Remembering the Manhattan Project - Pers: Perspectives on the Making of the Atomic Bomb and Its Legacy

Manhattan Project Perspectives on the Making of the Atomic Bomb and its Legacy"

Manhattan Project "Perspectives on the Making of the Atomic Bomb and its Legacy"

editor

Cynthia C. Kelly President, The Atomic Heritage Foundation, USA

W World Scientific NEW JERSEY · LONDON · SINGAPORE · BEIJING · SHANGHAI · HONG KONG · TAIPEI · CHENNAI

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Published by World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd. 5 Toh Tuck Link, Singapore 596224 USA office: 27 Warren Street, Suite 401-402, Hackensack, NJ 07601 UK office: 57 Shelton Street, Covent Garden, London WC2H 9HE

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REMEMBERING THE MANHATTAN PROJECT Proceedings of the Atomic Heritage Foundation’s Symposium on the Manhattan Project Copyright © 2004 by World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd. All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission from the Publisher.

For photocopying of material in this volume, please pay a copying fee through the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. In this case permission to photocopy is not required from the publisher.

ISBN 981-256-040-8

Printed in Singapore.

PART I: A REPORT ON THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE ATOMIC HERITAGE FOUNDATION’S SYMPOSIUM ON THE MANHATTAN PROJECT Saturday, April 27, 2002 Carnegie Institution of Washington 1530 P Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. U.S.A.

PART II: A PLAN FOR PRESERVING THE MANHATTAN PROJECT Preserving America: A Strategy for the Manhattan Project Interim report to Congress prepared by the Atomic Heritage Foundation

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CONTENTS PART I: A REPORT ON THE PROCEEDINGS CHAPTER 1: A HISTORY WORTH PRESERVING

3

Opening Remarks Senator Jeff Bingaman, New Mexico

5

Opening Remarks Dr. Everet H. Beckner

9

Preserving the History of the Manhattan Project Cynthia C. Kelly

CHAPTER 2: THE MANHATTAN PROJECT — A MILLENNIAL TRANSFORMATION The Atomic Bomb in the Second World War Richard Rhodes

13

15 17

The Manhattan Project: An Extraordinary Achievement of the “American Way” Stephane Groueff

31

CHAPTER 3: THE ALLIES

39

AND THE

ATOMIC BOMB

A Tale of Two Documents Andrew Brown

41

A Footnote on Hiroshima and Atomic Morality: Conant, Niebuhr, and an “Emotional” Clergyman, 1945–46 James G. Hershberg A Los Alamos Beginning Kai Bird Martin Sherwin

47 53

vii

viii Remembering the Manhattan Project

CHAPTER 4: THE MILITARY AND SCIENCE CRUCIBLE OF WAR

IN THE

61

General Leslie R. Groves and the Scientists Robert S. Norris

63

Science in the Service of the State: The Cautionary Tale of Robert Oppenheimer Gregg Herken

69

Leo Szilard: Baiting Brass Hats William Lanouette

73

CHAPTER 5: SPEAKING

79

FROM

EXPERIENCE

SEDs at Los Alamos: A Personal Memoir Benjamin Bederson

81

Some Experiences at the Met. Lab and What Could Be Learned from a Highly Successful and Challenging Project Jerome Karle My First Professional Assignment Isabella Karle

93

Triumph and Tragedy: The Odyssey of J. R. Oppenheimer — A Personal Perspective Maurice M. Shapiro

CHAPTER 6: LESSONS OF THE MANHATTAN PROJECT THE 21ST CENTURY

89

97

FOR

101

Then and Now Maxine Singer

103

The Manhattan Project: Qualitative or Quantitative Change? Stephen Younger

107

Expertise and Independence: The Role of the Science Advisor Richard L. Garwin

111

Contents ix

The Future of Nuclear Deterrence Richard Rhodes

117

CHAPTER 7: CLOSING REFLECTIONS

121

Reflections on the Manhattan Project: Consequences and Repercussions Dr. James Schlesinger

123

APPENDIX A: PROGRAM

131

APPENDIX B: PARTICIPANTS

135

PART II: A PLAN FOR PRESERVING THE MANHATTAN PROJECT PRESERVING AMERICA: A STRATEGY PROJECT

FOR THE

MANHATTAN 141

Evaluation of the Manhattan Project Properties Basis for Recommendations

143 147

CROSS-CUTTING RECOMMENDATIONS

148

1. Special Resource Study for National Park Units 2. Oral Histories of Manhattan Project Veterans 3. Preservation and Storage of Equipment, Artifacts and Documents

148 149

PRESERVATION STRATEGIES TWO OPTIONS

FOR THE

149

MANHATTAN PROJECT:

The Essential Manhattan Project (Option A) Oak Ridge: Isotope Separation and Reactor Operations Hanford: Plutonium Production Los Alamos: Designing, Building and Testing the Bomb The Trinity Site

150 151 151 153 155 156

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Remembering the Manhattan Project

The Enriched Manhattan Project (Option B) Oak Ridge Hanford Los Alamos Trinity Site University of Chicago University of California, Berkeley Columbia University

156 157 157 158 158 159 159 159

APPENDIX A: DESCRIPTION PROPERTIES

161

OF

MANHATTAN PROJECT

1. Oak Ridge, Tennessee K-25 Footprint (Isotope Separation) Roosevelt Cell (Isotope Separation) K-29 as Described in the O.R. White Paper (Isotope Separation) Beta 3 Electromagnetic Separation Racetracks at Y-12 (Isotope Separation) Building 9731, Known as the Y-12 Pilot Plant (Isotope Separation and Research) X-10 Graphite Reactor (Reactor Operations) American Museum of Science and Energy

161 161 162

2. Hanford, Washington B Reactor (Fuel Irradiation) T Plant (Chemical Separation) T Plant Exhaust Stack (Chemical Separation) Process Control Laboratory (Chemical Separation) Concentration Building (Chemical Separation) Plutonium Isolation Building (Chemical Separation) Test Pile/Hot Cell Verification Building (Research and Development) Separations Laboratory (Research and Development) Radiochemistry Laboratory (Research and Development) Fresh Metal Storage Building (Fuel Manufacturing)

164 164 166 167 167 167 168

162 162 163 163 164

168 168 168 169

Contents xi

Metallurgical Engineering Laboratory (Fuel Manufacturing) Metal Fuels Fabrication Facility (Fuel Manufacturing) River Pump House (Fuel Irradiation) Lag Storage Building (Fuel Irradiation) Plutonium Vaults (Product Storage)

169 169 169 170 170

3. Los Alamos, New Mexico “Gun Site” (Weapons Research and Development) “V Site” (Weapons Research and Development) Concrete Bowl (Weapons Research and Development) Louis Slotin Accident Building (Biomedical/Health Physics) Quonset Hut TA-22-1 (Weapons Research and Development) East Guard Tower (Security) Pond Cabin (Administrative and Social History) Trinity Test Site (Weapons Research and Development)

170 171 171 172 172 172 173 173 173

FEATURE ARTICLE: THE FRISCH–PEIERLS MEMORANDUM

175

Memorandum on the Properties of a Radioactive Super-bomb Otto R. Frisch Rudolf Peierls

177

INDEX

181

xi

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PART I: A REPORT ON THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE ATOMIC HERITAGE FOUNDATION’S SYMPOSIUM ON THE MANHATTAN PROJECT

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CHAPTER 1: A HISTORY WORTH PRESERVING

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OPENING REMARKS Senator Jeff Bingaman, New Mexico

Let me first say I’m honored to be here, particularly at a symposium like this that is attended by many who lived this history as well as many who have devoted their careers to writing it and bringing it alive for the American public and the whole world. This is an exciting subject and Cindy I complement you, as President of the Atomic Heritage Foundation, for organizing this and for the effort that is being made to put together the matching funds for the $700,000 challenge grant that was appropriated through the public-private partnership called Save America’s Treasures, in order to help preserve the history of the Manhattan Project. There’s obviously no more important and more fascinating chapter of American history — American science and engineering history, in particular. For someone like myself, who grew up a hundred miles west of the Trinity site in southwest New Mexico, this has been a subject of fascination for all my life: how this group of extraordinary individuals came together — scientists and engineers primarily, but also others. I know General Groves is going to be spoken about here at length as well, and there are many with a scientific and engineering background who came together to marshal the support of the political leadership of this country to put the country on the path to pursuing the Manhattan Project. It was pursued to a successful conclusion, the bomb was developed, the war was ended, and there are so many exciting aspects to this history that it’s hard to know where to begin. I will leave most of the description of the history to the superb group of historians that we have here to speak today. Let me just relate three of the stories that I’ve always enjoyed very much that have come out of this history, because they are things that I’ve encountered in the reading that I’ve done. The first is right from the book Richard Rhodes did, his extremely well-received book, “The Making of the Atomic Bomb.” It talks about the difficult interface between the military establishment, or the military culture, and the scientific culture, and it involves of course Leo Szilard, and I’ll just read a very small portion of it: 5

6

Remembering the Manhattan Project

“Somewhere along the way [General] Groves put Szilard under surveillance. The Brigadier still harbored the incredible notion that Leo Szilard might be a German agent. [...] The surveillance of an innocent but eccentric man makes gumshoe comedy. Szilard traveled to Washington on June 20, 1943, and in preparation for the visit an Army counterintelligence agent reviewed his file: ‘The [...] Subject is of Jewish extraction, has a fondness for delicacies and frequently makes purchases in delicatessen stores, usually eats his breakfast in drug stores and other meals in restaurants, walks a great deal when he cannot secure a taxi, usually is shaved in a barber shop, speaks occasionally in a foreign tongue, and associates mostly with people of Jewish extraction. He is inclined to be rather absent-minded and eccentric, and will start out a door, turn around and come back, go out on the street without his coat or hat and frequently looks up and down the street as if he were watching for someone or did not know for sure where he wanted to go.’ ”1

And it concludes by saying, “Armed with these profundities a Washington agent observed the Subject arriving at the Wardman Park Hotel at [...] 8:30 P.M. on June 20 [...]. Szilard worked the next morning at the Carnegie Institution with Captain Lavender.”2 So I think the history makes clear the appropriateness of the site that we are convened in today. Let me go on to a little different aspect of the history and that is some of the history of the policy and politics that combined to commit the country to the Manhattan Project. I’ve always very much enjoyed the stories of Senator McKellar from Tennessee. Many of you may have heard this story, but it’s one that my former colleague Senator Sasser liked to use very much when he was in the Senate. He’s talking about how they persuaded Congress to appropriate the funds for the Manhattan Project. “[Secretary of War Henry Stimson] hinted in a meeting with several Senators that he needed McKellar to hide $2 billion in an appropriation

1 Richard

Rhodes, The Making of the Atomic Bomb, 1st ed. (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988), pp. 506–7. 2 Rhodes 507.

A History Worth Preserving 7

bill for a secret project that might bring the war to an early end. That night, McKellar could not sleep. He returned to Stimson’s office the next day to inquire further. ‘Can you keep a secret?’ Stimson asked. ‘We are going to split the atom.’ ‘Here we are in the middle of a big war,’ McKellar shot back, ‘and you are fooling around, trying to split the atom.’ Legend has it that McKellar took his concerns directly to the top and was actually with the President, who had summoned him to the White House to reiterate the request, when it finally dawned upon McKellar what Stimson had in mind. President Roosevelt asked, ‘Senator McKellar, can you hide two billion dollars for this supersecret national defense project?’ Senator McKellar, not missing a beat, replied, ‘Well, Mr. President, of course I can. And where in Tennessee do you want me to hide it?’ ”3

And the third and final story that I will impose on you is one that Richard Feynman tells. Richard Feynman recounts some of the early problems with security at Los Alamos. That’s a subject we’ve spent a lot of time on in recent years and it’s not a new subject, so let me give you this short account of Richard Feynman’s: “[…at] the very beginning we had terribly important secrets. We’d worked out lots of stuff about uranium, how it worked, and all this stuff was in documents that were in filing cabinets that were made out of wood that had on them little ordinary common padlocks. Various things made by the shop were on the cabinets, like a rod that would go down and then a padlock to hold it, but it was always just a padlock. Furthermore, you could get the stuff, without even opening the padlock out of these wooden cabinets: you just tilt it over backwards and from the bottom drawer you could extract the papers. Every time we had a meeting of the whole group [these were the meetings in Los Alamos, of course], every time we had a meeting of the whole group, and everybody together I would get up and I’d say that we have important secrets and we shouldn’t keep them in such things. These were such poor locks, that we need better locks. And so one day Teller got up at the meeting and said to me,

3 William Frist and J. Lee Annis, Jr., Tennessee Senators, 1911–2001: Portraits of Leadership in a Century of Change (Lanham, MD: Madison Books, 1999), pp. 29–30.

8

Remembering the Manhattan Project

“Well, I don’t keep my most important secrets in my filing cabinet, I keep them in my desk drawer. Isn’t that better?” I said “I don’t know, I haven’t seen your desk drawer.” Well, he’s sitting near the front of the meeting, I’m sitting further back. So the meeting continues and I sneak out of the meeting and I go down to see his desk drawer. I don’t even have to pick the lock on the desk drawer. It turns out that if you put your hand in the back underneath you can pull the paper out like those toilet paper dispensers; you pull out one, it pulls another, it pulls another. I emptied the whole damn drawer, took everything out, and put it away to one side and then went up on the higher floor and came back. The meeting is just ending and everybody is just coming out I run up to catch up with Teller and say, “Oh, by the way, let me see your desk drawer. So he says, ‘Certainly,’ so we walk into his office and he shows me the desk and I look at it and say that looks pretty good to me. I said, “Let’s see what you have in there.” “I’d be very glad to show it to you,” he says putting in the key and opening the drawer, “if you hadn’t already seen it yourself.” The trouble with playing a trick on a highly intelligent man like Mr. Teller is that the time it takes him to figure out from the moment that he sees there is something wrong till he understands exactly what happened is too damn small to give you any real pleasure!” 4

This is history that each generation needs to know. I’m sure there are extremely important lessons for us in this history, and again I commend the Carnegie Institution for the symposium and I commend all of you for your role in this history, and also for your efforts to be sure that it’s preserved for future generations. Thank you very much.

4

Richard P. Feynman, The Pleasure of Finding Things Out: The Best Short Works of Richard P. Feynman (Cambridge, MA: Perseus Books, 1999), pp. 70–71.

