particularly dangerous. • Ruhlmalltl ( I ) , pp. 166-8.

88

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

antiquity, with the popular heroes or hsia I 'adventurers': and even Confucians might accept their behaviour as adequate for a time of political chaos. I t was even easier, of course, in the case of heroes like Kuan Yii, embodying military, civil and scholarly virtues all al the same time. b �Iore or less Confucianised and sometimes worshipped in China, all these mili­ tary heroes popularised the ciassicai lheory of war, and this constitutes the main difference between their social functions and those fulfilled by similar European or West Asian heroes. Some parallels do exist, however; mediaeval knights-errant or folk-heroes like Robin Hood were known not only because of their bravery and military talents but above all because of their civil virtues, 'putting down the mighty from their seat, and exalting the humble and meek'. (4)

M I L IT A R Y T H O U G H T

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Here the widespread popularisation of the elassical theory of war was a dominant factor, though not the only one. Alongside it we come across a completely opposite trend: the treatment of military knowledge as secret, and the transmission of its techniques only to select and trusted persons, with the safe·keeping of such works in manuscript form only." This was because the wide range of knowledge covered many magical and astrological matters, as well as professional secrets (related to the wu shu and to strategy) which were never willingly revealed. But the shroud of mystery surrounding that knowledge was also, doubtless, connected with death, with identification with the Yin element, and with the negation of many officially recognised values. The State, lOO, made efforts to bar from mass circulation those • The popular name J" /uiQ' is often tra!l!Jlated as ·knight.N:rr.ln!· or 'wandering knighu'. In tht SIIilt Clti a short chapttr is de'-oted to them (eh. t?
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M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G ES

89

military texts that it regarded as 'dangerous' or 'immoral'.· In consequence such texts were read clandestinely, distributed illegally, and, even if used, were not referred to.b The sphere of influence of classical theory and its applications was extremely broad. I t was applied in politics and diplomacy, also enjoying success with mer­ chants as a theory of conducting business." It was recommended for use in every­ day life and in every activity of society.d However, even jf its uses in political activity, which often assumes the character of a fight, or even in trade, can be explained with comparative ease, yet viewing social life as a form of struggle may seem surprising, especially in China.e To determine the origins of this view would require some research, though it does seem that in China such a tradition goes back long before the influence of Western social Darwinism. Indeed, the easy assimilation (and dissemination) of the latter in China at the beginning of this century may well have been due to that tradition.r As early as the Chuang Ttu book we find the following fragment: Great words are clear and limpid, little words are shrill and quarrelsome. In sleep, men's spirits go visiting; in waking hours, their bodies hustle. In [human J relations and [humanJ unions 'fighting' between minds goes on every day, fit is) sometimes irresolute, sometimes sly, sometimes secret. Over liule fears people are careful, but over great [fears] they are deliberate. Some bound off like an arrow or a crossbow bullet, certain that they :tre the arbiters ofright and wrong. Olhers cling to their position as though they had sworn 10 be A ban on the �tudy ofmilhary leXIS was enrorced by Ihe .\lanehu Dyna�ty in + 1648. One year laler, th"y eased that restrielion and permiued the �ssion of cerlain kinds of arms, but upheld Ihe ban on thc poss<'ssion or mililary booh by private persom under p"nalty of death (Chhing Chha� Win Hsim Thung Khao, vol. 195. p. 6j99.) In + r6j� they issuro the first prohibition concerning popular novels and taln, npedally on military h('focs, and this was rcpeatro many timn by imperial edictS down 10 the nineteenth C"ntuf}· (Shih Vu-Chung (�), p. �86). Of cou�, the ).Ianchu g
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30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

in Icagu� with it; th�)' defend for viclOry. Others fail like autumn and winter, such is the

way they dwindle day by day. Others drown in what they do, you cannot make them turn back [ . . . ] Joy, anger, grief, delight, worry, regret, fickleness, inflexibility, modesty,

wilfulness, candour, insolence - music from empty holes, mushrooms springing up in

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dampness, day and night replacing each other �fore us, and no one knows from where they sprout.In

the Han Fti T;:.u book there is an even more striking example:

The Yellow Emperor coined the saying 'Superior and inferior wage a hundred battles a

day.' The inferior conceals his selfish intentions and tests the superior; the superior

manipulates rules and measures in splitting the influences of inferiors. Therefore the institution of rules and measures is the sovereign's treasure; the possession of partisans and adherents are not yet sufficient. When the superior loses one or two inches, the inferior will

gain eight or sixteen feet.b

The categories mentioned here: a superior and an i nferior, a weaker and a stronger party, may be used not only in officialdom, but also within the clan and in various social situations.c In the Shih Chi there is the following descriplion of Pai Kuei 1 (late - 4th century), regarded as a founder of the Chinese art of commerce: He ate and drank the simplest fare, controlled his appetites and desires, economised on clothing, and shared the same hardships as his servants and slaves, but when he saw a good opportunity, he pounced on it like a fierce animal or a bird ofprey. 'As you see', he

said,

'I manage my business affairs in the same way that [the statesmen] I Yin2 and Lii

Shang,d made plans [mou4], Sun Tzu} and Wu Chhi6 deployed troops Shang YangS laid down laws

[yung ping'], and

[hsingja9J. Therefore, ifa man does not have wisdom enough

to adjust to a situation, courage enough to make decisions, benevolence enough to know

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I will never teach them to him.'"

According to Ssu-ma Chhien, he observed the laws of changes, rules of tjmcs and places, and used them for his business together with the theories mentioned above. The use ofstratagems transformed into the popular cJlhengyii 10 for dealing with the various situations ofeveryday life, for other people's actions, and for an analy­ sis and planning of one's own behaviour, is also an old tradition; i t has been particu larly frequent during the past millennium when battle epics and story c ycles became so widespread.

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• Clru"lll T�u,ch. �, p. 7a, Ir. auCI., adjuv. BUrion Waoon {oll. pp. 3�-3, and, losom� extent, Pozdneeva (I) . b 11,,11 Fri T�", bk. 2 (ch. 8); Ir. Liao (I), \"01. I, pp. !)9-60, mod. aUCI. e

�Iao T�_Tung used Iha<: categories for describing his own family r�lations - those between his falher and mother. his father and himsdf- when he discuucd Ihe origins of his military arlS. Sec Snow (I l. pp. t�8-9. Lin YUlang. using military lerminology for describing everyday life and Chinne ways of behaviour, even gave as an �xamplc the relalionship belw�n a CUSlomer and a waiter in a restauranl; (3), pp. !)6-7. • AI$(! known as Chiang Tlu-Ya II and Thai-kung Wang". • Sllllr Chi, ch. I �9 (po 3259); 1<. Bunon Watson (I), \"01. ii, p. ,.83, mod. auCl.

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30.

MISSILES A N D SIEGES

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Although stratagems could be used against relatives within a clan o r a rural community, they were nevertheless chieAy employed against strangers. As Sey­ schab says, they belonged to the complex of norms called the 'way of deception' (kuei lao 1 ) , in opposition to the 'right way' (ching lao2 ) based on Confucian ideol­ ogy,a From the viewpoint of the individual, society was divided into a group 'ego', the community of which he or she was a part, together with other groups in some way associated with it, as well as with other people less closely related due to social separatism.b Though Confucianism in its classical form extended the influence of its ideals over the whole ofsocicty,C latcr on a practice grew up in which the use of artifices and stratagems against 'strangers' was recognised as admissible.d Never­ theless such behaviour was treated with some embarrassment and was not openly spoken about,e though the consolidation of elan structures over the last thousand years seems to have accelerated the widening distance between the 'ego' and 'strangers'. II is worth recalling here that, until the Thaiphing rebellion, little or no attempt had been made in China to promote a national ideology. ' The in­ habitants of China (Chung_KuQjtn3) were, as they saw it, simply 'the inhabitants of this world below' (thim hsia 4 ) . The Chinese must have regarded the broad uses of lwei tao as justified until the mid-nineteenth century. when the Thaiphing began to instil a pan-Sinic solidarity, partly because of religious ideology and partly to counteract the widespread practice of treating the members of another clan, the inhabitants of another village, commune, district, and province as 'enemies'.' Such ideas were regarded as justified in remOle rural areas as late as the mid­ twentieth century. h

• �yschab (I), pp. 13-22.

b The mO$1 complete dc-scription of these concrp15 in the twentieth c",mury has !xcn given by Li Tsung-Wu (I). pp. 137-:'3. The ego was «mC"';"
PP· 7 1 -82.

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d cr. Ihe English rural expression current till late in the nin"'tumh cenlury: 'furrinen from De\"on'. • Styschab (I), p. 1.4. r The reservation should be madc that earlier on, in the Sung period, then: appear
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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

It may be added that the principles of human behaviour laid down in the theory of war conformed to widespread philosophical concepts. They also corre­ sponded with East Asian social structures, and generally accepted rules of action, Many other elements of culture which seem quite elosely related to the theory of war and which propagated its basic principles, such as the popular game w�i chhil , or the different techniques of individual combat, could, however, be shaped inde­ pendently of that theory, for after all they were products of the same civilisation. Thus not only could the theory of war provide the civilian with useful panerns of action but, conversely, tricks developed in working techniques, or even ob­ served in animal behaviour, were easily transformed into military art. This idea, quite common as a natural attitude of soldiers to the outside world, was well expressed by oneJapanese author. The good commanders ofancient times observed the activity offishermen, woodcutters, and farmers, immediately learned them, and created a new art from them, which they often used in their campaigns. If a man continually focuses his awareness on it, he will recognise that everything which he sees or hears contributes to the art of [military] planning.-

(5)

T H E P L A C E OF T H E M I L I T A R Y E L E M E N T THE CHINESE WORLD ORDER

( WU ' )

IN

To conclude these general deliberations upon war and the art of war, mention should be made of the place they occupied in the social world order created by the Chinese. As we have said, ever since the Han epoch, and probably much earlier, war, the wu2 factor, was treated as a manifestation of the dark, negative, female element rin; whereas the factor of culture, win', was identified with rang, with civilisation, virtue and rites (/;4), with the canonical books, with proper upbring­ i ng, with the civil administration and the assurance of affluence and happiness.b The wu5 factor was identified with the use offorce� and violence, with punishment

•

Cho�3" Shiuai", Tnlgu G�ul$u Row' {Diseour$t on the Arts of the Mountain Demons), first published in + t 729. Cf. Kamma (J), p. 9 1 . The word 'mililary' is added because the problem of stratcgic planning and milital)' subterfuges was discussed here. • for an analYliili or the u:ht concept in Confucian though t 5« Perelomov {�), pp. 76-8; Lisevich (I), pp. t;'-3 t. , When rou think ofit, the question 'are rou a member of the Forces?' is a strange bit of EngliSh. It was of coune: assumed c,'cn in thc most flagrant aCI$ of imperialism, that 'the "orces of lhe Queen' "'crc acting in the interests orjustice and righteousness. But the word still carries a pejorative undertone. I remember myoid friend Dr Arthur Ped of Christ', College, saying that ifrou wanted 10 draft some document 10 that it would arouse lillie or nooppo$i tion, you should 3\"oid the use ofthc word foreed , preferring 'obliged' - if X is done 10\' we $hall be obliged to do so-and so in response. ,

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MISSILES AND SIECES

(hsing l ) and thus with law (Ja � ), with torture,' destruction and killing, with the

production of misfortunes, and hence with savagery.b According to the Five­ Element concept, wu was attributed to the fin season when everything withers away and dies down, that is, to autumn and to the element Metal. This theory established war's ties with Fire, Earth and Water, correspondence with the nu­ merals (9, 6 and 5), with directions (mainly western), and with certain animals.( Win' on the other hand, was identified with rang and corresponded to Heaven; wu\ identified with fin, must therefore belong to Earth. From an astrological aspect, Thai Po (the planet Venus) was assumed to be the heavenly body in charge of war, while the Moon presided over punishment in the narrower sense.d The principles determining these magic counterparts changed and were not al­ ways free from contradictions; some relationships appeared obvious, but others were of a speculative character.e At the end of the Warring States period the full or broken lines of the trigrams were considered as corresponding to the fang and fin forces. Thus there came aoom an intimate connection between the Eight Trigrams theory and military thought; moreover, the concept of correspondence between Heaven, Earth and Man was born. According to this, the Way of Heaven was based on the fang and fill forces, the \''\fay of Earth on Hardness (kallg�) and Softness (jouf.) • and the Way of Man on the virtues of human-hearledness (jin ' ) and righteousness (is).' Therefore Win 9 corresponded to Softness and Righteousness; a Softness (also oftcn understood as Flexibility, Weakness or Gentleness) which was expected to over­ come Hardness (i.e. Rigidity, Strength, Arrogant Violence).i Consequently Soft• C( Vol. �, p. 5\15. From + 15\10 onwards the early Ponugune travellers had b«n d�ply impressed by the justice of the Chinest magimat�, who 'lake all possible meanl lO 1Y0id oondemning anyone to death'. The evil conditions orprisons. and lhe use ofjudicial torture. they were accustomed to in their own coumry. so they did nOt remark on it.Just lhesame testimony was borne by a Timurid amb..wdor from Persia in + 14\10. Yet ","hen the British and other European sailors re..ched China in t820 the puni,hmenl$ of Chin.. Sttmed perfttdy barbarous. and the CUltoms ol' the country highl)' b..ckward. Wh..t had happened was tht growth of humanitari­ anism in Europe; this was cenainly not due 10 Capilalism, but it may well have b«n due to the rise of modern $("ience, with ilS coroliarie$ ofmodem plumbing and the appcar..nce ofa certain 'squeamishneM' about blood and excrela. The riK of anaeslh�ia had also increucd sensitivity 10 pain whether in onetelf Or in others. Hence perhaps the rise offorms oftorlure in our own time which avoid tOO obvious subsequent signs ofill having laken place. We shall return 10 this subject of the gro,,"th ofhumanitariani5m/Hlri/HlJsw with thedevelopmenl ofmooern S(icnce, in Vol. 7. Foucault ( t ) , it is true, maintains that the substitution of more Jubtle forms for the more ritualised and bloodr tOrtures ofearlier cemuries has nOi necessarily led to gre..ter humanitariani.m. • Cr. CMi". Hall S,b, rh. 2�, PI" t03I-\l, ch. 23, 1'1'.1079-81. eh. 26, PI'. 1282-92. • Particularly the cock and the monkey; cr. Vol. 2, p. \162. • CMtit� liaIl Sh". ch. 26, p. 1291; Thai Po }'in Ching, ch. 84, sect. .:,. Cf. l.i Vij·Jih \"01. V, p. 209. • for example. (he corre5pondence of �'Ietal and u:u,· ""ith the liver s.ecms natural beeaul< Ihil org..n was commonl)' a((epted as Kat of the animal wul. producing anger and courage. Warriors were often p�nted as 'haif')' men'. which corresponded to Ihe 'hair)' animals' attributed to �lel..I, Other correspondences, "'ith hemp, with an acrid laSte, the colour white. the White Tiger, with given hours, nOles, Iteml. etc., werc connected with the whole Fivc·Element s)"Stem. On theS(: 'symbolic corr(!lpondenccs' $<:e Vol. \I, Pl" 261 If. f Cf.IChillg, 'Shuo Kua', 9, Wilhelm (\I), Eng. tr. p. 274; YU Tun-Kh..ng (I), pp. �4-7. I See T� TiChing, ch,. 36, 78. Ir. Duy,"endak (18); Ch'u T..·Kao (2); &� LIlt., ch. I .

(I),

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MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

ness contained a real strength within (jou chungyu kang I ), indeed i t constituted the only real strength, and was able to change into strength; whereas strength as such was considered a potential weakness. These concepts were reflected in the name of individual fighting-techniques which belonged to the 'An of Softness' (jou shu'). According to these concepts and the old practice of administration, the win factor was associated with China, the centre of the world, whereas the wu factor was related to the territories which played a defensive role, and the wild lands inhabited by outer barbarians.- Hence the apotheosis of harmony (no'), concord (ho·) and peace (an� ) consolidated by Confucianism was due, as if by nature, to the central regions of the world inhabited by the Chinese, the land which gave birth to the sages and to civilisation.b The use of wu, of violence and punishmcnt against transgressors and rebels insidc the Middle Kingdom, and against the wild tribes living at the fringes of the known world, was justified only if it served to check vice and restore the principles ofjustice. Because of these concepts, Wit was treated only as a relative counterpart of win. From at least the Han period onwards the character Wit was interpreted as abrogating the use of weapons (by show of superior force, by demonstration of military strength, or even by manifestation of win values only), though Wit was also identified with weapons, soldiers, violence, the fighting spirit, etc.; so it is not a straightforward equivalent for the concept 'military' in European thought.c As Matlhews quite correctly stated, in Chinese 'to stop the use of weapons and avoid war is truly military, .d With such an approach, war was treated as the 'punish­ ment of transgressors', which applied equally to a peasant rebellion, invasion or revolt by neighbouring tribes, attempts to topple a ruling dynasty because of its 'moral decline', and to the restoration of moral order. Beginning with the Han period, the firmly entrenched belief was that the win and Wit factors alternated in dominance, not only in step with the natural rhythm of the seasons, hut also in the form of the great cycles of history - necessary stages in the formation of the State. In the Chhitn Han Shit, we read: • Cf. the dM<"riplion oflhe diflhent parts ofthe Chin� Empire in CMit/! Han SkM, ch. 288, pp. ,640-7 1 . This experience, found reflection in the famous paltern of division into concentric zone, of the State (d. Hsin Shu-Chih (.1); GawJikowski (4), pp. 48-60), and in the later di\"i'ions orthe Han q>och into external circular districts which supplied soldiers and internal circular diJlficts which recommended officials. I t is also reflected in the idea orthe land of the Middle Kingdom, surrounded by barbarian lands swept b)" war; cr. Krol (t), pp. 18-20, Fairbank el), pp. 20-33, and Yang Lictl.Shrng (16). On the ooncentric-zone geography ofth� Yu Kung cha pler oflhe Sku Clri"g, see Vol. 3, p. .50�' It il also intcresting to note that real practice ....as sometimes in surp rising accord with th� ooncepts. Lcxwe, afler an analysis of the care�r$ of Han Wu Ti's generals, wrOt� ( t t), p. 87, that: 'Of twenty-six men four appointmen ts may ha\"c bttn due to their relationship wilh im])'"rial cOnsortS, seven "'ere nalives of the northern rornmanderies, four were men whOS(" rise follo,,"ed considerable sen'ice in the field, and one from the melropoli­ tan area had first become known as a criminal.' Thus most oflhne ....ere in one way or another connected with lhe fiw factor (im])'"rial female relati"a, origins in the border area, figh ters and cri minals) , Cf. HUIII."/111 T�M. ch ... , tf. Erkes ( , ) • 5« the meanings ofUM gi\"en by Chang Chhi-Yun (�), \"01. 5. pp. 7.592-3. • �lalthe"'"S t'. p. t 3 1 , no. 939·4.

con�cpt, based on real political

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MISSILES

AND

SIEGES

95

(The dynasties ofJ Yin and Chou pacified the world with the help ofarms. When Ihe world had been pacified, the shields and axes were put away, and the teaching ofculture and virtue [chiao j win ti l J began."

The same idea had been expressed earlier by Lu Chia2 in his famous colloquy with Liu Pang, the founder oCthe Han dynasty. You could conquer the world on horseback, hut you cannot rule it from there. By force [defianceJ Thang and Wu 'Vang conquered it, hut they defended it by gentleness. The use of both win and wu is an art ensuring viability [of the ruler of the established orderJ.b

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The metaphor about the need to 'dismount from one's horse' was later repeated again and again throughout Chinese history.c But experience of many revolution­ ary changes in the history of the world shows that a revision of the methods of conduct by the newly established authorities - the renunciation of war and terror within the country - has always been difficult, and failure to accomplish it has sometimes led to great tragedies. Those who win power by the sword, are often tempted to try to rule by the sword. Such a limpid formulation of lhis fundamen­ tal truth is certainly a major achievement of Chinese lhought.d The concept of cyclical declines of the State, of periods of war and chaos alternating with re­ unification and the re-establishment of order and peace, gradually came to be regarded as something absolute, a natural rhythm of the whole universe. In China the formation of a new political order by force, followed by a period of peaceful change, was both theoretical concept as well as historical reality.' The pattern can still be observed even in modern history. Thus the element of war was made part of the space-and-time order of the world. It dominated certain periods and specific regions in a natural way. It was even treated as an inseparable pan of any political order; only in periods of sta­ bility, which were the chiefconcern of Confucian thought, were there instructions to place virtue and rites before violence, to concentrate on education, on instill­ ing good conduct and improving administration, and show restraint in applying punishment.f According to Confucius, even the harmony of the human personality required a fusion of whal is natural and spontaneous, what is untamed and wild, with educa­ tion and culture (win). Confucius did not recognise erudition alone as an ideaL' Accordingly, he taught the six arts, which included archery and chariot-driving, and he believed that in order to last, the Slate needs military force as well as • Cllhim Han Shit, ch. 73, p. �b p. 1081, tr. Hul.sewc (I). � SAill ClIi, ch. 97, p. 7699. , cr. Hsin YUQIIShih,ch. 177, p. 775. d It is pTe�nted. of(ou�, in the popular epic Sa" IiIllJ Chill 1'111 / (Itt p. 80 aoo..·c).

• Sec Eberhard (71). pp.8g-I06. Classical �1editerrancan culture and that of �laur)'an India must abo ha"c had .something 10 say on these changes. f Sec Clthim Hall Sh�, ch. 22, pp. 103', 1033-4, IT. Hulscwc (I). I Lull ri, VI, 16; Legge (a), p. �. Sec abo an imeI'CSling analy$is orlhis passage by Konrad (3), p. �16.

96

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

economic affluence and the people's confidence i n the authorities.- Therefore the most widespread view in China was that the use of violence and war was not merely a simple negation orwin; they served to restore and reinforce it while, at the same time, relying on win for their moral support. To achieve a military victory one should act in conformity with the Tao, and implement all the virtues. Though war relied on deception, on kuti tao I as opposed to cheng IQQ,2 yet it combined both these elements. And again, as in mauers of administration, it was recognised that in order to aHain political aims which, in the final reckoning, were served by military action, the proper way was to reduce as much as possible the use of violence and fighting with arms, though still waging war. Therefore the instruc· tion cOlllinuously repeated was that the best commander does nOt array armed forces for battle; he does not need to fight, but if forced to, he docs not inflict defeat, and if a defeat occurs he does not annihilate the conquered State. b This is in full harmony with the instruction to give priority in the inter·State rivalry to poli tical and diplomatic means, even to the activity of intelligence agents, rather than to fighting. Wu Tzu wrote: To win victory is easy, to preserve its fruits, difficult. Therefore it is said that when Thien hsia [AIl.under.Heaven] is at war, one who gains five victories suffers calamity; one who gains four is exhausted; one who gains thret: becomes Lord Hegemon; one who gains two becomes a King, and one who gains one, the Emperor. Thus he who by countless victories has gained the empire is indeed unique, while those who have perished thereby are many.e

The belief that war brings calamity to all, victors and vanquished alike, and that it spells boundless suffering to the common people, became widespread as early as the Warring States period. The Tao Ti Ching says: \Veapons are instruments of evil omen; hateful (it may be said) to all creatures. Therefore one who has the Tao does not employ them . . . Weapons are not the instruments ofa gentleman; he uses them only by the compulsion ofnecessity. Calm and repose are what he prizes, [victory) does not give him greatness; his glory is not to rejoice in the loss of human life. He who findsjoy 111 killing people will never get support in the world [ . . . ] On joyful occasions the left is the place of honour; on sad occasions it is the right. When they return, the second·in·command is placed on the left, the commander·in·chief is posted on the right, which means that they take their places according to funeral practices. The slaughter of multitudes of men is bewailed with sorrow and lamentation. Therefore, even after victory in war, the commanders are placed according to mourning rites.d

In the Wti Liao Tzu treatise it is even said that the commander is the envoy of death, while war is contrary to virtue (ti),c The Mohists (Mo Chia3) denounced • Ib;d. , X l I . 7 : Legge (�}, p. ! !8. - Chhl'� IfnflSh, ch. 23, p, 1088, tr_ Hulsewe (I), pp. 361-�. • II'w T�II,ch. I, ittt. 4, Ir. Griffith ( I), pp. Ij�-3, mod. aucl. d TM Tl Cftlllg,ch. 31; Ir. auc!. adjuv. Legge (5), pp. 73-4; Duyvendak (18), p. 77; Ch'uTa-Kao (�), p. 4�; Wu Ching-Hsiung C I ,p. 3'· On left-right symbolism cf. ;\Icikrmon (t), ikmic"illt (13), Cranet ( 10). • Wn UlIO T�•. ch. 6, pp. 47-6. Or, as the Duke of Wellington PUt it, in eighteenth-century style, 'the onty thing more mdanchol)· than a banle lost. 5 i a bailie won'.

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war no less firmly. In the Mo Tzu book, for example, we come across one of the most beautiful fragments in world literature denouncing war of aggression, the drive to acquire benefits for oneselfor one's Slale by shedding human blood. If a man ellters an orchard and steals the peaches and plums, everyone who hears about it will candem.l him, and ifthose above who administer the government catch him they will punish him. Why is this? Because he injures others (Q benefit himself. When it comes to carrying offdogs, swine, chickens, and pigtelS, the deed is even more unrighteous than cnlcring an orchard to steal peaches and plums. Why so? Because Ihe loss to the other is greater [ . . . J And when it comes (0 murdering an innoc�nt man, stripping him of his clothing, and appropriating his spear and sword, th� deed is �v�n more unright�ous than breaking into a stable and seizing someone's horses and cows. Why? Because the injury to others is even greater, and if the injury is great�r, it shows a greater lack of benevolence and is a more serious crime [ . . . ] Ifsomeone kills a man, he is condemned as unrighteous and must pay for his crime with his own life. According to Ihis reasoning, ifsomeon� kills len men, then he is len times as unrighteous and should pay for his crime with t�n lives [ . . . ] Now all the gentlemen in the world know enough 10 condemn such crimes, and brand th�m as unrighteous; yet when it comes 10 other States, Ihey do nOI know enough to cond�mn it. On the contrary, they praise it and call it righteous. Truly they do not know what unrighteousness is. So they make a record of their wars 10 be handed down to posterity f . . . 1 Now ifthere were a man who, on seeing a lot of black, called it white, we would conclude that he could not tell the difference between black and white.Such were the concepts which shaped the real policy of the Chinese states. Indeed, one of the best characteristic statements of this way of thinking in Im­ perial China was given by Hucker.

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When hostilities erupted, whether on the frontiers or in the interior, the government traditionally considered twO possible responses: either a straightforward military solution, called 'extermination' (chiao I or mith 2); or an indirect politico-economic solution, called 'pacification' (chao an', chaofu4, or similar terms suggesting 'summoning and appeasing'), supported by real, bOl muted, threats of military action. In their pragmatic way, Chinese officials seem normally to have considered direct military solutions suitable only in the last resort, when the nation's vital interests were at stake and pacification was impossible or would yield unacceptable results. Except in the cases of notoriously bellicose Chinese leaders, pacification seems to have been greatly preferred as the normal means of coping with the disaffccted.b And he added one interesting remark which explains psychologically this tradi­ tional negative attitude to war, fighting and pugnacious behaviour generally. The preference no doubt reHeclS Chinese inclinations within the family and local community to 'keep things going' at almost any cost, by mediating, compromising, and saving face all around." • .\f� T{�. ch. '7. lr. Bunon WatsOn (7), pp. 50-1 cr. Vales (4). b Hucker CS). p. 274.

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30. M I L I T A R Y

98

TECHNOLOGY

'Anti·militaristic' education started very early; i n traditional families children were always punished for fighting or quarrelling;· to 'be a man' was quite differ­ ent in China from what it was in Western society.b The pre-eminence of harmony and the condemnation of conflict became one of the basic tendencies in Chinese philosophy.c The identification of war with Yin, with the death factor, and the consequent ralional drive to restrain its use, was in full accord with this negative attitude to war, the disdainful treatment of maniaI virtues, of military service and soldiering and, indeed, of anything related to com baed Such trends, particularly evident for the last thousand years, are evident in the proverbial saying already mentioned, 'good iron is not used to make nails and decent mcn do not join the army' (hao thieh pu ta ting, haojin pu tang ping l).t A change in this attitude only began with the reforms of the nineteenth century, and the transformation of the army into a revolutionary and patriotic force in the twentieth. Some might say it was a change for the worse. The negation of war was due, however, not only to the philosophical and psy­ chological factors already discussed, but also to the suffering of the common peo­ ple, and to the civil character of the ruling stratum which regarded the military with suspicion as a likely challenge to their authority and condemned armed revolts by the population. This was why they 'kept the soldiers down'. It was also due to some extent to religious beliefs and the veneration of ancestors. Yet another factor, perhaps the most important of all, was the way Chinese culture had formed from many varying local cultures, and so built its identity around the civil values­ win making them fundamental. The occasional efforts to promote martial virtues and values which were launched, for example, by the Legalists,! centred on the State of Chhin, did not produce any lasting effects. They were only incidental. Life itself may be a war, and aggressiveness natural to the human being, but the Chinese showed all the more persistence in restraining these tendencies and imposing norms of behaviour and values that ensured social harmony, Confucian ideology gradually renounced even the limited recognition it had originally given to the wu element. The politi-

Cf. Sotomon ( I ) , pp. 67-8, 79. b And losomCUtenl,slili is. , Cf.Bodd e ( 1 4), PP·46-75. • !it.. among olh..r aUlhon, Alebre\' (7). Cred bdie\'ts Ihal lh.. dislike orwar, and ils usc only as a lasl Tnorl. al....ady occurrro in Wtstem Chou limn and was, arlcr a brier period orpromolion ofmarlial "irlun by the ariSiocracy or Ihe Springs and AUlumns period, r(\'i"ed and C\'en consolidaled in th.. lim.. of Conrucius Creel (7). p. 757. One can acrepl Ihis thesis wilh the 1"elC1"\',uion, howe,·er. that prior W Ihe Warring Slatts epoch Ihere W(,T(, many diff('renl cultura l t....nd$ due to elhni<: pluralism. Thus th('re are texIS corrooorating Creel's thesis, as wdl al denring it. The trend was probably dominant in th.. sphere oflhe Chou clan. • A description orthis lype orattitude to the army in the 19201 is pro\'ided by Lang (2). f Stt Vol. 2. pp. 20,,-15; Perdomo\' ( I ) ; DU)"'endak (3l, pp. 244-59 (in the introduction to his translation or Shn"l CMin Shu, the problem ofwar in Lcgalist thought is negl�(ted); Bodde ('4), pp. 5 [-4. •

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cal system of a civilian bureaucratic State was not adapted to the conduct of predalOry wars or the conquest of new territories.' It could engage in such opera­ tions only on a limited scale. ',Vars were not 'a State industry' as in Rome, nor any system of founding economically profitable coionies,b Thus objective interests did not erode Confucian ideology, but rather formed a harmonious whole with it. Together they ensured the survival of China, with a degree of ethnic and cultural stability quite unknown to other peoples. They provided specific conditions for the development of military thought in China and a philosophy or art of war, as well as the techniques of war; but as rightly pointed out by one of the analysts of the contemporary Chinese army, given the latter's multifarious social functions, weapons were not its main aspect.� Many thinkers have pondered on these great differences between Chinese cul­ ture and that of Europe.d How far could it be innate, and how far could it be due to the different historical experiences of the Chinese and European peoples? Per­ haps it is tOO soon to attempt an answer to these questions, yet it is well to raise them. The schizophrenia and restlessness of Europe was a characteristic that went back to the Greek and Roman civilisations, and the crusading experience later on provided a good excuse for imperialistic expansion when the time came.e Perhaps it was true that Western society had an inbuilt penchant for warfare; if so, the coming of modern science in that society, and in that alone, with its atomic weap­ ons, has brought us to the brink of the precipice. In 1957 Arnold Toynbee wrote: . . . The secret ofthe Wesl's superiority to the rest of the world in the art of war from the seventeenth century onwards is not to be found JUSt in the civilian technology that supplied the military equipment. It cannot be understood without also taking into account the whole mind and soul of the Western society of the day; and the truth is that the \Vestern art ofwar has always been one facet of the Western way of life [ . . . ] Any civilisation, any way of life, is an indivisible whole in which all the parts hang together and are interdependen t.f

There is truth in this, but was it wise to brush aside so cavalierly the whole of economic history? Capitalism also originated in Europe, and in Europe alone, so that thc 'expansion of Europe' from the early + 1 7th century onwards can hardly be understood save in the light of the great economic change that ended mediaeval Europe and brought modern Europe into being. Many otherwise repUlable books • Ic is racher striking that the Chine� never took O\'Cr the neighbouring Staccs ofKorea and Viemam, Ihough both had been in parc commanderiC$ under che Han, and though there Waf incerminenc fighcing chrough the rencuri..,. Tibet only reH to China (as a racher awkward pouessiofJ) because che firsl Mongol emperors in che late + 131h and early + t4ch cemuries were aho proCfi:cors of Lamaiu Buddhism. On the ocher hand, sparsely popul�cC'd lands on Ih .. edge oflhe Chinese oito�m_ could fairly easily be absorbed inca the Chinese empire. as happened "'ith Sinkiang in lhe Han period. And quit� c:lrJy on, th� Chinese filled up chcir �ikfltm_ which had ckar physical-geographic boundarics; d. Ihe illlere5ting book ofWiens (3). - Cf. Vol. 4, pt 3. pp. 533. 508ff. • SIat�rn�11I by J. H. Lindbeck in Rhoads (I). p. ix. • '-orexampk �lcNeill (I). • Cf. Vol. 4, pi 3. pp. ,So8ff 514ff.. 519ff., lU aoo Needham (41, 51, 54, 59, 6,5). f (� ,p. 26. .•

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M I LITARY T E C H N O L O G Y

also ignore this economic rcvolution,a yet it is indissolubly bound up with Euro­ pean imperialism and European domination of the Asian cultures. The only remark which needs to be added, in conclusion, is that it would be a great mistake to think of the Chinese non-military way of life as 'Asian' or typical of Asia. Belligerency was an important component of the nomadic cultures of the steppe belt, and martial values were highly esteemed there. We find an even greater apotheosis of war in the Japanese culture of the samurai; and the dai"!Jo; and to some extent also in the farmers' and fishermen's Vietnam, in spite orits civil bureaucratic State character, borrowed from China. Indeed it does seem that the military-aristocratic reudal structure or traditional Japan, so similar to that or mediaeval Europe, helped to bring it into the modern world or the counting­ house, the ractory and the computer, more easily than could ever be the case in China, with its age-old system or bureaucratic reudalism.b There seems [Q be something about a military orientation which racilitates the passage to industri­ alisation, but perhaps this is mainly because the rormer is so illogical that the merchants accumulating capital, and the entrepreneurs that rollow them, find it relatively easy to substitute commercial ror military values, when the time is ripe. or course, the radically competitive element is common to both military and commercial cultures.c But we must not rollow these ideas rurther here, for they will be the subject orVol. 7 or the present work . •

E.g. Cipolla ( 1 , � ) on gUIl$, sails and docks, where the word 'capitalism' s i not even in the index.

� I t is primarily to bureaucratic feudalism, too, that we mUSI attribute the retardation of the growth orIfUII:Iml science in Chinese: culum:; see Needham (59). • cr. p.8g above.

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(d) P R OJ E CT I L E W E A P O N S , ! . A R C H E R Y

(1)

T H E BOW

Once during the Second World War, when resting by the roadside among the pleasam rice-fields of Szechuan, somewhere between Chheng-Tu and Mien-Yang, 1 met a group of blue-gowned countrymen with 4-ft. bows and quivcrfuls of arrows. The cOntrast with the metallurgical microscopes in my lorry was rather startling, but it was good to see that archery still survived as a recrealion in the land of Chu-ko Liang. The bow, the crossbow, and the artillery pieces' which derived from them, are now the next items on OUf agenda, not indeed to be underestimated in view of their cardinal importance as military weapons through­ out the history of Asia. b Besides, the early mastery of the technique of applying an elastic force to a desired purpose is important in itself for the history of tech­ nology. In his Ming Chhi Pi Than' (Dream Pool Essays) of + 1 086 Shen Kua2 saide that the bow has six advantages (kungyu liu shan!). These were ( I ) that it was light yet powerful, (2) harmonious yet strong, (3) its strength remains the same, though often used, (4) and whether the weather is hot or cold, (5) the twang of its bow­ string is clear and sharp, and (6) once let go, the arrow flies straight to its targe!. That there is more in this than appears on the surface is the contention of Li Tzu-Yao (I) and ''''en-Jen Chlin (I), who believe that this saying originated from the I Ching" (Book of Changes), especially the explanations of the kua Khfm� and Lij6,d and has reference to the phases of the moon, which after its rising resembles a bow. This might well take archery back to the beginning of the - 1st millennium - but that would not be at all surprising. In a certain sense it may be admitted that the art of the bowyer reached its maximal height in the eotechnic ages,e and dealing as it did with the properties of primitive materials such as wood and horn contributed less to modern technology than the art of the smith. Yet such a judgement would have been more acceptable in the last century than it is today, when a vast plastics industry threatens in many directions the supremacy of metals. The glue to which the ancient and mediaeval

• All "l1Im.g (hi'. long-rangtc l<'"Chniqutc,

as

opposro 10 IMm. p.�g', I he dose-mmbal weapons disc:uS$ed below

{pI 8 .

Gilson ( I) has (oll<'"Ctro some n:fw:nccs to an:hcry in classical Chinese poetry. < Ch. 18. p. 4a. Stt Hu Tao-Chingtd. (I), "01. 2, p. 589, para. 303; Anon. (266), p. 29· 4 Wilhelm (2), Bayn<':l ,r., \"01. I , pp. 9f[, ,'01.. 2, pp. 18ff. and \"01. ', pp. 45fi"., '-01. 2, pp. i ' ff. n:sp«li\"dy. �

• Thtc bow is. ofmu=. ontc ofthe oldest of human lools, being ancsttd from the late palaeolithic (e.g. Peake ( I ) , p. 70). For comparisons with mtdiatc"al Engla nd cf. Bradbury (t).

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102

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

bowycrs devoted so much empirical study, and the lacquer which they used to prOlect their handiwork, were both forerunners of the great range of artificial chemical plastic 'setting' substances at our disposal today. Nor would those en­ gaged in modern forest products research lightly dismiss the selection of woods by the old Asian bow-makers. The first question to be asked is the position of the typical Chinese bow in a general classification of hows. The foundations of such a c1assificalion were laid over a hundred years ago by General Pitt-Rivers in the catalogue of his anthropo­ logical collection, published in 1877. Balfour (3) investigated further the StruClUre and affinities of the composite bow in a classical paper of 188g.- The bows of all peoples may be divided inLO types differing according to several criteria. The bow made of one single material throughout (such as the English longbow) is termed a 'self-bow'. When several layers or spliced pieces of the same or a related material are used, it may be called 'reinforced' or 'compound'. When a number orpieces of quite different materials are joined together to form the body of the bow, it is then called a 'composite' bow.b But besides the material used, there are also differences of shape, for the bow may simply follow the circumference ofa greater or smaller circle or ellipse, in which case it is termed 'regular', or it may change its direction of curvature, in which case it will be 'semi-reflex' or 'reflex'.c The Chinese bow, from the earliest times to which we can trace it back, was a composite reflex bow.d Fig. 1 4 shows the outlines of an actual military bow of the late Chhing dynasty.e Although a beautiful object, put together with consummate skill, there was by then nothing very new in its artistry, since bows of composite structure are known from Assyria and Babylonia as far back as the end of the • Sc� al$O �roi·Gourhan I " ,ol. �, p. 64; S. L. Rogers (II; and the popu lar accounl of Balfour's work by Raglan I , pp. 71 fr. Th� general hi$lorical accoum given in 'h� old book on practical archeI')' by Longman, Walrond el al. ;, "ill readabk. � J I is onen said Ihal splicing and glueing originaled in some region where inadequale wood was available for �Ir·bows; if$O, Ihis must have �ell in "cry ancielll limes. , Complicated curvatures arc known for sdf·bows, $Orne of which may � semi·teAcx (as in Ille Andaman islands or e'en reAex (caned to shape, as in West Si�ria and Ce:mral Asia). We shall shordy Stt a compelling reason for this lendency. scovered wen: found in Shuo county', Shansi, in 1963. Thl"}' dale back to • The earliesl arrows $0 rar di approximalcly -26,000. (Chia Lan-Pho et. al. (I), pp. 5'-2; Yang Hung (8), p. 19o). Yang Hung arguo that bow" had probabl)' appearro by -'28,000, but no remains for bowssurvive from Ihose early times, and he funha suggclu thai iniliall), pala�olilhir and neolithic bo"''S were constructed from simple picco of wood bent into a curved .haP'", a dnign still used by nalional minority tri�spcople today_ It wasonly laler in the neolithic and Ihe bronze age that composite reA�x bows we� de\Clopcd. • The degree of reflex cun:alUte was doubtll'SS always very variable, but in Chilla, at least in Ihe Chhing period, probably nevcr auained the d..-gr..-c known among Ihe Turkish peoplo, when: the ends of Ihe unSlrung bow miglll e"en CI'05S OHr. Harold Lamb (I) himsclfsaw, among the Inl bows used by eandidato for Ihe Peking guard regimel lls of tile + ,81h (eIHury, bows of Ij6 Ib pull. They were o\'cr five fect in Icngill. Such draw weigh IS were not unusual, bUI bows as hea\'y as Iltese were used mainly for ex�rci5C, or lrials of sirengtil for military examinations, and not ror ordinary shooting. The complete sct of eight test bows of the Chhicn-Lung period hdd al the Fidd �Iuscum in Chicago rang<: from 4 Ij to 1'2 Ii (53.3'2 Ib 10 1:'9.g6 lb) Elmy (4). The Chhang Hsillg bow shop in Chheng.Tu, Szechuan, listed two heavy bows in their range ofprodueu, om. of 8 1i ,06,64Ibs. and one of 141; 186.62Ibs.); Than Tan.Chhiung 'Z).

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30.

MISSILES A N D SIEGES

103

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-2nd millennium,- They remained characteristically Asian, with some influence on Crccccb and more on the Persians, Arabs and Turks;c and it would not be surprising if the bows used by the Shang people in China were of the same type, • Balfour (4) dt:SCrilxd an Assyrian bow ofaboul -670 found in an Egyptian tomb oftht: XXVlth dynasty, Longman ( I ) d
1 04

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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KEY SINEW WOOD BA�"BOO HORN ANTLER CORK

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Cross-sutions showing (he slruclUral compClIlcnlS ofthe Chinne bow.

The structure can readily be understood from Fig. 15. The horn component was always applied to the central wood, bamboo or cane stave (often made affive or morc lengths spliced together) on the belly or compression side,- The carefully treated sinew, soaked in glue and laid in glue, was always applied to the back, and often protected by a layer of flexible tree·bark such as birch. The whole 'leaf. spring' assembly was then lacquered or painted externally for protection against the weather,b Primitive forms of this sySTem of course there were, such as the • Note that the terminology ofba�k and belly is ulkeo from the bow in itS unstrung oondi\ion.

b Th� diagram, in Fig. I .') are taken from two aClual specimens ofChhing dynasty bows, Md:wen (2), and may Ix taken as giving Ihe general principles ofcormrllClion ofall composite bows.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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sinew-girded (not glued) bows of the Eskimo, and the wooden or horn/antler bows of the Amerindian peoples which were backed with sinew laid in glue,' but these might be regarded as vestigial remnants of the bowyer's technique on fringes of cultural regions. We may notc here one analogy ofsome scientific interest; the glue was essentially a solution of gelatin and therefore a partial breakdown product of the elastic collagen fibres of the sinew tissue itself. Its fibrous micro-structure therefore bore a relationship to the sinew in some sense analogous to that between the micro-layers of hard cementite and soft ferrite in wootz steel, and the welded sandwiches of hard and soft steels which the smiths jointed together in hammering their blades. We have already noted the fact that both these techniques, the one based on plant and animal materials, the other on metals, arose and flourished especially in Asia. The antiquity of the reflex shape of the Chinese bow is strikingly shown in the character which has always served to denote it, kung ! (K/gO l ) . Among certain hidden derivatives, 5M2, to shoot (K/807), added to the pictograph an arrow and the hand of the archer. The design of the composite bow changed and developed over the course of centuries. Perhaps this was a result of an early 'arms race' between the nomadic peoples of the steppes north of the Creat Wall and the Han people themselves. The advantage in Chhin and Han probably lay with the crossbow which out­ ranged the double curved 'Scythian' type of bow then in use.b This type of bow had a long history and continued in use across Asia, even penetrating into Europe in the hands of Scythian auxiliaries who made their first appearance in the Athenian army in - 530.c Although Rausingd supposed that the type was con­ fined to Europe and Western Asia, its depiction on bronze vessels as early as the Shang is clear evidence for its early use in China.' It is impossible to say with any degree of certainty just when the change oc­ curred, but by about + 200 bows were being stiffened by plates of bone or antler both in the handle section and, more importantly, at the ends of the limbs. These stiffened ends were acutely reflexed and formed 'ears', a term used nowadays by students of archery history. The reflexing of the ears gave additional leverage resulting in a longer draw and an increased power output for the same draw weight (input) of the bow. Apart from bone plates recovered from a number of burials, in 1934 Sven Hedin excavated one of these bows intact from a burial ncar

• Hamilton (I), pp. 9 and 93, traces Ihe development oflhe Amerindian composite bow and consideR illl Invention to be linked with the 'usc of the horse in hunting and fighting . . . ', a Iheory which might be applied with equal foree to Central Asia. , Cr. p. 123.

• Vos, (I),p. 88.

• Rausing (I), p. 140. • Weber (I), p.l4.

106

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 16. 80". al'l'O"'S and qui-eroflhe Eallern Han dynasty ( + 7nd ccnlu!)·!. unearthed ;n '9.'i9 at Niya, Niya COUnly. Sinkiang.

the mouth of the Qum-Darya river in Sinkiang. Unfortunately, the bow was severely damaged in transit and reconstruction is not possible. However, a further complete bow, also from Sin kiang, has been found and this was published in 1975 although no detailed description was given (Fig. 16).- The construction is clear from the photograph and although the bow is distorted due to having been in­ terred in a braced state ready for shooting, it can readily be equated with bows depicted in art from the Thang to the Yuan periods. b Subsequent developments involved the replacement of antler or bone plates by • Anon. (26jl. - Exampln are 100 numerous 10 list he� bUI for SOme eumplacr. Rorex &. W�n (I .

30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

1 07

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Fig. 17. Iklail from paiming on silk showing lh� improved fcaluresoflhc: '-ling bow held by the emperor �lingShih-Tsung r + ljUIO + 1566).

additional wood. The handle reflex diminished somewhat so that at brace height the bowstring loop-knots rested at the base ofeach ear. To provide extra stability a bridge of antler or wood was provided for the knots to rest on (Fig. 14F). This style of bow predominated in the ehhing but the older 'Scythian' type was

30.

108

M I L IT A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

fig. 18. The /ui(J(JslMll blfl or shorl-tarM short bow. From Ogyu Sorai, SMsAe RNiji Kobjitri 2f3.:;b. Fig. 19- The /11 shaD hltg or IOllg-eared long bow. From Ogyu Sorai, Sh(Jsiw Rllij; KQkNjihi 'l/3Sa.

not entirely superseded. By the Ming period it had acquired short ears coupled with a long ridged section on the arms below each ear (Fig. [ 7) which gave improved efficiency. In this form it resembled the 'Krim Tatar' style of bow so much favoured by the Otloman Turks, judging by the large numbers collected at the end of the last siege of Vienna in + 1 683 and even now impressively displayed in that city's museums.3 The encyclopaedias continued to illustrate the two basic types: onc a short bow with short ears (hsiao shao kung I ) and a longer bow with long ears (la shaQ kung2) (Figs. 18 and 19). According to the Wu Pei Chih the short·eared bow was used by civilians and the long·eared bow was more suitable for military use." The short· eared bow was said to be more liable to become distorted, and indeed bows of the Iype illustrated in the Wu Pei Chih having acutely set·back handle sections do have this difficulty. The type survived in Korea where it is still made and used as a • cr. Hein

I I.

30. M I S S I L E S

AND

SIEGES

1 09

}'ig. 1I0. The struCture oflhe compound bow. The end is of horn. The arm husucces"i"e layers ofwood or bamboo, and sinew in glue; Ihe hand·grip or bdly is made of birch·bark and lacquer,

sporting weapon. European archers have often been amazed at the difficulty expe­ rienced in bracing and adjusting them before they are ready for use, although the Koreans themselves appear to have no great problem and are excellent archers using them.' When we turn to the ancient texts for information, we find that the Chou Li (Record of the Rites of Chou), compiled in the Former Han dynasty probably about the - 2nd century, has a long section on the bow simple in the Khao Kung Chi (Artificers' Record) chapter. With the exception of that devoted to the chariot-makers, it is the longest of all.b The bow's composite character appears at once in a phrase which the writer might have borrowed verbatim from one of the old artisans: Wood ror range, horn for speed, sinew for penetration, glue for union, silk binding for firmness, lacquer for guard against frost and dew. The bowyers collect the six materials, each in their proper season, and then they are combined together by men ofskill." •

And he goes on to say that the wood is cut and trimmed in winter, the horn is soaked and glued in the spring, the sinew is prepared in the summer, and the three combined in the autumn.d From this text we know also the technical terms for the different parts of the bow, stabilised at that time and used throughout subsequent cemuries.' Thus there was the back (see Fig. 20), pi I , with its backing of glued sinew bound with silk (ju2), the arm (Ju3), the hollow belly (wei·), the shoulder Elou (I). b Ch. 44, pp. 161f. (ch. Ill, pp. 1I4alf.); tr. Biot ( I j, "0]. 1I , pp. !)80If. , Tr. aUCI. The order of the Iwosentences is invtrted in the original. d P. 2 7a; Biot, p. !)87. We arc fortun ate thaI al a late �riod (19411) al least one Chinese bowmaker was following the craft and his methods and materials were recorded (Than Tan.Chhiung (I)). No reference is made in Ihis report to soaking the horn. We arc originally uncLear whether the referencc in Ihe CIwM Li was to soaking the horn in glue or in waler, but on a recent visit 10 Outer Mongolia Edward McEwen had the opportunity to di$Cuu bowmaking with a Mongol bowyer. Apparently Ihey do soak the hom in waler, the purpose being temporarily to increase Ihe flexibility and softness ofthe horn so that it wi]] conform more cLosely 10 the sha� of the co� during the gluing process. After the death ofEdmond BiOI, JOmeofthis was worked out by his father the greal chemist,J. B. Biot, aided by SIJulien, and an appropriate appendix was added (vol. 2, pp. 60t If.). On the Khao Kung Chi chapter oflhe Clift Li ICC tOO HayaJhi Minao (s), pp. 247-81, (6), pp. 10-52, 1I04-5, 462-3.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

110

(kan I ) , so called because no morc horn was affixed at that part, and finally the inAcxible extremity or ear (hsiaoM). The central grip (pa4) oflhe early Han bow was situated at the point (d) where there was a prominent set-back, so it was called the 'corner' (chiao), or the character may be read ,hiiel! and mean the angle of the grip section). The point where the horn ended (f) towards the shoulder was called chiao chieh6• Other texts ofcourse have variant terms; the Shih Ming dictionary (ca. + 1 00) calls the ear mi' , the armful and the shoulderyuan 9 . The ChQU Li also gives a list of the woods most suitable for bows" Its order of preference starts with a hard wood known as the silkworm thorn,b and ends with the bamboos,c passing through privet ofa certain kind,d the wild mulberry,t orange wood,' quincel and thornh in descending value.; I t does not mention san­ dalwood,J used ceremonially and recommended later on in Taoist books,k per­ haps because endowed, like the peach, with magical powers. Sinew (chin 10 ) from the Achilles tendon of the elk or moosel was especially valued, but those of many quadrupeds were used.m Horn (chio I I ) came from the water-buffalo and from the long-horned cattle of the western borders (Hsi hsia chu niu 12 ) .n As for the cutting of the wood according to the grain, the application of the pieces of horn to JUSt the right extent on each side of the grip, and the preparation of bows for different purposes and for different human psycho-physical Iypes, many details will be found in the Chou Li.O The pride of the bowyers of Chou and Han is nicely shown

• Ch. l � . p. 24b.

CMor /Sn ". C�Jmni� triloba. R/�99. Ch� ", BnmbM$a. tpp., B/II, 501. 563. Howe\·u. bamboo was ust:d :Ilmost exclusively by later bowyers for Ihe flexible partt of Ihe bow core. e�crpt in the north of China where bamboo was not readily available, Than Tan.Chhiung (I), Laver ( I ). • J". 1-i,ItS/TII"'. tpp.. B/I I . .)01. ,)44. • r"" $till, " IIQT/l.ul/nl, BIll, .)001 .)01. I 0.". CUTIII Ipp. producing 5mall oranges, B/II. 486, 501. I .11/1 kIM ", C,JdQ"illSillmsis, B/II. 4i8, 501. • CII'", '". I·iI1' 5pp.. B/II, 501, 521. I Thi, list held good for ccntury aner century, and was copied from onc encyclopaedia 10 another. Thus Adler (2), who WTOIC On Ihe North Asian bow in modern limes, gOI il from Ihe KII�n,Shih ui FII of + 1699. J CMII11I thnn". Ihe San/a/iMm alhm of the Li Chi. R/590, Blli, 540. Or peThapl C,lli$ sinrnsi s, B/ll. 531, or Dalb"lia huprana, R/38 1, also varieli� of/h�1I. I E.g. the TU1I Chia lilw.i Shan TIIu ", probably part ofTT/850 or 866; cit. TPrL, ch. 347, p. 7b. I Ch;III min, Alus marMis, R/365. Laler bowmaken used tendon from Ihe backs ofcallie; TKKIV (p. 262 Sun & Sun Ir.), Than Tan.Chhiung (t). McEwen ( I ) ,peculale! on Ihe reaKlns for Ihi,. - Ch. 1 2, p. 26b, bUllhe animals are not spedfied. • [t "'as also wekomed from tributary countries. Thus Sun Chhiian, the Wu emperor, gOt Klme from Korea aboul +235 (Ch'd1l1 PiIJf} Cha"". cit. TPrL.ch. 347. p. 7b). Ch. 12, pp. 25", 28b, 3 1 b; BiOI Ir. \'01. 2. pp. $83,591, 597. For a mor� complete exposilion oflhe craft, albeit {('mred nound the Chhing00"" reference $hould be made to Than Tan-Chhiung (.1'). �

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

in a story from the Lith. Nii Chuan I (Lives of Celebratcd Women):-

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Duke Phing ofChinb asked a certain artisan to make a bow, but he took three years to complete it,C and even then it would not send an arrow through one scale of armour. The Duke was extremely angry and menaced the artisan with death, but his wife happened to be the daughter oran official (fanj;"l). So she went to the Duke and said 'Yly husband has worked most industriously on this bow. The wood ofil grew on Thai Shan, and in a single day [many tim�over] was thrice exposed to the Yin and thrice to the Yang. The horn of it came from the oxen orYen', and it was bound up with the sinews of the elk of Ching., and glued with the glue of the fish of the River. These four things are the most select in the whole world. lfthen the bow will not send an arrow through one scale of armour, it can only be because you do not reatly know how to shoot. And yet you now desire to kill my husband. How could that be right? From what I have heard ofthe Tao of shooting, the left hand should be as ifpushing away a stone, and the right hand as if leaning on a branch; when the right hand releases [the arrow] the left hand should nOt know - this is the Tao ofarchery.'d The Duke followed her advice and immediately shot an arrow through seven plates ofarmour at one time. And so, liberating the craftsman, he sent him away with three measures ofgold."

This story is ofcourse not offered as a historical narrative ofa -6th-century event, but rather to illustrate the assurance of the Han technicians in their art. The satirical note that the Duke was open to argument only because the bowyer's wife was the daughter ofan official, is quite in the style of Chuang Tzu. Let us now take a closer look at glue (chiao5), the ancestor of the plastics indus­ tries. ' It is nothing more nor less than the protein gelatin, prepared in varying degrees of purity, and this is a direct derivative of another protein, collagen. Collagen forms one of the mOst important constituents of all connective tissue in animal bodies, of tendons especially, and of skin. The electron microscope of the present day has enabled us to see it in its native form of highly elongated fibrils, looking like thick cables or corrugated garden hoses under highest magnification.1I The molecules of gelatin are certainly smaller and shorter, but in concentrated aqueous solution they form tough jellies, from which indeed the term gel, so funda­ mental in colloid chemistry, is derived. Since the surfaces to be joined are wetted • Attributed to Liu Hsiang' very doubtfully, but perhap$ with a Han nucleuJ.

b R. -556/- 530.

• ] n \ irw of the importanee of temperature and humidity for the diffuent procnsn ofscMOning and combin­ in� the pans, thillength oftime wa$ not at all uagger.ued. One can easily SCf what connenions could arisc be[\oo·�n the tKhniqu� orarchery and Taoill bodily (omroJ and g)·mnastics. Cr. [hc SIOI")' about Po-Hun Wu-Ji:n' and Lieh Tzu in CIIMall1 T�II, ch. � [ (L.cggt: (S). \"ol. �, p. S3). This a5SOCialion still continues in Zcn Buddhism, as a Gennan initiate, Herrigcl, has d�ribed in a rerord ofpct"$OnaJ experience (I). • Tr. auet. from TPYL,ch. 347, p. 8b. , [I was not the only anctstor concerned in bow-making, for [he hydr<>phobe lacquer applied externally falb inca thesame calegory. but that mUll( be ldt for Sect. 4�. I See the rKent symposium ediled by Randall & Jackson ( [ ) . , 'lJd' • " fo"".J

• �J

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1 12

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

by the adhesive, and the loss of water from the system leads to a great shrinkage (synaeresis) and hardening, the boundary forces give a tight join. The method of preparing glue has always been to boil hides and other animal tissues with water, sometimes made slightly alkaline with lime, and then 10 filter, concentrate and let gel.- We have an account of the process in the + 5th century eMi Min rao Shu (Importanl Arts for the People's Welfare),!> hut that is not very venerable com· pared with the specimens of ancient fine glued wood-work from Egypt,C which go back to nearly - 3000. Still, the description (like that in the Chou Lid) shows how great a variety of skins were used, from the camel and lhcdonkey to the rat. I t had probably been known also from very early times that the purest gelatins and glues are to be obtained from the tissues offish, especially the palatal endothelium and the swim-bladder ( phaot ) .e Mixing these with glue from mammals lengthens the time ofjelling; Turkish bowyers used a mixture of isinglass and sinew glue for their bows but probably from the poim of view of economy rather than anything else. Turkish bows made with sinew glue only were not suited to the use of long arrows and had an inferior cast (i.e. speed and range).f Chinese bowyers of recent years are reported to have used isinglass for the important, i.e. stressed, parts of a bow and hide glue as a cheaper substilUte for unimportant areas such as the bark covering, and for arrow making.- Glue made from callie tendons allains a strength of 1 2,000 Ibs/sq. inch, or from three to four limes the shearing strength of most woods. There is no doubt that in ancient and mediaeval times the Chinese made a judicious use offish glucsh and they almost certainly got them from the barbarian peoples of the north-eastern Siberian coast. Hence the interest of the reference; [Q Yli I Kuo2, the Coumry of the Malodorous Barbarians, in the Shih I Chi (Memoirs on Neglected Matters), written by Wang Chia about + 370. According to him, it was a foggy place,j remarkable chiefly for the marvellous glue (shin chiao') which it sent to China.k By the time of the Ming, this northern land had taken shape from

•

On the chemistry and te<:hnology ofgelatin and glue Bogue (I) and I)rew (I). "mong other $OUTen, may � consuilcd. b Ch. go. • cr. Aldred ( I ) . pp. Gg.lff.
' irl

30.

'ge 1 of ler, let Shu

.mgo lOW

>ad ues md the leir :Ise. )WS

�ars lOW

ack .gth lost Ie a 'Ian :i

to 0"" n, it

:h it com

t..d,

"3

the mists of legend as Manchuria and the Liao River,' which produced a valuable fish glue called 110 chiao ! . The reference was no doubt to this when the +4th or + 5th cen tury Hai Nei Shih Chou Chi (Record of the Ten Sea Islands) spoke of the wonderful adhesive of Feng Lin Chou7, a place in the western ocean fifteen hun­ dred Ii across, surrounded by 'weak water',b and containing abundant drug plants and many hsien.' As onc should not disdain to learn from legend, here is the account of this glue stronger than wood. From the bill orthe phoenix and the horn orthe unicorn a glue is made which is called 'bow-repairing glu(:' [hsii hsien chiao4J." Anoth(:r nam(: for it is th(: 'm(:tal-joining mud' [lien chin nis J. This glue can make joins in ttl(: broken curves of bows and crossbows, and (:v(:n cement the metal of broken sabres and swords. Jfthese things are again pulled violently [or struck], and so break, they will not break at the joins but somewhere else. In tl)(: 2nd year of the Thien-Han reign-period [ -99J, when the emperor [Han \\iu TiJ went to worship the spirits of the Northern S(:a and ofHcng-Shan, th(: ambassador of this coulltry [Feng Lin Chou] came and pr(:sented four ounces of this glue, together with som(: bright auspicious coats offur. Wu Ti accepted th(:se things, but not knowing th(:ir mysterious \,irtu(:S, just had them sent to the store-hous(:S. H(: thought that such native tribute was so unimpOrtant that he did not even give th(: envoy leave to return. One day the emperor visited the Hua-Lin park, and in shooting a tiger broke his crossbow, As th(: ambassador happenro to Ix pr(:s(:nt h(: offered another sampl(: of,h(: glue, oll(:jin in weight, advising the (:mperor to moisten th(:joint with spiul(: (and apply the glue, which mended it immediately). The emperor was quite stanled, and got his mighty men of war to pull on it in different directions a whole day long- but th(:y could never br(:ak it. This glue is blu(:-green, coloured like caerutean ( pj6) jade.d The fur coats, how(:ver, were yetlow, and came from some sort ofmagic horses; they could float in the water for months without sinking, and pass through fire without getting scorched," Thus the emperor was delighted and dismissed the envoy with many presenlS.f

Good glue mixtures were certainly the reality behind this pleasant tale,a Some investigation of the mechanical propenies of the Asian composite bow has been made by Klopsteg,h who studied the efficiency of different types of bows in the transference ofenergy from the drawn state to the moving arrow. If curves are

• Cr. the Tdlu Lin Hai TsIID' by Hsia Shu_Fang". On Ihis, Stt .5«1. �3b abcl\"e. , Slri<-tly spo:aking, glue for r�pairing b<)y,·"rings, DOl the bows Ih�nud\"H. But by (xlension ofmnning, AmI! could signify Ihe 'bender' and h�nc� th� cur.'� produced by il. W� folIo'" Schlegel in taking th� rdtr�ntt to be 10 Ih� bo", itsclC and so making Ih� passag� las fabulou51han il would oth�rwisc be, d Tilt rolour indicates a fish glu�: cf. th� CI.()U Li 5tat�ment . • TIl� 'fur COalS' wert probably r(ally a5Ilest<)$: cf. !kCl. 2:.fabo\"�. f Ch. 9, Ir. auct. Cit. abo: TPfL, ch. 348, p. 7a. I All this reminds one ofnolhing so much as Ih� mod�rn plastic glues used by the physicisl5, but also coming inlo gcn�ral circulation. If any speck of lh�sc is allowed 10 g�t attached 10 th� skin, it can only be removed by Sllrg�ry. � { t ) , pp. q2ff. b

)ulch -.ould

MISSILES AND SIECES

"4

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

60

20

°ok----.f, --�";----f.".----f. ,._--_f." .

•

0,.... inches

Fig.

� ! . Graph illustrating the 'foree-draw' of typical bows, after Klopstcg ( I ) . p. '45.

drawn on a graph relating (he draw in inches to the force in pounds required to perform it, different bow types show very different properties. A short straight self-bow becomes much stiffer towards the end of the drawing process, and a six-fOOl one may give nearly a straight line. A self-bow with inflexible ears so arranged as to be aligned with the string when taut, begins to show the property of initial stiffness followed by easier drawing towards the end, while the most ex­ treme form of this behaviour is that of all Asian composite bows. Since the area under the curve is a measure of the energy stored in the bow at full draw, it follows that they are the most efficiently designed. They are also easier to hold at full draw, and the arrow gets the greatest push just before the beginning of its free travel. The pull of Chinese bows was tested- by weighing on steelyards, as we see in Fig. 22 from the Thien Kung Khai WIl. Since the standard weights differed so much in different ages, great arguments arose among antiquarians as to the draw­ strengths of bows customary at different times. We shall notice a passage later onb

..

I. ..

.....

Qb • Somc rc"· technical Icrnu for ochcr fornu of test ha\'c romc down to UI. ThUi the bowycrs had a framc for chec....ing and adjutting Ihe curvatuU of 00".,; this was ailed j1Ir8i cllilli (5111/ Hsi CiliA /lilli, ch .19, p. 3a). Sec plale I, fig. I I of Than Tan.Chhiung (I). Hsun Chhing uferred 10 il in thc -3Td ccntury in his discourse on human natuu, which hc thought needed Iraining likc the indiffcrent matcrials which thc bowycn used (Hsibr T{.�. ch. �3, p. ISb; Dubs (8), p. 3(6). •

Sec P· 1 S5·

• T · c ..

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

o

Fig. lt�. Testing lh� pull ora bow ....i,h a st�Jyard. From the T/ti(ll KIUII Kluli 11'. ( + 1637) ofSung Ying-Hsing; ch. 15, p. gb.

H

a

xv,

011

eo m

:h

N­

n'

" 5

about crossbows in this connection. In Sung Ying-Hsing's time (the beginning of the + 1 7th century), the strengths of powerful bows· were of 120 chin I (catties) and upwards, medium ones gO-IDa, and weak ones 60. Modern anthropologists have speculated much concerning the origin of the bow; Cushing, for example, has thought to derive it from the throwing-stick or aliatt. The Chinese tradition was that it came from the pcllct-bowb (lan kung2),c some simple form ofcatapult using the springiness of bamboo to shoot clay pellets. In an interesting text which we shall quote later in full, we are given a conversa. tion between the King of Yiieh, Kou Chien, and a famous archer in his service, Chhen Yin!. In the course of this, the latter says:

r" Stt • TKKW, ch. 15, p. �b.

b Cf. below, p. 1 1 6

•

•

Pronounced /1111, Ihe characu:r mum the pellel itst:lf; I1tmr is the verb for ,hooting il.

1 16

30.

MI LITARY TECHNOLOGY

Your s�rvant has heard that Ih� crossbow originated from the bow, and the bow from the pellet-bow. This was invented by some filial son [ . . . J The people orold were simple in their habits, taking birds and animals to eat when they were hungry, and drinking the dew when they WCfe dry. Irany one oflhem died, his body was wrap�d in while [mourning] grass: and thrown OUI into the wilderness. Filial sons who CQuld nOI bear to see the corpses of their parents being eaten, kept offlhe wild beasts with pellet-bows. Therefore the song goes- \Ve cut the bamboo and join it, [Send the] clay [pellets] flying, Drive away harmful creamres,b

The pellet-bow was something very simple, no doubt also used for scaring birds away from crops, and certainty not the slur-bow (i.e. the crossbow fitted with a lUbe for bullets).e A classical reference to it exists for - 606, when Duke Ling of Chin behaved in an unworthy manner by shooting at passers-by with a pellet-bow from his terrace. d The term occurs four times in Chuang T;:,u, always in connection with fowling.c It did not mean the sling, for which rather the word ping 1 was reserved. Some of its ancient pictographic forms show a bow with a pellel/ and the phonetic is derived from a form tan (K/147b) which Karlgrcn lists as of un­ known significance, bm which looks remarkably like the pellet-drum still used by pedlars and Taoists in China to announce their presence. Modern pellet-bows from China and the Chinese culture-area have either a double string with a little cradle to hold the pellet in place, or a small bone cup inserted in the liana string.1I Given the antiquity of arrows in the Chinese culture-area and the lack of evi­ dence ofa similar antiquity for pellets, it is unlikely that the pellet-bow preceded the bow used with arrows in China and it occupied a minor place throughout Chinese history. In the Warring States period, the logician Hui Tzu2 found that he had to take illustrations or examples (pi'), proceeding from the known to the unknown in defining, and when the king of Liang tested him on this, the example which came under discussion was the pellet-bow.h In the Sung, the pellet-bow is listed among the recreations of the people of Hangchow in the early + 13th

• Imptrala arundinaaa, B/II, 459 Wu Hi,,, Chkun Chhiu. ch. 9, Ir auct.

b

, As Forke (18) suppooed.

• TJO Chuail, Duke Hsiian, 2nd year, Ir. Cou\ln::ur ( I ) , \101. I, p. 568. see Legge (5), \"01. I, pp. 193. 248; \"01. 2, pp. 40, IS4. He rendered il Iwie<: as

• I" chJ. 2. 6, 20 and 28;

cro»bow, once as Ihe ordinary bow, and once as '10 shoot'. r See Hopkins (S), cf. K/147n, K/t47b - all 3T(;haic charaCle�. • �"eral spttimcm are to be seen in the "luJeum of I'.lhnology ;il\ Cambridge. In Europe the pellet·bow or stone-bow appeared .alher laIC, nOI much before the + 16th century (Parne·Gallwcy (I), pp. I 57ff.) when illl stock a$$umed a gracefully curving form. "Iodem Chinese pellet·bows abo show this; Ho....·i. ..., ('3), fig. 40; Hsii Chung.Shu r.,). • Arrording to a slor)" in Liu Hsiang's Shu riall, eh. 1 I. Both Ku Pao-Ku (I), p. 3 and "13.\�ro (9), p. 32, .ransla.ed I his as crossbow, a mislakewhich could ha\"t been a\«)ided by following Hu Shih (2), p. 99. From this ttXt it is dear that the string was made from some kind ofbamboo.

' lit

30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

century, and even the names of half a dozen archers renowned for its use a t that time have come down to us.On arrows as such we need not long delay.b So ancient a tool naturally left its mark on the written language, and shih I (K/s60c) was a plain pictogram. It entered into other words also, such as pei' (distorted tofuS), a quiver, and indeed the picture ofa quiver (K/g84). Some assertC that even so abstract a word as chih4, to reach or to arrive (K/41 3), shows an arrow hilting its target. There is an old list of arrow types in the Chou Li, not indeed in the Khao Kung Chi, but e1sewhere,d under the entry concerning the Ssu Kung Shih5, the official in charge of archers' gear.c Such terms as hou shih6, arrows with bronze or iron heads, and chith shih 7, incendiary arrows/ might detain us for a moment. In Han times a special kind of wood, the arrow-thorn, huS, was used.1I Among arrow inventions, the use of paper for feathering war arrows by Lang Chi9 in the + 6th century may be mentioned.h Ame>ng famous arrow-smiths, there was Chang Hui'O of the + 1st.; Inventions which permitled the use of arrows much shorter and lighter than the length be­ tween the tWO hands of the archer will be described presently.j As for the technique of archery, apart from what has already been said,1r: the participation of the Chinese in one of the four great methods of shooting, the so-called 'Mongol' release, which necessitates a thumb-ring ('hilth I I ), is notewor­ thy. 1 It was Morse ( I ) , in a paper published in t 885, who first investigated the different methods of drawing the bow. His classification was definitive and has been accepted as the standard for all subsequent research.m Morse described the method employed throughout the oriental world as the 'Mongolian release' al­ though it may just as well have been named after the Turks, Manchus, Tibetans, Koreans or Chinese, for they all used this release employing different shapes of thumb-ring. TheJapanese too used the method, but in place of a thumb-ring they utilised a shooting glove with a specially re-inforced and grooved thumb.

• w., f.j� Clri.,Slrilr, eh. 6, p. 293. They were Yii :\h·Hsiell". YallS Pao", Yao Stu", Pai ehhang Wu·Ssu", :\Ian Wang" and Lin Ssu·Chiu niang". b We will di$(uU Ihe numerous varielies ofarrowheads in Ihe third volume ofour study. • Hopkins ([.)) d eh. 3�, p. 16 (eh. 8, pp. [2bff.); Biot ([), vol. 2, pp. 24[rr. • Commenlaries on [hi$li51 by Adler ( [ , ll) and Fork" (18), arc nOI very i'IJpircd. f cr. pi 7 below. • NOI now bolanicallyidcnlifiabk. • Sec I'ti Clrhi S"�, eh. 46, p. lb. [ Clrhi(1l Ht;l�Sh." eh·92,p.7b. I Pp. 166-7, below. � Pp. [01l-8, above. I See Kroeber (1); Rogers ([). An early refert:nce 10 [his is in CluJ" Kill TslrI, eh. 8 ('Hall T.she'), p. 7a. M cr. the comparal;"" study or K�ber (7).

' II! ' 15 " ..

1 18

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

The thumb-rings associated with China i n the Chhing period, the usual type to be found in museum collections loday, are cylindrical. Such widely separated countries as Korea and Turkey, however, favoured a lipped ring thought by some to be less clumsy and more effective than the cylindrical.- There is, in fact, no inherent superiority in either, although a slightly different technique has to be employed with each, the bowstring being positioned in the distal crease of the thumb in the case of the lipped ring whilst the cylindrical ring holds the bowstring in the crease at the base of the thumb. Either ring will enable the full strength of the archer to he used and will give a sharp and smooth rclease, b The cylindrical ring seems nOt to have been universally popular in China before the �1anchu conquest, for the older works illustrate variations of the lipped ring. Curiously, the earliest evidence for the use of the 'Mongolian release' anywhere in the world comes from excavations of Chou dynasty graves.c Actual specimens of thumb·rings have been recovercd but they are not cylindrical rings, rather lipped ones ofjade or antler (Figs. 23, 24, 25). One feature distinguishes these rings from those of Korea and Turkey. They have a square projection to one side of the back of the ring with, in the jade examples at least, a small hole bored through the ring from side to side.d These features have never been satisfactorily explained.� The relcasc and draw employing a thumb·ring is ideally suited to the short composite bow in which the angle of the bowstring at the point of draw becomes acute when full draw is reached. VVith the 'Mediterranean release' employing IWO or three fingers, pinching occurs with thc short composite bow although the method functions efficiently enough when a simple longbow is used; a simple longbow develops a far less acute angle in the bowstring at full draw. All the military treatises give instructions, but in the Han there were special books on the subject by the famous general Li Kuangl, by Feng Meng2, and by Yin Thung·Chhcng3, which have nOt survived. ' Of distinct tcchnological interest are the arrows which were recoverable be· cause auachcd to a fine cord which unrolled as the missile travelled; we have already noted the possible significance of these in connection with the early history ofsuspension.bridges.· The tethered arrow was a primitive tribal technique lost in the mists of time, but Hsu Chung-Shu (4) has pursued it through the wanderings of the words i\ !SingS, and cho6• The first of these undoubtedly occurs in Shang bone and bronze inscriptions, h but we cannot follow Hsu in his theory that it was • f.lm�r ( I) for uampl". •

On Ihumb ringc� in China� Hungerford ( I).

d

Pal"rson ( I ) .

< Aoon. (RO). pI. 8, lig. 10, pI. 7'1, lig. ".

• Sc� :\kEweu (5).

f Sec Chkim Han Shu, rh. 30, p. 40a. • Sttl. 2&. iu Vol. ". pi 3. •

Ref�Kncn in V�\U ( 1 3)·

' "" ",

. ,.

'.

30.

MISSILES A N D SIEGES

,

f 1

Fig. 23_ Archer's thumb-rings,jade, from an Eastern Chou tomb, from Anon (20).

,

<

s

g e e

,I Y

,-

'y

Fig. 24. Archer's thumb-rings;, bone, from an EaStcrn Chou tomb, from Anon (lIO).

n

fig. lI;'. The "Mongolian rdea�', after E. S. �101"'$C ( I).

1 20

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

originally a piclogram ora crossbow. The shooting of arrows with cords attached to them is seen in several famous inscribed scenes of Warring States time.· The naTlle for a certain kind of barbarian, j l , derives, it will be remembered, from a picture of an arrow with something wound round its shaft. The natives of South Formosa were noted for this art as late as the + 13th century - they cannot bear, said Chao J u-Kua, to lose the metal of the arrow-heads. b Probably this was its original motive. There is even a book on the technique in the Chhien Han Shu bibliography,C by one Phu Chti Tzu2 the Rush-and-Hemp Master, which seems a suitable name for a fowler). And in lhe + :md century Chang Heng the astrono­ mer wrote in his ode on the delights of returning to the country (Kuei Thien Fu'): The dragon sings in the great marsh, The tiger roars on the mountain; Above I let fly the thin silk thread Below I angle in the ever-flowing stream . . .d

(2) THE

CROSSBOW

The aiming process in shooting is affected not so much by the strain of the bow as by the less than rigid hold between the hand grasping the bow handle and that drawing and holding the string. This is where aiming and releasing inaccuracies occur. r t should be borne in mind that the ordinary archer uses a bow suited to his own strength. The crossbow's advantage lies in the possibility of using a bow far beyond the strength of the archer by reason of the mechanical release and holding of the drawn bowstring, and the fixed relationship between the bow and the latch due to the rigid stock. This last is what makes it accurate. I t was therefore a great step forward when means were devised for the mechanisation of triggering, and this could only be done when some bar or framework was introduced to which the trigger could be fixed. The obvious method was to altach a longitudinal stock at right angles to the bow-stave, and to place the trigger at the end nearest the archer. Thus 'lock' and 'stock' came into existence, and even the 'barrel' may have existed in its crossbow form (as the slur-bow)� before it came into its own after the invention of an explosive propellant. Such were the principles which led to the development of the crossbow, but it is not necessary to believe that they were consciously in the minds of their earliest users; more probably the crossbow arose from the devising of traps which could be set in motion by the approaching animal • E.g. a bron� bowl in the Freer Gallery and a bron� va5e in Ihe Pillsbury Collection, both reproduced by YettJ (13). And as we shall II« below, Ihe Mo T?,II book, in its detailed description ofthe illl:uballista, direc� that the arrows shall be tethered and recoverable. b 5« Hirth &: Rockhill ( I ) , p. ,65. eh. 30, p. 4ob. • CSHK, Hou Han $«t., eh. 53, p. gb; tr. Hightower (2), p. 215. • cr. below, p. ,63. e

. '"

' iiUi :r

' N ElI U:

'0 "

u,

w '0

..

I.

J'I

I<

m

n fa th

30. M I S S I L E S

AND

SIEGES

121

ilSelf.M The crossbow, termed nu I from the beginning i n China,b is essentially a weapon of Eurasia, and more Asian than European; it had little spread in India until it was introduced in Islamic times prior to which it was probably limited to use as a trap.c It was unknown in all other continents except for late introductions to Africa and the Americas. d The Chinese early brought it to its greatest perfec­ tion, and the triggers of bronze which they made for it remain among lhe greateSl triumphs of ancient metallurgical and engineering practice in any civilisation.c In reading the Wu Ching Tsung roo of + 1 044 it is well not to be insensitive to the practical soldierly quality ofmueh of the text. To open the crossbowman's mys­ tery, therefore, we can hardly do better than listen to Tseng Kung-Liang discuss­ ing the matter at the beginning of the + 1 1 th century.r The crossbow is the strongest weapon of China and what the four kinds of barbarians most fear and obey. In former times we had the 'yellow multiple [-bolt]' [huang lim2] [type],' the 'hundred-bamboo' [poi ehu '] [typeJ, h the 'eigh t lan' Cpa lan4] [type],; the 'double bow' [shuang kung , ] J and others besides. The differences consisted in [whether or not there was a] winch [chiao (hhi6], or [whether it was for useJ on horseback, and so on. Nowadays we have the 'three bows coupled' [san kung huhan' V the hand-crossbow [shou she'],1 and the 'little yellow' [hsiao huang9J;m they are all developed from the traditional methods. I\ow for piercing through hard things and shooting a long distance, and when struggling to defend mountain-passes, where much noise and impetuous strength must be stemmed, there is nothing like the crossbow for success. However, as the drawing (i.e. the arming] is slow, it is difficult to cope with sudden attacks. A crossbow can only be shot off [by a single man] three times before i t comes to hand-to-hand weapons. Some have therefore thought crossbows inconvenient for fighting, but truly the inconvenience lay not

• See below, p. 13S. b Since the character combines the bow radical (1lQ. S7) with an ancient pictogram of a woman and a hand, meaning 'slave' (Kf94Z), lOme authors, such as Horwitz (13) havc been tcmpted to gi"c il xmantic significana, suggesting Ihat Ihc Chinese deriv«i it from tribal barbarians (slaves), or e\'cn that it was armed by the help of $13\'1::$. This issurcly nonsense; thc pholl(tic is hen: jwt a phonelic. < Cr. Williamson (I) ror an interesting account oflhe tiger tnlp employing the crossbow principle in Bengal. � The crossbow was laken into South and Centnll America by thc Spanish and Portuguese but lCCms only 10 ha,'c survi"ed thcn: at a child's lOy, c.r. Heath &. Chiara ( I ). The Cherokee Indians an: n:ported by Laubin &. Laubin (I) 10 have used thecroubow bUl lhe evidence is lacking in specific delaiL Cr. VoI. S,PI7· f Ch. 2, p. 37a; tr. autt. I This was an an.:uballista shooting several bolts at one time; sec p. 1B9 below. The term arcuballista was applied indi5<:riminalely in mediaeval Lalin 10 hand-croubow, and 10 crQubow-calapults of large si�e mounted on stalionary or mobile carriages; bUI for convenience henceforward we shall employ il in Ihe sense oflhe laller weapon only. • This was probably a crossbow in which Ihe Slave wat construCted on Ihe leaf-spring principle; 1CC p. IS6 below. 1 This is a measure of the strength of the crossbow by weight, the word to be taken as equivalent to 11111 ,.; sec p. 148 below. J This was an arcuballista with tWO springs; 1CC p. 192 below. • An arcuballi sta with I hr� springs; 5CC p. 193 below. , A crossbow ofordinary standard inrantry ty�. Another variety oflhc lame, prQbably carried slung over the shoulder. •

•

' Ii � ' 2 s 'i5 .

1 20

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

in the crossbow itself but in the commanders, who did not know how to make use of crossbows. All the military theorists orlhe Thang maintained that the crossbow had no advantage over hand-ta-hand weapons, and they insisted on having long bills and great shields ill the front line to repel the charge, and made the crossbowmen to carry sabres and long-hafted weapons. The result was that if the enemy adopted an open-order formation and attacked with hand-ta-hand weapons, the soldiers would throwaway their crossbows and have recourse to those also A body of the rearguard was therefore detailed beforehand to go round and colle<:t up the crossbows. But now things are not at all like this. The crossbow is the most eAkient weapon orany, even at distances as small as five feet. The crossbowmen are mustered in separate companies, and when they shoot, nothing can stand in front of them, no [enemy) formation can keep its order. Ifattacked by cavalry, the crossbowmen will be as solid as a mountain, shooting offsuch volleys that nothing can remain alive before them. Although the charge may be impetuous it will not reach them. Therefore the barbarians fear [the crossbowJ. [TrulyJ for struggling around strategic points among mountains and rivers and defiles, overcoming men who do not lack bravery, the crossbow is indispensable. Regarding the method of using the crossbow, it cannOt be mixed up wi th hand-to-hand weapons, and it is beneficial when shot from high ground facing downwards. It only needs to be used so that the men within the formation are loading while the men in the front line of the formation are shooting. As they come forward they use shields to protect their flanks. Thus each in their turn they draw their crossbows and come up; then as soon as they have shot bolts they return again into the formalion. Thus the sound of the crossbows is incessant and the enemy can hardly even flee. Therefore we have the following drill .

-

shooting rank

advancing rank loading rank.

This passage throws a flood of light on the disciplined use which mediaeval Chinese troops made of the remarkably scientific weapon which their armourers had developed. But perhaps Tseng Kung-Liang was a little ungenerous to the military writers of the Thang, for in facl lhe latter pan of his discourse is borrowed almost verbatim from the She Ching or Chiao She Ching L (Crossbowmen's Manual) written by Wang Chii2, a distinguished technologist of the +8th century" Wang Chii also mentions the same kinds of crossbows as the Sung author, but he adds figures for their ranges. b Thus the winch-armed crossbow (chiao chhe nu') would shoot a boll as far as 1 , 1 60 yards and was used especially for attacking city ram­ parts and forts. The arm-drawn form (pi chang nu-t), presumably the standard type, had a range of some 500 yards, and the horse-archer's crossbow (rna nu�) would shoal about 330 yards.c • We know Lhil because some of Wang Chij'. book has been pracn.·cd in TPrL, ch. 348, p. 71. ctc. Parallel passage in TluJi Po rill ChillI, ch. 70, p. L L a, and in TlrMIII Tin, ch. L49, p. 131. (reproduced in TSCC, ]uIIg thblg lin, ch. "183, p. 1 b), Ir. Dubs (II), \"01. 2, p. 159. • He give$: thcm in paces; thcy are con"crted at 5 ft. LO the pace, for the Chinese unit was a double-pace. < Further on comparaLivc ranges, sec below, pp. 216-7.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Another appraisal or the crossbow's significance, written about + I I 15, is also worth quoting. In the Lan Chin T{u, the Taoist naturalist Ma Yung-Chhing1 wrote as rollows:Since ancient times we Chinese have fought against the barbarian tribes [the I and the Til and we have always made use of the crossbow. Long ago Chhao Tsho, in his memorial to the emperor said 'The strong crossbow [ching nu2J and the [arcuballista shootingJ javelins are effective at long range, and cannot be matched by the bows of the Huns.' As the Phing-Chhillg song goes: Take hean, my lads, for we have got The crossbow, and the Huns have nOI.b

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Then Li Ling' shot the Shan-yii� himselfwith an arcuhallista [lim IIU·], and later [in the Chin time] �a Lung) captured Liang-Chou by using formations ofcrossbowmen [nu chin6]. All these examples prove what the Chinese can do when they make use of their capacities. Of course, in mounted archery [using the short bow] the 1 and the Ti are skilful, but thc Chinese are good at using nu chhi' [mobile arcuballistae, or pavises (shields) on wheelsJ. These carriages can be drawn up in the form ofa laager which cannOt be penelrated by cavalry. :\1oreover, the crossbows can shoot their bolts to a considerable range, and do more harm [lit. penetrate deeper] than those of the short bow. And again, if the crossbow bolts are picked up by the barbarians they have no way of making use of them. Recently the crossbow has unfortunately fallen into some neglect; we must carefully consider this.

Like the preceding passage, this teaches us much. It speaks of the great value which the crossbow always had in Chinese tactics, alludes to Chinese expertise in various forms of large crossbow catapults (arcuballistae), and mentions the for­ mation of 'squares' or strong points for withstanding hordes of nomadic horse­ archers. One's curiosity is aroused by the reference to the memorial of Chhao Tsh08, the great - 2nd-century bureaucrat, to the emperor. It is easy to find in the CMitn Han Shu, and since (in spite of its basic importance for the history of military technOlogy) it seems not to have been translated in full before,d we give it here. The Chhitn Han Shu records the memorial of 1 69 as follow.c After some intro­ ductory sentences, Chhao Tsho continued: -

Your servant has also heard that in military strategy and tactics three things are important. First there is the nature of the ground, second the training of the troops, and third the advantageous use of weapons . • Ch. 4, p. l.).a, Ir. aucl. b Han KaQ T5U w:.u QflC� surmund«l by Ih� Huns al Phing-Chheng (0. TH, p. 289 and Dubs (2) \'01. I,

pp. 116, 120).

< Th� nam� for Ih� Hun khan in Han timn.

d AI Ih� lim� ofwriliug w� ov�rloob:d Ih� translation ofCiln (12), pp. 68ff., in Chiang Fcng-Wci (I), pp. SSff., but upon finding it we felt Ih�R wu nQthingto chang� in thc vcrsion h�r� givcn . • Ch. 49, pp. �ff.; tr. aUCt. adju\'. Wi�gcr ( I ) . p. 343 who gives hiJ usual parallel abridgement from

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1 24

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

According to the Ping Fa" where there are waterways fifteen feet wide, chariots cannot pass. Where rocks are piled up among the mountain forests, and rivers circulate between hills covered with woods and thickets; there the infantry arm comes into its own. Here twO chariots or IWO horsemen do not equal one foot-soldier. When: there arc rolling hills, wide open spaces and flat plains, there chariOls and cavalry find thdr use, and ten foot-soldiers are not as good as onc horseman. Flat places imersected with gorges, and abrupt declivities affording wide outlooks-commanding positions such as th� should be held by archers and crossbowmen. Here a hundred men armed with hand-lo-hand weapons are not equal 10 one archer. ,·Vhen two forces oppose one another on a plain covered with short grasses they are free to manoeuvre back and forth, and then the long bill (chhang chil) is the right weapon. Three men with swords and shields are not as effective as one so armed. Among reeds and rushes and thickets of bamboo, where the undergrowth is rich and abundant, pikes and shari spears are needed. Two men with long bills are not as good there as one with a pike. But among winding ways and dangerous precipices the sword and shield are to be preferred, and three archers or crossbowmen will nOt do as well as one swordsman. [Secondly] ifsoldiers are not carefully selected and trained, and their lives not well regulated, they cannot be mobilised quickly in emergency, and valuable opportunities [of attackJ may be lost, or retreats improperly carried out. When the vanguard is fighting the rearguard may be collapsing, and the signals ofgong and drum remain without response. This is all because the soldiers have been insufficiendy trained and controlled, so that one of the enemy is more use than a hundred of them. [ThirdlyJ if the weapon is not in perfect condition, the soldier might as well have empty hands. If the armour is not hard and its scales do not properly overlap, the soldier might as well be naked. If the crossbow cannot attain the limit of its range, one might as well use nothing but hand-ta-hand weapons. Ifin shooting, the target cannot be hit, one might as well lhrow away all the arrows. Hthe target when hit cannot be penetrated, the arrows might as well have no heads. Such are the evils which spring from negle<:t ofarms by commanders. This may give the enemy a five to one advantage. Therefore it is that the Ping Fa says that if the weapons are not good enough, one might as well hand over all one's soldiers to the enemy. In that case, the general might as well be handed over also. And for that matter why not the emperor too? An emperor who cannot select his generals judiciously almost surrenders his empire to the enemy. So these four [weapons, soldiers, generals, emperorJ are the cardinal points of tile military world. Your servant has also heard that countries differ according to size, whether small or large; as to strength, whether powerful or weak; and as to geographical situation, whether mountainous or exposed. Living in modest subservience to a large country is natural for a small one, but ifsmall countries combine they may become a formidable enemy. So the practice of China has always been to get barbarians to fight each other. Now both the country and the tactics of the Huns are different from those of the Chinese. Their lands are nothing but mountain-slopes with ways going up and down and winding through gorges in and out; in such regions our Chinese horses cannOt compete with theirs. Along the tracks at the edge of precipices still they ride and shoot; our Chinese horse-archers can hardly do the like. Rain and storm, exhaustion and fatigue, hunger and thirst, nothing do they fear; our Chinese soldiers can in these things hardly compare with them. Such are the merits ofthe Huns. •

Not S". T�II. at an)'ralC as "'c now ha"c him.

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MISSILES A N D SIEGES

1 25

On the other hand, on plains light chariots can be used- and cavalry charges made; in such conditions the Hunnish hordes are readily thrown into confusion. The strong crossbow [ching nu 1 J and the [arcuballista shootingJjavelinsb have a long range; something which the bows of the Huns can in no way equal. The use ofsharp weapons with long and short handles by disciplined companies ofarmoured soldiers in variouscombinations, including the drill ofcrossbowmen alternately advancing [toshootJ and retiring [to load]; this is somcthing which the Huns cannot e"en face. The troops with crossbows ride forward [I;hai Iwan tsou 2]< and shoot off all their bolts in one direction; this is something \"hich the leather armour and wooden shields of the Huns cannot resist. Then the [horse-archers] dismount and fight forward on foot with sword and bill; this is something which the Huns do not know how to do. Such are the merits of the Chinese. Thus from all these considerations we see that the Huns have three mcrits and our Chinese [soldiersJ have five. Yet Your Y! ajesty has sent out troops numbering several hundred thousands to fight a horde of Huns numbering only several ten-thousands, so that we have a superiority often to one. But weapons are ill-omened things,d and in all combat there is risk; in a moment everything may be overturned so that the greater becomes the smaller and the stronger the weaker. Trying to snatch victory from the jaws of death is hardly possible, and then it is too late for regrets. The Tao of imperial kingship is one of infinite perfection; it takes no chances. Now quite recently the Hu barbarians of the I-Chhiu tribe have surrendered, flocking to show Iheir obedience, to Ihe number ofseveral thousands. Their usual diet and general merits arejust lhe same as the Huns. Let them then have strong armour and quilted clothes, slrong bows' and sharp [-headed] arrows, mount them on good border horses, and appoint for them an intclligent general who can understand their customs and win their heans [ . . . } Thus Your Majesty's commander-in-chiefwill be able to affront both kinds of terrain with equal confidence, having two armies, one effective in the mountains, the other in the plains. This is one of the arts of infinite perfection [ . . . ]

We shall have to rerer to this memorial later in marc than onc context. Here it is noteworthy ror the firm statement that the crossbow was a weapon more effective than the short composite bows or the nomadic horse-archers, which it outranged. Its larger catapult rorms were also evidently considered important. or interest, too, is lhe inrormalion we are given about the proper tactical use or crossbowmen, and their th ree-ran k drill,! already developed in the Han. Lastly Chhao Tsho's emphasis on weapon technology deserves particularly to be noted. • Here ChhaQ TshQ was �rhaps introoucing a literary archaism, for chariot, were being replaced by cavalry already for a couple ofcenturies at least; cf. p. 5 abo\"�. b There i$ here an obscurity in the text, which couples the strong crOMOOW$ with long bills, but Liu Feng·Shih' (H. + 1090) plausibly suggested that this was a corruption for longjavdinsshot from arcuballistae. • On the �xprl:SSion Ishai hall sec beJQw, p. 143. 4 This no doubt �"oked th� famous passag� from th� T(1.� n CAi"l which w� ha\"� chosen as th� mOt\Q at th� beginning ofthis volume. • P�rhaps significantly, Ih� t�xt distinctly says bows and nOt erOMbows, but th� latt�r may ha\"� bttn meant as th� adjC'("li,'c is rlti"l, $(I commonly applied to crossbows. r This is illu.llrated by thrtt pictures in the TSCC, )""1 (/tI"l li(", eh. 28"., pp. 20a, 19b and 9a. wh�re it is 1 called I." Ii�" History repeated itsclf in + t6th-c�ntury Europe. "'h�r� troops Qf horse, aft�r discharging their wh«l·lock pislQls at the �n�my"s infantry, wheeled len or right at the gall<>p. and retired \Q load and prime Ffoulk" (2), p. 66). ' "" "

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MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

(i) The trigger-mechanism "Ve proceed to a description of the crossbow in its first heyday as the standard weapon of the armies of the Han.- Its appearance in use may be seen from Figs. 34 and 35. The bow-stave itself calls for little remark, as it was almost certainly constructed with horn, wood, sinew and glue, in the same way as the composite bow.b The stock (pi I ) was a plain piece of good wood into which the trigger-box was inset like tenon into mortice, and which carried upon its upper surface a groove (chiiDnl)C for the arrow or bolt - for of course the crossbow was held hori­ zontally, with the projectile resting on the stock, not vertically like the bow sim­ ple. d A few stocks have survived from the Han period, such as that illustrated in Fig. 26 found in the + 1st century tOmb of Wang Kuang3 at Lolang in Korea by Oba & Kayamoto. Another, from the limes of Kansu, has been described and figured by Stcin.e Therc has been speculation concerning some highly decorated bronze finials excavated from chariot burials of the Eastern Chou period. The anonymOlls author who published them' thought that they were fitted in pairs to the stock of a crossbow so as to hold the bow in place. Rawson ( I ) has followed this reconstruction' but it is an unlikely one, for the tips would be a hindrance to arming the weapon whilst in a standing position, and the archer would always have to sit to perform the task. The weight of the fittings at the end of the stock would also make it unwieldy and there seems little practical reason for their use in this way. On the Other hand, Liu Chan-Chheng (1) suggests that these were actually filled to the chariot itself on the left side only and that they held the cross­ bow steady when it was being fired from the chariot (see Fig. 28), The manner of stringing the crossbow is seen in Fig. 27. One man sits on the ground with a bastard-string passing behind his waist, and bends back the bow, using the power of both legs with his feet pressed against the belly of the bow either side of the stock, until a comrade-in-arms can slip the string proper into place. h But it is the trigger-mechanism which is chiefly worthy of our study. To begin • The foundalions of occidental knowledge of Ihe Chine$t crossbow were laid in IWO papen by Horwitz {13l and Wilbur (�l. Yet much was missed, even in Ihe valuable Chinese paper ofHsii Chung·Shu (.,l. b Certain other typel ofspring were used with the crossbow laler; sec p. 156 below. Strange to say, the steel spring 10 typical of the late European crossbow seems never 10 have been used in China. , Sku H,;; Ckih .. \(In, ch. 19, p. 3a, alluding to Ckin Ska, (h. 55, p. 8b. Hene<: the punning terms fOT the crossbow, Hunl ,Miian' (Chhim lIa1l Sh", ch. 54, p. 13bl and Hung (""fUln' (ch. 62. p. 18a). Cf. P;ao I Lu, ch. 7, p. 6b. Perhaps the laS! form of the word was the most probable original technicat term for the arro....·. gTe)()\"c. d This may remind us of the preference oflhe Chinesecnginttl'$ for horizontal mounlings (5eC Vol. 4, pI 2, Pp· 546ff). (4 , ,·oJ. 2. pp. 7�, 76g and PI. LI I. f Anon. 264 , fig. 7. • SC'cp. 1.43. . {Il, pp. 1 t4, 114, • The me,hod is rsMntiaHy the same as Ihal dcseribed for Europe by Payne·GaU....ey although the crossbows he iIluslrates were 100 strong 10 be bent by human strength alone and mechanical methods wcre employed, \';z. the windlass, crancquin and goat's fOOl le\'er. Htin { I 1 does dcseribe the use of the bastard string in prC("isely the way illustrated in the TSCCbut by Turkish archers bracing hea\'y hand bows. •

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E C E S

Fig. 26. Crossbow-SIOCk$ rr(lm the tomb orWang Kuang, Lolang, Korea.

[ 27

1 28

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

I

fig. \/8. Reconstruction ofthe poesible manner ofmounting a croubowon a chariot.

with, its standardisation is extraordinary, for the Han specimens (of which many are known) are all closely similar. There must have been a pre-Han period of experimentation which has left us some few examples. Recent excavations, at ),'Ioullt Li in Shensi province, of the terracotta armies of Chhin Shih Huang Ti have revealed that the Chhin crossbow was equipped with a similar mechanism to that of the Han but fitted directly into the stock instead of being contained in a housing (kuo I ).a Then the engineering skill shown is also extraordinary, for we are in the presence of a housing containing three moving pieces on two shafts, each of which gives the impression of a good casting accurately machined.b Without this accuracy the release mechanism would not have worked at all,c yet a metal· working lathe hardly existed, and the file must have taken the main burden of the fitting. The operation of the mechanism can be understood best from a series of dia. grams and photographs. Figs. 29 and 30 show the whole assembly and its compo· nent pans as depictedd in the Wu Pei Chih of + 1628. Figs. 3 1 a to 3 1 d show a • Cluerell (I), pp. 21, 49. Olhcrs havc also nOled that pre-Han crossbow-mechanisms did nOI hal'c Ihe housing. c.f. Elmy ( I ) and MayCT (I). b Some sinologim have well appreciated this, e.g. Dubs (6), but all have found it difficult 1 0 give a workman· like and comprehen�ive account oflhe device. • As one ofour texts carefully points out; see p. 140 below. • Ch. 85, pp. 3a, 4a, i.c. in the chaplcrs on military training. Reproduced without change in TSCC, ]un, rllml ti,... ch. 284, pp. 2a, b.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

1 29

rig. �9. The trigger m�hanism ofa crossbow (a�mbled), from the IVN Pei Chill. Fig. 30. The trigger m�hanism ofa crossbow (showing component parts), from the IVPC.

bronzc trigger-mechanism in the author's possession,' photographed from above (a), and from below (b), in the armed position, and also from above and below (c, d) in the released position. For comparison, Fig. 32 gives the engineering scale drawings made by Honvitz ( 1 3). We shall term that shaft or axle-pin which is nearest to the spring of the bowstave the forward shaft, and thc other the after shaft. The trigger proper, which hangs down below the housing box, and is pulled backwards at the moment of release, is easily made out; its axis of rotation is of course the after shaft. As can be well seen in Fig. 3 1 b it has a ledge which engages with, and retains in position (when the bow is armed) , a rocking lever with two prongs; this is the second moving component of the machine, and rotates around the forward shaft. Lying above these two componelllS but engaging only with the latter, is the third moving piece, which in correspondence with western • Among the inscriplions which it J:xo,a"l is one which says ':-'Iade by Wang Hui' 011 the 13th day of the 4th rnOlllh of the �nd year of the Challg-Ho reign-period', i.e. + 88. Dthen say 'CII�u t,h_M;" JltiJl-SSN /t/Ul" which would mean 'Chou Erh-:\lin's troop, no. fourteen'; and 'son /Q ""QI'. i.e. 'mark 3, large size'. As it weighs � Ibs 6 oz it would seem rather tOO heavy for an ordinary crossbow and more suited for an arcubaJl'Sla. Length $ inches, breadth just OHr I.�$ inch.." height from bottom of trigger 10 top of lug 6.37!l inches , Most specimens, such as thO$!' which haH examined with Dr Lcroi_GoUThan at the :\Iustt de I'Homme in Paris, are from 3 \0 3.$ inches long, and correspondingly lighter. The one illustrated was $Old to me in Peking, 19$2, as a faithful Ming copy, and had J:xo,longed to a family of the name of 1.0. But it may well be: genuinely of the + Ut Century, and the inscription is written in a style dosdy re$Cmbling thO$!' on examples ofcertain authenticity, e.g. in Tuan fang's collcetion. Perhaps it wasone colJ�tro by 1.0 Chen-Vii,

1

go. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

I g0

Fig. 31.

(a lod) Four "ie>o'S or + ISI-<�mury bronze �rossbo",' trigger mechanism in the poucssion or Dr Needham.

terminology we may call the spool or nut. Its axis of rotation is the afler shaft, but it moves quite independently of the trigger lever which nestles between its two plates. It is much the most complex of the three components and constitutes in­ deed a masterpiece of three-dimensional design. I IS forward portion consists of two teeth which hold the drawn bowstring firmly behind them and disappear into the interior of the box when the trigger is released. They are continuous, right and left, with two plates, between which the rocking lever on the forward shaft is free to move JUSt as the trigger can move at will on the after shaft. One of these plates, usually ifnot always the left one, is prolonged into a lug which stands up a conve­ nient distance above the deck of the housing box. This forms a handle for return­ ing the teeth of the nul to their correct set position to receive once again the stretched bowstring, but it was also useful in connection with sighting, a matter to

30.

M I S S I L E S A N D SIE GES

•

Fig. 37. Enginttring drawing of Han.typo: cn)SIjbow mtth...ni5m. from HDr\'o'itz (t3). Not� that th� roc:king leHr B $hould propo:rly bI: 5hown as �ngaging 10 a point in Jin� ,,·ilh lh� axle ohh� pin abo\"� 5<'� Fig. 30b and d.l.

which we shall return.- The ingenuity of the nut's construction, however, lay in the fact that the two plates were connected internally by a third plate, smaller and of quite different shape (something like a cam), which was cast in one single piece with them, and which engaged with the two-pronged rocking lever on the forward shaft. As the elevation in Fig. 32 shows, this gave a structure closely similar to the bearings ofa modern crankshaft. The central plate is normally quite invisible from outside the box, underneath the central groove in which it moves, but the extreme forward end of it can be seen in Fig. 31d just above the lower prong of the rocking lever. Lastly, the shafts were each maintained in place either by a rivet-like flattening ofone end or by the equivalent of a split pin. b The action of the mechanism can now be appreciated. Starting from the armed position, a backward pressure on the trigger will release the lower prong of the rocking lever and allow it to fall, bringing with it the whole of the nut, the central plate of which has been maintained in heavy pressure againsl the lower prong of the rocking lever by the strain of the bowstring. Thus the teelh of the nut drop down and the crossbow is shot off. Conversely, a backward pressure on lhe lug of • S« p. 151. Th� split·pin or ilCl·pin holes are shown in the diagram ofth� TSCC but not in that ofth� 33)· l

w. Pti Clrilt (Fig.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

the nut will bring the teeth back into position, while at the same time its central plate raises the rocking lever by pressing against its upper prong until its lower one snaps into the ledge on the trigger. The re-selling process is thus in a certain sense automatic. Horwitz noted that for this to occur efficiently there should be a spring pull forward on the trigger, and such an arrangement would of course also be a safeguard against accidental trigger release.- He therefore suggested that a stout sliver of bamboo was inserted into the lower surface of the stock and connected to the lower end of the trigger by a short piece of thin cord. b For this purpose it would be convenient to have a small hole bored in the base of the trigger, and indeed this hole is visible in Fig. 32, the drawings of Horwitz's specimen, though not in the Wu Pei Chih drawings nor in our own specimen. I t is, however, very frequently present in ancient trigger-mechanisms, appearing for example in four out of the represen­ tative group of seven Han examples published by Chhen Ching (I). No doubt it was an unessential feature, for the cord could easily have been secured by a collar. Attention may here be drawn to a few other minor divergencies between the specimens selected for iIlustration.c Thus (as will be seen from Fig. 3 1 a, c) in our specimen the deck of the housing has two slots only, not three as in Horwitz,and the top of the left nut plate, which forms lhe floor of the bowstring notch, comes up flush with the deck when set. Secondly, the central nut plate in our specimen has been divided into two portions, a forward pin which engages very closely with the rocking lever, and an after part which extends as a roofover the top ofthe trigger.d Thirdly, the left plate of the nut in our specimen is prolonged downwards as a spur (seen on the left of Fig. 3 1 b), the use of which is uncertain, though if a vertical pin were to be inserted through the stock so as to come between this spur and the casing, one would have a safelY catch which would absolutely prevent shooting even if the trigger were pulled backwards. From the point ofview of the history of technical terms we arc fortunate to have an almost complete list of the names which the Han people gave to each part of the trigger-mechanism.c The Shih Ming dictionary of + [00, punning, says:f The nu I [crossbowJ is so called because it spreads abroad an aura of rage [nu1 J. liS stock is like the arm of a man, therefore it is called pi'. That which hooks the bowstring is called • Probably also thc triggcr ledge was often gh'cn an upward bevcl. �IcEwcli (priv, comm.) hal found from pn,e.ical cxperiencc that .he weigh. of the trigger is it\Clf sufficient 10 makc thc locking automatic and he finds a spri" g totally unnecessarr. He suggests thaI the holc in the trigger described was either for a deooralivc tassel or, morc likely perhaps, to fix a trip-wire or string for use as a cross-bow trap, The starin ofsueh Iraps being situated ill .ombs (e.g. that ofChhin Shih Huang Ti) bring this to mind. b It is shown in his Fig. 10, a photograph of his reconstruction of a oomplcle crossbow. Sec also Horwitz (6), ". ,84, I do 110' know of any work on the typology oflhcsc crossbow trigger-mechanisms, differemiating ,hem as to pro"cnancc and date, bu. such a research could be a "aluable contribution to .he history ofancient cngin�ring. • This s i alsosull in drawings ofa spedmcn placed at our disposi.ion by Dr Paull.Cv)· oflhe Eoole Pratique dn Hautn F..luda. Paris. �layer ( I and Hulscwi- (8) are helpful on .he ancient histol)' ofthe trigger·mechanism. r Ch. 23, 'T. auct. Ci,. TPI"L,ch. 348, p. la and elsewhere. e

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' 33

MISSILES AND SIEGES

)'0 I , for indeed il is like leelh. The p

art round aboul lhe leeth (i.e. the housing box] is called the 'outer wall' [kuo1 J, since it surrounds the lug [I;.uti' J of the teeth [i.e. the nutJ . Within (and belowJ there is the 'hanging knife' [Muon lao'] [i.e. the trigger) so called because it looks like one. The whole assembly is called (ni), for it isjust as ingenious as the loom.The only component missing from this is the rocking lever, and later generations doubted ifit had ever had a special name. The list of terms given by Mao Yuan-I in the I Fu Pei Chih at the end orthe Ming,b however, refers to it as the lien chi6, the wedge lever. The shafts are now called chien 7, lock-bolts. The bowstring notch, formerly (according to Mao) called lwei', is now the chao min'.� But ·actually kuei mUSt have meant rather the lug than the notch, ror he also says that it was marked with graduations (win 10 ) for taking sights on the ncar and the far. Theya l , the teeth of the nut, are now known as the chi kou I I , the hooks of the machine. The housing has become the hsia 11 and the trigger the po chi I S . Other new technical terms have appeared, such as chha khou I. (rork mouth) for the space between the prongs orthe rocking lever, and chu I� (axle) for the central plate of tile nut. it will be agreed that Dubs (6) was justified in his impression that the arrange­ ment of the parts of this mechanism was.almost as complicated as that ofa modern rifle bolt, and could be reproduced only by very competent mechanics. Removal of the shafts allowed the component pieces to drop out and although the mecha­ nism was easy to re-assemble, it may have taken more ingenuity than the Huns possessed to reproduce the bronze-castings.d Later Western devices were often unnecessarily complicated and with so many moving parts must have been prone to disorder. The Chinese lock, on the other hand, was fool-proof in operation and it could nOt discharge itself because of wear on the bearing surfaces; its reliability was absolute. All through history the Chinese were digging up ancient specimens of crossbow trigger-mechanisms,� studying them and trying to improve on them, though no rundamental advance seems to have been effected after Han times. For instance, about + [086 Shen Kua tells usf that: someone excavating at Yun-Chou discovered a very large bronze crossbow trigger­ mechanism ofpcrrect workmanship. On the side of the housing the followi ng words were • Anci�lllly, the trigger-mcdlanilm was sometimes called ,ki" ,ki", the metal machine, presumably in conIraJI with the wooden loom (cf. Chang Hsieh's eMi Mint in Win HsiUI>I, ch. 3!;O, p. !;obI. � Copied in TSCC, J"�g eklnt lim, eh. 284, p. 3a. , [..alfr still, this lerm Will applied to the sighting_tube. 4 Th� high degr« or technological skill required ror their manufacllIre wal obviously a military ad"anlage and Ihis wal recognised by Ihe prohibition oftheirupon from China, see p. 144. • Barnard & SatCi ( I ) analyse the development of trigger-mechanisms and give a.I well a rull listing of such mechanisms unearthed by mockrn Chin� an::haeologislS down 10 the mid-nin�tetn-$t,·enlies. f MCPT,ch.19, SecI' $' ' 'f

'

.

" lft llt

''' • OJ'" y' o '

' !! lJ " It " li!: /It

' II! " IIt J:ll

• lJIl lI! " I'I!

' 34

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

� � =;'i'

"\ :Z r2;�,F'-�-= -",, �

- ,

_� __

.- -

----

6,-'

Fig. 33. Croubow lriggc:r Ineo:hanism illuslrated in :\lao Yuan-!', II'PC; N.B. (he lighting-lugs.

inscribed 'Pi shih tii Shih, erh [i.t. mi) shih Ch(mg J(ju I ' . But the biographies in the official histories contain no such names among the hereditary guildsmen. We CQuld never find out what dynasty this crossbow mechanism belonged to.

The words presumably mean 'Stock by YO Shih [one workman's name] and bow by Chang Jou {another workman]" but the dating remains as baffling as Sheo Kua found il. Five centuries later the ancient crossbow triggers were still a live issue. Towa l"ds the end of the + 16th century Chheng Tsung·Yu2, a crossbow expert: discovered an old one and tried to design an improved model. In about + 1620 Mao Yiian-I found another at Sian, and this is the one illustrated in Fig. 33. He described and illustratedb Chhcng's improvements, which were partly an attempt to abandon the nuts of horn commonly used at the lime and to return to bronze, but the chief difference was the provision of lugs on both sides of the nut, sights to be taken between them. Seven years later again, \>Vang Cheng,3 the collaborator of the Jesuit physicist John Terence, described in his own book, the Chu Chhi Thu Shuo· (Diagrams and Explanations of a Variety of Machines), an old bronze trigger mechanism which had been dug up, and which he had copied • Presumablr the same as Chhing Chhung-Tou, see p. '37 below. •

WPC, ch. 8�, p. 5a, reproduced in TSCC, JUIIl (killl /im, ch. 284, pp. 3b, 4b.

, F i'J:

30.

MISSILES

A N D SIECES

' 35

in iron according to his own modified designs.- The basic principle was lhe same as the good old method but he had (less elegantly) three separate shafts, and the trigger had to be pressed forward, not backward, in order to release the rocking lever and the nul. The componenlS were also endowed with new and fanciful names. (ii) Origin and deuelopment ofthe crossbow

,

;

t ,

)

, , )

1

What was the origin of the crossbow in China? What relation had it to the simpler crossbows of the tribal peoples, and what account did the Chinese themselves give of its origins? These are the questions (Q which we must now lUrn. When they have been dealt with it will be natural to offer a sketch of the history and importance of the crossbow in the Chinese cuhure-area. Vlc shall then be able to return to the technical side to consider the various ways in which the crossbow was armed, and the invention of testing and sighting devices. A continual urge was the increase of firc-power and as we shall see this took various forms, sometimes the development of crossbows and arcuballistae which would shoot off a number of bolts at one time, later on the brilliant invention of the repeating or magazine crossbow. Facts here to be presented will give us a transition to the real artillery of the Chinese middle ages. The consideration of the parallel history of the crossbow in Europe and the Islamic lands will then conclude our report. Throughout southeastern Asia the crossbow is still used by primitive and tribal peoples both for hunting and war, from the Assamese mountains through Burma, Siam and to the confines of Indo-China. The peoples of northeastern Asia possess it also, both as weapon and toy, but use it mainly in the form of unattended traps; this is true of the Yakut, Tungus and Chukchi, even of the Ainu in the easl. There seems no way of answering the question whether it first arose among the barbaric forefathers of these Asian peoples before the rise of Chinese culture in their midst, and then underwent its technical development only therein, or whether it spread outwards from China to all the environing peoples. The former seems the more probable hypothesis, given the further linguistic evidence in itS support.b In any case the crossbow of the tribes has been written of by many travellers, both West­ ern and Chinese,� for example Rock ( I ) from whose work we reproduce Fig. 34, the picturc ofa Li-su guard on a pass near Yung-Ning in Yunnan.d A good deal of information about the crossbows of the tribes is contained in the works of Fan Chhcng-Ta and Chou Chhli-Fei, who were both writing about + 1 1 75. We are • P. 17bff.

- Jerry Norman and :-'1ci Tsu-lin (I), pp. 293-4; cr. Robin D. S. Vales (3), p. 410; Robin D. S. Vales t�), P· 404· • The crossbows ol'lhc Miao arc often depiw�d in lhose .less anlhropological geographies orlhe Chhing period (er. Sec,. '12b abo\'e); one such ilJuSlralion has been reproduC«! by Horwitz (13), Fig. 3. a crossbo...... .-or a fine colour photograph 01' a Naga . d Cr. al50 his Fig. 1:;7 of a Na·khi tribesman ....ith tribesman shooting a boh, Itt Ripley (I), p. 2:;1.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 34.

A Li-su guard d(monsmna a ·�ri...:( crossbow, from Rock (I).

told that they were of a special type called pitn cltia lIU I . a term which almost certainly means that the bowstave was made ofseveral pieces of bamboo or wood in leaf-spring form, a The bolts were not feathered,b and the range was remarkably small - under 20 yards - bm the poison which was applied to them was so power­ ful that anyone hit by them died at oncc.c A much earlier account of such weapons • Kuri Hai rii HfngChih, p. tlla; Ling IVai Tai Ta, ch. 6, p. �b. WuhalJ r(llIrn below (p. 156) 10 th� l�af_lpring invention. - Thr lrigger-me<:hani�ms were also much simpler. Chinese: museums loday conlain, howrver, reproductions in bone ofthe Irpical Chinese: mechanism, mad� in late tima by �ribesmen, < Kiln lIai r.lliRg Chih, p. 1 I b also cit. $hlllJ FII, ch. 50, p. 13b.; J.i� Wai Tal Ta, ch. 6, pp. 6b, 7a. As we shall su later (po 162). the Chinese: also adopted the poisoning of bolts, apeciallr those shot from the magazine crossbo,,'. This practicr was fairlr widapread in mediaeval Europe also (see '>arne-Gall,,'ey (t), pp. 13, 154); in Spain lhe ,,-hite hellebore was known as the crossbowman', plant. Feng Ta-Jan &. Kilborn (I) idenlified aconite as th( poison of the NIHu and Hua Miao arro-,,'s. Other southeast Asian tribes, as Seligman (6) found in a classical raeaITh fifty rears ago, used poisons related to digitalis. Cf. Biml ( I , 2).

30. M I S S I L E S

'37

AND SIEGES

occurs in the Po IVu Chih of about + 290, where i t is said that the bows of a people in Indo-China ( Win-Lang Kuo l ) were several feel high and shot poisoned arrows over I ft long, and that the poison was kept secret under a strange oath.I n the oldest Chinese discussion of the crossbow which we have, there is no hint that il was adopted from neighbouring barbarians; on the contrary a specific inventor is named, and he is placed, perhaps significalllly, not very far back to­ wards the age of legends. The text is contained in the lVu tiith Chhun Chhiu, but though therefore not necessarily older than the + 2nd century, may well be con­ sidered to embody traditions going back to the Chhin or even the late Warring States period. We readb that: Fan Li� also presented [to Kou Chien,d the kingofVuehJ a skilful archer from Chhu, whose name was Chhcn Vin2• The king discussed with him, saying, 'I have heard ofyour skill at shooting. Pray how did the Tao of it arise?' Chhen Vin answered that he was but a commoner ofChhu who had learned the technique but was not a master of its Tao. The king said, 'Still, tell me a few things about it.' [Chhen Vin then speaks of the pellet-bow as the origin of the bow used with arrows, in words the translation of which has already been given, p. [ [6 above.] 'So Shen �ung and Huang Ti " took string and wood to make bows, and sharpened wood for arrows" ." And Ihus the power ofarchery overawed the whole world. After Huang Ti there came, ill Chhu, Hu Fu" who' was born parentless at Ching-Shan'. He learnt his shooting \\'hen young, and never missed a targe!. From him Vi) gOt his art,' and passed il on 10 Feng �leng6 whob taught in his turn :\·I r Chhin' ofChhu. :\Ir Chhin considered, howe\'er, thai the bow and arrows were no longer sufficient to keep the world in obedience, for in his time all the feudal lords were fighting againsl one another with weapons, and could not be controlled by [ordinaryJ archery. He therefore added at right angles to the bo,\' a stock [htng kung cho pi' J and established a [trigger-J mechanism within a box [or housingJ rshih chi sM J.:U()' J ,i thus increasing its strength,j I n this way all the feudal lords could be subdued. k :\'! r Chhin transmitted his invention to the Three Lords ofChhu [ . . , J • Ch. '1. I). ja; K'e H. ),Iaspt:ro ( 1 8).

b Ch. 9. 1r. aU('I. In Tl'rl. ch, 348. p. 5b, the teXl is so much abridged as to � $Om�lima unimdligible. but (hat \'crsion pre�ncs $Om... octter readin�. , The Stalesman interested in agronomy and pisdeuhure. d Reigntd 496/ 470 • Quolation from [Ching. 'Ta CJ1U3n" pI 2, ...h. 2; R. Wilhelm (Baynes) (r., "oJ. I, p. 356. 1 I'raumabl)' a lo<.'al l""hnical deit)' ofChhu. • The well·known legendary archer. Cf. \'0J. 2, p. 71. • lfnol legendary, he would beofthe -7(h cent. We saw abo\'e (p. I (6) a work on archery current in the Han which Went under his name. I Some editiOn! ha,'� ShM" here instead of.bo, but the latter is praumably intended. Cf. p. ltlg below. J I.e. lhus increasing Ihe power orthe bow Ihat could be used, since Ihere was no nCCCS$ilY for Ihe archu to use onl)' one hand in pulling the bow and holding it as he aimed Ihe weapon. While Ihe erossbow did nol have Ihe speed ofshooting oflhe ordinary hand bow,;1 did exceed il in range and accuracy. \ A eurious Slalcmenl -jusl Ihe opposile happened. -

-

.

. " " iii

30.

MILITARY

TECHNOLOGY

and it was from them that Ling Wang' got it.a As he himsdfsaid, before their time the men ofChhu had for several generations guarded their frontiers only with bows of peachwood and arrows ofthom. Since then (those who speak of] the Tao ofarchery ha\'e divided into a hundred schools, and even capable men do not know which to follow. Five generations ofmy forebears learnt their methods in Chhu. Although I do not know the Tao [ofarcheryJ, I would invite you to try [my weaponJ.' Then the king said, 'Upon what is the shape ofthe crossbow modelled?' Chhen Yin answered: The housing [kuo7] is like a square [-walled] city; it signifies the garrison commander who recei\'es his orders from the prince. The nut [ya'] is like the carrying out of the order; it signifies the sergeants and the soldiers. The niu' is likeb the general in charge ofthe inner defences. The kuan ' is like" the guards who inspect those who come and go. The rack for hanging up the crossbows [i6] is like the servant who awaits his master's call. The stock [pi)] is like the highway, running in whatever direction you desire. The bowsta"e [kllng8] is like the commander-in-chiefwho controls all the weight and force. The string [hsien 9] is like an officer in charge ofsoldiers ofa garrison. The arrows are like "nying guests" who carry out their orders. The arrow-heads are pcnetrating enemies; when they are on the move they do not stop. The wei III is liked an ambassador's secretary, making straight the way and deciding whether orders can be exccuted or not. The phiao I I [lit. cavalry commanderJ" is like the assistant ministers governing to left and right. [\Vhere the crossbow comes] birds can ny no more, and animals no longer run; in whatever direction it points there is nothing but death. That is as much as can be said by an ignorant man like me.' The king said 'What an excellent account of the crossbow you have given. I would like, ne\'enhdess, to hear more ofthe Tao ofaccurate shooting.' Chhen Yin said 'Your servant has heard that this Tao, though manifold, is subtle and minute. The sages ofold, when they aimed their crossbows, predicted their shots; I could not compete with them. I would only like to refer to a few points. \Vhen shooting, the body should be as steady as a board, and the head mobile like an egg [on a table]; the left foot [forward] and the right foot perpendicular to it; the left hand as if leaning against a branch, the right hand as if embracing a child. Then grip the crossbow and take a sight on the enemy, hold the breath and swallow, then breathe out as soon as you have released [the arrow]; in this way you will be unperturbable. Thus after deep concentration, the IWO things separate, the [arrow] going, and the [bow] staying. When the right hand moves the trigger [in releasing the arrowJ the left hand should not know it. One body, yel different functions [of parts], like a man and a girl well matched; such is the Tao of holding the crossbow and shooting accurately.' Then the king said 'Tell me the Tao ofaiming flying arrows at the enemy by means ofa graduated device [wang Ii i piao IhollflnJei shih]?' 12 Chhcll Yin replied: 'Following the R�igned - ;)39/ - ;,'1 7. This t«flnical lerm is obKure; perhaps it referred 10 Ihe third and inner·most orlhe Ihree rocking levers, which. with ils IWO prongs, might have bclon fancirullyeompared 10 an animal wilit legs, as hen: Ihe ox_ • This Ie<:hnical term is also obscun:; we suggesl Ihe space Ixtween the IWO leelh orlhe nut, which would r«e;, � the nock end of the bolt_ • Term also unknown: perhaps Ihe feathers on the bolt. o For this term's m�aning "'e can onlysuggesl Ihe IWO cars of the bo,,'Stave.

•

�

' .E " 1<1 " II

' !III ' " iii

30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

' 39

graduation , while aiming al the enemy, you get the triple grids [tshan lien I J into agreement. Now some crossbows are as light as a lou2, some as heavy as a Ian'; some arrows are light while others are heavy A one-Ian crossbow needs a one-ounce arrow; these numbers agree together, As for the range, far or near, high or low, all depends on the slightest differences of weight. Herein lies the Tao; beyond this there is nothing to be said." The king exclaimed ' �hgnificent! Now you have told me all your Tao. But I would still like you to teach it to my people.' Chhen Yin answered 'The Tao comes from Heaven, hut the management of things depends on man. Whatever men learn, there is nothing which cannot be brought to perfection.' Thus the king commissioned Chhen Yin to train the soldiers [of YuehJ in military exercises outside the north gate of the capitaL After three months they were all skilled in the use of bow and crossbow. \Vhen Chhen Yin died the king was very sad and buried him in the west, naming the place of his tomb 'Chhen Yin's �Iountain .b .

'

Thus apart from legendary figures, the Han people traced the crossbow back to a man called Chhin, who would have lived in Chhu in the century preceding Con­ fucius, and seems to give the impression ofa real person.c Perhaps what he really invented was the metal trigger-mechanism. In the paragraph on the crossbow's parts we find a few new technical terms, and the speech of Chhen Yin on the technique of shooting is one of the best of all ancient statements. To his words on sighting we shall shortly return. But first we must enquire into the oldest surviving text which makes mention of the crossbow.d If the SUfi Tzu Ping Fa really dates from - 498 or a little earlier, then it must have this honour,� for it saysf that 'energy may be likened to the bending ofa crossbow, decision to the releasing of the trigger'.' Nor is this the only mention in it,h so they can hardly be interpolations. But from the -4th cemury the evidence is a good deal more copious. I n one of its accounts of the battle of Ma Ling., the Shih Chi relatesl how the troops ofChhi, commanded by Sun Pin) (the descendant of Sun Tzu), ambushed the tfOOpS of Wei under Phang ChGan6, killing him and inflicting a great defeat on them. In this action Sun Pin employed wall 1/U7, which we may reasonably translate as 'a very strong body of cross• AClually Ih�re is quile a 101 more 10 be said; cf. p. 146 below, Chhen Yin was nOI tOO informative on sighting d�vien. h W� Chi Yuan. eh. 9, p. 39b. � Pam oflhis pa5Sag�wer� often quOled in laler ages, in Ihe Sung, in Shi • Ther� docs seem to hav� been a connection between the State ofChhu and the cl'QMbow, for in the Fanl rm, ch. 3, for �xample, we arc told Iha\ Ihe usual name for $Oldier in Chhu was cr<mbowman (nufM "). • Important epigraphic (Vidence exisu in Ihe shape ofcroubows depicted in hunting seenes on inlaid bron�� \'nsels of the late Chou period. These have been the lubject of an int�resting discussion by Hsu Chung-Shu (of). Th� cT05Sbo,,", aTe undoubtedly Ihere, but Ih� dating of the objecu can only be approximate, and prob.ably nonc are �arlier than Ih� -4th century. • On the dating and authenticity oflhis work see pp. 16ff. above. r Ch.,); lr,L. Giln ( l l j , p . 36. , 'Chihju khuo ItU; rhithjufa ,hi." h In a liSiofarmyequipmenl, eh. 2 . 1•. GilC$ ( I I ) , p. 14. I Ch. 65. p. 4a. TheOlheraccounl isin eh. 44. IT. Chavannes ( I ) , vol. :). p. 156.

' 8 J1! • ft in

'4 ,
'n .�"

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

bowmen'.' Then in the Han chapter in lhe Chan Kuo Tshib there is an interesting conversation in which Su Chhin (d. - 3 [ 7) is trying to persuade the prince of Han to join one of his alliances between the feudal states. This would have occurred about - 336, and the text, though not earlier than the Chhin time, may be a rather accurate record of what transpired. The prince seems quite satisfied with the strength of his country; he points out the proximity of the great iron-making centresC of \Van and Jangl• and boasts that he has 10,000 SUilS of armour and the strongest bows and crossbows in the world ( Thien hsia chih chhiong kung ching nul) all made in Han and kept at the arsenal (shoo Ju ') of Chhi Tzu (-Yang)� . This personage seems to be a semi-legendary artisan like Kan Chiang.d Lastly there are the fortification chapters in the Mo Teu book, which on numerous occasions speak not only of ordinary crossbows, but also of large multiple-bolt arcuballistae.f Though these might date from the mid - 4th century when the i\ilohists were developing, under the influence of Chhin Ku-Li�, their school of fortification engineering, it is more probable that they are of the -3rd. In that century mentions begin to become abundant. The Hall Fe; Teu book/ as well as the Lii Shih Chhun Chhiu,8 mentions 'strong crossbows', but the latter has another passagell showing dose practical acquaintance with the device which we described in detail above. 'If the mechanism ofa crossbow-trigger is out of align­ ment by no more than the size ofa rice-grain, it will nOt work.'; The references to crossbows in Chuang Tell have often been misunderstood. One says:j 'The knowl­ edge shown in the [making of] bows, crossbows, hand-nets, stringed arrows, and the movements of trigger-mechanisms is profound, but it causes great trouble to the birds above.' Leggek and Wieger,l mistaking the technical meaning of chi6 here, made it 'contrivances with springs', yet in fact a spring is a component of the trigger sO minor as to be almost unessellliai. Another refersm to the pressing of the trigger. The Chou Li is reticent on the subject of crossbows, partly perhaps because of its conscious archaism. They appear, not in the Khao Kling Chi chapters • II was hardlr fair (Q render ii, as did L. Gila ( I I ) , p. 40, in his paraphrased account oflhe bank. as 'a slrong body ofarcllen'. This is almost like confusing fennenlalion and distillation (cf. \"01. I, p. 7). Parallel cases of the u� ofmassro crOS$bowmen are gh'en in Ih� Wri�", ch. I, p. I:,a. - Ch. 8, p. 6b. • AI or near modern Nan-Yang. d The name Chhi Tzu afterwards b«ame al1ached 10 a parlicular lrpc of(Tossbow; cf. Piao fLu, ch. 7. p. Ia. • E.g., ch. :'2, p. 73; nearly all ofch. :'3; ch. :,8, p. 17a; ch. 62, pp. tga, 20a, 21a. Unfortunatelr Ihe leXI oflhe docriplion of lhe arcuballisla is eKlrcmelr oorrupl; see p. 1B9 below. Translalions and descriptions br Forke ('7).P· ,08;(3)· f Ch. H. . P.4b. I Ch. 32 (\'01. t, p. 66). Ir. R. Wilhelm (3). p. l4. • Ch.9O (\'01. 2, p. 35).lr. R. Wilhelm {3l. p. 254. I The analogy is with the careful stafT-work required for victorious baules. J Ch. to. • (5). \"oI· l . p. 288. I 7.. p.281. mod. .. Ch. 2: tT. lKgge (5 , \·0J. I, p. t 79; Wieger (7), p. 2':'; Hng Yii-Lan (ll, p. 45. bUI none �ized weli lhe lenS/:.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

a ,h 'g

" .11 us

.e ,k

, <

:rc on

as .as we

!O Nl­ nd !O

hi6

'he 'he use :ers Tong ftht

among the bowyers' work, but under the headings oCthe Ssu Kung Shih I (Super­ intendent of Archery Equipment), Shan Jin' (Master-Archers and Crossbowmen auending upon the Emperor), and Kao Jin' (Master-Sawyers or Foremen of \Vorkshops, who choose and season wood).* Here four lypes of crossbow are men­ tioned, two light and of short range, for the attack and defence of walls, and two heavy and capablc of shooting far.b One of the most interesting reports of this period concerns the crossbows mounted as traps in the lomb of Ihe first emperor Chhin Shih HuangTi in - 2 1 0, to protect its contents from any plunderers. There is no reason to doubt this story, which Ssu-ma Chhien tells in all circumstantial detail.� By the time we come to Huai Nan T
b The)' scrlll 10 have !}"cn classified according ro rhe Hum!}"r of oowsra\"cs which would be needed 10 form a ("ompkle circle; bur it is nOI quile clear whether this applics 10 CrossoowS a$ well ;1.$ OOWI. e Shih Chr, eh. 6. p. 3 ' a; Ir. Cha"armes ( I), "01. 2, p. 194: cf. TH. p.22j. Such traps figure also not infr«juentl)' in ocriderHal legend, and it was imercsting to S(Ce one al work in lhe cinema·film ofJean Coc:leau. lA. Brllt fila Hi/r.

Ch. 1 j, p. Sb. 6b, (Morgan (I), pp. '92, 193)' • Stt p. 6j aoo..'e. f Ch. 1 j, p. I lia (;>.Iorgan (I), p. 2 1 j). • Ch. l,p. 13b. k Like the automatic crossbowmen in the lomb or Chhin Shih Huang Ti (cr. p. 132). The subject can be rollowed in the paperofRudolph (16) and Ihe book ofChou Wei (I). I Stt especially \"01. 2, pp. 7j8ff. •

.ense.

' II A

' III!

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 35. Rdidofcrossbowman. Pci-Chai Tshun, Eastern Han period ( + [It and +'lnd century).

The crossbows, it is clear, were held in special stores under sergeant-armourers, and classified according to the weights required to draw them (3 to 1 0 lon).3 One slipb records that a crossbow of 6 Ian had fallen in strength to 4 1011. From others we know that silk and hempen fibre were provided for the strings. Chavannes ( 1 2a) instances onee which reads as follows: issued: crossbows, siX-Ian, one [ . . . J bow-arrow-resisting cuirasses, three; gadfly-type arrows, So (of which 4 broken and 46 in good order) quiver, one [ . . . J • The Han /1111 was about IW Ibs. See Wu Chh�ng·Lo I

•

�o. 554.

for ....

eights and measures in different d)'n;l.SIies.

• No. 68�.

30.

' 43 This was found among other fragments dated + '53. Similar documents have been studied by Lao Kan (I); all in all, those which have come down to us cover a period running from about - 105 to about + 160, and all tell the same story.a Another fortunate circumstance is that it was customary for makers of bronze crossbow�triggers to inscribe and date them. This has for long been the gratifica� tion of Chinese antiquaries. In 182 I , when Hng Yiin-Pheng (J) published the first collection of rubbings of Han tomb-shrine reliefs, he was able to include four examples of dated crossbow-triggers.b Many dated specimens are recorded and illustrated in collections published since then, as in the Thao Chai Chi Chin Lu of Tuan fang (/) .e I n other cases, the dating has been established by the presence of other inscribed objects in the same find, for example a trigger-mechanism in the tomb ofYu Wang ( - 228) at Shou-Chou (Karlbeck ( I ) ) . Literary references to crossbows and crossbowmen are so numerous in Chhin and Han that we can only instance one or two of them. In -209 Erh Shih, the second Chhin emperor, concentrated his crossbow regiments (50,000 men) at Hsicn_Yang. d A similar troop movement under the Han emperor Wen Ti LOok placee in - 1 77. Twenty years later his son, the prince Hsiao Liang, was in charge of arsenals containing several hundred thousand crossbows.' The forces led by Chou Ya-ful against the Huns in - 1 74 were notable for their strength in cross­ bowmen.- These figured prominently again in the daring raid on the strong­ hold ofa rebellious vassal prince (Pan Chhiu') in Sinkiang, carried outh by the Protector-General, Tuan Hui-Tsung" about - 10. And they were still in the front line on the occasion of the similar attack made in + 73 upon the Hun camp in the Shanshan4 kingdom by the greatest ofall Governor-Generals of Central Asia, Pan Chhao).i In many of these textsj the crossbowmen go by a special name, fshai kuan6, which was applied however to all troops with particular skills or training. The commentaries always explain that these soldiers were men of exceptional strength, who could draw the stiff crossbows by treading on them willI their feet, then bending down and pulling with their arms. One of them, Shen-thu Chia7, who afterwards rose to the position of minister of state under Han \Ven Ti, had carried his crossbow for Kao Tsu at the beginning of the Han dynasty around MISSILES AND SIEGES

• Brollze CTO$Sbow'lriggcrs have ofcourse been exca,'aled from liile5 on the limes; olle such has b«n figured by Ikrgman ( t j, I'J. �9. Fig. 18. b Thedal" were -6;" -30, + 124 and + 161 , Thl'K'dat" werc +76, +30. +90. + 10;', + log. + 1 1 5 , + 16l1, +222 and +241. � Shih Chi. rh. 6, p, 34a; Ir. Chavannes (I), ,·0J. 2 , p. 203. • Shih Chi, dl. 10, p. I I b; Ir. Cha\'anncs (I j, \0J. 2, p. -Ho. , Sh,h Ch,. eh. ;,8. p. 3b. I Chhrf� IIn� Sh�. eh. 40. p. lI6b; e[ Til, p. 344� Chi"", HIlII Sh�. eh. 70. p. 23a. I lIo� 11/111 Sh�. eh. 77. pp. uff.; c[ �kGo"ern (I ',p. 265. J Forexamplc. besides those references already gi'·en. ShIll ClI'. ch. ;'7. p. 1 a. , me

144

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

- 205, and this strength of his youth was remarked upon in his biography.a Many units of lshai kuan were mounted. In the light of the foregoing facts it will nOt he surprising that Han literature contained a number of manuals ofcrossbow archery. Unfortunately only the titles ha\'c survived. Thus the bibliography of the Chhitll Han Shu recordsb a tide Chiang .,vu Chiang-ChuII Wang Wt; Shi Fa I (Manual of Archery, by Wang Wei, General of Crossbowmen). Another, the Hu Cllun SM Shih Wang Ho SM Shu 1 (Book on Shoot­ ing, by Wang Ho, Officer commanding Archery Training of Defence Forma­ tions), was probably also concerned chieAy with the crossbow. Nor is it surprising to find that in the early Han period there was for a time a prohibition on the export of trigger-mechanisms for horse-archer crossbows. Bar­ riers to prevent their being taken out of the country (ma shang nu chi kuan3) were set up in Han Wu Ti's time (about - 1 25), according to Ying Shao (late + 2nd century), commenting upon their discontinuance in -82 as reported in the Chhitn Hall Slw.c Nevertheless inevitably the crossbow and its release device spread out­ wards to most regions of the Chinese culture-area. It was in Korea, for instance, in -7, for a bronze one was found in a tomb of this date near that of Wang Hsi.i4 (Harada & Tazawa (I) ) , while another was excavated from the tomb of "Vang Kuang� at Lolang6 ( + 1st or + 2nd century; Umehara, Oba & Kayamoto (f).d This was still embedded in ilS wooden stock (Fig. 26).e That it went as far west as Sogdiana is clear from the accounts of the expedition of Chhen Thang' in - 36, when the Shanyu's fort was stormed near the Talas River.f Volleys of crossbow bolts were shot at the hundred Sogdian horsemen who charged the Chinese camp before the main attack, and later on their use from the rear of the Chinese lines drove the defenders off the ramparts.' In the southern direction, the bronze trig­ gers rcached Indo-China before the Han period, for tombs there also have yielded • Shih Ch" eh. g6, p. 6a; CMit1/. Ha� Sh�, ch. 42, p. 6a. Cr. Chavannes ( I ), \/OJ. 2, p. 4�.

- Ch. 30. p. 40b. Ch. 7, p. 4a; Ir. Dubs (2), \'0J. 2, p. 159. Ying Shao's contemporary, Meng Khang, adds in the same place Ihal Ihe prohibilion extended to all crossbows of Strength more than 10 lall. Here Dubs questioned whether crossbows for use by horse-archers were known in Ihe early Han, but sc\"eral of the expressions in the speech of Chhao T'ho (p. 123 abo\"e) scem to ,how thaI they were. lie also doubted whether mounted crO$$bowmen e\"er rxim'd in EuroJX". but from Payne-Callwe), ( I ) , pp. 36.47. it is clear that the)' did, though onl)' towards the end of the :\Iiddle Ages. some t"irtccn hundred y�ars latcr. Barnard & SatQ ( I ) also show on Ihe basis of archaeological r, i(knre that Chinese noscsbows and their mechanisms were not exported until the post-t!an JX"riod . See also "an Camt11an ( I ) and Witbur (2). d Vol. 2. PI. LXXXII and Fig. 8. Cf. Sekinoct al. (I), text "01. fig. �37; plalc \"01. pI. 333. • CrQS$bow Irigger_mechanism, ,ufTOundro b)' the remains of their wooden stocks arc not eXCC$$i"et)' rare; Dr Cheng Te-Khun tells me that he had two, one ofwhich he presented 10 the British M uscum. r Scc\"ol. I,P. 237. , The de$Criplion of the baltle (,,'hich, it will be rememberro. was Ihat in which the Roman legionaries with their ItJIMtiO shield formation were concerned in CMit1/. Hall5.'t�, ch. 10. pp. 9bff_, hI! been translated b)' Dubs (6) and de Groot ( I . ,01. t. p. 234. 5« aho DU),"endak ( t6), esp. p. 258. There is no e"idcnce, however, that the frossbow and its trigger-mechanism remainro in "'ntern cemral Asia I! an adoption ofan)' orthe peoples living there. •

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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1 45

them,a as at Lien-Hu'o'ng. Subsequently several further introductions of cross­ bows and arcuhallistae (catapults of crossbow lypeb) followed. Aboul + 3 1 5 a Chinese officer Nu Wen I arrivedc in Champa (Lin-I) and under the king then reigning, Fan P, taught the Chams the arts of fortification and crossbow archery.d The same kind of thing was happening many centuries later. In + 990 an ambas­ sador of Champa (Chan-Chheng), Li Liang-Fu3, look back with him, on return­ ing home, five crossbows (perhaps prototypes). The Chinese court was reminded of this in a leiter from the king of Champa, sent by another envoy five years later, no doubt with further presents of the same kind in view.� In + I '72 another Chinese officer, shipwrecked on the Cham coast, taught to the people of kingJaya Indravarman the technique of horse-archery, and introduced the latest forms of arcuballistae.f His name was Chi Yang-Chun�. We shall study presently some of the al'lillery of their time which was represented in that region in sculptured form.' All the later history of the crossbow in China must now be compressed into a paragraph. From the San Kuo period onwards, crossbowmen were always used as 'curtain guards' (hsien l/U) , soldiers who surrounded the carriages ofofficials, as if with Sten guns, when passing through the streets.h In the + 5th century it became fashionable to ornament the housings of crossbow-triggers with inlay of gold and silver; Liu Yi.i6 the prince of Tshang Wu was famous for this.; The crossbow­ making factories of the State went under different names, Kung Nu Shu7 in Sui, Nu FangS in Thang, and from + 976 Kung Nu Yuan9 under the Sung.i In + 1 1 62 the old general Chang Chun 1 0 was entrusted by the emperor with the formation of a special regiment of Crossbow Guards, which rendered great service against the Chin Tartars during the following years.k About + 1030, candidates in the civil service examinations had been asked how they would detect and punish people who kept privately armour and crossbows in their homes. I The military weapon was thus naturally continuing as a State monopoly. But in its civilian forms, for fowling and sport, it seems to have gained wide popularity during the Sung, for • Jank (5), vol. �, pp. nt6ff., also in vol. I , pI. 53 (�); Itt also AurouSkau (2) . � Setonp. 187· , The name is eurious. Perhaps il meant 'Wen Iht Slavt'. He finally be<::ame king himself, as Fan Wen", and was followed 011 the thront by his son, having fallen in bank againsl lhe ChineJe in + 349. d Jl'/R Hsim Th�1l8 Klwo, ch. 331, pp. t5bff., Ir. deSI Denys (I), vol. 2, p. 426. Sec also G. Ml3pcro ( I l 1910. p. 337; Walel (3), p. 27· • TNIIIHsi rolll Khao, ch. I I , P· 4a. r IJih Hs;... Thill KIw#, ch. 33�, p. 21a, Ir. de SI Iknys (I). voL 2, p. :':'5. Sec also G. ;\Iaspcro (I) 191 I p. 307; Wales (3 ,p. 102. , Set- p. 193 below. .. K� Chill Ch ofTshui Pao, ch. I; Sltih W� Chi J'ull of Kao Chhcng, ch. 3, p. I a. I Chin lA� T{�, ch. I, p. 25a. j Shih WwChi ruan, ch. 7, p. 4a. � Ssu CHao IVrnChi(II Lu, ch·3,p·6a. I Tw Hsilll Tsa Chih, eh. r, p. 5h.

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• ff II!

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30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

several of the accounts of Hangchow in the early + 13th century describe the recreation of shooting matches. The military men had their 'Foot-Crossbow Club' ( Tho Xu Shil ) , and other clubs for crossbow shooting were formed by 'romantic young people from rich families, and others who had nothing particular to do'.­ Even the names of some of the crack shots among them have come down to USb and they include one girl.c The army weapon continued in use down to the time of the Opium Wars. From such glimpses, then, picked at random from the vast mass of literature, we can gain an idea of the perennial ubiquity of the crossbow. (iii) Arming, sighting and tesling We arc now free to deal with certain technical questions which have been conve­ niently left over !ill the present stage in the argument. First, the manner of draw­ ing or 'arming' the crossbow. As we have just seen, the crossbow clubmen of Hangchow in the + 1 3th century (forerunners of the companies of Bruges and Dresden in the + I jth) d armed their crossbows by treading upon them. Scattered through the preceding pages, moreover, there have been a number of hints that this was the usual practice. A text as early as the Chan Kuo Tshi says' that the soldiers of the Han State in the \-Varring States period all leap on them with their feet and so shoot (Hall tsu cMao tsu uh shi2). The commentators say that this means to tread (chih tho') on their crossbows. So also those who explain the term tshai kuan (crossbowman) say that such men had to have enough strength to tread (th124) on their bows to draw them. For the arcuballistae they perhaps lay on their backs and used the strength of their legs (chueh chang) .r Now the simplest and oldest way of doing this was to place the feet on the stave itself and pull upwards with all the force of the back muscles, but this must have tended to injure the bow, and at some later date the improvement was made of having a stirrup attached to the stock (Figs. 36 and 37).11 That such stirrups had become standard in the Sung (by + 1044) and possibll also in the Thang, we know from the discussion and illustra• Mh18 Lio�l L/l, ch. 19, p_ 8a. A curious dub was that for 'shootillg at thc water with crouOO"'·s'. This mU$( certaillly havc b«n olle of thc IporlS <:Ollll�ted with the Chhicll.Thallg Rivcr bore; I« "louie (3), alld above, f vol. 3, pp. 483f. - IVN Lin ChiN $ltih, ch. 6, pp. ISb, 29'1. ;\Iiao Tal, alld Huallg J·Hsiu' were two ofthesc. Also famed for the eroubows he made was Chou Chhang', and for his bohs Khallg Shell'. Workillg for thc :\\ollgoJs about the samc lime wu thc croubow malr.er Li Chung·Chheng'·. , Lin Ssu-Chiu Iliallg" , c( p. I 17 abo-·c. • Sec PaYllc-Gallwcy ( I ) , pp. 223ff., 231 ff. • cr. p_ 140 abovc. r E.g. Hsii Kuallg (d. +425) quotingJu Shun (Skik Chi, ch. 96, p. 6b), alld Yell Shih_Ku ill ChMtn Hall Shu, ch. 4�, p. 6a. I Pal'llc-GaUweY ( I ) , PP. S 7ff. • Sec ;\lcNcill (I), p. 36, b:ucdOIl poillumadc by Robill Yates. ' I! i'li • IM -ll"

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30. M I S S I L E S AND S I E G E S

1 47

fig. 36. Arming a t:uropean crossbovo' "�lhoUI stirrup, Payne-Gall,.."')' (I , Fig. 2,.. t";g. 37. Arming a European crossbow with stirrup. Pa)'n�·Gallwcy ( I), fig. 2j.

