Richard Hooker of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity: Introductions; Commentary Books V-VIII

EDITORIAL COMMITTEE John E. Booty

The

University of the South

(ret.)

Georges Edelen Indiana University

(ret.)

Egil Grislis

The

W.

University of Manitoba

Speed HiU

Lehman College and The Graduate The City University of New York Arthur Stephen McGrade The University of Connecticut David Novarr

Center,

1987)

(d.

Cornell University

R.

J.

Schoeck

The

University of Colorado

(ret.)

G. Stanwood

P.

The

University of British Columbia

Richard

S. Sylvester (d.

1978)

Yale University Laetitia

The

Yeandle Folger Shakespeare Library

BOARD OF ADVISERS T. H. Aston

(d.

Arthur E. Barker

W.

D.

J.

Robert M. Kingdom Mortimer Levine

1985)

(d.

Herschel Baker

Cargill

1990)

(d.

Christopher Morris

1990)

Thompson

(d.

CoUinson

Horton Davies Powel Mills Dawley A. P. d'Entreves

C.

W. Dugmore

O. B. Hardison,

Peter

W.

Leland Carlson Patrick

1978)

(d. (d.

(d.

1985)

1993)

O 'Sullivan

H. C. Porter John M. Steadman H. R. Trevor-Roper

1985)

Howard Webber

1991)

James M. WeUs

Jr. (d.

(d.

Munz

1990)

Editorial Expenses of this edition have been supported by grants Jrom the Program for Editions

of the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency, and from the Research Foundation of the City University of New York.

The

Folger Library Edition

of

The Works of Richard Hooker

W.

Speed HiU

General Editor

Volume Part

Six,

Two

Richard Hooker

Of the Laws

of

Ecclesiastical Polity

Commentary Books V-VIII

Introductions;

W.

Speed Hill

General Editor with the assistance of

Egil Grislis

John Lee

W.

E. Booty, Georges Edelen,

Gibbs, William P. Haugaard

Arthur Stephen McGrade Contributing Editors

medieval

& Penaissance texts & studies Bingham ton, New York 1993

&

Contents A

Chronology of Richard Hooker's

Life, Georges Edelen

Abbreviations and Acronyms; Internal References Part

xvii

xxvii

One

Introductions

The Preface, William P. Haugaard Book I, Lee W. Gihhs Books

II, III

BookV, John The Three

&

IV, William P. Haugaard

1

81

125

183

E. Booty

Books and Hooker's Autograph Notes, 233 Arthur Stephen McGrade 249 Book VI, Lee W. Gibbs 309 Book VII, Arthur Stephen McGrade 337 Book VIII, Arthur Stephen McGrade Last

Commentary Introduction to the

Commentary

The Preface Book I Book II Book III Book IV Part

Commentary Book V Book VI Book VII Book VIII Textual Supplements

395 403 477 523 553 601

Two 653 833 895 985 1053

Index of Scriptural References

1101

Bibliography

1157

Commentary

Books V-VIII

V

Book To

2:1.1—3

Most Reverend

the

.

.

Book

England.

.

Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, H's patron; see tion

of Hooker's Laws of Ealesiastical

2:1.9-12

V

that Discipline

from which Windet

.

.

.

Polity,"

approbation,

Chamber

V

was dedicated

Speed

S.R.H. (1972),

to

John

"The Evolu-

Hill,

p. 125.

Whitgift endorsed the

set print (2:xiv—xv) in

law, most likely the Star

W.

MS

of Book

accordance with the "Discipline" or

decree of 1586, procured by Whitgift (Collin-

son, E.P.M., p. 274), investing the archbishop of Canterbury and the bishop

London with

responsibility for licensing books. See

The

and Readers 1558-1603 (Cambridge:

H.

S.

of

Bennett, English Books

University Press, 1965), pp. 56-64.

"The

John Windet for they had been 'Aucthor-

Stationers' Register entry for January 29, 1593, assigns rights to

by Richard Hooker,' with the notation that by the lord archbishop of Canterbury his grace under

'Eight books ised

"Evolution," S.R.H., p. 133; Arber, 6i(ep

2:1 .22-2.3. d

.

,

.

his

hand'

";

Hill,

Transcript, 2:625.

Gregory of Nazianzus (330F-390?), patriarch of Con-

great.

Opera (1550), p. 233; PG, Snep la^ev, aXK' OTcep q^ev yevwjjeea. As Bayne H's "quotation reverses the meaning of the last clause of Gregory" (p. 2n).

stantinople, Oration 39, In sancta lumina, chap. 2;

36.2:336: Mfj jueivcojuev notes,

2:2.7—1

The

1

errors w^hich

we

sceke

.

.

.

The

suffer.

reference

is

most

likely to

Whitgift's writings, esp. The Defense of the Aunswere (1574), his policy against the Puritans, esp. the enforcement

of subscription from 1584 on, and

their supression

1590-93. See CoUinson, E.P.M., pp. 243-272, 403-431. There is also an allusion here to Whitgift's motto, "Vincit qui patitur," "He overcometh who in

suffereth w^ith patience" (Bayne, p. 3n).

2:2.15—16 sies

conflicts the

Church hath

.

.

.

The

Christ,

christological controver-

beginning in the 3-4C; see 4:9.30-10.15, 185.31-186.35, and chaps. 51-54.

2:2.16—19

and the next of importance

.

.

.

God,

Chiefly, papal authority in the

An Apologie or Answere in defence of the Churche of Englande, Ann, Lady Bacon (1564; STC 14591); ed. Booty (1963), pp. 25-26. church; see Jewel,

2:2.21

silly

things.

Insignificant, trifling things.

indifferent." See 2:303.7—9.n

H

has in

mind

adiaphora, "things

and 318.17—29 and n, below; Jewel

Zurich Letters, PS, 1:23; Whitgift,

"Of

to Peter Martyr,

the Authoritie of the church in things

indifferent," Tract. 2, Defense (1574), pp.

Thompson, "Philosopher of the

trans.

76-131 (PS, 1:175-295); and Cargill

'Politic Society,' "

S.R.H.

,

p. 16; rpr. Studies in

the Reformation (1980), p. 147.

2:2.23

divers

Positions

.

.

.

prelacy

Richard Bancroft, bishop of London, Daungerous

and Survay, both published

in 1593;

653

Thomas Bilson, bishop of Winchester

3

Commentary from 1597, The 2:2.24

judicious

Perpetual .

.

Gouemement of Christes Church,

matter ofjurisdiction.

.

Treatise of Ecclesiasticall Discipline (1591),

To reckon up

2:3.15—17

Booty

part 3; ed.

Thus

2:4.2—23

.

.

.

necessarie.

.

.

.

appeareth.

.

^sedome.

and n, and Cranmer's prepared the

.

ecclesiasticall

official

Richard Cosin

account, Conspiracie, for pretended reformation:

viz. presbyteriall

W.

Hacket, E. Coppinger, and

STC

H. Arthing-

5823), and Bancroft

{Daungerous Positions, 4.5—15).

Sulp. Sever.

(1573), pp. 108

of

(1:15.13-20.3).

Concerning the "Hacket conspiracy" see 4:61 .2—

with the execution of the sayd Hacket (1592;

heresies

An

Letter, § 3, rpr. in 1:36. 15-53. 15. n, above.

Discovering the late designments by

2:5. fc

diversis

(1591).

Compare Pref 3.6-14

ton gent,

it

De

friend,

A A

On religious divisions see Jewel, Apologie,

discipline.

summarized

dean of Exeter,

(1963), pp. 40-50.

For ther are

2:3.28-4.1

.

Sutcliffe,

Hadrian Saravia, H's

and for sundrie proceedings by jurisdiction

of,

Bridges, dean of Salisbury,

and Richard Cosin, dean of Arches,

ministrorum evangelii gradibus (1590), Apologie:

John

Government Established (1587), Matthew

Defettce of the

published in 1593.

also

.

ff.

.

See Sulpicius Severus (363F-420/5), Historia

Eccl.

.

sacra

(CSEL, 1:103; NPNF.2, 11:121), describing the Manichaean bishop of Avila, resisted "with greater keeness than was

Priscillian,

by

fitting" (Bayne, p. 6n)

Ithacius, bishop

of Sossuba in 384. See

also 3:457.15

and

4:83.4—5.n. Sulpicius summarizes sacred history from the creation of the world to

AD 400 and 2:5.18

is

an especially important source for the history of Priscillianism.

Martinisme,

See 2:82.9.n, below; Cranmer's Letter, §

2,

l:36.15-53.15.n,

above; and 3:174.12, where "Martinist" stands for "Puritan." Leland H. Carlson, Martin Marprelate, Gentleman (1981), has identified Martin

and notes

that the

term "Martinism"

these, see Intro, to

The

is

found in Martinist

as

Job Throckmorton

tracts (pp.

191, 201);

on

Preface, pp. 23—24, above.

honourable knight. Citing Strype, Life of Whitgift, 1:425, Keble and Bayne suggest that this may have been Sir Francis Walsingham, patron of H's

2:5.19-20

firiend

2:5.27

John Rainolds and

Discipline

Sacrae" in

England

MS,

(rpr.,

H

favorable to the Puritan cause.

has in

mind

the "Discipline," called "Disciplina Ecclesiae

containing instructions for the establishing of presbyterian polity in Paget, Introduction, pp. 238-251;

Travers's Explicatio, trans. Cartwright,

(London: Methuen, 1962), chap. Elders,

2:6.15—19

Dudley,

The announced

these tunes earl

2nd

come

of Leicester

(d.

.

.

and

S. J.

Knox, Walter

Travers

6.

subject of Book .

edn., pp. 296-312),

Full and Plaine Declaration of Ecclesiasticall

See 2:424.4-7.n, below, and

Discipline (both 1574).

2:5.28

A

deserve.

H

VI

(3:1.8); see Intro, to

VI.

seems to have in mind Robert

1588), supporter of the Puritans and

654

Book

enemy of Whitgift.

Book xd

2:6.24

way

"In a

l&iov,

V, Dedication

3-Chapter

1.2

A

Lampe,

peculiar to oneselP'; see

Patristic

Greek

Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), p. 668.

"Shared in common"; Lampe,

xd KOivdv,

2:6.27

2:7.11— 12.
Dolens

dico,

.

.

Charlemagne, Capitula

poterit.

.

from a

dviles (1588), fol. 421';

cum

"Quod

"And

poterit";

if

it

the priesdy order

is

p. 9n).

be

so,

say

I

it

with

fallen inwardly,

Jewel quotes the passage in

True Religion

2:16.1

ordo intus

sacerdotalis

"That

much

superstition reteined in

tears,

also

it

it

flens dico,

quoque diu

H begins

his detailed

them" (2:15.4—7), or,

use w^as enforced

by law,

"is

gemens non

stare

with groans; for

when

cannot long stand" (Bayne,

his Defence of the Apologie; Works,

as the

PS, 4:732.

answer to the accusais

amongst us

Admonitioners put

it,

the

an unperfecte booke, culled and picked

out of that popishe dunghil, the Masse booke

He

condemn

I

to Virgilius, bishop

touchinge the severall puhlique duties of Christian religion, there

BCP, whose 21).

si ita est,

cecidit, foris

outwardly

In chaps. 1—4

tion,

siue leges ealesiasticae et

of Pope Gregory the Great

letter

of Aries, dealing with simony (PL, 77:783): denuntio, quia

p. 761.

full

of all abhominations" {P.M.,

p.

does so by arguing the necessity of "true religion" to the commonw^ealth

and the harm done by atheism on the one extreme and by superstition on the

The argument here concerning religion and the commonweal should be compared with 1.10-12 and VIII.l; and see § 4 (2:21.27-22.2).

other.

2:\6.f

Gaudere

.

.

Codex Theodosianus, 16.2.16; (1566),

contineri.

.

p. 481;

Momm-

sen-Meyer (1962), 1.2:840; Clyde Pharr, The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions, p. 443. "We wish always to rejoice and boast in the faith; for

we know

our country stands more by religion than by

that

official

energy or

labour and sweat of body" (Bayne, p. 14n); from a decree of Emperor Constantius (361 ad) to the Antiochenes, excusing the clergy from paying taxes. 2:17.^

"Eoxi

.

.

.

Aristode,

exeiv.

Magna

moralia, 1.1; 1181*;

"For without character, a man can achieve nothing

He must

be

a

man of moral

Opera (1550), 2:58.

in association

with

his fellows.

worth; and moral worth means possession of the

virtues" (Loeb, p. 447). See the N.E., 3.6-5.11. 2:17.fc

'Apx^ "God

p. 513.

eoaepeia. is

of the virtues" (Bayne, 2:17.11—13

argument

So

natural!

.

.

.

for the necessity

is

Christ"

asserts that justice

2:18.j

'AyaxTixdv

"For even though

Loeb,

p. 15n);

not.

De

Decalogo, chap. 12; Opera (1552),

(trans.

is

.

it

.

Ten Commandments, 7:32—33.

Augustine, City of God, 2.21, discusses Cicero's

found only in

that

republica, 2.44),

common\vealth whose founder

Bettenson, p. 75). Aristode {N.E., 5.9; 1137*) also

involves not a .

Treatise of the

of justice in the commonwealth {De

concluding: "But true justice

and ruler

Philo Judaeus,

the chiefest top and well-spring of all things that are, and godliness

xoXeatv.

way of acting but an Aristotle,

be the case that the

655

N.E.,

Good

is

1.2;

inner attitude.

1094^ Opera (1550),

2:1.

the same for the individual and

Commentary for the state, nevertheless, the

good of

the state

manifestly a greater and

is

more

perfect good, both to attain and to preserve" (Loeb, p. 7); the chap, concerns

of good for humanity.

politics as the science

conscience

2:18.6

McAdoo

tradition

we

Andrewes,

10.1; also, Lancelot

1.

who

identifies

A

Pattern of Catechistical

conscience

"God's depu-

as

16C and 17C moral theology, "the Thomist predominates: Conscience has two parts, synteresis, or the power by which

H. R.

ty."

See

Minor Works (1846), 6:30,

Doctrine, in

notes that in

hold and understand general principles of morality, and

conscientia,

by which

we

apply those principles to specific actions in order to assess their rightness and

wrongness. Conscience

a function

is

of the practical

intellect";

The

Structure of

H

BB

for Eccles.

Caroline Moral Theology (London, 1949), p. 66.

For hee gave good heede,

2: 18. 10-1 2. it

.

.

parables.

.

used

12:10.

One of the four cardinal virtues.

fortitude.

2:18.13

Chapter 17 concerns the judgements of God on the Egyptians

Wisd. 17:13.

2:18./

GB

(or, as

puts

See Aquinas, S.T, la2ae.61.3.

".

it,

.

.

against the wicked"); see

w. 10—14

in

GB

and 11-15 in

RSV.

T6v

2:19.n

.

in a

.

Kparreiv.

.

we

"... since

seemly way, and

allow" (Loeb,

God

2:20.4-5

Aristotle,

w^ill

... nature.

all

kinds of fortune

See S.T, la2ae.91.2, where, working from

of natural reason by which

we

discern

Rom. what

the impression [impressio] of the divine light the natural law (of which he

of the Eternal law by

"this sharing [participatio]

is

is

on

speaking here)

is

intelligent creatures" (B, 28:23).

chap. 56.5 (2:236.22-25) and Augustine, City of God, 8.1-10.

There were

2:20.17-24.0

likely to Caesar's

metempsychosis.

H

in these quarters Gallic Wars, 6.13,

mortem

aliis

excitari putant,

metu mortis neglecto";

(1585;

STC

.

on

freely translates "In primis

animas, sed ab

etc.]

will bear

p. 53).

good what is evil, is nothing but us." Thereby we are assured that

most

man

always act in the noblest manner that the circumstances

2:14, Aquinas asserts that "the light

Compare

N.E., 1.10; 1100''-1101*; Opera (1550), 2:3:

hold that the truly good and wise

post

4332), pp. 138

transire

fF.

H

ad

.

.

adventures.

The

reference

the Druids, and to chap. 14

hoc volunt persuadere non

alios;

atque hoc

is

on

interire

maxime ad virtutem

C.Julii Caesaris commentarii [de hello Gallico, distinguishes

between those

who

teach the

transmigration of souls (metempsychosis), ranging from Indian and Greek philoso-

phers to the Alexandrian Gnostic sect of Carpocratians and Christian sects of various sorts, and the Christian conviction of the immortality of the soul and the eternal

life

of the soul/body; see Augustine, City of God, 13.16-18, 22.12-21, and BCP burial office {1559, pp. 309-313).

25-30, reflected in the

656

Book And

2:21.18—27

V,

we

w^hereas

Chapter

reade

.

.

1.2-2.2

Religion for

parties.

.

According to

sociologists call a "cultural system."

receives certain infallible principles either as transmitted

human minds by

imprinted in

axioms of

but being received by

religion,

16C

word

theologians was that the

NT.

principles

humans

fallible

necessary the further distinction betw^een true and

was what

Word

by the

God of nature. These

the

H

understanding, reUgion

this

of

God

become

are distorted,

or the

making

The problem

false religion.

"religion" and the understanding of

it

for

could

is beyond religion no more than a cultural phenomenon. It is important to ask of any writer (1) whether the distinction between true and false religion has been made as H makes it and (2) whether reference is made to a cultural system per se or to "true" religion, which is a cultural system informed and governed by what H calls the Word of God. Concerning the

not be traced back to the

Subsequently, unless w^hatever

informs the content and activity of a religion,

etymology of "religion," see Calvin,

it is

De

Cicero,

1.12.1;

Inst.,

natura deorum,

2.28.72; and Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 10.244 (PL, 82:393). In Calvin and in

H,

.

.

1

practical

Atheisme,

apt to obliterate the originating cause

IHO*";

H distinguishes between two kinds of atheists: those who have and those who having encountered him deny him. H is

subject. Atheists can

be people

the theism they deny, or they can be those ^vho have

who

also indicate philosophers

of the pre-Socratic age, and

than

know^ not the "true"

H

theistic.

whose impiety and immorality Machievelli

summa

est

Opera (1593),

the

2.Pet. last

no knowledge of God,

after,

.

.

w.

18.

latter

but for those

.

its

theistic foundation.

.

.

Cyprian,

posts.

PL, 4:577. "Herein cannot refuse to In

GB

See Robert K. Faulkner,

both

texts

is

De

idolorum vanitate, [chap.] 5;

the essence of the guilt, to refuse to

know"

(Bayne, p. 21n).

speak of the appearance of "mockers" in

of the use of e^TiaiKTai in the

NT.

See Jude

1,

17-21, esp. §§ 8-10.

contentions

I

can

to use religion for base purposes.

See

Francis

Bacon's

"An Advertisement

Controversies of the Churche of Englande," written about 1590: causes have

faith. It

whose views were

of a Christian England (1981), pp. 20-30.

days, the only instance

preached on 2:25.1

.

Politics

delicti

p. 336;

own Him whom you 2:24. M

dependent

the prime example, for he acknowledges the value of reHgion as a

is

Richard Hooker and the

HcEC

them

totally

God of Christian

concerned not for the

is

drives

tool of government while denying

2:24. t

of

virtues.

including religious persons

naturalistic rather

Opera (1550), 2:31. to secure the ends

God

aware of the complexity of the

on

See also chap. 68.6 (2:349.5—18).

wisdom, the knowledge of how

one of the chief intellectual

never encountered

is

Greek euaePeia

indicated by the

Aristode, N.E., 6.5;

20n).

p.

Chapter 6 concerns

"For vice

dpxn^>

.

of action" (Bayne,

life, as

is

religere, religio, ligare, obstringere, etc.

'Eon yap

2:23. r

2:23.1

which

"religion" denotes that reverence

and the Latin

ever

knowen of Atheisme: Curious 657

touchinge

"Two

controversies,

the

principall

and prophane

Commentary Nowe

scoffinge.

Spedding,

Vos

2:25. u'

two

that theis

noe smale Progression"

joyned in one, noe doubt

are

MS

Dublin,

(Trinity College,

that sect will

make

Works, ed.

B. 1.13. 6);

and Heath (London, 1862), 8:74-95.

Ellis,

admissa

scelera

.

.

possumus.

.

Minucius

Felix,

3C

Latin Christian

author, Octavius, chap. 35; in Arnobius Afer, Disputationum adversus Gentes (1583), p. 251;

PL, 3:349.

them

to sin:

is

you

"You

punish crimes

we

without the approval of that diutn ger,

.

.

.

De

revolts,

H

on

.

.

14.

.

Felix

argument can proceed;

and

and

prtesi-

astrolo-

against

open

H relies on Machiavelli in summary

God-centered view

his followers, realizing, as

Raab

says,

stake" that must be dealt with before the

at

is

fair

of the religion of the

"quotes" Machiavelli to demonstrate

angrily defends his

of Machievelli and

The English Face of Machiavelli (London: Routledge and

see

Paul, 1965), pp. 62-65. See also Cosin, Conspiracie, for Pretended Reformation,

B2',

which

much

is

appreciative of Machiavelli.

less

and

a source in VIll.8.5 (3:426.3-9

2:27.17-19

Zeale,

.

.

.

2:27.28-30

Fcare

ance, see VI. 3. 2;

.

.

.

on

STC

2:28.5-6.2

timor

2:28.16-24

Book

as

on

Ps.

69:9 discusses the positive value

sigs.

On

it

and other such enormities;

H4"-7"; Works (PS), 2:1006. the value of fear in relation to repent-

H

is

concerned with

its

leading to superstition. See

VI, p. 282, above.

the wise nisi

however,

dangers, see Remedie. Excess fear leads to despondency

(5:371.4—372.4), but here Intro, to

14596),

superstition. its

uses him,

and preserve God's house) and the dangers of

feeling leads to superstition, idolatry,

Certaine Sermons (1583;

H

h).

Jewel's sermon

not.

zeal (an affection to protect

when vehement

est

H

H

bad; see chap. 2.4.

is

argues that

... in 77jc Discourses, 1.11—15"

that "a fundamental principle

of

kingdom

regards chap. 2.3 as presenting "a perfectly

against the secular realism

sig.

Summutn

Italian physician

best guard of a

Raab

Romans. Against such teaching

that his advice

Kegan

p. 23n).

not any religion, but the religion which has "the light of

Raab

required.

of what Machiavelli has to say ancient

"The

us even to think

solitary conscience,

the necessity of religion to "publique regiment" (1.2; 2:16.25—

differs in that

is

cannot live" (Bayne,

137.

(1544), p.

Mach.

chaps. 1—2, esp. 17.3).

even our ow^n

justice, against secret, religion" (Bayne, p. 23n).

2:25.24—27.10.x

truth,"

when committed; with

[fear]

Girolamo Cardano (1501—1576),

occultos.

sapientia is

we

fear detection;

man

.

.

.

understandinge,

Wisd. of Sol. 17:11: "Nihil enim

proditio cogitationis auxiliorum" (Vulgate).

Superstition

is,

.

.

.

religion.

Augustine,

De

dodrina Christiana, 2.20,

claims that superstition leads to idolatry. Aquinas agreed but added that superstition

involves worship that

is

neither proper nor fitting {S.T., 2a2ae.92.1).

the prescribed {Inst.,

1.12.1;

manner or order,"

LCC,

thus heaping

"up

Comparing

is

"not content with

a needless

mass of inanities"

superstition to true religion, Calvin concluded that the former

20:117). Subsequently he speaks of Satan's drawing men's

658

—

Book minds away from heaven

to

Chapter

V,

them with

fill

2.3-6.2

error

LCC,

4:17.12;

{Inst.,

21:1372).

C

Archbishop Cranmer simply identified superstition with certain practices of the

of

R

{Works, PS, 2:147—148) and exclaimed against the rebels in

"Oh!

Marc.

2:29.
and

superstition

basically the

human

might not

drunke"; that

among you"

sunding in the way of a higher law,

2:31.17—18

is

by

GB

"Whiles

glosses:

endured

their course

to sacrifice,

they

nor drinke anie licour that might make one

were consecrated

their lives

is,

of God.

that

to

their priestly fiinctions,

"sollemne outward serviceable worship belonginge unto

Luke 1:23

was

(2:176). This

in the Admonition (see 2:16. l.n, above).

\vith their wives,

lie

they prevail

in 1549,

Jesus attacked the legal obligations of religion imposed

7:9.

tradition as

Luc. 1:23.

2:31. c

how

idolatry,

view expressed

Devon

God"

(line 8), to

the

w^hich

keyed.

about the substance

.

.

.

controversie,

13 Eliz.

1,

cap. 12, required

"which only concern the and the doctrine of the sacraments." The Admonition-

clergy to subscribe to those of the Thirty-Nine Articles

confession of the true faith

"For the

ers acquiesced:

Articles concerning that substance

of doctrine using

godlye interpretation in a point or two, which are either too sparely, or

we wer and

darkely set downe,

them" {P.M.,

2:32.21—22 listed

basis

for

ready accordyng to dutie, to subscribe unto

ar

.

.

.

examined.

.

nature.

.

Book

IV, esp. chaps. 3, 10, 12, 13.

In opposition to the Puritan principles

H presents four propositions or general principles in chaps. 6—9 as the

on which

BCP

.

certaine petitions

above,

a

too

p. 37).

booke goinge before

2:32.11

els

to adjudicate the Puritan accusations against the authority claimed

as the legally

prescribed order of public worship.

The

four principles

reasonableness, antiquity, church authority, and dispensation (equity)

—

are carefully

circumscribed (see chap. 10.1), but they reflect the influence of the Prayer Book,

run

parallel to

ished and

its

"Preface" and

Some Retained"

treatise

"Of Ceremonies, Why Some Be Abolsome "The rule

{B.C. P., 1559, pp. 14—21), and have exercised

influence in subsequent Anglicanism. In chap. 10

H refers to a fifth test,

of mens private tion,

2:32.30

spirits," and rejects it, as he had in Pref 3.10. See Paget, 128-130 (2nd edn., pp. 162-165). pp.

apparent reason.

See Pref. 3.10. Concerning the

BCP

Introduc-

and reason, see

1559, pp. 362-366.

2:33.29-30

Signes

.

.

.

and anagoge

2:34/

At

as

eKKXi]aia

William Durandus (13C bishop of Mende), in

signifie.

Rationale divinorum offidorum.

Proem

applied to liturgy .

.

.

oupavo^.

ceremonies of the

p. 31n). liturgy.

well as to Scripture.

Germanus

detat Xeixovgyeiai (1526),

upon earth" (Bayne,

as

his

(1592), pp. 2—4, discusses allegory, tropology,

sig.

From

II

Nauplius, the

13C

patriarch, ed..

M2'; PC, 98:384. "The Church

is

heaven

the beginning of a treatise concerning the

Delectatio

659

Domini

.

.

.

caelestium.

Ambrose, De

.

Commentary

31n).

"The delight of God is in the Church is the substantial image of things heavenly" (Bayne, p. commenting on Ps. 27:4. "Veto" is in the 1567 text, which H

David; Opera (1567), 4:410; PL, 14:813.

interpellatione

Church;

[but] the

Ambrose

is

used, but not in other texts.

Roman

Facit in terns

who became

patrician

.

.

priest), epist. 6.16; Lucubrationes (1542), p.

who

2:34.25—26

mind

all

(5C

The

p. 31n).

reference

not to the

is

perform good works.

judgment of

the

caelorum. Sidonius Apollinaris

205; PL, 58:560; Loeb, 2:276-279. "She

does on earth the works of heaven" (Bayne,

church but to people

.

bishop of Clermont in Auvergne, although not a

antiquitie

.

.

By

Church,

.

H

antiquity

had in

of the accumulated experience and wisdom of the past but especially the

example of the

was accompanied by the principle of

early church. Antiquity

when maintaining (as did Vincent of "what always and everywhere and by all was believed" was however, by the truth revealed in Scripture; see his Responsio ad

which Andrewes

continuity, to

referred

Lerins before him) that a test, limited,

Apologiam Cardinalibus Bellarmini, 7.3,

and continuity

in

LACT

McAdoo, The

Adam

and Charles Black, 1965), chaps. 9 and antiquity and the BCP, see 1559, pp. 361-362, 366-368.

Anglicanism (London:

2:35.31-36.4.^'

TTie sentences

.

.

.

actions.

TG)v e^Tceipcov Kai TipeaPuTepcov,

IIpo^

.

.

De

Philo Judaeus,

(|>6ETai.

.

1143'';

.

aovaJtOTiOeTai.

.

Synesius,

philosopher. "All ill-will

is

the

Sxeiv eK Tqg t^ntip-

Josepho, chap. 4; Opera (1552), p.

laid aside

4C AD Greek

with

neo-Platonic

Tl&aa Christian

To

Unlocated.

this life."

Gregory of Nazianzus, 'Ev ^tcx', PG, 37:1337. "What

6u))66v(x)^.

of

Loeb, pp. 362.

359. "Against those taken away from us no envy arises" (Bayne, p. 33n). .

Spirit

Concerning

N.E., 6.11: Set Tipoaexeiv

Aristotle,

xaq 6/jpa opcoaiv apx&c;. Opera (1550), 2:32; 2:36. fe

10.

<J)povipcov Taiq dvaTtoSeiKTOic; (jxiaeai,

oox nTTov twv aTcoSei^ecov 6ia yap to

66^ai^,

Ktti

f\

On antiquity

(1851; rpr. 1967), p. 25.

Anglican theological method, see H. R.

6*

ek

.

.

taken away

is

us no more strives against us, and is honoured ungiudgingly." Bayne notes: "From some iambics 'Against the envious'; the quotation should begin TO 6'eK.

from

Cf

Horace,

Epist. II.i.l2,

amabitur idem'" 2:37./

oaoi

chap. 7;

.

.

(p.

his

till

—

death by envy

'exstinctus

33n).

(JKOvq.

.

of Hercules, pursued

Opera (1551),

of Caesarea,

Basil (330F-379), bishop p.

252;

De

Spiritu Sancto,

PG, 32:93. "Those who, from

stayedness of

disposition have preferred the venerableness of things ancient to specious innovation,

and have preserved unchanged the

and town, use

this

H

(Bayne, p. 34n). 2:37. m

6 pev

who much or one

.

.

.

tradition

word." The reference

is

of the

to "with the

both in country

fathers

Son"

in the

Doxology

explains this passage in chap. 42.11 (2:175.1—21).

XavQavei.

diverges a

of the too

little

Aristode, N.E., 2.9:

from the

little,

but one

right course,

who

diverges

noticed"; Opera (1550), 2:11; 1109*'; Loeb, p. 113.

660

"However, we do not blame

whether on the

more widely, Modici nulla

side

of the too

for his error .

.

.

solet.

is

"Of

Book the minute

no account

statement

found in Dejudido

1558),

is

on

alios actas

2:38. «

as a rule

7.1-8.3

taken"; Bayne, p. 34n, points out that the

is

in rebus exiguis ferendo

by Andre Tiraqueau (1480-

the margin of p. 49 and in the index to the tract, printed after Res inter

(Lyons, 1562).

curat lex." In chap. 10

mere

Chapter

V,

It is

it is

a version

of the popular maxim, "De minimis non

argued that "a

slight scratch

wound" nor "a

not a

is

indisposition an illness." jiev

q

Opera (1552),

^6vi\au; p. 35. With

. .

nOeiaou

.

Legum

Philo Judaeus,

1.19;

allegoriae,

reference to Gen. 2:10, Philo says that the four rivers of

symboUze the four particular virtues, "for each of the virtues is verily a commandress and queen"; then follows H's quotation: "for prudence (<J>p6vr|ai(;) as regards what is to be done sets limits" (Bayne, p. 35n). Prudence is the first of Paradise

the four cardinal virtues; see Aquinas, S.T., la2ae.61.2.

why we should hange

2:38.16—17.0

.

.

.

Cartwright (3:181, not 3:171)

doctrine.

refers to Whitgift's assertion {Defense, p. 551) that "in matters of order, the churchis

judgement

we

is to

be preferred, before a private mans," to

for matters of order, alwayes

which he responds: "why should

hang our judgement upon the churchis

sieve: rather

than in matter of doctrine."

The Church hath

2:38.17-19 Elizabeth

it

I

was necessary

authoritie

.

.

.

change, and abrogate ceremonies and

institute,

At the outset of the reign of

well.

to esublish the authority

of the national church "to the church" against the

rites in

pretensions of the papacy. See Art. 20 of the Thirty-Nine Articles, the accounts of

West Dip

(1550), in

A

Cardwell, ed.,

Corpus

Christi College,

Cambridge,

MS

121

(21),

Puritans, Whitgift defended the "Authoritie (see 2:2.21. n, above).

H's argument here

but both must be kept in mind. See

of the church in things indifferent"

reflects the latter

III. 8-9; also,

more than the former, "Hooker and

E. Booty,

John

Anglicanism," S.R.H., pp. 215—219; and Richard Field, dean of Gloucester, Church, 4.30-34; (1849), 2:518-538. 2:39.16-19.^

and

History of Conferences (1849; rpr. 1966), pp. 72-92. Against the

Yea simplie

.

.

.

consortes.

Basil, epist. 68: a7ia^aJiA,d)q

Of the

o66ev cure

Twv eK (j>uaea)(; oute twv ek Tipoaipeaeox; KaTopOoufievtov 6pd>, aveu if\c, Twv 6fio<J>oXajv aupTCVoiaq eTiiTeXoupevov. Opera, (1551), p. 316; PG, 32:493, as epist. 97.

H's "if it be wrought by an agent

singlinge

"without the agreement of those of like kind." the

12C

selfefrom consortes"

is literally,

congruens.

Gratian,

8.

.

.

.

canonist, Deaetum, 1.8.2;

"Every part is

it

D.

is

CJ.Can. (Venice, 1584), 1:30; Friedberg, 1:13. vicious which does not agree with its whole." The title of chap. 2

"To no man

2:39. 20-22. r

is it

lawful to

Take not upon

do anything

thee

.

.

.

against natural la\v" (Bayne, p. 36n).

thine.

From

that portion

of the Mishna

devoted to the higher morality, called the Pirke Aboth, or Sayings of the Fathers; "8. [Rabbi Ishmael] dixit: Ne sis judex unicus: nam non est judex unicus nisi unus.

Neque

dicas suscipite sententiam

potestas"; the Latin tide

is

meam, quoniam penes

illos,

Capitula patrum (hence H's ciution),

661

et

non penes

te est

and Bayne suggests

Commentary he used the translation of Paul Fagius, in Opusculum

Hebraicum (Isne:

recens

[n.p.],

1541; not seen); Johannes Leusden, Tractatus Talmudicus (Utrecht, 1665), p. 51.

There

2:39.24—26.5

Domini,

1.6:

omnium: qua

sus

John Cassian (360?—435?), De

upon.

...

is

incamatione

"SufBcere ergo solus nunc ad confutandam haeresim deberet consenindubitatae veritatis manifestatio est authoritas universorum, et

perfecta ratio facta est ubi

nemo

dissensit: Ita ut

non tam

qui contra hoc sentire nitatur,

quae damnanda perversitas: secum damnationis exhibuit, qui indicium universitatis impugaudientiae locum non habet qui a cunctis statuta convellit"; in John of

huius prima statim fronte

sit

audienda

assertio,

quia praeiudicium nat: et

Damascus, Opera, (1559), 2:41.7

wisedome,

.

.

.

p. 995;

PL, 50:30.

H

necessitie.

here establishes a principle of particular

relevance to his later treatment (chap. 81) of disciplinarian objections to dispensation

from canon

governing nonresidence and pluralism. Dispensation could be

la\v

given not only from such laws but from any mutable laws, 1.15.1—3 and V.42.4— 5).

The

law was 25 Hen. VIII, cap. 21

power

to dispense

human

or divine (see

English statute governing dispensations from canon

28 Hen. VIII, cap.

(see also

from the pope and

16),

which

his designated agents to the

transferred

archbishop of

Canterbury. However, a book of fees for such dispensations was kept by the clerk

of Chancery. Should the archbishop refuse to grant dispensation, the lord chancellor could issue a writ enjoining the archbishop to grant

Chancery. This 1.

act, nullified

In time the Queen's commissioners were

both concept and laws

it

or explain his refusal in

under Philip and Mary, was revived in

(see 2:463. 7.n).

empowered

1

Eliz.

I,

cap.

to act. Puritans attacked

Cosin defended both

(see

472.10— ll.n),

stressing the fairness

of the laws and the care they exhibited to prevent dishonesty

and corruption; see

An

he wrote: "the civill societies,

Answer

to

.

.

.

An

Abstract (1584), p. 338.

and reason, wherby mans mind

naturall justice

dooth not alonelie

rest in the generalitie

weieth by the circumstances, whether right to

whereupon

the Grecians called the law vopoc;, as

anie person

provided

all

for,

upon something under the

especiallie

common

men it

Of the is

concept

directed unto

of lawes, but advisedlie

be well distributed in them,

were

So

a distribution.

and

considerable, be not well

and generall precept of lawe: then he

is

that if justlie

to

be

whereupon the name of a privilege showdid well Romans], but all other nations

respected by a private and speciall law, eth .... For not onelie they [the

.

perceive that no law generallie written, without

all

.

.

moderation by circumstances

occurent, could possiblie but deliver, in steed of right, oftentimes plaine injurie and tyrannie: according to that proverbe;

Omne jus

habet

annexam

gratiam: Everie

law

hath or ought to have grace and favour annexed" (pp. 348—349). 2:42. M it

Necessitas quicquid coegit

.

.

.

defendit.

"Whatever

necessity has compelled,

excuses." Lucius Annaeus Seneca, the rhetorician (father of the

of the same name,

b.

about 61 BC), Controuersiae, 9.4;

97; Loeb, pp. 286-287.

662

Scripta

more famous son

quae exstant (1587), p.

Book 2:42.w

Luc.

Some of the

6:4.

Chapter

V,

8.3-11.0

Pharisees questioned Jesus as to

why

he broke the

law (Mishna) forbidding labor on the Sabboth. Jesus replied by asking whether they

had heard of David, when hungry, along with house of God, and toke, and

his fellows,

"How

shewe bread, and gave

ate the

were with him, which was not lawful

to eate, but for Priests

he went into the

also to

them which

onely" (GB). "The

Jewish Midrash Yalkut explains that David acted under circumstances which

endangered

David acted from

....

life

law. For the

same reason the

and therefore did not break the

necessity,

who

disciples,

have acted under the constraint of

hunger, are not to be condemned"; William Manson, The Gospel of Luke

York and London, 2:42.x

Causa

.

.

.

(New

1930), p. 58.

Abbas Panormitanus

alien.

abbot of Palermo and canonist, Commentaria

Nicolo de Tudeschi; 1389—1445),

(b.

in tertium

deaetalium librum (1586), pp.

75—76. "In equity the pleas of necessity and of utility are of equal weight" (Bayne,

H

p. 40n).

refers to chap. 8 {ut super), § 15: "Necessitas et utilitas aequiparantur in

jure."

2:43.y

"For

'Ev TOiq ... xpd^ei^

do not convey

much

so

truth as particular propositions; for conduct

with particulars" (Bayne, 2:44.18

N.E., 2.7 (1107*); Opera (1550), 2:9.

Aristotle,

about matters of conduct general statements are too vague, and

in reasoning

privileges,

.

.

.

p. 40n);

dispensations

A

series

concerned

of words associated with "dispen-

Hen.

sations" in legal documents; see, for instance, 25

bindinge mens consciences

2:44.28—29

is

Loeb, pp. 96, 98.

.

.

unto.

.

VIII, cap. 21, §§ 6, 2.

Concerning conscience and

law, see 2:46.16-18.n, below.

2:45.2—4

all

good

law^es

.

.

guided;

.

See

1.8.4.

2:45.24—31

the disposition of these thinges

2:46.16—18

if against all this

.

human

conscience in relation to

.

.

downe.

.

Of the

law.

.

.

law.

See 2:41. 7.n, above.

Compare

Field

on

the nature of

Church (1849), 2:529—538. See Pref.

3.10.

2:47.12

Places

.

.

.

service

of God.

Christians have alw^ays emphasized the impor-

Bouyer

tance of the place of worship. Louis

ment of

this

concern for sacred space.

writes of three stages in the develop-

First, a

place

because of the presence of that which was sacred in forests

were thus regarded

because "of

its

shape, or

as sacred. its

it.

was considered

to

Mountains, caves,

Secondly, the place

itself was

orientation in space, or simply

its

be sacred trees,

viewed

as

location."

choice of Fleury-sur-loire by the Druids and Christians had to do with location at the center of Gaul, just as

bend of the Loire there

is

the act

retains

its

its site

in the great forest at the height

and

sacred

The "its

of the

connection with the most primitive themes." Thirdly,

way of conceiving space "which attributes the sacredness of the site to of consecration by a human agent." Such was the case when Christian

that

663

Commentary Man

bishops consecrated places of worship; see Rite and

of Notre

Dame

H

Press, 1963), pp. 151, 154, 156.

God

believing that public consecration "gives" a place to

makes

it

(South Bend: University

belongs to

this latter stage,

(2:51.27—30) and thus

During the 16C emphasis on sacred space waned,

sacred.

among more advanced

Protestants with emphasis

worship in a building not sacred in

itself

on

be displaced

to

the people gathered for

but rather convenient for the hearing of

God's Word. 2:47.c

Exod.

The

26.

chapter provides detailed instructions for building the

Tabernacle; GB's drawings 2:48. i

Chro. 29:2.

I.

Our

2:48.19—24

Chron. 22:14 seems more pertinent.

1

Savior

them.

illustrate

him

selfe

.

.

onlie.

.

Young

Franklin

argues that Jesus

deliberately attacked specific places of w^orship, causing the early church to locate

"the temple or holy place

at the

point where

God

confronts

man

in the person

Church (with

the risen Lord (with respect to God's action) or the

of

respect to

response in faith)" and thus "the possibility of spatially localizing worship in abstraction firom the totality of Tradition, ed.

And

2:48.27—30

was impossible"; Worship

life

Massey Shepherd (New York: Oxford University as

God

gave increase

.

.

.

On

could.

not just the necessity of housing the church, see

Dom

in

Scripture

and

Press, 1963), p. 88.

the appropriateness and

Gregory Dix, The Shape of

the Liturgy (Westminster, 1945), pp. 19-27.

Temples were

2:49.6—8

in

all

places

which we have

buildings as such of

.

.

.

One of

spent.

historical

evidence

is

the earliest church

by Gregory

that built

Thaumaturgus, bishop of Neocaesarea (about 245). Constantine spent build a church at the

of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem,

site

dedicated to the twelve Apostles and to Peace

His son built

A

above, and

2:49.22-23

.

.

.

These phrases

sties.

Brief Discouerie of the False Church, pp. 138

nn

New Rome,

Sophia there, and the Emperor Justinian rebuilt

temples of Baal,

2:49.20-21

Barrow,

St.

at his

as

well

lavishly to

as

churches

Constantinople. it.

are derived

from Henry

and 141; see 1:36.30-39. 2.n,

following.

The solemnitie

leader, attacked

Rome,

.

.

.

Henry Barrow (1550P-1593),

p. 130;

the separatist

Canterbury, and Geneva. Pursued by the government,

which sought to associate him with the Puritans, he was hanged on 6 April 1593. H here cites Barrow not altogether fairly as representative of their views; see Intro, to The Preface, p. 26, above. The page cited exhibits a particular view of

—

church

—

history. After asserting that

and dedicated

to their gods,

Antiquaries will hardly consent to

when

many

Barrow

churches in England were built by pagans

writes: "I

this:

know

but then

these their aunceint Cathedral churches

names they now

names they

beare.

at this

I

suppose they

shall find

day do, a great while.

I

heere againe that our learned

must

some of them

We shal also

664

desire

them

to

shew me,

were christened into the have

saintes

to have caried the

much adoe with them

Book concerning the

first faith

I

oppose

that

me

little

11.1-12.1

which England receaved, which they

notable estate of the church the

brought upon

Chapter

V,

first

500 yeres

>vil

after the Apostles.

estate:

all

thinges daily

more and more,

^vhich

are built altogether in the

Churchyeard, ^vhich gether exempt from

after

away; changing

.

.

.

this

These Synagogues

forme of the old Temple of the Jewes, in a long square

commonly

called the

holy ground, and serveth for Christen burial, being alto-

is

yet

civil use:

upon

fel

had brought yt to

until they

East and w^est, ^vith their holy Court walled round about,

yt lawfiil for the

is

is

to have his

and

also their battlementes,

yong men and maides

and holydaies. But

their sundaies

holy ground, by statute

have

al

booke of Christs Testament: from which they immediately

fashioning religion to the fansies and lustes of men.

there together

here shal be

of >VTiters, Councels, Doctors: unto

a ^vhole cartlode

the destruction of Jerusalem, and the deacease of the Apostles

and innovating

confirme by the

And

their

hand cut off

who

to play

so smiteth any in that

therfore.

These Synagogues

porch adjoining to the Church, not heer to

speake of the solemne laying the foundation; where the

first

stone must be laid by

the handes of the Bishop or his suffiragans, with certaine magical praiers, and holy

and many other idolatrous

>vater,

([1591?];

STC

A

rites";

Brief Discoverie of the False Church

1517), p. 130; The Writings of Henry Barrow, 1587-1590, ed. Leland

H. Carlson (1962), pp. 465-466. 2:49.23—24 suffiing

the hallounng

of these

.

.

p. 141.

.

"So

much

synagogues,

idoll

that yt

nothing maketh either for the

lesse for the

which can no way be purged of idolatrie and

worshipping in the same;

wherwith they

superstition

fraught and highly placed in the peoples mindes, untill they be plucked

defaced before their

eies.

Yet even

in these

abhominable

sties are

and the most learned of the preachers ashamed to execute the people unto

call

them

are

now

downe and

not the best sort

their ministerie,

and to

open breach of Gods lawes, the feeding and

to the

nourishing the prophane and ignorant people in their old fore-conceaved superstitious opinion they hold

where and

of

els

to the

of them; thinking neither the sermons nor sacraments any

so holy, as they are in these hallowed dedicate

no smal

God amongst

offence,

and wounding the hearts of al

them, which can no where

els

Churches and Chappies: that

come by

have any know^ledg their

sermons and

ministery, but in these forbidden idolatrous accursed places"; Brief Discouerie, p.

141.

2:50.n 1.6;

Durand.

rational,

li.l.

ca.6. See Durandus, Rationale divinorum officiorum,

(1592), pp. 44—59, esp. § 6 (pp. 47—48), describing the consecration of a

church: "All being excluded from the church, a single

Deacon remaining

shut up

within, the Bishop with his Clergy before the doors of the church proceedeth to bless

water mixed with

salt.

In the

meanwhile within the building twelve lamps be

burning before Twelve Crosses which be depicted on the walls of the church. Next, the Bishop, the Clergy and people following him and performing the circuit

of the church, sprinkleth from

and

as

he arriveth each time

a

rod of hyssop the external walls with Holy Water;

at the

door of the church he

665

striketh the threshold

Commentary with

UP YOUR HEADS, o YE GATES,

his pastoral staff saying, LIFT

LORD OF HOSTS,

etc.

The Deacon

etc.

WHO IS THE KING OF GLORY? To whom the Pontiff, THE

from within answereth,

But the

third time, the

door being thrown open, the Bishop

entereth the church with a few of his attendants, the Clergy and people remaining saith, PEACE BE TO THIS HOUSE; and then the Litanies. Next on the pavement of the church let a Cross be made of ashes and sand; upon which the whole alphabet is described in Greek and Latin characters. And then he sanctifieth more water w^ith salt and ashes and wine, and consecrateth the Altar: Lastly he anointeth with chrism the Twelve Crosses depicted on the wall"; The Symbolism of Church and Church Ornaments, ed. J. M. Neale and B. Webb (1843), pp. 115-

without, and

Compare

116.

Form of Consecration of a Church and Churchyard, in A Minor Works, LACT (1846), 6:309-333. et de

L. Andrew^es,

Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine,

Gratian, Deaetum, 3.1.2; C.J. Can. (Venice, 1584), 1:2470-

... tabernaculum.

72; Friedberg, 1:1292. In the place cited a point similar to that is

found; that

is,

dismissed, but rather the church

Greg

nities.

257";

H follows the

bishop of

Rome

'Eyicaivia

2:50.0

must

excell the

Jews

OT

numbering of the

and 10.66,

Paris edn.

respectively.

The

must not be

in their consecratory

See Gregory the Great, Opera (1572),

63.

are 12.11, 9.70.

made by Durandus

that the customs related to consecration in the

fols.

of 1533; in Migne

letters cited are

solem-

231", 246',

(vol. 77),

they

among many

the

sent authorizing his suffragans to dedicate churches.

KoXa.

...

Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio 44, Eig rtjv

PG, 36:608. "It is an ancient custom and a good one to celebrate worthily the day of dedication, or rather to give worth to new things by a dedication festival; and that not once but often, as each year brings xvQiaxrjv; Opera (1550),

p. 267;

back the day, that good things by lapse of time become not forgotten" (Bayne,

p.

48n).

2:SQ.p

Vide Euseb.

.

of Constantine (4.40),

gave thanks to

.

.

God by

Eusebius Pamphili,

45.

tells

of

how

the

emperor

bishop of Caesarea, in his Life

in the thirtieth year

Church

consecrating the Martyrs'

46 describe the ceremonies used. See the 2:50.^

4C

at

of

Historia ecclesiastica (1570), pp.

Athanas. Apolog. ad Constantium.

A

his reign

Jerusalem; chaps. 43-

179—180.

defense by Athanasius (295F-373;

bishop of Alexandria) of his using a church for prayer before the emperor had given permission to do cludes:

ued

"And

so.

Citing the precedent of Bishop Alexander, he con-

thus also did the blessed Alexander, and other Fathers.

to assemble their people,

They

contin-

and when they had completed the work they gave

thanks unto the Lord, and celebrated the dedication"; Historical Tracts of S. Athanasius (1843),

2:51.5

pp. 170-171;

PG, 25:618.

for thavoydinge of privie conventicles.

Separatists,

were accused of meeting

Some

thassemblie of the secret conventicles together with

opynions"

(British Library,

MS

Puritans, but chiefly

in "secret conventicles"; see

Harley 6848,

666

fol.

some

"The Manner of

collections

of their

83, written in April 1593).

Book

V,

Chapter

Which considerations

2:51.15—18

due to persecutions during the ty

and

6;

and Minucius

first

.

.

The meeting of Christians in secret

them.

.

three centuries gave rise to reports of immorali-

sedition. See Justin Martyr, Apology

1,

chap. 26; Tertullian, Apology, chap.

Felix, Oaauius, chap. 30.

There are which hould,

2:51.18-22

12.1-13.2

.

.

courte.

.

See Cartwright, 1:29

and

[16],

Whitgift, Defense, pp. 92-94; Works, PS, 1:208.

2:52.25—53.6.6

it

hath beene

.

.

.

H here translates a passage fi-om Peter the

Inne.

Venerable (1092-1157), abbot of Cluny, writing against the Petrobrusians, using Cor. 11:20—22 to refute the claim that

"Docet summus post Christum

to Christians:

domorum

domui

distantiam; et quid

lucide manifestat.

Non

communes

dominicam tantum coenam manducare. ista

in

sibi

quo loquebatur

Contra Henridanorum

et

Bayne's

51n.

trans., see p.

illis

non

est

et

spiritus celebrari; sed vult

domo autem domini

Instruit eos, ut sicut in

Christus: et sicut in

negotiationis, sic iste Ecclesiam dei

2:54. c

domo

cibos edere, in

provideant sempitemam. Imitatus

domorum

humanae conveniat more suo

isu victum animae quaerere discant: et sicut in

vitam

1

are not necessary

ecclesiae Magister

divinae, quid

patitur crimina carnis in

Christianos in domibus suis

sic in

and church buildings

altars

illis

illis

victum corporis

vium mortalem,

sic in

magistrum discipulus Christum,

templum

dei noluit esse

est passus fieri

Petrobrusianorum haereses (1546),

domum

fol. 40';

domum

comestionis";

PL, 189:769; for

From KopiaKq Chyrch. For verification of the substance of H's OED, under "church," which lists a number of possible patristic .

.

.

etymology, see sources.

Vide Socr. 18. Socrates Scholasticus, Hist, ecdes., 1.16, refers Emperor Constantine's building two churches, one named after peace (St.

2:54. d

and one

.

.

.

writes of St. Sophia (wisdom) and the

Church of

the

Holy Aposdes,

Justinian after the burning of the old St. Sophia; Hist, ecdes., 4.31

(1581), pp. 858-859.

The

"the greater church

now

Irene)

341-342. Evagrius Scholasticus (536-600)

after the Apostles; (1581), pp.

recounts that Constantius

to the

Historia ecclesiastica tripartita

built

[H has

by

30];

of Cassiodorus (485?-580?)

(324—361), third son of Constantine the Great, built

II

called Sophia

(Wisdom) and joined

it

to the

called Irene (Peace)" (Bayne, p. 52n; PL, 69:965). Cassiodorus

now Roman

church

was a

monk whose history was compiled from those of Socrates Scholasticus, Sozomen, and Theodoret and translated into Latin by Epiphanius; it was designed to supplement and continue Rufinus's adaptation of Eusebius (ODCC). On author and

Rufinus, see 2:66. 15-19. o.n, below; on Epiphanius, see 2:87.1 7-1 9.;>.n, below.

2:54.19—23.e

To them

saith

.

.

.

livinge.

H

here translates

two

passages firom the

from 8.27, concerning the honor Christians pay to martyrs: "Nee tamen nos eisdem martyribus templa, sacerdotia, sacra et sacrificia constituimus: City of God:

quoniam non

ipsi

sed

Deus eorum nobis

est

Deus"; Opera (1556), 5:491; PL,

41:255; and from 22.10, concerning the superior worthiness of martyrs' performing

667

Commentary miracles to God's glory as are gods:

demons' working miracles to prove they

to

templa aedificaverunt.

sicut diis, sed

memorias

vivunt spiritus fabricamus"

ad Deogra.

Epist. 49.

2:54.c

compared

talibus diis suis et

non templa

nostris

deum

"illi

sicut

The

between pagan and Christian rites and Xaxpeia (sacrifice), which Christians

sacrifices,

See

114.

Nos autem

martyribus

and in particular the meaning of

102 to Deogratias, 33:378. pfev

put by a

six questions

fourth concerns the difference

restrict to

Psalmum CXIV: v^iv

Basil, In

.

Here Augustine considers faith.

epist.

.

5:1355; PL, 41:772).

(ibid.,

pagan to Christians concerning their

2:199-202; PL,

.

hominibus mortuis quorum apud

God alone; see The dutie .

Opera (1556), .

.

Bas. in ps.

ouv, Kai UTivou Kai dvaTiaoaeo)^

Kai xrjv too 0eoO A^arpeiav Tcpoxi^waiv

Ti^v tiq Toi)q ji&pxupac; ri^r^v

PG, 29:484. "For you therefore a honor of martyrs and the worship of God to sleep

exoijuog 6 ^laQoq. Opera (1551), p. 127;

reward

and

is

ready

who

prefer the

rest" (Bayne, p. 53n).

ence

at

names them? See Pref 8.6 and the referGuy de Bres. Barrow writes of churches that have the

In the use of those

2:55.15—17

1:42.26—49.30.«/.n to

.

names of heathen gods, "having as the first,

the son,

week

.

.

.

name and order of their

are not quite given away,

Creator,

one day

to

another to the moon, another to Mercury"; Brief Discouerie, p. 129.

Vide Seal

2:55.^

.

utterly lost the

second, third day of the

soli,

.

See Joseph ScaHger (1540-1609), philologist and

277.

founder of scientific chronology,

De

emendatione temporum (1583), p. 277: "Sic Bel,

nomina Deorum utriusque sexus. Megasthenes: ouxe PqA-oc; tiioq 7ip6YOVO<;, ouxe paaiX,eia Pn^xn;. Tamen apud Danielem pf)X,xi<; est Deus non Dea, cap. IIII. Daniel, cuius nomen Belti-schatzar iuxta nomen Dei et Belti, 16, 11, sunt

mei."

The

2:55.28-56.1

2:56.11—14

like

They had

rebuilding of the

whereby

p.

H

partition,

building,

theire

this .

.

.

.

.

.

Temple.

severall.

Temple by Herod

Opera (1566), 15.11, 2:56.17

unto

See Flavius Josephus's account of the

the Great; Antiquitatum Judicarum

334; see also Heb. 9:6,

refers

the nave

See 2:49.22-23.n, above.

lihri

xx, in

7.

here to the two-room plan of the Medieval church is

divided from the chancel by a screen. This w^as a

room plan of the early church and signified a change in corporate communion to the consecration of the elements with

departure firom the one

emphasis firom

noncommunicating worshippers glimpsing the elevated host through the chancel H shows no understanding of this and proceeds to defend the use of the

screen.

screen in functional terms; see G. tural Setting

W. O.

attacked the retention of the screen.

of

al,

Addleshaw and

P. Etchells,

The

Architec-

of Anglican Worship (London, 1948), pp. 40-41. Puritans and Separatists

Barrow

writes:

"They have

also their holiest

or chauncel, which peculiarly belongeth to the priest and quire.

have their roodloft

as a partition

between

668

their holie

and

holiest

of

.

.

.

all";

They Brief

Book Discoverie, p. 131.

Bancroft

V,

Chapter

replies:

"We

13.2-15.3

terme one place the chaunceU, and the

other the bodie of the church: which manner of distinction, doth greatly offend the tender consciences (forsooth) of the purer sort of our reformers.

M. [Anthony]

Gilby, a chiefe

man in his

Insomuch

time amongst them, doth tearme

a cage: and reckoneth that separation of ministers from the congregation:

hundred points of Popery, which hee affirmeth, do yet remaine

A

in the dturdi

the

as

Quire

one of the

of England";

Survay, p. 326.

this is now made . . . Jeeves. Cartwright complains of the distance between the minister and the people, so that the people cannot hear and do not know "whether he hath curssed them or blessed them." The fiiult Ues with the

2:56.19-23

BCP, which

accustomed pbce." Thus he

directs the minister to stand in "the

"in the chauncell, wyth hys backe to the |>eople,

as

sits

thoughe he had some secreate

wyth God, whych the people myghte not heare." This he compares with the "whych did withdrawe himselfe from the people into the place called the holyest place, where he talked with God, and offered for the sinnes of

talke

Levitical priest

the people" (1:134 [105]). Whitgift denied that the rubric directing that

and evening prayer be

morning

accustomed place" invariably meant "in the

said "in the

chancell"; Defense, p. 485 (PS, 2:461); but

it

would normally be

in the chancel; see

1559, pp. 48, 391, and 2:132.3.n, below.

The mother of such magnificence

2:56.26—57.2

_ quoution.

Gospel which build themselves such the people of

God

we

if

which have

built

.

Gospell.

.

Israel after

Not apparendy

God

in.

and

all

not to

There w^ere syna-

the high places were destroied. Great

were

should suffer the idolaters so &r to exceed and condemne

such magnificent and sumptuous aedifices to their

not aford a poore simple house to the Lord Jesus Christ, such sumptuous Temples,

his true

Temple being

a

they have Utde love of the

stately seeled [ceiled] houses,

house to assemble and w^orship

a

gogues built in Judea and

our blame,

.

"Now for places to assemble in:

See Barrow:

who now

idols;

and

us,

we

requireth not

the soules and bodies of his

chosen"; Brief Discoverie, p. 140; see 2:49.19-24.n, above. IpTfOV ... OaofiaoTn.

2:57. h

Aristode, N.E., 4.2;

1122^ Opera (1550),

2:17.

work of art that is most estimable which is great and beautifril: for the sight of such a work excites admiration" (Bayne, p. 56n); Loeb, pp. 207—211. to aioOrjaet eiicovE^ "The portions of the beautifril perceived by our senses "As

a

.

.

.

and minds are images only of beauty" (Bayne, Judaeus, to

attributes

Felix thesauri

2:57.19.1 rarius,

whom H

published

.

.

at Basle,

.

c.l2.

1536

p. 56n);

H "quotes verbatim the Latin version of Came-

(p. 83), 'Felix,

the imperial treasurer,

the value of the sacred vessels. Behold, he said, with served' " (Bayne, p. 56n). quite different version

what

A

scriptores

Graed (1581),

363) was the apostate

p. 549,

Roman

not located in Philo

it.

and PG, 82:1099, where emperor, 361—363.

669

is

vessels

when he saw Mary's son

is

in Historiae ecdesiasticae

it is

chap. 8. Julian (332-

—

Commentary Agg.

2:58.ife

See the reference to Haggai 2:4 in chap. 11.1

2:5.10.

GB's note to Ezra 3:12: "Because they sawe Temple, which Salomon had prophecieth that

Temple, w^hich 2:58.10—11

it

are the

it

buylt, notw^ithstanding

.

.

.

fit

for sacrifice

is

Minucius

bodies.

was not better

that

nostro

[in

good

a

God

(2:48.fe),

was nothing so glorious

and

as that

Aggeus comforteth them and

more beautiful then the members of Christes bodie."

consecrated in our inmost heart the victim

it

shalbe

77>e best temples

he asks whether

that

first:

meaning the

spiritual

Felix, Octauius, chap. 32,

where

should be "dedicated in our mind,

imo consecrandus

heart, a

est

pectore]?

.

.

.

Since

pure mind, an honest judgment"

(Bayne, p. 57n); in Arnobius Afer, Disputationum aduersus Gentes (1583), p. 248; PL, 3:339.

Euseb. 1.8. c.l. Eusebuis Pamphili, Hist, eccles., 8.1, tells of the prosperiwhich Christians knew before the Diocletian persecution, how not being

2:58. m,M ty

content with the old buildings they built spacious

growing both prevent

in size

this so

long

new

churches in every

city, daily

and magnificence. Neither envy nor the wiles of Satan could people believed that God's arm shielded and protected

as

them; Opera (1549), pp. 594-595. Euseb. 1.8. c.2. Chapter 2 describes the edict of Diocletian (March, 304) that ordered destruction of churches and scrip-

and the persecution of the Christians

tures

(ibid., p.

595). Bayne, p. 58n, quotes

the Greek.

Before the Emperor

2:58.19—20

.

.

238-244; Philip

(Julius

Constantine was emperor, 305—

Galienus,

.

337; Severus (Lucius Septimius), 193—211;

Gordian (Antonius Gordianus

III),

Verus Philippus), 244-249; and Galienus (Publius Licinus

Egnatius), 261—268.

Maximinus

2:58-27-28

Gaius Galerius Valerius; he shared rule with Constantine,

305-313. 2:58.31-59.1.0 tion

Churches

reared

of those churches destroyed

.

.

Euseb. 1.10 c.2

them.

.

as a result

describes the restora-

of Diocletian's edict

(ibid., p.

597):

Kai

anaaw

eTqveei X'^P'*' ^oivxa totcov tov 7ip6 /iiKpoO xaT^ xwv Tupdvvcov Suaaepeiaic; qpeiTitofievov, cbonep tK juaKpat; Kai 6avaTr|(t>6pou Tiq

eveeoq

A-u/jqc;

otvapKaaKOVTa eecopevoi^,

vedx; re

zvQbq £k pdepcov

ei<;

Kai noXv Kpeirrova Tpv ctyX-atav twv

arceipov eyeipopeovuc;,

v\\foq 7c<4X,ai

KenoA-iOKTifievcov d7CoA.au pdvovrac;. (Bayne, p. 58n.).

l.Chro. 28:14.

2:59.;?

The

David presents gold and

silver to

Solomon

for the

Temple.

passage seems appropriate for the opening of the section: David's "cherefull

affection"

is

described in

1

Chron. 29:1—20.

all. The walls of the Church Jerome, Epistola ad Nepotian, de vita "Multi aedificant parietes et columnas Ecclesiae substruunt, marmora nitent,

2:60. 1-5. < cleric:

.

auro splendent laquearia, gemmis electio est"; Opera (1516), 1:8";

.

.

altare distinguitur, et

PL, 22:535,

670

as epist.

ministrorum Christi nulla

52.10.

Book

Chapter

V,

15.3-18.1

2:60m Ad Demetriad. ep.l2. Jerome says let others build churches and decorate them with marble, gold, and gems. "But another duty is set before you. It is yours to clothe Christ in the poor, to visit to shelter

Him

Him

Him

in the sick, to feed

..." (Bayne, p. 60n); Opera (1516), 1:31; PL, 22:1119, as

Gaudentiutn. Jerome refers to about to die to-morrow; we build our

of our

ceilings, the capitals

hungrey, dies

in the hungry,

be of the household of

in the houseless (especially if they

Ad

Rome: "We live as this world. Our walls,

Alaric the Goth's sack of as

about to

live forever in

shine with gold, while Christ, naked and

pillars

our doors in the person of the poor man" (Bayne,

at

faith)

130.14.

epist.

p. 60n);

Opera

(1516), 1:45"; PL, 22:1099, as epist. 128.4.

2:60.27-61.4.1/

Againe

.

.

H

Basil noteth:

.

is

here citing Wolfgang Musculus's

Latin translation of Basil's Exhortatio ad baptismum quae

ad poenitentiam quadrare

et

"Non locus, sed propositi initium requiritur. Hieremias enim in luto erat, et deum attraxit. Daniel in leonum lacu deum placavit. Tres pueri in camino deum videtur.

promeruere. Latro non cruce prohibitus, quin paradisum assecutus

deum

ad misericordiam provocavit. Igitur ubicunque

fuerit.

Job

in

fueris, ora: vel si

ante

judicem, ora. Mare ante aderat, retro JEgyptii insectabantur, medius Moses in

loci

stercore

angustis orabat: nihil attamen loquebatur: et tacet?

Cor enim clamat"; Opera (1540), p. John Chrysostom's Homily on

lation firom

Theire pretense

2:61.14

above;

also: "It

.

.

.

538. the

The

Quid clamas

passage in Basil

Woman

me

for

to alledg

of Canaan;

false

and

is

et os

tuum

an interpo-

PG, 52:458.

nn

2:49.22—24,

at

rest in the

word of God,

and places which have beene

these idol synagogues

erected and used to idolatrie and

deus:

See Barrow, quoted in

razed.

were reason inough

which hath commanded

ait ei

worship, to be utterly rased and destroied";

Brief Discoverie, p. 138—139; Writings of Henry Barrow, ed. Carlson (1962), p. 479.

Hos.

2:62.fl is

meant

2:65.4—5

Verse 4 in Vulgate, 3 in GB. Hanbury (2:42) suggests that 8:4

14:4.

here.

Of publique

teachinge

.

.

.

catechising.

The Admonitioners

objected to

the lack of preaching in England and to the regarding of catechizing and the public

reading of scriptures 23).

acceptable forms of preaching {P.M., pp. 11, 12, 13,

as

Cartwright defended the objections, although

ing was

as

broad

as

at first his definition

22—

of preach-

H's (1:159 [127]; and see 2:378). But even then he considered

formal preaching by sermons, which he labeled "a cutting the worde of God" (that is,

"when

the meate

is

cut and shred,

nourisheth more") to be most effective

it

and absolutely necessary; see Whitgift, preaching by sermons

Defense, p. 571.

H

(see chap. 22.1; 2:87.20-88.10), but,

had

a

high view of

preoccupied with the

Puritan objections to the lack of a clergy able and licensed to preach, he does not

dwell on them here. See John E. Booty,

"The Bishop

Confi-onts the

Queen: John

Jewel and the Failure of the English Reformation," in Continuity and Discontinuity in

2:65 J

Church History (1979), pp. 215-231; also Bayne, p. 65n. Contraria fortia

.

.

.

Domini.

Moses Maimonides (1135—1204), widely

671

Commentary influential

Talmudic scholar and philosopher, Morehnubuchim, or Guide of the Rabi Mossei Aegyptii dux seu director dubitantium aut perplexorum

Perplexed, 3.12;

75

([1520]), fol.

"The

.

blind

man

desires,

and opinions, proceed

of truth

The lamb

this, saying.

wisdom of God" (Bayne,

preached.

In the passages

from Luke

and used in

a technical sense to indicate

H

15:14).

what

how curious soever

views pagan idolatry

as

.

the Jewes

form of a

.

.

ours.

.

.

.

between

Incipientibus brevius

.

.

.

in

Cor. 1:22

NT.

refers to the Lekach

and

a rabbi

Tob or The Book

a religious

his disciple;

it

guide in the

relies

heavily

on

Venice in 1595.

M.

atteruntur.

rhetorician, Oratoriarum institutionum, that

1

distinct firom

1:220. Detailing instances, Tertullian

H

Catechismes.

catechetical dialogue

it is fit

(see (as

De praescriptione haeretico-

See Tertullian,

CCSL,

perversions of the

Maimonides and was published

beginners

something proclaimed

of Rabbi Abraham ben Hananiah Jaghel,

Doctrine

used to

an imitation or distortion of the divine institutions of the

as heresies are Satan's

2:66.6-7. w

is

preached, the "heavenly mysteries."

is

rum, 40.2-4; Opera (1566), 1:184;

OT, just

by H, KTlpuaao)

seems to have in mind the act of preaching

teaching) and also

2:66.1—2./

cited

p. 66n).

however, be related to Kqpuyfia

can,

It

and

2:66.n

the

as

dwell with the wolf; and gives the reason,

shall

describe the simple act of proclamation.

Good

involve themselves

from ignorance;

firom

earth has been filled with the

2:65. 21. fe

of

all

want of his sight wanders about and hurts himself. The knowledge does away with the unfriendliness and hatred of men. Holy Scripture has

promised

The

men

strong oppositions in which

according to their pursuits,

libri xii,

Fabius Quintilianus,

IC AD Roman "To

bk. 8, Preface; (1568), p. 398.

our rules be communicated in

and shorter way. For

a simpler

otherwise they are discouraged by the difficulty of a study so various and complicated, or their faculties, at a time

when

by some degree of indulgence

be fostered, are worn out by dealing with matters

too hard for them" potuisset.

they specially need to be strengthened and

(Bayne, p. 67n); Loeb, 3:176.

Incipientibus

nobis

.

.

.

Krueger (1963), p. 1; begin our exposition of Roman law that our best

Justinian, Institutiones, 1.1.2; (1590), cols. 1-2;

Scott, 2:5. "It

method

to

will

seems to us

be to

as

we

of

state things first

all

easily

and simply, and afterwards more

elaborately and accurately. For if at the beginning

we

load the

mind of the raw and

imperfect scholar with a copious variety of matter, one of two things must hap-

—

pen

either

distrust

we

shall drive

(which generally

him from assails

his studies,

we

the young)

or with great labor and shall

bring

him

great labour and without self-distrust he might have

which without

much

self-

to that point to

been led"

(Bayne, p. 67n).

So

2:66.15-19.0 Aquileia

(d.

either

by the Apostles,

.

.

.

thinges.

410), friend and later foe of Jerome,

See Tyrannius Rufinus of Commentarius

Apostolorum, chap. 2, in Cyprian, Opera (1521), pp. 361-363, that before separating, the Apostles

drew up

672

in

Symbolum

where he

explains

name

in order

the creed bearing their

Book that their unity

N. D. Kelly

An

might be preserved; see

4C

alius est

CCSL,

2:43;

.

.

oporUt.

.

that

"To

68n).

Audiens

1135),

De

p. 97,

[?]"

where

Audientibus

(Bayne, p. 68n).

lapsis et it is

.

.

.

catechumenis ne uacui communione

PL, 4:259, where

epist. 13;

it is

the catechumens let not your vigilance be wanting" (Bayne, p. .

.

Rupert, abbot of Deutz near Cologne

interpretatur.

,

hearing the rule of &ith

'hearer' " (Bayne, p. 68n).

"one being instructed

termed

is

catechumen, for 'catechumen* means

a

More accurately, "catechumen" refers to Kfipuaaovra^,

(in the

rudiments of religion)" (OED). In the early church

the catechumens received or w^ere taught the creed

must inean

(d.

who

PL, 170:112. "Each one

divinis offidis epistola, 4.18; (1526), p. be;

regula fidei

chap. 6; Opera (1566),

for the baptized, another for the

catechumens should desire baptism, but not

prematurely

it

Opera (1521),

exeant, chap. 2;

12.

the Apostles' Creed, ed. J.

De poenitentia,

one Christ

Cyprian, Epistola ad Clerum de

desit.

Commentary on

Tertullian,

becoming

It is

that they should receive

is

A

18.1-19.3

form of the creed (ODCC).

Latin

1:331, 332. "Is there

catechumens? ...

epist.

Chapter

(1955), pp. 29—30. Rufinus's Commentary gives the earliest continuous

Latin text of the 2:67.p

V,

here); the audientes

{traditio

which

symboli,

would be catechumens

is

^vhat

at a particular

suge of the catechumenate.

For thus we

2:67.27-68.3

who ^

had used Acts 15:21

may

.

in the

.

.

The

daie.

Answere

much

"Prelate" (line 28) was Whitgift, as

H

uses

it.

Cartwright objected

what James meant here was "that Moyses (meaning the law) red every Saboth through out every towne in the sinagogue, was also preached" (1:161 [127]). that

Whitgift denies text, this

is

this,

not upon

this

577 (PS, 3:44—45); see

also

ending however: "the waight of the cause

but one reason

among

divers"; Defense, p.

lieth

Cartwright, 2:390-391.

"He sent darknesse, and it was darke and they were not obediworde" (BB; = BCP version). "He sent darknes, and made it darke: and thei were not disobedient unto his commission" (GB); for H's explanation, see 2:70.5—10. The difference, due to the difference between Hebrew and Septuagint versions, was attacked by Martin Marprelate, who believed the BCP corrupted the text; see Oh read over D. John Bridges [STC 3734], for it is a worthy worke: or an

2:68. r

Ps. 105:28.

ent unto hys

epitome of the fyrste booke, of that right worshipfull volume, written against the Puritanes

(1588;

STC

17453).

Thomas Cooper, bishop of Lincoln, reported that the archBook followed the Septuagint and that "if the

bishop admitted that the Prayer

word be understood of the Israelites, then is it true to say, that obedient to His commandment'; but if of the signs and wonders

'they that

were not

Moses and

Aaron did before Pharaoh, or of Moses and Aaron themselves, then is it on the other side true that 'they were obedient to His commandment' "; An Admonition to

the People of

theologi:

De

2:69.25—29.M

England (1589); PS (1847), p. 38. See Saravia's Diversi tradatus

diversis

ministrorum evangelii gradibus (1611 [1610];

the wrordes of the Prophet

673

.

.

.

dignitie.

STC

See A.

21571), p.

W.

2.

Argyle on

Commentary Matthew's version of Micah

and from the

LXX

5:2:

"The quotation

both from the Hebrew

differs

[Septuagint]. Like the other 'proof-texts' peculiar to

Matthew,

probably taken from a collection of testimonies based on a Targum,

it is

i.e.

an

Aramaic paraphrase of the Old Testament for use in the synagogues. The passage was understood to mean that the Messiah would be bom at Bethlehem"; Gospel According to Matthew (Cambridge: The University Press, 1963), p. 31. 2:70.21-23

those verie preambles

was added

to his disciples"

The Gosp

2:70.x

.

.

.

followed.

to a passage

Trin.

For example, where "Jesus said

of Scripture; see next n.

See B.C.P., 1559, pp. 161, 206.

The unitalicized portion is a paraphrase (indicated by of Cartwright's further statement: "in suche order that the whole Canon theroff is oftentimes in one yeare run thorough: yet a nombre of Although

2:7 1. z

= hoc

"h. d."

.

.

.

h. d.

dicit)

churches which have no such order of simple reading/ can not be in this point charged with breach of Gods commaundement: which they might be/ if simple

The

reading were necessary."

BCP

provided for the reading of almost the entire

Bible during the course of a year (see 1559, pp. 14-16, 25-47). Concerning the Puritan practice of Scripture reading before service, see the A booke of the forme of

common

prayer, administration of the saaaments:

STC

of the reformed churches (1585?;

and

ministrations of the saaaments,

etc.

Gods worde, and

agreeable to

the use

16567), a revised version o( The forme of prayers used in the Englishe congregation at Geneva: and

etc.

approved, by J. Calvyn (Geneva, 1556;

STC

16561), in Hall, ed., Fragmenta Liturgica,

1:23-24.

Facto silentio 'solennia'. Augustine, City of God, 22.8; Opera (1556), 5:1350; PL, 41:770; trans. Bettenson (1972), p. 1046. "Silence being obtained the

2:71. a

.

.

.

customary portions of Holy Scripture are read" (Bayne, several! times

.

.

.

Antwerp,

A

Syriac

NT

p.

was published

That for

72n).

at

Vienna

the polyglot version, Biblia Saaa regia sive Antverpiana, was published in

1569—1572, and Plantin published the Syriac

NT

in 1555;

Antwerp

in

from the Antwerp Polyglot in

Paris,

1574—75. Eastern

texts.

See the Sedra for Pentecost in the Syriac liturgy, in Paul Verghese, The Joy

liturgies are often little

of Freedom (Richmond, Va.:

2:71.14—16

John Knox

For with us ... to God,

more than

Press, 1967), pp.

collections

of

scriptual

62-63.

On this passage as representing "a doxological

understanding of the reading of Scripture,"

as

opposed

to the Puritan reading

of

Scripture for edification, see

John Barton and John Halliburton, "Story and Liturgy," Doctrine Commission of the Church of England Report, Believing in the Church (Wilton, Conn.: Morehouse-Barlow, 1981), pp. 98-99.

2:72.1-3

Of preachinge

.

BCP's allowance of the books of the Bible

.

.

bookes apocryphall.

in place

P.M., pp. 23-24, 102).

The Admonitioners

attacked the

use of homilies in place of sermons and of the apocryphal

The

of canonical

OT

lessons (see 1559, pp. 251, 40—47;

homilies were those officially provided in 1547 and

674

Book

Chapter

V,

19.4-20.1

1563, with a homily against disobedience added in 1571. See "Certain Sermons or

Homilies" (i547) and

A

"A Homily

and Wilful Rebellion" (1570):

against Disobedience

Ronald B. Bond (1987). Puritans objected not only because the homilies were used in parishes where the unlearned clergy were not licensed to preach but also because they were ordered used in places where the learned were out of favor; see Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 106 (141), p. 423. Apocrypha w^ere objected to as being outside the canon of Holy Scripture and, displacing the reading of the OT, their use constituted an affront to God's Word; Critical Edition, ed.

see

PRO,

12/164, 11,

S. P.

324-325; Bodl.

fols.

ff.);

Th.

"Of

568—582, where Tract. 13, chap. 20 (PS, 3:28

25-26; Inner Temple, Petyt

fols.

MS Eng.

e.

MSS

538, vol. 36,

44, pp. 12-13. See also Whitgift, Defense, pp.

reading of the Scriptures," corresponds to H's

Horton Davies, The Worship of the English Puritans 64—67 (hereafter W.E.P.), and Worship and Theology in

also,

(Westminster, 1948), pp.

England, 1:228-229, 264, 329, 331.

They pleade

2:72.13— 15. fc

.

.

.

Whitgift rejected the "similitudes"

sanctified;

by Cartwright between the unsanctified

alleaged

"vessels

of the temple, the

instruments, beesoms, flesh hookes, trumpets, etc." and the Homilies and the

Apocrypha; Defense,

ments

meat

firom pots

besomes, nor fleshhookes.

p. 717.

for sw^eeping, usually

The

first

are instru-

bunches of broom; the second, hooks for removing

T.C.

(OED). 2 Chron. 4:16 (GB).

I.l.

Page 157 in

p.l96.

1st

edn. of Cartwright's Replye. Besides

2:72.c

below

.

.

.

3:343-344).

T.C.

1.1.

king of Syria,

2:72.17,

The

etc.

sentences preceding and following this are given

2:74.m.l2-13.n and 75.^.4-8.n. See Whitgift, Defense,

at

p.l97.

Page 158 in

Antiochus

The

1st

p.

718-719

(PS,

edn.

forced hellenization of the Jews by

Antiochus IV (Epiphanes), king of Syria, provoked the rebellion of the Macabees (167 BC).

2:73. e

See 2:74. m and n, below.

Onkelos nor Jonathans paraphrase

2:72.21

Justin. Apol. 2.

Cartwright

Apology, often referred to

as

to chap.

refers

the second; see 2:76.1/.

an early Christian apologist and martyr, composed it

to the

wright

Roman

emperor Antonius Pius and

refers to indications that the homilies

passages

A

this

his sons.

67 of Justin Martyr's

first

Samarian, Justin (100?-165), Apology about 155, addressing

Origen.

. .

.

Judic.

Cart-

were preceded by the reading of the

upon which Origen was commenting; see, for instance, the beginnings of 1, 4, and 12 on Exodus and 1 and 4 on Judges; Opera (1536), 1:63, 74, 109,

Homilies

384—5, 395. Origen (185?-254) was head of the catechetical school in Alexandria. 2:73 f

Concil. Laod. c.59.

Canon 59 of

the Council of Laodicea, dated

some

time between 343 and 381, forbade reading of psalms composed by individuals and

of noncanonical books of the Bible;

Concilia (1585), 1:704; Hefele, History of the

Councils, 2:295; see H's retort, 2:75.10-13. This

from Cartwright, 1:198

and the next two references come

[159]; see Whitgift, Defense, p. 720,

675

marg.

Commentary The second Council of Vaison

Concil. Vasens. 2.

2J2>.g

of the people

that for the benefit

priests

(or Vaux), 529, decreed

should have authority to preach, and

if

prevented by indisposition, deacons should read from the homilies of the Fathers; Concilia (1585), 2:20; Hefele, History of the Councib, 4:169.

decree

at

2:78/ and

cites

it

Concil. Colon, par. 2.

2:73. /»

H

quotes from

Chapter 6 of Part 2 of the Council of Cologne

(1536) prohibited public reading, in service time, of the fictional lives of the

and

[159]; Whitgift, Defense, p.

[158],

And

which

saints,

reform of the Breviary; Concilia (1585), 5:254; Cartwright 1:198

called for a

2:74.m.l2— 13

this

at 76.1*'.

besides

.

720 .

.

(PS, 3:348). See B.C.P., 1559, p. 14.

H

paraphrasts.

has truncated Cartwright 1:197

"And besydes that/ they had Onkelos the and Rabby Moses (surnamed Maymon) write,

for this sentence has:

Calday paraphrast/ bothe Galatine

an nother of the Calday paraphrasts floryshed in oure savyor Christes tyme/ whose wrytings and paraphrases upon the scryptures/ are estemed comparathat Jonathan

wyth any whych hath laboured

ble in that kinde of paraphrasticall wryting/

And if any mennes

wayes. es

that

wrytings were to be red in the church/ those paraphras-

whych in explanyng the scrypture/ go least from it/ and whych kepe not only numbre of sentences/ but almost the very numbre of words, were of all most

the

fitte

2:74.w

be red in the churche"; see textual note, 2:504.

to

p.

verbo

in Elias Thesb. in

(1472—1549),

Elias Levita

.

.

.

The

Patar.

170, explains "patar" or "dimisit": "the

reading of the

Haphtarah,

i.e.

Law on

the Sabbath

man who

recens

is

'the Dismisser';

is

of the Hebrew scholar

Thisbites

Paul Fagius, in Opusculum

trans.

Hebraicum (1541),

summoned

last

to the

and he pronounces the

the second lesson" (Bayne, p. 76n). This involved reading a section

from the prophets pertaining

to the Sabbath rather than the

Law

itself,

which

w^as

not to be read publicly.

testament.

2:75.^.4—8

1:198 [159]

.

this reads:

.

.

corruptions grew in the church/ the deacon/

when

the minister

in an other councel

H

corner.

has compressed his source: in Cartwright

"testament/ and receveth up what they be. Afterward it

was permitted

that homilies

was sicke/ and coulde not preach/ and

of Carthage permitted/

as

myght be red by

that the martyrs lives

it

was

also

might be red

in

the church. But besides the evill successse that those decrees had (under pretence

wherof

the popishe legende/ and Gregories homilies, etc., crept in) that use and

custome was controlled by other councels/

Colen/

albeit

otherwyse popishe.

And

as

may

truely if there

appear by the councell of

were nothing

else

but thys

consideration/ that the bringing in of the reading of Martyrs lives into the

churcyh/ and of the homilies of auncient wryters/ hath not only by thys meanes cleane out of the church/ or into a corner

justled with the Bible/ but also thrust

it

where

ought

it

was not redde nor seene/

any wryting or worke of learned/

as

long

as

men

it

in the

to teach

all

men

to

beware of placing

church of God/ be they never so well

the world should endure"; see textual note, 2:504.

676

Book 2:75. r

The

Thapocalyps.

V,

Chapter

20.1-20.6

NT book of the Revelation ofJohn was not mentioned

of canonical books by the Council of Laodicea, canon 60; Concilia (1585), 1:704. This may be because 3:14—22 so severely rebuked the church at Laodicea; even so, the Apocalypse of John only gradually found a place in the in the listing

4C was

canon and during the

With us there

2:75.19—21

BCP

is

not universally accepted.

never ... necessarie.

See Cranmer's Prefitce to the

{1559, pp. 14-16).

Coimus

2:76. /,M,i'

(1566), 2:692;

come

.

.

commemorationem.

.

CCSL,

Tertullian, ^po/o^c/«CM»t, chap. 39; Opera

1:150. Whitgift had used the passage in his Answere: ".

Judicarum ...

3:46).

PG,

(1512), p. 559;

.

.

Hom.

Origen, In Joshua,

Ecclesiis.

12:897: ".

15, chap.

.

.

we

578 (PS,

togither to the reading of the holy Scriptures"; see Defense, p.

11; Opera

were delivered

the bookes of the olde Testament

by the Apostles to be read in the Churches"; so Whitgift, ibid. (PS, 3:47). x&vavayivwaKcrai. Justin Martyr, Apology i, chap. 67; Opera (1551), p. Tcov

on the Sabboth day when the people 162; PG, 6:429; quoted by Whitgift: ". were gathered togither, to have the scriptures read in the publike congregation, " H omits the end of the sentence: ^e^pi^ and in the time of publike prayer, "** long as time permits," which Whitgift misinterpreted as "for the eyX''^P^'» space of one whole hower" {Defense, p. 578). Bayne comments (p. 78n) that H's omission was so as not to call attention to Whitgift's error, which had occured because the archbishop relied on Periorius (Paris, 1554), who translated pc^pi^ .

.

eyxcopei

"quamdiu hora

as

.

.

.

Factum

patitur."

(540?—594?), Prankish bishop and historian, martyrum,

libri

duo

.

.

.

De

De

gloria confessorum

(1583), p. 315; PL, 71:918. Gregory

.

tells

.

est

.

.

De

had been

was standing ready before the

Vide

.

.

deacons being

.

p. 19.

fit

The

first

to read Christ's

Gregory of Tours

etc.

De gloria

how Ambrose

Martini

on

of Milan learned of

that

Sunday,

when

and the reader of the lesson from

altar, that

into a slumber at the holy altar." 2:76. u/

read,

.

Sand. Martini, 1.5;

virtutibus et miraculis S.

Martin's death while in a deep sleep: "It happened lesson firom the Prophets

.

miraculis

St.

the most blessed bishop Ambrosius

Not from

Sulpicius Severus, as

H

has

in the Gospel, they should not

fell

it.

Council of Vaison (or Vaux), 442, decreed

words

the

Paul

that,

be judged

unable to read the expositions of the Fathers in public worship; Concilia (1585), 2:20-21; Hefele, History of the Councils, 1:68. At 2:73.^,

H

cites the

page on which

the record of the Council begins and the same decree; see n, above.

C.16.

Canon

Item

.

.

.

16 of the Council of Laodicea (see 2:12>f.n) ordered the public

reading of the Gospels with other writings

{aliis scripturis);

ibid., (1585),

1:700.

recommends that confessors "read the Gospel of Christ" in public services on the basis of which their witnesses are made; Opera (1593), pp. 76, 80-81; PL, 4:319, 329. "Cyprian lib. 2. Epist. 5" is cited by

Cypr.

.

.

.

ep.5.

In these letters Cyprian

Whitgift, Defense, p. 578 (PS, 3:47). rum, 1.8,

Ambrose

"You have

heard,

Ambros

ca.20.

In

De

offidis ministro-

speaks of hearing the Gospel (PL, 16:31); in epist. 75 he says,

my

brother, the lesson of the Gospel" (Bayne, p. 79n; PL,

677

Commentary De

16:1271); and in

2:76.15— 18.a;

chap. 20, he says,

helia atque jejunio,

in the lesson read the saying

Thapostles

.

Question 101:

.

of Legion

5:9,

"You have

Luke 8:30]"

Justin Martyr, Quaestiones

fuljild?

.

Mark

[see

heard to-day

(PL, 14:724).

et responsiones

efi&vOavov oi d7i6aToA,oi, 7cpd)TOV fi^v TOO v6^ou, uarepov 6^ ra euayyeXia, ovrax; Kai mi&q e6i6a^av orthodoxos.

ctXA,' &<;

.

ydp eariv 6 vo^og euayyeX-iov TipoKaTiiyyeX/ievov 276; PG, 6:1345. The work is now thought to be spurious; .

.

.

.

ad TOc

.

ti

.Opera (1551), p.

see 2:290.24-26.n,

below.

What

2:77.1—3.)'

,

,

Augustine, Quaest. 33,

performed.

.

sunt in vetere et novo; ibi obumbrata, hie revelata; ta";

Numer.:

"Eadem quippe hie manifesta-

Opera (1556), 4:245; PL, 34:732.

Againe

2:77.3—5

.

.

.

Augustine,

olde.

De

in veteri testamento est occultatio novi, in

catechizandis rudibus, 4.7:

novo testamento

Opera (1556), 4:898; PL, 40:315, where

"Multum

Exod.:

Novo

Novum

of Reichenau, De Epistle

dignitate, ut

"And

dilectionem;

propter

Compare

Quaest.

13, in

quanquam

et in

Vetere

Novum

lateat, et

fol.

.

.

.

Walafrid Strabo (807-849), abbot

things.

writing of the

"Anteponitur autem in ordine quod inferius

in the Mass:

ex minoribus animus audientium ad majora sentienda

gradatim ab imis ad

2:77.11—12

chap. 8.

exordiis et inaementis rerum ealesiasticarum, chap. 22,

and Gospel

(1572),

is

"Qua

manifestio veteris";

Vetus pateat"; PL, 34:623.

That from smaller things

2:77.7-9.z

it

est

ad Vetus Testamentum timorem potius

et solide significatur,

pertinere, sicut ad in

in

ibi praefigurata,

summa

est

proficiat, et

conscendat"; in Johannes Cochleus, Speculum missae

75"; PL, 114:946.

And with

that

of lyfe and instruction

name

... Apocryphall.

Hierome

Article 6, Thirty-Nine Articles:

Churche doth reade for example of maners: but yet doth it not applie them to establish any

the other bookes,

(as

sayeth) the

Such are these followyng: the third boke of Esdras. The fourth boke of The booke of Judith. The rest of the booke of Hester. The booke of Wisdome. Jesus the sonne of Sirach. Baruch, the prophet. Some of the .3. Children. The storie of Susanna. Of Bel and the Dragon. The prayer of Manasses. The .1. boke of Machab. The .2. Booke of Macha."; Hardwick, Hist, of the Articles doctrine.

Esdras.

(1895), pp. 297, 299.

2:77.14—15

booke of Hermes,

.

.

.

like.

See, for instance, the

canon

set forth in

which the Shepherd of Hermas, included in the writings of the Apostolic Fathers along with the epistles of Clement of Rome, is spoken of as not belonging with the other writings that came to constitute the NT the Muratorian Fragment (190?), in

canon, with the clear implication that in some places canon; see Stevenson, so

named because an

communicated

its

A New Eusebius angel,

who

contents; see

appeared to

"Hermas,"

678

it

was read

as a part

of the

The Shepherd of Hermas was Hermas in the form of a shepherd,

(1957), p. 146.

ODCC.

Book 2:77.18— 19. <j

All writings

.

.

Apocryphall,

.

of Samuel and Kings, Jerome Scriptures

which we have

In the Preface to his (Vulgate) version

—

a sort

valeamus quicquid extra hos

scire

Opera (1516),

p. 80n);

relates to all the

from the Hebrew,

books of the

of helmeted begin-

we must know that whatever is not included in

classed as apocryphal [ut

ponendum]" (Bayne,

20.2-20.9

"This prologue

says:

translated

ning \galeatum prindpium]. For

must be

Chapter

V,

PL, 28:600-601.

4:7";

these

Apocryphis esse

est in

From

the phrase

galeatum prindpium comes the name, Prologus Galeatus, as in H's note.

Wee must knowe

2:77.24—78.2.6

Apostolorum, chap. 38:

.

.

downe.

.

"Sciendum tamen

Rufinus, Commentarius

quod

est,

et

libri

alii

in

Symbolum

non

sunt quae

canonici, sed ecclesiastici a majoribus appellati sunt, ut est Sapientia, qui dicitur

Solomonis,

et alia Sapientia

quae dicitur

filii

Syrach, qui liber apud Latinos hoc ipso

generali vocabulo Ecclesiasticus appellatur: scripturae qualitas

Machabaeorum

cognominata In

libri.

est.

quo vocabulo non auctor

Ejusdem

ordinis est libellus

novo vero testamento

libellus

Tobiae

libelli,

sed

et Judith et

qui dicitur Pastoris sive

Hermatis, qui appellatur duae viae, vel judicium secundum Petrum, quae omnia legi

quidem

in ecclesiis voluerunt,

confirmandam. Caeteras vero

Haec nobis

noluerunt.

non tamen

proferri ad autoritatem ex his fidei

scripturas apocriphas

nominarunt, quas in

opportunum visum

a patribus, ut dixi,

designare"; in Cyprian, Opera (1521), pp. 382-383; PL, 21:374. to

"The

Vide

2:78. c

the

Two ,

.

H

ecclesiis legi

hoc

est

in loco

omits reference

Ways, or Judgment of Peter." p. 462.

.

Roman Synod

See the

list

of apocryphal books of the Bible compiled by

of 494 under Pope Gelasius

PL, 59:159—160. As Bayne remarks referring at least part of

it

Pope Damasus

to

I

(d.

496); Condlia (1585), 2:462;

80n) the decree

(p.

is

controversial,

some

384); see Hefele, History of the

(d.

Coundk, 4:42. 2:78. c

Prceter

.

.

Canon 47 was

scripturarum.

.

Carthage (397) based on

a

a

decree of the third Synod of

decree of the Synod of

Rome

(393); (1585), 1:754;

Hefele, 2:407, 400. "It was resolved that nothing be read in the

Church under the

name of Holy Scripture but Canonical Scripture (a list follows). But martyrs may be read when their anniversaries are kept" (Bayne, p. 2:78.18-19

Origen

much lesse of homilies, (cited at 2:76. M.n).

H

.

.

.

times.

distinguishes

the passions of 81n).

See, for instance, the homilies

of

between the sermon and the homily

composed to be read in place of a sermon. A homily is "a practical discourse into view to the spiritual edification of the hearers, rather than for the development

a

of a doctrine or theme" (OED).

2:78/ Si presbyter tion,

.

.

.

recitentur.

From canon

2:

"If the priest from any indisposi-

cannot preach himself, the homilies of the holy fathers

deacons"; (1585), 2:19. See

nn

at

2:12>.g

may be

and 76. u', above; cited

read by the

at 86. <.

The

Council took place in 442, not 444. 2:79.^

Concil.

.

.

.

can. 13.

The Synod of Carthage allowed

679

the reading of the

Commentary "passions of the martyrs" (see 2:78. e.n).

et

Greg.

.

.

.

Gregory of Tours

ca.86.

wrote of reading "the martyrdom of Polycarp along with other lessons"; De gloria martyrum, 1.86 (1563), p. 112; PL, 71:781.

et

magn. Keble

Hadria

quotes from a lengthy letter (PL, 98:307-418) of Hadrian

Charlemagne asking him

I

(2:78n)

(pope, 772-795) to

to receive his envoys with kindness in order that

on

their

return prayers might be said for the emperor's safety at Peter's shrine. If this fact

H

what

had in mind,

it

does not seem very apposite, unless

it is

is

in

meant

to

suggest the later corruption of an earlier and laudable practice, as praying for

Charlemagne can hardly be compared 2:79. /i acts

Gelas.

.

p. 461.

.

.

Gelasius,

of the martyrs, but had

authorship: "wherefore

even the

.

.

.

also

"Martyr."

to praying for a "Sainct" or a

pope from 492, had spoken of the value of the esp. the uncertainty of

noted their problems,

they are not to be read in the

Roman

Church,

lest

occasion of laughter should arise" (Bayne, p. 82n); Concilia (1585),

least

2:461; PL, 59:159-160. 2:79. »

Concil.

Melch

.

.

On

cap.6.

.

the

Council of Cologne,

2:73. /j.n,

see

above.

MelchiorCanus(1523-1560),theSpanishbishop,protestedagainst

1.11.

the inferiority and relative inaccuracy of Christian writings concerning saints and martyrs, as

compared

to writings

of non-christians;

De

locis theologicis

(1569), p. 650.

Juan Luis Vives (1492-1540), the Spanish humanist, wrote of those who considered themselves pious while composing lies for religion's sake; De tradendis disciplinis (1536), p. 510 (so Bayne, pp. 82-83n; not seen). And see Cranmer, "Answer Viv.

.

.

.

1.5.

to the Fifteen Articles 2:79.j

In errorum

.

.

.

of the Rebels, Devon, Anno. 1549"; Works, PS, 2:180-181.

anteponunt.

Extravagantes Joannis Papae XXII, 7.1; C.J. Can.

(Venice, 1584), 3:74; Friedberg, 2:1214.

who

prefer their

to the sect

2:80.

ife

of

Hieron.

own

Fratricelli

(Bayne, p. 83n).

Salom.

apocryphal works such

"They run

easily into

an abyss of errors,

notions to the definitions of the fathers."

as

On

The

reference

Jerome's preface to the books of Solomon

Wisdom and

Ecclesiasticus are to

stotes that

be read for the

tion of the people and "not to confirm the authority of ecclesiastical

Aug

(Bayne, p. 83n; PL, 28:1242); see 2:77.11-12.

defends the public reading of Wisdom lectors

as

ordinaria

ca.l4.

edifica-

dogmas"

Augustine

having been long considered worthy by

and other clergy {De praedestinatione sanctorum,

glos. ord.

is

"Extra." see 3:470.1-3.n, below.

1.14;

Walafrid Strabo (see 2:77. 7-9. n, above) wrote

PL, 44:980).

Praefat.

a preface to his Glossa

concerning canonical and noncanonical books, in which he remarked that

the noncanonical books were allowed to be read by the faithful but that, although

Tob. Nicholas of Lyr modern biblical criticism, wrote that the apocryphal books "have been received by the Church to be read for improvement of manners; but their authority in proving matters of controversy is of less weight, as Jerome says in his prologue to Judith" (Bayne, pp. 83—84n); useful, their authority

was limited (PL, 113:20).

et

Lyra (1270-1340), Franciscan scholar and precursor of

Glossa ordinaria (1589), 2:1495.

680

Book manie thinges

2:80.24—28./

.

.

Chapter

V,

.

weake.

20.9-20.11

Cartwright (2:400)

noting

refers to Calvin,

examples of how the apocryphal books contradict the canonical

H

scriptures.

has

Cartwright's recitation of "feults" in mind. 2:81.

m

Harm. Confes. ... 6. The Second Helvetian Confession, 1566, chap. 1: yet we do not deny that certain books of the Old Testament were of the

"And

ancient authors called Apocryphal and of others Ecclesiastical, to wit, such as they

would have

to

be read in the Churches, but not alleged to avouch or confirm the

authority of faith by

Tum,

them" (Bayne,

p. 85n);

Harmonia confessionum Jldei, orthodoxa-

reformatarum ecclesiarum, ed. Salnar de Castres (1581), p. 4;

et

confessions

of the faith of the

5155), p. 3.

The

11), begins,

"We

Avhich they

call

An Harmony of the

STC

churches, ed. J. F. Salvart (1586;

Belgian Confession, 1566, Art. 6 {Harmonia, p. 13; Harmony, p.

furthermore

make

between the holy books and those make the same point

a difference

apocryphal" (Bayne,

85n) and goes on to

p.

Lubert.

Helvetian Confession.

as the

and reformed

christian

.

.

Sibrand Lubbert (1556—1625),

c.5.

.

professor of divinity at the University of Franeker in Friesland,

De

principiis

Christianorum dogmatum (1591), 1.5, p. 50: "These books are not a part of the

canonical books. For one of them,

But what

show

is

faulty

and fabulous

treatise

supplied

See

p. 85n).

H

outragious

2:82.9.n

Jerome

St.

says,

is

another mere

that they are not a part

Martin Marprelate, Certaine

of the

minerall,

many

palpable

in

as in

it,

lies

in them, for the

2 Esdra xiv.2\, fudith

Canonical Scriptures" (Bayne,

1

of

(STC etc.,

17455),

contain

Apocrypha (which hath many outragious Tab. v.l2)

xi.5, 18,

is

lies

in authority next to the

See The Marprelate

p. 87n).

this

and metaphysicall

and of Athanasius, the Nicene,

apostles

shall

this chapter.

sdioolpoints to be defended by the reverende bishops ([1589]), a broadside

Art. 34; "that the creed

fable.

of the canonical

Chaps. 4 and 5 of bk.

also 1.4 (p. 32).

with most of his references in lies,

faulty,

not a part of the rule of truth. Moreover w^e

of individual books

in the case

books" (Bayne,

is

Tracts

1588, 1589, ed.

Pierce (1911), pp. 183-196.

2:82.13—17.0

the one

.

Antiquitatum fudicarum

.

.

H

Prophetes;

xx

libri

is

citing Josephus, Contra Apionem, 1.8;

(1566), p. 657; alleged

by Lubbert (1591),

p. 19; see

2:81. m.n, above.

2:82.14

the dates of Artaxerxes

2:82.17— 19.p

the other

but his Liber de mensuris

.

.

et

Artaxerxes

termed.

.

Here

ponderibus, §

H

I

rviled Persia

is

citing,

4 (PG, 43:243),

464—424 BC.

not Epiphanius's Ancoratus, as

found in Lubbert (1591),

p. 32; see 2:81. w.n, above.

Epiphanius (315?—403?), bishop of Salamis, was

for his ardent orthodoxy;

H

cites his Refutation

of

all

known

the Heresies at 2:265.^

and

392.x.

2:82.20

nephew^

2:82.21—26.^

That

After that

is,

my

grandson

(see

grandfather

.

Une 21) of Jesus, son of Sirach. .

apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus.

681

.

'Law'.

From GB's prologue

to the

Commentary Jerome

2:83.13-14

... Apocrypha,

Jerome,

107.12; Opera (1516), 1:27';

epist.

PL, 22:877; cited by Cartwright, 2:401. 2:83.25

Cartwright, 1:159 [126]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 572 (PS, 3:34-35).

ordinarie

The publique reading

2:83.30-84.1

...

The Admonitioners

it.

objected that

while Christ "said goe preache" the bishops give the ordinands Bibles with

them from doing so unless licensed. "So that they which is] preching, but an accessorie"

authority to preach but prevent

make

the cheefest part [2nd edn. adds:

{P.M., p. 22). Whitgift complained that the Admonitioners misunderstood the

Ordinal and suggested that "to preache the Gospell

good maners, be

people, in fayth and

booke"; Answere, quoted from Defense,

"What

if

I

graunted that

it is

is

and

to teache

instruct the

by wryting, reading or speaking without

it

p.

575 (PS,

preaching/ yet

an other mans sermon preacheth" (1:160

I

deny

3:40). Cartwright responded: that therefore

he that readeth

See 2:65.4—5.n, above, and

[127]).

2:72.1-3, 472.10-11, and nn, below.

we

2:84.13—33

are to kno^ve

generally identified

A

Treatise of the

that the

Holy

Word was

scriptural truth.

Holy

.

.

Scriptures (PS,

See

salvation.

.

Scripture as the

Word

III. 8.

13— 14. The Reformers

of God; Calvin,

Jewel,

Inst., 1.6.2;

4:1163-64). At the same time they understood

not primarily the words of the Bible, but the proclamation of

For Calvin one of the marks of the church was "the

purely preached and heard"

{Inst.,

The Holy

4.1.9).

Word. At

preaching, conveying the saving

preaching with the Word, yet he esteems

point

this it

as

Spirit

H

is

is

Word

seen

of God

as active in

reluctant to identify

the "publication of heavenlie

mysteries" (chap. 18.1).

2:85.3-6

what

.

.

.

thereunto?

Compare

1.7.6; see 2:92.5

and H's discussion of

"apt" in his Auto. Notes on A.C.L. (4:18.8-24). 2:86.5

Parsenct,

ad Gent, pag.17.

(attributed to Justin, but

most

likely

See Justin Martyr,

3C

AD), chap.

1:

Tfjv

Cohortatio

ad

Graecos

iieKXovaav ^exa

rrjv

Tou6e too piou zazodai Kpiaiv f\v ov juovov oi qjaeTepoi KaTot 6e6v KripCTTouai Ttpoyovoi, Kpo(t>qTai te Kai vojioOeTai, aA,A,ot Kai oi nap' u^cbv vopiaOevTeq elvai a6(J>oi, ou 7toir|Tai ^ovov, dX,A,a Kai ())iA,6ao(t>oi oi Trjv aXqefi Kai eeiav e7tayyeX,X6pevoi Tcap' o^iv eiSevai yvwaiv. Opera (1593), p. 17; PG, 6:241. "(On account of) the judgment which is to be after the end of this life, which is announced not only by our forefathers according to God,

TeX,euTf)v

to wit the prophets

and lawgivers, but

also

been esteemed wise, not poets only, but

you

that they

by those among yourselves

also philosophers,

who

who

professed

had attained the true and divine knowledge" (Bayne,

have

among

p.

91n).

"Paraenet." means "exhortation." 2:S6.t

2:86. M

Concil. Vasen. 2. c.2.

See 2:78./n, above.

Concil. Tol.

The

4. c.ll.

fourth Council of Toledo (633), canon 11,

reported that "in some Spanish churches praises are sung after the Epistle, before

682

Book the Gospel

preached [praedketur]" (Bayne, pp. 91—92n); Concilia (1585), 3:70.

is

Rupert.

2:86. t'

.

.

.

no one should preach

command silence

sig.

B2'; PL, 83:745. Cited

The

libel is

is

.

.

.

ca.lO.

in order that people

while the psalm

"That reading

by Whitgift,

of Schoolp.

art.ll.

may

hear what

Evangelizo

who

sneered

Romanae

578 (PS,

Defense, p.

Paules

.

.

is

gout: "I preach the gospel with

576 (PS,

Cartwright

.

.

.

is

3:43).

RC

his

adversaries

hand and writings";

ecdesiae idololatria, in cultu sanctorum, reliquiarum,

asserts

Father John Bridges"

Rainolds responded to

et scriptione.

\praedica-

3:46).

instruments.

.

p.

do

1.10; (1534),

See 2:82.9.M.n, above. Article 11

S.

from

libri

see

De

STC

duo (1596;

sig. ^6'.

20606), 2:87.7

manu

at his

preached

is

ealesiasticis offidis,

preaching: the defendant in this point

(Bayne, p. 92n; see 2:2.24.n, above).

diuinis

to read

of Seville explained that

Isidore

quoting himself: see 1:160 [127]; Whitgift, Defense, 2:87.x

when about

w^ithout being commissioned to

sung or the lessons read; De

tur\

2:86.u'

Isidor

PL, 170:18.

so; (1526), p. 4;

De

(see 2:67.p.n, above),

13, says that asking a blessing

Scripture indicates that

deacons

Rupert of Deutz

ca.12.13.

1.12,

epistola,

offidis

Chapter 20.12-22.3

V,

See Cartwright: "the ministring of the holy sacraments unto

preachinge.

of Gods favor and reconcilliation with them/ and

them/

is

a plain

preaching/ partly that they be washed already from their sinnes/ partly that

a declaration

and

seale

they are of the household of God"; 1:167 [133]; Whitgift, Defense,

p.

604 (PS,

3:104).

2:87.20-24

So Mrorthie a part

.

.

tnindes.

.

John Donne described preaching and Donne (1953-1962), 2:166—

the preacher as "musicum carmen"; The Sermons ofJohn 167.

2:89.30-31

they yeeld that

.

.

salvation;

.

reading doe helpe to nourish the fayth which

geven to the preaching cath exochen that

it is

See Cartwright: "And although commeth by preaching/ yet thys is is by excellency/ and for worke by/ in the hearts of

[KttT' e^oxf)v], that

the excellentest and most ordinary meanes/ to

the hearers"; 1:159 [126]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 570 (PS, 3:31). 2:89. fc

T. C.

.

.

.

395.

"Now if private

reading onely/ can not ordinarily engender

would know how publike reading onely/ can doo yt" (Cartwright, 2:376). the "To prove that bare reading engendereth faith/ he citeth ..." (2:377). ". Lordes authorised Embassadour faith can not be without whose ministery

faith:

I

.

.

engendered/ nor 2:90. c

p. 378.

"I

men

.

.

.

.

.

.

ordinarily saved" (2:394—395).

compared them ["consideration off the

creatures

.

.

.

unto reading

off the scriptures"] onely in that both nourishing faith/ neither could ordinarily

breed yt" (2:378). 2:90.d

p. 383.

"Likewise that he affirmeth owt of

light offthegospell

M. Fox/

off

by reading onely: he [Whitgift] maketh not/ nor

683

many

(as I

browght

to

am perswad-

Commentary ed) could

make

Although yt be confessed/

yt appeare.

that that

may be doone by

which feedeth sometime with

the Lordes extraordinary worcking/

quailes in the

wildernes" (2:383).

ashamed

2:93.2—16./

to

defile

.

.

.

H

thereunto.

Cartwright (2:374-375); see Whitgift, Defense,

This

2:94.22—24

"Now

1139*:

is

mans conversion

in

.

.

.

both quotes and paraphrases

570

(PS, 3:32).

beginneth.

is

desire

N.E., 6.2;

Aristotle,

the cause of action (the efficient, not the final cause)

the cause of choice

choice, and

is

and reasoning directed to some end" (Loeb,

Faine they w^ould have us

2:95. 1-7. w,M,o

p.

.

.

.

sent?

See the

first

p. 329).

Admonition

commeth by hearing/ and hearing of the w^ord preached/ so that the ordinary and especiall meanes to worke fayth by/ is preaching and not reading." See also {P.M., p. 23) and Cartwright, 1:159 [126]: "For

S.

Paule sayth/ that fayth

Whitgift, Defense, p. 569 (PS, 3:30); Cartwright, 2:375. In the

name of certain

true subjects

(1584; not in STC),

the Puritan divine, wrote: "Salvation

but we cannot

[Rom. is

is

A

Supplication

made

in

Thomas Sampson (1517?-1589),

promised to them only which do believe;

on him of whom we do not hear: we cannot hear without a preacher

believe

10:14]; as the apostle doth say.

It is

preaching, and not simply reading, that

required for having of faith"; Strype, Annals (1824), 3.1:327.

2:95.14-25.f

TertuUian,

.

.

.

intelligere,

See TertuUian, Apologeticum, 18.5, 8-9.

heleive.

paraphrases a passage that ends:

"Qui

audierit, inveniet

Deum;

H

qui etiam studuerit

cogetur et credere"; Opera (1566), 2:637-638; PL, 1:378;

CCSL,

1:118-119. 2:95.q

This they did

.

.

.

sane.

Justinian, Novellae, 146.1.pref

;

in

10 of

collatio

Contius's edition of 1569, cols. 623-624; Schoell-KroU (1963), p. 715; Scott, 17:170.

When

be used

when

a dispute arose

the

OT

was

over whether

Hebrew

or the local vernacular was to

read, Justinian ruled that, although

Greek was

to

be

Jews were to be allowed to read their sacred books in Greek, or Italian, or whatever language their own country required; he observed that those who use Greek use the Septuagint (the translation of the 70), which he claimed was "more accurate than any other" (Bayne, pp. 101— 102n).

preferred, the

2:96.r

Thapostle useth ... Kfipo^i^.

Dictionary of the

New

1

Cor. 1:21. See G.

Kittel,

Theological

Testament, trans, and ed. Bromiley (1964—76), 3:683-696

(Kf)pux); 3:714-717, esp. 3:716 (Knpuypa). 2:97.5

This

Prophet

taile

of

.

.

.

Cartwright, 2:373: "As though

ministers.

calleth the rascall ministers off his

barcke [Isa. 56:10], his

meaning were

reade in a booke off their

appeareth/ that

owne

time/ domme

to charge

giftes/

and suche

owght

when

the

as could not

that they could not spell/ or

language laied before them.

this taile off reading ministers

none off those princely

them

dogges,

to

be cut

of:

And and

so

I

trust

that they are

which our Saviour Christ ascended into heaven/ (to speake no grievouslier off them) more

sendeth unto his church/ but bishops

684

Book then beggerly presentes."

Booty, John Jewel 2:97.29—98.2.t

Chapter 22.7-22.12

V,

On

"sharp speech" in

restraine

it

16C

John E.

controversy, see

Church of England (1963), pp. 63—65.

as Apologist of the

unto sermons;

when our

Cartwright, 2:377: "For

Saviour biddeth the Jewes search the scriptures: he referreth them by that search/ to

judge off the doctrine he had preached before: which proveth no

when

reading/ the

word

there

is

no preaching,

beside that/

it

will

fruict off

be hard for him to

search/ to reading onely: as if one could not search the scriptures/

refer

when

he attendeth to them alledged in sermons." 2:98.9-10

'that he

dooth flady make

his

Againe

2:98.18— 19. u" cited

had preached,

by Whitgift,

.

.

Citing Gal. 1:9 Cartwright wrote: "he

all.

.

preaching/ the rule to examin other preachings by" (2:377). let

the

same Apostle 570 (PS,

Defense, p.

Cartwright responded: "The place off Tim. being

word

duties off the minister off the

off reading/

is

alledged withowt

our owne sermons

2:99.4—7

2:99.24—25.y

.

.

in preaching/

judgement"

man.

(as I

have shewed) off the proper

(2:377).

See A.C.L., pp. 21—22 (4:34.2—22). .

.

that

Cartwright noted that

it

or by the Spirit without

comes by means of preaching (see 2:83.25). "And where Prophesie (whiche is not a

reading, but ordinarily faith

Salomon sayeth

of reading Scripture.

making no manner off mention

knowledg, Thus because Salomon God at times works faith by reading .

"may be" therefore

.

all

2 Tim. 3:16 was

... righteousnes.

3:32), in defence

[Prov. 29:18]/ that

bare readyng/ but an exposytion and applycation of the scriptures) fayleth/ there the people pearyshe" (1:159 [126]). Whitgift used the

572

vision the people decay"; Defense, p.

BB: "why doth he

say decay,

GB: "Where

there

is

no

(PS, 3:35). Cartwright retorted, using

and not perish

as

Salomon speaketh?"

(2:381).

Another usuall point . faith; Citing John 3:14 ("And as Moses up the serpent in the wildemes, so must the Sonne of man be lift up [gloss: His power must be manifest, which is not yet knowen]"), Cartwright compares

2:100.1-4.d

.

.

lift

preaching to the "lifting up or heaving of our saviour" or "the displaying of a banner,

as the

cited Calvin's lifting

on

up

serpent was

lift

up

in the wilderness" (1:159 [126]). In support

making the same comparison. But

as referring to

the cross and not to preaching, Cartwright does not insist

Calvin's interpretation (2:378-379). Whitgift remarks: "it

collection [inference] to say: Christ letteth

him

on the ground,

lie

hfted up, and

made

he

since Augustine interpreted the

is

lifted

is

a verie

though by reading the Gospell, Christ

as

harde

up by preaching, therefore reading is

not also

manifest unto the eyes of the faythfull"; Defense, p. 571 (PS,

3:33).

2:100.4.6

savor of the ^vorde

wright's Replye as

.

.

.

brayed,

(p. 126): "It is called also a

the spices being brayed [crushed] and

stronger than

when

H

refers to the first edn.

sweet savour

[2

punned [pounded],

they be whole and unbroken; so the

685

Cor.

2],

of Cart-

and therefore,

smell sweeter and

word by

interpretation

Commentary being broken and bruised carrieth a sweeter savour unto the understanding than

when

it is

by reading given

and whole"; see Whitgift, Defense, pp. 571—572

gross

2nd edn. (STC 4712,

(PS, 3:34). Cartwright explains (2:379-380) that in the

Luke

159) he had substituted

was

les figurative

bare reading

is

[1

giveth

.

.

readinge.

.

Cor. 3:15] good

Cor. 3:9] building" (P.M.,

p. 23).

place to prove that there

is

no

denied that there was in

1

ing; Defense, p.

572 (PS,

A

this to

is

this

booke,

excellent [1

be "a very notable

Cor. 3:6 any comparison between reading and preach-

impossibilitie

.

.

not.

,

See Cartwright 1:159

569-573; Works, PS, 3:29-34; and the petition to the

lamentable complaint of the commonalty, by

to their

"By

single service saying,

Cartwright considered

ment, for a learned ministry (1585;

communaltie

See the Admonition:

and

tilling,

3:35).

[126]; Whitgift, Defense,

Parliament,

p.

of opening a door, "bycause yt

salvation without preaching" (1:159 [126]). Whitgift

they conclude an

2:100.11—12/

figure

its

then the comparison of aromatic thinges."

how God

2:100.8—9.e

24:32, with

STC

way of supplication

7739), revised as

most renowned soveraigne (1587, 1588;

A

humble

STC

to Parlia-

petition of the

7584, 7785), which

complains that bishops say the people are already sufficiently supplied with preachers

"or that

should say,

2:100.12-14

who

in

it

It

were an impossible thing

were not possible for us

to

to establish a preaching ministry; as if they

be saved" (Bayne, p. 108n).

Alcidatnas the Sophister

De

sermons are

2:101. 5-7. /i.

.

.

speech. Pupil of Gorgias (420? BC),

.

spoke of the advantages of extemporaneous speech.

Sophistis

the ordinance

.

.

Cartwright 2:396 concerns the

easie.

.

human

superiority of sermons over homilies and the question of

authority.

probably meant 2:383 where "the ordinance of God" and "darck" appear,

below

at

H

as cited

2:102.20.p.n.

2:101.13-14.1

is

not readinge

.

.

.

God?

Cited by Whitgift, Defense, p. 577 (PS,

3:56).

2:101.21-22.)

Readinge

3:46). See Isidore

of

.

.

St.

edifyinge.

De

Cited by Whitgift, Defense, p. 578 (PS,

ecclesiasticis

offidis,

non parva audientium

83:745: "Est autem lectio 2:101. 27-102. 2. m

.

Seville,

Augustine "Behold .

(1556), 8:686; PL, 36:805.

.

.

selves.

the ant of

1.10;

(1534),

aedificatio."

See Augustine on

God!

He

rises

sig.

Bl"; PL,

See 2:86. f.n, above. Ps. 66:3;

Opera

every day, he runs to

God, he prays, he listens to the portion [of scripture] read, he sings hymn, he ponders what he has heard, by himself he thinks it over, he stores within him the grains collected in the field" (Bayne, p. llOn). the church of the

2:102. « cited

Lector persona t

above

at 2:76. u^;

.

.

.

auditur.

Opera (1521),

A summary p. 61;

of Cyprian's words in

epist. 2.5,

PL, 4:319. "The reader soundeth out

the high and heavenly words: he readeth out the Gospel of Christ, etc." See

Whitgift, Defense, p. 578 (PS, 3:47, 56), and chap. 23.1 (2:110-111).

686

Book Touchinge

2:102.20./)

Chapter 22.12-22.17

V,

hardnes

.

.

.

impediment.

In the three passages noted,

Cartwright argues the necessity of preaching for the apprehension of the Word,

not because the Scripture

understand, but because of "the darcknes

difficult to

is

of our understanding/ which withowt aide

knowledge off yt"

cient

which the Eunuch

2:102.28-103.1.^ infinite

to suffi-

.

.

want,

.

"Of

Cartwright (1:159 [126]):

and returning home/ was reading of the Prophet Esay/ yet he beleeved

untill Phillip

573 (PS, 2:103.7

come

preaching can not

examples take one of the Eunuch [Acts 8:31]/ which although he had bene

at Jerusalem/

not/

oflf

(2:383).

theires,

would bring

Whitgift, Defense, p.

Sampson's Supplication (1584), in Strype, Annals, 3.1:327.

See chap. 31.2-3 (2:135.6-35).

easie

2:103.33.5

came and preached unto hym"; answered by

3:36). See also

litle

"thes wofull readers

CartNvright, 2:363:

.

.

non-residence

.

ether to filling off cofres/ or bathing off them in the delightes off

what other thing soever they in their absence propound: unles were such hungry knightes/ as would for a crust of bread/ supply this ." absence. Now for removing off thes sweepinges owt off the church ministry the world/ or to

there

.

A

H

.

"Then durst no such hedge priests and caterpillars as are spread over the land in great number once think to have any entrance into the Church of God to kill souls any more" (Bayne, p. 112n); see 2:100.1 1-1 2/n, above. For Cartwright, 2:373, see 2:97.5.n, See

lamentable complaint of the commonalty, cited

by

at

2:107/:

above.

2:104.13-15. < is

that if God

.

.

.

preachinge,

Cartwright, 2:364: "that bare reading

not able without Gods extraordinary worke/ to deliver one sowle." For Cart-

wright, 2:383, see 2:90.d.n, above.

2:104.17-19. M

Sacramentes are not

.

.

.

them;

with us/ and the scriptures kepe their honour/ used/ and applied

as

the order

if

Cartwright, 2:392: "it

which the lord hath

ture he will say the holy Sacramentes leese their

not effectual to salvation/ without

men

is

well

they bring to the elect salvation/

peradven-

set/ requireth. onles

honour/ when

it is

saied they are

be instructed by preaching before they be

partakers off them."

2:104.19-21.1'

Sacramentes and prayers

.

.

.

condemnation?

"prayers, and Saaamentes forasmuche as they take effecte

worde/ where

that

is

Cartwright, 2:364:

by the preachinge off the

not/ those doo not onely not feede/ but are ordinarily to

further condemnation."

2:105.7

where

charitie. there

is

In

A

Briefe

no preacher

and Plaine Declaration Fulke stated

there should be

added to writings: "we

being convinced that sacraments are

seals

word or

without a

vrating"

writing (p.

may be

61; quoted

available

by Bayne,

p. 115n).

687

as

dogma

no minister of the sacraments seal,

know

but never a

that

(p. 73),

well that a

seal

See 1:207. 10-24.n, above.

without

a

Commentary 2:105.26

terme

to

See Whitgift, Defense, p 572 (PS, 3:35): "Both

it necessarie.

reading and preaching be necessarie in the Churche, and moste profitable, the

commendation of the one doth not untrue

2:106.6-7.c

It is

2:107.4—6. e

And

"good reading

.

.

take anie thing firom the other."

Church.

.

See 2:76.5.

in this present question

is

preachinge. compared with good preaching."

Now

.

.

Cartwright, 2:385:

.

one of them saith tyme. A lamentable complaint of the "Some other take but one word for their text, and after\vard runne into the mountaines, that we cannot follow them; not knowing how they went up, or how they will come downe: whereas, if they had taken a good portion

2:107.6—8/

.

.

.

commonality (1585):

of the of

text,

and had naturaUy expounded, and

that large text,

time after"

(p. 9).

we

pithily applied the same;

See 2:103. 33.s.n, above.

Another giveth us to understande,

2:107.8-12.^

.

.

Some, master of Peterhouse, Cambridge, wrote A godly certaine

response to the separatist John Penry's

and

questions of the ignorant ministerie,

Throckmorton laid

open in

saaaments,

touching the ministerie,

questions,

by occasion

should have remembered a good part of the sermon long

A

Wherein the

In 1588

church.

treatise

and church

(STC 22908) (STC

the communicating with them

indifferent reader

loosely he hath handeled the cause against

Robert

and deciding

containing

in

defence of that which hath bin written in the

(see Carlson, Martin Marprelate, p. 5

his coulers:

.

M.

and

may

n), replied

how

easily see,

Penry ([1589];

STC

19604). Job

with M. Some wretchedly and

12342), the

work

by H. See pp. 21—22: "I speake heere o( sound preaching, that is, of deviding the worde aright which the Apostle calleth orthotomain (opeoTopetv), I speake not of babling or of handeling a text with a Curricombe, in that I joine with M. Some with al my hart, and therefore I wish he had bene with me the 10. of cited

November

mewe

last, at

a certaine

Church by

may be

the exchange,

I

thinke they cal

it

Barthol-

would have glowed, and (if he durst have bene so bolde,) I doe not thinke but he would have condemned the preacher and that worthely for his babling. For there he might have heard him fetch many vagaries, and spend the most of his time in invectives against good men, telling church, where

th'audience to

it

this effect.

his ears

That for

the papists thanks be to

God, we need not

so greatly

feare them, for they were through the uigilans and wisedome of the magistrate reasonably

hampered

.

.

.

but

now

the magistrate has onely to cast his eye on the phantasticall crue, such

as toubled the peace of the Church, otherwise there might fall out

margin: "This preacher 2:107. 12-14. /»

The

(as

I

understoode since) was

best of them

.

.

.

simple.

many

M. Some

mischiefes." In the

himself."

Cartwright was explaining the view

of Wolfgang Musculus (1497-1563), reformed theologian, author o( Loci communes (Basel, 1554; rpr. 1560, 1573),

whom

Whitgift had cited in Defense, p. 580 (PS,

3:51).

688

.

Book

Whereupon it must

2:108.3-9

"But

no

think that

I

man's, though

it

Chapter 22.18-24.2

...

See Whitgift, De/cme,

life.

man

Of Prayer.

p.

and true interpreution of the scripture

right

be written, read, or preached by man; for the

author of it; and 2:110.6

V,

718 (PS, 3:344): to be counted

is

Spirit

of God

H prayer consists of "holy desires"

For

God"

compare Aquinas,

of spirit onto

Inst.,

3.20.29. Prayer involves a dialectic: doctrine descending that prayer

(48.2);

ascend (chap. 23.1). In public worship

As George Herbert put

prayers.

That

is,

may

concerns the mingling of lessons with

this

"Gods breath returning to his made possible by or public prayer is requisite both on

("Prayer

it

and Calvin,

S.T., 2a2ae.83.1,

I"):

prayer presupposes belief, aroused by God's grace,

the divine initiative (chap. 48.3).

human weakness

account of

the

(chap. 23.1) or "eleva-

tions

birth."

is

but the instrument."

is

(chap. 24.1; also, Calvin,

Common

and because "we are special beings" what follows H discusses helps to public

(chap. 25.1) 3.20.29). In

Inst.,

prayer: place (chap. 25.2), person (chap. 25.3),

and

liturgy (chap. 25.4). See

John

E. Booty, Three Anglican Divines on Prayer: Jewel, Andreives, and Hooker (Cambridge, Mass.: Society of St.

For >vhat

2:110.10—14

the Evangelist, 1978), pp. 29—43.

John is

thassemblinge

.

.

.

See Augustine, Liber de

us.

gratia,

chap. 29 (PL, 33:568); Tobit 12:15; and a sermon of Caesarius of Aries, formerly

"By

attributed to Augustine:

aposdes and apostolic

when

.ascending

the angels ascending and descending

men and

all

on the

ladder,

the doctors of the churches are to be understood;

they preach perfect things to the perfect; descending

when

they

explain to babes and ignorant persons such simple things as they are able to

comprehend" (Bayne, liturgies; see the

since the

6C.

It

p.

was

hymn sung

the

BCP

found in the Eastern

West,

as in the

prayer Supplices

te

of the

is

the primers for the office of the "Proper Angel," based the ending of the

is

made that the holy gifts and sacrifices be "carried hands of Thy angel." See also the Salisbury horae and

request

on high by

The concept

in the Byzantine rite at the Great Entrance

also familiar in the

Roman Canon where to the altar

121n; PL, 39:1762).

Cherubic

on Matt.

18:10,

which

is

Gospel for the Feast of St. Michael and All Angels {1559,

p. 240).

2:112. r

Joh. 4:11.

.

in

bus ambiamus. Haec

Ambros.

.

error; the reference should

.

.

vis

contemni.

.

Deo grata est"; Opera (1566), 2:691-692; CCSL, 1:150. From a commenury on Romans ascribed to Ambrose,

15.31; Opera (1567), 5:239; PL, 17:177,

great,

nor can the prayers

2:112.M 32:493,

4: 1 1

.

where

it is

"fiunt" not "sunt" and "ut

"Many least ones of one mind and met of many be despised" (Bayne, p. 124n). H's

impetrent" not "contemni."

Ambrose's

be to Jonah

We come by troupes acceptable. Tertullian, Apologeticum, 39.3: coetum et congregationem, ut ad Deum, quasi manu facta, precationi-

2:112.12-14.5

"Coimus

Text in

"l[iber]

Ktti aoTi]

non

together are reference to

de paen." seems to be inaccurate. . . .

as epist. 97.

eaoTiig.

Basil, epist. 68;

See 2:39.16-19.n, above.

689

Opera (1551), pp. 316-317; PG,

Commentary the place of assetnblie.

2:114.4

See chaps. 11—16.

Chrys Act. See John Chrysostom, Horn. 15, in Heb. (PG, 63:122), where he condemns laughter in church: "But know that angels are present every-

2:114.2

where, but especially in the house of God. 60:190), standest

.

."

.

And

Horn. 24, in Act. (PG,

where he bewails the irreverence of the young at divine services: "Thou disorderly. Knowest thou not that thou standest in company with angels?

With them thou

art singing,

with them thou

chanting, and thou standest

art

laughing!" (Bayne, p. 126n).

l.Cor. 11:10.

2:114.<J

the text in

S^c Chxysostom, Argumentum

epistolae primae

ad Corinthios on

Cor. (PG, 61:218). "If thou despisest men, reverence the angels"

1

(Bayne, p. 126n).

"Honour"

2:114.fc

bewtie

2:1 14. c

Ad domos

.

.

.

in

BCP

(=BB), "excellency" in GB.

supplicamus.

Salvian,

judicio et providentia Dei, bk. 7; (1594), p. 230;

"We

run

at

we

once to the churches,

prostrate

5C

presbyter of Marseilles,

PL, 53:128, where

it is

De

vera

chap. 17.

our bodies on the ground,

we

offer

Church attendance was enforced prescribed for nonattendance, as well as by

prayers with tears ofjoyfulness" (Bayne, p. 126n).

by law

(1 Eliz. I,

with penalties

cap. 2),

Royal Injunctions (1559, no. 33) and the church Thauthoritie of his callinge

2:115.4

2:115.16/

Gods most

courts.

See chap. 77.1—2.

Justinian, Codex, 1.3.43

beloved,

and 44,

esp. 43; (1590), cols.

H

38-40; Krueger (1963), pp. 28-30, as 1.3.42(43)-43(44). translates Deo amantissimus (Greek 0eo<j)iA,eaT&TOU(;), a term used here for bishops and priests.

So

2:116.18—23

that if the liturgies

liturgical usages, J.

.

.

.

R. Srawley concludes

back to an apostolic liturgy

2nd edn. (Cambridge,

is

doomed

witt.

Emphasizing the

to failure;

of the Eucharist

1949), pp. xi-xii.

as

being

at

Dom

was

fluidity, until the

forms

and the basic four

the root of liturgical developments in the East

and West. Within the framework of the shape transmitted by there

of early

The Early History of the Liturgy, Gregory Dix, The Shape of the

Liturgy (Westminster, 1945), chap. 3, discusses a classical shape actions

fluidity

that the attempt to trace liturgical

formulas became fixed

as a result

liturgical tradition

of heresy, schism, and

the normal consequences of institutional development.

From

2:117.14—16

this

.

.

.

superstitious.

Puritans and Separatists

were opposed

to set forms

of prayer because they denied freedom to ministers and people, could

not meet

of their needs, implied that

all

God

could not be worshipped in any other

way, and led to hypocrisy and persecution; see Davies, W.E.P., chap.

8.

At the

outset of Elizabeth's reign, however, the Puritans used a version of the (attached to the

providing

set

Geneva

forms

Bible,

(see

STC

2123). Subsequently they obtained their

BCP own,

2:119.7-11 and 11-12). William Perkins (1558-1602)

aflSrmed that set forms of prayer were not sinful, although extemporaneous prayer

690

Book was

Chapter

V,

25.2-27.1

preferable; see Davies, Worship and Theology in England (1970), 1:73.

2:117.18-23

or as

if

our Lord,

.

.

wordes.

.

That

the Lord's Prayer (Matt.

is,

6:9-13; Luke 11:2—4). At the heart of the Puriuns' concern was Christ's teaching

on prayer and that

the use of the Lord's Prayer. Barrowists and other Separatists denied

should be repeated:

it

regarded

it

was

it

of the esublishment believed

.

.

.

verses

of chap. 14 being known

Oz

called the 2:1 18.

of morning prayer

it.

See Exod. 14:30-15:18 (the Song

Song of Miriam. This

ancient

in the

liturgical

Jewish Prayer Book, the first

last

two

eighteen of chap. 15 being

Yausher.

m Math.

26:30

.

•

.

tempor.

the reference to Paul of Burgos Scaliger. Paul

Supporters

it.

to use

Jerusalem celebrating the reform of

the Sheeraw, the

as

to repeat

were commanded

feast at

much more

Josiah, but incorporating the a part

was permissible

liturgie;

of Moses), possibly composed for the song became

it

that Christians

For that vcrie hymne

2:1 18.8-9

and nothing more. Disciplinarians

a pattern

pattern but believed that

as a

is

See Scaliger,

on

of Burgos (1351-1435) was

become

tianity; his additiones

part

De

emendatione temporum (1583);

on

p. 268, the rest

a learned

p. 273.

H

is

summarizing

Jew who converted

to Chris-

of the sundard commentary on the 15-16C

Bible; see Bayne, p. 130n.

songe

2:118.24-25

.

.

.

Simeon,

Benedictus); and 2:25—35 (= •

Nunc

See Luke 1:28, 42 (= Hail Mary); 1:68-79 (= dimittis);

known

collectively as the evangelical

hymns.

2:119.7-11

Now albeit the Admonitioners

man, but

the spirit

as

Lorde" {P.M.,

.

.

.

The Admonition suted

retracted.

church "ministers were not tyed to any forme of prayers invented by

that in the early

moved them,

p. 11).

so they

powred

forth hartie supplications to the

This was changed in subsequent edns. to read "so tied to any

one form"; "invented by man" was dropped; and after "as the spirit moved them" they added "and as necessitie of time required." Whitgift noted these changes in his Answerr, see Defense, p. 782 (PS, 3:472; see also 2:466).

seemingly .

.

.

afiraid

The Admonitioners were

of being misunderstood. Thus, in Certaine

by the byshops out of [the Admonition], wyth an answere

10850;

rpr.

not reject

and taken

same ([1572];

STC

P.M., pp. 135-148), the defenders of the Admonition asserted that they did

all

set

forms of prayer, but only "their patched Portuise

or "porteous," a portable breviary]," the used

Artides, collected to the

set forms,

modified Prayer

BCP. Futhermore,

probably indicating forms fi-om Knox's Geneva

Book

(see 2:1

[that

is,

Service Book,

17.14-16.n, above, and P.M., p. 139).

muche as we agree

as

of a prescript forme of prayer to be used in the church

go" (1:135

Cartwright explains

why

toward liberation firom

W.

let that

Bradshaw (1616;

or the

When Whitgift

pointed to their inconsistencies, Cartwright responded: "But for

his Treatise of the Christian Religion, ed.

a "portas"

they admitted that they

STC

[105]). In

4707.7), p. 256,

there must be set liturgies. Nevertheless, the trend

set forms.

See the Second Admonition (1572;

10849), P.M., p. 114.

691

STC

4713;

was

rpr. in

Commentary theire defender

2:119.11-12

.

•

A

like,

.

reference to the Puritan Prayer

Book

and the Book" proposed in the 1584 Parliament. The bill proposed the replacement of episcopal government with presbyterian discipline and of the of "the

BCP

Bill

with "the booke herunto annexed of

common

prayer, etc." This

is

most

likely the

Waldgrave

common

and publique prayer and administration of the sacraments, solemnization

of marriages,

visitation

See Hall,

fol. 41').

(or

ed.,

Middleburgh) Prayer Book, which

of the

and

sicke,

MS

Bancroft refers to

1588 (1589;

Preached at Paules Crosse the 9. of Fehruarie,

in fact an "order

of the dead" (Bodl.,

buriall

Uturgica, 1:122'.

Fragmenta

is

STC

it

of

Fairfax 30,

A

in

Sermon

1346), p. 62, as does

Bridges in his Defence, p. 625.

Grosse errors

2:119.19.^

speake of prayers/

.

.

.

Cartwright, 1:131 [102]: "Before

awaie,

will treate

of the

I

come

to

committed almost thrughout

faults that are

whole Leyturgy/ and publike service of the church of England. Whereof one which is often objected by the authors of the admonition/ that the forme

the is

I

that/

of

taken from the church of Antichrist/

it/ is

Gospels so cutte and mangled/

as

the reading of the Epistles and

maner of mynistring it were word

the most of the prayers/ the

as

the Sacraments/ of Manage/ of Buriall/ Confirmation/ translated as for

word/ saving

that the grosse erroures

too great afUnitie

2:119.22—120.21

BCP

to the

11, fols.

.

.

H

God,

.

here summarizes the objections

found in the two Admonitions and

as

Abuses" attached to the as articles

and manifest impieties be taken away";

474 (PS, 2:438).

see Whitgift, Defense, p.

first

in Field's

"A View of Popishe

{P.M., pp. 20-34). There were also other

presented by Field to Parliament on 8 Dec. 1583

(PRO,

25—26) and objections in the Puritan compilation called

such

lists,

S. P.

12/164,

A parte of a register,

contayninge sundrie memorable matters, written by divers godly and learned in our time,

which standefor, the reformation of our church ([1593?];

STC

pp. 55 fE, 104, etc. Davies, W.E.P., chap. 6, quotes H's

10400); see, for instance,

summary

(p. 58).

H's

list

provides the outline for the following chapters.

2:120.9

See Luke 1:46-55 and 2:118.24-25.n, above.

Magnificat,

A

2:120.21-26

greate favourer

Puritan divine,

who

A

in

6699), attacked the church and herself.

church, which gift,

its

However, when writing its

M.

Toleration

,

God.

.

To and

Harding

490

.

.

.

RC

(PS, 2:470),

A

Religious Toleration in England

On H T. L.

STC

A

and even the queen

many

lavishe untruthes,

6725), p. 5, cited by Whit-

Sermon, p. 56.

and toleration see Joseph Lecler,

Westow (London: Longmans;

2:398-403, and

W.

New

K. Jordan, The Development of

(Cambridge, Mass., 1932), 1:222—232.

692

the

STC

Dering defended the same

sparing restraint, of

and Bancroft,

say that ... love.

Press, 1960),

Quenes Majestie (1569;

recusants,

dothe chalenge (1568;

the Reformation, trans.

York: Association

Edward Dering (1540F-1576), before the

ministry, especially bishops,

against

ministry and worship; see

doctor

Defense, p.

2:121.18-28

.

Sermon preached

Book

Common

Forme of 2:122.3-8.r

46 is

Gods word,

agreable to

2:122.1

Chapter

V,

.

.

.

Churches,

27.1-29.2

From

the tide page

o(A

Booke of the

Prayer (1585?); see 2:71. z.n, above.

It shall not

.

.

See

harte.

.

A

Booke of the Forme of Common Prayer, p. is given as to how the minister

(Hall, Fragmenta liturgica, 1:48), ^vhe^e direction

to pray.

The

use of forms of prayer, such as contained in the Puritan prayer

books, indicates that they were not altogether opposed to them, but, out, their

own

The

pp. 122—127.

Which

2:122.23-24

H

as

points

rubrical directions allow considerable freedom; see Davies, W.E.P.,

reference to note

oversight

.

.

.

r

should precede

preach.

the protestants the right to hold services, preche' " (Bayne, p. 136n).

/(

(line 3).

"The peace of Amboise

(1563) gave

which was termed the

de

'droit

Attyre belonginge to the sendee of God. Chapter 29 was written against the background of the Vestiarian controversy that began in the reign of Edward VI and was intensified in the 1560s by the 1559 BCP Ornaments Rubric, which required

2:123.1

those vestments "in use by the authority of ParHament in the second year of the

Edward

reign of King

(1566;

STC

in cathedral

the Sixth" {1559, p. 48). Archbishop Parker's Advertisements

10026) interpreted the rubric to

and

collegiate churches

mean

the use of copes

parish churches (Gee and Hardy, Documents, pp. 470—471).

such vestments, describing them

Feme,

Whitgift; see

as

and

surplices

and "a comely surpUce with sleeves" in

Many

refiised to

"popish rags," including, according to

Lambeth Palace

Library,

objectors, such as Jewel, concluded that the

MS

2002

(21),

fol.

all

wear

Andrew Some

119.

Reformation should not be jeopar-

dized for the sake of objectionable adiaphora. Others,

more adamant, turned

against

government poHcy. See John H. Primus, The Vestments Controversy (Kampen: J. H. Kok, 1960), and Intro, to The Preface, pp. 12— 13, above. Whitgift's Tract. 7, "Of the apparell of Ministers" [Defense, p. 256-

the bishops, the enforcers of

297), corresponds to H's chapter.

2:123.2-3

Wee

thinke the surplice

.

.

weare

.

H

derives this quotation

from

Cartwright's argument against use of cap, surplice, and tippet, which he admits "are not the greatest matters

we

strive for."

His fear

the users of them" (1:71-72 [52]); see also, 2:402

flf.,

is

that they

3:242

make "unclean

and Defense,

flf.,

p.

256

(PS, 2:1).

2:123.3-8 p.

It is easilie seen

.

.

.

On

in.

p.

54 in the

1st edn.; see

Whitgift, Defense,

269 (PS, 2:23-24).

2:123.20-22.M

Divine religion

.

.

.

Jerome, In 44. Ezech.: "Religio divina

life.

alterum habitum habet in ministerio, alterum in usu vitaque communi"; Opera (1516), 5:257'; PL, 25:457, verse 17. See Whitgift, Defense, pp.

2:123.25-124.5. f

theglorie

gloriam vestium et tiae

contra

Deum,

.

.

.

clothes.

Jerome, Adversus

omamentorum Deo si

281-282

esse contrariam.

tunicam habuero mundiorem:

693

si

(PS, 2:47-49).

Pelagianos, 1.9: "Adjungis,

Quae

sunt rogo, inimici-

Episcopus, Presbyter, et

Commentary Diaconus, et reliquus ordo ecclesiasticus in administratione sacrificiorum Candida veste processerint? Cavete clerici, cavete monachi, viduae et virgines: pehclitamini,

vos atque pannosas vulgus aspexerit. Taceo de hominibus saeculi,

nisi sordidas

quibus aperte bellum indicitur, et inimicitiae contra

Deum,

si

pretiosis atque

nitentibus utantur exuviis"; Opera (1516), 3:124"; PL, 23:547-548. See Whitgift,

281-282

Defense, pp.

2:\2^.w

(PS, 2:49).

Page 57

lib.l. p.77.

of Reply e.

the wordes of Chrysostotne

2:124.11—21.x

ex Matth. (one of the sermons

hoc

in 1st edn.

Ad populum

nn

p. 281, cites

.

hoc omnia corona, non ut albam

securitas

induti"; Opera (1588), 5:338; (in Latin; the

1613; see

.

at

it

H here cites Horn.

.garment.

Antiochenum): et

"Hoc

60

vestra dignitas est,

splendentem tunicam circumeatis

Greek was not published

until

1610—

5:48.5-7 and 136.4, above); PG, 58:745. Whitgift, Defense (1574)

as

"Hom.

6"; Works (PS), 2:48. Keble (2:129-130n) and

Bayne

(p.

138n) quote the Greek.

H's page references are to the 2nd edn. of Cart\vright's Replye; the

2:126. a-d, f-h, j-l

corresponding pages in

53 {fzndg), 56

(d),

Whitgift are: 2:59

2:70

(fe)

2:126. i

and 2:53

the glory off their

owne

by Whitgift,

and 57

(k)

2:1 (b), 2:30

(c),

(c),

52

the corresponding pages in the

PS

are:

58

52

(a),

2:1 (d), 2:9 (/), 2:17

(g),

further unto the magistrate/ than the

God, and

nature indifferent/

commaundeth"

Pearson, Church and State:

of the

civill

55

2:42 {h and;),

same wil agree with

our brethren: he teacheth that in thinges of

salvation off

we must have no further regard/ neither to salvation God then will agree with doing that the .

(2:403—404).

On

.

.

the issue of obedience, see A. F. Scott

Aspects of Sixteenth Century Puritanism

Political

bridge, 1928), and Whitgift, Defense, pp. 646-648, and Tract. 20, itie

(b),

Cartwright accused Whitgift: "in steed that he should teach

off our brethren/ nor to the glory off magistrate

(/);

(/).

we may obey no

that

1st edn., cited

and^), 60

(a),

p.403.

1.2.

{h

(Cam-

"Of the Author-

Magistrate in Ecclesiasticall matters," pp. 694—709 (PS, 3:189

ff.,

295-325). 2:126.23

See Cartwright, 3:259, and Bayne,

leprosie;

2:126.29-127.2.w

Yee shall polute

.

.

.

H here uses GB for Isaiah 30:22 but

hence.

changes "menstruous cloth" to "stayned rag."

of Popishe Abuses" {P.M., 2:127.20-26

M^hcn once they

Henry Bullinger

at

.

.

.

abroad.

it

passage

was

cited in

"A View

In Feb. 1566 Laurence

Thomas Sampson

Humphrey,

(see 2:95. 7.n)

wrote

Zurich seeking support in their struggle against the vest-

ments. BuUinger's answer was published declaring

The

p. 35n); see Cartwright, 3:257.

president of Magdalen College, Oxford, and to

140n.

p.

as

The judgement of

lawfull to weare the apparell prescribed (1566;

STC

.

.

.

H.

Bullinger

4063). See Zurich

.

.

.

Letters,

PS, 1:151-155, 345-355; Primus, The Vestments Controversy (1960), pp. 125-131;

and Bayne, pp. 141-142n.

694

Book 2:127.^

Page 54 in

p.74.

1.1.

2:131.29—34. M

V,

Chapter

1st

29.2-31.1

edn. of Cartwright's Replye.

Let him which approveth not

.

.

.

See

injoygned.

forty-

Basil's

seventh interrogation, "Concerning those \vho do not agree with the orders of the later called Regulae Justus tradatae: T6v ^ir\ icaTa6ex6/jevov Tcapa TOO npoecnayToc; eyKpiBevra, XPH (jKxvepmc; rj i6i<jc auT(^ dvriXeyeiv, el xiva exoi Xoyov iaxopdv Kara to PouXq/ia twv ypaijwv, f\ aicoTtqaavxa to TipocrreTay^evov noieiv. Opera (1551), p. 471; PG, 31:1036. H

governor," of what was

Toi

omitted the

f\

T.C.

2:132.3

before

i6i(jc.

p. 134.

1.1.

Page 105 in

1st

Whitgift, Defense, p. 485 (PS, 2:460-462).

edn. See 2:56.19-23.n, above, and

The

BCP

was designed

worship, to be heard and understood and participated in by

all.

for

common

See Cranmer's

defence against the rebels of Devon {Works, PS, 2:169-172) and the defence of the use of English in the Westminster Dispuution, 1559 (Cardwell, History of Conferences,

pp. 56-62).

Now because the Gospels

2:133.2-7.1/

spoke sharply of people

sitting

.

.

.

"A View of Popishe Abuses"

bowe.

while lessons are read but standing for the Gospel;

God command no reverence, but when "Jesus is named, then of goth the cappe, and down goeth the knees" (P.M., p. 29). furthermore, other names for

good

Cartw^right cited this passage, pointing out that such practices w^ere against

order and were dangerous (1:203 [163]); Whitgift, Defense, p. 739 (PS, 3:389). The BCP did not order standing at the Gospel, but the practice was ancient and

observed in the medieval church (Jungmann, Mass of the Roman

Bowing

name of Jesus was commanded by and was based on Phil. 2:9 ff.

Art.

And

Whitgift:

at the

Injunctions

2:133.11—12

moved

against Infldels

.

.

profitable.

.

Christians in the beginning the rather to

any other name of God, was bicause

bow

at

Rite,

1:447—448).

52 of the 1559 Royal

the

"One

reason that

name ofJesus, than

at

name was most hated and most conpersecutors of such as professed the name

this

temned of the wicked Jewes and other ofjesus"; Defense, p. 742 (PS, 3:390).

2:133.x

T.C.

2:133.20

1.3.

p. 215.

See also 1:203 [163].

"One who

Ordinarie of the place;

depuution, immediate jurisdiction in

2A3y-\34.y,z,b 2:134.23-25. c

1.1.

as

p. 115)

of

his

own

right

and not be

(OED).

Pages 54 and 105, respectively, in

p.l34.

nothinge to be done

Admonition {P.M.,

mighte

p.74

has,

ecclesiastical cases"

.

.

.

selje.

and others (Bayne,

1st

edn.

Cartwright here echoes the Second p. 150n).

Whitgift responded:

"You

well saye, that bicause a chylde of ten years olde can read the Byble

translated into Englishe, therefore the

Byble translated into Englishe maynteyneth

an unpreaching ministrie"; Defense,

482 (PS, 2:455).

1st

p.

edn.

695

1.1.

p.l33.

Page 104 in

Commentary 2:135.10-11

n

ten yeares

Quoting the Second Admonition {P.M.,

of age.

p. 101); see

preceding.

2:135.36-136.13

2:136.9-10

I

the dailie bruses

and Bayne,

19),

T.C.

2:136.27 lessons

have often

.

p.

.

.

.

See chaps. 79, 81.

case:

.

.

.

.

.

fallinge.

See A.C.L.,

p. 37,

H's note (4:53.17-

152n.

Cartwright faulted the

p. 184.

BCP because psalms, prayers, and

took up the time that might have been spent in preaching (1:133

Whitgift retorted: "the longest tyme

(if there

be no Communion)

is

[104]).

not more than

an houre; and can you spende that houre better than in praying and hearing the scripture read?"; Defense, p.

482

(PS, 2:455); see also Bridges, Defence, p. 625.

Cartwright responded: "Wherunto,

answer

I

that

yf with that hower, he allow an

other for the sermon: the tyme wil be longer, then the age of some, and infirmities

of other some, can ordinaryly wel bear" (3:184). Sunday morning worship in the

C

of E normally consisted of Morning Prayer, Litany, and Antecommunion with

Sermon

(see

2:137.2—6.
It is

121,

Ad

multiloquio et

B.C. P., 1559, pp. 375-376).

si

not as some do imagine

.

.

.

H

nightes.

quotes Augustine,

Probam viduam: "Neque enim, ut nonnuUi putant, hoc

sermo multus,

diutius oretur. Aliud est

de ipso domino scriptum

2:129"; PL, 33:501, as epist.

est,

orare in

aliud diuturnus affectus.

Nam

quod pernoctaverit in orando"; Opera (1555), 130.19. Proba, surnamed Faltonia, fled to Africa to est,

excape the barbarian invasion of Rome; Jerome praises her

(epist. 8, to

Demetrias,

her grand-daughter).

An

2:139.5—6

hower and a

We

2:139.23-25

halfe

.

.

.

have (they say)

Whitgift, Defense, pp.

499-500

Cartwright, 3:185.

service.

.

.

.

Cartwright, 1:138 [108], and

prayers.

(PS, 2:487), contrasting

prayers of the early church and of the continental

BCP

Reformed

prayers with the

churches.

It is

now

understood that the prayers of the people early developed in litany form, with short prayers or directions for prayer (Dix, Shape, pp. 42-44, 455, 477). Prayer in

the

Reformed

2:139.27-140.2

"Dicuntur

tradition

The brethren

firatres

in

brevissimas et raptim

plurimum tio";

as

necessaria

Aegypt

in

Wee is

.

longe.

ilia

Augustine,

epist.

orationes, sed eas

vigilanter erecta,

121:

tamen

quae oranti

per productiores moras evanescat atque hebetetur inten-

.

have no such formes betwixt

.

quodam modo jaculatas, ne est,

Lessons intermingled

there

.

Aegypto crebras quidem habere

Opera (1555), 2:129'; PL, 33:51,

2:140.16 2:141.J

was generally lengthy.

.

prayers.

.

.

as epist.

.

man and God:

,

130.20; see 2:137.2-6.n, above.

See chap. 23.1 and 2:110.6.n, above.

supplication.

so farre

is

Whitgift:

"As much

diflference

your similitude firom proving your

purpose: except you will admit the like similitude used by the Papists, to prove

praying to Saints"; Defense, p. 500 (PS, 2:487-488).

696

1.1.

p.l38.

Page 108 in

1st

Book This kind of reason

edn.

.

.

Chapter

V,

Mepi) ... ^iX6Tifiot.

2-A42.k

2:189. "For a

wherefore

The

use.

.

reference

Aristotle,

is

Rhetoric,

once a giving of

gift is at

31.2-35.3 to Malachi 1:14; see

\36\^; Opera

1.5;

/.

(1550),

and a token of honour;

a possession

by the ambitious and by those who are fond of money, and an honour for the former; so that both with what they want" (Loeb, p. 53).

gifts

are desired

since they are an acquisition for the latter

they ftimish

2:142.26-143.1./

If.

.

it is

.

and BB, "the sentence the

not

In KJV, a question: "Is

evell.

not read interrogatively, but

is

whom the Prophet is reproving"

mouth of those

as

it

not evil?" In

GB

an aflSrmation, put into

(Keble, 2:151n). Earlier edns.

corrected H's text to agree with KJV.

2:143.6

This complaint

oft rehearsinge

repetition in the

BCP

unduly

as

"Whence but the The words be good you when you pray use not vaine

See the Second Admonition:

learned they aU those needelesse repetitions? use

is

.

naught, forbidden by oure savioure:

repetitions as the heathen

doe [Matt.

.

.

he" {P.M.,

taken up in reproache of a foolishe Poet one thing many times"; Whitgift denied this,

saying that the

word paTToA-OYEiv

repetition; Defense, pp.

2:143.30-144.8

Wee

803-804

.

Cartwright

p. 114).

"vayne repetitions" arguing that

as

word "was

to repeate

.

.

6:7], saythe

defended the translation of PaTTaXoYiiaqTe the

of the overall Puritan objection to

part

is

ritualistic.

called Battus, citing

referred to babbling or

silly

which used

Beza and Erasmus, speech rather than

(PS, 3:513-516).

have of prayers

.

.

Glorie

.

This

list

of criticisms provides

a topical outline for chaps. 35—42. 1.1. p. 136

2:145.15, 25

2:145.16 2:145. m

2:543; {i.e.

Prttmissa

CCSL,

See A.C.L.,

baites. .

.

.

we

The

TertuUian

cited just above,

we

.

.

LACT

.

and customary prayer

(1841-1843), 5:329-339, 424-434.

orationem legitimam.

heavenly Jurist. 'After

manner pray

"Cum

chap. 10; Opera (1566),

have the right to pray about our chance

and Augustine, Enarrationes

"To

2:

oratione,

reference to n should precede "they request" (line 15).

8:1642—44; PL, 37:1849:

2:146.24—30.0

De

have the right of rearing an outward scaffolding of petitions." Compare

Luc. 11:1.

2:146.17—18

1st edn.;

36 (4:49.21-23).

TertuUian,

petitiones.

Andrewes, Ninety-Six Sermons,

2:146.8.M

p.

1:263. "After beginning with the legitimate

the Lord's Prayer) as a foundation

desires,

L.

cerUine

Pages 107 and 176, respectively, in

p.219.

494—495.

see Whitgift, Defense, pp.

TTiat

this

wee have

.

.

in

See TertuUian in the passage Psalmos,

142.6;

the Aposdes a rule of prayer

.

ye,'

requests?

He

Opera (1556),

was given by the

said" (Bayne, p. 162n).

Cyprian,

De

Oratione Dominica, chap.

ipsum habeamus apud Patrem advocatum pro peccatis

nostris,

peccatores pro delictis nostris petimus, advocati nostri verba promamus.

697

quando

Nam cum

Commentary quodcunque petierimus a quod petimus in

dicat, quia

Opera (1593),

p. 309;

An

2:147.15—23

PL, 4:521,

other fault

with some omissions;

.

.

.

nomine,

Christi

quanto

ejus, dabit nobis:

si

petamus

ipsius oratione";

chap. 3.

as

H

time.

he

thereafter,

nomine

Patre in

efHcacius impetramus

is

quoting through "dolhe beare"

is

(line 21),

paraphrasing. See Whitgift, Defense, p. 501

(PS, 2:492—494). Cartwright cites Justin

Martyr

when

saying that

as

the president

of the Christian assembly "has finished the prayers and the thanksgiving, people present shout their

'Amen' " {Apology

assent, saying,

Whitgift objected, pointing out that Justin Martyr also praise togither"; Defense, p. 502; PS, 2:493.

Twice we appoint

2:147.30-148.1

administration of bread and wine in

59).

(p.

all rise

1st

and

edn.

See the rubric before General

(p.

There were evidently

But

264).

Holy Communion

Morning Prayer

use of the Lord's Prayer in

"we do

Page 109 in

1559, p. 50) and the rubric after the

Holy Communion

rubrics preceding General Confession in

second use

said,

p.l39.

... receyved.

Confession in Morning Prayer (B.C. P.,

first

1.1

the

all

chap. 65 [67]).

1,

see also the

259), before the

(p.

and the rubric before the

(p. 51),

different practices, ranging firom the

minister speaking for the people to both minister and people speaking together.

2:\48.p

Ti^

.

.

Homilia

Basil,

(JKOVrjv.

.

PG, 29:212. "For who can

p. 55;

still

in

Psalmum primum, chap.

2;

reckon him an enemy with

Opera (1551),

whom

he has

God" (Bayne, p. 165n). H here emphasizes participation as communion among believers; see B.C. P., 1559, pp. 368—372, and 2:154.22-30, below, and Intro, to Book V, pp. 197-199, above. united his voice in praise to

custome

that

2:148.29-149.4.^

.

.

.

utterance.

That

is,

speaking with tongues,

ecstatic utterance.

sometime

2:150.1—3 in early

.

.

.

church practice

H refers to antiphonal reading, side to side, rooted

side.

when

psalms and canticles were sung antiphonally (see

2:155.19-20.n, below). 2:150.r

r|

"The

upvoXoyia.

KepieiCTiKi)

which binds together

singing

the sacred rites" (Bayne, p. 166n). Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite ecclesiastica hierarchia, 3.5;

benefit derived

what

On the ODCC.

follows.

church, see

The

2:150.8-9 sarea in

Opera (1562),

from psalms and

ancient

p. 140;

5C?),

all

De

3:432. Dionysius writes of the

lessons at the Eucharist, preparing the believer for

conflation of various

when

PG,

(late

they speake

men named

.

.

.

"Dionysius" in the early

discorses,

mind; see the opening two sections of Homilia

in

H

has Basil of

Cae-

Psalmum primum (PG,

29:212). See 2:\4S.p, 150.16-17, 153.14-154.4.5, and nn.

2:150.16-17

What

is

there necessarie

.

.

.

teach?

H

is

quoting

Basil, as

above:

ydp ouK av pdOoic; evreuOev; ou Tqg dvSpiaq to jjEYaA,07ipe7ie<;; ou Tqq SiKaioauvq^TO dxpipec;; ou aco(t)poa6vr|(;T6 ae^ivov; oo to Tfi<;povriaeo)<; Ti

698

Book

Chapter

V,

riXeiov; ou }iexavoiaq Tp67iov;

36.0-38.2

oox oiiopovfiq perpa. Opera

(1551), p. 55;

PG, 29:213.

The greatest opposition to church music was of musique with psalmes. provided by the Robert Browne, who, in A True and Short Declaration ([1583?];

2:151.4

STC

3910.5), wrote: "Their tossing to and fro of psalms and sentences,

whereto

tenisse plaie his

worship:

God

is

called to

as bie organs, solfaing,

who

Judg

is

like

can do best and be most gallant in

pricksong, chaunting, bussing and

mumbling

shewe of religion but indeed they tume it to gaming, and plaie mockholidaie with the worship of God"; sig. B3^; The Writings of Robert Harrison and Robert Broume, eds. Peel and Carlson, verie roundlie,

E.N.T. (1953),

on

Thus

divers handes.

have

thei

a

Moderate Puriuns were concerned

p. 415.

music was distracting and did not serve

that

much church

Percy Scholes, The Puritans

to edify; see

The Reformation was 16C England as the

and Music (London, 1934), and Davies, W.E.P., Append. B.

inimical to the continued composition of church music in

which

rituals for

it

was formerly intended were discarded; conversely, psalm-

singing blossomed, and from 1549 to 1600

some 167

editions

of metrical psalms

were pubUshed (STC, 1:99-107). 2:151.5—10

Touchinge musical!

.

.

.

The Pythagorean view of

harmonie.

heaven and earth emphasized the identity of world soul and world harmony. "The Pythagorean Simmias, in Plato's Phaedo (85e) -has the

same

relation to the

the 'lute of the soul'

body

which we

as

.

harmony

.

.

.

.

states that the soul is

has to the lute.

.

will find so often

is

harmony:

it

The concept of

here imminent"; Leo Spitzer,

and Christian Ideas of World Harmony (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1963), p. 15. Spitzer goes on to speak of the curative fimction of music: Classical

"the Pythagorean physician cured the soul

as

well

as

the body; health to

harmony, the proper 'attunement' of body and soul" preacher

as

(p.

16).

See

him was

Donne on

the

musicum carmen (2:87. 20-24. n, above). Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice

(Riverside edn.), 5.1.63—65, aUudes to the doctrine; and see Bayne, p. 168n.

2:152.21—25

They

wrhich under pretense

.

.

.

Comparing

other.

the early

church with that of the 16C, the Admonition complained: "They ministred the Sacrament [Holy Communion] plainely. surplesse

and cope wearyng" {P.M.,

not prescribed to be used I

am

sure

you do not

at the

We

p. 14).

pompously, with singing, pypyng,

Whitgift replied: "As for pyping,

Communion by

disallowe, beeing used in

allowed in Scriptures, and used in praysing of

from .

.

.

Defense, p.

all

any

rule, that

M. Doctor

easye bothe to be sung of those

arte

David"; Answere, quoted I

have answered before

wil not defend the piping/ and organes/ nor

no other singing then is used in the reformed churches: which is two Psalmes/ one in the beginning/ and an other in the ending/ wyth

it is

knowe. Synging

reformed Churches, and an

God by

606 (PS, 3:106). Cartwright responded: "

especially seeing that

I

whych

in the singing

because they can not read/ can not sing

no Churche of England,

the rest of the churche" (1:168 [133]). Whitgift countered: "I have heard

reasons as yet to improve the

of

in a plaine tune/

manner of singing used

699

in this

Commentary neyther do

say that

I

I

allow no other singing than

used in other reformed churches.

is

woulde not have any Churche to arrogate that perfection unto it selfe, that it should thinke all other Churches to be bounde unto it: it was the original cause of the pryde of the Churche of Rome. I have onely sayde that other reformed Churches allowed singing, which is true"; Defense, p. 607 (PS, 3:108). See B.C.P., 1559, pp. 350-351, and Peter Le Huray, Music and the Reformation in England, i 549-1660 (London: H.Jenkins, 1967). For

I

2:153.7—14 psalms in

Be it as De clericorum .

.

.

Rabanus Maurus (776-856), abbot of Fulda, on "Primitiva Ecclesia ita psallebat, ut modico

thinges.

institutione, 2.48:

flexu vocis faceret resonare psallentem: canenti. Propter carnales

autem

cantandi est instituta:

quia verbis

moveantur"; (1532), 2:153.14—154.4.5

Opera (1551), 2:154.21

ut,

•

spiritales,

non compunguntur,

.

projitt.

.

Homilia

Basil,

PG, 29:212-213. See Psalm 55:14,

ps. 54.14

non propter

suavitate

quam

consuetude

modulaminis

PL, 107:362.

p. 122;

St. Basil p. 55;

ut pronuncianti vicinior esset

ita

in Ecclesia,

GB

in

Psalmum Primum, chap.

1;

2:150.r.n, above.

and BCP. H's

citation

is

correct for the

Septuagint and the Vulgate.

2:154.17

1.1.

2:155.17—19

Page 163 in

p.203.

edn.

1st

these interlocutorie formes of speech

.

.

.

pietie?

Another passage

used by Barton and Halliburton to argue that Hooker's understanding of the reading of Scripture

On

is

"doxological" rather than edifying; see 2:71.14— 16. n. above.

"edification," seejude 2, §§ 7—20.

2:155.19—20

When and how

part of Jewish

custom

.

knowne.

.

.

Ezra 3:11,

(see

1

Antiphonal singing or chanting was

Chron. 29:20,

Ps. 106:45,

Matt. 26:30),

passing over into the Christian church. See Pliny the Younger, epist. 10.96, and Tertullian, are

Ad

uxorem, 2:9; Opera (1566), 2:132;

sung between two,

praise. Christ rejoices

who

strive

when He

sees

{Confessions, 9.7.15).

2:155.20-22. M

Socrates maketh Ignatius

(d.

shall sing best in

hymns God's

Ambrose introduced

the

custom in the

See 2:150.1-3. .

.

.

seeing a vision of angels praising the Trinity in

bishop of Antioch

1:394: "Psalms and

and hears them and sends them His peace"

(Bayne, p. 172n). Augustine reports that

West

CCSL,

with one another which

115?),

said to

is

selves.

As

hymns sung

a

consequence of

his

antiphonally, Ignatius,

this manner of singing to PG, 139:1390. Compare 2:156.26-

have introduced

the church there; Hist, eales. (1581), p. 455; 157.2.

2:155.23-27.1/

Theodoret,

458?), continued the Hist,

where two laymen,

.

.

.

Arrians.

eccles.

Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus (393?-

of Eusebius

down

to 428; see 2.9 (PG, 82:1000),

Flavian and Diodorus, later bishops, respectively, of Antioch

and Tarsus, "taught the people

to sing the Psalms

700

of David antiphonally, dividing

Book two

the singers into

Chapter

V,

They probably

to the

revived the practice rather

it.

Platina ... time.

2:155.27-29.u' ist,

which spread everywhere, "even

choirs," a practice

ends of the earth" (Bayne, p. 173n). than initiated

38.3-39.2

BartolomeoPlatina (1421-1481),

Italian

human-

author of Lives of the Popes (1479) and Vatican librarian under Sixtus IV, wrote

of Pope Damasus, patron of Jerome,

Church and

course in the

173n); see Historia de

And

2:155.29— 156.2.x

"Well

2.5:

is

vitis

the

Pontiftcum

"he

incoming congregation

it

as

the voices of men,

instituted the singing

Romanorum

therefore the eldest

Church

people pray you hear

when

that

the use of the Gloria at the

compared

often

.

.

.

Roirie.

to the sea.

Ambrose, Hexaemeron, At the first rush of the

all the passages with its waves. Then as the whole were the long withdrawing roar of those waves. And

women, all

virgins,

and children sing the Psalms by course

sounding together" (Bayne,

"Hexam.

(1567), 4:27; PL, 14:165. Whitgift cites Basil as

Amongst

the Grscians

.

.

.

together.

according to universal custom, parts,

when

p. 173n); see

Opera

4.," Defense, p. 502.

In epist. 63, written to the

clergy of Neocaesarea, Basil mentions the difficulties described

"Dividing into two

p.

(1572), p. 43.

floods it

there results a tumult of waves

2:156.2—10.)'

of Psalms by

end of each" (Bayne,

by

H and states that

the prayers are ended, psalmody begins.

they sing psalms antiphonally,

at

the

same time strength-

ening their apprehension of the word of Scripture, and preventing their minds or "

emotions firom wandering. Then coming together again, one rest all sing after

764,

as epist.

2:156.4

him" (Bayne,

is

precentor, and the

Opera (1551), pp. 311-312; PG, 32:760,

p. 174n);

207.

Sabellius the heretique

Godhead

Sebellianism was a

2C-3C heresy that Son and

"held that

was mere succession of modes or operations"; see ODCC under "Monarchianism." Sabellius himself seems to have been of Roman origin. Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra (d. 374?), "taught that in the Unity of the Godhead the Son and the Spirit only emerged as independent entities for the purposes of Creation and Redemption. After the redemptive work is achieved they will be resumed again into the Divine Unity and 'God will be all in all'. The clause in the Nicene Creed, 'whose Kingdom shall have no end', was inserted to combat his teaching" (ODCC). in the

2:156.16-20.2

the only differentiation [between the

And of the Churches

.

.

inventor of the literary letter {Epistulae

them; the tenth

(cited

by H) contains

.

selves.

Pliny the

curatius scriptae),

his official

the Father]

Younger

(61?-112?),

published nine books of

correspondence with Trajan about

the administration of Bithynia. See 2:155. 19-20.n, above.

2:156.20-26.0 tiva for a

and

Which

for anie thinge

.

.

.

Miriam.

See Philo's

De

vita

contempla-

discussion of the Therapeutae, an Alexandrian sect related to the Essenes,

their use

of antiphonal hymns;

Beveridge (1637-1708), Works,

in Lucubrationes (1555), p. 755. See also

LACT,

12:242, 251, 254.

701

William

Commentary 2:157.c

From whence

soever

740-741

Defense, pp.

came

it

.

.

For Whitgift's response, see

Churches.

.

(PS, 3:387).

men;

2:158.15-18

a thinge,

2:159.11-13

Let noveltie therefore

.

.

.

See 2:156.2-10.^.n, above. .

Ta apxaia

prevaile.

.

.

The opening of canon 6 of the Council of Nicaea; p/* Magnificat, Benedictus and

2:159.14

Nunc

I0q KparpiTCO.

Concilia (1585), 1:567.

Compare "A View

ditnittis.

and Magnificat, we what purpose, except some of them were ready to die, or excepte they would celebrate the memory of the virgine, and John Baptist, etc. Thus they of Popishe Abuses": "That they sing Benedictus, Nunc

knowe not

to

prophane the holy scriptures" {P.M., reason

we may

canticles, or little songs,

the Benedictus from

When

p. 29).

not use any of the Psalmes,

or other, w^hen they w^ere

They

dimittis

first

were

all

made";

Whitgift responded:

we

untill

"By

be in lyke case

494

Defense, p.

as

this

your

David was,

(PS, 2:478).

The

three

from the NT, the Magnificat from Luke 1:46—55,

Luke 1:68—79, and the Nunc Dimittis from Luke 2:29—32. and Compline, respectively.

are the Breviary canticles for Vespers, Lauds,

they came into the offices

we do

not know, although they were in their

accustomed places by the time of Benedict of Nursia (480?— 543?). 2:159.19

T.C.

Wee

2:159.20-21 2:160.32

Asaph

See

p.208.

1.3.

also Cartwright, 1:137 [107].

have allreadie

.

.

.

See chap. 37.

scriptures.

Identified as "the seer" in 2

Chron. 29:30, Asaph

is

credited with

authorship of twelve of the Psalms.

Of the Letanie. Compare "A View of Popishe Abuses": "They pray that men may be saved, and that they may be delivered from thundering and tempest, when no danger is nighe" {P.M., p. 29; Whitgift, Defense, p. 494; PS,

2:161.26 all

2:477). See B.C. P.,

Worship, ed.

2:162.15

W.

1559, pp. 68-76, 393, and E. C.

as Platina calleth

Romanorum

Pontificum

IS.M.n, below,

2:162.21-22

See the Hves of Leo

it.

p.l37.

Page 107 in

She cannot content

2:162.29-163.5.^ certe

non

statio facienda est,

1st

.

.

.

I,

Historia de

vitis

edn. of Rep/ye. spared.

TertuUian,

sui

Ad

ad impedienda fidelium studia

maritus de die condicat ad balneas,

maritus eadem, die convivium exerceat, familiae occupatio obveniat";

"Station" refers to half-fasts

ward

and Gregory

uxorem, 2.4.1:

potest pro disciplina satisfacere, habens in latere diaboli

servum, procuratorem domini

better to

I

(1572), pp. 50, 63; and see 2:155:27-29, above, 2:163.17-

and Cartwright, 3:204.

1.1.

"Domino

in Uturgy and

Ratcliflf,

K. Lowther Clarke (1932), pp. 282-287.

si

si

procedendum

Opera (1566), 2:128;

on Wednesdays and

et officia, ut,

erit,

CCSL,

numquam

1:388; PL,

magis

1:1294.

Fridays until 3 p.m. at which, the

off Satan, the faithful stood to pray; see Bayne, p. 180n.

702

si

ieiunia observanda sint,

Book

Chapter

V,

applied by Heathens

2:163.8—9./1

.

39.3-41.2

exequies.

. .

See Terence

(Roman

play-

wright, principally of comedies; 195—159 BC), Andria, 1.1.100: "funus interim procedit; sequimur" Comoediae sex (1583;

we

started;

STC

23886)

followed" (Loeb, 1:15—16). See also

Chremeti, quibus

commodum

est

concerns are desired

this

ire,

p. 6;

"presendy the hearse

his Phormio, 5.8.37:

hoc tempus

"Exsequias

est" (p. 339); "All

who

it

very hour to attend the funeral of Chremes" (Loeb,

2:115). 2:163.t

Martyres

.

.

progressura

.

Jerome,

sis.

Ad

22,

epist.

Eustodtium;

Opera

(1516), 1:64'; PL, 22:404, § 17.

2:163.y

Socrat.

1.6. c.8.

Sozotn. 1.8. c.8. Both Socrates and Sozomen vrrote of who, deprived of their churches, met at night to sing

Arians in Constantinople, antiphonal

hymns

in support

hymns

of their teachings. In the morning they \vent through

of worship. John Chrysostom organized rival whose expenses were bom by the Empress Eudoxia. See 2: 155. 20-22. w.n, above, and Hist, ecdes. (1581), pp. 455, 770-771. Sozomen was the early 5C continuator of Eusebius's Hist, ecdes. He was a younger contemporary of Socrates the city chanting the

in places

singers,

Theod.

Scholasticus; his portion, in nine books, covers the years 323—425.

C.24.

First cited at

2:155.23—27; see

n

above.

Book

St.

Babylus from Daphne by the Christians,

set

out for the grave, having placed the coffin on a

before

it,

at

1.2.

2.24 concerns the removal of

the order of Julian. cart;

and

all

"They joyfully

of them, walking

sang in chorus and chanted the Psalms of David, and

at

every pause

Confounded be all those who worship graven images" (PG, 82:1097, as Novel. 68.51. Justinian, Novellae, 67.1 (probably meant here) forbids the

shouted. 6.6).

which nray simply mean

consecration of chapels without public processions, services;

(1590), col. 143; SchoeU-Kroll (1963), p. 344; Scott, 16:259. Novella

123.32 forbids

laity to

conduct

litanies

without clergy, but the word Xixaveia

need mean no more than "solemn supplication"; (1590),

col.

255; Schoell-Kroll

dericos Neocaesareos:

Ai Aixaveiai, aq

(1963), p. 617; Scott, 17:98.

2:163.

ife

Basil, ep. 63.

Basil, epist. 63,

Ad

upetg vOv eTCiTnSeoere. Opera (1551), p. 312; PG, 32:764. "The litanies you noAv use." In this instance "litany" means solemn supplication, not procession. See Bayne, pp. 181n, and 2:156.2— lO.n, above. Niceph. 1.14 c.3. Nicephorus describes how, during a period of heavy rains, Emperor Theodosius the Younger

"And they went forth God" (Bayne, p. 181n); Theodos. Georgius Cedrenus, IIC

suspended circus games and proposed public prayers instead: in procession saying their litanies,

and offering hymns

to

hist. (1562), p. 437. Cedren. in Greek monk, compiled a synopsis of history telling how Theodosius, after three years of earthquakes, paid heed to the revelation received by Bishop Proclus that

Ecdes.

he should supphcate (XiTttveueiv) according to

a certain formula.

Theodosius and

Pulcheria issued an edict that in the future the world should sing the divine in that style (ouTO) V|rdX,Xea6ai

tov eeiov upvov). See

703

his

hymn

Annates (1566), p. 281.

Commentary Mainercus

2:163.17 error

is

As Bayne notes

Cartwright's: see 2:162.6).

remembered

H

(ODCC).

dismissed

Psalmes,

which

496. See

nn

(d.

Day

.

.

were made

all

ward

to

might

.

as

at the first

(the

475?),

on

the

off earthquakes and like natural [107]).

Whitgift

well be alleaged, agaynst any of the

upon some

speciall occasion"; Defense, p.

following.

2:163.29-164.3./

Mamertus

Mamertus

correctly,

quotes Cartwright's complaint (1:137

"your reasons

it:

more

archbishop of Vienne in Gaul

here) for having introduced the processional "litanies"

(as

three days preceding Ascension disasters

182n),

(p.

He was

Sidonius

that the

in the rogations

.

.

adversaries.

.

you

Sidonius

Roman

Goths are entering

territory

that

reports

7.1)

(epist.

and

to

"our only hope

is

instituted" (Bayne, p. 182n); Lucubrationes (1542), p. 209; PL,

58:563. For Sidonius, see 2:34/n, above.

2:164.8— 11. m

Whereupon

Canon 27 of the

... service.

first

Council of Orleans

(=Aurelia) (511, not 506) directed that "all churches shall celebrate the Rogations, i.e.

the Litanies, before Ascension Day, so that the three days'

of the Ascension";

fast

ends

at the Feast

Concilia (1585), 2:513; Hefele, History of the Councils, 4:91.

See

E. C. Ratcliff, in Liturgy and Worship, ed. Clarke, pp. 282—283.

2:164.17— 18. n

Cologne

Which

thinge

.

justified processions

through the

might be made but admitted preferred

.

See chap. 8 of the Council of

province.

.

(1536): "Processiones intra septa Ecclesiarum peragendae."

them

to

fields that

been abused and therefore

that the practice has

be confined to the

interior

of churches;

5:282. Injunction 23 of the Royal Injunctions of

H

also in order that

and thus be

edified.

cites Concilia (1585),

Edward VI

processions outside churches because of the contention and

them, but

The Council

prayer for the preservation of the crops

(1547) prohibited associated with

strife

people might better hear inside the church building

Henceforth, "immediately before High Mass, the

priests

with

others of the choir shall kneel in the midst of the church, and sing or say plainly

and

distinctly the Litany

which

is

set forth in English";

and

Visitation Articles

Injurutions, ed. Frere (1910), 3:124.

Of

2:165.23

Quicunque

Athanasius Creed and Gloria patri.

uult) is

found

be used {B.C. P., 1559, York: Harper and

Row,

in

Evensong, preceded by

p. 64); see J.

N. D.

The Athanasian Creed

a rubric specifying

Kelly, The Athanasian Creed

is

in Athanasius Creede, that that

response to Whitgift's Answere

{q

"I

(or shall

(New

would knowe what

must be upon highe dayes

them) rather then the Apostles Creede" {P.M.,

at

it

1964), and for the Puritan understanding, Davies, W.E.P.,

Append. C. The Second Admonition had simply demanded: there

when

p.

117).

H

(as

they terme

quotes Cartwright's

should have been placed beneath the chapter

2:165.23, not keyed to "Arius," 166.7). Concerning the Gloria

patri,

title,

the Second

many prayers of one effect, many times Glorye be to the Father, so manye times the Lorde be with you, so many times let us pray. ... is it not the popishe Gloria patri?" {P.M., p. 114).

Admonition asked: "where learned they to multiplie up so

704

Book

Chapter

V,

Whitgift defends the Athanasian Creed the Trinitie, such as

who

judges those

necessary for

is

object to

"why

unquietnesse." As to

its

as

41.2-42.2

"a playne declaration of the mysterie of

men

Christian

all

leame and know" and

to

"ofte repetition" suspect of "singularitie and

Whitgift

that Glori patri should be so often repeated,"

simply replied that "a good thing cannot be to ofte sayde or hearde"; Defense, p. 496. In the context of the on-going Admonition controversy, chap. 42 seems very

much

be necessary

to

4C

an excursus on the

toward the chapter's contrast to

doctrine at

close,

becomes

clear only

Glori Patri

heresy, Arianism.

groups on the continent

radical

who moved

TTtis faith receyved

.

.

Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses,

truth.

.

rule

of

according to Irenaeus.

faith

"Hanc praedicationem cum

acceperit, et

praediximus, ecclesia, et quidem in universum custodit, quasi

down of

Church (London:

.

.

.

.

.

.

cor, et consonanter

Sicut sol creaturae dei in universo veritatis,

ubique lucet,

R.

SCM

This rule

De

P.

et

19—20.

docet et

unam

tradit quasi

mundo unus

et illuminat

veritatis venire"; ibid., pp.

the rule of faith, see

instituta nullas

et idem est, omnes homines, qui

On

the oral tradition

C. Hanson, Tradition

in the

of

Early

Press, 1962), chaps. 1—3. .

After presenting a creed or rule of &ith,

Gospell.

.

.

13.8, wrote:

praescriptione haereticorum,

habet apud nos quaestiones

haereticos faciunt"; Opera (1566), 1:168; after

disseminata, diligenter

haec praedicat

volunt ad cognitionem

Tertullian, in

quotes firom

unum

et

possidens os

2:166.4—7 .p

mundum

H

quemadmodum

inhabitans, et similiter credit hiis videlicet quasi

lumen, praedicatio

passing

hanc fidem,

unam domum

animam habens

unum

the admonitory

enim per universum orbem usque ad fines terrae seminata, et discipulis eorum accepit earn fidem, quae est in unum deum"

There then follows the

chap. 3 from:

sic et

Hence

3: "Ecclesia

ab Apostolis, et a etc.

to attack papal

of its history here. See IV.8.2 (1:299.5-16), and 2:177.20-30.n, below.

2:165.27—166.4.0

and

trinitarian belief, in

supposed core. In H's view these groups were simply recapitulating

its

the doctrinal turmoil of the church's early history of heresy. retelling

1.2

as

of the orthodoxy of

talismans, protective

more

However,

H regards both the Athanasian Creed and the

another version of the rule of

nisi

CCSL,

faith,

"Haec

regula a Christo

quas haereses inferunt et quae

1:198. In Adversus Praxean, 2.2,

he wrote: "Hanc regulam ab

initio

nedum ante Praxean omnium haereticorum quam ipsa novellitas

evangelii decucurrisse, etiam ante priores quosque haereticos,

hestemum, probabit tam Praxeae hestemi";

ipsa posteritas

ibid., 1:672;

CCSL,

1:1160. See Hanson, Tradition in the Early

Churdi, p. 87.

2:166.8-9

Arius a priest

.

.

.

Allexandria,

Pupil of Lucian of Antioch, promi-

nent in teachings called Arian and condemned by various Councils from Nicaea (325) on, Arius died in 335. See chaps. 52 and 54.10.

2:166.16

Bishop of the same Church,

church of Alexandria from 313;

Alexander

at his instigation, a

municated Arius in 321.

705

(d.

328) was bishop of the

council of his clergy

excom-

Commentary the dayes of Valentinian

2:167.26 in

367 he proclaimed

2:168.23—24. r

his ansMrer

Valentinian

I

(d.

375) was emperor 364—367;

son Gradan emperor.

his

.

.

.

"By

Eleazars was,

refusing the unclean food (Lev,

Law, upon Jewish

11:7—8), Eleazar spurned the unlawful sacrifice and remained faithful to the

becoming

a witness (martyr)

obedience"; y. B.C. (1968),

to

importance and to

its

its

claims

p. 483.

Major centenario. Sulpicius Severus, Saaa historia, 2.40; (1573), fol. 102'; NPNF.2, 11:117. Ossius (or Hosius), bishop of Cordova, was born about 257. In 356 Athanasius reported that he had been bishop "more than sixty years" {History of the Arians, chap. 42). The date of his death is unknown.

2:168.5

PL, 20:152;

nothinge more grieved him

2:169.18-21

21.26

Oratio,

Constantius is

{In

laudam

.

.

.

Constantius

II

summoned

the Tigris) was a notable outpost of

Ex parte nostra

the pagan Julian the Apos-

.

East, respectively, in

(ODCC). Arimine = Rimini;

Greek

359

of but

learning and

little

prudence had been

little

men were

imbued, too, with

their old unfaithful doctrines;

Saaa

historia,

2.41; (1573),

sent, skillful

selected; while

and abounding in

talent,

and these

easily

Severus,

Sacra

on

the side

thoroughly

got the upper

w^ith the prince."

Eisdemque

2:170.M

.

.

loqueretur.

.

(1573),

them

confession of faith

a

Sulpitius

2 A3;

historia,

NP-NF.2, 11:117: "At the same time, he hands which had been drawn up by these wicked men, and

104"; PL, 20:152;

fol.

which, being expressed in deceptive terms, seemed to exhibit the Catholic while unfaithfulness secretly lay hid in 2:171.4-5

And

in this respect

.

.

.

conjecture; see Bayne,

2:171.5-6

Rome, first

JuHus

I

(pope, 337-352) was a

presented to Julius

I is

a matter

and afterwardes

.

.

.Jovian,

Gregory of Nazianzus writes of the rule

of Jovian by Athanasius, but it was not the Athanasian Creed; 21.34; Opera (1550), p. 107; PG, 35:1124. Jovian was emperor 363-364. .

.

.

pimaifiov.

preceding): "This confession was,

and West

alike

of

p. 189n.

faith sent to

TauTqv

faith,

it."

supporter of Athanasius. That the creed was

2:171.1/

in

Seleucia (on

civilization in the orient.

Sulpitius Severus,

extiterunt.

.

new dogmas.

Synods to which the Emperor

West and

of the Arians, old

hand

chap. 33.

PL, 20:152; NP-NF.2, 11:117: "But on the part of our people, young

fol. 103'^'';

men

.

Two

Seleucia

the bishops of the

an attempt to setde the Arian dispute

2:170.t

made

junior imperial colleague, Caesar, and lent his support to

Synodes o£Arimine and

2:169.24

as

(324—361) was the third son of Constantine the Great. His remorse

II

attributed to his having put relatives to death,

tate, his

See Gregory of Nazianzus,

fall.

Opera (1550), p. 106; PG, 35:1112,

athanasit);

who had

in

Gregoiy of Nazianzus, Oratio 21.33 it

seems, greeted with respect by

them any

life"

706

(Bayne, p. 190n).

all

Oratio

(see

n

in the East

Book Then

written,

witness to the

Quicunque

2:171.10-11 earliest

542.

He

locates

(pp. 110—114).

its

Chapter

V,

42.2-42.9

Kelly {Athanasian Creed, p. 35) says "that the Caesarius

is

.

.

.

who was

primate of Aries" 502—

composition in south Gaul somewhere between 435 and 535

See Daniel Waterland,

of the Athanasian Creed, in his

Critical History

Works (Oxford, 1823), 4:241-269.

That creed

2:171. u'

.

.

That

Gospel!.

.

what

is,

is

commonly

Nicene

called the

Creed, so called in the Thirty-Nine Articles and used in the celebration of Holy

Communion. See "The Order

of

for the Administration

.

.

Holy Comunion,"

.

B.C. P., 1559, pp. 250-251, and 2:212.16-22.n, below.

For that of Hilaric

2: 172.5-1 0.x

.

.

fceW.

.

Hilary (401 ?-450?), archbishop of

"Non enim ignorat prudentissima pietas tua, quanto auctoritate nominum in sententia teneantur, aut a

Aries, epist. to Augustine, § 8:

plures sint in Ecclesia, qui

sententia transferantur"; in Augustine, Opera (1556), 7:1230; PL, 33:1011.

hymne of glorie.

the

2:172.10

The

Gloria Patri, used to conclude the reading

of

the Psalms; see B.C. P., 1559, pp. 53, 64.

fVee must glory. Basil, epist. 78: 6ei yap HMOtq PaTtTii^eaSai 7iapeX,&po^ev KiaTeueiv 6e aq PanTi^opeea' 6o^&^eiv 6^ ax;

2:172.27-28.b

^tv

ax;

.

TteTiiaTeuKa/iEv,

PG, 32:549,

.

.

IlaTepa Kai Yiov Kai 'Ayiov IlveOfia. Opera (1551), p. 330; 125. From a document submitted for Eusuthius (d. 337?),

as epist.

deposed bishop of Antioch, to sign in proof of his orthodoxy; see Eusebius, Constantini, 3.62,

2:173.5-6

and Socrates,

aic65ei^ia

understandinge

.

.

.

De

vita

Hist, eccles., 1.23.8—24.1.

connection with the quote

Basil in

above. i/'(sayth Fcebadius

2:173. 13-16. c

Gaul

(d. after

quomodo

.

.

.

Sonne.

Phoebadius, bishop of Agennum in

me

392), Liber contra Arianos, chap. 8: "Pater, inquit, maior

maior, statim haeretica praesumptione definiunt, Honore,

dignitate, maiestate.

est:

et

claritate,

Quod si ita est, cur iubetur ut omnes honorificant Filium, sicut Quod si ita est, ergo quotidie blasphemamus in gratiarum

honorificant Patrem?

actionibus et oblationibus sacrificiorum,

communia haec

Patri et Filio confitentes";

in Veterum aliquot Galliae theologorum scripta (1586), pp. 94—95; PL, 20:21.

In theire

2:173.20-26.
in coetus pro more,

rum

singuli

.

.

.

inequalitie.

Sozomen,

Hist, eccles.,

dum Deum hymnis collaudabant,

suam opinionem

declararent, et

alii

3.19 [H: 4.19]: "sed

distributi,

sub fidem

hymno-

non patrem modo, sed

etiam, utpote patri honore aequalem, gloria efferrent,

alii

patrem in

filium

filio

esse

dicerent, atque per hanc praepositionem In, filium patre inferiorem ostendere p. 665. He goes on to speak of the Council of Nicaea and of who would not restrain the Athanasian party but rather touched his hair, saying, "When this snow is melted there will be much mud." Leontius

conarentur"; (1581), Leontius,

white

was bishop of Jerusalem that clergy

(fl.

534?). Theodoret, Hist,

and people were divided into two

707

eccles.,

parties,

2.24, says: "Perceiving

one using the conjunction

Commentary Whom

and in glorifying the Son, and the other giving the preposition by

Son and

in to

inaudibly;

the

Aetius

2:177.10

as

confidence ... innovation.

he explains in chap.

Arrianisme

2:177.19—20

saeculorum'

"; (1581), pp.

See 2:212.13-14.n, below.

of the Holy

Spiritu extolling the full divinity

enemies,

'in saecula

See

nn

Spirit to

Basil

wrote

his

De Sawdo

defend himself against

and 5-8 (4:186) and 2:165.23, above.

to 4:10.3-4

the blasphemies of Arrians ... renued;

STC

England [= CD.]),

21226-27;

PS

rpr. in

Thomas Rogers

In The English Creede,

to

tures," the Tritheites as those

Father"

(p. 72),

Macedonians (p.

48).

who

soul,

as

1,

1585;

Church of

those

"who

but the motion of God in

else

Holy Ghost

to

his crea-

be inferior unto the

who believed that "Christ really and indeed man in appearance only" (p. 51), and the

but was

Son

"utterly denied the

Rogers was responding

the

before his incarnation" (PS, p. 48)

"affirm the

the Eutychians those

had neither body nor

God

be nothing

who

The Catholic Doctrine of

as

1616) defined Samosatenians

(d.

thought that Christ was not the Son of

and "deliver the Holy Ghost

his

Opera (1551), pp. 247—248; PG, 32:67, 69.

1;

Consenting with the True, Auncient, Catholique, and Apostolique Church (Part Part 2, 1587;

to the

of Glory

See 2:1 55.23-27.1/. n, above.

p. 192n.

Upon which

2:175.1—12

Hymn

he himself (Leontius) uttered the

Spirit,

and those standing near heard only

537-538; Bayne, 2:174.4

Holy

to be

A

to Fulke's

of one substance with the Father" Briefe

and Plaine Declaration; see

2:105.7.n, above.

2:177.20-30

renued by them

who

.

.

.

explaned.

H

means

that in order to

guard against the anti-Trinitarian heresies that continue to plague the church

it is

necessary to use the Athanasian Creed in public worship. Bayne's notes (pp. 196-

198) supply the necessary context here.

H has in mind a letter of Beza to Duditius

published in 1573 {Epistolarum theologicarum tractationum theologicarum, vol. 3),

.

.

.

which he had

liber

and 1582 {Volumen

unus)

and n, above). Beza enumerates the anti-Trinitarian heresies of such Michael Servetus (burnt for heresy Socinus, Paul Alciat,

beheaded in Berne (d.

1601), gave his

at

Geneva

name

to an early

have read of Gentilis from

in the

.

men

as

Italians Laelius

Gentilis.

Gentilis

form of unitarianism, Socinianism.

same

.

was

and the nephew of Socinus, Faustus

Valentini Gentilis teterrimi haeretici

(Geneva, 1567), to which Beza contributed

of Benedict Aretius printed

men

and the

in 1583),

George Blandrata, and Valentine

for his opinions in 1566,

.

cited in Just. § 17 (see 5:125.2. fe

a Preface, as

year.

well

.

.

as

.

H

could

breuis explicatio

the Breuis historia

Driven out of Switzerland, these

took refuge in Poland, Bohemia, and Transylvania. Despite

in his Brevis admonitio ad fratres Polonos (Geneva, 1565)

and

efforts

by Calvin,

letters, to

reconcile

them, the anti-Trinitarians were excluded from orthodox Reformed churches and

became

a separate sect in 1565. Fear

of such sectarianism underlies H's vehemence

here.

708

Book

Chapter

V,

42.9-43.4

Having affirmed the proposition that the Nicene, Athanasian to be received and believed," Rogers writes: "Therefore much out of the way of godliness are they which term the Apostles' creed, a forged patchery; as Barrow doth: and Athanasius', Sathanasius' creed; so did Gregorius Paulus in Polonia, and the new Arians and Nestorians in Lithuania" {CD., PS, p. 93). The underlying anti-papalism of the attack on the Athanasian

2:177.28

Satanasius

and Apostles' Creeds "ought

Creed

is

evident from a tract by John Wigand,

in Polonia exortos,

H

Gentilis (1567), p. 76,

which

recens exorti sunt, et

quorum

Deo, contra novos Arianos nuper

ambitione veluti Scarabaei ex

refering to: "Sic novi Ariani, qui in Polonia jam

is

ducem

sese caput et

profitetur

ediu monstrosa tabula

Pauli, Minister Cracoviensis,

partem revelationis

De

printed in Beza's Brevis explicatio of the heresies of Valentine

asinis

mortuis pullulant.

et

Nam Luthero vix minimam

et destructionis Antichristi relinquunt,

tecti in aedificio Antichristiano

quidam Gregorius

Turri Babel, ex putrida

nempe

denudationem. At sibimetipis

superioris

isti

tantum

spiritus arrogant

Antichristi excisionem et extirpationem ab imis usque fundamentis." Gregorius

pun on

Paulus was responsible for the

name of

the

Athanasius

H

quotes. See

Bayne, pp. 197— 198n, and n preceding. 2:177.31—178.3.^

Mortuis authoribus

.

.

.

continueth.

chap. 8; in Veterum aliquot Galliae theologorum "scelerata"

2:178.8

is

1.1.

Phoebadius, Contra Arianos,

(1586), pp. 88-89,

scripta

where H's

"scelera"; PL, 20:18. See 2:173.13— 16.n, above.

p. 138.

Page 108 in the

where

1st edn.,

"necessarie" (line 6)

is

"neces-

sarily."

2:178.16—17

There are no

.

.

.

Paraphrasing Cartwright

petitions

(lines

5—14).

Neither may we take it come. See the second exhortation to communion, derived from the Order of Communion (1548; STC 16456.5), B.C. P.,

2:178.19—24

.

.

.

1559, p. 256, and also the Thanksgiving

Wherefore have they not

2:178.27—29

Common

.

.

A

prayer?

.

Booke of

the

Forme of

Prayer (1585?); see 2:71. z.n, above.

2:180.14— 18.y it

265).

(p.

whereby we beg

.

.

.

This passage should be in

prayers.

italics, as

continues the quotation from Cartwright, 1:138 [108].

2:180.30-181.6

Our custome

therefore

.

.

.

require.

From

time

time

to

occasional forms of prayer and thanksgiving were issued, for instance that issued in

1585 for use in the diocese of Winchester {Liturgical Services, ed.

when

the Parry plot

was discovered

Clay, PS, p. 587). Other such orders of prayer and thanksgiv-

ing, intended for use in parish churches

and

cathedrals,

were

issued for the cessa-

tion of the plague, for the delivery of the Isle of Malu in 1565, for the suppression

of the

rising in the

North

in 1569, to celebrate the queen's Accession

suppression of the Babington plot, for the defeat of the Spanish

and

for the preservation

of queen and realm in 1594

709

(pp.

Day, for the

Armada

457—689).

in

1

588,

Commentary In some things

2:181.26-27

.

.

From

unsound.

.

H

discussion of the sacraments in chap. 50,

here on, to the beginning of his

considers the specifically doctrinal

made by Puritans against the BCP. Chapter 45 concerns Christ's overcoming death and opening the kingdom of heaven to all believers, and thus objections

pertains to the Te

Deum

laudamus {B.C. P., 1559, p. 54). Chapter 46, concerning

Liuny

deliverance firom sudden death, pertains to a petition in the

47 concerns the

collect for the 12th

Sunday

after Trinity

the offertory, both pertaining to the approach to

God

and

and

Litany

Compare

(p. 71).

December

"Now

1583:

all

may

marke the

us

which

is

more then

Christ

collect against

be

commended

we undergoe no

to his disciples,

is

all

that

diverse such like, as

when

praier

adversitye.

we

be in daunger and that

which cannot be

made

is

Saint John saithe. things, that

174).

kinde of daun-

more then

Of like

sorte

is

taught in

is

that in the

and concorde wishes

to

all

enemies or freendes of the Gospell. Succour, helpe and comforte

thei

desired, to

also in the Letanie unitye

all perilles;

(pp. 72,

by John Field to Parliament on 8 and first those that be false

the doctrine of the Gospell, and therefore erroneous.

nations,

Sunday

particulers

.... First a praier in the 3. collect for grace that ger,

266—

adversity, pertains to

find mercy, pertains to a petition in the

the articles presented let

all

also the collect for Trinity

Chapter 49, concerning prayer that

Chapter

in humility (pp. 193,

267). Chapter 48, concerning prayer to be delivered firom a prayer in the Litany,

(p. 69).

a prayer for use after

for

There

all infidells

is

a

synne

indifferentlie

justified, as

and heretikes,

etc.

without lymitation, with

warrantable by the in

And when we

multis

PRO,

alliis";

S.

P.

God

desire

dare not aske, and to be delivered from

Cum

worde of god,

what degree soever. Where

12/164, 11,

to give us those

all

bodilye hurte and

fol.

25; see 2:119.22-

120.21. n, above.

Lake of the

2:182.2-3

The

fathers.

Second Admonition: "Other things there are

maintained by some of them which are not agreeable with the Scripture: namely the is

false

Creede (he descended into

interpretation of this clause in our

expresly set

downe

contrary to the scriptures in the Creede

made

hell)

these wordes: His spirite did after this descend into the lower parts, to

them

long in darknesse were, the true light of their heartes. If they can warrant

of the

scriptures,

then Limbus patrum, and within

this

that

oute

while purgatorie will be

The Rheims NT (1582, STC 2884) has "The bosom of Abraham is the resting place of all them

founde oute there" {P.M., note on Luke 16:22:

a

which

meter in

in

p. 118).

this

that

died in perfect state of grace before Christ's time, heaven being shut from men. is

called in Zachary ix.4, a 'lake

without water' and sometimes a

commonly by the divines 'limbus patrum' for been the nigher part or brim of hell" (Bayne, p. 201n). but most

2:182.16-17

When

2:182.22-24

Now

thou hadst

.

.

.

believers.

whatsoever he did

.

.

.

that

'prison'

it is

thought to have

See 2:181.26-27.n, above. up.

Christ's descent into hell

was

matter of contention in the Elizabethan church (see Milward, pp. 163-168). Puritans

were aligned with Calvin, who,

710

It

(Is. lxii.7)

against the literal understanding

a

The

of the

Book

Chapter

V,

medieval church, taught that the is

"an expression of the

2.16.10).

on

On

hell in the

Creed

torment that Christ underwent for us"

{Inst.,

article

spiritual

2 August 1585, in a

44.0-46.0

of Christ's descent into

bishops troubled by preachers at odds

letter to

RC

the matter, Whitgift explained that he refused the

"descended into that the soules

He

god."

from thence the

hell, to fetche

of the Righteous departed were before of the

also rejected the teachings

means "the paynes of hel" and doe

position: "I

.

.

.

beleeve, and

that

am

tyme

I

literally.

am

perswaded

in the handes of

Calvinists, that "the

not to be taken

is

teaching that Christ

fathers etc. for

He

name of

hel"

takes a third

undoubtedly perswaded that Christe (accord-

ing to the >vordes of the Creede) descended in to hel, in deed, in soule not ther to suffer anye thinge (for that w^as before finished

him

and lande. So

that his descension

a parte

is

parte of his passion" (Bodleian Library, p.

uppon

be the Victor, Conqueror, and Lorde of hel

selfe to

the crosse) but to shew^

as

before he did of the sea

of his victorye, and triumphe and not

MS Rawlinson C.167, fol.17').

See Bayne,

203n.

2:183.8— 11. w

Helvidius

against

theologian, was attacked by

whome

Jerome

in

.

De

.

.

Helvidius,

borne,

a

4C

Latin

perpetua virginitate B. Mariae adversus

Heluidium (PL, 23:185) for denying Mary's perpetual virginity in his defense of

marriage against the prevalent exaltation of virginity. Helvidius held that the

Brethren of the Lord Qames, Joseph, Simon, and Jude; see Acts 1:14,

1

Cor. 9:5) were in

replied that they

Augustine,

De

were the sons of another Mary,

John

7:3,

of the Virgin (ODCC). See

sister

Mariae contradicunt, ut eam post Christum

mirum

utero suo Joseph peperisse contendant: sed

nomine, Antidicomaritas Epiphanius 2:183.n

6:3,

Quodvultdeum, heresy 84: "Helvidiani exorti ab Hel-

haeresibus ad

vidio, ita virginitati

Mark

of Joseph and Mary. Jerome

fact the natural sons

Lyr. super Gen. 49.

alios

etiam

de

filios

ni istos praetermisso Helvidii

appellavit"; Opera (1555), 6:7*; PL, 42:46.

Nicholas of Lyra, commenting on "moraliter" in the

Vulgate version of the blessing of Joseph (Gen. 49:26), says that "however justi-

were not "admitted to the kingdom" of God and that only them from "limbo" (literally the "edge" or "rim" of Hell) and translate them to Heaven; Textus Biblie, Prima Pars (1506), fol. 119*. Th. p.3. q.52. ar.5. See Aquinas, S.T., 3a. 52. 5, on Christ's descent into hell; (1588, 3:167 —171 ); and Additiones tertiam partem, 69.4 and 6, on the meaning of the terms used for Hades (4:459'-462''). fied" the ancient fathers

Christ could retrieve

2:183.29—184.1.0

Christs exaltation

.

.

.

heavens.

primus: "Christi ascensio, nostra provectio spes vocatur et corporis.

.

.

Leo

est, et

I,

quo

Hodie enim non solum

.

De ascensione Domini,

2:184.4

sigs.

eo

paradisi possessores firmati

sumus, sed etiam coelorum in Christo supema penetravimus"; Sermones (1482),

sermo

processit gloria capitis,

et epistolae

L8''-Mf; PL, 54:396, chap. 73.

Touchinge prayer

.

.

.

death.

413.19, below. See also Bettie

See 2:181.26-27.n, above, and 2:409.8-

Anne Doebler, The

711

Quickening Seed: Death in the

Commentary Sermons ofJohn Donne (Salzburg: Institut 2,

where she

Cyrus

2:184.25

.

.

Englische Sprache, 1974), esp. chap.

Founder of the Archaemenid Persian Empire, Cyrus

Socrates

.

fiir

H.

discusses

(559—529 BC) became the model of the upright ruler for the Greeks; Xenophon (427?—354? BC) discusses his rule in his Cyropaedia. Plato describes Socrates's

trial

and death in the Apology. Elihu

2:184.26

The

dialogue with Job 2:185. r

is

fourth of Job's questioners; cited also at 2:188. 1—4.J/. His

now

Cyp. de mortal.

thought to be a Cyprian,

De

later interpolation.

chap. 13, written to comfort the

mortalitate,

during a time of plague, refers to a "youth, venerable in honor and

faithful

majesty, lofty in stature and shining in aspect,"

who

stood by the side of a "col-

league and fellow-priest" w^hen he was at the point of death and rebuked his cow^ardice: Cyprian concludes that God's providence

must have sent him; Opera

(1593), p. 345; PL, 4:595, chap. 11; Bayne, p. 206n.

The sermon was

STC

three times in the 16C:

2:186.21-23

Prayer that those things

2:186.27

p. 136.

1.1.

.

.

Page 107 in the

our owne unworthynesse

...

1st

edn. Whitgift avers that "acknowledging

the roote and

is

Mefivi]fievo<;

.

.

unepPoXi)^.

.

See 2:181.26-27.n, above.

graunt.

.

ground of

Philo Judaeus,

chap. 14; Opera (1552), p. 93. "For if

every particular you will also be sure to

humilitie,

one of the

493 (PS, 2:476).

principal ornaments of prayer"; Defense, p.

2:187. f

translated

6152 (1556), 6157 (1534), and 6159.3 (1553).

De

sacrificiis

Ahelis

et

Caini,

you remember your own nothingness in remember the exceeding greatness of God

in every thing" (Bayne, p. 207n).

That which wee

2:187.2-6 2:188. M

Amongst

.

.

feare?

.

the parts ... 5.

See chap. 3.1, Vl.3.2, and esp. Remedie.

Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.5; 1361*; in listing the

honor he ends with rd papPapiKtt, olov TcpoQKUvriaeK; Kai EKaT&aeia: "among foreigners, obeisances and giving place"; Opera, (1550), 2:189; see 2:142. fe and n. npoaKUvrjeiv is one of the words used for "worship" constituents of

in the

2:188. u/

NT

(see Matt. 4:10,

The publican

.

.

John

4:20, 21,

detesteth.

.

Heb.

1:6, 11:21, etc.).

Whitgift had asked: "1 praye you whether

doth the prayer of the Pharisey, that so extolleth himselfe, or of the Publicane, that so

humbled

himselfe, like

you

better?"; Defense, p.

493 (PS, 2:476). See Luke

18:13 and 2:186.27.n, above.

2:188.21-23

The

verie silence

for our oume unworthynesse

humilitie acknowledge our

2:189.1-2 Sermons,

our feare

LACT,

.

.

.

we

.

.

.

grace.

dare not aske

owne

boldnes

Whitgift: "In that therefore it

we

both aske

it,

we

saye,

and yet with

all

unworthinesse"; Defense, p. 493 (PS, 2:476).

Andrewes's teaching

5:309, 329.

712

is

similar; see Ninety-Six

Book 2:189.3

Cart\vright, 3:203: "Likewise, of one firend which most amiable names, our Savior Christ wil have set

when we come

hym. And

46.2-48.8

wth God

familiaritie

to>vardes another,

before us,

Chapter

V,

engender in

to prayer: to

the bouldnes, that as the children of

passeth that

which

w^e use, to any of our

with

us, a reverent familiarity,

god owght

moste dearest

to have, so

we

firendes: as

much more

are

assured of hys love, then of thiers."

Prayer

2:189.6

evermore

to be

.

.

.

See 2:181.26—27.n, above. Andrewes

adversitie.

speaks of this as the prayer of deprecation: that

is,

ed before

when

no

it

happens, to be delivered out of it

we

greater than

A

can bear;

prayer that evil it

may be

Pattern of Catedtistical Doctrine,

prevent-

it

may be

LACT

(1846),

comes, and that

6:100-101. 2:189.11

Whitgift: "This

p. 136.

1.1.

word

adversitie

.

.

.

properly signifieth

or trouble that perteyneth eyther to the body, or to the minde ...

affliction

spedes mali, a kinde of euil, for adversitie also

and

Malum doth conteyne not onely

affliction"; Defense, pp.

491-492

all

it is

vice and sinne, but

(PS, 2:473).

Page 107 in

1st

edn.

Mindes

2:189.15—24

.

.

Oratio qute nonfit

2:190.y

Compare

prayer.

.

.

.

.

peccatum.

the definition of prayer in chap. 23.

Augustine, Enarrationes

in Psalmos,

no.

1,

commenting on "Et oratio ejus exeat condemnatus"; Opera (1555), PL, 37:1436, § 9. "The prayer which does not plead Christ's name does

108,

Ps.

8:275*;

not only

to destroy sin,

fail

2:191.9— 11. a

Our Lord Cod

turns into a sin itself" (Bayne, p. 210n).

it

.

.

.

graunted

Augustine,

epist.

121,

Ad probam

"Nonnullis impatientibus Dominus Deus quod petebant concessit

viduam:

iratus,

contra Apostolo negavit propitius"; Opera (1555), 2:129*'; PL, 33:504—505,

sicut

as epist.

130.14.26.

2:191.12—14

To

argument from from

all

thinke

.

sirme: therefore

Defense, p.

.

.

Whitgift answers a version of the negative

error.

Scripture: "there

we may

no promise

is

not pray that

in Scripture that

we

we

should be free

should be free from

all

492 (PS, 2:473—474); compare Andrewes, Ninety-Six Sermons,

sinne";

LACT,

5:331-334.

example

2:192.20

Alleged by Whitgift, citing Matt. 26:39 (cited in

d);

Defense, p.

492 (PS, 2:474). 2:193.8 I,

no

Quoted from Cartwright (3:201—202),

overlaid or opprcst.

and m. Behind the quote evil

come unto

thee

.

lies a .

.

.")

disagreement about

how

Ps.

2:475). Cartw^right argues that "the

meaning of the promise must needes

shal

not be overlayed or oppressed, but contraryly, that the

(as

the

Aposde

2:194.6— 195.5. m

he knewe

shall

should be interpreted; see Defense, p. 493 (PS,

he

saith) to his

cited in k,

91:10 ("There

be: that

afflictions shal serve

good." .

.

.

forgett.

713

H's assertion of Christ's perfect fore-

Commentary knowledge

provoked by Cartwright's not unreasonable

is

althowgh he knew, that he should humanity, he

God

knew not

I

"For

clarification:

answer, that

towching hys

as

the most infinite and extreme weight of sufferances,

which

hys heavenly father had measured unto hym, or knowing them, had throwgh

the unspeakable force of the panges

how

not,

yf

suffer, yet

which he then was

may not be maynteyned

thys answer

forgotten them:

in,

as a Christian

I

see

and catholik answer"

(3:201).

2:195.6

on

fi-ee

wiU (4:17-19).

7C who

Greek-speaking Christians of the

sought to heal

between the Council of Chalcedon (451) and the Monophysites by saying Christ there was "one energy" or "one will," or at least "one state of

rift

that in

H

and ^.C.L. and

1.7,

Monothelites

2:195.16 the

See

Will,

will." See chap. 53.

Non

2:\96.q

quitted the

potuit divinitas

Manhood

.

.

"Might not the Godhead have The Godhead withdrew

demonstrans.

.

one respect but not

in

protection, but did not sever union.

in another?

forsook so that

It

did not

it

but

assist,

it

did

went away. In this sense, therefore, in the passion the Manhood was forsaken for the Godhead. But since He sustained that death not for not forsake, so that

His

own

not

as

it

He

wickedness but for our redemption.

murmuring

for the

the punishment his

Hugh of St.-Victor ftdei, 2.1.10;

(1503),

own

punishment

against

asks

why He

God, but

innocence" (Bayne, pp. 216-217n).

(1096?-1141, theologian and mystic), sig.

32"""";

PL, 176:400.

is

been forsaken,

H

is

paraphrasing

De sacramentis

Christianae

"

'My God,

Deus meus

My God, why hast Thou forsaken me?' The cry

has

demonstrating to us in

as

.

.

.

acuat.

neither ignorance, nor faithless-

nor complaint, but wonder only, which in others should sharpen their ardour and energy to investigate the cause" (Bayne, pp. 216—217n). Unlocated.

ness,

But heere welcome. H pictures Christ in Gethsemene (Matt. Mark 15:32-42, Luke 22:40-46), not desiring death but yielding to God's will, even including death. Compare Calvin, Inst., 2.16.12, including refer-

2:197.9-18

.

.

.

26:36-46,

ence to the Monothelites. 2:198.5—8

Consider death in

2:198.22-24

I

take

it

.

.

.

selfe ...

it

knewe.

it.

See chap. 46.

See Cartwright, 3:200, quoted

at

2:194.6-

195.5.»i.n, above.

2:200.6-11

For

in verie

deed

.

.

.

impossible.

See A.C.L., chap. 9 (4:26.1-26

and nn). 2:201.15-24.(1

In those tribulations

,

.

.

perfected.

Probam uiduam; Opera (1555), 2:130' (PL, 33:504, tionibus quae possunt et prodesse et nocere, quid

Augustine,

epist. 130):

oremus

epist.

121,

Ad

"In his ergo tribula-

sicut oportet nescimus,

tamen quia dura, quia molesta, quia contra sensum nostrae infirmitatis sunt, universali humana voluntate ut a nobis haec auferantur oramus. Sed hoc devotionis et

714

Book debemus domino deo

Chapter

V,

nostro, ut

non

ea

si

48.9-49.6

non ideo nos ab eo

abstulerit,

existimemus, sed potius pia patientia tnalorutn, bona speremus ampliora:

negligi

enim

sic

virtus in infirmitate perficitur."

Prayer that all men saved. See 2:181.26-27.n, above, and 4:83.1The Admonition complained: "They pray that all men may be saved" {P.M., p.

2:202.16-17 4.

.

"We

29). Whitgift responded:

.

.

do

should not do so? S. Paule. I.Tim.

will that all

men should

2:203.22—25.
It

what can you

and giving of thankes be made for

tions, prayers, intercessions,

the reason, he sayth. For

so indeede; and

this is

good and

.

.

.

all

men.

acceptable in the sight of

from

he saved"; Answere,

becomtneth not

allege >vhy \ve

2. sayth, I exhort therefore, that first of all supplicaetc.

And

adding

our Saviour,

epist. 6.11,

Ad

Eleutheri-

um: "Judaeum praesens charta commendat; non quod mihi placeat error, per

neminem ipsorum nos

pereunt involuti, sed quia

dum

pronunciare,

In spe

vivit.

enim adhuc

who

739 (PS, 3:383).

Defense, p.

See Sidonius,

death.

God

quem

decet ex asse damnabilem

absolutionis

On

converti"; Lucubrationes (1542), p. 205; PL, 58:559.

est,

cui suppetit posse

Sidonius, see 2:34/n,

above. . . KoXdv, See 1 Tim. 2:1-4, cited by Whitgift where prayer for all men is called "good" (KaA.6v).

thapostle

2:204.6

17.n, above),

2:204.31

there

is

.

in

God

.

.

.

will

(see

2:202.16-

See A.C.L. and H's discussion (4:26.6-28.17,

129.27-133.22, and nn).

moveretur. "There was therefore no contradiction, if the which in His humanity He had assumed, wished something, which nevertheless, by the divine will through which with the Father He ordered all things. He knew beforehand would not come to Propterea

2:205.1

.

.

.

man

Christ by the affection of compassion

pass.

For while

compassion

from

his

it

own

it

He should be moved by He should not be moved See Hugh of St.-Victor's De

pertained to the true humanity that

also pertained to the true divinity that

resolves" (Bayne, pp. 226-227n).

quatuor voluntatibus in Christo in Libellus canonici regularis Latemanensis (1588), fol.25

PL, 176:845. The four rationis, justitiam

approbans; voluntas humaniutis, per

voluntas camis, per

;

wills are: "voluntas divinitatis, justitiam dicuns; voluntas

quam

sibi

poenam

noluit."

quam

On Hugh

nulli

malum

voluit;

of St.-Victor, see 2:196.

^.n, above.

2:206.11—207. 5.J ita

omnium

pars

mundi

This law ofsupplication

sacerdotum sit,

in

et

omnium

.

.

.

sounde.

"Quam legem supplicationis

fidelium devotio concorditer tenet, ut nulla

qua hujusmodi orationes non celebrentur

Supplicat ergo ubique Ecclesia deo regeneratis, sed etiam pro

omnibus idolorum

omnibus

cultoribus,

persequuntur, pro Judaeis,

non solum pro infidelibus

a populis Christianis.

Sanctis et in Christo

et inimicis

crucis Christi,

jam pro

pro omnibus qui Christum in membris ipsius

quorum

caecitati

lumen Evangelii non

haereticis et schismaticis, qui ab unitate fidei et charitatis alien! sunt.

715

refulget,

pro

Quid autem

Commentary pro

petit, nisi ut relictis erroribus suis

istis

convertantur ad deum, accipiant fidem,

accipiant charitatem, et de ignorantiae tenebris liberati, in agnitionem veniant veritatis?

Quod

quia

ipsi praestare sibi

oppressi et diaboli vinculis

alligati,

nequeunt, malae consuetudinis pondere

neque deceptiones

suas evincere valent, quibus

quantum amanda est Veritas tantum diligant falsitatem: misericors et Justus dominus pro omnibus sibi vult hominibus supplicari: ut cum videmus de tam profundis malis innumeros erui, non ambigamus deum praestitisse quod ut praestaret oratus est: et gratias agentes pro iis qui salvi facti sunt, tarn pertinaciter inhaeserunt,

ut

nondum

speremus etiam eos qui

Quod

exeant transferendos. praeterierit,

pro

et

in hac vita patere

non

et in

aliquos, sicut

et

agnoscendum

De

uocatione

est secreti

hujus profunditatem nobis

of Aquitaine (390P-463?),

Tim.

1

a

defender of

2:4.

Article 25, Thirty-Nine Articles,

Sacraments,

salvantis gratia

ad occulta divinae

fuerit:

Gentium was written by an anonymous Augustinian, not by

Prosper; chapter 4 treats

2:207.6

non

posse"; in Ambrose, Opera (1555), 2:11; PL, 51:663, chap.

12. Traditionally attributed to Prosper

Augustine,

videmus accidere,

oratio Ecclesiae recepta

eis

referendum,

justitiae judicia

si

eodem divinae gratiae opere regnum dei, priusquam de hac vita

illuminati sunt,

eximendos de potestate tenebrarum,

of the sacraments in chapters 50-68.

lies

behind H's discussion

emphasizes that sacraments are not simply

It

notes or signs of Christian profession, or teaching instruments, but "effectual signs

of grace" by which 10036), p. 15. esp.

through

God works

his use

of terms such

BCP

mystical theology of the

John

see

6;

invisibly in the faithful; Articuli (1571;

H places greater emphasis on grace, however,

"union" and "participation,"

as

and of Cranmer,

Doctrine," Jowma/ of Theological Studies,

not only the word

2:207.17-18

.

.

esp. his use

"Cranmer and

Cyril C. Richardson,

.

than does the

n.s.,

of

1

STC

article,

reflecting the

Cor. 10:16 and

the Analysis of Eucharistic

16.2 (1965): 429.

vertue.

Cartwright argued otherwise; see

2:104.19-21. «/.n, above.

2:208.18-19

grace which worketh salvation.

Deum

Tit. 2:11.

See Calvin,

Inst.,

3.7.3.

De Trinitate, chap. 23; Opera hominem veniebat ut mediator Dei et hominum esse deberet oportuit ilium cum eo esse, et Verbum carnem fieri ut in semet ipso" etc., as in H. "Because if He came to man that He might be a

2:208./

Oportebat

.

(1566), 2:263; PL, 3:932:

.

mediator of God and men,

made

flesh, that in

His

it

own

He

written

2:209.8-12

ad

si

behoved

self

and things heavenly, by uniting equally

Tertullian,

copularet.

.

"Quoniam

Him

to

be with man, and the

might consolidate

in

a

Word

Himself pledges of both

parts

to

The Lord our God

christology,

H

,

.

.

Ghost.

adheres to the teachings of the

actually

In chaps. 51-56, concerned with first

four general councils (Nicaea,

325; Constantinople, 381; Ephesus, 431; Chalcedon, 451). Basic to

716

be

and joining

man and man to God" (Bayne, p. 231n). The work was by Novatian, the 3C rival bishop of Rome.

God

to

concord of things earthly

this

teaching

is

Book

V,

Chapter

50.0-52.1

the Eastern doctrine of substance as defined by Aristotle. See

Hooker and

the Anglican Tradition

John

S.

Marshall,

The University Press, At the and Gunnar Hillerdal, Reason and

(Sewanee, Tenn.:

University of the South, 1963), chap. 14, Revelation in Richard Hooker (1962), chap. 5.

2:209. w

To

npoacoxov uxooraaeig. nagdv ^i^Xiov (1514), under .

jue

usage of the fathers thing

\iTz6(SX(x.<s\.c,.

Greek lexicon,

"Persona or hypostasis in the

the specific along with the generic. For the nature of each

is

but hypostases are particular" (Bayne,

a generality,

is

Suidas (IOC compiler of

.

.

This was

p. 232n).

contrary to the earlier understanding that OTidaraai^ was the Greek equivalent for

or the indivisible concrete reality of the Godhead. Thus

substantia,

it

was generally

Greek (J>uai(;, translated in the quotation as "nature." The Council of Chalcedon used U7i6crraai(; and 7tp6aco7cov to express the singularity

associated with the

or oneness of the Person of Christ, thus distinguishing

which was reserved cus

of the

754?), the last

(d.

ouaia Greek Fathers, De

for "nature."

i\

.

.

it

henceforth firom

({)uai^,

ux&p^ai. See John of Damas-

.

orthodoxae fidei, 3.6; Opera (1559),

PG, 94:1001. H has transposed the clauses. In the proper order the quotation reads: "The persona has what is common along with what is particular, 186;

p.

as

well as existing in

Being does not

itself

subsist in itself

(uTtoaxaai^), but

is

conjectured firom the persona."

'O^ eonv yewi]TI]. Ignatius, Epistola ad Magnesias; Epistolae PG, 5:765. "Who is His Word, not uttered but existent. For He is

2:210.0

.

.

.

(1558), p. 29;

not a sound of articulated speech, but the begotten essence of the divine energy" (Bayne, p. 233n).

The

text

of Ignatius

The father and

2:210.8— lO.p

the holie

is

corrupt here.

Chest

orthodoxae fidei, 3.11; Opera (1559), p. 207;

In

2:2\0.q

Divinitas

illo

,

.