OPENING REMARKS Dr. Everet H. Beckner Deputy Administrator for Defense Programs at the Department of Energy’s National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA)

Thank you very much. I am proud to be here representing Secretary Abraham of the Department of Energy and General (Ret.) John Gordon the Administrator for the National Nuclear Security Administration. I thought it might be interesting to spend just a few minutes reminiscing on how I got involved in nuclear energy and indirectly in the Manhattan Project and the successor to the Manhattan Project. I too, like Senator Bingaman was born in northern New Mexico in a little town called Clayton, up in northeastern New Mexico. I fully remember the events at the end of the Second World War although I was too young to have done much more then wonder what was happening when the bombs were set off at Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the war ended. I got my first glimpse of Los Alamos when we went up to play football, when I was a senior in high school; that would have been about 1952. The thing that I remember to this day as we were coming from northeastern New Mexico — I didn’t really know where Los Alamos was at the time, certainly didn’t know during the war — was security. But anyway we drove up in our yellow school bus, and I still remember that as we got to the outskirts of Los Alamos there was still a large gate out there that you had to be admitted through, a good distance outside of town. And there was an anti-aircraft gun standing beside it as well. You know this is more than six years after the war was over, but it was still there. I don’t know what they planned to do with it but it was still there, so one way or another I associate that scene with my early experience with this program. Subsequently, I went off to college, got involved in physics, and ended up I would say as an early beneficiary of the Atomic Energy Commission because I, like many others benefited from a small grant. I was in graduate school working in nuclear physics and a grant from the Atomic Energy Commission helped pay to run the accelerator in the 9

10 Remembering the Manhattan Project

laboratory that I worked in. So I guess that I would have to say that I have been associated with the program literally most of my adult life, and it’s been a wonderful association. It’s hard to imagine how things might have gone otherwise, but they surely could have and I think that’s what we should spend a bit of time thinking about today. Because I think it is really extraordinary that the effort that was put together during the war, for a very specific purpose, managed to survive the enormous changes that occurred following the war as the nation set about to find its way to peace, and at the same time to defend itself. The Atomic Energy Commission came into being, and the laboratory system came into being, and the whole complex then evolved under the Atomic Energy Commission, transitioning into the Energy Research and Development Agency in the 1970’s as the county worked to find a way to become less dependent on energy from sources other than oil and gas; then following that, combining with other elements of energy programs and other agencies to become the Department of Energy. And so today you look around and I think we all will agree it’s a magnificent set of capabilities that have been assembled. And I think in all fairness although I come to it from the science side, an enormous debt is owed to the people within the Congress and within the various Administrations over the years who have seen the importance of keeping it intact and of making it truly the institution or the set of institutions that we now have today. We have Senator Bingaman here today, as a representative of the Congress and those in the administration who have seen the importance of keeping these institutions alive. Today, I think we would all agree, you could not do this again. You couldn’t start it over. So the fact that it has survived, I think is enormously important, and most likely we will hear more about that from some of the other speakers today. The only other thing I can say at this point is that I don’t have any way of seeing the future better than others of you, but I think it’s fair to expect that these institutions will continue to be responsive to national needs. They responded in the 1970’s to the energy crisis, and I think recently they have been very agile in turning their attention to threats in the world today having to do with terrorism. I think we’ll see a lot of changes in the coming years.

A History Worth Preserving

11

That too is something that if you tried to manage it from Washington, you couldn’t do it. But in fact, the element that was brought into the program early on was of having a set of contractors to manage these institutions with obviously very direct connections to the federal government. That has made a difference early on, which no one could have anticipated. Again, I don’t think you could set it up and do it today but it survived after the war, continued for the fifty years since then. I would encourage us all to recognize the importance of that system and to be sure that we protect it over time because it gives us management in these institutions that brings the private sector into play in ways that really, I think to be very valuable. So, I’ve done my bit of reminiscing at this point. I consider myself extremely fortunate to have been a part of the program now for more years than I ever imagined might occur. I recently had an opportunity to see and spend some time in the British program having just spent two years at the atomic weapons establishment in Aldermaston in England and things work differently there. I wouldn’t say anything that was other than complimentary about their program, because it is a fine program. But they handle their program in a different way. As you get an opportunity to see the way the program there was managed, it does give you insight into the difference that some of those early decisions made. Decisions as to how this enterprise would go forward. So all in all, I am happy to be here, I compliment all of you for taking the time to come. I am sure you are interested in the program. Thank you for your time.

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PRESERVING THE HISTORY OF MANHATTAN PROJECT

THE

Cynthia C. Kelly President, Atomic Heritage Foundation

This Symposium on the Manhattan Project is an opportunity to learn about one of the most significant events in the 20th century, and to draw lessons from the Manhattan Project for meeting today’s challenges. Each of the papers that follows provides a different perspective on what made the Manhattan Project succeed: to do in just 27 months what every other leading nation in World War II concluded was impossible. While the development of the atomic bomb changed the course of world history, to date few of the original Manhattan Project structures have been preserved for the public and future generations. Most of these properties have not been accessible to the public, and in recent years have been stripped of their equipment and slated for demolition. Unless we act now to preserve some of the last remaining Manhattan Project properties, first-of-a-kind equipment, artifacts, and other tangible remnants of this remarkable undertaking will be lost. For example, few people have seen the buildings where the Manhattan Project scientists, engineers, and hundreds of young military recruits worked in around-the-clock shifts to develop an atomic weapon at the “V Site” at Los Alamos. These very humble wooden structures are “monumental in their lack of monumentality,” as San Francisco architect Bruce Judd described them. Three years ago, a cluster of Manhattan Project buildings “behind the fence” at Los Alamos called the “V Site” were awarded a Save America’s Treasures grant so they might be restored for the public. Tragically, the Cerro Grande fire destroyed all but one of them in May 2000. The remaining “V Site” building pictured on the cover of this report was protected by its cladding of asbestos shingles. If preserved, the reality of the original “V Site” and other Manhattan Project buildings and equipment at Los Alamos, Oak Ridge, and Hanford will help maintain critical elements of this remarkable history. As 13

14 Remembering the Manhattan Project

Bulgarian-born Stephane Groueff observed, the Manhattan Project was a testament to the “American way,” a combination of “readiness for risktaking, courage for unorthodox approaches, serendipity, [and] dogged determination.” The Manhattan Project buildings — some massive concrete structures and others no more than work sheds — will forcefully communicate this “American way,” and the ingenuity and resourcefulness that were instrumental to winning the war. The proceeds of this Symposium will help match the Save America’s Treasures grant to restore the Manhattan Project properties at Los Alamos as an annex to the Bradbury Science Museum. If you would like to make a contribution to match the grant or learn more about the Atomic Heritage Foundation, please visit our website at www.atomicheritage.org or call 202-293-0045. Thank you for your interest and enjoy the Symposium on the Manhattan Project and the excellent papers included here.

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THE MANHATTAN PROJECT: AN EXTRAORDINARY ACHIEVEMENT OF THE “AMERICAN WAY” Stephane Groueff Bulgarian-born journalist and author

To better illustrate any thesis or argument, it usually helps to choose striking, sometimes even extreme examples. It makes the discussion clearer and accessible to a larger public, to interested non-specialists. If this also applies when assessing the relationship between science, industry, and government, or the lessons we can learn from World War II, I cannot think of any more instructive and appropriate subject than the Manhattan Project. Talking about laymen and nonspecialists, just look at me, a foreign correspondent with no scientific education and no government background! The reason I became involved, years ago, and fascinated with the subject, was the extraordinary, almost apocalyptic, scope of the Project, which not only decided the outcome of the war in the Pacific, but also affected the lives of all of us. It was natural for a journalist to find myself greatly intrigued by the story of the building, in total secrecy, of the first atomic bomb. I could not understand why so little had been written and known about the fantastic obstacles surmounted during its construction and the Herculean endeavor it had required. It was 20 years after Hiroshima, and very little, if anything, was known about the production of the bomb ingredients and the actual building of the weapon. And yet most experts had declared these feats as infeasible. I am not referring to the scientific aspect, already pretty 31

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A TALE

OF

TWO DOCUMENTS

Andrew Brown Oncologist and historian of science

The Manhattan Project had its scientific gestation in England during 1940 and 1941. The leading figures in the work were either men who had been trained by Ernest Rutherford (1871–1937) at the Cavendish Laboratory in Cambridge or scientists who had sought refuge in England after Hitler came to power in Germany. Their contributions were encapsulated in two documents — the Frisch–Peierls Memorandum and the Maud Report — both a few pages long. When Sir Ernest Rutherford became head of the Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge University after the First World War, he was Sir James Chadwick with Rudolph Peierls (left) and G. I. Taylor (right) in 1974. already the most renowned experimental physicist of his day. He had led the way in exploring the phenomena of natural radioactivity after the Curies’ original discovery at the end of the nineteenth century; then in 1911 he had been first to propose in detail a planetary model of the atom. His idea was refined by Niels Bohr, and the now familiar image of a small central nucleus with electrons whizzing around it in fixed elliptical orbits took shape. Rutherford’s goal from that time was to discover whatever he could about the nature of the infinitesimal nucleus. He continued laboratory experiments during the First World War, in between advising the Admiralty on submarine detection devices, and in 1917 achieved the first “splitting of the atom” — an event that he told the Admiralty was of more 41

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The Allies and the Atomic Bomb 43

participants at the Seventh Solvay Conference on the atomic nucleus, which marked the last time the pioneers of radioactivity like Rutherford and Marie Curie met with the new giants of nuclear physics such as Fermi and Heisenberg: there was a lone American at the conference — a young professor from U.C. Berkeley, Ernest Lawrence, who talked about his new invention, the cyclotron. The Solvay conference was held in Brussels in October 1933, by Sir James Chadwick, as Master of Gonville which time the lives of hundreds of and Caius College (1948–1958). (Andrew European scientists had already Brown, The Neutron and the Bomb (Oxford been disrupted by the ascension to University Press, 1997).) power of Hitler and the German Nazis. Scientists in England were generous in offering their colleagues refuge and the opportunity to continue to work; Rutherford himself had been appointed the first President of the Academic Assistance Council. Two early arrivals at Manchester University were the theoreticians, Hans Bethe and Rudolf Peierls: they would be followed by dozens of others, some like Bethe who soon moved on to the USA, others like Peierls who became British citizens and lived in England for the rest of their lives. One of the last scientists to reach England was Otto Frisch, who had been half-heartedly seeking sanctuary for some time (he was from a wellknown Jewish family in Vienna); he was finally invited to Birmingham University by Mark Oliphant in the summer of 1939. Frisch, then aged 35 years, had suddenly achieved scientific fame in January 1939, when he wrote a letter to Nature describing the new phenomenon of nuclear fission — Frisch’s was the second name on the letter, the first being that of his aunt, Lise Meitner. Where Rutherford and his school had split the atom to the extent of chipping or shaving the nucleus to leave a closely related atom, Meitner and Frisch described a

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46

Remembering the Manhattan Project

some 25 lb of active material, would be equivalent as regards destructive effect to 1,800 tons of TNT.” Chadwick also realized that the manufacture of this weapon would require a gigantic industrial enterprise: only one member of the M.A.U.D. Committee, Patrick Blackett, thought this was beyond the means of war-ravaged Great Britain. A copy of the Maud Report was sent to the Uranium Committee in the U.S.A., but seemed to provoke no interest. Later that summer, Mark Oliphant flew to the U.S.A., primarily to review progress in General Groves and Sir James Chadwick Washington, D.C. (Andrew Brown, The radar research. As a member of the in Neutron and the Bomb (Oxford University M.A.U.D. Committee, he made Press, 1997).) inquiries about the fate of their report. He was “amazed and distressed” to learn that the elderly chairman of the Uranium Committee, Lyman Briggs, had locked it away in his safe for security and had not shown it to anyone. Oliphant made a detour from Washington to Berkeley to see Lawrence and convinced him that the Maud work was crucially important. Lawrence was easily convinced and lit a fire under the American scientific establishment that within a year led to the Manhattan Project.

A FOOTNOTE ON HIROSHIMA AND ATOMIC MORALITY: CONANT, NIEBUHR, AND AN “EMOTIONAL” CLERGYMAN, 1945–46 James G. Hershberg Department of History, George Washington University

One of the most prominent, if private, debates about the morality of using the atomic bomb occurred in an exchange of letters in March 1946 between the era’s most prominent educator and most prominent theologian: James B. Conant — President of Harvard University and, as an official of the Office of Scientific Research and Development and then as a member of the Interim Committee, a key figure in the decisions to build and use the atomic bomb in World War II — and Reinhold Niebuhr, then a professor at Columbia University. Conant, who as a member of the Interim Committee had endorsed the bomb’s use (and was recorded in the minutes of its May 31 meeting as suggesting the criteria of using the weapon on “a vital war plant employing a large number of workers and closely surrounded by workers’ houses”), was upset on the morning of March 6, 1946, by a report on the front page of The New York Times that listed Niebuhr among the signatories of a draft declaration by the Federal Council of Churches calling the use of the bomb “morally indefensible.” An admirer of Niebuhr who had vainly tried to lure him to Cambridge, Conant had been especially disturbed to read of the theologian’s position because, like many liberals who had supported intervention in World War II, he had often cited Niebuhr’s

47

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The Allies and the Atomic Bomb 49

from a clergyman denouncing me for my part in the atomic bomb development.” In response, Conant had urged him to read Niebuhr’s Children of Light and Children of Darkness, which stoutly defended the morality of going to war to defend civilized values. Now, Conant told Niebuhr, “I can’t reconcile this book with your signature on the document in question.” Though Conant had alluded only vaguely to the clergyman at issue, I had discovered the final letter in the exchange to which he referred to Niebuhr in time to include it in my book. In it, on December 13, 1945, the Rev. Bradford Young of Grace Church President of Harvard University James B. Conant after in Manchester, New World War II. (James G. Hershberg, James B. Conant: Harvard to Hiroshima and the Making of the Nuclear Hampshire thanked Conant Age (Stanford University Press, 1993).) for his “patient answer to my somewhat excited letter.” Rev. Young acknowledged that he “largely followed” the reasoning in Niebuhr’s Children of Darkness and Children of Light, and that the “A-bombing was no worse in its effects than the obliteration bombing.” However, clearly alluding to previous correspondence, Rev. Young reacted negatively to what he described as Conant’s argument that it had been necessary to drop the bomb on Japanese cities in order to alert world public opinion to the danger of future atomic war so that measures could be taken to put the weapon under international control. Considering the human cost to the inhabitants of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Young had written, this was a calculation that “only God” could make. “What bothered me,” he added, was to see you preparing and participating in such a Godlike decision with apparently no sense of presumption, no fear and trembling, no feeling of tragic involvement in a horrible deed.” Unfortunately, at the time I was finishing James B.