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lions in the IVu CMIIg Tsung raoa (here two crossbows are reproduced from the Wu Pei Chih b , Fig. 38). But one would very much like to know at what time they were

introduced, and \\Ihat connection they had with the riding stirrup.c From lhe description by Anna Comnena, about + I 130, of the crossbows used in the First Crusade, then regarded as a new and dreadful weapon, it is clear that the feet we[e placed on the bowstave and no stirrup was used.cI But the European military records of lhe + 13th and + 14th centuries show good evidence that stirrups we[e by then common.� Thus they seem to appear rather earlier in China than in Europe. The iltustrations in the Thu Shu Chi Chhing encyclopaedia show variants or these methods, e.g. stirrup-arming (lear-spring crossbows and rope loops),r and kncc-armingli (Figs. 39 and 40).h The next improvement was the attachment or a double-pronged claw to the crossbowman's belt, so that he could stand and draw the string or his weapon by the muscular power or leg and back alone, leaving his hands rree to hold it and • Ch. 13, pp. sa. Sa, 8b wilh discussion on pp. �-IO.

Ch. 103, p.1b. ff. On .h;s, � Vol. j,pa.rI8, below. • See Ih� sp«ial study by Rose ( ,). • Payn�-Gallw�y ( I ) , p. 60. f Jung chiTlg II(TI. ch. 284, pp. Ija, 2oa. , Jung rhlng ti(ll, eh. 284, p. • 6a. • Jung rhlng titn. ch. �R4. p. • 7b: cr. Horwitz (13), p. 1 7 1 . •

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O C Y

. Chinese crossbow, with J\irrups, pictured in the IVPC. Fig. 38- T....o

manipulate the trigger calch,' Latc Chinese illustrations show this clawb (Fig. 4'), but we have found no evidence which would throw light on the lime at which the bell-hook (khoi nu)'ao kou ')C was introduced. In Europe it belongs to the + 14th cemury and was combined with the stirrup, but in China it seems to have been an alternative to the stirrup. 1\'[ao Yuan-I distinctly says that the 'waist-arming' method ()'QO klloi?) was more powerful than the 'treading' method (chiieh chang') ­ handling strengths of 1 0 (an as against 2 or 3 tan - but that although it had been relied upon in the time of Yla Lung (late + srd cenL), it had not been handed down in lhe Sung.d The belt-claw (Fig. 42) was thus probably also Chinese in ongm. Another group oflechniques for crossbow-arming which developed in the West all involved rotary motion. The simplest of these was a variant of the claw; instead of being hung directly on the end of its cord, it was attached to a small pulleyblock running on the cord, the end of which was taken up to a point on thc after end of the stock and fixed by a ring and hook.t Double mechanical advantage was thus gained. This method was apparently lillie used aftcr the end of the + [3th cent­ ury. Subsequent devices were much more powerful. Throughout the + 15th cent­ ury large European crossbows bad bowstaves OfS1Ccl, broad and thick, and these wcre armed first by winches (moulilltls) fixed each timc to the after end of the stock. They were operated by a large crank-handle on each side, and drew up the string by means of rolling purchase tackle, also fitted on each side. f After about + 14io Parn�-Gall...�y 1), pp. 76fr. - TSCC, Jllllg rlllllg /i,,., fh. 184. p. �17a. Th� nl)t,soo....man. ho"·�\"�r. is ,itling on rhe ground 10 usc il. flO1 slanding. :u tel:ms to ha\'e been mor� S'=neral in Europr; this i$ probabl)' bcc:ausc his ...capon h:u no $lirrup. The flaw iudr; p. 153. < It is ...dl tel:1I Oil the crossoo...man in fh. ")84. p. 'l8a (.·ig. ,pl. • II·PC. ch. lOJ. p. lb. �p.-odU("cd TSCC, Ju, (hiflg /.tII. th. �8l, p. 'la, b. • I'arlle-Gall....c)' (t), pp. iJfr. f Pay�_GalJ....c)' (t), pp. "" 90, [ '1 1 fr 1'14. •

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30. M I S S I L E S

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SIEGES •

Fig. 39. Stirrup-arming th� Chin� �rossbo..." from Fig. 40. Klltt-arming Jh�Chi�crossoo..... From

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Fig. .. J. 'Ikh_daw' annillg orlh� Chine.c crossbow. From

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rig. ..�, Th� 'bdl-claw' is dtarly to Ix Sttn in this TSCC rrpr�ma.ion ofa crossbowman firing,

30.

MI LITARY

TECHNOLOGY

this rather cumbrous mechanism was replaced by a rack and pinion device, the

crallequin or cric (arba{esle a eric), and this lasted into the + I ;th century.- A quite

differem type of rotary motion was used in those crossbows which had a worm inserted through a tunnel in their stock, drawing back the string when turned by a screw-handle at the arter end.b One of these is illustrated by Valturio ( + 1472), and though not very prominent they may have been the predecessors of the cranequU/s.

Much interest attaches, therefore, to the evidence that in China also rotary arming motions were used. As we shall see presently,C all the great arcuballistae or catapult types (chhuang tzu 1/U I ) were winch-armed. But some of the individual types may have been also, for both in the Wu Ching Tsung rao ( + 1 044) and the Chiao Ski Ching ( + 8th century), arming by a winch (chiao chhi') is mentioned.d The ranges given by Wang Chli in the latter text ( TPrL, ch. 348, p. 7a) agree exactly with the figures recorded in + 759 by Li Chhlian,� who also says that the winch-armed type was for attacking cities and fortified places.f We have been able, however, to fmd very little information and hardly any illustrations of winch-armed hand crossbows.8 1t is unlikely that the Chinese used at any time the running pulleyblock, and fairly certain that they never used the rack and pinion. Furthermore, the worm would have been entirely foreign to their technology, lacking as it did all screw motions. But winch-arming was certainly early,h and probably antedated the use of this technique in Europe, though we must postpone the evidence until the discussion of artillery. The other greatly used European method was that of the 'goatsfoot lever' (pied de chivu). This was a two-pronged fork of suitable curved shape, which fitted behind two pins on the side of the stock, and by means of double pivoted daws drew and armed the string when pulled backwards.I Its chief period of European usc was from about + 1350 to + '450, and though it could not deal with the heavier bowstaves ofstecl, it was particularly convenient for mounted crossbow­ men. We have not come across any evidence that it was used in China in this form,

• Paynt·GaJlwty ( I ) , pp_ [3 df. The rack had a claw al one end which drew Ihe SIring "p, and Iht pinion was fined with a long crank handle. b l'ayne.Gallwty (I), pp. 81 ff. e &Iow, pp. l88ff. • As wesaw above, p. 1 2 1 . Il'CTYfCC, ch. 2, p. 37a: TPTL, ch. 348, p. 7a. o Tkoi Po Ti" Cki"t, ch.70, p. l la. r In anOlhtr passagt ( TPl"C, ch. 36, p. 4a), ht docriba one ofthcsc weapons a.s having a bowsta"e ofwillow, silk,,·onn·thorn, and mulberry wood 1 � fCCI, long, 7 inches thick at the slock and 3 inches thick at the ends. It made a noise like Ihunder when let off. I The question of the lIM of tht crank handle is of cour"$( rai$Cd bUI all one can say is that the Chinese iIIustrationsofhtavy arcuballistae always show winches with cap:stan arms. A ralchet action goes without saying. � Paynt--Gallwty (I), pp. 841f. t

Pp.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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Fig. 43. GraduMffl sighting scale on the back ofthe lug oflhe IHiI ora CI1)$$OOW trigger.mechanism, rrom Tuan Fang (/).

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but its principle was embodied in that most ingenious of all Asian crossbow inven­ tions, the magazine crossbow, which we shall shortly describe,The second technical question which presents itself is the manner of aiming or sighting the crossbow. The possibility of incorporating devices for doing this was of the essence of the invention of the weapon, and perhaps what made it a scientjfic weapon in a sense which the simple bow was not. Chinese archaeologists have for long been familiar with the fact that in many Han crossbow trigger mechanisms there is a graduated scale up the back of the lug of the nut.b Fig. 43 shows a drawing ofone of these taken from the collection ofTuan Fang (1).<: This scale was evidently intended to facilitate the precise adjustment of the elevation of the weap­ on, in accordance with the estimated distance of the target. Its disadvantage, however, was that it disappeared just at the moment of release, when the lug fell forward with the turning of the nut. One is not surprised, therefore, to find that from the Han onwards other sighting devices were introduced. What is perhaps surprising is that one of these appears to have been a grid-sight similar to those still seen on photographic cameras and anti-aircraft guns alike. d • BUI II'CTrch. 13, p. rIb, shows a hand·shot double crossbow (s},1»1 JIaIIIN') on a carriage, 10 be armed by winching. We reproduce the drawing in Fig. 68 on p. 199 below. b So already the Sung calalogue ofantiquc:s, p� K. Th u, ch. �7. p. loa. Cr. Wu Chheng_Lo (I), p. � 14. • PhOlographs ofspccimens showing Ihis have iiCveral times been reproduced; sec e.g. HOrw;l:ii (13), fig. 9. • Of COUrK. � Horwitz (13. 16) poimed out, even the graduated .scale on the lug w� IOmething "ery ad. "anced in comf)3rilOn .....ith comemporary Europe. It is curious that the Alexandrian ....orks . dealing ....ith . anillery (cr. p. 186 belo.....) arc rather silent concerning sighting devices.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

1 tS

existence is revealed by the study of the ancient technical term lshan lien L , (,the triple connection ).a The most important passage concerning it occurs in the Holt Hall Shu.b About + t 73 a certain prince, of Taoist sympathies, Liu Chhung2 (Chhen Wang Chhung'), was greatly renowned for his skill in crossbow archery, and it was said or him that he could hit the bulls-eye ten times out often.c To this the commentaries have recorded a passaged from the lost Hou Han Shu of Hua Chhia04 (a Chin writer), which runs as follows: \,'hen [ Liul Chh ung shot, he had a secret method called 'Heaven covering and Earth supporting' [Ihirnfu Ii /sail J, and a triple connection {!shan lien 6 J (0 make an odd number ofsmaller divisions [wei ,hhi' J . And also besides this thert: were three 'smalls' [san wei8] and three 'littles' {san hsiao� 1; the three 'smalls' acted as horizontal coordinates (ching](1 j, and the three 'Iittles' as vertical coordinates [weilL]. Gelting the ching and the wei (oflhe 1WO sights) to coincide [hsiang chiang] U was the way to ten thousand victories, yet still ofcourse the trigger-mechanism was most important .<

The simplest way or interpreting this is to suppose that Liu Chhung set up on the stock or his weapon a square grid of wire (or its equivalent), the upper crossbar being called ;Heaven' and the lo\\'er one 'Earth'. The twO upright side pins were then connected by twO wires making three divisions, and two further wires con­ nected the upper and lower crossbars. The 'smalls' were then the spaces considered horizontally, and the 'Iittles' were the spaces considered venically.f Presumably two or these grid-sights were moun led, one at the forward end of the stock and one at the rear. They would certainly be of real value in shooting. The 'triple connection' occurs quite orten in texts or the Later Han period, so that Prince Chhung should probably not be regarded as its first inventor. I t is • This has t)(Cen carefully made by Hsii Chung-Shu (;I), bUI before we knew of his pa�r we had come 10 Ihe "",me foncillSion oUrKkes in quile a diffcrenl COllnC(Clion (Se(1. 'l2e above) . - Ch. 80, p. 'lh. • He was a dir�1 dcsctndam ofChhen Ching-Wang HsieH," one orthe eight .sons of �Iing Ti ( + :,8/ + 7:'). � CiL. also TPrL.ch. 348, p_ 3a. • Tr. auel. f Duubtlns Lhis is IIOL Lhe only J>OS$iblc inLcrpreLaLioH. Each grid might ha"c had thrtc horizontal and Lhrtc nrlical rrOf$wires, wiLh �rhaps a bud aL Lheccmral cross, bUl lhis would �m raLhcr loocomplicaLM a syslcm. Ahcrnali"dy there mighl have !xcn onl� one pairol (rosswirC$, $0 LhaL Lhe 'Heaven' and Ihe 'Eanh' wires ....ould both ha,·c !xcn included i n Ihe coordinates. yel Ihis �ms 10 be gainsaid by Ihe leXI. I t was ne\'cnhcless the interprclalionofShen Kua in + 1086 (�VoL 3. pp. :'74-5).

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SIEGES

1 53

mentioned in the Liu Thao (Six Quivers): which, though incorporating material as old as the - 3rd century, did nOI reach its present form before the + 2nd. We have noticed il already in the conversation between Chhen Yin and the King of Yliehb , but again the Wu ruth Chhun Chhiu is a + 2nd cenlUry work. Ofpanicular interest is its appearance in the Chou Li,c The imperial tutor (Paa Shihl ) is in charge of the education of the princes, and one of Ihe arts which he has to teach them is the 'five kinds of shooting' (wu ski' ) . Cheng Hsiian (c. + 1 80) quotes the opinion of Cheng Chung (c. + 80) that these wefe the pai shih' (white arrows), the IsllOTI Jim· (the triple connection), the)'tn cnu' (peering through sighting holes), the "siang chhih6 (movable according to the graduated rule), and the ching i' (a

device like the character ching). It seems evident that this was a list of sighting devices - though that was not the belief of later commentators.d Ifso, the last of the five would be some variant form of the grid which is mentioned by name in the second place. The fourth would have something to do with the graduated scale on the nut-lug. In general, then, there seems every reason for believing that the grid-sight was an invention of the + 1st century,� while the lug scale would proba­ bly go back to the Chhin. Another reference to sighting may be contained in one of the + 3rd-century chapters of the Shu Ching. f The text says: 'Just as the forester, with [his finger on thel trigger, and his bow drawn, aims at the target embraced in the graduations [of his sights], and so lets fly [ . . . ] [JQ yii chi chang wang hsing kuayii lu lsi shih 8].' • 'Chiin rung' eh.; cit. TPrL, eh. 348, p. 6b; TSCC, Jung tMng lim, eh. �83, p. I a. 1'. 139 above. • Ch. 13, p. �71T. (eh. 4, p. 8b); Ir. BioI ( I ) , vol. I , p. 297. � Their "�plallalions of Ihese lerms ....ere dislinctly fantaSlic; doubdeu Ihey had 110 practical e�periellce of rr�bo....s. For c�ample Chia Kung-Yen in Ihe Thang ....role of/Shan lim Ihat il meant Ihree arro....s lied togelher and ShOl 1LI a largel already pierced by a previous arrow. II was al$O supposed Ihal IrJiang Jhould be readjang', and ,hul mcam yielding placc 10 Ihe prin<:<: ....hcn shooling. And Ihe lasl lerm was thoughl 10 mean that four arro....s wcre 10 be shot in(Q the larget $0 Ihal Ihey formed the fourcornen ofa $(juare. • Hor"'itz (13) illuslrates a modern (18th or 19th century) pellet erossbow from Chilla (fig. 40), which has a grid-sighl forward with a !J.,ad strung across ii, and a non-collapsible aperture-sighl to Ihe rear ofthe lrigger. He ;l$�umed (p. 177) that this arrangement mU�1 indicale European influence, bUI in Ihe lighl of the fon:going facts, there is Rally no reawn for supposing Ihat it was nOI a de"dopment from a lradition continuously handed down sights in archaeological find maleriaL ill China. II would ofCOUTK be ofgl"("at interesl 10 find remains ofgrid. r Ch. 1 4 'Thai chia' ; cit. TPn, eh. 348, p. ta. �

, � ", ' R R.

, Ji ·U , " fA

, I8J it

' J!

1 54

30. M I LI T A R Y

TECHNOLOGY

This was not recognised by the classical translators.- I t was however understood in this sense by Shen Kua in the + I Ilh century in that passage so important for the history oftheJacob's Staff oflhe surveyors,b which we gave in Sect. 22e above. He thought, however, ralher improbably, that the 'degrees' referred to a graduation along the stock of a crossbow-like rangefinder such as he had discovered; it is more likely that they referred to the graduations on the back of the trigger lug. It will further be remembered that Shen Kua also discussed the description of the method of Prince Chhung. A reference backc will show that he had a different

interpretation of several points, especially the meaning of tsnan lien itself, but he was quite clear that grid-sights were meant, and himselfexperimented with them. The third technical question which requires a few words is that of the strengths of crossbows and their testing. For bows of all kinds, weighing was the method used throughout Chinese history; Fig. 22 shows the process going on.d Here was a case where the quantitative spirit was very much at work. Towards the end of the + 1st century Wang Chhung wrote as fo11ows:e \\,ith strength sufficient to draw a bow, one may not be able to arm a powerful crossbow. If the stl"ength of the crossbow is of S ian I , but the pull available is only 3, then sinews will be rent and bones broken without any resuh. With force insufficient for so Strong a pull, a catastrophe [mightJ ensue, such as hreaking the spine.

In other words, rulers should employ adequate tools, men wise enough to meet particular situations. From the archaeological evidence of the bamboo slipSf we have already seen that the crossbows of the frontier troops were at that time from 3 to [ 0 Ian in strength.1I Chinese scholars in later ages discussed this subject knowing that the weights and measures of different dynasties had greatly varied. Though 1 20 catties (chin2) • �Iedhunt (I). p. 147; Legge ( I ) . p. 91. The Shu Chi", Th Sh� ilhutratel thi, passage with a very curious pictur<: ofcrossbo".. on standI, which Kerns 10 be a garbled r<:mini$(ence of the magazinc crossbow and ha, no relevance 10 the leXI. , MCPT, ch. t90 SKt. 13. < Vol. 3. p. 575· • TKKII', ch. 15. p. 9b • Um Hfrr,. ch. 31; tr. forke (4). \001. 2, p. 94, mod. I Slein (4); Cha\"annes (12a). (12), p. 35. I According 10 lhe estimates ofWu Chheng-Lo (/) and Swann ( I ) thi s would correspond to 19"', 7...8. 323 and 381lb adp. .

' {f-

'c ·C •

'

..

T, •• ••

30. M I S S I L E S

AND SIEGES

' 55

generally made I picul (tan, I anciently shih ' ) : and 30 catties equalled I chun2, the absolute weight of the cauy changed from lime to time, and we know that the Sung catty was about 2.3 times the weight of the Han cauy.b The smallness of this unit in the Han explains, wrote Shen Kua late in the + 1 1 th century,C why people could then avoid getting drunk at a party where I picul of wine was provided. The chiill and the tall, he went on, have always been used to measure the strength of bows and crossbows, armed by hand or foot. But the standard picul is now g2 1/2 catties, which corresponds 10 34 1 catties on Ihe Han scale. Some soldiers oftoday can draw a foot-armed crossbow as strong as g inn - a force which would correspond to 25 of the ancient Ian. Thus one modern crossbo\,'man equals more than two crossbowmen of the Wei dynasty.d Others can draw a bow as strong as 3 Ian, which would correspond to 34 chun of olden times. So one modern archer is the eq ual of more than five archers of the time of Yen Kao'" The reason for all this is that archers and c..o.�bowmcn now have very good training, including shooting from horseback, and know all the arts both of Chinese and barbarians. :vIoreover the armour and weapons have been de\'eloped to the fullest perfection of an, both old and new, so that former times saw nothing like them f

We need not stay to verify the exactness of the figures which Shen Kua gives, but il is well wonh noting that he was convinced of the much greater strength of the crossbows of his time as compared with those of the Han, and that he attributed this to technical improvements. Another passage of similar interest is to be found in the + IOlh century Hua Shu, where the writer says' that 'the release of an arcuballista of [ ,000 chun depends upon a trigger.mechanism no more than an , inch in length .h (i,,) fIIcrtasingjire-powtr; the multiple-bolt crossbow and the maga<.ille crossbow Cenerally speaking, in China as in Europe, the crossbow did not equal the bow in speed of shoo ling, and its superior range was not such an advantage as might at first appear, since when the stock was elevated at an angle to give maximum flight, it obscured the aim of the user. On the other hand, the ordinary bow could be aimed and shot with reasonable accuracy to its maximum range. The advantage • Cf. SW:lnn ( 1 ), P.364.

b cr. \\"u Chheng.lAl { I j, p. 73. < .IICPT. eh. 3. Set'l. I .

• Nine Sung pieuls would amoullI 1 0 $Ornc '089 Ibs. adp. This i5 nOI much 1m Ihan Ihc 1200 Ib found by Pa} nr·Gallwty (I). p. '4. 10 be Ihe Jlrenglh ofthc european siege erO$$OOw ofaboul + '400. The facl Ihal Ihe lalltr was w;'"h·arrnro nrcnglheru one·s imprcssion thal lhc po"·crful Chinese "'capom muSt also have been. • A famous archcr of Lu, present al Ihc sicge of Yangchou in -¥l' ( TsQ CAI«>II, Duke Ting. 81h )'ur; Couvrcur ( I j, voJ. 3. p. 537). I Tr. auel. Parallel de';, ali,'c passag.. ;n IIsi PD U'� CAil/, eh. 5, p. 6.a. • 1>·9b. • BUI Ihis sirengih would 3mounl 10jusl undcr 20 tOI1$ ifIhe weighIS ofth.. period are used, SO;t is probable thaI his "'orcl$ w..re nol intended to be taken lilcrally. .

..

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

of the crossbow lay in the fact that it was much more accurate in aim, and that its bolts did more damage than arrows. Quite naturally therefore persistent efforts were made to give the crossbow an enhanced fire-power. The earliest plan was to arrange its stock so that several bolts could be shot off at once, but the greatest ingenuity was shown in providing it with a magazine of bolts dropping automati­ cally illlo place, and so converting it into a veritable repeating or 'machine-gun' weapon. The first of these systems was closely connected with the large-scale artillery arcuballistae on carriages which we shall examine below' in a special sub-section. It may well be, indeed, that the arcuballistae came first (since there are numerous references to them in the Han) and that the hand-crossbows shooting several bolts at once were a later development. b The question is complicated because in media­ eval times a number of technical terms for crossbows were current, now difficult of identification; and also because the introduction of multiple-bolt hand-crossbows in the Sung seems to have been connected with another innovation, the use of the leaf-spring bowstave, apparently an adoption in improved form of a practice orig­ inally current among the aboriginal tribal peoples. To begin with, i t may be said that the muhiple-bolt crossbow is generally termed litll '1// 1 , while the leaf-spring form of it was often called the pitn chia lIU1 ( , plai ted frame crossbow').c Writing about + 1083, Shen Kua tells us:d

10 tH fi:.r H

h.,

pO' .Ib

'In IruI

In the Hsi-Ning reign-period ( + 1068/ + 1077], Li Ting' presented (to the imperial court) the plaited frame crossbow [pim chia nut J [his invention], which looked like a bow, but was armed by means ofa stirrup placed against the ground. Its bolts could be shot to 300 paces [500 yards], and two thickn�s ofarmour scales could be penetrated. It was called Shen Pi Kung) [;"'fagic Stock Bow], and was considered the best ofweapons. Li Ting had originally been the chiefofthe Tang-hsiang Chiange tribe, but became an officerofa defence corps afler he had made his obedience to the emperor. Aflerwards he died in office, and all his sons were famous on the western frontiers for their bravery.

,

We believe that the inventor's name was really Li Hung', for the same story was repeated about him early in the following century by Chu Pien�, who gives more details of the materials used in the construction. r This Li Hung may well be identical with a military officer and engineer whom we met with beforei in connec-

,

• •

-. •

•

, I

&t pp. !84ff.

b BUl lhc commentary oflhe L'" Tlta. say$ lhal lhc T� Hwang'. a Han Iype. shot thre<: bolt! al lhc samt time.

< This interprelalion depends upon the reading taken for Ihc first ....ord. Some of Ihe lexlS which ....e shaU mention " rile pltitn'. but we have not been able to make sense Oflhis, and wc believe Ihalpltll was intended. � .lfCI'T. eh. 19. �t. 6: lr. a"!Cl. • Cltltii r,'tl Cit,,, 'I'ln. eh. 9, p. �b; cit. TSCC, Junz rMwz lirn. eh. 283. p. 12b. r The wvOO ur Ihe bowsla,·c ,,·as wild mulberry and sandalwood, thc SI,rmp was iron and Ihe trigger­ mec:hanism bronze. Hemp and silk formed the SIring. o �t. 28r abo'·e. 5« abo Kuo Khi:ng-Jo I . Li Hung may havc been conrused wilh tht Li Ting who was a mud, morc importanl officialJUSt allhe same 'imc. and al$Oconcerned ""i,h tribal affain.

•

. ., 1 1 "R -

-.

--

•

• '1

30. M I S S I L E S

s s o

SIEGES

'57

lion with the construction oCthe Mu-Lan dam in Fukicn; ifnot the same person they were exactly contemporary. Later in the + 12th century both Fan Chhcng­ Taa and Chou Chhii-Fcib speak of the plaited frame crossbow of the southwestern tribal peoples, and liken it to the chhih ta nil. I used at that time in lhe capital. This is interesting because neither the Thang Thai Po Yin Ching nor the early Sung Wu Ching Tsung rno has anything to say an multiple-bolt leaf-spring crossbows. The Wu Pel Chin illustrates (Fig. 44) a SMn Pi NU2 � with twO arrow-grooves, but its leaf-springs are not obvious, as they are in Fig. 45 taken from the Thu Shu Ghi ChMng, d The explanation on the following page is distinctly obscurec but it seems to describe an arming process by some rorm or goatsrool lever in three stages, and envisages the selting up or traps and ambushes as one or the chierrunctions or this type or multiple-bolt crossbow. This can be well seen in Figs. 46, 47 and 48, the rormer rrom the Wu Pet" Chih r and the latter rrom the late Ming work' Chiien Chang Hsill Fa3 (Manual or Foot-Armed Crossbows) by Chheng Chhung-Tou� which has been studied by Horwitz ( 15 ) . h Perhaps the lear-spring types were used ror this purpose because or their greater weight and size - the illustrated ethnological albums depicting the Miao peoples sometimes show three or them exerting their strength on a single such weapon at the same time' - but it will be noticed that many or the illustrations or ordinary crossbowmen above, show lear-spring bow­ staves. The multiple-bah crossbows went also by other names, e.g. the KIlO Ti K/llIg� (Enemy-Conquering Bow).j Their rurther examination must be post­ poned ror lhe artillery sub-section. The Chinese rcpeating or magazine crossbow as made in modern times has orten been described.k 1 ts construction may be appreciated by Figs. 49 and 50, the

.

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of g.

id 'g

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d d

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,­

hall

:geT'as

AND

a

• K"ti H�i 1"ii Hing Chih, pp. , 'bff.

b U�g lI"ai Tai Ta, ch. 6. pp. �b, 6<1. < Ch. 103. p. 13b. , J""l (/ting li(ll, ch. '183, p. '3a. 5 Horwicz (13) found (PI" '7.), '7]). The encyclopaedia here (p. 13b) names the leaf_spring crossbow the • ..J, 'crossbow of 'he cavc-dwdling barbarians' (lL" ""' ) and sums 10 show three arrow·grooves. In Ihis and the d�riplion it [ollo"'s lI"" p" Chih. eh. 103, pp. t6aff, Ch. 94, p "l6a; reproduced almost exactly in TSCC, Jung (hing lim, ch. 300, p. lOb. I Itt dale is not known, but it muSt be orlhe late + 161h or early + '7th Century. • A� Chheng T�u"g.Yli We met with him above as onc of the di..:ovcrel"$ of an ancient trigger·mechanism, P· I34· I Cr. Horwitz (t3), Fig. 3. J Concerning this an amusill8 miry is told in the SJ"ChMf Whr (;}aj(ll u., ch. I, p. 2'la, ofHungTsun' (later to be TCnowned alan archaeologist; + It20 10 + 1 1 74). He was stumped in his youth by an examination question concerning the Kho Ti K1I1It, but il happened that his K"rvant was an old soldier who knew Ihal it wa5 the Same wcapon as the Shin Pi Kwng, and told him many delaib about it. According to this version, +�"l was Ihedate of its in'·ention. - As byJ G. Wood ( I ) , vol. 2, p. 813; Payne-GaJlwcy ( I ) , pp. 237A".; Wilbur (2); Forke (18); Feldhaus (2), p. �4: Horwitz ( 1 3), pp. 170ff., 173A"·

• t'Hp 4

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O GY

�

...-- _. .- ..

\ Fig. 44. A muhiple·arTowcroobow from lVPC, ch. lOS, p. ISb.

Fig. 45. 1I.luhipk·arrow croubow from TSCCI]CT,8,/",".thew. ch. I, p. Isa.

30. M I S S I L E S

AND

SIEGES

'59

."" 11'11'11 "'" """, , '1 " " " " I " " I I I " I ' " " " " rI

,

I

.

J

fig. ,,6. 'Crossbow ambush', Jj·PC, ch. 94, p . 26a (�produ(cd almost eucdy in TSCC'jcr, ch. 300, p . JOb.).

first photograph� showing the weapon at the beginning of the arming movement, and the second showing it immediately after the despatch of one arrow. Figs. 5 1 and 52, from the Wu Pei Chihb of + 1628, show the parts both assembled and dissected. Figs. 53 and 54, from the Thien Kung Khai Wu" of + 16:37, show the arm in use by a fowler.d The construction is beautifully simple. The usual trigger·mechanism is absent, and a lever (fa chien Ihien chhieh 1 ; reminiscent of the goatsfoot lever) is fixed perma· nently to the stock between the bowstave and the furthest rear position reached by the string when drawn. Pivoted to this lever is the magazine (isang chien hsia2), now usually containing ten or twelve arrows, but formerly in some cases more,· the lowest one resting on the string above the arrow·groove (tshoo') which leads out through a shan barrel at the front. Upon pushing the lever forward as far as possible, the string falls into a slot (hsien fu4) at the rear end of the longitudinal slit • Th� art laken from a spttimen in the Ethnological �Iu�um oftile Uni"enity of Cambridge. II will J:xo, notittd that thc bow$t3\'e is a leaf. spring. b Ch. IOj. PI" 123, t �b. Ikner ilhmralioll'5 are in TSCC, jll"l (IIml litJI, ch. �83, hikiltJD I, pp. I la, ( I b. < Ch. 13, p, lob. • Thert isa good illustralion dating from about + I 780 in Amiot (2 . Suppl. pI. 26. fig. 1 1 3 and p. 371. • Combining tht principle ofthe /i"' ''II', bolts could J:xo, shot offsuccwi\'dy in pain or threes. • lUlU!!

' Ie

160

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. -17. Pedal-armro muhiplc·boI� arbalests, from WPC. ch. [03, p. ISa.

along the base of the magazine, and remains caught therein while the lever is drawn backwards almost to its fullest extent, thus arming the weapon. The arrow has now dropped fully into the arrow.groove. Then comes in the aUiomalic ele­ ment, for the trigger (J'a I ) is nothing but a short vertical hardwood pin moving up and down in the base orthe magazine below the string slot; upon the conclusion of the backward movement of the lever therefore, this pin is forced upwards by contact with the stock and releases the string and the arrow. Thanks to this device the \vhole contents of the magazine can be shot off in as short a time as it takes to write these scntences. The whole arrangement is both simple and ingenious in the highest degree. The spced of fire of this crossbow is indeed great, and Payne-Gallwey· and • ( 1 . p . 1.p ' 5f

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

�·ig. 48. Arbaln,·ambllsh from tht CMith Chllnl HS;II Ftl.

," <)w ele: up n of by " ice :5 to the and

Horwitz' showed that by means of it 100 men could discharge 2000 arrows in as lillie as 1 5 seconds.b Though its use is atlested from as latc as 1 895 in battle against theJapancse,c the texts do not generally regard it as an important military weap­ on.d Mao Yuan-I sayst that it was a favourite with the people of the southeast, but thai its strength was slight and its bolts not apt to injure anyone. Nevertheless Payne-Gallwey's experiments gave it an extreme range of 200 yards, and an effec­ tive range of 80. No doubt much depended upon the bow fitted to the weapon. The Korean examples illustrated by Bootsr (Fig. 55) arc fined with composite bows and have longer draws than the Chinese lear-springed weapons. The Korean bows were very heavy and with their long draw would have at least doubled the effective range and probably the extreme range too. There seems liule reason to doubt that the Chinese employed composite bows ror their better examples orthe • ( I ) , p, 176.

b We agrl'(' with this from IJoerKHla[ �xpeTicncc, If properly organised for f�·loading, the dr�t ofsuch cOlleen­ tratcd fire muSt ha\'e been quitt demoralising. , Wilbur (7), p . l36. . • It reached Europe, and was copied there, in the [ancr part of the + t8th cemury, as a french exampl� figured in HOfwitl «(3), fig. 39Shows. • ],'.,P,; Cllill, ch. l03,P. Ib;cit. TSCC.Jllllt(4i�tlltll, ch.783,pp.�a,b. . (7 ,p. 35. r Boou t . pI. 7. Similar bo...."Sdeiachcd rrom the;r stocks are illusuated in :\lcE....�n

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

162

Fig. 49. Small Chines<" rt:peating crossbow, arming position. (Cambridge University ;"1llscllm orArchaeology and Anthropology.)

Fig. 50. Small Chines<" rt:peating crossbow, after ,hooting.

weapon, but cheapness of manufacture was perhaps a prime consideration. In any case there is no doubt that traditionally its bolts were poisoned, a small piece of silk steeped in poison being tied round the iron head.- The same passageb says that it was considered suitable for tiger shooting, and for timid men, and even women, defending fortified dwellings, as also in certain cases for horse·archers,c Sung Ying·Hsing seems to underestimate its strength, saying that it is useful only against robbers.d • cr. Bisset

(1.7).

b or �Iao Yuan_I.

TSCC, lung rking lim, eh. 783, pp. lob, I I a, text I I b. • TKKJ1'.ch. '5,P. 5a.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

i

Fig. � t . RCJ)C:'alingcll)$$oow udcpicttd in WPC, ch. 103. p. 1':;0.. fig. 5�. Repeating crossbow, showing component parIS, from WPC, ch. 103, p. ['lb.

In cc ·Y'

en

,.'

11)'

The history Of lhis extremely interesting mechanism is unfortunately quile ob­ scure. \"'e are safe in saying that it was well known and probably widely used about + 1600 JUSt before its description in these books of the late Ming. Then and thereafter it was known as the Chu-ko (Liang) nu I , being named after the famous general of Shu in the San Kuo period ( + srd century). But while it is {fUe that Chu-ko Liang was personally concerned with multiple-bolt arcuballistae (see p. '92 below), there is nothing whatever to connect him with the magazine cross­ bow. I n modern Peking, it was often called- than nu2 or lien chu nu' because in late times it was filled for shooting pellets or bulletS.b There may be a clue here, sincc the magazine necessarily involved at least a short barrel, and the question of the existence of the slurbow {crossbow with barrelt in China is therefore relevant. • Hsii Chung-Shu (�).

- AI Ih.. Ixginning of th.. prnem c..mury a mod..1 �pc:atill8 ..roubow was still hung oul as one or Ihe lradi_ tional P..king shop signs (..-ork.. (t9)). , Thne did not become known widdy in Europe until rath..r late (+ 16th. cemury) and Payn.. ·Gall.....y (I). p. t29. ev..n supposed thaI their ba�1$ ...e� moddkd on th.. hand-guns. BUI in + PJ21 Marino Sanuto de· scrilxd romposit..-bo... croubows shoOling Iud or SIOn.. balls called m/lS(htlitu (gadflies); 1<"X1 and translalion in &hncid..r ( I ). pp. 48, g.8. The ...ord musk..t must su�ly derive from this.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

fig. :;3. �Iagazine crossbow udcpkted in the TKK'''fig. :;-1. �Iagazinc crossbow being used by a fowler, from TKKIl', Chhing edition, ch. [j. p. lob.

\Ve have come across but one passage which may refer to it. In + 1232 a heroic Chin general was defending Lo-Yang against a besieging Mongol army" On the third day the Mongols surrounded the city on three sides. Chhiang Shen' tore in pieces all his silk garments and had them made into banners which were placed on the ramparts, after which he led his men in the fighting stripped to the waist. Some hundred of them ran 10 and fro under orders from him shou ting insults at the enemy, and calling them fools and madmen, to such good effect thaI one would have thought them as many as ten thousand. When the supplies were quite exhausted, coins were melted down 10 make arrow-heads. And every long Mongol arrow picked up was cut into four pieces and each one shot back again by means ofa whip tube [Ihung pitn 2 J .b '

-

'

• Chiw Shih. eh. I [ I , p. 12a; Ir. auct. adju\!. St·Julien (8) who was translating from TCKM, Pt 3, ch. '9, pp. -IBIf. Cf. abo TH, p. t6.}8. • Th� term is curious, and re.:-alls a Sung method of launching incendiary bamboo tubes with throwing·sticks (M:<: 5«"t. 34 below), but it may only mean here that the tubes or barrels used with the cr0s5bows wen: no thicker than whip handles. This was the pauagc which misled Gaubil (ta), pp. 681f. into thinking that 'mudcCI$' had !xcn used. Reinaud & ."3\'': (t), p. 188 corrrctcd him. Cr. Romocki (t), ,·0J. I, p. 46. '

.. ..

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

f

9,

h « ,d

Fig. 5;). Kor�arl rrossoow$ from Boots (t) plat� 7. notabl� for their great weighl and long range.

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O C Y

But after this there seems t o be no further mention of such a device. Whether or not the 'whip-tube' was a slurbow, we kno',-.' of another kind of tube used in the shooting ofarrows, though it was not in any sense a crossbow. From the Thang dynasty onwards one of the techniques of archery mentioned as figuring in the imperial examinations· was that of 'tube-arrows' or rather 'arrow-tubes' (thulIg chiell I ) ,b This is referred to, for instance, in the T{u Chih Thung Chimc for the year +8;]. In his exegetical work on this great history, Hu San-Hsing2 ( + 1 230/ + 1287) commented thus upon the passage:d Shih Chao' (fl. + lOgo) in his Thung Chim Shih [Vin' says of'(hung $ ' it should be pronounced as 'lu' and 'hung', i.e. 'lung', and that it was the name ofa particular kind of bamboo." B ut I think that the reference is to the 'shooting with tubes' [(hung $hi6J which appeared in the military examination subjects during the Thang, This we [still] have nowadays in the army. The arrows used in tube-shooting are only a little over a foot long. A piece of bamboo is cut in half [longitudinally], its length being about that of the arrows used with ordinary bows [i.e. at least 3 ftl . At [the rearJ end twoor three inches of the bamboo are left uncut, and there is a slit in which the string can rUIl.f The arrow is laid inside the trough and against the Siring. The tube fpartJ has a small hole in one side, with a light Siring to bind it to the wrist of the drawing hand. \Vhen the bow springs back the tube is pressed against the hand,' and the arrow rushes forth towards the enemy. Anyone hit is pierced right through. This is what is called 'tube-shooting',

From this description we can form a fair idea of what the device was. This was evidently identical to the Persian nowak, also known by its Arabic name ofmajra or mijral,h An early reference is the use of it by the Sassanid Persians against the Arabs in + 637 when it was termed qaus al-niiwakV'ah (the tube-bow).' In the Is­ lamic world extraordinary distances were shot with this device,j and its accuracy was such that it was the (001 of sharpshooters. In a further development only a rela­ tively shon piece of the half-tube was retained, at the grip end, rotated to form a true trough, and borne on the bowhand of the archer, which was protected by a • cr, des Rotours (2), p. 210. Tltang Liu Tim, rh' l' p. �la, from which it is clear that this W3.3 among a number of\'cryspedalised ttthniqua. b "or3 rCCQllstruction (by E. �IcEwcn), see Fig'l6. • Ch. 253, Chhicll.Fu r_p_, 4th year. • Tzu eMit Tltung Cltiln Pi�n II·u', d_ I I , p. 22b, tr. aUtl. Wc are much indebted to Professor E. Pullcyblank for drawing our aW:"mion to this passage. • \\'e ita,·c nOt been abk to find mcmion ofany such variety ill the botanical books. r So we imnprct 'u'�i h. ifu Itrim" ; ho mcans the nock oran ano"'. • Or 'snaps back against the hand' for Hu'scommentary in the leXI iuelf has It.�· irutead ofsltou '•. � It may be nOled that Be\'eridge ( J) who wrOte on thc hislory ofIhe Asian cTOMbow, did nOI dcarly distin­ guish bcl,,·ttn Ihe rr<mbow ilscJfand Ihe \'arious fonm ofarrow.guide. I

Huuri ( I ), PP. 1 1 3ff.

About + 1.)00 �Iuhammad Budhiii's H;dlJ)"�IIJI·rlJlfll, 'The Archer's Guidc' (Ethi: Cal. no. 2768, India Office Library), p. 'loA, gi\'es dislances of 1 200 l�z, and more. Thela� was a unil oflenglh which varied from period to period and from place 10 placc but 1Ie-'cr sums to ha'"e been Jas than tWO feet. cr. KJopst� (I), p. 31, for a discussion on the probable length oflhel��. I

' ... 1111 ' ,Ut

. ... .. "

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

/

s , e

y a a

special shield. I n Persia and India this was known as the niiwak·j qah
Cf. :\kt;wcn ( I ) , pp. 86, 9 1 •

b SccTJbIc3 �low.

0-

• BooI$ ( I . pp. 7-8. rcpoTU Ihal it was a favourite Kon::an wcapon 3t thc timcoftheJapane$C invasion under Hid<"yOIlhi in + Ij92. It was said I' Harry JOO yards while IheJapancsc-arrows carrial only 350 yards. d It would of <"OUB( make shooting more difficult on windy da)'$. BUI we get the impression, bolh from Ihe textual passage on which Hu San-Hsing was commenting, and from other places (e.g. HWI Thalli Sob. ch. 186, p_ j3. t h:u. jusr :015 in rhe Islamic world, thc aITO'" IU� ...as specifically a snirx'r's ...upon, used only by c)trx'rts and against parricular individuals al long ranges. • "]''''0 m"m�rs or the Socicty of Archcr.Antiquaries, Lt. Comdr. \\'. F. Patcrson and E. :\lcE...cn, have reporral. in r(("CIll rimes, accidcnts in ,,'hich guide dans have gone completely through the thumb. f E.g. Klopst("g t t l. I Sccl. 30 �Iow. •

" ,. •

168

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. :;6. R.-cOlmruCiion by E. �lcEwen oflhc 'arrow-Iu�' (Ih""&,�lritll) , Korean l)1VI f..... (PMt>t rhi"").

Fig. 57. Rcronslfuclion ofhalf-bamboo channel for guiding shon arrows. The bowstring runs in the slot.

development of explosive mixtures (gunpowder) they turned with similar simplic­ ity 10 tubes of bamboo, first as incendiary canisters for delivering it, then as held flame-throwers, later as self-propelled canisters (rockets), and so finally the true barrel cannon or gun. Of lhis, therefore, the arrow-tube and the whip-tube may be collateral ancestors. And the former has an evident connection with the repeat­ ing crossbow, since it may be considered analogous to the base of the magazine, with the slit horizontal instead ofvenical. About thirty years arter Chhiang Shen's exploits (p. 2 18), however, we hear or two other mechanisms which seem closely related to the magazine crossbow.

•

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

1 69

According t o the Sung Shih:In the 1St year orlne Khai-Chhing! reign-period ( + 1259) there Wefe made at Shou-Chhull-Fu� two new kinds ofmilitary weapons. One oflhese was the 'box-and-tube wooden crossbow' [kan Ihung mu nu�], which differed from the ordinary crossbow with its visible trigger-mechanism, because the bolts were laid in a tube very safely. This weapon was especially cOlwcllient for shooting at night. Presumably because the projectiles fell into place automatically. Then only a few years later, in + 1 264. the ruan Ching Shih To Tim Hsii Lu4 saysb that 'there were the phao of the Western countries,( and the "folded-in-Iayers" crossbow [chi lith nu s ], neither of which had ever been heard of before'. These references induce a rather strong suspicion that the origin of the magazine crossbow is to be sought in the Sung, perhaps as a complex Chinese development of a simple Turkish device which had been adopted in the Thang. Certain still earlier terms deserve mention, however. One is chi nu', the 'piled­ up' crossbow (or crossbows). This is to be traced back as early as Hua; Nan T
� QUOled by Su Thien·Chio" in his KilO CMUUl Will Lei", ch. ,41, p. 61b. Cr. Goodrich & feng Chia-Sheng ( I ) , p. 119. • I.e. counterweighted trebucheu (cf. p. 218 below). � Ch. 15, p. Sb; tr. �Iorgan (I), p. '92. • It 5 i inleresting Ihal Ihe + 3rd-c:enlul")' commentatOf Kao Yu did take the tenn to be a technical one, and I'l:marked that it wal some kind ofmultiplc-bolt areuballi5ta (Iilll �� '.). r Ch. 46, p. �b, in Ihe biography ofT�ng Vii'. the military geographer. I Auurely it did in the WII Yiith Clrlrun Clrlri� pa$Sag� qUOted above, p. 137, if illdeed it belongl lhere at all. • 'Ta Chuan', pI I , ch. 8; Bayna version of R. Wilhelm (2), ,,01. t, p. 328. Not 'hinge and bowspring' ho>,,·e,"er. A parallel analogy occurs in Willi HOI! SAN, ch. 8, p. ga, see Dubs (2), \'01. 2, p. 219. I P. 1 32 above (ch.23,cil. TPYL, ch.348, p. la).

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

I jO

There is really nothing here that would nOt apply to the standard trigger-mecha­ nism. On the whole, therefore, it does not seem likely that crossbows of magazine type were known in antiquity.

"'" d I d.,

(v) The crossbow in East and West When we survey the comparative distribution of the hand-crossbow in time and space, we find ourselves in the presence ofa pattern of interchange rather different from any which have so far appeared. That this weapon was in common use from at least the - 4th century in China, and that it attained a high degree of perfection already in the - 1st, has been shown beyond doubt by the material summarised in the foregoing pages.a In European antiquity, however, it docs not appear early, and the evidence of its existence between the + I st and + 5th centuries is sparse and curious. After that there is a complete gapb until it reappears in the + loth to enjoy a period of flourishing and dominance, lasting on in the hands of hunters and amateurs well into the + [ 7th century and, indeed, it is still in use today. The possibility therefore arises of two separate introductions from East Asia, of which the former would perhaps have been direct, while the latter would no doubt have involved Arab intermediation. \\"hat can be said of the 'first crossbow period' in Europe? Immediately we come upon the strange and isolated invention of a crossbow armed by the pressure of the body, nOt traction or tension, the gastrapheles ("yClO"l:p(l¢lhT1�) of Heron of Alex­ andria.c This mOSt ingenious device has been carefully studied and reconstructed by Schrammd and Becke, and has orten been figured.f It consisted in having the stock of the crossbow in two longitudinal pieces which could slide upon one an­ other, the sliding piece (which carried the arrow-groove) and a simple trigger being fixable at any point along the base by a catch and ratchet mechanism. Since, in the unarmed position, this sliding piece projected well beyond the bow­ stave end of the stock, the archer had simply to lean with all his weight upon the other end of the stock in order to draw the string. As Horwitz says,lI the substitu­ tion of pressure for traction was brilliant, but unfortunately there is no evidence that the device was ever used in practice. hs strange isolation, moreover, can only be appreciated when one realises that nearly all the catapult artillery pieces of the Greeks and Romans were based not on the tension ofa bowstavc, but on the radial • The ",imale Qf HQrwitz (q) in his CQmparali"e swdy, Qf Ihe - 12th fQr China il. Qf CQUIX. very exagger-

3t�.

� FQre�ample. there is nQ ment;Qn Qfit at all in the SI'II"licIIQf :\laurikiQlc. + 600. • The passages cQncerning this in his Btlo/»l,ka have bttn trans1atM by Dids & Schramm (t); Schneider (2 and Bcd (3 . • 2 . p. 217 and Fig. 6-\.

•

(31. p. t6-\. E.g. by Detnmin ( I ) . p. t 16; alSQ �Iarsdfn (2), fig. 3, p. 47, cQrresponding IQ pp. 2 t -3 Qf th� IranslaliQn Qf HerQ"'s miliw.ry lexu. A phQlograph Qf a rcronslruclro full-Kale mood in QJXratiQn is giv�n by Feldhaus {2 , p. '9�. cQpied from Dids & &hramm ( I). f

S

{Q), p.3'5 .

11'\ ,h. P

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pi.. Yn

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bdt puz ,...:

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go. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

,

,

movement of bars secured in upright twists of sinew, the torsion of which pro­ duced the clastic return.Nearly, but not all. Much though we may desire a clear picture of occidental developments for comparison with happenings at the eastern end of the Old World, we have to recognise that we cannOI always obtain it, and unfortunately the early history of catapult artillery in ancient Mediterranean civilisation has problems still unsolved. One of the lesser-known writers on projectile-throwing engines in antiquity was named Biton, and his text, edited and translated by Rehm & Schramm ( I ) , describes a number ofarcuballistae (i.e. crossbow cata­ pults sel upon stands). There arc two forms of a large single-spring crossbow for shooting small stone balls, mounted on a sloping frame capable of varied eleva­ tion; these machines are ascribed to Charon of Magnesia and Isidorus of Abydos. Another type, shooting off two arrows at one time, is attributed to Zopyrus of Tarentum, and this is strangely called a gastraphtltS though it is not a hand­ crossbow and not armed by a sliding stock. We must conclude, therefore, that at some time or other catapult artillery pieces (arcuballistae) of strictly crossbow type were used in the Graeco-Roman world. The difficulty is to know exactly when. That important catapult (ka/aptftikon , KlltCutEivt(KOV) inventions were made by the engineers of Dionysius at Syracuse in preparation for the siege of - 399 is distinctly stated by Diodorus Siculus,b and no one has seen good reason for contradicting him. But he failed to reveal what they were. On one widely-held view, this was the moment of the invention of the tor­ sion sinew-bundle types, true crossbow lypes having existed for at least a century earlier.� Another opiniond would remove the gastraphetes from Heron's paternity and place it here at Syracuse. In any case, there may have been two Herons. For, as will be remembered, thefloruil of the Alexandrian Heron of the Mechanica is now placed at +6'2 by Neugebauer (6), strongly supported by Drachmann ('2,3).e Yet lhe title of the relevant treatise may be translated 'The Artillery Manual of Ctcsibius' Heron', suggesting that the latter was the son or pupil of the former, and must therefore have flourished about - 230 to - 2 1 o. Internal textual evidence is held to agree with this date.r The dating of Biton and his text seems no less a puzzle. I t cannOt be earlier than - 315, and well-informed opinion clings to the traditional time of about - '235.' Now on the orthodox views the arcuballistae • cr. Sch"'nlm (I, �); Huuri (I); R. Schneider (,); Payne.Galh,·cy (I. �).

'I

,f

171

b XI\" .J�, 43. , Schramm (�). p. � 1 6; R. Schneider (;.) . d Communicated to us by Dr E. D. Marsden or Livcrpool. • Heron Jhowed Ihal it was poouiblc 10dClcrminc Ihc dislance bf:twccn Rome and Alexandria by observing the Io3me lunar edipsc rrom both plac(S, and Neugebauer pointed out that the only edipsc he could have used wu that of this ·) ear. Draehmann added twO examples or inveOlions of Heron conccmed with prwing machinery both daled by Pliny in Ihe + ru century (cr. Vol. 4, pt 1, p. 1(9). f Dr :\Iarsden nato that the writer mcntions the calibration rormulae which came in aboul -'270 bUI nOI the standard size spC"("ificalions ....hich . weTC" current after - '200. AJ 10 the former, cr. Drachmann (4). I Personal comn,unication rrom Dr :\iarsdCII.

I )'

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

which he describes were then entirely OUI of date,· yet the fact that h e calls onc of them agasfrapheles when it is no such thing suggests that his text ought to be placed lalcr than - 200 or even later than +62. Moreover no crossbows or crossbow arcuhallistae appear on the reliefs orthe Trajan Columnb of + 1 10 or on any other monument of these centuries - all arc torsion-type pieces. At the present time there seems to be no assured solution to all these contradictions. The provisional view which we shall here adopt is that the Syracusan inventions were of torsion-type catapults, and thaI these remained the characteristic engines of both Greek and Roman armies. At the same lime we would ascribe the gas(raphtltS to perhaps the - [St century and the date of Biton's text and machines (though not necessarily of the man himself) to a slightly later time.� The rest of the evidence for hand-crossbows in late European antiquity can be summarised in a few words. These weapons are seen quite clearly in two Gallo­ Roman monumental reliefs showing hunting parties, one at Salignac-sur-Loire, and one at Le Puy,d but so far as can be made out, they depict an ordinary type, and not the gaslraphelts. As to their date, there is much uncertainty, opinions varying from the + [st to the + 5th century.t On the textual side, there is almost nothing but passing references in the military historian Vegetius (fl. + 386) to 'manuballistae' and 'arcuballistae'/ which he said he must decline to describe as they were so well known. His decision was highly regrettable, as no other author of the time makes any mention of them at all.* Perhaps the best supposition is that the crossbow was primarily known in late European antiquity as a hunting weap­ on, and received only local use in certain units of the armies of Theodosius I , with which Vegctius happened to be acquainted. II One of the most extraordinary facts about the history of these devices is that a magazine form was devcloped by the Alexandrian mechanicians. I t was the polybolon (KO:t(:mtA:rT1� 1[0}.1)�6A.o�) described by Philon of Byzantium (commonly placed in the - 2nd century).; As reconstructed by Beck (3) and Schramm ( I ),j it • Ie i5 generally agrero that tile ccollibo....-type arcuballi!tae ....ould lIa"e been more robusl and 1e5S tricky, and must ha"e laslro longer, than Ih.. more po....erful tonion-types. BUI their grealer simplicity docs not prove tllat Ih,,}' ....ere more primili..e: il mighl indeed indicale the opposite. b On Trajan's column s<:\'eral studies ar.. spuially wonh citing, namely L..pper ( I ) , L. R05Iii ( I ), and J. A. Ridltllond (I). , i)Qubu about Biton's text ....ne "oiced a good while ago by Schneider (5), col. 1302. [t cannot � later than + lI30 when it was quoted by Athenaeus in II,s Dnpn�Jopk;Slni, Xl V, 34. But il may nOI � ,·..ry much earlier, and if it was simply fathered on Biton by some late Hellenislic ....rilO'f, a transmilllion of arcuballisla t...:llnique from EaSI Asia becomes quite conceivable. • Sc� Esperandieu (�), \"01. lI, figs. 1679 and 1683; Daremberg-Saglio, "01. I, p. 388, fig . 467. Blackmore (j), p. 1 H. fig. 7l1b, illu!lrales another from Polignac s/Loir, e�. +400. • Espc.'randicu (t); Wilbur (�); Horwitz (14). r D( R( .Ifili/lln. [[, tEl; [II, q; IV, � I, lI�. • Sehr�mm (�), p_ lI28. concludes that Ihe t..rm clttirdallis/ll (l£IPO�cU..A.iatCl) it la te Bp:antine, nOt classical

GTttk. • R. t.o.....e (�) shows that Rabbi Aqiba mentions Ih.. croubo.... He diro in + 13j, �nd th.. lexl cooc..rnro WaS ro,tO'd berolT + lIlIO. Loe"'-e �bo considen e'\'idence in J..wish writings during Ih.. serond croubow [Xriod, from th.. + 1 1th century onwards. 1 Phikm, .1ft(klJl.iro. IV, jll-7, in Carlan (f). Th.. in"emion is ;ueribed by him 10 a predecessor, Dionysos of Alexandri�. J Cf. Oieb ( r . P . 104;Dids& Sehramm(2).

30.

,f d

" 'e 'e d

>e ,e, e, ns

.51

to as of at p­ th at he .Iy i it md h" . A. han ..d .m

e,l .

;ical

�

of

MISSILES AND SIEGES

1 73

comprised an endless chain on each side of the slock, moving backwards and forwards round five-cornered cogs worked by winch handspikes. The string was drawn back by a claw attachment fixable at any point along the length of the chains without the necessity of unwinding a winch cable. Above the arrow-groove was a magazine of arrows, each of which fell successively and automatically into place upon each arming of the weapon,just as in the later Chinese pattern.a The greatest difference was, however, that the polyboJon was not strictly a crossbow at all, but derived its force from the usual vertical sinew-bundles. Horwitz ( 1 4) is indeed disposed to regard all the torsion types as originaling from the crossbow, because of their possession ofstocks and arrow-grooves, but it seems safer to main­ tain the view that the bow itself is a sine qua non of the crossbow, and to regard the torsion types as a separate and distinct line of inventions. Another divergence between the polybolon and the magazine crossbow 'of Chu-ko Liang' is that in the former the magazine is stationary, while in the latter it moves back and forth with the lever. This is a case where the time difference is so great that it is hardly possible to regard the Chinese magazine crossbow as in any way derivative from the polyb% n, all the less so in that the polyb% n was purely experimental even if it ever left the drawing-board. Independent searches for increasing fire-power must be the explanation. On the other hand, the complete absence of any ancient European records of crossbow trapping, and the fact that the + 1st century was a time of compara­ tively close contact between China and the Roman Empire, point rather sugges­ tively to a transmission of the hand-crossbow itself from East Asia to Europe at that time.b The history of the crossbow in later Europe is of course much better known. I t appears once again in the + loth century, after a gap of five hundred years,c mentioned without particular remark in the historyd of Richerus Remensis, fin­ ished in + 995. Crossbowmcn shooting from the ramparts caused the Belgian forces of King Louis IV to draw ofT from Senlis in +947, and similar play oc­ curred at the siege of Verdun by Lothar I I I in +984. There are good reasons for thinking that crossbows were employed at the Battle of Hastings.e Their second appearance must surely have been connected with the growth of body-armour and the consequent call for armour-piercing projectiles. That they may have reached the Western world by non-Byzantine channels is indicated by that cele­ brated passage in the Alexiad of the princess Anna Comnena,r who wrote concern• A "cT)' ingenious pin on the Ira" dling cia.... rolluro a lrough al lhe base oflhe maguine by means ora spiral ch�nnd. Ihus permilling onlr one anow 10 fall do....n imo posilion. b The evidence for Ihis has been summari$Cd in Sttl. 7 above. The Old Silk Road ....as open from aboul - 1 1 0 ("01. I , p. 176). Kan Yingcame as farwe51 as �Iesopolamia i n +97 (p. 196). The An·Tun embassy ....as ill + 166 (p. 197" and Ihe RomanSyri�n merchant, Chhin LUll, rf:lurnro home from China in +226 (p. 198 . < Cr. Blackmore is), pp. I HR'. � His/orill'_'" Llbri 11'; d. R. Schnt'ider (I). p. 7: Payne·CallwC}· ( I ', p. 44• Paync-C�lIwey (I), p. 4S. BUl lhey are nOI depicled on the Bayeu:< Tapestry. f She was a younger conlemporary of Shi:n Kua and Su Suug. Daughler of AIc�ios I. whose deWs she immortalised ill her book, she was born in + 1083 and died in + 1 1 48. I t must have been finished by aboul + 1 1 18.

' 74

30. M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

ing the equipment o fthe soldiers orlhe First Crusade ( + 1096/+ 1099): The {",aura " is a barbarian bow hitherto quile unknown 10 the Greeks. It is not a bow held in the left hand and then ben! with the right, but it can only be spanned by the bearer stooping and placing both feet against it, \vhile he strains at the cord with the full force of both arms. In the middle [or the stockJ it has a semi-circular groove or the length oran arrow, and the missiles, shorl but thick, having been placed in this, are propelled from it by means orthe released cord. They will pierce the stoutest metal armour, and sometimes wholly imbed themselves in a stone wall or other such obstacle when they strike il. In short, the u.aggra is a diabolical and murderous instrument, which fells men to the ground with such a shock that they do not even know what hit them.b

This strong prejudice against the weapon, which recalls the later antagonism to gunpowder, was shared by Latin prelates in the following century, for the Second Lateran Council in + I 139 condemned it under anathema - except for use against infidels.c It was widely employed, however, in that century, especially in the Third Crusade under Richard I ( + 1 189/+ 1 192). In the + 1 3th and + 14th it was a pre-eminent weapon, though shaken by the longbow at lhe end of the + 13thd and gradually giving place to gunpowder during the + 14th and + 15th. Some comparative information on strengths and ranges is seen in Table 3. Still in + 1521 Cortes relied upon a company of crossbowmen during the conquest of Mexico, and for hunting, because of its silence, their art could look forward to a hundred and finy years or more of further existence. The use of the hand-crossbow in Europe thus divides into two quite distinct periods, the first between about - 1 00 and + 450; the second beginning in the + loth century. Is it possible that both of these could have been initiated by transmissions from the Chinese culture-area where the weapon had so early been invented, and where i t had reached so high a state of development? Some of the deepest students of these questions, such as Huuri, have been reluctant to admit this for the first period,t though inclining to accept i t for the second.r But perhaps they have underestimated the closeness of the contact between China and the Roman Empire after the opening of the Old Silk Road about - 1 10. The actual travel of one or two prototype crossbows is plausible enough, for they would have been just the thing to catch the attention of Roman Syrian merchants such as Cbhin Lun, iffond offowling, when in port at Kattigara (Hanoi) or elsewhere on the south China coast.g Still more significant would have been any interest taken • The word is d('ri\'w from a root ('onn('ctro with boots and shOt'S, Ih('refon: 'fool.armed bow' (Huuri (I), P· 72) . - Rdffmcheid cd.. "01. 2, p. 83 (X, 8). Tr. Schiller in R"", (I); and Oman (I). p. 139, mod. The passage is curious, for eT05Sbows ofilOrne kind an: menlioned in Ihe account oflhe Byunline expedition to Crele in +9,jO by Constantine VI t Porphrrogenitos. Dt C(,twI011iis; er, Huuri (I). p. 74. < Can. 29 (:\lansi, XXI, 534), ren�wed at the fourlh in + 12 Ij (Cap. 18; :\lansi. XXI I, 10(7); d. Bocheim (I), p. ,.02; INmmin (I). p. 473. d Abundant details ha"e bo:en collected by Parne.Gall.... ·(y (I). < (l ) , p. l t O f (1)' PP. �07ff. I &( \'01. 1 , p. 1911. That ....·as in the +3rd century, but direct maritime men:antilc contacts had begun some ti1l1t" Ix-for(,

30. M I S S I L E S

r

I

,

t S e

.I

e

.s n n i.

)y

m

SIEGES

' 75 by the envoys to China from Greek Bactria in the - 1St,' or by Parthians who observed the Chinese army in Ferghana and Sogdiana early in that same century,b If the second appearance of the crossbow in Europe was also due 10 a transmis­ sion from its home in China, perhaps the sea route would again have been a probable line of communication. Many Arab merchants were frequenting Chi­ nese coastal cities in the +91h century. and the role ofChhin Lun might well have been played by such a man as Sulaiman al-Tiijir, or his friends and informants, in the markets of Canton or Chhiian-Chou.c Chronologically lhis contact would have come just at the right time. But transmission to Europe need not have occurred through the Islamic peo­ ples; there were also Persian and Russian channels, including the activities of intermediate peoples such as the Khazars.d Something of this kind seems to be indicated by the fact that the Arabs appear 10 have remained in general rather averse to the use of the crossbow, and to have considered it always as an un­ desirable foreign arm.� In later times it was called by the Arabs qaus al-n)l (the foot-drawn bow) or qaus al-;:,anhiirak (the bolt bow), but during the Crusades sig­ nificantly qaus al-faranji)·ah. In the + 14th century the Spanish Muslim type was the same as the European, while the eastern Muslim type had a more complicated trigger-mechanism.r There is not much doubt that the + I I th- and + 1 2th-cen­ tury crossbows of Europe had composite, i.e. Asian, bowstaves, but that need not imply Arabic intermediation. Nor should we lay too much emphasis, perhaps, on isolated pieces of evidence such as the fact that the earliest crossbow-maker in England ( + ( 205) was named Peter the Saracen.' In any case one important cor­ relation stands out, namely that the coming of the crossbow to Europe for the second lime took place in close contemporaneity with the coming of that charac­ teristically East Asian artillery piece, the trebuchet.h The exact part played by Arabic and non-Arabic channels remains for further research. ; Historical evidence being thus so sparse, it is well not to overlook whatever • &'c\'oL l . p. 19�. , &,( \'01. I, pp. 234, 237. As Wilbur (2) found, how(\'er, Ihe gn:a\er part of\hc Old World between China and Europe forms a blank.ll this time so far as th( cro.ubow is concerned. No cvidencc for it is forthcoming from Arhacmcnid or Sdeucid P(Tsia nor from the Scythian and Sarmatian regions, nor anywherc in da5.Sical India. • S�e "01. I . p. '79. � Cf. \'01. 3. p. 575 and th( inleresling account ofDunlop (I). Cf. Huu1; ( I ) , p. t t9. Some Arab sources considered the crOJ.lbow an accursed d(vice, because cruciform Faris & Elmcr (I)). f Huuri (I), p. t03. �Iost ofthosc who ha\'e studied the crossbow among the Islamic peoples, 5uch as Beveridge I), gh·c no n:f(renc($ to tcxtS earlier Ihall th( middle of the + 15th cenlury. But Huuri has shown that Ihe crOS$bow was fully described a hundred yean earlier in an anonymous F.gyplian book AI-llull dl-TdUTdh, and in aUOIher book by a Spanish �lu5lim Ibn Hu<;lai; (I), p. 37. Further in\'estigation of the hiSlory of the cro5.Sbow among the Arabs would be most desirable. But it seems that neilher Bcveridg( nor Huuri (I), pp. 1 13ff, clearly diffen:miated Ihe IJdltSdl-�tJWflkiydh. or arrow-guide from the lroe croubow. • Soin Ihe linofdc C<mon;su Paync_Gallwey (I), p. 62. , Explained immediately below, p. 186. The tn:buchet appears perhaps a lillie earlier, in thc +91h rather Ihan the + loth. I II is curious Ihal the croubow was nOI a favourite weapon oflhc Mongols, and Plano Carpini $3)'$ that Ihey feared il (Huuri (I), p. 118). e

}.

AND

Table 3. Comparative iliformation 011 differellt types ofbows alld crossbows approx.

length of weapon

approx. WI. of weapon (I"'. adp)

WI.

in lbs.

adp reqd. to arm

Europe: ordinary military crossbow of the + [5th century (steel bow)

2'8"

'5

ca. 400

Europe: siege crossbow, ca. + 1400 (steel bow and winch-arming)

3'2"

,8

"00

2'S"

"

'00

4

80

Europe: sporting cros.�bow of t he

+ 16th century

6'6"

Europe: longbow . \sia: composite reflex bow with short light arrows: Chinese loth century) [7th century) Chinese - \-lanchu (modern) Turkish - Tartar (modern)

(+ (+

.\., ia: ChiliL'SC crossbows: Han ( - 2ndl + 2nd) Thang ( + 8th) large winch-armed' arm-drawi/ horse-archer's' Sung ( + I [ t h ) unspecified leaf-spring

multiple-bolt \1ing and Chhing small hand type .\sia: Chin'SC t multiple-bolt arcuballista on carriage: Yiian or early Yling (studied by Liu Thien-Ho about [ 530, see on, p. [92)

-

S't0 6'd 4'

-

[·S t03·5 0·75

"

�_IIIlI'VI""" ""

«

400

460

,

'70

300

6 to [ 2

'00

2S0·

-

-

[ 160k 165i

-

400'

-

-

-

'0

39"

-

-

3'6"

370

-

up to

lOgo'

'96

+

.\sia: Chinese maga7.inc crossbow, with wood IC
,

-

-

-

extreme

195 t0450�

-

-

average

6 to [ 2 6 to [ 2

-

-

range in yards

,------A-

up to 360b 46 to 93< [ 56d "5

-

-

numberof shots per min.

ca. 200

[65; '00 450

-

-

85;

6 tO [ 2

sim ultaneous

f

fSinglC 48

ifdouble96

!hftl.t• •n ul.caltutl,beat.lJl»l...d _�• • Md ",, .• ",' . _ , .. .u ." _,.);,!(l =t-.t.•..I<...WIl�

}

-

80

'50 650-Soo[

500 330

-

500'

500

'00

u�.� • • .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..

·

\\"1",.. n" .ul,ihuli"n is giHn, ,/0.. data ar.: taken from the st:md:ml "'orks already eited, e.g. Payne-Gallwey (I); Klop:S1eg (I); Wilbur (II); Horwitz (13), eiC. TI". " Sln'rJle mnge "f 330 yards rccorded by I'aync-Gallwey ( I ) W3.$ achicved with light, $pc<::i�lIy_made arrOWI u5Cles.s for war or hunting. With war_arrows the ,."ng" w,,"ld u",louh.cdly h,IV. been less. In 'Illy case l'ayne-G"Jlwey did no. accept the COmmOn view Iha. Ihe longbow at all limes oUiranged the crossbow. !t may wdl I"" t· d"n.· 1>':II<,r Ihan Ihc Europ"an composite-bow crossbow, bUI nOI betler Ihan Ihe Ilttl, one. He Ihoughl Ihal the Gen� arbaleslrien at Crecy must haye been u,ing 1,0115 whid, w..rc .00 h..avy for their wcapoHi. It Sttms al$O thaI lileir bowslrings had b.:cn adversely affected by wet weather. As for .he Chincsc Crossbowl of the Han. we are conllantly lold Ihal lhey outranged the ShOTt bows ofthe HUll! (c£ pp. 105, 1113 above), • Figll'" from Shen Klla. Mf"l CMi Pi Tha" (p, '55 above). "'igul't.'S from Sung Ving_Iising, Thinl K�III K""i JII.. (p. , 1 5 above) . d :\1"'''U1'''ments l)lorron"lIy made by H. L.�mb ( I ) , ...iglll'l·. ,·akulall.,j from Ihe cvidcnce oflhe Han wood and bamboo slips, and from Wang Chhung, /.U� Hhlg (pp. '4�, '55 above), We have no. found a rdiable 1"Slimall' uf.hc ra nges uf H:", crossbows, but p. '911 bdow .uggc." CUlain figure. for Warring S,a'a/Uan arcuballiSlac. r l"fO!"lnalion from WailS Chli's ChiQQ SIr/ Ch'III (see p. 11111 abo,·e). and Li Chhlian's Thai Po n" Chi"l (sec. p. ' 50 above). All converted from double-paces (poo), ,.. :) ft. IU Ihe duublc-pace. • Fig ur(" from Sht'n Kua, M;"I CIllli Pi T""" (p. '55 above). • Figur.. of 300 pu from Shfn Kua, :\fbll CMi l'i Thall (p. 156 above). This is Ihe lower value recorded by Chu Pien in CMii W�i ChiM W," of 1140 I'M, Th(:$(: are again "oll\" ,,",,ions from doublc-lll.ees. , I" Ihis ('on "e<"lio" i, i$ ,,,,cresting th'lI aboul +950 Thao Ku recorded (CMillg I I"" ch. �, p. 36a) Ihal in the aTll'y of Wang Chicn (ft...., king oflhe independenl Siale of Shu in Szt"("huan c"rlier in .he ccnlury), the erossbow had h«n ealled 'The King of One Ilundred Paces' (I'ai Pu Wang). No doubt al 165 yanl! or less, dire<:t hilS w,·r... C1<]>""'OO. J Oat" from Chh':'ng Tsung-Yii and Mao Yuan-I in TSCC, JMIf& cml 'inl, ch. 214, pp. 1 a, b. • This r�ng<" S(:("m. credible only wilh difficul,y, yet strangely enough thne s i a confirmation ofit from a Pe....ian sour«, namely the historian 'Alii'al_Din al-Juwaini, who wru,,· of whal h"pp(!nt.,j whcII olle of the almost impregnable calitles oflhe Assasis ns was t"ken by Hulagu Khan. Here, in + 11156, the Chinese arcuballislae !·u�-".b,d,·sts' 1.'''m/in-i-glfv) shot their projc(tiles 11500 (Arab) paces from a position on Ihe tOP ofson,e mountain. (sec Reinaud & Fave (II), I)' 295}. Huuri (I), pp. 7, I'J4. ,",,,,,id,'rs Ihi, ('�ccl'lio",,1 range ofahoul one kilometre (I l()() yards) nO! al :,1I impossible. On al-J uwayni ( + 11133/ + 1283) see Hil d ( I ) , p. 488; Midi (1), p. 168. His '" ,11,,1 "ords are: · r , . , ] ,IUd " kamiilf-i,lfv whkh had been (!onJ.ruc.ed by Calhayan crafl5men, and which had a range of1l500 paces, was broughl lO bear on Ihose (ooh. "I"",, IW mher remt.,j�' remainoo, and oflhe devil-lih Heretics many soldien were burnl by IhoM: meteoric sIoou I . . . )' (Boyle tr., p. 128), The castle in queslioll was nOI AI,'n'lol it...lf. hUI .\l;oi",;",·Oi2, also in Ihe Elburz r,mge, and il was Ihe StrOngest military bast: oflhe AssaMins (ilashishin). , TIK"lI<" ranges ..·c..., a(hie\'ed by the use or'he espet:ially short light flighl-arrows (cr. p. 167 above), The range would certainly have been less with ...ar-arrows, say 3::;" pis.: (.f. Lalham & I'alcnon (I). In an imer("Sting papeT, Foley, PalmeT & SocdcJ ( ! ) have confirmed Ihis in wind_tunnel e�perimC"I5, giving figura fordrag/weigh. r�ti" "nongh"... arrows ;O.� rUIllI):lfcd wilh cro"bow bolts. They give the maximum rangt of.he formcr as some 220 yds but for the laller mor.: like 550 ydl. o

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L . O C Y

indications may be forthcoming from the internal structure of the crossbow itself at both ends of the Old World. About the nature of the trigger-mechanisms in European antiquity nothing can surely be said, but those of the later middle ages ( + 15th century) show a tumbling nut of horn which is very reminiscent indeed of the bronze nut of the ancient Chinese crossbows. Fig. 58 shows Payne-Gallwey's representation of it; one may notice the double tooth, exactly as in the Chinese specimens, though a lug is always lacking. The nut was usually made from the crown of a stag's antlers, and carved with a notch in its under surface into which the trigger could fit, the area of contact being protected by a small wedge of hard steel embedded in the nut. For this 'tiller-detent' (Fig. 59) a small metal spring set within the stock was necessary. In the + 16th century the quest for safety from accidental discharge led to the elaboration of much more complex detents,. and though they almost certainly owed nothing directly to their Chinese predecessors they followed them in a natural course of evolution. For they incorporated (Fig. 60) a series of levers, springs and catches such that a cocking lever below the stock formed the approximate equivalent of the old Chinese lug above it. Comparatively simple machines such as the crossbow never seem to perish from human technology, and they will probably be used, for example, in the remote control of radio-active chemicals a thousand years or more from now.b After long banishment from the baltle-field the crossbow returned there during the First World War as a device for throwing grenades and mines in static warfare. To conclude this history, we may state a simple probability, namely that from its Chinese home the hand-crossbow was introduced once ifnot twice to the peoples of\Vestern Europe. (3)

THE S O C I A L ROLE O F T H E B O W A N D C R O S S B O W

Philosophy in general cannot be studied with advantage apart from the actual concrete social background, including many technological factors. It was one of the greatest authorities on the Chinese Bronze Age, H. G. Creel, who first realised the importance of considering the technological military level of the ruling class in any ancient society with relation to that of the mass ofthe pcople.e Take the case of the mediaeval knight in Western Europe, with his steel armour from top to toe, his lance and his sword, mounted on his horse, also armoured. He was able to ride into a mass of peasants and mow them all down without their being able to defend themselves adequately. It is a commonplace that the coming of gunpowder to Europe (from China) was what broke up the feudal power by removing the tech­ nical superiority in arms of the knightly c1ass.d • Son: Rohde (2) and Parne-Caltwey (I), pp. IGgff.

• [, is not generally known thai th� contributions of Leonardo da Vinci to thcoretica[ mco::hanics w�re largely based on hi, slUdy ohhe crossbo,,·; Stt Foky & Soedd (I). (2). French �. pp. 338ff esp. pp. 344-5. II has bttn Ihe cuslom amoog my ooI1aboraton and mysc:lffor more Ihan fOri}' yean past tocal1 lhis 'The Crtt[ Argumen". • 5« pi 7. One oflhe grcalJapanc:sc: objections to gunpowder was that it made il possibk for Ihe meanest �asanl·farmer to pick offthe most il1uslrious lord in lhe land cf. Perrin (I). e

.•

,

Flg_ 59-

L

1 79

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

. . -fig. 58. Tumbling nUl of + 15lh-century Europ<:an uoubow Irigger-m�chanism, from Payne-Callwey ( I ) .

Fig. 59. Side view oflhc lrigger-mechanism ofthe lalcr mediaeval Europ<:an crossbow, from Paync-Callwcy ( I ) .

v > .

M

H

Fig_ 60. The lock ora largc 16th-ccmury sponing crossbow. showing safcly_promoting improvcmcnu,

from Paync-CallwC}' (I).

,

1 80

30.

MI LITARY TECHNOLOGY

Creel mentioned only the composite reflex bow in the hands of the common peoplc, but as we have seen the crossbow must have come in by the time of Confucius himself, about - 500 or rather earlier, i.e. before the end ohhe chariot­ warfare pcriod.a This was a most powerful weapon, but it is sure that the mcn of the feudal armies from -800 onwards through the period oCthe Warring States until the First Unification of the Empire under Chhin Shih Huang Ti in - 2 2 1 , were armed with vcry effective projectile-weapons delivering arrows and bohs.b But at the same time protective armour was rather little developed. It is agreed on all hands by those who have studied the matter� that this was true of ancient China; not until the San Kuo (Wei) and Chin periods in the + 3rd and +4th centuries was there any real development of iron plate armour, though this process had begun in the Han and perhaps in the Warring States time. In those days most armour was made of leather or rhinoceros hide, though sea-shell, bone and tendon, even hardened and many-layered paper, were brought under contribution.d Iron laminae were coming in by the Chhin and Han, though hel­ mets of bronze had been used as early as the Shang; chain mail does not occur until the Ming. The general upshot was that the ordinary soldiers and the mass of the people were, during the Chou time, in possession of powerful offensive weapons, while the members of the ruling class were quite inadequately protected by armour. Hence, as Creel pointed out, the Confucian emphasis on persuasion, explanation and propaganda, with the demand that rulers and people, to be successful, must be united in their will. Instances of such persuasion are quite numerous in the Tso Chuan, ranging from - 706 to - 471.e But the same history also gives, mOSt significantly, many instances of eminent patricians being killed by arrow-shots fired by men of much lower rank, if not regular commoners. To begin with, there are examples of high officials of feudal States being done to death by arrows fired from bows wielded by members of the common people.r Then there are five examples at least of princes of feudal States themselves being killed in a similar way; the earliest in -637, the last in this chronicle being of -492, during Confucius' own lifetime.' Finally there was one • cr. SOX!. 30 (j) in pI 8. [I will be remembered from Vol. 4, pI 3, pp. 68�ff, Ihat we Iraced a strong 'proje(d[e mentality' throughout Chine� na,-al warfare. , [,aufer C.,); Yang Hung (2,4.j) ; Liu Han (/); Dien (I); Topping & Ne<:dham { t } . We ,hall deal fully with armour and caparison in pi 8. Sect. 30 ( I ) . � [ n '9114. howe'·cr. Chill�s(" archaeologists found a fragmell!ed suit of armour made of bronze plates be· longing to a "arrior who had Ii,-ed inlhe Western Chou (PaiJung.Chiu (I» . but Ihis is an isolated example. FUlure diS<"O\"eries may forcc us to alter our conclusions. • Dukc Huan ;)Ih and t3th year ( - 706 and -6gB); Cou\'Teur ( I ) "01. 1 , pp. 83, 1 12-13. Duke Hui 27th year -63� : Com"Teur t ' . '-01. I, pp. 384-;)' Duke Ai �;)th �'eaT ( -..71); Cou,'reur ( [ ). \'01. 3, p. i56. f Thl"ff ('xamp[n may sufficc. Duke Chhtng 2nd year (-;,88) ; Councur (I), \"01. 2. pp. [0-t2. Duke Chao 11S1 y.ar - ;)20 : Cou, reur I J. "01. 3, p. 340. Duh Ai t6th year ( - 480); Councur ( I I, ,'01. 3, p. 719. • DukeH5i 2�nd year -637 , Councu. (I " '"01. 1, p. 3H. Duke Hsuan loth year ( -598 ; Cou\"rcur I), \'01. 1 . p. &,)2. Duke Hsiang 25th year -547 ,; Cou"TeuT ( 1 , \'01. 2. p. 423 and another case orlhe same date, p. 440. Duke Chao 20th year -52 [ ; Cou,'reur I i, "01. 3, p. 3 ' 1 . Duke Ai 41h �'ear ( -492 ; Cou"reur 1), "01. 3. p.618. �

s s ,

H

.h

,.

,.

."

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

case where a Chou emperor himself suffered death i n the same way,- Such were the results ora situation where the mass oCthe people possessed an effective offen· sive weapon, while the ruling class were relatively unprotected by armour. The balance of power in a society of this kind would be necessarily quile different from what it was in other societies. In the carly Roman Empire, for example, the disci­ plined legions were rather well armoured, with bronze and iron. A slave popula­ lion was possible because it did not have access to the arms and armour of the legionaries, nor was it in possession of powerful bows. We know what trouble to the State the slaves could give on the few occasions when they did come to com­ mand substantial stores of weapons, as in the revolt of Spartacus. But in the Chinese situation, the people had to be persuaded, rather than cowed by force of arms hence the importance of the Confucians. Could one go so far as to say that the whole Confucian ethos during the following twO millennia in China had arisen in the first place from this military-technological balance as between the ruling class and the mass of the people, so different from anything in European history? In Ihe -4th century, in a Slale such as Sung or Wu or Chhu, the soldiers on whom the feudal prince depended - in effect, his people in arms - might well desert to his opponent suddenly on the field of battle. They had 10 be convinced of Ihejuslice of their (and his) cause. To effecl this it was necessary to have a class of 'sophists' which became in fact the Confucians, to commend to the mass of the people the activities and virtues of their feudal lord, and to gather them around him for his support. If this was the case, we can understand much better that humanitarian and democratic character of the Confucian philosophers. Here we cannot dispense with quotations, but they shall be few. Pride of place belongs to the military theoreticians. On almost its first page the Sun T<.u Ping Fa I of the early - 5th century says:b It is the Tao Ihal causes the people to be of the same mind as their ruler, so that whether they meet with death or whether they meet with life, they never fear any danger.

And in the lVu T<.II Ping Fa' of the early -4th century we read:c :\I:\ster Wu said that ofold the princely family leaders felt that it was their first duty {Q leach and explain to the mass of the people, and Ihey felt attached to the myriad men and women. Now, he said, there are four unharmonious things. Ifone is not in harmony with the country, it is not possible to lead out an army. Ifone is not in harmony with the army, il is impossible to send oul detachments. Irone is not in harmony with the detachments, it i s impossible tojoin issue with the enemy. Ifone i s not in harmony with the fighting, it is impossible to decide the day and bring victory. Therefore a ruler who has the Tao first uses the people like this, first seeks for harmony, and only then sets on foot great affairs. He does not dare to halch private stratagems [ . . . J •

Duke Huan :jlh year {- 706); ComT(Ur ( I ), \"0J. I , pp. 83-4. Ch. I. S«I$. !l and6, Ir.auct. adju\". GiIH ( I I , p. '. • Qumc-d in l1"PC.ch. ,. p. 2b, tr. auct.

�

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Exaclly Ihe same ideas are to be found in the words of Master Khung himself. For example: The )'Ias(ersaid : Le( a good man (each and explain to (he people for seven years; only then may (he), be employed in war. To lead an uninstrUCled people into battle is simply to throw (hem a\\'ay."

And in another place: Tzu-Kung l asked about government. The :o.'l aster said The requisites ofgovernment are that there should be sufficiency offood, enough military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler' [min "sin chih ;2}. Tzu-Kung then said 'Ifit cannot be helped, and one of these must be dispensed with, which of the three should be foregone first?' to which the .\Iaster replied 'The military equipment . ' Tzu-Kung again asked 'If it cannot be helped, and one of the remaining IWO must be dispensed with, which of them should be foregone?' The ).·Iaster answered 'Part with the food. From of old, death has been the lot of all men; but if the people have no faith in their rulers, there is no standing for the State.'b '

On another occasion Tzu·Yu' said to the Master: I remember once hearing you say that when a man of high station has grasped the Tao, he [finds that he} lo\·es all men, and when a man oftow station has grasped the Tao, he is easy to lead into battle. c

And these convictions remained characteristic of the Confucian school for the subsequent two thousand years. The essence of them was that social solidarity and the belief in the righteousness of one's cause would always win the day against heavy armaments unsupp0rled by truth andjustice.d U nti] the coming ofweapons of mass destruction there may have been much in this - what we are now looking into is the situation in which it arose in the first place. The tradition was of course carried all by Meng Tzu4 about - 290, and it is worth while giving one excerpt from his book.� \Ienciussaid: 'The opportunities of time vouchsafed by Heaven are not as good as the ad\·antages ofsituation afforded by the Earth, and these again are not so good as the harmonious union arising from the accord of ).'len. Imagi ne a city with an inner wall 3 1i in circumference, with an outer wall of 7 Ii. The enemy surround it and attack it, but they are not able to take it. No doubt they were given by Heaven the opportuni ty of time, but their failure to take the place was because that was not equal to the advantages of the situation afforded by the Earth. Imagine another ci ty the walls of which were distinguished for their height, and the moats by their depth, where the arms of the defenders were distinguished by their strength • .IIUI/«/S, X 1 1 1 . xxix and xxx, Ir. aUCI. adju\. I..,(gg� (:1', p. 139. • Ibid., XI I. \ ii, 1-3, tr. Ugg� (21, p. I 18. • Ibid.. X'·I1. i,. 3, tr. aU'::I.. adju\·. Wale)' ;.. p. 210; I..,(gg� (2), p. 183. • Was this nOI true oflh� Cnlted Kingdom during bolh ,,·orld wars? �Iosl l ruly il was uniled in Ihe belief in Ih� righlC"Ousncss ofill caus<:. • .lfrllt'"l, II, ii I I ) , I-i, Ir. auCI. adju\". �gge (3), pp. 8i-6. finy years IMer the Hsii� Tz" book has a broadl}· parallel paWlgc. for which scc ch. 19. Ir. Dubs (8), pp. 216ff.

, nt

• (- 13'1

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

o

, or

,d h

or

h,

.he nd nst >os ng

[

is

lell was glh

efin las a

and sharpness. and where the stores of rice and other grains were very large. Yet the city had to be gi\'cn up and abandoned. This was because the advantages ofsilUalion afforded by the Earth were not equal to the harmonious unity arising from the accord of :\"en. In accordance with these principles it is said Ihal a people is not boundro in by the limits ofdykes and borders; a kingdom is not made secure by the impassability of mountains and rin�rs; the empire is overawed nOt by the strength and sharpness of arms. He who finds the proper course has many to assist him; he who loses it has few. When this losing orthe Tao reaches ils extreme, even the prince's own rdations revolt from him. When this grasping of the Tao reaches its extreme, the whole empire becomes obedient to this prince.

Finally, we may quote from the Huai Nan T1!u book, dating from about Ani says:a

-

120.

Uu

When war arises from sheer lust of territory, it would be vain to hope for true kingship. He who fights for himselfa[one finds no accruing merit. An aggressor for personal ends witt always be left to his fate, but when on the contrary a case arises which involves the interests of the people, all witt help. He who has the goodwill of the people [chu1/g chih so rhu7 J though with smatt resources, wilt be strong; but even a powerful king who has lost their goodwill [chullg chih so chhu'J is certain 10 perish. An army which has lost the Tao is weak, but if it possesses the Tao it wil[ be strong. If a general loses the Tao he wil[ be powerless, but ifhe has the Tao he will be efficacious. Ifa COUlltry is imbued with the Tao it wil[ abide, ifit loses the Tao it will perish .

So could it be that the predominant ethos of the Confucian school - argument and persuasion in the intercsts of social justice (in so far as it could be conceived of in a feudal society) - was due essentially to lhe fact that efficient projec ti le weapons were in the hands of the common people long preceding the development ofprotectivc armour for the lords? The idea is at any rate well wonh pondering. • Ch. 15. pp. 1 b, n. IT. auct. adju\'. :\loTgan (I), p. 186. Th\" aTgum\"nl conlinul"Son pp. sbff., IT. ;\Iorgan (I), pp. 197-", Crossbo....s. al'(C no..... ml"nl;onro frl"qul"nlly.

P R OJ E C T I L E W E A P O N S , I I . B A L L I S T I C M A C H I N E R Y (4)

SPRING, SINEW, SLING AND SWAPE; DEfiNITIONS AND DISTRIBUTION

We now take up again the question of projectile weapons, but no longer in their light forms suitable for use by individual soldiers. Something must be said of the ancient and mediaeval artillery of China in comparison with that of the West. Such machines had always one or other of two primary objectives, either to hit a moving target with an arrow or similar projectile, or to baller large solid objects with a rain of hard balls. The sizes of the first of these types were always kept relatively small, partly because the missiles never needed to be large, and partly because their stands had to be as mobile as possible on their bases. Since flat trajectory and long range were desired, high initial velocity was necessary, and this was attained fairly well by weapons of the crossbow and torsion catapult type. The second son of machine called for quite a different design, for there was no intrinsic upper limit of size and no particula l' need for mobility of mounting; the projectile could have a highly curved trajectory with a comparatively shon range and a low initial velocity. In what follows we shall sec how far these requirements were met by the military engineers of the ancient Chinese and Western worlds respectively. The first thing to do is to establish the definitions of the words used,a and to sketch the distribution of the types in space. At the end ofour study we shall I'eturn to view the distribution of the types in time as well. The crossbow constructed in large size and mounted on a framework or car­ riage (Fig. 6la)b we shall call the arcuballista.c In the text of Biton, the only ancient western writer who describes it (c. - 239), it is called simply pdrobolon (nCtpO�6AOV) or lilhobolon (Ateo�6AOV) since it was used, though sparingly, in Greek and Roman antiquity for shooting stone balls as well as for the arrows or javelins which suited it better.d Its Hellenistic mounting was typically the tripod, but in mediaeval European 'I'h.· terminology of this SUbjKI in th� \\'NI through th� c�muri<:s was perhaps more complicaled and than Ihal ofan)" othrr branch ofwdlllology. I ha"e fUllll(i Ihe 1I1OS1 reliable guidN to be Schramm ( I . � : a.·,·k 13:; &hnl'i(kr I I ) : and abo--e all Huuri ( I j. FOrlUnalcl)'. Ih� chiefronlro\,erJY which arose. whether or nOI Ih" lorsion ('alapulls of anliquil)' survi,ed long iruo th� middle ages. is nOI of greal mOment 10 us, bUI Ihe Fmn"o-l'russian war was fought O,'cr again al)Qul il in the �alm, of �ho13f$hip. Bonaparte & Fa"':: })('ing �uarked by Kohler I and latH Rathg(·n ( I ). Ihough approved br Schll�ider. CJncerning Ihe Chinese ilwen­ livlI� ,ltld their innutnn, there is not much di,pu{�. The works of :\hrsdt"n (I, � appeared 100 late 10 be ofheJp (O U$ in Ihe firsl wriling oflhis sub-seclion. but wt arc gread)' indebted 10 him for ad" ice as ,,'e wem along. • The sketcha are reduced to Ihcirsimplat diagrammalie form. • As before poimed OUI (po (21), Ihis mediaeval Lalin word was applied indisc::riminatdy 10 Ihe hand-<:ro!$oow and 10 cro!$OOW$ of artillery dimensiorus KI upon mounlings. bUI we shall UK il solely in Ihe latler Kruse, for in English Ihert is no equi,-alelll 10 StandannbruSI extepl some such cumbrous phraK as 'ero!$oow-calapult moullIed on framework or carriage'. • Sa- Rehm & Schramm ( I ), •

!'Onfusnl

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

e>c :he �t. ta ·os

e

'P'

·tly flat md pe. no the nge :nts rids

g

h

1\

� ,a

hall

:ar­ mly

'olon ,

m

s oc

Fig. 6 [ . R'-':OIISlTUClions orcarly forms ofarcuballis\ac.

:I and

{ [ , 2);

or nO!

u[ (he

being

,m'Cll­

,dp'o

�bow

for lapuh

$C,

use it was probably placed on a wheeled carriage (Fig. 6 1 b).· Chinese mountings tcnded to be rectangular frameworks, often wheeled (Fig. 6 1 c), and it was possible 10 couple two or three bowstaves together in order to increase the energy or tension and hence thc initial velocity of the bolt (Fig. 6Id). Quite different in principle were all those machines which depended upon the torsion of sinew or hair. The torsion catapult (Fig. 61e) consisted of two arms the forward ends of which were tightly held in vertical bundles of sinew so that when the string was released • This "as",Ucd 'springarda' Huuri. I , p. 51 . C[ Bonapartc &. .'a,t

(

. "01. 1. 1'1. J opp. p. 18,

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

the elastic torque gave the effect of a powerful spring. When used for shooting arrows or boils, this piece of artillery was termed tuthytonon (tU96TOVOV) or scorpio; when adapted for stone balls it was the palintonon (1!
,

•

Oids & &hr.unm 1'; Schr.mm l r j. p. lI9; lk<-k (3). p. 180.

I

l>nrription

I cr. Korfmann I . hUI it OCfUT$ in

. XXII t, �. t. Cr. \·cgctius. IV. 8. In Ihc great Aleundrians then: is no mcntion of this machine. Alhcnal"u�' P,ri .Hrehmm,mlOll. apparently writlen just before - lI 1 4 (cf. S<:hramm (2). pp_ 'l09.

233n:1 • 11 was also ['alled 5phendoni- (oq,evb6v'll in Br�antine Grttk, and �I··�,,/fdak or al·qnrl#fin Arabic. , S[T \'01. 4. pI 2. I)' 33 df. ahow' ( Stct. 'lie).

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

end furthest from the sling was equipped with a number of ropes whereby a crew of men could violently depress it, thereby exerting propulsive force upon the sling's contents. The rocking point was between I/sth and , /6th of the whole length of the arm. All kinds of frameworks were evolved for the suppon of the fulcrum (Fig. 6Ih); the single pole, for instance, was easy to swivel in any direction but unsuitable for a machine of large size. Eventually there was a return to the oldest form of the swape when the principle of the counterweight was again ap­ plied (Fig. 61i), a modification doubtless encouraged by the tempting target pre­ sented by a tightly packed group of men straining on the ropes of the trebuchet simple.a Lastly, with the swinging counterweight (Fig. 61j), the machine reached its highest development before the coming of explosive weapons rendered all such devices obsolete.b A word or twO may be added about the projectile weights and ranges of these catapults.c Estimates for the torsion types in ancient Greek texts vary between 160 and 600 yards for missiles weighing up to 10 lb but the probable average, panly derived from experience with modern reconstructions, was really 330 to 410 yards. This span coincides with Chinese arcuballista figures (270 to SOO yards.) .d Ancient European sling-and-torsion catapults (onagers) threw stones of about 50 lb weight, occasionally up to 17S lb but never much more than 160 yards.' ).'ianned trebuchets sent larger missiles, up to about 275 Ib, from 80 to Igo yards, and fixed counterweight ones had a somewhat longer range.' Anything as heavy as this was already dangerous for defensive masonry, whatever its character. Really heavy masses, up to a little over a ton, could be shot only with the swinging counter-weight trebuchet of the late middle ages. Initial velocities would probably be of the order of 70 yards/second for the arcuballistae, and 30 yards/second for the trebuchets. (S) FORMS OF

THE

ARCUBALLISTA

When once it had been found feasible to build crossbow catapults with a stave length of up to 20 ftl the search for further improvement was encouraged. For • [ t is [ik..Jr Ih�l, Slrkd), 51X'aking, m�bl.lchcls wcre alwa)'s eoutller-weighlro (Huuri ( I ) , p. 64). and Ihal Ihe manned OneS should IX' lermed prlrarin. But in Ihe imereSIS ofsimp[ified lerminology we shall negleel Ihis. may also IX' Ihal in thc + I�dl rClllury mangonrl meanl .something like an onager (Ihe lorsion s),stem still in use) , while in Ihe + 131h ;U[([ + 141h il came \0 mean a Irebuchct - bUI Ihis is far from Sure. An Arabic �/."'�wj�wrq WM "Jwan a Ir�bu�·hcl. b On all Ihese lubj«IS, Ihe works of Skoljar 1 1 , 1 arc "er)' ,·aJuab[e. L'nforlunalcI)' Ihc)' appcarro ralher 100 laiC 10 help II> in Ihe drafting of Ihe following sub-5e'('lion$. The Contribution of Yata (3 is. howe"cr,

II

indislJ<'nsabk. < The figurrs in Ihis parag....ph are coII"ertro from thOS(' in the elaborale dis-:-usis on of Huuri I . pp. 7ff. Cf. Sch.."mm 2 p. lq I . • BUI in ('en�in cases Ihe higheroflht'SC ranges was greally exCffdro; see nola 10 Table 3 abo..e. • Payne·Gal1we�·s o"
.

.

188

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

fire-power and range two factors could be multiplied, the number of bolts shot off at each loosing, and (less obviously) the number of spring components which could impart their stored energy to the same projectile. To the first of these deve­ lopments we know an occasional Western parallel,' but not to the second. In Chinese texts the terms lien nu I (compound crossbow) or chhi nu2 (crossbow on a carriage) signify the multiple-bolt arcuballisla, while the multiple-spring arcubal­ lista, though going by many names, may be recognised under the term chhuang l�u nlll (crossbow secured lO a bed or framework). Let us begin with the muhiple-bolt machine, a typical drawing of which is shown in Fig. 62 taken from lhe Wu Pti Chih.b This is clearly an enlarged version of those smaller hand-crossbows which also shot several bolts at once, and with which the name of Li Hung, the Sung military inventor, is associated.c But it was far older than his time. In fact, it enters history in that dramatic episode in the last year of the life ofChhin Shih Huang Ti when he was touring the coastal provinces and trying to get in louch with the spirits and immortals of the marvellous islands of the Eastern Sea ( - 2 10).d The magicians whom he had sent on expeditions thither, led by Hsli Fu," excused themselves for having failed to reach them, saying that large sea-monsters (ta chiao) had prevented it; they therefore pro­ posed that good marksmen with multiple-bolt arcuballistae should be sent to sea to destroy them. The emperor ordered that this should be done, and himself stood on guard with one of these machines (lien nu6)C waiting for some of the monsters to appear. Ssu-ma Chhien says that in fact he did kill a big fish, but not long after­ wards he fell ill and died. There are two other ancient passages about multiple-bolt arcuballistae which deserve 10 be noted. One comes from about a century earlier, and the other less than a century later. The first is the remains of a maller-of-fact specification, visible to us only through the veil of a rather corrupt lext; while the second is a reference to SOffie further invention, probably an increase in the number of bolts simultaneously shot, taking the form of a historical narrative. It will be remembered that the ancient philosophical school of the Mohists developed a great interest in fortification technology and all means of attack and defence.r The chapters on poliorcetics in the Mo Tzu book are about to be the subject ofoursludy. ""10 Ti himself died about - 380, but the activity of the chief i'v!ohisl military technologist, Chhin Ku-Li', is supposed to have continued for • In Ih� I�XI or BilO" (� R�hm '" Schl'amm, I ) an areuballiml shooling 1..-0 bolts at once is dctCribed, and auributro 10 ZopYr05 orTaremum. Cr. Ih�oId diagl'ams in W(SCh�r (I). < Cr. p. ,:.6 abo\'�. h Ch. 103, p. '4a. • Th� "ory is lold in Shih Chi, ch. 6, p. 29b (u. Chavannes ( I ) , vol. 2, p. 190). Yates (3), p. 438. • Cha\'ann�s in his translation miSlook thit for Ih� maga�ine cronbow 'l'arbalCle qui lance plusieurs fleches de 5ui,�·. The probable reason ror thit minake will be evident from p. 1:'7 abov�, f Stt Vol. 2, p. 16:., and p. 241 lx:low. -

18g

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

.

Fig. 6�. �luJtipk·arro'" c�bo",·ca{apuh, from WPC, ch 103, p . 1.p.

1

I

J

, .s "

a " IS

d ,e

,r

"

another thiny years, and additions were probably being made to these chapters down to the end oCthe cemury. It would therefore not be unreasonable to date the following passage· somewhere in lhe neighbourhood of - 3'20, and thus it would be a little older than any of the descriptions in tbe Alexandrian treatises. Chhin Tzu bowed again and again and said: 'I would like to ask what is to be done when the enemy pile up earth to form a scarp [j'ang ling ' ) , and then come up it pushing their povise.s [mobile shieldsJ before them, and whether weapons and crossbows are to be brought forward?' :,,' aster :\10 replied: 'You are asking concerning the defence {ora cityJ against artificial ramps. {In ractJ the use or these is unprofitable, ror they take a great deal oreffort, and do but little harm. Those within the besieged city can put rorward to len and right rams 20 ft long, mounted on the ramparts 30 n abo\'e the ground. They should also use powerrul crossbow campult machines [chhiang nu chi' J, relying on the ingenious trigger­ mechanisms [chi chi chi chih ' J, and the wonderrul { . . . ] {lacuna]. Thus can the ramp attack be bealen off. The multiple-bolt arcuballista with which the rampart must be equipped is mounted on a carriage [liin nu chih chhrJ which has two axles and threeb wheels on a rectangular rramework like that ofa wagon, made of 1 ft square beams· and in length suitable for the • .110 T�". ,·h. :>3, Ir. �un. adju\. t'orke (3 . p. 60;.

forke', Ir-..llulation was gl"QlS$Jr abridged, and conlains

sc-w'ral misapprt:"h<"nsion•. bUI th.. paosag<" s ; admin�ty \'..ry diffi<"uh , W.. pl"<'5tnt our Own transl:uion with due

diffKk"u. Yalt"$ .. argun that tht first IwO paragraphs a� ont rragmen! and should be separated from Ihe Ihird. which is dose in dale 10 Chhin Shih Huang Ti. b Some \·c...ions orll.( I()
30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

width of the rampan. The wheels are inside the framework [khuang l j , which is double abO\·c and below, having 10 left and right twO venica! POStS [,kih� I, and two horiZOlltal [beams] [king'] each end ofwhich is fixed by a 4 in. tenon and mortise [jui·]. The bowsta\·cs are all ((kith l ] bound to the pOSts. One string is hooked to another, and all are connectcd wilh the main string& [10 hsien6]. The stock at from and back is level with the framework which is 8 ft high, and the crossbow winch [nu dIU'] is 3 ft 5 in. above Ihe lower framework. The arcuballista trigger housing is of bronze. I I takes 1 shih 30 chin weight to draw the string with the winch.b The framework is in all 3 I f2 arm·spans round about. To left and right Ihere are 3 in. hooks [for drawing the stringJ. The wheels are [ ft 2 in. broad. The stock [along which the] hooks [move] is 1 n 4in. deep, 7 in. across, and 6 ft long. Outside the stock and the framework with which it is level, there is a claw I ft 5 in. long, and a (hu' 6 in. wide and 3 in. thick and as long as the framework.� And there is an instrument [ii] which can rise and fall, for [aimingJ up and down.d There is also a treadle for arming it, using a strength of 1 shih, its circumference being 5 in." The bolts [
Thus the description is on the whole clear enough, and corresponds with what we would expect from Fig. 6 I a-d. Less clear, but more entertaining perhaps, is the story of the invention of a mechanic named Kao Thung 1o• It comes from a lost book called the Chiaochou Wai rii Chi I I (Record of the Countries beyond An nam) , rortunately quoted in the Shui Ching elw,' and concerns the great Viceroy orthe South, Chao Tholl, who ruled in Kuangtung independently during the Chhin, bUl submilted to the Han, dying in - 1 37 ·

The Prince of Nan Yiieh, [ChaoJ Tho, once massed his army 10 attack the Prince of l\nyang. But that lord had a [mechanic as clever as a} spirit, whose name was Kao Thung .

• 'l h,"5(' IWO�lalem"lII11 arc bolh ralher 5troug indkillioni lhal Ih" ballista being des("ribW was1I0t oul)" ou" for �hOOlil1� , nal boh� al oncc. bm also one whkh had IWO or thru bowsta"",. � This a",01l1111; 10 only 80 Ills. Pr,,�umabl)· eilher Ihe text is 100 corrupt heJ1.', or Ihe weighI of the (lrin usro was ",uch "I)(), r ,h", normal in the Chou , \\",· IUtH· nOI lx·tn "bk 10 idenlify thil picrc oflhe apparalu�. d This .ighling dc, icc muSI surely be Ihe gradual"d !oCale OU Ihe back oflh" Irigger.nul lug, for colbplible si!l:hl� itt the moon" senS(" would hardl� be I1lcall1. • H,·r the I{"xl is "ery ullsure. r Cr. ChaoJu·Kua's acrou", ofthe Soulh Formoun nali"{"$ iu Ihe + 131h eemury (Ch FilII Clrilr, eh. I, p. 39b; Hinh & Rockhill, p. 16.:.). Their javelins had cords more than 100 fl long allach.-d 10 Ihem, for Ihey oould UOI Ixar to 10K the iron of'heir poiulS. Cr. p. 1'10 al)(I'"e. I Ch. 37, p .:.b, n. auel We pick.-d i, up finl in ,he a, f books Hsi p, 11'. Clrtlt, eh. �, p. 6a (mid + 121h cemuC)., and T_lIl HJI y,,"t' KIrmt, eh. 17, p. 1 b (+ I 711l). There is no book in any of Ihe official bibliographies wilh ened)· the same lide as that gi\""n in the Slrlll CAi�1 CIr•. TPYL, ch. 348, p. 4b, quoles Ihe sam� pauagc from an JIIr -"'a" Chlla�," also lost, first liw::d in the Sui bibliography.

!i<·

"

.

l C

.

' Hi. • iii

' II; • 1&

'"

. • ,, ;m

30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

He caused his assiSlants to make for the prince a magic crossbow [shin nu I ) which could kill three hundred Blen at one time. Thus the Prince of Nan Yiieh, realising that he could not withstand this. retired with his army to Wu-Ning Hsien, and sent [his son, prince) Shih1 to feign obedience to the Prince of Anyang. Now the Prince of Anyang did not know that Kao Thung was an immortal, and treated him with insufficient respect, whereupon [Kao l Thung departed from his coun, teUing him that whoever held Ihis arcuballista would be able to rule the world, and whoe\'er lost it would lose Ihe world too. After Kao Thung had left, it fell out thai :\Iei Chu', the daughter of the Prince ofAnyang, fascinated by the good looks of Prince Shih, emered illlo an intimacy with him. He asked her to lei him see her father's greal catapult, and found a way to cut it secretly with a saw. After Ihis had been done he took to flight and reported to his father. Whereupon the latter SCI his army in motion once again, and when the Prince ofAnyang ordered the arcuballiSla to be used, it broke. Thus he was defeated and fled away across the seas in a ship.

The reality concealed behind this tale was doubtless some improvement or the machine, and Kao Thung was probably a real mechanic. further early Han rercrellces are numerous. In HuaiJVan TZII (c. - 1 20) we reada that: Anciently soldiers were armed only with bows and swords; their spears had no pick-axes and their bills no hooks. But Ihe soldiers ofthese late times have had to be equipped with battering rams for attack, and shields against the arrows; they shoOi wilh multiple-bolt crossbows which are lashed to carriages [and so drawn into positionI for the fight.

And the + 3rd-century commentator Kao Yu added that 'all (the bolls are shot off) by one string, and they use an ox to arm (won4) it'. 'Li Ling� shot the Shan·yu with a lim nu' so runs a classic phrase from the Chhittl Han Shu.b It refers to an exploit performed against the khan of the Huns by this great Chinese general in - 99, on the occasion when his army was surrounded in hilly country by thirty thousand horsemen.c That the arcuballistae were mounted on carriages is very probable, as the Chinese forces formed a laager with their wagons, whence they poured a hail or crossbow bolts into the Hunnish cav­ alry, outranging their short bows. On this passage there is an interesting skirmish of commentators.d The lien nu is of course mentioned in general military works of the Han period, e.g. the Liu Thao,c and we have the title Orat least one book (long lost ofcourse) which was entirely devoted to this piece or artillery, the "Vong nan Lien • Ch. 13. p. ;:,b.lr. an<'I. ,,,;ljn, :\ lorgall (1 . p. I;'I. � Ch . .....,. p, lob.

' Cr. lllt' d�$('riplioll of(his baldebyDnbs(� . ' 01. 2.p, I;'. • Fir>( Fu Chhi..., + 1001 + ISg . certainly no Icrhnician. $.aid ,ha, lh� 11m �u was an affair of 30 crossbows on IlIlr Siring. Th{,11 ill ,h� + 3rd C<'lllury Chang Ven gOi il righl. saying Ihal the lit>! lIu has 30 arrow·groo,·cs on one >. lock a ddiniliOIl oncn «"pealed aflCTwards. as ill ,ht liun�l run and olher cnqTlopacdias. Yell Shih.Ku 'ca. +600 ,upporlt'd him. lIu, Liu I'in + 102�/+ 1088 said Iha! all lhncimcrprelaliom wc«" nonsense. and Ihal �h<" lif� lI� "
.. ..

' Ih

' It

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O C Y

.xu She Fa Chii l (Manual of Shooting with the Arcuballista and its Sights).8 Then

in the early + 3rd century the great general of Shu, Chu-ko Liang, busied himself with it. We hearb that 'he altered the design of the lim nu, removing some features and adding others, after which it was calledyiianjungl [principal weapon)'. The bolts were made of iron, 8 in. long, and each arcuballista shot off 10 at one time. This would have been about + 225. A few years later, Ma Chun', the famous engineer, 'seeing the crossbow catapults of Chu-ko Liang, said that they were not as good as they might be, and could be improved so as to do five times more damage'.� We need follow no funher the history of this machine, which changed little afterwards. In + 1 1 26 it figured among the weapons with which Chhen Kueii and Thang Tao� defended Te_An.d A year later, much use of it was made by Li Kang' in his heroic defence of Khaifeng.c And about + 1530 Liu Thien­ Ho' found, and studied, an example of the Yuan or early Ming time in a store of obsolete weapons on the city wall of Sian.f Another name for the lien nu was the chhi f1U8 (arcuballista mounted on a car­ riage), the carriage being termedli aJu'. Even alchemists knew about it, thus Pao Phil T<.u (ca. + 340) says of a cenain Chhu Wen Tzu 10 that having eaten Ii huang I I for eight yearsh he began to glow visibly at night, and could arm an arcuballista with his bare hands. i Li Chhuan in + 759 gives an admirably clear descriptionj : The arcuballista is a crossbow ofa strength of 1 2 lank, mounted on a wheeled frame. A winch cable [chll chhil2 J pulls on an iron hook; when the winch is turned rou nd until the string catches on the trigger the crossbow is drawn. On the upper surface of the stock there are sc\·en grO(wcs, the c('ntre carrying the longest arrow. This has a point 7 in. long and 5 in. round, with iron tail fins S in. round, and a total length of 3 ft. To left and right there are three arrows each steadily decreasing in size, all shot forth when the trigger is pulled . \\,ithin 700 paces whate\·er is hit will collapse, even solid things like ramparts and city towers. • Cllltim Ha� Shll, ch. 30, p. 40b. � Sa" KilO Cllill, ch. 3!J (Sh. Sh., ch. :;). p. I !Jb; PIlei Sung-Chih's commemary quoting the 11'';Shilt CMn eMill. Yuan Hung" , commenting on this in the Chin, IoaYS (p. �3b): 'How marvellous was the effect of these catapults!' , Sail KilO Cltilt, ch. 29 (11''; Sh., ch. �9). p. �ff; Phei Sung.Chih's commentary quoting the biography of :\1a Chun by Fu Hsiian. Te�t practically identical wilh CSHK (Chin sect.), ch. 50, p. Ila; TSCC, KIIG� kll1l1 tim, ch. j, p. ja; and (abridged) TPYL, ch. 752, p. 7b. Before Ihe end of the eemury, Phan An-J':n was referring to

multiple·bolt arcuballiJlae as the Chhi Tzu" type ( Will Hsiian, ch. 16, p. 3b) which may point to a parallel line of dcvdopmcm from another origin. .. 51101/ Chllinl 1.11. dl. 3, p. 4a. • SHIft: Shill. rho 358. Cf. �Iaytrs 16 . p. 89. f TSCC. j""t:r/ti"6'i,,,. tho 283, p. IlIb, quoting II"PC. Ht recorded thai itsstrcnglh was only 150 till" ( 1g6 lbs. but that il would shoot no 1("$$ than JOO yards. I Sh. H5iiCl!ill .\iT", rh. 19, p. 3a. • Ch. ' I . Ir. aut]. The plant name i$ RrJrmll""IIII'lllm�sa (R/I07). , Tht Irnnslalion of Ftifrl (3), p. z6, i$ all al �a here. I TP I"C. rho 3;;. p. 1 b: ItXI slightly Ix-ucr in TI'l"L, rho 337, p. I b, from Tllung Tim; Ir. aUCI. , Assuming Ihe Th.ml{ "due for the (ltin, this would come lO.5001e 1870 Ibs. adp; high but nOl impossible.

' .� � . "' '' " it 7i:.

• !UI om

. . tti T-

• Il1o II

,· 1t: x 'T

0,

lill ea. ha IL

Th h.. ,., sui ,he

[�

Th Th th. du I

"'"

+1 mOl

Th ,

p

•

• • •

• •

• •

.... ... .. d•

. .

� ••

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

' 93

Only the last sentence seems exaggerated, and the range of 525 yards is probably a little too great. Sometimes whole batteries of these machines were linked together and operated from a single eOnlrol. In the Wu Pei Chih we find· an illustration ofa row of them, each pair bcing released by a single pedal. It looks as if devices of this kind also go back to the Thang, for we have an interesting statemenl by Thao Ku in his Chhing I LU,b written about + 950. The !;Dldiers at the headquaners of the Hsuan-\Vu Army" were exceedingly bra\·e. The)' had crossbow catapults such that when one [master-j trigger was released, as many as tweh-e connected triggers would all go offsimultaneously. They used large bolts like d strings ofpeads [lim chu la chim I j, and the range was very great. The Chin people were thoroughly frightened by these machines. Literary writers called them '(hi lung ,hhi'1, [rapid dragon engines] .

There may be more in this passage (referring to about +895) than meets the eye. The 'lief! chll' was a later name, and a natural onc, for the magazine crossbow; and the dragon engine, 'lung chht', is of course the water-raising square-pallet endless­ chain pump,c which again suggests some kind of magazine or feed. Lastly there were the multiple-spring arcuballistae, less familiar to us, but in some periods of Chinese history the most widely used. From the beginning of the + [ [ th century they arc constantly figured, but invariably resemble with only minor modifications the machine shown in Fig. 63, from the Wu Ching Tsung rao.' This has the straightforward name of triple-bow mounted crossbow (san kung cit/lUang 1;:'11 1111 3 ) , but other names arc quite numerous.' To increase the amount of stored energy and the length of time of its application to the projectile, a triple­ spring unit is mounted on a stand, with facilities for adjustment of elevation, a winch-arming mechanism, and sights ofsome kind. The manner of stringing these complex forms is not al firsl sight at all obvious,h but Croslier ( I ) and Mus (2) were moved to investigate the matter because representations of them in reliefare carved in military scenes on the walls of lhe Bayon (at Angkor Thorn) and the

• Ch. 103, p. 18a. �

Ch. 2. p. 36a. Ir. aun.

< One orlhe iml)Qrlanl mililarr commands al Ihe cnd oflhc Thang drn3sty. � The Hou Chin. on... orlhc short-Ij,<'d \\'u Tai dyn1Ulies.

• Stt5«I. 2ic aoo,·C. Clift;", Cft,. ch. 13. p. 00: �produc<'d in I " . Pt; Clllft, ch. 103. p. ga. t Tl... '...rminlOlogy is {'onsiS(CIll. Two doubk-spring unil! mounted lOn Ihe same stand are called sftlUlng hng rfthun�g t;:u nu'. A singk dlOublc_lpring unil mOUI1(n:! 011 its �land is tither ksiao ko sha� nM' or shu t�u nu'. :\hernati,'e lI
' li! fl< * 1IIJ " iH T- 1f

• � ;:; :tt; (- If I =: ?, iH I Iif

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

'94

J

tJ

Fig. 63. Triple·bow crossbow-callpuh. from WCTr, ch. 13, p. Ga, �ui"al..m 10 lVI'Cch. 103. p. !}a.

buildings at Bamay Chmar, in Cambodia,- Since these date from about + 1 18S, and since the arcuballistae depicted may quite safely be taken to have derived from contemporary or perhaps rather earlier Chinese practice, the evidence which they afford is of much inlereSl.b Taking first the dou ble-spring unit, one stave of which is con vex forwards in the usual way while the other is reversed, the simplest reconstruction is that the string was altached at each end of the rear spring and slipped freely over both ears of the forward one (Fig. 64a). This would follow from all the Chinese illustrations, and from the wheeled example shown on the Bayon (Fig. 66a), of which Groslierc made an interpretative sketch (Fig. 66b). In one of •

Cr. the- photographs of C. go.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

'95

e

Fig. 6,., Reconstruction of the S1ringing orlhe double-spring uni!.

the elephant-borne arcuballistae (Fig. 65) it is possible to see clearly the pair of hooks and drawing-cables on each side of the stock (cf. Fig. 64b) just as described in the Mo Tzu passage, and to make out something of the winch.- Mus supposes, however, that in another system the twO springs were connected by two fixed lengths of cord, the bowstring being attached only to the forward one (Fig. 64d); in this case arming was effected by the pull of an assistant crossbowman on the rear stave. He thus interprets the use of another arcuballista mounted on an elephant saddle (Fig. 67), but we have not found anything in the Chinese material which would favour this explanation. Still, the Cambodian sculptures seem to attest it, especially in a further form (Fig. 64b) where a single continuous bow­ string is freely movable round all four ears of the staves and the rear stave is • The presence ofcrank·handles, surmi� by �Iu$. 5etnlS 10 us mOSt improbable as against small hand,pikes

Id. \·01. ... pl�, p_ I I I above).

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 6.1. Rdi�fofrompkx whttkd ao::uballis,a, Allkor Thorn, from Carpeaux (I).

b

,

Fig. 66a. Reliefofcomplc� whttkd arcuballiSla, Allkor Thorn, from Carpcaux ( I ) . Fig. 66h. Reconstntction (after Groslicr ( t ) ) of mounting oflh� AnkorThorn wheeled arcuballista.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

1 97

fig. 67. Elephant-mounted, winch-operaled arcuballisla, rrom Carptaux ( I).

capable of moving back and forth in relation to the forward one. Pulling this back will therefore change the shape of the rectangle and arm the weapon. Such a system seems to be quite different from anything in Chinese literature or iconog­ raphy, where the rear bowstring is never seen and the rear how is never movable with relation to the stock. Lastly, the great triple-spring unit, shown only in Chinese sources, always has the bowstring on the second forward stave, whence it passes over the ears ofthe rear one and is attached to those of the forward one.· Some experimental rcsearch has recently been conducted into the practicalities of these machines ( McEwen (5» ; it confirms the feasibility of both the three­ bowed and the two-bowed construction. I t was found that the idea ofa continuous bowstring merely slipping over the recurved ends of the bows, as Mus had sup­ posed, was impractical, and for efficient operation pulleys attached to the ends of the second and rearmost bows were necessary. The difficulty in accepting this reconstruction is that there are no indications of pulleys in the Chinese illustra­ tions. Nonetheless, the Chinese drawings have suffered because of repeatcd copy­ ing, and the disdain of the artists, which has distorted them to such an extent that even such details as the trigger mechanisms (surely a familiar item to military men) are incorrectly shown. Even the bows themsel\'cs are represented as being lashed together in such a way that actual operation would be impossible. In these circumstances, and bearing in mind the experimental evidence, it seems likely that pulleys of some sort were employed . • All ah('mati, r pl;ln ginn br Horwilz (13). p. 178. S«,lnS 1�S5 S;llisra(lOry.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

The research confirms that the linking together of the bows multiplies not only the draw weight but also the length of draw. Because of this the amount of power derived from the bows is increased and a prolonged thrust is given to the missile(s). :\IcEwen illustrates this by producing a forcedraw curve which also shows the difference between the potential power ora single bow of equivalent weight and that of the three-bowed example. Creat skill in the construction of these bows was undoubtedly necessary, partic­ ularly when composite bows of enormous draw weights were employed. It was essential to adjust the strength of each bow so that an equal amount of bend was given when the bowstring was drawn. Because of the inherent friction, even with the pulleys, and the difference in leverage applied to the bows, the foremost bow had to be only halfas heavy as each of the other two. The technical expertise required was of a high order and this is undoubtedly why Chinese craftsmen were employed in the Mongol armies to operate them.a On the other hand, it was a drawback that specialists were required to maintain them, and they must have been cumbersome to manoeuvre and transport. They certainly could not have been constructed from locally available materials as some siege-engines could. On the other hand, they were made so that they could be dismantled. If, indeed, they were so strong that oxen were required to arm them and 'oxen' was not merely a term to classify strength, similar to the English 'horse­ power' used to measure the output of internal-combustion engines, then even greater difficulty of operation would have been experienced. The IVCTr does depict a smaller, hand-operated type (shou she nu 1 ) fitted with twO bows (Fig. 68).b These would not have been powerful enough to operate as siege weapons capable of destroying fortifications, but as a superior type of cross­ bow they would have had a great effect and an impressive range. vVhen did the double and triple spring arcuballistae originate? If the hints which we have derived from the Mo Tzu passage are justified, they may have been known as early as the late Warring States period ( - 4th century), but perhaps it is more probable that they developed later. 1n Thang books such as the Thai Po rin Ching they are nOt at all prominent, and appear to have come into general use between the + 8th and + 1 1 th centuries, i.e. around the Vllu Tai period and the wars of succession when the Thang gave place to the Sung. It is curious that the first origins of gunpowder weapons coincide with this period. Perhaps we should not be far wrong in placing the first experiments with multiple spring units early in the + 5th century. This was the time of Chang Kang', one of the mOst famous of military engineers and catapult-makers in all Chinese history.c He first served the Yen (Hsien-pi) dynasty under Mu-jung Chhao', but later transferred his services

•

.., •

•

•

Cf. P·2[9 bclow. � Cf. WCTf/CC, ch. [3, p. [ [ b. • cr. TP fL. ch. 7�2, p. n; TSCC, Klulo h", /i",. ch. �, p. 7a. '

.. ..

30. M I S S I L E S

AND SIEGES

1 99

ill

t

.-

:=

Fig. 68. Hand·operatn!. I"'o-bow arcuhal1ista (!how !h/�w), from II'CTr, ch. 13, p. I I b.

to the founder of the Liu Sung dynasty, Liu Vii.l The chief period of importance of the multiple-spring types was no doubt the early Sung, before the explosive weapons began to dominate towards the end of the + 12th century.a Thus we hear of special regiments of artillerymen (chhuang I<.,u nu shou2) being established in + 1016 at Tshao Wei's' suggestion.b In the following century (ca. + 1 1 7 1 ) there was the arrival of the Fukicncse officer Chi Yang-Chlin4 in Champa, where he remained to teach horse-archery and the use of crossbow catapults to the Indo­ Chinese.c That he had great influence is strongly indicated by the sculptures on tbe Cambodian buildingsjust described.d •

8uI Ih�y w�r� SliIl pracnl in fortt among Ihe lroops which Hulagu Khan In! imo Ihe wesl for the conquest

of P�rsia (d. Howorth ( ,), ,'OI. 3, p. 97, and the quotation on p. 2 1 9 �low).

� SIIIIt 11'.Clti l/illn, ch. 10, p. 8b. , 1 1 '1� IIsi,� Thu�gJ.1mo. dl. 332, p. 2 1 a; cf. \\'al� (3), p. 1 02; de 51 Dcnp ( I ) , ,"01. 2, p. ))). • II wa� al one lim� thought thaI >om� ar(uballislae ilwentions had passed in Ihc re,"erse direction. But as �Iui J has �ho"'n. this idca arOS(' from a serious miwansJation of Win Hsitn Tltung fl lmo. eh. 33t, p. 7a by de 51' Denys 1 1 ) . ,oJ. 2. p. 339. In + 1 186 1he High Commissiontr for Kuangsi was Irying 10 PUI down a re�llionof aboriginal lrilx-sm�n. and the leXI simplr conenn, fOOI·armn! crossbo'.-. orwood using poiSOIln! arrows.

' lOll

, ,,,.

200

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O C Y

(i) The rOlary ballislll Before taking up the story of the lrebuchels, one strange accoullI must be men­ tioned. It seems to refer to a type of artillery weapon for which no well-known parallel cxists, though apparclllly this never left the stage of practical experimen­ tation. We noted above the criticism ofChu-ko Liang's arcuballiSlae made about + 240 by lhe famous engineer �\'Ia Chlin. The same passage proceeds as follows:a :\1 r (:\ I aI was also dissatisfied with the trebuchet (fa shih chhi I J. [The enemy used toJ hang

curtains of wet ox leather on the sides of their towers,b and these could be shot down. But the stones could not be fired [quickly enough) one after the other [so as to prevent the enemy from putting up more cu rtains) . He therefore planned to construct a wheel on which were hung [in slings] large stones, sc\·eral tens in number. This drum-wheel [ku lun 2] was rotated by a mc=chanical device [chi '], and then (when sufficient speed had been attained), a long curved knife" was so arranged as tocut the [cords] by which the Stones were attached. In this way the stones were made to fly aile after another like lightning, and hit the enemy city . Once when a test was made with several tens ofroof-tiles attached to the wheel [instead of stOnes], they Aew forth several hundred paces .

This seems to suggest that Ma Chlin was trying to build what might be called a centrifugal flywheel ballista (Fig. 69). It is clear that a considerable number of stones were to be attached to the circumference of his wheel, and the text only makes sense if their attachments were suddenly CULd This could have been done by sliding a long and sharp knife into the appropriate place when maximum speed had been attained. As for the motive power, it will be remembered that 1'la Chlin's name was closely associated with the development of the square-pallet chain-pump (Jail chh!4) which was traditionally \vorked by man-power using radial treadles.� These were probably what he used in this case. But the idea, ingenious though it was, involved a construction doubtless too complex for prac­ tical military lise, and from the trial mentioned the range may not have been Impressive. A still more important drawback of this reconstruction would evidently be thaI the machine had no 'angle of fire' and could only shoot in one direction. Third­ century facilities would not have permitted any kind of turntable for such a large framework. But perhaps Ma Chiin avoided this difficulty very simply by mount• Sil" 1.·"0 CMh III·" Shu . rh. '19, pp. 9all· , th� romm�ntar}' of Phd Sung.Chih qUQting Fu Hsiia,,·s .If� u I'raClically idcrllic�1 with CSH'" (·Chin·), rho .)0, p. [ 1 a, and TSCC, Kha� "ling lim, rho :i. I' .la. TPI I.. rh. H2, p. 70, is 100 abridgrtl to Ix ("ollipreh�luiok oy ilself. � This "ilS st;",d�rd l)r3rtil""(". N�ts W("TC also �u("("�fullr u�: cf. Ih� passage ill T� HSing TIa Chih { + I [76),

.

.

lI,ir�·Sing Ch an

.

1"11. 8. p. 60.

, Ern..nding Ihe rneaninglt"$$ rM'mg lsi' IOfMang �Slao·.

� Th.. .Jings usn! ""�r� Ih("rtfor� "ol lh.... selr,o�lIillg I) � ofonagen and treou....heu •

.

Cr. 5«1. 'l7e abo,·�.

, ilH'"

' !It

.

.. '"

30. M I S S I L E S

AND SIEGES

201

r

;

,

,

l

Fig. 69. Re<"OI\.I(TUction of �Ia Chiin's 'centrifugal flywheel balli5!iI'.

e .-

ing tbe drum-wheel in a horizontal position; if that were done an adjustment of the point at which the knife-edge was vertically raised would easily give an angle of fire oras much as 1 300 or arc. Since, as we have seen,a Chinese engineers always preferred to mount wheels horizontally rather than vertically, it is likely that this was in fact what he proposed.b That centrifugal force could be used for the propulsion of a missile must have occurred to many at one time or another in all civilisations. In the form of the boiM and the lasso, the principle is prominent in South America for many purposes, where it derives from autochthonous peoples. The lasso has a wider distribution, probably going back to the ancient cullures or Egypt and Babylonia, and still

I. ,.

.) .

5«S<."l·!. ·�7f. h. i abo'''. :'\01.. Ihal Ihis woold ofcou� ha\"C in,"oh ttl .It.. complication ofsome form of righl.angle gearing. BUI here again Ihis was a tC"f"hnique wilh which :\I� Chun was well arquaintttl. as we know from Sttl. 'liC on .he soUlh-)JOinting carriage. Ho"·e'·..r, "'ilh Ihe materials and designs of his lim" il would probably ha\"e been ,·e..,· difficult 10 produce a machine of.he dUly needed whieh would no, alrnos, lear i,self.o pi"ces by ,he play ofils pans. I'ossibl)' i. was a prOl)Q:'lal urnr pUI into prarlir... •

b

202

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 70. 'Windmill !i�-Ihrown' from the �IS Df ,VobililallbllS of Wallcr de Milamctc, from ),1. R.JamC$ (2).

indigenous in many parts of the Eurasian land·mass,· But a suggestion closely similar to that of Ma Chun was current in mediaeval Europe, for one of the illustrations in the MSS of Walter de Milametc, prepared for Edward II in + [326, shows a windmill·like machine intended for hurling incendiary material at the cncmy,b Its motive power is the descent ora heavy weight, which is raised to the lOp of its travel when necessary by a man with a winch, (Fig. 70). h seems the less praClical of the two. or course both these devices were essentially derivative • 5« CowJXr ( I '. pp. '99ff.

- rddhaus 'l , pp. 3' 7, 321_ ,-\[lother plan ofWaher's "'U 10 hurl b«hi\,nonto the ramparts Ixfore an all�ck

in ord�r todi'j('onc�rt th� d�rtnd�n (p, 3201,

203

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

from the sling, but in onagers and trcbuchets the centrifugal principle is some· what concealed, since the arc orthe circle described is so small. Perhaps the most extraordinary thing about Ma ehlin's rotary ballista is that Leonardo da Vinci himself designed a somewhat similar OOC,I It had slings and large siones hanging from the ends of eight arms rotating horizonlally on a central axle, and it was called a 'mangano cenlriJugo' - but it may well have been only a design never practically executed. Finally, we may note one other heavy artillery picce, the name of which has come down to us from the Mohisl chapters and the Han slips from the sands of the Gobi, the 'revolving shooting machine' (chuon shl chi I ) used to defend forts and cities. Yates (3) describes it as follows.b 'In the Mod (Mo T{u) the weapon itself is said to be six feet long, buried one foot into the ground and deployed every 1 2 0 feet along the walls. Each machine was to be manned by a marksman aided by one assistant, neither of whom was to leave his post under any circumstances. In the Juyan (Chu-Yen) strips it is indicated that these crossbows were equipped with sights (shin mu2).' The name implies that these crossbows could 'move', and they were probably mounted in such a way as to be able to turn horizontally as well as to move up and down, thus providing full coverage of the ground outside the walls. It is also quite possible that they were fired through devices mounted in the crenels called 'revolving windows' (chuanyu') or win· , which had revolving cylin­ ders with an opening that allowed for an angle ofrotation of 120° . We shall discuss these presemly.c Unfortunately, however, further details of these revolving cross­ bows are lacking, and their development seems to have come to an abrupt end with the fall of the Han. (6)

,\y he '" ial

TREBUCHETS, MANNED AND COUNTERWEIGHTED

When Tuan-mu Tzu-Kung, one recalls, was wandering in the south in Chhu, he mct the old man working in a garden who refused to use the swape for drawing his water.d The counterweighted bailing bucket, he said, was a cunning device, and 'they who use cunning devices have cunning in their hearts', so although he knew about the machine he despised those who used it. The old man, indeed, was one of those ancient Taoists who felt that since all machines were only tOO liablc to become infernal machines it was better to renounce the use of them altogether. If he could have been present seventeen hundred years later at the siege of Hsiang­ Yang (late + [3th century) and seen the damage done by stone projectiles of

10

:he we

• 5« Ucelli di Nemi (3), p. I [4; Ihe calalogue of Ihe Lcolludo galleries al [he Nalional ll,lul!tum of Science and TechnOlogy, Milan. The delign occurs in Cod. All. fol. �7 rb. b 1'. 432: 'reel' rcferl [0 the Warring StalCS and HancMih'. < $ee below pp. 309, 312 . •p2- t3· , Chull�l T�Il,ch. 12, Irs. alreadyg;"en, ,,01. 2, p. 124, v<>.I. 4, p12, pp. 332-4. t· tl , ••

• I'l! I I

, .,.

.

..

' R.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

perhaps half a ton o r more, as well as by gunpowder bombs, all hurled upon the city from manned or coulltelweighted trebuchets, he mighl have claimed a certain justificalion for the standpoint of ancient Taoism. In cominuing Ihe story of mediaeval artillery we must now leave the realm of the spring and sinew to consider that of the sling and swape.' The long arm, tremblingb on its fulcrum, proved able to surpass by far any spring engine in the weights of the projectiles which it could deliver, though in range it fell behind. But by the end of the + 13th century, both in east and west, masses of stone weigh­ ing as much as 250 Ib were commonly sent over in sieges, and this was hard for any defensive masonry to withstand (see Bradbury (2), p. 268). The end of lhe + loth had already seen, in China, the beginnings of the use of gunpowder bombs thrown in this way. And in the + '4th, before gunpowder rendered all such machines obsolete, the use of swinging counterweights weighing several tons per­ mitted thc delivcry of projectiles well ovcr a ton in weight. The only analysis of the physics and dynamics of the trehuchet that we know of is due to Donald Hill ( I ). After an intcresting historical introduction on the manncd trebuchels as well, he took twO examples of counterweighted trebuchets and calculatcd their ranges for varying ratios for the arm lengths on each side of the fulcrum. missile wt. Ib '00 500

counterweight tons

5 <0

length ofarm

length ofsling

30 48

'5 30

r.

r,

range

yards 2.j.o-35° 300-410

The ratios of arm lengths on each side of the fulcrum varied from I : 3 to [ : 8 in his calculations. All these figures were for swinging counterweights, a type which seems to have originated somewhere in the Maghrib (i.e. the Arabic coumries of North Africa) late in the + 12th century. Among other interesting details Hill gi"es a reconstruction of the hook which assured the release of lhe arm for shoot­ ing, with its spanning rope and its release rope; as well as a drawing showing the ring which slipped off the beak on the end of the arm as the sling unwound and allowed the projectile to fly loose. Later on (p. 2 1 8) we shall see something of the appearancc of this type of trebuchet in China, the land where the trebuchet itself had first al"iScll. Hill refers� to the occurrence of tile trebuchet in Leonardo da Vinci's notebooks, where the counterweight operates a large wheel with its axle set at the fuicrum,d • A I'rrliminal) \"t·....ion of this sub·senion "-llt published some rears ago a� N<'"ffIham ·81). II fonnro pan of Ihl"" Fr.Hwhril1 for Lynn Whill"". • Thl"" I(""rm Irt·buchl""l "ilh all its variants /.,hrlllli,". mbot. elc.) prcsumabl), der;,"" from Ihe same rool. Slriclly '11I·akin!!. I,.-rhaps. Iho-o<' forms in ...hil""h on,," ,,"nd oflhe arm ...as pulled do...n b)' manned ropes should Ix {"ailed /NIIM"" . "hil,," only Ihe roumerweighled forms should Ix called Irebuchcls. I . p. 104. d Cod. AI!. fo!' 57 \";,. •

205

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

r

,

S

1

v

] .," ,d he elf KS,

,d , , of 00' jt "

though, as he says, by this time (ca. + 1485) the trcbuchet was in full decline. Nevertheless, Hollister-Short ( I ) has suggested that perhaps the counterweighted trebuchet was the origin of all sector-and-chain devices, and therefore a cardinal factor in the development of mechanical engineering, since it was onc of the ways of converting rotary to longitudinal motion. Leonardo probably knew of the trebuchct from Mariano Taccola,' who had figured it about + [ 432, but he modi­ fied it by having a weighted wheel attached to the arm and revolving at the fuicrum,b and he soon saw that the full circumference of the wheel was not neces­ sary. Then by his unique grasp of kinematic relationships he applied the sector­ and-chain (or rope) principle to many devices unconnected with war, such as a pile-driver and an excavator. Subsequent engineers constructed many pendulum pumps using this principle, and it was adopted also for balances, candle-dippers, mine-ventilating machines, and finally the steam-engine of Thomas Newcomen himself ( + ' 7 [ 2). This was of course a beam-engine, and the sector-and-chain device at each end of the beam transmitted the power to the two suction lift pumps below.c Thus, as we shall see in the case ofgunpowder,d this military machine too played ultimately a beneficent part in the development of those heat engines upon which so much ofour civilisation depends. There can be no doubt that the trebuchet is among the oldest of artillery pieces in Chinese technology.� But it has gone under a multiplicity of names, mostly with the pronunciation phao (perhaps onomatopoeic) mostly meaning to throw or hurl some hard object such as a stone in opposition to some thing or person. Phao I appears earlyf in the Han, but is often written afterwards in other ways2.3, the semantic significance of 'contradiction' (pO··5) being thus concretised to 'throw­ ing', or a machine for throwing. Later alternatives' were phao6, which embodies the idea of the projectile as a leopard springing on its prey, and finally (universal after the end of the Thang) phao 7 . The terminology is extremely confused through­ out this field, for the projectile was never dearly distinguished from the machine which sent it, both being called phao 7. Hence when gunpowder first made its appearance, trebuchets which lobbed over bombs or grenades were called huo phao8, as also were these explosive projectiles themselves, though in earlier cen­ turies such a term could have meant only incendiary missiles. In each particular • Uhtr Tm;us Ii, /I,gm';5 [ •

. • .

J. (·d.J. H. Bn-k ( I ) . folios 40. 41. \\'lIen lhe whttb wNt' nOI w"'ghtro. the rord or chain orllll' counlt'rwl'igllt would naturally go round Ihl'

rim. , Cf. Hollimr·Shorl (5). d \'01.;). pI 7. pp. ,)561f. • Outstanding ronlributiOlls of modern $('holan 10 our knowlrogc of il arc those of �Ialsui (/); Lu �lou·Tc f l . I . Wang Ling ( I): Goodrich & Fcng; fcng Chia·Shcllg (tl. I In Chhl". lfmrShM. Coulrl'ur (2); and in Ihl' Hswl Chi f,," orPhan I\n-Jcn" ( Wirr HSilm. eh. 16, p. ]b) who died aooul + ]00. • Some further Olll'S will Ix m�nliOIlC'd b<:low as w� ('omr upon Ihl'm. ' II> . ..,

' 111 ' ill

,l ij

• :k /iIj

' 1;1

' " II: ,t..' t::

206

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

case the COnlext alone decides. Eventually the fire radical was incorporated in the word itself as plwo 1 , but even this· docs not infallibly designate the tfue barrel gun or cannon, for which other terms came in. Here we can follow these terminological problems no further, but naturally we shall have to return to them more than once.b l\one orthe phao words were the oldest term for the swape catapult or trebuehel, however. This was kuai2 (or kuti), but unfortunately the original meaning of the word was signalling-flag,C Perhaps its oldest appearance (about the -gth cen­ tury?) occurs in the T a Ming oded in the Ta Ya section or the Shih Ching: ' rin­ Shang ,hih iii, chhi kuaiju lin's ('The cohorts of Yin-Shang with their banners were massed like a forest').c Somewhat later is the mention in the Tso Chuan' in connec­ tion with the ballie of Hsu-Ko in - 706, at which the prince of Cheng ordered the drums to beat whenever the signal-flags were moved (cuai tung erh kuf). The origin of the trebuchet from the single flagpole would have been extremely natural, since the swape usually embodies but a single vertical pole. And by the Han it had certainly taken place, for commentators then explained both these passages as referring to trebuchets. In + 1 2 1 Hsu Shen, quoting the Shih Ching, said' that the kuai is 'a great arm of wood on which a stone is laid, and this by means of a device [chiS] is shot off and so strikes down the enemy'. Before him, about + 50, Chia Khuei had given the same explanation of the Tso Chuan passage. But the word kuai continued for some time more to mean flags, since one can find it for instance in a poemh ofMaJ ung's about + 150. If one had to fix any particular time for the first origin of the trebuchet, it would be tempting to associate it with the name of the Yiieh statesman Fan Li about - 480, or whoever it was in the following couple of · ccnturies who wrOlC the now long lost Fan Li Ping Fa' (Military Manual). Chang Yen had a copy of this in the + grd century, and a quotation which he made from il has reached us through the commentary of the Shih Chi;; 'The flying stones , weigh 1 2 calliesl and by devices [chiS] are shot off 300 pacesk . Any earlier refer­ ence than this would be unlikely. • II was distingui!hed from the old won! pM.', meaning to roa1t or fry, by OJ. dilfe�nt orthography, though composed ofthe same elements. b Below, pp. 210- t I and 230. < As was "cryreasonable from ils pennant 'radical',.J
, I. '" .

• �ilb ffii n It "' !if

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30.

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ugh

MISSILES

AND SIEGES

20)

The next reference is to be found in the Sun Pin Ping Fa where lhe trebuchcts are mentioned in passing under the name 'throwing machine' (thou chi I )a but unfortu­ nately no details of their construction are provided. Chapter ' 4 of the Mo Tzu does, however, contain two fragments describing the late Warring States trebuchets and these have been analysed by Yates (3). It is worthwhile to quote him in full (romanisation changcd)b: The first passage indicates that the posts (ell/./ ' ) are to be 17 feel high with four feet buried below ground for stability. The posts would then siand [ 3 feet above ground tC\"eI. The second passage merely states that the postS are to be 1 2 1/2 feet high without mentioning that they are to be buried. There is the possibility that the latter machines were intended to be mobile and mounted on wheels, as are the trebuchets illustrated in the t l th-cenlUry Sung military manual, Wu Ching Twng roo," but the fragment contains no record to this effect. The fulcrum or pivot {khun '} at the upper ends of the posts was constructed OUI of the wheels ora can, and presumably the axle-pivot rested in notches on top of the POStS or, alternatively, was inserted into holes drilled through the posts. Exactly how the throwing arm or beam was attached to the axle is unclear: it may have been tied with rope or iron wire or, if the axle was large enough, inserted through a hole. This latter arrangement is seen in the Wu Ching TJung roo trebuchets. The passages indicate that the throwing arm (lu4) was to be 30 to 35 feet long and 'ifit was less than 24 feet long, it was ofno use' (Iu (hhang uh Jhih uu (hhih i hsia puyung5). Three quarters ofthe arm was to be above the pivot and a quarter below: to this quaner, as has already been mentioned, the ropes for pulling the arm down were attached. The sling, (literally, 'horse'sjowls' mo (hi06) for the missile at the upper end ofthe arm was to be twO feet 8 inches long. The arm itselfwas probably constructed out ofse\'eral timbers bound together by iron wire. This technique was employed to allow for greater strength and flexibility: an arm made from a single tree trunk would be more likely to frac­ ture after repeated use and with heavy missiles. In one passage ofMQ T?u, the iron wire bands are called lhith Isuan1, while in the two fragments giving the details ofconstruction of the trebuchets, they are termed lhith Jhih'.d [A tentative reconstruction of the �Iohist trebuchet is given in Figure 7 1 a and b.J How were these trebuchets deployed by the ;vlohists, what were the missiles, and what attacks were they intended to repel? Three different versions in chapter 1 4 give the distances between the machines deployed along the wall as 300, [80, and 120 feet respecti\'e1y, and the defenders fired the trebuchets against counter-weighted ladders, long ramps built up to the height of the wall, the filling in of the moat by the enemy, and direct

""' ken.

.y, ;1 hhin

• s.:-rtion 4, . Tlti,,, Chi Wi" fAt (Thi�n Chi Asks about Ramparu), S,," Pi" Pi"g F(I, p. 49; Chang Chen-Tsc (f" p. .l'l ; Balmfonh (I). p. 347: \\"1\ Chiu·Lung (f). slip 0200. p. 17. wher� th� original graph ror ,lti' is gi\'rn as '

,lti •. - Yalrs 3 , PP.417-19' • ;';Ot� that thr illustration in pracm editioll'l orlh� 11'" Chiltg nug 1'(10 may only be 0[:\li118 dyna$lydat�. • POiS$ibly ,/rill is an �r...,r for ,/rirrg ; shiRg ill the Ii Cit, mnns 'sk�in (i.e. 80 thKads).' "

' Ill 4 .�nt

" 11-

. ." ' Il a

208

30. MI L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y "

""

'"

10

Axle

Horizontal timber between

•

-f-!I--J

.. Kop'''

�......,. Fulcrum

19

-- POSt U:

Fig. i ' .

(a and

b) Temat;ve reconStruction ofthe :\lohiSi trebuchct, from Yates (3).

infantry assaults,- I t is somewhat surprising that the Mohist military experts suggest that the machines be fired from on lOp or the wall (chhing-shang I ) rather than from the ground behind it. Exposed in such positions, and probably buried in the banquette, they would no • Both Wu Vii.Chiang (Il,ch. '4 pp. 6b-7a and ch. '4 p. 13b, and Tshe" (3). pp. 17-19 and 30-�, inlcrp�1 as s/lj', 'a mine or tunnel', but it is unlikely, in our opinion, thai m:buchcts would be fired against under­

11<'"

gn:lUIld tunnels for al this urly date explosives had nOt been invented. Probably 11<; should be underltood U II 'lint' or 'rank' as in Ihe pa$.$agc in Iht Ta¢ Tsug', 1975 ed., vol. I, eh. 14, pp. 63-73, whert Iht numbtl""$ of defenders requir d W slave off3rosauh by 100,000 men in waves, lui' or shu' , are given. Note that the graph thou 'throw' in the phrase thou chi' has bun corrupted in different passages orthe extant text to chi' ,plril, and chiao'. Previous scholars have emended and interpreted Ihe graphs differently and, in our view, mistakenly.

e

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

209

doubt have been fairly easy targets for the auackers' own trebuchets and crossbows. Furthermore, the length of the throwing arm would have required the banquette at Ihe top orthe wall to have been more than 35 feet wide. We should possibly understand, therefore, that they wefC buried behind the walls with a forward look-out stationed on top orthe wall 10 give directions to the artillerymen below him. Undoubtedly the trebuchelS threw sWots, but the weight ofsuch missiles is nOt recorded. Piles ofstones were placed every 12 feel along the wall, with 100 to 500 Stones peT pile, with each stone weighing morc than 1 0 (hiin' (ca 73 kilos)- but these may have been dropped by hand by the dcfcnders,b rather than thrown by the trebuche!S. Another missile that the �vlohists did develop, however, was a type of fire-bomb which was. to be used if the enemy tried w fill in the moat with brushwood and earth. The passage which describes these bombs is unusually cQrrupt and fragmentary but it is possible w reconSlruCt the �\'I ohist method. Pieces ofwood 2 feet 4 inches long and a wei 2 c in circumference, possibly 23.1 em, werc hollowed Out in the CClllre, lighled charcoal was

" ,d I no rprtl nder­ Iu. en of n t/ww

�j,,¢' ,

• This passage in the extant text reads trh p. chi slrih slrih ch""l chllllg shih rMiI, i slra�g rlli
, f., J ' M " f.\IJ , I' " '1 6 ' l Il A R - 1II '-3

2 10

30.