.

(1555), 2:57''; PL, 33:839, as epist. 187.20:

John of Damascus, De

assent.

.

Augustine,

essemus.

.

.

PG, 94:1028.

"Unus

Ad Dardanum; Opera unum corpus multi sumus.

epist. 57,

panis

Per caput nostrum reconciliamur deo, quia in

est divinitas unigeniti

illo

facta

"By Godhead of the Only Begot-

particeps mortalitatis nostrae, ut et nos participes eius immortalitatis essemus";

our head ten

is

we

made

are reconciled to

a partaker

Macedonius

in order that

we

also

might be partakers of

p. 233n). (d.

362?),

Macedonius supported

was deposed by the Arian Council of Constantinople

in

ApoUinarius (310?-390?) asserted that in Christ there was

Apollinarius

human body and

Logos; thus while

soul,

He

Mq6^

.

,

.

but that the

human

spirit

possessed perfect Godhead,

Apollinarianism was the 2:212.1/

the

(ODCC).

2:212.6-7 a

Him

Bishop of Constantinople

the Semi-Arian cause and

381

for in

of our mortality

His immortality" (Bayne, 2:212.4

God,

first

Oeou.

was replaced by the Divine

He

lacked complete manhood.

great christological heresy

"For he

said that that flesh

717

(ODCC). See n

following.

had no need of

a

human

Commentary mind, governed

God Who

was by

as it

had put

on" (Bayne,

it

p. 235n).

See

Suidas (1514), under 'A7CoA,ivdpiO(;.

two

2:212.9

2:212.13—14

Of Nyssa

Gregories

(330?-395?) and of Nazianzus (329-389),

Paulus Samosatenus

.

.

Eunomius,

.

All

early

Paul of

heretics.

Samosata (3C) taught that the Godhead was a closely knit Trinity of Father,

Wisdom, and Word and

until creation

formed

a single hypostasis (substance).

Godhead the only mere succession of modes or operations (ODCC, under "Monarchianism"). Photinus (4C), also of whom no writings survive, held a form

Sabellius (3C?) evidently held (no writings survive) that in the differentiation

was

a

of Sabellianism. Aetius

who

370?) was an extreme Arian

(d.

asserted the total

Son to the Father. Eunomius (d. 395), his disciple, taught a single supreme Substance whose simplicity is opposed to all distinction of properties or unlikeness of the

attributes.

2:212.16

Rome

first at

.

.

.

The Roman synod of

Synod,

Damasus, condemned ApoUinaris and at

Rome

his

in 382. See Theodoret, Bales,

of Damasus and 2:212.16—22

at

found in the found

Constantinople

BCP

.

.

.

BCP,

it

lists

further anathemas

.

.

this

was

at the

in a

form

not conclusive. See

is

Cyril, bishop

f|fi&v.

.

it

was adopted

(New York: Harper and Row,

OoK en

Creed

reference to the Nicene

as

Council of Constanvirtually identical to

sometimes called the Niceno-Constantinopolitan

is

Creed, although authority for

2:212.x

A

heresie.

{1559, pp. 250—251). Because

in the

Christian Creeds

Pope

did another synod

their corresponding heresies.

tinople in 381 that the creed of Nicaea that

5:10; chap. 11

hist.,

377, under

as

follower Timotheus,

Opera (1546), 4:69; PG, 77:225,

epist. 44,

J.

N. D.

Kelly, Early

[1950]), chap. 10.

of Alexandria from 412 to 444; see

Ad

eulogium presbyterum:

"Nor does he

confess with us the union of the natures." Cyril emphasized the union of God and

Man

in Christ in

one

(7cp6aco7iov), alone.

hypostasis (concrete being)

06k

Byzantium and monk, De

SXcye sedis,

.

.

in

.

Manuel

and not

(Palaelogus), Legatio Imp.

Manuelis Cotnneni Aug. ad Armenios (1578), p. 450;

"For he (Nestorius) denied the union of the

in external appearance

Leontius (490?-544?), scholar of

^iXiou;.

Word

PG, 86.1:1221,

Caesaris

Act. 4, § 4.

of God with man, and alleged

two persons and a division. Wherefore he called the blessed Mary not Mother of God, but Mother of Christ (. dA,A,a XpiaroKOv), and though he called Christ .

.

man and God he

did not do so in our sense but merely in that of relationship and

friendship. Just as

we

two have one

soul

say

of two

{&

dyaTCWVTCOV

on

great love the

same things

of God and fire.

man

oi

is,

5uo outoi please

who

love each other very

6uo xivwv

is

(|)iXcov,

p. 236n).

centered in

them between human and

much

owing

discussion

wood and

of his actions

divine must be allowed to obscure

718

to their

For Leontius, the union

union of iron or

God and no

that these

tc&vu a'kXf\Xov(;

jiiav V|f6xnv exouai), because

them" (Bayne,

to use Origen's metaphor, like the

Christ's entire personaHty

that divides

friends

Xeyojaev Ttepi

this.

Book

Chapter

V,

The

the heresie of Nestorius

2:212.24

52.1-53.1

two separate Human, as opposed

doctrine that there were

Persons in the Incarnate Christ, the one Divine and the other

orthodox doxtrine that the Incarnate Christ was

to the

God

Man (ODCC). The

and

deposed from

intense;

once

a single Person, at

debate over his views was brief (428—431) but

his see (Constantinople), his

books were condemned in 435,

and he himself banished to Upper Egypt; he died about 451. 2:213.0

Xi)^6eiaa

fj

.

.

"The name assumed

"k^yfttSK;.

.

assumption." Theodoret, Dialogi

tres

(1547),

did not precede the

fol. 30'; Eranistes,

ed. Ettlinger (1975),

PG, 83:140. "Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus, wrote three Dialogues against Eutychianism, of which Hooker makes frequent use in the pages which follow. The maintainers of the Dialogues are Eranistes and Orthodoxus; Eranistes is often translated 'beggar,' but means probably 'picker up of heretical Dialogue

he

scraps';

pp. 133.34-134.1;

II,

also called 'polymorphus,' in allusion to the 'multiform' character

is

heresy. Dialogue

i.

is

The Unconfounded;

Dialogue

'

iii.

of

The Immutable; Dialogue ii. Aavyxvroc^, AK&x^fr]^, The Impassible" (Bayne, p. 237n). In '

called *ATpe7iTO<;,

addition, there are three florilegia containing a valuable series

of quotations from

the early Fathers.

2:214.31-215.2.6

De

In Christ

Spiritu Sancto, 2.4, in

.

.

deacon in

Paschasius, a

extinct.

.

Saaae

bihliothecae sanctorum

quidem

62:29: "in deo et homine, gemina

Rome

512?),

(d.

patrum (1589), 9:760; PL,

substantia, sed

non gemina persona

est,

quia persona personam consumere potest, substantia vero substantiam consumere

non

potest."

2:215.13-24

Dominum

Cyrill the chiefest

.

.

.

person.

In

Ad pientissimas

reginas de recta in

nostrum Jesum Christum fide, in Opera (1573), 2:701-702 (PG, 76:1211),

by Athanasius, from De incamatione uerbi et contra Arianos, the phrase "one incarnate nature of God the Word" (piav <j>uaiv too Qeov Aoyou aeaapK(op^VT^v), to emphasize, against Nestorius, the unity of Christ's personality. But the Cyril quoted as

Monophysites, w^ho denied two natures in Christ, made use of the quotation for

own

their

2:215.17 2:216. e ble

cause. See Bayne, p. 239n.

Arians

See chap. 42.2-6 and 4:10.5-8.n, above.

'AxwpiOTOV

from the

PG, 83:280;

flesh

.

.

"The

TOutxp.

TauTa

ax&pxoTOV

bk.

kikx\inievi\q.

Eustathius of Antioch,

De

body"; quoted from Dialogi it is

p.

227,2-4, where as in

p. 98.5-6,

fol.

Trjv

68

;

a&pKa

H.

Quoted from Theodoret I,

it is

who

(1547),

attributes

fol. it

16';

PG,

20) to

(p.

anima. For Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 3.22, see

7:956, and Bayne, p. 241n.

168.4, Avhere

III,

TaoTr)^ and then

83:85; ed. Ettlinger (1975), Florilegium

PG,

divine nature must be confessed insepara-

ed. Etdinger (1975), Dialogue

TtpoaiJKei Aiyeiv,

2:217/

.

even on the cross and in the tomb." Theodoret (1547),

tres

attributed to

Christ (1547),

vofitp. fol.

"By

Gregory of Nyssa, Oratio

719

the law of his

human

44'; ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium catechetica

II,

p.

magna, chap. 16

Commentary (PG, 45.52). See

also

Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 30 [H has

"orat. 2"], Ilegi

Tiov; Opera (1550), p. 213; PG, 36:328, where it is 38.15: "He was sent, but as man. For He was two-fold. For He bore fatigue, He was hungry, He was thirsty,

He was

in anguish.

fifev

Xoyip.

•

.

.

Word Who

the

He

"To

wept, by the law of His body" (Bayne, p. 241n).

the

Man

was in the beginning speeches elevated and suited to Deity"

(Bayne, p. 241n). See Dialogi

The Greek,

(1547),

tres

43'—44^; ed. Ettlinger, pp. 166-169. 11, seems to be a para-

fols.

w^hich summarizes the argument of Dialogue

phrase of a sentence in the beginning of Gregory's Oration 30; p.

Too^

born of Mary (we apply) speeches of humility, to

PG, 36:104; Bayne,

241n.

The nature which Christ

2:217.22—29.^

against Apollinaris, Ktti

avttKpaOev rq

eTiiKripov,

ear! ...

t\

Gregory of Nyssa

.

Asking

deitie:

.

crxay&v o^ouc; dnEipq) TieX&yei

yap av

.

.

.

xou uioO,

xi^ T6o»

>vrite

OeoTqc;

r|

vno

(t)uaefog otKapxr^

tt]<;

av emoi xi^ eiKOvi xP<^M^vo?> olov Jiq KaxaKpaOeiaa, eaxi ^fev ev ©eoxriTi, o6

ev xoT^ ibioiq auxfi(; i6i6|uaaiv

6ia(})op&* OTcep

Theophilus

Tf\q <j)uaea)g r|fid)V

eKeivo eyeveTO, OTiep

OeoTriTi,

(oq

that

Kai oaov aoQeviq

bi 7tpoaX,Ti())eeiaa Ti\q dvBpcoTcivqq

7tavTo6uv&pou ©edrqToc;, .^if\v

.

says:

ev o66evi KaxaA-ajipavexai

f\

0e6xr|<; eaxi. Opuscula (1593), pp.

173-174; PG, 45:1276; see 2:220.M.n, below. Gregory (335F-395?), bishop of

Nyssa and younger brother of Basil of Caesarea, wishes to deny that there are two Sons: XT^v

6ud6a

Hee which De Trinitate,

2:218.4— 12. /j

West"

(d.

xdjv Yicov. .

.

.

367),

"Mediator

Hilary of Poitiers, "the Athanasius of the

together.

bk. 9; Lucubrationes (1523), pp. 155-156; PL, 10:283:

ipse in se ad salutem ecclesiae constitutus, et illo ipso inter

homines mediatoris sacramento utrumque unus idipsum

naturis, naturae utriusque res

homo

utroque, ne forte deus esse

eadem

existens,

est, ita

Ad

His two natures

.

.

.

God.

Cyril, epist.

ipse

auvqA-Oov

dX,A,nX,ai^

II,

p.

et

unitis in

careret in

homo rursum deus fides vera est, deum et

45 to Nestorius,

182.22-25:

deum

et

succensum episcopum (PG, 77:232); trans, firom Theodoret (1547),

83:212; ed. Ettlinger (1975), Florilegium

ex

tamen ut neutro

nascendo desineret,

manendo non esset. Haec itaque humanae beatitudinis hominem praedicare, verbum et carnem confiteri." 2:218.12-16.1

dum

opwpev

oxi

now c^ed

fol.

49

6uo

;

PG,

<))6aeig

KaO' evcoaiv dSidaTtaaxov dauyxuxox; Kai dSiaipexcog

'H ydp adp^ cvdp^ eaxi Kai ou

[older texts read: dxpeTcxcoq].

8e6xr|<;, ei

Kai

yeyove eeoo adp^. 2:218. 16-17.y et epistolae

ofech substance. (1482),

sig.

.

.

safe.

Leo

I,

epist. 28.3,

Ad

Flauianum; Sermones

BIO'; PL, 54:763.

John of Damascus, De fide orthodoxa, 3.4; PG, 94:1000. "This is the mode of the communication, each nature communicating to the other its own properties, because of the sameness of the person and the immanence in each other (of the natures)" (Bayne, p. 243n).

2:2l9.fe

06t6^

Opera (1559),

.

.

.

xepixcbpn^^iv.

p. 180;

720

Book Verutn est duarum

.

.

refert.

.

Chapter

V,

53.2-54.2

This appears to be commentary on the place just

not in the commentary foUowing chap. 4 of the 1559 edn. (pp. 181— 182). Bayne translates: "There is a sense in which the two natures of Christ impart

cited. It

is

their properties either to other,

—

I

mean

in speech,

and then not in the

abstract

but only in the concrete, so that the qualities of Godhead are attributed not to

humanity but

The in

Man,

to the

when

the qualities of

manhood not

the subject of speech

reason

is

that

Himself

it

does not matter whether

He

is

contains both natures

named from one

is

God.

to deity but to the

He

such that

or the other"

(p.

243n).

Cited by

tw^o speeches

2:219.21

H

in

Theodoret disputeth

2:220.8—9

.

.

belong to one

rank above sufferings.

.

.

manhood assumed from 2:220.M

6vnTf|v

.

.

.

who

xii.

on John's

can

capitum Cyrilli (PG, 76:449), suffer.

For he

who

third

where he

suffer

in

is

suffered but the

See also PG, 76:436.

p. 244n).

"They make

cannot

Who

was not the Christ

it

by God" (Bayne,

ApoUinar.

.

relying heavily here

See Theodoret's criticism of Cyril's

suffer.

.

Therefore

us

is

187.9.

twelve Anathematisms, called Reprehensio writes: "Sufferings

and m, these are alleged by John of

/

H

Damascus in his De fide orthodoxa, 3.3. and fourth chaps. See Augustine, epist.

the Deity of the Son, mortal"

(Bayne, p. 244n). Gregory of Nyssa, Adversus Apollinarem; Opuscula (1593), p. 170;

-

PG, 45:1272. This is the work called an epistle to Theophilus Ep. ad Flavia. See Leo I, epist. 28.3, Ad Flauianum; Sermones sig.

"He

BIO'; PL, 54:763.

increasing the

in 2:217.^; see n.

(1482),

et epistolae

took the form of a slave without the suin of

human, but not diminishing the divine" (Bayne,

sin,

Cited also

p. 244n).

at 2:218./

2:220.11-13 17,

Cum

Cyril! Salvator,

above), the

ottes

the

Word

Nativitas Dei

.

.

.

suhsistit.

it

as

really suffered,

reference

is

to Cyril, epist.

was

crucified,

n

and died. For

chap. 6.

De

Trinitate,

in

p.

245n).

Symbolum Apostolorum,

"While

begetter, as the Father, but

is.

(the Son)

He

bk. 5; Lucubrati-

"The generation of God must contain

of God" (Bayne,

and power what the Father

is

God which

from the Father,

Cum

sit gloria

as

the

all

.

that

no

habet.

.

dominion,

these things not without

Son without beginning.

Filiutn aliunde

Adversus Praxe^n, chap. 4.1; Opera (1566), 1:674;

,

.

CCSL,

.

potestatem.

Who

Tertul-

2:1162. "I derive the

Son from no other source but from the substance of the Father all power from the Father" (Bayne, pp. 245— 246n).

721

.

is

in Cyprian, Opera (1521) p. 366;

in glory, eternity, virtue,

nevertheless has

equal to the Father" (Bayne, p. 245n).

lian,

The

faith.

came. For that cannot be other than

God

Rufinus, Commentarius

PL, 21:346,

.

Hilary of Poitiers,

(1523), p. 80; PL, 10:155, § 37.

otherwhence than

.

.

PG, 76:449.

nature from which

is

side

addressed to Nestorius with twelve anathemas attached (see

last insisting that

the anathemas see

2:221.0

on the other

.

.

.

having received

Commentary xaaa xarpta,

2:221./>

.

.

"Whatever

esse.

.

in

any way gives being to something

See Vulgate of Eph. 3:15: "Ex quo omnis paternitas in coelis

else."

nominatur." See

also Tertullian, Adversus Praxean, chap. 8;

et in terris

Opera (1566), 1:679:

is a parent and everything which proceeds from an origin is an more especially the Word of God Who even as His proper tide has received the name of Son" (Bayne, p. 246n). The text is used similarly by Dionys-

"Every origin

of&pring;

De

ius the Areopagite,

2:221.5-6

father

.

.

not

.

Pater luminum

2:221. 5

.

The Greek

the Spirit."

Greek

1310),

divinis nominibus, 2.8; see 2:150.r.n,

of ^.C.L. attacks

H at this point; see 4:9-10.

lights, that is

of the Son and of

from the paraphrase made by George Pachymeres (1242—

and

priest

1

5i)Xov6ti. "Father of

.

.

is

whom H

Areopagite,

Chapter

above.

politician,

cites;

of De

hierarchia,

coelesti

by Dionysius the

Paraphrasis in omnia Dionysii Areopagitae

.

.

opera

.

PG, 3:129; it begins by quoting James 1:17. Pater est principium procedit. "The Father is the beginning of all Deity because He is from none. has none from whom He proceeds, but from Him the Son is begotten and the

(1561), p. 2; .

.

.

He

Spirit

proceeds" (Bayne,

H

3:71^; PL, 42:908.

p.

De

246n). See Augustine,

Trinitate, 4.20;

Hinc Christus

summarizing, not quoting.

is

Opera (1555), .

.

.

BeoTH^

Christ instead of 'the Deity' everywhere uses the name of 'the Father,' because the Father is 'God the Source' " (Bayne, p. 246n). The Greek is from the

"Hence

paraphrase by Pachymeres of Dionysius the Areopagite,

where the phrase

{Paraphrasis, p. 227),

is

the Areopagite, Opera (1562), pp. 267-268; 2:221. r

Pater tota substantia est

CCSL,

.

.

.

De

divinis nominibus, 2.7

explained from James 1:17. See Dionysius

PG,

3:645.

TertulHan, Opera (1566), 1:680;

propagatio.

2:1168; Adversus Praxean, chap. 9.2:

"The

Father

is

entire substance, but

Son the derivation from and begetting of entire substance." This statement has been used to prove Tertullian guilty of heretical subordination of Son to Father, the

but in

fact

he was teaching that Father and Son are of the same substance. In

1566 and in modern edns. "portio" ("dividing")

this

used for "propagatio" ("beget-

is

ting").

2:221.5

Quod enim Deus

.

.

.

(1523), p. 80; PL, 10:156.

Nihil nisi

.

.

.

nothing which 2:221. f

ftlius. is

"For while

He

.

.

.

is

not begotten" (Bayne,

ai5iou. Wisd. of

Trinitate, 5.39; Lucubrationes

He

God,

Ibid., 4.10; (1523), p. 48;

'Aicaoyaafia Tqg Bo^q^ Heb.

'Eonv

De

Hilary of Poitiers,

est.

is

of

(i.e.

out of) God."

PL, 10:103. "For the Son has

p. 246n).

1:3.

Sol. 7:25, 26.

"The

brightness of the glory."

"For she [Wisdom]

is

... a

pure

influence that floweth from the glorie of the Almightie: ... the brightnes of the everlasting light."

2:221. M

Nihil in se

.

.

.

generans.

Hilary of Poitiers,

22; Lucubrationes (1523), p. 296; PL, 10:497, esse possit natus et generans";

where

De

it is

synodis adversus Arianos, §

"Neque rursum

"For the begotten and the begetter have

722

dissimilis

in

them-

Book selves

Chapter

V,

54.2-54.4

nothing diverse or dissimilar" (Bayne, p. 246-247n). This work was intend-

ed to unite

In trinitate

anti-Arians.

all

.

.

aliud.

.

Vincent

before 451),

(d.

presbyter of a monastery in Lerins, Gaul, Pro catholicae fidei antiquitate

STC

(1591;

24750), p. 40; PL, 50:655,

as

et veritate

chap. 13. "In the Trinity one person

and another person, not one thing and another thing." Vincent goes on: "In the Savior one thing and another thing, not one person and another person." Vincent

was the author of a three-fold omnibus aeditum

"by

("What

est

and

differentiate betw^een true

Vhi author

eternity

begetter there

H

(H:

as the

is

from

an eternal begetting" (Bayne,

is

A,eyei

.

.

OeoTqra.

.

PG, 83:181;

42);

De

here quoting Athanasius,

is

eternal, there

p.

is

from an

a begetter, so

eternal

Sicut naturam

247n).

an

also

.

.

,

Trinitate, 5.15.

See Theodoret, Dialogi

ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium

De

12.21; Lucubrationes

Trinititate,

the begetter

begetting

summarizes Augustine's De

'Oaa

fol.

"Where

to

is

(ODCC).

false traditions"

62a:595;

all");

and consent, the Church

antiquity,

Hilary of Poitiers,

est.

.

of begetting; for

processio.

2:222. u/

.

.

CCSL,

(1523), p. 248;

quod semper, quod ab

ubique,

been believed everywhere, always, and by

of oecumenicity,

this triple text

2:221.1/

of Catholicity: quod

text

has

incamatione verbi

II,

et contra

p.

(1547),

tres

fol.

41'

161.9-11; Theodoret

is

Arianos, § 4 (PG, 26:989).

"When says

Scripture says such things as. The Son received. The Son was glorified, it them of His manhood, not of His Godhead" (Bayne, p. 247n). H then cites

the following quotation ("ibid. 44.") in Theodoret from Gregory of Nazianzus,

Oratio 30 [H has "orat. 2"], IJegl Ylov Xoyov P': 'Qi; (xev yap Xoyoi;, oute unqKooq qv, out' a.vf\KOOc; twv ydp uno X^ipct. TaOxa, Kai tcov Seurepcov TO /i£v Twv euyvcopoveaTeptov, to 6e tcov d^icov Kptaeco^* Q.C, 6e 6ouA,ou '

\xop^\\,

QuyKaTapaivei

6Xov ev eauTq*

(|)epa>v

ojioSouXok;, Kai fiop(j)oOTai to dXA-OTpiov,

toT(; k.\xk.

XeTpov, iaq icqp6v TcOp, q

prra tcov i\i&v, Tva ev eaoT<^ SaTiavqaq xd aT^iSa yn? n^»o^. Ed. Ettlinger, p. 167.16-22;

wc;

see 2:2\l.f.n, above.

2:222. fc

Hie

2:222.
&axep

est verus

.

.

.

.

I,

p.

2:876.

Leo

.

I,

et epistolae

added nothing

xuii

Ultap^iv. (Latin

to

66.9—11;

very

God

and

Theodoret (1547),

"As mortality

common

is

life

eternal."

fol.

common

to

PG,

3';

83:36; ed.

man, so immutabil-

to the holy Trinity."

Periculum

.

.

.

De came Christi, chap. 3 (4); Opera (1566), 1:39; PL, "God is in no danger of losing His own status." Majestati De nativitate Domini. Sermo septimus [H has "ser. 8"]; in

(1482),

sig.

D2'; PL, 54:217,

as

Serm. 27.2. "The bodily birth

Theophilus, patriarch of Alexandria (385—412), Epistula paschalis

trans,

remains

are

.

is

and took nothing from the majesty of the Son of God."Mevei

Theodoret (1547),

"He

"This

Tertullian,

ahstulit.

Sermones

.

xtema.

and unchangeableness

ity

nullum est. 2:757; CCSL, .

.

.

avoXXoicorov.

.

Ettlinger, Dialogue

.

.

God

in

Jerome, Epistula 98, CSEL, 55:200-201),

fol. 45'';

as

PG, 83:197;

He was from

ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium

the beginning;

723

He

remains

II,

as

quoted by

p.

171.27-28.

God

retaining in

—

Commentary Informam

Himself our substance."

"To have

10:457.

of God"

(see

.

and the Son of God

".

.

sit

.

De

Trinitate,

naturam dei perdidisse"; PL, not to have

is

lost the

nature

See Origen, Contra Celsum, 3:41; Opera (1536),

God Wisdom and the very Truth; human soul which it contained, we

think and believe to have been from the beginning

the very Logos and the very

is

and with respect to His mortal body and the assert that

Hilary of Poitiers,

Dei.

p. 248n).

Whom we

"He

2:625.

.

it is:

migrated into the form of a servant

Bayne,

copulation with deitie.

2:223.29

.

where

12.6; Lucubrationes (1523), p. 243,

communion

not by their

intermixture (eva>aei Kai

(koivcoviqc) with

avaKp&aei) they received

participating in His divinity,

were changed

into

Him, but by

God

(ei<;

0e6v

and

their unity

the highest powers,

and

after

\iZia.pzpX\\Kt-

vai. In Philoc. ^eTaPepA,r|Kevai)"; Bayne, p. 249n, from Keble.

McTExei

2:224.e

.

activity."

that

p. 185.11;

II,

:

"The human

fol.

50';

first

PG, 83:216;

ed.

(nature) has a share in the divine

Bayne remarks: "Quoted from Apollinarius among

who

he

Theodoret (1547),

evepyeiog.

.

.

Ettlinger, Florilegium

passages

which prove

confused the natures, himself clearly distinguished them"

(p.

250n).

2:224/

i\

fol. 45';

God,

befya

Who

created

ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium

H

'Ax6

Tii^

things,

all

up

(of the natures) led

250n).

Gregory of Nyssa, quoted by Theodoret (1547), II, p. 170.12-15. "The right hand of

evd>a£Q>^.

PG, 83:196;

to his

by

^vaetM;

.

.

173.10-11:

principality

2:224.22—24

Surely

.

.

.

things

were made. He, by the union

man made one with Him" (Bayne, p. twv YeY0V0''''^v ou6ev, after eyevero. Psalmum XLI, §

4,

ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium

II,

Him

all

e^ouqio^. John Chrysostom,

.

"From Thy

and power"

all

height

omits Kai o6 X^P'? OTieaxq

quoted from Theodoret (1547), p.

Whom

own

fol. 46';

PG, 55:162;

nature taking the

(see

fire;

Bayne,

first fruits.

In

He

set

far

above

250n). For ETidvco Ettlinger reads UTtepdvw.

p.

H here uses the argument of Theodoret (1547), fol.

PG, 83:155; ed. Ettlinger, Dialogue II, pp. 144.30-145.14, which in turn is based on the words of Apollinarius quoted at the end of the dialogue: "If the mixture of fire and iron, which makes the iron fire, so that it burns as fire does, does not change the iron's nature; neither does the union of God with the body change the nature of the body, even if the body for those who can attain to it obtain divine powers" (Bayne, p. 250n; compare Ettlinger, p. 185.1—9). 35';

—

2:225. /j

rjaox&C**^'^**^

•

•

•

oivcxXa/ipaveaOai.

Irenaeus, Aduersus omnes haereses,

by Theodoret (1547), fol. 69"; PG, 83:284; ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium III, p. 230.12-14. "For the Word was quiescent when He was tempted, when He was crucified, when He was dying, but was in union with man when He was 3.19.3, quoted

conquering, rising

2:226.«

when He was

enduring,

when He was

being kind,

from the dead, when He was being taken up" (Bayne, Joh. 20:27.

See Theodoret (1547),

724

fol.

36';

p.

when He was

250n).

PG, 83:161;

ed. Ettlinger,

Book Dialogue

54.5-55.6

148.1—5. Bayne comments (p. 251n): "The use of the text is him by Hippolytus and Theophilus, from whom he quotes, [PG,

p.

II,

suggested to

200."

83:] 173,

Mera

2:226.0

Chapter

V,

PG, 83:328;

ai&oraaiv

Tfjv

.

.

xepiypo^v.

.

following the dialogues. "After the resurrection

and

full

Theodoret (1547),

fol.

80'';

ed. Etdinger, p. 260.12—14; in the Demonstrationes per syllogismos

of divine glory, but a body none the

immortal and incorruptible

it is

less,

retaining

own form"

its

(Bayne,

p. 252n).

Deus uhique

Ideo

2:228.^

.

.

Augustine,

adest.

.

He

where because

no

absent from

is

is

He

Dardanum; Opera

therefore said to be every-

He

part of the universe;

be everyw^here in His entirety because

Ad

epist. 57,

"God

(1556), 2:275; PL, 33:838, as epist. 187.5.17.

is

therefore said to

does not afrbrd to one part of the

universe one part of His presence and to another another part. the created universe but even to every part of

He

it

.

.

For not only to

.

equally present in His

is

entirety" (Bayne, p. 254n).

Quod ad verbum

2:229. r 2:56*;

(1565;

PL, 33:835,

STC

"God Who

.

.

.

Augustine,

est.

epist. 57,

for ever

and was for ever becomes

sentences recurring in Leo

Sermones

I's

a creature."

.

A

.

Multi timore

.

they be compelled to

call

danger in caUing Christ a creature";

hope

inspires

Christ a creature:

H omits:

we profess Him a worm,

a

creatura.

we

From "Many are

creaturam.

.

.

Jerome's comments on Eph. 2:10; Opera (1516), 9:105'; PL, 26:467: fearfiil lest

.

paraphrase of

21—30; PL, 54:190—234;

in nativitate, nos.

probably derived from a secondary source.

Opera (1555),

Hardinges Answeare

Deus qui semper

14606), p. 350; Works (PS), 1:482. is

Ad Dardanum,

A Replie unto M.

See Jewel,

as epist. 187.3.8.

proclaim that there

is

no

man,

"seeing that with the ^vhole faith our a crucified one, a curse" (see

Bayne,

p. 255n).

How

2:231.1—5.5

pudendum

est.

is

it

true

Et mortuus

sepultus resurrexit; certum erunt, tur,

si

ipse

quod

non

fliit

.

.

"Natus

veines?

.

est,

verus,

si

est.

non vere habuit

in se

camem

ossibus sub structam, nervis intextam, venis

De

came

fiUus;

Christi,

non pudet, quia

quia ineptum

Sed haec quomodo

quia impossibile

sepeliretur et resuscitaretur:

TertuUian,

est dei

est dei fiUus; prorsus credibile est,

quod

scilicet,

figeretur,

nasci et

chap. 5.4-5; Opera (1566), 1:42;

sufriisam,

mori novit."

CCSL,

2:881; PL,

2:761. Arguing against the doceticism of Marcion (the heresy that Christ had

human body

but only appeared to have died on the

section preceding H's quotation,

"Quid

cross),

CCSL

2:231.8— 16. t

hominem

no

TertuUian asked, in the

destruis necessarium

dedecus fidei?"

dost thou destroy the indispensable dishonor of our faith?" "Natus" in

Et

quod morere-

hanc sanguine

implexam? Quae

est.

in illo vera

is

"Why

"Crucifixus"

and some other edns.

Make

thou no doubt

.

.

,

man.

Christus lesum, unde venturus

est,

"Noh

itaque dubitare ibi

memoriterque recole

nunc

esse

et fidehter tene

Christianam confessionem, quoniam resurrexit a mortuis, ascendit in coelum, sedet

725

Commentary ad dexteram

est in

inde venturus

voce

est ilia angelica

litatem dedit,

Cavendum

diflfusus.

enim, ne

est

2:56^; PL, 33:838, epist. 187.3.

D3-5',

epistolae (1482), sigs.

Men,

God and

if

the just, in

all

by

reigns

face,' therefore

see

epist. 57,

De

nativitate

by Bayne,

p.

the

which

When He

as if to give the

Dardanum; Opera (1555),

Domini, in Leo

De

The union or

see Intro, to

The

Book V,

two

et

shall

Man the

the kingdom!

same

He God and

But because

Christ Jesus, Mediator of

apostle calls the vision 'face to

have delivered up the kingdom to

meaning.

When He

shall

tnutuall participation

.

.

.

God

have brought believers p. 259n).

On

worlde.

this

key chapter,

pp. 197-199, above, and John E. Booty, "Richard Hooker,"

Spirit of Anglicanism

2:234.33—235.3

Sermones

PL, 42:830.

Trinitate, 1.16;

through to the contemplation of God even the Father" (Bayne, 2:234.26—27

I,

255n.

now

the Father had not

the sight

said.

Ad

have delivered up the kingdom to God, even

shall

whom now

faith, to it is

even the Father,

And

cited

When He

that,

As

the Father?

ire visus

divinitatem adstruamus hominis, ut

ita

Verse 24. Compare Augustine,

l.Cor. 15.

"What means will lead

quemadmodum

est in

veritatem corporis auferamus." Augustine,

2:233.a

ad vivos mortuosque

est

testante,

eadem camis forma atque substantia, cui profecto immortanaturam non abstulit. Secundum hanc formam non est putandus

coelum, id

ubique

venturus

sic

quam

nee aliunde

patris,

iudicandos. Et

(Wilton, Conn.: Whitehouse-Barlow, 1979), pp. 17-29.

principles,

.

.

.

beinge.

H here treats w^hat he has dealt with

some length in 1.5.2, relying on Aristotle, who affirmed that the human soul by means of reproduction is able to "partake in the eternal and divine. That is the goal towards which all things strive" (De anima, 2.4; 415 ;. Compare Gregory of Nyssa, Contra Eunomium, bk. 1 (PG, 45:274). But Aquinas seems to have been most important in the transmission of the idea to H. Concerning the first principle, at

And see God

see S.T. la.4.3; (1588), 1:18"; for the second, see la.33.2; (1588), 1:122\ la.6.1, 2; (1588), 1:21": "All things,

Himself, inasmuch divine being. is

in Himself,

.

.

.

as

the perfections of

And so of those

and

by desiring

this is

all

their

own

things are so

perfection, desire

many

similitudes

of the

some know Him as He others know some participa-

beings which desire God,

proper to a rational creature;

tion {participationes) of His goodness, and this belongs also to sensible knowledge, as

being directed to their end by a higher knowledge" (B, 2:85).

H

himself

considers divine causation in Pride (5:341.3—6).

2:235. fc 1:679;

Ecce dico

CCSL,

another;

.

separatur.

.

.

.

,

,

distinctione.

another not by division but by distinction."

Rufinus, Commentarius

Opera (1521), p. 366; PL, 21:346. plurality

TertuUian, Adversus Praxean, 9.1; Opera (1566),

2:1168; PL, 2:164. "1 say that the Father

in

is one and the Son Nee in numerum .

Symbolum Apostolorum, chap.

"Nor does an

6; in

.

.

Cyprian,

incorporeal begetting result in a

of essences, nor can there be division when what

is

begotten

is

in

no way

separated fi-om the begetter" (see Bayne, p. 26 In).

2:237.15-18

All ... effect.

See Aquinas, S.T, la.27.1; (1588), l:105^ "God,

726

Book

Who

the

is

artisan

works of his

in w^hotne

2:239.7

of all

principle

first

to the

is

Chapter 55.6-56.10

V,

may be compared

things,

(compare B,

art"

Superscript

should precede "he which."

s

Quoted firom De coena Domini,

gertnanissimam societatetn.

2:240.28.c

to created things as the

6:7).

ed to Cyprian in H*s time, but actually by Arnold, abbot of Bonneval

and

a part his

De

cardinalibus operibus Christi, chap. 6; see

Book V,

49; PL, 189:1644; and Intro, to

Lord offered was made

to the disciples,

outward appearance but

in

1144?),

Cyprian, Opera (1593), p.

above. "That bread which the

p. 217,

changed not

attribut-

(fl.

in nature,

by the omnipotence of the Word; and as in the person of Christ the manhood was plain while the Godhead was latent; so the divine essence infused itself in the visible sacrament, that loving worship might in our religion flesh

might

attach itself to the Sacraments, and a purer access

Him Whose body

and blood the sacraments

are,

lie

open

to the verity

of

reaching even to a participation

that this union should attain not consubstantiaUty with Christ but the and most intimate communion" (Bayne, pp. 267—268n).

of Spirit; so truest

Cyril, in Joh. LIO.

2:2A0.d

210*;

fol.

.

.

.

PG, 74:344, chap.

cap. 13.

See Cyril, In Evangelium Joannis (1520),

"Our

adversary in his wickedness disdains the

2:

admission that Christ was the Vine in a corporeal sense

on

life

Nostra quippe

2:241. e

conferring His

also, as

own

the branches" (Bayne, p. 268n). .

.

poluntates.

.

De

coena Domini, chap. 6; Cyprian, Opera

where the quoution begins, "nostra vero et ipsius"; PL, 189:1644. "But the conjunction of us and Him neither mixes the persons nor unites the (1593), p. 501,

substances, but

it allies

Quomodo

2:241/

.

.

.

and confederates wills" (Bayne,

affections

Irenaeus, Aduersus haereses, 4.18.5; Opera (1528), p.

alitur?

237, where the quotation begins

"And how which 2:24\.g

is

wax with

rursus dicunt";

He

shall

affections,

other

but

wax and

.

.

also

"For here

ipso.

.

be in

us,

by

it is

especially to

again in 2:358.z.

be observed that

not by a certain relation only,

a natural participation.

melteth them by the

fire

PG, 7:1027:

and partakes not of Ufe

Body and Blood of the Lord?" Cited

Unde considerandum

Christ saith that

through the

"Quomodo autem

say they that the flesh passes into corruption

nourished by the

p. 268n).

For

as, if

as

entertained

one entwineth

there resulteth of both one, so

through the participation of the Body of Christ and His precious Blood.

and

we

again in

Him,

lium Joannis (1520), 2:242./i

Ecclesia

.

.

.

are co-united" (Bayne, pp.

fol.

210';

268—269n). See

i[A.qpoupEvou.

See Eph. 1:22-23.

"And [God]

things subject under his fete [Christ's], and hathe appointed

to

be the head of the Church,

tow^arde his

things" (GB,

Church

that

members"). The Latin

is

in us

PG, 74:341.

all

filleth all in all

He

Cyril, In Evange-

Which

which

is

hathe

him over

his bodie, even the fiilnes

self perfect

not fi-om the Vulgate.

727

made things

of him that

glosses "fulnes": "the great love

he counteth not him

all

of Christ

without us which are

his

Commentary Whence

2:242.16-17.1 (1555), 2:57

;

is it

.

.

PL, 33:838,

ments to

ofTendeth,

It greatlie

above) viewed the sacraments

Fragmenta

left

unto

.

effectuallye

omnibus

.

hearinge.

Inst.,

Dardanum; Opera

Sanctis sunt

alii

aliis

Puritans did not limit sacra(see 2:71.z.n,

seals

of God's promises to him"

(Hall,

4.14.5-6, and Davies, W.E.P., chap. 12.

the

"With which outwarde signes Godd doth power of his holy spirit, in the hartes of the elect, as he

his w^orke also, the partakinge

of the grace

For with the outwarde signes

Godd

MS

pledged to us by them"; Bodleian Library,

H

as far as

signes, neither

do they

giveth unto us the inwarde

which

Eng. Th.

in stressing the grace

by them, and

signified

be neither bare

that they

partakinge, and enjoyinge of that grace in very truth

they did not go

Ad

marks of the true church, "which Sacraments

as

Calvin,

promised in the Worde. So signifie in vaine.

epist. 57,

explained in 1583:

worke by

doeth with

.

holy signs and

us, as

Uturgica, 1:11); see

Thomas Sampson

in

The Waldegrave Prayer Book

their teaching function.

Christ hath

"unde

187.5:

habendo habitatorem deum?"

sanctiores, nisi abundantius

2:244.28-31

Augustine,

others?

.

epist.

e.

presented, and

is

44, pp. 21—22.

of the sacraments

is

That

indicated

by

the reaction of A.C.L. (see next n). Indeed, the difference between Puritans and others such as

H was a matter of emphasis, Anglicans stressing the practical efficacy

of the sacraments in a way and to a degree the Puritans did not. "For Anglicans, sacraments were a conspicuously effective means of grace, w^hereas Puritans (true

view of man)

to their

grace that

stressed prevenient grace,

and so mitigated the impact of the

came by way of the sacraments"; John

F.

H. New, Anglican and

Puritan

(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964), p. 64.

But

2:245.31—246.2

their chiefest force

The

Sacraments" (4:115—121).

regarding the sacraments not

,

,

grace.

A.C.L. took exception to

our

"meanes conditionall" or

Salomons virisdom GB, which glosses "the brasen Spiritus sancti

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

of assurance, by which the

.

.

H

all.

serpent"

said:

worketh

spirit

as

here quotes Wisd. of Sol. 16:7 firom

"a signe of salvacion"

(v. 6).

Commenting on Luke 3:16 (Expo^itioEfawge/ii "The office of God is to fill with the grace of the

mystery of the Holy Spirit" (Bayne, Sanctijicatis

key statement,

"necessarie as faith"

mysterii.

secundum Lucam), Ambrose

2.79.

as

faith."

2:247.3—5

2:247. M

author(s) rightly identified this as a

as

60.4), but as "seales

(citing chap.

invisiblie to strengthen

tis,

.

(4:39.10-14); for H's response see 4:39.25-34 and the fragment, "Grace and

this

operatur.

p. 275n);

Cited from

chap. 8, of Arnold of Bonneval's

De

Opera (1567), 5:31; PL, 15:1581,

De

unctione chrismatis et

cardinalibus

operibus

alliis

Christi,

as

sacramen-

formerly

attributed to Cyprian (see 2:240.23.n); in Cyprian, Opera (1593), p. 516; PL, 189:

1654. "Their

own

nature does not give to the sanctified elements their eflScacy,

but (through them) the divine power works more potendy." Chrism

of olive 2:247. 1'

oil

Dum

and balsam used

homini

.

.

.

in the rites

medicinat.

is

a mixture

of the Greek and Latin Churches.

Hugh of 728

St.-Victor,

De

sacramentis,

1.9.2;

Book (1503),

V,

Chapter 56.10-58.2 good

62"; PL, 176:320. "While an invisible

sig.

outwardly by

visible

means

a signification

of the same

be outNvardly aroused and inwardly healed. virtue of the medicine

contains

it

is

is

is

given back to man,

afforded him, that he

... In the very nature

expressed."

may

of the vessel the

Si ergo vasa sunt

.

.

medicina.

.

PL, 176:323. "If therefore the sacraments are vessels

Ibid., 1.9.3; (1503), sig. B4';

of spiritual grace, they do not heal of their

own

operation, because the vessels

do

not heal the sick man, but the medicine in them" (Bayne, pp. 275—276n). 2:248.15

The substance of baptisme;

argument

2:251.5—252.26.n, below). its

H's attention

women

by

against baptism

He

and \vord;

else

all

its

That substance

nonessentials.

is left

to "the w^isdome

order accordinge to the exigence of that which

primary but

(see

considers the necessity of a sacrament in relation to

substance, as distinguished firom

grace, element,

now^ fixed on the Puritan

is

and thus on the necessity of baptism

is

consists

of the Church

of

... to

principall." Baptismal grace

is

conveyed through the use of water (element) and the baptismal

is

formula (word). These are the bare

essentials

of the sacrament in the

BCP

rite

of

Private Baptism {1559, p. 277). 2:249.11/

Eucharistia

(1528), p. 237; earthly

.

.

caelesti.

.

PG, 7:1029,

Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 4.34;

Opera

two

things,

chap. 18.5.

as

and heavenly"; see Bayne,

p.

"The

Eucharist consists of

277n, for the Greek, preserved in the

Parallela

Arcanarum constant. First Helvetic Confession (1536), Art. 20; Harmonia (1581), p. 74. "These being tokens of secret thinges, doe not consist of bare signs, but of signes and thinges also"; Harmony (1586), p. 382. ofjohn of Damascus.

2:249.x

Sacramentum

est

cum

res

.

.

.

.

.

.

operatur.

"A

sacrament

is

when

a visible

done works inwardly something quite different which is invisible." Sacramentum est per quod operatur. "A sacrament is that by which under cover of visible things divine power secretly works salvation." Bayne suggests (p. thing

.

277n),

as

.

.

source of both, Isidore of Seville; Originum

libri viginti

PL, 82:255. "Sacramentum

est in aliqua celebratione:

aliquid significare intelligatur,

quod

sancte accipiendum

cum

est.

(1577), col. 143;

res gesta ita

fit,

ut

Sunt autem sacramenta,

baptismus et chrisma: corpus et sanguis Christi: quae ob id sacramenta dicuntur: quia sub tegumento corporalium rerum, virtus divina secretius salutem

sacramentorum operatur." See Etymologiae

is

Sacramentum Gabriel Biel

Augustine,

epist.

est

signum

(d.

eorundem

55; PL, 33:205. Isidore's

an encyclopaedia of the knowledge of his time

signifying a free operation

Lombard's

also

(late

6C,

early 7C).

"A sacrament is a sign efficaciously of God." William of Ockham (1300?— 1349?), quoted by .

.

.

gratuitum.

1495), prominent theologian of Tubingen, in his lectures l.l.C;

Sentences,

Sacramentum proprie of any sacred thing

.

.

.

at all,

Biel,

homines.

In

iv.

"A

libros

Sententiarum

(1512),

sacrament properly speaking

is

on Peter

sig.

A3r.

not a sign

but only a sacred thing conveying grace to men"; firom

which also contains H's references and 227". The language is derived firom S.T., 3a.60.2, conclusio; (1588), 3:186"; compare B, 29:124-129, 178-211, 56:6-

the index to Aquinas, S.T. (1588),

[5]:sig. P3',

to 2ae.l01.4 and 102.5; (1588), 2:223'

729

Commentary 11, 10—13.

Sacramentum

est

signum

.

.

.

passion of Christ, of grace, and of glory:

"A

futuri. it

is

a

sacrament

is

a sign

commemoration of

of the

the past, a

From

demonstration of the present, and a prophetic pledge of the future."

the

same index, S.T. (1588) [5]:sig. P3', referring to 3a.60.3; (1588), 3:187'. Sacramenta sunt signa agit. From the Belgian Confession of Faith (1561), Art. 33; Harmonia (1581), p. 82. Sacraments "are visible signs and seals of an inward and .

invisible thing,

.

.

by means whereof God worketh

Ghost"; Cochrane,

in us

by the power of the Holy

Reformed Confessions of the 16th Century (1966), p. 213. See

ed..

Item Boetn. confes.

He

Harmony

(1586), p. 387.

them

be only bare and naked ministers and ceremonies"; compare Harmony

to

(1586), p. 387. See Bayne, pp. English Creede;

CD.,

278—279n. Both

"Neither doth

passages are cited in Rogers, The

.

.

signiflcatis.

.

First

Helvetian Confession

(1536), Art. 19; Harmonia (1581), p. 70. "Sacraments consist of His

outward

signs,

and of things

compare Harmony (1586),

signified";

sacraments are actions

2:250.7—14

.

.

God.

.

A

of

Word, of

p. 377.

Christian Letter attacked this

statement concerning intent (see 4:41.5—42.26). H's point here essential parts

suffer

PS, p. 247.

Sacratnenta constant verba

2:249. y

c.ll.

is

that the three

sacrament (grace, elements, w^ords) do not stand alone but

a

require the serious intent of the celebrant in the performance of the act.

As no one

the intent of the individual celebrant, people must

depend on

can be certain

as to

the publicly advertised intent of the church. See also chap. 62.12, 15.

2:250.2

Si aliud ministri

canon

law^,

another intention, such the

.

.

potest.

.

P. Lancelotti (1511—1591), professor

J.

Institutiones juris canoni, 2.2.5; (1578), p. as to

Church does not agree

mock

of

238. "If the ministers have

which power may be Church" (Bayne, p.

the sacred mysteries, or something else

to, their act

is

a nullity.

For

spiritual

exercised without faith, but not w^ithout the intention of the

279n). 2:250.(j tion, civil

Accessorium

.

law.

The

first is

Bayne

regulatur.

.

.

but the substance of two

rules,

firom the tract

(p.

280n) notes that

this

is

not a quota-

one from the canon and the other firom the

De

regulis juris in

the

Uber sextus

decretalium

of

Boniface VIII, 5.12.42: "Accessorium naturam sequi congruit principalis"; C.J. Can. (Venice, 1584), 3:824-825; Friedberg, 2:1123.

The

other

is

firom Justinian, Digesta,

50.17.178:

"Cum

sequuntur,

locum habent"; (1590), col. 2051; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 925; The rule Quod jussu {Digesta, 50.17.180) is less relevant: "Quod

principalis causa

non

consistat:

plerumque ne ea quidem quae

Scott, 11:315.

jussu alterius solvitur: pro eo quasi ipsi solutum esset"; (1590), col. 2052;

sen-Krueger (1963), 2:250.fc

Momm-

p. 925; Scott, 11:315.

Etsi nihil facile

.

.

.

est.

Justinian, Digesta, 50.17.183; (1590), col. 2052;

Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 925; Scott, 11:316. "Although no change is to be made in the administration of ritual solemnities, yet when plain demands it there may be a relaxation" (Bayne, p. 280n). 730

lighdy equity

Book

Chapter

V,

58.2-59.5

The Admonition objected to deemed necessary for an

Christ? The ground in Scripture by midwives and deacons {P.M., p.

2:251.5-252.26

.

.

.

private baptism

who

infant

might not survive to be baptized

in

14),

—

church

traditionally three days

Whitgift defended the practice; Defense, pp. 503-511 (PS, 2:495-507,

after birth.

519—520). Cartwright replied, citing the misinterpretation of John 3:5

as refering

baptism, as the basis for allowing such baptism. Whitgift believed that

literally to

on

the passage did refer to baptism,

the grounds that "water in that place"

GB

"material and elemental water" (whereas the

where the

holie Cost doeth

glossed

it

as

was

"the spiritual water

washe us into newnes of life"), but backed away from both Cartw^right and himself disliked "the

fiarther discussion, saying that since

opinion of those that thinke infants to be condemned, which are not baptized, therefore

will

1

not contend with you"; Defense,

p.

516 (PS, 2:522). A.C.L.

ignored the question of John 3:5 entirely (4:43—45), but Covel defended a interpretation

H

STC

of it; Just and Temperate Defence (1603;

had the reluctant support of Whitgift, the more

literal

5881), p. 110. Although

enthusiastic support

of Covel,

and could have cited Jewel {Certaine Sermons [1583], sig. R5'^), most Anglicans rejected the medieval view of the absolute necessity of baptism based on a Uteral

W.

reading ofJohn 3:5; see G.

the

3:5 constituted for

H "a definite barrier to the laxity which Puritanism would

inevitably encourage" (Bromiley, p. 63). see

the Anglican Reformers (1953),

consequences of the medieval doctrine: condemning the unbaptized. Thus

fiill

John

Bromiley, Baptism and

H was out of step with his colleagues on this matter but refrained from

pp. 58—59.

Raymond Brown,

Anchor

ed..

Concerning modern opinion on John The Gospel According

Bible:

to

John

3:5,

(New York:

Doubleday, 1966), 1:141-144; and see 2:253.15.n, below.

T.C.

2:251.7-20

p.l43

1.1.

On

Jire.

Puriun undersunding of baptism,

the

see Davies, W.E.P., pp. 69-70, 216—221, and Worship and Theology in England,

1:281-283. See also Travers,

Page 113 in

p. 143.

2:252.5—1

I

1

holde

expressed by

H

it

.

A

Full and Plaine Declaration,

pp.

23-25.

1.1.

edn.

1st

.

.

Concerning the hermeneutical principle

nothinge.

"The Hermeneutical Problem

here, see Egil Grislis,

in

Richard

Hooker," S.R.H., pp. 196-197. 2:252.c 11;

Minime sunt Mommsen-Krueger .

.

.

(1963), p. 34; Scott, 2:224. "Least

be changed which have had always 2:253.5-6

views

Holy

this theire later

lie

Spirit

and by

fire is

baptisme

.

.

to confer the

fire,

power of the body" (LCC, 2:1348). receive that

privat baptisme

of all may those things

a fixed interpretation" (Bayne, p. 282n).

behind Cartwright's, on Acts

function and nature of

2:253.15

Justinian, Digesta, 1.3[not 2].23; (1590), col.

habuerint.

.

£yer.

2:3:

See Calvin,

"Therefore, just

Holy

Spirit,

who

Inst.,

as to

4.16.25,

in regeneration has the

so to be reborn of water and the Spirit

Spirit,

The

which does

first

in the soul

rubric of

731

whose

baptize by the

is

what water does

but to in the

BCP's "The Minstration of Bap-

Commentary tism" emphasizes that the oflSce must be performed at church tion

is

gathered, but ends: "Nevertheless

home"

times be baptized at

all

provided, called

The

private Baptisme in necessitie

when

may

Baptized in Private Houses, in

at

was

rite

Time of

Interpretation of the Bishops (1560/1) reads: "Itm.

(as

in perill

of deathe)

be ministred either by the

to

some other grave and sober parson

Curate, deacon or Reader, or

the congrega-

necessity so require) children

{1559, p. 269). For this purpose a special

"Of Them That be

Necessity" (pp. 277-281).

(if

MS

[person] if the

The

tyme

will suffer";

BCP

did not directly countenance baptism by midwives but, as King James said at

Hampton Court

Corpus

Christi College,

(1604),

Cambridge,

106 (141),

words "could not but intend

its

p. 424.

permission, and

a

of women and private persons to baptize" (Cardwell, History of Conferenc174). And yet the king and many of his bishops were opposed to granting

suffering es,

p.

such permission (pp. 155-157, 172, 174-176). See 2:268.16-17.n and 269.1-2.n, below.

The

2:254.4—18 necessity

true

.

of baptism:

sary; (2) the

Holy

.

.

H

water?

presents three propositions in defense

means toward the good

causes and

(1)

instrumental in regeneration,

Spirit,

outward means toward regeneration

is

and the church's teaching concerning John 3:5

is

necessary; (3) water as the

and therefore baptism

necessary:

is

of the

are considered neces-

is

necessary,

justified.

adsit. Aristotle, Meta., 5.5 (1015*); Opera (1550), 1:356. 2:254/ 'AvoyKaiov . "That is called necessary without w^hich as an accompanying cause it is not possible to live and those things are necessary without which anything cannot be good .

.

.

.

.

or cannot be produced, or without which some

evil

cannot be averted or prevent-

The Latin paraphrase is from Peter de Fonseca's Commentary (Rome, 1577). See Aquinas, S.T., 3a.68.2; (1588), 3:216.

ed."

2:254.10-11.^

impossible savinge only

has "born from above," while

GB

bath of regeneration?

2:254.20

.

.

.

above?

H

on the Metaphysics

agrees with

BB, which

has "born again" for John 3:3.

H's translation of 6ia A.ouTpoi5 TtaXiyyeveaia^

in Tit. 3:5.

Fideles salutem

2:255./

.

.

176:320.

although they seek

in them.

it

given through them."

2:255.6—13

baptistne

H

is

is

not

as

"The .

.

.

faithful

St.-Victor,

do not seek

1.

.

.

.

life.

H

The sacrament was

rates those baptized into Christ (to

here

sets forth

instituted

They

are also

the

by God

means of grace.

from them is

main points

in the 2. It

church

incorpo-

be made partakers of Christ) and therefore

Through this sacrament by the imputation of grace (the infused with grace (given by "divine vertue of

the church (see 2:256.23—24). 3.

the baptized are cleansed of their sin and guilt

merits of Christ). 4.

saaamentis, 1.9.3;

salvation

emphasizing the instrumentality of the sacraments.

the source of grace but as the instrument or

members of His body,

De

For they (the sacraments) do not give what

a sacrament

of his theology of baptism:

Hugh of

tribuitur,

.

(1503), sig B2^; PL,

732

Book the holie Ghost"),

Chapter

V,

which moves

60.0-60.2

the baptized to act in consonance with their

new

H emphasizes this last (see 256.23—26); his statement accords BCP {1559, p. 275). See also 267.18-32, where H writes of baptism as

(newness of life).

state

with the

the sacrament of mercy.

2:255. m

Susceptus a Christo

eiusdem sermo.

.

.

Leo

crucijixi.

.

chap. 6; Sermones

xiiii,

De passione

I,

epistolae

et

(1482),

et resurredione

sig.

Domini

K5'; PL, 54:357.

"Taken up by Christ and taking up Christ, he is not the same after the washing he was before baptism, but the body of the regenerated becomes the flesh of the Crucified" (Bayne, pp. 284—285n). that

emaculetur. TertuDian, De resurredione mortuorum, chap. CCSL, 1:931. "The flesh is washed that the soul may be Homo per aquam tnutatur. See Eusebius Gallicanus (Pseudospotless." bishop of Emesa), Homily 3, De Epiphania; Homiliae ad populum (1547), fols. 12"—

Caro abluitur

2:255. n 8;

.

.

,

Opera (1566), 1:86;

.

where we

13',

contingitur."

.

.

quotation

H

as

gives

may be

it

water of baptism, appearing outw^ardly the same, ivith sin

gain;

he

again without

is

is

H believed these

changed."

bishop of Emesa

he

sin;

he puts off the worse, the better

his nature us,

bom

is

(d.

359?), but

by

"Scripture makes

2:255.0

sin

it,

not

as

Undee genitalis

.

.

.

his

person

is

is

his

dipped and

homilies were not written by the Eusebi-

5C

presbyter of Marseilles; see

Tpioof)v

.

.

Jtxovaa. Gregory of

.

Bdimafjoq Opera

known

(1550), pp. 238-239;

to us a threefold birth; the bodily birth, .

.

.

This

is

the grace and

power of

p. 285n).

injitndit.

Ad Donatum

him;

once the drowning of the world, but the cleansing

of each of us" (Bayne,

p. 2, as epist. 2.2,

in

Salvian, the

the birth of baptism, and the resurrection birth.

baptism, bringing with

inw^ardly

is

renewed

Nazianzus, Orat. 40.2, 7, Ei<; xd &yiov

PG, 36:360, 368.

translated:

dies to the past, the present result

Lawes, VL4.6; 3:26.10-15 and n, below.

of the

and "persona non "Man, through the made another; bom

find "intus tunc alter efficitur," "in melioribus,"

The

Cyprian, Liber de gratia, chap.

"The

de gratia Dei; PL, 4:200.

3;

Opera (1593),

of former years

stain

being washed away by help of the life-giving water, the light firom above pours itself into

06

my

fi6vov

.

cleansed and purified breast." Baptism for Cyprian .

.

x<xpi^eTai.

5; in Dialogi tres (1547), fol.

is

second

birth.

Theodoret, Haereticarum fabularum compendium, bk. 130";

PG, 83:512,

baptism give remission of our former

sins,

but

chap. 18. "For not only does it

begets in us a hope of the

gracious promises, and makes us sharers of the Lord's death and resurrection, and grants us participation in the gift

of the Holy

Spirit."

See also Epiphanius, Contra

odoginta haereses (1566), p. 520. Epiphanius (315?—403) Refutation of all the Heresies described

the beginning of the church. (1581), p. 89.

"To be

baptized

Baptisari est purgari is

was bishop of Salamis;

and attacked every heresy

to be

.

purged fi-om the

.

733

to

innocentem.

filthiness

indued with the manifold grace of God, for to lead a (Bayne, p. 285n); see Harmony (1586), p. 396.

.

known

him

his

firom

Harmonia

of sins and to be

new and

innocent

life"

Commentary 2:256.f

'Apx^i

ues:

•

•

P&irna|ia.

.

PG, 32:113. "Baptism

256;

De

Basil,

me

to

which

who

4.15.22),

is

not

.

that baptism

Covenant: "Accordingly,

when the we are safe

if,

contempt nor negligence,

p. 286n).

here relying on Calvin

is

.

omitted,

is

firom

There ^vere of the olde "But

haereses, 1.18, writes:

not the mystery of

.

all

and

infallible

others, rejecting invisible

neither firom sloth nor

danger" (LCC, 2:1323). After describing the ceremo-

onlie.

.

this is

power

in baptism, Irenaeus, Aduersus all this,

to

affirm that

be wrought by

corruptible creatures, nor that of things inconceivable and incorporeal

and bodily

{Inst.,

God's promise in the

a seal, confirming

is

sign

and formulae used by the Valentinian Gnostics

omnes

p.

argues that the lack of baptism does not bar children firom the

Kingdom of Heaven and

2:256.26—257.4

Opera (1551),

sentence contin-

See A.C.L., p. 16 (4:43.24-44.1).

it.

Cartwright

received.

.

.

The

of days" (Bayne,

first

Predestination bringeth ...

He

2:256. M

Spiritu Sancto, chap. 10;

the beginning of Ufe."

"and the day of regeneration, the

2:256.16-26

nies

is

But the mere knowledge of the

things.

it

becomes and

visible

by

ineffable greatness,

sensible

—

that

is

came from ignorance, by knowledge the whole state of ignorance falls to pieces. Knowledge therefore is the redemption of the inw^ard man" (Bayne, p. 287n); Opera (1528), p. 40; PG, 7:665,

perfect redemption. For since defect and passion

as

chap. 21. Valentinus (2C) was the most influential of the Gnostics.

Hie

2:257. If

scelestissimi

CCSL,

.

TertuUian,

est.

.

.

De

baptismo, chap. 13; Opera (1566),

"Here those profane wretches raise cavils. Baptism, they say, is not necessary for those to ^vhom faith is enough." They (certain Gnostics) cite the case of Abraham. sacramentum. Bernard of ClairHuic nulla proderit 2:413;

1:288.

.

Ad

Hugonem; Opera (1552),

vaux,

epist. 70,

profit

him nothing who does not

Bayne, 2:257.(1

1552

p. 287n). In

Institutio

their author

is

.

1247; PL, 182:1037. "Faith shall

receive the sacrament

when he might"

.

.

.

pervenire.

Hugo of St.-Victor, De 5<j
PL, 176:323. "The institution of the sacraments

within His dispensation, but

matter of necessity. For

it is

in

as regards

God's power to save

men

man who

Pelagius asserere

Pascha; Homiliae ad

.

.

.

conferendum. fol. 46":

populum (1547),

as regards

obeys

without them, but

not in man's power without them to reach salvation" (Bayne, 2:258. fc

(see

epist. 77.

sacramentorum

1.9.4; (1503), sig. B4'';

God

it is

.

col.

when

a

p. 288n).

Eusebius Gallicanus, Homilia "Pelagius,

is

it is

impiety

is

V.

de

objected

presumes to assert that baptism should be conferred on infants to give them not life but the kingdom of heaven." The passage begins: "Quod testimonium, contra Pelagii blasphemias evidentissimum atque validissimum est, qui asserere

against him,

arrepta

2:258.5-7

.

.

.

.

" See 2:255. n.n, above.

equitie. Having established the necessity Now the lawe of Christ as instituted by God, H now proceeds to discuss exceptions in terms of .

.

.

of baptism

"naturall equitie," including martyrs

whose baptisms were prevented (2:258.18-

734

Book

V,

Chapter

60.3-60.5

What

259.7) and infants dying unbaptized (259.28-261.9).

The

to baptize or be baptized. Inst.,

C

4.16.26, and the

principle

is

required

is

best stated at 260.3-7.

of T, Session 7 (on baptism), canon

5,

the will

is

Compare Calvin, which condemns

those >vho deny the necessity of baptism. 2:258.c

Benignius leges

Mommsen-Krueger

.

.

equitably if their intention

Whoso

2:258.1 0-1 3.
2:258.18—22

John

to

is

be carried out" (Bayne, not

beleiveth

"Laws must be interpreted

2:224.

Scott,

34;

p.

.

.

fooles?

.

p. 288n).

At 2:253.22-28 Cartwright

is

H was relying on memory here, adding the exact quote later as

accurately quoted.

a note. See

Justinian, Digesta, 1.3.18; (1590), col. 10;

conservetur.

.

(1963),

3:18.

For example,

.

.

barbarous.

.

In his epistle to Jubaianus

baptism, Cyprian taught that the Christian martyr ("baptisentur gloriosissimo et

maximo

is

heretical

own

blood

sanguinis baptismo"); Opera (1593), chap.

Bayne 289n, and Augustine, De

19, p. 224; PL, 3:1124; see

on

baptized by his

baptismo, 4.22 (PL,

43:173).

Againe ivhen some

2:258.22—259.7.6

Hugonem: "Si ante exitum

.

.

.

praeoccupatus articulo forte obtinere nequiverit, charitas sincera, propitius

sit

70,

epist.

dum non desit fides recta,

mihi Deus, quia huic ego ob solam aquam,

nequaquam omnino possum

Ad

si

spes pia, defuerit,

vacuam credere fidem, nee aquam non eontemptus, sed

desperare salutem, nee

confundere spem, nee excidere chariutem, tantum sola, (ut dixi,)

See Bernard's

onlie.

resipuerit, et voluerit, et petierit baptizari, sed mortis

si

prohibeat impossibilitas"; Opera (1552), col. 1245; PL, 182:1035.

See 2:257.0/ and n, above.

2:259.15—25

Tell

me

I besech you

nisi voluntas, nisi petitio?

gratiam tuam? Aut,

nee martyres, initiantur.

.

.

.

Quod

si

.

.

"Dieite mihi quid aliud in nobis

stead.

quomodo non

habuit Spiritum tuum,

quia solemniter

si

catechumeni

si

.

Qui

non

fiierint,

est,

aceepit

sunt celebrata mysteria, hoc movet; ergo

coronentur; non enim coronantur,

suo abluuntur sanguine,

et

hunc sua

si

non

pietas abluit et voluntas."

H quotes fi^om the funeral oration delivered by Ambrose, bishop of Milan, for the Emperor Valentinian murdered. See

De

II,

who was

about to be baptized

obitu Valentiniani consolatio,

at

age 20

when he was

§§ 51—53; Opera (1567), 3:3-13; PL,

16:1435-1436.

Qui ad tolerandam pati. Josephus, De imperio rationis; Opera (1566), p. "He who has once devoted himself to bear every injury for the glory of God seems to me to have fulfilled his martyrdom. Once to have firmly fixed the resolve

2:259^

.

.

.

690.

is

to have reached the highest merit;

takes precedence of the fact

bearing the pain

endure" (Bayne, 1524),

fol. 341'';

it

of

and therefore

suflfering,

and

as I said

if fate

the mental decision

deny the opportunity of

has nevertheless granted for the martyr

p. 290n).

H

is

all

he has will to

quoting from Erasmus's Latin paraphrase (Cologne,

sometimes printed in Greek Bibles

735

as bk.

4 of Maccabees,

it is

Commentary probably not by Josephus. In line

But yeat seinge grace sacramentes. See Aquinas, S.T., 3a.68.2: hominem sanctificat cujus potentia sacramentis visibilibus non

2:260.3—4

.

"Deus

.

.

interius

"God, whose power

alligatur" (1588), 3:216".

man

ments, sanctifies a

inwardly."

Compare

references in this note are taken from

As Bayne notes (p. 291n): "The Georg Cassander's De baptismo infantium, pars

when no contempt of

(Cologne, 1565). Cassander says that

God

imputes the grace. They think

deputat, nee gratiam

He

infants.

suam sacramentis

The

obligare voluerit.'

religion, but

prevented the administering of baptism, some have held

'articulus necessitatis,' has

that

not restricted to visible sacra-

is

B, 57:84-87.

divers of the schooledevines

2:260.10-11.^

altera

should be corrected to "fors".

4, "sors"

so,

'quod Deus voluntatem pro facto nee ad impossibile quenquam

alligari,

pious intention of the will of the parents

continues, 'Hanc sententiam

acutissimus et experientissimus,

Thomas

.

.

is

imputed to the

aperte professus, vir in rebus divinis

.

Caietanus, ipse

Gersonem

quem

sequutus,

deinde, secuti sunt Tilmannus ordinis praedicatorii Coloniensis Theologus, et post

hunc Thomas

Elysius Neapolitanus, cujus extat "

amplum volumen,

cui titulum fecit,

Clypeus priorum aduersus haeretkos.'

Gets.

.

.

Mar. Jean

.

mystic, in a

sermon

le

Charlier de Gerson (1363—1429), French theologian and

In nativitate beatae Mariae, delivered at the

stance (1415; Basle, 1518, 3:59; not seen),

and Joseph were "in utero

on

sanctificatione"; Cassander quotes: "Clearly

not so tied the mercy of His salvation to the

and to the sacraments within the

power of 3a.68.2,

womb the

He

that

Holy

Cajetan

Spirit" (Bayne).

.

.

.

In response to S.T.,

et 2.

"whether any one can be saved without baptism," Cajetan

the ancients was

of

sacrifice,

has

law of Christian tradition

cannot, without prejudice to that law, sanctify

quotation from Gregory the Great:

virtue

common

Mary

God

children not yet born, by the baptism of His grace and the

"baptism in the intention of the parents"

among

Council of Con-

the question of whether both

and

done

is

"What

for children

for those

sufficient, referring to

says that

Peter Lombard's

the water of baptism effects for us that

by

faith alone, for

older people

by the

of the stock of Abraham by the mystery of

libri iV, 4.1; PL, 4:331). Cajetan (Thomas de Vio, Dominican theologian and reform-minded ecclesiastic whose commentary on Aquinas's Summa theologiae marked a notable revival of scholasti-

circumcision" {Sententiarunt

1469-1534) was

a

cism in the 16C. quotation ends:

Bicl

"When

.

.

q.2.

.

Biel cites Gerson, quoted above. Cassander's

therefore holy

men say that no one can be without common law

born again, they speak according to the special privileges

H cites in line

10.

and divine dispensations";

Tilman.

.

.

.

c. 1.

opinions of Gerson and Cajetan in

a

.

that

is,

.

.

,

saved unless prejudice to

the "remorse of equitie" that

Segebert Tilman (1502-1537) discusses the

work on the seven sacraments (Cologne, him for eighteen pages. Elisius

1546, p. 43; not seen). Cassander quotes baptis.

Thomas

Elisius (d.

.

.

•

1570) in Clypeus priorum adversus haeretkos (Venice,

1563; not seen) discusses "whether a child can be baptized in the

736

womb"

(chap.

Book De

Chapter

V,

quotu^ Gerson,

baptismo. Art. 3),

60.6-61.1

Cajetan, and Tilman; Cassander quotes

eleven pages.

What

ties all

that supersedes

these quotes together

common

if stricdy

16C context of high

especially within the

injustice,

the issue of equity, that

is

or sutute law, which,

jurisprudence

is,

would

followed,

infant mortality.

lead to

On

H's

understanding of equity, see chap. 9.3.

Exod.

2:262.j

H's ciution, following Whitgift in the Answere (Defense, p. at 2:287. », calls attention to an

4:24.

515; PS, 2:519), of Exod. 4:24, here and again incident even

GB gloss,

modem

commentators find puzzUng. Moses

"punished with sickenes for neglecting

his

lies

according to the

ill,

Sacrament" (circumcision; see

Gen. 17:9—12). Sephorah circumcises the son and throw^s the "fore skinne

euphemism,

his fete" (v. 25), a

her husband by touching him w^ith his son's foreskin"

was uncircumcised

Moses

and

\vas sore sicke,

Lord" of V. 24; "Or, Ufted.

H

GB

too.

comments on

(J. B.C., p. 50), for

Moses

acknowledges that "This acte

^vas extraordinarie: for

God even

As

then required

it."

the same verses at 2:287,

g

(see n),

"he ["the

a result,

Anger (GB)] departed from him" and

the

... at

she "most probably simulated a circumcision of

as

and

the affliction

was

and see Bayne,

i;

pp. 323-324n.

2:262.13—15

when under

suf&cient

.

.

"not the want, but the con-

exhibit,

.

tempt or neglect onely of the holy Sacrament, can draw any the the lordes wrath. Neither infant,

but to the parents onely, whose faut that

2:262.15—16

Wee

have for baptisme

.

.

is";

Cartwright, 3:124.

At

circumcision.

.

apparance of

least

contempt prejudicial to the

that ether neglect, or

is

a

synod held

at

Carthage in 252, Fidus, an African bishop, suggested that infants be baptized eight days after birth, in accord with Jew^ish circumcision. This was rejected, Cyprian

arguing that none should be denied "the mercy and grace of birth.

See

LOF

Epistles of S. Cyprian,

God" anytime

after

(1844), pp. 195-196, and Hefele, History of

the Councib, 1:97.

In omnibus obligationibus

2:262.k laid

down

2029;

the obligation

Mommsen-Krueger

2:262.25—26

What

thinges

...

debetur.

due today";

is

"In

all

obligations

is

(1963), p. 920; Scott, 11:298. .

.

.

necessitie.

The

subject

of

this

properly "private baptism"; see chap. 62.1 (2:268.18). Here

Cartwright and Calvin

where no day

Justinian, Digesta, 50.17.14; (1590), col.

(see Inst., 4.15.20),

H

chapter is

at

but in agreement with the

is

more

odds with

BCP

{1559,

p. 277).

2:263.7— 11. m

Which custome

bishops {Epist.

Epiphany but

iv.

at

ad Episc.

Easter" (chap.

and Pentecost" (chap. at

any time" (chap.

3)

5).

and

H

.

.

Sicil.),

1).

Leo

I,

writing to the Sicilian

argued that "baptism

is

to

.

singularitie:

He

explained

stated that "in case

translates the final

737

"why we

be celebrated not

at

baptize only at Easter

of necessity baptism

is

to

be given

words: "ut in mortis periculo, in

Commentary obsidionis discrimine, in persecutionis angustiis, in timore naufragii, nullo tempore

hoc verae 59:701,

that sentence

2:263.16— 17. « to Victor

which

Rome

bishop of

I,

which he located

Palestine, earlier

remedium cuiquam denegemus"; Bayne,

salutis singulare

295n; PL,

Victor

. .

.

H refers to a letter ascribed

tymes.

(189—199), addressed to Theophilus of Caesarea in

De

in the liber pontiftcalis or

vitis

Romattomm

Pontiftcum, the

portion of which was formerly (and erroneously) ascribed to Pope Damasus

(304F-384); PL, 127:1279. There Easter

Victor adds: "If there

is

is

specified as the proper time for baptism.

necessity, or peril

of death threaten, whatever the place or

time; whether in a river or

Christian faith

296n);

p.

as epist. 16.

on

the sea or in other waters, if only the confession of the

who

reach the faith receive baptism" (Bayne, p.

home.

See Augustine, Contra epistolam Parmenia-

clear, let gentiles

is

PG, 5:1485.

That which

2:263.17—264.1

.

.

.

m, 2.13; Opera (1556), 7:41; PL, 43:70-71; cited by Calvin,

prominent Donatist, succeeded Donatus

nian, a

objected against Novatian,

2:264.5—6 faction at

Rome

as

Novatian

was

Parme-

4.15.20.

(d.

257—258), leader of a

mid—3C, wished

following the persecutions of the

from the church.

Inst.,

bishop of Carthage (350?).

he received

rigorist

to exclude the

baptism (that

is,

the

delay of baptism until death was believed to be imminent) while severely

ill

and

his ordination.

See

lapsed

It

said that

was not confirmed. This was held Eusebius, Hist, at

eales.,

against

him

at the

canon

non

H

Novatian

also cites

A

man which

hath

.

.

The Council of Neocaesarea, 316 AD,

them.

.

12: "Si quis in aegritudine constititus, fuerit baptizatus, presbyter ordinari

Non enim

debet.

ipsius

studium

ex necessitate

fides illius voluntaria, sed

aut

et fides probabilis fuerit,

hominum

(1585), 1:471; Hefele, History of the Councils, 1:229,

314-325. This canon

Bayne

(p.

is

found

cogat";

It

was thought good

.

.

.

expiation. his

new

where the date of the synod

Leo VI, the Wise (Byzantine colaws are

the Nouellae of Justinian in early editions of the "Placuit veteribus, ut quae sacrificia et

commonly

civil law),

communiones

printed after

novella constitutio 4:

in privatis aedibus fiunt, ab

sacerdotibus, qui ad generales ecclesias pertinent, solis celebrentur.

hoc quidem ut videtur,

quo

defectionis fuerint,

statuerent, religionis conservandae causa in

videlicet (ut conjicere est)

malum

tegunt, usu

non

longe magis contaminentur

and P. Nepos,

English

postea

Concilia

in the C.J.Can., 1.57; (Venice, 1584), 1:395-396.

emperor from 870, emperor 886-912;

illis

est, nisi forte

raritas

296n) quotes the Greek.

2:264.22-27.0

J.

time of

6.43, and 2:271.19-272.24.n, below.

IV.11.12; see 1:318.20-319.1 and n, above.

2:264.8-13

is

clinical

>5

dum

.

.

illis

.

Atque venisse

nonnulli sacerdotii praetextu lethale

veniat, uti qui profanati sacrificii particeps

quam

expientur"; (1590), col. 354; Greek text,

Grecoromanum (1931;

trans., Scott, C.J. Civ.,

mentem

17:208-209.

738

rpr.

1962), 1:60;

PG, 107:431-434;

Book

Chapter

V,

Whereas a sacred canon

2:264.27—265.5./)

.

.

.

61.1-61.3

Leo VI,

safe.

"Etiam hie

novella 15:

venerandae sextae synodi sacer canon, qui non in privatarum aedium oratoriis seorsum, sed in nis

lodonem

solis in

communem usum consecraris templis, divinam regeneratioquum similia cum illis jubeat, qui sacrosancta sacrificia et

perfici vult,

mysteria in privaris domibus celebrari vetant.

synodo decretum sacerdotum

constituisse

nomen

.

.

Nam

.

haec tarn

stricte

sacrum

mihi quidem videtur, propter eos qui quanquam

tamen

gerant, profani

quos ad lavacrum adducunt,

sunt, et

domos ejusdem

pollutes reddunt: qui (ut apparet)

opinionis

hominum

subeuntes,

non rem divinam &ciunt, sed cum iis qui conveniunt, in auspicati aliquid moliuntur. Hanc vero provisionem umetsi et divinam esse, et mulu salutaria continere constet. Verumtamen quum nunc divina gratia omnes perversae opiniones sint profligatae, etiam quantum ad hoc attinet, quamobrem reipublicae hoc decretum .

.

.

ad prohibendam in privatarum aedium oratoriis regenerationis lotionem obtrudatur,

nullum equidem Nepos,

causam video"; (1590),

esse necessariam

PG,

1:73;

col.

Nepos and

360;

107: 453-456; Scott, 17:218.

baptise. To allowe ofwemens haptisinge The passage from Cartwright which H cites in a summary form, occurs in the context of Whitgift's assertion that "M. Bucer in his Censure upon the Communion booke" approved of the BCP Ministration of Baptism, including baptism of infants by

2:265.^

.

.

.

(1:145 [114]),

midwives under extreme conditions, "unto the Devill, to bring in redemption, and

much

hath to

for to delay baptism

was

to

open

a

door

contempt of baptisme, and so of our whole

a

communion of Christ which thorough

the sect of Anabaptistes,

prevayled with many"; Defense, pp. 521—522 (PS, 535—536). Cart-

wright objected that Bucer's Censura was not published in English, but Whitgift

was working from

either a manuscript or the Latin. Cartwright responds: "...

it

seemeth very straunge/ that Bucer should not only contrary to the learned w^ryters

now/ but

also contrary to

all

learned antiquity/ and contrary to the practise of the

church/ whilest there was any Tertullian sayeth to teache/

it is

done of lay men lycence to the

w^omen

ve.]. b.

in the

woman

e. in

And

de Bapt.].

is

women/

called)

but

the church

seeme also

li.l.

an other booke he sayth/

that children could not it

baptising,

3.].

it

lesse

of a

he do permit to be

termed) yet he geveth not the

contra heres.]/ and d. in an other

w^as

[Lib. 2. ubi.

de phrygib.

booke he

et Priscil.]/

not graunted unto the holy mother of

f Augustin although he were of that minde/

be saved without baptisme/ yet in the tyme of necessitie

he doth not allow eyther of baptisme in private houses or by

when

[1.

(as it is

a.

churche/ nor

Epiphanius upraideth Marcian that he

c.

made women bishops

Christ to baptise her sonne [Lib.

(as

to speake in the

in an other place/ although

tyme of necessitie [Lib.

to baptise [Epiph.

derydeth them that they

and

woman

nor to baptise/ nor to do any worke of a man/ muche

mynister [De Virgini.

sufl&ed

alow of w^omens

tollerable estate/

not permitted unto a

Li.

there

was daunger the

de merit,

et remis.

women

peccau

man

hasted to cary the children unto

24. ca.]/

and although

g.

he doe

tyme of necessitie/ yet there he mentioneth not >vomens baptisme/ and frirther he doubteth whether the to allow

of the baptisme of a

lay

739

in the

Commentary which was baptised by

childe should be baptised agayne/

parmen.

13. cap.], h.

2.

lib.

And

without exception decreed/ that a

woman

a lay

man

[Contra ep.

of Carthage

in the fourth councel

it is

ought not to baptise [Tom.

100]." Cartwright's citations supply the notes of

H

1.

simple

con. ca.

that follow. See 2:266.6-7.n,

below.

The boldnes

2:265.12-13

wrongly ascribed

.

.

CCSL,

Opera (1566), 2:415;

.

Teclaes example

to St. Paul claim Thekla's

teaching and baptizing,

let

Tertullian,

them know

writing with the view of adding to

The

but

To

2:265. 15-23.r

summum

fame from

pax

dari potest

.

summus

.

.

apostolus, sed

.

.

craveth

.

sacerdos,

his

it,

was deposed from

si

Ibid.,

it.

qui

est,

laicis ius est:

17.1-3: "Dandi

quidem

episcopus; dehinc presbyteri et

est.

Omnia

licere dixit sanctissimus

expedire: sufficiat scilicet et in necessitatibus ut utaris

quum

Specialities

.

enim

constantia

urget circumstantia periclitantis."

comprehended.

.

.

CCSL,

Opera (1566), 2:61;

statement,

uncertain,

honorem quo salvo quod enim ex aequo accipitur ex aequo

aemulatio schismatum mater

non omnia

succurrentis excipitur,

4;

is

in Phrygian Christianity.

sicubi aut loci aut temporis aut personae conditio compellit: tunc

2:266.2-3.5

women's

sine episcopi auctoritate, propter ecclesiae

Alioquin etiam

est.

were highly regarded

give baptisme

habet ius

non tamen

diaconi, salva

women

the writings

who composed that own store, after being

authorship of the apocryphal Acta of Paul and Thecla

evident that

it is

if

as a license for

convicted and confessing that for love of Paul he had done his office."

baptismo, 17.5;

that in Asia the priest

Paul's

St.

example

De

"But

1:291; ed. Evans (1972), p. 34;

1:1213.

"A quocunque removetur

De

Tertullian,

Posito

genus, ab

.

.

.

virginibus uelattdis, chap.

species.

H

eodem removetur

refers

to

et species,"

Azo of Bologna (1150?-1230?) in his scholia on Title 4 of (Divinum pene opt4s); Summa illustris juris consulti Azonis in titulos Codicis

the jurist

the

by

the Codex (1499), p.

18.

2:266. <

Non

CCSL,

permittitur

1:1218. "It

is

.

.

.

vindicate.

teach, nor to baptize, nor to

man's functions,

As

2:266.6-7

Epiphanius,

women

least

Tertullian, ibid., chap. 9.1; (1566), 2:67;

not permitted to a

make

woman

offering,

of all in the priesthood"; cited by Calvin,

for Epiphanius ... Tertullian. "li.

1

to speak in the church,

contra haeres.,"

who

nor to

nor to claim for herself a part in any Inst,,

4.15.4.

Cartwright (1:145 [114]) cited

"upbraydeth Marcion that he

suffi-ed

to baptise"; see 2:265.^; Whitgift, Defense, p. 522; PS, 2:535. Cartwright

got the reference from Calvin; see Epiphanius, Contra

and 79.3, and Bayne, 2:266.10-12

Finallie

p.

octoginta haereses, 42.4, 49.2,

299n, necessitie.

See the Fourth Council of Carthage, canon

100, cited by Cartwright; Whitgift, Defense, p. 523: "Mulier baptizare

non

praesu-

mat"; Concilia (1585), 1:761; Hefele, History of the Councib, 2:417. Calvin alleges the canon in opposition to baptism by women, a practice to which Augustine subscribed.

740

Book T.C.

2:266.M

p.l44

1.1.

Chapter

V,

61.3-62.2

See Whitgift, Defense, pp. 518, 520, 523 (PS,

sorte.

2:525, 529, 537), and pp. 114-115 in the 1st edn.

O

2:267.1

The

sir.

The

Intro, to

direct address recalls the rhetorical stance

of the Prefece; see

on A.C.L.

Prefice, pp. 78, above, and H's notes

(4:41.29, 51.15,

53.18).

Nostra

2:267. f

.

.

.

Augustine, Contra Mendadum, chap. 17; Opera (1556),

iebemus.

"We

4:51; PL, 40:542.

must not provide

minU and commin.

2:268.8 x); see

The

for another's salvation

by our own

sin."

lawe" of Matt. 23:23 (line 2 and

"lesser things of the

1:260.9-1 l.^.n, above, and 273.7-8.a.

Whether baptisme by women

2:268.16-17

ing the question of baptism by ministry

.

.

H locates the basic issue underly-

it.

.

in the assumption that a validly ordained (see lines

18—25 and

of baptism, he argues that

essential to

conveyance of baptismal grace

essential to the

is

2:286.2-6).

women

Having aflBrmed the

necessity

worde, and the serious application of both"

valid baptism are "the element, the

(281.23—24; see 279.14—18).

Where

these are present

women,

extraordinary action, baptism by laymen, or

is

and necessity demands and has been consid-

valid

ered so by "the godly learned of all ages" (289.17). Furthermore, such exceptional

baptism proceeds from compassion and

brede into

gravell,

To make wemen

2:269.1—2 and z equality gift,

is

not to be judged

of men and

women

teachers

.

.

.

H

absurditie,

in the church. In this

he

503—511 (PS, 2:495—507). Baptism by

Defense, pp.

as

turning "caelestiall

or the medicine of soules into poison" (282.32—33).

is

in

does not

agreement

assert the

>vith

Whit-

women was condemned by

Tertullian (De baptismo, chap. 17) and the Fourth Council of Carthage (2:266.1012.n), but Augustine that the

only

approved the

practice,

as irregular

but

but

valid,

it

as regular (Peter

S.T., 3a.67.4). In England opinion

who

and

was on the

basis

of his argument

schoolmen and the medieval councils approved baptism by \vomen not

defended baptism by

in general, thus

Lombard,

was divided between

women as

Sent.,

they sought to promote the rights of the

foUowing Augustine and the schoolmen, and

those, such as

Hooper, bishop of Gloucester and Worcester and Protestant martyr

viewed baptism by

women as a

the Bishop of Winchester's Tertullian, the

4.3A; Aquinas,

those, such as Tyndale,

(d.

1555),

laity

John

who

"profanation of the divine ordinance" ("Answer to

Book," Early

Writings, PS, 1:31),

and thus followed

Council of Carthage, and Calvin, who, amongst the Reformers,

first

spoke against the traditional practice. Calvin was followed not only by Puritans such

as

Cartwright but by Bullinger, Beza, and the Second Helvetic Confession

W. Bromiley, Baptism and the Anglican Reformers, pp. 86— No one looked beneath the immediate issue to see that prohibition of baptism by women in the early church was due to social conventions; see L. G. Patterson, "Women in the Early Church: A Problem of Perspective," in Toward a New (chap. 22), as well. See G.

89.

M. H. Micks and C. P. Price (Somerville, Mass.: And see Stephen Sykes, "Richard Hooker and the

Theology of Ordination, eds.

Greeno, Hadden, 1976).

741

Commentary Ordination of Women to the Priesthood," Sewanee Theological Review, 36.2 (1993):

200-214,

rpr.

from After Eve,

Martin Soskice (London: Marshall Picker-

ed. Janet

ing, 1990).

Clement extendeth

2:269.13— 17. fc

.

The

priests?

.

.

Apostolic Constitutions (3.9) begins:

"De

pertinent passage of the

mulieribus autem an hae baptizare

quod non parvum periculum imminet eis, quae hoc ."; est enim, imo iniquum et impium. "As regards the administration of baptism by women, we give you to know that those attempting it incur no small danger. Wherefore we give no such counsel. The thing is dangerous. Nay, it is lawless and impious" (Bayne, p. 303n). There follows the passage quoted by H: "Quod si in praecedentibus docere eas non permisimus, quomodo quis eas praeter naturam sacra facere concedat? Haec est enim inscitia ad Graecorum impietatem pertinens, foeminis deabus sacrificulas instituere"; Clement I, Clementina (1570), p. 250; PG, 1:781 (Bayne quotes the debeant, significamus vobis, faciunt.

Ideo non consulimus: periculosum

Greek,

p. 303n).

The

.

Apostolic Constitutions, an early collection of ecclesiastical

law, date from the later 4C, but were associated with

the third bishop of Rome after Peter 2:269.20-24.<:

as

when

the

Church

Cartwright (1:144 [113]): "For in

its

would have

decline]

as

.

.

God.

.

2:270.9-10

if

to

make

.

also hir [= their]

.

.

(fl.

96?), probably

H

truncates the

end of this passage

in

women priests, so it [the Church women priests, and that this was an

the heathen had

he can speake any truth" (Bayne,

Wee may not

was bound

Clement

(OCDD).

other occasion of brynging in the baptisme by

Clement,

.

H

women,

is

it

appeareth by your

302n).

The

prohibitions.

the Puritans despair.

p.

legal principle

drawing on

enunciated here

his fourth

fundamental

proposition (chap. 9.3).

2:210.d

Licita prohibentur,

.

.

"Lawful things are forbidden

illicita.

.

lest if

they

were allowed they should become the occasion of unlawful things." Bayne (p. 304n) notes that the passage is not where H cites it: Institutiones, 1.21, De authoritate

tutorum, §

1;

CJ.Civ.:

Institutiones (1569), pp.

C.J.Civ.: Digesta (1575), 1:828-829.

the gloss: "Praetextu

liciti,

60-61; nor in the

suggests the Digest, 1.18,6,

non debet committi

D«^es/,. 6.1.9;

which contains

illicitum."

And it male be necessitie is. Bridges, who defended baptism women or other lay persons when necessity required it {Defence, p. 580), reports

2:270.14—16

by

He

that

.

.

.

w^hen the practice was discovered without the presence of necessity the persons

involved were punished (pp. 576-577). Bishop Cooper is reported as saying that those responsible for preparing the Elizabethan BCP asserted in Convocation that the

book

neither maintained baptism by midwives nor taught that children dying

without baptism were doomed. The "book only taketh order and provideth, that if the child

be baptized by the midwife rebaptizing be not admitted"; see M. Some

laid out in his colours, p. 66.

742

Book Una

2:271/

est nativitas

Opera (1539),

p. 212;

.

62.2-62.5

Prosper of Aquitaine, Sententiae, no. 331;

iterari.

.

PL, 51:479. "There

heavenly; one of the mortality;

.

Chapter

V,

one birth

is

another of the

flesh,

Spirit;

earthly, there

one of

another

is

another of

eternity,

one of male and female, another of God and the Church. But those two For as the womb cannot be entered again so baptism cannot be

are each single.

repeated." Prosper gathered the Sentences from Augustine, this one from Tract. 11,

Injoannem, §

Ejafratres

6.

.

.

.

this

before

all else,

bishop of Verona,

Invitatio

ad

PL, 11:482. "Haste, brethren, to the

nourishing ^vater of the birth-giving font that

you, kno^ving

4C

Zeno,

haurire.

15; Sermones (1508), sig. K3';

fontes, no.

may always be sufficient for may never be poured away nor

waters

its

water

that this

ever drunk a second time" (see Bayne, p. 305n).

seconde baptisme

2:271.14—16.^

.

.

voyde.

.

Donatistas, 2.14; (1555), 7:85'; PL, 43:138.

baptized at

all

or to be baptized a second time,

which men most

the

detest

Tertullian

2:271. 17. /i

as

De baptismo,

In

baptismo contra to

be

I

see

be decided. But

chap. 15, Tertullian denies that heretics have

same

the orthodox: "Consequently, they have not the one because they have

it

at all"; ed.

Agrippinus

2:271.17.1

difficult to

is

De

more dangerous, never

the orthodox, in that the heretics have not the

as

not the same baptism. As they have they have

is

and abhor" (Bayne, pp. 305—306n).

same God or Christ

baptism

See Augustine,

"Which

it

Evans (1964),

not in proper form, there p. 33;

Opera (1566), 2:414;

This predecessor of Cyprian held the

is

no doubt

CCSL, first

that

1:290.

Council of

Carthage (215?), which decided that heretics must be rebaptized. See Cyprian, epist. 71.4,

Ad

Quintum de

haereticis baptizandis;

Opera (1593), p. 214, and

epist.

73.3, Adjubaianum; (1593), p. 219.

2:271.19-272.24

Novatian

.

.

.

heritiques.

Following the Decian persecution

(249-250), a question arose as to the readmission to the church of those lapsed from

it.

Cornelius, bishop of

Rome, took what some

who

had

believed to be a lax

rigorist position. The same tension and rigorism was evident with regard to the rebaptism of those

attitude,

while Novatian, a presbyter, took a

between

laxity

baptized in a schismatic church. In Africa, Donatus led a synod to agree that schismatics should be rebaptized. Cyprian agreed, arguing that rebaptism essential, there

being no baptism apart from the one true church under a

By 254 Cyprian was

bishop.

according to Cyprian

(epist.

disputing with Stephen

74.1, 24),

judged

so long as the required verbal formula attitude

North

of the

Roman

church was

Afirican church, led

and

all

1,

bishop of

Rome, who,

baptisms by heretics to be lawful,

ritual acts

pastoral, that

were

used.

Whereas the

of the Novatianists and of the

by Cyprian, was dedicated

to the preservation

church's doctrinal and moral purity, although Cyprian's rigor was not that

of the Montanists. As Bayne observes, Calvin for

sixteenth century" (pp. 301-302). See 2:212.j

Eus.

1.7-

.

.

.

76.

III.

Eusebius, Hist,

743

H

1.9 (1:199-201)

eales.,

was

rightfril

7.1-3,

is

as

of the

harsh as

"the Cyprian of the

and nn, above.

tells

of Cyprian's struggles

Commentary over heretical baptism, principally with the bishops of

Stephen

I.

See PG, 20:639-642. For Cyprian's

LOF

Opera (1593), pp. 211-251;

2:272.16-17

own

Rome,

account in

70-76, see

(1844), pp. 232-312.

The Bishop of Rome

... customes,

who

(PG, 20:641—642), says that "Stephen

Eusebius, Hist,

eccles.,

7.3

thought that no innovations should be

contrary to the tradition that had prevailed from antiquity, was gready

made

offended

at this"

(Bayne, p. 307n).

nii ipsi Episcopi

2:272. fe

.

.

Lucifer.

.

Jerome, Aduersus

PL, 23:178. "Those very bishops

3:66'';

who had

Luciferianos;

3.2-3,

vide et August.

. .

Cyprian's

discusses

.

c.2.3.

new decree"

Dixisti fieri

.

Donatistarum, 1.10; (1549),

not be that in a

false

falsified

damned

the Creed;

make

one saying

from the Son of God the

(fl.

PL,

43:497.

et

365), bishop of Milevis in Numidia,

A3'; PL, 9:905.

Church" (Bayne, In which

all this

"You

said that

known

are

it

could

accused give

is

who

have

is

one; another

a third

withdrawing

there

reconciled to God; and others

be separated from the sacraments of the

p. 307n).

H

heretiques.

with regard to baptism by

of the Son;

the world to

free, the

two Gods when

in the person

whereby

make

can be true only of heretics

that there are

known flesh

who

there are of Hke kind

2:272.23-24

sig.

to stand, the lost could

But

absolve!

wishing the Father to be

Catholic

7:54';

baptism the defiled could wash clean, the impure could purify,

the over-thrower could

pardon, the

Optatus

noscuntur.

.

.

(1555),

(1555), 2:38^^-39'; PL, 33:339, as epist. 93.

ep.48. Epist. 48.10 to Vincentius;

De schismate

(Bayne,

Augustine, Contra Cresconium grammaticum,

Opera

views;

Opera (1516),

ruled with Cyprian that heretics

should be rebaptized, returning to ancient custom, put forth a p. 307n).

2:272./

Cornelius and

epist.

heretics, the rule

here identifies the moderate position

being that the heresy of baptising by

heretical ministers does not nuUify the sacrament, unless their heresy touches "the

highest articles of the Christian faith," such as

2:273. l-2.m

For the baptisme

Nicaea (325) ruled that och), rule

condemned

when

.

.

.

is

indicated

rebaptised.

by Optatus

Canon 19 of

in

/.

the Council of

the followers of Paul of Samosata (bishop of Anti-

for heresy in 268, desire to return to the Catholic church, "the

which orders them

to

be rebaptized must be observed";

Concilia (1585), 1:570;

Hefele, History of the Councib, 1:430. Cathari (or Novatianists) to receive imposition

of hands (canon

8;

Hefele, 1:410).

were simply required

On

the Pauhanists, see

2:21 2.1 3-1 4.n, above.

Canon 9 [H has 8] of the first Council Trinitie. It was likewise . of Aries (314) decreed, with Afiicans having their own law in mind, that any heretic coming into the church should be interrogated concerning the Creed, and

2:273.2-6.M

if it

is

.

.

determined that he has been baptized in the name of the Father and the Son

and the Holy

Spirit,

Holy Ghost. But

if

"hands only

when

shall

be

laid

upon him,

asked for his Creed he

744

shall

that

he

may

not confess

receive the

this Trinity,

he

Book is

V,

Chapter 62.5-62.10

H

to be baptized" (Bayne, pp. 307-308n); (1585), 1:606; Hefele, 1:188.

"Arianis" for "Afris"

as

did numerous

MSS, but

met

the Council

in

read

314 concern-

ing Donatists, not Arians.

Dionysius

2:273.6—28.0

.

.

.

quoted by Eusebius,

in

paraphrasing a passage from an epistle of

passage to

this

show

Opera (1549),

that the

Rome,

p. 579;

presumed

as

PG,

invalidity

any case does not imply the necessity of rebaptism (3:135).

The Donatist schism began in the Diocletian persecution (303— when conflict broke out between the

Donatistes

2:274. 1

is

265?), to Xystus (Sixtus), bishop of

(d.

Hist, ecdes., 7.8 [H: 7.9]; Eusebius,

20:655—656. Cartwright quoted

of baptism

H

cleare.

Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria

305), in the African province of Numidia,

"Traditors" (those w^ho handed over the Scriptures and other church property to

who

the persecutors) and the rigorists (those resisting the

account

is

followed the example of Cyprian,

demands of the persecutors and defending the church's

—

be rebaptized on entering their church

traditors

Donatists were

enacted against

purity).

Insisting that those baptized

faithful to the earliest accounts.

H's

by the

—

the true, pure church

the

condemned at a synod of Rome (313), and imperial laws were them under Theodosius and Justinian; see the Theodosian Code,

16.5; Justinian, Codex, 1.6.2; (1575), p. 58.

2:274.11—12

was ordeined

Caecilian

.

.

Known,

Carthage,

.

in combatting the Donatist schism, Caecilian (d. 345?)

known

311 and the only bishop of Latin Africa

Nicaea (325).

He was

opposed by the

to

rigorist party,

as here, for his role

was bishop of Carthage from

have attended the Council of

who

(as

H

notes) consecrated

a rival bishop, Majorinus.

2:275.6.^

2:276.3-5

Optatus

.

.

.

against Parmenian.

the teachers

.

.

.

them.

Dei tenutio

cited at 2:272./.

Vincent of Lerins, Adversus pro/anas omnium

novitates haereticorum commonitorium, chap. 23:

in Ecclesia

As

"Dicebamus ergo

esset populi, error magistri: et tanto

in superioribus

quod

major tentatio quanto

ipse esset doctior qui erraret"; in Tres gravissimi, perpetuae Catholicae ftdei constantiae, testes

(1594), p. 223; PL, 50:660, as chap. 17.

2:276.8— 12. r

saith Vincentius

.

.

.

On

Vincent, see 2:221. M.n, above.

Ibid., chap. 11:

hell.

auctores ejusdem opinionis catholici,

"O

rerum mira conversio!

consecutores vero haeretici judicantur:

absolvuntur magistri, condemnantur discipuli: conscriptores librorum erunt, assertores vero

gehenna

suscipiet"; (1594), p. 199;

PL, 50:646,

filii

as

regni

chap. 6.

See Bayne, 31 In. 2:276.12—16.5

Code,

The

invectives

.

.

.

follie.

The law

Adversarios in the

16.6.4, beginning "Adversarios catholicae fidei,"

is

emperors Arcadius (383-408), Honorius (393-423), and Theodosius against the Donatists.

It

attacks

them

as schismatics

become

heretics

sacraments, repeating baptism "et homines semel ut traditum est ablutos contagione profanae repetitionis inficerent,

745

ita

Theodosian

an edict ascribed to the II

(401-450)

who violate

munere

the

divinitatis

contigit ut haereses ex

Commentary schismate nasceretur";

Mommsen-Meyer,

law Nullus rebaptizandi (16.6.6) Theodosius

II,

in

is

1.2:881-882; Pharr, pp. 464—465.

The

an equally severe edict of Honorius and

which the followers of Novatian

named; Mommsen-Meyer,

are

1.2:883-884; Pharr, p. 465. 2:276. (

siquis

1.

.

.

413.

.

Codex, 1.6.2; (1590),

sanctum baptisma

A citation of the edicts quoted above as found in Justinian,

col. 68;

Krueger (1963),

p. 60; Scott, 12:72. Title

6

is

"Ne

iteretur."

The "Anabaptist" movement began 21 when George Blaurock was "rebaptized" by a layman, Conrad the home of Felix Mantz in Zurich. While the name was applied

the Anabaptist rebaptiseth

2:277.11

January 1525 Grebel, in

generally to the radical reformist groups of the Reformation, descriptive of those

who

insisted

on rebaptism.

A

it

was technically

mandate of Emperor Charles V,

issued 23 April 1529, applied the imperial laws against

Donatism

to the Anabaptists

including the death penalty of the Justinian Code; see 2:274. l.n, above. See G. H.

Williams, The Radical Reformation (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1962), pp. 238240.

On

the association of the Puritans with the Anabaptists, and

The

Lawes, see Intro, to

Preface, pp. 49-50, above;

its

impact on the

and see Bancroft, Sermon

Preached at Paules Crosse, pp. 24, 86-87. if baptisme

2:277.21-24 to

be

essential;

.

.

.

chaps.

see

sacrament; 58.3

A

H conceived

key expression of what

(2:250.11-14),

62.14

(2:279.14-17),

62.15

(2:281.23-24), and 2:268.16-17.n; and see Paget, Introduction, pp. 165-166 (2nd edn., p. 210).

2:277.31-278.1

Weetake.

.sacrament?

.

ParaphrasingCartwright, 1:144 [114]; see

2:268.y.

2:278. f

9.

q.2 c. Lugdunensis.

answer of Pope Urban

See Gratian, Deaetum, 2.9.2.10, containing the

Hugo, archbishop of Lyons, 1:1150-1152; Friedberg, 1:605. At "Lugdunensis" the to

II

C.J.

Can. (Venice, 1584),

Glossa ordinaria has this

statement of the case: "Hugo, Archbishop of Lyons, asked Urban, whether he

could tolerate in

his

own

answers. Yes, he can, in a

ordained without any

orders certain clerics ordained by other bishops. spirit

of mercy,

stain, after

if

they are of good

life,

due penance has been imposed.

and

He

if

Urban

they were

supports his

by the example of John Chrysostom, who tolerated his own clergy ordained by the holy Epiphanius, and received them in his own orders, which he would not have done if he had known that they had not received orders" (Bayne, contrac. See Gregory IX, Decrelales, 4.16.2; C.J. Can. c. ex literis p. 313n). (Venice, 1584), 2:1527-1529; Friedberg, 2:708. The title concerns "matrimony decision

.

.

.

contracted against the interdict of the Church." to:

The words of chap.

"Although they ought not to have contracted

yet the

matrimony must not

for this be dissolved.

against the order

But

a

2 are referred

of the Church

penance must be imposed

because they contracted in spite of the Church's prohibition" (Bayne, p. 313n).

Damas.

.

.

.

ohtinet.

Damasus Bohemus

746

(early

13C Bolognese

canonist), Veteris

Book

Chapter 62.10-62.15

V,

juris ecdesiastid, canonidque dodoris, Burdiardica (1564), fol. 72.

"Many

when done

things are to be tolerated

Regula 109

states that

although there was a prohibition

against their being done." H's Latin paraphrases the solutio that follows the

and

places, pro

from which

contra,

H

derives the

the note

H

ences

given here. Whitgift, Defense,

as

may

minister be

2:280.8-9.)'

.

.

"althowgh baptism

writes:

of

list

references. In compiling

p. 504 (PS, 2:497), makes the same argumaxim. See Bayne, pp. 313—314n.

cite the

Page 131 in die

p.l65.

1.1.

two

well not have consulted the Deaetales but simply took the refer-

ment but does not 2:279.x

first

ofJohn the

Baptist,

institution,

which

1st

edn. See Whitgift, Defense, p. 596 (PS, 3:87).

baptisme?

.

Expounding Matt. 28:29, Cartwright which was instituted in the ministery

be not instituted here,

nor here be mentioned any drcumstance: yet the minister of that

no

is

may wel be

drcumstance, but a subordinate efficient cause,

appointed" (3:117); see also 3:138.

2:280.10-12.2

What

if the ministers

.

Cartwright, 3:127: "I affirm

require?

. .

a necessary point of the Sacrament, that yt be ministred by a Minister.

.

.

For

.

this

is

it

a

matter of doctrine, and a matter of faith: even in that narrow signification, that he taketh of matters of faith. This

is

none of the

Bez. ep.2.

2:280.0

.

.

haptisarim.

.

Beza,

obseruando; Epistolarum theologicarum

.

.

.

epist. 2,

liber

which

variable ceremonies,

the diversity of tymes, of countreis, and of persons.

.

.

Thomae

Tilio Fratri

unus (1573), p. 28;

spondence de Theodore de Beze, ed. Hippolyte Aubert et

by

alter

."

al.

epist.

Symmystae 865, Corre-

(Geneva: Librarie Droz,

1986), p. 198.

adverbs

2:281.8

of the Scottish related

how

more then

Bayne

perbes,

(p.

316n) identified the allusion.

William Crichton (Creitchton), to

Jesuit,

Sir Francis

he dissuaded William Parry from attempting to

"William Creitchtons Letter to

A letter

Walsingham,

assassinate the

queen;

Bayne was "published by royal command" but the STC has no record of it. It was, however, printed by Holinshed in his Chronides (1587). Crichton writes: "First he alleged the utilitie of the deed for delivering of so manie catholikes out of miserie, and restitution of the catholike relligion. 1 answ^ered, that the scripture

sutes that

sir

Francis Walsingham, Febr. 20. [1584/5]."

it

answereth thereto, saieng: Non sunt fadenda mala,

how great that He replied that it

good,

ever

be.

was not

good.

1

answered, that

Quia

in actionibus

liceat facere, nisi

all

And

legitime fieri potest.'

magis

bene

it

be,

may be wrought

evill to

good

is

have been

occasioned. See

Deum

DNB

So

little

magis amare adverbia

placent bene ac legitime,

et legitime fieri possit.

set free in

how

that for

no

that ever

not to be doone, but that onelie: 'Quod bene

shed's Chronides of England, Scotland,

said to

evill,

it

take awaie so great evill and induce so great

therefore, 'dixi

ei

ut veniant bona.

anie

Quod

quhm bonum.

in hoc casu fieri

Ita ut

non

nullum bonum

potest' ";

Holin-

and Ireland (London, 1808), 4:472. Crichton

consequence of

this letter,

which

and Camden's Annales (1717), 2:428.

747

et

qu^m nomina.

is

Parry's confession

Commentary baptistne

2:280.23-281.28

an action

is

.

.

.

Here

required.

H

defines baptism

moral, ecclesiastical, and mystical action. Moral action concerns not only the

as a

doing of baptism according to the necessary outward matter and form but the doing of

well,

it

with requisite religious

affection; ecclesiastical action

laws governing the performance of the baptismal

ecclesiastical

rite;

concerns (outwardly) element, word, and intent, and (inwardly) tion.

See 1.7—8 and Aristotle, N.E., on the distinction between

laws, opus operatum

and opus

concerns

mystical action

life

and regenera-

human and

divine

the deed and the mind; see also Bayne, p.

operantis,

316n. 2:281.32-282.1

The summe of all

2:282.25-283.6

The

.

.

.

See Cartwright, 3:128, 139.

effect.

On jurisdiction,

exercise ... vanisheth.

see VI. 1-2.

plurimum. Justinian, Digesta, 39.1.5.5, citing Ulpian; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 636; Scott, 8:309. "The deed of one person ought not to bring harm upon another person." Item Alphen. insti. Ibid., 28.5.44; (1590), col. 935; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 422, as

2:283. fc

Factum

alterius

.

.

.

(1590), col. 1369;

.

28.5.45; Scott, 6:224-225, as 28.5.44. Alfenus

contains a saying that

quoted;

it

rights.

Maleficia

.

.

.

.

whom the law is

the lawyer firom

is

"no one by

.

another's deed" can suffer loss of

paen. Justinian, Codex, 9.47.22; (1590), col. 780 (reading

"Peccata igitur suos teneant auctores: nee ulterius progrediatur metus,

quam

reperiatur delictum"); Krueger (1963), p. 392; Scott, 15:79. "Let evil deeds affect

the doers of

poenam

them and not other

2:283.1 8-29. c

as

Augustine understood

Augustine begins by quoting Cyprian,

ne quid

deesset, inquit,

.

fuerant consequuti."

ad illorum

.

rule begins:

H

on

avoyde.

lapsis,

"Sanctimus

In

epist.

23,

Ad Bonifacium,

chap. 7; Opera (1593), p. 279:

quod

in

primo statim

nativitatis

Augustine then comments: "Amiserunt,

illos

ibi esse

equity, see chap. 9.3.

"Ac

ad criminis cumulum, infantes quoque parentum manibus

scelus, a

ac voluntate, qui in

.

De

impositi vel attrectati, amiserunt parvuli,

attinuit

The

parties."

ubi et noxa est" (Bayne, p. 318n). For

quibus amittere coacti sunt. Amiserunt in

tantum facinus commiserunt.

Nam

si

exordio

quantum eorum mente

dixit,

in seipsis amisissent,

remansissent utique divina sententia, sine ulla defensione damnandi.

Quod si sanctus Nonne

Cyprianus arbitraretur, non eorum defensionem continuo subiiceret, dicens: illi

cum

iudicii dies venerit, dicent:

Nos

nihil fecimus. ... ";

(1556), 2:90; PL, 33:361, as epist. 98.3. Whitgift cites the

same

Augustine, Opera letter; Defense, p.

608 (PS, 3:111). See 2:294.9-22.m and n. 2:284. 4-21.
St Augustines

.

.

epistolam Parminiani, 2.13, goes

Cartwright, 3:139,

is

.

baptisme.

The

reference to Augustine, Contra

back to Whitgift, Defense,

p.

518 (PS, 2:526); H's to

to his response to Whitgift; see 2:263.1 7-264. l.n, above.

Augustine, Opera (1556), 7:41; PL, 43:70.

2:284.23-285.8

I

doubt

.

.

.

given.

dederit necessitate compulsus,

Ibid.:

quod cum

748

"Quanquam

etsi laicus

ipse acciperet,

aliqua pereunti

quomodo dandum

esset

.

Book addidicit, nescio

necessitate

an pie quisquam dixerit esse repetendum. Nulla enim cogente

fiat,

si

alieni

muneris usurpatio

nullum, aut veniale delictum

quod datum

cuilibet detur,

datum.

possit illicite

est,

vel ejus qui

est.

Sed

et

non

fuerit

est:

si

correxerit,

autem

non datum, quamvis

potest dici

recte dici

corrigit reminiscentis et

poeni-

manebit ad poenam usurpatohs quod datum

non tamen pro non dato

dedit, vel ejus qui illicite accepit,

illicite

necessitas urgeat, aut

nulla necessitate usurpetur, et a quolibet

si

autem usurpationem

Illicitam

Quod si non

tentis affectus.

Chapter 62.15-62.21

V,

habebitur"; Opera (1556), 7:41; PL, 43:71. Keble (2:299n) suggested that Cart-

wright mistook the force of the idiom "nescio an"; "nescio

ought therefore to be

translated, "I hardly think a

.

.

be iterated"; but Cartwright was following Calvin

4.15.20),

{Inst.,

repetendum"

.

man may piously

say

passage as proof that Augustine doubted the validity of lay baptism. lates:

"I carmot

conclusion p.

it

who

ought to cited the

Norton

trans-

whether a man may godlily say that it ought to be iterate"; H's 9—1 1) more accurately represents Augustine's position; see Bayne,

tell

(lines

320n.

2:285/

This image was taken from Augustine, Contra

tfu scale

2.13; the passage cited above continues:

quod

usurpatum

a privatis

est

signum

litteras

Parmeniani,

"Neque unquam per devotum

militem,

regale violabitur"; Opera (1556), 7:41; PL,

43:71.

delictum ... harmes. Compare the maxim of Roman law, "In omnibus noxa caput sequitur"; Justinian, Digesta, 47.1.1, 2; (1590), col. 1757;

2:286.11—12

Mommsen-Krueger

10:243. "In

(1963), p. 813; Scott,

[actions]

all

the crime

follows the person."

2:286.^

I say

,

.

.

Like Calvin

them.

{Inst.,

4.15.22), Cartwright

saw Sephorah's

(Zipporah's) action as contrary to God's will. Whitgift, Defense, p. 517 {Works, PS, 2:524), disagreed, saying that Sephorah "did circumcise in a poynt

and not

wilfully or

of purpose: and

was

that circumcision

of extremitie

a true circumcision,

it were not done ordinarily." Cartwright responded (3:126) that it is nowhere apparent that the Lord required circumcision if there were no "ordinary

though

minister" available. In this

last

point Cartwright disagreed with Calvin. See

2:262.y.n, above.

2:287. /i

Mala

Apparendy

passis

.

.

consol.

a paraphrase

omnia ([1570]), p. 1080.

of the

"For last

sufferers

words of

we

feel

compassion, not anger."

Lib. 4, prosa 4; see Boethius, Opera

"And when we doo judge

that

men

that

be sycke in their

bodyes, be not worthy to be hated but rather worthy to be pytied, even so the

more

are they not to be hated, but to be pitied

more

fierce

consolatione philosophiae,

trans.

greaveth, that

is

and

cruell,

much

whose myndes wckednese

than any syckenes of the body";

George Colvile (1556;

STC

3201),

sig.

De

X2"'.

Boethius (480?—524?), philosopher and statesman, fiiend and adviser to Theodoric,

composed

the Consolation while in prison awaiting execution.

749

Commentary Phinees

2:288 A2.j Israel;

with

Phinehas was priest whose religious zeal became proverbial in

106:30 compare

Ps.

Numb.

The next two

Interrogatories in baptisme

2:289.31

25:7-11.

addressed to sponsors or godparents in the baptismal

B.C. P., 1559,

infants (see

confession of

Book,

faith,

p. 273).

the questions

answered on behalf of the

Concerning the renunciation of

were addressed

custom (Maskell,

reflecting medieval

chapters concern questions

rite,

to the infant in the

Monumenta

ed.,

ritualia,

and the

evil 1

549 Prayer

1:22—24) and

the Lutheran teaching that infants have real faith and that sponsors are simply their

mouthpieces. Reformed churches, influenced by Calvin, did not believe that there

was

faith in infants.

It

was under such influence

that the interrogatories

were

addressed to the godparents in the second Edwardian Prayer Book, with the

conviction that the godparents simply gave a pledge of future repentance and faith

with their

own

(Bromiley, Baptism and the Anglican Reformers, p. 130).

faith as surety

The author of "A View of Popishe Abuses" went of the questions,

abolition that

"which

is

faulting the

BCP

further

still,

arguing for the

promise

for requiring godparents to

not in their powers to perform" and profaning baptism by asking

"questions of an infante, which can not answere, and speake unto them" {P.M., p. 26). Cartwright

of

faith

argued in support of such abolition, preferring a plain confession

made by

argument led

the sponsors themselves, while Whitgift believed that such

directly to the heresy

of the Anabaptists; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 612,

620; PS, 3:118, 134-138; Strype, Whitgift, 3:Append. 16. As Whitgift viewed the

problem, godparents accepted repentance and belief on behalf of the infant

would

later

H

confirm them.

Bromiley argues

accepted

and

that Puritans

and expanded on

this

it

who

(chap. 64.4).

more

their antagonists fundamentally agreed,

so

than they would admit; nevertheless, Anglicans retained the interrogatories "not

merely because they were ancient, but because they tions, tightened the

point for subsequent catechetical instruction"

2:289.33-34

set

out the baptismal condi-

bond between sponsor and sponsored, and provided

All that are

.

.

•

made.

a starting-

(p. 133).

H's discussion begins with preliminary

considerations, arguing the necessity of belief (2:290.26— 28) for entrance into the

family of Christ and for participation in eternal

life;

the fact that the sacraments

("the signes of Gods love") cannot be enjoyed without faith (291.12-13; note the use of "therefore"); the fact that sin destroys faith, darkness obliterating heavenly illumination:

"That the minde therefore maie abide

in the light

of faith, there must

abide in the will as constant a resolution to have no fellowship at vanities (1)

and workes of darkenes" (291.28-292.1). Because there

are

all

the relinquishment of Satan and (2) obedience to the faith of Christ,

interrogatories

2:290.6-18

with the

two covenants,

we

have

of two kinds in the BCP.

All pointes

.

.

.

require.

The

between "demonstrable between philosophy and

distinction

conclusions" and "demonstrative principles"

is

that

theology, or natural reason and revelation; see Aquinas, S.T. la.2.1, resp.

750

Book Apostate

2:290./

.

.

Quoted by Gregory of Nazianzus

Julia

.

Chapter 62.21-63.3

V,

as if from the

decree

of Julian the Apostate, by which the emperor attempted to control education for the benefit of paganism.

The

and

entire passage reads: "Literature

who

language are naturally ours

are worshippers

of the gods;

and the Greek ignorance

illiterate

wisdom goes no fiirther than to say, 'beUeve' " Opera (1550), p. 296; PG, 35:636. Compare Calvin, Inst.,

yours whose

rusticity are

(Bayne, p. 326n); 4.15.13.

2:290.24—26. m

The mysteries

Quaestiones

faith,

having been composed

H

181, the text

by H); Opera

comprehend.

.

.

ad orthodoxos,

Council of Nicaea (325); but see Opera (1551),

after the

.

2:291.20

be an

faith

but in

its

H

his discussion

faith

is

Spirit

is

not

made

an intellectual habit, see

faith as

related to

intellect (truth).

both the object of the will

His discussion here seems scholas-

H demonstrates his awareness of the

of love

a dweller in

priest" (Bayne, p. 327n).

On

intellectuall habit

good) and the object of the

(the

"The Holy

faith as

Aquinas, S.T., 2a2.4.1, resp. For

tic,

p.

Jerome, Adversus Ludferianos, chap. 4.9 (abridged

.fidem.

.

(1516), 3:63"; PL, 23:164.

temple which has not a true

that

Justin Martyr's exposition of the

not now^ considered to be by him,

is

used.

Spiritus Sanctus

2:291.0

.

et responsiones

Reformation

understanding of faith

as the

of "the

of the heart" (Larger Catechism, Book of Concord, p. 365). "a knowledge of God's will toward us, perceived from his

and

trust

faith

Calvin speaks of faith

Word," but our faith"

it is

also

personal apprehension of divine grace. Luther speaks

as

whom we receive.

knowledge of Christ

{Inst., 3.2.6). Intellect

and

Christ

is

"the goal of

will are involved in the context

of

a saving

interpersonal relationship. See Cert, znd Just., § 15 (5:122.28-123.2).

Two

2:292. l-3.f

2.24:

offidis,

covenantes

"Duae

.

.

.

See Isidore of

Christ.

diabolo et pompis ejus, et universae conversationi

patrem

Seville,

sunt pactiones credentium. Prima pactio illius.

est,

De

eadesiastids

qua renuntiatur

Secunda pactio

est,

qua

se

sanctum credere fatetur" (1534), sig. Ml"; PL, 83:821. "There are two covenants of believers. By the first he renounces the devil in

and

his

et filium et spiritum

pomps and

Father, the Son,

2:292.^

Ambros.

all

his conversation.

By

the second he confesses his faith in the

and the Holy Ghost" (Bayne, .

.

.

c.4.

abluitur, inteUigibilem ilium

Hexaemeron,

1.4:

Pharao principem

p. 328n).

"Derelinquit enim et deserit, qui istius

mundi, dicens, Abruncio

diablole, et angelis tuis, et operibus tuis, et imperiis tuis"; PL, 14:129.

Calvin,

Irtst.,

4.15.11:

tibi,

Compare

"Baptism indeed promises to us the drowning of our

Pharaoh" (LCC, 2:1312; see Exod. 14:28). 2:292.r

nam

Tertul. de spectac.

fidem in

legis

De spedaculis,

angelis ejus ore nostro contestamur"

2:292.5

chap. 4:

"Cum aquam ingressi

suae verba profitemur, renuntiasse nos diabolo et

'Oaoi ... avocyEW&vrai.

(CSEL, 20:6; PL,

et

1:635).

Justin Martyr, Apology

751

Christia-

pompae

1,

chap. 61;

Opera

Commentary PG,

(1551), p. 159;

6:420. "All then

who

are persuaded

and believe that the things

taught and affirmed by us are true; and undertake that they can live accordingly; are

God

taught to pray and with fasting to ask from

we

pray and

fast w^ith

we

them. Then

remission of their former

bring them where there

is

sins;

water, and

and

by the

regeneration which regenerated us they too are regenerated" (Bayne, p. 328n).

'They profane

2:292.20-293.2

The same defended

2:293.3

thys questioning/

For

first

can be

it

.

.

.

P.M., p. 26; see 2:289.31.n, above.

parlia.

.

See Cartwright, 1:169 [134]:

"And as for

better termed/ then a very trifeling

and toying.

p.l68.

.

little

of all/ children have not/ nor can not have any

word of God/

standing of the

God/ whych worketh have

.

faith

Compare

having no under-

Whitgift, Defense, pp. 610-611 (PS, 3:115).

Christi College,

.

on

.

113

it

is

294, containing a condemnation of

(38), p.

infant baptism:

of them which teache that baptisme that for this cause

See 2:277. ll.n, above, and Corpus

mockerie.

.

MS

Cambridge,

the Anabaptist teaching

"we condempne and

refuse the doctryn

only a signe of penaunce and obedyence and

shoulde not appartein to

word of

nether repent neyther obey the

contrary to the doctryn of the apostles and

infants,

because thei cannot

god. This doctryne it

is

effect that thei

without exception free acceptinge

may be

doth subvert and destroye the nature

sak

which righteousnes attain

this

thinge

of the righteousnes of

all

the

this

end

members therof

faithe, that

is

to say

of

is

called

of the apostle the righteousnes of faithe, because

we have herd the gospell by we deserve it not by any kind of our repentaunce or obedyence. we have the manifest doctryn of the appostell St. Paule."

a free

and undeserved promyse when

They with whome

2:293.17-18

was widely taken

infant baptism

however,

until

... infantes;

with the Anabaptists on

identify the Puritans it

in

only so that

faith

For

by

whole Churche and

a mysticall seale

yet

and allowing unto the grace and favor of god the father for Christes

we

it

to the

as

repugnant and

of all the sacraments because they be instituted and ordeyned of Christ to

and

of

spirite

them after a wonderful fashion. But I deny that they can which cometh by hearing/ and understanding whych is not in them." in

The Anabaptist

2:293.7-17

faith/

deny/ but children have the

will not

I

for granted in

this

H

Unlike Whitgift,

does not

matter of infant baptism. In fact

16C England by both

sides that there

had been

from the time of the Apostles. That there was no such baptism, the time of TertuUian (see De baptismo, chap. 18) is demonstrated by

Joachim Jeremias

in Infant Baptism in the First Four Centuries (London:

SCM

Press,

1960).

2:294.9-22. M

If,

(saith he)

.

.

.

thereof

Augustine,

epist.

sit

castus, vel fur

non

sit

futurus, sine

Ad Bonifacium: "Si cum creverit, futurus

23,

constituam, inquis, ante te parvulum, et interrogem, utrum

dubio respondebis, nescio. Et utrum in eadem

parvula aetate constitutus, cogitet aliquid boni vel mali, dices, nescio. Si itaque de

moribus quid

eius futuris nihil audes certi promittere, et de eius praesenti cogitatione,

est illud

quod quando ad baptismum

752

offeruntur, pro eis parentes

tanquam

fidei

Book

doctores respondent, et dicunt si

potest,

dignehs,

occultum ut

ita

est?

.

.

Chapter

V,

quod

illos facere,

Ad

.

istas

63.3-64.4

non

iUa aetas cogitare

potest, aut

ergo quaestiones peto breviter respondere

non mihi de consuetudine

praescribas, sed

rationem reddas"; Opera

(1556), 2:92; PL, 33:363, as epist. 98.7.

Sicut credere

2:294.1/

.

.

.

perdpiendo.

2:295. u/

Multum mirabilis as De praesentia Dei

.

known

2:295.24—296.2

"Respondi

Nee

sed salubenimae consuetudinis reddidi

PL, 33:363, 2:296.x

meam

ad excusationem

tibi

Augustine,

quantum

quam

as epist.

located.

Ad

Dardanum,

also

as epist. 187.6.

Ad

23,

epist.

attinet

quantum autem ad pacatos

satis,

57,

epist.

is

Opera (1556), 2:272; PL, 33:840,

liber;

This ... a reasonable cause.

sat est.

quotation

this

Augustine,

nosse.

.

which

sicut existimo quaestionibus tuis,

ad contentiosos non

quam

.

Opera (1556), 2:93; PL, 33:363,

Ibid.;

98.10. H's text summarizes the passage in

Bonifadum:

ad minus capaces

et

et intelligentes plus forte

obieci firmissimam consuetudinem,

potui rationem"; Opera (1556), 2:94;

as epist. 98.10.

If children

.

Cartwright's text (1:169 [136-137]) follows the

elecUd.

.

.

passage cited at the head of this chapter.

For Mrhen w^ee know^e heaven. Matt. 19:14; and see rite, Mark 10:13-16; B.C.P., 1559, p. 271.

2:296.13-14

.

.

the gospel

.

account of the baptismal 2:296.)'

2.Joh.

Verses

1.

1

and

4; see

A.C.L.,

p. 36,

and H's response, 4:51.21—

53.5. 2:297.fl

Stipulatio

.

.

by which he

responded

.

Mommsen-Krueger

who

"A

stipulation

is

a

form of words

questioned replies that he will give or will do what the

is

question requires."

1654;

Justinian, Digesta, 45.1.5.1; (1590), col.

(1963), p. 770; Scott, 10:95.

In hac

re

.

.

.

Faciam. Justinian,

Institutiones,

3.16 [H: 15];

(1590), col. 57; Krueger (1963), p. 36, as 3.15.1; Scott, 2:111. "In this matter the

following formulae have been handed down: 'Do you pledge yourself? myself.

Do you promise?

Do you Bayne, 2:297. fr

go p.

bail?

go

promise.

Do you promise faithfully?

bail.

Will you give?

GB

notes of "the uncircumcised

I

will give.

Gen. 17:14.

signe, despiseth also the

promise

Will you do?

Accommodat

.

.

.

promes," that

Augustine,

salventur.

Sermon

(1556), 10:296; PL, 38:950, as serm. 176.2. "Their

them

I

I Avill

I

pledge

faithfully.

do' "; see

334n.

contemneth the 2:297.c

I

I

the feet of others to

come

10,

De verbis ApostoU;

Opera

mother the Church provides

for

with, the hearts of others to believe with, the

tongues of others to confess with; that

by another's

man childe," "whosoever "my covenant."

is,

as in their sickness

sin (Adam's), so in their cure

they are weighed

by another's confession they

are

down made

whole" (Bayne, pp. 334-335n). 2:297.20-21

Albeit therefore

.

.

.

persons

753

See Aquinas, S.T., 3a.68.12, for an

Commentary explanation of the baptism of persons insane or mentally deficient ("amentes et

and see S.T., 2ala.ll3.3 and 3a.68.12.

furiosos");

None more

2:298.2

ansNver

is

given

at

This section

fitt

2:299.5—14.

asks,

why

urged to be present, nor be admitted to answer

T.C.

2:298.
1st

1603:

"No

Godfather for

as

his

"What

child (p. 15). In the Answere, Whitgift asked, .

.

.

own

present

shall

what

if the

parentes be Papistes?

drunkarde nor adulterer/ the chylde

to

be

.

.

.

may present

the

the parentes be of evil

if

[or] heretikes?"; see Defense, p.

is

holy by vertue of the covenaunt/ for one of

the parents sake. If they be bothe/ and yet not obstinate in their synne/ the church hathe not proceeded to

nor ought to be refused.

demned

heretikes/

.

.

To

Excommunication/

.

2:298. e

in

.

whereby

their chylde can not/

the second question .... If bothe be Papistes/ or con-

if

their children can not

eyther of them be faithfull/

have answeared before that they ought to be receyved."

made

.

and cutte of from the church/ then

.

be receyved; because they are not in the covenaunt:

15;

it

(PS, 3:135). Cartwright repUed (1:172 [137]): "If one of the parents be neyther

620

I

child."

confession of faith {P.M., p. 27), but if the parents are prevent-

ed by necessity from attending, some members of the congregation behaviour?

The

parent shall be

The "View of Popishe Abuses"

edn.

than godparents, the father of the infant

make

baptized and

Page 137 in the

p. 172.

1.1.

states that rather

godparents and not parents?

Compare canon 29 of

A similar statement was

Convocation (1562); Strype, Annals, 1.1:508.

Hi enim

qui

.

.

Krueger (1963),

Justinian, Institutiones, 1.25.pref (1590), col.

intelliguntur.

.

;

p. 9; Scott, 2:30.

"For

these,

who

for the republic

fell,

by

their

glory are held to live for ever" (Bayne, p. 336n).

2:299/

Offeruntur

33:362,

not so

.

.

.

as epist. 98.5.

much by

be good and

ftdelium.

Augustine,

"For children

—

of spiritual grace,

—

whose hands they are held although by them too if they as by the whole society of saints and believers"; quoted by

those in

faithful

23; Opera (1556), 2:19"; PL,

epist.

are offered for the reception

*A^l"Utrum pueri sint baptizandi"; B, 57:106—111. paxrlapan. Justin Martyr, Quaestiones et responsiones ad orthodoxos, Opera (1551), sig. Rf; PG, 6:1297. Not by Justin. "The children are

Aquinas, S.T., 3a. 68. 9,

ouvrai

.

Resp. 56;

.

.

deemed worthy of the

benefits

of baptism by the

faith

of those

who

bring them to

baptism." See Bayne, p. 336n.

"lUud autem nolo te non posse dirumpi, nisi parvuli ad percipiendam Christi gratiam, a parentibus oSerantur. Sic enim scribens dicis, ut sicut parentes fuerunt authores ad eorum poenam, per fidem parentum identidem iustificentur, cum videas multos non offerri a parentibus, sed etiam a

2:299.22-300.2 fallat,

//

commeth

.

.

.

God,

Augustine,

Adam

ut existimes reatus vinculum, ex

epist. 23:

tractum, aliter

quibuslibet extraneis, sicut a dominis servuli aliquando offeruntur: Et

mortuis parentibus

suis,

parvuli baptizantur ab eis oblati qui

[in]

nonnunquam

illis

huiusmodi

misericordiam praebere potuerunt. Aliquando etiam quos crudeliter parentes exposuerunt, nutriendos a quibuslibet,

nonnunquam

754

a sacris virginibus colliguntur,

.

Book

Chapter

V,

ad bapdsmum. Quae certe proprios

et ab eis ofienintur

nee habere disponunt: ac per hoc scriptum

cum dominus

est,

proximus

in via derelicto

64.4-65.0

interrogasset, quis

a latronibus sauciato, et

illi

Responsum

fliisset.

enim, Qui in ilium

est

cordiam [Lk. 10]"; Opera (1556), 2:92; PL, 33:362, Si Arriatur

2:300.^

.

.factunu.

.

non habuerunt ullos, quod in Evangelio

filios

nihil aliud hie fieri vides, nisi

John

Cassian,

De

semivivo

fecit miseri-

as epist. 98.6.

incamatione Domini, 6.5; in John

of Damascus, Opera (1559), p. 1025; PL, 50:150. "If you were a supporter of the Arian or Sabellian heresy, and I did not use your o\vn creed, I w^ould still confute

you by

What then if I were so to deal with What would you answer? Would it not be this you were baptized, in it you were bom again? And truly even in a

the authority of holy scripture.

you? What would you

That in

it

bad case

baptism, I

it

unites obstinacy to error.

it

how

can

.

.

.

.

.

give a plausible reason for error,

But now,

as

you were

bom

in a

regenerated by the Catholic

faith,

you as an Arian or Sabellian? Would that you were one! you had been brought up in evil than that you have lapsed you had never had the faith than that you had had it and lost

treat

I

less that

ask you,

I

.

brought up in the Catholic

city,

fi-om good; less that ...

.

would be no unreasonable defence and

should grieve

it.

.

.

.

except that Catholic

.

say?

O

heretic,

nothing unfair, nothing harsh.

Do

this in

the Catholic

which you were about to do fi-om obstinacy" (Bayne, p. 338n). De incamatione Domini was written at the request of Leo the Great to aquaint the West with the

faith

teachings of Nestorius (line 18).

Tertull.

2:300./j

(1566), 2:368;

show^s

is

1.

de Spectac.

CCSL,

idolatrous,

See TertuUian,

De

it

shall

without doubt

it

will thereby

2:301

.

Of the

1 1

pomp and

Crosse in baptisme

Its

chap. 4.3; Opera

be determined that the profession

of renunciation in the laver of baptism has reference trous, are subject to the devil, his

spectaculis,

appear that the whole apparatus of the

1:231. "If

to the shows,

his angels"

use, obligatory

which,

as idola-

(Bayne, pp. 338—339n).

according to the

BCP

{1559,

was opposed by the Puritans {P.M., pp. 14, 27), who regarded it as an unwarranted addition to the sacrament as instituted by Christ, an example of

p. 275),

human

presumption, and "tantamount to instituting a

W.E.P.,

and

p. 63).

The

issue

commanded

the Anglican Reformers, p. 153)

place

between

STC

sacrament" (Davies,

and was influenced by the

literary

debate taking

RC and C of E polemicists. The RC John Martiall pointed out that

Elizabeth was a defender of the cross, retaining protests

new

considerable attention (Bromiley, Baptism

of the reformers;

A

treatyse

it

in the

Chapel Royal over the

of the Crosse gathred out of the Scriptures (1564;

fols. 1—3. Canon 30 of the 1604 Canons lengthily defends its use, some of the arguments used by H. See E. Cardwell, ed., Synodalia (1842), 2:178—182. In chap. 65 H defends what he calls a worthy human tradition (§ 2), an outward ceremony such as all Christians have (§§ 3—4), of value because it serves to edify, being "a signe of rememberance to put us in minde of our dutie" (§ 4), thereby helping us to avoid sin and apostacy (§§ 7—8). The tradition has been abused and made a symbol for gross superstition, but the English church neither

17496),

reflecting

755

Commentary omits the custom nor regards

superstitiously (§§ 11).

it

H

deals at length

with the

Puritan analogy between the serpent of brass in Hezekiah and the symbol of the cross (§§ 12-15),

was

cross

denying that the two are

18). Finally, the best

way of reformation

abused and to substitute opposite

comparable and

really

is

not free from

—but

vice

all

is

—such

not to abolish that which has been

opposite

its

procedure

a

(§ 20).

dangerous, for the

is

back that which has been abused

to bring

"to a right perfect and reUgious usage"

insisting that the

nor in the present (§16—

superstitiously used neither in the beginning

So

it is

with the

cross:

it is

"now

reformed in the mindes of men" (§21).

former Rites,

2:301.17

Concerning the elaborate medieval

Monumenta, 1:13-36; and see Bayne, 2:301.19—28 [135—136].

TTie crosse

The

.

294

If of this

«

serpent.

.

see Maskell,

rites,

340n.

H

is

summarizing Cartwright, 1:170-171

reference to Hezekiah was introduced in a discussion of apparel;

see Whitgift, Defense, p.

2:301.31—302.3.

.

p.

.

.

(PS, 2:70), citing Cartwright 1:60 (1st edn.). .

doth.

TertuUian,

De

corona militis, chap. 4;

one of

making the legem expostules

the earliest references to the custom of Christians' daily and repeatedly sign of the cross:

"Harum

et

aliarum ejusmodi disciplinarum

scripturarum,

nullum invenies:

confirmatrix,

et

fides,

traditio

observatrix.

si

consuetudo

praetendetur auctrix,

tibi

Rationem

consuetudini,

traditioni,

fidei,

patrocinaturam aut ipse perspecies aut ab aliquo qui perspexerit disces"; "If of this

and the

customs thou shouldest require some

like

commandment

to

be shewed

none found. Tradition will be pleaded to thee as originating them, custom as confirming, and faith as keeping them. What reason there is to justify tradition, use, or custom either thou mayest of thyself perceive, or else learn of some other that doth" (Bayne, pp. 340-341n); Opera (1566), 1:747; thee out of Scriptures, there

CCSL, is

1:1043, as chap. 3.

also a Christian, to

De

p. 233; see

corona concerns the refusal

wear the

Traditiones non scriptas

2:302.y

is

laurel

.

.

.

of a

Roman soldier, who

crown.

relinquamus.

Cyprian,

epist. 74;

Opera (1593),

PL, 4:412 and 43:192-193. Cyprian was writing to Pompeius, bishop

of Sabrata, defending the rebaptism of heretics against the objections of Stephen, bishop of Rome (see 2:271. 19-272. 24.n, above). Stephen wrote: "Nihil innovetur nisi

quod traditum

de Pamele,

RC

response from if they

and

est";

Cyprian replied, "Unde

ista

traditio?" Pamelius (Jacques

scholar) annotated Cyprian's Opera (Antwerp, 1568), arousing a

Simon Goulart (1543—1628):

"We

assert that

unwritten traditions,

concern doctrine, must agree with written doctrine. ... In the case of ritual

ecclesiastical traditions the

reasonably considered; but such superstitious,

we

order and edification of the churches must be as are useless

VI. 4. 12, X (see 3:42.x and n), and George as

"A

to

be written by the Auncient

papist,

and

hurtful, not to say foolish

leave to their patrons" (Bayne, p. 34 In).

and therefore not

likely to

H

cites

Cranmer recommends

impeach the

credit

that

H

cite

him

of any thing supposed

fathers" (3:128.17-18; see n, below). Goulart

756

and

Pamelius in

was

..

Book a

Genevan

Chapter

V,

whose 1593 edn. of Cyprian

pastor and scholar

H

uses in V, as here;

and iiS.y-c and nn.

see 2:31l.b,c,

wee use this ceremonie

2:303.7—9

65.1-65.7

.

.

.

H alludes to the principle of edifica-

dutie.

tion connected to the concept of adiaphora. See Bridges' Defence, p. 800:

anie [ceremonies] at

have ground and graunt of the

of their nature meere under the

edification,

have

indifferent,

By

as

much

.

reason as will for

order

not

good reason

^vhich

Abuses," P.M.,

"Have we

himselfe hath prescribed, or

we

use of them, out of God's ivord? or, that, being

And may

and not otherwise.

2:303.15—18

lawfiill

but in verie deede, onelyfor

colour,

God

except those that either

al,

.

indifferent ceremonies

to

be used, not

be so used?"

"A View of

See

Christ.

.

them

and decende, and so consequentlie^r

Popishe

below; and Whitgift, Defense, p. 599 (PS, 3:93-

p. 24; chap. 68.3,

94).

2:303.21-22

Guiltie

.

.

Alluding to passages in Cartwright, 1:171 [136],

Christ.

.

quoted in k and m, above. Compare Whitgift, Defense,

p.

617 (PS, 3:129). See

Cartwright, 3:227.

2:304.13-18 resembles

Simon,

BB

T.C.

2:305.0

quoted in

ik

and

1.1.

seest thou is

not

.

p. 170

.

H's translation of Luke 7:44—46;

ointment.

it

GB.

Page 136 in the

omitted here,

is

.

at all close to

1st

of crossings

edn.

Cartwright

abused, (line 10)

(line 7)

Passage

De

cites Tertullian,

corona militis, here.

2:306.15—22 and q 1.11:

"Magna

quem

animus,

Witnesses

pars

.

.

peccatorum

.

levell.

tollitur, si

Lucius Annaeus Seneca, Epistulae morales, peccaturis

testis adsistat.

vereatur, cujus auctoritate etiam secretum

Elige itaque Catonetn:

suum

Aliquem habeat

sanctius facial.

virum, Laelium; elige eum, cujus

tibi placuit et vita et oratio, et ipsius

ante te ferens et vultus, ilium semper tibi ostende, vel custodem vel

Nisi ad regulam, prava

.

.

.

hie videtur tibi nimis rigidus, elige remissioris animi

si

non

animum

exemplum.

corriges' "; Scripta quae exstant (1587), p. 80.

.

Seneca

is

commenting on the saying of Epicurus: "We ought to choose out some good man, and always fix him before our eyes, that we may so live as if he always looked on and do

all

things as if he continually beheld" us (Bayne, p. 345n). See also epist.

1.25; (1587), pp. 94-95; Loeb, 1:182-86.

2:307. r is

To

voeiv

^vxaaicu;.

either the presentation

Opera (1550), 1:283. observes

(p.

H

Aristode,

De

anima, 1.1.9; 403*;

and others

translate

(fKXVTaaia

as

"imagination." Bayne

346n): "In scholastic phraseology 'Stasia' means the process or faculty

of forming mental representations of things not

XoyiOTiKoi^

Ibid., 3.11.2; 434*;

exists in irrational animals;

"The

actually present."

faculty

dXoyoK;.

Tot

pev

'H

}lkv

.

.

of representing images of sense

but the faculty of representing images for deliberation

only in animals that reason"; (1550), 1:302. 1550 and for

"Thought

of an image or not independent of such presentation";

KtveiTat.

757

Ibid.,

modem

3.7.5;

431

edns. have aXXoic; ;

"Thus then the

Commentary employing as its materials the images of sense, grasps from among them general ideas; and in the same manner as it determines for itself within these images what is to be pursued and what avoided, so also outside the actual percepreason, while

of these objects

tion

when engaged merely with

it is,

Frons hominis

2:307.5

"Only man

.

.

col.

292.

also

have brow, but only with

has a face,

and severity" (Loeb, 3:516,

as

the images of sense, stirred

edns. omit 6 v.

Pliny the Elder, Historia

est.

.

modem

1550 and

to action" (Bayne, p. 346n).

man

11.37; (1559),

naturalis,

other animals have a muzzle or beak. Others

all

is it

an indication of sorrow and gaiety, mercy

chap. 51).

Ezech. 9:4. Cited by Cyprian, Ad Demetrianum, § 19, in connection with making the sign of the cross in baptism; Opera (1593), p. 330.

2:307. f

'EpuOpaivovrai

2:307. M

1128

;

y&p oi aiaxuv6pevoi. when people feel shame

Opera (1550), 2:23. "For

N.E.,

Aristode,

4.9;

they blush" (Bayne, p.

347n). 2:307. f

Caro signatur

soul

may be

.

.

.

muniatur.

CCSL,

Opera (1566), 1:86;

Tertullian,

"The

1:931.3.

De

resurredione mortuorum, chap. 8;

is

signed with the cross that the

flesh

fortified" (Bayne, p. 347n).

Cyprian exhortinge

2:308. 10-1 7. tf

.

.

.

signum Dei incolume

muniatur

frons, ut

Christum

victrix lingua fateatur.

Cyprian,

safe.

"muniantur

nos, de exhortatione martyrii:

oculi,

servetur:

Armemus

et

epist. 56.7,

Ad

Thibarita-

ne videant detestanda simulachra:

muniatur

os, ut

dextram gladio

dominum suum

spiritali,

ut sacrificia

memor, quae Domini corpus accipit, ipsum complectatur, postea a Domino sumptura praemium caelestium conorarum"; Opera (1593), p. 156, as epist. 4.6; CSEL, 3.2:664-665; PL, 4:357, chap. 9. funesta fortiter respuat, ut eucharistiae

You

2:308.21-29. X

that were

.

.

.

abhorred.

Cyprian,

De

lapsis,

chap.

1:

"Parati ad

patientiam careens, armati ad tolerantiam mortis, repugnastis fortiter saeculo,

spectaculum gloriosum praebuistis deo, secuturis Sanctificata ora caelestibus cibis post corpus et et

idolorum

reliquias respuerunt.

non

coronae

ferre

potuit,

3.1:237-238; PL, 4:466, chap. 2:308. y

Erant enim

(1566), 1:751.

.

.

.

.

.

Frons

fuistis

exemplo.

.

.

.

cum

signo Dei pura diaboli

coronam CSEL,

reservavit"; Opera (1593), p. 227;

2.

coronarii.

Although in

.

domini

se

fratribus

sanguinem domini, profana contagia

CCSL

narii" in 1566,

and hence not

crowns" (Bayne,

p. 348n).

Tertullian,

De

corona militis,

(1:1049) "coronarii"

a misprint in

H: "for

is

7.6

"coronati,"

Opera

(5); it is

"coro-

suppliants used to

wear

Chapter 7 argues that crowns have been identified with

paganism. 2:310.z

"EoTca ...

<^pTiK&.

Aristotle,

Rhetoric,

1.6;

1362*;

Opera (1550),

good which guards such things, or which such things follow upon, or which hinders their opposites, or destroys them" (Bayne, p. 350n). 2:190. "Let that be

.

.

.

758

Book Ozias rex

2:311.(1

.

.

Chapter 65.7-65.14

V,

Cyprian,

protnerentur.

.

De

unitate ealesiae, chap. 16;

Opera

"King Uzziah was spotted in his forehead being marked by God's anger in that part of his body

(1593), p. 301; PL, 4:514, chap. 18.

with a kind of leprosy,

where those

are signed

wee

2:311.6-8

receive God's grace" (Bayne, p. 350n).

neither otnitt

mean

principle of the golden

Quamvis

2:31 l.fc

who

.

.

it

immunes.

.

.

An

bene:

•

.

expression of the Anglican

applied to ceremonies.

as

Goulart's armotation of Cyprian's

^ J DcmefnaMMm,

§ 19; Opera (1593), p. 333. "Although the ancient Christians used the outward

of the

sign

cross they did so

and the doctrine of afterwards stole

2:311.22—24.C

upon them" (Bayne,

This

Thibaritanos,

without superstition,

.

.

as I

have said in another place,

Christ's merit kept the faithful free

Goulart's annotation of Cyprian's epist. 56.7,

observe.

.

from the error which

p. 351n); see 2:302.y.n, above.

where the Goulart

has before

him

Pamelius's

comment on

statement, cited above, 2:308.10—17, "muniatur frons, ut signum

Dei incolumne

servetur." Goulart says that Christians in the ancient church did not regard

the sign of the cross as essential but as "a

of pagan ridicule of the crucified Christ.

by H: "Ceremoniam

illam,

Wherein

making

in defiance

concludes with the statement quoted

olim indifferentem, Christianis hodie necessariam esse

minime existimamus"; Cyprian, Opera 2:312.8-13.
mark of Christianity" done

He

Ad

Cyprian's

(1593), pp. 157—158.

H

... considered.

has in

mind Cartwright,

1:81 [60],

^vhere the vestments prescribed are compared to the "brazen serpent," given by the Lord as a means of remembrance of God's care for his people, adored as god by the people, and destroyed as a result. Whitgift, Defense, p. 294 (PS, 2:71), asked: "do you thinke that any man doth worship the apparell, as the Israelites did

worship the serpent?" Cartwright replied (3:261): "althowgh no apparel, as

by

down

before

hard to be pulled owt,

2:313.22—25. e

hoc magna et

falling

as

may have

yet he

a

man

.

.

.

Gratian, Decretum, 1.63.28: "Per

authoritie.

habenda

in Ecclesia, ut

majoribus nostris fecerunt aliqua, quae

illo

si

nonnulli ex praedecessoribus

tempore potuerunt

esse sine culpa, et

postea vertuntur in errorem et superstitionem, sine tarditate aliqua, et auctoritate, aposteris destruantur"; 1

:244.

The

citation

Stephen. Bayne right

The

(p.

is

Gratian's

cum magna

CJ.Can. (Venice, 1584), 1:435—436; Friedberg,

own

observation

on an

edict he ascribed to a

353n) supplies the context: "The paragraph describes

Pope

how

the

of the emperor to control the election of the pope was gradually abrogated. case

of the brazen serpent was analogous,

the brazen serpent that lest

worship the

damnable opinion of yt, and

the other."

if our predecessors

auctoritas ista est

yt:

by the

bites

Moses made';

.

.

.

at

God's

.

.

.

broke in pieces

ordered that serpent to be

made

of the serpents the people should perish; but for that reason the

people began to worship and venerate

Moses

for 'Hezekiah

God had it,

command had made." The

759

wherefore the king destroyed what source

is

uncertain.

Commentary a lump ofbrasse,

2:314.6 called

Nehushtan"

it

That Kings

(2

"the brasen serpent that Moses had

is,

GB

18:4).

glosses:

"That

is,

made

...

he

a piece ofbrasse: thus

calleth the serpent by contempt, which notwithstanding was set up by the worde of God, and miracles were wroght by it: yet when it was abused to idolatrie, this good King destroyed it, not thinking it worthie to be called a serpent, but

he

a piece ofbrasse."

Shapes and counterfeits

2:314.13—16/ revolted

when

.

.

Serapis fortified. "Olympius" (line 12)

dorus

(bom

407—422),

.

Around 389 AD

heaven.

is

the Alexandrians

was destroyed and the temple of

the pagan temple of Bacchus

He may be Olympi-

otherwise unknown.

before 380; died after 425), a Greek historian whose memoirs (written

now

were used by Sozomen. In the passage quoted by H, the

lost,

pagans are being told that they should choose to die rather than neglect the gods,

nor should they be discouraged by the destruction of idols and forsake their gods, for "asserens imagines ac statuas nihil aliud esse,

proinde ad nihilum potuisse

iam

in

coelum

avolasse"; Hist,

Thomas

2:314.31—315.12.^

Bayne

.

.

eccles.

.

adoratione

Four reasons

latriae'?

that 'adoratio latriae' ["sacrifice divinity,

quae creaturae rationali, in

occasio, ut

H paraphrases Aquinas,

to the contrary are given,

of thanksgiving"]

is

due

s.

qua

H

latriae' is

not due;

paraphrases the response to

2:316. /»

sit

adoranda is

by reason of His

[scil.]

Joseph. (p.

.

"Ad et

to the material III

ideo

dicendum, si

creaturae

imago Dei, exhiberentur adoratio latriae, posset esse erroris motus adorantis sisteret in homine, inquantum est res quaedam,

est

Deum,

cuius est imago,

relevant; see Bayne, pp.

368), 18.3

still less

this:

debetur reverentia propter seipsam,

rationali

ferretur in

is

S.T. 3a.25.3.

of which the third

to Christ

quod non

potest contingere de imagine

sculpta, vel picta in materia sensibiU"; (1588), 3:98"^"; B, article

et eas

not by reason of His humanity; but to the image of His divinity, per-

image of His humanity."

non

quasdam,

3 "considers, 'Utrum imago Christi

ceived by the rational soul, 'adoratio

et

corruptibilem, ac

his virtutes

(1581), p. 753.

reference.

supplies the context: Art.

quam materiam autem

redigi: inhabitasse

.

.

50:192-197.

The whole

354—355n.

See Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae, 17.8 {Opera, 1566, p. hello Judaico, 2.8 (p. 515). Loch, Josephus, 8:440-441,

c.8.

De

385), and

9:42-43, and 2:388-389, respectively. 2:316. t

Theire Eagles,

Rome,

Historiae

eagle, kept in a

.

.

.

Gods.

See Dio Cassius (155—251), Greek historian of

Romanae, bk. 40, sub anno 701; (1592), p. 143, where the golden shrine in the camp, is mentioned; and Herodian of Syria (170?—

240?), History, 4.8,

where mention

is

made

that

worship

is

given to the ensigns and

images kept in the shrine of the camp. Loeb, 1:412—415. 2:316.27

BC, was

the example of Ezechias

known

for his oppostion to

Hezekiah (Ezechias), king ofjudah ?715—687 pagan worship; see 2 Kings 18:4 and 2 Chron.

29-31.

760

Book 2:318.19

V,

Chapter

65.15-66.1

Also king of Judah, ruled 640-609 BC; his reform program

Josias

is

recorded in 2 Kings 22:3 and 2 Chron. 34:8-35:19.

some

2:318.17—29

Those

nies: 1.

H distinguishes three kinds of ceremo-

thinges are ... ease.

by nature

evil

must be destroyed.

that

Those corrupted

2.

in use,

incapable of reform, that must be removed. 3. Those, such as the sign of the cross, that

though abused can be reformed.

For in scares ... both. See Aristotle, N.E., 2.9; 1109*; Opera "Enough has now been said to show that moral virtue is a mean, and sense this is so, namely that it is a mean betw^een tvv^o vices, one of excess other of defect; and that it is such a mean because it aims at hitting the

2:319.22-26

(1550), 2:11. in w^hat

and the

middle point in feeUngs and in actions" (Loeb,

p. 111).

H

has in mind objections In chap. 66 of confirmation afier baptisme. the Admonitioners against the BCP's confirmation rite, listing them in §

2:320.30

made by

9: (1) that

explained as being a sacrament derived firom apostolic practice;

it is

that only a bishop

may do

it,

inferring that

the imposition of hands w^ith prayer

is

it is

better than baptism;

and

(2)

(3) that

believed to convey strength beyond the

grace bestowed 'in baptism {P.M., pp. 27—28). Richard Crick, fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, and chaplain to the bishop of Norwich, responded to accusations

made tion

sermon he preached

against a

noted

I

at Paul's

Cross in 1573: "Touching confirma-

had made

that the papists

first

a

before baptisme because Baptisme doth conferr

sacrament of (as

they say)

it,

and preferred

primam

it

gratiam, and

it and make it perfect and I sayd (with Mr. Calvin as I name it selfe was not altogether to be liked because whereas an other name beside the warrant of the word. Secondlie I sayd that

confirmation doth absolve

remember) it

was

that the

called

they erred herein, because they sayd

not by anie other minister,

and

if

it

which

was to be ministred by the Bishop only and as

I

remember

I

noted out of Mr. Calvin,

they were culpable for so doing, that they were also culpable that use

after the

same

being used 47,

all

fol.

sort.

For the thing

after the

476'.

H

it

selfe

I

sayd and

I

say againe that

maner of the Apostles"; Inner Temple, Petyt

them

necessarie

it is

MSS

538, vol.

has litde patience with such arguments, believing that as a rite

composed of the imposition of hands w^ith prayer it is rooted in the OT and the NT (§1). The gift of miraculous powers was bestowed generally on all Christians at first (§ 2), but such powers could only be conveyed by the Apostles and their successors and in time resided in bishops alone (§ 3).

prayer was continued because by

this rite there

in baptism, but such as assists in the cultivation (§ 4). It

was

at first a part

whom

the rite

5). It is still is

7).

The

rite

as

is

received

of virtue and defends against

when

priests

evil

began to

reserved to bishops, as those highest

most appropriate "for honors sake"

Confirmation was separated firom baptism

was recognized

imposition of hands with

grace, not such as

of baptism, but was differentiated

baptize but could not confirm (§ in authority, to

The

comes

as infant

(§ 6).

baptism grew and confirmation

appropriate for those able to perform the works of the Spirit (§

becomes an encouragement and exhortation

761

to true godliness. Finally,

Commentary

H

decries "the deepe neglecte

time (§

Caro tnanus

2:321.5

Opera (1566), 1:86;

hands that the soul

.

.

illuminetur.

.

Tertullian,

CCSL, 1:931. "The flesh also may be illuminated by

imposition ojhandes

2:321.12

own

of this Christian dutie" by the bishops of his

8).

is

De

resurredione

8.3;

the Spirit" (Bayne, p. 361n).

This ceremonial gesture

healing, absolving, ordaining, consecrating,

mortuomm,

shadowed by the imposition of

and

is

much

associated ^vith blessing,

else.

Implicit in

it is

the

ancient understanding of the transmission of power (mana) or spiritual grace from

who

one

is

draw^n, not

recognized

as especially

from "confirmation"

as

endowed with

charisma.

H's examples are

BCP, but from examples of

understood in the

and ordination. In the next section he draws closer to

healing, consecration,

baptism and confirmation.

2:322.25—323. 10. p.

They

fc

.

.

.

Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 2.57; (1570),

graces)

160: "quapropter et in

nomine, qui vere

illius

illius

accipientes gratiam, perficiunt ad beneficia reliquorum

unusquisque accepit

donum

ab eo. Alii enim daemones excludunt firmissime et

vere, ut etiam saepissime credant sint ecclesia: alii

autem

propheticas. Alii

autem laborantes

et sanos restituunt.

ipsi,

qui emundati sunt a nequissimis spiritibus, et

et praescientiam

Jam

sunt discipuli ab ipso

hominum, quemadmodum

etiam,

habent futurorum,

aliqua infirmate, per

quemadmodum

et visiones, et dictiones

manus impositionem

cutant,

diximus, et mortui resurrexerunt, et

Non est numerum dicere mundum ecclesia a Deo accipiens, in nomine Christi

perseveraverunt nobiscum annis multis: et quid autem?

gratiarum quas per universum

Jesu crucifixi sub Pontio Pilato per singulos dies in opitulationem gentium perficit

neque seducens aliquem, nee pecuniam accepit a

Deo,

gratis et ministrat."

preserved by Eusebius, Hist,

2:323.10-15

no where

.

.

.

eccles.,

power.

ei auferens.

Quemadmodum enim

The Greek (quoted by Bayne, 5.7; see PG, 7:829.

p.

See Hippolytus, The Apostolic Tradition, ed. G.

Dix, revised by H. Chadwick (London: S.P.C.K., 1968), pp. 33, 38,

2:323.15— 18.C

St.

Augustine

.

.

them.

.

gratis

362n) was

Augustine,

De

etc.

vera religione, chap. 25;

Opera (1556), 1:718; PL, 34:142. Augustine was writing of the cessation of spiritual or miraculous

gifts.

"For when the Catholic Church was diffused and established

through the whole world, those miracles were not permitted to lest

last

into our times,

mind should always demand visible signs, and the human race should wax by the commonness of that the strangeness whereof at first inflamed them"

the

cold

(Bayne, p. 363n). 2:323.30-324.2.
there followeth

.

.

.

seate.

Tertullian,

De

baptismo, 8.1:

"Dehinc

manus imponitur, per benedictionem advocans et invitans Spiritum Sanctum. Tunc ille sanctissimus Spiritus super emundata et benedicta corpora libens a Patre descendit, super baptismi aquas tanquam pristinam sedem recognoscens conquies.

cit";

Opera (1566), 2:409;

CCSL,

.

.

1:283; ed. Evans (1972), pp. 16, 18. "In the

762

Book

V,

Chapter

passage omitted TertuUian refers to Gen. seat.'

[see

66.1-66.6

'recognizing as

i.2,

over the other' in a manner prophetical of Christ" (Bayne,

How greate

2:324.4— 11. s Dei:

.

.

.

Cyprian,

adversarie.

"Quantus hie animi potentatus, quanta

were His primeval

p. 364n).

Ad Donatum de gratia non tantum ipsum esse

epist. 2.2,

vis

est?

subtractum pemiciosis contractibus mundi, ut quis expiatus tis

it

above], suggesting that Jacob's hands were 'transversely slanted one

t,

et

purus nuUa incursan-

inimici labe capiatur: sed adhuc maiorem, et fortiorem viribus

omnem p. 3;

PL, 4:204,

Pentecostes,

as epist. 1.5.

The

2:324.12—15/ §

holie

"Ergo

1:

illapsu, in fonte

Ghost

.

.

plenitudinem

Pentecosten," §

tribuit

August

whom

in

die

qui super aquas baptismi salutifero descendit

augmentum Homily 29, "De

ad innocentiam, in confirmatione fol. 77';

CCSL,

101:338, as

2.

cap.26.

PL, 42:1093. "But gave the Holy

Eusebius Gallicanus, Homilia

grace.

.

spiritus sanctus

praesut ad gratiam"; Homiliae (1547),

2:324.^

ut in

fieri,

adversarii grassantis exercitum, imperioso iure dominetur?"; Opera (1593),

how

Spirit.

De

Augustine,

great

is

God,

They prayed

Who

Trinitate, 15.26;

gives

certainly that

Opera (1556), 3:473;

God! For none of his

He

disciples

might come upon those on

they had imposed their hands, but they did not themselves give Him.

And

custom the Church to-day observes in the persons of her bishops" (Bayne, p. 364—365n). The chapter discusses the double giving of the Holy Spirit by Christ this

before and after his resurrection.

2:324.24—27.1

I deny not but

"Non abnuo

banc

bus urbibus per presbyteros Sancti Spiritus

chap. 9.

From

The

.

.

.

manum

et

Jerome, Aduersus

baptised.

esse ecclesiarum

Luciferanos, chap. 4:

consuetudinem, ut ad eos qui longe in minori-

diaconos baptizari sunt, episcopus ad invocationem

impositurus excurrat"; Opera (1516), 3:63'; PL, 23:172,

Whitgift, Defense, p. 588 (PS, 3:64).

Cyprian, epist. 73.8, Ad untummodo quod deerat, id a et Joanne factum est, ut oratione pro eis habiu, et manu imposiu, invocareinfunderetur super eos spiritus sanctus. Quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur,

2:325.3-8.j

in

faithfull

Samaria

.

.

.

Ghost.

Juhaianum: "baptizari eos ultra non oportebat: sed Petro tur et

ut qui in Ecclesia baptizantur, praepositis Ecclesiae oflferantur, et per nostram

orationem ac manus impositionem Spiritum sanctum consequantur,

dominico consummentur"; Opera (1593), 2:325.25

Cyprian

heretics are

PL, 3:1115,

The documents concerned with

found in PL, 3:1009-1218, and Cyprian,

excerpted in Stevenson,

2:325.29

p. 220;

annointinge.

New

ancient practice by

which

De

.

.

controversy about baptizing Epistles,

LOF,

pp. 220-303,

there

was

haptismo, chap. 7: "After that

we come

with the blessed unction, following that

are anointed .

et signaculo

chap. 9.

Eusebius (1957), pp. 251-258.

See Tertullian,

up from the washing and

as

a

763

custom of anointing them

for priesthood

Commentary with

out of a horn"

oil

Evans, p. 17). See Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition, ed.

(ed.

Dix, pp. 37-38.

The

2:326.14—17

sacerdotii

saftie

"Et

nos, chap. 9:

quam ad

nitate pendet: cui

of the Church

legis necessitatem.

non

si

.

idem

tnultis in locis

.

.

quaedam

exsors

.

Jerome, Adversus

priestes.

.

Luciferia-

honorem potius summi sacerdotis dig-

factitatum reperimus, ad .

Ecclesiae salus in

omnibus eminens detur

et ab

potestas, tot

in eclesiis efEcientur schismata, quot sacerdotes"; Opera (1516), 3:63^; PL, 23:173.

Whitgift refers to

cites

and

translates the passage in Defense, p.

confirmation correspondent to ours"; Defense,

2:327.28—30

726 (PS, 3:360), and Calvin

"words declare a maner of pp. 785—7[86] (PS, 3:479—480).

4.19.4); Whitgift believes Calvin's

it {Inst.,

surelie greate

.

The

belongeth.

.

.

being used in the English church

as

BCP

the

reported that most bishops had not used

it

.

.

.

of confirmation was not

rite

intended. In 1587 Robert

Cawdrey

for the past twenty-nine years (Strype,

Aylmer, p. 89). Thus Whitgift issued a letter in 1591

"to the bishops of his

province, for the better observance of catechizing and confirming of youth" (Works, PS, 3:610—611). In

medieval church; see ster,

Dom

fact,

the rite was not rigorously observed in the late

Gregory Dix, The Theology of Confirmation (Westmin-

1946), pp. 32-33.

2:328.9

These

faigned decretall epistles

Padua and Nicholas of Cusa

T.C.

2:328.m

I.l.

1465),

(d.

Page 160 in

p.l99.

the popish distinction

726.

are the so-called "Pseudo-Isidorian forger-

appeared around the 9C, exposed by Marsilius of

ies," canonical collections that

(2nd

among

others.

1st edn.; see Whitgift, Defense,

line fi-om

bottom) Cartw^right

autem hujus sacramenti

bard, Sententia, 4.7: "Virtus

laying

.

.

.

Cartwright

untruth

Admonition: "Confirmation

.

.

.

as

725-

Lom-

donatio Spiritus Sancti ad

est

robur: qui in baptismo datus est ad remissionem" (Bayne, pp.

2:329.13—15

pp.

refers to

368—369n).

quoted in m. See the Second

hath no ground out of the scriptures

at all"

{P.M.,

p. 117).

2:330.13

Of

the sacrament

.

.

.

against the Puritans but against

Christ. all

Chapter 67

is

not directed specifically

believers engaged in controversy over the

Real

who deny that presence. As new life begun in baptism and

Presence of Christ in the Eucharist, particularly those

such

it

seeks to explain

threatened by sin (§ reall participation

1).

how

the Eucharist continues

The sacrament does

of Christe and of life

that the focus should not

in his

this

by means on which

bodie and bloode"

be on the narrow

issue

all

(§ 2).

agree, "the

H

contends

of the manner of Christ's

presence in bread and wine, but rather on the effects of the sacrament in the

"worthie receiver of the sacrament" instruments that "worke our

(§ 6), the

communion

Christ," the fruit being that grace

"whereupon

tiation in us" (§ 11). In the process,

elements being mystical yet true

[koinonia]

with the person of Jesus

there ensueth a kind of transubstan-

H pleads for an end to firuidess contention and 764

Book

enjoyment of that purpose or

for the

He

(§ 7).

Chapter

V,

66.6-67.3

fruition

of the sacrament on which

ends with an eloquent exhortation composed in the

adoration (§ 12; esp. 2:343.6-26). H's the teaching of the

C

of E)

own

position (which he

of the "Sacramentaries"

that

is

would

(see

all

agree

of eucharistic

style

identify as

2:336.16 and n,

below), or those identified with the teaching of Calvin, emphasizes an actual,

although mystical, presence that through proper use

Except ye eat

2:330.27—28.5

BCP

the

.

.

referred to the sacrament;

A

sig.

(1580;

Sermon preached

STC

5684.5),

sig.

as

at the

Raymond Brown

B2'.

genuine traditional material

Gospel Aaording

2:331.17-19

uses this text, as

Some, such

changed

lives.

Cranmer had used

it

in

Dering, denied that John 6.53

Tower of London ([1570]; STC it did; A Briefe Homily

B5'. Others, such as Cooper, concluded that

6694),

tains

H

you.

.

as referring to the Eucharist.

results in

to

(e.g.,

beUeves that John 6:51-58 "con-

eucharistic formula)"; Anchor Bible:

John (1966), 1:286. The reference in

Zwinglius

.

.

.

j

The

should be to verse 53.

Ulrich Zwingli (1484-1531) and Johannes

Christe.

Oecolampadius (1482-1531), the reformer of Basle, both regarded the sacraments as signs or symbols rather than as means of grace. Both w^ere denounced by Luther

Das

in his

diese

who

Zwingli,

Wort

Christi

.

.

noch fest stenhen, wider die Schwarmgeister (1527).

.

denied that physical objects could convey

spiritual gifts,

emphasized

the concept of remembrance, arguing that the Lord's Supper was the dramatic

of Christ's

recalling

life,

death, and resurrection.

importance and antiquity of

word used

in the

this

It is

doubtful that

H

realized the

understanding of anamnesis ("memorial"), the

NT narratives of the Eucharist,

1.

Cor. 11:24

ff.

and Luke 22:19.

See 2:336. 16.n, below.

2:331.34-35

consuhstantiate

for H's definitions

.

.

.

transubstantiate

. how? shall I wishe that men H. Communion" (Williams MS): whether bread stay Or whether Bread doe fly away Concerneth bread, not mee. But that both thou and all thy traine

2:332.7-9

.

.

See 2:338.2-5 and 340.25-341.1

of these terms. .

.

Compare George

Herbert's

"The

.

Bee there, to thy truth, and my Concerneth mee and Thee. The Works of George

gaine,

Herbert, ed. F. E.

the verse attributed to Elizabeth

Hutchinson (Oxford, 1941),

p. 200. Also,

I:

Word that spake it; He took the Bread and break it: And what the Word did make it. Christ was the

That See

J.

I

believe,

and take

it.

E. Neale, Essays in Elizabethan History (London: Jonathan Cape, 1958), pp.

102-103.

765

Commentary Take,

2:334.1 28;

eat, this

.

.

Luke 22:17-19; and

Roman

See

blood;

.

Mark 14:22-24

Cor. 11:23-25.

1

H

(cited in m); Matt.

out the text

singles

The key words were

Catholics and Protestants.

centered on the meaning of "is" in "This

is

my

all

at issue

26:26-

between

discussed, but debate

body." Stephen Gardiner upheld

RC doctrine when he asserted that the words in the text mean \vhat they say: bread

A

Body of Christ;

transubstantiated into the

is

that

detection of the devils sophistrie,

wherwith he robbeth the unlearned people, of the true byleef in the saaament of the aulter

(1546;

STC

11591.3),

material] bread

spake not

this, to

A

very body";

STC

participation

disagreed:

men

and

shulde thynke, that materiall bread

catholike doctrine of the

nn

Cor. 10:17. See chap. 56,

1

Everie cause

.

.

called the

And yet he

... his bloud.

his

is

saaament of the body and

fol. 4".

6000),

Book V,

"our saviour Christ

wyne

body, and the

his

the intente that

235.3, and Intro, to

2:334.21-32

Cranmer

Vl'.

defence of the true

bloud of Christ (1550;

2:334.19

fol.

whiche he brake,

to 2:234.26-27

and 234.33-

pp. 197-199, above.

sacrament.

.

See chap. 56.5 and 2:237.15— 18.n,

below. 2:334.33-335.6. M

first

Take and

eat ...

them.

The

author(s) of .^.C.L.

were

troubled by H's understanding of the institution of the Lord's Supper (see 4:48.20— 27);

H

protests:

2:335.20-30

sith

"O

savage creature" (4:48.2).

we

all

agree

.

.

inquire.

.

Cited by A.C.L.

proving that

as

H

minimized transubstantiation (4:46.27—47.4); see H's response (4:47.14—29) and n.

Sacramentaries

2:336.16

That

rejecting transubstantiation

who

distributed,

Calvin),

teach "that in the

and

"who

Supper but

Zwingli and Oecolampadius; see 2:331.17— 19.n,

Holy Supper only bread and wine

are present,

and received orally" and others, "subtle Sacramentarians" (such in part talk

presence of the true,

p. 482.

that bread

called

"crass Sacramentarians" (such as

above)

Sacramentarians, so called by Luther because,

body and blood only in a metaphorical or "sacramental" sense. Formula of Concord (1577) a further distinction was made between those

wine can be In the

is,

and consubstantiation, they believed

essential,

and living body and blood of Christ in the Holy

assert that this takes place spiritually

A.C.L.

cites

H

as

our language very plausibly and claim to believe a true

here (4:48.7; see n).

by

faith";

Book of Concord (1959),

The term was one of opprobrium,

its

by the Royal Injunctions (1559), no. 50; see Bayne, pp. 378-379n. John Brerely noted that the Protestants were forced to use the name "Sacramentaries" to distinguish their various groups and cited H in this place for proof; see The use forbidden

Apologie of the

Romane Church (1604;

Lawrence Anderton F. Allison,

in

S.R.H.,

"Who Was

p.

STC

3604), p. 243. Brerely was identified as

220, but he was actually James Anderton; see A.

John Brereley? The Identity of a Seventeenth-Century (May 1982): 17-41.

Controversialist," Recusant History, 16.1

2:337.9

Marcionites

Marcion of Sinope;

Followers of a Christian sect found

at

see l:182.2-16.n, above. In this insunce

766

Rome

H

has in

in

2C by

mind

the

Book

Chapter

V,

67.4-67.11

"&lse doctrine" noted in the Formula of Concord: "That Christ did not have a

human

true

body and

nature with a

(1959), p. 490. See Calvin,

The

29, and nn, above.

16C,

as

Bayne observes

Acceptum panem

2:338.1'

(1566), 1:467;

CCSL,

Inst.,

allusion to (p.

.

.

.

Marcion

my

body,' that

Tertullian, Aduersus

posset.

1:656; ed. Evans (1972), 2:492.

unless there

the figure of

is,

were

in this context

a veritable

first

commonplace

is

in the

380n).

taken and distributed to the disciples, that is

Marcion imagined"; Book of Concord

a soul, as

4.17.17; Lawes, IV.11.9; and 4:92.4-15, 138.10-

my

He made

His

Mardonem, 4.40.3; Opera

"The bread which He had

own body, by

saying 'This

body. But there could have been no figure

body, for an empty thing which a phantasm

could not have a figure" (Bayne,

38 In).

p.

Tertvillian

is

is

here arguing against

Marcion's docetism; see 3.8; ed. Evans (1972), 1:192; and 2:231.1—5.n, above.

Secundum

2:338.t^

redeemed

heec

.

.

.

Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 5.1; Opera

substantia.

PG, 7:1124

(1528), p. 294;

(chap. 2).

"According to

us with His blood, nor will the cup

of His blood, nor

neither has the Lord

which we break the communion of His body. For fiesh, and the rest of man's substance wherein

the bread

is

this

of the Eucharist be the communion

blood can only come firom veins and the

Word

of God was truly created" (Bayne,

"qua vere factum

Verbum

est

p. 381n).

H omits, after "substantia,"

Dei."

Ei Toivov avaxXi)o6ev. Theodoret, Dialogue II; (1547), fol. 38'; PG, 83:165; ed. Ettlinger, p. 151.23-26; "If therefore the divine mysteries are types of the true body, the body of the Lord is now a body, not changed into the

2:338.x

nature of His divinity, but omits, after

Sacramenta

2:338.y

with the divine glory" (Bayne,

filled

.

,

De

mysteriis.

.

28.c.n, above), chap. 7;

Opera (1593),

coena Domini, attrib. to p. 501;

considered in themselves, must have their absent

2:338.2

"The

itself fi-om

Cyprian

(see 2:240.

own

power, and the majesty cannot

the mysteries"; see Bayne, p. 381n.

Sacramento

.

.

.

devotio.

Ibid., chap. 6;

(1593), p. 501; PL, 189:1644.

divine essence ineffably poured itself upon the visible sacrament that religious

has a long note

on

Invisibilis

.

this passage, .

.

effectus.

Homiliae ad populum (1547),

His

381 n). H's text

PL, 189:1644. "Sacraments indeed,

devotion might be concentrated around the sacraments" (Bayne,

507.

p.

xd a&pia, eeiov ^4vTOl Kai 6ea7ioTiK6v aa>pa.

word changes by

body and blood.

secret

fol.

p.

38 In). Goulart

using most of the references used by H; (1593), p.

Eusebius Gallicanus, Homilia quinta de Pascha; 44";

power

CCSL, 101:196-197. "The

invisible priest

by

the visible creatures into the substance of His

... In the spiritual sacraments the virtue

of the word gives the

order, and the result follows" (Bayne, pp. 381-382n).

2:339.a

xa oup^oXa

xioxEuexai.

Theodoret, Dialogue H; (1547),

fol. 38';

PG, 83:168; ed. Ettlinger, p. 152.9-17; H has edited this passage. Eranistes asserts: "The Symbols of the Lord's body and blood are one thing before the priesdy

767

Commentary become another

invocarion, and after the invocation are changed and

Orthodoxos

thing."

do not recede from their own nature. They remain in their ftsrmer substance figure and ftjrm, and are visible and tangible as they were before; but they are thought of and believed in as what they have become, and worshipped as being what they are "[But

replies:

after the consecration the mystic symbols]

believed to be." Thus Orthodoxos denies that the substance of bread and wine

Ex

changed.

Opera (1593),

Do

nounced.

Domino

quo a

.

.

.

memory of Me.

whensoever these words and

This

My

is

Immortalitatis

189:1642. in that

prcesentiam.

.

.

"The food of immortality

blood,

which

and salvation of man-

life

chap.

Ibid.,

given,

is

My

is

(1593),

2;

PL,

500;

p.

common

from

differs

foods

appearance of corporal substance, but by invisible working

retains the

it

.

and. This

flesh,

employed, the supersubstantial bread and

this faith are

cup, consecrated by a solemn blessing, profit to the

kind."

is

coena Domini, chap. 3; Cyprian,

PL, 189:1642. "After by the Lord the words were pro-

p. 500; this in

De

projicit.

proves the presence of divine power." See Bayne, p. 382n. Sensibilibus

2:339.fc

the sacraments

and w^e are joined

He life

is

.

.

.

which

to Christ, not so

made bread and

He

of His church which

The

Spirit."

first

by the

calls

senses there

much by

He

and blood.

flesh

made

is

For

the food and substance

and

His body, giving to

comment

Mansio

(1593), p. 508.

"Our

in

Him

.

.

.

non tam

.

"He

.

birth,

He

.

.

.

conformat.

De

quam

Ibid., chap. 6;

neither mixes the persons

and confederates incorporatio.

Him

is

again in us,

wills"; see

chap. 9;

Ibid.,

Him, and our "ipso sit mandu-

eating

the Father

is

cites this passage; (1593), p.

Panis hie azymus

2:339.c

of the

corporali,

voluntates.

.

De

Hilary of Poitiers,

mysterium.

by His bodily

Sacraments"; Goulart

.

abiding in

Lucubrationes (1523), p. 136; PL, 10:248.

we

a participation

it

of incorporation in Him"; 1593 has

a sort

Ule est in patre

divinity;

.

associates capacities

it

(1593), p. 501; PL, 189:1645. is

.

"Our union with Him

(1593), p. 501; PL, 189:1644.

Him

Nostra

Christo nos uniri."

nor unites the substances, but

catio."

life,

sentence in the 1593 edn. reads: "sensibili argumento edocta est

spiritali transitione

drinking

by

a spiritual union.

a bodily as

too

the effect of eternal

is

visibilibus sacramentis inesse vitae aeternae effectum, et

Goulart's

501; PL, 189:1643. "In

Ibid., chap. 5; (1593), p.

spiritus.

are perceived

Trinitate, 8.15;

by the nature of His

by the mystery of the

508. See Bayne, pp. 382-383n.

coena Domini, chap. 6; Cyprian, Opera

(1593), p. 501; PL, 189:1644. "This unleavened bread, a true and pure food, through the visible appearance and the sacrament, illuminates,

Leo

I,

De

(1482),

by truth conforms

passione

as

Domini eiusdem

sermo.

and corporal

buried, in

Whom we

Quemadmodum

.

.

.

we

bear about

are raised

habentia.

touch

xiiii;

Him

in

which we

.

.

Sermones

faith

gestemus.

.

et epistolae

body and blood of

take, so that in

Whom we

by

sanctifies,

aliud agit

serm. 12. "Participation in the

Christ does nothing else but unite us to that spiritual

its

Non

et resurrections

PL, 54:357,

sig. K5'';

by

us unto Christ."

die, in

all

things

Whom we

up again"; quoted by Goulart (1593),

are

p. 512.

Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 4.34; Opera (1528),

768

Book p. 237;

of

PG, 7:1028

God"

(that

Eucharist,

ible,

the deity

composed of two

is

invoked)

things,

when

our bodies

thing; so also

"As bread from the

(chap. 18).

when

is,

Chapter 67.11-67.12

V,

earth, receiving the

an earthly

they receive the Eucharist are no longer corrupt-

but have the hope of resurrection"; cited in part

Quoniatn

Greek.

.

,

LOF

Pusey (1872), 1:530;

redeeming

flesh,

hfe-giving,

when we

>vhich has been

eat

then have

it,

life."

See Bayne,

we

2:340.25—28

De

coena

*This

.

.

Domini .

;

ed.

minde

at

in us, being joined to that Flesh

life

383n.

p.

The inverted commas signal the inserted

discourse of H's oration, culminating in

Bormeval's

86

PG, 73:577; on John 6:53. "Since the word of God, which is by nature life, has become

a vertuouslie disposed

2:340.19

Bayne quotes the

(1874), 1:418;

joined to the

made

at 2:249.1*^

Cyril, In Evangelium Joannis, 4.14; (1520), fol.

est,

.

summons

no longer common bread but a something and a heavenly some-

"is

words taken direcdy from Arnold of

Compare

2:343.6—26.

Pref. 8.1 (1:36.32—39.2).

See the Formula of Concord

Lutherans interpretation;

(1577) in which the Lutheran position is stated in terms of Christ's body being " 'under the bread, mth the bread, in the bread,' " while transubstantiation is rejected;

Book of Concord (1959),

2:340.29-340.1

of T, chap.

'This

.

popish construction;

.

a

conversion of the whole substance of the bread into the substance

of the body of Christ our Lord Tridentinum: Diariorum

.

.

.

nova

.

.

.

STC

,"

which

collectio

Robert Bellarmine (1542—1621), ([1604?];

is

named

transubstantiation; Concilium

(1901—), 5:996. For a popular sutement, see

An Ample

Declaration of the Christian Doctrine

RC apologist, whose chief

1834), p. 290. Bellarmine was a notable

work of controversy was exacdy contemporaneous with Lawes: Disputationes de vols.

C

Session 13 (Oct. 1551) of the

aflSrmed "that through the consecration of the bread and w^ine there

4,

comes about

.

p. 575.

(Ingolstadt,

controversiis Christianae ftdei aduersus

H

1586-1593);

"Modus quo Sacramenta (5:242. 19-21 /and n),

takes note

conferunt gratiam"

the composition of the hujus temporis haereticos, 3

of him in the Dublin Fragment,

(4:120.20-26 and n), in Answer, § 4

and in VL4.5 (3:23.29-34), § 11 (38.4-19), § 12 (42.4-6), t); see nn.

6.2 (3:70.d), § 10 (84.15-21 and^), § 11 (88.^), and § 12 (90.2-4 and

2:341.1—7

This hallowed foode

he understands

it,

as it

is

.

.

.

bodie,

H's position, and that of the

of the so-called Sacramentaries

C

of E

as

(see 2:336. 16.n, above).

See the Second Helvetic Confession (1566), chap. 21; the Consensus Tigurinus (1549); and Calvin >vriting against

and blood of Christ are at

the

vivifying to us, inasmuch as Christ,

own

I

say that the flesh

and exhibited to us in the Supper,

same time explain the mode, namely,

transfuses his

"When

Tileman Heshusius:

substantially offered

that the flesh

by the incomprehensible

proper Ufe into us from the substance of

I

of Christ becomes virtue

of

his Spirit,

his flesh, so that

he

common to us. I frankly engage at close quarters with the man who denies that we are partakers of the substance of the flesh of Christ, unless we eat it with our mouths. ... I define the mode of comhimself Uves in

us,

and

his Ufe

is

.

769

.

.

Commentary tnunication without ambiguity, by saying that Christ by his boundless and wonder-

ous powers unites us into the same

of his passion to

and accordingly joins us

CR,

body";

with himself, and not only applies the

life

but becomes truly ours by communicating

us,

head and members unite to form one

to himself, as

9:470-471; Theological

LCC,

Treatises,

and 32, treated by Paget

4.17.5, 11, 14, 19, 24,

fruit

his blessings to us,

pp. 267-268. See also

Inst.,

"commenury on Hooker's 228-229). And see 4:46.1-11

as a

teaching" (Introduction, pp. 180-182; 2nd edn., pp.

and 117.1-121.12.

Besides sith

2:341.25-33

.

See Paget,

.joy.

.

174-175 (2nd edn.,

Introduction, pp.

pp. 220-221).

2:343.6—26

the verie letter

•

.

From De

happie?**

.

coena Domini,

chap.

Cyprian, Opera (1593), p. 502. See Bayne, pp. cxv and 386n, and Intro, to

V,

above.

p. 217,

2:344.1—2

Ojfalts noted

.

.

communion.

.

of the Admonitioners to the

communion

ing

imitate Christ's

H

13);

H

defends kneeling

communion

communion on

papists {P.M., p. 14);

communion few

mean

are not to

communion of the p. 25);

oile

H

H contends that (§ 2). 2.

is

a

H

which

this

that this

no

necessary to

rubrical direction to

is

3).

3.

Self-

neglected {P.M.,

(§ 4). 4.

The requirement

that

all

specified occasions {1559, p. 268), including

argues that

The

is

"a

none who

profess faith in Jesus

rubric ordering that there be

number" {P.M.,

fytte

be penalized for the

it is

in administer-

less

duty, but denies the existence of

laxity

sick {1559, pp. 307-308), to

argues that

The

it is

be three or four to communicate {1559,

unless there

Puritans take this to

addresses six objections

"the gesture of pietie" (§

as

agrees that self-examination

and

H

The language used

.

{1559, p. 257), which they say

Christ should be excluded (§§ 5—9). 5.

that the

1

warrant for examining communicants

parishioners receive sirmers

In chap. 68

sacrament:

words than the purpose of them

examination before

scriptural

BCP

{1559, p. 264; P.M., p. 13);

receive kneeling;

p.

10;

Book

of the

no

p. 267); the

p. 25);

H

protests

rest (§ 10). 6. Private

which the Puritans object {P.M.,

wounds of the sick "with that The corresponding tracute touching the Communion," pp. 588-607

sin to minister to the

gracious sacrament doth yeeld" (§ 11).

in Whitgift's Defense

is

15,

"Of matters

(PS, 3:73-108).

2:345.^

Can. 9. Apost. concil. 2. The first 500 by Dionysius Exiguus, with

collected about

subsequently added.

Canon 9

reads: "All the faithful

the Scriptures but are not earnest in prayer and ion, as disturbing the order

fifty

Apostolic canons were

who come

to

church and hear

do not receive the Holy

of the Church must be cut off from

(Hefele, History of the Councils, 1:461).

It

first

eighty-five additional canons being

was customary

Commun-

Communion"

in the early

church for

catechumens (and others) to be dismissed before the missa ftdelium began, concil. 2. Bracar. ca.83.

made by Martin

The

reference

is

to

canon 84 (not 83) of

a collection

(520P-580?), archbishop of Braga in Spain, assumed to be the

770

Book

Chapter 67.12-68.6

V,

canons of the Synod ofBraga (572): "If any one enters the Church of does not Usten to the reading of the Scriptures and for

away from

the

communion of the Sacrament and

we

of discipline,

refuses the authorised rule

his

own

of sacred

in the observation

decree that such

person be

a

God and

pleasure keeps rites

cast forth

from the Cathohc Church

till he do penance"; see Bayne, p. 389n; PL, 130:588; Both references come from Cartwright, 1:149 [117]; see Whitgift, 531, marg., which cites "cap. 83."; hence H's misciution.

Hefele, 4:397. Defense, p.

2:345. /j the

Page 132 in

p. 166.

1.1.

two sentences of

Admonition

as

edn.

1st

Besides

.

.

.

H

absurde.

has transposed

quotation. Whitgift dismisses the objection of the

this

"so ridiculous, that

more worthy

it is

be hissed

to

than to be

at,

confuted"; Answere, quoted in Defense, p. 601 (PS, 3:97).

Kneeling carieth not. H has extracted this quotation from a passage which begins by Cartwright's citing Whitgift as saying that none can be offended by kneeling to receive communion, since "kneeling caryeth a greater shewe of worshypp/ and Imprinteth in the mindes of the ignorant a stronger opinion and a

2:346.1

.

.

.

And if kneeling be so howe came it to passe/ that

deeper print of adoration/ then the syght of a rounde cake. void of all fault/ in

as

M. Doctor wold make

King Edwardes dayes/ there was

cleare that gesture

away/

is

[131]).

The

for that sitting agreeth better

so-called "Black

tangled bibliography, see

96),

2:347.j tion.

STC,

added

wyth

in the

boke of prayer/

to

kneeling should be taken

the action of the supper" (1:165-166 that

communion

at

why

other reason

Rubric" explained

of idols) was intended by kneeling its

a protestation

An

from adoration.

us beleve/

no adoration

(rpr.,

worshipping

(or

B.C. P., 1559,

p. vii; for

2:91-93). See Defense, pp. 597-600 (PS, 3:88-

and Bayne, pp. 391-392n. 1.1.

H

Page 130 in

p. 164.

has excerpted this

from

593 (PS, 3:78-82), and Bayne, 2:347.6-16

God

that

that "the Levites

.

Citing the

.

p.

Aaron,

GB

.

.

.

examina591-

392n.

Cartwright had cited 2 Chron. 35:6 to show

glosses "prepare

selves, that

GB

All things necessarie

edn.

were there commaunded

ing of the passover."

examine them

.

1st

a longer passage; see Whitgift, Defense, pp.

to prepare the people unto the receiv-

your brethren": "Exhorte everie one to

they be not unmete to eat of the Passeover" (see j).

Whitgift denied that examination was enjoined; Defense, p. 592. Verse 14, however, reads: "they prepared for themselves and for the Priests"; gloss,

the Vulgate reads "Et fratres vestros

corrected in the

RSV

to "prepare for

.

.

.

preparate," retained in the

your brethren";

that

is, it is

AV, but

"the service," not

the people, that "was made ready" (lines 15—16). See Bayne, p. 393n. 2:347.ife

T.C.

2:348.9-12

1.1.

p.l67.

Church

is

a

Page 132 in

worde

.

. .

1st edn.; see 2:353.^.

not.

See 2:54.c and n;

(5:40.16-^1.1); also, 4:28.18-31.25, above, and Field,

1:25-27.

771

III.l;

Of the

znd Jude

?,

§ 8

Church, 1.7; (1847),

Commentary See 2:21.18-27,n, above.

Religion

2:349.13

them which

2:349.23-24

Compare

Of the

Field,

2:350.23-25

upon

call

.

.

Church.

.

Rom.

See

10:13 and

1

Cor.

1:2.

Church, 2.2; (1847), 1:63.

Manie thinges exclude

.

.

not.

.

This

is

a

key statement indicating

H's concern to distinguish the church on earth from the kingdom of God. Bucer

spoke of the kingdom of God (Christ)

church and

Wendel

state as

(1955), p. 54;

2:352.20-25

tion.

LCC,

Now because

empowered

the

She did

queen

so,

.

God

in Christ;

De

regno Christi, ed. F.

19:225. .

.

The Act of Supremacy

a^vrie.

to appoint

commissioners to exercise

cap. 1)

(1 Eliz. I,

ecclesiastical jurisdic-

sending out commissions in 1559 to enforce the provisions

contained in the Uniformity Act

BCP

higher entity and yet always related to

as a

manifesting the rule of

and church attendance.

(1 Eliz. I,

Armed with

cap. 2) concerning conformity to the

articles

and injunctions of visitation the

commissioners began a work that issued in an extraordinary court, eventually

named

the Court of

High Commission, and

in efforts to bring recusants into

conformity. See, for instance, Arthur J. Willis, ed.. Church Life

Church

in Kent, being

1559-1565 (London and Chichester: Phillimore, 1975), pp. 25-32. Additional parliamentary acts were enforced with varying degrees of severity, such as those of 1563, 1581, and 1593. See W. R. Trimble, The Catholic Laity in Elizabethan England, 1558—1603 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964), and Bayne, pp. 397—398n. Court Records of the Canterbury Diocese,

T.C. 1.1. p.l67 Pages 132-133 in 1st edn. If the place Answered by Whitgift, Defense, pp. 602-605 (PS, 3:100-104).

2:353.^

.

.

etc.

.

But if they man Bayne (p. 398n) suggests that H may have in mind here the Jesuits and Seminary priests who came to England following

2:354.9—10

Elizabeth's

.

.

.

excommunication by the pope

see the letter of

Richard Topclyff

in

1570 and were active into the 1590s;

Lord Burghley (1590),

to

in Strype, Annals,

4:422.

2:354.21-27

For neither doth

God

.

.

.

him.

See

"A Declaration of the Queen's

Proceedings Since Her Reign," attributed to Elizabeth

with the rebellion in the North (1569):

"We know

I

and written in connection

not, nor have any

meaning

to

allow that any our subjects should be molested either by examination or inquisition in any matter, either

of faith,

as

long

as

they

shall profess the Christian faith,

gainsaying the authority of holy Scriptures, and of the articles of our

faith,

not

con-

tained in the Creeds ApostoUc and Catholic; or for matter of ceremonies, or any

other external matter appertaining to Christian Religion,

as

long

as

they

shall in

outward conversation show themselves quiet and conformable, and not manifestly repugnant and obstinate to the laws of the Realm, which are established their

for frequentation

of divine service in the ordinary churches, in

like

manner

as all

other laws are, whereunto subjects are of duty and by allegiance bound"; William

772

Book Edward

Collins,

Queen

Chapter

V,

68.6-68.11

Elizabeth's Defence of

Her

Proceedings in Church

(London: S.P.C.K., 1958), pp. 46-^7; transcribed from vol. 66,

No.

T.C.

2:355. r

54; the original draft

1.1.

Hatfield

is

Page 166 in

p. 147.

BCP

ers in objecting that the

1st

MS

and State

MS PRO S. P. Dom. Eliz.,

1450.

edn. Cartwright joined the Admonition-

allowed a few ("three or fower") out of a congrega-

tion to conununicate at the Lord's Supper. For Whitgift's answer, see Defense, p.

528-530 2:356.2

(PS, 2:547).

publique coaction Cartwright, 1:149 [117], argues that that BCP "ought which woulde w^ithdrawe themselves, should be by ecclesiasdiscipline at all tymes, and now also under a godly Prince by civill punish-

to provide that those ticall

ment brought 2:356.8—1

1

to

Onlie

the concern

made, even

on

at

communicate with .

.

A key statement. The literature of the time indicates

them.

.

their brethren"; Whitgjft, Defense, p. 531.

the part of the church leaders for the paucity of

communions

by law; therefore

whole people

the times specified

own

gathered, either of their

the Lord's Supper

volition or as compelled to

would be wrong

if

Of such True

2:356.23-25 Defense, pp.

2:357.3—4

.

As

it is

532-533

the sacrament.

See Cartwright, 1:149 [117]; Whit-

otherwhere.

that ... not.

See Cartwright, 1:149 [118]; Whitgift,

(PS, 2:554-556).

for the last

.

.

.

sick.

The concern of the

sick or absent being

See

early

"A View of Popishe Abuses"

church

communicated from

the

w^as to preserve

one

its

altar (see Justin

by Whitgift,

The

Defense, p. 527, marg.

celebration for the sick the

uiaticum); see

was recorded

Death of Nola, chap.

in the

Martyr, Apology

The 1549 Prayer Book

2:357.4

ft>r

(they graunt)

and Tertullian (De breaking their

have of a private his Epistle concerning

Communion of

the Sick,

and Worship (1932), pp. 541— allowed for reservation of the sacrament for the sick, this provision, necessitating a "pri-

Cartwright, 1:146 [115],

on

cites Justin

Martyr,

as in

a day

has ended. See Cyprian (De

n

above,

some

felt

of humiUation by partaking of the Eucharist.

He

chap. 19); the latter discusses the scruple that

advises that the faithfijl reserve the sacrament for fiut

we

Uranius in

the sick; see B.C. P., 1559, p. 410.

oratione,

fast

Commun-

ed.. Liturgy

but the 1552 and subsequent books dropped vate" celebration

note that

5C by

(PS,

unity \vith the

Nicaea (325), canon 13, noted

See Charles Harris, "The

2.

Viaticum, and Reservation," in Clarke, 615.

first

(P.M., p.

525-528

Defense, pp.

chaps. 65, 67), implying the reservation of the consecrated elements.

ion was provided for the dying (the

at

before celebrating

who depend upon

and 2:344. l-2.n, above), and Whitgift's response.

2:540-548).

1,

. .

so,

Defense, p. 531 (PS, 2:551).

gift,

25,

kind

do

only in terms of the pastoral concern that

bishops and priests ought to have for the faithfiJ

2:356.19-20

to wait until the

lapsis,

chap. 16),

773

home when the of the in^t to whom

consumption

who

teUs

at

Commentary the cup could not be administered without sobbing and sickness, because

taken part in pagan

T.C.

2:357. t

thys abuse

had

it

See Bayne, pp. 403-404n.

Page 115 in

p.l46.

1.1. is

rites.

1st

edn. "It

not to be denyed/ but that

is

very auncient/ and was in Justin Martyrs tyme/ in Tertullians and

Cyprians tyme/ even

as also

were other

there

abuses.

.

.

.

First

of all in the primi-

church the dyscipline of the churche was so severe and so extreame/ that

tive

if

any which professed the truth/ and were of the body of the church/ did through

hym

deny the truth/ and joyned

infirmitie

unto the idolatrous service/

self

although he repenting came again unto the church/ yet was he not received to the

communion of the Lords supper any more. And nes/ and redy to depart thys lyfe/

the church had forgeven the faulte it/ as

was

.

.

token that

appeare by the story of Serapion [Euseb. lib. 6. chap. 43]. Another cause which was before alleaged/ which is the false opynion which they had

conceived/ that

which

those

all

is

yong novices

were condemned/ that received not the supper of the as those that were (as they called them catechumeni)

yong children

in relygion never admitted to the supper/ or

sicke daungerously/ they ministred the supper

they should want their voyage victuall reference to the viaticum. Eusebius as

in

they graunted that he might be partaker of

may

that

Lord/ and therfore when

fell

.

yet lying in extremitie of sicke-

dyd require the communion

if hee

tells

(as

of the Lord unto them/

they termed

it)

.... "

of Serapion of Alexandria,

reported by Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria

(d.

The

least

last is

a

Hist, cedes., 6.44,

264?), in a letter to Fabius,

bishop of Antioch.

Aia

2:358.1*'

.

.

&iapoiv.

.

Theophylact, archbishop of Achrida

accomplished scriptural exegete, on

IvSo^ov

e^avdaraaiv

["resurrection"; see line 15] the glorious rising

he

rise,

n&VTE^

405n).

[Paul] explains, but

in the air."

"The dead

oyaBotv.

in Christ shall rise

Theophylact comments on

1

Bayne,

Thess. 4:16—17:

up

Ammonius of Alexandria

p. 405n).

up

Ti^v

in the clouds

first.

also in the clouds to

the faithful (Ttiaxoi), for since they are to be caught rise first" (see

1078), an

of

not be taken up" (Bayne, p.

all shall

and remain be caught up with them

live

(fl.

e^avAaxaaiv evraOOa voel

ev vaj^Xaig e^apaiv. PG, 124:1185. "'Understand here by

xfjv

heaven.' All shall

which

Phil. 3:11:

Then

shall

we

meet the Lord

"The dead

in Christ are

in the clouds they shall

prepared a

3C harmony

of the Gospels. 2:358.x

MaturaUe

p. 502;

2:358. y

.

.

.

^dppaKOV

(1558), p. 137;

.

PG,

.

.

©aveiv.

5:661. ".

immortality, the antidote that {Apostolic Fathers,

2:358.2

in

.

Ignatius, Epistola ad Ephesios, chap. 20; Epistolae .

we

breaking one bread, which

should not die, but

live for

is

the medicine of

ever in Jesus Christ"

Loeb, 1:195).

Iren. 1.4 c.34.

camem

Decoena Domini, chap. 10; Cyprian, Opera (1593),

solemnia.

PL, 189:1646.

Aduersus omnes haereses:

corruptionem devenire,

et

"Quomodo autem

non percipere vitam, quae

774

rursus dicunt

a corpore

domini

Book et

Chapter 68.11-69.2

V,

sanguine alitur?"; Opera (1528), p. 237; PG, 7:1027,

as

chap. 18.

"And how

they that the flesh passes into corruption and partakes not of life, which ished

by the Lord's Body and by His blood?"; Bayne

(p.

is

say

nour-

406n) quotes the Greek.

See 2:339.c.5—8 and n, above. 2:359.d

Etsi nihil facile

.

.

.

H turns in chap. 69 to consider the Puritan objections to

2:359.18 Offestivall dayes the

BCP

See 2:250.6 and n, above.

est.

Calendar and

its

ordering of the church year according to Christian

But once more, before taking up

tradition (see B.C. P., 1559, pp. 22—47).

charges,

H

ending with

biblical ones.

specific

beginning with philosophical considerations and

lays a foundation,

What

time

how

is,

divided, and

it is

he seeks to answer.

are preferred are the questions

chronos firom kairos, chronological time,

with

its

He

is

why

certain times

concerned to distinguish

regular succession

and continuance,

firom significant time, such time as the church year designates.

Gods own etemitie

2:360.8—1 1

.

.

H here christianizes the cosmolo-

together.

.

gy that was the product of ancient astronomy, systematized by the Alexandrian Ptolemy in the 2C AD, and fiirther elaborated by Arabian scholarship, principally that

of the Sassanid dynasty in Spain.

such writings

as

The

knew, and Dante's

It

was popularized in the Christian West by of Dionysius the Areopagite, which

Celestial Hierarchy

The end of The

Paradise.

predominant world view of the

presumed by the schoolmen;

Divine

Comedy both

Middle Ages and helped perpetuate

late

see, for instance,

Around

seven planets (including the called the

primum

mobile.

moon

and the sun), one

These spheres

was

fixed at the middle

is

spin the nine heavenly spheres,

it

It

it.

Aquinas, S.T., la.108.6, on the

hierarchy of angels. According to this cosmology, the earth

point of the universe.

H

reflected the

are spinning

one each

for the fixed stars,

around the

for the

and one

earth, their

motion

being caused by the nine orders of angels (the pure Intelligences) created by God,

who

inhabits the true

Existence, Prime

Heaven or Empyrean: God

Mover,

etc.; see plates

Evans (1974). Dorothy Sayers suggests that translated into the language

something

like this:

[Angels] and the unintelligible;

of

the

One

alone, sole reality, true

17 and 18 in The Riverside Shakespeare, ed. if the first

few

"In His timelessness. Being called into being the Intelligences

Prime Matter. And the Prime Matter was without form and

and space

And the Power of the First Mover moved And Act expressed Itself in the creation of

lay in darkness.

upon

the unmeasuredness of space.

light.

And the movement of light was the beginning of time"; (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1957), p. 91.

Dante

2:360.19—20

Hereupon some

.

.

.

heaven.

Xpovoq 6^ dpie^6<; Kivrjaecog Opera motion"; what follows

is

concept in S.T., la.66.4, is

of Genesis were

verses

ancient/medieval cosmology, w^e might have

this

the measure of the

H

quoted by

resp. 3,

See Aristotle,

De

(1550), 1:202; "time

is

coelo,

the

1.9;

279*:

number of

in 2:365./ Aquinas refers to Aristotle's

"tempus

est

numerus motus firmamenti"; "time

movement of the firmament";

775

Further Papers on

B, 10:46-47; (1588), 1:225":

Commentary "Accidit enim tempori quod est

sit

numerus motus firmamenti, inquantum

primus motuum"; "For time

only in the sense that

movement

Diogenes Laertius (2C AD) in

no

^vas

the

is

is

Melissus of Samos

See Bayne,

of Ovid's, Metam. xv.234;

a phrase

Xpovov ao^K&xaTOV

apipai

the famous saying of Pindar, .

.

409n:

p.

to Thales

is

Xp6vo^

2:361. fc

that in

.

which

.

For

is

not

10,

"

'Tempus edax t6v

ydp xa n&yna. Erasmus quotes it 'Tempus omnia revelat,' and compares

6'

znxKoxnox, |adpTope^ ao(j>d>TaToi.

.

.

'De Dei etemitate'

"Time

much

Opera (1595),

God

as

i.

KoXdq.

.

there

Praeceptiones, § 1, in

2:362.3—5

to

ascribed the saying,

The

mediaeval description of eternity, which derives from Plato, Timaeus, 37—8,

given by Aquinas, Sum. Th.

is

470 BC?), according

(b.

dTt&vrcov, civeupiaKeiv

in the Adagia under Tertullian's proverb,

.

first

his Liues of the Philosophers (9.4), taught that there

time doth eat ... thinges.

rerum,'

motus

only apparent, motion (Loeb, 2:434).

real,

2:361.16

hie

movement of the firmament among others" (B, 10:4&-49).

the measure of the

The philosopher

Melissus

2:360.27

this

is

is

which opportunity

p. 27;

opportunity

is;

time." Hippocrates, the physician

(d.

357 BC?),

Loeb, 1:312.

Compare H's

holines.

.

that in

is

"; (1588), 1:31'—35*.

of the place of

discussion

^vorship, chap. 11.1.

The manner of

2:363. 1

Chapter 70

celebratinge festivall dayes.

Puritan conviction expressed in the Disciplina

ecclesiae

commode abolendi" (Paget, Introduction, p. 245; 2nd edn., we tearme them) must be abolished, commode, as they may,

sunt (as

croft,

Daungerous

festival days,

grounded

bounty, and

rest (§§ 1-4).

excess,

and

H proceeds to

Positions, p. 95).

in natural

(§ 5),

legalisms (§ 7), but this does not

H

mean

St.

(§ 6).

which must be

within the positive ordinances of the church is

is

Grande

CCSL,

.

.

.

forsooth a notable

dedecus?

homage

up your

for a time,

(§ 9).

as

sacred

He

and those

finally

makes

it

by the church.

Tertullian, Apologeticum,

chap. 35;

1:145. For "chores," 1566 has "thoros" and

streets, to dress

should be

not over Sunday, which the Puritans maintain, but over

other times traditionally kept

2:682;

be dispensed

may and

and distinguishes among

which must be kept

those days

kept, those

praise,

bounty into

Paul rejected such Jewish

that such observations can

which

2:363/

idolatry,

then defines the bases on which holy days

clear that the dispute

of celebrating

and therefore the Jews established certain

them

kept, including a description of the church year (§ 8),

fall

handsomely" (Ban-

law and involving three natural elements:

days and provided rules for keeping

with altogether.

based on the

p. 304); "holy daies

assert the necessity

Corruption had turned praise into

wantonness

rest into

is

saaa, chap. 15: "Festi dies

to bring fires

city as a tavern, to

and beds out of doors,

make

lust!

shamelessness?" (Bayne, p. 41 In).

Dies festos

Is

Opera (1566), has "toros." "It

to feast in

all

the

the gutters run with wine, to run

then public joy expressed by public

pell-mell into riot, indecency, and

776

CCSL

.

.

.

occupari.

Justinian, Codex,

3

Book [not 12J.12.9 [not

69.2-70.8

(1590), col. 193; Krueger (1963), p. 128, as 3.12.9 (11);

1];

"We

Scott, 12:277, as 3.12.10.

God be

Chapter

V,

most high 5aicpuoi^

desire that festival days dedicated to the

not spent in pleasure seeking" (Bayne,

Theodoret, the peroration of sermon

8,

De

p. 41 In).

'Avii

martyribus; in Graecarum affedionum

PG, 83:1033. "In

Sylburgius (1592), p. 123;

place of the old carnival of revelry and obscenity sober festivals are celebrated, without drunkermess, without horseplay and laughter, but with hymns to God and reading of the holy curatio, ed. F.

and prayers made beautiful by honourable

Scriptures,

Tfj^

2:363.^

fap

Opera (1552),

.

.

.

See Bayne,

tears."

p.

41 In.

^Xav6pa)xov. Philo Judaeus, De Abrahamo; In libms Mosis, "The lover of God and the lover of man are of the same

p. 257.

nature" (Bayne, p. 412n).

Rest is the end . not. Compare Aquinas, S.T., la.73.2, concluwhich he considers Gen. 2:2, "God rested on the seventh day from all the work which He had done"; (1588), 1:233': "Requievit Deus die septimo ab omni

2:364.13-18

.

.

sio: in

opere quod patrarat"; B, 10:145. See Calvin,

066' eoriv

2:365.;

.

.

ai&vcu

.

2.8.28-29,

Inst.,

De

Aristode,

coelo,

on

1.9; 279*;

1:202; in a passage following that cited at 2:360. 19-20.n, above.

change in anything

that has

its

beyond

place

the sabbath

rest.

Opera (1550),

"Nor

there any

is

the outermost motion; but to

eternity those things continue without alteration

and without

sion of the best and most self-effacing life" (Bayne, p.

all

suffering, in posses-

413—414n).

Modem

edns.

read Teroypevcov for <j>epopevqv.

above

2:365.15—16

.

.

.

change,

H

refers to the

empyrean heaven above the

"highest moveable sphere," the primum mobile; see 2:360.8-1 l.n, above.

l.Chron. 23:31.

2:366. fe

This verse

is

believed to be the

reflecting action taken to correct the laxity

2:366.21

feast

of lotUs

The

feast

work of

a reviser,

of the ministers of the Second Temple.

of Purim commemorates, on the 14th and 15th

of Adar, the deliverance of the Jews from the plot of Haman. 2:366.23

The

Dedication

feast

of Dedication,

instituted

by Judas Maccabaeus and commemorates

celebrated annually for eight days from the twenty- fifth of Chislev, the rededication of the

Epiphanes. 2:367./) 14;

Si

GB

so glosses

omnem

.

.

.

Temple John

all

poUution by the agents of Antiochus

Tertullian, De jejunio adversus Psychicos, chap. CCSL, 1:1272-1273. "If the Aposde has abolished

decurrimus?

Opera (1566), 2:525;

absolutely

after its

10:22.

devotional observance 'of seasons and days and months and years'

why do we keep Easter each year in the first month? Why in the fiifty following do we keep a joyfril holiday?" (Bayne, p. 415n); see chap. 72.11. 2:367.14—16.^

By festivall

solemnities

"Ei beneficiorum ejus solemniutibus

,

.

.

time.

festis et

777

Augustine,

De

civitate

days

Dei, 10:4:

diebus sututis dicamus sacramusque

Commentary memoriam, ne volumine temporum PL, 41:280 (chap.

Wee

2:367.24—26. r until

begine

1752 was the

\vhose coming was seen

.

embassage.

as a

Week

and

John the

That legal

Lady-Day, 25 March, which

is,

beginning of the year.

understood

Baptist,

second

as a

necessary prelude to the redemption of

foure other dayes

2:368.22—25 Easter

.

.

ecclesiastical, civil,

the second Elias

2:368.17—18

ingrata subrepat oblivio"; Opera (1556), 5:540;

3.2).

.

.

Elijah,

Israel.

them. That is, Monday and Tuesday in in Whitsun Week; see B.C. P., 1559, pp.

.

and Monday and Tuesday

154-158, 171-173.

prince of the worid to come.

2:369.18

futuri saeculi, Princeps pacis" (v. 6,

one daie

2:369.19—20 festival

Lord's

Day

in seaven

marked out

days

.

Compare

.

ever.

.

While dispensing with

could not conform to the tradition but needed to

Warburg, 1964), chap.

5:

Hill, Society

"The Uses of

Puritan practice, see Patrick Collinson,

Church History, ed. C.

in

as

all

other

adhered to the

the one such day wrhich the

novel explanation of this on the grounds that industrial society

a

out of seven, see Christopher

anism," Studies

9:5 (Vulgate): "Pater

in the traditional Calendar, the Puritans

(Sunday, the Sabbath of the Christians)

Lord decreed. For

Isa.

GB).

machinery and

rest

men one

day

and Puritanism (London: Seeker and

On

the origins of the

"The Beginnings of

English Sabbatari-

Sabbatarianism."

W. Dugmore

and C. Duggan,

1

(London:

Nelson, 1964), pp. 207-221. 2:369.t

T.C.

Page 120 in

p.l51.

1.1.

1st

"M. Doctor sayth/ that so they be may be commaunded. I have shewed

edn.

not used superstitiously or unprofitably they

before/ that they were. If they were so indifferent

kept of the papistes

whych

are the

See Whitgift, Tract. 10,

"Of holydayes,"

View of Popishe Abuses"

charges that in the

and kept holy with

which beside therefore

we

Admonition:

their evenes,

Defense, pp.

BCP

yet being

538-554

(PS, 2:565).

"A

"dayes are ascribed unto Saintes,

and prescript service appointed for them,

is

put in them, dare not subscribe to allowe

p. 24; see p. 12); see Whitgift, Defense, pp.

The next

is

a rare

.

.

.

"What? do you condemne

the feast of Easter also?

hath bene abused? do you not

it

selves observed

and the Churche ever sithence

it,

552-554

(PS, 2:592).

Whitgift had responded to the

aware.

abrogated because

as

made/

they are of

for the superstition that

them" (P.M., 2:370.2-16. M

on

they are

many superstitiously kepte and observed, are also commaundment of God. Sixe dayes shalt thou laboure, and

that,

contrary to the

fastes

as

enemies of God/ they ought to be abolished."

knowe

their

would you have it them Surely you may

that the Apostles

tyme?

.

.

.

well reason that the scriptures are not to be read, because that heretikes have so

greatly abused

"yf it were

them"; Defense, pp. 539-540. To this Cartwright replied (3:189): it was used of them, as a thing indifferent:

a tradition of the Apostles, yet

considering that the same story witnesseth, that

778

S.

John the Aposde,

togither with

Book

V,

Chapter

70.8-71.4

the churches of Asia, did celebrate the Easter, as the Jues

day of the moneth [Euseb.

5.

li.

Now,

24.25].

if

S.John

were wont, upon the xiiii hym self, which departed

not from the autority of the scripture, did kepe the Jues day: he gave sufficiently to understand, that

our Easter hath no

autority from the scriptures: for

have kept yt also." Cartwright's assertion

is

questionable

SCM

A. A. McArthur, The Christian Year (London: "Easter," in

A

Dictiotuxry of Liturgy

on

Press, 1958),

and Worship, ed.

then he would

scholarly grounds; see

and

G. Davies

J.

his article,

(New York:

Macmillan, 1972), pp. 166-168.

Zacharie and Elizabeth

2:371.15—16

The

parents ofJohn the Baptist; see

Luke

1:6.

schoolemen

2:371.23-26

.

.

.

H

agere,

Aquinas, S.T., la2ae.71.5, resp.

refers to

"Dicendum, quod peccatum omissionis contrariatur praecepto afSrmativo, quod obligat semper, sed non ad semper: et ideo solum pro tempore illo aliquis cessando ab actu peccat, pro quo praeceptum aflSrmativum obligat"; (1588), 2:150^ ad

"A

3:

of omission

sin

is

contrary to a positive precept which

not bind continuously. Hence, by omitting an

man

act, a

is

always true but does

sins

only for the time

during which the positive precept binds him" (B, 25:21). preserve Lord

2:372.15—19

.

.

buildinges.

.

Zech.

4:7; the prayer

combines Hosea

6:4 and 13:4 with Ps. 1:3. Zerubbabel was the civil leader of the repatriated Jews

from Babylon

who

had

responsibility for the rebuilding

of the Temple.

The . Church. H's defense of holy days is based on the manner which they "augment" and "by their often retournes" bring men's inward dispositions to virtue to perfection. This was understood in the Middle Ages, where the holy days were accompanied by elaborate ritual and drama; see O. B.

2:372.23—33

.

.

in

Hardison,

Jr.,

Drama

Christian Rite and Christian

Johns Hopkins University

Press, 1965);

and

in the

Middle Ages (Baltimore:

see Herbert's

poems on

the special

days of the church year in The Temple.

condemning restraint of men

2:372.35—373.1

.

.

.

times.

This was a significant

factor in the Puritan objection to holy days. See Christopher Hill, Society and Puritanism, chap. 5, cited in 2:369.19— 20.n, above. 2:373.1/

1.1

p. 152.

Page 120

in 1st edn.

Iconfesse

.

.

.

given.

This

is

Cartwright's

who, confronted by the Puritan objections (see 2:369. f.n), had Answere: "I thinke the meaning of this commaundment [Exod. 20:9]

response to Whitgift w^ritten in the is

not to

tie

men

to bodily labour, that they

spiritually"; Defense, p.

may

538 (PS, 2:565); see

p.

not intermitte the same to labour

541 (PS, 2:570-571) and Cart-

wright, 3:193.

2:374.19-22

the patrons of libertie ...

God,

A

chief plank of the esublish-

ment's attack on the Puritans. See Pref.8.4, and Bancroft, Daungerous

54-55.

779

Positions, pp.

Commentary Mardocheus

2:376.9—13

who

Mordecai,

raised

.

.

example out of Hester

2:376.2.1

2:377.23

The

joy.

.

of Purim; see 2:366. 21. n, above.

man

in the empire.

Cited by Whitgift, Defense, p. 543 (PS, 2:573).

Susa, or Shushan, a city

Susis

feast

and guided Esther, became the second

and royal residence of the Persian empire.

Nicanor The Roman governor of Judea and noted blasphemer of the Temple, defeated by the forces of Judas. In celebration of the victory (13 Adar; =

2:377.30

March 160

BC), the feast of Nicanor was celebrated on 13 Adar; it was stricken from the Jewish calendar after the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 AD. See 2 Mace. 14-15 and 1 Mace. 7:26-50.

2:377.31—378.8 (see

let it

2:372.23—33.n)

sufGce

now

men

.

in terms

.

.

H asserts the value of holy days

requisite.

of anamnesis (or remembrance) in thanksgiving,

BCP

of the Eucharist in the

basic to an understanding

(see

1559, p. 358, and

331.17-19.n, above). 2:378.c

Comtnetnoratio

.

.

.

Justinian, Codex, 3.12.7; (1590), col. 192;

celebratur.

Krueger (1963), p. 127, as 3.12.6(7).3; Scott, 12:276, as 3.12.7; taken from an edict of Valentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius (389 ad). It adds to other festival days the occasions all

when

"the commemoration of the martyrdoms of Apostles, of

Christianity the beginning,

is

duly observed of

all"

(Bayne, p. 426n).

The

reference could be to the festival of Peter and Paul. 2:378. J

Page 121 in

p. 153.

1.1.

1st

For so much as ... etc. The quotation

edn.

from Cartwright continues: "or Daniel

.

.

.

nor the apostles nor the churches in

their time

never instituted any eyther to kepe the remembrance of Stephen/ or of

the Virgin

Mary/ or of John

that the instituting

Baptist/ or of any other notable and rare personage/

and erecting of them nowe/ and thys attempt by the churches

whych folowed/ whych have not such certen and undoubted interpreaters of the will of God/ as the prophets and apostles were whych lyved in those churches/ is ."; see Whitgift Defense, p. 543 (PS, not without some note of presumption. .

.

2:574).

2:378.c

T.C.

2:378./

Scilicet

1.1.

p.l53.

See Whitgift, Defense,

ignorant nos

.

.

.

optamus.

that

we

can never forsake Christ, all

Who

544 (PS, 2:575).

Eusebius, Hist,

Greek), p. 52; (1587; Latin), p. 50; PG, 5:1042.

saved from

p.

eales.,

4.15;

"They do not know,

I

(1570;

suppose,

suffered for the salvation of those that are

the world, and can never worship any other. For

Him we

worship

Son of God, but the martyrs, as disciples and imitators of the Lord, we love with all honour for their invincible good love of their King and Master; and their companions and disciples we desire to be." From the letter of the Church of Smyrna occasioned by the martyrdom of Polycarp, commenting on the saying of as

Nicetes: "If you give the

one and worship

this

body (of Polycarp), the Christians man." See Bayne, pp. 426—427n.

780

will leave the crucified

Book ^s for

2:379.^

\ve receive

all the

.

.

.

Chapter

V,

commodities.

71.5-71.8

The quoution

by them/ whereby M. doctor goeth about

continues: ".

.

whych

.

goodnes and

to prove the

lawfulnes of their institution/ as that the scriptures are there red and expounded/ the patience of those saintes in their persecution and

of the church remembred/ and yearely renewed: those commodities wythout

those dangers

all

Martyrdome say/ that

I

whych

I

is

to the edifying

we myght

have

all

have spoken of/ and

wythout any keping of yearely memory of those sayntes/ and (as it falleth out) in and more profitable sorte. For as I sayd before of the keping of Easter ... so

better

memories of saintes and martyrs/ streighten our considerthem unto those dayes/ whych should continually be thought of/ and

those celebrations of the ation of

we

daily as long as

holy

Communion, bycause

is

fettered to these certayne dayes.

mighte you saye likewyse of the Sabboth daye"; Defense,

of

T.C.

hym and

well

p.

.

.

.

The same

546 (PS, 2:579).

Page 122 in 1st edn. "As for M. Calvine/ as the practise where he lyved was and is/ to admit no one holy day so can it not be shewed out of any parte of hys workes (as

p.l54.

1.1.

the church

besides the Lords day: I

as

the meditation of the death and passion of Christe, and

the application of the same,

2:379./i

"You mighte

live" (1:153 [121]). Whitgift responded:

oughte to be no certayne tymes appoynted for the receyving of the

saye, there

thynke) that he approved those holy dayes/ which are

now

in question."

See

Whitgift, Defense, p. 550 (PS, 2:581-587), and Bayne, p. 427n.

2:379.7—9

wee honor reverence and obey

.

.

.

live.

Obedience

to the voice

of

was enjoined by the Act of Uniformity (1 Eliz. I, cap. 2), when attendance was demanded at the parish church "upon every Sunday and other days ordained and used to be kept as holy days" (Gee and the church in the keeping of holy days

Hardy, Documents,

p. 463).

BCP

Calendar but

also

new

Calendar of 1561

The

by the

dimensions of this are shown not only by the

full

additional holy days authorized

{Liturgical Services,

by the queen

in the

PS, pp. 436—455) and enforced by the

bishops in their Interpretations; see Corpus Christi College, Cambridge,

MS

106

(141), p. 425. This further aggrieved the Puritans.

2:379.y

HoXkAq

.

.

^lYvero.

.

Dio

Cassius, Historiae Romanae, 60.17 (1592), p.

777; Loeb, 7:408. "[Claudius] did away with

many

the greater part of the year used to be taken

up with them, with no small

ment

to the

The

Biblical

and

festival days; for

detri-

p. 428n).

See 2:369. 19-20.n, above, and H. Boone Porter, The

Saboth

2:379.25 Light:

commonwealth" (Bayne,

sacrifices

Day

of

and Liturgical Meaning of Sunday (Greenwich, Conn.: The Seabury

Press, 1960).

2:380.m p. 666;

Hi

vacate

.

.

.

Josephus, Contra Apionem, 1.22; Opera (1566),

solennitatem.