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The Allies and the Atomic Bomb 51

to the strategic bombing then in progress and which I hoped would end the war without an invasion; and second, because I felt certain that unless this bomb was demonstrated in combat there was very little chance of arousing public opinion to a point where they would take sufficiently drastic action to control it in the future.” That Conant gave equal prominence to this postwar rationale as well as to wartime military imperatives (which would become the orthodox or traditional defense for the bomb’s use) is significant, for it reflected that strong sense of fear animating him as well as many of the scientists who worked on the Manhattan Project (including Oppenheimer) of a postwar nuclear arms race and eventual nuclear World War III. The simple argument that it was needed to defeat Japan and avoid an invasion was not enough, in other words, if the consequence would be to trigger a postwar nuclear arms race among the former Allies, i.e., between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. Some atomic scientists, Vannevar Bush, James Conant, and General Leslie Groves inspecting Hanford during the Manhattan particularly among those at Project. (James G. Hershberg, James B. Conant: the Met. Lab in Chicago, Harvard to Hiroshima and the Making of the believed that dropping the Nuclear Age (Stanford University Press, 1993).) bomb without warning on Japanese cities would be most likely to cause such a disastrous competition — and they propounded their views in the summer of 1945 in the Franck Report, which was submitted to the Interim Committee but never reached Truman’s Desk. (The text has been published in various places, most conveniently as an appendix to the most recent paperback edition of Martin J. Sherwin’s A World Destroyed.) However, Oppenheimer and other leading atomic scientists (including Fermi, Lawrence, and Arthur Compton) dissented, finding no plausible alternative to use of the bomb

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GENERAL LESLIE R. GROVES

AND THE

SCIENTISTS

Robert S. Norris Natural Resources Defense Council

My short paper discusses certain aspects of General Leslie R. Groves’ relationships with the scientists. One caricature of Groves (of many) is that he and the scientists were in constant disagreement, always at loggerheads, with widespread differences over matters of discipline, censorship, and security. It was a clash of cultures between the military and science, never resolved. The actual relationships are quite different, more complex and nuanced. They range from outright hostility, in the case of Leo Szilard, to ones of deep respect and appreciation as in the cases of Robert Oppenheimer, Richard Tolman, and many others. For Groves, scientists came in many varieties. There were the troublemakers like Szilard, and later James Franck; the incompetents like the administratively-challenged Harold Urey; the grand planners and organizers like Ernest Lawrence; and the icons like Niels Bohr, who commanded respect for their sheer brilliance. While most of the scientists were American, there were also British, French, Italian, Hungarian and other foreign scientists who caused him concern. The criterion for a scientist to be in Groves’ good graces was a willingness to get the bomb built as quickly as possible. Anything else was a distraction, from speculating on the mysteries of the atom to meddling in political matters, where he thought they had no business.

63

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The Military and Science in the Crucible of War 65

accepted people if he thought them intelligent and competent, and pretty much dismissed those who were not. He liked people like himself: organizers, people who were decisive and not afraid to make difficult choices and, at times if necessary, even take risks. He sized people up quickly and decided that they either could do the job or they couldn’t. There were few second chances. Much has been made of Groves’ concern with secrecy and his widespread use of compartmentalization. While Groves did not invent it, he implemented it on a scale not previously seen. As I argue in the book, for Groves compartmentalization was not only a method to maintain secrecy, it was also the source of his power. All of the boxes in the wiring diagram led to him. He, and he alone, knew everything and because of that was able to shape the substance and the pace of events. Some of the scientists claimed that compartmentalization hindered the free interchange of ideas that is essential to scientific discovery and progress, and thus slowed development of the bomb. It is true that any communication between the Manhattan sites had to go through Groves’ channels and any trips were strictly regulated. Scientists could not just travel between Chicago and Los Alamos, for example, or from Oak Ridge to Hanford, without permission from Groves. But when there was a good reason for a trip, he gave it. General Leslie R. Groves. When he thought that a meeting of individuals or groups could speed up the project, he was flexible. Otherwise, as he said, “everyone should stick to their knitting.” When we turn to Groves’ relationships with individual scientists we see that his experience with Szilard was the exception. With most of the others with whom he worked, Groves got on well. In Washington, his closest contacts were with Vannevar Bush, James Conant, and Richard Tolman.

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SCIENCE IN THE SERVICE OF THE STATE: THE CAUTIONARY TALE OF ROBERT OPPENHEIMER Gregg Herken Smithsonian Institution

The notion that scientists have no “proprietary rights” to say what should be done with their inventions was expressed by Robert Oppenheimer a month before the explosion of the first atomic bomb. A month after two atomic bombs had been dropped on Japan, not even Oppenheimer believed in this prescription. In 1949, Oppenheimer would oppose development of the hydrogen bomb on both practical and ethical grounds. The loyalty hearing that took place five years later suggests that science in the service of the state bears a potential cost, for both sides. Some fifty years ago, when asked what impact the Cold War had had upon his discipline, Princeton physicist Henry DeWolf Smyth reportedly replied: “Secrecy, scientists who will take orders, and big equipment.” Two of the things that Smyth mentioned — secrecy and big equipment — are undoubted legacies of the Cold War. But the third — the willingness of scientists to take orders — is a more problematic and complicated tale, precisely because of the Cold War, and because of the particular experience of one scientist who answered the summons: Robert Oppenheimer. When he was chosen by General Groves to direct the Los Alamos laboratory in the fall of 1942, Oppenheimer showed no hesitation about working on the atomic bomb. Indeed, after “Oppie” came under suspicion by J. Robert Oppenheimer and General Leslie Groves at Ground Zero (9/45). Army counter-intelligence for his prewar 69

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LEO SZILARD: BAITING BRASS HATS William Lanouette Writer and public policy analyst

Physicist Leo Szilard was first to conceive the nuclear chain reaction, first to impose secrecy on nuclear research, first to prompt the United States to create A-bombs, and also first to urge wartime and post-war control of these new weapons. Szilard’s prescience raised fateful questions about the bomb years before it was tested or used. Yet in Szilard’s view the most powerful weapon to result from the Manhattan Project was not the A-bomb but the “SECRET” stamp. On Monday morning, March 6th 1944, Leo Szilard rode in a taxi from the Wardman Park Hotel to this building, followed by federal agents. Here Szilard called on Vannevar Bush, Carnegie Institution president and director of the wartime Office of Scientific Research and Development. As Bush later noted, their “long conference” was “quite informal and frank” and lasted “practically all day.” Szilard had been nagging Bush by letter for almost two years and came here to complain — in person — about how badly America’s work on the A-bomb was being managed. Always feisty and persistent, Szilard criticized the “compartmentalization” of sites and scientists imposed by General Leslie Groves, the Manhattan Project’s military director. Then Szilard urged that the United States work for post-war international control of a weapon that would not be tested for more than a year. Groves saw Szilard as disruptive and probably subversive; it was on his orders that Szilard was being followed here. And Szilard saw Groves 73

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as officious and incompetent. Both men were wrong. For both men, in very different ways, were essential to the Manhattan Project’s success. Without Szilard’s tireless efforts at the beginning, and without Groves’s relentless race at the end, it is unlikely that nuclear weapons would have been ready in time for use by the end of World War II. Born in Budapest in 1898, Szilard studied physics in Berlin in the 1920s where he befriended Albert Einstein, and where the two co-designed an electromagnetic refrigerator pump. Szilard fled Nazi Germany in 1933, and that fall, in London, he first conceived the nuclear chain reaction. Always prescient about science and politics, Szilard foresaw both nuclear power and nuclear weapons. He proffered his chain-reaction patent to General Electric for power plants, and to the British Army for bombs. Both had no use for his ideas, but finally the Admiralty classified Szilard’s chain-reaction patent as a military secret, lest German scientists realize its potential. Although Szilard proudly claimed that his favorite pastime was “baiting brass hats,” he strove repeatedly to collaborate with the military in Britain and the United States. And the Leo Szilard and Ernest O. Lawrence at APS secrecy he later decried Meeting in Washington, April 27, 1935 at the was, in fact, another one Department of Terrestrial Magnetism. (Courtesy of his own inventions. At of Science Service.) Columbia University in 1939, soon after uranium fission was discovered, Szilard angered his fellow scientists by insisting that they keep secret their nuclear research. Szilard urged colleague Enrico Fermi to report on their nuclear fission work to the U.S. Navy, but in Washington Fermi was ridiculed and ignored. That summer, Szilard and Fermi co-designed the world’s first nuclear reactor. Then Szilard told Einstein about chain reactions, the process that might give E = mc2 a

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action along that line unless high efficiency atomic bombs have actually been used in this war and the fact of their destructive power has deeply penetrated the mind of the public.” Paradoxically, Szilard feared that the bomb he did not want to use to win the war must be used to win the peace. For many of Szilard’s points Bush was sympathetic; he had been brainstorming independently about post-war problems with James B. Conant of the National Defense Research Committee. In May 1944, Conant wrote Bush a memo about “Some Thoughts on International Control of Atomic Energy” that posed two stark alternatives: an Leo Szilard (1898–1964). atomic arms race (Cartoon credit: Robert Grossman.) and “in the next war destruction of civilization” or “a scheme to remove atomic energy from the field of conflict.” In September 1944, Bush and Conant sent a memo to Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson on “Salient Points Concerning Future International Handling of Subject of Atomic Bombs” with their “strong recommendation” to plan for “complete disclosure of the history of the development and all but the manufacturing and military details on the bombs as soon as the first bomb has been demonstrated” — either over Japan or the US. They warned that partial secrecy might prompt a nuclear arms race by Russia and others. And they called for “free interchange of all scientific information.” Frequently Szilard’s views on the post-war control of nuclear weapons were not so different from those held by the civilian leaders in the U.S. bomb program. What was different was Szilard’s status in the hierarchy

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I entered the army through the draft in 1942, possessed of two-andone-half years of college (City College of New York) as a physics major. At some time in 1943 I had found myself happily back in college at Ohio State University taking an electrical engineering course courtesy of the Army Specialized Training Program (ASTP). This program was intended to teach technical skills to soldiers for an army that was experiencing ever increasing demands on such skills in fighting a modern war. Just as I was completing this course in January 1944, the Army announced that it was going to abandon the ASTP because of increasing demand for combat troops in Europe and the Pacific. Coincidently, at that moment my commanding officer asked me if I would be interested in being interviewed for a new project, called the Manhattan Project, where my physics and engineering training, such as they were at the time, might come in handy. And, he remarked, this might get me back to my beloved Manhattan, of whose affection I had made no secret in Columbus, Ohio. Needless to say, I jumped at the opportunity, and shortly thereafter was interviewed by a visiting board of three civilians. They asked rather peculiar questions, I thought at the time, Army Post Exchange at Oak Ridge. (The consisting mainly of elementary Department of Energy, “The Manhattan physics questions, for example, Project,” 2001.) about Newton’s laws, and about my career interests. A few days later I received orders, marked Secret, along with a train ticket, to proceed to a town called Knoxville, Tennessee, to be met there by a car that would take me to another town called Oak Ridge. On the train I met several other GIs who also had received the same orders. We arrived in Oak Ridge to discover a city in the throes of heavy construction.

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Speaking from Experience 85

In a month or two I was called to a small meeting of SEDs who, like myself, were working on various aspects of explosives. At the meeting we were greeted by the head of the Explosives Division, George B. Kistiakowsky. “Kisty” was a professor of chemistry at Harvard, one of the most distinguished chemists in the world, as I was to find out later. He had a strong Russian accent, and was very approachable and good- George B. Kistiakowsky. (Richard natured. The purpose of the meeting was Rhodes, The Making of the Atomic Bomb (New York: Simon & to let the GIs know what was going on at Schuster, 1986).) Los Alamos. He laid it all out, from beginning to end. The story that people only knew exactly what they needed to know to do their job was simply untrue. Kistiakowsky explained nuclear fission, critical mass, and the implosion concept among other things. None of this was needed for my job, which, it turned out, was to help create something called Jumbo. Jumbo was a huge cylindrical container into which was to be placed the first “Fat Man” to be tested. Fat Man was the name of the implosion bomb (generally referred to as the “gadget”), and Jumbo was intended to contain the radioactive material if the nuclear explosion failed but the TNT explosive lenses did enough damage to spread deadly radioactivity from the unfissioned plutonium. Jumbo was to prevent this radioactivity from spreading all over the landscape — and, incidentally, making it possible to recover the unspent plutonium for another try. That is why I was testing containers! Everything fell into place with Kistiakowsky’s revelations, from the mysterious distillation plants in Oak Ridge to the overwhelming secrecy of the entire project. The only thing I had cause to be miffed about was my faded hope that the Manhattan Project would get me back to New York. Still, the thought that somehow I had landed in the middle of what was certainly a historic enterprise was exhilarating and inspiring. At this time I had what was called a “blue badge” — a sort of secondclass admission ticket. It allowed me to wander around all of Los Alamos

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Speaking from Experience 87

He gave a fully developed talk on the expected yield of the fusion reaction designed as a bomb, and he offered some thoughts on how it might be designed. This was probably in March or early April 1944. Later talks were given by various Los Alamos luminaries, including Edward Teller, Philip Morrison, “Nicholas Baker” — that is, Niels Bohr — and many others. Simply attending these talks as a low-ranking GI was an incredible piece of luck and a wonderful privilege that helped me define my later career. In all of the time I was at Los Alamos I met its two principal leaders exactly once each. Shortly before Christmas 1944, a handful of SEDs were invited to meet General Leslie R. Groves. While I was expecting something a bit more world shaking at this momentous event (for a corporal), General Groves revealed his purpose in arranging the meeting. It was, he said, to urge us to write home to our parents at Christmas time. You have no idea, he said, how much this would mean to them. At the meeting he also asked whether we had any complaints or suggestions on how life could be made better for us. Only one SED spoke up — he was very unhappy that the Army did not supply us with adequate baseball equipment. We needed more balls, gloves, and bats. General Groves Author Benjamin Bederson (center) and others on Tinian. promised to look into it, (Bederson, “SEDs at Los Alamos,” 2001.) and we adjourned. The day before I was to take off for Tinian [an island in the South Pacific where the Air Force had a large base], the group that was to travel on the Green Hornet assembled in Dr. Oppenheimer’s office. He gave us a rousing speech, telling us how important our mission was, he shook our hands, wished us the best of luck, and we adjourned.

