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RELUCTANT HEROES
Royal Asiati c Societ y Hon g Kon g Studie s Serie s Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Studies Series i s designe d t o mak e widely availabl e importan t contribution s o n th e loca l history , culture an d societ y o f Hon g Kon g an d th e surroundin g region . Generous suppor t fro m th e Si r Lindsa y an d Lad y Ma y Rid e Memorial Fun d make s i t possible t o publish a series of high-qualit y works tha t wil l b e o f lastin g appea l an d valu e t o all , both scholar s and informe d genera l readers , wh o shar e a deepe r interes t i n an d enthusiasm fo r th e area .
RELUCTANT HEROES Rickshaw Pullers in Hong Kong and Canton, 1874-1954
Fung Chi Min g
MM 90
H O N G KON G U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S
Hong Kong University Pres s 14/F Hing Wai Centr e 7 Ti n Wan Pray a Roa d Aberdeen Hong Kon g
© Hon g Kon g University Pres s 200 5 ISBN 962 20 9 73 4 0
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Contents
List o f Illustration s vi
i
Map o f Pear l Rive r Delt a — Canto n an d Hon g Kong , circ a 191 0 vii
i
Foreword x
i
Preface xii
i
Acknowledgements xvi
i
Editorial Convention s xi
x
Introduction 1 PART ONE: Acros s th e Colonia l Matri x 7 1 A City o f Sojourner s an d Transient s 9 2 Th e Urba n Workplac e an d Stree t Politic s 2 3 Britis h Rul e an d Chines e Valiancy , u p t o 192 6 3
1 7
PART TWO: Republica n Canton , 1911-3 8 5
7
4 Evolutio n o f a New Civi c Paradig m 5 5 Partisa n Politic s an d th e 192 7 Insurrectio n 7 6 Reform s o n th e Municipa l Agend a i n th e 1930 s 9
9 7 5
PART THREE: Withi n a Fast-Changing Contex t 11
1
7 Growin g Passio n fo r Change , up t o 194 1 11 8 Survivin g i n th e Pacifi c War , 1937-4 5 12 9 Ris e t o th e Postwa r Zenit h o f Activism 14 10 Establishin g a New Agenda, u p t o th e 1950 s 15
3 9 3 9
Conclusion 17
1
Abbreviations 18
1
Bibliography 18
5
Index 20
1
Illustrations
TABLES
2.1 Fare s fo r publi c rickshaw s i n Hon g Kong , 1882-193 9 2 2.2 Ricksha w accident s i n Hon g Kong , 1922-3 9 2 3.1 Fee s fo r Hon g Kon g ricksha w licences , 1901-3 9 4 4.1 Numbe r o f rickshaw s i n Canton , 1929-3 3 6 6.1 Hirin g rate s o f public rickshaw s i n Canton , Augus t 193 5 9 7.1 Wholesal e pric e inde x i n Hon g Kong , 1919-3 9 11 7.2 Numbe r o f registere d vehicle s i n Hon g Kong , 1896-193 9 11 8.1 Licenc e fee s o f vehicles i n Hon g Kong , 1941-4 5 13 8.2 Retai l price s o f foo d i n Hon g Kong , 1941-4 2 13 9.1 Fee s fo r ricksha w maintenanc e an d repairs , 194 6 14 9.2 Retai l price s i n Hon g Kong , 1939 , 194 6 an d 194 7 14 9.3 Numbe r o f registere d vehicle s i n Hon g Kong , 1946-4 7 15 10.1 Retai l price s o f rice i n Canton , 194 8 16
3 9 0 6 7 6 9 2 5 6 9 0 1
FIGURES
2.1 Gathering s a t roadsid e foo d stalls , 195 2 3 7.1 Cartoo n depictin g downwar d socia l mobility , 193 5 12 8.1 Receip t o f Hon g Kon g an d Kowloo n Ricksh a Syndicate , 1943 13
3 0 1
PHOTOS
2.1 Queen' s Road , lookin g wes t fro m Hillie r Street , 1910 s 2 2.2 Waitin g t o offe r service o n Hon g Kong' s Praya , 193 7 2 2.3 Commuter s a t th e ferr y pie r o f Tsimshatsui , 193 7 2 2.4 Takin g a break fro m ricksha w pulling , 193 7 3 4.1 Demolishin g th e ancien t cit y walls o f Canton , 191 8 6 4.2 Ya t Tak Road, forme r sit e o f th e Souther n Oute r Wal l 6 4.3 A stretch o f Canton' s celebrate d Pear l River , 1920 s 6 4.4 Recruitin g me n a s carriers fo r arm y transport , 1920 s 7 4.5 Act s o f violence o f th e Canto n Polic e Force , 1920 s 7
2 7 8 4 3 3 5 2 4
Paoan
Estuary of Pearl River
Shumchun Mirs Bay
\« Namta u Deep Bay.