Loeb, 1:246—249. Josephus

is

quoting Agatharcides, a Greek writer of the

time of Ptolemy VI (175—146 BC): "These people are in the habit of resting on the seventh day, and they allow none on the fixed days to carry arms, or to cultivate the land, or to

do anything

at

all,

but are accustomed to worship in their temples

781

Commentary with outstretched hands

and

their

own

the evening.

till

of men invaded

a multitude

But when Ptolemy Lagus with an army and they ought to have guarded it, by

their state,

observance of their foolish practice, they procured for their province a

vary hard master, and proved the badness of their custom" (Bayne, p. 429n). quotes the Latin recension of Sigismund Gelenius (Basel, 1548;

Dion.

et

Dio

lib. 37.

rpr. 1566).

H

Vide

Cassius, Historiae Romanae, 37.17; (1592), p. 41; Loeb,

3:126—129; Dio describes the Jewish religion; see 2:379.y.n, above. 2:380.«

Mac.

1.

Verse 41, which speaks of the necessity of fighting even on

2:40.

more

"the Sabbath daye," seems

Emperour

2:381. l-6.;>

Krueger (1963),

apropos.

... time,

Justinian,

Codex, 3.12.3; (1590), col.

H

p. 127, as 3.12.2 (3); Scott, 12:275, as 3.12.3.

cites the

192;

same

in 2:378.c, above.

title

2:381.9-21.^ constitutio

Wee

ordeine

54, entided,

.

.

.

rest?

Leo VI

(see 2:264.22-27.o.n, above), nouelta

"That on the Lord's Day

people

all

shall rest firom their

quod Spiritui sancto, ab Ipsoque institutis Apostolis placuit, ut omnes in die sacro, quoque nostra integritas instaurata est, a labore vacent: neque agricolae, neque quiquam alii in illo illicitum opus aggrediantur. Si enim qui umbram quandam atque figuram observabant, tantopere Sabbathi diem venerebantur, ut ab omni prorsus opere abstinerent: quomodo qui gratiae lucem, ipsamque veritatem colunt, hos eum diem qui a Domino honore ditatus est, nosque ab exitii dedecore liberavit, non venerari par est? aut quomodo, quum ex septem diebus unus in Domini honorem consecratus sit, nos aliorum ad opera usu contentos non esse, neque ilium Domino eximium et inviolatum labors." This edict ends: "Statuimus nos etiam,

conservare: sed ipsum etiam vulgarem facere, nostrisque operibus applicandum putare, religionis J.

non

prorsus dissolutae?"; in Justinian, Novellae (1590), col. 383;

and P. Zepos, Jm5 Grecoromanum (1931;

rpr.

1962), 1:124;

PG, 107:545-548;

Scott, 17:254-255.

C.

2:381.r

lib.3 tit.l2.

Dies festos.

Justinian, Codex, 3.12.11; (1590), col. 193;

Krueger (1963), p. 128, as 3.12.9 (11); Scott, 12:277-278, as 3.12.10. Dated 469 AD, under Leo 1 and Anthemius. "After forbidding amusements or exaction of taxes

on

festal

days dedicated to God, the law proceeds to

demand

a special

reverence for the Lord's Day, and to order a cessation of business in the public courts and offices. is

The holy day

(religiosus dies)

is

not to be by any one spent in impure pleasure.

with the Emperor's birth or ascension,

falling

to .

on

.

be .

firom business, but

firee

Even

a festivity

that day,

is

it

connected

to be deferred"

The law ends with the levying of penalties on violators. It is the tide cited in n above. On Leo I and Anthemius, see 2:434. 25.n,

(Bayne, p. 431n). last

law in the

below. 2:382.1-2

2:382.9-10

joyfuUnes

is

to rest,

theire Pentecost

.

.

.

give.

See chap. 70.2—4.

The Jewish feast of Weeks,

782

celebrated

on

the fiftieth

Book day

71.8-72.1

when the first firuits of the harvest were Law to Moses was commemorated.

after Passover,

when

Chapter

V,

presented and,

later,

the giving of the

theire feast

2:382.11

of Tabernacle*

three great feasts of the Jewish year. lasted

It

With Passover and

Pentecost,

was harvest-home

(see

one of the

Exod. 23:14—16),

seven days, and was followed by an eighth day of convocation. During

it,

commemoration of their sojourn

in

the people dwelt in booths ("tabernacles") in

the wilderness.

theire annuall soUemnitie

2:382.13-14

Apostolis

2:382.f

.

.

.

Socrates,

essent.

of Lottes,

See 2:366.21. n, above.

Hist,

5.21;

eccles.,

PG,

443;

(1581), p.

67:628.

"The work of the Aposdes was not

festivals,

but to be the authors for us of a righteous plan of life and piety" (Bayne,

to sanction laws about the times

of

p. 432n).

Quit

2:383. M

toto

Augustine,

... celebrantur.

(1555), 2:115'; PL, 33:200, as epist. 54.1: right to suppose to have

councils

been

whose authority

instituted

in the

118,

epist.

Ad

"Customs kept by

Januarium; Opera all

the world

it is

by the Apostles themselves or by general

Church

is

very salutary; such customs are for

instance that the Lord's passion and His resurrection, and His ascent into heaven,

and the coming of the Holy

should be celebrated by a yearly festival"

Spirit

(Bayne, p. 432n).

2:383.12-13 50.

if

they be good

The same T.C.

2:384.14^

point

1.1.

is

made

Page 17 in

p.30.

rubric,

"Of the

p. 76);

he quotes Cartwright

Aristode, Rhetoric, 1.5.6; 1361*; Loeb, p.

are,

in Politia, 2.9 (1269 1st

;,

this

time against the Spartans.

edn. Whitgift discusses fasting under the

of the Churche in things indifferent" (Tract.

authoritie

as here, p. 99,

2; Defense,

and responds, pp. 100-102 (PS, 1:223-

230).

There are which

2:384.2-3 moral,

civil,

and

might become attentive performed,

wrong

should be partial, as

from

all

in meditation

that the rebellion

latter has three ends:

on

of the

God

left it

is

to the liberty

(1) that

the duties of godliness flesh

for

may be

our

sins,

which

subdued,

which

to prescribe particular times for fasting, as the

is

(3)

the

mind

are to

the chief end.

Romans

be

to profess

But

do. Fasting

of the church. Furthermore,

fasting

should not be

when

fasting

should abstain

with the Romans, but the Christian

food, from soft apparel, and from sweet ointments. See The Reformed

Catholike, in

Works (1608),

these volumes, see

2:384.10-12

The

and express humility before

guiltiness it is

(2)

William Perkins defended the practice of

kind,

religious fasting.

STC,

STC

politique order

VI, cap. 19, and 5 Eliz.

I,

19649, 1:589-590; on the tangled bibliography of

2:227.

The government by means of statutes

cap. 5) esublished fasting

addition to the customary fasting

on

Fridays, Saturdays,

783

(2

and 3 Edw.

from meat on Wednesdays, in

Ember

Days, and Lent.

Commentary Wednesday

were repealed by 27

fasts

public order.

however,

I, cap. 11. Such fasting, chiefly to upon them, was enjoined for the sake of

Eliz.

benefit fishermen and towns dependent

Government and church commanded of plague, war, or other

especially in times

issued special order for services, such as the basic

written by Grindal, "to be used every

of mortalities, and other

Other examples tions

in the

ed..

is

this

tyme

described in detail, with quota-

from public documents, by Henry Holland, The

STC

and Publike (1596;

Private

weeke, duryng

Remains (PS, pp. 75—110, 258—261). Liturgical Services (PS, pp. 458—474). The

and occasional,

regular

fasts,

and the church

one published in 1563 and

afflictions"; Grindal,

found in Clay,

are

ordering of public

Wednesday

fasting for other reasons,

calamities,

13586),

sig.

A2''-4''.

Christian Exercise of Fasting,

Holland himself spoke of

public fasting as taking place in the church "betweene the porch and the altar" and

involving the confession of

prayer, the giving

sins,

of thanks, and learning and

conferring together (pp. 75—76, 66). For the church's teaching, see

Good Works. And

"An Homily of

of Fasting"; Certain Sermons and Homilies (1864), pp. 291— 310; and see Bayne, pp. 435-436n. First

but onlie to take

2:385.1—2 also the

downe

opinion of others, such

.

•

.

flesh.

Erasmus,

as

The opinion of the

who

wrote

Puritans, but

was ordained

that fasting

"to tame the wantonnes of the body that he be not wylde and sturdy agenst the

epistell

.

An

and "to pease the wrath of god provoked with our synful dedes";

spyrite" .

.

concemyng the forbedynge of eatynge offleshe ([1533?];

STC

10488.7),

sig.

A3"-4'.

2:385.4—7

I

2:385.20-21

much woonder Fasting

.

.

.

.

.

.

which

Inst.

Compare Andrewes,

minde;

Doctrine, part 3: "Fasting,

See Calvin,

selfe.

as

is

it

4.12.20.

A

Pattern of Catechistical

were the wings of prayer;

as

Augustine

jejunium orationis robur, 'fasting adds strength to prayer,' oratio vis jejunii, 'prayer gives strength to fasting' " (LACT, Minor Works, 6:06—107). John Cosin

saith,

BCP

(1594—1672), bishop of Durham, commenting on the declaration of fasting days in the religion to give alms,

it is

coming week (1559,

religion to

keep

fasting days too,

p.

rubric requiring the 251), says: "if

which

it

are appointed

be

by

the Church to be spend in prayer and abstinence. Jejunium eleemosyna, et oratio, went ever together, as here they do." He goes on to discuss the statutes mentioned

above, 2:384.10-12.n. Notes and Collections on the Book of Works,

LACT

Common

Prayer, 1st ser.;

(1855), 5:94; see §§ 7 and 18.

See Tertullian, De jejunio adversus Psychicos, chap. deum reverentiae opus est"; Opera (1566), 2:517; CCSL, 1:1264. Also chap. 6: "He (Moses) whose 'heart' was found habitually 'lifted up' rather than fattened up, who in forty days and as many nights maintained a fast above the power of human nature, while spiritual faith ministered strength to him:

2:385.x,)' 7:

"Ita

TcrtuU.

jejunium

both saw

1.

de jejun.

in

w^ith his eyes

understood with

God's glory and heard with

his heart

God's law"; see

784

also chap. 9.

his ears

God's voice and

Neque

.

.

.

est.

Ibid.;

Book (1566), 1:516-517;

CCSL,

V,

Chapter

72.2-72.5

1:1263. "Peril has

no time

for food:

.

.

.

the attendant of mourning." 1566 has "moeroris." See Bayne, pp.

MqSet^

2:385.z

.

.

bticai&ooL^

.

(1552), p. 256; Loeb, 6:100. Avith

sorrow comes

De Abrahamo,

Philo Judaeus,

"And

let

no one suppose

down from heaven

that

to earth, but there

hunger

is

ever

436—437n.

chap. 36; Opera

joy pure and unmixed is

a mixture

of the

tw^o.

For the Father has not permitted the race of men to be wholly devoured by grie6

and sorrows and incurable anguish, but has mixed

deeming

better kind,

weather" (Bayne,

knows

perfect joy;

in their lot

just that the soul should enjoy a sleep

p. 437n). Philo has

man on

if anie

2:385.28—386.4

rhythm

it

earth

must renounce

thinge be

identified as an essential

been explaining

.

.

.

a season

God

that only

of calm

in

heaven

it.

H

save.

something of the

and

refers

here to that contrapuntal

element of Prayer Book w^orship; see Booty, Three

Anglican Divines on Prayer: Jewel, Andrewes, and Hooker (Cambridge, Mass.: Society

of

St.

Evangelist, 1978), pp. 9—12. See chapter 72.8,

John the

Good Friday and Easter. Compare

his relating the fcst days

where

H

treats

(Wednesday and Friday)

to the w^eekly festival day (Sunday).

When ye fast

2:387.4-8

of piety (the

Jews practised J.

Matt. 6:16-18 (GB), referring to the third act

... openly.

two being almsgiving, w. 1—4, and prayer, w. 5 ff.), "which the an accompaniment to prayer, in order to strengthen prayer"; see

first

as

C. Fenton, Saint Matthew (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1963),

The

2:387.11—12 in the

and

See Luke 18:12, "I

Pharises weeklie ... reproved.

week," meaning Mondays and Thursdays. Christians

Fridays, according to

The Didache

p. 102.

(the early Christian

fest

twice

on Wednesdays manual on morals and fast

Church practice), chap. 8: "Let not your fasts be with the hypocrites, for they fast on Mondays and Thursdays, but do you fast on Wednesdays and Fridays" {Apostolic Fathers, Loeb, 1:321). Mondays and Thursdays (the second and fifth days) were fast days for the Jews because it was said that it was then that Moses came down from and went up Mt. Sinai. 2:387.15— 17. (i

Of publique

injoigned fastes

fast

before Baruch reads the

Sam. 7 concerns the 2:387. /i

Levit. 23.

Atonement; "to Philo

.

.

.

fast at

Enumerates the afflict

the Soul"

aiTEioSai.

men may

keep the

is

is

rehersall.

2 Chron. 20 refers refers to the fast.

1

the victory over the Philistines.

Levit. 16.

Concerns the

used to refer to "fasting" in these chapters.

De

vita Mosis; in Libros

oaiaig dpvriOTEiav

"On

feast

bodily passion repletion

.

of the Lord.

feasts

Philo Judaeus,

mistakes; see textual note.

.

to the people. Ezra 8:21 concerns Ezra's

Mizpeh before

447. 1552 reads aiaioK; for

that

Law

.

Moab and Ammon. Jer. 36

to Jehosaphat's fast before his victory over

this fast

it is

Mosis (1552), p.

for dfivTicrriav.

H

copied the

not lawful to partake of food or drink,

with pure thoughts, not troubled and impeded by the apt to excite,

and may propitiate the Father of the

universe with holy prayers; by which they are

785

wont

to obtain

pardon of their

Commentary former

and the possession and enjoyment of new blessings" (Bayne,

sins

Godolias

2:388.4

Appointed governor of Judah under Babylonian

p. 439n).

rule after the

and destruction of Jerusalem (588—587 BC), the conciliatory Gedaliah was

seige

condemned

September. See

was commemorated with

The prophet Zechariah

to those in doubt:

"Thus

and the

fifte,

of the

fast

on

a fast

and the

fast

end of

i).

explains the fasting customs

Lord of hostes, The

saith the

Kings

his assassination (2

the 3rd of Tishri, the

40—41; Zech. 7:5 and 8:19 (cited in

Jer.

Zach. 8:19

2:388. «

by Ishmael, who plotted

as a collaborator

25:25). His death

of

Israel

of the fourthe moneth,

fast

of the seventh, and the

fast

be to the house ofJudah joye and gladnes, and prosperous hie

of the tenth,

feasts:

shal

therefore love

the trueth and peace" (GB).

That St Jerome . time. H summarizes Jerome's commentary on Zech. 8:19, above; see Opera (1516), 6:116"; PL, 25:1546-47. Bayne (p. 440n)

2:388.9—19

.

.

quotes the Latin.

Chald^eans

2:388.14

Babylonians.

Vide Riber.

2:388./

a Jesuit exegete

1.5.

Francisco de Ribera Villacastin (1537-1591) was

c.21.

and professor of sacred

quae ad Templum pertinent,

libri

scripture; bk. 5.21

of De Templo,

quinque (1593), enumerates twenty-four

et

fasts

Dei

is

of the

Jews, ending: "His diebus addiderunt magistri ludaeorum singulis anni hebdomadis

ieiunium secundi,

de causis

et quinti diei, id est, secundae, et quintae feriae, tribus

propter excidium templi, propter combustam legem, et propter blasphemiam

Rabsacae"

(p.

Puram

2:389.M

366); see Bayne, p. 440n. .

.

Apuleius of Madauras in Africa

caenam.

•

(1575), p. 380, speaking of eating that

is

pure, that

is,

(b.

124 AD?), Opera

without animal

flesh.

Apuleius was the supposed translator of the Hermetica, Hermetis Trismegisti Asclepius de natura deorum

sive

dialogus;

Asclepius in the dialogue

rhetorician notable for his florid style, Apuleius

The Golden Ass. Such was his

his later reputation as a

being transformed into a golden

faithful

against being taken in

TertuUian,

De pcenitentia,

by

his

contempt.

p. 617;

Philo Judaeus,

A

Hermes's pupil.

author of

as the

thaumaturge (the novel recounts

Augustine was obliged to warn the

followers

belly's

De

is

known

Pastum

(OCD).

CCSL,

1:336.

.

but for the soul's sake."

vita contemplatiua, esp.

.

"To

.

causa.

use plain

Vide

.

it

bread for food and

Hieron.

.

.

.

Jovinian.

Paul attacks not Christian

fasts

salt

•

.

chap. 9; Opera (1552),

Loeb, 9:158. "The table too bears nothing which has blood, but there

placed upon 2:389.0

better

chap. 9; Opera (1566), 2:46;

food for meat and drink, not for the Phil,

that

ass)

is

is

for seasoning." See Bayne, p. 441n.

Jerome, ContraJouinianum, 2.16, comments that St. but Jewish superstitions; Opera (1516), 3:37; PL,

23:324. 2:389.p

R. Mos.

.

.

.

jejun.

Moses Maimonides;

786

see Bayne, p. 441n.

And

see

Book

'

V,

Chapter

72.5-72.8

Dov Ravinowitz

Mishneh Torah, ed. Mordecai Yehudah Lieb and Mordecai

HaRav Kook,

Qerusalem: Mossad

The Code of Maimonides, Solomon Gandz and Hyman Klein (New

1987), 3:617-644;

bk. 3, The Book of the Seasons, trans.

Haven: Yale University

Laws Concerning

Press, 1961), Treatise 9,

Fast Days, pp.

432-433, 434, 436, 449, and 452. See 2:65 ./n, above.

Thcire fastinges ... God.

2:389.11—13

of fasting; see §

interrelated aspects

Hora

2:389. r

sexta

.

.

.

supervenit.

Josephus,

567; Loeb, 1:104; in Opera (1566)

prandium vocare not) the sixth

home

it is

De

vita sua,

§ 54; in Opera (1548), p.

"secta hora superveniens, quae nostros ad

solet sabbatis" (p. 450).

"(There would have been

hour arrived which was wont on the Sabbath

meat" (Bayne,

to

Penitence and devotion are the two

2.

442n).

p.

De

vita

sua

was

a

tumult had

to call

our people

translated into Latin for the

first

time by Gelenius in the 1548 Basel edn. of Josephus's Opera. Sabbata Judceorum

2:389.5

.

.

.

dicata.

Sabbath was by Moses declared for the use of Sabbath for an entire

week

Justinus,

time a

all

"The may be in and may account 36.2:

History,

Philippic

day."

fast

The

error here

("I fast twice a Sabbath"),

2C

for the error in the next citation; (1592), fol. 123'. Justinus

was the

of Trogus Pompeius's

time of Augustus, and

\videly read in the

who

historian

76;

Historiae Philippicae, written in the

Ne Judxus

Middle Ages.

XII Caesares (1522), p. 124: fast as I today have kept

.

servavi.

Suetonius, the

Roman

"No

Jew,

my

Tiberius, so willingly keeps his

describing Octavius's indifierence to food.

it,"

texts read "diligenter," "diligently," for "libenter," "willingly."

Besides they which

2:389.21-390.6 6:1—5.

.

flourished in the reign of Trajan (98—117 AD), in his Octauius, chap.

Sabbath

Modem

.

abbreviator

The Mishna

.

.

.

specifically forbade

time.

Matt. 12:1-8,

work on

Mk. 2:23-28, Luke

the Sabbath (see Shabbath, 7.2),

but the Midrash Yalkut explained that David had violated the law for the sake of necessity,

you

and the Talmud explained, "The Sabbath

2:390.11

thirde

particularly

2:390.M

is

given over to you, and not

to the Sabbath" {Yoma, 85b).

CoL

on

hower of the day Or nine o'clock a.m., before which time, and the Sabbath and other feast days, the Je^vs were to fast.

4:4.

As Bayne points out

suggests Acts 14:23, citations

(p.

which does mention

443n),

fasting,

this

but

reference

it is

is

hard to see

a mistake;

how

the

he

two

were confused.

2:390.16—17

ex aliqua

.

.

.

2:390.17-19

It

doth not

Tertullian, Dejejunio adversus Psychicos, chap.

requiringe.

CCSL,

13; Opera (1566), 2:524-25; .

.

.

all.

1:1272.

See Calvin,

Inst.

4.12.17, 19, and 2:391.8-13

and n, below. 2:390. f

Ignat. ep. ad Philip.

See Ignatius of Antioch, To the Philippians, chap.

13; Epistolae (1558), p. 59; not genuine: see Apostolic Fathers,

quotes the Greek at 2:392.ur, Cartwright

787

Loeb, 1:166—171.

cites the letter in 384.0/.

H

Commentary The Saturday fast originated De jejunio adversus Psychicos, chap. 14;

Saterdaie

2:391.3

Tertullian,

an extension of Friday's; see

as

Opera (1566), 2:525—26; Bayne,

pp. 443-444n.

w^hen

2:391.8—13

Ambrose

St.

lived

.

.

H

othermse.

.

here summarizes the

86,

Ad

Casulanum, chap. 14.32.

Augustine reports that Ambrose, being asked whether

it is

lawful to

citation

made by Whitgift from

Augustine's

epist.

day and seeing there was some diversity of practice in churches, replied:

jejuno sabbato: et si

pati

I

am

faste

I

among

the

"Quando hie sum, non jejuno sabbato, quando Romae sum ad quamcunque ecclesiam veneritis, (inquit) ejus morem servate,

scandalum non here,

on sabbath

fast

matter

this

vultis aut facere"; in his

Answere Whitgift

when

not on the Sabboth,

I

am

at

Rome

translates: I

doe

faste

"When on

the

Sabboth, and to what Churche so ever you come, keepe the custome thereof,

you

nor gyve offence"; Defense,

will neyther suffer offence

Augustine, Opera (1556), 2:393; PL, 33:151, tine's letter

under the

as epist. 36.

p.

Whitgift

treats

"The opinion of S. Augustine of things

rubric,

and recommends "The whole Epistle"

as

if

99 (PS, 1:222—223);

Augus-

indifferent,"

"worthy of reading." See Bayne,

p.

444n.

The Churches

2:391.13-19

of Alexandria

.

,

.

According

Christ.

Wednesday was kept

311),

(d.

as a fast

to

canon 15 of Peter, bishop

because of the Jews' "taking

counsel for the betrayal of the Lord" and Friday "because

He

then suffered for our

The Lord's day "we keep as a day of gladness, because on and on it according to tradition we do not even kneel" (Bayne, sake."

before alleaged

2:391.22

quoted in

2:384.1*"

At

8-13, above; see n.

lines

esse potest,

He

rose again;

see Cartwright, 1:30,

and n, above.

2:391.31—32 tneanes to blot out sinne. salus

And

it

p. 444n).

nisi

See Ambrose,

epist.

63.16:

"Quae nobis "What

jejunio eluerimus peccata nostra"; PL, 16:1194.

salvation can w^e have unless

by

fasting

we

blot out our sins?" (Bayne, p. 445n).

Ambrose . opinion. Ibid., "Qui sunt hi praeceptores novi, qui meritum excludant jejuni?"; PL, 16:1194. "Who are these new teachers who deny would the merit of fasting?" See Cartwright, 1:30, quoted at 2:384. tf.

2:392.3

.

.

Ignatius hath said ... Christ,

2:392.26-28.M^

See 2:390.30-391.6.,

v,

and n,

above. 2:392.x

Vide

.

.

.

Cerinthus

powers

25.

Chapters 20-25 of Irenaeus's Adversus omnes

Simon Magus, Menander,

the heresies of

—Gnostics who

inferior

and even

Opera (1528), pp. 42

ff.

Basilides,

haereses describe

Satuminus, Carpocrates, and

taught that the world was not created by

God,

hostile to

Epiph.

.

.

.

42.

identified

God

by some with Jehovah

but by in

OT;

Epiphanius, Refutation of all the Heresies,

21.4, 22.1, 23.1, 24.2, 27.2, 28.1, 41.1, and 42.2; concerning Marcion, Epiphanius

reports (42.3): it is

"He fasts on the Sabbath (Saturday) for this God of the Jews" (Bayne, p. 446n). See

the rest of the

788

reason. Since, he says,

Contra octoginta haereses

Book

Chapter 72.8-72.12

V,

(1566; Latin), pp. 18-19, 21, 31, 33-34, 91-92, Marcion being (1544; Greek), pp. 30, 32, 35, 49, 133, 135;

Vide Canon. Apost. 55.

2:393.)'

which on Sunday

prohibits &sting

notes that "the custom of fasting

is

who

the latter pages;

See 2:345.^.n, above, and canon 66 (65) in

Hefele, History of the Councils, 1:484,

sects

on

PG, 41:699.

on Sundays; Hefele

to

be met with only among those

is,

Tertullian's

professed a sort of Gnostic dualism."

2:393.16-17

Tertullian

Montanize,

. . .

That

advocacy of rigorist

Montanist views, including more frequent and more exacting days of fasting; see l:159.2r.n, above.

2:394.9-22

Against us ye pretend

13.1—2:

chap.

"Praescribitis

.

.

.

Tertullian, Dejejunio adversus Psydticos,

selfe?

constituta

solemnia huic

esse

fidei

vel

scripturis

majorum; nihilque observationis amplius adjiciendum ob illicitum innovationis. State in isto gradu si potestis. Ecce enim convenio vos et praeter Pascha jejunantes. Denique respondetis haec ex arbitrio agenda, non ex traditione

.

.

.

imperio. Movistis igitur gradum, excedendo traditionem,

constituu

obitis.

humanae

das? plus

Deo

Quale

est

quam

licebit voluntati

divinae potestati?

liberum memini"; Opera (1566), 2:524;

2:395.2-8

cum

quae non sunt

autem, ut tuo arbitrio permittas quod imperio Dei non

Our nue prophecies

.

CCSL,

Ego me

saeculo

non

1:1271.

1: "Hi Paracleto controversiam non quod alium Deum praediMaximilla, nee quod Jesum Christum solvant, nee regulam evertant, sed quod plane doceant saepius .

.

not,

Ibid.,

chap.

&ciunt, propter hoc novae prophetiae recusantur,

Montanus et Priscilla et quod aliquam fidei aut spei cent

jejunare

quam

nubere"; and chap. 17: "Quis sanctior inter vos,

nisi

convivandi

frequentior, nisi obsonandi pollucibilior, nisi calicibus instructior? Merito solius

animae

camis

et

The concluding

spiritalia recusatis"; (1566),

precede "These

set fasts

2:395.10-21 and z Heresies, 75.3:

sunt, et sub

et

.

.

jugo

flesh only, as

The

you

superscript

are, you z should

." (line 10).

These set fasts

servitutis.

.

.

Justo

God.

.

See Epiphanius, Refutation of

(inquit) erit

enim

lex

non

all

the

ordinatum. Haec enim Judaica

est posita,

sed patricidis ac matrici-

vero omnino volo jejunare, qualemcunque eligam diem a meipso

jejunabo propter libertatem.

jejunant,

of soul and

(Bayne, p. 448n).

spirit"

"Sed neque jejunium

dis, et reliquis. Si

Dominica

"Men

sentence means:

righdy reject things of the

homines

2:528-29; CCSL,, 1:1257, 1276.

Unde apud

studium

ipsos

est,

ut potius in die

jejunent, quarta vero et prosabbato edant. Saepe vero etiam quarta

non ex

statuto, sed

quando apud nos

ex propria

(ut inquit)

volunute. In diebus autem

humi dormitiones, castitates, afflictiones, siccorum esus, preces vigiliae, ac jejunia, et omnes animarum salutes per sanctas afflictiones ipsi a summo mane obsonantur, cameque ac vino venas suas explentes cachinpaschatis

fiunt

nantur, ridentes ac subsannantes eos qui sanctum

hunc cultum hebdomadis

perficiunt"; Contra octoginta haereses (1564; Latin),

fol.

Greek), p. 386; PG, 42:508. Concerning Aerius,

789

paschatis

404', as heresy 75; (1544;

known

to us only through

Commentary Epiphanius, see 2:439.27-29.n, below. followers refused to

2:396.21—22

Num.

and

fasts,

his

.

.

The Day of Atonement (Yom

Moses,

.

terms of the Jewish

illustrated in

Day of

Certain Sermons and Homilies (1864), p. 293.

There could not

2:396.26-31

opposed prescribed

29:7-11 and Lev. 16. In the Homily on Fasting, the pubUc act

from the private and

distinguished

Atonement;

He

even in Holy Week.

a special! sacrifice

Kippur); see is

fast

"A Commination

.

intended.

.

.

The

service

of commination,

Be Used Divers Times in the Year," concluded the Elizabethan BCP (1559, pp. 316-323). In 1549 it was confined to use on Ash Wednesday, but the 1552 Prayer Book indicated a headed,

more

general use. Based

against Sinners, with Certain Prayers to

upon medieval forms of excommunication,

it

begins with

mercy

cursings against impenitent sinners but ends with the Miserere and prayers for

and forgiveness. See the Injunctions and

of Archbishops Grindal and

Articles

Sandys issued in 1571, ordering the use of the service; (1910), 3:254—255, 278, 304; and Bucer's

on BCP;

Scripta Anglicana (1577), pp.

mind: "There

is

also a

marked, which the

what

is,

a

491-492.

.

.

.

must say

priest (forsothe)

at the

entraunce into the matter, that

peece of Discipline was in former times kept about the holy time of

Lent, \vhich untill 14) order.

13,

it

be restored, would be supplied with

But what place of

this

there they

seeme verye desirous

sufiferable in Christes

which should be

all

51:

shoulde saye suche

churche. Let them endevoure to

commend god his discipline,

the dayes and times of oure

Cone. Laod.

who

and times were profitable or

{P.M., pp. 116—117). 2:397. <j

to have restored? as

to reduce this

peece of discipline

a

(Galat. iv. 9, 10, 11) dayes

of observances for

devises

Jewishe (Deu. xxvii.

them

scripture dothe induce

ceremonie? or what place of scripture woulde warrante such as

Frere

the service, Censura

them. H probably had the Second Admonition in Commination grounded uppon great reason, if that be well

Wherewith

2:396.34-397.4

Visitation Articles, ed.

commendation of

.

The Puriun .

.

discipline

ceUbrari.

is

life

exercised in Christes churche"

alluded to at the end.

See the Council of Laodicea (360 AD?), canon

"Quod non oportet in Quadragesima martyrum natales peragere, sed sanctorum

martyrum

facere

of the martyrs

commemorationes

shall

in sabbatis et Dominicis"; "In Lent

be celebrated, but the holy martyrs

the Saturdays and Sundays of Lent."

Quadragesima nuptias vel

no

feasts

be commemorated on

52: "Quod non oportet in "No wedding or birthday feast shall

And canon

natalia celebrare";

be celebrated in Lent" (Bayne,

shall

p. 451n); Concilia (1585), 1:703; Hefele, History of

Canon 49 specifies that the bread (of the Eucharist) during Lent, except on Saturdays (celebrated in many places as

not be

the Councils, 2:320.

shall

offered

the Feast of

the Creation) and Sundays, largely because the consecration of bread and

regarded

as joyful

canon 16

(2:310).

2:398.
l.Tim.

4:8.

and not appropriate on

"For bodelie exercise profiteth

790

wine

pentitential days. See Hefele's n.

lide."

GB

glosses:

w^as

on

"Meaning

Book to

V,

Chapter

72.14-73.1

be given to ceremonies and to suche things

2:398.17-18/

Victors extremitie

.

.

.

one,

as delite

the ^tasie of

Eusebius, Hist,

ecdes.,

cerns the Quartodeciman, or Paschal, Controversy, 190 AD?, in

man."

5.23-24, con-

which Victor

I,

as

the bishop of Rome, sought "to cut off by a single stroke the communities of the

whole of Asia, together with the neighbouring churches, from the common union, on the ground of their unorthodoxy," that is, for keeping Easter on the fourteenth of the Jewish month Nisan, rather than on the Sunday following, the date set for the feast by the Church of Rome and others (24.9); The Ecclesiastical History, Loeb, 1:168-170; Opera (1549), p. 552. See

ODCC,

under "Quartodecimanism."

'Ev xavri ... auTriv. Aristode, N.E., 2.9; 1109^ Opera (1550), 2:11. in everything be most of all on our guard against what is pleasant and against pleasure; for when pleasure is on her trial we are not impartial judges"

2:399./

"We

must

(Loeb, p. 113).

From hence

2:399.23—26

.

.

.

On ascetical

life;

rigorism in the early church, see

K. E. Kirk, The Vision of God (London, 1931), pp. 218-241; A. D. Nock, Conversion (London, 1933); and Anthony Merideth, "Asceticism Christian and Greek,"

—

Journal of Theological Studies,

_

Valde absurdum

.

.

est,

ut

cibum

et oratio

epist.

continues:

sequatur et lectio." "It

feasting a martyr

who,

as

31,

"lu

repast." Preceding this Jerome advised that feasts

2:401.23

T.C.

1.1.

exaltation

found

in the

BCP

Opera

honour by

his fasting.

And

attendants always

be kept "not so

much

p. 455n).

edn. Here Cartwright objects to

1st

the use of the ring in marriage, the groom's pledge

shyp," and "the receiving of the

word be

of mind" (Bayne,

Pages 159-160 in

p.l99.

Eustochium;

highly ridiculous to

is

upon your

by

with

deals

semper comedendum

you know, pleased God by

take food let prayer and the reading of the

as

Ad

tibi

when you

by profusion of meats

who

of Caesarea, and Gregory of Nyssa.

Basil

Jerome,

jejunis.

.

The quoution

(1516), 1:59'; PL, 22:446.

immoderate

27.2 (October 1976): 313-332,

Antony of Egypt,

the 4C, principally with

2:401.0

n.s.,

"wyth

Communion" by

those

my

body

who

1

thee wor-

are married, as

Solemnization of Matrimony {1559, pp. 290-299).

The Admoni-

tions critique anticipates Cartwright's three points: see 2:404.7, 404.28, 406.5-9,

and nn, below. 2:401.24—25

In this world

.

,

society in the union of male

.

propagation.

and female

who

Aristotle, Politics, 1.1-2,

grounds

provide for the continuance of the

race and esublish the basic unit of society, the family; see Lawes 1.10.2-3. In

emphasizing propagation according to the

"remedy

BCP

H

singles

out the

first

{1559, pp. 290-291):

against sin, to avoid fornication,"

of the three purposes of marriage "procreation of children,"

(1)

and

(3)

"mutual

society, help

(2)

and

comfort." In his Censura Bucer argued that the order was wrong, that the third

verum Coniugium

inter eos,

quibus nee proles quaeritur: nee remedium contra fomicationem. ...

"; Scripta

should be

first,

"ut prima

est":

"Potest enim esse

791

Commentary Anglicana (1577), p. 488. ai(;),

the

He

two becoming one

spoke of the union in terms of the one flesh to help

one another

flesh

in every aspect

(Svo-

of Ufe.

H

of "participation" to marriage (2:405.30—406.1),

alludes to this in his application

Book

but he obviously prefers the Prayer

order. See

John Cosin, Notes and

Book of Common Prayer, LACT (1855), 5:492, and T. A. Lacey, Church and State (London, 1947).

Collections on the

Marriage in

Now

2:402.19—21 marriage

"The

is

of the Lord, and

that w^hich

borne

is

.

.

H

The

besides.

.

purpose of

first

emphasizes

utility

p. 290).

knot.

.

understanding that in sexual intercourse a created.

.

of God" {B.C.P., 1559,

praise

necessitie to be linked

2:402.23—24

•

procreation of children to be brought up in the fear and nurture

new

This stands in contrast to the

—which

status

indissoluble

is

—

is

or necessity for the sake of the family. However, in

discussing ordination (chap. 77.3; 2:426.10-14), he refers to the marriage knot in

way

such a

as to

Guerry, The

imply

its

indissolubility.

University Press,

The

(Sewanee, Term.:

To6g iepobq y&iiovq. Greek rhetorician who lived

2:402.r

.

.

(New York: Harper and .

in

Brothers, 1952).

Dionysius of Halicamassus

lib.2.

Rome, Roman

yaperi^v ti^v

K&xa y&^out; iepoOg

Kidduschin

Second Temple,

it

.

.

nuptiarum.

was decreed

One version Universe, who hath couple.

.

Loeb, 1:380, where

Romanorum quae

it is

read yuvaiKa iK&Xovv bk. Tovq

yd^ou^.

iepodc; Kai vo/ii|iiou^ oi 7taA,ai6v 2:402.5

7 BC),

we

Carolus Jacobius (1885-1905), 1:188, where

ed.

(d.

Antiquities, 2.25.2; Scripta quae

exstant, omnia, et historica, et rhetorica (1586), p. 95; Antiquitatem

supersunt,

The

University of the South, 1953), and Derrick Sherwin Bailey,

The Mystery of Love and Marriage

a

See the contrasting views of Edward B.

Historic Principle of Indissolubility of Marriage

See Keble, 2:428n. In the period of the

that a blessing

be recited during the betrothal of a

Thou O Lord, our God and King of the by His commandments and commandeth us to

reads: "Blessed art sactified us

unlawful marriages and forbidden us the betrothal and permitteth us

refirain firom

the marriage,

by canopy and

sanctification; Blessed art

Thou

O Lord who sanctifi-

eth Israel." Ze'ev Falk writes: "This blessing designates the emption [act of buying;

purchase

as in a contract] as a sanctification; as

sanctifying the

which

closes

woman. The term

with the words

'qedushah' or 'qidushin'.

'sanctifieth Israel',

The same

element of the betrothal, was

which was

2:403.8-9

is

it,

the

man was

blessing,

later to give its

itself,

and hence the ceremony was called

which turned into an important to the ceremony as a whole

name

also called 'qidushin' "; Jewish Matrimonial

Scripta Judaica, 6

Kiddushin

the rabbis put

apparently evolved out of the blessing

Law

in

the

Middle Ages,

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 40-41.

The

the seventh tide of the third series of the Mishnah.

Wherefore to begin

instances "licenses graunted out lent, in advent, in the

restrained,

of

this

"A View of

Popishe Abuses"

courte to marry in forbiden times,

gang weke, when banners and

792

bells

as in

with the prieste in

his

Book surplesse, singing gospels,

ember

the 33);

Chapter

and making

73.3-73.6

aboute in many places, upon exempt places" {P.M., pp. 32— when the parish bounds were traversed by

crosses, rangeth

dayes, and to forbidden persons, and in

"gang week"

vicar,

V,

Week

Rogation

is

churchwardens, and certain substantial parishioners, w^ith psalms,

homily being read out

and

litany,

they process. See Grindal, Remains (PS, p. 141), and

as

Annab

Cartwright's objection, in Strype,

(1.2:382).

In the Answere, Whitgift

responded, "I do mislike that there should be any time forbidden to marry in (for that can

have no good meaning) ..." but did not elaborate; quoted in Defense,

685 (PS, 3:277). Bishop Cooper, in marriages

his

times was not unchristian, but he thought the objection

at certain

since the laws concerning the matter

p.

Admonition (1589), believed that forbidding

were "so

litde

trivial

executed" (PS, pp. 82—86).

Canon 52 of the Council of Laodicea forbade marriage in Lent and was adopted by Gratian, Decretum, 2.53.4.8; see 2:397. a.n, above. Additional times are specified in Lyndwood's Prouinciale, and there is evidence that application was made for licenses to

marry during forbidden times, but

Elizabeth's time there

drew up an

article

was pressure

which

to

in parliament and convocation during do away with them. The 1575 Convocation

stated "that the bishops shall take order that

published and declared in every parish church within their diocese

marriage

may be solemnized

at all

.

.

it .

be

that

times of the year," but the article was disal-

lowed, most likely by the queen herself (Cardwell, Synodalia, l:133n, which contains further details). See Bayne, pp.

2:403. M

Mulieres antique

.

.

458—459n. Boethius,

convenissent.

.

Cicero's Topica, chap. 16, an abridgement of Aristotle's

"By

Opera omnia ([1570]), p. 781.

But those

guardianship.

who

ancient law

in his commentary on work of the same name;

women were

held in perpetual

had married ceased to be in the power of the

The BCP ceremony whereby the father of the bride gives her over to on the groom {1559, p. 292) came into the 1549 book York Manual (Maskell, ed., Monumenta, 1:56) and not firom Sarum. It was

guardian."

the church to be bestowed firom the

logical, thus, that

2:403.1/

it

should be questioned.

Nullum ne privatam

ad), Romanae 34.2.11.

"Our

Murena

pp. 218—219.

2:404.w (b.

6,

De

voluerunt.

.

"On

oratio,

to transact .

.

.

(d.

17

even private business

consilii.

M.

Tullius Cicero,

account of the weakness of their judgment" (Bayne, .

.

haeredihus et uiduis, § 3: eius,

Roman historian

Titus Livy, the

omnes, 44.2; (1589), p. 56; Loeb, 9:416, as

12.27; Orationum uolumen secundum (1585), 2:298; Loeb,

Vide leges Saxon.

widow must

libri

women The reason yeelded

1511 in Swabia), Originum

emptiones a

.

forefathers did not allow

except under authority." Pro Lucius

.

historiae principis,

.

17.

ac

See John Heroldt, a learned minister of Basel

Germanicarum antiquitatum

"Qui viduam ducere amount of her

relatives." § 4: "Si tutor abnuerit, convertat se

libri

title

precium,

"He who would marry

cost with the consent

ad proximos

su accipiat illam, paratam habens pecuniam, ut tutori eius,

793

(1557), p. 124;

velit, offerat tutori

consentientibus ad hoc propinquis eius";

offer her guardian the

p. 459n).

eius, et si

of her

eorum consen-

forte aliquid dicere

Commentary dare possit, hoc est solid, ccc"; "If the guardian refuses

velit,

he may be able to give words) This

it

money

ready, that

to the guardian, if he wishes to say anything, (with the

300 crowns." And

is

he must turn to

it

her nearest relations and take her by their consent, having the

17

title

emere, ubicunque voluerit. Sed non

126): "Lito

(p.

uxorem "The king's him to sell any

Regis

liceat

ullam foeminam vendere";

liceat

may buy his wife where he please. But it is not lawful for woman" (Bayne, pp. 459—460n). The ring remained as a symbol of this ancient custom. The 1549 Prayer Book instructs the man to give the woman a ring "and thrall

other tokens of spousage,

gold and silver," meaning symbols of the dowry; see

as

Maskell, ed., Monumenta, 1:58.

"A View of

See

ringe

2:404.7

hathe corruptions to many.

Popishe Abuses": "As for matrimonie, that also

was wonte

It

to

be compted

a sacramente,

and therfore

they use yet a sacramental signe, to which they attribute the vertue of wedlocke.

meane

wedding ring, which they fowly abuse and dally with all, in taking up, downe: In putting it on, they abuse the name of the Trinitie" {P.M., p. 27). Whitgift replied that the ring was not of the substance of matrimony but "only a Ceremonie," which Bucer thought profitable, the ring being given to the minister who then gives it to the groom to bestow upon the bride, thus symbolizI

the

and laying

it

we ought

ing that

quotes Bucer:

to give

"The

hand, to the which

all

that

we

as it

is

God who

possess to

putting of the ring

upon

commeth

said, there

gives

to us. Whitgift

all

the fourth finger of the a

womans

left

sinew or string firom the heart,

doth signify that the heart of the wife oughte to be united to her husbande, and the roundnesse of the ring doth signifie, that the wife ought to be joyned to hir

husbande with

bande of love,

a perpetual

as

the ring

it

selfe

is

withoute ende";

on BCP;

Answere, quoted in Defense, p. 723 (PS, 3:353-354); Bucer, Censura

Bucers judgement

whych

To

488—489.

Scripta Anglicana (1577), pp.

this

Cartwright responded: "If it be

alledged heere for the ring/

is

I

see that

M.

sometimes

Homere sleapth. For first of all I have shewed/ that it is not lawfull to institute new signes and sacraments/ and then it is dangerous to doe it/ as is alledged by the admonition. And thirdly/ to make suche fonde allegories of the laying downe of the money/ of the roundnes of the ring/ and of the mystery of the fourth finger/ is (let

And

me

speake

it

wyth hys good

leave) very ridiculous

savoreth not of the learning and sharpnes of the [159]). Uturgica,

For the Puritan

service, bare

then on the next finger in the

Holy Ghost, and

was to be

left,

lastly

on

left

of such ceremonial, see Hall,

first

Name

Fragmenta

ed.,

on

the

thumb

in the

Name

the so-called fourth finger, saying. is

(p.

Name

Amen, where

of it

in the fourth finger (in medico), going to

The "unicus

digitus" (see x)

was the fourth finger of

hand, supposed to be connected by a vein to the heart;

the "digitus medicinalis"

of the Father,

of the Son, then on the next in the

"because a certain vein

the heart (Sarum Rubric)."

the

farre unlike hymselfe.

1:68-74, and Davies, W.E.P., pp. 138-139. Bayne observes: "In the

mediaeval service the ring was put

the

and

upon these toyes/ surely it judgement of M. Bucer" (1:199

fourthly/ that he wil have the minister to preach

460n).

794

it

was

also called

Book Aurum nulla norat CCSL, 1:97.

2:404.x

.

.

.

Chapter

V,

73.6-73.7

TertuUian, Apologeticum, 6.4; Opera (1566),

annulo.

2:589-590;

Isidor

2:404.y

ca.l9.

of Seville, De

Isidore

officiis

(1534), 2.19,

De

conjugatis:

quod in primis annulus a sponso sponsae datur, fit hoc nimirum vel propter mutuae fidei signum, vel propter id magis ut eodem pignore eorum corda jungantur"^ (sig. K3*). "The giving of a ring in the first place by the bridegroom to the bride takes place no doubt either as a sign of mutual feith or better to signify the joining of their hearts by the same token" (Bayne, p. 460n). "Illud vero

2:404.z

Ellas

.

.

.

Hhupha.

See 2:74. n.n, above, and Elias Leviu, Lexicon Hebrai-

cum, (1557), under Hhupha:

"We

the garment

call

of the bridegroom and the bride, with four fi-om the Scripture expression {Isaiah iv.5),

which they spread over the head time of espousals, non ;

staves, at the

'Upon

all

the glory there

non

(is)

a

,

defence, or canopy of light:' and {Psalm xix.5) 'As a bridegroom cometh out of his non chamber:' or, 'from under his bridal canopy* " (Bayne, p. 461n). ,

praying over a cup The "benedictio pocuh": "Blessed be Thou, O Lord our God, King of the world. Who hast created the firuit of the vine." See

2:404.23.
Bayne, 461n.

With my

2:404.28 as

bodie

.

.

.

These

worship.

are the

words spoken by the groom

"A View of name of the Trinitie, Popish forme, to make an idol

he puts the ring on the bride's finger {B.C. P., 1559,

Popishe Abuses" objected: "In putting they

make

new marry ed man,

the

of his wife, saying: with

this ring

it

according to the I

thee wedde, with

etc." {P.M., p. 27). Whitgift answered:

p. 293).

on, they abuse the

"And

my

body

yet S. Peter,

I

1.

thee worshippe,

knowledge, geving honour unto the woman,

chap. 3,

epist.

speaking to the husbands, sayth: Likeunse ye husbandes dwell with them

men of

as

724 (PS, 3:355). Cartone thing wyth us to worship/

Defense, p.

etc.";

wright responded: "he must understand that

it is

and an other thing to honor" (1:199

This Whitgift denied; see Bayne, p.

[160]).

462n. 2:405.
1.

penult.

D. de concub.

"Concubinam ex sola Mommsen-Krueger (1963), of concubine ought to depend only upon the Justinian, Digesta, 25.7.4:

animi destinatione aestimari oportet"; (1590),

"The sutus

p. 369; Scott, 6:50.

purpose of the man's mind" (Bayne, 2:405.c

1.

Item

.

.

.

de

(1590), col. 1087;

whether

1.

maritalis

one

p. 463n).

.

.

.

sane enim,

is

no

.

refert,

.

.

.

diflference" (Bayne, p. 463n).

et affecdo

considerata,

.

Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 491; Scott, 7:134. "It matters be made to a wife or a concubine for doubdess except

donationes D. de donationibus.

honor

.

nisi dignitate, nihil interest";

a bequest

in dignity there

2:405/

816;

Justinian, Digesta, 32.49.4: "Parvi

legat. 3.

uxori, an concubinae quis lege[t]

little

col.

pridem

perpendendum

Justinian, Digesta, 39.5.31:

"an

.

.

.

praecesserit, personis comparatis, vitae conjuncti-

esse respondi.

795

neque enim

tabulas facere

matrimo-

Commentary nium"; (1590), col. 1410; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 654; Scott, 9:32. "I have answered that it is to be considered whether conjugal honour and a£fection have

gone before, the persons being compared, and considered; for a will does not

make

a

their

manner of life together being

marriage" (Bayne,

p. 463n).

To end the publique soletnnitie ... in ure. The BCP directed that Holy Communion commence as soon as the marriage service was completed

2:406.5-9 the

and

newly married couple receive communion

that the the

To

pp. 297, 299).

Poperie,

no holy

this

"A View

action mighte be

done without

persones to receive the

communion

they are made,

."

etc.)

.

.

that

same day {1559,

of Popishe Abuses" objected: "And bicause in a masse, they enjoine the

marryed

they do their bishoppes and priestes

(as

{P.M., p. 27). Whitgift regarded the direction

as

when godly

and cited Bucer's approbation: "Christians ought not to be joyned in matrimonie, but in Christe the Lorde"; Defense,

p.

724

(PS, 3:356); Censura

on BCP,

in Scripta

Anglicana (1577), p. 489. Cartwright replied: "As for the receiving of the

munion when they be marryed/ generall receiving)

have before

I

fathered of M. Bucer/ in

maryage/ but in

(whych

Christe.)

is

It is

that

it

is

declared/ and

at large

Com-

not to be suffered (onles there be a

that those that

as for the

reason that

it is

be Christians/ maye not be joyned

verye slender and cold/

as if the

sacrament of the

supper were instituted to declare any such thyng/ or they could not declare their

joyning togither in Christ by no means/ but by receyving the supper of the

Lorde" (1:199 2:406.^

[160]).

OOTO^ 6 v6fio^ Roman Antiquities, .

above),

.

.

Dionysius of Halicamassus (see 2:402.r.n,

Kpareiv.

2.25.4; (1586), p. 95; (1885), 1:189. "This law obliged

both the married women,

as

having no other refuge, to conform themselves

temper of their husbands, and the husbands to

entirely to the

rule their wives as

necessary and inseparable possessions" (Loeb, 1:382).

Unde

2:406.1 8-22. /i

(1566), 2:131;

2:406.23

sufficiam

CCSL,

.

.

.

conjirme.

Ad

Tertullian,

uxorem, 2.9; Opera

1:393 (2.8.6).

Churchinge of wemen. The BCP obtained this service from the Sarum it was an order for the purification of women after they had given

Manual, where

birth (Maskell, ed., Monumenta, 1:46-48). Based

tion that the at the

woman

is

unclean and not

door of the church, with the

kling of the

woman

fit

with holy water,

impurity barring the

Leviticus 12 and the assump-

lesser litany, psalms,

after

began

and prayers, and the sprin-

which she was

led into the church.

The

no suggestion of woman from church. The emphasis now falls on

1549 Prayer Book follows the medieval ritual

on

to enter the sanctuary, the service

thanksgiving for safe delivery, as in the

"The Thanksgiving of Women

rite closely,

title

but there

given to

after Childbirth,"

it

and

is

in the Elizabethan book, in

its

general tone {1559,

pp. 314-315).

2:406.24

T.C.

1.1.

p.150.

Page 119 in

535 (PS, 2:557-559).

796

1st

edn. See Whitgift, Defense, pp.

534-

Book 2:407.3-8

if there should he

.

.

Chapter

V,

.

73.8-74.4

Caitwright, 1:151 [119], which ends: "but

pray.

[we] shuld be like unto those heretikes/ which

whych

Messalians, or continual prayers/ and

Theodoret's Ecdes.

Hist., 4:11.

we

of the Syriake word

called

did nothing

but pray," citing

els

Whitgift points out that Theodoret says nothing of

praying too much; Defense, p. 536 (PS, 2:561). Cartwright probably had Augustine

De

in mind; see

PL, 42:40.

haeresibus, chap. 57;

Suppose that some bond

2:407.22—24

.

.

,

The

benefactors.

reference

is

to the

academic custom of mentioning the names of founders and benefactors in bidding prayers before sermons; see Bayne, p. 465n.

2:408.6-10

but an overflowing

It is

complained: "Churching of women tion:

Theyr other

foolishe

rytes

and customes in

and superstitious" {P.M.,

the churching of great part

women/

of the Jewish

brought forthe so thys terme

ment/ and space that

.

which

Popishe Abuses"

smeUeth ofJewishe purificaand comming to church,

their lying in,

Cartwright expanded on tide yet kept/ there

For lyke

holden uncleane/

selfe after

"A View of

lawr.

untill

this:

"Now^

is

to

seemeth to be hid a

the old law shee that had

as in

suche time

man

she had brought forthe a

as

she

came

woman

or a

of churching of her can seme to import nothing

els/

to the

(Lev. 12):

then a banish-

were) a certen excommunication from the church/ during the

(as it is

in the

.

p. 28).

purification.

a childe/ w^as

temple to shew her

.

after childbirthe,

betwene the time of her delivery/ and of her comming unto the

church. For what doth

thys churching implie/ but a restoring her unto that

els

church/ whych can not be without some bar or shutting forth presupposed" (1:150 [118]). Whitgift replied that

534-535 2:408.

«

it

was

a service

of "thanksgiving"; Defense, pp.

(PS, 2:558); see 2:406.23.n, above.

In lege

.

.

.

Gratian, Deaetum, 1.5, dictum before the canon;

prohibetur.

Uw [Lev.

C.J.Can. (Venice, 1584), 1:17-18; Friedberg, 1:7. "In the it

was enjoined

entering the

that a

Temple

woman 40

for

if she

had given birth to

12:5, 15:20],

male should abstain from

a

days, if to a female, for 80.

But now there

is

no

prohibition to entering a church immediately after childbirth." See Bayne, p. 467n. 2:408.^'

Quod

profecto

.

.

rpr.

1962), 1:75-77;

Leo VI,

coagmentetur.

.

Novellae, (1590), col. 361;

Greek

text ed. J.

PG, 107:455-460;

and

P.

constitutio

17;

in Justinian,

Nepos,jM5 Crecoromanum (1931;

Scott, 17:220. "If the ancient

law pre-

which a woman should, under such circumstances, be excluded from communion, it is not, as I beheve, because of her present condition

scribed a time during

of impurity, but

for other reasons concealed

that the principal

one was

by the policy of the law, and

to restrain the concupiscence

themselves to sensual pleasures without moderation, just

as

of those

many

who

I

think

devote

other regulations

have been established for the purpose of blunting the indomitable desires of

vfomen. afiected useless

I

also think that

another reason was to prevent her health from being

by her confinement;

for as everything

which

is

and conducive to decay, women, being subject

797

superfluous in nature to loss

is

of blood during

Commentary confinement, are forbidden to place any obstruction to prescribed

by law; and,

in order that they

this

flow during the time

might not be tempted to

compelled to remain, during that period, temperate and

fi-ee

arrest

were

it,

firom concupiscence"

(Scott).

To

2:408.15—19

scofTe

custom was

.

.

rubric directing that the suflBciently

.

wise.

In the

three Prayer Books, there

first

woman wear a veil strong for "A View

was no

or be "decently appareled," but the

of Popishe Abuses" to object: "She

must he in with a white sheete uppon her bed, and come covered

ashamed of some foUy" {P.M., pp. 28-29). See Whitgift,

w^ith a vayle, as

Defense, p.

537 (PS,

2:563).

2:409.1

The

oblations

Cometh

final rubric in

to give her thanks

must

1549 Prayer Book indicated christening robe, put

on

the

BCP

"The woman

service reads:

that

accustomed offerings" {1559, p. 315). The amongst these offerings was the chrysom, or

offer

that

a child at baptism, as a

symbol of the cleansing of its

sin.

some money would be offered. "A View" objected that "these are matters of custome, and not in the booke" {P.M., p. 29). Cartwright expanded the complaint: "she is commaunded to offer accustomed ofirings. Wherin besides that/ the very word oflfring caryeth with it a strong sent and suspition of a sacrifice In addition

(especially

being uttered simply without any addition)

can not be without

it

danger/ that the boke maketh the custome of the popish church (whych was so corrupt) to be the rule and measure of this offiing.

the

boke

may be

a

is

not that

it

way of the

stumbling stock in the

and obstinate therby

are

although the meaning of

that

it is

for the relief

that fault

church or before

all

we condemne

^vhych

the people.

in

several services

And

popery/ and

Hving apoynted for the service of the

of the minister/ but

the minister liveth not any

Secondarily/ that the paiment of the ministers wages

either in the

manner of speaking

this

ignorant and simple/ and the wicked

confirmed and hardned in their corruptions. The best

which can be answered in this case is/ then it shuld be remembred/ first that ings.

And

shuld be any offring for sin/ yet

is

more of offer-

not so convenient

thirdly/ that therby

we

fal

into

that is/ that besides the ordinary

priests in that

whole/ they toke

of masse/ baptisme/ burying/ churching,

etc.

for their

several rewards/

which thing being of that service boke wel abolished in certain other things/ I cannot see what good cause there shuld be/ to retain it in this and certain other" (1:150-151 [118]); Whitgift, Defense, p. 534 (PS, 2:557-559). See Felicity Heal,

"Economic Problems of

the Clergy," Church and Society in England (London:

Macmillan, 1977), pp. 99-118. 2:409.10

T.C.

1.3.

p.236.

Responding

to Whitgift {Defense, pp.

3:361-380), Cartwright attacks the burial service of the the use of funeral sermons, and

mourning

(3:236-241) for which no provision

book provides

that,

is

BCP

apparel; his emphasis

made

in the

BCP.

with the exception of the opening

727-237; PS,

{1559, pp. 309-313), falls

on

the sermons

Indeed, the Elizabethan

verses, the office

be

said at

the grave side and does not provide any propers (items within an office that change

798

Book

Chapter

V,

according to the season or occasion,

requiem Eucharist. That sermons were preached,

74.3-75.3

as distinct

from items

that are invariant) for a

was made by the Puritans

a strong protest

of some importance,

esp. for those

as in

indicates that

H's

own

Remedie

(5:363-377).

2:409.13—14

'not

.

.

From

inconvenient* ^

.

Cartwright's table of contents: "of the

inconvenience, not of the unla^vfulnes the ceremonies in Burial" (3:M3').

because

2:409.14—17

it

appointeth ...

H

it.

mind here

has in

(in addition to

"A View of Popishe Abuses": "They appointe a prescripte burie the dead: And that which is the duety of every christian,

Cartwright)

kind of

service to

they

alone to the minister,

wherby prayer

dead

for the

gathered oute of some of the prayers, where they pray that brother, and perfect

We

all

consummation and

blisse,

.

.

.

with

nor of

.

.

.

be not

if it

buriall sermons,

oure

this

may have our

bothe in bodye and soule [B.C.P., 1559,

of the threefold peale

chaunging theyr garments, which heathnish

we

other departed in the true faithe of thy holy name,

say nothing

tie

maintained, and pardy

is

p. 313].

nor of their straunge mourning by hipocritical, yet

whiche

it is

are put in place

masses for the soul of the dead], wherout spring

many

abuses,

superstitious

of

and

trentalles [30

and therfore in the

removed" (P.M., p. 28). Concerning peals of bells, see of the Injunctions, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 106

best reformed churches, are

the Interpretations (141), p. 427.

2:410.8-10

If there be no sorrow

"For the

moumyng

.

.

daungerous.

.

See Cartwright, 1:201 [161]:

apparell/ the admonition sayeth not simply

it is evill

because

done of custome/ but proveth that it is hypocritical oftentimes/ for proceedeth not from any sadnes of minde/ whych it dothe pretende/ but it is

only of custome/ there being under a mourning

And

considering that where there

hard for a

man

to use those

to

kepe a measure

is

sorow

that

gowne

oftentimes a

mery

in deede for the dead/ there

he do not lament too much:

that

it

wome heart.

it is

very

We ought not

." See meanes whereby we myght be further provoked to sorow. 731-732 (PS, 3:367-371), and Cartwright, 3:238. Cartwright .

.

Whitgift, Defense, pp.

De mortalitate, chap. 20 (PL, 4:596), who says that "black garments worn when the dead in heaven have put on white robes" so that heathen may not think Christians suppose their dead "extinct and lost," and

cites

Cyprian,

should not be the

Augustine,

"li. 2.

de consolat. mortuorum"

tum), as opposed to "vestas nigras"

undecent" (Bayne, 2:410.28

funeral!

concerning

(a

sermon

now

(in Cartw^right's

ascribed to Chrysos-

words) "unla\vfull and

p. 471n).

sermons

frineral

as

.

.

.

Christians?

There

is

customs in the early church; see A.

a paucity S.

of information

Duncan-Jones, "The

Burial of the Dead," Liturgy ""'^ Worship, ed. Clarke, pp. 616-619; but funeral

sermons were evidendy preached,

esp.

for the great

and noble; see Grindal,

Remains (PS, pp. 10-11) and Bayne, p. 471n. Whitgift cited John Foxe (presumably Actes and Monuments): "In frineralles [of the early church] priestes then flocked

799

Commentary not together, selling Trentalls and Diriges, for sweping of purgatorie, but onely a

concion [sermon] was used, with Psalmes of

funerall

worthy deedes, and of the temple,

praises

and songs of their

sounding on high, which did shake the golden seelings

alleluia

witnesseth Nazianzene, Ambrose, and Jerome, etc."; Defense, p.

as

734 (PS, 3:375). See Remedie.

Us

2:410.28—30

sufHceth

it

.

Among

surmised.

.

.

such inconveniences, Cart-

wright mentions that the funeral sermon "norysheth an opinion that the dead are better for it," that because the minister

word of God therby

sodaine/ the

is

caused sometimes "to preach upon a

negligently handled," and "consydering that

is

men/ and

these funerall sermons are at the request of rych

those

authoritye/ and are very seldome at the buryaU of the pore/ there

word of God) an

the church (contrary to the

whych

are in

is

brought into

acceptation of persons/

which ought

not to be" (1.201 [162]); see Whitgift, Defense, pp. 732-733 (PS, 3:372).

For the comfort

2:411.19

.

.

mindes

.

See Cartwright, 1:202 [162]: "let

be

it

observed/ that thys devise of mannes braine bryngeth forth the same frute that other do/ that is/ dryveth quite away a necessary duety of the minister/

wyth

to comfort their frends

.";

.

.

the

Defense, p.

custome

2:411.21—22

worde of God/

.

.

734

funerall banquets.

.

Press, 1966), p. 88. This treatise

Talmud

from

Dov

whych

is/

the death of

Concerning

this

custom, see The

Zlotnick (New^ Haven: Yale University

was included in the Venice printed edns. of the

.

.

.

dead.

This

Cor. 15 prescribed to be read

1

at

(p. 28).

But the greatest

2:412.1—3 lesson

1523 and 1547

in

whych be greved

(PS, 3:376).

"Mourning" (Semahot), ed.

Tractate

the parties

at

is

certainly the tone

of the long

the Burial OflSce {1559, pp.

310-

312).

2:412.5—6

Book

dumme show

in a

simply

"The

says:

corpse

.

.

is

,

ende.

Concerning

burial, the Puritan

reverently to be brought to the grave,

Prayer

accompa-

nied with the neighbours in comely manner, without any further ceremony" (Hall, ed.,

Fragmenta

1:76). Davies,

liturgica,

Genevan Service Book churche, people,

if

be not

it

towchyng

W.E.P., pp. 121—122, indicates that the

adds:

"which beyng buriede, the minister goath

to the

farre of,

and maketh some comfortable exhortacion

to the

deathe, and the resurrection."

On

the strength of this, Whitgift

claimed that Calvin allowed funeral sermons; Defense,

2:412.10-14

Whereas

Ghost "doth

.

.

.

.

shew

.

was

whereby we should

us a pattern

nevertheless, the church,

of their dead" (1:200-201

Jewes

Supremum lugentium

also

frame our burials";

whether under the Law or under the Gospel, "when

in the greatest purity," never used

2:412.31-33

732 (PS, 3:371).

Cartwright argued that in Scripture the Holy

therein,

.

p.

[161]). Whitgift, Defense, p.

at this dale

.

.

.

it

"any prescript form of service in the burial

published,

offidum, trans. Gilbert

800

729 (PS, 3:365).

Bayne

(p.

475n)

cites

the

Genebrard (1537—1597), bishop of Aix-

Book en-Provence and

Roman

the

V,

Chapter

a distingished Hebraist,

Jews

.

.

"from the Machazor or Prayer Book of

found among the Opuscula

.

Chronographia, Paris, 1580 and 1600," and

who

"published in 1598,

under the

epitaphs,

on

marginalia

which the

at the end of Genebrard's Leo of Modena (Rabbi Juhuda Arje),

Venice, several funeral orations and some elegies and 'the Desert of Judah.' " cites Genebrard in his

H

of

the A.C.L. (4:23.14 and n). .

.

The

utter.

.

Hascaba, or prayer for the dead,

rabbi recites at the grave and in the synagogue. See Bayne, p. 475n.

Of

2:413.20

at

tide

consolatorie forme

2:413.5—6

75.3-76.3

the nature

H

Here

of that ministerie

BCP

from the

turns

Ordinal, Thefourme and matter of making and consecratyng hisshops,

priestes,

to the

and deacons

(1559), rpr., Liturgical Services, PS, pp. 274—298. See Paul F. Bradshaw, The Anglican Ordinal:

With

Its

History and Development (London: S.P.C.K. for Alcuin Club, 1971).

the objections of the Admonitioners in

H

Davies, W.E.P., p. 75),

2:463.11-19), treating:

at

mind

(see

P.M., pp. 15—19, 30-34;

V

has organized the final chapters of Book (1)

ordination (chaps. 77-78);

the minister (chap. 80); (3) the conditions under

which

(2)

(as

he writes

the charge alloted to

ministers function (81);

and

(4)

the maintenance of the ministry (chap. 79). Chapter 76 constructs a philosophi-

cal

and theological foundation on which

is

to erect a defense

self-consciously related to the beginning of the entire

and chap. 1.2—5), and thus provides tion to

Books VI—Vlll. Compare

with that oijude

before declared

2:414.M

Si creatura

we

libri

.

.

.

is

God's

made more

care.

from

is

Paulus Orosius

For

He Who

God

those

who

loves us

(d. after

V

and a

transi-

418), Adversus paganos

who

He

He Who

provided that

provided? Wherefore that

have not read,

God's creation

Who made us? Who can rule and

more than He

both made us and loves us?

wisely and strongly than

be made, and has perfected what rule

Book

for the traditional ministry here

In chap. 1.2—5.

cognoscunt.

rules us better than

order what

a conclusion to

septem, 2.1; (1561), fols. 37^; PL, 31:743. "If we are

are rightly also

Who

once

argument

It

§§ 29-30.

2,

2:414.6

historiarum

at

his

of Anglican practice.

book (compare 2:414.4—10

all

it

should

power and

all

and those w^ho have read kno\v"

feel,

(Bayne, pp. 477-478n). The title of the chapter is "Of the changes of kingdoms made by God's providence." Being asked by Augustine to write his history in support of the doctrines maintained in De civitate Dei, Orosius insisted on the providential control of history and attacked the pagan complaint that Rome's troubles

2:415. f.u/ nissae

were due

to her

OuTOi

.

.

.

abandonment of the gods.

eKipeXoupeBa.

Euripides, tragic poet (480-406 BC), Phoe-

{The Phoenician Women), line 565-66; Euripides Poeta ([1562]),

3:388—389

(lines

stewards of the

p. 101;

555—556). "Mortals hold their possessions not in fee;/

gifts

of God."

oiopeoOa

KCLktoq.

Loeb,

We are but

Heracleidae {The Children

of Heracles), lines 741-742; ([1562]), p. 511; Loeb, 3:312 Oines 746-747). "For

we deem/ That

he

who

prospereth knoweth

801

all

things well."

still

Commentary men

Hdse and judicious

2:417.4—6.d

.

Prov. 16:18 (Vulgate) has

ruin.

.

.

GB

tritionem praecedit superbia, et ante ruinam exaltatur spiritus."

goeth before destruction, and an highe mind before the

iavTOV. Herodotus, Greek

historian (b.

how common

"You

484 BC),

"Con-

has "Pride

^iX^i

fall."

History, 7.10.5; Historiarum

. .

lib.

god smites with his thunderbolt creatures of for the god suffers pride in none but himself* greatness more than (Loeb, 3:318); from the speech of Artabanus in the assembly summoned by Xerxes ix.

(1592), p. 442;

.

The De

Augustine,

.

.

of Greece.

to discuss the invasion

2:417.11—23

the

see

grosse and bestiall ...

H

felicities.

here paraphrasing

is

Dei, 2.20; Opera (1556), 5:129-130; PL, 41:65; Augustine

civitate

describes the kind of felicity the enemies of Christianity pursue and the morality

they prefer. See Bayne, pp. 480-481n, and Bettenson,

2:417.23

we

thirdlie affirme

This

2:41 8. fc

'Enel

.

.

a&^oaiv.

.

the H's third "assertion" (see 2:414.21) of

is

which he launches

the four basic assumptions with

Euripides,

Sermon on

the

Mount

the

his

argument.

Phoenissae,

([1562]), p. 101; Loeb, 3:388 (line 554). "Seeing

Compare

pp. 71—72.

trans.,

line

enough

564; Euripides Poeta

sufficieth for the wise."

(Matt. 6:25-34), the key

word being apKe-

t6v: "sufficient." 2:418.c 3];

TaiceivoTEpcav

Opera (1550),

.

p. 34;

.

II,

chap. 10 [H:

title,

"Apolog[eti-

Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio

.falinge.

PG, 35:828.

H cites

by the

it

alternative

ca]."

Men

2:418.21-25.^/ 4.9];

1295

;

2:418.27-30

over high exalted

For which cause

.

The

Opera (1550), 2:141. .

.

.

.

.

Aristotle, Politics, 4.11 [H:

mischiefes.

chapter concerns the virtues of moderation.

H

selves.

is

here enunciating the rule of

moderation, related to the understanding of the "golden mean" but also to

found

iTi\t\Kr\c, as

in the C.J. Civ., Aristode, Phil. 4:5,

standings of the mean, equity, and the like. See the

and

word

in Elizabethan under-

Timothy

study in

Puller,

the legally-trained divine (1638?-1693), The Moderation of the Church of England

(London, 1679;

Wing

P-4197), chaps. 1-2, where

H

is

cited.

others. See Puller, Moderation because wee be all ofTendors "Moderation as it is now generally used, is a word borrowed from the Law, and is used by the Masters thereof, to denote such a gende and benign temper, as disposed those who have the administration of the Laws to remit of

2:421.19-21

.

.

.

(1679), p. 9:

their rigour. ..."

2:421.22-32

Wherefore the

summe

Christian duty here with that of the

2:421.33-422.25 Augustine's

De

the

chiefest

civitate

happines

Dei, 5.24;

following "personages,"

is

... Steele.

it

Compare H's

BCP's Catechism {1559, ...

personages,

A

The

rest

should be in

italics.

definition

of

p. 286).

translation

of

of

this section,

a paraphrase. It balances the passage paraphrased in

802

Book 2:417.11-23

V,

Chapter

"Neque enim nos

(see n).

76.4-77.0

quosdam imperatores ideo

Christianos

dicimus, quia vel diutius imperarunt, vel imperantes

felices

morte placida

filios

domuerunt, vel inimicos cives adversus

reliquerunt, vel hostes reipublicae

insurgentes et cavere et opprimere potuerunt.

Haec

se

hujus aerumnosae

et alia vitae

munera vel solatia quidam eriam cultores daemonum accipere meruerunt, qui non pertinent ad regnum Dei, quo pertinent isti: et hoc ipsius misericordia factum

vel

est,

ne ab

qui in

illo ista,

eos dicimus,

felices

si

eum

summa bona

crederent, velut

juste imperant,

desiderarent.

inter linguas sublimiter

si

Sed

honorantium

obsequia nimis humiliter salutantium non extolluntur, sed se homines esse

et

memi-

suam potestatem, ad Dei cultum maxime dilatandum, majestati ejus si Deum timent, diligunt, colunt; si plus amant illud regnum, ubi non timent habere consortes; si tardius vindicant, facile ignoscunt; si eandem vindictam pro necessitate regendae tuendaeque reipublicae non pro saturandis inimicitiarum odiis exserunt; si eandem veniam non ad impunitatem iniquitatis, sed ad spem correctionis indulgent; si quod aspere coguntur plerumque decemere, nerunt;

si

&mulam

faciunt;

misericordiae lenitate et beneficiorum largitate compensant;

quanto posset

castigatior,

libet gentibus imperare;

esse liberior; et

si

malunt cupiditatibus

si

luxuria tanto

pravis,

quam

eis est

quibus-

haec omnia faciunt, non propter ardorem inanis

si

gloriae, sed propter caritatem felicitatis aetemae;

miserationis et orationis sacrificium

Deo

si

pro

suis peccatis, humilitatis et

suo vero immolare non negligunt. Tales

Christianos imperatores dicimus esse felices interim spe, postea reipsa futuros, id

quod expectamus

cum

advenerit"; Opera (1556), 5:327-328; PL, 41:170-171; trans.

Bettenson (1972), pp. 219-220. Chapter 24 is tided: "The true felicity of Christian emperors," chap. 25: "The prosperity bestowed by God on Constantine, the

"The

Christian emperor," and chap. 26:

and devotion of the Emperor

faith

Theodosius." Compare H's Dedication, § 10.

fourth proposition before sett

2:423.11

2:424/ Kai

.

.

,

xpoao<|)eiXEi^ Philemon,

thou owest unto

me

even thine owne

Of power given

2:424.4—7

unto

men

.

.

downe

See 2:414.21.

v. 19: "albeit

I

do not say

to thee, that

self."

.

H now

for.

standing of ordination in response to their attacks

on

turns to the Puritan under-

the Ordinal. Travers defined

ordination as "a settinge a part off the partie chosen unto his oflace/ and as

were/

a

kind of investing him into

ceremonie

is

wont

to

it.

For

be used/ wherby the

possession off ther oflBce.

Now

this

after the election/ a certen

parties

ordination

as

chosen enter

we

call it

as

it

it

order and

wer

into the

consisteth especially in

two ceremonies: Namely in praier (wherunto also I referre dewty) and laying on off handes. For the gospell is content

the declaringe off his to

have the ministers

theroff invested and ordeined by thes most simple ceremonies/ nor hath any need off that carefull and curious consecration off the lawe with

Levites

Both

were consecrated";

versions

A

which the

priestes

and

Full and Plaine Declaration, p. 66; Explicatio, fol. 50'.

were published anonymously; H known; see Knox, Walter

authorship was well

803

cites the latter;

Travers, pp.

however, Travers's

29-31.

Commentary The

A

of Puritan ordination are given in

details

Prayer (see 2:71. z.n, above),

meet

represent the synod

man

sig.

£3"—4':

Common

Booke of the Forme of

the elders with pastors appointed to

of the congregation to choose and

in the presence

which twenty days are set aside to allow for objections to be made. None being forthcoming, on the morning of the ordination one of the ministers preaches on the duty of the minister of the Church, after which the newly elected minister "is to be ordained by the laying on of the handes examine

a

thought

fit,

after

of the Eldership of that congregation, and the Ministers appointed for

whereof one

pronounce these wordes: According

to

is

agreeable to the

worde of God wherby thou

God, stande thou charged with the

art

chosen Pastor in the name of

Pastorall charge

of this people, over whiche the

holy ghost hath made thee overseer, to governe hath purchased with his bloud" (Hall,

The power of the

2:425.4—11

and with

that

Of the

this flocke

of God, ^vhich hee

ed.. Reliquiae liturgicae, 1:75).

ministerie

.

of the power and authority of ministry with sizes interpretatio;

that purpose,

to this lawfull calling,

.

.

Compare

revive.

that

this

of William Perkins,

Calling of the Ministerie (1605;

STC

19733),

description

who emphasigs.

A3'—B7',

of John Jewel, "Sermon on Luke XI" {Works, PS, 2:1129-1131),

For a discussion of the ministry among Anglican divines, see H. The Doctrine of

Church

the

in

F.

Woodhouse,

1547-1603 (London: S.P.C.K.,

Anglican Theology,

1954), chap. 6, and The Study of Anglicanism, eds. S. Sykes and

J.

E.

Booty (Lon-

don: S.P.C.K.; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988), pp. 285-296. 2:425.17

(a virorke

.

.

,

bodie)

See Jerome,

14.8; Opera (1516), 1:2';

epist.

22:352, where he describes the "dignitas clericorum."

"God

forbid that

I

PL,

should

say anything evil concerning them, quia apostolico gradui succendentes, Christi

corpus sacro ore conficiunt: per quos et nos Christiani sumus" (Bayne, p. 490n).

And

see epist. 146.1; (1516), 3:149"; PL, 22:1193.

of marke indeleble. A Christian Letter attacks H at this The theory seems to have originated with Augustine in against the Donatists, as he made the point that wherever the sacra-

a kind

2:425.18-19

.

.

.

point; see 4:35.31—37.36. his writings

ment was see

De

no matter by whom, the

indelibly

marked; Aquinas

administered,

further developed

like soldiers, a

quaedam

confirmation, although Aquinas 9,

is

not

stamp impressed upon them: "character sacra-

at all

is

vague

is

conferred only by baptism, orders, and

as to

that they

2-A25.24.g

and

indelible sign (signum

cannot be repeated;

So Tertullian

why

this is so.

The

C

of T, Session

vague: "If anyone say that in the three sacraments of

baptism, confirmation, and orders, 'character' a certain spiritual

that those set apart for

participatio sacerdotii Christi in fidelibus ejus" {S.T., 3a.63.5,

conclusio; B, 56:90-95). Such indelibility

canon

recipient

drawing upon Augustine, arguing

it,

God's service have, mentalis est

7,

was

haptismo, 4.16, 6.1; Contra epistolam Parmeniani, 2.13; epist. 173.3.

let

calleth

is

not imprinted in the soul, that

quoddam

him be anathema";

see Bayne, p. 490n.

them.

De

804

TertuUian,

is,

spirituale et indelibile) so

exhortatione

castitatis,

7.3:

Book

Chapter IIA-IIA

V,

"Differentiam inter ordinem et plebem constituit Ecclesiae auctoritas, et honor per ordinis

concessum

authority of the

CCSL, 1024-1025). "The

sanctificatus" {Opera, 1566, 2:179;

Church and

the

honour which has acquired

joint-session of the order have esublished the difference

been arguing

laity" (Bayne, p. 490n). Tertullian has

cannot be lawful for

priests

2:425.26

iSidbro^

2:425.29—32

and

20

let

that

what

is

not lawful for

Cor. 14:16, 23, and 24; "they that are unlearned."

1

so farre forth

them know

{Explicatio, fol.

through the

laity.

.

.

.

.

.

See VI. 2 on the two powers of order

following.

.

and 4.10.

jurisdiction; also, Vlll.2.16

2:426.5-7

sanctity

between the order and the

ever.

16*^: "For

See Travers,

A

popish priestes

as for

Full and Plaine Declaration, p. I

speake off those

who doe

upon them without any newe calling/ allowing off/ or appointing them thereunto/ but only stand upon the right of those horrible orders/ whereby they were ordeined to sacrifice for the quicke and the deade/ that is to take the ministerie

saie to

abolyshe the sacrifice off our Saviour Christe/

there shameles boldenes

the Lorde hath

is

who

can deny but that

cleane contrarie to the most just and equall lawes

made touching

the necessitie off vocacion? For althoughe they be

anoynted and greased/ and have receyved power off there Bishoppes to for the quicke

to

be any

this

which

and the deade: yet/

denye

I

that oile

and

that

sacrifice

power of sacryfycing

warraunt for them/ to be ministers of the Gospell and off the

sufl5cient

Sacramentes."

Suspensions

2:426.7

of

.

.

.

degradations

clerical oflSce, as in the case

"who

tithes,

"Suspension"

is

removal fi^om the

rights

of the vicar of Great Ellingham in a dispute over

notw^ithstanding the same suspencion and excommunicacion, he

ceaseth not contumeliouslye to intermedle in the rights of the church"; The Letter

Book ofJohn Parkhurst, ed. R. A. Houlbrooke, Norfolk Record Society, 43 (1974 and 1975), p. 181. "Degradation" is to be stripped of one's offices, grade by grade, as in

the case of

Thomas Cranmer;

church (1563; real. It

STC

that

H

and

Monuments (1877),

Acts and

perillous dayes, touching matters of the

generally in tw^o grades, declared

is

had the former

actually to strip the offendor

Which

latter

11222). Degradation

would seem

2:426.16-17

John Foxe,

see

8:71—80; Actes and monuments of these

in

mind, for the

latter

is

and

understood

of his orders.

error ... Jerome

In his ^
below. 2:426.18-21

Examples

I

graunt

.

.

callinge.

.

The

so-called Apostolical Canons

who repents should be received as who enters a Jewish or heretic syna-

include one that argues that an apostate cleric a

layman, and another that deposes

gogue

to pray (Hefele,

bishop, Trophimus,

admitted with

a cleric

The History of the

who

Councils, 1:482).

Cyprian

tells

of an ItaUan

offered incense in the Decian persecution; he was

his flock to the

church

as a

(1964), p. 140; see Bayne, pp. 491-492n.

805

layman;

epist. 55.8;

PL, 3:778;

FOTC

Commentary Goodnes of nature

2:426.24-25

—

In 12. tabulis

2:426.j

law for the

M.

M—V)

warning for the

Roman

people." Festus

2C AD Roman

of Verrius Flaccus,

that the

good and

explaining the

is

a glossary

grammarian, abridged the

De

of Latin words and phrases, the

second half of Festus's work (the

original; only the

survives.

RufBn

2:426.fe

a is

quae extant (1575), p. 233, and Bayne, p.

Verrii Flacci

abridgment succeeding the letters

is

as for the strong, that

"In the 12 tables there

be the same

492n. Sextus Pompeius Festus, significatu

See 2:421.18-22.

rigor.

.

never revolted from the

"Sanates." See

verborum

.

Sanates.

'Sanates' should

who

for those

word

.

28.

H

refers to Rufinus's Hist, ecdes., 1.28, entitled

cerning the Council of holy Bishops

"Con-

Alexandria and the dissent from them of

at

Lucifer"; Rufinus Aquileiensis, Opera (1580), p. 211; PL, 21:498. Rufinus translat-

ed the

Hist,

n

See

of Eusebius into Latin

eccles.

declining in the

West and added

at a

fcrventer sort

partisan

duties;

Lucifer

2:427.9—1 1

to readmit repentent Arians to their

to

Hist, eccles., 3.5, 6, 9;

show

severitie

.

.

error.

.

succession of Julian the Apostate in 361,

Athanasius organized the synod

church.

The Synodal

at

LOF

On all

the death of Constantius and the

banished bishops were recalled, and

PG, 26:795—810;

is

in the

works of

Later Treatises ofS. Athana-

(1881). See Hefele, History of the Councils, 2:276-280.

quidam

Papisticus

ecclesiasticall officers

the holie ghost hath

and ceremony

ritus

est

.

and layinge

his

folishly at the first

no

fol.

42.

Travers,

retinetur.

.

A

Full and

Plaine

handes upon them/ biddethe them receyve practize off the Apostles/ but

is

a

Popishe

and without any foundacion off the scripture

after received

great Judgement/

Fairfax 30,

.

"Therefore that the Bishop in ordeininge off

no shadow of any

by them/ .... And

ther leave) with

MS

clerical

Alexandria to restore peace and unity in the

Declaration, p. 70; Explicatio, fol. 53':

instituted

former

See Bayne, pp. 492— Sozomen, 5.12, 13; Theodoret, 3.4, 5. clerical office.

Letter of the twenty-one bishops present

Athanasius; see Tomus ad Antiochenos;

Bodl.

492n) quotes the Latin.

371), bishop of Cagliari in Sardinia and a

(d.

he would have them forever denied

493n, and Socrates,

rite

(p.

of Athanasius, objected to the decision of the Council of Alexandria

meeting under Athanasius

2:427./

when knowledge of Greek was

Bayne

following.

2:427.3

sius,

time

a continuation.

by the authors of our

and yet kept

The Admonition

in the

discipline (by

church with

as litle."

See

regarded "Receive the Holy Ghost"

in the Ordinal as blasphemous {P.M., p. 10); Whitgift explained in the Answere that in using these

words the bishop does not give the ordinand the Holy Ghost but duties of a minister and assures him "of the assistance of

shows him the principle

Gods Holy

Spirit"; Defense, p.

227 (PS,

1:489). Cartwright replied: "these

(receive the holy ghost) are the imperative

commaundment"

mode/ and do

(1:63 [44]). Whitgift insisted that

806

words

expresly signifie a

what the bishop does simply

Book God

confinns what

does, bestowing the Spirit

227-228

ministry; Defense, pp.

2:427. m

Ecclesi. discipl.

Explicatio, fol. 52*':

"As

.

.

ilia

dona

spiritus inteUigo]

when

they

as

.

.

are called to his

See also

the stewardes off

and manifold

Full and Plaine Declaration, p. 69;

68

p.

God

he was

plainly witnes that

under stand the extraordinary

I

."

.

A

Luke doth

for Barnabas Sainct

off the holy ghoste (wherby

to say the divers

Travers,

lin.8.

.

on those who

(PS, 1:490). See Cartwright, 2:292.

full

Apostles,

Chapter nA-11.%

V,

(fol.

guiftes) [qua

voce

"For by cause the

52'):

did distribute the holy ghost/ that

giftes off the spirit

.

.

.

."

is

Travers refers to Acts

11:24 and 4:36. See Whitgift, Defense, p. 228 (PS, 1:491).

2:428.23—24.0

havinge thus spoken

Gen. 2:7 and

is

.

.

.

This passage, which

Ghost.

the Johannine pentecost (see Acts 2), follows

on

(John 7:39) that the Spirit was not given until Jesus was glorified (that All

had been accomplished in

w^hen certain of received

it.

is

is,

of himself, yet there

Christ's oblation

related to

the conviction crucified).

w^as a

time

followers received the Spirit as they had not heretofore

his

moment of the

This was the

insufflation, directly related in history to

the commission to forgive sins (John 20:23; see Matt.

understanding of the Spirit here

differs firom that in the

16:19,

18:18). John's

Farewell Discourses (chaps.

13—16), suggesting the introduction of a variant tradition by the evangelist. See C.

H. Dodd, The

Interpretation of the Fourth Gospel

he must

2:428.24

Although the

text perhaps should

the referent of "he" in the text as printed

whose sinnes soever

2:429.10-11.^ Calvin,

Word

Inst.,

.

.

.

is

be emended to "we must,"

Christ ("/le" of line 23).

See 2:428.23—24.n, above, and

reteined.

would apply

4.11.1; Calvin

(Cambridge, 1954), pp. 430, 442.

Jesus's gift solely to the ministry

of the

John 20:23 should be compared with Matt. 28:19 and with the granting of the "power of the keys" to Peter, Matt. 16:19. See Aquinas, and to nothing

else.

S.T., 3a.84.3, resp. ad 3, and Suppl. 3a.l8.1.1 and response.

The cause why . not Cartwright, 1:63 [44]: "And if you thinke good reason/ to use the wordes of our savior Christ/ why may not you as wel blow upon them as he did?" Whitgift replied that when Christ did it, he

2:429.20-21 it

.

.

so

signified that

he possessed authority to give the

him and not only from perpetuall promise, that

were by him

the Father:

Spirit

"when he

such should receive

all

and

that

it

proceeded firom

spake these wordes, he his spirite, as

made

a

from time to time

of the ministerie"; Defense, pp. 228 (PS, 1:491). words are to be used, so should the breathing

called to the office

Cartwright argued that

if the

(2:293).

2:429. r

Etsi necessarium est

of his elevation to the

.

.

.

dignitatem.

burden

will

to feel

no joy

Himself help

1,

we must

A4'; PL, 54:143, as Serm. 2. "Although

were impious

Leo

Sermon

of supreme pontiff"; Sermones

office

in

me

God's

to bear

gift it,

807

lest

"On the anniversary

et epistolae

(1482),

sig.

tremble for our demerits yet

of grace: for

and

1,

He Who

has given

it

me my

the weakling stumble under the

Commentary He Who

weight of grace

conferred the dignity will give strength to sustain it"

—

xd nveviia TaoTijv. Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio 10; 35; PG, 35:832. "The Holy Ghost placed us in this ministry."

(Bayne, p. 497n).

Opera (1550), p.

sotne are doubtfuU

2:430.27—431.8. (

35—36;

Declaration, pp.

Bishoppe/ but in

owght

to

man: and

all

.

Explicatio, fol.

.

.

See Travers,

charge.

A

Full and Plaine

27"^: "Neyther only in the office off a

other Ecclesiasticall charges

this

woyng

off places and office/

be estemed unmeete and unworthie/ for the modestie off any Christian

how muche

fruite ys lost

by

this

were yt/

better

and sutorlike care unto

Rome/

to send

from whence

ambicious seking for

backe againe yt

offices

as

much

then

as great

and honor/ which they reape

and off the wille off

are fully persuaded off there calling

laboring for offices

this

came. For

God

who

appointing them

therunto/ Seing also the examples off our Savior Christe/ off his Apostles/ off the to all sobemes (H is here w^orking from the Latin): "Corrigamus aliquando morem ilium ad diem ordinationum episcopi ex omnibus partibus confluendi, ordinationem, et ordines (trito Papistis vocabulo fere appellant) pptendi atque ambiendi, commendatitias amicorum aut dominorum ." The anonymous citation in t ("Author") suggests that H was literas afferendi unaware that his old antagonist at the Temple was in fact its author; see 5:259—

purer and primitive churche/ doe

and modestie

.

.

.

.

.

."

call

us

Travers continues

as

from yt and exhortethe us

H

reports

.

292.

Td»v xotXaioiv

2:431. V

r|KoX.o60i|aav.

114; Opera (1550), p. 32;

aniong the ancients,

I

find that

or prophets, some obeyed the is

the timidity to be

of those

call

with

2:432.12

I

whom the

2,

§

consider the most approved

divine grace chose

as

alacrity, others resisted the gift:

blamed which shrank back, nor the

ward; for that dreaded the greatness of the

Him Who

Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio

PG, 35:512. "When

office, this

governors

and neither

which sprang

zeal

foUowed

for-

gladly, relying

on

gave the call" (Bayne, p. 499n).

testimoniall letters

knowing, either by him

self

"And

See the Preface to the Ordinal:

the Bishop, a

man of

trial,

finding

or by sufficient testimony, any person to be

virtuous conversation, and without crime, and after examination and

him learned in the Latin tongue, and sufficiendy instructed in holy Scripture, may, upon a Sunday or holy day, in the face of the Church, admit him a Deacon, in such manner and form, as hereafter foUoweth" {Liturgical Services, PS, p. 274). 2:434.25

Leo

I

Anthemius and Leo was eastern

names were

Roman

Anthemius was western

emperor 457—474;

H

Roman emperor, 467—72;

mentions them because their

associated with the cited constitutions.

2:434.27-435.1 Let not a prelate

.

.

.

unwillinglY;

precio, sed precibus ordinetur antistes.

Tantum

Justinian, Codex, 1.3.29:

quaeratur cogendus, rogatus recedat, invitatus effugiat: sola excusandi. profecto

enim indignus

illi

suffiagetur necessitas

est sacerdotio, nisi fuerit

ordinatus invitus";

(1590), col. 31; 1.3.30 in Krueger (1963), p. 22; Scott, 12:42.

808

"Nee

ab ambitu debet esse sepositus, ut

H

read "nee pre-

Book

Chapter

V,

77.9-78.2

cibus" ("or upon request") for "sed precibus" ("but

iiiao^

2:435. a

.

.

Opera (1550), p. 31; PG, 35:509.

get[ica]"], § 112;

at office

"My

temperament

a

is

mean

am more timid than those who always who always run away from it" (Bayne, p.

between over-boldness and over-timidity.

jump

request"); Bayne, p. 502n.

Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio 2 ["Apolo-

6apa<x3led>TEpo^

.

upon

and more bold than those

I

503n).

np6^

dvot^epovrai. Philo Judaeus, De congressu (On meeting for the sake of seeking instruction), chap. 18; Opera (1552), p. 297; Loeb, 4:506. "(God ordered to be consecrated the whole of the first-bom, the tenth, I mean the tribe of Levi, taking them in exchange for

2:435.6

&iaT/)pi)aiv

quaerendae eruditionis gratia

the first-bom,) for the preservation and protection of holiness and piety and the

of worship which concern God's honour" (Bayne,

acts

2:436.28

was

a

"Jerome sayeth/

were

The

equalitie.

presbyters),

equality

of ministers, and

one should inequality

that at the first/ a

rule over the rest

among

of the higher

.

.

.

."

factions

an

Which

H

call priest)

was decreed/

it

that

concerning

issues

distinguishes the special liturgical duties

ecclesiastical hierarchy

and

laitie

diflference

.

.

.

(exemplifying the

power of jurisdiction

2,

ecclesiastical,

the Labourers, and the Building; they

worke of the ministery

power of one

exercised by higher

§ 30:

for instance, VII. 20.

"The Church

respected with refer-

doth generally consist but of 2

which

committed;

is

Compare,

'Masters*.

Seejude

clergie,

ence unto administration

the

beginning:

upon lower ones; see VII.3 (3:153-154), 6.1 (170.27-171.5), and nn.

2:437.2—6 2:437.8

and schismes/

For H's formulation of the

ministers, see VII. 2.

oflSces in

elders (and

[79],

byshoppe and an Elder (whych you

minister "above" another) from the officials

of bishops and

esp.

major Puritan goal; see Cartwright, 1:103—104

one/ but afterward through

all

p. 503n).

are ministred unto,

Pastours,

sorts

of men,

and they to

and the Jlocke, over whom

whom the holy

Ghost hath made them overseers" (5:53.9—13).

T.C.

2:437.
I.l.

p.l98

called

by the name of

muche/

Page 159 in

"who

Cartwright, 1:82 [61]:

1st

edn.

can abide that

For so much as

a minister

a Levite/ or sacrificer/ onles

it

.

.

.

used.

See

of the gospell/ should be be he whych woulde not

remembrance of the death/ and resurrection of our saviore Christ were plucked out of hys minde?" Cartwright here follows the reasoning of care

"A View of

if the

Popishe Abuses," which argued:

touching oure oflyce,

"To

call

us therefore priestes as

of the lawe, deny Christ to be comen, or else to kepe a memory of the popish priesthode of abhomination stil amongste us" (P.M., p. 25). Whitgift responded in

which

is

is

either to call backe againe the old priesthode

to

the Answere that the

word

"priest" as

it

was used

in the

C

of

E came from

"presbyter" not "sacerdos"; Defense, p. 721 (PS, 3:350). Cartwright contended that in the popular

mind

"priest"

meant not "presbyter" but

"sacrificer" or "sacerdos"

(1:198 [159]). Whitgift then admitted that he was not

809

enamored of the name

Commentary "priest" but stood his ground, saying that

men

learned

own

his

word, pointing out

last

thus, if

amongst the

you allow

magnum,

Supper a

sacrifice,

you must allow

and

their error

well (3:264).

as

For as thinges are distinguished

ejii

seu

722 (PS, 3:351). Cartwright had

their calling a presbyter a sacrificer,

too yfiXmq magnum grammaticae

2:438.13-15.6

p.

that the Fathers called the Lord's

concerning the sacrament 2:437.12—439.14

church Fathers and

early

day "presbyter" was translated "priest," not meaning

but "minister of the Gospel"; Defense,

sacrificer

the

of

.

.

God.

.

.

See

.

.

Compare VII.2.1—2.

not.

iepouc;

the

in

Etymologicon

Greek

penu, ed. Sylburg (1594), p. 468. This

dictionary was compiled about the IOC. See G. Kittel, Theological Dictionary of the

New

Testament (1964-1976), pp. 221-232, and Bayne, pp. 504-505n.

2:438/

Ouatdaai.

iepeuoai,

See

iepouc;,

lexicographer whose lexicon survives in a single dicitur

.

.

is

called

He

of the priesthood

as offering

Hesychii

Lexicon;

manuscript.

He was

153; PL,

(1577), col.

born; prophet, because

5C

homo

Christus

He

revealed

ofiered Himself as victim for us" (Bayne, p. 506n).

Seing then that sacrifice

2:438.20-22

15C

Etymologies, 7.2;

Seville,

man, because

future things: priest, because

refuse

of

Isidore

obtulit.

.

82:266. "Christ

Hesychius,

in

Hesychius of Alexandria was a

dictionarium (1514), sig. MS"^; (1857), 2:346.

up Christ

.

.

.

H refuses any understanding

applied?

in sacrifice at every mass, but

Cranmer's understanding of the Holy

Communion

the "sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving" (B.C. P.,

he would not

as offering

up

to

God

1559, p. 264); see Jewel,

A

M. Hardinges Answeare (1565), p. 7 {Works, PS, 1:110). It is doubtful that H would go as far as Richard Field, the eirenic dean of Gloucester, who found a way of interpreting the Roman Canon of the Mass as conducive to the BCP understanding of Holy Communion; Of the Church (1849), 2:60-61. See Replie unto

Bayne, 2:438. /i

p.

507n.

'Exei 6* anopiav

(1550), 1:295;

which

is

2:439.7

22 this

.

this in creatures

nameth

denominated

(OED,

.

.

f|

o6.

Aristode,

the sense of touch: "It

is

anima, 2.11.1; 422

it is

.

.

.

;

Opera

what the organ

is

and whatever

is

flesh,

without flesh" (Loeb, 128-129).

both flesh. Fish would not have been properly word connoted meat as distinct from fish or fowl

indifTerentlie

as "flesh," as

the

"fish," sb.M).

sacrifice. Compare the view of the C of T, Session Most Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, chap. 2: "And since in which is performed in the Mass, that same Christ is contained

properlie no^v

(Sept. 1562),

On

divine Sacrifice

no

the

in a bloodless sacrifice

who on

the altar of the cross once offered himself with the

shedding of his blood: the holy Synod teaches that ry,

De

difficult to say

perceptive of the object of touch; whether

analogous to

2:439.2-3

on

and through

it it

comes about

this sacrifice

that if with true hearts

and reverence, with contrition and penitence,

810

we

and

approach

is

truly propitiato-

right faith,

God we

with fear

'attain

mercy

Book

V,

Chapter

78.2-78.5

and find grace and help in time of need' (Heb. 4:16)"; Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, ed. H. J. Schroeder (1941), pp. 145-146, 418-419. Compare Saravia, Of the Honor Due unto Priestes (1591), p. 134: "But as the Lord did nothing

of his heavenly

in derogation

Latin, see

De

diuersis

when he

dignity,

namely the

offer spirituall sacrifice,

gave power unto

of praise and

sacrifice

christians to

all

praier, etc.

.

."; for

.

the

ministrorum evangelii gradibus (1590), p. 98. See Bayne, pp.

507-508n. 2:439.15-16

Presbyter

.

.

.

then Priest

It is

clear that Saravia, a

English rather than the customary "elder"; compare gradibus, p. 44,

with Diverse Degrees,

p. 55.

which begins by defining "presbyter"

6:652,

and administrative

fiinction. In Judaism

See

De

high-churchman,

made

preferred "presbyteros" although his translator sometimes

it

Ttpeapu^ in

Kittel's Dictionary,

as referring to greater age,

and Christianity

it

"priest" in

ministrorum evangelii

diversis

presidency,

referred both to age

and

to an office.

A

2:439.27-29

contended all

presbyter

priests

how

were equal this

in dignity, Epiphanius {Refutation of

could be since the episcopate propagates

Hivoiq, toCto StiXov t6 A,eyeiv

fathers or

to Tidv e^TiXecov, ToTq aovcaiv

d(j)poa6vr|(; eoTi

who

Writing of the heresy of Aerius,

procreation.

.

church while the presbyterate propagates sons, not

plv

teachers: 6ti

.

asked

the Heresies, 75.4)

fathers for the

.

and

that bishops

KeiCTT]-

eTiiaKOTCov Kai TipeaPoTepov laov

auTov

r\ }ikv yap eoTi TiaTepcov yevvriTiKfj naripaq yap ytvvq. ti] eKKXqaicji- q 6e naripaq \if\ Suvapevq yevvav, 6id tou XooTpoo naA-iyyeveaiac; TeKva yevvQc Tq eKicXTiai(jf o6

eivar Kai nCx; larai tooto 6uvaT6v;

T&fyq'

pf\v 7iaTepa<;

6i6aaK&Xoo<;. Contra

f\

octoginta haereses (1544), p.

386; Latin

PG, 42:508. Sutcliffe refers to this passage, A Treatise of Ealesiasticall 130. Compare Saravia, De diversis ministrorum evangelii gradibus, p. 5,

(1566), p. 280; Discipline, p.

quoted by Bayne,

Peter refers here to himself as

1. Pet. 5:1.

2:440.fe

509n.

p.

among

the elders of the

com-

munity. Presbyters or elders were the leaders of the congregations, an institution taken over fi^om the

OT

where

elders are

holding responsibility of government in

Anchor 2:440./

Bible:

oi

The

TWV

cal Hierarchy,

Epistles ofJames, Peter

iepcav 1.5;

.

.

.

p.

as representatives

and towns. See

Bo

of the families

Reicke,

ed.,

The

andjude (1964), pp. 128-129, 57-58.

vofioOerai.

Opera (1562),

found

cities

Dionysius the Areopagite, The

110;

PG,

3:377.

"The

legislators

Ecclesiasti-

of the

rites

divinely instituted" (Bayne, pp. 509-51 On). Sudiffe, Treatise, p. 71, discussing the

order of bishops, says that Dionysius

calls it

"eeoJiap&6oTOV 7iapd6oaiv,

a divine

tradition or doctrine."

2:440. 30-441. 2.M

Deacons

ordeined.

Cyprian,

epist.

3.9,

Ad

Rogatianum

autem Diaconi debent, quoniam Apostopraepositos dominus elegit: Diaconos autem post ascensum

episcopum de superbo diacano: "Meminisse los, id est,

episcopos et

domini in coelos

apostoli sibi constituerunt Episcopatus sui et ecclesiae ministros";

811

Commentary Opera (1521),

PL, 4:396

p. 85;

See VII.4.1 (3:155.21-22).

(epist. 75).

For >vhich cause Ignatius ... him.

2:441.7—9.0

Trallianos, chap. 7; Epistolae (1558), p. 12.

Ignatius

"And what

of Antioch, £puto/d

are deacons but imitators

(i<j

of

the angelic powers, serving the bishop with a pure and blameless service, as the

holy Stephen to the blessed James,

Timotheus and Linus

as

to Paul, as Anacletus

and Clement to Peter" (Bayne, pp. 510-511n).

Church

if the

2:441.10-11

H

... farther

here refers not to development in

terms of biological evolution, but in terms of historical mutability (see 1.10.1—3).

The

point was later argued by William Covel, with reference to Whitgift,

A

and Hooker, in 24.

Covel concludes: "though the Church of

governed with an auncient and vertuous differing firom the

same

Which

2:441.14—17

STC

Modest and Reasonable Examination (1604;

that they

.

.

.

Societies bee fittest to

all

discipline, yet that discipline

doo require"

note chiefelie

I

Sutcliflfe,

5882), pp. 18—

bee farre

is

(p. 24).

See the Admonition: "Touchyng

end.

Deacons, though their names be remaining, yet

is

the office fowlie perverted and

turned upside downe, for their dutie in the primative church, was to gather the almes diligently, and to distribute

also

faithfully,

for the sicke

and impotent

persones to provide painefully, having ever a diligent care, that the charitie of

godly men, wer not wasted upon loiterers and idle vagabonds. Now^

it is

the

first

mere order of priesthode" {P.M., p. 15). deacons not only collected and provided for the poor in the

step to the ministerie, nay, rather a

Whitgift argued that early

church but

also

preached and baptized, pointing to Stephen and Philip

examples and quoting Justin Martyr {Apology

686-693

1,

as

chap. 65); Defense, pp. 584—585,

(PS, 3:61-64, 281-292). Cartwright disputed Whitgift's claims concerning

Stephen and Philip (1:162

[128]).

See Cartwright, 3:89-115.

Compare

III.ll.l

(1:246.26-247.8) and see Bayne, p. 51 In.

To

2:441.17-19

charge them

that distributeth, let

him do

it

.

.

.

hard.

The Admonition

with simplicitie,"

cites

as describing

Rom.

of Deacon. Cartwright expanded the reference: "in that place

office

reckeneth up

all

12:8,

"he

(and prescribing) the S.

Paule

the ordinary and perpetuall offices of the church/ as the office of

the doctor/ of the pastor/ of the deacon/ of the elder/ and leaveth not out so

muche mercy.)

the

as .

.

with their

.

S.

widdow/ which he comprehendeth

owne

mens

theyr

owne

these

wordes (shewing

vocations/ dyd breake into that which appertayned unto others"

(1:190 [152]). Whitgift argues that the verse

other

in

Paule speaketh there against those which not contenting themselves

is

"not of Deacons,

who

distribute

almes, but of such as give almes themselves, and relieve the poore with

substance"; Defense, p. 687.

Yea but thapostles ... it. See Cartwright, 1:190 [152]: "if the whiche hadde suche excellent and passing gyftes/ dyd fynde them selves (preaching of the woorde/ and attending to prayer) not able to provyde for the

2:441.27-29 apostles

poore/ but thought

it

necessarye to dyscharge

812

them

selves

of that offyce/ to the

Book

V,

Chapter 78.5-78.10

ende they myght doe the other effectually and fruitefully/ hee that shall doe both now/ must eyther doe none well and profiubly/ or else hee must have greater giftes then the Aposdes had." Whitgift answered: "The aposdes were occupied in

worde of

planting Churches, in going from place to place, to spreade abrode the

God, and therefore they coulde not so conveniently provide for the poore; but the Deacons having no such occasion of traveling and removing from place to place, might very well both preach the Gospell and provide for the poore"; Defense, p. 688 (PS, 3:285).

Wee may

2:442.10-13

Bridges called

it,

not therefore

Now tract of time

2:442.25-27

.

.

.

The

both.

disciplinarian tetrarchy, as

sharply distinguished the oflBces of pastor and doctor.

of Deacons nowe,

I

Whitgift wrote: "if you speake

necessarie,

say unto you, that

under

a Christian Prince in the

peace, that part of their office to provide for the poore that

is

tyme of

not necessarie, seeing

by other lawfull and politike meanes, they may much better be provided for"; 688-689 (PS, 3:286). He no doubt had in mind the increased attention

Defense, p.

given to poor relief by statute and other means. See Heruy Axthington, Provision for the Poore,

now

in Penurie

(1597;

STC

798), E.

M.

Leonard, The Early History of

and Keith Wrighton, Poverty and

English Poor Re/ie/" (Cambridge, 1900),

1525-1700 (New York: Academic

English Village: Terling,

Piety in an

Press, 1979).

Compare Sutcliffe, Treatise, p. 150; institute. "Wherein is prooved that the deacons office is an holy Th. word and sacramentes, and attendance of bishops:

and so remaine

2:442.28-29

chapter-heading, 5.1: ministery about the

Epipha.

2A42.q

.

1.1

forth other seventy-two to preach,

among

.

And

the highest

2:443.7—444.3

.

.

.

Touching as

PG, 41:277. "And he sent who were set over

the seven

who was

chosen in place of Judas,

identifies aposdes as bishops in VII.4.

Evangelistes?

H

is

here denying that clerical offices

they are in the disciplinarian platform. Having rejected

between aposde and bishop, he here

of evangelist and prophet,

to pastors

H

thapostles,

as

and

teachers.

rejects the idea

of

distinct

well as the concept of distinct (perpetual or

ordinary) offices of pastor and doctor. lists

whom were

before these Matthias,

be distinguished

the distinction offices

.

from

the aposdes" (Bayne, p. 513n).

2:443.5-6

are to

.

.

Epiphanius, Refutation of all the Heresies, chap. 20: Contra

c.21.

odoginta haereses (1544), pp. 25-26; Latin (1566), p. 15;

the widows.

.

answered."

his reasons to the contrary are

Cartw.

The

Here and

responding to Sandys's suggestion that

final insult

in the next

is

his assimilation

few pages,

H

of evange-

seems to be

H discuss the reformers' whole platform; see

3:130.18-24. Eusebius, Hist, ecdes., 3,37; Opera (1549), p. 513; PL, Euseb ca.31. Quoted by Saravia, Diverse Degrees, p. 52: "For all the disciples for the most part, which lived in that age, being inflamed with a more ardent zeale and

2:443.1/

20:293.

813

Commentary of the heavenlie wisdome, and beeing ravished in minde with a

earnest love

kinde of desire

rare

Gods worde, executed verie exquisitely the commaundement which before v/as given; and to them which wanted their helpe

after

of our Saviour,

they willingly unfoulded

all

their treasures. Afterwards, straying farre

from

their

owne home,

they performed the pensions of Evangelists, and to those which had

not

much

as yet so

heard of the word of faith, they laboured with

as

care

all

and

constancie to preach Christ, and to deliver the Scripture of the holy Gospell.

Who,

when

onely

and had ordained other

faith,

which were newly brought

those

up

and foreine countries they had

as in divers farre

of the

in the doctrine

{sb.

3)

as a

OED

is

not helpful with regard to

"performed the pensions"; the most useful definition of "pension"

"any regular payment made to

is

might be diligendy trayned

to the faith, that they

of Christ, themselves departed into other regions and countries,

with the grace and power of God." The Saravia's phrase

laide the foundations

and committed the care of them of

Pastors,

a

person for present services," understood

synecdoche for the services themselves. Saravia likewise

Eusebius

cites

as

chapter 31.

two

2:444.6

That

places.

is,

Cor. 12:28-29 and Eph. 4:11-13. See below and

1

A

the Second Admonition {P.M., p. 125), Travers, {Explicatio, fol. 102"'),

and Cartwright, 1:85

proof texts in arguing against archbishops (and

God placed

2:444.10-15. u/

2:446.16

clerkes,

but eventually

all

exorcists, readers,

Finally, the

also against bishops).

translates the

Greek

himself.

and deacons, as catechists,

and singers in the employ of the church, were

also called clerks.

restricted to those in inferior orders, while bishops, priests,

called

then defined

clerici,

it

means the

making responses

When The BCP

as clergy.

parish clerk

for the congregation

Lessons in the daily oflSces and the Episde in Holy ed..

133

passages are used as

originally defined as bishops, priests,

were

Clerici

292) refers to the "clerk," service time,

where both

of those, including those in inferior orders, such

term was

and deacons were

H

... graces.

Full and Plaine Declaration, p.

[63],

who

{1559, p.

assisted the priest at

and sometimes reading the

Communion. See J. W. Legg,

The Clerk's Book of 1549, Henry Bradshaw Society, 25 (London, 1903), and Club Tracts, 4 (London, 1903).

E. G. C. F. Atchley, The Parish Clerk, Alcuin

Touching widowes

2:446.24-31.)'

wrote: "although there in those places

thys order of

is

.

.

.

purposes.

Cartwright (1:191-192 [153])

not so great use of these widdowes with us/

where the churches were

widdowes was

first

instituted/ part

founded/ and in

that

as

there

was

tyme wherein

of the which necessity grew both by by the great heate of

the multitude of straungers through the persecution/ and

whereupon

those east countries/ required: yet for so

not see

how

a better

there shuld be S.

much

as

the washing and suppling of their feete

there are poor

which

are sicke in every

and more convenient order can be devised

(if there

.

.

church/ .

then

.

.

was

I

doe

.

that

can be any gotten) godly poore widdowes of the age which

Paule appoynteth ....

I

conclude that

814

(if

such

may be

gotten)

we ought

also to

Book

Chapter

V,

78.8-79.3

that order of widowes in the church still. I know that there be lemed men which thinke otherwise/ but I stand upon the authoritie of Gods worde/ and not uppon the opynions of men be they never so well learned." Whitgift v/as curt and dismissive; Defense, p. 693—694. More circumstantially opposed were Bancroft,

kepe

Survey

(p.

177),

and

When

2:447.6-8.2

Sutcliffe, Treatise, chap. 6.

your captaines

.

.

constant?

.

Defuga

Tertullian,

in persecutione,

CCSL, 1:1148: "Quum ipsi auctores, id est ipsi diaconi, fugiunt; quomodo laicus intelligere poterit, qua ratione

11.1; Opera (1566), 2:151;

presbyteri et episcopi

dictum, Fugite de civitate in civiutem?

numero

gradum

sustinebit ad

in acie

.

.

Cum

.

duces fugiunt, quis de gregario

figendum suadere?"

Againe . heaven? Oputus, De schismate Donatistarum, 1.13; "Quid commemorem Laicos, qui tunc in Ecclesia nulla fuerant digniute suflEulti? Quid ministros plurimos? Quid diaconos in tertio, Quid presbyteros in secundo sacerdotio constitutos? Ipse apices et principes omnium, aliqui

2:447. 8-12.
.

episcopi

.

.

ut datiuio aetemae vitae

.

Instrumenta divinae

2:447.17-26

As

for Deanes,

of their

.

.

moras brevissimas compararent,

lucis

.

impie tradiderunt." For Optatus, see 2:272./.n, above.

legis

.

.

.

beginning.

ordayne anye other

it

is

unlawful, so

it

is

Henry Barrow, The

STC

and Plaine

Briefe

unneedeflil for

of ministrye beside these

office or kindes

"governors, and deacons], appointed and approved by

(1593?;

A

See Fulke,

men, following the owne brayne, without the warrant of Gods worde, to institute and

Declaration, p. 6: "as

devises

.

A3'.:

sig.

1519),

God

[pastors, doctors,

himselfe.

.

.

."

See also

examinations of Henry Barrowe John Crenewood and John Penrie C3''-4',

sigs.

where Penry

is

cited as objecting to

"Lorde

Archbps. and Bps. Archdeacons/ Commissaries/ Chancellors/ Deanes/ Canons/

no other Romish church/ where they

Prebendaries/ Preistes/ Deacons/ etc. Al which/ properly belong to

bodie either w^ere

first

2:447.26-29

ecclesiastical

or civil/ but onely unto the

invented. ..."

Now what

The Admonition

disputed of.

habit

those dayes [ministers were]

knowne by

must be discerned firom other by popish and Antichristian tippet, etc." {P.M., p. 11).

The

protested: "In

voice, learning and doctrine:

reference

is

now

apparel, as cap,

they

gowne,

to the ordinary or "street apparel"

of

the clergy, not to vestments (see chap. 29). For the instructions governing such apparel in the Elizabethan church, see the Advertisements (1566) in

Gee and Hardy,

A

Full and Plaine

eds..

Documents, pp. 473—474. For Travers's objections, see

Declaration, pp. 127, 129; Explicatio, fols.

Of oblations,

2:448.8-12

.

.

97-101.

H

.frustrate.

is

here concerned for the plunder of the

church, which began in the Middle Ages but greatly increased during the Refor-

mation.

It

involved the ahenation of church lands, chiefly through the exchange of

church properties, including manors and manor gready benefiting the crown and the

There were

also forced leases, the

laity

lands, for less valuable properties,

and sanctioned

commuting of

815

in 1 Eliz.

tithes for fixed

1,

cap. 19.

sums, and the

Commentary outright seizure of church properties, as in the case of the 650 monasteries,

accounting for about

50% of the

compounded by rampant value and were

filled

The

church's wealth.

results

were manifold and

inflation, so that parochial livings rapidly declined in

by

increasingly

educated and unskilled pastors. Parker,

ill

H

Jewel, and Whitgift protested. Indeed,

here sounds very

much

like Jewel; see

Booty, "The Bishop Confironts the Queen," Continuity and Discontinuity History (1979), pp. 215—231.

complaints and petitions in

The

PRO,

12/176

S. P.

(no. 75), fols.

in

Church

summary of their

Puritans also protested; see the

204-206, and John

A

Sermon upon part of the prophesie of Obadiah (1584; STC 20623), p. 24, where he complains that the money and wages due to the clergy and appointed for Rainolds,

their

maintenance "are so impaired and minished:

finde themselves in souldierlike state [that refuse the calling."

2:448.13-14

Compare

Williams,

English

ed.,

that,

being not able therwith to

no sense well provided

in

for],

they

Col. 3:5.

On

VII. 22.

Wee might somewhat John

clerical covetousness, see

is,

marvaile

sermon

Colet's

Documents,

Historical

.

.

idolatrie.

•

Convocation (1512) in C. H.

to

1485-1558 (New York: Oxford

University Press, 1967), p. 654: "according to that of Saint Paul

.

.

.

covetousness

is

As deah of St. Paul's, Colet (1466?— 1519) preached his famous Convocation convened to consider the Lollards; the strength of its

the root of all evil."

sermon

to a

demand

that the

church reform

itself led

The

charge of heresy against him.

Robert Pynson; the English

(STC 2:450.fc

(STC 5450) was printed in 1512 by Thomas Lupset?) w^as printed about 1530

trans, (by

5550).

Purum,

.

.

.

M.

suum.

profani, sui auri dicitur in

quod

the bishop of London to prefer the formal

Latin

Verri Flaccii

quae extant (1575), p. 186: "Puri, probi,

manumissione sacrorum

causa, ex quibus puri significat,

non fuerit; probi, quod recte excoctum, purgatumque sit. profani, quod sacrum non sit, et quod omni religione solutum sit. sui, quod alienum non sit." "Of gold that is pure, sound, not yet given, and their own to give, is the formula used in a setting free for sacred uses: pure means what has been put to no unclean use; sound, what has been properly purified and purged; not yet given, what is not consecrated or in any way devoted to religious use; their oum, what in usu spurco

does not belong to another" (Bayne,

2:450.21—22

522n). See 2-A26.j.n, above.

p.

Lycurgus before Solon

.

.

.

politic,

Lycurgus, son of Eunomus,

king of Sparta, was a Spartan legislator whose dates and historical existence are uncertain but his

who was

said to

countrymen by oath

legislator,

political

born about 639 BC,

who

it

inviolate forever. Solon

was the Athenian

remodelled the Athenian constitution, but the

order decayed, the tyrant Pisistratus seized power, and the constitution >vas

overthrown. See Plutarch's 2:450.29-30 2:451.15

have reformed the constitution of Sparta and bound

to preserve

Lives, esp. Solon, chap. 16.

But of Churches

everie shekell

.

.

.

.

.

.

heretofore.

ounce.

GB 816

glosses:

See chaps. 11 and 12 (2:47-53).

"The commen

shekel

is

aboute

Book

Chapter

V,

79.1-79.7

20 pence, so then 400 shekels mount to 33 li. 6. shill. and 8 pence, after 5. shill. sterl. the once," a quantity of silver weighing 11.46 metric grams, or 176.85 grains. the

2:451. 18-20.d

some which David

GB

Exod. 25:39.

glosses:

120 pound." BB: "The (kikkar)

is

Hebrew

properly appear in

five

much more

at 6.shil. 4.d. for the

eight part of a

Cum

2:452. /j

cichar or talent

According

The "one and

400 pounds." Cichar

more

in e should

was

in reality

worth 3,000

Exod. 38:24, 25, and 29 the ubemacle

to

thre-score thousand

drammes of golde, and garments" of

69 is crowne of an ounce, and the ounce the

and an hundreth

silver

"of our money,

as

at

Exodus

to

than thirty cichars; see Bayne, 524n.

thousand pieces of

computed

valued

is

(The references

The

cichars.

Ezr. 2:68.69.

2:45 l.e

Chron. 29:2-7 and

1

d.)

shekels (see Exod. 38:25-26). cost very

See

cichars.

.

of the temple

talent

for "talent."

and

2:451.20-23

.

.

"This was the talent weyght of the temple, and waied

Priests

v.

24826.1i. 13, shil. 4.d. esteming the firench

dramme

the eight part

is

marke" (GB).

aurum Judceorum

.

Cicero, Oratio pro L. Flacco, chap. 28;

liceret.

.

.

Orationum volumnen secundum, ed. Joannus Brutus (1585), 2:365; Loeb, 436, 438.

name of the Jews gold was

"Since in the

sent every year firom Italy

provinces to Jerusalem, Flaccus declared by edict that

it

and

all

your

should not be lawful to

export any fi^om Asia" (Bayne, p. 525n)

Mithridates ... talentes;

2:452.11-12.1

Josephus, Antiquitates Judiciae,

14.12:

"Nee ad iactationem conficta est praedicta summa, nee caret testibus: sed cum alij multi, tum Strabo Cappadox attestatur nobis his verbis: Mithridates autem misit in Coum insulam qui afferent sibi inde pecuniam, quam Cleopatra regina ibi deposuJudaeorum octingenta

erat, et

Crassus

2:452.13

talenta"; Opera (1566), p. 300;

De

Josephus,

bello Judaico,

1.6,

Loeb, 504—505.

recounts that Marcus Licinius

Temple at Jerusalem to finance the expediwhich he and his army perished in 53 BC; Loeb, 2:82—

Crassus (Crassus the Rich) looted the tion against the Parthians in

85, as 1.8.8.

2A52.J

The

Eleazar

2:452.14

Every

.

.

.

income profits

of the

for the church.

of labor, wages, fioiits

would be

crown was

.

.

.

God.

trade,

households and sold the surplus.

of their

By

a

major source of

activities; (2) predial,

in kind could

who

were

kinds: (1) personal, a tenth required

and such nonagrarian

of the ground. Tithes

all

of a sovereign in 16C Eng-

In the 16C, tithes

There were two

leased to local gentry

commute some or

a quarter

(OED).

Furthermore

2:453.6-9

A

crownes.

land, or five shillings

of Aaron (Exod. 6:23).

third son

of the

or a tenth

be so considerable that they

used them to feed and cloth their large

agreeing to a modus decimande, clergy could

tithes for cash

817

payment. This might be of immediate

Commentary commutation could work great hardship damaging was the commutation of tithes for a suted fixed

benefit, but taking inflation into account,

on

the clergy. Especially

payment. See Christopher Whitgift to the

12.14:

"Decimas

AeKog

2:453.^

.

.

likewise.

.

be sold

it

till

TEXeidxaxov.

.

this

numbers

that

that

Noah

(see

4:53.19-21 and n).

Patrum (1541),

hedge of

whom

they

call

done" (Bayne,

naturalis,

De

Sabin by measure

p. 526n).

17.90;

Opera

the most perfect boundary and

end of

unit"; Philo

congressu,

is

commenting on

the tenth patriarch (Bayne, p. 526n). A.C.L. attacks

is

Massoreth

2:454.r

is

Philo Judaeus,

"The tenth is proceed onward firom the

(1552), p. 297; Loeb, 4:506.

the

Pliny the Elder, Historia

of incense for their god

Nor may .

.

ante mercari licet"; (1559), col. 320; Loeb, 4:46 (chap. 32.63).

priests take tithes

not by weight.

that

Church from Archbishop

the

Press, 1956).

Deo, quem vocant Sabin, mensura non pondere sacerdo-

[thuris]

Nee

tes capiunt.

"The

much

In so

2: 453. 20-21.1?

Economic Problems of

Hill,

Long Parliament (Oxford: Clarendon

.

.

.

the fact

at this

point

The Pirke Aboth, or Sayings of the Fathers; Capitula "The hedge of the law is the Massoreth; tithes are the

decimce.

35.

fol.

H

riches." H's Latin

not quite that of Fagius in the 1541 edn.; see

is

2:39.20-22.r.n, above.

Nemo

libenter debet expressit. L. Annaeus Seneca, the philosopher, Corduba about 5 BC, De beneficiis, 1.1; Scripta quae exstant (1587), p. 1; Loeb, 3:4. "No one willingly oweth that which he receiveth not as a gift, but

2:455. <

born

,

.

.

at

extorted violently" (Bayne, p. 538n).

side

2:456.4

That

is,

"Side" comes firom the Vulgate "siclus" (Septuagint:

shekel.

aiKXoq); see 2:451.15.n, above. L.ll. de reg. jur.

2:456. f

Justinian, Digesta, 50.17.11: "Id

non

facto nostro ad alium transferri

quod nostrum

potest"; (1590), col. 2029;

est,

sine

Mommsen-Krueger

(1963), p. 920; Scott, 11:298.

Cujus per errorem

2:456.1*' col.

2036;

error

.

.

may be

529n). "Consideration"

p.

which

cause of a contract without is

cites Justinian, Digesta,

(1963), p. 922; Scott, 11:53:

asked back, but a thing given deliberately

be asked back)" (Bayne,

indebiti"

H

man.

.

Mommsen-Krueger

tide

6 of Digesta 12.

Mommsen-Krueger

it

is

The

is

a

50.17.53; (1590),

"A

(consideratio)

not effectual or binding. first

law of the

[1963], p. 201; Scott, 12:139)

is

thing given in

donation

title

is

(i.e.

cannot

the material

"De

condictione

(1590, col. 365;

essentially the

same

as Digesta

50.17.5.

2:456.x col.

Nemo potest mutare

.

.

.

prajudicium.

Justinian, Digesta, 50.17.75; (1590),

2038, reading "injuriam" for "praejudicium,"

as

does

Mommsen-Krueger

(1963), p. 922; Scott, 11:304.

2:456.25-27

Albeit therefore

.

.

.

Tithes,

818

Travers argued that the

OT

law

Book governing

Chapter 79.7-79.14

V,

and Levites did not apply to Christians, save only to

tithes to priests

require that those engaged in the Lord's

compare

125;

Non

2:457.c

videntur

Mommsen-Krueger

.

.

We

e

50.17.83; (1590), col. 2040;

Digesta,

Justinian,

Jitit.

.

"Those

whom

to

1

God

have given unto

.

.

The Magna Caru

ever.

.

begins: "Imprimis, Concessimus

Deo,

et

by E.

trans,

Cheyney,

P.

quod

habeat omnia jura sua integra, et libertates suas

et

sit,

University

(Philadelphia, 1897), 1.6:6. "In the

first

of Pennsylvania place

we

(1215),

John and

his

hac praesenti charta

nostra confirmavimus, pro nobis et haeredibus nostris in perpetuum,

Anglicana libera

a thing does

(Bayne, p. 530n).

it"

described by a contemporary as a "treaty of peace" between King barons. Chapter

Explication fol.

whole.

as a

(1963), p. 922; Scott, 11:305:

not belong cannot alienate

2:458.1-2 and

work be maintained. See

110-127 with H's chapter

fols.

Ecclesia illaesas";

and Reprints

Translations

have granted to God, and by

this

our present charter confirmed, for us and our heirs forever, that the English church shall

be

fi^ee,

2:458.3-5/

and

hold

shall

the goods of the

rights entire

its

Church

.

.

.

and

hberties uninjured."

its

The

Church.

Capitulum of Charlemagne,

whole people

6.285, entided, "Concerning the general suppUcation of the

on behalf of

prince

enemy

against the

or into battle; and what danger threatens

Emperor Karolus decreed

fi-om the Capitula of the

H

to the

the clergy (pro causa sacerdotum), that they should not

at

all

of them fi-om

Worms"

go

this;

(Bayne, p. 531n).

quotes fi^om the petition's protests against sacrilege: "Scimus enim res Ecclesiae

Deo

esse sacratas,

propter

scimus eas esse oblationes fidelium, et precia peccatorum, qua

quis eas ab Ecclesiis, quibus a fidelibus collatae

si

aufert proculdubio sacrilegium committit.

Quisquis ergo nostrum suas dedicat"; Capitula sive

res Ecclesiae tradit.

leges ecdesiasticae et civiles

Nullius autem sunt

2:458.^

Caecus enim

.

.

qui

Domino Deo

(1588),

fol.

sacratae sunt,

ista

illas

non

videt.

offert

atque

225'.

Justinian, Institutiones, 2.1.7; (1590), col. 17;

est.

.

Deoque est

Krueger (1963), p. 10; Scott, 2:34. "Things sacred, religious, and holy belong to no one. For what comes under divine jurisdiction can be among no one's goods" (a

paraphrase; Bayne, p. 531n).

2:458./«

AD,

Soli

cum

the Gods." see

Diis.

.

.

pugnant.

Q. Curtius

Rufiis,

Gestis Alexandri Magni, 7.23; (1586), p. 249.

De

gradibus;

Sacrum sacrove

"Whoso

esto.

stealeth or pilfereth

him be held and handled Capitul

(1592), p. 232.

Ecclesiae tradit.

dicendo

desiderat, et

Cicero,

De

H

Domino Deo

talia, et

agendo

illas

mid-1 C

legibus, 2.9,

De

quoted by Saravia; diversis

ministrorum

murderer of

his father"; English trans.

Charlemagne's Capitula, 6.285; (1588),

paraphrases:

ita.

historian,

the sacrilegious fight with

any holy thing, or committed to the holy

as a

ca.285.

225"^ (2:458.3-5.n, above).

alteri,

.

Roman

chap. 8 (1590), printed at the end of

sacrilegiis,

place, let

.

.

"Only

fol.

"Quisquis ergo nostrum suas res

offert atque dedicat, suisque Sanctis, et

non

Deo

dare

Facit scripturam de ipsis rebus, quas

ipsam scripturam coram

altari,

819

aut supra, tenet in manus, dicens

Commentary ijusdem loci sacerdotibus atque custodibus; 'Offero Deo, atque dedico, omnes

quae hac in chartula tenentur

insertae.

.

.

.

nullatenus credo, abstulerit, sub poena sacrilegii

atque

offero

dedico,

districtissimas

conjurationes, quas enumerare

Deposita pietatis.

2:459.«

CCSL,

1:151.

"These

You

2:459.10-27.^'

est" (Bayne, pp.

TertuUian, Apologeticum,

gifts are, as it

(On

alias

532—533n). Opera (1566), 2:693;

39.6;

were, piety's deposit fund" (ANF, 3:46).

that professe ... welth.

(343—410?), Peri stephanon

eas inde,

Ponit etiam in ea

reddat rationes.'

longum

res,

quod fieri ex hoc Domino Deo, cui eas autem

Siquis

The Roman

the crown of martyrdom),

Christian poet Prudentius

2.57

ff.;

Opera (1564), pp.

100-102; Loeb, 2:112, 114. 'Soletis,' inquit,

Ecclesiarum in angulis,

'conqueri,

summa

Saevire nos justo amplius.

£t

Cum

Nudare dulces

Christiana corpora

pietas creditur liberos.

Plusquam cruente scindimus.

Hoc poscit usus publicus. Hoc fiscus, hoc aerarium, Ut dedita stipendiis Ducem juvet pecunia.

Abest atrocioribus

Censura fervens motibus; Blande

et quiete efilagito

Quod sponte obire debeas. Hunc esse vestris orgiis Moremque et artem proditum Hanc

Sic

dogma vestrum

est audio:

Suum quibusque reddito. En Caesar agnoscit suum Numisma nummis inditum. Quod Caesaris scis, Caesari

est,

disciplinam foederis,

Libent ut auro Antistites. Argenteis scyphis ferunt

Fumare sacrum sanguinem, Auroque nocturnis sacris

Da: nempe justum postulo:

Adstare fixos cereos.

Signat

Tum summa Ut

cura est

Ni

baud ullum tuus Deus pecuniam.

fallor,

firatribus,

Implete dictorum fidem

sermotestatur loquax,

Offerre fundis venditis

Quae

Sestertiorum millia.

Nummos

Addicta avorum praedia

orbem

venditis:

libenter reddite,

Estote verbis divites.'

Nil asperum Laurentius

Foedis sub auctionibus

Refert ad

Successor exhaeres gemit, Sanctis

vos per

ista,

aut turbidum,

Sed, ut paratus obseque,

egen parentibus.

Obtemperanter annuit.

Haec occuluntur

H

abditis

probably obtained the reference from Saravia's

The work refer to

is

a collection

De

honore;

of hymns praising Spanish and

{Honor Due,

p. 144).

Italian martyrs; the verses

Lawrence, deacon of Rome, custodian of the church's

treasure; see

Bayne,

pp. 533-534n. Prudentius is better known as the author of the "Psychomachia," a description of Christian asceticism under the allegory of spiritual warfare.

820

Book

Chapter 79.14-79.16

V,

Dionysius his navigation.

2:460.19

memorahilium

libri

which

1.2,

ix,

See Valerius Maximus, Factorum

of Dionysius the Syracusan

tells

ransacked the temple of Proserpine

when he had

and,

at Locris

ac dictorum

^vho

tyrant,

escaped by

sea,

aided by a favorable gale, boasted of his sacrilege, bragging that the gods he had

robbed had aided him. Dionysius, however, suffered in his death punishment which he escaped in life; (1540), 1.2, Per Dionysio, pp. 12—13; cited by Saravia,

De

ministrorum evangelii gradibus; trans.

diuersis

29—32 AD) collected

(fl.

and others

De

in

sacrilegiis,

Valerius

examples for rhetoricians. For the

as illustrative

(1591), p. 238.

anecdotes from Livy, Cicero,

historical

tale

Sallust,

of Dionysius's

sacrilege, see Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 5.20.57-58.

Novimus multa regna

2:460. fe fol.

.

carent.

.

.

Charlemagne, Capitula, 7.104; (1588),

"Of those who

think

was intended to diminish

their

271'; see 2:458.3— 5/n, above. This capitulum

law forbidding

that the

"We know

honour."

go

priests to

that

to battle

many kingdoms and

spoiled churches, and plundered, carried

is

entitled

have

their kings

and destroyed

off,

fallen

because they

their goods,

and took

them away from the bishops and priests and what is \vorse from the churches themselves, and gave them to their soldiers. Wherefore they were neither strong in war nor firm in faith, nor did they come out victors, but gave their backs to the foe, many wounded and more dead; and lost their kingdoms and lands and what is far worse the kingdom of heaven too; their inheritances were taken aw^ay from them and they have not yet come to their own" (Bayne, p. 535n).

Tumo

2:461./

tempus

erit

.

.

long/ to purchase

trophy and

this

p. 396;

at great price

day"

Tumus, Aeneas's

Oderit.

.

10.503—505; Opera (1576),

(trans.

Allen

foe,

Aeneas

2:461. m

Athenian orators, 1:20.

non

"To

dico

Loeb,

b.

.

.

poem

—

vident.

.

odio?

"Do you

3:156. there

.

is

this

[1971], p. 270; Loeb, 2:204-205).

young

him of

protege, stripping

Orations, 1.27; (1576), p. 11 (1.17);

De

Cicero,

officiis,

is

3.8;

worse than any penalty."

De

officiis

libri

tres

(1555),

Loeb,

Pcenam fol.

59*;

304—305. "1 do not mean the penalty of the law, which they often

p.

.

will

Demosthenes, the greatest of the

odM)>pooi.

shame of evil deeds

escape, but the heaviest penalty credis

Tumus when he when he will hate

ends when, recognizing the belt on his fallen

384 BC, Olynthiac

the wise the

.

an untouched Pallas,/

Mandelbaum

poet, b. 70 BC, Aeneid,

to

Turnus.

slays

Twv JcpoYMaTcov

f|

come

time will

has killed Pallas, Aeneas's

rival,

his lavishly-decorated belt; the

Roman

Virgil, the

"A

Seneca,

De

of

all,

beneftciis,

imagine that

their

own

demoralization."

Impunita

tu

3.17; Scripta quae exstant (1587), p. 23; Loeb,

qualities that are loathed

any greater punishment than public hate?"

do go unpunished, or

And

see Saravia,

De

that

sacrilegiis

(1590), chap. 9 (quoted in Bayne, p. 536n).

2:462.5-6

By meane whereof

.

.

.

flanell.

The

reference

is

to the practice

"exchange"; see 2:448.8— 12.n, above. Flannel, a coarse open woolen associated with poverty or straightened circumstances.

821

frabic,

of

was

Commentary 2:462.7

oxen

From Homer's

'Glaucus' his 'change'

exchanging

gifts

for nine":

6.232-236, where Glaucus,

Iliad,

with Diomede, gives "gold for bronze, the worth of an hundred 'IXidq ([1580]), p. 225; Loeb, 1:278.

he hath by certaine ... otherwise; For an example of such bill drawn up in 1540 but not submitted to Parliament (PRO,

2:462.11—23

argument, see the S. P.

1/152,

church,

11-13): "Considering the primitive church with the present

fols.

now

find that then poverty did take place: and

I

superabundant .... Wherefore to cure the disease cause of the same be

superfluous riches.

.

.

riches with possessions

removed and taken away which

The naughty

tree

great possessions

is

not mortified by lopping

is

be

needs must the original

.

off"

and

the boughs:

M. Hembry, 1540-1640 (London: University of London, Athlone

but only by the cruel plucking up of the roots"; quoted firom Phyllis

The Bishops of Bath and

Wells,

Press, 1967), p. 260.

2:462.24—25. rt

IVee offer unto

autem

4.34: "Offerimus

De

God

non

.

.

.

Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses,

receive,

sunt quasi indigenti, sed gratias donationi eius, et

creaturam"; Opera (1528),

sanctificantis

Saravia,

ei

237;

p.

PG, 7:1029,

Bayne,

honore; trans. 1591, p. 141. See

as 4.8.6;

cited

by

537n. Polycarp (60?— 155?),

p.

martyred bishop of Smyrna, was an important link between the apostolic age of the

church and such writers 2:462.0

He

who

as Irenaeus,

which worshippeth

.

"Indecens et indignum existimo

.

.

et

all;

end of the 2C.

flourished at the

Numb.

Origen, Homily 11, on

impium, ut

primitias sacerdotibus"; Opera (1511), p. 236;

Deum

qui

is,

PG, 12:644;

colit

cited

.

.

by

.

non

18:

offerat

Saravia,

De

honore; trans. 1591, p. 141.

2:463.7

Of ordinations

lawfull without

In chap. 80

title.

Puritan objection against ordination without

1584

in

that

none should "be admitted

title.

to

H has in mind the strong

Puritans protested in Parliament

be

a minister

of the woord and

sacraments but in a benefyce having cure of soules then vacant in the diocesse of

such a byshop

as

is

to admitte

him, or to some place certaine w^here such minister

to

be made

at

the time of their admission into the ministry placed in

is

offered to be entertayned for a preacher or such graduate as shalbe

schollership within the unyversytyes or at the least that for such

tyme

MS Add.

as to their

38,492,

fols.

triall

honorable wysedomes shalbe thought convenyent" (BL,

73-74). Whitgift, well acquainted with the canons of 1571,

agreed that none should be admitted to the ministry sine their petition

some felowship or

be made of this order

titulo,

but objected that

excluded "firom the ministery Deanes, Praebendaries, and other

Ministers of Cathedral Churches, wardens of Colleges, Archdeacons likewise and diverse others. All fol. 83"). acts

which

hereafter

The anonymous author

must be meere

(perhaps

W.

of parliament: of certaine her majesties injunctions

the church (1583), pp.

down

lay

men" (PRO,

Stoughton) oi An .

.

.

S. P.

for the peaceable government of

243-249, makes the same point

as

the petitioners, setting

the ancient laws and the canons of 1571; see 2:469.M.n, below.

822

12/177,

Abstract, of certain

On

the

Book

and the controversy

Abstract

Chapter 79.16-80.3

V,

1:41.31—42.4.fc.n, above, and

occasioned, see

it

2:472.10-1 l.n, below.

There are

2:463.1 1-18

A summary of the chief matters

fower.

in a minister

with in chaps. 77-81; see 2:413.20.n, above.

dealt

Dioceses and parishes, both understood

divers precinctes.

2:463.21

geo-

as

graphical entities.

Pagans

2:463.23-24

villager or a

Augustine)

it

.

rustic.

.

.

countrie people

Pagan

(Lat. paganus) originally

signified a

heathen

as

opposed to

fact that the ancient idolatry lingered

on

a

a Christian or a Jew, "indicating the

and hamlets

in the rural villages

had been generally accepted in the town and

Christianity

meant

In early Christian Latin writers (such as Tertullian and

cities

of the

after

Roman

empire" (OED).

followed

2:463.25-464.1

it

2:463.26-28

such

all

cities

. .

.

with any description of the

religion.

Compare

goveme.

There

.

. .

first

to

are serious

problems concerned

beginnings of the Christian ministry, not the

being the paucity of verifiable evidence. But the governing

VII.5.1.

body of the church was

it

does seem that

a college

of presbyters,

at

Rome

for

least

(about 96),

Clement

I

refers

but two orders of clergy: elders or bishops and deacons. See / Clement, chaps.

40-42, 44; Apostolic

Loeb, 1:76-81, 83-85. Concerning

Fathers,

this

and what

Adolf Hamack, History of Dogma (Boston, 1905), 1:214-217, and K. E. Kirk, ed.. The Apostolic Ministry (New York, 1946), pp. 253-265. By "ecclesiasticall colleges" (line 26), H means "a community of clergy living together follows in

on

a

H,

see

2:464.4

Evaristus

2:464.9

our

(b.

(OED,

foundation for religious service"

.

.

.

sb. 3), at least in

See 2:465.18-22 and n.

the yeare 636.

The

date given

by John

1495), in his Scriptorum illustrium maioris Britanniae

whence

it

STC

.

.

Bale, bishop .

its

begirmings to 1400), Matthew Parker in his

19292), p. 12, and

Camden

in his Britannia (1586;

of Ossory

catalogus (1557), 1:72,

was taken by the Centuriators of Magdeburg (authors of

history firom

parish in

embryonic form.

De

STC

a

church

antiquitate (1572;

4503), p. 58.

The

England was Teutonic in origin (predating the conversion of the Germans

to Christianity), beginning, in contrast to the episcopal

who built an Eigenkirche own household, giving it as a

government of the church,

with the lord of the manor

or private church for the

benefit of his serfe and his

beneficium to

whomever he

would and presenting the person of his choice to the bishop for ordination on the title of his benefice. The date when this began cannot be ascertained; the 7C is possible, but some time after the arrival in England of Theodore of Tarsus in 669 to become archbishop of Canterbury and to organize the church may be more accurate.

2:464.21—25

theire error,

. .

.

parish.

See the Admonition: "Then, none admitted

823

Commentary was voyde before hand, to which he

to the ministerie, but (Act. 1:25) a place

should be at

called:

no hand

but nowe, bishops

"Of ministers

whom the right of ordering ministers doth

do make 60, 80, or

appertaine)

men"

into the cuntry lyke masteries 4.1,

(to

a

100

and send them abroad

at a clap,

{P.M., p. 10). See Whitgift, Defense, Tract.

admitted, a place being not void," pp. 216-225 (PS, 1:469-

by the w^orde of God at thys time/ no which be not locall/ and tyed to one sending abrode of ministers/ which have no places,

485). Cart>vright replied: "there are

ordinarie

ministeries

ecclesiasticall/

congregation/ therefore thys is

unlawfull" (1:60 [42]); "for the pastor or byshoppe

whych name

we

so ever

once either spoken or thought of/ imply and being

the Logicians terme

as

them/

infer a certen

citie to

loke unto?" (1:61

mo

many

shepheards and

flockes,

shepheards,

and he

and Plaine 2:465.18-22

heere mentioned: as

and

sone

as

they are

definite charge/

For what shepheard can ther watchman/ unles he have some also a shepheard, that

is

a shepheard that hathe a generall care

many

219

a

Whitgift responded: "he

[43]). is

may have one

duties"; Defense, p.

is

actuall relatives.

be/ unles he have a flocke? and howe can he be hathe

whych

consider of them/ they do forthwith

For he that hathe many

flockes.

master shepheard to see that

and oversight of

flockes,

and many

the rest doe their

all

A

(PS, 1:474). See also Cartwright, 2:298; Travers,

Full

Declaration, p. 36; ^xplicatio, fol. 28.

Evaristus

(1572), p. 13, the

.

.

.

See Platina,

station.

presbyteris divisit." "Evaristus in the city of their revenues?]

to

De

Rome

pontificum

vitis

of Evaristus (about 96): "Evaristus

life

.

.

titulos in

.

Romanorum urbe

Roma

assigned parishes [churches and

presbyters." See 2:468. 25. n, below,

concerning "titulos."

Whitgift ignored Evaristus, believing that Pope Dionysius (261 AD) "devided Parishes"; Cartwright nationall p.

saw the hand of

God

directly at

work: "the Lord devided

Churches into parishes and congregations" (1:69

249 (PS, 1:534). See Bayne,

2:466. 16-21. <

Certae

rei

vel

[50]); Whitgift, Defense,

539n.

p.

... causes.

causce

Justinian,

Institutiones,

1.14.4;

(1590), col. 11; Krueger (1963), p. 6; Scott, 2:21.

2:467.13

ecclesiasticall

persons

.

.

men,

.

H

could point to Puritans such

as

Walter Travers in the household of William Cecil, Lord Burghley, and William

Charke (1545?-1617)

in the households

duchess of Somerset. See textual note

2:467.20-24

some

there are

.

.

.

of Lord Cheney and Anne Seymour, the

at line 12.

them.

H

has in

mind here

itinerant preachers

CoUinson, E.P.M., pp. 49-51, etc., Irvonwy Morgan, The Godly Preachers of the Elizabethan Church (London: Epworth Press, 1965), chap. 2, and Paul S. Seaver, The Puritan Lectureships: The Politics of Religious

and

lecturers, chiefly Puriuns; see

Dissent

2:468.25 2:469.M

1560-1662 (Sunford: Stanford University titles.

Unlaufull

Press, 1970).

See 2:469.8-1 l.n, below. .

.

.function.

See 2:463.7.n, above.

824

The author of An

Abstract

Book

Chapter 80.4-80.13

V,

argument on the bishops' violating canon law, which Travers viewed

bases his

"the very fountain and spring from \vhence aU the

A

rest

as

of the corruption do flow";

Full and Plaine Declaration, p. 43.

So

2:469.8—11

that everie

.

.

.

A

chance.

"title"

is

defined as "a certificate of

presentment to a benefice, or a guarantee of support, required

by the bishop from cited.

See

also

a candidate for ordination"

ordinary cases) is

ODCC.

H

certaine canons

2:469.12

(in

(OED). This sentence of H's

mind here canon 6 of

has in

the Council of

Chalcedon (Hefele, History of the Councils, 3:391), which was taken into the corpus of canon law. It was cited by Whitgift; Defense, p. 223 (PS, 1:480—481); see Bayne, pp. 544— 545n. But he must also have had in mind the canons of 1571 (Cardwell, Synodalia, 1:122-126), cited in the Abstract, p. 246.

2:470.15—16

the clergie

.

.

.

dividendes

See Cyprian,

epist.

66,

who

calls

them

"sportulantes fratres," "partakers of the distribution" (Bayne, p. 546n; PL, 4:399).

See also

epist.

34

and

(4:324),

describes the collection as

epist. 28 (4:302). Tertullian, Apologeticum, chap. 39, monthly (CCSL, 1:150—151).

In the Church of Constantinople made Marcian, a Novationist, steward, or treasurer, of the church, "who as soon as he was made steward decreed that the clergy of each church should take the offering made in it. Before that time the

other presbyters

2:470.23-25

•

.

selves?

.

(about 460), the patriarch, Gennadius,

great church took

church historian, 1.13;

hist.,

2:471.7—9

Theodorus Lector (6C Church of Constantinople), in Theodoret, Eccles.

the offerings" (Bayne, p. 546n);

all

a reader in the

PC, 86.1:172.

nominate

in those benefices

.

.

.

thereunto?

C.J. Civ.:

Nov. Const.,

where benefectors and builders of churches are forbidden to put in clergy without due examination and ordination by the bishop; (1575), p. 61. See also 123.18, which orders that if builders of chapels or their heirs present unworthy SI. 2,

men

for ordination the bishop

2:471.14, 25

is

GB

ones; (1575), pp. 110-111.

One who

at shorter intervals), the sense

for-service," as distinct I

from the

right

might here discover

no minister placed

now,

fit

does not possess a

rew^arded for his labors by stipends; although these payments could

be regular (annually or

[23])

to find

stipendaries, stipendiary curat.

benefice but

2:471.30-33

is

that authoritie

is

.

.

.

ordeine.

in any congregation, but

Admonition:

"fee-

"Then

(Act. 14.13

by the consent of the people,

of ordaining "Elders by election

[election] signifieth to elect

is

a benefice.

geven into the hands of the byshop alone" {P.M.,

glosses Acts 14:23, w^hich speaks

Church": "The worde

of the term "stipend"

of income from

p. 10).

in everie

by putting up the hands which

were not made without the consent of the people." See also Cartwright, 1:43-49 [29-33]; Whitgift, Tract. 3.4, "Of the election of Ministers by the voyces and consent of the people"; Defense, p. 154—170 (PS, declareth that ministers

825

Commentary

A

1:341—375); and Travers,

Full

and Plaine

Declaration, pp.

57—59;

Explicatio, fok.

31-43.

wee have otherwhere

2:471.33-472.1

Of

2:472.10-11

the leaminge

churchmen, Puritans and

However,

faithful.

the

attacked

latter

.

.

livings.

opponents

Whitgift's

after

commencement of the

.

their

drive to oust

bishops

the

See VII. 14.

was the general expectation of

It

alike, that the ministry

installation

be learned and

and

archbishop

as

the

nonconforming Puritans from the ministry, ordaining ignorant

for

nonresidence and pluralism.

The 1583

abuses, indicting the bishops

and other patrons

was

Abstract

men and

supporting

chiefly directed against such

of England

for breaking the laws

enacted against them. Richard Cosin assisted Whitgift in his anti-Puritan campaign; his reply

contained the

first

portions of the Abstract, concerning ministers' learning

and dispensations covering nonresidence and pluralism, and 350 pages of his

own

1584 Answer. Thus began the "Abstract Controversy," involving further works by

Dudley Fenner and

a

sermon by Doctor Copequot (STC 10770, 10772, 10400); and Milward, pp. 77—83. Hooker certainly had these

see 1:41.31—42.4. fc.n, above,

materials before

him

he wrote

as

this chapter. It

is

also possible that

he had in

House of Commons (BL, MS Add. 38,492, fols. 73-74) and Whitgift's reply to them (PRO, S. P. 12/177, fols. 82-85; BL, MS Add. 29,546, fols. 63-66). See Booty, "The Bishop Confronts the Queen,"

mind

the sixteen petitions of the

Continuity and Discontinuity in Church History (1979), pp. 215—231.

main

point,

assertion,

see

announced

in chap. 9,

and n, below.

ministers should be learned,

2:472.27—473. 16. i',u',Xj;'

made and

Concerning H's

2:476.17-22, related to his fourth operating proposition or

the scriptural citations are

T.C.

indicated

by H.

1st edn.;

see Whitgift, Defense, pp. 253, 232,

1.1.

.

.

.

drawn from the

all

p.70. 66. 69.

this?

The arguments

passages in Cartwright

Pages 51, 46, and 50, respectively, in 5.1 is "Of the "Of pluralities" (pp.

and 247. Tract.

residence of the Pastor" (pp. 235-246; PS, 1:506-528); 5.2

is

A

246-251; PS, 2:528-538); see Cartwright, 2:330-361, and Travers, Plaine Declaration,

89-100

pp.

{Explicatio,

fols.

Concil. Nicae c.l5 As Whitgift points out,

532n.

of Nicaea (787), "one of the corruptest Councels (Hefele, History of the Councils, 5:383).

the canon:

or

if

"one man may be

if

was

intituled in

if he

two Churches, it

2:474.5-10

I

on

if the

of

Churches be poore:

convenient, or

247-248

canon 15

Gratian's exposition

if

the

be intituled to the one, and have the other

the one be neere to the other"; Defense, pp.

influential

"

from the second Council

that ever was,"

cites the gloss

the Bishop doe dispense and thinke

Clearkes be few; or

or

He

this

Full and

See Bayne, pp. 531-

68-76).

in

number of commendam,

(PS, 1:531). This gloss

during H's time.

see not

.

.

.

malediction.

See, for insunce, the question put

bishop requiring the answer "I will" of the ordinand: "Will you give your

by the faithful

diligence always, so to minister the doctrine and Sacraments, and the dicipline of

826

Book Christ, as the

same?"

2AlS.p

80.13-81.5

Lord hath commanded, and your cure and charge with

to

realm hath received the same,

as this

commandments of God,

according to the

committed

Chapter

V,

you may teach

so that

all

diligence to keep

the people

and observe the

PS, p. 290).

{Liturgical Services,

An

Abstract. p.ll7.

Abstract (1583): "1.

Whatsoever

is

forbidden by the

law of nature, and by the law of God, the same caimot be licensed by the law of

man

alone. 2.

of God:

3.

But

forbidden by the law of nature, and by the

pluralities are

Therefore they cannot be licensed by the Lawe of man alone.

seconde Proposition ...

I

.

.

lavvre

The

.

proove from the etymology or discription of a priviledge

or dispensation: for a priveledge, and a dispensation in effect signify one thing

de

[citing "Glos. lib. 6. clerici.

de

rescript, c. vers, in principio.

A

adulteriis."].

certayne private persons,

priviledge

commeth

is

be

saide to

Extra de judic.

that, that for the

c.

At

si

favour of

common right: things prohibited by common right, but

foorth agaynst

are dispensed >vith, because thinges permitted are dispatched

thinges forbidden require dispensation. dispensation, license

it is

and authorise

but the

Lawe

that,

Lawe

disalow, and so be a ties:

By which

Lawe

that the

contrariant,

against Pluralities,

is

and against the lawe of God:

against Plurality

Pluralities,

263-282) to

(see pp.

his

more

blood

shall

owne

just

misadventure doo happen to

Law of nature,

established" (pp.

by

ridiculing the

serious rebuttal, esp. concern-

God

be

generall, that

be shed by man; and that

we

he which

should doo no

and necessarie defense, or by chance-medlie and another, guiltie of the breach thereof, or to be

kill

punished with penaltie of death"

But to saie that made by Cosin

.

similar to those

.

267).

(p.

privelege.

.

(see

This

an

especiall

Paulus; (1590), col. 10;

2:478.4

example.

2:478. r

Privilegium

.

.

reason,

.

.

.

acHone.

nn

to 2:32:21

and 41.7, above.

Justinian, Digesta, 1.3.16, citing the jurist

Mommsen-Krueger

(1963), p. 34; Scott, 2:224.

Compare examples given by .

the key to H's argument,

is

above) and connected to his fourth proposition

or assertion concerning dispensation (equity). See

2:477.26-28.^

Plurali-

Lawe of God.

not the magistrate or executioner of justice upon malefactors, not

they which in their

2:476.17—22

against the

pp. 262-263, begins a

ing the principle involved: "though the law of

sheddeth mans blood,

is

the

more monstrous law was never

a

must

doth infringe, and

Lawe of nature and

the

An Answer (1584),

117-118). Richard Cosin,

argument but proceeds

is

of a Pryveledge and

and repugnant to the Lawe against

Therefore a Priveledge or dispensation for

murther: yet

discriptions

apparant, that a Priveledge and dispensation for pluralities,

Regularum

Cosin,

An

juris tarn dvilis

Answer, pp. 267—268.

quam

Pontifidi (1586),

1:227; a collection of "civil and papal regulations."

2:479.10-19

Consideringe

.

.

.

learning?

began with Henry VIII and was, to insufficient funds to support

Due

a degree,

to the plunder

an educated or otherwise

827

of the church

that

continued by Elizabeth, there were

weU

qualified ministry; see

Commentary Lambeth Palace Library, MS 2007, fol. 123, where it is claimed that of 8,800 were scarcely 500 worth over ^30 per annum; Sutcliffe, Treatise, says that of 10,000 scarcely 500 parishes yielded ^30. Furthermore, although increasing numbers of ordinands were university graduates or had some part of their education at one of the universities, the situation was still deplorable (p. 96); see Rosemary O'Day, "The Reformation of the Ministry, 1558-1642," Continuity and parishes there

Change: Personnel and Administration of the Church of England 1500-1649, ed.

Rosemary O'Day and Felicity Heal (Leicester: The University Press, 1976), p. 61. In the light of this dilemma Whitgift argued against the parliamentary petitioners, saying that their demands for a learned ministry should not be accepted: "Least .

.

.

diverse Parishes might be

destitute

left

of ministers to say divine

service,

lemed and godly Homilies muche better to have some to

celebrate the Sacraments, read the Scriptures, and the

appointed for that purpose. For

wee thought

it

reade the service, etc. without a sermon, then that the People lyke unto Brute

be

beastes should

lefte

without Prayers, Sacraments, reading the Scriptures and

Homihes, and without Sermons 2:480.2

when

also"

(PRO,

S. P.

doe require learninge

law^es

12/177,

The Royal

required that clergy possess and study a copy of the

NT

82"').

fol.

Injunctions

in Latin

(1559)

and English,

together \vith the Paraphrases of Erasmus, and that they be examined

on

their

learning at synods and in visitations; Visitation Articles and Injurutions, ed. Frere and

Kennedy

(1910), 2:13-14.

The

and Parker in

his

Advertisements confirmed

Canons of 1571 gave (Cardwell,

Interpretations

Synodalia,

of the bishops (1560/1) further

examine the clergy on prescribed

instructed the archdeacons to

procedure

of the

NT,

2:60, 178).

The

texts

(ibid.,

support to examinations of the unlearned

additional

The

1:112).

this

parliamentary

subscription to the Thirty-Nine Articles (13 Eliz.

I,

of 1571

statute

enforcing

cap. 12) required that clergy

subscribe to the articles, lead honest lives, and "be able to answer and render to the ordinary an account of his faith, in Latin according to the said Articles, or have special gift

and

ability to

be

The Canons of 1575 ordered

a preacher."

that previ-

ously ordained unlearned clergy be prevented firom functioning and that bishops diligently

examine curates seeking admission

clergy "be able to render to the

.

.

.

to

any cure. Again,

bishop an account of his

it

was

faith in

insisted that

Latin" and in

accord with the Articles of Religion (Cardwell, Synodalia, 1:132—134).

2:480.23-27

found

such as

in the priest's

hath vows in

it

.

.

.

Compare H's

flocke.

description here with that

the Ordinal {Liturgical Services, PS, pp. 289—291) and

Whitgift's description (2:479.10-19.n, above).

2:483.11-19

A

third thinge

parliamentary debates over a

.

.

.

bill

feed.

A

similar

argument was made during the

against pluralities in 1588, in

Whitgift opposed one another (see Lambeth Palace Library,

which Burghley and

MS

2007,

fol.

119).

But the more considerable arguments concerned the abridgement of the queen's prerogatives, the necessity of combining livings in order to recompense well qualified clergy,

and the

assertion that the distinction

828

of benefices was by

human

Book

V,

Chapter

81.5-81.11

law and not divine: "Whoso holdeth

positive

that Pluralitie

of Benefices

is

by gods

lawes forbidden erreth: not consydering that the distinctions of Archbishoppricks, Bishoppricks, Dioceses, Parishes, Jurisdictions, etc. are not of the lawe of god, but

of a positive law. For

Bishoppricks have charge over

as

many

parishes, so

we

see

some one Benefice hath ix or x chappells annexed etc. is in lawe taken but for one Benifice. And what more absurditie is it for one man to have 2 benefices, then to have one Benefice w^ith so many chappells annexed?" (fol. 116). that

But, as

2:484.14—486.24

fareth

it

. .

.

H's indictment in

soveraintie.

of corrupt practices in the English church contrary be compared with

his strictures against

to the intent

of its

this section law^s

should

contemporary bishops in VII. 24.3-5.

On

H's general undertaking to defend laws rather than the abuses committed by those

who

execute them, see

He

2:485.1—8. f

which

1.1 (1:144.1—21).

II.

undertake

tvill

.

.

periculum exoriri

possit;

equidem

"Nam

utcunque

et provincia ista

simpliciter vocari,

John Chrysostom, De

handle.

.

3.7.207 and 15.280; Opera (1588), 5:436:

nihil

si

unum

id

satis sit

sacerdotio,

pastorem

ne ullum prorsus inde

defiingi,

moror quin me,

quisquis volet, inanis

Deo opt. data gratia, morum integritate, si vitae virtute praeditum eum esse

gloriae studiosum appellet: sin vero rara prudentia, rara item a

quae prudentiam etiam ipsam praecedat, praeterea puriute, denique

oportet

2:486.M

.

.

.";

si

maiori

quam pro humano

captu

PG, 48:645, 647.

OuTE yeopir^v

.

.

.

Aristode, Politia, 7.9; 1329"; Opera (1550),

yeovq.

2:166. "Priests must be appointed neither firom the artisans, for

si

tillers

of the

soil

nor firom the

seemly that the gods should be worshipped by citizens" (Loeb, pp.

it is

577-579).

yeat hereby to gather

2:486.25—32

.

.

.

erronious,

H's basic conviction, stated

Compare Cosin, An An"upon due consideration of circumstances, even the principles be generall, doo often yeeld and give place to those which be but

before in chap. 9 and, in another form, at 2:474.17—22. swer (1584), p. 267:

and reasons

that

singular, ordinarie to extraordinarie, internall to externall; yea, as

be but

2:488.u/

civill

'AAJl'

and oi

though by ordinarie course

positive,

xoXXoi ... ^iXoao^vwEt;.

it

and

naturall to

such

be cleane contrarie."

Aristotle,

N.E., 2.4;

Opera (1550), 2:8. "But the mass of mankind, instead of doing virtuous

1105^

acts,

have

recourse to discussing virtue, and fancy that they are pursuing philosophy and that this will

make them good men.

In so doing they act like invalids

who

listen

what the doctor says, but entirely neglect to carry out his prescriptions. of philosophy will no more lead to a healthy sute of soul than will the

carefully to

That

sort

mode of treatment produce 2:488.9-13

2:488.13—14

Wee

are

Now

health of body" (Lx>eb, p. 87).

growne

because

... be.

men

.

.

.

See VII.24.25-26.

sermons.

for H's opponents, see chaps. 21—22.

829

On

the importance of sermons

Commentary Such therefore

2:488.17-20 ministers

wer

Whitgift, Tract. 6, (PS, 1:538-544),

one

"Of

brought the

.

.

See the Admonition: "Then the

want.

GB

See 2:472.y and 490.12-13.

his juste portion.

their sacrifice

.

bare readers" {P.M., p. 11), Cartwright, 1:70 [50]; Ministers that can not preache"; Defense, pp. 251— [254]

and Cartwright, 2:363-392.

2.Tim. 2:15.

2:488.x

preach

as

now

preachers:

Wherein he

God

gave to

glosses:

"Giving to everie

alludeth to the Priests of the olde

his parte,

sacrifice, his duetie";

toke their

owne

Law

w^hich in

him

parte and gave to

that

'OpOoTO|iciv (489.2) "rightly to divide" can

be translated "righdy to handle" (RSV).

KaivoTopeiv

2:489.3—4

2:489.11—12

. .

"Beginning something new, innovating."

received.

.

The Eleven

promulgated by High Commission in that year. Article 6 contains a form of subscription derived firom one by Parker (1571) and repeated in the Twenty-Four Articles of 1584. Here subscription was required to the statements: "That her Majesty, under God, hath and ought to have the soveraignty, and rule over all manner persons, born w^ithin her realm .... That the Book of Common Prayer containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of and do believe all the God .... That you allow the book of Articles Religion Articles therein contained to be agreeable to the word of God" (Strype, Life of Whitgift, 3:86). This latter sentence went beyond the Subscription Act of 1571 enforcing the Articles of Religion, which required subscription only to those articles of a distinctly doctrinal nature (see Gee and Hardy, eds.. Documents, p. 478). The Twenty-Four, like the Eleven, were administrative, not doctrinal,

subscribinge to the articles

Whitgift in 1583 and supported by the oath ex

.

.

Articles,

revived by

officio,

.

.

.

.

Articles; see Strype.

non

2:489.28—30.)'

on

first

opus

esse

6.3.4; (1576), p. 332;

becoming consul

2:490.5—7

"Certum

St Augustin nos velle

est

.

quoting

.

in .

.

cum

M.

est

homo bonae

Some

laid

.

lihri

.

ix,

Republic,

gratia et libero arbitrio, facit ut

"Semper

15:

chap. 16.32:

velimus bona" (PL, 44:900). nobis voluntas libera, sed

est in est

bona

et

per banc

fit

ut

sit

voluntatis, qui fuit prius voluntatis malae."

amongst men, yet

.

.

.

his coulers, p. 21: is it

not

christian. It

of the word in

as

I

H

God

Job Throckmorton (?), M. what account so ever it be

conceive, the thing that doth single out a minister (as

is,

I

tolde

you

before,) the

Beare witnesse

a lawful function, etc.

calleth orthotomein."

refers to

"simple reading, in

must be only

heere of sound preaching, that

2:490.27-32

De

See

grace.

volumus; sed lUe

bona .... Gratia vero Dei semper

open in

from another

.

Roman

290 BC. See 2:460. 19.n, above.

sound preaching

2:490.12-13.2

Maximus, Factorum

Curius Dentatus, hero of the

Keble (2:526n) quotes from chap.

non semper

Valerius

obey.

.

.

I

sound preaching

pray you, that

I

speake

of deviding the worde aright which the Aposde

See 2:107.8— 12.^.n, above.

Was not

St Augustine

.

.

.

830

holie?

The

reference

is

evidendy to

Book who

Eraclius,

Chapter 81.11-81.15

V,

succeeded Augtistine

at

Hippo on

the great man's nomination (see

213; PL, 33:966). In a surviving sermon, delivered with Augustine seated

epist.

enthroned behind him, EracUus

said:

"The

cricket chirps, the

swan

is

silent" (PL,

39:1717).

There

2:491. 18-25.
.

.

.

See the interrogatories in the

dealinges.

An

Abstract

(1583), pp. 263-266. 2:492.fc

Mey&Xcov

.

.

.

pX&xrovai.

Nee ignore

.

.

.

deferri.

Aristode, Politia, 2.8; 1273*; Loeb, pp. 157,

159.

2:492.c

am

Panegyrici diversorum (1576), p. 143;

PL, 14:420. "I

not ignorant that the highest honours are wont to be conferred on those

worthy of them

for lack

of better

Mamertinus (435?—474?) was

Neque enim

2:492.
.

Mommsen-Krueger

Law

.

.

Uttle

(Bayne, pp. 568— 569n). Claudianus

a Viennese philosopher

and theologian.

Justinian, Digesta, 48.5.15.1; (1590), col. 1841;

operatur.

(1963), p. 847, as 48.5.16 (15).l; Scott, 11:38, as 48.5.15.1.

15 begins "si maritus"; a

be put among the accused the sake of the State

men"

man

on

absent

the business of the republic

is

not to

seemed just that one absent for should be put among the accused while he is working for the parties, "for

has not

it

State" (Bayne, p. 569n).

In committinge

2:492.25—26.6

1273

"And

:

might

it

also

.

.

.

inconveniences

be thought

a

several oflBces" (Loeb, p. 163). Aristotle

2:493.11—28/ in

An

For as much as

.

.

bad thing

is

Politia, 2.8;

same person

H notes,

there

is

a similar

preamble

89-90, beginning: "You A. B. Parson of C. about twentie foure ."; what time I had appoynted a solemne day for making of Deacons

Abstract, pp.

yeeres passed, at

.

Bayne, pp. 569-57 In, quotes a generous

Such eysores

2:494.26-495.10.^

.

.

.

.

extract.

them.

Dionysius of HaHcamasus,

Roman

Loeb, 2:344, 346. eruyxavov bi Tf\q eA-euOepiat; oi pev

Antiquities,

4.24:

TiXetcrroi

TupoiKa

6ia

KaXoKdyaeiav

.

.

oXiyoi

.

6e

tivc^

KaTaTi6evTe<; e^ oaicov koi SiKaicov epyaaicbv auvaxSevxa* 'AXX' ToTc;

to hold

speaking of Carthaginian custom.

As

undoe'.

.

See Aristode,

for the

Ka0' npa^ xpo^oic; outco Taur' exei, Kai Tiopveia^, Kai Tiavro^ .

Toixwpuxiotc;

.

.

oi

^ev

aA,A.ou

oitio

XuTpa ouk ev

XqaTeiac; Kai

TtovripoC

nopou

mv

XPHMCtTiadpevoi toutcov wvoOvrai xPHMO'Tcov xfiv eX,eu6epiav, Kai evdvq eiai 'PcofiaTor oi 6^ auviaTope<; Kai au vepyoi ToTq SeanoraK; yevopevoi pupicov a^ia SianeTipaypevoi OavdTojv ei^ TooToog .

pevToi

.

.

.

.

.

d7topXenovTE<; ol noXXoi Soaxepaivouai, Kai TtpopepXrivrai rd

ov npinov r|ye^oviKQ noXei Kai navroq apxeiv d^iouaq totiou 6' av ti^ noX'Ka Kai aXA,a SiapaAxTv JtQx] KaXcbc; iiiv uno twv dpxaicov eTiivonSevra, KaKW^ 6' uno twv vuv eTiiTpipopeva. eyd) bt tov vopov toOtov ouk oTojiai 6eTv dvaipeiv, pq ti pei^ov eKpayq t^) koiv^ 61' auToo KaKov eTtavopOouadai pfevxoi (|)Tifii idoq, ox;

ToiouTOO(; TioieiaOai nokhaq. exoi

831

Commentary 6eTv Ttt Sovard Kal fi&Xiaxa jifev jovq ti^iitok; d^i(&aai^' av tootou Tou iiipovc; TipovoeTv* ei 6^ pf\ ye, robq uti&tou^ ... oT tou<; Ka6' CKaarov eviaordv eA,eu6epoo(; yivo^tvovq e^cT&aooat. ILneiQ' oOg ^iv av Eupcoaiv d^ioo<; Tqc; tioX^coc; dvrag, eig <J)uA,d(; KaTaypdyouai rd 6i jiiapdv Ktti dKdOapTov (J)uA,ov eKPaXoOaiv euTcpeTi^ 6vo^a t<^ .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Tipdy/jart TiefevTe<;, dnoiKiav.

2:495.18—19

I >vill

therefore

•

.

H professes reluctance to offer advice, but

onlie

.

then proceeds to do so in strong words, addressing bishops, patrons, those \vho grant dispensations, nobiUty, universities, and those receiving dispensations (2:497.5 ff.).

He

is

own

following the lead of his

patron. Jewel (see Booty,

Confronts the Queen"), although he does not,

as

"The Bishop

Jewel did, direcdy address the

queen, without whose active cooperation and restraint of her

own

practices there

could be no betterment of the deplorable conditions under which the church labored.

2:496.12—17

honorable

.

.

.

ambition;

persons of proven worth to the

state.

Preferment was often used to advance

Thus

it

was

that

Queen

Elizabeth

made

Whitgift her chaplain, prebend of Ely, dean of Lincoln, bishop of Worcester, and vice-president of the principality of Wales before

making him archbishop of

Canterbury. In turn Whitgift exercised his influence to see

Temple and

for

him

H

made master of the

to receive various subsequent preferments in order that his

writing might proceed.

A

faculty as used here

is

a

power or

authority, such as that

granted to Whitgift by Archbishop Parker that he might hold the deanery of

Lincoln along with the wardenship of Trinity College, Cambridge, the canonry of Ely, the rectory

2:497. /i

of Teversham, and any other benefices he might choose.

For the maine hypothesis

.

.

.

Paragrefe.

H

here again refers to chap.

9 concerning the fourth proposition or assertion, dealing with dispensation or equity. See 2:476. 17-22.n, above.

2:498.21-24

To

the Reader

.

.

.

whole.

On

the publication of

chronology of H's composition of the Lawes, see above.

832

Intro, to

The

Book

V

in the

Preface, p. 51,

Book VI Contcyning

3:1.2—12

A

19; Travels,

.

.

.

causes.

See the

first

Admonition (1572), P.M., pp. 15—

Full and Plaine Declaration (1574), pp. 155-177; Cartwright, Replye

H

by

(1573), 2nd. edn. (cited

173-189 [1st edn., pp. 138-150], 626-679 {Works, PS, 3:150-264); and

as "lib. 1."), pp.

also printed in Whitgift, Defense (1574), pp.

Cartwright, The Rest of the Second Replie (1577), pp. 32-88, cited by

The same men

3:2.1—21

.

.

ayme.

.

H as "lib. 3."

This paragraph alludes to an external

"pause" in the disciplinarian controversy. Assuming that the original and missing draft of Book VI

between 1593 and 1596 present text

is

of a "pause"

of

(see pp.

272-279, above),

was written

1590 by the

after

The

that the

speaking

is

Preface, pp. 41—43,

SC-

disciplinarians, as the dates in

(pp. 77-99).

the iveightiest

.

.

.

Compare Craimier's identification of

Ecclesiasticall.

quxstion of Layelders and the next of Bishops"

all this

H

now

completed

v^as

and 3:133.27.n, below), and assuming

just before or after 1593. See Intro, to

Milward show

"this

(see 3:xxxi,

of H's revision of VI

a part

SI, above. Little

3:2.15—16

commented on by Cranmer and Sandys

controversy" (3:126.1—2);

(1:36.15—S3.15.n, above) and

Sutcliflfe's

as

Cranmer's

also,

A

"the most essentiall pointes

An

Excellent Letter to

H, § 8

Treatise of Ecclesiasticall Discipline (1591),

p. 106.

H speaks of "a compleate forme

a few^ ceremonies,

3:2.17—18

of publique service to be done to God"

had been of the

identified

and

H

with by

dealt

disciplinarians to these

at lines

in

as

they supposed

22—23. These "few^ ceremonies"

Book V.

H

asserts that

the objections

ceremonies disguise their true goal, "to wrest the key

of spirituall authoritie out of the hands of former governors, and equally therewith the Pastors of

all

severall

including the jurisdiction of lay elders,

3:2.28-3.8

compare

people

.

.

(3:3.2—5).

to possesse

The

Puritans'

or "plott for the oflSce of the Ministerie" (Unes 23—24),

ecclesiastical discipline

desired end;

congregations"

H

interprets as a

means

for achieving their

Pref. 2.4 (1:6.31-7.20).

unjust.

.

On

the necessity and the

means used

for the

Puriuns' courting the people's favor, see Pref 3.5—12. See also Bancroft, Daunger-

2-3 and 169.

ous Positions (1593), pp.

3:3.3

former governors.

ecclesiastical

(Book 3:3.7-8

That

is,

priests in their parishes

and

oflScials

of the

court (Book VI), bishops (Book VII), and the supreme magistrate

VIII).

their habilitie

.

.

unjust.

Compare

.

ordinance.

Note

.

Whitgift, Defense, pp. 654,

683-684

(PS, 3:205, 273-275).

3:3.11—13

afifection

.

.

833

also

"the colour of Divine authoritie"

Commentary below, line 23. Compare H's interpretation of the development of Calvin's discipline or

see Intro, to

"new forme of government" in Pref 2.4—7 The Preface, pp. 66-68, above.

3:3.13-18 That

sins,

.

.

fol.

power of the keys of heaven, and

the

It is toe

.

.

A

Both

16:13), into the wilderness. as

senates

two

Moses

Reuben, protested Moses'

floweth with milke and honey"

[that]

revolts (fused

lawgiver; see J. B.C., p. 92.

rebellions against

of certain leaders to approach

the tribe of

having led the Jews out of Egypt, "a land

(Num.

conflate

a Levite, protested the selection

Yahweh; Dathan and Abiram, layman of

Moses' authority

by

the governing of the church

Full and Plaine Declaration (1574), pp. 6-12.

Numbers 16:1—3

holie.

.

and Aaron: Korah,

cites Travers, Explicatio (1574), fols.

125^ Travers moves on to a discussion of the forgiveness of

or presbyteries; compare 3:4. l.d

Keble (3:3n)

Colleagues.

.

On

121^—125'.

(1:6.10-10.27, nn), and

by

H

On Numb.

as well)

challenged

GB

comments:

16:3;

none oght to be preferred above other: thus the Gods ordinance." See VII. 17.1 (3:250.20-25), and Auto.

"All are a like holy: therefore

wicked reason

against

Notes, 3:464.1 and n, below. their published

3:4.2-3

.

.

.

Treatises

See Pref 3.9 (l:17.8-9.n); also Milward,

pp. 78-82. 3:4.7

The

.

.

See Auto. Notes, 3:466.16-469.13 and nn, below;

Jurisdiction.

.

also Calvin, Inst., 4.11.1; (1960), 2:1211.

that spirituall ... had.

3:4.12-14 3:4./' all

Tifia

.

.

,

inasmuch

as

"Honor thou God

XpicrroO.

but the bishop

things,

he

is

Smymaeos, chap.

See V.76. 1-78. 12 and nn, above.

as the high-priest,

a ruler,

and of Christ, in

9; Ignatii Antiochiae

1:90. See 3:175.6— ll.n,

.

.

indeed,

who

Author and Lord of

the

as

—of God,

bears the image of God

his capacity

of

a priest"; Epistola ad

epistolae (1562), p. 86;

.

(3:108n) cites this quotation from Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, instances

where

PG,

5:853;

ANF,

below, and compare Cranmer's Notes, 3:107.19. Keble

the existing version of Book

as

one of the few

VI may have agreed with the

original

Cranmer and Sandys. But Cranmer's have been to Ad Trallianos: "There is no

missing version seen and annotated by reference to Ignatius

is

just as likely to

church, which can stand without her Eldership or Counsail," cited to support lay elders

by such writers

as

Cartwright, Rest of the Second Replie, p. 45; John Udall,

A

Demonstration of the trueth of that Discipline which Christe hath prescribed for the goveme-

ment of sedition

his church

(1588;

and sentenced

STC

24499), p. 56, for which Udall was charged with

to death (Milward, p. 86);

poyson, modestly written for the time, of Parlement,

STC

to

make aunswere

5819.5] (1584;

of certaine

acts

SutclifFe's

quotation of the passage from

disciplinarian intei-pretation 1.

The

passage from Ignatius

of is

it

in

from

De

Ad

and Dudley Fenner, to

[Richard Cosin's

STC

order to refute the

STC

23458), chap.

Epistola ad Trallianos, chap. 3;

834

Counter-

10770), p. 140. See also

Trallianos in

presbyterio (1591;

A

An Abstract,

1, p.

PG, 5:779—780.

Book 3:4.19-20^fc

Preach,

.

mee

.

.

Chapter

VI,

1.3-3.1

These Scripture references point to the two marks

or signs of the true church according to the Reformers, namely, preaching the true

Word

of God and righdy administering the sacraments of baptism and the Eucha-

Augsburg, Art.

Inst.,

&

III

II,

IV, pp. 169-174, above). See Confession of

7; Calvin, Inst., 4.1.9; (1960),

2:1023-1024; and the Thirty-Nine

Calvin himself sometimes included "discipline"

Articles, Art. 19.

see

Books

(see Intro, to

rist

4.7.23 (2:1143). English Puritans too insisted

mark of the

on

as a third

mark;

discipline as the third

true church; see Admonition, P.M., pp. 9 and 13;

and Cartwright, The

H cites as "lib. 2." H asserts that spiritual power or jurisdiction

Second Replie (1575), pp. 52-53, which

The

3:4.25-5.7

of the church

law

(I.IO),

He

3:5.4—7 is

.

.

thetn.

gave

it

.

.

H's preliminary definition of spiritual jurisdiction

thetn.

.

28—32.

lines

Spiritual jurisdiction has to

do both with the

or supernatural community governed by divine law and also

as a divine

human

human

but rather from divine or supernatural law (1.11-15).

Now although ... same.

church

3:6.1—4

.

not derived from the law of reason or natiure (1.5-9) or

completed below,

3:5.8—28

a

Spiritual! is

by human

society governed

In doctrines

.

.

.

positive law;

Compare

things.

compare 1.15.2—3 and

For the doctrine of ends

1.2.1.

Loeb, 1:22-23); and

causes, see Aristode, Meta., 1.3, (93*;

195\ 198-199''; Loeb, pp. 128-138, 168-179).

On

Physics, 2.3

as

III. 10.7.

and 8

as

(194**-

the causal primacy of ends or

purposes in "practical" matters, see Aristode, N.E., 1.1-2 (1094*- 1094*'; Loeb, pp. 2-7); and Politics, 1.1 (1252''-1253*; Loeb, pp. 8-10).

Seeing

3:6.12-16 centrality

Book V,

.

.

Compare Auto. Notes, 3:478.27-30. On the and in Book V of H's Lawes, see Intro, to

brethren.

.

of repentance in the

BCP

pp. 200-202, above.

in matters was inserted by H to

3:6.16-17

.

.

.

cognizance,

Keble (3:5n) comments that

qualify the words, "to reforme

all

the Puritan claim of extreme prerogative in drawing courts.

H's words imply

courts, an issue that

of the

lost draft

phrase

all

causes into their spiritual

between the prerogatives of ecclesiastical and

a distinction

of civil

this

injuries," thereby avoiding

would have become more prominent

in the revision

of Book VI scrutinized by Cranmer and Sandys; see Sandys,

3:133.4-30; Auto. Notes, 3:472.19-477.18; and Intro, to the Three Last Books, pp. 237-242, and Intro, to 3:6.j

Pcenitentiae

PL, 1:124; 3:7.7

.

.

Vertue

alone.

.

CCSL,

1:336;

Book

VI, pp. 295-297 and 306-307, above.

Tertullian,

ANF,

De poenitentia,

chap. 9; Opera (1566), 2:46;

3:664.

On penitence or repenunce as a virtue, see Aquinas,

S. T.,

3a.85.1-6

(B, 60:48-71).

3:7.21

occasions.

Hooker

for the 6th

Keble comments here that "at

book

cease,

and

.

.

.

this

what remains

835

point is

.

.

.

the collections of

taken indeed from papers

Commentary of his, but wrongly assigned to a of Book VI, see

The

3:7.22—23

.

Intro, to

treatise

on

lay-elders" (3:7n);

on

the authenticity

VI, pp. 249-255, above.

The

Grace.

.

.

Book

virtue of repentance

doctrines of participation and justification;

is

for

H

a part

of the larger

conceived of as one of the virtues

it is

infused into the heart or soul as an immediate consequence of the divine

indwelling Spirit and simultaneous justification and sanctification. See (5:129.2-24), Lawes, V.56.7-12, and nn, above; also, Lee

Hooker's Via Media Doctrine of Justification," Harvard (1981): 216—220. Aquinas speaks

of all the infused

W.

gift

of the

Just.,

§ 21

Gibbs, "Richard

Theological Review, 74.2

virtues following firom grace in

S.T., 3a. 89.1 (B, 60:136—137); about the virtues as habits beginning to exist in the

soul simultaneously in la2ae.65.3 (B, 23:188—189); and about the instantaneous

of the unrighteous in la2ae. 113.7

justification

3:7.29-8.1 tion

And

of causes

virtues that

.

another.

.

.

(B, 30:184—186).

See Jm5(., § 21 (5:129.24-130.12).

sequence and in the order of nature

in

"have their

(that

one

distinct operations, rising orderly

is,

On

the distinc-

H's theological

firom another"), see

Aquinas, S.T., la.113.8 (B, 30:190-191).

A worke

3:8.4-8

order of

faith.

.

.

An

all.

.

For H,

mother" of the others; see reason and will, see Lawes, \vho places penitence as

expression of the primacy of reason over will in the

one of the theological

faith as

(5:71.20-24).

Cert.,

§

1.8.1

(1:81.27—82.11).

1

virtues

On

H

"the root and

between

here following Aquinas,

is

as a virtue in the rational appetite

is

the interaction

or will and defines virtue

"the habit of choosing according to right reason"; S.T., 3a.85.1 (B, 60:50-51);

compare Aristode, N.E., 2.6 (1106^; Loeb, pp. 88-94). That

feare.

3:8.11

requires that

servile fear or attrition.

is,

one should grieve where there

is

Aquinas

good reason

says that "right reason

for grieP'; S.T., 3a.85.1

(B, 60:50-51).

For feare

3:8.13-14 regarded

.

.

.

Aquinas places the sorrow or sadness of penitence

itselfe,

passion or emotion in the sensitive appetite, as opposed to the sorrow

as a

or sadness of penitence regarded

as a virtue,

which

is

located in the will or rational

appetite; see S.T., 3a.85.1 (B, 60:50-51).

Apostolique Historie

3:9.28

Howbeit

3:9.4—9 virtue

.

.

.

The Book of Acts;

An

purposse.

of hope, without which

see

ISR.

implicit reference to the second theological

a firm resolution

of the

will

away

firom sin

and

toward amendment or reparation would be impossible; see 3:12.3—5.n, below. 3:9.10-15 3:9.17

The nature

love

H

.

.

.

states that

Compare

V.2.1 (2:23.4-22).

proceeds to the theological virtue of love or charity, third in the

order of meaning of causation.

he

love.

Compare

even though the

act

Aquinas, S.T., 3a.85.6 (B, 60:68—69), where

and habit of love

(caritas)

are in point

simultaneous with the act and habit of penitence, yet love

836

(as

of time

also the other

Book

VI,

Chapter

3.2-3.4

theological virtues of faith and hope) precedes in the order of meaning; for the act

of the virtue of penitence love

is

of the love of God, and the act of

against sin because

therefore the cause of the act of penitence.

is

Angell

3:9.18-19

.

Rev.

.first love.

.

thou hadest towarde

God

The "Angell of Ephesus"

GB

2:4.

and thy neighbour

is

comments: "Thy

at the first

"the Pastor or minister which are called by

who

also

Our

3:9.25—27

called an

is

love

Repentance

3:10.25—28. fe.

Compare

.

.

".

will.

.

tamque justissimam poenam pro

offenso,

quodammodo 1 1

.

:498. Cassian

Collatio 20.4; is

best

known

reaction to the Augustinian teaching

.

"setting before our eyes" (3:11.7).

Deo

ut

ita

tantis

praeteritis

criminibus inferenti

(si

facinoribus dici fas est)

dixerim) dexteram suspendat ultoris";

obsistat, et quasi inviti (ut ita

John Cassian (360P-435),

NPNF.2,

1.5.1—3.

Compare 3:8.4—8 and

understanding.

3:10.10

Name,

with Jesus

Angel" (GB).

goodnes.

. . .

this

commune

because they are Gods messengers, and have their office Christ

love, that

first

preaching of the Gospel."

Opera (1559),

938; PL, 49:1153;

p.

and for his where he took the position since

for his interest in monasticism

on

grace,

designated "Semipelagian." His Collationes Patrum XXIIII, arranged for reading in monasteries, are records of his "conversations" with the hermits of the Egyptian

20

deserts; Collatio

the

an account of his "conversation" with Abbot Penufius

is

End of Penitence and

3:10./

eiq

.

.

"On

Marks of Satisfaction."

peravoiov. xov I(ovav, Oratio

Basil.

avrov

the

Basil,

.

archbishop of Seleucia (d. about 459),

12, Eiusdem

injonam; Opera (1596),

Tov PC,

p. 106;

85:165. 3:1 l.m

Chry.

.

.

.

OcpaxeueoOai.

John Chrysostom, Homily 8, /n Epi5
/


Corinthianos; Opera omnia (1531), 3:190;

Marc.

3:1 l.n

a pupil of

.

.

.

voiaq; Opera (1563), 3:11.9—14 or

filial

3:11.0

Fulg.

.

.

sumamed Anchorita; 108; De poenitentia, PG,

also

p.

there ariseth

.

.

opposed to

fear as

.

Marcus Eremita

exefieXljaocTO.

Chrysostom,

15.

.

soule.

concessa remissio? voluntatis;

"Ecce Saul

nisi

Opusculum

ascetical writer,

IJegl fiexa-

3,

65:981.

H here introduces his discussion of contrition

attrition or servile fear (see 3:8.1 l.n). dixit: Peccavi.

ergo in confessione peccati utriusque una vox

nem

about 451),

(d.

see

David quoque fiierit,

dixit: Peccavi.

cur non una

quia in similitudine confessionis videbat

nee sonum sermonis

attendit, sed

est

Deus

Cum

utriusque

dissimihtudi-

intentionem cordis in utroque

Unus enim conversus peccandi protinus abjecit desiderium, et poenitendo suum punivit admissum; alter vero confessionem quidem peccati sui verbo

discrevit.

ipse

protulit,

sed affectum peccandi perversi

cordis

obstrictus

vitio

non

abjecit";

Fulgentius (468-533), bishop of Ruspe (N. Afi^ca) and follower of Augustine, remissione peccatorum, 2.15;

PL, 65:566—567.

837

De

Commentary Wherefore ... attempt,

3:12.3—5

neously infused by grace or the

order of meaning or causation. virtues in the order

of

faith, (3) a

firom sin

makes

by

of meaning

H's summary of the virtues or habits simulta-

Compare

of punishment,

according to their

Spirit

Aquinas's ranking of the "acts" of the

God's converting the heart,

as (1)

movement of servile

fear

of the indwelling

gift

fear (attrition),

a

movement

(2) a

person withdraws

movement of hope, by which

a

(4)

by which

a person

purpose of amendment in the hope of attaining pardon,

a firm

(5)

a

movement of charity whereby sin itself is displeasing and not in view of punishment, and (6) a movement of filial fear (contrition) whereby a person freely offers amendment to God out of reverence for him {S.T., 3a. 85. 5; B, 60:64—65). H of love and hope, although there

inverts the order

is

an implicit reference to hope

in the sense of Aquinas at 3:9.4—9.

Nowr amend

3:12.8—14

.

.

sinne.

.

On

contrition, confession,

and

satisfaction as

"acts" or moral "duties" of the penitent, see Aquinas, S.T., 3a.84.2 (B, 60:8—9).

Wee

3:12.14—17 Sentences

and

... answerable.

of penance and

satisfaction as the parts

word, and deed

quotation of Peter Lombard's

of thought,

relates these parts to sins

{S.T., 3a.90.2-3; B, 60:162-171).

Contrition

3:12.18-23

Compare H's

below, chap. 5.1 (3:53.14—20). Aquinas designates contrition, confession,

.

.

On

griefe.

.

repentance conceived of

virtue

a

as

located in the will as opposed to an emotion located in the sensitive appetite and precipitating physical changes, see Aquinas, S.T., 3a. 85.1 (B, 60:50-51).

Wherefore

3:13.1 1-28

.

.

.

Since contrition

distinct.

refers

only to the soul's duty of aversion to

God,

H

sin

as the first act

regards the foregoing as having dealt sufficiently with

confession and satisfaction are duties of repentance due not only to to the church

and to the neighbor,

discipline (a duty

(performed for sion,

performed for man)

God

Chap. 4

alone).

and chap. 5 with the

Our Lord

3:14.8-17

H

.

.

.

discipline

bought.

duces five of the Scripture texts

says that

as

texts

were

he will

deals

fear

But

God

of

since

but also

as part

of the

with the discipline and virtue of confes-

and virtue of satisfaction. In this and the next

at the heart

central as well to disputes

two paragraphs

H

intro-

of the problem of spiritual jurisdiction: 1

among

Cor. 5:1-5, and 2 Cor. 2:6-8. scholastic theologians

ing the sacrament of penance; see, for example, Bellarmine, tentiae, 3.4;

them

treat

filial

it.

well as a part of the virtue of repentance

Matt. 16:17-19 and 18:15-18, John 20:21-23,

These

of repentance

because of the love and

De

concern-

saaamento poeni-

Opera omnia (1872), pp. 684-686; to disputes between Protestants and Inst., 4.11.1-2; (1960), 2:1211-1214; to the

Catholics: see, for example, Calvin,

dispute

between the

C

of

E and C

of

R

as to

whether or not penance

is

a

sacrament: see, for example, the controversy between Jewel and Harding in Jewel's

An

Apologie, or

Aunswer

2 (PS, 3:60-61), and

A

in defence

of the Church of England (1562;

STC

14590), part

Defence of the Apologie of the Churche ofEnglande (1567;

STC

14600), part 2 (PS, 3:35-85); and in the dispute here whether lay elders could or

838

Book

VI,

Chapter

3.4-4.1

could or should have the power of the keys, that exercise discipline

is,

spiritual jurisdiction to

by hearing confessions and declaring absolutions or excom-

municating; see, for example, Cartwright's Replye and Whitgift's Defense (PS,

2:168-171, 191, 206-207, 220-237, 246-248, 252); Admonition (1572), P.M., pp. 16-18; Cartwright, Rest of the Second Replie, pp. 52-55, 79-81; Travers, A Full and

STC

(1584;

10395), pp. 87-88; Bancroft,

3:14. r

LACT

Matt. 16:19.

"Thou

"Of the Power of Absolution"

Sutcliffe, Treatise, p. 115.

context of Peter's great confession,

set in the

is

Sorme of the

and Plaine Declaration

Briefe

Survay of the Pretended Holy Discipline

and

(1854), 5:82-103;

Verse 19

art the Christ the

A

and Lancelot Andrewes,

(1593), pp. 173, 191-193; (1600), in Works,

A

and 168; William Fulke,

Plaine Declaration, pp. 163

living

God"

(Matt. 16:16; see

w.

17—19).

GB

comments on v. 19: "The preachers of the Gospel open the gates of heaven w^ith the worde of God, which is the right keye: so that where this w^orde is not purely taught, there is nether key, nor autoritie." GB further interprets "bind upon earth" as "condemne by Gods worde." 3:14.9

Compare Cranmer's comments on

regiment in general

"cheifety

of

Dominion" and on " Imperiall power," 3:113.11—14 and 114.5.

Courts and Consistories

3:14.21

The power of the

keys

(spiritual jurisdiction)

implies ecclesiastical courts and consistories; see Sandys (3:130.18-24)

and

H

(3:

469.16-490.6). 3:14.5

Matt. 18:17.

against thee"):

See

w.

GB

15-18.

"he speaketh of

knowen to others." Commenting on "He meaneth according to the order councel of ancient and expert

men

Qesus]

ment

this

"tel

that

it

was amonge the

On

loosing" in

the distinction

and not of open or

Jew^es,

maners and execute

which had appointed them v. 18,

GB

of doctrine, and here of ecclesiastical

of the doctrine."

15 ("if thy brother trespace

unto the Church" in

to reforme

assemblie represented the Church,

Commenting on "binding and

glosses v.

secret or particular sirmes,

says,

GB

says,

w^ho had their discipline.

This

to this charge."

"In the 16. chap. 19 he

discipline,

between the two keys

v. 17,

which dependeth

in the church, the

one

of instruction >vorking in\vardly, the other of correction w^orking outwardly before the congregation, see Jewel, Defence of the Apologie, pt. 2 (PS, 3:362, 369-370).

power

3:14.25—27 3:15.r

Matt

glosses V.

to eject

2:6.

.

.

.

hateful!.

John 20:21-23

1

parallels

Matt. 16:17-19 and 18:15-18.

GB

22 ("Receive the holie Gost"): "To give them greater power and vertue

to execute that weightie charge that

from

Excommunication.

Cor. 5:1—5 and 2 Cor. 2:6—8

he wolde commit unto them." The passages relate to specific cases

of excommunication.

man who "shulde have his fathers wife" "be delivered unto Satan"; GB comments: "Which is, to be as an heathen man and publicane." A fiirther note on v. 5 emphasizes the medicinal purpose of excommunication: "For being wounded with shame and sorrowe, his flesh or olde man shal In the

first,

Paul directs that the

839

Commentary newe man

dye: and the spirit or

when

day

Lord

the

remaine

shal

alive

and enjoye the victorie in that

judge the quicke and dead." In the second, Paul recom-

shal

excommunicate be readmitted, lest he "be swalowed up with over GB comments on v. 8: "That at my [Paul's] intercession you wolde declare by the publike consent of the Church that you embrace him againe as a brother: seing he was excommunicate by the corrunune consent."

mends

that the

muche

heavines."

guides and Prelates

3:15.7

Bishops and priests acting on their authority, but not

the laity (lay elders). 3:15. M

Tim

1.

and

cast

3:15.7—8

GB

1:20.

interprets "delivered

unto Satan"

first his

Apostles

Lateran

3:16.30-31

. .

.

.

successively.

.

The

Priest.

.

Compare

"Excommunicate,

at least in the Easter

VII.4.1—4.

Lateran Council of 1215, under Pope Irmocent

required that every faithful Christian confess at

III,

as

out of the Church."

least

once

a year,

and

participate

sacrament of the Eucharist; see Concilium Lateranese 4 (1215),

Constitutio 21, in Conciliorum oecumenicorum deaeta, 3rd edn. (1973), p. 245.

3:17.2-4

as Christ

Soto. ...

3:17. f

.

Compare Aquinas,

life.

.

Domingo

1.

gian, appointed

.

by Charles

lucide in textu poenitentiae

V

S.T., 3a.84.6 (B, 60:26-27).

de Soto (1494—1560), Spanish Dominican theoloimperial theologian at the

as

sacramentum definivimus:

C

dicentes,

of T: "Et ideo

remittendi peccau, quae post baptismum committuntur"; "Therefore

defined the sacrament of penance clearly enough, saying that

satis

quod sit sacramenti

it is

we

have

the sacrament of

remitting sins which are committed after baptism"; Commentarium

.

.

.

in

quartum

Sententiamm, 4.14.1.1; (1569), 1:597. 3:17.1*'

Idem

detestatio,

... 1. et

"Primum,

odium,

et

emendandi vitam spe veniae and definition

is

in

quo

abominatio

eius substantia et definitio consistit, est

commisi peccati cum firmo proposito

divinitus obtinendae"; "First,

firm purpose of emending one's

life,

penance in

its

substance

and abomination of sins committed, with a

a detestation, hatred,

hoping

to obtain

pardon firom heaven"; Soto,

Commentarium, 4.14.2.1; (1569), 1:621. 3:17.13-14

The Sacrament,

.

.

.

Baptisme. Acts 8:22. See Soto, Commentarium,

4.14.1.1; (1569), 1:596.

Scot. ... 4.

3:17.x

poenitentis

facta

Duns Scotus (1265F-1308): certis

verbis

cum

debita

"poenitentia est absolutio hominis intentione

prolatis

a

sacerdote

jurisdictionem habente ex institutione divina efBcaciter significantibus absolutionem

animae

by

a peccato"; "penitence

certain

tion

is

the absolution of a penitent

words uttered with the obligatory intention by

by divine

institution

man, accomplished

a priest

having jurisdic-

and efficaciously signifying absolution of the soul firom

sin"; Quaestiones ... in quatuor libros Sententiarum Petri Lombard! (1597), fol. calls

Scotus "the wittiest of the Schoole divines"

840

at

1:117.19.

80

.

H

Book Thomas

3:17.29-18.4 Sess.

3:18.)'

"etc.,

.

.

.

.

sinne.

.

Chapter

4.1-4.4

and 3

S.T., 3a.84.1

(B, 60:4-7

Between "absolve" and "Sunt,"

Satisfactio.

.

VI,

and 12-15).

H omits the words

quibus quidem de ecclesiae sanctae more preces quaedam laudabiliter

adjuguntur; ad ipsius tamen formae essentiam

nequaquam spectant, neque ad ipsius The whole passage is translated as

sacrament! administrationem sunt necessariae."

"The holy

follows:

council teaches, furthermore, that the form of the sacrament of

penance, in which

its

absolve thee, etc., to

which

efficacy chiefly consists,

are indeed laudably

those words of the minister: /

is

added certain prayers according to

do not by any means belong

the custom of holy Church, which, however,

to the

essence of the form, nor are they necessary for the administration of the sacrament.

But the

acts

of the penitent himself, namely, contrition, confession and

consitute the matter of this sacrament"; Canones,

and

what should

Dominican

Trent,

Schroeder (1941), pp. 90, 366.

trans.

3:18.12-14

satisfaction,

deaeta saaosancti oecumenid, et

Canons and Deaees of the Council of

generalis Consilii Tridentini (1564), p. 78;

ed.

et

.

.

done?

.

scholastic philosopher,

Durandus of Saint-Pour9ain (1270F-1332),

one of the

earliest

exponents of nominalism, in

formam in sacramentis non est dare satisfactio non sunt materia neque forma

opposition to Aquinas: "Praeter materiam et alias

partes proprie dictas, sed contritio et

sacramenti poentientiae. si

qua

Forma enim

consistit in verbis absolutionis.

in verbis confessionis quibus poenitens

sit

ergo contritio et

satisfactio

non

suam conscientiam

Materia vero

aperit sacerdoti,

sunt partes sacramenti poenitentiae proprie loquen-

do"; "Properly speaking, there are no other parts in addition to matter and form in the sacraments; but contrition

and

satisfaction are neither

matter nor form of the

sacrament of penitence. For the form consists in the words of absolution. But insofar as the matter

conscience to the

is

in the

priest,

words of confession by which the penitent opens

his

therefore contrition and satisfaction are not properly

speaking parts of the sacrament of penitence"; In sententias

theologicas Petri

Lombardi

commentarium, 4.16.1.4; (1595), p. 754. 3:19.(1

Job

GB

31:33.

comments: "And not confessed

evident that he justified himself before 3:19. fc

men and

Tantum pcen. Tertullian, De poenitentia., CCSL, 1:336; ANF, 3:663-664. .

.

.

it

frely:

whereby

it

is

not before God." chap. 8; Opera (1566), 2:46;

PL, 1:1243; 3:19.16—20.4. c

sentence here translation

Wickeinesse as a

.

.

.

and should have been printed

eA-AiTco yiverai,

Although

sinne.

quotation from Chrysostom,

\ir\

in

this

italics.

'

H

appears to cite only the

whole passage

Ajuapxia ydp

ofioA-oyoufievri 6e x£ip<«JV-

is

first

in fact a direct

6\ioXoyo\i\xky/\\

"Av yap TcpoaXaPq

xi^v

dYvcopoaovqv, ouSeKOTe axrjaeTai* nox; 6ai oXmc, 6 xoioOxo^ Suvqaexai <j)uA,d^aaeai n&Xiv pq xoi(; auxoic; TiepiTieaeTv, 6 x6 Tipoxepov ouk eiSdx; 6x1 fjpapxe; iif\ dpapxcoXooq KttKcofjev eauxooc; povov, a'K'ka Kai xd dpapxrjpaxa dvaX,OYiC<J^Meea, Kax' el6og eKaaxov dvaXeyovxe^. 06 Xeyco aoi, 'EKTiopTieuaovaauxov, ou6fe7tapdxoi5dA,Xoi(;KaxqY6pr|aov 'Etii .

.

.

.

841

.

.

.

Commentary Tou eeoo Tttuxa opoX-dyiiaov, zni too SiKaaxoo opoXdyei t& a^aprfi^aTa, z\}X6^evoq, ei kox pfj xq yXcSttq, aXA,d xq pvq^q, Kai ouxouq d^iou iXiiOiivai ... 06 xouxo bi Xfeyco, e&v Q(; ntnttaiiivoq aauxdv apapxcoXdv eivar ook ouxco xouxo Suvaxai xaTceivwaai \|/uxi^v, dx; aoxa oj)' eauxwv xa ou <|)povriaei(; ^eya, ou d^apx/\^axa, Kai Kax' ei6o<; e^exa^dpeva* Oi6a nepmeafi n&Xiv xoTc; aoxoTc;' a<J)o6p6xepog eaq Tipdc; xa a.yaQ&. .

.

.

.

&x»

ouK

avfexexai

x]

vj/ux^^ t^c;

^vripii<;xq5 ouxco 7tiKpd(;.

.

.

aXXa dvayKd^wpev

6&Kvea6ai auxfjv xq pyqui] vOv, q Kax' Chrysostom, Homily 31, In Epistolam ad 5-7; PG, 63:216-217; NPNF.l, 14:508.

aoxi^v, Kai Pia^d)fie6a. pfeXxiov

eKEivov xdv Katpdv xq Hebraeos, chaps.

The Hebrew term

">m

3:20.7.
xipopiijt.

derived from the verbal root which appears in

is

from Lev. 16:21, where Aaron "confesses" over the scapegoat. The act of Aaron was made a proper noun by the Rabbinic tradition and then incorporated into the Uturgy for Yom Kippur or the Day of Atonement. The passage from Lev. reads: "And Aaron shal put bothe his hands upon the head of the Uve goat, and the passage

confesse over in

all

him

(by the hand of a

goat

the iniquities of the children of Israel, and

all

them upon

their sinnes, putting

is

man

appointed) into the wildernes."

of Jesus Christ,

a true figure

53.4." Lev. 16:21,

Num.

Maimonides

by

3:20.8-10.6

cited

that

.

.

.

H

5:6 in

e,

(g),

/

who

GB comments:

away

"Herein

Is.

works of

are central texts in the

(h),

this

and j.

H's reference

all,

their trespasses,

beareth the sinnes of the people.

and Lev. 5:5

i,

all

the head of the goat, and shal send him

is

to

Moses Maimonides (1135-1204), The

Ha-Mitzvoth of Maimonides; trans. Clavel (1967), Positive Commandment 73, pp. 83-85. But see esp. Maimonides, Book of Mishnah Torah, trans. Glazer (1927), bk. 1, Hilkoth Teshuba, Treatise concerning Repentance (cited

Commandments,

by H,

i),

Sefer

chap. 2.7, p. 389:

individual as well as the Israel.

Because thereof

"Yom

many;

for

ha-Kippurim it is

are obliged to

all

is

the time set aside for

all,

the

the goal of exoneration and quitunce in

make

reparation and confession

on

the

Day of Atonement." invn pV V» "»m

3:20.20

Based on Lev. 16:21;

H translates as "Confession of

that particular faulte."

3:20/

On

the day

.

.

.

loco.

The

passage quoted from the Mishnah Torah in

commandment commence it during

on

3:20.8-10.n above continues: "The

to confess

Atonement

the afternoon

obliges every

one

to

day of Tishri, before the evening meal,

lest

he be suffocated eating

he confess. And, though he did confess before during the night the prayer of the

his

meal, one

Day of Atonement, and

is

the

on

his

Day of

the ninth

meal before

obliged to confess

to repeat the confession

during the Morning, Addition, Oblation, and Closing Prayers." At the end of Commandment 73, Making Confession, in The Commandments, Sefer Ha-Mitzvoth,

Maimonides says: "The provisions of this Commandment are explained in the last chapter of pPractate] Kippurim [that is, Yoma]" (p. 85). The Babylonian Talmud,

842

Book Yoma, 87

,

at

Jung

trans.

of the year the

VI,

morning prayer, at Musaf, Temple [gates]. Viz., on fast

the

the

437—438,

(1938), pp.

priests raise their

Chapter

hands at

[in

4.4-4.5

"On

reads as follows:

Minhah [afternoon prayer] and

days, at the

own

and those of his household, the second for

sins

his

the closing of

Day of Atone-

priest (the first for

own

and those of

sins

and the third in the most holy place for the unintentional

his fellow priests, as

at

ma' amads and on the

ment." For the three prayers of confession offered by the high his

three occasions

benediction] four times during the day;

as

well

—66

the intentional sins of the people), see The Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, 35

,

Musaf Service for Yom Kippur in Birnbaum (1960), pp. 531-534 and 537-538.

pp. 164-165; 196-197; 308-309. See also the

High Holyday Prayer Book,

These prayers are found

known

of the service for

Now

.

.

ments, Sefer Ha-Mitzvoth, Positive

3:21. 9-1 2.J

p.

Kippur

Maimonides, Mishnah Torah, bk.

crime.

.

concerning Repentance {Hilkoth Teshuba),

Positive

Yom

traditionally

the Avodah, worship or sacrifice.

as

3:21.5—8.1

trans.

in that part

Finally,

.

.

Commandment The

See

sinnes.

.

Commandment 73,

1.1; (1927), p.

73, pp. 83

The Treatise Command-

and 86.

Commandments,

and Mishnah Torah, bk.

p. 84;

1,

381; also The

1

Sefer

Ha-Mitzvoth,

{Hilkoth Teshuba), 1.1,

382.

Concerning

3:21.18—22.6

injuries

.

.

.

them.

See Mishnah Torah, bk.

1

{Hilkoth

Teshuba), 2.5, pp. 387, 388.

When

3:22.22-28. m

mine,

.

.

deedes.

.

De saaamento poenitentiae,

Acts 19:18 [19:28 in text]

3.4; in

is

Opera omnia (1872), 3:684;

cited

by

Bellar-

w. 13-17

relate

the story of the sons of Sceva.

3:23.6—7. n

Is

.

.

.

Although not

him:

a central text,

mention "the Elders of the Church" and was

James 5:14 [5:16 in

text]

does

cited with Matt. 18:15—17 in the

context of a discussion of the "regiment of the church"; see Admonition, P.M., p. 16.

The

reference should precede Lay (line 9), not

line 6.

another, James 5:16, cited in n. H has omitted v. 14, which and discussed by Bellarmine over against Melanchthon and Calvin in De

Lay

3:23.9-10

Is,

vfzs cited

.

.

.

saaamento poenitentia, 3.4; Opera (1872), 3:684-686. 3:23.17

Novatianists

Adherents of a

rigorist

schism which arose out of the Decian

persecution (249—250). Novatian, the leader, was a

because he was disappointed

joined the

at

presbyter. Apparently

deprecated concessions to those

rigorist party that

mised with paganism.

Roman

the election of Cornelius to the papacy in 251, he

He was

consecrated rival bishop of

doctrinally orthodox, the Novatianists

who had comproRome. Although

were excommunicated.

"Cur ergo manus imponitis, et beneCur praesumitis aliquos a colluvione Diaboli per vos mundari posse? Cur baptizatis, si per hominem peccata

3:23.20-22.^ dictionis

Yea wherefore

opus

creditis,

si

.

.

.

Safety?

quis forte revaluerit aegrotus?

843

Commentary dimitti non licet"; De poenitentia, 1.8 [H: chap. 7]; PL, 16:498; NPNF.2, 10:335. As Keble pointed out (3:53n), even in the 16C, the work was not regarded as by Ambrose, for it appears "word for word in St. Augustine's Works, t. v. [tome 5] 1506-08" as Homily 393; it is "ascribed by some to Caesarius of Aries"; the Basel 1567 edn. of Ambrose omits it. H cites the work at 3:27.y, 29.e, 30./j, 32.^, 43.z, and 50.20-30.y; see nn, below.

3:23.24

Thomas de

Cajetan,

James 5:16: "Nee

est

Vio,

sumamed

Cajetan (1469—1534), comments on

sermo de confessio sacramentali: ut patet ex eo quod

dicit,

enim confessio non sit invicem, sed Sacerdotibus tantum; sed de confessione, qua mutuo fatemur nos peccatores ut oretur pro nobis: et de confessione hinc et inde erratorum, pro mutua placatione et reconciliatione"; "This word is not about sacramental confession, as is obvious from that which he says, 'confess to one another.' For sacramental confession is not made to one another but only to priests. The word is rather about confession in which we confitemini invicetn. Sacramentalis

mutually confess ourselves sinners so that others

may

pray for

us;

and about

confession here and there of errors for mutual propitiation and reconciliation." In Epistolam S. lacohi, in Opera omnia (1639), 3:370. 3:23.r

Annot. Rhem. in

Ja. 5.

"It

not certaine that he speaketh here of

is

sacramental Confession: yet the circumstance of the letter well beareth

probable

it

STC

(1582;

3:23.29-24.9

he meaneth of

that

is

Bellarmine

.

.

Bellarmine

Priest.

we acknowledge

our sinnes, he

sinnes"), Bellarmine says that the

those

who

words

is

discusses

who

faithful

confess their sins. But, he continues, there

and

just,

who

1

John

to forgive us

nothing in Scripture about

is

God, only to

confess direcdy to

Tertullian

.

.

.

pitty,

"Itaque exomologesis prostemendi et humilifi-

candi hominis disciplina est conversationem injungens misericordiae illicem.

for

quoque habitu atque

3:25. t

victu mandat,

.

.

.";

"And

man's prostration and humiliation, enjoining

mercy,...";

De

ANF,

1:336;

poenitentia, chap. 9, in

Plerosque

.

.

.

poen.

more

"Yet most men else defer

it

De

a discipline

move CCLS,

calculated to

either

shun

this

from day to day. like

I

men who,

work,

as

presume

being a public

(as

being)

more

having contracted some

private parts of the body, avoid the privity of physicians,

own bashfulness"; CCLS, 1:337; ANF, 3:664.

so perish with their

1245;

demeanor

is

Opera (1566), 2:46; PL, 1:1244;

mindful of modesty than of salvation; just in the

a

thus exomologesis

3:664.

exposure of themselves, or

malady

our

promise to forgive

confess to a priest.

3:24.31-25.2

ipso

NT

James 5:16 in De

Commenting on

refer to the divine

divine forgiveness being promised to those

those

and very

2884), p. 653.

saaamento poenitentia, 3.4; Opera omnia (1872), 3:685—686. 1:9 ("If

it,

Annotation on James 5:16, Rheims

it."

ibid.,

844

and

chap. 10; (1566), 2:46; PL, 1:1244—

Book

VI,

Chapter

4.5-4.6

Amongst molested. "Ceterum inter communis species, metus, gaudium, dolor, passio

3:25.9—16

.

.

atque conserves, ubi

fratres

.

communis spiritus de communi Domino et patre) quid tuos aliud quam te opinaris? Quid consortes casuum tuorum, ut plausores fiigis? Non potest corpus de unius membri vexatione laetum agere: condoleat universum, et ad remedium conlaboret, necesse est"; ibid., chap. 10; (1566), 2:47; PL, 1:1245; CCSL, 1:337; ANF, 3:664. Qmi

3:25. M

.

.

"Those

dicebantur.

.

are

called

(quia

'libelliuci'

who redeemed money

necessity of sacrificing with certificates of security purchased with

the

taken in

the presence of a magistrate"; apparendy H's definition, not Cyprian's.

How much

3:25.26—26.6

.

.

.

tamen de hoc

vel cogitavenint

sacrificii

medelam

parvis licet et modicis vulneribus exponunt";

Salvianus

.

.

CCSL,

timore

quoniam

(d.

For the history of their collection and

H

ANF,

De

lapsis,

chap.

5:445.

360?) were by Salvian of Marseilles (400?—480?). attribution, see

rized in l:322.^.n, above. In Just., § 2, (5:106.fc).

3:236;

H subscribes to the theory that the homilies

Emesenus),

.

ascribed to Eusebius of Emesa

Eusebius

et

hoc ipsum apud sacerdotes dei dolenter et simplicifaciunt, animi sui pondus exponunt,

28; Cyprian, Opera (1521), p. 227;

3:26.10-13

majore

et fide

aut Ubelli facinore constricti,

exhomologesin conscientiae

ter confitentur,

salutarem

"Denique quando

remedie.

meliore sunt, qui quamvis nullo

H

had

also

CCSL,

101:vii—xxi,

summa-

questioned their attribution to

the Homiliae in V.60.2 (2:255.n) and 66.4 (324.12-15);

cites

and see 3:26.15-29.1/, 26.29-27. 16.w, 27.16-21.X, 31.7-14.J, 3:101.m, and nn, below. 3:26.15—29.1/

etiam

illas

preciosum profectibus

Whereas

.

.

"Quod autem

Coffers.

.

videmus

charissimi

aliquoties

animas poenitentiam petere, quae ab ineunte adolescentia consecratae

Deo thesaurum noverimus:

devoverunt, inspirare hoc

ac

Deum

medicinam quam invadunt

vulnerati: ut bonis etiam parva deflentibus, ingentia ipsi

pro ecclesiae nostrae discant

sani,

quaerere

mala lugere consuescant:

si quando jam ilia persona quae forte minus indiget poenitentia, aliquid fide dignum atque compunctum sub oculis ecclesiae gerit, fiructum suum etiam de aliena aedificatione multiplicat, et meritum suum de lucro proficientis accumulat:

ac

ut

dum

perfectione

illius

emendatur

alterius viu, spiritali fenere

ad ipsum boni

operis recurrat usura"; Eusebius Gallicanus (Pseudo-Eusebius Emisenus),

[H:

1],

3:26.w

De

Graviores

remedies."

quadragesimae; Homiliae (1547),

initio

.

The

.

requirunt.

.

Latin

is

fol. 23';

CCSL,

Homily 8

101:87.

"Great causes require greater, sharper and public

fi-om the

last

sentence quoted below from Eusebius

Gallicanus (3:27.14-16).

3:26.29—27.16.U/

If

.

.

.

publique.

"Si levia sunt fortasse delicta, verbi gratia,

homo

vel in sermone, vel in aliqua reprehensibili voluntate,

corde:

verborum

et

si

si

oculo peccavit, aut

cogitationum maculae, quotidiana oratione curandae, et privata

compunctione tergendae

sunt. Si vero quisque conscientiam

845

suam

intus interrogans

Commentary facinus aliquod capitale commisit, aut prodidit, ac

sacrum

nomen

veritatis

si

suam

fidetn

testimonio expugnavit ac

falso

perjurii temeritate violavit,

vel tunicam, tunc etiam et speciosam virginitatis holosericam

pudoris

infecit,

novum hominem

in semetipso

si

nece hominis occidit,

augures et divinos atque incantatores captivum se diabolo

hujusmodi commissa expiari penitus communi

non

fol. 117';

et mediocri, vel secreta satisfactione

Ad

monachos, chap. 10; Homiliae (1547),

CCSL, 101A:536-537.

3:27.16—21.x

Lett that soult

.

.

"Respondeat mihi

haste?

.

peccatum suum confusione mortifera in conspectu fratrum

quomodo

quid

vitare debuisset:

cum

faciet,

concessum,

.

.?";

monachos, chap. 8; Homeliae (1547),

fol.

militiae fuerit praesentata

3:27.23—27.)'

suorum

There

.

.

"Nam

unto,

.

.

NPNF.2,

10:356.

On

this

Although.

3:28.5— 13.Z

divinum

ante tribunal

confidens de

plerique futuri supplicii metu, peccatorum

work, see 3:20.20-22.^.n, above.

"Quamvis

quis peccato mordeatur, peccandi satisfaciat

nam quem

gravant:

nationem

sui

communioni

Gennadius

(d.

PL, 42:1217— 1218). Jewel

De

si

Whereas

.

.

ecclesiasticis

"Nam, cum

illi

Opera (1593), p. 37;

epist.

passage from Cyprian in .

.

omnia

ad condem-

from Augustine

in

A

Defence of

in minoribus delictis, quae

De

in all

non

communicationem venire

in

fiat

quis

.

.

moderate secundum disciplinam de lapsis

ANF,

et

catecheumenis; Cyprian,

5:292. Bellarmine quotes this

saaamento poenitentiae, 3.6; (1872), 3:699.

and cited .

et

Ad clerum,

11.2 in PL, 4:257;

poenitentiam.

translating

That

et

dogmatibus, chap. 53; doubt-

ab episcopo et clero manus fuerit imposita: quanto magis in his

observari oportet"; epist. 12.1,

.

satisfacere, et ita sacerdotis

poenitentia agatur justo tempore, et exomologesis

gravissimis et extremis delictis caute

is

capitalia

Baptismum

493) and placed in Appendix to Augustine, Opera

inspecta vita ejus qui agit poenitentiam, nee ad

Inspecta

quem

dico

non ad judicium

vult

cites this passage as

crimes.

.

dominum commituntur, possit, nisi prius

illo

2 (PS, 3:360).

the Apologie, part

3:28.22-28.<j

sociari,

Eucharistiam percipere";

fully ascribed to

non

lacrymis et orationibus, et

mortalia crimina post

commissa premunt, hortor prius publica poenitentia

3:29.8-13.c

8],

miseratione, qui peccata piae confessioni donare consuevit,

non

judicio reconciliatum

H

et ante caelestis

cum acceperint, publicae supplicationis De poenitentia, 2.9; Opera (1567), 3:174; PL, 16:539;

.others.

.

Domini

et mortalia peccata

Latin

quae

CCSL, 101A:515.

112'';

accedat ad Eucharistiam intrepidus et securus. Sed hoc de

3:28. fc

anima,

ilia

agnoscere erubuit,

Eusebius Gallicanus, Homily 43 [H:

habeat caetero voluntatem, et communicaturus

Domini

sic

conscii poenitentiam petunt: et

revocantur pudore"; Ambrose,

(see

per

si

Haec atque

tradidit.

possunt: sed graves causae, graviores et acriores, et publicas curas requirunt";

Eusebius Gallicanus, Homily 45 [H: 10],

Ad

velum baptism!

si

coeno commaculati

"his in

lenitie.

n

life

inspected

who

does penance"; from the

above.

"On

846

the faith and conversation

of penitents."

Book "In

his

VI,

Chapter

4.6-4.7

omnibus examinare convenit consilium

et

speciem poenitendae. Quicun-

que, enim et metu, et lachrymis, et tolerantia, et bonis operibus conversionem et

opere

et habitu ostendunt, hi

impleto auditionis tempore quod praefinitum

communionem

merito orationum

cum

habebunt,

aliquid de eis sutuere"; First Council

humanius

(1585), 1:486-487; Condliomm oecumenicorum 18.U,

est,

eo quod Uceat etiam Episcopo

of Nicaea, canon

decreta (1973), p.

12;

Condlia

12. See 3:64.16-

and n, below.

De

Mensuram.

"Mensuram autem temporis in agenda poeniunoquoque crimine, ut de singuhs dicant, qualiter unumquodque emendandum sit; sed magis in arbitrio sacerdotis intelligentis relinquendum sutuunt: quia apud Deum non tam valet mensura temporis, quam doloris; nee abstinentia tantum ciborum, quam mortificatio vitiorum"; "The canons do not establish clearly enough the measure of time

3:29. d

poen.

for al

.

.

.

non

tentia idcirco

aperte praefigunt canones pro

satis

doing penance for any particular crime,

as

how

they speak about

each individu-

crime must be emended. They sute rather that the measure of time

to the choice

of the understanding

because

priest,

not

it is

is

to

important to

as

be

left

God

as

the measure of grief, nor the abstinence from foods as the mortification of vices"; Gnitian,

/ have

3:29.17— 19.C rint,

2.33.3.86; (1584), pp. 2241-2244; ed. Friedberg, 1:1183-1184.

Demtum,

quam

.

.

"Facilius

observe.

.

autem

inveni, qui innocentiam servave-

qui congrue egerint poenitentiam"; PL, 16:541—542;

NPNF.2,

10:357.

quoted by Gratian, Deaetum, 2.33.3.56; (1584), pp. 2219-2220; ed. Friedberg, 1:1173. On the authenticity of this work, see 3:23:20-22.^.n, above.

This text

is

3:29.22-25/

Their

.

victuque splendor.

.

.

exprest.

Somno

nibus animo sedulitatis et nullis

expressum

alios judicant, atque

oration to those

conversion

3:30.5-9.^

"Eadem

obUvionem

factis

injicimus, poenitentiae

who judge and condemn

penitence;

Bee

therefore

in corporis cultu

others harder

nomen

Ad eos,

retinemus"; Gregory of Nyssa,

condemnant, quique conversione indigent,

and

idem

in vultu hilaritas,

ad satietatem usque indulgemus, negotiis, et occupatioinane duntaxat,

qui durius

et poenitentia,

and more

harshly,

et acerbius

Oratio;

An

and who need

Opera (1615), 1:968; not in PG. .