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SOME EXPERIENCES AT THE MET. LAB AND WHAT COULD BE LEARNED FROM A HIGHLY SUCCESSFUL AND CHALLENGING PROJECT Jerome Karle Naval Research Laboratory

This article concerns some experiences of an employee of the Manhattan Project on the level of a laboratory experimenter. It also concerns some suggestions regarding how science can progress in an optimal fashion as implied by experiences in the Manhattan Project. In the summer of 1943, I finished my Ph.D. thesis on the determination of the structures of Jerome Karle gaseous molecules by use of electron diffraction. My Ph.D. adviser was Professor Lawrence O. Brockway, one of the first graduate students of Linus Pauling. Pauling had obtained the idea of electron diffraction from Herman Mark’s laboratory on a visit to Germany. I had some experience with research on behalf of the war effort while I was a graduate student. I assembled an electron diffraction apparatus designed for investigating surfaces. It was used in a project that Brockway had arranged with the Ford Motor Company to investigate the nature of aluminum surfaces. The chemical irregularities of the surfaces caused difficulties in welding applications. At that time, Lawrence Brockway (left), thesis ad- the Ford Motor Company was visor, with Isabella and Jerome Karle. manufacturing bombing planes. 89

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MY FIRST PROFESSIONAL ASSIGNMENT Isabella Karle Naval Research Laboratory

Experiences of a new doctoral recipient (physical chemistry) in synthesizing PuCl3, the environment at the Met Laboratory and the future and present accomplishments of the personnel are described. In December of 1943, I celebrated my 22nd birthday. I also completed all requirements for a Ph.D. degree in physical chemistry at the University of Michigan, packed my few belongings Isabella Karle and took the train to Chicago where I joined my husband (Jerome Karle). He had already been employed for several months on a mysterious project at the University of Chicago. I also received an offer of employment for the same project which I accepted — sight unseen by both employer and employee. There was no application for the job. There was no personal contact with me and no information about the nature of the job. When I asked my husband about what I might be doing, all he said was that I will be amazed. Immediately after New Year’s Day in 1944, I presented myself at the University of Chicago where I filled out a few forms, was fingerprinted, and was told that I had to use my married name (I had retained my maiden name through graduate school). Then I was sent to a barrackslike building which was named “New Chemistry” and met my immediate supervisor, Norman Davidson. I already knew Norman since I shared an office with him when he was a postdoctoral appointee for a brief time with Prof. Lawrence Brockway, my thesis advisor. He left Michigan suddenly and I did not know why or where he had gone until I met him again at the Met. Lab. 93

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TRIUMPH AND TRAGEDY: THE ODYSSEY OF J. R. OPPENHEIMER — A PERSONAL PERSPECTIVE Maurice M. Shapiro Visiting Professor, University of Maryland

A conference on the Manhattan Engineer District is sure to include many stories about Los Alamos — not all of them correct. A good deal is likely to be said about J. Robert Oppenheimer, to whom not only the USA but the world owes a great debt for his unique role in shortening and terminating World Maurice Shapiro (ca. 1990) War II. As one who was privileged to work on “The Hill” in those years, I would like to share with you some of my recollections. Arthur Holly Compton, who was my mentor at the University of Chicago, recommended Oppenheimer to General Leslie Groves for the leadership of the bomb laboratory. Compton, who was himself involved in pre-war cosmic ray research, admired Oppy for his brilliant work on cosmic ray theory. To many it seemed an unlikely choice — the quintessential ivory tower and otherworldly academic to lead an intensely practical and high pressure project. It turned out, moreover, to be an extremely difficult task that faced daunting problems of physics and engineering. There was also the challenge of assembling an extraordinary community of scientists and engineers, and then persuading the “prima donnas” among them to work harmoniously. A crucial reason for the Project’s timely success was Oppy’s wise insistence, over objections of the military, upon non-compartmentalization within the Los Alamos Laboratory. This eight-syllable word was anathema to Gen. Groves, but a sine qua non for Oppy, who would probably have 97

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THEN

AND

NOW

Maxine Singer President, Carnegie Institution of Washington

Perhaps before I begin my assignment for today I should to tell you how honored and pleased the Carnegie Institution is that this event is being held here, the place where it all got started. Our panelists’ charge is to talk about the lessons for today from the Manhattan Project. As the first speaker in the panel, I will try to set the stage by talking about some of the differences between then and now: differences that are relevant to any lessons Maxine Singer we might learn. I can only note a few of those differences. The one overriding difference is that we as a nation, and the international community, are very different than in 1940, partly as a result of what happened in those years. Another thing that’s different is the nature of those we assume to be the aggressors. Then, it was primarily nation-states whose goals were clear to them and more or less clear to those they were fighting against. Now, rather than nation-states we have terrorists with complex loyalties and goals, including the short term goal of terror itself. For the United States, then it was primarily our military that was the target of action by an enemy, whereas now, it’s largely civilians that we worry about. Therefore rather than primarily a federal government responsibility, we need to think about roles for state and local governments because of the nature of some of the new threats. With respect to technology, the kind of technology that the Axis powers might use was largely predictable, except for the question of nuclear weapons. Now it’s clearly quite unpredictable. There are a broad range of weapons or things that can become weapons, some of them obvious, and some of them not-so-obvious. With respect to the world view of our country, at the time of the beginning of the Second World War, the position of the United States was quite clear, and its goals were clear. But now the position of the United States 103



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Lessons of the Manhattan Project for the 21st Century 105

At the start of the Second World War there was no formal science advising to the federal government, including the executive branch. That, of course, was the niche to which Vannevar Bush appointed himself. Since 1950, thanks primarily to William T. Golden’s efforts and his report “Mobilizing Science for War,” we have had (with some ups and downs) a science advisor to the President. Bush and Golden represent an interesting historical phenomenon. Then, a single individual could find a route for important ideas and get significant Vannevar Bush, President of the official people to listen. There is a real Carnegie Institution of Washington question as to whether such routes exist (1939–1955). today. Everything from the Einstein letter in 1939, through Bush’s memo to F.D.R., and Golden’s report to President Truman, addressed matters of great importance and were initiated by single private individuals. It’s not clear that we can successfully do that now. Now, our president is surrounded by a vast bureaucracy and by advisors whose primary focus appears to be political. As we ask ourselves what kind of lessons we can learn from the organization and the origins of the Manhattan Project as a model for effective work at present, we need to keep in mind that we live in a very, very different world. Also, we have to realize that we were lucky that it was Bush and his particular colleagues who assumed leadership in the Manhattan Project, and were accepted without reference to their politics. That model has not always worked very well. For example, the model of a single person as an advisor to a government is also the model that applies to Lysenko, who was successful because he gained the confidence of a powerful individual. The result was disaster for Soviet genetics and biology. So while we think about the advantages of individuals and their convictions and visions, we also have to think about the problems that might arise. I’m going to leave it to those who follow me on this panel to come up with additional models. I hope you will test them against the “then” and “now” that I have described.

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CHAPTER 7: CLOSING REFLECTIONS

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REFLECTIONS ON THE MANHATTAN PROJECT: CONSEQUENCES AND REPERCUSSIONS Dr. James Schlesinger Counselor to the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS); Senior Advisor to Lehman Brothers; Former Secretary of the Department of Energy; Secretary of Defense; Director of the Central Intelligence Agency; and Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission

Thank you, Cindy. We all owe a debt of appreciation to Cindy Kelly, who has been the spark plug behind establishing the Atomic Heritage Foundation, as well as the spark plug in organizing this conference — intended to memorialize the Manhattan Engineering District, and the Manhattan Project, while memory lasts. Thank you Cindy! I’m to talk a bit about some reflections on the Manhattan Project and its repercussions. In strategic, as well as scientific terms, the development of the atomic bomb was arguably the single most dramatic event of the last century. As far as the public was concerned, it was carried on in almost total secrecy. Britain and Canada knew about it. Also the Soviet Union knew about it — through more informal measures (laughter). At the Potsdam Conference, President Truman confided to General Secretary Josef Stalin about the existence of the bomb; yet Stalin seemed to be indifferent. The thought then was that Stalin did not grasp the consequences or the implications. The reality was he already knew — and was trying to downplay its significance. Revelation of the Manhattan Engineering District’s product occurred over Hiroshima and subsequently Nagasaki in the summer of 1945, as American troops in the Philippines were preparing to invade the Japanese home islands. Its impact was immediate and immense, both strategic and diplomatic — and continues to unfold today. What had occurred was, to use the traditional phrase — unleashing “the Fires of Prometheus.” A question implied in the last panel. Should we have desired to unleash those fires? That question was never raised at the time because of the fear that the Germans would get there first. As Harry Truman triumphantly acclaimed, “We won the race with the Germans.” Still should 123

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Remembering the Manhattan Project

we be pleased with the development of the Bomb? The answer is both yes and no. Let me talk about the immediate consequences. The first reaction was simple disbelief. (That was reflected, of course, in that theory that Stalin did not understand the bomb’s significance.) To illustrate that disbelief — a little history: Early in 1945, Lieutenant Commander Richard King, later an admiral, was dispatched from the War Department with an eyes-only message intended for General Curtis LeMay, who was directing the air war against Japan. The message ordered LeMay to construct an airbase on Tinian Island, and to give it the highest military priority. General LeMay read the message, turned to Lieutenant Commander King and said (rather characteristically), “Sonny, don’t your bosses in Washington know that we’ve got a war going on out here?” Let me also tell you about Harold Agnew’s story. Harold Agnew had been one of Fermi’s students. During the war, his parents kept getting letters. “What’s wrong with Harold? Why isn’t he part of the war?” He went to work at Los Alamos, and, because of those letters, he kept begging to get directly involved in the war. As a result, he was on that companion plane that overflew Hiroshima. As soon as the weapons had been dropped (despite some failure to understand just why Japan had surrendered), Tinian had suddenly become the leading tourist attraction in the Western Pacific. Scores of tourists, mostly military, would visit the base from which the Enola Gay had flown. Luis Alvarez, who had taken Harold out to the Pacific, assigned to him the humble duty of serving as tour guide for those tourists — for which he had some notable stage props. There was the container in which Fat Man had arrived. And there was the container in which the plutonium core for the Nagasaki weapon had come. Anyway, one of the parties of tourists included a four-star navy admiral by the name of Welch. He listened to Harold’s narrative about what had happened, and responded, “Just a minute, young man. Are you saying that a weapon like that is the equivalent of thousands of tons of TNT?” Harold meekly replied, “Yes, sir.” The admiral responded, “You may believe that, but I don’t have to.” With that he stood up and left, and the entire party followed him out. The human mind finds it a little hard to deal with scale changes. These stories are among the many which reflect the widespread disbelief

Closing Reflections 125

at the time. An immediate consequence of the development of the atomic bomb was to bring World War II to an abrupt end. The surrender of Japan reflected the decision by the emperor to overrule his military commanders who were prepared to fight to the bitter end. Truman’s decision has been much argued about. I had friends who were on Luzon in August of 1945. They were awaiting the order to invade the Japanese home islands. One should read the wartime intercepts recently published by the Central Intelligence Agency. Apparently, the Japanese had anticipated that Kyushu, the southernmost of the main islands, would be the invasion site — and were steadily adding to the divisions that were already there. It would have been slaughter. You will understand that my friends, who were poised for the invasion, never had any doubt that Truman had made the right decision. Countless lives were saved by Truman’s decision. Not merely the lives of American troops, but Japanese troops as well. Well, what followed was some feeling of guilt. Much of the effort to develop the bomb had been directed against Germany — on the premise that Heisenberg and his colleagues were competing with us and might get there first. After the German surrender, concern about bombing the unsuspecting Japanese began to spread through Los Alamos. Science would like its accomplishments, its blessings to be wholly uncontaminated. Just as Alfred Nobel was earlier horrified by the use of TNT in war — and therefore established the Nobel Peace Prize. Further consequences. We have an open society. The desire was to get as much information as possible out into the public domain. That resulted in the Smythe Report — and subsequent releases of information. This was wholly consistent with the ethos of Science that you tell as much as you possibly can. Science should not be narrowly nationalistic, but international, and it should be marked by a steady exchange of scientific information. One notable result of that attitude in the period after 1945 is that we declassified the technology of magnetic separation, which we ourselves had abandoned. To say the least, that was rather ethnocentric on our part. We declassified that information because we decided that the use of magnetic separation was not cost-effective for the United States. Saddam Hussein thought otherwise. As a result, in 1991, he came very close to acquiring nuclear weapons through using the

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magnetic separation technology that we had earlier declassified. Thus, 45 years later, the release of that information came back to haunt us. What about some of the longer-run repercussions? Earlier I asked whether we really wanted to unleash the Fires of Prometheus? And my answer was both yes and no. Throughout the Cold War, the existence of nuclear weapons clearly was beneficial, and most notably during the early years of the Cold War, when France and Italy seemed to be teetering. Those early postwar years was a time characterized by Barbara Ward of The Economist in her book The West at Bay. Today, by contrast, with ever-growing fears regarding proliferation, the utility of nuclear weapons seems increasingly questionable. That is clearly reflected in President Bush’s criticisms about Iraq, and his concern about what he called “The Axis of Evil”— that these nations might acquire nuclear weapons. So today it is far less clear. Nonetheless, it was quite clear in the Cold War. Let me review the geopolitical and the strategic significance of those weapons at that time. They may well have been the salvation of Western Europe. At Lisbon in 1952, the NATO allies had agreed to put together a major conventional capability — some 90 divisions — to match the forces of the Soviet Union and its allies in the Warsaw Pact. The Lisbon goal of 90 divisions was never achieved. We failed to put together that conventional force that would have served as a deterrent to what was then almost overwhelmingly a conventional capability of the Warsaw Pact. Instead, we relied on nuclear weapons to neutralize the Soviet/Warsaw Pact threat. To be sure, it is not clear that the Soviet Union ever intended to move against the West, but the existence of its military capabilities were consistently used for political pressures against individual European countries, most notably those on the periphery of the Warsaw Pact. One notable irony is that the greatest misgivings about nuclear weapons occurred in Europe, and were reflected in the anti-nuclear movements of the 60’s, 70’s, and 80’s. The existence of nuclear weapons in the 50’s and 60’s permitted the Western world collectively (and even the United States under the New Look) to deter that presumed threat, while continuing to reduce our forces. In later years, as the Soviet Union developed a counter-deterrent, nuclear deterrence became ever more difficult. Charles de Gaulle — to