MILITARY

TECHNOLOGY

inserted and the hole tightly covered. These bombs were then hurled by the trebuchets at the piles of brushwood gathered by the attackers. It should be observed in passing that the �Iohists do not seem to have used burning oil in these bombs.

From lhe Chhin and Han onwards, trcbuchets handled by teams of pullers were an extremely common feature of Chinese siege warfare. In view of the rather different development ofartillery at the other end of the Old World, it is necessary to do something to indicate the great wealth of evidence for the use of this machine in China in antiquity and the early middle ages. We shall therefore choose some examples from the successive dynasties, noticing especially the names which have come down to us of military engineers who built the trebuchets and organised their use. One would expect to find them at work in the wars of the Three King­ doms period which closed the long peace of the Han, and there they are, used by Tshao Tshao against the forts of Yiian Shaol at Kuan-Tu in + 200. We are told that the stone-throwing machines (fa shih chh(2 ) were called by the soldiers 'thun­ der carriages' ( Phi li chM3) .• If these represented any new development, it was probably the mounting of the trebuchets on mobile bases with wheels. Other contemporary artillery actions are easy to find.b Our first named engineer appears in the + 5th century, Yii I-Chih4, building shih chhi) and chhio chhi' (these last probably rams) for the siege of Shou-Yang." A century later there is mention of incendiaries (huo tshuan7) and huge stones (lti shih B) cast by trebuchets upon the besiegers of the city of Pa_Ling.d The admiral Huang Fa-Chhiu9 we have met with before, in connection with his paddle-boate, on which he set, at the siege of Li-Yang in + 573, his pho chhilO or phao chhi, I I thus breaching the defences.f The 'thunder carriages' appear again at this time in a curious context, namely the juristic chapter of the Sui Shu, which tells of the detestable Northern Chou emperor Vii-wen Yiinl1 (r. + 578/+ 580) that he had them made as a form of punishment 'to frighten the women'.' This may imply that by then they were powerful enough

•• -

• Hou Hnw ShM. <"11. lo�A, p. 22b; Snn A'MO Chih (Wli ShM), rho 6. p. 24b. \\"� shall frequently m�1 wilh Ihe lerm phi-Ii �gain in ronnen;on w;lh Ihe earliesl gunpowder ""eapons eight hundred years later. Tht 11'(i Shih Chhun

Chlliu. qUOIrd ;n the rommetllary of the II'ti Shu, sa)" that the machines Wtre built following the pattern of Ihe "ncknl 4·uoi. Li Hsien in the Thang, said Ihat they weTC ',he same a$ ourphM rMi" ·. commenling on lhe Hou Hon Shu. b Lg. the rcdurlion ofChu-ko Tan'," stronghold in + 2;.8 (II'tiSlIM, eh. 28. p. I ;,a). • SII"g ShH, eh. 87, p. 1 ;,b. He ""as working for ,he general Vin Ven", about + 4;'0. • J-I�lIg Shu. eh. �:" p. :,a. Thi5 it in Ihe biographr of Wang !Xng_Picn", and rdcn 10 the neighbourhood of + :J�9·

• &<-1. 27g al)()\(". f

I

• •

•

C hhilf Sb. eh. I I. p. 3a;. \nll Shih, rh. 66, p. 17b. Sw. Sb. eh. 2:'. p. 16b; Ir. BalaZ$ (8), pp. 72, .60. The passage runs)w I.<� pili_Ii rAAI i u..vifwjh I.'. •

30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

211

lO ShOOl off objects as heavy as a man - as was done many times in the European :\1iddle Ages later on.' In the Thang dynasty sources become still more numerous. In its founding hours, the assault on the Sui capital in + 61 7 was urged on with the help of 300 trebuchets (yiin kuai I ) b constructed by the engineer-general Thien Mao-Kuang2. A few years later the commander who was to be the second emperor orthe dynasty brought similar balteries against '·Vang Shih-Chhung3 in Lo--Yang, firing 66pound balls some 150 yards in high curving trajectories." Much must have de­ pended in such engagements upon lhe intensity of the fire. Trebuchets seem \0 have been a key factor in the success of the expedition of +668 against the Ko­ reans, whose capital fell to Li Chi4 in that year.d A century later, the army of Li Kuang-Pi� , one of the ablest generals of the imperialists in the An Lu-Shan rebei­ lion, had trebuchets so heavy as to require a team of 200 men each to swing them over.e These lei shih chhi6 were mounted on mobile carriages like heavy field artil­ lery. And now just at this time begin the first detailed descriptions, For in Li Chhiian's Thai Po Yin Ching, compiled only twO years after the death of An Lu-Shan, we find a valuable passage worth reproducing. Some lime before any lrebuchels were known or used in the \Vest, in + 759 he wrolc;f ,

1

t t

" "

For the trebuchet [phao ,hhP J they use large baulks ofwood to make the framework, fixing it on four wheels below. From this there rise up two posts [shuangpi'] having between them a horizontal bar [hing kilo') which carries a single arm [Iu kan 10] so that the top of the machine is like a swape (chith kao 11]. The arm is arranged as to height, length and size, according to the city [which it is proposed to attack or defend]. At the end of the arm there is a sling [li t. nest, kho I� J which holds the stone or stones, ofweight and numberdepending on the stoutness ofthe arm. �Ien [suddenlyJ pull fropes attached to the other] end, and so shoot it forth. The carriage framework can be pushed and turned around at will. Alternat i\·eJy the ends [of the beams of the frameworkJ can be buried in the ground and so used. [But whether you use] the 'Whirlwind' [Hsiian_Fblg 13] type or the 'Four-footed' [Ssll-Chiao" J type depends upon the circumstances.

At this point we can no longer forgo some illustrations. Though we have none dating from the Thang lime itself, the chief types of framework had apparently already taken form then, and we can appreciate them by four pictures from the

" •

• Payu("-Callw,"y (� ,p. 39; Alwin&hultl ( I), '·ol.�, p. loon.

,1

b IIsi. TII('�1 SJrM, rho 8.{, p. 31. The soldief1 called .hem ·anny.genenl C3lapultf ({",mll.lh.." pluJo "); lhis was undn Li :<.li'I'· rommand. Parker (6) dre..... auemion 10 .he pa�ge long ago. • He ....aJ . Li Shih-.\ Iin": the figurescomt"" rrom T�" Chih Thung Chitn. rh. 1 88, p. � ! . • Hiill Thnllg Shu, rh. no, p . 3b. Li Chi was all illlerc:s.illg officer; he also edited a pharmacopoeia. lbin Thtmg Shu, rh. 136. p. �a. f Ch. 3:-', p. I h. IT. auCl. •

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

z,z

Fig. 72. 'Whirlwind (Hsiian.Fcng) �rcbuchct', WCTY, ch. I�, p. .loa.

Wu Ching Tsung rao of + [ 044. Fig. 72 shows that the 'Whirlwind' (Hsiian-Fing' ) type was the oldest, consisting ora single pole, but also probably the most handy for small-'calibre' missiles since it could so easily be fUmed round to face any desired direction,- Note should be taken of the rectangular framework at the top of the pole, which formed the bearings of the rocking axle at the fulcrum. Fig. 73 illustrates a bancry of five of these {rebuchets mounted, presumably in a fixed manner, on onc single turntable,b and Fig. 74 gives the phao cllM2 itself, the single-pole machine mounted on a four-wheeled carriage.c The 'Four-footed' (Ssu-Chiao') or trestle-frame model, used for much heavier work, is seen in Fig. 75 , where it is called the Chhi-Shao Phao� or 'Seven-Componem Trebuchct .d This terminology has puzzled several sinologists because shao normally means 'branch' or 'tip' ,t but a study of the text and illustrations in the military manuals shows that the word was here applied to the number of component wooden (or • I I'CTJ/CC, ("h. 11. p. 503. ropiC"d in (".g. II "PC, ("h. I 13. p. ISa; TSCC, JIlII, dillf, IlfIf. ("h. 1Ig6. p. 30a. b I I 'CT/ICC, <"h. Ill. p. 55b, ("opiC"d in (".g. I I'PC, ("h. I 13, p. 1I3b. • I I'CTnCC, rho Ill. p. 3!}a. ropiC"d in (".g. II 'PC, ("h. 1 13. p. 9b; TSCC, Jng eM"g li(lI, eh. 1I96, p. 1I4b. d II "CTnCC, rho I�, p. 48a. ropiC"d in (".g. II "PC, rho I 13, p. 16b; TSCC, JMII' dlmg /"", rh. 2g6, p. 1I9a. E.g. �Iu$ (lI), p. 339, and Hubrr (3). p. 676, Iranslating Ihe Huallg ruan CM"g Mim 1.11' (Rttords orlh(" lrnJX"rial �Iongol E�JX"dilion «gainSI Burma. + 1300) wrillen a y("ar or IWO laleT by an anonymous aUlhor, p. 6b. TIl{" Burmese drfr'lding ;Iolyin-saing had 'three-branch and oue-branch lrebuchelS [$�n3hM Illn $haa phaQ'l' •

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

t'ig. n Bau�ry offi,"(' whirlwind tn:buchelS, WeTT/Ce, ch. 12, p. 48b (Ming ed.).

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15

ns .Is or

,h, 6b.

Fig. 74- Trrbuchcl mounlW on four-wheeled carriage (p/ul0l1tAl). Il'CTy{CC, ch. 12, 39'1. fig. 'j. 'rour-footn;!', ''IC\'cn-componem' trcbuchcl, II'CTf/CC, th. t'l, p. 48a.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

even bamboo) poles which formed the arm when lashed tightly together, or bound with metal bands" The illustrations in the Wu Ching Tsung Yao, though probably not, in their present form, contemporaneous with the text, may be taken as the prototypes of those which appear in a number of later books and encyclopaedias such as the JVu Pei Chih, the Thu Shu Chi Chhtng, elc.b and which continued to be reproduced long after the machines themselves had become quite obsolete. In most cases we possess quantitative details about the different types (see Table 4 below). References to them in Thang and Sung literature, moreover, are not infrequent. For example, in the Ching-Tc reign-period ( + 1004/+ [007) many young men were advanced in office because of their military services and some of them were then lampooned as being insufficiently scholarly. Thus of Chang Tshun I it was said that all his knowledge consisted in skill with the 'Whirlwind' (Hsiiall-Fing) trebuchet.0 Before leaving the different types of machine, a further glance at Fig. 72 will show a couple of poles marked 'Shou Phao2' or 'Hand-Trebuchet'. This was the invention ofa military engineer named Liu Yung-Hsi', who presented it to the emperord in + 1002. One pole, shod for fixing in the earth, carried a pin at its upper end to act as the fulcrum for the arm, and by this means a single soldier could lob over stones (or even by that time gunpowder 'grenades') on to the enemy's lines in the static trench warfare which developed round fortified posi­ tions in this period. I t was ordered that all the frontier troops should be supplied with these devices. Returning to the Thang period, it is noteworthy that the Chinese types of trebuchet found their way towards the West in the course of those great expedi­ tions of Thang Thai Tsung which brought about the submission of the whole of Sinkiang by + 64S. The campaign had begun some ten years earlier with the siege of the city of YarkhotO, capital of Kao-Chhangi the city-State of the Turfan basin) (cf. Figs. 1 79, ISO).e For the artillery train required 'the emperor sum­ moned from east of the mountains all those skilled in constructing siege machines'( and the general' Hou Chun-Chi' cut down whole forests for the timber-yards of the engineer Chiang Hsing-Pen'. A stele still situated in a votive temple south-east of Barkul, commemorating the siege of Karakhoto, bears an inscription which • The significance of Ihis composilc COnSlruClion for cuy ditmamling and Iransport should not bf; mi�; cf. p.�19bf;Jow. � E"en as laIC as 1840, in Ihe work ofChhcn Chieh.Phing (I), eh. 4, pp. 341f. • CMMgHsl(J"g TS(I C Ju.rh. 8, p. 6a. d S�"ISft;ft. ch. t97, p. �a. • Cf. Cha" "IlIl(';S (I i ' pp. iff.. Ebrrhard (9), pp. 1901f. The Turfanc$e had become vassals of the \\'�Iern Turkli. r TIM h Ilia" ,,-UfI, rh. !)85. pp. lOalf. • An illlnoling mall. a ft·w years earlier diSCQ,-erer oflhe $(Iuree oflhe Yellow Rinr. Cf. Aye d'A\'ignon: 'EI Karl" r..mptnn fail charroiier Ie fusl. Les pins el I" loneR CI In chC$nC$ branchus, Et miSlrcm mangonniax CI Ics Il<·rri..rnsus· Schuhz I . \"\,1. 2. p. 400 .

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

,

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has been translated by Chavannes ( 1 8); i t states that Chiang's· trebuchets were (naturally enough) a great advance on anything known in ancient limes. 'Estab· lishing himself in the mountains for the purpose of constructing the machines, he developed or discontinued the old methods (as the case might be), and thus made great improvements in them.,b The importance of these facts is that early in the + 7th century effective trebuchet designs must have become known to the Turkish peoples, who were in a position to transmit them further west to the areas of Byzantine and Arab culture. After the end of the Thang, the usc of trebuchets continually increased. In the \\Iu Tai period, olle of the emperors himself acted as an artilleriscc Chinese trebuchel troops served in the Liao armies,d as also under the Sung command against them.c This was at the end of the + loth century; in the + 12th there were bombardments on a most extensive scale in the wars against the Chin Tartars/ using now not only StOne, but also explosive, projectiles,i Sometimes we read in tbese accounts of strangely modern devices of defence, sucb as sandbags in quan­ tity for protecting buildings on city-walls, and water-buckets for extinguishing fires in them.h There was certainly no less artillery activity in the wars against the �10ngols when the Sung went down to defeat towards the end of the + 13th century,; Only in the �ling did the trebuchcts begin to be seriously displaced with the use of barrel-cannon on a large scale, The lVu Chillg TSllng rao of + [ 044 was the first book to give elaborate details about the different designs oftrebuchets, and their performances; this information • Also an imuesling figllrt:; prt:"iously one or,he art:hilecu oflhe �lini$II''i or Works who had laid OUI parks and bllill many palaces and Icmples. Hc was c\'emllally killed in Ihe Korean expedilion, which he had ad"iscd agaillJl. and Ihe emperor himself"'ro,e his elegy. � HIill Thallg Shu, ch. 9[, p. 7a. • This was Kuo Jung', ,he second ruler of ,he Laler Chou (r. + 954/ + 959), remarkable also for his encour­ agcrncn! of iron·cas[ing and his inleresl in agricuhural u�.:hniques. The source i.l T�u Chih ThUll, Chi'f!, .:h. 293, p. I . • As "'imas Ihe correspondence between Ihe IWO general. Yeh.lii H.iu_Ko· and Yeh-Iii Hsieh·Chen' i n + g86 (LilY Shill, ch. I I, p. sa), 5« also .:h. 18, p. 5b and eh. 19, p. 7a, Ihe rt:le,'am passages tr. Wiufogcl & Feng Chi... Sheng ( I), pp. 566ff. • E.g . Chang Yung' defending Tzu-Chou in +g88 against ,he Liao (S""1 Shih, eh. 30i, pp. 4a, b) when Lu Pin' came [0 his rt:lief. , E.g. Wei Sheng' defending Hai-Chou in + 1161 (Sullg Slrih, .:h. 368, p. I�b). His trebuehets had a range of SOIl1� �oo paces, (500 yd s.) , Earlier also in the famous defence of T1:_An ( + [ 1 3�); Shou Chhlng Lu, eh. 3. p. 6a, ch. 4, p. 61>, etc. • See Vol. ), pi 7, p. 60, for details. • In Ihe story of Meng Tsung.Cheng's' defeoce ofa cilY againS! the Chin general Wan-yen £-Kho' in + '�t9, (SMlfI Shill, eh . 403, pp. 10ff.). A possible earlier sandbags rt:ference is the siege ofSamarqand by the Arabs in + 7 [ � (Huuri (I), p. 1+1). , For example, ,he �Iongol general Soga,u (So-Tu9) rt:ducing Sung cilies in Fukien ( rial! Sh"', ch. [29, p. [3a), or on Chang Chun·Tso'· taking Sha-Yang and Tang.Lo-Pao ( Yi4n_Shih, ch. 1 5 1 , p. �ob). SUI by the time that Li Thing" was usinghuoph�o " against a rebellious Yuan prince in + 1288 (Yiian Shih, eh . 162, pp. 8b, gal, the come,,[ shows tha, these were no longer either Irebuchets or grenades but ra,her hand-guns or bombards (d. Vol. 5, pt 7, p. �76 below),

Table 4. Complement and ranges ofmediaeual lrehuchet artillery (from (he Wu Ching Tsung Yao, elc.r no. of haulersb

name

description hand trebuchel small trebuchet on two trestles fixed single-pole Irebuchet ('Whirlwind') fixed, on small box or truss framework ballery of 5 fixed single-pole trebuchels on turntable 2-whed mobilc single-pole trebuchcl 4-whcel mobile .�ingle-pole trebuchct (the phao dlhi par excellence) triangular frames trebuchet ('Crouching Tiger') triangular; larger form

J·"hrrl lfu)I"lr t• •

"

..".1

••

shouphao

1 2/S0a

hophao

1 2/s6a

hsiiallj(lIg p.

1 '.1/soa

Iv chiao hJ.p.

1 2/Sgb

1'1" .r �

!i< ",, 1Il

WPC

WCTf/CC

TSCCUCT

1 T3/18a

1 1 3/ 1 8a

'.196/goa

( i shou P.l!..:f-)

no. of commandersc

(Iingfang It }j!{)

,

0

50

,

70

,

projectile wi i n Ibsd

,

range ill yds'

85

��III

", ""ill

hSiiflllJrng wup.

1 '.1/SSb

hJ. chhip.

1 2/S4a

I

1 3/23b

Mt III Jl. 61!1

it: lS.ill: � I1J(J

chhip.

Gil- i/I fiIj

hu lunphao ,JUt! III

1 '.1/39a, 10a,S4b

1 1 3119b

'.196/'.14b

I '.1/S'.1a, 53a

'.196/3I a

I J!......I

JIII.'llh, 1

,6

85

chuJv phao

!t Will

Au"-A' tAAI fJ

11

2-whccl mobile Iri:mgular rrames treb. rcctangular trus.� rrame trebuchet with onccomponcnt arm rcctangular, identical, but ror gunpowdcr bombs rectangular, with two-component arm rectangular, with f]\'c-compollent

hsing chilip.

12/ssa

293/14b, , sa

tan shaop.

12/42a

296/'25a, ,6a

4°

,

hllo phao

1'2/S6b

shuang shaD p.

12/4P

'296/'2 7;1

.00

,

'5

'33

wu shaD p.

12/46a

296/'28a

' 57

,

98

85

chhi shao p.

12/48a

1 1 3/16b

'296/29<1

'5°

,

125"

85

108/13b

'293/ 1 1 0

IT j11 �

� I III '"

* !@

!!' -WI iifj!

1i -WI'fiIj!

,> •

85

a flll

rcC'tangular, with SC\'cncomponent arm countcrweightcd trcbuchct

L:ff'I�

hui-hui p.

li'IF'lm

IO?

,

»00

(Polo fig. 300l

< 300'

• "\U1jllified from Ihe mbicsofHng Cllia·Sheng (z), p. 43 and Huun (I), p. '101. � II is hardl) l'rcdibk Ihal all ofl� haula:! al one mome"'; Ihe figurn prr$umabJy represent Ihe IOlal numberofmen in the unil who di"ida:! inlO groups and look lun" �t Ihl' hauling. Thi. i, al ... Huuri', "iew ( t ) . p. 14. < I'r�umabl) ;-':COs .....ho atlended 10 the aiming and ga"e the order to pull. • Cilkulalro fmm thl' Sung eauin (c.+i_) given at Ihe rate ofabout 0.6 �ilo. • C:,kulalro from the �I('CS (I'M) given. assuming the UJUl,1 doublc-I);,cn ofc(juivaleul lo:, ft. , Thl'S<" figurn indinOle fixed counterweights. Projcclilc ....eights . II:n timn a$ hea,"), (i.e. about a IOn) could only be attained with machina embodying swinging <"OulIlI'rwl'"ighls ( H uuri ( I ). 1). I"). Sin� Ihe illustration in TSCC shows one ofthiJ kind. the heavier fonns must have been know" in lhe Ming and Yiian. ifnot before th.· "'00;1 ofllw Sung-Yuan wanl. I This figure is that "'orked out exp<:rimtntally by Payne-Gallwey (t). p. 309. The 1';Slimate of Huuri (I). p. 13. is rather kss, about �'l<) )·ds. • Hun,; ( I 1. I)P. 1".9t. '49. CIC. records wcighlSofup 10275 1bs. Sh01 from manned trtbuchets ;1\ the + 1 1th cetllury according 10 Arabic and BYUniine sources. but ,h,'I'!' n"'�' I)('" Smnt· duubl ahoul the units of weight. Nuthing as hlOavy aJ this JeClllJ to have b«n used by allY of the ChinC$C manned typc$. H� also Kiva about I go yds. II< II,,' .·�tr<·ltl<" n1uge uflhe weSlerrl machines. which agaill seems r�lhcr excmive. but we do nOI know whether the figures givell in the ChiueK mauuals arc aveT;lgc or I"xln·nlt'r""g.·.•.

218

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

is digested I n Table 4 . Some idea can thus be gained of the Increasing sizes, ranges and projectile weights which came into use as the centuries passed. h is probable that shot armore than '200 Ib were unaltainable before the substitution of fixed counterweights for the company of haulers pulling in unison on the ropes, and that above 500 lb the addition of a swinging counterweight was necessary. The fixed counterweight was such a simple idea that its development only towards the end of the + 12th century seems surprisingly late, especially as the ancient water.raising machine, prototype of all phao, had always had it. As we shall now see, the counterweighted trehuehet which capLUfcd the Chinese military imagination was a type introduced by engineers from the Arabic countries, but the invention was quite probably made in several places about the same time, and the fact that the group of haulers presented so attractive a target must have been one stimulus. One inventor may have been Chhiang Shen I , the Chin commandcr who defended Lo-Yang against the Mongols in + 1232. Chhiang Sheo furthcrmore invented a trebuchel called the 'Arresting Trebuchct' [0 Phao' J, which was used to prevcnl [the enemyJ from overrunning [his positionsJ. Only a few men werc needed to work iI, yet (with this cngine] great stones could be hurled more than 100 paces,· and thcrc was no targct which it did not hit right in the middle.b

But although for the time being the Mongol army raised the siege, this valiant captain died in the following year, and two years later the Chin dynasty was extinguished, so that apparently the design was not transmitted to the Sung peo­ ple, though it would have been very useful to them. As things turned out it proved to be onc of the most important new weapons employed against them. The story is of such absorbing interest from the point of view of east-west relations that we must give it as carefully as possible. The open­ ing chapter, perhaps, was the move of large contingents of Chinese artillerists westwards in the Mongol service about the middle of the + 13th century. Even the first expeditions to the West had used this arm.C But in + 1253, wishing to strengthcn it, Mangu Khan sent to China for extensive reinforcements. d Apart from many units ofChincse crossbowmen, therefore, the Mongol army of + 1 255 included

. for a Ircbueh�1 sugg"lI in il$O"lfcounter-poising. • I'.qui,-�knt to 16;, yds.. ....hirt-. . lranslaling from TCK.II, pi 3, ('h. 19• (.'II'� Sit'''. eh. 1 1 . . p. 12a; Ir. aU{'I. adju,·. 51-Julien (8) who ....as pp. .f8rr.: eil. alw in Romocki ( I ). "01. '. p. 46. • For example. al Ihr bailie againSi Ihe Hungarians bc$ide Ihe Sajo in + 124' (Ho.....orth ( I ) . \'01. I, p. 149: :>'1:lTIill (2). p. 67). It has Ixcn Slalro Ihal gunpo....der . bombs ....ere . hurltd on I his occasion (Pra"'din ( I ) , p. 2$9). htu no grollnds ha\'e heen giwil for Ihe asscrlioll, Ihough such an aelion .....ould ha\'� betn emirely possible. ,\pparrndy + [�4.f .....al Ihe dale of Ihe famous remark of Ihe fugilive Russian alThbishop aboul Ihe :>.Iongols­ ':>'l3chinas habrm muhiplict"S, r�CI� .,1 forlilerjaeienta' (Yule ( I ) , ,·0J. 2, p. [68),50 oflen quoltd and misquolro. Thr TaM""'-; . \�ri gh'" ,he name of Chingiz Khan's chief engineer (",a"fo"'".; .tAd's) as Aikah No,,�n (Yule.

p. 168:; he had len ,housand men under him. • Quam'mi're ( I ) , p. '32; de Rrinalld &. fa"i' (2). p. 29$: Yule ( I) . \"01. 2. p.

1 68.

30.

MISSILES

AND SIEGES

219

a thousand families· ofKhita-i :'vlanjanik-chis [catapult workers], Naft-Andaz (naphtha-throwersJ,b and Charkh-Andaz (shoolcrs of fiery arrows worked by a wheelJe [whoJ \"ere 10 accompany him and they brought along wilh them such a vast amount of missiles and slOres appertaining to their peculiar branch oCthe forces as canom be enumerated. They had with them also Charkhi Kamans [wheded arbalistsJ,c worked by a whetlc in such wise that one bow-string would pull three bows, cach ofwhich would discharge an arrow ofthree or four ells in length.d These arrows or bolts, from the notch for the bow-string to near the head, were covered with feathers of the vulture and eagle, and Ihe bolts \"ere short and strong. These machines would also throw naphtha. The bolts [sic-Ifrj of the catapults were made ofash, very lOugh and strong, and covered with the hides of horses and buttocks [to prevent their being burnt], like as a dagger in its sheath; and each catapult was so constructed as to be capable of being separated into five or seven parts, and easily put IOgether again" These catapults and mangonels were brought from Khita-e on cans into Turkistan, under the direction ofskHfui engineers and mechanists, but there is no evidence whatever to show that they had any knowledge ofgunpowder, quite the contrary.

f

s ,

J J

,. 0; ,.

I.

So wrote some Persian historian in a passage translated by Raverty.f It would be very surprising ifno technical information was interchanged between the Chinese experts and their Central Asian colleagues. A dozen years later the Mongol arms under Khubilai \Vere confronted with fortifications even stronger than those of Alamut, namely the twin cities of Hsiang-Yangl and Fan-Chheng2 which lay near the northern borders of the Sung empire. They occupied a strategic position on the Han river some 200 miles north of the Yangtze valley, and their defenders, Jed by Fan Thien-Shun' and Niu FU,4 were determined and resourceful.' A floating bridge connected the two cities. I n • Perhaps this term arose from a misund�rnanding of the meaning of the word (lfi,', which o fcourse means school ofsludy or cxpertisc u wdl u family in Ihe ordinary sense. � On these, I« Vol. 5. pI 7. pp. 73ffbelow. • Obviously the wincha ofthe arcuballislae. • Evidently Ii.... �II or coupled lim '1M; cf. p. 187 above. Later on, in + 1281, a Irain of these was captured from thc Penians by the Egyptians, I« r�&. in Huuri ( I ) , p. 124. • This is "cry iut(r(Sling ronfirmation. from an indcpend(1II sourcc, of the compoosile natun: ofthe arms ofth( Chin.·S( Ir�bueh�ts. r Ran'TI)' (t). 1'. t t9t. Howorth ( I ) incorporated Ihis passage in his prose but with several minor amend­ mt·IlIS. Ht· S<'ems to ha"e thought thr passage came from tbc Int oflhe Tllbllqlfl-I Nlfs;,rofal-juzjani bUI in fact it il contained in a footnol( 10 that work. It may nOI be a dir(CI translation. but it is certainly taken from some I'nsian SOUTe... Rashid aI-Din only says: ·....ft(r having made his dispo$itions, Mango SCnt couricn to Cathay to hrillg from Ihal country a thousand families of m(n skilled in §clling up war machines, hurling naphtha and shooting af(ubaJli5ta,,' ( Qualr....rn(or( (rl. 1'. t33). 'AUral-Din al-juwaini taYI. more fancifully. 'And he [Hulag;;] sellt 10 CalhllY to f�trh mangolld cxperts and napll1ha_throwcn, and they brought thence one Ihou5llnd Catha­ }"lin m;tngond-houW$. which with a S lOne missile would cOII,'crl thc (yc ofa nctdl� into a passage for a camel. "hil.. th� poles of tJl( mangonds W(l"( so firmly faslened with sine"l and glue that wh�n they aimed from Ibe nadir to th� z�nith th( missile did not r(turn' (Ta'rikh-ijah-�n-Gusha, ca. + t �60, tr. Boylc, p. 9�). We arc much ind(bt(d 10 ).Ir j. A. Boyle of :\lanchat....r L:ni\"ertity for ailo"'ing us to consult his th�n unpublished translation of al-juwaini"s 'Histor), of Ihc World Conqueror". BcsidCl Ihis, Ihere is a "cry brid" m�nlion of the rn;tlt....r in d'Ohw;>n ( I), "01. 3, 1'. t35: but lbe source of Rav(rty's delailed dCKriplion remains a mystery. • Th<'"5( werc subordin31( officcrs in charg( of Fan-Chhe-ng. loyal m�n dlh( Sung, but Lii Wen-Huan had already I)("<'n in COnt3�1 with Ihe :\Iongol court, Ihough hc had quarrelled with some of its members (Rcin;tud & Fa'e- 2 .p. 30� .

220

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

+ 1 267 Lij \Ven-Huan 1 was appointed their governor and commandant,a and at

the end of the year there commencedb a siege which was to be one of the most memorable in all Chinese hislory.c At first the Mongols and their Chinese troops made little progress, though capably led by lhe generals A-Chu2 (Arcu) and A-Li-Hai-Ya' (Ariq Qaya), the latter a Uighur. In + 1 '2 7 1 thereforc A-Li-Hai-Ya urged Khubilai to send to the West (the Arabic lands) for engineers who could construct large counterweighted trebuchets.d To this there was an immediate re­ sponse, and new machines (Jzsin phaofai) capable of hurling projectiles of 200 Ib weight and upwards, constructed by I-Ssu-Ma-Yin) and A-Lao-Wa-Ting6, be­ gan to play upon the city of Fan-ChhengC towards the end of + 1272. The autumn of that year had seen a most remarkable and gallant attempt to relieve the place by means of a con\'oy of a hundred treadmill paddle-wheel boats commanded by Chang Kuei 1 and Chang Shuns, remarkable not only for this but for the exten­ sive use ofgunpowder weapons on both sides; their men got through with much of their supplies, though one of the leaders was drowned and one captured. f For their part, the �Iongol generals led a force against the floating bridge, cut it with mechanical saws' under fire, and burnt it. In the last month of + 1272 Fan­ Chheng, breached and batlered, fell,h Fan and Niu preferring suicide to surrender when resistance had to cease. On 1 7 March 1273, Lu Wen-Huan lowered the Sung colours after prolonged and thunderous bombardment of Hsiang-Yang by the new trebuchets, thus ending an investment of five years' duration, and trans­ ferred his services to the Mongol conquerors. ; We arc fortunately able to make closer acquaintance with the two Muslim engineersi because both were honoured by a biography in the official history of the Yuan dynasty.1t A-Lao-Wa-Ting (presumably 'AHi'al-Dinl) was apparemly from �1osul in Iraq, or �1ayyarariqin; I-Ssu-Ma-Yin (presumably Isma'i1) was either an Iraqi, an Afghan or a Persian.m Their engines were assembled first at the Yuan capital, where Khubilai attended some of the trials in person, and then trans• S/I"t SIt/'• ...h. �6. 1). 9b.

•

Fo..-o"... orlh(' bM:I anoulltlof il $('( :\Iouk 1 3 . 1 /14" 51"•• ...h. 6. pp. 16aff; ch. 8, pp. Ibff.

, lin" Shih. ...h. 1118. pp. Iblr. � Ilian Shih. rho I �8. p. p.

• /liaIlShih, ..-h. 7 , p. 1I0a. f S""tShlh. ...h. 46. p. 203. • / IIt1I1 SJllh. ...h. 1 1l8.p. llb. • IHtI" SItl.. ...h. 7. p. lloa: ...h. 11I8. p. 7a. I $Milt S.ih. rho 46, p. 2�b. J As ""� shall sn laler on. Ihe}' we� almosl {('rtainly rnponsible ror Ih(' s«ond main lTall5mi..sion \0 Ih(' \\""slnn world oflh" k"owlcdgl' ofgunpowda technology (VoL ;,. pI 7. liP, 5 7 . 3-4) • lun" Shih. rho 103. pp. IGaff. I Th(' Irnnslil('nllion ·.lo)ii'ud.Oin show, bc-I(cr how Ih(' Chines-: form was derived, as Mi$S Florence E. Day kindl} pointed OUI 10 us. • Dqx-nciing upon wh(,lha th(' Chinnt charan..-rs of his pla� o[ origin are 10 be interpreted as meaning Hill;,. H('"rnl. or Shrrnz.

I IS 3t � '� l -{€; ]{. T

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

2 '2 1

ported to the ""Iongo] lines around Hsiang-Yang. Cheng Ssu-Hsiao' , writing about thirty years later, saida:

, ,

,

h

r e y ;-

" ,e " " .n ,-

'h'

lay

i ng

The plongolJ bandits used the ),·Iuslim Irebuchels [hu;-huiphao?] against Hsiang-Yang city, the towers and walls ofwhich they broke down with fearful effect, so thai [Lu] Wen-H uan was greally alarmed. [ . . . J The design of the \1uslim IrebuchclS came originally from the Muslim countries, and they were morc powerful than ordinary Irebuchets. In the case oCthe largest ones, the wooden framework slOod above a hote in the ground. The projectiles were several feet in diameter, and when they fell to the eanh they made a hole three or four feet deep. \Vhen [the artillerists] wanted to hurl them to a great range, they added weight [to the coun terpoise J and set it further back [on the arm J; when they needed only a shorter d istance, they sel it fo rward, nearer [the fulcrumJ .

Thus the counterweighted trebuchets acquired the name of Muslim phoo, by which they were long afterwards known, as also that of Hsiang-Yang phao. The hole in the ground would save timber in the supports of the fulcrum above ground level. Though as yet the counterweight was probably nOt a swinging one, it could evidclllly be moved back and fonh along the arm. The projectile weight men­ tioned in the YUall Shihb is 150 callies (chin) , equalling about 200 lbs, but this may well have been exceeded by some of the machines, for one single shot brought down the whole drum-tower of Hsiang-Yang with a noise like thunder. After the fall of the city, 'AHi'al-Din and Isma'il went on to funher engagements as the Sung forces were slowly pushed southwards, but much of their later work (for they ended their lives in China) was spent in organising a corps of 'Muslim' trebuchet anillerists and military mechanics. Their commissions as generalsc descended through some decades to other male members of their families, such as Pu-Pai3 (probably Abu Bakr), I-Pu-La-Chini (probably Ibrahim), and �vIa-Ha-Ma-Sha� (probably :\'1ul;1ammad Shah), down to about + I 330.d The two originators of the clan, and the clan itsc1r,� are rich in historical authenticity, for their feats were known and recorded in Persia as well as China. Rashid aI-Din al-Hamadani wrote of them in his }iimi af-Tawiirfkh (Collection of Histories),! finished in + 1 3 10. I , p. S7b; ch. 2, p. 47b. Noted by Feng Chia. Sheng (iI), p. 39. Tr, auct. Ch. 203. p. Ila. • For instance, 'Ala' al·Din wa$ in + n8s deputy commanding officer of thc Mongol '1'.luslim' trebuchet artiJans and anil1eriJ!5- Hui·Hui Phao·Shou Clriin.CMarrg Fu IVa� Hu·. 01 A Lao-Wa.Ting ('Alii' a)·DiIl) was succceded by his SOli Fu·Mou·Chih' (prob. Abu'l Mojid) in + 1300, alld he in lurn handed o\"er 10 his 50n .\1a.Ha·.\Ia·Sha (Mu!;,ammad Shah) in + 1312. PU'Pai (AbU Bah) look charge from his falher I·Ssu·Ma·Yin (Ismii'il) in + 12].1., and was succeeded by his younger brother I.Pu.La. Chin (lbrlhim) in + 1282, and after a long imerval ( + (329) by Ihe Jatter S 50n Ya·Ku· (Ya'qub). ThUJ Abu Bah afld Ibrahim were brolhcl"$, and both could have bt,en al the siege. but Rashid aJ·Din's Mul)ammad can hardly have httn the Mul)ammad ofthe Chinese 5Ouras, as .\-·Ioule (13) lICems w suggest, l'rcsumabJy Talib was anolhcr name of Ismii1I'I. Cf. Schefcr (2), pp. '!'Iff.; Chhcn Yuan (1) , • This ;s remini$Cent of the dans of Indian aStronomers and malhematicians who r«ided at the Chinese carital during the Thang (cf. Vol. 3, p. 17$). Cf. Sarton ttl, \'01. 3, p. 970. The relevam pa.u.agcs appear in Rcinaud &: fa,·c (2), p. 301; BJochet (2), pp. $08ff.; Moule (13). • Hsirr Slrilr. ch. b

.

"

222

30. M I LITARY T E C H N O L O G Y

Speaking of the siege of Hsiang-Yang by the armies commanded by Bayan,a he said that before then counterweighted trebuchets (kumgha manjaniq) of largest size had not been known or used in China. But the khan requested the Persian coun to send him a famous mangonel-maker, Talib, from Damascus or Baalbek in Syria, and so the three sons of this man, Abu Bakr, Ibrahim and MuJ:tammad, made in due course the seven great engines which reduced the place. This does not COTre­ spond exactly with what the Chinese sources say about their relationships, but it is close enough to bear striking witness of their activities.b A point of much interest is that nothing is said in any text about the use of explosive projectiles in the Muslim trebuchets, but gunpowder was almost cer­ tainly used at Hsiang-Yang,� and by Chinese artillerists working manned tre­ buchets. Their leader was Chang ehlin-Tso' , son and grandson of engineers who worked for the Mongols, and an intcresting character in his own righe The prob­ able explanation is that at this stage gunpowder was mainly an ami-personnel weapon, perhaps not available in sufficient amounts to compete with solid stone as a destructive agent for masonry dcfcnces.d Another remarkable featurc of the Hsiang-Yang siege is the fact that Marco Polo, with his father and uncle, was long supposed to have been present at it, and even to have supervised the construction of the great trebuchets. A very circum­ stantial account of the matter is given in ch. 146 of his book, including the pres­ ence of two trebuchet expcrts in the suite of the Palos, a German and a Nestorian Christian.� But the story raises grave difficulties of date, which indeed were noted long ago by Pamhier and by Yule.f The Polos left Acre in November 1 '27 1 , and could not have reached the Khan's summer capital, Shangtu (Ciandu), before the summer of + I '275, yet the siege of 'Saianfu, a very great city and noble, in the province ofMangi toward sunsetting' had ended early in + 1 '2 7 3 . \Vhen the Mus.

• 1'0-Y�n"

r + 12371 + 129+), Khubilai's mOSl cflebralro general II i) i111crcsling lhal ....rab IKbuchcl artilltri!IS. or al any rale men ""ho could usc Ihdr machines, ""erc in Ihe !l<"l"\ke oflhe Champa kingdom in lndv-China shortly ..ncr + 1300 (riin� Shill, eh. 210, p. 7b; cf. Huber (3),

b

p. 676: :\lu5 (1), p. 339), , We qualify Ihe SlalcmcrH lxocause Iht J"iian Skih don nOI po$ilively ..Ilion il. BUI it don me111ion lhe uSC of gun!X>wd"r by Chang Chiin-Tso in all his olher engagemcrHS. He was richly rewardro by Khubi lai for his SUrl-c�CS, • This Chang family was noteworth),. Chang J ung' ( + I 159/ + 1230) ""as Chagatai's chicfengineer, and built Ihe fi,muus floaling bridge o,er Ihe ....mu Darya, as ....ell as a mili!ary road l hrough a pa� caSI of Kuldja in Sinki:U1g which had .. 8 doublt-trarkro 1!""IIe·bridges, For Ihcs( feats Chingiz Khan conferKd upon him the honorifk Ilam( Wu_Su_Chhih' (+ 1'1'10). He was a Ir(buehet arlillery general in + IHl His SQn, Chang Nu­ Pd" 1 + t l89/ + 1261) - sirangely named - followed Ihe same Tarttr and (ook charge of naval fOT<;cs and all kinds of military anisans. Th.. grandSQn, Chang Chun·TSQ' (ca. + 1'130/ + 1 '18,,), spet:ialiscd in gunpowder weapons. and bombardro many cilil"S ....ilh bombs from Ircbuchets after the rail of Hsiang-Yang. The biography ofall lhr('C is in r",,� Slrih, eh. 15', pp. '9bff. The nOte ofCoodrieh & Fcng (I), p. 1 18. by oversight confuses penons and dalCS. • :\Ioul� & PdLiot ( 1), "01. I, pp. 3 16ff. f I), ,uI. '1. p. ,67.

' Ei lll

30.

,

.r ,

I, " ,

,.

11

y "

MISSILES A N D SIEGES

lims were setting up their machines there the year before, the Polos' caravan had hardly left Laias. Everyone has been kind to Marco Polo on this matter: but the lasl word seems to have been said by Moule ( 1 3) who thinks Marco probably told what he truly knew of it to his scribe, but that 'Rusticianus felt thaI a good story would be made better by the substitution of the familiar Italian names of his heroes for the strange difficult names orroreigners'. It is generally said that no illustration of a counterweighted trebuchet occurs in a Chinese book, but we have had the good fortune 10 find two,b One shall be mentioned now, the other postponed for a few pages. In the Thu Shu Chi Chhing encyclopaedia ( + 1726) will be founde a curious picture of a machine, entitled simply phaQ lou fhu I (trebuchet tower), the identity of which has long been con­ cealed by the bad drawing (Fig. 76). The tank-like object in the centre is in fact the counterweight, but it is depicted as secured for transpon, that is to say sup­ ported by a couple of dismountable struts at the rear. The bulb at the end of the arm suggests that the draughtsman had before him a machine with both fixed and swinging (sliding adjustable) counterweights. The main part of the arm (five or six limes as long as the pan shown) has been detached for transpon. \"'hen we look at the Wu Pei Chih d illustration, from which this picture derives (Fig. 77) we can see the arm still in place and leaving the frame of the drawing at the upper left. The curious thing is that in neither of these twO books is there any explanatory text attached to the diagrams, and funhermore that their position -just following the sapping and mining apparatus, indeed somewhat confused with it - is identical with that occupied in modern editions of the + 1 1 th-century Wu Ching Tsung rao by the two inserted + 16th-century bombards or culverins.e A possible explana­ tion would be that in the late Ming ( + 16th century), when the material for the 11'11 Pei Chih was being collected, the Hsiang-Yang phao was still on the 'restricted' list, so that its text was withheld. The culverins were often pictured set at so acute an elevation, and shaped with such prominent bulges/ that booksellers themselves ignorant of military techniques might even have confused the counterweighted trebuchets with them. We noted that in the campaigns which followed the fall of Hsiang-Yang, the counterweighted trebuchets continued in use, though they must have been very hard to transpon. The Hsin Shih echoes their effects from the Sung side:K • Thm & 'nrdcllO ( I ) proposed that th� intervention of the 1'0105 look place on their way Ihrough Persia, but Ih.. rl�tn wilt not fit. Hng Chia-Sh�ng (2), p, 42, and many others have Iried to adjusl the dates of the PoIO$' journe} 10 as 10 'alidale ch. 146, but without suCCelS. The POI05 simply were nOl there. See further the M oule & I'dliot rd., ;mroclunion, "01. !, p. 26. b Slimulat«l by an exasperated footnote of Huuri's, (I). p. 20� . < ·)�"lrlti�l lim·_ ch.293'P· l t b. 6 Ch. 108, p. 13h. • wcrJ"jcc. ch. 10, pp. [3a, b; reproduced br Goodrich & Feng (I), p. [ 1 7 ; Wang Ling ( I ) , p. 1 7 1 . a: Vol. .). fl ;, pp. 2771f_ CC.npeciall)· TSCC, ')_lflrAhI, lim-, rho tOt, p. [-lb. , ('.h. t, p. j7b: IT. aUCI.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O GY

Fig. ;6.

Counl�,.,..·cighted (rebu�h�t (ower as depicted in th� TSCCIJCT, ch. 293,

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30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

I n the tenth month of the fi�t year of the Te-Yu reign-period ( + I '275], the enemy returned to attaek Chhang-Chou, where the commander ofthe garrison was Liu Shih·Yung l • It had always been an unfortified city, surrounded by open market-places, and protected only by a stockade along the moat. Previously, when attacked, it had always held out. But in the elevcnth month the enemy brought up many reinforcements and surrounded the city for more than a month, battering it with :vIuslim trebuchets and breaking down temples, towers and halls. Bul it was not long before the Sung side began to make them lOO.a In + I '273 the frontier eities had all fallen [into the ).Iongols' handsJ. But ).
M : ore and more of the Sung technicians, however, were captured. The ),ilongols particularly feared smiths and iron-workers, and removed them with all their families to particular towns. The YUan Shih says:' At the beginning, during the military expeditions of Thai Tsu [Chinghiz Khan, r. + t'206 to + ['2'27 J and Thai Tsung [Ogotai Khan, r. + I '2'29 to + I '24'2], all available blacksmiths, carpenters, metal-workers and fire-artisans were enlisted on the roads and from the prefectures and districts captured, and wefe made to act as trebuchet technicians with the expeditionary forces. In theJen-tzu year [+ ['25'2] they were all duly registered as trcbuchet workers.

These would have been largely from theJurchen Chin dynas ty. In + 1279 Nang­ Chia-Tai4 collected together in the twO Huai districts six hundred Hsin-Fu technicians who were skilled in making counterweighted trebuehets, some :\1ongols, some :\I1uslim, and some Chinese, and thus they were a�mbled at army headquarters.f

Later, in the following year, all these experts were concentrated at Nanking - a + 13th century Los Alamos.w • SUNg S/llk, �h. '97, pp. 15b, 16a; If_ auCl, adju, SIJulicn in Rcinaud & Fa,-� (I), p. 1!)Ii. u$ed by Yuk ( I ) , '·01. 'J. p, I�; al50 �loulc- ( 1 3 ) . p. '5; cf. paraphraS<' by L u :\lou·Tt' ( I ), pp. 30, 3' • 'I'his migh! wrll mnn thf application or,hr swinging counlrrweighl. < .-\ sUfprising figure, for therr WCI'(' 30 Ullin to thr rJl�", and Ihe c-qui,·akm weighl would Ihus bejull under -looo lb or allow I J IOns. So rithcr Ihis is a mere literary cuggeration of ]he hislorians, or else Ali al·Din's brigade had stanm using s..oinging coul\lerwcighl5 ofgruler si'le and were improving their shooting. II docs at an!" r�te suggnt Ihal Ihe official figul'(' for their proj«lile ,,·eighlS al Hsiang.Yang was on the small side, 4 A pun upon Ihe namc Khubilai? < Ch. 98. p. sa. lr. aUft. f Jii,,�Shik, ("h. 10,p, '7a. I ru"N Skik. ch. l l , p . I�a, • Abum

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

The question may arise to what extent trebuchets, whether manned or counter­ weighted, were adapted for use in naval warfare. The greatest combined opera­ tions ever undertaken by the Mongols under Khubilai were those of the expedi­ tion to Japan in + 1 2 74, that famous Armada which, like its counterpart in the West, was shattered and dispersed by the assistance given to the rough islanders by storm), weather.- Another even greater expedition was organised in + 1281, with a Chinese general, Fan Wen-Hul, as one of the leaders. Quite reasonably, 'he asked also for twO thousand horses for the Thu-Shih-Hu-Ssu army, and for techni­ cians for Muslim trebuchets. But the emperor said 'What use could he have for , them in sea-fighting?', and declined to grant his request. b Perhaps he was not fully trusted, but though 'gunlaying' with such devices would have been impossi­ ble with even a slight sea, ship transport would have carried them into estuaries vcry conveniently, whence they could have been used to cover landings. And shortly afterwards this seems to have been appreciated, for when preparations were being made from + 1283 to + 1285 for the third (abortive) expedition, the engineer Chang Lin2 was commissioned to build counterweighted trebuchets for it,l: and fifty skilled artillerists were assigned to the staff of the commanding generald (a Mongol this time) A_Tha_Hai3. These facts give particular interest to a picture which exists showing three counterweighted trebuchets mounted on the top deck of a four-decker warship (lou chhuan·).t This is to be found in the Thu Shu Chi Chhing encyclopaediaf and here reproduced as Fig. 78. The accompanying text is based on that of the Thai Po Yin Ching ( + 759),- paralleled in the Thung Tienh of + 812, much older, of course, than the application of the counter-poise principle. AI Ihis date the trebuchet was being pulled down by ropes at the short end. We have already quoted the passage in full elsewhere,! but here are the sentences concerning the artillery pieces:

• for a brier but good acCOunl orlhc c,'CntS orthis time d. Cordier ( I ) , \'01. �, pp. 3ooff. b Ilia1l Shih,ch. I I . p. 10b.

< J i'·a�Shih,ch. I�, p. 18b. d JUdn Shih, ch. 13, p. �3b. ; daling from • �:urop"all parallels arc 1101 unknown. The �ISS of Jacopo �Iaria"o Taccola', D, .HlUhins, �lb()1lI + 1+19. show counlcrweighled lrcbuchcu mounled on boalS and hurling incendiary materials. One of IheR' pictures is reproduced in Bonapanc & Fad" "01. 3, PI. 3 and p. H. Moreover �larino Sanuto in + 1371

d('$Crit)("l clearly Ihe mounting ofsuch machines upon ships (text and Iranslation in Schneider (I), pp. 4-6, 96}. r jung rltiRg litll, ch. 97. p. ;:.b: reproduced (rt\'ened) in Krause ( I ) . It is interesling that by the limt this is reproduced in Ihe Ir",,"all &"frsltii forly yean laler (ch. 7, p. 7a) Iht uebuchtts ha,'" m..tamorphosro inlo harT..1 cannon. I Ch. 4-0. p. ,oa. • Ch. 160. p. 16b. I \'01. � . P I 3 . p. 68;:.aboH. '

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30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

I

rig. 78. Four-dechr warship armed with Counterwtighted IrcbuchcIs, TSCCI}CT, th. 97, p. 5b.

Tower-Ships; these ships have three decks [lou son cMung I ] eq uipped with bulwarks [nil (hhiQng� J for the fighting-lines, and flags and pennants flying from the masts. There are ports and openings for crossbows and lances, while [aboveJ there are trebuchets for hurling stones set up [in appropriate places] [chih phao ehh/lei shih '] ,-

This proves that already in the + 8th century the mounting oftrebuchets on naval vessels was a known practice, so there was nothing extraordinary about Fan \'Ven­ Hu's request. On the other hand, it is curious that lhe machines arc nOt shown in other lou en/wan drawings ofearlier date,b • Tr, aurl.

- �r;lh�r in Il 'PCnor I I 'CTJ'{CC, rhs_ 1 1 7 and I I respttl;\'dy. HUllhr illuslration on p. 8a ofthr lanrr (rig. 79 has an Obj«t Oil lh<' upprmtOSt d...,k that mighl � a flag; reI i1 is supporlro near the flag end on thr forkro lopofa \'rrtiral rolumn. So the dra"'ing may ha'-r !xcn mram to repr\"1Oenl a eounlerweightro tn:buchrl. On the othrr hand. WCTJ"is rathcrrarly ( + t044) forsurh a design.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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Fig. 79. 'I'CrriJlum-at;on ofcounu�rw"igh(l:d trcbuchct nwuntcd on muhi-d<:ek warship.

Counterweighted trebuchets still had a part to play al the beginning of the �'ling. Towards its end, a historian wrote:[\Iing] Kao Huang Ti [Chu Yuan-Chang] conquered all the other heroes, having excellent soldiers and good weapons, among them the Hsiang- rang phao, which was used at Ku-su [Suehou] but not much afterwards. It was made ofa wooden framework and shot round Stones as projectiles weighing more than a hundred chin [catties]. For working it several tens ofnwn were necessary. The missiles flew up into the air, and buried themselves 7 ft deep in the earth where they fell.

Actually these weapons were used at many places from + 1 355 onwards, when • Fan \\'(,i-Chhcng' in }-;." I Chilt 1.,,,1 . CoJlttu'd Rttonb ofSah City:, th. 28. quoting Tung Han-Yang's' Pi •

U T'iI TJh,,' :\iiKfUanwm R,,('Ords on'i-Li rho t. p. 133; Ir. aUCI.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D

SIEGES

Chu Ylian.Chang first raised his standard: and not only at the siege of Suchou.b Here, however, a turning point was reached, for we find theme side by side at last with tfue barrel-cannon ( + 1 366), [The besiegers under Hsii. Ta I ] also built up wooden frameworks like pagodas, as if answering to the pagodas in the city. As these 'enemy towers' were three storeys high, those on Ihem could look down inlO it. Each level was furnished with bows, crossbows, and culverins [huQ chhung2 J. Hsiang-Yang trebuchcts were also set up to bauer the city, and c\"eryone inside was very frightened.

Yet their heyday was coming to an end. Chu Yuan-Chang himself thought them too unwieldy. He is recordedd as having said in + 1388: 'The old type oftrebuchet was really more convenient. I f you have a hundred orthose machines, then when you are ready to march, each wooden pole can be carried by only rour men. Then when you reach your destination, you encircle the city, set them up, and start shooting!' This emphasises the composite dismountable nature orthe old Chinese types. Yet as late as + 1480 there were still those who th ough t the Muslim phao important.t From the time [wrote Chhiu Chlin']f when these trebuchets were first made, they were used for Ihe besieging of cities, and there was never one which they did not break, nor was any ship not sunk by them when they were used against ships. Now there are among the people many who know how to make them. They ought to be available everywhere, and those to whom the design has been handed down ought to make diagrams of them and present them to the officials, for a reward. But those who keep it privately and try to make such machines are guilty ofa crime which should cost them their heads. In any case the design must be sent to the fromier commands and preserved there. Construction [of the trebuchetsJ should not be permitted except in emergencies. The situation is much the same as that which pertained in the days of the emperor Hui Tsungofthe Sung, when the making of multi pie-bolt crossbows [sMn pi kungi]' [by unauthorised persons] was prohibited.

But after this little more is heard orsuch machines. Berore taking leave or this survey or the mechancial artillery or the Chinese middle ages, it may be or interest to glance ror a moment at the great difficulties

•

for a bridaccount ofthe war� preceding the rail oflhe Yiian. see Cordier (t), vol. 2, pp. 356ff.

b Several lexlS and inscriptionlshowing thi� have been collected by Feng Chia-Sheng (2), pp. 48ft'. • Ming Slrilr Ui, eh. t6. p. 29b, Ir. auet. Parallel passages in Mi�gSIr;A, ch. 125, p. 3b, and Clrll Lw Chi' (Re<:ord

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of Hunting the Deer) by Wang Wei', p. la; both having Irll� IIru�g'. Slill further accounu are noted by Goodrich & feng (I),p. 1 2 t . � By Chang Tan" in rIlU4IIf Chi IVII CltluJo HIIIJ�g', p. 2�a. • ru ind«d there were in Europe also, where we lIiH find plans and specifications in Ihe + t6th Century (see belo"', p. 239). ru a dO$e parallel, the drawing ofChriuian Wursti�n (d. + t588) 10 illustrate the Basel Chroni­ cles for + I 145 may be mention«l (see &hneider (I), p. 80 and fig. t 7). 1 To H!ihlr 1'(11 1 PII. '" th. 120, p. t6b; Ir. auet. I Cf. p. t 56 above. , .6: iI'J " 4ft fA:

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30.

23°

M I LI TA R Y

TECHNOLOGY

which modern historians of technology have encountered in identifying the de· vices used. Allusion has already been made to what constitutes a veritable dossier of the Department of Utter Confusion, and in the gunpowder story we shall have to refer to it again.- Naturally, perhaps, those who lived nearest to the events themselves, like Chhiu Chiln, were best informed. His views were sometimes sup­ ported in the + 18th century, as by Hsi Huangl who was clear that there was no necessary connection between gunpowder and Muslim trebuchets,b but it was then that the muddle really began. It arose from a number of causes. First (a) there was the confusion between the launching machine and the projectile itself, for both of which one word had always done duty. Then (b) there was {he confu­ sion between the two ways of writing phao, using either the 'stone' or 'fire' radical. Many writers (c), familiar with the use of gunpowder only as a propellant, and unable to give full weight to its earlier uses in explosive bombs and grenades hurled from trebuchets, were constrained to see a metal-barrel cannon in every mediaeval phao.c Others (d) became confused between the terms 'Hsi-Yu phao 2', trebuchets of the Western regions, which had been applied to the Muslim ma­ chines, and 'Hsi-Yang phao3'. guns or culverins of the Western-ocean foreigners, which was applied in their own time (and since the late Ming) to the types of barrel-guns introduced by the Portuguese and made by theJesuits. Finally (e), it was unfortunately the case that the counterweighted trebuchets had come to their maximum development just when gunpowder was beginning to find widespread use, and (f) within a single decade of that crowning achievement of the military chemists, the practical metal-barrel cannon. It was therefore too much to expect a clear distinction between the two. Wang Hung-Hsu� about + 1 7 1 5d and Chao I � in + 1 790<: foundered on the fourth of these rocks, while both were joined in the fifth pitfallr by Chang Thing-Yii6 in + '739, ' Throughout the period of modern research uncertainty continued. Reinaud & Faveh in 1845, however, decisively idemified the �\'l uslim phao with counterweighted trebuchets, rejecting the old idea of de Visdelonl that they were some kind of barrel-cannon. At the same time

See Vol. .) pt 7, pp. ! df., '12, 01,0, '30, 373 (g). - (Clrhi� Tin,) HJ" II'ln HJim Thu�g Khao. p. 3993 (eh. '34)'

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Thi, "'a, ",ha. "i.ial(·d .he prescn.a.ion of Lu �tou·Te (I, 1), otherwise full of in.eres.;ng quotationJ.

.lIill,Slrilr KM', rho 70, p. 7b. • Kai 1'ii Tshu"l KIuI�', ch. 30, pp. 16a, b. Also Ling Yang.T$&o' in + '799 in his Li Slru Pitll, " ch. 40 (p. 149); and Liang Chang·Chi!" in his l...Ilt, Chi TsIIlI"l TIulIt", ch. j. •

The si)llh caught also Liang Chang-Chi! (I) in 1848, and theJapanesc writa Ari$&ka Shazo (I). I Milt, Slrill, ch. 92, p. ,ob. And Chiang Chhen Ying (I) in 1829. • ( I ), p. '93 ' 1 (I),p. 188.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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they underestimated the antiquity of Chinese gunpowder weapons.· In 187 f Yule, stimulated by the chapter in Marco Polo, embarked on an excellent study of mediaeval artillery which led him to the same concJusionb as Reinaud & Fave.� Yet Goodrich & Hog Chia-Sheng revived the old confusion in their learned con­ tribution of forty years ago, and the matter was not set at rest until Feng Chia­ Sheng (2), with further texts, later rallied to the opinion of Reinaud & Fave, in agreement with the conclusion reached independently in the meantime by Wang Ling.d In the + 15th century popular Taoism considered that the counterweighted trebuchet, with all its force and thunderous noise, must have a tutelary deity, who ought to be worshipped in a special temple (phao shin miao I ) . We know of this from the I Pin Chi' of Wang I', written about + 1325. Each of the five ancient weapons had its spirit, so why not a war-engine much more impressive than any of them? And Wang I wrote a poem on it,e which in very free translation might appear somewhat as follows: The crags of the mountains, rounded by craft, Are made to fly forth from the catch ofa machine; Through wind and clouds they ride upon their way, Like shooting stars they thunder through space­ Over the walls, crash! Down go temples and halls And all the people are thrown into confusion. Thus the height of technique achieves the height of victory.

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DISTRIBUTION AND DIFFUSION

The time has now come to draw together the threads of the preceding sections, and to consider the diversity of times and places which saw the dominant use of one or another of the types of ancient and mediaeval ballistic machinery. After all, this is yet another chapter in the history of engineering as such, quite apart from the far-reaching implications ofdevclopments in this field for social and political history. First, in discussing the hand-crossbow, we were led to the problem of crossbow catapult artillery. From the time of the return of the former to Europe ­ or, if you will, its revival there - in the + loth century, until the supersession of all such devices by gunpowder weapons, the arcuballistae were in fairly frequent • .\layers (6) on the contrary, mueh overestimated it, while Schlegel (9), Chiefly on accoum of cerlain mis­ translations. placed the advem of metal-barrel cannon rather 100 early. These poinls will all be diKussed below. P1 7·

I , "01. '1, p. 168. He confirmed il by personal diKussion "'ilh Cap!. Fave. Afterwarrb. lOmc "'nlcn, such a$ Wu Chheng.Chih ( f). who recognised Ihe essenlial nature of Ihe .\lu$lim phtrD, wem tOO far in 5C("ing nothing at all new about it. 4 (l), p. t n • IPin Clti. eh. � 1 , pp. 6a, b. These imcTesling delails wcr� di$Co\'ered by Feng Chia-Sheng (I). l

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O C Y

use.a But we also saw that in European antiquity, from the beginning oflhe - 4th century onwards, Greek and Roman ingenuity had for the most part employed a quite different type of machine, which depended on the torsion of sinew-bundles and not on the bending of the stave of a bow.b That true crossbow catapults (arcuballistae) also existed in Hellenistic times there could indeed be little doubt/ but unfortunately their descriptions raised difficult points of dating, and we agreed provisionally to regard them as not earlier than the - 1st century. Away at the other end of the Old World the development followed a different course. It was necessary from the - 4th century onwards to recognise the presence of two dominant forms, the arcuballista, often shooting many bolts simultaneously, and a device which used an entirely different principle, namely the trebuchet or flicking lever based on the swape. Both these continued in active use throughout Chinese history until outclassed by the coming of gunpowder, and spread steadily from their centres of origin throughout the culture·area. Historians ofartillery in the West came to agreement long ago that during the Middle Ages the torsion·type catapults all died out, and that the use of the swape· types did not commence in Europe until about the + loth century. Bm there was great difference of opinion as to how long the former lasted; some consideredd that they ceased to be made and used by the end of the Germanic invasion, otherst that they were occasionally employed down to the + 14th century. The former view seems the better/ though it may still be too extreme to assert confidently, with Schneider ( 1 , 6) , that there was a period in which European warfare lacked artil­ lery of any kind (a <eif ohne Arfillerie). Still, while the Byzantine forces in the + 6th-century Gothic wars made much use of both torsion and bowstave arcubal­ listae, the Goths themselves apparently had no artillery.I In the late + l oth-cen• ).Iany will n:-mem!x-r Ihal Leonardo dOl Vinci in the last ycanofthe + 1$lh century busiro himsdf"'hh Ih� machin"_ His drAwing ofa giam one is wdl kno"'n (cf. Dibner ( I ) ; Paync·Gallwey (n. p. 2�h. (2), p. 26). It wal worm-:lrmro. ",ilh a leaf-spring bow and a ChinC10e nut, the stock !x-ing earri�d on six wh�ds. Cf. that of the liu!05ile.c. + 1�30 I lknhclot (4). p. �66). , \\"hetlwr its arms were doubl"" as in earlier stages. or lingle, ill in the later onager (which incorporatro the Iling principle) is unimpona'lI for Ihe prcscnl argument. • It is ofmuch inteTl'St that Ihe sted spring bow"a"e which was so charaCleristic of European hand-crossbow, d uring thl" sccond crossoow period. had already been introduced for arcubal1iltae towards the end of the first. R. r. Oli'rr ( I ) has rl"nntly shown. dc\'doping the I'iews of Reinach (2), iknheJot (7), and Schneider (3), Ihal no other interpretation is possib e for the balfisla quad,;rolis and the ba/liJ/(1 /ulmi/l,,/iJ described in the Dt Rtbus lid/iris of the Byzantine Anonymus who WTOte a oout + 370 (lee Secl. 27g 300\"e). Oliver also draws attcntion 10 the dost simi arity of thl'SC engines. wilh their 'lI,rus!",tUs' rising trans"endy aoovc the arrow_groove, 10 Ihose d"snibC"d by I'rocopius (Dr Br/lo Gothiro, 2 1 , t�-17) as used by Bclisarius duriog the sicgc of Rome I + El36/ +El38}; cf. also Schneiders trAnllation, with text (I). pp. 3, 88. There can !x- liule doubt that the dCH-lopml"111 oflhesc machines was grea tly inhibitro by the melallurgical lechnique availa ble, and it is paradoxi­ cal that in China. where thc handling of iron and sted "'as much more advanced, we find no auempl 10 U$C 5u'd springs for Ihis purp
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d Bonaparte & fa".. t • Kohler 1 : Rathgen ( 1 . Their arguments dependro in pan upon the in terpreta tion ofcenain

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o but these are " cry ambiguous, as Schneider (t , 1ho,,'ro. Huuri'scautiou5 conclusion il lhat no two-arm tonion machines are dete<:table wilh certainty after the + 71 h «:n!ury. though thcone-annro onagcr rna)' have lingcrro on as a very ex«:ptiollal thing lill as lale U lh", + 12th, , in

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30.

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MISSILES AND SIEGES

233

tury sieges described by Richerus Remensis· none was used on either side. The capitular lists of Charlemagne about + 800 give no hint of any. It looks as if the skill required to make the torsion types died out before the swapc types were introduced. But the empty period would not have been very long. For something new ap­ pears in the poem of Abbo ( + 890) about the siege of Paris by the Nonhmen in + 886 - it is the word mango or mangana.b Though he is not very explicit, he describes their stone-throwing machines as having two high posts, between which presumably swung the trcbuchet arm. There are indications of the use of the same machines at the earlier siege ofAngers ( + 873) which the Normans had occupied. During the + loth, + I I th and + 12th centuries many examples of the use of these mangoncls or petrariae can be found;e in fact by the time when the Crusades began ( + ( 100), hardly any other type was used. A second turning-point occurs in + [ 2 1 2 , when the wo,'d trebuchet appears for the first time (as lrihQk) in three German annals simultaneously;d this probably marks the entry of the counter­ weighted trebuchet. It is illustrated shortly afterwards (about + ( 240) in the note­ book of Villard de Honnecourt,C and by + 1280 there is an elaborate description offour different types by Aegidius Romanus in his De Regimint Principumf Here we have the Irahucium with its fixed counterweight, the biffa with a swinging one, and the Iripa1llium with both. To the fourth we shall return in a moment. Another valuable description is that of Marino SanUlO in + 1 32 1 , included in his general staff plans for a last crusade which never materialised.1 Were the new machines of + 886 and + 1 2 1 2 independent European develop­ ments, or were they an introduction from more eastern regions? There is much evidence in favour of the latter alternative arising both from historical statement and from intrinsic design. In the +8th and +9th centuries trebuchets had been used repeatedly by the Arabs against fortifications in southern Europe - at Toledo in + 76 1 , Afranjah in + 793, Salerno in + 87 1 and many other places.1I For the siege of Angers Charles the Bald (grandson of Charlemagne) brought engineers from Byzantium,; whose work was described by Regino of Priimi in the words

w. "

.., ,,,

w

�,

m' ,he .xi. �l

tW-

7,h ·th,

• Cf· p · ' 7 3 aoo\,e. •

Dt 8illo Parisiaco, I, 364 (cf. Schneider ( I ) , pp. 2�, 60).

, [n such IIMTat;,e! a� those ofGu[idmus Tyriu5 or A[!)(nus Aquensi, (IICC Schneider ( I ) , pp. ,'i2rr.). - Sch'\�id�r ( I ) , p. 'lB. • � the witiOllll of Lauu5 & Dared ( I ) or Hahnloscr ( I ) ; unfortunalely only Ihe plan remains, for the page "hid, had the el....-ation is losl. And many other drawings, such as IhQSC collcct«i by Alwin &huh� ( I ), \'01. 2, pp. 3761f. cr. \·iollel·!c·Duc I ' , "01. 5, pp. 'lloff.; Berthelot (5 . The size which Ihe engincs anainro wilhin a f�w decadn can be- appr«iatro from the faCI ,hal de Honnccollrt's collll1crwcighl was a box of eanh or 510lles 6 ft x B ft X 12 fl in d'men"ons. r I J [ (3), 18. Texi and trantlalion in Schneider ( I ) , pp. '19, t63. I I.,h" StrrtlOrum Fidt/ium Cruris, I I (4), 22. Text and Iranslation in Schneider ( I ) , pp. 4 r, 93. We mel with Ihis hook bdort' in !in!. 22d on Ceography. • Huur' ( I), IW S61f. I Cr. \'ioIlCl·le·Duf ( I). \'0L.�, p. 2�O. I \\'rilinS about + 910. Huun (I), p. 'lOS suggnIS dil'fft COntact'! between the Normans and peoples further eolS!, [Xrha� I hrough Ihe Khazan (d. VoL. 3, p. 375) r.l1her Ihan either B)'zanlines or Arabs.

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Fig. Bo. �Ianned tTcbuchet illusU'3led in �IS of Peter of EbuJo, from Erben (I).

'nova t/ intxquisila machinamtnlorum gtntra applicanlur' . In the + 7th century two new technical terms, manganikon (JlayyavlIc6v) and It/rarta (u:"tpapta), had appeared

there.- Such facts certainly suggest transmission of the swape engine from the eastern edge of Europe. But even more striking are the similarities which exist between the design of the European and the Chinese trebuchets. It is for instance quite dear that the earliest European ones were manned rather than counterweighted. They were of the fourth type described by Aegidius Romanus. Many of these are shown in the drawings of an imponant MS poemb on the history of the Norman kingdom of Sicily by Peter of Ebulo which has been studied by Erben ( I ) . This was written probably about + " 96, and depicts machines (cf. Fig. 80) which are identical in all respects, including the rectangular frame for the bearings at the top of the pole or maSt, with the '\Vhirlwind' type of Chinese trebuchet (Hsiian.Ftng phao).c Erbcn pointed out that the little drawings in the Genoese Annals ofCafarus (writ· •

Hu uri 1 , pp. 82, 138.

b Bt-rnc. no.

120. , Curiousl)'. thc rocking ulc is ortenshown as spindlc-4haped, but thil ma)' only be an echo ofthc moumingof thcobsoJctc torsion catapults. Thc arm il oflcn Ihown \'cry much lxnt ill ifhighl)' clastic.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

235

Fig. 8,. (il lnd b) Arab-TYpe manned and coumerwdghTed Irebucheu from iIIuminil.1M ;\IS by HUlIn :1Il Rammah, from Reinard & FIII'C (I), pI. 2. l

, ,

f 1 1

e ,

of

ten about + 1285)1 distinguish between pelraria and trabuchium, the former the manned single-pole type; the latter counterweighted, its afm being borne (as is usual in the European drawings)b upon two linked triangular supporting trusses. This is clearly derivative from, or at least related to, the Chinese 'Crouching Tiger' type (Hu- Tun phaQ I ), and it is the construction most commonly seen in Arabic drawings. Four of these were reproduced by Reinaud & Fave long agd • CaTcfully n:produred in Perlz ( I ). pl. III. Thry «fer 10 entries for + T 187 and + 1227 respectivtly. Also in Schneider (I). pI. I. and 5<'hult� ( , ). ,.o!. �, p. 376. - E.g. Paris Lal. no. 7239.�. + '39.'), Dr Rr .l1ifilari, p�raced by Paulus Sanctinus, illustratiOn! published by Rdnaud & ra,·e ( I ) , pll. IV, V, VI; also by &nhdot (4). :\b.ny dra.....in81 also in Schneider ( I ). < ( I), pp. 4ff. . 48fl".. �74ff. pll. II and II I. Copi� by Feng Chia.Sheng (I). 1

tU# :If!I

30. M I L I T A R Y T E. C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 82. �Iahmud ofGhaznah besieging Aral;, from Blochel (I).

Hee ut bUd.. gra»dil
Fig. 83' Single.pok 'rebuchet illusu-alro in the Btllijo,fisof Konrad Kyt$l!r \"on Eichstadt, from Schneider { I

30.

MISSILES A N D SIEGES

2 37

from a MS of the work ofl:lasan al-Ramma� (c. + 1 285) on war machines,· and two arc given here, onc manned and onc counterweighted (Fig. 81 a and b). A fine painting of about + 1 3 1 0 published by Blochctb (see Fig. 82) shows the Sultan Mal;lmud of Ghaznah (early + 1 1 th century) besieging the town of Arak in Seislan with a countcnveighted trebuchel.� But there is Slill further community of type between the later European and lhe earlier Chinese designs. The single-pole engine is seen secured at the base in a rectangular box-truss framework in + 1044 in Chinajd and a system of support recognisably identical is found in works of much later European writers, notably the &lliJorlis of Konrad Kyeser about + [395 (Fig. 83)'c This has wheels for mobility but was probably provided with stays when at work. To complete the argument we need only recall that in + 1272 the counterweighted trebuchet was regarded as a new and dreadful device in Sung Chinaf when carried eastwards from the Arab countries. The conclusion therefore inescapably presents itself that the swape engine was an invention which radiated from mediaeval China, but that the provision of the counterweight was an Arab modiflcation, made presum­ ably between the Sinkiang expeditions of the + 7th century and the time of the fim 'Irihoks' at the end of the + 12th. The case was Slaled with singular acuteness by Chhiu Chlin about + 1 480. The Yuan people [he wrote] were the first to make these trebuchets, in order to batter down Hsiang-Yang, therefore they became known as 'Hsiang-YangphaQ'. But ifwe look in the Ilis/Qry !if/ht Thang Dynasty we find that Li Kuang-Pi [d. + 763] also madephaQ which cast heavy stones, a single one of which would kill more than twenty men . I have little doubt but Ihat IhesephaQ were essentially Jhe same thing. Thus in quite old times they had the design, and it was transmitted to the Western countries, so in this way it came about that I-55u-:\1a-Yin was able to construC! [such new machinesJ.I

And his conclusion has been adopted by many modern military historians. Al­ ready Kohlerh believed that the trebuchet was a Chinese invention which came to Europe through the Arabs, and the same view is held by Huuri,; who adds that the increasing simplicity of ballista construction should not be regarded as a decline from the Greek forms} Here we need not go too deeply into the successive 'artillery systems' or complexes which have been held to characterise different · • ,. illlb al-Furfiif)'a U'·(!I-.l/u�IIiab al-Ha,br ya (Tr..aliR on Ih.. An ofCa\'alry Combal and War Machina), Paris. nu. I llI7.

).

� l . pL L\"11. < This ma,· b.. an ana('hronism oflh.. r..nian arlisr. il iSlh.. ·Singl.--t·ool' (r.-CIt,ao piul.). • II"CTJjCC. rh. I�. p . nb; . < s.... IknhdO! til, p. 339. or a b..11..r r ..pr�nlalion in Schneider e,), fig. 13_ I Though, as wr saw, il mar ha\'r appt'aw:l a lilll.-.-arli..r under Ihe Chin dynasty. possibly as an indepcndcm dl" �lopnl<'nl_ I Tn IISii!" l"rn IPu. eh. In. p. 16a. If_ aUCI. � ( 1 1 . '-0J. 3·pI J . p. I66. I Huuri ( I), pp. 207ff. J Huuri. p 25: ·Som.. Kholan h..,·c, 10 b.. IUT<', spoken of dedin.., ap
Table 5, ArtjlJ�ry vst�ms in dijf�rent ages in East and West

Chinese zone

European zone - 41hf - lst halld cro��bow i\l'{'uballista 2-anned 1 0n;ioll catapult (arrows) '.l-ilfn1ed ton;ion catapult (stones) I -armed lOl'!iion catapult (51011t-"5) tl't"lJUeheld

c{)ulltcrweighted trebuchet gunpowder weapons

-

• <

++ ++ ± -

-

+ Ist/+6th

+ 7th/+9th

+ loth/+ 16th

- 4th/+ 13th

+' +' ++ ++ ++ -

-

+ +' + -

++ + +' -

? ,

? -

<

+ 13thf+ 16th + +i + +' ++ + +'

++ + ' ++ as bombs etc, om the + 10th as barrel guns onwards and barrel guns from from the early + 1 4th onwards the late + 13th

Onl� lh" �IIJI'IIPI""J, nOi a "..ndard ..'eapo''­ - I'roh••hl! tit" "r "an(l;ord equipment_ Th,',\;010' ufils inlruduction and ..... is uncenain, 4 Slri...l! SII<'••king.,/Irl""jll, aoocalkd mangone!. Em.',., in Ih.. lal", +9'h century, from Arab p",,,cliee, Enlrr< in Ih" lair + 1]lh <"<'nlur}" from An.b Ilr"" li�"" perhaps abo indqICndent, , \\ i.I, ,.....1 bowsI",,,, from Ihc + .51h rentury, SlO...I IIO"�I:"" I'roposrtl in lhe + -Ilh "nd used in lhe +61h, l.!uI subjecl '0$(;\''''-': metallurgical limi.ing factors, :'."'11:"11.,,,,, or rq>c.uing crossllOw, from 1he lJcginnin8 Oflhi' l"eriod, \'rl" ron.."",,,! .hOOling .m",y bolts §imuhaneously, "rum II", "('ginning Oflht" + 1]lh century, probably dt"riving from AmI.! praelice,

30.

MISSILES

AND SIEGES

European periods,- but i t is possible to summarise i n a table (see above) their main features. From this kind of presemation it is possible to note one rather significant thing, namely that within a short period (about +850 to + 1000) Europe not only acquired the trebuchet from further east but also revived the hand-crossbow and the arcuballista, two weapons extremely characteristic of those regions. One curious point remains to be mentioned. The swape did do military service in ancient Europe, but not for the same purpose as in China. Under the name sambllki (aa).li!uKTJ) it appears as a mobile counterweighted lift for raising a gon­ dola with a few soldiers to the level of the enemy's ramparts, or for providing additional scaling rope-ladders once a 'bridgehead' had been established there.b It appears thus in Bitone and other poliorcetic writers,d but it can hardly have been very useful in practice. The deepest studies of the history of warfare have observed that the paucity of battles in a great cavalry age (the + 12th and early + 13th centuries in the West) was due to the ascendancy of the defensive over the offensive in siegecraft.c The weaker side took cover - impregnably. Ensconced in their 'strong points', the besieged always had the best chance. What this meant for social and political history may best be summarised in the words of Oman; long survival of small states among greedy and powerful neighbours, and extraordinary powers of resistance shown by rebellious feudal lords or cities of very moderate strength in dealing with their suzerains. The supremacy of defensive fortification, in fact, was a prime inhibiting factor delaying the rise of larger and more highly organised social entities. It is a commonplace to say that (Chinese) gunpowder blew these feudal fortifications up: 'in the + 14th century' wrOte Oman, 'the change begins, in the + 15th it is fully developed, and in the + 16th the feudal fortress has become an anachronism'. But to this there was a prelude, the + 13th century, when the great counter­ poised trebuchets began to shake the solidity of the keeps and curtain-walls.r Already in + 1204 the seemingly impregnable fortress of Chateau Gaillard, in the Seine valley guarding the road to Rouen, fell before the mines and trebuchets of Philip Augustus. In + 1 2 9 1 , juSt before the beginning of the gunpowder age in the West, the crusader stronghold of Acre was lost to the Saracens, and all the Le­ vantine castles soon followed. Once it had begun in earnest, the defence factor dropped catastrophically. By + [ 464 lhe Earl of Warwick battered down Bam­ borough in a single week, and in + 1523 Philip of Hesse destroyed Landstlihl, the �("�.g. Huuri ( 11, p. 2171f. �� $(h....mm I:, p. 2'9; Paync-Gallwey (2 ,p. 35. • \\"("SChcr l . p.61; Rehm & Schramm (r;, PI. 1V. • A1. ancicn,l),. Athcllaeu1. Ptri .\Itr"'nntmato�; W("SChcr ( I , p. 37. The Btllifortis '\IS of KOTlrad Ky�r + 1 405 hauomething similar, reproduced by &r_hclot !.!I.', fig. t6, but i_ is e�tremdy like his _rebuche_ (fig. «) Oil p. 339. • Oman , . \"01. I , p. 380. \"01. 2, pp. jl!ff. I I, will Ix- r�(""allro _hat proj«_iln morc than 300 Ib in weight are dangerous for allY kind of ddcns;,'c mason!")'. •

b

30. M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

'40

Rhineland's strongest castle, within a single day,- That gunpowder had its origins in China is another commonplace (which happens also to be true), and later in this series we shal] elucidate the long development which it underwent there be­ fore embarking on its travels throughout the world,b What has not been so well appreciated is Ihe fact that the highest developments of ballistic machinery before the gunpowder period were in all probability also the gifls of China and Islam to a divided Europe ripe for greater unity.� It is striking to reflect that all these inven­ tions came from a part of the world where extreme decentralisation, like that of occidental feudalism, had already for a thousand years been superseded. In China, moreover, there had probably never been so great a dominance of the defensive over the offensive, for the social order of feudal bureaucratism had in­ volved fortified cities with walls relatively low and long, not aristocratic castles which could raise soaring towers upon precipitous crags remote from population ceJllres. And so, as the more efficient artillery designs imperceptibly spread from East to West, they carried with them certain inevitable consequences, and the coming of the strong centralised State was, in a sense, the Sinification of Europe. If modern science and technology, and the Renaissance during which they came to birth, also had some dependence upon these social and political changes, then the great paradox presents itself that Chinese culture and technique, which alone could not give rise to these world-transforming things, produced the inventions, here literally earth-shaking, which induced their rise in the tissues of the Western world . • Oman

(I). 1St cdn.. p. 5.'13.

b Sec\"0J. 5. PI 7.

, It is a mOSt remarkable fan Ihat ancient Europe'an society, with all its theoretical and imcllC(:lUal brilliance, was incapable of l)('Stowing a traj�ctory in frff Hight upon any mass of material weighing more than t75 Ib, al the mOSI generous estimate. Naturally early mediaeval Europe'an society could do 110 bener. Ollir the swape' principle. wro ill East Asia. was capable of c:
n an

cOO

d.

'UI

no

T,

de

�

.." on:

dd II><

.

•

•

,

,

•

"

(e) E A R L Y P O L I O R C E T l C S , T H E M O H I S T S TO T H E S U N G (I)

E A R L Y CITIES

The tcn-year siege ofTroy stands at the beginning of Greek history and literature and has captured the imagination of poets and antiquarians, the mighty and the common people, from its conclusion towards the end of the - 2nd millennium down to modern times. Schliemann's excavations of Priam's city in the last cen­ tury ushered in a new era of scientific archaeology in lhe cradle of Mediterra­ nean civilisation.a But no such siege, with brave Achaean duelling indomitable Trojan, no Homer singing in epic verse the exploits of the heroes, stands at the edge of known Chinese history and literature. This difference is a profound reflec­ tion orthe divergence from the very Qutset in cultural norms and historical experi­ ence between the Chinese and the heirs to Creek civilisation in the Vlest. Yet despite the absence of a great siege in the Chinese tradition, the warriors and engineers of the East Asian sub-continent in no sense lagged behind in bravery and technical achievement, as we will shortly see. Vcry little is recorded about siege warfare in the early historical annals, almost nothing specific in the oracle-bone inscriptions of Shang China. I n the ''''estern Chou, too, evidence for protracted battles for towns and cities is scant in the extreme.b Yet sieges must have been attempted, for otherwise there would have been no reason to erect massive city and town walls and dig deep and wide ditches surrounding early settlements, constructions which have been discovered by the archaeologists in increasing numbers in recent years.c Among the earliest of these defensive works is the dry ditch around the Yang-Shaol village at Pan-Ph01 in the eastern outskirts of the modern city of Sian', the capital of Shensi province, which is 5-6 metres deep and wide (Figure 84).d Some scholars have suggested that this ditch was intended to protect against animal intruders, rather than

•

Schliemann (I); Bkgen (1); cf. Venneuk ( 1 ) , p. �74-9. b Ode 241 'Hung I" of Ihe Shih Ching' briefly mentions the siege of a town by Chou forces Ixfore the Chou conquest of Shang in what must have Ixen the early -eleventh cenlury {(Nivison (2); Pankenier ( t } ). The Ta �Iing Wu Chieh' chapters of the 1 Cltou Situ' (I Chou Situ Clti Hs�'If Chiao Shih, eh. �, p. 19) mention sevcral methods ofallacking a dly: mounding in the moat {yi"t}. tunneling or mining (s�i·). and flooding {reading (Mila" '. as hnlf II wilh Sun I-Jang", (4), eh. t, p. Sa), but the text probably dates from Warring States times. , .\Ia Shih·Chih (4). p. 68. correctly obsenes that early wall.building had a specifically dcfemi\'e function: walls were onl)' used to protect against flooding in the laler hislOrical period, despitc $Orne scholan' arguments th�t the origin orwalb Wa5 intimaldy connected ,,
I n� " III

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

fig. 84- The defensh'e ditch, Yang.Shao village, Pan·Pho, near Sian. (Photograph Shensi Sheng Huan.TCng Chih.Phien.Chhang.)

humans: but competition for scarce resources even at this early date, -4000, may have necessitated the excavation of this ditch, which encloses a dwelling area of approximately 50,000 square metres. b According to later Chinese legends it was Kun I , the father of the founder of the Hsia dynasty, who first invented waJls for protecting towns and cities,C but in the • The cKhibit in the Pan·Pho museum iuo arranged as to present this view. •

:\laShih·Chih

3

:SugimowKenji (/1, p. 148.

• Ching !'hu I , p. 68: K. C. Chang (9); Sugimoto Kenji (I). pp. 181-2; Ui Shih ChhIUl CUiN" (Sppred.). ch.

1;. ""iill � 'Chun Shou',' p. 61.: II'.. }""ith CM,," ChhiM' quoted in the Tlu!i Phillg rl1 fA,,', eh. 193. p. jb; Hllai Xall t 'Yuan Tao Hsun" . pp. 4b-ja (Sppr cd.). The story also appeal"l in the Shih PI,," and Ha" Fti T�,,·. Goi �aohiro (f), pp. .)-6. T�II" ch.

' U «'f " Ilt :;$:

2 43

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

archaeological record walls around settlements begin (0 appear in the later neo. lithic period, the late Lung·Shan I in the second half of the - 3rd millennium, and become increasingly common as the Bronze Age evolved.' As yet, it has not been possible for archaeologists to draw detailed settlement patterns and to determine what hierarchical relationships existed between settlements and how such rela­ tionships evolved.b Although nOt all early towns and cities were walled, and although it was not essential for the earliest states to have their capitals walled,c probably even the smallest settlements wefe protected in some fashion for the graph for town (iP which could include, apparently, as few as ten houses, in the Shang oracle-bone inscriptions of the late second millennium, is (invariably) written in the shape ofa square or rectangular enclosure above the drawing ofa man

f,

�, �, 'l.d

By the time of the Western and early Eastern Chou, i were organized into elaborate hierarchies in the different states. The capital settlement where the rule lived was called the kuo3 and major urban agglomerations, including the state capital, were known as lUi 'metropolitan districts'. K. C. Chang points out that by the Eastern Chou within the same state the importance ofthe variousyi [i] differed among themselves according to a scale ofa maximum offour levels: ordinaryyi; t.sung-yi' with temples of aristocratic lineages; tu, with the temples of the grand lineages; and kUI), with the temples of the supreme lineages of the state. In contrast to til. and its neighboringyi. Theyi and perhaps even the t.sungyi distant from the center ofthe state were grouped into four pi:5 those in the eastern, western, nonhern, and southern pi of the state.'

Throughout this same period, new towns and cities were founded and the liter­ ary record has preserved some indication of the extent ofwall-building activity: 78

0,

ea he he

,h.

Vall Fri

• Chang K"'ang-Chih (II, p. 63, argued Ihat Chinese urbanism d e\"eloped at this time, but, unlike �le!Opolamian urbanism, Chinese urban cenlres included at leau Ihe following clements: ( I ) city waUs made of stamped eanh, war chario�, and weapons; (1) palaces, ancestral temples, and graves; (3) sacrificial vessels (including bronze vessels) and sacrificial rcmaill.l: (4) handicraft workthopSj (�) regular nature orthe settlement layout which was directed and planned; cf. Tu Cheng-Sheng {II. , �Ii)'az:lki Ichisada (J) bdie\"ro Ihal ancient walled cities e\"olved from hill-top fortresses, but these have not I)<;"("n dilK"o\cred by archaeologists in the Central plains f("gion and his hypothesis should probably Ix rejected (ef. Tu Ch�ng.Shfng (I) and Sugimoto Kenji (I)). • Yu \\"\'i·Chhao (2), pp. 52-3: Tu Cheng-Sheng (J). p. 3. d K. C. Chang (9). p. 6�. Thang Chia-Hung (I ) , p. 1 , lIales Ihal in bone and bronze inscription$ the thape of th� l'ndosur� is either $Cjuare or l'irrular. but the laun is probably onlr a snibal l'on"ention. for cir�ular buildings and endosures are extremely rare in th.. aITha�logical and literary reCQrd. cf. Ma Shih-Chih (4),

pp.67-70. • K. C. Chang (9), p. 6.j.. Thang Chia-Hung (I) , p. 5, points OUt that in t he C,.,o� Li', 'Ti Kuan" , Hsiao Ssu·thu·, thirt}··six familin w�re apparently to form an i, whueas in the K�� ril", 'Chhi Yu·". an i CQnsisted oflhirt)" ramilin. and he r�kons thaI this laller figure wu Ihe approximale number offamilies in a small walled M"ukmenl in Ih.. E.,ulern Chou ptriod. £\"("n Ih(" smallnl i pos$C$$Cd ill o"'n ritual centre, Ihe slt/", the altar of $Oil Phcng I>ang-Chiung (Ij, p. 270).

' II . ,. '"

30.

MI L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Cilles are mentioned in the Tso Chuanl and Kung Yang2 commentaries for the Springs and Autumns alone- as having received walls, although perhaps some of these were having their walls repaired and strengthened rather than being made from the ground on up. Initially, only the central core of the town was walled and it was within this protection that the ancestral temples K. C. Chang discusses were erected. I n addi­ tion, the palaces in which members of the ruling lineage lived were located there, and Tu Cheng-Sheng has shown that the politically most important element of Western Chou states, the kuo-jm', also resided within the walls. b Both the walls, the palaces, which from neolithic times were conStructed on stamped earth foundations, and other ritual and secular buildings were generally aligned on a north-south axis and gates were set opposite each other. Thus, although there were variations and development in layout over the millennia, the general prin­ ciples of city planning were determined from the very beginnings of urban forma­ tion.� The early Western Chou cities were, Ho Ych-Chii (1) has argued, based pri­ marily on the ritual system (lsung-fa chih-lu4 ) , which strictly regulated the size of the city to conform with the rank of the chief of the lineage that held the site. Three grades of city were recognised, the largest being that of the Chou king, the son of Heaven; the second belonged to feudal lords who had assisted the Chou in the conquest of the Shang and most of whom were linked to the Chou by blood andlor marriage relations; the smallest were those bestowed on the latter's noble assistants.d The internal layout of the cities conformed to the chjng-thim!> 'well­ field' system and the city itself and its immediate suburban areas were organised into districts (hsjang6 ) , whereas the land beyond this core was called the suj7. The former provided the men and equipment for the army, while the latter supplied the grain taxes to keep them in the field. Ho therefore believes that the cities that were founded in the early years of the Western Chou constituted the first 'high tide' in urban construction in the Chou dynasty. They functioned essentially as castles for the Chou nobility. Although Ho's views are generally acceptable, from the archaeological point of view, it is clear that the overall layout of the Western Chou capital was similar to cities of the previous Shang dynasty.e The second high tide took place roughly at the intersection of the Springs and Autumns and Warring States periods, for by the - 6th century, many of the larger "

• Oshima Riirhi (I). p_ .)3; K. C. Chang (91 . p. 6,); d. Tu Chcng·Shcng {I},

Tu Cheng-Sheng (2). p_ 29ff, Chu Ling-Ling (I), � Th� reudal lord's cili� ".�� 10 be:: one fiflh Ihe size oflhat oflhe Chou king, and their assi5lanU' citi� should IX' no rnOTr than one ninth th� size ofth� Chou ('apilal. • Yu \\'ri.ChhaO !l , PP_ 53-", •

<

' 1i f4 ' III

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

'45 N

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Fig. 85. Th� city of Hsin-Cheng, Honan, capital fint ofthe SlaleofChing, then oftile Slal� of Han. (Afl..rdrawing from Chen Shen (I). based on Honan Sheng Po-Wu Kuan Hsin-Cheng Kung-Tao Chall, Hsin-Cheng Hsicn Wen-Hua Kuan (I), p. .17, fig. t .)

cities had expanded in population and had become residentially very diverse, requiring many different types of artisans and peasants to supply their needs. In order to protect lhe quarters and workshops of these economically essential ele­ ments, to maintain control of their activities and those of the increasing number of long and short distance traders who visited the city markets, and to enclose a certain amount of agricultural land, an additional outer ring of walls was built.

• Ho Yun.Ao I dispuI('$ :'>Ia's ('(Im�mion Ihal ancicnt cilies wcn: originally squan: and that thcir shape ""U partially baS«! on Ihe icka Ihal 'Heaven is round and E.arth is squan:' and, as I hey wen: ofearlh, Ihey should be squar�, Furthermore, Ho don not accepl :'>Ia's opinion Ihal Ihe shape was inAuenee.:! by Ih� dlllll ll",,, I 'wcll. fidd' agriruhu�1 system, Ralher Ihcrwere originally rectangular, with the north·south dimension being slightly longer Ihan Ihe e3$I-....('$1 dimension, :'>Ia Shih·Chih (3), hO"'c"cr, has successfully refuted Ho s objcctions, al lrasl to our satisfaction, cf. Ho Yen·Chfi (/); Chu Ling.Ling (I), pp. 1:'3-{.

'

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30, M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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t'ig. 86. Thtcity of Hsia,Tu, capital oflhe tlale ofYen. near I Hsien, Hopei. (After K. C. Chang (I), fig. t H.)

Fig. 87. Yen Hsia-Tu, western wall ofthc outer city, from Chinese Academy ofArchil<:t:lure ( I ) .

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

'47

•

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Fig. 88. The city of Lin-Tzu, capital oflhe $late ofChhi, near Lin-Tzu, Shantung. (Aft�r K. C. Chang (I), lig. ! 57.)

Ma Shih-Chih (/) argues [hat the original shape of ancient city walls was square- and that by the Eastern Chou period essentially four types of cities had evolved.b The first, the Hsin-Chengl type, consisted of two cities linked together, either one on the east and one on the west or one larger and the other smaller. A b Sahara Yasuo has proposed a similar cal�gorisalion of Eastern Chou cili�$ based. on a relali\'�ly eom_ plet� liS! orsit�s and has also grou pro cities into another system based on size, without integrating the tWO dassifkatiolls. "011 Falkenhausen ( I ) , in his Tn·iew ofSah.. ",·s euay, observts that the largest size ofeity, one wilh one sidt grtater than 5000 melres long, 'resulted from enlarging senlements ofTypet B ["ouler endO$un: without �tifhml" ] and 0 ["arrangement due to 'natural" formation") layout into ones of Type C ["two [or mor�l endosurnjul
' 1Ii 1ll

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

N

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Modern roads

_ Modern villages D Ancient cities rig. ag. The ancient cities ,ha, comprised HJin·Thien. capitaJ ofthe state orChin. (M,er Shansi Sheng KharrKu Yen·Chiu So Hou·Ma Kung.T50 Chan (I), fig. I.)

wall and/or ditch or moat divided the city into two parts, but they remained integrally connected. (Figure 85).3 The capitals or the states or Yen I , Hsia-Tu2 (Figures 86, 87) b and orChhi3, Lin-Tzu4,e (Figure 88) also belong to this type. The second is the Hou-Ma� type. This is the site or the last capital orthe state or Chin' in north-central China whose dissolution and division into the three Slates or Han1, Chao', and Wei' in - 403 is considered by many scholars to be the beginning or the Warring States period.d In the written records the capital was • Honan Sheng Po Wu Kuan Hsin·Cheng Kung Tso Chan, Hsin·Cheng Hlien Wen·Hua Kuan (I). Hsin. Cheng W
' ''' ' III

30.

2 49

MISSILES AND SIEGES

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rig. 90. The d�}' of Han_Tan. capital ofthe Slale ofChao. HOlXi. (from K. C. Chang (I). p. I S3. after Sekino and Komai (I). AI Ihe time this plan was drawn Iheother walls had not been discovered.

known by the name Hsin.Thien I ('New Fields') and actually consists orat least six different cities, those now called by their modern names Niu-Tshun7, Thai·Shen3, Pbing-Wang\ Ma.Chuang), Pai-Tien6 and Chheng-Wang7 (Figure 89).3. To this second type, Han·Tans, Hopei, the capital of the state of Chao, also belongs. The city consists of three roughly square enceintes in the shape of c:B (Figure go), with the northern Pei.Kuo-Chheng9 1,275-[ ,508 metres east-west and 1 ,550 metres nonh-south, the eastern Tung-Kuo-ChhengtO 1 ,400 metres long and 850 metres • Shansi Sheng Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu-So Hou-Ma Kung-TIO Chan (I). Chheng-Wang city itsdf consists of twO roughly u<:tangular enttintcs, Ihe northern one larger than the lOuthern one which is a\lached to the eastern $«Iion of the former'l lOuthern wall. The northern city conlains remains ofilamped eanh building foundation! Shansi Sheng Khao-Ku ¥tn-Chiu-So Hou-Ma Kung-TIO Chan (z)) •

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O C Y

wide, and the Wang-Chheng ('Royal City') 1,475 metres long by 1,387 metres wide. Inside this latter city lay the pounded-earth foundations of many large pala­ tial and administrative buildings. North of the city, the excavators in 1958 found another wall running approximately 6,100 metres north-south with the city (Wang-Lang-Chhengl ) as its centre and north of this city another small city wall was discovered with a hill called Chha-Chien-Ling2 (,Inserted Arrow Hill') as its centre. But the excavators were unclear as to the relationship between these latter walls and the main three enceintes and, as no map is provided in the brief report, it is hard to draw definite conclusions as to the original configuration of the walls and of their defensive capabilities.' The royal capital of the Eastern Chou dynasty Lo-Yang' is characteristic of the third type ofcity, which possessed only one wall and had no inner-outer division (Figure 91). The northern wall was comparatively well-preserved and had a total length of 2,890 metres, the eastern wall was damaged and now only about 1 ,000 metres survives. The entire city, however, was roughly square in shape.b The capital of the state of Chung-Shan·, Ling-Shou-Chheng', Phing Shan Hsien6, also had the same form, being approximately 4,000 metres north-south and 2,000 metres east-west, but here again long walls running from the city have been discovered and their exact relationship to the city is as yet undetermined, having only been studied since I 974c (Figure 92). The fourth type of city is similar to the first type in that it consists of two cities, but is different from it in that one city is smaller than the other and is located within the enceinte of the other. The smaller city is placed more or less in the centre of the outer ring ofdefences, as at Chhu-Fu', the capital of the state ofLu8, which we will discuss in detail below (Figures 141-144),d and at Hsia Hsien', where Yu-Wang ChhenglO, once the city of An-pi of the state of Wei 12 (Figure 93)/ lies. The outer walls ofthe latter are trapezoidal in shape and approximately 4.500 • K. C. Chang (I), pp. 3�4-7; Pei-Ching Ta·Hsiieh Li-Shih Hsi Kh'�Ku Chia�Yen_Shih Shang Chou Tsu (I), pp. �4�-4; Yang Fu-Tou {I}; Sharui Sheng W�n-Kuan_Hui Hou-Ma Kung-Tlo Chan {Ij, {.i}, {3}, (.,); Shansi Sheng Wcn-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Hui Yiian (I) Shansi Sheng Wcn-Wu Kuan-Li Wei -Yiian Hui, Shansi Shrng Kha�Ku Yen·Chiu SO (I); Yeh H,iieh-Ming {I}: Shansi Sheng Wen_Wu Kung-Tso Wei-Yiian Hui Hsich-Tso Hsiao-Tau {I}; Thao Cheng-Kang and Wang Kh�Lin (I), Shansi Sheng Wen-Wu Kung-Tso Wei· Y(ian Hui (I), Hou-;"h Shih Kha�Ku Fa-Chlieh Wei·Yiian Hui (I); Shansi Sheng Wtn-Wu Kuan_Li Wei. Yiian Hui Hou-;"Ia Kung-Tso Chan (/); Yli Wei-Chhao ('), p. !:I!:I. Sekino Takeshi and Koma; Kazuchika (/): \\"�n·\\"u Pi�n-Ch; Wei_Yiian Hui (I), p. 41; cf. K. C. Chang {I}, pp. 333-!:I; Sekino Takeshi (/) pp. �9530�. b Kha�Ku Yen-Chiu So Lo-Yang Fa-Chiieh Tui (I) K. C. Chang (I), pp. 322-4: Pei·Ching Ta-Hsiieh Li-Shih Hsi Kha�Ku Chiao-Yen-Shih Shang Chou Tlu (I), pp. 239-42. • W(n·\\"u Pien-Chi Wei-Yiian Hui (I), pp. 43-4; Hopei Sh(ng Well-Wu Kuan Li Chhu (3); Tokyo Kokur;ISU HakubulSukan et al. {I}. 4 Zhang Xuc-hai (Chang Hsiieh-Hai) (I), oIher referenca are given below, pp. 138-9. • ThaoCheng-Kang and Yeh Hsiieh.�ling (I) Chung-Kuo Kho Hliieh Yilan Kha�Ku Yen-Chiu So Shansi Kung-Tso Tui (I): K. C. Chang ( I ) , pp. 330-2. 1 m- iii '.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

• ,

M.gnetlc �orth

HO-l'\8n hl"n city_II 01 tilt; Han dyn.sty

Fig. 91. The Eastern Chou city of Lo-Yang wilh the smaller Han city imide ii, from Pei-Ching Ta.Hsiich Li·Shih Hsi Khao.Ku Chiao.Yen-Shih Shang Chou T,u (I), fig. 198.

metres north-south and 2,100 metres wide on the southern side. Inside them a second enclosure is located in the south-western corner and a third almost in the centre. Archaeologists are agreed that the central city in both cases was probably the palatial quarters where the royal family and its immediate entourage resided. Alternatively, the inner city could be placed at one edge of the outer enceinte, making use of the thick outer walls as one of its sides. Yen-Chheng1, Honan, a Springs and Autumns city, is an example (Figure 94)1 as is Chao-Khang-Chen2, • Liu Tung-Ya (l).

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O C Y , ,

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the probable site of Chiang' , which originally belonged to the state of Chin but was laler taken over by the Wei (Figure 95),' Shang.Tshai1 is the much larger capital of the state ofTshai' , and was one of the original 'Western Chou feudatories. Its walls have a total length of 10,490 metrcs,b and are a massive '5-25 metres - extending to 70-95 metres - wide at their largest point. The outer walls were originally additionally protected by a • Shalls; Sheng \\"en-\\"u Kuan-Li \\"ei-Yuan Hui HOll-.\!a Kung-Tso Chan (/); K, C. Chan g ( I ) , pp_ 3�7-8. b Shang Ching-Hsi (/ J ; .\Ia Shih-Chill \.2), pp. 61 �'l. Th� silt had bttn occupied since Y"ng-Shao' ntolilhic

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30.

'5 3

MISSILES AND SIEGES

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,f , a

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moal 70-103 metres wide, now 5- 1 0 metres below the present ground-level, which was fed by a mountain stream that Rows away to the east as the Tshai-Ho river. Now the inner sanctum is located in the northeast corner and is the present county seat, but lhe palace foundations of the Western Chou and Springs and Autumns times were constructed roughly in the centre of the enceinte on a hill known as Efh-Lang-Thai 1 (Figure 96). This, lhen, is an example of a city moving its centre of gravity within the outer walls. We will encounter other examples below; but it is lime to turn to the matter of siege warfare contemporaneous with these four types ofcities. Although towns and cities must have been successfully attacked and defended in prehistoric and early historic times, we have virtually no contemporary evi­ dence for such sieges. We can be sure, however, that the flowering of the art of poliorcetics really began in the Warring States period ( -500 to - 2 2 1 ) at the time when only a few of the feudal states founded by the Chou in the late - 2 nd millennium remained to fight for control of the entire Chinese world and when

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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fig. 94, Yen-Chheng, Hunan, from Liu Yung-Ta (I).

urbanisation was rapidly developing, as we have seen above. In the end, Chhin, based in the \"rei river valley, Shensi, was successful in eliminating all its rivals: in - 2 2 1 it established the imperial system which lasted until the revolution of + 191 1 .

In this period orsavage internecine strife, where wars were fought not to display the chivalric behaviour of the participants as was the case in the earlier Springs and Autumns period ( - 770 to - 500): Mo·Tzu, the erstwhile disciple and later philosophical opponent orConrucius, trained his rollowers to be experts in defend­ ing towns against attack.b It is through the writings of the Mohist school that we can see into the inner workings of the tactics involved in contemporary siege warfare, for the other military manuals pay little attention to such matters, being written, ror the most part, from the point orview of the besiegers, not the besieged. Yet, even so, they are sparing of detailed description and instruction. We are indeed fortunate that a part of the Mohist compositions have come down to us, albeit in a very fragmentary state, and we may observe how advanced their methods had become. We can compare them to Greek and Roman develop•

Kierman (7); Yal('� (3) .

• \\'allUlHt,.,

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(;1'); Yales (ol).

30. M I S S I L E S A N D

SIECES

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Fig. 95. Chao-Khang Chen, probable site orChiang, from Sharui Sheng Wcn.\\'\l K\lan·Li W�i·Yiian Hui Hou·:\la Kung.TsoChan ( I ).

ments, and we can deduce that the art of siege warfare underwent little change in its essentials from the Warring States period until the discovery and application of gunpowder to war over a thousand years later, even though innovations were made, and names ofmachines were altered in the succeeding centuries.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

t ,

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Fig. 96. Shang-Tshai, ,apital ofthe state ofTshai. from Shang Ching.Hsi (I), fig. t .

(i) Gtneral instructionsjor defence In what follows, we will describe the recommendations of the Mohists and trace in brief outline some of the subsequent developments in technology up through the + loth century, the period when the discovery and development of gunpowder transformed siege warfare. Almost all of our information for the early period derives from chapters 14 and 15 of the extant book of Mo T{,u. The two chapters, however, are often most hard to read because at an early stage of the text's history, possibly in the Han dynasty, it suffered what A. C. Graham has called a bibliographic disaster.' The leather bindings of the text loosened and rotted and many of the slips were broken and lost. Sometime, possibly in the Han or early Six Dynasties periods, a compiler tried to reassemble the remaining fragments and to write the text of the two •

A. C. Graham ( 12 .p. 6.').

257

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

chapters as one long, continuous, whole. The jumble that has survived is, there· fore, the remains orat least three, and in one place, four, different versions of the text. These versions have been arbitrarily juxtaposed or separated so that the original order ofthe text has been lost, and much has been lost or obscured.' Some scholars have doubted the text's authenticity, and claimed that it is a forgery of Han times, but it seems a genuine record of the "Varring States Mohist tacticians.b The text is divided into two main sections: organisation of a city under siege and the rules and regulations that need to be enforced in the emergency, and precise, detailed specifications of the machines and techniques used in the battles. It will be the latter that concern us here. Again, this second section is divided into twO main sub·sections: those passages which specify general requirements for defence, and those which give precise instructions on how to defend against twelve types of auack. We will review the general requirements first. The Mohists we have already acknowledged as the masters of ancient Chinese defensive warfare. What preconditions did they conceive to be necessary to be present for an effective defence to be mounted? Their ideas are summed up in the following two passages, which formed the basis of all later discussion of the subject. in general, the standard procedure for defending besieged cities is: the city walls are to be high and thick; the ditch and moal are lO be wide and deep; the lOwers and ssu " arc to be in good repair; the preparations for defence (i.e., engines and weapons) are lO be mended and sharp; the firewood and food are to be sufficient lO hold out for more than three months; the men are to be numerous and well-chosen; the officers and people are to be in harmony; the important subjects (i.e., local magnates) who have merit and long serviced with their superiors are to be many. The ruler is to be trustworthy and in the right, and the myriad people are to take boundless pleasure in him. If that is not so, then the tumuli and graves ofthe (defenders') fathers and mothers are to be located there. If that is not so, the abundance of the mountains, forests, grasslands and marshes' is to be sufficiently beneficial. If that is not so, the formation of the land is lO be such that it is difficult lO attack and easy to defend. If that is not so, then (the people) are to have a deep hatred of the enemy and great respect for their superiors. If that is nOt so, then rewards are to be clear and trustworthy, and punishments are lO be severe and sufficiently intimidating.'

• Forh" s (3) C�rman translalion, lhudon:, needs complel� rc"ision. cf. Fork� ( , 7).

b Yale> (.t). pp. 555-6: ...c. Yal" 1.5): Cho-YUH Hsu ( I ) . p. ,87; Chhien :\Iu (s): Chu Hsi·Tsu (3); Sun Tzhu·Chou (�); Watanabe (/) (.f). • Ss.' must be th� name ofa slXcial lrlX oflow�r on Ihe walls, but ....� ha,·� in$uffici�m <'Vid��t 10 identify it mor� pr('('iwly. • ':\Ierit' (blfg') and 'long servicc' (/mI') ....erc IWO of Ihc melhods of determining mililary benefits in Han limn (Loc""c (4), '"01. 2, p. 16g; Oba Os.amu (t)). • Tsl' 'marshlands' should nOt be UndCrs100d as cmirdy under ....al�r, since they w�re often areas where Ihe nobilitr humed (Bodde (32)). , Afo T�u, Tao Tsang ed., ch. 14, pp. .'lab; Sun I-Jang (t), ch. 14, pp. 3a-4a; Tshin Chung.Micn (3), pp. 4-S; Wu yu.Chiang (I), eh . '4, pp. loab. There is a parallel, and probablr later, rendition orth;s paMage in KIUlIl T�M, (P/ri". 44) ('Chiu Pien' '), /Jill 2, pp. Sg-9 (KHCPTS td.). Yales (S), fragment 20, pp. 184-8. ' 1M

' ;lL W

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

The Nlaster Mo-Tzu said, 'In general, there are five conditions under which one does nOt defend. When the city is large and the men few in number is the first condition under which one does nOt defend. When the city is small and the men numerous s i the second condition under which one does not defend. When the men are numerous and the food is scarce is the third condition under which one does nO( defend. When markets are distant from the city is the fourth condition under which one does nOt defend. When the stores and piles (of material) are located outside and the wealthy are (away) in the markets is the fifth condition under which one does not defend . . . .'.

This practical, common-sense, advice for those responsible for the defence of a town or city is in marked contrast to the suggestions of Yin - Yan g military theorists. Although most of their writings have been lost, a few passages remain, or have been recemly discovered such that a sense of what they recommended can be gained. One of these passages is in the 'Military Omens' (,Ping Ching'l ) section of the Liu Thao 2: 'In general, when attacking cities and besieging towns, if the color of the city's ehhi' resembles dead ash, the city can be butchered. If the city's eMi emanates and travels north, the city can be subdued. Uthe city's eMi emanates and travels west, the city can be forced to surrender. If the city's chhi emanates and travels east, the city cannot be attacked. If the city's ehhi emanates and then re-enters, the ruler ofthe city has Red north. Uthe city's chhi emanates and covers over the attacker's army, the army will inevitably fall ill. Hthe city's chhi emanates high into the air and fails to stop anywhere, the battle will be long. In general, when attacking a city or besieging a town, ifit fails to thunder or rain for more than ten days, you should hurriedly abandon it, for the city will inevitably have great support at its disposal. By this (evidence), you will know when to attack the assaultable and desist from the impregnable.' , King Wu said, 'Excellent! b

The reason, onc may suppose, why the city was believed to be vulnerable ifits chhi travelled to the north or west, is that the yin power was dominant in these

directions; the south and east, on the other hand, were lhe directions ofyang, and therefore chhi that moved towards them indicated the city's ability to withstand an attack. The last paragraph displays a mixture of practical as well as religious thinking: ifil did not rain, the besieger might run out of clean drinking water, bUl perhaps more importantly, thunder and rain were considered to be highly omi­ nous. A lack ofsuch a sign as thunder would indicate that the besiegers would not gain success.c • TIN! T$II"t' ni., ("h. I:;, p. 22b: Sun I-Jang (2), eh. I�. pp. 39�--l0; Tsh�n Chung·;"lien (3;, p. I�j; \'aln (� . fragm....nt 1-l8. pp. 6 1 1 - 1 3: K. C. Chang (I i. p. 3;)0. � hnmbUlI TIII",1 cd., ch. 2 (Phim 29). p. 26: Stratz (Il, I)P. Sg-90· • Thllnder "'as Ihough( (0 result from lhe sudden and ,iolem in(ermingJing of)·in andyMI forces. By Han (in1<"�, a bdicfhad dc,·doped d,at ther(" ",as a Lord of Thunder (Lei-Kung'). Among the carlie'l n:ferencn to chis d....iey are ehe llu�i .\"�n T�II. ....h. 2, p. 8b (SPPf ed.) and the fith CItG,h Sh, ....h. I I, p. Ib (SPP f cd.j. Whflhn Lei-Kung "'as a Warring Slatn dcily is unclear. A ,·ioJcnl Ihun
30. M I S S I L E S

AND SIEGES

2 59

Sun Pin's Art oj War provides another exa mple of a classification of cities imo those that can be altacked and captured and those that cannot. Sun Pin desig­ nates the former as 'female cities' and the latter as 'male cities': 'Male and Female Cities'" Ira city is situated in a lowb marshland, lacks high mountains and large valleys,� yet has small hillsd on all four sides, it is a male city and cannot � attacked. If the army's food supply comes by fast-flowing waters [they are living waters and army cannot be attacked1." Ifin front of the city there is a large valley and at the rear is a high mountain, it is a male city and cannol be attacked. Hlhe ground inside the city is high while the ground outside is low, it is a male city and cannot be attacked. Irinside the city there are small hills, it is a male city and cannot be attacked. Iran encampment for an army on the march lacks a large river to surround it, that will damage the men's vital energy [chhi] and weaken their wills: (the army) can be struck. Ir there is a large valley behind the city and it lacks high mountains on left and right, it is an empty city and can be struck. In cases where the land has been burnt to ashes,' it is dead ground, and [the army can be struck]. Irthe army's food supplies come by stagnant' rivers, they are dead waters, and (the army) can be struck. (fthe city is situated in wideb marshlands, lacks large valleys and small hills, it is a female city and il can be struck. Ifa city lies in among high mountains, lacks a large valley and small hills, it is a female city and it can be struck. Irin front ofthe city there is a high mountain and in the rear a large valley, in front the ground is high, but behind it is low, it is a female city and it can be struck. '

All of these passages demonstrate how far the art and theory ofpoliorcetics had developed since Sun-Tzu's time, when he proposed that 'one should only atlack cities in the last resort'. • The filII' is supplim by Yin·Chhueh·Shan Han-:\Iu Chu-Chien Chcng-Li Hsiao-Tsu {j}, B. I�, pp. I I:;� 16. <"f. Yill-Chhueh·Shan Han :\Iu Chu Chien Cheng Li Hsiao Tsu (I); Chang Chcn-Tsc (I), pp. 18.�7. This

, ,

,r ,

pallia&<" is aoo quolro i n pan brTu Ching.Sh�ng (I). • Thf Liao-:-ling «Iilol"l (Anon. (��3) SPPF (Liaollillg ro.), p. 151, .uggcsi rcading ' as pi' 'low', as docs Chang Chin·TK (I), p. 186. note t, who says thai perhaps Ihe copyist made a miSlake in adding Ihe 'water' radkal. .-I.hcrllati,dy, ' would � understood as ·small'. ....:-:ing commentary suggnls than!.' is to be understood a5 ·high·. The word is a loan for 'Iifl high' • Thr Li:H in (;hun�, T�u (K�rlgrcn (t), 698a) . Read as HnnJ:' the word mean5 '$Crecn/proieci/defelld' in TSD ChUG". I'crhapl lhis i5 lil( nt(aniug he",. .l1inJ:· 'famOllS' Ih("y take a.l 'large' In' and dap. � IoUfrprt·ting/u' as/w' with Chang Chen-Tse (/), p. 186, note 3. • ThcK words I\a,·( been added by lite roilors. r Inl�l"prtl with Chang Chen.Ts� (I), p. t87, nOte. The edilors �lie\"cd that there was a graph missing al Ihe I)<"ginning of the Jenltnc(", bm Chang argues againsl Ihis. The editors also suggell thai shn�' is a loan for ,kino ,. ·barrrn. Stouy ground" but Ihis is probably mistaken and il is ratherthin " 'aU' which is a loan or abbrevialion for rhiw " 'ashes, rml)<"I"I'. • Chang Cht'n.T5(' (I) no(("s than/an" 'Aoat' is ddined by the KIIGnJ: rG " ('Shih Ku''') (Phitn 3) a.l WII " '�tagn�nt' (and thfr("for.:- pollutro ) (Kwnng 1"Q Su ChinJ:, ch. 3A, pp. 297�8). • Int("rpr.:-ling/G " 'pUI out" 35 a loon forphti ,I 'large' wilh Chang Chen-T:Joe. t o J n a("luat faci. \\"u Chiu-Lung (/) is probably correct in concluding Ihal this pauagc docs nOI hclong in Ihe original SM� I'm I'ln, 1-"11: il wa.l, ralhfr, an indep.:-ndent 1("x1.

, t" •k ... " if

' ''I­ ' H " Ill " ill

' 11: ' HI " IE

II /iii

260

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

To these Warring Stales opinions, Tseng Kung-Liang' and his assistants in the Sung dynasty- added that a city could be defeated under five conditions: if the strong and adults were few and the young and weak were many, jfthe city was large and the population small, if the grain rations were few and the popula­ lion large, if the supplies were located outside the city and if local magnates and strongmen did not obey orders. Furthermore, he averred that jfthe waters outside the walls were high and the ground level inside was low, if the veins of the earth (thu rna;2) were spread out and the moat was shallow, jfthe defensive instruments were not yet sufficient, and the firewood and water were not supplied: under these circumstances, even if the city walls were high, it was wiser to abandon it and not attempt a defence. Similarly, he believed that there were five favourable conditions for a successful defence. If the city walls and moat were in good repair; if the instruments and weapons were ready; if the population was small and the grain supplies large; if superiors and inferiors were mutually affectionate; and if the punishments were strict and the rewards generous. In addition, a city could be saved ifit was located in a favourable site. This meant being at lhe base of a large mountain and above a broad river, in such a way that the city would neither suffer from drought nor be inundated by floods, it would enjoy the protection of the surrounding terrain. For these reasons, Tseng states that the way of defence is not to rely on the enemy not coming, but for the defenders to possess the means to await them; not to rely on the enemy not attacking, but for the defenders to possess what cannot be attacked. Not only should the defenders, therefore, have high city walls, a deep moat, strong soldiers, and sufficient grain, but must have wisdom, thought. fulness, and a complete and exhaustive set of plans, strategies, and tactics for all changes in the situation. The defenders should be prepared for all eventualities to sally forth frequently to harass the besiegers, to refuse to engage them, despite provocations, or to make them afraid to withdraw their forces. Before a successful defence could be achieved, however, it was essential, as the Mohisls stated, to make adequate preparations. It is to these that we must turn first. (ii) Initial preparationsfor dtfence Roads outside the city were to be blocked to impede the enemy's advance: those that were particularly vulnerable were to be given additional protection. Trian­ gular blockhouses or posts (thing' ) were built in groups of three to form a triangle straddling the road in such a way as to provide help for each other.b This is the • wCTncc, ,h_ 1'2, pp_ la-'la. Tno TJIJ"1 ro., {"h. '5. p. 18b: Sun (·Jang e,l. {"h. '5, pp. 3Ia-b. Tshen Chung-;"Iien (J), pp. L" -�: Yal� 15 . fragm{"111 1 �3, pp_ 566-9· ' ± !i b

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E C E S

E

The shaded lI�a at B cannot be adequately protected by Ilanklat D and E

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Fit\.97. Comparison ofround with triangular bastion, afterC. BuKa (c. + '540 10 + (600) , Dtlla arelliltllilra milililu (Milan, 1601), ciled in de la Croix (2). Fig. gR. Con$lruclion of ba51ion$ for a hexagon, after B. Lorini, IPlIafo" ifi(ali��t lib,i V (Venice, (597), ciled in de la Croix (2).

only reference in the early Chinese sources to a design of fortification construction based on triangles: such a design based on sharp angles revolutionised defensive architecture in Europe in the 1 7th and 18th centuries, when Italian military ar­ chitects in particular finally found the right method to combat sieges led by the

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 99. I'almanova, as buill, plan by Cacogliali. �. 1695, from de la Croix (2).

mighty cannOll,' (Figures 9 7- 101 ) , but clearly later Chinese architects rejected it, prererring almost exclusively rectangular and square shapes ror rortifications. Only in the Thang dynasty was a round shape prercrred, and then it was reserved ror lookout poStS along the northwestern lines.b Nevertheless, it is clear Ihat the Mohist prescriptions must have been carried oul lO some extent ror lhe triangular design is round in one example on the military map excavated rrom the early Han lomb at Ma-Wang-Tui I (Chu Chiin Thu 2 ) which depicts where units or the army were stationed in the southern part orthe realm {Figure I 02}. c • Hogg (I pp. 1 10-31; de la CroiK 2). p. H; de la CroiK (I), pp. 39-44; Christopher Duffy ( I ); Christopher Duffy (2 , pp. 23-,12; Brie<: (I ), pp. I I 5-22;J- R. H.le ( I ) . b Loewe (.) . \'01. I, p. 84; Fujieda (I), p. 254. The Han 011" Clumg S�a" Sh�,' ch. 5, p, 6b, dO/:$, however, give Ihe dimensions of a round ]IOSI (/iling) as being 1 0 fUI (cHili) high, a circumference of 30 feCI (cHili) al Ihe ba� and 20 fUI (fllbill) �I Ihe lOp. So perhaps Ihal shape was more common ,han is suggesled by iu 10Iai absence up 10 now Ihe archacological record. Cf. Vogel (2), p. 47. • Wang Tzu-Chin & :<.Ia Ch�Il-Chih (1), p. 21 and figure 4. p. 24. •

30.

Fig.

Fig.

101.

100.

MISSILES

AND SIEGES

Palm3J]0\'a. an aerial ,ic..... from de la Croix {'2).

LucC"a, aerial vic.... rrom thc north·cut, from dc la Croix

'2

30. M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

The roads could also be sown with caltrops (chi til ) made of wood or Iron (Figures 103a and b) .a The Liu Tha02 records three kinds of collapsible fences or traps which could be carried and deployed by an army on campaign, probably to stretch across roads and pathways leading to the marching camp to prevent enemy spies and small raiding parties from approaching unseen. The first of these fences is the 'heavenly net tiger drop' (lhim to hu 10'), which was linked together by a chain and was 1 5 feet (chhih4 ) wide and 8 feel (chhih) high. The second bristled with sword blades and was of the same dimensions: it was called the 'sword·blade tiger drop' (hu 10 chienjin � ) . An army was equipped with 1 20 'heavenly net tiger drops' and with 5 1 0 'sword·blade tiger drops'. b A third type of trap called the 'earth net' (Ii 10') was spread over the ground to discourage enemy provocateurs from enticing the soldiers into engaging in a disorganised fight, which could be taken advantage of by lhe main body of the enemy's forces. The prongs of this type ofcaltrop were made from two arrowheads each and were set in a triangular pattern so that each prong was two feet (chhih) (46.2 cm) apart.� As the text makes no mention of a board, this 'earth net' may have been the special name for the rows of stakes discovered by archaeologists planted in the glacis of two of the Han desert forts. These rows of sharpened wooden stakes were also set in a triangular pattern and were 70 cm apart. The maximum number of rows discovered was four, in the case of the Chia·Chii hou kuan1, protecting the northeast corner of the main enclosure (Figure 104),d and also protected the gate and fort at Chin.Kuan', Chhien·Shui' (Figures 105 and 106). These stakes are similar to the sharp iron stakes (jui thith jlO) mentioned in one corrupt passage of the Mo T<.u as being 5 feet (chhih) long and more than half a wei II 6 ( I 1 .5 cm) in circumference, sharpened at both ends and buried 3 feet (chhih) deep in five rows 3 feet (chhih) (ca. 69.3 cm) apart at the base of the walls. Such stakes were also hammered into the parapet or top of the wall.e These or similar fences might also have occasionally been erected by the defenders of a city, although there is no specific mention of them. • &r below, pp. 287-8g, 425, 433; Yales (3), p. +44. The Lilt TlrM dac:rilxs eahrop boards which were man: than 6 feel (cAAiA) long and 8 inch« (1sh1Ul) wide with iron prongs (IOMII' ") projecling 4 inch« (tI"kuII) (Kambltll Taiktied., ch. �, ('Chiin Yung''') (Plrit� 31), p. 32). An army was tquippcd with 1200 oflh� boards. Cf. Stritz (I), p. 97. b Kambun Tai*tied., ('Chiin Yung') ch. 2 (Phit� 3 [ ) , pp. 32-3; Yales (3), p. 444. Cf. Cheng-Shih's " comment quoted by Yen Shih-Ku on Han Shu 'Chhao Tsho chuan', ch. 49, p. 14b, who erroneously equates this device with the 'hea\'enly field'. Cf. Stl'itz ( I ) p. 99. < Ch. 2, p. 32; Stl'itz ( I ) p. 98. • Kansu Chu-Yen Khao.Ku Tui (I), p. 6. Chhu Shih-Pin (I), pp. [gS-9, eorr«tly obseo'(;I that thac: stakes arc not 'Iiger drops' but they could be idenlified wilh Ihe lerm 'strong drops' cAAlil1fl 1o'· and thaI the 'tiger drops' were a type offence, which perhaps laler dC'Vdoped into the 'sheep-hone wall' (s« below pp. 3:)6-9). Yates (I), p. 4+4. Chhu Shih-Pin (I), pp. 198-9, suggests that Ihe name for the individual slak« was chim mu (huan," in the Han slips. Sec below pp. 270, 28g, 445, 480-1. •

' j:';,1 V "' II " Ill ' · � * Kf •

30. M I S S I L E S

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AND SIEGES

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Fig, 102, Triangularblockhou�in �he Han military map (Cft�·Cft�" Th) found a� Ma.Wang.Tui, from Wang Tzu·Chin and �la Chtn·Chih (I), fig, 4, p. 24.

r

-----, -_ .. .

Fig. 103. (a) IrOil caltrops disco\'er� a( Ting.Chiin Shan. :l.tien Hsien, Sherui, from Chu·Ko Liang yll Wu. HOll T1hu !,jen.Hsieh Tsu (I). (b) Cahrop llneanh� at the site of the Han city ofChhang.An, Sian, from Wang Zhongshu (Wang Chung-Shu) (I), fig. (56.

.66

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

hi Wi

au em

1

of

Fig. 10". Ground_plan of�hc Hall ronal Chia-Chii. from IVIV, [978, I, fig. 14.

In the Han dynasty, the sandy approaches to the watchtowers in the Gobi desert were carefully raked smOOlh to form 'heavenly fields' (lhien [kiln I ). The soldiers assigned patrol duty had the unpleasant responsibility of checking the sandbanks of 'fields' each morning for signs of intruders and repofting them to ,, " OJ

• I

•

.... , • •

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Fig.

10':'.

Excavating at Chhien·Shui HOll, viewed from ,he north·east to Ihe !lOuth-west, from 11'11', '978, I, fig. 10.

higher authorilics.a We find evidence of a similar practice in the Chinese heart­ land: scouts sent out from the city at dawn were to examine the roads and strategic locations outside the walls for tracks. If they discovered any, they were required to signal back by means of flags to their fellows standing on the city walls,b In the Thang, these 'fields' were called 'eanh rivers' (thu ho I ),C The anonymous Byzantine Treatise on Strategy recommended that similar pre­ cautions be taken to warn off enemy approaching a camp. Caltrops were scaucred in front of the ditch surrounding the camp in a wide band twelve and a half metres wide. Funher out, stakes were hammered illlo the ground between which thin cords were stretched. On these cords bells were hung. The idea was that if the enemy approached at night, the tinkling of the bells would warn the deCcnders.d This technique can, however, have only been effective on calm nights. If the wind was blowing, the sound of the bells probably only served to mask the stealthy arrival of raiding and scouting panies. Dummies (i Jin 2 ) were also placed in the imponant and vulnerable locations outside the moat to deceive enemy scouts and raiders at night into wasting arrows on them.e This subterfuge was nOt infrequently practised in Chinese military history. One of the first cases is recorded for the year - 555, when the army of Chin' set up streamers (phti4) along the defiles in the hills and marshes with no men underLo.-w(" (4), "01. I, pp. 101-�; ,·0J. 2. pp. 139 and lop. nOle I; Fujieda (f), pp. 2;8 and 306-7; Ho Chhang­ Chhun ( I). p I I ; Hanroa Akira (f); :\laspcro (33), p. 7; Lien-Sheng Yang (8), pp. I.H-;, nOle 2. Chhu Shih-I'in II . pp. 19-I-g6. � .110 T��. Tno T�"Rg ro.. eh. 15. pp. l.1b-I6a; Sun I·Jang (I), pp. 37;-7: Yates (5). pp. ;2;-9. We will p�nI d("lailro hislOry of.signalJing in China in Ih(" Ihird ,'olumeofour study. a • Chhu Shih. Pin (I). p. 19.1,quOling Ihe TlrNng Ti",'. • INnnis '3 . pp.go-t. • .110 T��. T/JII TJ""Z ro., eh. I;. p. 21a; Sun I·Jang (1' , rh. 1.1. p. 36a; T$hen Chung.:\li("n (3-, p. 1.19; Yates 3 . fragm�1lI 1 3 1 . pp. .18�-.1. •

.

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268

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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Fig. 106. Ground.plan ofChin·Kuan, Chien·Shui, Han dyna$IY, rrom WW, 1978, I, figs. 12, 13_

269

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

neath them and had its chariots decked with flags drive out with the men on the left real and the men on the right dummies, followed by other carts dragging brushwood to stir up the dust. This show of 'force' tricked the marquis of Chhi 1 into ordering a retrea.. - Considerably later in +915, Liu Hsiin2, who was well­ known for his stratagems, tried to trick the Sha-Tho Turkic leader Li Kho-YungS the Prince of Chin (Chin Wangf ), by placing straw men and flags and pennons on the walls of Chin-Yang', when the city was actually defended only by old and young. Li, however, saw through the ruse. b Such a ploy was recommended by the Byzantine military text Slralegikon attrib­ uted to Maurice, but probably written by an experienced field commander be­ tween + 575 and 628.t At the beginning ofa siege, the attackers were encouraged to bring close to the walls their most physically impressive men and their best equipped horses, while keeping the less well endowed farther away where the defenders could not see them clearly. The defcnders were also to be deceived into believing that the besiegers possessed many armed men: those without coalS of mail werc to wear the hoods of those who did so that all might be thought to be completely equipped. In addition, the camp of the attackers was to be located far enough away from the city walls that the defenders might be deceived into think­ ing that all the objects in it were soldiers.d Wherever possible, ditches and wells outside the walls were to be blocked up to deny the enemy access to clean drinking water. If there were any that could not be filled in, they were to be poisoned using the crushed leaves of Daphne genkwa (yuan' ) , Illicium rtligiosum (mang' or mang Ishao8), two year old Aconilum jischtri ('crow's beak' wu hm'g), and Xanlhoxylum piptrilum (chiao IO), which were to be grown in advance by border prefectures (pien mien 11 ) .t This practice of poisoning water sources is known to have been occasionally adopted, although Franke doubts its efficacy especially when an entire river is said to have been polluted in this way. He suggests that 'maybe what was meant was simply to throw dirt and refuse into the wells or watering places to make the water undrinkable for men and horses, thus weighing down the enemy's logistics, .r Nevertheless, as he points out, the tactic was claimed to have been successful in at least three famous cases,

• Tso CIIUlliI. Duk(" Hsiang" ),("ar 18, rho 33, pp. 1<{6-15a (Shill Soil Clliilg C,\w Sw ed.); Lc-gge (/I •

,

� �;

T�N Chlh Thllilg Chi(lI, ("h. 7609. pp. 8np-3.

,

.

pp <{76. <{;8.

Lknnis 171, pp. x\ -X\i; �f. lknniS \ 1 Lknnis /7 , Book X, p. l06:rf. I)rnniS ( I).

• .110 T�N. Ttlo TJ, pp. 37a-b; Tshen Chung.:\li("n (3) pp. I�I­ Yal�1 (.'» fragmem '36, pp. 59'-3. HUll; San T�w (SI'I' red.), ch. 9, p. l:la, SlalCS lhal 'lhen is nOlhing in ,he

wurld mur(" inauspirious/c\ il lhan ..J.(Qni/umjiJ(II(ri. r Frank<· (2oll, p. '5ol.

' 70

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

when the Chin poisoned the Ching I river in - 559,· in the Sui wars against the Turks in + 600,b and when Liu 12 threw poison into the upper reaches of the Ying River3 to harass the Jurchen armies attacking the Sung.c The WCTY also pre· serves the Mohisl recommendation that well water be poisoned,d so it does not seem too improbable that this tactic was resorted to, even if whole rivers were not polluted with chemicals. Philo of Byzantium also recommended poisoning the waters to deny them to the enemy using 'death inducing drugs' (tOle; 9avaatl.1OU; cIIap�alCou;),e appar­ ently consisting of mistletoe (ll;6C;), salamanders, viper and asp venom, naphtha (vIXlttaAloC;) from Babylon, and fish oil.' Aeneas Taclicus, it would appear, also devoted sections of his work Military Preparations to this topic and to the bringing of products inside the walls as well as rendering the countryside unfit for enemy cavalry to move on, but unfortunately it is no longer extant.1I Waters outside the walls were also 'mined' with sharpened bamboo arrows (chu chien4 ) one foot (chhih) long. Placed generally 5 inches (tshun) below the surface of the waler, they were arranged in 'fields' 12 feet (2 pu) wide, with some arrows being placed deeper down, I!. The outer side of the moat was also mined with three rows of arrows of which the outer faced out and the inner in: These, of course, were similar to the Liu Thao's 'eanh nets' and the Mohist and Han fort-stakes we have described above.l In addition, all other potential access routes to and in the city were carefully blocked. These might have included large hills, mountains and woods, ditches and drains, hillocks and grave-mounds, chhien5 and mo' pathways between the fields,k gates in the outer walls (kuQ men 7 ) , and gates inside the wards in the city or town (yen S ) : All personnel were required to have distinguishing badges (hui 9 ) and marks (chih 10 ) so that the numbers and identity of those travelling back and forth • Ts. Ch,,", Duke Hsiang" year 14 (SAiA SaIl Clilll CA. S� cd.), ell., 32, p, 136; Legge ( I I ) p. 460, 464; Couvrcur. (I). p. 2911. • S.i SlI�, 'Chhang.sun Sheng" ehuan', ell.. 15, p. 9:1 (P�.N" cd.); CII.avanncs (14) p. 50;julicn (Ill), p. 6. c S�II& SIIIA, ('"h. 366, p. sa (po . \;, ed.). • 'Chhicn Chi', ('h. I ll. p. 7b. • Garlan ( I ) . p· 317; 103·3'-II; D 9 1 . r GHrlan ( I ) . p. 306: 9<).J5-lIo; B53. • .1(IItM T�rlirws ( I ) VI [[, 3-5; ..I(IItM Iht Tnrlicifm, pp. 48-9. " Thi, is our inl{'rprelalion or,he dau$C 'the long and the $hon (arrow$) intermingled', , .\to T��. T�o TSf/l/g ro.,ch. [5, p.lIla: Sun I-jang el) {'h. 'S, p. 36a; nhen Chong_Mien (3), p. '49; Yales is . fragm�nt 1 3 1 , pp. 584-5. j Chhu Shih-Pin (I), pp. IgS-99. identifies the deer horn (I. r.l!i",, ") with these arrows. but he is probably misl�k.,n. , Tr.lditionaJiy. th., tlthit. has been illl.,rprclcd as running North-Soulh and Ihe "'" as running Eut-West, or I"iutfrsa ( HulSC'"·c (6 , p. ,64. D 136. nOI{, II). , .I/� T��. Till! TStI�g cd., ch. '5, p. 18b; Sun I-jang {Il, {'h. '.'I. p. 31b; Tshicn Chung-Mien (3), pp. l.p�2: Yalt1 (5). Fragm{,lll 1113. pp. .'I68�9.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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could be carefully monitored and all places which could provide cover ofa hideout could be known to the authorities. Once an attack was ascertained to be imminent, the defenders resorted to a 'scorched eanh' policy, bringing everything that could be transported inside the walls.· All else was burned or otherwise destroyed in order to deny the enemy as much material as possible. Evacuation of outlying settlements and towns was also deemed necessary, ifit was felt that they could not be satisfactorily defended. As the Wti Liao Tzu 1 puts it: The local braves [hao chith7 J and mighty warriors [h-siung chun'], hard armour, and sharp weapons, stiffcrossbows and Slrong arrows should all be brought inside the outer walls. Then gather the contents ofthe underground storage pits and granaries, destroy and break them down and bring (the contents) inside the protC(;ted enclosure.b

And the Mo Tzu states: W!1en the invaders approach, quickly gather in the metal vessels, bronze and iron, and other material that can be used to assist in the defence from all the outlying districts. First ofall register the inessential items in the houses and dwellings of the central government and the government buildings, and the size and the length of the timbers and (calculate and rC(;ord) the total amount. When the emergency begins, get rid ofthem all first. When the invaders press close, CUt down the trees: although there may be requests and petitions (to spare them), do not listen to them. When bringing in the brushwood, do not pile it irregularly like a fish trap. (The piles) must face the road so that they are easy to remove. Timber and wood that cannot be completely brought in (to the city) should be burned so as not to let the invaders be able to use them. The piles of wood should be consonant with the length, size, quality, and shape of each (variety). (The wood from) outside each of the four sides of the city wall should be piled inside (its respective) side. All large pieces oftimber should, in every case, have holes made for ropes and then they should be piled together.c All private property, including timber and wood, tiles and stones, from the people's houses was to be handed in to the authorities on pain of execution for disobedience.d Their unhusked and husked grain supplies, cloth and silk, metal and cash, oxen, horses, and other domestic animals were also commandeered, ahhough the officials were required to value them at the fair market price and give the owners a contract (chhiiani ) with the chief of the defence. e After the end of the hostilities, the government was required to return all unused material • H. t'ranko:- (�4). pp. 15�-4.

b Phi,�' 'Tho:- Powo:-r oflkrfncc' ('Shou Chhuan··). , Tmt Tsnftg M., ch. 15. pp. �oa-b; Sun '-Jang (I), fh. IS. pp. 35a-b; Tshen Chung-�Iicn U), pp. 147-8; V:I1<"1 IS). fmgmflll 128, pp. 577-9. • .110 T{u. TIfO TSfmg fd.. ch. 14, p. 5a; Sun I-Jang (I), eh. 14. p. 6a; Yale$ (5). fragmem 129, p. 580; "!"then Chung-�Iicn (3), p. 24· • TIfO n""1 cd., rho 15. p. Iga; Sun '-Jang {2}, eh. IS. p. 32a; Tshen Chung-1\lio:-n (3). p. 14�; Yatn (5). fmgmcnI 125. p. 572. •

II I!<

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

2)2

and pay for what had been consumed. Each of the officials was responsible for gleaning the area in his jurisdiction and handing it in to his superiors.· The firewood that had been so gathered, as well as thatched houses inside the walls, was carefully plastered with mud to prevent enemy fire-arrows from scning it alighLb Some of the timber, however, was submerged in water, whether wells or ditches is not stated, likewise to prevent its destruction by fire.c Much of this timber would have been used to build fortifications and the various engines of defence which we will shortly describe: the text specifies that lac trees (Rhus vernifera) (chhi' ) , catalpas (chia2), mulberries (thung' ) , and chestnuts (li4) ofan appropriate size and strength be cut into crossbars and posts.d Furthermore, the livestock that had been collected, oxen, sheep and goats, chickens, dogs, ducks, geese, and swine, were all killed and their flesh flayed. The remaining skin, hide, sinews, horns, fat, skulls and feathers were all stored for use in the defence: sinews and horn, for example, were raw material for the bows of crossbows, and the skins and hides could provide protection for vulnerable build­ ings and doors, and be stretched over wood frames to form screens. Of course, killing the animals at the outset of the siege would also save the precious rations from unnecessary depletion.c As for the population from outside the walls, the officials were obliged to assign them quarters inside the city. Those who had friends or relatives were give permis­ sion to lodge with them. The others were relocated in such government buildings and offices and private mansions and houses as had been previously inspected and approved by the officials. f Undoubtedly, the displaced population would not be lodged in lhe head­ quarters or barracks of the officials in charge of the defence. For these were very carefully protected by double or triple rings of walls and roads, with overlooking towers and doors which penetrated through the buildings in a confusing manner,· and no one who did not have permission was allowed to move back and forth between these barracks and the rest of the city. One difference that is evident between Roman legionary camps and ancient • .110 T�". TtIO Tstmg ro .. rh. '5. p_ 2'la; Sun I·Jang (I), ch. ' ,;, p. 36b; T$h�n Chung·Mien (3), p. 152; Yales (,;). fragmt·m q�, p. 60,. b TM Tsang rd. . d•. '';. p. 22a; Sun I·Jang (1'), ch. '5, p. 3Sb; Tshen Chung-Mien (3), p. '53; Yalcs (5), fr"Smnn 1'1'. p. 600. , Tao TSilng cd .. eh. 15, p_ 22"; Su" I-J""g (I), rh. '5, pp. 38a�b; Tsh�n Chung-.\'Iien (3), p. '53; Y"les (,;), r""llllelll qu, p. 599· Tao T�wg n:L ch. '5, p. 22a; Sun I-Jang (I), rh. '5, p. 38a; Tshen Chung-:\lien (3), pp. 152-3; Yales (5), fragmem 139. p. 597-8. We follow T,hen', emendation of(/Uti' for Ii', Sun's suggesl;on of r/t,,,' for 11w.,,", and Tsht'n's illlerPl'('lalion of/i for ?, '. • TfIO TJIIMg ro.. ch. I';. pp. 2,b-22a: Sun I-Jang (.1'), ch. '5. pp. 37b-38a; Tshen Chung-.\Iien (3), p. 152; \'al('$ 5 . fragmcm 137, pp. 59·r5· f TfIO Tsa1ll ro.. ch. 15, pp. ,Sb-lga: Sun I-Jang (I), ech. 15. p. 31b; Tshi:n Ching-.\iien (3), p. 142; Yales ,; . fragmen! 114. p. ';;0. • Ta� Tln�l ('(i., rho 15, p. 21b; Sun I-Jang (I), rh. '5, p. 37a; Tshen Chung-.\'Iien (3) p. 1 5 ' ; Yales (,;) , fr"gm"Il' 13';, p. 590.

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. German)', rrom AnneJohn501l (I I. fig. ' 18. Fig. 108. �Iodd ofthc legionary hospital at Veten, Lo....er

2 74

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Chinese forts and cities lies in the treatment accorded to those injured in battle, who suffered from a debilitating disease, or who succumbed to an epidemic, a not uncommon occurrence when supplies ran short. The Romans constructed elabo­ rate, well-appointed and well-stocked infirmaries or hospitals, often locating them in a quiet part of the camp (Figures 107. 108): but the Chinese did not erect any special buildings for the wounded. They expected them to be cared for in the regular barracks or houses to which they had been assigned, even though the officers did visit them frequently, bringing with them offerings of wine and meat, very special treats which had the added benefit of binding the wounded to the officers symbolically as well as physically: wine and meat were the offerings shared after sacrifices to the ancestors in ancient times.b Later military manuals often provided lists of recipes for the treatment of wounds and diseases for both men and horses, but still no hospitals are recorded.c Detailed lists of the material which was to be stored in advance also appear in such manuals. The Thang Thung Tim 's is a good example:d Sand Iron Coal or charcoal (than') Pine trees (sung 10 ) Birch trees (llUa 11 ) Anemisia (hao ai 1 2 ) Lard Hemp Leather Felt (chan IS ) Redbud (ching I4) Jujube or brambles (chi IS) Bamboo or wooden screens (pi Ii 16 ) Cauldrons (fu 17) Boiling pans (hu " )

The Five types ofgrain Dried grains (chhiu pi 1 ) Fish Salt Hemp and silk cloth Medicinal drugs Contraptions Weapons Hemp or grain stalks (chith') Straw (kao') Mao· rushes" Ti5 reedsf Lu6 reeds8 Wii7 reeds8 Lime or ashes (hui8)

• :\nncJohn50n (1), pp. 1 .'19-6 " figura r '7. p. 160. and 1 18, p. 161. Tllo TWIg ro., eh. 15. p. 1 16; Sun I-Jang (.I). eh. 1.'1, p. 19b: TsHn Chullg-�Iien (3), pp. 1 1 9-20: Yales (.'I), rragmenl99, pp. -l9�-.f. , For nampk. Thm Po n" Oing, ch. i, pp. 114-81. h w;u, however. a scriousolfence under Thang law nO! to provide medicine for lhe siek, and it detachment of an arm)' on lhe marrh of o,'er $00 men had 1 0 be �r{ompaniro by it doctor (Yang Tr-Ping (I), p. 488). • Ch. 152. p. 8003. • 1'05Sibly this is !O be idemified wilh camel graSi ( ..J "d.o�g"" lchlNlflllftlrll$). f P05Sibly this is Kaoliang (And.opogonIorglrum 8.01. var. ,·ulgMis). • Possibly bolh lu' and /1.·,i' arc lhe common reed, I'hragmi/tHOmmuniI. �

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go. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Basins (phtn I ) Jars (wing 2 ) Thundemicks' (lei mu� ) Spades (chhiao4) Axes (1u5) Hammers (chui') Drills and chisels (tsao 7 ) Knives (la08) Saws (chu'!J) Long axes

2 75

Long knives Long hammers Long sickles (chhang lien 10) Long ladders (chhang Ihi I I ) Short ladders Large hooks (to kou 1 2 ) Metal chains (lien so I ' ) (Linked) flails (lien chia 14 ) Linked maces (tiel/pang I ) Plain maces (poipang 1 6 )

And prongs (chhai kan 17 ) (Figure 1 09) are also mentioned as being shaped like double-headed lances: they were used to push off counterweighted ladders (yiil/ thi") and men climbing the walls.b Although a fuller treatment of Chinese weapons will be reserved for the third volume of this study, the nature of some of these weapons and contraptions and how they were deployed on the walls of the ancient city need to be considered here. (iii) Weapons and Olher equipment The equipment issued to the soldiers stationed on the walls ranged from sophisti­ cated crossbows to long and short hand weapons, to agricultural implements and piles of whatever debris from inside and outside the walls could be gathered and stored. Wherever possible each man carried a shield (Figures I 10, I I I ) , which one source states should be 'no less than :2 feet 8 inches wide and no less than 3 feet 4 inches high'.': No doubt, if the city or town could afford it, the soldiers also wore protective armour, made either of hardened and lacquered leather or even iron chain-maiL This protection made its first appearance towards the very end of the \"tarring States but reached its apogee in the Six Dynasties period.d Since it was most desirable for the defenders to keep the attackers from reaching the top of the wall, the most important weapons for them were those that were long: very occasionally, however, swords are mentioned, no doubt for use in hand­ to-hand combat, should the besiegers succeed in scaling the walls. Several decora­ tive bronzes of Warring States date depict scenes from siege warfare and there we •

Sec below p. 28.t.

b ThrUll TiB, ch. I j2, p. 800c.