.

.

"Tantummodo

followed.

circumspice diligentius, cui

debeas confiteri peccatum tuum. Proba prius medicum, cui debeas causam languo-

exponere, qui

ris

sciat infirmari

cum

infirmante, flere

et

compatiendi noverit disciplinam: ut

et

eruditum medicum ostenderit

sequaris:

si

et

ita

demum

misericordem,

si

cum

quid

si

quid

talem esse languorem

exponi debeat,

ex quo

et curari,

dixerit,

tuum

fortassis

et

poterunt, et tu ipse facile sanari, multa hoc deliberatione, et illius

consilio

procurandum

est";

Origen, Homily

2, In

condolendi qui se prius

consilii dederit, facias, et

intellexerit, et praeviderit

totius ecclesiae

flente, qui

ille

qui in conventu caeteri aedificari

satis

perito medici

Psalmum XXXVII; Opera

omnia (1536); PG, 12:1386. 3:30./i

Atnb.

16:539;

.

.

.

ligare.

NPNF.2,

Ambrose, De poenitentia, chap.

10:539; see 3:23.20-22.^.11, above.

847

9;

Opera (1567), 3:174; PL,

Commentary When

3:30.19—23.1

"Ergo,

cum

wound

the

.

.

H

authoritie.

.

translating

is

tanta est plaga peccati, atque impetus morbi, ut

Domini diSerenda

et sanguinis

sint, auctoritate antistitis

from Gratian

(see

fe):

medicamenta corporis

debet ab altario removeri

ad agendam poenitentiam, et eadem auctoritate reconciliari"; Deaetum 2.33.3.84;

The

(1584), pp. 2241-2242; ed. Friedberg, 1:1183.

"Postremo ab

mente

ipsa

Domini: ut qui

participatione corporis et sanguinis

per ultimam sententiam

passage in Augustine reads:

sententia proferatur, ut se

talis

summi judicis, per

coelestis panis interim separetur.

.

.

homo

judicet

regno coelorum timet

ecclesiasticam disciplinam a Sacramento

cum

Et

.

indignum

separari a

ipse in se protulerit severissimae

medicinae, sed tamen medicinae sententiam, veniat ad

antistites,

per quos

illi

in

tanquam bonus jam incipiens esse filius, matemorum membrorum ordine custodito, a praepositis Sacramentorum accipiat satisfactionis

Ecclesia claves ministrantur: et

suae

modum.

.

.

Sermon 351, De

.";

utilitate

agendae poenitentiae, 4.7, 9

(PL,

39:1542-1543, 1545). 3:31.7— 14.y

man

that every

.

.

"Dicit Novatianus, poenitentiam agere

opened.

.

Non ita est. Nam Deus erudiendis peccatoribus per propheprocurat. Neminem sibi per se sufficere posse confirmat. Errant

debeo, non accipere.

tam

adjutoria

dantem

itaque qui inter

ofEcium. Quid nisi

est

enim

accipientem velut corporale intervenire arbitrantur

et

dare, nisi

remedia demonstrare peccatis? Quid

De

Eusebius Gallicanus, Homily 26, 70';

poenitentia Ninimtarum; Homiliae (1547), fol.

CCSL, 101A:303.

3:31. 15-1 8. fe,

Lett everie

/

voluntate,

dum

incipiens esse

filius

istis

est accipere,

obedire praeceptis, lachrymis, et jejuniis interpellare miserationis auditum?";

modum"; Sermon

man

potest, et

.

.

.

in melius.

Sacramentorum

... a praepositis

.

.

.

et

that if

men

.

.

in

accipiat satisfactionis suae is

quoted

ed. Friedberg, 1:1183.

"In hoc quoque

them.

.

2241-2242;

homo

tanquam bonus jam

351, 4.9; PL, 39:1545. This passage from Augustine

in Gratian, Deaetum, 2.33.3.85; (1584), pp.

3:31. 28-32.2. M

"Judicet ergo se ipsum

displeasure.

mores convertat

si

te

fragilem fecerit

quaelibet mentis ignavia, oratione saltem atque intercessione sanctorum remedia

vulneribus tuis humilitatis afFectu submissus implera"; John Cassian, Collatio 20.8;

Opera (1559), p. 940; PL, 49:1163;

Humble

3:32.3-7.0

thyselfe,

.

.

.

NPNF.2,

them.

11:500.

"Afflige

te,

unanimes adhibe, qui simul doleant, adjumentoque amaras atque uberes lacrymas

tuas, ut

Nyssa, Opera (1615), 1:969; not in

3:32.9-12

Make

ut patrem

3:32.1 2-1 4.p

.

.";

.

.

.

.

Ostende mihi

PG. See 3:29.22-25/.n, above.

"Afflictionis participem, et

creditt.

ut libereris.

meas ego quoque commisceam"; Gregory of

socium sume sacerdotem,

Opera (1615), 1:969; not in PG.

Confession

primum Deo

fratresque benevolos atque

sint,

ofFertur,

.

.

.

offendors.

tum etiam

"Sufficit poenitenti

sacerdoti, qui pro delictis

accedit"; Gratian, Deaetum, 2.33.3.61;

848

ilia

confessio, quae

poenitentium precator

(1584), pp. 2227-2228; ed.

Friedberg,

Book 1:1176. H's reference

Chapter

4.7-4.8

to Leo's epistle 7, chap. 8. See 3:33.8— 17.i.n, below,

is

Lett thy mother

3:32.20-22.^

VI,

.

.

.

"Fleat pro te mater ecclesia, et culpam

one.

lachrymis lavet. Videat te Christus moerentem, ut dicat: Beati tis";

tuam

quia gaudebi-

tristes,

Ambrose, Opera (1567), 3:175; PL, 16:540, NPNF.2, 10:356-357; quoted in

Gratian, Deaetum, 2.33.3.79; (1584), pp. 2235-2236; ed. Friedberg, 1:1180-1181.

Some few

3:32.23—29. r Christus.

Ergo cum

Aeque

exoras.

cum

illi

.

.

.

"In uno

suitor.

super

te

quod

Although

plenitude

fidei

non

erubescere

.

.

Leo

tares.

.

I,

postulat"; Tertullian,

filius

chap. 10; Opera (1566), 2:46; PL, 1:1245;

3:33.8—17.5

vero

lacrhymas agunt, Christus patitur, Christus patrem

deprecatur. Facile impetratur semper, tia,

et altero ecclesia est, Ecclesia

ad fratrum genua protendis, Christum contractas, Christum

te

CCSL,

ANF,

1:337;

De poeniten-

3:664.

"Quamvis

Epistola ad episcopos Campaniae:

videatur esse laudabilis, quae propter Dei timorem apud homines veretur; tamen, quia

non omnium hujusmodi sunt

peccata, ut ea,

quae paenitentiam poscunt, non timeant publicare; removeatur tarn improbabilis consuetudo: ne multi a paenitentiae remediis arceantur:

metuunt percelli.

dum

inimicis suis sua facta reserare, pro quibus possunt .

.

.

Tunc enim demum

aut erubescunt, aut

legum constitutione

plures ad paenitentiam poterunt provocari,

si

populi auribus non publicetur conscientia confitentis"; quoted in Gratian, Deaetum, 1:1189. See 3:32.1 2-1 4.p.n,

2.33.3.89; (1584), pp. 2253-2254; ed. Friedberg,

above.

3:33.17—20

of the

Sozomen

office

.

.

Sozomen discusses

ofTendors.

.

the abolition

of the presbyter (TtpeapCxepoc;) whose duty

it

by Nectarius

had been to hear

confessions of the people, preside over the imposition of penance adapted to each sin,

and pronounce absolution when

satisfaction

had been made.

decreed that pardon should be extended to penitents, even sions. Since confession is

"probable" that the

irksome to make

known

this

of sins

He

says

many

God

has

transgres-

necessary for being pardoned, he speculates that

lepeuaiv) from the beginning considered

priests (toi<;

it it

confession in public. Therefore, they appointed a presbyter

for his holiness of life

maariXTjg iaroqiaq

is

after

.

.

.

,

and prudence to

[BiP.

Z,

act

on

these occasions. See 'ExxXtj-

xt
PG,

67:1459-1460; NPNF.2, 2:386.

3:33.20-26

Socrates

.

,

.

place.

Socrates in his Hist,

eccles.

recounts in 5.19 the

bishops' establishment of the office of those presbyters in the church

charge of penances after the separation of the Novatians, nicate w^ith those tion is

of this

office

who

not

who had commu-

had lapsed during the Decian persecution, and the abroga-

during the time of Nectarius. But,

here using the Ealesiasticae

historiae

of Novatian, established by

as

by Nicephorus,

above reference to Socrates. Nicephorus

Keble observed (3:34n),

who

cites in the

canon the

who

after confessing their crimes, receive absolution

849

office

H

margin the

says that the bishops, resisting the

ecclesiastical

presbyter {presbyterum poenitentiarum) so that those

may,

who would

dogmas

of the penitentiary

have sinned

after

baptism

from them. See Nicephorus

Commentary Callistus, Ealesiasticae historiae Ubri decern et odo, 12.28; (1551), p. 623;

PG, 146:835-

838. 3:33./

Facinoris

.

.

passages of the

some hundred

3:34.4

This "proverb" does not appear in the relevant

blanditur.

.

Greek church

historians.

"From

yeares,

the episcopate of Nectarius, circa

There came

3:34.7—18

.

.

skome.

.

the schism of Novatian, circa

Socrates,

Sozomen, and Nicephorus

the story of the confession and the rape or fornication of the

Constantinople

as

says

all

cite

gendewoman from

the reason that Nectarius, the bishop there, abolished the office

of the penitentiary presbyter. The follows,

A.D. 253, to

391" (Keble, 3:35n).

stories vary,

woman came

the noble

that

however. Socrates,

whom H closely

and confessed

the penitentiary

to

The presbyter imposed continuous her works of repentance. Some time later, the same lady

presbyter her sins committed after baptism.

prayer and fasting

as

returned and confessed that she had been guilty of having sexual intercourse with

deacon of the church, which being proved, led to the ejection of the deacon from the church and indignation of the people because of the scandal brought a

upon

the church. Socrates, ibid., Pip. E,

5.19;

PG, 67:615-618; NPNF.2,

woman

claimed

that,

when

she had

Ke(j) lO;

(1544),

fol.

Sozomen, however,

2:128.

come

as a

249"; Hist, ecdes.,

says that the

penitent to the presbyter to

pray and tarried for that purpose in the church, she had been raped; Hist,

PG, 67:1461-1462; NPNF.2,

7.16;

2:387. In Sozomen's account,

disclosure that gave offence to the people

prescribed penance had led to a us, Ecdes. hist., 12.28; (1551), p.

3:34.20-35.8

Eudtemon,

.

.

advice of certain persons,

.

new

priests

it is

but the

not just the

fact that the

PG, 146:835-838.

Sozomen

says

only that Nectarius, "at the

urged the necessity of leaving each individual to

examine himself before participating

in the sacred mysteries," abolished the office

of the presbyter presiding over penance;

Hist, ecdes., 7.16; (1551), fol. 98';

1461-1462; NPNF.2, 2:387. Socrates and Nicephorus, however, make

mention of the presbyter, Eudaemon;

PG, 67:617-618; NPNF.2, 624; PG, 146:835-836. 249";

3:34.20

Priest

3:34.28-35.3 jf[C,

KttT'

H

translates

as the

auTi^v

World

.

.

.

PG,

67:

specific

see Socrates, Hist, ecdes., 5.19; (1544), fol.

2:128; Nicephorus, Ecdes.

TtpeaPuTepoc; here

at\x\>6tx\xo(;,

and

ecdes.,

crime, the view also expressed by Nicephor-

624;

disgrace.

who

and the

noble

fast

busines:

as "Priest,"

f\hr\

Kai ocKpipciaq

hist.,

12.28 (1551), p.

not "Presbyter."

rrjc;

apxai6TnT05, oipai, Kal

ei<;

d6id(|>opov kclX rifieXqpe-

vov nOog Kara piKpdv 6ioXia6aiveiv a.p^ai\iisir\q, imX 7ip6Tepov, dx; i^yoC/jai, peico toc afiapxqpaTa fjv, utco re aiSouc; twv e^ayyeXXovrcov laq a(|)d)v auTwv nKx\]i\xzKz\ac;, Kai U7i6 ccKpipeia^ twv etii toCto Teraypfevcov KpiTcbv.

"And

for the severity

seems to me, that extreme laxity of principle was thus substituted and rigor of antiquity. Under the ancient system, I think, offences

it

850

Book were of rarer occurrence;

VI,

Chapter

for the people

4.8-4.10

were deterred from

the dread of confessing them, and of exposing

judge"; Sozomen,

commission, by

their

to the scrutiny of a severe

Ke/^. i^; (1544), fol. 98'; Hist, cedes., 7.16;

Z,

ibid., Pip.

them

PG,

67:1461-1462; NPNF.2, 2:387.

Thm much them. TaCxa napa Tou EuSaipovoq oiKOuaou; ey<J>, t^ Tg5e7iapa&oGvaie6dppTiaa. 'EydiSlTipd^TdvEuSai^iovaTipdTepov l^r\v. f\ aupPouX/i aov & TipeaPoTepe, ei aovqveyKev rq eKKXqaia, f\ ei *Opw bi oti 7ip6<j)aaiv naptax^, tou pi^ iXtfxeiv lif\ Qe6q av ei5eiq. aXXi^XcovTaa^apT/^paxa, ^n6fe<|>oXYoi(; xoic; (xk&ptiok; too OKdrovq. Ibid., Bip. E, KOt). lO; (1544), fol. 248"; Socrates, Hist, cedes., 5.19; PG, 67:617620; NPNF.2, 2:128.

3:35.8-15

.

.

.

Ypa(|>q

.

.

.

'

3:35.16-20 KOTioi.

.

.

.

Sozomen^... Nectarius. 'E7HiKoXo66qaav 6^ axeBdv oi inicKai e^ eiceivoo toCto KpaToCv Sie^eive. "The bishops of every

region followed the example [of Nectarius].

performance of penance fol. 98'; Hist, cedes.,

fell

7.16;

.

.

.

From

Sozomen,

into disuse."

that period, therefore, the

ibid.,

Bip. Z,

Ke<j>. i^;

(1544),

PG, 67:1457-1458 and 1461-1462; NPNF.2, 2:386 and

387.

the younger Theodosius,

3:35.17-18 dosius

I

Tanta

3:35. u

Theodosius

II

(401—450), grandson ofTheo-

(the Great). htec

.

.

.

testimony of Socrates

"Only

56. as

is

that

much

&ith

is

to

be attributed to

given to the teachings of other heretics; for

easy for anyone to judge that he was of the Nestorian sect

wrote these things against administrating

sincerely

An. 56, 1:488. (The quotation from Baronius

. . •

"It

est.

certain that

is

Sozomen by

all

is

think

it is

when he

truly

and

penitence in the

solitary

church"; Cesare Cardinal Baronius (1538—1607), Annales Christi

this

I

ecdesiastid (1589),

Jesu

Sozomenum

not exact.)

means supported the same cause." This

passage does not occur in the Latin text. Baronius begins this and the passage above

by discussing "other matters which Socrates and Sozomen write about the penitentiary presbyter

.

.

.

NPNF.2, from

2:128.

his position

Novatians matter

(as is

as the

.

.

credendum

.

est.

"Nor must

lO;

(1544),

Sacerdos

.

.

.

fol.

248"; Hist, cedes., 5.19,

abrogata.

and deposed from

"That

priest

it:

PG, 67:617-618;

by Nectarius; after this was done, the drew forth from sincere teachings a trifling

office

the custom of heretics)

occasion for calumniously declaring not only that the penitentiary

nevertheless,

meantime

be believed that

was deservedly removed

presbyter was diminished as an order but also that penitence

with

it

other than an adherent of the Nestorian sect." See Socrates,

pip. E, Kaj).

ibid.,

Nee

."

Eudaemon was any

when

itself

was proscribed

more theatrical penitence was abrogated, in the of sins came into existence." H is condensing and

the

solitary confession

paraphrasing.

3:36.17

his

speech to Eudcemon

.

.

downe 851

See 3:35.8—15 and n, above.

Commentary That Novatianists

3:36.22-23

.

.

.

Not

Pip. Z, KaJ). »C; (1544),

Ibid.,

PG, 67:1459-1460; NPNF.2,

Hist, eccles., 7.16;

3:36.24-27

dA,Xd vauaTtavoiq piv oi^ ob X-dyo^

Office.

peravoiaq, ou6^v toutou eSlqaev.

sinne

to

.

.

.

t6

enzi yoip

often,

fol.

98';

2:386.

dpapreiv navreXSx;

iif\

Kara av6pco7iov eSeiTO ^vazcaq, pera^eXoupfevoic; bt xdi dpapT&vouai auyyv&ptiv vepeiv 6 6edg 7tapeKeA,euaaTO. Ibid.

eeioT^pac;

r\

710A.A.&K15

To

3:36.29—37.1

.

.

.

Theodosius

besides.

emperor 379—395, considering the

I,

consent and harmony of the Novatians touching the

faith (esp. the doctrine

of the

homoousion or consubstantiality of the Son with the Father), passed a law that their

churches should have the same security and privileges

same opinion were to have. See Socrates, 247"; Hist,

They only

3:37.20-23

toutok; Kara

PG, 67:591-594; NPNF.2,

5.10;

eccles.,

.

.

For why?

3:38.9—15

.

.

.

H

mention.

is

other churches of the (1544),

E,

246*—

Kai oi ^eravoiag

(|)povri^aToq,

(1544),

Ke<j). 16;

translating

fols.

2:123.

vaoTiavoi, tov ini

ti^v Tiiariv 6^6(j)pove(;

npeapCxepov napgrqaavTO. Ibid., pip. 5.19; PG, 67:615-616; NPNF.2, 2:128.

as

Ke<|). i;

Tou opoouaiou

juovoi 6e

them,

.

E,

ibid., Pip.

fol.

jf\(;

249*; Hist,

and compressing three

each in inverted order and introduced by the word

certayne, to

eccles.,

passages,

summarize Bellar-

mine's position and some of his arguments. "Denidque, apud veteres nomine

poenitentium,

soli publici

Sozomenus, ubi ario,

quam

verat,

poenitentes intelligi solebant.

ut unus presbyter satisfaceret tantae

potuit,

fieri

disertis verbis affirmasset,

.

potissimum accurate

Opera omnia (1872), 3:704. In the against Calvin

{Inst.,

3.4.7),

who

servari.

first

."

"Deinde nullo modo .

.

"Primum,

."

constitutionem de presbyterio poenitenti-

prisci episcopi invexerant, et Nectarius postea

Romae

Sozomen

.

multitudini.

.

.

."

De

Constantinopoli abroga-

saaamento poenitentiae, 3.14;

part of this chapter, Bellarmine

is

writing

concludes firom the narratives of Socrates and

that Nectarius abrogated the rite

of confessing and

that,

since

one

presbyter was once appointed to supervise penitents, "the keys" of binding and

loosing were not given to the universal sacerdotal order.

3:38.15-26 3:38.24

this

Canon" 3:38.1/

Bellarmine

.

T065

.

.

.

H's summary of Bellarmine's interpretation of "The Graecians

former constitution" (3:38.16—17).

xpEopuTEpou^ Socrates, ibid., Pip. E, 5.19; PG, 67:613-616; NPNF.2, 2:128.

whereas

men

.

.

.

were,

vno jidprupi

kv T(^

NPNF.2,

TiapaiTeiaOai

ok; eiKdc;, e^

tq) 7tA,rj0ei

Xeiv. Ibid., pip. Z, Ke4>. <; (1544),

1460;

Ke4>.

16;

(1544),

fol.

eccles.,

djiapriav, xP^t^v (t>opTiK6v, ev eedrpQ)

Opera omnia (1872), 3:704.

thereof.

.

(3:34.1); see also "the

249"; Hist,

3:40.4-8

Canon

.

otp^H?

^'o*?

xq^ eKK^qaia<; fol.

2:386.

852

98'; Hist,

lac;

eccles.,

au vofioXoYeiv iepeOaiv £6o^ev

dpapxia^ 7.16;

Tf\v u)q

e^ayyeA,-

PG, 67:1459-

Book 3:40.25, 28

3:40.27

Roman

Decius

Chapter

VI,

4.10-4.13

emperor from 249.

Bishop of Rome from 236; he was the

Fabian

first

to suffer

martyrdom

under the Decian persecution. 3:40.30—41.3. u-

For such as

quibus Apostolus

.

.

not.

.

Quoniam

ait:

"Illi

vero, qui

peccau perpetrant, de

ilia

qui talia agunt, regnum Dei nott consequentur: valde

cavendi sunt, et ad emendationem,

voluntarie noluerint, compellendi: quia

si

infamiae maculis sunt adspersi, et in barathrum delabuntur, auctoritate nova,

et

subventum

3:41.24

Mansi (1759), 1:778. The

amplissima coUedio, ed.

spurious. See

sacerdotali

eis

epistle

believed to be

is

Cor. 6:9-10; Gal. 5:19-21.

1

Hessels ... a

he was present

booke

C

the

at

Joannes Hessels, professor of theology

Symboli Apostoloci

at

Louvain;

of T, where he died in 1551. See below, 3:42.5.x, and

His "booke" was most likely the

nn.

nisi

fuerit." Epist. 2, Concilia (1585), 1:358; Sacrorum conciliorum

explicatio

(1566),

first

part

of bk. 5 of

Breuis et catholica

which contains an "explicationem quatuor

postremorum sacramentorum, poenitentiae, extremae

unctionis,

.

.

.

ordinis,

et

matromonii."

conference

3:41.29—30

Non

3:42.x

.

.

annot.

.

.

.

.

Eudxtnon,

"Nor

1.

is

deed of Necurius, when they say

See 3:35.8-15 and n, above.

that true

that

which those fancy concerning the

he approved the confession of secret

sins

removed that penitentiary presbyter from his office, as Dr. most fully deduces." Pamelius, Annot. 98 on Cyprian, De lapsis,

rather than that he

Joannes Hassels

Compare ". Rhenanus, nempe de abrogato Poenitentiali

chap. 23; Cyprian, Opera (1593), p. 293.

quod

Nectarii factum ro,

non autem

allegat, convincit,

(uti ille falso interpretatur)

pulcherrime deducit

ad hoc

libello

.

.

de abrogata confessione,

unum

et

ipsum

presbyte-

quemadmodum me

conscript© Joannes Hassellius, a

quoque apud B. Cyprianum citatus"; "Rhenanus, concerning the deed of Nectawhich he alleges, proves the removal of the penitentiary presbyter, but does

rius

not prove

Joannes small

by

interpreted

(as it is

Hassells, also cited

book written on

that

me on

by

one St.

falsely)

PameHus, Annot.

this topic."

Tertullian, Opera (1584), p. 200.

the removal of confession, as

Cyprian, deduces so beautifully in the 1

on

Tertullian,

De poenitentia;

For Rhenanus, see 3:44.a.n, and for Pamelius,

3:128. 17.n, below.

3:42.5

Bellarmine

.

.

.

quo

which

I

am

poenitentia, 3.14; Bellarmine,

Sacerdos

.

.

were not willing

public sins only (in

3:43.j'

a

.

.

.

.

Lucifer.

dialogus, chap. 2; in Epistolae

illos,

peccata occulta,

Hasselano dissentire cogor) confessioni publicae

comprobabo";

subjicere, tribus argumentis

those bishops

"Noluisse autem episcopos

Hessels,

sed publica dumtaxat (in

to subject

"I shall

hidden

prove in three arguments that sins to

forced to dissent from

.

.

.

public confession but

Hassels)."

De

saaamento

Opera omnia (1872), 3:703.

Jerome, Aduersus Luciferianos, or Orthodoxi et Luciferiani .

.

.

et libri contra hereticos

853

(1578), p. 197; PL, 23:155-

Commentary 157;

H

NPNF.2, 6:320-321.

quoted from

the lost draft of VI; see

this epistle in

Cranmer, 3:127.32-128.4 and n, and Sandys, 139.33-140.2. 3:43.27—44.6.2:

Is it tolerable

.

.

.

"An quisquam

justest:

Deum

ferat ut erubescas

non erubiscis rogare hominem? et pudeat te Deo supplicare quern non cum te non pudeat peccata tua homini quern lateas confiteri? An testes

rogare, qui lates,

precationis et conscios refligis,

cum

homini satisfaciendum

si

sit,

multos necesse

est

ambias, obsecres ut dignentur intervenire, ad genua te ipse prostemas, osculeris

ergo in ecclesia facere

obsecrandum sanctae fateri,

qui

cum omnes

3A4.a a

Chrysost

sermon

Deo

ut

Deum

supplices, ut patrocinium tibi ad

plebis requiras, ubi nihil est

quod pudori

esse debeat, nisi

laudabilior qui humilior:

ille

ille

non

justior,

Ambrose, De poenitentia, 2.10; Opera (1567), 3:175; PL, 16:540; this work, see 3:23.20-22.^.n, above.

On

10:356.

man humanist,

fastidis,

simus peccatores, ubi

sibi abjectior?"

NPNF.2,

Hoc

adhuc ignaros, paternae etiam veniae precatores?

vestigia, filios offeras culpae

Beatus Rhenanus (1485-1547), Ger-

e^opoXoyoufievov.

.

and biographer of Erasmus, mentions

friend

Kai

entitled Ilepi jjeravoiac;

Confession," quoting

See Admonitio ad

this passage.

that

e^o|ioX.oyriaetO(;,

Chrysostom wrote

"On

lectorem de

Repentance and

quibusdam Tertulliani

dogmatis, Tertullian, Opera (1521), p. 7.

3:44. 14-18. fc

TTtat if any

.

.

.

John

pardoneth.

hente revelare ea coram hominibus erubescis, ea jugi supplicatione

non

desinas

.

.

.

Cassian,

illi

quem

qui et absque

"Quod si verecundia retralatere

illius

non possunt

confiteri

verecundiae publicatione

curare et sine improperio peccata donare consuevit"; Collatio 20.8; Opera (1559), p. 940;

3:44.20-28.c qui

NPNF.2,

PL, 49:1163-64;

whether

non humano

men

.

.

11:500.

City?

.

"Quapropter

Deum sibi facilius placabunt

illud confessionibus

produnt, aut nescientibus

aliis

quales occulti sunt, ipsi in se

voluntariae excommunicationis sententiam ferunt, et ab

animo, sed

oflScio separati,

altari

certi

Deo, non solvum amissa

recipiant,

ad gaudia sempitema perveniant." Prosper

civitatis effecti,

vita contemplatiua, 2.7;

non quod

cui ministrabant,

vitam suam tanquam mortuam plangunt,

reconciliatio sibi ef&cacis poenitentiae fructibus

sed etiam cives supernae

of Aquitaine, De

illi,

convicti judicio, sed ultro crimen cognoscunt: quia aut propriis

Opera (1539), pp. 32—33. Prosper originally

supported Augustine's teaching of grace against the "Semi-Pelagianism" of Cassian

and others, but

after arriving in

Rome

in 431,

he seems to have modified the

strict

Augustinian doctrine of predestination by insisting upon the universality of God's saving will.

The

3:45.5

Papacie;

3:45.
Calv. ... § 7-

that the confusion its

practice to have

free";

Inst.,

3.4.7;

sense of the sentence requires the deletion of the semi-colon.

"But

marvel

I

how

of which they speak

been very (1960),

is

ancient, but

shamelessly our opponents dare contend divinely ordained.

we

1:631-632. In

854

can

this

easily

Of course we

prove that

section, Calvin

it is

admit

was formerly arguing that

Book

Chapter

VI,

4.13-4.14

compulsory confession was unknown in the ancient church and argues for the later of auricular confession. He asserts that confession was a discipline of church

origin

by bishops and not

polity instituted

he presents

law

a

down by

laid

Christ or the aposdes, and

evidence the passage from Sozomen's Hist,

as

concerning

(7.16)

eccles.

Nectarius's removal of the penitentiary priest, interpreted as the abolition of the

of confession.

rite

SeJ

3:46. c

non

sio

.

.

in

.

The

vers. 5.

eum

pendere debeat

.

finem .

vers,

(1534—1591),

Opera

u;

who

ut ab ea

fiiit,

vero confes-

reads: "Publica

peccatorum remissio

modo

ullo

"Public confession was not instituted for the end of making

.";

the remission from sins

XXXII,

of this sentence

part

first

instituta

depend

in any

way upon

theologica (1592), p.

name

hebraized his

it

.

.

.";

906. Antoine

as Sadeel,

was

a

Psalmum

Meditationes in

Roche de Chandieu

la

French Protestant

who

taught at Paris and later in Geneva.

3:46.11—18

tum

est

Saxoniatu,

,

.

.

ensample.

"Docetur

et

hoc apud

poenitentiae Spiritum, externam poenitentiae testificationem

hac quidem de causa, ut fiat,

quorum pecca-

sit

argumentum

et

cum

whose

offence, ought to give an external testimony

them

exemplo sin

is

aliis,

public,

Etiam ut

a

sit

nota

quod reformident

and therefore

et

a public

God doth may be an

of their repentance, when

the spirit of repentance; and that for this cause, that

it

argument and testimony, whereby it may be proved or made evident, which have fallen and do repent, do truly turn themselves again; also be

abesse, et

testimonium, quo probetur seu planum

Ecclesia et proximo, atque

vereantur"; "Also they teach, that they,

largitur

eis

non debere

lapsos peccatores qui poenitentiam agunt, vere se convertere.

reconciliationis

give

eos,

publicum, atque ideo scandalum publicum, quando Deus

that sinners that

it

may

token of their reconciliation with the Church, and their neighbour, and an

example unto

which they may

others,

fear

and reverence." Chap.

5.8,

Ex Bohemia

Confessione, Harmonia confessionum fidei (1581), p. 143; The Harmony of Confessions

An English

(1842), pp. 125—126.

bridge in 1586

3:46.18—47.5/ tes,

(STC

But concerning

ut curatores

peccata sua:

nemo

translation

of the Harmony was published

at

Cam-

5155). .

.

.

Keyes.

animarum suarum

"Praeterea

accedant, et

ita

coram

instituuntur poeniten-

ipsis

confiteantur

Deo

tamen, neque jubetur neque urgetur enumerare peccata: sed

haec ideo suscipitur, ut hoc

modo dolorem suum, quo

res

quam sibi quomodo deinceps

afficiuntur, et

propter peccata displiceant, indicare, et consilium et doctrinam,

ea effugiant, et institutionem atque consolationem impeditis conscientiis suis,

itemque absolutionem ex potestate clavium, ministerium Evangelii a

Deo

suo consequi

a

et

remissionem peccatorum per

Christo institutum, peculiariter singuli expetere possint, et

se sciant, et

quando haec

a ministris eis praestantur, accipere

unquam rem a Deo ad commodandum ipsis et salutariter inserviendum institutam, cum fiducia debent, et remissione peccatorum sine dubitatione frui, ab

his,

secundum verbum Domini, indubitata nitentes, ceiti et

cui peccata remiseritis, remittuntur

animo confirmato

855

esse

eis.

Atque hac

fide

debent per ministerium harum

Commentary clavium de potestate Christi, et verbo

Bohemia Confessione, Harmonia

Whose

,

John 20:23; quoted

remitted.

.

.

omnia

peccaca remitte"; 5.8,

ipsis

Ex

Harmony of

124-125.

the Confessions (1842), pp.

3:47.2.^

ipsius,

confessionum ftdei (1581), pp. 142—143;

in the passage

from the Bohemi-

an Confession in the preceding n. 3:47.8—11

First,

.

.

.

See the introductory Sentences of Scripture and

himselfe.

An Order for Morning Prayer Daily Throughout

General Confession in

A

the Year,

B.C. P., 1559, ed. Booty (1976), pp. 49-51. 3:47. 1

1-14

and the Minister

As for private

3:48. /j

3:363); the

first

.

.

. .

.

A

156.

.

minde.

See

The Absolution,

B. C.P., 1559, p. 51

Defence of the Apologie (1567), part 2, p. 173 (PS,

(STC 14600) was published in 1567 and (STC 14600.5-602) appeared later in 1567 and in 1570 and

edn. of Jewel's Defence

subsequent edns. 1571.

our custome

3:48.14—21

.

.

See

terrifye.

•

the Administration of the Lord's Supper, or

1 Cor. 27—31. See also The Order for Holy Communion, B.C. P., 1559, pp.

258-259.

Yet with us . appeare; Compare Calvin, Inst., 4.17.39 and 12.5, where the lay elders participate w^ith the pastors in exercising church discipline and excommunication to avoid prophaning the Lord's Supper through indiscriminate

3:48.21-29

.

.

administration; (1960), 2:1416-1418 and 1232-1233.

3:49.18—50.6. i

although in this

.

.

.

light.

Rhenanus, Admonitio ad

lectorem

de

quibusdam Tertulliani dogmatihus; Tertullian, Opera (1521), p. 9; see 3:44.<j.n, above. If a

3:50.20-30.y

man

bee

.

.

.

thee.

"Si quis

autem

positus in ultima necessitate

mox

aegritudinis suae, voluerit accipere poenitentiam, et accipit, et et

hinc vadit; fateor vobis, non

bene hinc

illi

negamus quod

Non praesumo: non vos Non dico. Sed nee dico

exit.

Damnabitur?

fallo,

petit,

sed

reconciliatur,

non praesumimus quia

non praesumo.

.

.

.

Numquid

dico,

etiam, Liberabitur. Et quid dicis "mihi?

non promitto; nescio. Vis te de dubio liberare? vis quod Age poenitentiam, dum sanus es. Si autem tunc vis agere poenitentiam ipsam, quando jam peccare non potes; peccata te dimiserunt, non tu ilia." Augustine, Sermon 393, De poenitentiht4s, PL, 39:1714-1715. On the attribution of this work to Ambrose, see 3:23. 20-22. ^.n, above. Nescio: non praesumo,

incertum

3:51.1-2

est

evadere?

Whensoever

.

.

.

.

Not

iniquitie.

.

a direct quotation firom Scripture,

but a

O

God,

51:17, "a contrite and a broken heart,

paraphrase of such passages

as Ps.

thou wilt not despise," and

Ps. 103:12,

farre

.

"As

farre as the East

is

firom the

West: so

hath he removed our sinnes firom us."

3:51.9—12

upon

special! confession

.

.

.

of the Sick, B.C.P., 1559, pp. 301-303.

856

him.

See

The Order

for the Visitation

Book NoH

3:51.iic

dico

,

,

2:16; Sermo de poenitentia

John Chrysostom, Homily 31, /n caput ad Hebraeos compare Homily 2, In Psalmum quinquagesimum, ibid.,

domino

He

.

.

satisfacere,

.

5:512;

et confessione, ibid.,

How canst thou

adax, oxav

^ix]bk 6ti

Corinthianos;

PG,

bonis

aemulo

CCSL,

.

.

Ildx;

offended.

1:328-329;

De poenitentia, ANF, 3:660.

gov SovqaQ Tov eeov e^iXedaaa-

rj^apra;, eiSq^. Chrysostom, Homily

.

.

8, In Epistolam I

"Virgas igitur et flagella sentimus, qui

evill.

.

placemus, nee pro peccatis satisfacimus." Cyprian,

de precando Deo; Opera (1593), p. 22; PL, 4:247, and

3:53.13-15.0

eritque

satisfaciet:

eius acceptus." Tertullian,

ad

61:74.

Weefeele

factis

.

incomprehensibili

"Ita qui per delictorum poenitenriam instituerat

acceptable.

chap. 5; Opera (1566), 2:41; PL, 1:1235-1236;

3:53.11— 13. n

De

5,

4; ibid., 1:77.

diabolo per aliam poenitentiae poenitentiam

tanto magis perosus deo, quanto

3:53. 7-8. m

Homily

and Homilia de Lazaro, Concio

natura; ibid., 2:402;

3:52.28—53.4./

4.14-5.2

Lazaro.

.

XII, Opera (1531), 4:198;

Dei

Chapter

VI,

Lett the eyes

.

eonspexerunt, quae

inlicita

Cyprian,

Ad

epist. 26.5,

.

"Ut

God.

.

illi

ANF,

lapsos;

Deo nee

Ad derum,

5:286, as epist. 7.

oculi,

ipsi

commiserant, satisfacientibus

epist. 8.1,

qui male simulaehra

Deo

fletibus deleant."

Opera (1593), p. 60; PL, 4:297, and

ANF,

5:304,

as epist. 25.

The Master

3:53.15—20.p

observanda sunt,

scilicet

. , .

"In perfectione autem poenitentiae

God.

compunctio

cordis, confessio oris, satsifactio oris.

est fructifera poenitentia, ut sicut tribus

modis

satisfaciamus.

Sunt enim

.

.

.

tria

Haec

tres peecati

differentiae (ut ait Augustinus) et in corde, et in facto, et in consuetudine, vel

verbo tanquam

tres

Lombard (1100?-1160?),

mortes." Peter

4.16.1; (1557), p. 325.

The

reference

is

to Augustine,

Sententiarum

De sermone Domini

libri iv,

in monte,

1.12 (PL, 34:1247).

3:53.24—54.6

Satisfaction

.

.

.

impossible.

general definition of satisfaction,

described

as

a clear

is

This

setting

the objective Latin vie\v of the atonement, set forth

Canterbury in Cur Deus Homo? See Christus

Main Types of the Atonement, 100-109.

paragraph,

Human

acts

trans.

forth

H's

sutement of what Gusuv Aulen has Victor:

A

Historical

by Anselm of

Study of the Three

A. G. Herbert (London: S.P.C.K., 1961), pp.

of satisfaction toward offended persons and with regard to

the discipline of the church

do not

affect one's justification before

God

but rather

presuppose participation in the gracious satisfaction of Christ and flow out of the virtue of conversion (metanoia) or repentance.

3:54.^

Bonavent.

.

.

.

q. 9.

"Etsi divina misericordia relinquat offensam

dando gratiam, non tamen iu omnino satisfactionem per justitiam. Et quia

ideo Deus dedit

ei

homo non

mediatorem qui

passionis Christi remittitur

omnis

secundum hoc dicunt quod omnis

relinquit,

homini

quin etiam exigat de offensa

potuit pro tanta offensa satisfacere,

satisfaceret

pro offensa.

Unde

in sola fide

culpa, et sine fide ejus nullus justificatur. Et satisfactio nostra

857

virtutem habet a satisfactione

Commentary Christi";

"Even

if divine

mercy

relinquishes the offense of man

by giving

does not completely relinquish the offense; indeed through justice

such great offense, therefore

And God

the offense. Hence,

is

satisfaction firom the offense.

without our

that

faith

guilt

all

no man

is

man

because

justified.

And

it is

according to

quartum librum Sententiarum disputata (1522),

no

is

Wherefore

3:54.7—10.^

fol.

Although

his.

.

.

make

satisfaction for satisfaction for

this

teaching that those say

of Christ." Bonaventure, In

123^; Opera theologica selecta (1949),

H's note.

q. 9, as in

.

and in part

citing

translating

Bonaventure,

H

between

and good works and of justification by grace through

faith

compare jM5r., 3:54.23

"Lures of divine mercy." For a quotation and

misericordix

De

passage from Tertullian's

this

faith alone;

§§ 20-21.

esp.

of

from

here affirming the Protestant doctrines of the proper relation

is

illices divince

translation

it

remitted in the only faith of Christ's passion, and

satisfaction has virtue firom the satisfaction

4:333—334. There

grace,

demands

who makes

not able to

is

gave him a mediator

it

poenitentia, chap. 9, see

3:24.31—

25.2.n, above.

There is not sake. quia etiam si haec omnia John Cassian, ". non erunt idonea ad expiationem scelerum nostrorum, nisi ea bonitas domini clementiaque deleverit. Qui cum religiosi conatus obsequia supplici mente a nobis oblata perspexerit, exiguos parvosque conatus immensa liberalitate prosequi."; Collatio tur, dicens: Ego sum, ego sum qui deleo iniquitates tuas propter me 20.8; Opera (1559), p. 940; PL, 49:1164; NPNF.2, 11:500.

3:55.27—56.3.5

.

.

.

.

.

fecerimus,

.

3:56.6-10. f

God

(ieTa(|)opdv 6e

6(J)6a^pou(;

.

.

navTO^ yap

mercie.

.

xd xoiauTa

Oeou,

.

.

Ttdaxouaiv, cbaavei e^ Caesarea, 'OfiiXia eiq

ouv Kai

Oincoc;

.

d^aprdvouai Kara 0eoO

-xac,

aXKoT^xov to 6eTov Kara T^ai^f\c; Xoyoc,, dq Kai

tf\c,

eTiayopevaq xipopiac;

Kpiaiv, oKuOpcondg ovaac, Kai dX-yeivd^

opyi\c, kolx

rov

TidOouc;

eicoOev ovajjd^eiv 6

.

AZ

eu^ou

xpaXjXOV,

toIc; loxc,

eTiayoiaevac; unoTUTtooTai. Basil of

"Anavra

(1551), p. 98; Homilia in

Psalmum XXXVII, PG, 30:85. Considered spurious, the work

is

in the

PG

append-

ix to Basil's Opera.

3:56. 10-15. «

PL, 40:249;

His wrath

NPNF.l,

3:57. <j

.

.

Enchiridion, 1.3; Augustine,

them.

Cui Deus

.

.

.

.

.

.

ps. 98.

only does not condone sin

one always delight

Opera (1569), 3:164;

3:249.

Cod impunitie: De poenitentia, CCSL, 1:330; ANF, 3:661.

3:56.23—24. f 2:42;

.

"To

lest it

the

one God

chap. 6; Tertullian, Opera (1566),

who

is

destroy for the future

in sinning." Enarratio in

He

not

but also punishes,

lest

truly propitious;

life

Psalmum XCVIII, §

11; Augustine,

Opera (1569), 8:1106-1107; PL, 37:1266. 3:57.6

Plectuntur

.

.

.

Lapsis.

"Some

are

858

punished in the meantime, that otheis

Book may be

Chapter

VI,

of a few are the examples of all." De

corrected; the torments

CCSL,

23; Cyprian, Opera (1520), p. 225;

3:57/

Si texit

.

.

animadvertere.

.

5.2-5.8

ANF,

3:234;

Psalmum XXXI, §

Enarratio II in

lapsis,

chap.

5:443. 9;

Augustine,

Opera (1569), 8:193; PL, 36:264.

Mirandum

3:58.^

.

.

De peccatorum

c. 34.3:

.

mentis

and

2.34; Augustine,

et remissione,

Opera (1569), 7:717; PL, 44:183-184. There should be an

ellipsis

between justitia

Sic (line 3).

Ante remissionem

3:58.A

.Justorum.

.

.

Augustine, Opera (1569), 7:716; PL,

Ibid.;

44:183.

As

3:59.5—8.1

a Father

.

.

"Unus

mercie

.

et

indulgentiam pollicetur." Cyprian,

collegas;

3:60.k

Opera (1593),

'Hfidiv

.

.

.

Hebr.

ourselves; thus shaU

CSEL,

p. 119;

we

et verus pater

ille

tentibus, aut plangentibus et lamentantibus

.

.

.

laetatur in poeni-

poenam comminatur, 52 [H:

epist.

sed veniam magis

Ad Fortunatum et alios ANF, 5:333, as epist. 51.

53],

3.2:641, as epist. 55;

"Let us exact punishment from ourselves;

let

us accuse

Chrysostom, Homily 31 [H has 30],

propitiate the Judge."

In Epistolam ad Hebraeos, chap. 12;

PG, 63:216; NPNF.l, 14:508. This sentence

irrmiediately precedes the passage(s)

quoted

That they

3:60.29-61.4./

.

.

vestitum: post diaboli

3:19.16-20.4,

c,

and n, above.

"Orare oportet inpensius

death.

.

^ilicio voluntari et sordibus: post

at

indumentum

cibum malle jejuniam:

Christi perditum, justis

et rogare; ... in

nullum jam

velle

operibus incumbere, quibus

peccata purgantur: eleemosynis frequenter insistere, quibus a morte animae liberantur."

De

lapsis,

chap. 35; Cyprian, Opera (1520), p. 230;

CCSL, 3:240-241; ANF,

5:447.

3:61.7— lO.m

These duties

cvun supplicationis

.

.

.

oflBcio,

.

itselfe: ". .

.

Marseilles, Timothei ad ecdesiam

quoution treatise

after the ellipsis

quia

.

.

nee

non

libri iv,

offerat

cum

redemptionis fiducia sed

pretio sed affectu placent." Salvian

1.10;

of

CSEL, 8:240-241. The portion of the

precedes rather than follows the part before. Salvian's

about almsgiving.

is

The whole order

3:62.15-63.1

Mishnah Torah, bk.

1,

...

judgment. The

Hilkoth Teshuba or

2.9-11; (1927), pp. 390-391. See also

See Moses Maimonides, Boofe of Treatise concerning Repentance,

nn above on

3:20.8-10.e;

20/

21.5-8.i;

21.9-12./ and 21.18-22.6. 3:63.p there

Quamdiu enim is

sin

feigned."

192:877.

is

.

.

.

Peter Lombard,

The

passage

is

if

"For it

as

long

as

the thing

on account of which is not done but

can be given back, penance

Sententiarum

from Augustine,

Cypr. Epistol. 52. Deus qui non deridetur,

3:63.g

d. 15.

not given back,

libri

epist.

iv,

4.15.7;

153,

Ad

(1557),

col.

878; PL,

Macedonios; PL, 33:662.

"Si vero nos aliquis poenitentiae simulatione deluserit; et qui cor

hominis intuetur, de

859

his

quae nos minus

Commentary perspeximus judicet,

servorum sententiam Dominus emendet." Cyprian,

et

Ad Fortunatum et alios collegas; ANF, 5:331, as epist. 51.

Opera (1593),

52,

Hee

3:63.28-64.4. r

.

.

Kara

vco^tpco^ aoTc^ auva(J)6eiaav yovaiKa, Kai erfepav ovvaydfievoc;,

Tou Kupiou

T^

epist.

3.2:636, as epist. 55;

of Caesarea, *0 jievTOi KaTaXi/iTcAvtov TTJv

Basil

.fault.

CSEL,

p. 117;

rfjv

^oxeia? UTtoKeirai Kpipari. KeKavoviaxai bi Tiapa T&v naxfepcov r|^wv Tovq toioutouc; kviavxbv npoaKXaieiv, SiETiav eKaKpodaSai, Tpiexiav UTioTiiTiTeiv t^ bl cp56p(p aoviaxaaOai Toi<; 7iiaToi<;* Kai outco xfj^ npoa<^pa(; KaTa^ioCaOai, e&v pera 5aKpu(ov ^eTavoqacaaiv. Epist. 217.77 [H has chap. 76], Ad Amphilochium; PG, 32:804ocTcocJKxaiv,

rf\q

805.

3:64.7—10.5

that

.

.

suarum oblatione,

"De

oblation:

.

qui sine necessitate, vel sine facultatum

iis,

vel sine ullo periculo, vel aliquo eiusmodi, transgressi sunt, sub

Synodo visum

Licinii tyrannide

factum

dementia tamen

et benignitate in eos

est,

etsi

est,

humanitate indigni sunt,

Quicunque ergo germane

uti.

et vere

poenitentia ducuntur, tres annos inter auditores exigent, ut fideles, et septem annis

prosternentur supplices: duobus autem annis absque oblatione erunt orationum

populo

participes";

who

"Concerning those

have

without the spoiling of their property, without danger of the during the tyranny of Licinius, the Synod declares

no clemency, they

among the

communicate with

two

the people, but for

as

were communicants,

hearers; for seven years they

sharing in prayers without

oblation." First Council of Nicaea, canon 11; Concilia (1585), 1:486;

oecumenicorum decreta (1973), p. 11;

3:64.5—7

in the

from 308—324;

tyme in

.

.

.

NPNF.2,

Constantin,

stop.

Roman

was western

Licinius

The

Condliomm

14:24.

329 he revived the persecution of

had agreed with Constantine to

happened

like, as

though they have deserved

be dealt with mercifully. As many

shall

if they heartily repent, shall pass three years

shall

that,

cum

without compulsion,

fallen

latter (d.

Christians,

which

337) called the

first

emperor

in

313 he

Council of

Nicaea in 325 to deal with the Arian controversy. 3:64. 12-15. (

That whatsoever

.

.

.

Bishop.

First

Council of Nicaea, canon 13;

Concilia (1585), 1:487; Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta (1973), p. 12:

the departing, the ancient canonical law

man

be

at

to

received the

communion when

who communicate

one should be restored

his life

was despaired

in prayers only.

But

of, let

in general,

3:64. 16-18. M evocati, et

autem

ut

it

him" (NPNF.2,

last

that, if any

and most

to health again

who

has

him remain among

and

dying person whatsoever asking to receive the Eucharist,

examination made, give

"Concerning

be maintained, to wit,

the point of death, he must not be deprived of the

indispensable Viaticum. But, if any

those

is still

let

in the case

of any

the Bishop, after

14:29).

a Canon require. Ibid., canon 12: "Qui autem a gratia quidem primum suum ardorem ostenderunt, et cingulam deposuerunt, postea canes ad suum vomitum reversi sunt, ut nonnulli etiam pecuniam .

.

.

860

Book

VI,

Chapter

5.8

profunderent, et beneficiis militiam assequerentur, hi decern annis prostemantur supplices, etiam post trienii auditionis

as

were

by

called

and displayed the

grace,

first zeal,

but afterwards returned, like dogs to their

girdles,

money and by means of gifts these cases

it is

having

own

vomit

prostrators.

necessary to examine well into their purpose and

repentance appears to be

For

like.

as

many

they have

who

whole time" (NPNF.2,

Hee which

3:65.22—29.1/

is

.

.

Church

Cyprian,

behalft.

.

manibus

accipiat, aut ore polluto

irascitur.

Atque o tuam nimiam

3:65.30-66. l.u/

CCSL,

that

.

.

3:233;

.

.

cum

.

Nam

and n, above.

chap. 22: "Jacens stanti-

domini corpus inquinatis

bibat, sacerdotibus sacrilegus irasceris ei

qui abs te avertere

ANF,

prona consensio,

et

facilis

.

.

si

.

.

.

.

Quid Job

Opera

a dei sacerdote facienda sunt,

.

.

Cum propheu Adeo non omne quod petitur in "The martyrs order something to

in operibus promptius. .

.

.

praejudicio petentis, sed in dantis arbitrio est";

thing be just and lawful, if

if this

opposing the Lord himself by God's

priest, if the

it

.

.

.

can be done without

consent of the obeying party be

easy and yielding, if the moderation of the asking party be religious.

.

.

.

For Moses

who was Noah. Who more glorious than Daniel? Was any more good works than Job. When the prophet Ezekiel entreated for the sin

besought for the

of the people;

sins

glorious than

ready in

.";

petentis fuerit religiosa

.

gloriosius Danihele.

be done; but only

more

.

18—19: "Mandant aliquid martyres

Ibid., chaps.

non contra ipsum dominum

Ezechiel pro delicto populo deprecaretur.

also

.

5:443.

et

petisset,

Quid

dementiam,

who must

moderaMoyses pro peccatis populi petit, nee tamen peccantibus veniam, accepit. Hieremiam deus laudat. Quid vero justius Noe. ...

obtemperantis

tio.

lapsis,

statim

domini sanguinem

furiose

Jewes.

.

fieri: si justa, si licita, si si

De

quod non

c,

minaris qui pro te domini misericordiam deprecatur:

nititur, ei

(1520), p. 225;

sufficient for their conversion,

is

14:27). See 3:29.8-13,

bus, et integris vulneratus minatur, et

iram dei

by good works,

take [the matter] with indifference, and

think the form of [not] entering the the

in

their

may properly conununimay determine yet more favourably

bishop

after that the

concerning them. But those

fiilfil

what

their appointed time as hearers,

fiilfilled

and

cate in prayers;

they

But

give evidence of their conversions

as

deeds, and not pretence, with fear, and tears, and perseverance, and

when

some spent

(so that

let these, after

be for ten years

as hearers,

"As many

translated:

cast aside their military

regained their military stations);

have passed the space of three years all

tempus"; Concilia (1585), 1:486; Concilium

The whole canon may be

oecumenicorum deareta (1973), p. 12.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

God praises Jeremiah.

.

.

.

of the people.

.

.

.

.

.

.

But

.

.

Thus, not everything that

is

asked

is

in the

prejudgment of the

of the giver." Opera (1520), pp. 223-224; CCSL, 3:2315:442—443. The Scripture references in w are quoted or cited in

asker, but in the free will

232;

ANF,

Cyprian's text; that to Moses should be to Exod. 32:31-35.

3:66.4-67.3

Such peace

.

.

.

displeased."

Ibid., chaps.

15-16: "Contra evangelii

vigorem, contra domini ac dei legem temeritate quorundam laxatur incautis

communicatio.

Irrita et

&lsa pax periculosa dantibus, et nihil accipientibus profiitu-

861

Commentary Non

ra.

quaerunt

infixa, dissimulato

dolore contegitur.

rectantes, exhalantibus

.

Quicumque

.

etiamnum

suum

scelus

revertentes, ad

sanctum domini

faucibus et contagia funesta redolen-

occurrat scriptura divina et clamet et dicat:

panem, aut

ederit

et plaga lethalis altis et profundis visceribus

A diaboli aris

cum

domini corpus invadunt,

tibus,

memoha sublata

gravissimi extremique delicti

manibus accedunt. Mortiferos idolorum cibos adhuc pene

sordidis et infectis nidore

.

est,

Operiuntur morientium vulnera,

est.

nee veram de satisfacrione medicinam.

sanitatis patientiam,

Poenitentia de pectoribus exclusa

calicem domini indigne, reus

biberit

erit

omnibus atque contemptis, vis infertur corpori ejus et sanguini ejus. Plus modo in dominum manibus atque ore delinquunt, quam cum dominum negaverunt. Ante expiata delicta, ante exhomologesin corporis et sanguinis domini. Spretis his

factam criminis, ante purgatam conscientiam

sacrificio et

manu

sacerdotis, ante

quam quidam Quid injuriam beneficium vocant? Quid impietatem Pervocabulo pietatis adpellant? Non concedit pacem facilitas ista, sed tollit. secutio est haec alia, et alia tentatio, per quam subtilis inimicus impuganandis adhuc lapsis occulta populatione grassatur. Ut lamentatio conquiescat, ut dolor sileat, ut delicti memoria vanescat, conprimatur pectorum gemitus, statuatur fletus oculorum ofiensam placatam indignantis domini et minantis, pacem putant

verbis fallacibus venditant.

.

.

.

ne

dominum

.

.

.

.

.

graviter offensum longa et plena poenitentia deprecetur."

They imagine,

.

.

.

Opera

See Canons and Decrees of the Council of

forgiven.

25 (1941), pp. 214 and 482; compare Session

Trent, Session

.

CCSL, 3:229-230; ANF, 5:441-442.

(1520), pp. 222-223;

3:67.18-26

esse,

6,

canon 30

(pp.

46

and 324). 3:67.26-27

forgiven.

Now

|

See Textual

(3:357-358). Pace Ussher, the prayers,

fasts,

Commentary

at

3:67.26 and 80.11-25

and alms discussed in

this passage are

works of satisfaction and do concern the doctrine of purgatory addressed Ipsius

3:70. (f

.

.

.

is

omnia (1872), 3:618. Bellarmine

(1522-1586) in

was

position that penitence this

Examen

his

saaamento poenitentia, 1.16:

"The

action

not part of the sacrament, except to the extent that

is

subjected to sacerdotal power, and

nitz

De

Bellarmine,

c. 16.

(namely, of the penitent)

here.

is

is

directed or

commanded by

here responding to an attack of Martin Tridentini

concilii

a sacrament.

On

it

a priest"; Opera

Chem-

(1565-1573) on the Council's

Chemnitz's Examen, see 5:111.7.n,

edn.

3:71.8-10.e

Our Lord

. . .

sentence.

Ibid,, 3.2 (not 3.1 as in

H); Opera (1872),

3:677.

3:71 f

Quod

si

possent

pronouncement of

.

.

.

ibidem.

"If they are able to be absolved without the

the priest, the promise of Christ

would not be

true"; (1872),

3:678.

3:71.22

Quietus

est.

An

old formula for

"He

is

quit, his

compare Shakespeare, Hamlet, 3.1.74 (Riverside

862

edn.).

account has been settled";

Book Christus

3:72.^

,

.

5.9-6.6

"Christ has translated his ordinary

16:19.

.

Chapter

VI,

power

the

to

Aposdes; the extraordinary he has reserved to himself. For the ordinary remedies instituted

Christ

by him

in the church to remit sins are the sacraments, without

able to remit sins, but he does this extraordinarily

is

does not

therefore, that

w^ill,

men

should

and very

trust in extraordinary

which

rarely.

He

remedies for the

remission of sins, which are rare and uncertain; rather, he wills that they seek the

ordinary and,

they say, the visible remedies of the sacraments." Juan Maldonado

as

(1534—1583), In Matt. 16.19, in Commentarii

Maldonado w^as College de Clermont

at Paris.

in quattuor Evangelistas (1621), col.

who

and exegete

a Spanish theologian

350.

taught at the Jesuit

As these commentaries were published

in

two

vols,

in 1596-1597, this reference helps date the 1648 draft.

Att the words

3:73.3-15

.

.

Lord.

.

Keble argues that "the insertion of

See 3:69.17-24 and textual note (3:558).

this

whole of it except the quotation 6:om this book" (3:76n).

TTu

3:73.7—10.1

223;

CCSL,

sinnes

3:230;

with the Latin in

ANF,

of the

Cyprian,

offenses.

.

.

5:442.

The

is

probably a mistake; the

Clement being found

De

translation

lapsis, is

in other parts

of

chap. 17; Opera (1520), p.

repeated below, lines 16—19,

/.

Our Lord

3:73.11-14.7

258;

.

ANF,

paragraph here St.

.

.

Paedagogus, chap. 3; (1550), p. 2;

sinne.

.

Clement of Alexandria (150?—215?)

2:210.

PG, 8:257-

^vas the first great theologian

tradition that sought to integrate Christianity

with the ideas of Greek

philosophy.

3:73.16-19./

3:74.m

The

sinnes

.

.

offenses.

.

Victor, de persec. Vandal.

See 3:73.7-10.i.n, above. Victor, bishop of Vita in

Historia persecutionum, quas in Africa olim circa

sub Genserycho

et

History, written his

own

Hunerydw Vandolorum

about 485 while in

sinnes,

.

.

.

catholic to the

forgivenes;

CCSL,

(1566), 2:470; PL, 2:985;

3:76.20-24

CCSL,

CCSL,

middle

ANF,

Idolatrie

2:1288;

3:76.25-29

CCSL,

that

2:1286;

3:76.24-25

is

N.

Afirica (late

5C),

tempora, Christiani perpessi

bk. 2 (1537), pp. 46—47. Victor's

based on contemporary material and

experiences; Keble notes that "Hunneric, king of the Arian Vandals in

members of the church 3:76.19—20

regibus,

exile,

had by one edict driven into

Afiica,

D. Augustini

.

ANF,

.

.

ANF,

ANF,

Ibid.,

De

deacons and other

(3:77n). pudidtia, chap. 2; Opera

A-J&-11.

chap. 3; (1566), 2:470; PL, 2:985-986;

4:77. . .

nature.

Ibid.,

chap. 5; (1566), 2:472; PL, 2:988-989;

4:77-78. See Acts 15:29.

they which see

2:1283;

See Tertullian,

2:1285;

come:

.

exile bishops, priests,

number of 4961"

.

.

.

shame.

4:75.

863

Ibid., chap. 1; (1566), p.

468; PL, 2:983;

Commentary 3:76.29—77. 4.n prodigere,

*'For saith he,

non perpetuo

.

desire."

,

quod

curabit perpetuo conservare,

CCSL, 2:1297-1298; ANF,

"Greater

.

.

Commission."

.

Ibid.,

4:83.

chap. 21: "Itaque

competeret, non ex disciplina, sed ex potestate

quod deus

fecisse.

solus: et debiles redintegraverunt,

quod

et plagas inflixerunt,

noluit Christus.

Nam

et

decebat

ab homine

mortuos suscitave-

quod nemo

Non enim

et ipsis beatis

si

Deo non

Apostolis tale aliquid indulsisset, constaret cuius venia a

runt,

"Quis enim timebit

Ibid., chap. 9:

poterit amittere? secuhtas delecti etiam Hbido est ejus"; (1566), p.

480; PL, 2:997-998;

3:77.4—17

.

quod habebit postea recuperate? Quis

imo

nisi Christus:

eum

saevire qui pati

venerat. Percussus est Ananias et Elimas: Ananias morte, Elimas caecitate .... Sic et

prophetae caedem et

cum

ea

moechiam

poenitentibus ignoverant, quia et

documenta fecerunt. Exhibe igitur et nunc mihi Apostolice prophetica exempla, et agnoscam divinitatem, et vindica tibi delictorum eiusmodi remittendorum potestatem. quod si disciplinae solius ofEcia sortitus es, nee imperio praesidere, sed ministerio, quis aut quantus es indulgere? qui neque prophetam, nee severitatis

Apostolum exhibens, 2:1024;

3:77.24

CCSL,

cares ea virtute cuius est indulgere." (1566), p. 506; PL,

2:1326;

ANF,

4:98-99.

Novatian ... a Stoical! Philosopher

from Eusebius,

Eales.

hist.,

6.43;

on

his

H would have learned of his heresy

baptism

(line 30), see

2:264. 5-6.n, above.

This passage on Novatian has special relevance here, for Novatian was remembered as a "rigorist"

the issue of forgiveness and readmission to church fellowship

on

after a "lapse" into idolatrous

see below, 3.78.25

known

paganism. His followers were

and n. Litde

is

known of his

early

as "cathari";

but his extant works

life,

He was

demonstrate that he was well educated and familiar with philosophy.

commonly confused with tus

—an

error reflected in

more extreme contemporary from Carthage, Novathe passage cited above from Eusebius. The damaging

his

accounts of his baptism, confirmation, ordination

presbyter in the

as

church and "haughty" character were evidently perpetrated by

ODCC.

including his rival for the office of bishop of Rome, Cornelius. See 3:77.31 and o

Bishop

Fabian, bishop of

Rome, whose martyrdom

the Decian persecution led to the choice

in

250 during

by the majority of Cornelius

over Novatian, supported by a minority,

contrarie

.

.

.

Roman

his opposition,

Church,

as

bishop

Council of

Neocaesarea, canon 12: "Si quis in aegritudine constitutus, fuerit baptizatus, presbyter ordinari nisi

non

dent.

forte postea ipsius

cogat"; "If someone for his faith

Non enim

studium

who

is ill is

fides illius voluntaria, sed

3:78.11-18 and p

est,

raritas

unless perhaps after

men";

Concilia (1585),

conciliorum nova (1759), p. 542.

There was

straightforward. Lines

—

necessity

these things through his zeal and faith, and a scarceness of

Saaum

hominum

illuminated, he cannot be elevated to a presbyter,

would not be from choice but from

1:471; Mansi, ed.,

ex necessitate

aut

et fides probabilis fuerit,

11-18

.

.

.

Schoole.

are based

on

864

H's citation for

this

paragraph

bk. 1.10 of Socrates, Hist, eales., as

is

not

pub-

Book lishedby Stephanus in 1544,

Chapter

VI,

6.6

180' (PG, 67:101-102;

fol.

NPNF.2,

However,

2:17).

altemarive chapter numbers were used, for example, by Christopherson in his Latin

and by Hanmer

translation (1570)

chapter It

7 of bk.

as

Hanmer

1,

one (1577). Numbering

in his English

notes

233n) that in the Greek

(p.

it is

this

chapter 10.

describes the appearance of Acesius, a Novatian bishop, at Nicaea, explaining

do not

that Novatians

restore penitent apostates to

pardoning to God, not to the church; hence H's

communion, leaving any The emperor is Con-

citation.

became bishop of Caesarea in Palestine in numbered by Christopherson and Hanmer, but is Greek; Keble's citation of Sozomen 1.22 is therefore unnecessary. H's

stantine (see 3:64.5—7. n, above); Acesius

340.

Book

4.23 of Socrates

is

so

reference to "Concil Nicen.

c.

4.28 in the

30."

Canon

less clear.

is

8 deals with receiving

Novatians into the Catholic Church but does not describe their policies,

quoted "bitter canon," which

is

as in

may be

not a canon in a formal sense and

H's

spuri-

ous.

apa ou XPH Touc; pexa to paTiTta^a 6dvaTov KaA.oOaiv ai 6eiai Ypa(|>ai, Tqg Koivojviag TG)v Beicov puaTripicov a^ioOaSar aXX eni prrdvoiav ^ev auTouc; TtpoTpeneiv eX.7ti6a 6e pfj Tqc; a^ozvic, Tcapd twv iepecov, dA.Xd Tiapd tou 6eo0 CK6execj6ai, too Suvajaevou, Kai e^ouaiav exovroe; auyxcopeTv dpapTri^aTa. Socrates, Hist, eales., 1.10; (1544), fol. 180'; PG, 67:101-102; NPNF.2, 2:17.

3:78.18-23

TTtat

men

.

.

mercie.

.

dbg

ripapTfiKOTac;, ctpapTiav' r\v Tcpoc;

3:78.25

The

KaOapoi, Such

3:78.28—79.1

is

.

.

modern

usual

fornicators.

.

autem maxima aut summa

sic

translation

is

"puritans."

De

TertuUian,

chap.

pudicitia,

post fidem nuptias permittitur nosse, nuptialibus et dotalibus

moechiae

paracletum disciplinae enormitate digamos 2:983;

CCSL,

3:79.2—7.q

2:1283;

that

Catharos, id

.

,

ANF,

people.

.

foris sistimus."

First

Council of Nicaea, canon

et

constitutum

est,

ut impositis eis

scriptis ipsos profiteri

sequentur catholicae Ecclesiae decreta, id

communicabunt,

Decreu."

et

est, et

cum

iis

iis

qui se

est,

manibus

convenit,

et

cum

sic

quod

bigamis

qui in persecutione lapsi sunt, in quibus et tempus

opportunitas praefmita, ut

ipsi

sequantur in omnibus Ecclesiae

Concilia (1585), 1:485; Conciliorum oecumenicorum deaeta (1973), pp. 9-10:

"Concerning those

who

call

themselves Cathari,

if they

come over

and Apostolic Church, the great and holy Synod decrees ordained

"De

8:

puros quandoque nominant, ad Catholicam autem Apostolicam

est,

maneant. Ante omnia autem hoc in

adhaerebunt

Opera (1566), p. 468; PL,

4:75.

Ecclesiam accedunt, sanctae magnae Synodo visum in Clero

forte tabulis a

si

opere diversas. Sed ideo durissime nos infamantes

fornicationis

et

"Nobis

1:

quoque praecaventur, dum nee secundas quidem

shall

continue

as

they are in the clergy. But

it is

before

sary that they should profess in writing that they will observe

dogmas of the Catholic and Apostolic Church;

865

to the Catholic

that they all

who

are

things neces-

and follow the

in particular that they will

commu-

Commentary who

nicate with persons

have been twice married, and with those

who

having

upon them, and a time follow the dogmas of the

lapsed in persecution have had a period [of penance] laid [of restoration] fixed so that in

CathoUc Church" (NPNF.2,

For

3:80.11-25 3:81. r

. . .

In peccato

indure.

tria sunt,

.

"There

q. 3.

.

disputata, 4.17.3 (1522), fol. 149";

Sacerdotes

w^ill

are in sin three things: an evil action,

and the sequel"; Bonaventure, In quartum Hbnim Sententiamm

interior poUution,

3:81. u'

things they

See 3:67.26-27.n, above.

.

.

all

14:19).

.

.

Opera

theologica seleda (1949), 4:403.

"Priests exercise the

dis. 18.

work of justice with regard

to

when they bind them with a just punishment; they exercise the work of mercy when they relax anything concerning the punishment or conciliate by communion of the sacraments. They are unable to exercise any other works with sinners

regard to sinners." Peter Lombard, Sententiamm

libri iu,

4.18.7; (1557), p. 334; PL,

192:888.

3:82.21-83.7.
it

may be

ac sentire possumus,

.

quod

.

Communion.

.

solus

Deus

Ibid., 4.18.5-7:

"Hoc

dimittit peccata et retinet: et

sane dicere

tamen

ecclesiae

contulit potestatem ligandi et solvendi: sed aliter ipse solvit vel ligat, aliter ecclesia. Ipse

enim per

se

tantum

peccatum: qui

dimittit

macula, et a debito aeternae mortis

solvit.

Non

et

animam mundat ab

autem hoc sacerdotibus

quibus tamen tribuit potestatem solvendi et ligandi, id vel solutos.

.

.

Quia

.

etsi

aliquis

apud

Deum

homines

ligatos

non tamen in facie Ligant quoque sacerdotes,

solutus,

sit

ecclesiae solutus habetur, nisi per judicium sacerdotis.

dum

ostendi

est,

interiori

concessit,

.

.

.

cum de ea communionem admit-

satisfactionem poenitentiae consistentibus imponunt: Solvunt,

aliquid dimittunt, vel per

eam

purgatos ad sacramentorum

tunt." (1557), pp. 333-334; PL, 192:887-888.

passage should be in

3:83.10— 13. e [verse

As

H

is

translating

Lombard, the

italics.

that as the Preists

19], bk. 3, annot. E:

Jerome, Commentarium in XVI. Matt. free. "Legimus Levitico de leprosis: ubi jubentur, ut .

.

.

si lepram habuerint, tunc a sacerdote immundi fiant: non quo sacerdotes leprosos faciant et immundos, sed quo habeant noticiam leprosi et non leprosi: et possint discemere qui mundus, quive immundus sit. Quomodo

ostendant se sacerdotibus: et

ergo

ibi

leprosum sacerdos

mundum

solvit episcopus et presbyter:

suo,

cum peccatorum

vel

non eos qui

immundum

facit:

sic et

hie alligat vel

insontes sunt vel noxii; sed pro oflScio

audierit varietates, scit qui ligandus

sit

quive solvendus."

Opera (1516), 9:24"; PL, 26:122. 3:83.26

Canon

.

.

.

Council,

causabant gratiam, sed

Hec vero

"lUa

[id est,

sacramenta antiquae

eam solum per passionem

Christi

dandam

legis]

enim non

esse figurabant.

nostra et continent gratiam et ipsam digne suscipientibus conferent";

"For those sacraments of the Old Law do not cause grace, but only foreshadow that to be given through the passion of Christ. But ours both contain grace and

866

Book confer

VI,

Chapter

upon those who worthily

it

6.7-6.10

A

decree of Pope Eugenius IV

8, Bulla

Unionis Armenionim (22 Nov.

receive."

(1431—1447), Council of Rorence, Session

1439); Condliorum oecumenicomm decreta (1973), p. 541.

Council

at

according

3:83.26—84.2

.

.

intendeth.

.

Sentetttiarum Magistri Petri Lombardi, 1.1.4,

Scot.

tiarum

.

.

Duns

quintum.

.

Lombardi,

Petri

Occam.

95.

.

.

1350—1420),

(Alliacensis;

5;

infallible

and

Opera

sig.

Rl

in

.

.

the

quartum librum

7:4'; Scriptum super

become cardinal in 1412; on the church that

—

and

.

in quatuor libros Sententen-

8:78-109,

esp.

Opera plurima super

-2*.

iv

p.

libros

Sent. Pierre

Alliac

Quaestiones super primum,

tertium,

a notable

et

quartum

French theologian

was

doctrinally he

a follower

of

pope nor council was received their jurisdiction direcdy from Christ

his teachings

that bishops

.

.

(1639),

222-228". D'Ailly was

fols.

ecclesiastic, rising to

Okham, and

.

Opera omnia (1593),

William of Okham,

quarti.

.

Sententiarum, 4.1; (1505),

and

Aquinas, Scriptum

Scotus, Quaestiones

and

4.1.4

Sententiarum, 4.1 (1494-1496; rpr. 1962), d'Ailly

refers again to

4:31-33.

Sententiis (1947),

3:84/

H

3:89.7-9 and 26-29.

priests

—

and not mediately through the pope

neither

influenced Luther and other Reformers; see

ODCC. Lutherani

3:84.^

way

.

.

.

"Lutherans sometimes write on

c. 2.

do not seem

that they

to dissent

from Catholics;

at

matter in such a

this

other times they most

openly write things that are contrary. But they always continue in the same

of thinking, namely, ly

that the sacraments are only bare signs

have any eflScacy w^ith regard to grace; nevertheless they mediately

something insofar

as

they arouse and increase

faith,

.

.

.

way

and do not immediateafreet

which they could not do

except by representing, so that the sacraments arouse faith through seeing just the preaching of the

Word

does through hearing." Controversiam de sacramentis

as in

Qutedam cap. 8. "For some signs are theoretical, instituted for no other end than to signify; others are instituted both to signify and to effect something, for which reason they can be called practical. The controversy between us and the heretics is that they make

genere, 2.2; Bellarmine,

.

.

Opera omnia (1872), 3:89.

.

.

.

.

sacramental signs to be of the former kind. Therefore, if \ve are able to sho\v that

they are signs of the latter kind,

we

shall

have made our case."

Ibid., 2.8; (1872),

3:98.

3:85.12-13./i

John 3:85. «

that water

.

.

birth.

.

Compare V.59.1 (2:251.5-253.11 andnn) on

3:5.

Semper

canon

5: "It

.

.

.

c. 5.

Calvin, Acta Synodi Tridentinae cum antidoto. Session 7,

must always be repeated

for the sake

nothing other than instrumental causes for conferring grace upon

CR,

7:494.

Si qui sint

.

.

.

can. 6.

"If there be those

sacraments contain the grace which they figure,

canon

6;

CR,

7:494.

867

on

of memory that sacraments are us.

.

.

.";

who deny

we condemn them."

Opera,

that the Ibid.,

on

Commentary 3:S6.j

Iste

modus

.

,

mode [of interpretawhen many of [the saints] say

Aquinas, S.T., 3a.62.1: "That

art. 1.

.

does not transcend the reason of the sign,

tion]

that they not only signify the sacraments

.

.

.

New La\v but cause grace";

of the

(1588),

5:191"; B, 56:52-53.

Alex

3:86.fe

Th.

.

.

8:474';

Summa theologica, Aquinas, De veritate,

at Paris,

art. 3.

.

Alexander of Hales (1170P-1245), English Franciscan

1. et 2.

who uught

28.4 [H

AUiac

Truth (1954), 3:331.

and 2 (1515—1516),

4.8.3.5.1

fols.

48'—49*.

Opera omnia (1593),

cites 27.3];

Pierre d'Ailly, Quaestiones ...

q. 1.

222'-228''; see

Capr. q. John Capreolus, Dominican of Toulouse (d. 1444), Defensiones theologiae diui Thomae Aquinatis in quarto Sententiarum, 1.1.1; (1906), pp. 3—4; H*s reference to Aquinas's De veritate is quoted here by Capreolus, as is H's next reference. Palud. ibidem. Petrus Paludanus, patriarch of Jerusalem (d. 1342), In Ferquartum Sententiarum Petri Lombardi (1493), 1.1, is also cited by Capreolus. Sententiarunt, 4.1.1;

(1505),

fols.

3:84^n, above.

.

.

.

1.

rar.

.

.

c. 57.

.

Aquinas,

Summum

4.57;

Ferrariensis,

Francisci

cum commentariis

Catholici Fidei contra Gentiles,

Opera omnia (1593),

493'-494';

fols.

Opera (1930),

Dominicum

15:190-193. Franciscus Ferrariensis (1474—1528) was regent of the

Studium

at

Bologna and was appointed

1525 Master General of the Dominican

in

order by Pope Clement VII; he was the great commentator on the Gentiles

of Aquinas;

commentary was published with

his

Summa

contra

the S.C.G. in the Leonine

of Aquinas's Opera.

edns.

by immediate creation.

3:86.9

De

See Aquinas,

Opera omnia

28.3;

veritate,

(1593), 8:472'; Truth (1954), 3:324. 3:86./

Peter Lombard, Sententiarum

Necesse est ... art. 4.

necessary to assert that there

sentence

is

not to be found in Art.

New Law

Sacraments of the sacrament derives

its

minister in putting

"The

some

is

spiritual

4,

supernatural

which

deals

Cause Grace."

power from

56:64—65.

Ex sacramentis

the sacraments: one

.

incomplete

is .

.

.

.

power

.";

"Two

art. 4.

is

with the question "Whether the Sacratnentum

.

.

.

"A

concil.

and from the

Virtus Sacramentalis

sacramental [Aquinas says 'instrumental']

one thing into another, and

quatuor; "It

libri

in the sacraments." This

Christ's blessing

to sacramental use."

it

power

.

.

.

act

of the

Ibidem.

has a being that passes

from

S.T., 3a. 62.4; (1588), 5:193

things are derived

;

B,

by the soul from

is grace. With some way efficient causes; with respect The sacraments cause a disposition toward

character or a certain adornment, the other

is

respect to the former, the sacraments are in to the latter, they are disposing causes.

the final form, but they

Deus communicated to the

7:4'.

fol.

Solus

3".

.

.

.

angels,

This argument,

Aquinas proceeds to 3:87. 12-21. m

do not induce perfection." Aquinas, Opera omnia (1593), "God alone works grace; therefore this is not

art. 4.

who

are

more noble than

set forth at the

sensible creatures." Ibid.,

beginning of Art.

4,

is

a position that

refute.

After the bathe of regeneration

868

.

.

.

quicken.

"Sed postquam undae

Book

Chapter

VI,

6.10-6.11

genitalis auxilio superioris aevi labe detersa, in

lumen

se

postquam

infiidit;

minim

secimda reparavit:

expiatum pectus ac purum desuper

caelitus spiritu hausto in

modum

in

quod

lucere tenebrosa, faculutem dare,

novum me hominem

prius difficile videbatur, geri posse,

quod quod jam

impossibile putabatur, ut esset: agnoscere terrenum fuisse,

natum

delectis

obnoxium

animaret." Cyprian,

Heed must

.

The

Luc. 18.

3:88.o

.

.

.

quod

prius camaliter spiritus sanctus

p. 2; epist.

1,

PL,

5:276.

Bonaventure, In quartum Ubrum Sententiarum

Opera

theologica selecta (1949), 4:17.

reference should be to

How grace

3:88.22—26.p

ANF,

epist. 1,

disputata, 4.1.4; (1522), fol. 8*;

esse coepisse,

Donatum; Opera (1593),

them:

.

.

Ad

2.2,

4:200-201, and CSEL, 3A:5; 3:87.24—27. M

Dei

viveret:

epist.

nativitas

protinus confirmare se dubia, patera clausa,

signe,

Luke

Bellarmine,

8:44.

De saaamentis

ingenere, 2.1; Opera

omnia (1872), 3:85-89.

they that ascribe

3:88.27—89.2.^

God

which

those other things are

all

.

.

.

"We say

soule.

that grace

is

not created by

but rather produced from the natural aptitude and potency of the soul, just are

produced

in

as

such subjects and are begotten

capable of sustaining accidents." Cardinal and Archbishop William Allen (1532— 1594), Ubri

an

tres

de saaamentis in genere, 1.37 (1576), pp. 131—132.

"Deo" and

ellipsis after

after "produci."

There should be

Allen was the chief organizer of the

mission to England during the reign of Elizabeth, founding colleges for at

Douai,

Rome, and

and challenges him to Libri

tres

in

Valladolid; he

at Vlll.6.11 (see

was created cardinal in 1587.

Council of Florence

3:89.8-9

Trent

.

.

.

grace,

Quoted

C

at

Th. de Verito ...

3:89.26-29

of T, Session 7

3:90.3

Bellarmine

3:90.J

Quod ad

.

.

.

.

.

.

Christ.

sinnewes.

circumcisionem

follow^ed circumcision

came

indebted

(3

March

1547), canon 6,

decreta (1973), p.

De

sacra-

684.

Opera omnia (1593), 8:473"; Truth (1954), 3:324.

16.

For which cause

is

nn).

3:83.26.n, above, and cited at 89.26-29.

mentis in genere; Condliorum oecumenicorum 3:89.r

RC

work

summarizes

3:401.4—404.5 and nn, below) and

The Dublin Fragments (4:115.25-116.6 and

3:89.7-8

H

this

.

.

See

nn on

3:83.26 and 89.7-8, above.

See 3:84.^.n, above. c. 39.

.

into being

Allen, Ubri tres: "That remission which by reason of the thing adjoined to it and

by reason of the divine covenant, clearly in the same way in which not only heretics but also some of the older scholastics wanted the new sacraments to confer grace"; (1576), pp. 138-139. There should be an ellipsis after "fiebat." 3:90./,M

Bonaventura,

—

c. 11.

Bellarmine,

venture, Scotus, Durand, Richard,

Okham,

De saaamentis

Marsilius,

"Bonawant God

in genere, 2.11:

and Gabriel

[Biel]

alone to produce grace with regard to the presence of the sacraments. ... that opinion

which

gives to the sacraments true efficacy to

869

be

1

think

much more probable

Commentary and

defensible. First, because the Fathers teach throughout that the sacraments are

not effective unless they

first

receive firom

God

power,

blessing, or sanctification:

they refer the effectual working of the sacrament to the omnipotence of God and join

it

with true

efficient causes.

ence betw^een the cians. Third,

man would

on

that seen sign

man of God, by

offer a sign

by another

differ-

the sacraments and the signs of the magi-

because then there would not be a

sacramental action, but a infuse grace

Second, because there would not be any

way of administering

action, as

a minister, in the

God would

and

his action,

when one presents

a promissory

note to a merchant and the merchant pays the money. But the Scriptures teach that

God

baptizes through a

man." Opera omnia

scholastic philosopher; for Marsilius

Book

Intro, to

Durandus of

(1872), 3:105. For

Saint-Pour^ain, see 3:18.12— 14.n, above; Richard of Middleton

1305?) was a

(d.

of Padua, see below, 3:208.1 7. /i and n; see

also

VII, n. 29, above; Gabriel Biel (1420-1495), a follower of William

of Okham and one of last great University of Tubingen,

3:92.3—5. f

TTtat Contrition

praeterea,

etsi

scholastics, was responsible for the founding of the which he held the chair of theology.

at

.

,

.

hominemque Deo

reconciliare,

includitur,

of T, Session

14,

canon

priusquam hoc Sacramentum actu

ipsam nihilominus reconciliationem, ilia

C

paenance.

4:

"Docet

contritionem banc aliquando caritate perfectam esse contingat,

non

ipsi

ascribendam." Canones

esse

suscipiatur;

Contritioni sine Sacramenti voto, et

deaeta

.

.

.

quod

in

Condlii Tridentini

(1564), p. 79; Conciliorum oecumenicorum deaeta (1973), p. 705. See 3:95.20-22.

3:92.6—9. u'

that whosoever

Dominum

corde ad

De

Bellarmine,

.

.

.

.

.

the

one absolved,

1:605.

3:93.y,z

On

is

Domingo de

art. 3.

Sententiarum, 4.14.1.3: "This

ments of the

enim passim docet, eos qui toto mora veniam peccatorum accipere";

delayed: "Scriptura

saaamento poenitentia, 2.13; Opera omnia (1872), 3:654.

H(ec expositio.

3:93.x

.

convertuntur, sine

is

a declaration:

'I

Soto, Commentaria

absolve you,' that

.

.

is,

.

in

quartum

by showing

indeed partly true but nevertheless imperfect. For the sacra-

New Law not only signify but effect that which they signify";

(1569),

Soto, see 3:17.i/.n, above.

Attritio

solum

.

.

art. 1.

.

Ibid., Art. 1: "Attrition speaks

only about grief

who approaches with attrition "When the one who is truly contrite

because of the punishments of hell, while the one

becomes

contrite through sacramental grace";

because of God, that contrition

is

not contrition unless nature

is first

informed by

grace through the sacrament intended"; (1569), 1:601. 3:94. a

Legitima contritio

induce a

vow

therefore, 3:94.fc

Tunc

it

.

.

.

to partake

art. 3.

Ibid., Art. 3:

"Legitimate contrition ought to

of the sacrament [confession]

at

an opportune time;

remits sins in virtue of the future sacrament"; (1569), 1:606.

sententia

d. 18.

"For then the declaration of the

priest

is

ap-

proved and confirmed by the judgment of God and the whole assembly of heaven,

when

it

proceeds thus fi-om discretion in such a

870

way

that the merits

of the postu-

Book lants

Chapter

VI,

do not contradict." Peter Lombard,

6.12-6.15

Sententiarum

libri iv,

4.18.8; (1557), pp.

334-335; PL, 192:888. 3:94.c say,

Non

periculosum

est

.

.

Opusc.

.

22.

whom

absolve you,' to those in

'I

"There

is

no danger

for the priest to

he sees the signs of contrition, which are

sorrow for things past and the intention of not sinning

further;

he ought not to

absolve others." Aquinas, Opuscula xxii, chap. 3; Opera omnia (1593), 17:195

;

Opuscula theologka (1954), 1:178.

3:94.15— 18.
pestilent

accurate translation with the

3:95.20-21

A

Tridentine

.

.

A free translation of Cyprian, De lapsis, chap. 16; CCSL, 3:229-230; ANF, 5:441^M2. For a more Latin, see 3:66.21-27 and n at 3:66.4-67.3, above.

safety.

.

.

.

Opera (1520), pp. 222-223;

Noted above

penance.

.

at 3:92.3-5.i/.n.

"Through contrition, a man is absolved by God But the condition of temporal punishment remains, and a minister of the church takes away by power of the keys the condition of a ceruin part of that punishment." Alfonso Tosudo, bishop of Avila

3:96. e

reatu mortis

.

.

from the condition of

c. 7.

.

eternal death.

from Keble,

(Abulensis; 1400-1455), in Defensorium, 1.7 (not seen; information

3:100n). (1596), 12:9. Tostado was

summoned by Pope Eugene IV

where he was condemned

and most notably for

for heresy,

about the forgiveness of sins

tnemb. 2. 3:96/ Signum . sign of this sacrament is the .

simply as the

—

a position

effective cause

Summa

theological 4.60.1.2:

"The

of grace or of the remission of sins not

penitence but the cause according

first

to

which, because

by means of which the remission of a

efficacious grace

teaching

he then immediately retracted.

Alexander of Hales,

.

to Siena,

his over-strict

sin

it is

becomes

the cause of

efficacious in

the penitent and to a lesser degree the remission of the sequel of that sin, namely,

punishment." (1515-1516), 3:96.^

fol.

247'. H's citation (4.14.2)

Potestas clavium ... q. 1.

beyond

guilt.

'Whoever's

.

sins

.

likely to

.

To

you

either with respect to

Bonaventure, In quartum librum Sententiarum

objection which

that

remit,'

it

showing

must be it

is

raised

concerning John 20:23,

said that this text speaks

about remission

or only with respect to punishment"; (1522),

171'; Opera theologica selecta (1949), 4:458. In bk. 4, not bk. 1, as in 3:96./i

Ab

another edn.

"Properly speaking, the power of the keys does not extend

4.18.1:

disputata,

is

aetema pcena

. .

q. 2.

.

Ibid., 4.18.2:

"The

fol.

H.

no way absolves priest do this per the penitent by the

priest in

from eternal punishment, but only from purgatory. Nor does the se

but only by accident. For

power of the purgatory

keys, the debt

as if

it

when punishment

is

diminished in

of temporal punishment

were not absolute"; (1522),

fol.

is

not punished so sharply in

172';

Opera

theologica selecta

(1949), 4:460.

3:98.2—5

modo

What

to write,

scribam aut quid

.

are. "Quid scribam vobis, patres conscripti, aut quo omnino non scribam hoc tempore, di me deaeque pejus .

.

871

Commentary quam

perdant,

me

perire

cotidie sentio,

Loeb,

scio"; Tacitus, Annates, 6.6;

si

3:162-163.

Matt. 12:31.

3:99. «

Saviour"

Mark

also,

This

Quam magna

.

.

treatment;

.

"A

106.

f.

.

CCSL,

light contrition

eternal death

due, nor

is

account of which eternal

Ad

Roman

marke

the

Centurion,

church, for its

it

ANF,

have sinned greatly, so

let us

De lapsis, chap. Non levi agendum

5:446-447.

work

a transitory

106';

fol.

... Cornelius touched:

at

we

not to be done to redeem those debts for

is

is

as

satisfaction for those evils

on

Homily

40,

CCSL, 101A:473. of Cornelius, a

Peter's baptism

Joppa, recounted in Acts 10, was epochal in the early

marked the

first

pubUcally acknowledged baptism of a Gentile, and

appropriateness was discussed by the church at Jerusalem. Because CorneUus

cited

Dei:

if

by H) summoning him

Take

3: 103.5-1 4.r

numquam

summum

it,

.

.

.

uncircumcised, he

therein.

"Talis,

spernit poenitentiam,

quod

omnem

adhuc

est

si ei

malorum,

quis perveniat

granted a vision (in the verse

mihi crede,

et inde

tamen

ordinem;

ad

velit reverti

si

non

suscipit

si

viam;

quamlibet brevi

et

etiam ipsam, nee patitur

exiguae conversionis perdere mercedem." Chrysostom,

passage firom Gratian,

Etiam

virtutis

potuerit quis explere

quantulamcunque tamen,

Paranesis Prior, vel de reparatione lapsi, in Opera (1531), 2:407. lates this

erga homines pietas

omnia, quatenus ad priorem revocet statum:

praestantius, et ementius, etiam

satisfaciendi

talis est

sincere, et simpliciter offeratur.

tempore gestam non respuit poenitentiam:

quam vis

is

to Joppa.

suscipit, et libenter amplectitur: facit

et

"Our

Spiritts" is to verse 24; see

has been prepared." Eusebius Gallicanus,

fire

himself was notably pious,

ad

.

.

than the crime." Cyprian,

less

3:240;

monachos, chap. 2; Homiliae (1547),

3:101. 24.p

.

there not be wanting a diligent and long

let

the repentance not be

let

35; Opera (1520), p. 230;

"Even

lapsis.

.

wound

gready lament. For a deep

.

out "uncleane

3:22.

3:101. w. 2—6

which

should have been keyed in a separate note to

ref.

(lines 3—4); that to casting

whose

But

Ad

H

Theodorum

in fact trans-

text differs substantially fi-om that cited in

Chrysostom; see Gratian, Deaetum, 2.33.3.28; (1584), pp. 2317-2318; ed. Friedberg, 1:1218.

Lord

3:103.16-19.5

Non

in thy

timeant imperfecti.

proficiant.

.

.

.";

.

.

.

.

Enarratio in

.

.

forwarde.

Non

"(.

timeant,

.

.

et in libro

tuo omnes scribentur.)

ament imperfectionem

.

.

.

tantum

Psalmum LXXXVIII, § 21; Augustine, Opera (1569),

8:1059; PL, 37:1798.

872

George Cranmer's Notes

Mr.

3:107.2-6

.

.

Upon.

.

Although Fulman ("W.

on

the 6. and 7. books," they are exclusively

"upon

F.") describes these as

the lost draft of VI; VII

is

mentioned

at 3:126.6-7.

3:107. &-10

It

.

.

for yt

.

Cranmer comments on

long.

is

the length of H's

sentences at 3:108.17-20 and 113.16-19, as do the author(s) of A.C.L. (4:76.1723).

order. The name Clerkes Ad Nepotianum, § 5; Opera (1516),

3:107.15-16 epist. 52,

Christi servit ecclesiae: interpretetur

ne prolau, nitatur

propterea vocantur sors, id est pars,

set forth,

in Greek,

it

is

primo vocabulum suum:

dicitur. Si

clerici: vel

it

enim

be

3:107.19

et

nominis definitio-

cleros graece, sors latine appellatur:

that

is

who

one

be interpreted, so that

which

it

says.

For

if it

serves the

when

is

church

definition has

its

called KA,qpo<;

{cleros)

called a share in Latin. Therefore they are called clerics, either

because they are a share of the Lord, or because the Lord clerics"

here to Jerome,

quia de sorte sunt domini: vel quia ipse dominus

itself should first

strives to

refers

PL, 22:531: "Igitur clericus qui

clericorum est"; "Therefore a cleric

of Christ. The word been

quod

esse

Keble (3:108n) 1:7*;

(NPNF.2,

is

a share or part

of the

6:91).

Saith Ignatius,

quote

yt.

Keble (3:108n) argues that

this

reference to

may be one of the few places where the copy of the original Book VI by Cranmer may have agreed with the present "so called" Book VI; see chap.

Ignatius

seen

2.1 (3:4.20-22)

the

3:107.24 is

and

3:4./.n,

above.

power of ... Lawe,

See H's Auto. Notes, 3:466.17-19 and n.

H

here distinguishing between the powers of order and jurisdiction; see chap. 2.1

(3:4.8-24); also, 3:466.17-19.

I will that

3:108.1

.

.

marry.

.

1

Cor. 7:9;

cases pertaining to marriage as falling astical courts; see

1

Tim.

under the

5:14.

H

is

here introducing legal

spiritual jurisdiction

of the

ecclesi-

Sandys, 3:130.30-132.2, and H's Auto. Notes, 3:469.16-33 and

473.31-474.23. 3:108.4-6

Or citnll

is.

.

.

.

spirituall.

H

is

distinguishing cases belonging to things

spiritual as a basis for distinguishing cases to

those

by

ecclesiastical courts; see Sandys,

be dealt with by

civil

courts

fi-onti

3:130.30-132.3 and 132.12-13, and H's

Auto. Notes, 3:469.16—477.18. For a summary of cases within the jurisdication of ecclesiastical courts in

H's time, see Richard Cosin,

An

Apologie:

of,

and for sundrie

proceedings by jurisdiction ecdesiasticall, 1.2, pp. 19—20.

3:108.8-11

Non

Intendimus

2.1.13, Novit, col. 532.

.

.

.

fatdo.

Decretales

D.

Gregorii

Papae

H cites and translates this text in the Auto. 873

IX

(1584),

Notes, 3:486.3—

Commentary 12; Sandys asks that the Latin

be translated (3:132.4). Pope Innocent

III

disavowed

temporal jurisdiction in a dispute between King John and Philip Augustus in 1204.

Mallem.

3:108.14

"I should prefer" (also at 3:117.14).

Curiae Christianitatis. "Curias or courts of Christianity." Commented on by Sandys, 3:132.11-13. A curia or court was originally one of the thirty districts into which Romulus divided the Roman people, ten for each of the three tribes.

3: 108.21

The word tations,

one of the

later referred to

edifices in

an assembly of the Senate, or an

official

which the Senate held

its

consul-

place of assembly of high councils

outside of Rome.

3:108.24

of good men.

3:108.32

D. Raynoldes.

Christi College at

Corrected by Sandys (3:132.11-13).

John Rainolds (1549-1607), H's former

Oxford

(see

tutor at

Walton's UJe, Keble, 1:11, 19-21); he

is

Corpus

mentioned

again at 3:112.2. Rainolds emerged in the spring of 1586 as both a defender of the

C

of E and

proponent of reform of ecclesiastical government, strongly in

a radical

fevor of lay elders but against their participation in excommunication; see Dent, Protestant Reformers in Elizabethan

3:108.33-34

Last of all

Draco?

3:108.35

of Athens. is

.

.

Oxford (1983), esp. p. 140;

Athenian statesman and lawgiver (7C BC),

Aristotle, Politics, 2.9.9, noted: "there

worthy of mention, except

pp. 2, 133, 148.

Corrected by Sandys, 3:132.18.

opinion.

.

also,

their severity in

is

first

to codify the laws

nothing peculiar in

his laws that

imposing heavy punishment" (1274

;

Loeb, pp. 170-171). 3:108.36

"If any private individual or the people ."

St quis privatus aut populus.

3:1 10.2

Hebrew

Elias the Levite.

73.6; see

nn

at 2:74. n

scholar (1472-1549) quoted

by

H in V.20.3 and

and 404.z.

Cutt offrom . , enough. H's teaching about the degrees of excomis not altogether perspicacious or, in the eyes of his critics, "custom-

3:110.5—29

.

munication ary."

Compare

"In the third

.

.

the present passage with .");

H's Auto. Notes, 481.30—483.2. In

(Rom.

9:3)

III.

1.7 (1:198.1-23; noted

see 3:112.17-29.^; Sandys, 132.21-27 its

by Cranmer,

and 133.32-134.4; and

most general sense

Paul's

"anathema"

simply means "separation from God," not a formal ecclesiastical

sentence; see 482.20-27.n,

where

H

cites

Gratian, Decretum, 24.3.9; ed. Friedberg,

etymological sense "anathema"

is

for

H

Yves de Chartres, Panormia, 5.89, from 1:992-993. In

this

more

general or

the genus of the three degrees of

excom-

munication: separation, anathema, and execration; the two basic kinds of excom-

munication are excommunication by

a

judge {excommunicatio ajudice) and excom-

munication invoked by the mere performance of a forbidden act {excommunicatio a canone), as

noted by Sandys, 3:133.32-134.3, below. See

munication and the Secular

Arm

Houlbrooke, Church Courts and

in

F.

Donald Logan, Excom-

Medieval England (1968), pp. 13-15, and Ralph

the People during the English Reformation

874

1520-1570

George Cranmer's Notes (1979), p. 48.

When formally legislated by man, of these two, and in

for solemnizing either

H

one of the three

this

however, anathema becomes

more

specific sense,

anathema

a rite

for

is

by his note at 3:482. 20-23. Calvin's distinction between excommunication and anathema is much closer to what Cranmer describes as "more common usage"; see Inst., 4.12.10; (1960), 2:1238; see also Travers's distinction between separation and excommuni-

A

cation in

3:110.5-7

degrees

.

.

.

St Pauls meaning

from

Christ, for

9:3);

dvdOepa

3:110.24-26

as clarified

Full and Plain Declaration, pp. 163—164.

In the third

3:110.14

of exconununication,

my

Church. "For

I

See

III.1.7

and 13 (1:204.30-205.6).

wolde wish my self to be my kinsmen according

here means specifically "delivered up to

especially in theis dayes

.

.

.

nothing:

to the flesh"

God

".

.

.

it is

also

be restored again to the

commonly

Both

sides regretted the

neglected and contemned:

Historical Review,

3: 11

1.1—2

and 7 "this

nn

to

book

Ecclesiastical Discipline

.

. .

later

as a

H quotes Gregory of Nyssa in chap. 4.6

Gregory

(3:11 In) observes that

second instance in which the note might

as it stands."

pope 590-604,

662 (PS,

God it may

"The Abuse of Excommunication under Queen Elizabeth," English

3:29.22-25/ and 32.3-7.0, above). Keble

may be noted

the sixth

p.

pray

57 (1942): 106-115.

St Gregorie.

(see

I

purity." Cartwright, TTte Rest of the Second Replie

first

(1577), pp. 60-61; see also F. Douglas Price,

and the Decline of

(Rom.

for destruction."

contemporary neglect of excommunication; see Whitgift, Defense, 3:223—224):

[av&6epa]

separate

brethren that are

"The

less authoritative in

possibly refer to

Gregory" would be Gregory the Great,

later

16C England

than the

4C

Father,

Gregory of

Nyssa.

By this yt may

3:111.4—15

his discussion

jurisdiction at

of those

of the

1 1

to

On this folio

prevayled.

.

"spiritual"

ecclesiastical courts; see

(16),

H evidendy began

and therefore belong to the

3:118.19—121.2, below, Sandys's Notes

3:130.30-132.2 and 133.8-30, and nn, below.

booke

3:111.4-5 in the 4 3:1

. .

cases that are

Chap. 12.2 (1:320.16-321.5).

if any such thing . . fitt. Pope Victor 1 (189-198), who undertook excommunicate Polycrates of Ephesus and other bishops of Asia Minor for

.33-36

.

refiising to give

Due did,

up observing Easter on 14 Nisan

to widespread protest,

instead of the following Sunday.

he probably did not follow through

however, depose the presbyter Florinus

and he excommunicated Theodotos, the founder of the

known

as

dynamic monarchianism. The

question of a

wrong excommunication

3:112.2

D. Raynoldes

3:112.5

D. Some

his intention.

He

for defending Valentinian doctrines,

case

of Victor

is

heretical

movement

cited here to raise the

(Keble, l:xxxvi).

See 3:108.32 and n, above.

Robert Some (1542— 1609), author of /i^t/Zy

875

fre
cofitoining

Commentary and deciding

certaine questions, touching the ministerie,

22908), and

A godly

treatise,

H. Barrow and J. Greenwood:

given out and holden, partly by

STC

anabaptistical order (1589;

for

more

is

tracts the

only one which from

'Questions wherein

1596:

[STC 22913a] opinion

3:112.5—13

.

.

execrable fancies,

partly by other of the

some

its

private letter, "for

which Hooker

Hooker Camb.

etc.

not mentioned."

See Lucretius,

etc.

.

is

of Some's

date could have referred to

handled that Christ died for the elect alone,'

is

in

many

22912). Keble (3:1 12n) suggests that Some's "wishe

perspicuity" must have been in

published

STC

saaaments, and church (1588;

wherein are examined and confuted

De

2nd

rerum natura, bk. 3 (Loeb,

edn. [1982], pp. 188-191).

You

3:112.17—20

knoAve

.

.

used.

.

See Textual

Intro., 3:xxxii,

and H's Auto.

Notes, 3:481.26-483.2 and n, below.

You knowe

3:112.17—18

View of Popishe Abuses" 3:112.30

Magistratus

me

... accused.

execrator.

The people of God.

3:113.1—3

See, for example. Admonition

"A

and

{P.M., pp. 17-18, 33-34).

.

.

.

"The

magistrate

people. This

is

the

who

punishes me."

men-

time Cranmer has

first

tioned ruling elders, the major topic for the polemic of Book VI. Something of the

ambiguity of the office of the presbyterian conception of the elder reflected in passage

is

summarized by CoUinson: "And what was the

elder?

A

this

layman, an

exalted churchwarden, annually appointed, partly as a safeguard against the clerical-

ism of a

dictatorial pastor?

Or was he a non-preaching presbyter, an ordained and who differed firom the pastor only in that his

permanent minister of the Church business

was government rather than

Calvinist churches

was to progress

Generally, the tendency in

edification?

(or regress?)

from

of the

a lay to a clerical idea

eldership" {E.P.M., p. 299). Sutcliffe expresses the establishment view of the jurisdictional authority claimed for lay elders

of discipline":

"First,

by Cartwright, "the lorde great master make all orders and

the Elders shall have authoritie to

power

decrees, and abrogate the same. Secondlie, they shall have in the

Church, and to depose them. Thirdlie, they

faith, doctrine,

and manners, so

shall

farre as appertaineth to

all

causes

of

concience. Lastlie, (that

they want no meanes to bring under the rebellious) they

admonish, suspend, excommunicate, and absolve";

to chuse officers

be judges in

shall

Treatise, p.

have authoritie to 136; also, pp.

112—

113.

113.11-14

Importeth cheifety ... to Kupiov.

Cranmer

returns to the topic at

3:114.5-11, 117.1-3, 119.1, and 123.13, below; see H's Auto. Notes

OfJurisdiction

(3:466.17-469.13). Aristotle discusses "the sovereignty of the state" (Kupiov TioXecog) in Politia, 3.5.1 (1279*; Loeb, pp. 204-205) and 3.6.1 (1281*; pp.

219), and "the sovereignty of the constitution" (to

Kupiov

TT\(;

218-

Tf\q 7loX,iTeiaQ) in

4.1.5 (1289*; pp. 280-281).

3:113.19

common good

of

all.

The argument being 876

addressed here

is

the

George Cranmer's Notes Puritans' assertion that the

of all" is

is

best,

"mixed";

common good

form of polity which best promotes "the

example, Cartwright: "I declared that the mixed estate

see, for

bothe by the example of the Kingdome of Christ, and

by

thys of our

Compare

VIII. 18.10

also

reahne"; Replye, p. 182 [145]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 649-650.

That threefold cable

3:113.21

.

.

speaketh.

.

Eccles. 4:3.

(3:261.27-262.6).

Solon

3:113.22

Aristotle discusses the

femous Athenian

by Cranmer,

the Court of the Areopagus (mentioned like

legislator in the lines

Lycurgus, "instituted both laws and constitutions";

33-34),

Politics,

2.9.1;

as

context of

one who,

1273

;

Loeb,

pp. 164-165.

Machiavel

3:113.22—23

.

.

.

Niccolo Machiavelli,

Tit. Liv.

Discorsi sopra la

prima

decade di Tito Uvio, chap. 2; (1550), fols. 4"-5''; (1887), pp. 10-17.

Although judicial astrology was highly reputed

According unto Astrology.

3:1 13.33

H

16C,

in the

tude" of the

nowhere else alchemist below

refers to

it,

and

we may

infer, as

(3:124.12), that the analogy

with H's "simili-

was intended

to ridicule

"theyr pretended mixture."

Court

3:113.33-34

.

.

The

optimates.

.

court of the Areopagus

Cecrops, the mythical founder of Athens. Solon in 594

is

BC extended

attributed to

its

jurisdiction

by entrusting to it the guardianship of the laws and the power of enforcing them: "As for Solon, he is considered by some people to have been a good lawgiver, as having put an end to oligarchy when it was too unqualified and having liberated the people firom slavery and established our traditional democracy with a skilful blending of the constitution: the Council on the Areopagus being an oligarchic element, the elective magistracies aristocratic and the law courts democratic"; Aristode, Politia, 2.9.2; 1273

before

court in

this

AD

;

Loeb, pp. 164-165. The Apostle Paul was brought

51 (Acts 17:19). Travers compares the lay elders to

"Therefore those Elders be such

as

those officers off the Athenienses

had charge: to see the lawes kept, or

examined

mon

citezens

life

as

the Censors off

and

authoritie

is

fynally every

chiefe

exacted and

according to the lawes"; and again: "Therefore

had an assemblie off Elders, Athenes

a Senate,

Rome who

a

high court

a Counsell w^hos

the rest off society

all affaires

and church matters

and by

are

by whose

governed and administrated";

Aristotle discusses the principles for deter-

mining the combination or "mixture" of democracy and oligarchy in 4.6.1-6; 1294*— 1294

church head;

is

A

156 and 161.

theyr pretended mixture,

3:113.35

Lacede-

whom

in

are governed, so lyke wise the churche hath an assembly off Elders

Full and Plaine Declaration, pp.

as

named Areopagus, Rome

Kingdom and common welthe

and soveraigne

authoritie ecclesiasticall

it:

were who

Politics,

Loeb, pp. 318-323. Calvin argues that monarchy in the to be accorded Christ alone, and that the church can have no human

Inst., 4.6.8;

;

(1960), 2:1109. Travers says that "for

877

asmuch

as all things are

Commentary ordered and governed by the authority off certen chosen

we may

the congregation in godlines and vertewe,

churche Aristocratic, that

do beare the

rule:

is

that

government and

or rather Theocratie, that

is

state

men who

are cheife in

government off the wherein a few off the best the

call

government off god, seeing

the

that

word and commandement off god"; A Full and Plaine Declaration, p. 177. Cartwright declares "that the mixed estate is best, bothe by the example of the kingdome of Christ, and also of thys our realme. It is sufficient nowe to admonyshe you, that although it be graunted they have no authoritie to do any thing but by the

that the

government of the one be the

best in the

common

wealth, yet

can not

it

be in the church. For the Prince may wel be Monarche immediately betweene

God and

the

common

no man can be Monarche between God and

wealth, but

hys church but Christ,

whych

is

the only head thereof; Replye, p. 182 [145];

Whitgift, Defense, p. 650. Whitgift argues that "those that be learned

government of the church

the

is

Monarchic. For in every particular church where there is

and

chiefe

principall over the rest:

.

.

Of the

.

the head and chief, and therfore the state of

3:113.36-114.1 all

Fourthly.

.

.

.

know,

neither populare, nor Aristocratical, is

.

that

but a

he

churche onely Christ

is

Monarchicall"; Defense, p. 641.

The numbers "four,"

specified.

.

a christian Magistrate,

universall

it is

.

"five,"

and "three"

derive from different ways of classifying Aristotle's six forms of constitution

(noXiTeia):

government (PaaiX,euT6v),

royal

(dpiaxoKpaTiKOv),

aristocracy

republic (7IoA,itik6v), and tyranny (not mentioned here); see

3.11.11;

Politics,

But he continues: "Furthermore there are two constitu(7CoA,iTeTai) by the side of democracy and oligarchy, one of which [aristocmonarhas been referred to as one of the four forms of constitution (.

1288*; Loeb, pp. 270-271. tions racy]

.

.

.

.

.

chy [povapxiav], oligarchy [oA-iyapxiav], democracy [SqpoKpaTiav] and the fourth form called aristocracy [apiaroKpaTiav]), but there is a fifth, entitled by the

common name

Teiav]), but as

it

of them

all

(for

called constitutional

it is

does not often occur

it

is

government

[7ioA,i-

who

try to

overlooked by those

ennumerate the forms of constitution, and they use the four names only (as does Plato) in the list of constitutions"; Politics, 4.5.9; 1293*-1293 Loeb, pp. 312-313. ;

3:114.12

Tribunes.... 2.

plebei), magistrates

Livy refers to "the tribunes of the people"

of the plebeians chosen by

to aid the people against the consuls, in

3:114.26-30

But of one thing

Ab

... yt.

their constituency

who had

{tribuni

the right

urbe condita, 2.23 (Loeb, 1:324—325).

Compare 3:120.35-121.2, below.

H

evidently began here his detailed refutation of the claim that the office of lay elders

and

consistorial

government

in the

church have

their foundation in ancient Jewish

polity.

3:114.31-115.2

was

Layelders

that the ancient

that they did not Treatise,

in causes spirituaH.

Jewish elders had both

The

ecclesiastical

establishment's position

and

civil jurisdiction,

judge matters of faith, excommunicate, or absolve; see

pp. 114—115;

De

presbyterio,

chap. 2, p. 9.

878

but

Sutcliffe,

George Cranmer's Notes

A division or company consisting often; the name >vas first Romulus to the head of the tenth part of a curia. The term was later used more generally to refer to a division or company. H is dealing here with the leaders or nobility of the large number of people listed in the census of Moses in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. 1:2, 18-19). H's point is that the decurions were Decurion.

3:115.15

given by

drawn from and represented

the "gentry," not the

common

people; see 3:118.27—

John Bridges argued that "those selfsame men which before were created captaines" were called to be among the seventy elders called by Moses to assist him; A Defence of the Govemement Established (1587), p. 238. Sandys (134.32) expresses his opinion that H has derived larger numbers of "gentry" to be repre31.

sented by "decurions" than the biblical texts warrant. 3:1 15.22

Moses was

Judges before appointed.

precedent and that required a special oracle

were

to be handled

to judge cases that w^ere ^vithout legal (see

Exod. 18:21—26). Ordinary

by appointed judges (Deut. 16:18-20) or by

lay leaders

cases

(Num.

11:16-17, 24-25). Whitgift deals with Exod. 18 in die Defense, p. 656 (PS, 3:208). Discussed below, 3:118.19-21, 119.13, and by Sandys,

Inferiour Judges.

3:116.5

135.28. Sutcliffe treaty the distinction between "inferior" and "superior" judges in the context of

Num.

Exod.

11,

and Deut. 17

18,

in his Treatise, pp.

107—108;

De

presbyterio, chap. 4, p. 14.

3:116.8—12

It

seemeth by

this

.

.

Cranmer and Sandys

advise.

•

are

both

concerned over the origin, constituency, and number of the court of 70; see

Cranmer, 3:116.15-18 and 118.19-121.1; and Sandys, 3:135.15-20, 135.31-136.4, 136.8—9, and 137.5. Sandys mentions the account of the origin of the 70 in

Num.

11 at 137.12. Fulke bases the presbyterian teaching about the lay eldership

Num.

A

on

and Plaine Declaration (1584), pp. 19-20. Bridges and Sutcliffe deny that the elders came from the 70; see A Defense of the Government 11:16 in

Established, p. 238,

On

respectively.

Briefe

and De

polemic concerning the

Book

VI:

A

chap. 4, p. 16, and chap. 2, pp. 7 and 9,

presbyterio,

the relation of the Sanhedrin to the elders and the judges in the lay elders, see

Rudolph

P.

Almasy, "Richard Hooker's

Reconstruction," Huntington Library Quarterly, 42 (1979): 122-126.

On

the origin, history, nature, and function of the Sanhedrin, see "Sanhedrin,"

The

Interpreter's Dictionary

and "aoveSpjov," rich, trans.

G.

W.

of the Bible

(New York: Abingdon, 1962), 4:214-218; New Testament, ed. Gerhard Fried-

Theological Dictionary of the

Bromiley (Grand Rapids, Mich.:

Wm.

B. Eerdmans, 1971),

7:860-871.

3:116.13—14

ofPriestes onely.

.

.

.

Exclusive.

Sandys

clarifies

the point at issue at

3:135.31-136.4.

3:116.19-20 3:116.32—33 objects to

Did farther Po5t

/toe

devise

booke.

... greeke.

"After

"Greeke authors

Compare

this

and other matters." Sandys likewise

cited in Latin" (3:136.15).

879

Ill.tide (1:193.1-6).

Commentary 3:117.1-3 3:117.7

Chiefety of regiment.

their 3 first kings

.

.

.

.

.

dominion.

God,

.

See 3:1 13.1 l-14.n, above.

Saul, David,

and Solomon: the kings of the

United Monarchy. 3:117.10-11

Alludeth

3:117.13-22

Afterwarde scribes

3:1

17.16-18

Such

.

.

.

Sandys concurs (3:136.18-19).

categorically.

See Sandys (3:136.21-23).

Scribe.

Gamaliel was a famous

another.

.

.

.

tolerant spirit; see Acts 5:34—40,

where he

is

liberal rabbi,

known for his

be both a Pharisee and a

said to

teacher of law; also Acts 22:3. At this point, H has evidently made the transition from discussing the structure of the Jewish court system in the OT to that in the NT. At stake was the argument that in Matt. 18:17 ("tel it unto the Church") Jesus presupposed and "translated" to the church the polity of the Jews; see

111-113;

Sutcliffe, Treatise, pp.

De presbyterio,

SutclifFe refers to Calvin's interpreution

chap. 8, pp. 45-56. In both passages,

of Matt. 18:17 in

4.11.1; (1960),

Inst.,

2:1212.

3:117.19-20

No^iKd. NopiKoi.

substantive (vojaiKoi)

children," whether

boy or

used by Plato

as

also, Phaedrus,

239A

3:117.30 34;

3:117.31

girl,

is

(pp.

as a

an adjective meaning "of

but more commonly the former, "of boys."

315E (Loeb,

It is

pp. 114-115);

448-449).

"The

senate," "the priests."

Compare Acts

5:21, 27,

14:53, 55; also 3:122.24-123.8.

Th'arraignement of Herode.

3:118.20-21

naiSiKa

"darling" or "favorite" in Protagoras,

Senatus, sacerdotes.

Mark

No|iiiKa means "relating to laws," and

means "lawyers."

Herod

Antipas; see

Luke 23:6-8.

Exod. 18:25-26. Compare

for the ease ... Inferiour Judges:

3:116.5 and Sandys, 135.28.

afterwardes

3:118.21-25

.

of Moses

.

.

11:16-17, 24-25.

Com-

Compare 3:120.28-29. Whitgift

speaks

spirite.

Num.

pare 3:116.9.

the rest were

3:118.29-31

.

.

.

senate;

out against princes and nobles being disciplined by to

common

be lay elders in Defense, pp. 656-657 (PS, 3:209-210); see

people

also pp.

who happen 683-684

(PS,

3:273-275). 3:119.1

3:119.4-5

TO Kupiov

That

See 3:1 13.1 l-14.n, above. therein.

This would

parallel the situation in

where the king was supreme governor over both

civil

and

Tudor England,

ecclesiastical affairs,

including the courts.

3:119.8-9

Ely,

.

.

.

Simon;

Eli the Levite

and immediately preceded Samuel. Simon

became high

= Simeon,

priest

and judge of Israel

the second son of Jacob

Leah, was the eponymous ancestor of the southernmost of the tribes of

880

Israel.

by

George Cranmer's Notes That the sUte of Jury

3:119.9-120.21

3:1 19.1 3-1 4.
On

Compare

... reformation.

Sutcliffe,

142.

Treatise, p.

those

.

.

.

upon Jethroes motion;

Exod. 18:24-26; Deut. 16:18.

the "Inferiour Judges," see 3:116.5 and 118.19-21 and Sandys, 135.28.

3:120.8—21

it

.

Compare

Ecclesiasticall.

.

.

Sutcliffe,

114.

Treatise, p.

ivhereas

De presbyterio, 3:120.22

would have

as they

3:119.17-18

Ne

it is

alwayes

.

.

.

reformation.

See

Sutcliffe, Treatise, p. 80;

chap. 4, pp. 20, 29.

A sutor is a shoemaker or cobbler.

sutor)

Cranmer

is

referring to the

proverb, "Sutor ne supra crepidam judicaret"; "Let the cobbler stick to his

last."

See PUny the Elder, Natural History, 35.36.85; Loeb, 9:324-325.

the rest were of the Nobility

3:120.28-29

which before

.

.

people;

.

See 3:118.29-31.

At 3:114.26-30. Whitgift states that "It is borow any such manner or forme of government from the Jewes: seeing the same was neither before prescribed unto them by God, nor yet at that time righdy used, but moste shamefully abused";

3:121.2

that

... 28.

very unlike that our saviour Christ would

Defense, p. 663; PS, 3:227.

w^hat their opinion

3:121.17—33

is

.

.

.

See Sandys's endorsement,

arising.

3:136.31-33. 3:121.24

Erastus,

presbyterio (1591)

Pref

2.9

H

and n,

(1:11.21-33)

against the positions

those wordes of

3:121.27-29 referring

See

was written

Mr

above.

Sutcliffe's

De

of Erastus and Beza.

them. Cranmer could be Carthwright where Carrwright, in the context of .

.

.

to a passage such as the following,

arguing that the order of elders tyrants or in times

is

perpetual, either in times of persecution under

of peace under Christian magistrates, gives

a "general descrip-

tion" of the office of lay elders: "For the elders office \vas to admonish severally those that dyd amisse, to comfort those

which he saw weak and shaking,

to assist

the pastor in ecclesiasticall censures of reprehensions, sharper or milder as the faultes required, also to assist in the suspensions

some

triall

from the supper of the Lord

w^ere had of the repentance of that party

which had confessed

hym

untill

hym

selfe

excommunication"; Cartwright also argues that the early church did not by any means "meddle with those things which belonged unto a magistrate, no more under a to have offended, or else if

tyrant then

under

Defense, p. 634).

a

The

he remayned stubbome, to

assist

in the

godly magistrate"; Replye, pp. 175—176 [140] (Whitgift, 70" Cranmer refers to is evidendy to fol. 70 of H's own

"p.

ms.

3:121.29-31

And

of the quaestion"

I is

like a

.

.

.

question.

term from

See

II.

1.2 (1:144.34-145.34); "the sute

Aristotle's Rhetoric, 3.13:

881

"A

speech has two

parts.

Commentary 424—

necessary to state the subject, and then to prove it" (1414*; Loeb, pp.

It is

425). See 4:75. 17.n, above.

Auncients simply so named.

3:122.1

Which condemned

3:122.7-18

Sandys agrees, 3:136.31.

Christ.

.

.

Court.

.

[the disciplinarians] say further, that the

Sutcliffe observes that

"They

Jewish Elders did not condemne our

Saviour to die, which

was

is contrarie to the text of Scripture. Likewise, that Stephen by tumult, which is untrue. For he was brought before the counsel and examined, heard, condemned, executed with all formality of lawe"; Treatise,

slain

Elders, p. 114.

concerning Jehosaphat,

See 3:119.9-120.8.

Compare

Sandys, 3:136.28-30.

3:122.12

that

3:122.22

Power of life and

3:123.13

SiTTOV xd Kopiov.

3:123.17.^

.

.

.

death.

See 3:1 13.1 l-14.n, above.

"The

Judceorum Synodum.

therefore be modified, as

"damned,"

H

quum per

3:123.22

3:123.28-29

663-664

in Defense, pp.

"When

alium.

St Paul,

.

.

.

is

feminine in gender and should not

by adjective modifiers, such as which have a neuter ending. Compare derivation and meaning of synedrium or

has apparently done,

"that," or "constituted,"

Whitgift's thorough discussion of the

auveSpiov

Cranmer rightly points

council of the Jews."

out that synodus, from the Greek avvoboq,

(PS, 3:327-328).

through another."

Romans

etc>

H

now

is

refuting the disciplinarian

claim that the apostles established lay elders and consistorial government in every parish.

And

3:124.1-8

Mr

here because

sermon, upon the 3.4.5.6.7. and 8. to the

Romanes (1584;

STC

there be in the bodie:

what be

their duties

4926):

what they

and

are

.

way.

"Now

fully

Laurence Chaderton,

uppon

A

fruitfull

of the 12. Chapiter of the Epistle of S. Paul if

you

aske

me,

how manie members

and howe they bee named or

Aposde him determine

selfe will

all

called:

and

aunswere plainly in the

these questions saying:

are either Doctors to teach. Pastors to exhort, Elders to rule.

distribute, Attenders

and

.

be:

callings: the

next verses, and perfecdie and

members

.

verses,

These

Deacons

to

the poore straungers and the sicke, or else the people

which are taught, exhorted, ruled, and receive almes and releefe. These no mo, no fewer. So the necessity of the relation plainly prooveth, and these

saints, al:

are such as are able to execute

and performe any duty belonging to the perfect

building up, and adorning of the mystical body of Christ, as shall hereafter appeare

more 3:124.12

at large in the particular

handling of every severall office" (pp. 34-[35]).

your similitude of the Alchimist

3:124.15-16

Auncientes.

presbyters.

Auncients" (3:137.31).

882

See 3:1 13.33-35.n, above.

Sandys emphasizes that these were "lay

George Cranmer's Notes Regiments

3:124.17-18

uscth,

Cor. 12:28; see V.78.8 (2:444.10-15), and

1

Cartwright, Replye, p. 174 [138]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 628.

CK xeptouaiot^

3:124.24-25

enthymetne.

3:124.28

"Going

full circle."

In Aristotelian rhetoric, a persuasive and probable syllogism

(from which either the major or the minor premise ily valid;

God

"As,

.

For

3:124.33-125.15

.

elders" (lines 29-31)

.

to the end.

.

138.30) agree that H's argument disciplinarian distinction

govern only, with the oflSce

of lay

requisite.

. .

on

fol.

67

between presbyters

is

is

omitted) that

Cranmer and Sandys (3:137.32-

who

teach and govern and those as the

who

protoype for their

.

Sharpe.

.

.

Keble (3:125) has "D. Cousines" rather than "D.

Germines." Neither "M[r] Sharpe" or "D[r] Germines" has been this place

3:124.33

not necessar-

not forceful enough against the key

taken by the disciplinarians

latter

is

an example.

elders.

When

3:124./«

is

onely

1

Tim.

identified.

5:17. See Sandys, 3:137.32-138.30.

Compare

Cartwright, Replye, p. 174 [138], and Whitgift, Defense, pp. 626-627 (PS, 3:150151); Cartwright, Rest of the Second Replie (1577), p. 32; terio,

and

Sutcliffe,

De

presby-

chap. 12, pp. 71, 73.

3:125.8—10 11.1,

your distinction

Grst

and

.

.

proved.

.

Following Calvin

{Inst.,

4.4.1,

Cartwright distinguished two kinds of elders or presbyters,

11.6),

identifying the second with lay elders who do not preach or teach: "Of those which have care and which goveme the whole congregation, some there be which do bothe teach the word and governe also: some which do not teach but only goveme and be ayders in the governement unto those which doe teach"; Replye, p.

173 [138]. Whitgift

rejects the

notion of nonpreaching or nonteaching lay elders

and distinguishes rather between presbyters

God

(priests)

and administrate the sacraments and others

who both preach the word of who are authorized only to

administrate the sacraments; Defense, pp. 626—627.

in

3:125. J.2

Episcopo

Mr

3:125.16-23 [14.3]

which

"in a Bishop."

Carthw. assertion

is

that Paule

which preached

.

.

.

presume.

which were not

in every congregation

number of congregations

"The

first

place

is

the Actes

and Barnabas dyd appoynt dyvers ministers or bishops

as

were then

to

to

be had for suche a

be preached unto: therefore in every

congregation there were besides those that preached other elders which dyd only in

government

assist

conjectures heere declare

what

Defense, p.

3:\25.j

See

the pastors

when

S.

which preached. And what should we follow [1 Tim. 5:17]

Paule doth in the place before alledged

these elders are"; Cartwright, Replye, p. 174 [138]. See Whitgift,

628 (PS, 3:154-155). .

.

.

end of all.

At 3:129.15-26.

883

Commentary

H

excepting their Ambrose,

3:125.31

that the authority

now

is

begins with a passage from a treatise assumed by

which

now known

is

est senectus.

Unde

to

et

doctorum

among and

all

desidia, aut

peoples without

church had

later the

church.

By what

perhaps

it

old age

fail

elders,

idleness

Quod

oflSce

parties to

of lay

is

apud omnes utique gentes honorabilis

quorum

sine nisi

dum

soli

volunt aliquid videri"; "For

honorable. Hence, both the synagogue

without whose counsel nothing was done in the

this office fell into disuse

do not know,

I

of the doctors, or even more

their pride

alone wanted to consider something"; Pseudo-Ambrosius, Commentarii

ad Timotheum

by Calvin,

I,

Inst.,

He

elders.

be by Ambrose but

qua negligentia obsoleverit nescio,

magis superbia

negligence

was the

"Nam

be spurious:

all

synogoga, et postea Ecclesia seniores habuit,

consilio nihil agebatur in ecclesia. forte

refuting the disciplinarian claim

of the early church Fathers supports the

The

chap. 5; in Ambrose, Opera (1567), 5:406. 4.11.6; (1960), 2:1218;

in

passage

and referred to by Whitgift in

unless

when

they

Epistolam is

his

quoted Answere

where he uses it to show that the names and offices of elders or had disappeared before Ambrose's time. See Cartwright, Replye, p. 182 Whitgift, Defense, p. 651; Cartwright, Rest of the Second Replie, p. 44; and

(1572), p. 114, seniors [145];

Sandys, 3:140.3,

5.

this quaestion

3:126.1-2

Excellent Letter

§§

,

and contriving

against

And

3:126.6-7.ife

in the

Book of B first

This one thing

3:126.9-11

of lay elder

God

.

.

.";

is

.

.

draft

"through dismantling

so.

That

is,

"Bishops."

Cranmer

has

of Book VII.

God,

.

For example, Cartwright argues that the

Rest of the Second Replie, p. 73.

do not perceave

prayers.

I

3:127.14-17

Ignatius, that Bishops

at 3:128.9.n,

106.

not only necessary but "the perpetual and unchangable decree

3:127.11-12

3:127.18

Compare Cranmer's.^M Sutcliflfe, Treatise, p.

them."

evidendy seen a complete

of

l:36.15-53.15.n, above; also

avac7KeuaaTiK&<; Kai KaTaoKevaanKSx;,

3:126.5-6

office

controversy.

of Layelders

5, 8; see

.

.

.

BB.

See Sandys, 3:139.7-16.

The passage is quoted and translated

below.

President

.

.

.

seniores.

"President probati quique seniores,

istum non pretio, sed testimonio adepti, neque enim pretio

"Certain approved elders preside,

who

is

Dei

honorem constat";

honor not by money, no buying or selling of any kind in

have obtained

but by evidence of good character; for there

ulla res

this

the things of God"; TertuUian, Apologeticus adversus Gentes, chap. 39; Opera (1566),

2:692; PL, 1:469-470;

CCSL,

1:150;

ANF,

3:46. See Sandys, 3:139.19-21. Ter-

tullian's text was disputed by Cartwright and Whitgift; see Cartwright, Replye, p. 187 [149]; Rest of the Second Replie, p. 41; and Whitgift, Defense, p. 673 (PS,

3:252-253);

also, Sutcliflfe,

De preshyterio,

884

chap. 14, p. 116.

George Cranmer's Notes 3:127.20-23

doth not appeare

It

. .

See Whitgift, Defense, pp. 626-627

urge.

.

(PS, 3:150-153).

Honorfratrum

3:127.25—29 epist.

.

.

66 and comments upon

.

H quotes this passage from Cyprian's

presbyters. it

(2:470.15—19) and n, above. Cartwright interprets a

it:

peece of the office of these Elders (4 Book, Ep.

bread into equal portions and carrying

(for the assistance

it

"that of Cyprian

by

5),

deviding the

of the Bishop) in

of sportulantium]: where by placing their

trayes [the sense

and V.80.11

in VII. 23. 9 (3:286.w); see n, below,

.

.

.

noteth

communion

little

baskets or

office in this assisting

of

them owt from the ministring of the Sacrathat place, noteth the honor of that office, to

the Minister, he doeth manifestly shut

ment: especially seing Cyprian in

had by reason of it, acces to which should have been sondly

consist in that they

this assistance

great mysteries,

put, if they

of that

themselves have ministred the Sacramentes,

office,

of the Pastor, in so also

by vertue

as the

Bishop";

might

as

wel

Rest of the Second Replie, pp. 41—42. Whitgift responds in the Defense, pp. 674-675 (PS, 3:254—256), although the epistle

tioned. See also Sutcliffe,

3:127./

I

tooke

.

.

.

mentioning

De presbyterio,

thefratres sportulantes

is

not

men-

chap. 13, p. 92.

"At Alexandria no presbyter is allowed to which was made after Arius had raised a disturb-

a'wnsw^eared.

address the public: a regulation

PG, 67:641-642; NPNF.2, 2:132. where this discipline ^vas not so diligendy looked unto: there are notwithstanding markes, whereby we may know, that they went owt of the way. As at Alexandria, where, althowgh the Elders did teach: yet after Arrius was convicted of heresie, it was decreed, that the Elders should no more teach, by which decree, they did, as it were covertly confes: that they had ance in that church"; Socrates, Hist,

eccles.,

5.22;

Cartw^right comments: "In other churches,

received the reward of breaking the order of god, in permitting that the Elder,

should teache in the church. For

had bene of the

if it

preach: Neither Arrius, nor ten thowsand

moe

institution

of an Elder, to

suche heretik Elders, owght to have

given cause of such a decrees: seing the institution of the Lord owght not to be

broken, for any abuse of men"; Rest of the Second Replie, pp. 41—42.

3:127.32—128.4 4,

Epistolae

St Jerome drawing. ... .

.

.

et

libri

Jerome, Adversus Ludferianos, chaps. 3-

it.

contra Haereticos

(1578), pp.

197-199; PL, 23:172-173;

NPNF.2,

6:324. Cartwright cites and interprets this passage as follows:

if Jerome

him

that

is

self,

althowgh an Elder of

Rome,

to say, that yt belongeth not unto an Elder

>vord, or Sacramentes? Let his w^ordes be weighted,

"And what

give testimony unto this cause:

of the church, to minister the whereby he confesseth playnly,

that nether Elder nor Deacon had right, but upon the Bishops commandement, so to baptiz:

which notwithstanding (saith he)

is

licenced even to

laymen

in

much

as

tyme of necessity"

Rest of the Second Replie, p. 42. See also 3:128.5-7 and Sandys, 139.33-35 and n,

below, where the passage

is quoted. Lucifer (d. 372), bishop of Cagliari in Sardinia, was exiled because of his defense of Athanasius (296?-373), the principal opponent of Arianism. He later came into conflict with the moderate policy of the orthodox

bishops

who

determined that actual Arians,

885

if they

renounced

their heresy, should

Commentary be pardoned, but not invested with

who

and

ecclesiastical functions,

that those bishops

had merely consented to Arianism should remain undisturbed. This

latter

concession \vas unacceptable to Lucifer, and he henceforth was identified with the principle that

no one who had yielded

should be aUowed to hold an

Pray

3:128.5-7

place

sift this

to

any compromise whatever with Arianism

ecclesiastical office.

.

.

.

noted.

"Inde venit, ut sine chrismate,

et epis-

copi jussione, neque presbyter, neque diaconus jus habeant baptizandi"; Jerome, Aduersus

chap. 4, in Epistolae

Luciferiattos,

PL, 3:173;

partially translated

.

.

.

by Cartwright

et libri contra haereticos

(1578), p. 199;

in the preceding n. See Sandys's note,

3:139.36-140.2.

Ignatius, cbq Kai 6 iniaKonoq, too IlaTpoq twv 6A.cov rvnot; OTi&px er oi 6i Tcpeapuxepoi, (oq auvfeSpiov ©ecu, Kai auvSeapoc; otTcoaToXcov XpiaToO. Xcoptg toOtcov 'EKKA,r)aia eKXeicrrj ouk Sotiv, go auvA-

3:128.9

.

6poia^a tive

ayicov,

.

.

o6 auvayoyyi^

of the Father of all

things,

oaicov. ".

.

.

even

as

the bishop

assembly of the apostles of Christ. Apart firom these there

is

congregation of holy ones, no assembly of saints"; Ignatius,

PG,

5:780;

ANF,

is

the representa-

and the presbyters are the sanhedrim of God, and

no

Ad

elect

Church, no

TralUanos, chap. 3;

1:67. In citing this passage, Cartwright omits Ignatius's reference

to the bishop and edits the passage to read: "there

no church, which can stand

is

without her Eldership, or Counsail"; Rest of the Second Replie, p. 42.

3:128.9

Cyprian

3:128.9

Posidonius,

See 3:127.25-29.n, above.

"Et eidem presbytero potestatem dedit coram

Evangelium praedicandi, ac

firequentissime

consuetudinem Afiricanarum Ecclesiarum: unde etiam bant";

"And he

tine] the

[Valerius, bishop

power of preaching

ei

se in ecclesia

usum quidem

contra

tractandi;

et

nonnulli episcopi detrahe-

of Hippo] gave to that same presbyter [Augus-

the gospel very frequendy in his place in the church.

This was against the use and custom of the Afirican churches; hence,

many

bishops

disparaged him"; Posidonius, Vita Sancti Aurelii Augustini, chap. 5; in Augustine,

Opera (1569),

1:862;

converted pagan

Calama

in

who

Numidia

PL, 32:37. Posidonius (or Possidius, 370F-440?) was a lived in the monastery at in 397;

he

assisted

Hippo

until

Augustine in

Donatists and the Pelagians, and he was with Augustine

he became bishop of

his struggle

when he

considers this text firom Posidonius to be of great importance:

against the

died. Cartwright

"But towching the

use of the AflOricane churches, until Augustins tyme, that one testimony

than sufficient whereby

is

is

more

affirmed, that Valerius Bishop of Hippo, did contrary to

the custome of the Afiicane church, in that he

committed the

office

of teaching

unto Augustin, which was an Elder of that church, and that he was checked therfore of the Bishops: checked

(I

say)

notwithstanding that Valerius

is

there

doen it for support of his infirmity, because him self was not so apt to preach. And howsoever Posidonius, alow of Valerius fact: yet boeth the continuance of that order by the space of 400 yeares, and the judgment of other declared, to have

886

George Cranmer's Notes Bishops round abowt,

is

withowt comparison of more weighte.

.

.

.";

Rest of the

Second RepUe, p. 41. Sutcliffe anempts to synthesize the positions of Tertullian,

Jerome, and Posidonius in 3:128.10

Socrates

3:128.10

this

3:128.17

Pamelius.

who

his Treatise, p. 134.

See 3:127./.n, above.

of Hierome

See

nn

at

3:127.32-128.4 and 128.5-7, above.

Jacques de Pamele (1536-1587) was an erudite

commented on

published and

RC

scholar

several patristic texts, including editions

of the

complete works of Cyprian (1568, 1574, 1589) and Tertullian (1584, 1598). See above, 3:42.x and n.

That

3:128.20-26

if

they would

.

God;

. .

Compare Pref

2.1

and 4 (1:3.20-

4.10 and 6.10-26).

3:128.30-32

Lay elders

if their

Compare Pref 8.2-5 and 13-14.

... folio we;

See also Whitgift, Defense, pp. 642, 646-647, 654-658 (PS, 3:184, 191-192, 204205, 209-213), and Sutcliffe, Treatise, pp. 141, 177. 3:129.4-7

I

could

virishe

.

.

.

way)

See 3:125.16-19; Sandys, too,

on

insists

meticulous documentation (3:136.34-36, 137.20-24, and 139.22-27).

margine

in the

3:129.7

See 3:108.21-22, 108.36-110.1, 111.16-17,

... be:

112.4-6 and 10-11.

thinges onely probable ... afErmed.

3:129.7-8

That

3:129.8-13

means

above;

Mr I

widi

(3:286. m)

3:130.1—4

52,

... be.

See 3:122.7-13, 18-20; "at a

lift"

Carthwrightes

.

Compare 3:125.16-29 and

appointed.

.

.

n,

also, 3:\25.j.

3:129.28—33

3:130.5

awnswearing

"at a disadvantage" (from wrestling).

3:129.15-26

dealt

in

See 3:117.10-11.

at

thinke the place

.

.

conceave.

Probably the same references

Compare

Sandys, 3:139.22-24; VII.239

and n, below.

Arius troubled

.

.

tytne.

Exhorted Nepotian.

.

.

Ad

.

3:127.25-29; see n, above.

Nepotianum, §

after his discussion

.

5; see

.

See 3:127./, and n, above.

contradicted.

The

reference

is

3:107.14— 15.n, above. Cartwright

of Socrates' account of Arius

to

Jerome,

epist.

refers to this text

as a presbyter in the

church

at

Alexandria (3:127./.n) and before that of Jerome's dialogue Adversus Ludferianos

(3:127.32-128.4 and n): Nepotion] doeth reprehend

"Jerome this,

(I

graunt)

somewhere [marginal

and some learned of our tyme

after

note:

Ad

him, have

esteemed the decree of Alexandria fauty herein. But that being considered, which have alledged, there is no cause to condemn that decree, whether it were of the Nicen councel, or of Athanasius and the Eldership of Alexandria. And what of Jerome himself, althowgh an Elder of Rome, give testimony unto this cause: that I

887

Commentary is

to say, that yt belongeth not unto an Elder

of the church, to minister the word,

or Sacramentes?"; Rest of the Second Replie, p. 42. Nepotian,

nephew of Heliodorus,

had, like his uncle, abandoned the military for the clerical calling and was then a

where Heliodorus was bishop. The letter is a systematic on the rule of life they ought to adopt.

presbyter at Altinum, treatise

on

3:130.8-9

the duties of the clergy and

Priests

3:130.10-11

and

BB

A Lay man

more.

.

,

.

See 3:127. /.n, above.

See 3:127.32-128.4.n, above;

baptize.

also,

Sandys,

139.36-140.2 and n, below.

Edwin 3:130.18-24

This booke

.

(1960), 2:1056-1062; the

Sandys's Notes

Synodes? See, for example, Calvin, Inst., 4.3.4-9; two Admonitions, P.M., pp. 15-17 and 107-109; Udall's .

.

Demonstration (1588), 1.10 and 12, pp. 3 and 4; and esp. Cartwright, his

movement

against the charge

who

defends

of bringing in confusion and disorder because

it

"putteth the people in subjection under their governoures, the gouvemoures in

degree and order one under an other,

Deacon underneath

as

the Elder underneath the Pastor, and the

church

place unto a Provincial!

which teacheth that a synode where many churches

It," Replye; see also p.

187 [149]. Compare Bancroft's Suruay, chap. 11,

particular

the Elder,

shall

give

and the Provincial to a National!, and likewyse that unto the General!, if any be, and all unto Christe and his worde"; "To the Church of England, and All Those that Love the Trueth in

But note Cranmer's statement view: "In

at

are,

more

3:126.1-2. Sutcliffe supports H's

this part [of the discourse]

concerning the Eldership ...

I

p. 157.

restricted

dispute against

no one position or opinion of theirs, but against a chiefe pillar, and almost the groundworke of their newe discipline, I meane the sacred Aldermen; which overthrowne, the high commendation of their present discipline doth threaten present ruine"; Treatise, p. 106.

3:130.25

A

moral! Exordium and Conclusion

introductory section of a traditional four senses

behavior. Sandys

"bookes" by 3:130.30-33

6,

of

causes

H

and

civil

and

own

which applied the

frame

his discussion

the

second of the

text to individual

of the

issues in his

.

.

.

.

.

.

other.

opened.

See 3:133.18-21.

See

nn

at

3:108.1 and 108.4-

theory of the difference between the jurisdiction

ecclesiastical courts at

H

refers to the

political implications.

Wherein the nature

causes" (133.21-30).

that

explicitly to

matrimoniall—

above. Sandys outlines his

An "Exordium" was

an oration; "morall"

of interpretation,

urging

their social

Why

3:130.33-132.2

is

classical

133.8-30, notably his conception of "mixt

outlines his position in the Auto. Notes, 3:483.11-19,

attacks the disciplinarian position at 497.4—9.

888

and

Edwin Sandys's Notes These points are

3:132.2 8,

.

.

.

impugned:

See, for example, Calvin,

Inst.,

4.11.5,

15-16; (1960), 2:1216-1217, 1219-1221, 1227-1229; the two Admonitions

(P.M., pp. 30-34 and 127-129); Travers, 163, 167—168; and esp. Cartwright,

was

ecclesiastical courts "all

A

who

how

related in Puritan thinking to the issue

those Courtes of byshopes and archbyshopes must needes

the Antichrist erected against thys faculties

la wfull

jurisdiction

clearly the issue

of ruling fall,

.

.

First, for that

.

they enter into an offyce

of

lay elders:

whych were by

of Eldership,

the courte of

as

and those whych are holden by chauncellors, commissaries,

such lyke.

161-

Full and Plaine Declaration, pp.

demonstrates

and

officials,

whych peruineth not unto

them, but to every particulare church, and especially to the eldershyp or governoures of the church, and therefore although they should do nothing but that

which were good,

lawfull,

men, much

less

God, puttyng

other thyng

is

to

and godly, yet can they not approve

that in these courts

edge of matters which are mere

God also

their sickele in

civil,

hath appoynted in serving the

wyth

the

civill

magistrate,

appointeth unto hym,

(whych they causes

a

from the

.

unto .

An

whych

but justling

the jurisdiction

whyche

the causes of the contracts of mariage, of divorces, of

as

things.

For although

it

appertaine

show out of the word of God \vhych

contract or just cause of divorce, and so forthe, yet the judiciall

la^vfrlll

determination and definitive sentences of magistrate.

ecclesiasticall,

hym from

and thrusting

.

they take the knowl-

thereby not only perverting the order

civill

to the church and the governors thereof to is

cal spiritual)

and testaments, and divers suche other lyke

>villes

their labors

an other mannes harvest.

Hereunto may be added

that

these

all

all

their

do appertaine unto the

of mony, whych can by no meanes appertaine to the church, but civill"; Replye,

pp.

187-188

civill

punishments almost are penalties a

is

thyng meerly

679-680; see

[150]; Whitgift, Defense, pp.

also

The

Rest of the Second Replie, pp. 94-96.

Non

3:132.4

See 3:108.8—11 and n, above; also H's Auto. Notes,

intendimus.

3:486.3—12 and n, below. 3:132.6—7

Here

.

.

.

impugne.

Sandys here

refers to the

oath ex

incensed the Puritans and which they so bitterly attacked.

officio,

The newly

which so

established

court of the High Commission relied very heavily upon the practice to coerce Puritans under oath to testify against themselves or to reveal the thetic colleagues. In late 1590, Cartwright it

and,

upon

judges of the

refusing to take the oath ex

common

nating oath ex

officio

and others had been

officio,

its

powers, regarded the incrimi-

threatening established and customary methods of legal

procedure. Hence, the Puritans allied themselves with the the powers of the

High Commission;

High Commission (1913);

don

before

had been imprisoned. Lawyers and

law, determined to curb

as

names of sympa-

summoned

rpr.,

Press, 1968), esp. pp.

with a

common

lawyers against

Roland G. Usher, The Rise and Fall of the new intro. by Philip Tyler (Oxford: Clarensee

142—221; Stuart Barton Babbage, Puritanism and Richard

Banaoft (London: S.P.C.K., 1962), pp. 38, 259-293. Richard Cosin, one of the

most

active

of the commissioners, w^rote

a defense

889

of the

new

court, with particu-

Commentary emphasis on the legitimacy of the oath ex

lar

officio,

in

An

Apologie:

sundrie proceedings by jurisdiction ecdesiasticall (2nd edn., 1593, cited

Notes, 3:481.18);

H

An. 1591."

3:132.11—13

and for

edn. also includes "a determination (concerning Oaths)

this

which was made by M. Lancelot Andrewes Doctor Julie,

of,

by H, Auto,

the courts which

.

.

in Diuinitie

of Cambridge in

position at 3:480.21-481.19; see nn.

sets forth his

See Cranmer, 3:108.21 and n,

la^¥-bookes.

.

above.

3:132.15—16

our Saviours speech

.

.

Church.

.

Matt. 18:16 was the key text in the

controversy over the spiritual jursidiction with regard to imposing the censures of

The

the church.

Puritans interpreted "the

whole congregation, nor the elders."

The

establishment interpreted

C

the order of the ted,

of E, the one to

in this text as "neither the

it

as restricted to

whom

ordained priests and, by

the executing of discipline

is

commit-

the bishop. See Whitgift, Defense, pp. 634-635, 661-662, 662-663; PS,

3:168-169, 223, 225.

of lay

It is

key

also the

elders in exercising discipline

was the

tion)

in the it

Church"

pastor alone," but as "the pastor with the ancients or

polity

OT, and

unto

his

evangelica.

and

argument

that the role

of the Jews in the synagogues and the Sanhedrin

discipline

that Christ in this statement presupposed this order

and "translated

church." See, for example, Calvin, "In Matt. 18:16," in Harmonia

Opera (1891),

228); Travers,

A

Full

CR,

45:514; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 663-664 (PS, 3:226-

and Plaine

preejudize of.

.

.

168; Fulke,

Declaration, p.

Declaration (1584), pp. 87-88; Sutcliffe,

3:132.21—27

text for the Puritan

and ultimately excommunication (and absolu-

kynds.

De presbyterio,

A

Briefs

and Plaine

pp. 44-59.

See Cranmer on the problem of classification

of various kinds of anathema, 3:110.5—29.n. 3:132.28-32

Paul may probably

.

.

.

[life].

Rom.

9:3;

Exod. 32:32-33. See Cran-

mer, 3:110.5-24. 3:133.4—8

3:133.8-30

And on

that >vord

Indeede

as all

.

.

.

.

.

.

Consistories.

require

it.

See Pref

8.4.

Compare 3:130.30-132.2; Cranmer,

111.7-15; and H's Auto. Notes, 471.13-477.18, 483.6-485.3, 486.13-490.5.

Cosin summarizes the causes (crimes and offences) subject to jurisdiction set forth

"Against Sobriety to the Self," in

"The

Generall Preface" of his 1593 Apologie.

the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts in the 16C, see

Norman Conquest and

the

Common Law (London:

61-68; Ralph Houlbrooke, Church Courts and tion

1520-1570

ordinary ecclesiastical

under the rubrics "Against Piety," "Against Justice," and

(1979); Felix

Makower,

George

W.

On

Keaton, The

Ernest Benn, Ltd., 1966), esp. pp.

the People during the English

Reforma-

Constitutional History of the Church of

England (London, 1895), pp. 384—466. See also Robert Phillimore, "Relations Spiritual and Temporal," The Ecclesiastical Law of the Church of

between Courts

England (London, 1895), 2:1108-1119. 3:133.21

other mixt, as matter ... testaments;

890

H notes the rivalry of common

Edwin Sandys's Notes lawyers seeking to curtail the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts

at

3:484.14—15.

Sandys here says that cases concerning testaments or the probate of wills

H

whereas

classifies

"testamentary cases"

as the

concern of the

Compare

alone (see 476.23-26; also, 486.13—487.16).

is

"mixt,"

ecclesiastical

judge

Sandys's conunents at lines

27-30.

even as the prince

3:133.26

it

a mixt person:

See H's Auto. Notes, 3:468.21—

31, 493.6-32.

Mr Speaker in the Parliament.

3:133.27

Keble surmised that Sandys's reference

"Mr Speaker in the Parliament" was "probably" to "Mr Serjeant Yelverton, who was chosen Oct. 27, 1597, and continued in office till the 9th Feb. following, when the parliament was dissolved" (3:132n). Indeed, there was an anti-clerical bill to

introduced in the 1597 Parliament, and there were

connected with marriage

after his election as

bills

presented against abuses

and against excessive

fees

and exactions in

Neale, 2:356—358. Moreover, Yelverton's main oration

ecclesiastical courts; see

proved"

licenses

Speaker was on a topic where he might "verie

that "the prince

(2:329-331). Yet Sandys

is

is

mixt person"; see Neale's sununary of

a

more

likely referring here to

speech

Edward Coke, who was

Stanwood argues

the Speaker in the 1593 Parliament. P. G.

weU have this

(3:xxxi) that Sandys

refers to the

second of Edward Coke's "disabling" speeches given on 22 February,

summarized

in

The Parliamentary

348; see also the

or Constitutional History of England (1763),

summary of Coke's speech commissioned by Queen

4:347—

Elizabeth, in

the context of which the Speaker might have "verie well proved" that "the prince is

a

mixt person," 4:394-396, and Neale, 2:274—275.

The

Intro, to

3:133.32-134.5 3:134.6

chiefly

3:134.6-13

On the

1593 Parliament, see

Preface, pp. 31—37, above.

both Separation

of

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

See 3:110.5-29.n, above.

See 3:113.11— 14.n, above.

Dominion.

In this discourse

playnly.

•

.

Person.

Sandys

is

referring here to Beza's

Tractatus pius et moderatus de vera excommunicatione et christiano presbyterio (1 590;

2048), discussed and cited by

H

in

see nn). Sutcliffe addresses his entire treatise

by Beza

in this tractate

STC

Pref 2.9 and 6.4 (1:11.25-33 and 32.23-29./);

De presbyterio

against the position taken

and the position of Erastus; see Crarmier, 3:121.24 and n,

above.

3:134.10-13 elders

to denie the princes

had jurisdiction to

discipline or

.

.

.

Person.

A

major

issue in

whether

participate in ecclesiastical consistories or courts

lay

and to

even excommunicate; see H's Auto. Notes, 3:491.6—28, 493.1—5,

494.23, 495.1-10, 500.4-21. See also Calvin,

Inst.,

4.11.4 and 7 (1960), 2:1216

and 1235; Cartwright, Replye, pp. 180-181 [140]; and Whitgift, Defense, pp. 634 (PS, 3:190-192); and SutcUffe, Treatise, pp. 137, 139-140, 177. 3:134.15

petere principium.

"To beg

the question."

891

Commentary 3:134.16-19

It

cannot be

.

.

.

See 3:113.35.n and 3:113.35-11 4. l.n,

qualified.

above.

t6 xo3L6.

3:134.18

d>^ eni

3:134.25

his nephewes]

and here

3:134.27—32

of the

.

.

"For the most part." .

the Jewish

of the

tribes or ancients

See Cranmer, 3:115.3—4.

sonnes .

.

.

H

gentrie:

wants to show that only princes

common

and no

greatest nobility

people were on

Moses' senate of the seventy; see Cranmer, 3:118.29—31. 3:134.34—35

the chief Chiliarchs]

of a thousand men.

De

seventy judges in

3:134.35—36

.

.

.

From

chiliarks.

the Greek, the

chap. 24, p. 147.

presbyterio,

was but

Els there chiefty

commander

context of Moses and the

Sutcliffe discusses the chiliarchs in the

H

ordinis.

distinguishes the

power of

order and the power of jurisdiction in chap. 2.1.

This,

3:135.2—3

.

.

.

Num.

But

were numbered

Levites

this

seemeth

H

3:122.24-123.8), that

.

.

.

Sandys

causes.

not include Levites or

is

concerned,

priests

Jewish High Senate or Sanhedrin, for the reason stated

One whether the high ... number.

3:135.15-16 3:135.28

were not numbered with

separately as a unit in themselves; see

and 3:12-16.

1:47, 2:33,

3:135.3-21

The

was excluded.

Lepi

the other tribes of Israel, but

among at lines

as

is

20-21.

See Cranmer, 3:118.29-119.9.

See Cranmer, 3:116.5-6, 118.20-21,

inferiour courts

Cranmer (see on the

the seventy

119.13, and

120.7.

3:135.31-32 3:136.10

of priests only

permissum

.

.

.

Judge,

See Cranmer, 3:116.13-14.

jura condere]

erat

"It

was permitted to

establish law."

Unlocated.

3:136.18-19

alludeth]

3:136.21-23 3:136.24

first

.

.

.

ensuing

See Cranmer, 3:117.10-11.

named prophets,

larcanim]

inspired.

After consultation with several knowledgeable Hebraists, the

editor has not

been able

transliteration

by Sandys

to reconstruct the

either here or

Hebrew or

below

commendations "of the excellent Knowledge

Hebrew

See Cranmer, 3:117.13-15,

at

its

context from the English

3:137.10 and 15. Because of

...

in that tongue,"

H

taught

Oxford from 1579 until he left in 1584 (Walton, Ufe; Keble, 1:19; Chronology, p. xxi, above), and he sometimes uses key Hebrew words or phrases at

in his text (see, for example, chap. 4.4; 3:20.7, 20), although he routinely quotes

from the Geneva 3:136.27

sagen]

translation

of the

German, "they

OT.

say."

892

Edwin Sandys's Notes such

3:136.31

See

ecclesiaticall auncients.

Mr Cranmen conclusion

3:136.31—33

Cnnmer,

... you.

3:122.1—2.

See Cranmer, 3:118.2— 121.16;

121.17-29.

also,

Hamith

3:137.10

See 3:136.24.n, above.

Num. 1 1:16-17; Lev. 10:7-9. The account 11 of Numbers— 10 ofLevit.] of Moses' appointment of the 70 elders in Num. 11:16-17 presupposes the old

3:137.12

tradition (Exod. 18:21—23) about "the tent 9; see

of meeting," mentioned in Lev. 10:7—

Cranmer, 3:116.8—12 and n.

3:137.15 Haddaishan]

See 3:136.24.n, above.

3:137.18

Recte omnia nostra facimus]

3:137.19

per eos

3:137.20-24

.

.

T.C.]

all

our things."

Thomas Cartwright and Walter

meanes.

.

.

have done rightly

"by them"; "which have been done by them."

.Jtunt? .

"We

Com-

Travers.

pare Cranmer, 3:129.4—7.

ev

3:137.31

those verie

Tipdc;

3:137.32-138.30

Sandys

"One

ev

3:137.27

.

.

.

before another."

See Cranmer, 3:124.15—16.

Auncients.

two divers kynds]

.

.

.

habilitie

See Cranmer, 3:124.33-126.16.

dealing here with H's response to the Puritan interpretation of

is

5:17 in support of lay elders in the

NT.

See

nn

at

1

Tim.

3:124.33 and 125.8-10, above.

Their argument for lay elders nearly always appealed to the interpretation of this

NT

text

by [Pseudo-JAmbrose;

3:138.14—20

An

125.16-23.n; 3:138.26 3:139.4

other point

also,

. .

self).

.

Compare Cranmer, 3:125.16—27 and

129:15-26.

double honor Deacons under

3:139.17-18

see 3:125.31.n, above.

.

Tim. 5:17; compare 3:138.33-139.2.

1

this is their

See Cranmer, 3:126.29—127.4.

leaders]

.

.

.

shew.

.

.

argument over the meaning of

Sandys agrees with Crarmier that

this

general

Tim. 5:17 (and Pseudo-Ambrose's interpretation of it), and with it the charge of "ignorant" (nonpreaching) priests, needs to be answered carefully, for it "is their only argument of anie show"; see Cranmer, 1

3:124.33-125.1.

3:139.19-21 above.

The

Tertullians woords

3:139.22-23 Honor fratrum 3:139.28—30

.

.

.

Pracesidentes

See Craimier, 3:127.18, and n,

text should read "Prauidentes."

This

I

take

.

it

.

.

found.

.

.

.

See Cranmer, 3:127.25-29 and n, above.

administer.

Friedberg, 1:981.

893

See Gratian, Decretum, 2.24.1.37; ed.

Commentary 3:139.33—35

receiveth not the spirit]

"Quod

reads as follows:

manus

Episcopi,

non

.

hoc loco

si

.

.

The

confirmation?

text

from Jerome

quaeris, quare in Ecclesia baptizatus, nisi per

accipiat spiritum sanctum, quern nos asserimus in vero

baptismate tribui: disce hanc observationem ex ea auctoritate descendere,

ascensum Domini

honorem

factitatum reperimus, ad

Alioqui

ad Apostolos descendit.

spiritus sanctus

quam ad

potius sacerdotii,

ad Episcopi tantum imprecationem

si

quod post idem

et multis in locis

legis necessitatem.

spiritus sanctus defluit;

lugendi sunt,

qui in viculis, aut in casteUis, aut in remotioribus locis per presbyteros et diacones

quam

baptizati ante dormierunt,

sacerdotis dignitate pendet: cui

ab Episcopis inviserentur. Ecclesiae salus in

non exors quaedam,

si

et

summi

ab hominibus eminens

detur potestas, tot in Ecclesiis efficientur schismata, quot sacerdotes. inde venit, ut sine chrismate, et episcopi jussione,

neque presbyter, neque diaconus jus habeant

quod frequenter, si tamen necessitas cogit, scimus etiam licere laicis"; "But if you now ask how it is that a person baptized in the Church does not receive the Holy Ghost, whom we declare to be given in true baptism, except by the hands of the bishop, let me tell you that our authority for the rule is the fact that after our Lord's ascension the Holy Spirit descended upon the Apostles. And in many places we find it the practice, more by way of honoring the sacerdotal office than from any compulsory law. Otherwise, if the Holy Spirit descends only baptizandi.

at

the bishop's prayer, they are greatly to be pitied

or even

have

more remote

fallen asleep

[that

who

little villages,

died] before they could be visited

is,

well-being of a Church depends upon the dignity of

some extraordinary and unique

many

in

its

as

there are priests.

by bishops. The

Hence

we

it

is

shall

have

that

without

ordination and the bishop's license neither presbyter nor deacon has the baptize.

And

yet, if there

is

necessity,

we know

that

baptize"; Aduersus Luciferianos, chap. 4, in Epistolae p. 199;

forts,

highest priest, and unless

functions be assigned to him,

schisms in the Churches

or in

being baptized by the presbyters and deacons

places, after

.

.

it is .

power

as

to

permitted for laymen to

et lihri contra haereticos

(1578),

PL, 23:172-173; NPNF.2, 6:324. See Cranmer, 3:127.32-128.4, and n,

above.

3:139.36-140.2

a lay

man

.

.

.

reference to Jerome, see the

you answer.

last

See Cranmer, 3:130.10-11. For the

sentence from Adversus Luciferianos in the preced-

ing n. 3:140.5

Ambrose

Timotheum 3:140.7

3:140.10

I,

.

.

.

EK xepouaia^ I

3:140.11-12

like

Pseudo-Ambrose, Commentarii

mentioned]

in

Epistolam ad

chap. 5; see 3:125.31.n and 137.32-138.30.n, above.

very well

"So .

.

Provided that

.

.

as to

bring

adviseth. . .

it

to advantage."

See Cranmer, 3:128.19-33.

unhandled.

894

See 3:130.18-24 and n.

Book 3:145.9-146.11

I

have heard ...

Kingdom"

anecdote to a "famous conflicts" occasioned as the perfection

Not

thee?

still

found.

The

overwhelmed, when

by disagreement over how

to establish

references

in

this

H wrote, by "extream "Church Consistories"

of "Christs Discipline" suggest 16C France. In

of Jean Morely's

instance, that

VII

one

at least

Traicti de la discipline et police chrestienne

of 1562,

debate >vithin French Calvinism between favorers of decentralized and those of relatively centralized authority in the ecclesiastical sphere involved the suggestion

that a republic

and democracy dominated by laws

ment. Merely v/ent so

government was drawn from ancient repubUcs of democratic, en laquelle ce qui est de

dominent

les loix

bon aujourd'huy en

tout

.

.

.

du

On

et

183). The on nobles and lawyers in remains to be shown how civil, est tire"; p.

explicit attacks it

might have avoided the renewal of

Protestants

Protestant-CathoUc conflict following the 1572.

civil

("une Republique,

gravois et pierres desquelles tout

H's story have not been traced, however, and

among

this sort

gouvemement

"solemn Sermon," "great Assembly," and resolution of the debate

form of civil govern-

the best

is

claim that everything good in contemporary

far as to

Bartholomew's Day massacres of which Morely's chief antagonist was

St.

the intra-Calvinist controversy, in

M. Kingdon, "Calvinism and Democracy: Some PoUtical Implications of Debates on French Reformed Church Government, 1562—1572," American Beza, see R.

69 (1964): 393—401,

Historical Review,

Reformation Europe (London:

3:146.10-11

Jeremiah,

.

.

thee?

.

rpr.

in

Kingdon, Church and

The lament of Lam. 2:13-14

Jerusalem to the Babylonians in 587 BC, a disaster which

—

passage to false prophets

Society in

Variorum Reprints, 1985).

that

is,

prophets failing to denounce

is

for the

fell

of

attributed in this

is

evil,

however, not

to zealots for reform.

3:147. 12. a

as St. Cyprian telleth thetn,

"Exaltatio, et inflatio, et arrogans, ac

superba jacutio non de Christi magisterio, qui humilitatem docet, sed de antichristi spiritu nascitur";

(1563), p. 6;

Cyprian

of the

(d.

spirit

Cyprian,

CSEL,

epist. 1.3,

3.2:669,

Ad

ACW,

Comelium de Fortunato

46:71, and

FOTC,

as epist.

258) contrasts the humihty uught by Christ with the arrogance

of Antichrist in

of schismatics

who

a letter to

Pope Cornelius inveighing

against a

divinely appointed bishops

of force, even though

(as

Rome.

must maintain the purity of the church

Cyprian

eager to readmit the lapsed to

ordained of God,

says

59.

bom

group

have rejected the conditions for readmission to the church

doNvn by their bishops in Africa and taken their cause to

3:147.19

Opera

Felidssim;

et

51:174,

laid

In such cases, the against

all

threats

of himself as bishop of Carthage) they may be

communion upon

signs

of sincere repentance.

This strong but not quite categorical affirmation of

895

Commentary the divine ordination of episcopacy

is

characteristic

of H. Compare chaps. 2.3

(3:153.1-3), 5.2 (161.8-18), 5.8-10 (168.29-170.20), 11.10 (210.7-211.18), 16.9

(249.25-250.1), 18.5 (257.6-7), and 18.9 (259.29-30).

"Author" of "the

had been

a topic

central to

God

designated as the

is

of Bishops" in the tide (145.6-8).

The

In this realm of England,

3:147.21

were

state

of the church in England

early history

of interest from the time of Henry VIII, and claims to antiquity

all

H

defenses of episcopacy.

combines these themes, arguing

that

bishops were not only bearers of authority in the remote patristic church but also a part

of his country's

own

about supreme

issues

Compare

earliest Christian traditions.

medieval English law in H's Auto. Notes

(esp.

power

ecclesiastical

the references to

3:471.31—489.35).

He

narrows the

be treated in Book VIII to those

to

relevant to English conditions in chap. 3.2 (2.7 in Keble; 336.19—25).

King

3:147.25

The

Lucius

story of a British

made

Eleutherius (174—189) that he might be

(673?—735), .

.

.

Ecclesiastica historia getttis

elaborated

it

Anglorum,

misnumbered

(1587), p. 151,

scriptores

King Lucius's request

a Christian first 1.4; Savile, ed.,

to

Pope

appeared in Bede

Rerum

Britannicarum

158; PL, 95:30. Geoffirey of Monmouth

in Historiae regum Britanniae, 4.19

(ibid.

[1587], pp.

30-31), by

including the replacement of twenty-eight pagan high-priests or flamens and three

archflamens w^ith tw^enty-eight bishops and three archbishops. Bede drew on the lives

of the popes in the Liber

"Britium" (= Birtha),

a castle

Pontificalis,

apparently reading "Brittanio" for

of one Lucius of Edessa; see Bede's

Ecclesiastical

and Mynors (1969), p. 24, n. 2. Further purporting to be from the pope to King

History of the English People, eds. Colgrave

embellishment was provided by a Lucius, assuring

him

letter

that he, the king,

p. 91;

in the realm.

Hardinges answere (1565;

Works, PS, 1:306; and Defence of the Apologie, 6.11.1 (1570;

705; Works, PS, 4:974. it

was God's vicar

M.

repeatedly cited by Jewel; Replie unto

was rejected

as a

Taken up

The

letter

was

STC 14606.5), STC 14601), p.

in the standard Elizabethan histories

of England,

forgery in the 17C, but the story of Lucius was accepted as

substantially accurate well into the

19C; T. D. Kendrick,

British Antiquity

(London:

Methuen, 1950), pp. 112-113. The first tangible evidence for Christianity in England may be in the traditions surrounding Alban's martyrdom at Verulamium,

which has been dated polity in the

3C, but

as early as

it

208. Nothing

is

known

about British church

has been argued that the three British bishops present at

314 represented three of the metropoHtical churches of the C. Mann, Antiquity, 35 (1961): 316-320, J. and W. H. C. Frend, "The Christianization of Britain," in M. W. Barley and R. P. C. Hanson, eds., Christianity in Britain, 300-700 (Leicester: University of the Council of Aries in

four British provinces of the day; see

Leicester Press, 1968), p. 38.

3:147.26-31

Romans

the Saxons;

Sometime panied

.

.

.

received.

Saxons were brought into Britain by the

confederates to stave off the Picts and Scots

as

after the

now by

Romans withdrew from

at least as early as

the

4C.

the island in 410, the Saxons (accom-

Angles and Jutes) began to turn on the native Britons and in the

896

Book second half of the

5C

pushed them back

1.4

to the highland zones

of the north and

historian Gildas (writing about 540) provides evidence for

The Welsh

west.

Chapter

VII,

continuity in the orders of bishops, priests, and deacons and in diocesan administration. In the

5C and 6C

kingdoms

the British

ecclesiastical organization similar to that

ing to

tribal divisions; see

Saxon England

bk. 2: "Igitur

At the Council

correspond-

of Christianity

to

Anglo-

1972), pp. 34-35.

Synodum

Italiae,

Saaa

Sulpicius Severus,

present.

apud Ariminum, urbem

were developing an

territorial bishoprics

Henry Mayr-Harting, The Coming

(New York: Schocken Books,

3:147.32-148.2. fc

in the north

of Wales:

congregari jubet

historia, .

.

.

.

Ita

missis per Illiricum, Italiam, Africam, Hispanias Galliasque; magistris officialibus,

macti [CSEL: coacti] quadringenti et aUquanto amplius Occidentales et cellaria dare Imperator

acciti aut

episcopi,

Ariminum convenere: quibus omnibus armonas

praeceperat. sed id nostris, id est Aquitanis, Gallis, ac Britannis indecens visum: repudiatis fiscalibus, propriis sumptibus vivere maluerunt. Tres

inopia proprii, publico usi sunt, sanctius putantes fiscum gravare,

tantum ex Britannia,

cum oblatam a ceteris collationem respuissent: quam singulos"; (Basel, [1556]), pp. 135-136;

CSEL, 1:94; NPNF.2, 11:116. The Council of Ariminum (Rimini) was called by Emperor Constantius in 359 to setde the Arian controversy. Since British

the

among

bishops are included

those

who

thought

it

unfitting to accept their expenses

firom the emperor, the statement that "only three firom Briuin" accepted the

emperor's offer suggests that there were other British bishops

and hence more in

At the

3:148.2-5. c 2.2:

"Augustinus

all

arrival .

.

.

.

.

.

Clergy;

septem Britonum episcopi,

3:148. c libri

.

.

.

c.l.

.

Venerunt

[to a

Anglorum,

episcopos sive doctores

second synod], ut perhibent,

Rerum

et plures viri doctissimi"; Savile, ed.,

named

the Bastard,

still

Britan-

historian),

Remm

/4n^/tcflrMm

breathing threats and slaughter to

was rendered gende by Aldred [reading Aldredus with edn.

Archbishop of York, conserve the

.

Ecdesiastica historia gentis

William of Newburgh (12C

quinque, 1.1: "William,

the people,

did not do so,

(1587), pp. 176-177; PL, 95:81-82.

scriptores

Alfredus

.

Bede,

suum colloquium

convocavit ad

proximae Britonum provinciae. nicarum

who

than the three claimed by H.

who bound him with

religious oaths

{religiosis

.

.

.

cited].

saaamentis) to

commonwealth and protect ecclesiastical discipline {ecdesiastica disciplina)";

ibid., (1587), p.

357. For context, see H's Auto. Notes, 3:522.30-32 and n.

By the Jews Festus Roman procurators ofJudaea into

3:148.16-21

.

.

.

commendable.

H

has collapsed three

two. Josephus's brief account of the administra-

is decidedly favorable, but he goes on to contrast the two succeeding governors in the way H describes. Albinus left no evil deed undone (ouK eoTiv 6e fjv Tiva KaKoupyiac; i6eav 7tapeX,i7iev), yet his successor Gessius Florus made him seem by comparison most excellent (toiootov 6e ovra tov dA,pTvov, ciTieSei^ev 6 perd toOtov eX6d)v yiaaioc; ^X&poc;, dyaBcoTaxov xaxd auyxpiaiv); Josephus, lovbaixfjq dXcoaecog Xoyoili {De hello

tion of Festus (ad 60-62)

Judaico), 2.24; Opera (1544), p. 738; Loeb, 2:428-431.

897

Commentary an odd kind . Answer, The differences alleged between "the Bishops now are" and "them which were" made up a special branch of objections to

3:149.6

.

which

.

H

Elizabethan episcopacy that

with in chaps. 14—15. In

will deal

this

chapter he

is

groundwork for discussing whether contemporary bishops can properly be compared with men whom his opponents denied even to have been bishops, laying the

the apostles and evangelists and those

them

in the

2C

shew^

3:149.21

.

who

exercised authority in the church after

and 3C. .

On

Sovereignty,

.

the nature of sovereignty, see VIII. 1.2

(3:318.3-320.12) and 5 (325.1-326.15), 3.2 (2.7 in Keble; 336.19-25 and n), and 3.3 (2.12 in Keble; 340.23-341.18); and Aristotle,

3.4-6 and 9-11. That

Politics,

"augmentation or diminution in their precincts, allowances, priviledges, and such like" (150.14—15)

makes only an

accidental rather than an essential difference

between one bishop and another would have seemed evident of

and metaphysics,

his "skill" in Aristotelian logic

in

to

which

H

in part because

the categories of

quantity and quality have a distinctly lower place than that of substance, but such

were

technically accidental diflferences

of

subjects

H

when

bitter controversy

wrote.

3:150/

Oi xap*

.

.

.

Suid.

See Suidas, Lexicon, the entry for eTciaKOTio^; ed.

who were sent by the Athenians into the what was being done in them. They were

Adler (1967), 2:379. "Those

them

subject to

to inspect

EKiaKOTioi and (j)uA.aKeg; the Spartans called them d^oaxdc;."

Romanorum), written

for the author's fellow Greeks, 2.76:

the second king of Rome, after dividing the

ed over each of these

districts

an

official as

"He [Numa

whole country into

lands w^ere well or

reprimanded, or fined the farmers accordingly,

me

here, the

me

Vult

to be the superintendent ('ETiiaKonov) of the

one

whom

to

appoint-

.

.

men recorded who rewarded,

These

and informed the king,

cultivated

ill

Pompilius,

districts,]

overseer (eniaKOTtov) and visitor of his

parts"; Scripta quae exstant, omnia (1586), p. 135; Loeb, 1:537.

wishes

KaTEOTT]aEV

Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 'Pcofiaixfjg dgxaioXoyiag {Antiquitates

... 1,2.

which

cities

called

.

ep. 11.

"Pompey

whole Campanian

coast

the levy and the most important matters are referred."

Cicero, Epistolae ad Atticum, 7.11; Opera (1588), 3:399; Loeb, 2:56-57.

The same word

3:150.23-25.^

Ephesus: "Take hede ... to

.

.

At Acts 20:28 Paul urges the

onely.

.

the flocke,

all

whereof the

holie Cost hathe

Overseers [cTiiaKOTtou^]." His Epistle to the Philippians Saintes in Christ Jesus

Deacons."

H

which

agrees with the

are at Philippi,

GB

gloss:

"By

had charge of the worde and governing, suche 1

as

had charge of the

some

Pet. 5:2 (as in

distribution,

sources)

were

is

elders

of

made you

addressed "to

all

the

with the Bishops [eTtiaKOTioi^], and bishops here he meaneth

them

that

by deacons, Titus 1:7 and

as pastours doctors, elders:

and of the poore and sicke."

also cited as

examples of

this

general use of

knioKonoq. 3:150.25-26

grew

in short time

.

.

.

alone.

898

There

is

no

clear

example of CTiia-

Book Konog used

VII,

Chapter

in this proper sense in the

—

proper sense

2.1-2.3

NT. That

did exist in apostoUc times

the thing itself

meant to explain such a narrow denotation in "aposde," "deacon," and "minister" had been

excursus into historical linguistics in the present passage

the use of such terms as "disciple,"

noted earher, but

H

some time

3: 15 1.1. A its

is

unusual in

first

. .

.

fitting these facts into

observed,

to

an

intelligible pattern.

H's rendering of Gen. 2:19 in

upon

suggestion that Adam's choice of names for the animals follo\ved

of observation and

reflection,

how

he wolde

the

man

to se

creature, so it

is

of "name" behind "thing." The changes from broad

lag

—^bishops in the

H will argue later on other grounds. The

freer than that

is

call them: for

wyse

as

man hym

selfe

named every

lame and an impotent

3:152.3

compare Shakespeare,

of GB: "[God] broght them unto

see,

God

.

call

it.

howe he woulde

Proverbial; translating

.

.

"manca et debiUs"

(Riverside Edn.):

"O

brought

For lyke-

name thereof"

livyng thing, even so was the

2.1.161

Othello,

with

period

howsoever the man named the Uving

was the name thereof." Compare BB: "The Lorde

unto man, that he [man? God?] myght

h,

a

(Keble);

most lame and

impotent conclusion." the very nature

3:152.9

office arises

from

H's definition of the "very nature" of the episcopal

reflection

on

the nature of public aflairs and a foreknowledge of

the issues needing resolution in the following chapters. at line

3:152.31

10

at large

.

A full stop

after "signified"

the sense.

clarifies

.

.

^th restraint.

This terminology

is

H's own.

The

office

of

bishop was sharply distinguished from those of aposde and evangeUst in disciplinari-

an writings, with assignment to a particular place in a letter

from the 1570s, widely circulated

Epiphanius's designation of

Timothie was one

that

any one certaine place,

Timothy

as a

as

one mark of a bishop. Thus, Beza argues against no man can denie that

in England,

bishop: "For

accompanied Paule, and therefore no bishop assigned

who was

sent

one while

to

to this place, an other to that, for

the establishing of the Churches: and finally, that he was an Evangelist, and not a

bishop of any one certayne flocke"; The judgement of a most reverend and learned Man from beyond the seas concerning a threefold order of bishops, trans. Qohn Field] ([1585];

STC

2021),

sig.

A4^. Cartwright held that

"Tymothe and Tytus

Byshoppes nor Archbyshoppes/ but Evangelistes"; Replye

.

.

.

were neyther

(hereafter, 1:), p. 91 [69];

Whitgift, Defense (1574), p. 326; PS, 2:133. Apologists for episcopacy always

contended that bishops were successors to the as

bishops those aposdes

who

apostles,

and they commonly

classed

exercised authority in a particular place (James in

Jerusalem and Mark, according to tradition, in Alexandria), but they seldom called the aposdes bishops, as

H

soon

will in chap. 4,

combining

his

previous definirion

of a bishop with the at-large/with-restraint terminology introduced here. Whitgift quoted Ambrose's comment on Eph. 4:11-12 that "Apostoli episcopi sunt" {Defense, p. 230; PS, 1:494), but

he made nothing of it. Saravia

and a similar statement from Augustine,

asserting "this

899

is

the

cites

both Ambrose

common

consent of

Commentary all

the fathers, that the office of a Bishop, and an Apostle or Evangelist are

onely that the office of the one

is

more ample, and

all

one,

augustious," but does not

De diuersis ministrorum evangelii gradibus (1590; STC Of the diverse degrees of the ministers of the gospell (1591;

formulate H's distinction; 21746), chap. 20, p. 47;

H

STC 21749), p. 59. In effect has converted the distinction between apostle and bishop into a difference between kinds of episcopacy. In contrast with Bilson, then,

H

does not

make

see Perpetual

"singularitie in succeeding"

Govemement (1593),

an

essential

mark of the

episcopate;

p. 244.

H

is disingenuous in suggesting that gifts Inequality as touching . opponents were reluctant to acknowledge inequality of gifts and graces. As Whitgift had recognized, reward and reverence in accordance with gifts rather than

3:153.16

.

.

his

official status

was something the reformers sought:

the best rewarded, and

most

".

.

.

reverenced, that hath the

they would have

most and best

him to be which

giftes,

every one of these chiefe captaynes persuaded himselfe to have: so that in the end there would be as great a do (after their maner) which of them should be the chiefe, as ever there

was betwixt the Bishop of Rome, and other Bishops, or p. 299 (PS, 2:80); compare

betwixt Canterburie and Yorke in times past"; Defense, Cartwright's argument from

gifts to offices,

H

316, 317; PS, 2:113-114, 116.

a priority

disciplinarians,

and

offices in

§§ 8-9 of V.78 and

and orders in §§ 10-13.

services, offices,

3:153.23-24

1:87-88 [65-66]; Whitgift, Defense, pp.

discusses gifts

of Order

commonly proposed by

In the system

the consistory of elders governing each parish

was

to

the

elect a

moderator or president each year; the same principle was to be followed in conducting local, regional, and national synods. The idea was proclaimed scriptural

by Beza

in hi% Judgement

84-5", B8''-Cr, and C2') and

(sigs.

criticized as

unwar-

ranted and unreasonable by Anglican writers. Bilson, for example, thought rotating the presidency of provincial synods a questionable

quench

the desire of dignitie in one man;

way

you inflame

to all

quench ambition: "To the Pastours of everie

province with the same disease" {Perpetual Govemement, p. 405).

That one Minister

3:154.2-8

.

.

.

Not

them,

dispute. Tract

ments of the positions in

1

quotations but H's

of Whitgift's Defense

summary (pp.

sute-

61-75; PS,

1:148-174), responding to Cartwright, 1:22-25 [10-13], was concerned with the "Whether Christ forbiddeth rule and superioritie unto the Ministers." In

question,

his Second Replie,

Cartwright found "nothing worthe the answere" in the

first tract

Tract. 8, (p. 44) and dealt with the pertinent issues in his rebuttal of Whitgift's

on

archbishops, metropolitans, bishops, archdeacons, etc. {Defense, pp. 297-473; PS,

2:77-437; Cartwright, 2:404-[666]).

3:154.14-17 superiority

before

The former "above"

"some"

3:154.23-24

.

.

.

The

latter

That

a subordinate specified at lines

is,

the

two

sub-divisions

of

10-14 (with "or" understood

at line 12).

in the rest

.

.

.

lawful.

Cartwright, 1:109-110 [84-85] (Whitgift,

900

Book Defense, pp. it

is/

Chapter

VII,

"And

391-392; PS, 2:269-271):

which

that

it

may

appeare what superioritie

amongst the mynisters/ and what

lawful]

is

3.1-4.2

speaketh of/ what also the fathers and councels doe meane/

is

M.

that

Calvin

they geve

more

byshoppe of any one church/ then to the elder of the same church/ and

to the that

it

when

no man be deceived by

name of govemoure or

the

&ncie any such authoritie and domination or Lordship/ church/

used in our

be understanded/ that amongst the pastors/ elders and deacons of

to

it is

ruler over the rest/ to as Ave see

every particulare church/ and in the meetinges and companies of the mynisters or elders

of dyvers churches/ there

them

all/

handled

.

one chosen by the voyces and

w^as

.

.

the

which

interest to speake in

of

voyces and reasons of those which had

also gathered the

such cases/ whiche

also did

pronounce according

number of the voyces which were geven/ which was to

suffiages

or the most part/ which did propound the matters that were to be

admonishe/ or to comfort/ or

to

also the

rebuke sharply/ such

to the

mouth of the

rest/

receive

as \vere to

admonishment consolation/ or rebuke/ and which in a worde dyd moderate that whole action. And if any man will call thys a rule or presidentship/ and hym that executeth thys office a president or moderator/ or a govemour/ w^e w^ill not .

strive/ so that

.

it

.

be with these cautions/ that he be not called simply governor or

moderator/ but governor or moderator of that action/ and for that time/ and

by the company of the way faulty. And that after that hym downe in hys olde place/ and

subject to the orders that others be/ and to be censured

brethren/

wel

as

others/ if he be judged any

as

action ended/ and meeting dissolved/ he set

hym

with the

selfe in equall estate

government or presidentship/ or what

sitte

rest

of the ministers. Thirdly/ that thys

so ever lyke

name you

so tyed unto that minister/ but that at the next meeting

an other/

if

it

will

shall

geve

it/

be not

be lawfull to take

an other bee thought meeter." Cartw^right goes on to propose the

Council ofjerusalem (Acts 1:15—21)

as a "lively

image and perfect pateme" of this

order.

an Episcopal Office.

3:155.19

Matthias

is

chosen to take the place of Judas

Acts 1:20-26: "Let another take his charge [Tf|V eTiiaKOTifjv duToO, 'his

When

bishopricke']."

the lot

fell

counted with the Eleven Apostles" 3:155.21—22.Jfe

Lord chose

Cyprian

St.

apostles, that

diaconate, established

.

.

is,

.

(v.

church ("apostoli epist. 3.9,

3.2:471,

3:156.6

Ad

that the

43:56, and

it is

.

.

.

is

in contrast with the

after the Lord's ascension into as

ministers

heaven when

of their episcopate and of the

constituerunt episcopatus sui et Ecclesiae ministros"; Cyprian,

FOTC,

indefinite:

of the aposdes' authority a point

"Deacons ought to remember

Rogatianum episcopum de superbo

ACW,

True

sibi

consent

a

26).

Bishops.

by the aposdes

at

BB:

commune

on him, "he was by

bishops and leaders." This

they appointed deacons for themselves

v. 20;

as a

mark

51:8

The

diacano;

Opera (1563), p. 65; CSEL,

(epist. 3).

disciplinarians alleged the universal scope

distinguishing their office

from

that

of bishop,

uncontested by writers defending episcopacy. But in accordance with

901

his

Commentary between bishops at-large/with-restraint, H does not make mark of episcopacy as opposed to apostleship, and in the

distinction in chap. 2 territorial limitation a

present passage he assimilates the exercise of "episcopal" authority by the aposdes

of later bishops "\vith

to that

by emphasizing the

restraint"

divisions the apostles

Hence he does not

themselves appear to have set up in their spheres of activity.

own

include universality ofjurisdiction in his

of the aposdes

at the

end of chap.

4.

H

appear no impediment

3:156.10-11

enforce a definite view where evidence

of episcopacy "with

enumeration of the special properties

is

tentative here. His

is

aim

is

not to

lacking but to suggest that development

restraint" can plausibly

be understood to have begun among

the aposdes themselves.

Him

3:156. «

.

.

cap. 16.

.

Eusebius, Bales,

hist.,

3.16, in

John Christopherson's

"Eodem tempore ille ipse Apostolus pariter quem Dominus Jesus summo erat amore complexus, adhuc

Latin trans. (3.23 in Greek text):

et

Evangelista Joannes,

in

quod

Asia vitam traducens, simul ac ab exilio,

mortem

Graeci, (1570), p. 59; (1544), fol. 26";

Tertullian

alumnas

GCS,

Nam

et

Apocalypsim

si

episcoporum ad originem recensus, in Joannem

CCSL,

1:374;

"Habemus

1:551;

ANF,

Marcion

ejus

Marcion.

Tertullian ...

9.1:236.

stabit

scriptores

ecclesiasticae

160-c. 225), Adversus Mardonem, 4.5 (not 3.5):

(c.

ecclesias.

Domitiani

in insula pertulerat, post

revertebatur, ecclesias ibi administravit"; Historiae

respuit,

et

Joannis

ordo tamen

auctorem"; Opera (1566),

3:350; ed. and trans. Evans (1972), 2:270. Tertullian

argues that, even if the Gnostic Marcion rejects the Apocalypse (and hence the address to the angels, or bishops, of the seven Asian churches at

which

see 3:160.17-18), the successions

of Asian bishops

will

still

Rev. 2—3, on

stand

on John

as

their founder.

Jacobus

3:157.0

eulesiasticis:

.

.

"James

.

Eccles.

who

Jerome, Liber de

called the brother

is

Jerusalem by the Apostles immediately (1578), p. 119B;

James

as either

"cognomento

NPNF.2,

viris

illustribus,

of the Lord";

after the passion

3:361, as chap. 2.

H

Joseph's son by another wife or the son of a

Justus"): "ut nonnulli existimant,

Eodem

Pov

.

.

.

.

.

TcpciTov

.

cap.

1.

Eusebius, Bales,

ioTopouai

Tx\c,

ev

Epistolae

omits further identification of

Joseph ex

sister

alia

mihi videtur, Mariae, sororis matris Domini, cujus Joannes in fiUus."

vel de scriptoribus

of the Lord was ordained Bishop of

hist.,

2.1:

of Mary

(after

uxore, ut autem

libro

suo meminit,

xdre SqTa Kai 'T&KW-

'lepocfo'kv^ioiq

eKKA,qaia(; t6v

Tf\<;

in\aKoni\q eyxe»P»cfenvai ep6vov. (1544), fol. iT; GCS, 9.1:102, 104; "Then James ... is recorded to have been the first to be made bishop of the church of Jerusalem" (NPNF.2, 1:104). cae scriptores Graeci (1570), pp.

3:157.6-8.;7,5

St. Pauls

.

.

.

H follows Christopherson's Latin, Historiae ealesiasti24—25.

called.

The

martyrdom of "the other James" ("James

passages cited in

events not causally linked in the Acts narrative.

902

p and

q concern the

the Great") and the calling of Barnabas,

On

Paul's miraculous calling, see

Book

Chapter

VII,

4.2-4.3

Acts 9:3—22. H's suggestion that Paul was a replacement for James ("the Lord's brother")

on

the latter's consecration as bishop of Jerusalem rests

on

the idea that

"the gathering of the nations abroad" was a special task of the college of aposdes.

The

of "was"

sense requires insertion

This appeareth

3:157.5

.

.

ev i<^a TtapoiKio^ icrropeiTai

Ti]q

(bq Ktti TiTO^ T«av in\ KpiiTTi<;

"Timothy, so

it is

"James."

Eusebius, Ecdes.

4.

c.

.

after

kKKXx\omv.

recorded, w^as the

first

hist.,

7cp(BT0<; rfjv

(1544),

3.4: ri}i6dtoq

ye

iif\v,

iniaKonf[v ei^nx^vai, fol.

21";

to receive the episcopate

GCS,

9.1:192;

of the parish in

The notes identifying Timothy as the first bishops of Crete and Ephesus which appear at the end of some texts of Titus and 2 Tim. were accepted without comment in GB but are no longer regarded as authentic. On the authorship and canonicity of the Episdes to Titus and Timothy, see Jerome D. Quinn, The Letter to Titus, The Ephesus, Titus of the churches in Crete" (NPNF.2, 1:136). Titus and

Anchor

Bible, vol.

Canon:

An

35 (1990), pp. 2-22; Brevard

S. Childs,

The

New

Testament as

Introdudion (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985), pp. 378-395;

and Bruce

Metzger, The Canon of the New Testament: Its Origin, Development, and cance (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987); and see 3:152.31.n, above.

M.

IVe are able

3:157.17—21. f

pi.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Smyrna.

"Habemus aimumerare

haereses, 3.3:

Fundantes igitur

bishop of Lyons, Adversus

Irenaeus,

eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt episco-

et instruentes beati Apostoli

episcopatum administrandae Ecclesiae tradiderunt. lis

Signifi-

.

.

.

Ecclesiam [Romae], Lino

Et Polycarpus

.

.

.

ab Aposto-

in Asia, in ea quae est Smyrnis Ecclesia constitutus episcopus"; (1576), pp.

PG, weight on

7:848;

[160];

ANF,

the historic episcopate.

the aposdes* successors this for all

159—

1:416. Writing against the Gnostics, Irenaeus placed great

up

He was

himself, he said, in a position to trace

to his ow^n times, but since

the churches he ^vould rout those >vho

met

it

would be

tedious to

do

in unauthorized assemblies

by indicating the succession in the great and ancient church founded at Rome by the aposdes Peter and Paul. In his youth he had himself seen Polycarp, who had been instructed by the apostles and conversed with many who had seen Christ. Linus appears first after Peter and Paul in all the early episcopal lists, but nothing else

is

known with

was an important late

2C

certainty about him. Polycarp (69?— 155?), bishop

link

between the

apostolic age

of Smyrna,

and the Christian writers of the

(such as Irenaeus).

Of

3:157.21—23.M

Antioch

.

.

.

example.

The

first

of two references to the

spurious letter of Ignatius, bishop of Antioch (35P-107?) to the Antiochenes, 77|Od?

'AvrioxeiQ: [jLVTi[xoveuaaTe EuoBiou xoO d^io(X(xxapiaTOU Troifievo^ ufxcov, 6^ TipcoTo^ evexetpiofSri napd twv dnoaxoA-cov jf\v ofierepav npoaraaiav. pfj Kaxaiaxuvco^ev tov Ttaxepa* yevdjpeea yvqaioi ndibec;, dXXa pfj v66oi. Epistolae (1558), p. 104; Lightfoot, ed.,

The second 3:158.8.1/

All

reference .

. .

is

The Apostolic

Fathers, 2.3:238;

ANF,

1:111.

in chap. 6.8 (3:175.18-19)

successors.

Jerome,

epist.

903

85 [not

81], to Evagrius

of Antioch

Commentary "Caeterum omnes apostolorum successores sunt"; Epistolae (1578), CSEL, 56:311 and NPNF.2, 6:289 (epist. 146). See 3:164.3-165.17 for

392):

(d. after

p.

31 lA;

context.

3:158.9— 10. u'

Pr<epositos

.

.

Opera (1563), 66).

Cited

p. 105;

"Leaders

succedunt.

.

ordination in their place"; Cyprian,

CSEL,

Ad

epist. 4.9,

ACW,

3.2:729,

who

succeed the apostles by

Florentium, quern et Puppianum;

46:119, and

FOTC,

51:226

(epist.

3:160.30 and 247.4-10.

at

From hence Apostles, Theodoret, commenting on 1 Tim. 3: "Eosdem olim vocabant Presbyteros et Episcopos, eos autem qui nunc vocantur

3:158.10— 12.x

.

.

.

Episcopi, nominabant Apostolos"; Beati Theodoret ... mentarius (1552), p. 512;

Ipsius Apostolatus ...

3:158.)'

in

.

.

.

Pauli Epistolas com-

PG, 82:804.

"Of

7.

legation ends with the legate, nor does

it

apostleship itself

no

succession. For the

pass to his successors."

Thomas

Stapleton

(1535—1598), Principiorum fidei dodrinalium demonstratio methodica, 6.7 (1579), p. 218. Stapleton's thesis in bk. 6 of the Demonstratio

whom

ecclesiastical

power

chap. 7 he concedes that legates

—but maintains

power, in which,

there

succession.

3:158.24—25

the

is

for

naria,

.

.

necessaria,

omnibus quae ad ipsorum spectabant ofEcium,

omnia quae ad hominum salutem

.

they had

immediately from God,)

without

it

ilia

extraordi-

ipsis

infallibilem

quaecunque prius

a

habue-

Domino

et ecclesiae aedificationem erant

fuerit a veritate deflectere";

De

diuersis

gradibus, chap. 14 (1590), p. 33; "theyr extraordinary calling (for

ministrorum

.

sent,"

Legatio nullis circumscripta finibus: Terti-

adeo ut in ipsorum potestate non .

—"ones

founding churches: "vocatio

.

runt directorem Spiritum Sanctum, qui suggessit audiverant, et

as apostles

Saravia enumerates three gifts of God peculiar

which were necessary quae proxime a Deo est facta iis

were equal

with the extraordinary power of apostleship,

in contrast

their true successors,

in

"primary subject" in

pontiff as successor to Peter. In

was above the others with respect to episcopal or

to the apostles

um, quod

that the

is

Roman

the apostles

all

that Peter

pastoral is

resides

restraint,

.

.

.

theyr generall

or limitation: Thirdly, that in

all

Embasee and commission, which concerned theyr

things

function, they had a never-errant director, (the spirite of trueth)

who

suggested

unto them, whatsoever they before had heard of the Lord, or should otherwise be requisite for

H

them

does, that a

to

know";

form of

Diverse Degrees (1591), p. 40.

ecclesiastical

government involving

But he then inferior

insists, as

and superior

pastors

is

necessaiy not only for beginning churches but also for conserving them.

Saravia

is

more sweeping than

H in pronouncing such a form of government,

con-

joined with apostolic power, to be instituted by God, not only practised by the

handed down

apostles but

3:159.10—14

The form of

("tradita")

.

.

.

by them.

Bishops.

In allowing that the apostles established

an essentially presbyterian form of government in every city where the gospel was accepted,

H

concedes more to

his

opponents than did other Anglican apologists.

904

Book

Chapter

VII,

4.3-5.2

H will describe as "in part but raw"

Following Epiphanius in a passage

Bilson allows only that the apostles set up bishops only where

28.)'),

(3:200.27-

fit

men

could

be found {Perpetual Govemement, pp. 220-224), while Bancroft merely assures his reader {Survay, p. 79) that in particular congregations "you should have found a [but] In Citties, ^vhere there were diverse such congregations Priest you shoulde have found some Timothy a Bishop to goveme them." .

.

however, although

a

.

.

The

AttendiU gregi,

3:159.22. c

(npoaixtxt), their flock

But

3:160.3-14

.

.

.

"communi preshyterorum

at first

"by the common

gradibus, p. 51;

.

.

.

then

Saravia,

high episcopalian, does not dispute Jerome's assertion that the

churches were governed

Tum

.

.

diuersis ntinistro-

imperative to the presbyters in Acts 20:28

is

plural

singular (navTi xq) 7Coi^vi(p).

is

In using Paul's prediction to the Ephesian presbyters

trouble.

of dissensions among themselves

where" "Bishops with

De

consilio";

counsell of the Elders"; Diverse Degrees, p. 64.

as

restraint,"

3:160.31—161.8). Bilson thought

an indication of the cause of instituting "every-

H

it

endorses Jerome's account of the matter (see

necessary to cite signs of dissension throughout

the early church to argue that, since the need for resident episcopal authority had arisen in apostoHc times, institution

of the remedy was apostoUc

as

well (Perpetual

Govemement, pp. 229—230). Saravia, on the other hand, took Jerome to task for supposing that the apostles would have presumed to make a universal change in the

on account of the

Lord's disposition of things istrorum

.

.

.

of one church (De

sins

misnumbered

gradibus, p. 53; Diverse Degrees, p. [67],

{Survay, p. 384) believed that the apostles recognized the stituted

them, but to refute Cartw^right he

is

need

diversis

min-

64). Bancroft

for bishops

and in-

content to quote the weaker state-

ment of

the

death,

necessity compelled {the fathers then living) to ordaine certaine degrees of persons

.

.

.

in the church

Lutheran Magdeburg

and

to conserve

[that the lay-eldership

mine ow^n tie

Centuries:

them. This

is

"by and by

most direcdy

after

against Cartwrights assertion

it

by the way)

I

For the Magdeburg Centuries, see Mathias Flacius, (1562—1569),

1

for

thinke the Apostles, know^ing the necessi-

mentioned, had taken that order before. But to follow the

misnumbered 183

Aposdes

was flourishing in the time of Constantine]: although

part (to note

singulas centurias

the

said historic. ..."

Ealesiastica historia

{centuria secunda): 125; for

.

.

.

secundum

Cartwright, see 1:182,

[145] (Whitgift, Defense, pp. 651-652; PS, 3:199-201)

and The

Rest of the Second Replie (hereafter, 3:) 67-68.

3:160.10

order ofJerusalem

3:160.18.^

entituled Angels.

See 3:157.2—4 and

o.

The book of Revelation

is

addressed to the seven

churches of the province of Asia (Minor). Chapters 2 and 3 comprise particular messages to the angel of each church dictated to John

when he was

caught up in

the Spirit. Anglican writers regularly cited these verses as scriptural witness and

endorsement of hierarchy in the government of the

and

new

early church. Bilson cites old

authors in behalf of this interpretation as a prehminary to his

development of it

{Perpetual

Govemement, pp. 289—290).

905

own

Commentary perhaps be answered This nonprelatical exegesis is suggested by the GB Rev. 2:1: "To the Pastor or minister which are called by this Name,

3: 1 60. 1 8

gloss to

because they are Gods messengers, and have their

who

Christ

also

is

called

Ecclesia est in Episcopo,

3:160.30./i

Puppianum: "The church

ACW,

Cyprian,

51:229

"You ought

bishop and that portant

know

to

if anyone

is

si

that the bishop

On

(246.13—247.10).

cum

Ad

Jesus

Florentinum, quern et

the question of

scire

CSEL,

in Ecclesia

sit,

non

church and the church in the

is

not in the church." This im-

discussed in detail

is

3.2:733,

debes episcopum in

episcopo non

in the

is

not with the bishop he

already cited at 3:158.9-10,

letter,

"Unde

(epist. 66):

Ecclesia esse, et Ecclesiam in episcopo; et esse";

epist. 4.9,

in the bishop"; Opera (1563), p. 106;

is

FOTC,

46:121, and

commune with

oflfice

an Angel."

what Cyprian meant by

H in chap.

by

16.6

a bishop, see chap.

13.2.

That where

3:160.31—161.8.1

cum

mensarum

patiatur rat.

.

.

.

.

whereof,

Jerome,

85, to Evagrius:

epist.

"Nam

Apostolus perspicue doceat, eosdem esse presbyteros, quos et episcopos: quis

.

.

viduarum minister

et

Quod autem postea unus

remedium factum Epistolae (1578), p.

est:

ne unusquisque ad

se trahens Christi

310B; CSEL, 56:308-310

same

clearly teaches that presbyters are the tables

[diaconus], ut supra eos se tumidus effe-

electus est, qui caeteris praeponeretur, in schismatis

and of widows

[a

as bishops,

deacon] be insane to

set

Ecclesiam rumperet";

"For when the apostle

(epist. 146);

must not

a

mere

server of

himself up arrogantly over [them]?

When

subsequently one presbyter was chosen to preside over the rest, this was remedy schism and to prevent each individual from rending the church of Christ by drawing it to himself"; NPNF.2, 6:288. See § 6 (3:164.3-165.17) for .

.

.

done

to

context.

whether the Apostles

3:161.8—15

about the origin of episcopacy

as

.

.

.

God,

The

uncertainties expressed here

the church's universal form of government

were

more troublesome to both high episcopalians and disciplinarians than they were to H. More characteristic are his emphasis on the authority of "the whole Church" and claims cal

to implicit divine approval for reasonable

human

decisions in ecclesiasti-

§ 8 (3:166.16-168.35) for his reconciliation of

matters; see

some of

the

competing views. 3:161.16— 18.^

Jewish regiment,

.

.

Seeing Moses occupied from morning

.Jethro.

to evening personally hearing every dispute that arose

among

the people, his

Midianite father-in-law proposes in Exod. 18:19 the system of rulers over thousands, hundreds,

fifties,

and tens which the

Israelites

followed in their wandering

in the Sinai.

3:161.23—26. /e "Ilia

a principle,

autem quae non

orbe observantur, dantur

quorum

est in ecclesia

.

.

.

Authors of it.

scripta, sed tradita intelligi

Augustine,

epist.

118, tojanuarius:

custodimus, quae quidem toto terrarum

vel ab ipsis Apostolis vel plenariis conciliis,

saluberrima autoritas,

906

commendata atque

statuta retineri";

Book

VII,

Chapter

5.2-5.6

Opera (1569), 2:556; CSEL, 34.2:159-160, and

"Now

NPNF.l,

1:300, as epist. 54.

which we keep by tradition, which are indeed observed through the whole world, must be understood to be commended and established for retention by the apostles themselves or by general councils, whose authority in the church is most wholesome." The application of which

those things

are not in Scripture but

Augustine's principle to the apostolic origin of episcopal authority cited passage Augustine instances the universal observance

H's. In the

is

of Good Friday, Easter,

Ascension Day, and Pentecost, in contrast with customs concerning fasting or daily

communion, which vary from

place to place. Whitgift discussed the passage in

connection with the church's authority in things indifferent; Defense, pp. 103-109;

Compare

PS, 1:230-243.

i

(1:277.28-278.4 and n, above).

It was for Bishop. Jerome, epist. 85 to Evagrius; Epistolae (1578), 310B; CSEL, 56:310, and NPNF.2, 6:288, as epist. 146. For the fiill text and

3:162.8—14./ p.

IV.2.2 and

.

.

.

H's exegesis, see 3:164.9—165.17, below. Heraclas was bishop

230

to 247; Dionysius the Great succeeded

Mark

Eusebius,

T.C.

3:162.m

w^as bishop

Alexandria from

from 54. Cartwright, 1:107 [82], quoted by Whitgift, Defense, p.

...so.

1.1.

at

him, dying about 264; according to

383 (PS, 2:250).

Who

3:163.1—3

doth not

Peter (265—311)

.

.

of Peter through Alexander (300-328) the passage next quoted

3:163.4-10.n

succession of

Hist, eccles., 7.11

is

Maximus through

and 32. The succession

in Socrates, Hist, ecdes., 1.5, just before

by H.

fortuned

it

The

Alexander,

.

recorded in Eusebius,

is

.

.

.

Bishop.

Socrates, Eccles.

1.3 in Christopher-

hist.,

son's Latin translation (1.5 in the Greek). Historiae ecdesiasticae scriptores

quodam tempore

(1570): "Et

que

clero, curiosius aliquanto disserit et subtilius

in Trinitate esse divinitus philosophatur.

numero

de sancta Trinitate, unitatem'que

Anus autem unus ex presbyterorum

qui erant sub Alexandro in eo gradu locati

quae ab episcopo dicu 7iap6vT(ov

Twv

un'

Graeci

praesentibus presbyteris qui sub ipso erant, reliquo'

.

.

.

acerbe aspere'que

erant, occurrit"; p. 391. Ecdes.

aoxdv TtpeaPuT^pcov, Kai twv Xoitiwv

fiOTepov Tcepi rqc; dyia^ rpiaSo^, ev TpidSi

povaSa

.

(1544): icai

hist.

.

.

illis

noTe

KXqpitccov, (j)iXoTi-

eivai

(|>i>.oao(j>oov

nptopvTtpoq tcov on' auxo) Tarro^evcov yopyo)^ u7ia7iqvTr|ae Tcpoc; xd napd xou inioKonov XexQivra. (1544), fol. 171'; ed. Hussey (1853), 1:10-11; NPNF.2, 2:3. In Socrates' account, diis incident apeio^ 6e

iQtoXoyzx.

t»<;

.

was the beginning of the Arian controversy. For H's view of the Supplement 3.163.0 to

.

.

.

Hero

to express the belief that Tticrreoa)

.

.

The

spurious Ignatian epistle np6(;

.

on

6ei^ei

Epistolae (1558), p.

"Hgcova,

is

addressed

is made show him, Hero, on his, Ignatius's, throne: pot 6 dedq "Hpcova kni toO 6p6vou pou. Ignatius,

deacon of Christ, 'Hpcovi 6iaK6v(p Xpiarou;

as a

sequel, see

The Causes of These Contentions, 3:457.11—12 and n.

I,

Ignatius

Hero

.

God

in

it

Ignatius

will

113; Lightfoot, ed., The Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:248;

907

ANF,

1:

Commentary Chrysostom

114. ed.

3:164.9-165.17

.

Constantinople.

,

Socrates, Eccles.

An attendant,

NT

omits a series of

his

.

.

.

themselves.

6.2; (1544), fol. 254";

In his distinctively

authorities for the identity

church and some

early

Jerome's

letter; at

own; and

full

and circum-

of the

details

at

164.27-33 he provides

quorum

postea unus electus

remedium factum

called forth

a

summary

paraphrase rather than a

mensarum

viduarum

et

minister, ut supra

preces Christi corpus sanguisque conficitur? est,

.

.

.

qui caeteris praeponeretur, in schismatis

ne unusquisque ad

est:

Nam et Alexandriae a Marco

Ecclesiam rumperet.

se trahens Christi

evangelista usque ad

Heraclam

Dionysium episco-

et

unum ex se electum, in excelsiori gradu coUocatum, episcoquo modo si exercitus imperatorem faciat; aut diaconi eligant de

semper

pum nominabant: quem

had

that

Apostolus perspicue doceat, eosdem esse presbyteros, quos

eos se tumidus efferat, ad

pos, presbyteri

Rome

situation at

et episcopos [marg.. Act. 6]: quis patiatur

Quod autem

H

of presbyters and bishops in the

3:164.14-15, 165.1-3, and 165.7-8 he interpolates some exegesis

"Nam cum

translation:

se,

hist.,

presentation of this incessantly cited text, Jerome's epist. 85 to Evagrius,

stantial

of

.

Hussey (1853), 2:657; NPNF.2, 2:138. See 3:419.1-4.n, below.

Quid enim facit, excepta Nee altera Romanae urbis

industrium noverint, et archidiaconum vocent.

quod presbyter non

ordinatione, episcopus,

Ecclesia, altera totius orbis existimanda

est.

Et Galliae,

omnes barbarae

Persis, et Oriens, et India, et

faciat?

nationes

et Britanniae, et Africa, et

unum

Christum adorant,

unam observant regulam veritatis. Si auctoritas quaeritur, orbis maior est urbe. Ubicumque fuerit episcopus, sive Romae, sive Eugubii, sive Constantinopoli, sive Rhegii, sive Alexandriae, sive Tanis; ejusdem meriti, ejusdem

est et sacerdotii.

Potentia divitiarum, et paupertatis humilitas, vel sublimiorem, vel inferiorem

episcopum non

modo Romae urbis

facit.

Caeterum omnes apostolorum

consuetudinem?

temptibiles diaconi.

.

.

facit. .

successores sunt. Sed dicis,

Qui

.

.

Diaconos paucitas honorabiles, presbyteros turba con-

.

Caeterum etiam

in ecclesia

Romae

presbyteri sedent, et stant

Aut

provehitur, de minori ad majus provehitur.

igitur

ex pres-

byter© ordinetur diaconus, ut presbyter minor diacono comprobetur, in crescit

quo

ad testimonium diaconi presbyter ordinatur? quid mihi profers unius

ex parvo:

aut,

si

ex diacono ordinatur presbyter, noverit

se lucris

quem

minorem,

sacerdotio esse maiorem. Et, ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteri

testamento [marg.. Lev. levitae in

8.

Num.

templo fuerunt, hoc

ecclesia"; Epistolae (1578), pp.

6:288-289,

as epist. 146.

himself up arrogantly over

Christ are produced?

over the

rest, this

.

.

.

1

Par. 9.2.];

to

et

filii

ejus,

atque

diaconi vindicent in

clearly teaches that presbyters are

server of tables and of widows be insane to

mere

men

When

was done

quod Aaron,

310B-311A; CSEL, 56:308-312, and NPNF.2,

"For when the apostle

the same as bishops, must not a set

3.4.

sibi episcopi, et presbyteri, et

through whose prayers the body and blood of

subsequently one presbyter was chosen to preside

remedy schism and

rending the church of Christ by drawing

it

to prevent each individual

to himself.

For even

at

from

Alexandria from

the time of Mark the EvangeHst until the episcopates of Heraclas and Dionysius the

presbyters always

named

as

bishop one of their

908

own number

chosen by themselves

Book and

more

set in a

VII,

Chapter

army

exalted position, just as an

appoint one of themselves

whom

know

they

5.6-5.8

or

elects a general,

be diligent and

to

deacons

as

him archdea-

call

con. For what function, excepting ordination, belongs to a bishop that does not also

belong to

another in

East worship

a presbyter? It

one Christ and observe one

world outweighs at

not the case that there

is

its

capital.

Engubium, whether

Alexandria or

at

Zoan,

command of wealth

Wherever

be

it

deacon?

.

Rome

at .

.

rule

there

a bishop, ^vhether

his dignity

one and

is

his

priesthood

is

and

a presbyter

is

apostles.

at

Rome

But you

it

be

or at

one. Neither the

nor the lowliness of poverty makes him more

of the

be

it

Rhegium, whether

at

a bishop or less

will say,

how comes

it

only ordained on the recommendation of a

of owing to

numbers. But even in the church of Rome

their great

the deacons stand while the presbyters seat themselves.

from

it is

a

lower place to

ordained a deacon, from the that a presbyter is

Rome

Their fewness makes deacons persons of consequence while presbyters

are less thought

promoted

at

If you ask for authority, the

of truth.

is

Consuntinople or

at

a bishop. All alike are successors

then that

one church

is

the world beside. Gaul and Britain, Afiica and Persia, India and the

all

is

lesser office, that

.

ordained presbyter,

this latter is

should recognize

superior to

the traditions handed

him

that,

in virtue

down by

.

Again when

a

more important,

to the

is,

.

man

is

then a presbyter should be

inferior to a deacon; or if on the other

highly paid than a deacon, he as if to tell us that

a higher. Either

hand

it is

to prove

the deacon that

may be

less

of his priesthood. In

fact

although he

the aposdes

were taken by them

from the old tesument, bishops, presbyters and deacons occupy in the church the same positions as those which were occupied by Aaron, his sons, and the Levites in the temple";

3:165.24

We

3:165.27—33

NPNF.2, 6:288-289.

have before alleadged Till through instinct

.

.

.

At 3:157.o. Jerome, Commentarii

removed.

in

Epistolam

ad Titum (on Titus 1:5, "Et constituas per civitates presbyteros/ sicut ego

tibi

"Antequam diaboli instinctu, studia in religione fierent, et diceretur in Ego sum Pauli, ego Apollo, ego autem Cephe [1 Cor. 1:12], communi

disposui"):

populis:

presbyterorum consilio, ecclesiae gubemabantur. Postquam vero unusquisque eos

quos baptizaverat suos putabat

esse

non

de presbyteris electus superponeretur

Christi: in toto caeteris:

ad

orbe decretum

quem omnis

est,

ut unus

ecclesiae

cura

schismatum semina tollerentur"; Opera (1516), 9:120F; PL, 26:562. the practice of the church in Alexandria, see Eric Kemp, "Bishops and

pertineret: et

On

Presbyters in Alexandria," Jowrruj/ of Ecclesiastical History, 6 (1955): 125—142.

3:166.12—16 se

As

therefore

.

.

.

ex ecclesiae consuetudine

Church. ei

qui

noverint se magis consuetudine esse majores: et in

commune

Jerome,

sibi

quam

ibid.:

"Sicut ergo presbyteri sciunt

praepositus fuerit esse subjectos: dispositionis

dominicae

ita

episcopi

veritate, presbyteris

debere ecclesiam regere"; Opera (1516), 9:120H; PL,

26:563.

909

Commentary

—

Bishops he meaneth

3:166./>

Ep.

On bishops by restraint and at large, see

9.

3:152.31 and 156.6 and nn; for Cyprian, see 155.21-22.

To

3:166.16—168.35

clear the sence

.

.

.

them.

The

critical

comment

appearing

near the beginning of this discussion of Jerome in Gauden's text (see textual note

and commentary

3:166.25) indicates the importance of the issues involved:

at

."

"This answer to Saint Jierom, seemeth dangerous

be gathered from the

Gauden

in

italics

thereof") and 168.11-25 ("And therefore

.

.

.

.

.

The

themselves;"),

.

conjectured reflect underUning in the manuscript by H's episcopacy

"Regiment

described as a

is

.

.

positive,

.

("Now

alter

proposed

is

as

competent to change

with general consent

.

.

might have been thought

were content

apologists

.

In these passages

critic.

whole body of the it "hath power to

Although

the will of the

comment recalls the manner of may well have felt that the provided in Book VII was weakened

3:559)

(see

—

institution as "positive," that

is,

as

dependent for

the will of a contemporary lawgiver rather than

on

its

own intrinsic

tradition.

Thus

Anglican

earlier

on

the critical

generally firmer basis for episcopal authority

immemorial

.

and consequently, not

to let episcopacy depend, finally,

—

by describing the

.

even the positive laws of the Aposdes." Each passage

on Book VI

Sandys's notes

.

plausibly

this institution, for

to pose a distinct danger.

sovereign, a reader in H's circle

Edwin

whereas

which Keble

absolutely necessary, but of a changeable nature," and "the

Church"

may

apparent danger

166.25-167.27

at

this passage

may have

its

validity

rightness or

on on

struck H's critic as an ill-advised

reversion to the view characteristic of establishment writings prior to Bancroft's

sermon of 1588/89. The second objection, for alter

such an institution

Church" seemed a

episcopacy.

as

would be Uable

italicized passage

It

to a difierent

way

the authority competent to

identifies

"the whole body of the

an apparently radical

specifies in

it

may have

the proper legislative authority in such matters, and this

as

risky concession to disciplinarian populism.

However dangerous the position taken here

this is

answer to Saint Jerome

quite characteristic of

H

may have seemed to H's critic, The principle that the

himself.

church has power to abrogate positive law, even divinely instituted positive law, defended

and

forcefiilly

at

Book

the same conditions as are stated here in

commandment The

the church

is

Jerome

in

well

suggested in

no way

as at

the

VII.

Book

Book

I

contradicts the

asserts it

jure divino

it

must be initial

whole body of

and developed in Book VIII. H's exposition of

view

that episcopal goverrmient

inspiration, a is

of the church

is

view put forward

in this very passage

which

H strongly inclines,

the

view

to

without qualification. His point in imputing a more

fimdamental authority to the whole body of the church than to a.

is

and with

have taken away the reason for the law's

end of the chapter. This

although he never

even on

III,

There must be no divine

location of authority in the general consent of the

of apostolic origin and divine as

chapters of

expressly forbidding change of the law in question, and

clear that altered circumstances institution.

two

length in the final

view of episcopal

—even

origins

if

its

leaders

is

that,

one believes "the Authors

of Episcopal Regiment to have been the very blessed Aposdes themselves, directed

910

Book by the

therein

Chapter

VII,

5.8-5.10

motion of the Holy Ghost" (168.30-32)

special

—

there

is

no

warrant for an irresponsible episcopate with immutable institutional authority.

H's extended criticism of the

of chap. 24 and

added significance in the

institution

of

light

this apostolic

Such weighing of faults and

episcopal authority. if the

of contemporary bishops

faults

the beginning

at

account of the public benefits of prelacy in chap. 18 take on

his

but non-necessary conception of benefits

would have

immutable. In sum,

import

little

under review were understood to be prescribed by

God

as

dangerous-seeming answer to Jerome would seem to be

this

The passage from Jerome brought up as an objection to H's on episcopacy may indeed have seemed to him "reasonable, sensible, and

authentically H's.

position

when

plain"

interpreted in accordance ^vith his ow^n principles.

H's detailed and favorable exposition ofJerome passage

when

pp. 370-371; PS, 2:225—228). Saravia ranged heretic Aerius (on

whom

consensus universalis

omnium

conditione";

De

diversis

[79] (Whitgift, Defense,

("hallucinating") with the

agreement with Scripture: "apud

in

totius orbis ecclesiarum consentiens

Hieronymi

Aerii haeretici, aut

Jerome

allucinantis in

himself in the ambiguity of doubtful words], et

lost

unusual. Whitgift ignored the

see chap. 9), while he himself stood with the consensus

of all the churches of the world

quam

is

was brought forward by Cartwright, 1:104

it

ministrorum

misnumbered 68—69. Bilson

.

.

.

two

offers

me

plus valet

cum verbo

Dei,

verborum ambiguitate [having

primorum temporum

ecclesiae

gradibus, p. 56; Diverse Degrees, pp. [71—72],

interpretations

ofJerome, neither of which

&ces the implication of mutability in the idea of episcopacy

based on the

as

consent or custom of the church {Perpetual Govemement, pp. 216, 221—222). 3:168.35

Another Argument

developed in more

detail

By Epiphanius Kara Mavixaicov (Heresy

3:169.7—9.^

.

42:59-64.

See 3:157.15—23.

by Bilson .

.

{Perpetual

Bishop.

The argument from succession is

Govemement, pp. 258-270).

Epiphanius, Contra octoginta

66); Opera (1544), pp.

On Epiphanius, see 2:255. o.n, above.

haereses, 2.2,

274-275; GCS, 37:44-47; PG,

Hilarion,

apparendy

a favorer

of

Arianism, intruded after the expulsion of Cyril of Jerusalem in 357 or 358.

3:169.11— 17. r cos,

chap.

Tertullian

-32:

.

.

.

consecrate;

porum suorum,

ita

habuerit autorem et antecessorem. suos deferunt: sicut refert";

3:169.17-20

De praescriptione adversus haereti-

per successiones ab initio decurrentem, ut primus

aliquem ex Apostolis, vel Apostolicis

tum

Tertullian,

"Aedant ergo origines ecclesiarum suarum: evolvant ordinem episco-

Smymaeorum

viris,

Hoc enim modo

ecclesia

Opera (1566), 1:178-179;

Catalogues

.

.

.

qui tamen

ecclesiae

ille

episcopus

perseveraverit,

ApostoUcae census

habens Polycarpum ab Joanne conloca-

CCSL,

collected,

cum Apostolis

1:212-213;

Eusebius, Ecdes.

ANF, hist.,

3:258.

2.23-24; 3.2,

4,

11, 13-15, 21-23, 34-36; 4.1, 4-5, 10-11, 19-20; 5.9, 12, etc. Socrates, Ecdes. hist.,

carries

3:169.29—170.1

on

the record of episcopal successions through the

And what need

.

has an almost disciplinarian ring to

.

.

it;

not?

4C and

early

This argument, apparendy H's own,

compare the anti-episcopal argument

911

5C.

stated

Commentary 3:212.24—30 and answered

at

216.26—217.4. Saravia took

at

De

Lord.

diversis

The Eunuch

3:170.3-5. r

was under

A

3: 170. 23. u/ is

.

close direction

.

Bishop,

.

.

.

.

.

.

axiomatic that the

as

gradibus, pp. 48, 12; Diverse Degrees, pp. 60, 11.

.

High.

Acts 8:26-39. Although Philip the Evangelist

of the angel or

Eunuch was

the Ethiopian

bishop,

ministrorum

it

church which they had not received firom the

apostles established nothing in the

baptized

Spirit

own

at his

Superior,

of the Lord through

Ad

In epist. 19,

concerned both to mollify Jerome,

Hieronymum, Augustine, a

a presbyter,

concerning rumors of his

disapproval of Jerome's translation of Scripture and yet to induce

which

questions about his sources

episcopate

asserts that the

is

still

many

correction "even from a lesser"

is

episcopatus presbyterio major

rather

on Augustine himself

not to be evaded or disdained by anyone: vocabula, quae jam ecclesiae usus obtinuit,

tamen

De

sit

refugienda vel dedignanda correc-

is

as epist. 82.

Quoduultdeum, chap. 53, the presbyter Aerius (not

haeresibus ad

be confused with Arius)

Hieronymo

in multis rebus Augustinus

etiam a minore quolibet non

Opera (1569), 2:84; CSEL, 34.2:385, and NPNF.l, 1:361,

In the tract to

sit:

is

he concludes by suggesting that

things; yet

"Quanquam enim secundum honorum

tio";

to consider

"greater" than the presbyterate according to honors in

being "less" than Jerome in

est, licet

him

seem unresolved. Accordingly, although he

the usage of the church, the apparent emphasis

minor

this episode,

instance.

said to

have

fallen into heresy

from grief

that

he

could not be ordained bishop and to have held that "no difference" ought to be recognized between presbyter and bishop ("Dicebat etiam presbyterum ab Episco-

po

nulla differentia debere discerni"); Opera (1569), 6:25;

Aerius

the

as

first

3:170.27-171.5

to gainsay episcopal

law

Priests in the

.

CCSL, 46:323—324.

government, see chap. .

other.

.

On

9.

The twofold

division of the

bishop's preeminence over presbyters in chap. 6 corresponds with H's earlier

between superiority of power "above" and superiority of power "upon" other ministers (chap. 3.1). In assimilating the bishop's power to ordain

distinction

presbyters to the liturgical functions reserved to the high priests of the setting

it

ordination, itarian a

H

note

3:171.1 1-15. X to the service

begins his

The custome of the church

Tim. 5:9—15

is

.

.

is

.

hath.

The

bishops' role in consecrating

Timothy,

whom H

took to have been a bishop

virgins but has nothing concerning their consecration

latter

refers to a virgin

(see chap.

concerned with the choice of suitable candidates for such

widows

to

young

Cor. 7:25-40, a Pauline commendation of celibacy over marriage,

3:171.15.)/

widows

fact that pertinent instruc-

perhaps implicit in the

consecration and especially with the preferability of older 1

and in

as possible.

tions are addressed to 4.2); 1

OT

power of bishop over presbyter after demonstration of episcopal superiority on as nonauthor-

off from the coercive judicial

consonant evidence

TertuUian,

ones.

refers to

by bishops.

De

velandis virginibus, chap. 9,

of less than twenty years being placed in the order of widows and

912

Book

VII,

that if the bishop

done so

some other way: "Cui

.

.