Closing Reflections 127

justify the Force de Frappe, kept raising the question: Would the Americans who held the umbrella over Western Europe be prepared to sacrifice New York for Hamburg? It was a logical question to raise, as Soviet strategic capabilities grew, but it was rather theoretical. The subjective judgments of the Europeans and of the Soviets were starkly different. The Europeans wanted 100% certainty that the Soviet Union would be deterred. Anything that might weaken deterrence caused alarm. By contrast, the Soviets, who believed that history was on their side, would be deterred by even a low probability, say 10%, of a nuclear response. Any significant probability of a nuclear response was just too risky. It is interesting, moreover, that it was that massive Soviet military effort, amounting to some 40% of total Soviet economic output, that ultimately caused the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Today, with the bilateral confrontation of the Cold War ended, and the spread of weapons an increasing threat, the result of unleashing those Fires of Prometheus looks far more problematic — and we might today wish that we never had opened that Pandora’s box, as Steve Younger mentioned in his remarks. Yet, one should also bear in mind that the concern about the possible spread of nuclear weapons traces right back to 1945. We have done far better than we ever imagined in the decades following World War II in slowing down, if not preventing, proliferation. President Kennedy thought and stated that within a decade, 15 nations or so might have nuclear weapons. One revealing comment was made by one of our leading scientists — I think it was Leo Szilard — “What happens when Swaziland gets the weapon?” But those weapons have been slower in spreading than was thought. C. P. Snow, who wrote interestingly about the two cultures, said that within a decade, 15 or 20 nations will have the bomb, and within another decade, some of those weapons would be used in anger. This is not to provide comfort to you in this changed era, but it does indicate that we have done far better in controlling the spread of nuclear weapons than we anticipated. To be sure, that partly reflected the strong disciplines of the Cold War itself, which have now broken down. Finally, some words about civilian nuclear power. The eagerness to develop civilian nuclear power was driven, perhaps in large degree, by

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post-Hiroshima guilt. There was a widespread feeling that we had to demonstrate that the atom could be economically useful rather than merely destructive. The Joint Committee on Atomic Energy accelerated the development of nuclear power. Indeed, the compressed history of nuclear power development reflected that continuous congressional prodding. It was a remarkable record of compression. As I observed when I was chairman of the AEC, it was as if one took the entire history of aviation from Kitty Hawk to the development of the 747 and squeezed it down to a decade and a half. In 1954, President Eisenhower announced the Atoms for Peace program, which was the basis for the International Atomic Energy Agency. Premised on the hope that the atom could be limited to peaceful purposes, it rested on a proposed “deal” in which most nations, excluding the few nuclear weapons states, would not seek to develop nuclear weapons — and in exchange would be given scientific and technical information on the atom. Both the premise and the “deal” were widely derided as naïve. Nonetheless, I do note that that premise of the peaceful atom is what today drives our policy of deploying large nuclear reactors in North Korea. I also remind you that North Korea is a member of “The Axis of Evil.” In those early years, nuclear power appeared to be an easy solution to our energy problem. You’ll remember Louis Straus, the Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, opining that we would produce electric power that was too cheap to meter. The Arab oil embargo of 1973 led to far greater emphasis on nuclear power. It was reflected in President Nixon’s Project Independence. That stress on nuclear power as a means of reducing our oil dependency was subsequently embraced by President Ford. The utility industry responded, building a number of plants and planning a large number of others. And then Three Mile Island came along — and subsequently Chernobyl. And that, at least for the time being, has derailed nuclear power. In my judgment, nuclear power will come back someday — but not very soon. For the time being, the economics are against it. Combined-cycle, gas-fired capacity is far cheaper to build and to operate. In that regard, the time and cost of nuclear construction highlights a painful irony, as one looks back on the Manhattan Engineering District.

Closing Reflections 129

In 1943, we scarcely knew what a nuclear reactor might look like. Then at Hanford, we constructed a production reactor in something like 15 months. Today the planning process for a reactor alone vastly exceeds 15 months. Before I close, I should mention two other consequences. As Maxine Singer has indicated, as a result of the Manhattan Project there was an acceleration of government support for science — both for defense and for civilian purposes. Science entered into what has been a golden era. That was in sharp contrast to World War I, when the American Chemical Society offered its services to the War Department. It was turned down with the response that we already had a chemist working for the War Department. And finally, there is nuclear propulsion. Driven by Admiral Hyman Rickover, it was nuclear propulsion that permitted the deployment of the Polaris, Poseidon, and Trident submarines that provided an almost invulnerable deterrent — one that could not be destroyed by another country. That had wisely been foreseen by President Eisenhower, who had spoken of “the Polaris submarine weapon-system that could silently hide in the depths of the sea.” Let me conclude: the development of the atomic bomb during World War II by the Manhattan Engineering District was a dramatic episode, perhaps the most dramatic event in the 20th century. It has had massive repercussions — with consequences both intended and unintended. Some of those were foreseen, and some that were “foreseen” have never materialized. We did not have the Doomsday that some projected during the Cold War. That reflected, I believe, the enormous caution of at least that generation of political leadership. Regrettably, that does not imply that all political leaders will be similarly cautious in the future. Nor, as I have indicated, has proliferation occurred at the pace that was once projected. Clearly, though, it has now become the world’s most pressing problem. One may hope, of course, that scientific developments bring blessings that are uncontaminated. Yet, good and evil, as Steve Younger has already pointed out, will always be with us. The blessings of science will never be unalloyed. It is unrealistic to think so. Like all human endeavors, science is Janus-like and faces in two directions. Thank you very much.

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APPENDIX A: PROGRAM Atomic Heritage Foundation Symposium on the Manhattan Project April 27, 2002 Carnegie Institution of Washington 1530 P Street N.W., Washington, D.C., U.S.A.

9:30 AM Opening Remarks: A History Worth Preserving Senator Jeff Bingaman (NM) Dr Everet H. Beckner, Deputy Administrator, NNSA (U.S. DOE) 10:15 AM The Manhattan Project: A Millennial Transformation Richard Rhodes, Pulitzer-prize winning author of The Making of the Atomic Bomb Stephane Groueff, author of The Manhattan Project: The Untold Story of the Making of the Atomic Bomb 11:00 AM The Allies and the Atomic Bomb The British contribution, the role of Sir James Chadwick, and the war effort. How Vannevar Bush and James Conant transformed government’s relationship to industry and academia, with lessons for today. Andrew Brown, author of The Neutron and the Bomb (biography of Sir James Chadwick) James Hershberg, author of James B. Conant Kai Bird, co-author with Martin Sherwin of a forthcoming book on J. Robert Oppenheimer 12:00 PM Lunch Break

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1:15 PM–2:15 PM The Military and Science in the Crucible of War Tensions between scientists and the military on secrecy and deadlinedriven research, and how the experience changed American science and the military. Focus on the roles and relationships of General Groves, Oppenheimer, Teller, Lawrence, and Szilard, with lessons for today. Robert S. Norris, author of Racing for the Bomb: General Leslie R. Groves, the Manhattan Project’s Indispensable Man Gregg Herken, author of the forthcoming book Brotherhood of the Bomb: A Tale of Science, Power and Loyalty (about Oppenheimer, Lawrence, and Teller) William Lanouette, author of Genius in the Shadows (biography of Leo Szilard) 2:15 PM–3:15 PM Speaking from Experience Manhattan Project veterans contribute their first-hand perspectives at the Symposium. Benjamin Bederson, Special Engineer Detachment at Los Alamos Jerome and Isabella Karle, Metallurgical Laboratory at the University of Chicago Maurice Shapiro, Group Leader, Ordnance Division at Los Alamos Other Manhattan Project veterans who plan to attend and may contribute from the audience are Philip Abelson, Gerhart Friedlander, William Golden, Arnold Kramish, Ralph Lapp, and Ernest Tremmel. 3:15 PM–3:30 PM Break

Appendix A: Program 133

3:30 PM–4:30 PM Lessons of the Manhattan Project for the 21st Century Experts reflect upon the factors that were critical to the Manhattan Project’s success, particularly how the government was able to marshal the resources of industry and academia. The panel discusses the lessons for meeting today’s national security challenges. Maxine Singer, President of the Carnegie Institution of Washington Stephen Younger, Director, Defense Threat Reduction Agency Richard Garwin, Senior Fellow for Science and Technology, Council on Foreign Relations, New York, and Adjunct Professor of Physics at Columbia University Richard Rhodes, author of The Making of the Atomic Bomb 4:30 PM–5:00 PM Closing Reflections Honorable James R. Schlesinger, Senior Advisor Lehman Brothers, and former Secretary of Defense and of Energy

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APPENDIX B: PARTICIPANTS Benjamin Bederson is Professor of Physics Emeritus at New York University and Editor-in-Chief Emeritus, American Physical Society, editor of Advances in Atomic Molecular and Optical Physics (Morgan Kaufmann, 1997), and author of “SEDs in Los Alamos: A Personal Memoir” (Physics in Perspective, Vol. 3, 2001). Everet Beckner is Deputy Administrator for Defense Programs at the Department of Energy’s National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA), responsible for the nation’s nuclear weapons complex. He recently retired as Vice President at Lockheed Martin and previously served as the Energy Department’s Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Defense Programs (1991–1995). He has also worked at the Sandia National Laboratories and has a Ph.D. in physics. Senator Jeff Bingaman graduated from Harvard University in 1965 and earned a law degree from Stanford University in 1968. After a year as New Mexico Assistant Attorney General and nine years in private law practice, he was elected Attorney General of New Mexico in 1978 and to the U.S. Senate in 1982. Kai Bird is a Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. He is the biographer of John J. McCloy and McGeorge and William Bundy and co-editor of Hiroshima’s Shadow: Writings on the Denial of History and the Smithsonian Controversy. He is co-author with Martin Sherwin of a forthcoming book on J. Robert Oppenheimer. Andrew Brown trained and worked as a physician in London before moving to the United States in 1990. He has been practicing as a radiation oncologist in New Hampshire since then. Author of The Neutron and the Bomb, a biography of Sir James Chadwick, he is currently writing a biography of Desmond Bernal, the X-ray crystallographer and radical.

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Richard Garwin is Philip D. Reed Senior Fellow for Science and Technology at the Council on Foreign Relations and an Adjunct Professor of Physics at Columbia University. He is a member of the National Academy of Engineering and of the Institute of Medicine. In 1996, he received the Enrico Fermi Award. Stephane Groueff is a Bulgarian-born journalist who fled Bulgaria in 1944, worked for Paris Match and became its New York Bureau Chief in 1958, serving until 1978. He is author of Manhattan Project: The Untold Story of the Making of the Atomic Bomb (Little Brown-Boston, 1967), Crown of Thorns (1998), and a recent autobiography. Gregg Herken is a historian and the Curator of Military Space History at the Smithsonian Institution’s National Air and Space Museum in Washington, D.C. He is the author of three books on nuclear history and the biography, Brotherhood of the Bomb: The Tangled Lives and Loyalties of Robert Oppenheimer, Ernest Lawrence, and Edward Teller (Henry Holt and Company). James G. Hershberg is Associate Professor of History and International Affairs at the George Washington University, with expertise in the international history of the Cold War, nuclear history, and contemporary international relations. He is the author of James B. Conant: Harvard to Hiroshima and the Making of the Nuclear Age (Knopf, 1993; Stanford, 1995). Dr. Isabella Karle has made fundamental contributions to the theory and practice of electron diffraction of vapors and X-ray diffraction of crystals. She is a senior scientist at the Naval Research Laboratory where she has been since 1946. She has received the National Medal of Science and the Bower Award from the Franklin Institute. Dr. Jerome Karle’s scientific work has mainly concerned various areas of structural chemistry and the development of useful analytical techniques from physical theory by mathematical means. A Nobel laureate, Dr. Karle is currently Chief Scientist for the Structure of Matter at the Naval Research Laboratory, Washington, D.C.

Appendix B: Participants 137

Cynthia C. Kelly is President of the Atomic Heritage Foundation, dedicated to the preservation of the history of the Manhattan Project and the Atomic Age. For over twenty years, she was a senior manager at the Environmental Protection Agency and Department of Energy and received a Distinguished Career Service Award in 1999. William Lanouette has written extensively on the politics of nuclear weapons and nuclear power. He was Washington Correspondent for The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists before joining the U.S. General Accounting Office in 1991 as a Senior Analyst for energy and science issues. He wrote Genius in the Shadows: A Biography of Leo Szilard, the Man Behind the Bomb (Scribners, 1992; University of Chicago Press, 1994). Robert S. Norris has been a research associate for almost twenty years at the Natural Resources Defense Council in Washington, D.C, covering nuclear weapons issues. As an author of the multi-volume Nuclear Weapons Databook series, and of numerous articles, he has written extensively about the nuclear programs of the United States, Soviet Union/ Russia, Britain, France, and China. He is author of Racing for the Bomb: General Leslie R. Groves, the Manhattan Project’s Indispensable Man (Steerforth Press, 2002). Richard Rhodes is the author of 19 books including The Making of the Atomic Bomb, which won a Pulitzer Prize in Nonfiction, and Dark Sun, one of three finalists for a Pulitzer Prize in History, that continued the story of nuclear weapons development in the early Cold War years. Rhodes has written extensively about nuclear issues and lectured widely in the United States and abroad. James R. Schlesinger is counselor to the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and Senior Advisor to Lehman Brothers. He has had a very distinguished career, including serving as the first Secretary of the Department of Energy (1977–1979), Secretary of Defense (1973– 1975), Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (1971–1973), and Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission (1971–1973).

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Maurice M. Shapiro is Visiting Professor, University of Maryland. After the Manhattan Project, he had a distinguished career in the field of cosmic rays and neutrino astrophysics. Dr. Shapiro is director of the International School of Cosmic Ray Astrophysics that holds biennial courses for graduate students and young researchers in Erice, Italy. Martin J. Sherwin, a professor of history at Tufts University, is the author of the prize-winning A World Destroyed: The Atomic Bomb and the Grand Alliance. He is co-author with Kai Bird of a forthcoming book on J. Robert Oppenheimer. Maxine Singer has been President of the Carnegie Institution of Washington since 1988 after serving as chief, Laboratory of Biochemistry, for the National Cancer Institute, and making many contributions in the fields of biochemistry and molecular biology. A recipient of the National Medal of Science, she is a vocal leader in science policy and ethical issues. Stephen Younger is the Director of the Defense Threat Reduction Agency, Department of Defense, responsible for most of the cooperative threat reduction work being carried out with states of the Former Soviet Union. With a doctorate in theoretical physics, he was the associate laboratory director for nuclear weapons at Los Alamos Laboratory, Los Alamos, NM, and is a leading expert on nuclear weapons technology.