, Yin-Chhueh-Shan Han-Mu Cheng-Li Hsiao-Tsu (.,l, slip 772 . • Dien ( I ); the full hisloryofarmour will be related in Vol. 5, pI S.

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30. M I L I T A R Y

TECHNOLOGY

Fig. '09. CMrn; K�n prong, from 11'CT1"fCC, ell.

l�, p.

36b.

Fig. ' to. Shi�Jd from Ih� slale ofChhu (lacqu�r, from tomb -406), approximatdy � size, from Chung·Kuo Kho-Hsueh Yuan Khao·Ku \'�n·Chiu So (I), plat� � . Fig. I I t. Shield from th� state ofChhu (lacqu�r, from 10mb-406), approximatdy t tize, from Chung_Kuo Kho-Hsiich Yiian Khao·Ku Yen·Chiu SO (I), plate 3.

30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

2 77

see both altackers and defenders wearing the typical Warring States shan bronze swords at their waists (Figure 1 1 2).- Nevenheless, most of the fighting is being waged using long ka I halberds. The Mohist texts, however, mention ehi2 halberds (Figure 1 1 3), and iron than (?)' spears, 16 213 and 1 4 1/2 feet long. One each of the latter three weapons was to be issued to each man. b Then there were long axes (ehhangJu.4) (Figure 1 14) with handles 8 fcct long, long hoes or maltocks (ehhang tzu ' ) " linked flails (Lien ehhui6) (Figure 1 1 5), long hammers (ehhang chhui7), with heads I foot long and handles 6 feet long (Figure 1 16), choppers (ehuo8), whose heads were sharpened at both ends, long sickles (chhang lien g) (Figure 1 1 7) 8 fect long, and curved hoes (kau chhii/chulO) (Figure 1 1 8). To repair thc walls shovels or spades (chha l l ) (Figure 1 19) and tampers (ChU I2) were provided,d as were other implements which have not as yet been identified. And fire-lances (huo tsuan 13) the height of the city walls were ready to set ablaze cngines that reached the root of the wall. In lhe course of the following pages, we will encounter some other spccialised weapons such as the short spears used in underground warfare. Large piles of small and large stones, broken pottery, bricks, caltrops (chi h·14).� wooden or iron spikes that could be thrown from the walls to impede thc advance of infantry and cavalry (Figures 103a and b) were placed every 138 metres at the base of the walls, and on the top ofthc walls each man was to be provided with a supply of these items: the requirements vary. but some men at least were issued 100 of each missile for use as the occasion demanded. While the heavier Slones would have been fired by the trebuchets, the smaller would have been Rung by hand: these were also known as 'thunder stones' (lei shih I�). Vessels for holding sand, gravel, and iron were made from unfired tile con­ tainers and it is possiblc that these contents were actually heated, or as in the case of iron, melted/ before being hurled at or dropped upon the enemy below. Thc sand could also have been used to help extinguish fires started by the enemy. Mov-

• Stt also pp. +H-8, 4j9 belo.... •

Yin·Chhueh·Shan Chcng.l.j Hsiao-Tsu (4), slips 772-4·

< Yates (j), p. t30, nOle 199. ThCS(: may � Ihe $lime as Ihe clriulng (?) of the Lin·[ text which issaid to have a

u�·n·fool handle and � 4·fool.long. The laller measurcmcnI mUSI refer 10 Ihe blade. 4 .I{o Tzu, Tao TWIg cd., eh. [4, p. Sa: Sun [·Jang (2),eh. [4, pp. 6a-b; Vates (5), pp. [38-40. • \rang Zhongshu (Wang Chung·Shu) (I), p. 123, illustration p. t34, figure I j6, and p. 247, note 6, provides a Han example, (f. [nslilule of Archaeology. Chinese ....eademy ofSocial Sciences, Ho.� CAlto.lIl·AII CMhllt.CAiA l-il·CAii,h Po.lJoKo.a, in prq);lnllion. Another caltrop ...as abo diKO\·ercd at Ting·Chiin Shan" , Mien Hsien", Shensi (Cb·kG Lio.lfl tii 1I'• •f/(III Tzb Pien Hsieh Tsu (I), p. 67. illumation no. 24). cr. Shilt 11'. Chi }"i.IuI CIli w" 1969 facsimile reproduction of 1447 cd.), p. 673, ...here a commentalOT correctly poinu OUt that caltrops did not make their finl appearance in Sui Yang.Ti's" campaigns in the north easl at the beginning oflhe + 7th century as lhe SAih IVu claims. f 'I'Cry/CC, ch. l �, p. 63a, iIIumalion p. 62b.

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2 78

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

t"ig. 1 1'l. Sirge and naval ....arfare . depicted on a Warring States period vessel rrom Shan·Piao-Chen, Chi Hsien, Honan, from K. C. Chang (I), fig. 131; Kuo Pao-Chun (J), fig. 1 1 .

Fig. I 13. Han representations ofthr use ofhal�rds, from Hayashi (6), figs.

Io-n,

10"'13, 10-'l.4, p. 199.

2 79

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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30.

280

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Fig_ 1 16. Long hammCT, from the W u Liang offeringshrioes, from Hayashi (6), fig. Io-H, p. �02.

able stoves (hsing lu I ) (Figures 1 20, 1 2 1 ) were placed every 30 paces (41.4 metres) along the walls and two small Sloves were provided for each side. The former could have been used to light the lorches below the parapet at night and heal or melt the missiles, while the latter could have been the means for the orderlies to prepare food for the soldiers standing guard above. Two orderlies cooked food for each tcn·man platoon and one orderly was assigned to each officer. They were confined to a specific geographical location and not joined to the unit itself or the officer. The platoons and officers were moved frequently, but the orderlies were not to follow them. This rule was no doubt intended to limit the possibility of treachery and collusion between the soldiers and the orderlies.Then there was an endless variety of water comainers: bowls and basins, pots and calabashes, made of pottery and leather, with covers and handles of worn-out coarse hemp. These could provide drinking water for the soldiers as well as, perhaps more importantly, being the means to extinguish fires started by the enemy. Later in the imperial period, some vessels and large spoons were reserved for use with human excrement and urine gathered from the latrines. This was boiled on the stoves before being hurled at the enemy.b Not only could this physi­ cally injure the enemy, but could spread disease among them, and make the attack an odoriferous as well as a dangerous undertaking. The Mohist texts make no mention of this particular tactic, but perhaps their sense of decorum restrained them from recording it. Each of the piles of material had its own distinctive flag, either coloured or with a design emblazoned on it to make it easy to identify the locations ofeach pile from • .1/0 T:u. Tao Tsal!& ed., ch. I), pp. jab; Sun I-Jang (2), ch. I,). pp. 9b�lOa; Yales (,)) , fragment 76, pp. ·P7�9, Frank.. (24). p. 1,8: nn& Tim,eh. 1:)2. p. Boob .

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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a distance and also to enable the chief of the defenders to determjne when a sufficiency had been reached. One passage of the Mo T-t,/I. describes the scene: In general, the standard procedure fordefcnding cities is: Make grey-green flags for wood; make red Rags for fire; make yellow flags for firewood and fuel; make white flags for stones; make black Rags for water; make bamboo Rags for food; make grey goshawk flags for soldiers who witl fight 10 the death; make tiger flags for mighty warriors, make double rabbit flags for brave (?) soldiers; make youth flags for fourteen-year-old boys; make

30.

1:-

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

\ l

Fig. 1 [8. Cur\'�d h.xs, from H.yashi (6), fig$. 6-2510 " ....'1 ,, p. l 1 7.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

fig. 110. Iron stovc and tray from a Han tomb in 1..0-Yang, from WangZhongshu (Wang Chung.Shu) (I), fig. T�7.

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fig. 1 2 1 . Movabk StovC, frum II'CTnCC, ch. 12, p. 62b.

grasping arrow flags for wom�n; make dog flags for crossbows; make forest flags for ,hi t halberds; mak� feather flags for swords and shi�lds; mak� dragon flags for carts; make bird flags for cavalry. In general, when the nam� ofth� flag that you are looking for is nOt in th� book, in all cases us� its form and name to make (the design on) the flag. On Ih� city walls, raise th� flags. When the officials in charge ofpreparing th� equipment have brought a sufficiency ofmat�rial, then they are 10 be lower�d.· • .110 T�", Tao TSlIIII !"d., rh. 15, pp. 3ab; Yat� C�). fragment 61, pp. 387-90; Sun I·Jang (1'). ch. '5, pp. sab ;U51fUctiOlI5 for a similar system "'C� given in the Thang: sec TlruRg Tim, eh. 1:;2, p. Boob.

'�

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

This is a fascinating passage in more ways than one: the colour symbolism is obviously influenced by Five Phase ( Wu-Hsing I ) theories, and it clearly shows that the defenders had books to which they could refer to decide the colour and design of the individual flags. The remains of these manuals are the very texts which we are now using as source material today. The sight ofthcse flags, together with the different colours and sizes offlags which were raised at the locations ofthe headquarters of the various ranks of officers, must have been indeed impressive. I t is hard to imagine now, looking at the few remaining metres of hang thu2 wall pro­ truding from the Chinese earth, that forests of flags once swayed there, mighty walls and lowers surrounded tall timbered halls and palaces and the lesser houses of the gods, and the great arcuballistae and trebuchets roared as they battered the massed hosts of enemy surging towards the walls. But yet indeed it was so. There seem to have been few additions and innovations to the basic repertoire of defensive weapons and equipment by Thang times. The list of essentials given by Tu Yu3 in his Thung Tien4 encyclopaedia has already been given above.a Here we need only to describe the thundersticks (Lei mu) or mu lei6) (Figure 1'22),b of which there were two varieties. They were cylinders made of wood, undoubtedly sawed sections of tree trunks, 5 feet (chhih') long and of either I foot (chhih) in diameter or six or seven inches (tshun'). Although Tu does not say so, it is clear from the illustration in the later Sung encyclopaedia Wu Ching Tsung rao9, that these cylinders were covered with small spikes, but whether these werc fashioned of wood or iron is not revealed.e Probably they were either thrown from the walls, and rolled down the slope outside to cut down the enemy or placed inside the walls along strategic roads as barricades.d By Sung times, several other similar devices had been invented: first, the 'clay thunderstick' (ni lei 10) was made from sticky clay combined with 30 catties (chin II ) ofpig bristles (chu Lsung mao 12 ) and hair from the tails and manes of horses (ma wei mao lieh IS). The mixture was pounded together and dried in the form of cylinders 2 or 3 chhih in length and 5 tshun in diameter (Figure 1'24).e Next, was the 'tile thunderstick' (chuan lei 14) of the same shape as the wooden thunderstick, but made of fired tile, 3 chhih 5 tshun long and 6 Ishun in diameter. The illustration (Figure 125) shows this to be octagonal in shape, but the text

Scepp. �74-:, abo..e. Ch. 1:'2, p. 8ooa. • IVCTytCC, eh. 12, p. 22a; illuslralion, p. 2 1 a. • IVCTy/CC, eh. [0, p. 28b, illustrales a 'Wood�n flying ladder lhal avoidslhundenlicb' (pi lti mufti Uti"). but unfortunately then: is no accompanying wrinen explanalion. The name and the illustration both imply, however, lhat i t wu a ladder that would ride o'·er lhe lhundenlicb lhal ....ere . rolled do.....n lhe walls, probably by means oflhesmall wh�els localed at lh� tOP ofeach side ofthe ladder (figun: 123). • Il'CTy/CC, eh. 12, p. 22<1.; iIluslralion, p. 2 [b.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S .u 1� A C -:. --' A �-C �. AA� .\ . . .�

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makes no reference to such a design.' Then there was the 'carl leg thunderstick' (chii chiao lti I ) constructed from a single wheel to which a short axle and vertical wooden pole were attached. A rope was tied to the top of the pole and the other end of the rope was wound round a windlass (chiao ehii') placed on the lOp of the walls.b When the enemy swarmed up the walls, the wheel was dropped over the • II'CTT/CC, th. 1'1. p. \In: illustration, p. 'lIb. • The windla$$d deployed on the ......lIs may have bttn similar 10 thaI found in the copper mine at Thung-Lu­ Shan, Hupei, and reconStruCted by Chinese·archaeologi$1S (Hsia Nai and Yin Wei-Chang (I), p. 7). See Figuff$ t�7-t�8.

, � JI[

286

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Jill

fig. 124. Clay Ihund�r $Iick, frQm ,VCTy/CC, eh. 12, p. 2 [b .

.....

Fig. 123' Tile thunderslick, from WeTf/CC, ch. 12, p. 'l I b.

Fig. 126. Cart kg thunder !lick, from II'CTytCC, eh. 12, p. 21 b.

crenels to the ground and wound back up using the windlass. As it was retrieved, the wheel knocked off the men scaling the walls (Figure 126).Finally, the 'night prong thunderstick' (yen ehna lei l ) , also called the 'enemy detainer' (Liu kilo chu2), was made from a cylindrical section of poplar wood 1 0 chhi/t long and roughly I ckhih in diameter, in which barbs were inserted all around such that they projected 5 tshun. Wheels 2 eMill in diameter were affixed on axles to both ends and two iron chains were fastened to the axles between the cylinder and the wheels. The chains met at an iron ring: another iron chain linked this ring to a windlass mounted on the walls. When a direct frontal assault (an 'ant-like approach' iJu') began, the cylinder was dropped over the parapet to the ground and the windlass was turned to raise it up again. Just like the 'cart's foot • It'CTrtCC, ch. 1�, p. ��a; illustration. p. �1 b.

n

30. M I S S I L E S

AND

SIEGES

I� Fig. 1 �7. Reconstruction ora windlass found al Thung-Lii-Shan, drawing, from Hsia Nai and Vin Wei-Chang {Il, fig. 8.

fig. 128. RttoTlSlruction ofa windlass found at Thung-Lii.Shan, modd, from Hsia Nai and Vin Wei.Chang (I), fig. 8.

thunderstick', it spiked the enemy soldiers climbing up, forcing them to leap to their deaths (Figure 129). By Sung times, several different types of caltrops had been developed. As in earlier times, both caltrops could be made from both wood and iron (Figures J03a and b),· but now the three·pronged variety, a Han example of which we illustrated above, was called the 'iron water·chestnut' (lhieh ling chiao l ) (Figure IgO),b Large quantities of these spikes were scattered in the waters outside the walls to inhibit the progress of men and horses. These waters could include the • WCTT/CC, ch. 12,p. 18a; iIJU5tralion,p. l,a. • In fael, Ihis lype had been $0 named by Ihe middle ofthe Thang d)·nasty (TPJ'"C, eh. 4, p. 85 (TSCCed.)).

· . ., '"

288

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

.

Fig 1'19_ Night prong lhundcr$lick, rrom WeTT/Ce, eh. r�, p. 21a,

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Fig. 130. 'Iron wat",rchestnu\' (bdow) and 'hoof'griUptn' (abo\"",), rrom II'CTf/CC, ell. 1'1, p. 17b.

30. M I S S I L E S

AND SIEGES

·89

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Fig. 1 3 ' , 'Dttrhorn "'ood' (ltfl), "carlh stOpJXT' (uppc:r nghl), iron caltrops (Iow�r right). from II'CT}".'CC, ch. I�, p. '7a.

moat, if there had been a drought and it was shallow; they were also distributed on the banks of nearby streams to block olT those routes of approach. 'Deerhorn wood' (iu chiao mu I ) was chosen from any (naturally) misshapen branches or limber, cut into sections several fect long, and buried more than one chhih in the ground outside the city walls, to impede horses (Figure 1 3 ( ) ,The 'earth stopper' (ti 51') , on the other hand, was a flat board of wood 3 tshun thick and 2 or 3 ,Mill long and wide into which barbed naiJs were hammered. These were placed on all strategic roads leading to the city.b Finally, the Sung artisans constructed seven-inch-square 'hoof graspers' (chhou (hi') out offour pieces of wood to which barbed iron nails were fixed horizontally (Figure I 30).c These, too, were contraptions to stop penetration by cavalry. The Sung encyclopaedia also provides the dimensions of several other special­ ised weapons used by the defenders, one of which was mentioned by Tu Yu in the Thang dynasty.d This latter was the pole-prong (chhai kan4) which had a shaft 20 • WCTT/CC, ch. 111, pp. l8a.b; illUSlration, p. 1 7a. Chhu Shih-Pin (I) ('Shou Yii Chhi'), pp. 198-9, suggests thal th.. 'd'-':T.horn (wood)' ....as . th.. lam.. as what i$ called in the Han a 'sharp ....ood . ..n ilake' (cA;", IN_ cA_g'). He is probably miStaken in chis identification, but h.. could Ix COrTttI in identifying ch.. lau..r .... ith th.. Slakes planted in ro....soutside . th.. glacisofthe des.-rt fOTts (...., above p. 164). b WCTT/CC,ch. 11, p. 18a, illustration, p. 17a. , WCTJ',CC, ch. 11, p. 18a, illustration, p. 17b. � &e above p. 275. , t. jIij

29°

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

feet (chhih l ) long and two forks (clJhj2) a t the upper end.' Another was the pole­ hook (kou kan3), which was shaped like a lance ((hkiang4) and had curved blades on either side of the shaft. The head was two feet (eMih) long and sheathed in leaves of wrought iron to which iron spikes in the shape of cockspurs were at­ tached,b The illustration (Figure 132) is probably not very accurate. Next was the axe for chopping hands (tsho shou!u)) with a straight handle 3.5 feet (chhin) long and a horizontal blade 4 inches (lshun') long, 4.5 inches thick, and 7 inches wide. Four blades 4 inches long were also inserted into the handle near the head. Its main function was to cut off the hands of enemy climbing the city wall and to smash enemy towers that had been pushed up against the walls.e (Figure 1 33) ' Finally, the defende� employed three different types oflanccs. The fim was a 'projecting lance with pommel' (kuai thu chhiang ' ) : its shaft was 25 feet (chhih) long and it had a two-foot iron blade at the top which was quadrilateral and shaped like the ears of wheat (mai sui8). The horizontal pommel was located at the lower end of the shaft (Figure 1 34). d The 'scratch lance' (chua chhiang') had a shaft 24 feel (chhih) long, to which a one-foot iron blade was attached at the head and behind this four linked barbs 2 feet long were placed. The illustration in the Wu Ching Tsung fao does not rep­ resent this latter feature,e but in the chapter devoted to offensive devices it does appear (Figure [35 ) , f The 'bladed lance with pommel' (kuaijin chhiang 10) was also 25 feet (chhih) long and had a two-foot blade at the upper end. The pommel on this weapon is spe­ cified as being 6 inches (tshun) long (Figure 134).1 (iv) Walls, roads and moats We have already discussed in a previous volume the evolution of wall-building techniques and the development of Chinese architecture,lt but since that section was published Chinese archaeologists have made a number of important discov­ eries and excavated several major early Chinese cities. Understanding of the evo­ lution of the form and structure ofcities has, therefore, been significantly increased in the detail. Nevertheless, what we said before still holds true: 'There was . . . no distinction through Chinese history between the feudal castle and the town; the town was the castle, and was built so that it could serve as a protection and refuge, as well as the administrative centre, of the surrounding countryside. Towns and • II "CTnCC, eh.

12, p. 37b; illustralion, p. 36b.

, IJICTy/CC, ch. 12, p. 37a; illu$tradon, p. 36a.

II·CT1"JCC. ch. [2, p. 37ab; illumation p. 36b. d IJICTy/CC,ch. 12, p. 37a; illuSlTalion p. 36b. • 'Cltltim Chi', cit. 12, p. 37a; illustration P' 36a, I 'Ch!titn Chi', eh. [0, pp. 2�ab. We will describe the offensi"e lancn below, I 'C!thim Clti', eh. 12, p. 37a, illustration, p. 36a. h Vol. 4, part 3, pp. 38-144. ,

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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fig. 137. Pole hook, from Il'CTytCC, eh. 17, p. 36b. Fig. 133. Axe for chopping hands, from WCTT/CC, eh. 17, p. 36b. Fig. 134. 'Bladed lance with pommel' (left),' scratch lance' (centre), 'projecting lance with pommel' (right), from WCTT/CC, th. I�, p. 36b. Fig. 13�. 'Scralch lance', from WCTfJCC, th. 10, p. 2�a.

cities in China were not the creation or burghers and never achieved any degree or autonomy with regard to the State.'a Towns and cities did, however, perrorm an additional extremely important economic runction beginning in the Eastern Chou period through the Han dynasty and again rrom the late Thang on. By the end or the imperial period some cities and towns were indeed primarily economic, rather than administrative centres. Hankow, ror example, whose population probably exceeded the million mark in the nineteenth century, seems to have been rounded by traders and to have reached enormous size without any significant involvement or presence or central government authorities, although eventually local adminis­ trators were assigned to control it and tap its resources. It was a type or city much more similar to those round in the west than had previously been thought possible by earlier scholars orChinese society.b • VoI. f, ...en the earlicst Chinese cities . pan 3, p. 7 1 , cf. Challg Kwang-Chih (t), p. 63, "'ho nOlcs that e were a means for the ruling claM of gaining and maintaining political power. For the Eastern Chou period, Chang Hung-Yen (/) has argued that the citics were equivalent to the state and that loss of the cilies was tamamoullt to losing Ihe entire stale. b Rowe (I); cr. :\lax Weber (3); G. William Skinner (t), (2), (3).

zgz

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

I t would be redundant here to expatiate on the building techniques, and too lengthy to give detailed resumes of all the archaeological reports, for they are exceedingly rich and numerous. Suffice it to say that it is now known thal terre pisi or stamped earth wall construction seems to have begun in the Lung·Shan I period of the late neolithic (approximately the latter part of the third millennium) and have developed in the lower Yellow river plains. Some of the earliest walls have been found at Chheng-Tzu-Yai (Figure 136),2 . Hou-Kang,H Wang-Chheng­ Kang: C (Figure 137) and Phing-Liang-Thai,)d (Figure 138), and the walls of the middle Shang city at Cheng-Chou6 (Figure 139) have been studied in detaW and • This i, Ihe Iype sile fOrlhe Lung.Shan cultur� and was discovered by Wu Chin·Ting' in 19�8 and excavated in '930-1931 K. C. Chang (I), p. 146; K. C. Chang (I), p. �48 (4th ed.); Fu Mu·Nien, Li Chi et al. (/), Fu Ssu'niel!, Li Chi et al. (�); Ma Shih·Chih (�), p. 60. As can be seen from Figure 136, th� walls were battered (sloping on both sidC$ and narrowing towards the top), a feature that Ia$t�d throughout Chinese history: perpen. dicular walls were very rare (although one appears on a Thang silk painting (Fu Hsi_Ni�n, p. 137, figure 4· t.h (3rd ro.). On a visit to the site in the summer of t992, Chang Hsueh-Hai kindly tOld Robin YatC$ that this information is incorrect. The early archa�ologiJ1S had uncovered, and iLlustrated in their figure, the Eastern Chou wall, not the Lung-Shan fortification. A corrtCted site report will be published by Chang shonly. � K. C. Chang ( I ) , p \180; �'Ia Shih-Chih (t), p. 60; Yin Ta (I), pp. �4-�. The walls were COnstruClro on a ridge abo"e the Huan" river, An-Yang,' Hopei, above Ihe remains of a Yang-Shao" sctllement. K. C. Chang ( I), pp. 267-70. • The site is situated one kilometre west of Kao-Chheng Chen," Teng-Feng" County, on a ridge at the confluence of the Ying-Shui" and Wu-Tu-Ho" riven on the southern foothills of �Iount Sung" and was diSCO\'ered in t977. The ground plan of Ih� city was roughly rectangular with a north-south "",II di'-iding the city into t....o sections., eastern and ....estern. This is a form ....hich "'as popular in Eastern Chou times. MOl Shih-Otih (z), p. 60; SugimOto (I), pp. 149-�1; Honan Sheng Wen-Wu Yen-Chiu So, Chung-Kuo Li-Shih Po­ Wu Kuan Khao-Ku Pu (I), pp. 14-15; An Chin_Huai (3); An Chin-Huai (of). K. C. Chang ( I) (4th ed.), p. \In This lite may be Yang-Chheng, " dther the capital ofYii." the founder oflhe Hiia ,. dynast),. or where Yii fled from Shun's" son, or where he lived, but some scholan doubt this identification (Yang Pao-Chheng (I), Ching Phu (II). Tu Ch(ng-Sheng (3); Yii Wei-Chhao (t), p. 53; Goi Naohiro (I), p. I I . d Discovered i n 1979 on a lerrac� 3-5 metres above the west bank of Ihe Tshai-Ho" river, Huai-Yang" CoUllly, Honan, the ground plan s i roughly rectangular and the area inside the walls is approximately 43,000 square metres. A guardhousc ....as apparently COlUtruCted on both cast and westlida ofthe southern gate, on the imide, and. 0.3 m�lr.., below the surface of the road passing through the gata, three pottery water-drain pipa ,,'cre laid. This is a feature ofother arcba�ological sita, bUI is nOl meillioncd in the /If� T�If. Ma Shih·Chih (t), pp. 60- 1 ; Sugimoto (I), pp. 151-3; Honan Sheng Wen.Wu Yen·Chiu So, Chou-Khou Ti·Chhii Wen-Hua CM Wen-Wu Kho (I). pp. 27-30; K. C. Chang ( I ) , (41h ed.), pp. �62-1 and figure ��6, p. 266. Cf. Tshao Kuei­ Tshen (I), who arguC$ thai originally the name of Ih� sitc was Wan-Chhiu", Tu Cheng-Sheng (3); Vii Wei­ Chhao (2), p. 53. • K. C. Chang (5), pp. �73-7; An Chill-Hua; (5); �1a Shih-Chih (�), p. 61; Honan Sheng Po-Wu Kuan, Cheng-Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan (I). p. 2 1 - 3 1 ; A.n Chih.Min (3): Liu Chhih-I (/); An Chin·Huai (2); Honall Sheng I'o-Wu Kuan (I), pp. 1-2. An Chin_Hua; (5) prOI'ides a detailed analysis of Ihe ....alls and shows how 'IOphiSlicaled Ihey had become. Cf. Whealley (2), pp. 31-6; Sugimolo (I), pp. t63-6; K. C. Chang ( I ) , pp. 331-337. Tu Cheng.Shcng (3); Yii Wei-Chhao (t). Ching San·Lin ( I , �) has disputed the date ofthese Cheng­ Chou walb, claiming that they were erected in the Sui-Thang period. bUI hi. arguments have been challenged by Yang Yu-Pin (I). It is important to note thai many of the handicraft workshops and dwellings of the common people al thissite and others of comparabl� dale (Shang through Western Chou) wer� located outside the main walls. Praumably the artisans and people retreated inside the walls when danger threatened. Goi Naohiro (I), pp. 13-15. However, in a rtC�nt private convcnation, Robin Yata was told that a much larger OUler ....all has been discovered. The artisans and common people, therefore, may have !i"ed inside Ihi, oUler city. Details ofthe di5CO\"cry are eaguly a"·aited.

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30. M I S S I L E S

AND SIEGES

Fig. 136. Reconstruction ofthe wall at Chheng-Tzu-Yai, from fu Ssu-Nien, Li Chi et al. (I), p. '17, fig. I .

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another smaller Shang town has been excavated at Phan-Lung-Chhengt rurther south in Hupei province.-

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The lOW" lay to lhe welt of Lake Phan.Lung. had II perim�ler of roughI)' 1,000 metres and was oricmed �O· ..ast of nonh. The walls formn! a rough square. '190 metres north-south and '160 metres (351-,,""1. The Local inhabitams daimed that there ww: gales in all four sides orthe 10wn and al the soulh'CMt corner, at leasl, there .....s a mOlit 10 mClr('$ wide. In summu and alllumn. wh(:n th(: floods came. the city could be surrounded on thra: �idt$. Kuo 'I'r-\\'(:; and Chhrn Hsien-I (I : K. C. Chang '.S). pp. ::'1 and 161: Bagk)' I:; Hupci Sheng Po-Wu Kuan -I : Hupd Shrng I'o-Wu Kuan and Pei-Ching Ta-Hsueh Khao-Ku Chuan-Yeh, Phan-Lung Chheng Fa-ChuehTui (/): :\Ia Shih·Chih (1), p. 61; Lan Wei (/); Kuo Ping-Lien (/): K. C. Chang (I) (.lIh ed" , p. 33:;. ....n01h('r rarly smaller 10,,'n, Ihal lasted from roughly the s«ond period ofthe Shang Yin-Hsii stage to the middle of the \\'estern Chou, has been found in Shensi prol'inc(: occupying tWO terraces on the eastern bank of the \\' u-Ting Ri,'cr, a tributary of the Yellow River. It formed an irregular rcctangle, 49::' metres east-wesl. and t �� to 'J 1 3 metres north-$Outh, with a total area inside of67,000 square metres (Chang Ying.Wen and Lij Chih.Jung , Yii \\'ei·Chhao (2), p. ::'3; Goi Naohiro (f), pp. IS-16.

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30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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Fig. 138. Ground-plan oflhe neolilhic cily of Phing-Liang-Thai (left), ground-plan oflhe soulhgale and iu nanking guan;l roorm (right). from IVW, 1983,3, pp. �7-8, figs. 16, 18.

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Fig. 139. Ground·plan ofthe city walls of the early Shang cily at Cheng-Chou, from K. C. Chang ( I ) , fig. �8g, after An Chin-Hua; C')).

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Another early city, which could be the remains of Hsi-Pol of Thang2, the founder of the Shang dynasty, was discovered in the summer of 1983, west of the city wall of Yen-Shih Hsien�, Honan. The Lo river4 has destroyed the southern wall, but the dimensions of the other three walls are impressive: the west wall is approximately 1 7 10 metres long, the north wall 1 230 metres long and the east wall 1640 metres long (Figure 140). Generally the wall ranges from 16-25 metres in width and survives to a height of 1-2 metres.Not all city walls were, however, constructed of stamped earth. Where Slone existed, it was also incorporated into the walls, or was the primary building mate­ rial. Such use of stone has been found especially in northern and northeastern sites.b The capital of one of the major states of the Chou dynasty, that of Lu�, Confucius' home, has been extensively surveyed and excavated, the walls receiv­ ing particular attention from the archaeologists.c Located at Chhti-Fu Hsien6, Shantung, it is now clear the Chou people occupied the town immediately follow­ ing their conquest of the Shang or shortly afterwards and that they lived side by side with the indigenous conquered I' peoples. What is truly remarkable is that the two groups kept their own burial customs and therefore their cultures distinct over hundreds of years afterwards. The city walls seem to have conformed to the surrounding terrain and have used local rivers and an original marsh on the south side for the moat. The form of the city plan (Figures ' 4 ' , 142) is most distinctive for slightly north of centre was apparently a walled palace precinct. It was prob­ ably the quarters of the aristocratic descendants of the Duke of Chou', who were enfeoffed here, and was the chMng9 (inner city). The mass of their followers and the indigeneous population lived between the palace and the outer wall (kuo 10 ) which had distinctively rounded corners, probably because of the courses of the river-moats. The outer walls may have been built by Ihe Chou on an earlier, pre-Conquest line of defences and were extensively rebuilt and added to in the course of the centuries (Figure 143}.d The height of the city's prosperity must have been in the Springs and Autumns

• Chung.KuoShe.Hui Kho-Hlueh Yuan Khao-Ku Yen·Chiu So. Lo-Yang Han Wei Ku-Chheng Kung-T$O Tui {Il; �Ia Shih_Chih (.r), p. 6,; Sugimoto (I), pp. ,60-3; K. C. Chang (I), pp. 3,6-17 and pp. 33,5-7; Anon (5.,,) · b Ma Shih-Chih (.,). p. 66; Chang Ying-Wen and Lii Chih-Jung (I); K. C. Chang ( I ) (3rd ro.). p. 16g; Thung Chu.Chhen (f); YU Wci-Chhao (.r). p. ,5l • Shalliung Sheng Wcn-Wu Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So (I); Thien An (f). Tian An (_Thien An) Irans. by David D. Buck {Il; Chang Hsueh·Hai (I), IranI. by Da"id O. Buck {I}; Li Xueqin (Li Hsiieh-Chhin) { Il, pp. I�O-3; Whealley ('l). p. 1�6; Sugimolo (I). pp. 168-74: Tu Cheng.Sheng (j). • Excavation al lile ,50,5 re\'ul«l six disl;nel walll which had b«n $uccessi"ely repaired and connruc,,:d from laler \\'nlern Chou 10 \\'olern Han, cf. Wang En-Thien {fl. The generai iayoul seems 10 ha''t: conformed 10 Ihe ideal ciTY plan presellled in The 'Khao Kung Chi'" (Yu Wei·Chhao (.r). p. ,51),

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30. M I L I T A R Y

TECHNOLOGY

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Fig. '40. Ground-plan orlhc Hsia or Shang city at Yen-Shih, Honan, rrom Chung-Kuo Shc-Hui Kho-Hsiich Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So Lo-Yang Han Wei Ku.Chheng KungTsoTui (I), fig. 2.

and Warring States periods, before it was conquered by the state ofChhu 1 , for the Han city, and the modern city, are smaller in size and located in the southwest corner oftile original enceinte. The outer perimeter, 1 1 , 7 7 ' metres in circumference, is punctuated by eleven gates, three each located in the north, cast, and west sides and two in the south. Of these, the mOSt distinctive was the Eastern Gate in the south wall (sile T60 1 ) . Thien A n describes it i n the following terms: The Eastern Gate along the southern wall (site T6o l ) has surviving wall remains on both sides. The eastern remains are now 7 metres high, and those on the wcst are 2 metres. The road through the gateway was 36 melres long and 10 metres widc. It was aligned slightly west ofsouth at 185 degrees. On both sides of this gate are platforms of rammed earthen

" 51 :n )f ) , ,

.

"-r--Fig. 141. Plan Qfthe upital of•he Slal(: ofLu, Chhu·Fu, Shantung, from Shantung Sh�ng W�n·Wu Khao-Ku Yen·Chiu So ( ,), fig. 3.

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Fig. 142. EXU"alion areas ofthe capital oflhe stale of Lu, Chhii·Fu, Shantung, from Shantung Sheng WCn.Wu Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So (Il, fig. 2.

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30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

:

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South-w�1 galt ofthe city of Lu: �. South·eul galt oflhc cit)' of Lu. From Shantung Shing W':;n-\\I.. Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So (I).

construction. The surveyed surface ofeach is 58 metres north to south and 30 metres across and a metre in height- [see Figure 1 44] '

The road was a major highway, for it led directly to the Rain Dance Platform ( Wuyii tnai l ) 1 .7 kilometres to the south and, to the north, to the palace in the

centre of the city. The original gateway must have been impressive indeed, for undoubtedly on top of the platforms wooden gate-towers would have been con­ structed and the entire gate protected by portcullis and other devices which we will presently describe. Most Chinese cities were square or rectangular and oriented to the cardinal points, although there were some variations,b emphasising that they were reli­ gious centres, as well as centres for secular administration, and were symbols of the eternal order of the cosmos.c But this is not an aspect that concerns us here; we will return to it in the third volume of our study. And there were certainly varia­ tions in the structure of cities in different regions and states. For example, the • ThicR An (I), tram. David D. Buck (I), p. 13.

b A nOlable exampte of such irregularity is the remairu of the town now known a5 Tso-Ching-Chhcng', Huang-Phi county', Hupei province (figun (45), which probably originally belonged 10 the state ofChhu, dating from the middle of the Springs and Autumns period (Huang-Phi �Isien Wcn_Hua Kuan(l), cf. K. C. Chang (g). p. 67. , Wheatley (�) especially pp. 'P9-59; Vandcrme<:neh (I); Keightley (6); K. C. Chang (9, 10), Arthur Wrighl ( 1 1); Sen-dou Chang (I, 2).

' . Ifi Jl:

.form n the :I, for con­ :h we

'dinal ! reli­ ,ols of re; we varia­ e, the

:hhi:ng' , ,f Chhu,

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30.

M I S S I L ES A N D S IE G E S

30'

people ofChhin did not bury their dead within the walls of their capital as did the residents of the Chhu capital at Chi-Nanl ,. and as did those of the Lu Capital, which suggests a different attitude toward death and the dead.b The walls of the Chhin capitals at Yung2 c and Yueh-Yang�d are far smaller and narrower than those of their rivals, which may imply either that they were not as advanced technically as their neighbou� in the Central States or that their military organi­ sation was designed to defeat their opponents in the field and they did not rely on a passive defence. But such variations are also not relevant here. Without more ado, therefore, let us turn to a discussion ofwalls, moats, and roads in siege warfare. Although the inner and outer walls were obviously of crucial importance to the dcfcnce of the city, the surviving fragmems of the Mo T<.u are not particularly enlightening as to thc height and width of the walls, the depth of their foundations, and height of the crenellation recommended for different sizes of towns and cities. Yuan Khang· (A. + 40) records a base width of 2 chang' 7 chhih6 (c. 6.24 mctres) and a height of 4 chang 7 chhih (c. 10.85 metres) for lhe walls ofthc Lesser City of Wu (Wu Hsiao-Chheng7r and the heights of 1 2 chMh (c. 2.77 metres) for Chhi Hsiang8 and 2 chang 7 chhih (c. 6.24 metres) for lhe main walls and 1 7 chhih (c. 3.93 metres) for the outer walls of Wu-Hsi'. But it became customary to speak of walls 5 chang or 50 feet (c. 1 1 .56 metres) high,' which merely indicated that the walls were very high, and it seems quite unlikely that the customary ritual

• Hupd Sheng 1'0 Wu Kuan 1 1 , 11 , Chi.Nan has bttn un"alm wilh impnssi\"O! 3111!ntion �o de�ail. Onl! of �he mosl remarkable fealUm oflhl; dcfl;nC\"S wl;re Ihl! W3ll!r ga�n. Chhen H5ien·1 has pfO\'ided Ihl! exca"3Iion reporl of �ha� in Ihe soulhern "'all {I • pp. 341-9, cf. SugimOIO {I), pp. 174-81, ,,'hich pennilled boal! 10 pass Ihrough Ihe walls into fourSlro:ams running Ihrough �hl;eitr (figura 146, 147 and r48 . b In rh., Han drnaSl)", rhe rirual prl!scription! ad.-ocalM Ihl! d�ad he buriM out.Sid� thl! walls, but this "'as not adhered 10 in Ihe carlitr period: Sugimoto (I), pp. ISg-90; Aki)"ama Shingo (I . • Shens; Sheng Yung·Chhcng Khao--Ku Tu; I pp. 7-1 I; cf. K. C. Chang ( I ), p. :34S; Sherui Sheng Shi:-Hu; Kho-Hsi.l�h Yuan Khao--Ku Yen·Chiu So Feng.Hsiang Tui (I). Thl; wat ""all was relalively well pl"I!$(r\"ed and IIlfaSUr� 3,�()<> IIll!tr<:s long, 4·3- rs m.,lra wide and the remaining hl!ighr W35 1.65-�.05 ml!lrn. The southern ".lil h:«1 0.,.,,, mQOlrlr dnrro)"ed by peasarm digging il and b)" tht Tung.Feng r<:scr\"oir. Only thrtt stetions, th.,r.,(ore. "'erc di$Co.·.,...."d wirh a lenglh of [.800 IIll!trel, a remaining widrh of 4-4' 75 metres and remaining h�ight of �-7.35 metTN. The "','!H.,..n waH, which did nor ha'-I! a ri"er Rowing past ir like the orher sides, was prOlectcd by a moat approximatdr 1,000 mctres long, 1 � 6- �5 metres widl! and in onl! place ",as found to k 5.� melre, d.,.,p. c[ L.i Xneqin (1.i Hslidl·Chhirr) ( I ), p. �30 (figurN 149, '50). � Chullg.Kuo Sh';·Hui Kho·Hsueh Yuan Khao·Ku Yl!n·Chiu So Yueh.Yang Fa·Chi.leh Tui (I). Thl! city was '"(lUghly n:rtangular �,5°O by 1,6ro meITN. Thl! sourh waH was 1 ,640 melrel long and 6 mctr.,s wide with a r.,maining height of0,4 to 0.6 ml!lrl!S. There Wl!re probably Ihree gateS in both l!aSl and west walls and tWO in the nonh wall. One ofrhe south gare. was .,xca,·ared and found 10 he Oril!l1Ied to 344°. A road passed through it 1 3 mem:-s long and 5.5 metres wide (figur., 151). On the W\"SI side were thl! foundations ofa gatehousc Iha� projected s1ighll)' beyond Ihe dty waH. The diml!nsioll.l ofrhCSl! sramped·tarth foundations w.,n: 1 3 metres north-south by 4 m.,tm .,aSI-"·Nr by 0.35 ml!ln:s d.,.,p. Thl! eastl!rn gatehousc had bttn badl)" damaged by water (figun: 152). The exca\"ators rttOrd rhe Clthultj'.AII Chi},'· as saring Ihat originally tht walls wtrO! 15 fttl (fhllih) high. • r",h Ch,,"'Sb Sppred. , ch.2.p. l b. f For e�ampk, the Chhin stalnman Li Ssu lIlen tioll.l rhis figuT<: in a memorial to the � Emperor {$hih

,

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(A1, ch.U7,P· 3 1 ; Bodde I · P·4'

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

rJ.N:'l City WIlli mUD MoUe
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rig. lolj. Ground-plan ofTso-Ching-Chheng, Huang-Phi Hsi�n, from Huang-Phi Hsien Wtn-Hua Kuan (/ .

sumptuary regulations limiting the height of the walls according to the rank of the aristocrat who held the city were ever actually put into effecLa The Chiu Chang Suan Shu I gives the lower width of a city wall as 4 chang (c. 9.24 metres), the upper width as 2 chang (c. 4.62 metres), and the beight as 5 chang (c. 1 1 .65 metres):b these dimensions may have been typical for the Han, although Hotaling believes from an analysis of Han Chhang-An2 and Lo-yang3 that 'there is a distinct possibility thal the walls were built to satisfy a formula which stated: "the base of lhe wall shall be twice as wide as its height'''.c This formula is, • The II'� Cltr�I J J< quoted in the r;"1 TSII� FII S,rrrlt ', ch. I , p. 10, statn Ihat the walls ofthe Son ofHeaven's city were to be 9J"'" (72 (Milt) high, those ofa duke (.t""I') or marquis (....�.) .. -en: to be 7jIrr (49 rftlrrl) high. Ihose ofan �arl (",' ) ;,j'" (35 rftlrift) high, whilt those ofV;KOllnt (1�1t " ) or baron (l1li11") only 3jnr (is ,AAilt hi�h. < Hotaling (I),p. 12. Ch. ;,. p.n;Vogel ( I ) , P. 44.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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fig. 146. Ground-plan ofChi.Nan city, silt oflh( capital of.ht Stal( ofChhu. from Hupci Sheng Po-Wu Kuan (I:, fig. 2.

however, different from that given in later Chinese military manuals, which state that 'the height shall be twice that of the base width and the base width shall be twice that of the upper width, if the city wall is 5 chang high, the base width is 2 chang 5 ,Mill and the upper width 1.25 chang' • ,

. TIt"., Tim, eh . 1:)2. p. 800a: H. CMim 0/11'" en. 6 P.,,,, 56 'Ch u Chh�ng' , p...5: TluJi p� 11� elm'l. ("h. 6, p. 10.). This formula st"("ms IQ ha\e �n followed. mon: or Ins. in the Thang t"u H.i-i"ien I . p. 136..

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m

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

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Fig. '49. Ground·plan ofthc sitc ofYung, fim capilal oflhc SlatC ofChhin, from Shinsi Sh�ng Yung.Chh�ng Khao-Ku Tui (I), fig. I.

This narrowing of the base width in the formula may have been the result ofa more consistent use ofbricks to face the wall from Han times on, for the bricks may have helped to retain the eanh in the wall. Although stamped earth construction was remarkably solid, sometimes even achieving the consistency of modern con-

30.

MISSILES A N D SIEGES

crete, yet at the same time poor construction methods coupled with the oversights ofincompetcnl supervising engineering officials and the rapidity with which walls had to be constructed when an enemy was approaching, could obviously open the possibility for defects in the finished producl. The Chhin even wrote into their legal statutes that ifwalls collapsed within one year of construction, the Controller of Works (Ssu-khung I ) and the Gentleman (Chiin-t{u2) actually in charge of the work were held guilty of a crime and the corvee labour conscripts were required to rebuild them, a task which was not to be counted as statute labour.Although the texts are fragmentary, it is possible that the Mohists recom­ mended that the wall-walk on top of the wall be no less than 1 7 chhih (ca. 3.93 metres) b or 18 to 24 chhih (ca. 4. 1 4 to 5.52 metres) wide.c These figures are close to those found in the Chiu Chang Suan Shu but considerably less than those in the later military manuals. As we have seen in the archaeological records there was a very wide disparity in the size of city walls in different parts of China and at different periods oftime;d it is probably not wise to conclude that the Mohists insisted on a specific height and width. Whatever could be repaired and strengthened, given the limits of men and material and time, was to be: the strategists were more concerned with the size oflhe upper width on which men and defensive engines were positioned. Insufficient width at the top could prevent deployment of essen­ tial machines, inhibit movement of troops along the walls, and be awkward to fight from, thereby rendering the defence inefficient or even ineffective. � Both sides of the top of the wall were provided with parapets (lieh'), the height of which is given as 7 chhih (c. 1.61 metres) for the outer and four chhih (c. 0.92 metres) for the inner in one passage.t Another stales that the embrasures (pi ni4) were to be 3 chhih wide and 2 chhih 5 tshun high.- The parapet in many texts is • SltiJi·Hu· Ti CM,Ift·.\lu au·Clrit" (I., pp. ]6-]; Hul�we { 6.• p. 63.

,

ofa nay lion :on·

� Yin·Chhuch·Shan Han·:'.lu Chu·Chicn Cheng.Li Hsiao-TSll (.,r • slip 796. p. �8. • .110 T�u. TtfG T.s'MI .:(t.,ch. q, p. 3b: Yates (�); fragment 6. p. 93 and p. I tO, note '45. tUlulation p. 114. d cf. Wheatlq' (�). p. [83. • .o\s Luuwak , . p. 68. observes, the width of ,he tOP ofHadriall's Wall in Roman Britain, 6 f<:<:l. pm:[uded Iht ]>O$Sibilit) of it Ixing used as a fightillg plalform. I Yin.(;hhuch.Shali Han·:'.lu ehu Chien Chcng·Li Hsiao·Tsu (.,r!. slips 7rj3-7. p. 28. I :110 T�u, Ttf� Tsotlg ed., ch. 1.f, p. 36; Sun [·Jang (.�). ch, 14, p. 17a; Yales (�) fragment 6, p. 93, p. 1 10, nOle ' 10, and lranslalion p. ' 14. The graphs forpi�i' were varioul,phi �i' (Tu Yii'" eomment on the TJo Ch�atl ' Duke H,iian' year 12. Shilr San Clring Chu Su, eh. 23, p. 26; pi ni'· (Shih Afi", " [ TSCC ed.] Ch. � (Phim 17) {'Shih Kung Sh'h" '}. p, 8�);phi ni'l and phi " or pi/phi" (Sun I-Jang (.:;» . p. 3�4, quoting the San Tsko.ng " ( Tshang Chirh " ) . [ TSCC _d·,1 A. 10 and C. 88; Sh�Q w",, ", p. 6� 18a, defines pi" as a 'CTeneI in lhe parapet ("ii clriliatlgto ) 011 a city wall' which i5 not quite aceurale; Chi run" (Sppred.). ChhO Sheng Shang, ch. 7, p. �oa, employs the graphs phi �i" and the K�atlg rtf " 'Shih Kung'" (K""", ra S� Chin,U, Wang Nien·Sun" ed., [TSCC ed.]. eh. 7A, /.slrl �. p. 80�) definesphi tli" as the 'parapet or woman', walls (Jli thfrialtJ" 1O). again slightly 'naccurately. c[ Hayashi �Iinao (6). p. 172.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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tAl SectionoftheSouthw�1I 11:400) 18) Stw;toonoftheES$I._1I 11:400) (C) CrosS48Ction of lhe'Nest gate(t4QO) (0) Section ofthe West _II (1:200) IE) Section of the West _II and mo.at (1:200) (F) Section of the North w�1I (1:200)

Fig. 1 ;)0.

Cross·Stttiom ofsegmenls of the citr walls ofYung, capit�) ofthe stale ofChhin, from Shensi Sheng Yung.Chheng Khao-Ku Tui (I), fig. 2.

also called the 'woman's wall' (nii ,hhiallg t ) because of its smaller size relative to the main wall (the husband): bUl bOlh lerms 'woman's wall' and 'parapet' could refer to low carlh walls or ramparts erected outside the main wall, in other words,

fausse-brayes.'1

• Sltilt MI�I 'Shih Kung Shih' ( TSCC ed.), ch. 5. p. 85. The glcmary also Itata thaI the w:neb called 'p«:p("o"

(pI IIi') b«�use rou c�n p«p Ihrough Ihe op("ning �I unusual happenings ouuidc the walls and ·help("r' (plti' Lt. pi') for

it helps or supple men u the height ofthecity wall.

b � p. 329 below.

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30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

By late Warring States times, a device had been invented to protect the men firing out of the embrasures. This was called the 'revolving window' (chuanyu l ) _ and quite a large number of these wooden objects have been discovered in recent archaeological excavations of Han fans in the Gobi desert.b 'They are stated to be approximately 41 cm long and wide and to have a hole in the middle ofa cemral cylinder which is high on the inside and low on the outer. At the bottom of the cylinder is a small chock which allows for an angle of rotation of approximately 1 1 0-1 20°'0: (Figure 153). The 'windows' were fixed into the embrasures and whenever the archer inside wished to fire, he or his helper rotated the central cylinder open to the correct width and released his bolt. The attackers would find it extremely hard to fire directly through this protective device and injure the defending soldiers. Despite its obvious effectiveness and advantages, however, the use of this device seems to have been dropped by the end of the Han dynasty, for we have no textual or archaeological evidence for it in later times. Shutters similar to the Chinese devices were, however, attached in the embrasures and windows of Western mediaeval castles and walls and fine reconstructions are preserved at s'Gravensteen in Ghent (Figure 154) and suggested for Carcassonne (Figure 155).d Indeed, fragmentary evidence for the attachment ofwoodell shutters to the windows of towers, closed battlements, and in the crenellations along battle­ mel1ted walls in the ancient Greek tradition has been carefully gathered by A. W. Lawrence', and so it is more than likely that engineers and architects at both ends of the Asian cominent had conceived of these practical devices at roughly the same time. About 3 chllih (ca. 0.69 metres) below the parapet, torch holes (chileh hsileh2) excavated in the body of the walls, wider at the outer end and sufficiently large to accommodate torches made from firewood 4.5 chhih (c. 1 .04 metres) and 2 wei3 in circumference.f These holes could be spaced 5 paces (pu4) (c. 6.93 metres) apart or as seemed appropriate for the local conditions, the height of the

• Yin·Chhikh·Shan Han·Mu Chu·Chitn ChCng·Li Hsiao·Tsu (.,), slips 799-800, p. �8; Iht ItXI Sialts that ont was placed every 20 pa�e$ (ca. 27-72 mttres), but this was probably wrillen when the devices were relatively new. l'ouibly the device was al$O called u;m' in the /110 T�" and d'"lln lu' in the ChO·Yen' Han dips (Yates (3),

pp. 43�-8).

by the Sino-S.....edish txpffii. . � The earliest example$ to be diliCQ\'ered, albeit in a fragmentary condition, ....ere ,ion (Sommarslriin) ( I ) . pp. 308-9). More recently. others were found by Ihe KatlJu Chu·Yen Khao-Ku Tui (I). p. 6; Yatct (3). pp. 43�-8. • Yates (3). p. 433: Chhu Shih-Pin (I). pp. t90-[ and Loewe (18). pp. 29�-6. argue Ihat the device was called Ihe 'revolving shooting machine' (chualfIhtdti'). bu t this may not be corrccl. � Hughes ( t ) . p. 6�; de la Croix (2). figure :17 (after Viollet·I..,·Duc): Toy ( ), pp. '96-7. t'Gra\'emtecn "'as 2 begun in + [ 190 by Philip of Alsae..,. • A. W. La.....rence (2) pp. 410-18. r .\10 T�". TIl� Ts,,"g ed.• eh. 14. p. 4h; Yalcs (�). fragment 9, pp. 128 and '3�.

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30.

310

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M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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= Modem roads

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Fig. 1 ;' 1 . Cround-plan ofthe Sttond Chhin capilal orVuch.Yang, from Chung-Kuo She-Hui Kho-Hsuch Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So Yuth.Yang Fa-Chuch Tui (I), fig. 2.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y . _ . _ . . - - - - - - -,

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Fig. 152. I'lan ofthe south gale orlhc Chhill capital ofYueh·Yang, from Chung-Kuo Shc-Hui Kho-Hsuch

Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So Yuch·Yang Fa-Chikh Tui (I), lig. 5.

Fig. 153- 'RevOking window ((kuanyu)', Kansu Pro,';ncial Museum, Lanchow. (Photograph Robin O. 5. Yal�s.)

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Fig. 15-1. Shuuen in III� windows of5·Gra\"�n5Ittn. (1'11010 Edilorial E$cudo de Oro.)

wall and terrain over which it traversed.' These torches were lit at night to provide illumination of the glacis outside the walls. Without them, the enemy could easily sneak up to the base of the walls and launch a surprise attack under lhe cover of darkness. They were therefore an essential part of the wall defences. By Thang times a slightly different method of illumination had been developed. The Thung Tien I describes the techniques in the following way: large torches made from pine (sung'l) were hung from the top of the walls by iron chains every '50 feet so that they dangled half-way down the walls. On top of the wall a watchdog (thing chhiian') was placed which was supposed to bark if it saw or heard men • CII. '4, ". 9<1: Yales (5 . fragm�nl ' 1 , p_ 14'2-4' Sun I·Jang (::, p. 33'. Tile n�wl)' discovem:l I�XIS give Ille dislance betwttn Ih� 10Kh holes 3.5 10 paces (ca. 13.86 metres) (Yin·Chlilieh·Shan Han·;\lu Chu·Chi�n Cheng. Li Hsiao-Tsu -I , 5lip 799, p. 78 .

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30.

314

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Fig. '55. CarClU'IOnne; r«(lTl$lruCllon, after VioIlel·Ie·Due, ofVisigothic tower, c. + 'ISO, from de la Cmi>; (2), fig. 37.

climbing up the walls. Inside the city, lard or oil torches (chihyu chu l ) were lit as night fell at crossroads, on important roads, and at doors and gates, and these were supposed not to be allowed to go out all night.' Finally, the Mohists recommended that twelve hidden drains (yu lou2) be con­ structed beneath the walls every 100 paces ( 1 38 metres). They were to be 3 chhih wide and 4 chhih high, but they do not seem to have been coordinated with the • Ch. '5'1. p. 800('. Guard dogs were also kepI in the beacon stalions and forts along the Han northwestan frontin. where the), ,,-ne provided with kennels and s�cific individuals were charged with feeding them (Chhu

Shih·I'in ( ,). PII. �03-5 and Lao Kan (7)), pp. 45-7, who also noto that of the thra types of dogs in ancient ti"'...., guard dogs. hunting dogs, and dogs that were raised to be eaten; only the former two wen: ever gi"en

11:1111<.,.

b \'ato '5 . fragments 6, pp. 93, '09 nOle '40. and pp. t I 3-14. This practice of burying drains beneath Ihe gaIn gon back to prehistoric timn; pottery drains 5 metro long consisting of pipes 35-45 centimetres long were found beneath the southern gate ofPhing·Liang Thai (K. C. Chang ( I ) (4th cd.), p. 267). Stt Figures t57-8 for drains and pip" bo:ncalh gato and walls ofHan Chhang.AIl. The drainage system for the great city of Lin.Tzu. the capital of the slate of Chhi, was quite elaborale. though not as e>;tensi"e as the roads that eriss-cTOSSed the length and breadth oflhe city figure 156) (Lin.Tzu Chhu Chhi.Kuo Ku.ChhclI8 I·Chih Po-Wu Kuan

'

.. ..

30.

MISSILES A N D SIEGES

3'5

-- _

+ - - - - - - -, I Tombof

I

ky,

YenYing

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@

k.H....n·

t.rrac.

I I , ,

- - -- - - , , , , , ,

',

- - --- ___ 1

e:.

I

_ _ _ ___

wi

,

'==0'

� Openings of dr,'n.ge ditches

_

[)tainage ditchH

...... 1-- City gatn

- - - - Ancient roads - Cityw.lIs � Arc:hNOlogical slt••

Fig. t56. Drainagt s)"$ltm undtr tht ancitm city ofLin.T�u, capital ortht $tate orChhi, from Lin-Tzu Chhii Chhi-Kuo Ku-Chhcllg I-Chih Po-Wu Kuan (r). fig. t , p. 785.

gates and no spccific suggestions appear encouraging drains to be buried beneath lhe roads leading through the gates.b Directly inside the walls, at their base, all buildings were removed and a road was constructed either 20· or 30b paces (pu) (c. 27.72 to 41 .58 metres) wide. At the side of this road wells were sunk and latrines with walls 8, 10, or 1 2 cnnin high were constructed. Usually these walls and latrines were spaced 30,50, or 100 paces • Yin·Chhuth-Shan Han·�lu Chu·Chien Chcng.l.j Hsiao-Tlu (� . Jlip 808. p. 28. .110 T:.�. TM TJ""I N.. ch. '4, p. 4'; Sun I-Jallg !l . p. 359: Yata (S). fragmem68, pp. 4°4.4°5,

•

30-

3[6

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:\ II L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

"

�

<

,

"��

, �.t

ua

0"

s.,

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Fig.

'57.

Brick drain-hole buried under the Sian-:\Ii:n gale, Chhang-An, from Wang Zhongshu (Wang Chung-Shu) (I), fig. 9.

1 .} , ,.....

.. ..

I

( .... •

.. ...

•

• •

Fig.

IS8. Q:o,ramic water-main pi� buried under the city wall of Han Chhang-An. from Wang ZhollS$hu (Wang Chung-Shu) (I), fig. 10_

•

-

30.

MISSILES

AND SIEGES

3' )

(c. 41 .58: 69·3 or 138.6 metres) apart, but other distances are recorded; some­ times, indeed, the latrines were located directly below privies built on the walls above for the convenience of the soldiers manning the parapet. At others, two walls were placed by the stairways leading to the top of the walls. Water was permitted to be thrown from the top of the walls but only after a special flag had been waved; these were spaced every 1 0 ehhih along the walls. No cry equivalent to that of 'gardez I'eau' appears, however, to have been allowed. At the wells iron water buckets and other pots were placed for the convenience of the drawers.b Along the road the piles of material needed for the defence were also laid. Thus, the ancient Chinese perceived the advantage of what the Romans called the pomoerium, whose origins in the West go back as far as the Nubian forts pro­ tecting the approaches to Egypt along the upper course of the Nile in the early dynastic period (Figures 159- 160) .c In -397 the Greek colony of Selinus won its independence again and rebuilt its defences after the Carthaginians had laid siege to and captured it in -409. The street plan was grid-like, running north-south and east-west, and the pomoerium wide except in the northern section where build­ ings interrupted its course.d It could have been Chinese had not the city been shaped like a pear (Figures 1 6 1 - 162). The pomoerium was later adopted by medi­ aeval town-planners, the beautifully preserved Montagnana in Italy providing a most conspicllous example (Figure ,63). Stairways spaced every 50 paces (c. 69.3 metres) gave access to the top of the walls from the road.t The steps in one case are said to have been 3 chhih long and wide and 2 chhih 5 /shun high and the stairway 60 chllill long,' This might indicate that the distance from the road to the top of the walls was 50 chhih (60 -;- 3 x 2.5 chhih) (i.e. I 1.55 metres or 37.89 feet high), but we cannOt be sure of this. No one was permitted to climb up and down the stairs without special credentials, nor were they likely to be permitted to carry weapons with them when they went to the latrines. Guards were stationed at the stairs to ensure that these rules were strictly followed,' Gates were conStructed along the encircling road as weU as in the alleys in the wards inside the walls and the main roads of the city, which were probably built in •

Yill-Chhueh·Shan Han.�lu Chu-Chien Cheng-Li Hsiao·Tsu (-I), slip 808, p. 28, states that the wens should

he I()/""atro (}/�l paces (ra. B31.6 melres) apan alld no more Ihan 20 paces (ca. �7.i2 melrei from the wall. The Lnrin<·t, oil iheothtr Imlld, ,,"cr.�spa�cd t"cry 20 paces apan alld 1101 more than I) paces (ca. �o.i9 met�s) from

Iht w:dl.

• .\fo T�Il, Tllo TJt!ng ed. . eh. ':" pp. ..ab, SUIl I-Jang (2), p. 3:'9; Yates ()), fragmem68, pp. 404-).

d.· la Croix (2), p. 18; Bad�wy ( 1 ) , p. 229 and figures 102 and 103, pp. 220-1. - de I:. Croix 2 , p. �4:J. Hulot and G. Fougeres (I):A. \\". L�wrenee (2), PI" �88-99. • .110 T�". T"o T.UIn&, <:d., eh. '4, p. 4a; Yau�s (:'), fragment 8, PI" 1 2 1 . 126. I .110 T�/l. Tllo Ts,,�&, ed., rho q. p. 3b; Yatn ()) , fragment 6, PI" 9]-4. pp. 1 10- 1 1 nOtc"s '48-51, and translation I)' 1 14. I The nc"dy di$CO\ercd text statC"S that: 'Those who go dO"'n to the latrine must be gagg<:d: if twO men go together. they a� 10 be eXe("utnf slip 800J {Yin-Chhuch·Shan Han-.\ Iu Chu·Chkn Ch':ng-Li H$iao-Tsu -I . p. 18 . Uk,'wis<" A"neas Taelicu$ I urgn (he ramps leading down from lhe walls be ciO$t!d ofho that ,flrallOn o("izr a part orthe wall o\"erwhieh (h�enerny muld climb, (hey would be foren! to kap (0 (he ground inside the ""lis. a 'ery dangerous undcnaking, and thus the: ad,antage orsurpri� would be taken a"..�' from them Arntas Iii, TII(I;o/l>l. pp. 1 1 '.(- 15 . <

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

. •

0-.'

•.

,

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•

•

.�'. '•.

./

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, I

t'ig. '59- Ground-plan oftht: fortr� On th� island ofA,lr.ut, from Badawy (I), lig.

102.

= " " '"0'< -,'" 110'''"'''' ""...11 .....· . ,. , · « , _

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

?

I

Fig. 160. Ani$I'J impression oCthe fortress a t Askui, �n from the soulh, from Badawy ( Ij, fig. 103.

a grid system. Two men were also required to guard each gate and only those with authorised tallies were permitted to pass through, disobedience to the orders being punished severely, even with death,- In this way, the MohislS built a honeycomb of defence works throughout the city, making it extremely difficult for an enemy to achieve the quick surrender of the besieged even after a breach in the walls or gales had been created and their soldiers had penetrated into the heart of the populated seclor.b • ,110 T:.�. Tile T.$IIIIIW.. ...h. I;'. p. fb: Sun l:Jang (2,. p. 3j9: Yates ij . fragment 69, p. ,,06.

b Some �n� or "hal the honeycomb lookrd like elln be gllined rrom II rnr.gmem or a Han lomb mllnr.l di$('o\ er
30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

321

Fig. 16�. �Iinus, c. - 390, n:ronStruCiM plan, from de Ja Croix (2), fig. 19.

Similarly, and perhaps following the Mohists' lead, the state of Chhin seems to have developed a system of controlling criminal activity in their towns and cities which was later adopted and adapted by the Han.'" This system of Thing 1 or 'posts' was probably also useful in times of military emergency for the officialsb assigned to duty in the posts had the responsibility of catching thieves, watching pedestri­ ans, and guarding the city gates. Inside the city itself, the posts were tall multi­ storied buildings and appear to have had jurisdiction over the principal streets/ •

b

Kao:\lin (I). Th� ofi1c-ia(s indudM the chidof the POSt (lhi�g (hang' ) and below him tWO runnen (tlrmg Is�'), one callM

the 'Father of the l'O$t' (Ih'ngf"') and the Thief-catcher

(fMi" 160').

J n the Chhin. Ihese urban posu were pan of

thr COUnty (lrsm.· ) administr.ui\'c hiera....hy. . whife under Ihe Han, the), were plaad. under Ihe district (lrsiang' admin;st.... t;on. In Ihc Chhin the ofticial in charge of all the posts ;n a roUnt� was callM the Bailiff of the ).klropolil;ln posts II" tiring uflt' , .

, This is the implication one might draw from one orlhe ne'"

188-� )'kLrodand \'atC$ 1 , pp" .j.O-.(.'.

'. ' II

' . 1< . ,",

Chhin documents. cr. Huiscwt 6 . E8, pp.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. ,63. �Iomagnana. interior walls and pomocrium, from de la Croix (�), fig. 4�.

while out in the countryside posts were located every ten Ii (,miles', i.e, about every 6 English miles) and had the additional function of being stops in the postal system, and therefore could have provided advanced warning of an enemy's approach. Just how early the construction ofa grid system for the main roads and wards within the city began is very hard lO determine, for, generally speaking, the archaeologists have not been able to locate many of the large streets, let alone the small alleys, in the early cities they have excavated. a Nevertheless, it is clear that both Han Chhang.An and Lo·Yang, as well as the later capitals employed this • [, may have bttn asnr[l as Ihe n<'Olilhic and bron:r.eagcs (Ho Yeh.Chii I . When the Greek. began 10 U$( i easier 10 deleonine: il "·as af,er Ihe dcsnuCiion oflhe Penian in'·asions in Ihe grid system for Iheir street plans s Ihe early -finh cemur)", and the syslem ;s associated with the name ofHippodamus {Wycherley I I , pp. '5-35 The Romans. ofCOUI"SI'. were C\en more rigid in Iheir applicalion ofgrids for street plans than Ihe Greeb ....·ere. o:"SlX'<"ially for ,hose- to....ns ba§(Cd upon original c�sl.a. In mediacval European times. this regular and symmelrical 5�11cm rcappcarro in ncw (Owns built by royal fial, such as Aigucs �loT!cs, which waHonSirUCtcd in the middk oflhe + thirt...cnth ("entury as it poT! al the mouth orthe Rhone from which the CT11'lader army could embark for the Holy Land (Sournia ( I )) (t'igures 165-166).

r.

30- M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

..J

Fig_ 164_ The honeycomb ofdcfences in a Han cilY as depicted in a tomb-mural al An-I'hing, Hopd, from Chinese Academy of ArchitM;ture ( I )_

system, which only began to break down with the expansion ofcommercial activ­ ity in the Sung_3 Even later on, many of the important administrative centres, especially in North China, maintained this archetypical pattern, although it must always be remembered that the grid system was only ideal. There were many variations in the size of wards and in their location due to the presence of rivers, • \\-ang Zhongshu Wang Chung-Shu) I), ehs_ I and 2; Bieknslcin '� : Ho Ping-Ti (3': Wright � 1 3 : Sc-hafcr 1�': Wang Chung-Shu rz tJ Yu "-ei-Chhao I 11: Li Yu-Chhun (1_: H$u Chin-Hsing & Tu Yu-Shiong I : Chung_Kuo Kho-Hsuch-Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-ChiuSo Hsi_An Kung-Tso Tui , : Hiraoka Takco I '01. 6. 7. Figurr 167 ; ).Ia Hsien-Hsing I , pp. 'l1 2-'l�; Xiong Cunroi I : Tung Chien-Hung " ; 1.0 Tzu-Hsin I : Slcinharch I : Su Pai I ; Chung-Kuo Shi-Hui Kho-Hweh.Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So Lo­ Yang Kung·Tso Tui I _

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. ,65. Atrial view of Us .""igua-�Ionc:s. from Soumia

(I).

canals, ponds, parks, government buildings, palaces, temples, and markets," and other such features built for the convenience of the administration and the population. Miyazaki Ichisada argues that in the Han dynasty, there was only one entrance to the wards inside the towns and cities; it was called a liil or Iii mm1 and was relatively low, being only raised in height ifan individual with high rank dwelled within the walls.b Permission was given only to those whose fief was reckoned at 1 0,000 households or more to have a private emrance onto the main street. In a later article, however, he reinterprets the evidence somewhat differently in the •

�Iark�'$ in ,he earlr period Wert localro within tile walb ofthe towns and citits. Ther wcre square, watled.

and usualJ}' had a storiro tower in the cemu in which tht markt, official and his minions lIad ,heir officn. The official had the rnponsibilitic:s of Opo!ning and closing ,he market, ensuring fair prien. and collecting taxn. �Icrchants wrre organi� intogroup$ ofl;,·e. who wert mUlualir rc:sponsibk for IliciT �ha,iOl.lr. The stalls were apparcntl} COn$lructro in paralld rows leading onto two main .horoughfares in Ihe centre ofwhose junction the officials' ,owCrWaHr«lro Figures

,68, '69, '70, cf. \'atn (6 , Liu Chih.Yi.i.an (.

b �Ii)uaki Ichisada r.1), pp. H-S (570- 1 1 . In ,he Pre-Chhin ]X"riod, if a rukr wished to honour or visil a

wo..h) Ii,illg ;l1side .he ward, he could order the gale 10 be raised in heighl lo ]X"Tmil his whttkd carriage .o pass ,hrough.

, 00 f'�

�

I-XVI Curla,n walls

, Tower of Constance 2 Wall of the castle moat J Administrative olfi<:es

Revetment wall of 1t1e Tower of ConS\8"ce , Place ,fA.mes 6 Barracks , Gala of In.. Gardette , Salt Tower 9 Saint AntMnvGate '0 Fuse Towar " Towe,of VilleneUlle " Gale of the Cordeliers

I

,

( Franciscansl

13 Queen's Gate " Powder Tower 15 A'S8",,1 Gate " Marine Gate " Gale of the Gall..ons " Gat" of the Mills " Gale 01 !hoe Mooting Ring 20 Tower of theBurgundians " Gate of the Embankments 22 Place Saini-LOllis 2J ParishChurchoi NOlreOame des SabloJ'lS " Former Convent of the Cap",,!>;ns " Chapel of the Wl\ite Penilems " Chapel of the Gray Penil""'s

. 3//

•

XV<

"

"lC] �r'2i 22

"

� - --

? 6

90 matres

"

1

6 1 0yards

Fig. 166. Ground-piau of Lcs Algues-Mones, from Sournia (r).

30.

326

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Kuaf\U"hua Gat,

.---_ -- \,

Ching-yIO Gata

I

Fang-lin

Glta

\

Hsuan--.

Gatl

.I· r-� -r--

, BEl ElB EB It En BEl EB u

l

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rig. 167. Ground-plan orThang Chhang.An. rrom Hiraoka Takro (I).

I I l l j j 3 3 3

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30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

n Minll p,,�

(Gmt luminous Palace)

Gell ,

Chhi·h&ilo Gote

G

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32 7

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y ligh(

clam and (he

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uRi

Fig. 168. Rubbing dcpicting a Han·period markct $CClle, excavaltd al Kuang-Han, fronl Liu Chih-Yuan (I). fig. ! . t"ig. 16g. Rubbing depicting a Han_period markCI sccne cx<:;tvatcd a l Phcng Hsien, from Liu Chih·Yuan (I), fig. 2. Fig. 170. Rubbing depicting a Han-period markelscenc, eltcavalcd at Hsin-fan, from Liu Chih.Ytian (I), fig. 3.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

light of the discovery of a Han dynasty village i n Hopei province! Miyazaki claims that the ward, still surrounded by low walls, was divided into a northern and a southern part, each with its own entrance onto the street. A partition kept the two sections apart in which another door, called a ytn 1 , was constructed, permitting access between the segments.b This system broke down with the col­ lapse of imperial authority al lhe end of the Han, to be reinstituted under the Wei dynasty in the form of thefang2 ward system. Neither the Wei, nor the Thang, which cOnlinued the \
• �I(ng Hao, Chhen Hui, and Liu Lai.Chheng (fl. - �Ii)·azaki Ichisada (6). , Ghun'lhu Chang { I l , pp.1I12-14·

I {HI

• k ill:

330

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

When the enemy withd raws, immediately drop the pennants in numbers similar to thost.: oflhe advance, but without the drums,-

Of these defence works, it will be noticed that only the moats and large walls have been uncovered by archaeological excavations and that many cities either diverted rivers around the walls or were located close to the banks or local water· courses. Some, we have seen, even had the rivers flowing right through the heart of the city. One wonders, therefore, whether the Mohist prescriptions were merely airy theorising or whether the excavators have overlooked the remains of the smaller walls. Perhaps, however, they have simply been reabsorbed into the Chi­ nese earth. Nevertheless, it is clear that the Chinese, although they knew of the dry ditch, which they called a huang! ,b did not dig the series of dry ditches characteristic of Roman fortifications which usually extended up to 60 Roman feet ( 1 7 · 75 metres) beyond the battlements, although in some cases in Britain the ditches reached 46 metres beyond the main wall, beyond effective javelin range (25-30) metres), especially on those sides which were the most exposed. A good example is Whitley Castle, Northumberland (Figure 1 7 1 ) .� There were two main types of Roman ditch, thejossajastigala, V·shaped in cross.section with a narrow channel running down the centre either intended to break ankles or the unintended result of clean· ing the ditch, and thejossa punica, which had an almost vertical outer face and a sloping inner face that permitted the defender on the walls clear view into the boltom of the ditch, thus preventing the attacker from finding shelter from the missiles prior to launching a final assault on the walls (Figure 1 72). Sometimes, also, branches of thorn trees were placed in the ditches to make the assault even more treacherous (Figure 1 73), and holes called lilia (Figure 1 74) were dug di· rectly in front of the walls of the fort like animal traps.d Probably these would have been concealed with branches and grasses so that the enemy would not know where it was safe to plant his feet. One reason for the Chinese not to adopt these kinds of outworks may have been precisely because they were committed to an active defence, to meeting the attackers outside the main walls. The dimensions of the moat varied over time and obviously depended on the availability of manpower, the local terrain and the proclivities of the men in charge of the defence. The Mo T{,u itself mentions a moat 1 5 chhih (ca. 3.47 • .\lQ T�Ji, Ta� Tsang ed .. ch. 15, pp. 3b-4a; Sun I-Jang (.pl. p. 358; Tshcn Chung-Mien (l), p. 92; Yates .;., fugment 64, pp. 396-7· b Ii:lyashi .\Iinao (6), p. 172. • ....nnr Johnson I , p. 49, and figure 28. [I is wonh ol»er\'ing lhat, sllmequem[y, the Nonnans not infre_ qU(tltJy mad( lise of or adapted the urli(r Roman fortifications: Pevenscy, Exeter, and Cardiff being good examples PlatI ( 1 , cf. StephenJohnson {t)). • Ann(Johnson t . pp. f7-8. She nOtes that the number ofditches depended on lhe pr«i$C conditiOIl$ of 1(lTlIin . .\Iorr dilchn W(rr added to protttl ,,'uk SpolS and where there W3$ a St�p $Carp, ditches collJd be diminaled altog(th(r. Thr oplimum depth ofth( ditches ",as belwttn 1.2 and 2.7 melres and il ,,'as common 10 obsen e odd numbe" for the widths, 9> 1 1 . t3. '7 fttl (pp, 48, 45).

' OIl

30.

MISSILES

A N D SIEGES

331

Fig. 1 7 1 . Aerial view ofthe fort at Whidey Castle. Northumberland, Ihowing the multiple ditches, from AnneJohnson (I). lig. 28.

I� Fig. 172. Prolile Ketions ofJoSSIlJIlSI'lQ/a andJossllP�";C(l ditches, from AnneJohnson (I). lig. 26.

Fig.

1 7:) .

Branchesofthom'lren placed as obstadcs in dcfensi'"c ditches. (After AnncJobnson (I), lig. 33.)

30.

332

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Fig. 174. Lilia, holes im�nded asderensi\'� tra�, found in 1904 in front ofth� northern defences ofthe Amonine wall-fon at Rough Cutle, from Ann�Johnson ( I ) , fig. 34.

metres) deep and 1 2 chhih (ca. '2.77 metres) wide,' whereas the Chiu Chang Suan Shu, perhaps more realistically, gives the dimension ofa typical section as being 1 5 chhih wide at the top, 1 0 chhih wide at the bouom, 5 chhih deep and 70 chhih long.b The Thang Thung Tien, on the other hand, speaks of the moat being 20 feet wide, 10 feet deep and 1 0 feet wide at the bonom.c Much wider moats have, however, been recorded by Chinese archaeologists, as we have previously noted. Although freezing must have posed a problem for moats in north China, those in the south probably never froze over, especially if they were part of a flowing river. d So, given that the terrain in which towns were built was often flat, thai water was essential for Chinese-style agriculture, and that adequate drainage and flood control were crucial for the successful production of local crops on which the city population depended for economic survival, it is additionally not surprising that the Chinese opted for a system ofmoals and walls, rather than the Roman dry ditches, although we will encounter one example of the latter below. The second of the defences mentioned in the Mohisl passage translated above is Ta� Tsang cd.. ch. '4, pp. 15ab; SUII I·Jang (3). pp. :3 tj- I 7; Yata {j . fragmelll t8. pp. [64-76. eh. j, pp 2a-:3o; \'ogel (2). p. 45. • cr. nat I'� nil Ching. fh. j (Phi,,, 44). pp. [06-7; H� Chili", ChillI eh. 6 (Ph,,,, j7), p, 4j. • :\Ia(hia,'elli ( t ) in his Ar' oj War, p. 248, argua "rongl)' for (he superiority of dry ditcha o"er water-filled ntQat$ pr�iscly because of this problem orrr�zing: 'BalliSla: "Would rou choose to hal'e Water in th� ditches, or "'ould )'ou rather have Ihem dry?" Fabrizio: "People differ in their opinion orthat mailer, because ditches with water in them S«UR you agaill$t mines, and those that ha\'t noOne are harder to be filled up. But upon the wholt I should rather prefer dry ditches. because they are a bener s«urity than th� Other: for dilcha wilh water in them han' sometimes been frozen o\"er in such a manner in willler time. that the towns Ih�y were designed to s«ure .. ha, e bc-t:n taken without much difficult),. . . . .

•

�

.

30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

333

lhih

rhe 10

een

lOse ing :hat and 'he sing d,y

Fig. 17:'. Palisaded ditch with rampan, PaeslUm, restored. (Arter Adam ( I l.)

'

ve IS

_fiLled les, or $ "'ilh hole I , Ihem se<::un�

the brushwood fence (fan' ) . Sun I-Jang suggests that this barrier was located in the moat: but it is more likely, in our opinion, that this is the same as the 'brush­ wood tie' (chhai chuan2) whose specifications are given in another passage of the Mo T�u as follows:b Clear away and bind together the trees and timber, ordering that there be a sufficient (quantity) to make a 'brushwood tie'. Rope together the front face and use a tree a chang 7 chhih (c. 3.93 metres) tall (as a measure) to make the outer face. Build it up lengthwise and crosswise tying it with brushwood and plaster the outer face with durable mud so as not to let water leak in. Order the breadth and thickness be capable of protecting a city • SUIl I-Jang (: . p. 358. If he is righl. this fence would be similar to Ihe barrier erected in Ihe middle of the moat defending Paelllum in the founh cemury (figure 17�) (H. Schlager (I ), p. 188; Carlan ([1, p. �54 and figure � 1 . p· �5�:Adam ( 1 , p. l l.\ . , Tao TS
' 11

334

30.

MILITARY TECHNO LOGY

walt more than 3 chang 5 chhih (c. 8.09 metres) high, and fill it in with brushwood, wood, earth, and twigs. The reason for this procedure is the emergency. Well in advance,join together the long and short pieces in the frOnl face and order that it be capable of supporting mud sufficient to make a parapel. Plaster the outside well so that it cannot be burnt or pulled out. This fence might also have been constructed when it was not possible to build a regular wall out ofstamped earth, either because the enemy were too close at hand or because there were insufficient numbers of men and women to carry out the other preparations as well as the erection oflhe small wall. In later times, when there was no opportunity to construct regular fortifica­ tions, wooden palisades (mu chal)- were erected either of round or square shape and ofa height suitable to the terrain. They too were equipped with a parapet and the whole construction was plastered with mud to prevent its destruction by fire. The gates were equipped with portcullises (hsiian men2) and the whole palisade was protected by a moat or ditch and chevaux-de-frise (chii mal).b The rebel Hou Ching· built such a palisade around the Liang3 capital of Chien-Khang6 in the winter + 548-549 to prevent the besieged from leaving the city and to hinder supplies and reinforcements from entering,C whereas the ex­ tremely successful frontier general Tuan Chiung1 in + 168 had a thousand of his men construct a wooden barrier 1 20 chhih (ca. 27.72 metres) wide and 40 Ii (ca. 16,56 kilometres) long in Hsi-Hsien8 in the northwest marches to intercept fleeing Chhiang9 tribesmen whom he was pun;uing.d Numerous other similar examples of the construction ofsuch fences are found in the historical records. It is interesting to observe that similar palisades were erected around forts on level ground in northern Honshu by Japanese generals who were intent on ex­ tending their control over the Ezo in the + 8th and + 9th centuries. Several of these generally square forts have been excavated since the 1930s. One palisade, however, at Halla no Saku, Semboku county, Akita prefecture, was oval, and ran for 3.6 kilometres round the outer perimeter, while palisades protected two small hills, the sanctum within the fort (Figure 1 77).e Whether or notJapanese generals

• The Tltu�g Su lI'i� Cltioo Citing, Wang Nien·Sun ed. (Hsiao flslitlt Kou Chhin ed., eh. 7), eh. S, p. Ib, defines rha I. at a 'wooden wall' (muyuan " ) . � Tltai 1'0 rin Ching, eh. 4 , pp. 8;,-6. Thc ehe,·aux·de·frille (figure 176) were built out of timber two ,Mih in diameter shar�nro at the ends and of a length appropriatc 10 lhc conditions. They ....ere fastencd together in $CClions 10 ,Mih long (TPrc. ch. 4, p. 8;,). The device was also known as hJi1l1 rna" ('Iravclling hOl"$e') and in lhe Sung as a (lti. rna (hlta t<.u" ('fork for hindering horses') (ting Tst/o Fa Shilt, IJhl l , eh. 2, p. 37). • i.illnt Situ (Po-na cd.), eh. 15, p. I;,b. Hou frequently uied thelle wooden barrien during the course of his g","1 rebellion (Liang SIr�. eh. 56, passim); one oflhcse paliudc$ probabl)' had projecting batlions. for il is called a 'hone·head wooden palisade' (_ Ihok mil ,Ita·,) (ch. 56, p. I I b). - HOIl Ha� ShChiChi,l! (ca. 1 960 I·wen rpl. cd.), ch. 6:;, p. 17b. • Motoo Hinago ( I) . pp. 35-6 and figure �o, p. 36.

' * 101

•

" $. tii

' !j1; " 101

30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

33 5

Fig. 176. Chevaux·de·frise. ;';ote that in this illustration th� ani,,, have replaced th� wooden $lakes with spears, from II'CTYjCC,eh. 10, p. 34b.

Fig. 177. OUler palisade offon at Hotta no Saku, Semboku County, Akita province,Japan, from �·Iotoo Hinago (I), fig. �o.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

•

and engineers were influenced by Chinese practice is unclear. I t is, however, quite possible, for Japanese emissaries, including many monks, visited Thang China and could have heard of the technique long in use there, and brought the idea back with them. On the other hand, of course, the Japanese may simply have turncd to the most readily available material and constructed the palisades because their fierce and threatcned enemies were pressing upon them. But the technique was certainly very unusual for the Japanese, and from all accounts was not repeated in later times as it was in China. The next twO defences, the phingyiianl wall and the woman's wall (niiyiian'), most probably were two small barricades erected bchind the brushwood fence and in front of the main walls. Usually, however, both terms were alternative names for the parapet (li�h') on top of the main city wall. This latter term also seems to have been used for these small outer walls in another passage, where it is re­ commended that these 'extcnded baltlemems' (yen lith·) be 6 chhih and in some sections 4 chhih wide. Another picket fence (chiiS) is also mentioned here and in both walls splilll frame supports are erected to hold up military crossbows and revolving shooting machines.Immediately following the question on city walls in lhe Chiu Chang Suan Shu is another concerning a small wall (yiian6). This may refer to a similar wall to those in the Alo T{,u passage, although the height is considerably larger, 1 '2 chhih, and the lower width is 3 chhih and the upper '2 chhih, and there is no mention of a parapet.b In the Six Dynasties period, this type of supplementary wall seems to have also been given the name 'rampart wall' (lti chheng7),( and by Thang and Sung times a low wall located between the moat and the walls had become commonplace. This was known as the 'sheep-horse wall' (yang ma chhing8). The dimensions of this wall varied considerably. The Thung Tien suggested that the wall be placed 50 chhih away from the main walls and be 6 chhih wide and 5 chhih high with a parapet (nu chhimlg9) on top. d The Thai Po Yin Ching, on the other hand, recommended that such 'sheep-horse walls' be constructed around all beacon stations (fing sui thai 10 ) ofa size that was convenient and appropriate to the circumstances.c The Sung military encyclopaedia Wu Ching Tsung Yao, however, considered that the wall should be larger. It could be from 8 to 1 0 chhih high with a parapet reaching ,:, chhih above that. The gate in it was to be on the opposite side to that of .•

• .110 T.:u, T�Q Ts�ng ed ch. Ch. :). p. 23.

•

14, p. !53; Yala (5). fragmen! ,8, PI'.

,65. '69-70 nOte 3'4. and p. '75·

, T.:w CiIlIt Tltuj' Clti..., ch. '44, p. 448,. under the ' ) ear +:)
• Ch. '5'l,p· 8ooa. • Ch. 5 (Plti(n 46)' I)' '07; c[

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' k ID

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6b, le)lt auributcd 10 Ih� W(. Kung P.ng F�".

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

337

the round or square barbican (wing chhlng' , literally 'jar wall') protecting the gate in the main wall. 'Iflhe gale of the barbican is on the left, that in the "sheep-horse wall" should be on the right." This arrangement was intended to keep any enemy who broke through the first gate in the line of fire from the defenders on the barbican and main walls for as long as possible (Figure 1 78) . b More than thirty years ago, the Japanese scholar Hina Kaisabur62 published an important study of the 'sheep-horse wall' in Thang and Sung times, the resull ofhis poring over historical texts for twenty years.': His conclusions are ofconsider­ able interest, for they show that the 'sheep-horse wall's' development was inti­ mately connected with the evolution of the commercialisation of society from the + 8th to the + I I th centuries, After the end of the Han dynasty, many outer walls (kuQ') of towns and cities fell into disrepair and only the inner citadel was protected by walls.d The 'sheep­ horse wall' therefore filled an important gap in the defences for not only did it keep cities located in low ground from being flooded,c but also provided the main line of defence in many instances, principally because much of the population chose to live outside the main walls; seizure of the 'sheep-horse wall' was nearly tanta­ mount to taking the city itself, for the defenders became demoralised and some even defected to the besieging army, The reasons that so much of the population took up residence outside the walls were several. Among these reasons should be mentioned first: the people moved because the house and land taxes inside the walls were heavy, rather than because the land was limited, Secondly, as the traffic trying to pass through to the markets inside the walls grew heavier, it became profitable for merchants to establish shops in the areas adjacent to the roads leading through the gates. Third, it was danger­ ous, although profitable, to sell certain goods monopolised by the government inside the walls, but it was safer to deal in these unlawful commodities, such as salt, iron, copper, calf skins, etc" outside the walls away from inquisitive official eyes, Fourth, certain products such as grain (mj4) and cash (chhien5) could not be legally taken out of the city once they had been brought in. Fifth, it was hard to evade the tax or customs imposed by the officials on goods passing through the • 'CHi(1I Chi', .,h. ,�, p_ 3a.

i

. ddences in this figur.., s.-e H,u Po-An and Kuo Tai_ b For th., ideruificalion of the parts of Ihe cit) ....all tliong 1 , p. Ii, < tlino KaisaburO I ; he POlntSOUl lhal lh.. ....all . could also b.- call«l)""/Il "",-"",,,.' andJ"""l ..... rAlt'''''I', but he don nOt know the origin ofthe term. d This ol>$Cr.alion has �n confirmed by many site analys.-s by modern arehaeologisl$. Th.. laler cities are oflen smaller than those of\\'arrillg States date ,,,,d occupy only a IX'rtion of the original 3Tf:3 . • I n s.-rious noods, howe'·er, e'·en Ihe sheep-hon.- ....all could prove to b.- no protection. In 953, for example, the wall outside Hsiang·Chou' "u o,...whdmed by the eombinro watns ofth.. Yangtsc and Han riven and the nood r..ached a depth offiftecn fttt inside the inner cit)', drownmg an untold numb..r of victims and destfO)'ing all the grain supplies in the granaries II'. To, IIMi ldO, eh. II, p. '39 .

' *

' if

30.

, l../

MI LITARY TECHNOLOGY

.

:

.--:::--

Fig. 178. Sheep-hone wall and barbican prolecling Ihegau:s ofa Sung�ily, from II'CTf/CC, �h. 17, p. 3a.

gates, and, sixth, people were often detained for questioning by the officials at the gates. For all these reasons, the areas outside the gates became centres of commer­ cial activity: it was safer and more lucrative to engage in trade there. Gradually these locations attracted permanent residents and the population outside the main walls eventually in many cases outstripped in size that within the walls. 'Sheep-horse walls' were, therefore, constructed for the defence of different size cities and towns, from the major metropolises of national importance such as Thai-Yuan fu l ,a to regional centres such as Ho-Yang ChOU1,b Hao_Chou3,c and Tshai_Chou4,d and county towns such as Liu-Ho). " Nevertheless, 'sheep-horse walls' were not the only protection for post-Han cities. From the Northern and Southern Dynasties period, many cities, both within the Chinese heartland and on the frontiers, possessed both inner and outer walls. The inner city was known as I�u chhtng6 and the outer as 10 chhtng1 , which by • T{� Cltilt TilIIIII Chit'll, ch. 26g, p. 8801, for the year + 916. • TsM F� r ii
' iUI . -,Ii ..

30.

339

MISSILES AND SIEGES

Thang times could also be called 10 kuol (Figures 1 79, 180),' and these terms occur more frequently in the historical records than yang ma dIking. Later Ming and ehhing local histories quite frequently record that the inner and outer wall configuration of some towns and cities that had survived through the centuries originated in the Sui and Thang dynasties; some even claimed Ihey dated as early as Ihe Chin. b Later in Ihe Thang dynasty, as the power and authority of Ihe central govern­ ment declined afler the An Lu-Shan� rebellion, some cities in Ihe provinces even came 10 build a third enceinte inside Ihe inner city. This was called Iheya diking' and it was where the local military leader's forces were stationed and whence he ruled the surrounding region. With the collapse of the Thang, certain of the inde­ pendent warlords were strong enough to declare themselves emperors in their own right and, as a conspicuous gesture of their newly arrogated status, they changed the inner cities into their own private palaces. Such a transformation took place at Pien-Chou\ the modern Khai-Feng�, Honan, under Chu Chhiian-Chung6, the founder of the Liang7 dynasty in +907, a city which later became the capital of the Northern Sung8 dynasty. Indeed, the Sung continued the system it had inherited and inside the inner city of many provincial centres troops were bar­ racked; armories and storehouses were located there as were other administrative offices. But we are moving too far from the matter at hand, the actual physical features of the defence. The Wu Ching Tsung rao suggested that the moat ofa city be dug approximately 30 paces ( pu) ( 1 50 'feet') away from the walls over which a drawbridge ('fishing bridge' (eho ehhiao'), which we will describe shortly) was laid. On the inner bank of this moat, the 'sheep-horse wall' was to be erected, approximately 1 0 paces (50 'feet') away from the main walls, which were to have crenellations ('woman's walls' (nii chhiangIO)) every 1 0 paces. On both the walls and the 'horse-face' (ma mim l l ) projecting towers (see below pp. 386ff.) were built flat-topped wooden hoards or balconies ('enemy balconies' (Iipking'�)); these hoards were to be placed on the corner towers (Ii IhuanI3), the barbicans, and other towers (Ii lou I.) along the walls. These evidently had windows through which the soldiers on duty could fire their weapons. On top ofthcse hoards, small exposed rooms ( pai lu wul') were erectcd.t The latter were made out ofbamboo or strips ofelm or willow and woven into a • Kuo Hu-Shcng (,). Occasionally Ih� I�rm (hiR (hh/�l" 'm�taJ city ",alb' is used for '(� eM/,.,. Some cities wer� loc:ltcd on naturally defcnsibk sites, 50 liul� cffon was nceded 10 prolttl lhem. Chiao-HoOf, Sinkiang, for example, had no nero for OIUCr walls on Ih� $ides ba:l.USC Ihe sh«r cliffs WCTC a more than adequalc protttiion (figure 181 - t-u-Chou" i$ one $urh example (Kuo Hu-Shcng (I), p. 66g). , 'Chhltll Chi', ch. Ill, p. lib. •

, 'f lit

. �t*

" lUll I. tr ffl

• if ffl . ". " e ll

, "1101

'" 1,( .

" S lI ltt

30.

340

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Fig. '79. \\'alls ofth� innercity ofThang Kao-Chhang, Sinkiang. (Photograph, Robin D. S. Yates.)

Fig. 180. Walls orlhe outer cilyofThang Kao-Chn:.ng, Sinkiang. (PhOiograph, Robin D. S. Yales.)

kind of tent that was then smeared with lime (shih hui 1 ) to protect it from burning. There was a door and a window and it was large enough to hold one watchman who was to keep the enemy under close scrutiny. The sides were protected by bamboo screens held in place by posts and inside the watchman was furnished with jars of liquid mud (ni chiang2) and hemp mops (rna lhal)lo fight fires set by the enemy,The towers were built on top of the 'horse-face' foundations like the hoards on the walls, and the iatler were recommended to be 7 feet (chhi/Z) high in the front, sloping to 5 feet high in the rear. Each 'room', really each section, was to be one

.... I I

01

•

•

, 1i !)(

• Iii !�

30. M I S S I L E S A N D

34 '

SIEGES

' -I ,. w't rig. ,8,. Cliff-ract: acting;u a wall protttting the city orChiao-Ho, Sinkiang. (Photograph. Robin D. S. Yates.)

pace (5 feet) wide and 10 feet deep and this was to hold approximately 20 soldiers. If the city walls were wider, however, the rooms were to be deeper. Across the top of the sections, large boards called tha thQU mu1 were laid and these fllted into double posts. The Aoor was also laid with timbers (tifil�) and the whole hoard projected 3 feet from the wall itselr. Usually there were two double posts per section, but up to four could also be used. To protect the wood from stone and arrow missiles, a three·foot covering of earth was tightly packed down on top and a solution oflime was also plastered on. The rest of the wood was covered with wet felt and the exposed parts of the posts and Roor timbers were covered with fresh oxhide 10 guard against fire arrows (Figure 182)" • 'Clthltll Ch,', ch. 1 2 , p. '}'lb; illustration, pp. Bab.

' ", I«

342

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y :\

a

til ;It.

� J1. -....

,

,,\�

4t.. ;It.

il l<.

Htol( a.�

Fig. 18�. 'En(my balconies' and small exposed rooms on 'horse·face tower' and walls, from WeTT/CC, ch. 12, pp. 8a and b.

But we are getting ahead of ourselves, and must return to the early ditches. The MohislS in Warring States times recommended that a supplementary dry ditch or moat (Ju hao l ) he dug inside the walls to a depth of 1 5 chhih (c. 3.47 metres) and filled with firewood,- Should the enemy be able to break through all the outer walls, this was to be set ablaze to act as one more barrier protecting the innermost sanctum of the town or city, the quarters or palaces of the ruler, officials, or defenders, which were themselves surrounded by double or triple walls, surmounted by towers, and roads, and guarded by soldiers particularly conspicuous for their loyalty and honesty. The earliest example of this kind of protection afforded the ruling elite in the town or city may be found at Cheng-Chou�, Honan. The northeastern section of the Middle Shang city inside the massive hang thu walls contains a number oflarge stamped earth foundation platforms for palaces and other high status buildings, together with quantities of valuable objects of jade and bronze, ceramics and oracle bones and sacrificial pits. A ditch appears to run along the northern side of this quarter and, in addition to providing drainage for the buildings, it may have also possessed a military function. • .110 T{M, T.:o Tsa", ro.,ch. 14, p. 15a; Yal" t�) fragmcm 18, pp. 165, 168, nOles 3oS-lo, and p. '75. ,

,, .

' . iii

mal paS! in tl ,hes take ditd awa

The to\\ 1 aclU canu from F, starn ham havit unde mutt all f< pum Abal The, geno the 8 dnon addil en\"o lo hil . " o n •

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30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

343

Nevertheless, the excavators are not as yet sure whether this is the case.- To make a definite characterisation, it will be necessary to discover whether the ditch passes all round the precinct and to determine its precise relation to the gate in the north wall through which a major artery apparently runs to the west of these important buildings.b So far, however, too few detailed excavations oflater city sites have been under· taken to clarify whether the Mohists' recommendation about this internal dry ditch was adopted regularly into town and city defensive planning. Here again we await further archaeological work to resolve a problem in ancient siege warfare. (v) Gales

-y -7 .II .g r, Ie Iy " of ,e

ve

The Mohists urged that great care and attention be paid to the gates ofa city or town, for they were the most vulnerable part of the defences, not only from the actual physical point of view in that they could be burned or forced open with rams from the outside, but also because they could be sabotaged and even opened from within by a traitor among the defenders' own ranks.c For the latter reason, the Mohists laid an interdiction on those guarding or standing at the gates, forbidding them to carry axes, adzes, chisels, saws, or hammers. They further issued specific rules governing the organisation and be· haviour of those detailed to guard the gates. The men were divided into sections under no more than two officers, and each of the five· man squads were held mutually liable for each other's actions and for those of the other squads on all four sides: if a soldier committed an infraction, his squad-members were all punished, as were the twenty other soldiers in the surrounding squads as well. Abandonment of one's post without permission resulted in immediate execution. The soldiers all had to eat at their posts so that they could not intermingle with the general citizenry, and be tempted into treachery. In the daytime, the colonel of the gate (min wei ' ) inspected the guards three times, and in the evening, when the drum beat the curfew and the gates were dosed, he inspected them once. In addition, the head of the entire city, the Mohisl Defender (shou') ' sent special envoys to examine them at frequent intervals and reported the names of absentees to higher authorities.d An Chin·Huai (5), p. 4'. The ground-plan oflhe cilY (}"igure (39) don nOI mark Ihe dilch. • Tseng Kung-Liang and his associau:s in Ihe Sung held Ihat if }'ou wanted to anack a cilY, il was _nlial 10 know Ihe names of the general in eharge or Ihe ddence, as ""ell as Ihose of his aides-de-camp and the mcn guarding Ihc gates, 50 thai they could besubomed by spies ( II"CTYjCC, th. 15. p. '5a). cr. de la Croix (2), p. \0; F. E. Wintcr ( I ,p. 205. • Aenus Tanicus (V.2) remarks thai uueo, the Iyranl of the Cimmerian Bosphorus (Sea of Azov) from 393 10 - 353, dismissed those of his gate guards .....ho had fallen into debt by gambling ....ilh . dice or ....ho . were engaged in other nefarious acti"ilies, and strongly recommends that such guards be wise. discreet. and prosper­ OUI, and wilh a Slake in thc cilY, such as having wivcs and children Ihere, and nOI be indigenl or under some other pr�lSure which could be u$ed to influcncc their behaviour (V. I ). •

b

-

344

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

When the gates were still open, before the enemy had actually invested the city, the gate guards had the duty of inspecting the credentials of all those who passed through: those without the proper tallies (fu l ) and passports (chuan2) were imme­ diately arrested. The fascinating history of these credemials, with their ramifi­ cations for the development of the Western European state in the Middle Ages, will occupy us in a separate section of these volumes, and so we will pass on to a description of the physical structure of the gates without further comment. The vertical posts and horizontal crossbars of the gates were reinforced with iron rings and welded, and further wrapped in metal sheets or welding metal (ku chin') or iron. The exact process is unclear because of the textual difficulties, but it may have been akin to the welding of hard and soft steels we have already encoun­ tered elsewhere.a The crossbars (kuan4) were wrapped with quadruple layers of sheet iron, and two-foot long doorbars (kuang kuan�) each had a lock and key (kuan6) which was sealed (flng7) with the Defender's seal (yin8).b The precise difference between the crossbars and the doorbars may perhaps be seen from the representations of granaries of Han dalc from Pheng Hsien9 and Chi-Nan 1(1 illus­ trated in Figure 183: the doorbars may be the vertical struts into which the cross­ bars fitted.c Unlike in the Han granaries, however, the crossbars filled into the jambs, and the Defender ordered men on appropriate occasions to inspect the seals covering the locks and to measure the depth of penetration of the crossbars into the jambs, to ensure that no tampering had taken place. The technique of cover­ ing the door with sheet metal probably continued in later centuries and may perhaps be represented in Hsiao Chao'sll wonderfully detailed Southern Sung painting of a gate, part of his larger composition Chung Hsing Cheng Ting Thull (Figures ,84, 185). To protect thc gates against an auack by fire, the balconies or galleries (i.e. hoards (chan» I' above the gate were plastered with mud and stocked with two­ litre vessels made of hemp fibre (chhih shui rna), H and leather basins (ko phen) U and other larger containers (chui/chhui) lt. of six-litre capacity. In addition, and presumably this was for towns and cities unable to provide the material or skilled workers to apply sheet iron to the gates, the leaves of the gates, the posts and pillars were ail to be drilled haif a foot deep and a peg (iI7) driven into each hole. The

. ....crdham (31), pp. 40-4. b This use of Ihe �al may ha\'e helped 10 prevenl Ihe kinds ofde"ious lrickeries rfi:ordrd in Am,as Ttul;clIJ X\"III ..f,wtIlS Ih. TIKI;rillll, pp. 91-103). whereby Greek gate-keepers were able to prevent the bolt·pin from being dropped imo its socket or to enable them to ..·ithdraw it surreptitioully onee the supervising offieer had retired. < Illustrated in Hayashi 6) figs. 4-10. and 4- t l , p. 62; cr. FinSiubusch (1 , fig. 188, p. 3tO; Liu Chih_Phing I pp. j7�. 114_ •

' 1IU, ' 11J " t:l

I

c

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

345

fig. ,83, Han d)'naSly granaries from Phcng Hsien (abo\"e) and Chi-Nan (below , from Hayuhi (6). p, 6::. figs. 4-10, ._" .

pegs projected two inches and were one inch wide and hammered into rows 7 inches apart. All the wood was then plastered with mud to guard against fire. The provision of water containers suggests strongly that at this early date the Chinese had not yet discovered the effectiveness of boiling oils in siege warfare, for water would not extinguish such fires, and no indication is given for any other method of combating flames staned by the enemy.This technique of plastering the woodwork was taken to superb heights of so­ phistication in Japan where it was known as dozo·zukllri ('stuccoed storehouse construction') and integrated into the Japanese architectural aesthetic. The most famous example is Himeji·j6, where every timber except for one small pan of one grille window in the inner section of the castle is thickly plastered with white • We havc much 10$ayon Ihi5 topic ofincxtinquishable fires in the section On gunpowder, to which the reader is refcrrro. d: Fin6 ( I ) nOles that in thc west, structures Iha. were targets ofatladt by oil fires or 'Greel< fire' "'erc often C(l'o'crro with fresh rawhide or prottttro by material soaked in highly acidic solutions such u vinegar or fermcnted urine, and that $and and dust were ,he mosl dfttth'(' means orcxtinquuhing .uch fires. As "'e shall KC. many orthe laler Chinex sicge engines were so prolttlro, which implies thai oil fires may havc begun to be used in Han times.

346

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Fig. 184. Dtlail from Iht $Oulhtrn Sung painrer Hsiao Chao's Chung Hsing Chillg ti,., Thw,

rrom Hsith Chih·Liu (1), plale 66.

rig. r8j. (krail rTom the $Oulhern Sung painter Hsiao Chao'. Ch", HJi", CfrJ1Ig J"i", Th..,

rrom Hsieh Chih·Liu (.j, platt 6�.

30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

347

fireproof mud. The effect is so brilliant that the castle has come to be known as Shirasagi.jo or White Heron Castle (Figures 186, 187, 188).In addition, the technique of covering the doors with sheet metal and hammer· ing iron nails through it into the woodwork underneath was also adopted in Ja· pan, the Ishikawa Mon, Kanazawa·jo (Figure 18g) being a particularly impres­ sive example in one of the few remaining genuine caslies dating from the late + 16th and early 1 7th centuries, the period ofinlensive castle development.b In addition, the Mohists ordered that all gates and doors in the city be drilled through when the invaders arrived, and all the apertures covered with two flaps to which ropes 4 feet long and as thick as fingers were attached. Presumably this was to permit the defenders to fire bows and crossbows through the openings, and to push out spears, halberds and swords if the enemy succeeded in reaching the gate and set to work chopping it down with axes, prying it open with crowbars, or smashing it with rams.c In fact, in + 548, Yang Khan 1 , the stalwart captain of the defence of the Liang capital Cbien-khang2, the modern Nanking3, against the rebel Hou Ching4 had to drill such holes through the leaves of the Tung.i gate5 and personally killed two of the men who were chopping it down. The other attackers thereupon retreated. d '<\Ie shall return to this famous siege later in our story. Again, the same technique of drilling the leaves is to be found in the later military manuals, such as the Thai Po Yin Ching, which advocates 'several tens of holes' be drilledt and in the Wu Ching Tsung rao compendium, Tseng Kung·Liang and his associates observe that some experts advocate drilling the gates if there is no portcullis gate, and the ensuing 'pepper-pot' gate was called the 'hidden gate with drilled leaves' (tso shan an men5) (see Figure Igo).r We must now examine the nature and construction of the portcullis gate. (a) Tht porlcullis galt (hsiian men7)& This gate was held aloft in times of peace and released by a trigger mechanism (shin chi') when an enemy threatened to attack. It gave additional protection to the main gates. Somewhat surprisingly, in early times it would appear that there were two leaves to this portcullis gate, which were each 20 feet tall and 8 feet wide, • �Ioloo Hinago (1), pp. g.8-100 and figurcs 63-5. Thc rcason why the ttthnique was called do{iJ·�""uri was ·because' it laler became Ihe Jtandard method employed for building firc.proofstorehouSC'1 in domestic architec. tuft·' (p. 98), Even today it is nOI uncommon for silos to suffer from disastrous fircs, so any precautions thai could be taken in traditional times would have been cSJl<'cially valuable, ....hen . fire· fighting techniqucs and organisation ....ere . nOl nearly as "'ell developed. - �lou.lO Hinago (1). p. ! I j and figure 78. cf. McClain (I ) for the founding and c,"olution orKanaza"·a. • The ,exII of,hc paS$ages are "cry corrupt, see Yates (ol). pp. 78-81. � TCTC, eh, 16t, P·4987. • Ch. 4, p. 8�. f 'ChllIt� CIII,' eh. ,�, p. l
' '' llt

30, M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig, 186. Himeji-jo caslle: the Great Tenshu during reJlol'lllion work carried 01.11 belw�n '934 and 19,}8. Here Ihe walls and "'oodwork are being prepared for plastering, (From �Ioloo Hinago ( I). fig. 63.) Fig. ,87. Stucco fireproofing on Ihe wall and U\'es ofthe Nu no Mon (Tenth Gate) ofHimeji-jo. from �IOIoo Hinago ( I ) . fig. 64,

both carefully plastered no more than 2 inches thick to guard against fire damage. While the dimensions certainly provide evidence for the size of city gates in late Warring States times, it surely would have been safer to have a single 1 6-foot-wide leaf, which could not possibly have been prised open by a determined besieger. Nevertheless, representations of gates on Han tomb tiles and in the contempo­ rary pottery tomb models of fortified houses and towers (ming chhi I 'vessels to the eye of fancy' as Legge so charmingly translated the term, really 'spirit vessels') are preponderantly of the double-leaf type, and so we cannot lightly dismiss the evi­ dence of the A1Q Tzu text. Unfortunately, the archaeological excavations of the foundations of the gates of Han Chhang_An2 have not, to our knowledge, revealed the presence of portcullis gates, although they must surely have been an integral part of the imperial capital's defences:' the earliest notice of such gates occurs in • For II discussion ofHan Chhang_An, see Wang Zhongshu (Wang Chung-Shu) ( I ) , pp, 1-10, and espc::ciaJl� figur" ;" 6, 7, 'l0-3 for the foundalions of s<:\'craJ of 1he cilf gales. I'ouibl)' the groo"" in 1he side of Ihr Hsuan-I'hing �Ien gale (figure 106) ,,'ere originally intended for ponculJi$t:S, bUI Wang makes no mention of them in his discuiliion, pp_ 7-8. ,""

, IHi'

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

•

Fig. 188. Stucco walls, window, loophole 5hultcI'1 and iron griUesofthc Nu no Mon (Tenth Gatt), Himcji-jo, show the Ihoroughlles5 of\hc fireproofing. (From :\'10100 Hinago (I), fig. 6!J.)

8.

age. late ,vide npo­

) the ) arc eVI­ f the �alcd ::gra\ .rs in crian, of thr lion of

Fig. 189. The iroll-sluddffi doors, Ishikawa :\'Ion of Kanazawa-jo, from .\10100 Hinago ( I ) , fig. 78.

349

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig_ 190_ Hidden gate witll drilled leavc,, from JIICTYjCC, cll. t 2, p. t3b.

,

•

Fig. t9t. The northern gateway of the Hsiian I'hing-Mert gate of Han Chhang-An. The carriage-tracks were left during tile Sui dynaSly, +581 10 +618. {from Wang Zhollgshu (Wang Chung-Shu) ( I ) , fig. 22.)

- 66, when Tzu-Y iian t of Chhu attacked Cheng with six hundred chariots. The army entered first the Chieh-Thieh gate2, possibly in a wall far out in the country, then the Shun gate', possibly in the outer wall, and reached the market, situated at a cross-roads (khuei min4) outside the gate through the main walls. Here they faltered, for they found that the Cheng defenders had not released the portcullis gate and there were individuals speaking Chhu dialect passing to and fro through , T- jf:

30.

35 1

MISSILES AND SIEGES

the gate. Afraid that a relief force from the states of Lu, Chhi and Sung was fast approaching and that the numbers of the men of Cheng inside was considerable, they decided to beat a hasty retreat and retired during the nighl.' The Chhu dependency of Pi-Yangl also boasted of the device in - S63.b Ifsuch a small town could afford this defence, how much more so the glory of the Han? Certainly such portcullis gates were a feature of many later cities - for example the great Ming gates of Nanking where grooves in the wall down which they slid can still be seen today. The Thang Thai Po rin Ching2 called the portcullis gate a 'double gate' (chhullg minS),e while later in the Sung the Wu Ching Tsullg roo recommended that this 'shield board' (phai pall") be built out ofelm or sophora wood and be covered with fresh ox hide and iron plating (thithyth�). It was to be raised and lowered by means OflWO iron chains placed at either side and attached to a windlass. The gate was to be situated S feet away from the main gate and fall into a specially dug trough, also plated with iron. The outside was plastered as a protection against fire and heavy timbers propped against the inside as additional supportsd (Figure [92). (b) The shape ojgaits There is very little in the textual evidence concerning the shape of the gates and lhe gate-houses in early times: certainly nothing is said in lhe Mo T
.

' ," Fl! !II 01

,

.

' lUi ' oun

'

..

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

--�

1 Flo

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 100 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 (') 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 i- 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

�o

1

Fig.

192.

'Shiddboard' or pomullu, from wcrnCC, ch. I�, p. 13a.

some kind of wooden gate-towers were erected and again wooden balconies may well have spanned the opening above the passage-way through which the traffic passed in and out of the town. Chhi..i -Fu l , the capital of the state of LU,2 has foundations on both sides of the gate extending both inside and outside the walls (Figure 144), as does Yi..ieh-Yang�, the one-lime capital of the state of Chhini (Figure 152). Later versions of such gates could even have three separate passage­ ways; probably the centre was reserved for the emperor and the two side gates were kept for ordinary traffic, one for the entrance and one for the exit. Type I I I apparently began in the Han dynasty and the wordyin5 may refer to this type. A supplementary wall projected out from and round the gate as a protection for it. The term appears in poem 93 of the Shih ChingG, where a line in the first stanza reads 'I went out by the eastern gate' (ehhu eMi lung min7) and the parallel line in the second stanza reads 'I wenl out by lheyin and (us The term tu apparently meant 'a tower on the city wall' (ehhing thai') and yin probably the "

' rl liM • III Jt rvu�

. '" ' l!I: lI

' /Ill

353

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

angular curved projection outside the wall.- Other interpretations suggest thatyin could just mean a double or portcullis gate, with lu I the term for the tower above the gate: soyin lu2 could mean 'the portcullised gate'. Possibly the former interpretation should be understood as some kind of turn in the waH at the gates to make it more difficult for the attackers to gain access. This is the design of the Company Headquarters of Chia Chhiis of Han date recently excavated along the northwestern lines (Figure 1 04) and a similar construction is reported protecting the entrance to the Han Chi Lu Saii (Figure 193).b It would be a type of curved or round barbican ('jar wall' wing chhingS or 'moon wall' Jileh chhing6), which is recorded in the texts from Thang through Ming limes. This, the fourth type, was a barbican built according to the size of the main city walls and the configuration of the terrain,c whieh we have encountered above (Figure 1 78). A fine example still stands outside Chhii-Fu, Confucius' home town in Shan­ tung province. In the Chii Yen slips, the terms wu 7 and hou8 appear. Scholars disagree as to the precise meaning of these terms, especially as they cannot be distinguished clearly in any given instance, but they seem to refer to the towers and walls of the forts and watch-stations. Loewe takes the wu as referring to the tower and hou as the wall,d but Chun-Shu Chang prefers to understand wu as meaning the walls in general. The curved outer wall, he says, was known as the outer wu (wai wu') and the main walls protecting the inner sanctum were called the inner wu (nei wu I O ) , (Figure 1 94)·c

y .c " Is "

Among the most conspicuous advantages of this design was that large battering­ rams could not be brought up by the attackers to beat upon the main gates, for a long ram simply would not fit between the outer wall and the gates. In addition, the attackers would be exposed on all sides to fire from the defenders standing on the walls above. At the other end of the Asian continent, the Greeks developed great skill in constructing gates that would expose an attacker to the largest amount of fire­ power from the defenders and inhibit his movements within the confines of the gate-house. At MilelUs on the Asia Minor coast, the engineers broke up the straight line of the walls, dividing it into small sections set at angles to each other. At the ends ofcertain oflhese sections, they constructed postern gates protected by Shih .l1ao Shih ChuaR Suo ISM '1. eh. 7. p. 85; ef. Karlgren (I). no. 183fand Tuan Yij.T�hai·, COmmen( on)'i� in Ihe Shuo II"/� dinionary (Ting (I). pp. 5312b-53 '3b), and Tanaka Tan (I). pp. 153-1. � HouJ�n·Chih (3). pp. 1 1 7-19 and figure 18. At Chi Lu Sai Ihc wid(h ofthe emrance il�lf"'as 3 melrl�S, heing localed slighlly 10 Ihe west ofccllIl"C in (he south ,,·all. The dimell$ionsofthe curved prOlee(ing wall were q melres north-south. 'l().� metres east-west, and the gap in Ihe ellinn wall permitting access (0 (he main entranee was '1.5 mctres widc. Thus the castern ...-:all was [8 me(res long. < J1·CTnCC, eh. 1 2, PI)' 3b-1a. illusu-:alion, ch. [2, pp. sa-5b. • Loe,,·e (.f). n>l. 2, p. lSi. • Chun·shu Chang ( [ ) , p. � I \l and figures [-3, p. 2[ [ . Cf. Lao Kan (8). p. .1,'1 ; Fujieda ..>,kim (/l, pp. 251 If; Chh�n '\1�ng·Chia ( Sl. •

to a ;n

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' lU! . 1"'1 J;f�

354

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

N

t }6����202 ' 'yardS

20meu'fIs

Fig. 193. Tum in the wall prolttling the gale oflhc Han fonressofChi Lu Sai, from HouJen-Chih (3), fig. 18.

square towers thatjultcd out from the walls. These had exactly the same effect as the Chinese 'curved walls' and permitted the defenders to sally out at will to fall on the attackers. The angled wall sections also permitted the defenders maximum coverage oCthe ground in front of the walls and there is very little 'dead' ground at all (Figures '95, 196). At Messina, the famous gate ofArcadia is composed ofa perfectly round court­ yard surrounded on all sides by dressed Slone walls. The outer portal is additional. ly covered by two stone towers placed on either side of the entrance. I t would have taken an intrepid besieger indeed to force the inner gate while at the mercy of the defenders manning the walls above him (Figures '97, Ig8). The design is similar to the gales ii lenailie which are to be seen in many oflhe most famous fortifications, such as the citadel of Euryalus defending Syracuse, which held out against the Athenians (Figure Igg), and at Mantinea (Figure 200). The gates along the Long Walls between the Piraeus and Athens, 011 lhe other hand, have rectangular court­ yards, but they served the same function (Figures 2 0 1 , 202 ).a Like those of the Greeks, the gates built to protect late Roman towns show a far greater variation of ground-plan, design, and construction than the Chinese, All the evidence suggests that the Romans abandoned square-shaped gates and lowers rather early because of their relative vulnerability to concerted baltering by heavy rams,b but these square and rectangular 'Andernach' gates are to be • F. t:. \\'im{'"r ( I I. pp. 1105-3$ Adam ( I ; A. \\'. Lawrence- (11). pp, 1188-99. 30'-�1l. • \'c-gc.ius 1 1. 1\'.• f:S.ephenJohnson{, , p,�o.

30. l

........

355

MISSILES A N D SIEGES

w�

Ctlj �.")J

"'" It

t •

�

jl

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(I)

(2)

fig. 194. I. Plan of Ulan,..jurbcljin (Chifn-Shui ,o,""-ha); 2. Plan ofBagha,..jurbcljin (Tho-Tho.v.-t."II); 3· Plan of �Iu,..jurbcljin (Chia-Chii ,0,,,,,-1;l1li11), from Chang Chun-shu, (I), p. 2 [ I .

round in the provinces (Figure 203)" Although most gates have been rebuilt or destroyed, originals have survived in Spain where the usual arrangement was to have narrow passage-ways protected by semi-circular flanking towersb (Figure 2°5) · The main Aurelian gales in the walls or Rome 'were double portalled arches, flanked by projecting semi-circular lowers', with 'large V-shaped windows' on the first floor. Single passage-ways protected by the same type or towers were erected ror the less important access routes into the citye (Figure 204) . • SlcphcnJohnson

(I). p. 48, illustration no. 2 1 . • SlcphcnJohnson ( I ) . p. +I. < SlcphcnJohnson (I ), p. +I: illu$lralion fig. ,8, p. 4;). cr. Ri(hmond (Il, DwancUi (I), pp. 3-l-46.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O C Y

Fig. 195. Soulh·easterll section ofthe walls of �lileIU$, showing the broken line ofthe walls and the poslern gates protttted by square lowen. (From Adam ( I j, fig. 3�.)

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d

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if

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Fig. 196. Sttliotl ofthe walls west oflhe south gale, :\llIetu$, from Adam (Jj, fig. 3 1 .

I Fig. '97. Gale orArcadia, wilh it\ circular courtyard prOtected by two square lowers. :\Iessina, from Adam (I), fig. 58.

The defences for gales constructed on the Roman model to protect towns and cities in the western and northern provinces against the raiding northern tribes­ men were mostly of V-shape (for example, at Pevensey, Nantes, Yverdon, etc.), but polygonal towers were also not uncommon (Cardiff, Salona, Split, etc.) (Figures 206, 207).1 In addition to making the flanking lowers less vulnerable to • SlephctlJohnson (,), pp. 45-50.

30.

357

MISSILES AND SIEGES

Fig. IgS. Gatt ofArcadia, Messina, from Adam (I), fig. r 15.

•-

6 9

I

-'s,om

_ _ _ _ _ _ _

fig. 199. Gale Ii Itllailfl, the Euryalus t"orl, Syracuse, from Adam ( I). fig. 50.

-

;

),

-)

o

rams, the polygonal and V-shape limited the amount of dead ground in front of the approaches to the entrances, and also probably assisted in deflecting missiles hurled at the defenders. At Carcassonne, the development in the shape of the towers can perhaps be observed, thanks to the efforts at preservation and reconstruction by the indefati­ gable Viollet-le-Duc. The Visigolhs captured the original Roman castcllum in

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O C Y

Fig. 200. Gale a Imaillt, Mantinea, from Adam ( I), fig. 55·

N

t Oy:t--�-"'-�-"'-:?O o;;"Y.'dS

5Ome1'n

Fig. 201. The Sacrro Gale in north-west Athens in the Kerameikos Dillriet, from Adam (I), fig. 52_ Eg. 202. The North Gatcsofthe Athenian Long Walb. Peiraicus section, from Adam ( I). fig. 53.

30.

• NEUf--I AGEN

..

.. ..

..

ANDERNACH

RICHBOROL'GH

.. ..

... L MOOSRERG

359

MISSILES A N D SIEGES

,]

SCHAAN

WITTNAUER HOR;":

:

Fig. �o3 , Plans orlate Roman 'Andernach' gala ohquan: or r«langular Sttlion (sealt I 800). from SlephenJohnson (2). p. 48, fig. 2 1 .

..;. �. l . .

i

.

.

...

..

.

:

Poru

:Ai. . . ... . Appia

Porta

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ROME o

.

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.

fig. 20... Plansofgata in the Aurdianic Wall. Rome: (lICale 1 800), rrom StephenJohnson (�), p. 45, fig. 18.

+ 436 and proceeded to refortify it according to the requirements of the new age. Turning it into one of their major bastions in the southwest of France, it is said that they erected semi-cylindrical towers on the square Roman bases, a feature which survived the major programme of building by the French in the twelfth century, after lhe ciladel had been recaptured from the Arabs.,

.

• de la Croix 2 p. 3..

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

' ''' 1 � "

,·,);\'1)1 I.\:I ['\-'\-'·II,I IA

.a s

INI "';'1 11. 111.1\"';

-I t COII.IA

IIARCELONA

{,

GFlI.l);"': \

I I '(; (l l'l,,·n., .1,.\ ;\' I \\h

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1IlIINA • .

Fig. 20�. !'Iam or laic Roman gain in Spani�h cilY walls (scale I : 800), from SlephcnJohnson (2), p. 46, fig. 19.

This conclusion is doubted by some scholars, however, who are not disposed to accept Viollct-Ie-Duc's enthusiastic attributions. So much rebuilding has taken place, they argue, that it is impossible to be so definite in assigning a date to the foundations that goes back as far as later Roman times. The castellum simply was not that important before the Visigoths to have such massive defence works: most of the foundation work on the inner towers was the work of the new masters of southeast Gaul, not the Romans, and much of their masonry work was rebuilt and repaired by the French in the 13th century.Certainly there were variations among the Chinese fortifications of pre-Han date, but we will have to await more detailed excavations and further research to determine whether any variation comparable to that of the Greeks and Romans developed in the Chinese tradition, other than what we have posited above. It is unlikely, however, that polygonal and U-shapes were possible when stamped • I'oux ( I ) . (�). Blanche, ( I ) cf. Grimal ( I ) .

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

9� �� SALONA

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P,'rt3 C�esarea

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•

•

SPLIT

qZ IP WI NDISCH

l} �

0-

Ot JOE N Rl lRG

CARDIFF

W.. ,t G ate •

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.

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fig. �06. Plans of latt Roman gatts prOlt(tcd by projecting 10,,"(" ofpolygonal shape (scale t : 800), from StephenJohnsoll (�). p. 49. fig. �2.

;

earth and rubble formed the core of the walls and bricks and dressed stones were only employed on the facing. What the city gates looked like may be seen in Figures 208, 209, 2 10, and 2 1 1 . Figure 208 is a Han miniature fired potlery model of what is probably a city gate with a single emrance! The gate is guarded by four halberdiers: two stand out­ side the entrance and two more are stationed within the gale itself. Apparently the entrance is framed with square, possibly stone, pillars carved with a geometrical design, on which a similarly carved Slone limel rests. This lintel in turn partially supports an overhanging eave. Above this, on either side, are two towers, each with a single window, between which a hoard or covered walkway is constructed. The stairs inside leading up to the towers seems to be schematically represented on the face of the model. Decorating the outer face of the gate are a number of rectangular and square plaques, whose designs include a four-storey gate-tower, three cavalrymen firing their bows over their shoulders in the Parthian fashion, twO chariots or carriages, leafand ring motifs, and in the centre a type oftlzao-tlzielz 1 mask, which may have had some apotfopaic meaning. IfcilY gales were so decorated in reality, this would parallel the practice of the

;

• Yuan Tf-Hsing 2), _'01. I, p. 304. This moo(1 is tUITC"IUI)" held by the-British :<.lu$C"um.

' lf X

30, M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

PEVENSEY

NANTES

PORTCHESTER

L:mdga!c

-0 0''VERDON

MOOS BERG

[SNY

[)F!JTZ

KF.LI.�l(INZ

:..... . •

••

Fig. 207. Plamollale Roman gales prot�ted by cur.-ed or l,;-shapcd towen (Kak I : 800). from Slephrnjohnson (2). p. 47, fig. 20.

Romans who also endeavoured to make the walls and towers more aesthetically pleasing by placing the bricks in geometrical patterns (Figures 2 1 2 and 2 1 3)," In the stone rubbing illustrated in Figure 2 1 0 dating from the Han dynasty, the hoard between the gate-towers has been transformed into a separate, although slightly lower tower,b whereas there is no such construction between the four­ storey double-eillrance gate-tower of the eastern gate of the Hsien-Ku (Han-Ku) pass I (Figure 2 1 1 ) ,<: Slcphcnjohnson (�), figures 1 and 2, • Chhangjen-Hsia (I), plale 52, < Harashi :'I[inao (6), p_ 175, and 4.36, p. 68. Cha"annes (�5), p[ale I, He suggesls that Ihe rubbing may be a

•

""procmation ofthc famous 110'1' oDleng-Chhang Chun' who was f1�ing from the lIate orChhin in ca. -299. The pas5 wa5 onl)" upened when Ihe coch crowed al da"'n. Arriving at nighl, he found Ihe gates dosed, preHming his escape. On(' of the members of:'lleng-Chhang Chlin's emourage imitated a cock-crow SO cle\'erly Ihat all lh(' n('ighbourhood cocks answered and the gates were opened to lei Ihem through. Ai rar as we can determine, Ihere h...,·(' bttn no r�n.ltructionl ofgales from the Han 10 Ihe Thang dynasties, bm il might be possible now Ihal archaeologillS ha\'e begun to excavale foundations uf such gales: see, for rxample. Chuug-Kuo She-Hui Kho-Hsueh_Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So Lo-Yang Han Wei Ku-Chheng KUllg.TsoTui I .

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Fig. 2<18. Han fim! pottcry modd, prQbably ofa city gale, from Yiian Te.H,ing (I), \'01. I , p. 304.

Fig. �og. Han reJicfshowing city gate, from Yiian Te·Hsing (I), \'01. t , p. 309.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

r a

j I,

Eg. �l'to. Rubbing ofa Han reliefora city gate, from ChhangJcn-Hsia (I), p. j2.

Fu Hsi-Nien (I) has gathered together much information about later Sui and Thang gates for his reconstruction of the Hsuan-Wul and Chhung-Hsuan1 gates of the Thang imperial Ta-Ming Palace'. Figure 2 1 4 provides a good conspectus of different type of city gates from Western Wei to Five Dynasties times and Figure '2 1 5 examples from Sung and Yuan paintings. His reconstructions of the gates (Figures '2 1 6, '2 1 7, 2 1 8) certainly seem convincing, given his careful analysis of all the relevant archaeological, textual, and pictorial evidence. (vi) Bridges and sally-ports To return to the ancient fortifications: 30 feet outside the gates, the Mohists rec­ ommended a trench be dug, 1 5 feel deep if the town was located on high ground, and down to the water level, ifit was on low, and this obstruction was filled with sharpened stakes. Over this trench a 'releasable bridge' (fa liangi), possibly only wide enough for a single file of men, was to be constructed, and covered with brushwood and earth to conceal its presence. The bridge had some kind of trigger mechanism, possibly related to that ora crossbow, or consisting of a simpler mech­ anism: underneath may have been a pole which was inserted into a hole at the defenders' end and held in position by a pin running through it at right angles.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Fig. 2 1 I . Han-period gau;_tower, I-Isien-Ku (Han-Ku) pan. from Hayashi (6), I" 68, fig. 4-36.

When the trigger or pin was pulled, the bridge rotated, depositing all who stood on it imo the ditch, where they would be impaled by the stakes, and captured, or suffer a slow and painrul death. The idea was to try to entice elements or the enemy onto the bridge by engaging them beyond, pretending to be dereated, and Aeeing across the bridge, When the enemy pursued, the bridge was 'fired' or released, and the leaders unceremoniously revolved into the lrench. Their rellows, horrified at lhe rate or their brave comrades, would abandon the siege in rright; or so the Mohists hoped.' Interestingly enough, the Book ofLord Shang places women in charge or releasing • This bridge appears in scveral place,;n th� l\lohist chapters: Tao Tsa�g ed., ch. 14, p. r b, loab etc.

3

66

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. �I�. Oc.::orati\<e brickwork on wall of Roman fort at Le Mans, the Tour �lagddeinc, from StcphenJohn$On (2), fig. I .

fig. � t3. !Xlail \·jew, showing pallerning i n wall-fence o fthe Tourdu Vi\'ier, Lt �1ans. from StephenJohn$On (2). fig. �.

30. M I S S I L E S

AND

SIEGES

2

6

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I, u

12

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"

�

Fig. � '4. T)"Ix-s ofchy galo from WOlcrn Wei (+ 535 10 + 556) 10 the Fi,·e Dynaslio ( + 907 10 +960) period, from fu Hsi.Ni
the trigger mechanism of the bridges. In Lord Shang's system, women were orga­ nised into one of three armies for the defence of a eity under attack.- But the most famous occasion of its use was when the King of Chhin tried to keep [he well­ known, albeit minor, philosopher Yen Tan Tzu' from leaving the Chhin capital • DUY'l""lIdak (3), p. �50, translatcs the passage quite erronwl1sly: he has Ihe women 'puB down Ihe support­ ing Ixams'. which mako nonsense oflhc machine.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 21:'. Sung- and Yiian-JXriod cily gaIn. based on contemporary paintings, from Fu Hsi-Ni�n (I). fig. :,_

Roxonstruction ofthe Chhung-Hsiian Gate, Ta-Ming Kung, Thang dynany, vie"'ro from the norlh�m (Oul�r) $ide. from Fu Hli-Nien (I), fig_ 16.

30.

fig. 2 , i.

MISSILES AND SIECES

369

Reoonslrucrion (side "iew) ofrhe Hsiian-Wu Calc, Ta_:\ling Kung, from Fu Hsi.Nien (I), fig. 1 7 .

Fig. 2,8. Reconslnl<;lion (aerial view) oflhe Hsiian-Wu and Chhung-Hsiian CaICS, Ta-Ming Kung, from Fu Hsi-Nien (I), fig. 19.

3 70

30.

M I LI TA RY T E C H N O L O G Y

Hsicn.Yang' , He attempted t o lure the philosopher ontO the bridge in order to capture him and force him to stay, but the latter was too cunning, refused, and so made good his escape.· Hsien-Yang was located only a few miles away from the later Han capital of Chhang-An, and so we would expect that similar arrange­ ments of trenches and revolving bridges would also have been constructed in front of its city gates, but the excavators are silent on the point. Perhaps if they had looked for them, they might have found some traces. The bridge was still part of the defences in Sung times, for the WeT1' describes and illustrates it (Fig. 2 I g),b but how much later it continued to be constructed is hard losay. The defences of the gates in the later period we are studying, however, did undergo considerable modification and improvement. Most notable was the addition of the bastion (weng chhing') seen in Fig. 1 78, built in a semi-circle round the gate as an additional protection. But before we turn to this Thang innovation, we need to add a few more remarks about gates and bridges in the early period. Apart from the main and secondary gates, the Mohists also advocated the con­ struction of sally-ports (thu menl) every 1 50 feet along the walls. These continued to be part of the normal defences of a cily up 10 Ihe Sung dynasty and they featured in a number of sieges during that time, although we forbear to give precise dates and occasions. The Sung manual wcrr does not recommend any fixed number to the POrtS, but does provide significant details ofconstruction. The city wall is to be excavated to within one foot of the outer face, in such a way that the work cannot be detected by the enemy; the sally-port is to be 7 feet high and 6 feet wide, with supporting pillars (phai ska chu4)C on either side and crossbeams over the top to prevent any collapse of the walls. A small hole was drilled through the outer face to act as a spyhole for watching enemy movements. When they appeared off guard, surprise or irregular troops (eMi ping5) broke down the re­ maining barrier and rushed out in a sortie. The regular soldiers on the wall would naturally assist their fellows down below with whatever means they could, stones, arrows and blood-curdling yells.d If the sortie was not successful, of course, the sally-port became itself a weak point in the defence perimeter, and would have to be guarded extra carefully. But we do not have any further information to assess the threat that such gaps posed to the defenders, nor how they remedied the situation. In Byzantine time, sallies were also encouraged for we read in Maurice's Slralegikon: small, narrow doors should be cut into these lOwers opening to the side {Qward the right orthe siege engines drawn up by the enemy, so Ihat our inrantry can go oUl lhrough • r,ll Tan T�M (Sppred.),chA, pp. lab. - 'Chlril1l Clti', ch. 12, p. 16a; illustration, pp. Isab. It abo appcal'S in thc Thang manual TPfC, ch. 4, p. 62, whcK it is called thc 'Kvolving bridgc' (rltll4>l .t0ld1l rhlrilMl·). < We will explain Ibis tenn below, p. 472. d

WCT17CC, (h. 1'2,pp. l43-b.

• . H IIi

37'

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

-' '//'./

� �

.

(/

�-t-=m /_� j / / I ..l", _',::.:1 -=--== T �=::ft ".

-==

I

/

J

/

, I

i"

Fig. '1 [ 9' 'Rcle.uable' or 'revolving' bridge, from WCT1"/CC, ch. ['1, p. [jot and b.

these side doors and attack while safely covered by their shields and supported by the troops on lOp of the walt; in Ihis way, they will be able to force the enemy to put! back their equipment. These small doors should have gates so they can be secured when necessary and not remain open."

By Sung times, a second type of drawbridge had been developed called the 'fishing bridge' (chQ chhiaQ' ) . The details of construction are not entirely clear, but it does seem to have been made of planks ofelm or Sophora wood laid over a trench or moat dug approximately ' 5 feet in front of the gate. It was raised by means or two iron chains attached to two iron rings rastened onto the bridge. They met at a third ring bound to a hemp rope which in turn was tied to a wrought iron windlass (?) (lhith chuon shu') ' probably mounted on one or the wall-towers. Ap­ parently, when raised, the bridge rested between twO large posts each 25 feet tall. Unfortunatel y, the illustration in the WCTY (Fig. 220) is not at all helpful for visualising this bridge, because the posts, windlass and wall-tower are all m issing, and the artist has depicted not the three rings, but four, and substituted two hemp ropes for two iron chains and one hemp rope.b We propose a solution rather as in Fig. 2 2 1 . Should the enemy manage to cross the various trenches, break down the gates, and smash through the portcullis, the Sung engineers had one more trick up their sleeves: the 'knire cart for blocking up gates' (sai min tao chhi' ) (Fig. 222) which must have been held at the rear of the gate for any such eventuality. No measure­ mentS are given for this machine: presumably it was custom-made to fit precisely each panicular gate.� In function, it was similar to the wooden parapet (mu nii lholl4) (Fig. 223) made of boards 6 feet high and 5 feet wide mounted on two wheels, which was rolled along to fill any holes in the crenellation made by stones thrown by the besiegers' trebuchets or by their hooks, orwhich more anon. d If this movable wooden parapet was not available, the holes could also be filled by the 'leather matting' (phi litn5) made out of tough water buffalo hide to reet • Dcnni5 (1), p. 109. � Il'CTf/CC, ch. 12, p. lob, iIIu5lnlion, p. loa.

• 'Clrlrim Chi', ch. 12, p. 20a, iIIuSlration, p. 19a. � '

WCTf/CC, ch. 12. p. 2oa: illUSlralion, p. 19b. Stt below pp. 4 r 4-9.

,., '"

, � r' � 7J lf!

' 1/.:: .

372

30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 2"2(). Drawbridge or 'Ilshing bridge', from WCT1"jCC, eh. 12, p. loa.

hemp rope

0 .

f'ig. �n' Tema,i,",' recoll'l,rue,ion orllle Sung drawbridge or 'fuhing bridge'.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

373

Fig. �2�. 'Knife can for blocking up gato', from II'CTr,CC, ch. r � , p. 19'1.

rig. �23. Woo<\(n parapet, from WCTf/CC, ch. 12, p. 19b. Fig. H4. Lcalhermauing used for fllling up holes in dIe parapet, from WCTr,CC. eh. 12, p. 33a.

wide and 8 reel high, suspended by seven rings rrom a pole like a mediaeval showercunain· (Figure 224). (vii) Towtrs The variety or towers recommended to be erected on the walls is bewildering: clearly, the Mohisls expected the defenders to select only those which seemed • II"CTr,CC, ch. 12, p. 33b; ilJuSlnuion, p. 33a.

3 74

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

appropriate to the conditions and means of a city,- In lhe Lin-I texts, we find references to 'projecting towers' (chhu lou I ) which arc placed every 200 paces (276 metres) along the wall, and 'advancing and moving towers' (chin hsing fou2) every 300 paces (414 metres), from which one could 'see far into the distance beneath the city wall and outside the city wall', with ordinary lowers (lou') evcry 50 paces (Gg metres). It is possible that the chin hsing lou was actually mobile, for the term hsing4 often refers in the Mahist texts to such mobile constructions. Then we find towers constructed at each of the corners and on each face another especially 'high look-out tower' (hou wang chih IQu�), from which the defenders could 'watch the , enemy's goings and comings, cntrances and exits .b Thc extant text of the Mo T<.u provides further details. The corner towers were to be double or multi·storied, with each storey possibly 1 5 feet (3.46 metres) highC in which four commandants or guards (wej6) were posted.d Every 4 1 .4 metres there was to be a 'LOwer for sitting and watching' (tso hOIl [OIL'), which projected 4 feet (0.92 metres) out from the walls, was 4 feet long and 3 feet (0.69 metres) wide, with an unspecified height. It was made from planks of wood, battened closcly together on three sides, and covered.t Possibly this smali look·out post was con­ Slructed for those keeping an eye on lhe base of the walls: their duty would be to ensure that no enemy soldiers had surreptiously reached the walls and were beginning to moum a direct assault either digging away at the walls or scaling them. Next, every 138 metres was a lung tshung8 watchtower rising 50 feet ( I 1 .55) metres) from the ground. I t was to be three stories high, narrowing towards the tOp, presumably to presenl iess ofa target to enemy artillery, and, at the base, had a front face 8 feet ( 1 .85 metres) and rear face 1 3 feet (3.00 metres) wide. If the height from lhe ground is taken literally, then the walls cannot have always been the standard 50 feet high that we saw above was the ideal. But perhaps the 'ground' here refers to the base from which the tower rose: in other words it could refer to the top of the wall and the combined height of wall and tower was 100 feet (23.1 metres). Every [38 metres an earthen (thu9) tower was built. This may have been the same as the 'protecting tower' of the newly discovered tcxts/ and the 'standing lower' (li-lou IO) said to be located every 276 metres along the wall, which was 20 feel (4.6 metres) long, and projected 5 feel ( 1 . 1 5 metres) from it. This 'standing • ;"Inch of the following di!ICussion is ba$«\ on Yaln (5). PP. II9-9O. • Yil1·Chhiieh·Shan Han.;"lu Cheng-Li Hsiao-Tsu (.,), s[il' 8ot, p. 28. < The lexi says .) feet ( I I j me-Ira) but thisSt'ems to<> low: we suggest a gral,h shift" has bten dropped from the

t"XI.

• Thcsc lIIen ilia), have b«:n officer$ in charge ofthe defence, or watchmen, whose: duty was to observe enem, mo,·ernents. • The open side probably facnl towards the inside orthe city. f Yin.Chhueh-Shan Han.;"lu Chu -Chien Chhtng-Li Hsiao-Tsu ( .,) , note 29, p. 29.

' til l!! • K-j " t-

' III ' lil t«

' U '±

• Di: � z ll " .tl. /I

30.

l ) l

'"

3 75

MISSI LES A N D SIEGES

tower' is said to be 25 feet (5.78 metres) 'from the centre of the city wall', Exactly how this last phrase is to be interpreted is unclear.- Ir the measurement is taken from lhe centre of the top of the wall, it implies that the upper width was greater than the 20 fecI mentioned as an example in the Chiu Chang Suan Shu 1 ,b of a wall which was 50 feet high. Nevertheless, it probably looked something like the rather crude drawing ora Chinese banizan preserved on a fragment of a pictorial bronze lien of Warring Slales discovered at Liu-Li-Ko, Hui Hsien, Honan (Figure 225). c Next, the Mahists recommended a 'wooden tower' (mu /ou2) be constructed every 138 metres along the wall, which was to project 1 2 feet (2.77 metres) from the walls and whose froOl face was to be 9 feet (2.07 metres) long. This tower was 7 feet ( [ .62 metres) high, just large enough for a man to stand up in. This tower also may have been the same as the 'projecting' and 'standing' towers. Finally, mention is made of open-topped iul towers, four feel (0.92 metres) wide and [ .85 metres high, placed every 600 feet ( [ 38 metres), multi-storied 'khung­ yung4 towers' raised every 50 paces (69 metres), and the ssu� towers we encoun­ tered above. All these towers were protected by rush screens or curtains (chieh mu6),d which we will describe presently.e In addition to the lowers on the wall, it is also possible that special small posts (thing') were built to house the officers in charge of sections of the defences. These officers were called 'post-commanders' (thing wei8) and were each responsible for 100 paces ( 1 38 melres) of wall. Each post had walls [4 feet (3.2 metres) high and 4 feet (0.92 metres) thick, suggesting that it was built from stamped earth. The entrance door was narrow, and consisted of two leaves which could close indepen­ dently. The officer himsclfwas expected to be one who was 'thoroughly honest, loyal, and trustworthy, and who could carry out his responsibilities'. It should be noticed that the Mohist texts are totally reticent about the precise details of construction of the towers. This is not surprising, for, as we have re­ marked, they were writing for those who knew what they meant. There was there­ fore no need to elaborate upon the size and numbers of the timbers, nor the bricks and tiles that might be needed for the sides and roof. Later manuals do not even bother to record the distance between the towers. Nevertheless, we can gain an impression of the complexity of the construction from the 1 3th-century mathe­ matical manual studied by Libbrecht, the Ssu Shu Chill Chang9, although we must acknowledge that since this work is fifteen hundred years later, it probably reRects much greater sophistication in design and construction than was present in the • Yatet (!ll, p. 110, lIote I.U. - Sccabo\'e p· 30�. Kuo PaG-Chlill (3), fig. 30; Weber (2). p. 309. fig. �7c; Weber (4), p. 87, fig. �7C alld fig. 76k, K. C. Chang ( I I ) . fig. 12k. , .\fG T{., Tu TSAIflW., ch. 14, pp. 4ab; Yales ($), fragment S, pp. 121-6; Yates (3l, pp. 470-4' • S« below, pp. 402-8. <

' ''- . '' iIi fli .

•

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' Ill

, "' ..

, lUi

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 'l'l�. Chines<: banizan depicled on II Warring Siaies period bronu litll vew:l, from Weber (4), fig. 76k.

Fig. 216. Rubbing from a Han lomb-lile depicting a watchtower. rrom Yuan T�.H�ing (,) , voL

I,

p. 309.

wall towers of Warring States times, although they were complex enough, some­ times rising to six storeys, as can be seen from the numerous Han model watch­ towers excavated from tombs in recent years and the representations of such towers on tomb-tiles (Figures 226-32). Problem VII of the Ssu Shu Chiu Chang concerns itself with building a city wall with roofed towers (lou luI) in sixty locations. Each tower contained ten rooms and there was in addition to be a 'wall protecting the vulnerable point (hu hsitn (chhiang) 1) 4 feet tall, 30 feet long with a thickness commensurate with that of the bricks (chuan) , '.· • Libbm::ht 1 ,p. 4�4; filiI TSIIo F.. Shih', ch. 16, p. 120.

' III '"

' til'

377

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

fig. 'n7. Gr«n.glued pouery tower.model with wide upper balcony, lalcr Han d�'na$lr, from Lo-Yang, Honan, from Yiian Te.Hsing (tl. vol. 1 , p. 310.

Libbrcchl provides a convenient table ofthe required material:

L ,.

ne­ .ch­ uch

,.

3·

,.

5· 6.

).

8. oms zsun

'the

9· '0. ".

11'0 niu mul 'lying ox timber' To naQ mul 'scratching brain timber' Khan hoo ehu' 'watching the moat JXlst' FI/, hao ehu· 'supporting the moat post' Kuo chia ehus 'hanging armour post' Hu 111.1/ Chll6 'tiger crouching post' ranghuQlIgpan' 'upturned ferry board timber' Phing mitn pall mue 'flat board timber' Chhuan kuaJang mu9 'stringed hanging lath timber' Yang pan 10 'upturned boards' and Ssu pa (huan I I 'four-eight bricks'

Length ,6

Diameter .. .

'0

,6 '5 '3 )·5 '0 '0

L' L'

... L' L'

Number used I [ beams I t beams I I posts I I posts I I posts I I posts 45 planks 35 planks 73 laths

5

I llPfl tt

• • jTp tti

30.