.

quid

si

refrigerii

Eptphanius

as

fitly

debuerat episcopus,

CCSL,

praestare potuisset"; Opera (1566), 2:67;

3:171. 26.Z

5.10-6.5

had been bound to provide for her, he could have

comments in

Chapter

ANF,

2:1219;

Epiphanius made

disputeth.

aliter

utique

4:33.

oft-quoted

this

comparison in refutation of Aerius's denial of any difference between bishop and

a^poav\r\q eoTi t6 Tidv IpTtXetov, Toi^ auveaiv KetcTT]TouTo SnXov. to Xeyeiv auxdv eTciaKOTtov Kai TtpeaPurepov laov eivai, Ka! n&q loxai touto 6ovaT6v; *H pfev yap eori Ttaxepcov yevvriTiKf^ t&^k;, najipaq yap yevviy xq eicKXqai(jc. f\ bt naripac, pfj Suvapevq yevvav, 6ia xf]^ xou Xouxpoo TiaA-ivyeveaiac;, xeKva yevvd xq eKKA-qaicy, ou ilkv Ttax^pa^ f\ 5t5aaK&A,ou^. Contra odoginta haereses, Adversus Aerium, Heresy 75; (1544), p. 386; GCS, 37:336; PG, 42:507-508; "that the whole thing presbyter: 6ti }iiv

liivoiq

is

quite

full

of folly,

one

is

of

rank procreative of

a

those w^ho have acquired understanding.

this is clear to

and the presbyter

said that the bishop

are equal, but how^

he begets

fathers, for

is

this possible?

It is

For the

fathers for the church.

The

other, not being able to beget fathers, begets children for the church through the

regeneration of baptism [compare Tit. 3:5], but certainly not fathers or teachers" (trans. J. S. Lee).

H's moderate claim for the exclusive power of

they considered not

3:171.31

bishops to ordain

Compare

is

more on

based

his position

tradition than

on deeper

here with his later discussions

theological principle.

(in chap.

14.7—12) of the

non-necessity of direct popular consent in the election and ordination of ministers

some circumstances of non-episcopal

and, conversely, the validity in

3:172.3—4.a

"ordeined

The .

.

.

Apostles

.

.

.

Presbyters.

14:23.

Paul

and Barnabas

Elders [Ttpeapoxepooc;] by election in everie church [in the region

of Lystra, Iconium, and Antiochia; 3:172.5—9.6

Acts

ordination.

Titus

.

.

everie citie" and in

them.

.

1

v.

21]."

In Titus 1:5 Titus

Tim. 5:22 Timothy

is

is

charged to "ordeine Elders in

advised (apropos of ordination): "Lay

hands suddenly on no man." 3:172.c is

Apud i£gyptutn

.

.

.

Ephes.

"In Egypt presbyters confirm

not present." Pseudo-Ambrose, Commentarii

printed in Ambrose, Opera (1569), col. 2003;

in

if the

bishop

Epistolam beati Pauli ad Ephesios,

CSEL,

81.3:100. For the

full

passage

see VIII.7.2 (3:414.1-6).

3:172.16

Here

... objected

No

appeal to the cited canon

is

or Travers, but see Cartwxight's assertion, 2:274, that "not so tion/ can

by the testimonie of thauncient

found in Cartwright

much

as

the ordina-

fathers/ or councelles agree

unto one

bishop onely," which he supports by reference to other sources for Afiican church practice.

3:172.16-20

Here

. .

.

the ordained.

The

a "Fourth Council of Carthage" held in

398

913

of canons

list is

traditionally ascribed to

based on a Gallic source of around

Commentary 475 (CCSL, 149:342). Canon 3 prescribes

him and

bishop blesses

that at a presbyter's ordination, as the

holds his hand over his head,

the presbyters

all

who

are

present shall also hold their hands over the candidate's head near the bishop's:

quum ordinatur, Episcopo eum benedicente,

"Presbyter

omnes

tenente, etiam

episcopi super caput

manum super caput ejus suas, juxta manum 1:759; CCSL, 149:344. An

presbyteri, qui praesentes sunt,

teneant"; Concilia (1585),

illius

was

essential role for presbyters in ordination

4:14 (see chap. 9.3). For a

also

et

manus

claimed on the

fuller discussion, see Bilson, Perpetual

basis

of

Tim.

1

Govemement, pp.

250-258.

With us present. The Edwardian ordinal of 1552, reauthorized imphcidy in the 1559 Act of Uniformity and explicidy in 1566, provided that, "when this praier is done, the Bisshoppe with the priestes present, shal lay theyr

3:172.25—27

.

.

.

handes severally upon the head of every one that receiveth orders.

humbly knelyng upon .

.

.";

and the Bisshop

their knees,

The fourme and maner of makynge and conseaatynge,

Deacons, printed with The Boke of

PS

Liturgical Services,

Prayer (1552),

receivers

Bisshoppes, Priestes,

and

See Clay,

ed.,

sig. 2B7''.

(1847), p. 292.

no man

3:172.31—173.4

Common

The

Receive the holy gost

saying.

.

.

unsufBcient.

.

H

states his

own

position

on occa-

sional non-episcopal ordinations in the patristic period in chap. 14.11 (3:226.28-

227.2).

3:173.11

the Nathiners

3:173.24—28.^

Ezra 8:20 (GB: "Nethinims").

Priests, saith

Josephus,

.

.

.

God.

toutov 6epa7teuouai plv 6i&

Ttavrdg oi lepeT^. riyeixai bk toCtcov 6 Ttpwroc; dei

Kara

yevo<;.

o6to(;

pev 7tp6 Ttov 6lXX(ov lepecov [Loeb: (ierd twv auviepecov] 0uaei tq) Qea, (j)oX,
dSiKco. 6 6e yt toutq)

eTt'

)afj

7tei06^evo<;,

v^i^ti 6iKr|v ox;

Tov Geov autov daePwv" Josephus, IJegl dgxaioxriroq 'lovbaioiv xara-

'Amojvog (0«

the Antiquity

948; Loeb, pp. 370—371.

God, safeguarding the

of the fews or Against Apion), bk. 2; Opera (1544), p. text, which has the high priest sacrificing to

The Loeb

laws,

and judging disputes and punishing those convicted of

crimes with his colleagues or fellow priests (/jerd T(BV auviepecov) provides

support for

H

than the 1544

Twv

tions before the other priests (7tp6

leadership

is

which

text, in

less

the high priest performs these func-

dXA,cov iepecov), although the high priest's

affirmed in both texts (qyeiTai 61 toutcov 6 Tcpcaxoc; dei

Kara

Y^voq).

unto

3:173.28—29 the use of

this

they answer.

In his Replye Cartwright thus explained

why

OT institutions as models for the church, a procedure the disciplinarians

considered generally sound, was invalid with reference to the monarchic authority

of the high

priest:

"And where he

called highe priest/

and was over

of was/ because he

w^as a figure

[Whitgift] saith/ that there

all

the

rest:

he did well

was then which was

know

that the cause ther-

of Christe/ and dyd represent unto the people/

914

Book

Chapter

VII,

6.5-6.7

whych was to come/ and nowe no cause why there should

the cheefetye and superioritye of cure savioure Christe

oure savioure Christe being come/ there

that

is

be any suche preheminence geven unto one: and further/ that it is unlawful! that there shoulde be any suche/ unles it be lawfull to have one head byshop over all

by Whitgift,

the church"; 1:119 [92], quoted

Tell the Anabaptist

3:174.5-9

Defense, p.

Guy

Christ.

428 (PS, 2:346-347).

de Bres, La radne,

source

et

fondement des Anabaptistes (1565), p. 822: "Plusieurs de nos Anabaptistes pensent bien eschapper de tant de tesmoignages qui sont contr'eux, disant, que tous ces

ne doyvent avoir lieu au une perfection plus grande en I'Eglise Chrestienne, qu'il n'a pas fait au peuple Judaique." On de Bres's La radne, H's principal source for Pref 8, see Intro, to The Preface, pp. 70-71, and 1:42.15tesmoignages sont prins du

vieil

Testament,

Nouveau, entant que nostre Seigneur

On

49.30 and nn, above.

"figurative resemblance"

of

OT

wars

kingdom of Christ, 3:174.9

the Anabaptists' interpreution of the old Jerusalem as a

of the new Jerusalem they were to

models for

as

et qu'ils

requiert

own, eventually

their

see 1:48.6—26

and

their use

and nn.

Not found

Tell the Barrowist

establish

violent, attempts to estabUsh the

in the separatist

Henry Barrow

(executed,

1593), but in discussing Barrow's answer to the question whether the queen might

make laws

for the church,

George Gifford

(d.

1620) attributed to Robert Browne,

"The kingdome of Christe is up by the arme of flesh and blood, but by the Holy-ghost. The Subjects of Christe come willinglye of theyr owne accorde, and not by compulsion. None of aU the godlye Kinges, durst compell any to the worship of "the roote of

and not

spiritual!,

God. And

following position:

this heresie," the

that

set

the Kings of Juda,

all

spiritual!

power,

England,

whome we

which did reforme

being figures of Christ";

as

call

Broumists (1590;

STC

A

religion, did

it

by

a

short treatise against the Donatists of

11869), p. 107.

On

the separatists see

Pref 8.1-5 and nn.

Not found

Tell the Martinist

3:174.12

above, Intro, to 3:174.30-33./j

The

in the Marprelate tracts,

St. Cyprian ...

insolence of one of his

it.

own

Writing to a bishop

concerning the divine authority of

the

it.

He

cites Paul's

honor shown by

nized

him nor

feared

see

priests

had complained of the

him of

OT

liis

authority to

precepts and examples

and God's w^rath towards those

who

reverence for the office of high priest (Acts 23:4—5) and

Clirist

himself to high priests and priests

God. Cyprian,

diacano;

Opera; (1563), pp. 64-65;

FOTC,

51:6-8,

3:174.33-175.5.1

who

deacons, Cyprian assures

punish such men, citing Deut. 17:12-13 and other

despise

on which

Preface, pp. 23—25.

epist. 3.9,

Ad

who

neither recog-

Rogatianum episcopum de superbo

CSEL, 3.2:469-471,

ACW,

43:54-56, and

as epist. 3.

St.

themselves. Jerome, epist. 85, to Evagrius; Jerome end of the passage quoted in chap. 5.6 (3:164.9-165.17 .

.

.

Epistolae (1578), p. 31 lA,

and n, above).

915

Commentary 3:175.6-1 l.y function

Ignatius

Church. The phrase iepaTE6eiv Kal &pxeiv

...

and to rule")

as a priest

is

Smyrnaeans; Epistolae (1558), p. 87; Lightfbot,

ANF,

But the

("to

firom an interpolation in Ignatius's epistle to the

The Apostolic

ed.,

Fathers, 2.3:224;

one celebrated by the bishop representative and the prohibition of baptism apart from the bishop are in 1 :90.

or his

definition

of a

valid Eucharist as

letter: ^r|5ei(; X'^PK eniOKdnov Ti npaaatrca twv avqK6vTQ)v ei^ ttjv eKKA,qaiav. eKeivr| pepaia euxocpicnria qyeiaeco, q vnd Tdv eTtiaKOTCov ouaa, q 4> o^v ambq eTiixpiyi] ouk e^6v eoriv x^P'? too e7iiaK67iou, oCte PaTiTi^eiv. (1558), pp. 86-87; Bihlmeyer, ed., Die apostolischen Vdter (1924), p. 108; Robert M. Grant, Ignatius of Antioch (1966), pp. 120-121. H quotes the interpolated passage more fially in VI.2.1 (3:4./) and refers to it in chap.

the genuine part of the

.

.

.

16.8 (249.7-8).

3:175.16-19./

Ignatius

.

.

.

From

oxivSopai.

Christians of Antioch, Ignatius's

own

the spurious Ignatian episde to the

quoted above

city,

3:157.21-23; Epistolae

at

ANF, 1:111: "Presbyout who is to rule you.

(1558), p. 104; Lightfoot, ed., The Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:238; ters,

For

which

feed the flock I

am now

3:175.20

death of Fafctan

3: 175. 24-26.

w

among

is

In

That they must Cleri

epistles, as epist. 2.7,

AD 250 .

.

.

;

qui omnia

and

FOTC,

H's version

ista

The

things.

.

.

30.

as epist.

The

.

nondum

p. 50;

Deo

FOTC,

is

printed with Cyprian's

est

CSEL,

episcopus 3.2:553,

reference to God's sending a

supported by a corresponding phrase

episcopus dari a 44:32;

letter

and nn, above.

Romani ad Cyprianum: "Quanquam nobis differendae

moderetur"; Opera (1563),

51:78,

is

points

see 3:40.25-28

hujus rei necessitas major incumbat, quibus tus,

God

you, until

ready to be sacrificed."

later in the letter:

nobis sustinetur"; (1563), p. 51;

CSEL,

.

.

.

constitu-

ACW,

new

44:32,

bishop in

"interim

3.2:556;

dum

ACW,

51:78. "Meanwhile, while waiting for a bishop to be given us

by

God." 3:176. 1-2.M

The custom

is,

.

.

.fast.

Tertullian, Dejejuniis adversus Psychicos, chap.

CSEL, 20:291; ANF, 4:111. The "psychics" were the main body of the church, whom Tertullian came to regard as soulish or naturalminded, in contrast (1 Cor. 2:14) with the spiritual men of the Montanist move13; Opera (1566), 2:524;

ment,

who properly recognized the Holy

Spirit.

On Tertullian and the Montanists,

see l:159.z.4.n, above.

3:176.2-5.0

Yea,

.

.

.

Bishops.

Cyprian does not

explicitly consider

cited a contrast

is

basis for fasting),

her bishops

is

drawn between our own choice and

and the idea

that every act

not presented by Cyprian

as

"our

own free

from Tertullian just

will" as a basis for episcopal authority (although in the passage

the bishop's decision as a

of the church should be governed by

an explicit

commandment of Christ but

and on this rock I from Matt. 16:18 ("Thou art Peter will build my church"). H's rendering is, however, faithful to the spirit of the passage, which makes episcopacy part of the very definition or nature (ratio) of the rather as a deduction

.

916

.

.

Book

Chapter

VII,

6.8

it. "Dominus noster, cujus praecepta metuere et honorem et Ecclesiae suae rationem disponens in Evangelio loquitur, et dicit Petro: Ego tibi dico quia tu es Petrus, et super istam petram .... Inde per temporum et successionum vices, Episcoporum ordinatio, et

church

Lord ordered

as the

observare debemus, Episcopi

omnis

Ecclesiae ratio decurrit, ut Ecclesia super episcopos constituatur: et

eosdem praepositos gubemetur";

Ecclesiae per

62;

CSEL,

3.2:566,

ACW,

An Argument

3:176.5—9

FOTC,

44:40, and .

.

51:85-86,

regards the authority of bishops in the early church

AngUcan

p.

as epist. 33.

is

peculiar to

H

as

among

writers.

By

3:176.12— 15.p

these letters,

quorum minime

.

fungamini circa gerenda

FOTC,

.

.

ea,

"His

require.

invidiosa et

illic

non adeo

Opera (1593),

51:41, as epist. 14.

The

Uteris et hortor et

mando; ut

periculosa praesentia

est,

vice

vos,

mea

religiosa deposcit"; Cyprian, epist.

quae administratio

6, Presbyteris et diaconis fratribus;

and

actus

Opera (1593),

This distinctively political inference

secure.

.

epist. 27, Lapsis;

p. 17;

CSEL,

reference to "Ep. 39"

3.2:510, is

ACW,

faulty; see

43:87,

3:182.18-

28/n, below. Ignatius of Antioch, to the Magnesians: napaonovbaaaje navra TcpdcTxeiv, 7ipo»ca6qpevou too ETciaKOTiou eiq xonov 6eo0* Kai twv Ttpeapurepcov, eic; totcov auveSpioo Tdjv dnooToXcov koi xciv SiaKovcov xdiv e^oi yXoKUTdTwv, KETiiaTeu^evajv

3:176.p

ivdj,

Vide Ignat. ad Magnes.

ev 6^ovot<5[ 6eou

SiaKOViav IriaoC Xpiaxou.

Epistolae (1558), p. 27;

with the bishop presiding in the place of

Bihlmeyer,

do everything

chen Voter, p. 90. "I exhort you: be eager to

God and

of Jesus Christ"; Grant,

meyer,

p. 92;

"Be

subject to the bishop and to

apostolis-

harmony,

me, entrusted with the 60-61. UTtOTdynTe

Ignatius of Antioch (1966), pp.

dXXf\Xo\c„ (aq 6 Xpiaroc;

T(p ETtiaKOTCQ), icai

Die

the presbytery in the place of

the council of the apostles and the deacons, most sweet to service

ed..

in God's

tw

Tiaxpi. (1558), p. 35; Bihl-

one another,

as

Christ was subject

to the Father"; Grant, p. 66.

3:176.^ p.

Quod

.

.

54:427, and 3:176.r

Nepotianum. Jerome, epist. 2, Ad Nepotianum; Epistolae (1578), know bishop and presbyter to be as Aaron and his sons"; CSEL,

.

5B: "Let us

NPNF.2,

Ita est ut

.

.

.

6:93, as epist. 52. See § 10 (3:180.7-15) for the fUU passage.

running heads of edn. short treatise

on

"And

Hieron.

the apostles in presbyters."

De

so

you may recognize

septem gradibus

cited) in

ecclesiae

the Lord in bishops,

(De septem

ordinibus ecclesiae in

Jerome, Opera (1516), 2:48C (PL, 30:158). This

ecclesiastical hierarchy,

which

sees the fullness

of divinity dwelling

bodily in the bishop ("in episcopo plenitudinem divinitatis habitare corporaliter"), is

thought to have been written by a Gallic

omits an intensifying clause, "qui et

ipsi

beginning of the 5C. H between "apostolos" and "recog-

priest near the

sunt,"

noscas."

3:177.1-3.5

What

is,

.

.

.

Christ',

H

quotes from a

917

4C

interpolation in Ignatius

of

Commentary Antioch's letter to the Trallians: Tt

y&p

feoTiv

^^ouaia<; eTC^Keiva tc&vtcov Kparmv,

Ktt!

iniaKonoq, dXX' q n&ar\q Apxfjq, cb<; oi6v re avSpcoTiov Kpareiv,

Kara Suva^iiv Xpiaxou xou 6eoo. Epistolae (1558), p. 12; ANF, 1:69. The immediately followof Calvin may be intended as a defense against Calvin's negative

^i^r|Tf|v YJv6jLievov

Lightfoot, ed., The Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:155;

ing citation

judgment of the Ignatian putidius";

Inst.,

(I960), 1:158 (quoted

by Lightfoot,

Mr. Calvin

3:177.4-18./

.

.

.

ex suo numero in

require.

Calvin,

honore

erat,

"nihil naeniis

illis

fol. 43'; trans.

(1561),

et digniute superior erat

Inst.,

eos

unum

singulis civitatibus

titulum Episcopi: ne ex aequalitate, ut sic

stories:

Norton

.

.

.

Batdes

2.1:238).

"Quibus ergo docendi munus injunctum Illi

nursery

epistles as foul

1.13.29; (1569), p. 77; trans.

4.4.2 (1569), pp. 684-685:

omnes nominabant

Presbyteros.

eligebant, cui specialiter dabant

fieri solet, dissidia

nascerentur.

Neque tamen

Episcopus ut dominium in collegas haberet:

sed quas partes habet Consul in Senatu, ut referat de negotiis, sententias roget,

consulendo, monendo, hortando,

aliis

quod decretum communi

regat, et

praee[r]at, authoritate sua

consilio fuerit exequatur: id

Episcopus in Presbyterorum coetu." H's professed perplexity

doth mean"

(lines

15-16)

over other ministers .

.

.

that

Few words

"what

rule

he

occasioned by the clause he omitted to translate ("Neque

dominion [dominium] over

he had a

as to

Calvin denies that these early bishops bore "rule"

"Yet the Bishop was not so above the

haberet"):

444".

is

when

totam actionem

muneris sustinebat

rest in

his felowes"; trans.

honor and dignity, Norton (1578), fol.

of connotations of authority or control than

are richer in variety

"dominium," which can designate the power of a master ("dominus") over slaves, ownership ("dominium") of property, the relation of Christ the Lord the Latin

("dominus") to

mastery of an

his disciples, the

religious superior over subjects. H's choice

Roman

willingness to accept the

indicate a less steeply hierarchical

was

or the authority of a political or

of "rule"

consulship as a

as a translation

model

and

his

for the bishop's office

and hard-handed view of episcopal authority than under Elizabeth

in Anglican apologetic

typical

art,

head-on response to the reformers'

—an

oblique rather than

on "lordship and dominion."

attacks

Cartwright alleges Jerome and Chrysostom on is between presbyter and bishop, 1:107-108 [83]. H's response ampUfies and documents that given by Whitgift: the assimilation of bishop to the ministerie of the Byshop, not presbyter in these passages concerns "only

3:177.24

One

objection there

the lack of difference

.

.

.

... his authoritie, in the ecclesiasticall goverrmient"; Defense, p. 387; PS, 2:261.

3:177.28-30.M (1578), pp.

presbyter

What a Bishop

.

.

.

ordein?

310B-311A: "Quid enim

non

faciat?";

Jerome,

facit,

epist. 85, to

Evagrius; Epistolae

excepta ordinatione, episcopus, quod

CSEL, 56:311, and NPNF.2,

6:289, as epist. 146. See

3:164.9-165. 17.n, above, for context. 3:178.3-6.1/

What

things

.

.

.

Ordination.

Chrysostom, Homily 11 [not 10] on

Timothy. "Postquam de episcopis dixit, eosque formavit,

918

quidnam

illos

1

habere

Book

quo item absdnere necesse

conveniat, a

ordine ad diaconos

et

quae de episcopis illi

Cur

transiit.

presbyterum interest ferme

superiores

Chapter

VII,

dixit,

sit

Quippe

omisso interim presbyterorum

dictans,

id quaeso?

nihil.

6.9-6.10

Quia

scilicet inter

episcopum atque

et presbyteris ecclesiae cura permissa est:

ea etiam presbyteris congruunt: sola quippe ordinatione

hoc

sunt, atque

quam

tantiim, plus

presbyteri habere videntur";

Opera (1570), 4:1330; PG, 62:553. St. /rroms

3:178.26

enough

H

Evagrius.

may have

which he had and

The

conclusion

to Jerome's spirit, but

already

it is

conclusion

H states in lines 26-29

not to be found in the text of his

in mind the passage he quotes below at 3:180.7-15, from drawn the comparison of bishop and presbyter with Aaron

St. Chrysostomes

.

.

.

H's restatement of the point of

understood.

The next sentence {"As for

the passage cited in u and paraphrased at 3:178.3—6. .

&ithful

letter to

his sons at 176.^.

3:178.30-179.6

.

is

bishops"; 179.6—8)

.

Velut

3:179.u'

"As

.

.

Gal.

.

up in some

if set

is

his

own

observation and should be in roman.

Jerome, Commentarii

lofty

ad Galatas (on Gal. 4:13):

in Epistolam

watchtower, they scarcely deign to see ordinary mortals

or speak to their fellow servants"; Opera (1516), 9:90C; PL, 26:379. 3:179.x 11):

Nemo "No one .

Ecclesiast.

.

.

Jerome, Commentarii

on that account, going about commandments, they increase sins with

great one;

For

difficult.

if

he has sinned,

it is

first

sentence.

H

omits the

as if

No

sins.

An

to accuse a

accusation against a bishop if

he

CCSL, 72:317-318,

latter part

(on Eccles. 8:9—

one dares

holy and blessed and in the Lord's

not believed, and

punished"; Opera (1516), 7:40E-F; the

in Ecdesiasten

dares to speak against sinning bishops.

of the

first

is

convicted, he

is

is

not

omitting "episcopis" in

sentence and three following

sentences.

Pessinue Nepotian. Jerome, epist. 2, custom in certain churches for presbyters to keep

3:179.)'

as if

.

.

.

Ad Nepotianum: silent

when

is

a

very bad

they might be jealous of them or disdain to listen"; Epistolae (1578), p. 5B;

CSEL,

54:428,

Of

3:180.1-6.2 presbyterum,

NPNF.2,

3:180.7— 15. a,fc

6:93,

Vigilantius

.

.

and Loeb, pp. 210-211, rod.

.

Jerome,

epist.

against Vigilantius; Epistolae (1578), p.

NPNF.2, 6:212-213, Be thou

as epist. 52.

53 [not

servorum

timor meus?

.

.

.

dominos: honorent

honor

deferatur.

subject

.

.

.

were.

Illud etiam dico,

Riparium

Jerome,

quod

Ad

epist. 2,

honor meus?

Nepotianum: "Esto

Amare

Si

filiorum, timere

dominus ego sum; ubi

episcopi sacerdotes se esse noverint,

non

clericos, quasi clericos; ut et ipsis a clericis, quasi episcopis,

Scitum

illud est oratoris

me non

principem;

cum

episcopum

et presbyteros esse

tu

Ad

as epist. 109.

pater sum, inquit; ubi est

est. Si

54],

188B; CSEL, 55:353, and

subjectus pontifici tuo, et quasi animae parentem suscipe.

est

"It

bishops are present,

Domitii:

noverimus:

919

Cur ego

te, inquit,

habeam

ut

Quod Aaron et filios ejus, hoc Unus dominus, unum templum, unum

habeas ut senatorem?

Commentary sit

NPNF.2,

etiam ministerium"; Epistolae (1578), p. 5B; CSEL, 54:427,

6:93, and

H

Loeb, pp. 208—209, as epist. 52. picks up Jerome's use of Mai. 1:6 at the beginning of this passage ("Love pertains to sons, fear to servants. 'If I am a father,'

he

'where

says,

my

is

honor? If

I

am

a lord,

where

my

is

fear?' ") in b.

also

have agreed with Jerome's conclusion: "Let there be one

and

also

lord,

He must

one temple,

one ministry."

3:180.17—20

TTie very safety

"Ecclesiae salus in

summi

.

.

Jerome, Orthodoxi

authority.

.

sacerdotis dignitate pendet: cui

si

et

Ludferiani dialogus:

non exors quaedam,

et

ab hominibus eminens detur potestas, tot in Ecclesiis efl&cientur schismata, quot sacerdotes"; Epistolae (1578), p. 199A; PL, 23:165;

^vhich have authority" for "sacerdotes"

unhappy with the

passage for churches

That no

3:181.3— 5.C

successor

.

free

office

him.

.

.

is

NPNF.2,

6:324. H's "persons

but preserves the relevance of the

of "priest."

"Inter haec Innocentius

Romanus Antistes

audiens de Joanne et moleste ferens, volensque generale celebrari Concilium, scripsit

dari,

Joanni

et clero

ne ejus clerum

Constantinopoleos, quod

alii

non

oporteret Joanni successorem

parere pontificii"; D.Joannis Chrysostomi

rum senatorem (= extracts from bk. 10 of Cassiodorus's

vita

per Cassiodo-

Historia tripartita collected,

with other biographical materials, by Joannes Ferrerius Pedemontanus for the 1570 edn. of Chrysostom's Opera), l:lxxxii;

When two

3:181. 6-15.
Mandat

vero Joannes

.

ita

.

.

.

"Nunciantur duo Joannis presbyteri

Judge.

.

Quanam,

respondit.

meos

47:29; Palladii dialogus de

oro, consequentia,

vultis abjicere, et

Chrysostomi

vita divi Joannis

.

as Historia tripartita, 10.18.

.

.

Synodus, ut transeas ad nos responsurus ad crimina. Contra

tibi

qui neque inimicos

of

CSEL, 71:612,

.

.

dialogus, in

.

vita S.

me

quo ordine

judicatis,

per Clericos meos accersitis?"

De

Chrysostom's Opera (1570), l:xxv; PG,

Joannis Chrysostomi, ed.

Coleman-Norton

The Dialogue of Palladius Concerning the Life of Chrysostom, Moore (1921), pp. 70-71. Palladius (365?-425) was a historian of p. 50;

(1928),

Herbert

trans.

early monasti-

cism and friend of Chrysostom.

Bishops together with Presbyters The preceding and following on hierarchical differences the greater power of bishops in relation

3:181.22

—

chapters are

to presbyters

and the greater or

lesser jurisdictions

H briefly reviews some

present chap. 7,

of bishops themselves. In the

more cooperative

aspects

of early church

government, perhaps conceding something to the demands, made from the Admonition onwards, for a more fraternal

Compare 3:181. e

spirit in

bishops

vis

^ vis other clergy.

chap. 18.12 (3:263.7-19).

'QaTtep

.

.

.

Apost. 58.

"Given

as coajutors to

the bishop," the conclud-

ing phrase in an exposition by Zonaras of canon 58 of the so-called Apostolic

Canons

(see 3:198. 14-16. r.n,

in a high place so that

implied in the that they, too,

he

below). Zonaras explains that the bishop's chair

may

diligently observe the people

name eniaKonoq) and that may observe and direct the 920

under him

(a

is

set

function

the presbyters are there with

him

so

people. Octoginta quinque Regulae seu

Book Canones Apostolorum: cum p. 57;

On

PG, 137:153.

.

VII,

Chapter

6.10-7.1

.Joannis monachi Zonarae in eosdem commentariis (1558),

.

Zonaras,

whom H

also

quotes at 1.16.7, see 1:141.23-

27. n, above.

The Bishops

3:182.1-8

A continuation of the interpolated passage in

... noM^h^

quoted above

Ignatius's letter to the Trallians

3:177.1-3: Ti 61 TcpeapuTepiov,

at

dXk' f\ auoTTipa lepov, aupPouXoi koi aoveSpeorai toO eTtiaKonou ... 6 TOivuv TouTwv TiapaKoucDv, aOeoc; ndpTtav eiT] av, Kai bvaatpf\(;, Kai deexdiv Xpiordv, Kai xi^v auToO Si&xa^iv apiKpuvcov. Epistolae (1558), p. 12; Lightfoot, ed.. The Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:155-156;

ANF,

1:69.

persons. The references to Cyprian here are confused. The 3:182.18-28/ After long quoution in the text is from an episde of Pope Cornelius to Cyprian (Cornelius Cypriano fratri; so identified in the edns. of Cyprian's letters in which it is .

included), not

.

.

one from Cyprian

Urbanus

to Cornelius: "Postea vero

confessores ad presbyteros nostros venerunt, affirmantes

Maximum

et

Sidonius

confessorem et

presbyterum secum pariter cupere in Ecclesiam redire ... ex ipsorum ore confessione,

quae per legationem mandaverant, placuit

ista,

venissent, et a presbyteris, quae gesta erant, exigerentur

affirmaverunt.

.

cum

Qui,

.

.

.

et

Qui cum

circumventos

.

.

audiri.

se esse

haec, et caetera fiiissent exprobrata, ut abolerentur et

de memoria tollerentur, deprecati sunt.

Omni

ad

igitur actu

contrahi presbyterium. Adfuerunt etiam Episcopi quinque

.

quid circa personam eorum observari deberet, consensu

.

.

me

perlato placuit

ut firmato consilio,

omnium

statueretur";

CSEL, 3.2:609-610, ACW, 44:77-78, and FOTC, 51:122-123, as epist. 49. The first phrase quoted in / (Cwm conjuncti) is from an epistle of Cyprian to Pope Lucius, in which Cyprian interprets the recent persecution of the Roman church as a way in which the Lord might show which \vas the (true) church, who was his one bishop beloved by Cyprian, Opera (1593),

epist. 46, p.

104;

.

"who were

divine ordination,

of the presbyter"; (1593), second phrase (Ego

.

.

.

.

conjoined with the bishop with the priesdy honor

epist.

162-163; CSEL, 3.2:696-697,

.

58 [not 28], Cyprianus cum

ACW,

46:93, and

adsidebant) in

and people of Fumi numbered

/ is

from

FOTC, a letter

collegis

51:198,

Ludo fratri, pp.

of Cyprian to the clergy

66 [not 27] in the 1593 edn.

epist.

The

as epist. 61.

(the

quoted

on page 27 of Manuzio's edn. of 1563): "We were deeply moved, / and my colleagues who were present and our conpresbyters who were sitting with us ."; Presbyteris et diaconibus et plebi Fumis consistentibus (1593), p. 195; CSEL, 3.2:465,

phrase

is

.

ACW,

43:51, and

3:183.3-12.^

may

Unto

FOTC,

that,

.

.

.

51:3, as epist.

1.

Again the reference

requireth.

be a transposition of "Ep. 39," the

.

number

is

defective. "Ep.

used in referring to the

93"

same

episde at 3:176./> above, but the episde does not appear under either of these

numbers

in any edn.

of Cyprian the editor has been able to consult; in those of

Erasmus (1540) and Manuzio (1563)

it is

of PameUus (1568) and Goulart (1593) id vero

quod

printed as bk. 3, epist. 10, and in those

as epist. 6, Presbyteris et diaconis fratribus.

scripserunt mihi compresbyteri nostri Donatus,

921

et

"Ad

Fortunatus,

Commentary Novatus

mei

quando

et Gordius, solus rescribere nihil potui;

a primordio episcopatus

statuerim, nihil sine consilio vestro, et sine consensu plebis meae, phvata

cum

ad vos per Dei gratiam venero, tunc de iis quae vel gesta honor mutuus poscit, in commune tractabimus"; (1593), p. 17; CSEL, 3.2:512, ACW, 43:89, and FOTC, 51:43, as epist. 14. On the four presbyters mentioned here (probably leaders of a faction opposed to Cyprian) and sententia gerere. sed

sunt, vel gerenda, sicut

on

pro

Clarke in

43:266-268.

That although

3:183.27— 184.2./i et

W.

the force of "consilio vestro" and "consensu plebis," see G.

ACW,

.

.

.

"Et tu quidem honorifice circa nos,

things.

solita tua humilitate fecisti, ut malles

de eo nobis conqueri:

patus vigore et cathedrae auctoritate posses de

cum pro

Episco-

statim vindicari"; Cyprian, epist.

illo

H gives in Latin on p. CSEL, 3.2:469 and 472, ACW, 43:54 and 57, and FOTC, 51:6 and 9, as epist. 3. The reference to "ep. 38" in h is defective; see 3:182.18— 28^n, above.

65, Rogatiano fratri; Opera (1593), p. 192, with the phrase

193;

Such a one

3:184.«

.

.

.

"Petrus quidam archipresbyter Alexandrinae

Bishop.

fiiit

ecclesiae"; Vita Chrysostomi, in Opera (1570), l:lxxvii; PL, 69:1172 (=Cassiodorus, Historia tripartita, 10.10).

3:184.22—23.y

Exsurge

Zion .... For thy

.

•

.

"Thou

eos.

[Lord] wilt arise and have mercie

and have

servants delite in the stones thereof,

pitie

on

upon

the dust

thereof"; Ps. 102:13-14.

L. 36.

3:185. fe.1-5

And

if

anyone

.

shall

.

.

'laauponoXEO)^.

of its territory or of any other

But the Scythian cities.

of

And

this

law

city

right, let

of Tomensum

Leontopolis in Isauria is

that

"Let each

have

city

him be

stripped of possessions and honors.

excepted, for

is

own bishop. own bishop or

its

dare by divine rescript to deprive a city of its

its

bishop also cares for other

under the bishop of Isauropolis." H's version

is

of the anonymous Byzantine Nomocanon in fourteen

comprehensive collation of ecclesiastical canons with relevant

was re\vorked and incorporated

in the Syntagma

(820?-891?), patriarch of Constantinople.

titles,

civil legislation

a

which

of the saindy and learned Photius

The Greek

text

of the Nomocanon was

not published until 1615, but the work was used for the texts of Greek laws of the

Codex in 16C edns. of praetermissa or of the Codex

itself by,

among

others,

Antoni-

us Augustinus, ed., Constitutionum Graecarum Codicis Justiniani Imperator coUecto interpretatio

(1567). H's passage

Potles (1852-1859; rpr.

et

Evvxayfia, ed. G. Rhalles and M. 1:143-144; see also Hans Erich Troje, Graeca

is at

1966),

p. 34; see

Leguntur: Die Aneigung des byzantinischen Rechts und die Entstehung eines humanistischen

Corpus

iuris dvilis in

der Jurisprudenz des 16. Jahrhunderts (Vienna:

Verlag, 1971), pp. 53-55,. 200-210. effect, is

3:185.jfe.5—6

A

different text

given in Justinian, Codex, 1.3.35

Besides Cyprian

.

.

.

Episcopi.

Novatian, who, ambitiously trying to

church of Christ and sent

new

(36); ed.

make

Krueger (1963), pp. 23-24.

Cyprian describes the practice of his

apostles out, and,

922

Bohlau

of the law, but to the same

own human

church, imitated the

"when through

all

provinces and

Book

VII,

Chapter

were already ordained," he dared

individual cities bishops epist. 52,

Antoniano fratri; Opera (1593),

accurate);

CSEL,

Ubi

3:185./

"Where

is

alone both offers (1566), 2:179;

The

.

.

p.

46:48, and

FOTC,

Castit. Tertullian,

.

new

to create

ones;

119 (here the reference in the text

De

51:149,

is

as epist. 55.

exhortatione

castitatis,

chap. 7:

no assembly of the ecclesiastical order, the priest who is there [the Eucharist] and moistens [with the water of Baptism]"; Opera

CCSL, 2:1025

CCSL

text in

ACW,

3.2:642,

ecdesiastici

there

7.1-8.3

("offers et tinguis et sacerdos es

H

sustains the contrast

.

.

.");

ANF,

4:54.

draws between those situations in the

church in which a college of ordained persons functioned and those situations which no such group was available, but Tertullian intended a more radical point. In order to show that the prohibition of polygamy applies to laity as well as clergy, he here minimizes the distinction between the ordained (ordo) and the non-ordained (plebs) and concludes that in some circumstances "it pertains to you early in

[a

layman] to offer and moisten, you alone are the priest."

3:1 86.6.

40,

m

The Clergy

The intended

Urbici,

reference

is

apparendy to

epist.

Cyprianus plehi uniuersae, where Cyprian refers to a procedure concerning

communion of those who had fallen away during persecution which had been agreed to both by himself, the urban confessors and clergy (in context, the confessors and clergy of Rome), and by all bishops both in his province and readmission to

across the sea "tarn nobis

quam

confessoribus et clericis urbicis, item universis

episcopis, vel in nostra provincia, vel trans

CSEL,

3.2:592,

reference to

3:186.14— 18. «

ACW,

Jerome Jerom,

Epistolae (1578), p.

more

is

.

44:63, and

.

mare

FOTC,

constitutis";

51:108,

Opera (1593),

as epist. 43.

p. 93;

The following

to H's point.

meddle. Jerome, Orthodoxi et Ludferiani dialogus, "Non quidem abnuo banc esse ecclesiarum consuetudi-

.

198B:

ut ad eos, qui longe in minoribus [PL: a majoribus] urbibus per presbyteros diaconos baptizati sunt, Episcopus ad invocationem Sancti spiritus manus

nem, et

impositurus excurrat"; PL, 23:164; practice

NPNF.2,

6:324. "I

of the churches in the case of those living

do not deny

have been baptized by presbyters and deacons, for the bishop to the laying

on of hands

(PL, 23:165): "Alioqui

lugendi sunt, qui in et

pitied

who

Holy Ghost descends only

quam

3:186.21-22

at

defluit;

remotioribus locis per presbyteros

ab Episcopis inviserentur"; "Other-

the bishop's prayer, they are gready to be

in isolated houses, or in forts, or retired places, after being baptized

the presbyters and deacons have

(NPNF.2,

the

who

them and by p. 199A

ad Episcopi tantum imprecationem spiritus sanctus

viculis, aut in castellis, aut in

diaconos baptizati ante dormierunt,

wise, if the

visit

it is

towns

invoke the Holy Ghost upon them." Compare

to si

that

fer off in the smaller

fallen

asleep before

by

the bishop's visiution"

6:324).

Ignatius

.

.

.

throne.

pseudo-Ignatian epistle to clearly support

Perhaps a reference to the statement from the

Hero quoted

in 3:163.o.n, above, although that does not

H's point here.

923

Commentary Cyprian

3:186.22—24.0

.

.

".

chair.

.

.

.

Evaristum de Episcopo jam nee laicum

remansisse, cathedrae et plebis extorrem"; Cyprian, epist. 49, Comelio fratri; Opera

CSEL

(1593), p. 108;

ACW,

3.2:616,

FOTC,

51:127,

as epist. 52.

waight. Council of Antioch (341), Unto a Bishop eKaaxov ydp eniaKOTiov e^ouaiav ex£iv TT\q eauToO 7capoiKia(;,

3: 186.26-1 87.2.;?. 1-2

canon

44:82, and

9:

.

Kara

6ioiK eiv Te

.

,

eKdarcp e7iipaX,A,ouaav eoA-apeiav, Kai 7tp6voiav

ti^v

vno Tf\v eauToO 7t6X.iv, dx; Kai xeipoTonpeapvripovq Kai SiaKovouc;, Kai ^exd Kpiaecoc; eKaara 6iaXa^p&veiv. IlepaiTepco 6e pr|6ev Tcpdrreiv eTiixeipeiv, 6ixa toO TT\q juqxpoTcdXeac; eniaKOKOV. prj 6e durov, dveu Tfj^ tcov A,oi7tcov yv6i}iT](;. Theologorum TCoieiaO ai n&aT](;

x<^P<*? Tqc;

xfjc;

veiv

aliquot

.

.

libri

.

27 [misnumbered

Graeci (1559), p.

25]; Lauchert, ed.,

Die Kanones

NPNF.2, 14:112. "For each manage it with the piety which

der wichtigsten altkirchlichen Concilien (1896), p. 45;

own

bishop has authority over his is

incumbent on every one, and

dependent on

both to

parish,

to

make

provision for the whole district

his city; to ordain presbyters

with judgment. But

let

and deacons; and to

him undertake nothing

settle

H

quotes in p

canon 2 of the

is

First

is

further without the bishop of the

(NPNF). The

metropolis; neither the latter without the consent of the others"

canon

which

everything

Council of Constantinople (381);

(1559), p. 36; Schroeder, ed.. Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils (1937), pp.

64, 517;

NPNF.2,

14:176: "Unless invited, bishops are not to go outside their

diocese, either for the purpose of ordaining or for any other act

of

ecclesiastical

administration" (Schroeder).

Tooxo cap. 8. Socrates, Eccles. hist., 5.8; (1544), fol. 244"; ed. Hussey (1853), 2:586; NPNF.2, 2:121. The phrase quoted ("for this had been done before indiscriminately, because of the persecutions") is from Socrates' account of the situation the canon just cited by H was intended to remedy.

3:186.;j.2-3

.

,

.

Chrysostom, Homily 1 on Titus (1:4): The danger offended? unam animam scandalizat, expedit ei, ut mola asinaria suspendatur collum ejus, et demergatur in profundum maris: qui tot mulieres, pueros,

3:187.10-15.5

"Quod circa

.

si is,

.

.

qui

cives, rusticos, incolas suae civitatis,

aliarumque urbium, quae

quid pati merebitur?"; Opera (1570), 4:1431; PG, 62:668; 3:187.16-20.<

Theophilus,

.

.

Moses.

.

Palladius,

illi

subjectae sunt,

NPNF.l,

13:522.

Dialogue Concerning the Life of

"Comparat homunculos quinque, nunquam in coetu seniorum eremi visos, qui (piget dicere) neque foribus Ecclesiae praefici meruissent. Ex his unum Pontificem statuens. Passim enim, et Episcopum ordinat, oppidulo cuidam Chrysostom:

.

hujusmodi novitates praesumebat,

se

.

.

,

ipsum Mosen alium nominans"; in Chrysos-

tom's Opera (1570), l:xix; PG, 47:23; ed. Coleman-Norton (1928), p. 38;

Moore

trans.

(1921), p. 55.

3:187.20-22 as saying,

their error,

.

.

.

Chorepiscopos

"These Seniors then

without substitutes" {Defense,

.

p.

.

.

Whitgift had quoted the Admonition

did execute their office in theyr

own

persons,

681; PS, 3:269; P.M., p. 15) and had cited in

924

Book

Chapter

VII,

8.3-8.5

canon 13 of the Council of Ancyra (314), restricting the activities of Cartwright took him to task for seizing on a slip in one edition not present in others: "But I will note heere how M. Doctor doth goe about to abuse hys reader in these vicares. And first where there were three editions/ of which rebuttal

diorepiscopoi.

one only maketh mention of these is

to

be observed/

he tooke that and

vicares

left

the other/

which

of editions rose of the divers understanding

for that thys varietie

of the greke word (chorepiscopos,) which may be taken eyther for hym that is byshop for another/ and in hys place/ or for hym that is byshop in the country/ that is in some towne which is no citie/ so that chorepiscopus, was opposed unto the

byshop which was of some

1:188-189 [151]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 682-

citie";

683; PS, 3:270-272.

3:188.3-10.M

It

xaiq Kdniaiq

hath seemed f\

.

subject.

.

.

raiq x^paig,

Council of Antioch, canon 10:

xovq KaXou^ievouc;

f\

To^q cv

xo>P£^»tJK67cou<;, ei

Km

Xe»po6eaiav elev eTiiaKOTitov eiX.r|<J)6Te<;, eSo^e rq ayiQt auv66

povTi6i Kai KtiSepovicjc, Kaeiorqcv 6e dvocyvcbaTac; Ktti v)7io6iaK6vou<; Kai enopKiorac;, Kai xq toOtcov apKeiaOai TipoaycoYq, pqxc 6^ 7cpeapi3Tepov pnxe Si&kovov xeipoToveTv toX^qlv, 6ixa toO ev tx]

aoTog re Kai r| x<^P"Td opiaOevra, KaOaipeiaOai aoTov Kai

^^ xoA-^qaeiev

TioXei eniaKOTiou, q uTioKeivrai

^'

tk; Tiapapfjvai

T\q

XtopeTiiaKOTcov 6e Y^veaOai utio tou rfj^ Theologorum aliquot (1896), pp. 45-^*6;

3:188.15—16

.

.

Graeci (1559), p.

libri

.

NPNF.2,

and

Archebishop ..." {P.M., responded with a

Ti^ifj^.

14:113.

degrees there are

against "tides, Uvings,

^erexei

q UTioKeirai, cTiiaKOTiou. 27 [misnumbered 25]; Lauchert

7i6XecD(;,

.

.

oflSces

p.

Bishops, To the Admonitions objection by Antichrist devised ... as Metropolitane,

.

11; Whitgift, Defense, p. 298; PS, 2:79), Whitgift

of authorities purporting to demonstrate that these higher ecclesiastical hierarchy originated with the aposdes; Answere

series

ranks in the traditional

(1572), pp. 65—66. Cartwright, however, attacked the authenticity or relevance

most of the

texts cited

of

(1:88-94 [66-71]), reducing the credence claimed by

Whitgift for testimonies to metropolitans and archbishops prior to the Council of

Nicaea

{Defense, pp.

318-335; PS, 2:118-153), and renewed

Second Replie (2:453—491).

his attack in the

H approaches the historical side of the question circum-

spectly, first offering a general fiinctional rationale for inequality

then presenting the administrative structure of the basis for

applying such a rationale. Against

and Antioch are convincing evidence

this

Roman

empire

of bishops and as a

providential

background, the canons of Nicaea

that the various degrees

of authority among

bishops seemed needful "in the eyes of reverend Antiquity" (3:190.3—4).

not claimed to be of apostolic

institution,

but neither,

clearly, are

Mover.

Compare

They

are

they "oflBces by

Antichrist devised."

3:188.26-189.7

where many Governors

(3:331.11-332.1 and 349.2-350.10).

925

...

VIII. 2.1

and 3.4

Commentary 3:189.13

But they answer.

See Cartwright's Replye, quoted in 3:154.23-24.n,

God

Cartwright prefaced his atuck on Whitgift's author-

above.

the special ...

3:190.8

in support

ities

of archbishops and metropolitans with

a declaration

pleteness or perfection of the church with just those offices

government

in the

301-317; PS, 2:84-117. H's

lyrical

provided for

its

and prima tial jurisdictions

to

empire, he concedes the

specifically

NT;

1:83—88 [61—66]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. presentation of "the very state of the whole

World, immediately before Christianity took place" important theme of the reformers.

of the com-

God had

By

in a

manner responds

depend on the administrative

terrestrial

to this

allowing the organization of metropolitan structure

of the pagan

rather than the direcdy apostolic basis

of

hierarchy in the post-primitive church, but in attributing the prior organization of the world to God's "special Providence" and in comparing the preparation of the earth for Christianity with God's preparation of the land of in the

OT

H

(see 3:191.15-192.4),

finds theological

Canaan

meaning

for his people

in the church's

ramifying, vine-like growth.

3:190.21

Asia contained eight,

the later

Roman

empire

.

.

.

Africa seven.

Orientis turn Occidentis ultra Arcadii Honoriique at

Basel in 1552. Eight provinces are listed

bilis

Vicarii dioceseos Asianae" at sig. E4'

of the diocese of Afirica

The

administrative structure

of

elegantly set forth in the Notitia utraque [Dignitatum] cum

is

Caesarum tempora, published by Froben as

being "sub dispositione

viri specta-

and seven under the praetorian prefect

at sig. 11^.

Province. Cicero, Epistolae ad familiareis, 13.53, to Cic. Fam. Ep. . Q. Minucius Thermus, Propraetor: "If he [reading hahebit with edns.] shall have a dispute with a Hellespontian, you should refer the matter to that district (6ioiKr|-

3:190. f

.

.

aiv)"; Opera (1588), 3:242; Loeb, 3:128-129.

3:190.27-191.2 as capitals

Capita

.

.

.

Livy,

jussit.

Ab

urbe condita

libri,

5.5:

"He

established

of the regions, where their assemblies were to meet, for the

[1589 and Loeb: third Pella,

and

first

seat

region] Amphipolis, for the second Thessalonica, for the

regionis,

for the fourth Pelagonia. Paulus ordered assembUes appointed for

each of his regions,

money

gathered, and magistrates chosen"; (1589), p. 90; Loeb,

13:348, as 45.29.

3:191.3-4

Thessalonica ... seat: Theodoret,

salonica as a large

and populous

city

Eccles.

hist.,

5.17, describes

Thes-

belonging to Macedonia but also serving

as

of Thessaly, Achaia, and other provinces governed by the prefecture of Illyricum: ©eaaaA-oviKn noXxq eari peyiaTr] Kai noXv&vQpwnoq, tic; \iiv t6

capital

f\yoviitvr\ 6e Kai eeTTaA,ia<; Kai axciiac;, icai Kai aXXcav na^xnoXXav e6vwv, oaa t&v iWopiwv tov onapxov nYOupevov exei. (1544), fol. 342'; GCS, 44 (19):306-307; NPNF.2, 3:143.

paKeSovcov iQvoq TtXovaa, jievToi

3:191.1*'

Cic. ad Attic.

.

.

.

ep. 13.

Cicero, Epistolae ad Atticum, 5.13, writing of

926

Book

Chapter

VII,

Greeks thrust themselves upon him

his receprion in the city, says that the

had been the provincial governor

at

8.5-8.9

al-

Item 1. observ Mommsen-Krueger (1963),

Opera (1588), 3:364; Loeb, 1:368-369.

acreis obtiJerunt";

Justinian, Digesta, 1.16.4; (1590), col. 28; edn.

legati.

he

as if

Ephesus: "Graeci quasi Ephesio praetori, se

This law instructs newly appointed proconsuls to

p. 43; trans. Scott (1973), 2:253.

enter their provinces at the customary place, "for the provincials attach great

importance to the preservation and observance of this custom and of privileges of and to such an extent was this carried that our Emperor this description .

.

.

Antoninus Augustus suted in the Proconsul

a Rescript, in reply to a request

Ephesus, before touching

at

any of the other principal

Asiam

necessitatem impositam per mare

suli

"E^eaov: Lib.

3:191.x

1.

.

.

"We

disponantur.

.

applicare

order that

.

.

.

Asiatics,

"That

and to land

sea,

at

" ("rescripsit, procon-

cities'

xal TfDv ^rjXQonoXewv

Ephesum primam

id est, et inter matrices urbes

of the

by

to proceed to Asia

was absolutely required

attingere").

like ... the

Orient and

.

.

.

by Our indulgence, may be adorned with the highest praetorian and from the aforesaid city, whose seat We direct to be at Carthage

Illyria, Africa,

dignity,

.

with the aid of God, seven provinces with

.

.

their judges shall

be controlled"; Jus-

Codex, 1.27.1 (1590), col. 91; Krueger (1963), 1.27.1.10-12

tinian,

(p. 77);

Scott

(1973), 12:131.

3:192.2 .

.

.

Concil.

libri

.

.

.

Council of Antioch, canon

aOTOV.

Graed (1559),

p. 26;

Lauchert (1896),

every province to acknowledge the bishop

p. 45: "It

who

9,

Theologorum aliquot

behoves the bishops in

presides in the metropolis,

and

whole province; because all men of business come together from every quarter to the metropolis. Wherefore it is decreed that he

who

has to take thought for the

have precedence in rank"; NPNF.2, 14:112. 3:193. 6-lO.a sieur

de

They are mightily

Villiers Saint

.

.

.

Hotman (Franciscus Vilierius),

Fran9ois

rest.

Paul (1524—1590), highly respected

Roman

law

jurist

and

Hugenot polemicist, De statu primitiuae ecclesiae (1574; 1st edn. 1553): "Atque haec quidem Ecclesiae Christianae instituu adusque quadringentos amplius triginta annos integra atque inviolata permanserunt. ...

Episcopuy ambitione

et cupiditate

Ecclesiae descriptionem et

imperii

sui,

Senatumque

Metropolis quae tantum

At paucis post annis Constantinopolitanus

regnandi incensus, ausus

oeconomiam

convellere.

in ea civitate constituissent,

omamentum

est

praeclaram illam

Cum enim Imperatores sedem ille

artibus suis perfecit, ut ea

accepisset, dignitatem

quoque

et

potestatem

aliquam praeter caeteras Metropoles eximiam ac praecipuam obtineret. itaque quod Constantinopolitani

1

capite

secundo constitutum

erat, ut Asiae, Ponti, et

Thraciae

Metropolitae, suae quisque provinciae procurationem gererent, quod, inquam,

eorum quisque

ipsi

Alexandrino,

quem Metropolium,

sive Patriarcham fuisse

proximo universali concilio, id est novo more, nullo exemplo constitutum,

constat, jure, ac potestate par esse declaratur,

Calchedonensi, funditus abrogatum ut

est. et

harum omnium provinciarum Metropolitas solus Constantinopolitanus Episcopus

constituent, qua lege Antiochenae Ecclesiae Tipeapela, id est aucthoriutem ac

927

Commentary quae turn Nicaeno, turn Constantinopolitano concilio tantopere

dignitatem,

commendabatur, plane extinctam

esse

nemo non

provinciarum, quae a majoribus conservata

videt: et

omnino

aequabilitatem

et tradita fuerat, turpissime

confusam ac

perturbatam" (pp. 23—24). "And indeed these provisions of the Christian church [canons of the Council of Antioch providing for appeals from the sentence of a metropolitan without, however, recognizing a higher level of primatial authority, specifically that

hundred and

of Rome] remained whole and inviolate

thirty years.

.

.

.

But

few years

a

burning with ambition and a desire to

later the

for

more than four

bishop of Constantinople,

dared to overthrow that excellent

rule,

and arrangement of the church. For since the emperors had established

disposition

the seat of their empire and the senate in that city, he practised his arts so that that

which had only gained an adornment, might also obtain some extraorpower beyond the other metropolises. And so what was established in the second canon of the First Council of Constantinople that the metropolitans of Asia, Pontus, and Thrace should each carry on the administrametropolis,

dinary and special dignity and

own

tion of his

power

—

province (that each of them,

to the Alexandrian [bishop],

who

arch)

—was

in a

new and unprecedented manner

I

say,

certainly

is

declared equal in right and

was

a metropolitan or patri-

utterly abrogated at the next general council (that it

was established

is,

Chalcedon), and

that the bishop

stantinople alone should establish the metropohtans of

all

of Con-

these provinces.

By

which law the Tipeapeia (that is, the authority and dignity) of the church of Antioch, which was so highly approved at both the Nicene and Constantinopolitan councils, was plainly destroyed, as no one can fail to see, and the complete equality of provinces which had been preserved and passed on by the Fathers was most shamefully confused and confounded." On Hotman see Donald R. Kelley, Francois

A Revolutionary's Ordeal (Princeton: Princeton University Press,

Hotman:

Hotman's

The

bridge:

3:193.9

own

Francogalliay ed.

Ralph E. Giesey,

trans. J.

1973), and

H. M. Salmon (Cam-

University Press, 1972).

second council of Constantinople

Either

H

mistranscribed Hotman's

reference to the second canon of the first Council of Constantinople ("Constantinopolitani

1

capite secundo"),

quoted in 3:193. 24-28.n, below, or Ussher's

scribe's

eye skipped from "canon" to "council."

3:193.18-22 at

The

great

.

.

.

Antioch.

Council of Nicaea, canon

6,

quoted below

3:195.14-18.

3:193.23-28./)

Threescore years

.

.

.

dignity.

Socrates, Eules.

hist.,

5.8 [not 3.8]:

ware tov KtovaTavTivou noXeaq enioKonov Tot Tipeapeia Ix^'v jf\(; Ti^qc; ^era t6v (^wfi^? eTtiaKOTiov, 6ia Td elvai aoTfjv veav ^wpnv. (1544), fol. 244": ed. Hussey (1853), 2:586; "The same TOTE

bj\ Ktti

prelates

opov

eK(t>£pouaiv,

moreover published

a decree, prescribing 'that the

ple should have the next prerogative that city

was

New Rome'

of honor

" (NPNF.2, 2:121).

928

after the

Bishop of Constantino-

Bishop of Rome, because

Book 3:193.24—28. !>

canons 2-3:

which Synod

VII,

Chapter

dignity.

First

8.9

Council of Constantinople (381),

dXXd Kara Too^ Kavovag tov ^Iv

Ev aiyuTiTQ) fiovov oiKovopeiv. tou^ bi iT\q

dvaToA.f|v

povqv

d>.e^av6peia^ eTtiaKonov, rd

dvaxoXq^

eTiiaKOTtouc;, rf\v

Kara

SioikeTv. <J>uXaTTopevcov xdjv ev toT<; icavoai Tot^

viKaiav npeapeicov rq dvrioxecov eKKXqaiijt.

.

.

vouTCoXecog ETiiaKOTiov exeiv xd Tipeapeia xqc;

auxqv vcav

eTiiaKOTiov. 6id x6, eivai

.

Tov

xififj^

^a)pT]V.

fiev xoi

pexd xov

Kcovaxavrixqc; ^cbpqc;

Theologorum aliquot

.

.

.

libri

Graed (1559), pp. 36-37; Schroeder, Disciplinary Deaees, pp. 64-65, 517. "But let the Bishop of Alexandria, according to the canons, alone administer the affairs of Egypt; and let the bishops of the East manage the East alone, the privileges of the

Church

in Antioch,

which

are

mentioned

in the canons

of Nicaea, being pre-

The Bishop of Constantinople, however, shall have honour after the Bishop of Rome; because Constantinople served.

.

.

the prerogative

.

(NPNF.2, 14:176,

is

of

New Rome"

178).

Chalcedon: In renewing canon 3 of ConThe same decree canon 28 of the Council of Chalcedon (451) made more expUcit the basis for the new ranking and conferred extensive jurisdictional powers on

3:193. 29-30.C

.

.

.

stantinople, political

the

new

imperial

city.

Both canons were

rejected

by Rome. In 869, papal

legates

signed canon 21 of the Fourth Council of Constantinople, acknowledging

Con-

stantinopole as second in rank, but the Latin patriarch of Constantinople w^as

formally allowed this place only at the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), and a Greek patriarch

was

first

so recognized at the

Chalcedon, canon 28: xd xcbv TipeaPeicov

xf\c,

aoxd

Council of Florence (1439). Council of

Ktti r\\xz\q

opi^opev xe Kai

\|/n(t>i^6pe6a Tcepi

dyicoxdxqc; iKVikr\o\ac, xqc; aoxqc; KOvaxavxivouTCoXecoc;

p6i\xv\c,. Kai ydp xw Spovcp if\c, Tipeapuxepag p&\xx\c„ 6id x6 paai^coeiv noXiv CKEivqv, oi naxepe<; eiKoxcoc; d7io6e6 auxQ) OKOJicp Kivoupevoi oi ekoxov nevxrJKOvxa eeo(()iA.eaxaxoi eniQKOTioi, xd laa Tcpeapela dneveipav xw xqq viae, poi\x\\c, dyicoxdxq) 6p6v
viae,

xi^v

xcbv lacov d[7io]X,auouaav Ttpeapeicov xq 7tpeapuxep(? paaiA,i6i fxa^q,

eKKXiiaiaaxiKoT^

joxc,

xfje;

Kai ev

eKeivqv, peyaXuveaOai Ttpdypaai, Seoxepav

eKeivqv uTidpxooaav. Kai woxe xoo^

fier'

Kai

Cue,

xfjq tcovxikhc;

Kai xq^ daiavqq

epQCKiKq^ SioiKqaecoc; fiqxpo7ioX.ixa<; \i6vovc,, eaxi 6e Kai xooc; ev

papPapiKoiq eniOKonouc; xwv npoeipqMevcov SioiKrjaecov x£>POTOveiaOai utco xou Tipoeipqpevou dyicoxdxou Spovou xqg Kaxd Kcovaxavlibri Graed (1559), xivou7ioA.iv dyicoxdxqc; eKKA.qaia^. Theologorum aliquot xoic;

.

pp. 48—49,

misnumbered

as

canon 24 (Schroeder, Disdplinary

.

.

Decrees, pp.

125—126,

NPNF.2, 14:287). "Following in all things the decisions of the holy fathers, and knowing the canon of the 150 most God-beloved bishops which has just been 523;

read,

we

also enact

and decree the same things respecting the privileges of the most

holy Church of Constantinople, privileges to the See

of Old

New Rome.

Rome,

For the fathers

rightfully granted

because that city was imperial, and the 150

most God-beloved bishops, actuated by the same consideration, aw^arded equal

929

Commentary most holy see of New Rome, judging with good reason that the honored with the sovereignty and the senate, and enjoys equal

privileges to the city

which

is

with old imperial

privileges

fied as she

is

Rome,

and rank next

should in ecclesiastical matters also be magni-

after her.

And (we

decree), therefore, that in the

dioceses of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace, the metropolitans only, together with those

among

bishops of the aforesaid dioceses living aforesaid

most holy

barbarians, shall

of the most holy Church

see

at

be ordained by the

Constantinople; while, of

course, each metropolitan of the aforesaid dioceses shall ordain the bishops of his

province in union with the (other) bishops of the same province,

by the holy canons; but the metropolitans of the said,

be ordained by the archbishop of Constantinople,

shall

elections have

been held according

At the length

3:193.30-194.2.(f

.

.

.

to

custom and reported

by Justinian

II

692

in

dogmatic decrees of the reference

(The

to the former

is

was held,

latter

Church

to draw^

fifth

of

and

up

prescribed

to

after the

him"

been

proper

(Schroeder).

The reference is to canon 36 of the domed hall {trullus) of the imperial

thereof.

Quinsext, or Trullan, Council, convened in a palace

as is

aforesaid dioceses, as has

disciplinary canons as a

supplement to the

sixth general councils (hence "Quinsext").

H's

Second Council of Constantinople (553). Constantinople, in 680.) The Eastern Orthodox

these, the

also at

has always regarded the Quinsext as a continuation of the Council of 680

and hence

as

ecumenical, but these canons have not traditionaUy been accorded

fiill

acceptance in the west. Only 160 bishops subscribed to the decrees of the Council

of 553, and only 211 attended that of 692. H's figure of 630 mistakenly echoes the reference to Chalcedon in the canon here cited, canon 36 of 692.

The canon

decrees that the see of Constantinople shall have equal rank (Tatov Ttpeapeicov)

with that of old

Rome,

second

precedence), with the sees of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem

after

it

(in

shall

following. Theologorum aliquot

be

.

.

as

.

exalted as

libri

it

in ecclesiastical matters,

and be

Graeci (1559), p. 136; Lauchert (1896), pp.

116-117; NPNF.2, 14:382. At page 120 of the 1559 edn. these canons are referred to simply as

"Canones Sanctorum Patrum qui Constantinopoli

in

Trullum Regium

Palatium Convenerunt sub Justiniano pietissimo et Christiano rege nostro."

Law^s imperial . . effect. See, for example. The Theodosian Code, Honorius and Theodosius to Philippus, Praetorian Prefect of Illyricum, AD 421; commanding that the ancient practice and canons that have been in force up to the present should be observed throughout the provinces of Illyricum and that

3:194.2—3

.

16.2.45,

aU innovations cease, with doubtful cases reserved for a synod of priests and their

man of the which enjoys the

holy court, "not without the knowledge of that most reverend sacrosanct law, the Bishop of the City of Constantinople,

prerogative of ancient legis

Antistitis

urbis

Rome"

("non absque

scientia viri reverentissimi sacrosanctae

Constantinopolitanae,

laetatur"; Codicis Theodosiani

libri

quae

Romae veteris praerogativa Mommsen and Meyer

xvi (1586), p. 492; ed.

(1962), 1.2:852; 16.2.34 in Pharr, trans., The Theodosian Code (1952), p. 449. Also see Justinian, Novellae, 131.2; (1590), col. 269;

930

SchoeU-KroU (1963),

p. 655; Scott,

Book

Chapter

VII,

8.9-8.11

17:125; and Justinian, Codex, 11.20.1; (1590), col. 859; Krueger (1963), p. 434, as 11.21 (20); Scott, 15:182.

Constantinople

3:194.4

.

.

.

On

puffed up.

the increasingly official adoption of

the tide Ecumenical Patriarch (oiKOO^eviK6<; Tiaxpidpxn?, "patriarch of the

whole inhabited world") by the patriarchs of Constantinople, beginning in the late 5C and paralleling the strained relations between Rome and Constantinople, see Hans-Georg Beck, in Jedin, History of the Churdi, 2:495-497.

But Primates

3:194.12-15.e

.

.

Bishops.

.

Justinian, Novellae, 123.22; (1590), col.

253; Schoell-Kroll, pp. 611-612; Scott, 17:93-94. This law of 541 gives patriarchs

here

(also referred to

not

as archbishops) appellate jurisdiction in ecclesiastical litigation

decided by metropolitans and inunediate jurisdiction in actions

satisfectorily

brought against metropolitans. Council of Nicaea (325), canon 6: Kai Xipuq Kai TievraTioXei, mare rdv ev aXe^av6pei(jt eTtiaKOTiov Ttdvrtov toutcov ^xeiv Tfjv e^ouaiav, e7iei5fj Kai rip ev rq ^a>fiq e7iiaK67t

3:195.14-18/

Ta

dtpxaia

Kara

rfjv

a6ai

Tai<;

idr]

KpaTeixcB,

.

.

dvTi6xeiav Kai ev eKK^Tiaiai^.

Provinces.

.

ra ev

aiyuTiTtp,

aXXaic; eTtapxiaiq, ra npeapeia a6^e-

rate;

Theologorum aliquot

Schroeder, DisapUnary Decrees, pp. 29, 514;

3:195.16

The most

Pentapolis;

intensive

Greek

colonization; in

fertile

.

.

libri

.

NPNF.2,

Graed (1559),

part of Cyrenaica (Africa)

AD 4C

superior" or "Libya Penupolis"; the five

was

it

cities

[p.

11];

14:15.

and an area of

a separate province called "Libya

were Apollonia, Cyrene, Ptolemais,

(OCD).

Arsinoe (Taucheira), and Berenice

Council of Nicaea, canon 7: 'EneiSfj besides. Now because auvi^Oeia KeKpdrt^Ke Kai nap&boaiq dpxaia wore t6v ev aiXii^ eniaKOTtov Tl^da6al, exerco Tf|v dKoXou6iav Tf\q Tl^fj(; rq ^TiTpo7c6A.ci, aco^opfevou

3:195.19-26.^

TOO oiKeiou afy&iiajoq. 14:17. "Since

(1559)

custom and ancient

lem] ought to be honored, he

on

shall

[p.

11];

tradition

Schroeder, pp. 33, 514;

show

that the bishop

NPNF.2,

of Aelia

[Jerusa-

have precedence, without, however, infringing

the ri^its of the metropolis" (Schroeder).

3:195.20

yElia

Aelia Capitolina was the

Jerusalem, destroyed

AD

70; so

named

new

by Hadrian on the site of Emperor Publius Aelius Hadrianus

city built

after the

and Jupiter Capitolinus. 3:196./i

T.C

trees?

H's reference 3:196.i

T.C

is

off

by

Cartwright, 1:93 [70]; Whitgift, Dc/eme, p. 332; PS, 2:146. a page.

Newington.

Ibid. (PS, 2:147).

H

has himself noted that the

term " Metropolites" or "Mother-city-men" was sometimes extended even to the inhabitants

of cities in which there were principal imperial courts (3:191.10-12).

3:196.25-197.3.j

Which prehetninence 931

.

.

.

Lybia:

See 3:195.14-18.n, above,

Commentary for

canon 6 of the Council of Nicaea, which includes the prohibition of episcopal

consecrations without the knowledge of the metropolitan, rendered

own

The sweeping

Latin in 197.j.

ratification

of what

H

rendered by

phrase,

Kupo^ Twv

yxvopfevtov

H

by

in his

(NPNF:

"the

done"; Schroeder: "confirmation of what has taken place"),

is

more

strongly at 196.24-25 as "the chief

power of ordering

all

end of canon 4, which directs that all the bishops of a province should be involved in the appointment of a bishop but that if all cannot be present, three at least should meet together for the ordination, the approval of things done," occurs at the

the others having been given in writing (ratification,

Theologorum aliquot

tan.

Decrees, pp. 26, 513;

Certain

3:197.6-7

—but

chief power of ordering) what

.

.

.

.

libri

.

NPNF.2, .

is

in every province the confirmation

done should be

Graed (1559),

[p.

10];

left

to the metropoli-

Schroeder, Disciplinary

14:11.

Cartwright and Whitgift had wrangled

Metropolitans.

about the antiquity of metropolitans and primates without giving to their specific prerogatives. In providing such information

demands of controversy

way

in such a

as

H

much

attention

goes beyond the

to emphasize the historic church's

international scale.

to convocate

3:197.9-12.fe

disorders;

.

.

.

Justinian, Nouellae, 123.10; (1590), col.

249; SchoeU-Kroll, p. 602; Scott, 17:87-88. In patriarch,

him

and metropolitan

same province ("sub

in the

a year

all

controversies that

may have

arisen

among

monks.

to grant

3:197.12-14./

every archbishop,

eadem provincia") once or twice

se constitutos in

and to examine and decide

clergy, bishops, or

this constitution

ordered to convoke the bishops established under

is

.

.

.

while;

249; Schoell-Kroll,

Ibid., 123.9; (1590), col.

pp. 601-602; Scott, 17:87. An imperial order is also allowed as a warrant for travel: "Interdicimus autem deo amabilibus episcopis proprias relinquere ecclesias, et ad alias

non

regiones venire. Si vero necessitas faciendi hoc contigerit:

Uteris

aliter, nisi

cum

beatissimorum patriarchae aut metropolitae, aut per imperialem videlicet

jussionem hoc faciant." to give notice ... Authority:

3:197.14-16.m

directed to

announce

it

The

16:295.

Schoell-Kroll, p. 389; Scott,

communicate an imperial law to the bishops

3:197.16-17.«

to have the hearing

episcopum

metropolitam secundum 3:197.17-19.0

79.2;

(1590), col.

of Constantinople

to metropolitans,

who

is

162;

here

are in turn to

under them. .

Bishop;

.

.

autem

Schoell-Kroll, p. 611; Scott, 17:93: "Si aditio contra

Ibid.,

patriarch

Ibid., 123.22; (1590), col.

et a clerico, aut alio

253;

quocunque

propter quamlibet causam: apud sanctissimum ejus

fiat

sacras regulas et nostras leges causa judicetur."

to receive the appeals

.

.

.

Judge.

Ibid.,

123.23; (1590), col. 253;

Schoell-Kroll, p. 612; Scott, 17:94.

3:197.21-26.;)

The Bishops

.

.

.

it.

Council of Antioch, canon

932

9:

ToOg Ka6'

Book

Chapter

VII,

8.12-8.13

iK&aTJ]v inapxiav e7ciaK6Tcou(; eiS^vai XP^ ^dv ev rq pqxpoTtdXei TtpoeOTwra in'wKonov, icai xf^v povTi6a dvaScxeaeai n&aT\(; Tf\<; e7iapx»a^,

6ia t6 tv rq ^iT\Tpon6Xei na\naxf>dev aovxp^x^'v 7t&VTa<; toO<; toi npdcfiiaSxo^^<^?' ^^^v ISo^e Kai rq xi^q 7rpoqYE»<^6tti aurdv, pT}5^v re TipAireiv TiepiTidv Toix; koinoiiq e7tiaK67tou^ &veu aurou, Kara xdv otpxctTov KpaTqaavra tov Ttaripov f|^a>v Kavova, f\ rauxa ^ova 6aa rq

xa

iK&oJOV knip&XXex aliquot

.

.

Kai

7capoiKi<7,

Theologomm

vn' auxi^v x^pai^.

raic;

Graed (1559), pp. 26-[27]; Lauchert (1896),

libri

.

45;

p.

NPNF.2,

14:112.

Further

3:197.26-198.2.^

.

eKEivqv eivai auvoSov,

.

28; Lauchert (1896), p. 47;

3:198.5—7. r

Finally

. •

.

Council of Antioch, canon 16: reXeiav 6^

them.

.

ao^Ti&peori Kai 6

ij

NPNF.2,

i^c, ^qxpoTioXcti)^. (1559), p.

14:116.

Council of Nicaea, canon

Metropolitan.

4, as

above

at

3: 196.25-1 97.3.n.

whereby a Bishop

3:198.10-12.5

canons made in previous councils held

church

for the African

-

Canon 23 of a collection The review of

Country;

traditionally ascribed to a council held in

Carthage to produce a disciplinary code

at

may have been

Carthage in 418—419.

carried out earlier; so F. L. Cross, "History

and Fiction in the African Canons," Jowma/ of Theological Studies, n.s., 12 (1961): 227-247. The present canon originated as canon 28 (in some enumerations) of the Third Council of Carthage, held in 397: "Item placuit ut episcopi trans mare non proficiscantur, nisi ex decreto

primae

commendatorias"; Theologomm 108, 125, 141, 334;

aliquot

aposdes in the

late

4C

literas

.

libri

.

.

quas dicunt dimissionis, formatis, uel

Graed (1559),

p. 69;

CCSL,

149:41,

2.14:453.

chargeth the Bishops

3:198. 14-16.t

at

NPNF,

unaquaquae provincia: hoc

sedis episcopi in

primate praecipue sumpserint

est nisi a

.

.

.

The 85 canons

leave.

attributed to the

Apostolic Constitutions were formally accepted in the east

The

the Trullan Council of 692 (see 3:1 93.30-1 94.2.rf.n, above).

first

50

entered western canon law through the translation of Dionysius Exiguus in the 6C. Apostolic Canons, 34: Toix; eniOKdnovc;

aoxdv

auToTt; TipwTov, Kai riYETaOai TiEpiTtdv

avEU

xqc;

ekAotoo IQvovq EiSEvat xpA tov ev Kai pr|6£v

ayq KEijHxXqv,

ekeivou yvcS^Tn;. (1559),

p. 3;

ti tcp&tteiv

Lauchert (1896),

p. 5, as

canon 35. 3:198.19-22.u is

St.

Chrysostom

.

.

.

regitur.

".

.

.

but

divided into six prefectures, and of aU Asia, which

Cassiodorus,

71:588,

Vita

Chrysostomi,

in

also

of all of Thrace, which

ruled by eleven governors."

Chrysostom's Opera (1570),

as Historia tripartita, 10.4), reading: ".

divisa, et

is

.

.

l:lxxv

(CSEL,

Thraciae, quae sex provinciis est

quae undecim administrationibus dispensatur."

3:198.26-199.2.1/ regulations and

St.

dirigendte. "You who call for the Jerom . use of the canons of the Council of Nicaea .

ecclesiastical

.

make

.

933

.

.

answer me:

Commentary do with the bishop of Alexandria? Unless I am is the metropolis of Palestine and Antioch of all of the East. Either, therefore, you ought to have brought the matter to the bishop of Caesarea ... or if his judgment was too for to be sought, you ought rather to have directed your brief to Antioch"; Jerome, epist. 61 [not 91],

what does mistaken,

Ad

Palestine have to

determined there that Caesarea

it is

Pammachium;

trans.);

222B (with

Epistolae (1578), p.

as JJber contra Joannem

PL, 23:389

phrases omitted as indicated in

versy over John ofJerusalem's orthodoxy, of which tion

is

a part, see

the larger contro-

dispute about his jurisdic-

this

"Origenism,"

Whitgift had cited Aerius's denial of any diflference of rank

Aerius

3:199.10

ODCC,

On

Hierosolymitanum.

between bishop and presbyter (as recorded in the catalogues of heresies compiled by Epiphanius and Augustine), but the texts he quoted did not spell out very convincingly why Aerius's opinion was heretical {Defense, pp. 403—404; PS, 2:290292; Cartwright responded, 2:619-620). Bancroft, too, referred to Aerius tic,

without explanation {Survay,

would not have reckoned

Word

rum

.

.

gradibus, pp.

.

49—50; Diverse Degrees, p. 62).

heresy, but his justification for the charge

is

consonant with

disciplinarian attempts to derive firom Scripture a

government: Aerius was not a heretic for denying (Saravia's offers a

argument, in

effect)

but for

of God (De

H joins

at

diversis ministro-

in the accusation

of

his earlier criticism

of

complete system of church

a divine

falsely asserting a

milder interpretation of Aerius's position

warrant for episcopacy

divine prohibition of it.

3:199.w

he

is

Aug. de

to

4C

whom

he

haeresibt4s

ad

be distinguished firom Arius, the arch-heretic).

haer.

.

.

discemi.

.

H's version of Augustine,

Quoduultdeum, chap. 53, on which he bases his corrupt.

It

quod Episcopus non

presbyterum ab Episcopo nulla

CCSL, 46:323-324. is

said to

also said presbyter

differentia

"Aerians are

potuit ordinari.

.

.

.

is

cum

esset

Dicebat etiam

debere discerni"; Opera (1569), 6:25;

named from

a certain Aerius,

who when

have grieved that he could not be ordained bishop.

he was .

.

.

He

ought by no difference to be marked off from bishop."

Epiphanius

3:199.19-27

De

exposition in the text,

Aerio quodam sunt nominati, qui

reads: "Aeriani ab

presbyter, doluisse fertur

a presbyter

own

passage does not ascribe to Aerius the teaching that a bishop could

The

not ordain.

H

3:201.22-25. (Aerius was a

presbyter of Pontus and associate of Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste, with quarrelled;

fathers

had believed the

Aerius's opinion heretical unless they

order of bishops to have been established by the

here-

as a

orthodox

p. 107). Saravia held that the

.

.

The

also.

.

20 ("His speech was rather

.

.

.").

quotation from Epiphanius begins at line

Contra odoginta haereses, Heresy 75:

qv 6^ auT^)

6 X&Yoq ^avia>6T]5 n&XXov, f\nep KaTaaT&aECo^ avOpcoTcivqc;. Kai <^r]a\, ti eaxiv £7iiaK07ioq Ttpd^ TcpeaPuTepov; ou6ev StaX-Xdrrei outo^ toutou, pia

Y&p ioTi

T&^ig, Kai fiia

ofiotax;

Kai

e7tiaK07tO(;,

(j>r|ai

ripi^,

Kai ev a^icopa. x^ipo^^Tei ^r\ai

dXXa Kai

kniaKonoq,

6 TtpeapuTepoc;. Xourpdv 6i6coaiv 6 e7iiaK07i0(;, npeapoxepoq. tt^v oiKovofiiav rq^ "KaTpeiaq noiei 6

6 Kai 6 Tipeapuxepog waaoxcoq. KaOe^exai 6

934

e7tiaK07CO(; eTii

xoO

Book

Chapter

VII,

9.1-11.1

ep6voo, KaS^erai koi 6 TtpeaPurepo^. (1544) pp. 385-386; GCS, 37:334; PG, 42:505. yeildeth he

3:200.22-23

. . .

See the beginning of the passage quoted

reason.

above, 3:171.26.z.n. Also, Contra

octoginta haereses,

eUTioiouaav toi^ lp4>poaiv. (1544),

made

Heresy 75: YeX.A,oTov pfcv

GCS,

37:333;

PG, 42:504.

"It

the wise laugh."

'Ev Toonp xoXXod^ i\%6TZOZ.

3:200.x ius,

385;

p.

"In

this

he deceived many." Epiphan-

Contra octoginta haereses, Heresy 75; (1544) p. 386;

GCS,

This statement immediately follows the passage translated by

3:200.27-28.y

Ejnp^ntiu there useth, eauTou nX&vT\v Kai

raw.

Ibid.,

PG, 42:505.

37:334;

H

at

3:199.20-27.

Heresy 75 (summarized in

auTou dKOudvroov, on 6 d7i6oToXo<; yp6u^i TtpepoT^poi^ Kai 6iaK6voi(;, Kai ou yp&(|>ei kniaKdnoK;. Kai TQ) e7tiaK67i(p 4>Tiai, pif\ a^iXei toO ev aoi xap^f^MCcToc;, ou eXape 6ia y): ipct

6i

ei<;

t
Xeipwv TOO TipeapuTepiou, tc&Xiv 6^ ev aXXcp TOTttp eTiioKOTiOK; Kai auTdv eTtioKOTtov, t6v aoTov TipeapoTepov. Kai ouK oi6ev 6 Tf|v dKoXou6iav tt\(; aXTi6eia<; dyvorjaaq. Kai iaTopiai<; paeoT&Taiq lif\ eVTux'^v, 6ti veoo 6vto(; toO Kqpuy^aTo^, npbq to. utiotiiti-

6taK6voi(;, ox; elvai, ^r\a\ Tdv

Tovra

cypa(|>ev

TadivTze;,

6 aYio<; d7i6oToXo(;. onou fiev qaav eTiiOKOTioi f\bT] Kaiaae7ciaK67ioi<; Kai SiaKOvoK;. o6 ydp TiAvra euGoq

eYpa4>ev

rj6uvri6i]aav oi dTiocrroXoi KaTacrrqaai. TipeapuTepcov ydp eyiveTo XP^'*^ Kai 6iaK6va)v. 6id ydp twv 6uo tootcov Td CKKXnaiaoTiKd SovaTai nXr]povadai. onov bt oux' eupeOq ti<; d^io<; eTnaKonijt;, Ipeivev 6 t67CO(; Xcopi^ e7iiaK67iou.

6710U 6^

y^ove

xP£*oc»

'^oti

qaav

d^ioi eTiiaKOTifiq,

oux eupeOnaav ev auToii; TipeapuTepoi KaTacrTaeqvai, Kai ripKeaOqaav eTii t^ KaTd totiov fi6v(p e7ciaK67i(p. dveu bk 6iaK6vou eTiioKOTiov d5i3vaTov eivai. Kai eTtefieXqaaTO 6 dyioq dnooToXo^ 6iaK6vouq elvai t^ eTtiaKOTitp 6id Tfjv UTtqpeaiav, ouTco Tf\q eKK^qaiac; XaPovaT\q Td 7iX,r|pd>paTa tt\(; oiKovopiac;, outco KaT' eKeiv(p Kaipou fjaav oi T67toi. Kai ydp eKaoTov Tipdyjia, ouk dTcapxng Td TtdvTa 2axev, dXXd npopaivovrot; toO xP^vou Td 7ip6<; TeXeicoaiv twv Xpeiwv KaTHpTi^eTO. (1544), p. 386; GCS, 37:336; PG, 42:509.

KaTeoTdeqaav

3:201.9

a

eTtioKOTioi. TiXriOout; bi pf| ovtoc;

A learned Alexandrian Jew

new Apollos,

the Baptist; he preached at Corinth, 3:4). Luther,

(ODCC). 3:202.26

H

among others, thought him cites him at 2:443.^

three ways there are.

(Acts 18:24), follower

where some saw him

ofJohn

as Paul's rival (1

the author of the Episde to the

Cor.

Hebrews

Treated, respectively, in chaps. 11-13, 14, and

16.

3:203.16-17 particular

thr

names

.

.

.

Cartwright, 2:515: ".

used indifferently,

church should have her bishop/

seing the description of a bishop

is

.

.

that every

manifest by Paul to Timothe. For

which he gyveth/ doth agree unto the minister

935

Commentary of every congregacion/ and nothing there required in the one/ which other:

it

followeth that the minister

oflf

every congregacion/

is

is

not in the

the bishop theroff.

For the description agreing with every of them: the thinges described must likewise."

3:204.10-13

/.

The Council ...

Council of Nicaea, canons 6 and

9.

26 and nn, above. Council of Antioch, canon

T.C

3:204.c 89.

9,

7,

3:195.14-

186.26—187.2, p, and n, above.

Cartwright, 1:83 [62]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 303; PS, 2:88-

God.

H omits two phrases:

(1) after

"ought to be from heaven": "and of God/ and

(2) after "word and institution of God": "that word should be preached/ but hathe ordained also in w^hat order/ and by whome it should be preached." The quoted passage fiinctions well enough as a "summary collection and conclusion" for the discipU-

not invented by the braine of men"; hath not only ordained that the

narian points just enumerated by H, but these points are not oflfered by Cartwright as

premises for

3:204.16

it.

See below, 3:208.26

Joh. 1.23.

3:205.9.
ff.

Scripture doth term Episcopal:

Acts 1:20: "Let another

[in the event,

Matthias] take his [Judas's] charge (eTtiaKOTtr^v)."

S.John doth

3:205.23-24.6

intitle

Rev.

Angels.

2:1, 8, 12, 18; 3:1, 7, 14.

See

3:160.17-18 and 156.n.n, above. 3:206.8-10

3:207.17/

If ... receive

it

be yet demanded.

THOU no accusation,

Not

found.

H's emphasis

reflects the use

here of the

singular imperative (TiapaSexou), not a special feature of the verse quoted; but the epistle as a

authority.

whole

GB

is

directed to

Timothy with

summarizes the argument: "In

the intention of supporting his

w^riting the Epistle Paul

semed not

onely to have respect to teache Timotheus, but chiefly to kepe other in awe, ^vhich w^olde have rebelled against him, because of his youth."

3:208.10

not

Sense

construction.

H

is

means

preeminence of bishops

improved by deleting to leave as

3:208. 17. /i

so

those given

on

word

in this triply negative

Nicaea honored the

is

He

any evidence to show that the Council honored

the latter basis.

many have thought The by H's Oxford

a privy councillor disturbed first

this

possibility that

both an apostolic ordinance and an ancient custom.

accordingly denies that there

bishops only

open the

references in h correspond exactly with

friend John Rainolds in a letter to Sir Francis Knollys,

by the suggestions of a jure

divino basis for episcopacy

put forward in the Elizabethan church in the 1590s; see

W. D.

J.

Cargill

Thompson, "The Source of Hooker's Knowledge of Marsilius of Padua," JoMma/ of Ecclesiastical History, 25 (1974): 75-81. While there can be no doubt that H drew on Rainolds for this list of authorities supporting a view that Rainolds continued

936

Book to accept but

which

H

VII,

himself

Chapter

now

11.1-11.8

regarded

as

an improbable conjecture, there

no reason to doubt H's more or less precise familiarity with the sources cited, which represent major historical stages in the assertion of his opponents' fundamental thesis on the whole issue of episcopal power. On the question of H's relation to Marsilius of Padua, see Intro, to Book VIII, pp. 354-355 and n. 28,

is

also

nn to 3:350.2-10, 390.23-24, and 403.10-404.5, below. They of Walden, The Waldensians were followers of Peter Waldo (Valdes, of Lyons, d. early 13C), whose heretical views are described by Aen Syl. (Aeabove, and

neas Sylvius Piccolomini, later Pius

Bohem.

Hist.

his

II,

1464), writing against the Hussites in

d.

{Historia Bohemorutn), chap. 35;

Opera ([1571];

rpr. 1967), p.

impiam Valdensium sectam atque insaniam jam pridem damnaue factionis dogmata sunt,

103: "ab ecclesia catholica recedentes,

amplexi sunt. Hujus pestiferae ac

Romanum

praesulem

reliquis

non

discrimen. Presbyterum

parem

episcopis

dignitatem, sed vitae

nullum

sacerdotes

efficere

potiorem."

notorious medieval assertion of a

The most

Marsilius, Defens. pac.

inter

esse,

meritum

human

of MarsiHus of Padua in the Defensor pads, completed papal claims to universal jurisdiction in both secular an attack on in 1324, primarily and spiritual matters. An English translation by William Marshall of four-fifths of origin for episcopacy

was

that

Henry VIII

the work, intended to help

by

apostles* times

others,

is

in his struggle with the papacy, appeared

17817). Marsilius's account of episcopacy as instituted after the

(STC

in 1535

given

priests, electing

Opus

at 2.15;

one among themselves

to order

and direct the

insigne cut titulum fecit autor Defensorem

pads (1522),

sigs.

Sr-2'; ed. Previte-Orton (1928), pp. 268-269; The Defence of Peace (1535),

fols.

83"^; ed. Alan Gewirth (1956), 2:237.

Nicl. [= John Wyclif(? 1330-1 384),

Netter of Walden in Essex, a

as

quoted by] Thorn. Wald. [= Thomas

15C Carmelite

employed by Richard

provincial

II,

Henry V, Doctrinale antiquitatum fidei Ecdesiae Catholicae] c.l. 1.2. ca.60 = tome 1, bk. 2 (art. 3), chap. 60 [H's "c.l." should read "t.l."]; ed. Rubeus (1571), 1:326: "WITCLEF. Unum (inquit) audacter assero, quod in

Henry

IV, and

primitiva ecclesia ut tempore Pauli sufFecerunt sacerdos,

presbyter ac episcopus.

cardinalium,

conorum,

duo ordines clericorum

atque diaconus. Secundo dico quod in tempore apostoli .

.

patriarcharum,

officialium, et

quorum non

.

est

Tunc enim non et

sive ordo.

episcoporum,

Sequitur.

eorum

Christus et ejus apostoli

non

quoting John Wyclif,

Trialogus, 4.15, in Jo.

(1525),

et

archidia-

caeteris officiariis in religionibus privatis,

Certum

Caesarea hos gradus et ordines adinvenit. Si enim

fols.

idem

inventa distinctio Papae, et

archiepiscoporum,

decanorum cum

numerus,

fuit

scilicet

fuit

in expressione

videtur

fuisset

quod superbia

necessarii ecclesiae,

ac detentione officii reticerent";

Widefi

124"-125'; Lechler, cd., Joannis IVidif

.

.

.

dialogorum

trialogus (1869),

lihri

quattuor

pp. 296-297.

Text should read "Wicl." Calvin, Cement, in 1. ad Tit. Commenting on Titus 1:7, Calvin notes with Jerome that Paul uses "presbyter" and "bishop" in the same sense. While he does not find fault with the custom prevailing firom the beginning of the church

937

Commentary of having one person serve

as

unjust and absurd that the restricted to

moderator in each assembly of bishops, he judges

name of

one alone. Joannis

(1551), p. 570;

CR,

by God

the office given

Calvini in omnes

D. Pauli

to

Epistolas

80:411; Commentaries on the Epistles

to

.

.

.

it

should be

all

commentaria

Timothy, Titus, and

Philemon, trans. William Pringle (1866; rpr. 1959), p. 294.

BuUinger, Decad.

Heinrich Bullinger (1504-1575), Zwingli's suc-

5. Ser. 3

cessor at Zurich, highly respected in the Elizabethan church, quinque.

Decade

5,

Sermon 3

(1577),

fol.

296'"";

Sermonum

decades

PS, 5:110-111. First citing

Jerome's reference to a period in which churches were governed with the com-

mon

counsel and advice of the elders

(as

pared the bishop's office with that of a

consul, with responsibilities like

nn

those accepuble to Calvin and Cartwright (above, 18) but without

John Jewel,

Juel, 2.9.1

dominion over

(1570;

STC

A

com-

above, 3:165. 27-33.n), Bullinger

Roman

his colleagues

to 3:154.23-24

and 177.4-

or other elders.

Defence of the Apologie of the Churche of England, 3rd. edn.,

14601), p. 248 {Works, PS, 3:439), responding to Harding's

reference to the condemnation as heretics of those who deny the distinction between bishops and priests: "But what meant M. Hardinge here to comme in with the diflference bitweene Priestes, and Bishoppes? Thinketh he, that Priestes, and Bishoppes holde onely by Tradition? Or is it so horrible an Heresie, as he maketh it, to saye, that by the Scriptures of God, a Bishop, and a Prieste are al One? Or knoweth he, howe far, and unto whom, he reacheth the name of an Heretique?"

Jewel quotes Chrysostom, Jerome, Augustine, and Ambrose (he had quoted Harding at p. 240; PS, 3:430). Fulk. Ans. to the Test.

NT

Commenting on

Tit. 1:5.

Titus 1:5, the

Rheims

(1582) appealed to apostolic practice to prove that the ordination of priests

pertained exclusively to bishops that ordination or consecration

(p.

596).

To

William Fulke repUed in 1589

this,

by imposition of hands was indeed

principally

mitted to the bishop in the early church, but he described the bishop

among

the clergy, to

whom

one "by long use of the Church" the name of bishop or

superintendent had been applied.

The

text

of the

new

testament of Jesus

translated out of the vulgar Latine by the papists of the traiterous seminarie at

whereunto

is

added the

com-

translation out of the original Greeke,

commonly used

as

Christ,

Rhemes

.

.

.

in the church

of England [=BB], with a confutation of all such arguments, glosses, and annotations, as conteine manifest impietie, of heresie, treason

and

and

slander, against the catholic church of

the true teachers thereof, or the translations used in the church of England (1589;

2888),

fol.

God,

STC

39r.

devise at

because the Ministry ... Heaven. Cartwright, 1:83 [62]: "the by the word of God/ and heavenly/ and not left to the will of men to their pleasure/ as appeareth by that which is noted of s. John/ wher the

Phariseis

comming

3:208.29-30.j ministery

is

to

s.

John

Baptist/ after that he

or Elias/ or another Prophet/ conclude/ the Prophets/

why

baptisest thou?

if ye

had denied to be either Christ/

be neither Christ/ nor Elias/ nor of

whych had bene no good argument/

if

s.

John

might have bene of some other function/ then of those whych w^ere ordinarie

938

in

Book

Chapter

VII,

11.8-11.11

the church/ and instituted of God. And therefore S. John to estabhsh his singular and extraordinary function/ alledgeth the word of God/ wherby appeareth/ that as

not lawfull to bring in any strange doctrine/ so was

^vas

it

teache the true doctrine/ under the

by

God

name of any

by Whitgift,

[marg., John. 1.25]." Discussed

not

it

law^full to

other function then was instituted

302-303

Defense, pp.

(PS,

2:87-88), and Cartwright, 2:436-437. H's reference to John 1:25 follows Cartwright, cited at 3:204.c; v. 23

3:210.6

as

Moses did

more

is

appropriate.

Exod. 18:19-23. See 3:161.15-18, 350.17-19, and 370.7-

12.

The

3:210.14—27

rule to

disceme

.

God.

.

.

See esp. 1.8-11, 14, 16, and

all

of

II.

Doth not the Apostle ... ordinance? Rom. 1:32: "Which among the gentiles], thogh they knewe the Law of God (t6

3:211. 11-13. /,m

men

[the unrighteous

5iKaicopa too 6eo0) [and hence were without excuse

how

20],

do

the

traditional use

of this passage

of nations, whereof Moses Law

is

with BB's division of the chapter. V.

way of life,

that

"Which Law God writ Law of nature: the lawers,

text:

the

GB

has .

.

no

v.

God (howe

doe them," corresponds with GB's

priest Zacharias

gives the second part

.") as a separate

the righteousnesse of

and

his wife Elisabeth]

commandements and ordinances of

v. 31.

of

verse (31). BB's v. 32,

they which also

Luke

commit such

have pleasure in

"Bothe

1:6.

were just before God, and walked

the

in their

the law

H's reference corresponds

BB

v. 32.

of death) not onely doe the same, but

things, are ^vorthy

them

it

a plaine exposition."

30 ("Without understanding

"The which knowing

law

as a natural

consciences, and the Philosophers called

GB's

for their

which commit suche things, are worthie of death, yet not onely same, but also favour them that do them." The GB gloss accepts the that they

in

[the

the

all

Lord (ev n&aaK^ xaiq kvToXaiq

Ktti

SiKaicbpaaiv too Kopiou)." 3:211.22—30 1590),

TTiat

bom

.

.

.

Girolamo Zanchi (Hieronymus Zanchius;

instituted?

near Milan in 1516, fled

Italy

when his sympathy

became too pronounced and taught theology

at

for the

d.

Reformation

Strasbourg and Heidelberg.

The

author of a celebrated defense of absolute predestination, Zanchi was also a notably

The page

irenic figure. fides,

where,

to the

reference in n

after saying that

is

to chap. 25

able cause

(as

we

De

religione Christiana

as

firee

fathers for

to do, w^ith reason-

tamen non improbamus Patres, quod juxta tum regendae Ecclesiae rationem, varies quoque

ordines ministrorum multiplicarint: quando id

quando consut,

they were

are also): "Interea

variam, turn verbi dispensandi,

et

his

church by Christ, Zanchi adds that he does not blame the

multiplying the various orders of ministers,

rum,

of

only the two orders of pastors and doctors were given

id ab

illis

fuisse

eis

liberum

factum honestis de

causis,

fuit, sicut et

ad aedificationem Ecclesiae pro eo tempore, pertinentibus";

Christiana fides (1585), p. 169.

The

passage partially translated by

939

nobis: et

ad ordinem, ad deco-

De

religione

H {"That which the

Commentary holy fathers

.

.

.

notable purpose instituted?")

on

in the Observationes (pp.

61-62

from Zanchi's defense of this position

with separate pagination for the

in a printing

enim quae

is

confession of his faith at p. 261 of the same

this

nomine Domini

a piis Patribus, in

volume "Credo

Observationes):

congregatis,

communi omnium

consensu, citra ullam sacrarum literarum contradictionem, definita et recepta

(quanquam haud ejusdem cum sacris Uteris, autoritatis) a Spiritu ut quae sunt hujuscemodi: Ea ego improbare, nee velim, nee audeam bona conscientia. Quid autem certius ex historiis, ex conciliis, et ex omnium Patrum scriptis: quam illos ministrorum ordines, de quibus diximus, fuerunt: ea etiam

sancto esse. Hinc

fit,

communi totius Reipublicae Christianae consensu, in Ecclesia constitutos, receptosque fuisse? Quis autem Ego sim, qui quod tota Ecclesia approbavit, improbem? Sed neque omnes

improbare

nostri temporis docti viri,

haec Ecclesiae,

licuisse

ex

et

ausi sunt:

atque ad optimos

pietate,

quippe qui norunt, fines,

et

pro Electorum

aedificatione, ea omnia fuisse profecta et ordinata"; "For I beleeve, that the thinges which were decreed and received of the fathers, by common consent of them all

name of

gathered together in the Scriptures:

that they also

Scriptures)

come from

of this is

sorte,

more

I

the Lord, without anie contradiction of holie

(though they bee not of equall authoritie with the

the holie ghost.

Hereupon

certaine, out

of the

histories, the councells,

then that those orders of ministers of which

by

in the church,

And who

[a]m

I,

common that

as

knowing, both

all

all

the learned

that the

endes, for edification of

spake,

the

whole

Gods

men of this a godlie

common

christian

wealth?

age, dared to disproove the

and

all

those

purpose, and to excellent

good

so,

that

children"; H. Zanchius, His Confession of Christian

and Observations of the same Zanchius uppon

Religion

fathers:

were ordained and received

church might lawfullie do

were ordained and done uppon

thinges

and writings of all the

we

should disproove that which the whole church hath

I

approoved? Neither have same:

consent of

that the thinges which are good conscience. And what

it is,

neither will nor dare disproove, with a

his

oume Confession (1599;

STC

26120), pp. 330-331. Written in response to criticism thought by Bancroft and

Keble to have come from Beza,

this

passage was regularly appealed to

by defenders

of episcopacy in the English church; see Keble, 3:214; Bancroft, Survay,

Cooper, Admonition strorum

.

.

.

to the

People of England, pp. 75—76; Saravia,

gradibus, chap. 23, pp.

57-58; Diverse Degrees,

p. 73,

De

p. 137;

diversis

mini-

misnumbered

p.

77; Bridges, Defense of the Government Established, p. 424; and SutclifFe, Treatise, p. 47.

3:21 1.30.0-212.5.^

Calvin

making mention

.

.

.

complecti.

Calvin, writing to the

king of Poland on 5 December 1554: "Vetus quidem Ecclesia Patriarchias et singulis

melius inter se devincti manerent Episcopi"; Epistolae (1575), 190];

CR,

ment

if

instituit,

etiam Provinciis quosdam attribuit Primatus, ut hoc concordiae vinculo

43:332—333. Calvin indicates that

there

were today one archbishop

dominate the others or take away

it

in

940

140 [not

Epist.

—

their rights but to hold

the sake or order and to foster a holy unity

p.

would be similar to this arrangenot to the kingdom of Poland

among

first

place in synods for

his colleagues

and brothers

Book ("non qui dominaretur

primum

sed qui

sibi arrogaret:

CR,

43:333. After endorsing the

of provincial or urban bishops peculiarly charged with keeping order

may

("Sicuti

£all

hoc natura

dictat,

—he

cui praecipua cura incumbat")

3:212.4—5: "It

whole world

is

one thing

But they

3:212.15—213.7

will say,

.

.

judgement of Cyprian

the

Not

removed.

.

.

.

a

at

another to take in the

CR,

(1575), p. 141;

.

H

draws the contrast quoted by

moderate honor

to bear a

immense empire";

in an

his colleagues, on whom special Unum ex singulis collegis deligen-

one be chosen out from

for nature dicutes that

responsibility

3:212.30./?

ereptum

illis

teneret locum, et sanctam inter collegas suos et

unitatem foveret"; (1575), pp. 140-141;

institution

dum,

11.11-13.2

in reliquos, vel jus ab

ordinis causa in Synodis fratres

Chapter

VII,

43:333.

quote but H's summary.

See 3:217.4—28 for H's discussion of

this

argument.

T.C.

3:213.^

lib.

.

.

.

Cartwright, 1:100 [76]; discussed by Whitgjft,

man.

(PS, 2:204-205).

Pontius being

3:214.22—32 et

1.

360-361

Defense, pp.

Deacon

.

.

passio Cypriani, traditionally printed

fol.

*4* (=7l4^).

quod

H here follows closely Pontius's

be.

.

"Ad probationem bonorum operum, solum hoc

arbitror satis esse:

judicio Dei et plebis favore, ad officium sacerdotii, et episcopatus

adhuc neophytus,

adhuc diebus,

nondum

et ut putabatur, novellus electus est.

et rudi vitae spiritalis aetate, sic

Non

fiduciam polliceretur. in dilectionem ejus et piosiliret,

humiliter

Quamvis

generosa indoles reluceret; ut

praeteribo etiam illud eximium,

honorem

totus populus aspirante

sacerdotii

etsi

totam

quemadmodum cum inspirante] Domino

[CSEL:

antiquioribus cedens, et

ille secessit

gradum

in primis fidei suae

tamen fulgore resplendens, imminentis

spei

officii,

Vtta

with edns. of Cyprian's works; Opera (1593),

indignum

se titulo tanti

honoris existimans, ut dignus magis fieret." H's specification of the episcopal tide

of honor in the terms just

"Pontifex, Sacerdos, Antistes"

quoted ("ad officium sacerdotii

later passage virtually translated

by

et episcopatus

H

is

based partly on the passage

gradum"), partly on

3:214.27-32 ("Viderint

at

a slightly

pietatis Antistites,

seu quos ad officium boni operis instruxit ipsius ordinis disciplina: seu quos sacramenti religio communis, ad obsequium exhibendae dilectionis

num

de suo talem accepit cathedra, non

passage,

**l'

fol.

as a "Christi et

(=7c5'), in

3:215.5-14 and given in p. 15;

r;

FOTC,

that

.

.

.

Cyprianus presbyteris

3:479;

ACW,

43:62;

a

Cypriastill

later

exemplary behavior

of the "pontifices hujus mundi"; CSEL,

duty. et

artavit.

and pardy, perhaps, on

contrasts Cyprian's

15:9-10, 11, 14;

place of Cyprian,

epist. 5,

CSEL,

3:215.21—22

r

which Pontius

Dei pontifex" with

3.3:xcv, xcvi, xcix;

fecit"),

ANF,

H

5:269, 270.

here follows closely the passage

diaconibus fratrihus carissimis;

FOTC,

Opera (1593),

51:15.

Cyprian mtm ... an Archbishop,

The

point was debated by

Whitgift {Defense, pp. 354-357; PS, 2:192-196) and Cartwright (1:98-99 [75];

2:530—542) largely on the

basis

of Cyprian's reference to "nostra provincia" in

941

a

Commentary Pope Cornelius de Polycarpo Hadrumetino; epist. 45, in Opera (1593), p. CSEL, 3.2:607, ACW, 44:75, and FOTC, 51:108; see also

letter to

103; epist. 48 in

3:186.6.m.n, above. Although Cyprian clearly exercised leadership in the

African church, his emphasis in

ACW,

Clarke in

Regiment ofJerusalem,

the

3:216.20

W.

See G.

responsibility.

this letter

on

is

mid-3C

joint episcopal authority and

44:258, n. 15.

See chap. 4.2 and 5.2 (3:156.28-157.7 and

160.3-14).

That

3:216.26-30

"Judgement"

if any

.

.

.

Regiment;

against the Admonition

Cartwright, 1:119 [92], replying to a brief

by the aged Bishop Jewel appended

"The second reason

(1573) edn. of Whitgift's Answere (pp. 323-325):

Jewel]

whych

sayeth that the churche of

God

under the lawe/ had

commaundement of God/

needefull appoynted by the

to the

2nd by

[addressed all

thyngs

the byshop sayeth he

knoweth not what could be concluded of it. I have shewed before that there is nothyng les ment/ then that the church under the gospell/ should have all those

whych

thyngs that that church had/ or shoulde have nothing/ thys thereupon to

omit the

is

least/

concluded/ that the Lord whych was so

would not be

that

had not: but

carefull for that/ as

not

so careles for this church under the gospel/ as to

omit the greatest"; discussed by Whitgift, Defense,

428 (PS, 2:346). See Cart-

p.

wright, 1:84-85 [63] and 2:440-448; Defense, pp. 304-307; PS, 2:90-97.

Petrobrusian Hereticks,

3:216.31

Followers of Peter of Bruys, early 12C. See

3:279.24-25.11, below.

That

3:217.6—8.5

.

Felicissimo, in the

aequum

sit

admissum illic

.

.

.

Cyprian,

cause:

edn. of Manuzio:

.

causam suam, ubi

et accusatores

CSEL,

nn

That

to this

habere

3.2:683,

Comelium de Fortunate

statutum

oportet utique eos quibus praesumus

.

Cited by Cartwright, 1:101

in

Ad

1.3,

pariter ac justum, ut uniuscujusque causa

(1563), p. 11; epist. 59 in

3:218.7—13

epist.

"Nam cum

illic

sit

omnibus

audiatur, ubi est

crimen

non circumcursare, sed agere

et testes sui criminis

ACW,

et

nobis, et

46:82, and

possunt"; Opera

FOTC,

51:186-187.

[77].

the superiority

.

.

.

H's summary. Besides the passages cited

do.

and the next chapter, see Cartwright, 1:123-126 [94—98] and 2:640-

660; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 435-452, 472-473; PS, 2:372-394, 434-437.

3:218.24—27. M

man, the

Hie regum

first

.

.

.

dirimitique.

ones of consulting the senate on councils; war, peace, treaties, himself, without the order 1.49. Tarquinius the Proud,

in

534 BC, was

3:219.4

Ab

Livy,

a type

all

and

seized

of tyrants in the

as Augustus did, imperial

provide support for the contrast

H

"This earlier

libri,

matters, administered public afrairs

alliances

he made and broke

of people and senate"; (1589),

who

1.1:

down from

urbe conditi

of the kings to break with the custom handed

power by classical

power.

p. 31;

by family

he wished, by

Loeb, 1:172,

as

murder of his father-in-law

world.

Both Suetonius and Cassius Dio between initial usurpation of

implies here

942

the

as

Book power and

later

Chapter

good government. C.

and 83; Loeb,

81

VII,

13.3-14.6

Suetonii Tranquilli

XII Caesares

([1591]), pp.

1:158-161 and 164—165: Augustus usurped the

Suetonius,

consulship at the age of 20, but with regard to his later rule "it

doubtful which

is

was better, his intentions or their result" ("dubium eventu meliore, an voluntate"). Tujv Aicovog xov Kaaaiov 'P(o/j,aixd)v iaxogiajv ^t^Xia nivre, bk. 56 (1591), Loeb, Dio's

p. 686;

Roman

7:100-101 "If any remembered

History,

the course of the civil war, they ascribed real

disposition

was revealed

contrast" (TiXxiOTOV

yap

6i^

in

them

to the pressure

what he did

t6 6i&4>opov

later,

tac,

which afforded

aXx\Q
his

mighty

a

H's account here of

legitimacy in episcopal government in the course of time

increasing

his actions in

of circumstances;

is

at

odds with

the Protestant historiography of decline and corruption found, for example, in

De

Beza's

ty in secular

who

Smith, entrie

De

Book

triplid episcopatu (see Intro, to

of passage from

assertion

initial

Augustus (and

cites

Sulla) to

Anglorum, 2nd edn. (1584;

3:219.23-220.4

as a possibili-

And compare Sir Thomas "one may be a tyrant by his

government, see VIII.3.3 (3:340.17—23).

show

and getting of the govemement, and

republica

VII, pp. 319-320, above). For H's

violence to government with consent

All things natural,

.

of the language of part and w^hole authoritative changes in

its

own

.

STC .

a

that

king in the administration thereor*;

22858), p. 6; ed.

need

(1983), p. 53.

For other examples of H's use

require.

community's power to make

to describe a

practices "as

Dewar

shall require," see Pref. 5.2, 6.6

(1:27.24-28.8, 33.29-34.13); 1.10.8 (1:103.15-25), 10.13 (1:108.23-109.2), 16.6-7 -

(1:139.32-141.22); VII.14.11 (3:227.4-9); VIII.3.4 (3:349.13-22), 6.1-2 (3:385.

19-386.24), 6.5-7, 6.11 (3:401.22-404.5).

the case of Aurelius,

3:220.14—15

4.4.10) to argue that this case

Cartwright's Second Replie cites Calvin

was both exceptional and

"Cyprian doothe dihgentlie excuse him

selfe, that

reader withowte advise off the churche."

The minor

is

used to explain

why

relatively

{Inst.,

unimportant.

he had appoincted Aurelius

a

character of the lector's office

the consent of the people ceased to be asked and

"why

the

people was not so carefull in that behalfe off retaininge their righte" (2:216). 3:220.20

An

eye

.

"Plus vident oculi

3:221.3—4

GB

.

.

can.

quam

Erasmus, Colloquia

imposition of hands,

gloss,

familiaria,

Synodus grammaticorum:

oculus"; (1543), p. 579; Opera (1969

Cartwright understood

XeipoTOViiaavTa; this to

be

a

—

),

1.3:586 and n.

(Acts 14:23). Following the

showing of hands

in election

by the

people; see 1:44-47 [29-31] and 2:199-214; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 157-166; PS,

1:345-362. 3:221.17—27.)'

mentio

Alexander Sepems ... Lives.

"Et quia de publicandis dispositionibus

contigit, ubi aliquos voluisset vel rectores provinciis dare, vel praepositos

facere, vel procuratores (id est rationales) ordinare,

hortans,

populum

probasset, subiret

nomina eorum proponebat; si non

ut siquis quid haberet criminis, probaret manifestis rebus:

poenam

capitis:

dicebatque, grave esse,

quum

id Christiani et

Judaei £icerent in praedicandis sacerdotibus qui ordinandi sunt,

943

non

fieri

in

Commentary provinciarum rectoribus, quibus

et fortunae

Aelius Lampridius, Alexander Severus,

Augustae

et capita,"

Hohl

minores (1588), 2:218; Scriptores historiae Augustae, ed.

scriptores Latini

Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander was Emperor

(1955), 1:287; Loeb, 2:270-271.

AD 222—235

hominum committerentur

Constantinum Augustum, in Historiae

ad

his reign is recounted in the Historia Augusta, the title given by I. Casaubon (1603) to a collection of biographies of Roman emperors AD 117—284 modeled on Suetonius's lives of the twelve Caesars; Aelius Lampridius was one of ;

Modem OCD.

six alleged authors.

skepticism; see

Let them

3:221. 28-30.Z

118 (Friedberg,

.

.

.

regard the collection with great

classical scholars

Bishop.

per

1:89): "Igitur

Gratian, Decretum, 1.24.5 (Lyons, 1584), col.

tres

continuos dies diligenter examinentur: et

sic

sabbato, qui probati sunt, episcopo repraesententur." This sentence concludes the

chapter in the canon la^v specifying

And even

3:221.30—222.2

.

.

how

ordinands are to be examined.

The 1552

Ministers.

.

Elizabeth, provided that the bishop

Ordinal, reauthorized under

admonish those presenting candidates

ordination to "take heede that the persones

whom ye presente

for

unto us be apte and

meete, for theyr learninge and godlye conversacion, to exercyse theyr ministerie duelye, to the honoure of GOD, and edifyinge of hys Churche."

To

this the

pre-

senting archdeacon was to answ^er, "I have enquyred of them, and also examined

them, and thinke them so to bee"; The fourme and maner of makynge and consecratynge, Bisshoppes, Priestes, and Deacons, printed with The Boke of Common Prater 2B4'. See Clay, ed.. Liturgical

sigs. 2A2'',

(1552),

3:222. 12-14.
Such

as

enim Episcopi, qui Imperio

make

sibi

.

.

Tyrannie.

.

Services,

PS

Explicatio: "Neque auTOKparopiKCp quodam

Walter Travers,

banc potestatem assumunt,

et

atque sententiis Ecclesiae ministros deligunt atque

et suis solis judiciis

designant, ullo divino jure id sibi assumunt: sed tyrannidem

quidem temporibus

in Ecclesiam

that challeng this pow^er

invectam exercent"

by any

right or

At the

first

.

.

trans.

By

chooses "seven

the sixth

men

antiquis

"For the Bishopps

.

.

.

a very tyranny

thoughe indeede

the passage from Justinian's

below. In Acts 6:1-6 "the

choosing.

owne

churche/ cannot challenge

Cartwright (1574), pp. 45—46.

Compare

Senators.

.

Digesta, 1.2.11, cited in 3:349.23-24.n.n,

3:223.13-14

oflf the

law off God/ but exercise

longe agoe browght into the churche";

3:222.15—19

quandam, ab

(fol. [34]^);

unto them selves by ther meere authoritie and their

only Judgment and advise to appoint the officers this

(1847), pp. 274-275.

whole multitude"

of honest reporte" to be the deacons of the church

at

Jerusalem; in Acts 14:23 the elders ordained by Paul and Barnabas are chosen "by

Church" (GB).

election in everie

3:223. 13-224.6. fc

By

the sixth

Explicatio, fol. 41"^: "Illud

popuU

in eligendo

summam

.

.

.

quidem

Church. aliter

potestatem

H's

extitisse:

944

own

translation

of Travers,

Act. 6. et 14. factum esse legimus, et

sed id (ut mihi

quidem

videtur)

Book certa

quadam de

causa,

quae nos

gubemadonem

Ecclesiae

populi, sed

antequam

optimatum

constituatur,

magistratus delegit,

VII,

Chapter ita

14.6-14.10

non attingic, nee ad ordinariam et peipetuam Ut enim in Rebuspublicis non tantum in

refeni debet.

vel edam unius Imperio atque principatu constituendo, omne Imperium penes populum est, qui sponte sua sibi

quorum

autoritate postea

gubemetur: posteaque non universa

plebs sed a plebe delecri magistratus Reipublicae negoria administrant: Ecclesia consdtuenda,

omnes

erat:

tradantur, sunt, ut

quum

sed delecds semel ab omnibus, certis

non amplius haec alia

viris,

omnes

potestas penes

gubemacula Ecclesiae

electione

adhuc praeficerentur, omnis

nulli

fuit,

cur

illos

ita

in

penes

quibus gubemacula Ecclesiae sed eos tantum qui delecd

est,

tractarent, atque regerent. In

praeterea certa causa

autoritas

Diacononim autem

ab universa Ecclesia

eligj oporteret.

Quum

enim Graeci contra Heb. murmurarent et inique secum agi quererentur, quod in ea distribudone quae ad pauperum subsidia quoddie pardebatur, viduarum suarum non satis magna rado haberetur, necesse erat ad eos eligendos cui haec cura committenda fuit, omnium judicium adhibere, ut omnis querelarum et suspicionum occasio tolleretur. Quare quod semel in Ecclesia nondum consdtuta, certis de causis

populo dictum

a

radonem

ad perpetuam

est,

et

constantem Ecclesiae regendae

referre nihil attinet." Trans. Cartwright (1574), pp.

3:225.10-12

If that ^vhich ...

54—55.

H returns his opponent's characteristic assertion

it,

good for Geneva, Scodand, etc., it must be good for England: "Is a reformation good for France? and can it be evill for England? is discipline meete for Scotland? and is it unprofitable for thys Realme?"; Admonition, fi^om Whitgift, Defense, p. 702; PS, 3:314; P.M., p. 19. Compare Cartwright: "Where he [Whitgift] saithe/ he condemnethe not other churches, which have appoincted that if reformation

is

other orders of electing pastors: generally and

reporte

me

Dominions

in

peace/

order

this

Germanie/ oflf

Why in

election

and pemitious in England" Mrhich they do,

3:225.15

whether the wordes be

to the reader/

Nether can the Doctor shewe any reason

likwise.

why

in

for that purpose/

Geneva/ why

in

Scotlande/ in Fraunce also in the tyme

by the consente

oflf

oflf

the people/ shoulde bee

be

whole their

good/

(2:224).

Travers, Explicatio:

contemni nolumus, aut etiam

quem

I

whether the reasons he [Calvin] alledgeth

"Nam

reliquae Ecclesiae judicium

negligi, ut ignarae senatus

pro autoritate sua imponat

populum etiam subsequi, qui promulgata ejus sententia, acclamatione vel silentio eam approbet, si probanda videatur vel eidem (si minus recta sit) contradicat" (fols. 40"—41'); "For I would not that the judgment off the rest off the churche should be contemned and neglected or that the velit:

sed praeeunte senatu

counsell or elders off the churche should off ther o\vne authoritie sett

churche

whom

they

list

one over the

against the churches will/ but that the Elders goinge

before/ the people also follow/ and havinge hard and understorde ther sentence

and decree/ may either by some outward token or it

be to be liked off/ or gayne say

wright (1574),

it

iff it

p. 54.

945

ells

by ther sylence/ allow

be not just and upright";

trans.

it iff

Cart-

Commentary No, but the people

3:225.20-24.c tantiun: sed

si justa

causa improbandi

.

.

.

dislike.

illis judicii

Travers, Explicatio:

afferatur,

"Nee

id

improbent atque rescindant,

tandem idoneus, senatus autoritate atque suffiragiis delectus, omnium appbusu atque

ut

Ut hie iniqua ilia querela sit, paucorum dominatu constitute, (fol. 41'); "And not only gayne say yt/ but iffjust cause of ther dislikinge may be brought make it alltogether voyde and off none effect/ untill at the last a meete one may be chosen by the authoritie and voices off the consensione, approbetur.

Eeclesiae majestatem violari"

Elders/ and allowed off by the consent and approbacion off the rest off the churche/

So

that herein ther

is

no

cause to compleine that

fewe/ the majesty off the wholl church

is

by the bringing

diminished";

trans.

in off the rule of a

Cartwright (1574), p.

54. This immediately foUows the passage quoted in 3:225. 15.n

Neque enim ...

3:226.
"For

3.

it

was not

right or allowable that an inferior

should ordain a greater"; Pseudo- Ambrose, Commentarii

is

I,

Epistolam beati Pauli ad

in

only of deacons and bishops.

because there is one ordination for bishop and Yet not every presbyter is a bishop, for he is bishop

It is

presbyter, for both are priests.

who

in

Ambrose, Opera (1569), col. 2055; CSEL, 81.3:267. The commenconcerned to explain why Timothy is instructed concerning the ordination

Timotheum tator

and inmiediately

H at 3:223.13-224.6.

precedes the passage translated by

among

And so Timothy, whose ordination as presbyter on one reading of the verse), vfus a bishop, because he did not have another before him. Hence it is that he is shown how he is to ordain a bishop. The point of the quoted sentence is that Timothy must have been a bishop to ordain bishops, "for it was not right," etc., "For no one bestows what is

is first

mentioned

(at 1

the presbyters.

Tim.

4:14,

he has not received." 3:226.23—28

formed

Beza at Poissie

prelates, ministers,

.

.

.

At the colloquy of Catholic and Re-

Bishops:

and theologians held before Charles IX and various

notables at Poissy in 1561, the validity of Beza's ordination was challenged

by the

Sorbonnist Claude d'Espence. As recorded in Pierre de La Place's Commentariorum de statu

religionis et

reipublicae in regno

Galliae

lihri

tres

(1572—1573;

1st edn.,

French, 1565), which incorporates the one previously published account of phase of the conference, the challenge

is less

ad

attinet,

illud

tus,

de successione Eeclesiae, caput

ee cujus

tandem

munus docendi instituti,

nee ab

nee legitimes

auctoritate, et a

quo

specific than in

in

this

H's version:

"Quod

mecum

demira-

saepenumero sum

vocati, in Ecclesiam ingressi

estis,

et

quum via ordinaria non sitis ingressi, nee ab ordinariis manuum impositionem acceperitis. Vos itaque minime veros

accepistis: iis

quandoquidem non potestis dicere, vos quidem extraordinaria"; 1:163*. This account is anonymous Histoire ealesiastique des eglises riformiees au

esse pastores, effici videtur:

ordinaria successione venisse, nee

followed in bk. 4 of the

Royaume

de France published under Beza's direction at Anvers in 1580, 1:577.

the Colloquy of Poissy, see 1899), pp. 153-187;

Colloque de

Henry Martyn

Baird,

Theodore Beza

H. O. Evenett, "Claude d'Espence

Poissy,' "

Revue

Historique,

946

et

On

(New York,

son 'Diseours du

164 (May-August, 1930): 40-78; and

Book

Chapter

VII,

14.10-14.13

Donald G. Nugent, "The Cardinal of Lorraine and die Colloquy of Poissy," 77k 596-605.

Historical Journal, 12.4 (1969):

3:226. 28-227. l.c

Oeaiav

C»nons; The Greek in c, 'E7iiaK07tq(; x^ipoon of hands"), has not been found in Athanasius, but

Athanasius

.

.

("a bishop's laying

.

of Macarius and rejection of Ischyras's ordination

for Athanasius's defense

because received from a presbyter, see (1572), cols. 399-400; Ecdes.

hist.,

3:227.1—2

PG, 25:269;

as invalid

his Contra Arianos apologia secunda,

also Socrates, Ecdes. hist., 1.31,

Opera

and Sozomen,

2.25 and 3.23.

Epiphanius

.

.

.

Not

Ordination.

found, but see the passage quoted in

3:171.26.z.n, above.

Luther did but

3:227.17-23

religionis et reipublicae,

"Quum eum

.

libri

xxvi, bk. 5 (1558):

Muncerus, oberraret, ac rumor increbuisset, Mulhusium: Lutherus, ea re cognita, datis ad senatum Uteris, graviter

monet, ne recipiant

.

.

.

.

.

recte facturum senatum,

.

commiserit, quis evoca[v]it?

ipsi

De statu

Joannes Sleidanus (1506-1556),

calling.

.

ejectus e Saxoniae finibus

cogitare

munus

.

Carolo Quinto, Caesare, commentariorum

et,

roget ex

si

Deum

si

illo,

quis docendi

nominet authorem, tum

jubeant banc suam vocationem, aliquo evidenti signo comprobare, quod

si

reprae-

non possit, ut tum repudietur: hoc enim esse Deo proprium atque familiare, quoties formulam consuetam et rationem ordinariam velit immutari, ut turn voluntatem suam aliquo signo declaret"; fol. 58'. Luther's counsel for testing sentare

Munzer's vocation

is

omitted from the translation of Sleidanus by John Daus,

Famouse Cronide ofoure

time, called Sleidanes

beginning of Luther's warning 3:227.23-31

Another

.

.

.

is

given

Commentaries (1560;

Compare

Bancroft, as reported

Spottiswoode, from a discussion of the validity of his held prior to his consecration the

19848).

A

The

57^—58'.

at fols.

Ordination.

STC

own

by John

presbyterian ordination

archbishop of St. Andrews in 1610, The History of

as

Church of Scotland, ed. Russell (1851;

rpr. 1973):

"where bishops could not be

had, the ordination given by the presbyters must be esteemed lawfiil; otherwise ...

it

might be doubted

Churches"; 3:209. See

The

were any lawful vocation

if there

Norman

Sykes, Old Priest and

in

New

most of the reformed Presbyter

(Cambridge:

University Press, 1956), pp. 69-108.

Nomt wrhen

3:227.34—228.20

that poorer

.

.

.

dow^n.

For a corresponding

treatment of the election and consecration of bishops, see VIII. 7.

3:228.5—20

Neither

there

is

.

.

down.

.

Whatever

its

theoretical relationship to

popular choice, the ancient and complex system of largely lay-controlled ecclesiastical

patronage which

H

defends here posed problems for episcopal

disciplinarian attempts at clerical reform.

3:228.22—31

That

summary of

all

Ministers

,

.

.

as

well as

See chap. 24.7; 3:294.33-295.4 and n.

many.

H's

italics

signal,

respectively,

his

the position just refuted and his preview of the next issue, not

quotations. See

n

following.

947

.

Commentary Their meaning here See Cartwright, 1:184 [147]: "it must needes be meaning of oure savioure Christe/ that the excommunication should be by many/ and not by one/ and by the church/ and not by the minyster of the church alone"; 1:183 [146]: "Nowe that thys charge of excommunication belongeth not

3:228.31 the

unto one/ or to the minyster/ but cheefely to the eldershyp and pastor/

by

eth

whych

that

Chap. 18.17.]/ whych place

[marg.,

it

I

appear-

Mathewe

the authors of the admonition alledge out of S.

have proved before to be necessarily

understanded of the elders of the church"; but see 1:187 [149]: "there do beare

be presidents certaine of the most approved auncients or elders

rule or

.

.

[and]

.

the auncients had the ordering of these things/ and the peoples consent

was

required"; discussed by Whitgift, Defense, pp. 662-678 (PS, 3:223-263), and

Cartwright, 3:78-94.

practised Cartwright cites the bishops Cyprian and "1 Lib. 3.epi.") and Augustine ("3 lib. contra ep.

This they say

3:229.4—5/

("Lib.3. ep. 8. 10.14. 19"

Parmen."),

as

well

as

.

.

.

Tertullian {Apology, chap. 39), in his Replye, 1:187 [149]; see

Whitgift, Defense, pp. 673, 674, 675 (PS, 3:252, 254, 256). In 3:91 Cartwright

quotes Calvin,

Inst.,

selves alone, did refers to

The 3:229.6-1

it

4.11.6: "the Bishops,

when

they excommunicated of

canon 23 of the Fourth Council of Carthage

reference for/should precede "This" (line

Beza

1

.

.

them

ambitiously, contrary to the decrees of the godly Councels."

.

The

Discipline.

He

in 2:594.

4).

italicized passage

seems to be H's summary

of Beza's position, perhaps with special reference to the horror at the legalism and commercialization of English practice expressed by Beza in a widely circulated letter

of 1567,

Ad

quosdam Anglicarum ealesiatum fratres ("to certain brothers of the

English churches"): "Aiunt quoque excommunicationes et absolutiones in curiis in Anglia fieri non ex presbyterii, quod nullum ibi sit, neque ex Dei verbo, sed ex quorundam jurisconsultorum et aliorum ejusmodi, imo etiam interdum unius cujuspiam authoritate: et quidem ob actiones

quibusdam Episcopalibus sententia,

mere pecuniarias et civiles, et ejus generis alia, sicut in Papatu fieri consuevit. Respondemus, nobis pene incredibile videri ejusmodi abusum perversissimi moris et exempli adhuc in eo regno usurpari, ubi puritas doctrinae vigeat. Jus enim excommunicandi ante Papisticam

illam tyrannidam

comperietur, sed penes presbyterium, et quidem

Quod enim

de

arbitris

Corinthi constituendis

Christianus est Magistratus: nee

unquam

in

nunquam penes unum

non excluso

disserit

mentem

fuisse

penitus populo.

Apostolus, nihil ad

rem

.

.

ubi

venit Apostolo, ut presby-

terium oneraret istiusmodi mere civilibus cognitionibus. Episcopos quoque veteres constat,

non pro ahqua

sua potestate, sed litigantium importunitate, et

domesticos arbitros, controversias

tales audivisse"; epist.

quidem

ut

12 in Beza's Tractatones

theologicae (1582), 3:220.

3:229 f

Council

ep. 8.

The

citations follow

above). Fourth Council of Carthage, canon 23: audiat, absque praesentia clericorum

Cartwright

suorum: alioquin

948

(see

"Ut episcopus irrita erit

3:229.4-5.n,

nullius

causam

sententia Episcopi,

Book

Chapter

VII,

14.13-15.3

CCSL,

clericorum praesenda confirmetur"; Concilia (1585), 1:759;

nisi

For the

of the three

first

H

3:183.3—12, where

149:346.

of Cyprian referred to here (3.10) see above

epistles

at

emphasizes the voluntary nature of Cyprian's resolve firom

the beginning of his episcopate to "do nothing" without the counsel of his clergy

and the consent of his people. In the second

letter cited (3.14),

Cyprian, writing

"to his brothers, the presbyters and deacons," inveighs against the irregular readtnission of lapsed persons to his

own

ance

is

out of place

Opera (1563),

The

when "our brotherhood"

p. 71;

bk. 3 (not bk.

CSEL,

1), epist. 8,

Cartwright, or to bk. mo, the

3.2:517,

ACW,

(nostra fratemitas)

Ad

Fidum de 3 (not

1, epist.

last letter cited.

The

FOTC,

43:93, and as

insult to

is

being deceived;

51:47

as epist. 16.

above, should be either to

infantibus baptizandis, the first letter cited

epist. 8),

Ad

Comelium de Fortunato

point at issue in the former

is

by

et Felicissi-

not exercise of ecclesi-

censure by the bishop alone but a particular bishop's readmission of a lapsed

communion "immaturo tempore et praepropera CSEL, 3.2:717, ACW, 46:109, and FOTC, 51:216

person to 63;

The

certain presbyters.

Cyprian reference, following Cartw^right

third

astical

communion by

episcopate {episcopatus nostn) he could ignore and bear, but such forbear-

however,

petitu et conscientia plebis")

On

as epist. 64.

It is

true,

without the desire and knowledge of the people ("sine

that readmission

as sickness.

festinatione"; (1563), p.

epist. 1.3, see

is

reproved except in compelling circumstances such

3:147. 12. a and 217.6—8.5 and nn, above. Cartwright

argued (3:89—90) that Cyrprian's report of

difficulty in

persuading his people to

readmit some of the lapsed under any conditions implied that the decision was not

"Vix plebi persuadeo,

his alone:

CSEL,

(1563), p. 11;

3.2:685,

immo

ACW,

tales

FOTC,

patiantur admitti";

51:188, as

3:1-31; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 1A9-11A; PS, 3:404-456. Saravia,

Priestes (pt.

3:230.21-23

STC

of

debetur pastoribus (pt. 2

21746), pp. 112-133;

no

farther

OT

Shemaia

3:230.27—231.4

the

De

honore qui

Honour Due unto

.

.

H

Prince.)

.

echoes Whitgift

Jeremiah, in

w.

The

at Defense, p.

770

(PS,

reference that follows. .

innocent.

.

.

Jer. 29:26.

the prophet Jeremiah, himself w^as reproved

Shemaia, intent on suppressing

by the voice of the Lord, coming

to

30-32.

wisest

.

.

.

skilful.

eminent French lawyer under Henry

Bamabe III, first

under the Catholic League, but hanged by the for

Of

2 of STC 21749), pp. 155-189.

3:448), adding the

3:232.8-9.«

epist. 59.

Cartwright, 1:206-213 [165-171] and

they meddle unth Civil affairs.

3:230.20

extorqueo, ut

46:84, and

Brisson

(c.

1525-1591) was an

president of the Parlement of Paris radical

Leaguer group of the Sixteen

M. Salmon, Renaissance and Revolt: Essays in of Early Modem France (Cambridge: The University

opposing their excesses. See J. H.

the Intellectual

and

Press, 1987), pp.

Social History

235—266, and Brisson, Selectarum ex jure

4.16 (1587), col. 74. Answ^ering those to

dence

as

whom

the kno\vledge of things divine and

949

civili

antiquitatum

libri iv,

Ulpian's definition of jurispru-

human seems

ridiculous, Brisson cites

Commentary Roman

both ancient

of consulting

practices

by

matters and also the recognition

jurists

modem

concerned with sacred matters and with

human and

rights,

entided,

"Conjundam

religious as Avell as civil

combined know^ledge of all laws

divine, earned jurists the highest praise.

olim fuisse juris divini

et

of divine

Clearly, the science

priests.

things once pertained to jurisprudence, and only a

or

on

authors of a species of civil law

humani

scientiam,"

and

The

chapter

is

"Ridicu-

reads:

lum videtur nonnuUis Jurisprudentiam rerum divinarum et humanarum notitiam ab Ulpiano definiri, quod existiment rerum divinarum cognitionem nihil cum juris civiUs scientia

commune

habere. Atqui ex veteribus memoriis certissimum

utriusque cognitionis facultate consultos pares

quibus

quibus diebus, quo

hostiis,

ritu,

fuisse,

est,

in

tenuisse'que et edocuisse eos

ad quae templa sacra facienda

essent,

quae

sepulchrorum monumentorum'que jura, quae justorum funebrium sollemnia essent.

Quae ad jus publicum

etiam auctores juris statuunt,

si

civilis

unde perspicuum nee vero

pertinuisse,

omnia

et

Compare H's

juris cognitione

aeque

peritia

commendari video.

.

.

.

Nostri

alteram speciem in sacris et sacerdotibus consistere

sit,

aliter

humana

divinum referebantur omnia, cujus

et

humani

priscos prudentes atque

rerum divinarum scientiam ad jurisprudentiam olim

omni laude cumulatum Jurisconsultum

et divina jura scientia cognitione

'

extitisse,

que complexus

quam

fuisset."

use of French jurists expert in questions of sacred law in VIII,

3:417.26-28.n, below.

what

3:232.11-12 see Jewel's

St. Augustine

.

.

.

gather.

On

Augustine's hearing of causes,

against the Admonition in Whitgift, Answere (1573), p.

"Judgement"

325; Cartwright, 1:213 [171]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 771-772 (PS, 3:451-452); and

Cartwright, 3:26-27. Augustine cannot be understood to refer to himself as exercising "any

judgment given by reason of civil authority," Cartwright argues, commands which he alleges would imply that Paul could

for then the Aposde's

order the simplest in the church to bear magistrate

unto the

would commit no

of the ministery, and can not be severed from

office

3:232. 13-31.J

/

time

civil office at a

call

God

.

.

when

the (pagan)

authority to him, or that "the civil office

.fruit.

Augustine,

De

opere

is

monachorum {On

of Monks), chap. 29; Opera (1569), 3:801 (CSEL, 41:587-588):

incident

it."

the

Work

"Dominum Jesum,

nomine securus haec dico, testem invoco super animam meam, quoniam quantum attinet ad meum commodum, multo mallem per singulos dies certis horis, quantum in bene moderatis monasteriis constitutum est, aliquid manibus operari, et caeteras horas habere ad legendum et orandum, aut aliquid de divinis Uteris agendum liberas: quam tumultuosissimas perplexitates causarum alienarum pati de

in cujus

negociis secularibus vel judicando dirimendis, vel interveniendo praecidendis: qui-

bus nos molestiis idem

affixit

Apostolus,

non utique

batur arbitrio, quas tamen ipsum perpessum fuisse

suo, sed ejus qui in eo loque-

non

legimus. Aliter

habebat Apostolatus ejus discursus .... Sapientes ergo qui in et sanctos,

non qui hac atque

ciorum examinatores

iliac

esse voluit.

enim

se

locis consistebant fideles

propter Evangelium discurrebant, talium nego-

Unde numquam de illo scriptum est, quod aliquando

950

Book

15.3-15.6

quibus nos excusare non possumus, edamsi contemptibiles simus,

talibus vacaverit, a

quia et hos coQocari voluic,

rum

Chapter

VII,

si

deferrentur in forum.

sapiences defuissenc,

podus quam ut negocia Chhsdano-

Quern tamen laborem non

suscipimus pro spe vitae aetemae ut fiiictum feramus

sine

cum

consoladone Domini

tolerantia."

Vice-Chancellors • Civil Judges The imiversides of Oxford and Cambridge were formally incorporated by act of Parliament in 1571 (13 Eliz. I,

3:233.13-15

.

.

cap. 29), "to the intent that the auncient privileges, liberties

either

of the

Queenes highnes and her most noble progenitors maie be had and be of great force and strength

for the better encrease

of Vice"; Registrum

fiirther suppressing

and franchesies of

and confirmed by the

said Universities heretofore granted ratified

in great estimation,

of learning, and the

pritnlegiorum almae universitatis Oxoniensis

The Oxford Registrum pnvilegiomm gives, Edward IV (1461) and Henry VIII (1523), the

(Oxford, 1770), p. 77; S.R., 4.1:585-586. besides this statute, charters of

former of which rehearses a long

of

series

earlier royal charters granting the

chancellor of the university and his deputies jurisdiction over

mayhem

felony or

involving a

member of

concern here compare Pref 8.3 (1:39.21-41.1, debated in the early corporations; see

18C whether

John

Ayliffe,

all

cases short

the imiversity as a party. esp. 40.16-21). It

were

the universities

The Antient and

of

With H's

could

ecclesiastical

still

or

be

civil

Present State of the University of

Oxford (London, 1714), 2:97-100.

the Prophet ... St. Paul

3:233.20-21

kings as "nourcing &thers" to

and bestow see

Isa.

power, and

their

mean

Isa.

that,

49:23, but

of the Church."

And

11:1, Phil. 3:5), as

was

autoricie for the preservation

60:16. Paul was of the tribe of Benjamin

King Saul

GB glosses the reference to

"Kings shalbe converted to the Gospel

(Rom.

Sam. 9:1-2).

(1

With men of skill . persons: "Cur enim qui subditi sunt Moguntino, Coloniensi, Trevirensi Principibus imperii simul et Archiepiscopis, in

3:233.32—234. 8.fe

.

rebus

cum pietate

certe

fiierit,

rebus, et

.

Christiana minime pugnantibus, non obtemperent? Seditiosorum non obtemperare. Quod si istis: cur non etiam Romano, iisdem in eandem ob caussam, qui sub ejus vivunt imperio? Eadem enim horum

omnium est ratio"; Girolamo Zanchi, ones, printed

with H. Zandtii, de

continuously with the

De

Ejusdem Zanchii

in

suam

confessionem, observati-

274 when paged when paged separately.

religione Christiana fides (1585); p.

religione Christiana Jides,

Observations of the same Zanchius uppon his

oume

pp. 80—81

Confession, printed

with H. Zanch-

His Confession of Christian Religion (1599), p. 349. On Zanchi see 3:211.2230.n, above. Ments, Colen, and Trevers, Mainz, Cologne, and Trier. ius.

3:234.25

Ambrose Maximus

.

usurper

82.1:207-215 trans.

.

Ambassador

as epist. 30;

M. Joseph

1964), pp.

.

On Ambrose's two diplomatic missions to the

at Trier, see his epist. 27,

Opera (1569),

cols.

556-557; CSEL,

and Angelo Paredi, Saint Ambrose: His

Costelloe ([Notre

Dame,

210-213 and 237-240.

951

Ind.]: University

Life

of Notre

and Times,

Dame

Press,

Commentary David

3:234.27—28

.

.

Zadock functioned

State;

.

"the High-priest" in David's

as

court from the time of Absalom's revolt until David's death (2 Sam. 15:24

was anointed under Solomon 3:234.28

all

Christian

,

.

served

at

some time

and bishops

at

Cuignieres, a

J.

common

medieval practice

15C archbishop of Canterbury

every

.

.

Vincennes, near

.

in the parlement,

H

affairs.

At a consultative assembly of barons by Philip VI in 1329, Pierre de

State.

called

Paris,

recommended

the exclusion of the church

appears to be mistaken, however, in beUeving that a

On

corresponding ordinance was issued by the king.

M.

he

chancellor of the realm or head of the King's council.

as

conseiller

from temporal

the

illustrate

civil office:

The French King

3:235.14—19

To

Princes

.

of employing prelates for high

ff.);

Chron. 29:22).

(1

Cuignieres's position, see F.

Olivier-Martin, L'Assemblee de Vincennes de 1329

et ses

consiquences (Paris,

1909), pp. 101—124. In the account of the assembly given by one of the major

king denies responsibility for issuing edicts prejudicial

ecclesiastics participating, the

to ecclesiastical jurisdiction; see Libellus Petri Bertrandi, in Pierre Toussaint

de Maillane, Les trace

of the reasoning

H

assertion that the tonsuring affairs (p.

a sign

may be found

A

in Cugnieres's

of their withdraw^al from temporal

501).

Clergy

3:235.32

king

attributes to the

of clerics was

Durand

(Lyons, 1771), 3:444—503, p. 503.

libertez de Veglise Gallicane

.

,

,

Three

Estates,

The

Statute

of York (1322) asserted that

matters touching the estate of the king and the estate of the

kingdom should be

and established in Parliament by our lord the king and with the consent of the prelates, earls, barons, and of the commonalty of the kingdom"; quoted by G. R. Elton, " 'The Body of the Whole Realm': Parliament and Representation in Medieval and Tudor England," in Elton, Studies in Tudor and "treated, granted

Government (1974-1983), 2:22. In 1340 the representatives of the

Stuart Politics and

lower clergy ceased attending parliaments and withdrew to the

ecclesiastical

convocations. Although the three-estates doctrine enjoyed growing theoretical

employment

in the

15C,

its

accuracy

as a

description of parliament's representation

of the realm grew increasingly questionable

(2:23); see also, Elton, TThe Parliament

of England 1559-1581 (1986), pp. 17-22, and 3:401. 22-28.n, below.

That

3:236.17-24

may be

the matters

intended

as a

.

.

.

souls,

H's enumeration of a minister's duties

summary of Travers's

Explicatio, fols.

57 -65

trans.

;

Cart-

wright (1574), pp. 76-86 (words and phrases corresponding to H's enumeration are italicized):

"The name

off a Bishopp ...

[is

charges off the church/ and to thos that are as (p.

=

76;

fol. 57');

"in old tyme

this

most properly given] it

was rather

burden then off honor/ off busines then off ease. declare

what he

is)

is

I

a

name

Now

to the chieff

the watche off the cytie offgod"

a

off labor then off rest/ off

Bishop

(iff

we

will trewly

the minister off the churche in heavenly thinges and such as

god .... As for that I enclose all the office off a Bishopp in devine ground upon the same place off the Apostle [Heb. 5:1] who giveth no

perteine unto service

were

952

Book more

Timothe

[marg.,

and administradon

this behalffe ....

Tim.

1.

15.6-15.10

OT law]/ whose office was nothing less honorable

to the priestes [under the

then the Bishopes in

Chapter

VII,

3.15.] although

off the house off god/

So the Apostle conteineth the office of he were an Evangelist/ in the government/

which

ende/ the Apostle

is

the church.

And

omytte many

to

the Hebrues [marg.,

Heb.

other places to

this

comprehendeth

all

the charge off the Elders in the cure of souks

procuratione")"

(p.

77;

.

.

fols. 57''-58');

"he

them

[Christ] tould

have enclosed]

spirituall thinges

"Now

62*);

.

seing as

suppose yt

I

is

lymited in the administration off heavenly and

interpretinge off the word off

=

fol. 65');

offices in the

79;

=

"So then

spirituall

Which

God/ and pardy

in the Priesthood

fol.

in

thinges/

making praiers

83;

=

fol.

Pastor therfore

us particuler-

let

church"

for the

and the Prophesie two off the

were joyned togither"

"A

113*):

(p.

consist partly in teaching

Jewishe churche (which our Bishopps do resemble/

off teachying and prayinge

"the office

fol. 58");

the Pastors with the Priestes/ and the Doctors with the Prophetes)

146—147 (=

fol. 58*);

sufficiendy proved that the office off a Bishopp

ly declare the severall partes off this office.

87;

(p.

hath not to doe with the holie ceremonies"

.

.

78;=

the office off a Bishopp in the administradon off heavenly and

all

["divinarum rerum procuratione"]"

off the Magistrate

13.17.]

("animarum

[the Apostles]

[t]hey should keep hisfoulds and feed his^odfe and his lambes" (p.

.

"[I

is

=

to

=

who

Scriptures to the divers occasions and necessities off the church:

and

(p.

cheifest

we compare

Thes two

And

fol. 65*).

Bishopp/

call a

I

88;

(p.

iff

and

offices

see pp.

appliethe the ministrethe the

Saaamentes to those which doe beleve .... Pastors administre not only the word/

but also the Sacramentes."

But

3:236.34-237.2

Old

the

in

Cartwright, p. 81: "For that ther

and them that

that

whereas

lord leaving

ment

off

,

Sons.

Travers, Explicatio,

a great difference

fol.

betwene the

60*;

trans.

cyvill magistrat

own

both powers were confounded togither in Moses/ The

all

him only

the charge off the

Aaron

his

common

welth/ committed the gover-

brother .... So they were divided a sonder not

persons/ but also by families and by tribes."

Jehosaphat

3:237.2—4

.

is

have charge off ecclesiasticall matters/ That sufficiendy dothe prove/ first

off the churche to

only in ther

.

.

.

.

Jiu/^u.

Cartwright, 3:152— 153, arguing from 2 Chron.

19:8 and 11; see VIII.1.4 (3:323.24-26 and n).

Was not

3:237.6-7 say

you

to Elie

Ely

.

.

.

Judge?

1:211-212 [170]; Whitgift, Defense,

were

See Whitgift, Answere (1572),

and Samuell, were they not bothe

extraordinarily raised

Priests

p. 217:

"What

and Judges?"; Cartwright, Cartvmght, 3:21: "such

p. 767; PS, 3:442;

up of god, and not by any esublished order or election

of men."

These

3:237.8-1 1

remember it

downe

declared

I

men

.

.

.

scrupulous

Compare

pray you what you sayd before in the

that they are ecclesiasticall persons: [p.

Whitgift,

treatise

Defense:

"But

of Seniors: you there

and yet M. Beza

(as I

set

have there

654, referring to an episde prefacing the confession of the Swiss

953

Commentary men and

churches]), sayth that noble

eyther

may

civill

and

(whiche you denie) or as

M. Beza

meete togither

Princes be of your Seigniorie,

dominions (whiche

civill

conclude, your assertion

men and

is

Seigniorie, wherfore

in ecclesiastical! persons

be of your Seigniorie, they must

affirmeth: or if they

Baronries, Earldomes, and else to

can not noble

else

may be of the

Princes

ecclesiasticall offices

straunge,

I

am

cast oflf their

sure they wyll not) or

and your Seigniorie confused"

PS, 3:425). Cartwright: "I answer, that nether

Baronryes and Erldomes are often ether by

is

(p.

759;

necessary. For, whereas Lordships,

or given of the Prince,

birth,

as

bare

degrees of honour: such being of the church Eldership, doe not therfore bear,

boeth

and

civil

necessarily

ecclesiastical office:

considering that they have

joyned with them, further then the same

no magistracy

particularly conunitted"

is

(3:12).

Not found; perhaps H's own paraphrase

They will answer perhaps.

3:237.16-17

of "their Position." not standing with his calling

3:237.27

John

Luke 12:13-14.

18:36, 6:15, 8:3-11;

Whitgift had argued concerning a related passage (Luke 9:60-61), that "the

meaning of Christ

we ought follow

him"

to

is

that

when we

of calling in both passages: "his meaning

and not of the/

calling to eternal life

be a Minister of the gospel, but he refused

he refused

are called to etemall

{Defense, p. 750; PS, 3:407). Cartwright insisted

ministerial sense

ministery,

in this place,

life

not to protracte the time, nor to seeke any delayes, but leave

.

.

civil judgment

on

of the

our Saviour

.

a specifically

calling

unto the

Christes vocation,

was

because of his vocation: therfore

wherupon

because he was a Minister of the gospel,

it,

is

by him all and

also followeth, that

Bishops being Ministers of the gospel: owght not to receive, any such power";

ofjohn

3:1—2, before a discussion

But Christ refused

3:238.3-8

STC

20881), attributed to

of us may not

refuse:

of

land.

.

.

.

Compare

calling.

Matthew

Sutcliflfe: "all that

the Remonstrance (1590;

our Saviour refused, every

he because he came to be a mediatour betweene

man, would not become tide

8:11.

a

common

divider,

had intermedled in the matters of the

Besides, if he

God and

and judge of every secular cause of

common

would have strengthened the conceipte, that he sought an earthly Christ refused to divide the kingdome, and to dispossesse the Romanes. inheritance: it was because hee woulde not use the authoritie that hee had as Lorde of Heaven and earth when he came as a servant: not because either a Christian weale,

it

.

.

.

magistrate or minister shoulde after his example lay aside

all

authoritie" (pp.

179-

180).

3:238.17-19 issue

by

they gave over

Prayer.

An

allusion to Acts 6:4, alleged

on

this

Cartwright, 1:208 [167]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 758; PS, 3:422-423; and

Cartwright again, 3:10.

3:238.20-22

Suffer thou evil

.

.

.

Warfare.

2 Tim. 2:3-4.

emphasizing the harshness of the military situation in

954

his

By

own

quoting

translation

v.

3 and

of v. 4

(a

Book

VII,

Chapter

15.10-15.14

standard proof-text for patristic and medieval writers advocating the withdrawal or

H

exclusion of ecclesiastics from the exercise of civil authority), for his exegesis

of the

text's

worldly hardship, not to avoid worldly

sense ...

3:238.22

way

responsibilities.

Whitgift had argued that

plain,

is

prepares the

"plain" sense and meaning as an exhortation to endure

civil offices

committed to

the clergy "be rather helpes to their vocation, than impedimentes: for the office a Justice

of peace, of an high Commissioner, and suche

iniquitie, to see

good order kept

religion, as other

meere

civill,

common

but pardy

like, is to

common wealth,

in the

aswell in matters touching

and publike businesse. Wherefore

ecclesiasticall

and be

so in

my

best

of the Clergy"; Answere (1572),

of

punishe vice and

for discipline

as these offices

be not

and correction of sinnes:

opinion they be moste meete to be committed to some of the wisest and

exegesis allows that

"some

special

p.

217; Defense, p. 753; PS, 3:414. H's

good cause"

is

needed to

justify

such

clerical

"dealing in Civil affairs" and thus takes better account of patristic and reformed

opposition to such practices.

3:239.4—8. w ordained

As well

possible for life

.

.

.

who one who is

as priests

marriage:

"It

is

appropriate that those be chosen and

have neither children nor grandchildren. For

it is

scarcely

free to attend to the cares [Krueger: curis occupatus]

that children especially create for parents to devote every effort

thought to the divine liturgy and

ecclesiastical affairs"; Justinian,

of this

and every

Codex, 1.3.42;

(1590), col. 36; Krueger (1963), p. 26, as 1.3.41 (42).2.

3:239.27 son,

Herod

Herod,

Herod

3:240.11-12

Antipas,

the Great reigned (37—4 BC)

who was

Canon

Lauchert (1896),

12;

NPNF.2,

but his

presumably intended here.

Councils

and 3:15, Cartwright

81, cited as 80; Theologorum aliquot p.

when Jesus was bom,

at Jesus's death, is

sundry eminent Canons,...

Defense, p. 762; PS, 3:430)

Apostolic

king

1:210

In

[168]

(Whitgift,

refers to the follovvdng: .

.

.

libri

(1)

Graeci (1559), p. 8;

14:559: a bishop or presbyter must not give

himself to the management of public

affairs

(br\iioaiaq SioiKqaei^) but devote

himself to ecclesiastical business (eKKX,neaiaaTiKai(; xP^iai?), for no one can

two masters; (2) Council of Chalcedon, canon 3 (ibid., p. 44; Schroeder, pp. NPNF.2, 14:269): because some clergy have been making contracts in secular affairs and undertaking to manage the property of secular persons, it is ordained that henceforth no bishop, cleric, or monk shall engage in business or occupy himself in worldly matters (Tipdypaxa [f\] eneiadyeiv eauTOV KoajJiKaserve

90, 519;

\q

SioiKfjaeaiv) except in a few specified circumstances.

don, canon 7

monk

shall

iav Mnxe

canon 20

(ibid., p.

45; Schroeder, pp. 96, 520;

(3)

NPNF.2,

Council of Chalce14:272):

no

cleric

or

accept either a military charge or a secular dignity (jxf\Te kni aTpaxeeTti

ci^iav KoapiKfjv SpxcaOai).

{Concilia,

1585, 1:759;

solely to reading, prayer,

CCSL,

(4)

Fourth Council of Carthage,

149:346): a bishop should devote himself

and preaching of the

again to domestic concerns.

955

Word

of God, with no turning

.

Commentary most of the ancient Fathers,

3:240.15

3:415) and 3:6, Cartwright

Fumitanorum, de

and

FOTC,

been named

as

In 1:207 [166] (Whitgift, Defense, p. 754; PS,

will,

is

when

epist.

(2)

Dei

.

.

.

it

has long since as

in

been

laid

down

Sophoniam prophetam; Opera (1516), 6:93D;

ring but shows contempt for the poor and of those

in

43:51-52,

in a

guardian or trustee ("ne

76A:662: a stinging rebuke of a church which venerates him

on

clerum et plebum

ACW,

tutorem vel curatorem testamento suo constituat");

ministri

Jerome, Commentarii

Ad

disturbed to hear that a presbyter has

council of bishops that no one should appoint a cleric quis de clericis et

1.9,

CSEL, 3.2:30-31,

p. 27;

Cyprian

as epist. 1.

guardian in a

Cyprian,

(1)

Opera (1593),

Victore;

51:3—5,

cites:

who

vainly

who

CCSL,

has a golden

plume themselves

names but not the w^ork of presbyter and bishop, who enmesh themselves secular affairs ("obligant se negociis saecularibus") and offer the same image to the

God and

Caesar; (3) Ambrose, Offtciorum

16:78: if those

who

fight for the

lihri Hi,

emperor

1.36; Opera (1569), col. 26; PL,

are prohibited

who

fights for the faith to abstain

from

all

by human laws

firotn

how much more

ought one

business activities ("ab

omni usu

engaging in the business of the forum or taking wages,

negociationis")

Cum

3:240.n.

many

... ad pontific.

Cicero, Pro domo sua ad

things divinely discovered and established

pontifical college,

none

more

is

excellent than

by our

this, that

pontifices:

ancestors,

"Among

the

members of the

they wished you, the same

persons, to be set over both the cults of the gods and the state"; Opera (1588),

2:567; Loeb, Pro Archia

Honor

3:241.0

sacerdotii

.

.

.

.

.

.

De domo

Authority.

as a

"The honor of on regaining power in the IC

Tacitus, Historiae, bk. 5:

Hasmonean

priesthood was assumed [by the

BC]

sua, p. 132.

kings,

support for their power"; Opera (1589), p. 286; Loeb,

Tacitus, 3:190.

Tacitus had noted Moses' introduction of new religious practices to strengthen his authority

on

the previous page

Hie mos apud

.

.

.

(p.

285; Loeb, 3:178).

Marcus Junianus Justinus's abridgement of the Historiae Philippicae of the Augustan historian Trogus

lib. 36.

otherwise almost entirely

lost

Pompeius was probably written

in the

3C.

It

was widely read in the middle ages

Four Latin editions were published in England in the 16C, as well as three in EngUsh, in the last of which H's passage reads: "And ever after it remayned as a custome amonge the Jewes, that they that were their Priestes were

and

later.

also their Kinges.

how by

.

Through whose

greatly they encreased"; .

.Justine, bk.

(1566),

fol.

36

Justice

joyned with Religion,

it is

uncredible

The Abridgement of the History es of Trogus Pompeius

(3rd. edn., 1578;

STC

24292),

fol.

.

.

149"; Justinus, Histona

142"; M.JunianiJustini epitoma historiarum Philippicarum Pompei Tragi, ed.

Seel (1972), p. 248.

Bishops. Ecclesiastical persons, including exempt from administering every kind of guardianship and from the curatorship of wards, minors, the insane, and so on, by Justinian, Codex, 1.3.52; (1590), cols. 44-45; Krueger (1963), pp. 34-35 as 1.3.51 (52); lex

3:241.16—20.f

Ecclesiastical

monks, were declared

.

.

.

legally

956

Book 40 in

The

Scott, 12:52.

Chapter

VII,

passage

H

15.14-16.2 forbidding bishops to bequeath or

cites here,

otherwise alienate property accruing to them after their consecration, except things acquired from close

immediately follows the passage quoted

relatives,

Krueger (1963),

Justinian, Codex, 1.3.42; (1590), cols. 36-37;

the axiome used

(1532—1607), Praesumptio

26

at 3:239. m;

as 1.3.41 (42);

an extract from Nouellae, 131.13.

Scott, 12:47, as

3:241.24—242.2

p.

De

.

.

Compare Giacomo Menochio

exprest.

et indidis

"Dicimus iuque, praesumptionem

10.1:

princeps aliquid

.

praesumptionibus, conjeduris, signis

(1587-1590), bk. 2,

juris

quod quando

esse,

vel concedit, praesumatur id facere vel concedere, justis de

facit,

causis"; 1:8" (second numeration).

That they

3:242.11-14.^

the reader that

I

Cartwright, 1:126 [98]: "I admonishe

utterly ... persons?

doe not allow of all those things which

I

before alleaged in the

comparison betwene our Archbyshoppes and the Archbyshops of olde tyme/ or our byshoppes and

Only

theirs.

my

entent

corruptions/ yet in respect of ours they be

how

appeare

smale cause there

is

to

is

shew

much more

were

that although there

tollerable:

and that

it

might

that they should alleage theyr examples to

now

confirme the Archbyshops and Byshops that

are"; Whitgift, Defense, p. 452;

PS, 2:394.

3:242.19-21

TTuit the

Law

.

.

.

Ministers;

".

.

.

the lordely Lords, Archbishops,

Bishops, Sufl^ganes, Deanes, Doctors, Archdeacons, Chauncellours, and the rest

of

that

proude generation, whose kingdome muste downe, holde they never so

harde: bicause their tyrarmous Lordship can not stande [marg.. Matt. 15:23,

Luke

16:15].

And

it is

wyth

Christes

kingdome EngUshe

the speciall mischiefe of our

Churche, and the chiefe cause of backwardnesse, and of all breache and dissention. For they whose authoritie 23:8-10,

Mark

is

forbidden by Christ [marg.. Matt. 20:25—26, Matt.

10:42-43, Luke 22:15,

etc.],

without their felow servants"; Admonition, PS, 1:140; P.M.,

p. 5.

as

wil have their stroke [will prevail]

quoted in Whitgift, Defense,

p. 57;

Cartwright, 1:22-24 [10-12]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 61-73

(PS, 1:148-171); Cartwright, 2:404-408, 421-436.

3:242.23-28.r

The bearing

.

.

.

another.

Cartwright, 1:22 [10]:

"The

distinction

of

the office [between civil and ecclesiastical offices] he [Christ] noteth/ in these

words/ the kings of the Gentiles have dominion over them/ and the princes exercise authoritie over

them/ but

it

shal

not be so with you.

argument may be thus gathered. That/ wherein the

from the the

civill

ecclesiasticall officer/

magistrate

is

civill

Wherupon

magistrate

is

the

severed

doth not agree to one minister over an other. But

severed from the ecclesiasticall officer/ by bearing dominion.

Therfore bearing dominion doth not agree to one minister over an other"; quoted

and discussed by Whitgift,

Defense, pp.

62-63

(PS, 1:149-151); Cartwright,

2:414-

415.

3:242.28

This place

For the next three pages

957

H

is

concerned to

refiite

and

Commentary replace the Puritan exegesis of the parallel passages Matt. 20:20-28 and

10:35—45, in which Christ his followers. .

.

.

you:"),

is

His response, also to

quoted from Cartwright

as

be found

This place

3:242.28-243.11

Mark

asked to confer some sort of pre-eminence on two of

is

.

at

De

them.

. •

3:242.26-27 ("Kings

at

Luke 22:25—26. La

Bres,

racine, source,

etfondement des

Anabaptistes (1565), p. 841 (cited in Pref 8.8; 1:46. 21. fc), refers to the Anabaptists'

appeal to

Luke

A basis for H's italicized exegesis

22:25.

de Bres in the passage quoted

try their adventure

3:245.33-246.10.5 for the tide

first

proud name/

.

.

.

and honor of archbishop

presumptuous thing/ for

for the time/

endeavoure of godly

men

appeareth 4.

first

seat/ shoulde not

by whych wordes (an such such hautie

titles."

how

9.

lib.

evill

of the

thing)

That

the Bishop

.

.

arrogancy

.

.

.

[72]:

"This in the

that the bishop

.

.

CCSL,

libri

Graeci (1559), p.

epist.

all

498-502.

149:40, 185;

Cyprian,

Priest.

ti

342-344

The Council of Carthage of 418-419 .

of

high priest/ or any such thing/

he shutteth out the name of archbyshop/ and

bered 83; the canon misnumbered 36];

What

hym/ and

discussed in Whitgift, Defense, pp. 361,

3:198.10-12), canon 39; Theologorum aliquot

3:247.4—10

as a

to Florentius as a

reports of

whych decreed

priests/ or the

Sea;

.

"And

ton hieron, e akron ierea, e toiouton

(PS, 2:205-206, 168-172); see Cartwright, 2:544-545,

3:246.7-9.t

epist.]

proud names]/ may appeare

be called exarchon

Quoted and

833 of

Cyprian held that

appoynted of God to be judge"; 1:95

[to strike at these

pote: that is/ either the chefe

at p.

bishop of a bishop/ and judge over

selfe

councell of Carthage [Cone. Cartha. cap. 39.]/ the

be found

to

Cartwright, 1:100 [76]:

tides.

that in beleving certaine

misjudging of him/ he did appoynt him

hym/ which was

it

he objecteth [marg.,

for that

is

1:46.19—26.n, above.

at

69,

NPNF.2,

Ad

(see

73 [misnum14:461.

Florentium, quern et

Puppianum; Opera (1593), p. 208; CSEL, 3.2:730, ACW, 46:119, and FOTC, 51:226, as epist. 66: "Quis enim hie est superbiae tumor, quae arrogantia animi,

quae mentis

apud

inflatio,

ad cognitionem suam praepositos

te purgati fiierimus, et sententia tua absoluti,

et sacerdotes vocare, ac nisi

ecce jam sex annis nee fratemitas

habuerit episeopum, nee plebs praepositum, nee grex pastorem, nee Ecclesia

gubernatorem, nee Christus antistitem, nee Deus sacerdotem?"

3:247.22-29

A Bishop

.

.

.

Metropolitan:

On

ecclesiastical organization in this

period, see Karl Baus, in Jedin, History of the Church, 2:230-245, 789; and Pell,

"The

270" (Oxford D. 3:247.29-248.5. M

Phil. Thesis, 1971).

Wherefore Cyprian

Cypriano Episcopo. Improbatum ab dis:

George

Exercise of Authority in Early Christianity from about 170 to about

.

ecclesia.

.

.

another.

Concilium Carthaginensis sub

Sententiae episcoporum de haereticis baptizan-

"Superest, ut de hac ipsa re, quid singuli sentiamus, proferamus,

communionis aliquem, Neque enim quisquam nostrum Episeopum se

judicantes, aut a jure

958

si

diversum

esse

senserit,

Episcoporum

neminem

amoventes.

constituit, aut

Book

Chapter

VII,

16.2-16.8

tyrannicp terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit, quando habeat

omnis Episcopus pro licenda libertatis,

et potestatis suae arbitxium

proprium, tanquam

non possit, cum nee ipse possit alterum judicare"; Concilia (1585), 1:406-407; CSEL, 3.1:435-436; ANF, 5:565. Cyprian convened this Council in 256,

judicari ab alio

the

last

were

of five he convened firom 251 on, to deal with the question, whether heretics

to

be rebaptized on coming into communion with the orthodox. See 2:271.19The mutual respect among bishops advocated here went along with

272.24.n, above.

of bishops over other

a very substantial authority

W. H.

See

clergy.

Donatist Controversy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952), pp. 131-140, Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984), pp.

These

3:248.10-21.1/

tiam tuam

.

.

.

397-437.

Cyprian to Pope Stephen

account.

honore communi,

charissime, et pro

firater

C. Frend, The

and The Rise of

pro religionis tuae et

"Haec ad conscien-

I:

pro simplici dilectione

et

quae

pertulimus, credentes etiam

tibi

religiosa pariter et vera sunt.

Ceterum scimus quosdam quod semel imbiberint

deponere, nee propositum

suum

facile

fidei veritate placere,

et

nolle

mutare, sed salvo inter coUegas pacis, et

concordiae vinculo, qujiedam propria, quae apud se semel

qua in re nee nos vim cuiquam £ieimus aut legem damus;

sint usurpata, retinere.

cum

habeat in Ecclesiae

administratione voluntatis suae arbitrium liberum unusquisque praepositus, rationem actus sui

Domino

3.2:777-778,

redditurus"; Cyprian, epist. 2.1, Opera (1563), p. 33;

ACW,

FOTC,

47:53-54, and

51:267-268,

as epist. 72.

reporting the results of the council cited in the preceding resolving, the bitter controversy

between Carthage and

n

This

CSEL, letter,

culminates, without

Rome

over the validity of

baptism by heretics.

As

3:248.21-23.u/ 419, canon

NPNF.2,

and

is

for the Council ...

Theologorum aliquot

14:248.

On

the

.

.

.

.

which times

Graeci (1559), p. 63;

see VII.8.10.

Priests.

.

are

ill

when he

Cartwright: "what a confusion of

come

Jerome and Chrysostome/ that was before Cyprian/ matter wherein it stode you to

and backe agayne to Ignatius/

disposed of you/ and that in a

to have observed the order

suflSciently

of the tymes. But

as for Ignatius

place

it

is

answered before in that which was answered to Cyprian hys place/ for

sayth the byshop hath rule over all/ he

province/ then in

whereof he

is

all

meaneth no more

all

in the

the worlde/ but meaneth that floeke and congregation/

byshop or mynister.

priestes/ although the title

And when he

calleth

hym

prince of the

be to excessive and bigge/ condemned by Cyprian and

the councell of Carthage/ yet he meaneth

we

The Council of Carthage of 418CCSL, 149:101;

NiW? libri

thys/ to begin with Cyprian/ and then

after to the scripture/

upon

.

CouneU of Nicaea

that both Cyprian

3:249.5—8.x times

1;

no more the prince of all

in the diocese

meaneth the Prince of all the priestes in the w^orld: but those fellow mynisters and elders that had the rule and government of that particulare church and congregation/ whereof he was byshop" (1:113 [87]); as

take it/ or of the province/ then he

quoted and discussed in Whitgift, Defense, pp. 408-409; PS, 2:305-306; Cartwright, 2:500, 620-622.

959

Commentary 3:249.7—8

Ignatius

the bishop

.

.

Prince of Priests.

.

Smymaeans quoted above

letter to the

apx»ep^a;

called an

is

Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:224;

ANF,

In the passage interpolated in Ignatius's

at 3:4.i

Kai auT6<;

£\q jr\v

at

175.6— ll.y,

The

1:90.

Theodoret, ... Archpriests

3:249.11-12.7

and referred to again

Epistolae (1558), p. 87; Lightfoot, ed.,

Theodoret, Eales.

1.7: d(t)tKeTO

hist.,

viKaiav, iSeiv xe ri^v xdjv apx»epecov TiXqeov e<|»e^e-

xqv 6^6voiav auxoT<; TipoxaveCaai Tcoewv, Kal Tcapaxpfjpa n&vxa OKxcoKaiSeKa 6^ Kai xpiaK6aiaoviiXeov apxiepei?. (1544), fol. 284'; GCS, 44 (19):30; NPNF.2, 3:43, as

voq, icaJ

a<J)66vcog auxotc; xopiiY^i^^oti Ttpoaexa^ev.

oi

chap. 6, translating ocpxiEpEt? as "bishops."

Hieronymus

3:249. 2r

.

.

.

from Jerome,

Idem

20.

Jerome

.

H

Concilio.

.

says that 'the safety

priest,' that

199A

Epistolae (1578), p. .

"He

Episcopi.

depends on the dignity of the high

(PL, 23:165), see above at 3:180.17-

continues: "

'Summus

Sacerdos'

'aKpo<; lepevq' in the Council of Carthage."

as

of the church

of the bishop." For the passage

is,

He

then

the

is

same in examples

cites

of the phrases "summus sacerdos" and "summus pontifex" being applied to bishops in western

Vide

canon law.

.

.

38. dist.

.

In the

first

of these examples from

Gratian, Deaetum, 1.38.6, the substance of a bishop's high-priesthood

the

communicating of

divinely

things

transmitted:

sacerdotii nostri sunt eloquia divinitus tradita

Item

1:142.

hood of .

.

.");

.

.

.

The

q. 3.

.

said to

be

(1584), col. 189; Friedberg,

.";

second, Deaetum, 2.12.3.3, refers to the high-priest-

Christian pontiffi ("Pontifices, quibus in

(Lyons, 1584), col. 1017; Friedberg, 1:713.

passage, a forgery

summo Item

.

sacerdotio constitutis

.

.

dist. 5.

from the Pseudo-Isidorean corpus, Deaetum,

confirmation by a bishop be venerated it

.

is

enim summi

"Substantia

as a greater

The

third

3.5.3, suggests that

sacrament than baptism because

unum

a majoribus fit, idest, a summis quod a minoribus fieri non potest, ita et majori veneratione venerantenendum est"); (Lyons, 1584), col. 2037; Friedberg, 1:1413.

can only be done by high pontiffs ("sicut

pontificibus,

dum,

et

3:250.3-12 ents'

What should move

motives (pride masked

as

.

.

.

his.

An

echo of the

humility) with

which

H

analysis

of his oppon-

began Book VII

(1.3;

3:147.8-14).

Wherefore

3:250.25-27.(1

you, seing

all

lift

among them: wherefore Lord?" (The fit

y^

•

•

honor.

•

the Congregacion

details

then

lift

is

Num.

holy, everie

16:3:

"Ye

take to

muche upon

one of them, and the Lord

much power, and too much honor" are added by H to own treatise.) This protest against the superiority of Moses

"too

the divisions of his

and Aaron by Korah, Dathan, Abiram, and 250 of the princes of the assembly v/as severely punished by God,

who made

the earth

(Num. 16:23-35). The next day, however, the children of Israel, murmured against Moses and Aaron, saying that they had killed (v. 41).

See 3:4.1. t/.n, above.

960

Israelite

open and swallow

the chief oflfenders with their households and sent a flame to

Lord

is

ye your selves above the Congregacion of the

consume the still

rest

discontented,

the people of the

Book Behold we have

3:251.8-10

Chapter

VII,

.

.

H's formulation, but see Gen. 28:16 and 2

his.

.

16.8-18.0

Chron. 36:16.

Honor

3:251.13-16

no where

is

.

.

.

honored.

Ti^f[

KT\q b6^r]<;. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.5 (1361*); (1584), p. 20. a reputation for

on

a

.

.

ar|jieTov euepyyeri-

.

"An honor

the sign of

is

being a benefector." This functional conception of honor

as resting

presumption of benefits conferred stands in contrast with the idea that honor

goes with birth and lineage. See

of Honour, 1485—1642," in England (Cambridge:

The

H

^vhy,

all

within her

'lorde';

{b)

1

Pet. 3:6:

16-25 .

After

selfe, saying.

NEB: 'my

3:253.15—16

in lines

Sarah honored

3:252.15—16

Compare

men"

and the Concept in Early

Modem

supplies a rationale for the preceding

injunction (Lev. 19:32, d) fi-om Ecclus. 25:5—6

"Honor

Politics

and Culture: Studies

University Press, 1986), pp. 308-415.

The reason

3:251.30 and b,d,e

Mervyn James, "English

his Society, Politics

I

.

.

is

(c),

but the justification offered for

own.

his

him.

Gen. 18:12: "Therfore Sarah laughed

am waxed olde, and my

"As Sarra obeied Abraham, and

lord also, shal

called

1

have lust?"

him Syr [Kopiov; BB:

master']."

What good

.

.

Taking

Prelacy.

.

it

for granted that

God's favor

principal support of any society and that true religion publicly exercised

the

is

the

is

means of retaining God's favor, H devotes himself here to the contribution made by prelacy to "the good and long continuance of true Religion" (3:254.28). Chapter 18 both reiterates and supplements the case made for episcopacy as a "lawful" form of ecclesiastical government in chaps. 1—16, for at the most general level the beneficial character of episcopacy must be acknowledged on the basis of

principal

its

kinship, established in the earlier chapters, with the divinely appointed govern-

ment of Moses and Aaron church.

And

yet,

the church, they

OT

in the

and the apostolic regiment of the early

although these analogies prove

do not make

that prelacy

must be

manner how," and

clear "the

beneficial to

so at chap. 18.4

H

becomes more specific. In a manner recalling the opening of Book I, where he likened good laws, in their fundamental but superficially inapparent contribution to social w^ell-being, to the foundations of a stately house or the roots of a tree, he begins here by comparing the influence of chief governors with that of a helmsman or that of the heavens: they may appear to do litde or nothing, yet what they do is

more

of

beneficial than the efforts

all

lower agents combined.

He

also recurs

here to a highly characteristic distinction between oflSce and person. Laws for the exercise of religion are not enough.

enforce them.

The

desired, but the proper functioning

by the presence o( someone tion did not strike 7,

therefore,

instances

we

H

as

is

also

need

for institutions or oflSces to

of the church

in authority to

is

may

leave

much

to

be

immeasurably enhanced simply

watch over

it.

Even

this sort

of observa-

an adequate statement of the benefits of episcopacy. In §

he embarks on [may]

There

personal character of the office-holder

make

it

a yet

more

particular survey, "that

by

particular

even palpably manifest, what singular benefit and use

961

Commentary publique, the nature of Prelates

apt to yield."

is

The

exposition of six benefits of

prelacy in the following sections (compare V.l and 76) covers a considerable range

of social,

and psychological

political,

contribution to a debate

which had

and should have been a welcome

particulars

and intemperate

so often turned into abstract

wrangling about the purely juridical implications of a few, typically ambiguous, scriptural texts.

favour of God

3:253.20-23

Quis

3:253.1

senseless,

est tain

when he

.

.

.

God;

. . .

respons.

has gazed

up

Compare V.1-3 and

De

Cicero,

76.

"Who

haruspicum responsis:

is

so

to heaven, as not to perceive that there are gods,

or to think that those things done by so great a

mind that scarcely any art can track Or who, when he has understood

and connection are done by chance?

their order

that there are gods, does not understand that

it

is

by

their will that this great

empire has been bom, increased, and maintained?"; Opera (1588), 2:607; Loeb, Pro Attchia De haruspicum responsis, pp. 338—340. .

.

.

3:254.14— 18.J

Decere arbitramur

.

.

instituerimus:

.

"We judge

that

befits

it

imperial authority to admonish our subjects concerning religion. For so it

possible to gain the greater favor of

ourselves shall have subjects to the

been zealous

same thing";

God and

to please

him

critical editions

our savior Jesus Christ,

we

are able

and have

our

think if

set

we our

Justinian, Codex, 1.1.3; (1590), col. 3. This prefatory

statement to the edict isssued by Theodosius

included in

as

we

and Valentinian

II

III

in

448

is

not

of the Codex.

credimus. "We believe that our empire is susPer Sanctissimas by the most holy churches and the commonwealth is protected by the grace of the most merciful God"; Justinian, Codex, 1.3.43; (1590), col. 38; Krueger (1963), p. 28 as lex 42 (43).

3:254.19—21. fe

.

.

.

tained

3:254.21-24./

Certissime credimus,

.

.

.

"We

pratbent.

because of the purity and dignity of the

priests

believe most assuredly that

and their zeal towards the Lord

God and our savior Jesus Christ and the prayers perpetually offered by them, they much favor and increase to our commonwealth"; Justinian, Codex, 1.4.34;

bring

(1590), col. 59; Krueger (1963), pp. 47-48.

3:255.26

as

Qui

3:255. «

Mainz,

hath been proved. Sacerdotes

d. 856),

De

.

.

.

ca. 6.

In chap. 4.

Rabanus Maurus (abbot of Fulda, archbishop of ad Heistulphum libri tres, 1.6: "Those who

institutione clericorum

were called priests in the Old Testament are now termed presbyters, and he who was then first of priests is now called a bishop"; in De divinis catholicae ecdesiasticae officiis (1568), p. 315 (PL, 107:301). Rabanus is cited in V.38.3. 3:257.21-22.0

wel

[6i

the Apostles

KaX&q

specially they

own

verdict

In

1

Tim.

5:17:

"The

Elders that rule

7cpoeaTWTe(; Tipeapurepoi], are worthie of double honour,

which labour

in the

worde and

962

doctrine." This passage and those

Book p and

referred to in

VII,

bear

r

Chapter

18.1-19.2

H

than usual on the points

less directly

wishes to

establish.

That the highest

3:259.25-27

.

.

.

Not

disHnguishei.

found; perhaps H*s

own

paraphrase of his opponents' position.

Joshua had

3:259.34-35

.

.

.

Corduba;

Num.

For Joshua and Eliazer, see

27:21,

the charging of Joshua as Moses' successor. For Abiather as David's companion, adviser

he

and high

God

of the Lord wherein

my

Sam. 22:20-23, 23:6-13, 30:7-8; 2 Sam. 15:24-37;

priest, see 1

Solomon but was spared "because thou

conspired against

later

my

before David

&ther hathe bene

bishop of Cordova, acted

Council of Nicaea.

It

Kings 2:26).

afflicted" (1

as ecclesiastical adviser to

was apparently following

Arian controversy that the emperor

may have

barest the Arke and because thou hast sufi&ed in all,

£tther,

(256P-357),

on

the early suges of the

which Hosius

the council, over

presided.

3:260.33-34

Achitophtls equal,

trusted counselor, see

.

.

.

the

"malice"

his

Sam.

to Saul (2

opposing general, 2 Sam. 3:22-30), Absalom

Amasa

18:14—15), and

Ltt

my

Joab,

3:22), slew

(his

Lord Archbishop

.

.

.

(1

fortunate in the

Abner

(a

reconciled

former co-conspirator, 2 Sam.

(feigning to kiss him, 2 Sam. 20:9-10),

in his usurpation of David's throne

3:261.21-27.5

wisdom of Achitophel, David's is shown in his leading role in

Sam. 16:20-17:23).

his fether (2

war over David's succession

On

Joab

2 Sam. 16:23;

Absalom's revolt against

Adoniah

his report

summoned

Hosius

Constantine from 313 to the

Kings

Dignity.

and counseled

1:7).

Peter of Blois,

epist. 5,

Ad

Richardum Cantuariensem ardiiepiscapum: "Sciat inquit dominus archiepiscopus: quod si

filius

meus

electus/ aut aliquis episcopus terre vel comes: vel aliqua persona

Ulustris sue voluntati aut dispositioni contrarie

minus opus commisse

sibi

persecutorem et vindicem:

legationis

acsi in

coronam

([1519]), fol. 2" (PL, 207:15). Peter

of Henry a

II;

he wrote

this letter

presumpserit/ aut impedierit quo

adimpleat/ inveniet

meam

me

sui

contemptus

proditorie commisisset"; Opera

of Blois was archdeacon of Bath in the reign

from court

to Richard,

who

succeeded

Thomas

Becket in the primacy from 1174 to 1184.

hath been proved

3:262.14

as

3:262.30

their

Synods shall

In chap. 8.3 (3:254.28-255.16).

Cartwright, 1:187 [150]; Whitgift, Defense, pp.

serve.

678-679; PS, 3:263-264. 3:263.23-26.M

the people

this verse expresses the

basis in the

3:264.1

preceding

honor

3:265.25—26.1/

Sylvarum

libri

.

,

.

.

.

.

honorable:

Isa.

3:5

(m);

H's assertion that the end of

cause of the condition described in the

w.

Bishops.

Qui bona

first

cbuse has some

1—4.

Jide

Compare V.79 on .

.

.

Papinius.

quinque, bk. 5, pre£ice:

"Who 963

the maintenance due the clergy.

Publius Papinius Sutius (AD IC),

worships the gods in good

fiuth also

Commentary loves [their] priests"; Opera (1595), p. 100; Loeb, Statius, 1:266-267.

Roman

intended are the

Book

imperial house.

5 of these occasional

The gods poems is

dedicated to a secretary of state to the emperor Domitian.

Concerning

3:266.7-18.11/

title,

.

.

.

Num.

Great.

18:1-7;

Chron. 24:1-4,

1

dpXiepeig: "chief Priests" (GB, Matt. 26:59).

The

3:266.22—23

of Christ's prerogative Cartwright: "Againe/ it is upon him those tides which are proper to our

allegation

unlawfliU for any

man

to take

title of Archbyshop is only proper to our savioure Christe/ no man may take that unto hym. That it is proper to oure savioure Christe/ appeareth by that whych S. Peter sayeth [marg., 1. Epist. 5.4]/ where he

savioure Christ: but the therefore

calleth

him

archipoimena:

shepheard are

all

whych

And

one.

is

in the

archshepheard or archbishop/ for bishop and

Hebrues [marg., Heb. 13.20]/ where he

is

called

the great shepheard of the sheepe/ and in the Actes [marg., Acts. 3.15., Acts 5.31.]/

whych

and Hebrues [marg., Heb. 12.2]/ archleader of lyfe and of salvation/ are never found to be given unto any/ but unto our savioure Christe/

titles

and are proper

of hys mediation/ and therefore can not be wythout bolde

tides

presumption applied unto any mortall man" (1:82—83

[61]).

Quoted and

discussed

in Whitgift, Defense, pp. 300-301; PS, 2:81-84; see Cartwright, 2:408-409.

3:266.30

which

stoUen goods,

name of Archbishop/

Cartwright: "In the

signifieth a prince/

is

proper to the

civill

the

firste

parte

magistrate/ and can not without

For the greke robberie/ be translated from him unto Eccle[s]iasticall persons. worde signifinge a prince [marg., apx^M misprint for dpx6(;, a leader, chief, commander; or dpxcov, a ruler, capuin, chief?] / which name he [Whitgift] .

.

.

—

confesseth proper unto the

Archbishop/ which

is

civill

asmuche

sion off the magistrate,

as

magistrate: yt

muste folowe

that the

prince off bishopes/ breaketh

whereupon followeth

that that

name

is

upon

pulleth that

3:267.3

name unto

is

alledged against

.

.

.

it

chalengeth

againste the magistrate/ whylest yt

proper to him" (2:407-408).

apxiT^KTOV (GB: "master buylder"),

Archbuilder.

3:267.4-5

which

yt/

oflf

not onelie injuri-

ous/ and tyrannicall in respecte off the order off ministers/ while

princedome over them: but presumptuous

name

the posses-

Grace,

Cartwright,

1

Cor. 3:10.

2:405-407,

replying to

Whitgift {Defense, pp. 63-64; PS, 1:151-153) on Cartwright's argument from Luke 22:26. See 3:244.17-245.31.

3:267.7-8.x

Bishops

Eccles. hist., 5.8;

9,

.

.

(1544),

quoting a synodical

Rome;

.

most honorable. "Ti^io>TdTOi<;"; see Theodoret, 338'; GCS, 44 (19): 289 and NPNF.2, 3:137 as chap.

fol.

at

Defense, p.

448 (PS, 2:386).

3:267.8-12.)'

of the Council of Constantinople addressed to a synod by Cartwright, 1:125 [97], and discussed by Whitgift,

letter

of bishops

cited

Emperors

writing

...

pride.

"Your

Holiness,"

xfjv

afjv

dyicoafivqv, "tuam sanctiutem"; Justinian, Codex, 1.1.7, writing to Epiphanius,

964

Book

VII,

Chapter

of Constantinople; (1590),

patriarch

reference

col.

20.1-20.4 Krueger (1963),

6;

8.

p.

H's second

erroneous, for although the expressions "tuae sublimitatis," "tuae

is

amplitudinis," and "tuae magnitudinis" occur in the letter cited in v (L. 33.

addressee of the

23

.

.

43—45,

as /ex 31.

Krueger (1963),

Imperial LaMrs

3:267.15

.

.

privilegia et

.

"We

14. .

.

.

.

enjoy

shall legally

.

of bishops in preference to

.

.

.

all

all

.

.

.

hujus reUgio-

sancimus"; (1590),

privileges

and honors

col. 17;

this

most

Krueger religious

relating to the creation

Canons

others"; Scott, 12:26, as lex 15.

Ecclesi-

Fourth Council of Carthage, canon 35: "Ut episcopus in Ecclesia,

astical

esse cognoscat"; Concilia (1585), 1:760;

of presbyters,

in sessions

the bishop

let

sit

et in

domum vero, collegam se presbyte-

consessu presbyterorum, sublimior sedeat. Intra

rorum

Justinian, Codex,

honores omnes super episcoporum

decree that the Holy Church of

.

erroneous

also

p. 14; Scott, 12:25, as lex 15.

creationibus, et jure ante alios residendi

community

.

term mansuetudo

Justinian, Codex, 1.2.16: "Sacrosanctam

sissimae civitatis ecclesiam

(1963), p.

is

applies the

of majesty) to himself;

(mildness, but often used in the sense 1.2.16; (1590), col. 17;

H's third reference

Emperor Zeno

Eccles.), for here the

.

.

Codex, 1.3.33; (1590), cok. 32-33; Krueger (1963), pp. 22-

letter;

as 1.3.32 (33); Scott, 12:

(L. 16.

.

not applied to bishops but to the praetorian prefect, Eutropius, the

cler.), they are

CCSL,

149:347. "In the church and

higher. In the household, let

him know

himself to be the presbyters' colleague." 3:267.z

Mat. 23:6,7.

.

.

Admonition

Rabbi.

.

(in Whitgift,

Defense, p. 57; PS,

1:140); Whitgift, Answere (1572), pp. 15-16; Cartwright, 1:24 [12], agreeing with

Whitgift that such passages "be agaynst condition of

men" and

one "rather

to note the ambition

we

byshopprickes which

no

lawfull authoritie

of any

estate or

supposing that the authors of the Admonition quoted

of certayne/ which gape greedely

at

this

these

have/ to the ende they mighte be saluted by the name of

Lordes/ and honoures/ then to prove that one minister should not have dominion

over an other"; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 71-72; PS, 1:168-169.

An

3:267.23-26.a richness

everlasting

.

.

.

Ecclus. 45:7-13 details the beauty

honor.

of Aaron's high-priestly vestments, emphasizing

their significance as

and

marks

of holiness and ornaments of honor. 3:268.12

that mystical

of Ps. 45

as

XXXXIV; CCSL, 3:268.14

and

tokens

oflScers in

.

1

For the figurative interpretation of the royal bride gloss

and Augustine, Ennarationes

.

.

condition.

The

in Psalmos, In Ps.

elaborate catalogue of Solomon's princes

Kings 4 enumerates the twelve

vitaile for

(w. 7-19,

27).

King Salomon, and

Bishops,

refers to Philo, a

GB

38:493-517.

"provided

3:268.27-28

Queen,

the church, see

.

.

.

Ignatius

for

all

oflScers

that

came

who, by monthly turns, King Salomons table"

to

In his letter to the Philadelphians, Ignatius

deacon of Cilicia then serving him along with Rheus Agathapos,

965

Commentary who had

him from

followed

6^ an6 Zupiac; poi oiKoXouBeT,

Syria;

Epistolae

(1558), p. 77; Bihlmeyer, ed., Die apostolischen Vdter, p. 105; Grant, Ignatius of Antioch, p. 108.

"who have

fiSqaAv poi, Bihlmeyer,

them again in his letter to the Smymaeans as men word of God, as deacons of Christ [oi i.nT\KokoXdyov 6eoo d>q 5iaK6vou^ Xpiorou]"; (1558), p. 89;

He

refers to

me

followed eiq

for the

.

.

.

p. 109; Grant, p. 122.

Acolythes See, for example, Cyprian, epist. 36, to his clergy, concerning poor and of strangers: ". et peregrinis, si qui indigentes fUerint, ."; misi per Naricum Acoluthum aliam portionem sumptus suggeratis Opera (1593), p. 87; CSEL, 3.2:485, ACW, 43:67, and FOTC, 51:20, as epist. 7.

3:268.29

the care of the

.

.

Epist 49, to

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Pope Cornelius: "Et cum diligentia et cum dilectione fecisti, frater Nicephorum Acoluthum"; (1593), p. 108;

carissime, festinatio ad nos mittendo

CSEL, 3.2:616, ACW, 44:52, and FOTC, 51:127, as epist. 52. And epist. 55, also quas per Saturum fratrem nostrum Acoluthum to ComeUus: "Legi litteras tuas misisti"; (1593), p. 137; CSEL, 3.2:666, ACW, 46:68, and FOTC, 51:171, as epist. 59. The significance of these passages as evidence for an oflSce of acolyte in .

the early church

is

.

.

pointed out in Pamelius's annotations, included in the 1593

Geneva edn. of Cyprian. Eusebius, quoting

a letter

of Pope Cornelius

(d.

253),

among those making up the Roman GCS, 9.2:618; NPNF.2, 1:288.

includes forty-two acolytes (dKoA,ou6ou(;)

church;

Eccles. hist.,

3:268.32-33. fc

6.43; (1544),

as Justinian

70;

fol.

doth shew,

Justinian, Novellae, 6.2 (1590), col. 18;

Schoell-Kroll (1963), p. 40. In forbidding a bishop to travel outside his diocese for

more than should

a year

without an imperial order,

arise calling for

such

this

under him, by deputies, or by stewards ("per clericos, aut apocrisarios, aut

3:269.4-7

law points out that

can be attended to by

travel, it

eos, qui

clerics

if litigation

of lower rank

sub ipso sunt religiosos

oeconomos").

Some mens judgment

.

.

.

now:

Episcopal responsibility for the

education of clergy was one of Cranmer's concerns in the Reformatio legum ticarum, belatedly

(STC 6006) but never

published in 1571

officially

ecclesias-

adopted:

"Nonnulli Episcopi habent aliqua collegia scholasticorum defensioni atque suae commissa. Ideo necessarium

est,

ut ea

quam

diligentissime curent,

quoque ecclesia habet suorum ministrorum alterum seminarium"; (1571),

tutelae

nam fol.

ibi

51

;

"myght be good learning/

ed. Cardwell, p. 106. Cartwright pointedly suggested that cathedrals

turned into colledges/ where yong

and made

fitte

for the service

men myght be brought up in common wealthe/

of the church and

the universities

being not able to receyve that numbre of scholers/ wherwyth their neede

may be

supplyed"; 1:204 [163-164]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 743; PS, 3:393. Whitgift retorted that the cathedrals indeed were, "next to the Universities, chiefest mainteyners

godlinesse, religion

and learning"; Defense,

had defended episcopal

pomp and

446; PS, 2:78, 382-383), Whitgift

young men

in his

own

p.

of

744; PS, 3:394—395. Although he

palaces against Cartwright {Defense, pp. 298, as

archbishop was to mainuin a

household for vocational

966

training; see

number of

John Morgan, Godly

Book

Chapter

VII,

Puritan Attitudes towards Reason,

Learning:

(Cambridge: The Univenity

20.4-20.5

and Education,

Learning,

1560-1640

Press, 1986), p. 293.

"An other reason of thys which almost brought in all poyson and popishe corruption unto the church/ and that is a foolish emulation of Galerianus Maximinus the the maners and ^hions of the Idolatrous nations. Emperor [marg., Euseb. 8. cap. 15] to the end that he myght promote the Idolatry the vain imagination of tome,

3:269.1 l.c

pompe and

Cartwright:

of the byshoppes was/

statelynes

that

.

.

.

and superstition whereunto he was addicted/ chose of the choysest magistrates to be priestes/ and that they myght be in great estimation gave eche of them a trayne

And

of men to follow them.

would promote remembring that it is that

the christians and christian Emperours/ thinking that

promoted

the christian relygion that

the eyes of men [marg., Luke. 16.15] endevoured to ter

and match with those Idolatrous

inferior to

them

nandy pointed priests

superstition/

and not

God/ which is esteemed in make theyr byshops encoun-

often times abhomynable before

in wealth

priestes/

and

to cause that they should not

and outward pompe" (1:126

out, Eusebius's account

[98]).

be

As Whitgift indig-

of Maximinus's provisions for pagan high

does not suggest that attendants were granted to Christian bishops in

imitation of this practice (Defense, p. 451; PS, 2:392). Cartwright w^as later content to "leave to the readers

judgement" whether or not

was "amongest the causes

this

pompe into the churche" (2:659—660). See Eusebius, fol. 89"; GCS, 9.2:782; NPNF.2, 1:337. Maximinus (d.

off bringing in the bishops Ecdes.

hist.,

8.14; (1544),

313), a noted persecutor of Christians, tried to revive

and reform the paganism of

his subjects.

3:270.
L. 12.

.

.

.

Justinian, Codex, 1.2.12. This

Eccles.

Valentinian and Marcian,

AD

law of the emperors

451, confirms the privileges granted the churches by

previous emperors: "Privilegia, quae generalibus constitutionibus universis sacrosanctis ecclesiis

in

orthodoxae

perpetuam decemimus

12:18.

The

last

religionis retro principes praestiterunt, firma et illibata

custodiri"; (1590), col. 12;

section of the law^

makes

clear,

Krueger (1963),

however,

p. 13; Scott,

that such privileges

were

not granted solely "for honors sake," but also for the relief of the poor.

5

Eccles.

Codex, 1.2.5; (1590),

col. 11;

This law of Honorius and Theodosius, taxation

beyond what

AD

3:447.8-1 0.c for H's partial transcription.

assumption that

"Omnis

clerical

412, broadly exempts churches firom

I.

2.

C

cler.

Co
357, exempts clergy engaged in trade fi-om the taxes usual

—but

in such occupations

1.

p. 12; Scott, 12:16.

payable under canon law or required in emergencies. See

is

hw of Constantius, AD

Krueger (1963),

as in the first

income

v/Hl

law referred to in

this

note there

is

an

be devoted to the care of the poor and needy:

a clericis indebitae conventionis injuria, et iniquae exactionis repellatur

improbitas. nullaque conventio

sit

contra eos

munerum

sordidorum. et

cum

competentem vocantur, ab his universis quid enim vel parsimonia, vel provisione, vel

negotiatores ad aliquam praestationem istiusmodi strepitus conquiescat. Si mercatiira (honesuti

tamen

conscia) congresserint: id in

967

usum pauperum

atque

Commentary egentium ministrah oportet. conquiri potuerit et

at

quod ex eorundem

id,

ergasteriis vel

tabemis

collectum id religionis existiment lucrum"; (1590),

colligi,

col.

Krueger (1963), p. 19; Scott, 12:29. 1. 10 cler. Codex, 1.3.10. This law of Arcadius and Honorius, AD 398, provides that anyone guilty of the sacrilige of 23;

way

forcing his

into a church or injuring the priests or ministers, the service, or

the place itself shall be punished by the provincial authorities with a capital sentence.

declared praiseworthy for anyone to prosecute any atrocious injuries

It is

committed

against priests or ministers

Krueger (1963), 3:272.9— 10.

p. 19; Scott,

IVitt

.

.

"Vis deos propitiare? Bonus

followers.

.

and 305.6. esto.

Satis illos

Opera (1585), p. 167; Loeb,

quisquis imitatus est"; Seneca, epist. 95;

coluit,

"Treasuries" (Mai. 3:10)

as

AV and RSV agree with GB in giving "storehouse." H

NEB. Both

refers to the passage again at 3:302.8

3:272.18— 19. fe

as public crimes; (1590), col. 25;

H's rendering of isisn

his Treasuries,

«

anticipates the

of religion

12:32-33.

Epistulae morales, 3:90-91.

Our

3:272.28—29

"Our God

be:

the

3:273.18—20.

.

.

will

.

The

others.

Law

is,

.

.

.

Hen.

VIII, cap.

common

1;

H

found.

STC

.

.

may be confounding

of gold without the king's license

W.V.S. [1587;

law provision

Not

King:

statutes limiting the exportation

may

seems confused. The intended sense

text

be glorified of [= by] us both for himself and for others

(for

.

."

the

example, 3

1:483; S.R. 3:23) with the

9305.3],

of money or other metal

that treasure-trove (ancient store

been forgotten) belongs to the king. Bracton notes that such treasure used belong to the finder by the law of nature but now belongs to the king by jus

that has

to

gentium (De

Woodbine-Thome, 2:338—339).

legibus, ed.

3:273.23-26./

If ye offer

.

.

.

the Lord's voice) requires

The

Hosts.

"you say"

sarcasm of Malachi's rebuke (speaking in

be understood

to

after "evil"

and "enough"

(line 24).

3:273.31-32 3:274.6

their

Corban = "Deodate"),

their

(hence firee

what God was owner .

.

•

goods are

Deodate

.

Law:

Corban,

that

is.

Compare V.79.5—8.

"Qorban," Aramaic

commandment

set aside for

God,

possession of the "gift" in question father or mother,

.

occurs only once in the

themselves from the

own

.

to

honor

7:11;

for "gift" offered to

in Jesus's reproof of those their parents

a legal fiction

(Mark

By

NT,

is

that

allowing a person to retain

GB: "But ye

the gift that

by declaring

God who

offered

say, If a

man

say to

by me, thou maist have

The term has been a difficult one, however; see J. B.C., pp. 36—37 of the commentary on Mark. H may have supposed it to be a way of profit, he shalbefree").

money offered to God at Widows Deodate" would

Temple

in Jerusalem. His

referring to a receptacle for

the

reference to the "blessed

then be to the widow's two

mites cast into the treasury at Luke 21:2.

968

Book 3:274.1 5-1 8.rt

albeit

beginning of

this

.

Chapter

VII,

The

Nature,

. .

22.1-22.7

reference to Ps. 50:13-14

sentence. For "Honor

God

with

bean on the

(Prov. 3:9), see

thy ridtes"

3:272.11-16.

3:274.23-25 countreis

Tht Kings GB explains: "Of Cilicia and of gifts beyond the sea, which he meaneth by the yles." .

.

,

H's uncharacteristically tenuous use ofJohn 15:16 here

the best vtrorks

3:275.10.5

when

persuasive

is still less

the verse

is

read with those immediately foUowing;

verse 19, for example, opposes a propertied church: "If ye

worlde wolde love

were of the worlde, the

owne: but because ye are not of the worlde, but chosen you out of the worlde, therefore the worlde hateth you." his

the said Donations

3:275.16

chap. 15:

I

have

See V.79.14.

Our Lord himself

3:275.21—27. (

other

all

.

wealth.

et

ipsum

.

.

"Cum autem videmus

Augustine,

Dominum

De Mendado ad

habuisse loculos,

Consentium,

quo ea quae

dabantur, mittebantur, ut servari possent ad usus pro tempore necessaries: et ipsos

Apostolos procurasse multa fratrum indigentiae [CSEL: indulgentiae],

non solum in

crastinum, sed etiam in prolixius tempus impendentis &mis, sicut in actibus

Apostolonun legimus,

elucet

satis

ilia

praecepta [that

is,

34 to put away anxious thoughts about food, drink, intelligenda, ut nihil operis nostri egestatis

tanquam ex

,

.

them.

.

"Futuram ecclesiam

praevidebant: idcirco praedia in Judaea

modo

and the morro\v]

ad fovendos egentes."

A

4C pope

Gratian to the early

sic

temporalium adipiscendorum amore vel timore

necessitate faciamus"; Opera (1569), 4:22;

The Apostles

3:276.1—5. M

the precepts in Matt. 6:25—

clothes,

minime

CSEL, 41:448—449.

in gentibus Apostoli

sunt adepti, sed pretia tantum

Pseudo-Isidorean forgery,

this text is ascribed

Melchiades; Decretum, 2.12.1.15; (1584),

col.

by

972;

Friedberg, 1:682.

3:276.7—10

Wherefore ...

better.

The

chapter in Gratian following the one just

cited, also a forgery, gives a rationale for the

giving land to the church began the religious

life

when

it

change

was seen

H

refers to.

that the needs

The custom of of those leading

could be better and more permanendy provided for in

this

way

than by giving the price of the land; Decretum, 2.12.1.16; (Lyons, 1584), coL 973; Friedberg, 1:682: "Videntes autem

rehqui

ecclesiis,

si

sacerdotes, et

alii,

hereditates, et agros,

atque levitae, et

quos vendebant,

quibus praesidebant, episcopi traderent; eo quod ex sumptibus eorum, tam

praesentibus,

fidehbus

summi

posse conferre,

fideles, plus, utilitatis

quam

temporibus plura,

futuris

communem

vitam ducentibus,

et

elegantiora ministrare possent

quam ex

pretio

ipsorum:

coeperunt

praedia, et agros, quos vendere solebant, matricibus ecclesiis tradere, et ex sumpti-

eorum vivere." The sense requires

bus

3:276.22-28.y

deletion of the semi-colon after "inheritances" (line 9).

error. Thomas Netter of Walden (see 3:208. 17.A.n, commending Constantine for richly endowing the church, condemning such endowments on the ground that it cannot be

If Wickliff .

.

.

above), after himself

quotes Wyclif

as

969

Commentary shown

that the

them: "

'in

emperor and other

humana

nullo valet

lords

had a

for

making

domino

capitali:

from Christ

license

concessio nisi praehabita licentia a

cum

ergo non possunt docere quod ad hoc domini habeant licentiam a Christo,

patet

quod

quam humana,

tarn a lege divina

Dodrinale antiquitatum ftdei

est ista dotatio stulta et haeretica' ";

4.39 (1571), 1:560-561, quoting

Catholicae,

ecclesiae

Wyclif s Dialogus (or Speculum ecclesiae militantis). The work was first published in 1886 (Johannis Wydiffe, dialogus sive speculum ecdesie militantis, ed. Alfred W. Pollard), hence H's difficulty in finding the passage in WycliTs writings. The quoted passage is cited by Netter as from chap. 14 of the work. It occurs in chap. 9 of Pollard's edition (p. 18). A stronger passage given by Netter just previously as from chap. 9 is not to be found in Pollard's edition. Although the strong condem-

endowment of the church quoted above was not available Wyclif s published works, H was presumably aware of Wyclif s attempts the English crown and nobility in his crusade against the endowments of

nation of early imperial to

him

in

to enlist

At chap. 24.25 (3:310.15—311.2)

the medieval church.

H

manages some measure

of acceptance of 16C implementation of Wyclif s program, but concluding chapters of Vll

clearly to stop

is

T& T^ ©eq> ou^iEpoS^VTO,

3:277.18

Mace. 13:13: T^ 6eq>

a(})iep(&acofiev e^

("Let us sacrifice with

aim

in the

Not NT or Septuagint in this form. 4 oXq^ xdq Kap6ia<; t^) 66vti tok; y^vxctq

our heart our souls to

all

his

it.

God who

gave them"); The

Old Testament and Apocrypha (1972). The passage is at 4:554—55 of Nicolaus Brylingerus's Biblia Graeca et Latina (1550), in w^hich 4 Mace, Septuagint

is

Version of the

printed as "Josephus de Maccabaeis." See 2:259^n. as Tertullian speaketh,

3:277.19

Christianis,

.

.

Christians are not spent

on

feasts,

drinking bouts, and eating houses, but are,

were, piety's deposit fiind ("quasi deposita not,

however, included in

offered funds are put

and the

his

pietatis").

as it

endowments are which these freely

Episcopal

enumeration of the pious uses to

by the Christian community: support of the poor, orphans,

elderly, relief

Opera (1566), 2:693;

3:277.21-23

In Apologeticus adversus Gentes pro

pietatis.

.

chap. 39, Tertullian emphasizes against the pagans that the oflferings of

of those imprisoned or exiled for

CCSL,

Touching

...

ANF,

1:151;

them.

fidelity to

God's church;

3:46.

Justinian, Institutiones, 2.1.7: "Nullius

quod enim

sunt res sacrae, et religiosae, et sanctae.

autem

divini juris est, id nullius in

bonis est"; (1590), col. 17; Krueger (1963), p. 10. "Moreover, things which are sacred, religious,

law

is

3:278.7

3:278. 8.C

to

the Lords heave-ofTering,

"contribution,"

of the

and holy, belong

no one,

not the property of any person"

tithes

NEB. The

Of spoils

which

See

Num.

taken in War, it

is

subject to Divine

18:28 and 26; so

Levites' "heave-offering" to

they received from the

that the actions described in

for that

(Scott, 2:34).

rest

of the

Num.

970

GB

and KJ;

to be a tenth

Israelites (v. 26).

31:48-54.

were customary.

Aaron was

The

passage does not suggest

Book To him

3:278.24-26/

therefore

3:279.2.h

.

.

. .

Chapter

VII,

thereof.

.

H's gloss on 2 Cor. 8:5, cited inf.

dispensers.

.

22.7-23.6

Again, the inference

is

H's.

fVe appoint . . proportion. (1) Apostolic Canons, 41: IIpoaT&aopev xdv eTiiaKOTiov e^ooaiav Ixe*v twv rfif; CKKXqaiac; Tcpocy^&Twv. ei yap T&<; Tipia<; xwv avQp&noiv \|^uxaq aox^ TtiareoT^ov, noXX(^ av btoi fidXXov Ttepi Twv xPHP&Ttov ivriXXtaQai, wore Kara tt^v auToC e^ouaiav Tt&vra

3:279.4—13.1

.

6ioiKeTa6ai

6ia tv, Kai

6eopfevoi<;

toT(;

CTtixopfiYEiaeai pera ()>6pou eeoO, Kai TiAaq? euX-apeiat;. pExaXafipAveiv

aoTwv twv 6e6vTa)v (eiyc SdoiTo) eig t&^ avcxyKaia^ aoToO xP^icc^ Kai Twv eiti^evou^^vov d5eX4>a>v, aq Kara iix]btvaTp6nov auToC(; ooTepqa-

6^ Kai

6ai. Theologorum aliquot

.

.

that

Graed (1559), pp. 4—5; Lauchert (1896), pp. 6-7; proportion." (lines 9-14) should be in italics.

.

.

.

Council of Antioch, canon 25: "Let the bishop have pow^er over the funds

(2)

of the church, so

who

libri

.

NPNF.2, 14:596-597. "So as to

NPNF.2,

need";

dispense

them with

all

God

piety and in the fear of

to

all

Both canons allow own necessary uses and for hospitality

14:121; (1559), p. 30; Lauchert, p. 50.

the bishop to take Avhat he requires for his to others.

3:279.24—25

and

(as at

Henriciani

and

traditional Christian beliefe St.

.

. .

FoUowers of Henry of Lausanne

Petrobusianit

12C

chap. 13.4; 3:216.31) of Peter of Bruys, early

and

institutions,

radical

opponents of

considered heretical by such figures as

Bernard and Peter the Venerable. See Hans Wolter, in Jedin, History of the Gordon Leff, Heresy in the Later Middle Ages (Manchester:

Churdt, 4:98; and

Manchester University

Press, 1967), 1:35.

they who sometime w^andred

3:279.27—28. fe

tion of those in earlier times

who

lived

by

Heb.

1 1

faith in the

enumera-

:38 concludes an

promise

fulfilled

by God

in

Christ.

David

3:280.18-19

.

.

.

God.

2 Sam. 7:2. But through Nathan the prophet

forbade David to build a temple for the Tabernacle;

following David's instructions,

3:280.29-30.m,n

this

was

left

for

God

Solomon,

Chron. 28.

as at 1

Com, Wine, Oyl, Num. 18:12. other commodities Num. m and n should read "Vers." for "Num." (see o, p, r-u).

18:13; the texts of

3:283. 19.C

So even

SO The

emphasis

is

ministry to material support firom those

3:284.^

Vide

2.2. q. 77. art.l.

H's, but

who

1

Cor. 9

stresses the right

of the

are ministered unto.

Aquinas based the Christian obligation to

tithe

pardy on natural law, pardy on the authority of the church ("partim quidem ex jure naturali, partim etiam in institutione Ecclesiae"). to 2 Cor. 3:8

and

also to Matt. 5:20,

where Christ

He

referred, as

H

does here,

requires his followers to exceed

the scribes and pharisees in righteousness, and argued that "according to a certain

humanity" the people of the

New Law

971

should offer the ministers of the

NT

no

Commentary

OT

than the people of the

less

tem

ut scUicet

("Determinatio decimae

tempore novae Legis

autoritate Ecclesiae,

non minus populus novae

quam populos veteris Testamenti

instituta

He

allowed, however, that, dependset.

S.T., 2a2ae.87 [not

39:142-143.

77]. 1; (1581), 3:292; B,

At

worthy the hire

9:9, Matt. 10:10,

est

Legis ministris novi Testamenti exhiberet,

exhibebat").

ing on circumstances, another level of giving could be

3:284.25./i

partis solvendae,

secundum quandam humanita-

and Luke

Tim. 5:18

1

GB

cross-references Deut. 25:4,

1

Cor.

10:7.

Dispens. Prosp. c. 12. The De vita contemplativa ofJuUanus Pomerius (who taught grammar and rhetoric at Aries around the end of 5C) was ascribed from the 8C to the 17C to Prosper of Aquitaine. The author refers to "the priest

3:285. fe

to

.

whom

.

.

commissa

Opera (1577),

Aquitaine, .

.

committed" ("sacerdos cui

the responsibility for dispensing has been

dispensationis cura

14.

.

eccles.

Anthemius,

fol.

as

93";

Codex,

Justinian,

AD

est")

a

"dispensator"; 2.11—12, in Prosper of

ACW,

PL, 59:455; 1.2.14;

this

Oecon.

A-Jiy-ll.

1.

law of the Emperors Leo and

470, prohibits the alienation of immovable church property and

under which it may be leased; there is frequent reference "oeconomus" or steward as a party responsible for observing the various provisions of the law, as a person, for example, who would negotiate leases and be specifies the conditions

to the

a legal party to

12:19-21.

them; (1590),

13-16; Krueger (1963), pp. 13-14; Scott,

cols.

Novel. 7 in princip.

et

Justinian,

rehearsing provisions of earlier legislation that are a

7,

preface,

remain in force,

refers to

Nouellae,

still

to

constit.

law prohibiting the archbishop of Constantinople or the steward from alienating

any of the immovable property belonging to the principal church of the city; the purchaser of such goods is liable to restore to the steward having charge of the property of the church ("oeconomo rerum sanctissimae ecclesiae") whatever he has

who

purchased; the steward

any

which he

profits

has failed in the discharge of his duty

has received

indemnify the church for

losses

from what belonged

may have

it

to

is

pay over

to the church, or to

sustained; (1590), col. 21; Schoell-

Kroll (1963), p. 49; Scott, 16:40.

3:285.27-286.5 2.16: "ut

Prosper

uno

.

.

unto God.

.

omnium

solicitudines

Julianus Pomerius,

in sua societate

De

vita contemplativa,

viventium sustinente, omnes,

qui sub eo sunt, fructuosa vacatione potiantur spiritualiter et quiete

hoc Deo qui res

serviunt: quia

Deo

intentione

consecratas

non

59:459, 461;

3:286.10-13. m

si

Dei sunt ea quae conferuntur

non

same

table

.

.

for

tions

with the presbyters and

who

will

sit

with us

of Aquitaine, Opera (1577),

4:82 and 84-85; see

honor of the presbyterate

when

.

.

.

etiam in

Dei opus

agit,

alicuius cupiditatis, sed fidelissimae dispensationis

deserit"; in Prosper

ACW,

ecclesiae,

.fratres.

n

may

95", 96';

PL,

"Know

them, that they

that we have already planned the may be honored in the same collec-

share in the

they are

fols.

preceding.

monthly

divisions in fair amounts,

more advanced and confirmed

972

in their age";

Book Cyprian,

AGW, Ad

see epist. 1.9,

CSEL,

2.9, in

derum

Paulinus,

Paulinus of Nola

derum

23.7-23.11

FOTC,

51:102,

43:52, and

FOTC,

Cyprian,

Hilary,

51:4 as

Prosper of Aquitaine's Opera (1577),

Pontius the Deacon's

life

of Cyprian

the relief of the poor, but

.this is

Opera (1563), p. 27;

Victore;

epist. 1.

Pomerius

Julianus

431) and Hilary of Aries

(d.

On sportulantes Jratres

as epist. 39.

plebem Fumitanorum, de

et

fol.

such

praises

499) in his De 92" (PL, 59:453;

ACW,

of his having distributed

tells

connected with

CSEL,

Such partition

3:287.15-19

5C by Pope

of the

FOTC,

3.3:xcii;

.

Gelasius

.

ANF,

15:7;

4:72-73).

means

his

of Scripture

his reading

"Quatuor autem de

in epist. 9:

fol.

*4'

at the

end

quam de dudum rationa-

reditu

oblatione fidelium, prout cujuslibet ecclesiae facultas admittit, sicut biliter est

decretum, convenit

pauperum

clericorum, its

fieri

portiones.

Quarum

sit

una

Capitulana regum Francorum (1883-1897;

Condlia (1585), 3:835; Keble, 3:298-299, n. 12, p. 107;

Honour Due,

Men

3:288.7—13.0

"Sed

ii,

.

quorum

.

.

2nd edn. 4.

Compare

cum Deum

nosse

augendis opibus, et honori studentes, atfectabant

19:395;

cum

Cartwright

Legum

cites: (1)

Graed (1559),

De

honore, chap.

maximum

ante praeponi";

ipsi

libri

4.30:

vii,

et colere simularent;

sacerdotium; et a

quam

(1570), p.

eos ferre

256 (CSEL,

In 1:124 [82] (Whitgift, Works, PS, 2:381-383),

Council of Antioch, canon 25; Theologorum

NPNF.2,

p. 30; Lauchert, p. 50;

aliquot

.

.

requires

to submit to investigation

to his private uses; (2) Fourth Council

1:759;

not

CCSL,

149:345: "14.

far firom the

by provincial synod

mensam

ac victum pauperem) his life";

(3)

Condlia (1585), 3:682; Monumenta Germaniae 2.1:287: "It

ments

is

if

he applies the funds

of Carthage, canons 14—15; Condlia (1585),

The bishop should have

and the merits of

feith

own

his little

lodging (hospitiolum)

church. 15. .The bishop should have cheap fiimishings and a poor

table {vilem supelledilem, et

rank by

libri

canon enjoins him to be content with food and raiment and

this

him

.

14:121: while giving the bishop

control of xrhurch fimds and permission to take what he requires for his necessities,

sectio

7:133).

those ancient Canons

3:288.16

se,

sufeagatoribus suis maluerunt,

quibus concupierant

ANF,

Saravia,

Lactantius, Divinarum institutionum

lubrica,

fiiit

potioribus victi, secedere praepositos,

historica,

1960), 1:228, 2:178-179;

p. 146.

govern.

fides

pontificis, altera

quarta ecclesiae fabricis applicanda"; PL, 59:56. For

tertia,

adoption in the Frankish church, see Monumenta Germaniae

2,

for

as a

5:268.

This division was prescribed

relief.

.

I

of

acts

vita contemplativa,

(d.

convert, not his assumption of the episcopate; Cyprian, Opera (1593), (=714");

CSEL,

plebum de Celerino; Opera (1563), p. 97;

et

44:57, and

ACW,

3.2:466,

3:287.3. n

Ad

epist. 4.5,

3.2:584-585,

Chapter

VII,

and seek the authority of his

Third Synod of Tours, canon historica,

necessary that a bishop not incline too

[profusis conviuiis]

Legum

much

sectio

3;

to lavish entertain-

but be content with a sparing and moderate diet

moderate dbo]."

973

5;

Condlia,

[parco et

Commentary Thus

3:289.4-8

STC

against

world.

. .

.

An Humble

See, for example,

Motion (1590;

7754), p. 108: "As touching the Lord Bishops and great clergy men,

have soe laden themselves with thicke in the pulpit

of God: doe they not

him who hath chosen them the aSairs of this

and

life,

to

know

bee

that they

that

it is

his souldiars,

which

much adoe to get up duty, that they may please

have

claye, that they

their

not to intangle themselves with

ought for the peace and wealth of the church,

Lord and Maister Christ Jesus and to have his minde in them, who being God, made him selfe of no reputation, and tooke uppon him the forme of a servant, and w^as made like unto men, and was found in example of

to followe the

shape

as a

their

man, and humbled himselfe and became obedient unto death, even the

death of the crosse, and he being rich became poore, that

might be made

then

rich:

is it

them

a smal matter for

wee through

his

poverty

to leave their thousands,

and

bee content with their hundrethes." 3:289.22—23

Julian

.

.

"Blessed are the poor."

Beati pauperes,

.

emperor Julian the Aposute (332-363)

The Roman

ironically justified his expropriation

of the

funds and property of the Arian church of Edessa in northern Mesopotamia effort to aid the Christians in attaining the

own

admirable law. Epist. 40, Ecebolo:

v6pou

ICOT&TOU

kingdom of heaven,

ouKoOv

e7cei6f\

in the spirit

duTOi(; U7i6 ToC

an

as

of their

Gaupaa-

TtpoeipriTai [supplied firom Luke 12:33 in Loeb: TCCoXqaai

xa

UTC&pxovra Kai 6o0vai titcoxoi?] »v' zxc, Tfjv paaiA,eiav twv oupav«av euoS&xepov TiopeoOwai, npd(; tooto auvaycovi^dpevoK; xoiq avOpcfiTioig, auTwv Ttt xpiipaTa jf\c, ESeaarivcav EKKA-qaiag aTcavra eKeXeoaafiev avaXT](})6iivai, SoBqadpeva toi^ axpaxK&TaK;, Kai xa Kxf^paxa xoxc, iipexfepoic;

127.

TCpoaxeefjvai TtpiP&xoi^. Opera (1583),

Compare

Saravia,

De

p.

308; hoch, Julian, 3:126-

honore, chap. 5 (1590), p. 90;

Honor Due: "But

is

not

Atheisme of Julian the recreant, and the onely Saracisme of the enemies of Christian religion, ^vhen they have robbed and rifled the Churches of their wealth and dignities to insult over the poore Ministers, and to say, they ought

this the verie

to

be poore

3:289.29-31.^

drawn 3:291.7

after the let

us he

example of Christ and .

.

.

rule.

his

Aposdes"; (1591), p. 122.

Phil. 3:16-17; Christ's role as Paul's

that

which God

is

The replacement of episcopacy by some

... avert.

other form of governance in the English church; or

(as

the following story sug-

abandonment of the church by those of great integrity of life, and zeal towards God" (lines 12-13). Given the context, H may be gests)

if uncharacteristically,

3:291.7-8

example

fi-om earUer verses.

Of Bishops

3:291.9-24.5

account of

of faith

deliberately,

ambiguous. .

.

.Jerome complaineth

Epiphanius likewise

4C

"fiill

Church.

anti-establishment zeal,

Epiphanius: Contra odoginta

haereses,

H

See chap. 6.10 (3:179.17-25). In this remarkably sympathetic

closely follows the cited passage fi-om

Kaxa xf|v eauxou Kaxa Seov ^n^oo Kai Ttioxeco^,

Heresy 70: 6ia<(>avrig xi^

7taxpi6a, 6ia x6 aKpai(t)v^ xoO ptou Kai

974

Book 6<;

noXX&Kiq

VII,

Chapter 23.11-24.4

ra cv Tai<; cicKXTiaiai<; yevd^eva, ei<; 7cp6aco7tov Kai TipeaPux^pcov, eXeyicriKd^ avreriGei TOiq toioutok;

dt&pitvoc;

eniQKdTCCDv ri

6(j>eiAxi Tauxa ovtox; TcpAireuno xwv (t)iXaXii6co(; eAxoeepoOTopouvTOJv dv6pd)v, twv p&Xiara xov pjov dKpdTaxa pioovxwv. 6id Toiaora 6pe^Yyrro. Kai ei ^pa xivd ev xpuq Kai aTiax&Xq, f\ xivd Tiapaxap&xxovxa xa iv xq» eKKXi^aiaoxiKq) Kqpuypaxi Kai Oeap^ Tf\q CKKA-qaiag, ^l\ £pcDv 6 dvf^p, Ttpoep&XXexo, dx; 2«j)iiv, xdv X6yov. Kai fjv xoOxou xoTq pt^ xdv piov 5e5oKipaap^vov Ixouaiv e7iax6^. uppi^exo 6^ SveKev xooxoo,

ou

Xlytov,

TaOra outox; ycv^aeai, ouk

XP'I

aOai. 6(; a.vf\p dXrtBeucov, Kai onoTa

(t)iA,ei

Kai dvxeAiyexo, epiaetxo, 24)€pe KXuScovi^ofievoc; xe Kai d)6ou/ievo^, Kai dxifia^6jievoq, Scoq xP^^o" iKavoO ev xaT<; eKKXr|aiaiq auvayo^evoc;, eco^ kveYKavxiq xive^ e^eoOai xov dv6pa 6id xi]v xoia6xT]v ook rjveixexo, dXA.' epid^exo ^dXXov dXrjeeiav pev Xeyeiv, dvaxojpelv 6fe xou auvSdajiou Tf\q ^i&q evcbaeox; Tf\q ocyiaq KadoXiKT\q

6xe beiv&q

aixiav. 6 61 fif|

^KKXnaiag. dx; 6^ exunxexo aoxdq xe Kai oi d^a avTC^ nokX&Kiq, xd 6eivd enaaxe papuoxovrjaa^, aupPouXov Xa^pdvei eaoxou xfiv dvdyKr|v xwv

xe

uPpfecDv.

eauxovydp

d<|)opi^ei Tx\q eKKXqaiac;, tcoXXoi xe

^ouai, Kai ouxox; xi\v 5iaipeaiv eipydaaxo, ou

dpa

xi ^x^"^

aux(^

d(t)iivid-

7iapnA.Xay^evov

dXV opOoxaxa piv rcioxeucov auxoq xe Kai oi dpa aoxQ), ei Kai XP^ Td jidXiora Aiyeiv ev piKpa> xivi auxov (|)iA,ovei^ax; i^peaQai xe Kai xod<; dpa av)X<^. (1544), p. 346; GCS, 37:233; PG, 42:340.