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Preserving America: A Strategy for the Manhattan Project 145

For Los Alamos, the overarching theme is Nuclear Weapons Research and Development as the laboratory was primarily devoted to the development and testing of the “Trinity” device (tested on July 16, 1945), the “Little Boy” bomb (dropped over Hiroshima on August 6, 1945), and the “Fat Man” bomb (dropped over Nagasaki on August 9, 1945). Of the 51 Manhattan Project properties remaining at Los Alamos, 44 were found to be eligible for listing on the National Register of Historic Places, and at least 10 of the properties were recommended for preservation by the Los Alamos National Laboratory.52 For Oak Ridge, the overarching theme is Isotope Separation or production of enriched uranium. Naturally occurring uranium is over 99 percent uranium-238 (U-238) and less than one percent uranium-235 (U-235). The goal of the enrichment process was to achieve over 80 percent U-235 for use in an atomic bomb. Oak Ridge focused on three processes for uranium enrichment: electromagnetic separation, gaseous diffusion, and liquid thermal diffusion. The thermal diffusion plant and more than half the Y-12 plant Y-12 “Racetrack” at Oak Ridge. (all 864 Alpha calutrons) were shut down a month after Japan surrendered. This was possible because of the success of the K-25 Plant which continued to operate smoothly for decades. The rest of Y-12’s U-235 operation shut down at the end of 1946, but a few Beta Calutrons (72 of the 288) have continued in use separating isotopes other than uranium ever since. The Y-12 electromagnetic separation process and K-25 gaseous diffusion plant have both been designated “Signature Facilities” of the Manhattan Project.53

52

Mc Ellen D. McGehee, Sentinels of the Atomic Dawn (Los Alamos National Laboratory, Mar. 2003), p. 1. 53 F. G. Gosling, The Signature Properties of the Manhattan Project (Department of Energy, Feb. 2001), p. 4.

146

Remembering the Manhattan Project

Another significant theme at Oak Ridge is Reactor Operations. A third “Signature Facility,” the X-10 Graphite Reactor at Oak Ridge was built in just nine months and began operating in November 1943 as a prototype for the plutonium production reactors at Hanford. It produced the first significant amounts of plutonium that were instrumental in designing the “Fat Man” or plutonium-based implosion bomb. The X-10 chemical separation plant used to extract the plutonium proved the feasibility of the bismuth phosphate process used at Hanford. In the past, Oak Ridge has considered whether to preserve its Manhattan Project properties on a case-by-case basis. Recently, surveys of the remaining properties in each of the principal areas (Y-12, X-10, and K-25, now called the East Tennessee Technology Park or ETTP) have been underway and will provide a basis for a more comprehensive and methodical approach in the near future. At Hanford, the major themes related to the Manhattan Project are Fuel Manufacturing, Reactor Operations, Chemical Separations, and Plutonium Finishing. The main mission of the Hanford site was plutonium production by irradiating uranium fuel rods and then extracting the plutonium for use at the Trinity site and in the “Fat Man” type bombs. The process by which this highly fissionable element would be produced was nothing short of the transmutation of matter, the alchemist’s age-old dream of turning lead into gold. Over the next 45 years, with The T-221 Chemical Separation Plant at Hanford. six additional plutoniumproduction reactors, Hanford was at the forefront in the design and operation of nuclear reactors, not only for making fissionable material for bombs, but also for producing power, creating isotopes, and continuing research in nuclear energy. After evaluating 1,100 properties, 527 were found to be contributing properties within the National Register “Hanford Site Manhattan Project and Cold War Era Historic District.” A representative sample of 190 buildings was

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152

Remembering the Manhattan Project

The Beta 3 West track has 30 of its original 36 calutrons virtually intact, though they have been modified for separating a wide variety of isotopes of other elements. Modernization of this vital plant may permit public access sometime in the future. Another alternative is to move a few of the calutrons — already slated for cleanup — to another site easily accessible to the public where they can be displayed in their exact configuration. One candidate is to create a Manhattan Project and Cold War science and technology museum at the K-25 site, an option that is going to be studied by an architectural and engineering firm this fall. Modest funds are included in Option A for interpretation and upgrading exhibits at both the Oak Ridge National Laboratory (X-10 site) and the Y-12 site. The world’s largest roofed building when it was built in 1943, the K-25 plant housed 3,000 stages that comprised a mammoth gaseous diffusion process for separating isotopes of uranium. The architectural and engineering study will present suggestions for preserving and interpreting the K-25 building, another of the Signature Facilities of the Manhattan Project. If the K-25 building is razed leaving just the footprint or interpretive structures, the “Roosevelt Cell,” K-25 gaseous diffusion process building. one of the 3,000 stages, could be moved to the Manhattan Project and Cold War science and technology museum at the K-25 site or some other location available to the public. The K-29 building, a Cold War era gaseous diffusion plant, is one option for the proposed science and technology museum. It would be easily accessible to the public and allow for viewing of the K-25 site. However, the Department of Energy has concerns about the cost of upgrades to the facility and wants the architectural and engineering study to address alternative sites for the museum. The new museum would complement the current American Museum of Science and Energy (AMSE) in downtown Oak Ridge. First opened

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Preservation Strategies for the Manhattan Project: Two Options 155

Los Alamos: Designing, Building and Testing the Bomb The essential Manhattan Project properties at Los Alamos are three properties which uniquely represent the work done on the three bombs designed and built at Los Alamos during the Manhattan Project. The first one, called the “Trinity device” or “Gadget,” was associated with the “V Site.” The “High Bay Building,” located at the “V Site” was where the implosion lens were assembled and tested for the plutoniumbased bomb. Because this site received a Save America’s Treasures grant, only modest additional funds are requested. For the foreseeable future, public visitation will be restricted because of its location behind two security perimeters. Moderate funds are also requested for the restoration and interpretive story board for the “Concrete Bowl” nearby. The second site is the “Gun Site,” where “Little Boy,” the uraniumbased bomb dropped on Hiroshima was tested. This site will be partly restored also using Save America’s Treasures grant funds. The main building will serve as an interpretive center for the Manhattan Project with regular public access. Funds are needed for interpretive exhibits and displays. The third site is the The “Gun Site.” Quonset hut where the “Fat Man,” or plutonium-based bomb dropped over Nagasaki, was tested and assembled. The three sites together with the “Trinity Site” (see below) tell the story of the design, assembly, and testing of the world’s first three nuclear devices. Funds are also requested to restore and interpret the Master Cottage built by the Los Alamos Boys Ranch School where J. Robert Oppenheimer and his family lived during the Manhattan Project. The Los Alamos Historical Society will have title to the property, which could be interpreted by the National Park Service.

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Remembering the Manhattan Project

Finally, funds are requested to enable the Los Alamos Historical Society to improve the storage of its archival records. The current conditions present a potential fire hazard and inhibit gifts of additional documents.60 The Trinity Site The world’s first atomic bomb, “Gadget,” was tested on July 16, 1945 at Alamogordo, NM at what is known as the “Trinity Site.” Funds are requested to restore the historic facilities that are now part of the White Sands Missile Range managed by the Department of Defense. The goal is to provide for more opportunity for public visitation and, under Option B, to save some of the original Manhattan The Trinity Site at Project structures that have never been restored. Under this option, funds are requested to repair the original Los Alamos. McDonald Ranch house and upgrade its exhibits. The last restoration work was completed in 1984. Finally, funds are requested to capture oral histories and produce a short documentary film of the Manhattan Project veterans who were involved in and witness to the world’s first atomic explosion.

The Enriched Manhattan Project (Option B) This option enhances the preservation strategy by including important additional properties associated with major themes of the production processes at Hanford, and the communities of Oak Ridge and Hanford. It also provides for additional investment in exhibits and interpretation of the Manhattan Project history at visitor centers at Los Alamos and Richland, which is currently being planned in conjunction with other

60

The Los Alamos Historical Society’s Manhattan Project Archives are stored on the third floor of Fuller Lodge in “attic-like” conditions and within a very limited space.

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Roosevelt Cell 61 (Isotope Separation) The Roosevelt Cell, which is currently within the K-25 building, should be preserved. The cell is one of the 3,000 stages within the gaseous diffusion process. This particular cell is historically significant as it was painted with explanatory arrows in Gaseous diffusion cell. preparation for President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s visit. Unfortunately, President Roosevelt died before having a chance to visit Oak Ridge; however Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson saw it and was duly impressed. K-29 as Described in the O.R. White Paper 62 (Isotope Separation) In order to capture the scientific and technological aspects of the gaseous diffusion and other isotope separation processes at Oak Ridge, a science technology museum is proposed based on the use of the K-29 building, some of its equipment, and a section of the adjoining K-27 building. This novel approach, which takes advantage of a building slated for reuse, allows visitors to view several generations of equipment and methods of enhancing uranium within a single building. Beta 3 Electromagnetic Separation Racetracks at Y-12 (Isotope Separation) This facility, built in 1943, has outperformed all expectations by continuing to be “state-of-the-art” technology for 50 years. It is one of only two plants in the world capable of producing over 200 stable isotopes, which are important to areas as distinct as cancer treatment and nuclear

61

Also known as the “Exhibition Cell.” William J. Wilcox Jr., Preserving Oak Ridge’s Historic Sites for Telling the Story of Its Role in the Manhattan Project, a report of the Mar. 26–27, 2003 Workshop in Oak Ridge sponsored by the Atomic Heritage Foundation. 62

Appendix A: Description of Manhattan Project Properties 163

nonproliferation. The building, 9204-3, continues to house working Calutrons just as it did in the 1940’s, and has original sealed crates in the basement that read “Clinton Engineering Works,” the former name for the City of Oak Ridge. As one of the few truly complete Manhattan Project buildings remaining, the facility should be preserved for future generations. Building 9731, Known as the Y-12 Pilot Plant (Isotope Separation and Research) Currently an office and laboratory complex, this building was originally built in 1943 and was the first non-administrative building at the Y-12 complex. It served as a pilot plant for experimenting with electromagnetic separation techniques and houses some of the original calutrons. After the war, Eugene Wigner directed work on the development of nuclear materials and stabilized metallic isotopes for medical, agricultural, and industrial research purposes. The building is eligible for a National Historic Landmark designation and should be preserved for interpretation of the history of the Manhattan Project and Cold War scientific research at Oak Ridge. X-10 Graphite Reactor (Reactor Operations) The Graphite Reactor, which served as a pilot facility for the production of plutonium, is in original condition and currently serves as a museum where visitors can examine the reactor face and control panels. However, as it is located within the Oak Ridge National Laboratory Complex it is currently guarded by two security posts that are X-10 graphite reactor. strategically located and restrict visitors to the reactor site. The post-September 11, 2001, heightened security climate has restricted access to the entire Oak Ridge National Laboratory



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Appendix A: Description of Manhattan Project Properties 165

the Columbia River and later produced tritium for the first hydrogen bomb. The B Reactor has been available for limited historic tours since the mid 1980’s and has undergone significant restoration. However, due to homeland security concerns, the B Reactor is currently closed to visitors except under extremely limited circumstances. The B Reactor is scheduled to be entombed sometime after September 30, 2005 if a long-term steward is not The B reactor: building #105-B. found to “co-own” or manage the facility with the Department of Energy. The costs of entombment, or Interim Safe Storage, for the B Reactor are estimated to be approximately $17 million.63 This process, which will destroy the historic value and eliminate any public use of the building, is only the first step. Additional costs, greater than $50 million will be incurred for final disposal of the reactor core, after a period of 75 years.64 The costs of keeping the reactor open as a museum are a fraction of these costs; however DOE has not officially committed itself to analyzing the possibility of preserving the building although it continues to grant public access to the facility. Currently, the alternatives formally being considered are: (1) no action, (2) routine surveillance and maintenance without public access, and (3) Interim Safe Storage. Taking into account that improvements over the

63 $17 million based on June 2003 Bechtel Hanford projections. The 105-B Reactor Facility Museum Phase I Feasibility Study Report (BHI-00076), Bechtel Hanford, Inc, Sep. 1995, estimates $20 million for Interim Safe Storage. Actual costs for Interim Safe Storage of the DR Reactor at Hanford completed in September of 2002 were $15 million. 64 The “Preferred Schedule Option Case” in The Hanford Long-Range Plan, Rev. 3, Jan. 2001, called for an accelerated milestone for the final reactor disposition of the B Reactor (between 2015 and 2030) at a cost of $67 million.

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last few years at the B Reactor have significantly enhanced the facility to the point of allowing expanded public tour routes throughout the building, it would be sensible for DOE to consider a fourth and less expensive alternative than Interim Safe Storage — preserving the facility and enabling public access. There is an active B Reactor Museum Association that wants to preserve the reactor and considers the National Park Service to the preferred agency to operate and manage a B Reactor Museum. The Columbia River Exhibition of History, Science and Technology (CREHST), a non-profit organization, is also interested in managing the B Reactor in conjunction with its current museum in Richland, Washington. T Plant (Chemical Separation) Currently, the “canyon” section of the 221-T Plant is being used to store lowT Plant/equipment decontamination #221-T. level contaminated waste. This chemical separation area was where the plutonium and other isotopes from the irradiated fuel rods were separated and collected. T-Plant (221-T), the first and largest of the chemical separation plants, was where the plutonium used in the Trinity device and Nagasaki bomb was produced. While the B Reactor has become an interactive museum, it only tells half the story. The second half of the story of plutonium production is the process of the chemical separation of the plutonium, which occurred within the T-Plant. While the radiochemical processing areas of the building are too contaminated for physical tours, the reconfigured operating galleries and offices could be part of an educational tour to illustrate the separations process, and to interpret the provisions taken to ensure environmental

Appendix A: Description of Manhattan Project Properties 167

and worker safety. In addition, three support facilities could be preserved to interpret the scope and scale of this stage of the operations. T Plant Exhaust Stack (Chemical Separation) The T Plant Exhaust Stack (291-T) helped disperse off gases from T Plant dissolver cells. Through meteorological monitoring begun as early as 1943, the Stack played an important role in the development of air filtration techniques.65

The T Plant Exhaust Stack #291-T.