0
New Territories
c>
o
0 Pearl Rive r Delt a — Canto n an d Hon g Kong , circa 191 0 (Adapted fro m Ra y 1916 )
?0
Foreword
I
T i s with th e greatest pleasure tha t I write thi s Foreword t o th e first volum e in th e Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong Branch) Hong Kong Studies Series. The serie s ha s bee n create d b y th e Counci l o f th e Societ y t o enabl e th e publication o f importan t an d hig h qualit y academi c wor k i n Englis h i n Hon g Kong studies , an d thereb y t o encourag e scholar s t o work i n thi s field . A Trust Fun d ha s been formall y an d legall y establishe d i n th e nam e o f Sir Lindsay an d Lad y Ride, in memory o f the Society' s first Vice-President ; donor s have generously an d substantiall y increase d th e sum se t aside for th e purpose , and an agreement has been reached with the Hong Kong University Press setting out th e term s an d condition s under whic h th e Press will partner th e Society in the publicatio n o f thi s serie s o f works. Now th e Societ y see s th e firs t fruit s o f its planning, thi s curren t excellen t work by Fung Ch i Ming. Further volume s are in hand, an d we look forwar d t o seeing a steady flo w o f volumes i n th e series comin g fro m th e Press eac h year. At thi s poin t I would lik e t o expres s th e Society' s grea t gratitud e t o thos e donors, b y whose generosit y th e su m originall y se t asid e by th e Societ y fro m its ow n fund s fo r thi s Trus t Fun d ha s bee n doubled . Especia l thank s i n thi s regard mus t g o t o th e Trustee s o f th e Clagu e Trus t Fund , whos e generosit y t o the Fun d ha s bee n ver y great . Finally, I would lik e t o wish ever y reader o f thi s and subsequen t volume s in thi s serie s health , happiness , an d intellectua l stimulation !
Dr Patric k H . Has e President Royal Asiatic Society , Hon g Kong Branc h February 200 5
Preface
T
H IS BOO K sets out i n detai l a narrative accoun t an d comparativ e overvie w of the history o f rickshaw pullers in Hong Kon g and Canton . M y interest in this topic stemmed fro m th e discovery, long ago, of a pre-World War II news report o f the physical fights fo r clientele that broke out between two rival gangs of Canto n puller s (Kung Sheung Daily News July 31, 1935). Reading abou t thi s bitter brawl prompted my desire to find ou t more about the pullers who seeme d to hav e bee n lon g forgotten , th e leas t know n o f th e unknow n broa d masses . Only later , afte r a treasur e trov e o f informatio n ha d bee n ferrete d ou t fro m a range o f primar y materia l relatin g t o th e rickshaw , di d 1 resolve t o g o abou t writing o n thi s topic , with no sense of the size of the undertaking. What bega n as an experimenta l stud y mushroome d int o a book-length monograph . This narrative start s in 1874 , when th e rickshaw mad e it s first appearanc e in Hon g Kong , the n a British crow n colon y fo r som e thirt y years . Th e stor y continues t o 1954 , whe n th e Hon g Kon g puller s spare d n o effor t i n a fina l attempt t o forc e th e rickshaw owner s t o yield t o thei r demands , a n episod e of urban socia l movement tha t make s th e year a logical termina l date . In Canto n after 1949 , rickshaws were abolishe d a s a symbol o f imperialism an d capitalis t exploitation. Th e work presente d her e attempt s t o chronicl e th e history o f th e rickshaw i n thes e tw o places , i n th e contex t o f th e twist s an d turn s o f loca l history. Rangin g acros s tw o worl d wars , thi s book fixe s pivota l development s not onl y within th e political framewor k o f th e entir e perio d 187 4 t o 195 4 bu t also within the social and cultural contexts. In this way, a remarkable continuu m in th e unfoldin g o f history i s revealed . The fact , albei t littl e known , i s tha t th e ricksha w puller s i n Hon g Kon g and Canto n launche d man y collective protests in the time span with which thi s book i s concerned, a s many a s any other grou p o f thei r contemporaries . Thei r shows o f strength too k man y forms, a s varied as economic strikes , anti-foreig n boycotts, patriotism-inspired walk-outs , anti-government rallies, and a hopefull y revolutionary insurrectio n tha t shoo k a n imperiou s government . Th e pullers ' activity, o r inactivity , i s reassurin g a s a n indicatio n o f th e socio-economi c organization an d politica l developmen t o f th e regio n an d provide s fascinatin g
XIV
PREFACE