TX]q nioxeto^,

3:292.7-8. <

SiniU

saying, stripped fol.

.

.

.

dolts

"Suffer (me)

[sine

me

in Virgil] to utter this hard

Virgil, Aeneid, 12.25-26; Universum

of all disguise";

poema (1562),

351"; Loeb, 2:300.

just occasion ... corrupt

3:292.15

On the debts to patrons and the queen

men.

incurred in the pursuit and maintenance of bishoprics, see Felicity Heal,

and

Princes (1980), pp.

3:292.20.M

Roman

elections

modum

ofDamasus

historian, reports that

burned with

a

Of Prelates

210-215, 252-256.

superhuman

Ammianus Marcellinus (330?-395),

the

Damasus (pope from 360) and Ursinus

desire

of seizing the bishopric ("supra

last

great

(his rival)

humanum

ad rapiendam episcopalem sedem ardentes") and that the conflicts of their

partisans left

137 dead on

a single day.

Ammiani

Marcellini rerum

.

.

.

gestarum

historia,

27.2; (1591), p. 407; Loeb, 3:18-19. 3:292.21.1'

Maximus

of Constantinople, in opposition to the

to obtain the patriarchate

father

Gregory Nazianzen, are described

with

his

pp. 8-9;

The machinations of one Maximus

in Gregories time.

Cynic

in the life

of Gregory

975

the

church

traditionally printed

works. rQTjyogiov xov NaCiav^rjvov rov deoXoyov

PG, 35:279-286.

4C

anavxa

(1550),

Commentary Our

3:292.22-24.0/

his deserts,

and

what place

will

it is

for each

and

altars,

he can pay;

indeed,

for,

the holy temples of

wherever they may go, they lives.

archbishop

the sin of Balshazar, silver

at a great

drank firom them. At

this,

miraculously written

on

which

crime be banished firom our holy

will purify everything

[antistes] is

ordained not with

Scott, 12:42, as lex 29; (1590), col. 31;

of gold and

for

gold creeps into our sacred

our times, chaste and humble bishops are selected, so

own

Nebuchadnezzar

if

security will avail, if the holiness

this disgraceful

let

that,

vessels

how much

corrupted? Let the profane ardor of avarice cease to

is

sanctuaries. Therefore, in

3:293.4—5

law of

purchase any office in

one must be estimated according to

if the thirst for

what precaution or

finally,

An

shall

by the use of money? What protection can we provide

should be incorruptible threaten our

Justinian, Codex, 1.3.31: a

"No one

not sufficient to calculate

or what defence for the Faith,

And,

places?

prevent.

be secure, and what excuse will be vaHd,

are obtained

integrity,

—

by the use of money,

the priesthood

God

greatest fear

Leo and Anthemius, AD 469.

the emperors

Krueger (1963),

with the morality of their

money but p.

22

as

\vith prayers";

1.3.30 (31).

Belshazzar, king of the Chaldaeans, used the

brought firom the temple

at

Jerusalem by

his father

banquet, where his nobles, concubines, and courtesans

the mysterious words, "mene, mene, the wall,

which

tekel,

upharsin,"

were

the prophet Daniel interpreted as an-

nouncing God's condemnation of the king and the imminent end of his kingdom. That night Belshazzar Dan.

xoXXoo

3:293.22-23

celebrated dialogue the

w^as slain

and Darius the Mede took over the kingdom. See

5.

.

.

on

of the work

editio princeps

This succinct summary of Chrysostom's

ixiOKOxeiv;

.

the priesthood at

is

the

title

Basel in 1525.

under which Erasmus published

A

Latin translation

Brixius was published the next year at Paris: multae quidem episcopum agere. Greek text, ed. trans.

NPNF,

3:293.28—29

dignitatis,

A. Nairn, TIsQi iegcoavvrjg {De

J.

difficile sit

1.9:25-83.

to govern

skill

also) in divinity.

degrees

sed

sacerdotio) (1906);

The

of the seventy-six bishops

great majority

consecrated under EUzabeth had taken their university degrees in

and Thomas

by Germanus

Nicholas Bullingham of Lincoln,

Young of

St.

York were

David's and

arts

or (usually

Thomas Davies of St.

Asaph's,

exceptional in having law

pNB).

3:294.33-295.4

careless ordaining

.

.

.

Quare impedit

Compare John Bridges,

A

Defense of the Govemement Established (1587), responding to the charge of "nurseries

of ignorance" and "ignorant Pastors": "Which neverthelesse upon,

as

Adam

did

acknowledge any

on

default

Eve, to poste

herein

we

carefull in this long time, that they

learned, yet

we

complaine not

the fault unto our brethren, and not

among our

duetifull submission to their authority)

bene so

all

selves:

but noting the same, (with

wish that some even of our Bishops, had

had not admitted some, though

prettilye

too head-strong and newfangled Ministers, that since they have entred

976

Book

VII,

Chapter

24.4-24.8

by

into the Ministery, forgetting the calling of them,

whome

they were called,

(if

they have any calling in the Ministery) forgetting the othe of their Canonicall obedience to their Bishops,

and of their

the most parte of

all

loyall obedience to their prince,

But

these sturres.

beene since meethe well punished, by these

And some

children.

also they

and unworthy

confesse,)

their disobedient

have admitted into

Ministers

the continuall nurseries of ignoraunce

and ignorant

Lincoln,

An

Admonition

to the

(p.

or

and unthankfiill

cleare

(wee

of maintayning

Pastors:

Yet neither have they beene

carelesse

doings: and thereupon lawes

force, to represse such unlearned

and provisions have bene made, and stande in and the makers of them"

all,

this function, too unlearned,

and so are not altogether

maintayned, but gready rebuked, for their so

Ministers,

have, and do make,

their carelesnesse in admitting suche, hath

488). See also

Thomas Cooper, bishop of

People of England (1589;

STC

5683): "As for the

corruption in bestowing other meaner livinges, the chiefe fault thereof

is

in

manner of the most part of them (I speake of too good experience) though they may have good store of able men in the Patrones themselves. For

it is

the usuall

Universities, yet if an ambitious or greedie Minister

for the benefice, if there shires

of them,

whom

be an unsuflScient man, or

come not unto them, a corrupt

to sue

person within two

they thinke they can drawe to any composition for their

And if the by one meanes or other finde him out. some such shift shall be found by the law, either by Quare impedit, or otherwise, that whether the bishop will or no, he shall be shifted into the benefice. I know some bishops, unto whom such sutes against the Patrones have beene more chargeable in one yeere, then they have gained by all the Benefices that they have bestowed since they were bishoppes, or owne

benefit, they wil

make

bishop shal

I

.

.

.

courtesie to admitte him,

thinke will doe, while they bee bishoppes" (pp. 147-148).

3:295.4

A

Quare impedit

writ asserting a patron's right of presenution to a

benefice against a wrongfiil presenution. Also relevant: the writ Quare non admisit,

which

lay

when

the bishop refused to admit a cleric duly presented to him. Sir

William Holdsworth,

MaxweU, 1903-1972), 3:295.25

unadvised

unfitnes of those

A

History of English

Law (London: Methuen; Sweet and

3:25.

gift

whych

Compare

Cartwright: "I will not heere speake of the

are chefe ofiycers in these courts/ that the

are eyther papists/ or bribers/ or drunkardes/

(I

know what

I

most of them

wryte) or epicures

and such as live of benefices and prebends in England or in Ireland/ doing nothing of those things whych appertaine unto them/ and of other suche naughty persons whych are not only not meete to be governors in the church/ but whych in any reformed church/ shoulde not be so

much

as

of the church" (1:188 [151];

Whitgift, Defense, p. 681; PS, 3:268).

3:295.25-27.x

that ancient

Canon

.

.

.

God.

Apostolic Canons, 76: 8ti pfj

XP^

rdv eTtiaKOTtov t^ d6eX4>Q) f\ t^ aoyyevel xapiCoM^vov, ei^ to d^icopa Tf\(; iniaKonr\q x^'PO'^^o^^'^ ^^ PooXerai. KXiipovopouc; yap xfj^ eTtiaKOTtn^ TtoiEiaSat CO SiKaiov, Ta too eeoO Kapi^6pevov n&dei dvepcoTtivcp. ov

977

Commentary Y&p tk;

Ti^v TOO 6eo0 iKKA,r|aiav vno KXtipovo^tav 6<|>etXei Ti6£vat. ei bt toOto noif\aei &Kupog p^v lorto r| xe»poTOvia, auTd<; bi e7ctTip&a6oo

d(j>opta^(^. Theologorum aliquot

must not out of fevor

.

.

will to the episcopal dignity; for

giving the things of

Church of God

.

"A

(1559), p. 8; Lauchert, p. 11.

libri

to a brother or a son or any other relation, ordain

God

to

it is

human

bishop

whom he

not right to make heirs of the bishopric,

affections.

Neither

is it

fitting to subject

the

do so let the ordination be void, and the ordainer himself be punished with excommunication"; NPNF.2, 14:599. But

if

Bishops Visitations, of gain was

3:296.14

made

to heirs.

for the sake

303—304).

From

Attendance statutes

shall

H's charge that episcopal a

common one

(Heal,

were often

visitations

Of Prelates

and

Princes,

pp.

the standpoint of legal scholarship, however, the system of

visitations to parishes

significantly

anyone

by bishops and others holding ecclesiastical jurisdiction was in the 16C. "Visitations were conducted more regularly.

improved

them by

at

improving

clergy and laity was

more rigorously enforced. Diocesan were enacted. Official schedules

visitation court procedures

containing proper forms for carrying out public penances were printed, distributed,

and put to

use. Certification

performed was regularly

back to the court that penances had indeed been

insisted

upon"; R. H. Helmholz, Roman Canon Law

in

Reformation England, pp. 105—106. See Martin Ingram, Church Courts, Sex and Marriage in England, 1570-1640, pp. 44—46.

their Courts,

3:296.31—32

.

.

.

gross corruptions

than that of recent scholars; see Intro, to

Book

H's assessment

is

more

severe

VII, pp. 315—316, n. 11, above.

Compare Auto. Notes, 3:485.7—21. care of the Clergy

3:297.3-4

This passage

is

H's clearest expression of sympathy

for his opponents' complaints about the arrogance

With

his suggestion

here that

"men

of hierarchy in their church.

having wit, courage and stomack" are likely

to join the opposition to episcopacy if they find "nothing but disdain" in bishops,

compare

his earlier references to

3:297.14-15

ill

usage

Audius and Jerome

(§ 3;

H may have in mind here the increased use of excommuni-

cation in the Elizabethan period connected with the ecclesiastical visitations (3:296. 14.n).

apparendy

heavily

fell less

3:291.7—24).

on

disusage

aristocrats

more

active system

of

For marital problems, the system

and gentry than on

others. See Ingram,

1570-1640, pp. 186, 327. Perhaps equally important for H in the context of this chapter was the lack of effective episcopal resistance to "great men" in their attempts to despoil the church (Auto. Church Courts, Sex and Marriage

in

England,

Notes, 3:491.1-5 and n).

3:297.24

of

souls

.

souls are to

.

.

not loved.

be found in

The his

best expressions

Tractates

of H's sense of pastoral love

and Sermons, especially Certaintie and

Remedie, and in his devotion to parochial duties at Bishopsboume life;

see Walton's Life, Keble, 1:79-81.

—

Elizabeth's bishops

With A.

L.

at

the end of his

Rowse's summary

portrait

of

"their puffy, lined feces with their atrabilious, constipated

978

Book

VII,

Chapter

24.9-24.15

expressions, always grave, often sour," The England of Elizabeth p.

415

—compare

(New York,

1950),

by Collinson, The

the account of energetically pastoral prelates

Religion of Protestants (1982), pp. 45-63.

3:297.29

A reference to the dilapidation of episcopal

out the present time,

shift

estates

H will use on the next page as a figure for the general loss of credit for the

episcopal office

3:297.33-298.1

wrought by

present incumbents (see 3:298.11— 12.n, below).

"When someone

world should be consumed while he was

'When

said in general conversation,

fire,'

he

According to Suetonius, Nero

World:

was the barbarous

It

preferred, rather, that the

consumed by

its

replied, 'Nay, rather while

TO^']"; C. Suetonii Tranquilli

XII Caesares

I

am

I

live*

dead,

still

let

['Immo

.

.

present.

the earth be

.

e^ou ^wv-

([1591]), p. 308; Loeb, Suetonius,

2:154-

155.

The Executors

3:298.11-12

... decay:

13 Eliz.

W.V.S.

cap. 10.1 (1571);

I,

Such dilapidations were a source of great bitterness bishops and their predecessors (or their predecessors'

(1587), 2:538; S.R., 4.1:544.

between newly

installed

executors). Heal,

Of Prelates

and Primes, pp. 299-303.

of the

a Christian writer probably

wrote a Latin history of the

De

Josephus's

hello

"Hegesippus" or "Egesippus" was

them.

Herod and Archelaus

3:298. 18-25.J'

2C

(sometimes identified with Ambrose)

early years

Judaico (see 1:22.1 2-1 6.n, above).

Great and his son Archelaus in choosing high Egesippi

.

.

de rebus h Judaeorum principibus

.

who

of the Christian era largely based on

.

.

priests .

gestis

The is

practice of

Herod

the

described in 2.13 [H: 12],

(1530),

fols.

29 —30

;

CSEL,

66:170.

3:298.25-29

It

3:299.1-300.25

may

A

be

.

.

.

advanced.

Compare

Bishops estimation

VIIl.7.7; 3:420.1-3.

hands?

A

concise sutement of H's

episcopal ideal and the things he considered most dangerous to

3:299.21-24

Bishops ... Angels of God

3:299.25-27

They

are not

.

.

.

it.

See 3:160.17-18.

See Theodoret, Eales.

imbecillities.

Written accusations against bishops were presented to Constantine

of Nicaea. The emperor formed them into

them

to

be kept

safe until later in the

a packet, sealed

Council

(after doctrinal

hist.,

at the

1.11.

Council

them, and ordered

agreement had been

when he brought them out and burned them, swearing that he had not word of them. He is reported to have added that, "if he were to detect a bishop in the act of committing adultery, he would throw his imperial robe over the deed, lest anyone seeing it should be injured by the sight"; ei avT6mT]q e7tiaK6nou y&pov dXX6Tpiov SiopurrovToc; yivoiTO, aoyKaXuyaj av xq 7[op<j>upi5i xd 7tapav6fito<;yiv6pevov, aq av iit\ px&\|/n Toi>q eeco^fevou(; xdiv Spcopfevcov T\ 6vKi<;. (1544), fol. 287'; GCS, 44 (19):47; NPNF.2, 3:48-49, as chap. reached),

read a

10.

979

Commentary permitting

3:300.22—23

. . industrious opposites. Bishops Babbington of of St. David's, Robinson of Carlisle, and Matthew of Durham .

Worcester,

Rudd

were noted

for their Puritan sympathies. Collinson, E.P.M., p. 459.

3:300.27—301. 2.Z

Shimei

.

.

.

Shimei's cursing and David's patience are

day.

recounted in 2 Sam. 16:5—13 and 19:16-23; Shimei's end (under Solomon) in

1

Kings 2:36-46.

which

3:301. 9-23.a

Plato hath

.

.

.

them.

Plato, Phaedo,

89C-90A.

H

may have

from Stobaeus, whose anthology he used as a source for Greek poUtical thought: 'AXKa TtpwTov pfev eoXapT)6a>p^v, xi n&doq pf| ndOcopev. rd taken

this passage

Ttoiov; rjv 6' eyd).

iif\

ouk

yevcS^eSa,

t\

6' 6q,

^iiaoXdyoi,

&

oi

^ia&v6pconot

toutoo Kaxdv 7[&6oi, f\ A,6you(; iiiaf\aaq. yfyverai 6^ eK too auToo jpdnov, ^taoXoyia re Ka! fiiaavSpcoTiia. I\, re y&p ^iiaav0pa)7iia evSuerai eK toC a<)>65pa xivi TcioreOaai &veu Tixvr\q, Kai riyrjaaaOai TiavT&Ttaai ye aXriOfi elvat Kai uyifi Ktt! Ttiordv rdv &vepco7iov Imna oX,iyov oaxepov eupetv xooxov 7covT]p6v xe Ktti ttTciaxov, Kai au6t(; exepov. Kai 6xav xoOxo no'KX&Kiq 7i&6q xiq, Kai vnd xooxcov pdX,iaxa, ovq av riyrjaaixo oiKeiox&xouc; Kai

Yiyv6^evoi. dx;

lortv,

i/^i],

6

ti

av

tk; pei^ov

Oapa TtpoaKpoucov, ^laei xe Ti&vxag, Kai ou6^v uyi^ elvai. f] ouk qaOnaai ad xoCxo yiyvopevov; Tt&vo ye, r\v 6' eyd). oukoov, r| 6' 6q, aiaxpov, Kai 6fiA,ov 6xi aveu x^Xvt]^ Tf\q Ttepi xa dv6p(x>7tcia 6 xoiouxoc; xpn^f^ct* eTcexeipei Toiq exaipox&xooc;* xeX,euxd)V bk i^yeixai ou6ev6(;

av6pd>7toiq.

ei

y&p

Ttoo |Liera xfexvn? ^XPH^^>

xo, xoii^ iii\ xPI^'i^o^?

Toiiq bi jiexax^

xoCq

'^cii

&onep

exE», ouxcoc;

av

T\yf\aa-

novr\povq oXiyovq eivai a(j)66pa eKax^poo^,

TiXciaxouc;. Stobaeus, Florilegium (1559), p. 55; ed. Hense,

1:231-232. 3:301.24—33.6

Mercurius

.

.

.

self.

The

sixth dialogue

of the portion of the Corpus

Hermeticum grouped under the tide Pimander in most early edns. argues that the

good sig.

is

only in God. Mercurii Trismegisti Pimandras utraque lingua

and

E3'; Hermetica, ed.

3C body

trans.

restitutus

Walter Scott (1924-1936), 1:166-169.

(1574),

On

this

of philosophical and reUgious writings, ascribed in the Renaissance to an

ancient Egyptian sage contempory with Moses, see A.-J. Festugiere, La Riuilation

d'Hermes Trismigiste, 4 vols.

(Paris: Libraire Lecoffi-e,

1949-1954), and 1:60.6-7,

c,

and n, above. 3:302.5

Quae Dei sunt Deo,

3:302.17-18.6

motives

Luke 20:25

(Vulgate).

Religious affection o£joseph.

reflects his

own view

that

all

Gen. 47:22; H's

religions contain sparks

analysis ofjoseph's

of the Ught of truth.

See V. 1.3-5.

3:303.5—14

For nature

.

.

.

serve.

Compare

Aristode's discussion of the virtue of

magnificence, N.E., 4.2.

3:305.2

Judas, Achan, Nebuchadnezzar,

980

For Judas, see Matt. 27:3-5 and Acts

Book Achan took

1:18-20.

commandment

that

VII,

spoils for

Chapter 24.15-24.22

himself at the &11 ofJericho in violation ofJoshua's

the silver and gold and vessels of brass and iron in the city

all

"shalbe consecrate unto the Lord, and shal

come

into the Lords treasurie." In

which kindled the Lord's wrath against Israel, Achan and his whole femily and possessions were stoned and burned (Josh. 6:19; 7:1, 24—26). Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, carried away the sacred vessels from the Temple at Jeriisalem when he conquered the city (2 Chron. 36:7). He was later temporari-

punishment

out of his mind (Dan.

ly driven

his

3:305.6.y

for this act,

most

preceding verse.

4).

Mai. 3:9. See chap. 24.17 (3:302.7-8) for the

bitter curse,

The prophet Malachi denounces

and support the restoration of religion

to tithe

those

who

after the

fiul

in their obligation

Jews' return from the

Babylonian captivity.

DavU

3:305.13-15

.

.

.

want?

1

Chron. 23:25-32;

also

2 Sam.

7:2, as at

3:280.18-

19.n, above.

King Jehoshaphat's encouragement of the what

c»te which Jehoshaphat had.

3:305.18./

Levites in the passage cited consists of strict admonition that they take care in

they do

as

3:305.27-28 3:306.9-11

which

is

this life,

judges to please not

how

man

but the Lord.

earnest the Apostle

See chap. 23.6.

promise made foU. H has in mind either or both Matt. 19:29, unambiguous in promising rew^ards but does not clearly promise them in or Mark 10:29-30, which promises rewards in this life but also persecu-

tion.

3:306.21-22

imitate in perversum,

God

gave His apostles the power to

miracles, but the mightiest deed of the heretics against

De

praescriptione aduersus Haereticos, chap. 30,

the aposdes raised the dead to

life,

these

whom

work

Tertullian writes in

emulates them perversely, for while

men make

(spiritually)

dead those

who

are

"Agnosco maximam virtutem eorum, qua apostolos in perversum aemulanIlli enim de mortuis vivos faciebant, isti de vivis mortuos faciunt"; Opera

alive: tur.

(1566), 1:178;

3:306.25-26

CCSL,

1:212;

ANF,

3:257-258.

most neer resemblance,

Ps.

105:24-25

refers,

not to hatred

among

brethren, but to the resentment of the Egyptians at the prosperity of the Israelites living

3:306.29

among them. Computations are made, Keble supplies a reference here to An Humble The author (Penry?) does indeed argue for applying the

Motion (1590), pp. 94-107.

wealth of bishoprics and cathedral churches to other

uses,

but he

is

these be religious uses, specifically the maintenance of the ministry.

Mai. 3:10 against those

who would

despoil

and cathedral churches provide more than at a

God is

for their

needed to

own

emphatic that

He

too quotes

profit. If bishoprics

establish the parish clergy

reasonable standard of living, the surplus, he suggests, might well be used "to

981

Commentary all shires, a Lecture of al sciences, that such as cannot put their sonnes to Cambridge and Oxford, may have them in the free Schooles, and after by those Lectures brought through all arts: which would greatly increase learned and wise

erect in

men an

make

in this land, and

earlier

crown and F2'—3'.

a florishing time" (p. 103). Similarly,

On

at least

of episcopacy with the words, "I

[the church's] spoil";

A. Peel,

219 (general

of an Elizabethan "plot

People (London:

with a

Press, 1983),

suit

In

.

.

Judas,

have been pleased

always like her

3:307.8

in

G.

J.

Cuming,

all

pp 155-189,

fols.

and Reform

ed..

Studies in

p. 187, n. 1.

the gospel narratives

Mark 14:10-11 and Luke 22:3—6

the initiative, although in

Add. 48,066,

1966), pg. 91-125; rpr. Collinson, Godly

J. Brill,

The Hambledon .

MS

for reformation"; "Episcopacy

England in the Later Sixteenth Century,"

Church History, 3 (Leiden: E.

said to

your lordship

discussion, pp. 213-218). Collinson refers to "elaborate plans for the

as part

3:307.4—5

offer

The Notebook of John Penry, Camden quoted by Heal, Of Prelates and Princes, p.

redeployment of the bishops' revenues" in British Library, in

to

ed..

Society, 3rd series, 67 (1944), p. 93, as

14—15,

it

The Huntyng of the Romyshe Wolfe (1555?; STC 24356), sigs. one occasion, however, Penry was willing to seek the earl of

courtiers;

Essex's help in the aboUtion

of her

William Turner,

advocate of redistributing episcopal wealth, also opposed chatmeling

at his willingness to

it is

Judas

who

takes

the chief priests are

betray Jesus to them.

"Semper eadem" (always the same) was EUzabeth's

self,

motto, used with a Phoenix badge. See Frances Yates, Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth

Kegan

Century (London and Boston: Routledge

Paul, 1975), pp.

58n, 65-66. 3:307. 20-21. n

bonorum

Fiscus

Epistolarum ad diversos

.

libri decern,

Arcadius: "Let the treasury

.

augeatur;

.

Quintus

Aurelius

Symmachus,

10.54, To the Lords Valentinian, Theodosius, and

of good princes grow from despoiling enemies, not

injuring priests"; (1587), p. 453; Q. Aurelii Symmachi quae supersunt, ed. Seeck (1883), p. 282, as 10.3; Barrow, ed. and trans., Prefect and Emperor: "Die Relations

of Symmachus

A.D. 384

aristocrat, w^rites

here

(1973), pp. 42-43.

as prefect

of the

such elements of traditional religion the Vestal Virgins.

Esteemed

us w^as a friend, kinsman,

Ambrose. Callu

A new

(Paris:

3:307.22—25.0

city

as

Symmachus,

—

by

his

in religious matters

edn. of his letters

is

4C

pagan

Roman

the Altar of Victory and the privileges of

for his literary style

and

a late

of Rome to plead for the restoration of

in course

contemporaries,

—

Symmach-

occasional adversary of St.

of publication, ed. Jean-Pierre

Societe d'Edition "Les Belles Lettres"). ea quce

.

.

.

illtesum.

Justinian, Codex, 1.2.14, a

law of Leo and

AD 470: "It is proper to preserve reverently and intact all rights which [or may hereafter] belong to the Most Blessed Church, just as religiously

Anthemius,

now as al,

.

the

.

.

Holy Church

itself,

for as the

mother of religion and

so her patrimony should remain entire and uninjured for

(1590), col. 14; Krueger (1963), p. 13.

982

faith all

is

herself perpetu-

time"; Scott, 12:20;

Book

No

3:308.4-5

VII,

revenue

Chapter 24.22-24.25 William Harrison,

greatness.

The

Description

then, and

no

farre

alreadie

remembred,

it is

found that the church of England,

to the princes coflfers than the sute

of the

laitie, if it

is

doo not

exceed the same, since their paiments are certeine, conrinuall, and seldome

howsoever they gather up

abated, sute,

by those

commodious

lesse

of

"Hereby

England, 2.1, concludes a plaintive account of taxes paid by the clergy:

owne

their

and slanderous speeches of the

paiers, or

duties with grudging,

murmuring,

have their livings otherwise hardlie

valued unto the uttermost farding, or shrewdlie cancelled by the covetousnesse of the patrones"; in Raphael Holinshed, The First and Second Volumes of Chronicles

(1587;

STC

13569), 1:137; ed. Georges Edelen (1968), p. 31.

"Lest when thou hast eaten and xdificaveris: by Moses and hast buylt goodly houses." The passage cited firom Deut. 8:11— firom the long charge given by Moses to the whole people of Israel after their years in the wilderness, just before their entry into Canaan.

3:308.33-309.1 filled

14

is

forty

3:309.3

thy

said

.

.

.

selfe,

Interest

(1963), p. 3:

.

.

Justinian, Institutiones, 1.8.2; (1590), col. 7;

utatur.

.

Krueger

"expedit enim reipublicae, ne sua re quis male utatur." Scott, 2:13:

"For it is to the interest of the Sute that no one abuse his property." The law apparendy referred to forbids masters to exercise unusual cruelty against their slaves.

not H is "with" Jerome here in not complaining augmenution of the church's wealth. Jerome, epist. 2, Ad Nepotianum, chap. 7: "I am ashamed to say that idol-priests, charioteers in the circus, mimes, and prostitutes receive inheritances. It is prohibited by law solely to clerics and monks, and prohibited not by persecutors but by Christian princes. I do

Complain we

3:309.22.;>

about

restraints

on

will

fiirther

not complain about the law, but Epistolae (1578), p.

3:309.28

"It

Sufficit,

grieve that

we

should have deserved

this

law";

6:92, as epist. 52.

enough." Exod. 36:5-7.

is

Touching

3:310.15-17

I

5A-B; CSEL, 54:425, and NPNF.2,

G. R. Elton has estimated that in the Henry VIII, Edward VI, and

yearly,

that

expropriations of ecclesiastical holdings under Elizabeth, "over a quarter sixty years"^;

The Tudor

of all landed property in England changed hands in some Documents and Commentary (Cambridge: The

Constitution:

University Press, 1960), p. 369;

3:310.20-26. r

those goods

2nd edn.

(1982), p. 378.

"The demand

civitaUm;

undoubtedly weakened the calmed

city."

addicente Sulla, quamvis male capu, jure tamen, reperitio labefactabat

gestarum

compositam civitatem"; L.Julius

libri iV,

in H's trans.).

quoted

is

[or

3.23; (1584), p. 105; Loeb, pp.

of C. A. Duker in adding "tenerentur"

The

in chap.

after

reference to chap. 13 in

23

—

^but

for their restoration

"Cumque damnatorum civium bona

r

eorum procul dubio

Annaeus] Florus, Rerum a Romanis

258-261 (following the 1722 edn.

"tamen," an emendation anticipated

may

—

simply be an error

the passage

chap. 13 gives a rationale for the Gracchan redistribu-

tion of wealth leading to the situation discussed in the later passage and thus

983

Commentary supports H's account of such measures as having at least an appearance of justice. Florus was an early

AD 2C Roman

whose

historian

principal

work, usually

an Epitome (of Livy), was a celebration of Roman military history; school text in the

3:311.7-15

All

...

it

was

called

a fivorite

17C (OCD). Church.

"Economic problems of the Rosemary O'Day and Felicity Heal, Church 1500-1800 (Totowa, NJ: Barnes and

Michael L.

Zell,

parochial clergy in the sixteenth century," in eds.. Princes

and Paupers

in the English

Noble, 1981), pp. 19—43, refers to "the relative poverty of many parochial clergy, and the chorus of complaint which was raised on their behalP' as a point of continuity with the pre-Reformation church

(p. 19). For the class of well-educated however, the situation did deteriorate in the 1580s and 1590s, for their numbers grew, while the number of benefices able to support them did not (pp.

clergy,

40-41).

Compare

Whitgift's assessment, Intro, to

Book

VII, p. 319 and n. 15,

above.

3:312.1-2 34),

Levi

.

.

eponymous

older than Levi,

(Num.

.

Simeon

fathers

.

.

.

The

Reuben

of three of the

tribes

whose descendants were

later

eldest

of Jacob's sons (Gen. 29:31-

of Israel. Simeon and Reuben were dedicated to the service of the Lord

18:1-7; and see chap. 23.4-5, 3:281.9-283.13).

984

Book

3:315.5-6

VIII

Lawes of this Land Particularly the 1559 Act of Supremacy; and 468.19-20 and nn, below.

as by the

see 3:425.4-22.^

3:315.9-316.6

/.

An

admonition

.

.

.

On

clergie.

the composition of

Book

VIII,

the stages of its organization, and H's collection of materials for these chapters, see

headnote to Commentary on Auto. Notes, pp. 1055-1057, and nn to 3:490.8494.13.a, 494.14-523.26, 495.13-504.2, and 504.3-523.26, below. 3:316.27-317.3

By

power

this

.

.

.

God.

See, for example, 2 Sam.

6-7 and

1

Kings 15:11-15 and 2 Chron. 15 {or Asa; 2 Chron. 19:5-11 {oTjehosaphat; 2 Kings 18:1-6 for Ezekias (Hezekiah); and 2 Kings 23:1-

Chron. 28:11-21 for David;

1

25 and 2 Chron. 34:1-35:19 for Josias Qosiah). there are

3:317.21

which imagine. Exclusion of the laity from positions of more characteristic of RC writers than of disciplinari-

authority in the church was ans (see

nn

to 3:380.14-17. fe, 386.25-387. 1.x, 386.X.2,

and 401.4-21, below), but

the disciplinarians' advocacy of lay-elders was part of their insistence that the

"whole regiment" of the church was to be committed to a biblically warranted of "Ministers, Seniors, and Deacons" {Admonition, as quoted by Whitgift, Defense, p. 694; PS, 3:295; P.M., p. 16). The debate between Whitgift and

structure

Cartwright on the authority of the

from Whitgift's reaction to

magistrate in matters of religion started

civil

"me

this assertion:

thinke

I

heare you whisper that the

Prince hath no authoritie in ecclesiasticall matters"; Answere (1573), p. 174;

it

was

continued in Cartwright's Replye (1:192-193 [154-155]), beginning with an indignant denial that the authors of the Admonition intended to "shut out the cyviU magistrate and the Prince/ from Defense, pp.

694-702

all

authoritie in Ecclesiastical matters"; Whitgift's

(PS, 3:295-313);

Replie (3:151-170), H's

main

and Cartwright's The Rest of the Second Book VIII. See illustrations 5-9,

text for refuUtion in

pp. 384-392, above.

corporations

3:318.7-8

.

.

.

severed.

In arguing for "the distinction betwene the

and common wealth under a Christian Magistrate' (3:151-170), Cartwright did

church

not use either the language of corporations or the distinction between "nature" or

While he could hardly have meant to same persons could be members of both church and commonwealth, for personal separation between those holding positions of principal

"definition" and "[personal] subsistence."

deny

that the

he did press

authority in the assertion that

two groupings. With

H on nature and person,

church and commonwealth are sometimes

reason" {personis

et ratione)

and sometimes "only

compare

and

to

be one highest power, unless there

rulers.

De presbyterio

(1591), pp. 42—43.

985

is

and

in

in reason" {ratione tantum). In the

former case there can be two diverse highest jurisdictions. In the

ought

Sutcliffe's

distinct "in persons

a different

nature

latter case there

{ratio)

for subjects

.

Commentary 3:318.15—17

politique

Societies

.

Church

.

.

Compare

Consideration of the

III.l.

church in "political" terms begins with the reintroduction of Aristotle's the west in the 13C; see Walter Ullmann, Principles of Government and

Politics

in

Politics in the

Middle Ages (London: Methuen, 1961), pp. 231-279. Major participants in the ensuing discussion include James of Viterbo, Dante, Marsilius of Padua, William of

Ockham, Nicole Oresme, and the conciliarists of the late 14C and early 15C; Anthony Black, Monarchy and Community: Political Ideas in the Later Conciliar Controversy 1430-1450 (Cambridge: The University Press, 1970). 3:319.19—22

a figure triangular

.

.

rest:

.

Compare

this

famous

the relation of body politic to church as one of genus to species

simile, in

is

which

preserved, with

"commonwealth" at 3:325.1—4 as names import"may" dwell together in one subject. On identity of members as implying identity of church and commonwealth in England, compare Stephen Gardiner, Intro, to Book VIII, p. 356, n. 30, above. the description of "church" and

ing "accidents" which

3:320.3-5

Bishops

may

not meddle

.

.

Church,

,

3:320.16—17

Communion, with such

3:320.25—29

Allen

.

.

The comma should

H

Christians.

.

See VII. 15. follow "such."

condenses the Jesuit

(perhaps unfairly)

Cardinal William Allen's logic in the passage given here from declaration of the institution of the two English colleges (1581;

41'.

To show

STC

An

apologie

369),

and

true

39", 40"-

fols.

the evident error of holding "that the soverainty or supremacie in

causes Ecclesiastical

is

by nature or by Christian lawes implied

of a temporal King: or that

it

in the right or

title

ever w^as due or can be due to any temporal gover-

nour. Heathen or Christian, in the world," Allen did indeed begin with the case

of the early church: "Not to the crowne of a Heathen Prince can forasmuch to Christ,

as for

some hundred

and yet

al

that

Emperours then did

it

it

belong

.

.

were not many Princes converted while the Church had her several regiment. Not to Pagan belong

principal Apostles ruled the

yeres after, there

.

.

.

Church

neither was in

it

chalenged of them:

Rome, when Nero

for,

reigned: likewise

the

where

kingdoms are revolted againe (as in al the Turkes dominion) needes must the Church there have a spiritual regiment, without any dependance of the Heathen the

kings:

whom yet in

temporal matters they obey and serve"

thereupon immediately conclude

(as

(fol. 39"^").

H's paraphrase suggests) that

He

did not

should be

it

always so. Rather, he argued that for Christian kings or kingdoms to have ecclesiastical

supremacy would involve the church's forsaking her

own form

of govern-

ment, received immediately from Christ, and submitting to an earthly power: "By

which meanes, when

come and submit

so ever a king or Countrie

to them,

is

converted, the

and not they to Christ and

his

Church should

Church, which must

needes be most absurd: Princes and peoples converted, alwaies submitting them selves to Christ

and

his lawes,

not drawing the Governours of the Church or any

person thereof to more subjection then they were before their Christianitie, yea often rather remitting

some of that

for Christes

986

honour"

(fol. 40').

Only

after

such

Book explicit discussion effects

VIII,

Chapter

1.2-1.4

of conversion from paganism to Christianity and

"The Church

does Allen conclude:

then, live she

among

political

its

the Heathens, live

she with the Christians, must have and hold that forme of regiment and

Common-

wealth which Christ immediately instituted, and was not chosen, made, or created

by the peoples ordinance and consent ..." (fols. 40''—4l'). Allen to exonerate English Catholics from the charge of disobedience land in matters of religion by showing that "the Parliament

Court"

38")

(fol.

addresses Allen

the

on

lacks

power

of

need

ei

6e

tif\Te

From H's

The

of.

mere temporal

passage in

of Aristotelian

this first principle

(1280*.31-32), 3.6 in

of Aristode's Opera): ^fjv ... (2:129).

a

is

H

the issue of parliament's spiritual competence at 3:401.4—404.5.

closely the statement

Politics

to the laws of the

makes laws about such matters.

to

TTiat the scope throughout ... in

3:321. 8-13. fc

most

and therefore

here attempting

is

some edns. (for example, too ^qv (iovov eveKev,

continuation, however,

political

italics fits

theory in

in Erasmus's 1550 edn.

^aXXov too eo

a'K'X.a

seems clear that he was

it

working primarily from Aristode's criticism of Socrates for making up his first city (Plato, Republic, bk. 2, 369B-371E) out of a weaver, a farmer, a shoemaker, and a builder, as if all cities existed for the sake of necessities and not rather for the sake of the fine and noble (dx; t
one would count the soul as body, so one should count as parts of a with necessities, those concerned with that, just as

passage (1291*.10-28)

is

on

p.

102

to the contrary

part

of an animal, and more so than the

city,

and more so than those concerned

fighting, justice,

(the reference in

the 1577 and 1587 Frankfurt edns. of the

and deliberation. This

MS D

Politics (the latter

;

see textual note)

printed

as

of

part of F.

Sylburg's 1584-1587 edn. of Aristode's works): 6i6nep ev Tq noA.iTei<jt KO\i\^Gic; TooTO, oox iKavwq 6^ eTpqTai. ^x\a\ yap 6 TLiUKpai^c, ek Terrapcov twv dvaYKaiOT&Tcov 7t6A,iv aoyKeiaear Xeyei 6i tootoo^, ocJxivTnv, Kai cue, tcov avayKaitov ye X'ip'v OKOTOTopov Kai olKo66/iov eiTcep oov Kai aoveaTqKoTav, aXk' o6 too KaXoo pdA.A,ov yoxi^v av tk; 6eiri ^woo ^optov \iaXXov, r\ adi^a, Kai TtoXecov Td ToiaoTa

yecopyov, Kai

Ttdaav

.

.

.

7c6A.iv

.

.

.

Oereov, tcov ei^ Tf|v dvayKaiav XPH'^'V aovTcivovTcov, to TioXepiKov Kai to peTexov SiKaioaovqc; SiKaaTiKqq* Tipo 6e tootok;, to

pdXXov

PooXco6pevov.

And of

3:321. 16-18.
things spirituall

Kai npwTov,

form of reference

Tfjv in

.

.

.

Spirituall.

Aristotle,

MS D

to be followed);

is

196

p.

1328 .11-12; "Fifth

the enumeration of things or occupations indispensable for a city], but also that

7.8:

Politia,

nepi t6 OeTov enipeXeiav. (1587),

[in

first,

concerned with the divine."

3:321. 19-20.e

oiov Toog

dpxdg

The Heathen themselves iepeT<;

.

.

.

Umporall.

TtpwTov tooto ydp eTepov

erreov; (1587),

p.

(1)

ti

Aristode,

napd

lac,

Politics,

123.10-11; 1299\17-19; "For example [of a

persons needed in the political

community and appointed by vote or by

987

4.15:

Tio\\j\Ka.q class lot,

of yet

Commentary nevertheless not to be counted as officers or rulers (Apxcvra^)], the priests, in the first

place

—

priesthood has to be regarded

Richard Robinson (1962).

office"; trans.

T
apxwv, OKeSdv Toaauxai

Ttept Toix;

as

something other than

a political

ouv

TtoXiTiKai

ai p^v

(2) Politics, 6.8:

ak'Ko

ixvic; eiaiv.

6'

ei6o^ tnniektiaq

Qeovq' olov, itpeiq re Kal inni£Xi\rai twv

xd

a&t^zadai xa UTt&pxovxa, Kai avopeouaOai xd KiTixovxa xdiv

oaa xexaKxai npbq jovq

xcov, Ktti xd)v dA,Xcov

1322 .17—23; "These, more or

less,

i\

too oiKo5o^nM<^-

Tiepi

iepd*

Geouc;. (1587), pp. 181.27-182;

are the political offices.

kind of superintendence, that concerning the gods,

But there

as the priests

another

is

and superinten-

dents of temples, the preservation of existing buildings and restoration of damaged ones, and whatever else libri,

is

connected with the gods."

1.1, describes the detailed

appointment of

(3)

Livy,

Romanae

historiae

priestly offices, including priests

and Quirinus, the college of Vestal Virgins and by Numa, Romulus's successor as king of Rome (ruled 715—672 BC);

specially dedicated to Jupiter, Mars,

a high priest,

(1589), pp. 15-16; Loeb, 1:70-72, as 1.20.

The difference "Of the autority of the

3:323.24-26/ discussion

.

.

other.

.

civil

and 20 of Whitgift's

to Tracts 12

distinction betwene the church and

ously affirmed by

from secular"

wright's work, of

which

H

here

confirm "the

Defense), Cartwright seeks to

common

him and denied by

offices Ecclesiasticall

See Cartwright, 3:151-170. In his

magistrate in causes ecclesiastical" (replying

wealth under a Christian Magistrate" previ-

Whitgift.

is

The

a recurrent

cites the first

"difference

theme

.

.

.

of affayres or

in this section

of Cart-

page. Cartwright argues from 2

Chron.l9:8 and 11 on pp. 152-153 and from Heb. 5:1 on pp. 153-154. argued from

1

He had

Thess. 5:12 in Replye (1:207 [166]; see Whitgift, Defense, p. 755;

PS, 3:417).

Allen himself.

3:324.1—10

.

.

doth.

William Allen,

A true sincere and modest defence STC

of English Catholiques that suffer for their faith ([1584];

power

Political,

Canons, Counsels, Judgements, (and separate:

thes,

now

in England) to the same; but the Civil

nate,

and in some is

"The

when

the Princes are Pagans)

wholy

but in Christian Common-wealths joined, though not confounded; nor

yet the Spiritual turned into the Temporal, or subject

State

373), chap. 5:

hath her Princes, Lawes, Tribunals; and the Spiritual her Prelates,

cases subject to the Ecclesiastical:

no hinderance

by perverse order

(which in deed

to eternal felicitie,

is

(as it is

the inferior) subordi-

though so long

as

the temporal

and the glory of Christs kingdome,

th'other intermedleth not with her actions; but alloweth, defendeth, honoreth, and in particular

Common-wealthes obeyeth that

3:324.14—23.^

.

.

.

separate?

the

same"

(p. 99).

Cartwright, 3:151: "the same difference [that

between church and commonwealth], hath bene ecclesiastical writers.

As when

suffer butflorish togither

this distinction as

Euse.

3.

li.

de

wel

it is

said, that the church

[marg., Socr. 5.

li.

diligently observed,

is,

by the

and common wealth, not onely

in praefat. Soz. 3. libr. 26. cap.]:

keping

in the churchis prosperity, as in her adversity. Also [marg.,

vita Constan.], that the houses ofprayer, being restored to the church: other

988

Book

common

places were adjudged to the use of the

ad Apung.],

that there

3:324.1 7-1 8./j

They

Chapter

VIII,

1.4-1.6

Likewise [marg., Aug.

wealth.

epist.

167,

one cause of the Province: and another of the church."

is

and flourish together?

suffer

(1)

In Ecdes.

hist.,

bk. 5, pref.,

explaining his inclusion of wars and events of the times in his narrative, Socrates notes

how

disturbances and calamities in public

with similar

which Socrates

fortuitous,

fol. 243'; ed.

interprets as chastisement for

Hussey (1853), 2:572; NPNF.2, 2:118.

Sozomen must be

(twv bx]iioai(Ov) coincide

afiairs

the church, a sympathetic relationship too regular to be

evils in

to Ecdes.

8.25 (not 3.26,

hist.,

(2)

as in

human iniquities; (1544), The intended reference to

/»).

In the course of describ-

ing controversies around John Chrysostom, patriarch of Constantinople,

Sozomen

mentions devasutions by Huns and others, remarking that dissensions in the church were here followed by disturbances in pubUc afiairs (t& KOiva); (1544), fol. 115 ;

GCS,

NPNF.2,

50:383;

2:415.

one thing adjudged .

3:324.18-19.1

.

.

Commonwealth?

Eusehius, Life of Constantine,

3.65, records the emperor's edict assigning houses of prayer belonging to tians,

pubUc use

meet

(toT(;

(1544),

in;

fol.

heretics to the

GCS,

147';

7:112;

NPNF.2, 1:539-540. Church?

putteth a difference

3:324.20-21.J

Nova-

Cathohc church and confiscating for 6T]poaioi^ any other places which these groups might have to and other

Valentinians,

Augustine,

epist.

160 (not 167,

which follows Cartwright), Ad Apringium: "Alia causa est provinciae, alia est ecclesiae"; Opera (1569), 2:722; CSEL, 44:86, and FOTC, 20:10, as epist. 134.

as inj,

3:327.1-5.0

Gallio

proconsul of the

.

.

.

See Acts 18:12-16. L. Armaeus Gallio was

those things.

Roman

province of Achaea, residing in Corinth, and the elder

The context of "a matter of wrong or an evill of Roman law, "Causes of the Commonivealth or Province." Judging no

brother of the philosopher Seneca. deed"

is

that

such law was

at issue in the

Corinthian Jews' attack on Paul's mission, Gallio

declined to intervene.

For what

3:327. 15-21.p

.

.

.

both?

Cartwright, 3:151-152 (immediately following

"Yf he can not conceive, how this between church and commonwealth] should be: he may be given to understand it, after this sort, that a man may, by excommunication, be sundred fi-om the church: which forthwith leeseth not of necessity, his Burgeship or fi-eedome in the city, or common wealth. Likewise, that the civil Magistrate may,

the passage quoted in 3:324.14—23 .^.n, above): [distinction

by bannishment, cut of

whome

a

man

the church can not

when one

common

is

fi-om being a

by and by,

for his misbehavior deprived

wealth: albeit the church be,

in again, as a

member

she wil restore

thereof: yet the

cast

of his

upon

member of

the

common

privileges,

boeth in the church and

his repentance,

common

wealth,

him or no." Cartwright continues with

is

bound

at

points

to receiv

be members of the

common 989

him

her liberty whether

H

does not direcdy

answer: "Finally infidels under a Christian Prince, may, until such tyme refiise instruction,

wealth:

owt by excommunication. Again,

as

they

wealth: yet are they not therefore,

Commentary members of the church, where, under a Christian Prince,

al

one:

and common

if the church

wealth, were (as

should folow, that whosoever

it

he

a part

is

should needes be a part of the other: and contrawise, whosoever

is

saith)

of one,

cut of from

one, must be cut of from the other."

we

3:330.20-331.9

are

what

chap. 2, and "by

"the

title

assenting .

.

=

."

tion,

to define

first

chapter heads that follow.

right,

.

o( Headship" = chap. .

."

.

=

.

.

.

These topics correspond

unto.

the "generallities": "the

First, .

=

it."

.

4;

chap. 3.

The

"the prerogative

chap. 6; "the advancement

.

.

."

=

chap. 8; "exemption from being punishable

"Secondly,"

of the

etc., is

"an introduction" " the

particulars.

particulars at issue follow: ."

.

.

=

chap. 5; "the right of

chap. 7; "judiciall authoritie

.

.

."

Compare H's

=

chap. 9.

The enumera-

division of the Lawes into

and foundations " and

generall grounds

to the

power of Dominion" =

of that cause

"specialities

which lyeth in controversies" Pref 7.2, 5, and 6 (1:34.30, 35.18 and 28).

3:331.11-332.1

2.

Without

of sources.

scription

.

.

continue one.

.

And compare Book

See 3:493.33-494.5 for H's tranesp.

I,

2.3 and 3.2 (1:60.11-13 and

65.13-66.6).

Yea the very

3:331.21—332.1 hierarchy

the povi^er of

3:332.6—7

deitie

.

.

one.

.

drawn from Pseudo-Dionysius •

.

.

of Christ.

On

the

chaps. 1, 4.1,

power of the English crown and On the power of preceding power of order, see Book VI, esp.

common

,

.

.

to

what law

be under

man

includes another

king";

grants him,

but under

quotes from the

printed in 1569

(1569),

fol.

5;

ed.

(STC

exposition of

classic

1268),

(d.

De

3475): "Let the king

power and dominion," and "The king ought not

God and

axiom quoted

constitutionalist reading

in

H

Lege.

law traditionally attributed to Henry de Bracton

legibus et consuetudinibus Angliae, first

grant law

ministry, see V.77.

6.

Besides, where

3:332.19—24 English

and

and n.

spiritual

power of the ordained

penitential jurisdiction attached to the

adaptation of the principle of

See chap. 4.5—10 for relevant distinctions

spiritual].

of order, measure, and kind between the that

An

the Areopagite. See 3:494.2-3

at

from 5.8 of De legibus Regem"; "Law makes the

the law." This passage

3:342.20: "Lex facit

Woodbine-Thome

(1968-1977),

of these principles goes well beyond the

which Bracton urges subordination

to

law upon the king

as a

H's

2:33.

letter

of his

text,

commendable way

of imitating the humility of Christ and Mary, whose obedience to law was voluntary, and explicitly denies that

it is

licit

to dispute about,

much

less

contra-

vene, what the king in fact does. For the significance of H's use of Bracton, see 3:435. u'.n, below. For Bracton and the rule of law, see F. Schulz, "Bracton

on

Review, 60 (1945): 136-176, and B. Tierney, "Bracton

Kingship," English

Historical

on Government,"

Speculum, 38 (1963): 295-317. For other medieval sources, see

Norman Kretzmann, Anthony Kenny, and Jan Pinborg,

eds.,

The Cambridge History

of Later Medieval Philosophy (1982), pp. 731-732, 745-756, 763-767; and

Burns, ed.. The Cambridge History of Medieval

990

Political

Thought (1988),

p.

J.

506.

H.

Book

VIII,

Chapter

1.8-3.1

The function of law as a restraint on royal power was emphasized by the Edwardian bishop of Winchester, John Poynet, who wrote as an exile under Mary, bitterly disillusioned with both crown and parliament. A Shorte Treatise of Politike

STC

Power (1556,

20178;

Winthrop

rpr. in

S.

Hudson, Jo/in Ponet (1516P-1556):

Advocate of Limited Monardiy, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942),

sigs.

George Buchanan, Dejure regni apud Scotos (1580; STC 3976), pp. 20-37. And see Intro, to Book VIII, p. 365 and n. 36, above. The second of the passages quoted by H here ("The king ought not to be .") was cited by Bishop Home to prove that the English crown had under man C2'-7''. Also see

.

traditionally

.

been regarded

STC

fols. 89''-90'.

13818),

Supleton pointed out that Bracton

and temporal

An

not subject to the papacy.

as

bishoppe of Wynchester (1566;

Answeare made by Rob.

In reply, the

clearly recognized a division

former to

jurisdictions, assigning the

RC Thomas

between

ecclesiastical

spiritual

judges and the

pope and only the latter to the king; A Counterblast to M. Homes vayne blast against M. Fekenham (1567; STC 23231), sigs. 3C4''-3Dr. See VIII.8.9, 3:435.u;, and n

accommodate

for H's attempt to

Thirdly whereas

3:332.24-27 principle,

from

.

them. For the medieval development of this 12C Bolognese jurist Azo, commenting on

.

enunciation by the

its

1581, p. 671:

Codex, 8.53.2 {Ledura,

Justinian's

quam

Imperator Religion,

.

this reply.

totus populus, sed

quam

"Non

majoris potestatis

est

quilibet de populo"), see Brian

Tiemey,

Growth of Constitutional Thought (Cambridge: The University 26 and n. 39. For H's interpreution of the principle, see VIII.3.2

Law, and

Press, 1982), p.

the

and Auto. Notes, 3:512.5—8. Although

among

H

was an exceptionally strong advocate of

communal the crown

authority

Collinson,

"The Monarchical Republic of Queen

the theorists of his day, a sense of

and in other

w^as occasionally evident in practice

autonomy

vis a vis

writers; see Patrick

Elizabeth I," Bulletin of the John

Rylands Ubrary of Manchester, 62.2 (Spring, 1987): 394-424.

3:333.23

said

power

... the Clergie

See

nn

to 3:318.7-8, above,

and 387.2,

below. 3:334.3-13 3:335.5

First

Corona

unto

est

.

.

.

me

it

seemeth

.

.

.

"The crown

Bract.

Compare

subjection. is

a

1.10.4.

power delegated by God." The

exact sutement has not been found in Bracton, but very similar ones occur in the passage quoted

by

H at 3:342.21:

"Nihil enim aliud potest rex in

minister et vicarius, nisi id solum

rex potesutem dei

est,

quod de jure

juris, sicut dei vicarius et minister in terra,

potestas

autem

Woodbine-Thome,

injuriae diaboli";

De

terris,

cum

sit

dei

potest .... Exercere igitur debet

legibus,

quia

3.1.9;

ilia

potestas solius

(1569),

fol.

107

;

do nothing other on earth, since he is God's minister and vicar, than that only which he can do by right .... The king ought therefore to exercise the power of right [/wm], as God's vicar and minister

on

2:305. "For the king can

earth, because that

'unright']

is

from the

power devil."

is

from

God

Dan. 2:21

991

alone, but the

Rom.

power of injury [injuriae, The OT biblical texts

13

Commentary rehearse God's

power over

known Him;

not

that

the rise and

from

Rom.

unto the higher powers: for there ordinance of God.

Rex

from

.

.

.

.

.

is

patteme.

The

ambiguous.

A

.

even those

resisteth the

work;

the

powers

power,

.

.

.

ascribed to Sthenidas

Hense,

preserved by Stobaeus (1822),

support provided by these works for H's point in the text

between divine and human

parallel contrast

is

of royalty

aspects

human

is is

where the

be based on birth and imitation, rather than on

said to

Tov paaiXia

ao(j)6v qpev, outco

y«P Kai

<|)uaej

yap eaeixai avrhi^oq, Kai ev Ti Kai Ttpdroc; paaiXtvq

Kai bwaaiaq' 6 bt yeveaei Kai ^ipdaei. In both of

that be,

resisteth the

Florilegium (1559), p. 333; ed.

Fragments of Archytas,

^tiA-wtok; TO) Ttp&Tco 6ed). outoc;

likeness

have

The passage quoted is not from Sthenidas of Locri, but on kingship ascribed to another Pythagorean political

Political

ruler's authority

nature: Xpf\

who

everie soule be subject

in the Sthenidas excerpt (p. 332; Hense, 2:270; Taylor, p. 26),

human

Te,

.

which immediately follows the excerpt

thinker, Ecphantus,

pp. 28—29.

".

no power but of God: and

in Stobaeus, the sole source for either

2:272; Taylor, ed.,

rulers,

."

a Hellenistic treatise

drawn

of secular

of God. Whosoever therefore

are ordeined

3:335. f

fall

13:1—2 directs that

to divine kingship

also

is

emphasized.

nn

appropriation of this Pythagorean tradition, see

passages,

On

however, the

H's constitutionalist

and 342.2— 14.J,

at 3:340.«j

below. 3:335.23-336.1

Manns ordinances

tribute to Caesar (Matt. 22:21,

25:10-12, accepting

.

.

God.

.

Mark

12:17,

Besides Christ's admonition to pay

Luke

20:25), see

Rom. 13:1-8, and 1 Pet. 2:13-18 for Roman imperial authority as legitimate.

3:336.19—25 theoretical

Wherin

that

we

.

.

.

Perhaps an oblique evasion of

securitie.

engagement with contemporary French

political thought.

Salmon, The French Religious Wars

in English Political

The

of the

relations

of H's

ideas to those

and to the increasingly

complex; see 3:397. q and n for H's one 3:336.22-23

radical

influential treatment

the nature of this

as

the

So J. H. M.

Thought (1959), pp. 32-33.

Hugenots he

is

about to discuss

of sovereignty by Jean Bodin are

explicit reference to

Kingdome,

country's political arrangements

Luke 3:12-14, Acts

passages implicitly or directly

Bodin.

H evidently saw the "nature" of his

outcome of

a gradual transition

from

conqueror's laws (VIII. 6.1; 3:385.25-386.1) to "regencie, willingly susteined" 340.22). at

The

a

(3.3;

suggestion of a primordial constitutional convention in his reference

342.15-16 to "their wisedome by

wealth have been layd"

is

whom

the foundations of this

Common-

thus mildly disingenuous. See VII. 14.2 for his willing-

ness to consider, at least as a possibility, a parallel transition

from usurped to

"natural" authority in the history of episcopacy.

3:336.28-337.1

The King

is

.

.

.

See 3:332.24-27.n, above.

minor.

A

standard

tenet of French resistance theory; see Salmon, The French Religious Wars in English Political

Thought, pp. 7-8.

The

principle

is

992

repeatedly enunciated (although not in

Book

VIII,

by the

precisely these terms)

Chapter

3.1-3.2

Hubert Languet, Philippe du

author(s),

elective kingship

H

immediately disunces himself See, for example, edn. 1579,

48, concerning the magistrates or other noubles representing the "Illi

Plessis-

or possibly both, of the V'mdiciae contra tyrannos, from whose doctrine of

Momay,

vero ut singuli

of Junius Brutus, Vtndiciae,

Rege

inferiores sunt, ita universi superiores."

and n, above.

see 4:70.14—15

First

On

the Vtndiciae

published in Latin in 1579, over the

appeared in French in 1581.

it

The

p.

whole people:

pseudonym

fourth question of the

the legitimacy of aid from foreign rulers against religious persecution

on

or tyranny, was published in English in 1588 to support English intervention in the Netherlands:

24566).

The

A

short apologie for Christian souldiours,

cited

n

in vol. 4, above,

transl.

H.

P.

STC

(1588;

in error as to the putative English edns.

is

STC lists one (15211) in Latin whose title page claims it was published in 1579 in "Edimburgi," but which was apparently printed in Basel; the second (15212), printed abroad, is not an STC book. EngUsh translations did, however, appear in the 17C, beginning in 1648 (Wing L-414-416). prior to 1590: the rev.

3:337. 12-18.M

that in

quam

rent liberi,

a

power.

all

omnibus Regnis bene

Vindiciae:

"mansit tamen perpetuo in

consuetudo, ut demortuis non prius succede-

constitutis ea

Populo, quasi de novo constituerentur, nee

haeredes Patribus agnascerentur, sed

tum demum Reges

tamquam

sui

cum

iis,

censerentur,

ab

qui Populi majestatem repraesentarent, Regni investituram, quasi per sceptrum et

diadema accepissent"; (1579), pp. 82-83. 3:337. 19-23. f

that

where such power

.

.

.

Kingdom.

Vindiciae:

successionem

Regnum

Denique

Populus ob egregia quaedam merita ex aliqua

etsi

deligere, in

iu

deligit,

adire videntur, prius a

quibusdam regionibus

quin

si

solet;

liberty

est.

Reges

sibi

stirpe

non surculum deligit; nee Qui vero ex ea stirpe etiam quam fiunt; non tam Reges, quam

stirpem ipsam,

degeneret, aliam eligere

non

proximi sunt, non tam Reges nascuntur,

Regum

"Et qui hodie per

Populo constituantur necesse

possit.

Candidati habentur"; (1579), p. 85; Vindiciae contra tyrannos:

against tyrants (1689):

".

.

.

those

which

at this

A

Crowns and Royal Authority by Inheriunce, have or should have principally their Confirmation

from the People.

Briefly,

defence of

day seem to have their first

and

although the People of

some Countries have been accustomed to chuse their Kings of such a Lineage, which for some notable Merits have worthily deserved it; yet we must believe that they chuse the Stock it self, and not every Branch that proceeds from it; neither are they so tied to that Election, as if the Successor degenerate, they

another more worthy, neither those which are

bom

Royal"

not chuse

of that Stock,

(p. 64).

Where regal! dominion Regnum Israelis, si stirpem spectas,

personas, basis

may

are the next

Kings, but created such, nor called Kings, but Princes of the Blood

3:337.23-25.1*' licet,

come and

omnino Electivum";

.

.

.

elective.

Vindiciae:

haereditarium certe

(1579), p. 81. This conclusion

of the "heapes of scriptures" alleged on pp. 78—80.

993

is

"concludere

fiiisse:

at sane

si

propounded on the

Commentary To

3:337.25-338.2.x

solemnities

3:338.1-2

purpose

this .

.

STC

some

RC

.

Vindidae (1579), pp. 78-81.

given.

Saravia,

—42

The

seism;

De

imperandi authoritate

et

21747), 3.1-17 (against the view, propounded by

writers, that kings derive their authority

coronation) and 4.24

3:338.13

.

Compare

deed.

.

Christiana obedientia (1593;

.

from episcopal blessing and

(against populism).

text should read "seisin"; that

possession as of freehold

is,

(OED). Neither can flow^. In De officiis, 2.12, Cicero conjectures that, among the Medes but also among the Romans, kings were established (constitutt) when the multitude (multitudo), oppressed by those with more means,

3:339.4—7.)'

.

.

.

not only

fled for protection

and

justice to

quidem non apud Medos solum,

some one outstandingly

ut ait Herodotus, sed etiam

virtuous man.

apud majores

servanda justitia [Loeb: justitiae fruendae] causa videntur olim bene morati reges

Nam cum

premeretur

habebant: ad

initio

unum aliquem

[Loeb: inops] multitudo ab

iis,

summos cum

constituti.

qui majores opes

confugiebant, virtute praestantem: qui

injuria tenuiores, aequitate constituenda

"Mihi

nostros,

cum prohiberet

inflmis pari jure retinebat";

Opera (1588), 4:503; Loeb, pp. 208-211. See 1.10.5 (l:100.e) for an

earlier use

of

this passage.

A

3:339.10-13

some

lord.

manifest

.

.

.

escheat

In English feudal law, "All land

That lord or some one of

his predecessors in title

is

given the land to the tenant or some one of his predecessors in the tenant die without heirs that

which he gave

Holdsworth,

A

it is

is

held of

supposed to have title.

Therefore

if

only right that the lord should have back again

This

to the tenant.

is

escheat propter defectum sanguinis";

was

History of English Law, 3:67. H's analogy

especially suggestive

who had no would properly be settled by parliament as representative of "the bodie." In fact it was managed by the informal support of the Privy Council for the claims ofJames VI of Scotland. See John Guy, Tudor England (Oxford: The University Press, 1988), pp. 452-454; on the abortive earlier scheme for parliawhen he

wrote. In terms of this analogy, the succession to Elizabeth,

direct descendents,

mentary choice of a successor in the event of the queen's death, see pp. 332—333. The law of escheat also applied if the tenant committed a gross breach of the feudal

bond

3:339.20-29

(escheat propter delictum tenentis).

May

then

.

.

.

consider.

For

a less resigned attitude

towards abuses

of legitimate power, see chap. 6.9 (3:399.22-400.4) and Auto. Notes, 3:501.25-30, 503.18-504.2 and n.

lawe of God and nature

3:340.5—6 3:340.11

not the

and government

articles as

only

On

See

1.5, 8,

and

11.

H's conception of communal consent to law

an ongoing historical process, see 1.10.8,

III.

10-1 1, and VII. 5. 8.

Besides communally determined and royally accepted laws in the (statutes),

coronation oaths could also be cited

994

as "articles

strict

sense

of compact" entered into

Book by successive

VIII,

Chapter

and subjects "in

rulers

3.2-3.3

and voluntarie manner." See 3:342.21—

free

343.2.n, below.

regencie,

3:340.22-23.z

Erasmus's edns.),

.

.

.

thinges.

Aristode, Politia, 3.10

(as

in

MSS Q+

the intended reference (edn. 1550: 2:133; 1285''.3-19).

is

and

There

Aristode distinguishes and discusses various types of kingship, including the hereditary legal kingship over willing subjects of the

kings had supreme priests,

command in war and control

and they acted

next page

.

This statement and the Greek phrase on the

it.

.

a treatise

on kingship

Pythagorean thinker Ecphantus (4C BC) but the

2C

AD; Stobaeus, Florilegium (1559),

H

Fragments, p. 32.

now

p. 334; ed.

quotes from the same treatise

exalted descriptions of royal

ascribed

Hense, 2:276; Taylor,

power were framed

to suit absolute monarchies

as a

which has been seen

as

an

law in himself. See 3:496.12—497.3

the significance of H's position

on

the variable extent of royal

of the English supremacy oath by Supleton.

Which some not observing. the idea of a sovereign

Compare Bodin, who argued in De bound by law was incoherent and hence

monarch was not genuinely

that a legally limited

Political

3:335. (. His remark that such

to the interpretation

republica, 1.8, that

to the

at

important source for the idea of the king

3:341.5

by Stobaeus

dated from Hellenistic times to

accurately characterizes the later Pythagorean tradition,

and n below for power in relation

not reserved to the

sacrifices

as judges.

Ecphant. de reg^o. . (line 17) are from

3:340.a

Greek heroic period. Here the

over

a king; (1586), pp.

78-107.

On

the reception of Bodin's conception of sovereignty in England, see Ulrike Kraut-

heim, Die Souverdnitatskonzeption

den englischen

in

Verfassungskonjlikten

des

17.

Jahrhunderts: Eine Studie zur Rezeption der Lehre Bodins in England von der Regierungszeit Elizabeths

bis

I.

zur Restoration der

Stuartsherrschaft unter Karl II (Frankfiirt

Main: Peter Lang, 1977). For revision of the standard view of Bodin see A.

am

as absolutist,

London Fell, Origins of Legislative Sovereignty and the Legislative State (KonigWest Germany: Athenaum; Cambridge, Mass.: Oelgeschlager, Gunn and

stein/Ts.,

Hain, 1983-1987), vol. Political

3: Bodin's

Humanistic Legal System and Rejection of "Medieval

Theology."

3:341.8-12.6

But

that

.

.

power.

.

Aristode, Politia, 3.14 (1284''.35-1285\33)

by H on summary sutement at two kinds of kingship,

includes the discussion of the various species of kingship referred to

the

previous page. This discussion

the

is

the basis for Aristode's

beginning of the next chapter that there are virtually absolute (unrestricted is

by law) and the Spartan,

for with

the

most of the others the king

more than under Twv yap aXXcov ai noXXdi, piexa^v toutojv eiaiv. iXaTxo-

sovereign over fewer things than under absolute but over

Spartan kingship: v(ov

pev ydp Kupioi

ttJ(;

TtapPaaiXetag, nXei6vaiv

6' eiai tt\<;

AaKcoviKqc;.

(1587), p. 88; 1285\35-37.

3:341. 17.C

auT^

— ou6ev6^

KaXeerai), apxeaSai

6'

aoTw pev apxeiv

(d(j)'

vn' ovbevoq. "It pertains to

995

UTcep Kai 6 auTdpKr|(;

him

[to

king

as

well as to

Commentary god] to rule (hence he

be ruled by no one";

also called self-sufficient), to

is

Stobaeus, Florilegium (1559), p. 335; ed. Hense, 2:279; Taylor,

Political

Fragments,

pp. 36-37.

Where

3:342.2— 14. rf

the King

.

.

tvretched.

.

and statesman, Archytas of Tarentum out the

ratios

An

(early

here

by modern

of

Plato. Archytas

at

however, in other "Pythagorean" works

3:515.2—10 and 515.14—21. The

scholars. It

is

among

of political philosophy cited by

drawn preceding

is

missing from the edns. of Stobaeus available

this is

On Law

treatise

found only in Stobaeus, w^hose ascription of it

is

a fiiend

between law and musical harmony

H, but

to him. Similar comparisons are found,

below

BC)

underlying successive notes in enharmonic, chromatic, and diatonic

explicit analogy

the passage quoted by

cited

4C

from arithemetic and geometric progressions and worked

distinguished harmonic

scales.

H's musical-scientific imagery

introduces a passage attributed to the important Pythagorean philosopher

fittingly

and Justice quoted

been rejected

to Archytas has

the earliest of several in the Pythagorean tradition

H

Book

in

VIII and in the Auto. Notes; see 335. (,

340.a, 341.17, and nn, above, and 391.c, 501.22, 507.2-4, 515.2-10, and 515.1417. /j,

and nn, below.

In quoting Archytas to extol the king's subordination to

("not only the law of nature and of

God but very

human

positive

law

nationall or municipal! law")

H

ignores an idea presented immediately before the quoted passage that was to

become

a

dominant theme

himself embodied law

as

in the Pythagorean tradition,

namely

king

that the

"animate law" (vofjog e^vj/uxoc;). The ideal of a godlike

savior-ruler that developed therefrom marks

what has been

called the official

philosophy of kingship in the Hellenistic period; see Erwin R. Goodenough, "The

Philosophy of Hellenistic Kingship," Yale

Political

102; also, Holger TheslefF, Period (Abo:

An

Abo Akademi,

Classical Studies, 1 (1928):

1961). H's constitutionalist use of

tradition goes counter to their absolutist potentialities.

development of the idea of the king The King's Two Bodies:

A

55-

Introduction to the Pythagorean Writings of the Hellenistic

Study

in

as

works

in this

For the rich medieval

animate law, see Ernst H. Kantorowicz,

Medieval

Theology (Princeton:

Political

The

University Press, 1957), passages indexed under "lex animata"; and J. H. Burns, ed.,

The Cambridge History of Medieval

Political

Thought (1988), pp. 26, 27, 64-65, 434,

484.

The

passage from Archytas, including the musical analogy not included in

edns. as well as the description of lawlessness translated follows:

No^o^ tiot'

by

dv6pd)7tco \^vx6lv re Kai piov OTtep

H

at

342.10-14,

ap^ovia

tiot'

16C is

as

dKodv

yap voiioq 7tai6EUEi ^iv rdv vj/uxdv, auviaxriai bi rdv dp^ovta ETCiaT&pova piv tioieT toiv dKodv, ofioXoyov bi Tdv api 6q Eyd) ndaav Koivcoviav e^ apxovTog Kai dpxo^Evco auvEcrrd-

TE Kai (j>cov&v 6 TE pCov,

&

(JKOvdv.

TE

pEV, Kai TpiTov vojjwv. v6pcov bi 6 pEv t^x^vxoq, paaiXtvc;' 6 bi a\\ivxoq,

Ypd/ipa, np&Toq

wv 6

apxcov, dKoXouOo^* 6

v6}ioq. toutcov 6'

ydp 6

pfev paaiX,E6^, vopifio^*

apxb^evoq, £X,Eu6Epo5.

a

6'

6 6*

oXa Koivcovia Eu6at-

pmv. Kai to6t(ov TiapapdaEi plv paaiAxu(;T6pavvo<;. 6 bi apxcov dvaK6X,ou-

996

Book 6o<;'

6

6'

Chapter

VIII,

apx6pevo(; 6ouXo(;. a

5Xa

6'

icoivovia KaKo5atpcov. Stobaeus,

Florilegium, ed.

Hense, 2:82 to xav (jxav&v; the

1559 edn.,

268.

p.

"Law

bears the

same

3.3

of the passage according to the

rest

human

relation to the

and

soul

life as

harmony to hearing and speech. For as law educates the soul and organizes the life, so harmony makes hearing intelligent and speech consistent. And I say that every community consists of the ruling element, the ruled, and a third element, the laws. Now laws are of t\vo kinds, the animate law, which is the king, and the inanimate, the written law. So law is primary; for with reference to it the king is lawful, the ." (trans. rulership is fitting, the ruled are firee, and the whole community happy .

.

Goodenough).

The axiomes

3:342.19-21

("law makes the king") legibus, 1.8:

quia lex

"Ipse

man

be under

potest.

rex,

The

(1)

non debet

of these Bractonian axioms

first

quoted above

esse

at

De

igitur rex legi quod lex attribuit ei, videlicet non est enim rex ubi dominatur voluntas et non Woodbine-Thome, 2:33; "But the king himself ought not

ed.

but under

God and

under law, because law makes the king. Let

what law

the king therefore grant law

dominion and power,

grants him, namely,

no king where will dominates and not law." ("the king can do nothing except what he can do by right

for there

3:332.19—24 firom

sub homine, sed sub deo et sub lege,

et potestatem,

fol. 5";

lex"; (1569),

. .

regem. Attribuat

facit

dominationem to

autem

.

firom the passage

is

is

the passage quoted in 3:335.5.n, above; 3.1.9 (1569),

The second axiom

(2)

[or

fol. 107"^;

"by law"]")

is

firom

Woodbine-Thorne,

2:305.

3:342.21—343.2

Our

Kings

.

.

.

The

power.

anointing of English kings

at their

coronation began in the 8C, but the significance of the act has been quite variously interpreted. In holding that the oil Christus Domini)

is

"a signe of

between advocates of mous,

who

.

.

.

which makes

a king the Lord's anointed (a

religious or sacred

11— 12C

dependence on and

on

character

majority of ecclesiastical authors,

who

the king

as a lay ruler

as

From

the oath to uphold law or justice.

the form of a promise

may choose"

on

{quas uulgus

had been "granted." Similar

Archbishop Cranmer's sermon)

but Henry VIII revised

at

qualifications

at the

whole

power whole body of

of special significance for

the king's part to uphold the laws

elegerit),

the

the late middle ages, this had taken

to an undertaking to recognize only such statutes as

parendy,

rite

is

religious or sacred

being originally derived firom the

English Christians. Another feature of the coronation

and the

of the king's

the original source of

in religious affairs

body of the church. Hence he presumably thought of the symbolized in the anointing

as a sign

H

power. For

may have

rex-sacerdos),

(as

took the anointing

inferiority to the priestly

such administrative authority

as

takes a position

Norman Anony-

interpreted the anointing as a sacramental act conferring a priestly or

higher-than-priestly indelible

H was

H

power,"

theocratic kingship such as the

this

"which the people promise, limiting

it

were "lawful" or such customs

were made

in

the oath (and in

coronation of Edward VI in 1547 and, ap-

Mary's coronation a few year's

997

later,

though neither the

text

of Mary's

Commentary come

oath nor that of Elizabeth has

8,

Schramm,

to light. See Percy Ernst

A

History

(Oxford, 1937), pp. 6—

Wickham Legg

of the English Coronation, trans. Leopold G.

115-140, and 206-218; and Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies, pp. 42-61,

87-192. 3:343.4—9.6

A Prince,

.

.

.

Thomas

selves.

Stapleton, Principiorum fidei doctrinalium

demonstratio methodica, 5.17 (1579), p. 189. See 3:497.14—21 for H's transcription

of

on Catholic and Protestant views concerning the secular ruler's power in religious matters, where Stapleton presents "the new sect of lay-headers among the English" ("De Principium [1581 edn.: Principum] this

passage from Stapleton's chapter

secularium judicio in causis

fidei

quid Catholici sentiant, quid hodie Protestantes:

ubi nova apud Anglos Laicocephalorum secta manifestatur"). In his w^orking notes

H

transcribed the greater part of this chapter and

much of the

following one, in

which Stapleton confirmed the RC view with arguments based on texts from the patristic period and passages of Scripture (Auto. Notes, 3:496.12—18; 497.10—11; 498.8-10, 10-13, 23-30; 499.8-9, 15-21; 500.22-24, 27-28, 29-501.1; 501.6-13;

On

502.9-14; 515.22-516.3; and 516.7-14).

Thomas 1964),

R. O'Connell,

Stapleton see Marvin

(New Haven: Yale University Press, Anthony Wood's judgment in the early 17C that Stapleton was

Stapleton and the Counter Reformation

who

cites

"the most learned

Roman

Catholic of

all

time"

his

(London, 1820), 1:669. Stapleton's Demonstratio was

augmented with

in 1578, rpr. 1579; an edn.

Fulke appeared in 1581 and was Principiorum fidei doctrinalium

Joannes Keerbergius)

is

rpr. in

relectio

a distinct

(p. 23);

first

a thirteenth

1582

(all

Athenae Oxoniensis

published in tw^elve books

book

of these

against

William

at Paris). Stapleton's

scholastica et compendiaria

of 1596 (Antwerp:

work, written against William Whitaker.

Stapleton remarks in the present chapter of the Demonstratio (5.17) that in

England "the

sect

of Puritans" openly contradicts the other Calvinists on the

question of lay headship of the church,

Puritanorum

misnumbered

aperte contradicit"; p. [190],

H's treatment of Cartwright

as

many

other things ("in ipsa Anglia,

anti-papal

Cartwright in

English

many

p. 170).

aliis

multis, ita hac in re

This observation accords with

an opponent of the royal supremacy and

his linking

issue

of the crown's judicial power (432.6—8).

controversialist

William Whitaker, sympathetic with

of Cartwright with Stapleton on the

The

as in

secta caeteris Calvinistis Laicocephalis, ut in

matters,

was apparently

also struck

by the congruence of his

RC

objections to the supremacy. arguments in The Rest of the Second Replie with He is reported by Bancroft to have offered the following judgment, in a private letter:

"He

[Cartwright] doth not onely thinke perversly of the authoritie of Princes, in

causes ecclesiasticall,

thought

to dissent

but also flyeth into the Papistes holdes, from

with a mortall hatred. But in

this

point he

is

whome he would

be

not to be endured: and in

other partes also hee borroweth his argumentes from the Papistes"; Survay (1593), p. 379;

quoted by Peter Lake, Moderate Puritans and

The

the Elizabethan

Church (Cambridge:

University Press, 1982), p. 60.

3:343.9-14/

Others

.

.

.

discipline.

In the preface to his

998

De

saaa

politia forensi, a

Book work

dedicated to

Henry

Chapter

VIII,

3.3

of France, the jurisconsult Rene Choppin (1537-

III

1606) assembled examples of royal and imperial care of religion to support his central thesis, that the

be grateful

que

sit,

good condition of Christian

and royal power.

tion of sacred for,

He

implored

the involvement of royal

Regia perinde ac

power

on

society depends

ecclesiastics

the coopera-

not only to bear, but to

in this joint responsibility:

"Utcun-

Pontificia diplomata civilis disciplinae Sacrorum, quae his

passim Libris inspersa sunt, evidenter demonstrant, Magistratum utrumque seu

sacrum seu profanum

in Ecclesiasticae tuitionem Politiae diligenter

communem hominum

incumbere, ad

concordiam Politico Religionis

inter ipsos Societatem et

morumque civilium nexu retinendam. "Hue ergo aequanimes adeste (Christiani Patres) ac ne sperato tanti Boni fiructu careamus, Vos ad id cum sacrosancta vestra Potestate Regiam istic conspirare non modo, sed

patiamini

tus,

Quo

et gratulemini.

Sutus, qui duobus his vinculis colligatus

Christianae Politiae

ab hoc tegatur et conservetur" (1577), Pref 20-21,

H*s use of the

De

by Whitgift,

discussed

.

.

.

04'.

illo

694-696

(PS, 3:295-301). See

nn

to 3:317.21

and 343.4—9. e, above. CoUinson describes the generally harmonious

between Elizabethan and Jacobean

ordina-

On Choppin and

Cartwright, 1:192 [153]; quoted and

accordingly.

Defense, pp.

sig.

3:417.26-28.n, below.

sacra politia forensi, see

The Prince

3:344.1 l-15.li

Reique pub.

Sacerdotio ac Imperio, ab

est,

Calvinist, "Magistracy

relations

and Ministry," in The

Religion of Protestants, pp. 141—188.

Another acknowledgeth

3:344.15—22.1

STC

the Godlie Ministers (1587;

.

.

.

honestie.

Dudley Fenner, Defense of

10771): "Wherefore to begin the

booke

afore said

thus: There

is

[marg.. In the admonition to the

no doubt but that

onely they them selves should shippe, but should

abo take

forbidde and represse as

God

of the 363],

much

is,

you

God may

carrie

a divine

bee inhibited. This

onely of the their soules,

is

bellies

Nowe

the chiefest ende

evill lustes:

table.

is

said: /

and blasphemie

in

have saide, you are Gods,

the chiefest parte of this office

necessarie.

all

is,

to

provide that

dishonor of his Majestic

chiejlie

such as should provide for

Wherefore they are placed of

idleness, pleasures, pride, pilinges

the verie images of

God

God may ....

generall to belong unto her Majest. as this point,

may

in the toppe

of

and men may be

this point, there is

not anie

or allowe anie further authoritie in

appeare most evidendie by the wordes

Anno primo

999

reigne in the worlde,

this,

and minister unto

God

[plunder, pillage] and satisfyings of

Touchinge

lawe or lawes in force which doe contrarie

of the Statute touching

wor-

and scope of the maintayning of peace and Discipline

but that by their ministerie is,

his

For they are Magistrates not of beastes but of men, and not

of their subjectes, but

what soever

govemement, norfor

men, that

office.

it is

God and

unto their subjectes, and that they

be rightlie acknowledged and served of mankinde, and

comprised in the seconde

Magistrates, that not

as they can, everie stubbume, contempt,

worde or deede, of or against the same. Therfore that

all

professe the true doctrine of

care that this be set forth

point of her

book of concord, page

hath most severely enjoyned

knowe and

first

we

say out

Majesties authoritie in ecclesiasticall causes generallie considered,

Elizab.

reg.

where having enacted the

Commentary abolishing of all forraine power, Highness, that

it

may

that also

and enacted by

power or

spirituall

and

of the same, and of

correction

offences, contemptes,

and

and annexed

be united

manifestlie, that they call,

that

is,

maner of

all

that such

by

ecclesiasticall, as

may

laufullie be

and persons, and for

reformation,

Heresies, scismes, abuses,

errors.

Crowne of this Realme. Wherein we see most spirituall and ecclesiasti-

annexe no authoritie to the Crowne,

in spirituall

and

then that whiche hath bin hereto-

ecclesiasticall causes

of

ecclesiasticall State

abuses that waye, to the pleasure

all

and

enormities, shall for ever, by authoritie of this present Parliament,

to the Imperiall

fore lawfullie used for the visitation

punishing

likewise please your

authoritie, hath heretofore bin, or

exercised or used for the visitation of the ecclesiasticall state order,

may

it

the authoritie aforesaid,

and preheminences

jurisdictions, priuiledges, superiorities,

anie spirituall or ecclesiasticall

And

added:

it is

he established

and persons, and

for

the Statute, repeting the verie

(as

same worde addeth) of almightie God, the encrease of vertue, and the conservation of the By which it is manifest, that the meaning is not that

peace and unitie of this Realme.

they should (being

suspende, excommunicate, or in their persons

civil persons)

exercise ecclesiasticall censures, but only that they should visite the ecclesiastical

were ordered according

estate, to see that therein al things

to the lawes

of God,

and of the lande, and what soever they found otherwise, they should punish with imprisonment,

of goods, member,

losse

God, and of the

agreeable to the lawe of

meaning

according to the worde of God" will say at 3:345.13—14,

follows a few pages

doctrine

it

A qualification

therefore hereof

men

a rule

howe

3:344.22-345.4.) all

is

them

delivered

doe

firom

faithfullie

A third

which

I

.

.

.

God:

that

See Penry

explane.

commission she may have

and great towne,

that

to

knowe and worship

it is

the Magistrates duetie, to

it is

as

(?)'s

(sig.

is

conunitted

E2).

An Humble

Motion (1590):

all

the people to keepe the after the

commissioners in causes

and Synods:

civil authority:

and

if

law of Christ

by

hir

commandement

his

sonne.

And by

she hath already, rulers and officers in every shire

as

and hands, to hearken

ministers. Elderships,

by

the office,

is,

performe their charge which

of God, and the ministers to be, and do,

\vord,

H

(an abatement, as

gather, that the discipline hindreth not, but that

supreame authoritye she may compell

eyes, eares,

all

belongeth to the Ministers of the church, syncerelie to propounde that

which

unto them, without humane corruptions and additions"

hir

of justice .... the

sworde, the punishing of them

civill

D2'-3').

(sig.

"The summe

later:

see, that the Ministers

"Out of

rule

"out of the forealledged grand and florishing summe,")

and due of God alone, to prescribe

him: that

and the

onelie to give unto her Majestie the visiting and overseeing of

is,

persons and causes ecclesiasticall, and by the

right

or other condigne punishment

life,

lande,

after the

to

Ecclesiastical, to

be

as it

were, hir

due and orderly proceedings of the after Gods them which handle Gods holy

compell them to doe everye thing

need be,

to punish

thinges out of order, and to force the people to bee obedient unto the ordinance

of Christ Jesus: so that she governesse, (and hir full

and

self,

still

shall

remaine over

under none, but

royall authority, superiority,

God

all

persons, in

all

things

supreame

in his sonne Jesus Christ) in that

preeminence, supremacy and prerogative,

1000

Book

VIII,

Chapter

3.3

which the Lawes already esublished do nowe give unto hir, and hir Majesties injunctions, and the articles of the Convocation house, and other writings Apologeticall of hir royall authority and supreame dignitye, doe declare and explane" (pp. 62-63).

Possidonius

3:345. 4-9. fe

"Posidonius disseruit

.

.

.

.

De

Cicero,

action.

natura deorum,

mortalibus dixerit, invidiae detestandae gratia dixisse nihil gratificantem, curus,

re

tollit,

omnino

On

OCD:

"As

culture, see

nihil

.

.

.

nihil

curantem, nihil agentem

Posidonius's impact

on

Roman

Aristotle forms the epilogue

.

.

.

de

is

diis

1:

im-

cuiquam tribuentem, .

.

idque videns Epi-

philosophical and literary

of the culture of

classical

Graeco-Roman

civiliza-

Greece, so Posidonius collected the heritage of the tion,

.

end of bk.

Opera (1588), 4:196 (second numeration);

oratione relittquit deos";

Loeb, pp. 118—120.

quaeque

nullos esse deos Epicure videri:

.

.

bequeathing to the Renaissance the legacy of the Hellenistic age."

3:346.8-13

Secondly

.

.

such

.

Compare

like.

chap. 3.5 (3:352.24-28) and 4.9

(377.3-378.17 and n).

In these the Kittg

3:346.25-347.8 the best short

summary of the

.

.

Cited by Holdsworth

power.

.

actual state

A

of royal prerogative

as

History of English Law, 4:208, n.l. For H's conception

"given ... by the

common

506.12, and n. Restrictions legal

"perhaps

as

of the law in the sixteenth century";

law and parliament," see Auto. Notes, 3:505.32—

on

the crown's

power

to

change the nature of English

procedures are embodied in various provisions of

Magna

Carta,

first

issued

under King John in 1215 and revived in 1216, 1217, and 1225 under Henry

Magna

charta, cunt statutis, turn antiquis, turn recentibus

S.R., 1:9-19, 22-25. For original context, see

J.

(1587;

STC

9282),

fols. 1

III;

—7

;

C. Holt, Magna Carta, 2nd edn.

(Cambridge: The University Press, 1992). For commentary on legal developments

W.

McKechnie, Magna Carta, 2nd edn. restore bloud. That is, restore the normal legal rights lost through the attainder (by parliament) of ancestors, whose blood was said to have become corrupted thereby; see G. R. Elton, The Parliament of England 1559-1581 (Cambridge: The University Press, 1986), pp. 303—309. The queen's own blood was restored by 1 Eliz. I, cap. 23.

stemming

(1914; rpr.

3:347.13-14./

firom these provisions, see

New

S.

York: Burt Franklin, 1958).

Ambrose

.

.

.

Ecclesiam

"A good emperor is within

est.

not over the church." This famous statement

whose order

to turn over a basilica for use

refused to obey;

it is

printed after

"Imperator enim bonus

32

epist.

intra Ecclesiam,

is

firom a

sermon

the church,

against Auxentius,

by the Arians Ambrose

in Opera (1569), col. 581;

non supra Ecclesiam

est;

steadfastly

PL, 16:1018:

bonus enim

imperator quaerit auxilium Ecclesiae, non refutat." For context, see 3:383.11— 384.18.n, below. For a slighdy

fiiller

quotation, derived from Stapleton, see Auto.

Notes, 3:497.10-11.

3:347.17—19

for the received lawes

revision of Book

VI on

.

.

.

none.

For the bearing of H's planned

this statement, see Intro, to the

1001

Three Last Books,

p. 245,

Commentary The absence of such

above.

here

extended action in religious

Magna

"received lawes ... of the Church"

as are

alluded to

assigned at chap. 8.8 as a cause of unnecessarily restrained or unduly

is

Carta,

it is

inuct and

rights or laws

affairs

4C

by

Christian emperors. In the

granted that the English church its

turn recentibus,

1587,

firee

first

and

clause

of

have

its

shall

unimpaired ("ecclesia Anglicana libera

liberties

habeat omnia jura sua integra, et libertates suas turn antiquis,

be

shall

fol.

Magna

illaesas";

cum

charta,

sit,

et

statutis,

S.R., 1:9, omitting "omnia"), and an

l";

undertaking to preserve the church's peace was a traditional part of English coronation oaths. In Henry VIII's revision of the coronation

promise

is

for the preservation

of the church

rights

A

See Schramm,

of unity

in

ordo,

however, the

church and people, and reference to the

deleted at the accustomed place in the oath of Edward VI.

is

History of the English Coronation, pp. 212, 216-217.

H

clearly

wishes to maintain continuity with the ecclesiastical legal structures of the past,

even though,

Gods and

as

he recognizes in the Auto. Notes, there

and naturalized within to

this

be the princes lawes"; 3:507.19-24. For

judgments, see chap.

be

it

a

in

England but

of the system of dual

"Supreme Govemour" of

single

For the situation in practice

8.

Helmholz, Roman Canon Law

when

H

wrote, see R. H.

Reformation England (1990).

in

ancient lawes of nations

3:348.9-1 8. m

his defense

and secular jurisdictions under

ecclesiastical

3:348.1

"no law

is

many of the Canon lawes as are currant Realme deserve the name of the lawes of the realm and

the Queenes," and hence, "so

See 1.10.12-14.

Wherefore not without

.

.

.

"Provided alwaies, and

Convocation.

enacted by the authoritie aforesaid, that such person or persons to

your highnesse, your heires or successors

shall heereafter

by

letters patents,

whom under

the great scale of England, give authoritie to have or execute anie jurisdiction,

power, or authoritie

spirituall,

or to

visit,

heresies, schismes, abuses, or enormities,

reforme, order, or correct anie errors,

by vertue of this

act, shall

not in anie wise

have authoritie or power to order, determine, or adjudge anie matter or cause to

be heresie, but onelie such

as

heeretofore have beene determined, ordred, or

adjudged to be heresie, by the authoritie of the canonicall

scriptures, or

by the

first

foure generall counsels, or anie of them, or by anie other generall counsell, wherein the

same was declared

heresie,

by the expresse and

plaine

words of the

said

canonicall scriptures, or such as heereafter shall be ordered, judged, or determined to

be heresie, by the high court of parlement of this realme, with the assent of the cleargie in their convocation: anie thing in this act conteined to the contrarie notwith-

standing."

An

ecclesiasticall

Eliz.

1,

act restoring to the

and

cap. 1.20;

anti-Lollard

3:348.24-26

crowne

and abolishing

spirituall,

all

the ancient jurisdiction over the state forren

power repugnant

to the same,

1

W.V.S. (1587), 2:360; S.R., 4.1:354. This provision replaces the

Act of 1400-1401 referred

But of this

.

.

.

lawes.

to in Auto. Notes, 3:484.10.

See n.

See chap. 6.8 and 11 (3:394.17-395.18 and

402.22-403.10) and Auto. Notes, 3:519.24-36.

1002

Book 3:349.6-20 Cypri

the dissipation ...

regent, 1.1:

Chapter

VIII,

3.3-3.4

Compare Aquinas, De

it.

regimine

prindpum ad

"Multis enim existentibus hominibus, et unoquoque id quod

est

congruum providence, multitudo in diversa dispergeretur nisi etiam esset aliquis Non enim idem de eo quod ad bonum multitudinis pertinet, curam habens. est, quod proprium, et quod commune. Secundum propria quidem, differunC, seOportet igitur praeter id quod movet ad cundum autem commune, uniuntur. proprium bonum uniuscujusque esse aliquid quod movet ad bonum commune Oportet igitur esse in omni multitudine aliquod regitivum"; sepamultorum. sibi

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

rately foliated in Aristotelis

explanatione (1568),

"For where there

fol.

.

.

politicorum

.

many men

are

.

.

.

libri octo

.

.

.

cum D. Thomae Aquinatis

lE-F; ed. Joseph Mathis (Turin and together and each one

is

Rome,

looking

1948), p. 2.

after his

agency to take care of what appertains to the commonweal .... For what

and what

own

multitude would be broken up and scattered unless there were also an

interest, the

common

is

are not identical.

Things

differ

they are united by what they have in

common.

something which impels towards the

common good

.

.

.

by what

is

is

proper

proper to each:

Consequently, there must exist

of the many, over and above

which impels towards the particular good of each individual .... Therefore in every multitude there must be some governing power"; On Kingship to the King of Cyprus, trans. Gerald B. Phelan, rev. by Th. Eschmarm (Toronto, 1949), pp. 5—6. that

The good

3:349.13—14 political

.

.

On

perfection.

.

the part-whole relation in H's

thought see 3:219.23-220. 4.n, above. Compare Aristotle,

Politics,

1.1

(1253*.19-30); Aquinas, S.T., la2ae.96.4 and 90.2 (B, 28:130-131, 10-11).

Such

3:349.23-24. n

as in

.

.

.

Justinian, Digesta, 1.2.2.11: "Novissime, sicut

one,

ad pauciores juris constituendi via

transisse, ipsis

partes, evenit, ut necesse esset reipublicae per

rebus dictantibus, videbatur: per

unum

consuli.

nam

senatus

non

perinde omnes provincias probe gerere poterat. Igitur constituto principe, datum est

ei jus:

ut

quod

constituisset,

ratum

esset";

(1590), col. 5; ed.

Monunsen-

Krueger (1963), p. 30; Scott, 2:214. "Finally, as the mode of establishing law seemed to have passed little by little to fewer persons, as occasion demanded, it

became necessary ruler having

would be

be attended to by one person

for the public welfare to

Senate could not properly administer

been esublished, the

all

right

was given to him,

that

what he esublished

valid." This passage concludes a brief constitutional history

The

the imperial jurist Pomponius.

been seen (by the

(for the

the provinces equally): therefore, a chief

transition

from republic

plotters in Shakespeare's Jm/(M5 Caesar, for

of Rome by

to principate has also

example)

as a

revolu-

tionary subversion of the existing order rather than as a deliberate change broadly

agreed upon by 3:349.27

all

concerned,

Pomponius

ouk aya6r|6v xoXoKOipaviq:

(1550), 2:398, quoting

3:350.2—10

as

Surely two

Homer, .

.

.

Iliad,

it.

Aristode, Meta., 12.10 (1076*.4); Opera

2.204.

other two.

pads, 1.17.3, ed. Gewirth, pp.

presents

81-82 and

1003

Compare n. 4.

Marsilius of Padua, Defensor

Commentary 3:350.17-19

—

Moses deriving

On Jethro's

supretnacie.

advice to his son-in-

law, Moses, see Exod. 18:25—26; for H's view of the divine authority accruing to

of Jethro's devising, see VII.5.2 (3:161.5-18).

this polity

Jehosaphat appointing

3:350.19-21

.

.

.

both.

2 Chron. 19:8, 11; see 3:323.24-

26.f.n, above.

Judceorum ... p. 197.

3:350.0

Secondly that

3:351. 3-12./>

leges, sacrificia, ritus, et

quibus nefas esset,

quam

.

Stapleton, Demonstratio, 5.22 (1579), pp. 197-198. .

"Rursum sacerdotium vetus habuit suas

writing,

.

ceremonias omnes a Moyse praescriptas atque conscriptas;

addere vel detrahere quicquam: ut hic nulla fere

erat, vel

praescriptos cultus et leges executioni mandare: in

concurrere commodissime possent.

Nam

nondum

a majoribus. ...

erant necessario explicite ab

At

in Ecclesia Christi et

plurima accesserunt mysteria explicite credenda, etiam a minoribus fidelium

.

.

.

ae, scriptae

("for

which cause

3:351.14—21.^ et

et praeterea cultus divini externique regiminis ratio, ritus et

omnino non .

.

fuerunt"; ibid., p. 198.

regall

.

Thirdly, that

poenae temporales. Qui

power") .

.

is

conclusion

non amore

poenis,

quam vulgo

ceremoni-

at lines

12-14

"Tertio synagogae disciplina erat gladius,

superbierit, obedire nolens sacerdotis imperio,

morte moriatur [marg., Deut. 17]. Et ut totus sic terrore et externis

The

et

H's formulation.

loose.

.

opus reges

ardua et sublimiora fidei mysteria quae

sacerdotum judicia maxime desiderarent,

omnibus credenda, sed tantum

alia re

quo genere

status

ille

servorum

et spiritualibus

ex decreto judicis

erat,

non

filiorum;

poenis ducebantur.

.

.

.

Hinc ergo factum est, ut propter disciplinam illam corporalem, et visibilis gladii qui in manu regum erat, Reges ipsi causis ecclesiasticis non solum pie, sed etiam

Nunc

necessario sese nonnihil immiscuerint. pertineat amplius ad disciplinam Ecclesiae

.

.

.

vero,

datur

Ecclesiae disciplinam et regimen pertinere; sed ad

cum

visibilis gladius non non amplius ad Reges tantum quorum est ligare et

intelligi

illos

solvere: et caetera"; Ibid., p. 198.

Fourthly that

3:351.21—26. r

populo concluderetur cura

magna ex

.

.

.

non

.

.

.

pow^er.

erat

"Quarto cum Synagoga vetus in uno

incommodum,

parte committeretur.

At

in Ecclesia

ut uni

quoque Regi, Synagogae

multarum gentium, ut idem

fiat

impossibile est"; Ibid., p. 198.

The

3:352.4—19

service

.

.

.

blameworthie?

H's willingness to compare

Christian and non-Christian religion in his discussion of political

here (and

at

3:354.14-17 and 407.28-408.22)

parallels his

emphasis

at

as

well

power V.1-3 on

as contrast

both the importance of truth in reHgion and the presence of "certaine sparkes of the light of truth" in 3:353.5

2.

Cor. 3:7.8.

all

religion.

At 3:284.4-14

H

uses these verses to justify a level

material support for the Christian ministry greater than that of the in proportion to the greater glory

of the ministry of the

ministry of the law.

1004

spirit

of

OT priesthood

compared with the

law

3:354.26-29

as

Book

VIII,

Macabeus

made

1465?— 1536), Scotorum

us,

authoritatem

Chapter .

.

annum totum

Hector Boece

possessions?

origine gentis, bk.

(or Boethi-

"Qui

12:

pontificis

execratus contempserit, neque se interim reconciliarit,

duos annos in ea contumacia perseverarit,

hostis reipublicae habetor: qui vero

omnibus mulutor";

fortunis

.

prima

historiae a

3.5-4.0

([1527]), fol. 259'. Like

the attribution of such a law to the

IIC

much

Boece's history,

else in

Macbeth

Scottish king

is

doubtful.

Nimrod Gen. 10:8-12. Compare WiUiam Whitaker, Ad rationes decern Edmundi Campianijesuitae (1581; STC 25358): "Pontifex Romanus ille est Nemro-

3:355.23

des, robustus venator ecclesiae" (p. 218, marg.): a

son with the identification of the pope

church

at the time; see Intro, to

H

147.3) in

uses Calvin's assertion

which he himself argues

Book

common

in the English

VIII, p. 348, n. 18. Injust. § 27 (5:146.29-

of this identity even on

that,

mild characterization in compari-

as Antichrist

as basis for discussion in a

C

assumption, the

this

of

R

passage

is

a true

church.

3:356.7-13.M

It

was but

adduced by Stapleton

.

.

.

The

Kings.

exegesis of

H

Pet. 2:9

1

cites

here was

against the royal supremacy, Demonstratio (1579), p. 198.

The

no longer attributed to Aquinas: "Sed cum dicitur, Exod. 19. Vos eritis in regnum sacerdotale: quare dicitur hie regale sacerdotium? Respondeo. Ad innuendam praerogativam novi testament! respectu veteris. in novo enim testamento sacerdotium praeeminet regno, sicut spiritus praeeminet corpori. Regnum enim consistit in regimine corporali, sacerdotium

commentary

firom

vero in regimine

autem

which

it is

spiritual!.

in adjectivo";

taken

Ideo potestas sacerdotalis ponitur in substantivo, regalis

D. Thomae Aquinalis

Joannis, etjudae Canonicas epistolas

commentary has often been 14C Oxford Dominican) and

this

a

pum

is

ad Cypri regem, 1.14, a

.

.

.

.

in singulas apostolorum Jacohi, Petri,

.

commentaria (1543),

.

ascribed to

fol.

76

Thomas Anglicus

cites a similar passage

.

Keble notes that

Thomas Waleys, De regimine princi-

(=

from the

work begun by Thomas Aquinas but completed by

Ptolemy of Lucca. their title of Headship The present chapter is not included in the oudine of Book VIII, Auto. Notes, 3:494.14-27, and it was originally placed eighth in the

3:356.19

outline at 495.13-29.

H

need not have defended the

title

"head of the church,"

since Elizabeth, to the evident relief of early apologists for the 1559 religious

settlement (see above, p. 362, n. 34), had not assumed

Supremacy Act she was

styled

taken the inappropriateness of the former

example

to

"archbishop"

if

any

is

is

title

for granted

and had used

this as

an

title

proper to Christ and should not be taken by any man, even

man

only archbishop, there

In the final form of the

support his contention (see 3:266.22—23.n, above) that the

though Scripture does not say expressly

"And

it.

"supreme governor" of the church. Cartwright had

will reply I

and say/

answer he

is

that such a

that

it is

title

belongs only to Christ:

not sayd that our savior Christ

is

not only sayd the head/ and yet notw^ithstanding

no more heads of the church but he"; 1:83

[61]; Whitgift, Defense, p.

301;

PS, 2:84. Whitgift conceded that Christ was the only head of the church: "if by

1005

Commentary the heade

you understande

For Christ onely by doth poure Likewise he

which giveth

that

doth give

his spirite

spirituall blessings into

it,

life

the bodie lyfe, sense, and motion:

and nutriment to

and doth inwardly

his bodie:

direct

onely the heade of the whole Church, for that

is

He

onely

and goveme

it.

can not agree

title

an externall ruler

why the magistrate might not as weU be of the commonwealth: "if by the head you understande and governour of any particular nation or Church" {Defense, p.

301; PS, 2:85).

was

any other." But he did not perceive

to

head of the church

called

It

by

attack discussed

as

in response to this that Cartwright

H

in the following pages.

For

mounted

the theological

of the issues, with special reference to the consistency of H's underlying principles with those of

W. J.

the magisterial Reformation, see the

Royal Supremacy (Leiden: E.

That howsoever

3:357.11-28.1*'

remaineth onely to prove/ the Saviour Christe.

Torrance Kirby, Richard Hooker's Doctrine of 1990). For H's own earlier assertion of

J. Brill,

unique headship, seejude

Christ's

§ 15 (5:31.6-8).

1,

... Church.

title

Head

Cartwright, Second Replie: "Here

off the church/ to belonge onely to our

must therfore desyre the reader

I

a detailed analysis

to tourne

181 [of Whitgift's Defense] where the D. confesseth

unto the 6

much

as

as 1/ that

onely the head of the church. If Christe be onely head: then that the cyvill magistrate standeth.

But

set

Christe

downe/

is

that

head of the commonwealthe/ and not of the church/ be head off the church then Christe is not onelie.

if the magistrate

Howbeit having truthe:

is

I

divis. pag.

of

for feare off the outcry

he forth with

up

lifteth

made

all/

a

little

and

his heele againste it/

curtesie

will

unto the

have the

civill

whereupon muste followe infynite absurdities. Firste the doctrine off the Apostle is by this means cleane overthrowen/ which sheweth that this tytle Head of the church/ was gyven to our Sav. Christe to lifte him above all powres/ rules/ and domynions/ ether in heaven/ or earth [marg., magistrate head also off the church/

Eph. 1.21. then is

it is

not in

Col.

1

18.].

Where

manifeste/ that there this

pointe superior.

magistrate this title/ he

if this title

is

a

powre

And by

belonge

in earth/

also

unto the

cyvill magistrate:

whereunto our Saviour Christe

the same reason that he maie gyve the

maye gyve him

also that

he ys the

fyrste

civill

begotten of

all

which wherby he ys

creatures/ the fyrste begotten off the dead/ yea the redemer of his people

he governeth. For these lyfted

in

up above

all

are a like

creatures.

all

both places/ lead to shewe

And

gyven unto hym/

as dignities

beside that the

whole argument off the Apostle

Head

off the church/ can not be saide

that this tytle

of any creature: yt ys confirmed by the demonstrative

Hebrewes

es[p]ecially,

off one/ unto

hym

and none other

whom

selfe alone.

For he

saith

he

is

wherewith the which is verified

article/

Saint Paul folowed/ use to tie that

the head: as if he should saie/ he

the heade of the church" (2:411-412).

is

To termed. Defending the loyalty of Christians to the Roman emperor even though they deny him the title of "god," Tertullian points out that Augustus, who formed the empire, refused the title of "lord" ("dominus") because it was a title of God, yet he himself will call the emperor "lord," if only he is not

3:359.3-5. a

.

.

.

1006

Book forced to

him

call

VIII,

lord in place of

Capita

.

.

Liv.

.

1.

4.2-4.4

God; Apologeticm

CCSL,

chap. 34; Opera (1566), 2:681; 3:360.fc

Chapter

1:144;

ANF,

adversus Gentes pro Christianis,

3:43.

"Heads of poppies, chief men of the

1.

phrases from Livy's account of the

6C BC

response to the messenger his son had sent to ask advice for consolidating his

power

When

at Gabii.

garden

summa papaverum

("tacitus,

understood and

own

the messenger returned, saying that Tarquinius had said

nothing, but only struck off the highest poppy heads his

key

city," the

tyrant Lucius Tarquinius the Proud's

rid himself

interemit"); Livy,

Romanae

1.54. This passage

is

of the leading

men of the

city

("primores

1.1; (1589), p. 33;

historiae libri,

not so apt for H's point

of the flowers, not their heads, which

he walked up and

as

down

capita dicitur baculo decussisse"), the son

as the

next one, for

it is

Roma

preeminence.

signifies

civitatis

.

Loeb, 1:188—189,

.

.

.

as

the height .

.

Ant.

I.

"The head of all Italy." Dionysius of Halicarnassus (b. 62 — 55 Bc), 'Poojuaixfjg dgxaioXoyiag {Roman Antiquities), bk. 4 (not 2); Scripta quae exstant, omnia (1586), p. 258; Loeb, 2:462—463, as chap. 61. The phrase is from a soothsayer's interpretation of the discovery of a newly slain man's head by Lucius Tarquinius while excavating for a temple on what, as a result of this incident, came to be known as the Capitoline Hill. The meaning was that the place in which the head was found 2.

was

to

be the head of

on

Italy:

all

'IraXiac;

tov totiov toutov ev

7:9.

7:9,

Isa.

which

Pekah

refers to

KexjKxXi^v

4>

thv

as

et^aprai yeveaeai ao^Tiaaqc;

KeijKxA-qv eupexE.

Pekah

of of an unsuccessful anti-Assyrian coalition that ultimately led to (733-732 BC). The point of H's reference seems to be

may be

legitimately called

... Es.

"Remaliahs sonne"; Pekah was the leader

"Head of Samaria

Israel's

defeat

that even the usurper

Pekah

" hence that the term

is

not exclusive

to Christ.

3:360.15— 17.f

Theodor Beza

.

.

belongeth

.

Christianae ftdei, 5.23 in

Confessio

Theodori Bezae Vezelii volumen primum \—tertium\ Tradationum theologicorum (1582), 1:42:

"Hactenus

a

nobis dictum est de universi corporis Ecclesiae potestate.

quidem mihi eorum qui publico

Superest ut de praecipuis ejusdem corporis membris disseramus, quae

Nam

videntur commodissime dividi posse in quatuor species.

munere funguntur bonis,

alii

in Ecclesia,

alii

anuntiando Verbo,

alii

disciplinae et politiae Ecclesiasticae praesunt:

distribuendis Ecclesiasticis

alii

denique partim adminis-

trant civilia negotia, partim Ecclesiae tranquillitatem in genere procurant ac tuentur, et

quidem accepta

in hos usus gladii potestate.

quos vocant, separarunt, quasi quae Deus conjunxit,

quum

et

isti

non

Nam

sint Ecclesiae

qui ab Ecclesiasticis Laicos,

membra, plane secreverunt

passim in Scripturis Reges vocentur Christi Domini,

perinde ut Prophetae et fideles reliqui: et Petrus appellatione significatur haereditatis portio)

ac peculium comprehendat";

body of principall

the church,

members

kindes: the

it

totam Ecclesiam Dei, ut

"Having

resteth to see

thereof, the \vhich,

one hath charge

finished the point

what I

is

think

cleri,

(quo nomine

ipsius videlicet

portionem

of the authority of the

the duety and authoritye of the

may be

very well devided into

4.

to teach, the other to distribute the ecclesiastical

1007

Commentary goods, the other to govern the

spiritual!

which

affayres,

ordinaunces and discipline, the other to have respect

the ecclesiastical!

is

well to the publique

as

affayres of this Ufe, as generally to maintain the tranquility of the whole Church, with the power of the sworde. But those which have seperated them selves (being

Church or the cleargy) from those which be called laye people, as though they were not members of the Church (yea from the most noble) have called the

greatly erred, considering that kinges in the scripture are called the

the Lord, cleargy,

are

(as

(which

is

much

as

annoynted of

by this word whole Church of

the faithfull), and Saint Peter did understand

all

as to say a

portion or heritage)

the

all

A

God"; trans. R. F[illes], Briefe and Pithy Summe of the Christian Fayth (1585; STC 2012), pp. 181-182. Beza's Confession was published in French in 1559 and in Latin in 1560.

English trans, from the French appeared by 1589 (STC 2007-2010, 2012-2013).

Filles's

in six later edns.

them munerum

that of

3:360.17-21.rf

tertiam speciem

... first table.)

hanc jurisdictionem non pertinere ad

sam

1563 and was

"Tandem ad

1:46:

ibid.,

rpr.

Ecclesiasticorum pervenimus, quae ad Spiritualem

jurisdictionem pertinent. Committebatur autem est

Beza,

in

ilia

Presbyteris.

.

.

.

Sed sciendum

res terrenas et caducas, ac prorsus diver-

esse a Civili, sicut Christus testatus est, et post

Christum Paulus, quanvis

utraque sigillatim universos fideles sine exceptione comprehendat.

Nam

et Civili

Magistratui obnoxii sunt omnes, cujus etiam potestas est suo respectu dpx»TeKTOviKT^,

quatenus pacem et euTa^iav procurare debet, praesertim in

primam tabulam

respiciunt, et vicissim

asticae disciplinae

tion over first

all

non

("Civili Magistratui

those thinges

of a

which concerneth

to those

.

fieri satis

quo uno vera omnis

.

respiciunt")

who were

called

the conscience. So that

"De

"Hujus itaque munus

quum

civil magistrate's jurisdic-

omitted in

is

Filles's

offices, lyeth in the spirituaD jurisdic-

Civil! Magistrate, according as the

pp. 199-200. See also § 44,

vero

of the

.

.

.

Presbiter.

.

.

.

Now

not in worldly and Temporal! thinges, but altogeather in

Aposdes, but practised, and Saint Paule

1:53):

.

of Ecclesiastical!

which was committed

this jurisdiction lyeth

office

quae

iis

qui verbo Dei ac proinde Ecclesi-

subjiciatur." Beza's assertion

translation: "The third estate tion, the

est

persons in keeping good order, especially in things concerning the

of the law

table

nemo

recte

non

felicitas

Christianos Magistratus

est

after

him

.

fullye distinct

from the

.

.";

A

Briefe

his

and Pithy Summe,

Christiani Magistratus Officio" {Tractat. theolog.,

publicam pacem ac tranquillitatem conservare. Id possit,

quin primo loco vigeat verus Dei cultus, a

promanat, consequitur

quam

it is

Lorde Christe not onely sayd to

nihil antiquius esse

debere apud

ut Ecclesiam habeant ad praescriptum verbi

constitutam, cujus auctoritatem adversus

omnes

Dei

praefractos ejus contemptores ac

omnium "Of the civil!

perturbatores tueantur ac vindicent, Davidis, Salomonis, Ezechielis, Josiae,

denique piorum

Regum

ac Principum

exemplum

and Christian magistrate, and to what ende

sequuti";

=

§ 42,

his office tendeth," in

A

Briefe

and

Summe: "the duty and office of the Magistrats, is not to regard simply the peace and concord of subjectes, but principally for this end, that the peace and concord may tend to the honour and glory of God, that all men maye live not Pithy

1008

Book onelye in a certaine as

VIII,

Chapter

4.4-4.6

honesty, but also with pietie and true worship of God,

civil!

witnesseth S. Paule. For this cause especially

God: and all

the

it

appertayneth to the Magistrate,

which he useth and executeth, may be conformable

that the lawes

principally to give order that the religion be perfect

to the will

and holye and

of

that

Church be ordered according to the worde of God, forbidding and punishall those which trouble the Church, or concerning the

ing, as the case requyreth,

Discipline thereof (pp. 224—226).

The ends ...

3:361.15—17/

as prefiguring Christ

me. Thou

art

my

is

Sonne:

The Head

3:362.5-9.^

earth,

The

Ps. 2:8.

.

.

day have

this

.

I

of interpreting the passage

tradition

based on the preceding verse:

".

the

.

.

Lord hathe

unto

said

begotten thee."

proceedeth.

Timaeus; Opera (1578), 3:44D.

Plato,

by explaining the length of the human body and the limbs shooting out fi'om it as a vehicle and means of transport for the head. The sense of Plato continues

he explains

sight

coalescence of the pure

as a

eyes in a dense stream, vath the similar

3:363.9—22. /j,i &ulte of autoritie

it is

objected

distinction/

this

.

doth.

.

his father:

and which he exerciseth

govemement

oflf

as

fire

within

us,

flowing through the

of daylight.

he

is

God

the sonne of

onely before

with that which he hath gyven

in respecte

"The other

Cartwright, Second Replie:

confoundeth/ and shuffleth together the

that yt

of our Saviour Christ/

worldes/ coequall with

the

.

is

fire

he

is

mediator betwene

oflf his

God and

the church/ and superiorytie over the oflBcers

Saviour Christ himselfe hath a superior/ [marg.,

Cor. 15.23.] which

1

us.

For in

off" it/ is

all

father/

our

his father:

off" kingdomes/ and other commen w^ealthes/ and in the which he hath over kinges/ and judges/ he hath no superior/ but immediate autoritie with his father [marg., 1 Cor. 11.3.]. Therfore the mouldinge upp off" the two estates/ and govemementes together/ is to lay the foundations off"

but in the govemement superiority

many

errors [marg., Cor. 1.15.27.28.]" (2:411).

confessing that the magistrate that

he ys not ordeined

bet^vene

God and

properly one preservation

off"

off"

us.

off"

is

kind.

oflf

Compare: "D.

God

that the oflBce

Now yf the

oflf

is

absurd.

But he

two heades is

Christ.

is

in the off"

the

Consydering that

oflf

yt/ wheroff"one

were

not an under/ and subordinate head

consydering that his autoritie cometh firom as

mediatour

committed the govemement off the church/ unto our Saviour

not under a nother: which

ady/ even

is

cyvill magistrate

should be the head

cyvill magistrate

Christe/ and that otherwise there should be

off" Christe/

of the

which serveth the Lordes providence

church: he must be an under/ and subordinate head the lorde hath

[Whitgift] ... in

immediately/ standeth with us

our Saviour Christe/ in respect that he

heruppon followeth

those means/

man

ordeined

God symply/ and immedi-

our Saviour Christes: and therfore not the head

off"

the church"

(2:417-418).

3:363.22—23

the

summe of our

ans^vere

281.

1009

Compare

Bancroft, Survay, pp.

268—

Commentary That Christ

3:366.5-8.r

.

.

Part of the

superior.

.

first

passage quoted in 3:363.9-

22.n, above.

The

3:366.8—10.5

Civill Magistrates

.

.

Christ.

.

Part of the second passage quoted

in 3:363.9-22.n, above.

3:366.19—20. t

God and man

Christ as

.

.

Church,

.

Cartwright, Second Replie: "let

yt be consydered fyrst that our Saviour Christ ys in

one respecte creator/ and

preserver of man kinde/ in another redemer/ and upholder of his church. For he created once/ and preserveth daily as

God

of god and man. in which respect even yet is/

an

coequal with his Father/ and holy

but he both redemed once/ and daily gathereth

spirite:

be under

shall

and power/ he

as

church/

as

mediatour

he enjoyeth/ he

goste: untill having put

downe

all

rule/

render the kingdome to his Father. Secondly yt ys to be

shall

considered/ that

and holy

his father/

his

in his infynite glory

our Saviour Christe doth thes in dyvers respectes: so he doth

them by divers means. To wyt that as God symply he hath ordeined certein means/ to serve his providence in the p[re]servation of man kynde: so as God and

man/ he

hathe ordeined other certein/ for the gathering/ and keping off his

church" (2:416-417).

The

3:367.14—33 3:368.2—4.M

exercise

that Christ

.

.

.

.

Church.

.

Church,

.

Compare Auto. Notes, 3:517.34—518.9.

See the

first

passage quoted in 3:363.9—22.n,

above.

nor doth any thing

3:368.14—15

w but

cited in

3:368.15-18.x

argued for by

is

They denie

it

.

.

.

,

H

Christ.

.

earth.

.

This phrase

in the rest

is

not part of the text

of the paragraph.

See Penry

(?)'s

An Humble Motion

immediately following the passage quoted above, 3:344.22—345. 4.n:

(1590),

"Now

I

say,

seeing hir highnes doth acknowledge Christ to be hir heade, and renounceth the

Pope,

is it

not for hir

safety,

Christs moste holy lawes,

princely

me all

minde perceave

it

by

and to

hir authority to set

to bannish

bee

so, if she

the judges of the earth"

that althoughe

.

.

as

called

But forasmuche

parte off yt/ and his

that

me princes rule,

other.

is

May

not hir

of Christ:

By

and the nobles and

Cartwright, Second Replie:

a subordinate/

"And

yff

and mynisteriall head off the

commen

wealthe/ hath other which

is

as

owne

Christe

is

that those heades

person performe the oflSce of a head unto

never severed from

his

able/ and doth performe that wherfore he

churche: yt owghte not to seme strange that there

head in the

said

it is

becawse the cheife magistrate can not be presente with the whole

off his people/ nor in his all.

which remaineth of

under heades beneath hym: he muste understand

are appoincted/

body them

.

the magistrate beinge head off the

church/

that

(p. 63).

yt be saied that the cyvill magistrate

maye be

up

the Popes cannons?

remember

Kings raigne, and princes decree justice: by

3:369.27-370.7.fc

all

all

commen

body/ nor from any is

called

may be

head/ unto

a subordinate

wealth/ where there can be none in the church" (2:413).

1010

Book 3:370.9-10

Jethro

3:371. 8-1 3.c,
.

.

4.6-4.8

Exod. 18:13-26; see 3:350.17-19 and n, above.

Moses

.

Chapter

VIII,

If the MagistraU

.

.

Church.

.

Cartwright, Second Replie:

"Nay those

to gratifie Princes/ with the spoile off our Saviour Christe/ are

which goe abowte

found dishonorers of them:

those

as

which

them no

leave

of

place in the church

head of the church of Christe/ which

Christe. for if the magistrate be

is

within his

domynion then he is none of yt. For all that church maketh the bodie of Christe/ and every one of the church fulfilleth the place of one member of the body. So that he that is not of the body/ can have no place in the church" (2:419-420).

Though H's

rewriting of the beginning of the

last

sentence

(lines

12-13) has a

basis

what Cartwright has been saying, H's version more clearly supports the damning marginal reference ("Ut Hen. 8.6.9" in
of the Reformation Parliament was blasphemous, is not in Cartwright. Neither, perhaps, is it due to H, for it is not in D^, our best MS for Book VIII (see Textual Introduction, 3:lviii-lxix). Whatever its source, the intended reference is apparendy act

Act of 1534 "concerning the kings highnesse

to the

church of England

A

3:372.16-24.6

.

."

.

Hen.

(26

Church which

.

.

VIII, cap.

to

be supreme head of the

V.S. (1587), 1:671; S.R., 3:492.

Cartwright, Second Replie: "Againe if

monster.

.

W.

1),

two

the church be the bodie of Christe/ and of the cyvill magistrate/ yt shall have

and

his

come to passe/ that the church having the magistrate accomplished/ and made a perfecte man without Christe: so that

for

which being monsterous/

heades:

to the great dishonor off Christe/

is

church. So also shoulde

head/

is

knittinge of our Saviour Christe/ should not be an accomplishmente off that

lacked/ but an addition off that which

forsomuch

in a popular estate: then autoritie/ (2:412).

has

our Purvey ers

be noted from

whom

yt off Pighius: so the

overthrowe is

this

browghte/

this

.

.

.

others.

D. pourveiers had

that according to the

assertio,

3.4

if the

churche be planted

commen/ and

all

have

it

(1538),

fol.

.

.

.

to

is

head of his church/

this distinction

cites

the being of head

is

is

commen

here Albertus Pighius's Hierarchiae

and Thomas Harding's Confutation of Jewel's

Ill':

his Defence of the Apologie (1570), 2.2.1.

"Caput vero

membra

[est

Christus],

unde

vitalis

ille

relicu .... [A]lia ratione, et sub Christo

[Christi] ecclesiae,

quae ex omnibus populis, nationi-

suorum congreganda erat ministerio, requirebat necessario caput congenium, quod gubemaret atque in unum contineret

bus. Unguis, apostolorum in terris

is first

borowed

from Harding/ or from both. For to

owtward governement/

influxus, spiritusque derivatur in

caput ecclesiae

at all:

inward influence off grace/ Christe onely

quoted by Jewel in

See especially Pighius,

secum manens

in

Cartwright, Second Replie: "yt

doctrine that Christe alone

Apologie, the latter as

sit

governe

he thinks, absurd) language of monsters.

as

with him to others" (2:414). Cartwright

Petrus

much. And

provision was browgthe hym. For as Harding

head: but according to the

ealesiasticae

all

be head there/ and no body

emphasize the colorful (and, 3:374.15-21

to

which is another monster" reversed the order of Cartwright's first two points, presumably to

all shall

H

is

as

the

which

1011

.

Commentary molem, compaginemque

"Men

immensique corporis." Harding:

tarn vasti illius

muche

called Heades, in as

they be in steede of Christe, and under Christe.

as

be .

.

[AJccordinge to inAvarde influence of grace into every faithful member, Christe

onely

is

Head of the Churche: accordinge

99;

outwarde governing, the Pope under

to

head of the same"; in Jewel, Defence (1570), p. quotation of this passage. Jewel omits Harding's

Christ and in steede of Christe

is

Works, PS, 3:266. In his

description of Christ's inward influence as the source of "the vertue and

moving and of sense" detail

in the body; Confutation (1565;

12762),

taken up by both Whitgift (see 3:356. 19.n, above) and

is

moving unto

Cartwright, too, held that Christ "gyveth sense and (2:412).

STC

On Pighius,

power of

fol. 44'.

H

bodye"

the

all

see 3:382.24-383.2.Mi, below. Notwithstanding

That

(3:362.7).

its

RC pro-

venance, the distinction between internal and external governance of the church is

arguably in accord with the theology of the magisterial Reformation. See Kirby,

Richard Hooker's Doctrine of the Royal Supremacy, pp. 122—125.

they might

3:375.5—10/

ond Replie: "But

remember

.

in the cheef point, he

.

Cartwright, The Rest of the Sec-

Turkes.

.

sure

is

we

agree with the papistes:

even

as

the

godly and learned writers, ould and of our age, doe agree with them, and none otherwise. ...

So

we

that, so far as

the article of the holy Trinity,

we hould

the approbation also of the best,

which

we

respect,

consent here with the papistes,

we doe

it,

with them, thinges in common: in

are not a&aid to confes, that

we

consent in some point, with

H

the Jues and Turkes, or they rather with us" (3:168).

misstates the order

Cartwright's forgetting. Cartwright's profession of willingness to "consent in

came

point, with the Jues and Turkes" for

as in

where we have with warrant of the word of god,

after,

of

some

not before, his criticism of Whitgift

depending on Pighius and Harding. If there be no head

3:376.9—13.^

answer wherunto/

I

.

my

referre

.

goverment.

.

Cartwright, Second Replie: "For

self in parte to that

have written before/ off the

I

by the mynistierie govemmente. For that if there be no head but Christe/ in respecte of the spiritual governement: there is no head but he in respecte of the worde/ sacramentes/ and discipline administred by absurde distinction betwene the governement

oflFmen/ instituted off our Sav. Christ/ and

those

whom

oflf

the churche

his spiritual!

he hath appoincted. forasmuch

as that

is

also his spiritual!

govem-

mente" (2:414-415). 3:377.3-378.17 V.77, VI sects.

To make

thinges

(esp. chaps. 1, 4.1,

and

3-4), and Auto. Notes,

3:378. 19-379. l./j

namely

that

.

3:379.9-11 ing

God

The to

Psalmist

.

.

.

.

.

all.

.

VII

Compare Pref

(esp. chaps.

7.6 (1:35.31-36.9),

4-6 and 14-15), VIII.8

(esp.

3:468.21-469.7 and 517.34-518.22.

esp.

passage immediately follows the

.

6),

.

title.

Cartwright, Second Replie, 2:415; this

one quoted above

Codes:

GB

at

3:376.9-13.

glosses Ps. 82:1:

be present among the Judges and Magistrates."

1012

"The Prophet

declar-

There

3:379.20-24.j saith there

is

is

VIII,

but one

Head

Chapter .

.

.

2. part 2. c. divis.

The bishop

1.].

baptiseth/ can not be the head off

4.8-4.11

Cartwright, Second RepUe: "Cyprian

body:

but one head off the church.

same [marg., Apol.

which

Book

off Salisburie affirmeth the

Augustine proveth that the minister

him which

baptized/ because Christe

is

whole church. And in another place, that Paule coulde not be head of the churches which he planted, becawse Christe is head off the whole body, which reason should be nothing worthe/ if ether Saint Paule/ or any other is

the head of the

And

minister mighte be a ministeryall head off the church under Christe.

if

the

name of ministeriall head of the churches which Paule planted/ can not be gyven unto him which was a govemour nexte/ and immediady under Christe in that same kind off government spiritual

.

.

.

in the

which our Saviour Christe

yt can not be that the magistrate

may

take unto

is

head/ that

him

is

that tide/

to say

whose

govemmente doth not approche so nere unto our Saviour Christes/ as he is head off the church" (2:413-414). Compare Jewel, Apologie (1564; STC 14591), sig. And that this CI"' (PS, 3:59): "Wee beleeve that there is one Church of God .

Churche alone

and

is

the kingedome, the

the Prince of thys

is

that Christ alone

is

bodye and the spouse of

.

.

and

Christe:

that Christ

kyngedome, that Christ alone is the heade of this bodye, the brydgrome of this spouse." For the references to

Cyprian and Augustine, see n following.

Cyprian de

3:379.y

De

praelatorum (=

sitnpl. pr.

The emphasis of Cyprian's

catholicae ecclesiae unitate)

is

treatise

De

simpUdtate

the unity of that church, glowing

on

of Christ, the head and source of life for Christians everywhere: "Sic domini luce perfusa per orbem totum radios suos porrigit, unum tamen lumen est, quod ubique diffunditur, nee unitas corporis separatur: ramos suos in

with the

light

et ecclesia

universam terram copia ubertatis extendit: profluentes

unum

tamen caput

copiosa"; Opera (1540), p. 164; (1971), pp. 66-67; separatists

"Et

truth:

of

ACW,

his time,

cum

who

largiter rivos latius expandit,

origo una, et una mater foecunditatis successibus

et

est,

De

ecclesiae catholicae unitate,

25:48;

FOTC,

in their conventicles

haereses et schismata

ed.

and

trans.

Bevenot

36:100. Cyprian wrote against the

had

left this

postmodum nau

sint,

source and head of

dum

conventicula

sibi

diversa constituunt, veriutis caput atque originem reliquerunt"; (1540), p. 167; ed.

Bevenot, pp. 76-77; veritatis

servatur"; (1540), p.

36:98. 7:77;

ACW,

25:54-55;

FOTC

36:107.

"Hoc eo

originem non reditur, nee caput quaeritur, nee magistri

Aug

.

163; ed. Bevenot, pp. 60-61;

c. 42.

CSEL, 52:6-7. As

Augustine, Contra

literas

ACW, Petiliani,

fit

.

.

.

dum

ad

coelestis doctrina

25:45-46; 1.5;

FOTC,

Opera (1569),

in the preceding passage firom Cyprian, the point here

is

not to reject structures of authority in the church other than the authority of Christ but to emphasize that Christ works effectively in baptism, even

who

baptizes

is

wicked.

It is

always Christ

who

and head. In 3.42 of the same work (written and accuses the Donatist (1569), 7:187;

Petillian

is

later),

Augustine repeats

of having grossly misinterpreted

CSEL, 52:203-204.

1013

when he

the Christian's source and root

it

this passage

in his reply;

Commentary the

3:380.6

title

or

The

3:380.14— 17. fe

See 3:356.19.n, above.

stile

greatest exception

("Ep. Roff."), included in

D. Thomae Mori

de morte

a selection

eximii,

lucubrationes (1563), pp.

or, as

The

EccUsiasticalt.

reference

of More's works published in

is

at Basel: Epistola

Thomae Mori, Angliae omamenti

from the beginning of the speech given by "Age, quando sum condemnatus, quo jure

is

exonerandam conscientiam volo

novit, ad

Primum

illud dico,

me

quod

liberius eloqui

sentio de

septem annis intendisse animum

meum in istam causam, verum hactenus in nullo

doctorum ab Ecclesia

probatorum reperi scriptum, quod Laicus, aut ut vocant,

secularis, possit aut

esse caput status spiritualis aut ecclesiastici"

"Very well

condemned, by what that

I

more

layman

The

or, as

right

it

517);

wish to lighten

my

—

of this matter

which was

putative author of this account,

Armentieres,

Queen's College

d.

D. Thomae Mori is

1576

Philip

for seven years,

say this,

I

and

truly I

et

Montanus,

first

.

." .

published in 1535 or 1536 as

quorundam aliorum insignium uirorum a

protege of Erasmus,

b.

in

1495 or 1496

Douai, where he had been appointed rector of the Henry de Vocht argues convincingly for Erasmus himself

at

in 1562.

the author in Acta

am

I

conscience by

think of what you have established. First

to the study

debeat

since

they say, a secular person either could or ought to be head.

Anglia ([Basel?], 1535),

as

I

I

(p.

written in any of the teachers approved by the church that

Expositio fidelis de morte

at

God knows,

what

freely

my mind

have bent

have not yet found a

a

after his conviction:

vestra constitutione.

speaking out

to an

of Rochester

Fisher, bishop

511—530. The statement quoted in k ("that

or ecclesiastical estate")

studiumque

.

they say, a secular person, either could or ought to be head of the

More immediately Deus

.

et episcopi Roffensis,

layman spiritual

.

More and John

account of the deaths of Thomas

History of the Reports of His Trial and Death with

Thomae Mori:

an Unedited Contemporary Narrative, Humanistica Lovaniensia 7 (Louvain, 1947), pp. [61]-87.

The unedited contemporary

Latin and

is

It is fuller

presumably based,

and more sharply

the Lucubrationes.

sum morti

The

addictus,

like the

critical

narrative published

by de Vocht

jure,

also in

of the supremacy than the version printed in

passage parallel to H's citation reads:

—quo

is

account cited here, on an English narrative.

illi

"Nunc

viderint, qui authores fuere,

vero quoniam

—

res

omnino

priusquam discedam, sine ambage vobis expromam quid de decreto Concilii sentiam. Profiteer ingenue, palam vobis omnibus, septem amplius annos

postulat, ut

esse,

quibus in studio hujusmodi rerum diligentissime versatus sum. At in nullo

loco literarum, neque divinarum neque authoris comperisse,

fas esse,

humanarum nee

in scriptis uUius probati

princeps prorsus prophanus, caput

sit

alicujus Ecclesiae

one other reference to More Both passages are discussed by P. G. Stanwood

aut Ecclesiasticorum"; de Vocht, pp. 155, 157. H's is

in Just., §

and

3:380.18-20 to

33 (5:159.4-22 and Yeandle

Laetitia

Samuel

As though as

the

n).

in Moreana,

one he

the people's persistent

.

.

is

.

35 (1972): 5-16.

belonged.

At

to anoint as prince

demand

for a king.

1014

1

Sam. 9:15-17,

over His people

God

designates Saul

Israel in

response to

.

Book When

3:380.20-23./ dedicatoria to

.

.

VIII,

Sepiima centuria of Ealesiastica

(1562-1574), 4:11: "Sint sane et Ecclesiae Dei.

quia

ipsis

.

.

.

Flagrent ipsi

non competit

4.12-5.2

Matthias Flacius (lUyricus), and othen, Epistola

not.

.

Chapter

quoque

historia

.

.

secundum singulas

.

membra

Magistratus

ipsi

zelo pietatis: sed

non

sint

centurias et

cives

capiu Ecclesiae,

primatus"; see 3:503.3-7 for H*s transcription (and a

iste

translation)

of this among other Protesunt statements on the

magistrates

from the

RC

et partes

religious authority

The Magdeburg

controversialist Stapleton.

Centuries

of a

is

massive Lutheran, anti-RC history of the church to 1400, divided into "centuries." Calvin, commenting on Amos regencie. In excuse of was willing to ignore the blasphemy of those who first gave Henry VIII supreme power and the tide of supreme head of the church under Christ as due to

3:380.23-381. 14.m

.

.

.

7:13,

zeal. It

possess to defend the worship

is

men who make them "Qui

of

in the highest degree required

unthinking

sword they

too

spiritual.

initio tantopere extulerunt

"And

rulers that they use the

of God. Yet there are those unthinking

this vice rules

Henricum regem

throughout Germany.

." .

.

Angliae, certe fiierunt inconsi-

homines, dederunt illi summam rerum omnium potestatem: et hoc me semper graviter vulneravit. Erant enim blasphemi quum vocarent ipsum summum caput Ecclesiae sub Christo. Hoc certe fuit nimium. Sed umen sepultum hoc derati

maneat, quia peccarunt inconsiderato zelo.

.

.

.

Hoc

ergo summopere requiritur a

Regibus, ut gladio, quo praediti sunt utantur ad cultum Dei asserendum. Sed interea sunt

homines

inconsiderati, qui faciunt illos nimis spirituales. Et

passim regnat in Germania. In his etiam regionibus

sentimus quales fructus nascantur ex

que potiuntur imperio, putant

radice,

ilia

quam

nullum

sit

quicun-

amplius Ecclesias-

grassatur, quia

omnem

Ecclesiae authoritatem, et

in toto spirituali regimine"; Praelediones in duodecim prophetas {quos vacant)

minores (1581), p. 282;

John

Owen

historian

of the

CR,

71:134-135; Commentaries on

(1844-1859;

The Consuls

3:381.21-23.n

ter

scilicet Principes, et

oflScium certis et legitimis finibus: sed

aboleant

trans.

hoc vitium Et nunc

grassatur.

non possunt metiri non putant se posse regnare, nisi sint summi judices tam in doctrina

ticum regimen. Et hoc sacrilegium apud nos

suum

quod

se ita spirituales esse, ut

nimium

of the

rise

Roman

rpr. 1977),

...

Twelve Minor Prophets,

the

2:349-350. Cited by Cartwright, 2:414.

them.

Polybius

(d. after

118 BC), the Greek

of Rome to world power, commenting on the mixed charac-

constitution in his Histories, bk. 6, remarks that if one looked to

power of the consuls it would seem wholly monarchical and royal (jiOvapx»Kov Kai paaiXiKOv). It is their duty to summon assemblies (auvayeiv Ttt^ eKKXr|aia^), and in the conduct of war their power is almost uncontrolled the

.

(Ktti

.

.

.

fifjv

Tiept

oiKOvojiia(;,

TcoXepou KaTaaKeofjq, Kai Ka66A.ou

axeSov auTOKparopa

Loeb, 3:296. See 3:506.14-18 for an 3:382.3 3:382.5

Tf|v

earlier

prerogatives of Simons Dominion

Vid.

1.

1.

...

illicitis

ev i)7iai6poi<;

e^ouaiav e^ouai); (1549), summary of this passage.

p.

178;

See 3:316.16—22.

Justinian, Digesta, 47.22.1.

1015

TT\q

.

Although the passage

Commentary referred to clearly takes for granted the emperor's authority to permit or forbid

assemblies or associations of any kind, assembly for religious purposes

is

specifically

no act is committed against the decree of the senate concerning unlawful societies. "Sed religionis causa coire non prohibentur: dum tamen per hoc non fiat contra senatusconsultum quo illicita collegia arcentur"; (1590), col. 1818; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 840; Scott, 11:10-11. et 1. Conventicula ... not forbidden if

Presb. illicita

Codex, 1.3.15:

law of Arcadius and Honorius, AD 404): "Conventicula

(a

etiam extra ecclesiam in privatis aedibus celebrari prohibemus: proscriptionis

domus

periculo imminente,

dominus

si

ejus in ea clericos

nova ac tumultuosa

conventicula extra ecclesiam celebrantes susceperit"; (1590), col. 26; Krueger (1963), p. 20;

"We

forbid persons to hold religious assemblies in private houses,

even outside the Church, under the penalty of confiscation of the house,

owner of the same permitted

hold

ecclesiastics to

new and tumultuous

if the

meetings

therein outside the church" (Scott, 12:34).

3:382.24—383.2. < (1538),

had

fol.

their

Constantine

.

.

.

God.

Pighius, Hierarchiae

ecclesiasticae assertio,

6.1

210". Pighius did not merely grant but insisted that general councils

first

cause and origin in the pious zeal of Constantine ("Constantini

prima eorundem causa

principis pius religiosusque zelus

distinguished their authority, merely natural in

by

supernaturally and specially instituted

The

§ 21, see 5:131.0 and n.

its

.

.

the papal authority

On Pighius, whom H cites in Just.,

Christ.

Hierarchiae

et origo extitit"), for this

basis, firom

his principal

assertio,

.

work,

is

an

elaborate defence of tradition as a source of Christian truth coordinate with Scripture.

Theod. 1. 1. c. 9. "The [First] Council of Constantinople Constant. was ordered by Theodosius Senior." The initiative of Theodosius I, the Great (eastern Roman emperor 379—395), in convening this Council is related by Theodoret in a passage not cited by H, Eccles. hist., 5.6: Toug xqc; oiKeiag

3:383.M

.

.

.

[381]

riyejioviac; iniaKoiiovc,

(1544),

fol.

tic,

GCS, 44

337";

xfjv K(BvaTavTivo67toX.iv

NPNF.2,

(19): 285;

3:135.

SpapeTv KapriyyuTiae. first chapter in Theo-

The

Eccles. hist., 1.9, records an epistle of Constantine to those had been unable to attend the Council of Nicaea. The emperor begins by explaining that since there could be no firmer or more effective measure for preserving all members of the Catholic church in one faith, in love, and in one

doret cited by H,

bishops

who

form of worship, than by submitting everything to the examination of all or most of the bishops, "1 convened as many of them as possible, and took my seat among them as one of yourselves [Kai auTOc; 6e KaOdTiep elq e^ ujicov Tuyxavwv, aupTcapwv];

for

joy, namely, that

I 1

would not deny

poc; 7ce
3:47.

that truth

which

is

the source of

am your fellow-servant [^AXiaxa X^ipco,

Ephesinum

...

1.

my

greatest

auv6epd7icov u^ere-

GCS, 44 (19): 43, as chap. 10; NPNF.2, "The First [Council] of Ephesus [431] met at Younger [Theodosius II, eastern Roman emperor,

fol.

286';

1. c. 2.

the order of Theodosius the

408-450]"; Evagrius Scholasticus

(b.

536?), Eales.

1016

hist.,

1.3 (not chap. 2): eiKOTCoq

Book tbtT\ae

ev

VIII,

Chapter

5.2

veopaai too v^ou eeoSoaiou xa aKHTiTpa Tq<; i^aq bxtnovroc;, Tf\v npcSxriv aovoSov aXiaSqvar (1544), fol. 124"^; The Ecclesiastical

e(|>ea(p

and Parmenrier (1898;

History ofEvagrius, ed. Bidez

Sardicense

(1896), p. 6.

.

.

Theod.

.

2.4.

English trans.

rpr. 1979), p. 8;

"Constantius

[II,

eastern

emperor, 337-361] orders the Sardican [Council (?343)]." Theodoret,

Roman

Eccles. hist.,

icai Toix; xt\<; i^aq 6 KtovoT&vTioc;, Tipoacra^ev eiq rfjv aapSiKf^v Tou^ jfiq ea7iepa<; auvSpapetv tniaKonovq. (1544), fol. 297'; GCS, 44 Chalcedon ... Ep. 43. "Chalcedon [451] (19): 98-99; NPNF.2, 3:66.

2.4:

.

.

.

Ktti

brought about by Marcian [eastern

Leo

I,

Leo then asked

doctrine of Eutyches.

not

Roman

emperor, 450-457]." At the urging of

the Great, Marcian had issued invitations to a council in 451 to deal with the for a delay in

convening the council, but he did

the emperor's refusal ("ego etiam vestris dispositionibus

resist

non

renitor" [ed.

Schwartz: "ne devoto obviare viderer arbicrio"]) and sent two legates to represent

him. Leo

epist.

I,

43, Martiano augusto; Opera (1561),

tomus

condlioTum oecumenicorum,

3:383.3-6.1'

S.

convened."

Jerom

.

.

One of a

alter (1932), 4:47;

convocari.

.

of

series

fol. 121';

FOTC,

"Say what emperor ordered

(indeed, the existence) of a council of bishops alleged

demned

on

Hilary of Poitiers

as epist. 89.

this

synod

doubt on the

rhetorical questions casting

Ada

E. Schwartz, ed.,

34:162,

to have

by Rufinus

be

to

validity

con-

the basis of a falsified statement of his views. Jerome,

Apologia adversus Ruffmum, bk. 2; Opera (1516), 3:101B; PL, 23:443;

NPNF.2,

3:512-513. Valentinian ... ensued.

3:383.11-384.18.1*'

Valentinian

Sozomen, Tctov

I

Eccles. hist., 6.7:

In his rendering of the answer of

3:383.13-17,

H paraphrases

7tpoaeX66vTO<; 6e auToO, Kai xa Tiepi

t6v eniaKO\izxa. Xaou

Roman

(western

emperor, 364-375)

at

6i6d^avTO(;, 67ioA.apd)v ouaXevriviavdc;, k\x6\ pev,

Terccy^evtp

NPNF.2,

ou

xoiauTa TioXuTtpaypoveTv.

Qt\i\c,

2:350). H's account

close to

Sozomen's

(1544), in

76'

(GCS, 50:245;

details,

but he supplies

fol.

most

383.23-26 for the bishops' approaching Valentinian and

a plausible rationale at

384.14-15 somewhat

is

kj^\\,

alters their rationale for

approaching Valens (eastern

emperor, 364-378). In Sozomen their intent in the

latter instance is

at

Roman

not to avoid

incurring "manifest contempt" of imperial authority but rather to fbrestaU the persuasions of Eudoxius, the Arian bishop of Consuntinople.

3:383. u/

Ambr. Ep.

Writing to the emperor Valentinian

32.

emperor, 375-392) in 385 or 386, about twenty years reminds him that is

not for

me

to

his father

had

said,

"Non

est

II

(western

after this incident,

Roman

Ambrose

meum judicare inter episcopos"

("It

judge between bishops"), and urges him to adopt the same policy

of non-interference concerning the possession of basilicas by Catholics or Arians; epist. 32,

9.

Opera (1569),

col.

574; PL, 16:1004, as

See Claudio Morino, Church and Stale

epist. 21;

in the Teachings

FOTC,

26:53, as epist.

of St. Ambrose, trans.

M.

Joseph Costelloe (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, The reference to Nicephorus Callistus (?1256Quanquam c. 12. 1969). .

.

.

?1335) should be to 11.3 of the Ecdes.

hist.,

1017

where an account

like

Sozomen's

is

Commentary given; Nicephori Callisti XanthopuU

.

.

.

Ecclesiasticae historiae libri decent et

621-622; PG, 146:589—593. The phrase "Quanquam longe

cols.

beginning of

reference

this

is

a

miscopying of a phrase from Stapleton

supremacy commonly appealed to

from

texts

earlier periods asserting or

edging the church's independence from secular control,

and n, below,

particular to Stapleton. See 3:502.9—14

from

The

3:384.27—30

presbyterian

1579 Demonstration cited above

his

plot

scheme

.

Not

againe.

.

.

found.

1644/1645

until

A

(as

"A

nonconformists.

fit

from the

it

way

of these

for the derivation

H may be referring to the detailed set forth in the

discussion and organization

written by Walter Travers,

suffer, practised

of Queen Elizabeth. Found In the study of

would have known of

acknowl-

here responding in

Directory of Church-government. Anciently

contended for, and as Jarre as the Times would in the dales

is

at 3:343.4-9.c.ii.

Book of Discipline, which served as a major basis for among Puritans from the 1580s. The work, probably was not published

H

and national church assemblies

for provincial

partially

RC opponents of the royal

transcribed at 3:502.9—14. Although Puritan as well as

references

odo (1573),

aliter" at the

activities

.

.

by the first Non-conformists

Thomas

.

Cartwright),

but

H

of Richard Bancroft against the

to call a provinciall councell

may be

this.

thereof (except themselves [the present synod?] will determine of

it)

The care may be

committed to the particular Eldership of some conference within the Province, which by advise of the same conference may appoint the place and time for the meeting of the Provinciall Synod"; precisely as is

not the

H

describes

A

Directory, sig. C3'.

but the contrast he draws

it,

is

slightest suggestion that these assemblies are

This procedure

essentially accurate:

is

not

"There

dependent upon the queen's

consent for bringing them into being, arranging the time and place of their meetings, or for the authority of their decisions"; CoUinson, E.P.M., p. 302.

3:385.19-388.11 3:385.25-386.1

The

William

.

.

.

.

.

Compare 3:496.12-497.3.

thereof.

.

The erroneous beUef

Conquerour.

the Confessor) and

taking pains to observe

Richard Grafton,

A

it)

made sweeping changes

common

was

as

chronicle at large

...ofthe

affayres

king William had possessed the imperiall

Realme of England the

whole

had borne

state

of

this

as aforesayde:

He

then

rule ....

And

liberties,

after

as a

And

and governement thereof

former grauntes,

William

in English

law (rather than

in Hooker's day. See, for example,

of Englande from the creation of

the worlde, unto the first yere of queene Elizabeth (1569;

when

that

conqueror (rather than inheritor of the English throne from

styled himself a

Edward

natural! subject

STC

12147), 2:7:

"Nowe

Crowne and Diademe of this

conquerour altered and chaunged first

by

displasing

of such

as

before

he caused a Proclamation to be made, that

all

and privileges geven or graunted by any Prince or king

Realme aforetyme, should be from thence forth utterly voyde .... That made such newe lawes as were

done, he chaunged the lawes ofthe Realme, and profitable to himself,

3:386. 25-387. 1.x

and grievous to the people."

The reason wherfore

.

1018

.

.

Prelacie.

In his

own

assertion

ofthe

Book

—

power of the keys

Chapter

VIII,

—

the Spanish Dominican,

the church's penitential jurisdiction

(1494-1560), attributes to Jean Genon, Jacques Almain, and

Domingo de Soto

others favoring the superiority of council over has as

5.2-6.2

pope the view

that this superiority

foundation the proposition that the church's power ofjurisdiction resides

its

whole "universitas" of the church, "that is, in the whole body": "Arbitrati suam opinionem ex hoc fiindamento pendere, aiunt, potestatem ecclesiasticam jurisdictionis in utroque foro [that is, both in the forum of conscience and in external jurisdiction] residere in tou universitate ecclesiae, hoc est, in toto corpore"; Commentariorum ... in quartum Sententiarum [Commentaries on the Fourth in the

Book of Sentences of Peter Lombard

{de saaamentis)], 20.1.4; (1579), 1:878.

H

goes on to argue for the opposite conclusion, stated by

"The power of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction does not body, but in [the church's] prelates." note. See

Modem J.

n

following.

Political

H. Burns,

autoritatis

.

papae

The

.

.

Political

Thought, pp. 573—587.

in Almain's

Thomam

replied in an Apologia

.

.

first tract is

II

De

15C

the Council of Constance.

at

auctoritate ecclesiae, seu

de Vio (commissioned

saaorum condliorum

by Louis XII),

de comparata auctoritate papae

.

Rome,

collection of his opuscula).

va"),

et concilii,

Both

et concilii.

to

tracts

were included

chap. 12 ("quod secluso Papa

domini continetur.

in Opuscula omnia

An

Thomae de Vio

ed. Pollet (1936), 1:93

and 225.

He

earn reprae-

which Cajetan

The

editio princeps

1511, of the second, Venice, 1514 or 1515 (in a

and Apologia, chap. 5 ("quomodo

in verbis

by the

(1511), Cajetan sought to refute the so-

in collections

non

comp. auth.

est in ecclesia potestas legislati-

ecclesia habet potestatem jurisdictionis

scilicet ratione

suae

Caietani (1570),

H

of his opuscula

De

published with the works of Aquinas. For relevant passages, see

papae

De comparatione

seu ecclesiae uniuersalis. In this tract, occasioned

called Gallican theses already asserted in the

of Cajetan's

Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of

Concil. Cajetan (Thomas de Vio, 1469-1534),

et concilii

sentantium, contra

immediately in the whole

University Press, 1978), 2:114-123, and

The Cambridge History of Medieval

schismatic Council of Pisa against Julius

was answered

reside

begins by citing the other texts in H's

conciliarism, see

Thought (Cambridge:

ed..

Cajet.

3:386.x.2

On

He

Soto

the beginning of x:

at

cites

totalitatis,

fols.

8*

and

an ratione

quae

partis"),

18'; Scripta theologica,

Cajetan in V.60.6 and VI.4.5 (see 2:260.

10-11.^ and n, 3:23.24-25 and n, above).

Turrec. (1561),

fols.

Torquemada

.

. c. 71. Juan de Torquemada (1388-1468), Summa de ecclesia, 2.71 195-199'. See Karl Binder, Konzilsgedanken hei Kardinal Juan de

.

OP

(1976).

Torquemada, the uncle of the grand

Spanish Dominican theologian and papal advisor; the 1489,

is

a massive defense

of the pope's

infallibihty

Summa

and

inquisitor,

de

ecclesia,

his plenitude

was

a

published

of

spiritual

power. 3:387.2

as ours also

doe imagine.

The

disciplinarians

were opposed

holding that the Christian magistrate was obliged to intervene ministers

were corrupt. Nevertheless, Cartwright's

last

word on

to prelacy,

when church

the authority of

the civil magistrate in causes ecclesiastical was that, "as wel in the decision of the

1019

Commentary doctrine, as in the chois of the variable ceremonies of the church, the principal autority belongeth unto the ministery" (3:170).

3:387.8

ordaine a power

.

.

bestow^e

.

For the use of

a similar distinction

("Designation Theory") in early Stuart political thought, see Johann Sommerville, Politics

and Ideology

in

For the distinction in

England 1603-1640 (London: Longman, 1986), pp. 22-27. earlier discussions

Christ, see the tract

De potestate pape by

collection published

by J. Barbier

of authority in the church the

1

at Paris in

4C

as instituted

1506, Durandus

.

.

.

de engine jurisdic-

tionum, ejusdem tractatus de legibus, Petrus de palude de causa immediate potestatis

.

.

"Sciendum quod

sig. 2A1'':

,

.

tem. Et instituere personam in

ecclesiastice

quod instituere talem potestaSciendum quod diflferunt quod

differunt

potestate.

tali

by

Herveus Natalis in the

scholastic

rem institutam alteri conferre Nam instituere talem potestatem est ordinare quod aliqua potestas tanta et talis sit in republica secundum quam presidens reipublice regat ipsum populum videlicet quod sit in republica instituere

rem aliquam

aliqua potestas tot casibus et

quae

talis

personam in

modo quo

altero potest alicui qui

possit statuere et sententiare et

quod ad tantum populum

bus. Institutere vero

persone

et

enim

infra

communitati

presideat.

procedere

et in

de consimili-

potestate est talem potestatem conferre alicui

tali

exponetur

nam unum

et ista differunt

potest esse sine

antequam conferatur actu vel

potestas institui

talis

modo

tali

et tot loca se extendat et sic

Rex

sic collecta

etiam potest in aliqua civiute instituere

potestatem aliquam antequam conferatur

qui

alicui judici

potestatem presit communitati. Potestas autem

secundum predictam

talis

potest alicui conferri dupliciter

uno modo quod conferatur determinate persone

in singulari scilicet petro vel

guillermo sicut quando aliquis rex

facit

guillermum vel galterum iudicem potestatem institutam ab eo. Alio

quidem

sic

institueret

semper

aliquam personam determinatam puta

eam secundum non persone determinate conditionis. Ut si rex

in

tali

modo

determinate persone sed

civitate

potest

ad regendam

potestas conferri alicui

talis

aliquam potestatem jurisdiction's in aliqua

electus a civibus

illius civitatis

civitate et ordinaret

haberet illam potestatem/ rex

sic

quod

ordinando

conferret potestatem persone determinate conditionis scilicet persone electe a

communitate." The passage was cited by Almain in 3:386.x.2.n, above) and in an exposition of

power, both printed in

his tract against

Cajetan (see

Ockham's account of

ecclesiastical

his Opuscula (1518), fols. 47'

and

3'; rpr.,

Jean Gerson's

Opera (1706), 2:980 and 1018.

3:387.25-26

which thing

Sam. 16:12-13 pavid);

.

.

1

.

Israel.

See, for example,

1

Sam. 9:15-17

Kings 11:11, 29-32, and 12:20 (Jeroboam);

(Saul); 1 1

Kings

14:10 and 15:28-30 (Baasa).

3:387.26-27

Even so

Christ

Matt. 18:17 and 16:19. aposdes to evangelize as referring to

flocke,

the

all

.

.

.

speake.

Mark

16:15; Acts 20:28;

first

power of order.

whereof the

Matt. 28:19;

two passages record Christ's commissioning of the nations. At VI.2.1 (3:4.18-20), H interprets both passages

The

holie Gost hathe

Paul's injunction to "take

hede

made you Overseers," which

1020

... to

all

the

H ukes to refer

Book

power ofjurisdiction (3:4.16-18)

to the

of Ephesus (Acts 20:28).

H

6.3-6.4

delivered to the presbyters of the church

is

appropriates the apparently congregationalist "tel

unto the Church" of Matt. 18:17 ries

Chapter

VIII,

as

under the power of "regiment in generall" given to the aposdes

(VI.4.1; 14.8-23). H's conception originall subject

it

warrant for ecclesiastical courts and consistoat

of "the whole body" of the church

of all mandatorie and coercive power within

it

Matt. 16:19

"the

as

first

selT' (388.4—5), a

power which it is to bestow on particular persons "according to such lawes and Canons as Christ hath prescribed and the light of nature or scripture uught men to institute" (388.1-3), thus rests less on texts specifically empowering the Christian community as such than on the application of a general, "natural" ideal of communal authority to the Christian case. Compare 385.19-20: "The naturall subject of power civill all men confesse to be the bodie of the Commonwealth."

sometimes very vehement Cartwright, Replye: "In the tabernacle the was a wise and godly yet more expressedly shewed forth/ Moses most cunning workemen/ and yet obman/ the artificers that wroughte it serve/ howe the Lorde leaveth nothing to their will. ... Is it a like thyng that he whych did not only appoynt the temple and the tabernacle/ but the ornaments of hathe forgotten the pillers here? or he that there remembered the pirmes/ them

3:388.17

church

is

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

did hee're forget the master builders?"; 1:84 [63]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 305-[306];

PS, 2:93-96.

sometime bethinking themselves better

3:388.26-27 3:389.8-21.2

The law of nature new law of the .

.

question, whether the actions

("Utrum

lex

nova

.

therunto.

In answering aflSrmatively the

gospel has given sufficient order for external

new law needed

to enjoin or prohibit in externals

only those things by which

we

mur") or which pertain of

necessity to the right use

God

state

of everlasting

III.7.

sufficienter exteriores actus ordinaverit"; S.T., la2ae.—

108.2), Aquinas argued that the

(H's "whatsoever

See

quae in gratiam introduci-

are led to grace ("per

of grace.

On

the

bliss"),

because

we

As

to the right use or exercise

as these are a

of grace, which

necessary part of virtuous action, they

provided in the old law sunt de necessiute

head

cannot obtain grace of ourselves but only

through Christ, the Lord himself instituted the sacraments by which grace.

first

doth require by way of necessarie introduction unto the

(that

virtutis,

is,

the Decalogue):

is

in the

fall

we obuin

works of love, so

far

under the moral precepts

"secundum quod [opera

cariutis]

pertinent ad praecepu moralia, quae etiam in veteri lege

tradebantur." These moral precepts, furthermore, are dicuted by natural reason

("ad opera virtutum dirigimur per rationem naturalem

.

.

.

et ideo in his

non

oportuit aliqua praecepta dari ultra moralia legis praecepu, quae sunt de dictamine rationis"). as

made

Thus

far,

H's "thinges that are of greatest necessitie" are accounted for

manifest by the "law of nature and of scripture." But the "determina-

tions" of the

works of love with regard

to the

our neighbor do not pertain to grace of

human judgment

—

worship of

necessity,

God

or in relation to

and hence they are

left

to

to subjects for matters pertaining to the individual, to those in

1021

Commentary positions

of temporal or

utility ("istae

spiritual authority for matters pertaining to the

common

determinationes non sunt secundum se de necessitate interioris gratiae

humano

quaedam quidem quantum ad subditos, unumquemque: quaedam vero ad praelatos temporales, vel spirituales, quae scilicet pertinent ad utilitatem communem"); (1581), 2:353; B, 30:46—49. On the way in which human laws are "deducted by way of discourse as conclusions" (line 20) from natural law, see S.T., la2ae.95.2. Aquinas speaks there of deduction of necessary conclusions (on the model of the sciences) as one of two modes in which human law is "derived" from natural law, the other mode being a concrete "determination" of a general form (on the model .

.

sed relinquuntur

.

quae

scilicet

of the 1.

H's distinction between "mixedly" and "merely"

arts).

10.10

based in part on

is

Corde

3:390.6. a

arbitrio[,]

pertinent sigillatim ad

.

.

.

Rom.

confessio,

unto righteousnes, and with the mouth text,

human bws

at

Lawes

this passage.

"For with the heart

10:10:

man

man

beleveth

confesseth to salvation." Although the

H cites from the Vulgate, supports a distinction between inward belief

which

and outward profession,

offers

it

determine what opinions are

no

fit

basis for his claim that

it falls

to

man's law to

or convenient to be publicly expressed.

The

whole emphasizes, rather, the positive connection between outward preaching and profession and the engendering and sustaining of faith. passage as a

though happilie

3:390.23—24

of the

assertion

.

.

.

Perhaps an echo of Marsilius of Padua's

rest.

competence of the whole body of

legislative

citizens or the

"weightier part" ("valentior pars") thereof. Defensor Pads, 1.12.3—4 and 1.13.2—4; ed.

Gewirth, pp. 45-46, 50-53.

3:391. c

Aei tov vopov

Hense, 2:86; Taylor,

by Stobaeus

attributed

14.d.n, above.

3:392.^

Mt.

3:393.«

Cap

The

.

.

Most

16:ult.

Fragments, p. 14.

to the

passage

is

From

a treatise

on law and justice

Pythagorean philosopher Archytas; see 3:342.2—

transcribed

likely

Prselator.

Stobaeus, Florilegiunt (1559), p. 269; ed.

greater.

.

Political

Mark

more

accurately at 507.2—4.

16:15-20. Keble suggests Matt. 28:20.

Gregory IX,

Decretales, 5.31.14; (1587), p.

703; Fried-

Pope Honorius III here prohibits the clergy ofjouars in the diocese of Meaux from making or using a common seal without the consent of their head

berg, 2:841.

and patron, the abbess of Jouars. The principle of consent enunciated particularly relevant to H's discussion legislation: the

consent of the head of a body

per ... praed. Krueger (1963),

owned by becomes

of the crown's right to is

is

thus

veto in ecclesiastical

required for the body to

Justinian, Digesta, 8.3.11; (1590), cols. p.

a

242-243;

act.

L.

Mommsen-

147; Scott, 3:294. Although the right to pass through land

several persons can be granted to

a right, strictly speaking, only

cedant")

—

demum

cessione superiores

the earlier grants will be valid

someone by each owner separately, it all of them grant it ("si omnes the last one is made ("novissima

when when

omnes confirmabuntur").

Justinian, Institutiones, 2.1.9; (1590), col. 17;

1022

divis. et §§ religios. Krueger (1963), p. 10; Scott, 2:34. A .

.

.

Book may

person other

Chapter

VIII,

not bury a corpse on land held in

owner

common

and approved by

all."

tangit

.

"What touches all ought to be treated word "pertinet" in Gratian, Decretum,

debet.

.

.

Glossa ordinaria to the

1.96.4; (Lyons, 1584), col. 465; Friedberg, 1:338. principle, see J.

H. Bums,

Ubinam

legistis

.

9C pope

Nicholas

.

.

Christianas?

I

H

to the Byzantine

"Where do you

cited in j applies.

which

only to

clerics

3:394.3—7./

but

Sicut

Pope Innocent

universal,

is

.

.

also to

.

Political

Gratian, Decretum, 1.96.4; (Lyons,

emperor Michael

which

III

is

common

laymen and to

to

all,

which the

to

read that your predecessors

where a matter of faith was which pertains indeed not

Christians?"

all

Probably a gloss on a famous statement of

sayeth Innocent.

as the

canon

Noint in "Extra" (not "Extrav[agantes]."), the Decretales of Gregory IX, the

main compilation of canon law "outside" (1587), p. 526; Friedberg, 2:243:

berg adds: aut potestatem] intendamus, velit

ing

cum

"Non

illustris

gloss

emperor were

as

(1160-1216) to the prelates of France, included

III

Thought,

here quotes the passage from a letter of

present at synodal gatherings except perhaps at those treated,

important medieval

this

tangit.

1584), cols. 465—466; Friedberg, 1:338. the

On

The Cambridge History of Medieval

ed.,

passages indexed under quod omnes

3:393.25—29.fe

without the consent of the

("invito socio").

Quod omnes

3:393.2(>-21.y

6.4-6.8

first

Gratian's Deaetum. Deaetales, 2.1.13;

quod jurisdictionem [FriedFrancorum perturbare, aut minuere

putet aliquis,

regis

nostram nee

ipse jurisdictionem [Friedberg adds: et potestatem]

nee debeat impedire." Compare Franciscus ZabareUa (1360—1417), comment-

on

this

ecclesiasticus

paragraph in his Lectura on the Deaetales: "Nota

non debet impedire jurisdictionem

.

.

quod judex

.

judicis secularis nee econverso";

(1517—1518), 2:4". For a formulation by Innocent himself closer to H's than that

of Nouit, see canon 42 of the (Fourth) Lateran Council of 1215: "Sicut volumus ut jura clericorum

non usurpent

laici,

velle

ita

debemus, ne

eleriei

jura sibi

vendicent laieorum"; Concilia (1585), 4:223; Schroeder, Disciplinary Deaees, pp. transcribes a slighdy later passage from Nouit in his Auto. Notes, 274, 575.

H

3:486.3-7.

3:394.27—395. 4.m

law

at

Did not Philip

Douai, 1578), Heroicarum

.

.

.

afFayres?

Boethius

et ecclesiasticarum

Epo

quaestionum

(professor libri

ui,

of canon

1.283-285;

(1588), pp. 168-169: "Sane Pontifex in erigendis novis per hasce regiones Episcopatibus,

nominatim Regi Philippo, ejusque

jus nominandi, tarn in antiquis

quam

successoribus, in

novis Episcopatibus,

perpetuum concessit

dummodo

vel

Doctores

vel etiam Licentiati, seu Theologiae seu juris pontifieii, nominentur; servata sibi

dumtaxat

institutione;

nee

ulla

prorsus electionis ullius facta mentione:

loeupletissimo vel ipsomet diplomate super ea re pontificio, cujus religiose

penes

me

Tridentini, factae,

teste

exemplum

servo; sicut et publicationis Concilii per hasce simul regiones

cum

expressa clausula reservandorum

ejusdem suorum privilegiorum prorsus illibatorum

1023

eidem Regi

et illaesorum, sive

et Vassalis

quoad judicia

Commentary beneficiorum possessoria sive quoad nominationem

quaecumque

plurima sunt per hasce regiones. nee

ullis

alia

placitum Principis accesserit."

pontificiis beneficialibus datur hie locus, nisi prius

On

quoad

sive

privilegia,

Rex absolute confert; qualia hominum privatorum diplomatibus

jura, certe beneficia sui juris patronatus

the reception of the decrees of the Council of Trent in Philip

dominions,

II's

see Jedin, ed., History of the Church, 5:511-513, 719-720, 751.

3:395.28-396.8

a loose

It is

.

.

.

See Pref 8.7-8, esp. 1:44.7-26 and

Censures.

46.14—24 and nn.

There are

3:396.15—18

Whether

tion.

it

.

.

sinne doth;

.

Melanchthon's discussion of the ques-

be mortall sinne to transgresse

ofcivill Magistrates,

provided the

title

and

civil

first

commaundementes

lawes, which he the

piece in a coUection of statements

by

continental divines issued by the English ecclesiastical authorities around 1570

(STC

10391.5) to induce conformity to

must be observed,

beying geven, they 3:396.30-397.1

tum

est,

of offence

that in case

it is

may be broken without

St Augustine

.

.

God.

.

"herein

that,

sinne to breake them, but mortall synne";

this rule

no offence

A4'^.

sig.

Augustine, Contra Faustum, 22.27: "Pecca-

factum vel dictum vel concupitum aliquid contra aeternam legem. Lex

vero aeterna

ratio divina vel voluntas Dei,

est,

jubens, perturbari vetans"; Opera (1569), 6:406;

Verum ae proprium

3:397.^

concerning vestments

official regulations

and ceremonies. The Lutheran reformer's conclusion was

.

Jean Bodin,

1586.

.

.

ordinem naturalem conservari

CSEL,

De

25.1:621. republica libri sex (1586), p.

61B. "The true and proper difference of citizen from stranger

is,

therefore, that

commanding authority and civil power [of the place], the other can reject [demands made upon him by local authorities as] the orders of an alien ruler. The ruler [conversely] is bound to protect the former from injuries by both enemies and citizens, but not the latter, unless he is asked and is moved by the duties of humanity." H's sole citation of a work principally renowned for its one

is

obligated to the

stiong theory of sovereignty thus

the authority of rulers over

illustrates a limit to

those within their domains and implicitly supports resistance to rulers exceeding their lawful authority.

The

point

H

draws from the passage

Knolles's freer translation. The Six Bookes of a (1962): "It

is

from 3:398.6 3:399.1

(GB), 3:399.2.f

and the

which maketh the

a stranger

.

.

."

tuition, justice, citizen:

ed.

Richard

McRae

which

is

and defence of the prince towards the essentiall difference of a citizen

(p. 64).

in pertinentibus

ad cathedram,

Omni humance

creaturte

1

lost in

then the acknowledgement and obedience of the free subject towards

his soveraigne prince,

the subject,

is

Commonweale (1606);

"In things pertaining to their office."

The Vulgate

for "all

maner ordinance of man"

Pet. 2:13 (cited at 3:397 .;>).

Zkiiictooxo^ ... e5a>K£V.

Homer,

Loeb, 1:24.

1024

Iliad,

1.279; Opera (1583), p. 14;

—

Book Nolumus hunc

3:400.12

VIII,

Chapter

"We

regnare

6.9-6.11

wil not have this

man

not of David, but of the absent king in the parable

said,

suges in David's becoming ruler of all

3:400.21—23

Israelites

.

.

Israel,

disobedience.

.

Sam.

see 2

to reigne over us"

Luke

at

19:14.

Num.

See, for example.

On

the

and 5:1—3.

2:4, 3:1,

11:1-6 and 33;

12:1-10; and 14:1-4 and 26-27.

him. H here summarizes the line of argument There are which by which William Cardinal Allen sought to exempt English Catholics from

3:401.4-21

parliamentary jurisdiction in matters of religion {Apologie, 1581,

suting Allen's conclusion hath no things,

more

The Parlament ...

republica

2.1:

Church and

lawful meanes to give order to the

38'—41*),

fols.

first

Court of Parliament clergie in these

then they have to make laws for the hierarchies of Angels in heaven."

3:401.22-28

De

42*^): "In truth the Prince or

(fol.

unto.

Compare

Sir

Anglorum. The Matter of Govemement or

"The most high and

the Parliament.

.

.

.

absolute

Thomas Smith (1513-1577),

Policie

of the Realme of England,

power of the realme of Englande,

For everie Englishman

is

consisteth in

entended to be there present, either

by procuration and attornies, of what preheminence, sute, dignitie, or he be, from the Prince (be he King or Queene) to the lowest person of Englande. And the consent of the Parliament is taken to be everie mans consent"; (1584; STC 22857), pp. 34-35; ed. Dewar (1982), pp. 78-79. Smith mentions the presence of bishops in parliament "for the clergie" (p. 34; ed. Dewar, in person or

qualitie soever

of the various

p. 78)

but says nothing about convocation. In

classes

of persons making up the realm, he does not mention the

his survey in bk. 1

clergy.

The

representatives of the lower clergy ceased attending parliament in 1340, choosing to

sit

separately in convocation (see 3:235.32.n, above), but they could

thought of

power of

H

Compare

wrote.

still

be

Harrison,

"This house [parliament] hath the most high and

Description of England, 2.8:

absolute

commons when

joined with the

as

the realme, for thereby kings and mightie princes have

from

time to time beene deposed from their thrones, lawes either enacted or abrogated, offendors of

all

punished, and corrupted religion either dissannulled or

sorts

reformed, which commonlie

two houses or

divided into

is

upper house consisting of the

nobilitie, including

all

parts, the

higher or

even unto the baron and

gendemen, and members of the cleargie

bishop: the lower called the nether house of knights, squires, burgesses of the

commons, with whome

are joined, albeit they

matters of religion,

such

sit

till it

also the inferior

and these have to deale onelie in

in diverse places,

come

that they joine

with the

rest in

confirmation of all

same"; in Raphael Holinshed, The

acts as are to passe in the

First

and Second

uolumes of Chronicles, The Third volume of Chronicles (1587), 1:173; also, 2.9: "the

commons

.

.

.

(whereof the convocation of the

Description of England, ed.

3:402.9—403.4.0/

H

What need

makes use of two

cleargie ...

is

a

member)"; 1:179;

Edelen (1968), pp. 149, 170-171. .

.

.

Contrarie.

earlier sections

Before quoting from

of the Act cited in w.

1025

An

its

conclusion,

Act repealing aU

Commentary and provisions made against the see apostolike of Rome since the

sututes, articles,

twentith yeere of king Henrie the eight, and also for the establishment of

and

all

and herediuments conveied to the laitie, 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, cap. 8 (1555); W.V.S. (1587), 2:248-258; S.R., 4.1:246spirituall

ecclesiasticall possessions

254. Section

1

with the cardinal

refers to parliament's treating personally

legate,

Reginald Pole, "and upon our humble submission and promise made for a declaration of our repenunce, to repeale and abrogat such acts and statutes as had

beene made in parlement since the eight, against the

to the said

most reverend

upon we most humblie of

[this]

hath

God, by your

father in

desire

your majestic [s],

bodie towards the said

made

said twentith yeere

supremacie of the see apostolike,

as

of the

as in

king Henrie the

majesties appeareth.

.

.

.

Wher-

persons undefiled in [the] offense

God by

see, w^hich neverthelesse

subject to you, to set forth this our

said

our submission exhibited

most humble

his

providence

we maie

sute, that

obteine from the see apostolike, by the said most reverend father, aswell particularlie, as

and discharge from all danger of such by the lawes of the church we be fallen into."

generallie, absolution release,

and sentences,

as

censures,

Section 9 specifies the actions taken before Mary's accession that are to have their legality confirmed:

"And where we

other supplication in forme following: majesties to be likewise

meanes and

which might

most reverend

tion,

have exhibited to your majesties one

.

.

.

.

make most humble

intercessors, that

amongst

arise

and by

authoritie of the popes holinesse,

the

.

all

sute unto

father in

God

us,

by reason of disobedience, maie by

[the] ministration

the lord cardinal! Poole,

or permission respectivelie

as

of the same unto us, by by dispensation, toUera-

the case shall require, be abolished and taken

awaie, and by authoritie sufficient these articles following, and generallie

when

occasion shall so require, maie be provided

"First that

all [the]

your

occasions of contention,

and trouble both outw^ardlie and inwardlie in mens

hatred, grudge, suspition,

consciences,

.

We

for,

all

others,

and confirmed.

bishopriks, cathedrall churches, hospitals, colleges, schooles,

and other such foundations

now

made by

continuing,

the authoritie of parlement,

or otherwise established according to the order of the lawes of this realme since the schisme, maie be confirmed and continued for ever.

"Item

that

nis spiritualis, justitiae,

manages made

gradus prohibitos consanguinitatis,

infra

or which might be

made void

afftnitatis,

cognatio-

propter impedimentum pubUcae honestatis

or for anie other cause prohibited by the canons, onelie maie be con-

firmed, and children borne of those manages declared legitimat, so as those

manages were made according be not

directlie against the

to the lawes

of the realme for the time being, and

lawes of God, nor in such case

as

the see apostolike

hath not used to dispense withall.

"That sations

institutions

of benefices and other promotions

made according

to the

forme of the

act

ecclesiasticall,

and dispen-

of parlement, maie be likewise

confirmed.

"That

all

judicial! processes

anie delegats

upon

made

before anie ordinaries of this realme, or before

anie appeals according to the order of the lawes of the realme,

1026

1

Book male be likewise

ratified

Chapter

VIII,

and confirmed" {W.V.S., 2:251). There follows a

on

provision for the validity of tides consequent

property during the schism. In his

of the

letter

existing states

of affairs so

might be reckoned

that they

quam nunc

H

of particulars

made

ut

ita

non

3:403.10-404.5

ea authoriute, qua prius, sed ea,

"Dispensation"

at

402.27 and a clause

at the

"made or

end,

in that behalf." see Jennifer Loach, Parliament and the

Reign of Mary Tudor (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), pp. 105—115.

The most

natural!

within a single omnicompetent

.

.

H's division of functions

authoritie.

.

stands in contrast with the

legislative process

RC

of spheres of competence maintained by

distinction

not by the

quotes the conclusion of § 12 verbatim except for a recapitula-

after

On the negotiation and passage of this act, in the

as legally valid,

tribuimus facue ab omnibus censeantur" {W.V.S., 2:253). At

eis

3:402.25—403.4

Crown

as section 1

but by that which he bestowed upon them ("illisque

as previously,

apostolicae firmitatis robur adjicimus,

to bee

the expropriation of church

of dispensation, incorporated

Cardinal Pole added the strength of apostolic solidity to these various

act.

same authority

tion

6.11

whom

for

writers,

conversion to Christianity entailed an acceptance of Christ's laws and a willingness to

be governed in

by

spiritual matters

by

a structure

of authority immediately ordained

Christ. Subsequently, then, obedience to the pastors

called for, not a tions.

law-making consent

to their

ground of

its

Prelates, present

.

.

.

and dissuading with

dissenting,

it

self

Church

that in cause

besides

on

the ground that in

al their

power

.

.

.

citizens,

and some

of religion, not onely

owne

but even against their

artificers, prevaile (a

against al the Bishops Prelates

and

more

belonging to their

like to

owne

know

cases

of

al

profession,

the said persons

and were with more reason

fols.

and obedience, 36"^.

wholesome admonitions and binding

On

to

were comparable

by Gods law and mans did owe

religion) al subjection

soules"; Apologie (1581),

life,

who

(to say

and by

their

the truth and give true sentence in matters

those, \vho neither for age, learning, nor divinite,

whom

monstrous

of the Universal

Pastors:

the least) must needes both by their great wisdom, learning, godly

vocation, be

possible: the

Convocation, by most humble remonstrance

thereunto .... Thus yet did the sentence of the Laity consisting

onely of Noblemen, Gentlemen,

and

also

Realme, most grave, learned, and honorable

inferior clergie then also gathered in

opposing

Parliament not only on the

first

incompetence in such matters but

legal

these acts, "al the Bishops of the

to

is

instruc-

Note, however, that Cardinal Allen, H's antagonist in the present passage,

objected to the acts for religion of Elizabeth's

case)

and bishops of our souls

wholesome admonitions and

as to

be heard then to

them, and

(specially in these

the proper Pastors of their

H's distinction in

this

passage

between

1.10.8 (1:102.18—103.27)

and

Marsilius of Padua, Defensor Pads, 1.10.4—5 and 1.12.2-3; ed. Gewirth, pp. 36,

44—

laws,

compare

45.

3:404.7—8

principally ... a negative voyce,

or veto was the

last

step in a legislative process

1027

A modest assessment: royal assent which began with the introduction

Commentary of bills in parliament, but many

on

Further, Elizabeth insisted sion.

were introduced by

bills

ministers of the crown.

open to parliamentary discusof crown and parliament, see Wallace

limiting the subjects

On the comparative legislative initiative

T. MacCaf&ey, "Parliament: the Elizabethan experience," in Delloyd J. Guth and

John

W. McKenna,

eds.,

Tudor Rule and Revolution: Essays for G. R. Elton from

The

American friends (Cambridge:

by

3:404.22—25.y

a lawe

.

conceme

.

.

his

University Press, 1982), pp. 127—147. Justinian, Institutiones, 1.2.6:

"What

is

approved by the sovereign has the force of law, since by the Lex Regia, from

whence his authority to command (imperium) is derived, the people have conceded to him all their authority to command and power"; (1590), col. 3; Krueger (1963), p. 1; Scott, 2:7.

3:405.26-29.2:

Ecclesiasticall

.

.

Cartwright, Replye: "As for the making

Church.

.

of the orders and cerimonyes of the church they doe (where there

a constituted

is

and ordered church) pertayne unto the mynisters of the church and to the asticall

governoures/ and that

common

and lawes for the

as

ecclesi-

they meddle not with the making of cyvill lawes

wealth: so the cyvill magistrate hath not to ordayne

ceremonies pertayning to the churche"; 1:192 [153]. H's interpolation of "high or

low" seems

by the context

justified

ecclesiastical matters).

Quoted and

(a

discussion of the prince's authority in

discussed in Whitgift, Defense, pp.

694-696

(PS,

3:295-301). 3:406.1

To

Kupieueiv

be lord or master of people or of

among

narian objections to (episcopal) "lordship" 3, 15,

and

Tullie

6.8, the

speaking

.

.

of

which God

proposer": "Est quidem vera lex, recta constans, sempiterna

pp. 332-333;

.

.

the

.

.

naturae congruens, diffusa in omnes,

ratio,

Now the question .

.

.

See above

Israel,

.

.

.

.

at

religion.

flatly

and wicked

wicked)

See 3:352.4-19 and n, above.

confes, that as long as the Ministers be godly and

it

Priestes,

the Prince

owght

which we maynteyn,

and to

is

belongeth to the Bishops

of such causes: but that Christian Princes, have rather

is

ff.

necessary, they should decide these matters, that the Prince

have recours unto them in dowtful matters, that

ignorant

3:321.25

Cartwright, The Rest of the Second Replie: "For they

wicked.

boeth [Jewel and Nowel] doe is

all,

the "discoverer, discusser, and

[Deus] legis hujus inventor, disceptator, lator"; (1570),

ille

did of old

3:407.28-408.22

learned, yt

is

libri

republica

CSEL, 19:508-509; ANF, 7:170-171.

God

3:409. l-7.fc

.

De

a true law, right reason, naturally fitting, present in

constant and everlasting, a law of

as

discipli-

Lactantius, Divinarum institutionum

deliverer.

.

only surviving source for the famous passage from Cicero's

asserting the existence

3:407.9

On

16.

3:406.5-7.(1 vii,

a country.

the clergy, see VII, esp. chaps.

that in case of necessity

to

commanded office to

to

decide

doe with these matters, then

(meaning

when

the ministery

provide for convenient remedy: the very selfsame thing,

in saying,

when

there

1028

is

no lawful ministery, that then the Prince

Book

VIII,

Chapter 6.11-Appendix

owght, to take order in these thinges" (3:159).

Compare

Replye, 1:193 [155]; Whitgift,

Defense, p. 701; PS, 3:311.

3:409.20

On

the familie of Brown

the separatism of

1633) and others, see Pref. 8.1, nn, and Intro, to

some Knipperdoling

3:409.22—24

.

.

.

The

Robert Browne (1550?-

Preface, p. 26, above.

Guy

the ende.

de Bres, La

etfondement des Anabaptistes (1565), describes Knipperdoling Anabaptists, a "superlatiF' of their faction, and senate,

22-23).

when

On

410.14—15

as

one of the consuls

the citizens of Miinster abandoned the

town

racine, source

one of the principal set up,

with

a

to the Anabaptists (pp.

de Bres, see l:42.26-49.30.
the Clergie

from fellow

.

.

clerics in the

On

opposite.

.

failing to

win support

for their cause

Convocation of 1563, advocates of church reform along

continental lines turned for support increasingly to lay authority, in the

first

instance to parliament. See Haugaard, Elizabeth and the English Church, and Intro, to

The

Preface, pp. 18—19, above.

3:410.25-41 1.2.C

that

which

.

.

.

See 3:344.1 l-15./i.

office.

unto the earthly pow^cr, same. Allen, An Apologie: "Kings by become Christes Maisters, or Lordes over the Church as it is his spiritual and mystical Commonwealth, but are called by the Prophete [Isa. 49.23] her foster fathers, as Queenes be also named her nources: because it belongeth to the earthly power that God hath given them, to defend the la\ves of the Church, to cause them to be executed, and to punish rebelles and transgressors of the same"; (1581), fol. 40\

3:411. 3-5. cf

.

.

.

receiving Christes religion are not

3:411.12

is

it

... alleaged

By both

Cartwright and Stapleton; see 3:431.13—

432.6.

Constantine termeth ... Church;

3:411.12— 14.e

4.24, relates that in his

own

Eusebius, Life of Constantine,

hearing Constantine once remarked to a

company of

bishops he was entertaining that he too was a bishop (eiq Kai auTOc; ETtiaKOTio^), that

God had

established that they be bishops

of things within the churches

and he of things without: dXA,' ufieiq pev Twv eiaco

Twv

(1544),

fol.

16, 433.3—5, J.

jx\q iKKXT\aia(;, eyd)

6^

0600 KaOeaTapevoc;, kniOKonoq av elnv. In Eccles. hist. 150" (GCS, 7:126). For other references to this passage see 3:431.15—

EKTOc; UTio

H. Burns,

3:411.14—18/

and 500.29—501.1. ed.,

On the significance of Constantine's statement, see

The Cambridge History of Medieval

Hilarie beseecheth

...

Political

belonged;

writing around 356 to the Arian emperor Constantius liber [primus],

in Lucubrationes (1572), p. 118

decernat dementia tua, ut trationes creditae sunt,

omnes

se

Thought, pp. 70-71.

Hilary, II,

Ad

bishop of Poitiers,

Constantium Augustum

(CSEL, 65:181-182): "Provideat

et

ubique judices, quibus provinciarum adminis-

ad quos sola cura

et solicitudo

pertinere debet, a religiosa se observantia abstineant.

1029

publicorum negociorum

Neque

posthac praesumant

Commentary atque usurpent, et putent se causas cognoscere clericorum." See C. F. A. Bor-

Struck (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff,

chardt, Hilary of Poitiers' Role in the Arian

NPNF.2,

1966);

Ambrose

3:411.18—412.1.^

torem

9:xii-xiii.

commissum

FOTC,

est,

26:371,

affirmeth ... not;

Ambrose,

epist. 33:

ad sacerdotem ecclesiae. Publicorum

palatia pertinent,

"Ad imperamoenium jus

non sacrorum"; Opera (1569), col. 584; PL, 16:999 as epist. as epist. 60. Ambrose here recounts to his sister Marcellina

refusal to surrender a basilica to the imperial authorities for use refusal to

tibi

emperor Valentinian

II

his

by the Arians. His

appear before an imperial consistory in connection with

subject of the letter to the

20;

this

matter

is

the

and see

cited at 3:383.1*^ see n;

3:434.3-10.i'.n, below.

Augustine witnesseth

3:412. 1-6. /i tists,

Augustine supports

against their sect

case

.

.

by reminding them

of Caecilian,

In epist. 166, a letter to the

theirs.

.

his insistence that they

that their

bishop

a Catholic

own

whom

Dona-

submit to the imperial edicts leaders

had once appealed the

they sought to have deposed, to

Constantine. Because, according to Augustine, Constantine did not dare to judge

be discussed and judged ("quia Constantinus

a bishop,

he delegated

non

ausus de causa episcopi judicare,

est

episcopis delegavit").

it

to bishops to

When

the

Roman

eam discutiendam

atque finiendam

bishop Melchiades and his colleagues

pronounced Caecilian innocent, the Donatists again appealed episcopos dedit"), from

whom

emperor,

to the

again turned the matter over to other, episcopal judges ("Iterum

.

.

.

who

alios judices

emperor

the Donatists again appealed, until the

himself heard the case and pronounced Caecilian innocent and the Donatists guilty

of

witness ("ad ipsum imperatorem appellarunt, donee etiam ipse causam

false

cognosceret, et Caecilianum innocentem, (1569), 2:756-757; tine gives a

more

CSEL, 34:600-601, detailed account of

(1569), 2:725-738;

illos

calumniosos pronuntiaret"); Opera

as epist.

some of

105;

FOTC,

18:201-202. Augus-

the same incidents in epist. 162;

CSEL, 34:87-102 and FOTC, 12:185-200,

as epist.

43. For

Constantine's apology to the bishops for yielding to the Donatists and judging the case after the bishops, see (1569), 2:734;

de

ilia

CSEL, 34:102:

".

.

.

ut eis ipse cessit, ut

causa post episcopos judicaret, a Sanctis antistitibus postea veniam petiturus."

3:412.29-31./

that

it

was then

.

.

.

Ministers,

Cartwright, 1:193 [154], quoted

and discussed by Whitgift, Defense, pp. 698-699 (PS, 3:303-308). 3:413.11-12

there are

See Saravia,

De

dotii praecipua pars relicta regibus"; pp.

3:413.14

Anointed with oyle.

At

3:414. 1-6.J heati Pauli

sequens

Between

ei

the first

.

.

.

imperandi authoritate (1593), 3.37: "Sacer-

169—170.

See 3:342.21-343.2.n, above.

scandalum.

Pseudo-Ambrose, Commentarii

in epistolam

ad Ephesios: "[P]rimi presbyteri episcopi appellabantur: ut recedente eo succederet"; in Ambrose, Opera (1569), col. 2003;

this sentence,

which

H

gives in English,

1030

CSEL,

81.3:100.

and the one he quotes in Latin

Book there

Chapter 6.Appendix-7.3

VIII,

comes the statement about

in Egypt,

when

the bishop

is

of confirmation

presbyters' officiating at the rite

H

not present;

cites it at 3:172.c (VII.6.4).

The

"But because the following presbyters began to be found unworthy of holding the primacy, this course was changed and it was provided for by council that not order but merit should make a bishop, decided upon by the passage continues:

judgment of many

priests, lest

there be scandal to

someone unworthy should chance

Pontius ... people,

3:414.13-15.ife

Opera (1593),

fol.

M"

(=7i4'^;

Pontius the Deacon, Vtta Cypriani, in Cyprun,

CSEL,

3.3:xcv;

FOTC,

Pope Leo

Againe Leo, ... coveted.

3:414.18-21./

and

to take office

many."

15:9. I,

writing in 458 or 459.

Gratian, Decretum, 1.62 [not 63]. 1 (Lyons, 1584), col. 312; Friedberg, 1:234.

3:414. 21-23. m

In like sort Honorius,

.

emperor, 393-423) to Pope Boniface

.

I

Honorius (western

chosen.

.

solum

in 420: "ilium

Roman

in sede apostolica

permansurum, quern ex numero clericorum, nova ordinatione divinum judicium et

universiutis consensus elegerit";

1.79.8; Friedberg, 1:278. This for

is

Concilia

an orderly electoral procedure cited in

Now whither

3:415. 10-12. w

ment advanced

.

.

1:813;

(1585),

Gratian,

Deaetum,

part of the emperor's response to the papal request

.

r

Crowne

on

the next page (see n).

By

"this respect"

H

means the argu-

in the immediately preceding sentence (the king's right to create

temporal lords impUes a similar prerogative in bestowing lordships

By

spiritual).

"the former consideration" he means the argument put forth just previously and

supported

now by

reference to the Statute of Provisors of Benefices of Edward

statute 4. legislation

III

W.V.S. (1587), 1:118-119; S.R., 1:316-318, as especially in mind the recollection of similar have had He seems to under Edward I near the beginning of the act (1:118): "where as the

(1350-1351), 25 Edw.

Ill,

holie church of Englande

of England by the

cap. 3;

was founded

said grandfather

and

in the estate

of prelacie within the realme

his progenitors,

and the

Earles, Barons,

and

other nobles of his saide realme and their auncesters, for them to enforme the

people of the lawe of God, and for to

of

charitie

iri

the places

make

hospitalities, almes,

where the churches were founded,

and other workes

for the soules

founders, their heires, and of all christen, and certeine possessions as landes, rents, as in

by the

advowsons, which doe extende to

saide founders to the prelates

saide realme, to susteine the

were assigned

of the in fees,

were assigned

and other people of the holie church of the

same charge, and

especially

of the possessions which

to archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, religious

of holie church, by the kings of the saide realme,

men of his

a great value,

much

and

Earles, Barons,

all

other people

and other great

realme, the same kings, Earles, Barons, and other nobles, as lords and

advowees, have had and ought to have the custodie of such voidances and the presentments and the collations of the benefices being of such prelacies." declared aim of the medieval sututes was to

EngUsh against

resist

benefices, not to vindicate the system of royal

any sort of populism.

1031

The

papal provision of foreigners to

and

aristocratic

patronage

Commentary and

3:415.14—17.0

above

also restraine

.

.

.

The

graunted.

king's progenitours

upon

forme and condition,

a certaine

of Provisors cited

Statute

being

refers to elections to ecclesiastical dignities as

"first

as to

granted by the

demaund

licence

of

the king to chuse, and after the election to have his royall assent, and not in other

manner"; 25 Edw.

nor

3:415.17— 18./>

by the

Ill,

elect

W.V.S. (1587), 1:119; S.R., 1:318.

cap. 3;

any person

.

.

.

them.

"Be

it

authoritie aforesaid, that at everie avoidance

bishoprike

.

.

.

the king

.

.

.

may

ordeined and established,

of anie archbishoprike or

grant to the prior and convent, or the deane and

chapter of the cathedrall churches or monasteries, where the see of such archbish-

oprike or bishoprike shall happen to be void, a licence under the greate scale

with a

letter missive,

choose.

By

convent, to

with

all

speed and

of Annates,

person,

etc.

The Act

.

.

due forme

Hen. VIII,

(1532); 25

elect

and choose the

and none other."

.

continues by stipulating,

electors defer or delay the election

may by

An

cap. 20.3; as

.

.

.

and

H

—

for failure to

certaine Canons

.

.

W.V.S. (1587), 1:659; S.R., days after delivery of the

patent nominate and present for consecra-

The

last

section of the act

—imprisonment, outlawry, and

comply with

consecration

.

named

person

indicates at 3:415.22—25, that if the

tion such person as he shall think able and convenient.

and goods

said

Act Restraining the Paiment

more than twelve

letters

prescribes the severe penalties of praemunire

3:415.21—22.^

shall elect

anie suche licence and letters missives shall be directed, shall

celeritie, in

license to elect, the king

ture of land

which they

vertue of which licence, the said deane and chapter, or prior and

whome

in the said letters missives

3:463.

name of the

conteining the

forfei-

these electoral procedures.

The canon

referred to

is

the

tenth of the First Lateran Council (1123); Gratian, Decretum, 1.62[not 63]. 3 (Lyons, 1584), col. 312; Friedberg, 1:234.

It specifies

that if someone

without being canonically elected, both he and

is

consecrated bishop

his consecrator shall

be deposed

hope of restitution. As H acknowledges, English observance of this canon was "now but a matter of forme" (line 25).

\vithout

Pope Boniface place. Letter of Boniface I (pope 418-422) to Emperor Honorius: "Ecclesiae meae, cui Deus noster meum sacerdotium, vobis res humanas regentibus deputavit, cura constringit, ne causis ejus, quamvis

3:415.30-32.r

.

.

.

the

adhuc corporis incommoditate detinear, propter conventus, qui

a sacerdotibus

universis et clericis, et Christianae plebis perturbationibus agitantur,

Christianissimi Principis desim.

animum, cum suae

.

.

.

religionis veneratione

vos agatis et conferatis

firatribus et

conjunctum,

causam

religionis prosequentibus, in

perpetuum

(1585), 1:812, 813. This request

cum quicquid huic proficiat,

consacerdotibus meis, probatissimis

ab omnibus (qui Ecclesiam faciunt istiusmodi)

postulatis adnuitis, in

apud aures

Habet refugium, pium tuae mansuetudinis

legatis:

viris,

a

me

et

quibus, precamur, sacrae

urbe vestrae mansuetudinibus hoc animo, quo

statui universalis Ecclesiae consulatis";

Concilia

and the emperor's response were included by

Gratian in the Deaetum, 1.97.1-2 (Friedberg, 1:346-348) and 1.79.8 (Friedberg, 1:278) but with an interpretation of their significance different firom H's. Gratian

1032

Book

Chapter

VIII,

argued {dictum on 1.97.1) from the

fact that

7.3-7.4

Honorius acted in response to a papal

request that his authority in this matter derived from the authority of the pope.

Boniface

his possession of the see to the emperor, however, for his own 418 had been disputed by the election and consecration of the archdea-

owed

election in

con Eulalius on the same day. Honorius decided in Boniface's favor in April 419. Onuphrius

3:416.3-9.5

.

.

.

Onuphrius Panvinius (1529-1568), papal and

day.

ancient historian, continuator of Bartolomeo Platina's Lives of the Popes, corrunent-

ing

on

ea'que

Platina's life

cum

urbe

of Pelagius

Roma

"Gothis

II:

Italia

omni per Narsem patricium

pulsis,

sub Justiniano imperatore, ex

orientalis imperii parte facta:

novus quidam in comitiis Pontificiis mos inolevit. Is fiiit, mortuo Papa, nova quidem electio more majorum statim a clero S. P. Q. R. fieret, verum electus Romanus Pontifex non ante consecrari, atque ab episcopis auctoritate Papae Vigilii

ut

ordinari posset,

ipse'que

esset,

quam

ejus electio ab imperatore Constantinopolitano confirmata suis

litteris

patentibus licentiam electo Pontifici concederet, ut

ordinari, et consecrari posset, atque ita jurisdictionem pontificatus turn obtineret.

Pro qua

licentia

consequenda electo necesse

imperatori transmittere.

Qua

num administrabat Pontificatum.

de conditionibus novi imperatoribus praesertim

Benedictum

II.

Antea enim idem

Hoc autem

onis Pontificis renuntiati erant. ejus auctoritate Vigilium

Papam

is

certam pecuniae quantitatem

Italia

absentibus.

.

comitiorum,

.

.

Perduravit haec consuetude usque ad

quem

clerus S. P.

Q. R. Pontificem summum more vetustissimo,

nulla amplius imperatoris confirmatione expectata,

bus

III.

Leo

et ejus successoribus

Romanorum

deinde Imperatoribus

restituit

auctoritas coeperat,

esse

cujus sanctitate permotus Constantinus imperator Heraclii prone-

Carolo magno Francorum Regi,

Hadriano

ut imperator certus esset

est,

maxima

statim ab episcopis ordinaretur. Rursus Hadrianus primus

mum,

Roma-

et consecrati-

ideo Justinianum imperatorem, vel ex

cujus turn

Pontificis,

dies

credendum

instituisse

pos, edicto suo jussit, ut deinceps delegissent,

erat

venia obtenta, ipse postea consecrabatur, et

concessit:

hoc jus,

quod

ereptum Othoni primo Germanorum Regi,

VIII. Id

et clero S. P.

postremo Gregorius VII. He[n]rico

Q. R. primum, deinde

alii

et

paulo amplius

Regibus Francorum,

pri-

successoribus ejus ab

Romani Imperatori ademptum Cardinali-

et

IIII.

Pontifices, qui secuti sunt, Cardinali-

bus tantum permisere, quod ad nostra usque secula perdurat"; Historia Bap. Platinae illusannotationum Onuphrii Panvinii accessione Romanorum Onuphrius is ambiguous as to whose authority, the emperor's or the pope's, was responsible for the procedure by which a person canonically elected pope was required to obtain (with the payment of a certain

de

vitis

Pontiftcum

trior reddita

.

.

.

.

.

.

[1573], p. 63.

sum of money) an imperial license before he could be consecrated. He gives as reason for this way of proceeding the emperor's need to be certain of the qualifications

of the

especially

new

pontiff, for papal authority

phrase of the rest of

this

Italy.

at that time,

H's otherwise close para-

passage from Onuphrius omits an intermediate stage

between Gregory VII (Hildebrand), cardinals

began to be very great

with the emperors being absent from

who

settled the right

and the clergy and people of Rome, and

1033

of papal election on the

his successors,

who

restricted

it

.

Commentary to the cardinals.

On the history of papal elections, see Walter Ullmann, 322-324, 352-358; The

rpr. 1965), pp. 87,

The Growth

2nd edn. (London: Methuen and Co., 1962;

of Papal Government in the Middle Ages,

New

Catholic Encyclopedia

(New York:

McGraw-Hill, 1967-1989), 11:572-574. restored to Charles

3:416.7

.

The

augmentation.

.

.

story

of Pope Hadrian

I's

concession to Charlemagne of extensive rights in papal, archiepiscopal, and episcopal elections

12C

is

recounted in a passage of disputed authenticity from an early

chronicle incorporated in the canon law; Gratian, Decretunty 1.63.22; (Lyons,

1584), col. 322; Friedberg, 1:241.

Pope Leo

3:416.12-22.f col.

.

.

Gratian, Deaetum, 1.63.16; (Lyons, 1584),

thankful!.

320; Friedberg, 1:239.

Walthramus, bishop of Naumburg, writing

a plaine Discourse

3:416.23—24.M

around 1109 in support of the imperial lay investiture

of bishops, De

De jurisdictione,

Schardius,

side in

with the papacy over

conflicts

its

inuestitura episcoporum per imperatores fadenda, in

autoritate, et

Simon

praeeminentia imperiali, ac potestate ealesiastica

(1566), pp. 711-717. .

Platinae de

Rycaut

.

(1688), p. 208; ed.

episcopatus

Benham

Platina, Historia Bap.

The Lives of the Popes, trans. "Adeptus pontificatum Grego-

p. 133;

vitis

rius, statim

usurum

Bartolomeo

. dealinges, not as Platina Pontiftcum Romanorum [1573],

3:416.26-28

([1888]), 2:1:

Henricum imperatorem admonet, ne deinceps largitione corruptus, et beneficia alicui per Simoniacum cupiditatem committal, aliter se

in se et delinquentes censuris ecclesiasticis."

H

cites Platina at

2:155.27—

Walthramus, De

investitura

29.w; see n, above.

forealleged right

3:417.3—4

.

.

.

acknowledged

of Gregory Vll that judgments of the

episcoporum, p. 713, answering the thesis

Roman that,

see are not to

from Gregory's

be retracted, argues that

own

time,

anathema in favor of royal and imperial

"Non

videtur

.

.

canonicum

.

confirmaverunt Sylvester, Leo Benedictus

3:417.7-10

[III?],

First,

.

it

seems neither canonical nor

safe

what previous popes have confirmed under

.

.

.

ea solvantur quae sub anathemate

Adrianus

[II? 111?],

of bishops should be voided:

investitute

et salubre, ut

[I],

primus Gregorius, Leo

[IV?],

erga reges et Imperatore de investiendis episcopis per illos." .

.

disturbance.

Ibid., p.

713: "Legitur etiam de episcopis

quomodo ex antiqua institutione, usque ad Reges introierint, cum pace temporalium pure et

Hispaniae, Scotiae, Angliae, Ungariae,

modernam

novitatem, per

integre."

3:417.11-12

Secondly, founders ... v*Tonges,

Constantino gesta

et

Imperatores, et devotos laicos ae, in fundis et

Ibid., p.

decreta revolvit, patenter inveniet,

Romana

ecclesia, aliae'que in

mobilibus ditatae et exaltatae

contra tyrannos et raptores retinuerint."

1034

sint:

712: "Qui a primo quod per Reges et

orbe terrarum ecclesi-

sibi'que tutelas et defensiones

Book not

3:417.13-15

safe,

under them.

.

. .

Chapter

VIII,

7.4-7.5

Ibid.,

715: "Postquam autem a

p.

Imperatores dotatae, diutae et exaluue sunt

Sylvestro per Chrisrianos

Reges

Ecclesiae in flindis et

mobilibus, et jura civitatum in teloneis, monetis,

aliis

et

et scabinis, comitatibus, advocatiis, synodalibus bannis

episcopis:

congruum

et consequens, ut rex qui

fliit

villicis

per Reges delegata sunt

unus

populo, et caput

est in

populi, investiat et inthronizet episcopum: et contra irruptionem hostium sciat, cui

suam

civitatem

And

3:417.15-16

cum jus

credat,

therefore

suiun in

. .

domum

homage.

.

illorum transtulerit."

Ibid.,

p.

"Sequitur

714:

autem

banno regali conveniens, in communem salutem favendum est Regibus, homagium et sacramentum de

consecratio, ut bannus episcopalis

operetur. Et

si

episcopis

Regalibus apertius

ante consecrationem."

est

Thirdly,

3:417.17-21

kept.

praecepto, sive baculo, sive

Rex et

Ibid., p.

714: "Nihil

quam

manu

in

enim

refert, sive

altare, et in

curam pastoralem

Sed congruum magis

et

baculum

singula accipit a stola et authoritate S.

per baculum, qui

est

verbo, sive

tenuerit, investiat, aut inthronizet

Imperator episcopum, quo die consecrationis veniens, annulum

ponit super Petri.

alia re

est

duplex: id

est,

temporalis et

spiritualis."

Some base Canonuts

3:417.21—22

cum

clericis in electione prelati

hoc concedere

eo, qui

.

For example, Juan deTorquemada, comment-

"Nee

ing on Gratian, Decretum, 1.63.1:

.

.

valet aliqua consuetudo, ut laicus interesse

de jurisdictione

[nisi]

spirituali

domino papa";

potuit. scilicet, a

concessa

In Gratiani

.

.

.

ab

Deaetorum

primam dodissimi commentarii (1578), 1:471. 3:417.26-28 all

Duarenus

RC. The

during the

.

.

.

16C French jurists, factions in France

The

of the century provided the English with a nearby (and

latter part

potentially analogous)

authors cited here are

between Catholic and Reformed

Probus,

incessant wars

example of religious violence more

experiences of Protestant martyrdoms under

Mary and

own

terrifying than their

the numerically roughly

equivalent martyrdoms of Jesuit priests and other Catholics under Elizabeth. For the impact

on English

political thought, see J.

France in the' Sixteenth Century (London: Ernest

and The French It is

Religious

possible that

—

his

own

his

Oxford

reading

friend

these authors,

H

Wars

derived

in English Political

this list

see 3:208. 17./i.n

H. M. Salmon,

Benn, 1975;

rpr.,

Society in Crisis:

Methuen, 1979),

Thought (1959).

of legal authorities from a source other than

above for the derivation of a similar

—but he made more than

John Rainolds

Choppin, elsewhere (chap.

3.3,

casual use

list

from

of one of

343.9-14; Auto. Notes, 492.31—33;

intermittendy from 507.11 to 511.6) and also cited such other continental jurists

of the period

as

Bamabe

Brisson (232.8-9), Boethius

507.16-18), and Jean Bodin (implicitly 397.^).

H

The

listed

at

Epo (394.27-395.4 and

336.19-25 and 508.9-10, explicidy

current obscurity of the authors in the present note does not

them

as a display

of erudition. Several were eminent

and together they represented the

legal

1035

in their

at

show

that

own

day,

aspect of a tradition of ecclesiastical

Commentary thought

—Gallicanism—

H

that

and English Catholics among

M. Salmon,

reason to take seriously. See J. H.

his readers

age of the Counter-Reformation," in Renaissance and Revolt: Essays

and

Social History of Early

Modem

had good

"Gallicanism and Anglicanism in the

The

France (Cambridge:

in the Intellectual

University Press, 1987),

W.J. Bouwsma, "Gallicanism and the Nature of Christendom," Anthony Molho and John A. Tedeschi, eds.. Renaissance: Studies in Honor of Hans Baron (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1971), pp. 811-830, rpr. in Bouwsma, A Usable Past (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 308—324. The complex discussions of "regalian rights" in several of the authors H pp. 155—188, and in

cites dealt especially

with questions about the crow^n's

income, and patronage of vacant episcopal

DuarenuSf students of

Douaren (1509—1559) was one of

Francois

Roman

rights to the administration,

sees.

law in

his

time (second only to

de Thou's opinion) and was greatly admired for

of

style as well. Six editions

his

for a while to the

church reform emanating from Geneva, Douaren emerged

De

pope claimed no

outside his ow^n diocese

("sciendum

jus,

as a

sacris ealesiae ministeriis ac beneficiis

that in ancient times the

temporibus nullum

Andrea Alciato in and literary

his classical learning

works were published between 1550 and 1581.

Although thought to have been sympathetic In his systematic treatise

the most learned

his teacher

est

rights

movement

for

staunch Gallican.

(1551), he observed

and no power of ordination

eum [Romanum

pontificem] priscis

nullamque potestatem ordinandorum sacerdotum, aut

clericorum extra propriam dioecesin

sibi

vendicasse"; pp. 127—128).

the French king's rights of conferring benefices

on

a transfer

Douaren based

of power from the

people (pp. 143—150, after a discussion of Marsilius of Padua on pp. 142—143). With this w^ork he published, under the title Pro libertate ecclesiae Gallicae aduersus

Romanam aulam, a translation of the remonstrances of the parlement of Paris under Louis XI for maintenance of the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges. Jean Papon (1505—1590), a royal counsellor, compressed into some

Papon, fifty

pages of his massive manual for high

notaire (1578),

an

rights as a result

154—203).

The

of the king his use

intricate

of

historical

developments in both papal and royal power

animate law (vofio^ ep\|/oxoq), an idea pointedly ignored by

as

Rene Choppin (1537-1606) was

to Auto.

Notes above) of Choppin's

of kings and emperors

was violently anti-Protestant

historical

H

in

for the clergy in a

avails

himself elsewhere (see

review of the religious authori-

De saaa politia forensi of 1577. number of important affairs and

(calling forth Fran9ois

Hotman's Anti- Choppinus), he

eulogized Henry of Navarre in 1594 on his accession to the throne sacra politia forensi, 1.7, is

bus."

(pp.

perhaps the most erudite jurist

H

prolific.

in the preface to his

Although he was an advocate

De

et dernier

of the relevant sources (above, 3:342.2— 14. c/.n).

Choppinus,

ty

Seaets du troisieme

preface to the Seaets begins with invocations of the absolutist idea

of his time and certainly one of the most refr.

officials,

account of the French king's uniquely extensive regalian

The concluding

on

the subject,

sections are

on

"De

as

Henry

regalibus sacerdotiorum

royal nomination "ad Praelaturas" (pp.

1036

IV.

muneri-

176-

Book Choppin does not

188).

Chapter

VIII,

7.5-7.6

deny the pope's power

in fact

to deprive kings

of

their

but the case he develops for these rights does not depend

traditional regalian rights,

on papal permission.

comma

(The

jEgidius Magister,

Maistre (?1499-1562) was the

of regalian

rights

after "/Egidius"

should be deleted.) Gilles Le

president of the Yt&nch. parlement. His account

first

included in editions of his Decisions

is

(Lyons, 1595), pp.

notables;

86-182.

Amoul Ruze

Amulphus Ruzaeus, his firiend Philippus

some who regard sees, as

and canon law

at

published, without his permission,

by

?1478) taught

(b.

Orleans. His Tractatus juris regaliorum was

first

civil

Probus in 1534; 2nd edn., 1542. Recognizing that there are

royal regalian rights, including rights to the

Ruze

usurpations (1542, p. 2),

income of vacant

by divine law,

briefly justifies these rights

papal law, and holy councils, concluding with five affirmative opinions supporting

them.

He

then goes on

length to vindicate

at

more than

fifty

privileges pertaining

to regalian rights.

Petrus Costalius,

Costlius,

commenting on

the Digest ofJustinian, defends the

customary right of the French crown to the income of vacant episcopal sees

{regale

notwithsunding papal and conciliar decrees to the contrary: Aduersario-

temporelle),

rum ex pandectis Justiniani Philippus Probus,

Imperatoris liber prior (1554).

Besides publishing Ruze's treatise

'

on

regalian rights, Philip-

pus Probus issued Cosmas Guimier's commentary on the Pragmatic Sanction of

Bourges (1438) with extensive additions of his French church to administer .

.

.

necnon glossae, ac additiones

Papae

.

emphasizing the rights of the

.

Opera aut

labore

D.

.

.

Cosmae Guimier

.

Philippi Probi (1555;

other

and 1561).

edns. 1540 3:418.4—9.1/

.

own

Pragmatica sanctio, cum glossis

itself:

that Gregorie

.

..

VIII, 1.6.13; (1587), p.

prerogatives.

D. Bonifadi

Liber sextus Deaetalium

739; Friedberg, 2:953: "qui, regalia

.

.

.

de novo us-

urpare conantes, bona ecclesiarum, monasteriorum, aut locorum ipsorum vacantium

occupare praesumunt cere.

.

.

.

.

.

.

eo ipso excommunicationis sententiae decemimus subja-

Qui autem ab ipsarum ecclesiarum caeterorumque locorum fundatione, vel

ex antiqua consuetudine jura •

prudenter abstineant,

quae non pertinent ad usurpent: nee tant,

sed in

bona

bono

3:418.15—19.1*'

unusquisque

suis

hujusmodi vendicant: ab illorum abusu

fiructus sive reditus,

caetera,

quorum

provenientes vacationis

se asserunt

habere custodiam, dilabi permit-

people ... himself.

errat plebis vulgique

moribus

favet; ut

Jerome, Adversus Jovinianum, bk.

judicium;

et in sacerdotibus

non tam bonum, quam

sui

praepositum"; Epistolae (1578), p. 155A; PL, 23:258. This

by Jerome to explain why married men the priesthood instead of celibates. alternatives offered

3:418.25-31. X

sic

quod ea, tempore, non

statu conservent."

Of the

"Nonnumquam

sibi

et suos ministros in eis sollicite faciant abstinere,

Sidonius speaking ...

only.

1037

is

1:

comprobandis,

similem quaerat

one of

are often

Sidonius ApoUinaris

several

chosen for

(432P-480?),

Commentary bishop of Clermont, Lucubrationes, bk. decreto civium petitus adveni, causa

nuper

summo

7, epist. 5, to a

bishop of Sens: "Bituricas

evocationis titubans ecclesiae status.

fuit

Quae

viduata pontifice, utriusque professionis ordinibus ambiendi sacer-

quoddam classicum cecinit, fremit populus per studia divisus, pauci alteros, non offerunt solum, sed inferunt. Si aliquid pro virili portione secundum

dotii

multi sese

deum

consulas veritatemque

Sola est

On

illic

omnia occurrunt,

quid dicam?

levia, varia, fucata. et

simplex impudentia"; (1542), p. 218; PL, 58:568; Loeb, 2:308-309.

Sidonius, see 2:34/n, above.

Sozomen,

Church

In the

3:419.1—4.)'

Eccles. hist., 8.2;

.

.

himself;

.

(1544),

Theodoret, Bales,

346" and 105^-106';

fols.

5.27,

hist.,

GCS, 44

329 and 50:349-352; NPNF.2, 3:151 and 2:399-400. Sozomen's

(19):

is

and 328-

the fuUer

account. Nectarius was John Chrysostom's predecessor as patriarch of Constantino-

not

ple,

his rival.

The

chief "troubles" which might have

due to John's reluctance to be

him

unwillingness to lose

translated

grown

in this case

from the see of Antioch and

were

his people's

(both circumvented by the imperial general Asterius,

who

lured

him

posthaste to Constantinople). Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, favored a

John out of his

presbyter of his

own

city w^ith the pretense

of needing him and dispatched

church over John but eventually yielded to pressure from the

chief of the emperor Arcadius's household, Eutropius.

even

3:419.4—8.2:

ences in .

.

.

Rome

as at

The intended

z.

historia,

.

.

There

shedd.

,

Ammianus

passage in

is

some confusion

at

Rome), not

passages cited concern the violent conflict

adherents of Ursicinus: Socrates,

Eccles.

bk. 15.

H

by

bk. 27, as above at 3:292. 20. m (another reference

surrounding Damasus's election

in the refer-

Marcellinus must be Rerum gestarum to the tumult

Only two of the remaining

between Damasus's supporters and the 4.29; (1544),

hist.,

fols.

239^-240'; ed.

Hussey (1853), 2:551-552; NPNF.2, 2:113; and Sozomen, Eccles. hist., 6.23; (1544), fols. 8r-82'; GCS, 50:265; NPNF.2, 2:359-360. These accounts agree that peace w^as restored only

passages in Socrates

church, but in none of them for dangers arising

condemns

by the action of the prefect of the

and Sozomen concern is

cases

city.

The

the exercise of lay authority presented as a

from popular election of bishops.

the Arian, Macedonius,

who

other

of intense conflict within the

Socrates, Eccles.

with the Emperor Constantius

remedy

hist.,

II's

2.27,

support

war among Christians by the worshipers of idols; (1544), fol. 203'; Hussey, 1:268-269; NPNF.2, 2:54. Sozomen, Eccles. hist., 4.11, describes the resistance to Constantius made by Damasus's predecessor Liberius and relates approvingly the popular pressure on the heretical emperor for assumed the patriarchate of Constantinople and

waged

scarcely less violent than that previously

the pope's return

Theodoret,

from

of Ariminum; (1544), 3:419.12-15.(1 ut vinceret.

exile; (1544), fol. 50";

Eccles. hist.,

stirred

up

a

against Christians

GCS,

50:154;

NPNF.2, 2:306-307.

2.15-17, gives an account in these chapters of the Council

fols. 302''-304'';

Pontius doth note

it

Quibus tamen quanta

.

.

GCS, .

44(19):128-137;

forgett.

lenitate,

1038

quam

"Quidam patienter,

NPNF.2, 3:79-83.

illi

restiterunt,

quam

etiam

benivolenter

Book quam

indulsit,

VIII,

Chapter

7.6-8.4

clementer ignovit, amicissimos eos

postmodum

computans, mirandbus mulris? Cui enim posset non

mentis oblivio?" Vita Cypriani, in Cyprian, Opera, (1593),

FOTC,

3.3:xcvi;

15:10;

A fault

3:420.1-3.fc

ANF,

memoriosae

*4* (=714');

fol.

CSEL,

5:269.

commende,

Gratian, Decretum, 1.63.34; (Lyons, 1584),

provides that bishops be elected by clergy

The canon

331; Friedberg, 1:246.

col.

et inter necessarios

esse miraculo, tain

and people in accord with the canonical regulations of the diocese, without fevoritisni or bribery, "for merit of Ufe and the gift of wisdom" ("ob viue meritum, et sapientiae donum"). For H's view of the qualifications of contemporary bishops, see VII.24.4-15. For his evident conviction that the fault of "undeserved

preferments of

.

.

his

own

Gratian, Deaetum, 1.63.18; (Lyons, 1584), cols.

320-

unworthy persons"

.

to the episcopate

was current in

day, see VII.24.14 (3:298.25-29)

a fault

3:420.3-7.c

.

.

.

fault.

321; Friedberg, 1:239-240. Pope Stephen VI, writing around 886, requests an imperial letter confirming a recent episcopal election, so that he

The matter

the consecration.

remain long without debere consistere").

its

To

own

is

urgent, because a church of

pastor ("ecclesiam

the same effect

is

Dei

may proceed w^ith God ought not to

sine proprio diu pastore

non

the canon transcribed at Auto. Notes,

Under Elizabeth the fault of permitting long vacancies in episcopal which the crown enjoyed the income of the see) was unusually glaring of the diocese of Ely, which remained unfilled for nineteen years until

3:508.15-18. sees (during

in the case

1599. as

On

good

Heal,

the queen's performance of the duty to "preserve the Church patrimonie

any predecessor did enjoy the same," see Felicity

to each successour as

Of

Prelates

bishops' estates

and

fell far

pp. 208-219. Elizabeth's inroads

Princes (1980),

on

die

what was allowable under legislation passed at the there was sufficient use of episcopal wealth for royal

short of

beginning of the reign.

Still,

patronage to account for H's concern.

3:421.26-422.8

3:424.1-2/ a judge

it

hath been taken

Imprimis

ought to be

bws, the

.

.

.

.

.

judg.

See Auto. Notes, 3:491.6-15.

Justinian, Institutiones, 4.17.Pref

est.

carefiil

.

way

not to judge in any other

constitutions, or the customs"; (1590), col. 86;

:

"In the

first

place,

prescribed

by the

Krueger (1963),

p. 54;

than

is

Scott, 2:173.

Our Judges in causes Ecclesiasticall On the ecclesiastical Court of High Commission, see above, Intro, to Book VII, pp. 316-17, and n. 12. On ordinary ecclesiastical jurisdictions (in most cases exercised by subordinates skilled

3:424.9

in

canon law, rather than by the bishops themselves), see 3:483.21—22.n, below.

See

also VII.4.4 (158.23-159.3), VIII.8.7 (429.9-12,

430.18-23), and Auto. Notes,

468.21-469.7. 3:425.4-22.^

In which case

.

.

.

power.

"An Act

ancient Jurisdiction over the state ecclesiasticall and

1039

restoring to the spiritual!,

crowne the

and abolishing

all

Commentary forren

power repugnant

to the

same"

likewise please your highnesse, that

(1 Eliz. it

I,

cap. 1.8):

"And

that also

authoritie aforesaid, that such jurisdictions, privileges, superiorities,

nences

spirituall

and

by any

ecclesiasticall, as

authoritie, hath heeretofore baene, or

of the

visitation

it

maie

maie be established and enacted by the

and prehemi-

or ecclesiastical!

spiritual!

power or

maie lawfullie be exercised or used, for the

and persons, and for reformation, order, and

ecclesiasticall state

correccion of the same, and of all maner errors, heresies, schismes, abuses, offenses,

contempts, and enormities,

shall for ever,

by

authoritie

be united and annexed to the imperial] crowne of

of this present parlement,

this

And

realme.

that

your

highnesse, your heires and successors, kings or queenes of this realme, shall have full

power and

scale

by vertue of this act, by letters patents under the great name, and authorize, when and as often as your or successors shall thinke meet and convenient, and for such

authoritie

of England, to

assigne,

highnesse, your heirs,

and so long time

as shall please

your highnesse, your

heires, or successors,

such

person or persons being naturall borne subjects to your highnesse, your heires, or successors,

your majestie, your heires or successores

as

exercise, use, occupie, sors,

manner of

all

jurisdictions,

touching or concerning anie

your realmes of England and countries,

and

thinke meet, to

shall

and execute, under your highnesse, your heires and succes-

and preheminences,

privileges,

spirituall

in

anie wise

or ecclesiasticall jurisdiction within these

Ireland, or anie other

your highnesse dominions, or

to visit, reforme, redresse, order, correct,

heresies, schismes, abuses, offenses, contempts,

and amend

all

such errors,

and inormities whatsoever, which

by anie maner spirituall or ecclesiasticall power, authoritie, or jurisdiction, can or maie law^fullie be reformed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restreined, or amended, of almightie God, the increase of vertue, and the conservation of

to the pleasure

the peace and unitie of this realme: and that such person or persons so to be

named,

assigned, authorized,

and appointed by your highnesse, your heires or

successores, after the said letters patents to

power and

aforesaid, shall

have

leters patents,

under your highnesse, your

and execute

all

full

him or them made and

authoritie

by vertue of this

acte,

delivered, as

and of the

is

said

heires, or successores, to exercise, use,

the premisses, according to the tenor and effect of the said letters

patents: anie matter or cause to the contrarie in anie wise notw^ithstanding";

W.V.S. (1587), 2:357-358; S.R., 4.1:352. 3:425.27—426. lO./i

Pope Alexander

.

.

hand.

.

Pope Alexander Ill's advantage over

of England arose from the English king's need to make peace with the

Henry

II

church

after the

murder of Thomas

a Becket, for

which he was widely blamed. In

Machiavelli's account {History of Florence, 1.19), the

two

cardinals sent to investigate

the matter did not find the king clearly guilty ("non trovassero colpa"). Nevertheless, because of the

honored Becket

as

ill

il

Re

in manifesta

repute of the deed and because he had not

he deserved, the king was constrained by the pope to affirm

innocence under oath, immediately send two hundred

soldiers to

his

Jerusalem for a

year and proceed there with an army himself within three years, allow his subjects to appeal to

Rome, and

annul whatever acts had been passed in his kingdom

1040

Book

Chapter

VIII,

8.4-8.8

The pope was at this time locked in conflict with Emperor Frederick Barbarossa and at odds with the Romans over the adminis-

unfavorable to ecclesiastical rule. the

tration

of the

city

and

.

.