Process Control Laboratory (Chemical Separation) The Process Control Laboratory (222-T Building), currently used for administrative purposes, was the first of three support laboratories built during the Manhattan Project and drew samples from the chemical separations processes conducted in the T Plant. Concentration Building (Chemical Separation)

Plutonium Isolation Building #231-Z.

65

The 330 gallon plutonium solution that was the end result of processing within T Plant was concentrated further to 8 gallons of plutonium-rich solution within the 224-T Building. This liquid plutonium solution was then sent to the Plutonium Isolation Building to complete the chemical separations process.

Thomas E. Marceau, David W. Harvey, Darby C. Stapp, et al., History of the Plutonium Production Facilities at the Hanford Site Historic District, 1943–1990 (Battelle Press, 2002), p. 4.6.

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Plutonium Isolation Building (Chemical Separation) The Plutonium Isolation Building, part of the chemical separation process at Hanford, is where the plutonium nitrate from 224-T was taken and concentrated further down from eight gallons to one kilogram of plutonium nitrate paste. Test Pile /Hot Cell Verification Building (Research and Development) The first reactor operated on the Hanford Site, the 305 Test Pile was built in 1944 to test materials for the large production reactors. The core consisted of a 16 foot cube with one foot graphite reflectors on every side and five feet of concrete for shielding. While the test reactor core was buried in late 1976, the building has since undergone expansion and now houses administrative programs. The building, along with the Engineering Development Laboratory Annex, should be preserved for interpretation. Separations Laboratory (Research and Development) The 321 Separations Laboratory was built as a pilot-scale plant to troubleshoot and test improvements to the bismuth phosphate (BiPO-4) chemical separations process. Radiochemistry Laboratory (Research and Development)

Radiochemistry Laboratory #3706.

The 3706 Radiochemistry Laboratory is a collection of fiftyseven labs built for the Hanford Engineering Works in the fuel fabrication area to perform smallscale experiments with both highand low-radioactivity materials.

Appendix A: Description of Manhattan Project Properties 169

Fresh Metal Storage Building (Fuel Manufacturing) The Fresh Metal Storage Building (303-A Building) is a small, one room building that was opened in 1943 to store uranium “billets,” also known as “fresh metal.” It also served as an inspection and testing area for un-irradiated fuel elements. The building is still being used for billet storage. We recommend that the storage building be marked with an interpretive story board. Metallurgical Engineering Laboratory (Fuel Manufacturing) The 314 Metallurgical Engineering Laboratory (314 Building) handled the initial phases of fuel manufacturing by heating raw uranium billets and passing them through an extrusion press. Hydrogen gas was then removed from the fuel elements before being sent on to the Metal Fuels Fabrication Facility. We recommend that the laboratory be preserved through an interpretive story board. Metal Fuels Fabrication Facility (Fuel Manufacturing)

Metal Fuels Fabrication Facility #313.

The Metal Fuels Fabrication Facility opened in 1943 and was responsible for machining and canning bare uranium fuel elements. The building was also used for waste management and could be used as an example of the waste issue at Hanford. While the building is currently vacant awaiting demolition, we recommend that the facility be preserved with interpretive story boards. River Pump House (Fuel Irradiation) The River Pump House (181-B Building) drew water from the Columbia River to cool the B Reactor beginning in 1944 and the C Reactor in 1951. The building also stored water for emergency use and



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Appendix A: Description of Manhattan Project Properties 171

“Gun Site” (Weapons Research and Development) Partly built into a hillside, the “Gun Site” was where ballistic tests were performed for the detonation mechanism utilized in “Little Boy” or uranium-based bomb. By using a periscope from within the protected building, scientists were able to observe the tests and eventually succeed in designing the world’s first nuclear bomb using enriched uranium. Designated as a Manhattan Project “Signature Facility” by the Department of Energy, the distinctive bunker-like structure of the central building has 3,000 square feet of interior space that is suitable for a small interpretive center on the Manhattan Project. Save America’s Treasures grant awarded by the National Park Service help in part to preserve the “Gun Site” property. “V Site” (Weapons Research and Development) The “V Site,” one of the most historically significant sites remaining at Los Alamos, was where the “Trinity device” or “Gadget,” the first implosion-type bomb with a plutonium core, was assembled. Unfortunately, due to deterioration and a fire in May of 2000, the “High Bay” building and adjoining building are all that remain at “V Site.” This simple The “V Site.” building, which was determined to be essential by the Department of Energy to tell the Manhattan Project story, should be preserved for future generations. A Save America’s Treasures grant awarded by the National Park Service will be used to help preserve the “V Site.”

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Concrete Bowl (Weapons Research and Development) The 200 foot diameter bowl, filled with water, demonstrates the scientists’ initial doubts regarding the successful detonation of an atomic bomb. Constructed in 1944, the bowl The Concrete Bowl #6-37. was used for testing through spring of 1945. The scientists considered testing the first atomic detonation in a scaled-up version of the bowl. The notion was that if the detonation failed to reach criticality the water would allow recovery of the precious plutonium. Louis Slotin Accident Building (Biomedical/Health Physics) The Omega West Reactor (Technical Area 2) was the first reactor to use enriched uranium and the site of Louis Slotin’s fatal accident “tickling the dragon’s tail,” experimenting with the criticality of fissile nuclear material. While the reactor building will be dismantled, the Slotin building, which is directly next door, should be preserved to interpret Louis Slotin’s work on criticality experiments, the real dangers of radiation and the advent of safety procedures following his death. Quonset Hut TA-22-1 (Weapons Research and Development)

Quonset Hut #22-1.

Within this true Quonset hut, the explosive components for “Fat Man” were tested and assembled. The “Fat Man” bomb was detonated over Nagasaki, Japan on August 9, 1945.

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FEATURE ARTICLE: THE FRISCH –PEIERLS MEMORANDUM

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MEMORANDUM ON THE PROPERTIES RADIOACTIVE SUPER-BOMB

OF A

Otto R. Frisch and Rudolf Peierls

The attached detailed report concerns the possibility of constructing a “super-bomb” which utilizes the energy stored in atomic nuclei as a source of energy. The energy liberated in the explosion of such a superbomb is about the same as that produced by the explosion of 1000 tons of dynamite. This energy is liberated in a small volume, in which it will, for an instant, produce a temperature comparable to that in the interior of the sun. The blast from such an explosion would destroy life in a wide area. The size of this area is difficult to estimate, but it will probably cover the centre of a big city. In addition, some part of the energy set free by the bomb goes to produce radioactive substances, and these will emit very powerful and dangerous radiations. The effect of these radiations is greatest immediately after the explosion, but it decays only gradually and even for days after the explosion any person entering the affected area will be killed. Some of this radioactivity will be carried along with the wind and will spread the contamination; several miles downwind this may kill people. In order to produce such a bomb it is necessary to treat a few hundred pounds of uranium by a process which will separate from the uranium its light isotope (uranium-235) of which it contains about 0.7%. Methods for this separation of isotopes have recently been developed. They are slow and they have not until now been applied to Uranium, whose chemical properties give rise to technical difficulties. But these difficulties are by no means insuperable. We have not sufficient experience with large-scale chemical plant to give a reliable estimate of the cost, but it is certainly not prohibitive. It is a property of these super-bombs that there exists a “critical size” of about one pound. A quantity of separated uranium isotope that exceeds the critical amount is explosive; yet a quantity less than the critical 177

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amount is absolutely safe. The bomb would therefore be manufactured in two (or more) parts, each being less than the critical size, and in transport all danger of a premature explosion would be avoided if these parts were kept at a distance of a few inches from each other. The bomb would be provided with a mechanism that brings the two parts together when the bomb is intended to go off. Once the parts are joined to form a block which exceeds the critical amount, the effect of the penetrating radiation always present in the atmosphere will initiate the explosion within a second or so. The mechanism which brings the parts of the bomb together must be arranged to work fairly rapidly because of the possibility of the bomb exploding when the critical conditions have only just been reached. In this case the explosion will be far less powerful. It is never possible to explode this altogether, but one can easily ensure that, say, one bomb out of 100 will fail in this way, and since in any case the explosion is strong enough to destroy the bomb itself, this warrant is not serious. We do not feel competent to discuss the strategic value of such a bomb, but the following conclusions seem certain: 1. As a weapon, the super-bomb would be practically irresistible. There is no material or structure that could be expected to resist the force of the explosion. If one thinks of using the bomb for breaking through a line of fortifications, it should be kept in mind that the radioactive radiations will prevent anyone from approaching the affected territory for several days; they will equally prevent defenders from reoccupying the affected positions. The advantage would lie from the side which can determine most accurately just when it is safe to re-enter the area; this is likely to be the aggressor, who knows the location of the bomb in advance. 2. Owing to the spreading of radioactive substances with the wind, the bomb could probably not be used without killing large numbers of civilians, and this may make it unsuitable as a weapon for use by this country. (Use as a depth charge near a naval base suggests itself, but even there it is likely that it would cause great loss of civilian life by flooding and by the radioactive radiations.)

Feature Article: The Frisch–Peierls Memorandum 179

3. We have no information that the same idea has also occurred to other scientists but since all the theoretical data bearing on this problem are published, it is quite conceivable that Germany is, in fact, developing this weapon. Whether this is the case is difficult to find out, since the plant for the separation of isotopes need not be of such a size as to attract attention. Information that could be helpful in this respect would be data about the exploitation of the uranium mines under German control (mainly in Czechoslovakia) and about any recent German purchases of uranium abroad. It is likely that the plant would be controlled by Dr. K. Clusius (Professor of Physical Chemistry in Munich University), the inventor of the best method for separating isotopes, and therefore information as to his whereabouts and status might also give an important clue. At the same time it is quite possible that nobody in Germany has yet realized that the separation of the uranium isotopes would make the construction of a super-bomb possible. Hence it is of extreme importance to keep this report secret since any rumor about the connection between uranium separation and a super-bomb may set German scientists thinking along the right lines. 4. If one works on the assumption that Germany is, or will be, in the possession of this weapon, it must be realized that no shelters are available that would be effective and could be used on a large scale. The most effective reply would be a counter-threat with a similar bomb. Therefore it seems to us important to start production as soon and as rapidly as possible, even if it is not intended to use the bomb as a means of attack. Since the separation of the necessary amount of uranium is, in the most favorable circumstances, a matter of several months, it would obviously be too late to start production when such a bomb is known to be in the hands of Germany, and the matter seems, therefore, very urgent. 5. As a measure of precaution, it is important to have detection squads available in order to deal with the radioactive effects of such a bomb. Their task would be to approach the danger zone with measuring instruments, to determine the extent and probable

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duration of the danger and to prevent people from entering the danger zone. This is vital since the radiations kill instantly only in very strong doses whereas weaker doses produce delayed effects and hence near the edges of the danger zone people would have no warning until it was too late. For their own protection, the detection squads would enter the danger zone in motor-cars or aeroplanes which are armored with lead plates, which absorb most of the dangerous radiation. The cabin would have to be hermetically sealed and oxygen carried in cylinders because of the danger from contaminated air. The detection staff would have to know exactly the greatest dose of radiation to which a human being can be exposed safely for a short time. This safety limit is not at present known with sufficient accuracy and further biological research for this purpose is urgently required. As regards to the reliability of the conclusions outlined above, it may be said that they are not based on direct experiments, since nobody has ever yet built a super-bomb, but they are mostly based on facts, which by recent research in nuclear physics, have been very safely established. The only uncertainty concerns the critical size for the bomb. We are fairly confident that the critical size is roughly a pound or so, but for this estimate we have to rely on certain theoretical ideas which have not been positively confirmed. If the critical size were appreciably larger than we believe it to be, the technical difficulties in the way of constructing the bomb would be enhanced. The point can be definitely settled as soon as a small amount of uranium has been separated, and we think in view of the importance of the matter immediate steps should be taken to reach at least this stage; meanwhile it is also possible to carry out certain experiments which, while they cannot settle the question with absolute finality, could, if their result were positive, give strong support to our conclusions.

This memorandum was first printed in Britain and Atomic Energy, 1939–1945 by Margaret Gowing (London: MacMillan, 1964).

INDEX A

Atomic Energy Commission’s General Advisory Committee 70 Atomic Heritage Foundation 5, 14, 123 Atoms for Peace 128

A World Destroyed 51 Abraham, Secretary 9 Academic Assistance Council 43 Acheson–Lilienthal 118 Adamsky, Victor 20, 21 Adler, Dr. Edward 33 AEC 128 Agnew, Harold 124 Alamogordo 24 Aldermaston, England 11 Alger, Horatio 56 Allerton Avenue 86 Alsos mission, the 66 Alvarez, Luis 124 American Chemical Society 129 American Men and Women in Science 96 American Physical Society 113 American system, the 32 “American way” 14 Anderson, Carl 98 Argonne National Laboratory 96 arms control 113 arms race 76 Army Corps of Engineers 54 Army intelligence 24 Army Specialized Training Program 82 Association of Los Alamos Scientists 100 Assyrians 108 Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe railroad 83 Atomic Energy Act of 1946 68 Atomic Energy Commission 9, 10

B barium 17 Bartell, Lawrence 96 Baruch 118 Battle of Britain, the 45 Baumbach, Harlan 96 Berkeley 18, 46, 53, 59, 64 Berlin 17, 74 Bethe, Hans 43, 57, 99 Bingaman, Senator Jeff 9, 10 biological weapon 119 Birmingham University 43, 44 Blackett, Patrick 46 Bohr model of the atom 41 Bohr, Niels 17, 22, 28, 41, 44, 63, 87 Bradbury Science Museum 14 Briggs, Lyman 46 Britain 123 British mission, the 68 Brockway, Prof. Lawrence O. 89, 93 Bronx, the 86 Brussels 43 Buchenwald 50 Budapest 74 Bundy, Harvey 35 Bureau of Standards 58 Bush Administration 112 Bush, Dr. Vannevar 34 Bush, President George W. 126 Bush, Vannevar 33, 34, 35, 36, 51, 65, 73, 75, 104, 105

181

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Butler, Richard 117 Byrnes, James F. 77