MILITARY TECHN OLOGY

Fig. �l'la. '\IOOd ofa Han watchtowcr, ",ith windows, but no balconia, from Yiian Te-Hting (I), vol. I , p. 31 1 .

are built up together in three layers, and you calculate there are 600 pieces, and each piece uses haIfa chin' (ca. 1.3 Iilrc.�) of mortar (huil), and altogether 100 chin of paper pulp (chih chin') is used. The wall bricks (chhiang chuan4) are 1.6 feet long, 0.6 feet wide, and 0.25 feet thick. The 'central board tiles' (chung pan wa�) are 7,500 in number. Nails:

foot nails

8

8 inch nails

'70 '00 50 '0

I

5 inch nails 4 inch nails ling-huan2•

The last tower recorded in the early poliorcetic texts, the 'crossbow platform' {nil (hai' ), is only given a passing mention in the Mo T.tu, suggesting that it did not • Libbro:'Ch,

I

.1'. -l.';o,tuggem Ih� ma�' �annularsluds.

• '

. '"

30.

M I S S I L E S AND S I E C E S

379

,

Fig. 229. .\Iodd of a Han wa�cluower found in a tomb in Shan Hsien, Honan, designatro Type I by �he exca,·amfS. Note the bracketing supporting the wide bakonics. (from KKIfP, t96.5, I, p. 137, fig. 26.) 1. From ,iew; 2. V...tical "iew of the s«ond StOT)'; 3. Vertical "iew of the moat or pond at the bottom in which the watchtower stands.

play a particularly prominent role in the defensive system ofWarring States times. By the Thang, however, detailed specifications are found in the manuals and obviously erection of this forward bastion outside Ihe walls was considered a valu­ able addition, if not a sint qua non, to the defence ofany town or city. No archaeological excavation of such an outwork has been undertaken to the best of our knowledge, but Dr Robin Yates has photographed what appears to be one outside the walls ofWan-Chheng-Tzu t to the west of the last fort at the end of the Ming Great Wall, Chia-Yu-Kuan2 in Kansu province (Figures 233, 234). The platform, a rough rectangle ca. 70 by 50 English feet, lies about a hundred metres north and east oftile only city gate, which itselffaces north, and is protccted by an angular projccting wall we have identified as ayin or wu (Figures 235, 236),-

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 230. �Iodd of a Han watchtower found in a lomb in Shan Hsicn, Honan, designated Type: II by Ihe e:
According to the Thai Po Yin Ching,. the height of the platform was to be equal to that of the city walls and be one hundred paces (ca. 500 feet) from the walls. Such platforms were to surround the city, being placed one hundred paces apart. The Wan-Chheng-Tzu platform has suffered more extensive damage than the walls, standing only about two to two and a halfmetres above the desert Roor, and so it is impossible to tell whether it originally had the same elevation as the parapet of the walls, which stand 4 to 5 metres high (Figure 237).b The lower width of the • Ch. 5. p. t07·

Dr Yatcs did not ha"e any equipment with him when he visited the lite, and so all the measurcments are only \"er)' appro:
30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

Fig. 231. Htavily armourro crossbowman firing his w�apon from the Han type II watchtower, Shan Hsicn, Honan, from KKHP, 1965. I, p. 139, fig. 28.

, ,

.,

. t. .e .d et 'e ;

:lly

Fig. 232. Rubbing ora SlOne reliefdepicting three-story Han watchtowers with a cavalryman riding IKlwccn them, from ChhangJen-Hsia (I), fig. 53.

platform recommended by the manual was 40 chllih with a height of 50 chllin and an upper width Of20 chhih. The top was protected by a parapet (nii chhiang' ) and could only be reached by a retractable ladder ('bent-knee soft ladder' chhii hsijuan Ihi2) suspended from a hidden trapdoor (thung an lao'), which was rolled up after '

3d l

• M! AU,\:: tit.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

4 _

.

� -.:"

.-

�.-� .." .- -

-

--

Fig. 733. Cn)Ubow-platform I?) prote<:ting the entrance to Wan.Chheng.TzlI, Kanlu. (Photograph, Robin D. S. Yates.) .

•

- - - - -----_.- : .

Fig. 7:H. CrOS.'lbow-platform (?) prote<:ting the entrance 10 Wan-Chheng_Tzu, KanslI. (I'hotograph, Robin D. S. Yates.) .

... :. -.

,

•

'.

-

,. . . ,

-.

. ." . -

'.

-�

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.

•

.

-=-::. .'. . _ .... . _-

Fig. �35. Entrance gate to Wan.Chheng.Tzu, Kanill. (Photograph, Robin D. S. Yates.).

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Fig. 2]6. Walll of Wan-Chhcng-Tzu, Kansu. (Photograph. Robin D. S. Yata.).

Fig. 237. Walls of Wan-Chheng-Tzu, Kansu. (Photograph. Robin D. S. Yata..

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

the five men assigned to the platform had all ascended. They were equipped with crossbows and protected by felt screens (chan mu l ) . Provisioned with dry rations, water, and the means to start fires, their task was to shoot the enemy general leading the besieging army when he drew dose to the defences. The 'crossbow platform' recommended by Tseng Kung-Liang in the Sung dy­ nasty was somewhat more elaborate, containing twO units of twelve crossbowmen, commanded by a corporal {sui chiang'} (Figure '238).- The height was not specified except that it was to be equal to that of the main city walls and it was to be narrower at the top than at the bOllom, a feature also of the Thang platforms. It would seem that the platforms were also to be rectangular in shape, and the dimensions of , 6 chhih by 3 paces ( 1 5 eMih) are also given, but whether this re­ ferred to the top or the bottom of the platform is not specified. Probably it was the top. Unlike in the Thang, however, the platforms were linked to the main wall and to each other by a wide pathway or road (khuo la03), which is interpreted by the illustrators of the text as a walkway on top of a crenellated wall. Perhaps this wall is the same as the 'sheep-horse wall' that has been discussed above. Access to the lOp was by rope ladder (shing lhii) (Figure '239),b and on the platform was con­ structed a type of two-storied room (Ii phing5), the lower part of which was pro­ tected on three sides by soft felt screens and 'hanging bell-boards' (chhui chung pan') (Figure '240), 6 chhih long, I foot wide and 3 lshun thick covered with fresh oxhide. A hole was cut in these through which crossbows could be fired.c This was the later version of the 'revolving window' mentioned above. The upper room was protected by wooden shields (Ii phai') also on three sides and one unit was stationed in each room. As in the Thang, the main function of the marksmen was to shoot down generals leading the attack. Another function of the crossbowmen was to be look-outs for the approach of the enemy. To this end, each platform was equipped with five flags (chhi8) of five different colours in addition to one drum, bows, crossbows, thundersticks, trebuchet stones, and huo pei' etc. When the enemy was observed, the flags were raised as a signal and a warning was shouted across to the sentries manning the main wall. They would raise their own flags in response. The colours followed the age-old symbolism found first in the Mo Tzu: green if the enemy came from the east, red iffrom the south, white iffrom the west, and black if from the north. The yellow flag was raised if the enemy withdrew. We have seen above that some of the towers recommended by the Mohists projected from the top of the walls in order to enable the look-outs and other • wcry/cc. ch. I'. pp. 7ab; illustration. pp. 6ab. •

Jl'crr,cc. eh. t�, p. 28b.

• 'CMlim Clri·,eh. 12, p. IU; illustration, p. [ta.

' 1I 1l' • * fI

• lUI!

30.

MISSILES AND SIEeES

, ,

,

I,

fig. �38. Crossbo.....platform. from II'CTT/CC, ch. 12. p. 6a and b.

(" I:

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Fig. '39. Rope ladder, from II'CTT/CC, ch. [2, p. 28b. fig. '4°. 'Hanging bell boards', from II'CTTjCC, ch. 12, p. I la.

386

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

soldiers to see and cover with their fire the base of the walls. In addition, from at least Western Chou times, some of the gateways were protected by guardhouses that similarly projected out from the walls and were buill on stamped-earth foundations. Beginning in late Springs and Autumns times, this lalter type of construction began to be extended along the walls for all the towers: the towers projecting from the wall were built on square or rectangular foundations that were completely bonded to the wall itself. This came to be known as the 'horse-face' (rna mim I ) design. The earliest archaeologicalJy discovered example of this new design was rc­ ported in 1963 by Thao Cheng-Kang. The city, located south of the Fen-Ha2 river in Shansi province, appears to have been constructed by the state ofChin3 as a military outpost whose function was to act as a bulwark against the Tii peoples who were trying to encroach upon Chin territory. Anciently called Chhing-Yuan Chhcng�, and now Ta-Ma-Chheng6, part of it overlaid neolithic Lung-Shan cul­ ture remains, and the whole was almost square, with a 6° orientation. The north wall was g80 metres long, usually 2-3 metres high - the highest elevation was 5 metres - and the upper width was 8-g metres while at the foundations it was approximately 1 2 metres broad. The south wall, on the other hand, was gg8 metres long, I I metres broad and 4-6 metres high, and the east wall was g80 metres long, 6- 1 0 metres wide and 2-6 metres high. All the sides had projecting 'horse-face' foundations. Although most were located on one side of a gate, some were not, and one appears to have been a later construction of Han date, because a pile of characteristically Han tiles were found at the site. Typically, the 'horse­ faces' projected 1 5 metres from the wall and were 15 metres long (Figure 241 ).In addition, the lin Min lih Pao7 (People's Daily), 6 January I g87, reported another city said to date from the Western Han times and located in the northeast, in Manchuria. Judging from the remains, the archaeologists assign the city to the minority I-Lou tribe.' The city is divided into eastern and western sections. A moat 6 metres wide surrounds the outer wall of the eastern city and it is the inner rectangular citadel, whose walls are 47 ' metres long, that has the 'horse-face' towers built along it, each 50-60 metres apart. The inner citadel is also protected by a moat 1 6 metres wide. The outer walls of the east city appear to be 3,894 metres long and the total area is 7 1 8,000 square metres. The western city is smaller, for the walls are only 86, metres long and the total area is 42,000 square metres. No illustration was published with this preliminary description, but hope­ fully this exciting discovery will receive due attention in the scholarly journals in the near future, for this is the earliest example of 'horse-faces' being along the whole length of the wall. Some indication of what it must have looked like when the walls stood to their • Thao Chc'ng-Kang (I).

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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hposed culturlOl remains from Ihe Lung-$l.-n neolithic period

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Fig. �4!. Grouud-plan ofTa.Ma Ku.Chhcng, Shanli province, rrorn Thao Cheng.Kang (I), fig. �, p. 246.

original height can be gained from Figures 242, 243, which are frescoes in the Chhien.Fo-Tung (Caves of the Thousand Buddhas) dating from the Thang dy­ nasty, one ofwhich we have already illustrated in sec Vol. 4, Part 3, Figure 728. Many of the towns, cities, and forts, which have been discovered in recent years and which are atlributcd to non-Han peoples, have this type of'horse-face' design and so it seems that this design was typically northern." We should also rcmembcr that the triangular bastion depicted in the Ma-Wang-Tui military map we have illustrated above (Figure t02) appears to have this design, so pcrhaps rna-mien

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

, . . ' .. -1

Fig. �..�. Thangdynauy fraco from the Thousand Buddha eava, Tun-Huang, from sec, VoL ".3. A good e1
30, M I S S I L E S

AND

SIEGES

Fig, 243, Defensive walb with horse-face towen in an illustration of the Lom5 Slura, south wall, !:a\'e 2 t 7, Tun-Huang (Thang dynasty), from Yuan Ti:-Hsing (I), metres deep with no elllraucn: evidently an.-os "" as b)' ladder and the pit was di\'id.-d illlo IWO 510re),s, an uplXr and a lower, The waU bet""ttn the pit and Ihe outer fatt of the 'hone-face' "''lU 4 to 4,7 metres wide, narrowing lowards the uplXr 510T(,), (Figure 24;') Shensi Sheng Wen-Kuan Hui (/)1,

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30.

M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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'horse·face' tower foundations were popular throughout the continental East Asian culture area and were not confined to northern Han Chinese and their immediate neighbours. A sense of the outward appearance and inward organisation oflater Han cities along the northern border can be gained from the magnificently detailed wall paintings found in a chamhcred tomb near Ho--Lin-Ko·Erh t , Tnner Mongolia. In Figures 246, 247, 248 and 249, we can see plainly that the outer walls were not given projecting 'horse·faces'; the small dots on the oUiside of the walls are in­ tended to represent the crcnellated battlements. Fan-YangZ county (Figure 246) is a fine example of an inncr citadel located at a corner of the outer walls and it also suggests that inside the gate in the left wall a secondary, smaller wall was built, reminiscent of the constructions we have noticed the Greeks built to protect the entrances of their towns. The city of Ning-Chhengl on the other hand, pri­ marily an administrative and military centre, is crowded with people inside the inner citadel. In the southeast corner of the city, juSt inside the east gate, is the walled market where, no doubt, the Han Chinese traded with the nomadic Wu­ Huani and Hsien-PP neighbours.It is also worth observing that outside the towns in the later Han, as law and order broke down, and as the northern nomadic peoples began to press in on the Chinese settiemellls, local elite landowners began to construct fortified manors where they could store their crops in relative safety. In some cases, they even built walls around their fields. Figures 250-254 depict a model of a massive and, one

• Nd-�Ieng-Ku Tzu-Chih Chhu Po-Wu Kuan alld Nci-�Ieng-Ku Tzu-Chih Chhii Wen-Wu Kung-TIO Tui (I); Xci-�Icng-Ku \\'ell-Wu Kung.Tso Tui and Nei-Meng·Ku Po-Wu Kuan (I); Lo Chc-Wen (3). Huang Sheng-Chang Il) places the date of this tomb nO later than + 166; cf. Huang Sheng-Chang (1) and Chin Wei_No

(1) _

392

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 246. Fan-Yang roumy, from N�i-�leng.Ku Tlu·Chih Chhli Po-Wu Kuan Chhli Wen·\\'u Kung-Tso Tui (I). p. 130.

& Nei-Meng-Ku Tzu-Chih

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Fig. 247. Ning-Chheng county, from Nci-Mc!ng-Ku Tzu_Chih Chhii Po-Wu Kuan & Nei_Meng.Ku Tzu-Chih Chhli Wc!n-Wu Kung-Tso Tui (I), fig. 3.

go. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

393

fig. �48. ArmouI")" in Ning-Chheng coumy, from Nci-�Ii:ng-Ku Tzu-Chih Chhli Po-Wu Kuan & Nci·�lcng· Ku Tzu-Chih Chhii Wi:n-Wu Kung·Tso Tui (I), fig. 3�.

would think, almost impregnable manor from Yi.in·Meng' County, north of the Yangtse river,' whereas Figures 255 and 256, show one from Kansu in the north· west. b The central watchtower here has six storeys and the model itself stands 105 centimetres tall. Such a building must have been visible for miles and have en­ abled the owner to gain early warning of approaching intruders. Another interesting feature of the model is the flying galleries constructed be­ tween the upper storeys of the four corner towers. These were known asfu lao2 C and were obviously marvels of engineering skill, even though perhaps somewhat vulnerable to heavy siege artillery. But as the nomads probably did nOt have access to such equipment, they were probably appropriate for their location. A stone rubbing illustrates another type of fortified farm (Figure 257). Here the living quarters of the owner are in one corner of the walled property, which is divided into four unequal parts. In at least three of these sections, agricultural

• Yiin.:\Ii:ng Hsicn Wi:n-Hua Kuan Wcn-Wu Kung_Tso T$U (I); Vun_ :\Icng Hsicn Po-Wu Kuan (I). �

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Kan Po-Wi:n (I). Wang Tzu-Chin and :\h Chcn-Chih (I), fig. �.

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394

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Fig. 1
activities are taking place and the possibly four-storied watchtower is placed half way along the outer wall opposite the living quarters.· II was into these types of buildings and into small fortified villages that the Chinese population for the most part retreated in the turbulent period accom­ panying and following the fall of the Han dynasty. b The cities and towns of the • ChhangJi:n-l-hia (I), plate 66. • It was in the Thr..-e Kingdoms and SiK DynaSii n periods I hal Ihe lerms Ish�,,1 (village) and /(;1/' (fortifiw village) appeared. We have SC<'n aho"e Ihal Ill/ iniliall)' meam Ihe ....all prolttling Ihe gate of forts and "'ateh10....en along Ihe norlh....nt fronlier in Han limCl. These laler "illages wen: most fl"ajuently cOll'llruelcd in nalunll}" defensible sites, but $0 rar none lIa"e been found and excnatcd by archaeologislS. Cf. .\Iiyakawa HiJ3yuki {I'j '\Iiyazaki !ehisada {of ; Naba Toshisada (3); Chin Fa-Ken (/); Taniga....a .\Iichio (I ), pp. 102-10. Figures �.)8 10 16$ iIIuslrate examplt"$ of potlery models offorlifiw mansions found in Eastern Han tombs in Kuang-Chou pro...ince (Kuang-Chou Shih Wcn_Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yuan Hui, Kuang-Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan

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30.

MISSILES A N D SIEGES

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Fig '150. Moddofa fortified manor, Ea.nern Han, Yijn.�lcngcolinlY, HlIpci, from \,ijn·�I"ng Hsien Po-Wu Klian (I), fig. r.

Fig. �5r. "lodd ofa fortified manor, Eastern Han, \'un.�ICng count)·. HlIPf'i, from \'un.�1cng Hsien Po-WliKuan (I), fig.�.

395

. ' county, - eng moddohhe fortified manor firomYim-\! I fig. lIjll. Eleva.iollS and ground ralUohhe . Hupi! , Yun.;"ICn, Hs.en Po-Wu Kuan(l).

So-called 'hundred leaf windows'; front and side views

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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Three Kingdoms and Six Dynasties werc, as we have already indicated, much smaller in size than their Warring States and Han predecessors. Urban life and urban culture recovered its former vitality only with the reunification of China under the Sui and Thang dynasties. (viii) Devices on city walls Among the most important of the devices that were mounted on the walls were well-sweeps or shadufs (chith-koQ I ) .• They were used for three purposes: to suspend • Th� following di!;(uss;on is taken from Yala (3), p. 4'lO-4_

30. M I S S I L E S

A N D SIEGES

399

Fig. 255- �Iodd ofa later Han fortifiai manor with a watchtower, Kansu. Note the Hying galleries connecting the fourrorner towen, from Kan Po-Wen (I).

Fig. '156. Drawing ofa fortified manor, Kansu, from Wang Tzu-Chin & .\la Chen-Chih (I), fig. 2.

400

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

t·ig. 1j7. Rubbing ofa (al"\ ing, showing Ih.. 51rU(IUre ofa further type offordfied manor, from ChhangJin-Hsia (/., pI. 66.

Fig. �j8. CrO$$-s«\ions and ,"erlkaJ ,·iew ofa model ofa fortified manor, EaSlern Han, from Kuang-Chou. From Kuang·Chou Shih Wi:n-Wu Kuan·Li Wci-Yuan H"i and Kuang·Chou Shih "o-\\'" Kuan (I), fig. 763.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

401

fig. 'l.l9- Cross-SCC(iOll5 alld vcr(iul vicw ofa model ofa fortified manor, EU(crn Han, from Kuang-Chou. From Kuang.Chou Shih Wcn·Wu Kuan·Li Wei-Yuan Hui and Kuang.Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan (I), fig. �64.

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40'2

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Fig. lt61. J'olltry modd ofa forlifitd manor, EaSltrn Han, from Kuang.Chou Shih Wcn-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yiian Hui and Kuang-Chou Shih I'o-Wu Kuan (I), 1'1. Ij l . Fig. 26�. POllcry model ofa fonifiro manor, Eastcrn Han, from Kuang-Chou Shih Wcn_Wu Kuan.Li Wei-Yiian Hui and Kuang-Chou Shih J'o-Wu Kuan (I), pI. Ij3-

Fig. 263. !'ouery modd ofa forlifiro manor, £;ulern Han, from Kuang-Chou Shih Wcn-Wu Kuan.Li Wei·Yiian Hui and Kuang.Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan (I), pI. Ijj.

screens which shielded the walls from enemy missiles, to let down bundles of burn­ ing reeds onto the roofs of siege-engines at the foot of the wall, and to raise signals. The first and third oflhese applications were definitely pan of defensive procedure by '-\farring States times, and the second may have been early, but is only recorded in later military encyclopaedias. The matted straw or rush curtains (ckieh mu l ) were eight feet long and seven feel wide. A rope was attached to the centre of the curtain with the other end tied to the long beam of the well-sweep (chhiao2), As the enemy missiles fell, one soldier was ordered to raise and lower the curtain to keep them from reaching the walls. Under no circumstances was this defender permitted to leave his post when an attack had been launched.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Fig. 26,,_ l'OIlO:ry model of�...o fortified manors, EaSlcm Han, from and rear vi(.. '$ , from Kuang.Chou Shih Win·\\'u Kuan·Li Wei·Yiian Hui and Kuang-Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan (t). pI. 148.

Sun I-Jang' suggests that these screens were the same as the hemp cloth CUf­ tains (pu man1) mentioned in the Thang dynasty Thung Tiens compendium, where Tu Yu4 wrote, 'Hemp cloth curtains. Make them out of cloth of double thickness. If you hang them by a light pole 8 feet out from the parapet, they will diminish the force ofslones, and then stones and arrows will nOt reach the walls anymore." He may well be correct, for the ShuQ Win� dictionary of + 100 defines man6 as mu,7 which appears to confirm his conclusion,b The stones would have probably been those thrown by the trebuchels we have described above) but they could also have been smaller hand-thrown projectiles. Likewise, the arrows could have been fired • Ch. 131. p. Sooc. The same devi«: appean ill Li Chhiian's' 51th Clti Cltilt Ti Tluli PI1 rill Clti",' of the + mid-eighth century ( TSCCed.). eh. 4, p. 83. - Pp. 341�ab.

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404

30.

M I LITARY T E C H N O L O C Y

Fig. 26E/. POlitI")" mood oft....o . rorti/ltd manon, Eantm Han, front and rtar ..it....". from Kuang-Chou Shih Wen-Wu Kuan·Li Wei-Yuan Hui and Kuang.Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan (/l, pl. '07.

by the multiple·bolt arcuballistae, or hand·drawn cross-bows, as well as ordinary bows, This screen is represented in WII Ching Tsung raa in Figure 266.The Thai Po Yin Ching provides the first description of the bundle of reeds (wei (shao') suspended by the well-sweep,b but it is only in the Wu Ching Tsung faa that the use oflhe well-sweep is specified for lowering it (Fig. 267).� The bundles were called 'swallow-tail torches' (yen wei chu2) because the reeds were split into two spurs (chhi3), so that they could 'ride' on the backs or tops of'wooden donkeys' (mil tIl4), a type of tank with a pointed roof, which we will describe below.d The art was to place the torch so that each spur burned one side of the roof, catching the tank on fire and forcing the enemy occupants to abandon it and flee. Before the torches were lowered, they were soaked in oil (YIl3) and wax (ta') to ensure that they • 'Clrhi(1I Chi' • ....h. 12, p. 32a. Ch. 4. p. 83· < 'Clrhim Oi', ch. 12, p. 60; ilJu5lTalion, ....h. 12. p. 6oa. • SCc pp.CI&j-71 1x1o......

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Fig.266. Hemp-doth curtain, from WCTrJCC, ch. 12, p. 32&.

Fig. 1167. Well-swap used fOT lowuing 'swallow_tail wn:hes', from WCTy/CC, ch. t 2, p. 6oa.

would flame fiercely and, even after the reeds were consumed, lhe oil and wax would still continue to burn. We will reserve discussion of the raising of signals to the third volume of OUf study on military technology. There were at least four other types of screens employed in siege warfare during the Warring States period: the ,khan I 'screen', the pj2 'cover' 'shield', the chhii3,. the Iha4 'firescrcen' and the IuS 'pavis'. The cllllan appears in the Chan Kuo Tsi in the sentence: 'The people arrange screens and covers ( pj2), raise rams and large pavises (lu�)',b while the Huai Nan Tzu of the - 2nd century avers: 'In lalter-day warfare, the /ung6 and battering ram are used to attack, the chhiP 'shield' and the cMwn 'screen' are used to defend.'c Coupled with the tha firescreen, the chhii shield was considered absolutely essential for the defence of a town or city in the East­ ern Chou. The Wei Liao Tzu categorically states: 'If the shields and firescreens have not been deployed, then, although you may have a city, you are without a defence. ,d '

• Wei Chao definescIMii as INN' 'shield , KilO Yii, 'Wu Vii' (Sppred.), ch. 19, p. 7a. ) 'Chhi Tshe', ch. 12, p. 436. • 'Fan Lun', (Sppred,), ch. 13, p. sa. The 111111 may have been either a ramp or a mobile tower, probably Ihe laller. See our discussion on p. 28.j, below. • 'Kung Chhiian" (Phinr. 2) (KWlfll taibi ed.), p. 20. ' . . '"

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

The specifications o fthe chM shield are provided in several different passages in the A10 Tzu, but the variations between them are slight, so we will present here only one example: On the city walls: one shield [is to be placed] every 7 feeL The shield is [5 feet long, buried 3 feet, and separated 5 inches from the battlements. The pole is [2 feet long, the arms 6 feet long. Half-way down the posts, drill one hole with a diameterofs inches. The pole is to be drilled twice. The front end of the shield is to be 4 inehes below the battlements and then i t is righL When burying the shield [in the wall below the banlementsJ dig a hole and cover it with tile [when not in use?J. In winter, stop it up with horse manure. In all cases, wait for orders [before deploying the shields). Alternatively, use earthenware tiles [Q make the hole."

Another passage calls the shields thi ehhii', gives the length as 1 5 feet and the width as [ 6 feet, and further indicates that there were to be 258 such devices every til (c. 1 ,800 feet) along the wall. This corroborates the specification that the shields were to be placed 7 fcct apart. Wc suspect that the reason that the shield is dubbcd a 'ladder' (thi') is bccause the arms (pi·) give the screen a ladder-like appearance when viewed by the defenders from on top of the wall. Since the distance between the shields, presumably calculated from the pole (Ju5), which is buried in the wa11 4 inches below the battlements, is only 7 feet, it seems reasonable to conclude that the shields overlapped considerably, no matter which dimension was 'length' and which was 'width'. The gap of 5 inches between the inner side of the shield and the city wall was no doubt to allow Ihe defenders to see whether any of the enemy had penetrated to the foot of the walls and were engaged in battering them down, mining them, or scaling them. It would also permit the defenders to shoot al such enemy soldiers with bows and crossbows and to enable them to drop stones, tiles, sand, and other objects on their heads. Whether these shields wcre deployed at night when the torches, inserted in holes only three feet below the battlements, were lit is hard to say. They were probably not, for the texts make no mention of plastering the shields with mud to prevent them from burning. Never­ theless, we are left in the dark as to the material used to stretch over the basic frame of the shield. I t was probably some form of cloth or leather, because a completcly wooden shield would be very heavy to manipulate, would probably require a greater depth to the hole in the wall into which the pole was inserted, and would use up too much valuable lumber. A tClllative reconstruction of the eMil shield is offered in Figure 268. b • T�o TsnM, ed., ch. '4, pp. 3b-4a; Tsh�n Chung·�lien {Jl, pp. ,6-,"}. We suspect that the posu are the anos · o arms filled into the pole. and Ihat the �ntence 'the pole is to be drilled t ...·i<:e· means that there are to be t ... b Su Lin· defines the term. ,1IA. ,nll' in HilI! Sh' 'Chhao Tsho chuan" (HSPC ed., '900). ch. 49, p. lola, as 'iron cahrops' (limn rI.i fi" ) (i.e. metal spikes faltened into a ....ooden bo.ard). This interpretation is follo... ·ed b) Chh':11 Chih" (I), pp. 110-1. This is evidenlly quite mistaken, for the Mohisl specifications are clear, e,'en though the tCXIS ofthe passages an: TatherrorrUpl. ? !ll.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Fig. 268. Reconstruction ofthe (Mii$hield, rrom Yales (3).

While the eMu shield was a purely passive device for protecting the defenders from enemy projectiles, the lha firescreen was built for more destructive purposes. I t was hung down over the side or lhe walls and set alight to burn attacking soldiers as they attempted an escalade. The Mohist engineers describe the fire­ screen in the following way: Construct rope firescreens (lei Ina I ). t 2 feet in both vertical and horizontal length. ylake the crossbar above out ofwood and plait them [sc. the ropesJ out ofthick hempen twine. Steep the ropes in mud and make iron chains with hooks at both ends, and hang them. When the enemy launches a mass infantry assault on the city walls, set the firescreens alight to knock them off; linked flails, sand, and stone should all [be used] to aid thcm. b

Clearly the upper portions of the ropes were made from hemp and steeped in mud to prevent them from catching fire. The ropes were fastened in turn to iron chains which carried iron hooks at either end: the upper end was linked to lhe rope •

Tsh�n lxlit·...es (ha( (ho:-It; thai al"(" ·thunder·stones·, rockJ to be thrown rrom the walls. bUl lhis is incorrect. TM TJQlfg ed., �h. I�, p. lab; Yales (EI), rragm�nt 46, pp. 31�, 322. ....nother passage indicates thai the firCS(recns were to be 9 f�t wide br 12 rttt long. •

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

and the lower attached t o the crossbars from which the firescreens dangled. Possi­ bly the ropes and chains were manoeuvred up and down by winches or well­ sweeps operated by soldiers manning the parapet. It is unclear whether there were two chains per screen to give it stability or just one, for the text is silent on this point. The other soldiers on the wall were instructed to wield the linked flails to beat the enemy off the walls, pour sand into their eyes, and hurl stones onto them. The tha firescreen is reconstructed in Figure 269. A slightly different arrangement is suggested by another passage which indi­ cates that there were to be front and rear crossbeams. The front crossbeam was to be 4 feet long, to which a 26-foot rope was to be attached: presumably the other end was to be held by the defenders above. The screen itselfwas to be rectangular, 1 2 feet by ,6 feel. When not in use, the screens were to be hung on frames so that the wind could dry them, making them easier to burn.Given that there are front and rear beams, we suggest that this type offirescreen was meant to be hung horizontally rather than vertically and we present an illu­ stration of our reconstruction of this type offirescreen in Figure 270. These screens were to overlap one fOOl on each side in the same way as the chhii shields so that the enemy scaling the walls would have been faced with a solid ceiling of fire above their heads. Let us now turn to the tu' pavis and another type of screen known as 'movable city walls' (hsing chhing2) or 'terrace city walls' (thai chhing3). There is some confu­ sion about the meaning of/u in the early texts and in the Han Chii-Yen4 slips, for the word possessed several different references. Without doubt, the first meaning oflu, and the one that concerns us here, is that ofa large shield or pavis. Tso Chuan� records 'Ti Ssu-Mi6 built a wheel of a large cart, which he covered with hides and used as a buckler. Holding this in his left hand, and carrying a halberd in his right, , he took the place of a section of troops. b In siege warfare, such large 'covered pavises' were used by the attacking army like a 'cat', when it was building a ramp up to the top of the city walls. The pavises were placed at the front end of the ramp to give protection to the engineers and the crossbowmen advancing up the ramp.e What they actually looked like is hard to tell, but they may have resembled the large targets illustrated in Figure 2 7 1 .d The 'movable towers' or 'terrace city walls' were employed in the defence against just such a ramp attack. Mo T�u roundly chastises a general who mounts such an offensive for being stupid: the effort required to build such an enormous earthwork (it should be remembered that the city walls could have been at least • Tao T!aRg «i., ch. 1 4, pp. 193b; Yates C�), fragmen! 47, pp. 325-8. • Duke Hsiang' year 1 0 ( - 563); TJO Chan (Slrilr_San ClriRg Clrw Sw ed.), ch. 3', p. 4b; Legge ( I I), pp. 443, 446; CouvTeur (I), vol. �,pp. 250-I. , See bdow pp. 441-6. • Forancient Chinac target magic, set Riegd (3).

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' ff at ' .�

, JUI:

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

hemp,op

to.ntemenl:!l

i'on�n

Fig. �6oj. R\"OOflStruClion ofthe ,"ertically hung firescrccn, from Yates (3).

crenet

hemp 'ope

Iront

bu.!m::::;t!�",

Fig. �70. ReconStruction of the horizontal fircscreen, from Yates (3).

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

;-

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Fig. '17 1 . R�p�nlalion5 oftargers on Warring Slaies pictorial bronzes. Large 'cO\'em:! pavisef used in liege warfan: may hne usc:mbled such large". (From Weber (5), fig. 77.)

30. M I S S I L E S

AND SIEGES

4"

feet high) was sufficient only to exhaust the strength of the troops and was quite ineffective at causing damage to the city walls.- Mo Tzu's 'movable towers', which were also deployed against counterweighted laddersb were screens designed to give greater height to the city walls so that neither the ramps nor the ladders could reach the top. Mo Tzu unfortunately fails to specify the details of con­ struction and the materials employed, but presumably the latter were a combi­ nation of wood and mud-soaked cloth or leather. The screens were either 20 or 30 feet high with a parapet added at the top 10 feet wide. When used against ramps, where the defenders would know for a long time beforehand the location of the attack, the 'movable city walls' were deployed in conjunction with wooden rams (chul ) , which projected 20 feet from the city wall and were intended to keep the ramp from joining the wall. Against ladders pushed up by the enemy, where the precise point of contact would nOt be known until a few minutes beforehand, the techniques of defence were more complicated. Mo-Tzu advocated a combination of 'movable city walls' and towers of various sizes separating them to meet the threat. The walls and towers were to be erected along the whole width of the enemy line and in between the two ends rush curtains (chith mu2) were to be positioned to protect the defend­ ers. As in the case of the ramp, 20-foot rams were to be thrust out to try to keep the ladders from reaching the face of the wall. In addition, other baltering-rams (cMung') were to be manned by platoons of ten soldiers each, while five-man squads wielding swords and wood drills (?) (chien·)( were to kill the enemy and cut down the ladders. Trebuchets hurled stones at the heavy ladders as they were being pushed towards the wall, and large quantities of arrows and stones, sand and ash, blazing firewood and boiling water were fired, thrown, rained and poured upon the heads of the attackers. The defenders on the walls were also supplied with temporary replacements and reinforcements for parts of the walls and towers, should any of those be destroyed by long-range enemy artillery or pulled down in the course of a frontal assault. Among these devices are to be included the 'movable balconies' (hsing chan�), which were probably hung on the outside of the towers and walls, like mediaeval western hoards, the wooden predecessors of machicoulis, to protect crossbowmen firing at enemy climbing up the walls, and 'movable towers' (hsing loufi) and 'terraces' (thai7) , which were probably rushed to replace towers that had been smashed away or to locations where the enemy were raising counterweighted 50

• Sec below pp. 441-6. b Sec below pp. 446-55. , Sun I-Jang (or), th. 14, p. 3!a, suspects that chim' is a miJtake for tho' 'chopper', but this emendation is unnecessary, ahhough pos:siblc.

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30. M I LI T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

ladders (yiin Ihi') and earth ramps. The method of defence against these types of assaults we will detail below.In addition, 'flying battering-rams' (fti chung2) were mounted on pulley-wheels and were swung back and forth to smash siege engines such as the ladders when they were raised against the walls.b In the Thang and Sung dynasties, the heads of these battering-rams were plated with iron (Figure 272).� Finally, rams (chii'), probably simply large tree-trunks or timbers, were thrust out beyond the walls to keep ramps, ladders, and other engines from reaching the walls. Naturally, the defenders were fully equipped with long-range artillery, just as their opponents were. As we have provided details of the construction and history of these weapons above,d we will confine our remarks to noting the distance apart that these engines were to be deployed. A number of alternatives arc provided in the Mohist texts. The Lin-I texts suggest that large trebuchets (chith chiit) capable of throwing missiles 50 paces (c. 69 metres) be deployed every 200 paces (c. 276 metres) along the walls, and the small revolving trebuchet (hui chith chii5) be placed every 50 paces (c. 69 metres) .c The received text of the Mo Tzu, however, variously gives the distances for the (large) trebuchets as 50, 30 (c. 4 1 .4 metres), and 20 (c. 27.6 metres) paces apart. Obviously, the chief of the defenders was left to choose how to locate the weapons, depending upon the overall condition of his supplies and defence works, and the nature and size of the besieging forces. By Sung times, however, the trebuchets were located bthind the walls, with one man being stationed on the walls to direct the fire: no doubt the machines sitting immobile on the walls had proved to be too vulnerable.' The Chinese did not develop casemates to house their artillery in the body of the towers or bastions as Western engineers did, as far as can be determined in the present state of research. The wooden crossbows (mu nu&), which fired bolts at battering-rams and watch­ towers more than 69 metres from the walls were to be placed every 2.76 mctres along the walls; so if the defenders had enough of them, every embrasure could have housed one. The new Lin-I texts, on the other hand, have windlass-drawn crossbows (chiao chang') deployed in batteries of fifteen. These could destroy covered towers or covers and pavises (pi lu8) within 138 metres of the walls." Volleys ofboils fired by such baneries must have been quite devastating if they hit their targets. The last of these artillery pieces that should be mentioned is the revolving shooting machines (chuan she chi9). As we have described, these were six • Seepp· 446�ss and pp·44,-6 bclow. b Yin-Chhikh.Shan Han-Mu Cheng-Li Hsiao-Till (4), slips 799-800 orthe Lin-I tex�; Yates (j), fragment 9, pp. 1 28-3j; M� T�", Tao TJanE ttl., eh. '4, p. 4b. • WCTy/CC, eh. 12, p. 26b, illustration, p. 2sa; �e abopp. 429-37 below. • See pp. '14�240 above. • Yin-Chhueh-Shan Han-Mu Cheng-Li Hsiao-Tsu (I), slip 79j. f Franke (24), p. ,68. I Yin-Chhiieh.Shan Han-�Iu Cheng-Li Hsiao-Tlu (4), slip 8oo cf. pp. 433-4 below.

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30. M I S S I L E S

AND

SIEGES

4' 3

Fig. �7'J. [ron plaled ram, from WCTrtCC, th. [�, p. �5a.

feet long and buried one foot in the top of the wall 10 provide stability. They were fired through the protecting cylinder of the revolving windows which wefe placed in the crenels 20 paces (c. 27.6 metres) apart. (2)

THE TWELVE TYPES

OF

ATTACK

The second section in the Mo T<.u l gives specific recommendations against twelve different Iypes of attack. These are enumerated in a brief preface by Mo-Tzu's chiefdisciple Chhin Ku·Li2• The passage runs as follows:

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9,

Chhin Ku-Li asked the Ylaster Mo-Tzu, saying, 'According to the words or the sage, when the phoenix failed to appear, the feudal lords rebelled against the states orVin and Chou: arms then arose in the world, the large attacked the small and the Strong seized the weak.- If I wish to defend a small state, how should I proceed?' The Master Mo-Tzu said, 'The defence against what types of attack (are you referring 10 )?' Chhin Ku-Li replied, 'What the modern generation usually uses to attack are: Overlooks rlin' j , Hooks [kou· J, Battering-rams [chhungl], Ladders [thi6], Ramps [yin'], Flooding [shui'J, Mines [hsiiehitJ, Sudden Attacks [thu'O], Khung-tung" [?], Yfass Infantry • According 10 Pi Yuan", Ihiulalt;mem may derive from Confuriut in Book 9 oflhe "",,,,1«/4 (i.lIw r..,,). ch. 1 4 , ' �gge (2 ) ; c[ Wale), (5 , p. 1.40; Lau (.. . p. 9j'.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Assaults (i-fu L J, Tanks [f in-win:], and High Carts [h.tiel1.thhi']. I venture to ask, " \Vhat can 1 do to defend against these twelve?'" The :\'!aster :\to-Tzu said, ':viy city walls and moat being in good repair, my instruments for defence prepared, fuel and grain sufficient, superiors and inferiors mutually affectionate, and having the support orlhe feudal lords who are my four neighbours, these are the means by which a state is held.'·

The texts of the defences against four of these attacks, hooks, khung-tung, tanks, and high carts, are no longer extant in the transmitted version of the Mo T{u bo ok and only a few sentences of the defence against a firth attack, that of battering­ rams, has survived in the Thai Phing ru Lan· cncyclopaedia.b The defences against the remaining seven attacks are preserved in greater detail, even though much of the text is fragmentary and obscure, and we will describe them in order in the following pages. But before we turn to these fascinating techniques of the ancient Mohist engineers, let us review what may be gleaned about five of the machines, hooks, klw.ng-Illng, high carts, tanks, and battering-rams, from ancient military manuals and other sources ,

(i) Hooks The chapter of the Lill Thao� which enumerates the materiel needed by an army in the fieldc includes the passage 'flying hooks eight inches long with claws four inches long, 1,200 items'6. The same term 'flying hooks' (Jti kou1) is applied by Mao Yuan_Ie in his vast compendium of military knowledge Wu Pti Chih9 to a four-pronged hook attached to an iron chain which was knotted to a long hemp rope that was used by two men at a time to scale a city wall (see Figure 273).d Possibly the Liu Tho.o's� hooks could have been attached to similar iron chains and hemp ropes in the event ofa siege and this is what the Mohists meant by 'hooks', The term may, however, have referred to a lype ofscaling ladder with a hook at the tOp, as Lu Tc-MinglO interprets 'hook' in Ode 24' 'Huang Il I l of the Shih Ching, 12 which is the first reference to hooks and other siege engines in the Chinese records.e But unfortunately kou thi1', the word Lu uses, appears in a number of other contexts and could be translated either as 'hooked ladders' or 'hooks and ladders',r

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ill

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• .110 T�u, Tno Tsn�g ...:t., eh. 14, p. U; S"n I-Jang (.ll), pp. 309- 1 1 : \\'" Y".Chiang (I), eh. 14, pp. la-n: Tshcn Chllllg.�lien (3). pp- '-4. b Ch. 336, p. 71,. • 1'11It� 31 I'Chun Yung'" : l.iu ThaoCh'h Chlth. eh. 2, p. 3 1 . d Ch. 'O�. p. ,6a. An ahnnati" e name wa, Ihe 'iron 0"'1'5 lalon' (Ihith rhllih rhillo ll), • Sh.h ,lfllOShih ChMII" S�, I>M5. pp. 107-log; MilO Shih fi" I, ch. C. p. 6b. Karlgren (14), p. I¢. I forexampk, IIIUJ� T.�M (Pkim 17) (,Ping Fa ') (KIICPTScd.) 1>11/ 1 , p. 8t. lranslalcd by Rick�u (I). p. 228. and (2), p. 27$, '",hen crossing mounlain defiles [Ihe troops} will not wait for hooks and ladden'. "

,

•

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

4'5

f\ '\

Fig. 273. 't"lying hook' (Idt); 'wolf's tooth linking board' (nght), from WCTYfCC, ch. t 2, p. 23a.

Ahernatively, the Mohist 'hook' may have been some vast curved blade at­ tached to the end of a pivoting beam and mounted on a cart with which the allackers chopped away at the walls. Two such vicious engines, the Fork Cart (to chh£l) (Figure 274) and the Hungry Falcon Cart (I ku chhi2) (Figure 275), are illustrated in the WCTr, and they must have struck panic into the hearts of all but the most doughty defenders. A third, called the 'Double Hook Cart' (shuong kou chhi'), consisted ofa pivoting ladder built on a four-wheeled cart whose upper side struts terminated in long claws that would have sunk into the parapet so far that the defenders would have had great difficulty in dislodging them. But regrettably the texts accompanying the illustrations have been lost and we are ignorant of the specifications of these machines' (see Figure 276). Regardless whether the machines were invented as early as the Warring States period or not, they were definitely in operation by the time of the civil war be­ tween Tshao Tsha04 and Yiian Shaol at the end of the Han dynasty. Chhen Lin6 (c. + 1 60 to + 2 1 7)b, one of the seven literary geniuses of the Chien-An7 period ( + 196 to 2 I g), who drafted military despatches and pronouncements first for Yuan and then for his conqueror Tshao, vividly describes the 'divine hooks' (shin kou8) in his Rhapsody on a Martial Ar"!}' ( Wu Chiin Fu9). 'The hook carts [kou cMI IO] join the fray and the nine oxen [hauling each cart] turn and heave, bel• WCTY/CC, ch.lo,PP· 3u-33a. - Shen Yii.Chheng and Fu Hsiian-Tshung (I), pp. :.-6.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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Fig. �74- Fork cart, from II'CTrtCC, eh. 10, p. 3'lb,

lowing like thunder, and furiously smash the towers and overturn lhe parapets . . . ' Then the 'flying ladders' (fei thit ) , 'movable overlooks' (Ming Iin2), 'cloud pavil­ ions' (yiin ko') and the 'buildings in the void' (hsii kou·) are rolled forward into the breaches so that the attackers can swarm into the city. Chhen notes in his preface that these divine hooks, flying ladders and battering-rams are not found in lhe books ofWu (ChhiP and Sun (Tzu)', nor in the stratagems of the Three Plans (San Lfieh7 ) and Six Bowcoses (Liu Thao8).' • TPff., eh. 336, p. Sa. Clthbl Clti Shih Chi', Han lllri liM ChlulO Pai Son Chia Chi, Ishl '13, p , ,b. The latter text conHatcs the 'movable overlooks' and the 'cloud p
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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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p. 33a.

Two and a half centuries later, in +451, Emperor Thai·Wu1 of the Wei2 dy­ naSty attempted to capture with the aid of hook carts Hsu-P which was guarded by Tsang Chih4 for Wen-Ti) of the Liu Sung6. When the hooks crashed down on the towers and parapets to pull them down, several hundred of Chih's defenders tied ropes to each hook and held it fast so that the cart could nOt withdraw and wreak its destruction. At night, Chih let down soldiers in wooden troughs over the walls. They quickly chopped off the hooks and took them back inside the walls, thereby frustrating Thai-Wu's engineers.The rebel Hall Ching7, however, had greater success wilh lhem in the winter of + 548-9, when he invested Tung-Fu Chheng8, east of Chien-Khang9, the • X�" Sh,ll'· 'Tp."g Chih chua,,'), ch. 18, p. lila. TCTC (19;,6 ed.), p. 3965. HJu,] is silualed CUI of F�"g.Yang Hsien", Anhui. ' Ill • .If! 1f.J J}t

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30, M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 276. Double hook can, from WCTY{CC, ch. 10, p. 32a.

modern Nanking ' , the seat of the Liang2 government which he was trying to topple during the course of a long campaign! The hooks, which were attached to l oo-root-high tower carts (lou chhP), were able to tcar down the parapets and the city rell. Hall then put to the sword all those who tried to flee through the gates, and more than two thousand civilians and soldiers pcrished.b The next month, after HOll had raised two earth ramps or mountains (thu shan·) east and west or Chien-Khang to overlook the walls and the defenders had raised two counter-ramps, pressing into service as earth-movers even princes orthe royal blood, he again used hook carts, now called 'hook parapet carts' (kou lith ehh€�), together with 'flying towers' Uti lou&), battering-rams or tanks (ehhung ehhi7) , 'wall-climbers' (ling ehlleng eMe'), 'hook parapet carts' (kou lith ehhti) 'step-carts' .

• �Iamcy ( I I, I)P' 135�58; Wallackcr (4 p. 789 Although Hou Ching did tuccecd in capturing Chien.Khang on 24 April 549, he wa5 assassinated while fleeing back nonh on 26 �lay 552, and the Liang dynuty wu replaced by the Chhcn" on t6 November 557. b Liang Sh,, " CHou Ching chuan'), rh. 56, I). 14a; Wallacker (4), I'p. 47. 48�51. Accoutllt vary in olher sourn,s. ' iii ';' " IJ! " !£' IF •

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

4'9

((kith lao chhil ) , and 'fire carts' (huQ chhfl), each of which rolled o n up to twenty

wheels, in a massive attack on the Liang capital. Although the rebels were able to burn the great tower on the southeast corner of the city wall, the defenders themselves managed to set alight the siege engines and beat off the attack. Hall raised a third eanh ramp but Liang sappcrs dug a mine underneath it and re­ moved the eanh so that the enemy could nOt stand and once again their engines were ignited by lhe defenders. Finally, the rebel forces withdrew behind the en­ circling wooden palisade (,ha') which they had erected.· (ii) Khung-tung Absolutely nothing is known of the ninth machine or technique in Chhin Ku-Li's· liS[ in Mo T;:,u5 , khung-tung6, which literally means 'empty cave', for nOt one example of its use can be found in any ancient historical source. Sun J-Jang7 speculates that it was a form of mining. b He may well be correct. The western of the four mountains that the Yellow Emperor (Huang-tiB) climbed after his victory and ascension to the throne, however, was also called Khung-Tung9• C The attack may, therefore, have been some kind of scaling assault on the city walls allusive to the Emperor's mythical climb. (iii) High-sidtd carls

) ) ,

)

j

.I

We are, unfortunately, also totally ignorant of the techniques of the 'high-sided cart' (hsilll chlli'O) attack, for no passage of the Mohist defence has survived and there is no record whatever of its use in any historical source. We may infer, however, from Hayashi Minao's researches on thc term hsien ckM that the cart itself had tall sides to ward off arrows and othcr missiles,d We would suggest that it w..s an earty form of armoured personnel carrier which transported soldiers up to the base of the walls, perhaps after the moat had been filled in by the mounding (yin" ) operation (Figures '279, '280). Sun I-Jang offers an alternative interpretation of the 'high cart': that it was another name for the 'tower cart' (lQU ckhil2) mentioned in the year - 593 in the •

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Ch. 56, p. • !'lb. ror Ihe chli"ng thltJ", S(:e below. Perhaps Ihe · ...·alJ-climk!'ll· and Ihe '" ep-caflS' were similar 10 the 'movable sky-bridge" (lts;"l l";", (Mi" ) and Ihe 'rake carIS' (p� (WOO) illllstratW, blll nOI described, in WCTnCC, ch. 10, pp. �6ab (S« ligures �n. �76). b Sun I-Jang (t),eh. t4, p. �b. , The mountain is said to have been locatw in tither Kan,u, Honan, Kiangsi. or Shamung and there were alternali,·t renditions of Ihe words Khung-tung', Khung·tung' or Khllug-thung'·. SIIiJI Chi', ch. I , p. 9; cf. R . A. Sicin (�). p. 20. nOle I; Gralle\ (I). p. 3�. d Hayashi �Iinao (8). p. � I I , no. 66 and (6), pp. 336-336 and lig. 7�22, p. '37.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. '177. "-lovable sky carl, from It'CTy/CC, ch. 10, p. '18a.

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fig. '178. Rake Carl, from II'CTy/CC, ch. 10, p. 'l8b.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Fig. 179. High sided cart, from Hayashi (8).

Fig. 180. High sided cart, from Hayashi (8).

Tso Chuanl a which could also have been similar to the 'nest cart' (chhao cllIlP) in

which the Viscount orChhu' was raised aloft to view the disposition orthe Chint forces facing him in - 5 74.b The 'nest cart' continued in use through the ccnturies: both Li ChhiianH and Tu Yu6d provide similar details of its construction in the Thang. 'Plant a lall pole on an eight-wheeled cart. Above the pole, place a pulley• Duke Hsiian', yrar 15; Lrgge (I I), p_ 327. A note appended 10 this passage, quOted in the TPfL, ch. 336, p. la, and appar<:mly by the Han commentlllO' Fli Chhien', defines it as a ·doud·laddu' (ft" I}u'). which he considers to be a type of ·o\·e.look Urt' (I;" rMi'·). TheTe aTe lOme diSCr<:pancies between the TPfL and the extam textS oflhe TJO Cftu" her<:. b TJ
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422

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

wheel and raise by rope a box made of wooden planks that stops at the top of the pole. This is used to peer into the city. The planked box is 4 feet square and 5 feet high and has 1 2 holes arranged in the four sides. The cart can advance or retreat round the city walls and be positioned in a camp to provide a view into the distance. . .' The box of WCTr's 'nest cart' is covered with fresh oxhide to ward off stones and arrows while the Ming illustration depicts the box with only four windows, one in each side (Figure 281).' The twelve holes in the Thang boxes would cer­ tainly have provided greater protection to the watchman inside than this arrange­ ment. The WCTr does, however, describe the 'tower cart' about which the two earlier texts are silent, calling it the 'watchtower cart' (wang lou chhil ) . b The cart has four wheels 3t feet in diameter and is 1 5 feet long. The box is raised by a windlass to the top of the 45-foot pole which tapers from I or 2 feet in diameter at the lower end to 8 inches at the upper.c Three sets of hempen ropes, fastened on either side of the cart, keep the pole in position: the upper of these ropes are 70 feet long, the middle ropes 50 feet long, and the lower 40 feet long, and they are all fastened onto rings attached to sharp iron stakes hammered inlo the ground. The pole itself has projecting wooden pegs all the way to the top to permit a soldier to climb up fast and easily, and the whole machine looks rather like the mast and rigging of a contemporary + I I th century ship. As we can see, the Millg print accompanying the text does not present a perfectly accurate illus­ tration of this Sung dynasty version of the early 'tower cart': the ropes were not wound round pulley wheels at the top of the pole (Figure 282), We should, however, note before passing on to a description of the tanks that if the boxes on either the 'nest cart' or the 'tower cart' mentioned in the Tso Chuan were indeed raised by pulleys, then these military machines must have been among the earliest in China to use this tremendously important mechanical device.

1

(iv) Tanks Tanks (fin win2) were probably developed in the early and middle years of the Warring States period 5 to -4 centuries, after it became common for states to be able to keep larger armies in the field for longer periods of time. The trans­ mitted text of the Sun Tz.us claims that if a good general repaired his pavises (Jut) and tanks and readied his machines and devices, he would be successful in reduc­ ing a city in three months. Ifhe used to ramp that mounded in the moat (chiiyin �), it would take a further three months before he would gain the victory, d Unfortu-

• 'CMril1l Clti',ch. ro,pp.3Iab. b 'Chitit. Clti', ch. 10, pp. 21ab; ilhutralion, p, 2ob. , The text miStakenly siaies Ihal lhe diameter al lhe bouom it [ 2 reel. • Pltit1l 3 ('MOll kllng" ) (KilO Hlla Jo (.1')), p. �3. -

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..

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

fig. �8r. Nest can, fTOm WCTnCC, ch. 10, p. 31a. Fig. �82. Watchtower cart, fTOm II'CTy/CC, ch. 10, p. 200.

natcly, the Western Han text of the Sun T<.u discovered in 1972 at Lin-I I , Shan­ tung, breaks off just at the point where the graphsfen wen2 should be, and so we lack indisputable evidence for the earliest mention of the tank in Chinese history.The Thang TT,b the Sung manuals HCCc and WCTrd and the Ming WPC repeat Li's description almost word for word, which may suggest that there was little change in design over the cemuries, although some modifications may have been adopted after the introduction and spread of gunpowder. Figure 283 illus­ trates the Ming artists' conception ofthejln-wen2 tank. At a slightly later date, the authors of the Liu Thao' assert that: 'in general, • \'in·Chhueh-Shan Han-:\Iu Chu-Chien Cheng-Li Hliao-TIU (,) , p. 37; Li Ling (I), p. 309. For a discuuion of the composite nature of the Sun T{M and Ihe difficulties involved in dating il accurarcly, see Chhi Ssu-Ho (,,) and Li Ling (,), and Tai Lian-Soo (Cheng Liang_Shu) ('), cf. Griffith (I), p. i8. o Ch. 1 60. pp. 8-+5c-8-+63. < Ch. 6 (P"'t� 66), p. 5 1 . d ·CftIt't1fC"i",ch. ro,p. 19b. • Ch. 1(19, pp. rb-u.

, II i1i

•

1ft ..

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 283. Tank, from II'CTy/CC, ch. [0, p. [8a.

when the army has an important matter on hand, you absolutely must practise in the use or machines and devices. Iryou are to attack a city or besiege a town, then have tanks, overlooks [lin t] and battering-rams [chhung21. Uyou are to see inside the city, then have "ladders that fly to lhe clouds" [yiin thi'] and "flying towers" [lei lou.]. ,a

In the Han dynasty, Yang Hsiung� says in his Rhapsotfy on the Chhang-Yang Palact (Chha1/g- Yang Fur,) that the nomad Hsiung-Nu7 had/in-win in Emperor WU'S8

time, c, - l oa, but they may have been a special type or chariot rather than a tank. b Here is Li Chhlian's' description or the Thang tank: 'the lank is a rour-wheeled cart. Make a spine above with rope and cover it with rhinoceros hide. Below, it holds ten men. "Vhen the moat is filled in, they push it straight underneath the walls and can attack and excavate them. (It is a machine which) metal, wood, fire and stone (missiles) cannot affect'.c A second type or tank known as the 'wooden donkey' (mu /ii I 0), or a variation with a more sloping roor, the 'sharp-topped wooden donkey' (chien thou mu liill ) ,d appears in several sieges. One or the mosl ramous was that conducted in + 548 by Hou Chingl2 against the Liangl3 capital Chien-Khangl4 (the modern Nankingl�) • Plri," 3� ('Chun Lueh "') (Ka,"h� TaiJ;ti ed.), Ch.2, p. 39, quoted in TPYL, eh. 336, 6b. • liM CMtb! Ch Wb! HJii(JJI " , SPTK ed., eh. 9> p. 6a; cf. Knechtges (I), p. 83: Fu ChhienII claims that th�y ....ere chariots for 120 infanlrymc:n or could be used 10 sltc:p in. TPrC,ch' 4,p.n • Also kno....n . as Ihe 'sharp-lOpped ....ooden . donkey' (tIr;l'! ti�t III. fii'·) or 'sharp·necked ....ooden donkey' (tlrin i 111M Iii") (TPYL, eh. 336, pp. ;:,ab), lrslUll c

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

which was defended by Yang Khanl , in an earlier assault than the one we have described above in connection with the 'hook cans'.Hou first built several hundred 'wooden donkeys' for the attack, but Yang's forces destroyed them with rocks hurled either by trebuchets or tipped over the walls by hand. Hou then had his engineers construct 'sharp-headed wooden don­ keys' and the defenders' stones bounced ineffectively off the roofs. Tu Yul pro­ vides the specifications of these engines as follows:b :\1ake the spine out ofa (pole) 10 feet long and . '/'2 feet in diameter. Below, place six legs (with wheels) so that it is wide at the bottom and sharp-pointed at the lOp, and 7 feel high. II can hold six men inside. Cover it with fresh oxhide. The men hide undernealh it and push it with their hands straight beneath the city walls. Wood, SlOne and iron (missiles) and fire cannot destroy it . . . e

n n Ie "

" s' a :d it 1e ce )n '

I,

oy ., )

h,y

/Oim

The 'wooden donkey' in the Sung dynasty held ten men and consequently was slightly larger: the horizontal beam that formed the backbone was 15 feet long and the can was 8 feet high with a square frame at the botlom (see Figure 284). d But let us return to the siege ofChien-Khang. Yang Khan's answer to the tanks was to make 'pheasant tail lorches' (chih wti chu') which he soaked in fat (kao·) and wax (la�) and set alight. He threw them in great numbers at the enemy machines where they stuck by means of iron arrowheads inserted into the torches. Within a few minutes the impregnable tanks were reduced to ashes and the rebel forces were driven off. Both the TT and the HCC recommend essentially the same technique to defend against the wooden donkeys, but suggest that the ground below the city wall be strewn with a minefield made of iron caltrops (lhieh chi fiG) to impede or stop the tanks.e These iron caltrops also appear in other pans of the Mo Tzu 7 military chapters and so the Mohist defence againstjtn win 8 tanks may well have included them. The Thang and Sung caltrops were made of four spikes of sharpened wrought iron each I foot '2 inches long,! extending out horizontally and vertically in the shape of the caltrop plant ( Tribulus Itrrtslris), They were held together by cast iron which was melted and poured at the centre so that the whole caltrop weighed approximately 50 ching or 12'2 kilos, A ring (pi 10 ) was placed at the top to which a chain was coupled and this chain was attached to a pulley. If, when the

• Uailg SliM " ('Yang Khan chuan'), eh. 39, pp. 6b-7a; ('Hou Ching chuan'), eh. 36, p. 13b; TeTe, eh. 1 6 1 , p. 4g88; Wallacker (4), p. 44· � Tlrng Tin!. rho 160. p. 8,.6;., quoted in Hu San-Hs;ng" " commentary to the passage in TeTe. • The dncription ;n HCC (plti", 66) ('Kung chheng chi!" 'J, p. 5 1 , is the same :u in the ThIltll Tint "�Ih it few minor variations in ,,·ording. • 1'·CTI'/CC, ch. 10, p. 19b; iIIuslTalion, p. 18b. TAMil: Tim,eh. '5'1, p. Bota; HCC, ch. 6, p. 49. f HCComit$'\I inchn·. •

' 'II' ' Ii"

'. " II.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

caltrop was thrown from the walls it happened to land upside down, the pulley was wound to drag it right side up. Yang Khan's I 'pheasant tail torches' were more commonly known by the name 'swallow tail torches' (yen wei chii2) and were made from a bundle of rushes or reeds (wei') tied together and branched into two at the end in the shape of the bird's tail. They were dipped in oil ( yu·) , fat or wax for beuer combustion and suspended from a rope attached to a well-sweep (chieh kao � ) . When the tanks came within range, the torches were lit and swung down over the walls by the soldiers manning the well-sweeps. Presumably they tried to ensure that the 'tail' fitted over the spine of the cart so that both sides of the roof burned (see Figure 285).* These torches were also employed against men scaling the walls in a mass infantry assault, a type of attack we will discuss later. Should the roofs of the tanks be so well insulated with rawhide and mud that the torches could nOt set the timbers underneath on fire, the mediaeval engineers dropped iron-tipped wooden rams (thieh chuang mu6) to smash the covers. The body of the ram was made of wood and the head consisted of six sharp iron prongs each more than a foot long and three fingers thick with barbs (ni hsii') on the iron shafts. The butt was attached to an iron chain linked to a pulley or windlass (lu fuel. When the wooden donkeys attacked, the pulleys were released, sending the rams crashing down on the backs of the enemy engines. They were then rewound and released again. Once the leather and mud roof coverings were smashed, the torches dangling at the end ohhe Well-sweeps were lit and lowered over the walls.b Unfortunately, the illustration given in the WCTr resembles a bell rather than the massive six-pronged ram described in the text (Figure 286). By Sung times, the 'windlass cart' (chiao chhi') was developed as an alternative device to SLOp the auack of wooden donkey tanks and other machines.� Two heavy timbers were mounted in an inverted V-shape like crossed fingers on either side of a wooden frame supported by four wheels. The lower ends of the timbers rested above the axles of the cart and a pulley wheel spanned the top, passing through the side timbers where they crossed. To this wheel, which was turned either by a crank or by two sets of two rods set at right angles to each other through the pulley on the outer side of the timbers, was attached a long rope with a hook at the end. The whole machine could pull a weight of2,000 chin or 488 kg (Figure 287). ',\-'hen wooden screens (mu man IO ld and Hying (counterweighted) ladders (fei Ihi I I ) moved in to the assault yet were still at some distance from the walls, those expert at throwing ropes hurled the hook to catch on the offensive engine and then • TPfC, ch. 4, p. 83; IVCTy/CC, ch. 11, p. 61a; illustration, p. 6oa; c[ \Vanacker (4), p. 44. b Jl'CT1"/CC. eh. 11, p. 19a; illustration, p. �8a. , IVCT1"/CC, eh. 11, p. 263, illustration, p. 20a. d Th� were used 10 cover the advance ofinfantry in the course: of a mass assault (iju" ) on the walls (figure 288 and below p. 484).

' '>'
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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

'y

,d ) ..

fig. 784.

'Y

'Sharp-lOpped wooden donkey', from IVCTT/CC, ch.

fig. 78.1.

Swallow·lail torch, from WCTT/CC, ch.

17, p. Goa.

12, p. 28a.

.at

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he ogs on (lu

.he nd :he ls.b an

ive iVy ! of ted 'gh ·y a lIey nd.

(jei lose hen

igure

fig. 786.

Iron.lipped wooden ram (Iefl), from IVCTT/CC, ch.

fig. 287.

1 2, p. 2&.

Windlass carl (right), from "'CTf/CC, ch. 12, p. 25b.

turned the pulley wheel with all their might to drag it towards the walls. Once close in, the defenders used a long pole to help raise the large rope with its hook and wind the screen or ladder over the walls and into the city. Ifwooden donkeys attacked, the defenders waited until they were close to the walls and then let loose a rain oflarge stones and wooden 'thundersticks' (mu lei 1 ), whieh we have already described (Figure 122 above): and then hurled smaller rocks in a continuous shower so that the enemy soldiers inside the engines would • WCTT{CC, ch.

(2, p. 223.; iIlustralion, p. 2.a. See p. 284 above.

4 28

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 288. Wooden screen, from IVCTy/CC, ch. 10, p. '911'

be (00 afraid (0 leave their shelters. The defenders then let over the walls twO strong men in a leather box suspended by an iron chain attached to a pulley wheel. They fastened the hook of the 'windlass cart' to the immobilised enemy tank and it was immediately and rapidly wound up and into the city. Before we turn to a discussion of the ancient Chinese battering-ram (chhung 1 ) , we should mention onc other engine which may have been a type oflarge tank fOT bridging the moat. Liu Mien2 had his men push 'toad carts' (ha rna chhi') into the moat around Shou-Vang" to force ¥in Ycn�, a rebel malgr! lui, to surrender in + 466. Some sources record that each carl was covered with fresh oxhide and was pushed by three hundred men. Even though Yen's chief of the Population De­ partment YU I-Chih6 built trebuchets (phao chhl1) which hurled rocks at the tanks and destroyed them, he was in the end forced to surrender." These 'toad carts' may • Sh�n Yiieh" ( + 441-513), SIUII Sh', qUOted in TPYL, ch. 336, pp. 4ab; iIJUi., TPYL, ch. 336, p. 5a; Chili ShII'·, TPfL, ch. 336, p . .la. The,Nu SAil!" ('Yin Yen chuan'), ch. 39, p. �ab, abbreviates lhe description orlhe battle, while the TCTe, ch. 1 31, p. 4126 (1956 eli.), even claims lhal Yin gave up without a fight. cC. TFfK, ch. 368, p. I �ab; Ncroham (81), p. 1 08. The 'load cart' was also used on one occasion by Hou Ching" in h is siege oC Chien-Khang" (Wallackcr (4), p. 50). •

lUI jf{

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

rig. �B9. 'Waggon rorfilling in (he moal', rrom IVCTytCC, ch, (0, p. 30a. rig. '90. '�alhcrcan rorfilling in (he moat', rrom IVCTy/CC, ch. (0.

p.

30b.

have been similar to the 'wagon for filling in the moat' (thitn hao chhi' ) and the 'leather cart for filling in the moat' (thien hao phi chhi2) illustrated in WGTr, but since the accompanying text has been lost, we cannot be certain on this point (Figures 289 and 290).(v) Battering-rams In the Western Bronze Age, Yadin argues that it was the introduction of the battering-ram that produced fundamental changes in the design of town defences. Enormous gates were buill to command entrance to the cities and smooth sloping glacis protected the base of the walls. b These innovations may have begun in the mid-third millennium by the time of the depiction of a siege at Deshashe, but we have to wait until the - 20th century for the famous wall-paintings of Beni-hasan for the first illustration ofa battering-ram (Figure 291).c Three engineers stand wielding a long wooden, possibly metal-tipped, pole protected by a tent-like mantlet with an arched roof. They direct the ram towards the upper section of the walls from which the defenders hurl rocks and shoot arrows at the enemy storming the fortress. The fragility of the pole and the angle at which it is held suggests that • wCTnCC, ch. 10. p. 3oab. b

\'adin ( I). PP.�-l l . ' N('wi>crry (I , \"01 . 7 . plale XV; Ho",,·ilz (1 7), P·.')· I It(. jf[

430

30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOCY

rig. �91. Battering_ram from Ihe Belli-hasan wan.paimings, from Newberry (1), \"oL �, plale XV.

it cannot have been particularly effective in dislodging enormous boulders at the base ofrhe wall: it may have been most successful at prying loose the parapet and upper levels of the wall, thus exposing the defenders to the missiles of the besieging forces. Its practicality in destroying fortifications was, however, quickly appre­ ciated throughout the ancient Middle East. Later textual evidence from Mad on the banks of the Euphrates of - 18th century date and from Boghazkoy, the capital of the Hittite empire, shows that siege towers and earth ramps built up to the top of the walls over the moat had also been introduced by lhat time.• GOTn(cY II, pp. 23, '09-'0; Kopper ( I., pp. 12.)-8; Yadin ( I). pp. 69-7 I.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

43 1

Urshu, north ofCarchemish on the Euphrates, was captured and destroyed by the Hittites using these engines, and the Hurrians were known to have developed a special form of ram, possibly of great weight and size, not unexpectedly since they hailed from the mountain fastnesses where trees grew in an abundance totally unknown on the Mesopotamian plain.The earliest record of the battering-ram (cMung I ) comes later in China, in poem 2 4 1 of the Shih Ching1 (Book of Odes), mentioned above, which lauds Wen­ Wang3 of Chou4. Here, Shang-Ti5 is said to have ordered the king to attack the mighty walls of Chhung& using 'overlooks', rams, hooks, and ladders. b We may not, however, be far from the truth in supposing that some kind ofram and assault engine had been invented in the late neolithic Lung-Shan7 period a millennium earlier, for the excavators of the settlements at Chheng-Tzu-Vai' in Shantung� and Hou-Kang' in Honand found traces of surrounding walls.e The massive terre pis! (hang lhu 1 0 ) walls found at Cheng-Chou I I r and Phan­ Lung-Chhengl 2 a suggest even more strongly that the earliest Bronze Age people in China were forced to defend themselves against determined enemy assaults. The size of the Shang structures definitely indicates that siege engines had been developed by the mid-second millennium, even though no textual evidence is available until just before the Chou conquest. Of course by no means were all towns and ritual centres protected by walls. An-YanglS was originally thought to lack one,h and the early pre-conquest palace remains recently unearthed in the Chou heartland are apparently wall_less.; Yet the walling of towns and cities continued unabated throughout the Springs and Autumns period:j rams and other types of siege engines must have been brought into battle on some occasions,

• • •

4

Kupper ( I ) , p. [28.

Shih MIU> Shih Cha� Su, uhi5, pp. 107-1og; Karlgren (19), pp. 49-50, gloucs 843, 844. Fu Ssu-Nien, Li Chi et al (/) (2) Watson (6), p. 1 7; Chang (I) p. 178 and p. 179, fig. 81 .

Shih Chang-Ju, I;). pp. 21-48.

• A wall ofnx:ks fonifin a Lungshanoid village at Tung-Pa-Chia'" Chhih-FCn Hsien", Liaoning (Thung Chu·Chhin (/); Chang (I). p. IBg). f Honan Shing Po-Wu Kuan, Cheng-Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan, (I), PP. 1t-31; Chang C�), p. 168, pp. 273-7; Tsou Heng {I}, p. ! 76ff.

I Hupei Sheng Po-Wu Kuan & Pei-Ching Ta-Hsiieh Khao-Ku Chuan·Yeh Phan-Lung-Chhing Fa·Chiieh B Tui, (I), pp. 5- 1 5; agley (I); Chang (5), pp. 297-305. • FUTlher exea\'ations in the vicinity may, of COUI"$f:, bring a defensive wall 10 light. Wheatley (2) questtollJ Ihe Iheory that military needs eaused lown formalion and suggesu thai archaic walls wen: more delineators of sacred space than bulwarks against Ihe enemy. Practical military comiderations and religious beliefs need not be in such unequivocal opposilion as Wheatley suupmes: the two are, in fact, quite compalible. For evalualions of the Wheatley thesis, sec: Vandermeench ( I ) and Keightley (5), (6). An:haeologisu have only rC(ently n:poned [he eOCiJlenCe ora wall at An-Yang, but thedelaib have not yet been published. I Shcnsi Chou.Yiian Khao-Ku Tui (I). PP.17-36. O J shima TO$hikuu; Wheadey (1);Tu Ching-Sheng (/) and (t).

'" Ii " , . JkA '*

43 2

30.

MILITARY TECHNO LOGY

even though the records are silent from the pre-conquest Chou to the late Springs and Autumns period. Then we find the defenders of Lin-Chhiu1 in ChhF setting fire to the battering-rams of Ting, Duke of Lu'. in - 50 1 . Some soldiers of the invading army, however, soaked serge horse-blankets in water and extinguished the flames and the rams managed to destroy the outer walls oflhe town,Su Chhin4, the great strategist and architect of alliances at the end of the -4th century, and a contemporary of the later Mohists, speaks of rams 100 feCI long: these must have been felled trees and have required large numbers afmen to guide them, b But unfortunately only a few sentences oflhe Mohisl defence against a ram assault have been preserved in the TPrL encyclopaedia and so we cannot be certain about the weight, size, and overall construction of the late Warring States rams." The defence envisaged by the Mohists consisted of a machine possibly similar to the 'windlass cart for descending the walls' (hsia chhing chiao chhP) illustrated and described in the WCTr which was a kind of early eievalor.d Two ropes were attached to a windlass mounted between two vertical posts which were positioned on the terreplein. The ropes were threaded through holes in a horizontal cross· bcam at their lower ends and tied off. Men could stand on the beam and be lowered over the walls at great speed (Figure 292). The Mohist ropes were 80 feet long and strong men were instructed to chop the enemy rams to pieces with axes whose handles were 6 feet long. Arter completing their task, they would have been raised up again to the relative safety of the parapet. One other fragmem, now located in the section 'Defence against Ladders' (Pei Thi5 ) , may have originally belonged in the 'Defence against Battering-rams' (Pei Chhu1/g1).e In it is described a device called the 'movable parapet' (hsing lieh8). This was 6 feet high and 'all level' (?) (i lingO). Swords were inserted into the face of the 'parapet' and fired by a trigger mechanism when the rams arrived. The 'parapet' may have been hung horizontally out from the walls so that when the swords were released, they dropped in a deadly salvo onto the enemy swinging the ram, or it may have resembled the Sung 'knife cart for blocking gates' (sat' men tao chhi'O) which was rolled forward to block entrance into the city when the gates had been destroyed (Figure 2'2'2, above) . r The passage continues with the instruction that a hole for a torch be dug in the • Tso Clruan. Duke Ting 8, voL 1I, ch. 1I8. p. �; ugge ( I I ) , p. 769. b CKT (,Chhi T.h�· 6), ch. Ill. p _ #0: Crump (I), p. 1I01. < TI'fl., ch. 336. p. 7b. d ·C""'(� Chi" ch. Ill. PP. 1I9ab; illuslralion. p. 1I8b. • lto T�II, TIIII TSIIng ed.,ch_ 14, p. Illb. f WCTf/CC, ch. Ill. p. 1I0a; illWlraiion. p. '9'1. The WCTralso describes a -wooden parapet' (mil �'iI"""") on wheels. :\lade QUI of planks and 6 fttt high and 5 feet broad, it wa, ru$hed to fill in ilny breaches made in the parapet (II'CTf/CC. ch. Ill. p. lIoa; iliumation, p. t9b) (figure 1I113, abo\·e).

.

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.

.

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-"

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

433

Fig. 292. Early Chinese elevator, the 'Windlass carl for descending walli, from wcrr,CC, ch. t2, p. 28b.

wall every 3 feet: these torches would have been lit at dusk to guard against a surreptitious night attack.' Finally, the Mohists insisted that cylindrical caitrops (chi ii thou t ) be used against the lines of auack. These eaitrops, similar to the Sung 'thundersticks' (mu lti2) and 'night rorked thundersticks' ()'tn chilo iti') mentioned above, but proba· bly smaller, 2t chllih long and more than 46.2 cm in circumrerence, were attached to ropes which passed over windlasses mounted on the walls. When the enemy advanced, the derenders turned the handles to make the ealtrops roll down the wall and towards the enemy. The Mohists also deployed heavy 'wooden crossbows' (mu nu4) against rams and siege towers (lung tshungl), placing one every twelve reet along the battle· ments. These crossbows could shoot iron.lipped arrows more than 300 feet.b In the Thang dynaslY, this crossbow was constructed or poplar, Cudrania triloba,� or • There is probably textual CQl'ruption at this poinl. for other pauages Slate that Ihe 3 feci referred to Ihe distance ofthe hole �low the parapel. � .110 T�u, eh. 14, pp. t4ab: Sun I-Jang (2), eh. 14, p. lola: Tshen Cltung-�'Iien (3), pp. 9- 10; Wu Y\.i-Chiang (I). The leXI of tile pauage ;s corrupt and difficult. [t appears as though iron from Ihe Siale ofChhi' was the prtferred metal and that ifno bamboo was available 10 make Ihe shafl$, Iut' wood, redbud, Cw/'/lII;/I, or elm could be substituted. Sec Yaln (�), pp. gS-9, notn 14-97, for the reconstruclion ofthe text. , d. Vol. 6, pt t, p. ag.

' * ll: ' K<

' 1II 1ft

434

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

mulberry wood, and had a stock 1 2 feCI long and 7 inches in diameter, with tips (shao l ) to the bow each 3 inches long. h was drawn by a winch or windlass (chiao chhi2) and fired salvoes against lines ofinfantry.Furthermore, the Mohists themselves used 'fiying rams' (lei chhung3) for they appear in a fragmentary list of weapons and machines essential for a defence.b This ram was probably close in design to the Sung chhuang chhl4: a wooden beam was sheathed in iron plate and was suspended from a rope altached to a pulley wheel mounted on a mobile cart (Figure 272). Wherever counterweighted ladders wefe pushed up to the waUs, the rams were hurried into posilion to meet and destroy them,( From the late Warring Slales times, armies seem to have hauled rams in the field for breaking the lines ofa strong enemy.d The Liu Thao� advises that each army be equipped with thirty-six such engines operated by specially trained soldiers." Kao Yu6, the + 2nd-century commentator on the Huai Nan T{u7, states that barded horses pulled these rams which were made from ordinary carts. Their poles (yuanS), however, were reinforced with iron and they were armed with spears and other long weapons. r Presumably these rams drove into the ranks of enemy in the open field. In siege warfare, the horses would have drawn the rams into position beneath the walls, but then soldiers would have taken over to batter the walls. Rams were among the most popular of siege engines in early imperial times from the Han to the Sung. Wang Mang9, the usurper who founded the short-lived Hsinlo dynasty, the interregnum that lasted a bare dozen years between the for­ mer and later Han ( + 9 to 23), sought to overawe the populace of the central China plains with his majesty and martial prowess by conducting a mighty hunt ror tigers, leopards, rhinoceros and elephants and other strange wild beasts in which his cuirassed soldiers accompanied rams and rode in tower carts (phing chhi l l ) brandishing halberds (AD 12 ) and shields and waving flags and banners in a display of military power that had not been seen since the days of the wars that brought down the Chhin and established the Han.1 But it was all to no avail. The peasant Red Eyebrows rose to protest the shocking conditions in the countryside and then disaffected members of the former imperial Liu" clan rebelled in Nan­ Yang Chlin 14 commandery. Their first major success was, in + 23, to capture the

Yale. (3), p. 443· b SUII I.Jallg (I),ch. 14, p. 19b; Yates (�), p. 128, 1I0tC 201; p. 131. • Il'CTf/CC, eh. 12, p. 26b; illu51....tioll, p. 25J'; STTH, ch. ), p. [ga. The beam was built ill the mannerofthe pestle in an oil pras., but I« p. 412 above. • $4"" iii;", p. f4o&a, writes the graph ,h/IIU1, or ,ItUIII," . • Ch. 2, p. 30; cf. TPJ"L, ch. 336, p. 1a. f Ch. 6, p. 9l'. , T�n, KN�nH�nClti ( TSCC ed.),ch. I, p. 3. •

"

' ''I lfi . ..., JiI

' t;:: tfl " iii . . ..

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

435

commandery capital, Wan l . They ringed it with several tens of siege lines; their camps numbered several hundred; 'cloud carts' (yiin chhi2) more than 100 feet tall permitted their look-outs to watch the preparations for defence inside the city. Dust rose up and mingled with the sky and the sound ofdrums and gongs could be heard several hundred miles away. While some sappers dug mines (Ii lao'), other engineers built rams and tower carts (phtng chhr) and attacked the walls with them and batteries of crossbows rained arrows down on the unfortunate "Vang Mang loyalists inside until they finally submitted to this combined assault.As we would expect, rams were an integral part of the ordnance oCthe warlords who fought for the spoils of the Han empire when it finally collapsed at the end of the + 2nd-century. Kung-sun Tsan5, a Han loyalist general who had gained great success against the nomads along the northeastern frontier, was pressed long and hard by Yuan Shao6• Finally cornered in + 199, he wrOte a lener to his son Hsu' requesting him to come to his assistance. In it, he acknowledged the spiritual power of Yuan's rams and ladders and proposed a fire signal that Hsu should light to let Tsan know that relief was at hand. Unfortunately for him, one of Yuan's spies acquired the letter and Yuan set the fires. Tricked, Tsan made a sortie from his stronghold, thinking that his son would strike the besiegers from the rear, and fell straight into the ambush Yuan had carefully laid. Tsan was so heavily defeated that he despaired of help arriving in time. He strangled his sisters, wife and other children and immolated himself on a terrace. Yuan's soldiers climbed up and beheaded his corpse.b After the end of the Han, the ram was also written with the graphs chhung chht' and could be protected with a roof just like the tank we have described abovc.c And it is under this name that we find it in Wang Yin's' records ofSsu-ma 1 1 0, the first of the line that eventually founded the Chin lL dynasty.d In the autumn of + 238, while he was still loyal to the Wejl2, he laid siege to Hsiang-Phing I3, the capital of Kung-sun Yuan 14 , the warlord of Liaotung, and reduced it with a mas­ sive combination of earth ramps (lhu shan 1 5 ), mines (Ii tao 16), siege towers (lu i? ) ,

• HHS (Clti Clti,It cd.), ch. 1.0\, p. 6a; TCTC, ch. 39. p. 1 �1�; Bitien$tein (2), pp. I t�-20. An earlier prince of lhe Liu house, the king of Hing-Shan " had inSlructed IWO retainen of his son Hsiao" , Chiu Ho" and Chhen Hsi'I I, to build lower carts. manufacture arrow head' and carve forgeries of the impcrial seal and the seal of "arioul g�neral$ and officials in preparation for an auempt on the throne in - 12:'). But his plans were diKo\'ered and thc rdxliion "'ascrushM (Slri'tit;, ch. ' 18, p. 43; Watson (I), '·ol. �, p. 390). • HHS (Clti Cltith ed.), ch. 7J, p. ga;qUOted in PTSC, ch. 1 18. p_ 3a; TFrK, ch. 368, pp. 8b-9b. • Chou Chhien7l' actually lIates i" his K. Clli� ni F. TJIl Sltilt"(now lost) that the (ancient)j ," !,I:iII" lank was his contemporary t""ung (lIkt" (qUOted in TPrL, ch. 336. pp. 6ab). • Wang Yin's Chin Shu, quoted ill TPYL, ch. 336, p. 3a; c( Cltin Situ, ch. I , p. 6b; TCTC, ch. 74, p. 2336; Achilles Fang ( I j, "01. I. p- 574.

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rams, and trebuchets that threw rocks. Yiian and his son Hsiu 1 tried to Aee with a few hundred followers but were captured and beheaded on the banks of the river Liang7• More than 7,000 of the soldiers and towns-folk of Hsiang-Phing were executed and their corpses piled up into a mountain (ching kuan') as a warning to other recalcitrant rebels. The ram was put to another use in + 450, when the Tho Pa Wei4 made a furious assault upon the strategic town of Hsiian-Hu-Chheng� in Honan which guarded the approaches to the Liu Sung' heartland. Chhen Hsien 7, who had taken charge ofJu-NanB commandery closed the city for the defence. The northerners built many tall towers (kao lou9) from which they rained crossbow bolts down into the city. Because the defenders were outnumbered by almost one hundred to one, they carried doors on their heads to gather up the missiles and replenish their stocks. Then the besiegers melted down Buddhist statues and cast large hooks which they altached to the ends of rams. With these, they succeeded in tearing down the south parapet and wall. They pushed up 'toad carts' (ha ma chhtlfJ) to fill in the moat and charged into the breaches stripped of their armour. But Chhcn personally led his elite corps and managed to ereCl a wooden palisade (mu cha " ) on the outside and a parapet (nii chhiang17) on the inside to hold the enemy back. In the bitter hand-to-hand fighting, more than half the defenders were killed and the attackers are said to have climbed up the piles of corpses of their dead comrades to reach the top of the walls.· Finally, however, after 42 days of such combat, the Wei army was forced to withdraw and Chhen was promoted to a general for his valour. b During the famous siege of Yii-Pi 13 in 546, after Wei Hsiao-Khuan 14 had thwarted Kao Huan'sl� attempts at forcing an entrance to the castle by raising ramps first over the south wall and then over the north and had subsequently stopped the mines under the south wall, Kao brought up great rams called 'assault wagons' (kung chhtI6), and proceeded to smash the towers and battlements again along the south defence perimeter. No shield could withstand the force of the rams and Wei had to construct special screens (man 17 ) sewn out of cloth which he sus­ pended from poles and hung out from the walls at whatever point the rams chose as a target. Frustrated again, the attackers tied branches of pine and hemp twigs onto long bamboo poles, soaked them in oil, lit them, and tried to set fire to the screens, hoping in the process to catch the lowers on fire as well. But the ever-

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inventive Wei devised long hooks with sharp blades and cut down the fire poles when they approached. The blazing torches dropped to the ground outside, pos­ ing no danger to the citadel.By the Thang, another method of hailing the attacks of rams had been in­ vented. Large, coarsely made rings were manufactured, either forged out of wrought iron or bent into shape from soft wood such as mulberry, and were suspended from the walls by heavy ropes or chains (Figure 293). When the rams reached the walls, the defenders slipped the rings over the heads of the rams and pulled with all their might, attempting to overturn them. I n the meantime, ar­ chers fired a continuous stream of arrows and crossbow quarrels on either side to prevent the enemy from venturing forth to release the ring. Once they had fled, strong defenders were let down over the walls to throw hay OntO the disabled rams and set them on fire. (vi) Overlook carls As we have mentioned above. section 53 of the extant text of Mo T{u contains twO different passages: the first is a defence against the 'sheep's bank' ramp (yang ling ' ) and the second is one against the 'overlook' (lin 2). This latter passage is unique in the Mohist chapters in that it consists only of detailed specifications for the con­ struction ofa single weapon, the multiple-bolt arcuballista (lien nu chhi3) and gives no other techniques or devices with which to counter the 'overlook cart'. This would suggest that the passage was later in date than those which present a formu­ laic introduction and conclusion in which the disciple Chhin Ku-Li+ asks his master Mo-Tzu a question about one of the twelve types of attack and Mo-Tzu answers by describing various tactics and machines,b possibly being composed in the - mid-3rd century. The reason that the compiler of the Mohist fragments placed the defence against • Th�ng Tit�, ch. 15�, p. &l I a; wcry/cc, ch. I�, p. �
30.

MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

the 'sheep's bank' ramp in the 'overlook' section was probably because Chhin Ku-Li's question contains the following words: 'I venture to ask that when the enemy pile up earth to make a height (kao I ) in order to overlook (lin 2 ) our city walls . '. But 'overlooks' were, in fact, siege towers which were rolled on wheels up to a city's walls.b The first reference to them occurs in poem 24' of the Shih Ching' in a list ofsiege engines and devices used by King Wen of Chou4 against the town of Chhung5, as we have already stated.c In the late Warring States, they were also known by the term lung' which means 'high',d and the authors of the -2nd· century Huai Nan Tzu 7 pronounced thal 'in latter day warfare the overlook (lung') and battering-ram (ehhung8) are used to attack; the shield (ehhU9) and screen (ehhan 10) are used to defend'.e It is unfortunately not possible to determine the appearance of the 'overlook' wagon (lin ehhi l l ) , although it was probably different from the counterweighted 'cloud-ladder' (yiin lhi 12 ) and may have been a forebear of the phing ehhil' 'tower cart' of lhe Han and later times which we have already encountered. All three engines, as well as other lypes ofsiege towers as the III. 14 , lou 1 5 and lung tshung t6 and the 'nest cart' (eMao ehhil7) were known collectively as 'tower carts' (lou eMi t' )

• See Groham ( ! l ) and (12) , Yatn (4) and (�), for compilation oflh" exlant lexl oflhc ,110 T�Il. Thc compilalion may ha"c taken plac" somewhat lalcr than thc + 1St cenlury that Graham (r2) p. 6�, suggem, sin('e paS$agn from 1hc militaT)' chaptc" wen: qUOted in Olh"r lalcr souren. The entitling of Ihe S«lioll$ may havc been complcled to conform wilh the number ofs«lions T«orded for th" work (71) in Ih" calaloguc of the Han impcrial library. , AnOlh"r rca.son for ('onsidering /ill" nOl lO be a ramp is thaI Ihe multiple_bolt arcuballisla used 10 slrikc it was a low IrajC{:lory weapon, in COntroSI for example, to Ihc trcbuchet which lobbed stonn, and would ha"t been mOSI dfectivt against largc struCtures and lines ofinfantry or cavalry. Thc only building on the ramp was thc lu" pa\·is or mantlet which shiclded Ihc mcn piling the earth. What was required to resist Ihe ramp wcre: hea\'Y Ilono, firc bombs, rams and curtain_walls. We �hould notc, howcver, that it isju.ll possible Ihal both lill" and ymg li�g" wcre SlwrmramfH (�ggtr) which rcachcd thc height oflhc wall, and that Jin" was a Btlllgmmgsdamm (mounding in the moal) which pcrmilled siege cnginn to re:ach tht bU(: oflhc wall. Thc diJlinClion between the IWO lypes of mound do not. how""cr, seem to havc been made by Ihc Chinese, and ....·c conelud" thaI both.1"1Il ling" and)in" wcn: ramps and lin" was a sicge lowcr. It should be nOled, however, thaI it is strange thatJt andyill wu the Btla,tnUflsdamm:yiJt" meant a ramp mounding in Ihc moat, but when thc word eMi", which probably meant 'bridging a distance' (Wallacker (4)). was added 10 ii, the new term dliiyill" refcrred 10 both types oframp. The introductory pamge wilh the list oftwc,,"c could havc belonged to a "cnion orlhe lexl lhal includedyill and lacked a dcfcnce against Iht 'sheep's bank' ramp. , Chhrn Huan (I), 11'"5, pp. 107-9; Karlgren (I.{), p. 3 1 . • According 10 Lu n. �ling" ( + 556-6�7) (Mao Shih rill l, ch. C, p . 6b). Ii,," is altcred 10 /IIn,," i n this poem in thc HanSMh lliai Chuan". • '}'an Lun'" ch. 13, p. �a (Sppred.).

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and all could be used to watch for the approach of the enemy when the army was in open country and to examine the preparalions for defence inside the city during the course ofa siege.· Some idea of the cart, however, may be gained from Mao Ylian-I's t reconstruc­ tion of 'Duke Lu's Overlook and Assault Cart' (lin chhung Lii kung cIlM2), a five­ storey tower with four axles each with two wheels, which was pushed forward by three men silting in the lowest StOrey. The soldiers in the upper four storeys carry bows, sabres, spears and swords and from the front of the engines project spears of many shapes and sizes (Figure 294) .b In early times, horses or oxen would have • The -nat cart' and the 'watchtower cart' (wang 10M ,M!") of werf (see above pp. �77-3ff_) wen: designed $Oldy as look-outs, and could not have been used to allad Ihe city, unlike the other caru. , WPC, ch. log, p. 'l�b. Duke Lii was Lii Shang', abo known as Thai-Kung Wang', who helped King Wu of Chou· win ,-ictory over the Shang'. :\iany military books wen: later attributed 10 hi m, i ncluding Ihe Ii.. TlttJo' (cc. All an ('l)).

440

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

pulled the wagon and Mao's illustration is really only helpful in understanding the Ming conception ofsuch a siege lower. Regardless of the appearance of the 'overlook can', the general features of the Mohisl multiple· bolt arcuballisla, the father of a long line ofballistae which could compare with any type ofcatapult siege artillery developed at the same time in the West, can be easily appreciated from a study orthe text, even though a number of the technical terms cannot be understood with any precision (cf. pp. 18g-go above). The double (upper and lower) frame (khuang l ) on which the crossbow or arcuballista, to use the Latin tcrm, rested was constructed of timbers one fOOL square and the Mohists recommended that this frame be as long as appropriate for the width of the tOp of the city wall. According to another section of the Mo T<.u, this width of the terreplein may have been 1 8-'24 feet, more precisely 4. 1 4 to 5.52 metres.· If this was indeed the standard width ofthe top of the wall, it was proba­ bly necessary to construct special platforms at appropriate distance along the terreplein to accommodate the ballista, for the arrows are said to be 1 0 feet long and three feet 'higher' (kI101) than the stock. This latter statement may mean that, when the bow was drawn, the arrows projected beyond the front end of the stock. This stock itself was 6 feet long, 14 inches wide and 7 inches thick with a curved end-piece, called the 'claw' (lSI103 ) , 1 5 inches long into which the bow fitted.b Since the artillery engineers must have allowed for a significant recoil when the weapon discharged, the width of the walls where the arcuballista was stationed must have been more than the 1 '2 1/2 feet that the Thang and Sung military manuals give for the width, perhaps even wider than the 24 feet indicated by the other passage ofMo T<.u.c The frame ofthe multiple-bolt arcuballista was probably more than the l o-foot length of the arrows and was mounted on two axles with three wheels each.d These wheels were located inside the lower frame. The upper frame was 8 feet off the ground and the stock of the bow was level with this upper frame. The two pans of the frame consisted of posts and horizontal beams linked together by 4-inch diameter mortise-and-tenon joints. The bows were attached to these posts by strings or ropes (hsitn4) and the central U-piece (kou hsien5), also known as the 'tooth' (YI16), was fitted to the main string that propelled the bolts." A piece called the diU? 'axle' or 'pivot', which may be a corrupt graph or a special term for the 1 10, nOIC 'U . Cf. Lawton ( , ) pp. 6!)-7; L.o-Yang P()..\\'u Kuan (I). pp. 171-8. , IICC (P"it� 56) ('Chu Chh"'ng" ), eh. 6. p. 45: nu�g Tim. ch. '57, p. Sooa; TPJ"C, ch. 5, p. 10!). Cr. YalCS (3)· • YiJ YiJch (,). suggests Ihat the text'u
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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

trigger mechanism, or possibly an unidentified part of the machine, was located 3 1/2 feet away from the lower frame.-Just over 36 kilos (shih 1 , 30 chin') of bronze were needed to cast the housing (kuo') of the trigger mechanism. The bow was drawn by a winch (lu lu4) using 'left and right claws' (kou chii�) 3 inches square, and the crossbow was equipped with sights (i6) and some kind of device for raising and lowering it to aim accurately at the target. Two other parts are also mentioned: a wooden wu7 (literally, 'martial') a shih8 (i.e. 29.3 kilos) in weight, which may perhaps have functioned as some kind of counterweight, and a chii' (literally, 'claw' or 'ram') 6 inches wide, 3 inches thick and as long as the frame: its function remains a mystery. The large la-foot arrows had ropes attached to their shaftmenls so that they could be reeled back after discharge by a large windlass. Sixty of these immense arrows were issued to each machine and 'innumerable' small bolts were also fired by the same crossbow being discharged at the same time. b The Mo T�u concludes its specifications by stating that ten artillerymen were in charge ofoperating this multiple-bolt arcuballista. Unfortunately, there is no mention of the range of this powerful siege weapon, nor the weight required to draw it: a descendant of this arcuballista is stated in the Thang dynasty to reach a distance of 700 paces (pu 10), approximately 1 , 160 yards or 1,061 metres, with a weight of twelve tan or shih I required for the draw.c In the Han dynasty, however, it would seem from the Chu-Yenll strips that the weight for the draw for such a crossbow was 1 0 tan or shih (293 kilos).d But the later history of these great weapons has been told in detail in another section of the present work. (vii) Ramps The earliest notice of the ramp attack (yin 12 ) is found in the Kung rang Chuan 13, one of the commentaries to the Springs and Autumns Annals (Chhun Chhiu 14) of the state of Lu I � edited by Confucius, on the same occasion in -593 as the Tso Chua1l 16 records the appearance of the 'tower cart' (lou chMI7).c The commentary observes that an officer of the besieging Chhu 18 forces Ssu-ma Tzu-Fan 1 9 climbed the ramp to peer into the city of Sung20, and Hua Yuan' I , one of the defenders, • Possibly chu" is Ihe name for Ihe winch that armed the CTO$Sbow, which is caUed the lu lu' immediatdy afterwards. This latter term may, howtver, Ix: a corrupt reduplicalion ofthe phrue that oocun below describing thc windla" which rttrievn tht bolu after they havc been fired and hit their targtl. • I'resumably the $lock had gradualed gnxwes for Ihe bol15 with the largest, for the ten fOO{ boll, ;n the (Cnlre. and Ihe smalint on the outside. The small bolts "'en: probably not auached to a ropt and Wtre abandoned afler firing. • Cf. Yatn (3},P· 44 1 . • TPYC, eh. 4. PP' 78-9; Chao-Kung Wang Chii", ChinQ SIrI CAiIlZ ", quoted in TPrL, ch. 348. pp. 7ab. • Duke Hsiian" 15,ch. 16, pp. 7b-ga., qUOted in PTSC, ch. 1 19, p. 3b. cf. p. 422 above.

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also climbed the ramp to look out. The two then proceeded to converse about the state of provisions of the opposing forces: the men of Sung were exchanging their children and eating them while the Chhu army possessed only seven days' rations left. Such an incident seems unlikely in fact, because it implies that the ramp had already surmounted the walls and had been erected inside as well. In which case, the city would either have fallen immediately or the defenders would have de· strayed those portions that remained on their side oflhe walls. But even jfthe historical authenticity oflhe anecdote can be questioned, ramps were definitely being raised in the - 6th century for in the very year that the great saviour of the Chinese people and first hegemon (pa l ) Duke Huan ofChhi2 died, in - 566, Yen J03 of Chhi laid siege to the capital of Lai4, constructed a ramp, heavily defeated a relief army from Thang5 led by Wang Chhiu6 and Cheng Yii-Tzu7 and captured the city.' From this time on, the raising of ramps was a standard tactic in siege warfare even though it engaged the efforts of large numbers of soldiers and took many months to complete [he undertaking. The Sun TzuB reckoned that it would require six months of hard labour before a ramp could reach lhe top of the walls and an entrance be forced into the city,b and the Wei Liao Tzu ' recommended that it be attempted when the besieging army had sufficient manpower and the space around the city was confined.c But Mo-TzulO himself scoffed at a general who resorted to this form of attack: a competent defender had nothing to fear from an enemy who exhausted his troops in such an unprofitable venture. The present text of the book Mo Tzu contains four versions of the defence against ramps. In two, the ramp is called a 'sheep's bank' (yang ling II ). As we have said, these two passages are placed in different parts of the text, the first at the beginning ofsection 53, 'Defence against Overlook Carts' (Pei Lin 12 ) , and the sec­ ond at the beginning ofsection 70, 'Various Defences' ( Tsa Slzou 13), and these give a fairly coherent account of the defence procedures.d In another two passages, the ramps are called by the more common termyin 14, but unfortunately the texts have

• Tso Chualf, Duke Hsiang" year 6, eh. 14, p. 3b; Legge ( I I), p. 4�9: Duh Kung of La;" Red to Thang, but YenJo pursued him, besieged Thang and exterminated the State. • ':\Iou Kung", (Kuo Hua-JO(l)), p. :;3, calls Ihe ramp chiJyi,," 'mounding in over a distance'. The WeSlern Han copy of SUit T�u writesyi,, " wilh Ihe olherwise unknown graph)i,,'" (Yin-Chhueh-Shan Han-Mu Chu­ Chien Cheng-Li Hsiao-Tsu ( I ), p. 37). There were $Cveral dilferem ways ofwriting the graphyin" . , Kambun Tait,ied., (Phi,,, 22) (,Ping Chiao hsia'''), p. 56. � For the re(:on$truclion of Ihe text of these passages, see Yattl (4), pp. 573-7; Yales (:;), pp. 195-202. Watana� (/) is probably minaken in Ihinking thai the S«()nd version is Ihe work of MohislS in the state of Chhinu in Iht laiC -3rd celliury: section 70 is merely a colle<:\iort offragmenlS oftext that the Han compiler was unable 10 place in olhersec\ions (Yala (4), p. :;74).

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been misplaced and hidden in other sections of the Mo T<.u military chapters and are so short and fragmented that only enough remains to give us a rough idea of the tactics advocated for the defence. It is possible thal the Mohists did make, as we have suggested above, a distinc­ tion be lween )'ang lingl andyin2 and that the former refers to a ramp (agga or Sturmrampt) which was raised up to overlook the city wall and the latter was a mounding in of the moat (Belagerungsdamm) which permilted the enemy to bring their siege engines right to the very foot of the wall. The filling in of the moat would have been attempted prior to an assault by such engines as hooks, tanks, rams, and cloud·ladders as well as the mass infantry advance and the mysterious Hung tung'. BUI throughout Chinese history, there seems to have been no such discrimination between the two types of ramp and all later Chinese scholars and military men equated chii yin 4 with the later 'earth mountain' (thu shan5) and 'rampart road' (lei ta06) ramps· (Figure 295). Here is a translation of the first passage devoted to the defence against the 'sheep's bank' ramp: Nlaster ehhin1 made repeated obeisances and said, 'I venture to ask that when the enemy pile up earth to make a height in order 10 overlook our city walls; they raise up firewood and eanh IOgether and use them 10 make a "sheep's bank" ramp [yang lingS]; they advance pavises [ming9 J and mantlets flu I 0] together; and then they join the ramp to the city walls and soldiers brandishing weapons and crossbowmen simultaneously move up to the attack, what can be done about it?' The Master Mo-Tzu said, 'Are you asking about the defence against the "sheep's bank" ramp? \Vhoever uses a "sheep's bank" ramp is stupid at ad,rancing, for the ramp is enough to exhaust the troops but inadequate to damage the city walls. The defenders are to make "terrace city walls" [thai chhingl11 and with these they overlook the ramp. On left and right, they are to project rams [chii'2J each '20 feet long. The "movable city walls" [hsing chhing IS] are 30 feet high. Shootb the enemy with Strong crossbows and trample them with trebuchets [thou chi It] [one graph missing} with the strange devices; if you act so, then the attack of the "sheep's bank" ramp will be defeated.'�

The 'terrace city walls' (thai chhingl ' ) and 'movable city walls' were alternative names for the same device: screens which were designed to give greater height to the city wall. They were also deployed against counterweighted ladders, as we shall see shortly. Unfortunately, the Mo Tz.u fails to specify the details of construc­ tion, but they were probably made of mudsoaked strips of cloth nailed to timbers: Wei Hsiao-Khuan 15 raised precisely the same type of curtains to keep his walls

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treb. holl() bank sum. quite head Fig. �95. A highly imaginativcdrawingofa ramp, from WCTT/CC, ch. 10, p. sa.

higher than lhe ramp ofKao Huan I during the siege ofYi,i-Pi2.- The mud would, of course, be an effective protection against fire. We have already described the Ylohist trebuchet or catapult,b Here the defenders would have used them to smash down the ramp and to destroy the paviscs and mantlcts set up at the head of the ramp where the enemy engineers would be working. Since a graph has been lost from the text, we cannOt tell what the 'strange devices' (eMi chi') were, but Chhin Shih-Huang-Ti's" tomb is said to have contained them:c perhaps we will learn more when lhe lomb is finally opened in the next few years! But the Mohists probably meant all the weapons and engines which they list as requirements ror a strong derence. The two passages which appear to be the remains or separate versions or the derence against yin) ramps are unusually badly mutilated and only the barest outline or the derence procedures can be understood, because a number or the technical terms dery interpretation.d Both passages, however, seem to indicate

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, Shih Chi, eh. 6, p. 68; Chavanll�s (I), vol. 2, p. 194.

eh. 14. pp. 9b-1Ga and eh. 14, pp. l&lb; for the reconstruction oflhe lext and discussion oflhe problems, s«Yalet (5), pp. 127-35· • Ala T:tM,

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

that rows ofsharpened stakes were pounded into the parapet at the top of the wall, either being 2 feet long or 7 inches long and 6 inches apart, and one of the passages supplemems this line with brushwood fences raised both inside and outside a second parapet (phingyiian ' ) where soldiers were stationed one every 60 feet man­ ning wooden crossbows (mu nu2)! Unforlunatcly it is unclear whether this second parapet is on tOP of the walls supplementing the regular 'woman's wall' (niiyiian 3 ) o r i s the name of the low wall outside the main city walls. Both passages also agree that jars are to be constructed; in one case they are of clay and ofapproximately 2 to 4 litre capacity, and in the other they may be of oak (t$O�)b, be 4 feet deep and of approximately 24 litre capacity. The latter are covered and buried one every 10 feet. The purpose of these jars is not made explicit, but they may have been used for storing oil or other combustible material to be lit and thrown at the enemy's ramp: onc passage proceeds to speak of fighting off the ramp with fire pumped by bellows, presumably an early type of flamethrower, and the other describes a lype of firebomb to be hurled by the trebuchets (chieh chhi)), made from wood 23. [ cm thick and 55.4 cm long which is hollowed out in the centre and filled with burning charcoaL Since the 'sheep's bank' ramp, as we have seen, was constructed out of brushwood and earth, pre­ sumably theyi1l6 mound also consisted of the same materials and therefore was quite vulnerable to this form of attack, even though the armoured mantlet at the head of the ramp where the enemy engineers worked was theoretically invulnera­ ble. The soldiers could, however, be shot by crossbow quarrels as they moved up and down the ramp during changes in the shifts and their movement on the ramp was further hampered by the defenders who showered cylindrical caltrops (chi-li­ lhou7 ) at the ramp. These caltrops were 57.75 em long and more than 46.2 cm thick. The Mohists undoubtedly developed a number of other devices and fortifica­ tions against the ramp, bUl the text is regrettably lost. But we do not doubt that they considered it a quite inferior form of attack which took at least six months to complete and could only exhaust the enemy without ever putting the defenders to a serious test of their capabilities. But despite Mo-Tzu's8 scorn of the ramp attack, the historical records abound with later examples. We have already noticed those that Hau Ching9 raised against the walls ofChien-Khangl O in the winter of + 548-9,C and Kao Huan's" unsuccessful attempt to surmount Vii-Pi 1 2 .d Earlier, in + 184, Chu Chlin 13 realised • For the 'wooden crossbow'. $ttabo,'C pp. 433-4' • The lexl'51Je may be a mi$lake forIso' or a redundant graph. < Lillllg Sb". ch. ;6. p. 14a; c[ Marney (I), pp. 135-;8; WaUacker (4), p. oj.8. � C'iON ShN", th. 31, pp. 3a-4a; Pti Shill'", ch. 64. pp. ,b-3a.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

that he lacked sufficient strength to mount an all-out assault on Nan-Yang I which had been captured by the rebel Yellow Turbans (huang chin 2) under Han Chung'. and so he contented himself with raising two ramps to overlook the walls, one at the southwest corner and the other at the northeast. He feigned an attack in the southwest as a decoy while he personally led his elite soldiers up the northeast ramp and broke into the city. forcing Han to surrender. Chu promptly beheaded him.Later on, Wang Ssu-Chcng4 beat off Kao Yi.ieh' of the Eastern Wei6 when he tried to seize Ying-Chou7 in + 548 by hurling 'fire javelins' (huo tsuan8 ) and 'fire arrows' (huo chien9) at the ramp he had erected and burning it with the help ofa strong wind. b Before we pass on to a discussion of the ladder attack, we should note that Tu HcnglO has suggested that there is a depiction of the ramp attack inlaid into the Warring States hUll vessel found in 10mb 10 at the Pai-Hua-Than 12 middle school site, Chheng-Tu 13 , Szechuan, in 1965.<: A comparison with the other three vessels which also carry the same scenes of a naval battle and the siege of a city reveals, however, that the 'ramps' are really schematically represented ladders and we will return to these bronzes and their decorative patterns below. d (viii) LAddm Pan 14

The name of Kung-shu is associated with the earliest construction of the counterweighted ladder (yiin lhi l�, literally 'ladder that flies to the clouds' or 'cloud ladder'). An almost legendary engineer who later was apotheosised and worshipped by many craft guilds as their patron deity without whose aid and protection the mOSt difficult procedures could not be successfully accomplished,t Kung-shu Pan was Mo-Tzu's arch enemy. The story of their famous rivalry and Mo-Tzu's triumph, often repeated in later sources/ is related in full in section 50 of the Mo Tzu.' • Yuan Shan-Sung" , lIo� Ha" s"�" , quOiro in TPrL, ch. 336, p. �a; TCTC, ch. 58, p. 1874. • Pri Shih, Ch. 6J. p. 73; Th""g Tim, ch. 161, p. 853bc. Wang SJu-Cheng c\'emually had 10 $urrender On one of

Ihese ramps because Ihe Eastern Wei lIt1ackcrs wcre Jucccssful in flO<XIing the eity (Wallacker (6)). cf. Vol 5, pt 7. pp. pruJim. • Tu Hellg (j), p. :'0. ror thc excavation r�pon. st;( Ssu-Chhuan Sheng rOowu Kuan, (I), pp. 40--l6. The vrs5(;1 is iIIuslralro in plal( 2_ • Su bdow p. 447. • C. K. Yang ( I ) , pp. 71-2. W( have enCQunterro him on ,,=veral occasions in previous volumes. r Forexampk, Lil Shih Chhun Chhiu (spprro.) ('Ai Lei'·'), ch. 2 1 , pp. 7b-8a; Clum Kuo TsM ('SungTshe"'), ch. 3�, PP 1 1 46-9; Crump ( I ) , pp. !l62-3. Shih T-tu", quotro in TPrL, ch. 327, pp. 6a-7b, calls th� ladders 'The St�ps that Co"er Ih� Htav�nl' (m/�g lhitn ,hith")i cr.Shih T�" (SPPY1:(\.), ch. A, pp. 14b-15b. , Sun I-Jang (.f) , eh. 13, pp. 12a-16a. ' Ji m

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Kung-shu Pan had completed the construction ofcloud-ladders for Chhu 1 and was going \0 allack Sung2 with them. Ylo-Tzu heard of it and S(:t out from Chhi'. He walked ten days and ten nights and arrived at Ying·. He saw Kung-shu Pan. The latter asked him what he wanted of him. \tfo-Tzu said, 'Someone in the north has humiliated me. I would like 10 have you kill him.' Kung-shu Pan was displeased. :-'Io-Tzu persisted, offering him ten measures ofgold [chin']' Finally Kung-shu Pan said, 'My principles are incompatible with murdering people.' Thereupon :-'10-Tzu rose and bowed twice and spoke, 'Now let me explain myS(:lf. While in the nonh I heard you were building ladders with which to allack Sung. Now, of what crime is Sung guilty? The state ofChing6• has land to spare but is shon of people. To destroy what is scarce in order to strive for what is already plenty cannot be said to be wise. Since Sung is innocent, to attack it cannot be said to be magnanimous. To fail to make an effort according to what you know cannOt be said to be loyal. To make the effort without obtaining (the desired result) cannot be said 10 be effective. To hold a principle that forbids the killing offew but allows that of many cannot be said to be understanding the fundamemal categories.' [Although Kung-shu Pan is convinced by Mo-Tzu he claims he cannot SlOp the attack because he has already promised his services to the King ofChhu. Ylo-Tzu thereupon has an interview with the king and makes a similar argument but the king replies,] 'That is all very well. But Kung-shu Pan has already constructed the cloud-ladders for me, and J must capture Sung.' And thereupon he looked at Kung-shu Pan. Mo-Tzu uillied his belt and laid out a city with it and made engines out ofsmall sticks. Kung-shu Pan set up nine different machines ofattack. Ylo-Tzu repulsed him nine times. Kung-shu Pan was at an end with his machines of attack while Mo-Tzu was far being exhausted in defence. Kung-shu Pan felt embarrassed and declared, 'I know how I can repel you, but I will not tell.' :-"Io-Tzu also said, 'I know how you can repel me, but I will nOt tell.' The King of Chhu asked what it was. :-"Io-Tzu replied, Kung-Shu-Tzu's idea isjust to have me murdered. Were I murdered, Sung would be powerless al defence, and Sung could be (successfully) attacked. However, my disciple Chhin Ku_Li7 and others numbering three hundred are already armed with my implements of defence waiting on the city wall of Sung for the Chhu invaders. Though I be murdered, you cannOt exhaust (the defensive capabilities of Sung) .' The King ofChhu said, 'Well, then let us not attack Sung any more.'b

What did Kung-shu Pan's 'cloud-ladder' look like? We are fortunate in pos­ sessing two pieces ofevidence that help us visualise the engine. The first is an inlaid decoration of a siege and a naval battle on two Warring States bronze (hiens vessels found at Shan-Piao-Chcn9, Chi Hsien 10, Honan, which is repeated on two other vessels, one found in 1965 at Pai-Hua-Than11 middle school, Chheng_Tul2 to which we have alluded above, and the other known as Werner Jannings hu 1 3 •

Ching '5 an ah�rnati,'� nam� for Chhu. � ;"Ici ( I). pp. �j7�j9 (auet. adju\.).

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

now held In the collection of the Ku Kung museum I in Peking.& Of these four vessels, the ones that provide the clearest illustration are those from Shan-Piao­ Chen. They show a two-wheeled ladder in profile - only one wheel is visible - up which are climbing two soldiers, one armed with a sword and shield, the other with a halberd and shield. The wheels are placed at the rear of the cart where a third soldier is stationed. Presumably he is in charge of directing the ladder and preventing it from rolling away from the walls. Three other soldiers with swords at their belts stand with their arms raised holding the ladder aloft. Two large stones thrown by the defenders on the walls above, unfortunately not represented in the scene, are falling towards the wheels of the ladder (Figure 1 1 '2 above). This illustration helps us interpret the second piece of information about Kung­ shu Pan's ladders, the highly corrupt Explanation of Canon B'27 of the Mo Tzu. Located in the mechanics section, the passage seems to be concerned with the problem of why something as heavy as a counterweight which raises a ladder can be arrested in its descent by something as fragile as a ruler placed vertically on the ground. b Judging by the way in which the Mohists used complete carts or parts of carts to construct their defensive contraptions, we would suggest a slightly different interpretation of the text from the one we presented in an earlier vol­ ume.t The ladder was mounted on a four-wheeled wagon, whose rear wheels were high and spoked and front wheels were low and solid (chhiian2), presumably for ease of steering. A pulley-wheel was hung in the yoke or yokes (kUS)d anached to the crosspiece, itself fastened to the pole or shaft which could have been up to 3 5 feet long, the maximum length ofthe arm of the trebuchet fashioned in its turn Out of a cart. The extension ladder was fixed along the pole and the top section was raised by a rope which was fastened to the 'support in frollt' (chhitn ISQI··), possibly a strong strut on the cart, then to the ladder and then the rope was passed over the pulley-wheel. Securing the rope to the 'support in front' was probably to give the ladder greater stability and to obviate the need to have a squad of men hold the ladder up manually as is illustrated on the bronze vessels,e A counter-weight was hung at the end of the rope and the top ladder moved whenever the counter­ weight was pulled or pushed. The whole cart could have been pushed from the rear or hauled forward by the rope hanging from the pulley-wheel. The entire contraption probably looked something like the reconstruction in Figure '296 . •

Sec Kuo Pao-Chiin (3), pp. ,8-2' and figure I I, for the Shan-l'iao-Chcn \"<:$$(;1; for Ihe Imperial palaec Iru, �:rdlx:rg Conslcn (2) and Wdxr (4); for a diKuS$ion oflhe Pai-Hua-Than \"(;$$CI, �e Tu Heng (3), cf. Yang Hung (6). reprinu!d in Yang Hung (I), pp. ,06-7. - Graham (12), pp. 39�-39j. • \·01. 4.pI l , pp.�I-�. d Sun I-Jang's i11lcrprel31ion oflhe lerm b 5«mS 10 Ix borneoul by a SlalUtC in the newly e1
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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

449

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fig. 2g6. Re<::onstruction oflhe count�rweighted ladder, from sec, Vol. 4, pi I

The machine was undoubtedly heavy and difficult to manoeuvre as can be j u dged from Mo-Tw's answer to Chhin Ku-Li's question concerning the defence againsl an atlack by these counterweighled ladders. This is Mo-Tzu's reply to his disciple: The :\hstcr Mo-Tzu said, 'Are you asking about the defence against cloud-[adders [yiin thil J? Cloud-ladders are heavy pieces ofequipment and manoeuvring them is extremely difficuh. The defence is a "movab[e city wall" [ming cllhing'1 with various towers [tsa lou3] separating them to ring the centre (oftheir attack); you should lake the width ofthe enemy (front) as the measure (for deploying the wall-and-tower construclion). Erect rush curtains [ehith mu' J in the ring, but do not make the line too wide (i.e., try to contain the enemy). The method for (constructing) "�movable city walls" is: they are to be 20 feet higher than the (regu[ar) city wall, with a parapet [tith'] added on top 10 feet wide. On [eft and right project rams [chii�l each 20 feet long. (The various lowers) are as high and as broad (as is appropriate for usc with) the "movab[e city walls". Construct torch holes " for smoking rats" [chiao hsiieh hsiin shrl 7] Place fire screens [Iae] on the outside. The Irebuchets (?) [chi9], battering-rams [chhung IG], "(movab[e) balconies" [(hsing) ehall il J, and " (movab[e) city walls" [(hsing) ehhillg 1] should be (dep[oyed) as wide as the enemy lines. Station (so[diers with) drills [chim a J and swords [ehim "] in amongst them (sc. the various defensive engines and constructions). Ten-man platoons are to control the battering-rams and five-man squads are 10 wield swords: all are to be strong men. Order those with good eye-sight to watch the enemy. Fire at them on the beat of the drum, shooting them alternately or repeatedly. Tramp[e them with the trebuchetS and ' tT ¥: ' il S , ( fi - ) . A O . � ) Ji Ja [fil ( if - ) !I

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450

30. M I L I T A R Y

TECHNOLOGY

from on top of the city wall hurl down large quantities ofarrows and stones, rain sand and ash on them, pour blazing firewood and boiling water on them. Fully investigate rewards and carry out punishments; the reason for doing this is to make (the soldiers) firm of purpose. Follow up their actions quickly so as not to tet them ha\'e second thoughts (about continuing the fight). Ifyou aCt like this, then the attack of the cloud-ladders will be defeated.'

This defence is similar in most respects to that against ramps, the only difference being that the soldiers manning the walls had far less time to reach the point of assault in the ladder attack. It was for this reason that Mo-Tzu insisted that those with good eyesight be posted as look-outs, so that they could give as much ad­ vanced warning as possible of an impending attack. The torches in the holes would naturally have been lit at night 10 illuminate the glacis and the ground beyond. Once the defenders knew where they needed to repel the enemy) they hastened to the threatened section of wall and raised the 'movable city walls' with their 'various towers', probably both constructed out of wood and mudsoaked cloth, to ensure not only that the ladders had no possibility of reaching the top of the fortifications but also that they preserved a height advantage and could pour down their missiles, including sand and ash which could blind an enemy who looked up at the wrong moment apart from preventing him from seeing where arrows were coming from. The trebuchets were probably most effective when the ladders were still at some distance from the walls. Once they had closed, the rams were manipulated to keep them from coming within 20 feet. Kung-shu Pan, however, may have designed the ladders with a counterweight precisely to avoid such rams. For he could wait to bring down the weight and extend the ladder until he was right up against the walls. Once the ladder was in position, the defenders would have swung their baltering-rams to smash it, and those soldiers equipped with drills would have attempted to cut through the wood and send the ladder crashing to the ground. The drills may well have operated through the 'movable city walls'. Both the fire­ screens and the rush curtains would have protected the defenders from the bar­ rage of enemy missiles which would have undoubtedly accompanied the attack to prevent the defenders from successfully deploying their devices. Two other passages follow in the Mo T;:.u text of 'Defence against Ladders', but the first describes the 'movable parapet' (hsing lith I ) which appears to have been fired against the battering·ram attack: and the second details the construction of a thick palisade outside the main walls which was designed to be set on fire. Even though at the end of this fragment the ending formula 'if you act like this, then the attack of the cloud-ladders will be defeated' occurs, it is likely that the whole passage is another version of a sec(ion of (he defence against the mass infantry

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

45 1

assault (Pe; I Fu I ) , because another version of the same passage is actually found in its rightful 'Pe; I Fu' section and because the passage in no way resembles the defence against cloud ladders given above. It further presupposes that the enemy soldiers will be on foot in amongst the palisade when it is set on fire, a situation which would be expected in a mass infantry assault, but it does not give any instructions of how to repel the ladders once they had penetrated through the pa.lisade. We therefore consider i t to be a defence against the mass infantry assault and will discuss the techniques involved below.Cloud-ladders, in addition to being frequently engaged in assaults on cities from Kung-shu Pan's time to the Sung dynasty nearly 1 ,500 years later, were also used as lookout towers like the 'nest cart' (chhao chht2) by armies in the open field and during a siege to observe the enemy's movements and the preparations for de­ fence. b We have already mentioned the siege of Wan' in + 2 3 by the Liu· clan.c A later occasion for their deployment was in the first months of + 229 when the great Chu-ko Liang), having marched north from Szechuan into the Wei6 river valley in Shensi, attempted to invest Chhen Tshang1 city, which was guarded by a small force of I 00 men under Hao Chaos for the Weig court. Since his army far OUl!lum­ bered the defenders, Chu-ko Liang first tried to persuade Hao to surrender by having Chin HsianglO, an officer from Hao's home district, speak to him. Hao rejected the offer and Chu-ko Liang brought up cloud-ladders and battering-rams to the attack. Hao, however, fired salvoes offire arrows at the ladders, whereupon the men on them were all burned to death. He also tied mill-stones (shih mo II ) to ropes and dropped them on the rams which promptly shattered. Chu-ko then constructed l oo-foot-tall towers called 'well-railings' (ching Ian 12), so called prob­ ably because the timbers of the lower stories were exposed like the wooden railings around watering holes, and fired into the city from the tops of these. In addition he filled up the moat with balls of hardened earth. But Hao constructed a second wall behind the outer curtain wall to protect the defenders. In one last effort, Chu-ko dug mines towards the city, but Hao cut his own countermines and broke into the galleries, forcing the attackers to retreat. After more than twenty days of round­ the-clock battles, Chu-ko finally abandoned the siege.d That the soldiers from Szechuan were burned to death suggests that by this time the cloud-ladders had undergone substamial evolution, and that the engine was

• Sec below pp. 480-5. II goes without saying thaI the soldien auaeking in a rna" assault would have been equipped with meanl lO Kale the walls; these were probably regular ladden and ropes with hooks attached. • cr. pp. 419-��1f. above. • cr. p. 434 above. • Sail liw Cltilt. 'Wei Shu'" ch. 3, pp. 4b-$a; Vii Huan", Wli LiJd<", quoled in TffL, ch. 336, p. �b; TCTC. ch. 71, pp. 2249-:,0; cr. Achilles Fang (I) "01. I , p. '259.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

closer in design to the Thang and Sung machines. The Thai Po Yin Ching gives the following specifications: The ladder that flies to the clouds: construc t a chassis [chuang I ] out oflarge timbers and place 6 wheels underneath (presumably on three axles). On top (of the ladder) set a couple of teeth []al] and clamps [kua'J. The ladders are 1 2 feel long with 4 rungs [cho�J placed 3 feet apart, and in shape they are slightly curved so that they pass over one another and clamp into each other. The ladder flies into the clouds and can be used to peer into the city. At the top (oCthe upper ladder) are a couple of pulley wheels [Iu IuS] (on either side of the stringers) which rest on the walls as the ladder is extended.-

This ladder is different from Kung·sllU Pan's in that it is not raised by means ofa counterweigill. The upper section of the ladder is held aloft by the teeth which probably fitted over the top rung of the lower ladder, much as in modern Western extension ladders. It is not entirely clear what type of fitting the kua, called by the TT a chit1l 6 , was. The dictionaries define both terms, however, as yin kua" which was an instrument like a clamp or cramp for straightening curved pieces or wood. We would suggest that it was attached to both ladders on both sides of the stringers and kept the upper section from bending under the weight of the soldiers climbing up. In the Sung machine, illustrated in Figure 297, the ladders were more than 20 feet long and could have been raised by a counterweight or by men pulling on a rope, for there was a pivot (chuan chu') placed between the sections. On the chassis a four-sided shelter was constructed out of fresh oxhide, and the soldiers chosen to scale the ladders stood inside and pushed the entire contraption up to the base of the walls. Chu-ko Liang's men could have been hiding under similar shelters when Hao Chao's fire arrows struck, trapping them inside and causing them to suffer a horrible death. The defensive tactics against the cloud-ladders in the post-Warring States period up to the Sung followed in all essential details the prescriptions of the Mo Tzu. \·Ve have already mentioned that heavy rams (ehhuang eMit) were swung against the ladders if they reached the walls.b and that they could be set alight by fire arrows and fire javelins. Tu Yu 10 in the Thang recommended that three trebuchets (phao 1 1 ) . two small and one large, be stationed on a length of wall guarded by eight squads. They were to hurl rocks at the ladders before they got too close. He also proposed that a second, wooden, parapet (nu chhiOllg 11) be bui lt 5 inches above and outside the regular earthen parapet. To this wooden parapet were attached vertical wooden boards which operated rather like curtains in that • Ch. 01, p. 78. The TluJ.lfg Tint's dacriplion, th. 1 60, p. 801M, i$ subslantially the same, but with $Orne vanaliolU in Ihe lenninology of the paru. • Sec pp. .f 1 2, 426, 449 alxwe.

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30.

MISSILES AND SIEGES

45 3

Fig. �97. Sca.ling la.dder, from lVeTy/CC, eh_ 10, p. '5b.

they could be opened or closed swiftly or slowly depending upon the situation and the advance and retreat of the ladders. Should the enemy's own stones begin to collapse parts of the parapet and lhe lOwers, the defenders were to suspend cur­ tains made out of rawhide or felt rugs (chan than ' ) to diminish the force of the missiles. Of course, not every mention of a ladder in a siege refers to the type of heavy wheeled engine we have been describing. We have already referred to the 'hooked ladders' or 'hooks and ladders' (kou thi2)," and there are three other hand-ladders recorded in the sources of which the most common was the 'flying ladder' (fei thi'). According to the WCTY, this was '20 or 30 feet long with a horizontal bar at the top which penetrated through the stringers. On this bar a couple of wheels revolved on the outer side of each stringer. During a mass infantry assault, the attackers placed the wheels against the walls and rolled the ladder up the face (Figure '2g8).b As we have mentioned above, p. '275, the defenders attempted to b

'CHitTI Cki', ch. 10. p. 16..; illustration, p. '7b.

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O LO G Y

454

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push the ladder and the men off the wall with specially designed poles 20 feet long which had two splayed prongs at the end. These instruments were known as chhai kan I . The wcrr describes the two other ladders in the following terms. The first, the 'flying bamboo ladder' (ehulti thi2), consisted of a single pole made out of a large bamboo with rungs fitted through the shaft (Figure 2g8). The second was the 'flying ladder for climbing to the lOP' (nith lhoufli Ihi3) which resembled the Sung counterweighted ladder without the box and wheels. The ladder was made of two sections connected by a piVOI (,huon cflu·), the upper section being con­ structed out of a single bamboo pole as in the 'flying bamboo ladder'. At the top of the pole was a bar with two wheels for ease in pushing it up the walls, an ingenious device attached to other ladders we have encoumered (Figure 2g8).b • ThulIg Tim, ch. 15'1. p. 800c; WCTytCC, ch. 1'1, p. 100; illustration, p. 1 7b. 5« abo\"( p. '176.

- II'CTfjCC. ch. ''l,p. 1OO; iJlustration, p. 1 7b. ' jf or 7.. :f'

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30.

4 55

MISSILES AND SIEGES

Naturally, such ladders were of far more use than the heavy, creaking, cloud­ ladders, if the besiegers wished to surprise unwary defenders at nigh I, for they could carry the ladders to the foot of the wall and climb up with a minimum of noise. A famous example of this type of tactic occurred in the late + 5th century when Emperor Shen-Wul ofChhi sent Han Kuei' and Ssu-ma Tzu-JuS to attack Wang Hsiungi who was guarding Hua-Chou) for the Western Wei court. Wang was still in the process of repairing the city walls and, nOt suspecting the presence of the enemy, had failed to take the ladders his workmen were using back inside the walls when dusk fell. As Wang and his defenders slept, the Chhi soldiers scaled the ladders and entered the city. Wang woke up on hearing unusual sounds and, realising what had happened, seized a while stick and nothing else, charged out of his apartments with dishevelled hair, stark naked and bellowing furiously, The apparition and noise frightened the attackers long enough for the other defenders to come to '·Vang's aid, and drive the enemy out of the ci ty ,' (ix) Flooding The most famous example in antiquity of the sixth of Chhin Ku-Li's attacks, Hooding (shui' or kuan 7 ) , was the combined assault of the forces of the WeiR, Han9 and Chihlo clans on Chin-Yangll, refuge of the Chaos I', in the years - 455-453. b This campaign, which ended in the annihilation of the Lord ofChih, YaolS, and his entire clan, was the final stage in the breakup of the formerly powerful state of Chin Ii and ushered in the intensely competitive but culturally brilliant period of the Warring States,C Han Fei T<.u 15 recounts the battle through the mouth of the musician Chung­ Chhi 16 of the Slate ofChhin:d At the time orthe Six Chins,· the Chih dan was the strongest. They extirpated the Fan 11 and Chung-Hang I' dans and then led the troops or Han and \"Iei to attack Chao. They flooded (the city) with the River Chin 19 until there were three boards' width orwall left unsubmersed,f Lord Chih went out in a chariot with Viscount Hsiian?O or\Vei as driver and Viscount

Chou Shu, (h. lB. pp. nb; ThulIg Ti(II,(h. 161, p. BS3a. Chhen �I�ng-Chia (5). pp. 106-8. • �13Sp<:ro (2). pp. 300-1, �laspero (33), pp. 227-8; Shih Chi. ch. 39. p. 92. � Han Fn T�" R«Inb Ihe inciden( (hrtt limes. but the Iinl, in phim 10 ('Shih Kuo'''), may be in a seclion added (0 (he leXI a( a later date (Chou Hsun·Chhu (I)). Sec also CKT, (h. lB. pp. 58Sff; Crump ( I) . pp. 27Bff. • Han. Wei. Chao, Chih, Fall. and Chung-Hang dans. f Imcrpr(t3(ions "al)' wnccming Ihe width or the board, used in building Ihe pounded earth ....all, but . probably it ,,'as 2 fect. •

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O C Y Khangl of Han as the third rider on the right. Lord Chih said, 'I never before today knew that water could destroy an enemy's state. The waters of the Fen2 CQuid flood An-I' and the waters of the Chiang4 could flood Phing.Yang" .-

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Since An-I and Phing-Yang were the capitals of the Wei and Han clans respec­ tively Hsuan and Khang knew that Lord Chih intended to destroy them in turn; they quickly came to an understanding with the defending Chaos of Chin-Yang, opened the dikes holding the water at night and inundated the Lord of Chih's army. Yao himself was killed and all his lands were partitioned among the three victors. The siege of Chin-Yang stands at the beginning of a long line of campaigns in which the ample waters of North China were harnessed by hydraulic engineers to wreak the destruction of substantial walled cities. Wang Pen6 of Chhin flooded Ta-Liang', the capital of Wei, in - 2'25. b Liu Pang8, the founder of the Han dynasty, attacked Chang Hang in Fei Chhiu ' o in - 205 , and Tshao Tshao'l sur­ rounded Lli PU l 2 in Hsia-Phei 13 and forced him to surrender by diverting the waters of the 114 and SSU I � rivers in + Ig8.d Wang Ssu-Chengl6 was also defeated by the Eastern Wei forces by the flooding attack when he tried to defend Ying­ Chhuan 11 as a forward post in Honan for the Western Wei in + 548-g.� The technique was also widely employed in the open field against armies downstream of an inventive commander. The Mohists suggested two procedures to defend against an enemy who had the time, manpower, and skill to raise dikes round a city and fill the area between the dike and the walls with water from an adjacent river. The first was to sink wells or sumps at the lowest points within the city to permit any water that might pene­ trate through or over the walls or gates to drain away underground. The second was to build boats and sail or row over to the dikes and attempt to breach them. Initially, a careful survey was made everywhere within the walls to determine where the ground was lowest. The Mohists do not, however, specify the measuring instrument to be used in this survey but it was probably an early water level (kuan chun 18 , huon chun 19, or shlli phingW) which we have already described and illustrated in an earlier volume.' At the appropriate depressions deep wells were sunk and measuring tiles placed within them. When the water contained by the dikes out-

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• ShihChl.('h.6.p_ 18: Cha,·anna ( , ) , � , p . ' 2 1 . , Chhi,. lfm. Sit., ch. la. pp. :J4ab; Dubs (37), I . p. 81. � TPrL. ch. 321, p. 6b: San KINl Chi" (Wei Shu), eh. I, p. 13b.

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side the walls was ten feet deep, channels (ehhu l ) - were dug down towards the wells to enable the water to flow away rapidly. During this operation, carpenters were to construct squadrons of twO different types of boats, one a catamaran called an 'approacher' or 'overlooker' (lin2), made by linking two boats togethcr,b the other a 'tank-vessel' (fen-win3) which was presumably, if its name is an accurate description, a covered vessel, a form usual in later Chinese navies, as we have previously indicated.e Each of the tcn 'approachers' was manned by thirty expert marines, divided into threc platoons of ten men each. Thcy were all to bear crossbows and four out of the ten were, in addition, to wield a weapon called a yu fang4, The identity and shape of this instrument has perplexed a number of scholars, including Wang Kuo-Wei,d Lao Kan/ and Tshen Chung-Mien/ in recent years because the termyufang appears in a number of the Han strips, as well as in this Mo Tzu passage and in the Han Fei Tzu.i Lao Kan suggested that since the names of the ko) and ehi6 halberds do nOt appear in the strips andyufang seems to be used in contrast to short weapons such as the sword (ehitn 7) and ring-handled sabre (ta08) and since it was carried for both naval and land combat, it must be a typc of halberd or pike. Tshen, on the other hand, noting that the Thang dynasty compendium Thung Tien9h states the marines carry spades (ehhiao IO) and mattocks (kuo l! ) for the operation of breaching the dikes, concludes thatyufang must be lhe ancient name for a type of hoe (chhu 11 ) , The + 3rd-century commentator Ju Shun IS provides the clue to its identification by explaining that a 'hook-halberd' (kou-chili) 'resembles a spear; below the blade is an iron horizontal square (blade) which curves upwards: Ssu mao-jin hsia yu Iltieh-hing-fallg shang kou-ehhiiu , .; Hayashi Minao,i following up Lao Kan's quota­ tion of this passage, correctly identifies it with a Han weapon found recently in Hunan provincek and illustrated in a Wei 16 or Chin 1 1 wall painting from Chia-Yti • Emending the text with Sun I-Jang (2). ch. '4, p. 33b, from ,," " to r"ii" , an abbr<:viatioll or(hlrii'. Another name for this typo: of double buge, according to the Erh )" and 5""0 Will dictionarie5,

"'3$ the fa",-, also wriuenfdlll", which cani«l lirty men and three months' supply ofgrain in Pa" and Shu" under the state ofChhin CCIt4ll I(�o TslII, ('Chhu Tshc' I), p. !i06; Crump (I), p. �45}. cr. Hayashi (6). p. 369, Possibly the boat wasa 'towered ,'-=-I' (ION rhlr/Ulll"' ). • cr. \'01. 4. 3. pp. 423 ff., and fig. 949· 4 Wang Kuo-Wei & Lo Chen-Yii (I), 'Shih Erh''', p. 403. • LaoKan (6) , p . !i 1 . f Tshen Chung_�licn (3), p . !i0' I Phi... 47 C'Pa Shuo'<'6), 1S1II4, p. 40. • Ch. 1!i2,p.80tb. , Shi" Chi, ch. 6, p. 98. J Hayashi (6), pp. 4!i2-3. • Hunan Sheng Wcn-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yiian Hui (I), pI. 9.1. �

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Kuan I , Kansu.a Instead of projecting straight out at right angles to the shaft, as in the case of the normal chi2 halberd blade, the horizontal blade curves away from the soldier holding the weapon towards the spear point at the upper endb (see Fig. 299). This interpretation is further confirmed by our previous discussion of the early navies of the Chhu3, Wu·, and Yueh' states, where we saw Mo Tzu's rival Kung�shu Pans inventing a 'hook�fender' device (kou�chii'),c for use on board the Chhu vessels. Southern warships were oflen called 'halberd-vessels' (ko�chhuan8) which signified either that the marines used dagger-axes (kog) or that these weap­ ons were fastened onto the vessel below the waterline to keep off swimmers and dangerous animals. In the ru�h Chii�h Shu 10 quoted in the TPYL,d the weapons carried by the marines are called hooks (kou I I ) instead ofdagger-axes (k09). But let us return to the Mo Tzu and the defence against flooding. The 'tank­ vessels' were organised into squadrons of twenty boats and each carried thiny men. Twenty of these men bore hook-halberds, swords and wore armour and leather helmets (Ii mou 11) and ten wielded instruments the text calls mao 13. Pi Yuan I. , followed by all other commentators, emends this graph to mao 15 'spear' because of the similarity in the sound of the two words.� While this emendation is •

Anon. (HO). p. 4·So-

b The lIone rdiefoftwo dancing warriors from Thung Shan Hsiao Li Tshun M;ao Shan, Kiangsu, illustrated in Kian�u Sheng \Wu·\\"u Kuan-Li Wei_Yuan Hui (I) pI. 34 may 1Ilw depicI a 'hook-hal�rd'. • "01· 4· 3· I'p. 680-2_ We follow Sun I-Jang (:) , eh. [3. I'. rob. in emending the extant text !coll-l!rh;ang" w

on [he basis of TPrt.. eh_ 334, p. 3b. Ch.3IS,P.U. • Sun I-Jang (:) , ch. r4, p. 343-; Pi Yuan, ch. 14, p. 131. This interpretation may, in fact, � that of Sun Hsing'\'en". for Ka,,·asaki Takaharu (I) has shown that Pi adopted Sun'l textual revisions almO$t in their . entirety. hU-llrri' d

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quite possible, we should remembcr that the later graph for an anchor with metal spikes or claws was a mao (or miao) l .a Could it be that this type of anchor was first used in the defence against flooding in the - 3rd cenlury, perhaps thrown from the boats OnlO the dikes and pulled sharply back in order to break down the enceinte? \Ve cannot, unfortunately, be certain. The Mohists advocated ensuring the loyalty of the marines selected to carry out the breaching of the dikes by holding their fathers, mothers, wives and children as hostages in a specially constructed barracks where they were all to be given prefer­ ential treatment. As we will see, this practice was applied to other important members of the defending community, the spies, the officers and other notables. As soon as the Defender in charge saw that the dikes could be successfully attacked, he ordered the 'approachers' and the 'tank-vessels' to be launched from the city and the assault to be covered by rapid fire from heavy crossbows called lhe 'revolving shooting machines' (chuan she chi2). b Unfortunately the texl does not specify whether the boats wcre to be rowed or sailed across the water. Such was the method advocated by the Mohists ofdefending against an attempt to invest the city by flooding. The basic technique barely changed at all during the subsequent twelve hundred years. Both the Thung Time of + 8 1 2 and the Hu Chhien Chings d of + 1 000, which closely follows the former's instructions, propose adding a secondary wall (chhiangi) inside the main city wall, stopping up all the gates and cavities in the fortifications, and digging one well every fifty feet. While the number of marines per boat is the same, they are to row out from hidden sally-ports (an-min�) with gags in their mouths carrying crossbows, as well as hoes and mattocks to break down the enemy's dike. In neither text is there mention of the 'revolving shooting machine'� to aid the marines with covering fire, but both recommend an immediate sortie from the city accompanied with drumrolls and vigorous shouts from on top of the walls, should the enemy realise that the dikes are being attacked. Before we turn to a discussion of the defence against mining or tunnelling (hsiirh6), we should make a few remarks concerning the scenes of naval warfare on Warring Stales inlaid bronzes which we have had occasion to mention above in connection with an assault on a city by means ofladders and the sheep's bank. r Yang Hung makes several important observations with regard to the nautical and military techniques depicted on these vessels.1I The first is that the vessels have •

cr. Vol. 4, P( 3, p. 657.

itl(crprc(ing wi(h Sun I·Jang (2), ch. 14, p. 34a. For this weapon, sec Yates C�), pp. 431-8, and p. 203 above. • Ch. 152, p. 801; Ihe", is a beuer lexi prC5Cn'W in (he 1"1<111 lA Til Tim, ch. 8339, p. 35<'. • Ch. 6, p. 46. • i( seem. to ha\'e puscd out orexistence by Ihe end oflhe Han dyna$ty (see above, p. 103). f See abovc, pp. 447-8. I Yang Hung (6), p. 77-

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

two decks; on the upper stand the warriors who wield long spears and chi and ko-halberds at least 3.3 to 3.5 metres long and carry short swords at their waists. An archer stands on the right-hand vessel of the Shan-Piao-Chen I basin. The lower deck contains the oarsmen, who are also armed with short swords at their waists. Weber- notes that the oarsmen are facing the wrong way to be rowing; they must be paddling. The artisans, however, do nOt seem to have been very accurate in their representation for the 'rowers' hold the paddles towards the tOp as though the latter 'were fixed to the boat at the fulcrum, as are oars'. The vessels in both the Shan-Piao-Chen and Pai-Hua-Than2 illustrations are commanded by an officer standing at the stern on the upper deck. He beats a drum (ku') hanging from a stand decorated with two streamers and has a gong (ling ning· or cMng5) at his feet; he is thus able to give time to his oarsmen as well as to issue orders to his warriors in the battle. The drummer in the left boat of the WernerJallnings hu6, however, stands at the prow. All the boats carry distinctive flags at the bows, in some cases attached to long ko-halberds, and have no rudders, no sails, and no keels. Kuo Pao-Chunb suggests that the difference in the hairstyles worn by the warriors in each boat may indicate that the conflict is being waged between northerners and southerners, a possible interpretation, but the Pai-Hua­ Than warriors, depicted in a slightly more stylised fashion, do not seem to have this characteristic. Ifindeed the scene was copied from a painting as von Erdberg Consten suggests in discussing the Werner Jannings hu,c then the bronze-artisans have clearly made some alterations in the details and we should be somewhat wary of agreeing with Kuo's conclusion. Of Yang Hung's two other important observations on these scenes, the first is that the weapons used approximate those of contemporary chariot warfare and the tactics seem to have consisted offirst trying to kill the enemy at a distance with arrows, long spears and halberds and then coming to close quarters, ramming and boarding, at which point the short swords were the effective weapon. This cenainly lends credence to Kao Ming's view that the bronzes date from early Warring States times and are not a product of the third century, as Kuo Pao­ Chun holds.d The second observation is that the signals used by the navy, gong, drum, and flag, are the same as those used in land warfare. These we will discuss in their many complexities later in Vol. 5 pt 8.

• ChariI'S Wd�r { l ). rcprinledin Wcber (� . P. 1 9�. , Kuo I'ao-Chun <1 , pp. ' 9, 13. • Ekanon'On ErdbergConslcn (a). • Kuo Pao-Chun (3 . pp. 46-7. Kao �Iing (I), pp. a l l-I,>. Cr. Weber (5), p. 188 and (part 4), p_ 164. and Tu H�ng, (I), p. 47.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

(x) Surprise attack

A 'Sudden' or 'Surprise Attack' (lhu l ) is the eighth on Chhin Ku-Li's2 list of offensive tactics. The term Ihu can mean a 'sally' or to 'burst in' or 'out' or to 'bore in'. Sun I-Jang3 therefore considers the Mohist Ihu to be a form of mining through the city walls and that the first occurrence of such a tactic took place in the sixth month of - 547, when the great Tzu-Chhan4 and Tzu-Chan' ofChcngti, leading a force of700 chariots, burst through the walls ofChhen J at night.The Liu Thao, however, devOles an entire section to this form of attack, and it is evident that thu refers to a situation in which the enemy has penetrated deep into the defender's territory, is plundering his oxen and horses, and is seizing large numbers of the population.b Duke Thai8, in response to King Wu's' question concerning this assault, recommends a lype of scorched earth policy that removes the livestock from the enemy's grasp so that his army cannot eat and his supply lines are cut. The remOle towns are to divide their garrisons and select the best soldiers to harass the enemy rearguard. On an appropriate day, at dusk, all are to gather and strike a crushing blow and capture the opposing general. Should the enemy divide his forces into three or four columns, with some fight­ ing and pillaging, others halting and collecting the livestock, and the main force has not yet arrived at the defender's city, Duke Thai counsels that the invaders should be tricked into making light of the defences. Scouts are sent out to ensure that the main army has not, in fact, made its appearance. Ifit hasn't, then due preparations for a stout defence can be made by building a rampart (lti lO) JUSt over a mileC beyond the walls. Soldiers are to be drawn up behind this rampart as an ambush (fu ping 1 1 ) accompanied by lhe appropriate gongs and drums, flags and banners. Crossbows are mounted all along the rampart and every 100 paces (pu 12) (600 feet) a 'sudden attack' or 'sally gate' (thu min 13) is built, protected by a cheval-de-frise (hsi1/g ma 14) (Fig. 300). Chariots and cavalry are stationed outside the gates, while the bravest and keenest of the troops are to hide in the ambush behind. When the enemy arrives, light soldiers engage them outside the gates and then pretend to flee; at the same time, those in position on the main walls of the city create a great hubbub with their drums and wave their flags and banners so that the enemy thinks that the main defensive force is concentrated in lhe rear. When they arc thoroughly off guard, the ambushers rise up and rush out to the attack, causing total panic and destruction in the enemy ranks so that even the brave are unable to fight and the lightly armed are unable to flee . • Sun I-Jang

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MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Fig. 300. A dUl)(}./-J.-j,ist, from WeTI'.

In contrast to this form of defence, the MohisLS were more interested in destroy­ ing some of the enemy by technological means, by gassing them. The method was similar to that employed against underground miners which we will describe be­ low. Presumably the defenders hoped by killing or incapacitating the forward units of the enemy, the others would be frightened into abandoning their attack when they saw the fate that awaited them. Since most of the text has been lost, not all the details of the Mohist techniques are clear, but we can be sure that they built gates in the outer rampart three hundred feet apart, just as the Lju Thao describes.' In order to gas the bravest of the vanguard units, the Mohists Jured them into the gates and then dropped wheels plastered with mud at each end to prevent them from either retreating or advancing further lOwards the city. Inside the gate, the engineers had constructed stoves (lsao ' ) or kilns (J'ao') which they had filled with firewood and twigs of artemisia (aj3), which gave off an intensely choking smoke when burned. The gate was essentially airtight since the wheels dropped at each end fitted perfectly and, being plastered, allowed no smoke to leak out; the roof also was tiled and had no holes that might let the smoke out or rainwater in, water that could extinguish the burning artemisia in the stoves. I n order, therefore, to have the stove burn effectively, a supply of air had to be introduced from the outside. The Mohists constructed a tuyere (tou4) that penetrated four or five feet into the gate and passed out to the rear where it was connected to a bellows (tho' ) . As soon as the enemy entered the gate, an officer i n charge of the defence or­ dered the wheels to be dropped in place and the bellows pumped. The unfortunate • For th� r�on5truclion ofth� t".'o "�nions ofthis d�r�nc� which hav(e bttn confla,ed in ,he (extant ,(eXt, sec Yaln (4). pp. 57o-�, and Vatn (5). pp. 246-jO.