.

at

il

.

queUo

e sottomessesi a

.

iuditio

vergognerebbe sottomettervisi,

si

uno

tanto

Non dimeno

Papa haveva tanta hautorita ne Principi longinqui; non poteva

Romani: da

ubbidire da

".

hand"):

Re, che oggi uno homo privato mentre che

H's translation of the conclusion of the passage

territories.

its

extends to 3:426.10 ("

ancora che promettesse

i

non

quali

potette impetrare di potere stare a

che dello Ecclesiastico non

d'altro,

fersi

Roma

travagliare, tanto le

si

cose che paiano, sono piu discosto, che da presso temute"; Historie Florentine di Niccolo Madiiauelli Cittadino et Segret. Fiorentino (1551), fols. 20^^-21';

TutU

ed. Martelli (1971), p. 646; trans. Marriott, [1909], pp. 24-25.

Compare The

Florentine Historie, trans.

edition of the

(STC

STC

17162), pp. 14-15.

London, with

in

Opere,

An Italian 1587

a Piacenza imprint, in

17161).

that kinde o€Appeale

3:426.14-18.1

in anie the courts it

T. B[edingfield] (1595;

work was published

le

.

.

"And

made,

.

of justice,

for lacke

at

or

of the archbishops of this realme, or in anie the kings dominions:

shaD be lawfull to the parties greeved, to appeale to the kings majestie, in the

kings court of chancerie. directed,

And

under the great

that

upon

commission shaU be

everie such appeale, a

such persons

seale, to

as shall

be named by the kings

highnesse, his heires or successors, like as in case of appeale from the admerall court, to heare, adds:

and

and

diffinitivelie

determine such appeales, and the causes [S.R.

circumstances] concerning the same

all

.

.

.

and

sentence, as the said commissioners shall

make and

good and be had or made from the

also diflSnitive:

appeale, shall be

effectuall,

and

that such

judgement and

upon

decree, in and

anie such

and no further appeales to

"An

act

concerning

the submission of the clergie to the kings majestie" (1533—1534); 25

Hen. VIII,

said

commissioners for the same."

W.V.S. (1587), 1:657; S.R., 3:461.

cap. 19.4;

For sith

3:427.12-19.7

it is

.

Cartwright, 3:154, citing 2 Chron.

Magistrate?

. .

19:8 and Heb. 5:1.

they forthwith ... themselves.

3:428.28-429.6 (VII.7).

The

"regencie" of lay-elders

3:429.28-430.4

yet if it be

..

is

.judgment.

Sir

.

.

.

Le roy mesme

Treason ou ter

felonie,

in person

eo que

il

est

un

son authoritie a auter, qui doit

above

William Stanford (1509-1558), Les

ne peut

estre

des parties estre

al

serra Juge in Treason ou judge ne seer in judgement, in

"Qui

Plees del Coron, 2.3; (1557; rpr. 1971), fol. 54":

felony

3:173.28-29.n,

See

the topic of Book VI.

judgement. Mes

judge inter luy

il

peut commit-

et loffendour.

..."

On

Stanford, see 1:105.6—8.1 and n, above.

3:431.14—432.6. m ties

it is

alleaged

.

.

.

H here compresses the chain of authori-

not.

appealed to by Cartwright in his discussion of the

in ecclesiastical causes:

"Constantyne

calleth

him

civil magistrate's

self a

authority

Bishop, but putteth a

manifest difference, betwene his Bishoprik and theirs: namely that the church

1041

Commentary were Bishops and overseers of

officers

of the church and the

and

things within the church,

whereby he

overseer of those that were withowt the church,

he,

Bishop or

clearly also esublisheth, the

common wealth

under a Christian prince. Hether which exhorteth Consuns, that he would provide, that the governours of his provinces under hym, should not praesume to take upon them, the judgment of ecclesiastical causes: where also the same autor further affirmeth, that the common wealth matters onely belonged unto them. Likewise that distinction also

may be

Ambrose Minister:

of

referred, that

That Palaces belong unto the Emperour, but the churches unto the

saith:

and

had

that he

before the

common walks of the city, and not over holy owt of Ambrose, who refused to have a

autority of the

"To

thinges" (3:155—156);

church matter

Hillary:

that alledged

Emperor Valentinian

.

.

.

Ambrose denieth

Emperour

the

the

determination of the cause, not for that he was a wicked Emperour, but because it

was not

."

.

.

Augustin in another place cause,

that

any Emperour

red in Scripture, nor heard of before, that

Bishop, in a cause offaith

(3:161—162); "Wherein,

Emperour,

saith, that the

it is

.

.

also to

.

was Judg

over a

be observed, that

not daring to judg of the Bishops

committed yt unto the Bishops: and that he did not once but twise. Likewise,

he

by

w^as driven

which made no end of appealing

the Donatistes importunity,

unto hym, to give sentence

in that matter, for

which

the

also, he

was

to

aave pardon

of the Bishopes" (3:163).

3:431.15— 16. n

Constantine termeth

3:431.16—21.0

Augustine witnesseth

3:431.21—24.p

Hilarie beseecheth

3:431.25-432.6.^

D.

3:432.7-8.r

.

.

.

See 3:411.12— 14. c.n, above.

Church;

,

See 3:412.1—6. /i.n, above.

theirs;

.

.

.

belonged;

Ambrose afllrtneth

.

.

Stapleton

God

3:432.11—12.5

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

purpose

not.

.

See 3:411.14— 18^n, above.

See 3:411. 18-412.1.^.n, above.

Demonstratio, 5.18 (1579), p. 192.

"Tibi Deus imperium commisit, nobis, quae sunt

trust;

Ecclesiae"; Athanasius (296F-373), bishop of Alexandria, citing a letter of Hosius to Constantius agentes, in

II,

Eastern

Opera (1572),

Roman

col.

emperor, 337—361, Epistola ad

472b (=

Historia

solitariam vitam

Arianorum ad monachos); PG, 25:745—

746: Zoi paaiX.eiav 6 Oeog evexeipiaev r|^Tv

ra

"EkkK^\o\clc, enia-

xfjc;

Teuae. 3:432.12— 16. <

how^ Leontius

Tripolis in Lydia,

was

.

.

.

rule.

In Suidas's account, Leontius, bishop of

characteristically

outspoken on an occasion

emperor Constantius was presiding among the bishops the churches.

Leontius.

He was

When

the

wished to

when the command

received with applause and admiration by everyone except

emperor asked why he alone kept

words quoted by H: 0aupd^co, e7iixe«pe»<;.

as if he

b^x]

otico^

erepa

silent,

he replied with the

6ie7ieiv Tax6e»<;, txipoiq

axpaTicoTiKoiv pfev Kai tcoXitikwv npayn&TOiv TipoeaTtiKox;,

e7iiaK67toi(; bk Tiepi tcov

e'lq

piovovq kniaKonovq r|K6vTcov SiaraTTOfievot;.

Ashamed, the emperor henceforth abstained from

edicts

of this

(1544), under AeovTioc;, sig.Ol" ed. Adler (1967), 3:246.

1042

sort. Suidas,

Lexicon

Book The order which

3:433.3-5

VIII,

Chapter

8.8-8.9

... Commonwealth.

See 3:41 1.1 2-14.e.n, above,

and 431.15-16.n. 3:433.5— 12.U

quid aliud

Which very quam

quod majores

ipsius

"et

nunc

majohs Constanrini judicium contra vestram partem

vivit,

Constantine.

quod

vestri elegerunt,

episcopali judicio

praetulerunt.

.

done.

.

Augustine,

epist. 68:

quod

assiduis interpellationibus extorserunt,

qui primitus

Imperialia judicia,

displicent

Si

Imperatores ad ea vobis excitanda coegerunt?"; "And now, what eke but the judgment of the great Constantine himself stands against your party, a judgment which your predecessors chose, which they extorted by continued appeals, which they preferred to an episcopal judgment? If the imperial judgments displease you, who first drove the emperors to set them in motion against you?"; Opera (1569),

FOTC,

2:324-325; CSEL, 34:411;

but

is

Not

name of the

the other

more

another, probably, but Constantine, in the

by Augustine

and 431.14-432.6.m. See 3:492.3 l-33.n, below,

see

S.

Ambrose

.

.

.

. . .

nn

Hippo

where

else

of

H may have Rene Choppin.

A firee paraphrase of Ambrose's epist. 33, cited in

so.

3:411.18—412.1^.n, above: "Mandatur denique: Trade basilicam. Respondeo:

mihi

nee

fas est tradere,

potes jure temerare,

omnia,

tibi

existimas auferendam? Allegatur, imperatori licere

imperare, esto deo subditus. scriptum

jus

palatia pertinent,

commissum

basilica.'

I

est,

answer:

you, emperor, to uke

do you think

that

est:

Quae

not right for

it.

If

te extollere,

sed

me

you have no

God's house

is

to

the

si

te in

command

to turn

it

is

ea

vis diutius

dei deo, quae Caesaris Caesari.

ad sacerdotem ecclesiae. Publicorum

non sacrorum"; "Then 'It is

Nee

privati nullo

Respondeo: Nolite gravare imperator, ut putes

quae divina sunt, imperiale aliquod jus habere. Noli

imperatorem

Domum

accipere Imperator expedit,

domum dei

ipsius est universa.

this

to 3:412.1—6. /»

for evidence that

derived the present reference firom the contemporary French jurist, 3:434.3-10.1/

addressed to

is

detailed account

by Cartwright;

referred to elsewhere

letter

clergy of the region of

thought to have been composed by Augustine,

incident

The

18:27, as epist. 88.

the Donatist primate Januarius in the

Ad

moenium

tibi

given: 'Turn over the

over, nor

is it

expedient for

right to violate a private person's house,

be appropriated?'

are permitted to the emperor, that everything

is his.

It is I

alleged that

all

things

answer: 'Do not burden

you have any imperial power over things which are if you wish to nJe as emperor for a long time, written: "What things are God's to God, what are Caesar's

yourself with thinking that divine.

Do

not exalt yourself, but

be subject to God. to Caesar." Palaces

It is

belong to the emperor, churches to the

priest.

You

have been

entrusted \vith a right over public precincts, not over sacred ones' "; Opera (1569), col.

584; PL, 16:999,

3:435.4-8 3:435.u'

as epist. 20;

as Hilarie did

See the

stat.

.

. .

include those touching

. . .

26:371,

with Ambrose

iebeat.

on

FOTC,

The

As

statutes

at

as epist. 60.

3:431.21-432.6.

of Edward

I

and Edward

II

would

the ecclesiastical courts' jurisdiction and the issuance of

royal >vrits prohibiting ecclesiastical judges

1043

from hearing

cases claimed for the

Commentary of the secular courts

jurisdiction

Statute

H

II).

H

that

ofJoint Tenants of 1306 (Edw.

had consulted and the

I)

Book

for use in

Articuli cleri

VI: the

of 1315-1316 (Edw.

transcribed the relevant passages in the Auto. Notes; see 3:474.24—29

(reworked

at

He

489.26-35), 479.21-28, 484.14-27, and 485.22-27.

have meant to

cite the statute Circumspecte agatis

of 13 Edward

I

might

also

(1285); S.R.,

1:101-102.

Nat. Brev.

Sir

(1st edn., 1534):

Anthony

Fitzherbert (1470-1538),

direct sibien al temporal court, 39^;

"There

La

nouuelle natura breuium

"sont divers maners de prohibitions et inhibitions, et poient estre

are diverse

come

directed as well unto the

STC

court espiritual" (1581;

al

manners of Prohibitions and

Temporal Court

as

unto the

Spirituall

10962),

fol.

and they may be

Inhibitions,

New Wing F—

Court"; The

Natura Breuium of the Most ReverendJudge, Mr. Anthony Fitz-Herbert (1652;

1096), p. 96. Despite the statement of apparently even-handed principle at the

beginning of this section of Fitzherbert's popular

manual,

legal

all

but a handful of

the writs discussed are prohibitions against the spiritual courts' treating temporal matters,

and none of those directed

at

temporal courts are meant to protect the

ecclesiastical courts' jurisdiction in spiritual matters.

Bracton these Sentences Bracton, De legibus, 5.5.2; (1569), fols. 400 — 40r; ed. Woodbine-Thorne, 4:248, 250-251. H drew heavily on this chapter in in

his

working notes

for

488.21-489.3. For

on

these notes

Book

VI. See 3:469.8-9, 473.26-474.9, 487.26-488.4, and

trans., see

below, 473.26-474.9.n. In the portion of VI based

and on other medieval

legal sources,

H

evidently intended to set

forth in detail the traditional system of ecclesiastical courts

Bracton here

as

having autonomous jurisdiction over

Such an exposition (unwritten or

lost)

must have given considerable body to H's

emphatic assertions in the text here and elsewhere in

of law in

ecclesiastical matters; see esp. chap. 3.3

argues firom the legal limitations

on

acknowledged by

specifically spiritual causes.

royal

power

to the principle of such limitation in ecclesiastical

Book

VIII of the supremacy

(2:16-17 in Keble), where

eflfective in affairs, at

edging (346.15-19) that a certain rule tying the crown in

England in

the

same time acknowl-

ecclesiastical

proceedings

"hath not hitherto been agreed upon with so uniforme consent and certaintie

might bee wish't." In courts, tal

Bracton on the dual system of secular and

H ignores the basis for that dualism in the medieval period,

division

former

citing

as

of regnum and

which allowed Bracton

defended by "kings and princes" and the

"ecclesiastical judges"

of dominion over these citations.

the other

sacerdotium,

main

As

(H quotes

spiritual if to

this

latter as

principle he draws

had

passage

on

to

uphold

the

for this,

H

ruled and defended by

exaggerates in an opposite direction

from Bracton, the

ecclesiastical jurisdictions

two jurisdictions was

fundamen-

to describe the

The crown's assumption 16C weakens the force of

rule

of law (on

3:332.19-24 and 342.19-21, above). For H's notes on "The alwaies

the

as

spiritual

passage at 473.8-16).

persons and causes in the

compensate

H

civil affairs

cited

and

courts," see

by Stapleton

care

this see

nn

at

which justice hath

483.4—486.12.

The same Home's

in reply to Bishop

attempt to confirm the royal supremacy from Bracton. See above, 3:332. 19-24.n.

1044

Book fear

3:436.11

and

loved or feared,

VIII,

On

love:

Chapter

the question of whether

it is

better for a ruler to be

famously discussed by Machiavelli in chap. 17 of The

as

Allan H. Gilbert, Machiavelli's Prince and

103— 1 15.

8.9-9.3

Prince, see

(Durham, N.C., 1938), pp. 2.23: "Rerum autem omnium nee aptius est

H follows Cicero, De qffidis,

Its

Forerunners

quidquam ad opes tuendas ac tenendas, quam diligi. nee alienius, quam timeri"; (1588), 4:499; "But of all motives, none is better adapted to secure influence and hold it fast than love; nothing is more foreign to that end than fear" (Loeb, pp. 190-191). 3:436.27

a

number of

.

men

.

.

Piccolomini

Bodin and

Besides, presumably,

readership (see 3:341. 5.n, above),

H

may have

his

growing

mind here Aeneas

in

Sylvius

511.6-9 and 520.34—521.12 of the Auto. Notes. The

as transcribed at

passage from Aeneas Sylvius at 512.11-513.14 argues the other side of the issue.

3:436.28—437.26

Lett us

.

.

H's intention to provide

shew^.

.

or persons having "supreme" power in a society, this passage.

a substantial discus-

problem of constitutional theory, the correction of the person

sion of the ultimate

is

plain

from the beginning of

See 3:503.18-504.2 and n for evidence that the single argument given

here (437.8—26) was meant to be but one of seven arguments offered on the absolutist side

3:437.8-26

of the question.

First,

.

.

shew.

.

See Auto. Notes, 3:479.6-8, 500.4-21, 503.18-19,

520.23-522.2, and 523.2-14.

3:437.15—16

the course of justice ... a Circle,

3:437.22-25

If private

men

... any.

His second

3:437.27—438.9.X-C

.

.

.

See 3:511.6—9.n, belo^v.

See Auto. Notes, 3:523.24-26.

Censure?

This

not H.

is

The whole

para-

from Dudley Fenner's Counter-Poyson (1584), pp. 174—175: "His seconde poynte whereby hee woulde make us odious, is, that wee thinke the

graph

is

interpolated

maye bee

Prince

Subject to Excommunication, that

Deutr. 17.15. Math. 18.15. that hee Corinth. 5.12.13. If

famous

w^ritinges

this

of Byshope Jeu^e//;

is

inferiour to

[marg., Def. apol. part

written [marg., at the

Tom.

720.]

Why

beene subject to 3:438.2-5.2

.

hee

Why

The

is

a Brother.

it

1.

printed and allowed in the

when hee excom-

the body: so Jarre foorthe the Prince, bee hee

is it

to

a Byshoppe, but to a simple Priests

suffered

which Master Nowell hath

Prince ought patiently to abyde Excommunication

lib. 6.

cap. 14.

of worthy Emperours rased out

Theod.

5, 18.], seeing

they have

censure?"

this

In that

is

are not the examples

of the Hystories [marg., Euseb.

that

in that the Priest doth his office,

memberfrom

2. fol. 53.]:

Byshoppes handes:

why

him: yea, not onely

6. page.

is,

not without but within the Churche.

be daungerous,

municateth and cutteth off a deade never so mighty

is

.

.

Priest?

John Jewel, Defence of

the Apologie, 6.12.1:

"In

deede, in that the Prieste doothe his Office, in that he either openeth Gods Wil, or declareth his threates, or rebuketh sinne, or Excommunicateth, and cutteth of a

deade

member from

the Body, so &rre foorthe the Prince, be he never so mighty,

1045

Commentary is

inferiour unto him.

But

in this respecte the Prince

Pope, or Bishop, but also to any other simple Prieste: respecte,

selfe,

in this

TTie Prince

.

hands?

.

.

"Calvine in deede taketh from Princes the

of preachyng, of excommunicating, or binding and loosing, and of minister-

office

ing the Sacramentes, and geveth

and doo professe

also,

all this

\vorde: yea though

be against the Prince him

it

Emperour was in this The Reproufe of M. Dorman

case obedient to S.

sius the

.

With a defense of

.

.

of Christian Princes as well in causes

and so doo

to the Ecclesiasticall ministers:

doth Calvine, that the Prince him

as

obedient to the Ecclesiasticall minister executinge these

Gods

him

the Pope

4:991-992.

p. 720; PS,

we

inferioure, not onely to the

inferioure to his Confessoure, be he never so poore a Prieste"; (1570),

is

3:438.6—7. a

is

And

ought to be

selfe

his offices

according to

accordinge

selfe,

as

Theodo-

Ambrose"; Alexander Nowell,

the chiefe authoritie

Ecclesiasticall, as civill,

within their

and government

owne dominions,

by M. Dorman malitiouslie oppugned (1566; STC 18742), fol. 51" (not 53). The RC Thomas Dorman (d. 1 577?) undertook to defend four of the articles challenged by

Jewel in

Challenge Sermon. Nowell, dean of St. Paul's, replied in

his

A

of a booke entituled,

STC

reproufe

.

.

.

which

2." in a refers to Nowell's continuation of

his criticism

of Dorman

is

limited to the

first article,

the headship of the church (Mil ward, p. 7).

examples of Emperours

3:438. 8. fc

See 3:441.5—442.31 for H's account of these

(The reference to Eusebius here should be to

instances.

Eales.

hist.,

6.33, not 6.14,)

Counter, p. 174. See 3:437.27-438.9.x-c.n, above.

3:438.c

3:438.24—26

rodd. read that H here condenses a passage in which God David his choice of Solomon as his heir (1 Chron. 28:6—7) and David,

We

indicates to

in the sight

Salomon hearte,

but

"Tom.

18740; 2nd edn., 18742).

the original Reproufe, in

on

A

Proufe of Certayne Articles in Religion denied by M.fuell (1564;

if

of

.

my sonne, knowe

and with

.

admonishes Solomon accordingly

Israel,

all

.

a willing

thou the

mind

thou forsake him, he will

3:438.28

very

much

Why

3:439.20-21

.

.

... if

of thy

father,

(v.

9):

"And

and serve him with a

thou, perfit

thou seke him, he wil be founde of thee,

cast thee

of for ever."

See chap. 3.5 (3:351.14-21, 353.28-355.4).

alleaged

was not

God

executed?

.

Manasseh's return to the worship of

nature-gods after the reformation of his father, Hezekiah,

recounted

is

at

2 Kings

21:1-17 and 2 Chron. 33:1-17. In the version in 2 Chron. 33, "the Lord spake to

Manasseh and to brought

it

his people,

Manasseh "prayed

God

but they wolde not regarde"

of his fathers"

Lord

to the (v. 12;

GB

his

God, and humbled him

gives the prayer of Manasseh

Septuagint at the end of 2 Chron.). to Jerusalem into his position.

It

(v.

10), so the

about that they were conquered by the Assyrians. In

God

Lord

his captivity,

selfe greatly

before the

from the Greek of the

heard his prayer and brought him again

kingdom. The version

in 2

Kings

is

less

supportive of H's

has the Lord speak "by his servants the prophets," and concludes with

1046

Book their foretelling the Lord's

VIII,

Chapter

9.3-9.5

punishment ofJerusalem and Judah, referring the reader

of the

to Chronicles for "the rest

of Manasseh, and

actes

all

he

that

did,

and

his

sinne that he sinned." David's adultery with Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah the Hittite,

is

recounted in 2 Sam. 11.

Rex judicat non judicatur

3:439.21-22 to the

first

published

Bologna

at

.

.

.

Not

one.

of Lodovico Ricci's Thesoro

part

found. Perhaps a reference

the Continuatione of which

Politico,

Compare Auto. Notes,

in 1603.

was

3:495.2—3.

39. Harmenopoulos, Promptuarium juris, 1.1.48 and 39: 3:439/ 'O paaiXeu^ 6 paaiX€U<; KoXa^erai = H's "The King Kings person" (lines 24-26); .

.

.

.

vo^oi = H's "the generall Heimbach (1851), pp. 32 and 30,

(1577), pp. 23; p. 21; ed.

.

to the principle that the prince

Harmenopoulos and

advisor

In that

3:440.4-9.^ 3:441. 5-15./>

yopSiavou Tccp

Tf\q

xfjv

is

It

.

.

.

.

.

his

Godwardes.

.

.

as

.

.

." (lines

H

§§ 39 and 32.

in general.

On

26-28); (1577), Umits his appeal

by juxtaposing

it

to

an

the Byzantine imperial legal

Promptuarium juris, see 1:325.9— 13.n, above.

See 3:438.2-5.2r.n, above.

Priest.

Eusebius, Ecdes.

avuaavxo^

xrjv 'pcopaicov

.

others,

.

personally legibus solutus

of royal subordination to law

assertion

.

hist.,

rjyejioviav,

6.34:

6'

Exeai


apa

oXoic; e^

7iai6i

<j>iXi7i-

dpxrjv 6ia6exCTai. toOtov Karexei X&yoq xpicmavov ovra ev qpepa

uordTiig too

naaxa

TcavvuxiSo^, Td>v

etci

Tf\q eKKA,naia<;

euxcbv

t^

pexaaxeiv eOeXqaai. ou npoxepov 6e utio tou rqviKdSe TtpoearcoToq eniTpanqvai eiapaXeiv, f\ e^opoXoyrjaaaOai. Kai toTc; ev napaTiTcapaaiv TtA-qSei

e^era^opevoi^ peravoiac; re x<^P«v laxouaiv, eauTov KaraXl^ai. aXKoq ydp iif\ av TtoTe Tipo^ auxou jirj ooxi touto noirjaavra, 6id noXXaq idv Kar' auTOv aiTia^, 7ipoa6ex6nvai. Kai 7iei6apxnaai ye 7tpo6ufico(; Xiyerai, t6

yvqaiov Kai euXap^ rq^ eiypevov. (1544),

3:441.11—12

fol.

(according

.

Tiepi

GCS,

66";

. .

t6v eeiov

9.2:588, 590;

A

sufBciently)

<)>6pov biadiaecoq £pYOi<; eniSeS-

NPNF.2,

clear reference to VI. 4,

evidence for the authenticity of "the sixth book" in

3:441.15—442.53

whose

Theodosius

.

.

.

downe.

hist.,

307-310; NPNF.2, 3:143,

as

5.18; (1544),

chap. 17

its

and hence

present form.

The proper reference is not to Sozomen,

brief account of this partly legendary incident

but to Theodoret, Ecdes.

1:278.

fol.

342'

is

(as

(as at 3:438.fc).

given

at Ecdes. hist., 7.25,

chap. 17);

GCS, 44

(19):

This passage provides the

most extensive single example of H as translator. d(|)«K6fievov ei^ fie6i6A.avov Tov paaiXea, Kai avvf\Q(i>q e\c, tov 6eiov eiaeXBeiv pooXqOevra ved)v, unavTrjaac; e^co tqv Ttpoeupcov, eTtiPqvai rdiv iepdbv TiponuXaicov ToidSe Xeywv eKwXuaev. ouk olaSa co^ eoiKC © paaiXeO, Tr](; eipyaapevrj^ jiiai(J>oviag TO iityedoq, ou6e perd Tfjv toO eu^oC 7iai3X,av 6 Xoyiapoc; eTieyvoj to ToXpr|0ev. ook tq. ydp ia(oq Tqg paaiXe\aq t\ Suvapig, eniyvdjvat Ti^v dpapTiav, aXX' eni7cpoa6eT r| e^ouaia t^ Xoyiapo). XPH M^vtoi Ei5dvai Tfjv (j>uaiv, Kai to TavTr\(; OvqTov Te Kai Siappeov Kai tov

1047

Commentary Tipdyovov xoCv e^ ou Y6Y6va^ev, Kai eig 6v otTcoppeofiev, Kai iif\ tq) &v6ei dXoupYiBoc; otTtopouKoXoupevov, ayvoetv too KaXvmoiiivov adipaToq

Tf)(;

apxei? w paaiXeu, Kai jaev 6ri Kai 6po6o6Xcov. a^&vTcov SeaTcorri^ Kai paaiXevq, 6 tcov oXcov Srnjioopyo^. tioiok; Toivov 6(t)6aX;joT(; ovjiei tov too koivoO SeaTcoroo ved>v, tcoiok; 6e Tioai t6 6&7ie6ov cKeTvo TiaTrjaei^ to ayiov. n&<; 6e jaq x^'po'? eKxevei^ TTiv otaOeveiav. 6/iO(|)ua)v

ei^ yo^P

Ixi toO ctSiKoo (|)6vou xd ai)aa. ticcx; 6^ ToiauTaic; u7io6e^g ToO SeaTioTou t6 Ttav&yiov a&yia. n&q 6e xcp aTopaxi 7cpoaoiaei(; to aijLia TO Tipiov, ToaouTov 6ia tov too 6i)jjou A,6yov eKxeaq Tiapavopoc; aljiia. aKiSi toivov, Kai jiii^ Tieipw toic; SeoTepoic; tt^v npoTepav ao^eiv Tcapavopiav, Kai 6exoo tov 6eap6v w 6 Oeoc;, 6 twv oXcov SeaTtoTii^ avco6ev yiyvETai avii\\/r\<^oq. iaTpiKoc; bi ooToq, Kai npo^evo^ oyieiac;. tootok;

ccTioaTa^ouaag XepcTi,

ei^a^ 6 paaiA,e6^ ^6ei

aa^q

Tiva

yap Deioi^ XoyioK; evTeOpajipevog,

Xdyoic,, Toiq

toTc;

\itv tcov

iepewv, Tiva bk tcov paaiXecov T6ia, OTevcov Kai

Saxpucov e7iavqA,6ev ei<;Ta paaiX,eia. xpovoo 6e aoxvoo 6ieA,66vTO<;, okt© pfive^, KaTeA,apev r\ too acoTfipog qpcovyeveeXio^ eopTrj.

yap dvaA,6eqaav

6 6e PaaiXeoc;, ev toT^ PaaiA-eioic; 6A,o4)op6pevo(; KaeqaTO Tfjv tcov SttKpocov dvaA,iaKcov XipdSa. tooto 0eaadpevo^

poo(j)Tvo(;,

pdyioTpo^ bi

Kai no'kXr\q peTeTxe Tiappqaiac;, aTe br\ aorjeeaTepoc; &v, npooeXQtbv fjpeTO tcov 6aKp6cov to amov. 6 6e TtiKpcog dvoifiw^ag, Kai a<j)o6p6Tepov Kpoxea^ to SdKpoov, ao jiev, e^r], poo(j)ive Ttai^ei^* tcov ydp

Tr|viKaoTa

epcbv

rjv,

ooK ETtaiaOdvq KaKcbv.

aoju<jx)pdv

A,oyi^6|Lievo^,

bt otevo) Kat 6A,o4)opopai ti^v epaoToo

eyd)

xoiq

atq

juev

oiKeTaK;

Kai

toT^

7tpoaaiTai<;,

dvETot; 6 6eioq vea>^, Kai eiaiaatv abe&q, Kai tov oikeTov dvTipoA,oo-

aiv SeoTtoTqv, epoi 6^ Kai ooTog dpaToq, Kai dTioKeKA-EioTai. pe|avr||iiai

6v dv

ydp

Tqc;

SeanoTiKfig

toot^ poi 6 oopavo*; ^vi]q 6iappn6r|v <j)naiv,

Tcpoc;

f\

bT\ar\re k%\ Tf\q yf\q, eoTai 6e6e|ae:vo^ ev toi^

oopavoT^. (1544) For

context and further sources, see N. Q. King, The Emperor Theodosius and the Establishment of Christianity (Philadelphia:

and Angelo Paredi, 1964), pp. 307-310.

Saint

The Westminster Press,

1960), pp. 68-69,

Dame

University Press,

Ambrose (Notre Dame: Notre

Ambrose induced Theodosius

to

do public penance for the private letter in which he

Thessalonica by sending the emperor a dream he had had of refusing Theodosius communion (CSEL, 82.3:212— 218, epist. 11 Extra colledionem) The dream became reaUty in later accounts. H

massacre

at

narrated a

.

may have

consulted Christopherson's Latin translation of the early church histori-

which he used elsewhere (see nn to 3:156. «, 157.0, and 163.4-lO.n), but at a is closer to the Greek than to Christopherson; for example, 3:441.26: "reason" rather than the ablative "ratione" for A-oyiOfiO^; 442.8-10: two ques-

ans,

few places he tions, rather

than one; 442.25: "Thou

question ("Tu, inquit,

3:443.35

Philip

.

.

.

dalliest" a statement, rather

than a

ludis?").

Emperour of Rome

according to Eusebius, access to

RufEne

Eccles. hist.,

Philip

the Arabian,

emperor 244-249;

6.34, Babylas, bishop of Antioch, refused

church because of an unrepented crime.

1048

him

Fragments from the Trinity

MS

College, Dublin,

At the

3:446.2—7. fl

first

Apui

Jerome,

nos

"With

tetunt.

.

us bishops have the place

of

apostles."

193B; CSEL, 54:313, and

6:56, as epist. 41.

3:446.10— 11. c

Absit ut de

hiis

.

.

.

Christ." Jerome, epist.

A law

3:447.2-^.
. .

Prima

3:447.8— lO.e

1,

who

usurpation, and

.

.

ratifie.

.

"In the

no land dedicated

soiled w^ith the filth

from

me

to speak

first

1

of

CSEL,

54:55,

See VII.20.5; 3:270.
.2.12.

place

to the uses

of base exaction"

ill

as epist. 14.

Justinian, Codex,

vexenter.

.

it

with holy words make the body of

to Heliodorus; Epistolae (1578), p. 2B;

and Loeb, pp. 42-43,

6:16,

"Far be

conjtciunt.

these successors to the rank of apostle

NPNF.2,

Pseudo-Ambrose, not Ambrose. See

scandalutn.

.

54, to Marcella; Epistolae (1578), p.

epist.

NPNF.2,

.

.

.

and n.

VIII.7.2; 3:414.1-6.y

3:446.8.6

.

120

no

of the

injury shall be inflicted secrets

(Scott). Justinian,

of heaven

shall

by be

Codex, 1.2.5, also cited in

VII.20.5, 3:270.*/.

3:447.11-13/

Imprimis

.

.

.

Magna

illtzsas.

Carta, cap.

1.

See VIII.3.3; 3:347.17-

19.n, above.

The name of Head

3:447.14—16.^

beginning 3:447.17

at p.

See

.

.

passage quoted

41 .

1

173.

by

.

.

.

411.

of Cartwright's Second Replie

See VIII. 4, where the passage is

the principal text to be refiited.

Dudley Fenner, Counter- Poyson

H at VIII. 9. 3

(1584). Just before the

(3:437.27—438.9.x-c; see n), Fenner seeks to rebut

the charge that those pressing for fijrther reform in the English church "agree with

power of fact, but not of Law^e and authoripromote and set forwarde, not to intermeddle in causes Ecclesiasticall"; p. 173. "For if they have authority in our judgement by the Worde of GOD, to see to their Ministrye, and to cause them to make such Lawes, as they knowe agreeable to Gods Worde: to authorize such, and disanull the contrary e: cause them to the Papistes to give Christian Princes

tye to

make good, when they woulde make will

are given

by

us

fact?

yll:

or orderly to procure suche

bee present in the action, and give their consent

all

by T.C.

please them,

as

can and

(all

which and

unto the Magistrate,) then doe wee graunte them no more then power of

him

that the

it

[marg.: b. second (=77ic Rest of the Second Replie), p. 167]

then to promote matters?

direct

if

selfe

And

in speakinge agaynst us heerein,

dothe hee not

agaynst the verye Lawes, and orders of the Churche?

Convocation-house doe make

Ecclesiasticall

1049

Lawes: and

if

Which

is,

they bee good.

Commentary the

Queene

giveth her royall assent, and then they must be obeyed; if not, then

no Lawe?";

that they are

The cause of this doubt

3:447.17-448.2

Their mindes

3:448.3—10

Compare

p. 174.

.

.

.

VIII.3.3; 3:344.7-345.24.

Compare

death.

Compare

... Sto^e.

Pref. 8.1,

and

VIII. 1, 2,

4.

nn, and Intro, to The

Preface, p. 26, above.

The Church

3:448.11-12

Compare

... Prince.

VIII.1.2 (3:317.21 and n) and

VIII.4.6.

They whose

3:448.13— 18. /i

Callings

Hay any

.

.

.

The

no.

reference

is

to a passage in the

STC

Martin Marprelate

tract

which the author

applies this reasoning, not to the disciplinarian "tetrarchy"

pastors, doctors, elders,

and deacons, but

once more consider/ what

trate

unto the

by

continued therein) or her Majestic and our

of man/ that

is/

their brethren

pestilent

For either by

civil! state.

the Divell (and so

workefor Cooper (1589, rpr. 1970;

that

their

means

will

else their places

"Here againe/

to bishops:

of

the Magis-

and daungerous beasts these wretches are

owne

confession/ they are the Bishops of

be the undoing of the

ought

to

be in

this

state/ if they

be

commonwealth whether

or no: because they are not

state will

let

17456) in

(as

they say) the bishops

they have not their superioritie/ and their Lordly callings over

by humane constitution/

as

my

Lords Chancellor/ Treasurer/ and

other honorable personages have/ but by divine ordinance. Yea/ and their callings/

they holde

(as

of men/

you have heard) not onely

What

the word.

to

be inclusively/ but

they use to avoyde

shifte will

this

allowe

from men.

that is/ holde they their jurisdiction as

Bridges/ no sayth John of Canterburie and the

also expreslie in

point? Are they the Bishopps

rest

of them/

No

Deane

saith

of them

(for all

booke of John Bridges) for then we are the bishops of the devill/ we it: Are they then the bishops of God/ that is/ have they such a

this

cannot avoid

ought

calling as the Apostles/ Evangelistes/ etc. had: that is/ such a calling as

commonwealth (unlesse the magistrate woulde injurie Church/ yea maime/ deforme/ and make a monster of the Church) whether

lawfully to be in a christian

the

We

the magistrate will or no.

have say they. For our

inclusively/ but also expressely in the see Intro, to

3:448.19-20

The urging

view of the people's 3:448.21-22 est

.

.

.

people.

Cartwright, 1:48 [32]:

to different use in VIII. 6.7; 3:393.20-21./

Their taking away first

.

.

.

and murder to be

fols.

authority;

H puts For

In his Saaa theologia, sive

ofTendours.

published in

London about 1585 (STC

OT

Fenner held the death penalties prescribed in the

(1586),

"Quod omnium his

right in choosing ministers, see VII. 14. 12; 3:228.5—20.

secundum pietatem,

adultery,

tracts

Preface, pp. 23-24, above.

same medieval principle

quae

not onely

callings are

On the Marprelate

ab omnibus approbari debet"; Whitgift, Defense, p. 170; PS, 1:370.

interest,

the

The

worde"; pp. 28-29.

a

law

76-77'. Matthew

De presbyterio

"communem

.

.

.

Sutcliffe held this to

(1591), p. 150.

1050

et

Veritas

10773.5),

for such offenses as incest,

immutabilem";

altera editio

be an attack on the prince's

Fragments 3:448.23

Their claiming

that the king should

but

it

.

.

.

may

take this to be implied in the claim

censure (discussed in Lawes VIII.9),

does not stricdy follow, since penalties for offenses against the church were

traditionally primarily enforced

ruler

H

ecclesiastical

Prince.

be subject to

might

still

by the

secular arm,

control.

1051

which

a spiritually offending

by

,

e

,

Trincipium fecular'tum iudicio in caufisfidei quid (atholici quid hodie ProteHantes : 'vbi noua apud An-'

fentianty

glds Laicocephalorum JeBa manifefidtur.

CAPVT R

I

XVII.

N c E p s fecularis Chriftianus aut vlla alia fecularispo-

teftas, flue in vno,fiue in

pluribuspofita jdc caufis fidei nul-

4 '*

lum iudicium ferrc poteft,magis quam vnus quiuis e plebe. Senfus

3?N»i

^^

-

.

.

eft',

Principcm fccularem , aut aliura quemcunque magi-

%Mi ftratumvelctiam communitatem politkam quatcnus talis prin^>^* ceps magiftratus, aut communitas eft, vtcunquc Chriftiana & fi-

delis,non poffefua aliqua Authoritate,aut doftrinam fidei tradere, aut leges Ecdefiafticas condcre aut dc dogroate controuerfo iudicare,aut formam inuocationis

&

,

dcniqueAuthoritatcm doccndidarcNon negaturPrincipiMagiftratuivclcomunitati poteftas, pcruerfa docentes corporali pcrna punicndi,lcgefque pro Ecclcfiaspacefcrcndi, dogmata promulgandi,defendendi,& contra violatores vindicandi.Hoc ChriftiaMagiftratuum officium femper fuifle, Conftantini magni, norum Principum Thcodofij Magni , Marciani , luftiniani, Conftantini quarti , Caroli magni, ac poftrcmbfcmpiternamemoria digni Caroli Quinti, alioriiraquc multorura Imperatohodic , propter hanc rum latx leges res geftx, luculenter dcmonftrant. Nam Ecclefix curam , honorificis titulis Hifpanorum rex Catholicus, Gallorum Chri-ftianifllmuSjAnglorum Defenfor fidei nuncupantur. At in rebus fidei iudicium cuttus diuini, veladminiftrandi Sacramentaprzfcriberc, autaliis

&

&

&

'

cxercuiflcjfentcntiamde dogmatetulifle, cultusreligionisprxfcripfifre,nemoCa- utcttpUt,

^

tholicusprincepsicgitur. Adiicitur autem hocloco hare diljputatio propter maniLutheranis.Sc fcftos hodie i4icocf/'Woj',fcaam Protcftantum abaliis plerilqueSc

" CaluiniftiSj&Anabaptiftisinhocvnoarticulodiueifam.

f£^^^f

^m ^H

HxcfccVa initio quidem

^

Luthcranis fere omnibus communis fuit.qui ad officium doccndi a nemine,vt oftenenim Ludimus, ordinati; Poteftatem illam a fcculari Magiftratu acceperunt. Sic docet Mufculus in conupto Ecclcfi i„i,^„„„^ thcrus fe a duce Saxoniarmiflum fuifle iaditat,

&

Ma^ftmu , -vdprincipc ddpredicamimn EuMge. f-'/''"'"^ "f"lmmvomus,dcvocationefuAh<efuetacflu£luet, Sic&Brentius in prolegomcnis.Z/VfK^™ mam,pio ac doBo viro in Ecclcfia ad (juam confenfupoptdi Magiflram voamsift, Euange- ^^ ^^., „„

fiitu.non effe caufim,c»rmimjler Chrijli kpio

&

&

Melanchthonpcrtmcrc vuk cmcndaliumamumiAre.^ficrammtaadminiftrare. Sic ccfTantibus Epifcopisdc tioncm Ecclefiarum ad Magiftratus officium , przfertim docendi qua- ad aducrfantibus Euangclio. Ifti ergo omnes Lutherani Authoritatcm Prinape Magiftratu fid!m pertinent, in corrupto quern finguftt Ecclcfia: ftatu , a fcntentia, Poteftatem iftam dcriuant. Cxterum tamcn nonfuit horumhominura vnum de populo fidcli, ad Principcm pertinere tanquam Principcm , fed tanquam

"^'';«•'i'''"""

&

&tanquamEcclell2membrum. Apertiffimchac inrementemfuamacluorumocplicui?Mclanchthon lof o citato: Qmddiqui (inquit) dicuntmig,ftmumfrophm,,mnon t(ftiudicmComrou(rfurum dc

cem,&

Tcqui

Ecclcf,^,i„dic(t

14.

dogw,ttibii.s

,'va-a&^ explictu

mmamEuaweliji»iudicmdo. Cum autcm

&

iffi

rejhor.jio cjl

The beginning of the

learned

Roman Catholic

"•'•

Ecclefumcjjcwdt^ -,

Ma0ram pim

cm afiispiii & miditis, iuxta normm imm dixi.

prim.t Prott' /!.,„

vcre fit

Ommhns

controversialist

mmbn,m

mm

EcclcJ,4,

Thomas

Supleton's

account of Catholic and Protestant positions on the religious authority of secular rulers.

Hooker made heavy

use of this chapter in his Autograph Notes. Principiomm

fidei doctrinalium demonstratio methodica (1579; 1st edn., 1578), p.

189 (reduced).

SUPPLEMENT

I

The Causes of the Continuance of These Contentions Concerning Church Government The

3:456.4-1 1

Moscovian

.

edn.,

Compare

disagreement.

.

.

from the frequently reprinted and

translated

the following passage

Rerum Moscoviticarum commentarii

(1st

1549) of Siegmund von Herberstein (1486-1566), which includes the

own

elements in H's

account (the emperor's ordering

translations, the substitution

of readings from Scripture and the Fathers for sermons, and the condemnation of sermons as sources of conflicting opinions and heresies), although not in the same sequence, the translation project coming

"Concionatoribus carent.

last:

quae vemacula lingua

recitat Sacrificus, audivisse:

ad hoc quod varias opiniones ac

quae ex concionibus plerunque oriuntur, sese

haereses,

Principem

ipsum

porro

quicquid

sequendum

omnibus'que

credere

aut

opinari

ipsius

credunt.

eflRjgere

vident,

id

Moscoviae

Accepimus

statuunt.

esse

Constantinopolitanum ad petitionem

Satis esse

doctorum verba,

putant, interfiiisse Sacris, ac Evangelii, Epistolarum, aliorum'que

.

.

.

rectum,

patriarcham

monachum

Mosci, misisse quendam

Maximilianum nomine, ut omnes libros, Canones, et singula statuu ad fidem pertinentia, in ordinem recto iudicio redigeret"; (1571), pp. 42—43; ed. and trans. R. H. Major (1851-1852; rpr. 1964), 1:83. The translations and other reforming activities of Maximus the Greek (Michael TrivoHs, 1475?— 1556), who came to Moscow in 1518 at the request of Tsar Basil IV, were a cause of conflict in the Russian church as well as a response to it. See William K. Medlin and Christos G. Patrinelis, Renaissance Influences

and Religious Reforms

in Russia.

Western and Post-

Byzantine Impacts on Culture and Education {16th- 17th Centuries) (Geneva: Librairie

Droz, 1971), pp. 20-29, and Jack V. Haney, From Italy to Muscovy: The Works of Maxim the Greek (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1973).

Moses

3:456.25

.

.

Aaron

.

Lord designated Aaron they led the ing the

at

.

.

Zerubahel

.

.

.

Jehoshua;

spokesman

at

Ruler-priest pairs.

Jerusalem (Ezra 4:3-6:7, Haggai, Zech. 4:6,

w^ine or the king, or even

"Magna

The

Exod. 6:30-7:2. Together

Zerubbabel's demonstration to King Darius of Persia that truth

proverb:

and

out of Egypt. Zerubbabel and Joshua cooperated in rebuild-

Israelites

Temple

.

as his brother's

Life

woman, became through

est Veritas et praevalet."

Esdras 3-7).

1 is

stronger than

the Vulgate the source of a

The Oxford Annotated

Bible with the

Apocrypha, Revised Standard Version (1965), Apocrypha, p. 8, n. 4.33—41.

3:457.11-12

Arius

.

.

.

Alexander,

After the incident recounted by

H

at

Lawes

VII. 5. 5 (3:163.4—10), Alexander, the bishop of Alexandria, wrote a subsuntial letter to the bishops effect

was

of the region,

that the evil

insisting that they take his side against Arius.

became worse,

for his letter incited those

1053

who

The

received

it

Commentary to contention. Socrates, Eales.

ctX,e^dv6poo

hist.,

ToiaoTa TOig anavTaxou KaT&

1.6:

e^aTCTOfifevcov, oi<; toc Ypa<|>^VTa cyvcopi^ero.

Rowan

NPNF.2, Longman and Todd, See

2:5.

1:22;

KaK6v,

to

eyevero

xzipov

YpovTO(;,

(1544),

tiq

fol.

172"; ed. Hussey,

Williams, Anus: Heresy and Tradition (London:

1987), pp. 48-61 (dating Alexander's letter,

Darton,

7i6X,»v

(j)iA,oveiKiav

Urkunde

4b, several years later in the conflict than Socrates indicates).

3:457.14—19 .

.

.

Sulpitius Severus

libri a,

.

2[.ll]: "Is [Idatius]

.

sociosque ejus lacessens, facem verit

malos potius,

and

Instantius

quam

troublesome.

quandam

were

late

oportuit Instantium,

"He

[Idacius],

by harassing

without measure and beyond what the occasion

were, a torch to the growing conflagration, so that he

it

4C

quam

nascenti incendio subdidit: ut exaspera-

rather exasperated then suppressed these evil Instantius

Sulpicius Severus, Sacrae historiae et ultra

compresserit"; [1556], p. 144.

his confederates

called for, applied, as

.

veto sine modo,

who

Spanish bishops

men"; NPNF.2, 11:119. Idacius and respectively opposed and supported

Priscillian.

3:457.28

Paul

.

.

.

Barnabas

John Mark with them on

company 9:6).

at

.

.

.

Disagreeing about taking their associate

Elymas,

their next missionary journey, Paul

Antioch (Acts 15:36-39), but Paul

later

and Barnabas parted

spoke well of Barnabas

(1

Cor.

Paul struck blind the sorcerer Elymas (Acts 13:6-11).

Nevertheles

3:458.3-5

servants:

In his

founder of the Spartan constitution, Plutarch

halls, to

show

others of Spartan cruelty to

of Lycurgus (9C BC?), reputed 120 AD?) records the practice of

strong wine and then exhibiting them in the young what drunkenness is, as one example among their serfs. IIXovxdQXOV XaiQOivecoq IlaQdXXrjXa iv

forcing Helots to drink too

public mess

life

(d.

much

the

Bioiq 'EXXr}V(x)vre xat 'Pcvfiaicov: xai x' aXXa Be xpaxew; 7rpoae9epovTO Ktti aKX,r|pco(; aoToig. ware Kai Tttveiv otvayKd^ovTe^ koXuv ocKparov eiq TO. avoahia TtapeiaeiYov, e7ii6eiKvupevot to pe0ueiv oiov kaxi toTc; vioiq. (1533),

fol. 19";

Demaundes,

3:458.8-9

.

Loeb, .

.

Plutarch's Lives,

H

Defences,

refers

1:290-291. here to

RC polemics, such as those

identified in the headnote to this Supplement, 3:453—454.

3:458.21-22

Invectives as

not found in

titles,

of this

.

.

.

Lihells,

Polemics for further reform in the English

those identified at 3:454.8-15. "Invectives" and

church, such

though the terms,

especially the

literature.

1054

first,

''

Epigrammes" are

correcdy describe

much

SUPPLEMENT

II

Hooker*s Autograph Notes from Trinity College, Dublin, The

MS

3 64 Job. 69-84

general import of these notes for an understanding of the three

the Lau>es has been treated above (pp. 237-46).

The

last

books of

notes are of various kinds, and

which they were found among Archbishop Ussher's papers seems largely arbitrarily, the stylistic notes on fol. 84 have been printed first in the present edition. The remaining notes, consisting predominandy of transcriptions of passages fi-om a wide range of legal sources, are given in the order of the drafts and published books of the Lawes to which they seem most relevant. The following the order in

accidental.

Somewhat

outline and enumeration of sources initially

may be of use

in navigating this fascinating but

urmerving sea of references. For further discussion, see the individual

nn

for

the sections indicated in the outline. Folios 83

A

collection of phrases rhetorically relevant to

An

explicit reference to Ecclus. 20, a reference

and 84 (3:463.1—466.14).

the debate about episcopacy. Sources:

to the Israelites' "disdain" for the prelacy

of Moses and Aaron (Num.

16:3),

two

general references to scriptural texts warranting (episcopal?) claims to authority, and a reference to "the holy father Cyril" (presumably Cyril of Alexandria) for the same

purpose. Folio 70 (3:466.16-469.13 and 469.14-471.30). Statements the personal qualifications ofjudges. These notes bear in general. Sources: eight references to

Roman

law

on

on jurisdiction and on VI—VIII

the topics of Books

(five to the Digesta, three to

the

Codex) and fourteen to ecclesiastical law (one to a constitution promulgated by the

13C

papal legate to England, Otho; the rest to the Decretales of Gregory IX, the

ordinary gloss to the Deaetales, and other commentaries thereon by Hostiensis,

Innocent IV, and Joaimes Andreae), two references to Bracton, and one to the 1559 English Supremacy Act. Folios 77, 79, 78, and ly

81-82 (3:471.31-490.6). This

large

group of notes, evident-

coUected in response to comments by Edwin Sandys on the

lost draft

of Book VI,

provides the basis for a discussion of the church courts in a later draft of the book.

Whether of the

we do

was completed,

this draft

list

of four topics given

at

not know.

particularly are spirituall" (471.31—477.14, fol. 77').

and reworked by 81'),

and 490.2-6

are gathered

H

Notes on

(3)

and

"What

(fol.

78),

causes

worked

489.26-35

list

at

(fol.

472.14-18

"The forme and maner of proceding in 79"): "The punishments necessary in 483.4—486.12 (fol. 79'): "The care which justice hath (fol.

77"):

481.24—483.2

(4)

(1)

this topic are

Notes on the other three topics on the

477.18—481.23

ecclesiasticall causes"; spirituall processe";

notes are organized in terms

into draft paragraphs at 486.13-489.25

(fol. 82').

at: (2)

The

472.14-18, beginning with

(fol.

1055

Commentary alwaies had to uphold ecclesiasticall jurisdictions and courts." Sources: the Bible (five

OT

—

references

to the

Mosaic law, Joshua, Job, David, and Achan

—

a reference to

Luke, and a further, unspecific reference to the NT), Cicero (one reference, intro-

duced into

Roman

a discussion

of the

of English church

courts),

Digesta, seven to the Codex), ecclesiastical

law (ten

traditional jurisdiction

law (one reference to the

references to the Deaetales or commentaries

by Guido de Baysio and Joannes Andreae,

four references to William Lyndwood's collection of medieval English synodal legislation,

and one to a constitution of the papal

references to statutes to an early

14C

set

and English

clert),

—

four firom the 14C,

of

legate

two each

jurists (three references to the

authors Christopher

St.

German,

Sir

known

as

five

the Articuli

De legibus et consuetudinibus Angliae nn as by him) and one each to the Book

VIII in general. Sources: five

(two to Ezekiel, one to Luke, and two to

1

Corinthians),

two

one

to a

references to Justinian's Digesta, three patristic references (two to Augustine, letter

(eight

—and

Robert Brooke, and Richard Cosin).

Folio 76 (3:490.8—494.13). Notes relevant to scriptural references

15C and 16C

complaints and royal responses

clerical

attributed to Bracton (referred to in the following

16C

Othobono), English law

firom the

of the Council of Nicaea found in Theodoret), four canon law references (two

to the Deaetales,

two

and one reference each

to Gratian's Deaetum),

Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, Aquinas, the

critical

to Aristotle,

examination of the Council of

Trent published by Innocent Gentillet in 1586, and an untraced "apothegm of one to a prince:

si

judex

es

cognosce,

rex jube" (3:491.14—15).

si

Folios 69', 75, and 71-74' (3:494.14-523.26).

Three successive outlines of Book

VIII with source notes grouped in accordance with the chapter headings indicated in the outlines.

Folio 69' (3:494.14—495.10).

A first list of topics,

with notes on the king's suprem-

acy in judging. Source: an untraced quotation from "Riccius":

Folio 75

(3:495.13-504.2).

A

second

list

of chapters, with

collection of notes. Sources: with but five exceptions

a Hellenistic political treatise ascribed

Catania,

two

daily office),

citations all

of English

and

(a

(first

judicat et

where the

corresponding

a

reference to Joshua, another to

to the Pythagorean

a passing allusion to the

the references in this section are to

doctrinalium fidei demonstratio

ments on

by Stobaeus

statutes,

"Rex non

either here or at 439.21-22,

minime judicatur" (495.2-3, mistranscribed reading is "Rex judicat non judicatur").

Thomas

Charondas of

opening of the

Stapleton's Principiorum

published 1578) or to patristic or Protestant sute-

lay authority in religious matters clearly derived

from Stapleton: three direct

references to Stapleton; five references to Augustine and one each to Eusebius,

Gregory Nazianzen, Rufinus of Aquileia, Sozomen, Ambrose, the

Historia tripartita,

Paul the Deacon's additions to Eutropius, and the Byzantine historian Nicephorus

of thirteen references from or about the patristic period derived from Stapleton; and two references each to Melanchthon andjohann Brentz and one each to Calvin, Wolfgang Musculus, and the Magdeburg Centuries, for seven passages Callistus, for a total

in Stapleton

from Lutheran and Reformed

sources.

1056

AuTOGFCAPH Notes Folios 71-75, with a change of format

of chapters and collection of notes.

list

on

folio

Sources:

73 (3:504.3-523.26; 515.1).

A third

fourteen biblical references (one each

to Genesis, Deuteronomy, 1 Kings, 2 Kings, Ecclesiastes in the Old Testament and to Matthew, John, 1 Corinthians, Ephesians, and Revelation in the New Testament, and two references each to Romans and Hebrews), eight classical references (two to Aristode, one each to Xenophon, Polybius, Tacitus, and to three of the "Pythagore-

ans" in Stobaeus: Archytas, Hippodamus, and Diotogenes), two references to

bw

Roman

(one to the Theodosian Code, one to Justinian's Nouellae), seven patristic references

(three each to Augustine

and Theodoret and one to Pope Leo

to ecclesiastical legal sources (eleven to the Decretum,

one

I),

thirteen references

to the Decretales,

one

to the

councils of the Prankish church), six references to other medieval sources (Eadmer and

Henry of Huntington, both writing about Anselm of Canterbury, Bernard of Clairvaux, the English historian William of Newburgh, and the Byzantine historians

Nicephorus

and Nicephorus Gregoras), and twelve references to

Callistus

Wise of France, and to

section to

Roman

Augustine,

as

16C

eight to

Rene Choppin, who

one

of Charles the

continental jurists (one to Boethius

Epo and seven

II),

also clearly the source for

is

later sources:

to an edict

three to Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (later Pius

Hooker's references in

this

Leo I, the Prankish councils, Nicephorus Gregoras, and Charles the Wise, and for two of his references here to Theodoret and two to well

law,

as for

the reference to Augustine at 492.31—33).

Without derogation

3:463.1—466.14

.

.

.

Although

several

The

wourdes.

H's close attention to the rhetorical

illustrate

style

of

phrases collected here

his defense

of episcopacy.

of these phrases bear direcdy on particular disputed points,

down

chief aim has been to set

his

forceful expressions generally applicable to the

degrees and attitudes of disobedience, indignation, and honorable authority of his

opponents on one side and the established order on the other. With

setting

down

the

main

topics

of Book VIII and gradually

sutements on each topic, and 469.14—490.6, where he

first

this stylistically

where

oriented portion of the notes, compare 3:494.14-523.25,

H

begins

by

collects authoriutive

gathers authorities and

then >vorks them into coherent statements of his ow^n views.

The

3:464.1

disdain of Moses

.

.

.

people.

See VI.1.4 and VII.17.1, where

H

compares the contemporary opposition to episcopacy with the complaint against Aaron's authority voiced

3:464.23—27

That both

.

H's apologetic intent in subject"

is

.

at

Numbers

.

disprove.

Book VII

16:3.

This passage would serve

is

3:465.14

statement of

The

"dutifull

presumably the layman, "the commoners of that heavenly power" are

the lower clergy, and "that excellent function"

here

as a

or perhaps in Books VI and VII.

more

conciliatory than that

What

dignity

.

.

.

plain?

episcopal oflBce, suggests that

H

is

the

power of bishops. The tone

of the published Book VII.

The term framed

1057

"dignity," traditionally used for the

this rhetorical

question for use with a

.

Commentary some form of

scriptural text warranting

authority in the church, perhaps

John

20:21-23.

A rhetorical figure

Preteritions.

3:465.30

a thing in professing to

3:466.1—14

Allegations.

omit .

issue,

.

.

use with allegations (that

in

which summary mention

These phrases \vould have been meant for

>vourdes.

citations or quotations)

is,

made of

is

it.

of authorities on a disputed

presumably episcopacy.

This

3:466.6—8 3:466.9—1 1

the place

.

.

.

These wourdes

.

.

.

is

words referred

successours.

The

rootne.

highly authoritative and detailed

here (unlocated) were presumably a scripturally grounded

to

account of episcopal authority.

patristic

the holy father Cyrill

3:466.12

Ofjurisdiction

3:466.16—469.13 for the

Probably John 20:21—23.

Presumably Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria. .

.

.

kinge.

This section of H's notes, consisting

most part of brief statements about jurisdiction, may mark of Books VI-VIII,

in the composition

all

three of

which

are

or another form of spiritual jurisdiction or ecclesiastical power.

power of command) and

imperium (supreme

a very early stage

concerned with one

The emphasis on make

the need for coercion to

jurisdiction effective, as well as the extended paragraph

469.7, are especially pertinent to the subject of

by

Book

H

himself at 3:468.21—

VIII, the "ecclesiastical

dominion" of the English crown. 3:466.17—467.2

Jurisdictio

3:467.4 ing

Jurisdiction ... juridiciale.

on Codex,

.

.

.

potestas

Not

Azo of Bologna

found.

(12C), Ledura (1581),

comment-

"Est enim jurisdictio potestas de publico introducta

3.4:

cum

necessitate juris dicendi, et aequitatis statuendae" (p. 176).

3:467.7—16

Parum

est jus

.

.

.

complectatur.

Not

found.

Qui mandatam ... utitur. Justinian, Digesta, 1.21.1; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 45. The following observation

3:467.22-23 33;

ordinariam")

3:467.28-29

is

not in edns.

Mandatam

Mommsen-Krueger, 3:467.31

Jurisdictio

.

.

.

.

(1590), col.

("Secus

.

.

cited; Scott, 2:262.

est.

Justinian, Digesta, 1.21.5, prol.; (1590), col. 34;

p. 46; Scott, 2:263.

.

.

vi.

Justinian, Digesta, 1.21.5.1; (1590), col. 34;

Momm-

sen-Krueger, p. 46; Scott, 2:263.

3:467.33-34

Cui

.

.

.

jurisd.

Krueger, p. 46; Scott, 2:265. in this

Mommsen-

Justinian, Digesta, 2.1.2 (1590), col. 35;

No

explanation has been found for the discrepancy

and the following four references between H's numbering of the laws in

Digesta 2.1

and the numbering of editions consulted. In each case

number one lower than

that

of the

editions.

1058

H

gives a

Autograph Notes 3:468.3—4

More majorum

Mommsen-Krueger, 3:468.7-8

Est receptum

Monunsen-Krueger, 3:468.12-13 36;

Si

.

jurisd.

.

.

. .

jurisd.

.

per errorem

.

jurisdi.

.

.

contrarium consensui

est

.

.

.

.

.

qui dicat

Justinian, Digesta, 2.1.20; (1590), col. 37;

ult.

.

est

quid enim tam

p. 47; Scott 2:268.

All Jurisdiction ecclesiastical!

"An act restoring to spirituall

enim ferendus

cum non consentiant qui errent: quam error, qui imperitiam detegit?"

Extra territorium

Mommsen-Krueger,

and

This law goes on to specify that the wrong official cannot be said to have consent-

so contrary to consent as error: "nee

is

consensisse eos in praesidem,

3:468.19-20

Justinian, Digesta, 2.1.15; (1590), col.

p. 47; Scott 2:267.

person appearing in error before the

3:468.15-16

Justinian, Digesta, 2.1.14; (1590), col. 36;

p. 47; Scott 2:267.

Monunsen-Krueger,

ed, for nothing

Justinian, Digesta, 2.1.5; (1590), col. 35;

p. 46; Scott 2:265.

.

.

.

Eliz. 2.

Eliz.

1

I,

cap.

1

(not 2),

crowne the ancient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical] and abolishing all forren power repugnant to the same" (§ 8), W. V.S. the

"And

(1587), 2:357—358; S.R., 4.2:352:

highnesse, that

it

such jurisdictions,

privileges,

by any

as

ecclesiasticall,

that also

maie

it

likew^ise please

maie be established and enacted by the authoritie superiorities,

and preheminences

or ecclesiastical]

spirituall

power or

your

aforesaid, that spirituall

and

authoride, hath

heeretofore baene, or maie lawfullie be exercised or used, for the visitation of the ecclesiasticall state

same, and of

all

and persons, and

maner

for reformation, order,

and correction of the

contempts, and by authoritie of this present parlement, be united and crowne of this realme."

errors, heresies, schismes, abuses, offenses,

enormities, shall for ever

annexed to the imperiall 3:468.21—469.7

ment from H's

By force

earliest draft

Read

.

.

committed.

.

the Elizabethan Act of

Direcdy inspired by the decisive

Supremacy just quoted,

this

paragraph

state-

may be

of the position on the crown's judicial supremacy taken in V1I1.8.

in the light

of the preceding

delegated jurisdiction and the passages

legal quotations

on

concerning mandated or

the personal qualifications of judges in

the following pages (3:469.14—471.30), the present paragraph manifests H's desire to construe the single authority

jurisdiction in

of the crown

as

the effective source of all coercive

England while avoiding personal domination of

spiritual affairs

by

laymen. See 491.6-28. c. 2. Bracton, De legibus, 5.5.2; (1569), fol. 401'; Judex secularis Woodbine-Thome, 4:250. Bracton is here concerned with whether a cleric is bound to answer a plea against him before a secular judge. With all due respect to those who say that he is never so bound, Bracton argues that he is bound to

3:469.8-9

.

.

.

ed.

answer in

all

civil

and criminal pleas except with respect to the execution of

judgment in a criminal case where a layman would be condemned to the loss of life or members. In that case, although the secular judge has cognizance, so that he

1059

Commentary may

deal with the crime, he does not have the

power

to execute his

judgment,

as

no more degrade a cleric than he can promote him to orders." H has fastened on the one pro-clerical concession in a passage mainly asserting secular jurisdictional competence; see 3:435.1*', 471.13—14, and he has in

civil cases,

"for he can

473.8—16 for more persuasive

of Bracton to support the church's jurisdic-

citations

tion.

De personis judicantibus

3:469.14—471.30

.

personal qualifications required in a judge

supremacy folio

While

nullity.

.

meant

the question of the

relevant to H's treatment of the royal

for example, at 3:468.21—469.7), the thicket

(as,

clearly

is

.

is

of

legal texts

of congregational

to defend against the proposal

on

this

lay elders as

The two qualifications for a judge mentioned in the first power and knowledge are both taken up in subsequent texts. The folio concludes with a draft paragraph in which H alleges the second of these requireecclesiastical judges.

citation

ments

—

—

against his opponents.

Cum non solum

3:469.16-24

of English

tions

ecclesiastical

Lincoln, and William

. ,

The

non.

.

Lyndwood

(or

1504;

STC

of six references to the collec-

(d. 1349?), canon of Lyndewode, 1375?-1446), bishop of St.

constitutiones legitime regionis Anglicanae

Davids. Athon's collection, the Legatine seu (1st edn., Paris,

first

law made by John Athon

17108) comprises decrees issued by the papal legates

Otho and Othobono {Constitutiones Othoni et Othobont), with detailed commentary by Athon. In his Constitutiones prouinciales ecclesiae Angliae (or Provinciale) Lyndwood collected the synodal legislation of various archbishops of Canterbury, on which he commented

learnedly;

Provinciale ...

Oxford: T. Rood, 1483;

1st edn.,

Constitutiones legatinae

cui adjiciuntur

1679; rpr. Famborough, Hants., 1968);

(Oxford,

Cheney, "William Lyndwood's

STC

D. Othonis,

17102; et

Wing L-3565.

rpr.

as

D. Othoboni See C. R.

Provinciale" in Medieval Texts and Studies (Oxford:

Press, 1973), pp. 158-184. The provincial and legatine constitutions together represent in legal terms the greatness of power attained by the church in

Clarendon England tiones

in the

13C and 14C. H's

Ascensius

(STC 17109, colophon

30'; (1679), pp.

58-59.

and C. R. Cheney, English Church, is

at p.

3:470.1-3

On

1505, Ascensius's tabula dated 1506),

the legation of Otho,

eds.. Councils

1237-1241, see F.

J.

Badius,

fols.

29"-

M. Powicke

and Synods with Other Documents Relating (1964), pp. 237-261, 278-293; the cited

A.D. 1205-1313

to the

canon

255.

Duo

in judice

§

requisites in a judge appears to

The

version of the present passage firom the Constitu-

Othoni corresponds closely with the 1506 edn. of Athon, ed.

fi.

The

assertion

of power and knowledge

as

be based on the preceding passage firom Lyndwood.

references following are to the second

main

part

of the Corpus juris

canonici,

by Pope Gregory IX in 1234 to supplement those included in Gratian's Deaetum (the first part of the canon law). The five books of Gregory's Decretales have traditionally been referred the systematic collection of decretals and canons promulgated

to together as the

Uber Extra

(that

is,

additional to the Decretum) or Extra (as

1060

by H)

Autograph Notes The

or simply X.

example,

of a chapter

indication, status

of a

that to

cleric

is

then completed with an indication of reference here) and the

{at si derict).

be condemned by

office did

The

first

first

passage referred to here concerns the

—he

Gregory IX,

his bishop;

The second

is

not because of

Deaetales, 2.1.4; (1587), p. 525;

passage concerns a criminous abbot

not follow regular

titulus (for

words, or some other

convicted of a crime before a secular judge

Friedberg, 2:240.

from

reference

dejudiciis, as in the first

whose removal

legal order; Deaetales, 5.1.22; (1587), p. 673;

Friedberg, 2:742-744.

Decanus

3:470.8-10

Gregory IX,

ruralis ... ult.

470; Friedberg, 2:41. This canon

even positive law, but

restricts the force

DecretaleSy 1.4.11; (1587), p.

of custom

as against natural

and

does not specifically concern the examination of matrimo-

it

rural deans. The puzzling clause at line 10, "et si consuetudinem non posset," may be based on the concluding clause of the canon, which allows some force to custom against positive law if it is reasonable and

by

nial cases

praescribere

legitimately alleged ("rationabilis, et legitime

mean

.

.

praescripu"), a condition

.

3:470.11-12

Extra, de offic

§.

Gregory IX,

fi.

Decrcrafo, 1.23.7; (1587), p.

501; Friedberg, 2:151—152. Invoking the principle that what touches

approved by

common on them dean

H may

to rule out in the present case.

all,

that since a rural

asserts

all

should be

dean exercises

office in

behalf of bishop and archdeacon he should be chosen or removed by

common.

in

canon

this

This and the preceding passage limit the authority of a rural

of long standing with which

(a clerical office

H apparently means to compare

The first would simply not be qualified to decide serious cases (for example, matrimonial causes). The second suggests that whatever authority such officials might have would properly be subordinate to higher officials of the regular the reformers' proposed office of lay elder) from different directions.

suggests that such persons

hierarchy.

3:470.13-15

C. de praescrip

608-609; Krueger, that as it

longsunding possession

someone

else's

male.

p. 311; Scott

no claim

establishes

tenant or agent

Justinian, Codex, 7.39.2; (1590), cols.

14:173-174. In the law male

is

laid

down

to

ownership

in connection

here to the rural dean's longstanding "possession" (that

is,

agitur the principle if

the possession

with land.

H

is

applies

customary exercise) of

jurisdiction in matrimonial cases.

3:470.15—17

imo nee

superiori

.

.

.

super.

Gregory IX,

Decretales,

1.29.23;

(1587), p. 505; Friedberg, 2:166-169.

3:470.17

C.

si

quis

.

.

interest.

.

Justinian,

Krueger, pp. 182-183; Scott, 13:110. Again the for a principal applicable to questions right to take legal action

depends on exactly

how

of

a

Codex, 4.50.6; (1590), col. 320; civil

husband making

he acted

law of property

is

referred to

of jurisdiction. The case here concerns the a purchase for his wife,

for her in the transaction.

1061

which

Commentary

authorities

Archdiaconut accedentibus. This series of citations of major on canon law suggests even more clearly than the preceding group that

H

assistance

3:470.27—35

.

.

had the

comments on

of a

legal scholar, for this

a single text

but a

treated in several texts, with

three references are to a

.

set

one authority

comments on

complex matrimonial

case;

is

not an

easily

gathered string of

of authorities on opposing cited

sides

of an

the canon Literas, a rescript of Innocent

Gregory IX,

issue

even against himself. The

Deaetales, 2.13.13; (1587), pp.

first

III

on

538—539;

Friedberg, 2:286.

ut notat glo.

Bernardus Parmensis

1266), ed., Glossa ordinaria to the

(d.

Deaetales, here glossing the phrase "In tua" near the beginning of the chapter:

"Arg. Archidiaconum habere jurisdictionem causarum matrimonialium ... in his enim consuetudo servatur, quae dat jurisdictionem et ita potius cognoscunt ex .

quam ex jure"; margin of Gregory

consuetudine

.

Innocent IV (pope 1243-1254), writing

et Inno. tus

.

IX, Deaetales (1588), col. 714. as a private

person. Appara-

Deaetalium (1481), commenting on the words "matrimonialis" and "in remotis"

in the

same canon:

"matrimonialis.

Nota quod archidiaconus cognoscit de

matrimoniali. et hoc propter consuetudinem.

in remotis,

causa

consuetudinem narrat quia

non est cautum quod episcopo absente archidiaconus agnoscat"; sig. PI quibus adhaeret ibi Johan. Andr. Joannes Andreae (1270?-! 348, prolific and very renowned, th&Jons et tuba of canon law). In secundum Deaetalium librum novella commentaria (1581; rpr. 1963): "Idem hie Innocentius sed Hostiensis contra, dicens, quod cum consuetudo non det jurisdictionem in majoribus, et ista sunt de Sed pro glossa contra Hostiensem est, majoribus, in his consuetudo non valet. vel die, quod archidiaconus quod istud non est ordinis, sed dignitatis episcopalis

in re

.

.

.

.

.

cognovit de hoc ex

speciali, vel generali

.

.

commissione archiepiscopi, vel ex

speciali

privilegio"; fol. 84".

Hostiensis (Henricus de Segusio, d. 1271, a distinguished

Licet Hostiensis ibi

canonist, studied at Bologna, lectured in Paris, served

Henry

III

of England for

a

time, and was chaplain to Innocent IV, Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia from 1262)

disagreed with the gloss and with Innocent IV: "Consuetudinem narrat sive recitat,

quia

cum

non

est

jure cautum,

quod episcopo absente archidiaconus cognoscat. et haec causa non det .

in majoribus consuetudo jurisdictionem

majoribus

.

.

.

non

placet

ista

solutio";

In secundum

.

.

.

.

sit

Sed de

Deaetalium librum novella

on Deaetales, 2.13.13, fol. 53" Commenting on the last chapter of title 23 (De de Offic. Arch.

commentaria (1581), §§ 1—2 et Extra,

.

officio archidiaconi)

of bk.

.

1

of the Deaetales, 1.23.10 (1587,

p.

501; Friedberg,

2:153), Hostiensis cautioned bishops against letting archdeacons exercise authority

on their behalf in important matters for too long a time, lest the warrant of custom become complete: "Caveat ergo episcopus, ne hac vicaria permittat uti archidiaconum tanto tempore quod consuetudinis praescriptio sit completa"; ibid. (1581), § 25,

fol. 128"*.

regulam quam Deaetales,

dicit ipse Hostiensis

5.31.12 (1587, pp.

The canon

Accedentibus,

702-703; Friedberg, 2:840-841),

1062

a

Gregory IX, decretal

of

Autograph Notes Innocent

III

nial cases,

imposing public penances, granting

The decree meant

from uking

in the Fourth Lateran Council, 1215, prohibits abbots

over matters pertaining to the episcopal oflSce or dignity, such allows for exceptions, however.

to determine

when

letters

The

hearing matrimo-

as

of indulgence, and the

like.

by Hostiensis was distinguishes between

rule suted

exception might be made.

It

matters pertaining to episcopal rank or dignity and matters pertaining to episcopal

The

order.

cannot

latter

by custom, nor

anyone

to

fall

are they easily granted

than a bishop either by prescription or

less

by

special privilege.

Competence

in matters

of jurisdiction, which pertain to episcopal dignity or authority, can, however, be acquired through custom, except for certain solemnities which do not than a bishop

less

not to a simple

(at least

quaedam vero

dignitatis, ut hie,

one

to

fall

"quaedam sunt

priest):

episcopalis

episcopalis ordinis, sicut consecrare virgines altaria

et ecclesias dedicare, sacros ordines conferre, et similia ....

Et

est differentia inter

haec. scilicet, quia ea, quae sunt episcopalis ordinis, alicui minori episcopo nee ex

praescriptione nee ex eonsuetudine competere possunt, sed nee per speciale

privilegium de

facili

conceduntur. Secus in his quae episcopalis dignitatis sunt, de

Tu tamen

quibus hie sequitur ....

quod

scias,

quae episcopalis ordinis sunt,

ilia,

nulla praescriptione, nulla eonsuetudine acquiri, vel potius usurpari possunt

nee de

facili

per speciale privilegium conceduntur

jurisdictionis sunt, per

.

.

.

Ea vero, quae

eonsuetudinem acquiruntur. Quinimmo

sive authoritatis episcopalis sunt, exceptis

in

.

et

.

.

.

sed

episcopalis

quae

dignitatis,

quibusdam solennibus, quae non cadunt

minori episcopo vel saltem sacerdote"; In quintum Decretalium librum on Decretales, 5.31.12, fols. 74"-75".

novella

commentaria (1581), §§ 2-3, 7,

3:471.13-14

Ubi judex secularis ... ca. 8. Bracton, De legibus, 3.1.8; (1569), Woodbine-Thome, 2:304; quoted more folly at 3:473.8-16.

106''-107'; ed.

fols.

3:471.25-30

demand

The same men

.

.

For H's response to the reformist

nullity.

.

for a learned ministry, see V.81.

3:471.31—490.6

—what

topic

This portion of H's Notes

Causse ... Courts.

according to the four headings sorts

of legal

ecclesiastical jurisdiction)

at

3:472.14—18:

(1)

cases are spiritual (and

—occupy

fol.

is

organized

Texts and statements on the

would

first

thus pertain to a specifically

77' (471.31—477.14). (2) Folio 77* (477.19—

481.23) has citations on the form and manner of proceeding in such cases and

some

draft material

ments necessary (4)

Notes on the

uphold fols.

by

H

on

the

same

crucial fourth topic

ecclesiasticall jurisdictions

78 and 81-82 (486.13-490.6)

of the four

topics.

traditional system

— "the

care

on

and courts"

H

—

of church

a

take

up

79" (481.24—483.2).

fol.

H

to

—^86. 9). On

79' (483. •^

reworks the material from

fol.

77'

on

the

first

transforming an assortment

coherent element of

his

own

brief for the

courts.

evidently collected this material in response to a

£d\vin Sandys in notes on a

concerning the punishfol.

which justice hath alwaies had

Folio 78 (486.13—489.25) shows

of somewhat dry materials into

H

topic. (3) Citations

in spiritual legal proceedings are given

lost early draft

1063

comment by

his associate

of Book VI. This portion of the Dublin

Commentary Notes thus demonstrates the existence of a previously unsuspected composition of Book VI, subsequent to the

Cranmer commented, but

stage in the

on which Sandys and George

lost draft

prior to the treatment of penance in the surviving

portion of the book (prior to the

not in time, then

latter, if

logical relationship to the lost early version).

at least in its direct

On

See pp. 237—242, above.

the

between the two swords of spiritual and secular power in England in the medieval period, from which most of the following material is drawn, see J. H.

relations

Burns, ed., The Cambridge History of Medieval

of the

jurisdiction

Canon Law

from

Causae ...

of purely

Cum saepe

c.

spiritual causes

is

secular courts promulgated at a

(italics

indicate

evocari ut

words or phrases he

asticum pertinere noscuntur ut

in

III.

litteras

vacantes admiserint vel

si

in

1258 under Boni-

H works from the

"Cum

uses):

Merton

at

H draws

of ecclesiastical independence

first

paragraph

sepe contingat archiepiscopos

domini

ad seculare judicium

regis

respondeant super his que mere ad ipsorum

ibi

Helmholz, Roman

from which

constitution

synod held

episcopos et alios prelatos inferiores per

non

The

a strong statement

archbishop of Canterbury under Henry

face,

On the

Thought, pp. 387-397.

Political

H wrote, see R. H.

when

Reformation England (1990).

in

3:471.31—472.13 this list

ecclesiastical courts

officia et

forum

ecclesi-

forte clericos ad ecclesias et capellas vacantes seu

non admiserint

rectores instituerint vel

non

instituerint

eisdem suos subditos excommunicaverint: excommunicatos denunciaverint

interdixerint: ecclesias dedicaverint: ordines celebraverint: de causis mere spiritualibus

cognoverint: utputa de decimis

non possunt ad

subditorum

seculare

et

eorum

pertinere sive

parrochiarum et similibus

etiam cognoverint de

excessibus sicut de perjurio fidei: transgressione:

perturbatione

violatione aut

et oblationibus limitibus

forum aliquatenus

ecclesiasticae

necnon libertatum perturbatores per

domini

cartas

cum

presertim

libertatis:

que

peccatis

sacrilegio:

ipsius violatores

regis anglie ecclesie concessas in

sententiam excommunicationis incidant ipso facto"; Lyndwood, Prouinciale (1506), fols.

168''-169'; (1679), pp.

314-315; Powicke and Cheney, Councils and Synods,

pp. 573-574.

Que

3:472.19-21 collect

probate

& escrie par syr R.

§ 26 (1573;

STC

f.

Brooke,

3827),

fol.

court

suggestion

H

is

replies at

3:472.25-473.2

nisi

de

that the

tardiff

Robert Brooke, La graunde

Sir

7. fo.

12.

et uolunt.,

et

nemy

per

le ley spirituel."

al

The

church courts' probate jurisdiction lacks strong justification.

Causes

ecclesiastical!

.

.

De excommunicato

Idolatrie.

.

by making county

at

475.5-476.6).

The Act

capiendo of 1562— 1563

23) tightened the procedures for bringing ecclesiastical courts

abridgement,

Testament

que probate de testament ne apertient

temps per custome,

3:486.13-487.16 (incorporating material cited

execution of the writ

Bench

title

256": "Vide titulum Devise 10. et 26. et 31. et per

Fineux et totam Curiam 11. H. spiritual

12.

La secounde part, under the

for

the

(5 Eliz.

I,

due cap.

excommunicate persons before the the Court of King's

sheriffs responsible to

for executing warrants for their apprehension instead

tion of such writs to the sheriff's discretion.

1064

The

of leaving the execu-

allowable causes for

excommuni-

Autograph Notes cation are specified in the final paragraph of the Act and are as

H

them;

lists

W.V.S. (1587), 2:454-455; S.R., 4.1:453.

Preaching of heresies

3:473.3—7

1382 against unauthorized

Non

3:473.8-16 fol. 107';

ed.

.

.

c. 5.

.

For

a fuller quotation firom this act

of

(Lollard) preachers, see 3:483.23—484.10.

habet Ordinarius

Woodbine-Thome,

.

De

Bracton,

c. 8.

.

.

legibus, 3.1.8;

2:304. In this and the following note

(1569),

H strength-

ens his brief for the continued competence of ecclesiastical courts by taking

evidence firom the greatest medieval exposition of English secular law. cited here continues priestly

and royal

On

regnum."

by

legal

asserting that there

is

The

passage

a great diflference betw^een the

domains: "est enim magna differentia inter sacerdotium et

H's appropriation of Bracton see 3:435. u/.n, above.

3:473.26—474.9

Est jurisdictio ...

These excerpts firom Bracton overlap the

2.

De

quotations in VIII. 8. 9 (3:435. u/) from the same chap.,

400^—401*^; ed. Woodbine-Thome, 4:248—251. argumentative paragraph of his

own

at

H

legibus, 5.5.2;

works

487.26—488.4, with revision

489.3. In the following transcription of material from the chapter used

or another of these places, passages used

at

(1569),

fols.

material into an

this

at

488.21—

by

H at one

435. if are in regular (square) brackets,

passages used here at 473.26—474.9 are in pointed brackets (< >) and those used at

487.26-488.4 or 488.21-489.3 are in braces

({

}).

The

phrase quoted above at

469.8—9, somewhat out of context ("non enim possit [judex secularis] degradare clericum, magis

quam

ad ordines promovere") appears slightly before the

last

of the

following excerpts. "[<Est etiam jurisdictio quaedam ordinaria, quaedam delegata

quae pertinet ad sacerdotium spiritualitati

lium in .

tamen

.

.

forum

ecclesiasticum, sicut in causis spiritualibus et

alia jurisdictio

ordinaria vel delegata quae pertinet

regnum in causis et placitis rerum temporaforo seculari], et unde videndum cujus juditium et forum actor adire deEt licet generaliter verum sit quod actor forum rei sequi debeat, fallit

ad coronam

beat.

et

annexis.> Est etiam et

dignitatem regis et ad

in casibus propter diversitatem jurisdictionum et

ibus et temporalibus et

praemissis

earum sequela <sicut

ob causam matrimonii, quae

causarum de rebus

spiritual-

in causa matrimoniali, et {rebus

in foro ecclesiastico terminari debent, quia

cujus juris id est jurisdictionis est principale, ejusdem juris erit accessorium}>. Et

eodem modo coronam

et

sicut <si in foro seculari agatur

dignitatem

pertinebit cognitio super principali ad

causa testamentaria, et petitae, ut

si

de aliquo placito quod pertineat ad

regis, et fides fuerit apposita in contractu,

aliis

non propter hoc

judicem ecclesiasticum>. Item

pluribus causis ecclesiasticis>.

.

.

fallit

Item ratione

.


{<debitum quod non sit de de matrimonio, sequi debet forum laicale>}. [Et unde cum

clericus petat versus clericum vel laicum

testamento vel

.

.

.

diversae sint hinc inde jurisdictiones et diversi judices et diversae causae, debet quilibet

ipsorum inprimis estimare an sua

sit

jurisdictio,

ne falcem videatur ponere

messem alienam.] Quia clericus in nuUo conveniendus est coram judice seculari quod pertineat ad forum ecclesiasticum, sicut in causis spiritualibus vel spiritualitati annexis, ut <si pro peccato vel transgressione fuerit poenitentia injungenda, et quo casu judex ecclesiasticus habet cognitionem, [quia non pertinet ad Regem injungein

1065

Commentary {nee ad judicem secularem, nee etiam ad eos pertinet cognoscere de

re poenitentias, iis

quae sunt

de decimis

spiritualibus annexa, sicut

Item nee de

eatallis

promissa ob eausam matrimonii, quae

dietum

est, et

donum. aliquo quod .

.

est quasi

sequela matrimonii>} ut superius

iis omnibus habet jus revocandi non est laieus eonveniendus eoram judiee eeelesiastieo de ad eoronam et Regiam dignitatem et ad regnum, quod in foro

hujusmodi, quia judex eeelesiastieus in

[Viee versa

.

pertineat

"[
seculari terminari potest et debeat.]"

gated,

et aliis ecclesiae proventionibus].

quae sunt de testamento vel matrimonio. Item nee de pecunia

whieh

pertains to the priesthood

is

and the

one jurisdietion, ordinary or deleforum,

eeelesiastieal

as in spiritual

eauses and those annexed to a spirituality,> and another, ordinary or delegated,

crown and

pertains to the

we must

touching temporal things in the secular forum.] Thus

and forum the

actor

whieh

dignity of the king and to the realm, in eauses and pleas

ought to go.

ought to follow the forum of the

.

.

But though

.

that rule

reus,

fails

it is

see to

whose court

generally true that the actor

in these cases, because

of the

dif-

ference between jurisdictions and causes, of spiritual and temporal things and their


accessories,

which must be determined

forum because he

in the ecclesiastical

who has jurisdietion and in the same

in the principal matter will have jurisdietion in matters accessory, }>

way


of the king and matter will not


sued in the secular forum which belongs to the crown and dignity

is

faith has

on

that

a testamentary cause

of the thing sought, unconnected with

been pledged

as

and in many other

where

first

to decide

to a spirituality, as

to such the ecclesiastical

and

For a clerk

any matter which belongs to the

annexed

different judges

is

is

.

rule also

layman

brought before an

ecclesiastical is

forum,

to

as in spiritual causes

be enjoined for a it is

sin

or

domum

or those

trespass.

As

not for the king or the

do they have cognizance of things annexed

donum

to

is,

so to speak, an

.

.

.

[Conversely, a layman

all

these the

is

not to be

judge with respect to anything which belongs to the

which can and ought

crow^n, the royal dignity and the realm, secular forum>]"; trans.

his

of the church,] nor of chattels testamentary or

profits

revocandi

ecclesiastical


he seem to put

accessory to the marriage, }> as was said above, and the like, because in

judge has the jus

{

different actions, every

and

his, lest

matrimonial, nor of money promised because of marriage, which

ecclesiastical

fails

Also by reason

not to be brought before a secular judge

judge has cognizance, [because

and other

.

he ought to sue in the secular forum.>}.

<where penance

secular judge to enjoin penances; {nor spiritualities, as tithes

> The

ecclesiastical causes. >.

whether the jurisdiction

sickle into another's harvest.]

in

ecclesiastical judge.

a clerk claims against a clerk or a

a testament or marriage;

[Since there are different jurisdictions

judge ought

of the principal

in the contract, cognizance

account belong to the

Thome,

to

be determined in the

except donum, following edn. 1569, for the correct

in the reference to Justinian, Digesta, 5.1.2, near the end.

3:474.24-25



by the source

Nihil prohibet

.

.

.

ca. 6.

H

offers a

diversis rationibus

eoram judicibus

conclusion supported

"Quando eadem

causa

ecclesiastieis, et secularibus ventilatur ut

supra

cited rather than a statement contained in

1066

it.

Autograph Notes manuum

patet de injectione violenter

ipsum

ecclesiastico judicio) curia regis

Magna

cum

charta,

as

negotium, ut

same

the

case

is

notwithsunding the

his council] say that

may seem

shall discuss the matter, as

Edward

II

fol.

.

.

.

H

c. 3.

king

a clerk, they [the

it." "Artic[uli] cle[ri]"

appears

Lincoln in 1315—1316.

at

here quotes from the

Magna

article cited;

dtarta

103'; S.R., 1:171.

Causae tnatritnoniales

3:474.35—475.1

.

.

.

Gregory IX,

c. 1.

a plea for dissolution

Deaetales, 4.14.1;

Pope Alexander

(1587), p. 660; Friedberg, 2:700-701. This letter of

III

concerns

of a marriage on grounds of consanguinity.

Item ... prudentia.

3:475.1-2

103*;

fol.

or temporal,

and clergy and answers by King

prelates

Parliament held

at the

Cujus

3:474.25—29 (1587),

made

9282),

spiritual

judgement, the king's court

spiritual

expedient to

of complaints by

as the title to a series

expedite videtur";

STC

debated before judges

above appeareth upon the case of laying violent hands on

and

sibi

(1587;

statutis, turn antiquis, turn recentibus

"When

S.R., 1:172.

quod (non obstante

in clericum, dicunt

tractat

Gregory IX,

668;

Decretales, 4.20.3; (1587), p.

Friedberg, 2:725—726. Writing about a claim for return of dowry in a divorce case,

Pope Clement III enunciates the principle that matters incidental and accessory to matrimony rightly pertain to the cognizance of the ecclesiastic deciding the marriage case

itself:

"vos, qui de matrimonio principaliter cognovistis, et de dote

(quae est causa incidens) accessorie cognoscere

3:475.5—476.6

Insinuatio,

.

.

.

cum similibus.

valuistis, et sententialiter diffinire."

These notes build an argument for

the English church courts' jurisdiction over the probate as well as the execution of wills,

an issue broached

at

3:472.19—21. Reference

constitution supporting such jurisdiction (475.5—7).

probate, English practice

and

Roman

civil

is

first

made

to a legatine

with regard to

especially

not in accord with the^W commune, the body of canon

law serving

as

the core of western jurisprudence from the later

middle ages well into the 16C, for there are

ment with testamentary

is

But

civil

laws opposing clerical involve-

matters (475.7-9), and the canons supporting ecclesiastical

jurisdiction concern, not probate, but execution (475.9), for which, in

some

circumstances, civil law, too, can be cited (475.12). Yet, although the civil law

does not provide

much

direct support for the church's authority in this area,

nevertheless be used to prove that custom ecclesiastical

against

tion

it

on

sufficient for granting

judges (475.19-21). Accordingly, while

civil

it

can

such power to

law could be alleged

(475.23-25), one can well argue for the church courts' probate jurisdicthe basis of longstanding custom founded

nobles (475.25-29).

of testaments

The

H

writes

Insinuatio,

.

.

on

the consent of king

and

church's liberty to punish those impeding the fulfillment

also has a basis in

law (476.1-6). 3:475.5—7

is

such lay concessions,

up the argument .

c.

at

Libertatem.

Othobono's constitution of 1268 referred

as

well as in

civil

and canon

486.13-487.16.

The

chapter from the papal legate

to here

is

chiefly

concerned with

strengthening the church courts' control over the executors of testaments; Athon,

1067

Commentary Legatine $eu constitutiones legitime (1506),

Cheney, Councils and Synods, of the law of

aspects

53';

fol.

The

p. 765.

Powicke and

107;

(1679), p.

H

passage impUes, as

wills also pertain to ecclesiastical judges.

notes, that other

"Propterea super

testamentorum executione duximus sutuendum ut executor testamenti cujuslibet ad executionem nullatenus admittatur: neque testamentum coram

ordinario

secundum

quo

approbatam consuetudinem presentetur nee per ipsum aliquatenus approbetur nisi prius

ad hunc actum sui

Secus tamen est

3:475.7-9

coram eo expresse renunciet executor."

fori privilegio

.

repetita.

. .

Justinian, Codex, 6.23.23; (1590), col.

487; Krueger, p. 254; Scott, 13:336. Codex, 6.23.18; (1590), col. 483; Krueger (1963), p. 254; Scott, 13:332. Codex, 1.3.41; (1590), col. 36; Krueger, p. 25, as 1.3.40; Scott,

12:49—50

The first two laws assign probate of wills to the The first particularly excludes ecclesiastics firom

as lex 36.

superintendent of the census.

meddling in such matters. For them to want to be thought skilled in legal afiairs is said to be especially reprehensible. The law repetita is a strong prohibition of

making of wills. This properly

clerical interference in the

pertains to the official

having charge of the census. 3:475.8, 25

Nee

3:475.9

The

Dinalia.

obstat

.

but

its

.

As

tua.

H indicates (3:475.10-12), the canons cited here

of Gregory IX concern, not the probate or publication of a

firom the Decretales will,

.

text should read "Divalia."

implementation. With

quidem, it is secundum

according to the canon nos

this,

appropriate for a bishop to be seriously concerned: "Sic enim, et

defunctorum

piisimas leges dilatas

pias voluntates episcopali decens est studio

The

adimpleri." Gregory IX, Decretales, 3.26.3; (1587), p. 609; Friedberg, 2:539.

canon

haeredes,

si

from

German

a

council, states that if the heirs

the orders of a testator, the local bishop to them:

tur

"Ab

cum

Decretales,

episcopo loci

fructibus

et

illius

caeteris

may

omnis

res,

legally deprive

quae

pow^er to compel clergy and

is

canonice interdica-

vota defuncti adimpleantur."

3.26.6; (1587), p. 609; Friedberg, 2:540.

quidem a rescript of Gregory IX,

fulfill

them of everything left

eis relicta est,

Ut

emolumentis:

do not

The canon

a brief but strong statement

laity alike to see that

of the

tua,

like

nos

local bishop's

pious bequests are executed in

accord with the will of the deceased. Deaetales, 3.26.17; (1587),

p. 611; Friedberg,

2:545.

3:475.12

nulH. C. de episc. et cler.

Justinian, Codex, 1.3.28; (1590), cols.

The law

Krueger, pp. 21—22; Scott, 12:40—41. bequests (specifically, bequests faithfully executed.

was is

left

The law

made

for the

gives local bishops

nulli

redemption of captives)

power

to collect the

and to carry out the pious intentions of the deceased,

designated to do so by will. (The law also

calls

30-31;

seeks to insure that pious

upon

shall

if no specific

person

the bishop to inform the

provincial governor of his receipt of such monies, to render an account at the

of a year, and to do 3:475.19—21

Quod

all this

autetn

gratuitously .

.

.

be

money which

end

and without any expense.)

quibus. C. de eniancip[atione].

1068

Ujberorum].

Autograph Notes 359-360

Justinian, Codex, 8.49.6; (1590), col. 712; Krueger, pp.

as 8.48(49).6;

Scott, 14:325-326. In an attempt to simplify the legal formalities surrounding the

emancipation of children,

this

law provides that magistrates be recognized

jurisdiction over emancipation if they have either expressly

as

having

been invested with such jurisdiction

by the laws or by long esublished custom ("quibus hoc facere vel permissum est"). C. quae sit long^ consuetu-

legibus vel ex longa consuetudine

do

Justinian, Codex, 8.53; (1590), col. 717; Krueger, p. 362, as 8.52; Scott,

14:333-334,

While the

as 8.53.

the authority of custom

—

first

and

last

of the three laws under

this tide exalt

the former instructing provincial governors to take into

consideration the reason establishing

and to be careful not to render judgments

it

contrary to esublished usage, the latter decreeing that long-standing custom shall

—

hold the place of perpetual law

the second law of the tide stipulates that custom

should not prevail to the extent of overcoming either reason or law.

3:475.23-25

Videri

3:475.25-28

Tu

.

.

It is

A

e.

autetn

of king and nobles England.

.

partial reprise

H

etiam.

as a basis for

of the objection suted

here advises himself to allege the consent

excommunicating those

eorum

ballivi

bona decedentium ab

of 1342 referred

who would impede "Quidam

control over the goods of those dying intestate. et

3:475.7-9.

the testamentary jurisdiction of the church in

in accord with such consent that the synodal decree

to here provides for

at

ecclesiastical

etiam domini temporales

intestato in suis districtibus

ad ipsos dominos

pretendentes fore quamvis erronee devoluu ne per ordinarios bona hujusmodi pro

debitorum solutione

sic

decedentium ac

salute convertantur utiliter

pro jure ecclesiasticaque

libertate ab

nem ecclesiastice libertatis jurisque et

in alios pios usus pro

olim

et jurisdictionis ecclesiasticorum

Wilkins, ed.. Concilia Magnae Britaniae

et

would not be

valid if

fol.

143

;

Lyndwood

impedimentum

(1679), p. 263;

Hibemiae (1737), 2:708.

the phrase "consensu regio" in this passage,

unquam

ordinatum impediunt in derogatio-

extitit

lesionem enormem"; Lyndwood, Provindale (1506),

tion

ipsorum animarum

prout consensu regio et magnatum regni anglie

D.

Commenting on

asserts that

such a regula-

promulgated purely on the motion of the king and

temporal lords and without the church's formally requiring

it,

even

if it

were in

the church's &vor.

3:476.1-6 above.

Libertas ecclesiae

The law

derids, gives

si

.

quis ad

.

.

similibus.

For the law nulli. see 3:475. 12.n,

decHnandam,

also

from the

does not explicidy give them liberty to punish those activity; Justinian,

(49);

Scott,

tide

De

episcopis et

bishops authority to administer certain sorts of chariuble bequests;

Codex, 1.3.49; (1590),

12:50-51,

as

43—44; Krueger, hsereditas

lex 37.

although heirs are not legally

may be compelled

cols.

The law bound to erect

who impede them

a

it

in this

p. 34, as 1.3.48

sutes at the end that

momument

to the deceased, they

do so by princely or pontifical authority to comply with the testator's w^ill: "quamvis enim stricto jure nulla teneantur actione heredes ad monumentum faciendum: tamen principali, vel pontificali auctoritate compelluntur ad obsequium supremae voluntatis." Justinian, Digesta, 5.3.50; (1590), col. 178; to

1069

Commentary Mommsen-Krueger

canon tua and

(1963), pp. 117—118; Scott, 3:194. For the

other canons from the

de

title

3:477.19—481.23 2 The forme the four topics listed at

.

.

testa [mentis]., see 3:475.9. n above.

advantage. Folio

.

77*" is

devoted to the second of

3:472.14—18. In the midst of material from medieval

English legal sources are passages in which

H seems to express his own sense of the

proper ends and actual shortcomings of ecclesiastical courts (477.20-21, 478.27—34,

Much

480.15-18, 481.20-23). officio

ed

of the

(480.21-481.19)

folio

oaths in ecclesiastical proceedings, in accordance with

v^rere

a draft defense

is

which those

of ex

interrogat-

much

not exempted from testifying against themselves. This oath w^as

objected to in the High Commission investigations of 1593.

Judicium

3:477.22—478.25

proceeding

Bracton (De

Summa

and

is

how

legibus, 3.1.8),

codicis

.

.

defensione.

.

the persons involved in

of the 12C

who drew on

glossator,

the

This account of what a judicial

ought to proceed

it

Roman

Azo. H's reflections

is

drawn from

law tradition through the 3:478.27-34 on judicial

at

corruption and avarice could have been prompted by Bracton's remarks on the

same

topics in the course

of

this passage.

"Et sciendum, quod juditium

qualibet actione trinus actus trium personarum: Judicis vz, actoris, et

quod

large accipi possunt

hujusmodi personae.s.quod duae

sint

rei,

est in

secundum

personae ad minus,

inter quas verutur contentio, et tertia persona, ad minus, qui judicet, alioquin erit

juditium,

cum

istae

personae

sint partes principales in juditio, sine

juditium consistere non potest. Judex vero sive

justitiarius, uti

non

quibus

debet veritate, et

Veritas juditii in tribus consistit.s.in indifFerenti et aequali

personarum susceptione,

quod justum

fuerit, judicate: sive civis

ut legitur in

Deuteronomio, audite

num, nee

accipietis

libro capitulus .16. c.

illos, et

sive peregrinus, nulla erit distantia

sit iste,

personarum,

ita

parvum

cujusquam personam, quia dei juditium

non

accipies

audietis ut

personam, nee munera, quia munera excaecant

ut infra de justic. Item consistit in diligenti examinatione, quia oportet

cuncta rimari.

Hoc

investigabam,

non enim

mag-

Item in eodem

est.

intelligens Job, ait .29

Causam quam ignorabam

dicit diligenter vel diligentius,

enim judex, per examinationem de

immo

et

judicem

diligentissime

diligentissime.

Debet

dubiis facere certum, et de credulitate verita-

tem, de ignorantia notitiam, et notorium sive notitiam de ignoto. Item consistit Veritas juditii, in justa sententiae prolatione, et justa et diligenti executione, ut in

Deuteronomio xvi. Juste quod justum est persequeris, ut vivas et possideas terram quam dominus deus daturus est tibi. Et secundo libro paralepominon. 19. ubi dicitur. Videte quid faciatis, non enim hominis exercetis juditium sed dei, et illud idem quod judicaveritis, in vos redundabit, sit timor domini vobiscum, et cum diligentia cuncta facite. Non enim est apud dominum deum vestrum iniquitas, nee personarum acceptio, nee eupido munerum, quae excaecant oculos sapientum, et pervertunt verba justorum, ut legitur in ecclesiastico. ea. 20. Xenia et dona excaecant oculos judicum, et qui dona et munera lexit.

.

.

.

Ab omni tamen munere non

passim avarissimum

sit

est

accipere et vilissimum: a

1070

dixit,

omne

abstinendum, quia

nemine

umen

genus muneris licet erit

intel-

ab omnibus et

inhumanum,

ut

Autograph Notes si

amicus accipiat ab amico solo intuitu amicitiae

et amoris.

Actor veto, sive

sit

petens sive querens, uti debet intentione. Docere enim debet, et rationem praetendere,

quod ad ipsum

quod

pertineat actio, et

pars esse possit in juditio,

ponere

enim debet coram eo qui jus dicturus est, intentionem suam et illam fundare et probare. Reus vero uti debet exceptione et defensione, secundum quod inferius dicetur plenius"; (1569),

no matter what

that

the actor and the

fol.

106"^; ed.

the action

though the word

reus. It is clear that

two

larger sense, [unless] there are at least

and

at least a third

who

acts as

Woodbine-Thome, 2:302-304.

parties

in the indifferent

judgment

and impartial acceptance of the

a stranger.

Ye

may be

'persons'

between

whom

taken in a

the dispute arises

and without them

the truth, and truth in

onomy, 'Hear them and judge your country or

clear

is

judge, there will be no judicial proceeding, for they

are the principal parties to such a proceeding

The judge must employ

"It

the threefold act of three persons, the judge,

it is

righteously

shall

it

caimot

exist.

consists in three things,

parties, as it

is

written in Deuter-

between them, whether he be one of

not respect persons in judgment, but

shall

hear

the small as well as the great; neither shall ye respect any man's person, for the

judgement

is

God's.'

persons nor take [Secondly],

it

And

gifts,

in the

same book, chapter

for gifts blind [the eyes

of the

consists in diligent investigation, for

it

16,

'Thou shalt not respect below on justices.

wise],' as

behoves a judge to seek out

everything. Perceiving this Job says, in twenty-nine, 'The cause I

searched out most diligendy.'

He

which

I

knew

not,

does not say 'diligendy' or 'more diligendy,'

but 'most diligendy.' For a judge by investigation must draw certainty from doubt, truth from credulity, knowledge from ignorance and information or what is kno^vn is unknown. [Thirdly], truth in judgment consists in the just pronouncement of judgment and its just and diligent execution, as in Deuteronomy sixteen, 'That which is just thou shalt follow justly, that thou mayest live and possess the land, which the Lord thy God giveth to thee.' And in the second book of Chronicles nineteen, 'Take heed what ye do, for ye judge not for man but for

from what

the Lord, and whatsoever

Lord be upon you and do

you judge, all

it

shall

redound

to you. Let the fear

Lord our God, nor respect of persons, nor taking of gifts,' the wise and pervert the

words of the

twentieth chapter, 'Presents and

gifts

just,

as

is

is

written in Ecclesiasticus, the

blind the eyes of judges.'

or 'presents' understood every kind of present.

every

gift,

from

all

And

he

who

said

But one need not reject indiscriminately is most con-

'gifts'

for although to accept presents

of the

no iniquity with the which blind the eyes of

things with diligence for there

.

.

.

them from no one is almost inhuman, as where a friend accepts from friend, moved solely by friendship and affection. The actor, whether he is demandant or plaintiff, must employ an intentio, [which] he must put forward in court before him who is to decide upon it, support it, show and give temptible and avaricious, to accept

the reason ings,

why

the action

and prove

explained

more

it.

fiilly

The

is

his

reus

below";

and

that

he

is

entided to be party to the proceed-

must employ exception and defense, trans.

Thome.

1071

as

will

be

Commentary When wee come

3:479.6-8

.

.

See VIII.9.2 (3:437.8-25) and relevant

infinit.

.

Auto. Notes, 3:500.4-21, 520.23-522.2, 523.2-14.

3:479.21-28 Articuli cleri

Si prselatus

.

verbatim; he

somewhat

.

.

H

cle. 2.3.

quotes the second half of Art. 2 of the

abridges Art. 3;

Magna

diarta (1587), fol. 103';

S.R., 1:171.

preceding ex

3:480.21—23

officio

.

The

oath

.

.

oath required defendants to

swear in advance to answer truthfully any questions to be put to them.

use,

Its

by the branches of the Court of High Commission (see 1:50.31—51.7.n, above) was strenuously objected to by common lawyers in Elizabeth's reign, but especially

the case against compelling self-incrimination could also be argued the

canon

See Helmholz, Roman Canon

law^ itself.

Law

in

on

the basis of

Reformation England, pp.

156-157.

David say

3:480.27

meam Domino"

.

.

.

mea?

Ps. 32[31]:5:

The

Canonical! purgations

3:481.3

"Confitebor adversus

injustitiam

Houlbrooke, Church Courts and

See D. Cos.

first

the People, pp.

booke

number of compurgators. See

45-46.

An Apologie: of, and for STC 5821), p. 52: "To

Richard Cosin,

p. 52.

sundrie proceedings by jurisdiction ealesiasticall, Part 1 (1593;

the same purpose also Mordant said in the time of K. Henrie the seventh, that

man

pro laesione

he sued in a Court ecclesiasticall by a party

of money promised, there shall be a prohibition; but officio, then no prohibition shall it

was presumed;

lie.

fidei, in not

paying a

gainsaid or

impugned

.

.

.

if a

summe

do

if the Judge ecclesiasticall shall

which no man

would not

that a party

by

process of clearing oneself of an offense

one's ow^n oath and the supporting oaths of a

3:481.18

me

(Vulgate).

it

ex

because

prosecute, to have the sinne alone

punished; but rather for satisfaction of the thing promised to him";

on Cosin's

Apologie, see 1:50.31— 51.7.n, above.

3:481.24—483.2

3.

The punishments

.

.

.

execution.

At the head of

coUection of notes on the third topic

listed at

need

measure of coercive power; on

for judges to

see 466.20-21

3:481.30-33 to here

be provided

w^ith a

this small

a statement

is

this

of the

theme

and 467.31.

Ecclesiasticall censures

and

3:472.14—18

at

b.>

.

3:472.25—473.2, 5 Eliz.

The statute of 1562-1563 referred

cap. 23, concerns only the last step

I,

described in this note, the circumstances in which an episcopal certification of

someone

as

excommunicate, the

could be used

significavit,

as a basis for issuing a

writ for his apprehension; W.V.S. (1587), 2:454-455; S.R., 4.1:453. passage occurs at

fol.

61' of

some

quinto reginae Elizabethe at the Parliament holden at Westminster the raigne of our Soveraigne

STC

9465?]).

On

The

relevant

printings of the acts of this Parliament,

Lady Elizabeth

.

.

.

.

.

.

Anno

in the fifth yere

of

were enacted asfolloweth (1563 [1565?

the limited use of this procedure, see Houlbrooke, The Church

Courts and the People, p. 50.

1072

Autograph Notes An.

3:482.1-9

2.

H.

4. ca. 15.

1401 referred to here and

at

king against persons convicted under the act in in legislation repealed in

Mary and of

this

case

25 Henry VIII, cap.

repealed again in the

first

anti-Lollard act

it

The

act

was included

was revived under Philip and

on

year of Elizabeth. H's note jurist.

"And

may doe

to

person in anie

his

commissaries

be kept in

his prison the

and

his default,

the significance

if anie

above expressed, be before the dyocesan of the place or person so convict for the maner of

of 1400-

payable to the

assess a fine

his diocese.

14;

provision has the style of a professional

canonically convict: then the same dyocesan said

The

... exchequer.

3:484.10 allows a bishop to

after the quality

of the

offence according and as long as to his discretion shall seeme expedient, and

moreover

to put the

same person

to the secular court (except in cases

according to the canonicall decree ought to be

to

left)

where he

paye to our soveraigne lorde

the king his pecuniar fine, according as the same fine shall seeme competent to the

dyocesan, for the manner and qualitie of the offence, in which case the same

dyocesan

shall

be bounde to

his letters patentes sealed

certifie the

with

king of the same fine in his escheker by

may be required and levied to convict"; W.V.S (1587), 1:218; S.R.,

authoritie

his use

so

2:127.

oathes of obedience

3:482.17 basis

of a

w^rit de

promise

with a pledge, oath, or

Dame

relevant

seized

Archidiaconus

sureties)

con of Bologna from 1296,

dicit

The

est.

God

Et

of

on

Intro, to

Church (Notre

is

to

statement that aiuthema means

be found in the cited canon in Friedberg, 1:992-993. For (Baysio, d. 1313), archdeafols.

2.5.2.2; Friedberg, 1:546).

Book

323" (on the

On

the degrees

VI, pp. 299-300, above.

homine. In commenting on the canon Cum De judidis (Gregory IX, Decretales, 2.1.10; Friedberg,

est ...

homine in the tide

the

make

compliance.

fiiture

see his Rosarium Decretorum (1577),

and 176'*"^ (on Deaetum,

of excommunication, see 3:482.21-26

sheriff

requirements or by

its

in the English

which dates from the 6C; Decretum, 2.24.3.9; commentary and references by Guido de Bayso

cited canon)

by the

Press, 1982), p. 58.

nothing other than separation fi^om Gratian,

of

set

Lay Authority and Reformation

Jr.,

University of Notre

3:482.20-21

An excommunicate

church either by actual compliance with

(fortified

Robert E. Rodes,

Dame:

of the goods of the same person

excommunicato capiendo (see 3:472.25—473.2.n, above) could

satisfaction to the

a

such fine by the kings

his seale to the effect that

nan ab 2:242),

Joannes Andreae derives the term "anathema" from the custom once obtaining of signing the foreheads of the It

condemned with

a figure in the shape

thus has the sense of a supema maledictio. This

poena.

The

first,

the lesser excommunication,

is is

14—18 was

4.

The

care

. .

.

anyone.]

ft>l.

fourth and

7

.

last

topic listed at 3:472.

two respects. Showing the value of the traditional system of would have been part of H's case against the proposed new

crucial in

ecclesiastical courts

The

letter E.

of done without solemnity. In

secundum Decretalium librum novella commentaria (1581),

3:483.4-486.12

of the

the second of three degrees

1073

Commentary The church

system of spiritual jurisdiction by congregational lay-elders.

needed defense, however,

against the

citations

of medieval sources suggest (484.14—27),

standing.

It

a fair face

had become

on

this

especially acute in the course

was

a

problem of long

of the Reformation.

H puts

the situation at VIII. 8. 9 (3:435.7—16 and w).

Gladius debet juvare gladium.

3:483.18

courts also

encroachments of the lay courts. As H's

jurisdictions should assist

That

is,

the spiritual and temporal

one another. See the passage from Bracton transcribed

at

3:473.8—16 and nn. in Woodbine-Thome.

The

3:483.20

16 Richard

statute II,

14C

of praemunire.

PraemMntVf legislation, culminating in

cap. 5 (1393), provided severe penalties for offenses against the

of the king {W.V.S, 1587, 1:197-198; S.R., 2:84-86). Originally used to

rights

preclude such actions officials.

as

Rome

appeals to

or the excommunication of royal

15C to restrict Roman Canon Law in

Praemunire actions were frequently resorted to from the late

other proceedings in the ecclesiastical courts. Helmholz,

Reformation England, pp. 25-27; Robert E. Rodes,Jr., Lay Authority and Reformation in the English

tion

was

Church (1982), pp. 27-29.

available to a party cited

A royal writ of prohibi-

Prohibitions.

by an

court in a case

ecclesiastical

"touched the crown and the royal dignity." The writ prohibited the

from proceeding further issuing the writ) to

lie

in a case

outside

which appeared

jurisdiction.

its

(to the

which

spiritual

common

court

law judge

Helmholz, pp. 21—22 and (on the ConsultaI) 172—188.

importance of prohibition law under Elizabeth and James

A

tions

writ of consultation, issued by the royal court after further arguments,

permitted a case to go forward in the a writ

of prohibition. Helmholz,

3:483.21-22 sion,

The Courtes

see Intro, to

Book

substantially a creation

.

.

.

wheresoever.

Of Arches,

Bow), was the

On

the court of

I.

final

Roman Canon Law

in

O. Duncan, The High Court

so called from

its

location in St.

ecclesiastical appellate court (in

some

CommisOf Delegates,

high

The Court

of Elizabeth's reign, was the

45-46, with reference to G.

of

Rodes, pp. 24—25.

VII, pp. 316-317, above.

English spiritual tribunals. Helmholz,

Court

ecclesiastical court despite earlier issuance

p. 181;

court of appeal for

all

Reformation England, pp. of Delegates (1971).

Mary of Arches cases a court

(St.

The

Mary-le-

of first instance)

of Canterbury. Richard M. Wunderii, London Church Courts and Eve of the Reformation (Cambridge, Mass.: The Medieval Academy of

for the province Society

on the

America, 1981), pp. 18-19. Under Elizabeth it "was still the best ecclesiastical court in England"; Rodes, Lay Authority and Reformation in the English Church, p. 161.

When

a suit

an audience

was heard by

a bishop personally, his court

was known

court; Wunderli, p. 7. For other courts (inferiour ordinaries

as

and

their substitutes), see Wunderli, pp. 7-18; Rodes, pp. 174-177; and Martin

Ingram, Church Courts, Sex and Marriage

3:483.23-484.10

Whereas

in the

time

England, 1570-1640, pp. 27—69.

in

.

.

.

c.

5.

H

here picks out relevant

material from an anti-LoUard sutute of 1382 (used in another connection at

1074

Autograph Notes 3:473.3-7).

The

5 Richard

statute,

II,

"For

reign.

much

as

as

it is

was repealed under Edward

statute 2, cap. 5,

VI, revived by Philip and Mary, and repealed again

the beginning of Elizabeth's

at

openly knowne, that there be

divers einl persons

the realme, going from countie to countie, and from tow^ne to

towne

within

in certeine

habits under dissimulation of great holines, and without the licence of the ordinaries of the places or other sufficient authoritie, preaching dailie, not onlie in churches

and churchyards,

but abo in markets, feires, and other open places, where a great congregation of people diverse sermons conteining heresies

and

notorious errours, to the great

is,

embleamishing of

the christian faith, and destruction of the lawes, and of the esute of holie church, to the great perill

of the soules of the people, and of all the realme of Englande,

more God,

founde and

plainelie

is

sufficientlie

as

proved before the reverende father in

the archbishop of Canterburie, and the bishops and other prelates masters of

divinitie,

and doctors of Canon and Civile

and

[law],

a great part

of the

clergie

of

the saide realme speciallie assembled for this cause: which persons doe also preach diverse matters of sclaunder, to engender discorde

and dissention betwixt

perill

of

places,

all

diverse estates

of

of the people, to the great

the said realme as well spirituall as temporall, in exciting

summoned before the ordinaries of the whereof they be impeached, mil not obey to their

the realme: which preachers cited or

there to answere of that,

summons and commaundementes, nor care church, but expreslie dispise them:

drawe the people

heare their sermons,

to

hande and by great

routes: It is

the kings commissions be

not for their

And moreover

and do mainteine them

made and

and abbettors, and

this

sufficient persons

made

in their errours

by strong

present parliament, that

lemed, and according to

in the

such preachers, and also their faitours

Chauncerie from time

[favorers], mainteinours,

holde them in arrest and strong prison,

to

holie

and ingenious wordes doe

directed to the shiriffes and other ministers of

the certifications of the prelates thereof to be all

monitions nor sensures of the

their subtill

ordeined and assented in

our sovereigne lord the king, or other to time, to arrest

by

till

they mil justifie them

and reason of holie church. And the king will and commandeth, that the chauncellour make such commissions at all times, that he by the prelates according to the lawe

or anie of them

shall

be

certified

and thereof required,

(1587), 1:169; S.R. 2:25-26; materia] directly used

3:484.10

See the

by

2 Henry IV, cap.

like aid ... 15.

H

as is aforesaide";

in

W.V.S

italics.

15. This

very strong anti-

Lollard statute of 1400-1401, after detailing measures ranging from imprisonment

and

fines to

and

bailiefes,

burning

of the

at

the stake, concludes

said counties, cities,

by directing

that "the shirifes, maiors

boroughs, and townes,

shall

be attending,

aiding and supporting, to the said diocesans and their commissaries"; (1587),

1:219;

S.R. 2:128.

The

repealed, revived, and repealed again in the course heresy,

now more

be prosecuted

narrowly defined

was

of the 16C. Nevertheless,

(see VIII. 3.3; 3:348. 9-18.

w

and

n), could

still

when H wrote. Two Anabaptists were burned in The writ De heretico comburendo was not formally

as a capital offense

1575 and another in 1577.

abolished for another century (29 Charles

The

W.V.S.

sutute, referred to above at 3:482.1-9,

Constitutional History

II,

cap. 9; 1677). See Felix

Makower,

and Constitution of the Church of England (London, 1895),

1075

Commentary pp. 192-193, and George

H. Williams, The

784-

Radical Reformation (1962), pp.

786.

3:484.11-13

Upon contempt

... p.b.

3:484.14—15

An

.

usuall thing

.

royal letter in the process of

go

(1587)

charta

of the Articles

to chap. 7

is

that

no such

letters

prejudiced by the excommunica-

104'; S. R., 1:172.

fol.

Laici impetrant

3:484.15—27

is

excommunication and promises

forth in future unless the king's liberty

Magna

tion;

reference

of 1315—1316, which acknowledges interference by

for the Clergy {Articuli den)

shall

The

c. 7.

.

See 3:481.30-33 and n.

.

.

H

catalla /.

.

here quotes in

full

chapter of the Articles for the Clergy just cited; Magna charta (1587),

the

fols.

first

102''—

103'.

The

3:484.27

upon

die,

like

The

grevance

of 1351—1352: "Where

cap. 6,

reference

is

probably to § 8 of 25 Edward

III,

shewed and praied reme-

the said prelates have

as

do usurpe and accroche to them which conysance and the discussing

that that the said seculer Justices

conysance of voidance of benefices of

right,

thereof attaineth [pertaineth] to the Judges of holie church, and not to the laye

Judge; the king will and graunteth, that the saide Justices shaU from henceforth receive such challenges behalfe,

made or

be made by anie prelate of holie church in

to

and moreover thereof shall do

this

and reason"; VV.V.S. (1587), 1:113;

right

S.R., 1:326. Sections 4, 5, and 9 of this statute express similar grievances.

A commendation

3:485.7—21

.

.

.

The volume of Htigation in the (see Intro, to Book VII, pp.

procedinges.

church courts increased greatly in Elizabeth's reign

315—316, above), for purposes

as

did complaints about the use or threat of ecclesiastical process

of extortion. Rodes, Lay Authority and Reformation

Church, pp. 22-23.

Compare

II.l.l

in

the English

(1:144.1-21), VII.24.10, and Auto. Notes

(3:478.27-34 and 481.20-23).

3:485.22-27 last

Fraud and malice

etc

H

quotes

paragraph of the statute cited, 34 Edward

Statute

of Joint-Tenants, which

institutes a

writs "Indicavit" in order to avoid

Magna 3:486.3-7

charta

(1587),

Non

fol.

undue

I

at line

(1306),

new

conjunctim feoffatis,

The

procedure for issuance of royal

delays in cases in the spiritual courts;

100"; S.R., 1:147.

intendimus

.

.

.

judiciis.

Gregory IX,

p. 526; Friedberg, 2:243, as at VIII. 6.7 (3:394.3-7./).

draft

27 the beginning of the

De

Decretales, 2.1.13; (1587),

Also quoted in the lost

first

of Book VI; see Cranmer's Notes, 3:108.8-13.

3:486.13-489.25

For althoughe

.

.

spirituall.

.

On this folio

legal material gathered earlier (3:471.31-477.14)

on

(78)

H reworks the

the kinds of cases properly

belonging to the jurisdiction of spiritual courts.

3:486.13—487.16

For althoughe

.

.

.

reasonable.

of material from 3:475.5—476.6. See nn, above.

1076

A

reworking, with additions,

Autograph Notes 3:486.1 3-1 7.a

quoted

For althoughe

.

.

.

and be confest

.

.

3:486. 17-18.fc

probate jurisdiction does not

ground

Lord,

See the text 6x)m Sir Robert Brooke

3:472.19-21.

at

rest

Church, While conceding that the church's on her own ancient laws and canons, H seeks to .

firmly in English custom. In the passage referred to at lines 17—18,

it

however, parliament's power

to regulate the

terms so strong

all

Christopher

cited,

render

as to

whole matter by statute is asserted in custom questionable. The work

fi'om

German's much reprinted Dialogue

St.

and a Student

Divinitie,

argument

Lowes of England

in the

(first

.

.

hetweene a Doctor of

.

pubUshed

1523 in

in Latin in

an edn. of which no surviving copies are known; 2nd edn., 1528, Dialogus de fundamentis legunt Anglie

de conscientia), asserts the supremacy of secular law

et

throughout whenever possible.

St.

German (1460?— 1540) was correcdy perceived

menace to the traditional dualism of spiritual and lay jurisdictions by Thomas More, who attacked him in several works. H here refers to chap. 28 of St. as a

German's second dialogue: "D[octor].

man by ered to

put case

I

him

were ordeined by

it

at his

fill

I

suppose

it

and stand good

shall not, for

though

probate and the executions of Testamentes

church may not to

I

it

that al

Wils shalbe void, and that the goods of everie

maner

as

statute

age such Wils

made

S[tudent].

I

man

be enacted that no

in

may

doubt therein, but

Wils should be voide,

as

should have aucthoritie to

the lesse"; (1593;

yet the

determine

may

.

.

.

ordaine

shalbe disposed in such

may

take

away

it is

appoint

the

what

at

power of

call

semeth that

STC

21575)

fols.

if it

the

might be

aforesaid, that then

none

to

Wils, but such as the statute shal therein appoint, for he that

may doe

.

executors to accompt?

cal

am somwhat

statute, that al

.

shalbe performed.

D[octor]. Thinkest thou then that the king

Ordinary, that he shal not

enacted by

man

.

age for any person

his laws to

should be assigned, that more stronger he

as [b]ee

chattels

lawfiill

the king by aucthoritie of his Pariiament

as

fiill

belong to the church to have the

made of goods and

seemeth determin what shalbe the

as it

suppose farther that

by

any

law of England?

after the

have the goods, for that belongeth to the king and

and

if

and that in that case xxv. yere shalbe uken for the

age,

age, shal not that decree be observed

S[tudent].

decree of the Church, that

a

bequetheth goods to another, and willeth that they shalbe deliv-

his will

it

might

accompt upon such

may do

the more,

113-114'; ed. Plucknett and Barton

(1974), pp. 241-242. 3:486.c.

Linwood,

testamentis

(1506),

.

.

.

26.

presuppose or

fols.

constitutions collected in

84''-93'; (1679), pp.

was of recent origin

is

3:472.19-21, which

H

3:486.
The

assert the church's

Linwood,

Lyndwood's chapter De

testamentary jurisdiction; Provinciale

166-183. The supposition that

this jurisdiction

expressed in the passage from Sir Robert Brooke quoted

.

evidently has in .

.

etc.

mind

Another general reference

church's testamentary jurisdiction in

Lyndwood

to the sources for the

cited in the preceding note

phrase fi-om the legatine Constitutio Othoboni quoted in 3:475.5—7.n, above.

1077

at

here.

and

a

Commentary nos.

nn

cler. See

3:486. e

c.

3:486/

Linwood, de testament.

.

.

.

12.

See the constitution promulgated by Archbishop

who impede

1342 charging those

Stratford in

and

to 3:475.9

administration of

ecclesiastical

testaments with opposition to the laws and approved customs of the church, in

wounding of ecclesiastical law

manifest offense to the divine majesty and evident

quam

(they act "tarn contra jura

consuetudines ecclesie hactenus approbatas in

Lyndwood,

divine majestatis offensam et lesionem juris ecclesiastici"). (1506),

88';

fol.

D. Wilkins,

173.

(1679), p.

Concilia

ed..

Magnae

Provindale

Britanniae et

Hibemiae (1737), 2:705. 3:487.^

C. de episc.

Provinc.

3:487.7— lO./i

wood

.

.

.

See 3:476.1—6 and n.

similibus.

.

.

H's reworking of the passage from Lynd-

Accidit.

.

referred to at 3:475.25—28.

John de

Stratford

was archbishop of Canterbury

1333-1348.

<Wee

3:487.26—488.4

Bracton transcribed

H's reworking of material from

find therfore ... 2.

De

3:473.26-474.9.

at

(1569),

legibus, 5.5.2;

fol.

401"^; ed.

Woodbine-Thorne, 4:249-250.

And

3:488.18—489.25

of the sources used

in like

of Cicero's Pro domo sua ad a

man's house

may be

Causae

3:488.y.l-4

3:488.21—489.3

3:489.13—24.

.

We

Bracton covered

.

.

.

.

.

.

See

.

.

Some

causes

.

transcribed at 3:474.24-29.

3:490.2—6

Some

causes

.

.

.

.

H .

second reworking

so temporal a thing as

and 475.1-2.

from

revised treatment of the points at

473.26-474.9. Cicero, Pro domo sua ad

determine.

.

Loeb,

Clodius's consecration of Cicero's house

3:489.26-35

a

has added a discussion

to 3:474.34-475.1

3:487.26—488.4 and excerpted

TuUie whose house

ife

nn

A

court.

.

.

is

which H show how

matter for religious judicial determination.

as a

prudentia.

find

at

order to

pontifices in

regarded

Opera (1588), 2:567-602;

pontifices;

This passage

spiritual!.

in the preceding paragraph, to

is

11:132-311.

argued in the

The

unlawfulness of

latter part

of the speech.

A reworking of the material from ArticuU cleri

c. 6.

appears to have in

Courts.

A

mind

chap. 3 as well as chap. 6.

draft sentence

on another

set

of cases

pertaining to the jurisdiction of an ecclesiastical court. For sources see 3:472.1—2,

472.34-473.1, and 476.27-477.9.

3:490.8-494.13

Non

qui propter

.

.

.

all.]

On foHo 76 H

has collected scriptural,

philosophical, and patristic, as well as legal sources concerning both the

contention with the Puritans and specific topics and themes for his

paragraph

some of

Book

at

3:491.6-28 and the sequence of

his earliest

texts at

493.6—494.5

thinking about the royal supremacy

VIII.

1078

own

as

whole

work. The

may show

he was to defend

it

us in

Autograph Notes Non

3:490.8-18.<j

212;

and

qui propter ... 50. sentence quoted ("Et

after the third

which

to consider the cause for itself

Augustine,

CSEL, 57:8-10, and FOTC, 30:149-151, .

.

.

and replying to the Donatists' denial

separabat") further emphasizing the

that a true

on

H

need

church can ever persecute by

the Catholic bishop, Caecilian (on

see 3:412. 1-6. /j.n, above). Augustine alludes here to

and Gal. 4:22-31.

Opera (1569), 2:211-

H omits material before

a person suffers persecution as well as the persecution

recalling the Donatists' relendess attacks

which

epist. 50;

as epist. 185.

Gen.

Luke 23:33,

16:6,

gives this passage in English in Pref 3.15 (1:20.10-25).

Hard and almost ... windfall. Compare VII.21. 1-2 and 24.1-2 and 22 (3:270.11-271.5, 290.5-30, 306.29-307.1). Elizabeth's fkvorites, the earls of Leicester and Essex, were among the "great men" who profited firom the attacks

3:491. 1-5. fc

on

were not alone. Lawrence Stone, The 1558-1641 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), pp. 728, 409-

episcopal wealth in this period, but they

Crisis of the Aristocracy

Of Prelates

411; Fehcity Heal,

and

Princes,

edged the impure motives of some of

H

quoted by

in IV.9.3 (1:305.2-5).

Princes not supreme judges

3:491.6-15

pp. 212-219. Disciplinarians acknowl-

their powerfiil supporters. See Travers as

apophthegm

3:491.14—15

that

3:491.17-18

paris in

parem

.

.

.

.

habet imperium" formulated by

.

.

.

Not

jube.

.

Hoc moris

3:491. 29—492. 14.
source cited

at

by Schulz

article

erat

H

cited in n, .

.

.

work was

129. Gentilleto's

articles

found; repeated at 3:516.14-15.

in VIII.2.3; 3:332.19-24. See pp.

and 493.1-3.

The

129.

the end: Innocent Gentilleto,

Trent was in many

See VIII. 8.1.

est. A variant of the axiom "par in parem non 13C Bolognese commentators on Roman law and

included in the chapter of Bracton cited by

138 and 149 of the

jube.

.

Examen

entire passage

is

fi-om the

Concilii Tridentini (1586), p.

expressly intended to demonstrate that the Council

of

contrary to the ancient councils and canons and to royal

authority. For H's "Episcopos" at 3:491.29, the text reads "Pastores."

3:491.29-30.
•

Hoc moris

erat

.

.

.

The

12.

reference

is

to a synodal episde

of

the Council of Nicaea to the church of Alexandria and the Christians of Egypt, Libya, and the Pentapolis concerning the resolution of the Arian controversy and

be taken against Meletius, bishop of Lycopolis, and

certain disciplinary measures to his followers. If

admitted

shall

anyone (holding

seem worthy and

church should

die, those

recendy

the people choose them, with the concurrence of the bishop

the great city of Alexandria elegerit,

office) in the

be advanced to the honor of the deceased, provided only that they

condecemente simul

riae civitatis episcopo").

included in the Historia

("solummodo

et

The

si

designante [CSEL: consignante] letter as

tripartita,

a

Sozomen made by Cassiodorus and 324; CSEL, 71:104-105).

of

videantur digni, et populus eos

given by Theodoret

maximae Alexand-

{Eccles.

hist.,

1.8)

is

6C

compilation firom Theodoret, Socrates, and

his

protege Epiphanius Scholasticus (edn. 1523,

p.

1079

Commentary 3:492.3

c.

Quanto.

Nosse

c. Plebi. c.

Gratian, Deaetum, 1.63.10-12;

dist. 63.

(Lyons, 1584), col. 318; Friedberg, 1:237—238. (Canon 11 begins "Plebs" rather

than "Plebi.")

3:492.13

Nobis

c.

letters to

do

so, a

Gratian, Deaetum,

63.

dist.

9C pope makes one Colonus

1.63.17; directed

Colonum

tor et imperatrix per suas epistolas direxerunt, ut

quae pastoris

deberemus, sicut

3:433.5—8. M. That

H

.

cognitionetn.

.

.

derived the reference,

the contemporary French jurist

Choppin's

hoc

De

in Reatina ecclesia,

destituta videbatur,

episcopum facere

et fecimus"; (Lyons, 1584), col. 320; Friedberg, 1:239.

Ne tnirum

3:492.31—33

jam tempora

longa

officio per

by imperial

"Nobis dominus Impera-

a bishop.

For the passage firom Augustine, see

Rene Choppin, seems

sacra politia forensi, Pref.

the present instance,

at least in

4 (1577),

clear

E3^:

sig.

"Ac ne mirum cuiquam

[the emperor's role in episcopal elections] videretur,

quod Constantino

Epistola 68. dicentis,

from

from comparison with

D. Augustini

effecit

Caesari attributam fuisse Ecclesiasticarum

litium cognitionem." See also 509.25—26.

Non modo

3:493.1-3

Mommsen-Krueger,

modo

.

elect.

p. 97:

"Nam

.

.

Digesta,

Justinian,

4.8.4;

(1590),

col.

135;

magistratus superiore, aut pari imperio, nullo

possunt cogi." Scott, 3:117: "For magistrates cannot be subject to coercion

where they

possess higher or equal authority."

Proinde

3:493.11-12

account of the

et

.

.

final stages

law ofJustinian,

of

Roman

Hoc praeceptum

.

.

.

of the

faith,

full

art. 10.

responding to the question whether a creed or statement

found.

constitutional history, included in the civil

Digesta, 1.2.2.11; (1590), col. 5;

2:214; See 3:349.23-24.n, above, for the

3:493.16-18

Not

H refers here to the Roman jurist Pomponius's

Jur.

.

elect.

See 3:349.27 and n.

Entia nolunt mali disponi ... 12.

3:493.6-7

de

it.

it

Mommsen-Krueger,

p. 30; Scott,

passage.

Thomas

Aquinas, S.T., 2a2ae.l.l0,

supreme pontiff to prescribe

pertains to the

argues that, since there must be one faith for the

which cannot be achieved unless every question about the faith that matter of faith is determined by him who is over the whole church, then the

entire church, is

a

issuing

of

a

new

whole church

statement of the creed and

esse totius Ecclesiae.

.

.

.

Quod

determinetur per eum, qui

summi

supreme pontiff ("una

non

posset

toti Ecclesiae praeest

nova

pontificis pertinet

servari

other matters pertaining to the

all

pertain to the sole authority of the

nisi, .

.

.

editio symboli: sicut et

fides

debet

quaestio fidei de fide exorta

et

ideo ad solam autoritatem

omnia

alia

quae pertinent ad

totam Ecclesiam"); (1581), 3:10-11; B, 31:52-55. 3:493.33—494.5

Si

oridnem

.

.

.

universes.

H

uses these sources to begin his

exposition of the English royal supremacy at 3:331.11-332.1.

34

to

Luke 22 should be

3:494.2-3

Lex itaque

.

.

to

.

Luke

The

reference in line

11 (H's error).

Dionysius.

1080

This formulation of the principle of

Autograph Notes hierarchy of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite

is

Boniface VIII's in the bull

Unam

sanctam (1302), incorporated in the canon law in the Extravagantes communes, 1.8.1:

"Nam secundum

beatum Dionysium, Lex

suprema reduci"; (1587),

example

several places in Pseudo-Dionysius, for

4 and

On

and

8,

divinitatis est,

The

p. 853; Friedberg, 2:1245. at

On

the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, chap. 5.

the

Infima per media in principle

stated at

is

Heavenly Hierarchy, chaps.

Ph. Chevallier and others,

eds.,

Dionysiaca: Recueil donnant I'ensemble des traductions latine des outrages attribuSs au

Denys

de I'ArSopage, (1937), 2:812-813,

complex

N.

VIII," in C.

Essays Presented

L.

et

al.,

eds..

Church and Government

in the

Boniface

Middle Ages:

The

University

205-221.

is

.

.

.

The

princes.]

of Book VIII

specific topics

69"

'Unam Sanctam' of Pope

Divinitatis' in the Bull

Brooke

Assertio

3:494.14—523.26

fol.

the

1976), 2:19, 33, 126. For the

C. R. Cheney on His 70th Birthday (Cambridge:

to

Press, 1976), pp.

495.10;

rpr.

medieval context of Boniface's use of pseudo-Dionysius, see David

late

Luscombe, "The 'Lex

with the

881-882, 1330. The Works ofDionysius

John Parker (1897-1899;

Areopagite, trans.

material in H's Notes concerned

into three parts. (1) Folio 69' (3:494.14—

falls

blank) consists of notes for the

title

and major divisions of the

whole book, followed by a few sentences on the topic treated in the final chapter, the king's exemption firom judicial censure. (2) Folio 75 (495.13—504.2) begins with a list of numbered topics corresponding in content though not in numbering with the nine chapters of Book VIII. This is followed by quotations firom a wide of sources, along

variety

accordance with the begins with another

H

made by

w^ith

list at list

some

observations by

H

himself,

all

distributed in

the beginning of the folio. (3) Folio 71 (504.3-509.5)

of chapter headings, which, with

himself, corresponds with the order

a

change of numbering

of the book in surviving MSS.

numbered topic which continues through fol. 72 (509.6—514.36). Folios 73 (515.1— 523.1) and 74 (523.2—26) conuin some further material corresponding with the enumeration of subjects on fol. 71 (504.4—19).

This

is

again followed by quotations and observations arranged by

in a sequence

3:494.14—33

Assertio

.

.

.

The

degree.

eventual

only to "such power of Ecclesiastical Dominion

belongeth unto the Supreme Regent thereof," in the present material.

the

any

titles

The numbered

of Books II-VIII to identify

known

book

as

commaunding,"

published. If

only chaps.

as

of Book VIII, which

by the Lawes of

less specific

1

we

own

refers

Land

this

than that suggested

"positions" or "assertions" used

H

by

in

opponents' views do not correspond with

Puritan statement. His revision of the assertion to be refuted in

VIII thus reflects change in his chiefiy in

his

is

title

conception of

his subject.

Book

Except for

"Of

the topics listed here correspond with chapters in the

allow

"De

potestate

Dominii"

to cover chaps.

2 and

3,

and 4 are not represented.

3:495.2-3

Rex non judicat

3:495.6—7

the

... p. 179.

same supremacy

.

.

.

Not

found. See VIII.9.3 (3:439.21-22).

Emperour

1081

See 3:404.22—25 and n.

Commentary Of kings

3:495.13-504.2

The list of topics at 3:495.13-29 approximates Book VIII more closely than that at 494.19-27 504.3—19. The distinction between the discussion of

...

is.

the eventual table of contents of

but

less closely

than that

power

kings and their

at

1—3 and the treatment of particular

in general in chaps.

points of the English royal supremacy in the remaining chapters

—

first

appears here.

The deleted title for the first chapter "of the distinction of the church and the commonwelth in a christian kingdome" suggests the issues treated in chap. 1 more clearly than the title H adopts here, which is substantially the same as the eventual title. The order of treatment for the topics concerning the kings of

—

England

particularly

intended to

power king's

crown's power in making

of headship, were to be treated

title

of head

title

renumbered the notes on

one time he

along with

its

end of the book. In the published

power

to call assemblies in chap.

ecclesiastical legislation in chap. 6.

H

numbered and

75 (495.30-504.2) to correspond with the chapter 495.13-29, except that the change firom "4" to "7" for the notes at

at

fol.

498.5-21 brings these notes into

The

3:495.31-33

state

.

.

.

.

with the

line

later set

of headings

at

504.3-19.

See 3:316.12-15, 319.15-27, 350.11-356.18.

both.

Power of dominion

3:496.2-6

at the

discussed in chap. 4, the

is

and the crown's power in

headings

clear that at

It is

ecclesiastical laws

church assemblies, and that these matters, along with the

to call synods or

book, the 5,

was progressively revised by H.

treat the

.

lege.

.

See 3:423.20-424.29, 332.19-24, and

341.19-342.25.

For the kings supremacy

3:496.7-10

at

home.

See Intro, to

Book

VIII, p.

351, n. 24, above.

3:496.12-18

It

bered 170.

.

.

.

ter et necessario,

Angli, etiam

Stapleton, Demonstratio, 5.17 (1579), p. [190]

ca. 17

"Hoc enim

ad jus Regale Principis Christiani,

planeque

essentialiter pertinere.

juramentum hac de

re ab

omnibus

et

misnum-

Potestatem principali-

Hinc factum

est,

ut Calvinistae

exigant, quotquot vel in facultate

aliqua scholastica promoventur, vel beneficium aliquod Ecclesiasticum suscipiunt, vel denique

Magistratum aliquem in republica gerunt. Jurare enim conceptis verbis

coguntur Principem in

mum

causis

omnibus etiam Ecclesiasticis unicum esse Nee minus habetur laesae Majestatis

caput seu gubernatorem.

juramentum qui

Regem esse

reus

hoc

quam qui etiam in temporalibus supremum caput Quanquam tamen et in ipsa Anglia, Puritanorum secta caeteris

detrectat,

negaret.

Calvinistis Laicocephalis, ut in

unquam

et supfe-

aliis

multis, ita hac in re aperte contradicit;

nee

juramento obstringere voluit." Stapleton goes on to cite supension as (pseudo-)archbishop of Canterbury as an example of

se praedicto

Grindal and his

English Protestant resistance to the royal supremacy in religion and the conse-

quences of such is

no puritan"

resistance.

H's

elliptical

reference to "the English protestant

reflects Stapleton's distinction

Laicocephali ("lay-headers"; that

of the Puritans. As

will

is,

among

which

English Calvinists between

supporters of the royal supremacy) and the sect

be clear from succeeding nn,

1082

H

made remarkably

full

use

Autograph Notes of this and the following chapter of Stapleton's work, gleaning from it more than a dozen citations of patristic and, surprisingly, Protestant sources, as well as statements of

RC

The

positions.

account of Brentius

passage quoted here immediately follows Stapleton's

the "prince of the Laicocephali" quoted

as

by

H at 3:499.15—

21.

H's rejection here,

as a

"calumnious untruth," of Supleton's interpreution of

the English supremacy oath VIII. For

is

an early expression of an important theme in

whole body of the community over which

royal poAver ordinarily derives from the it

is

Book

H ecclesiastical authority does not belong to Christian princes as such. All and

exercised,

may

it

vary gready in extent; see esp. chap. 3.3 (3:340.1—

Two

341.18), 6.10-11 (401.3-405.25), and 6.1 (385.19-388.11).

Notes suggest

Quid

3:497.1 0-1 l.d

honoriflcentius

ntius, printed after epist. 32,

peccato dicitur,

cum

by

passages in die

view (499.12-14, 505.21-23).

a different

.

.

.

Ambrose, Sermon

est.

omitting the sentence,

("which,

gratia dicitur"

when

against

"Quod cum

it is

said, is said

Auxe-

dicitur, sine

without

sin,

between the two sentences quoted; Opera (1569), col. 581; PL, 16:1018. See 3:347.13-14 for H's use of the passage. H seems clearly to have been reminded of this statement by Stapleton, who quotes it both direcdy fix>m Ambrose and as part of the passage from Calvin here referred to by H; since

it is

said

grace"),

DemonstTatio, 5.18 (1579), p. 191. In the section cited in a

defends the spiritual jurisdiction of the church, arguing that magistrats

began to professe Christ, the

abolished: but onely so ordred, that tion, or

word of God"; 2:1216.

He

spirituall jurisdiction

was not by and by

should diminish nothing of the

part to submit himselfe to the

then quotes the .

(1578),

classic

.

.

fol.

CR,

506';

Church, judging by the

30:895; trans. Battles (1960),

sutement of Ambrose given by H. Stapleton, Demonstratio, 5.17 (1579), p. 189.

c. 17.

quotes verbatim but puts his "non-negations" concerning the

authorities in religious matters in

next

set forth

civil jurisdic-

it.

Norton

Non negatur

3:497.14-21

H

trans.

4.11.4) Calvin

And rightfully. For the magistral, if he be godly, from the common subjection of the children of God,

be confounded with

will not exempt himselfe whereof it is not the last

it

(Inst.,

"when Emperors and

oudine form, presumably to

of drawing arguments for

his

own position from

power of secular

facilitate

the project

these "graunts." See

3:343.4-9. e for H's use of this material in chap. 3.3.

3:497.29-498.3 3:498.5—7

Whether

Look

dominant

a societie

the statute

.

.

.

.

came.

moneths.

See 3:339.10-29.

In discussing the English crown's

role in episcopal elections at VIII. 7.3 (3:415.10-25),

sututes 25 Ed.

cap. 4,

Ill,

and 25 Hen. VIII,

present reference exacdy but

3:498.8— 10. fc

.

.

Docet

.

.

.

seem

hsesitet.

close

enough

H derives

this

H

refers to the

which do not fit the be what H had in mind here.

cap. 20.3,

to

reference to

Wolfgang Musculus

(1497-1563) verbatim from Stapleton's Demonstratio, 5.17 (1579), p. 189 (Supleton adds "ac fluctuet" at the end, after "haesitet"). The marginal reference in Stapleton

1083

Commentary to Musculus's

De

locis

Melanchthon's "De

communis de

locis

ministris ecclesiae

com. cap. de Magi, de

quotes Stapleton's account of Melanchthon

from the section De

ministris verhi

at

omnibus

restitui: ita

non

temporum

b.

present passage

H is

in usus theologiae

circumstantias, ut

statim Ecclesiis Apostolica electionis et ordinationis a pio Magistratu vel Principe

non

forma

ad praedica-

vocatus, de vocatione sua, sit'ne recta et Christiana vocatus,

haesitet ac fluctuet: sed status,

The

Dei in Musculus's Loci communes

quur minister Christi

est,

ndum Evangelium

hence the cancellation in

3:498.23-30.

candidatorum parati (1573), p. 183: "Propter hasce potest in

occurs just above a reference to

ciuili";

cogitandum

usitatus fuit in Ecclesiis,

est,

modum

alium esse quaerendum

quum omnia

circumstances of the tymes, lyke

as

ubi corruptus est Ecclesiae ac religionis

rebus corruptis consulendi,

essent salva et integra";

quam eum

qui

"Consideryng these

there can not be restored

by and by in all is no cause

Churches the Apostolyke fashion of election and ordinaunce, so there

why

the mynister of Christ, called

by the godly Magistrate or Prynce,

the gospel, should stagger or stande in doubte of hys vocation, whether

or no: but

wee muste

when the an other way

thynke, that

corrupt, there muste be sought

estate

Common

Stapleton

also

is

when

Places of the Christian Religion (1578;

H's source for the reference in

reformer, 1499-1570),

De

officio

be righte

of the churche and religion

is

to redresse the things corrupte, than

the same whiche was accustomed in the Churches,

sounde";

to preache it

principum secularium

all

STC

b to

things

were

safe

and

18309), pp. 403-404.

Johann Brentz (German

in ecclesia Christi filii

Dei in In

apologiam confessionis ... IJgoXeyo/iieva, Opera (1576-1590), 8:175-199.

Adversus istos c. 17. Stapleton, Demonstration 5.17 (1579), p. At the beginning of his chapter on Protestant "Laicocephalism" Stapleton briefly sets forth what he takes to be the true position: that no secular ruler or magistrate or political community, however Christian and faithful it is, can by its own authority propound doctrine, pass ecclesiastical laws, judge disputed dogma,

3:498.10-13

.

.

.

189.

prescribe forms of prayer and worship and administration of sacraments, or give the

authority of teaching to others:

ceps magistratus, aut

"Sensus

est,

Principem secularem, aut alium

communitatem politicam quatenus talis princommunitas est, utcunque Christiana et fidelis, non posse sua

quemcunque magistratum

vel etiam

aliqua Authoritate, aut doctrinam fidei tradere, aut leges Ecclesiasticas condere, aut

de dogmate controverso judicare, aut formam invocationis administrandi Sacramenta praescribere, aut

et cultus divini, vel

denique Authoritatem docendi

aliis

H

dare." There immediately follows the concessive statement quoted

by

3:497.14—21 ("Non negature

H's term,

.

.

.

vindicandi."). "Pontificii" ("papists")

is

at

not Stapleton's. 3:498. 23-30. c,rf

Melancthon

civilibus et dignitate

ed. Bretschneider

.

.

.

prophetis.

Melanchthon,

De

magistratibus

rerum politicarum, in Loci communes theologici (1562), p. 640; Opera,

and Bindseil (1834-1860;

rpr.

1963), 21:1012-1013.

Both of

Melanchthon's sentences are taken verbatim from Stapleton's Demonstratio, 5.17 (1579), pp.

189-190

(p.

[190]

misnumbered

1084

170).

Autograph Notes Sicut quilibet

3:499. 8-9.e

non

.

.

potestatem.

est solius familiae

Regum

praecipue

Aheronis, sed cujusvis

Principum,

et

summary sutement misnumbered 170.

horum autem,

with

.

.

Lord.

.

The

Josh. 24:15.

his usual position, that kings ordinarily derive

be intended

ad

ut publici Magistratus." H's

implication in H's

that authority in religion pertains to the royal oflSce as such

have from the community over which they er,

hominis in populo Dei, ac

privati, nisi forte et ipse

taken from Stapleton's Demonstratio, 5.17 (1579), p. [190],

is

The same which

3:499.12-14

pii

quidem, ut

illius

publicas deliberationes adhibeatur,

comment

Johann Brentz, IlgoXeyo/xeva, Opera

"Cognoscere autem doctrinam verae et judicare in controvenia de variis sententiis paitium in doctrina verbi

religionis,

Dei,

.

8:179 (misnumbered 719):

(1576-1590),

as a reflection

on

is

in contrast

may

whatever authority they

The comment here may, howev-

rule.

the passages from Brentz

of transcribing from Stapleton. See 3:496.12-18

H

which

is

in the midst

for H's indignant rejection

of

Stapleton's imputation of such a position to the English establishment.

3:499.15—21./ passage

H

Isti

Laicocephali

.

.

.

Ratione vigentes

3:499.30-31

.

.

This passage immediately precedes the

statu.

3:496.12—18; see n, above.

refers to so indignantly at

invitum.

.

See 1.10.4 and 8 (1:99.8-15 and

102.21-31) and VIII.6.11 (3:403.10-404.1).

That of Cartwright

3:500.14—15

Cartwright's charge tion, Whitgift

that, in

is

makes

of excommunication

himself, not as

of the

.

.

.

H

excommunication.

misremembers.

defending the king's exemption from excommunica-

God,

institution

a

bawd: "and

of god,

at

alowing sometyme

for that

other

some tymes he

[Whitgift]

insinuateth that yt should not be exercised, especially against the Prince, nobility.

.

.

.

And

the lord, and to offer first

word of yt, hym self, as Baud to

to speak in a

yt al

is

and

nothing but a meer mockery of

maner of synnes

in Princes" (3:29;

numeration).

3:500.16-21

The

k.

may

be

.

.

.

ofTending?

It

was recognized in the 13C

the king, like any other lord, could not be sued in his

fountain of justice and equity, he could not

tioned to do so by his subjects. petition

—was

of right

own

when

peti-

be followed in such cases

the

refiise to redress

The procedure

to

that

courts. Yet, as the

—

fixed in outline in the reign of Edward

of this procedure through the 16C, see Holdsworth,

w^rongs

A

I.

On

the evolution

History of English Law, 9:7-

With regard to ordinary civil actions, the situation is quite different now in Britain, where "so &r as it can practicably be done, the Sute has been put into the 22.

position of an ordinary litigant." Accordingly, "It

is

a

source of

wonder

to an

English lawyer that American law should cling so tenaciously to the doctrine of

sovereign immunity, battered though

it is by sututory inroads, by judicial hostility, and by almost universal disapproval"; Bernard Schwartz and H. W. R. Wade, Legal

Control of Government (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), p. 185.

1085

Commentary 3:500.22—24

Constantinus

•

.

.

The

Eccles.

of a

first

of references to

series

sources in the patristic period derived firom Stapleton, this one firom Demonstratio,

5.18 (1579), pp. 191-192. In the account given by the

Rufinus of Aquileia, Constantine's statement appears to disengage himself fi-om petty quarrels, not as an

superiority

of sacerdotal

power.

to secular

When

many of them

bled for the Council of Nicaea,

had with one another. Seeing

quarrels they

late

4C of a

as part

church historian tactful

maneuver

acknowledgement of the general nearly

the bishops had assem-

all

offered written briefe detailing

were more concerned

that the bishops

with these disputes than with the matter for which they had come together, Constantine

might

state

set a certain

it.

He

delivered a lecture

on

who

day on which each of the bishops

then took the

had

a

complaint

put them away without opening them, and

briefs,

the bishops' judicial superiority to himself ("Deus vos

quoque judicandi"), on his judicamur. Vos autem non potestis ab hominibus judicari"), and on the consequent need to await the judgment of God alone and reserve their quarrels, whatever they might be, for divine scrutiny ("propter quod dei solius inter vos expectate judicium, et vestra jurgia quaecunque sunt, ad illud divinum reserventur examen"). He concluded by terming them gods given by God, whom it was not appropriate for man to judge constituit sacerdotes, et potestatem vobis dedit de nobis

(or

any man's)

judge them ("ideo nos

inability to

("Vos etenim nobis

a

deo

should judge them. Hist,

Num

3:500.27—28.(1 text

conveniens non

dati estis dii, et

deos") and cited Ps. 81:1 to

show

eccles.,

God

that

alone,

who

1.2 (1523), p. 218;

sertnonem

.

.

a are

est ut

homo

stands in the midst

GCS,

judicet

of gods,

9.2:961.

Both the question quoted

tribunali?

.

and the form of reference given in

a vobis recte

found in Stapleton,

p. 191

in the

(where the

reference ends, correctly, "Imperatorem irascentem," not "imperatorem impieta-

tem"). Gregory of Nazianzus, Orationes (1531), pp. 160-161; PG, 35:975

(".

.

.

praefectum irascentem"). 3:500.28—501.1

Nomcn tribunalis

Constantine by Eusebius in interpretation offered 16,

by H;

his

.

.

.

Vita

ibid., p.

c. 14. is

192.

The famous statement attributed

to

quoted by Stapleton, but without the

H

discusses

it

at

3:411.12—14, 431.15—

and 433.3-5.

Augustinus fili. Except for the remark at lines 7-8 that a father power to command and coerce his sons, all of this material, both quotaand (imperfect) references, comes from Stapleton, p. 191.

3:501.6—13.6

.

,

.

.

.

coercendi,

has the tions

Augustinus

3:501. 6-8. t

H

takes over

.

from Stapleton,

is

the distinguished lord and honorable son Dulcitius"; Opera (1569), 2:308;

The

(1)

The

("Domino eximio,

CSEL, 57:317, and FOTC,

reference to "169.", also from Stapleton,

Augustine, dear son

epist.

159,

"To

reference to "Epist. 16.,"

presumably an error for Augustine,

may be

which

epist. 61,

"To

et honorabili filio"),

32:3, as epist. 204. (2) a mistranscription for

the distinguished lord and deservedly eminent and most

("Domino eximio

et

merito insigni atque carissimo

1086

filio"),

Marcellinus";

Autograph Notes Opera (1569), 2:720; CSEL, 44:80, and

FOTC,

20:6, as epist. 133. (3) Epist. 182

in Augustine, Opera (1569), 2:805, considered spurious since the

"To

of 1576,

is

sublimi,

semper magnifico

addressed

Boniface."

filio"),

The genuine

know

for his desire to

CSEL,

(1569), 2:207;

("fili

dilectissime"),

God even amidst the cares of war; Opera and FOTC, 30:141, as epist. 185. Other letters to

the things of

57:1,

him

Boniface, addressed to

("Domino Count

epist. 50, to

Boniface, begins with praise for Boniface, "most beloved son"

and

Louvain edition

the exalted lord [and] always magnificent son

along with the usual expressions of respect, are

as son,

70 and 205, Opera (1569), 2:329 and 836; CSEL, 57:431 and 131, and FOTC, 32:102 and 30:266, as epists. 220 and 189. (4) Epist. 160 is addressed "To

epists.

("Domino

insigni

Apringius"; Opera (1569), 2:722;

CSEL,

the eminent lord and deservedly exalted and most excellent son et

merito sublimi ac praestantissimo

44:84, and

FOTC,

20:9, as epist. 134.

Ad Marcellinum

3:501. 8-13.C

filio"),

him not

Marcellinus, asking

.

.

.

Augustine,

fili.

make

to

159, to the tribune

epist.

martyrs of certain Donatists

(who have

confessed to violence against Catholics) by visiting severe, retaliatory punishment

on them. The passage (as correcdy transcribed by Supleton) begins "Si non audis amicum petentem" ("If you do not hear a fiiend entreating"), not "Si non audis omnium potentem"; Opera (1569), 2:721; CSEL, 44:83, and FOTC, 20:8, as .

.

.

133.

epist.

3:501.22—30 tive side

ouSevdc;

.

.

Perhaps material for arguments on the affirma-

kings.

.

of the question, whether kings are "punishable

...

by men" (3:436.29-

437.1).

ou6ev6<; ... Catanaeus.

3:501.22

6C BC

and prepared

by Stobaeus affairs are

office

set

"has no

Deus

.

.

.

Charondas of Caunia probably lived to

all

2C BC

That which

Fragments, p. 39.

Political

is

Ps. 70[69]:1, a traditional versicle for

not

concord with

the unjust"; Florilegium (1581), p. 467; ed.

of prayer, on the model given by

3:502.1-4

In this passage, those active in civic

foul practices in order to be in

communion with

festina?

in the

of laws. The preface to the laws ascribed to him

4C

dated firom the

is

Hense, 2:150; Taylor, 3:501.25

deuiled

urged to abstain firom

who

God,

a

.

.

.

St.

beginning an

Benedict.

See Vlll.6.7 and 11 (3:394.13-16 and

place.

404.6—10) for passages on the crown's role in the

legislative process

comparable to

the position here.

3:502.5-8

3:502.9-14

What

lawes

.

Valentinianus

Stapleton, p. 192. first,

.

.

bind. .

.

.

c.

The book and

See 1.10.14, II1.1.14, and VIII.6.8. 12.

The

passage

chapter numbers

for the Historia tripartita are in the

H

and references are fi-om gives for

margin in Supleton.

H

Sozomen

and, at

mistakenly attaches

the second set of numbers to Nicephorus here and in his use of these references in

Vlll.5.2 (3:383.1*').

The

references in Stapleton read:

1087

"Haec

Ule [Valentinian],

apud

Commentary Sozomenum Eutropium,

apud Ambrosium

minus

et propterea

apud Paulum Diaconum in additionibus ad

et in Tripartita historia, et

et

fide dignus,

32 utcunque Nicephorus multo

epi.

paulo

aliter

hoc responsum

illis

posterior,

3:383.11—

referat"; see

384.18 for H's account of this incident.

Sine rectore

3:502.19-21

.

.

.

Compare

pendet.

qualis rector est civitatis tales et inhabitantes

.

.

.

Ecclus. 10:2,4 (Vulgate): "Et et

utilem rectorem in tempus

suscitabit."

Bishops assembled

3:502.23-30

The

3:503.1

3:503.3—4.
of spaines

k.

Sint

.

.

.

.

... Trent.

primatus**

.

See VIII.6.6-8.

pceple.

.

See VIII.6.8 (3:394.27-395.4 and n).

This quotation firom the Magdeburg Centuries

matches the transcription in Stapleton,

p. [190]

misnumbered 170, H's source

for

other statements of Protestant views of the religious authority of lay rulers (see

3:498.8-10 and 23-30, 499.8-9 and 15-21); see 380.20-23 for H's use of the passage.

That which

3:503.8-15

3:503.18—504.2

.

.

.

capable.

See VIII.4.1 (3:357.1-10).

Naturall reason universally is. This bottom of fol. 75^, is important evidence of the

1

sidew^ise at the

.

.

intention, professed at VIII. 9.2 (3:436.28—437.4), to set

induce

men

to think that

and

who judg

that

it

seriousness of H's

down both what may kings, "how

no one may have coercive pow^er over

greivous disorders soever they

wayes,

material, written

.

fall

into," as well as "their severall inventions or

even for Kings themselves to be punishable

a thing necessarie

by men." In what survives of Book VIII, he

gets

no

further in this project

than a single argument on the absolutist or incorrigibilist side of the question (437.8—25), based bodies,

which

on

the need for a

nicely

reason to prove

("Which thing

the

fits

it").

first

first

The otherwise

the very originall of kingdomes

power on

source for the motion of natural

it

list

(503.18: "1 Naturall

perplexing next sentence

likewise the very originall of

into place as the beginning of a second

By

unmoved

item in the present

argument

firom the present

and

corrigibility

later

by item 7 on the

list

"2

of the first

a

(503.26-504.2). See 501.22-30 for the suggestion

power and 512.5—8 for a reference parliaments power above the crown."

Of kings series

falls

pope), are given explicit relevance to the question of royal

receive

governs the

sides

(himself

of an argument that kings are subject to correction by those fi-om

3:504.3-523.26

now

(503.19:

doth appear."). The various Notes on papal

church-constitutional question by Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini conciliarist

list

511—514 and 520-522, including excerpts on both

pp.

437.25—26

at

kingdomes doth shew.")

... princes.]

of Notes on

fols.

numbered but unarranged Notes on

to "the force

whom

of the whole

they

state

or

The set of chapter headings at 504.3-19 71—72 (504.20-514.36) and also fits the

fols.

1088

73'—74' (515.1—523.26).

—

Autograph Notes That of Com. Tacit.

3:504.21

"lu

of the

.

obnoxios.

.

and the hatred of

writers to flatter hostility

.

of Actium, Tacitus

historians since the battle

and the

latter

Explaining the dearth of able

refers to the passionate desire

by

their masters

others, so that

of the former there

servility

is

no

of some

between the

care for posterity:

neutris cura posteritatis, inter infensos vel obnoxios"; Historiae, bk. 1; Opera

(1589), p. 185; Loeb, 1:2.

'Apxovro^

3:504.21-22

.

.

Xcnoph.

.

Xenophon

(429?-after 357 BC),

TtaiSeia, 8.1; Opera (1572), p. 158; Loeb, Cyropaideia, 2:304.

The

KvQOV

passage contin-

war or won. This and the preceding passage from Tacitus to reflections at 3:504.24—505.1 on the dangers of

ues with an exhortation to obedience to superiors as essential to victory in preservation of what has been

seem

to have

flattering rulers

by good

H

provoked

or of extending to rulers or parents generally the reverence merited

H

rulers or parents.

undoubtedly regarded Elizabeth

good

as a

ruler-

queen towards the end of her reign and the

parent, but the adulation of the

paternal absolutism in the follo>ving

two

reigns leading to the Civil

War give point

to his caution.

3:505.3-6

Power of Dominion

3:505.7-8

rd Kupiov ... finem.

.

.

had.

.

See VIII.2.3 (3:333.1-9).

Aristode,

Politics,

4.1;

discussion of law and constitution (more precisely, polity

97; 1289*.17. Polity offices,

what

is

an arrangement of the

is

dominant

end of each community

made

in the polity (to

The

is.

laws of a

city

the phrase

is

from

noXneia); (1587),

a p.

with respect to distribution of

Kupiov jf\q 7ioX,iTeia<;), and what the polity, on the other hand, ought to be

to suit the polity, not polities to suit laws.

3:505.11-14

Quid

3:505.16-21

The authors

3:505.21-23

Generale

3:505.23-25

Lex

.

.

.

.

.

.

See 3:347.13-14./ and 497.10-ll.a.

sect. 4.

.

.

.

.

.

.

synods.

See VIII.3.1 (3:333.22-24).

universitatem.

See VIII.3.2 (3:338.28-339.19).

See VIII.8.3 (3:423.27-424.2/and n

existit.

3:424.1-2/,

at

above).

3:505.25-26 the

Nopoi

one referred

of law; (1587), 3:505.32-506.12

to

.

.

.

p. 97;

Aristode, PoUtia, 4.1; the passage inmiediately follows

fin.

above

at

3:505.7-8 and completes

Prerogative

.

347.8) and 8.9 (434.22—435.4).

A

History of English Law,

15:276-278 3:506.14—18 for H's use

3:506.22-24

it

by specifying the frmction

1289*.18-19. .

.

On

parliament.

Compare

royal prerogative in

4:199-209 (ref to

H

at

(3:346.25-

VIII.3.3

England see Holdsworth,

208, n.

1),

10:360-361, and

(refi.).

Senatumpopulumque.

.disciplina.

.

of this passage from Polybius

Synodos provinciates

.

.

.

at the

ca. 47.

1089

See3:381.21—23.n.n, above,

begirming of VIII.5.

H

here ("Synodus

.

.

.

volunta-

Commentary te") transcribes almost verbatim

(14.47)

of his Latin

at Basel in

translation

The

1553.

provincial synod called

Joannes Langus's note to the indicated chapter

of Nicephorus

by the patriarch of Constantinople and the

an imperially convened council

act at

Callistus's Eccles. hist, first

published

chapter concerns the condemnation of Eutyches by a reversal

of this

Ephesus (the so-called Robber Council of

at

449, which was in turn annulled by the Council of Chalcedon). "Synodos provin-

oecumenica

runt: concilia

sic

usus ferret, cogere potue-

et universalia, sine voluntate Imperatoris,

Etiam concilio

.

The

ca. 30.

.

.

its

by Hadrian: Aelius Hadrianus)

restoration

at

the Council

(the

name given

bishops assembled

of Tyre were commanded by the emperor to proceed to Aelia Jerusalem on

minime";

PG, 146:1223.

(1573), col. 931;

3:506.25-28

quum hoc

Archiepiscopi olim,

ciales patriarchae et

to consecrate the

hist., 1.31: AuToi 6e eiq jf\v aiXiav napeyevovro. rfiv yap 6fj aovoSov oiTiaaav octio Tfj^Tupou KaxaXaPeiv Tfjv aiX,iav 6 paaiXevq Tcapqyyunae. aoveA-Geiv bi Kai roue; aA,A,oug OLTiavTaq TtavraxoOev eKeXeuae, Kai Touq un' aoTou bonr\dtvTac; Ka0iepd>-

churches he had erected there. Theodoret, Eales.

aai ve6q. 3:507. 2-4. a

3:507.1 1-13

(1544),

fol.

GCS, 44

295';

Aei tov vopov ... KOTqaKet.

Alexandre

polit.

[dedicatoria] Christianissimo

Alexander Severus, 3:507.16-18

(19):87-88;

Roman

3:63, as chap. 29.

See 3:391. c.n, above.

Choppin, De sacra politiaforensi (1577), Epistola

Regum Regi Errico

III.

Valesio,

sig.

A3', referring to

emperor 222—235.

The bookes of Gratian

principiorum juris pontificii

NPNF.2,

libri Hi,

.

.

.

§. 38.

Boethius Epo,

De jure

sacro uel

1.38; (1588), p. 25. Citing a text firom Gratian to

support the notion that the "legislator ecclesiasticus" has the salvation or safety of

Epo

souls as his end,

writes, "sic ait Gratianus,

non quidem

legislator ipsemet, sed

ab Ecclesiasticis legumlatoribus in Ecclesia Christi probatus."

3:507.20-24

As the lawes

3:507.24-27

Imperialium

(1577),

gated

AD 438

.

.

.

.

.

lawes.

See above,

Neapwv.

nn

in the reign religion,

of the Emperor Theodosius

such

as

to 3:347.18

Choppin, De saaa

All eleven chapters of book 16 of the

sig. E3''.

on matters of

.

and 422.11-14.

politiaforensi,

Pref 3

Theodosian Code (promulII)

consist

of imperial

edicts

"the Catholic faith," "bishops, churches, and

who

contend about religion," "heretics," "apostates," and "pagans, sacrifices, and temples." Codicis Theodosiani libri xvi (1586), pp. 480-529; ed. Mommsen and Meyer (1962), 1.2:833-906; trans. Pharr (1952), pp. 440-476. See clerics," "those

also

N. Q. King, The Emperor

(Philadelphia:

matters

is

3:507.27-28

Theodosius and the Establishment of Christianity

The Westminster Press,

1960).

Much imperial legislation on religious

scattered through the Nouellae of Justinian.

Innumerae ... ep. 48.

In

epist.

48, Augustine twice refers to

imperial laws against paganism, but in neither passage are these laws described

innumerable:

(1)

"Quis enim nostrum,

quis vestrum [he

1090

is

as

writing one Vincentius,

Autograph Notes who

a follower of the Donatist Rogatus, against

of coercive of

much of this

Donatism;

fear

long

letter

passed

non

originally opposed]

by the emperors

laudat leges ab imperatoribus datas

who of us, who

adversus sacrificia paganorum?" "For la>vs

Augustine's attempt to justify the use

Donatists in support of Catholic truth, a use

civil sanctions against the

which he

has withstood the imperial sanctions

is

of you, does not praise the

against the pagans' sacrifices?" (2) "Pagani vero magis

nos blasphemare possunt de legibus, quas contra idolorum cultores Christiani imperatores tulerunt, et tamen ex

eis

multi correcti, et ad

Deum vivum verumque

conversi sunt et quotidie convertuntur." "But the pagans can curse us

more

which Christian emperors have passed against the worshipers of idols [than they could if you are forced to unity by imperial laws], yet many of them have been corrected and converted to the living and true God, and are daily being converted"; Opera (1569), 2:170-171 and 179; CSEL, 34:454 and 471, and because of the

FOTC,

lawrs

18:65 and 82,

as epist. 93.

The Roman Emperour

3:508.3—6

Younger,

religion traditionally decided Italy are

by the

when

Carolus

Not

had.

.

found, but see Pliny the

Roman

college of pontiffi

when

arising in

.

edicto

5.

.

arising elsewhere.

1369.

.

Pref 10 (1577)

sacra politia forensi,

Wise

.

declared by the emperor Trajan to be subject to local needs or the

decision of local governors

3:508.6-9

.

10.49-50, 68-69 (Loeb, 2:226-229, 252-255), where cases of

Epistles,

(ruled 1364—1380), as

sig.

This note

12',

who

is

taken firom Choppin,

cites this edict

De

of Charles V, the

one example among many of French royal action in

the cause of ecclesiastical liberty: "Infinitum

erit,

si

latius

quibus appareat Francos reges vere pios semper Gallicorum

exempla conquiram,

Templorum

tutores se

ac vindices praebuisse, libertatisque Ecclesiasticae propugnatores strenuissimos.

Porro sapienter a Carolo Sapiente vetitum Edicto, ne Gallici

Lex est quam summae

3:508.9—10 aliud,

.

jussum.

.

potestatis

Bodin,

De

1.8:

republica,

jussum"; (1586),

.

.

.

universitatem."

"Est enim lex nihil

p. 102.

Vacante . elect. Gregory IX, Deaetales, gregem dominicum lupus rapax invadat, aut in

3:508.15-18 pastoris

.

.

.

1.6.41:

"Ne

pro defectu

facultatibus suis ecclesia

viduata grave dispendium patiatur: volentes in hoc etiam occurrere periculis

animarum,

et ecclesiarum indemnitatibus providere: Statuimus, ut ultra tres

cathedralis ecclesia vel regularis praelato

non

menses

vacet"; (1587), p. 482; Friedberg,

2:88. See VIII.7.7 (3:420.3-7.c).

3:508.18—26

Look

3:509.3-5 3:509.7

Judicia

3:509.7-10 dictum

Docet Musculus the sUtute .

.

.

.

oportet.

Discrimen

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

conferendis./

moneths.

A

recopying of 3:498.8— 14.

See 3:498.5-7.n, above.

Compare 3:505.23-25.

2.q.7.

H

quotes here and

of Gratian following Decretum, 2.2.7.41,

1091

a classic

at

3:511.31-34 fi^om the

sutement of the medieval

Commentary dualism of royal and priestly

The world

rulers.

is

Hence

do

a royal

and

over God's causes.

priests

the duties of kings and priests to apply their different sanctions. David,

was over the

therefore, being an anointed king, causes, yet

under them in God's

and

and by

priests,

Whence

causes.

their prayers the sins

priests

and prophets in secular

kings are anointed

by prophets

of kings are expiated: "Sed notandum

quod duae sunt personae, quibus mundus

iste regitur: regalis videlicet, et

Sicut reges praesunt in causis saeculi,

lis.

by two persons,

ruled

a priestly. Just as kings preside over secular causes, so

ita

sacerdotes in causis Dei:

est,

sacerdota-

Regum

est

corporalem irrogare paenam, sacerdotum spiritualem inferre vindictam. David ergo etsi

ex

unctione sacerdotibus, et prophetis praeerat in causis saeculi, tamen

regali

suberat

Dei.

eis in causis

eorum

Unde

1:497. H's central

scheme

to the

problem

need

Book

in

for unity

Habuerant ...

3:509.10-13

reges a prophetis, et a sacerdotibus ungebantur: et

regum expiabantur";

oblatione peccata

(Lyons, 1584), col. 703; Friedberg,

VIII was to accommodate

Choppin, De saaa politia forensi,

§ 8.

balanced

this

jurisdiction; see esp. VIII. 8—9.

of supreme

1.2.9 (1577), p.

36.

Scio equidetn

3:509.13-20 France],

sig.

.

.

Politia."

Sacratiss.)

.

.

The

letter begins:

justifies the

aim of

his

in caring for the church's "externa seu civilis

"Quod

precatus

sum

ut Ecclesiasticam Politeiam priscorum

difEcillimis

Henry III of whole work, which is to

Ibid., epistola [dedicatoria, to

polit.

major role of royal power

restore the .

.

A2^. Choppin here

hisce collapsam temporibus,

restitui

a

Deo

Regum

Opt. Max. (Princeps

virtute stabilitam, sed

Orbi Christiano pateretur,

beneficio divino immortalique tuo laetor identidem promoveri. Externa

id

enim

Civilisque Ecclesiae disciplina, cujus vindices se Majores tui assertoresque praebue-

runt acerrimos, eversa erat

propemodum

que degeneris

Ast tuae nunc et privatae in Superos

posteritatis.

hujus effraeni licentia seculi corruptione-

hujus Imperii Curae quantum tribui par est"; the best and greatest (most revered prince)

by the

—

"What

1

Pietati, et

that the church's poUty,

—

I

rejoice for the

God

made suble

virtue of former kings but falling to ruins in these diflScult times,

restored to the Christian world

publicae

have prayed for firom

might be

same to be accomplished by your

divine and immortal beneficence. For the external and civil discipline of the

church, of which your predecessors showed themselves the most zealous defenders and advocates, has been overthrown in this age by the unbridled license and corruption of a degenerate posterity. But now, as I have shown, your responsibility for private piety towards

On

heaven and for the public

[piety]

of this empire

is

equal."

Leontius see 3:432.12-16. <.n, above.

3:509.21

<Sicuti

.

.

.

Constitutiones>

3:509.22-25

Imperatores ... §

3:509.25-26

Docet

.

.

.

Choppin, Pref

4.

ep. 68.

and H's use of it

4, sig. E3'',

marg.

This reference to Augustine, like the more

general statements before and after referred to

See 3:507.11-13.

it,

is

taken firom Choppin.

On

in VIII, see 3:433.5-1 2. M.n, above. For

1092

the passage

its

derivation

Autograph Notes from Choppin, see 492.31-33.n. H's "tamen" may express his recognition of the tension between the Augustine reference, which he derives from the section of

Choppin

and the

cited just above,

drift

own

of Choppin's

marginal note.

H

appears to be collecting passages favoring a royal jurisdiction supporting judgments actually

made by

The

ecclesiastics.

Choppin go

previous passages from

direction, but the Augustine passage concerns the emperor's

own

in this

cognizance of

ecclesiastical disputes.

3:509.26-28 at lines

Civilis

The marginal matter

§ 5.

quodammodo

"Civilis et Ecclesiastica Potestas sunt circa

eadem

versantur ac sese

et Dialecticen

Choppin

transcribed

H

E4':

avTjaTpoiJKXi variisque modis

Sicuti dvTiaTpo<j>d(; artes

Rhetoricem

modo."

Regiis edictis

3:509.28-29

mutuo juvant.

by

sig.

nuncupat Aristoteles in Lib. ad Theodecten, quod utraque in iisdem

versetur alio atque alio

TTJv <|>oiviKT]v

^i

liiv i^f\k(p Oeitp

.

.

Tiepi TOKj

Theodoret, Ecdes.

c. 29.

.

Twv Soipovcov

hist.,

5.29:

MaOwv

bt

^e^qvevai, daicriTa^

TzKeTOLc;

TtupnoXoopevouc; auveXe^c. vo^iok; 6^ avjoix; onXiaaq

Kara r&v eiSwXiKWV 329-330^ NPNF.2, 3:152.

PaaiXiKoi(;

e^e7iep\|/ae

44

H

(19):

in

23-25 continues, opposite §§ 4 and 5 of the Preface (1577),

te^evwv. (1544), fol. 347'; GCS, from Choppin, Pref

derives this reference

4, sig. £3".

Theodosius epist. 33. Leo I, epist. 33, to the Emperor Theo"Omnibus quidem vestrae pietatis epistolis, inter eas solicitudines, quas pro fide patimur, spem nobis securitatis maximam praestitistis, Nicenum commendando Concilium, adeo ut ab illo, sicut saepe jam scribitis, non patiamini sacerdotes Domini deviare"; Opera (1561), fol. 116'; Acta condliorum oecumenicorum, ed.

3:509.30-32 dosius

.

Schwartz, tomus this

.

alter, vol.

4 (1932),

p. 30;

FOTC,

reference from Choppin, Pref 6 (1577),

Religionis navatores

3:510.26-28 sig.

.

II:

£4".

The

reference

may be

.

.

.

sig.

Emerit.

34:137, as

is

justified

by appeal

to

Romans

ordained of God. Whosoever therefore

of God"): se

"Nam

From Choppin, Pref 6

defendunt, qua dicit Apostolus,

a report

13:1—2

resisteth the

cum

et terrenae potestates

Qui

(1577),

(".

.

.

power,

power of the Roman

the powers that be are resisteth the

ordinance

schismaticos persequuntur, ea regula

potesuri

Opera (1569), 2:748; CSEL, 34:402, and

cum Emerito,

H derives

to Augustine, epist. 164, to the Donarist bishop

Emeritus, where the suppression of schismatics by the earthly authorities

epist. 69.

E4'.

FOTC,

resistit,

Dei ordinationi

18:18, as epist. 87.

resistit";

The De gestis

of a meeting between Augustine and Emeritus submitted to

by the Catholic bishops, has no passage so

the emperors Honorius and Theodosius

direcdy relevant.

3:510.28-31

Gratianus auspicatis

.

.

.

ca.

2.

Theodoret,

Eales.

hist.,

5.2:

aove^ETcepyae 6e t^ vo^q) Kai adncopa t6v aTpaTTiyov, ovopaaTOTaxov xqviK&Se 6vxa. Kai rqt; pfev dpeiou pA.aa<}>r|pia^ xodc; Kf\pvKa(; oiov Tiva(; Qf\paq Twv

iepwv

anKwv i^tk&oai 1093

toxc;

bk dpiaxoK; Ttoi^evia^

toi<;

Commentary eeioig Tioipvioig TOOTOOc; ctTioSouvai npoatra^t. (1544),

H

(19:279);

NPNF.2,

sig.

omitting one phrase. "Gratianus [western

E4'',

itidem, auspiciatis

3:132.

Rom.

GCS, 44

335";

fol.

from Choppin,

derives this reference, too,

Roman

Pref. 6,

emperor 367—383]

Imperii primordiis, decrevit hanc Saporo provinciam

Caesarei exercitus duci, ut Arrianos e media Asia pelleret blasphemae doctrinae

praecones, qua salutiferam EvangeHcae legis segetem vitiabant: utque

eorum

optimos Dominici Gregis Pastores sublegerent. Ex Theodoriti Lib.

Cap. 2."

Andronicum imprimis

3:510.31—36

(P1295-1360), Romanae, hoc

G. Niebuhr, Corpus TO^c; for

TOOTO

Andronicus 3:511.1-6

III

.

.

KaToryovra.

.

Bizantinae historiae

est

vice

Nicephorus Gregoras 6.1; (1562), p. 75; ed. B.

lihri xi,

scriptorum historiae Byzantinae,

at line

5.

19.1 (1829), p. 160 (reading

35 of H). Derived from Pref 6 of Choppin,

£4^-11'.

sigs.

was Byzantine emperor 1328-1341.

Caroli

magni

.

.

This note, too (but not the reference to "to

concil.

.

comes from Choppin, Pref 8, sig. Il": "Ponamus ob oculos Carolum [marg. "Carolus Mag. Christiani imperii propagator augustissimus, Pontificiae

3. concil.") 1.

dignitatis assertor et vindex,

vacuam Cathedram

in

Episcopatus sacerdotium, .

.

.

quam

aetatis conditor."]

.

.

Quibus

Rursus de cooptando

concordibus antea Cleri Populique votis probatissimo?

nisi

eodem Rhemensem, Cavilonensem, Turonicum, Aurelianensem, Moguntinum.

solutiores

redacti."

Legum

five Prankish

church councils called by Charlemagne

and Monumenta Germaniae

in Concilia (1585), 3:679-702,

Concilia, 2.1

sectio 3,

3:511.6—9

Sacerdotum mores ad frugem sunt antiquitatisque aemulationem

The canons of the

813 are given

Appcllationis ... p. 1084.

"Cum

iniquitatis,

remedium

ut

sed ad praesidium innocentiae

sit

tamen

appellationis

institutum." Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (1405-1464; Pius

II

from 1458), De

ritu,

moribus, et conditione Germaniae, desaiptio, in Opera ([1571]; rpr. 1967), pp.

1084-1085. The argument

from pope

to council

in his defense

directed against appeals from

is

and back

again), but

H

pope

to council (or

evidently intended to use the passage

of the English crown's judicial supremacy in VIII. 8.

earher part of the same page

at

He

ly noted.

The

bishop

all

manner of injustices

—him whom we

call

the least of county courts, in I

am

punished

when

which the

—

explicit-

less,

earth,

We

shall

among

is

to

be making the

mortals the

first

not merely than kings, but than

immune from all appeal. What if the am innocent?' What if a council

magistrates are

innocent, will

supreme pontiff keeps punishing

will follow.

God's vicar on

teacher of the faithful, the judge of all things

if

is

present passage continues with the argument that, "If the pope

be subject to appeals,

Roman

quotes an

3:520.34-521.12, where the applicability of

arguments defending papal supremacy to the defense of royal supremacy

'But

Historica,

(1906/1979): 245-306.

canones aiunt, non ad defensionem

situ,

.

ne cuipiam mandaretur

pia Karoli sanctio,

Adjice his quinos Ecclesiasticorum Patrum conventus, impellente

celebratos,

in

aureaeque

Antistite

me when

it I

not be Hcit to appeal?

condemns you when you are innocent? To whom will you appeal? 'To the pope,' you will say. And if you find the pope unjust again, you will go back to the

1094

Autograph Notes you

council, and so in a circle

subjectus

appellationibus

quem Dei

Praesulem

fidelium, et judicem

make

will

erit,

a

mockery ofjudgment." "Quod

implebimus omnia

vicarium in

terris et

primum

si

Papa

Romanum

iniquitatibus,

et

inter mortales

magistrumque

cunctonim dicimus, minorem non dicam

regibus, sed

minimis

omni provocatione immunes. provocare: Quid si me Pontifex maximus

comitatibus efficiemus, in quibus magistratus sunt ab

At si punior innocens nunquid licebit innocentem punire pergit: Quid si Concilium

Papam

provocabis, ad

Et

dices.

si

rursus

te

Papam

innocentem damnat ad quem

invenies iniquum, ad Concilium

atque iu per circulum deludes judicium."

redibis,

David

3:511.31—513.14

etsi

. . .

On

ille.

the use intended for these passages in

VIII.9, see 3:503. 18-504.2.n, above.

David

3:511.31—34

etsi

.

For

2.q.7.

.

.

this passage, see

the dictum Gratiani quoted

in 3:509.7-10.n, above.

3:511.34—512.1

Regum

most powerful canon law,

.

.

a letter

quotes here the conclusion of one of the

as against secular

authority contained in the

of Gregory Vll (pope 1073-1085), identified in the Decretum

as

(pope 492—496) to the emperor Anasusius (Gelasius

is

a letter fi-om Gelasius

quoted for several

H

dist. 96.

.

of sacerdotal

assertions

I

lines at the beginning):

Gratian, Decretum, 1.96.10; (Lyons,

1584), col. 469; Friedberg, 1:341.

3:512.1-5

Si catholicus

.

.

Gratian, Decretum 1.96.11; (Lyons, 1584),

dist. 96.

.

469; Friedberg, 1:341; another

col.

stenuning firom Gelasius

1; it

statement of hierocratic principles,

classic

immediately follows the passage just quoted by H.

The crown of England cro^vn. The only passage in H suggesting may have power above the crown. On the inferiority of kings to

3:512.5—8

.

.

.

that parliament "all the states

which they 3:512.8-10 col.

of those

societies

rule, see Vlll.2.3

Innocentius

.

.

.

conjoyned" or "that whole entier body" over

and 3.2 (3:332.24-333.12 and 336.25-337.1).

dist. 96.

468; Friedberg, 1:340. Gelasius

Gratian, Decretum, 1.96.10; (Lyons, 1584), cites the

1

example of Innocent

417), and also the example of Ambrose's supposed

emperor Theodosius the Great (on which

1

(pope 402—

excommunication of the

see Vlll.9.5; 3:441.15-442.33

above), for the benefit of the emperor Anastasius at Constantinople.

Arcadius, elder son of Theodosius

3:512.10-11

c.

Quoniam quidam

1,

.

was eastern .

.

d.18.

Roman

and n, Flavius

emperor, 383—408.

Gratian, Deaetum, 1.18.7; (Lyons,

1584), col. 75; Friedberg, 1:55-56. This canon of the

Second Council of Nicaea

(787) requires that metropolitans hold provincial episcopal councils once a year threatens with

excommunication any

quisquam princeps inventus latter

is

presumably what

3:512.11-513.14

Optime

H

fiierit

ruler

who

and

prohibits such assemblies ("si

hoc prohibere; communione privetur"); the

has in mind.

...

ille.

Aeneas

1095

Silvius

Piccolomini here reports the

Commentary reasoning (based on an argument presented by the bishop of Burgos) offered

Council of Basel (1431-1449) to show that the pope

of the church. Degestis

Concilii Basiliensis

is

at the

subject to a general council

commentariorum

libri

duo, in Opera ([1571];

Denys Hay and W. K. Smith, pp. 32-35. The passage in conjungeret") is from De officiis, 2.12 Cicero cited at 3:512.31-36 ("Certum (for "conjungeret" in H, "pertingerent" in Aeneas Silvius and "retinebunt" in Cicero). The conciliarism of this early work should be compared with the positions

rpr.

1967), p. 8; ed.

.

De

taken in the later

Pius

ritu

II.

.

(quoted by

descriptio

.

.

.

work, closer in time and

.

spirit to

H

Aeneas

at

511.6-9 and 520.34-521.12), a

Silvius's elevation to the

papacy

as

For "curet" (513.8) and "pavere" (513.13), [1571] has "jurare" and

"parere."

honour. In this passage of a treatise on the governo6 [yap] ment of cities, ascribed by Stobaeus to the early Pythagorean philosopher Hippodamus but now dated in the 3C BC, the author is concerned with things that corrupt

3:515. 2-lO.a

.

.

.

the doctrine or thought (A-oyot;) which, with law and custom, principally upholds a

community;

Hense, 2:34; Taylor,

Florilegium (1559), p. 249; ed.

Political Frag-

ments, p. 8.

3C

dated in the

From

^uvapp6^ea6qai.

Kai

3:515.14-17.6

a

treatise

BC, ascribed by Stobaeus to the otherwise

on kingship now

unknown "Diotogenes

the Pythagorean"; Florilegium (1559), p. 330; ed. Hense, 2:264; Taylor, Fragments, pp.

19-20. This

difficult passage

judging and in distributing individuals in Private Life,

ship and

as

universe.

On

Political

by Goodenough: "In whole in Public Law, or to

translated a

right for the king to act as does

it is

command of the

whether

justice,

is

God

in his leader-

the one hand, in public matters the king

to bring the whole kingdom into harmony with his single rule and leadership, while private matters of detail must be brought into accord with the same harmony is

Classical Studies, 1 (1928): 67.

and leadership"; Yale 3:515.22-516.3

Melancthon

.

.

prolegom.

.

added, of the material from Stapleton

3:516.3-6

The same

3:516.6-7

Ratione

3:516.7-14

Isti

.

.

.

.

Laicocephali

.

of the material from Supleton 3:516.14-15

one

Si

judex

.

.

.

.

with underlining

See 3:499.30-31 and n, above

invitum.

.

recopying,

See 3:499. 12-14.n, above.

Lord.

.

A

3:498.23-30 and 499.8-9; see nn, above.

at

.

at

ca. 17.

A

recopying, with underlining added,

3:499.15-21; see n, above.

jube.

Not

found; transcribed

as

an "apophthegm of

to a prince" at 3:491.14—15.

3:517.1-3

Gubernandae

.

.

.

regit.

of wholesome constitutional forms,

Perhaps a reminder of Aristotle's as in Politics, 3.5; 1279*. 23-31.

classification

The

distinction

between these and the corresponding deviant forms depends on whether those holding supreme power (whether one, few, or many) exercise it in the common interest or for their

own

private interest.

1096

Autograph Notes PotesUs

Compare

3:517.34-518.9

4

3:518.24—519.4

Dispensatio ... ad Eugenium.

1153),

De

consideratione

and

spiritually

3:518.c.

is

III,

.

.

.

spiritual

authority.

Cor. 4:1, Heb. 5:4,

1

.

6 Rationabile

3:519.24-25

J.

George Lewis, On Considerelected pope 1145, was a pupil of Bernard's.

humble conception of his .

Bernard of Clairvaux (1090-

urged to consider things which will maintain him in a

Cor . Joh. 20. John 21:15—17).

1.

(see also

he

VIII.4.6; 3:367.14-32.

(1963), 3:431-432; trans.

70-71. Eugenius

ation (1908), pp. this treatise

pneest.

.

ad Eugenium Papam, 3.1; Opera (1549—1550), 2:138*; ed.

M. Rochais

LeClerc and H.

In

.

.

Tim.

1

4:14,

John 20:20-23

See 1.10.14, VIII.3.3 (3:347.23-348.26),

possit.

and VIII.6.8 and 11 (3:394.17-395.18 and 402.22-403.10).

Nam

3:519.27-29

ut legitur ... Lugdunensi 17.

(Lyons, 1584), cols. 65-66; Friedberg,

Gratian, Deaetum, 1.16.11;

The

1:47—49.

"sexta synodus" in H's

which begins an enumeration canons passed at them that runs

reference refers to chap. 9 of distinction 16 (not 18),

of councils, the number of bishops present, and the

through chap. 11, from which H's figures are taken.

Hoc

3:520.4—5

posterius

.

.

The Act

parliamento.

.

for the Submission

of the

Clergy to the King's Majesty of 1533-34 (25 Henry VIII, cap. 19) provided that

no new

legislation

should be promulgated by the clergy without the king's license,

that aU previously enacted provincial or synodal constitutions, ordinances,

canons should be examined by a commission of thirty-two persons (sixteen

and sixteen members of the upper and lower houses of Parliament), and such measures

as

that only

they found "to sund with the lawes of God, and consonant to

the lawes of this realme, shall stand in their roiall assent first

and

clerics

full

strength and power, the kings most

had and obteined to the same"; W. V.S. (1587), 1:656-657; S.R.,

3:460-461.

3:520.12-16

Est judicium

.

.

generate.

.

Compare

1.10.8, 14,

and VIII.6.11, and

Marsilius of Padua, Defensor pads, 1.10.4-5, 1.12.2-3, and 2.2.8.

3:520.23-521.12

A quo non licet

.

Germaniae.

.

.

On the use intended for these

passages in VIII.9 see 3:503. 18-504.2.n, above.

3:520.23-24

A quo

non

licet

.

•

.

placuit.

Apparently a reference to one of the

canons beginning with the word "Placuit" in Causa

2, question 6, of Gratian's Deaetum (canon 9 or 35, more likely the latter; Friedberg, 1:468 or 479), but the statement "A quo appellare" is in neither canon. .

.

.

3:520.26-27

Datur antem

3:520.28—30

Neque ab Augusto

.

.

.

See 3:500.16-21.n, above.

regis. .

.

.

nemo.

Gratian, Decretum, 2.9.3.13; as

H

immunity from any higher judgment ^vhich he refers to here the Deaetum to Pope Innocent I) is indeed put forward on behalf of

implies, the claim to

(ascribed in

the

Roman see. "Nemo judicabit primam sedem justitiam temperare desiderantem.

1097

Commentary Neque enim

Aliorum

3:520.30-32

.

.

Facta

.

.

Antherus.

.

neque

neque

a regibus,

a

populo

Gratian, Decretum, 2.9.3.14; (Lyons, 1584), coL

loco.

.

clero,

877; Friedberg, 1:610.

col.

Symmachus was pope 498—514.

877; Friedberg, 1:610.

3:520.32-34

omni

ab Augusto, neque ab

judex judicabitur"; (Lyons, 1584),

Grarian, Decretum, 2.9.3.15; (Lyons, 1584), col.

878; Friedberg, 1:610-611. Antherus was pope 235-236.

Id quod respondet

3:520.34—521.12

De

ritu

.

.

.

descriptio,

points: (1) After

"ferendum"

dominus, qui

urbis

.Germaniae.

.

.

at 3:521.4:

dicemus. In civitatibus magistratus sunt,

who

shall say that

521.8:

appeal

"At hoc impium

est ais,

hoc

potestatem accepit, et

—

from

we

there

nam Papa

no

is

parve

lord of even a

shall say the

whom appeals

in aedificatione,

in aedificatione es[s]e putamus:

pope

are not

be made from the supreme pontiff.")

to

is

a

("Truly ridiculous

to appeal. In states there are magistrates

est tarn

Papam appellatione subjectum quibus non appellatur, et nos Pontifice

Et nos

being appealed from, and

will bear

H omits material at two

"Ridiculum profecto, nemo

a se appellari ferat.

maximo appellandum dicemus." small city

Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini,

in Opera ([1571]; rpr. 1967), p. 1084.

non

fiivole ut aiunt, ut judicium subterfugias et majoris imperium[.]

we

After "feras" at

(2)

Nam

subject

is

made, and

in destructione,

quid

si

Iterum

tu appellas dicis.

Quid

me Papa injuste premit. Iterum dico? quid si tu juste pateris, et cavillose appellas. Tu dicis male agit in me Papa, et ille te male agere ait. Cui credamus, privato an si

principi, majori

you

an minori, quis non putet apud majorem

no appeal from

say this [allowing

for edification, not destruction

you appeal

You

the pope]

—but we

say again:

you

if

badly,'

and he

'What

if the

suffer justly says that

captiously?'

act badly.

Whom

are

Who

or a ruler, the superior or the inferior?

("But

power what if

is

for edification: for

judgment and the order of a superior?

pope unjusdy oppresses me?'

and appeal

you

esse veritatem."

impious, for the pope has

think this

fiivolously, as they say, to evade

'What

is

Do

I

not say again,

You say, 'The pope treats me we to believe, a private person

does not think truth

is

with the

superior?") For "roget" at 521.6, [1571] has "urget."

SEthnicum

3:522.3-6 sig.

13

Certum

3:522.6-9

Friedberg, 1:20.

3:522.16-22

.

.

polit.

Choppin, De sacra politiaforensi, Pref 11 (1577),

.

.

.

certum.

Pope

3 Quilibet

Felix .

.

.

III,

Gratian, Deaetum, 1.10.3; (Lyons, 1584), coL 32;

writing in 484 to the emperor Zeno.

dederunt.

Compare

VIII.3.1 (3:334.3-13).

Nubrig. William of Newburgh, Rerum Anglicarum Gulielmus scriptores (1587), p. 357. In this quinque, 1.1, in Rerum Britannicarum

3:522.30-32 libri

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

account, after the archbishop of Canterbury refused to consecrate the invader, the

archbishop of York, Aldred, a good and prudent man, performed the office,

understanding the need to yield to the time and that the divine ordering of things in no way to be resisted. (The evidence is that William refused to be conse-

was

crated

by Stigand of Canterbury because of the

1098

latter's

dubious

ecclesiastical

Autograph Notes

H

standing and close association v/ith his enemies.)

William,

pacy

as

described here,

at

the beginning of his

cited Aldred's consecration

own

of

defense of English episco-

(3:148.e).

3:523.2—3

8

Ab

illo

.

.

Apparently a reference to the canon

anteriorum.

c.

.

Anteriorum in Causa 2, question 6, of Gratian's Decretum (Friedberg, 1:473—475) but the statement

3:523.3-4

"Ab

Omnis

illo

.

.

.

.

licet"

.

is

teneamut.

.

not in

it.

Gregory IX,

Friedberg, 2:415. H's general statement goes

Pope Alexander

process of pursuing an appeal to

Ab

illo

.

the text he cites, in

writes to an archbishop of Canterbury that he

III

.

Rome

judicem.

.

which

may indeed

of things enjoyed by someone

legally act to protect the possession

3:523.5-8

Deaetales, 2.28.17; (1587), p. 572;

beyond

who

is

in

itself.

Not

found; "remediam"

(line

6)

should be

"remedium". 3:523.15—19 issue

Henricus

of lay investiture

.

.

.

Ansel./ Henry

at a

I's

Heruy of Huntington,

discussed in both of the sources cited here: odo, bk. 7, in

Arnold (1879), (1573), l:sig.

Remm

Anglkarum smptores (1596;

The Ufe of Anselm,

ed.

139—140. However, H's brief account novorum, bk. 4,

STC

p. 234, and Eadmer, Diui Anselmi

***5';

first

Anselm on London in 1107

limited concessions to

council held at the royal palace in

published in 1623

and

(STC

R.

trans.

in the

is

vita,

21783),

Historiarum

fol.

the are libri

217'; ed. T.

bk. 2, in Anselm's Opera

W.

Southern (1972), pp.

words of Eadmer's

7438), p. 91; ed.

M. Rule

Historiae

(1884), p.

186; trans. Geoffirey Bosanquet, Eadmer's History of Recent Events in England (1964), p. 199.

3:523.24-26

9 Magistratus

.

.

.

princes.]

3:523.29-538.11 For conmientary on

fols.

Compare

VIII.9.2 (3:437.22-25).

80" and 80', reprinted in 4:83-97 of

edn., see 4:234—239, above.

1099

this

Index to Scriptural References References in

roman; n

=

volume 5

has

italic

are editorial; those cited

its

own

Of the

index (pp. 851—909).

Lawes of Ecclesiasticall Preface

1:2.12-15

by Hooker

are in

note in Commentary. Volumes 1—4 are indexed below;

Politie

1

m

y X

Scriptural References .31.x

1:20.1—2. .y

God

hath chosen the simple.

own

Christs

Weejooles thought

.13—15

Agar

.15—16

with theeves

1

Apostle mad. .

also suffered .

.

.

.

.

.

.

Wisd. of Sol.

burthen.

Gen. 16:1-16, 21:9-21; seen

.A—S.J .8-9 1:24.6. /»

how

As well

hands

at the

.

.

.

abound,

.

.

PhU. 4:12 Acts 2:44; see

Apostles:

.

Rom.

oscula sancta.

1

.S—l A

for that as deadjlies

.

.

Thess. 5:26; 1 Pet. 5:14; see

holy

.

1:27.5-6

Thou

1:29.24-25

scripture,

1:30.4.

The way of peace

.9—10

only .

his Spirit

art

have

.

.

was

it

.

.

.

If there arise

.26-29.0

Whether

.29-30

After great dissension

1:31.4—5 .12

the Gentils

.

bound;

.

.Jerusalem:

.

.

.

Acts 15:1-21 Acts 15:2 Gal. 1:8

teacheth;

.

Gal. 1:12; Acts 9:1-21,

revelation,

22:3-21, 26:9-18 .32

1:32.5

God

be not the author

peace,

.

.

.

1

man

him

That

.30-31.^

the waightier matters

.32—33.1

Happier

1:34.9-10

God

1:37.2.5

sincere,

... let

are they

being .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

fidelitie.

.

Matt. 23:23; see

1

Cor. 14:33

1

Pet. 2:2

55:13-15; see

.4.<

companions, guides and Jamiliars,

Ps.

.31

Antichristian synagogue

Rev. 2:9, 3:9

1:39.2. J'

They

w^orldes preservation

.25-27.

when

.26

50 pretious a Jewell

.

.

.

.

.

.

Acts 19:19

as the students

l:42.22-23.c

whatsoever the heavenly Jather

.24.h

1:44.16—17./

.29—30.0 1:45.21

Jruits

.

.

.

will

They

put are

.

arts .

.

.

my still

.

.

law

.

.

.

learning

harts. .

.

.

truth,

Go

.29

whosoever

preach and Baptise, .

.

.

Jer.

sec

31:33; see

n n

2 Tim. 3:7 Rev. 2:9, 3:9

Antichrists synagogue

.26—27

Matt. 15:13; see

Luke 6:25;

lament.

.

out,

Matt. 3:8

true repentance

Wo be to you I

.

Ecclus. 26:29

Wisd. of Sol. 7:7-10

1:41.18-29.2

1:43.3

Wisd. of Sol. 6:24; seen

wise;

men of understanding .

n

Matt. 23:3

and do not.

say

.24.11/

n

Matt. 24:46; Luke 12:43

things,

not of confusion

.

15:22-29

Deut. 17:12

dye.

of Gods worde,

.

.

Cor. 14:33

Acts

definitive sentence,

.18-20

n

3:17; ha. 59:8; see

Acts 15:28

Deut. 17:8-12

.

.

no not though Angels by intuitive

Rom.

knowne.

.

n

Heb. 6:16

Israel.

.

.

.

n

Cor. 11:17-34;

Rev. 15:4; Acts 3:14; see

just)

.

later.

.

.11—25.n

.

.

taught

all

1

Eccles. 10:1

wisedome.

.

n

16:16; 2 Cor. 13:12;

Jude 12;

feastes of charitie,

see

1:26.31—33./

n

Matt. 10:10; Luke 9:3; sec

want

to

5:4; see

Matt. 27:38,44

disjoyned.

.

n

madnes.

neither staffe nor scrip,

1 :23.

n n

Cor. 1:27; see

Acts 26:24; see

baptised,

1102

Mark 16:15-16

Mark 16:16

n

n

Index 1:46.7-9

M

p

Scriptural References up our eyes

.22—23

life

.24—25.<j

touching Angels

.

.

God,

.

.

.

121:1-3

Ps.

Ps. 104:4;

spirits

.

Heb.

1:7;

Eph.

3:10 .30.b

number and

order

.

.

armies:

.

Dan. 7:10; Matt. 26:53; Heb. 12:22;

1:70.3—4 .c

did not teach

.

.

heaven.

.

God,

.6—7.d

For beholding

.12.e

unto the children of men

.

.

.

Luke 2:13

Matt. 6:10

Matt. 18:10 Ps.

91:11-12; Luke 15:7;

Heb. 1:14; Acts 10:3; Dan.

Dan

9:23; Matt. 18:10;

.23—26./t

most delectable love

.26—27.t

adoration grounded

1:71.1—3 .y

by

imitation bred

.8-9.fe

Prophet David

.10-11./

as

an Army,

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

depende,

.

.

pure;

Ps.

1:6, 38:7; see

n

148:2

Luke

another.

.

4:10

Job 38:7; Matt. 18:10; see n Ps. 148:2; Heb. 1:6; Isa. 6:3

Job

grace.

.

him.

.

.

.

2:13; Matt. 26:53; Ps.

148:2 .12.m .14.n

.16-17.0

1:72.14— 17.JJ

communion

that

.

.

Heb. 12:22

noteth,

.

Rev. 22:9

fellowservants;

A

of the Angels

part

they have

.

.

.

.

.

fallen,

workes of God.

.

2 Pet. 2:4; Jude 6

John

8:44, 13:27;

1

Pet. 5:8;

Rev. 9:11, 20:8; Gen. 3:15; 1

Chron. 21:1; Job

1:7, 2:5;

Acts 5:3

.22—23 1:74. 4.i

dissolved the workes of the deviU.

whom

he himselfe

.

.

instructed,

.

1

John 3:8; see n

Matt.

5:48;

Wisd.

of

Sol.

7:27

.20—21.U 1:77.8—9.)'

if

we view them

Spirite of our

as in their actions

Man

:80.32-81 .1 .e

1:81.2/ .6—7.g

.

Beholde

.

.

Choose

.

.

.

the subtilty of

.

.

undone,

.

of his maker

likenes

.

all.

.

.

7:16

Gen. 1:27

2 Cor. 11:3

Eve;

.

Matt. 6:2

Deut. 30:19

life,

Luke 9:54

as in thapostles,

O Jerusalem,

Isa.

Eph. 4:23

.20

.

... at

mind

.18— 19.<j

l:78.7-9.fc 1

men

.

Matt. 23:37

not?

.13— 15./i

the instruments ... to knowe.

Wisd. of Sol. 9:15

.22—23.»

Awake

Eph. 5:14; Heb. 12:1,12;

.

.

grow

.

in knowledge.

1

Cor. 16:13; Prov. 2:4; Luke

13:24 1:84.8—9.

.9—10

They

are

.

.

.

1:85.27—31.

The present

1:86.3—4.5

For

a

man

lightnes

...

.

.

.

.

.

.

world, etemall.

God

.5—6

Parents to he honored,

.6—7

Others

he used

.

.

.

2:14

1:9; Job

33:30

2 Cor. 4A7-18 Exod. 20:24; Matt. 22:37

he worshipped,

to

John

Matt. 16:26

is it?

.4—5

to

Rom.

themselves.

the light of reason,

Exod. 20:12; Deut. 5:16 them.

1104

Matt. 7:12, 22:39

q bp a ja n M

Index .7—9 1:87.24—25.1*'

men acknowledge

all

Thou

shall love

.25—26.x

Which lawe

.26—88.1

l:88.27-28.z

Touching on these two

1:89.7—8.

as it

.

had

.

.

.

.

.

the matter

.14— 15.C

as in their act

.16— 17.
againe ... by his

\:92.5S.h

as

.31—93.1. fc

in the vanitie

.29-30 1:97.3—5.p .10.

.

the

bow

shal I

.

tribulation

.

God

.

.

.

.

.

.

The Apostle first

.

.

.

.

harts.

Ps.

Eph. 4:17

Rom. 2:9

rayment,

.

.

.

.15.t

noted

.15— 17.M

the

Adam

.23—24.V

how

.

.

1 .

.

.

life,

Gen. 4:2

cattle.

of their

Gen. 4:26

religion. .

.

desires.

.

quickly sundry artes

.

.

.

world.

a mother forget her child?

.4—5.)'

Abraham

.9.Z

effusion

.10— 12.

when

.15-16

Seth, Enoch,

that careth not

.

.

commaund

ivill

.

.

.

Lord.

Which

1:100.2

MeUhisidec,

.

.

also

is

them?

.

.

1

49:15

Tim. 5:8

Gen. 18:19 Gen.

5, 6:5; see

n

Gen. 5:3,24

those times

1:99.31-100.1

.

Gen. 4:20-22

Gen. 4:8

of bloud:

families

Matt. 6:33

Isa.

Infidell:

.

Tim. 6:8

Gen. 1:29 Gen. 2:17

observe.

.

.

kingdome of God

He

44:18-19

Isa.

that doth evill.

tilling

.2-3 .X

135.18

see.

.

.20—21.i

them.

2 Thcss. 3:8 Matt. 7:12

Wisd. of Sol. 14:14-/5

.

.

then appointed

Can

unto,

.

law;

.

was the

1:98.1.1*'

.

Wisd. of Sol. 13:17

assigned

.

.

labour,

.

pouter.

.

.13.^

.

.

.

10:4

Acts 4:34, 5:4

owne

.

.ll.r

.

Gen. 39:9

Mark

feete;

.

Damd

the Prophet

.16-19.

1:93.4-6./

Matt. 22:40

Jewcs.

.

thou ^vouldest

Wiseman When a father

.9— 14.«

.

.

Matt. 22:38 Matt. 22:39

this

mistrcssc,

.

as in

Doe

unto

Rom. 2:14-15 Deut. 6:5

dependent.

.

.12.

1:91.16—17

goodnesse.

.

.

Commaundement.

.

.

.

minde.

.

like

.

.

.

.

2 Pet. 2:5

earth:

.

.

.

2 Chron. 19:8; see n

rulers;

.

Gen. 14:18;

Ps.

111:4; Heb.

5:6

1:105.24—25.J

Even what

1:106.16—17./

against al that decree

1:107.14— 15.

He found

.29.

things

not

.

.

.

.

Queene of Saba

selves;

.

.

.

.

.

woe.

companion. .

.

Salomon;

.

Jude 10 Isa.

10:1

Gen. 2:20 1

Kings 10:1; 2 Chron.

Matt. 12:42; Luke 11:31 l:109.10.r

.18—19.5

One

Lord,

.

.

.

Eph. 4:5

baptism:

a thing practised

.

.

.

selves,

1:1 10.1 1.(

those heavenly preceptes,

1:111.16— 17.

as

1:112.12

No

1:113.4

very wearines

.23—24.)'

seede

sowne

good

.

.

.

.

.

.

harvest:

but only God:

All this endlesse

Acts 15:28

John 14:27 Gal. 6:8 Matt. 19:17 Eales. 12:12

and

everlasting.

1105

Matt. 25:46, 22:30

9:1;

q

X y M «

r

Scriptural References .25.2

l:114.6-7.a

.26-27

v.ns.ie.d 1:1

18.21-22. 1«

a crowne which withereth not,

2 Tim. 4:8;

Lorde

Ps. 8:4

of thy hands,

...

by the Apostle

said

/

am

.

men.

.

.

Matt. 5:12

John 14:6 John 6:29

the way.

the worke

.26-27.1.

This

is

.27-30

Not

that

1:121.7-9

God

hath delivered

1:122.16./

wrote

all the

God

.

.

.

sent.

.

divine virtues.

.

.

.

.

1

Cor. 13: 13; see

n

Heb. 4:12

hart

.

Pet. 1:4

Phil. 3:19

of a reward.

in the nature

1

Exod. 24:4

wordes of God;

A9.m

I have written.

Hos. 8:12; Exod. 24:12.

.21.n

Scribe, write these thinges?

Rev.

naturall,

Eph. 5:29; see

historicall,

2 Tim. 3:8; Exod. 7:12; see

forreine,

Titus 1:12; see

l:127.26.r

.8-9.W .

19-21.

.22-23.

These things are written,

The

holie Scriptures

.

.

many not be

l:132.14-15.fc

Saint _/o/.«

l:133.21-22.e

By

thy

.

.

.

By me Kinges raigne, it? No man hateth

.

.

fellow servants

.23-24.

as

.

set forth

enimies.

.

.

.

justice.

a

.32-1 39.3.

Men

1:139.18.5

Let every soule

1:140.28-29.

What

Ps.

119.98

Ps.

119.99

see

n

n

Prov. 8:15

Rev. 19:10

.

do both,

29:13

Eph. 5:29 1 Pet.

societie,

.

.

.

Isa.

Jam. 1:17; see

.

.

.

comlinesse,

doe,

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

purpose. powers.

thinges are food,

of a benefite

.

.

.

.

sense,

.

.

living,

1:141.33-142. 1.x that order of abstinence

.

.

.

1106

appeare;

1:12;

Eph. 3:10;

1

Tim. 5:21

1

Cor. 11:10; see

Ps.

law by the observation whereof

.28.

as

.

.

.

even about

that

we

.

lightes;

.

.

.19.m

.31— 14 1.1. .»

.

John 20:31 2 Tim. 3:15 2 Tim. 3:14

Rev. 14:6;

meditations.

every good

they are

them.

.

Gospell,

.

.

.

n

2 Tim. 3:15

l:136.11.ife

.26-29.0

.

invented of men,

as

l:138.24.jj

.

Commaundements

Againe,

name.

.

salvation.

.

1:135. ll-13.ft

1:137.9-10./

.

.

in Christ.

.

l:131.22.«j

.23-24

.

.

Continue thou the faith through

seen

n

2 Pet. 2:4

supernaturall.

1:128.5-7../

1:11, 14:13;

148:7-9

Rom. Rom. Rom.

1:21

2:15 13:1

Job 34:3 Ps. 145:15-16 Acts 15:20

n

n

Scriptural References .22.M

J

Index

Book l:195.7-8.<»

I give unto them

.

All

.15-16.C

as

.20.d

Pure hearte

Peter did,

.

.

.

.

.

.

John 10:28 John 1:47 John 21:15 1 Tim. 1:5

handes.

.

.

men kncwe

.12-15.fc

III

no guile.

.

Lorde,

.

unjoined.

.

.32— 196.3. « the Apostle affiimeth

.

.

one bodie.

.

Eph. 2:16, 3:6; sec

1:193.5-7/ .11-13.^

one Lorde ... Let

all the

.

.

their

Master and Lord.

.14-17

And

firom

.22-1 97.1.

All these things

hence .

.

.

.

John

Heathen.

.

yea, the time shall come,

them.

.

n

13:13; Col. 3:24, 4:1

Acts 11:26; see

sake,

.

4:5; see

Acts 2:36

crucified.

.

.14./i

1:197. l^.fc

Eph.

initiated.

all

house

n

John 16:2,4 John 15:21 Rev. 1:20, 2:1,\3; seen

.6-8./

the angell of Pcrgamus

.27.0

the

.27-28.|>

Paule by Ananias;

Acts 9:18; 22:16

.28-29.^

by Peter

Acts 2:41; see

1:198.9 .11

Eunuch

One

.

Lord,

aliens

and

by

...

faith.

.

Acts 8:38

Philip;

.

.

soules.

.

.

.

his

Eph. 2:12

strangers,

Church he compareth

.

When

the People

they adored

.8-9.14/

when when when

.10-1 4.x

their prophetes

.16-17.y

sheepc of his visible

.

.

.18-19.^

he had thousands

.

Baall;

.21-25

Nor

.6./

.7.M .8.1/

1:200.1 0-1 l.t

they

.

.

his

.11-12.C

power of baptizing

He

which

is

.

serpent;

2 Kings 18:4

.

Baall;

Jer.

.

.

idoles;

children,

.

.

.

.

.

.

will.

.

heresie;

.

.

.

.

.

11:13

n

57:3, 1:4, 60:15

Jer. 13:11 1

Kings 19:18

1

Kings 19:14

Matt. 7:24, 16:18 Matt. 28:19

not.

.

not with me,

In the dales of Abia

rebellion,

.

Isa.

n

106:19-20

2 Kings 22:17; see

.

.

scattereth?

him.

Matt. 12:30

2 Chron. \3:1,4,9-11; 1

.25

Ps.

.

.

.

Exod. 32;

.

.

Church

Matt. 13:24,25,30; sec

.

did the prophet

founded

Matt. 13:47; see

world.

.

.

n

fish;

wildemes;

.

.

they burnt incense

.17-18.«

1:201.12-24.^

.

bowed

n

Eph. 4:5

baptisme.

.34-199-1 .r compareth the Kingdome 1:199.1-4.5

Cor. 12:13;

1

n

Rome

Kings 15:1—8; see

n

Rom. 1:8-12, 15:24,30, 16:19

Corinth

/

Cor. 1:10-12, 3:3-4, 4:14-

21, 5:1-2, 6:1-6, 11:17-

22,15:12; 2 Cor. 1:23-2:11, 7:8-15, 11:1-4, 12:20-21,

13:10 Gal. 1:6-7, 3:1-5, 4:8-20,

.26

Galatia

.26-27

In Saint Johns time

.30—202.3

Other

5:4,

difference

.

.

.

.

.

.

were.

superstition.

1109

6:12-13

Rev. 2:11, 2:1-29

2 Kings 18-20, 22-23.

Scriptural References 1:202.3-4.;.

a

t r

J

Index .29—30.V 1:226. 7. M*

that they arc

.

.

them

.

men;

Salomon excelled

.10—11.)'

brought

.15-24

But there are that Scribes by wisedome

.29—30.Z

.

all

1

.

.

Christ;

.

.

.

1.

heaven,

.

n

Cor. 1:22-24; sec

Matt. 13:52; see

sword, The word of God Goliath, the weapon that slewe

Heb. 4:12 1 Sam. 17:40-50

.9—21

Touching the Apostles

1

.24—32

hereby occasion

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

utterance.

.

wras taken

.

.

.

Cor. 1:27-29; see

Adyoc;

.

.

Emptie

.

.4—5

but in the power

.5—6

Hereupon

Apostls.

.

.

riscth

.

.

3:2-7; 2 Thess. 2:1-16

2 Cor. 10:10

talke. .

Acts 16:25-34, 19:11-20.

28:1—6; see it

.11— 14.C

My preaching,

.15

perswasive?

.16— 18.

that for the space

1:229.23—27.6

1:230.4/

.

.

apologies.

.

power of God.

.

.

.

No man commeth

Grxcians.

.

.

.

Agrippa

.10-11

Festus

.12—14.^

speaketh unto the other

.21—22

King Agrippa

1:233.10— 11. /»

.

.

.

.

Christ;

.

.

.

Psalmcs

.

1

Cor. 2:4

2

Cor. 5:11; Gal.1:10

Acts 18:11,4

1

Cor. 10:15

Acts 26:22 Acts 26:27

dost.

.

Cor. 4:1-5

Acts 25

Jewe,

a

n

/

Heb. 11:6

him.

.

Judge you of that which I speake, .

because the sentences

.

.

Acts 13:32-37, 2:34-35; 2:7, 16:10, 110:1;

.21-22.I 1:234. 6-7 .J

which Peter

that

be

If Christ

.

.13— 18.fe

O men

.24—25.1

God

which krtoweth

1:237.32-238.1.^

Is it

a

1:238.1—3.

My sonne

why

.

.

.

.

hands;

.

.

smal offence keepe

.

.

.

.

.

God?

.

mother

our heavenly

.20—21.S

Such

as are led

.25—27

light

of naturall understanding

.

.28.

.

.

the

.31—239.4. M the

1:240.4—8

.

.

.

.

.

Cor. 11:22

Gal. 4:26; see

Rom.

God,

.

1

Prov. 6:20

.4—5

father,

mother thereof

bwes which

As why

God

.

.

.

.

.

darknes,

.

hartes.

.

.

unknowcn.

.

.8-\0.v,w

forbidden to plowe in writing

John 1:9

.

lynnen,

.

.

John

1:5; see

Rom.

the holy

n

Gen. 2:17, 3:1-5; see n Deut. 22:10; Lev. 19:19; see Deut. 4:13. 5:22; Exod.

bUndnes of their obdurate To

n

1:19, 2:15; see

24:12. 31:18;

.14.^

n

8:14

world.

J30

1:241.5

n

Acts \5:8

us.

.

hart.

.

n

1 Pet. 3:15; see

Acts 14:15,^7; see

gladnes.

.

Pss.

seen

Matt. 22:43

Lord?

.

.

n

mouths. 2 Cor. 3:1-3, 10:7-12:13; Phil.

l:228.2-3.fc

n

n

.8

1:227 .7.

n

Kings 4:29-30; see

Acts 22:3; see

Gamaliell,

.

n

Acts 7:22; Dan. 1:17; see

.8.x

.

n

Titus 3:11; see

selves.

Moses and Daniell

.

.

.

hartes

Acts 15:2*; see

good:

1:242.16-17

a

1:243.32-244.2

that to abrogate

lawe that to bridle .

.

.

seen

John 12:40

.

.

.

restitution

sacriledge.

nil

n

Exod. 22:1; 2 Sam. 12:6 Gal. 1:8-9

n

c

M m

Scriptural References The lawe of out\varde

1:244. 20.

.

.

not

.

1:245. 4.
that in the Apostles

1:247.10-11.^

if

1:248.1-6

The

1

Sam. 14:27-30; see n

.

.

.

.

Acts 15; see

did.

.

Apostle

.

.

.

.

see

n

11:17; see

n

Heb. 3:2,5,6; John 11:8

possession.

.

me.

.

n

Heb. 3:6

God,

.

the grafting of the Gcntils

Rom.

.6.k

incorporating into

Eph. 2:12-16

.21—23./

Beholde,

.25—27.W

The Lord spake

1:249. 5-6. fe

.

.

Israel

to possesse

.

.

Deut. 4:12; see Deut. 4:13;

Then he

declared

.29—250.1.0

And

Lord commaunded me

the

.

.

stone.

.

These words the Lorde spake

.8—10.^

Qoe

.12— 13.r

/ have heard

.\3-\5.t

O

thou neere,

that there

.

.

.

Goe

.16—18

But stande thou

1:252. 14-15.y

.19-20.2

.

.

.

.

n n n n

Lev. 24:12-f<5, 23; see

mentioned

Num. Num. Num.

.

the Sabboth day.

.

.

men

the promise

the prophecie o(Jacob

polluted,

Ze/op/ie/j<j
made unto Abraham .

Notwithstanding some

1:255.29-32

God which

1:256.10-13/

In the sight of

spake

God

.11—12.^

who

.31

Tfjv iVTOXf\V

.10— 1 Life

Deut. 5:31; sec

n n

the fact of the sonne oi Shelomith

.22>.d

1:257. 6-8 .J

Deut. 5:22; see

Deut. 5:30; see

tentes,

.

possesse.

.

Deut. 4:14;

Deut. 5:29; see

.22.C

.33—257.3.

mee.

Deut. 5:28; sec

the daughters of

.32—33./»

it.

Deut. 5:27; see

.2>.b

:254. 20-25

.

.

it.

.

saye unto them,

the case of those

1:253.2—3.<j

.

.

.

ever!

.

.15—16./

.

well,

.

.

.

.

n n see n see n

Deut. 4:5; see

it.

voyce.

.

.

.27—29.n

1:250.4—7 ./»

1

Moses

I have geven

.7—8.h

order

so.

that «

that

witnessed

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

death

.

them.

.

.

unto

.

.

.

bloud;

.

Gen. 18:18, 22:18; see n Gen. 49:10; see n

Num. 16:1-35;

Peter,

John 21:15-17;

.

Christ;

.

.12.1

the special gift of the holy Ghost.

.13—14

was

.

doctrine,

.

.

n

see

n

Acts 20:28

1

Tim. 6:20; Matt. 25:14-30;

2 Cor. 4:7; see

to teach

see

2 Tim. 4:1

God.

.

as the precious talen

n n

27:1-11; see

1 Tim. 6: f 3-1 4; see n John 18:36-37; see n 1 Tim. 6:14

Christ.

.

9:9-16; see

n

n

Heb. 1:1-3

shined.

Pilate,

commandement commandement

I charge thee

.

15:33-35; see

n

1

Tim. 4:14

1

Tim. 1:10, 4:1, 6:3; 2 Tim.

4:3; Titus 1:9, 2:1,7; sec

keepe

.16

Till

.19-21.

I have kept the faith:

.21

that labour in this harvest

.24

reward

.

.

.

is

1

so,

it

.

.

.

me.

great in heaven,

Tim. 6:14

2 Tim.

AJ-8

Matt. 9:37-38, 13:30 Matt. 5:12

crow^ne of righteousnes

2 Tim. 4:8

.30

O

1

.31-258.1

till

1:258.1 1-12.

Tymothie,

.

.

.

thy charge,

the appearance

that precept

.

.

.

.

.

.

Christ.

Widowes.

1112

Tim. 6:20

1

Tim. 6:14

1

Tim. 5:9

n

pa

Index 1:262.1—2.5

that rcprofc

.

.

.

cases,

.18-19.M

the GiUadites

.

.

.Josua.

.21—22.1'

the

.23—25.W

the Jewes had to celebrate .