C Cal Tech 96, 99 Canada 123 Captain Lavender 6 Carnegie Institution 6, 8, 73, 103 Cavendish Laboratory, Cambridge 41, 45 Central Intelligence Agency 125 Cerro Grande fire 13 Chadwick, Sir James 42, 45, 46, 68, 84 chain reaction 44 Charpak, Georges 112 Chernobyl 128 Chicago 56, 64, 65, 93 “Chicklets” 33 Christy gadget 99 Christy, Robert 98, 99 Chrysler 33 Churchill 45 CIA 114 City College of New York 82, 84 civilian nuclear power 127 Clayton, New Mexico 9 Clinton Administration 112 Clinton, President 92 Coca Cola machine 95 Cockcroft 42 Cockcroft–Walton particle accelerator 57 Cold War, the 48, 69, 107, 109, 118, 126 Columbia River 23 Columbia University 19, 33, 47, 74 Columbia 21 Committee on International Security and Arms Control 113 compartmentalization 65, 73, 97, 99, 111, 114

Compton, Arthur Holly 51, 68, 70, 97 Conant, Dr. James B. 34, 47, 48, 49, 51, 65, 76 conceived nuclear chain reaction 74 Condon, Ed 58 Congress 6, 10, 114, 115 controlled chain reaction 20 “Coops” communist cooperative 86 Copernicus 108 Council on Economic Advisors 92 Critical Assembly 111 critical mass 24, 44, 85, 98 Curie, Marie 43 Curies, the 41 cyclotron 55, 57

D Dahlem 17 Danish physicist 17 Davidson, Norman 93, 96 Day After Trinity, The 52 de Gaulle, Charles 126 Defense Department 112 delivery time 118 Denmark 17 Department of Defense 107 Department of Energy 9, 10 deterrence 19 deterrent 117 develop the hydrogen super-bomb 71 development of the hydrogen bomb 69 DIA 114 diffusing gaseous uranium 23 Dirksen, Alvin 96 Dirksen, Everett 111 disarmament 113 Dobbie Keith of Kellex 33 Doty Group 113 Doty, Paul 113 Dudley, John H. 53 DuPont Company, the 32, 33

Index

E Einstein letter, the 75, 105 Einstein, Albert 44, 74 Eisenhower, President 128, 129 electromagnetic separation 23, 24 electron diffraction 89 Emperor Hirohito 27 energy crisis, the 10 Energy Research and Development Agency 10 England 41 Enola Gay 124 Explosives Division 85, 99

F fast-neutron chain reaction 22 Fat Man 27, 85, 124 FBI 71, 86 FDR 35 Federal Council of Churches 47 Fermi, Enrico 19, 21, 22, 43, 51, 56, 70, 74, 86, 91, 98, 124 Fermi’s pile 22 Feynman, Richard 7 fission 18, 44 Force de Frappe 127 Ford Motor Company 89 Ford, President Gerald 128 Fox, Richard 48 France 126 Franck Committee report 51, 77 Franck, James 63, 91 Frisch, Otto 17, 19, 43, 44 Frisch–Peierls Memorandum 41, 44 Fuller Lodge 54 fusion reaction 87

G “gadget” 85, 99 Galileo 108

183

gaseous diffusion 23, 24, 33 German agent 6 Germany 18, 19, 41, 89, 91, 117 Goering 50 Golden, William T. 105 Gorbachev 113 Gordon, General (Ret.) John 6 Grace Church 49 Great Britain 84 Great War 21 Greene, Priscilla 58 Greenglass, David 83 Greenspan, Norman 84 Groueff, Stephane 14 Groves, General Leslie R. 5, 6, 23, 33, 35, 37, 46, 51, 54, 63, 69, 73, 87, 97, 117 Groves’s Manhattan Engineer District 75 gun assembly 98

H Hagemann, French 96 Hahn and Strassmann 17 Hahn, Otto 17, 18, 21 Hall, Ted 84 Hamburg 127 Hanford 13, 23, 24, 33, 51, 65, 129 Harvard Archives 50 Harvard Club of Manchester, New Hampshire 50 Harvard University 47, 57, 59, 85, 113 Harvard’s cyclotron 59 Heath, Roy 96 Heisenberg, Werner 21, 43, 125 high-explosive lenses 98 highly-enriched uranium 114 Hiroshima 9, 26, 27, 31, 49, 50, 70, 77, 111, 123 Hitler 41, 43 Hoddeson, Lillian 111

184

Remembering the Manhattan Project

Hollywood 96 Hopkins, Harry 35 House Beautiful magazine 33 Hyde, Earl 96 hydrogen bomb 86

I Illinois Central Railroad 90 Illinois Institute of Technology 96 implosion bomb 24, 85, 98, 99 Indianapolis 25 Institute of Medicine 113 Interim Committee 52 International Atomic Energy Agency 128 international control of atomic energy 70 Iraq 108, 126 isolationism 48 Italy 126

J James B. Conant 49 Japan, surrender of 27, 125 JASONs 104 Jemez Springs 53 Jensen, Lyle 96 Johnson, President 112 Joint Committee on Atomic Energy 128 Joliot-Curies, the 42 Judd, Bruce 13 Jumbo 85

K Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Physical Chemistry 17 Karle, Jerome 93, 96, 111 Katz, Joseph 96 Katz, Sidney 96 Keller, K.T. 33

Kelly, Cindy 13, 112, 123 Kennedy administration 71 Kennedy, President 112, 127 Kevles, Daniel 104 King, Richard 124 Kistiakowsky, George B. 85, 99 Knoxville, Tennessee 82 Kurchatov, Igor 18 Kuril Islands, the 27 Kyushu 125

L Laboratory for the Structure of Matter 96 laboratory system, the 10 Lake Michigan 90 Lamy 83 Lansdale, John 70 Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory 96 Lawrence, Ernest 46, 51, 55, 58, 63, 68, 70 LeConte Hall 58 LeMay, Curtis 26, 118, 124 Leningrad 18 Lilienthal Committee 100 Lisbon 126 Little Boy 24, 25, 26 Liverpool 45 Los Alamos 7, 9, 13, 14, 24, 33, 52, 54, 65, 70, 97, 111, 114, 125 Los Alamos Laboratory 69, 97 Los Alamos Ranch School 54 Luzon 125 Lysenko 105

M M.A.U.D. Committee 45 Making of the Atomic Bomb, The 5 Manchester University 42 Manchester, New Hampshire 49

Index Manhattan Engineer District 97, 100, 123, 128 Manhattan Project, the 5, 6, 9, 13, 14, 22, 23, 31, 32, 36, 41, 46, 51, 64, 66, 73, 77, 81, 82, 84, 85, 89, 92, 103, 105, 107, 109, 111, 118, 123 Manhattan Project’s possible today, the 34 Manley, John 56, 58 Manning, Winston 96 Marianas 25 Mark, Herman 89 Marshall, Col. James C. 54 Marshall, General George 25, 33, 34, 35, 36 Maud Report 41, 45, 46 McKellar from Tennessee, Senator 6 McKellar, Senator 6, 7 McKibbin, Dorothy 83 McMillan, Edwin 53, 99 McNamara, John 84 Megawatts and Megatons 112 Meitner, Lise 17, 43 Metallurgical Laboratory (Met. Lab) 51, 64, 90, 93 Michigan 57 Military Policy Committee 34, 35 Moon, Philip B. 84 Morrison, Philip 18, 87 Moscow 21 MPs (Military Police) 86 Mr. President 7 Mrs. Roosevelt 36 Mushroom Society 84

N Nagasaki 9, 26, 27, 49, 50, 70, 77, 111, 123 National Academy of Engineering 113 National Academy of Sciences 96, 113 National Defense Research Committee 76

185

National Laboratories 107 National Nuclear Security Administration 9 NATO 126 natural radioactivity 41 Nature 18, 42, 43 Naturwissenschaften 17 Naval Research Laboratory 96 Navy 91 Nazi Germany 17, 48, 74 Nazis 45, 59 Neddermeyer, Seth 98 New Chemistry 90, 93 New Mexican laboratory 24 New Mexico 5, 21, 53 New Mexico, northern 9 New York Times, The 47 New York 64, 127 Newton 108 Niebuhr, Reinhold 47, 48 Niebuhr’s Children of Light and Children of Darkness 49 Nixon, President Richard 112, 115 Nobel Peace Prize 125 Nobel Prize 66 Nobel, Alfred 125 Norden bombsight 99 Norris, Edward 33 Northern Michigan University 96 nuclear abolition 117 nuclear arms race 52, 76 nuclear arsenal 111 nuclear chain reaction 73 nuclear energy 9 nuclear fission 17, 18, 43, 85 nuclear power derailed 128 nuclear propulsion 129 nuclear reactor 20, 129 nuclear weapon 19, 109, 119, 111, 117, 126 nuclear weapons and nuclear power 112 Nunn-Lugar 113

186

Remembering the Manhattan Project

O Oak Ridge 13, 65, 82, 85 Oak Ridge, Tennessee 23, 24, 94 Office of Homeland Security 104 Office of Scientific Research and Development 47, 73, 104 Ohio State University 82 Okinawa 25 Oldbury Electro-Chemical Company 96 Oliphant, Mark 43, 45, 46 Oppenheimer as spy 70 Oppenheimer awarded the Fermi medal 71 Oppenheimer, J. Robert 18, 21, 24, 25, 51, 52, 53, 63, 67, 69, 87, 97, 99, 111, 114, 118 Oppenheimer’s security clearance 71 OSRD 66

P Pacific War 25 Pajarito (Little Bird) Plateau 54 Paramount Motion Picture Studio 96 Paramount 96 Paris 42 Parsons, Deke 99 Parsons, William 67 Pauling, Linus 89 Pearl Harbor 23 Peierls, Rudolf 19, 43, 44 Penney, William 67, 99 Philippines, the 123 Physicists: The History of a Scientific Community in Modern America 104 Physics Department at the University of Chicago 111 pile 22 plutonium bomb 98 plutonium separation plants 23 plutonium 22

poison gas 21 Polaris 129 porous barrier 23 Poseidon 129 postwar nuclear arms race 51 Potsdam Conference 25, 123 pre-detonation 98 President Nixon’s Project Independence 128 President’s Council of Advisors 114 President’s Science Advisory Committee 115 primacord 84 Princeton 69, 71 production reactor 129 proliferation 126 Pugwash 113 Purnell, Admiral W. 34

R radiation 42, 95 Radium Institute, the 18 radium 17 RAF 45 Ramsey, Norman 67, 99 reactor design (Szilard and Fermi) 22 Red Army 21 Rhodes, Richard 5 Rickover, Admiral Hyman 129 Ridge, Governor 104 Rio Grande Valley 54 Ronald Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative 71 Roosevelt, President Franklin D. 7, 21, 34, 36, 66, 75, 77 Royal Society in London 42 Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences 91 Rumsfeld Commission to Assess the Ballistic Missile Threat to the United States 112, 114 Rutherford, Ernest 41, 42, 45

Index

S Saddam Hussein 125 San Francisco bay 25 San Francisco State Univesity 96 Sangre de Cristo 54 Santa Fe, New Mexico 24, 53, 55, 83 Sasser, Senator 6 Save America’s Treasures grant 13, 14 Science Advisory Committee 112 Science and Technology 114 Science magazine 77 scientists’ petition 77 Seaborg, Glenn 22, 23, 90, 95 Second World War (see World War II) Secretary of Defense 107 security at Los Alamos 7 SEDs 81 Segre, Emilio 98 separation system 23 September 11 114, 107, 117 Serber, Robert 18, 58 Seventh Solvay Conference 43 Shazkin, Leonard 33 Sherwin, Martin J. 51 Singer, Maxine 112, 129 “Site Y” 55 Skidmore, Owings, and Merrill 33 slow-neutron chain reaction 21 Smyth, Henry DeWolf 69 Smythe Report 125 Snow, C. P. 127 Soviet bomb, the 20 Soviet Union, the 25, 111, 113, 123, 126, 127 Special Engineering Detachment 81, 83 spherical implosion weapon nicknamed Fat Man 25 Stagg Field at the University of Chicago 22 Stalin, Josef 25, 123 Sterling Colgate 55

187

Stimson, Henry L. 7, 33, 35, 36, 76 Stimson, Secretary of War Henry 6, 34, 70 strain gauges 84 Strassmann, Fritz 17, 18 Strategic Defense Initiative 113 Straus, Louis 128 Strauss, Lewis 18 Styer, General Wilhelm 34 Sweden 17 System, The 32 systematic firebombing 26 Szilard, Leo 5, 6, 18, 21, 63, 65, 70, 73, 127 Szilard’s petition 70

T Tech Area 86 technology of magnetic separation 125 Teller, Edward 7, 8, 70, 71, 87 Tennessee Valley Authority 100 Tennessee 7, 23 terrorism 107 The Economist 126 thermonuclear weapon — the hydrogen bomb 111 Three Mile Island 128 Tinian Island 25, 124 Tinian 87 Tolman, Richard 63, 65, 66 Top Policy Group 34 Trident submarine 129 Trinity site 5 Truman White House 77 Truman, President Harry 25, 33, 51, 70, 105, 123 Two Mile Mesa 86

U U.S. Army Corps of Engineers 23 U.S. Navy 74

188

Remembering the Manhattan Project

U.S. Treasury Department 32 U.S.S.R. 86 Ulam, Stanislaw 29 United States Strategic Bombing Survey 27 United States 21 University of Chicago 21, 64, 70, 90, 93, 97, 111 University of Illinois 57 University of Michigan 91, 93 University of Washington 96 UNSCOM 117 Uranium Committee 46, 75 uranium 7 uranium-235 23 Urey, Harold 63 USDA 96

V “V Site” 13 Van de Graaff generator 57 von Neumann, John 67, 99 von Weizsächer, Richard 21

W Wagoner, Oklahoma 84 Wallace, Vice-President Henry 34 Walton 42 War Department 104, 124, 129 Ward, Barbara 126

Wardman Park Hotel 73 Warsaw Pact 126 Washington, D.C. 10, 55 weapon of mass destruction 19, 27 Wehrmacht 21 Weisskopf, Vicky 113 Welch 124 Wendover Field, Utah 99 West at Bay, The 126 West Point 33, 64 Wheeler, John 44 White House, the 7, 35, 112, 115 Wigner, Eugene 75 Wilson, Robert 58, 59 Wolf, Michael 96 World War I 104, 129 World War II 9, 13, 17, 31, 74, 75, 81, 97, 103, 105, 112, 114, 117, 125, 127 world’s first controlled nuclear chain reaction 56 Wyandotte Chemical 96

X X-ray crystal structure analyses 94

Y yield 26, 27 Young, Rev. Bradford 49, 50 Younger, Steve 112, 117, 127, 129 Zachariasen, Prof. William 91, 94