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men trapped inside would have probably choked to death or have suffered severe, permanent lung-damage. On one occasion at the end of the Han period, sally gates seem to have been used by the besieging force: in 204, Yuan Shang! ordered Shell Phei2 to guard Veh' against an army led by Tshao Tshao·. One ofShen's generals, Feng LP, was working inside the city for Tshao and intended to betray it. He opened the sally gates and let in more than 300 ofTshao's soliders. Shell fortunately realised what was happening and bombarded the gates with large rocks, probably fired from trebuchcts, destroying them and killing the men inside! After this time, though we read about sally ports constructed in the main walls of the city, ports which first appear in another passage in the Mo T{u, the tactic of ambushing the enemy in a specially prepared rampart and gate structure a mile outside lhe walls does not seem to appear in the historical records. (xi) Mines In the extant text of Mo T{u, there are three different versions which describe the techniques employed in mining, the most sophisticated and risky tactic of Eastern Chou siege warfare. Undoubtedly the methods derived directly from those developed over many centuries in the bronze and iron industries of the Shang and Chou, both in the mining of ore and in the construction of kilns, blast furnaces and the bellows for pumping the air. The following remarks are based upon these three different versions, which sometimes give mutually contradictory instructions. Attackers dug mines to achieve two purposes: first, to break a passage through to the surface inside the main walls so that infantry could pour into the city and catch the defenders off guard. This purpose is, however, not specifically men­ tioned in the Mo T{u. The second purpose was to undermine the city wall. As the wall was excavated from below, the attackers propped it up with posts and boards. When a sufficient length of the foundations of the wall had been removed, the posts were set on fire and the whole length of the undermined wall would collapse as the posts gave way. A large breach would thus be effected in the city walls, and the enemy could mount a mass infantry assault through the gap. To prevent such a catastrophe, the Mohists recommended that high towers be constructed on top of the walls and look-outs be posted to keep a constant watch on the enemy's movements. Since the miners would have to find some method of disposal for the earth that they were in the process of excavating, if the lookouts noticed unusual changes in the construction of the enemy's siege walls, or increases •

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

in the sizes of their heaps of earth, or that the water in the moat grew muddy, the defenders should immediately suspect mining operations. Later tcxts, in fact, show that mining was often combined with the raising of an earth ramp, so that the earth removed from the gallery below the surface was immediately put to use in a second front against the city. Inside the walls a series ofwells were to be sunk one every go feet close to the foot of the wall. If the city was on high ground, the wells were to be 15 feet deep, if on low, they were to reach 3 feet below the water level. Potters were to make large new jars (ying I or chhuj 2 ) and cover the mouths with thin fresh rawhide. These geophones (see Figures 301, g02) were taken down into the bottom of the wells where those with acute hearing were to hold the jars to the earth and listen for the sounds of the enemy miners. By this method they could locate exactly the direction and the depth of the approaching tunnels. Once the depths and directions had been ascertained, the defenders were to dig their own countermines as quickly as possible to intercept the enemy. Fifty miners, of both sexes, were to excavate the defending mines and the earth was to be pulled to the surface in baskets by some kind of system of ropes and pulleys.a Unfortunately, the technique involved is unclear, ailhough it is specified that 40 baskets were to be provided for each mine. b The countermines themselves were to be started from the wells sunk close to the walls and were to descend at an angle of 30° . The top of the well was to be protected by a stone wall 7 feet high and crowned by a parapet: the only means of reaching the bottom was to be a rope ladder. At the bottom of the well, or in a specially constructed room lined with tile just inside the entrance of the tunnel, one or two kilns were built and packed with firewood and artemisia cut into one-foot lengths. Bellows were erected next to the kilns and well-sweeps constructed to pump these bellows and blow the smoke from the burning artemisia down the mines and into the faces of the attackers. The gas made by burning the artemisia (ai') which contained the highly volatile oil absinthol C ' OH 1 60 would probably have caused epileptic seizures and death for

•

Oue paSllage indicales Ihal IWO 'linked cO'IVeyor chains' (huon I, shuni') wen: (0 be installed in each lumld, pr('sumably for removing the eanh . Shu�i' is probably an abbrevia�ion of�he graph /i', which appean in Kuo l'hu's' (OmrnemMy on the E," ra', 'Shih Shui" , J:,',h ra I Su t., Ho t.I·lsing" ed., ch. 4, p. ' ,;" which is the same al lii". Neither I�' nOr Iii" appear in the Shuo 1I'In dictionary. The 'linked com'cror chain' l(Cems to be the same dr"icc tlIelllioned in Ij" Thao ch. �. phim 31, p. 33. 'for cTOISing walercou� and ditches, one firing bridge l.l r.... 1 "idl' and more �han �o feel long. Allach 6 n:\'ol\'(ng pulJl:Ys and ex�end i t (Ihl: bridgl:) wilh linked chains'." cf. S�ra\z { I I , Pl'· 99-lO0. who obscT\'cs (nOle ,;,,;,) tha� �he TPrI., ch. 337, qUOtes Dukl: Wei's" Art �f Wa, 'Shou Chhcng' phi,n" as ha" ;ng a 'pulkr bridge' ((hllall hall (hhi
' Jt , ilUI

• IR 11J *' ' Il *

' * ' · IUUl il

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

--- - -. -

-

-

fig. 30'. Geophones. from IVeTT/ce, ch. I�, p. 3011..

Fig. 30�. Anolher I)'peofgcophone, from WCTJ"/ce, eh. l�, p. 7011..

the attackers trapped in the confined space of a subterranean passage. Most inter­ estingly, the third version suggests that two different types of bellows could be employed, the tho I , made of oxhide. or the leatherJou2 a with two for each kiln.b In addition, this passage recommends that approximately 1 0 kilos of coal be burnt with the assistance of charcoal as the basic fuel for the furnace. If this passage in Mo Tzu dates from the Warring States period, we have evidence that coal was introduced into the iron manufacturing industry prior to the Han dynasty.c Three strong men with long experience in the use of such bellows were to operate each well-sweep, and two other officers, the chih Ii' and the she jin4 were also to be stationed next to the kilns. The shijin may have been a retainer of the Mohisl Defender (shou5) in charge of the defence of the city, while the chih Ii may have been a resident of the town. They no doubt had the responsibility of ensuring that all preparations for the kiln, bellows and well-sweeps were in order, that the soldiers on the sweeps did not leave their pOSts, and that no other form of treachery was perpetrated. . of the blasl furnaea arc described in Chhii Ta. Chiin's' (1630-g6) K��"l TN", Hsi" 1'ii', • The ouler ....alls ch. !5. p. 811.. at shaped likc plting' jan, .....hile Karlgn:11 (I), 1 107.-c. admits the possibility Ihal the ancient graph ofJou' reKmbles a kiln. Fou' might, therefore, be a diffcrent type offurnace. The wording of the passage, however, 'suppl)' the kiln .....ith oxhide bclloW$ or leather bellows" leava no doubt that t....o . diffen:nt t}'pe!I of bellows an: being mentioned. Is it possible thaI hen: ....e . have the earliest reference to the double-acting piston bello.....s� � Another version gives the numbcrofbcllows as four. but it is unclear how many kilns an: powered by them. • Tshin (3), p. 63. Cr. Pei-Ching Kang-Thieh Hsiieh-Yiian (I) pp. 97-8, for the usc ofcoal in Han lima.

' *-� ' . . �� ' eA • .til :*; � , II( lUti t-� lSi 9 A ( :Jt )-. I:f:.( � )-tt ( If! )-.It &( J!)'ffi- ( - kID ,

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

The actual construction of the countermines is of considerable interesl. One passage indicates that the galleries were to be 8 feet wide and 8 high, another that i high. As the miners moved forward, they were to be they were to be 7 1 /2 feet cnnn lighted by torches made of straw (kao 1 ) and hemp (hri2), and they were to erect posts 2 1/2 wei (5 7. 75 cm) thick and planks the whole length of the tunnel to prevent the roof from caving in.a I n the tunnel 7 1/2 chhih high, the posts were to be placed every 2 cnnin along the side walls. Seven ,Min separated the posts on either side of the tunnel and they were to rest on pedestals (lui' or ,hih4), with two posts sharing a single pedestal. Across the roof of the tunnel, planks or boards called 'earth supports' (fu lnu') were laid horizontally. These boards were placed on the posts on either side of the tunnel. Any 'earth suppOrt' board which did not rest on a post was to be made firm with those that were connected to posts. The instructions for this procedure are certainly complicated in the original passage and have been obscured by textual corruption, but Tshen Chung-Mien must be in error to suggest that the 'earth supports' lay across the bot/om of the tunnel rather than over the top. b At the boltom, they would serve no function. All the posts and boards were to be well-plastered with mud to prevent them from catching fire. We present a reconstruction of the Mohist tunnel in Figure 303. As far as we can tell from the excavation report and the line drawings, the tunnels in the important Eastern Chou mining complex discovered at Mount Verdigris, Thung-Lii Shan6, contain a similar post and board structure for shoring up the earth (see Figure 304)/ while the WCTr's specifications for its underground tunnel (li la07 ) are almost exactly the same as those given in the Mohist passages above.d The first version describes a fascinating method of ensuring the penetration of the artemisia smoke, chaff, ash and other impure matter deep into the mine. Unfortunately, up till now, the massive textual disrepair of Mo Tzu has rendered the details obscure and sometimes unintelligible; but by reconstruction of the text we arc able to perceive the extraordinary inventiveness of the unknown artisans and engineers of the Mohist school in the Eastern Chou. Potters arc to make sections of round brick pipe 2 1/2 ,hhih long and a wei (23. J cm) thick. The pipe is divided down the middle so that there are two separate exit holes for the smoke in a single section of pipe. Two such pipes are laid next to each

• It is somewhat surprising that the Mohis� make no mention ofany \"en� dug to the surface to let in air for the worken to breathe and to fuel the torches; possibly there were such vents or the men positioned by the bellows at the tntranct pumped air down to them. , Tsh�n Chung.Mitn (3), pp. 66-7. Chi3 Khuei" eommtn�On C"�� I.i, 'ChungJ�n" , CLCf ch. , p , ! I , p. 8;" 'abovt the corridor·tunnel (to the tomb) are "tanh·supports" " '. Thung.Lii.Shan Khao-Ku Fa·Chih Tui, (I), pp. t-12; Hupei Sh�ng Huang.Shih Shih Po-Wu Kuan, Chung.Kuo Chin· Shu Hsiieh-Hui Chhu·Pan Wei·Yuan Hui, Pd.Ching Kang.Thieh Hsueh·Yiian Yeh·Chin Shih Tsu (I). • For the H'CTr, see bel(Wo·. o

' til • .Hl llJ

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30. M I SS I L E S A N D S I E G E S ·...th support'

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of posts

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Fig. 303. Reconstruction ofa :\Iohiu min(, from Yat" {3).

other, with the division in the pipes horizontal to the ground' so that there are allOgether four exit holes (see Figure 305). The first two sections are each con­ nected to one kiln, which ilSeif has two bellows for pumping the air, in some fashion that is not specified. As the miners advance away from the entrance and the kilns, digging out the tunnel, they lay down more and more sections of pipe, ensuring that the joints between the sections are well plastered so that no leaks can occur. The earth at the bottom of the tunnel is stamped down and in all four halves ofthe two pipes, ash, chaff and other light matter is placed along the whole length of the pipes, but in such a way as not to fill the holes entirely: that might cause clogging oCthe air passages. The miners are also to carry forward a type of large shield called a lu yiin I or yiin2 constructed Out of linked wooden boards.b This shield is to fit exactly the •

This is our inL(rprNation ofthe clause 'on( on top and On( underneath'JtII ifu i'. Laler on, the text speaks of 'right and left pipes·y"lso lou'. It isju$1 flO$SibJe that th( Mohis\.! intend that there arc to Ix: four pipes, with eight exit holn. b This could also be built OUt oflh( whec:bofa large can. , � -

' 1'1. - 11 -

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y I

•

Fig. 30-l. '\Iining complu at Thllng.LlloShan, rTOm Thllng.Lll.Shan Khao-KlI fa-Ch(kh TlIi (I), fig. j.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E. G E S

."ig. 30.1. I'ipn for introducing smok� illlo �lohi$1 minr:s.

height and width of the tunnel and is to be used when the countermine breaks through to the attacking mine: it is erected to block off further penetration by the enemy. In the shield, holes for spears, and presumably for the pipes, are drilled and, as soon as the enemy is encountered, the plank shield is set up, the bellows pumped, and the spears thrust out to prevent the enemy from blocking the exit holes of the pipes. If the pipes are blocked, however, the defende.rs are to with­ draw, pulling back the boards, and to clear out the holes. As a precaution against the possibility that the enemy themselves pump gas down the offensive mine, the defenders are to take large basins of more than 40 lou I (So litres) capacity into the tunnel and fill them with vinegar. If the gas is pumped down by the enemy, the miners are to splash their eyes and hold their heads over the basins (literally, 'put their noses over the vinegar')l .• Just how effective this procedure was against thick clouds of highly irritating artemisia smoke in the deep and narrow tunnel is unclear, for no descriptions of its use in actual battle have come down to us. The miners were also to be equipped with geophones and if they heard the enemy digging other subterranean passages to the left and right of the counter­ mine, the front of the tunnel was immediately to be blocked ofl"with a wallie and daub or wooden shield, and transverse tunnels excavated to meet them. The defenders were strictly instructed not to yield to the enemy in lhe underground battle when the twO tunnels met, and they were therefore armed with a large number ofspecial weapons, including iron hooks (thith kou ehU') 4 ehhih long, short •

.

Tung Chung.Shu·, CM�� eMi" Fan Lu', ch. '4 (p/tim 6:" 'Chhiao Vii"�), p .la, records Ihal 'm�n say Ihal vinegar remO"l"�$$mOke':forJftl Ios; chhifl.'.

• XUHJ

47 0

30.

M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O LO G Y

iii �.

Fig·306· FlyinggadAy arrow, rrom Hayashi (5). fig. 391.

spears (luan mao 1 ) 4 1/2 chhih long, short halberds (tuan chi�), and short crossbows (tuan nu') which fired 'flying gadfly' (fei ming·) arrows that had triangular heads and were approximately 37 em long (see Figure 306),- No examples of these spe­ cialised weapons used in subterranean warfare have yet been discovered by exca­ vation, but without either shafts or stocks accompanying the metal heads or the trigger mechanisms, they would probably be hard to idcntify.b Once the enemy had been defeated and had fled, the empty tunnel was to be constantly guarded by seven men and a dog, which would, of course, bark at the approach of any enemy soldiers and give the alarm to the defenders. It would also appear that the tunnels were closed by doors which wcre protected on the outer side, facing the enemy, by what were known as 'caltrops' (chi [i5). These were modelled on the spiny plant Tribulus terreslris and consisted of sharp iron spikes, often multi-angled, fastened into wooden boards.c Two such boards protected each door or gate, behind which the defenders hid. Should the enemy appear, they were to jump out from the ambush, engage them in battle and pump the gas vigorously into their faces. The techniques of underground mining to prevent subterranean attacks on the city described above appear to have been passed on down through the centuries, for similar operations are recorded for the famous siege ofYii-Pi6 in + 546.d They are also mentioned in the Thang compendium Thung Tim, but in a way that suggests that Tu Yu recommended alterations in the procedurc.e Tu does, how-

• Chou Tsu-:-"Io' (cd.) (t), 9/58/20. Cr. Hayashi l\linao {j}, p. 379, figure 39' 5 'Flyinggadfly' arrows appear frequctulyon (he Chil-Yen strips ofHan date and have been identifiw by archa«rlogisu and scholars. b Svmc of the warriors depic(w on the inlaid vessel illuSlra(w in Figure t 12 who are engagw in hand to hand comb;u also wield short halberds and spears. One such shor( halberd excavated from (he tomb of Marquis I' of Ttcng' is on display a( the Hupei Provincial :-"1useum. Our imprelllion is (hat the weapons used in subterranean warfare were even ,hor(er (han these. , Different types ofcaltropsoflatndate have been round but nOt, at rar as we are aware, the boards_ Sec abo\'c pp. '264, 288-9, 433· • Pti Chlri SJu.'·, ch. 7, pp. 14ab; Wallachr, (4), p. 7gB. • Ch. t57, p. Sooc. Tu seems to imply (ha( the mouth of the tunnel Wat tightly CQ\'ercd ""ith boards and the artemisia smoke pumped down. In other words, the Thang defenders did not engage the enemy underground, or lead pipes dO""n into (he tunnels. .

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.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

47'

ever, record one other method for defending against this form ofassault which also derived from the late Chou Mohist engineers. This technique involved dropping burning firewood into the enemy mine while it was still outside the walls. The Mo Tzu gives the following instructions: :'vlake a win I with the wheels ofa cart. Bind firewood together and steep a hempen roPf: in mud and use it for binding it (the firewood). An iron chain is suspended directly opposite the mouth ohhe (enemy's) tunnel: the iron chain is to be 30 thhih long, with one end ringed, the other with a hook (from which the firewood is dropped into the enemy mine).-

Unfortunately, it is not possible to specify the nature of the win, but it may have been some kind ofgian t pulley or winch, for the Thung Tim recommends the use of a well·swcep in this operation. These are Tu Yu's instructions: First make a well-sweep [thith kao�] and suspend an iron chain more than 30 feet long; bind faggots, reeds, firewood or grass and set them alight. Drop them on the hole outside the city wall where they are mining to smoke and burn them. The enemy will immediately die.b In essence, both of these devices are similar to the later, Sung, 'wandering fire cauldron' (yu huo hsiong') (Figure 307) which consisted ofa wrought iron basket filled with firewood, artemisia and wax (104) attached to a long iron chain. As in the two previous examples, when a hole had been broken into the enemy's mine, it was set alight and let down in to 'gas' the sappers inside.� The Thang TPrC also proposes the burning of the enemy sappers in their mine. This was achieved by digging 'heavenly wells' (thitn ching)): When the enemy come to attack the city by excavating underground mines, [the defenders shouldJ in turn themselves dig wells straight down above the mines to intercept them. They should pile up firewood in the wells, set fire to it, and suffocate them. Naturally, the enemy will be burned to death.d

These 'heavenly wells' must have been sunk outside the city walls, before the sappers could inflict harm to the foundations of the main defences. By Sung times, however, the techniques of mining had become relatively more sophisticated in terms of engines, even though the principles were almost exactly the same as those ofthe Mohists over a thousand years earlier. The first of the new offensive machines was a type of tank called a 'wooden ox' (mu niu6), w hich consisted of a flat box or shed (phing wu', literally 'flat room') constructed out of • Mo T�II, .:h. 14. p. Sab; Tshi:n Chung.�lifn (3), pp. 6-l-S, The tength of Ihe chain secms to � �mewhal

inadequat�.

b eh. [,511, p. 300<:.

• Jl'CTrjCC, eh. Ill, p. 63a; illustralion, p. 62a. d Ch. 4, p. 84.

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.

4 72

3 0 . M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O LO G Y

Fig. 307. The wandering fire cauldron, from WCTf/CC, eh. 12, p. 62a.

thick planks ofslrong wood, covered with fresh oxhide (Fig. 308). It was placed on a four-wheeled frame and pushed forward from inside towards the city walls.' We may imagine that the sappcrs inside dug a mine which was hidden from the defenders' view in much the same fashion as the tunnel excavated with the help of the 'Head Cart' (thou chhi ' ) , to which we must now turn. The mine dug with the protection ofthis machine was 7 feet 5 inches high and 8 feet wide. After every fOOl of earth was removed, a horizontal beam for supporting the earth (king tiJu2) was laid, and the sides of the tunnel were reinforced by posts poetically called 'spreading sand posts' (phai sha chu'), a term derived from the Shih ShuQ Hsin Yfj4 (A New Account of Tales ofthe World), where Sun Chho� said that reading Lu Chi's' ( + 261-303) 'writings were like spreading sand and picking out gold - every now and then you see a treasure'. b The completed frame was known as a 'plaited' or 'interlocking gallery' (hsii p/ting') (Figs. 309-313) and the miners could come and go as they pleased back to their lines or up to the head of the tunnel, without fear of injury from the de­ fenders. Once they had reached the foundations of the city wall, they excavated them, raised posts to hold up the section, and, when a sufficient length had been undermined, they piled up firewood round the posts, set them alight and re• IYCTYjCC,ch.10,p. 19b.

- Sk,}, SAw IIsi� n c.., p. 6..; (SPTK ed.) ch. 17b (pllitff 4 'Wen Hsiich'"), p. 33b; Jr. �laJhcr Il), p. 136.

llo·l4·

30. M I S S I L E S

AND SIEGES

47 3

Fig. 308. 'The Wooden ox', from wCrnCC, eh. 10, p. ISb.

-,

Fig. 309. Completed 'plaited gallery', from WCrnCC, eh. 10, p. 7b (Jeft); eh. 10, p. !}a (right).

Fig. 310. Screens {or the 'plaited gallery', from WCrnCC, eh. 10, p. Sa.

474

30.

M I LITARY T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 3 1 1 . Unoo\'cred frame for the 'plaited gallery', from lVeTT/CC, ch. to, p. 8a. fig. 312. Uncow:red frame for (he 'plaited gallery', fT()m IVeTT/Ce, th. to, p. 6a. -

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Fig. 3 13. Scrccm for the 'plaited galkry', from IJICTYjCC, ch. 10, p. 6b.

treated. The posts would burn and break, bringing down the entire section of the wall with them. The besieging army would then try to storm the breach left in the defences. The top and sides of the 'plaited gallery' were covered with leather mats (pa 1 ) (Figs. 309, 3 1 0) to protect the wooden frame and miners from arrows and stones. If the defenders succeeded in setting it or the 'head cart' on fire, the miners were

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

4 75

to apply a thin mud solution (ni chiang I ) to the burning gallery with the aid of hemp mops (ma t01) (Fig. 3 1 4) and to squirt water on the flames from sheepskin waterbags (hun tho $hui lai'), made out of whole, freshly flayed skins, (Fig. 3 15).The description of the 'head cart' (thou chhtt) , where the sapper'S excavated the earth and constructed the 'plaited gallery', runs as follows: The body is 1 0 feet long and 7 feet wide. In front, il is 7 feet high and in Ihe rearS feet high. :'vlake 'earth supports' [tifu ) ] out of two large timbers and a runged ladder at both ends, front and rear. The rungs in the front especially need to be strong and large. Above, place four posts [(hu' I , and on these posts construct a clothes-horse [; liang 1] [presumably 10 help strengthen the construction and keep the posts and ladders upright], and arrange san-t<.u wooda as a covering.b in the centre [of the roor), leave a hole [literally, 'clothes hole' i chhia0 9 1 2 feet wide to permit men to pass up and down through the roof. On tOp ofthe roof, arrange a mat [either made out ofplaited bamboo or fresh oxhide], and on this set hay [jang l 0] and straw [kao ll] more than a foot thick; on top of this again place leather mats. This is to protect against stones thrown by trebuchets. On [all] three sides of the can, construct bound[?] poles [yiieh kanI2 ] .C The wood for the shields [pha;I'] of the 'head cart': each shield is 9 feet long, 5 feetd wide and 6 inches thick. At the top, there is a small hole. Attach with a leather rope a covering to the cart, which should hang down outside the 'bound poles'. There is no fixed number 10 the timbers [i.e. the 'bound poles'], but do prOleCt the three sides [by placing (he timbers] close IOgether. Outside the shields also suspend leather mats. They tOO are to ward offstones from trebuchets. Place a ladder JUSt below the hole for climbing onto the roof. In front, instal a screen-mat [phingflng ipa 14], and in the centre open up a window for [shooting] arrows, resting on a 'wooden horse' emu ma 1) 1 < so as to let the men behind the mat shoot out.

The general construction of the cart can be appreciated from the accompanying illustration (Fig. 3 1 6) . The method of attack using the 'head cart' was as follows: the besiegers moved their lines forward till they were at a distance of 500 feet from the walls, and then proceeded to bombard the defenders wilh heavy artillery and concentrated bow and crossbow fire so that they could not stand their ground and keep at their positions. The cart was then eased forward by means of two poles ,8 feel long

• I1"CTI"jCC. ch. to, p. 8b: illustrations, pp. 6a-8a. 9", Ila. b This wood is unidemified; pouibly il was wood nOI good enough for anything else or wood chips and shavings. The nOI� 10 the le,,1 sa)'s Ihal Ihese poles are 'like the upright poles in the Iso (him''', possibly the prison�r'l van or b3rred Cart; d. Chau ncey S. Goodrich (t). • The text has 'inchcs', bUl lhis appeaf$ to Ix a mistake. • Th(" 'wooden horse' was a horizontal pi� ofwood resting on thm: legs, 3 fttl high and 6 fttl long. <

' i!i! M! ' tt " ill " � II

30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

Fig. 3'4' Hemp mopfo�appJying liquid mud, from IVcry/CC, ch. I�, p. �7a. Fig. 3'5. Sheepskin water-jug. f!"(lm 'VCrnCC, ch. 10, p. Ila.

Fig. 316. 'Head can', from IVcrr,cC, ch. 10, p. gb.

which were inserted under the front crossbeam and over the rear crossbeam. The front of the cart was always kept more than a foot off the ground to prevent it from catching when the pole-levers were pressed down to move the machine forward. The cart could also be bounced forward by means of wooden stakes or iron Slaves, rather than the long wooden poles. Later wheels were added to the cart so that it

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

477

could advance (and retreat) more easily. Furthermore, a large hemp rope of [ ,000 chin 1 (6So kilos) strength was attached to the rear crossbeam, with its other end wound round a windlass behind the besiegers' front line. If the cart needed to be withdrawn - for example, if the cart had been set on fire and the flames could not be extinguished by the men inside - the windlass was turned and (he cart retrieved. As the cart advanced, the sappers built the 'plaited gallery' behind them. \'Vhen the moat was reached, it was filled in with hay, straw, and earth moved up through the gallery by porters. And so eventually the base of the city walls was reached, and the work of undermining could begin in earnest. I t can be seen from this description that the 'head cart' was employed to con· struct a gallery above ground or only slightly sunk into the earth. The Sung miners, however, did also dig subterranean mines in the same manner as the Mohists, and they employed much the same tactics as their ancient predecessors in the event that the besiegers succeeded in excavating offensive mines: they cer­ tainly used the same method of detecting mines. Figure 3 [ 7 illustrates a felt screen (thu si chan litn2) of an eanh colour which was hung at the entrance of caves or branches dug at right angles to the main gallery of defensive mines to hide the opening. Ten men bearing short weapons such as swords and knives hid in the caves and whcn the enemy approached, they jumped out to ambush them.Instead of well-sweeps pumping deadly artemisia gas down the mines, the Sung engineers erected fans (fing shan chhi') of a size appropriate to the height and width of thc mine. These fans consisted of upright posts, two crosspieccs, and a roller (chuaT/ chu·) with four square plates inserted in it. When the enemy was encountered, the fan was rotated rapidly to propel pebbles, ash, chaff (po�), gre· !lades made of paper filled with brokcn sherds and stones covered with a paste of decocted beeswax (huang la6), resin or pitch (Ii chhing 1), and coal dust (than moB), other fireballs containing some kind of explosive mixture (yao9 ) , and smoke to injure and incapacitate the enemyb (Fig. 3IS). The Sung miners were also equipped with a leather screen (phi man 10 ) 6 feet 5 inches square to protect themselves against smokc, poison, and other noxious substances poured in through holes made in kinds of reversed fougasses (fan shin kI/U I I ) by the enemy abovc their own tunnel. The screen was tied to the side posts ( phai sha chu 12) by non·combustible 'firc·rope' (huQ shing 13 ) threaded through iron rings attached at each corner, and thus held in place (Fig. 319).� • 11·CTy/CC, eh. 12. p. 38b; ilLutLralion, p . 38a. � 11·CTfjCC. eh. 12, p. 3 1 b; illusmuion, p. 31 i.

• 11·CTrCC. eh. 10. p. 200: illustration, p. 2jh.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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Fig. 3! 7. Earth-coloured fdt screen for u� in hiding subterranean tunne15, fr(lm WCTf/CC, eh. l�, p. 38a. Fig. 3 !8. F;tll for propelling smoke and missiles down milleshafts, from WCTf/CC, eh. !�, p. 3 1 a.

,

Fig. 3! 9. Leather SCT�1l for excluding noxious substances and gasa from mineshafts and galleries from IVCTf/CC, eh. 2, p. �5b.

The noxious concoction commonly poured in through the fougasse was the 'human·faeces·foul·smelling drug' (jin. ehhin.g ehhou )'ao t ) , which was kept in storage in wooden boxes 4 feet square and '2 feet deep. When an enemy mine approached and it was deemed necessary to repel the attack, the fougasse was excavated, a conduit to the enemy tunnel dug, and the human faeces (presumably dried and powdered) emptied down through a 4 foot square 'pour tray' (ehu

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

Fig. 310.

479

Instruments for use in pouring noxious SUMtanCI"$ into enemy mines, from II'CT1"/CC, ch. 10, p. 25a.

phon I ) and 'leather conducting trough' (phi thou tJhao2) 4 feet long and 3 feet wide

made out offresh oxhide (Fig. 320). Although the WCTr manual recommends the use of these instruments for be­ siegers only, it is most probable that defending sappers also made use of them to repel the enemy.Our survey of the early Sung mining techniques would not be complete without brief mention of some of the specialised implements used to dig the tunnels: the first was the 'fierce drill' (lith tJuan3 ) with a blade I foot 5 inches long in the shape of a bottle-gourd (?), pointed above and 8 inches square at the bottom, whose 3foot handle had a fork at the end. Next came the 'horse ear knife' (huan irh ta04), also shaped like a bottle-gourd, but this time with a blade I foot long, pointed at the lOp and narrow at the bottom. It too had a handle 3 feet long. Both these iron implements were used to loosen the earth which was then removed by means of spades and shovels. The 'footless(?) awl' (huo chui�), with a handle '2 feet long and blade '2 1/'2 feet long, was used as a probe to detect whether the tunnel was close to breaking through into any other excavation. The 'butterfly-eyebrowed mattock' •

II"CTr.·CC, ch. 10, p. m; ilhmration, p. �ja.

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

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(0 mei eMil l ) , whose blade was 5 inches wide and handle 3 feet long, and the 'phoenix-headed axe' (fong lhoufu�), with an 8 inch blade and 2 1/2-[001 handle, \Vcre also employed to loosen compacted earth underground (Fig. 3'2 1 ) .'

(xii) Tht mass infantry assault We have already mentioned that one of the methods for forcing the enemy off the face or the city walls during a mass infantry assault was to suspend flaming La) screens either horizontally or vertically. In the sections of Mo Tzu which give the detailed specifications for the defence against this type of attack, called by the ancient Chinese texts 'ant-Jike approach' (i /u4) because thousands of infantry swarming up the walls resembled ants climbing house walls,b a number of other devices and techniques are described which warrant our altention because of their technological interest. As we have likewise also observed," in one of the fragments, the Mohists recom­ mend planting sharp iron stakes (jui Lhith i�)d 5 chhih long and more than half a wti6 ( I 1 . 5 em) in circumference, with sharp points at both ends, in the glacis at the • II'CTT/CC, ch. 10, p. �4b; illllstradon, p. 24a. • Tshao Tshao's' comment on the term in Sill! T�. (SJ,.jlt./CMtJ Su-T�M ed.), p. 59, note 7. • Sce abo\"e, pp. 264. +H-S. •

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

base orthe city walls. The stakes are buried 3 ,hhih deep in five rows 3 chhih apart (ca. 69.3 em). They are also to be hammered into the parapet on top or the walls. These rows of sharp iron or wooden stakes no doubt made it extremely difficult for the attackers to reach the base of the walls in good order and made the scaling of the walls an even harder task. Any attackers knocked off the walls would proba­ bly have been impaled when they feU, and death would have been certain, if not swift. By burying lhe stakes so deeply, their removal by the enemy within a short time was probably a particularly arduous task. It is also for this rcason that the j'vlohislS suggest the use of iron, for wooden stakes could be sawn through by the first wave of the attack, provided, of course, that they were protected by shield­ bearing comrades from the missiles fired and thrown from the walls above, Beyond this ancient minefield, the defenders could have scattered iron caltrops and broken sherds of pottery to hinder the advance, but in two fragments of the defence against a mass infantry assault, the MohislS recommend the construction of an enormous rough wooden palisade called a eM I ,. This was to be 10 ehhih thick, placed [ 0 chhih away from the walls, and constructed out of different sizes of timbers cut into IO-ehhih lengths. These timbers were buried deep in the ground so that they could not be pulled up. It would appear that two light wattle gates 5 chnih wide, which were easy to remove, were built in a construction called the 'Death' (sha2) every 1 2 0 eMih along the palisade, The 'Death' was also to have a ko', possibly a partition-wall or an outwork 10 ehhin thick.b Every 30 chhih along the top of the city walls, a furnace was to be built with braziers for charcoal close at hand, and every 4 ehhih along the walls a stake with a hook was pounded into a rammed-earth stand. From the hook so-called 'suspended fires' (hsiian huoi) were hung. These must have been baskets containing light combustible material. In between the baskets, 'fire-carriers' (tsai huo5), probably men who shot flaming arrows, were to stand. When the enemy attacked, they were to be allowed to penetrate the gates. Then the defenders' drums would roll and the arrows would be shot and the lighted baskets would be hurled down to set fire to the palisade to burn the unfortunate soldiers trapped inside. If the enemy were to extinguish the flames and renew their assault, the procedure would be repeated. Once they had been put to flight, the bravest of the defenders would launch a counterattack out ofsally ports (hSiith mtn 6 ) to destroy the fleeing army and kill its generals. •

Tht" leXI hal the graph e"ii'. We follow Sun I.Jang (.1'). and Huang Shao-Chhj'$' emendation: Tshcn emend, to eh..'· 'lower border of a drC$S' (Val" C�), pp. 169-70, 11. 314). The twO fragments art" differcm versions of the same lext. and one has been mi.staktnl�· placed h} a coprist in the SC"Ction 'Deftcnee against Ladd�rs''' . • The graph kQ' mar either be an abbreviation for hot '"",paraIIO"', or po5$ibly for h", a type of frame for hanging bells .$0:0: SIr'" Ch., 'Li Shu"', eh. 23, p. 2t; Shu;·Hu-Ti Chhin·�lu Chu-Chien Cheng-Li Hsiao-Tsu (t), p.lIo. Chu"g.�lic" <3.

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30.

M I LITARY TECHNOLOGY

Another contraption used against the mass infanlry assault was the 'suspended spleen' (hsiian phi l ) . This was an open-topped box constructed out of wooden timbers 2 lshun thick. The sides were 5 chhih high and wide on left and right and 3 chhih high (and wide?) at the front and rear. The box was suspended over the walls by means of a crossbeam attached to an iron chain which passed over a pulley-wheel 1 chhih 6 lshun in diameter and onto a windlass. Four men were stationed at the windlass to raise and lower the box, and one man brandishing a 24-chhih spear which had blades at both ends of its shaft stood in the box and stabbed at the enemy soldiers as they climbed up the walls. Possibly the sides of the box were slatted so that he could manipulate the spear through the gaps between the timbers without exposing himseJfunnecessarily: the text, however, is unclear on this point. These 'suspended spleens' were deployed every 36 chhih along the face of the walls where the enemy were massed for the assault and every 120 chhih where there was less danger ofa heavy attack. Another type of box was known as the 'fire-thrower' (huo lSu2) or 'heal­ transferrer' ( chuan lhang'). This was a kind of wooden trough whose ends were constructed out of two wheels ofa cart with an axle length of 10 chhih. The wheels were fused (yung�) to the hub to prevent them from spinning and were fastened with wood. Timbers ofjujube (chi)) wood were hammered to both wheels to form the sides of the trough and all parts were plastered thickly with mud. The trough was filled with twigs of elm (yii') and hemp (ching 7 ) , and hung over the walls by means of ropes. \,Vhen the enemy attacked, the COnlenlS of the trough were set alight and the ropes cut to let the trough dropon the soldiers scaling the walls. The defenders themselves then sent down brave men after the 'heat-transferrers' pre­ sumably by rope or chain, to kill the enemy as they struggled in confusion to extinguish the flames in amongst the iron stakes. In addition to these contraptions, the soldiers defending the walls were equipped with 'linked shu" (lien shu')' which may have been tshun-thick spiked metal balls attached to handles by ropes or metal chains. The chains or the handles were 5 chhih long.- I t is possible that this type of shu' was a mace, later called a pang III (see Figure 322),b because the inscription on one of the seven weapons found in the tomb of Marquis J l I ofTseng'2 reads 'Shu used by Ylieh, Marquis of Tseng" '. The shafts of these weapons range from 3.29 to 3.40 m in length and 2.8 to 3.0 cm. in diameter, the heads are in the shape of a triangular spear and the shafts carry two bronze balls 33 to 5 1 em apart. The metal balls either bear sharp spikes (see Figure 323), or a raised 'flower' (hua I� ) design, as the excavators state.c • Thele:<1 merel)' Slate5 lhat the 'linked maca' are fi"e f<:<:l long. · lrCT1"jCC, ch.13,P· 13a. < Sui·H$ien ui·Ku·Tun I·Hao-Mu Khao-Ku fa Chiieh Tui (I), p. 9 and plate 9.2; Hupci Sheng Po-Wu Kuan (4), p. 7; Chhcng Hsin·Jen (I). Stt Vol. :" pi 8, for a funher di5Cussion of JA,,", one of ,he �I of 'five wcapons' (U'Npint") in ancienl times.

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30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

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t'ig. 323- SirM spik�d mace from lh� lomb ofTM:llg Hou·l, fl'Qrn Sui,Hlii�1l Ld·Ku·Tull I·Hao.Mu Khao-Ku fa·Chu�h Tu; (I), plale 9.2,

Alternatively, 'linked shuI ' may have been a type of war-flail, for Kuo Phu2 defines the Han dynasty chhien3 weapon as the 'modern linked flail with which one threshes grain'4 ,I There must have been, however, some distinction between this and the 'linked flails' (lien thing5) z chhih long and 6 lskun thick with ropes 2 chhih long with which the defenders were also provided. These are called in the WCTY 'iron-linked pincer maces' (thieh Lien chia pang6), which we have discussed in

• ,

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30. M I L I T A R Y T E C H N O L O G Y

the section on levers, hinges and linkwork (see Figure 1 1 5 above).- Tseng Kung­ Liangl ( + 998 (0 + 1078), the author of WCTr, is of the opinion that the war-flail was introduced into China through the Western Jung (Hsi Jung2) tribesmen during the Han dynasty, for they used them on horseback to beat down Han infantry. The weapon quickly became a favourite among the Chinese themselves.b If, however, the Mo Tzu military chapters date from the Warring States as we believe, then the use of the war-flail derived from native Chinese agricultural techniques and was not imroduced from a minority people. Other weapons wielded by the defenders against a mass infantry assault, in addition to their standard equipment ofswords, crossbows, spears, and halberds, were hammers, whose handles were 6 chhih long and whose heads were [ 1/2 feet long, and axes (fu 3 ) with handles 6 feet long. The soldiers would also pour boiling water, sand, and stones upon the heads of the attackers climbing up the walls, and fire trebuchets to break up the enemy ranks before they reached the base of the wall. One other machine is mentioned as being effective against the infantry as­ sault, the 'movable overlook' (hsing Lin4), but unfortunately details of its construc­ tion have been lost in the course of the transmission of the text.� There does, however, exist one other reference to this device, in Chhen Lin's5 fragmentary Rhapsody 0" a MartiaL Army ( lVu Chiin Fu6), where it is associated with the 'cloud­ ladder' ()'iin thi ' ) .d We may presume that it was the name of a special type of movable tower used to overlook the enemy and raise the height of the walls, wherever they managed to scale the walls. Very little is mentioned in the sources about the developments ofdefence tactics against the mass infantry assault in the centuries following the Mohists, and we may surmise that the machines they deployed continued to be used, with appro­ priate modifications of course, down through the generations in conjunction with all the other devices we have encoumered. Much later, the Sung WCTr, re­ peating the prescriptions of the Thang manual TPrC, describes a type of mobile screen mounted on a cart which provided protection for the attackers against the defenders' projectiles as they advanced towards the walls. This wooden screen (mu malle) was constructed Out of wooden boards, like a regular screen, which were covered with fresh oxhide to prevent them from burning, and was hung by a rope

• YoJ. 4, pI �. p. 70. Thung Tim, ch, IS2, p. Sooc. mCn1ion$ Ihe Irtw ,11'''8, bu( Ihi$ is quoled by Ihe TPf1.. ch, 337. p, 30 a, "'n /Mwg' 'tinked maces'. Thuw8 Tit". ch. I S�, p. Sow. diningui$h� belween (he 'linked flail' ,Ii,,, (hi�" , and (he 'lillked mae<:' Ii"" /Mill' . II is nOI clcar whal lhe differences were belween Ihcsc instrumellli. cr. 7prc. ch·4·P·84· • WCTl"CC,ch. 1 3 . PP. qb-Isa. < There apppcal'5 to Ix a lacuna in Ihe lext after Itsi"l "", ahhough none oflhe commentalOI'5 on ,\I� T{� ha,'( recogniMd Ihis fan. • TPJ1.. ch. 336, p. Sa.

30. M I S S I L E S A N D S I E G E S

from the end of a well-sweep (ckith kao I ) fastened into a four-wheeled carriage­ (Figure 288 above). Unfortunately, no dimensions of any of the parts are given. Presumably, the cart was pulled forward either by oxen, horses or men ahead of the front line of infantry, and one or several men manipulated the well-screen up and down to raise and lower the screen to catch incoming enemy missiles. Finally, a new device invented at least by early Sung times for use of defenders against the mass infantry assault was the 'wolf's tooth striking-board' (lang ya phai2), a variation on the caltrop boards we have encountered in previous sections. The board was made out of Sophora wood 5 feet long, 4 1/2 feet wide and 3 inches thick; 2,200 'wolf's-teeth iron nails' (langya lhith ling') each 5 inches long and 6 ounces in weight were hammered in it, so that they projected 3 inches out from the \."ood (sic) . On each of the four sides of the board a sabre blade was inserted to a depth of [ [/2 inches. Two iron rings were attached to the front and rear of the board, and from these it was suspended by hemp ropes from the walls. When the enemy attacked, the boards were dropped from the walls onto the heads of the soldiers climbing up so as to smash through their helmets and knock them oA' the wallsb (Figure 273 above) .

• Il·CTf/CC, ch. 10, p. lIoa, iliuS1TaIion p. 19a; TPfC.ch. 4, p. So,qUOIM in Thill Tint, th. 160, p. 846a and TP n. ch. 337, p. n. - Il·CTf/CC, ch. Ill, p. 1I3b; iliuslTluion, p. 1I3a.

•

BIBLIO GRAPHIE S A B

C H I N ES E A N D j A P A N ES E B O O K S B E F O R E + 1 8 0 0 CHINESE AND JAPANESE BOOKS AND JOURNAL ARTICLES

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S I N C E + 1 80 0 BOOKS AND JOURNAL ARTICLES IN WESTERN LANGUAGES In Bibliographi� A and B the� are twO modifications of the Roman alpha�tical .se. quence: transliterated CAA-«Im� after all other entri� under Cit·, and transliterated Hr· com� after all other entries under H·. Thus CItIthr com� after Cltung and Hsi comes after HUQi. This system applies only to the first words ofthe titles. Jl,lorcover, where Cltlt· and Hr· occur in wor(b used in Bibliography C, i.e. in a Western language conte"t, the normal sequence oftile Roman alphabet is observed. Wilen obsolete or unusual romanisations ofCllinese words occur in entries in Bibliography

C, they arc followed, wllerever possible, by the romanisationl adopted as standard in the

prescnt work. If inserted in the title, thesc arc enclosed in square brackeLl; if they follow it, in round brackets. When Chinese words or phrases occur TOmanised according to the Wade-Giles syttem or related systems, they are assimilated to the syttem here adopted (cC. Vol. t, p. 26) without indiCiltion of any change. Additional notes are added in round brackets. The reference num�rs do nOt necessarily begin with ( t ) , nor arc they necessarily conl«utivc, because only those references required for this volume ofthe $Cries arc given. Korean and Vietnamese books and papers arc included in Bibliographies A and B. As explained in Vol. t, pp. 2 t If., reference numbers in ilalia imply that the work is in one or other orthe East Asian languages.

A B B RE V I AT I O N S � abo p. ""iii

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Rmu BiMiog,afJlri/{1U dt SilfOiogit Rtkislti T. Cltiri Rtl:udts Etrdt$ AMinws Rnlru Iks i:twln Grte/{lIt1 Rivisla di Sirdi O,itnloli Sinologic/l (BMd) Sillica (originally Chilllsischt Blaun 1-

WisstllJclrajim II. KUIISI) Saull/lim Scimlijic American Si/zungs"trirlr./t d. Ba}eristlrm Akad(llljt

d. II'wtlUClt4jklr S8E

$turd BtHJts.jlM &$1 �ries

SCII/I'A T

Schull ��d Nalioll

SCIS

&it1lCtS (Paris) SIr.f Hili KIlo IIsfirh

SHKS SL SOF SPMSE SS ST

SUjCAII

SII'A IV/PH SD'TH TBGo( TCKM TCULY TGBCII TGIK TG.VP TGIY TIl

THG TLTC TXS TOSHG TP

TSCK TSGH TSHCC TSK TIt;

UCfPAAA

ULISSE UNAS/A I'IA Y

II'P It'S WI!' IVII'TK rCIIP
(Chhinghuajourn. Soc. Sci.) Shui Li (Hydrauiic Enginuring)

Sllidia O,wl/alia (Ft1IlIic
Sil���gsbvichlt d. ph]sik. mid. S«. £,i,,"l.'" &itftCl /llIdSoOtry DitSI� Sw/taw U�i�nsi!7 jlnlmlll .jCllilltsl A,I HislOf}

Sil{��gslmiclrlt d. k. Ak"d. d. IVwtll­ srllajlttl Wi lli S }nlMstJ (Brussels) T6A:y4 ButsMri Gakko
Yllung Clri", Kallg MI/ Ttchnology and Culilir'

Tagthcll (Vienna) T6h4 GaJ;uhl, Kyolo (Kyoto journal of Oriental Studia) TtlSMI"b """,flO TWG"bM, TotY" (Tok)"ojournal of

Oriental Studia)

Titl! Hsia MOlltJrlJ (Shanghai)

T4MGiIk" (Tokyo) (Eastern Studies) Ta LM Tu> Chll i rraipei) (Continent ;"hgnine) T'ansaCliONs ajIht Ntwcomm S«it(1 T5)6 Shigah T�ung Pao (Arrhi.'eS ronmnalll i'Hisloirt, liS umgllls, la Glographit, l'ElhnlJ­ graplrit tilts Arls dt I'.�sit O,imlait), Lciden TIIM SlIM Clli Klt4n TMJO SlrinagullhI(Bullctin of the Tokyo Sinological Society) Tslrug SII" CAi Ch1ring ( 193:)-1) TIJ4 Slti Kmkyii (Research in East Asian History) TeJO Gak�1Ia (Rcpons of the Oriental Society of Tokyo) Un;�. ojC"lijrmua/Publiral,olls in Amtr;. call Arrlra.olog)' and Anlh,opololJ

Ulisst (Italy)

Uniltd Asia (India) Vial
11'" (S« lI'iVTK) 11'11 TsJrlUl KIuuJ TZM u- (Rerer­ ence Materials for Hs i tory and Archaeology) (coni. as 11'",, 11'_) 1"t1ICllilll IIJiitlr PaD (Yenc:hing Univer. sityjournal ofChinesc Studies) <,slselrriji d. dn.tseh. Morgmlandisrhm Gmilsrhajl
IV/Jr

A.

C H I N E S E A N D J A P A N E S E B O O K S B E F O R E + 1 800

Each enlry givn parlkularsin the roU",,-;ng order: (.) ,i!l., alphabetically ananged, with ..har.eten: (.) ahernali,'. tilk, irany; It) transl••ion ol,itle: (i) ........ �r.ren..c locloocly related book, irany; (,) d)'nallY; (/) dale ,.. .""'''.'e.u poooible; na.... of.u.hororcdilor, with chanoctcn; ( ) title of ocher booIt, ir 11K lexl of tile .......k now «;'11 only inl(1)rpo"'''ro .mrdn; or, in special caon, ",,"..nea 10 sinoJogir.l Il\KI� ofit: Ii) references 10 ,noru!a.l;OOS, iran)", gi'-en by '''' name 0{ ,h. '...."$latorin Bibliography C; (i) notireoranyindn orconrordaocc to Ihe booIo i(luch ... ...",k exi.,.; en"" 10 Il,. number oflh. hook in ,h. T. T",", (t) r.r .. catalogue oI"lI'i"llt, (6). if applicable; (I) r.f.r.",e 10 the number of ,h. book in 'he S.� T,•., (Tripilaka) ca,alogun of Nanjio (II and Takaxulu ok Watanabe, irapplicable.

'I)

.

Wortb which usi" in the

"a"olation of titles a", added in

round b,:l(keu. Ahemui"f titln or explanatory additions to tM titks a", added ;n >qua", bBckeu. II will be ",_mbe� (p. 486 above that in Chi� indu.. words �nninl c.u. a", .11 listed together after Q.. and HI­ after H_, but that this applies to initia] words of tides only.

)

Rinlt TltM' r'tN'

u.'�'t :K: . J! 1& .

A summary of the Most Important Things in the :\1 ili 1ary Boob. Vietnam. bttween + 1 t 16 and 1300. Trlln QI,lOe Tuan � III III!>! .

Chan KM� TsII!

. 111 • .

Historical Tales of the Intrigues of the Warring States [semi-fictional]. Chhin. Wriler unknown. Tr.Crump (I).

CIIM C�MII' Ut

An interim list of",fe",nces to the editions used in the Pl'eKllt work, and to the 11....,·1•• (011«';0111 in which boob ate ,,·ailable. has b«n gi�cn in Vol. 4. pt 3, pp. 9tSff., and is .,·ailable as a sc-pa""tc brochu",.

CAh! Cltl '* £ .

Records of ,lonny Formations and Tacties. :\Iing ca. + I.H6. Ho Liang-Chhin fnJ R C'! .

Chln·IA Fin, Tltw Chi

11 . .. ±Ie. .

Ikscription orCambodia. Yijan, + t297. Chou Ta-Kuan 1ft! ,iI 11

.....�" ...T .O�S

CIHan EIWci HIHan

FonntrHan. £asternW". latecHan. laterShu (Wu Tai). latcrThang (Wu T.i).

Htshu

HfThng /Chin SIHan

H

later Chin (Wu Tai).

Southern Han (Wu Tai). Southern I'hinS (Wu Tai). -'urch�n Chin, l.iu Sung Northern Chou. Northern Chhi. Northern Sung (befo", thf removal ofth. capital to Hangchow). Northern W".

SlPhing

.I/Chin tlSung I'OIChou N/Chhi NISung

.

N/W.i S/Chhi S/Sung

Sou'Mrn Chhi.

$ou.hcm Sung (arter the umov.l ofthe capital to

Hangchow). Wntern W...

WIW,i

Clti IlsillD H,ill Shit

£ j'(t: Ii • .

A N�w Treatise o n Mi li tary and Naval Efficiency. �ling, + t;,60. pro + r .�6�, often rcpr. Chhi Chi-Kuang Il£ Jl 1t .

Chi Fan

S«- Clli Ni T.r;•. Chi","i T�M tt ffl T . [FilII T�" CMJo" � T tt t!: J . The Book of Master Chi Ni. Chou (Yueh), -4th century. Anrib. Fan Li l1:! • . Rccording the philosophy of his mUter Chi Jan

it t!: .

Clti 1'""

#l ft/t .

Complerc Dictionary oflhe Sounds of Character.r [cf. Chhith fli" and KUllllg 1',,"]. Sung. + '03 7 . Compiled by Ting Tu T Lr tl al. PO$Sibly compl eted in + t067 by S�u-rna Kuang

m ar. .

Calling Back of the Soul (perhaps a ritual ode]. Chou c. -240. Attributed 10 Sung Yij * li . Probably by Ching Chhai (or Tsho) . !lJ. . Tr. Ha"'lr.es (t). The

given " to be taken a. morerorTeCt.

1I{{ !f. iii. .

Book or Examples or Illustrious Loyalty. Yilan ca. + 1290. Writer unknown. Cr. Balau & Hervouct ( I ) , p. 124,

Cltao Hun

Whe", there a", .ny differences bttwttn the entrin in these bibliO$raphi.. and those in Voli. t-4, the information here

iij Ji 1t .

Chin., Piao CItMnll

IT !It !lJ .

The SIOry of Chiang Piao. Thang or pre-Thang. Yij Phu II � . CltiM SIr; Cllillg tt It II. . Crossbowmen', Manual. Thang +8th C. Wang Chij .:E Jm . Cltilt Lill

;t, *f;:

ror�t of Rccords. See Tung-Plto Clti" Lill.

490

BIBLIOGRAPHY A Chill

lAW T(N � tI T.

[mainly or his own invention or adaptation). Ming + t6�7. Wang Cheng 1: II .

Rook oflh(C GoJd�n Hall Mamr. Liang, t. + 5,)0. Hsiao I .. . . (LiangYuanTi . :7i . ) . Clti" Sltilt

� .!k. .

1t: "' "E .

Yin_T(, Index, no, 35. CAi" SlIM tt • . History of the Chin DynUly [ + 765 to +4t9). Thang, +635. fang Hsiian-Ling li1 1:: it . A few chi. Ir. Pfizmaiu (54�57); Ihe utronomical chs, Ir. Ho Ping-Vii (I). For Iranslations of pauages, s<:� Frankel (I).

£ is} Ill' � +

=. T....elve . Suggestions for Impregnable Defence. Ming ca. + 1630. Li Phan "' • . The first twO .....ords of the tille recall the phras<: Chi" Chhm, Thlmg CMih, ['adamantine walls and scalding moau'j, heno: imp�nable. aiN ClUing Suall ShN

1t. " Je: m .

Nine Chaplen on the Mathematical Art. HIHan, + lSI cemury (comaining much mal(Crial from CfHan and perhaps Chhin). Writer unknown. aiN K". Cltilt

Jt. filii .e .

Hislorical ;"Iemoir on the Nin(C States (Wu. Nan Thang, Wu-Yu(Ch, Chhien Shu, Hou Shu, Tung Han, Nan Han, Min, Chhu and Pei Chhu, in th(C Wu Tai Period). Sung c. + t064. Lu Chtn J& � .

ChiN Milll ShN

.0: 6It if .

On Saving the Situation. See Hsi':111 Pilll ChiM Mi"g ShM and SIrtJ.. CMiII,

Chi.. Millg Shu. CIrtJ.. Li ta:l M .

Record of the Institutions (lit. Rites) of(the) Chou (Dynasty) [descriptions of all gO\'crnmcnt official posts and their duties]. C/Han, perhaps containing $Omc material from late Chou. Compilers unknown. Tr, t;, Biot (t)_

ChDN Li Clrbrg l

Jaj fi lE lit .

• • ;.!;; ,

CJr.u Fnlf Oh i

HilIOr)' orthe Chin (Jur(:h�n) Dynast)' [ + 1 1 15 10 + 1 2 3..1. Yuan. t. + 13..5. Tho-Tho (TOktaga) !t!t & Ou-yang Hsiian

Chi" nallg Chith Chu Shih E,h ChhD�

49'

Amended Tc"t of the Rtwd ofIht IIIStiluliolls (iii. Rilts) �f 1M ChON (DJ"'I1I�) with Discussions (including the H/Han commentary of Ch(,ng H,uan 11 '£: ). C/Han, perhaps containing IOmc material from late Chou. Compilen unknown. Ed. Sun I-Jang ( I Sgg) 11; ., • . Chi. CMi TlrM SIIu� .. It • 1& . Diagranu and Explanalions ofall ;"Iachines

Records or .'oreign Peopla (and their Trade). Sung, t. + 1725. (This is Pelliot', dating; Hirth & Rockhill fa"oured belween + I'''' and + 1258.) ChaoJu-Kua m tJc i4 . Tr. Hinh & Rockhill (t).

Ch LM 0.;

iI II tc. _

Record of Hunting the Decr. Ming. I . Wang Wei ::E t

ChUQ�g T.{.M IE T . [ -Nnll Hun CM" Chillg.)

The Book of Ma$ler Chuang. Chou, l. - 290. Chuang Chou IE f.'J . Tr. Legge (5): Hng Yu-Lan C�); Lin Yii-Thang (t). Yin-Te lnde" no. ('uppl.) 70. Chii,h Chang Hsi" Fa

• � ,Co' t1:: .

:\lanua1 ofCrO$$bow, Armed by Foot (and Knee). :\Iing or early Chhing. Chheng Chhung-Tou � l'l' '* .

ChM-tO Li.:�g Chi

· � J\I: . 1lIt .

Collttted Writings ofChu-ko Liang (Captain-General of Shu)_ Sa" Kuo (Shu) +200 to +234. Chu-ko Liang Ill '. * . Repr. Peki"8, 1960. CUhI SA.. '* • . Histo!)' of the Chhen Dynasty ( + 556 to + 580). Thang, +630. Yao Ssu-Lien M .I!l II , and his father Vao Chha tit .. . A fcw chs. Ir, Pfizmaier (59). For translation5 of passages, sec the index of Frankel (t). CUi Mi" Y..� SAM Jf li! " m . Imponam Art' for the People's Welfare [lit. Equality]' N/Wei (and E{Wei or W/Wei), Octween +S33 and + 544. Chia Ssu-Hsieh • '\!. � Go . See des Rotours ( I ) , p,e; Shih Sh(,ng-Han (I). Chhi Sun Ping Fn

,., � R tJ; .

Chhi State Sun's Art of War, Alt(Crnalive title for Su" Pill Ping Fa. q.v. Chhirh fu" W M . Dinionary ofCharaclers arranged aa:ording 10 their Sounds when Split !rhyming phonetic dielionary; the .ide rden to thcfall-tMith method of 'spelling' Chinese Characters - see Vol. I. p. 33]. Sui +601. Lu Fa-Ycn F.C!:tE .... . Now e"talll only wilhin the K.1IIIl riill (q.v.). Teng & Biggcrstaff(I). p. '03. CIt,,;,. Half SIt.

MlJ it il .

HislOry of the Former Han Dynasty [-706 to +24)·

BIBLIOGRAPHY A

49' HIHan,

Partial tn. Wieger ("2); Hughes ( t ) ; d'Honnon

f. + 100.

Pan Ku

HE iii , and afl�r his death in + 92 his siller Pan Chao .il 1lR .

Parlial lR. Dubs \\')'Iic

(2, 3.

(2). pfi>;maicr (32-4" 37-51). 10), Swann { I l , etC.

Yin·Tc Index no. 36.

CAM,. Ti", /lsi /1';" Hsi", Thill Klwo it: j£: !W X .1l "J

Imperially Commissioned Continuation orlhe

COlllpr(l!nuit't SllId.! #J(th� Hi$/lJry .y) Ciei/iflll;"" (d 11".... lis.... TAu"g K"no and Hs;; 11'.... Hmfl ThulIg KIuI.). Chhing. ordered + 1 747, pro + [772 (+ [ 78.,.).

'" Y m , Hsi Huang

Ed. Chili Sha�Nan

ftIi .lJt d lll.

This paraUds, bUI doa nOI replace, Wang Chili',

Hsli Win /Jsim nung Khao. CMling C""no Win Hsim nu"g "hoo m � :x: at

iI � . (Continu,uion oftl\e)

Comprt"msh� Study of (Iii, /Iislo'.) if) Ciri/isolion for the Chhing Dynasty (ef. JIlin !-lsi,,, Thung Klrao and lIsii Will Hsim ThUIlg Khao).

Chhing ordered

+ 1]47,

nOI completed till aner

+ 178;:.. ror a still furth�r cominuation Stt Liu Chin.

Tsao (I). Al. t Hsi Huang M' Jjf . Cltlll'", Usia", TJiJ Clti .. oM . ti! . Tabku. Wu Chhu·Hou

* II "," .

&. Sung ca. +g{iS. ThaoKu "" ii . CItItM TdrM fil M .

Thang.

�. W�iChh(ng

.tIl, YenChi

Talk.! about Bygone Things ooide the Winding Wei (River in Honan).

Sung, t. + t t 30.

*#. iff: -tk .

11 � + -= . it ili llf-t � II .

Sub-commentary and Suppkmentary

Spring and Autumn Annals [i.e. Records of

Stt

Fallg ftll

Chou; a chronicle of the Lu Kept &tWttn

Bo

"I(f. Fit tA: .

A ,�

11 'l'r .

�

,

Di("\ionary of Local Expressions.

- IS

C/Han, t.

Yang Hliung

(but much interpolated later).

-1M It .

FIIIg HQ� IVo Chhi Chil1fl ,. fj t!i f,J i/II. .

Feng Hou', :I.-lanual of Grasping Extraordinary and Strange Evenu (and Turning them to

String of Pnrls on the SpriII, tiM :tMIMm" A_II.

• Ho ff .

" '"

one's Advantage). Ah�rnative of 11'0

CMi Cltillg.

(t'cng Hou was the fint of the six great ministe� of the mythical emperor Huang Ti; he

FiI!g S/rIII Pug

.it /It II .

Pass-Lisll orthe Deified Hert>e5.

,\111 'T

I1I)11(UC In'�

,

Y". 1 q.v.

J'�

[novel].

1'1' �� Itt; . � -I!!i !i! .

( I ). FlIIg SM Thll, f .. 1tt .iA !iII . Tr. Gru�

L tan "'"

The Meaning of I'opular Traditions and

� "

CUStoms.

HIHan, +

17 ....

Ying Shao

Lt! iliJ .

Chung·Fa Index, no.

m

A�

3.

F" Kuo TIM, Chltiallg Pillg TIM till Mill TIM

jj * � 'Ji l� • .

?if Iii!1I �

Essays on Enriching thc State, Strengthening

Li Kou

Jlai Xti Shih CItOM Chi

Itt I2.l + lHI fi!

Ascr. Han: prob. +4th or Aurib. Tung-fang Shuo

.1� r .

+ ...th ccntury.

)( 1f !¥J .

The Book of �laS\er Han Fei. Chou, carly Han t'ci

- 3Td century.

.. .no .

hgt

Sun H�

/lUll Slut

Cominenl$ in the World Ckcan].

HaIl F" T,{.M

"

Hu CU""

Cf!

'" l1li. .

Rcoord of the Ten Sca Islands [or, of the Ten

-72"2 and -481. Writen unknown.

S«: W u Khang (I)_

Ho Io"WJ.

eM N' T��.

Springs and Autumns].

Tung Chung.Shu

Ch.

Chhing + 1739.

r,," T{M Clti Jail

o

:\hn

Philological Glosses, Reprint Edition.

Sung ca. + to"'....

S«: Wu Khang ( t ) ; Legge ( I I ) . '" 8: ': JI .

T

The Thirteen Oassia with Commentary and

the Army, and Pacifying the P�ople,

Chu Pien

- 1 35 .

t

n"

More probably Lu Hsi.Hsing

& S , Sung Yu * :Ii;; , Huai·Nan Hsiao-Shan $: rii Ij' IU tI al.). I'anial tr. Waley ("23); tT. Hawkes ( I ) . Chlla II'ti CltiM Win d!i #f 'W IIIl

C. Han, t.

H..

alit.

Allrib. Hsu Chung-Lin

-300. (with Han additioll$).

CU." Chlti. FtlII u.

"

C H

/Jail II",

CIJrM", Klui Sltill Su Chi", Chit Sit Fit KIuui CIth,

:\Iing middle + 16th.

Elegies ofChhu (Stat�) [or, Songs of th� South].

Clthn Cltlti�

:l.luhitude of Boob.

Stones of the Promotions of the Martial Genii

Wu Tai

III mt , & Chia l

Guide to the Most Important Things in the

H�n Sh•• )101

FhI,Slth f". 1 tt if 91 ft .

Exhilarating Talks on Strang� Things.

Chhtl Yiian

Chili" Shit Cltilt r,,# Il I1f i1f ,. .

Popular form ofthc title F iI!g SAlII

00.11' f u. tII .w f\l .

Chou e.

(2).

b«ame the deity ofUtronomy and the military an.)

�liscdlantQus Recorth on Grttn Bamboo

Sung, c. + 1070.

(�.)

Tr. Liao \\"cn·Ku�i ( I).

""'" HT

.-\ur Tr IfWJ. \. I-I Th< 1< C H

Wnllen

I uu AI

BIBLIOGRA P H Y A

IIml Slrilr 11'", CIr.."" � q *" At: .

'\Ioral D'Kouno Illustrating the Han Text of the &KHc �JOd�J ( .\Ir Han's Rtttnsion). C/Han. l. - 13$. Han Ying • � .

Hml II'" Lilt CUM P(J/ Sail Clri" CIr; iI f/!l /c;; II B .::.

�m.

The Colltttro Woru ofOne Hundrro and Th� Authon from tht Han, Wei and Six Dynasties. .\Iing. Chang l>hu 'II 1lt ( + I601l10 + I�ip ) . II� K.."" T{." a H T- . Book of the Phrasam-Cap .\Iaster. A "rry composi!e trxt, slabi[i.scd br + 629, as is shown by one of the .\ISS found at Tunhuang. .\Iu(h ofit musl br Chou (-4th CeHtUry) and most is not later than Han (+ 2nd (cmury), bUI Ihcre arc latcr interpolations including a +4th or +5 century commetltarr whi(h has breome part of the text and accounts for about a seventh of it (Haloun (5), p. 88). It comains also a lost " Book ofthc Art of War." Allnnativclr, Chhin. Attrib. Ho Kuan Ttu . :KI T . rr/ i l 6 t .

HOlllhlJ C..diU .of.: tlJ . ·U :iJ .

[m'tsligation of the .\Iilitary Weapons and .\Iachints of the r�nt Dynasty. Japan. I>rcfacr + 1 709. postfacr + 1722, printro + 1737·

Arai l1akuseki ( + 16;'9 to + I i';,) iii J� A .u .

HQII H"" SIr.. 1f iJ( • •

Hi.llor)· of the Later Han Drnasty [+':, to + " oJ . I./Sung, +4;'0. fan Yeh it! 1IitI . Thr monograph chaptcn by s.su-ma Piao ii.I .� J! (d. +305), with oommrmary by Liu Chao III IIR (l. +:'10), who first incorporated them imo the work. A few ch. In. Cha\'annes (6. 16); Pfizmaier (52. $3). Yin·T� Index, no. 4t.

Hu Chlrim Clrilll 1ft it if..

Tiger Seal .\1anual [mililary encrcloparoiaJ. Sung, begun +962, finishro + 1004. Hsu "["ung Wl' lllI . Cr. Balazs & Hen'ouet ( I ) , p. 236.

I/u" Slru it if .

Book ofthr Tran�formations (in Naturr). H(rhang ca. +940. Anrib. Than Chhiao . 1If'! .

rr'I032.

IIlUJi. \"fll T(u � tf r T- . [_II..,,; ,V"" H""l Lulr Clrrrlr � Hi � f.!I if I .

The Book of(th� Princr of) Huai-Nan [oom�ndium of natural philosophy]. CIHan, l. - 1'10. \\"ritlen by the group ofscholars galherro by Liu An ,, :Ii , Prince of Huai-Nan.

493

Partial trs. .\Iorgan (t); Erkes ( I ) ; Hughn (I); Chalky (t); \\"ieg�r (II); Ames (I), elc. Chung.Fa Inde�, no. 5. TTft '70. HIl""l SMIr K..wl .5.l" l.itlr . ?5 n .:: iii'! . The Thru Stratagems of the Old Gentleman of the Yellow Stone. Alternative titl� ofs..11 /.IIt. q..... HIUJ"l 1'../1" Clriq ,\f'nl L.. R jf; fl. fill: [_ n". CIrIut� C"irIt .\llnI L..j. Records of the Imperial '\Iongol Expedition against Burma ( + t300). Yuan or a ycar or tWO later.

HIUJ Uurl Ch;"1 ;k _ .. .

The rire-Drake (Artillery) .\Ianual. .\Iing. + t 4 1'1, but probably containing information dating from th� previous half­ Century. Chiao \'U 1« Ji. . The first part of this book, in Ihrec s«tions, is fancifully anributcd to Chu·ko Wu Hou (i.c. Chu-ko Liang. +3rd Cent.), and Liu Chi � oMi ( + t 3 1 t 10 + 137;,) appears aHO­ roilOr, rcallr perhaps co·author. The sc<:ond parr, also in three sections, is auributrd 10 Liu Chi aoo..·e, but roited, and probably wrinen, by Mao Hsi.Ping n "M" ::n' in + t 63�. The third pan, in IWO IItttioru, is by .\lao Yuan-I :£; jt. fi (n. + t628, author of the [I'.. Pti o.i") and ediled by Chu·ko Kuang-Jung iII :&" 1t. � . ""hO$C preface is of + 16-44. Fang Yuan-Chuaug 1i x lH: & Chung Fu-Wu

.{kR.

Hsi r. C"i i!!i m -.e .

Story ofaJourney 10 Ihe West (or, l'ilgrimago: to the West (novel: .lfrNIk,],J. .\Iing,f. + 1 $60. Wu Chh�ng.£n � ifi:..\f.. Tr. Waley (17); Yu { I } .

Hs;ul Pi., Clriw Mifll Shw _*ft: • • .

On Sa"ing the Situation by (the Raising of) '\lilitia. Ming + 1607. \ JItI Lu Khun [ Cf. Coodrich & Fang Chao-Yin!! ( I j , p. 1006.

IIs;IJIlg- ranl ShQu Ch/rlllg I.u

• III W '-&: N .

An i\cmulII of the Ocfenee of Hsiang-Yang (eity), [ + 1'106 to + I�07], (by the Sung against theJ/Chill). Sung ca. + t 210. Chao Wan-Nirn MI l( iJ' . This siege was nOt br the '\Iongols, as in the more famous onc of + 1268/ + t�73. Cr. Balazs & Hen'ouet ( 1 ) , p. 95.

I/s;" Shih 'L' � .

Hislory of Troublous Times. Yiian. but not diseo"ercd until + 1638. Cheng s.su·Hsiao [So-NanJ * .\\. \ 1'1 ( ffi TOi ] . Hsi" SA.. .t' t!f . Book oflhe Hcarts and .\linds Jon the importance of ]lI)'chological oon";elion in warfareJ. Yuan or carly Ming. ascr. San Kuo (Shu). Allrib. Chu-ko Liang In :&" � .

BIBLIOGRAPHY A

494 Hsin Thang Sh�

Ii }.!f W

New History orthe Thang Dynasty r +618 !O +!)061. Sung, + 1061. Ou-yang HI;u It: Fl. & Sung Chhi 5fi! .ijl . cr. des ROIOurs (\I). p. :,6. Partial tn. des Rotours (t, \I); Pfizmaier (66-74)' For tran�a(iOlu of paDaga !lee the index of Frankel ( I ). Yin-Te Index. no. 16. Hsing Chiln Hs;; Chilr

IT:if[ UI: :m .

faD, Ilo� Clri.

Cf. Feng Chia·Sheng e'l, p. 61. Ihing TI tfIJ 1I . On Punishments and Virtues [military]. Han. Writer unknown. One of Ihe boolu di'iCO"crro al .\Ia-Wang-Tui in 1972. wrillen 011 silk. HSi Po 11'. Cfllh . ,. HI ;;t . Supplement 10 the Record of the In,"atigalion of Things (eC. Po JII" Chih). Sung. mid + 1�lh ccmury. U Shih :;: 1 : i. HIii lI'in Hs;". Tlrun, Khno " ;2: . iii � . Coruinuation of th( Coltlprt1mui�' SI�dJ �f(/h, His/ory �) C,ri/;JII/i(llt (cr. 11''''' Hsint TIr�", Klulo and Cllhi" Ti"l HSM Will Hsu" TlrwlIl Klulo).

11 111 "

Ll: .ftJ * (!l ;n;

IIh1S1ratffi Record of an Embassy 10 KORa in th( Hluan-Ho Rign-�riod. Sung. + I 1 '14 ( + I (67). H,ij Ching itt • .

Hsill.,,-Ho K� TIr� LM fi .fll ti _ til: . [ - Po It K. TIr" L�J.

Hsiian·Ho reign-period Illustrated Record of Ancient Obje(u. [Catalogue of Ihe archa(ological mu�um of the emperor Hui Tsung·1 Sung. + 1 1 1 1 to + t t'l5. Wang Fu :E M or It, tllI./.

Hs." T�"

"fti T- .

The Book of �hst(r Hsiin. Chou c. - '140. Hsiin Chhing "flj JISI . Tr. Dubs (7) Knoblock (I, 'I).

I Ching £, MI. .

The Clauic of Changes [Book ofChangcsJ. Chou wilh CfHan addilioru. Compilers unknown. S«: Li Ching-Chhih (I, :/'); Wu Shih_Chhang (I ).

i!l fbi "!F .

/ Chou SIIu

[ _ Chi Chunt Chou Shu]

Lost R«ords of the Chou (Dynasty). Chou. -'145 and before, such parts as all: genuine. found in the tomb of An Li Wang (r. -'1]6 10 -245), a prince of the Wei �tate, in +'181. \\"ril(n unknown. Il'i" Chi

Whal an ....rm)· Commander in the Field Should Know. SUnge, + 1 23° ":pr. + ' 41 0, + 1439Wriler unknown. Preface by Li Chin (�Iing ed.) � .. . Appended 10 Ihe �Iing ed. of 11'/1 a.i�l Til"',

�Iing. + 1586 pro + 1 603 �. Wang Chhi 1O .f1T . HSiiaw-1I0 Frltg Shih Kno-Li TIl" Ching

Tr. R. Wilhelm ('I), Legge (9), de Harlez (I). Yin·Te Index, no. (suppl.) 10.

Vt .. J! .

The I-Pin Collection. Yiianca. + 1 325. \\"�ng l .:E. i1T . At< It . "f . �Iiscdlaneous NOles made while attending hi, agffi �Iolher. Chhing + 1790. Chao i Mi X

Kdi r. TJh"t Kluto

Kno-Li Tlru CII"ng.

Sec HJiilln Ho Flng Shih KIl�li Th Chi"g. KII Cltin Chu

ti � tt .

Commentary on Things Old and New. Chin, c. + 300. Tshui Pao m .r �. S«: des Rotoun ( I) , p. xc,·ii;' Ku Chiw TAu Shu Chi ChMng i� � • 8' '' til. . Complete Collection of Writings and Drawin&" Old and New, full title of nu Shu Chi CMlng, q.\'. Kuan T�w

'If T .

The Book of �13.Ster Kuan. Chou and CfHan P�rhaps mainly compilffi in the Chi-Hsia Academy (latc-4th century) in pan from older mat(rials. Aurib. Kuan Chung tf /It' . Partial trl. Haloun (�, 5); Than Po-fu till/. (I); Rieken (I, 3). Kwang Shih ui F�

!If • • U:: .

EXlendffi Rhyming Encyclopaedia. Sung, F.xtendffi in early Chhing, + tfi9g. Orig. author Wu Shu M: 11. , continuffi by Hua Hsi-�1in .. $- 00 .

Krumg Tu"t Hsi" Hi

!If * .ti m .

New Description of KwanglUng Province. Chhing, late + 17th century. ChhO Ta-Chiin ftil ;k. .liJ

Kua"g ra

"•.

Enlargement of th� Erh ra; Liltrary ExposiliDn [Dictionary). San Kuo (Wei) +'130. Chang i 'lI:M. K.alll fa S� Chint .. !II &: til . CorrecI Text of the },.;'/a.g.ltltnl qflltt E.h til, with Annotations and Amplifications. Chhing, + 1796. Wang Nien-Sun .:E .'l: ¥ . KlUlnt fin

!If " .

Revision and Enlargemenl of the Dichoury of

CIrD.,acln$ a"lIngttlllCtd.Jing 10 IIrti. Sou,",$ a.·h",

Split (rhyming phonctic dictiona!)', based on.

I

B I B LI O G R A P H Y A and including, the Cltl!i�1t Til" and the Tltmtg Till, q.It.j.

Sung, + 101 l . Chhen Phcng.Nien • � � . Chhiu Yung, II Ill. .li lll . Teng &. Biggentaff ( t ) p. 203. KNti Hlli Til Hirtz Cltift

ft. II 1Ii ;£ .

Topography and Product! of the Southern Pro,·inen. Sung, + t I 75. hn Chheng.Ta iY!: .Iit :k. .

K�n.· K. T��

..\l ti- -r .

Book of the Devil Valley �Ia!lter. Chou, -4th century (perhaps parlly Han or later). Writer unknown; possibly Su Chhin if . or lOme other member of the School of Politiciam (Tsung.Htng Chia).

II til lL IIl1.

K�Ic,lto Oryt'lli

InstrumentS for the Filte Ceremonies ofthe (Korean) CoUTI. Korea (ChosOn) + 1474· Sin Sukju If! >I"Il ;llt &. Chbng Ch'U III � cf. Trollope (I), p. �I; Courant (I), no. 10.p.

K�lcrlro &k O'ft.(.

II 'J " li It it .

A Continuation ofthe /�slrumt..lsfor Iltt Fit"t Cmml/lli'lofl� (Korean) CoII". Korea (ChOlbn) + I 744. Ed. Courant (I). no. 10.17. Krdrlro.w Oryt·ii Po i111 lII . li It: it III . An Extension orthe COlIlilllUJ/iDfl �tJtr /tIS/ntmmls f�r I� Fiu C�",nllfli�s oftlu (Korean) Cn'I. Korea (ChOIOn), + 1751. Ed. Courant (I). no. 10-47. KIlO Cltltu 11'", Ui II .J )C It . Clas:!lified Prose oflhe Present DynaSlY (Yiian). Yilanca. + 1340. «I. Salula (Thien Hsi) ,.,. ti. ( 7': . ) & Su Thien·Chio .7': I; . Cf. Franke (14), p. "9. KNO CMllo II'� Li f. Itt Kdrlt� O�tii. KMO

Til . tri .

DifCourscs oflhe (andenl feudal) Stales. Laic Chou, Chhin and C/Han, containing much material from andent .....ritten records. Writen unkno.....n.

iAn CMn T�u

Book of the Truth·through·lndolence Master. Sung, between + 1 1 1 1 and + 1 1 1 7. Ma Yung·Chhing .\Ij *- ., . � Liang Chang.Chii

iAng Clti Tslrung TItan.

(I).

Sec Liang Chang·Chil (I).

iA� T�1t

:t: T .

The Book of ;\hster Lao. (Alternative title of Tao TI Citing).

Li Clti � ac . [_ Hsiao Tai Ij Clti.]

belween +80 and + 105. though the carliest piKes included may date from the time oflhe hal«/s (r. - ..651-450). .. Attrib. ed. Tai Sheng •. • . Actual ed. Tshao Pao .. . . Tn. Legge (7); Couvreur (3); R. Wilhelm (6). Yin·Tc Index, no. 27.

Li CM Cit" S. It: Ie it ... Rtco,J of Ril,S, with a$SCmbled Commentaries.

TexI C{Han, commentaries or all periods. Ed. Juan Yilan (1816) lit Ji: .

u Sluto Pim

• "1 iii .

;\Icasuring the Ocean with a Calabash·Ladle [title laken from a diatribe agaill5t narro...· minded Itie....s. in the biography o(Tung.fang Shuo in CHSj. Chhing c. + 1799. UngYang·Tsao !t ta M .

Li W,i Kung Ping Fa

"' * -0 ,K; f1l .

The Art of War by Li, Duke of Wei. Ascribed to Thang, ca +660. Altribuled to Li Ching 2PJ fit .

Li Wti Kung Il'hi Tui

"IE * -0 IUJ ill .

The Answen of Li, Duke ofWei (U Ching 2PJ nr ) , to Questions (of the emperor Thang Thai Tsung) (on the Art of War). Alternative title of Li 11',; Kug Ping FII q.". Supposedly Thang, but more probably produced in the Sung, + t lth century. Writer unknOI>'n. Perhaps composed by Juan I 1tt .iS. .

uallg SJ,�

-* 5 .

Hislory of the Liang Dynasty [ +:,o� to + :'56] Thang, + 629. Yao Chha ltl: . and his IOn Yao Ssu·Lien

it l!.\ • .

For translatiolU orpa$$ages fCC the index of rrankcl ( I ) . lillO Sltilt

iI .5l! .

History oflhe Liao (Chhitan) r +916 to + l u5]· Yiian, + 1343 to + 1345. Tho-Tho (Toktaga) !It !ll. & Ou.yang Hsilan

Ii: r.I '£: .

Partial IT. Wi"fogel, Feng Chia.Sheng,/ Ill. Yin·Tc Index, no. 35.

Lith Hsim Chuan ))J 1111 1fJ .

I!M It "f .

iAng Clti IIs/J TItan.

495

Record of Riles [compiled by Tai the Younger] (cr. To,Tai Li Chi). A$cr. C/Han. T, -70{-:'0, but n:ally H{Han.

Liltcsof Famous Immortals (Cf. Slrhi Hsim Cltuan).

Chin, +3rd or +4th century, though certain part.! date from -3:' and shortly after + 167. Attrib. Liu Hsiang ftJ I�I . Tr. Kaltenmark (�). Li,1t Kilo Cltilt CltMlln

))J iii ;£ IfI: .

Stories of the famous Countrics ofOld. Yilan or Ming. Author unknown. � Liu Tshun·Jcn (6), pp. ]Off.

Li,1t Ni CIt/1411

JIl jz; it .

Li,'cs olCclebrated Women. Date unttrtain, nucleus probably Han. Anrib. Liu Hsiang .. � .

Lim Ping SJ,ilt Clti

.. � • Ie! .

BIBLIOGRAPHY A Trl"3li$e on .\Iililary Training. .\Iing + 1 568, pr. + 1:;71, often repr. Chhi Chi.Kuang lR a ir;: . Lim Ping Slrilr Clri TSII Chi .. * .. !C • • . Mi$Cellaneous Records concerning Military Training (and Equipment) [the addendum 10 Lim Ping Slrih Clri, q.v. in 6 ehs. following Ihe 9 ehs. oflhe main work.] .\Iing + t568,pr. + 1571 Chhi Chi-Kuang • • 1t: . Ling lI'"i T"i Ta . ;� ft !6 . Information on What is Beyond the PaSKS (lit. a book in lieu of individual repli� to question, from [lierub). Sung, + 1 1 78. Chou Chhu-.-ei Ia$ ,*:1�. Lili Clrhhl Clrli Win Hsilln -A !2 It X � . Six Subjec,,' Commenlary to Ihe Lilerary Anthology. Thang. Li Shan * *" f1. +600 -689. Li� Tlrao -A trI . The Six Quivers (Treatise on the Arl of War). Chou, probably -.ph. Aurib. Thai.kung Wang ;k, 0 lil . Author unknown. S«: Haloun (,�); L. Giles (I I). Li. ThlllI CIIIII Clrim ,... til 11: • . Direct Explanatiom of the liN TIuut Six Qllicns. .\Iing, 1371Liu Yin fIl ji{ . Lili Thllo Chilr Chitlr -A M 1[ M- . Direct Explanations of the Six Quivers. Ed, and eommelliary Liu Yin (Ming). KambunTaikeicd. il x * � t 9 1 � v. [3 rpt t975 Tokyo FuzambO. Ur rang Clrhim Lim Clri ill foI till Ji se . (or UP"l KII'/An Clri; Shlg kq..lan transliterating JIInghll,,,m,,). Description of the BuddhiJt Temples and .\Ionaueries a[ Loyang. N{Wci,c. +:;47. Wang Yi.fung [Wang I-ThungJ. A RUfNJ oj 81i/Ulrisl MO�IISI"itl in UrJ'l'ng_ Princeton Univ. Pren, Princelon, [98-1,. Yang Hsiian·Chih .. /fj Z . Lti Shih Clrhun CMiu I§l J3; '-f; fX ;\lasler Lu', Spring and Autumn Annab [com)Xndium of natural philosophyJ. Chou (Chhin), -�39. Wrimn by the group ofscholaT$ gathered by Lii Pu·Wei 8 '" � . Tr. R. Wilhelm (3). Chung-Fa Indu, no.�. UlII Hhlg • • . Di'ICQul"$C$ Weighed i n the Balance. H{Han, +8� or +83. Wang Chhung t :R: . Tr. Forke (4): cf. Lt-slie (3). Chung-fa Index, no. , . .l/ao Slrilr fin I � If; if ill .

Phonological and Semantic GIOS5a on the .\101.0 Ode.

Lu H-'\Iing (:;:;6-6�7) r!l . Ifl . Minl Clrlri Pi Tlran .,. fl . .. ' Dream Pool Essays. Sung, + [086; last supplement dated + [og[, Shen Kua tt Iii . Ed. Hu Tao-Ching (I) ; cr. Holzman (I). .lfllIl Lianl L� .,. It fI . Dreaming of the Capital while the Rice is Cooking [description of Hangchow lowards the end of thc Sung]. Sung. + 1�7:;. \VU Tzu-.\Iu * a tt . '\fI�l T�. � T . The Book of MaSler Meng (Meneius). Chou, c. -�go. ;\leng Kho � M . Tr. Legge (3); Lyall (I), etc. Yin-Toi: Index, no. (,uppi.) 17. Mi Pin Ping Fa .fi. * R rt; . 5«rel Book on the Art of War. Alternati\'c [ille ofSail Shih. Li� Chi, q.\'. .Ilmg SIIih 1IA .!t. . History of the �Iing Dynasty [ + 1368 10 + [643JChhing, begun + 1646, completed + 1736 first pro + t739. Chang Thing-Yii 'lIl Hi 3i tldl. Ming Slrilr Kao 1IA .'1! " . Draft .\Iing Histor)·. Chhing, presented to the emperor + [7'13Wan Ssu·Thung •. Wi 1i11 , cd. Wang Hung. Hsu I � Mi . Afing Slrih UI IlA Jt fJ Veritable Records orthe Ming Dynast)·. .\Iing, Collected early + 17th century. Official compilatiolU. :\I� Clring III II , sec :\10 T(II. Mil TOt (incl. .4/0 Ching) II =r- , The Book of MUler .\10. Chou, --I,th century. .\10 Ti (and disciples) !I II . Pi Yuan edition [783, repro ,8]6. Tr. �lei Yi-I'ao (t); Fork<: (3); Graham (12). Yin·Toi; Index, no. (supp!.) 2 1 . TTf1 162. Nan fluo. Chin Clring I'M . Jj, ... . S«: CIr�ang T(w. \on Slrilr IW 5I! . History of the Southern Dynastia (Nan Pci Chhao period, +4�O to + $89]. Thang, c. + 670 . l.i Yen-Shou * Ii • . For translation of passages Itt the index of frankel ( t ).

•

Pai Clriang Clruan 1'1 � � . MemoiT$ of a Hundred General,. Sung. Chang Yii *m

Pu P ! ( I ! ; p" C4 I 1 l

.. F

Pn T!

B

1 Y

P,-u , , T

"'" I , , "

P� K. < Po 11". R c c

s..K. H

c c y r, s.. K.

T Y

" T

•

T Sa L. T1 �

A.

" s.. .. T1

'" A, s.. TO

BIBLIOGRAPHY A

�f!"f , (or_ !� }. Book of the Preservation-of-Solidarity Master. Chin, early +4th century, prob.ablyc. +]'20. Ko Hung Ii � . Partial tn. Fcifd (I, 2); Wu & Davis (2), Full tT. Ware (�), Nti Phim chs. only.

Pao Phu T�u

TTII 1 71- t I 7.�· Pli CM; Shu :It"" l!F . History of the Northern Chhi Dynasty [ + �50 to + 571] ·

Thang, +640. Li Te·Lin i!f. 1I.M>, and his JOn Li Pai·Yao

* S •.

A few chs. tr. i'fizmaier (60). For translations of passages see the index of frankd ( t ) .

Pn Th"., Sk. Cltlum :It � • .,. . Book Records of the Northern Hall [encyclopaedia]. Thang, t. + 630. Yii Shih-Nan IA ill m .

Pi-Ii TS(l Tshult fI. T. .. ¥f .

Miscellaneous Records of I'i·li. Ming. Tung Han.Yang _ jJl Pl .

Pi(lo J u. :& ,W. f.I. .

Notices of Strange Things. Ming. Wang Chih·Chien .:£ iiI;; !II!; .

P� K. TIou u.

IW S . H . TIou u..

Stt /ls;u,,,·Ho P� K.

P� IVM Chih 1S .., :.t . Record oflhe Investigation of Things. (C[ Hsli

Po IV" Chih.)

Chin, c. +290 (begun about +270). Chang Hua � .. . StIlt KuO Chih :=: iii � . History of the Thr« Kingdoms 1+ 220 to

+280]. Chin, c. + 290. Chhcn Shou � .. . Yin.TC Inde", no. 33. for trall$lations of passages .stt the indeJ< of Frankel (t). $QJI K.o Cltill rtil ,

:=: 111;. iK 8; .

The Romance of the Three Kingdoms [novd). Yiian, finishw c. + 1370, first known edition

+ 1494·

Lo Kuan·Chung II J{ rp . Tut rt"vi$e
Salt Lii.h :=: 1/1- .

The Three Stratagems. Probably L/Sung ca. + 5th. Allrib. Huang Shih Kung :tt :ti i} . Writer unknown.

S". Situ. Li. Cit; :=: + 1� it .

The Thirty·Six Stratagems. ruer. L/Sung ca. + 430. Attrib. Than Tao-Chhi M .itt ,., .

Salt TSMi TIou Hui � :;t . It .

497

Universal EneyclopaWia. Ming, + t609. Wang Chhi .:£ .IIi .

SIu>", Cltu Sku .. tt :& . Book of the Lord Shang. Chou -4th or - 3rd century. Allrib. Kung-sun Yang Tr. Duyvendak (:\).

i} If ,* .

Shasho R�ij. Kobjiiai � IF" • • � .. . CllUIlifled Coll�tion of faCIS about AlThcT)'

taken from (Chinese) Boob and tra.wated inlOJal»'nese. Japan (po$thumous) + 1789. Ogyii Sorai Yi � ill i* .

SItI Chi�g .U "' .

:\Ianual of Shooting. i\lt�rnati"e titk ofChiu Sltl Clti"" q.v.

S/0I Chi Cltih Ti TluJiPo Yi� Chl�'

� II!F. .

'M' II � 18: � S

Secrt"t Contrivances for the Defeat of Enemies; the Manual of the White l'lanel. full title of Tluli Po Yi� Chilli, q.v.

Skill CAi * 1£ .

Hutorical Records (or perhaps better: :\Iemoin of the Hi$loriographer (.Royal); down to

-99J· C/Han, c. -90 {first pro (. + 1 0001 · Ssu-lIla Chhien i'i] .1f.l it, and his father Ssu-ma Than iij.�". Partial tn. Cha"annes (I); Pfi�maier (13-36); Hirth (2); \\"u Khang I t ) , Swann (I), Burton Wauon I t ) etc. Yin-Tt Index, no. 40.

Sltil! Ching #., w. .

Book of Odes [ancient folksongs]. Chou, - t IIh to-7th cemuries. (Dobson's dating.) Writen and compilers unknown. Tr. Legge (8); Waley (t); Karlgren (tot).

Shih I Chi :In iJ iC .

:\'Icmoirs on Negketw 1-laucn. Chin. f. + 370. Wang Chia .:E " . cr. Eichhorn (5).

$/rilt .\fi", " £ .

Expositor of Namo. Early +�nd century. Lin Hli rIi � .

Sh,It Pn., P(JChun, tl.t * J\ II .

Book of Origins, Eight Vcnions (imperial genealogies, family names, legendary in"emon, etc.]. Han (incorporating Chou material) -2nd century. Annotated by Sung Chung * 1.( . (HO·lan.)

Skih Sk�o IIsi� rii tlt lit ffi" 9lf .

New Distounes o n the Talk of the Times (notes of minor incidenlS from Han to Chin). Commelllary by Liu Hsiin � � (Liang) L/Sung: + 5th century. l.iu l-Chhing � . !I! . Tr. Mather (3).

BIBLIOGRAPHY A

Situ. T(.M P -1" .

The Book 0{ MasTer Shih. ruer. Chou, -4th cemul)'; probably +3rd or +4Th century. Amib. Shih Chiao P & . Shih IYN Clti rila� If' ttJ JC. It t. Records of the Origins ofAffairs and Things. Sung ca. + 108.',. Kao Chh�ng iI'J:i • . Shik IYN Clti riln� ChiUi $ :1!I .8C. Jlil • • . The Recorded Origins of Things, CaTegorized. Sung. Kao Chh�ng � . (fl. [078-(085). SII"" CMi1I1 Cki. Milll Skit 'if -'At.ft h • . O n Saving The SiTuaTion by The (Successful) Dd"ence of Cities. �Iing + [607. Lii Khun a ,. . cr. Goodrich & Fang Chao-Ving (t), p. [006. SkOM Chhlllg Lu "f- J$: � . Guide TO the Defence of Cities (lasons of the sieges or Te-An in Hupci, + [ 1 � 7 to + 1[32]. Sung, ca. + 1 140 and + 1193 (combined in + 1 225), Chh�n Kuci F.lt: .IJi & ThangTao ta Ji . cr. Balazs & Hervouet (I), p. 237. SItu Cltu., • • . Historical Classic (or, Book of Documenu). The 29 'Chin W�n' chapten mainly Chou (a few pieces possibly Shang); [he 21 'Ku Wen' chapten a 'forgeI)" by Mei Tse Iff " , (. + 3�0, using fragments of genuine antiquity. or the former, 13 are considered to go back to Ihe - loth century, TO to Ihe -8th, and 6 not before the-5th. Some scholars accept only 16 or 1 7 as pre-Confucian. Writers unknown. Sec Crecl (4). Tr. Medhunt (I); Legge ( I , TO); Karlg�n (12). Sh. ChillI TkIt ShM� 3-". �. The HiJI�rir,u CI/UJic wilh Illustrations. [pub­ lished by imperial order]. Chhing, 1905. Ed. Sun Chia·Nai � a iWI t1 ,u. SlIM HJii C�ik Nan • t:l m m The Literary South-Poimer [guide to s tyle in lelter.writing, and to tcchnical terms]. Sung, + I 1 �6. Jen Kuang fE !It . Shu; Chan I Hsia�1 LMn * _ III n ... Advisory Discourse on Naval Warfue. Ming, late + 16th eenmry, before + 15B6. Wang Ho-Ming .x . .. . Sk..; Clti,., CAM *" I( it . Commentary on the IVntmc.·.."s CliUSU (geographical aecount g�atly extended). N/Wci, late + 5th/early +6th century. LiTao-Yiian • itt 7i: . SAui Hu CArulN *" . j:fJ . Stories of the River·Banks fnovel 'All Men a� Brothers' and 'Waler Margin')' Ming, first collected c. + 1380, but derived from older play. and stories. Oldest eXlam loo-ch. _

version, + 15Sg., a reprim of an original

earlier than + t550. Oldest extant 12o-ch. version, + 16[4' ruer. Shih Naj.An .6t Iij .- . Tr. Buck (1); Jackson (I). ShMOFM IN. n . Horilegium of (Unofficial) Literature. Yiian, c. + 1368. Ed. Thao TJung-1 IIIiJ * it . Stt Ching PIlei-Yiian (I): des Rotours (.), p. 43. ShM� r� CkkiUul CkMan ilIl. ffi � _ . The Complete Story o{General Yo (Fei), (of lhe Sung Dynasty, + 12th cent.) .

T.

(Nm'el)

!'.Iing ca. + 1550. Chhien Tshai .. t;; . ShUD WlII Chuh T-tM 1!t :t ... ¥ . Analytical Diclionary ofCharactcTI (lit. Explanations of Simple Charaelers and Analyses of Composite Ones). H/Han + 1 � t . Hsu Shen l"A' tI ShMD IV"" nu�g Hsiin Ting SlllIIg, see Chu Chiin­ Sheng (I). Sk" Yi04.. Il Je . Garden of Discourses. Han, c. -20. Liu Hsiang ,, (.;] . SJU C""/Ill Win CAim L. I!!I tJI /MI R. ., . Record of Things Seen and Heard a t Four Imperial Couru. Sung, early + 13th century. Yeh Shao.Ong ;& � :U . Ssu.ma Fn 1i] .1t,) $ . The Marshal', Art of War. Chou prob. - 5th, but the present tcxt may date from the + 5th or + 6th century. Aurib. Ssu-maJang-ChU iij .1e lI :rr . Ss.·ma Fa CkiA CAitk iij .lli f!: rt ... . Direct Explanations or the SSM-"'" F... Ming, 1371. Liu Yin Iff •. Sui Shu "' ,. . History orthe Sui Dynasty f + 581 to +6! 7). Thang, +636 (annals and biognphies): +656 (monographs and bibliography). Wei Cheng ft 11 II al. Sun Pin P,ng Fn � . oR: m . Sun Pin's An of War. Chou (Chhi) ca. -235. Sun Pin Wi • . Alrudy lost in antiquity, but now T«OVCred from a tomb at Sil,·er-sparrows Mountain, ncar Lin-I in Shamung. Sec Anon. (z/o). Su.. T�u Ping Fn � 7- � t1;. . �hncr Sun's An of War. Chou (Wu) early - 5th. SunWu Wi it . Sun T�u Shih I Ckin Chu IJ T -,- - jj( It . Elevcn Commentaries on the Sun T�u Ping Fa (Master Sun's Art of War). Sung ca. + 12th.

T.

T.

T.

499

BIBLIOGRAPHY A

Editor not known. facsimil.. Niitlon, Shanghai, 1978. Sw�g Shih

��.

History oflhe Sung Dymuty [ + g60 to + 1279]. Yuan, (. + 1345. Tho-Tho (Toktaga) JlStmt & Ou-yang Hsuan ., "" " Yin_To: Index, no. 34.

ThallI riill

Til HSiitlt *- * .

The Great Learning [or The Learning of Grealllns]. ChOU,f. -260. Trad. amib. Tseng Shen ft .. , but probably wnuen by Yo-<:ho:ng Kho " iE "!l. , a pupil of :\1encius. Tr. Legge (2); Hughcs (2); Wilhelm (6). Til HSiitlt rt� I *- � ftj •. Extension ofJhe Ideas of the Grtal Learning [Nco-Confucian ethics]. Sung + 1229. Chen Te-Hsiu ;t.(. . � . Ta Hsi,It r(1l IP� *- * ft1 !l1i MJ . Restoration and Extension of the Ideas of the GTMI Lro.T�i"l [contain, many chapters of intucsl for the history of tcchnology]. :\Iing, ca. + 1480. Chhiu Chun .Ii: • • Ta TluJng J!I,; KlUIg Ii Clti", Pi�, Fa *- 1:8 . -0 -* JW � tt: .

The Art of War by Li, Duke of Wei of the Great Thang Dyna5t)·. Aiternati"e title of Li W,; Kung Ping Fa. Tae n Ching itt 1I !IF. . Canon of the Virtue of the Tao; or, Canon of the Ta. and its :\1anifestations. Chou Ixfore - 300. Amib. Li Erh (Lao Tzu) � � ( :t: ::r. ) . Tr. Waley (4) and many others. TiNg TIul" Pi CAiM oft 11:�' Jl . Knowledge N«cssary for (Army) Commanders. Ming + 1 $99. Wang Ming-Hao :E. _ a . Cf. W . Franke (4), p. 208. T(1Igw G,;jwIJ� Run x �J . � • . Discourse on the Am oflhe Mountain Demons. Japan + t 729. Chozan Shissai. Tr. Kammer (I). Thai-K�ng Ping Fa

Yin-Te Index, no. 'l3· Tltang Ii. Ti� Iff ;t:;; .. . Irutitutes oflhe Thang Dyna5ty (lit. Administrative Regulations of the Six Ministries of Ihe Thang). Thang, + 738 or + 739. ed.Li Lin-fu * # 1li . Cf. des Rowurs (2), p. 99.

:k -0 �i< W .

The Grand Duke'. Art of War. TIuJ; Po rill Citing :.t: e '* w. . Manual oflhe White (and Gloomy) Planet (of War; Venus) [military encyclopaedia). Thang, + 759. Li Chhuan -* � . TIuli.Plti"l n IAJII :.t: If \jf • . Thai-Phing reign-period Imperial Encyclopaedia (lit. the Emperor's Daily Readings). Sung, +g83' Ed . Li rang "' llfj . Some chs. tr. Pf1zmaier (84- too).

JJj IJI .

Thang Dictionary ofCharacte!"1 arranged according to their Sounds [rhyming phonelic dktionary based on, and including, the Chltit/l. r.�, q.v.)' Thang, +677, re"ised and republished +751. Chhang-sun No-Yen ( + 7th) -R . 1I't tr . &: Sun Nien ( +8th)

!f.tl

Now extant only within the Kllllllg r.�, q.v. Tiulo Chai Clti Clti� U. �. 11 � til . 5« Tuan Fang (/) . Thi(1l Kwng KIuJ; IVw 7( I fJII ","

The Exploitation oflhe Works of Nature. Ming, + 1637. Sung Yung-Hsing 5R ttl & . Tr. SunJ':n I-Tu & Sun Hsueh-Chuan (I). Thll ShII Clti ChltiNS • 1!F • 1& . Imperial Encyclopaedia. Chhing, + 1726. Ed. ChhCn :\Icng-Lti '*.,. 11 II of. Index by 1.. Giles (11). ThII"l CIti(fl Shilt WiN a II: fIE X . Explanation of Passages in Ihe CO"'PTflmui", Mirror (of History, for Aid in Government). Sung ca. + logo. Shih Chao 5I!:U.J Thung Sw WIn

]A iii Jt .

Commonly Used Synon�ms. H/Han, + t80. fu Chhien !Il !t . 1"HSF, ch. 61. Tltllnl Ti(fl

i!" .

Comprehensive Institutcs [a rcsc:r..,.oir of50urce material on political and social history) c. +812 (e"enl$ down to +801); Embodied Ihe earlier ChiNg Tim of Liu Chih. TuYu tt Ui . Teng &: Riggcrslaff ( t ) p. 148.

TsII� Chill F/J .i2i 'fl it:

Treadse on Armour_:\laking. Sung ca. + 1150. Wriler unknown. Now extant only in quotations. TSllo ShirI P,; KlIlIl F/J .i2i: � " 9 fE . Treatise on the :\laking oflhe Strong Bow. Sung ca. + ! I :;O. Writer unknown. Now eXlam only in quotations. T"'�lIl Cltit/l. Plti(1l :It ,. a . Fa$Cic1e of Tshang Chich. Allrib. to Li Ssu, prime minister of Ihe firs! Emperor of China, and named after Tshang Chich, all as.sistlnt of Huang Ti (Ihe Yellow Emperor), who created writing after observing the tracks of wild beasts and birds.

500

B I B LI O G R A P H Y A A few chs. Ir. Fang Chih.Thung (I).

Chhin Of uri)' CjHan. Chhing, preface daled '785, Sun H'ing.Yen W £ Iii

Tstre Fu fl1an KUf' Jilt Iff x. fA .

CoI1�tion of �Ialerial on lhc Li.'cs of Emperor and �Iini"ers [IiI. (i..esK>ns of) Ihc Archives, (the True) Scapulimancy], [a goveTllmemal cthical and potilical encyclopaedia.] Commissioned + 1005. Sung. + 1013. Ed. WangChhin-Jo .:E tt; ;fi & Yang I

lIJl I !

Cf. d" Rotours (2), p. 9 1 .

TJO ChMan ti.. I'J .

�h"ef Tso Chhiu-�'ling'5 Enlargement of Ihc cv,1UI cv,i. (Sprillg uu/ llM/MIIIII AlllIoIisl (duling wilh Ihe period -722 to 4!J3J Latc Chou, compiled betwcen -430 and -250, bll! with addiliolll; and changn by Confucian &holars of the Chhin and Han, C$pecial1y Liu Hsin. Gn:alesl of the Ihree commelltariC$ on Ihe CfrfrUi/ CMiu, the others being Ihc KUlIg fdllg ChMdll and thc K. LidllG Ch_all but, unlike them. probably originally itself an independent book of hislOl)·. Anrib. Tso Chhiu-�'ling ti.. Jit\ IfI . Sec Karlgren (8); �Iaspero (I); Chhi Ssu-Ho (I); Wu Khang (I); Wu Shih-Chhang ( I ); Van der Loon (I); Eberhard. Milller & Hcnseling (I). Tr, Couvreur ( I ) : Legge ( I I): I'fhmaicr (1-12). Index by Fra�r & Lockhart (I). -

.

TM Hs;IIg Tu: Chih . fiI . :.t �.

.\Iiscellaneou, Re<::oms ofthe Lone Watcher. Sung. + 1 1 ]6. T�ng '\lin_Hsing fi ll IT . TM Shifr Pin, l..i,h i • .!f. � II/!- . AccountS of Sanies i n Ihc Official Histories. Sec Hu Lin-! (I). TU1Ig Hsi fall8 Khao Jf! i!!i �F !tJ . Studies on the (Kcans EaSt and W",. .\Iing, + 1618. Chang Hsieh � oW .

T""g KIUlII Hall Chi • • il l1e .

Han Rt«>rds from the Tung Kuan (library]. H/Han ea, 109. Liu Chen � .$ .

Tung-PhQ Chilr /.in * .IJt : .!;; #

Journal and :\liM:eHany of Su TUllg.l'ho [compiled while in exile in Hainan]. SUllg. + 1097 to + 1 1 0 1 . Su Tung_Pho _ l!: .I& . Tr. Yang Hsien-Yi (I).

T�h� Lill Hal TJM 911 # "* tit . Sea of Poctical PiccC$. :\Iing. Hsia Shu-Fang ]Jf. "" r; ,

T�u Chih Thung Chim it ii1.iSi • .

Comprehensive Mirror (of Hislory) for Aid in Governmem (-403 to +959]. Sung, begun + 1065. completed + l08ol. Ssu-ma Kuang PJ.W;;ft. Cf. dC$ R()(ours (�), p. 74; Pulleyblank (}).

T{u Ch,.h Thung Cllim Pim IVM Yt ra .iA tI: m !l . Correctioll of Errors in Ihe C�mp.thtnsi,'. Mi"•• (oj Hislory).jo. Aid in G�IImtnl. Sung & Yuan ca. + 1275. Hu San-Hsing

4Il =- ti' .

W
Collecled Studi� on the Ship$ used. by Ihe Japant'le and Chine$t!. Japan, + 1776 (aUlhor's preface + '76t). Kallua....a Kanemilsu 1f;: � :l!f: 1t . (repr. XKKZ, voJ. (2).

lI'ug Ping .£ ft .

The King's Soldiers. Han. Writer unknown. One oflhe books discovered "'rinen on bamboo slip$ al Lin-I (Silver-sparrows Min) ill 1972; Anon. (.vIS).

W., KunG Ping I'a Chi Pin * 0 ;1ii ft . *' . .\1il;tary Treatise of (Li) Wei_Kung. Thang +7th. Li Ching ."., tit, fragmenlS eollecled by Wang Tsung-I if. * ifi" (Chhing).

Il',; uu

T{. Jt til T .

Masler Wei Liao's (Treatise on the Art of War). Chou (Wei or Chhin) -41h or -3Td. Wei Liao W ttl IV.,. I.ia. T{� Cllill Clli.II .w ttl T' 1'[ "' . Direct Explanalions of Ihe Wei Liao Tzu. Ming. + 1371. Liu Yin � Ii{ .

II'ti U.k • iii .

Compendium of Non-Classical �lallen. Sung, + 12th ccmury (end), e. + 1 190. Kao Ssu-Sun iDi Itl If.. . II'fi Shih Chhun CMi" it � ( 0 r tlt ) :a .fk . Spring and Autumn Annals ofthc (San Kuo) Wei Dynasty. Chin, t. + 360. Sun Sheng tf. Ii . II'h HJi.II nng KhalJ Jt • .itt :!lj . ComprchelUivc Study of (the History of) Civilisalion (lit. Complete Siudy oflhe Documemary Evidence of Cultural AchiC'\'ements (in Chinese Civilisation)). Sung, begun perhap$ as early as + 1270 and finishcd before + 13 ' 7, prinled + '322. :\13 Tuan_Lin .� .. . . cr. dC$ Rotoun (2), p. 87. A fcw chs. If. Julicn (2); SI Denys ( I). II'h HJiall General Anthology of Prose and Verse. Liang, + 530. Ed. H,',o Thoo. (prio'", ,h, L'".) . 11< . Comm. Li Shan "' ft. •. +670. Tr. von Zach (6).

Jt iB.

11'. Chi Chi�g !II . !I. .

The Grasping Opportunili" �Ianual; or, The Gr2Sping the Trigger Manual (of the An of War). Perhap$ Han ± lSt century.

B I B L I O C RA P H Y A :\ho YU3n.1 � j(; U;; . cr. Franke (4), p. "09.

Prob. L/Sl,lng +5th (e'\[I,Iry. Writer unknown.

11'0 CMI ChiNI � � !IF. .

:\Ianual ofCrasping Extraordinary and Strange E"en" (and Turning them to One's Advantage). C/Han. Kung-sun Hung � {:fi.;L...

11'0 CMi"l Thw" Thinr CM; ChlUir/1 1 g. M >1! III 1f( .....

Oi$(uloI'iont on the I,;se: of Military-Agrkuhural Scnlements, Muskets, Field Artillery and Mobile Shields against the Japanese (Pirates). "ling ca. + t '18.; Chao Shih·Chen m t l({ . Chhi Chb"l 'Fit" il a supplement to this. .

I " . CIII�g ClIff, Sh.

.

it !IF. � t!f .

&\'cn Ancien! :\Iilitary CIa.uiC$.

SUllg Ixtwttn + 1078 and + 1085. Ed. Ho Chhu.Fei (oJ 1: -If. . ling Rc·cditcd in the :\Iillg by Shen Ying \•.

It 1tI H}I .

11'. Citing SItI,., Uio. li!if JW iii . The (fMelKe ofthe) Fi, e (:\Iililary) Cla.uio, for Imperial Comultalion. Sung ca. + I t SO. Wang Shu 1: ,* . Now exHIIII only in quolalions. 11'. Citing TJWlIl 1'110 it !lf. • • . Collection oflhc :\IOiIt Important :\lililary Techniques [compiled by Imperial Order1. Sung, + 1040 ( + 1044). Repr. + t23 t and ca. + 15to. This :\Iing edition is Ihe oldest now exlant. Ed. T$\:lIg Kung_Liang � i� Jt; , assisled by Yang \\"ci·Te fl m itl and TingTu

T "' .

II'w I Til. Plrw Th"l Chilr

� • • • .iiI t;. .

IIluSlTaled Encyclopaedia of :\Iilitary Am. Korea (ChoWn) + t 790. Ed. l'ak Chega n·. � & Yi T....ngmu

. . � !'II 'Ii

Based on an carlier draft by Han Kyo .. � , done in the + 1590'S in (OnSUllalion with Chinnc military lechnologiSlS then in Koru fighting the Japanese under HideYOilhi (C!tonv- SIUDk, 30/3ta). cf. Mwyt Tobo Tontii Onlrat, Ihc Korean "e�ion oflhe texl.

Ij'u Lin ChiuShih

it *f.:. W " .

In$litutions and Customs of the Old Capital {HangchOYo" . SU"g. t. + 1270 (but referring to C\'ents from about + . ,65 onwards), Chou :\I i Hil w. . lI'u Pti Ckhilan Shu it /II � 1!f . Complete Collection of Works on Armament Technology (;nduding Cunpo""dcr Weapon, . :\Iing + t62t. Ed. Phan Khang it 1M . Ij'u Pti Chilt it lM .tJ, . Treati$( 011 Armament Technology. :\Iing. prdaces of + ,6"" pro + 1628.

!l'u Pn. Cluh l.ihlr

it 111 �'!;; 1& .

Classified :\Iatcrial from the Treatise: on Armament Technology. Chhing (. + .660. fuYu f� � . Wu P�i Chih Shrng Chilt it 11M ftt1 . :\!,\ The Ikst OM:igns in Armament Technology. :\Iing, t. + 16,8. :\Iao Yuan-I Of: ji /1: . :\15. of t8�3 i n the Cambridge Unive�ity Library. cr. Franke (4), p. 209. Wu P�i Hsin Shu it flUJi ;!F . New Book on Armament Technology [vcry similar 10 Clri IIsi"" IIli� Shu, q.,..J. :\Iing + 1630. Aurib. Chhi Chi-Kuang 1t _ 1t . true compiler unknown. IVu P(i Pi Situ it fM l£. IF . Confidential Treatise on Armamem Technology [a compilation ofse:lections from earlier works on the same subj«t1. Chhing, la.c + t7.h century (repT. ,800). Shih Yung-Thu 6l A:. • . lI'u Shih Tlrao Liitk it r.t Wi ll/!- . A. Classified Quivcrful of Military Tcsts. :\Iing. before + 16" . Wang Wan.Chhing if " If( . III. SItw To CM.aw

it .. *- 1t .

Complete Collection of Ihe :\Iilitary Books. :\Iillg, + 1636. Ed. Yin Shang ].I" ill . cr. Lu Ta·Chieh (.�), p. 12.

W. SunPiNlFa � w. � r� .

\\"u-State Sun's Art of War. Alternativc title for SUN T<.� Pi�l Fa, q.".

1I'� Toj J/uj roo n: ft t" • .

History or the Administrative StatUtes of the Five Dynasti<':S. Sung. +g6l. Wang Phu I l4 . TSHCC.

� 7- ( � tt: ) . :\!asler Wu's (AT! of War). Chou -4th century, before -38l. \\"u Chhi � iti: .

W� T�. (Pr"l F.j

/l'u Wan, Fa Chou Plring Huo

it �E � .t.t :lf f& .

The Story of King Wu's t:xpcdition against Chou (I·bin. last emperor of Shang). Yuan. before + 1 3 2 1 . Author unkno"·n. Tr. Liu Tshun-Fen (6).

lI'u riltlr Chhwn Chhiu

� ,. U � .

Spring and Autumn Annals of the Siales of Wu and Yueh. H/Han. ChaoYeh olD 1If . rm lChihLin

. I! ;tt # .

Collected Records of Salt City. ""Iing, r. + ,630.

502

BIBLIOGRAPHY A

Fan Wci-Chheng !It *It: .w: .

r'R Ta" T�u

� ft F .

(Life. of) Prince Tan of Yen (d. -��6) [an embroidered venion of the biography of Ching Kho (q.v.) in SIoilt Clti, ch. 86, but perhaps containing some aUlhemic detaib not-therein}. Probably HIHan, end of + �nd century. Writer unknown. Tr. Cheng Lin (I); H. Franke (I I).

r", Titi,/t LUR • • • •

Discourses on Salt and Iron {record of the debale of -81, on !ilale control of commerce and induslry). C/Han, t. -80 10 60 Huan Khuan fil l[ . Panial Ir. Gale ( I ) ; Gale, Boodberg & Lin ( I). -

}"iw FII Cltillg

.

III ?if If: .

The Harmony oflhe Seen and the Unseen. Thang, ca. + 135 (unleu in �nce a preserved lale Warring States document). Li Chhuan '" j§; . TT/30, d. TT/105-1�4. rillg TUJQ FfJ Shilt tt .ill ti: A . Trealise on Architectural Methods. Sung + log7; printed + 1 103; reprinted + 1 145. Li Chieh "' .. . ri CM;", Cltill Cltlti Clri Mil

j;tf lliJ :ifl a., M: .

Imperial Specifications for Anny Equipment. Sung ca. + 1 150. Writer unknown. Now eXlanl only in quotations.

ri HfJi

Ji ItiJ .

Ocean ofJade (encyclopaedia ofquolalions). Sung + 1267, but nOI pro till + t337/+ 1340, or

perhaps + 1351. Wang Ying-Lin I. " a:I cr. del ROlourl (2), p. g6. Teng & Biggcrltaff (I), p. 122. . filall ClrlrM Cltillg :\li", iJI jt fl tiE .: fj . Stt f/WiJllg film. ClrlnX Mitll Ut. ritlll Clrlllg S/!,Ir Til Tin jt !If: t!!: :* ...

Institutions orthe Yuan Dynasty. Yuan, + 1329 10 + 1331. Partly reconstructed and ed. Wen Thing_Shih (1916) Jt U :;;t . Cf. Hummcl (2), p. 855.

1';;011 Sltilt

j(. .1! .

Hislory of the Yuan (:\·Iongol) Dynasty ( + 1206 10 + 1367]. :\Iing, t. + 1370. Sung Lien -* . et al. Yin·T': Index, no. 35.

filtlt Cltitlt SIo� M e 8' .

Book on lhe DesJruClion ofyueh. C/Han, t. + 40 Yuan Khang 1t Ut . rung_fA Til Titl! A< " :* .AGreat Encyclopaedia of lhe Yung-Lo reign­ period (only in manuscript]. Amounting 10 22,877 chapterl in 1 1,095 """ only aboul 370 being still extant. ;"Iillg, + t407 Ed. Hsieh Chin M- !ff . Sec Yuan Thung-Li (I). ru�na" Clti II'� Chhll� Huang • Wi 11 M � '6t. . .... Sludy of the Taxation of Induslrial operations in Yunnan Pro\"in<:e. :\Iing. Chang Tan � tt

B.

CH INESE ANDJAPANESE BOOKS AND JOURNAL ARTICLES S I NCE +

Akiyama Shingo (I) .tI:; III itI 'F , Chii,(oku ni 04'"'' ory6 /Ill ui,ilJJI l% ja.

1' 11 1': h It � .:E Bl: Q) JD.. SL -r " lJI. .

On Ih� Formation or Royal :\Iausolea and Capitals in China. Kok.ogaku ranko - Kobayashi Yukio Hakushi Koki Kinen RonbUlIshii :I} ti "' . :1} 'J' -+I:: IT li lt: t �i fit it.! ::t. . :t ,. . Heibonsha, Tokyo 198�. 903-�9. An Chih·:\lin (3 � :tt 1ft . A'Jltr�:rii C1tl"l-CIr(1ll '$hnnE·CMblX' /; Clti-Ko Win. TIl; IIJl M JIIl ffl ili � � . 1\!I 11� M . Several Questions Regarding the Shang Cily al Ch�ng·Chou. KK, I�I, 8, 448-;'0. An Chin-Hua; (2 '1i:. � fl . S/!I"-I.II� Clthlg-CJHu SMltE-Til; ClIAhIg.C1tilr .I�TJI f( . JIl ffl j'Ht .lJ! kI: - KU � . HYl>othesis Oil the Remains or the Shang Oyna51)' City al Chc,ng-Chou. II'JI', 1961, 4-5, 73-80. An Chin-Hua; (3) '1i:. � � . SIr;Ir-I..." Ho-.\'t/JI 'u,ng-SluJII II'hI-HUIJ'Ji Hlill SlwIg II'hI-HIIII II KNilI/-Hs; f,( . fir "' . Ill

Jt ft.. I iff :t il:: I'f!J III {f< .

Hypotht'Sis Oil the Relationship b<:tw�n the Honan Lung-Shan Culturt' and the Hsia and Shang Dynasty Cultures. Churlg-Kuo Kkao-Ku H!iith.Hui Ii £,k. Tdlu }lint-Hili un-IV'" Clti 1982 of! HI! � i:i .lJ.!

• "' = "' ''' . » ''' '''

rd. by Chung-Kuo Khao-Ku Hsueh-Hui Pien Vol. 1 Peking, Wen-Wu Chhu-Pan Sht, t972, 153-60. An Chin-Huai (.,) 'J(: � tI . Ckin-.Vim LAi Ho·Nmr Hsin Shnns II'in-Hua Kkafl-KII Ii HJ;.. ShH·HIUt II't; CkUIII·Kllo Kkafl-I," HSiitk-ffu; II Ssu-T�ku .\";t�-Hur rrk Th lli • • N m • • % � � � � � � .8( A 't> iii � r. � ft � pq !:X 1JO ft mi f1' . Rennt Arehaeologieal Finds from Honan's Hsia and Shang Dynasty Cultures (Written for the Fourth Chinese Archaeological Confert'nce). 11'11', 19113, J. 1-7· Anon. (20). l.()o rang Ckung·Chow LII m Nt rl"' +Ii J& . Antiquities (of the Neolithic, Chou and Han �riods) disco"crro during the Rebuilding of Chung-Chou Street at Lo-Yang. Kho--Hsueh, Peking. t9.;,9. Anon. (205), (rd.) Mn·lVang- Til; Han-Mu PII-Shll Ku Ti· Tlrll '.un-Wln Chi � 3: .Itt j'J( Mi m '" �Ii jt2 .. ."' '''

1 80 0

Discuuion (with FaC$imi!(' ReproduCtions) of the Ancient �Iaps disco"ued in the Han Tomb (no. 3) al �Ia-\\"ang-Tui (- 168). \\'en·\\"u and Hsin.Hua, Peking, 1976, 1977 (in envdope). .-\non. (.:uo). 17..-Chlriltlt-Silan 1/all.,\I1I C/tw·Cltitll 'SII� T<." Pillg Fa' jfl d!: ' rll il « fr 1llJ r � �· J(; It J . The Versions of ·;\Ia.ller Sun's Arl of War' found on Bamboo Ships in a Han Tomb al Silvcr­ sparrows �Iountain. Wen·\\"u, Peking, 1976. cr. CPlCT t974, (no. 9) No. 31;-), 28. Anon. (ZIIj, (ed.) .\"t; .IUng.Ku lI'in· lI'u T{�-Liao l/siion·Chi jl;j W!' 1i % � Ji � � __ . Choice Colle<:tion of Cultural Objects of Inner �Iongolia [album]. Huhchot. tg6-l. Anon. (zlj). Lill-J n,,·ClthiUk·Skan Han-Mu CM,,· Tltu' W
Pi'/'

± "E ft- J Q fJ X .

A Transcriplion of the Han Oyn
"' - - 'li. an'i .

Excavation oflhe Han Dynasty Tomb No. t t5 at Shang·Sun·Chia-Chai in Ta·Thung county, Chhinghai Province. 11'11', I gBt, 2, 16.

BIBLIOGRAPHY B Anon. (219)' Shan-Tung Li�-I Hs; lIan Mu Fa-ll.Ji�n 'S"R T�u Ping Fa' ho 'Sun Pin Ping Fa' IlnX Chu-Chirn I; CAim,Paa II.! Jf( a; iii" l!i iI ¥ JJl r M r � It: J ;fD r If.!fI: ft tt J '$ tt /1ft I)(J � IfL

The Early Han D)'nasty Bamboo Slips irucribtd with the Texts of '�Iaster Sun's An of War' and 'Sun Pin's Art of War' found at Lin.1 in Shantung; a Report and Transcription. WIV, '974, II, '$, Anon. (no). Ta_ Thung Shang,SuQ.Chia-Cluli Han-Chien Shih· Win * .il J: i.4! iI: . il t1iJ f'J � . Transcription ofthl; Han Dynasty (Bamboo) Slips from Shang-Sun.Chia.Chai in Ta. Thung County. lVII', '911 ' , II, 1111. Anon. (221). 'Wei Liao T�,/ CAu·ShiA r � � T J it. " . The Text of the 'Book of Master Wei Liao (on the An of War) , with its many Commentaries. Ed. �Iilitary Unit No. 86955 of the Chinese Army (PLA) and Shanghai Normal (Tuchcn' Training) (;nivenity, Shanghai, 1978. Anon. (222). rin-CMiitA-SIIan Han.Mu CAu-Chim 'Sun Pin P,ng Fa' � � w al; . 1t tlfj r i.4! . �l: tt J . The 'Art of War of Sun Pin' found on Bamboo Slips in a Han Tomb at Silver-sparrows Mountain. Wen-\\"u, Peking, '975. Anon. (223). Sn Pi" CJu.Il1I; 'S.... Pin P'"g Fa' Cliill-I If. ...

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A Biography of Sun Pin, and a rendering into Modern Chinese of 'Sun Pin's An of War'. ShenyangArmy Group, Shenyang, t978. Anon. (22.jI), T� TAan CMang-Sila Ma-Wang. Tui lIan·Afu ptNh" Ii. .. a � ," I. 1ft tl Mi Ii\ � , An Introduction to the Silk �Ianuscripu di5("Q\'ered in the Han Tomb at �Ia-\\"ang­ Tui near Chhang-Sha. 11'11', t974, 9, 45· Anon. (246), CAan-Shih Lun·CAi It 1.: .. � . Collected Studies on the History of War. bUlIitute ofChinClC Science, Taipei, '977. Anon_ (2.,8). S.... T..� Pi�t filIlJ,�.Ch !fi r r.; ,E: .Ii it . New AnnotatiolU on �Ia�'er Sun's Art of War. Department of Researeh on :\Iilital)' TheaI)', PLA Institute of �Iilitary Science, Peking, '977Anon. (249). CAiin_K�on Fu·lI"� ChiA TJhan-Khao Jlt 'il !lt '*

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A Handlx>ok for Duty Officen [in the :\Ianchurian Armies1. fengthien, '9�6. Anon. (2S0).

� � it",.

Lao nu CAu_ShiA The TM TI Chint with annotations. Department of I'hilosophy, Fud:w Cni\'eni,y, Shanghai. t977. Anon. (2SI . J HQ ThOR

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'The Society ofJustia and Harmony' (Ihe Boxer Rebellion). Shanghai, t9SS," \"ols., repro t �t. Anon. (zsz), I flo nua� Tang-An Shih·LiM 3: -f';l lll II � 1.:

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Archival �Iaterials on the 'Society ofJustice and Harmon)'· (the Boxer Rebellion), Shanghai, '959, � \'01$. .-\non. :In . A·o-.I/,�g Chu�-Ji� Hsli-CAIA 1(i. " Jfl A au � . What all Revolutionary Soldien ought ,0 Know. General Stafroflhe Republican Kevolutionary Army, Politict Department, about '92.}. Anon. (2S-I ' Sun T�. Ping Fa C!JJi,n_SIIiA rfi T- * fJ;; tI" �Iaster Sun's An of War Simply Explained. K",-allgsi Chun Chhii, (;n;ts 0.54, and 133:1 ro-annotated, Kuilin, '975. :"non. (255), Kuo Kung ThI.!I"u CAan Thui-Hs,u Chim iii Jt t.'f .m II'/: it! 1* II \] .

What h:tppened During a Truce in the War between Communisl and Nationalist. Hong Kong, t968_-\non. :1;6 . ChM.jin I'ao-Clmw lJA.... An Excellent Guide for Soldicn. Peking, t9�4. Anon. (26�I. I.(J-fant Chng_CAou Lu Chan-Kuo ChM"l/a KMng n� III ,t, fit � 11 81 Jti ,� \ .Ij[ , Warring Stat<'S �'Iilitary Chariot Equipment eX�a\3ted from the Pits at Chung-ChOU SIre" t. Lo-Yang nossbo", trigger in pI. 3 and iiI!. 3; linish in fig_ 7 KK, t9]4, 3, ' n Anon. 26S), Hsin-Chiang CMu-Thu 11'in-Wu :ii _ m t � "' . Cultural Relics unearthed in Sinkiang (ed. MU$Cum of the Sinkiallg Uighur Autonomous Region, Urumchi). Wen-Wu, Peking, 1975. Anon. 266). 'MIIIg CM, Pi TI,,",' I·Ch r .. � .. If: J � it. .

Interpretative Commentary on the DWJm I'IKJ/ EnayJ. Anhui Kho-Hsueh, Anhui, '979. Anon. (S.,o), Han nang 1',.11.0 il JJj � " . Han.Thang Murals_ l'd.Ching Wai_\"«1\ Chhu-I'an Shk, Peking t9H· Anon. (S4'),

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Cbll,-KIIO CIt4I1-Slnh L.m_Chi

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h'un,,:ri, C�ung-/>"uo ellhu-CMt ·Chhin..f.-Shlh' Ch,,_/>"o />'·lIl-.\"im III � l' iii fJJ M I � Iii J .iiI fl W: .ot.. 011 Ihe concept of Ihe 'city' in early Chin....

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l' li!UI:.'I!" � .

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CJrJu'II-ChhiN Chall-K.. Sh.h-Chlti C""mg-Shih Tsa, Shi-Hui Fa-CluJ" Chunt Ti 1'i_Wti Ho TJ�rUnl @. tk 'll iA JI.'jl AII . llf {[ tt @" � lit 'l' (J(J

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Chung-Kuo Chhing-Nien Chhu-Pan Sh�, Peking, ,g6'1. Chang Hsin Chhcng (I) ;m: ,c.' 11: .

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:\'Iediae,"al) Books of Doubtful Authenticity. Com. Press, '939, repr. I9S7.

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The L:nfalhomable Strluagemsofthe Chinese I'cople. Glor}' ]'ress, Hong Kong, '97 1 . Chang Nan � Iff & WangJcn-Chih (I) (ed.)

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Taipei. Tai"'an, '95-4. Chang Chhi-Yun (5) (ed.)

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SC(" :

It!

om • • .

Shih i.un Tshao_Wfi Thun- Thit"yii HSI·Chill C/ian· Thim shang Ii ;\Iou·HJith lI'in- Thi

a.t ..

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l.IIn Uao I-Us,", I. 'Erh 1'0 1511'

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Ihe E,1t ra' [8n . CKfl" 1962, 49j, j02. AbSIT. RBS, t969. 8. no. jOj. ChaoChcn-Khai (I) lII N • . 'Sun I'm Pill& f«. CMtn Phallg Chiian', Chng Chi_Ko Chhi�g-l ll'in-Thi Ii Tho�-Thao r If. Ml

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BIBLIOG R A P H Y B A Discussion on the Citi� and Towns in the 'Capturing Phang Chuan' chapter in 'Sun Pin', Anof War'. 11'11', t 976, 10,5' Chao Thieh-Han (/ @ . * . KNtiKN T�II KhIJlJ-Pit"lt

!l § 1- !tJ m .

A Study and Anal�"$is of thc Kwi K. T(. Book. TL TC, 19.)7, 14, no. 5. 14, no. 6. ChaoYu·Wen(1 m th Jt . TsAn.,.. lI"ti TIl",,· TII;t"It CII;II Sh-Utll

.. it.

f1 a It!. m

..)" Discussion of the Ih"lt-Ih,tll (miliI3f)·3grirultural {oloni� or settlements of the Wci State (in the Three Kingdoms Period). 1..$rc, t 958, 4. �9· Cheng Ch�n-To { I I (cd.) II\ !Q " .

CMiiIJn-Kuo Chi·Pin Chim-SM KUIIS-CMiIlS (hulIg CMu-TII� !I'ill_Wu Chall-IAII Thu·L� � Ii\!I Ali ..f>: il! ll!!: I N 4' ill ± ;2:.: � IFf • • H . Illustraled Cataloguc of an Exhibition of Archarological Objttts disco\'ercd during thc counc of Engineering Operations in the

National Basic Reconstruction Programme. Exhibition Commiuec:, Peking, 19.)4. Cheng Liang-Shu (Tay Lian_Soo) (/) JIll � tal . Cltu-Cltim Po-Shu Lun_l1'hl Chi

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Collected Sludies on Bamboo Slips and Writings on Silk (round in Ancient Tombs). Chung·Hua, Peking, 1982. Chi Wen.Fu (/) f,S ;2:.: m . Cltul/S-K. KII· Til; SIri-Hlii TSIJIJ-SltM-Hs;1I1

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ChIlS·IINO /1. \u-Ll-GlIIIIft fn.s-Cltin·Cllilt ...11.11";', IIs_lIn-Clti .... 1iI!I 1'J(J Fill-Cltll; lI"ill- Tlti 1 n . � . M � � � M M • • Jt � • .

'The Early :\Iaturily of Society in Ancient China,' anide in Select Studi� on the Problem of Ptriod wriuen with Ttgard to Slavery and Feudalism in China. Peking, t 956, 68-73ChiaLan-Pho .a � Jff , Kai Phei :.1l � , Yu Yii-Chu ..t.:E 1'1: el. at. (I). ShaMi Chih-1"ii Ch;u_Shih_Ch'i Shih_ Tai I-Chilt Fa-Clliith PaQ_Kao III � * � ·W Ii n t.� ft

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Report on the excavalion of the paleolithic site al Chih-Yu. Shansi Province.

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I.

39-;,8.

Chiaug Chhen-Ying (/) � X{ "!Ii:. Cluln 1"iian Cha Chi

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Not� (on Ihe Classics) from the Still Garden.

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Wealthy and I'o..-erful Clans of the North after the YUlIg-Chia Rebellion. Chung-Kuo Hsueh-Shu Chu-Tso Chiang.Chu Wei-Yuan Hui. Taipei. t964. Chin \\"ti-;\o 'It � " :Ii . .'w-A J/"../ ·...E,h TIIIII How Pi_Hllo_JIM -,";m_ Ttl; II TIttt�-So l4l t* m If Jfl � � • II � ft A'i

rue

Exploration of the Dating of the Eastern Han Tomb Murals, Ho-Lin-Ko-Erh. 11'11', 1974, I, ,1]-50. Ching Phu (I) � M .

r. Chii 1"tllIg-Chhbgp lI'allg_Chhillg_Kang I_Chll i � rA VA .\It . I .\It ('l it lI/: .

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1tII � � M. .bI: � it M .III!:

Discussion oflhc Problems of Dating Ihe Remains of Ihe Allcielll City Wall, Cheng­ Ch()u. ChlIIS-CAo" Ta-Ifslith Hsith·Pao,

Ching San·lin (Il

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.gao,

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Tsm I.MII CAlliS-ClIo" A·/I-CMrblg.Chih I; .\·itl/+ Ta; To r4lllS 1".-Pill TltMlIg-Chill .fIj: . !II +II O" .\It

.IH9 4= It - :w • • H r m 1ilI ;t; .

Anolher Discussion of the Date of the Remains of the Ancient Cit)" Wall. Cheng·Chou - a R�ponse to Comrade Yang Yii-Pin. CAing-CA4111 TII_Hsilh Hsilh·Pa4l, 1!J80, 3, pp.

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Collau�d AnnOlation on and General Examination of the FailS 1"m (R,siona/ Din/u/s). l'ci_Ching Kho-Hsi.ieh Chhu·Pan She, Peking,

(photo reprint I'ci-Ching Paoli Ta·Hsiieh Pei-Ching Han-Hsiieh Yen-Chiu So ed. t951). Chou Wei (/) /llI *, . CltulIS-K�o Pi",·Chhi Shih-Kao '" " .

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San·Lien. Peking. 19;'7. Chu Chih-Hsin (I � .. f,) . A"" I KOI-TJIIGft cUi Hsill-Li * I¥.J a: .i2i

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�� •.

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Ancient �Icanings of \Vords (an appendix to the SJ,�� Wbr). 'd. 1 140. Chu Hsi-Tsu (3) * .$- M , .\10 hu Pri_CkMng_.lUn i-Hsia Elh-Shih Phitn flsi lIan lIn J 1",i-Sku Sk�o � T 1M ��, L ;.( F = + fl if iI A 'HO It. The Theory that the Twenty Seetioru of Mo-I�� (Tk, B(>I!k ofAldSl1T Alo) from 'I'reparation or City Walls and Gates' on down were rorgeries by Han Authors. KSP, vol. 4, 26t-71. Reprinted, Thai-Phing Shu-Chu, Hong Kong, 1�3· Chu-ko Liang yu \\"u Hou Tzhu Pien_Hsieh Tsu ( II

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HiSlo!)' of �Iodtrn Chi� Warfare. "oIs. Chun·Shih Kho·Hsueh Chhu-Pan Sh�. Peking, 1984,-$' Chung-Hua Shu.Chii Pien_Chi Pu (ed.) (I) 't> �fI .. .i6 !1UII $. .�

3

n',,-Mbrg Cltltm-Cltitfl J"tn·CJti�

• � 1ft III!

ijf n , Reilearches on the Chhin Dynast)· Slips from Yun-Meng. Chung-Hua Shu-Chu. Peking, '!J8t. Chung-Kuo Kho-Hsiieh-Yiian Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So (I) rjl ll -M* r;;?: ;t} "i!i" � JUJf. Cltltang-Sha Fa-Cltii," PaQ-Kao R t!-. M' !IiI

. "' .

Report on the Excavations a t Chhang-Sha. Kho-Hsiieh Chhu-Pan She, Peking, '9::'7. Chung-Kuo Kho-Hsiieh-Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So (I) rt< 1iII f4 . R � ,t; ilf n ar .

Chii-l . .iI l-Chilr

H: . 1i .i1l it!: .

� 'Ji 'r f1f. - W, JdI D:: IJt �

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I'an-I'ho, Sian. Wen_Wu Chhu-Pan Sh�, Peking, t �3. Chung-Kuo Kho-lisiieh·Yiian Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So Hsi-An Kung-T$O Tui (l) IiII M . � .J}" "' ilf Jt Hi l!i x I W. � . Tltang-Tai Chh""l-A� Cltltlt/l Ming- TI .A.lfn I-Chih F,,-Chiith Chiln-Pao � ft 6k $; � 1lJ1 1I �, ill:

JJI: V 1II /IlHIl .

Brief Report of the Exca"ations of the Remains of Ihe �Iing-Te (Bright Vinue) Gate of Thallg Dynasty Chhang-All. AT. '974. I. 33-9.

Chung-Kuo Kho-Hsueh Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chill So Shansi Kung-T$O Tui(I) 1I .f.4!JR � � i!F 1£ 8T IU fi I tv ",. Shans; Ihia lis;", Yii-lI'ang Chking Tiao-Cltha liJ fi I M � "E � III It . In"estigation or King Yii', City in Hsia County, Shansi. KK. 1963, " 474-9·

Chung_Kuo Li,Shih Po-Wu-Kuall Khao-Ku Tsu (Il

rtfl

Hsid-TM Cltltfng-Cltlk Ti_CIrIta P_KtJa

� ""f -ftri .\ll. .hI: . '« tIl '\!i- .

Investigative Report Regarding the Remains at Yen Hsia-Tu. I,A', tg62. I. to-t9, ;)4. Chung_Kuo She·Hui Kho-Hsueh Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu·So Lo-Yang Han Wei KlI,Chheng Kung-Tso Tui (l) rp Iilil U ft t4 * � *- 1'i /ifF :R 8i fa ,. i*IUt .\ll. I it � . Hall 11"'; f..o.1/Jt/g Cltltill� P,i 11"';- Ck"t/·Clrltlill .lfill I-Chill Ii f"1J-Chii,h'

r' � .hI: I'!\J V f:lil

iI t.t fa f"oI.\1I. jt; ft U! fi.

The excavation of the remains of the Establishing Spring Gate of the Northern Wei. in the Han \\'ei eity of 1.0-Yang. ,,"10:. tg88. ,. 814,-,8.

Chung.Kuo She·Hui Kho-Hsitch-Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu-So Lo-Yang Kung-Tso Tui (I) IiII U * M ,* R . � � :R 8i m " I w. � Sltl Thang

TMng-TM Cltltfn,-Gltilt Ii Khat/-Chlrll h�

Fa-Chiirh' Hsii-Chi

!t .fU V \H ' . ne

• m 1M 31( 'lI1I-W. it!: i¥J Wi

Reconnaissan«: oClhe Remains of the Eastern Capitals of the Sui and Thang dynastin. KK, t978, 6. 36 t - 79. Chung-Kuo Sh".Hui Kho-Hsitch Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So Lo-Yang Han Wei Ku_Chheng Kung-Tso Tui I) IiI U * * ,* R ;lj- p­ if 11. Hi fa FA i*:a ,., ... I W. ",. . r",·Shih Shan,-Cltlting Ii Chlru-Pu Kh"n- Tka" "0 Fa-Child fI fIiIi iff � i¥J 'VJ :W Kh N :fU

-

B IBLIOGRAPHY B .. ..

]>rdiminar)" Explor.uions and Disco"crin or,he Shang Cil)' al Yen-Shih.

KK, 1984.6. 488-504. 509_ Chung-Kuo She·Hui Kho-Hsuch Yilan Khao-Ku Yen-Chio So Yuch.Y,mg fa-Chuch Tu; (Il

'I' Ii!! U '" U ¥ R ...Ii- n if � Iifj " r.I ¥ .. "' . I"wlr-rlllll l·Cllilr Ii KI'l/ll-TItIJ" oW Shi"'·CA�t'" � if: " Hi iI JU: &:J ttl! Nl: ,f(I

eM1I1 lin"

'" . .

Exploration and Survey or lhe Chili" and Han Remains at Ylith-Yang.

KKIIP, '98.5. 3, 353-tlo. Engli,h ,ummary, 381. Chung I'd-Hua (I) iI :lt � . ,,'umr:)," 'Wt; l.ino T�u' .Ilou_Hsi,,, Win-Tit; Ii I !It. T J Jl, � /I� .II« Shang-ChIlut" !HI til: r U

1'1<) �1f tfII .

A DiKm"ioll ofCenain Problems concerning lhe 'Book of Master Wei Liao (on Ihe ....n of War)'. Jl'lI'. 1978,5. 60. U Ch hang Hung (I) # ' T" Lm-I Han-Chin. c!rung Sun 11 'u Chuan • • • .

itT il lllJ 'I' JNi � fW. .

NOlcs on l he Biographical Data about Sun Wu found in Ihe Han Dynasty Inscribed Slips from Lin-I . IIKTH, '975, 4,7'0. ChhangJen-Hsia 1) '1/i If tk: , Half J/�a I-SA� r",-Chi� � II a m iIF :R , R�ard>cs 011 th� Art of Han Dyn
N�w Di$eo"cria at th� Remains ofth� Anci�m Citia in Ihe Hou-:\Ia Area, I,'II'TA', 1958, I�, 37-3, Chln"n Chi.Kang ,) FJ: £ !:fIJ , CIIMflg.KMO Chlling-rii Ta T;;/Iu. Tim l' II I/J.. JIi

.k ilt •.

Creat Dictionary of Chinese Proverbs, Tainan, '976, Chhen Chich-Phing

(,) • Rt 'Jt.

Phiwg·PIII Po; Chin Fang fit- . -rJ :£ 11 ' The Phing-Phi Book of �lttalJurgical Procel$es. 1840, Chhen Chih (,) r:t il . ,liD Tc
ill III! .

'Preparalion orCi,y WalJs and Gata' and 0,1\\,1' 5«lio'15 of ,\10 T�" (TIlt Book of.\las/v .It.) and th� Chii-Yen Slips.

CKSI'C, t980, I, "7-30,

Chhen Ching (, )

,. lJ. ,

CUiM KII Cltillg SM Cllill SAd! nIl >R 1i tR � It: .fi • .

Illustrations of Anliques in Bronze and Stone from Ihe Spirit-Qf-Scarching-Out-Anliquity

Cottage.

,818. Chhen Chi llg (/)

RW IJI .

Ha" Xu Slttll-Li 771411 1I ", .>Ie .fIJ • .

On Ih� Irriga,iOIl Sysl�ml of the: Soulh BallI; of th� Han R;\'�r.

SL, 1934,6, 767, Chhh, Huan ( I ,. !t!: . SIt,II .\fall-SA,' Otw"·S,, .., :f; � 1lI«. Sub-IIlQ Khao-Clting (shanl) 'R II ·

Chhi So. S.

rc ChhKft 00 " ,. ChhleD If,

.\1,

Sh

Chhu S

II. R. II. Chh u S ,..

£ iI, ,a --t If { l: )

Textual Criticis", orlhe Chronological Tabla of the Six States (\'01. I ). reHP, '949, ]6, 97-139. Chhen Teng-Yuan(f)

,. :a ::n: .

Chlll-KIIIJ Th-TI CIIIII l' II ± .tt!t M .

Agrarian S),lIems in China. Comm�r(;ial Pras.Shanghai, '937. Ch hen Th ing Yuan I!f U JC & Li Chen (n!.) (I) ·

"f- • .

C""",.K119 Li-T.i O.,,-C";"g SAih if' iii!M-tte

<J>"'.

i ory of Wars and Mililary Campaigns in A H" China, 16 \,01,. ("";Ih abundant maps). Armnl forces UnivcrsilY and Li-:\'Ii ng Wen­ Hua Shih.Yeh, Taipc:i. 1963. r<:pr. '977, finalised 1976. Chhen Ying-Lu�h (I) 9k � 'IL KMt; /(u T{u li'u. T{II Th;t1I-SlIu .!\I, ti- T . ¥

� !F .

Kuei Ku Tzu's S«ret Heavcnl)' Book. Hsin-Li Shu·Chu, Hong Kong, tgSl Chhen Ying-Liieh (I) 9k� II/!- .

Kuti Ku T{u Shln-Clli Piltj'.Fa

!ij, ti- r J'i' 1I:

,J" 11:

Kuei Ku Tzu', Miraculous Art or War. Hsin-Li Shu-Cllu, Hong Kong, IgSo. Chh�n Yilan (3) FA! JiI . ridn lIsi. ri J'" Hua-Hlla KMo 5C i!!i .Iii A Yi

It;IJ .

On the Sini5lllion of 'Wcstern People' during the Yuan Dynasty. PI I. KI/CK, t9�3, I, 573PI II. rCIIP, 1 92 7. II, 1 7 1 . Chheng Hsin-Jen fi Jit.: A (I). KII SA� CltJilnt·S'� '" � • Ill!. . Introduction 10 the Ancie:nt :\Iacc. CIIKK, 1980.11, 00-3.

II. OtbUD t. I .. '"

f;an \\r: a. , "

.... ..� a II

(

n. I

." �a r

H. , j 0. 1 "" , , I'd

r� a

H.

--

510

B I B L IO G R A P H Y B

CluilOh todllijlltlh JAi�sds"

'" Il' 1It! .

A Critical Hislory ofAncient Chines<: Walled Cilia. In .Nisltijim� &do.� HaJ:uslti KlIllTtti kint� 14 Aji� Jhi �kt... Kakkd to n6",in i!!i " � � It

* . � �*, � " .!::: . li'; .

. 7 Y 7 � 1: � I: �

(The Slale and PcasanlS in East Asian Hiswry).

Tokyo, Yamakawa Shuppamha, IgIl,., 1-28. Haneda Akira (I) lJlI ru 191 .

'T", D",' BnI,i � If! M If: .

Resolving Doubu aboul lhc 'Heavenly Fields', Til(, 1936, 1.6, 3,}-8 (543-6). H ao I -Hsing (I) • • fi . £r/t ra lS"

_ a ••.

Commentary on Ihe LilmlTY Expositor (with special reference \0 plant and animal nama]. Hao lived 1 757-1825; book first published posthumously in 18;:,6, SW probably ",riuen prior 10 1800. KflCPTS ed. Shanghai, Shang.Wu Yin-Shu Kuan, [934. Cr. Chang Vung-Vcn (I). Harada Yoshito l8( m HI A & Komai Kazuchika (I) -'!I :It' -Ju S: . SltilUl Kok; Z"u ::itMl is It- . � . Chintle Antiquities CPt I , Arms and Armour; Pt 1, Veucls [Ships} and Vehicles). Toho Bunka Gakuin, Tokyo, 1937. Harada Yoshito fS( III iii A , & Tauwa Kingo (I)

IB � � H ,

RQIiIl.1 Golian-1Il 0 Kil no Filmbo .3:. If O) JjUIi .

Jilt � li 11 .