.27—28.x

1:267.32-268.1. a 1

:268.4-5.fc

l:270.3-5.c

.

.

daughter;

.

.

.

29:14; Col. 2:22

Judg. 11:40; see

John

himselfe;

.

see

10:22;

n

n

Mace. 4:59;

1

n

John 19:40;

n

sec

intoombd.

.

The Church .

.27—28

of Israeli

our Lord was contented .

1:265.18—25

.

women

Isa.

Josh. 22:22-29; see

the house

is

Gal. 6:10, Eph. 2:19. Heb.

appointed.

.

3:6; see

The numben, If the

degrees,

hUnde leade

.

.

.

.

.

Luke

perish.

.

Ughtes of the woAd,

How

n

wisedome: 2 Chron. 5:2-14 6:39; see

Matt. 5:14; see

unsearchable

Counsellor?

Rom.

n n

11:33-34

Book IV 1:273.7—8.

mint and comin,

Matt. 23:23; see

n

at

1:260.9-11

1:274.31—32. fc

Abraham should say

l:275.3-6.c

Yet this was the auncient

.16-19

that

.

.

and sweare:

.

.

.

.

Israel.

he which was minded

Gen. 24:2

Ruth

4:7

Exod. 21:6

... a nawle?

1:276.6—7.^

The partie ordained

1:279.9

house of bondage,

.

Lord,

.

.

Acts 13:3; see

n

Exod. 13:3,24, 20:2; Deut. 5:6; 6:12

God

.9—10

serving

.24—25.m

Beholde now I dwell Salomon \vriteth

.28—30.rt

1:289.32-290.1. /« but 1:290.5.1

in a straunge land

specially from

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

curtaines.

all

.

Gods.

unto them

shaving, cutting, apparell wearing,

Exod. 22:21

2 Chron. 2:5; see Lev. 18:3; see

yea in sundry kindes

.lO.le

as S.

.22—26./

After the doings

1:291.4

Do

Paul

after

.

.

like,

.

.

Lord your God.

.

my judgements,

yee shall not cut

.24—25

ye shall not cut

.26—28.n

They

.28—30.O

ye are the children

.32.

Sorrouv not

There shall

.

.

.

.

.

.

n

.

.

.

.

.

in their flesh.

.

for the dead.

hope?

upon

Lev. 18:3-4

Lev. 19:27; see

n

n n see n

Lev. 19:28; sec

beard.

.

.

:289.31-290.10.^.n

Lev. 18:4

thy beard.

.

.

make

shal not

.

.

1

Lev. 14:2,7, \\:8; see

Eph. 2:14

teacheth.

.19-20.m

1:292.8-9.^

.

n

n

Lev. 19:27,19; Deut. 22:11; see n; also

.dr-l .j

n

2 Sam. 7:2; see

Lev. 21:5; see

Deut. 14:1; 1

Thess. 4:13; see

.9— 14.r

those touching fbode

.29—30.5

charging them

.

.

.

mesline;

Lev. 19:19

.31—32.t

charging them

.

.

.

the like?

Deut. 14; Lev. 11

.

.

n

Lev. 19:19; Deut. 22:11; see

thee; .

selves.

1113

Deut. 14:7; Lev. 11; see

n

n

r

m

Scriptural References Eph. 2:14

1:293.3-4.M

a pairtition wall

1:294.4

common

1:296.28

Belial

2

Cor. 6:15; see

1:302.11

I neede thee not?

1

Cor. 12:21

1:307.15-16.;.

Behold wee have done

.

.

indifferent,

.

men

of all

light

.

.

Matt. 5:14,16

uncurcd:

rest

.

This

l:311.4-5.p

Touching the Gentils

.

.

.

.

much

.5-8.^

For

.8-12

Paule therefore

.12-14

In

as

.

.

.

which point

.

.

seest brother

.

.

Thou

And hereupon

.31-312.1.S

thought

.5-6.M

Condemne

.22-24

It

.

not

.

.

.

.

.

.

God

Acts 21:21

.

.

Acts

strangled.

.

Rom.

thejewe:

1

.5-6.v.[3]

2 to serve ... of God,

.6../.[4]

3 to shun idolatry,

.[5]

4 not to

.

of bloud,

suffer effusion

5 to abhor ... in the

.7....[7]

6 to commit no rapine,

.8..;.

7

flnallie,

first let

.2\-22.w

as

.

.

flesh,

Gen. 2:16; Exod. 15:23,25;

n

n n Exod. 20:3; see n Gen. 9:6; sec n Jer. 3:1; see n Gen. 9:4; see

n

Heb.

Cor. 5:11; Gal.

out.

the Apostle ...

it.

13:4;

5:19; see

.24,25.x

commaund

Apostles

.2-7

Conster

.ll-12.y

Saint Paule

this

.

.

.

bloud.

.

sheading bloud.

.

.

1

n

Lev. \S:6-19; see

discoverie of nakednes.

The

1:314.1-2

n

Lev. 5:24, 6:5; see

bloud was not

.

n

Lev. 24:16; see

.6-7..'.[6]

[8]

14:10; 15:8-12; see

Gen. 18:19; see

lawes,

.4-5../. [2]

.

n

15:28-29

Acts

fornication.

see .

21:23-24

Acts 15:28-2i>; see

Acts 16:4

did deliver ... 7. precepts,

to live

5:1-6

Acts 21:20

customes.

.

kept.

.

.

seemed good

that

Gal. 3:1-14, 4:8-11,

Jewes.

necessary

it

Acts 15:24

unlawful!.

... as they did.

These Decrees

1:313.3-4.1/

.

.

.20-23

l:312.1-3.t

.

n

Acts 21:25

thing.

.

.

commandement.

.

.16-20.r

.

n

Acts \S:1,5; see

.

.

Jer. 51:9; see

Acts 6:13-14

man Moses gave us. them. .30-311.2.0 There went forth

1:310.15-18.

n

n

Acts 15:20,29

Matt. 27:25; Acts 15:20,

21:25 1:320:1 0-1

l.fc

Whosoever

.

.

fornication.

.

shall scandalize

.19./

rock of offence in

.29-3 l.m

Thus David was

.32.n

name of God

to

.

.

.

in

me

blasphemous:

.

be

spoken of

ill

n tl

1

Israel, .

Cor. 5:1; see

Matt. 18:6; see

1 .

Pet. 2:8; see

Ezek. 36:20; 52:5; see

1:324.4-5.

All things ... in regard of others.

God.

n

2 Sam. 12:14; see

1

Cor. 6:12; see

Rom. Rom.

.9-1 l.t

We

.20

living stones

.23

scandalous meates,

Rom. 14:14-23

synagogue of Antichrist

Rev. 2:99; 3:9

1:327.9

that are strong .

.

.

.

.

.

selves,

.

Jewcs.

1114

1 Pet.

Isa.

n

14:2-3,^5,20; sec

All things arc cleane,

.

2:24;

n

.5-9.5

.

n

Rom.

15:1

2:5

n

w

r cH

Index .14.y

day

first

.

.

our Sunday)

.

For as S. Paule

l:328.7-9.t .10-ll.c

.

.

1

he pindieth the Corinthes,

.

.

Churches.

.

1

n

Cor. 16:1-2; see

Rom.

Gospell;

.

16:5,7

n

Cor. 14:36; see

at

1:328.2-18

1:330.27—331.1/

Cortceming

collection

.

.Jerusalem.

.

1

n

Cor. 16:1; see

at

1:330.29-331.1 1:334.1 l-15.ife

S. Paule,

.

.

Rom.

ancicntcs;

.

.15—17./

the Corinthians

.19—20

.

.

alone?

.

1

two former speeches of S. Paul

Rom.

the Lordes Ambassadors,

2

1:343.20-23

Howbeit

1:344.15—16.5 .19-21.(

which

that

Though he departed

.

Aaron and Hur

that

other then

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Achitophell

2:6.21—22.C

the

.

2:7.21—22.

By

pure and unstayned religion

.27—28/ 2:18.10— 12.

jfc

.15./

2:20.4—5

2:21.11— 12.p 2:22.2 .5—6.^

2:23.7— 11.

.27.5

.26— 27.f

.

doves.

Gedeon.

.

Matt. 10:16

Judg. 7:20

James 1:27 Ps.

is

144:2

2 Chron. 19:6 Eccles. 12:10 (BB)

parables.

fearefullest suspitions,

Wisd. of Sol. 17:10-14; see

prosperously ended,

Ps. 1:3

God

Wisd. of Sol. 14:30 1

Sam. 13:14

O keepe

1

Chron. 29:18

hath imprinted

the

.

.

.

.

.

thy people.

.

fountaine and wellspringe .

.

Rom. 2:14;

see

Wisd. of Sol. 2:21

thereunto.

verie sett purpose closed?

we were

longe sithcnce

the

2:28.5—6.2

\vise

faithflill sedulitie

man

.

.

Sus. 9 .

.

abounde.

of Nabuchodonesor,

that decree

2:27.22—23.}'

.

.

of freindship.

understandinge,

2 Pet. 3:3;Jude 18; seen

Dan. 3:29 2 Chron. 20:7

Wisd.

of

(Vulgate); sec

2:29.7 .a .25

n

n

it by nature, wiscman rightlie noteth David was a man harte,

as

.

2:24.20-22.

.

.

.

.

Codes ONvn worke, For hee gave good heede, .

n

n

V

and protection,

aide

.

2:19.18— 19.

the sword

justice

Zech. 4:6; sec

2 Sam. 16:20-23; 17:23

wisedome of Serpents

2:16.25—26

2:17.18—19.1

Exod. 17:12; see

states

Book 2:4.22

n

Wisd. of Sol. 4:13; seen

Lord of hosts.

the

16:5, 16:7

Cor. 5:20; Eph. 6:20

Gen. 21-24; see

lived)

.

time.

.

n n

see

Cor. 14:36; see

1:337.33

.24—25.r

n

16:5; see

Rom. 16:7-8;

Juntas and Andronicus,

.14

Superstition

.

.

.

Pharisies was,

bloomed them,

charitable affection

2:31. 7. fc

inward reasonable

.8.C

sollemne outward

Mark Num.

Rom. .

.

.

God.

1115

Luke

7:9; sec

Sol.

n n

17:8 12:1 1:23; see

n

17:11

Vg (ze

m ay t

Scriptural References 2:33.19—21.
accordinge to

.

.

John

considered.

.

4:24; Wisd. of

Sol. 6:10; 1

correspondent

2:34.2—3.

.

.

whome we

.

Chron. 29:17

2 Chron. 2:5

worship.

.9—10 2:35.3—4.^ .6— 7./i

.20—21 .

28-29.

cloudie piller to overshadow them: ripenes of understanding

Jobs observation,

Davids were,

as

Aske thy father

Salomon,

2:41. 16.

to unloose

2:42.9.

hinder St Paul

.11-13

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

olde age.

.

understandinge,

olde,

.

.

.

dumbe

.

.

.

.

.

Num.

22:28

Acts 27:38

Rom. 3:8

good might

.

Wisd. of Sol. 4:9

Job 12:12 Ps. 37:25 Eccles. 4:9

creatures,

into the sea,

.

Exod. 13:21-22

Deut. 32:7

thee.

.

then one.

doe evcU,

to

.

.

.

2:39.\6.p

.

.

come of it. .23-24. u'

2:43.30-31

the contraric practise ... by him,

They

that

where

2:47.16.2:

walke in darknes

to present

before the Lord.

theire sacrifices.

the Patriarkes used

.

and groves

.20—21.C

a

Gen. 4:3

Deut. 12:5

Yee shall

mount Moria,

.26—27./»

the chiefest of Davides desires

.8-1 2.y

Gen. 3:8

Gen. 21:33

.25.

he incited

n

Exod. 26; see n

.24/

»

6:4; see

Gen. 22:2

moveable tabernacle .

Luke

John 12:35

Gen. 13:4

altars,

and mountaines,

.19.d

2:48.6—8.

goe.

.

.I8.h

x

.

.

Adams sonnes

.

.

.

.17— 18.

.

.

choose.

.

.

2 Chron. 3:1

men

all

because I have

.

.14.fe

they weept

.20

both the one

.

.

.

aboundance.

.

offined

.

.

.

silver.

seene the former,

.

2 Chron. 6:7; Ps. 132:5 1

Chron. 22:14; see

1

Chron. 29:3

n

Ezra 3:12; Hag. 2:4 Matt. 21:12,14-15,23, 25:1

and the other

Matt. 4:23, 9:35, 12:9

.24./

but in private onlie.

Acts 1:13, 2:1, 2:46

.27—28

as

God

gave increase

2:49. 10-12.

David

2:51.31.r

Tabernacle

2:52.2-3.5

it

this

way

.

.

.

Church,

of the Temple,

as

notefieth

.

be pcrpctuall,

...

.

shalbe put.

.

.A.t

These things

.

.

superfluous.

.10— 12.M

that impression

.

.

.14— IS.f

the dedication

.

14-16. M'

.18.x

.

The argument

.

.

.

.

howse of God.

.

.

with joye.

.

of the temple.

the carryinge of burthens

1

Cor.3:6-7

1

Chron. 29:17,18

Exod. 40:34; Exod. 40:9 1

Kings 8

Lev. 16:2

Ezra 6:16 Matt. 21:13 Jer.

17:24

on the Saboth .20-21.

not the carriage

.22.

Ye

.23. <J

Have

2:55.17/

shall keepe

The

yet not

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Temple.

sanctuarie.

drinke,

Mark 1

signe of Castor and Pollux

1116

11:16

Lev. 26:2

Cor. 11:22

Acts 28:11

1

Kings 8:11

z

Index .20-21.^

2:57.20-22.y

If to

A

Daniel

man

.

.

Dan. 4:5

Beltshazzar,

.

neede not saye

.

.

Ecclus. 39:34

praise:

.

2:58.2-3.ife

the prophetes endevoured

2:59A6.p

a testimonie

.

.

.

awaie.

of our cherefull affection

Hag. 2:5,10; sec 1

tl

Chron. 28:14;

29:2,3,6,9,i4

A8.q .24.r

the majestie of kinges,

.26j

belike

.29

living temples

2:61.1

Moses

.

.

2 Chron. 2:5

of his almightines,

a wittnes

.

would

Matt. 6:29

Mai. 1:8

disdaine.

of the holie Ghost,

Job on the dungehill, .2

1

Cor.3: 16-17, 6:19

Exod. 14:21-22

of the Sea,

in the midst

Job 2:8

2 Chron. 32:24

Ezechias in bed,

Jeremie in mire,

Jer.

Jonas in the Whall,

Jon. 1:17

38:6;

38:1-2

Isa.

.2-3

Daniel in the denne,

Dan. 6:16

.3

the Children in the fbrmace,

Dan. 3:20-21

the thiefe

.3-4

on the

Luke 23:40-43

crosse,

Peter and Paul in prison

Acts 12:5-9,

O ivorship

Ps.

.

.

of holines.

.

16:23-27

96:9

.19-20.y

Doume with them, by the Law of God

.21.

Asa,

2 Chron. 14:1

Jehosaphat,

2 Chron. 17:1

.17-18.X

to the very

.

ground. Ps. 137:7

destruction

.

2 Chron. 29:1

Ezechia,

2 Chron. 34:1

Josiah

.23

2:62.2 .9.a

Deut. 12:2

Thou shah

.

.

my face,

.

the hypocrite Saul did

Deut. 5:7 withall.

.

.

they finde no succor;

1

Sam. 15:15

Isa.

8:21, 45:20; Hos. 14:3;

Isa.

41:24; see

n

.n.b

the withdrawinge of grace,

Ps. 115:8, 81:13;

.11-12.C

dereliction in this world,

Judg. 6:13

.12.d

in the

.\2-\e.e

Paul and Barnabas,

.16-17/

that dreadfull curse

.19-20.^

For w^hatsoever

2:63.17-18.;.

world

come

to

commandement

.

.

.

.

.

confusion.

whereunto the people

.25-26./

But

seeke the place

.

.

it.

Gods,

theire

.

Rev. 21:8;

Isa.

require.

.

.

.

tribes.

.

Jer.

2:17

Deut. 12:2 Deut. 12.11

Deut. 12:4-5

Yea but

2:65.21. fe

it is

2:66.10-11

Unto which maner Christianitie, the Decalogue of Moses

Heb. 6:1-2

2:67.28-68.3.^

with thexample

Acts 15:21; see

2:68.29-69.3.r

the Prophet David

2:69.12.5

the Evangelist St

.13

.

Saul.

.

.

1

Sam. 15:1-24

Luke

preached. .

.

.

2:21

Acts 14:14-15

2:64.14-16

the cattle

1:24

Deut. 28:20 suffer

.

.21-23

to

things?

.

.

Rom.

.

.

sabboth daie.

.

.

.

.

Luke

8:39, 12:3; see

Exod. 20:2-7; Deut. 5:6-21

n

not obedient.

Ps. 105:2<5-28; see

saith

Luke 5:6-8

1117

n

n

M rd f e

Scriptural References John

John 21:11

A4.t

St

.25—26.M

wordes of the Prophet Micheas

Mic. 5:2; see n

.27.1/

Evangelist transbte these wordes

Matt. 2:6

2:70.1 2. M/

.

saith,

.

goe the people,

theire offer to let

.24—25.)'

2:72.14 .22.

2:73.17— 19.

.

«

the gospell declareth

.

.

the Pharisees.

.

Exod. 10:24

John 10:11; Matt. 22:1-2

neither besomes, nor fleshhookes,

2 Chron. 4:16 (GB); see

the readinge onlie of scriptures;

Acts 13:15, 15:21

appointed oyle

Exod. 30:25,32

.

.

dailie uses.

.

.19—20 .J

the anointinge of Aaron

.21—22.fe

Moses

.23-24./

tabernacle,

.

not to

.

.

.

.

.

for ever;

Exod. 40:15

Num.

sanctifie)

apperteininge

.

.

.

n

10:2

Exod. 27:3, 30:26-28

thereunto,

2:75.1—2.0

readinge the law was restored,

Acts 15:21

touchinge the prophetes

Acts 13:15

.2.p

as

.12.r

some thinges not which are.

canonicall

Rev. ("Thapocalyps"; sec n) 2 Tim. 3:15

2:84. 33.

u4se to salvation.

2:87.11.)'

his spirit inwardlie

concurringe

Rom. 8:26; ]ohn 6:46; Matt. 16:17; 2 Cor. 4:6;

1

Cor. 12:3;

Acts 16:14

2:88.14—17.2

St Paule to require,

2:89. 16.a

rules

whereby

2:90.8— 11.

The

Scripture witnesseth

.

.

readinge.

.

.

judge

.

.

.

doctrines

1

Thess. 5:27; Col. 4:16

John

5:39;

8:20

Isa.

2 Chron. 34:18-/5'

confessed,

.

.

to

.11—13/

Great

.23—26.^

law

.26—31.l»

2:91.6-7

Our Lord ... by other meanes, teachinge? Who will give credit

2:92.9-1 1.«

Readinge doth

is

the wrath

saith,

.

.

.

.

.12— 13.y

St

John

.lA.k

in

it

.

.

selfe

in this booke.

.

.feare the Lord.

.

hoUe Ghost.

... the

through

.

.

.

faith salvation.

2 Chron. 34:21

Deut. 31:17-13

Luke 16:31 Isa.

53:1 (H's

John 20:31 Prov. 1:2-4;

availeable,

trans.)

Exod. 24:7

Rom.

Tim. 3:15 2:94.31-32

meditatinge daie and night on the law

2:95.3.

'foolishnes

of preachinge

.4-7.0

How shall

they

.10-11

as call

2:96.7-8

upon

.

.

the knowledg

.9—12

It

.r

Thapostle

call

.

.

.

God

pleaseth .

.

.

.

.

1

they be sent?

.

Christ.

.

.

true believers;

.

Kfjpu^l^

2:97. 30-98. l.M

'Search the scriptures,

2:98. 6-8.

the Apostle St Paul ... be examined.

.

the same Apostle

.18.1^

let

.32-99.2.X

word

that

.

.

.

.

.

life.

.

.

.

righteousnes.

two edged sworde.

2:99.25.2

where no

2:100.4.t

the savor of the

prophecyinge at

all is,

worde

1118

1:2

Cor. 1:21

Rom. 1

preachinge. .

Ps.

10:14

Cor. 1:2

Gal. 6:14

1:18-19

1

Cor.

1

Cor. 1:21; see

n

John 5:39 Gal. 1:9; see

n

2 Tim. 3:16; see

Heb. 4:12 Prov. 29:18

2 Cor. 2:16

n

1:16; 2

»

Index .5.C

beinge devided by preachinge,

2 Tim. 2:15

.6—7.J

how sermons how God giveth

Matt. 16:19

.8—9.e

2:101.14—15.1

.

is

.

of heaven,

.

.

.

rcadinge.

.

1

Cor. 3:6

not readingc the ordinance of God? Deut. 31:11

.22—23.it

delight and meditation

.26—27./

presentlie theire joye,

P$.

119.16

David, Teach me

Ps.

119.33,35

2:102.9—10.0

.28-103.1.^ the

Eunuch

.

in the law,

commaundments,

.

.

is

in the Actes

Acts 8:31

Rev.

2:103.27.r

to read

and

2:105. 8. u'

to give

them incouragcmcnt;

.10.x

singlenes

.

live.

God

.

.

Ps. 1:2

accepteth;

1:3

Ecclus. 51:26,27; Matt. 12:20 1

Tim.

1:5;

Rom.

14:1; 1

Thess. 3:10 .ll.y

hunger

.12.2:

imbecillitic

.14.fl

industric;

.14— 16.fc

that painefiiUnes

.

.

shalbe satisfied;

.

.

.

promise of God

.

Matt. 5:6 herein; Phil. 1

Jude 20; »'

2:1 10. 27.

caulves of

.

mens

.

gracious and sweet odors;

.28—29.fe

carryed

2:111.4./

all

into heaven

Rev. 5:8 Acts 10:4

Rom.

times are convenient.

Luke .8.m

god

.14—16

Notwithstandinge

.20—22.n

visitations,

2:112.4./)

forbid,

most

.

.

.

.

.

that they pray.

.

opportunities.

.

.

special)

praye for you.

.

Pet. 4:10

Hos. 14:2

lippes;

.27—28.^'

up

1

Luke 11:31

lost.

.

1 :6

Thess. 4:18; Hcb. 10:24;

promises made.

number of men.

1

1:9; 1 Thess. 5:17;

18:1

Sam. 12:23

Rev. 6:9

Dan. 9:20; Acts 10:30 Matt. 18:20

2 Cor. 1:11

.4—8.^

St Paul,

.8— lO.r

The

.21.t

alacritie ... a present spurrc.

Ps. 122:1

prophet David

Pss. 26:12, 35:18, 30:4,

2:113.8-9.1/

.

.

.

Prince ... to withstand them.

.15— 17.U'

this

.29—30.x

rather secretie

2:114.7.)'

one

w^ere

.

.

.

thapostle doth

.\9.h

verie gloric ...

.9.e

2:116.2—3

congregation;

.

thereunto.

Pss. 27:4, 42:4, 84:1

outward shoAV,

Matt. 6:5-6

.

.

.

.

.

angels sake;

.

.

.

don

.

the same,

the sonnes of Heli

God

.3—4.^

inclynation of

.4-6.^

given the world

.

.

prayer,

.

heard.

.

.

.

1

Num.

n

6:23

2 Chron. 30:27 1

Sam. 2:12

1

Tim. 2:8

John 9:31 ;Jer. 8:18

.8— lO./i 2:1 17.3.

Let thy pricstes

.

.

.

singe.

thautoritie ...

.4—6.ik

precise

by whome,

appointment

.

.

Ps.

132:9

2 Chron. 6:20

the solemnitie of places

A.j

96:9

Cor. 11:10

Ps. 96:6; sec

it selfc,

ow^n most gracious promisse, others before

n

Matt. 21:13

the house of prayer,

.16— 17.d

2:1 15. 8.
.

.

Jon. [not Joh.] 4:11; see

.

people.

1119

Joel 2:17

2 Chron. 29:30

11:11; Ezek.

«

t

Scriptural References .17—18./

God him

.18—23

or

.31-118.4

Moses,

as if

selfe

.

.

Num.

people;

.

our Lord,

.

.

see

2:118.8—9

.

.

hymne of Moses

verie

n

Exod. 15:1-19

Pharao,

.

6:23

Matt. 6:9-i3; Luke 11:2-4;

wordes.

.

.

.

liturgie;

.

Exod. 14:30-15:18;

.19—21.fM

the holie EvangeHst

.24—25

the songe of the Virgin Mary,

Luke 1:46-55; see n

.25

the songe of Zacharie,

Luke 1:68-79; see

.24—25

the songe of Simeon,

Luke 2:29-32; see n

.26—27.M

such hymnes

as thapostle

.27—28.0

In psalmes,

.

.

.

Magnificat, Benedictus

2:125.24—27.2:

The

2:126.24 .25

man

.

.

.

example of Ezechias

.

.

shall polute

.

.

the glorie the Sainctes

.

.

ditnittis

.

charitie,

.

the charge ... by Esay,

2:129.1—2

the

strict apostolicall

2:130.17-18

Wo

be to them

.

.

.

.

scandalous

.

.

Luke 1:46-55; see

n

n

2 Kings 18:4 1

11:20-22

Cor.

Isa.

30:22; see

n

Ps.

149:2

Rev.

15:6;

Mark

16:5

10:6

Rom. 14:21;

1

Cor. 8:13

Matt. 17:1 .

.

me.

.

messengers

.

Cor. 14:15

Isa.

If I preach not the Gospell

reverende regard

him;

cometh;

.

.

n

Exod. 28:2, 39:27

unto men,

.

.

1

Ecclus. 45:7; see

thee hence.

2:128.30-129.1

St

.

.

praise

.

seen

Matt. 26:30

Eph. 5:19

under the lawe,

for comlines

affection ofjoye,

2:134. l.<j

the spirit;

.

serpent,

.

Get

.

.12—\4.p

.19—20

.

Nunc

.

.

.11—12.0

2:133.9— 10. t^

.

and love.

.

and of Paul abrogatinge

.29-127.2.m Yee 2:127. 8.

Olives.

.

that hartely.

2:120.9-10

wise

.

.

Luke declaringe how Peter

1

3:16

Cor.

Mark

12:6

Acts 1:15

stood up

2:135.17—18

mouthes of infantes

to

sound

Ps. 8:2,

51:15

his praise.

2:137.5.6

.5—7

in prayer

Use

2:138.4—5/

varietie

2:139.7-8./»

as

.8.1

2:142.

2:144.

.

.

whole

.

.

.

Ezra did

.

.

till

.

did

as thapostle

.

In reproofe of

26—143.1./

If yee offer

15—16

length of dayes,

17

eagles

.

.

.

.

Matt. 6:7

commend;

thapostle doth

.

16—19

2:146. 15— 16.«

Luke 6:12

nightes.

in prayer ... be heard,

.

preachinge,

which

.

.

.

greatenes.

winges

St Paul alludeth

2:154. 18-21

And

2:155. 8-9.

All that

.

.

.

.

wee mil

40:31

.

doe,

.

.

amitie,

11.1; see

n

Cor. 13:1

Job 31:33 1

towardes god.

prophet David

if the .

.

1

ti

Kings 3:11

Isa.

whcreunto

the author of

Mai. 1:6-9

Luke

they request ... to pray.

2:149. 1

2:152. 16—19

2:1

8:3

Acts 20:9

1

2:148. 12 .q

Tim.

Mai. 1:8,14; see

Lord of hosts.

men should speake tungues of Angels, as Adam dissemble that wretchednes

30—31

1

Neh.

midday?

Cor. 14:16

Ealus. 47:8-9 Ps.

54:14 (55:14,

Exod

GB)

19:8, 24:3; Deut.

5:27, 26:17; Josh. 24:16

1120

Index patem of Moses and Miriam.

2:156.26.fl

the

2:157.3-6.t

/ satve the Lord

2:158.30-31. J

Speake

2:159.14.22

2:160.11

.12

.

.

.

2:162.25/

6:1-3

Isa.

hartes.

Eph. 5:19 Luke 1:46-55

Magnificat,

Bencdictus,

Luke 1:68-79

Nunc

Luke 2:29-32

dimittis.

Benedktus

Luke 1:68-79

the hundreth psalmc;

Ps.

Magnificat

Luke 1:46-55

the neintie eighth;

Ps.

Nunc

Luke 2:29-32

dimittis,

the sixtie seaventh

.29-32.f

Exod. 15:1,21

glory.

.

your

in

.

.

Ezechias

.

.

Ps.

98 67

2 Chron. 29:30

David and Asaph

.

100

Exod. 15:29; Wisd. of Sol.

sundrie open sollcninities

10:20; 2 Sam. 6:2; 13:5; 2

2:165.24

Gloria patri.

2:168.24-30

Eleazars was,

2:172.1 l-12.y

the glorie of all thinges

.

.

God

.12-13.y

the glorie of

.14-15.2

>vhich Angels

A8-20.a

God

.

we

.

.

all

.

.

consist.

thinges,

acknowledged.

.

.

2:173.1-2

Baptizinge

2:174.5-6.c

one

God ofwhome

.6/

one

Spirit

.19

the brightnes of his glorie

use

.

.

.

holie ghost;

.

By whome,

.

.

In whome,

the blessed Apostles

2:182.27.jfe

I goe to prepare a place for you,

.28-29.;

I

mil

.

.

.

.

.

precise rule,

wordes of Mathew

2:184.26-27.;*

EUhu hath

2:185.1.^

Jacob,

.

.

.

hir first

Momenta

said.

Josh. 7:10; Ps. 22:23 Matt. 28:19 1

Cor. 8:6

1

Cor. 12:3-4,13

Eph. 5:19; Col. 3:16

John 14:2 John 17:24

me,

also with

2:183.9-11

Cor. 15:40

Ezek. 10:4

2:179.26-27.1

.

1

Exod. 33:18; Heb. 1:3 Matt. 18:10

behold,

.

.

glorified

is

...

home,

moriuntur,

Matt. 1:25

Job 34:20 Heb. 11:21

Moses,

Deut. 33

Josua,

Josh. 24

David,

1

2:186.1-2

O

2:187.9.5

that

2:188. l.M

they hid them

us die

let

.

.

.

of David,

.

omnis homo,

.

stood longe douhtJuU

.9-10

that

Christ

2:189.2.x

boldncs which

2:190.30-191.1

Pater

2:191.5.2

when

.

.

.

distance;

becommeth

si possibile est,

Ps. 39:5

Job 29:8

selves.

A.u

when

Kings 2

Num. 23:10

like theires. .

Chron.

Rom. 16:27; Phil. 4:20; Rev. 5:13; Matt. 28:19 2 Mace. 6:24-26

alive nor dead.

.

1

Chron. 20:3; Joel 2:15

.

.

.

Sainctes;

pleasure.

they sceme to prcvaile

Job 32:6 Luke 5:8

Rom.

5:2, 8:15;

Num.

11:33;

1:12, 2:6;

1121

Heb. 10:19

Matt. 26:39 1

Sam.

Luke 8:32

8:7;

Job

yJ •

Scriptural References .9.0

2:192.11-12.6

prevaile even

Aske of me

.14-16.C

Father

.19.d

in

.

.

.

.

sccme denied.

.

John 17:1-2

he prayed

sorte

2 Cor. 12:7-9 P$. 2:8

thy possession.

over alljlesh.

.

what

.

.

.

.

cup,

.

.

Luke 22:42; .25-193.2/ Be 2:193.2-4.^

obedient

Keepe

.

.

.

.

.4-5.h

whatsoever

.5-7..

For the ungodlie

.

10.11.

.

.

all infirmities.

.

the course of

.

.

every side.

.

.

.

come

.

neere.

2:194. 10-ll.M

the plaine expresse wordes

2:195.5-6

To what

.19-20.0 2:196.1-3.;) .12.^

2:197.8-9.r

/ desired

intent .

.

My soule

.

.

.

Though my

.

him;

.

left

talke

.

.

John 12:27 Matt. 27:46; see

Job 23.2

.15-16

If

Luke 22:44 Matt. 26:39

2:198.7-8.5

mercie worketh

2:199. 19-20.t

prayer of Christ ... his agonie.

towardes

.

Forgive us our synnes.

2:200.33-201.3.0/ scripture

.

.3-5 .X

St Paul

.5-6

many

.7-8.

St

.11

Pray

.14-15.Z

Lord remove

.24-25

To

.29-30.6

Verie ease

2:202.1-2 .21-24.C

2:203.2-3 .26.e

2:204.6

.

.

.

.

.

Matt. 6:12

.

.

James 1:3 Matt. 26:41

temptation? .

.

the flesh

Few men

.

.

.

.

.

Ps.

contempt"?

naturallie grievous.

.

sinne not.

that dutie ...

men

all

Ps.

saved,

1

which

.

.

for

.

all

men.

thapostle ... as beinge KaA.6v,

own

.8-9/

requested

.21-23.^

our Savior ...

.23.;.

the prayers of the prophet Jercmie

.29-30

general irtclynation

.

.

.

theire

soules,

.

.

might be saved,

mother of our new

2:207.13.fe

that verie

2:208.18-19

grace which worketh salvation.

2:209.3-4

That

God

.

.

.

is

very

God.

1

Cor. 13:7

1

Tim. 2: 1-4; see

Rom.

birth

Jer. 15:1 1 Pet.

3:9

Gal. 4:26; Tit. Isa.

Isa.

2:11; see

54:3

n

9:6; Jer. 23:6;

John 16:15, John 5:20

1122

n

9:3, 10:1

Matt. 10:11-12

a blessinge;

.

30:6

Tim. 2:3

Rom. 9:22

there are vessels of wrath charitie

119:22

Heb. 12:11 Prov. 1:32

them;

slayeth

.

.

.

and

.

119:71

Acts 14:22

heaven,

.

Ps.

2 Tim. 3:12

temptations.

.

53:10; John 10:15 Luke 22:43 Isa.

2 Cor.l3:7

suffer persecution,

.

tribulations

James .

.

.

.

concurringe therewith.

.

.

.

it.

Corinth

St Pauls prayer

.26.1/

n

Heb. 5:7

cryes,

O Father.

.23.M

7]

groninge.

streamcs of bloodie sweates,

.

32:6 [not

John 18:4

alone .

groones and stronge

.

32:fO[not9]

Ps.

Ps. 40:8

.10-11

be possible

P$.

Matt. 26:39,42

death?

.

harte.

.11

it

.

into this hower.

.

and blood

flesh

.

mine

.

Deut. 7:15 Ps. 1:3 [not 4]

shall prosper.

.

14:36;

see

Deut. 30:9

thy ivealth.

.

his lawes,

Mark n

Matt. 26:39;

Rom.

9:5;

5:21; Col. 2:9;

1

a n« M

Index 2:210. 5-6.

St

.26—21 1.1. r

God

2:21 1.6-9 .J

.21—23.f 2:213.13.)'

.\S-\7.z

.20—22

might be

became

It

.

.

.

God,

Matt. 16:16

flesh.

John 1:14

.

.

.

the world.

.

by one hand.

...

by meanes thereof

The word

.

.

Johns exposition

.

.

Heb. 2:10;

mercie.

.

2 Cor. 5:19

thapostle denyinge

John ... in us. Abraham.

John 1:14 Heb. 2:16

wisdom

in us.

Eph. 2:21-22

saith St

.

.

dwelt

.

.

.

.

1:15-18

Col.

Heb. 4:15

borne of the Virgin Marie,

Matt. 1:18,23

.13—14

baptised of John in the river Jordan,

Matt.

.14

by

Matt. 27:2,20-25

2:214.13

2:219.18-19. .19—21.

adjudged

Pilate

When

one

In the

.

.

in the other

.

.1—2

2:222.9— 10.x

.

.

thapostle saith

.24—25.m

.3—4.^

.

and when the Sonne

.22—23./

2:221.2—3./»

"

St Peters confession

.6—7.0

.

It

.12—13.2:

The name

.14.

by the

.15—16.6

conjunction

.16— 19.C

which guift

.

glorie,

.

instant.

^ui/i .

.

.

Eph. 3:15; see

man,

.

.

.

.

nature of

.

man

word beinge made

the

2:224.5

the way, the truth and the

2:225.1-2.^

all

power both

he hath

.

.

.

.ll.j

with knowlcdg

.14.y

all

.16— 17.fc

God

maner

.

.

life;

.

n

John 14:6

Luke 2:47,52

.

.

restraine

.

universal!,

and vertues

graces

see

John 1:14

flesh

apt to receive,

beames of deitie

John 5:26 1 John 5:20; John 4:10

heaven and in earth Matt. 28:18

in

.6—7./».3

Eph. 1:3-14; Col. 1:19 Phil. 2:9

livinge water.

.

2:223.2—3

.8

dwell.

.

of the &thcr.

.

n

John 3:35

giuen him.

is

.

Cor. 2:8

John 3:13

Wisd. of Sol. 7:25,26 .

.

hath pleased the father .

Cor. 2:8

James 1:17; see n Heb. 1:3

a Sonne

(SiT5fou

.

1

3:13-16

John 3:13 1

a father

is

is

Because the father

.ll-12.y

.

.

admitteth not.

.

.

everie ofspringe

.

.

.

not capable;

.

everie beginninge

'EoTiv

Jewes.

with the oyle

.

.

him

.

Matt. 27:46

Col. 2:3 Isa.

11:2

Isa.

61:1;

Luke

4:18; Acts

4:27. 10:38 .17.fc

above

Heb. 1:9

.m

his fellowes.

2 Cor. 1:21;

2:226.5—7.

glorified

2:228.22—23./>

God

2:230.6

Christ by beinge a creature

2:232.19—20. .2\.u

.28—29.U'

bodie

.

.

former mortalitie.

.

should withdrawe

Christ as

man

.

.

.

.

.

.

thinge

given him.

dominion over quicke and dead. For which caiue humbled. .

.

.

John 20:27;

.5—7jc

doth till

now

raigne in glorie

the time

.

.

.

restored.

1123

John 2:20,27

Ps. 139:7,8; Jer.

n 23:24

Col. 1:15

Matt. 28: /«

Rom.

14:9

Phil. 2:*-9;

5:12

2:233.4—5.x

1

see

Luke 21:27 Acts 3:21

Heb.

2:9;

Rev.

w

e sr

at

Scriptural References .6.x

came downe

.18-19.)'

After his risinge

.22.Z

put

.24—26.

The

all

...

sceptre

.

.

.

heavens,

Eph. 4:9

places

Eph. 1:20-23

which gave

.

that gratious

2:235.4

Sonne of God

2:236. 13-14.C

.

thinges under his feet,

2:234.21-23

.4— S.fc.l

all .

promise .

.

.

1

n

John 1:4-5,9

light,

.

Heb. 2:8

Cor. 15:24; see

Matt. 28:20

v^forld.

.

.

Ps. 8:6;

it,

John 1:18 Luke 3:22; John 3:34-35,

In the hosome of the father

him

love of the father towardes

5:29, 10:17

.15-16.C

he beareth towardes

.29—30.
to pearce into

.32.

beareth up, and sustaineth

2:237.9-10/

we

beinge

.

.

.

.

Aicin him ...

.27—28./«

them

theire

to

.

Heb.

all?

Acts 17:28,29

John 1:4,10; 1 John 3:1

sonnes.

.

1:3

John 14:23

life.

.

14:31, 15:10

Wisd. of Sol. 7:23

spirites,

.

whome second Adam

as a

John

father.

.

God,

the ofspringe of

.24-25.^ «

.

with anie one?

.

.23.^

2:238. 1-2.

.

1

Cor. 15:47

.13.fc

Eph. 1:3,4 of him him have loved commeth not to us but by the Sonne, 1 John 5:11

.14-15./

but through the

.15— 17.m

the Apostle

.18.n

the participation of diuine nature.

.4—6.y

in

.

.

.

2:239.2.p

(he and they

.

.

Rom.

Spirit.

.

.

though our

.

one name)

.

with

as

.5-6.

knowethc and loveth

.6-1.

he which hath not

.8—9.<

I

.11

adopted sonnes

.12.M

whose

.19.f

coherence with Jesus Christ.

.26.

such

am

.

the vine

.

.

.

.

.

.

1 John 5:12 John 15:5,6 Rom. 8:23; Gal. 4:5—6

life.

fruite,

.

John 14:19; Eph. 5:23

the wellspringe

life is

John

.27-28

the

wee com. my bones, wordes of Adam

.31-32.X

To

all

as

selfe

.

.

.

.

.

.32-240.1.)' to the

2:240.4-5.2:

him

.

.

Hght eternall

.

Christ as the cause originall

.13-14.a

That which quickneth

.21-22.

through

2:24\.d, g.5

.10-11 2:242.6-7. /« .7-8 2:243.2.j

.

thinges ... o/"Gorf;

Church

.

Cyrill. in

both It

as

.

.

God

pleaseth

.

.

.

life

which we

those thinges

.9-10./

The

first

.

.

.

life.

cap.l3.

.

.

.

.

is

us.

his.

righteousnes;

thinge ... Spirit of Christ,

1124

1

14:20, 15:4

Cor. 15:48

Gen. 2:23

John l:4-5> John 6:57 Heb. 5:9 1

Cor. 15:22,45

Heb. 9:14

John

10:13; see

n

John 15:5

fulnes,

live ... .

.

Adam,

without

.

.

But most assured

.5-6. fe

.

branches.

.

him

.

without spott.

lib. 10.

Joh.

God

.

Cor. 12:12

John 15:9

selfe.

.

much of God

.

1

his.

not

.

Col. 2:10

Eph. 5:30

.4—5.^

.

2 Pet. 1:4

head

for theire

.

8:10

2 Cor. 13:13

holie Ghost.

.

.30—239.1.0 incorporation

.

40:26

Isa.

Eph. 1:23; sec

n

John 1:16 Gal. 2:20 Isa.

53:5; Eph. 1:7

Rom.

8:9;

Gal 4:6

cH M

Index God,

.12.m

the seede of

.13.n

the pledge of

.

1

.13—14.0

the handsel] ... to come.

.16

in

number

Rom.

of heaven.

as the starres

John 3:9

Eph. 1:14

inheritance,

.

.

8:23

Gen. 22:17, 26:4;

Exod. 32:13; Deut. 10:22; Heb. 11:12

AS.p

coupled evcric one to Christ

.\9.q

all

.

.8— 9.r

Moses by

.9—12.5

The

.13— 14.(

by

fierie

He

that

2:247.3—5. .M.l— 2

2:251.26-28 .31

fire

.

.

.

.

.

toumed

man

Unlesse a

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.6.e

a visible descent

not vnth the Christ

.

.

.

from above?

.

His wordes followingc

.18—19.1

with ^vate^

.20 .J

a bath

.22. le

to remission

When

God

.

.

his

.

.

.

unto

thaposde

.

.

Church?

accompt

.16—17.5

Predestination

.

Wash and

.

.

.

all

synne.

A2.y

beholdinge the brasen serpent?

.13.Z

If Christ

.24—25

Whoso

require baptisme,

.

.

beleiveth not

Unlesse a

man

2:260.23-24./»

that the seed

2:262.8— 1 O.J

God which

2:267.17—18.1*'

/

2:268.2—8.x

lesser thinges

2:269.3.2

thaposde

tvill

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

alreadie,

.

.

.

Eph.

n

1:1

Eph. 5:8

Rom.

Num.

8:30

21:8

Mark 16:16 John 3:18

1

revenge upon Moses

have mercie and not .

Eph. 5:26

John 3:3

of water, verie birth.

.

n

3:5

2 Kings 5:13

be cleaned

.

3:3; see

Eph. 2:3,12

external] vocation,

.

John John

Titus 3:5; see

present world?

.

John 3:5

Acts 2:38

elect sainctes,

.

.8— lO.r

2:258.10

life.

of synnes?

then accompteth ...

1 1 .X

.

of regeneration?

.5—6.^

.

Acts 2:3

adjoyned,

.

.

.11— 14./i

2:256.1—4./»

Acts 1:5

of fyer,

Spirit

n

n

Matt. 3:11

meant by John,

.

see

John 3:3

Ghost andjier

the tyme,

5:4

Acts 2:3

Luke 3:16;

c.3.

heaven.

.

.

John

Wisd. of Sol. 16:7; see

savior of all.

.

12:5; Eph. 4:25

Exod. 3:2

.

Luc.

.

Cor. 12:27

Exod. 33:20

impossible.

.

present.

.

.

Sptritus sancti

would

.

.

.8 .g

1

Rom.

selves,

them selves. tongues upon them.

Angell,

the holie

2:253.2—3.
2:254.9-1 1

.

.

For Moses to sec

2:246.7—8

2:257

unto everie

sacrifice?

minte and commin,

Cor. 7:14

Exod. 4:24; see

tl

Matt. 9:13 Matt. 23:23; see n; cited at

l:273.7-8.a;see 1:260.9-1 l.n

A.a

Let

woman to teach; your women in Churches be

2:270.23.

One

2:278.1—2.

It

.

.

.

silent.

Lord, one faith, one baptisme,

behoveth

.

.

.

owne

vocation.

1

Tim. 2:12

1

Cor. 14:34

Eph. 4:5

Num. 1

16:10; Lev. 10:1;

Sam. 13:11; 2 Sam.

6:6;

2 Chron. 26:16; Heb. 5:4 2:286.26—287.1.^

condemnc Sephora

.

.

.

hir

1125

sonne

Exod. 4:24

M

tr

Scriptural References 2:287.25-26.

«

2:288.11— 13.y

she touched the feete

execution

as after

.

.

Exod. 4:25; see

ofhloode,

.

.

.

taken awaie,

.

see

2:289.5—8

external! ministerie

2:291.7-8.«

.24—25

God,

the guift of

Men .

.

.

.

.

law of God;

of such

12-13. t

2 Tim. 3:4

1

Gal 6.7. kingedom of heaven,

Gal. 6:7

the holy Scripturs.

2:297.4—7.2

Matt. 16:17; John 1:12-/3

greater.

.

towards God.

St Peter

.23.)'

Heb. 5:4 Gal. 4:28

.

of pleasure

are lovers

2:293.2

2:296.14

.

.

.

.

the

is

an elect babe, so everie

That

.

.

lawe of Moses.

.

.

infantes

him

the like of others,

.

.

.

the law

.

.

Christ

2:306.5-6.;>

taught what

2:307. 12.

marked of God

2:312.9— 10.
hreakinge to peeces that serpent

2:314.6

wordes of Ezechias

2:316.2.j

anie scruple of Caesars image

selfe .

.

.

.

with ointment.

.

Pet. 3:21

Matt. 19:14; see

Gen. 17:14; see

Luke 7:44-46;

Ezek. 9:4; Rev. 7:3; 9:4;

.

.

brasen Images which that

lump

.

ofbrasse,

.11— 12.M

that

,16

the fact of Peor

.

.

.9-1

1 .q

The

temples

Josias

.

.

.

.

22:20 2 Kings 20:2-4

Josh.

2:321.14-18./

Israel blessed

.

.

.

.

.

.

when

.2A—26.V

In consecrations ... to Christ.

.

.27-322. 2. u^ in such formes 2:322.7-8.*:

.

God.

the leprosie.

.

.

.

children.

.19—24.M

.

.

same custome.

.

They brought him

Kings 11:7

2 Kings 23:13

overwhelme;

Ephraim

Eliseus

1

them up.

.Josias did

sinkes

2 Chron. 4:3

2 Chron. 34:7

destroyed not,

.

touchinge matter of religion

2:318. 19.

and

2 Kings 18:3,6; 22:2 2 Kings 23:7

Gen. 48:14-/5 2 Kings 5:11

Num. Matt.

imposition of hands.

Mark

.

.

.

27:18

Matt. 9:18;

pray.

Mark 5:23, 8:22 Mark 10:13;

19:13;

Luke 18:15 .13— 16.y

a promise

.

.

.

.20-21.2

the guift

.

.

own

.22-24. <j

Simon Magus

2:324.16—17.^

.

confirmation

.

as

.

.

16:17

handes.

Acts 19:6

with monie.

Acts 8:17,18

an ordinance

Heb. 6:2

Apostolique .

22-24. /i

2:326. 26-27. fe

as in theire case

to blcsse

is

n

Num. 25:2,5

raced

.

see

Josh. 22:10-34

river Jordan,

the example of Ezechias

.7—8.p

2 Kings 18:4;

Exod. 32:4

the odious example of Achan,

2:317.3—5.0

n

Matt. 22:20

Salomon made

.10— ll.m

.

6:21

2 Kings 18:3-4

which did adore. altares which Josias destroyed which

n

in the forehead

.9-10./

.

Rom.

Eph. 5:12;

.7.fe

.

n

see

and what not.

.

see

.

n n

2 John 1:1,4; see Gal. 5:3

plaine.

is

2:304. 8-18.

.27

25:7-11;

n

of God.

2:292.13-17.f

.

.

children of the promise

.34

ti

Num.

Ps. 106:30;

.

.

.

baptised them;

an act of authoritie,

1126

Acts 8:12-/7

Heb. 7:7

m

c r M nq c

t

Index .32-327./

grace as David ... of God;

Ps.

2:328.1 1-12.«

epistle to the

2:329.17.0

n.T

St Luke much deceived] bowing of his knees to God; bestowed upon into heaven augmented upon them afterwardes,

.27-28.5

Except ye eat

2:330.3 .;> .6-1.

.

.

Hebrues be

.

.

2:332.33-333.1.

asked

also,

2:334.1

Take,

eat,

scripture,

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

thou hether?

.

my

this is

.

Acts 8:15.17

Eph. 3:14

John 20:22 Acts 1:8

John 6:53 [not 52] John 6:25 Mark 14:22-24; Matt. 26:26-

in you.

.

51:10-12

Heb. 6:2

blood;

28; Luke 22: 1 7-19; and

1

Cor.

11:2J-25; seen

.12—13

My

.

.

.19

participation

.

.33—335.3. M

first

body

.

of my blood.

ensueth.

.

.

Take and

eat;

.

.

2:337.3-6

our Savior to abate

2:342.6-7.
May

2:344.16— 17.

the Levites

.

1

9—20 .f

I but touch .

.

.

.

.

2:346.23—30

Our

2:347.6—16

that

made usual]. commaundc Aaron,

God

.13—14

the service

.22—23.fe

forbidden

.

did

.

.

.

.

.

was made ready, .

them which

malefactors?

.

.

Cor. 5:11

Num. 1

9:13

Cor. 11:28

2 Chron. 35:6-^4; Gen. 43:16; see

n

2 Chron. 35:10;

see

1

... his Church.

call

fi

2 Chron. 35:6 1

God

law of

to the

kneeling

Cor. 10:17; see

Mark 14:22-24 Matt. 9:21

thapostles prohibition

aaordinge both

Cor. 10:16

1

fohn 6:52-58

spirit,

.

whole,

.

theire preparation,

.

2:345.1.^

2:349.23-24

.

of synnes.

.

1

n

Cor. 5:11; see 2:353.^.20

Rom. 10:13;

Cor. 1:2;

1

see n

2:350.5—7. .19

.20

2:351.8—9. .16—18.0

2:352.2—5.^ .31—353.1

not the

contention

least

.

.

.

Christ,

arkeofNoah, lost

hath

.

.

15:5;

1

Cor. 1:10

Gen. 7:1 Matt. 10:6; Luke 15:4

sheepe;

gon out from

God

Rom.

.

believers,

1

up

into glorie.

1

.

.

.

these parables

unworthelie

.

.

.

.

.

cloked mixture.

.

own

theire

John 2:19 Tim. 3:16 (H's

trans.)

Matt. 13:24,47 1

Cor. 11:29

1

Cor. 5:11

damnation, 2:353.^.1

the place of

2:355.30.

the paucitic of communicantes,

2 Chron. 30:13; Ps. 122:1

2:356.7—8.5

sweet compulsion

Luke 14:23

2:358. 14.

glorious and blessed resurrection

.

.

Corinthians

.

.

.

furnished?

.

.IS.f

St Paul

nameth i^av&OTaaiv,

.W.2

Vide

Thes. 4:17.

1.

2:360.22—24

the prophet David

2:362. 8.

This very place

.W.d

This

is

.15—26.C

The

wise

2:363.14

Let us

the day

man

rejoice

.

.

.

.

.

.

tennc ycares,

.

.

in

Thess. 4:17

Ps.

Ps.

theire dignitie.

and be glad

Cor. 15:2/

90:10

Exod. 3:5

made'?

.

.

1 .

grounde'?

.

1

PhU. 3:11

it.

1127

118:24

Ecclus. Ps.

33:7-12

118:24

Scriptural References 2:36A.5.h

JJ (

Index was blamed.

.12—15

Often

.15— 16.
publique injoigned

fkstingc

.

.

.

fastcs

.

scripture

.

.

Matt. 9:14

2 Chron. 20: 8:21;

Jer. 36;

A7—\8.e

sometimes for one onlic day,

Judg. 20:26

.18/

sometimes

2 Mace. 13:12

.g

sometimes for seaven.

for three,

1

Ezra

Sam. 7

1

Sam. 31:13;

Chron.

1

12:12 .20-21. /«

2:388.1—2 .2—3

upon

the 9th daie

Theire yeerelie everie fifth

.

.

.

.

expiation,

.

fastes

.

.

the enemie,

.

theire temple,

.

n

Lev. 23, 16; see Jer.

39:2; 52:6,1

Jer.

52:12-14; 2

Kings 25:8-10 Jer.

41:1-3

Jer.

52:4

.3—4

everie seaventh

.5—7

everie tenth

.8—9.1

prophet Zacharie expreslie toucheth.

Zech. 8:19; see

AO-ll.j

the breaking of those 2. tables

Exod. 32

.12.k

a memorial! as

.

.

.

Godolias

.

.

against them,

.

Num.

wcU of Gods

n

14

indignation

.14—15

a memorial! ... to Ezechiel

.26—27

Wee

.28—29.m

/ was (saith he)

2:389.4-6.0 .9— lO.jj

have

.

.

One

believelh

Nor

did they

Ezek. 24:1-2

the Ninivites fasting,

.

.

.

.

.

.

Dan. 10:2-3

nor wine.

.

eaUth heaths.

.

.

daies to

.

Jon. 3:1

fast.

Rom.

14:2

Judith 8:6

Neh. 8:3,12

.\l.q

sacred scripture doth

.21—390.6

Besides as they which ... at that time. Matt. 12:1-8; Mark 2:23-28;

.

.

testimonie?

.

Luke 6:1—5; see n 2:390. 10-12.

.14— 15.M

These men,

.

.

.

not overpast.

Acts 2:15

more then once.

1

is

St Paul speaketh

Cor. 7:5; 2 Cor. 6:6;

11:27; Col. 4:4 (Acts 14:23? see n)

.19—21

2:393.12—14 .14—15

as

Christ had

St Paul

.

.

.

.

Thapostles them selves a special! sacrifice

2:397.24.6

whether wee

.24—25.C

.15— 16.C

or

fast

wee

Luke 5:35

fast,

meates or drinkes.

2:396.21—22

2:398.12— 13.

apt to

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

declareth.

law of Moses,

.

rest

offend.

exercise considered in

the other oflSces

.

.

selfe

it

ever tyeth.

.

1

Tim. 4:3;

also,

Ads 15:1-31 Num. 29:1-11; Isa.

1:13

Isa.

58:3

1

Tim.

4:8; see

Eccles. 12:13;

Rom.

1

and of Johns

.20./«

wee avoid Judaisme,

2:399.7—8.J

why

disciples curiositie

our Savior

.

.

.

Col. 2:16

most moume,

.8— 11.

w^hy Salomon

.12— 13.ife

Job was not ignorant

.28.m

Eat thy bread with joy.

.

.

.

weakenes .

.

.

better.

sacrifice.

Matt. 5:4 Eccles. 7:4

Job

1:5

Eccles. 9:7

1129

n

n

Isa.

58:6-7;

14: 17; James 1:2;7;

Matt. 9:14

2:16

Lev. 16; see

12:14; Eph. 2:10.

.17—18.^

Col.

Heb.

a

t

Scriptural References .28—400.1. n Davids example

2:401.14— I'S.p .20—2\.q

2:402.2-4

.

My soule fasted, God

.

.

.

.

did depend

my

.

.

.

naturallie

grounded upon

woman

.ll-13.t

2:405. 3. fc

There

is

.

That duties belonging unlawfull copulation

.

.

.

.

Gen. 3:16 Gen. 2:24; Matt. 19:5-6 Bales. 3:1

all things,

.for

.

inequalitie,

insoluble knot.

.

69:10 (GB)

Gen. 2:i8

Man

2:403.9-10

Ps.

reproofe.

.21—24

.

35:13

Ps. 73:5

end:

.

.

men

other

.

.11

and

Ps.

.fastinge;

.

David dcscribeth

doe witncs. Joel 2:16;

.

both

.

parties.

Rom.

1

Cor. 7:5

1:24

Cor. 7:4

thapostle doth ... in others person,

1

2:406.25-26

The

Gen. 3:16

2:408.8-10

judged

2:409.26-27.ife

The Jewes

2:410.1./

doth Davids example show,

2 Sam. 15:30

Let thy garments be allwaies white;

Eccles. 9:8

.17— 19.M

mentioned

Luke 7:12

.20—21.0

verie extreemc destitution

.23—24./)

ancient use

.26—27.^

fiinerall orations,

.8—1 1 .c

.6.m

2:411.1-2 .12

The

fruit

.

.

birth travaile,

.

unholie

life

.

.

O

.24—25.r

give them

that

.

.

.19—19.S

Give wine

.29-30.

ministreth

.

.

.

2:414.10

their

2:416. 12-13.3C

that bloodthirstie

Ps.

.

God

.18—19

that the sinnes

.19-20

that

.

.

cause

shall

all

.

counsels

name

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

David him

.20—21

Give me

.

selfc

.

.

.

.

.

.

Isa.

Prov. 10:7

.

.

.

ruin.

.

.

.

both

Prov. 16:18; see lives,

the just forsaken.

.

.

.

1

Ps.

37:25

of grace

Prov.

30:8

Luke 12:42;

1

Cor. 4:1; Tit.

1:7; 1 Pet. 4:10;

2:424.13—14 .25-29

wandred

in darknes

For in that

.

.

.

.

.

.

woe,

Jesus Christ?

Feed

my

sheep?

.

.

.

on earth forgive?

1

Cor. 5:20;

1

Tim.

5:17;

12:9; Acts 20:28

John 21:17; Mark 16:14; Matt. 28:18; Luke 22:19; John 20:23

1130

Eph. 3:2

John 8:12, 12:35; IJohn 2:11

Heb. .30—425.3

n

Tim. 4:8

Wisd. of Sol. 4:11

nor penurie.

consisteth

57:21

Nah. 1:11

understanding;

riches

.

which worke

.

55:23

Deut. 28:2 /-22, 27

shall putrifie,

.28-29

man

Ps.

nothing;

men

Chron. 19:2; Job 2:11

Rev. 14:13

of peace;

.

1

Lev. 21:1

theire daies;

For otherwise godliness

2:423.31—32.6

Prov. 31:6-7

past cure;

.

wise and judicious

w^ise

Jer. 16:7

synagogues)

.

.25—26

2:418.3—5

Num. 23:10

his.

.

116:15

2 Cor. 5:1

workes follow them:

.13—16.)'

the

sight.

comfortable speech

.

19:40; Matt. 23:27

2 Sam. 1:19

of hart.

griefe

.

.

.

.

79:3

sacred poemes;

theire mother,

.

.

Ps.

John

dissolution?

.

.

(the forbidding

.21—22.2

.

Gods

2:412.26-29

2:417.4—6.

.

might die .

don them.

sweet odors,

.

.

... in

I

John 11:36

great.

... to the earth,

against the daie

.15-16

Lev. 12:4

leviticall lav^r.

.

was

...

Mz «

,

Index Kal aeaoxdv poi

/ 2:425.24-26 .30./i

holie thinges

.

2:426.9-10.1

power of man

2:427.11-17

as in

.19-20

2:428.18—22. .23—24.0

2:429.1—3./>

.

iSK&xa^

parte

of God.

.

.

.

the gospell

.

All power

geven

is

.

.

.

.13—14

the keyes of the

.

.

.

.

Spirit

2:431. 20.

the desire thereof.

2:432.19—22. u*

The prophet .

.

.16

Yee chose

.29

He

.

.

.

thy will

.

the holy Ghost.

.

.

.

.

and

.

.

.

place,

send me.

.

.

of Melchisedec,

.

O

which

.

.

.

a good worked

Seeke not

.

.

.

thine uprightnes,

2:436.15— 17.C

the providence of

2:438.22-24.^

as St

2:439.25—26.1

The prophet Esay

.32—440.1.J 2:440.1—2. fe

St

.

.

.

.

Aegypt;

the other

I

graunt doth,

twentie presbyters,

.

.

new^ Jerusalem.

.

.

Num. 1

\\:17

Tim.

Isa.

3:1

6:8

Heb. 5:6

1

Paul ... an other thinge.

.

Matt. 16:19

John 15:16

choice of you.

God

Matt. 28:18

John 20:22 Luke 24:49

Heb. 10:9

God.

2:434.5—7.

John

Luke 15:11-32

John 20:23; Matt. 29:19; 16:19; seen

good.

for

.

.

Esaie

a Priest

art

Behold

.

kingdom of heaven,

which God

2:430.14—16.5

.32—433.1.x Thou

so send I you.

.

.

are reteined.

.

Tim. 3:1

Ecclus. 7:6

Num. 1

6:23; 2

2:442. 15-16.P

.21—24 .24—25 2:443. 10-1 l.r

the veric

'He

that

sermon

first .

.

.

make

.

Isa.

66:21

Rev. 4:4

Rev. 21:14; Matt. 19:28;

sorte

.

.

.

Agabus

.

.

.

.

.

Acts 6:1

Deacons.

Acts 6:2-7

Acts 21:10; 11:28

.19.J

named

.20.<

Apollos,

Acts 18:24

Timothie,

2 Tim. 4:5,

.u

.

.

.

Evangelistes as Ananias,

n

12:8

Hebrues.

others,

.

see

Acts 2:41,47

Rom.

in simplicitie'

.

when thapostles did By meanes whereof

Of this

.

Chron. 30:27

Cor. 15:35*

1 Pet. 5:1;

.15— 16.m

n

14:16,23-24

Cor.

fohn 20:22

'power from on high'.

.

whose sinnes

i

Heb. 2:17

faltes past.

.

havinge thus spoken

Behold I

Philem. 19; see

authoritie coupleth. Matt. 19:3-5>

.

Receiue the holie Ghost.

.10-11.^

2:433.9.y

npoao<|>E(XEi(;

one

St Paul ... the

Acts 9:17

9; 1

Tim. 3:15;

5:14; 2:8

2:444.6

two

places.

1

Cor. 12:28-29; Eph. 4:11-

13; see

.10— 15.U'

2:445.7— 12.x

God placed To

everie

.

one

.

better graces.

.

.

.

.

1

bodie of Christ.

n

Cor. 12:28-31 (H's

68:18

2:446.24—25.7

Touching widowes

.

.

.

Paul

1

Tim. 5:9

describeth

2:448.13-14

What

2:449.30

the fatnes of Abels sacrifice

Gen. 4:4

the flower ... by Salomon,

Prov.

.31—32

thaposde St Paul

.

.

.

1131

idolatrie,

trans.)

Eph. 4:7,8,11,12 (GB);

Col. 3:5

3:9

Ps.

Jy M myrJ

Scriptural References 2:450.28-29

These

2:451.14— 15.C .18—20.

two thousand halfe an ounce. some which David cichars,

.20-23

and of silver

.24—27.C

After theire retoume

.

.

iMke 1:5

built us synagogs.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Num. 1

7:85-86; see

25:39, 37:24; sec .

.

.

.

.

they did.

n

Neh. 7:70

.24.ife

bound them selves yeerlie. law of Moses fortie citties

.25—453.5./

theire fieldes

.7—9g

2:453. 9-10.

.

.

.

of the

.

.

God

If

.17.0

the lawe of

from

.

like purposes.

will be

.

.

the

.

Bringe yee

That which St James hath

2:456.1—2.

the law of Moses

2:457. 8.

While

.15.2

Thou

A6.a

My

A7.b

Will a

.23-24.
Ye

.

.

.

.

.

man

The time

2:464.12.^

cities

.

KaT&

.

.

.

theire rates,

.

whole

.

them

.

Exod. 22:29-30

me;

Matt. 21:13

Mai. 3:8 Ezek. 45:1,4

the Priests.

.

.

.

.

beholde

.

Ps.

it.

7l6XlV

.

.

everie

.

2:471.30-33

I

2:472.30-31.

St Paul ... the

.

.

.

.

Titus 1:5

citie,

everie

.

Church

Acts 14:23 Acts 14:23; 2 Cor. 8:19;

lawfullie ordeine.

.

see

word

90:10

Acts 15:36; Rev. 1:20

ecclesiasticall colleges.

Kax' iKKX^aiav

Lev. 27:25

Acts 5:4

thine.

God?

spoyle

thereof .

might

Mai. 3:10

James 4:3

house of prayer;

.

shall offer

Deut. 14:22

hlessinge.

.

.

shalt give

house

2:463.1—4 .p

13-14.

all

was

it

Gen. 28:20

Moses did require

2:455.4

Lev. 25:34, 27:28

Gen. 14:20

tith.

2:454.30—455.4.5

.14-15.5

Num. 35

spoiles ... the tithes.

.11-16.M

.

Neh. 10:32

.

.

.

rightlie,

1

n

Tim.

3:2; Titus 1:9; 2

2:15

2:473.1-2.2

they shalbc no

.

.

.

knowledg,

the blinde ... the

if

.3—4.6

teachers are shepardes

.5—6.C

theire laboures ...

.6—7.d

theire dutie ... in private,

.9.e

they

.

.

/

leaders,

.10.^

feeders,

.h

amongst

thapostles

no man can

.

.

2:8

Acts 20:2 1 1

Sam. 1:19 Tim. 4:12

taken charge;

.

.18—20

/ charge thee

.20—25.M

Woe

1

two masters, one ... he is called,

youre selves .

.

.

.

.

.

his

own

blood.

be instant.

unto the pastors

.

.

.

Jeede them.

1132

Pet. 5:2

Acts 20:28

theire o^vn,

serve

because everie to

intermission,

1

supervisors

Attend

Luke

no

John 10:4

.14— 15.fc .15—16./

pitt;

patemes of holines,

.11— 12.«

2:474.16— 18. wi

Hos. 4:6 Matt. 15:14

.2-3.
.

n

Ezra 2:68-69; 8:26; Hag. 2:4; see

added by Nchemias

2:452.1.

n

Exod. 38:24-26,29; see

cichars.

.

n

Chron. 19:2-1\ Exod.

Thess. 2:17

Matt. 6:24 1

Cor. 7:24

Acts 20:28

2 Tim. 4:1 Jcr.

23:1-4

Tim.

fr

c V

Index .25—33.0

Should not

.

.

Ezek. 34:2,8,10

devoure them.

.

2:480.15—17.5

to exhort in doctrine

2:484.31

Jeroboams pro&ne

.

gainesaie

.

.

it.

apostasie

Titus 1:9 1

Kings 12:26-30;

2 Chron.

13:8

2:486.6—7.

Yee know

.

.

Acts 20:34;

that are with me.

.

Cor. 4:12;

1

1

Thess. 2:9; 2 Thess. 3:8

2:488.21.x

rightlie to divide the

2:490.18-19

St Paul willed

2:497.19-20

they which excell

.

.

2 Tim. 2:15

wordc.

Timothie

.

.

.

ministers.

in honoure.

.

1

Tim. 5:22

1

Tim. 5:17

1

Sam. 18:12,15; Matt.

Book VI 3:3.27—30

considering their cause

.

.

.

withstood.

28:20 .34—4.1.
those words of Corah,

.

.

is

.

holie,

Num.

When

.19/

Preach,

Mark

Baptize,

Matt. 28:19; see

.g

.19—20./i 3:7.25

.28—29

Doe

the Apostle

.

.

accusations,

.

remembrance ofmee.

this in

Acts 20:28;

1

n

16:3; see

3:4. 16-17.

Tim. 5:19

1

n n seen

16:15; see

Cor. 11:24;

Rev. 3:20

/ stand att the doore and knocke. a repaired temple, ... to inhabite.

1

Cor. 3:16-17, 6:19;

2 Cor.

6:16 3:8.11—13

such

as theirs Avas

.16—17

The

first

thing

.

.

.

should doe.

.

.

fburty dayes.

.

.23—27

therefore our Saviour

.27-30

As the

like

.

.

3:9.18—19

TTtou art fallen

3:10.13—14

to the children

3:1 l.m

.15—16.0

Chry.

.

.

.

.

.

repentance.

away from

thy first love.

of disobedience

OepaTieCeaeai

.

Davids confession

.

.

and not

.

Matt. 11:21 Acts 19.17.19

the same.

.

Acts 2:37 Jon. 3:5

Rev. 2:4; see

1

Sauls,

Peeters teares,

.21—22

those

.27— 12.1.p

Whoe

.

.

can

tell

1

Sam.

n

Matt. 26:75

hymncs

.

n

Cor.; see

2 Sam. 7—13, 23-26; see

.20

n

Eph. 2:2, 5:6; Col. 3:6

.

.

.

intitled penitentiall,

e.g., Pss.

32, 51, and

Luke 15:18

3:12.5—6

/ will goe

3:13.6—8

soe repentance ... a sUght sorrow:

compare Ps. 51:17

3:14.8—9.

Our Lord

Matt. 16:19; see

.22-23.5

3:15.6—7.

Die

.

.

.

.

.

against thee.

.

over Gods Church.

Church.

Ealesice: Tell the

This

is

that ... in

.7—8.M

first

.23—24

Offendors in

Matt. 18:17; see

Gods Church,

his Apostles, secret,

.

.

3:16.14

scepter ofJesus Christ,

3:17.10

the Prophets of

God

.

106

Jon. 3:9

perish not.

Lords

table,

n n

Matt. 18:18; John 20:23;

1

Cor. 5:3; 2 Cor. 2:6; see

tl

1

Tim.

1:20; see

1

Cor.

11:27-29

n

compare Heh. 1:8

cryc R
1133

e.g.,

Ezek. 14:6 and 18:30

g

«

m r

Scriptural References .10—11

in the Ghospell.

.

.

.13—14

The Sacrament,

.

.

3:19.1—3.ir

If

bee

it

.

.

was

after Baptisme. Acts 8:22; see

Adam,

that they \vhich

.5—6.a

that they

.

they caU usuaUy

[HEBREW],

3:20.7.
.20

[HEBREW].

.22—25.^

When When

.27-2\.l.h

3:21.15— 17.

.

.

like

.

which confess it Chry. horn. 30 ... ad Hcbr.

ife

.27-22.1

3:22.18-19./

.22—28.m

3:23.6—8.

My He

man man

a a

Sonne

.

.

him

to

When that h any sick

.

acknowledge.

Num.

.

.

offended.

Lev. 5.5

.

not prosper.

.

.

.

.

.

.

wicked deedes.

.

James 5:16; see

whereby the Apostcl

... a

Annot. Rhem. inja.

5.

.

to another,

.

sinnes yee reteyne

James S:16; see

etc.

3:25.14-16

Att that which

3:30.

Orig. in Ps. 37.

3:31.23—24.

St James doth exhort

3:34.12

3:36.26-27

some worcke worthy of repentance. But God hath offend often.

3:43.19—21

whoe was

3:47.2.^

Whose

.23—24 3:51.1—2

.

.

.

molested.

is

.

1

John

.

Confession,

.

.

.

delivred

.

.

Lord:

.

sinnes yee remitt, are remitted.

they bee trueth ...

David speaketh,

as

Whensoever a sinner

.

.

iniquitie.

.

John 20:23 1

Cor. 12:26

.6-7

ad Heb.

Acts

Rogo

et oro

.

.

Psal. 33:5.

.

26:20

Matt. 18:22 1

Cor. 5:5

John 20:23; Ps.

see

n

51:6

compare Pss. 51:17, 103:12;

n

Heb.;

et in Ps. 59.

n

James 5:16

see .fe.5

nn

1:9

Ps. 37; see .

nn

sound man: Acts 28:8

unrighteousnes.

.

.

Ps.

Ps. 59; see

n

32:5 (Chrysostom uses

Vulgate numbering) 3:52.7-9

as

3:53.20-21

only that which

.m

it

did with David,

Chrysost. in

3:55.23—24.

For

3:56.2—3

It is I,

as

he

is

even

hom

I,

.

.

.

.

on the people of Israel, on Moses, on Miriam, on David,

.10-12.C

Though I

tell

.

.

.

Ps.

32:5

Luke 3:10-14 1

Cor.

Rev. Isa.

1:6

43:25

Ps. 37; see

in ps. 37.

Bas.

3:57.1.2

8.

mine owne sake.

.26.1^ .X

of my sinne,

of Repentance,

.t

.26—57.1.)'

.

under him,

.

.

.

.

Cor. ho.

1. .

.

.

and not

n

Mark 16:18

recover health,

.

If wee cortfesse

Whose

Acts 19:18 [not 28]; see

one

.r

.16

28:13

Prov.

James 5:14; see n

.13— 15.p

3:24.3—5.i

5:6

.for him:

They

.

n n

Matt. 3:5-6

their sinnes.

.

Lay open

.

ti

Josh. 7:19

not from mee.

.

which

.

sec

Lev. 16:21; see

.

.12—13.0

.

3:8-U

Gen.

Job 31:33; Heb.

.

.9—10

shall

not,

.

.

.

.

Lev. 16:21; see

that hideth

That

.

n

Luke 7:47

receive pardon,

.

.4—5

.c

Acts 2:38, 3:19

unbaptised, .

Num. Num. Num.

n

14:21-22 20:12 12:14

2 Sam. 12:14 dye.

1134

Ezek. 33:14

n

Index .12— 15.
Thou aaording

.17— 19.f

Though

.f

Si texit

.25—58.1

David have

3:58.4

.

.

.

.

.

as wool.

said,

.

.

.24—25

Davids example

as

.

.

.

.

wee

.2—3

By

.19—20.y

both in holy scripture

.k.2

Prayer

deedes.

up our

lift

1

3:12-15

Cor.

2 Sam. 12:13-14

humilitie.

.

and Almes

Prayers, Fasts,

Gal. 3:10,13

refineth gold,

.

n

32:2

Ps.

under the curse of the Lawe; wherefore

2:5

1:18

Ps. 31; see

noe sinne.

.

Rom. Isa.

animadvertere.

.

.4—5

3:60.2

.judgement of God.

.

whyte

.

soules

Matt. 6:1,5,16 Ps. 25:1, 86:4,

2.

n

in epistol. ad Hebr.

Heb.; see

3:61.25—62.6.

If any sinne

Lev. 6.2-5

3:62.12-15.0

Butt (saith Moses.)

.

.

for his trespasse.

.

.

.

.

Num.

for the

143:8

Cor. 7:11

5:8

Priests use.

Joseph was towards

.24

05

.29-63.1

/ have sinned

.

3:65. 30-66. l.w

that

3:66.19-20.x

Whocsoever

it

ought

.

.

.

his Brethren.

Gen. 45:4-8

Num. 5:7—8

judgement,

compare

obdurate Jewes.

Exod. 32 [not 12]:31;Jer.

.

.

7:15; Ezck. 14:14; see eateth

3:67.8—9

Whose

3:69.18.fc

Sonne thy sinnes Is

any

.24—27

as

Nathan

able

.

.

.

.

only

.

and

.

.17

Lord bee thou

.18—20

Have merde

.23-24

/ can doe nothing.

.25—26

Whose

.g.l

3:73.4./j

.

.

Christ.

.

.

.

.

mine

mee a

fohn 20:23 Matt. 9:2 2:7;

Luke 5:21

Sam. 12:3

Matt. 18:18

fohn 20:23 sinner.

iniquities.

Luke 18:13 Ps.

51.1

Gen. 19:22

sinnes yee remitt

Whatsoever ]oscp\\

.

.

.

.

.

.

remitted,

did command:

fohn 20:23 Gen. 40-41

Maldonat. in Mt. 16:19.

Matt. 16:19; see

Sonne thy sinnes

Matt. 9:2;

are forgiven thee;

5:21

.14— 15.jle

For

it is I,

.

.

.

n

Cor. 11:27

2.

in heaven,

.

1

Mark

are reteyned.

.

.

remitted.

God?

mercifull to .

.

reverence.

Whatsoever yee bind

whose sinnes

.

.

are forgiven thee,

.13—14

3:72.13—16

.

sinnes yee remit,

.19—20.C

3:71.12—13

.

thy sinnes

1135

Isa.

43:25

Mark

n 2:7;

Luke

j

wrM

5

Scriptural References 3:75.4

the Grace of Jesus Christ

Rom.

Acts 5:11; 1

16:20,24;

Cor. 16:23; 2 Cor. 13:14;

Gal. 6:18; PhU. 4:23;

1

Thess.

5:28; 2 Thess. 3:18; Philem.

Rev. 22:21

1:25;

3:76.13—14

A

3:77.12

Elymas

Acts 13:8-11

Ananias

Acts 5:1-5

sponge steeped in wormewood and gall,

Jer.

9:15, 23:15; Lam. 3:19;

Matt. 27:48

3:81.6—7.5 .8— lO.f .

20-23.

.23—24.U

3:82.6—7.x

For sinne ... of the Lawe.

From

the heart

Repent

.

.

never to

by the

.9— lO.z

cast

.13— 14.<j

God

.

defile a

.

1

.

owne

his

.

.

call itt

.

Acts

charge,

sanctifying grace of his Spiritt;

bodie and soule into

hell fier:

the Publicans

.16— 17.C

The Jews

.

.

comment,

3:83.e

Hier.

3:85. 12-13. /i

that

3:86.7—8

sanctifying grace

3:88.0

that the

.

.

.

water

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

and prosper,

God

applyed

.

Acts 7:60; Mic. 7:19 1

Cor. 6:11; Titus 3:5

Luke

12:5; Matt. 10:28

Luke 1:29;

alone,

n

Matt. \6:19; see

n

n

3:5; see

Eph. 2:8

Luke

it.

sec

Mai. 3:15

John

birth,

from

.

.

.

in 16. Matt.

of new

touch

God.

justify cd

.

in Malachie

7-24

2 Sam. 12:13

hath taken away thy sinne.

.15— 16.fc

8: i

Prov. 5:22

sinne.

mens

.

.

John 3:4

Matt. 15:19

man.

bond of iniquitie:

.

The wicked

.B.y

.

8: [not 18:] 44;

John

9:6-7 3:89. 17-20.

that the Apostles

3:93.1

Whatsoever yee

3:95.1

Saul, David;

.

.

.

.

.

Evangelist)

oiJudas,

Acts 8:18 Matt. 18:18

be loosed.

.

Peeter}

1

Sam. 15:24; 2 Sam.

12:13; Matt. 27:3; Matt.

26:75 3:98.15

3:99.3—5 .11—12.1

example o(Josephs unkind Brethren Our Saviour ... be forgiven. he had

.

.

power of Beelzebub,

.

Acts 2:38

.

gone;

Heb. 6:6

.

.

.

sacrifice.

.

.

.

committed,

that grace

.2—A.k

soe the Apostle

.

.17-20./

to such as willfully

.

Lawe o( Moses

the

3:101.6—9.

These

Matt. 12:24;

and power of the holy Goost,

.25.

3:100.30-101.1

Gen. 37:23-26 Matt. 12:31 (see

cast

.

.

.

out sinnes:

see

»);

Mark

Hcb. 10:26 e.g., Lev.

Jer. 6:26;

7:1—5

Mic. 1:8-9; Lam.

2:18

.19-20.M

What

.22—23.0

they did

.24.p

the marke which Cornelius touched:

is

this .

.

3:102.31-1 03.1.

That which

3:103.s

Aug.

.

.

.

.

Davids

to

humiliation:

widdowes twoe

God

.

.

.

mites,

their hearts.

Ps. 6:6

Mark

12:42

Acts 10:31 Jer. 29:13; Joel Ps. 138; see

in Ps. 138.

1136

n

3:22, 30

n

2:12

Index

Cranmer's Notes 3:108.1

/ will that younger

3:110.14

St Pauls

weomen

.20

meaning the speach of Moses

.28—29

that

Psalme

.

3:111.32

Mariage feast

3:113.1

The people of God.

Cor. 7:9;

1

n

Tim. 5:14; see

n

Exod. 32:32-33 Ps.

84:3

John 2:1-10

Carta?

in

1

Rjom. 9:3; see

sparrowe

.

.

marry.

Heb. 4:9. 11:25;

1 Pet.

2:9,10 .21

3:115.5—6

That threefold cable speaketh. The whole and houses. .

.

.

.

.

.

Bales. 4:3; see

Num.

n

1:2 and 18 ff.; see

n

at

3:115.15 .9

.22

The

and

congregation,

the whole people.

Num. 1:18 Exod. 18:21-26; Deut.

Judges before appointed.

16:18-20; Num. 11:16-17,

n

24-25; see Inferiour Judges.

Num.

.9

the great Court of 71.

Num. 11:1&-17, 24-25

.29

In the

3:116.5

1 7;

3:117.16

10 of Ezra.

.34

Senatus, sacerdotes.

AcU 5:21,27,34; Mark 14:53,55; see n

Th'arraignement of Herode.

Luke 23:6-8

Inferior Judges:

Exod. 18:25-26; see

spirite,

Num. 11:16-17, 24-25;

afterNvardes

.33—35

7 that in causes

.

.

.

.

.

Moses

.

.

.

according to

.13— 14.
Inferior Judges

.

.

the Cityes

all

Deuteronomy

.

.

govemour:

civil

.

he appointed Judges in

.\2.d

.

Jethroes motion;

.

.he

.15— 16.C

by Moses was

.19-21

it is

.21—23

which

.25—27

.29—30 .31—32 3:122.3-5

High Senate

established the

w^ordcs,

.

.

.

.

.

and bloud:

arc used.

.

High Commission; wordes of Moses Behold Amariah kinges affayres. the course

.

.

.

plaine reference

.

.

Sith Joseph

.

.

.

.

[of] the 70,

condemned

.14—16

Christ was

.25

none

...

.27-28/

And

thou

.28—31

in the reformation

.

2 Chron. 19:5-7 Deut. \6:18 Exod. 18:24-26; Deut.

n

2 Chron. 19:8-11

.

.

of the 70:

2 Chron. 19:10 Deut. 17:8-9

2 Chron. 19:8

Num. 11:24-25 2 Chron. 19:11 Mark 15.43; Luke 23:50-51 Matt. 26:57-68, 27:1; Luke

23:50-51

of 70 were

priests.

shalt ... the Levites: .

.

.

n

see

Deut. 17:8-13

instituted:

sayd by Jesophat

n

2 Chron. 19:11

16:18; see .15

n

Acts 5:34-40, Acts 22:3; see

the case of Moses

.21—25

3:119.11—12

n

Ezra 3-6

which Ezra founded,

that

.35

see

Ezra \0:14

Such a Doctor ^vas Gamaliel.

.25

3:118.20—21

11; Exod. 18; Deut.

Levi:

1137

Num. 1:47-48 Deut.

17:5>

2 Chron. 19:8

.

Scriptural References 3:123.26—27

of our faith.

3:124.17-18

Regiments.

.33

3:125.11

Because

.

.

.

word, our.

.

Heb. 12:2

th'Apostlc uscth,

.

.

this place

downe

the Apostles having set

1

Cor. 12:28; see

1

Tim. 5:17; see

1

Tim. 3:2

n ti

that rule

.16—23

3:129.15-16

Mr

Carthw. ...

they presume.

as

Paul and Barnabas

.

.

every City,

.

Acts 14:3;

1

Tim. 5:17; see

n

Acts 14:23

Sandys's Notes 3:132.15—16

our Saviours speech

.19—20

yet swearing

.28—32

Paul

.

.

.

.

Church.

.

be commended.

.

may probably]

.

.

Ps.

see

3:135.2—3

n

63:11

Rom.

[life]

.

Matt. 18:16; see

9:3; Exod. 32:32-33;

n

Eldad 3nd Medad

Num. 1:47. 2:33, 3:12-16; n Num. 11:25-30

power oflife... Christ.

Matt. 27:1-2;

This,

.

.

was excluded.

that Levi

.

see

.10

3:136.28-30

Mark

15:1;

Luke 23:1,11; John 18:28-31 3:137.5

that famous Councell]

.12

11 of Numbers

.25—27

let

3:138.3—5

him

—

.

.

.

.

.

Christ.

observed:

.

my own

.

.

of Levit.]

1

thatfasteth]

Set Paule

.

name:

Mark 14:55-62; Matt. 26:5964; Luke 22:66-70

Num. \\:16-17 1

Cor. 7:5

1

Cor.

(GB)

1:14-17

.6—7

Christ gave

.26

deserve double honor

1

.0

The

Matt. 9:37; Luke 10:2

harvest

.

.

.

.

and baptizing:

.

few: preachers.

.

Book 3:146.10-11 .33—147.1

Thy

Jeremiah,

Unto me

.

.

.

breach

3:147.4-8

But now they

3:150.23—25.^

The same word

3:151.1./»

some time

.

.

.

thee?

.

.

.

.

.

n

Lam. 2:13-14 Job 29:21-22,25 Job 30:1-9

to talk on.

.

28:19-20

Tim. 5:17; see

VII

an Army.

in

Matt.

Acts 20:2«; Phil. 1:1; Titus

onely,

1:7; 1 Pet. 5:2; see first

n

Gen. 2:19; see n

observed,

3:155.19

iniaKOnf\v, an Episcopal Office.

Acts 1:20-26; see

n

3:156.10./

burthen

Rom.

Cor. 9:16;

.

.

.

them;

1:14,15;

1

John 21:15,16

commandment

.19

our Saviours

.21—25.fw

by agreement between

.27

3:157.3—4.0.5

.

.

.

preaching.

his charge taking Asia,

John for James,

.

.

.

Mother Sea of the world.

1138

Matt. 28:19-20;

Mark 16:15

Gal. 2:7, 8, 9

Rev. 2—3; see

n

Acts 15:13, 21:18; see

n

f

a

c a

Index .S-8.p, q

St. Pauls

.14.r

Thus

.

Acts 12:2, 13:2, 9:3-22; see

vf2S called.

.

.

.14

Timothy

.5

Epistle to Titus, ... to Timothy,

see

Theod.

1

3:158.x

the fint,

at

i

Tim.

in 1.

3.

Tim. 1:3-4, 18

n

Tim.

eye-witnesses of Jesus Christ,

Acts 1:21,22;

.20-21.

immediately

Gal. 1:1

.

founders

first

.22.C

as well

3:159.16-18.*/

.

Embassage,

.

.

.

House of God

.

of Gentiles

of Jews:

as

Presbyters o( Ephesus,

.22-23.

Attendite gregi,

/

As appearcth

.

.

.

.

.

.

all,

.

John

1

Matt. 28:19

Acts 20: 17-31

Acts 20:17;

vers. 3.

1:3

Rev. 21:14

Acts 20:28-30; see

Bishops.

.

.

n

3; see

.19-20.Z

.21-22.fc

n

Titus 1:5

Titus,

n

Tim. 5:22,17-

1

19, 1:3

3:160.4-7 .18.^

.18

Apostle

Paul

St.

.

after

.

.

them;

be answered,

will perhaps

It

ancient Je^vish regiment,

3:164.9-165.17

An

attendant,

.

.

.

.Jethro.

.

themselves

.

20:30

Rev. 2-3; see n Rev. 2:1 (GB gloss);

entituled Angels.

3:161.15-18-7

Acts

Acts 6; Lev. 8;

Chron. 3:165.27-33

Till through

3:166.3

I

3:170.1-3.5

am

.

schism be removed.

.

.

of Paul,

Paul and Barnabas

The Eunuch

.5-8.U

In Asia,

.8-12.1/

Before Timothy

3:171.11— 15.x

.

.

.

.

sent them.

.

most High.

.

The custome

.

.

.

.26.Z

as

Epiphanius

.

Apostles

.5— 9.t

Titu

and Timothy

.16-20

Here

.23-24

3:173.8-14

With me

.

As long

.

.

be

will

it

.

Acts 13:2

1

Tim. 1:18

1

Cor. 7:25-40;

.

.

High

.16— 18.(i

words of the Law^

1

.

.

.

1

Levites,

commandment of Aaron

.

.

Cyprian ... to prove

it.

ife

and Timothy had rule

Titus

1

Tim. 5:22;

Tim. 4:14; see

.

Sons

Num. Num.

Yea,

3:178.

Chrysost. ...

3:179.M/ .X

.

Velut

Nemo

.

n

4:27

2 Chron. 19:11 Deut. 17:12-13; Acts 23:4-5;

1

n

Tim. 5:19;

Titus 1:5 and

.

.

.

1.

Epist.

.

.

Matt. 16:18; see

by her Bishops.

.

.

Tim.

3.

ad Gal.

cap. 8. Ecclesiast.

1139

n

3:32

passim

3:176.2—5.0

see

n

Chron. 23:26-28

see

3:175. 14.

Tim. 5:9-

Matt. 19:28; Luke 22:30

Priest.

Jehoshaphat appoint Amarias St.

Titus 1:5;

Ezra 8:20; see

the Nathiners

.23/ 3:174.30—33. /i

them.

.

the ordained.

.

Tribes of Israel;

... the

.11

.19—20.C

.

.

Presbyters.

1

n n

3—5; see

Titus

Acts 14:23; see

.

n

n

disputeth

.

1

n

where

fitly

The

3:4;

Cor. 3:4

15; see

3:172.3—4.

n

Acts 16:6-7

would have. them hath

.

.

Num. n

Acts S:26-39; see

leave to go.

.

.

.

9:2; see

Titus 1:5; sec 1

.3-5./

see

Exod. 18:19; see n

1

Tim.

n

n see n

3; see

Gal. 4:13;

Eccles. 8:9-11; sec

n

3 J

:

Scriptural References 3:184.22—23

Exsurge

3:187.4—5.^

positive orders

.

.

.5.r

Yea, a charge

.s

Chrys. in

3:191. 18-20.y

Thou

3:200.)'.l—

As

3:201.9

as a

hast

.

.

Churches.

all

.

.

did obey.

.

1.

ad Tit.

.

.filled the

.

in that

.

.

men.

sufficient

.

Tim.

1.

.a

Phil. 1:1. that the

.

.

1:6.

power

in

.

Cor. 16:1 ff.

2 Cot. 11:28

Ps. 1

1 4;

Tim. 4:14; Phil. 18:24-28

word Bishop

.

.

1

equal.

3:204.15-16

That the Ministery

3:205.9.
His Office Scripture

whom

3:207.17-18/

Against

.

.

S.fohn doth

Pastors.

.

Tim. 4:14; 2 Tim. 1:6

Titus 1:5;

of God,

.

.

.

.

Episcopal:

Angels.

intitle

John

1

Tim.

For

.18-21.^ 3:208.h.2

this

.

.

three witnesses:

.

.

1:23; see

Acts 1:20; see

Calvin, ... in

Fulk

.3

ad Tit.

1.

because the ministry

.30-209.8.y

There came

3:210.6 3:211.11—13./,

as

.

.

.

Heaven.

John a Prophet. Moses did upon Jethroes advice

m Doth

.

not the Apostle

3:217 .U.t

condemneth

3:220 .28-221.4

When

3:221 .3-4.1^

imposition of hands,

.

.

.

.

.

ordinance?

Apostle himself.

.

.

.

them Deacons.

.

to lay hands suddenly

.15-16.X

Let themfrst

Stephen

.

.

.

.13-14

By

.30-224.6

For inasmuch

the sixth

.found

.

.

.

blameless.

John

ordering the Church.

.

Neque enim

3:227 .14-17

And

3:230 .27-231.4.^

Shemaia writing

3:231 .22-33.fc

Dare any of you

3:232 .20-21

but being thereunto

...

.

.

Tim.

I.

which thou

.

.

.

3.

Exod. 18:19-23; see

Rom.

not harm?

.

.

.

1:32 (BB);

.

n

Luke

speaks in him.

1:6;

n

Acts 25:11 Acts 6:1-6

1

Tim. 5:22

1

Tim. 3:10

n

Acts 6:5

nn

Acts 6:1-3 1

dost.

against the innocent.

.

.

.

1:25;

Matt. 21:23-27

Acts 6:1-6; 14:23; see

of choosing.

.

.

.

3:226 .d

thus

on no man,

were ordained Deacons:

.

n n see n

Acts 14:23; see

.11.11/

3:223 .2

n

Titus 1:5

see

Deacons

n see

Titus 1:5; see

.29—30.J

.

Tim. 5:19;

Titus 1:7; see

Tit. 1:5.

.

n n

Rev. 2:1,8,12,18;

1

THEE.

appointed

.

3:5; Phil.

5:1-2

3:1,7,14; see .

1:1

Phil. 1:1

1:1; 1 Pet.

.23—24.e

n

see

80:8-9

Acts

Tim.

... 2.

1

Titus

Land.

ne^v Apollos,

.z.\—2

3:203.19-21.6

.

102:13-14

Ps.

eos.

.

Tim.

3,

4:14

John 3:2 Jer. 1

29:26, 30-32; see n

Cor. 6:1-7

Acts 8:29, 11:12, 13:2,4;

21:4; Rom. 8:26; Gal. 5:18; 1

3:233.20-21

the Prophet ...

.21

Apostle

.28-29

the Office

3:234.26-27

St.

Paul was.

.

.

.

49:23;

Rom.

Paul was.

St.

Tim. 4:1

Isa.

imposition of hands;

electing their Priests ... in

War;

Isa.

60:16; see

11:1; Phil. 3:5; see

2 Tim. 1:6 Maa. 2:39-48, 3:1, 9:28-

Acts 8:18; 1

31, 13:1-9, 13:42-43,

14:41-47

1140

n n

c b r

a

Index .27—28

3:236.17-24

David for making That the matters

.

.

.

.

Counsellor of State;

.

mens

.

2 Sam. 15:24 ff.;

1

Chron. 29:22; see

n

Heb. 5:1, 13:17;

souls.

1

3:237.2—4

Jehosaphat

.

abo

.

.

divers Judges.

.6—8

Was

.27

as not standing with his calling

not Ely

.

.

Civil Affurs also?

.

n

Tim. 3:15; see

2 Chron. 19:8,11;

see

n

1

Sam. 4:18; Ezra 7:21-25;

1

Esd. 8:24; see

n

John 18:11,36, 6:15, 8:3-11;

Luke 12:13-14, 9:60-61; see

3:238.12-15./

that Souldiers

.

.

.17—19

they gave over

.20-22

Suffer thou

3:239.5-6

men

that

.

.

ought

.

.

.

.10-12

even so

S.

That the

Law

and Prayer.

Paul .

.

.

.

.26—27

Kings of nations

.28

This place

of God.

.

.

.

with you:

.

1

Cor. 7:39

1

Cor.

see

Ministers;

.

Acts 6:4; see

n

2 Tim. 2:3-4;

be Ministers

... to

3:242.19-21

Word

.

unto Warfare.

.

n

2 Tim. 2:4

to do.

sec

n

7:32-34

n

Luke 22:25-26; see n

Mark 10:35-

Matt. 20:20-28;

45; Luke 22:25-26; see

3:244.17—22 .32

the mother of the Sons

With you not

.

.

were vain;

Wherefore

3:251.8—10

Behold we have

.

much

too

.

Matt.

.

.

Num.

honor.

impugned

.

his.

Honor

all

.27.

Honor

the Physician,

.29-30. J

Thou shah

3:252.2-3/ .S—6.g

men.

.

.

Crown

Obey

1

Diadem of the

the Father

.

.

Sarah honored

.17

their

.23—24./i

Unto him

3:254.30-255. l.m Thou

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

own

.

yielding of honor,

.35

make them as Cities on

.

.

.

Aaron.

.

3:258. l.p

.23.

well.

him.

bless

.

the Apostles

3:259.34-35

do

.

.

lowly and humble gesture

didst lead

verdict .

for

n

.

.

n

Ecclus. 25:6; see

n

Prov. 23:22,25

gaue him.

3:257.21—22.0

.16— 17.q

Lev. 19:32; see aged.

not.

.

for the punishment

.15—16

n

Pet. 2:17; see

Ecclus. 38:1

of the aged.

.

or

n

\e.2>,23-35,41; see

compare Gen. 28:16, 2 Chron.

36:16; see .25.

.32—252.1. e the

n

20:20-28

Matt. 20:26

so.

3:250.25-27.

.

.

is,

case belongeth,

wisdom.

the tops of Hills,

1

Pet. 2:14

Gen. 18:12;

Ps.

72:15

Ps.

77:20

1

David, Abiathar;

Rom.

13:7

Deut. 4:6 Matt. 5:13

1

see

n

Sam. 22:20-23, 23:6-13,

30:7-8; 2 Sam. 15:24-37; Kings 2:26; see

3:260.32-34 .34-261.1

In Polity

.

.

.

deadly malice.

Joab the General

.

.

.

God;

1

n

2 Sam. 15:12-17:23; seen 2 Sam. 3:22-30, 18:14-15, 20:9-10;

1141

n

3:6; see

Tim. 5:17; see n

Num. 27:21;

Joshua had Eleazer;

1 Pet.

Gen. 50:18

1

Kings 1:7; see

n

Scriptural References 3:261.31

fy

m

Index 3:275.8-10.r .10-11.5

3:276.17.

unto you,

Verily, I say

the best works

.

.

.

of her.

.

continue longest:

.

.

they contrariwise did with Salomon

.20-21.0/

aaording

.21-22.X

they by their

.30-277.5.2 If God

.

by the Prophet Malachi

.

will

.

.

6e^

3:277.18

T&

3:278.5.«i

offerings

T(^

.

.

.

.

found

.

.

unto thee.

.

n

see

Prov. 3:10

Mai. 3:10

2 Chron. 31:10

true:

.

Matt. 26:13

John 15:16;

Gen. 28:20-22

d()>iEpa>6£vTa,

4 Mate. 13:13; see

upon

Num. Num.

the Levites

.l.h

the Lords heave-offering,

.8.C

Of spoils

18:28,25; see

Num. 31:48-54;

War

taken in

n

18:24

sec

n n

.13-14.
magnifieth the honor of Melchisedec,

Heb. 7:3-4; Gen. 14:20

.16.«

Apostles themselves great honor,

Acts 4:34-35

.22-24/

that they seemed,

3:279.1-2./!

.21-22.J

.27-28. fe

.

.

unto us:

ofJerusalem;

.

head of those Presbyters wzs James, best worshipped, they

.

.

and

.

truth,

who sometime wandred

Moses

3:280.5

God

.

.

.

.27-279.1.^ Paul and Barnabas

first,

.

.

n

Acts 21:18, 12:17; see

n

John 4:24 Heb. 11:38; seen

Exod. 35:14-19;

David,

.

2 Cor. 8:5; see Acts 11:30

Num. 3:45-

51; Deut. 12:5-6, 14:27-29,

16:16-17, /«.f-5 (Moses);

/

Chron. 22:1-5, 14-19; 29:1-9

pavid) .17

a Tabernacle

.18-19

eyes of David

.29./

Cattel,

Exod. 25-27

required;

is .

seated then

.

.

God.

.29-30.

Com, Wine,

.30.n

other commodities of the earth,

Oyl,

.31-281.2.0 the price ... of their children, 3:281. 3.p

gifts

of the people,

A.q

the prices,

.5-6.r

firee,

.6.5

J

the remainder tythes

.

.

.

.

.

.

sacrificed:

were maintained,

J.u

with the tythe of their

.22.U

when David numbered them,

.26.W

the Priests of Egypt

3:282.2-3.x

to appoint albeit

.12.2

in respect

3:283.5-6.
.7-8.6

.

.

Num. Num. Num. Num. 1

18:13; see

18:15 18:8

18:21

18:28

Chron. 23:3

restraint;

Num.

35:7

Josh. 14:4

Deut. 18:8; Lev. 25:33,34 Deut. 10:9

.

of Levi;

The

.10-13.
All the heave-offerings

.19.e

So even

tithes

.

.

SO

which rule

.

.

for an inheritance; .

.

.

Lord,

hath the Lord ordained, .

.

18:8

18:9

Josh. 13:14

.

Num.

18:8

To

.

n n

holding Lands, Gen. 47:22

.

Cities,

of that former

the Tribe

n

18:12; see

Levi hath no ... his inheritance;

.8-1 0.C

3:284.2-3/

.

.

whole

.

tythes,

they ... to themselves,

.6-7.

7:2; see

18:15

Lev. 27:11,14;

and unvow^ed oblations of men:

With

2 Sam.

Num. Num. Num. Num. Num.

double honour,

1143

Num. Num.

18:24 18:19

1

Cor. 9:13; sec

1

Tim. 5:17

n

h

J

Scriptural References .4—5.g

For

.25.

worthy the hire

if that

.

2 Cor. 3:7-8; Matt. 5:20; sec

more glorious?

.

.

10:7; see

3:285. 1-2.

»'

.14— 15. 3:289.17

which

that

All which Christ

... at the Apostles feet, .

.

common.

all things

.

when

...

but stand to be judged;

.28—29.J)

Be ye followers of us

.29—3\.q

let

3:293.4-5

.

.

Judge thou me,

.

.

Matt. 27:11

.

.

same

.

rule.

.16

a

.

.

Cor. 11:1

Dan.

T\ic sin o{ Balshazar, the Apostle saith,

1

Phil.

make

.

Bishops,

Simoniacal corruption

3:299.13

The

.

.

.

.

.

glorious

.

perverse men.

Exod. 34:29-30 Rev. 2:1,3,12,18, 3:1,7,14;

seen .28—29

the Apostles admonition

.34—35

Lead me

O Lord

.

.

.

.

.

thy self

enemies;

.

sentences are found in them;

.27—301.2.2 Shimei was

.

.

cursing this day.

.

n

Acts 8:18

very countenance

those Asian Bishops

Wise

5; see

compare Acts 1:20; Heb. 1:7 Matt. 21:13

den of thieves,

3:295.22—23

3:300.6

3:16- J 7; seen

Ps. 7:8

just.

.

.7-8

.22—25

Luke 12:14

of Christ;

.

us he your example,

n

Acts 4:35 Acts 2:44

to judge,

sit

.18

3:290.28-30.r

1

at

3:160.18.^

Tim. 4:16

Ps.

5:8

Ecclus.

44:4

2 Sam. 16:5-13, 19:16-23; Kings 2:36-46; see

3:302.5

Qux

God?

Mai. 3:8

to rob

.lO-W.d

Ananias

.17-18.C

Religious affection ofJoseph,

Gen. 47:22; sec n

Ye

Num.

3:304.22-23/ .23-26.^

.

shall not

.

Lord.

.

.

Touching the fields

.30-32./T

They

.32-305.1./

the Prophet

3:305.2

Divine revenge;

.

shall not

.

.

.

.

.

.

for ever;

unto the Lord.

Habbakkuk noteth,

his

most

David

Ezek. 48:14

Hab. 2:17

2 Chron. 36:7; Dan.

Nebuchadnezzar

as

18:32

Lev. 25:34

Josh. 6:19, 7:1,24-26; sec

Achan,

.13-15

Acts 5:2

Matt. 27:3-5; Acts 1:18-25

in Judas,

.6.j

.

.

Clergy suffer want?

.

.15-17.fe

Honor God

.18./

care

.21-22

promise our Lord

.26-28. m

3:307.4-5

.

.

new

with

.

wine,

which Jehoshaphat had,

the promise

God

blessed

with

a suit

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

4; see

n n

Mai. 3:9; see n

bitter curse,

1

Chron. 23:25-32; 2 Sam.

7:2; see

3:306.9-11

1

n

Luke 20:25 (Vulgate)

Dei sunt Deo

.S.c

.

n

Tim. 5:18; Deut. 25:4; 1 Cor. 9:9; Matt. 10:10; Luke 1

.

.

.

unto them,

an hundred fold.

n

Prov. 3:9

2 Chron. 19:9; sec

n

Matt. 10:40-42 Matt. 10:29;

Mark 19:29-30;

see

n

unth his servants.

Ps.

105:24-25; see

tried Judas,

Mark 14:10-11; Luke 22:36; see

1144

n

n

Index 3:308.33-309.1

Moses

3:309.28

Suffidt,

3:310.4-5.4

If Grape-gatherers

3:312.1-2

Letn

.

.

.

.

.

Exod. 36:5-7; sec

.

.

.

.

behind?

Simeon or Reuben

Obad.

that prayer

.

.

rise

.

no more.

Book 3:3I6.16-22.fl .27

Simon,

when

By

power David,

this

Asa,

3:317.1

.

.

.

V.

5

Gen. 29:31-34; 7; sec

.4-8.5

n n

Deut. 8:11-14; see

(edijuaveris:

VIII

without him.

n

Deut. 33:10-11

Num.

18:1-

M 5

Scriptural References 3:353.1—5.5

And even

3:354.1—3

The

.24—26

.

.

then in

.

Church doth need

the

.

.

Matt. 26:52

obedience

.

Nimrod

Gen. 10:&-12; see

even asjudah

.29—31

Prov. 13:24; 22:15,

e.g.,

23:13-14

withall,

3:355.23

n

2 Cor. 3:7-8; see

theirs.

other sword ... of Christ

.

brael followed.

.

.

n

2 Chron. 14:2-7, 15:1-19, 17:1-10

the wordes oi Moses

Exod.

.8-9.

and of Pc<er

1

.18.1^

Christ hath

3:356.8./

made

Head

3:357. 14-15.X

this title

3:358.4-10.)'

.11—13.2

To To

.15—17.2

In him

all

3:360.6.2-3

Pekah

is

3:361.9-12.6

vntp Ttdvxa

the Colossians .

.

termed

.

.

Col. 1:16

Es. 7:9.

.

Isa.

earth

.

that

Kingdom power and

.6—8.fe

he

the immortall

.12—13

To me

.

Pj. 2:8; see

Christs doth.

.

.

in earth,

.

.

objected

7:9

Eph. 1:21-22

... to come,

it is

i

Col. 1:18

cheijtie.

.

.

1

is

.

.

earth

.

.15—17

Christ

.17—19./

/

.21—22.WI

Father glorijie

3:365. 14-15.n

God,

is

am Alpha

the Apostle

.18.0

Christ

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.faythfull.

.

They have

aggregated they are

.27

Aliens

.

.

.

.

For

.16— 18.y

By me Kings

.18-19.2

Christ

is

.

.

All things

3:370.9—10

Jethro to

.19

3:371.17-18

.

Saincts, .

.

new Testament.)

.

.

.

.

.

.

n

Matt. 6:13 1

Tim. 1:16-17

Matt. 28:18

fohn 1:1-2,14

Rev.

1:8

John 17:5 1 Tim. 4:10 Heb. 5:9 1 John 1:3 Heb. 12:22-24

Eph. 2:12

God

.

.\3-l5.w

3:369.10-12.0

and

.

.

Israel,

.

there

is.

world was,

.

.18— 19.p

.

now

salvation unto them.

.

so Christ

which

are his,

omnipotent.

.20-25.

3:368.7-1 l.v

.

.

made man.

.

.

.

.

given.

is

.

.

.

.

n

Cor. 15.23, 11.3, 15.27-

28; see 3:364.6.j

for us.

Heb. 9:24, 7:25

Jesus Christ.

Rom.

raigne

Prov. 8:15,16

.

of the

.

.

earth.

earth.

Gods.

is

.

Rev. 1

be a perswader of Moses

body which is the Church: some Scripture sentences where his

13:1

1:5

Cor. 3:21,23

Exod. 18:13-26;

seen

Col. 1:18 e.g.,

Eph. 1:22-23, 4:15-16,

5:23; Col. 1:18

3:379.4-1 1 .i

God

3:380.18-20

As though God

standeth

.

.23—381. 14. m In excuse of 3:382.3

.

.

.

Judges Codes: .

.

.

.

.

belonged.

spirituall regencie.

prerogatives of Simons Dominion

no man

.4—5.0

that

.10-ll.p

when

.

.

without him.

the Arke

.

.

.

n

Rev. 1:6 Eph. 1:21; Col. 1:18 Eph. 1:20-23

all.

or Regencies.

.

.

Priests.

... in earth.

the Ephesians ...all in

The ends of the

.15—17/ 3:363. 9-22. h,

and

us Kings

19:<5

Pet. 2:9; Exod. 19; see

.

Levits.

1146

Ps. 82:1; 1

seen

Sam. 9:15-17; seen

Amos

7:13; see

n

1

Maa. 14:41-42; Mace. 14:44

1

Chron. 15:3

1

sec

n

a rn c

Index .11-12.5

Salomon ... to be dedicated.

1

.12-14.r

When

2 Chron. 15:«-/0,

the Church

.

.

othen.

.

Kings 8:1

24:5. 30:1, 34:29

3:387.25-26

which thing

of Israel.

...

1

Sam. 9:15-17, 16:12-13;

.26-27

Even

so Christ

.

.

wherof we

.

speake,

and

12:20, 14:10, 15:28-30;

seen

Matt.

11:11,

16:19,

Mark 16:15; 3:388.20—23

the paterne

.

.

1

29-32,

Kings

18:17,

28:19;

Acts 20:28; see

n

framing of it.

compare Exod. 26—27, 35—36,

from

Deut. 12:32, 4:2; Josh. 1:7

.

38-39 .24—26.^ 3:390. 6.

.16—20.fc

3:391.16—20.
Whatsoever I

Corde

.

.

.

it.

Rom.

creditur ore Jit confessio,

Cottserva Jili

.

.

may plainly ... as lawes, commanded every where .

Holy

Unto

.20-21.^

according to

.23—29.li

Apostle

the

.

.

.

.

.

.

of them. Acts 16:4 Acts 15:28

good,

.

and

.

callinges,

Mark 16:15-20 (Keble: Matt.

n

28:20); see

comparing

Such as are

3:397.4-5.0

with David, Against

.

.

Be ye

.13-14.;*

And

.24.

Whatsoever they

1 .5

.20—21

manner.

.

.

.

thy sight,

.

Subject, sayth 5. Peter.

S. Paul,

.

.

.

doe

.

1

Pet. 2:13

Rom.

they either receive

.

.

13:1

Exod. 3:10-4:17

did

.

13:1

Matt. 23:3

it,

All powers are of God. if

8:14

Ps. 51:4

Rom.

subject,

.

.

2 Cor. 3:6.

Rom.

God

Sonns of

.

.i3.p

3:398.1

.

.

3:396.4—5.

Omni humarue

creatures

1 Pet.

.14-15.M

Take heed

but of the Lord.

2 Chron. 19:6

.19—20

our Saviour

3:399.1

.

.

.

.

.

2:13; see

Matt. 22:2;

his right,

.

n

Acts 15:<5-7, 12-13, 22-23

as

.15/

10:10; see

Prov. 6:20

law.

.

n

Mark 12:17; Luke

20:25 3:400.8

He

them

that resisteth

.12

Nolumus hum

.18.1/

Obey them

.21—23

the

resisteth

God.

Rom. 13:2,5 Luke 19:14; 2 Sam. 2:4, 3:1,

regnare

5: 1-3; sec

.23—25

Be

that have the oversight of you.

Israelites

.

.

subject even

for disobedience.

.

.

.

condemnation.

.

down in Scripture consent. God did of old Ijwc/,

3:403.26—404.1.x

sett

3:407.9

as

.

.

.

.

.

.

Num. 11:1-6,33, 12:1-10, 14:1-4, 26-27

Rom.

13:2,5

Exod. 19 Exod. 20, Deut. 5:6-21, Lev. passim; see

3:411.3—5.d

unto the earthly

3:422.26-423. 12.
3:423.13-14 .17— 19.C 3:427. 12-19.y

.

Ezekias the like

Whosoever For

sith

.

it is

.

.

the same.

in the wildemes.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Passover

of good courage. .

Civill Magistrate?

1147

n

Heb. 13:17

Isa.

n

49:33; sec

n

2 Chron. 24:5-9; 30:6 2 Chron. 30:6-f3 Josh. 1:18

2 Chron. 19:8; Heb.

5:1; see

n

Scriptural References 3:428.6-7.fe

Every high

3:437.29.x

that he

Priest

Heb.

God.

.

.

n

see

.29-438.1.)' that

3:438. 20-21.
.24-26 3:439.2-3

He

a sheafe

We

not

is

.

.

.

Church.

.

.

reverence unto

.

God

read that

If thy Brother

.

.

.

it.

rodd.

.

.

1

Cor. 5:12-13; sec

1

Chron. 28:6-7,9; see n

4; 1 Cor. .

17-18. «

If there be found

.18—19

The man

.20—21

Why

.

.

other Gods.

.

that commiteth adulterie.

was

.

.

accordingly executed?

.

n

Gen. 37:7 Matt. 18:15-1 7; Luke

within?

.

5:1

Deut. 17:15; Matt. 18:15;

a Brother,

is

1

7:3-

5:12

Deut. 17:2-5 Lev.

20:10

2 Kings 21:1-17; 2 Chron. 33:1-17; 2 Sam. 11; seen

3:442.30—31

Whomsoever ye bound also. .

.

shall

binde

Matt. 16:19

.

Causes of These Contentions 3:456.14-15.«j .25

that v/hcnfollie

Moses

.

.

.

.

Aaron;

.

.

.

.

out;

it

soc Jehoshua;

.

Prov. 22:15

Exod. 6:30-7:2; Ezra 4:46:7; Zech. 4:6;

see

.30

Apollos

.30-31

as

3:457.1-2 .3.fc

amongst the jewes;

.

.4-5 .£

They

.27-28

the

.28

and not

3:458. 14.
worthily

many

Behold I the hils

.

.

ever.

am

.

.

.

defense?

.

they have not known.

vile,

18:24-28

.

no further.

.

.

15:4-29

2 Cor. 8:18

Dan. 12:3 Acts 13:2 Acts 13:8-11

w^ith Elymas,

way of peace

the

.

.

in the Gospell

of Paul with Barnabas

.

Acts

Acts

Jerusalem;

is

Will you speak

.26-28/ .24-25.;t

.

that turn

strife

.23-24.e

3:359.6-7.^

.

their praise

Esdras 3-7;

Acts 17:16-34

Paul at Athens;

as Peter,

1

n

water the earth.

Pray for the peace ofJerusalem.

Job 13:7

Rom.

3:17

Job 40:4-5 Ps. 72:3,6 Ps.

122:6

Hooker's Autograph Notes 3:463.10 3:464.1

3:465.14

The usurper The disdain What dignity

.

3:466.6—8

This

3:477.22-478.25

Judicium

is

.

.

.

the people. .

.

Eccles. 20.

.

.

the place est

.

.

.

.

successours.

defensione.

.

.

termes more plain?

.

Ecclus. 20:8

Num.

16:3; see

John 23:21-23; see n Deut. 1:17, 16:20; 17 .19, Job 29;

2 Chron.

20:28; sec 3:478.9, 18-19

Causam quam

.

.

.

investigabam.

1148

n

John 20:21-23; see n

n

Job 29:4-5

19:6; Ecclus.

Index Deut. 16:20

.10—11, 21

justa scntcntue

.31—32

the sanctuaric of God under Heli,

3:480.5-6

.

penequeris.

.

.

Sec the law of Moses

.

.

1

Sam. 3:1 J-U

due to God. Num. 3:44-51, 18:15-16;

.

21

Lev.

.12 .27

Job 29:11-13

blessed him <Job doth say David say Confitebor peccata .

.

.

.

Ps.

.

.

31:5 (Vulgate)

mea? .28

What

.31

Judges are Gods

did Joshua rcquicr of Achan

Ps.

3:485.30-34

The wordes of Christ Sute being made Luc. .

.

.

3:490.8-18

Non

qui propter

.

.

.

3:493.8-10

Non

dividentur

.

.

3:482.14

Joshua 1:19-26

.

.

.

82:1

Ecclesiam

Matt. 18:11

12.13.

Luke 12:13-^5. Gen. 16:6; Luke 23:33; Gal.

Ep. 50.

4:22-31; see .

Ezech. 37.

n

Ezek. 31:22,24 Ezek. 34:23

.10

suscitabo super eos

.15—16

Paulus dicatis

.33—34

Si

.34—35

Josh. 24:15; see

3:501.25

omnia cum ordine Cor. 14. The same which Josua spake Lord Deus in adjutoriam meum festina?

3:502.19—21

Sine rectore

Ealus. 10:2, 4 (Vulgate);

3:504.33-505.1

according unto

3:509.22

Ezechias ...

3:510.25

Abiather deposed by Salomon.

1

3:517.3—4

Non

Gen. 2:18

3:499.12—14

ordinem

.

.

.

.

omnes

cap. 34.

.

Cor.

... 1.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

pendet.

.

1

Cor 1:10

Luke

Luc. 22.

.

.

.

1.

1

Ps.

see

est

.

.4—5

Melius

.16-17

Apoc. 21. Eph.

duos

.

.

.

.

2.

Gen.

.

.

2.

Eccles. 4.

Heb.

n

69:1 (vulgate); see

n

n

Deut. 17:19 2 Kings 18:3-4.

2. rcg. 18.3.4.

bonum

est

Deut. 17.19.

.

.

11: [not 22:] 11

Cor. 14:40

Kings 2:26-21

Eccles.

4:^J0

Rev. 21; Eph.

12.

2:6;

Heb.

Rom.

\A:9

12:22-24 3:518.1—3 .4—9.C

De

suo Dominio dixit

Ministri Christi

.

.

.

.

.

Ro.

.

14.

jure suo preeest.

Matt. 28:/*, 1

Cor. 4:/; Heb. 5:4;

4:

H; John

1

Tim.

20:20-23,

21:15-11

Rom.

3:523.29

Quod secundum apostolum Ro. 13 Prayer that all men may be saved.

3:526.11—12

Petrum electum

Matt. 22:14; Acts 1:2

3:528.25—26

Secundae causae ordinis

3:522.17

fore

salvandum .

.

.

pendent.

1

13: J

Tim. 2:4

Ps. 126:1;

Hos. 2:8-9;

Pss.

32:16; 104:27; 144:15; 146:9;

Exod. 17:5-6;

Rom.

4:19;

Deut. 28:23; 2 Kings 2:21; 38:21

3:530.23-24

Tu

3:531.12

Diabolus in veritatc non

References in fob. 8(f

quis es?

.

.

.

Rom. 9:20-21

figuU? stetit.

and 8(f of Hooker's Autograph Notes

1149

John 8:44 are listed below at

4:85—94

Isa.

f ah b

i

«

Scriptural References

A

and Hooker's Manuscript Notes

Christian Letter

the enimie soweth

4:6.8—9 .23

come

.23-24

For he transUteth The Lord hath

4:10.22/

In the beginning

.24—25./»

Glorifie

.21-29.

When

mee

.

.

.

.

whether

4:14.4—5.^

A

man

.

.5—7.r

Neither

.7—8.S

The

.8—9.t

Except a

.

.

.

.

.

man

man

the Kings,

.

.

.

.

Col. 2:10; see

Rom.

the people

men of Berea

1

etc.

.26.C

or the demonstration

it;

epistle

.

.

.4.e

conversion of the heart,

.9/

testimonie of

.11—12.^

the two edged sworde,

God

.12.

the rodde of iron

.13.«

armour

is

selfe?

menne,

all

.

.

.

Isa.

52.7 [not

Isa.

52.14

1

Cor. 2:4

Ps. 19:7 1

John

5:9

Heb. 4:12

Item ea qux sapientia

.

.

compare Prov. 6:6—11

alibi.

.

2:9

2 Cor. 10:3-4

of God?

.

.28—29./

IVe are dead in sinnes and trespasses:

Eph.

.29—30.m

We

2 Cor. 3:5

.30— 19.1.

It is

4:19.15—16 .23—24 4:21.10-13.t

are not sufficient

God

.

.

This

If there

.

.

.

...

them that

.

.

David

.19

*Repent, and believe.

.28

beleeve in

declareth

glorie of

anie thing.

.

.

.

Rom.

he hath

sente;

Rom. Mark

Rom.

his love to us:

1

.9.y

example

1

to others,

.17

Works of supererogation not I that scatter but you that gather

.22

Did God command Paul not

.22-23

receyve

.25-26

doth counscll

.

.

to

from the Church? .

.

.

H

n

4:6 1:15; see

n

Matt. 5:16

our Father:

.8— 9.x

.

n

John 6:29

sente,

his great mercies in Christ:

1 .d

8:7; see

John 6:29, cited by

.O.w

4:24. 1 0-1

n

Gal. 3:21-22; see

without workes.

him whom he hath

God

2:5; see

Phil. 2:13 be.

beleeve.

.13-14.M

4:22. 8.

.

deed can

.

.

workc

the

is

.

good pleasure.

.

The wisedome

14

2 Cor. 3:1-2

etc.?

greater?

.

.

6],

Acts 17:/0-ll

Ps.

spiritual!

n

Acts 2:37

searching the scriptures: .

Cor. 2:14; see

John 3:3

Peters preaching;

.

.

at

n

3:27

Acts 4:12

saved.

.

.

glad tydings,

.

.24.

.

.

mouthes

.

n

compleate.

him,

.

seen

Cor. 11:14;

Father,

etc.

of God.

.

.

.

.

.

.23.b

4:18.14—15

.

2

Prov. 8:22; see

John 1:1; see n John 17:5; see n John 15:26

be not

there salvation

is

... his way,

workes of the law.

.

naturall

were his

me

ivorld was.

.

we

.

beautifull feete

4:17.1—2. rf

Matt. 7:15

Angel of light,

.

was God,

.

the Comforter

4:1 3.13./>

.22-23.<j

.

.

possessed

.23—24.^

4:16. 22.

Matt. 13:25

tares,

in sheepes clothing.

not command.

1150

marry

12:1

John 4:11,19 Pet. 2:12,15; see

Luke

Matt. 12:30 1

Cor. 9:5

2 Cor. 11:7-9 1

n

17:10, 10:35; see

Cor. 7:6

n

m

c k bM

m

Index 4:25.1-11

Was

4:26.2-3

Christ onely

the sale of Ananias ... of .

.

.3

without sinne,

.19—20

Forgive us our

.21—23

Apostolus

AcU 5:i-li John 1:36 J

prima.

cpist.

.

John 3:5; see n

Matt. 6:12

trespasses'^

.

.

God?

Lambe,

.

1

John

1:8; 1 Tim. 3:2-4;

n

Titus 1:6; sec

4:27.21-22.y

Whom

.24.

God

.27.1

In

he predestinated

worketh

God

.

.

there

oume

his

.

is

.

.

4:28.26-29.1

a lanteme without

4:29.1-2

a denne of theeves,

.justified,

.

.

Eph.

will.

shadou/e of turning.

.

light.

as

.4

Abraham

.4—8

The generall

Lot

out o/"Chaldea, error

.

That whiche separateth

.28

as

.2

Gen. 19: 15

Matt. 22:1-14;

4:31.16.z

lanteme without

denne of theeves, hke Sodom,

The

infidelitie.

.

habitation of

2

Thess. 2:3

n

Matt. 21:13

Matt. 10:15

etc.

of trueth.

pillar

God

by his

spirit:

1

Tim. 3:15

Eph. 2:22 11:10; see

n

.17.

the glorious rest of Christ.

Isa.

.17— 19.C

God

Ps.

132:13-14; see

.19—20.
such as be planted

Ps.

92:13-14; see

.25

So did

Elias.

God

the

4:32.1—3.^ .3—4.h

loveth

is

.

.

and

.

.

Saintes. .

1

.

.

.

.

of men,

.

A

gifte

to

admonishe

.8—9

livelie

.31—34.1.

waying and searching

of the grace of God,

.

.

.

.

.

Eph.

in Christ Jesus.

.

two edged .

.

1:16; see

3:7; see

n n

n n

Col. 1:28; see

Heb. 4:12

sw^ordc. .

li

n

Kings 18:30-40

Matt. 13:3; see

Rom.

the Church.

.

.2—A.k

4:33.2.y

age, etc.

.

husbandman,

Therefore Christ

n

Matt. 13:24-30; see

compare Matt. 25:8

light;

grounde and

It is the

.16— 17. a

.

see

Matt. 11:14

a

is

.

Elias,

a

but

n

Gen. 12:1-5

etc.

Apostles founded.

.

.

.24—27

4:30.1

1:5>-11; see

James 1:17; see n compare Matt. 25:8

ff.;

an other

n

8:2*-30; see

Matt. 21:13

in olde time out q/" Sodom,

.3—4

Rom.

faithfull tvordes,

Eccles.

12:10 (not

v. 8, as in

text)

4:34.1—2.

Titus 2:7

in their doctrine,

.

.

.

reproved.

.15—16

the seede sowers,

.

.

.

the grace of

.28—29.0

That wee have

.

.

.29—30.j»

no

.30—33.^

There are

.33.r

No man

.33—34.5

When

scripture

.

.

as

4:36.27.

Uke

4:38.23—24

verbum

4:40.5—6.

Abraham

exhortation,

private interpretation.

diversities

.

.

.

all in all.

can preach except he bee sente.

he ascended,

4:35.18-20

.6-8. ft

.

.

God.

.

.

.

reconciliationis, .

.

.

children of first

.

.

12:6-5

2 Pet. 1:20; see 1

n

Cor. 12:4

Rom.

10:15

Matt. 4:1-11

Heb.

to holy scripture,

he was

Rom.

Eph. 4:8,11

men.

did the Tempter, ... 6.10?

that

Luke 8:11

.

sinne.

God;

... his iaith.

1151

5:4; see

n

2 Cor. 5:19

Rom. Rom.

4:1—3; see

n

4:10-11; see

n

r

w

Scriptural References .16-17

the Apostle

.

.

Rom.

.

Rom.

4.

4:1—11; see preceding

refe.

Naaman:

that to

.25

4:43.8—10 u,w

.15,

.21—22

The

children

Father,

by

.

.

.

.

.

.

and thy

.

4:44.28-29

Father hath saide:

4:45.24

A

.24—25

cleane.

... to his seede, .

.

and thy

.

childes,

monstrous and blasphemous doctrine:

bringing in doubt

.

.

Cor. 7:14; see

n

Gen. 17:12 Gen. 17:7-12 see ref.

above

John 6:56; see n

Luke 24:39; John 20:25,27;

body.

.

Luke 4:27 1

childes,

Abraham

telling

wash and be

.

pure and holy.

.

Matt. 28:6; Luke 24:6; John 12:8, 26:28; John 6:52,60,61; see

.25-26

Contrarie

.26-46.16

and

to that

4:48.21

this is

4:51.7—9.

all

.16—18.5

.

.

my

.

of Peter:

bodie,

Angells he

.

.

.

.

.

Act. 3.21.

.

mee,

.

.

Angells which kept not

.

.

the great day}

.

Abbaddon?

.19

the Angell

.

4:58.13

that great

and mightie Goliah,

4:61.2

Achitophel,

4:70.14

M.

4:75. 24. it

S. Peters prescript,

4:77.14— 15.

.

is

.

Only by pride Vengeaunce

.17—18.;)

Touch not

.18—19.^

The Lord

.25—26.r

contende

mine,

is

.

.

.

.

.

given

Petrum electum

86.4-5

4:87.23-25

.

.

.

7:10-13; see

ti

3:15-16

Prov. 11:2

105:15

Ps. 1:6

Prov. 26:18 Judg. 4:4; see

.

.

quam

.

be saved.

salvandus

nasceretur.

n

est.

1

Tim. 2:4

compare Gal. 2:8; sec Isa.

45:1; see

n

n

Matt. 25:35

Esurivi et cibastis etc Ps. 126.1

Pet.

Jude 3

to the saints;

men may

Prayer that

all

Amos

Fragment on Predestination

a

4:85.11-12

Ex hoc

Sam. 17:4,23,39-51

Ps.

of Salomon Pro. 26.18

4:83.1,15-16

.16-17

n

Deut. 32:35

etc.

the wicked shall perish.

.

Notes toward

6; see

Prov. 13:10

wisedome.

.

no harme.

.

.

.

Christian Deborah,

.24

.26,

1

wisedome.

.

.

.

.16—17.0

.

n

1

when pride commeth,

that

see

Jude

Rev. 9:11

upon Amos,

.15— 16.«

4:78.12

Cor. 11:24

Heb. 1:14;

2 Sam. 17:23

Calv. Lectures

.

Acts 3:21 1

heyres of salvation

.

n

John 16:7

Joh. 16.7.

Esa. 38.21.

Ps. 126:1;

Hos. 2:8-9;

Pss.

32:16, 104:27. 144:15, 146.9;

Exod. 17:5-6;

Rom.

4:19;

Deut. 28:23; 2 Kings 2:21;

Isa.

23:21 4:88.a

Syrach. 15.14.

.

.

.

Ecclus. 15:14; see 4:135.23

sui.

1152

3

Index 4:89.16-19

Qui quxrunt

.

9:19-24; see 4:90.4

Diabolus

.

.

John

Joh. 8.44.

.

see

.4—5

Non

scivavit

.

.

see

.22

Diabolus pater

.23

quoniam

.23—24

Ille

.24—25

Serpens

.

.

Tim.

... 1.

6;

compare 4:137.^;

n

1

John 3:8,12; John 8:44

Eph. 2:2

efEcax in impiis: Eph. 2.2.

hominem

compare 4:137. A;

8:44;

John 8:44

Joh. 8.44.

.

peccandum

... ad

n

n

Jude

Jud. vers. 6.

.

Rom.

La. 45:9; Jer. 18:6;

figuli?

.

.

2.14.

Gen. 3:13; 2 Cor. 11:3;

1

Tim. 2:14 .25-26

Adhuc ad omne

... 1. Paral. 21.1.

1

Thess. 3:5; 2 Cor. 2:11;

1

Pet. 5:8; 2 Cor. 4:4; Acts 5:3;

John

13:2;

1

Chron. 21.1

("Paralipomenon"

=

Vulgate

for "Chronicles")

.27-29 4:91.7

Num igitur

.

.

James l:14-f5

Jac. 1.14.14

.

Deus peccatum

Esa. 65.12.

.

.

.

1

John

2:16, 1:5; Matt.

19:17; Ps. 5:5;

Isa.

65:12;

compare 4:138. «; see n .8-9

Quod non

.12-17

Ante Christum

.18—19

Etiam sub Apostolis

volui

.

.

.

.

Zach. 8.17.

.

Zech. 8:17; see

n

Ecclus. 15:11-12; see

suis pcccatis.

.

4:138.7-26; see .

.

Nemo

.

n

James 1:13

dicat etc

4:92.9-10 .t.l—

4:93.4—6

To

this

purpose

.

.

.

Luke 21:30

Luc. 21.30.

.

Deus odit peccatum, Thus we see how

.

.

.

.

.

et 3.15.

Ps. 73:3;

ow^n sinne;

his

Eccltis.

Mai. 2:17, 3:15

15:11 ff. (GB's rubric

for these verses

is:

"God is not

the author of evil").

4:94.1-3 .3—5

when God tooke at

.

.

them Gen.

.

the second ... a creature.

1.31.

Gen. 1:31

Gen. 6:5-6

The Dublin Fragments 4:101. 16. (J

a native evill habit,

4:102.9—11

That axiome

.

4:104.10, 14

/ stand

doore

.31—32

4:105.10-11 .25—29

4:106.17-19 .25

4:107.16-18/

My

att the

Grace ...

Behold

.

Gen. 6:5

their natures,

and knock,

sufficient for thee.

15

saith Moses,

Wisdome that

.

lawe

is .

.

.

.

.

.

care.

.

.

.

death;

Sap. 6.12.

good and

evill:

IVisd.

2 Cor. 12:9 Deut. 30:15; see

Gen. 2:17 Eph. 3:9-11;

the wisdome ofthejlesh

Rom.

.

.

can be.

1153

n

Wisd. of Sol. 6:12-/4; sec

by any witt of man or Angell, .

n

of Sol. 8:1; see

Rev. 3:20

8:7; see

1 Pet.

n

1:12

n

d«

e

Scriptural References 4:108.13

weefooles

4:111.20-21

not

.26

4:112.8-9 4:113.3-4./

I,

.

.

.

.

how the letter Holy Spiritt: Sett thou

.

.

.

.

.7-8.

Keepe they

.9-10.0

The Lord

.

.

Cor. 15:10

2

Cor. 2:16; see

hcavenlie fyer.

Matt. 3:11

.

.

.

.

heart .

1

quickneth not;

with mee.

is

of my

Refraine thou

.

.

.

.6-7.m

Wisd. of Sol. 5:4; aUo 3:1-2

just madnes.

.

which

.

.

lipps,

Ps.

141:3

noe guile.

Ps.

34:13

.

may

.

Prov. 4:23

be.

Phil. 4:7

in Christ Jesus;

.

4:116.2-3

whence only water and blood

4:117.7-8

saving vcrtucs,

4:118.3-5

from

faith ... St.

.16

as St.

Paul

.16-17

soe

.21-22

as

4:128.23.M

St.

.

.

Abraham

and

.

.

issued,

.

.

did. ...

1

Cor. 13:13

Rom. 3:28 Rom.

1:17; Gal. 3:11

faith.

James 2:17

by workes.

James 2:21

with

.

John 19:34 compare

hope,

Paul doeth.

without workes

.

James

.

the foreknowledge ...

all

n

41:22-23;

Ps. 139:2; Isa.

things

Eccles. 23:19-20, 39:19-20;

Heb. 4:13 4:129.4-5 .5

Matt. 10:4, 26:25, 27:3

the treason ofJudas, the

fall

of Peeter,

Matt.

4:130.20-26.0/

Historic of David,

4:131.9.x

in men, by way of contre-plea

4:132.16.z

.

deliver thee upp.

.

.

1

26:69-75

Sam. 23:11-12

Wisd. of Sol. A:\0-11; see

Rom.

9:20; also

Isa.

n

45:9,

64:8; Jer. 28:6; Wisd. of Sol. 15:7; Ecclus. 33:12 .28.6

4:133.20-21

to cast It

them

had heene

a slcepe

.

.

had

.

.

.

.

not

vigilant:

Rom.

11:8; see

Mark 14:21;

heene.

n

also Ps.

41:10.

Matt. 26:23,26; Acts 1:16;

1

Cor. 11:24

.21-22.C

the will of

Gods

.

.

.

alwayes

fulfilled.

Acts 17:31; Ps. 115:3;

Isa.

46:10; Esther 13:9

4:134.24 .26.

manner.

yett in amiable

Wisd. of Sol. 8:1

Wisd. of Sol. 8:n-12; see

without violence to their owne,

4:102.9-1 l.n

4:135.4—5 .22-23.

4:137.19-20.^ .2\.h

4:138.10.1

cloathe the

lilies

.

.

of their

in the hands

They kept

.

...

birds

of the

owne

will;

had from God,

aire,

Matt. 6:26,30

n

Ecclus. 15:14; sec

Jude 6

they stood not in the trueth,

John 8:44

the like was broached.

James 1:13; 19:17;

Ps.

1

John

5:5;

1:5;

Isa.

Matt.

65:12;

Zech. 8:17; Ecclus. 15:11; see 4:91.12-17 .26-27. fe

Jesus the

.27./

by

4:140. 19.n

St.

Sonne

James

toleration at

.

.

.

... in his

tyme;

Apostles days,

Gods hand.

Ecclus. 15:12

James 1:13

Rom. see

1154

n

9:21-22;

Isa.

45:9;

Index 4:142.8-9

«

c

J

Scriptural References .19-21

.«

what

his

own

determinations were.

/ will harden them.

.31-159.1

This of the Gentiles

4:159.2-3.^?

Lett their table

.4-6.q

Because they

.13.r

resisted the

.23-28.5

Make

4:160.2-3

.

.

.

.

.

lusts.

.

.

Acts 7:51, 13:46

Abrahams

God

.27-28

Abrahams seedc;

.28-29

why

Pharaoh ... of

.29-31

The

Apostle ... his

posteritie

.

.

.

above others;

hated Esau, and loved Jacob;

owne

Rom. 9:20-21

.5

and declareth

.ll-12.y

God

.14-15.2

his

mercies

.16.fl

let

Pharaohs example

.23-24.6

as

.30.d

there are

clay:

preferreth

.

.

.

.

.

was the

elder.

were unborne,

herein shewed himselfe unjust himselfe will.

.

others are of clcmencie.

whose stubborn

spiritts,

compare Job 40:2 compare Psalm 31

in Jeremie,

compare Jer. 12

compare Hab. 1:2—3

6 man

.11./

.15-1 6. A

wee not ... by their owne

.17

as

... to upbraid

God?

as claye?

are

.

.

.

for wrath,

both Esau and Pharaoh

did:

doeth sundrie others

.20-21.

as it

.27 .J

in bestowing grace

on

the Gentiles,

He

.23-24./

they crucifie ... a I

smote j^gypt, ... P. 136.

demand

.12.m

att

.17

The

the

.

.

rest are

them

.

mocke of him.

rejected his people?

9:20 9:21

9:22

Gen. 25:27

Rom. Rom.

9:23 9:24

Ps.

U6:10,15,18

Heb. 6:6

Rom. 11:1 Job 6:39 Row. 11:1,7

day.

last

Rom. Rom. Rom.

Gen. 25:29-34

Esau's sinne

.k

4:166.10

Rom. 9:11 Rom. 9:12-13 Rom. 9:11 Rom. 9:14 Rom. 9:15 Rom. 9:17 Rom. 9:18 Rom. 9:19

in David,

.6-7.

4:165.1-2

3:7-9

in Job,

in Abacuk,

4:163.1

9:7; Gal.

Rom. 9:13 33:26 Rom. 9:17

God

.

Rom.

Jer.

.3-4

.

6:10-11

Gods power.

power of God,

.

Isa.

Matt. 7:6

unto swine pearles

the absolute

11:9

2Thess. 10-11

utterly desolate.

.

Rom. 1:21,24

Rom.

Holy Ghost,

the heart

.26

4:162.4

.

heleeue lyes.

.25

4:161. 2-3.X

.

unto them.

.

.

Exod. 4:21; see n compare A:\S%.\\-\2

.25-26

hardned.

Rom. 8:30

to glorifye

.14

of this

.22-23.

that prayer for eternall Life

Rom. 8:23 John 17:9,20

.25-26.0

They

Matt. 25:34

good;

their

are the blessed ... his

kingdome; .26-27 .p

nothing can be

.28.q

That none

.

.

.

Rom.

laid:

God

will save.

1156

8:33

Eccles. 39:181

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History of English Law. 17 vols.

London: Methuen

&

Co.,

Sweet and Maxw^ell, 1903-1972. Houlbrooke, Ralph. Church Courts and

1520-

the People during the English Reformation

1570. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979.

Ingram, Martin. Church Courts, Sex and Marriage

The

in

England, 1570-1640. Cambridge:

University Press, 1987.

John Dolan, and Konrad Repgin, eds. History of the Church. Translated by Anselm Biggs, Peter W. Becker, and others. 10 vols. Freiburg, London, and

Jedin, Hubert,

New

York: Herder,

W.

Bums and

Oates, Crossroad, 1965-1986.

Ernest

Benn

Torrance. Richard Hooker's Doctrine of the Royal Supremacy. Leiden,

New

Keaton, George

T?je

Norman Conquest and

the

Common Law. London:

Limited, 1966. Kirby,

W. J.

York, Copenhagen, and Cologne: E.J. Brill, 1990. Lake, Peter. Anglicans and Puritans? Presbyterianism and English Conformist Thought from Whitgift to Hooker.

London: Unwin Hyman, 1988.

1206

Bibliography Moderate Puritans and the Elizabethan Churdt. Cambridge:

.

The

University Press,

1982.

Logan,

F.

Donald. Excommunication and

Legal Procedure from the Thirteenth

the Secular

Arm

in

A Study in

of Mediaeval Studies, 1968.

Institute

Loyer, Olivier. L'Anglicanisme de Richard Hooker. 2 vols. Paris: Librairie

Marshall,

Medieval England:

Century. Toronto: Pontifical

the Sixteenth

to

John

S.

Lille:

Universite de Lille

III;

Honore Champion, 1979. Hooker and

Press, at the University

McAdoo, Henry R. The

the Anglican Tradition.

of the South; London:

Spirit

in the Seventeenth Century.

of Anglicanism:

London:

Adam

A

Sewanee, Tenn.: The University

Adam &

Charles Black, 1963.

Survey of Anglican Theological Method

and Charles Black;

New York:

Charles

Scribner's Sons, 1965.

The

.

Moral Theology. London, 1949.

Structure of Caroline

McGrade, Arthur Stephen. Introduction Ecdesiastical Polity:

An

London: Sidgwick

& Jackson,

"The

.

Of

the

McGrade and Brian

Laws of Vickers.

1975.

Public and the Religious in Hooker's Polity." Churdt History, 37.4

pecember

1968): 404-422.

"Repentance and

.

In Richard Hooker,

1.

Abridged Edition, ed. A. S.

Spiritual

Power." Journal of Ecdesiastical

History,

29 (1978):

163-176.

Milward, Peter. Religious Ilkley:

The

Controversies of the Elizabethan Age:

Scolar Press; Lincoln, Neb., and London:

A Survey of Printed Sources.

The

University of Nebraska

Press, 1977. [Milward].

Munz, Peter. The Place of Hooker in the History of Thought. London: Routledge Kegan Paul, 1952; rpr. New York: Greenwood Press, 1970. [Munz].

&

Neale, John E. Elizabeth I and her Parliaments. [Neale]. 2 vols. London: Jonathan Cape,

1953-1957.

New, John

H. Anglican and

F.

Puritan:

The Basis of Their Opposition, 1558-1640.

Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1964.

Novarr, David. The Making of Walton's "Lives." [Novarr]. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1958.

Paget, Francis.

An

Introduction to the Fifth

Ecdesiastical Polity.

Rodes, Robert

Dame: Salmon,

J.

E., Jr.,

H. M. The French

2nd

Dame

Treatise of the

Laws of

edn., 1907.

in the English

Churdt. Notre

Press, 1982.

Religious

Wars

in English

Political

Thought. Oxford:

Press, 1959.

Shirley, F. J. Richard

tical

Book of Hooker's

Press, 1899;

Lay Authority and Reformation

University of Notre

Clarendon

Sisson,

Oxford: Clarendon

Hooker and Contemporary

Political Ideas.

London: S.P.C.K., 1949.

C. J. Thejudidous Marriage of Mr. Hooker and the Birth of "The Laws of EcdesiasPolity." Cambridge: The University Press, 1940. [Sisson].

WiUiams, George H. The Radical Reformation. Philadelphia: Westminster

1207

Press, 1962.

Glossary {Volumes t—5) Georges Edelen This glossary includes archaic and obsolete English words and meanings used either

by Hooker

other contemporary printed

plication,

texts,

as a part

himself, or in passages

such

A

as

he quotes, or in

Christian Letter or Travers's Sup-

of the present

edition.

Words drawn from

the latter two categories are so indicated in parentheses after the citation.

References are given to the volume, page, and line numbers in

this

volume number is not repeated for a succession the same one. Normally citations are given for only

edition, although the

of references to the

first

three (or at least three early) appearances of the word; a plus

sign indicates further occurrences. gloss in the

Words

commentary

A reference to n indicates a relevant

to the individual

are spelled according to the

English Dictionary, except that

I

book.

main

entries in the Oxford have preferred American orthography

words as "color" and "inflection." Hooker's own spellings and those of his scribes and compositors have been included only when the possibilities for error seemed serious (e.g., happily for haply, for such

course for coarse, parson (or person).

Not

included

is

a large category

pounds, whose meaning

is

of current words in unusual com-

unlikely to give a reader pause, such as

appliahle, displeasant, impardonahle, unpartially, unresistable, unsatiahle,

the

and

like.

As with most older texts, readers of Hooker are likely to be misled by obsolete and unusual terms than by common words whose meanings have changed subtly (sometimes drastically) over the centuless

ries.

One

highly useful signal for spotting semantic changes

fondness for such synonymous doublets and impious, and irreligious" (1:235.27).

meanings

A

clue

is

and purpose"

triplets

as

is

Hooker's

"prophane,

thus provided to obso-

(1:190.7), "merely and wholly" (2:434.20), "weakness and imbecility" (1:324.2), "counsels, lete

in "drift, scope,

1209

Glossary complots, and practises" (2:416.19-20), "stint and measure" (1:338.30-

and permanent" (2:456.13), "institution and study" "conveniency and fitness" (2:33.3), and many others.

31), "indifferent

(3:77.27),

my

In preparing this glossary,

OED. Of great

indispensable source has been the

value were the detailed and knowledgeable glossaries

(1866) and Book V by was the erratic word list in Keble's edition of the Works. I have also been much aided by the work of my fellow editors in their commentaries. If I have occasionally been led to disagree with all of this previous lexicography, far more often I have been spared errors and omissions I would otherwise have committed. to their editions

Ronald Bayne

of Book

= he

a abate

I

by R.

W. Church

(1902). Less useful

5:341.8

remove, put an end to sense

abhor from

q/^

impair

1:170.26, 175.6, 3:345.13+; in

modem

1:191.27

shrink from in disgust

2:483.17—18;

in impersonal construction

4:136.17

abidden

abided, remained

abound

be wealthy 2:364.7; aboundly

2:481.26

=

abundantly 4:55.13

(A.C.L.)

abroach abroad set

spread abroad

2:25.1, 5:144.5

outside the universities pastoral cure

2:475.2;

1:41.1, 2:127.21;

away from

absolute

free

acceptable access to

welcome 5:411.10 accession to, coming

accident

happening, occurrence,

away from one's

a bishop's service

to oflSce in

2:482.8 1:131.30, 2:23.23, 29.15;

broad sense

symptom 2:44.7&9

medical

= account accompt action upon the case or action of trespass form of civil procedure Law^, initiated

by

plaintiff for redress

addicted

inclined, devoted

additament

addition

addle

empty,

adj.

idle

adulterate

spurious, false

adventure advertise

idolatrous n.

1:50.31

5:161.13

5:291.9

(L.

Tomson)

1:199.11

chance, fortune

2:299.28

warn, admonish 3:419.22, 5:30.10; tion

Common

1:228.3, 5:410.25

annihilate, annul

adulterous

in

of injury 5:192.8 (iVT)

5:149.25

adnichilate adj.

2:482.6

from uncertainty 5:152.3

advertisement admoni-

5:321.3; attention, consideration

1210

2:495.12

Glossary advice/advise

n.

afiect

1:100.7, 187.5, 2:42.15+

consuludon, deliberation

aim

aspire to,

1:43.27, 73.18, 79.26+; love, be

at

affection

bias, inclination,

a£Sance

aflSnity

after-meal

later

after- wit

the

agnise

acknowledge 2:383.6

alienate

transfer

2:319.28;

commitment

assurance

trust,

drawn

to

affected disposed 1:2.9, 19.21&30+;

1:99.5, 134.3, 2:33.23+;

1:12.9, 18.14,

23.3+

3:47.20

or secondary meal 5:111.12

knowledge or

skill

of later times 3:89.29

ownership 2:449.10, 456.21, 461.24+; alienation

2:448.12, 456.w

aloof

at a distance

allege

cite,

3:258.24, 426.10

1:21.17&21&22+;

quote

support

in broader sense

bring forth in

1:2.19, 30.32, 35.29+; allegation citation

1:44.19,

2:447.13, 3:440.11 +

allobrog^cal

Genevan, Calvinist 4:69.14 {A.C.L.;

amaze

puzzle

=

exciting or

ancient

senior

bewilderment, per-

2:420.27

plexity, consternation

amercie v. amiable ampliation

see n)

amazement

4:39.20 {A.C.L.)\

(WT)

amerce, fine 5:192.9

worthy of love

1

:70.22, 82.23,

84.27+

extending 3:5.19

n.

1:334.15, 437.4; /or ancients

ancre

= anchor

2:36.24,54.19,115.15+

annihilate

make

apology

defense, explanation

2:134.19&20, 175.17+

apostata

=

{see errata),

appale

make

apparency appearance

preparation

arbitrary

at discretion, optional

word of art

technical term

null

and void 2:279.3, 289.22, 491.21

aposute pale,

1:204.16

2:51.1 {see note. Textual Commentary, 2:503)

make

viewing 1:179.12

n.

assemble

v.

certain, establish

essay,

attempt 2:372.8

make

secure, assure

=

n.

defense, vindication

asseveration

strong assertion

assoil

n.

1:139.7, 3:102.7

2:285.17, 3:69.14

assembly 5:105.18

assertion

assign/assigne

1:100.19, 138.5, 2:374.35

2:65.22,348.9-10,349.6

aspect assecure

2:261.9

apparentness, likelihood

ascertain

assay

3:99.19, 4:29.10 {A.C.L.)+

grow dim 5:81.28

3:28.2—3

1:31.15, 2:471.21, 3:249.26+

assignee, representative, agent

absolve

2:429.23

3:74.22, 92.23

astonied

=

attempt n. attendance

attack, uprising

attrition

imperfect contrition 3:93.21, 95.2

astonished

waiting

for,

2:69.11

2:494.23

delay

5:392.11

1211

Glossary audience

hearing, listening 2:39.25, 68.21

authentical

originating, prototypical

available

availing, effectual, valid

avert

turn away, prejudice

1:68.14 1:82.7, 103.26,

184.17+

1:56.24, 324.25, 2:27.3; aversion turning

away 3:12.9&21 awray with

tolerate,

aw^e

n.

protection

look

awry

look askance, regard

bear 5:310.4

3:307.10 critically

or suspiciously 4:67.11

baggage bane v.

poison 2:57.10;

bashfulness

shrinking firom something shameful

battle/battel

bawd beam bear

material goods

adj.

5:40.16

productive

fertile,

2:264.26

as n.

2:311.1,3:15.29,25.8+

2:29.17

pander 3:500. 14&20 bar of metal 2:452.17

n.

=

n.

bier

2:410.18

bear in hand beat upon

belabor, insist

bedlam

madman

delude 3:416.27, 4:1.20

upon 1:153.28-29, 2:23.17

4:30.30

befool

call

behoof

profit, use

2:427.22

(one) a fool

2:111.5, 3:336.24;

1:90.3, 100.9,

behoveful needful,

being

essence

2:349.26

belike

perhaps

2:59.26, 329.19

bend against

oppose 2:226.28, 275.2, 367.1 +

benignity

benign deed, favor 2:45.13—14

bent

bending,

n.

of a

bow

2:139.16

be appropriate 2:346.27, 415.15, 433.11 +

beseem besides

as

useful

246.23+

frep.

differing firom, contrary to

1:8.22, 2:25.18, 3:444.15;

the range of 2:270.17, 278.10, 332.19+

betimes

in time, before

it is

bewray

expose, reveal

2:99.10, 168.3, 307.7+

bite

severely criticize

V.

blaze

blockish

stupid

bloom

bring into

tr.v.

boisterous

destructively

5:315.27

bloom 2:29.25

rough, violent 2:341.20

bolt out

examine by

sifting, find

bonny

big, sturdy

5:391.7

t/.

book

1:65.32, 79.33

keep from 4:65.8

protect,

boot

3:271.2

5:254.18

mix confusedly and

v.

bless firom

without

late

proclaim 3:40.12

V.

blend

too

out 2:314.18

without authority 3:456.13, 4:116.21 avaU

1:7.26,232.14,2:91.11+;

1212

cf bootless

1:117.4

outside

Glossary boivel*

internal organs as the seat

of compassion 3:11.23, 4:152.6,

5:116.28

bravely

4:65.16 (A.C.L.)

excellently

bray pound to po\vder, as in a mortar 2:100.4 (TC), 4:42.21 bug-wrord/bug*s-word word that threatens or frightens 4:17.25 bumbasing bombast 4:76.22 (A.C.L.) by-respect

consideration other than the ostensible one, side-motive

5:115.

14

by-speech

incidental

byword

pet phrase

calling

rank, station, esp. ecclesiastical

caltny

caknly 5:246.17

cam

t\visted,

capable

able to

remark 1:215.10 1:228.2

one

1:15.15, 2:495.18

crooked 5:312.5

comprehend

1:76.25, 113.9; eligible

2:262.19, 299.3,

492.21 +

card

map, chart

carnal

worldly 4:60.19 (A.C.L.)

in

case to

cast

1:62.7, 5:376.20

2:451,24-25, 3:57.4, 102.13

in condition to

condemn

u.

1:323.16

casual

unexpected, uncertain 2:451.2, 4:125.8, 126.16+

cattle

livestock

cecity

blindness

celerity

velocity

censure

5:314.21 2:361.8

judge, evaluate

v.

chair

chaldean

2:81.4, 185.22, 392.5;

soothsayer, astrologer v.

chamber

claim

as a right

hangings in a expensive

check

rebuke, criticize

chiefly

311.16

5:208.19

3:3.8

(WT)

2:56.29, 459.22

1:309.29

headship, sovereignty quoting

5:20.22

2:37.4, 430.18, 472.3+; as n.

room

chargeable u.

as n. 2.82.10,

1:217.20

pulpit

challenge

1:97.13, 2:384.10

3:113.11-13, 114.7, 117.1+

(Cranmer,

H)

cannot choose but must 1:320.1

chrism

confirmation

cichar

Hebrew weight 2:451.21-29

cipher

nonentity 5:320.2

circuition

circuitous

circumference

roundabout process 4:73.11 (A.C.L.)

2:325.28

mode

circumstance

context

civet

perfume 5:40.26

civil laiv

Roman

2:43.24

1:159.18, 3:39.27;

law, esp. as codified

51.16-17+

1213

specified condition

by Justinian

2:183.12-18

1:3.15, 41. 1—2,

Glossary 2:5.26, 264.32, 4:22.13 {A.C.L.)+

closely

secretly

closet

private

coaction

compulsion, restraint 2:356.2

coagtnentation coefficient

room

2:396.2, 479.20, 3:299.32

joining together 3:331.23

cooperating to produce a result 5:109.21

adj.

coat

sort,

coat-card

face-card

coif

white skullcap worn by sergeants-at-law 2:329.25

collect

deduce or

5:147.30

type

5:11.8

infer

collection

colorable

(J.

Foxe)

from evidence

1:21.20, 48.32, 3:138.32+;

1:31.14, 42.6, 93.13+; collector

plausible, specious

2:81.8

2:44.10, 51.12-13, 460.26+; colorably

2:486.12

comfort

corroborate

u.

1:120.15;

comfortable

2:115.15

reassuring

= cumin

comin/comyn commerce

communication with God

commination commissionary

2:65.7, 110.14

Divine threatenings against sinners 2:396.27, 474.14, 3:66.19+

=

commissary, a bishop's deputy in

ecclesiastical courts

3:424.9-1 O&l 4

commodity

advantage, benefit

commodious com-

1:98.32, 148.25, 149.22+;

commodiously

1:108.19, 286.9, 328.5+;

2:176.16;

modiousness 2:464.7

common

eat at a

v.

commonplace short

n.

commons

common

elaboration

(?)

table

3:286. m; associate with

5:116.29

4:76.20 {A.C.L.)

scant provisions

2:442.23-24

commonvi^ealth's -man one concerned with the welfare of the

state, a patriot

3:307.32

communication complement

social intercourse, conversation

complot

plot, conspiracy

composition

mutual agreement, involving an exchange 2:274.8, 452.16,

2:479.20

ceremony 2:2.19-20, 250.24, 297.17-18+; formal courtesy 2:448.4; completion, perfection

3:358.10

2:416.19

3:67.23+

comprehend

enclose, limit

conceit

{sp.

2:229.2

conceipt) individual mode of perceiving or understanding

1:16.9&13&28, 2:211.30+; personal opinion 1:29.15, 33.32, 42.33+; mental capacity idea

minded concinnate conclude

adj.

1:14.18, 59.24, 76.17+; conception,

1:72.9,75.21,78.18+; mental image 2:69.7; conceited 2:21.1; ingenious

with

dissatisfied

made

fit

shut in

4:28.6 {A. C.L.);

out of conceit

with 2:109.12

5:354.21

2:216.16

conculcate

trample under foot 3:146.30, 5:335.10

concur

come

together 2:355.32, 3:237.6;

1214

(see

n)

concurrency

Glossary 3:189.18&29; concurrent

4:127.5

n.

condescend

yield, agree

conditioned

having such a character, so disposed 3:261.1

conduct

conduit, channel

n.

1:5.32, 7.30,

30.33+

2:333.31

compare 2:420.1, 3:220.19; conference bringing together,

confer

comparing 2:6.31

confluence

coming

conjure

appeal by something sacred

conscience

consciousness,

together, assembly

mind

1:27.24, 2:432.26—27

2:474.13

1:176.11, 180.5, 185.19+; in modem, moral

1:190.17, 195.20, 297.28+;

sense

make conscience of encour-

age respect for or conscientious observance of 2:406.12—13

conscionable

conformable with good conscience 2:483.13—14

consent

accord with 4:35.1 (A.C.L.)

to

consonant

suiuble 2:427.8

consort

company, grouping 2:32.11

n.

conster

=

constitution

decree, law 3:5.18&32, 38.17+

contagious

injurious

contentation

= contentment

continent

sum, summary 2:454.5

construe

contre-plea

=

control

call to

V.

2:151.25;

hurtful as food

2:308.27

counterplea 4:132.17 account, challenge, rebuke

1:6.22, 13.30, 44.9+;

con-

troUer 1:78.23, 168.29; controlment 3:244.20, 262.10,

5:

236.12

controversed

disputed

contumely

humiliation 2:307.10, 309.17;

1:31.25 insolent language, insult

2:309.7, 319.6, 3:250.20

convenient

appropriate

fit,

1.8, 33.3,

convent

v.

converse

1:236.7, 2:38.13, 46.15+;

summon 1:6.22, 3:289.15, 411.23+ moned before a judge 3:15.21 live

3:197.14;

conversant

with, busy about social

conveniency

living

;

convention being sum-

1:22.1;

engaged

1:120.16, 2:349.18, 413.27+;

in,

convict

behavior 1:149.32, 150.3&6+; moral behavior

V.

manage secredy or cunningly 5:343.31; conveyance 1:214.14,5:121.13; manner of writing 1:219.30-31 prove 1:269.23; prove wrong 1:224.23&25, 3:21.13+

convince

=

under the cope

under the canopy of the sky,

convict

1:19.31, 3:119.25 (Cranmer), 5:200.5 i.e.,

(WT)

every-where 5:31.25

of heaven

copemate/copesmate comrade, copulation

agent 3:68.4

coupling, joining of divine and

1215

human

dealing

conversation

5:23.5&15; living together 2:94.27-28, 3:299.20

convey

2:-

40.32+

natures in Christ

Glossary 2:215.32, 223.29, 234.31 +

corban

of the temple

treasury

at

Jerusalem, where votive ofierings were

placed 3:274.6

corps

endowment of a church

corpse,

correspondent corrosive

u.

counsel

responsive, submissive

.

office

2:471.15

2:162.26

annoyance, grief 1:306.10

n.

corse

couch

adj

=

corpse

lie

down

5:391.8 (GB)

judgment,

n.

sagacity, design

1:10.10, 60:12&fc+;

secret plan

2:416.19, 3:298.23, 5:331.7+

countenance

n.

counterplea

sunding 1:7.11,3:164.28-29,253.1 answer to a

in law, an

plea, arguing

why

it

should not be ad-

mitted 4:132.17

course

adj.

=

coarse

1:252.1

by course of course

antiphonally, alternately

cousin-gertnan

first

crazedness

mental \veakness, not necessarily insanity 1:16.5

creature

creation

crime

charge 5:149.10, 168.28&29+;

2:10.32, 120.8, 154.7+

customary 2:304.2 1:237.17-18

cousin

1:45.14; anything created 1:65.5, 67.)/, 75.1 +

crimination accusation

3:458.22 hovel, generally poverty

crib

cross

run counter

V.

2:386.11

to, contradict

crossing over, confused

1:43.27, 2:245.16, 5:164.2;

2:219.4;

as adj.

adverse, unfavorable

5:390.24

crucify

destroy the

power of

cruptical

cundet

= cryptic = conduit

3:496.29

cure

medical treatment

n.

patient

5:29.8

4:72.15 {A.C.L.)

1:83.8;

1:83. 5&7, 3:31.5, 3:305.10;

as v.

treat 2:320.21,

careful, painstaking, scrupulous

cult

1:41.18, 3:8.27;

osity

subtle

cured

doctor's

3:325.22

1:83.11, 2:36.20, 49.30+; oc-

2:28.31, 3:163.6, 356.14;

excessive care, fastidiousness

curi-

2:55.25, 56.16, 145.30+;

elaborateness 2:152.26

current

adj.

valid

1:56.16;

damnify

injure,

day-spring

daybreak,

decease

n.

currently giving evidence in support 1:16.27

harm 2:495.26, 3:418.8 dawn 3:59.26

ceasing

1:241.25

decency

what

declare

describe

decline

deviate

deduct

= deduce

is

appropriate to a person's rank

3:38.13

3:227.8 3:389.20, 4:107.32

1216

3:303.7

Glossary deed

legal

default

defeat

dociunent 2:285.20 1:280.2, 2:181.14 (TC), 470.14

&ult, error, defect

fi.

annul 1:204.18, 2:101.13, 279.3+; defeat of deprive of

v.

1:66.1

defend

maintain 5:135. 1&12

deject

withdraw

dejection

casting

delicate

delicacy

delude detnipremises demonstrable demonstrative

5:374.24

(?)

down

in fortune or position

elude

3:50.16

partial

and incomplete premises 2:477.11

provable 2:290.7 ^. demonstrative self-evident

2:290.7

{see

n)

demurely demurrer

meekly, soberly 5:124.14

deodate deprave deprehend

an offering to

pervert by misconstruing

depress

disparage

derive into or

transmit, impart

hesitation through uncertainty

unto

2:418.23

1:294.27

God

1:50.18

3:274.6 2:88.27, 171.4, 495.1 +

apprehend, catch in the act

1:252.17

1:293.25, 3:458.19 2:240.8, 247.7, 430.14+;

derivation

3:398.24

designment

nomination to

despiteful

malicious 4:61.27 {A.C.L.)

detect

expose a person's guilt 3:30.10, 34.13, 44.21+; accuse 4:70.27

determination device

termination

{A.C.L.);

in

adj.

3:416.30

detection 3:34.28 1:110.15

devise) purpose 2:466.9

what

devise

devote

{sp.

office

being devised, in theory 2:1.24

is

devoted, consigned to destruction 2:61.20 (GB)

dialect

language, diction 2:439.13

diet

way of Ufe

differ

=

dilaniation

tearing to pieces

dilapidations

sum charged an incumbent

1:327.17, 331.g {both

defer 5:202.20

TC), 2:135.6+

(WT), 251.30 5:400.22 for impairments

of ecclesiastical

property during his tenure 3:298.13

dint

thrust,

blow 5:400.23; upon

the dint of exposed to, within

range of 1:14.22

5:355.25

dirity

direness, dreadfiilness

disallow^

blame, disapprove of 1:187.25

discommodity

trouble

discommon

deprive of citizenship

discourse

process of reasoning

n.

2:162.11 (TC), 493.19;

discommodious

2:379.19

3:327.17 1:76.19; 81.18—19,

83.13+

1:57.20, 67.1, 79.11 +

discover

uncover, disclose

discretion

judgment, discernment 1:12.25; discreetly 3:102.15

1217

Glossary =

disgest

disgrace

name-calling 2:5.4, 46.16, 82.11, 88.2+;

insult, disparage, discredit

V.

dislike

4:123.11

digest

insult,

«.

1:176.13

displease, offend

v.

disparagement

disparity, inequality

disprove

disapprove

dispute

maintain 3:171.26

V.

as

1:221.28, 2:46.16, 142.22+

5:315.15(2)

{see

n)

1:187.25, 337.14

disseigne

=

dissemble

ignore 3:253.26;

design

who

dissembler one

pretends not to see

2:309.10

breaking up, destruction 2:314.12—13

dissipation

distemper

v.

distempered

5:416.16;

disorder

OED

1:164.26 {but

cites this

probably for intemperate

passage under mentally disordered),

302.31 distraction pulling apart, division

3:322.1, 328.26;

divide

distract

1:202.21, 2:3.14, 216.2+

words of a song 2:152.5

ditty

dive

dip

tr.v.

1:321.27 2:100.5, 101.15, 486.14+

expound

divide

analyze,

divinely

felicitously

divisively

separately

divulge

make

doctrine

instruction

2:110.10,115.29,279.10+; doctrinal 2:97.18

instruction,

admonition 5:309.21

document

n.

1:82.23

3:369.15

public, publish

dominical day donative

Lord's day, Sunday

doom

judgment 2:303.21

gift

fearful,

draught

pattern

drift n.

intention, purpose adj.

2:382.28

'

bonus 1:163.13&14

1:117.6;

doubtful

during duty

2:77.22

apprehensive

2:3.2, 3:68.11

1:66.33, 68.14

= enduring

1:22.25, 61.12, 189.13+

4:166.22

performance of religious service 2:162.27, 246.29, 363.15+

eager

sharp, acerbic

earnest

serious,

3:230.1; eagerness

1:164.26

weighty 2:137.19; earnestness 2:454.8; earnest to

importunate to 5:170.3 (H.Jackson) set

by the ears

cause dissension

easiness

having

little

among

4:76.27 {A.C.L.)

weight or significance 2:2.21

economy

syn. with "service," organization

education

bringing up

efTectual

affectual, ardent

efficiency

effectiveness

efficient

direct, external cause

«.

in

broad sense

of benefits 2:225.3

1:76.20

2:125.26

3:13.13 1:70.5, 111.22

1218

Glossary elation

5:320.6

elevation

elench

n.

logical refutation

elevate

lessen, depreciate

elide

rebut, destroy

eU etnbase

discredit

=

4:75.23 {A.C.L.; see n) 1:184.13, 2:255.13

1:284.15

5:285.3 (anon.), 291.17

else

Tomson)

(L.

3:209.23

embassage

mission of an ambassador 2:367.26, 3:158.21

empiric

quack 1:176.20; medical practitioner

n.

who

relies entirely

on

experience 3:293.31

empress emulation

motto

1

rivalry,

contention

enforce

compel an

interpretation

3:199.28;

enforce oneself

:23.5

1:329.26, 3:160.8

2:287.24, 3:428.22; strive

engine

contrivance, trick

engross

monopolize 2:493.4

enormity

extravagance, excess 3:78.30

assert,

argue

3:418.29-30

3:300.20

enow

= enough

ensorcell

bewitch 5:78.12

entertain

maintain in one's service 2:264.21; retain, maintain, ^CTiCTaWy

entitule

see intitule

5:190.18, 197.10 {both

WT), 229.18

envy

n.

malice, ^enera/Zj' 3:254.7,345.18

erect

u.

rouse, direct

err estate

esteem

n.

5:310.16

stray

5:37.13

state,

country 2:2.32, 7.24, 22.14+ 5:401.18

estimation, opinion

estrange

be

evacuate

nuUify 2:272.20

a stranger,

be averse

3:307.9

evangelical hymns hymns drawn from the gospels 2.144.6, 159.31

evenest

adj.

straightest,

most

direct

1:82.19;

closest to the

evict

prove

evidence

probably for evidentness, clear manifestation dtes this passage under

clearly 1:90.24;

evi table

exact

adj.

avoidable

grounds for

1:67.10, 222.14, 227.3+; exactness

exactly

1:51.

1:255.8

exagitate

attack, inveigh against

by a particularly appropriate designation 305.2+ unless

OED

evidently

an evidence a piece of evidence 2:269.25—31

by an excellency conj.

1:70.26 (but

belief), 3:49.12;

2:42.13

complete, perfect 27, 73.22;

except

mean 2:435.17

1:284.2, 3:444.9

1:264.11

1:139.23, 3:9.31, 5:251.4

execration

solemn curse 2:458.20

execution

violent act

2:4.11

1219

1:17.19, 118.25—26,

Glossary exercise

exigent

intr.

v.

n.

perform a religious

suffer

5:352.12

exigence

1:25.32, 2:263.13;

1:127.24, 2:101.21, 225.3+

need, requirement

exorbitant

make

2:450.4—5;

act

exigency, urgent situation

deviant, anomalous, outside the scope of the law

1:251.14,

4:142.22, 5:320.4; transgressing 3:261.14

exomation

adorning 2:59.11

expect

wait for 5:251.5

expedite

adj.

clear

of obstacles 1:210.24, 2:334.14, 358.24+; = expeditious

3:478.28

exprobation

upbraiding

exquisite

carefully perfected

=

1:52.27;

reprobation, casting off by

extent

extending 2:120.19

extraordinancy

having extraordinary

exulceration

testiness, bitterness

eyesore

cause of annoyance or offense, generally 3:287.31

facility

complaisance, indulgence

fact

evil deed,

crime

God

4:151.28

exquisitely thoroughly 5:76.3

1:73.23;

3:236.10-11

talents

exulcerated

1:164.8;

1:209.6

2:136.12, 381.2, 3:63.27+

1:252.14, 5:248.21;

deed, more generally

1:262.20, 2:287.7, 312.12+

faculty

license, authorization

fall V.

become vacant

2:45.29, 484.10, 496.14

2:136.10, 479.14;

fall into

be associated with

1:113.5, 242.24

famously known

widely or

commonly known

3:36.18—19, 43.22, 340.16+

or notified in scholastic philosophy, mental apprehension

fancy

=

fantasy

of a perceived

1:75.12, 84.24 {see nn)

object

fancy

beauty, attractiveness

1:348.18

(J.

Spenser); in favor of in

consideration of 2:297.17

fear

what

n.

feeling

adj.

is

ferula

=

festination

haste

festual

festival

fet

=

fine

V.

in fine first

table

1:304.8&10, 2:382.12

feared

1:121.4, 2:155.11,

heartfelt, acute

5:252.8 2:371.7

4:68.22 {A.C.L.);

fetch

refine finally see

211.18+

punishment, broadly 5:255.17

ferule, cane,

=

fat

5:348.22

2:48.12 (Geneva) 1:165.16, 2:394.13, 485.14+

table 2:158.21

flagrant

ardent, eager

flit

change residence 2:20.21; depart 5:139.9

float n.

flood, high tide

fond

foolish

for

=

far

1:53.6, 2:379.13

1:302.15, 2:21.2, 79.7+;

5:348.7

1220

fondly 5:157.2

Glossary forbearance

withholding 3:65.22

forcible

of force,

efficacious

1:242.28, 2:92.21, 300.13+; forcibly

2:300.17

forecast

prudence 3:261.29

foresight,

n.

foreprize

provide for beforehand 2:374.13

foresignify

prefigure

formalize

give form to

forsaken

morally abandoned 2:177.29;

2:160.21;

predict 2:390.20

2:243.21 worthless 3:249.18;

damned

5:253.20

forslow

delay, put off 3:11.11, 26.5

forsooth

in truth, ironically

have forth

n.

tary,

fortuned forward it

that

frank

2:407.3

have oudet, have fireedom 2:275.4

it

{see note.

Textual

Commen-

2:508)

happened

eager,

2:274.10, 3:163.4

that

impetuous 2:434.11, 3:278.21

generous

frankness bounteousness 2:385.1; frank-

1:6.31;

hearted 5:318.13 frantic

insane

freedom

citizenship

3:327.16

fi'equented,

crowded 2:467.14; frequency

frequent

adj.

5:369.13

a

crowd

2:355.31, 5:389.12 fret out

consume 2:361.16 2:176.15, 277.12&23+;

eat away,

frustrate

adj.

fry

invahd, useless children

furniture

equip-nent

fury

insanity

=

gale

gape

after

general

gall,

venom

generally

5:370.15

3:308.28

for

particular

the gentile or heathen world

gesture

accompany with

gestures

2:20.4.

2:27.2, 3:148.3

spiritual

girdler

give

maker of girdles 3:196.17&19 impart knowledge 5:23.22

give back

pull back, retreat

glass

gloss, attractive

glister

=

glorious

vainglorious,

glose

=

2:22.10, 32.13, 93.13+

3:27.26

but superficial appearance

3:442.1

proud 2:78.4, 379.9

explanatory note

specious, deceitful

2:30.32, 5:390.16

1221

But

or distinguished from

2:119.25

ghostly

glozing

1:42.29

1:203.15, 273.13, 2:248.10

gentility

gloss,

1:87.8, 90.7, 91. 1+;

1:84.16, 91.1, 106.27+; generality

sometimes in looser sense of usMsl

n.

2:490.23, 491.1

1:94.17, 2:297.21, 3:65.27+

be eager to obtain, hunger

glitter

v.

furnishing 2:59.17

1:309.5, 2:389.1;

5:113.8; furious

universal, including (almost) every case

v.

as

2:274.3

1:34.19

Glossary gospel-like

according to the standards of the gospels 2:344.21

(TC),

348.3-4&7+ 5:168.10

graciously

gracefully, pleasingly

gradual

graduated, arranged in degrees

gratulation

joyful greeting 2:160.17

gravelled

adj.

in gross

3:331.19

confounded, perplexed 3:42.7 in

1:15.10, 297.12, 2:302.10; in general

completely

full,

3:318.21

g^ard

n.

a

ward 2:300.13

liability

=

habit

having, possession 3:54.29, 339.19

hand over head hand to one's hand make handfast

indiscriminately

handsel

pledge, earnest

hap

fortune, happening

bear in

n.

ability

assert,

ready for one without personal exertion 3:126.25 (Cranmer)

espouse 5:77.11

haply

perhaps

happily /happely

=

heave

at

2:149.18 (TC)

maintain 3:94.20-21

2:243.13 2:134.16, 273.13, 3:25.14

1:27.27, 28.31, 32.23+;

by chance 2:76.5

haply

oppose, attack 3:290.21

283.10

heave-offering

special offering

help

heteroclite

remedy 1:299.33 having no remedy 3:219.12 one beyond ordinary standards 5:319.17

high

arrogant

hind

farm hand, servant 5:191.8

V.

helpless

hire

«.

3:278.7

1:18.14; highly

reward, inducement

high-minded

5:28.31

(WT)

1:77.16

narrative

hoise up

hoist

hugy

= huge

idea

archetype, ideal pattern adj.

3:65.21;

2:287.24, 440.25

history

idol

{see n),

cure,

2:131.9 4:76.21 (A.C.L.)

idolatrous, worthless

1

:70.2

2:49.21 (Barrow)

illation

deduction, conclusion 5:117.10

illustrate

illuminate, beautify

imbecility

weakness,

imbrued

bloody, stained 3:65.25

imp of Satan

child of the devil

impale implead import V. impotent

fence

oflf

4:105.5

in broad sense

1:83.15, 164.29, 181.3+

1:198.22,5:400.17

3:323.23

impeach, discredit 3:35.21

be of importance to 3:48.10 unrestrained, passionate

1222

1:7.29 (see note. Textual Commentary,

Glossary modem

1:351), 89.8, 302.11+; in

=

impreparation impropriate adj.

appropriated specifically to

improve

reprove, censure

5:47.16

2:98.19, 5:56.21

heedlessness

inchoation

beginning 2:248.2

(into) adj.

weak, powerless

unpreparedness

inadvertency incident

sense of

324.10+

1:51.9, 248.18,

5:334.5

likely to occur, naturally

atuched

1:66.23, 101.31,

to

150.27+; relevant 2:32.21 inclinable

favorably disposed 3:219.5

incommodious

disadvantageous, troublesome 2:34.12, 485.15, 498.14

incomprehensible illimiuble, boundless 2:228.31 inconsequence lack of logical coherence 3:114.23, 129.12 (both Cranmer) inconvenience unsuitability 2:4.32, 16.5, 37.17—18+; inconveniency 2:129.18 incredibility

bck of feith 4:148.14

indefinitely

without defining

inequity

=

inevitable

inescapable

infallibly

undoubtedly 2:203.14

infest

iniquity

harass,

limits

2:366.19

atuck 2:167.17; infestation 3:291.23; infested sub-

ject to hostile attack

inflammation

or specifying force 2:149.2, 498.4

5:112.28, 116.26

1:254.26

incitement 2:140.26, 155.18

inflection

turning or bending of the emotions 2:151.17

influence

inflow 3:339.7

infiinge

destroy, invalidate

ingenuous ingenuously]

noble, high-minded

injury

injure,

u.

innocent

n.

=

1:52.8;

ingenuity 2:109.31

ingeniousPy] 2:314.31, 4:65.18

(?)

(A.C.L.)

wrong

1:57.1, 226.12, 2:60.22+

half-wit, idiot

1:76.3, 79.13-14, 94.17;

wrong inquire

1:177.25, 2:475.31

one

guildess

of specific

2:262.8

inquiry 5:74.16

insinuate

imply, suggest 2:163.13, 183.17, 412.20+

instance

in Scholastic logic, a specific case adduced in refutation

instant

urgent, earnest

adj.

2:180.20; instancy

instinct

instigation

institution

in the sacraments

on

or

4:75.10 {A.C.L.), 5:390.18

3:165.27

of Baptism and Eucharist, the saying of the words in which they were instituted 2:266.15— 18&M (TC); training

insult

1:126.17

2:357.24, 474.20, 3:44.16+; insUntly

over

3:77.27

behave or speak arrogandy 2:86.6, 3:25.13

intend

allege

intention

intentness, mental effort

2:31.19, 3:291.25

1223

5:310.3, 388.1

Glossary intentive

intent

intercourse

alternation

interess

have a right or share

v.

1:115.11, 4:7.10 (A.C.L.)

5:75.6 in,

concern 2:3.19, 161.11, 468.26+; be

invested in or admitted to

2:299.21

interjacent

between 3:331.24

interlace

insert

interlocution

alternate reading

intermeddle

concern oneself with 3:238.5, 463.9

interrogatories

formal questions and answers in the baptismal service 2:289.31,

intimate

sute, declare

2:118.16, 279.20-21 2:150.2;

interlocutory 2:155.17

292.13&18+ v.

2:229.11; intimation

intitule

=

intuitive

direcdy observed with one's eyes

entide, give a

title

3:42.19, 43.24

or designation to

3:267.7, 279.3, 4:142.8

1:179.12;

applied to the

immediate perceptions of spiritual beings 1:31.12, 84.26-27, 119.5

inveigle

blind, deceive

invention

discovery, introduction

jangling jar

3:66.17

disgusting

wrangling, dispute

n.

1:146.22, 2:153.15, 157.17; argument

3:436.30

(?)

irksome

3:442.1

3:229.33

discrepancy 2:69.18; dispute, conflict 2:173.19, 3:189.3, 229.

n.

33+ jealous

suspicious, mistrustful, 1:7.2;

jealousy

1:39.28,2:92.24,

135.36+ John[-a-]Stile8

fictitious

nary judicial

justice

{see

1:89.22 1:249.21, 2:452.25, 3:119.9 (Cranmer)+

Jewry, Judea _

1:130.24

243.4

precisely, just

adu.

Jury

Doe), hence anyone ordi-

one enforced by courts and judges

judicial law,

n.

n),

jump

name in legal suits {cf. John {& textual note 5:457)

5:164.5

5:106.23, 109.19&21 +

= justification

kam

see

grow out of kind

degenerate

lap up

include, involve

law^

often cap., the

cam

5:312.5 5:56.12

5:51.20, 121.7

Mosaic Law, the Pentateuch

29+ learn

teach

least

=

lecture

religious reading

legend

saint's life

lest

3:73.13 1:27.8, 38.7,

39.30+

2:412.8

2:79.16&21

1224

1:30.8, 151.9, 217.

Glossary leisurably

without

let n.

hindrance, impediment 2:80.16, 136.21, 137.19+; as

2:185.1&29

haste, deliberately

v.

2:412.27, 3:241.8, 328.14+

lewd

wicked, generally

licentious

unrestrained 2:252.8

lien

2:28.29

lain

of

in lieu

1:45.18, 53.1, 91.30+; lascivious 1:89.8

3:233.4, 4:153.19-20, 165.30-

in exchange for, as a reward for

31, 5:337.25 (seen) lift at

attack

have

have

at a lift

3:311.24

at a

limb

3:129.11 (Cranmer)

disadvantage

commonly

lightly

1:326.10, 3:134.21 (Sandys)

element, component part

limit

set,

u.

268.14+

wish, like

list n.

border, edging 2:80.2; as

litigious

open

Uvely

living

livery

faction

1:4.3, 172.4,

=

lieutenant

3:335.4, 336.4 {see

patience, forbearance

paramount

5:329.6

supreme lord 5:148.23—24

in feudal terms,

an open turret on a roof, the

(TC; clear

lust

desire, appetite, ^enera/Zy

extol

loudly

2:417.17

2:18.21, 158.27, 420.18

1:122.30-31, 129.3, 3:59.23+ 1:324.12, 2:158.32, 306.23+ large, strong

2:112.9;

5:389.19

4:33.23

favor, support

3:328.25—26

impudent 3:242.4 n.

manducation manners

manuary manumise manure v.

courage, fortitude

numerous

for

item of construction 1:23.22

2:160.22, 421.6

defect, injury

mainly malapert malignant

.

final

see n)

luculent

n.

errata)

of 2:16.11

whatever 1:91.10,3:177.8,391.9

louver

adj.

bound 3:188.14

2:379.3

attributable to, because

magnanimity magnify

limit,

2:99.2, 5:25.26

2:83.28; vital

long of longanimity look what

make

v.

1:31.25,36.11,318.14

to dispute

livetenant

main

of Satan 1:198.22

Foxe)

prolong 2:462.9

tr.v.

list V.

maim

(J.

= limb

limtne linger out

lord

1:36.11; agent

5:11.2

appoint, specify

one

hostile to authority

eating

or religion

2:336.32

moral behavior 5:309.20

manual 2:486.5 emancipate 2:495.7 cultivate

5:31.10

1225

1:227.25, 2:26.8

Glossary tnargent

margin 3:108.22 (Cranmer), 134.25&33 (Sandys)

markable

mash

remarkable, worthy of note 3:409.6 for mast

n.

mixed

maslin

massing

adj.

(?)

3:352.24 1:292.30

grain

=

used in the Mass 1:309.5; massing-priest

mass-priest, con-

temptuously of Roman clergy 5:21.4

=

mate n. maugre

mean

irmiate

= means,

n.

agency

meanness measure meddle

5:106.c

interpolation

(?),

{see textual note)

of 5:390.20

in spite

unlike

1:4.32,

modem

usage, distinguishing single from multiple

12.5&24+;

means 1:18.19

cf.

deficiency in learning 2:135.31, 481.29

limiution 2:228.7-13, 5:78.30

mix

1:298.16;

meddle with

deal with

2:463.12, 3.186.18,

188.8+

medicinable mediocrity

meeken mel-pell

having curative force 2:278.6, 391.26, 3:442.15 1:141.5, 300.9&15+ make meek 5:339.29 = pell-mell, indiscriminately 3:441.19

middle course, moderation

memory 5:27.2 = manage

memorial

menage u. mere adj.

1:59.21, 2:4.16, 214. 7+;

absolute, complete, perfect tional

1:229.11; exactly that, nothing but

67.18&25+;

1:68.16, 70.5, 87.14+;

as adv. purely

= =

mettle

maslin

metal 2:314.7, 451.12

mincingly mineral mingle-mangle

sparingly, grudgingly

minister

prompt, suggest 2:158.25

mirror

v.

1:117.26

mine 1:72.14 confused mixture 5:21.3

ideal pattern,

n.

paragon

{seen)

1:67.11, 70.20

miscollect

wrongly

misconceit misconster

= misconception = misconstrue

miscreant

misbeliever, heretic, infidel

infer

5:225.13 1:2.22, 201.5,

3:100.26-27+

1:199.12, 2:177.29, 290.19+; rascal

3:65.26, 5:400.16

misdesert

n.

action that makes one undeserving 2:298.9, 426.11

misdoubt

u.

fear, mistrust

1:7.9

miserable

miserly 2:319.33&34

misordered miss V.

placed in the

mo moderate

wrong order

3:67.16, 80.10

do without 3:261.3

= more u.

merely

1:105.13, 106.7&21 +

purely, simply, completely

meslin

unexcep-

2:18.24,

control, regulate, adjust

1226

1:58.28

Glossary tnotnentany

momentary,

monument

written record 5:201.5

mortuary

a customary gift to the

n.

1:85.24

transitory

(WT) incumbent from the esute of a

deceased parishioner 3:487.22

mother adj. mother of life motion

primary, basic the heart

(?),

1:65.23

the

mind

urging, instigation

the soul

3:345.9;

of one's

motioner

2:433.16;

5:374.17

(?)

1:44.22, 2:4.14, 25.30+;

reason,

move

V.

speak

mulct

n.

penalty 3:480.17, 482.7&9

as

namely

that

nations

own

accord

argument 1:188.12, 333.17 2:145.5

of, treat

to wit

is,

strict

working of God in

of one's

proposer, instigator 3:425.18

motive

narrow^

own motion

3:166.11

2:261.13

often cap., in biblical use, the

heathen nations, Gentiles

1:46.21,

49.20, 199.8+

natural law^

(or nature's law^ or law^ see

l:58.16.n

naught

wicked, erroneous

na^e

awl 1:275.19

nearly

close at

neck of

in the

of nature)

1:33.9, 40.19,

used in a number of senses;

63.18+

1:299.30&32, 3:236.16

hand 2:359.2

in addition,

on top of

1:200.29; inunediately following

2:143.17 (TC)

nemo

scit n.

nepheMT

an unknowable 2:451.8 grandson 2:82.20, 3:134.28

weak

lazy,

ple

1:56.32, 5:310.3;

make

it

nocive

injurious

nominate

provide with a

no not

not even, not a single

note

denote, signify 2:489.2; of this note

V.

nice be reluctant, scru-

2:26.20-21, 3:16.5

tified

5:373.29

name

2:437.18;

nomination 2:439.12

1:251.24, 254.31, 308.12+ so distinguished or iden-

5:82.5

notify

make known

notional

theoretical, speculative

notional

openly, pubUcly 4:70.27 {A.C.L.), 5:141.24

1:149.17, 2:52.2, 65.20+

nousle

=

nuzzle up

train,

object

presented to one's view

adj.

obliquity

obnoxious observant

nuzzle

fault,

to n.

2:479.21

educate

5:256.19-20

5:79.16

wickedness 2:432.12

liable to, subject to

one quick and

2:491.26, 3:10.5, 3:396.19+

diligent to

1227

obey 1:70.1

Glossary obtain to

succeed

obtestation

a

obvention by occasion

incidental ecclesiastical revenue as

in,

achieve

opportunity

n.

odds

occurrence 2:5.6, 21.8, 162.24+; dissimilarity, difference

v.

ofTscouring

rubbish, refuse

oftness

frequency 2:387.14

open

opinative

opinion opposite

as adj.

1:92.6, 298.2,

to

having a

2:445.2

324.29+; difference in

3:6.15

2:89.20, 105.19, 166.14+

interpret

2:258.23

opinionated, obstinate belief 3.9.14 n.

opponent, antagonist 2:36.19, 3:130.2 (Cranmer); 29;

objection 5:348.2

optimate

Roman

orders

ecclesiastical hierarchy

patrician,

1:4.7&28,

5.

lit.

always

what

form into

n.

attire,

35.6+; laws, rules

1:43.8; in

1:2.2, 33.8,

modem

sense of singular,

but the distinctions are not

1:2.22, 30.10, 2:87.21 +

divinely ordained

lustrous, clear n.

3:113. 1&34 (Cranmer)

1:1.4, 10.27,

one who has immediate jurisdiction 3:424.9-17+

organize

ornament ought

2:120.

clear.

is

orient

adj.

the best

13+; customs

system, arrangement

ordinance ordinary n.

as v.

2:181.25, 4:108.15

as adj.

opposition

outleap

occasioned

5:19.21, 320.3

expound upon,

u.

(WT)

2:109.20, 174.16, 3:188.20+

attempt 2:372.8; as

n.

5:191.18

3:487.22

1:3.20-21

favor of one side

offer

God

1:249.17; being

arises

cause or motive

occurrent

1:15.24

solemn charge in the name of

in an ecclesiastical court

2:248.19

a living being

3:338.9

vestment 2:124.11, 125.19, 448.2

= aught digression

4:75.23 {A.C.L.)

outrage

intemperance, passionate behavior 3:9.1

overcarry overcharge over-having

overburden with expense 1:18.29; supply to excess 2:400.15—16

overlaid

burdened, crushed 2:193.8

overseen

deceived

oversight

error, generally

carry

away 5:205.9 (WT)

greedy 3:283.4

1:83.23

without suggestion of inadvertence 1:26.14—15,

31.20, 52.6+; view

(?)

3:181.27

take advantage of 5:394.8

overslip

let pass, fail to

overs^vay

prevail,

overtaken

mistaken

overween

think too highly

o^ve

own

govern

1:80.23, 335.8, 3:189.5

1:26.13 of,

overestimate

2:454.6

1228

3:301.12, 5:27.7, 319.14

Glossary pageant

actor on-stage

painful

painstaking

panical terrors

irrational &ight

2:435.11

2:68.17, 120.23, 212.9; painfully 2:443.27,

3:257.3; painfulness

paraphrast

=

paravail

see

parley

speaking, words

n.

2:105.14

5:329.30

paraphrase or paraphraser

tenant paravail 2:459.27

parson

=

part

element or act 3:60.5,147.11

n.

person

1:203.32

participate

=

particular

personal interest or advantage

n.

2:227.30,243.4,320.1 +

participate in

pass out

be active 5:409.22

passible

able to suffer

passion

emotion,

2:6.25,

3:349.7&20

2:220.11 1:113.23,3:56.5;

generally, not necessarily uehentent

passionate 3:56.6 patient

a person to

«.

paynim

pagan

=

pease peculiar

peer

n.

peise

something

is

done 4:141.30

peise

personal jurisdiction parallel,

n.

whom

1:70.16, 133.8, 5:123.22

3:425.21;

chosen one 5:47.13

2:219. \0

equal

weight, impact of fall 4:60.33 {A.C.L.)

n.

penal

painful

pencil

artist's

penitentiary

one

5:347.23

brush

who

1:347.35

deals

(J.

Spenser)

with penitents and

penances 3:31.7,

assigns

33.19, 34.6+

pension

fee or

pensive

sad, sorrowful

payment,

3:11.9;

penury

scarcity

without

or

generally

3:296.20, 309.4

2:130.3, 383.26, 411.20+; anxious

2:492.20

out of peradventure without doubt 2:351.15, 3:205.23, 4:131.31 +

perceiverance

perception

perfection

perfectedness, completeness, maturity

permit

refer to (another's

v.

5:78.13

distress

2:267.7, 3:8.12, 52.12+

persecute

pursue

3:129.10—11 (Cranmer)

person person

mask, role 2:25.11

pestilence

wickedness 4:77.6 {A.C.L.)

=

parson 2:114.28,

3:

persuade

induce the practice of 5:320.25 petty, small

principle,

5:147.8

139.1 O&l 2 (Sandys)

petit n.

1:90.16, 2:355.25

judgment), submit to

perplexity

petition

2:149.5,

pensiveness anxiety 2:179.7, 5:345.11

2:409.2

axiom 2:32.21

petulancy

insolent speech

pew-fello^v

one of the same

and behavior 2:309.23 sect or persuasion

1229

3:36.6—7

Glossary phancy

=

philosopher

natural philosopher, scientist

pin

confine, restrict

V.

pinch

fancy

1:328.10 (TC), 334.16

reprove, criticize

V.

pitch

V.

plant? fork hay?

place

n.

passage in a

2:135.5

book 2:394.3

have relevance and weight

take place

fect,

be operative

plan of church government

platfomi

plan of church government

{(f.

3:130.18 (Sandys)

platform)

1:12.11, 37.9, 40.2+; model, pat-

in law, criminal proceedings

5:192.8—9

(WT)

plan or scheme, generally 2:5.27, 3:384.27

n.

pole

poll,

pole-star

Polaris,

port

style

possess with

endow^ with, put in possession of 3:3.4

power po^verable

= pour 2:417.15, 3:22.33 = powerful 3:260.13,5:119.23

practice

conspiracy, plot

n.

=

pray

preach

ef-

2:145.18

tern, more broadly

plot

of laws, take

3:52.23

fold, crease

plat

of the crown

1:66.13, 128.29;

1:16.1, 64.3, 89.5

plait n.

pleas

1:76.28

1:213.26

head 2:452.8 Star,^!^. guide, director

2:416.20, 3:290.26

2:122.24

{see

n)

3:132.7, 133.5, 134.8+

Precisian

Puritan

preconceit

bias

predicant

preacher 5:121.4

pre-eminence pregnant

distinguishing privilege

prejudice

v.

(all

Sandys)

1:16.18

1:36.9, 2:278.4

compelling, weighty 2:313.8, 3:111.22 (Cranmer)

impair 2:275.23, 5:27.28, 205.10

(WT)+

premises

previously detailed legal jurisdiction

prentice

=

preoccupate preposterous

anticipate

prescription

=

present

immediate, quick

adj.

4:49.14

prey 5:392.23

service

n.

North

of living 3:288.14

apprentice

5:325.6

in inverted order

3:67.14, 80.9

proscription, banishment

rary

3:214.32

1:4.18, 101.5, 2:288.9+; current,

1:16.6, 21.25, 43.8+; at that time

presently adv. ent

3:425.21

4:38.10

immediately

contempo-

1:6.25, 2:54.6, 411.3;

1:43.23, 65.14, 338.27+; at pres-

1:23.30, 103.23, 109.31+; shortly, in a while

1:42.26,

2:238.12, 313.10

president

= precedent

1:124.4, 3:273.15, 5:344.6;

3:421.14; presidentship

corded high press

office

1:7.19

crowd together 1:117.27

1230

presidency

precedentship, the precedence ac-

Glossary prest

imminent 5:374.11

presupposed pretend

put forward

existing or understood beforehand

1:149.6, 165.30

assert, offer, without suggestion

1 :49.9,

of deceit

pretender 2:29.32; pretence

146.1, 162.4+;

assertion

2:37.10, 61.14, 275.16+; reason given for action

2:262.14,

293.7, 329.13+

pretention

rhetorical figure that introduces a subject while professing to

prettily

moderately, passably

prevent

precede in action, time, or

prick

mark

omit

u.

prime

3:465.30

it

2:93.6 status

2:53.18, 60.24, 254.26+

off 3:125.7 (Cranmer)

beginning 1:156.17, 2:302.6, 3:125.13 (Cranmer)+

privately unto them to what

is

1:302.9—10

peculiarly theirs

privity

knowledge, implying consent 5:331.6

privy

secret

probable proceed in

see l:10.16.n.

procession

prayers said during procession

proctor

agent

4:67.22

{A.C.L.)

study for a degree beyond the B.A.

n.

profess

1:40.6

2:164.29

1:305.9; defender, advocate

teach at a university

1:40.6;

2:5.16

acknowledge, confess 3:375.9

profession

branch of Christianity

professor

professional

profuse

prodigal

propense prophesy

having a propensity or disposition to

1:26.32

1:41.3, 3:353.24

2:400.29

expound Scripture under the

1:19.4, 4:59.1

inspiration

of the Holy

Spirit

4:32.7

propose

purpose, intent 3:302.9

n.

propriety

property, peculiarity

provocation puddle

invocation, appeal

pupil

a

purchase

acquire in any

purity

integrity, perfection

put to one's hand put up

set

put up with, submit to

querulous

apparently for

{see textual note

and

errata)

2:195.10; proprietary rights

3:271. 10&22&25+

quietus est

n.

foul water

2:154.27

5:149.9

ward 2:300.13, 404.2

way

1:11.7, 15.22, 2:4.35+

1:68.9

about a piece of work 3:290.17 3:232.1, 5:339.28

quarrellous, quarrelsome

acquittance, discharge

quire

=

quit/quite

requite, repay

Quorum

select justices, a court

3:71.22

{see

choir

1:116.19

2:491.24

1231

n)

1:254.27, 5:256.29

Glossary rabbin

=

race up

root out 2:177.27, 317.8

radical

rage

n.

root, basis

violence

n.

3:92.6

rabbi, scholar

2:23.11,229.11

2:382.25

randon

= raze 5:123.9 = random 1:50.15

rank

raise

series

4:141.34

ransom

heavy

legal penalty

rapine

plundering 2:460.10, 3:61.18

rase

scratch

n.

n.

5:192.10

(WT)

5:373.22

immature, unskilled 2:372.8, 473.18, 482.11+; rawness cru-

tstw

2:305.8

dity

reach

region 2:274.29

reader

reason

lecturer u.

argue

1:3.32, 2:442.12, 483.19

3:241.9

recharge

counter-charge

recidivation

relapse, backsliding

reckless

negligent, careless

1:259.20 5:390.25 2:381.19, 5:55.2

emblem

recognizance

identifying mark,

reconcile

bring back, restore 3:43.19

bear record

bear witness

refel

refute

regality

royal right or privilege

2:174.11, 496.19

5:28.15

3:79.7

{see errata),

regiment

regimen, government

rehearse

list

533.6, 4:150.21 +

3:417.33, 418.4, 420.10+ 1:3.26, 14.31,

2:77.22, 3:51.20, 4:151.15+;

15.28+

rehearsal 2:387.17,

3:74.32, 5:229.17

reins

kidneys, as the seat of feelings

relation

explicit statement

relaxation

remission of a penalty

release

relax, mitigate

u.

religion

5:24.4, 197.27

(WT)

1:159.5 1:8.7

2:46.3

principled behavior, conscientiousness

2:496.30; religiously

3:379.15 rely oneself on

put one's

remember

remind 5:372.2

faith in

2:342.16

remonstrance demonstration, proof 2:47.3, 420.4—5, 3:458.11 remorse of equity willingness to relax a strict law 2:260.10 rent n. income 2:469.6&m (Abstract) rent

rend 3:13.8

v.

repeal

u.

abandon 1:214.30

repent

cause to feel regret

repugnant

inconsistent, contradictory

3:456.17

2:43.15&23, 44.30+; repugnancy

2:475.16, 477.25, 3:110.10 (Cranmer)

rescript

formal reply to a posed question

1232

4:57.6

Glossary resemble

represent, depict, symbolize

1:212.11, 2:34.4, 151.19+;

re-

semblance symbol 1:275.22 resolution

result

respect

take into account, consider

v.

2:18.22

consideration

1:6.8, 86.14,

1:51.12, 85.25, 2:142.15+; as n.

94.31+; without respect without

discrimination or qualification 1:293.3

respect/respet

n.

respective

2:186.15, 460.1, 5:196.27

careful,

circumspect 2:16.9, 131.3, 5:257.11; respectively

respectfully, deferentially

respite

delay in action

1:7.22-23

1:31.21

retchless

=

revenge

punishment 5:354.20, 355.12

revisit

re-examine, revise

revocation

recalling

rifT-raff

rubbish 5:10.14 (H. Jackson)

riotous rip

5:204.22

1:124.11

bring up, discuss, sometimes

arise,

V.

opponent

room

position, oflSce, post

room

elements 4:76.27

ruflf

elation, pride

who

2:124.16, 321.25, 426.19+;

in their

of them 5:41.9

in place

rudiments

one

of exposing points that dis-

5:252.16+

happen 1:228.6

booty 3:62.1 (GB)

n.

in sense

1:3.7, 216.11,

robbery

Sacramentary

(WT)

1:5.20

credit an

rise

5:55.2

reckless

luxuriant

up

(WT)+

respite

{A.C.L.)

5:352.5

denies the doctrine of the Real Presence 2:336.16

{see

n)

sadly

soberly

saint

member of a

sallet

salad

salt

apology

salve

Christian denomination

3:329.1 1&14

2:423.10 3:78.28

stinging explanation clear

u.

1:43.21

away

objections, render an opinion tenable

also in medicinal sense

1:299.24, 2:131.21; as n.

1:264.21;

1:299.24

sanctimony

sanctity, holiness

satyrical

Ucentious

say

assay, sample, taste

scape

inadvertent error,

schedule

sUp of paper, page

scholy

schoUum, explanatory comment 1:220.28, 2:147.3, 438.19;

ft.

V.

school-divine

to

3:60.12—13

2:5.18

annoute,

2:365.5

slip

5:168.18

2:5.18

comment on

Scholastic philosopher

1:233.30, 2:93.27, 3:36.14

1:117.19, 236.24, 2:260.11+;

schoolman, school-author, school-learning 65:1&18 (fl//y4.C.L.)+

1233

as

+

ff.

4:64.25&26,

Glossary science

knowledge,

scope scopious

end

spacious

score

list,

n.

of secular

esp.

in view, goal

scripulous

=

pouch

scrupulous

1:23.1

5:70.13

scrupulous

distrustful, caviling

secret

abstruse,

hidden

2:119.17, 125.29, 3:464.17+

1:56.10, 101.4;

225.7, 233.5+; secretly

secure

adj.

319.17+

enumeration 5:115.15

small bag,

secrety

5:69,24

5:340.18

scrip

adj.

fields

1:190.7, 2:6.26,

private,

inward

with hidden intent

secrecy

2:113.30

careless

2:18.16; securely

3:9.4;

(?)

1:43.16,

1:43.1

security casualness

2:439.4

sedition

violent party

seedsman

sower 3:338.3

well seen in

well versed in

seisin

legal possession

self->veening

adj.

seminary-man

1:14.7

strife

4:64.28, 72.5-6 {both A.C.L.)

3:338.13

opinionated 4:60.6 priest trained in a

{see errata

and n)

{A.C.L.)

Roman

Catholic seminary abroad, for clan-

destine service in England

5:290.34

(L.

Tomson)

senator

elder, leader, ^cnera//y

sense

ordinary, immediate mental perception, as distinguished firom

n.

deep study

{cf.

2:420.21,3:63.1

commonsense)

1:256.2

sentence

aphorism 2:39.19

septimane

week, group of seven 5:402.24

session

sitting

sever

distinguish

of Christ

at the right

hand of God 2:232.22,233.12

2:446.22, 448.2; set apart for a special purpose

3:287.17, 5:79.7

several

adj.

distinctive

2:123.7 (TC), 125.18&19+; as

ent one(s)

2:56.11—14, 71.
n.

separate or differ-

1:328.11 (TC); in several or severally separately

2:470.21,

3:156.18, 5:237.17

=

sew^

shadow

n.

sue

5:79.1

shelter, protection

shift off

evade, refute

shift out

live

side

shekel,

side

through, survive

3:297.29

Hebrew weight 2:456.3&4

page 5:15.17

n.

side-respect

partiality

silly

poor,

1:102.17

rustic, unsophisticated

nificant, trifling

simple

4:68.29-69.1 {A.C.L.)

2:192.20, 3:57.24

n.

ingredient

1:227.16, 252.20, 3:295.1; insig-

2:2.21, 5:229.12

4:7.21 {A.C.L.)

simplicity

sincerity, plainness, directness

simply

naively

2:452.21

1234

5:77.15 (GB),

16-30+

Glossary uncorrupted, pure, true

sincere

1:14.1

1&14, 34.22+; tincerely

2:279. 18&X (TC)

soon

sine

see

singular

individual, personal

2:93.5; of remedies

efficacious 2:489.10;

singularity holding an eccentric opinion, unorthodoxy 2:46.29, 263.11

3:424.27, 456.22, 481.19+

sinister

devious, underhanded

sith

seeing that

sithence

since (the time that)

skill

belief in one's cause, conviction

1:33.9, 46.3,

as impers. v.

it

50.8+

1:21.31, 45.23,

not

skills

it

76.8+

1:272.31; cleverness 2:488.6;

does not matter,

irrelevant

it is

1:218.11, 2:19.22-23, 203.28+

sleight/slight

knack, adj.

slip

=

slipe

strip,

slought

= =

seder

somewhat

cunning 1:214.10

slipe

segment, division of responsibility

solder

2:129.8, 423.17, 3:263.27

somewhiles son soon or syne

sometimes 2:48.30—31 sooner or

later

with the soonest

early, at a

young age 3:214.24

soothly

truly

Sophister

sound

2:442.4, 3:240.6

4:105.22

sloth

something 1:52.25,114.30,2:176.28+

n.

sophisticate

1:47.21, 224.7, 2:25.23+; as

1:21.3; clever trick

skill

tricky,

a master's student

2:436.25

(?)

5:344.3

4:69.28 {A.C.L.)

Sophist 2:100.13, 314.12; debater 5:162.20 v.

V.

corrupt, mislead

2:3.31, 434.9; sophistication

convey an idea 2:153.2, 5:252.28; examine,

sound towards

tend to support

test

2:474.4 2:257.14;

1:16.11,2:24.3,83.9+

specialty

particular or specific feature, detail

1:15.12, 88.27,

speculation

observation, vision

385.23+

spill

spoon

make useless, spoil 2:455.9 = despoil, rob 2:457.17&18 (GB), 461.2+ = spun 2:360.11

out of square

out of the proper sute

squire

=

stand in stead

be useful

stand upon

treat as

spoil

square, pattern

upon

144.29+

1:201.26,2:311.19-20,472.24+

2:143.19 (TC)

1:235.25, 2:384.21, 420.24+

important

it is

2:90.2, 140.24,

1:151.19, 5:236.10; as impers.

necessary for,

is

v.

it

stands

required of 1:211.4, 215.17,

262.14-15+ stand with

is

consistent with, accords with

pose

4:63.6 {A.C.L.), 116.11

state H.

social

and economic

stave

ning of a ladder 5:44.12

1:2.30, 238.3,

position, profession

1235

265.25+; op-

1:22.27, 39.7,

65.15+

Glossary stepdaine

stepmother 1:248.22

stew

brothel

stiff

obstinate

still

2:50.4, 3:42.10, 83.19+;

stopping

stint n.

1:111.18, 3:310.4; extent,

287.27;

contract, undertaking

stock

block of wood, idol

297.12; as strait

2:297. 12,18&22+ 1:93.4

stomach

v.

3:

1:102.12, 5:317.24

resent

(at)

streight, straight) strictly defined, definite

(5p.

1:7.27,

3:188.14

2:261.13; straitly

1:344.27

strangely

extraordinarily

streight

see strait

stripes

whipping 3:21. 10&;, 97.27+ 3:188.28, 408.4; strike the stroke

control or influence

stroke

1:338.30, 2:71.10,

1:9.28, 41.25, 164.11+; courage, spirit

anger, spite, pride

n.

amount

3:187.27, 4:154.28

limit

as v.

stipulation

stomach

2:125.16, 3:200.7

Umit 2:228.3, 234.17, 417.15+; share 3:286.16,

3:29.15+;

n.

stiffly

1:83.27, 86.30, 118.6+

always

adv.

2:283.21, 5:33.1

prevail

3:189.9

study

in limited sense o/" studying for

u.

pursuit lack

sturdy

intracuble, rebellious

subaltemation

subordination 2:402.10&11

sublimity

lofty office u.

(?)

1:40.6; as n.

3:64.17

1:72.7, 5:352.1

appoint to a minor office

3:240.6

cunning 3:484.3, 4:67.22 (A.C.L.); subtilty guile

subtile

interest,

of feeling, apathy 2:332.9, 3:77.25

stupidity

subordinate

B.A.

2:401.6

1:80.32,

3:147.10, 5:76.16+

2:194.6 (TC)

sufferance

suflfering

suit

kind, type

sup up suppage supplant

swallow, retract 2:279.20

supple

seasoning 2:389.2 cause the downfall of 5:324.8&9

make

V.

surcease

n.

supple, soften, relieve

adj.

2:358.6

discontinuation of legal proceedings 2:379.24; as

suspense

1:44.29, 210.3, 2:79.20+

v.

cease

tentative, cautious

1:41.28;

rest,

intermission

1:127.31, 2:381.11, 3:16.27+

1:5.2

sute

see suit

syne

see

table

writing-tablet

1:239.4, 5:82.15; stone tablet

second table

first

soon

division

5:312.14; first or

of the decalogue, referring to

gious duties, or second, referring to moral duties 5.140.24, 290.27

(L.

Tomson)

1236

reli-

3:360.21,

Glossary place

take place

see

tale

tally,

and

teeth

all

count

be an

temperature

1:25.8

vigorously, fiercely error)

(c^

"tooth

and nail," for whith

the phrase

tend

which tempers or moderates 3:263.26 one who holds under another 5:148.25 intend, have as a purpose 1:189.11, 190.20, 242.15+

tenders.

be

tenor

{sp.

tenant paravail

may

3:386.27-28

that

in feudal terms,

solicitous

about

1:2.27,311.31,2:495.21

tenure) steady course,

83.33+;

gist,

way of proceeding

general pattern

tentation

temptation 5:81.20

tenure

see

terms

condition, circumstances

terrene

terrestial, earthly

1:64.13, 65.9,

1:277.17

tenor 2:7.9, 5:319.23

2:141.16, 5:317.18, 347.29

testification sign, proof, acknowledgement 2:148.17, 155.18, 187.14+ beyond one's tether exceeding one's due portion 3:286.22

=

the

thee frequently,

esp. in scriptural quotations;

=

they 5:240.20,

247.11

then

frequently for than

tissue

rich cloth

title

=

toleration

license, dispensation

torn

split,

toy

foolishness, triviality

n.

5:19.13

5:18.28

tittle

2:487.14; allowing

2:252.22, 422.10; as

2:292.20 (TC); toyish

touch V. touch of hold the touch towardly

4:143.12

5:256.5

rent

censure, accuse

v. trifle,

act idly

2:294.2, 297.9

2:30.2, 3:37.5

2:211.23

feeling for

stand up to examination

3:38.27

promising 4:8.6 {A.C.L.)

tract of time

passage of time

Traditor

Christian traitor during the persecution of Diocletian

275.11 train

travel

(see note.

I/.

v.

transmit /or travel

1:107.4

1:82.17,2:446.29,5:311.18+

/or travail

1:257.22, 348.8

(J.

Spenser), 3:232.17+

sudden 2:184.7; treatably 2:461.4

treatable

gentle, not

trencher-mate

one addicted to eating or sensuous pleasure 2:24.17

triumph trow you tutor

2:274.7,

Textual Commentary, 2:508)

draw, entice 2:4.4

v.

transfuse travail

1:336.27,338.29,344.26+

M.

unacceptable

card

game 5:11.13

(Parsons);

= trump 5:11.2&7

do you suppose 1:297.16,3:201.8 guardian 1:79.17, 2:403.22, 466.16+ un>velcome, saddening 5:367.28

1237

(J.

Foxe)

Glossary unapproved unapt

inappropriate

unaptness

inaptitude, unfitness

unavailable

unavailing 2:101.5, 280.a (TC), 3:204.22

unbuilded uncapable

unfounded, without support

unconsonant

inconsonant, not agreeing or consistent 2:210.18

unproved 2:282.21 5:237.17 2:284.
(TC) 1:180.11

unable to understand 2:295.25; ineligible 3:63.22, 305.25-26

uncontrolled

unchallenged, not brought to account

unction

supernatural 19,

gifts, spiritual

influence

1:219.31-32

on

a

person 2:220.29, 224.

230.17+

undispensable

indispensable: of laws, not to be remitted or set aside

undividable

inseparable

unforcible

useless

unframable unlade unlap

unable to adjust or conform disburden, lay

unperfect

incomplete 2:44.28

2:310.4

down

unfold 5:208.17

down

unrip

tear

unsensible

imperceptible

unseparable

1:140.10

3:75.2

(WT) 5:112.8

a building

3:219.7

{applied to the

Law

changing

not to be ignored or forgotten

(?);

of Nature) undividable temporally, hence un-

unskilfulness

ignorance 2:269.16

untoward

imperfect, inept

unvaluable

=

invaluable

(?)

3:274.17—18

5:168.7

5:349.23

upshot

in archery, final shot

put in ure

put in use

validity

validation, confirmation

verdit(e)

=

verity

3:220.12

3:305.7

2:311.24, 3:68.14

1:4.11, 340.7-8, 2:406.9+; out

of ure 3:219.19

2:278.20

verdict

exact wording of the original

Bible

Hebrew

or Greek texts of the

2:70.17

vexation

sufiering

vice-agent

agent, deputy

vital

of this

volubility

turning, rotation

voluntary

spontaneous, unconstrained

vulgar

generally

5:355.27, 360.4, 373.31

life, as

2:162.31 distinguished from the hereafter

known

1:115.7

1:65.27

1:304.22;

2:100.13, 116.22, 117.20+

commonly used

2:311.7,3:82.15,

393.20

>vade

proceed, go, esp. in

wain u. walk n. warning

= wean

difficult matters

2:380.12, 5:29.1

administrative territory

(?)

summoning 2:114.23

1238

3:187.6

1:59.13, 64.15,

76.14+

Glossary w^arrant

wash

permit 2:462.1; wrarrantable permissible 2:403.23

u.

extract gold

V.

and

silver

from coins with

iivean

Mfeed

garment 1:331.9, 2:124.27, 125.3+

distinctive

n.

ivell-^ller

well- wisher 2:397.6, 414.30, 3:376.24

w^hether

= whither = whether = hot

ivhither

whot Mdnd wit

2:457.12

acids

manner of thought (?) 3:436.30 train to good habits 2:380.12

Mray

out

extricate

2:177.10, 472.20, 3:311.33+

2:353.11-12, 3:64.23-24

individual,

n.

1:111.20, 181.12, 249.23+

mind

1:77.14, 2:466.1; witty

clever, subtle

1:117.

19, 2:253.1, 3:95.7+

do to Mat ^thall

make know, inform 3:422.10 vkrith,

therewith

1:68.18, 85.32, 119.23+; at the

same time

2:93.19

have

^thout

w^oe w^orth exdam

>vonderful

adv.

MfOTTy

tr.

take in

good worth

wot

V.

have in externals, such

may

extraordinarily

clothing 5:19.10

upon 3:293.14-15,

1:272.27; as adj.

5:19.4,

5:251.4

swallow greedily 2:461.7 take in

know

good

part,

look favorably on 2:1.13

1:299.26, 5:133.8

wreath

strand of a cable

wrest

distortion, straining

n.

as

evil befall, a curse

3:262.1

1:335.18

writhe

twist or distort

ya^rn for

long for 1:22.26-27

yer

=

ere

meaning

5:16.1

1239

1

:330.27

344.4+

Errata and Corrigenda (Volumes 1—5) In addition to the usual "faults escaped" and the occasional editorial

below contains principally corrections to Hooker's citations arising from additional work on his sources by the commentary editors. Such corrections were listed separately in volumes 1 and 2. The corrected reading appears to the right of the bracket. A caret on line [^] dra\vs attention to the absence of punctusecond-thought, the

ation;

n

I:xxxiii.l8

is

a

list

Commentary

note.

e rw

Errata & Corrigenda 2:112.5 .r

one] any one 62 (emendation) Joh. 4:11.] Jon. 4:11. (delete textual note, 2:516, and insert

new

note, keyed to 112',

reference to note

2:146.8.

The The

2:163.17

Mamercus] Mamertus

2:\66.q

The

2:122.1.

r

on 2:547; see below) should precede "//" (line

3).

reference to note n should precede "they request" (line

15). (see n)

quotation in note q should appear beneath the

title

to

chapter 42, at 2:165.23.

2:173.20-26.d

Ps. 1:4.] Ps. 1:3.

2:180.14—18

whereby

2:193.fc

Ps. 1:4.] Ps. 1:3.

.

.

.

prayers.] should

.1

Ps. 32:11.] Ps. 32:10.

.;

Ps. 32:7] Ps. 32:6.

2:222.wA .d

italics (see

n)

fol.42.] fol.41. ser.8.] ser.7.

2:239.7

The

2:252.c

tit.

2:259/4

sors\Jors

2:273.n

c.8.] c.9.

.0.

be in

reference for note

2.]

s

should precede "he"

(line 7).

3.

tit.

ca.9.] ca.8.

2:292.p

C.24.] c.25.

2:330.5

6:52.] 6:53.

n

2:345.^

ca.83.] see

2:363/5

Ub.l2.] lib.3. 1.1.] 1.9.

2:380.n

2:40.] 2:41.

2:385.)'.

mceroris] mceroris

2:395.2.2

The

2:418.21-25

cap.9.] cap.ll.

reference for note z should precede "These" (line 10).

2:421.33-422.25

the chiefest happines

2:45 l.e 2:457.

The The

2:504.26

1.

2:510.24

delete III

references to

.

.

.

personages,] should be

italic;

see

n

in note e should appear in note d.

Exodus

note should appear

at the

bottom of the next page

(2:458). 6,]

1.

8, .

.

.

Church)

Eastern

insert I,

Roman

emperor, 457-

474,

2:516

delete note at 112.r

2:547.14

insert

note:

112.r

|

Jon.

|

John.

53.mar.17

|

misreading 295,] 295,

3:[xi].23

c.

3:xxx.8

canonical] canon

3:19.17-20.4

If

men

.

.

.

sinne.] should

1242

be

italic;

see

n

|

F3'

|

Errata & Corrigenda x

horn. 30.] horn. 31.

3:22.m

19:28.] 19:18.

3:23.9.«

The The

.25.r

reference for note n should precede "Lay" (line 9). reference for note

r

should precede "that

wee"

(line 27).

c. 8.] c. 7.

3:28.24

and] should be

roman

3:43.3

forehearsed] fore-rehearsed

3:45.5

Papacie;] Papacie^

3:51.fe.l0

incorrupt.] incompreh.

3:54.29.mar

read

48 (emendation)

[5.4; 5.3]

q. 9.] q. 1.

1

3:56.5.mar

read

3:59.19.mar

add [5.5]

[5.5; 5.4]

Ep. 53.] Ep. 52.

.1

3:65.^

12:31.] 32:31.

3:79.7

retell]

3:S2.b

7:27.] 7:29.

refeU

3:88.0

Luc. 18.] Luc.

3:96.^.2

li.

8.

1.] U. 4.

3:97.9.mar

read

3:98.25.mar

read

[6.16; 6.15]

3:99..'

The

reference to Matt. 12:31 should have been keyed in a

[6.15; 6.14]

separate note to "blasphemie" (line 4); that to casting out

"undeane

.

.

.

3:127./

The

3:128.9

Cy»] Cy>

3:130.14-17

In

3: 131. caption

c.

Spiritts" (line 11), to

superscript should be

Mr

.

.

unmarked.] should be in

.

Pracesidentes] Prcesidentes

3:152.10

signified^ in] signified. In

3:156.n.

Lib. 3.] Lib. 4.

3:158.1/

ep. 81.] ep. 85.

3:167.textual note

22] 23

3:176.;>

Ep. 39] see

3:178.1/

horn. 10.]

hom.

3:179.6-8

As for

bishops]

3:180.2

Ep. 54.] Ep. 53.

3:182/.l

ep. 28.] ep. 58. (see n)

.2

ep. 27.] ep. 66. (see n)

.h

Matt. 12:24, not 12:31.

(alphabetic) not 1 (numeric).

italic

295,] 295,

3:139.19-21

3:183.^

/

.

.

.

n 11.

should be in roman; see

(see n)

ep. 93.] ep. 6. (see n) ep. 38.] ep. 65. (see n)

3:186.m

Ep. 25.] Ep. 40. (see n)

3:190.1/

habebis] see

n

1243

n

Errata & Corrigenda 3:193.9

Errata & Corrigenda 3:394./

31

Errata & Corrigenda 4:238.32

phantestique] phantastique

4:252.19

132.11-13] 132.1 l-13.y

4:254.14

Hcerses,] Hcereses,

4:269.21

read Cardinal

4:270.32

4707] 13721

4:273.12

add

.13

4:274.35 .36

[STC

18733.5]

read institutio f^'S"] (he reign

50-52.] 37-38.

add By permission.

5:x.l4

end

1612.

5:xi.2—

delete

5:xxxiii.32

hand^ and which] hand, and

the

.

.

.

insert

5:xxxix.26

read majuscule

5:46.28

Aposdes] Aposrie (emendation)

Hooker's

5:215.10

read (253.18)

5:278.20

dooth

5:281.1

read

5:298.3

line 14.] line 15.

5:299.5

delete

5:330

wrong portion of photograph

5:360.21

or]

5:380.5

28, above] 30, below, and 29, above

it,

not^] dooth^

it

corrections.

not, (emendation)

"Doctrin

4 in

some

copies

of

5:396.23

17:46] 27:46

5:479.18

357.21] 357.1

5:621.26

year] year before

5:638.4

read heretic

5:645.13

as well] as

5:665.32

read

5:688.21

Disputationeum] Disputationum

well as

sermons on Habakkuk

was dated 25 February 1570 and

5:693.12

read

5:763.9-12

delete note; see "John Stiles" in Glossary

5:779.1

read embarrassing

5:821.8

delete note

5:834.19

rea*/

significant

5:91

read

Amobius,

1

.

1

5:925.32

read Pietro

1246

c

Addenda

5:20.17

Apostolicam translates

.

.

Froben, 1523), 1:159; 5:145.

Bucerus

.

The

capit.

.

.

Buceri

H in

is

translating

Euangelistarum

10:289;

Opera (Basel:

FOC,

25:330.

In the "Additions and Corrections to the

Seventh Edition" of Keble passage

Trinitate, 9.10;

CCSL, 62A:380; PL,

servanda.

.

Hooker quotes and

sentence which

from Hilary of Poitiers, De

is

is

MDXXX with the running tide: He

Marshall noted that the

work by Bucer

enarrationes

Buceri Epistola Nuncupat."

E.

(l:[ix]),

in a

entitled Epistola

ad praeclaram Acad.

"De Servanda cited a

copy

M.

Marpurg.

Ecclesiae Unitate

M.

in the Bodleian Library;

not verified. 5:339.15

Nullum crimen source for

this

.

.

.

rule;

non potest^

The

Digesta

of Justinian

(Antwerp: Phillip Nutius, 1576), 3:1899; Corpus Juris

5:388.5-6

Krueger and

Mommsen

Ad magna

.

(Berlin:

Weidmanns, 1922),

Bernhard. Gregory I Homily 37 on Luke 14:25-33; Homilarum .

is

Digestam novum, seu pandectarum juris

.

the

dvilis

Civilis,

ed.

1:923.

includes the sentence in in

Udaricus Gering and Berthold Remboldt,

Evangelia

1508),

libros

sig.

ii

(Paris:

Ll';

PL,

76:1275; Forty Gospel Homiles, ed. David Hurst (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Cistercian Publications, 1990), p. 238.

1247

The

texts

volume were prepared by the AST Premium/286 microcomputer Typesetting in Monotype Bembo was

comprising

this

General Editor on an using Nota Bene 3.0.

done at MRTS, SUNY Binghamton, in WordPerfect 5.1. Camera-ready copy was produced on a LaserMaster Series III Professional. The volume was imposed and printed by Thomson-Shore of Ann Arbor, Michigan, on Glatfelter B16 stock, 55 pound, and bound in Holliston buckram. The cover is stamped with a device used by John Windet, first printer of the Preface and Books I— IV of the Laws.