Lo-Lang; a Report on the Excavalion of Wang Hsii'$ Tomb in the w.Lang Province (an ancient Chinese Colony in Ko",a). Tokyo Univ. Tokyo, t930. Hayashi :\Iinao (5) #: e 1;i � . Cltigoh Tirt-SIt.. ]idQi '"' Bd! l' II I!!: JlII � It

0) it H . Chinac: Weapons of the Yin (Shang) and Chou

Periods.

Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo, Kyolo, 197�. Hayuhi )Iinao (6) *" e � � Kandai"" BUlllbul$1I B( tt
Kyoto, 19B!:!. Hayashi )Iinao (8) "'* e 1i: � .

KiUall ]idai '"' SIuIk Gfortl11l tt B( � It 0) .

.� ft/l J.

Chariot and Horse Proct$Sioll$ of the Later Han Period. TGIK, 1966, 37, 183-226. Hino KaisaburO (Il I!!I It !lll :=' RJ! .

!: !�. *,- 1M $: m m M O) - · The 'Sheep-Horse Wall': Explanation ofa Technical Term ofthe Thang and Sung gMQi '"' Itlti J1km n $6 Yl

Dynasties.

TOSHG, 1951,3, 97-107.

HiraokaTaktQ (t) lf llilJ iit *. .

Ch&m 10 Rah.J6 -f! g.; -r m g .

Chhang-An and Lo-Yang, Thang Civilisation Reference Senti: index vol. 5 Hiraoka TaktQ and Imai Kiyoshi 4- J� fJl ; texIS \"01. 6 Hiraoka Takco; maps \<01. 7 Hiraoka Takco. Kyoto DaigakuJimhun Kagaku Kenkyujo, Kyoto, t956. Ho Chhang_Chhiin (/) JI B " . Li,,·SIuI Cltlli·Chi," P,,-Chhtg iItf. & l!I fIf ltI iE

Supplementary Corrections of the LoSI Slips/rom Iht Shif/ilt8 Sonds. TSCK, 1935, a.l, 1-18. lIo Fa-Chou (/) (iiI t! ffll . 'II'ti Liao T�u' CMu· Than r � .. T J tJl No!

Preliminary Remarks on the 'Book or Master , Wei Liao (on the Art of War) . WII', t977, 2, �8.

Ho Ping-Vii (iiJ N � &. Ho Kuan-Piao (t)

(oJ;a 1'-

Tskalt·Ch.,It 'CIuJIt y,.,. CMi Sh,,' rtll-Chi" (sRa"l) tHUt: 1) r 0" • • if J

TUII-HulVlg

iff R (j: L

A Rac:arch on the Damaged Scroll oflhe Book ' Prognostication from Clouds and Vapoul"I' (Tunkuang [CY!:!t) MS, Stein ColI. no. 3326) . Early +7th century, copied in �arly + loth. I·Wen Yin·Shu·Kuan, Taipei, 198!:!. Also in

...

WS, 'g8;:,. 25, 67-94.

Ho Yeh·Chii (/) :W .ill.

SJ" h./-lUI Choll- Tai l.ialll· TUtu CItIt�·Shih

Chitll-Sili Kao-ClWlo 1it • JId It '" l:J( � rti

�U!l: jQj it!.

Som� Notes on the Two High Tides of Urban Construction during the Chou Dynasty. CCLT. 1981, I, 36-45. Ho Yiin-Ao (/) :W lUll .

r,h nalt

Wo-Kilo K�.CMhlg Hsi�g-Chih Ii Chi-Pin

.\lv·Shih - TM ,lit! Shih·Chih HJim-Shing WIn)'M � &.����m � � �* m � ­

iII .� tl! z ge 1:. :x: 11 � .

A Further discussion of the b.asic paltnn ofthe shape of my Country's ancient cities - a reaction to ",ading j\lr Ma Shih·Chih·, articla. CnVlV, 1986,
. ttt . ti .il .lll: � V JJl . It jf

± _ ¥i ftI £i: :f: !lJI. 1t . Shang DynaslY Pounded-Earth Foundations and Skulls of Sla\"es Discovered in the Remains of the Shang City al Ch�ng-Chou. IVIV, 1974, 9, t-�. Honan Sheng Po-Wu Kuan f1>lTtJ '6" IS . IR &

..

511

BIBLIOCRAPHY B Jll

Chefl8-Chou Shih Po-Wu Kuan . ffl

.M(/). CIWI:-Choll Shl/lll:-Tai CMlhlg.Ckih Shih-Chilth Chi.n-PaQ � ffl 1f5 ft lJ&: hi: r.t iii! fIIJ :ttl .

Bri�f R�port ofth� Surv�y ofth� R�mains of the Shang Dynasty Wall, Cheng-Chou. 11"11', 1977, I, �1-31. Honan Sheng Po-Wu Kuan Hsin.Cheng Kung.Tso

Chan HSin.Cheng H!ien Wen-Hua Kuan (I)

fOJ i+i' 15 lt lM t1f fli Illl I f t M Wi Jlll M. :.t

it .. .

H�}{1/lI Hsill.Clthtg Chhlg HI/ll KII-CklriI!t Ii Tsltl/ll Ao ShiJI-C/ti.1t i'iI Ifif ti JIll !II! '* At *'- fttJ • .fIl

It .. .

Borings and Trial Excavation! of the Andnt Cheng and Han City at Hsin-Cheng, Honan. 'rom

WhI_W" T(M-Liao TJltMlfg-Kfwe, l¢o, 3, :;6-66.

Honan Sheng Wcn.Wu Yen-Chiu So Chou-Khou Ti·Chhii Wen·Hua Chii Win-Wu Kho (I) j'iiJ fff � :.t � fiif 1E Hi fill IJ

", # .

.ltl!. 1I: .:t it M: :Jt

H�}{alf Shhlg HWli-Talfg Philfg.LUu.g. TluJi t..llfZ-SMIf WhI-Hd CMlhlZ-Chift Shift·CIt.tIt Chinl-Pu iiJ "ItT � ffk foI .,.. fa. ft LlI .:t 1t

#i: JU: fA: II! ,IIU9. .

J ok "

lI6).

h.

Bri�f Report ofth� Trial Exeavations ofth� Lung-Shan Culture R�mains at Phing. Liang.Thai, Huai.Yang, Honan Provinc�. 11'11', 1983, 3,�1-36. Honan Sheng Wcn-Wu Yen·Chiu So Chung.Kuo Li-Shih Po-Wu Kuan Khao-Ku Pu (I)

fiJ/ti � .:t lM tiIf 1E Hi '!' ll lrf .'i! It lM til

� n -BIL ThlZ·F hI, Wlllff."CItlrhz·KI/lIZ I·Cltill Ii Fa·Clti.1t !f tot .:£ lJ&: /Ii8 jJ Jll; tIHUi! .

Excavation ofthe Anci�nt Ruins at Wang­ Chheng-Kang, nng-Feng. 11'11', [g83, 3, 8-�o. Hopei Shing Wen·Hua Chii WCn.Wu Kung.Tso Tui ,

(I) l�I'.:tt q; :Jt fU'6 :t ., I 11' � .

H�Pti I Hsit" frn Hsill-Til KII-ChM"g Khll".CItktr ho Shih-CMt" j'iiJ :l1: M N. �..t. m tit lJ&: Kb JX

:fO ld: tlII .

R�connaissance and Trial Excavations of Yen Hsia-Tu, I CounlY, Hopei. KKHP, '96:;, I, 83-10:;. English summary,

"

10.)-6. Hopei Sheng Wen·Hua Chii Wcn·Wu Kung.Tso Tui (�) i'iI :l t tf ::t. «:. � :t � I t F � .

H�Pn' l 1I" m r... Hsia. T. Ii Silill-lilt Hu Mit Fa·CIlikil iiI':lt � .u. � r '8 M + " It ,Jj

9 .. .

Excavation Tomb Number Sixtun at Yen Hsia.Tu, I Cou nty, Hopei,

KKHP, '96.), ii, 79-10'. English summary, UY.!.

Hopei Sheng Wen-Hua Chii Wen-Wu Kung-Tso Tui (3) iiiJ :lt ti :t ft Jjfi :t � I ft lW: .

1¢i4-1g65 .Nit� Yrn Hsia-TM Mu-Tsalll Fa·Chil,h Pa�Kao '964-t965 �� . r . nunf tlll

lO "' .

Rcpon on the '964-1965 Exca"ations of the Y�n Haia-Tu Grava.

KK, 1965, II, S4,8-6., 598·

Hopei Sheng Wen·Hua Chii Wen-Wu Kung-Tso Tui (4) � :tt ti :t ft J16 ::t. ltJ I ft � .

fen Hsia- Tu Ii 2t HaQ I·Chih }oil·Chlkh Pao KdO � 1: � � 2 a t it .b1 V tIiI .fIl � .

Report of the Excavation of Ruin Number Twenty.Two, Yen Hsia·Tu. KK, 196j, II, .)62-70. Hopei Sheng Wen.Hul Chii Wen-Wu Kung-Tso Tui (5) 10 1 :11: 'fi ::t. ft 1f6 :t ttl I 11' � .

r�n Il5ia. Tw I·ChiA lYai.Wn' Fa·Hsi... Clullf-K�o M�- TJlUII CUill � T . it JU: ;t- II V l3l

eli! « JII " . The Warring Slal<::l Ceme.ery Discovered on the Outskirts of the Ruins of Yen Hsia-Tu. 11'11', !g6.), 9, 60. Hopei Sheng Wen-Wu Kuan-Li Chhu (/) iiI:ll:!li' :t UJ 'IU I II . H�Pn' I-Hlirn r", HSM'T. # Hao MN FII-CMith Pao-Kao )'iJ :l t £ N � -F «II 4 4 M lti V tIiI .�. R�port o n the Excavalion of Ruin Number 44, Yen H$ia."u, I Count)', Hopei. KK, t975, 4, 2�8-40, 243Hop�i Shcng Wen·\\'u Kuan.Li Chhu (�) iiJ :l l: !(i'

:t � 'lf J!ll • . f'n Hsia· TN I·Cltih CMu. Thll }{N·Li Thitlt Chjlfg-S� Ilo C.ia�u- !j: r " jJ.IIt tP. ± tt

•• ,. .. .fIl • • .

Slav� Ned and Foot Shackles Excavlted from the Yen Hsia-Tu Remains. II'IY, 197:;,6, Sg-9t.

Hopei Sheng Wcn·\\'u Kuan·Li Chhu (3) fiJ :It!li' :t UJ 'lf J:l ... .

H�Pri SIWII Philfl-SMn Hsi... Chall-Klto Sl!ih-ClrJtj Chung-Shan Kuo MI<-Tlal!: Fa·CMi." Chirn·P.:o

� :II: ti If- rll "U1 111 110' JPJ rt< LlJ II lti '" 9 .. /IIl lO .

Brief Report oflh� Warring Statu Period Gra''CS of the State ofChung.Shan, Phing­ Shan Count y, Hopei. 11'11', t979, I, 1-31.

Hou Jen-Ch ih (3) � t z..

Li-Shilt Ti-Li-Hsi,Il Ii Lj·Lunp Sltilt·Chlm lilt *­

il!! J:I ¥ IJCJ J:I. )ll Jr R .

The Th�ry and Practice of Hi510rical

Gfflgraphy.

ShanghaiJen·Min Chhu·Pan She, Shanghai, 1979· Hou·Ma Shih Khao-Ku Fa-Chiieh Wei·Yiian Hui (/) � .IJ lfj � is' ilUidHf . Hou.Ma Niu. Tsh",. K"-Chllhl, Nillf TUlfl ChOM I·Chill Fa·Ch•• i h Chirn-Pllo @!.� '* n 1i #i:

it! *-� jJ JIl: V-1e tIJ • .

Brief Repon on the EX<;avation ofthc Eastcrn Chou R�mains of the Soulh�rn Section of\h� Ancient Ci,y a[ Niu-Tshun, Hou-Ma. KK, 1962, II, .).)-62.

Hu Hou-Hsuan (8) '41\ " n: .

Chia-KN-HsitA Sl!ang-Sltilt un. TsltMltg

ill "' • • .

!P it ..

CoIl.-ctM Sludies on .he Hislory of Shang based on Oracle Bonn Sludin,

BIBLIOGRAPHY B

Chh�ng.Tu. '944, 3 \'ob. Reprint, Taipei, '97�. Hu Lin·I (/) $1# • . Til Silill Pi�g Uti! " .'k * iii . Accounts of Banl� in the Official Hislori�. Peking, 1861. a. Lu Ta·Chieh (I), Ij9. Hu Tao-Ching (I) '111 ill .. . ',u"'g CMi Pi nal/'

Ii> II .

Cllialt--Clthtg

r ... ti S . J

Corrected and Commented Edition of the Drtll'" PHI EJJaJ$. � ,"ols.

Shanghai Chhu·Pan Shi, Shanghai, '9jj. Hu Tao-Ching (2) '111 ill ". . flsi� Clliao.CAhlg 'Ming CMi Pi

r '" III $ .H

Tlwn'

;l1i f!l: .iE

New Corrected Edition of Ihe Drtam Pool Essays (with additional annotations). Chung-Hua Shu·Chu, Peking, 1958. Huang·Ho Shui·Khu Khao-Ku Kung·TIO Tui (I) • iiir ;.1<. /iI{;t} r, I it M: . I/o-j{an Slum HJitll Liu·Cllia·CMii Han·Mu iii]" T+i

r:;: Jf· JIJ � � iIi :a .

Han Dynasty Tomb:s al Liu·Chia·Chhii, Shan County, Honan. KKHP, '965. I, 107-67.

Huang.Phi Hsien W�n·Hua Kuan (i) 'It Ilt Ii. :t

it til .

H.·j{u /...t·�I·Lillg Trmg-Mirt Wa; Han.M" Chlrillg.Li CMt1I·Pao

Mi lll JJ. fllf fi .

WI Tt! * &t JI! r, � II:

Britf Report oftht Clearing of the Han Tomb:s oUllkle the East Gate of Ling.Ling, Hunan. KKTH,

1951, I, 17-31.

Hung Hsiu·Chhijan (I) jjI; � �. Yilall T"" HsiRg Slrih HJiil/

Jt: itt IW. t!t &Ill .

Teaching on the Genuine Way ofAwaiting the World. CIr""g.TlIiII CItl·Hsiitlr.Jlrilt T(,II.Li"" IIsiitJn·CM, Cliill'Tlli
� -M .iII "' .

ili: It.z.

r:p IiiII ti .. .'k �, Collected �hterial

on the HiStory ofChinac: Philosophy, Modern Period Peking, '959, � 'lois. Hupei Sheng Huang·Shih Shih Po-Wu Kuan, Chung.Kllo Chin·Shu Ihueh·Hui Chhu·Pan Wei·YUan Hui l'd.Ching Kang·Thieh Hsuch'YU311 Yeh·Chin Shih Tsu (I) J4lI :l t �

'J( :Q W fW. � ffr l' li!iI � ... ft lfj � � ft. 8'::It T,I: .. . . � If; � .'k .lt .

Tlrunx·LIi·Slran - Cllung.Kuo Ku Kllu"nl: r,A J·CAilr

1M iJ: IU - 1' 1i!II -.!i 1ll 1'f1 jJ JII: .

Thung.Lu.Shan - Ruins of the Ancient Chin� �lines. Wen·\\'u Chhu·Pan Sh�. Pekin�, 1980. Hupci Sheng Po-Wu Kuan (/) ", :ltqr \S � • .

CAIrM' T" Chi,XIIII CMMg li KluJn.CIrltaJii Fll·Clriitll

(sMng)

( J: I .

M e tc 1ti l1rl tICJ lIJ :lt W V iIil

HUlIg·Plli Hsit1l TJIt--Cllillg.CltJrhtg I·ClliA TWo­ CItJuJ Cllitll·P"" W ilt Ii. it Jlt l1rl1l hI: .. It

Exploralion and Excavation of the Chhu Capital, Chi·Nan City (Part One).

Brid'Report on the in\'(Stigalion of the Remains ofTso-Ching.Chheng, Huang.Phi

Hupei Sheng Po-Wu Kuan (.2') ''' :It.'t'f,,,, .. .

1111 " .

County. CHKK, IgBj, 4, 1 1 - ' 9· Huang Sheng.Chang (2) .. :II: fl . Ho-Lill·Ko-Eril Ha,...,If" Pi.HlUJyii Li·Sllill Ti-Li IVhI· TIIi

.11 l1li 8 .

f:IJ "* f'& If � II!!. • Jij 1It .'k Jt!!

The Han Dyn3..lty Tomb "Iurals a t Ho­ Lin·Ko-Erh and Problems of Historieal Geography. IVIV, t974, I, 38-46.

Huang Sheng.Chang (3) 14' § Jt. .

Tsai Lun Ho·Lin·Ko-E,II Hlln·/lfu Pi·Hua Ii Ti.Li yii j{itn.Tai IVhI·Tlli - Cllen i PAlng Ho· Lin·Ko·ErA Han·Mu Pi·Hull 1'l ta ,fU "* m '"

iii " I\! " Jl(J M!. J!I!. � :IF 1\: !!lJ m - llt Kf ,fl:1 "* m II il !!. • .

Review ofGe<Jgraphical and Chronological Problems oflhe Han Dynasty Tomb Murals at Ho-Lin·Ko-Erh: Wi,h Criticism of Han D.J"1ll1,J Tomb Murals lit H••Lin.KIt--Erlr. KKJWW 198�, I, 9-{.-R Huang Sheng.Chang (4) .. Ii it . SMn Pi� Pi�g p" CM;�

Plmng CkiitJl/ Plritll Slrilr. Ti

il . * It: 1* • ifl l:l 'U!!. .

An Explanation orthe piau of 'The
Hunan Sheng Wi:n·Wu Kuan·Li Wei·Yuan Hui (/) M 1ti t{j X " ,.,HI :.f; ft f.t .

KKJlP, ,gB�, 3, 3�5-",9·

Clth. T" CAj·Nan Cltl!htg Ii Klwn·CA!utJii Fa·Chitlr (liJill) M . e m lJl tl9 l1J ft W VJiI ( "F ) . Exploration and Excavation of the Chhu Capital, Chi·�an City (Pan Two). KKHP, tgB2, 4, 477-:,06. (English summary, j07)·

Hupei Sh�ng Po-Wu Kuan (3) ''' :It tf " � til Sui//sim

TJlng·Hou l Mu

� M ft f)'1 l.. :Ii .

The Tomb of �larquis [ of Tseng. \\'�I1'WU Chhu·Pan She. P("king. 1980. Hupci Sh�"g 1'0-Wu·Kuan (.,) 1i\Il:ll:; Zl IW � m .

l'hlln.Lung.Chhing Shang· Tn; Erh·fj·Kanl: eMi Ii

CHing. ThuIIX eMi

Jl(J " tM t» .

Ji I1U lJJi. .� fl.: = !I!. JMj WI

Bronzes of Ihe Erh.Li.Kang Period, Shang Dynasty, at I'han.Lung·Chhcng. JIll!', 1976. 2. '16-41.

Hupei Sheng Po-Wu Kuan WI jt 'ti !If t!lr Iii & rei.Ching Ta·Hsueh Khao-Ku Chuan·Yeh Phan·Lung.Chheng Fa·ChUth Tui ( I) .:It H:

* " ltj i!i 'fI. M. MllJt ¥ N I!I: .

Plmn·LlIlIg·CI!hlng I·Clli,,·CUi·Ssu·Nit1l TM­ Thitl/· 1',11 Klrll�K� CIi,.· rdO • Il lJl - .:tvt: pq f¥1f 111 Jf !tJ 0' e � . Summary ofthe 1974 Archaeological �a..wn al Phan.Lullg-Chhellg.

1 1 '11'. 1976. iI. ;,-t5. .. iIII & Yin Wei.Chang (/)

HJia Nai

12 $lt..

jl 3

B I BLIOGRAPHY B

/J1l-P(i TI " 11I1-Lii-Siul" Ii" T1llml Khllll"l j81!:lt

��ilJ "iS" � • .

The Ancien! Copp!'r Mines al Thung.Lii_Shan, HUp!'i. KKHI', IgS2, I, 1-13. Englilih summary, 14. Hsia Tseng·Yu (/) ;I: fl' f{i.

Chung.Kllo Ku· Til; Shih l' iIl -r!i it � .

Ancient History of China. Peking, 19:'5. Hsiao Chien (/) • if: .

A Brief Discussion on the War in Europ!'. CSTC, [940, 1]0, [5 SePI. Hsiao Chien (2) • It .

'Sn T�" Pillg Fa' TSlli Hsint· Tlli CIt4".o.;,.g ChllJlg Ii Chia·CMh r if T ft. n; J {£ ijt ft tv:

'I> .. " III {/( .

\rl The Value in Modern War of Maliler Sun's ' .. of War'. CSTC, '940, 130, 15 Sept. Hsiao Han (/) I!II! -.:Ii .

Chhtmg_Sho MII·IVIIIIg· Tu; Hlln·Mu Po-Shu Koi· Shu R tt .\C .:E Jt iI ..IIi �\ 1!F 1ft it .

Brief No[C$ on Ihe Silk Manuscriplll of Ancien! Books found in Ihe Han DynUly Tomb al :Iola-Wang.Tui ncar Chhang.Sha. 11'11', 1914,9, 40. Hsieh Chih·Liu (ro.) (.t) II tf M . TluUIg IVII' Til; S""I all" Ali", Chi fi Ji tt *

jL « a .

Famous Relia ofthe Thang, Fille Dynaslics, Sung and Yiian. Ku·Chi Wen·Hsiieh Chhu·Pan Sh�, Shanghai,

1957·

* "1"

1/ � 1= & Ning Kho (/)

CMiChi.Kllanl • • :*: .

(A Biog....phy of the Great Ming general) Chhi Chi_Kuang. Shanghai, [959. Hsieh Hsi·1 (I) •• ji .

� ""F t'II iI .bI:

l"tll Hsill' Til I·ChiA Sil-CIU

!U:

NOlcs on the Yen Hsia·Tu Remains.

II'IVTK, 19.'17, 9,6,-....

*w • . rii Kung Hsin·Chith � Jt JJr M .

Hsin Shu·Chih (3)

The Yii Kung ('Tribute ofYii' Chapler oflhe Shu Ching) wilh New ElCplanalions. Hong Kong, 1973. Hsii Chin_Hsing t$: � .!J! & Tu Yii-Sh�ng (/)

ft .3i. 1;. .

HIIII "'Ii lA- rUI K"·Ch",,,

'U, .

11 ft 1a r.I

The Ancient CilY of 1..0-Yang During Ihe Han and Wei D)·naslics.

II'IV, IgSl, 9, 85-7·

Hsii Chung-Shu (I)

1* '1' ft .

/ ShiJii Nu fhi" SII' riiall fhi KMIl":Jii. Tdru Lei /IIi�g It'u fhih KIuJ�Shih � it • tJ z. � !Mi: D. 1Hl 1f!: � . :t � Z.

ASIB/HP. 1934,4, 4 [ 7.

Hsii Jen-Thu (I)

1f e • .

C""�g.Kuo Shi�·Hull Ku-Shih

Chinese MYlhological Talcs. Taip!'i. 1976. Hsii l'hd·Ken (I) 1$i Jif m .

I' ll /'II I� $. � .

'Liu na�' C�ill·Ch Chin·/ r :t-� J
O"_Cho,, Chirn· Thao It: . III at .

Hsieh Chheng-Jen

Ih( Crossbow (Nu), and the Etymology orlhe Names oflhei. Rclatro Objccu.

"' '' .

A Siudy oflhe Origin ofArchery (I Sh�) and of

� .. . The 'Six Quive" (Trealise on the Arl ofWa.)' renderro illio :\Iodem Chinese, with Commenlarics and Explanations. Shang.wu Yin·Shu Kuan, Taipei, 1975. tUu Po-An 1ii (A '1< & Kuo Tai.H�ng (I) � .11 "' .

SIIIII ' rillg Tslt� Fit Shih' Shu·r" HllioShih ;.or.:: r tt .ift rn � J m iP.t iBn' . Commenlaries on the Technological Terms in the ring Tsoo F" Shih. Chirn·Chll Shih Lrm· W/�

chi i! #! .5i: " � jI! , IgS4, 6, 1-79.

Hllii Sung (3)

� f'� .

Sung Hui rllo Chi-Kilo * tit • • fl .

The CoI1�ted InllilUtes of the Sung D)'nasly. Orig. 180g. Chung.Hua Shu·Chii, Peking, 1957. Hsu Ti(l) ltt Yi .

Lith TiuJ. Lill./ J"i.-CJJrilh-Sluut Hu·/II� CMu.. Tfut Ii KII' T"i Pillg.$J,u TJiulll·Chilll iii . . � . � w � & ili ± � � tt � . m

III! .

NOles on the Han Dynasty Bamboo Slips inscribed with th� TeXIS ofAncient Trealisa on Ihe Art of War unearthed from Ihe Tomb at Silver.sparrows �·Iounlain near Lin·1.

WIV, 1914,:it, 27.

Hsii Tung.Che (/)

t$: Jk ff

Ts�Jirlli Hsiith-Wirl Wl: A tr9 * I\ll .

The Philosophy of Living. H,in-Shu Li·Chi, Hong Kong, u. 1975.

-'l A . I'SIIJI T�II Pillg Fa' Ii Fo·/IIht ui CM"III-S�iA Ko-Jht Ii Chi�g-Chi t( r If. T � t1:: J tr9 t1:: �,

I Jen {ps.) (I)

310'f . 111 A tt:J .w. � .

Giving Sub$lance 10 Individual Economy by means of ':Io!asler Sun's Art ofWa.'. Hsiang.Kang Wcn·Hua Shu.Tien, Hong Kong, about 1975. Inosaki Takaoki (/l :Jt· ... fil W .

Wtidlti ItO Tab ItO St"litlli 10 Sono Shikli·igi

Q) 1H') 'J o!:: t Q) B( ff • • .

jL it

On [he Bamboo :\Ionopoly [for bows, crossbows, arrows and even charcoal for gunpo,,·de.] in Ihe Yuan p!'riod (bclwttn + 1'267 and + 1 29�]· TSK, 19.'17, 16, 13.'1; abslr. R8S 1962, " no. 263. Kan Po-Wtn (/) Lt 18 X .

Kmuu Wu_lVri J.ti. Tiuli Tung Han-I1·/11 Chhing.Li Chi(�.Pao II . it JI;.. "It _ JI( 11 A m .@ll

III! "' .

BIBLIOGRAPHY B Brief Report dthe Clearing of the Eastern Han Tombs at Lei.Thai in Wu·Wei County, Kansu. lVII', 19711, 11, 16-19. Kansu Chii·Ycn Khao-Ku Tui (I) 11" * 1iiJ JIl, "t

" '"

Clti. I'm H�,,-Til; I·Cltilt Ii Fa-ChiM 119 Hsi.. CIrIUI-TIrM Ii Chittl- Tslti II'ilt-W" r.J J! II it il ltt 9<J ¥ M ® Ii ill ± 9<J fill IIIi • .

�

Excavation of Han DynaJly Remains and the Newly Excavated Slips, Documents, and Anifacts, Chii-Yen. WII', 1978, I, 1-1I5. Kansu Sheng Wcn-Wu Kung-Tso Tui It . to' � I it . & Kansu Sheng Po-Wu Kuan (/)

�

1t . � � . ... .

Hall_CItin. r....(;lriu II'h-Clti iJ( fill i!f �

� ."

Collecled Resnrches on Han DynaslY Slips. Kan-SuJen-:-'1in Chhu-Pan She, Lan-Chou, 1984· Kao Chih-Hsi ifIj I: :;: & Liu Lien-Yin flJ . f&

tl a/. (I). CMallg-Sha Shih TWIlI-Pri-Clria� Ku MM- TSIIlI Fa-CltWlI Cllim-PH Q ty rtf *.:It:. '0 lti _ V lIiI fIII • .

Shon Report on Ihe Exca"alioR$ of Tombs (of Warring States and Later Periods) in the North-eastern SuburM ofChhang-Sha. KKTlI, '959, Ill, 6�9. Kao Min (I) jQ; 11: .

CMi" Ha" Shilr·CMi Ii TIr;"g • iI: '* I9J tl(J " . POSts (Tlri"g) of the Chhin and Han Periods. In ChUllg-HIUl SAM-Clti Pim-Clti p" n;tI-Mhg Cltll;', Chim rtII-C,tiN of> • • 16 !Q .. ,. •

"It fIi! Ii1f R .

Chung.Hua Shu-Cha, Peking, 1981, 301l- 15. Kao �Iing (I) ;Ai 191 .

Liith·um Clri HJim Slra�·Piao·CIrI" j·HM Mu Ii Nim-Tai � . t!t JIj LlJ m i4 - tt MO till

iJO-it.

Brief DiKU5JIion of Ihe Daling of Tomb Number One, Shan-Piao-Chen, Chi County.

KK, ,g{i7. 4, 7 " -15. Kawasaki Takaharu (I) iif if -Jf: #3 . Slrillr/r6 IIi oIelnl &hslri gllh - So" Sti'm Bohshi /;61r01l f� HilJII Gill Bohslrirlrii

m � I: .6tlt

/I .:r ., - W, M fIj � .:r 6: * .!::: . m Il: .:r it . i!>

On Studies ofMo T(II in the Chhing - Sun Hsing-Yen's C«/gud £diliM ofMo T(II and Pi Yiian'sC�m1lltl1l l '7 l 1111 Mo T(u. THG (Jan. 1988), 75, 1 1 3-33· Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So Lo-Yang Fa-Chiieh Tui (/)

!tJ ""5 if 1l Wi 1& PI 9 til � .

IA-rnng Clritll-Pin Tllllg-Chow Clrh.ing-Chilr Fa­

CMuh P�I)oKaQ fa PI ilII m: JIr Jft\ � Jtt V M lit '" .

Excavation Report ofIhe Remains of Ihe Eastern Chou City on the Banks orthe River Chien, Lo-Yang. KKHP, 19.59, a, '5-34. English summary, 34-6. Kiangsu Sh�ng Wen.Wu Kuan_Li Wei·Yiian Hui

(/)

g. � fij Jt #.I ff J:!I! � jUt .

KiangJ� HJ;;·Clrou Han-H�a Hsiang.Shih

ffl lJi: . ,, :fl .

if @ �

Han Stone Rclie& fTOm Hsii-Chou, Kiangsu. Peking, 19.59. Ku Chi-Kuang (t) q � :J't . FII-Pi", CIt;Ir- Til KIr4o-Shih If! B- $II It ;lt " . SlUdics on the Fu-Ping (Personal Bodyguard) SYSlem. Shanghai, 1967. Ku Chieh.Kang (.5) E "AJt 11M . Hi Clrhim Hslian-Tlrung Hsitll-Slring LJ" Ku·Slrilr

SAM JUI: -g fi\j ge 1£ • '0 � i!F .

On Ancient History - two Jetten t o Chhien H3iian-Thung. KSP, 19116, l, 59. Eng. aMlr. CIB, t938, 3, no. 67· Ku Chieh·Kang (9) • III: "' .

CMill Han Ii Fallg-SlrihJii Ju-Slrirtg ± W . �t .

• 8( till 1i

Taoim and Confucians in the Chhin and Han Epoch. Shanghai, 1957. Ku Chieh-Kang (/0) •• JIII] . SAilt-ill TStl-Shilt CMu-Pim � # •• -w til . A Preliminary Collection of Miscellaneous Historieal Studies. Ptking, I g63. Ku Chieh-Kang (II) aUJi lin .

I.

51 .. K_H a n £J K_H F, n £J

K�"

a .. a KuoHI ... I ... ,', AJ;

Shih-Lill TJa-CMh :J:.. .# fl it: .

Collecled Studies on Hislory. P�lr.ing, 19{i3. Kuang-Chou Shih Wcn-Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yiian Hui & KuangChou Shih Po-Wu Kuan (/) rtf 18 �

JIt � m�"ffJJ.�ft*

III

lfI�

Kuang.Chou Hall.llh • � II " .

Han Tombs in Kuang-Chou. Chung.Kuo Thien·Yeh Khao-Ku Pao-Kao Chi Khao·Ku Hsiieh Chuan Kan. Ting-Chung Ii f.rh·Shih.[ Hao

'O * tJ f1J · T fl: M .= -+- - !It

Peking, W�n-Wu Chhu-Pan Shc, IgBt. Kuo Hu-Sheng (/) ".., 1£ .

T�u-CMhl Chill-Til - Chllllg-KIIQ Clrlrhg-Shilr Slrih Clrua,,-Tlri rtf/-Clriu Clrih I T � \1iII II -
System ofTtu-Chheng (Inner City) - A Study in the HiJtory ofAncient Chinese Citics­ Part One ofa Special Rexareh Topic:. rCfK IgB5, 57, 665-83. Kuo Hua·Jo (I) " «:' :li .

Clrill-l HJill-Pittl 'S"" T�u Pi"g Fa' � . Ii .!iii

r Il r ,R $ J .

A New TranllCriplion or the 'Art of War of MUler Sun' ;nlO Modern ChinellC. Jen-Min, Peking, 19.57; repro Chung.Hua, Shanghai, I g{i�. J�n·)'I;n, Shanghai, 1977. Kuo Hua-Jo (I) • ft 'li' .

h SAilt_l CIr;" CIt. S"" T(", TsJuN TsJuJ� S."g P IhIg CIrN, Tlli-Hsi * ... r -+- - � It J If

K_"'I ;' ...

�

� ,

• K

.

,

0. • L. >I< a. ,

so. rw ...... M" "'" 0. .. � ..

BIBLIOGRAPHY B

IL-_ tt . tt , tt " . Introduction to Ihe Sung edition of the 'Eleven-Commentaries on the Sun Tzu Ping Fa' (Maller Sun', Art of War), by Tshao Tshao and others, Shanghai, 1978, Based on earlier versions of 1961 and 1962. Kuo Hua-Jo (jl n � :a . Chlrilt-Pi (ltilt I

jIf: . Z, 1t '

Th( Bailie of Ihe Red Cliff, ERAMM, '939, No.2.

II! *- Z. It .

ChII; 1'", Clti·,\!o (hilt Clta�

JIf � I!jI � z. • .

and Yen.

If T fii

n;- z. M iF if R . Prdiminary Studies of �Ia$ler Sun's Art of War. Yenan, '939. Also appeared in three instalm(nl5 in Pa Lv CAlill CIum CMtg Tu CAilt 1939, II; 1939, 1:1; 1940, .. Kuo Hua-jo ( 7) n it. :ti . KltulIg_Ming Pi"g Ftl rllilt I.Pall r R . 1fl * t! J ,-I. GlimpM" al 'Chu-ko Liang's Art of War".

Pa /.U CMil! Cltiln Ching Tsa Cltilt

(part on() [940, no. 3; (part t....o) . 1940, no. 4. Kuo Hua-Jo (cd. & Irans) (8) n 1t :ti . j' - w: it If. .:r- .

Shih.1 Chin Chu SUI! T��

Commentaries on SIlII' T�II. Shanghai, Ku-Chi Chhu·Pan She, 1978. KuoHua-Jo e t al.(/) � 1t lf ;1lJ . Eleven

Khallg-Jift rll-Clli C/ta".CAbig Ii CIut".sh IV;"_ TIIi

tlHII .. qH',CJIIJl #j � .. .

Problems of Tania in the Guerrilla Resistanee War against japan. Chung-Kuo Wcn-Hua Shu-Tien,

1939 (third

(I) 'UILli .

Fu-Cltim Pltll- TIIi",

:\I1I-iA" Pii :fM U! 'f(f fll

On the �lu·Lan Dam al Phu.Thien in f'ukien Province. Sf., '936, II, 20. Kuo Mo-jo (2) _ tf( ili . Cltll,,�-KH K,,_ Ta; SItI·Hlli r.".C�ill

U ft if 1l . Siudies in Ancient Chinese Society. Shanghai, 1930, reprinled [932. For lalereditionli 5CC Kuo (9) (10),

Kuo �lo-jo (f'}

_ tt: ;fi- .

Chlting-ThulIg Shih- Tai

>fr II t; ft

.. � � it.

On the Bronze Ag� (in China). Shanghai, Kuo

Tiao·Chltn

M:lt. It � . i!: ill �J is" iM

Hu-Pti Huallg-Phi Pha,,-utng-Chlrblg SIut"g' Tai '-Chill lt� Mu-Tung

il:. iM b.I: .fIl & JP. .

�:lt. It 1ft II n � iff and Grave' at

KK,

1964,8, 420-1.

Lan Wei (I)

.. � .

HII-Pti HIIlJ1Ig-Phi Hsim Plutll-Thu·Chlrfng Fa· Hsi", Ku.CMhlg I-Chilt chi Shih-Chit,. Thlg

M jt M 9t • • ± lJ&: • .IJl-� �iMJIl:l:l Q 21 'J .

Th( R(mains ofan Anci(nt Cit)" Stone

Arcifa(ts. and Oth(r h(ms Disco\'ered at

Huang.Phi, Hupei. 195�, t, [ 1 8-19. Lan Yung·Wei (I) C*,if. Clthlln·CHi" Sltih·ChIt; Ii Pu.Ping #- � III; WI tt:J tt· � . Infantry in the Springs and Autumns Period. Chung-Hua Shu-Chu, Peking, '979. Lao Kan (I) M- � . Phan-Thu-Chhing,

II'WTK,

z' - BI .

;UII ..

Hu-Pii Huang-Plti Tang·Cltia-Wan Ii Ku I·Chilt

Phan.Lung-Chh�ng, Huang·Phi, Hupei.

Sun T(u Pi�g Fa Cltilt Chlru.Pu r,II·CIt;u

Kuo Kheng-jo

Shan.Piao-Ch�n and Liu-Li-Ko. Chung.Kuo Kho-Hsueh Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So Kho-Hsueh Chhu·Pan She, Peking, 19�9. Kuo '>ing-Lien (I) .?II /1: * .

Shang Dynas1y Remains

ERAMAf, 1939, No. �. Kuo Hua·Jo (6) n 1t :r. .

edit ion) .

tlJ «t tiI _

M1 'R - .

Bailie at Chi·�lo between the Siaies ofChhi

t1r. B

� "" .. .

I nvCltigation ofche Ancienl R�mains al Yang-Chia-Wan, Huang-Phi, Hupei. A'IlTH, 19.)8, I, 56-8. Kuo n·\\'ci ttl •• & Chhcn Hsien·J (I)

Th( Bailie a t the Fei R;"er,

ER.-tMM, 1939, NO. 4· Kuo Hua-jo (j) � 1t li .

SIIall-Pitl..Chhtyi Ji,,-Ji.Ko

'lI1i .

Kuo Hua-jo (l) til 'ft u . Fri-Sltlli ,ltift CAall

;';

1946, subsequent editions 1947, [95 [ .

Pao-Chun (J) n _ #9 .

HaM- Tai PiMg·Chih clti Ha"·Clti,,, rltlll(J Ii Pi"g'CAi),

,. ft :R: ftiII .& it . 'f' I'fCH� $I .

The �Iilitary System of the Han Dynasty as

rceorded on Wood and Bamboo Slips. 1948. 10, 23. Lao Kan (6) iJj fi' . Chi-r", Hu-Chim KIuro-Clthrg 1& .tl 11" " �" .. T��tual Criticism of the Han Dynasty Slips from Chii·Yen. Fint published 1944. 5I:cond ed. ASIBIHP, '959, 3.1 , 3 1 1-491. R�printed in Chi-T", Han·Chi", Kllao·Shih cllih "" m .tii l'l " � ,, z. JI5 . ..... .!Ic it JUl llf !k lit 1r it !fl: BT special publieation no. 40, Taipei. 1960. Lao Kan (7) iJj�. ASIBIHP

HtI" Clli" Hsi-ChltlJi .IoIN-CItin! Hsi,,-KIuN

l§" 1!t * 1If .Ii :t} .

tl-lf

New Study of Wood(ll Slips from th� West�rn

Frontier of the Han and the Chin Dynasties. In$tilUl� of HiJlory and Philology, Academia Siniea, Monograph 5I:ries A, no. 27, Taipei. Ig8J.

Lao Kan (8)

iJj f,j: .

5,6

BIBLIOGRAPHY B

Chii-Ym Hnn-Cllirn "frall-Sltih drill p�

rn .li iJi Ill"

� " Z. Bll .

Documents of the Han DynlUty on Wooden Slip!! from Edsin Gol, Pan 2: Transliteration and Commentaries. The Institute of Hislol)' and Philology, Academia Sinin. Sp«ial Publications no. 40, Taipei, I960·

Lci Hai-Tsung (I) 1I 1frI � . Clrung-Kilo Ii Ping

'I' Ii!il If(J :K .

The Historical Dc\'dopmcnI of the Chinese Soldier. SHIIS, 1935, I, I. Eng . abslr. in CIB. 1936, I, j (abslr. nO. 1'2). Lei Po-Lun (/)

'lIl' fs IiI! .

CAIl"t-K/llI II'hr-H..aft CA""g_KlUI li Pill,

x ft Jl
..... ill

Chin� Cult ure and the Soldiers or Chinil. Wan-Nien-Chhing Shu-Ticn, Taipei, ca. 197.l. LiChan(/)

,* s .

'Sun T�u Ping Fa' !Ill-Chin Chung- IVai rin-U

r ffi T- 5i: tll J '1 , � 4'''� ql fJIl.

Ancient and Modern Examples of 'Master Sun's Art d W",r' from China and Abroad. Hong Kong, '977. Li Chhin (t) * JJJ . Sillll Clrillq.. -rhrmg TII-Hs�h Hri H/UI Pi /lUll Mu i"!i 'Ji: � .iI ;k * i"!i il M . & .

A Western Han Tomb wi th Mural l'aintings in the Grounds of Chiao-Thung University in Sian. Chiao-Thung University Press, 1991. Li Chhun (I) • • . 'Thlli-PfWtt Thittl-KIIO' Cltill-TN 00.-TluJlt

::t:. If * ill til l! lIJ t.! .

Prdiminary Studies on the Government System of the Thai-Phing Thien-Kuo (Hea\'enly Kingdom orGreat I'cace and Equality). Peking, 1963.

Li Fu-Hua {l)

"f!" X :¥.l .

Ss"-Chull� Phi IIsrt� HU�l-Kull�l KII�g-ShI Chhll_ThM Chll�-Kllo ThIl�g_ChAi J!Y JII .. N. lr 1t �Ht lli t 1l lll iM tt .

Warring States Bronze Implements unearthed in Hung-Kuang Commune. Phi CoUnty, Szet'"huan. 11'11'. 1976, 10, go. Li I _Yuan '" JJ; liII & Yang Kuo-Shu (I)

tJ,l IlUI .

Chu"g_KuQ_]i� Ii Hsi�g-KhQ, Kho-Chi TSlIlIg-Jl./lsi"l li TIuJ.L.u! rp iii A I¥J t't. ti'J.

:f4 I'§ Sj! '* f.I: I¥J iH • .

A Symposium on the CharaCler of the ChinCSoC People; an I ntcrdisciplinal)' Approach. Academia Sinka, In51ilule of Ethnology "-'Ionograph Series B, no. 4. Nankang, Taipei, 19711.

Li Ling (f)

*�.

KIIlIlI:]ii n"-CMlli,h-Shn,, Chi,,,-Pi,, 'Sw� T�II' f",_Chi" Ii Shn"l-Chhii,h - 'S"" T�,,' Chu Ts.

.. In If 'II: III ftti * Il T- if 1l tl/s ifl dl - If- T- * ft; t.? ft fQf1;'N(!(J � . ,

Shih-Tlli "" Ts.C/ll 1I ChA""I-J

Discueion of Resean:h on the Yin-Chhlieh-Shan Bamboo Slip Edition ofSun-T(II; Review of the Dating and Authorship of SUII-T�u. WS, t979, 7, 113-H·

, Liang

Li Ling (7) ",. � .

ri/l-Chhll,h-Sho" Chittl-Pill '5." T�.' ChilNl T. Chi-LI

. � Ll1 /11i * ' ¥ T ' t3l • • JIJ .

Examples of Proofreading the Yin-Chhiieh­ Shan Bamboo Slip Editioll ofSII�-T{II. CHIVSI.T, IgBI, 4, 299-313 . Li Shao l (I) "\!'i j-' - . ShuQ PhtIQ 1lIi!. ilIl: . Brief Discourse on TrebuchelS.

If '" .

C

Lian'l

'II iii 11 It u

A Social History orAncient China. Taipei. 1963.

A A 1

Liang a

Li T�ung'Wu (/) '" � 1J' . /Iou Hti IIsh"th

( L

-

PKCS, IgBI, 5.'ll'l,l 32 (13111). Li TSlIug-Thung (I) '" * fM . Chul-KIIO KN-TlJi $hi-HMi Sltih

•

JI1. #\ ""

p, "

Tile Tlleor)' of tile Great Oarknee. Hong Kong, ca. 1971.

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JI

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"J li

A.��.�rM. J - ��A��$

"�fl.

Tllal Iht: Expression 'The Bow has Six Advalllago' in the Drell'" 1'001 uS(J)S is based originall}' on the &wi< ojCIuJ",u a comultalioll with WenjCn-Ch un. HCTP(]IIU) 19B;;, ISo3, 79· Li Ya Nung (J) "' � • .

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.

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", jl§ '.(j .

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'0 I c..

WJ

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Qu

'01 L" ""' ""

;

T' l p,," ,

Liu CtMI H_ e • ... D � Wit ... a. CWo • =

"' 0-

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(p. !t l:tJ lUj: .

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:UJ ftf (/

'-.n. T�1l CM;-K" K.-CM;", ,; I'lMi_S/rNi II!;·

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Liu Chih-Phing (/) JIJ � lfI- . ehu�g-Kuo Chiln-Ch l-ti-IfJi�g 110 Chith-Kou

rp IilHI! . " !1'l � §.'j' m .

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. 10 .

Nonhern Dynasties Tomb - Figura of

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An Imponalll Di$Co\�ry in the History of Chinese AlHronomy (the liar-maps found at ),Ia-Wang-Tui ncar Chhang-Sha). In . .. 197.h II. �8. Lo Che-Wen (3) . « :It . Ho-Li�-Ko-Eth Ho".MIl I'i·llull rh'/fIS S"..CII;m Ii /.Il5i," K" Chi,ll-Ch" ,f(1.fi'j; m _ il "-i .!lll .

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III JUl . CMgotu Kikogah KtUft

far Eastern Archaeologkal Society, Tokyo, 1954Sekino Tadashi,

IIII ff .a:l . Yatsui, S., tf * /J!f , Kuriyama, S., m ill (l - , Oba, T., ;J',. 1!( a , Ogawa,K., /]'jll 49: 10 . & Nomori, T. (/) !!'!! 8! .

Raku,Q·gun Jidai no IJtki

;JI M .

• tR 1111 i/'.'f f"I: �

Archaeological Researches on thc Ancient Lo-Lang I)i$tinct (Korea), Govt. Gen. ofChwn, [925, t927. Spec. Reports Service ofAntiquities, \'ols. 4 and 8 (I \'01. text and 2 vols. plates). Shang Ching_Hsi {t} 1fIj :a- ,� . Tshai.li"uo KM-Chhi"g Tiaa-Cltha Chi _ iii ttl. .\IIt

111 lifi! .

An Account orthe I nvestigation of the Ancient Cit)" ofthe State of Tshai. Ho-Non Win-Po Thllg-Hslill, 1980,2, 30-2.

)iii 1M � I\f. JA iIt

Shallsi Sheng Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu-So Hou·Ma Kung-Tso Chan (/) III i!§ 'li :\l}' l!i /iIf :n: Hi

8!.te I tF � .

SltmlJi H""•.lfa Clli..·KM. I·Clli� -,"iM- TsII"" K,,_ CMlng Ii SJuh·Ch.th III l§ ti@ .\fJ t:t II iJ: bl:

lJ:: H o .\llt tllJ iM M .

Trial Excavalions oftlle ancient city of Niu· Tshun al the remaills of the Chin upital, Hou-:\'Ia, Shallsi.

K".1WII', tg88, 1, 57-60.

Shansi Sheng Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu-So Hou-:\Ia KUllg.Tso Chan (z) Ill l§ 'li � o if ri m

IX< .Ill I f1' tli .

Shann Hou-Ala Chltlng-lI'ang K"·ChMng

J1J i!§ � } � . .1i!, F. -o M

The ancient city ofChheng.Wang, Hou-:\1a, Shansi.

11'11', ,glIB, 3, 28-34, 49· Shansi Sh�ng Well-Kuall-Hui Hou·Ma Kung-Tso Chall (I) III 1!!i !6' Jt 'IT ft ��.\ij I f1:: tli . Hou.lIfo P�i·llsi·Chuang Tung.Chou I-Cltilt /i Cltlting·U

ill " .

�.�:.It i!§ Xl: 3f( � iJ: bl: !f(J

The Clearing of the Eastern Chou Remains at Pci-Hsi·Chuang, Hou-:\Ia. It'll', 1959,6, 42-4,

Shansi Sheng Wen-Kuan-Hui Hou·Ma Kung-Tso Chan (2) III 1!!i tf Jt 1f 9" j?! M} I f1; 'It, .

/lou./lIa Tu�g-ChOl< Shih-Tlli Shna-Tha. rab-Chilt

rj:> III !IJ o !fc iff � .

Researcha in Chi� Archaeology. Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, lJn;"cnity of Tokyo. Institute for OrielllaJ Culture, Tokyo, 1956. S«ki"o'rakeshi

!HI It J:t & Komai Kuuchika (/) � Jt- :fU • .

Kalllall: SmgoliM Jldlll CM-I� Jlslti "" lIaHMIJ"

till . : . 1II ""lt-.m � Jd! Jlb1) 9 t1i

Han-tan: Exca.'ation of [he Ruins of the Capital of Chao in the Warring Stales !'eriod. Archarologia Oritlllali$, Series B. vol. 7.

FII·CAii.It Clti-rllo

.td:V tll l! Y .

()i: .II,} * I"l J,' ft� � fiJ

Summary of the Excavalion of the Ea'I[ern Chou Period Pottery Kilns at Hou·Ma. !I'll', 19:'9,6, 4:,-6, 44,

Shansi Sheng Wen·Kuan·Hui Hou-Ma Kung-Tso Chan (3) III i!!i 11 j( 'If if 6:: � I f1' tli . Ho�-Mo Ti-Chhil TMlIg CIw. UOlIg Hall Tlumg

1.l1li MM F,,·Cftitlt CAim·Pu 6:! .1U JI!!: 1I( :If(

Jaj WJ jJi 1M j[; 4\' ft tti! !III • .

Brief Repon of the Excavation of Eastern Chou, Wa[em and Eastern Han, Thang, and Yuan DynaSlY Tombs in the Vicinit)" of Hou·i\la.

,"

". "

BIBLIOGRA P H Y B 11'11', 19�9, 6, 47-9.

Sharl$i Shcng Wcn-Kuall-Hu; Hou-:\Ia Kung-Tso Chan (.,) Ill � W Jt 'N � f)'! .• I i1' tIi .

1!1j9 '\"iM 1I1nt-.lla '. \·i�- TJJiu K�-CMrillg' NlUI Tlllfg CkGll /-Cltill Fa-Cltitlt Cltim-Pu 1 9 5 9 lf b'! .!?i 40 H 1i l.ll. * * Al iI .bI: Vtli!

IlI ff! .

Brief Report ofIhe 19�9 Exca,·ation of the Remains of the Soulhern Section of the t:astem Chou Cil)' al Niu·Tshun, Hou-Ma. IJIIV, IgOO, 8""9. 1 1-14. Shans; Shcng l\'en·Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Hui Yiian (I)

III 1!i 'U :t: .m 'I'f Jt � It tt .

TJI>­ IlI ·ttI !lf Jt

SltallSi Slthlg II'hI-Kllatl-Hlli HOIl-Ma Kllffg Cltan Kling. TJ� Ii TslI", SIt�Il-Hwo

'If fit fj'!,1fS I f1' M I f1' ACJ . 1& .

Celleral Relull$ of Ihe Work Directed by the Shanl; Provincial Hislorical Relics (;Qmmissioll at the Hou-Ma Site. KK,

19�9, 5. �22-8.

Sh�n5i Shcllg Wen·Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yiian Hui Hou_l-.·Ia Kung_Tso Chan (/l I ll -tti 'lr X � ,", J:II! � tt ft fj'!.\ljI W- t,'; .

Shatlsi f//Jil-MtI Shang-,\f(J Tshun Tung Chou ..\tll-Tstlng

IU � fj'! .� 1: .\!;) tf *- 141 :& JIl .

�:attem Chou Tombs in Shang·:\la Village, 1I0u-:\·Ia. Shansi.

KK,

1963. 5,229-45.

Shansi Shcng Wen_Wu Kuan-Li Wei-Yuan Hui III l§ ! {j ::t. ., 'If JlII � t:t fit, Shansi Sh(ng Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So (I) Ill D 11 "'J ti

Iilf R JiJi .

1I01l_Ma Tllng CkGtr Hsilf-lhl

.11"

A J< .

� ,I!lj * � f'J

Eallern Chou Sacrificial Slave Tombs at Hou :\la. 11'11', 1960,8-9, 1�-18.

Shansi Sheng Wcn-\\"u Kung_Tso Wei-Yuan Hui (I) III D "li ..It :HI I i1' � tl ft . ·1I0�-.l11J .lJing-Sltu· Ii FIJ-HJi�n, FtI-Cltiith,yi

r 6':: ,IJ;\ :u. ff J ACJ §it .lJl , V !IiI W Jl 1! ""' l!i. .

Oliltg-/.! CliJiing-KltlllJtlg

The Circumstan(es Surrounding Ihe DiKovery, Excavalion, and Arrangement of the ·Hou·Ma (;Q"cnam TexIS'. !VIV, 1975.�. 7- 1 1 .

Shan,i Sheng Wen·Wu Kung-Tso W"i-Yuan Hui Hsich-Tso Hsiao-Tsu (I) Illl!§ tf :t: 1m I f1; � .u f!'f � f1; + !tl .

1I0u_M� Ch�w.Kllo Nu-Li-Hslitl Tstlng-Mu Ii fa·

Ii Tswi-Ching fj'!>� t!: iii Jtlt ;; It '" ltIi ACJ ft !lii � U \\II Ht 1Y:J 1I!! ,'Iff .

Chllth NIl·Li Cltih. Til

Excavation of Warring Stalc$ Period Sacrificial Slave Tombs at HOII-:\Ia and Incriminaling EI'idencc ofa Slave System. 1II1l', 1972. I , 63-7.

ShallS; Sh(ng IWn-Wu Kllan-Li Wei-Yuan Hui l"Iou·:\la KUII/l-Tso Chan III I!§ tf :x � 'I!f JJ. � f.I. fit �.IJG.!: t1 t! (I).

ShtlllSi Hsitlng_FhI CJuw-Kh/lJlg FIl-Cltilf Ku­ ChliJtlg-Cliilt Ti_CIUuJ

.ifi: S ¥: ht lll :6: .

III I!§ ,. is!' @ Ul Ifff

1nv0'5ligat;011 of,he Ancient City i n Ihe Vicinity ofChao-Khallg. H5iang.Fen. Shansi.

KK.

,963, 10. �«-9.

Shantung Sheng Wcn-\\"II Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So llJ JK ti' :t HJ :tt S if � 8f .

I

Chhjj-F� L..Kuo KIl-ClthhIg

db . 8- ill S lJ&: .

The Anciem City of the Stale o f Lu. Chhu-Fu.

Vol. I. Chhi Lu Shu-She. ni-Nan, 19112. Sha'llung Sheng \\"en-Wu Kuan·Li Chhu (I) IU *

I'i :t: .m '"' J!II II .

ShlUllw�g l.ln_ T�1l CIiJiI KIt-Cltlthlg SAilI-Clilith Ch"n_Pt14

11l * . lliI jf � .. 1It tll! lIIJ f(f..

Brief Report ofthe Trial Excavations of the ....ndelll Cily of the Stale ofChh; at Lill-Tzu, Shamung. KK, 1961, 6. 28g-97.

Shensi Chou-Yuan Khao-Ku Tui (I)

�i � .

� i!!i � �\ ;tJ

SM�si ChIt,_Sh(JR ntlg-CMu TJhulf Hsi Choll Chim-Chw Ch,_Chih fli·Chh·th Chim·Pno

� ILl

II*: I!§

" . H I!§ /,'lI i! . � JiI: � !lii flll .f6.

Bricf Rcport of the Exc3vluion orlhe W0'5tern Chou Building Foundations at Foi:ng-Chhu Village, Chhi-Shan, Shensi. WII',

1979. to, 27-36.

Shcmi Sheng She-Hui Kho-H$ueh Yuan Khao-Ku Yen-Chiu So Feng.Hsiang Tu; ', i!*: i!§ tf

u: fit « !II: J;i ;f} 'I , if 'f!. JiJi . FtI � .

CAki�- Til futlg_Chhing I·Chlli Kliatl·CAIut

tI .t.al il Jil: AlJ D: .

!Sf �

Explorat;on of the Remains of the Chhin Capilal of Yung-Chhcng. KK,

1963, 8, -l19-1l.

Shensi Sheng Wcn-Kuan Hui ,

If If .

P.f;: I!§ ti' Jt

Thung.Wan Chheng Chhcng,Chih Khan·Tshe Chi M "' lJ&: .lJ&: bl:. AIJ � ae Account of the Sun·e�· of tile Remains of Thung-Wan Chhcng. KK,

19.81,3, 22�-32.

Shensi Sheng Yung-Chheng Khao-Ku Tui (I)

� i!!i I6' * .lJ&: JMJ ,!r � .

Chltin_ Til rllng-Chhlwg TJIl�It-Thatl Shi"·Cltii�h Cltim'Pao

!Ii n * !At II � f.t !lii 118 N .

Brief Report of the Borings and Trial Excal'alion of Ihe Chhin Capital Yung­ Chhcng. KK yIl'W,

19.8�, iii. 7-10.

Shen·Yang Pu·Tui 'Sun Pin I'ing-Fa· Chu·Shih Tsu ( , ) tt ,.. BUt . IU'lH� tk . tt: " II. Sun Pin Pi�g-Fa Chll·Shih

If .. � it: it "' .

Annotation and Elucidation ofSw� Pin's Art of War.

Liao-NingJcn.Min Chhu-Pan She, Shen.Yang, 197�·

Shen Yii-Chheng it li: fJ1. 0.\ fu Hsuan-Tshung (I)

� • .ti! .

C huI/g-A-u. rl'/� IIlith TshnS-KItaG

. JMJ .

,t' t1 ::t. !II:

A Series of Textual Criticisms of the :\Iiddle Ancient Chinese Lilerary Writings. CHWSLT,

1911 1 , 3, 1-2 1 .

5 22

BIBLIOGRAPHY B

Sh;h Ch'''g-J" (,)
Jl 11 IIiIJ atJ!VI .

iol lti 3i:

Buriab of the Vin (Shang) Dynasty al Hou· Kang, Anyang.

A5IBIHP, T948, 13, 21-48.

Shih Chin.Chung (/)

/J( iftI fI: .

Fti Shui Ta·Cltan if. '" *- • .

The Gr<"al Baule on the Fe; Rivu. Jen·Min Chhu·Pan She, Shanghai, 1976. Shu Hsin·Otheng and others (I) If fir lJ« '1f . T.t.b lIai

If i'fiJ .

The Sea of Words [encyclopaedia]. Chung.Hua Shu·Chij, Shanghai, t947. Shui·Hu·Ti Chhin·i\lu Chu·Ch ien Chcng.Li Hsiao-Tiu (I) II!I dUt!!. IUli tt flft BLi!

,J' .II . S/rMi-H.-Ti CMrilt-A/" (:A,,-Ow. ... rJf. � •• " III! Bamboo Slip Di$Covered in a Chhin Tomb at

Shui-Hu-Ti. Wen-Wu Chhu·Pall She, Peking, 1978. S,u·Chhuan Sheng Po-Wu Kuan (I) I!Y JII w .

lUI.

CMrmz-T. Plli·H"tl-TIwr. Cblll·Hswll SIIih. I/IIQ-MM FIl-Clliltll Clti fiY; m ti it � rp *' T

iUnUil l1t! .

All Account of the ExcavaTion of Tomb Number Ten, Pai-Tai-Than Middle School, Cltheng-Tu (Chenglu). IIIit', t976, 3, ",0-6. Su Pai (I) m e . Sui Thang Chhallg.:An Chheng ho 1.o-Yang

Chheng 11ft m R :Ie M. .fn

tIi Fi ll! .

The Cities ofChhang-An and 1.0-Vallg i n the Sui and Thang dynasties.

KK, 1978,6, 409-25,401. Sugimoto Kenji (I) � "* . if] . Zd. SflrilJ. Sltiro/! - S/lil:iIl IlO ChiZdll ]fi H�l:hlS1mi � Cllush;', ,,; - .p II � $II 1it. :rz. til: .. - .ft Jli. 9.fIiJ /JIJ l?' l' .c., I: . Pr<"liminary Espy on the formation of Inner and Outer City Walb in China - Focus.sing on Examples of the i\lost Recent ExeavaTions. Smpl:. ]idlJi SIr.IJ�do BllllhlJ. no Ktrtkft . 1iI ,* ft :u ± Jt "" (!) {i1f � , t47-95, ed. Hayashi Minao f* E. � � . (7) .

Sui I·bien Lei-Ku·Tull J-Hao·i\fu Khao-Ku Fa­ ChliehTui (I) d "m& JfI: - it ..li � -.!i"

!Jf til � .

II,,-P� S.i Hsit1l Tsml·HDII J Mil F�·Chitli CA;(If-P�o

III .

"jt"" ft � z. . If .

Brief Report of Iht Exca<'ation of the Tomb of �Iarquis I of TlCllg, Sui County. Hupei.

11111', 1979. 7 , 1 - 24. Sun Chung-Shan (I) l'fi
(Sun Yat-Sen) CAiiII.]ift Chilll-S4ht Cllu,1Jo1"i

.. "If_

•AM

The Spiritual FAucation of S<;.ldicr'1.

Shanghai, 1926.

Sun Chung-Shan (t) (SUII Yat·Sen)

� t UJ .

511ft CItIlIlI-SIuJ. }/s<-Chi lti

1

!l'u C!ti�l Chhi Shu; ]in-Siting Chi Chnn-TOil

1

SeJ«tro Works ofSull Vat-Sen. Peking, [956, 2 <'015. Sun J-Chih (I), ed. lti - Z

iit 5i: -t \J : A � [!P . I"'I.

The Military Septuagint; Human Life eonsisu of Combat. Kuangtung Origines. Aomcn (Maeao), ca.

1950.

Sun l-Jang (t)

lti th M .

Mo T�u }/s;tn-Ku

,. T IlIJrrti

I'.stablishm�nl of the Text ofMo T��. Shanghai, t8g.t. Sun I-Jang (4) II 1& • .

Clio" SJ,u Chwh,PM /bI . 1t III .

CollaTion and Supplement of the Bud 4Cltou. jui-AIl, 1900. Sun Tzhu_Chou (t) lti � f.t . • .\11)- T�u Pti-ChltJlIl .Ifill' i //si« Shu-Phim dih Chill-Il·,i II""" Tlti .. T UI .\tt 1'" :,( � r _ fI

Z Jt A I\Il M .

The Qutstion of Authenticit)· of 'Pr<"paration of City Walll and GaIts· and uter 5e<:tions of

.110 T�u. KSI', 6, 188-9.

Tanaka Tan (I)

m l' M. .

Sm Shill ]idtli K.JiJltilJII KtI/(hihj.StlJM 1[; Ii �

tt Y :M .il . " t!it .

Comments on Palace Architenurt of tht Pre­ Chhin Period. GoJdenJubiJee Volume of TGIK, 1980, !i0'

123-97.

Than Chhiian-Chi (I)

. :i: 4 .

KII-Tili 1I�1I-rt1 Clli-CMM I!i It fl l1Jf £ II . Fundamentall ofClassicaJ Chillne unguage. Chung-Hua Shu-Chli, Hong Kong, 1978. Than Tan-Chhiung (I) . 1::!. I(li . Chunl-lIull Mi,,·Chi(n Kung.l Tltu 5hu� .p *' [�

IUl I • • It . An Illustrated Accoum of the Industrial Arts as traditionally practised among the Chinese Propk. Chu ng-Hua Tshung.Shu, Taipei and Hong Kong. 1956. Than Tan·ChhiulIg (t) . !! �"iI .

Ch"ffll-Til KUI-Chim Chih-Ts� Tiu-OOIl /'(lI)-KfIfI /R. lI\I i7 "11fi W fF lII :tf .. -r;- .

Report of an In,·esligation of the Bo... and Arro"· ;'1aking Indunry ill Chheng-Tu

(Szechuan). ASIBlIIP, 1951, a3.1, 199 (I-'u S,u·Nien

.'e:5lSChrift). Tr. C. S,,·inburne (unpub.). Abstr. H. Franke (22), 238. Thang Chi a-hung (I) 18 :& ;;J.. .

Ulth-Uill ri� SluJlIl Ii 'TSD i' ,hi chltirlian-J..ju

Ii'r -. 1tl 1flJ fl(J ' It J:!!. . }l ;l{: !It !If. .

A Brief Discus.sion of the Yin-Shang term

1

BIBLIOGRAPHY B 'Cr�ale a Town' and its Origin. SIIill-luiithYiith-kMIf !I! $ fl f1J 19fI8, I, 1-5. Thang Lan (4) 1If .. . Shang Yang Liang )'U Shang Yang Chhih

ill' • • • iIU� R .

of

of

KHCK, 193!1.,H" 1 19-126. Thang Mei-Ooun (II JI!t � tt . TII"i·IY"" nll-CIIM ,IIi". TSII ,IIilI J\'It clti Nil ,lIill

_ lit ± *' [{ � z. " .& '! Z. :H' /tti Jil ;.g ill .

F bf.P!l;1i CMi.r&JI

The Crossbo,,'$ of the Aboriginal Propl\'ll of Formosa, and the Origin and Diffusion of the Crossbow. KIIJL, 1958, II, 5. Engl. summary, 33. Thao Chcng-Kallg {I} � lE 11M . Shalfs; Wilt·Hs; li'TII-.llo Kw.Cltking' III fi !lll # �J r * � � � J . The Aneient City ofTa-Ma. Wen-Hsi, Shansi. 11K, 1963,5. 146-9. Than Cheng-Kang !iii jE iii! & Wang Kho-Lin (I)

:E )! "* .

HQw.M" Tun, Chou Ming-Sltih J·Clti" �.� * JAi

':IU. W iI .ltI: .

The Remains of the Eastern Chou Covenant Oath, Hou-Ma. lVII', 1972,4, 27-37. Than Cheng-Kang IIIi.I lE '" & Ych Hsiich-�ling (I) • • !fl . ..g lill·CMittg Tiu-CMa lill 1l'(I' Chkhlg h� Ti-lI'a Chi(ll'Pa$ .s- ft 1J&: ;fU .!Ii .::£ � J.Il IJII :ti

lUI.

Britf Report of the in\'estigations oflhe Ancient Wei City �nd the Ancient City of King Vii. 1l'1V, tg62, "-5, 59-65. Thien An (/) ED Jjt . CMi-FIt LIl.CMhg KI!tvt. Tium !IIi " e. � .. .. . Exploration of the City of Lu, Chhii-Fu. WIV, tgS2, 1:11, 1-12. Thung Chu-Chh�n (/) � � Ili . iIIg TM�g·Pa-Chia Slrih-CMinl-Chih CMih-F Klla!!·CItIM Chi bt III *!\ � E � 111: IY.J

:tt ac .

An Account of the Exploration of the Site of the StOM City, Tung-Pa-Chia, Chhih.F�ng. KKTH, 1957,6, t5-22. Thung-Lii.Shan Khao-Ku Fa·Chiieh Tui (/) jR � 1l.1 � .t,' lit tIi! f!t .

Hu·Pti Thwng-Ui_Shan Chflu!!-Chltiw CMn-Kwo Khrumg-Ching [·Chill Fa·Chileil Chim-Pao �:lt

jM� III 'ff -tk tl lil . 11' lI1II: lit til M .fa .

Brief Report of the Excavation of the Remains of the Springs and Autumns and Warring Stales Mina at Thung·Lli.Shan, Hupei. WIV, 1975, :11, 1-12. ThungShu-Ych (I) M. 1!F • . 'CMun CMilt', ' T� CMItIPl', r(ll·CIIi� r # -tk J

r li !III J I B "

Sludieso n the 'Springs �nd Autumns Annals' 'Master Tsochhiu's Enlargement' of it. Shanghai, 19ao. Ting Fu-Pao (td.) (I) T il" I¥ .

Slrllo-WhI Cltitl!-T�1l KIt·LiIl Jt x M !¥- a:ti #: . The Fortst of Explanations of Ihe Slrllo-Will Cltith· T�M. Shanghai, i-Hsiieh Shu·CM, 1930-2. Tok)-Q-Kokuritsu Hakubu�ukan el at (I) .-: JiI: iii

:.:r. " " fIl .

"" Chiz�"" StJltdlt Jifti NIl ri: Nllka)'l'lJJ\ll O,t .. bMd�IS>
II x 9J JIt .

Exhibilion of the Remarkable Historical Reliell of the Royal Slate ofChung·Shan of the Warring Stala Period in China. Tokyo, Tokyo National :\Iuscum e\ al., IgSl. Tseng Cht'n (I) ft' N . ' Tltang That_ TSling l.i IVti·Kllng Witt. Tlli' Chin­ Cit.. Cltin·[ r Mf :t * 't: It'i 0 lUI It J 4- 1t

4- :' .

'The Dialogue Iktween Emperor Thai T,ung of Ihe Thang and Li, Duke of Wei (011 Military , Qucltiolls) rendered into modern Chinese, wilh Comlllentaries and Explanations. Shang.IVu Yin·Shu·Kuan. Taipei, 1975. Tshao Kuei·T,hh, (I) .., t£
Anal)'sis of the City Name of lhe ..lr.ncient City of the Lung.Shan Culture 31 Phing.Liang_Thai, Huai.Yang. /[iIk-. "iln II� Stili Sk/�g Klulo-K.. HJllrll·H.i u,�-II'", IIlifln·Chi I 9 8 2 if fol jij � o'IJ 'ti

. 8' . X . .. .

Cnl'll', Sp«ial issue IgS3, 1 1 -18. Tshrn Chung.Mien (3) !!; H' !t . .\I� T�. CltJthrg.s�$. K�PMttI Chim-Ch li T .lfIt q 4H:ltlJ it . Simple Commentary on the 5e<:tions of the M� T�1l Book dealing wilh the Defence ofCilia. Chung.Hua Shu·Chu. Peking, 1958. Repr. 19�9· T.\Ou Heng (I) • &" Hsit1 Skanx Cho.. Kltao-Ku·/lsiith LU/f-WhI Clti

" . J� � iI • • x • .

Collecled Essays on Hsia, Shang, and Chou Archaeology. Wt'n-Wu Chhu'Pan She, Peking, IgSo. Tu Cheng.Sheng (I) f.l: j£ lit . Cllou Chllin Chhlng-Skih Ii Fa·Clto!!)ii Tki-Ckik J� 1M � rli (t/J IJl /J: .w t� JIl . Ot\'clopmelll and Characteristics of Chou and Chhin Cilia, ASIBIHP. I gSa, 51..., 615-747. Tu Cheng-Sht'ng (1) f.l: j[ JII . Cllolt. T�i Chflhlg-Pug J� 1t � 11\ . Citia of Ihe Chou Period. Lien.Ching Chhu·Pan She-Yeh Kung.Ssu, Taipei, lgS t. Tu Cheng.Sheng (3) f.l: iE • . Tlltng Klulo-KIt T�It-Li/lll U,1I Chll/fg-J'1i1Pl K_ Cltitl li CMi· lim! clti cM! TtH-CM; Fa-CltIJlf � � 'ti � • • � M � � � � . & X � "" (rCJ V lit ,

B I B L I O G R A P HY B An Examination oflhe origins and early

devdopment of"the Cemral Plains Slales of Anciem China based On archaclogieal Data. AS/HiliI', 19E17, 58.1, 1-8�_ Tu Heng (3) tt 1li . Shih-I.un I'ai·llua- Than Chhint· Tsho Thu-Hsiml, Thung.Hu It( .. a :lf. III ilf tit 111 11. jH ft . Hypothesis Regarding Ihe Inlaid PiclOrial Hron�e Hu·Vessel from Pai+Hua·Than. WW, 1976, 3, 47-�1. Tuan fang {I} liI 1 i . Th,."..Clr4i Clti·Clti" u.

N.11 lii: fI: .

Record of Inseribcd :<'Ielal Objc<:u p�rved in the Poreelain Studio Collection. Peking, tgoB. Tung Chien.Hung {I} •• & Tshung Sui Thang Chhang-An Chheng Sung Tung.Ching Chheng Kan Wo-Kuo i·Hsieh Tu-Chheng l'u-Chli ti Yell-Pien tt 11 1M �

� � * ;It! Jit l.Itt :Ji" !It 11 - � '«lI l.Itt :(P Jii) (It)

Ilil Ii! .

A look al some ofthe changes in the structure of my courury's capitals from Chhang.An city of the Sui 3IId Thang and the Eastern Capital (Kaifcng) of the Sung. Klto-Clti Slti h WIII-Citi

.5, t t6-'23·

.J4 tt!k X #! , t960_

Tung-Hsia-FCng Khao-Ku Tui (I) "* r "' � 0-

!It .

Sltillui Hsia Hsi �" TIl"I·JJsitJ+Fml /·Cltilt T.",. Clthi, Cltllng·Chkii Fa_ChiUh Chint.Pa� Lll 1!i I

JJ * f' l!; .iI hi: )101. ' l' (jI ljttlii 'Iettl!.

A brief report of the eas tern and middle Stttions of the rem:,ins al Tung-Hsia-Fi:ng, H,ia Hsien. Shansi. 1,"/•• rg&!. "I, 97-107.

Umchara Sueji iii at ::t #1, Oba Tsunekichi II' la tt l # & Kayamoto Kamejiro (I)

1Il .. . lj; "

Rdll,f OA:I-" ., iQ I it iii . The Tomb of Wang Kuang at Lo-Lang. Korea. Soc. for the Study of Korean Amiquities ChOsen Koseki Kenkyii-Kai til If. ti Hi: !iff '1l. 1.t , Detailed Reporu ofArt:haeological Researt:h, no. � Seoul (Keijo), t93.5, '2 \"ols. Wang Chicn.Ying (I)

I � "!Ii.: .

lIan-Ta; Ii TIIun- Tltittl iJ: it � It!. III . The Ihun'lh;t� (military-agricultural colonies or octtlcmcnu) in Han times. LSCH, t9�6, g_

Wang Chung-Shu (2) .:E tI' fl: . HII� C/Jta�,-tln ClrJrirl� Klr4o-K. KUA-TS4 Ii Chkw·P. SIoI#l·HMO fI -R ':fi; lAl � ti I ", till

lil iP � iI .

Preliminary Raulu of the Archaeological Work at the Han City ofChhang-An. KlOTH, t9.57,!!', 10�-IO. Wang Chung.Shu (j) .:E 1'1> fl: .

H�n Chhan,.A" Chllinl Klwo-Ku Kung_ Tl� HI�·Ch;

iJ: R :tc JJ4 !tj �i I It iff ac .

Continued Account orthe Art:haeological Work al the Han City orChhang-An. KlOTH, '9.58, of, '23-31. Wang Chung Shu (Wang Zhon8$hu) (4) I +I> U: . -

Cltw,,�·Kuo Ku· Til; Tu-Chltln, Kai-Shuo f"t lYII � 11. aIL A Surveyor Ancient Chincsc Capitals.

KK, 1982, 5. .50.l-I�.

Wang f'.n
"

".

I"\: .& ;)t .m M II/I II .

The Date of the andent city of the State of Lu, Chhii·Fu and Related Problems. KK-,WW, tg88, "I, 48-!i.�.

Wang Hsien-Chhirn (4)

J:: .it; • .

Han Situ Pu-CItr fl 8 tII /t . Supplementary OJmmentary on the }firlory of Ikt Han D)'IlIlJ)'. Chhang-Sha, Wang-Shih, r goo. Wang Hsien_Chhicn (ed.) I 5t . (5). H�u Han Shu Clri-Chitlt fJ f.t; iII .m if . OJllenoo E.�planaliotts of"the IIisl�ry 0/1111 IAltr Ha" D)'''IIJI)'. Published 19t.l, (by ran Yeh N!: . and

".

"

Ssu-ma 1'iao jij .'" It! )

Reprint ed. Vi·Wen Yin-Shu-Kuan ca. tg60_ Wang Hsien-Shcn (I) .:E 9C tA . Ha" Fti T{Jl CIti-Clti�1t ,,:lr. T • • ( 4 \"015.). OJllccted Explanatiottsof thc Han Fei Tw. Orig. 1930. Shang-Wu Yin-Shu Kuan, Taiwan, t9.56. Wang Hsien-Chhen x IIl Ili & Hlu l'ao·Lin ( /) ,'HU' Chu�,-Kuo Ku-Tlli PillJ·Sku

1"\: * 3 • • .

Tin.TIll'"

:\lis("Cllanwus DiseouTS4'S on China's Ancient :\Iilitary Books. Chan-Shih Chhu-Pan She, Peking, 19E13. Wang Kuo-Wci ::E liIiI & 1..0 Chen Vii (/) -

. ti: ]i _

Liu-Sha Chui·Chien Khao-Shih iii tv 9!

fIti � " . A Trial Transcription orthe Lost Slips from the Drifting Sands. Published by 1..0 Chen·yu, Shang.yli, t 934' Wang Shih_Min ( I) 3! tlt m . Chitin_Shih.Huang Thll,," / C!ru"l-Kuo /i Li-Shi TJo-Yunl - Tsltu"l Khao-Kw-Hsiillr lM"g Khan lI'in- Tzu TIt-l.ian,·HIng ho Huo-P; Ii TIIung./ $ !lh .5i lrt l' iii a-:J 1fl !k it' m - � ;IJ ti '" J: tt X *" 1I •• :fU .it 'IHfl -

"- .

10K, t9n 6, 368. Wang Ning-Shcng (j) t:t.* t� . r""I-S/r4o " 'b._H.� TSII",'S. Itt. S.;·/llIi TJIl+Chih Ii r'R·Chili - T.i rn"I'$Ioiro .\1"-ltli SIri.llui SkIl� (hi dlhi FII"Il-r"(J·/.lJ.If Ii $Ju.nll·rhAiUh IlP If! X ft '" m .fO t-t ff Si . 1I9 iff §t - If IlP AU

/fj: w,. tt � • .& Jt 1f � " (It) jftj ti! .

Burial Customs and Social Organi�alion of th� Yang-Shao Culture - a Diseussion of the

"

BIBLIOGRAPHY B Theory of Matrilineal Society in Yang-Shao Culture and its �kthodology. lVII', 1987, 4. 36-43. Wang T2u_Chin 3:: T � & Ma Chrn-Chih (I)

,'HI " ,

Cltltl� Ha� 'FIt- Tae' KhaD *' (l ' til iII ' ::iJ . Rese:;m:h on 'Flying Galkries'. 11'1', 1 914, 3, 20-4. Wang Yu·Chhuan (I) .E . Ii: . .lImJ· Tai Cltiiw. Thun CltiJr-Tw II I..i-Sltifr ri
Regulations for the (frwii-Ih�n

(military_agricultural colonia or settlements) in ;\Iing times, and their special features.

LSrC, '959, 6. Wang Yu-Chhuan (z) .E iI � . Miwg. T/I;'/; CIt;m.H� PJI H: f'IC) Jf( r .

The �Iilitary Householdt in the Ming Dynasty.

ISrC, 1959,8. Watanabe Taka�hi (I) i!f il l/! . HQkka liD h,igiklIsho nl Isu;lt • � (J) R

On the Technical ;\Iilitary T�ati� of the :-'!ohiiu.

""f t... I:; -Vi. � I': '? 1J

III i!: (J)

011 Towns and Villages protected by ;\Io-Chia (the Mohists) . THC, t964' a7, 33-48. Weiju-Lin (1) fl i!l: U . '5wlt T"M' Cftilt-Cltlt Ch;,,·1 r "£J ' T J 4- tt � a . The 'Book of ;\Iaster Sun (on the Art of\\'ar)' �nderai into modem Chinese: with Commentaries and Explanations. Shang-Wu Yin-Shu·Kuan, Taipei, 1975. Wei j u-Lin (2) tt & U: . 'HuGlIg Shih KUlig SOli iiitfr' Chill'Cfru Chi,,-'

M .(j 0 .E � .-5? tt� • .

The 'Thr� Stratagems of the Old Gentleman of the Yellow Stone' rendered into modem Chinese:, with Commentaries and Explanations. Shang.Wu Yin-Shu-Kuan , Taipei, t975.

Weiju-Lin " i.6: U & Liu Chung-Phing (I)

JlJ i'l' -'¥- .

ChwlIg.Kuo Chull-Shih Ssu-lfsiallJ Shih .'!t 'ILl . .�.

l' IiIil" 11£ $

A Hislory of Chinese Military Thought. Taipei, t967.

Wen Hng .x,q & Pi I-Hsun (I) .. tt "' . S".. T"M Hsii u. If. :r ii H . A Discourse o n the 'Sun Ttu (Ping Fa}'. In Collccted Works oflhe Mas!ers CAM T"w Chi ChMng tJII T m J11. , Ptking, 19s6, vol. 6, 1-18. Wen-Wu "ien·Chi Wt,-Yuan Hui (ed.) (I) X 1t

''''1 'Ii tl If '

11'",.11'" K"-K" /(og-TJO Smt_Slrili N;n!

::iJ ,'i I f1' '=: + ,\f- .

Wen.Wu Chhu-"an She, Ptking, 1979. Wen jen-Chun (I) IIfI A JIl . 'Mhlg CMi Pi Thall' KUIII rN Lilt Shan II"""

1.I •• J EJ li /' . � '

r *"

A Study oftht Exprmion 'the Bow has Six .-I.dvantages' in !he Drram PHI £SStJ..JS.

HCTP (JHU), 1984, '4,4, ,08, 1985, 'H, 8�. Th� second part has Ihe words 'A �ply to Mr Li T2u-Yao' ;n addilion. \\" u Chhcng-Chih (I) � ;J;. ,t; ; . Ilsi,"·ClIoi Will-CM irI . X � Literary Collections from the Modt$ty Studio. ca. 1920. Wu Chhcng-Lo (I) � it. m. Cblll Hsi KIrfI-lIswh Io$h" Wilt_HIIQ Lio$hiA At. Xi... T"i-ClMo
5I .if- It !!!C

Comparative Tablo:t of Scientific Technological and Scholarly Achievements in China and

U: L5 P.f � ' '? P -r

TSGH, t957. 3, l - t 9· Watana� Takashi (z) It iI 4 . Bo/dca 110 Momosfrilo]iiyii IIi Iswilt

Thirty Yean of Hittorical Relic Archaeological Work.

X�

Europe. KHS, 1925, 10, I. \\"u Chheng-Lo ( I) � IJ.: m . ChIlK·KIlf} Tit wllg HhigShih :II: iii *'


History orChin� :-' Ietrology. Commerrial " rns. Shanghai, 1937: 2nd ed .. Shanghai, 19,)7· \\"" Chill-Lung §:! JL ft"H (z). l"in_Chhiith_Shall lIa�-CAItIl Skih·lI'", jR Ii: ' ILl iJ!;

III! " X .

Transcription of the Hall Slips from Sih er-Sparro..-s ;\Iounla;n. Wcn.Wu Chhu-Pan She, Ptking, 1985. WUju-Sung � .m �� and Wang H.sien·Chhcn (/) 'E III G! (ed. & comm. ) . I..i Wti-Kung Wi,,-Tui Chiao·Chlt. '* Wr 0 IIII lt ,HE

Collated Commentary on the Book 'Questions and Answers of Li, Duke of Wei'. Chung-Hua Shu-Ch u, Peking, t983. \\'u Ku (/) .• fi .

SiI...,sfrih-Li. Chi

.=: t- j;;, tt .

O n the 'Book of Thirty-.six Stratagenu'. Chilin, t9i9. \\'u .\Iing-Sheng !k. tt tl" & Tai Ya-Tung (/)

. !::! )!.! .

CMang-SIM CMu-Thu Ii SaIl· TJO Tn.H,ill,- Mu-KMO Mu � ty :tl ±. f'lCJ '=: H! *- � * "' a . t:x(";I.\·a,ion of Three fChhu) Tombs containing Large Wooden Sarrophagi at Chhang.Sha (dating from the Warring States Ptriod, and }'ielding the oldest known Chinese: example of .he equal-armed balance). ASICJA, 19.)7, 15, 93: ab$tr. RBS, 196�, ], no.

442.

\\"" Shih-Hsien (/) � "6 lUI . 1"/1;.. Chl!� /.iith ,"12 � . Outline ofa New Strategy. Liang-Chheng Hao-Yu Sh� Yin.Hang, Shanghai, t924.

BIBLIOGRAPHY B Ch,,-Shill CIrM-Tu - Til Ch·Chi(1t Pilt SWI Pilt

Wu Vu-Chiang (I) (ed.) .* ii 'iI . .\10 T�w Chiao-Ch

!!I T t:e &:

The Collt"Cted Commemarin on the 81H1k!l lIns/" .110 (including the �Iohi" Canon). Tu·Li, Chungking. 1944. •

Yang Chia·L..o (,) � Jil: I!i .

$w" T�w Pi�8 Fa Hs.ii If, T J� $; 11 . Pn:facc to .1I/IJw S,,"', Arl oJ War (Cheng Lin',

edition and translation). Chungking, t9+5 and Shanghai, 19+6. Yang t-u·Tou (I) tl 1« .>t . Hou·�la Hsi Hsin Fa·Hsien [-T5O Ku-Chhi:ng [-Chih �.Ie lIi Wi lit JJl - B! "it- . 11 hI: . New[y Disco\'ered RemaiD$ of an Anciem City West of Hou-�Ia. II'IVTK, 1957, 10, .'15-6. Yang Hung (I) Ut joJ& . Chung-Kuo Ku Ping-Chlti Lun. Tshung rt ' li!lI �i � H••. Ancient Chinese Weapons and War-Gear. Wi:n-Wu Chhu·Pan Shi:, Peking, 1980; enlarged edition 19115. Yang Hung (2) � joJ& .

Chio ho Kha;; Chung-KNo Ku- Ta; Chiin-Sh;h ChNan8 P,i CM·Chi rhilr San rp .ftJ 1/1: , '*" ill i!i tt JI[

'" 5: 1M' fl fi! z. .=: .

,\rmour and Helmet; Third NOlI' on Ancient ChinNe �Ii[itary Equipmem. 11'11', '978, 5, 77Yang Hung (3) . & . C/u",·CIrJrIft ClrJrt-ClUII'; Ch""g-Kuo Ku-To; Clriilt-SlriJr CIr..",,�.pn Out·Clri rlrill J • •

. .. . ; rf> Iil I!i ftJJ !fJ • II .jt fi! z-.

War Chariots and Chariot Fighting; Fint Note on Ancient Chinese �Iilitary Equipment. 11'11', '977, '5. 87. Yang Hung(.,) tI & . Kwalt'}ii TM,It-Cltia, .lta-Kltai, 110 Mo· T ilt8

lVilt. Th; III T. rp , .!!;i ill ,

.\!III: r.1I MII: .

On the Question of [the History 011 [ron Armour, Ho= Armour and the Slinup. KK, 1\)61, UI.�3. Yang Hung (5) Ul & . Cltun8·h·uo h'lI- rai Ii Cltia·Chou 'I" iii tr f\! if/)

��.

Studies on Ancient Chinese Armour and Helmet•. KKIfP, 1976, I, t9; 1976, a. .19· Yang Hung (6) til! �

Sltai·Clton ho Chall-ClUJuan - Chung-Kuo K"-Tai Chiin-Sltilt ChUll1l/:·P,i Clta-Chi rhilt 11'" *- .

.fU tl M!- : II S ft • • !&lIifl'R z :li .

Na"al 8anle$ and Warships: The Fifth NOlI' R�garding Ancient Chin('$(' �Iilitary t::quipment. 11'11 ', 1919.3, ;06-62; rpt'd in Cllult!:.Kllo KII- Ta; Pi,,!:-Cld!i u.1t. TsltlUlg, 105-1-1' Yang Hung (7) tA r;& .

J h KIIIUI·CMI Fa·Cltia u..HJin, Ii KII' Tiii

Pilt8 Fa - $ J{ . fi: iil: Wi . rr:} � ft Jt[ lfJ lf f1: - . 1t /IIJ 4>: H J . � fi: > .

An Ancient Military Treati5C in the Sen'icc of the Legalist Political Line - Notl"$ on the Bamboo-Slip Copy of'Sun Ping's An of War'. KK, 1914,6, 345-3!15. Yang Hung (8) tI & K.1t8 Ho N�

� :f4l tiJ .

80""$ and CrOlloow" In Yang Hung (I) enlarged edition, t9ll.l, 190-231, Yang Khuan (3) • • • Clum·Kilo Sltilr • • .!C . Hi5l0ry ofthe Warring States l'eriOO. Ji:n-Min, Shanghai, t95!1, 1956. Yang Pao-Chh(ng ( I ) .,. rD. .

Ting-Flng II ·ang-Chhing·Kang),ii· n· Tu rang·

Cltltlng'

g; ).j' :£ IJ&: /Ifl Jl � D Ml M .

Wang-Chheng-Kang, T�ng-Feng and 'Yang. Chhi:ng, the Capital ofYij'. WW, 19114, iii, 63-4, 54. Yang Ping-An (I) tit tIi :u . Sun T�u Clti-Cltiao if 7- � t2' . A Sur\'�y oflh� Textua[ Diff�rences in the Venions of '�latter Sun's .-\rt of War'. Shanghai, 19!19. Yang n-Ping (I) fl . jJj . Kwan-yiJ TltaN,-To; Illi Hlla�-Ping Pilt!:.SJ,i lt Ii CMII-Lift CItMIt8-wM8 Ih8 Wh_ TIt; Ii

H •

YdlH.! H.

a

"

YCD t.

" n a

Yin.Q

T, " 'lIta-(]

CIIh_PIt TIIalt-So III at 1M It It !i\ R :ff. ± if/) . JJ! Jf. fl ll: � !IIl . � 1n tt :N * .

Preliminary Exploration of hsun Regarding the Treatment or Sick Soldien and �Iilitary Provisioning etc. in the Thang Dynasty. In Wu·Han Ta·Hsiieh Li-Shih Hsi Wei-Chin Nan.Pei Chhao Sui Thang Shih Yen-Chiu Shih it il j::. .!J • .!i! ¥ ftffiW.:It.fjHf

" * iIF !ft � .

So

TIlIt.Hunn8 Tllu-u.-Fnll II'III-Shu CMu· Thnlt

ft {t Pj; .ft. . :t lil tIJ � . Wu·Han Ta·Hsijeh Chhu·Pan She, Wu-Han, 1983, 486--199· Yang YiI·Pin (I ) ti n * . Shih Chlng·Cllou Shang.CM/lIg hai-shih ClUng-Chou Sui-naltg Clthlng? - Pai Tu Ching San-Lin l-Ioim.Shillg Ta-Tso ' TS/li Lun CMng·Chou

II! 1III :Hi -tfIj M Ja M: JI! .ffl Ii'lfIHM? - U Il JA '=: # st !t * f H jtj: . JIl ffl ;t, M hI: if/) �jO (t J .

T

/{u.ChMng.Chih Ii.Vim-Tai'

\\'a� it 'Chcug.Chou: A City Wall of the Shang?: or Was It 'Chi:l1g-Chou: A City WaH oflhe Sui and Thang?' - Reactions 10 Mr Chillg San-Lin's 'Re�xamination of the 198� Oating of the i\nciem City WaU at Cheng­ Chou', lyIh-.\';tlt lIo-Yan SM�g K/uJo-Kw HJiith-H"i J�M.II ·hI HSiiIln-Clri; CHI'II' Special Issue, 19113.29-35. Yang Yu_Pin (I) . ·If m . Ching.Chou Shang Chhcng Chhu-Than

" ffl llf JJf. VJ N .

" YiQ TI

H

:h�

'"

.'all

BIBLIOGRAPHY B

Preliminary Discussion ofth� Shang City Wall. Cheng-Chou. Honan)en-;\lin Chhu·Pan She, Cheng-Chou,

t985'

Yeh Hsueh.Ming (I) . " IlJI . Ho�_M� Ni�-TsJ,�II K�-CMirlg N/IJI TIIIII CIwII [·CAill CIIA,,_ TllII Tllao-CMi Ii Fill-CMi f)i:.!f,j

q:. W "5 N: J4f . ml iI: .bI: m ± IIi1 f1 �

?F JOl .

ClallSification of the Slagn oflhe POllel)' Vesscu Excavated from Ihe Soulhern Seclion of th� Ancitnt Ea$tern Chou City al Niu·Tlhun, Hou·;\1a. Wit', 196�, 4-). 43-�. Ytn Ling·Hug (I) (cd.) Ill . " 110 T�II Chi-Chlllng � T � J1J.. . (40 "015) Tht iJl}()k of,lias/a :110 ($trie,) . Chh�ng.Wcn Chhu·Pan Sh�, Taiwan. 197.) Yin·Chhileh·Shau Han-;\Iu Chu·Chien Chcng-Li Hsiae>-Tsu (i) iR lti w /l ;M; ¥r /li! "" J1I! tJ, !tI . I.i�-I rin-Cllhiith-Shan Hon.Mu Cllhu- Thu 'S�n Pin Ping·fir' Shih-J1';n IiiII iTT iR 1fi: 111 iJ; & ill ± •

r if !'Ud.t: J fJ x .

TrauKriplion orSltn Pin's Art of War Discovered in a Han Tomb al Yin-Chhiich-Shau, Lin-I. 11'111. 1975, I, I-t I, and 43. Yin·Chhileh-Shan Han-;\Iu Chu-Chien Chcng-Li Hsiao-Tsu {JO) tl td'i llJ iJ; ;J; 1t Illl :!t J:l

11' 1l .

SlIn. T.{.II Pillg-Fa if r K it . Sun-Tzu'$ Art of War, Peking, Wen-\\'u Chhu_Pan She, 1976. Yill-Chhueh-Shan Han-Mu Chu-Chien Cheng-Li Hsiao-Tsu (J) tR: <JIi LlJ iI: & tt fllI fl J1l

11' 11. .

SIIII Pi" Pillg-Fa If. . oK it . Sun Pin's Art of War. Peking, Wcn-Wu Chhu-Pan She, 1975. Yin-Chhueh-Shan Han-;\Iu Chu-Chien Cheng-Li Hsiao-Tsu (4) f!l lti L.lJ iJ; & 17. II J:I

11' 1l .

fin-ClrJriith-Shan Chl/-Sh,, 'Shall Fa' 'Shall iing' liIIg Shih·Sall Phi". fR ·Jri. UI tt if r q. t1< J

r
Thincen Scctions, 'Rules for Defence,' 'Orden for Defence', etc. of the Bamboo Books from Yin-ChhGeh-Shan. WW, 1985, 1, �7-38, Yin Ta (I) ;It i! . · II;j it . I1sill·Sltih-Chhi Shih- Tai iIi :o n

52 7

The Neoli,hic Age, San-Lien Shu-Ticn_ l'ekinR;, '979. Yu Tun-Khallg (1} * lt liM . TJIIIl'« '1 CII",,' lao 'I CII"",,' � r M w. J ilJ

r I> "' J .

from Ihe ,[ Cfti�g' to 'the 1 Ch"""'. CKCI/, 1987, I. Yu \\"ci-ChhaO (I) ft ftt .l:l1 . Han Chhang-An Chhen/l: Hsi.Pci-Pu Khan_Chh� Chi iIi .Q; 'Ji: " �:lt «J III 'Ii.

'"

An Account ofthe Sun.'ey ofthc Nonhwestern Section of the Han City ofChhang-An. KKTH, 1956,), 70-6. Yu Wei-Chhao (JO) flI f* .fa . Chung_Kuo Ku-Tai Tu-Chheng Kuci-Hua ti Fa-Chan Chieh-Tuan-H�ing - wei Chung-Kuo Khao-Ku HsGeh-Hui Ti.Wu-Tzhu Nien_Hui crh Tw 't> 1iII 'iS" It 'Ml l1l n! 'J (l/J W I! JIlt&tt - A 'I' 1iII �-�

* * m li tX 'lf- f\' ifT1 fF .

The phased nalurc of the development ofcilY planning in ancient China - composed for the fiflh Annual Conference on Chinese Archaeology, 111111, '985, a, 52-60.

Vii Yueh (I) h if!! . Chll-T.{." Phi"g_1 _ T � . . fair DiscuIISiont orthe Philosophen. In ,II... T.{.11 Clli-CIIhirlg, "01. '0. Yiian n-Hsing (cd.) (JO) it • • . CIIllng_H"" Li-Shilr !I'm-IV"

1".'

HII-Pti rll".Mhr,( LA-ii- Til" I-Hl1.O Mil CllAi"g-Li CM",-Pao • Jt 11: .,. " JH Itt - ,, :Ii iIf 11

III! 11< .

Brief Report dlhe Clearing of Tomb Number One, La-Li_Tun, Yiln-Meng, Hupci. KK,

'984, 7,607-'4·

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A Pouel)' Tower of Eastern Han Dale Excavated in Yiiu.M�ng. CHilli, 1982, I, 79-87.

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BOOKS AND J O URNAL ARTICLES I N WESTERN LANGUAGES

ACKJ;R, WU.I.IM' R. B. ( I). 'The Fundamentals of Japanese Archery' (with imroduclion in Japan�e by TQShilUke NaslI) pro pT. Kyoto, 1937. AOA"'.JUs·Pn:JlIU: ( I J. L'.-Irthilt(/�,t .\!ilillllfeG.t(qlll. Picard. Paris, t9B2. AOn)!ASS, ".J. (cd.) ( I ) . ClJIflt"'�'lJry C"i"m Pltil�JG"".1' �larlil\US Nijhoff, The Hague, 19B,. Aou:Jl, B. ( I ). 'Das nordasiatischc Pf..iJ; rin Bdtrag xu. Kenmnis d. Amhropo-Geographic des asiatischcn "'ordens.' IAE, 1901, 14 (Suppl.). I . Aol.u. D, ('1). 'Die Bosen NOf"duiens' (including the Chinese bow] JAE, 190'. IS, I . (With nolO by G. Schltgel, pp. 3111 and footnotes in the paper iudfby Raw:1 and Conrady.) AI.DR�D, C. ( I ). 'Furniture, to the End of the Romall Empin:'. [n A History Gf Ttcbolog. ed. C. Singer tI aJ. Oxford. 19:,6, vol. 2, 220. AEl<[AJ. T"CTtCUS, A£SCLEI'IOOOTl:S, O."ASASDER ( t ) . Wilh .M E�g!ish Tra�slfllion hy Ih. m.mhm �/lh. lIli�.is Grn/: Club (19�3) . •pl. ed. Ha,..... ard (Jni"eTSily l'reloS, Cambridge MaloS., William Heinemann, London, 1977. ALUSEEV, V. ;"1 . (r). 'Orrazhenie borby S z3vo<:\"aldami v iSlorii i literature Kilaja.' h.'tsliyz .4N SSSR, '9.15, 4·5, , 87 · AU;KSH\', V. ;"1. {�}. Kila)'Stay" narod�nyR tfl'li�a; nuhol'�n)"a dli{�' JlIlrogo Kilaja D tulrodnyl:h i(obra(h.niJa. Izdalelsl\"O Nauka. ;"!oscow. 1966. ALI.XASDU. A. E. & jOHSSOS, P. {I}. Col/oia&i.
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(f/lfPOsts ",'{lnl 1'£•• CIt.lli,nll., par aiff",.,ls Gbtlrav CltillGis. SIt, ltsqlU!s lu Aspirall/s au Graus Mililairrs sOlll Hllgis it slth,. au ExamtllJ. On.J ajei,,1 Oil' Prk,pus aa.ml s d... Troyts pa, l'E/If,,"tltr rCPfIg-T,/mIg, JNrt at 1"£/lfPtrrltl "gMlfll'; (/ ars PlflM�Sg'd!"hs /»1<' 1'11I/tllig.tKtau EXtTti.u, ars ECtJluliCPflS, a,s lIa"ill.",,.,/I, a.sArmts (/ �miOl. Missi01lnairt d P,-K,Ng, rtTu ,1 p�MiIpo• d,s IIISlrMm.nIS .11l1i/aim au CllillGis. - Traaltil tM F'a"fdis par It P. . .II. a, GW.gMt. DidO! and ;":yon, Paris, [772. Thil prompted the work of de St !>Iaurice & de Puy-segur (q.\".). The SUI)pkmcIII ""asstimulatM by remarks ill the R«lItr,hn Philosophiq�ts SM' Its Eg,Plinlul lts ChilfoiJ

ofde Pau"" (q.,'.). A)olIOT,j.-j.-.\I., I<:e de RochemotHeux ( I ) . A.� Cms·lkAI (!I). 'The Shang City at Chellg-choll and Related Problems.' In Chang K. C. (ed.) SludiM of Shang Archnlo/Og,r: SdcCl�d Papers from the Internalional Conference on Shang Civilization. Yale Uni\". Press, New Hncn & London. 1986, 15-48. A...D� RSOS.J. K. ( I) . .lIi/illfT)' TII,ory ana P,aeljet in III( Tim( ifXrnopltoif. Berkdey, Calif., 1970. ASDRJU. R. ( I ) . ';"!ilirary Concepts of Ihe Philosophcrs during the Period of the W..rring Statn'. In Tit, Rol. of Ih. Ptopl,'s Liberalifll/ A"'!1. "01. I , ��-6. (:etHre D'Elude du Sud-Est Asialiquc el de n:xtreme

Orielll, Bruxdles, ,g6g. Asos. (15) . .11I1I1!ii!I"!i.h.s lIaus"",It. Album or an arquebus-maker. conlaining various engineering dra,,�ng5_ �IS WalfK<: Caslie. Ed. A. \"on Essen""ein. Frankfurt. 1887: H. T. Bossert & W. F. Slorck. Leipzig, 1912.

See Sarlon (I j. "01. 3. 1.'l.'l3. Asos. (t6$). A CONlnb"/.oa 10 1M HisloryofDim-Bill/-Ph. Vietnam� Siudin no. 3. Hanoi, 1965. Asos. ( 1 66). Our I" matnl Ho Chi-.lfiah. Foreign Languagn Publishing HOUI<:, Hanoi, 1976. Asos. ( 1 7 1 ) , 'An Archarological Filld in theTlaidam.' ]SAA, I gOO, 3, 10, 18. ASTBl:fl\", N. t·. ( I ) 'Fundamentals ofFibr<: Siruclure.' Oxford Ulli\"ersily Press, London, 1933. (Chapter V.)

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figur.' OE, '956.3. 137. SAI:£R, W. (.,). Clrl�a ruu/ d,t IID.!n""g ""fGlwl:; Par""!r, l.'tDP" ., /dtal_stdllllll''', Hanser, Munchen. 19i1. Eng. Ir. CIr"fa a"d Ilrt &arcltfor Happi.m; RmITTi"l Tlrntl,J iw !OOO rUtS DfCIt"If4st C"It"tal llrstory. Seabury, Ne.... Yo rk, 1976. BECK.J. H. (ed.) (I). Lib" Tmiltl i, Inlmtis 1I( t:difiliis11M �1'lalis b.1 Mana"" J4I(0/lO dtllD if T/ulola. Milan, IgGg. BECK, T. (3). 'Der altgri�hi$Che u. altromisch� Gl.:"SChLllzbau naeh Heron dem lillenn, Philon, ViITLI" LInd Ammianu, ;I.\an::ellinus.' BGTI, 19' [,3. 163. lI[sr.onTo. L. F. ( I ) . Maf(o PoIo; il Libr9 . . . d,/Io .\liliMt . . . ;l.lilan, 193'l. BERG)!"'S. C. 1\.. Mc[wEs. �;. & .\hLLU. R. (I). Experimental Archery: Pyoj�tile Velocities and Comparison ofBo.... Performanccs. AQ, 1988, 6,., 658. BUGJoIA1<, FOI.I(£ ( I ). :lrclratDIDgi(�1 Rtuar(It,s in Sinl:ia"g. Reports ofth� Sino.Swedish (Scientific] Expedilion [to Nonhwesl China J. 1939, \"01. VII (pI I ) . BERTIl�I.OT. .\1. (4). 'Pour I'Histoire d�s Ans ;l.lecaniques tl d� l'Anillcrie \"cn la rin du Moyen Agt (I).' ACP, IBg., 6" ser, ':If. 433. (Dacr. of Latin MS. Munich, no. 197. tht Anon)'mous Hussite enginccr (German) c.+ l-f30; of [tal. ;1.15 ;I.·l unich, no. '97 .\larianusJacobus Taccola of Siena, c . + loH0 of D. MOfhi�is, .\iarcianus. no. XIX, S, c.+ 1449; and ofDr Rt Mililllri. Paris, no. 7339. I'aulus Sanctinus, C.+ 14!i0, Ih� ;1.·15 •

from istanbul.

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BtRTlIEI.OT. ;\1. (5). Hi5Loir� des :\lachinO!S de Guerre el des Ar\$ ;l.1&aniques au M o)'en Age; (II) I.e Li\"re d'u n lngcnicur '\lililaire ;i ]a Fin du [4 tmc Sitele. ACP, 19oo, 7< seT, 19. 289. (Dc$Cr. of;l.lS Bdlifo,lis, Gouin. gen. no. 63. Phil. K. Krner + [39.l 10 + 1405 and ofParit, MS no. 1[015. Lalin Guido da Vigevano, c.+ 13H·) B£RTlIEI.OT, ;1.1. (6). ·Le Line d'un IlIgcni�ur .\Iililaire ;i 13 .-in du I� .!-me Sitele.· JS. 19oo; 1 & 85. (Konrad Kyner and his Bd/ifo'lis.) B�l\TH£LOT. .\1. (7). 'Sur Ie Traite Dt Rtbs Brl/iris qui accomp,agne Ie NDlilw DilNi/alllm daru ]a .\lanu$Co1$.' JS. 19oo. [ 7 1 . BUTH£WT. ;l.1. (8). ·Lcs ;l.lanu$Cri1$ d e ].ionard d a Vinci el la ;l.1achina de Guerre.· JS. 19M. I 16. (Argument thaI L. da \' ind knew Ihe drawings ;n the +4Ih-cenlury Anonrmou$ IR Rtblls BTl/iris, and abo man)' inventions and drawings ofthem by Ihe + qlh- and �arl}' + 15th-ttntury mililary engineen.} B£V£RIDGE, H. ( I'. 'Orienlal CrossboM.' A QR, '9" ,3"'3,314.

53 0

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\·15H:o<'·...KOV...·A"I),IOV.... V. V. ( I ). Dro gllda Q NSSlauhtm Kila" '!P5-'rP7, VCIJ,/IfmiRa�ry.,. bdalcl,l\'o Nauka, �IOKOW, IgG;:.. \"I,.",J)J"" R, .\1. ( I ). Th, Chi�a'Japan l1'au Compiltdj.om Jnpanu" Chintst and Fortign Sourcts. London, 1896. Vo i'lGl:YE:O< CI...P ( I ) . Stltrltd Wrilings. �'oreign Languages Publishing Housc, Hanoi, '977. \"00"''', �I. ( I). 'bvlechcniya iz don�nii Gcnel"7llnogo Shlaoo pollr.o"nika Vogaka.' In SlHmrik gtog.tljitluskikll, IQ�I,afoh,slie" i SIQlisfie"�skikll malt,;II/IRl/JO Al;ii, ( Repr. from vol,. 60, 61.) SI. PelCl"$burg, 1895. Voon, K. (tT.) (�). Cfti� Cluutg S"all Sftw; Nnlll BiKft,. ,�rilftmtlistftt Ttchik - ti� cllilllJiscftts Rtrhnthcftfo' dm prnklisck," G,brawck nusdt.jruktn IInlll;til (-2QZ bis +9). Vicweg, BraulI$Chweig. 1968· (Oslwald, Klalliikerd. cxaklen NalUfwiSS<:llK"haften, New series, no. 4.) \'os, :\\. r. ( I ) . 'Scylhian A"hen in Archaic Attic Va�Painting.' In ArrlllUQ/Qli(� T.ait
\ \ \ \ \

\'SE"�WOOVICH, R(;OOLPH ( I ) . 1)alkiN: SJmQ TSlaN', islo,;cfttskil -{IIpiskil (Ski Tyi) [-Shih Chi, i.e. Ssu·ma Chhicn's 'Hislorical Records'] pmvod s kil<1isb,O i komtll/a.ii R. V. V .Jt>lkill<1 i V. S. TaskiRQ PN dsckti .tdaklSli

,

Rltntfl-T,aitcli1HJI/�llilwIQ AuftalOlQliCf. ,,01. 6.

H. r. (yalkina: "Jlwpiltlnaya slnliy
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, • ,

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"

"

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II.I-a, 181. (Lronardo

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l,fJlulaltdj.om

Ih. Skih Chi Qj SJ�·m" Ck'im. �

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\ \

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. • .

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A-( A·l A·'

Ahl C

aOt; Abi Abi

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Atn agel Agi� ,go "

..

Aig1

Aik:

aim: Aim air, 'Ala

Alb< aleh

AJd

GENERAL INDEX

by BARBARA HIRD NOTU

(I) The '-arioo.u IN''U of hyphenat«t ",!)rd. a.� '",aled '" )epa"" . word. in ,h. alphabeti""J sequence. It ohouJd be �m.mbo:r«I thaI. in acconlancc wi,h th. co.",entio... adopted, ..,.,.. China.: �r nama .re wriutn as ...,.....,. syllabI« ,,-hiIo: o,h......., wril�n as on. word. (1) In 'he amnlt"'tn, O{Chinox words, Chll· and H.. 1OI1ow normal alphaMtical oequenct, and i iJ [",.,M as «i"j,"']cnt to _, (3) Anobk worth �nning wi.h ,h. prclix ";0)-' are indued under .bekt'trimmediatdy 1'01......;"1. (4) Rcfermca to I'ootno... :o...., indicato:d by bode.. containing the IU!"'ncrip' leu.... of,he IOotnote. (�) Rdcrencel 10 ,h. Chinex military cncy<:lopudia' and 10 modem work. are confil>Cd 10 major ci'ation,.

(6) Rcftrtna:o in italicsdeno,. illu..rations.

A·Chu (Art.., Mong<:>1 general,jI. + u67), no A-Li.Hai-Ya (Ariq Qaya, Uighur general in Mongol umy,jI. + .:267), 220 A-Tha-Hai (Mongol general,ft. + 1283), 226 Abbo (fl. +8g0) Dt Btllo PtlriJUno, 233 absinthol. &1 anemisia Abli Bah (Pu-Pai, anillery general,fl. + 1114), 111, '"

Abu'l !\·Iojid (fu-Mou-Chih, artillery general,fl. + [300), � � 1 (d) Acre, siege of ( + [19[), �39 action, principles of, 31-7 administration, civil anny's involvement, 73, 74-7, 78, 84, 99 provincial, 79 urban centres, 313-4 advisers, Soviet military, 67, 81 (g) Aegidim Romanus (fl. + 1280) Do R.gimi.u Prillrip/fl, 133 Aeneas Tacticm (fl· +3oS71 +367), 270, 3[ 7 (g), 343 (i), 344 (k) tmD/Q1IDII (Alexandrian compressed air catapult), ,86 Afranjah, siege of ( + 793), 133 agents, secret, [5, 53-4, 73, 343 (e), 459 Agincour[, bailie of, 436 (a) agriculture organisation, 74-5 w:lIerwaY' and, 33� Aigues Mones 3�� (a), 324-5 Aikah Nowin (Chingix Khan's chiefengineer), 2 1 8

(oj

ainuofwarfare, 37 Ainu prople, 135 air, CQmpressed, 186 'Ala' ai-Din (A-Lao-Wa_Ting, engineer,fl· + 1271), 210-2 Albcrtus Aquensil (c. + 10601 + [ I �O), �33 (e) alchemy, 9, 192 Alekseev, V. M. (2), 81

Alexandrian [«:hnology, 1 7 [ , [7�-3, 186 Sit dlso Hilon; Heron altar of$Oil (sM), 243 (e) ambushes., 461-2 arbalesu in, 161 in mine, 477, 478 multiple_boh crossbows in, 157, 155} in ramparl and gate a mile outside city, 46t-2, ,6, ..oIr.merindian proples boWl, 185 Amiot, J. J. M., SJ (fl. + 1782), 28 (f) Ammianul Marcellinus (b. c. +33°), 186 Amu Darya floating bridge, 2�� (d)
555

INDEX Antonine Wall, jjl' Aqiba, Rabbi (d. + 135), 17� (h) Arabs archery, 103 and <:roubow, 170, ']4-5, 178 and trcbuchet; transmit from China 10 Europe, 204, 215, '.133, 240; inlroduce coumer",'eighu to China, 2 18, 220-2, 215, 237 IU�-bow, 166 Arak, siege of ( + 1 1 th ceru.), 2]6, 237 arbaJests, ,50, 16, archery, 101-83

books listed in C4Itint H/UI SolIN, 22, 30

graphs OOllnccted with, 105, 1 1 7 prolcctivc wooden shutters, 309,312-14, 384,

" 3

KN:ial rolc, 1 78-83 Tao of, I I I , 137. 138-9 Su a1s� arrows; bows; croubows Ar�u (A-Chu, Mongol gencral,ft. + 1267). uo arcuballinae,9. 1 2 I (g), 184, 185, 187-203, 23 1-2

Alexandrian, 1 7 1

anning, "16, t50, 158, 191, 193, 1 9B, +i1 alTO\>l's, '20 (a), ,84, 'go, 440, 44' draw weighl, [g.3 European, 1 7 1 , 184-5, 231-2, 238, 239

fornu, 187-203 Graero-Roman, 17[, 172 in Indo-China, t45 ja\'elins, u5, ,84

Li Ling shoots Hun khan Wilh, 123, 191 mobile (IIU chlt/). [23 mounting, 184-5 multiple-bolt, (lint It", tWIIU), '40, 188-93, 232,

437, +40-1 multiple-spring (""uumg lo!M IIU), 185, 188, [93-9 periods of use, 238 projcclile weights and rangn, [25, [87 sighting, 19o (d), 441 lrigger mcchanism, 440- 1

Ariq Qaya. Su A-Li-Hai-Ya armour, '.I animal effigies, 10-1 I animal skins, 2, 4

chain-mail. 1 80. 275 chariot-fighting period, 4

Europe, 173 leather, 180,275 metal, 8, 180 (d) sea-sheIL, 180 Shang bronze helmets, 180 KN:ial aspccu ofdevelopment, [So Tseng Kung-Liang on, 27 type ofwarfarc and weight of, 9 Warring Slales period, 8, 180 armoured personnel carrier, high-sided carl U, 41g,

42'

armourics, mobile spear-rack, 29 '=y civil administrative role, 73, ]4-7, 78, 84, 99 modernisation. 77 personal loyahics, 2]4

KN:iai altitudes 10, ii, 79,85 (g), g8 KN:ial functions, 99 State separated from, 52 S« o./JO commandcrs AI-'orriJdo.il (Arabic, 'onager'), 186 (k) arrows arcuballista, [20 (a), 114. 190. 440, '141

bamboo, sct under water around fortifications, '70

crossbow, 139, 433 (b), 470 earliest found in China. 102 (d) Eastern Han, ,06 graphs, [ [ 7 inccndiary, 15, 1 t 7, 446 malerials, [ I ' , 1 ' 7 paper feathering, [ 1 7 poisoned, 136-7, tM, 167 size. and range• •67, [76-7 tethered, 1 [ 8, 120, 1 9o, 44( lorsion catapul[, 186 tU�-5hooting, 166-7, 168 arrow-lube (1A�lIg ,},itll) , [66-7, 168 artemisia gas (absinthol), �M-3, 464-5, �66-7, 1i9, 47°, 47 1 Artkaidstrfl, by KauJilya, 54 (a) artillery. Stt ballisli c machinery arlisaru' quarten. 245, '9' (e) aru. military (a.'� sh), 28 (b), 8] (b) a.!bestos, 1 [ 3 (e) aJhcs, 274, 466-7, 477 Asia, Central. St. nomads Alia, Ea.!t cultures, and classical lhcory ofwar, 68-9, 70, 9',

'"

lOCial struCtures, 9' tribal peopla' archery, 135 views of military in world order, [00 Alkul, island of, Nubia, 3 I 7,318-19 assauins, 177 (It) assault, dircct frontal. Su infantry (mass assault) assault wagons (bill """), 436 Auyria bows, '0'-3

a.!lro-gcomancy, 24, 56, 60 astrology, 22, 23. 24, 38, 55-6. 88 astronomy, 22 (b)

Athenacus or NaueTati' (ft. e. + �oo)

D.ipMJOphiJlfli, 17' (c)

Alhenacus (prob. +,nd cenl.) Pm M«�I(IfI, 186 (j), a39 (d) Athens Long Walls, 354, J58 alloll (throwing-stid), 1 [ ,5 attad:.

surprise

(IA�), 413, 46 t-3

t.....d\"c Iypes of, 4'3-85 Sa II1J� iltdividwfll lJJH.s �fflilact attiludes to military, KN:ial, 77, 79,85 (g), g8

aulumn 3.$ scaSOIl of rill, 93 avoidancc ofoombat, 37-8, 39, 44-5, 70-g, 94, g6-8 awl, footless (},,,,, thi), 479

,,�

r. I. ul

Bab) Bacl1 bod,

Bagh

Th balco '.. '�

Balfo bal/ul �

balliS! d,f d" diu

��

..m Sa

"

balliu

balls. I bambc ,�

�un m«

'oc. K�

Stta

Bomb< bannC! COI01

com. d= ,'" . lIa,'1

siege for Ii

,ymb ....am .

Bantiy Barbari ""

".

barbica: Barcekll

R,�

banizat

Saul a

bastion

balleri.... Bauer, \ Ba)'all I

'" Bayon. ( beacons. Beck. T Bcli�riu

INDEX axes, 275, 484 for chopping hands, ISIN JIIoMJM, lI9O, �' long {cMa.or,/M), lI77,II79 sapper's, phoenix-headed (fin, thow/_), 480

· 9l1,

Babylonia, 4, 102-3,201 Bactria, Greelr. Ir.ingdom of, 175 badges (""i), 270-1 Bagha-durbeljin Tho-Tho J,tnI-btall, .ID balconies 'enemy' (Ii pith,), 339, 3P 'movable' (hsill ,hall), 4I I Balfour, H. (3, 4), 102, 103 (a, b) 6«/iJI/lt, ,8j, 186 rolary, 200-3 ballistic machinery, 184-lI40 definitiOlu and distribulion, 114-7 deploymenl, 307, 4'2 distribution and diffusion, 231-40 projectile weights and ranges. 187 simplification ofdesign, progressive, lI37 Sn tUS� arcub;,dlistae; balliJ/4r, catapults; mangoneb; slings; swape; trebuche15 balliStics, study of, II balls, stone, 114, 186 bamboo arrows sct under water around fortifications. 270 guns, 2-3 incendiaries, 164 (b), 168 roelr.ets, 168 $Creens on city walb, 340 Sa abD slips, Han Bamborough Castle, siege of ( + 1464), lI39 bannen and flags colours, 57-8, 384 commander's family name on, 411 (c) decepti\'e use, 49. 267, '.I6g, 461 and divisions ofspace, 57 naval, 460 siege defence maleriab marked by, lI80-- l , 283-4 for signalling, 15, wfi, 314 symbols of hea\'enly bodies, 56 warning, 317, 329-30 Banlily Chm:lr, Cambodia; reliefs, 194-5, '97 Barbariam Han practice of pitting agairurl each Olher, '24, '" barbican, curved.,.n8, 353 Ban::clona Roman gale, J60 bartinn, Chinese, 375, 3]6 Basel Chronicle, 2119 (e) banion (wIN, dIM,,) , 337, J3fJ, 353, 370 ballering-rams. Su rams Bauer, W. (4), 86 Bayan (Po-Yen, l\longol general, + IlI37 10 + IlI94), ,,, Bayon, Cambodia, t93-5, '!Ii, 197 beaeorur, signalling, 25 Beck, T. (3), 170, 172, 114 (a) Belisarius (Roman general, + 5051 + 565), lI3l1 (c)

557

bell-boards, hanging (,,uui ,hUll, pall), 384, j8j bello.., double-acting pislon, 465 (a) 'fire pumped by' (f1amelhrower), 445 Jou and lIN. 465 and mining, 463, 464, 465 bells 10 warn ofattaclr., 267 belt-claw, cTossbowman's, 147-8, 1-19 Beni-Hasan wall-paimings, 4�9, 430 biffa (European lrebuchet), lI33 bill, long (cftMn,f <m), IlI4 Bitth ThN reN LuM (A Summary ofthe Military Boob). by Tran Quoc Tuan, 88 (e) BiOI, E. (19). 3 (d), 1 1 0 (0) BiOI, J. B., I 10 {oj BilOn (- 3rd or -2nd cenl.), 1 7 1 -2, )84, 168 (a), '39 blast furnaces, 463 Blochet, E, (I), lip, lI37 blockhouses 10 defend roads, 260, 26j boards callrop, lI64 (a), �, 470 hanging bell_, 384, J85 mine support, 463, 466, -P7 wolf'l tooth Jlriking, 4'j, 485 00..

against Hooding attack. 456-7, 4)8-9 paddle-wheel, 210, 220 bodyguards, 14'; Boghazkoy, 430 bolas. lIO) bombards. 29 bombs, 27 delivered by lrebuchet, lI04. �05, lIog-1O fire_, 209-10, 445 bone, armour made from, 180 &ok ojlArd Slum,. See SJuJIII Cite Shu Boots, J. L. (I). t61, ,65, 167 border, ,;, 7-8, 27, 126, 141-3 Han fOTts, lI64. 266-7, 309. 314 lbang look-<;oul posts, 26� bo.." 101-20 aiming, 15'; appearance, 103 arrow-cuba, 166-7,168 chariot-lighting �riod, 4 ehhing dynasly example, 102, 103. ,04, 105-7 composile, 4, 10� croabow outranges, 12';, 1 7 7 (a) deployment, 28. 124 dra...-st�nglhs, 102 (e), 114. llj, 176-7 'can', 10';-7, t08, log Eastern Han example, 106 general clauification, 10� glue, IOt-2, 1 1 1-13. 185 horsc-an::hen, 5, 6, 7-8 Korean. 103 (c), 109, I TO (n), I t 7, I 18, 167, 169 longbo..., 10�, 1 74. 176-7 materiab, 101-2, 104, 105. 109, ' 1 1-13, ,85 mechanical propertia, I 13-15 Ming improvements, '07, 108 Mongolian releiUC. 1 17-18, 1'9

558

INDEX

bows (tOIlI.)

bureaucracy anti·militarism, 19, gS-9

origin, 10. 115-17 pellet·bow,

115-1]

feudal, 79, 100, 240

rdlell, 4. 1()2

reinforced or compound, IO� sandal..�, 1 [ 0 Scythian, 105, 107-8 self·, 102, 114. 174, 176-7 social role, 178-8]

Sliffening with plaIa of bone or anlier,

structure, 104, 109 t«hnical data, '76-7 t«hnkal

II:'"",

105-7

for paru of, log-IO

tedmiquc, 1 1 7-18, 1/9

testing, 114, 115 thumb-rings, T [7-18, /19 Su also arrows

trebuchet transmiued from China via Turks,

Boxer uprising. S" J·Ho-Thuan Bradbury, J. (�), 204

bravery aJ stimulated by ("p«talion ofdeath, 42-3 bridges, 25. 364- 70, 37 1 doublc·tr;tcked lratle-,

222 (d)

'fishing' (cho ckJ/ao, i drawbridge). 25, 339, 37 [, 37'

Hoating, 219, 220, 222 (d) 'golden' (pilSlage for r<:ITe,H), 67 'movable sky-bridges', 4'9 (a), po 'releasable' or 'revolving', 364-;'. 367, 370,371 'uspemion, I 18

Britain, Roman, 307 (e), 330, 111, 33', 3;,6."ll9, :iiI,

around camps, lI67 boarch. 764 (f), 2119, 470

cylindrical (clri Ii Iholl), 433, 445 iron (fkieh chi Ii), against tani<J, 4l1S-6 iron water·cbestnut (IMelr lillg cfr.ow). 787, 288, 789 ouuide walls, 10 binder infantry assault, 481 Sung, lI8, Cambodia; reliefs of arcubllilistae, 193-S, 1¢-7. 199 camps defenca around, 767 distance from city under si�, 26g

cannon, 29

bronze age archery, 10'2 (d) cily planning, 3�7 (a) Weslern defences, 4�9 Su Ills. Shang dynasty

bamboo precunon, 168 m:bucheu replaced by, 215, 229, 7]0 true metal barrel·, 1, �-3, 76 (e), 78, 168, 229, 7]0

capilalism, 99-100 Carcassonne, 309. 314, 357, 359-60

brotherhoods, 84 HS

paliude, combuslible, 4So, 481

(chluJi Chl/DII), 333-4

Buckel, counterweighted bailing. Su swape

Buddhism

bodily control, I I I (d) and Chinese annexation of Tibet, 99 (a) and ideological sui.::ide, 43 (a) Kuan Yii cult and, 8S Lamai.t, 99 (a) lotaflllllU, 86 (a) manial am, 87 (b)

and militarism, 8S-6 monasteries, 8, (b) reincarnation, 42 Zen, I I I (d) Budhii, Muhammad J1idtlyol aI"ollli (The ArcheT's Guide), building. Su construction

Cacogliali (Italian military architect,fl. + t6gS). 262 Cafarus, Annals of (Genoese, c. + IlI8S), 7]4-S caltrops (chi Ii), lI64, :z6j, 277

cani'l<�n, scM.propelled bamboo. 168

Su IIfJ' crossbow' (triggrr mechanisms), fJltd wultr ,-"

'lie'

215

lay-ouu,56

ft, bronze armour, 180 (d) springl, Alexandrian, 186

bnl5hwood fences, 379, 337-4,

longevity, 7� military/civil relationshiop, "]6-7 Burials. Su tombs Burma, 7 1 2 (e) BUlCa, G. (c. + 1S401+ 1600), 261 businas. Sit trade Byuntium Gothic wan, 237 military theorists, Su Dr & MiJilllri; De Rtb.s 8rlli,"; Maurice; T"tllist
Cardiff Roman fortifications, 330 (c), 3S6,:P1 Carpini, John of Plano (•. c. 1770), 175 (I) caru. Su assaull wagons; moats (caru for filling in); O\'erlooi<J; .screens (mobile wooden; wooden); lind Jollowilll /yfm ojcllr,: cloud ; Double Hook; Duke LU'I; fire·; fork; head; high·sided; hook; hook parapet; hungry falcon; knife; nest; rake; Ilep; toad; lower; watchtower; windlass

cash (cMim), 337 ealtles

Japanese, fire'proofing,

role of Chinesc, 790- 1

345, 347 .148-9

( ( ( ( ( ( c c c c

catapults, 5

crossbow type, 150, 159 Su IIlso arcuballiJlae pellet·bow (tlllI ,t"",). 1 1 5 - 1 7 projectile weighu and ranges, 187 tonion typa, 170-7, 184, 18j, 186, 232-3, lI38 Western, 170-2, 173, 18), 186,237-3,738

Calholic Church, I. 174

166 (j)

•

(

cally (unit of measurement). '54-5 cauldrons, 274

Cilvalry, 8, �6, lI8, 174, 12�

c c c a a a

INDEX Cava of the ThouSilnd Buddhas, Tun.Huang, 387,

"'-9

centrifugal principle, 200-3 Chagatai (Mong
1'1

Chang Lin {engineer in service of �Iongols.,fl. + 1 283),226 Chang Nu·Pei (engineer in service of Mongols, + 1 189/+[262), 222 (d) Chang Shun (Sung officer,jI. + 1272), 220 Chang Tan, Stt rliMall Chi 11'... CItJuJ� HlI4IIg Chang Thing·Yii (llatesman and scholar, + 1670/ + 1 756), 230 Chang Tshun (official,jI. + 1004/+ (007), 2[4 Chang-Yeh; military C(llonies, 25 (e) Chang Yen (military author, + 3rd cent.), [91 (d),

,06

Chang Yii (Sung military au[hor), 27 Chang Yung (soldier,jI. + gSS), 2 [5 (e) Chao, Lady ( + 3rd cent,), 1 1 2 (k) Chao, State of, 7 assault of Wei, Han and Chih on Chin·Yang ( - 45�/-4)3), 4��-6 Han·Tan as capital, ,�, 250 Sun Pin's a[tad, on Wei [0 save, 36 (d), 71 Chao Chhung·Kuo (general, -137/-52),25 (e) Chao I (Italaman and author, + 1727/+ [SI4), " .

Chao Ju·Kua (geographical author, + 13th cent.), 120, 19o (f) Chao.Khang.Chen, probahle site of Chiang, 251-2, '"

Chao Tho, Vi<:eroy ofthe South (i. - 137), 190-[ Chao Yeh. Stt !I'M riit'" CMwr CMiM

559

chariot warfare, 4, 5, I�, 1'.14, 126, 1Z'l Charlemagne, capitular list.5 of (c. +800), 233 Charles Ihe Bald (Emperor, king of France, +8�3/ +S77), 233-4 Charon of Magnesia (inventor of arcuballista), 1 7 1 chart.5, sailing., 29 Chavannes, E., 6, 29, 142 ,hn,�btllliS/(l, I i2 (g) chemical warfare. Srt gas Chb! Chi (Re.:ords of Army FormatiolU and Tactia), by Ho Liang.Chhen, 27 Chen Thing.Yiian and Li Chcn (I ). 3 (b) Cheng Tzu·Yiian ofChhu's attack (-66), 348, 350- 1 Cheng.Chou, 292. 294, 342, 35 1,431 Cheng Chung (writer, c . +80), 153 Cheng Hsuan (scholar, + l2i/+ 2(0), 153 Cheng Ssu·Hsiao Hsi� Ski'" (c. + 1300), 221 Cheng n·Khun, Dr, '44 (e) Cheng Yii·Tzu (officer of Thang,jI. -566), 442 Che\'aux-de·rrise t"'. _, 334, lJj lui,., 1114, 461, -t6: Chhang.An, Han city or (Sian) caltrop, Rti5 drainagc, 314 (b),316 gates, :w8,349 grid syslem, 322, p6-7 no releasable bridges found, 3io walls, 302 Chhang.Chou .siege ( + 127S}, 225 Chhang Hsing bow shop, Chh':ng.Tu, Szechuan, [02

I-I

Cltlwng· rang F" (Rhapsody on {he Chhang.Yang

Palace) Yang H.siung 424 Chhao Tsho (Earlier Han seholar and politician), 33 (e), 123-5, 144 {el eM! �M. Su arcuballistae (multiple· bolt) Chh':n Chhi ( - [ I th cent.), 82 Chhen Ching (/), 132 Chh':n Hsi (retainer of king of H':ng-Shan,ji'. - 125), 435 (a) Chhcn Hsien (dtfender of Hsiian.Hu.Chheng, +450}, 436 Chhen Kuei (civil magistrate of Te.An,fl. + I [26), 27, 192 Chh':n Lin (scholar, +2nd cent.) WM Chilf FM, 41�-16, 484 Chh"'n Shou (wriler,fl. + 290). Stt San K�Q Ckill Chhcn Thang (officer.jI. -36), 141Chhen Tshang, siege or ( + 229), 45[-2 Chhcn Wang Chhung (Liu Chhung, artillerist,jI.

+ [ 73), 15':1,154 Chhcn Yin (archer, - 5th cent.), 115-16, '37-9, ."

Chheng, siege of (- 547), 461 Chhcng Chhung.Tou (croubow upert, + 16th cent.), 134 Chillh CM"g Hsi,. Fa, [57, ,6,

560

INDEX

Chhcng Tsung-Yii, [ 34. 1 7 7 (e) Chhi:ng-Tu. Sz«huan ehhang Hling bow shop, 102 (el Pai-Hua-Than middle $Chool site, 446 Chheng.Tzu.Yai, 1I911, �, 431 Chheng·Wang, z"B, 249 CWrr'Ji ('sayings'), 7 1 , 90 Chhi, Statt of war againsl Wei, 139-40. 4j5 Su IIISG Lin.Tzu ehhi Chi-Kuang (general and military theoretician, + 15:181+ 1587) . :1 7-8

ehhi Hsiang, 301 eMt; Mi" r"" $J,M (Important Ans for the People's Welfare, +6th cent.), I [ ll eMi pi'll (IUrpri� or irregular troops) , 370 Chhi Ssu-Ho (11. 16-17 eIMi SW� Pi�g Fa (Chhi Stale Sun's Art of War), 22 (.)

Su also Sun Pin Pi�g Fa Chhi Tzu (-Yang) (semi_legendary Han anisan), ' .' Chhiang Shell (Chin gentral,ji'. + 1232), 164, 2 1 8 Chhiang u;�men, 334 tllAit,. (ush) , 337 Chhien-Fo-Tung, Tun-Huang, 387, J88-9 ClMint Han Shit (History of the Former Han DyrJiUly), by Pan Ku and Pan Chao bibliography, 12, 20 (t), 21 (b), 2�, 30, 120,

'44

Chhao Tsho'. memorial 10 emperor on warfare t23-�

on eonqual by WN, government by whI, 94-� on cycla of hi5lOfy, 94-;' on end of ban on cXPOri ofCrD$$bow lriggcr m«hl.ni.ms, 144 on mililary-agrarian organisation, 7;' (c) on stralegic planning, 73-4 on viclory withoul fighting, 39 on virtua .... malerial factors in warfare, 64 (f), 6;, (b, e) Chhien_Lung period, 102 (c) Chhien-Thang river bore, 146 (a) Chhien Tshai. Sec ShlJo Yo CMlilan Ch!ll1n Chhih-Yu (legendary rebel), I I Chhin (areher, ofChhu), 137 Chhin dynaSly armour, ISo capitals: Ylieh_Yang, 30 1 , 310-1.\', 3j�; Yung, 303,

:J06,J08

crossbow-ulapuhs, 8 crossbows, 127-8 law on liability fOT collapse ofwalb, 307 mililary lilerature, �8, 29 policing, 32t-2 raistance of Yen to, 41 unification ofChina, 254 S" �/so Lcgalisu Chhin Ku-Li (Mohisl military l«hnologUl, J. c. -3;'0), '40, 11Ig,4'3

Chhin Lun (Roman Syrian mertham,ft. + 2 26), 173 (b). 'N

Chhin Shih Huang Ti (firsl Emperor, r. -221/ - 2 (0) , [88 lomb, 1 27-8, [32 (a), '4[, 444 CMill8 CMu Will Hsittl n/lllg KIrM (Comp�hel15i"e Study ofCivilisalion for Ihe Chhing Dynasty). IIg (al Chhing dynasty battlc formalions, 61, 63 bow, 102, 10], '04, 103-7 military literalu�, 29 military-adminUlrativc sync�lism, 74-� CllftiN8 J u. (Elt.hilarating Talb on Strange Things), by Thao Ku, 193 Chhing-Ylian Chhcng (cilY orChin, now Ta_Ma_ Chhcng), 386 Chhiu Chlin (ft. + (480). See Ta HW/! y", J p,. ,hhoN llIi (anti-cavalry device), 288, 211g Chhu, Siale of navy, 4;,8 siege of Sung ( - 593), 441-2, 447 war againS! Chin, j,421 war against Wu. 13, 43 Wu Chhi commander in, 20 Sua/lo Chi-Nan; Tso-Ching_Chhcng Chhu, Three Lord! of, 137 Chhu, Viso::ounl of (jf. - �74), 421 Chhii Ta-ChUn (+ 1630/+ 16g6) K!lI1l1l TNlIl Hsin Yi, 46� (a) CMi Wti Chi.. Will (Talks about Bygone Things besidc thc Winding Wci), by Chu Pien, [.56 Chhli Yiian (poet), 43 (a) drAiatl 1110. (sirategic planning), 73-4 ,MNII1II �N "N. Su areubaliiSiac (muhiplc-springl CliMP, t� nM sA". (special arlille!), rcgimenlJ), '99 Chhii-Fu (capilal of Lu), 2,)0, 29;,-6, 2!J7-PO, ",

Cllftiin SlIM Chih Y.se (Guide 10 the Most Important Things in Ihe Muitiludt of Books), ed. Wei Chhcng, 21 (b) Chhung, Prince SN Liu Chhung Chhung, siege of, 431, 438 Chi Hsiao IIlin Shu (New Treatise on r.-tilitary and Naval Efficitncy), by Chhi Chi-Kuang, 27�8 ,hi Ii. Su ealtrops Chi Lu Sai (Han fOrlress), 3�3,lH Chi-Nan (capital of Slale ofChhu), 303,303-5, 344,

345

(hi tiN (piled·up crossbows), lfi9 Chi Yang-Chiin {Chintse officer in Champa,ft. + 1 [ 72), 14,:,, 199

Chia-Chii hou-k,um (Han fori, Mu-durbdjin), 264. �, 353,lS5

Chia Khuci (scholar, + 30/ + lOt). 206 Chia Kung-Yen (Thangera), 133 (d) Chia-Yii Kuan, 4;'7, 458 Chiang, site of 2�' -2, 255 Chiang Hsing (I), IIg (e) Chiang Hsing-Pcn (Thang engineer,jf. +63os/ +�OI), 214-[;'

Chiang Kai-Shek (stataman and general, + 1887/ + 1975). 68 (b)

CA,.. A C

Chi"n

, 0_:

c Chiao H. Chi�o­ C.,a«i

.. elmlt '"'

cltuh " chlth III Chitn siege .' Chien_ _

Chitn tA.

Chihd

'm.

rhlh /, , (hill (ea Chin. S brtd citia po""

'K.

\"iclOl wan Chin d) gunp! iron f miJit� lechn wan, Chin HI ., . Chin-K, Chin Ta Chm n. S,. Chin \\'1 Chin·Ya attack -. siege b Ching-C Ching K Ching ri, Ching-Ti chin,_lAtn Chingiz I d. OiN Cka

:-'!au

Chiu-Chl mililar Chiu Ho m

ckiN A-IIII,

INDEX Chia�g Xu C"ia�g-Chii� lV""g IV'; SAl Fa (Manual of Archery by Wang Wei, General of Crossbowmen), '44 Chiang Tzu-Ya (statesman, + " thl + l�th cent.), 90 (d) C"i/U! SAl Ching (Cro"bowman's 1\.·lanual), by Wang Chii, 1�2, I� Chiao Yii ( + !.loth cent.) H"o u,Ilg CIIillg 27 (b), 88 (c) Chiao-Ho, 339 (0.),34' Chia()(hou l"Vai fa Chi (Record ofthe Countries beyond Annam), . go- t ,hi." ,"i (large trebuchet), 4'2 dri.h .tao. S.. well-sweep "Iii" lu sltilt (Thang pro,�ncial governon), 79 Chien-Khang (capital of Liang, modern Nanking) liege ( + 548/+ 549). 334, 347, 4'7-19, 424-5. 426,428 (a), 445 Chien-Shui kou-.t""". Ulan-durbeljin,.fij Cltim Ifwu '11I. /{j. Su ,,�dtr donkey, wooden Chih clan assault on Chin-Yang (-455/- 453), 455-6 ,ltilt /i (officer of city), 465 ,lti� (catty), '54-5 Chin, State of breakup, 455 citia, t,pJ, 249-50. �51-2, 255, 386 poisoning of Ching river. 270 use ofdeception, 267 victory over mountain barbarians, s, 7 wan against Chhu, 5, 421 Chin dynasty (Jurchen) gunpowder-projectiles, 9 iron plate armour, 180 mililary lileralUrf:, 29 tcchnicialU enlisted by Mongols, 225 wan agailUl Sung, ', 9, 27, 270 Chin Hsiang (officer ofChu-ko Liang,jI. + 229). ".

Chin-Kuan, Chhien-Shui, 264, '167, 168 Chin Tartan, 145, 215 Cltill Titallg Clti," CIIu S"ih-Er" CIuJM (Twdve Suggestions for Impregnabk Defence). 28 (d) Chin Wang (Li Kho-Yung,jI. +915), 259 Chin-Yang attacked by Wei, Han and Chih dans ( -4551 -453), 455-6 siege by Li Kho_Yung ( + 915), 259 Ching_Chhi (musician, ohlatc orChhin), 455-6 Ching Kho (Yen envoy 10 Chhin, -3rd cent.), 4' Ching river; poisoning by Chin, 270 Ching_n rrign-P'"riod ( + 1004/+ 1(07), 214 ,"illg-Ilti'll (well-field system), 75, 244, 245 (a) Chingiz Khan (Thai TIU, I. + 12
Chi" Ming Shu (On Saving the Situation), by Lii Khun, 28 (d) chivalry, 4-5, ,8-' 9 tllQ (/tmaQ (drawbridge). 339, 37', 3711 Cho Lu Mountain, ballie of, I I choppers (til",,) , 177 Chou, Eastern cities and towns, �43-4, 247-53, 291, 29� (c) crossbows, I 26 Thung-Lii Shan mining complex, 466,,pH polilieal and economic development, 291 5Crecns in siege defence, 405 S,. alsQ Spring and Autumn period; Warring States pt"riod Chou, Weslern cities and towns, 2ol', 2ol3-4 gatehoulO, 35· -2 status of military, g.8 (d) Chou Chhang (crossbo..·_makcr, Hangehow, early + '3th (ent.), 146 (b) Chou Chhii_t"ei liNg IV"i Tai Ta ( + ' 1 78 , '35, 157 Chou dynasty archery, 118, ,80-, chariot-fighting, 4 mililary lileralure, 19-20. 29; KC also S�� Tzu Pi'll F,

mining and metallurgy, 463 pala(cs, 244, 431 $f:(rct agents, 53 vulnerability ofupP'"r dasse$, 180-1 Chou Hsin (emP'"ror, d. + ! 122), 82 Cllou I..i (Rccord of Ihe I'l$lilutions of Chou) on archery, log-'O, 112. ' 1 3 (d), 1 1 7 on crossbows, 140-1, 153 on glucs, 1 1 2 on social organisation 74, 243 (c) Chou Mi. Sec Wu Li� Chi� Shilt Chou Wei, 3 (d) Chou Ya-Fu (general, d. - '52), 32 (a), '43 Chozan Shiuai (JapallC$C author.fl. + 1729), 92 CIt� Clmi TIIu S"utt (Diagrams and Explanations of a Variety of Machina), by Wang Cheng 134-5 Chu Chhiian-Chung (founder of Liang dynasly, fl. +907),339 Chu Chiin (Nan·Yang), siege of ( + 1845). 445-6 Ch C"iiIl ThN (Han military map), 262, '165, 387 Ch Fall C"ilI (Record of foreign Peoplcs), by Chao Ju-Kua, t20, 19o (f) Chu-ko Liang (Captain-General of Slale of Shu, + 181 10 +234), 1, 22-3. 40 and an:uballislae, 163, 192 dcceplive measurcs. 49. 71-�, fIJ Eight Formations Plan. sa 'empty stronghold' stratagem, 71-2, 81, 83 inventioru: allributoo 10, 8 pcrsiSlence of impoflance in 20th cent., 67 in Romance of the Three Kingdoms, 80, 81 liege ofChhen Tshang, 45,-2 Ch,,-.to (Liang) nu (magazine crossbow). 163 CII/I /-Il Cit; (Record of Hunting the 0«.), by Wang Wei, 229 (cl

INDEX Clti mil (chcval-dc-frise) , 334,.115 Chu Pien (writer,). t. + 1 1 30), 156 Chu Te (Co:ImmuniSl luder, + 1886/+ 1976), 5 1 CM Yen Uuyan) , Han inscribed bamboo slips from, '.10], 309 (a), 353, 408, 44' Chu Yiian-Chang (Ming Kao HuangTi, emperor, + 13'.18/+ 1399), '.1'.18-9

e'\'lIOlI sltl eM ('rnoIving shOO'ling machine') , '.10], 41'.1-13, 459

t'\'l«IlI.,.- (archen' protective shutten) , 309,3IZ C"1«I1Il T{.N (Book of ;\iUler Chuang), 8g-9O, l I t (d), 116, 140 Clt.iWI Chlll/Zllri.. Fa (Manual of Foot-Armed CTOMOOWI), by Chhcng Chhung_Tou, 157, ,6,

Chukchi crossbow, 1 35 ,hiill (unit of meuuremcnt) , 155 Cltlill Cltlllg ( Military Administration), 12, 15 Chi... Cltilt (Army l\lanagemem), 1 '.1 Cltullg IIsing Chlllg TIt� (painting), b y Hsiao Chao, 344, 31i

Chung Khuci (military deity), 85 (f) Chung-Shan, Slate of, '.150, !ljZ Church, Calholic, I, 174 Cimmerian Bosphorus (Crimea), 343 (d) citia administrative centres, '.190-1, 3'.13-4 artisans' quanen, '.145, 337-8 burials within, 301 and castles, '.190-1 Chou; typology, '.143-53, 29'.1 (c) CUSIOnu dues, 337

directions and orientation, 300 urly development, '.143, '.153-4 economic function, '.191-'.1, 3'.19 extra-mural JCuicmenu, 337-8 Han dynany, '.191, 3'.1'.1, 394, 396 hierarchy, and size, '.144 imra-mural defences, 317, 319,323, 34'.1-3 'male' and 'female', '.159 markeu, 324 (a),pe

military headquarten, '.172, '.I'}O-I planning, '.1+4, 300, 317,320-1, 3'.1'.1-3, 32f'-7 political importance, '.191 population movement, 3'.19 Shang era, '.143, '.144 Siles, '.159, '.160 Spring and Autumn, '.145 Thang developmenl, '.191, 3'.19 ward" 3 t 7, 3'.1'.1-3, 32f'-7, 329 Warring States period, '.145, '.153-5 Wei dyna5ly, 3'.19 Stili/SO galCl; mOilU; poliorcetics; walb civil and military clementS in China, 16, 78-9, 85, 88-92, gS-9 Sec alto U.WI (civil \'alues); It'll (military)

civil service examination, 145 Civil War, Co:ImmuniSI-Kuominlang, 68 (b), 70 (b) Clamps (kl«l), 45'.1 Clam, 91 fouign specialists resident in China, 2'.11

war of Wei, Han and Chih against Chaos (-455/ -·m), 455-6 class, JOeial archery and balan� of power, t78-83 Oauscwil:t, Karl Marie von, 16,44,70 docks, water-, '.15, '.16 (al cloud carts ("" rMlj, 43:' cloud ladden ("" tAi, counterweighted ladden). 4 1 1 -1'.1, 4�4, 434, 438, +43, +46-8, 449, 450-2, 4,i.1, ¥'4 cloud pavilion, ()'IlII .4:,",), 416 clouds, 56-7, :,8, 59 cOilI, 46:, du,t blown inlo tnemy mines, 477 colonies, military-agricultural (Iltun tAioJ), '.15, 74

�oloul'$ banner and Aag, :'7-8, �84, 384 and bailie formation', :'9 and divisions ohpace, 57, 384 Five I'hase theories, '.184 uniforms, 8-9 combat and compelitiveneu, 37-45 combat arts, 86-8 comets, 56 commandants (ulfi), 374 commandeering of private property, 271-'.1 commandcries, Han, 99 (a), 434-:', 436 commandcn, 15, 49-5'.1 administrative and political dulies, 74, 78, 84 appointment, 5�, 94 (a), I �4 Chhao Tsho on importance, 124 imporlance ofeliminaling enemy, 314, 461 peROnal ulationship wilh men, 4�, 274 penonality, 42, 50, 2]4 POSI- (tAi"z ",til, 37:' ruler's relationship with, 51-2 �ommercia1isation ofJOeiety, 337-8 communes, administratl\'e, 74, 7:' communications, 26 Stl also ,ignalling Communi,t Party Civil War, 68 (b), 70 (b) virtuoul in liberating China, 64 (g) war against Japan, 43 (d), 51, 67 (g), 68 compeliliveneU, 37-'f!) compulsion, 7t, 92 (c)

Co:Indtixha-a-Vdha Roman gate, J60 condilions, physical 33, 46, 50, 54 and siege warfare, �57-8, '.1:'9, '.160, �61 Sun Tzu on, 15. 33 conflicl, avoidance of. Stt victory without fighting Co:Infucian School (Ju Chia) on aCling in accordance with Tao, :, 1 and general principia of aClion, 3 1 on importance of will of people in warfare, 78 Sun \\'1,1'1 affinity, 19 on "}cIOry withoul fighting, 38 Wu Chhi', affinity, '.10 Gonfuciani,m on aCling in accordance wilh Tao, 4h :,1 on rorce ill necessary for State, 22, 95-6

Co"' .. 0'

.N ..

,

"" J>O\ .. .. s.

Co�, I

COTllIl

,�

lIal

,

S" comir. comrc con\'C" Coria R� Co:Irtb

con..«

Co:IUDt StU

, Crtty, crcdto

Creel, crem:U Crete, crime. Crime< Cram"

+

Crossb

croobc Ala

.mb

....rat .rnU

,,�

.�

belt..

00..

'box­ CataF from

Chhl d,pI< draw drill, ,,,"

� boI ,

'folde

IUI'�

INDEX Confucianism (<<1/11.) and harmony and peace, 94, 95 on interdependence of military preparations and civil adminiSiralion, 78 and militarism, 85-6, 98-9 on moral, spiritual and human facton in war, 44.

62, 64-5, 78 - '.

persuasion, cKplamuion and propaganda, 180-3 popular heron assimilated \0, 88 on social solidarity, 180-3 on 'way ofdeception', 91 Set also Confucian School ColUlanlinc VII PorphyrogcnilOi (Byzantine Emperor, +9051 +959), 174 (b) colUlru<:tion, building co.. va: labour, 307 stamped canh, 2+4. 250, 292, 306, 351, 360- 1,

375, 386 Sn tlh� mud (fire prevention) continuity of Chinese military thought, 67-70 conlrovcnici within Chinese military thought, 54-66 conveyor chairu, linked (hll
'74

ting

,8

corote labour, 307 Count c ... wcighu, ,85, .86-7, ';10,5 Su 1Ii� .:::loud laddcn; liwapc; uebUl:heu (eoun.erweigh.ed) Criey, battle of ( + '346), '77 (a) credentials, pcnonal accurity, 210- ., 3'7, 3'9, 344 Creel, H. G., g8 (c), t78 crenellations, 2,5, 339 Crete, [74 (b) crime, Chhin policing of, 3';1 .-';1 Crimea, 343 (d) Cromwdl, Oliller ($latnman and general, + [,599/ + [6,58), 9 (a), .5� (f), 79 Cro$sbow platforrm (Nil 1h4li), 378-81, j82, 384, J8j crossbows, [';to-83 Alexandrian, [72-3 ambush, [57, '.59 Arabs and, '74-�, 178 anning, '21, I , P , 146-�1, 156, '57, ,60, 412 arrow-groove (chIlD..), 1';16, /117 arrows, 139, 433 (b), 470 belt-claw, 147-8, '<#9 bowstave, 126, t36 'box-and-tube' (.ta,, 'hl/�g "''' nil), [6g catapult typa, 'SO, '.59 from chariotl, 126, ''1 Chhao Tsho on, 124 deployment, '21-';1, 124, '43 drawing, In arming aNN drill, three-rank, '22, "5 European, 170-8, 238, 239; arming, 1411, 150; moun,ed crossbowmen, 144 (c), '50; poisoned bolu, '36 (c); Iteel spring bowllalle, 23';1 (c), 238

(,J

'folded-in-Iayen' (cM lith /III), ,6g gQSI,aphtus, '70, 171-2, 238 (a)

goamoot lever, '50- I , 157 Han era, a, I.p 142, 3111 honc-archcl'$, [22, 144, '50, 162 Korean, 126, 1117, '44, ,61. 165 leaf-spring type, '36, '56, '57, 232 (a), 238 (g) literature on, '5, 22, ';17, 30, 144 lock, ,';10 magazinc or repeating, 8, '36 (c), 150-1, '57,

1�9-70' '17-3 ma,eriab, 126 Miao peoples, '57 muhiple_boh, (/iOl Il"), '56-7, 1:;8-6/, 188,229 origin and development, 13�-46 pellet crossbow, 153 (e) periods of use, ';138 'piled-up' (chi u), 16g poisoned dam, 136-7, 162 range, '23, 125, '76-7 recreational u�, 116-'7, 'oil, '45-6, 164, '70, 'H

rellollling, 2n3 sighting, 130, '34, '38-9, '51-4, 203 slur·bow, 1 ,6, 120, 163-4, ,66 social role, '78-83 liponing, " 3, 145-6, 162 Itirrup-arming, '46, /47, 1,,8, .�6 stock, '20, [26, '27, 167 stringing of, 126, 128 Sung dynasty, '45-6, ,6g technical characterinia, '76-7 technical terms for paru, [32-3, 138, 159-60 testing, '54-5 Thang dynasty, [22, '45 'tiller-detent', '78, '79 traps, 120-1, '32 (w), [35, [4', '57, 1.59 triggcr mechanisms, 8,15, 120, I'll, 126-35, 143,

1 44, '78 'trivCI' type, l:li for underground fighting (IIIIIII Nil), 470 'wooden' (1II1r /hr, heavy static type), 4'2, 433-4, .. "

Cnuadl'$, '47, '73-4, 233,322 (I) cl)"StaJlisation, smdy of, 2 culture East Asian, and art of war, 68-9, 70, 9�, g8 popular, alld classical thcory ofwar, 70 currem, following Ihe, 44 curtairu, si�ge dcfence, 443, 453 agairul cloud ladders, 449, 4�0, 453 h�mp (PII "","), 403-4, �j uraw or rush {(hi,h "'N), 375, 402, 41 t, 449, 450 S" II/JO screeru CtulOlnS dues, 337 cycles of history, 9-1-5 cylindcl'$, study of, �

diJi"'}'I ,IOO

dami. breaching of, 67 (g) Darwinism, lOcial 8g D, Re Ali/itari {prefaced by Paulus Sanclinus, c. + (395), 235 {b) D, R,bw Btllicis (B}"2amine, c. + 370), 23� (c)

.

-

.

-

INDEX duth altitudes to, 411-3 burial places, 30t identification ofwar with, 88, g8 'pla�e of', 47, �7 deception, 49 with banne["1 and flags, 49, '167, '16g, 46t disguise, 67 dummies, '167, '16g Rightcous Army and, 64 by $Iirring up dust, '16� to support ambwh, 461 way or (tui 1M), 91, g6 &e IIlw nratagems dttrhom wood (1M diU. II1II), � defence, natural, 64, 339 (a), 3'" defender, Mahin (ShOM), 343, 344 defensh'e strategy, '4, 4�, '39-40 Dcshathe, .siege or ( - 3rd millennium), 4'9 dcstruction, avoidance of, 311, 37-8, 39 deterrence by show offorce, 7' Ikuu. Roman gale, j6z Diodoru! Siculul (historian,ft. -2t), ' 7 ' Dionysius I (tyrant of Syracuse, c, -430/-367), '7' Dion}'3Ol o fAle:o;aodria, t7 ' (i) diplomacy, 38, 730 ag, g6-8 diplomal$ (Ts-ttt Hlltg Chill), 3 ' , 44 directions �9, 93, 384 Eight, 57 (f) and orientation of cities, 300 Yin_Yang theory and, 11.')8 discipline (jd), t5, 118, 124 disease exploitation in siege, ,80 ditches around camps, ,67 besiegers block up, ,6g fillM with firewood, 34' intra-mural, 3411 hlU/lll' 330 MQ T�_ on, 11.')7, 343 obstacles in, 330,33', 333, 36.j., 365 releasable bridges over, 364-5, 367, 370,371 Roman, 330, 33'-3 ,Vestern Chou, '4 t, flP divination in chariot-fighting period, 4 Kuan Yii cult and, 8.') military literature on, t4, 19, " , 11.'), '9 dogs, wau;h_, 3t3-14 donkey, wooden ("'II Iii, tank), 404, 4'4-5, 4,6, 4'78 sharp-topped (rh� /MIl II1II Ii), 4114-.'), 4'16, P7 doon in city gates, 344 covcring with shut melal, 347.349 holes drilled through, 347, jjO double hook cart (sh""ttt to� rhlt/), 4'.'), 418 dD{6-�d�ri (plastering ofwoodwork to fireproof), 34.'), 347, 348-9 Drachmann, A. C. (', 3), ' 7 t

dragon engine (11llII rW, w;t.ter-raising square_pallet endlC!S-chain pump), t93 drain;t.ge neolithic, Phing-Liang-Thai, 29' (d), 294 Han, Chhang_An, 314 (b),316 MohisIl On, 3t4-t.')

drawbridges. 51( ��d" bridges drill, military croubowmcn's thrtt-rank, 115, 1112, III� legendary introduction by Huang Ti. 10 drills (tools), 449, 450, 479 drums, 15 deccpti"e uS(:, 46t legendary introduction under Huang Ti, 10 naval usc, 460 mark enemy's progra:s through city'. defences,.P9 pellet-, 116 ritual usc, 10 signals, 10, 15, 449, 450 Dubs, H. H., (6) '33 Duke Lii's overlook and assault cart, 439, 440 Dummics Il67,26g dust attack with, 4.}O, 477 deception by stirring up, 265 to c:o;tinguish oil fires, 345 (a) dynamics, II Earth and battle fonnations, 58, 59 eorrespondencc betwun Heaven, Earlh and Man, 93-4 earth, stamped. Su UMtT ,olU/rru;tjo� earth mountain (thu slla�), 442 earth rivers (raked areall around fortifications), 267 eartb stOpper (caltrop board), � eartb supports (fo tiru, for mining), 466,,,67 Eberhard, W. (119), 85 (g), 86 economic history, 99-100, '91-', 3'9 Mucation anti-militaristic, g8 ofanny and people for warfare, 34 ofspirit, for martial arts, 87 (b) persistencc ofclassical theory in '91105, 67 SUllg period, 110- t effigies 011 weapons and armour, 10 ego, ChineS(: concept of, 9' Egypt ar<:hery, '03 (a) chariol.fighting, 4 glued woodwork, t t2 AI-Hull tll-Ttlufilh (anon, + 14th cent), 175 (f) lasso, 201 Nubian forts or early dynastic period, 3 t 7, 318-19 Eight Fonnations Plan, 58-9 Eight Trigranu theory, 57 (f), �8-90 93 Elements, Five, 17 aim to achieve CallY victory by usc or, 38 in battle orCho Lu Mountain, I t Chu·ko Liang on uSC of, 23 clouds and, 56 commander's uS(: to create spirit in army, 50

• "

'"

K

" m " " �

ekpl dew 'm' Em, 'm� Em, eoal ••

.",

eoC).. S­

engill epia,

Sa

E.bo Erh 5;

, eskilIl "'"

EurOJ .. I

Ch cit} f,�

."' h� lo� m. mijj , mili

.., tria;

5.,

" E�lhJll

evaCUl

exeren e:o;ercit E:o;etcr forti e:O;lXrir extra-,

Fa Citu

face, Iol Falken family Fan-O Fan Ct Fan I, I

INDEX

ElemenlS, Fille (",�I.) and dillisions ohpace, S7 importance, aner -2nd cent., 24 inllenuon ofgunpowder promoto study of, 2 Kwi Kit T(1t on, 31 and man 'IS muure oontl"Olteny, S4, SS metal, SS, 93 and 'natural spiri!' (tllitll CMi) , SS-6 and predictions of"';CIOI")', 58 ....orb Uled I in CMint Hu SliM bibliography, 22 dephanlS, Indian war_, 7 (d) dellator, 432, CJ3 embrasun:s {pi iii}, 307 Empress-Do....ager Tzu-Hsi ( + 1834/+ (908), 75 (d) empl iness, sl riking wilh fullncss against , 3S Empty St ronghold Stratagem, 71-2, 8t, 83 altOidance of, 67

-2tO/-207),

bows, J04-S

Europe

machinery, 23(-40

Chiang Kai_Shek's interesl in, 68

(b) cily planning, 261-3, 322 (a), 324-5 feudalism, 7 (a), 178, 239-40 guns, 238 humanit arianism, 93 (a) longbow, I 74 mangonds, 233 military thought compared with Chinese, 9, 16, 37,67 mililary in world-"';cw, 79, 99-100 swape, 237, 239 triangular fOrlifications, 26'-3 Su 11m, inJindll41 plIIUS, IIJId MIld" arcu balliSlae; C31apullS; cl"OS$bow,; Crusades; IrebuchelS EutllYl/»Ilm (Greek, torsion catapult), 18J, (86 cllacuation ofarea around cily, 271 excrement, human; use in siege, 2So, 478-9 �en;;ises, physical, 28, 87 (b) uetcr fortifications, 330 (c) experimental weapons, 187 (e, f), 2 ( 7 (g) extra.mural sculemenlS, 337-8 Fa Chill. Stt LcgalisllI

face, sa"';ng of, 97

(b) family as model for army, 42 Fan-Q-,heng, siege of, 2 1 9-23 Fan Chheng-Ta (author,ft. c. + 1 17S), ' 35, 157 Fan I, king ofChampa (ft. + 315), 14S Falkenhausen, L. von (t), 247

Fan Wen, king of Champa (formerly Nu Wen, Chine$( officer),

145 (e)

ran Wen-Hu (Chinese general expedition

in charge of Mongol 10 Japan, + (28 1), 2 26

Fan_Yang county laIC Han illustration of, 39 1 , P Fan Yii-Chhi ( -3rd cent.) suicide 4' fll�g ward

syslem, 329

fans to propel smoke and impurities inlO mille, 477,

,,8

�26

fdJlJst-brll.JtJ, 308

'of Wei to salle Chao', 36 (d), 7' encyclopaedists, military, 24-30 Su,uw i�JinJIl4I works engino, slum and internal combustion, 2, 205 cpia, 70 (a, b), 80-1, 81-2, 90 Sec aliO &in Kuo Chh i rtrl l

balliJlic

Li, 206

Fan Li (Yiieh statesman,fl. - 4So) , 206 Fan Thien-Shun (defender of Hsiang-Yang and Fan­ Chheng, d. + (272), 219, 220 Fan Wei.Chheng (writer,ft. + 1630). 228 (a)

fal, incendiaries dipped in, ,,25,

encirclement of enemy

Erbc:n, W. (I), 234-5 Erh Shih (second Chhin Emperor, T. '43 eskimo

F{III Li Pi,,& FII (Military Manual), possibly by Fan

Fei Chhiu, siege of Fei

I

( - �05), �56

«(oun�llor 10 king of Chao,

wamor), 8

fences

brushwood, 329. 332-�, .w5 mobile collapsible, 264 Feng Chia-Sheng (2), 205 (e). 231 Feng Hou (mininer to Huang Ti), 1 1 - 1 2 Fing H�� w. eMi Clti,,& (Feng Hou's Manual of GTllsping ExtraordinaT)' and Slrange E"enlS), 1 1 - 1 2 , 56 (b) Feng Li (general.)l. +204), 463 Feng Lin Chou (�tanchuria), 1 13 Feng �lCng (kgendary or - 71 h cenl. archer), 137 Feng Meng (Han author on archery), ,]8 fing slum (hhl (fans), 4]7, 478 Fhr& Sill" P{III& (Pass_LislS of the Deified Heroes), 81 F m, SIt", rill I (SIOries o fthe Promotions of the Manial Genii), 81-2 fing tIIo�fu (phoenix-headed axe) , 480 Feng Y in (general of crossbowmen,fl. + 25), 16g feng Yiin.Pheng, 143 Ferghana, 175 feudalism bureaucratic nature of Chinese, 79, '00, 240 chariol.fighling. 4, 5 demit(, !j, 7 (a), 178, 239-40 Japanese, 1 00 towns, 2.w, 290-1 fields

(tllim '"im; raked area around fort). 26.t (b),266-7 laIC Han walled, 393 filt ration, nudy of, 2 fire, attacks ....ith, . t!j battle of Cho Lu Mountain, 1 I in siege warfare, S 'heavenly'

stampeding animals with blazing hemp, 67-8

St. �Is� inccndiary dcvico (Uld indit·idll4l WlIIJWIIJ fire, $u$pended (.biDII IIM�), 481

fire-arrows. '5, 1 ' 7 . 341, .w6. 451, 452 fireballl (yao), 477 firebombs, 2ng-tO,.w5 Fire caTlS (lluo dUll), 419

566 fire cauldron, fire

INDEX

wandering (p Au IuUlng, incendiary

device), 471, 472

fighting wilh hemp mops, 340, 47.'), .,;6 in mines, 474-�" .,;6

with mud, 340, 475 wilh sand, '177, 345 (a) wilh WOller, 280, 344-.') firc-javdilll, 446 fire-lances (IJ�"" h�), 27. 277 fire poles, 436-7 fire prevention acidic .oIulions, 345 (a) hides, 200, '172, 341, 345 (a), 4'16 mud, '17'1, 334. 344-5. 3""-9, 351, 407. ,p6 fire-rope, non..::ombustiblc (A"" skhr.g). 477 firacrttns (1M), 405, 407-8, 'fO!}, 449. 'ISo fire-thrower! hJl(l /sll (trough of burning material). 482 'windmill', Western, Wt

fish glues, r 12 five Phase theories ( W�-Hsillg), 284 Hags. Ste hanners and flags Hails, linked, '175, 277, 279, 408, 483-4 Hamethrowen, 9, 27, 168, 445 flanking movcmcnu, ur.llcgic, 33 (e)

flight, uudy of, '1 Rooding, attack by (wi or ball). j, 1 1 , 67 (g), 241, 41 3. 455-60, 484

wails as protection, 24\ (e), 337 flooding, natural defensi\"e value �93 jo-Iang-chi (Portuguese breech-loading cannon), 28 folklore, 10-1 J Kuan Yii, 82, 8j, 84-6 force avoidan�e, Sit victory without fighting

justifiable, 64 (i), 85-6, 94

Confuciul on value to Ilale, 95-6 minimum UIlO!, 96 ..... identified with, 92, 93 fork ean (1<1 cMI). 415. '116

fonn (WI). 34. 35, 74 fonnations, i».ule, 58-63, 6'-j in ehanot_fighting penod, 4 Eight Formation, Plan, 58-9 Four Animals (SSN ShON), 56

heavenly bodies and, 56

legendary introduction by Huang Ti, 10

magieal modds, 24 T«umbcnt crescent ()'tIIJiith), 26 square, t23 Ten, 60

Yin-Chhiieh-Shan military texts, 60 Formosa, South archery, 120 telhered ja\"elins, 190 (f)

fonifi�alions and feudal system, 239, 240 Japanese, 334, jjj:, 336, 345, 347,3¢-9 manon, laler Han, 393-4,m-'IlJ4 Roman, 330,jJ'-j

Thang dynasty, 262 tnangulu, 260, 1161-j, 1l6j Sit � iMicUlwJl .lmv�1$ fortune-Ielling, 56 jossajastillJl
magazine crossbow, t59, ,� pellel-bow, 1 1 6

Franke, H , (24), 76 Frontier strategy, S, 7-8, 27 Fu Chhic n ( + I60/ + I Sg), 19t (d) Fu Hli-Nicn (Il, 36ot,j67-9 fo !i"I· SIt ambush fo IZN chiA c"Wi ('Sons and Father Anny'), 42 Fukien ;>.lon801 conquest, 215 (i) fullness and empliness, 35 Fu-Mou-Chih (Abii'l Mojid, artillery general,fl. + 1300), 221 (d) gadfly, flying (fti mlng, arrow), 470 Gaillard, Chaleau, siege ( + 1204), 239 gallenes, flying (fit 1<10). 393, .399 gallery, plaited '" interlocking (Ari/ J!IIh4). 472, 0j-4, '"

Gallo-Roman hunting crossbows, 172 games (ICti eMil, 92 gas, artemisia (absinthol) use in mines, 462-3, 464-5, 466-7, ,,ti9, 470, 47 '

(a)

:i5D

fire prevention, 344-5, j4l1-9 gassing enemy in, 462-3

galehou50, 292 (d), 1'94, 301 (d), 351-2, 386 Greek world, 353-4, Jj6 in intra-mural walls, 270, 317-18, 324, 329 knir� can for blocking, 371, j7j, 432 Lu, Chhii-Fu Hsien, 2g6, JOO model, Han, 36 1 , j6j Mohists on, 343 portcullises, 347-�1,.152 posterns, Greek, 353-4, Jj6 Roman, 345-7, jj!J-6R, fo

Shang, 293 ihape, 351-64 iupplementary projecting wall, 352-3 Ii lnIaillt, 354, .157-8 tum in wall 10 impede access, JI66, jj8, 353, .154, m

(a) , jOj-5 Sit also sally-poru

•

,� ''''' Ga>

R Gh< ." ,I� Gob H H

""" Goo

Go. GnU ......

gnu

G�. s'Gn G� G� on a

0'

go

gates, 343-64 appearance, 36t-2,j63-9 blocked by d&nden, 270, 3 7 1 , 37j Chhin, Yiieh-Yang, 301 (d),jlt doon covered wilh shttt metal, 344, 347, j49 doon pierced to allow use ofwcapons, 347,

water gales, 301

Ga A

Q

crossbow t41, 145-6

.s«unly ratnctiolfll on guards, 343

....

'''''

fowling weapons

vinegar as antidote, 469 gaJlrapluw (crossbow), 170, 1 7 t -2, 238

...

pn

,��

G,"

,row

g.".

guo.

.� �

Goili<

gu'p ..,

b" d�

,�

,�

flu r� !oF

m•

"" oci<

in i

in·

8

.�I , in \ 'n,

INDEX gtaring, right.angle, 10[ (b) gelatins, fish-derived, [ I � Genoa Anmds ofCaf...rw, 134-:' arhales[ien at hattie ofCreey, [77 (al geography coocentric.zone concept, 94 (al geomancy, 11, �3, 14 gtophones, 464, 465, 4fig Geron... Roman gates, fo Ghent s'Gra\'eruteen, 309,313 glut {,,c,i/llll, [ Ol -� , I I [-13, 18$ Gobi destrt Han fons, �64, 166-7, 309, 314 Han ordnance records, 141 gongs, [5, 460, 461 Goodrich, L. Carrington &. Hng Chia.Shcng (I), �05 (el, 13 [ Goths, 131 Graham, A. C. (11), 1$6 grain, 144, 337 granario:s, Han, 344,345 Granet, �I. (3), 3 (d) s'Gravenstten, Ghtnt, 309,3" Grtek fiTt, 345 (a) Greek world archery, [03, [0$ catapults, [70-2, [73, 231 city planning, 317" J>O-I, 3�1 {al gales, 344 (k), 353-4,l¢'-8 proper time (.tai,os), 55 (f) gn:nadn, paper, 417 GTO$lier, G. (I), 193, 194 ground, mnure of, 123-4, 259. 260 guardhouses, 291 (d), 119f, 301 (d), 351-2, ,86 guardJ 'curtain' (bodyguards), '45 5C(urity restrictions on gatekeepen, 343 Gulidmus Tyriw (chronicler, c. + I [30/+ [ Igo), 233

«)

gunpowdtr and gunpowder weapons anti·penonnel weapons, 222 bamboo devices for delivery, 2-3, 164 (b), 168 discovery, 1 , 9 and tnd offtudalism, (78, 239-40 fireballs (,,..0), 47/ ftamtthrowen, 9 formula given by Tseng Kung·Liang, 17 Japanese objcetiolU 10, '78 (d) multipll:-spring arcuballi5tae and, 19B periods of usc, 238 scientific work occasioned by, 1 in Jieges of Te·An (+ 1127), 27 in 'Slories ofthe Promotions ofthe Martial Genii', 8, trcbuchet projeetiles, 204, 10$, 209-10, 115, 220, m

in Wat, 238 Sa Q/J� bombs; cannon; HMO LMlIg C,c,ittg

Hadrian's Wall, 307 (e)

Hai Nt; Shi,c, Chou C,c,i (Rtcord of the Ten Sea

Islands), atlr. Tung-fang Shuo, 1 [ 3 Haichou, siege of ( + I 161), 2 1 5 (f) halberds, 4 c,c,i, 17/, !l78 to, 277 in naval warfare, 460 short, lappen' (11UJ1I thi), 470 Y"/Q"l, 457, 4j8 hammen, 484 long, 177, 280 Han, State of (Warring Stain period), [46 Han dan attack on Chin-Yang (-455/-453), 455-6 Han Chung (leader of Yellow TurbalU,!. + 184), «'

Han dynasty armour, 180 border forl$, 264, 266-7, 309. 314 cities and toWIU, 291, 322, 394, 3gB crossbow,8, [41-5 crossbow-catapull$, 8 Easlern; bow, arm..., and quiver, 106 frontier 5lrategy, 8 gates, 332-3 hone-archen,6 Korea and ViNnam in oommandaies, 99 (a) military lilcratu�, 29 policing, 311-2 turbulent period at end of, 393, 394, 3gB, 43$ wan against Hsiung_Nu, I weights and measures, [53 Watem; cit)· of I-Lou tribe, 386 H/JII Fri TZM (Book of Master Han Fa), 19, go, 140, 4$5-6, 457 Han Kao Tsu. Stt Liu Pang Han·Ku (Hsien·Ku) paIS, 362, j65 Han Kuei (toldier, late + 5th cenl.), 4$$ H/JII SlIM bibliognrophy, 16 Han-Tan (capilal ofChao), !l49, 230 Han Wu Ti. Stt Wu Ti Hangchow (Sung capital , I, 117 recreational usc of crossbow, I 16-17, 146 Hankow economic function, 191-2 Hao Chao (officer of Wei,fl. +2�9), 451 Han-Chou defencCl, 338 Harada Yoshito &. Tuawa Kingo (1), [44 Hardness (k
568 Hcaven 55-6

INDEX

and banle [onnal;OI\$, 58, 59 correspondence between Eanh, Man and, 93-4 Hedin, S\'cn, 105-6 hegemon (pa u.�"l), 17 helmeu, Shang bronze, 180 hemp curtains, 403-4, 'fD5 mops, fire-fighting, 340, 475, 476 Water containers, 344 Heng.Shan, king of (fl. - 125). 435 (a) heroes, popular, _p, 86-8, 8g (a) Heron of Alcnndria (-3m or - IS( cent.), 186 (e), [70, '7' hexagn.m palter", and baltic formations, j8 Hidap./ af·rtnlli (fhe An::hcr'l Guide), by Muhammad Budh�i, 166 (j) hides used a$ fire protection, 200, 272, 341, 345 (al, .', high·sided cart (lisim chhlj, 414, 4[9-22 Hill, Ixmald ( 1 ) , 204-5 Himcji-jO, 345. 347, 348-9 Hino KaisaburO (d. - 1 17). 25 (e) Ho KMtuI T:{u (Book orlhc Pheasant.Cap Masler), 20 (d) Ho Liang.ChhCn (military wrilcr,ft. c. + 1$46), '27 Ho-Li.m Po-Po (kader of Hsiung.nu,j. +4 '3).388 (.) Ho-Lin-Ko-Erh tomb paintings, 39[,P-" Ho Lu (ruler of \\Iu, d, -496). 13. [8

Ho.-Yang Chou, 338 Ho Yeh-Chii (I), �44 Ho Yun-Ao (I), 245 (a) hoards (rhlm), on city wall5, 339, 340- [, 3.p, 344, 36 [, 363, 4 1 [ Hobbes, Thomat (+ t588/+ 1679), 8g (e) h� curved (h� clllli/th.). �n. 2'82 long (tMa", t<:1/.), �77 Hollincr-Shon, G. J. (I). �0!i Homer, [03 (b) Hongkong army, 42 honour, 37, 78 hoofgras�n (Clrilllll lhi, anti..canlry device), 2'88, ,.,

hook carts (tON eM/), 4 [5- [6, 4[ 7, 4[8 hook-fender device, naval (4'o�-,hii), 458 book para�1 caru (-':lIlI li,h eMf), 4[8 hooks (4'ou), 415-18 anack with, 413, 414-19, 431, 436 flying, 414, .,15 ladden with, 453 pole-hook, 290, 191 in siege defence, 275, 437 for underground fighting, 469-70 Hopei province, Han dynasly village in, 3�9 horn, 27� horsc-archen, 5, 6, 7-8 witb crOl.!howt, 122, 144, 150. 162 horse ear knife (tap�r's tool), 479 horse-face towen. 339, 340, 3.p, 386, JI/7-go, 39 1

ho� metaphor of dismounting after conquClt, 79. 95 tracti on ohiege engina, 434 Horwitz, H. T. (13), 129, Ij/, 132. 15[ (c), 157, 160-1, [70, [73, '76-7 hOilpitals, military, 27�, Z7j, 274 hostages 10 ensure key combatants' loyalty, 459 HO[la no Saku, 334,.il5 Hou Cbin people, [93 HOIl Ching (rebel leader, + 502/ + 552), 334, 347, 4[ 7-[9, 424-5, 426, 428 (a), 445 Hou Chun-Cbi (Thang general,ft. +63(1), 2 [4 JlInI HiUf Sh" (H;'tory ofthe Later Han Dynasty), 38 (d), 39, t52, [6g HOIl-Kang Lungshanoid walls 292, 43[ HOIl-Ma (Hsin-Thien, capital of Chin), 2.,a, 249-50 Hsi Jllng (Wcstern Jung), 484 Hsi.Po (Hsia or Shang city at Yen-Sbib Hsien), 295,

'!Ii

Hsi-Yang phao (Portuguese b.1Trel·guns), 230 Hsi.Yii p1w.o (Muslim trebucbetl), 230 IIsi r. Clri (Pilgrimage to the Wen), 80 W adventureR, 88 1tsi4 chhhlg clri"" eMr1 (windlut can), 432, m Hsia dynasty gates, 35[ and Yang-Cbh':ng, 292 (c) secret agents and o\"enbrow or, !i3 H.Jia hou Shih. $u Yii the Great H.Jia Hti en sile of An-I, 250-1, 253 Hsia-l'bd, siege of ( + 19B), 456 Hsia·Tu (capital of Yen), 246, 248 Irsillng (districtS of Western Chou city), 244Hsiang-Chou flooding (+953), 337 (e) Hsiang-Phing, siege of (+ 238), 435-6 llsi4�g Pi�l Clri" Mi�g Sh {On Saving the Situation by (the RaUing of), Militia), by Lii Khun, 28 Id) Hsiang-Yang. siege of ( + 13th cem.), '203-4, 21923, 237 Hsiang.YangP'- (type oftrebuchet), 237 Hsiao Chao (paimer, Southern Sung), 344, jf/i Hsiao Chheng, Prince of Chao (ft. -2!iO), 65 Hsiao Chien (2). 68 IIsiao Hsiklr K�,. Ch (Eigbt t-ormations I'lan), 58 (g) Hiliao Ling, prince or Han, 143 Hsicn-Ku {Han-Ku} pass, 362, 365 Hsien-Pi nomads, 391 H,ien-Yang Chhin troop mO"cmcm -209, 143 releasable bridge, 367, 370 H.Jin_Cheng (capital of StatCl ofCh':ng and of Han) , 24,5. 247-8 Hsin-Fan Han market scene from, j2'8 IlsiN SIIlr i (His[ory or Troublous Times), by Cheng Ssu-Hsiao, 223, 225 Hsi,. SlIM (Book oflbe Hearts and Minds), am. Chll­ ko Liang, 23

H"",

H"", Hsiul ,h. Th

Hsi (, Hsu ( H,u ( Htu ( "" I Hsu.) Hsu-. Hsi�

•

Htu S "" HSIl 1

Htu 1

C

Hsuan H_ R " HsuaD H.... Hsuan HsiJt , Hsiin ' lis;;" 1 " Hsun'

", ""

H, OO

'J

.' H" e.-

..,

n

Hu Fu

Hu Sal H,,-T..

'3 Hu Yel Hua ct Hua·a HuaM H�s;.

+.

Hua yi HlMli Xl

.�

IrJUl"g " Huang Huang

+, Huang S.

'h,

INDEX Hsilf Tlumt Shll (New Hutory ofthe Thang Dynasty),

by Qu-Yang Hsiu and Sung Chhi, 75 Hsin-Thien (capital of Chin, at Hou-Ma), �-IJ, 149,.

• " . Hi;,,& •

(cheval-d�fri�), 461 , .¢1l

Hd"t TI (Punuhmenu and Virtuo), 22 (b)

Hsiung-Nu, I chariots or tanks, 424 Thung-Wan Chheng, 388 (a) Hii (emptiness), 35 Hsii Ching (envoy 10 Korea, + 12th cent.), 103 (c) Hsii Chung-Lin (poet), 81 Hsii Chung-Shu (4), 118, 120, t51 (a), 16g Hsii fu (magician,ft. -2(0), 188 Hsii-I, siege of (+451), 41 7 Hsii-Ko, battle or ( - 706), 206 Hiiphlng (plaitM Or interlocking gallery), 472, 473-4, m

Hsii Shen (Kholar, d. + 120)), w6 Sce abo Shuo Win Chith T�u Hsii Ta (general, + 1329/ + 1383), 229 Hlii Tung (writer, +970 10 + 1011). S« HII Cflltim Chi"g Hsiian, Viscount of Wei (fl· -455/-453), 455-6 HSiUJ,,_Ho Pm, SAiIt KtI() Li Tlut Chmg (Illustrated Record oran Emba!lSY to Korea), by Hsii Ching 103 (c) Hsiian-Hu-Chheng, sicge of (+450), 436 Hsiia" mm. Su portcullises Hsuan-Wu Army, 193 Hsiitll lftb. Sn sally poru Hsiin Chhing. S« Hsi" T�M Hili" T�1l (Book of Master Hsiin), 30, 64 (I), 65, 74, 1 1 4 (a), '41, 182 (c) Hsiin Wu, Lord of Mu (fl· -540), 7 Hu barbarians, 12S Hil Cltltint CIri"t (Tiger Scal Manual), by fbii Tung 25-6, 39, S6 (f, h), 57 (b, e, f, g), 00, 60 (a), 423, 425,459 HII. Chi,. S1tI Shill W
569

Huang Ti (Yellow Emperor), 10 climbs Khung-Tung, 4'9 and in\"�ntion of batde fonnalions, !l8 and origin ofarchery, '37 Yi� Fu Clring attribuled to, I I , 88 (e) HIUl"g ni�I] Chhlt MUm u (Records of the Imperial Mongol Expedition agailill Burma, + 13(0), 2t2 (c) Hucker, C. Q. (5), 97 Hui Tsung (Sung emperor), 229 Hui Tw (logician, +3rd/+4th cenl.), I t6 Hulagu Khall (fl. + 1256), 177 (k), 1 99 (a), 2t9 (I ) human-heanedncss Ubt), 93 humanitarianism, European, 93 (a) Hundred Days of Reform (18g8), 75 (d) Hung Tsun (official, + 1 120/ + 1 ( 74), '57 (j) HungariallJ, '118 (c) hungry falcon cart (I h ,WI. 41 S, 4'7 Huns, I Chhao Tsho Oil taclics against, 1 �3-5 crossbows uSoed againsl, I �4, 12S, 143, 177 (al Han defensive stralegy against, 38 (d) Ho Chhii-Ping's victories, - 1'10, �5 (e) Li·Ling shoots khan, 1'13, 191 hunting wilh cl"05Sbow, 162, 170, 17�, 174 crossbow traps, 120-1 Wang Mang's, 434- 5 hll/) ,h"; (sapper's 1(01), 479 IrIlO klOlg. Sn fire, auack by HWI ung Chi.., (Fire-Drake Manual), by Chiao Yii 27 (b), 88 (c) Humans 431 Hussile arcuballista design (c. + (430), 232 (a) Huuri, K. (I), 174, 184 (a), '1 16-17, 237 I (peoples), 295 I, Marquis of Tseng (Tseng Hou-I), 48�, 483 I-Chhiu lribe, 125 1 Chi", (Book ofChanges), 22, 23, 30, 101, 16g I Chqll Slwll (Lost Records ofthe Chou Dynasty), '141 (b) 1ft ('ant-like Ipproach'). Ste infantry (mus wault)

I-Ho-Thuan (Boxer) uprising, 60 (c), 7!1, 87 (b) I Jen (I ) , 8g (c) I-Lou tribe, 386 I Pi� CII; (The I-Pin Colleclion), by Wang I, 23' i pmg (Righteous Army), Sot I-Pu-La-Chin. Su Ibrihim I Yin (statesman), 90 Ibn Hudai (+ t4th cent.), 175 (I) Ibrihim (l-Pu-La-Chin, Talib, artillery general,fl. + 1'l8'l), 221, 222 identity checks, '170-1, 317, 3190 344illiteracy, 80 incendiary devices bamboo tubes, 164 (b). 168 bUlidles ofrccds and rushes. +02, +04, 405 fat-dipped, 426 late Han/San Kuo de\'c!opment, 8 lileralU� on, 15, 25, 27, 28 in mines, 471

570

INDEX

incendiary devices (coni.) oil, 404-[" 426 throwing-sticks, 164 (b) trcbuchct-ddiverai, 210 wax, 404-.'i. 426

Su II/SO flamclhn)wcn; gunpo...d .· cr; torches

(pheasant-tail; swallow_tail); (1111/ inJit;dll4f

U�lIporu wuln fire.

India archery, 1 2 1 , 167, 17.'i (h) astronomen and mathematicians in Thang China, 221 (e) elephants, 7 (d) military_administrative commands, 79 indirec:1 means, \Ue of, 36

'encirclement or Wei to save Chao', 36 (d), ,. Indo-China arcuballistae, 14.'i crossbow triggen, 144-') poisoned arrO"l, 136 (e) Su also Cambodia; Champa; Viemam industrialisation, Japanese, 70, 100 ineslrillu Roman gate,:Iio inranlry Chhao Tsho on, 124 early development, 4• .}. 7 mass assauh (if-), 286, -P3-14, 426, 4.'io-l, 453,

454, 463. ¥\O-5 inlCriptions Shang oracle-bones, 241, 243 Su II1so slips, Han intelligence. Sa agcnlll, secret; deception iron 'good iron s i nOI wed 10 make nails', 8� (g), g8 manufaCluTe, '40, 46� mollen, poured on enemy, '277 plaling ofram head" 41'2, 413, 426, -127 Iruna Roman gate, :fo haiah, Book of, .;� (e) Ishikawa Mon Kanauwa-jO, 347,349 Isidorus ofAbydOl, 1 7 1 isinglau, 1 1 '2

bmil'II (I-Ssu-Ma-Y;n, engineer,ft. + 1271), '2'20-'2, '37 hny Roman gale,fo haly + 171h/ + 18th triangular forlilicaliol15, rol Jang iron-making, Han era, 140 Jannings, Werner h, 447-8,460 Japan archery lechnique, 1 1 7 campaigns agailllt E�o ( +8Ihl +91h cenl.), 334 commanden· paternalism, 4'2 dllilll)ll, 100 feudalism, 100

fortilicaliom, 334,115, 336, 34�, 347, 3�-9 and gunpowder, 178 (d) industrialisalion, 70, 100 martial aru, 87 (b) mililarism, 100 �Iongol expedition ( + 1'274). 226 mud fireproofing, 34�, 347.y8-9 Nanking Go,·emment, 70 (b)

samu,ai, 100

Thang COnlaCU, 336 tradilionalism, 68, 70 war against China ( + 1937/+ 194�). 43 (d), �I, 67 (g),68 javelins for arcuballi.lla, 12�, 164 fire-,446 telhered, 190 (f) Jaya Indrallarman, king of Champa, 14'; Jm (human-heartednCM), 93 Jen Hung (guards officer,ft. -30), '22, 30 Jm Min Jill Pao (People's Daily), 386 Jesuil5, I Jesus, .;.; (f) joM (soflnCM}. 93-4 Ju Chiao Sa Confucian School Ju-Nan comrnandery, 436 Ju Shun (writer, +3rd cem.), 4.)7 Judaism, �� If) Judo, 87 (b) jurcheru. Str Chin dynasty (Jurchcn) justice conviclion injuSlice of one', c&-we, 13 (e). 182, 183,257 urly Portuguese Ira�llen on Chinese. 93 (a) Kuan Yii cult and, 84 popular military heroes uphold, 87-8 punishments, 93 (a) Righteous Army and, 64 Il;olcnce juslified to mainlain, 85-6 AI-juwayni, 'Ali' ai-Din (ft. + 1260). 177 (k), 219

{�

Juyan. Sa Chii·Yen AI-juzjani Tllbaqll-i N�ri, 218

(e)

Kif; Yii TsIIIUlg Kluso (Miscellaneous Notes made while amnding his aged MOlher), by Chao I, 230 (el

kairos (Greek, 'proper time'), 55 (f) ka� thUllg >II" n" ('box-and-tube wooden crossbow'), .0"

Kan Ying (envoy 10 Syria,ft. +97), 173 (b) Kanuawa Kanemiuu. Sec Wdmr Snt.JI-slil kanazawa'jO, 347,349 kllng (hardnct$), 93-4 Kansu, Han finds from, IW, 141, 393, .399 Kao-Chhang. 214.340 Kao Chheng. See Shih IV" Chi riian Chi L,i Kao Huan (general, +496/ + 547), 436, 444,

."

Kao Mu-Sun. See Wti LiUi Kao Thung (mechanic, -2nd cent.). 190-1 Kao Tsu. Sa Liu Pang

Kao Yu comm Kao YIM Karakbc: karale, 8 Karlgrn

ullfptl/u Ip k/Jlaptltd. Kaulil)"_

Artlt4/i.

Kayamoo Keegan, Kellmull Romal KhaifeD! sile of si�e Khang, , Khang S .,6 Khuars,

.tho I; k.... Khubilai

,,.

tJn..., rltJtl Khung C

khutlg-III"1 kilns, 4B3 Kingly \\' Kipling, I Kil4b a/·F

" "' �1ac:1

Klops1CS, knife can

:173, 4

knighu.er Ko Hung. Kohler, G Korea archery arro.. ·n

,="'"

Han COl Thang l Kou Chlet ll�-I Ku-su SUo Kuan·Tu.

Kf«J� TQl

g Kuan Yu

84-6, Kuang.cn Han Ion Kuang-Ha Han rna;

KlUlng SIbA

Eney.:

KIUJ�g T�

Pro.i.

INDEX

)

KilO Y u ( + �ndl+3rd cem.) commentary on HIUIi /{Illf T(II 1Ei9 (e), 191, 434 Kao Yiieh (general,ft, +548). 446 Karakhoto, siege of, � 14-15 kan.te, 87 (b) Karlgren, B., 1 1 6 kal"fHll�$ MlybolQ$ (Alexandrian magazine catapult), [72-3 ulDfJlllikDN (Cuek, catapult), 171 Kau\ilya A,'MJdJl,4, � (a) Kayamoto Kamcjiro, 126, 144 K�gan, J. ( 1 ) , 436 (a) KeJlmiinz Roman gale, fo Khaifeng site of Pieo-Chou, 339 liege ( + 1127), 19� Khang, ViKount of Han (ft· - 455/- 453) . 4.'1,5-6 Khang Shen (croubow-bolt maker, + [31h cem.), [46 (b) Khanrs, 115. 233 (j) tAD Ii *1mI (multiple.bolt crossbow), 157 Khubilai Khan (+ 12141 + (294), 219, 220, 225 (d), ",

khMIll cMhr, cm. Sa Empty Stronghold $Iralagcm Khung Chhiu (Ma.'Iter Khung, +479/+ 55!), 182 khu�g-Iung (unidentified \y� of anack). 413, 419 kilns, 46], 464 Kingly Way, 78 Kipling, Rudyard (2, 3), 5;; (c) Kil4h al.F�rWsIya w,J·MII1t4fd ,J·HlJrhry. (TrtalUe on the An ofCaYalry Combat and War Machines), by l;Iasan al·Ramma�, :I.J5, 237 Klopsteg, p, E. (I), 1 1 3, I/�, 176-7 knife cart for blocking gata (ui mb! f4II cMl), 371, 373, 432 knights--err.o.nt, 86-8 Ko Hung. See PdO Phil T�II Kohler, G. (I), 184 (a), 737 Korea al"(.hery, 103 (c). 109, 1 to (n), 1 1 7 , 1 1 8 arrow'lube (p.JKII ,bll) , 167, 168 crossbows, 176, 1:17. 144, 16,. 165 Han commandery, 99 (a) Thang expedition, ( +668). 7 1 1 Kou Chien (king of Yiieh, r. -496{ - 470), 13 (c), 1 '5-,6, 137-9 Ku·su (Suchoul, siege of ( + 1366), 228, 229 Kuan·Tu, siege of ( + 200), 710 IIl1ml T�II (Book of Master Kuan), 30, 34 (d), 38, ;;;; (g) Kuan Yii (d. +219, God of War and Peace), 82, 8J, 84-6. 88 Kuang·Chou province Han tomb modeh 394 (b),.pr� Kuang.Han Han market scene, JPB AlUl1Ig Shill Ui FII (Extended Rhyming Encyclopaedia, + (699). 1 1 0 (i) ArumR TII"g Hsin ra (New Description of Kwangtung Province), by Chhii Ta·Chiin, 465 (a)

57'

IIlUmg riilt diCiionary ( + 1011), 191 (d) Kuangsi rebellion ( + 1 186), 199 (d) Krui Hai rii Hmg Cllik (Topography and ProdUCIS of Ihe Soulhern PTovincCl), by fan Chheng.Ta, ."

Auti KII hll (Book oflhe Devil Valley Master), 30, 31-2 trui160 (way ofdeccplion), 91, 96 Kllri Thien FII, by Chang Heng, [70 Kun (falher of Yii Ihe Greal, -3Td millennium), '4' Kling cMJ (assault wagon), 436 kung.fu, 87 (b) felllfg luill (psychology), 23 Kung Nu Shu, Kung Nu Yiian (crossbow facl0ry), ."

Kung.shu Pan (engin«r, rival of Mo-Tzu), 446-7, ".

Kung·Sun nan (Han loyalist general, d. + 199), 435 Kung·sun Yiian (warlord of Liaolung, d. + 238), 435-6 Kllllt rang, 244 IIl111g rug ClUllur, 4'P felllJ.jm, 244 Kuo Jung (ruler of Laler Chou, r. +954{+9;;9), 215 (e) Kuo Pa·Chiin (3), 460 (b, d) Kuo Pho (scholar, +776tO +734). 10 (e), 464 (a) KilO rii (Discourscs ofthe (ancient feudal), Stata), 3� (d), �43 {el Kuomimang, 64 (g), 68 (b), 70 (b) S" also Civil War Kycscr, Konrad, von Eichstadt (fl· + ' 39;;) Belli/o,tis, :lj6, 237, 239 (d) ladden (tlti), 2;;, 26, 413, 446-;;;; countC"""eighted, 'cloud' (fill tlti), 41 1-12, �34, 438, 443, 446-8, '1'19, 450-2, �5J, 4B4 Hying Uri tlti), 280{- (d), PB5, 416, 453, �5� wilh hooks, (fe.,. tIIi), 414, 453 relractable, 381 rope, (shlng Ihi), 384, J85 Lai, capital of, 442 Lamb, Harold (I), 102 Lan Chi" T�u (Book oflhe Truth.through.lndolence MaSler), by Ma ¥ung.Chhing, 123 Lan Yung·Wei (t), 3 (d) lances ((hhiang), 4. 290, �I fire· (tslllln hMO), 27, 277 land·mina, 29 Landstuhl, siege of (+ 1;;23), 239-40 Lang. Olga. 8S (g) Lang Chi (arrow·maker, +61h cem.), 1 1 7 l.4ng Chi TsAliltl TIuur (Impressions Collectal during Official Travell), by Liang Chang.CM, 230 (e) Lao Kan ( I , 6), 143,4;;7 Lao Tzu. � UN. TOt: Li £,11 l.4o T�M (Book or M.aster Lao), 22 (b) lasso, 201 Lateran Council, Second ( + I 139), 174

57'

INDEX

latrines, �80, 31;', 317 law (fa), 93 Chhin, on liability for collapse ofwalls, 307 I..r; Puy

Gallo-Roman relief, 17'

leaf_spring. Sa llruin Cl'(I$Jbow$ leather armour, ISo, 27!i ma�, for siege prottttion, 272, 37' , 373. 473. "74, m

s<:reens, for minen, 477, 478 water containen, 344 Sit alsQ skins, animal Lcgalisu (Fa C.'Iia), 17, 31 attemptS 10 promOte manial virtues, g8

and general principles of action, 31, 38, 44 on inci1(:mcm 10 war, 4:1 (d) Sun Wu's affinity, 19 legendary era, 10-11 Legge, J. (5), 140 Ld Hai-Tsung (I), 3 Lei-Kung, Lord of Thunder, 258 (el Iti mil (thundenticb), 284. �5, �, 287,!l8g Iff Piil! (thunder Slones, hand missiles), '77 Leonardo da Vinci, 178 (b), '103, 2(4-5, 'I3l! (al Leuoo, tyrant ofCimmerian Bo:sphorw, 343 (d) lew:., goatsfoot, [50-I, 1!)7 Li, Mount, Shensi province lerraCOlta armies 127-8 Li Chhiian (fl. + 759), 26, 150 Sec also Thai Po Yilt Chillg; rill Fu Clriltg Li Chi (general, + 5141 + 669), 2 [ [ Li Clri (Rttard of Rites), '23, 55 (g), 73 Li Ching (gmeral, +57[/+649), '2[, 24-5, '26 Sec also /..0 IVti KII1Il Pillg Fa; Li Wti Kwrg Wbr Til; Li Chung.Chheng (crossbow maker, + [ 3th CCn[.), 14.6 (b) Li Erh. Sec Lao T.cll; Tao Tl Chillg Li Hung (Sung military inventor), [56, [88 Li Kang (soldier, + [0851 + [ [40), [92 Li Kho-Yung the Prince ofChin (Chin Wang,jI. +9[5), 269 Li Kuang (Han general, d. - [25), [ [ 8 Li Kuang·Li (d. -94). 8 Li Kuang-Pi (gmer-d, fl. + 763), 2 1 1 , 237 Li Liang_J.·u (ambassador ofChampa,jI. +990), '45

Li Ling (general and archer,jI. -99), [23, [9[ Li Mu {Chao general, d. -229), 8 Li Phan (latc Ming military writcr), 28 Li Shan (scholar, c. +660), wi) (i) Li Sh/Jo Flri". (Measuring the Ocean with a Calabash Ladle), by Ling Yang-Tsao, 230 (e) Li Shih·Min (Thang Emperor). S.... Thai Tlung Li Sm (ehhin statesman, d. - 208), 30[ (I') Li'lu people, 135, IJO Li Tao-Yiian. See Shui Chiltg Chu U Thing (Tanar general in Yiian �rvice,jI.

+ [288), 2[5 (il

Li Ting (possibly Li Hung, + [ I th cent. engineer),

,,6 Li Tzu·Yao (I), 101

1..0 Wti KII1Il Piltg Fa (Li Wei Kung's Art of War), 24, 39 Li Wti Kultg WhI Tui (Li Wci Kung's Answers to Questions), 2 [ , 24-5, 33 (g), 38, 56 (b) Li-Yang, siege of ( + 573), 2tO Liang, State of, 334 Liangehow, 123 Liao (Chhi·tan), dynasly mililary literature, 29 wan against Sung, 9, 27, 215 Libbrechl, U. (I), 37,,,-8 LiddelL·Han, Basil Henry, [6 LUh Kuo Chilr Clrua,. (Records of Famous Countries of

Old),82 LUIr Xii Clrll
Lieh Tzu, story of, in Clrll
lim ItU -multiple·bolt crossbow, 156 multiple-bolt arcuballista, 188 Lim Pi�g Slr.ilI CAi (Trcatise on Military Training), by Chh; Chi.Kuang, 27-8 lift, mobile counterweighled. Su IWllpe lilill (Roman traps in ground), 330, .111 lime, 274 Lin·Chhiu, siege of (-50[), 432 Lin·1 ( Champa), 145 Lin·l, Shantung finds of military lexU, 18, � I (b), 374, 412, 4�3 Lin Ssu·Chiu niang (crossbow maruwoman of Hangchow, + 131h cenl.), 1 1 7 (a), 146 (e) Lin-Tzu (capital orChhi), :147, 248, 314 (b),315 Lin Wu (military theoretician,fl. -25°),65 Ling, Duke orChin (fl. -606), I [6 Ling.Shou.Chheng, Phing Shan H,ien, 2�0, :152 Ling IVai Tai Ta (Information on what is beyond Ihe PaS$CI), by Chou Chii·Fei, 136 (e), 1�7 (b) Ling Wang (kingofChhu, T. -539/-�27), 138 Ling Yang.Tl:iI.o (author,ft. + [799), 230 (c) lileratun: on art ofwar, 10-66 on combat and competiliveness, 37-4� enC)'clopaedisut:, 24-30 on general principles ofaction, 31-7 Kuan YU cult and, 85 =

military theoreticians, 10-24 popular. St. epics; tales filkoN/OII (Greek, arcubaUista), [84 Liu Chan.Chheng (I), 126 Liu Chhe (Han Em�ror). St. Wu Ti Liu Chhung (Chhen Wang Chhung, croQbow e"pert,jI. + 1 73), 152, 1,}4

Liu clan n:bellion againSt H,in dynasty, 434 siege of Wall, ( + �3), 45[ Liu Feng.Shih (writer,fI. + logo), 125 (b) Liu·Ho defenca, 338 Liu Hsi {wriler,jI. + 1(0), 132-3 Liu Hsiang (-80/-9), I I I, 1 1 6

'-', I

Liu 1

Liu I Liu·1 W Liu I Liu I

Uu! Liu �

L,u 7

" "' "' "' " " "' " " " " LiuT

, LiuY , Liu Y Liu Y Ii\'�r. , li\'olo loCh Lo K� r l� .t.oo

Lo-Ya

ell' H" �1()1

Tha wall

IIlkap.aJ. LoIan l [ami

longbo look-o& douo ,�

ThaI

1""" C Sa .

Lorini. Lolhar siege Lou HI Louis I loyah\,

Lii. lw. Lu, DuJ

Lu. Em

Lu. Sla'

ehhu

573

INDEX

" '0

till Htun (oflker.fl· +91';'), �ti9 Lill I (Sung general), �70 Lill I-Ching. See Slrih Slruo /lsi" Yii Liu-Li-Ko, Hu; Hsien, Honan Warring StalCS bronze vessel, 375,376 Lill Pang (rounder or Han dynasty,j1. -205) . 123 (b), 143, 456 Liu Pin (....riler, . + 1O'J2/+ 1088), 191 (d) Liu Shih-Yung (commander ofChhang-chou,fl. + 1275) , U $

ntries of allr. Lu

ing), by

Liu Sung dynasty, I , 199 Li" ThaD (The Six Quiven), 20 on &II/ri of city and ability 10 withuand siege, 258 on collapsible fences and traps, 264 on commander, 49, $O�l On crossbow sights, 153 on justifiable violence and decdt, 64 (i) on natural forces and magic, 38, 56 {b} , .)7 (e) on psychologic..' warfare, 40 on rams in open field, 434 on siege cnginn, 191, .1,14. 416, 423-4 on surprise attack, 461-2 On wuknOl and sm:ngth, 33 (a), 4-1 Lill Thien-Ho (weaponry expert,jI. + 153°), 176. '9'

Liu Vii (founder of Liu Sung dynasly, + 356/+ 4n), '99

Uu Vli (prince ofl'shang Wu, + 51h cent.), 14.l !.iu Yung-Hsi (military engineer,ft. + uxn). II t 4 li\"er, 93 (e) livt;$IOCk, in siege, lI7 t, lI72 1.0 Chen-Yli (oollector of"'eapom), 1119 (a), 4.57 1.0 Kuan-Chung (j/. + /330-1400). See Sm. KIUJ emit

Yrn I I� kilo (oUler city walls), 339

La-Yang (capital of Eastern

l'

lnd the

.J "

Chou) city plan, 1150, 251, 31111 Han tombs, 283, 377 1\longol siege ( + 11132), 164, 1118 Thang siege, + 7th cem., 11 1 1 walls, 3011 lokafJdlllS {Buddhist demigods}, 86 (a) Lolang tomb of Wang Kuang, 1116, l!l7, 144 longbow, lOll, 174, 176-7 Iook-oUI posts, 374 cloud ladders as, 45 I cl"Olllbow platfonns u POSts. 3� Thang border; round design, 11611 towers on cily walls, 463-4 Stf /JII� overlooks Lorini, B. (ft. + 1597), rol Lothar III siege of Verdun ( + gl4), 113 Lou Huan (oounsellor 10 king of Chao), 8 Louis IV (king of France, d. +9.54), 173 loyalty, 411 (c), 8.5, 459 Lii, I�' mm (entrance to cily wards), 3114, 3119 Lli, Duke. Su Lli Shang Lli, Empr� (d. - (80), 1111, 30 Lu, Slale of Chhli-Fu, lI50' 1195-6, :197-300, 3511

Wu Chhi commander in, 110 Lu Chi (scholar, +1161/+303), 4711 Lu Chia (ilatesman, + IIndl + 3rd cem.), 79. 95 I. rAiu m. ('deerhorn wood'), 28y Lu Hsi_Hsing (epic poet, + 15I10/C. + 1601), 81-11 Lli Khun ( + 1536/+ 1618), 118 (d) Lu Mou-Te (I, t). 1105 (e) Lu Pin (soldier,j/. +g88), 11 1 5 (e) Lii Pu (soldier,j/. + t gB), 456 Lii Shang ("at<"lman, - I IIIh cenl.). Sn Thai-Kung Wang iii S/tift ChIt.... ClthiN (Masler Lli's Spring and Autumn Annals), 30, 64 (f), 140 Lu Ta-Chieh, 119-30 Lu n.Ming (scholar, +556/+6117), 438 (d) Lii Wtn-Huan (Sung oommander-in-chief,ft. + 11167/+ 11173), 11 1 9 (g), III1Q IIIJii� (sapper's shield), 467, 460) Lucca fortificalions, ro3 Lugo Roman gate, fo um Cltbrg LII" Ping ChiA Ui (Treatises on Government and Warfare), 35 (e) LM." lIh
;o.la Jung (poet, scholar and offICial, + 79/+ ,66), ,06

;o..la Ling, bailie of, '39-40 :\la Lung (Chin general), tll3 m4 mitt!. Sft tow�rs (h�-face) MOl Tuan-Lin. Sec 11'," Hsirn Thung Khao Ma.Wang,Tui finds of mililary texIS, 1111 (b), 262, 2155, 387 :\Ia Yung-Chhing (wriltr, + IlIlh ttlll.), 1113 macn, 4811. .,a3 :\lcEwen, E., 167 (e), diS, t97. 19B :\Iaghrib, '104 magic, 114. 60 achiC\'ing easy "ictol)' by use of, 38-9 animal skins and effigies, to commander', power aI, 5t and interpreting ligns of enemy aClivity, 49 of numbers, 58, 59. 75 (f) Qfpeach and sandalwood, 1 ' 0 power ofcommander, 51 Kience mingled with, 54 secrecy about, 88 in 'StQria Qf the J'romotions of the Martial Genii', 8,

SunWu's rejcction, t 9 of"'eapons,60

j74

INDEX

i\1a·Ha-Ma-Sha (Mu!].ammad Shih, artillery general,fl. + 1312), 221, 222 !\.lab-mild ofGhaznah (+ 971' + 1030). 7 (d), 2]6.

'37

Maimun-Diz, cude of, ! 77 (k) MajT' (Arabic, tube·bow). 166 man and nalu�, ,H-!j. 93-4 �hn Wang (archer), r 17 (a) Manchu dynasty, I archery technique, ' 1 7 ban on �on ofmililary books, 8g (a) influence of clalSical military theory, 68 (b) use 'Romano: of the Three Kingdoms', 81 (b) Manchuria fi,hgluesfrom, 113, [[2-13 Western Han city of I-Lou lrihl:, 386 _�lalljkDfl (Byzantine trebuchct), 234 mangoncls, 186, 187 (a), 233, 238 (d) S" 4iJD Ir<:buchel Mangu Khan (Mongol khan,ft. + [253), 218 ol·rno'!,ioniq (Arabic trebuchet), 187 (a) manors, fortified (Ia[cr Han), 393-'k19J-�4 malUiolU, nine (,AiM hlll)• .57 !\.Iaolion, 354. Jj8 Mantlcu. Su pa"isn ""''' ('pear Qr anchor), 458-9 Moo Shih Yin I (Phonological and Semanlic Gloues on the Mao Ode,), by Lu Te.Ming, 438 (d)

:\130 Tst;.Tung (genenl and lIataman, + tfl931 + t976) aiml lo establish co-opc:rativeness, 8g (e) and cJa.ssieal military theory, 68 (b), 6g (b), 81 on military basis ofpoJitical power, 79 on modern weapolU, 65 (d) on lOCial life as S1fuggle, 90 (e) Mao Yiian·! (jI. + 16� II + 16�8), 28, 134 See also WM Pn Cltilt map!, military coaslal, 29 Han, from Ma-Wang·Tui (Cllu-Clrun T/ru), �2 (b),

26�, 265, 387 222-3, 231

Marco Polo, :\'Iari, .no

markeu, 324 (a), pe, 3 SO, 391, 3!P Marsden, E. D., t 71 (d, r, g) martial arts, 87 (b)

Martial Gm.i, SloritS oftAt Promotions oftire. See FiIlg SIthI rm I mat!. Su undv leather Matlui Hitoshi (I), 205 (e) mallock! bUllerfly eyebrowed (. mn '''''ft),

,Mang tzu, 277

479-80

Maurice (Byzantine emperor, r. + 582/ +602) SIMIi,iton, t 70 (b), �6g, 370- t Mayen, W. F. (6), 231 (a) measuremem, uniu of: Sit callY; picul; t
Meneius (Meng Tzu, Confucian philosopher, +4th cent.). See Mill, T�N Mfn" Set paviscs Meng.Chhang Chiln (rebel against Chin, d. -279), 362 (c) MIIIg eMi Pi TIr/U/ (Dream Pool Essay_), by Shen Kua, 101, 133-4, 152 (f), 154 (c), 156, 177

(b, g, h) Meng Khang (author, +2nd cent.), 1+1 (c) Meng Tsung-Cheng (general,jI. + 1219), 215 (h) Jihlg TtN (Book of Master Meng (:o.lencius») , 30, ..6 (a), 64, 78, 182-3 mentality. Sit p5)'chology merchant, Roman Syrian (Chhin Lun,fl. + 226),

173 (b), 174 Messina gale ofArcadia 3}1,Jj6-7 Metal (element), 55, 93 melallurgy, 2 iron, 140,465 Shang and Chou techniques, 463 welding of hard and soft steds, 105, 344 melaphon dismounting from hone after conqual, 79, 95 trcaty signed at city-walls, 71 (c) metropolitan dittricu, Chou (hi), 243 i\lexico, Cortes' conquest of, '74 }'Ii PIn Pn i g Fa (Secret Book on the Art of War). Sec San-Shih-Li" Chi

�Iiao people, 135 (e), 136 (c), 157 :\Iiao Ta (crossbowman, Hangchow, + 13th cent.), 1.6 (b) might (lhill), 34 ",ijrlll (Arabic, tube·bow), ,66 Milctul gates 353-4, J56 Military dement. Sec u;" military men, a"itudes to, 77, 79, 85 (g), g8 Mililary TheoretieialU (Pin: CItt4), 31 minefields bamboo arrows, underwater, �70 Stt a/Jo caltrops; land-mines mina, underground. Su mining; liege Ming dynasty, 1 annour, t80 ballislic machina, 21!1 bow improved under, 10], 108 Manchu invasion, 1 military literature, 9, �7-9 milital)'-administrative syncretism, 74 Mill, SAil! (Hislory of the Ming Dynally), by Chang Thing_Vii, 229 (c), 230 (g) MiNg Shih u. (Veritable Records ofthe Ming Dynasty), �29 (c) Ming Shih-Tsung (Chu Hou-Tsung, emperor, r.

+ 15��/+ 1566), '07

mining, metal'nlraclion Thung_Lii Shan (Mount Verdigrill) , mining complex, 466, -lilI mining, siege (hs/itlt), 5, 413, 463-80 ambush inside mine, 477, 478 boards, 463, 466, .pi7

INDEX mining, siege (4sW.II) (RIIII,) at Chheng (-�7). 461

al Chh"'n Tshang, 4)1

coumermining, 464-70 delivery ofnoxious sutmances into mine, 466-7,

.p,), 4]7, 478, 479

exc�""ating implemenll, 479, 4fJo firefighling, 474-), '176 gallery, plailed or in terlocking, 472, 473-4, 47) Han era, 8 at Hsiang-Phing ( + 238) , 43) I C�OM $J,.M memions, 24I (b) incendiar y devices, 47I kltung-Iung possibly type of, 41 9 Mohim on, 209 (e), 466, -t67 pom, 463, 466, -t67 ramps built with earth from, 464 smoke, 477, 478 Sung to::h niqua., 471-80 Thang techniques, 4]0-I

lit" � form of, 461

walls breached by, 461, 472, 474 at Wan, ( + 23) 43)

weapom: 4fig-70 S« �/JD gas, artemisia missions, technical military -6th cent., ) Soviet, 67, 81 (g)

Miyn;aki Ichis;ada (2, 6), 324, 329 Mo-Kao-Khu cavNemplcs, 86 (a) AlQ T.:� (Book of MaSler Mo), by Mo Ti and

disciples, 16, 30, 254-5, 2)6-7

on arcuballistae, 120 (;a), 140, 188-go, 19), 198,

437,440-1

auack, tweh'e Iypes of, 41 3-14

bibliographic hislory, 2)6-7 on brushwood fence outside city, 332-4 on caltrops, 42) on cUi shield, 406 on eloud ladders, 448, 449-51 on crossbows, 1 40 'defence in depth', 3'19-30 on ditches, 342, 343 on divinalion, 14 (b) on divisioll$ ofspace, 57 on evils of war, 97

Explanation of Canon 8'17, 448

on flags and pennons, 281, 283-4, 329-30 on fortificalions of city; eXlernal, 264, 301, 307, 309, 3'4-19, 3'19-36; internaI 3 t 7, 31g,P3 on g;atcs, 348 on long-range artillery, 412 on mass infantry assault, 480-4

on mining, 463-70, 471

on moalS, 32g, 330, 332 on moral and spiritual factors, 65 on movable towers, 408, 4 1 1 on Mo Tzu and Kung-shu Pan's rivalry, 446-7 on preconditions for effective defence ofcity, 257,

on ramps, 408, 4' 1 , 442-5 on 'scorched earth' policy, 271

575

on uakes planted around fonificat}ons, 2S.

o n 1Irll, 'surprise allack', 461 on towers, 378 on Irebucheu, 207-10 on war-flail, 484 on.JIIJD�g (weapon), 457 moau, 336-2 bridging by use of 'toad carts', 428-9 caltrops in, 287, 288 carll for filling in, (Iki'" ""0 (pi), eklll), .pg Chhii-fu Hsien, 295 distance from walls, 339 'mined' ,,�th bamlx:>o arrows, 270

MD T�II on, 2.')7, 329, 330, 332 mounding in, 241 (b), -P 9, 438 (b), 442, 451 Phan-Lullg-Chheng, 293 Shallg-Tshai, '153, 1,56

Sa IIls� drawbridges mod�ll, Han minialUre fired pottery, 348 city gales, 361, fi3 fortified manors, 393,395-404 walchtowers, 376,377-81 modernisation, 77, 100 �Iohim on ballistic machines, 203, 412, 437, +40- , Defender, 343, 344 on evill of war, 96-7 on firescrO::Il$, 407 on Hooding attack, 456-7, 4,}8-9 on gas, 462-3 on gales, 343 , 347, 348 and mililarism, 86 military writingl, 24; see also Mo T{� on mining, '209 (c), 466, ,,67 on overlook carts, 437-8 on rams, 432-4 on ramps, 408, 41 I, 437-8, +42-.') on rcieaJable bridges, 364-5 on saJly-porll, 370 on towers, 373-6, 378-9, 384, 386 Sec also Mo T{� monDgkcn (Greek, mangond), 186 monaJ'eries, Buddhist, 87 (b) Mongols and arcuballistac, 19B artillery againsl Sung, 2 t .') Chinese tech nicians employed by, t46 (b), 19B, 2 18- 1 9, 2�2, 225 and crossoo"'o '46 (b), 175 (i) defence of Lo-Yang against (+ 1232), 164, ,,'

expedilion against Burma (+ 13(0), � 12 (e) expedition to J apan ( + 1 � 74), 226 and lrcbuchets, 218-27, �37 Su Dlse Yiian dynaJty Montagnana, 3'7,3Z2 moon, 56, 93, 101

�IOOJberg

Roman gate 359, fit mops, hemp fire-fighting, 340, 475, 4';6

moral�, 1.'), 50, 182,257-8,274 civilian, 23

INDEX morality, 14, 65 jwtification of violence, 64 (i), 8.'1-6, 94 Sf( al$o righteousness Mo"", E. S. ( I ) , t 17, 119 motion, study ofviolent, 2 Moule, A. C. (13). 223 Mounding (')'1,,). Stt 'UII/" moal5 mountings, Chinese preferen� for hori�ontal, 126 (d) , w I movement, independent spontaneous, 33-:' �Iu-durbdjin Chia·Chii hou-ha", li5 Mu-Jung Chllao (leader of Yen, + 38.'11 + 4(0), IgS m,d fire fighting, 340, 475 fire prevention, 272, 334, 344-:', jf8-g, 3:' 1 , 407,

.,6

waterproofing, 333 ;-'·Iubammad GhOn (general,ft. + (200), 7 (d) �Iubammad Shah (�la-Ha-Ma·Sha, artillery general,fl. + (312), 221 , 222 Mus, P. (2), 193, '95, 197 onllKhtllu ('gadnies'; pellN-shooting crossbows), ,63

«)

musiol pitches, five, 50 (e) �1yin.saing, 212 (e) m�tiol arl5 ("..·sJu,), 18 (a) mythological era, 10-11 Na-khi peoplt, 135 (d) Naga peoplt, 135 (d) }/tullIlUl CIsm Chi1l.1. See CII""", Nan Pei Chhao era, 29

T{N

Nan-Yang, siege of ( + (84), 44.'1-6 Nan.Yang Chun commandery, 434-:' Nang·Chia_Tai (Mollgol gelleral,ft. + 1279). u5 Nanking Chinese military technicians concentrated aI, by Mongols ( + I a80), 225 Liu Sung capital. 1 Nanking Government, 194os, 70 (b) Ming gates, 351 Su ols4 Chien·khang

Names Roman gate, 3S6,j6t naphtha, 9, 219, 270 Napoleon I (Emperor of France, + 17691 + (821), 79 Napoleon I I I (Emperor of France, + 1808/ + 18n), 187 (f) nationalism, 91, gS naturalisl5 (Ti" r01l.1 Chill), 19, 3 1 , 5 ' nature forces of, 38-9 (Ut Olsfl illdicUilUlljflrcu) man and, 54-5 physical fealurcs and obstacles, 61-6 principle ofacting according to nature of things,

,6

rationalilm vs, 54-5 naval warfare hook-fender device, 458 trebuchel5, 226, 22]-8 Warring Statcs period, u6, !l27-8, 459-60

MU:oJ; (Penian, tube-bow), 166 Neolithic era, 10-1 t archery, lOa (d) city planning, 322 (a) gates, 351 Yang.Shao era, 252 {b} Su obo Lung.Shan period

nest cart (,ItIt� (IJri), 411-1, .p3, 438, 439 (a),

4>'

nel5 hung on to....en., 100 (b), �25 Neugebauer. O. (6), 17' Neumagen Roman gate, 359 1Inj,�lIItIqj (Greek, tonion machines), 186 New Year'. images ("it!! moo), 80, 81, 83 Newcomen, Thomas (engineer, + 1663/+ 1 7'.19).

'0,

nineteenth century rcfonn$, gS Ning-Chheng, city of, 391, � Niu Fu (Sung officer, d. + 1�72). �19, '.110 Niu-Tshun, 2,¢, 149 No-au people, 136 (c) nomads, Asian, 5, 7-8 archery, 5, 7, 100 (c), 105, 167 later Han relations Wilh, 391. 393 militarism, 100 tactiCi against. 1'.13-5 SUallQ Ht.iung·nu; Huns Normans adaptation of Roman fortifications, 330 (c) siege engines, '.133 Northern and Southern Dynasties period, I , 338 nO'o'els, popular restrictions under Manchus. 8g {a}

See also Smr liNe Chill rt!! i Su crossoo.... n� (hltJ (mobile arcubaltista), 123

11M.

Nu Fang Tllang cTO$Sbow-making factory, 145 Nu Wen (Chine$f officer in Champa,.J1. c. +31:'),

,.,

Nubia

forl5, early dynastic period, 317,3,8-19 Numben, magic, 13, 38, .'17. 58• .'19, 75 (I"), 93 numerical IUperiOrily offorces, 43, 65-6 Oba Tsunekichi

& Kayamoto Kamejiro ('), 116,

'44 offensi�'cldcren,ive halance, '.139-40 officials military and civil, relationship, 16-7 Su dis. bureaucracy; oommanden Ogotai Khan (Thai Tsung, emperor, " + l'l'.Igl

P. p,

... p. p.

P.

p.

I

p� p. pol (

, , •

pu

•

pol. ... • " •

p,," •

P,.

P,. P'o

... P.

+ 1'.141),125

Ogyii Sorai

SMrhQ RUijN Kobjikai, f08 Oil boiling, 345 incendiana dipped in, 404-5, 426, 445 Oman, Sir Charles, 139 omens, 258 onager, 185, 186. 187,132 (I")

p,o

P,.

"'�

"

"

INDEX open field, ballle in cloud·laddcn ustd as lookouu, 4::'[ flooding, 456 rams, 434 operas, 70 (a), 50, 8[ opponuni[)" creation and seizing or, 33 oracle·bone inSCriptions, Shang dynast)', 2.p, 243 order, maintcnancc of, 87-8, 94 Stt d/so policing orderlies, 280 ordnancc records, Han, 14[-3 Oudcnburg Roman gate, 361 overlooks (lill), 4[3, 424, 43', 437-41 boats, 4::.7, 459 lung, 438 movable (flsin& /ill), 416, 414 ox, wooden (mu niu, tank), 47[-2, 473 oxen used to arm arcuballistae, [91, [gB I'd Chi" Tu Ho Pi'll SkaD (Eight Formalions Plan), ::.8 (g) Pa·Ling, siegc of ( + 6th cent.), 210 pacifism, [, '9, 45, 79, gB I'aeslum, J.13 Pai chhang Wu·Ssu (archcr), [ ' 7 (a) Pai ChifJ", CklUJ" (Memoin ora Hundrw. Gcnerals , by Chang Yii, 27 Pai-Hua-Than middle school sile, Chhicng_Tu bronze vessel, ....6, ....7-8, 460 Pai Kuti (rounder orChincsc art ofcommerce, laiC -4,h cem_), go Pai.Ticn, 2#1, 249 palaces Chou, 2...., 250, 254, 256, 295, 431 Spring and Autumn, 2,).1., 256 Thang, Ta-Ming, 364, #-9 warlords', 339 Palaeolithic era archcry, [01 (c), t02 (d) pafilllmro� (GTtCk 'onion catapult), /8j, 186 palisades 4'9 combustible, ouuide citics, 450, 48, in ditches,J.13 wooden, outer dcfcnces ofcilia, 334,335, 336, 436 Palmanova rortifications, :162-3 Pan Chhao (Governor-General of Central Asia, + 3 1 / + rOI), 143 Pan Chhiu (rebel prince of Sinkiang,jI. - (0), [43 Pan Ku. Sit CMim Hall Sku pan-Sinicism, 9' PaD Phu T(.u (Book of the Preservarion_of_Solidarity MaSter), by Ko Hung, 192 Pao Shih (imperial tutor, 4. + [,).I.). 153 Pao Thung Chiang-CMn (military deity), 85 (f) paper armour, ,50 al'TOWS feathcred with, J 17 grenades, 477 parapeu li,lI, IIiJfltJII, pltill'JfltJII, 307-8, 336 movable, ",'OOden, 371, .173, 432, 450

57 7

SC(ond, 336, ....5, 452 stakes hammerw. into top 0(, 264, 48[ Wan-Chhcng_Tzu, 380, ]I/J Panhia, 175 passports (thll
impo:man.ce in ""arfarc, 23, 46, 78, ,8', 257 intcTCSI in military Ihoughl, 19, 70,80-8 military hclllCl, 86-8 mi l itary.agrarian adminislr,uion of, 74-5 'people cal peoplc', 8g (c) penuasion of. r80-3 population mo\'cments, 329 suffering in war, g8 Sa alsil policing Peoplc's Dailr U'" Mi� Jih Pao), 386 Persia bow, 103 crossbo,,', 175, 177 (k), t99 (d) Hulagu Khan's conquest, 199 (d) tube-bow, 166, 167 penua5ion orpeople, Conrucian. ,80-3 Pcter of Ebulo (jI. + 1 '96), 1134 Peter the Saracen (crossbow-maker in England,jI. + 1 �05), [75 ptt'aria (European trcbuchet), r87 (a), 204 (b), 233, '3::,, 238 (d) pttrtdJofon (Greek, arcubaUista), rB4 Pe\'enscy Roman fortifications, 330 (c), 3::.6,fo Phai JH»I (poncuUis), 351, �11 Phan-Lung-Chhcng, Shang [OWn, 293, 43 r Phang Chiian (general 0( Wei), 139 Phang Hslian {military writcr)" o p/uJo, (trcbud,cl) ctymology, 205-6, 230

INDEX

pAa�, (Irebuthet) (c��l.)

Hsi·YiipM� (Muslim trcbuchet), nl, '130 Hsiang·Yang pIuw (POl"luguC$e barrel-gun), 221, '130, 237 waler·raising machine prototype, 218 Sa dls� IrcbuchelS Ph�ng Hs�n Han reliefs, p8, 344,345 Philip I ofAbace (Counl of Flanders, + 1 '37/ + 1(91), 309 (d) Philip AugustuS (Philip II of France, + 1 16$/ + 1'.123), 239 Philip the MagnanimoU$ (Landgra\"e of Heue, + 1$04/+ (567), '.139-40 Philon of Byzantium (-2nd ccnl.), 172, 186 (c), '.170 philosophy natural, 60 (b) pre-eminence of hannony, gS on primacy in warfare of political ainu, 77 Iheory ofwar conforms to, 13, 9'l

Set d/SO Confucianism; Taoism I'hing, Duke orChin story of, in Lidl Xii Ch'l<2n I I I Plri"g_Clrkhrg song, 123 Phing-Liang-Thai, 292, 294, 314 {b}, 316, 351

Phing-Wang, 248, '.149 Phing-Yang (capital of Han dan), 4:,6 Phu Chii Tzu (Ihe Rush.and·Hemp Muter), 120 Pi Li TSII Tlirll" (l\liscclianeoU$ Records of Pi-Li). by Tung Han·Yang, 2'.18 (a) Pi_Yang, 351 picul (unil ofmeasuremenl), 155 Pien-Chou, 339 pikemen, disposition of, '.1'6, 124 Pi�t Clrill (Milita,)' Theoreticians}, 31 pipes for deli"ering missila{impurilia into mine 466-7, .tfi9 PiracU$ Long Walls, 354,Jj8 piSIOns, 2 double-acting pinon beIlO.... lI, 46:-, (al pit-prop frama, '.16 Pitt-Ri\"en, A. H. Lane-Fox, 102 pivol machine (Ilrl< 'lri), 16g places, law:s of proper, 90 planets, 93 planning, Slrategic, 32, 73-4 platforms for arcuballi!tae, 440 Set II/SO crossbow platforJll$; galleria; hoards

I'lalh, J. H. ('.I), 3 (d) Po-Hun Wu·Jen $lory of, in ClrlWlt T�u, 1 [ 1 (d) Po Wu Chili (Record of the Invaligalion of Thinr), by Chang Hua, '37 Po-Yen (Bayan, Mongol general, + 1237/+ 1294), poisoning arrows, boilS and daru, 136-7, 162, 167 ri"en and wells, 26g-70 pole (chi), 36 pole-hook (bM ,ta), 290, :191

pole-prong (rhhsi t....) , 275, 2;6, '189-90, 454 policing, 74, 76, 3'lt - 2 SU/J/�order poliorcetia, 5, '.141-485 attack, tweh'e types of, 4t3-85 bridges, 364-70, 31t conditiON, aOO likelihood of$ucceu, 2:'7-8, 2:'9,

,60

defensive/offensive balance, '.139 equipment, preparalion of, 275-90 gatCl, 343-64 general ill$!ruclions for def�nte, 256-60 inilial preparatiom for defence, 260-7:, lilerature on, 15, '.15, 26 IIlllly-poru,370-1 lowen, 313-gS walls, '190-343: dcvkCl on, 3g8-413 Politidans, School of (TJ�lIg Hhlg Chia), 38 politia cities and, �91 and dasskal military theory, '14, 89 primacy in warfarc ofpolitkal aims, 71, 77 prefcrente for viclory by political and diplomatic means, g6-8 Polo, Marco, �'.I'l-3, '13 t pd��N (A1cKandrian magazine catapult), 17�-3 pomotriMm (road running insidc city wall), 315, 3t7,

318-zz

popularity of military thoughl, 19, 70, 80-8 population movemenu, 329 PorlchCller Roman gale, fo

portcullises (.uillln 1JItII, pMi/'IIJI), 334, 347-51, W Portugal tannon, I, '18, 230 early tra"ellen in China, 93 (a) poslS (/hi.,) Chhin and Han $)1tcm of policing, 321-'.1 for oommanden ofse<;twns ofdefences, 37:' Primakov, Vilalii �t. ( 1 ) , 6 7 primitive peopla. Stt tribal peopla prisonen, sacrifice of, 4, 1 0 (c) Procopiw (historian, •. +499/+:,65) Dt 8tl/� GQlhir�, 'l3� (g) prodUClion, organi�ation of, 76 prof($Sionalilalion of art ofwar, �4 profit general principle of aClion, 18-19, 3'1, 35 pron!, (rMa; bn), '.175, 2;6, 289-90, 4:'4 propaganda, Confudan use of, 180-3 proteins, struclure, 186 proverbs and �ayings, 6g (b) 'good iron i$ not used to makc nails' 8:, (g), g8 provincial governon, Thang, 79 psychology in warfare, 38-45 dassical theory'l analysis, 6g, 70 early wrilings on, 23 psyehologkal warfare, 34-5, 38-40 Pu-Pai (Abu Bakr, Muslim artillery general,}. + 1274), 221, 27'.1 pulleys and areubaliiSlae, 197

57 9

INDEX pulleys (,,,,,I.) for removing eanh from mine, 26, 464 on lower or nal carl, 4-22 pumps double.acling,9 pendulum, 205 square-pallel chain, 193,200 puniUlmenl judicial, 93 (a) war as 'punuhmenl oflransgrcsson" 94 Pulyala, D. V., 61 P.1"" ,ltM" (Korean, arrow'lube), 167, 168 DI''II'4#f(Arabie, onager), 186 (k) 'll'MIaI·II4IJ.V'kfJDh (Arabic, IU�'bow), 166 qns DI·rijl, 'll'1IS DI·«mbu./lk, /fa", al..Ja.ujfya/r (Arabic, crossbow), 175 quiver, 106, 1 1 7 Qum.Darya rivcr, Sinkiang, 105-6 rain a, omen, 258 Rain Dance Plalform (wuyfl Iltai), Chhii·fu Hsien, ,00 rake cans (/HJ eklll), 419 (a), po raked area, around foru. Su 'fields, hea\'enly' rampari (/ti) a mile ouuide cily to mount ambush, 46t-2, 463 ramps C,ill), 4-08, 411, 413, 441-6 at Chicn.Khang (+ 549), 418 Hinitc usc , 430-1 at Hsiang.Phing ( + 238), 435 mining spoil used in, 464 Mohisll on, lag, 442-3, 444-5 'sheep's bank' (.11'111 "11K), 437-8, 442, 443-4, 445 IA.SMII, 435 al Yii·Pi ( + 546),436 Rams (rAIII), II 413, 429-37 (MiIUll rW, 4-18, 435, 452 dcfensil'c usc, 4 1 1 , 412, «9. 450, 452 dropped 01110 tanks, 426, P7 tlying Uti ,ItJrN",), 412, .,IJ, 434 iron plaling of head, 412, 1'1, 426, 427 iron rings for catching, 437 litcralure on, 15,414-,4-24 in open field, 434 Roman, 354 turn in wall prc\'ellli usc against gales, 353 wooden (chfl) " p l , 412 Rashid al·Din al·Hamad3.ni (fl. + 1310) J4mi al. Taw4,fklt (Colleclion of Hi5lories), 'l [9 (f), 221-2 ratehel action, 150 (g) Ralhgcn, B. (I), 184 (a) ralionaliJm, 18-19, 24, 51 Nature opposition to Nalure, 54-5 Sun Wu, 13-14, 18-19, 51,55 RauJing, C. (I), 105 Raveny, H. G. (I), 218-19 RaW1On, Jessica (I), I� Ratin, E. A. (I), 16, 6g rc«ptaclcs. Stt vessels recruitment, mililary, 74

Red Cliff, Bailie oflhe, 8 Red Eyebrol<."S, 434 rudl and rush<"$, 274 bUrning, dropped 01110 enemy, 4Ol', 404, '1'>5 Su o.lso MIUin IICl"«ns rerorms, + 191hl + 20th cen�. and military.agrarian t)'Slems, 75 and lIaUD of military, 98 Regino (abbot or Ptiim, d. +915), 233-4 R(Chm, A. & Schramm, E. (I), 1 7 1 , 114 (d) Reinard, J. T. & t'avc, I. (t), 230-1, z.15 reincarnation, 4� n:ligion, &> and anti.miJilaritm, 98 d�itiC5 of war, I I , 82, 8J, 14-6, 88 and orielllalion or titiet, 300 Sun Tzu rej<"Ct.! magico-rcligiou, auilude 10 I;"ar, "

Su also magic Renaissance, Wellern, 6g (a) retreal, allowing enemy pallage for, 67 re\'oh
"'"'"

dcfentt of, 260, ros grid 1)'Slem in cilies, 322-3, 12"-7 inlramural, Itt /HJmftrium Rock, J. t·. ( I ) , 135, IjIj rocket·launcher baueric., 29 rocket.!, bamboo, 168 HOm4Nr Wlltr nru KingdornJ. Scc San Kuo eMh rm I Rome Aurelian gales, 355, .ll9 catapult.!. 170-2, 173, 18,5, 186, 232 Chinese contacl.!, '73, 17+ cil)' planning, 322 (a) cOllcepl ofl;"ar, 44, 45 crossbow technology, 1 73, 174 ditcha, 330,.33I-J gates, 354-7, .ll9-6z, j66 hospilals for military, 272, nJ, 27+ lilio. (Iraps), 330,.332 mililary basis of power in early Empire, 181 onager, 18,5, 186 siege or (+ 5361+ 538), 232 (c) dav<"$, 181

5 80

INDEX

Rom� (cONI.) Sogdiana c;o.mpaign ( - 36), '44 (g) Spanacus' revolt, IS, $talus ofmilitary, 79, 99 1(Slud� shield formation, '44 (g) Trajau's Column, 172 rooms on walls, small expos«! (ptJi III will, 339-40, 34'

ropa, non·combustible fire', ..77 Ruhlmann, R. ( . ) , 87-8 ruler, role of, 5 1-2, 124. 257 rushes. Su ruJd" r«ds; $CrCCIl$ RUNia, 67, 8, (8), '75,218 (el Rusticianus of Pisa (jI. + I �). 2:13 sacrifice, r I (el, '5, 54, 57

human, 4, 10 {el Sahara Yasuo, 247 (h) SI Julien (French chemin, + [9th CCIll.), log (e) Sajo, battlc of ( + [2,p). 218 (el Salerno. siege of ( + 87 [j. 233 Salignac.sur-Loirc

Gallo-Roman rdief, '12 sally-porls (Illu mill) , 370-1, 46., 463 hidden (4/1 ",hi), 4$9 hsii," ",bo, 48,

Salona Roman gatc, 356, j6' Samarqand, siege of, a '5 (h) sombNkI (Creek, !wapc), 239 S411U1rai, cullun: of, 100 San KIIQ Chill ( Hi110r y oflhe Three Kingdoms), by Chhen Shou, 200 (a) San K"o Cfrilr Ten I (Romance of the Three Kingdom'), by Lo Kuan-Chung, lI3, 70 (b), 801 , 8.s,9.s (d) San Kuo period ( + 3 rd CCIIl.). SuThree Kingdoms Sa" Liirfr (Three Slratagems), 14 (b), lIl, 38, 6., (i),

4"

s.v. SlIifr liN Clti (Thirty-Six Stratagems). anr. Than

Tao-Chhi 23, 88 (e), 8g (a)

god

dropping in cynofcncmy, 408, 4)0, 414 fire extinguisher, 277, 345 (a) sandalwood, 1 10 sandbar, lI l !') Sanulo, Marino (Venetian ilatesman and geographer, (c. + 1 260/+ '338), ,63 (e),l!26

{e), 233 sapping. Set m ining, siege Sarmalian" 17.s (b) mechanical, 'no Sa}'inr (lMlIIg]il) 'people eal people', B9 (e) on ratraining violence in war, 71 and Slralagems, 90 Su IJ/u pro"erbs scaling a&1auit, 1.:fr�1lI.I"ng possibly Iype of, '1-19 Schaan Roman gate, .159 Schlegel, G. (9),231 (a) Schneider, R. ( 1 , 6), 184 (a), 232

sa,WI.

Schramm, E. ( 1 , 2), 170, [72, 184 (a) lCience ...elopmem of, 2 gunpowder and de and magie, ;'4 and military thought. 13-14, 36 (f) modern, 93 (a), 99, 100 (b) scorched earth policy. 271, 461 srorpio (catapult), 185, 186 scouts search ground around city for tracks, 267 support ambush, 46t screens (pi), 40.s- t t bamboo, on watchmen', rooms, 340

rfrJuJlI, ",05 rItA., 405, 406, Pl felt, 38"" 4770 �;8 infantry assault prottttcd by, ,,14-5 against ladden, 443 leather (pfri man), "77, 418 mobile wooden, (mil IIU), ,,8,,-!,) 'movable city walls' (h.sillg rMlng), ,,08, 41 I, 443,

449, 4So

against ramp attack, 4 t I, 443 against rams, 436 rush (chitfr m_), 37!,), 401l, 41Y.1, 4 ' 1 , 449, 4;'0 terrace city walls (t4ai rltA"'g), 408, 4 1 1 for walls, 3iS, 314, 402-4 wooden (mM ......" aaault machine), 426, .p8 at Yii·Pi, 443-4 Stt dlso cunairu; fire-screens; paviscs Scythians, 105, 175 (b) secrtty about military kno"'lcdge, 88, 144,

"3

sector_and_chain devices, 205 security restrictions, 31 7, 319, 343, 344 Sclinus, 3 1 7, 32tr1 Senlis, siege of ( + 947), [73 settlements, military-agricultural (,frUM Ifrm), i 74 Sha-Yang, 21:; (i) shadufs, 398, 40'2, 404, 405 Shan Hlien Han tomb mooe", 379-81 Shan-Piao-Chen, Chi Hsien bronze "essel, :178, 447-8, +60 SIw"l Cfriitl Sir" (Book of lhe Lord Shang), allr. Kung·sun Yang, 30, 36.s, 367, 464 (b) Shang dynasty

archery, 103

bronze helmets, 180

chariot-fighting, 4 cities, 243, 244

gales, 35' mining and metallurgy, 463 oracle·bone ilU(;riplions, 241, 243 secret agents, 53 stamped-eanh wall cotUlruClion, 292-3, 295 walls, 292-3, 295, +3 t Wu, king of Chou, attacks, lI!')8 (c) Shang·Sun_Chia·Chai village, Chhinghai finds ofmilitary IC"IS, 18

Shang-Tshai, 252-3, :156 Shang Yang (lawgiver, d. -338), go

s

•

S/

S/

51 .. .. '" '"

INDEX Shanshan kingdom, 143 SAiWlo Rllijll KoA;"jikoi (Classified Colloxtion of facti aboul Archery), by Ogyii Sorai, 108 Shaughneay, Edward, 3 (d)

Shl altar ofJOil, �43 (e) 10 shoot, 10j SIrJ CAi"l. Sa Clriao SIrJ CAi"l sltIjh (officer of city), 46j sheep', bank ramp (.JlUIl /''''), 437-8, 44�, 443-4.

445

shell, sea· armour, 180 Jhill chi (portcullis trigger mechanism), 347 Shirt Clri CIliA Ti Thai Po rUt CAi",. Sa: Thai P� n",

CAinl

Shen Kua (aUlhor, + 1030/+ 1093). See ,un., CIII"

P,: Tlra"

Shen Nung (legendary emperor, -3rd millennium ,

'37

Shen Phei (defender of Yeh,ft· + �(4), 463 Shen-thu Chia (aKher and Slal�man, - �nd cent.),

143-4

Shen-Wu (Emperor ofChhi), 4jj Inields, �7j, t76 chltil, 40j, 406, -Il'7 laager of mobile, 28 .Jii:tI, 467, 46g Shih Chao (wriler,ft. + lOgO), 166 SAiA CAi (Historical Records), by Ssu-ma Than and Ssu-ma Chhien on banle of lila Ling, 139-40 biographical nOles; Chou Ya-Fu, j� (a); Pai Kuri, 90; Sun Wu, 16-1 7, j2 (al on Chhin Shih HuangTi, 188 on conquest by 1£11, governmenl by u:ht, 95 (b) on CT0.5Sbows, 139-40, t41 on military heroes, 88 (al on music, 56 (b) on political suicides, 43 (a) on viclory wilhout fighting, 39, 41 SAiA Chi", (Book ofOdes), 38 (d), 72, 73 Ode 93, 352 Ode �41 'Huang ]", �4t (b), 4 ' 4, 431, 438 Ta Ming ode, �06 Shill J CAi (Memoin on N�lccted Manen), b)' Wang Chia, I I� Slrih Mi", (F.l<positor of Names), by Liu Hsi, t 10,

t3�-3, t6g

Slrih Shllo Hsi" ril (New Discounaon the Talk of the Times), by Liu I.Ching, 472

Shilr /V" Clri rliall CAi iii (The Recorded OrigilU

ofThings, Categorised). by Kao Chheng, 277 (e) Shih Yung·Thu (author, + 17th cent.). 29 ships, war- (lOll tMtulII) , 226, 11117 shock troops, �8 shock weapolu, 2�, �7 shoooting machines, revolving (chlUl" sid (4i), 203,

412-13, 459

SAo" (Mohist Defender), 3430 344 SIrOIl CMi1lg (Art of War), by Duke Wei, 464 (a)

ShOll Chllinl Clrill Min, Shll (On Saving the Situation by the (Successful) Defence of Cities), by Lli Khun 28 (d) J (Guide to the Defence ofC;lies), by SIw" CItMrl, ... Thang Tao and Chhcn Kuei, �7 Shou-Chhun-Fu + 13th cellI. weapons production, 16g Shou·Chou tomb of Yu Wang (d. -226), 143 Shou-Yang. liege of ( + 466), 210, 4�8-9 shovels {(IrIIa), 2770 281 ShM CIh", (Book of Documen�), 30, 73, 153-4 J/tll41f, tOM (MI (Double Hook Cart), 415, 418 SAMi Chin, CIru (A Commentary 10 the Classic of Waterways), by Li Tao-Yiian, 19O- t SA"i HII CllilOll (Stories ofthe Ri\·u Banh), 80 J/tMi pi", (water level), 4S6 Shuo county, ShalUi early arro"-s from, 102 (d) Sfuut Win Clti," T�II dictionary ( + 2nd (enl.), 403 S/uu) r� Chllila" Chruln (Complele Hislory ofGeneral Yo Fd), by Chhien Tshai, 80 SJu. riitz1! (Garden of Discouncs), by Liu Hsiang, 116 shullen, adjustable wooden (protective device for aKhen), 309, 3f11-'4 Sian archuological finds fTOm, 13-1, 192, 265 Yang-Shao village, Pan-Pho, 24 I, 1I.f1 Su a�, Chhang-An Siberia -s. 102 (e) bo.. fish glues, 1 1 2 - 1 3 sickles, long ((h/uM, lin), � n 281 siege "-arfaTe. Su polioKetics signalling bannen and flags. 1 5

beacoM, 2j drums and gongs, 10, tj, 449, 450

naval,460

Tltai Po J"i� Ching on, 2j Tseng Kung-Liang on, 26 signs gi,·en by enemy aClivities, 48-9 deceptive exploitation, 49. �65. 261, �6g, 461 Silk Road, Old, r 4 1 , 1 73 (b), ! 74 Silver Sparrows Mountain (Yin-Chhiieh·Shan), 18, 60 simplification of design, progressive, 237 Sinkiang bow from, 105. 106 bridges, 112 (d Chinese absorption, 99 (a), 214 Han ordnance records, 14' Pan Chhiu's rebdlion, 143 si/M' (Penian, lube-bow), 167 sites of cities, 2j9, 260 Sil< Dynallia annour, 8, �75 society, 394 (b), 3gB ,,-ails, 336 ,kiM, animal protection for buildings, 200, �72, 311, 345 (a),

.,6

INDEX skins, animal (CONI.) sheepskin walerhag, 47S, f16 s....imming on inflaled, �S wearing of, 2, 4, 10 Set alSD lealher sky-bridges, movable, 4 [ 9 (a), .po slings, [[6, 18j, 166, 203 slips, Han inscribed bamboo or wood, 18, [4'-3. 'S4, 'n (e), 203, 309 (a), 3S3, 408, 44[, 4�7 slur-bow, 1 [ 6, 120, 163-4, 166 smithing, [OS, 344 smoke caniSlers of 10:<><:, 27 pT(lpelled inlO mines, 4n, 478 snipers, lube-bow, 166, 167 (d) Sno...., Edgar (I), S ' So-Tu (Sogalu, Mongol general), 2 1S (i) .social life as slruggle, 8g .socielies. secrel, 84, 66 .sociely army's role in organisalion, 74-7,99 altitudes 10 mililary, 77, 79, 85 (g), gB cenlralisalion, 239-40 dassical lhcory ofwar and organu.alion, 70, 92 commercialisation, 337-8 defensi-'e/offensive capabililY, balance of, 239-40 solidarilY, [80-3 Thr« Kingdoms period, 39,1 (b), 3gB urban decline, Six DynaSliesrrhree Kingdoms period, 39,1 (b), 3gB upper dassa' vulnerabili[y 10 aHack by lower dass, [78-83 SI( alsD economic hislory; feudalism; people softness (jOIl), 93-4 Sogalu (So-Tu, Mongol general), 215 (i) Sogdiana, [44, 17� soil, colour of, S8 solidarity, .social, 180-3 Solomon, R. H. (I), 8g (e) Sons and Falher Anny (fll l-/:M c lr ill elr ..), 42 !Gund, five pitches of, �6 space, divisions of, 57-8 spades (chlr4), 275, 277, tIh Spain :\Iuslim crossbow, 175 Roman lown gales, 35S, j60 spartacus, revolt of, (- 73/- 7 [), [ 8 1 spears long, in naval warfare, 460 short, 124, 469-70 spluNdDIII (Byzanlinc onager), [86 (k) spikes, wooden or iT(ln, 277 spiril educalion of, in marlial aTlS, 87 (b) nalural (tlrillt eMil, 55-6 spiril vcsscls (",illl eMi), 348 spiritual faclors in mililary mailers, 61-6 spleen, suspended (Asiallplri), 482 Splil Roman gale, 356,:li1 Spring and AUlumn period chivalry, ,8-19

and origin ofSIIII T(1t Pill: Fa, 17 S>eparalion of anny and slale towards end of, 76 stalUS ofmililary, g8 (d) lowns, 245 walls, 244, 431 Yen-Chhcng, 25[, :lj4 springs, bron�e, ,86 leaf, set ulllia crOl!llbo.... Ssu (possibly type of [Ower), '57 SSM Cfrlwo Win Clrin! LII (Record of Things Seen and Heard al t-our Imperial Courts), by Yeh Shao­ Ong, 157 (j) Ssu Kung Shih (Superintendenl ofArchery Equipment) , 1 17 , 1 4 [ Ssu-ma Chhien. See Shill CJri 5111-""" Fa (The Marshal's Art of War), '0 on army/State separation, 5' on moral, spiritual and human factors in war, 62, 6, on proper lime, 55 (g) on viclory withoul fighting, 38 Ssu-ma I (fouoder of line of Chin dynasty, + [78/ +'SI), 435-6 Ssu·ma Jang-Chii (ofChhi, -6th cent.), 20 Ssu·ma Kuang. Sec T(II Chilr Thulll Chim Ssu·ma Than. See Slrih CJrj Ssu-ma Tzu-Fan (officer ofChuu, -593), 44t-� Ssu-ma Tzu-Ju (.I. late +51h Cent.), 45S Sill sJw. (Four Animals), 56 SSII Slrll ClriM Clumg (malhematical manual, + 131h

cenl'), 375-8 Ssu Ta Thien Chiang (Four Great Heavenly Gene.-ais), 85 (C) JSll li (place ofdcalh), 4'-3, 47 slaircases in cily walls, 317 Slakes around camps, 267 in dilches, 364, 365 around forlifications, '14, 267, 268, 480-1 in wall parapets, 264, +44-S, 480-1 Slate and army, relationship of, 51-' l[eel, welding of hard and soft, 105, 344 Sleelyard, 1 14 , l lj slcin, Sir Aurel (4), [26 Slep Cilrts (elritlr /ao cfrJrJ), 4 [8-19 stirrup crossbow, 146, '47, 1.,8, 156 riding, 8, 147 Stones siege malerials, '77, 484 lrebuchet delivery, 2 1 0 stores fire-proofing of storehouses, 347 (a) stockpiling in besieged cilY, 257, '58, '71, 272, 274-5, '77, ,80-1 , 283-4, 3 [ 7 Slon:5, mO"able, 277, ,80, t8J slrangen, 91 Slra[agems (em), 24, 67, 73-4, go-I Chu-ko Liang and, 23, 71-2, 8.3 'empty slronghold', 71-', 8 [ , 83 5« also San Llith; Son-Shilr-lill Clri Slral(gikoll. Stt linda Maurice

INDEX strategy planning (cMii411 moll). 13-<4 relationship with taclics, 37 (c) war as dud of minds, $3, 67 streamen (phfl), 267, 269 sirips, Han inscribed bamboo or wood. Stt slips Su Chhin (slalaman, J. -3 1 7). 1<40,432 Su Tung.Pho (aulhor, J. + 1101), 80-1 Suchou (Ku-su), siege of (+ 1366), 778, 729 Sui (area ofcily), 744 Sui dynasty, 1 Kung Nu Shu cl"Q$lbow faCIOl")', IU military literalure, 29 Thang altack on capital ( + 6 1 7), 2 1 1 wan againsl Turks (+600), 270 Swi SAw, 2 1 0 Sui Yang-Ii (Yang Kuan, Sui emperor, +.)801 +618), 777 (e) suicide, polilical, 41, <42 Sulaim3n al-T3jir (Arab merchant in China, + 9th Cent.), 17<4-$, 178 sumPl as defence against Hooding allack, 456-7, <4$8-9 sumpluary regulations, ritual, 301-2 Sun Chho (+314/+371), 472 Sun Chhiian (Wu emperor, + 181/+2$7), I, 1 1 0 (n), 1 1 2 (k) Sun I-Jang, 333, <419, <461 Sun Pin (general, -<4th cent.), 17, 22, 31 (e), 139-40 Sec also SUI! Pi� Ping Fa Slin Pin Ping Fa (Sun Pin's Art of War), 22, 24 on balde formalion$, $8 (g), 60 (a) on commander, $0, $1 'encirclement of Wei to save Chao" 36 (d), 71 on general principIa ofaction, 35 (e) on natural forea and magic, 38, 57 (b, g, h), 65 (b), 259 and natural philO$Ophy, 55 on numerical superiority, 43 on 'Righleous Anny'. 64 (i) on stratagems. 64 (i) text found al Yin·Chhiieh·Shan, 18 on Ircbuchelll, 207 on vinua \'S malerial facton, 65 (b) &or T�II PilIg Ftl (Master Sun's Ar' of War), by Sun Wu, 12-19,31, 32-7 authenticity and authorship, 16-t8 on avoiding attacking citia, 759 on commander, '4, 49. 50, $1-7 commemaria, 24, 75, 80 on croubow, 139 on diplomacy, 38 and divination, 14, 19 on general prindpla ofaCiion, 31, 37-7 on intelligence, 53-4 luting importance, 16, 67, 68, 6g (b) Lin.1 text, 423 on malerial faclon, 62 on numerical superiority, 43, 65-6 on offensive warfare, 44-5 on profit, 18-19, 37, 35 on Ply<:hologieal attack, 23. 34-5

on ramps, +17 rationalism, 13-14, 18-19, 5 1 , 5 $ on signs gi"en by enemy activilies, 48-9 on tanks, 472-3 and Tao, 13, '5, 19, i7 on terriUlry, 46-7 on united will of ruler and people, t81 on victory wilhout fighting, 73, 38, 39, 77-3 SUt[ T�II Slrilr-l Clria Chu (Eleven Commentaries on the Slin T�II Pilll FII). 19 (d) Sun Wu (officer of Slale of Wu, -6th to -5th cenl.) commands delachmenlll ofcourl women, 52 (a) Confucian and LegaliJl affinitia, 19 lotI wrilings, 18 Paj Kuei on, go qualion ofexistence, 16-17 Sa: alKl 5l1li T�M Pi"g Fa SIl1I II'M Pi�g Fa (Sun and Wu's Art of War), �o Sun Yat-Sen (statesman, + 1866/+ 19�5), 43 (a), 65 (d), 91 (h) Sung, siege of (- 593), 441-2, +17 Sung d)'nast)' areuballiltae, multiple'spring, 1!)8, 199 capitals: Hangchow, 1 , 27; Kaifeng, 339 city planning, 3�3 cl"OQbo,,"S, 145-6. 169 education ofmilitary, 70-1 gunpowdu-proje.:tila, 9, 164 (b) military literature, 25-7, 29, 157 mining, 47, -80 nationalism, 91 (f) Nonhem, 19 (d) pcllet-bo,,', 116-17 throwing-Slicks, 164 (b) lhundersticks, 784 trebuchels, 215 "iews on conditions leading to defeal ofcily, 261 wan: againsl Uurchen). Chin, 1 , 9, 27. 770; against Liao, 9, 27, 715; against Mongols, 215 wcighlll and measures, t55 Sung Lien. See rUa� Shih S""g Slrih (Hislory ofthe Sung Dynasty), 16g Sung Yung·Hsing (writer,ft. + 1637), 114, liS, 162 SUperiorilY offorca, numerical, 65-6 supplies. Stt stora surprise attack (I1r�), 413, 461-3 swape, 185, 186-7, 706, 718, 737,237. 739 swords, 27:), �77, n8 dcp�enl, 174, 449, <4$0 fired by movable parapet, 432 magical properlies, 60 smithing, S, 18S. 344 syncretism, military/civilian, 70-9 l )', 171, 172, 354, 357 S)'ractlsc, Sici Til Hsirlr r... J p,. (Resloralion and Extension of the

Ideas of the G,eal l�arning), by Chhiu Chun 229, ' 31 Ta-Liang, siege of (- �25), 456 Ta-:\Ia-Chheng (jornwrlJ Chhing-Yuan Chheng). ,86

INDEX Ta-�1ing palace, 314, j68-!}

Ta_Yiian, banle (-S40) . 1

Tacoola, JaC(lpo Mariano (jf. + 1432/ + 1449), 20S. 226 (e) taClics, IS. 28. 37 (c) Srt aho Stratagems tale!l, 70 (a), 60, 85, 89 (a) Talib (artillery general,jf. + (282). $(. I brahim taLiie!l, $ecurity (fll), 3404

tampen (chl, 277 /all (Unil ofmeasurement), 155 Tan, Prince of Yen (-3rd cem.), 41 1411 Ie"", (pellet-bow) , t [S-[ 7 Tang, son of Phan Wang (Chhu warrior,jf. -S74), '-5 Tang-Lo-Pao. 215 (i) Tangut [l":iInslation ofS"" T{� Piflg Fa, t9 (d)

tanks, 4[4, 422-9 "rhung cM/, 418 fOl win, .P·h 422-9, 4S 7, 4S8, 459 fln)·iin, 15 mu Iii ('wooden donkey'), 404, 424-5, 426, 4fll mil n.1I (,wooden 0:0;'), 471 -2, 473 T� ofarchery, [ I t , 137, 138-9 £I'm, (righ t) , 91

commander and ruler's undco[anding, IS. SI and Eight Fonnatioru Plan, S8 and general principIa of action, 31, 36 as leading to victory, [3, 64, 96, 182-3 �morale, IS natural philosophy and, 60 (b) =solidarity through C(lnviction of justice ofcause, 13 (e), [83 Sun Wu on. 13, 15, 77 Se. alSQ Taoism Tao Chiao Sa Taoism Too Tl ChillI ( Canon ofthc Virtue or thc Tao), attr. Li Erh (Lao Tzu), 4, [3 (g), SI anti-militarism, 86, g6 on military matten, 30, 68 (e) Taoism alchemy, 9 and defcmh·c Itr...egia, 24 on following the current, 36, 44 and general principle' of action, 31, 36 on numerical superiority, 43 and psychological warfarc, 44 Sun Wu and, 19 tutelary deity oftrebuchct, 23[ See also T/10 taxation, 244, 337 Ti-An, siegn of (+ 1127 to + 1 132), 27, 192, 2'5 (I) temples

of anceston. Chou, 243, 244

Buddhist cave-, Mo-Kao-Khu, 86 (a) Thtg Tfutn Pi Clti. (Knowledge Necessary for Anny Commanden), by Wang Ming·Hao, 28 T"'gil GrijlllSg ROIl (Discourse on the Arts of the Mountain Demons) , by Chozan Shissai, 92 (a) Tacnce, John, SJ. 134 terrace eity walb (thai (Min,; scruns), 408, 4 t l , 443

terraces (tltai), 'I[ I

tetTaC(ltla annia, Moum Li, 127-8 lenitory (1It_), 46-8

IWMtlO shield formation, [44 (g) tt/raml (Byzantine [rebuchet), 234 Tfuti Kling Ping Fa (The Grand Duke's Art of War) legcnd oftransmiSllion, 21 (d), 88 (c) on natural forca, .1.1 (g), S6 (b), 57 (b. g) Sec also f1lUlng Shih KMng S411 LiUh Thai-kung Wang (Lii Shang, Chou stataman), 20, 2[ (a), +h 90 (d), 258 (c), 439, 440. 461 Thai Pai (planet Venus), 93 TIta; Phi.., J"ii LM encyclopaedia, cd. Li Fang, 4t4, <3' Tfuti P� fiN CltillK (Canon of the Whitc and Gloomy Planel of War), by Li Chhiian (jf. + 759) . 25, '57 Eighl Formations Plan, 58 (g), 59 on fo�tifications, 336, 347, 35I , 360- [, 314, 404 . on mlll1l1g, 471 on natural forces and magic, 38, 56 (a, d, h), .17 (b, c, e, f), 58 (d, g), .19 (a, c) on siege engines, 192-3, 19B, 21 I, 226, 42', 424, 452,484 Thai-Shen, 2.j8, 249 Thai Tsu (Chinghiz Khan, t. + 1206/+ 1221), 2�2 (d),n5

Thai Tlung (Ogotai Khan, t. 12291+ 1242), 225 Thai Tsung (U Shih_�lin, Thang Emperor, +s971 +649), 2 1 , 24, 64 (g), 21 [, 214 Thai-Wu (Wei Emperor, r. +424/+452), 417 Thai-Yiian fu, defenca, 338 Thaiphing5, 62, 75, 81 (f), 91 Ilton (5pears?), 277 Than Tao-Chi (ti. +436). See Sail Shill Lill Chi Thang dyna5lY, [ alchemy, 9 archery, [67, 169 arcuballistae, '93, 19B cities develop economic function, 29[, 329 erossbo...." t22, 145 jllll l ward system, 329 fortifications, 262, 267, 364,j68-g illumination of besieged city, 313-14 Japanese contacu, 336 military literature, 24, '19, 122, IS7 mining, 470-[ prnvincial governors, 79 Ta-�·Iing palace, 364, j68-9 thundcrsticks, 284 trebuchcl'l, 2" , 2 t4 Turkish COntaClS, 16" IGg Wotern C(lntacts, 2 ['I Thang Tao (soldicr and writcr, + [2th cenl), 27, [92 Thang Thai Tsung (Thang emperor). Su Thai Tiung Tfut� Cha; Clti Chill LM ( Reo::ord of Inscribed Mctal Objecu prcscrved in the I'orcclain Studio ColItttion), by Tuan Fang, [29 (a), 143, 151 Thao Ching-Kang (I), 386 Thao Ku ( + 902/ +970) , 193 thaumaturgy, 24

[heu

-

Th� , Theo ,h� ,h. ,� ,�

litc

"" Yi. Sa thcm Thie. 7>_

, Thiel

lit,,,, L , Tho I Tho-­ Tho-' thorn

·Ibr� ', m

mil mil R.

�

thra.. Ihu Sl Ihu t(

Tltll .

TltIlS

"0'

"0'

"0 ,

thuml

tlt"" d thund thund thund ThUll!

, Th.., Th.

,

ThUll! /It""g I Th"'l

"01

"0'

"0'

"0 ,

"0'

"0,

, "0 •

INDEX SI, 8S TIrh, Pita; Cltht Th (album, ehhing dynasty), 61 Theodosilll I (Roman Em]X"ror, c. +346{+:19.l), ' 7' Theoreticians, Mililary (Pi", Chia), 31 theory, military, 46-s.. change of emphasis from philosophical to practical, after + Sih cenl., 13-4 com!)al and com]X"tition, 37-4.1 general principia of action, 3t-7 liteDture, to-14 .scienlific mentality, 13-14 Yin-Yang, �SS Su als� ;lIdil.dlUll lJ.V1M theatre, 50,

thermod)·namics, study of, :I Thien An (/l , 2g6, 300 nint Ku", Kha; IVM (The Exploitation of the Works of Nature) , by Sung Yung-H,ing, I 14, 115, I S9,

,..,

Thien l\lao-Kuang (engineer-general,jI. + 617), 2 1 1 thim thim ('heavenly fields, raked area around fort) ,

166-7

Tho Pa Wei, 436 Tho-Tho (Togata). See Sung Shih Tho-Tho h�lI-ha�, Bagha-durbdjin, li5 thorn trees pial;«{ in ditches, 330,331 Three Kingdoms, I 'empty stronghold' tlratagem, 71-1, military technology, 8, 180, 110

8 1 , 83

military writings, 21-3, 19

Romance of, sa:: Sail KIltJ CIUh rtil I socielY, 394 (b), 3gB

throwing-stid, liS, 164 (b) lItM (Iurprise attack), 4 '3, 461-3 lit. (Ierrilorr). 46-8 n. mho Stt &ally-pom Til. SIr. Chi CUblg (Imperial Encyclopaedia, + 1 716) on croubows, 11S (f), 1 47, 1!9, IS7, 1;;8 on mililllrr literature, 30 (b) on Irebuchc� :114, 116-17, 213, 11:24, ��6, fin thumb-rings, archers', I 17-18, 119 lItUll lh;tll (military.agricultural colonies) , 25, 74 thunder as omen, :l5S thunder carriages (phi I; chM, trebuchcts), 210 thunder slones (It; shih, hand miS$iICl) , 277 Thundenticks, (/ri mil), :l7S, :184, 285, IlfJ6, 287,�, 427, 433 Thu"l ,hitll. Sa arrow-tubes nUllg Chien Shi" "'hi (Explanation of Pa5.'lagc$ in the C�mprthtIlS;Vf Mi"or), by Shih Chao, 166 Thung.Lii.Shan, 285 (b), 466, ,tfj8 tlrulIl pi(ff (,whip-tube' on crossbow), 164, 166, 168 Tltullg Tim (Comprehensive Inslitule), by Tu Yu on Aooding allack, 457, 459 on mining, 470-1 on moau, 332 on Ilaval trcbucheu, 116 on sh«p-horse wall, 336 on liege defence, 274-S, 2a., »8g-9O, 313-14,

403, 4S»-3 siege engines, 2:16, 4:11, 4:13,42.1

on

Thung.Wan Chhcng, 388-9 (a),,lP-I Ti proples, 386 Ii sl (caltrop board). 18g

Ti SSlI-�li ..·arnor,jI. -563). 408 Tibet archeI")· t«hnique. 1 1 7 Chinese annnalion, 99 (a) requesl Chinese: for books on an ofwar, (+ Slh cent . , 73 IItlt (walls, panpeu . 307-8 Ticnuin bailIe ( + 19'5 , 68 a tiles, Han tomb-, 348,:p6 timber Jtockpiling in bc:sieged cilY. 271, 27:1, '74 lime

appropriate, 31, SS. 90

measurement of, Stt water..clocb Tillg, Dukc of Lu (jI. -SOl), 43' Ting the bUlcher. 36 icl Ting-Chiin Shan, 165 Ting Tu (official and .scholar. +9901 + 1053), load caru (lla ma eMil, 4,S-g, 436 Toledo, siege or (+ 761), :133 tomhs ?f hhin Shih Huang Ti, 1:17-8. 141

,6 (b)

C:

. 301 10 CTUH,

croubow traps,

141

Ho-Lin-Ko-Erh, 391, J[P-4

tiles,

348,:p6

Sn IIlsG models

Tonh, SS (f) lorch holes, 309, 449. 4SO torches

on cily walls, 309, 313-14, 43'-3 Han. :log (e) phea&ant lail (e/ll1t .... ' 1 fAi , 4'S-6

swaUow tail L),(ff letl (hi , olin. 404,405, .p6, P7 use to mark enemr·) progras through cil)"·, defences, 3:19 lonion, sine...·bundle. SIt C3lapulu ( tonion types)

torture, 93 Tower carIS

lou chili, .. 18, 419, 421, 421, P3, 438-9 pM"g chill, 434-S, 438 to...en, mobile siege assault, S, 1S, 200, 435, 43S ·flying' (ftl /ou), 418. 424 Hinite, 430-1 Tltoi PQ r;� ChillI on. :IS 'well.railings' ((ltilll 1011), 451 lOwers, mobile liege defence, 408, 4 1 1 , 449, 450 towen, permanent defClUive, 373-gB gatc' , 3S1 horse-face {ma mint), 339. 340, 3P, 386, 387-90, 39 ' M� T�M on, 157 prolccli"e neu and ICr«ns, :I:IS, 375 fIf· 3S2-3 Sn olSlt crossbow plalfonns; walchtO\<-·en to...ns. Sn cilies Toynbcc, Arnold. 59 (d), 99 ".ab.c4ium (European trebuchet), :133, 23S

-

586

INDEX

trade cilia and development, 291-7, 337 inAuenee ofdassiea] military theory, 8g Kuan Vii cuh and, 84 tradition anti-militaristic, 70-9 Japanese, 70 persistence ofChinese: military, 67-70 training oftroops, ehhao Tsho's memorial on, 123, ".

Trajan's Column, Rome, 172 Tran Quae Tuan (Vietnamese mitilay theorist,fl. + 1 1 1 6 10 + 1 300) , 88 (c) transgressoR, war as punishment of, 94 transport, army organisation of, ,6 traps collapsible, 264 crOlSOOw, 120-1 , 132 (a), 13.5. J.p, 157. 159 hidden hola in ground, 264, 330,112 treachery opening of gala 10 enemy, 343 prevention, 280, 465 T'talisl on Siralev (anon., Byzantine), a67 treaty signed at city walls (during fujD chill mba,), 71 trcbuchcl.! (pIr.M). 185. 186-7, 203-31 Arabs: and [",rumission to Europe, 704, 715, 733, . 240; intrOOuce countc....·eighLJ to China, 718, 220-2, l'j5, �37 cannon confused with, ��9, �30 mull cllii (largt tncbuthtu), 41� Chinac devdopmem, �32 countt ... ....dghtcd, �05; Arabs and, 169, 218, 220-2, 233, '15, 237; in Europo!, 233, 238, 239-40; fixed ....eightS, 185, [87, 2 1 7 (f), 218; periods of counter UK, 238; swinging counterweights, 185, [87, 204, 217 {f'),2[8, 233 'crouching tiger' type (HIl- TUIIplr4o), lI'j5, 237 dtployment, 4�2, ¥4 in Europe, '75, �[4, �33, !lj4, �35-9. 239-40 four-fOOled, sc....cn-componem, � [ 1 , 2 [2, !llj, 214 gunpo....der projecliles, 205, 215. 222 historical accoum ofu.sc, 2 [0-29 incendiary projec:liles, 2[0 manned, 185, [86-7, 204 (b). 207, 20IJ mobility, 229 Mongols employ Chinese engineen. 222 na....al use, 226, !I!I7-8 periods of use, 238 projectile weights and ranges, [87. 204 at siege of Hsiang_Phing ( + 238), 222, 436 in sieges of Tt-An ( + I [27/ + 1 132), 27 small re....olving (h�i ,lIi.1I 'hii), 4[ 2 Taoisl tutdary deily, 231 technical data, 187. 204. 2 15- [8 terminology and identification, 205-6. 229-3 [ Thang dynasty, 2 [ I , 2 [4 Three Kingdoms period. 210 Turks and, 2 1 5

'whirlwind' tluiitur-fh,), 2 [ I, !lI!I-lj Trcchslcr, Christopher (engineer,ft. + 1595), 5 ta) trench warfare, 214 triangular fortifications, 260. :Xil-j. 26j

lribal peoples. 102 (d), 120, 135-7, 156, 167

tribN: (German term for lrebuchel), 233, 237

trigger mec:hanisnu arcuballista, +46-1 movable parapel (10 fin: IWords), 432 portcullil,347 'rdeasable bridge', 364-5, 367 Sa IIlse "ltd" crossbow Trigranu, 93 Eight, 57 (f'), �-9. 93 trijJtJ"li�m (European tl"l:buehet), 233 Troy, siege of, 241 Tsang Chih (1OIdier,ft· +451),·P 7 TKng Hou·' (I, Marquis of TKng) tomb, 482,.¢j TKng Kung.Liang (+998/+ [078), Sec W� Chi"g Ts�"l rM TKng Tzu (pupil ofConfucilU), 20 Tshai, State of, 252-3, 256, 338 IShoi kll
INDEX Tung Chung-Shu (disciple of Confucius, b. + �20). �3 (c) Tung-fu Chh,:ng, siege of ( +�481+ �49), 417-18 Tung Han-Yang. Stt Pi Li Tu TJlJlln Tung-Pa-Chia, Chhih-Fen Hsia, Liaoning Lungshanoid village, 431 (e) TUI-PIw Cllill Lin (Journal and .\Iiscdlany of Su Tung-Pho), 80-1 Tungus people, 13� Turfan Kao-Chhang, 2 1 4,340 Turks archery, 10� (e), 103, 108, I I�, 1 1 7, 1 18, 126 {h), ,6,

crossbow, 16g Sui wars against ( + 600), 270 Thang contacu, 167, 16g (ransmit tn:buchet designs to West, 215 tuyere (WII) , 462 u.aura (crossbow), '73-4 T�u-Chan of Cheng (ft. 547). 461 To/:II ClliIt. Tflul Chim (Comprehensive -'lirror for Ai
Ulan-durbeljin Chien-Shui 1t01l-.(,"'",.l.S5 Umehara, S. (I), 144 uniforms, military, 8-9 disguising soldiers in foreign, 67 Union of Soviet Socialist Republics military advisers in China, 67, 8 ( (g) upper claw;s vulnerability to attack by lower cia", (78-83 urine, 280, 345 (a) Urshu, 43( Valturio, Romto (military writer,ft. + (4]2), ,>,

Vegetius, fiavius Renatus (military historian,ft. +385), (6, 1]2, 354 (b) Venus, planet, 93 Verdun, liege 0{ ( +g84), 173 vehicles, military. Sucaru; tanks; towen, mobile; trebucheu vaseb bronze pictorial, of Warring States period (lim). t20 (a), 139 (d), 275, 2n; Chhcng_Tu, +46, +47-8, 460; Liu-Li-Ko, 375, 3;6; Shan-Piao­ Chen, !rj8, 447-8, 460; Werner Jannings hII, +17-8,460

for siege defence, 2]4-5, 277, 280, 317, 344-5 Veter.l, Lower Germany Roman military hOlpital!rj)

victory without lighting, 37-8, 39, 44-5, 70-9,94, 06-8

Vienna siege ( + 1683), 108 Vietnam eommandery under Han, 99 (al importance in 20th cenl. ofclassical art ofwar, 68 militarism, 100 secrecy about military aru, 88 (c) Sa als� Champa ,·ilIaga 15""", 394 (b) Han, 329; foTlili�, 394 Villard de Honn...:oun (ma$ler-mason and cr.lfuman,ji. + 1225/ + (240), 233 'inegar antidote to gas, 469 �XlinguilJher for oil lira, 345 (al violence. Su force Violl�t-le-Duc, E. E. (archarologi$l, + 18141 + 1879), 357, 360

\"irtua chilo ofpopular military hema, 85. 87-8

ofcommander, 50 role in military maners, 61-6 violence justili� if u5ed to maintain, 85-6 Visdelon, C. d� ( I ), �30 u .. 357, 359-60 Vwg od

"·agom. SIt caru It'd.. St'9'f-"". Collect� Studia on th� Ships used by the Japanese and Chinac), by Kanuawa

Kananiuu, 2]6 f) w:a.l1-elimben {/hII (Mitel cW), 418 ,,-alls, 290-0

angular projttting, at g�le (J"l" or 1t·1I), 3�2-3, 379..]82-)

bastions

It."., ,w..,) , 337,jj8, 353,370

baltering, 292 (a) breaehed by mining, 463, 472, 474 Chou: Ea.llertl, 244, �45, 24-7-53; Weltern, �41, '+I crenellations, 25, 339

dC\;ces mounted on, 307, 3g11-41 3, 440 dimensions, 301-7, 375, 440 embrasures, 307 enc�inte inside inner city (J'" r/thiRl), 339 extra-mural scttlemenu., 337-8 lield-, 393 first noted, 242-3 flood def�n(es, 241 (e), 337, 459 gales proteet� by turn in, 266, jj8, 353,354, .ll5 inner (I.<:II (Mite,). 338-9,)� Lung-Shan �ra, 292, 431 'moon' (foh cltlllnz), 353 'movable baloonin' and 'movable towers', 41 (- ( 2 parapc"', 307-8, 336, 380, J8), 48,; 'wooden', 11111

�illhol/, 371,373 ponwtri"m, 315, 31],3,8-n 'rampart' (Iti (Mitt,), 336 secondary, 459 Shang era, 292-3, 295, 43 ' 'sheep-hone' ()'II"I /PIa cfthht,) , 264 (d), 336-7, 3J8, 339,384

58 8

INDEX

walls ((0111.) small outer, 329-30, 336 Spring and Autumn, 244, 43' lIakcs hammcral into lOp of, 26." 444-5. 480- 1 stamped tanh COIUIru<;lion (....,.. 1kIr). 2911-3, 1!9�" 43' Slone construction, 1195 lempor.try replaccmcnlS for pans destroyed, 371, 373, 4 1 1 - 1 11. 443 'Icrfil�' (Mai cMhg), 443 ''''�man'I' (nii ,M..../I,), 307-8, :1:�6, 339 Walter de Milamctc (fl. + 13\16), ro2 Wan liege of, (+113), 434-5, 451 Wan-Chheng-Tzu. 379-80, j82-3 Wan-yen t-Kho (Chin general,fl. + 12(9), 215 (h) Wang An-Shih (reformer, + 1021/ + loB6), i4 Wang Cheng (writer,fl. + (627), '34-5 \Vang.Chhcng-Kang, 292,293 Wang Chhiu (Thang offi�er,.ft. -566). 442 Wang Chhung (sceptical philosopher, + 27/ + 97). See L"� HlIlg Wang Chia (d. +390), 1 1 2 Wang Chien (Chhin Shih Huang Ti's general, +2nd/+3rd cem.). 206 (il Wang Chien (king of ind�ptnd�nt Stal� of Shu in Suchuan, d. +9(8), 177 (i) Wang Ching-Wei (statesman, + 1883/+ '944), 70 (bl Wang Chii ( + 8th cent.). See ChiuShi Chillg Wang Ho (Han an;hery commander), 'H Wang Hsiung (defender of Hua-Chou, late + 5th cent.), <155 Wang Hu; (croubow trigger maker), '29 (a) Wang Hung-Hlii (oflkial and author, d. + '723), ,,0 Wang I (ft. + 1325) J Pill o,i, 23' Wang Kuang, lomb of Lolang, Koru, '26, 'n, 144 Wang Kuo-Wei, 457 Wang Ling. 205 (c), 231 Wang Mang (founder of Hsin dynasty), 434-5 Wang Ming-Hao (writer,ft· + (599), 28 Wang Pen orChhin (fl. -225), 456 Wallg Ping (The King's Soldiers), 22 (b) Wang Shih-Chhung ( + 7th cenl.), 2 1 1 Wang SIU-Chcng (soldier,fl. + 548-9), 446, 456 Wang Tshan (writ�r, + 177/ + 2 [7), 463 Wang-t!u Chhcllg-Fu orChhi (military writer, -7th ccnl.), 12 Wang Wei (Gen�ral ofCroubowmen, Han �ra), 144 Wang Wei (writer, Ming �ra). See Chu Lu. Chi Wang'iin Chin Shu, 435-6 Wang 'iing-Lin. See Yi Hai Walll run Lin ./l'. Ski Fa Chi (Manual of Shooting with Ihe An;uballina and '1$ Sighl$), 191-2 wards, city, 317, 322-3,324-7, 329 warlords, 339. 435 Warring Siales ptriod arcuballislae, 19B

annour, 8. 180 croubow-calapuJu, 8 crossbows, 146 dunuion, 248, 2.)4, 455 infanlry, 7 military writings, 5, 17, 24 offensive warfare, concept of, 44-5 separation or anny and civilian Slate, 76 naval warfare, 226. fl77-8, 459-60 pellet-bow, 1 1 6 poliorceliC5, 253-5 relative tcchnological military level ofupper and lower cla..ues, 180 lethered arrows, I W 10wnS, 245, 253-5 Irebuchel$, 207-lo Se' /Jls� indioid"a/ s/a/es, and ulldn- vessels Warwick, Earl of (Richard Neville, + 1428/+ 1471), '39 watchtower cart (U'ang UJu ("hi), 422, 4113. 439 (a) watchtowers Han, 3;6-81. 393, 394.395-400, 463-4 fuJi I"!e" (on city walll), 339-40.312 water allackt with, 5, 1 1 , 67, 484; It< also flooding direction ofcurrent, and likelihood of victory, .:.B drinking; supply in siege, 258, 26g-70 waterbags, theo:pskin, 475. �;6 water-ChatnUI, iron (caltrop), �87, tBIJ, 289 water gala, 301 (a), JOJ-5 waler level device (.tll
Welxr. C. O. ( 1 , 2), 460 !I'd, commandanlJ or guards, 374 Wei, unit of measuremenl, 209 (c) Wei, Duke; SIw" C""lng (Arl of War), 464 (a) Wei, EUlern, 446, 456 Wei, Westem, 455, 456 Wd, S!a!e of (Warring Stata) allad with Han and Chih dans on Chin-Yang, 455-6 bailie or Ma Ling, 139-40 cilia, 329; An_I, 2.)0-1, 233, 456; Chiang, 251-2, '55

'encirclement or Wei 10 save Chao', 36 (d), 7 1 Wu Chhi commander in, W

INDEX

Wti eMi (popular game), 97 Wei Hsiao-Khuan (jl. + :>+6), �36, +t3-� III'; Lia� Tt� (Book of �la$ler Wei Liao), 70-1 on commander, �7 on evils of war, g6 on harmony, 46 rationalism, ;,;, on 'RightWU'l Army', 6� (i) on siege warfare. 271, 40�, 442 on viclory Wilhoul fighling, 38 on virtues and material faCIO.., in warfare, 6� (b) Wtj Ukh (Compendium of Non-CJiWical Matten), 14-0 (a) Wei Sheng (general, d, + ( 1 64). 2t;, (f) Wei Shu (officer in anny ofChin. -;'40), 7 �. Wli chi� Clu;z.o (endrcJemem of Wei 10 save Chao). 36 (d), 71 weighu testing ofcn)$$bo"'"l, 1;,4-� well-field 'ySlem (,hi"I-lIIitn), 7;:', 244, 245 (a) well·railings (,hi"l/alt, siege lowen), 4;" wells beside dty walls, insidc city, 3'5 blocking up by besieging force, 76g as defence against flooding al1ack, 456-7, 458-9 poisoning, 7f>9-70 usc in coulltennining, 464 wells, hCil\'enly {illia ,hi"" holes dug inlo enemy mines), 47t well-sweep (,hith ku) on dly walls, 3!)8, 402, 404, "os, 426, .p7, 485 we againsl eroc:my miroc:s, 464, 46;" 47' wi" {civil values), !)8 idemified wilh r""I, 92 in Kuan Vii cult, 85 relationship with 1<11, ]6, 78-9 u';" (pulley or winch?) , 47' Wen, king of Chou, 438 Win Hsirn ThuIII KhoQ (Comprehensive SlUdy of Civilisation), by �Ia Tuan-Lin, 199 (c) Wen-Jen Chlin (I), 101 Wen-Lang Kuo people, 136 (c) Wen Ti (Liu Heng, Han cmlXror, r. - I 79/- 1!.I7), '43 Wcn-Ti {Liu I-Lung, Liu Sung emlX,or, +4071 +4!.13). 4'7 Wen-Wang (king of Chou, - I Ilh cenl.), 431 Werner, E. T. C., 3 wheelbarrow, 8 whip-tube (tJuUllpim), t68 Whitley Castle, 330,33' Wieger. L. (7), 140 Wilbur, C. M. (2). '76-7 "'�nch_arming ofarcuballistae, '50, '59, '93, 441 Windisch Roman gate,:fi, windlass 10 lower callrop', 433 for lelhered arrows. 441 for thundenticks, 285-6, lIB? windlass cart (,hiao ,/rAIl, 476, 42], 478, 437, 433

589

window. revolving (protecti\'e device for archen), 309,3'1'. 384, 'P3 winds, 56-7, 58, �9 wine offered to ,ick, 774 witchcraft, I t Winnauer Horn Roman gOlte, li9 IV� Chi ChillI (Grasping Opponunilies Manual), I t17, 33 (gl , 39, 56 (b) wolf's loolh ,.riking bo,ard, 4'5, 48!.1 women eountermining, 464 and releasable bridge, 36�, 367 Sun Tiu in chOlrge ofdelachmenlJ of court women. 52 (a) wood slips, Han inscribed_ .m $lips world order, Chinese place: of militOlT)· clement, 92-100

wounded. IfUlmenl of. 777, 1'73, 274 " ... fonified _illage , 394 b) u... (military), 71, 76

Confueianism �noUIlCCS recognition, !)8-9

place in Chin� world order, 97-tOO relalionship ",ilh ,,"ill .ci..il . i6, 18-9. 8;, social alliludes to military men. ]7, 79. 8!;, (g), !)8 Ts� Ch_ on, 72 Wu, Lesser City or (Wu Hsiao-Chheng , 301 Wu, Prince, ruler or Wei Hsiao Wu T i . 64 Wu, State of carly na",!, 458 Sun Wu as offictT of, 1 3 war against Chhu, 5, t3. 43 war against Vueh. 13, 43 (a Wu Chhen (refugee from Chhu in Chin, -61h cent.), !.I Wu Chhi (general and military aUlhor, d. - 381). Sec IVII T<.� (Pilll F4) JliM Chinl CMi SItw (Se,·en Ancient �lilitaT)' CliWics) , '9 (d), 70-1 W� CIti�I I J, 302 (a) II'M ChillI TJ�ng roo (Collection orthe �Iost Important �lititOlT)' Techniques), ed. Tseng Kung-Liang and Yang Wei·Tc, 76-]. 1;'7 on ar<:uballiSlae, 150, 193, '� on crossbows, 121-2, 146-7, 1�7 on fortifications. 146-7, 336- 7. Jj8, 339. 347,150, 370, 311, 371', 384, ]85 hooks, 415-18 on mining. ..66, 471'-4, 476. 418-80 on siege defence weapons, 787, �-9. 290. fig', 404, .pj on sieg<: machines, "�2, 123, 41'9. 4�7, 453, 454, 414 on spies, 30 (c) on trebuchct.i. 707, 1'l!1-f3, 214, 2 '5- 18, n3, 227 (b , 1'rNJ Wu Chin-Ting (ar<:hacologist,jl. + 1928), 292 (a) II'M CAii" FII (Rhapsod)' on a Martial Army), by Chhen Lin, 41;'-16. 484 Wu-chung people, 7 Wu Hou. Sit Chu-ko Liang 11"11 HOI! Hsu. .lIiu (Eight Formations Plan), �8 (gl

590

INDEX

\\I".H,i

city walls., 30t \\Iu Hsiao-Chhcng (I..esrse City of Wu). 301 WI/.Hsi", (Five Pha� throries), �84 W,,·Huan nomads, 391 Wll Liang offering shrines, 2I)Q W� Lin Chiu Shill (Customs and Institutiom of the Old Capital), by Chou Mi, 1 1 7 (a) Wu Ling (prince ofChao, T. -32$ to -298), 7 WI/ Pti Cltill (Treatise on Armament Technology). by Mao Yuan.l, 28-9 on archery, 108 on arcuballistae, 188, 1*. [93 banned by Manchus, 8g (a) on croubows, 128, '39, 131 (b), [33. ' 34, 147, IfII, '$7. IjIJ-OO, 161, ,63, 177 0) Duke Lii's Overlook and AMault Carl, 439, 440 on 'flying hooks', 414 on tanks. 423 tro:bucheu, 214. 2 1 6- 1 7 IV.. Pt; Pi Shu (Confidential Trealise on Armament Technology), by Shih Yung-Thu, 29 WII shu. (military arts), 28 (a), 87 (b) Wu·Su·Chhih (Chng Jung. + t 159/+ 1230), 222 (d) w. S.... Pi�l Fd (Wu State Sun's An of War). Sa: S"" Tf.1I Pi,., F. Wu Tai period, 29, 19.8, 2 1 5 Wu Ti (Han Emperor.,. - l,p/-87), 22, 30, 7 6 (b), 94 (aj, 113, 144 Wu.Ting river, 293

Wu T�u Pi�6 Fa (Mamr WU'I An of War), by Wu Chhi, 19.20 on avoiding violence. 38, 96 on commander, 49. 50, 78 on harmony, 161 on natural forces and magic, 38, 57 (a, e) and natural philosophy, .'I5 on numerical superiority, 43, 66 Pai Kuei on, 90 persistence of importance in 20lh cem., 67 on pI)'chological warf...rc, 23, 39-40 on moral, spiriluaJ ...nd human facton in WU, 62,

64,65 (b), 77-6, 181 WU Tzu·Hsu (minister of state of Wu,jI. - 512/ -530), Q,43 Wu Wang (linl sovereign ofChou, - 1 16cj1- I [16), 82, 258 (c) Wu Wallg Fa Chou Phi�6 Hua (SIOry of King Wu', Expedilion ...gainsl Chou), 82 w�J1i IluJi (R...in Dance Platform), Chhii·Fu Hsien, 3�

WII rwk 00"" ClUJi" (Spring ...nd Autumn Annals of the Stales of Wu and Yiieh). by Chao Yeh, [ 15-16, 137-9, 153, IfIg (g) Wuntisen, Chrislian (i. + 1588), 229 (e) I'll "rAin6 (enceinle int.ide inner cily), 339 Yadin, Y. (1), 429 Ya·Ku (y...'qub, artillery general,jI. + 1329), 221 (d) Yakut crossbow, 135

rUt (natural force). Sec n" and rllltl Yang, C. K. (I), a,. Y"ng.Chheng, 292 (c) Yang Hsiung (philosopher andiu.writer, - 531 + 18), .'.

Yang Hung (6'), 459-60 Yang Khan (defender ofChien.Khang,jI. + 548), 347,424-5,426

Yang Kuan (Sui emperor, +580/+6,8), 277 (e) J"116 1i116 (sheep's bank, ramp), 437-6, 442, 443-4, ..,

Yang Pao (archer), 1 [7 (a) Yang Phu (generaJ and admiral,jI. - I I I ) , 22, 30 Yang·Shao era, 241, lp, 252 (b), 292 (b) Yang Wei·Te. Sec w. Chill6 TJIUII ru Yang Yu·Chi (minuter ofChhu, archer), 4-5 Yao, Lord ofChih (jI. -455/-453), 455-6 YaoSsu (archer), "7 (a) Ya'qiib (ya·Ku, artillery general,jI. + [329), 221 (d) Yarkhoto, siege of ( + 71h cent.), 214 Yates, R. D. S. (3), 207-10 Yeh, ,iege of (+ 204), 463 Yeh·lu Hsieh·Chen (general,jI. +g86), 2 1 5 (d) Yeh·lii Hsiu·Ko (general,jI. +g86), 2t5 (d) Yeh Shao-Ong. Sec Sa CMtaa WbI CAW. Ut Yellow Emperor. Me Huang Ti Yellow Ri"er, 67 (g) Yellow Turbans (Wnl rAi,,), 446 Yen (Hsien.pi) dynasty, 1 9.8 Yen, State of, 4', 1"ti, 248 Yen.Chheng, 25[, 154 rm l Chih Lill (Collected Recordt of Sal! City), by Fan Wei-Chheng, 228 (aJ Yen Jo (soldier ofChhi,jI. -566). 442 Yen Kao (archer of Lu,jI. - 50 t) . 155 Yen Kung Yiian·Shuai (military deity), 85 (f) Yen·Shih, t¢, 351 Ycn·Shih Hsien Hlia or Shang cily of Hli·Po, 295. t¢ Yen Shih·Ku (scholar, +5(11/+645), 191 (d) 1"111 Ttm T�II (Life of Prince Tan of Yen), 367, 370 Yenan military colonies, + '072, 25 (e) Yi (legendary archer), 137 )'ill (angular projecting wall), 3.'12 -3, 379, j81-3 )'in (ramp), 4'3. 438 (n), 441 -6 rill and Ytmg, (natural forcel) and battle formalions, 57, 58, 59 Chu·ko Liang on use of, 23 and division.! ohpace, 57 and interpretation oftigns ofenemy activily, 49 KMri XII Tf.1t on, 31 military imponanee, 24, 38, 44 and morale, 50 and numben, 23 and sccra:y, 88 and seasons, 93 in stralegic planning, 74 and territory, 48 w� and win identified with, 92, g.8 Yin·Yang theory, 258

, ,

I I \ \ \ I \ \ \ \

I

\ \ \

\ \ Y Y

INDEX Yill·Chhiieh·Shan (Silver Sparrows Moulltain), 18,

60 1'ill FM Chilli (The Harmony of the Sun alld

Urucen), by Li Chhiian, aur. to Huang Ti, 39, 88 (e) Yin·Hsu stage of Shang period, 293 Yin Thung.Chh�ng (Han author 011 archery),

II,

, ,' n" YlIlIg Ooi" (NalU",Jistl), 19, 3 1 , 44

Yi" YlIlIl lI'lI lIsi1lg, �� (b) Yin Yen (defender of Shou'Yilng, +466), 426-9 Ying·Chhiiiln, 5iege of ( + 548-9). 456

Ying.Chou. siegt: of (+ 548). 446 Yillg Hsiling Chi. by Wang Tshiln, 463 Ying river Liu I poisons, �70 Ying Shao (officiill, d. c. + (95). IH Yo fe; (military deity, + I 103/+ I I.p). 64 YU the Great (Hsia HOll Shih, founder of HSla dynasty), �92 (e), 416 (a) 1'ii lIai (Ocean of Jade, encyclopaedia of quotations), 2 1 (f), �5 (e) Yu Asia ('knights.errant'). 88 (a) Yii Hsiu·Lieh (jI. + 73°), 73

Yii I Kuo (Country of the i\lalodorous Barbarians),

'"

YU I·Chih (engineer, officer of Yin Yen,jI. +4501 +466), 210, 4�6-9 Yii i\h·H!ien (ucher), I [ 7 (a) Yu·Pi, siege of ( + 546). 436, 443-4,445.470

Yil Shih (eroubow maker), [34 Yu Wang (d. -n6) tomb at Shou·Chou, 143 Yii.Wang Chh':ng U_"!J city ofAn.1 or State or Wei, al Hsia Hsien), 250-1, ISJ

591

Yu·,.,tn Yiin (Northern Chou emperor, r. +5761 +5Bo), 2[0-tl YiM Clri", $hll Ta Ti m Hsi Ut (+ 1264), t6g Yilan dynasty gunpowdeT'projectila, 9 military literature, �7. 29 S« Ills. Mongols;.sa.. KIH Ooll rm I Yiian Khang. Su r",h C�Ir SIr" Yilan Shilng (general,jI. +204). 463 Yilan Shao (general. d. + �02), 210, 415-16, 435 Yri4lf Shll (HiStory of the Yiian Dynasty), by Sung Lien, 225 Yiieh, Marquis of Tseng, 462 Yiieh, Sta\e of nilvY,458 war against Wu, 13,43 (a) rii�h Chiith Sit" (Lost Records of the State of Yiieh), by Yiian Khang, 458 Yiieh.Yang (capital ofChhin), 301, 310-12, 352 Yule, Sir Henry ( [ ) , 231 Viin·Chou crossbow trigger'me.::hanism from, [33-4 Yun.M�ng county Han tomb model, 393,395-8 Yung (capital ofChhin), 303, j06, p8 Yunniln erossbo..." 135. 1]6 1"""""" Chi 11"11 ChN» H"'OlIIg (A Stud)' ofthe Taxation of Industrial Operations in Yunnan Province), by Chilng Tan. 219 d Yverdon Roman gate, 356,ft Zen Buddhum. I I I d Zop}TOI ofTilrtntum. [ 7 1 , t88 a

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