glimpses o f th e everyda y lif e o f th e Chines e community , particularl y a t th e grassroots, that has, up t o now, been under-studied. Thi s study will, it is hoped, take u s a ste p close r t o understandin g th e Chines e self-perceptio n a s well a s the worl d aroun d the m a s it was before an d immediatel y afte r Worl d Wa r II . Concerning urba n workforce s i n Hon g Kon g an d Canton , muc h ha s bee n written about , inter alia, the mechanics i n factory premise s (L i and Re n 1955) , the seafarer s o n boat s (Kan i 1967) , th e seame n o n boar d shi p (Glic k 1969) , the sho p worker s i n retai l an d wholesal e undertaking s (Chane y 1971) , th e artisans i n craf t productio n (Cha n 1975 ; Cooper 1980) , and th e outworker s a t home (Lu i 1994) . Thi s boo k trie s t o loo k beyon d th e conventiona l fo r it s inspiration. Th e focu s i s place d primaril y o n th e street , whic h i s a-mi x wit h the sights, sounds, and smells of the market econom y and urban workplace. I n South China , where employin g establishment s wer e relatively small in size an d number, i t i s perhap s mos t reassurin g t o brin g ou r attentio n t o bea r o n th e person o n the street, both fo r its own sake and because it would help t o furnis h a broader an d firme r basi s fo r furthe r enquir y o f th e pett y urbanite s o f Sout h China a s a whole. Historical accounts of Canton / Hong Kong hardly mention rickshaw pullers, and eve n i f the y do , the y ad d onl y a few scattere d an d fragmentar y piece s t o the puzzle . Th e fe w intensive studie s o f rickshaw histor y vary considerabl y i n their approach . James Warren (1986 ) explore s ho w th e puller s wer e confine d to a low-paid an d hazardous trad e in a city outside China . David Strand (1989 ) features th e unfolding o f a public sphere that culminate d i n th e Beijing pullers' tramcar-wrecking rio t in 1929 . Tim Wright (1991 ) dwell s on a trade under th e rule (simultaneously ) o f racketeers and foreign powers . Lu Hanchao (1999 ) ha s a rather different focu s on the rickshaw trade as a part of the commercial cultur e of old Shanghai. This book is a treatise on how the pullers took part in collective action tha t arose out of social group relations, and how the British colonial an d Chinese authoritie s becam e involve d i n th e everyda y lif e o f th e commo n folk . The work presente d her e will, at least i n a small way, show th e possibilit y of the heretofore seldo m used old newspapers that are now deposited in differen t university o r institutional collections . Either complet e o r fragmentary, availabl e in har d cop y o r preserve d o n microfilm , thes e newspaper s hav e remained , b y and large , neglecte d fo r to o long , whether fo r a n empirica l investigatio n int o earlier Hon g Kon g societ y unde r Britis h administratio n o r fo r a study o f th e developmental processe s o f Canto n Cit y tha t take s int o accoun t it s very clos e and long-existin g relationshi p wit h th e neighboring Pear l River Delta towns . It is no exaggeratio n t o sa y that, without thi s primary sourc e o f information, o n which th e substanc e o f th e entir e boo k i s based , thi s stud y woul d no t hav e been conceive d an d coul d no t hav e been completed .
PREFACE
xv
Everyone wh o read s thi s book will , it is hoped, com e away with th e sam e sense o f eagernes s t o kno w mor e abou t thing s Chin a / Hon g Kon g a s I did . Admittedly, some source materials potentially useful fo r thi s study were probably lost t o posterity . Fo r instance , we lack th e pre-World Wa r I I archives fro m th e police, wh o ha d responsibilit y fo r th e pullers . Whil e ora l evidenc e i s ver y valuable, i t i s onl y partial . Th e owner s o f rickshaws , eve n i f aliv e an d stil l accessible, shunne d interviews . Significan t a s personal memoir s are , they ten d to stress successes far more heavily than the y do failures. This study is made all the more difficult b y the paucity o f rickshaw union archives. These constraints , of course, did not discourage my efforts a t researching th e topic at every step of the way ; the y ar e part o f th e challenge .
Acknowledgements
T
HIS BOOK is a revised version of my PhD dissertation, the research for which was undertake n wit h financia l suppor t provide d b y a Postgraduat e Studentship (1990/91-1992/93 ) grante d b y th e Researc h Fund s Selectio n Committee o f th e Universit y o f Hon g Kong . I hav e als o benefitte d fro m a n Evergreen Scholarshi p (1990/91-1993/94 ) fro m a n anonymou s dono r t o th e History Departmen t o f th e Universit y o f Hong Kong . It i s a pleasur e workin g wit h m y forme r colleague s o f thi s university . Mention mus t b e mad e o f Jonathan Grant , who m I was privileged t o hav e a s my dissertation supervisor . Thank s are also due t o (i n alphabetical order ) Min g Chan, Cha n La u Kit Ching , Stephe n Chiu , Fo k Ka i Cheong, Alfred Lin , Kerri e MacPherson, and Elizabeth Sinn for intellectual stimulation an d collegiality. For support o f a different nature , I am thankfu l t o Yen-Chin g Hwang , Ada m Lui , and Thoma s Stanley . I wish t o registe r m y gratitud e t o oversea s friend s wh o hav e been helpfu l at various stage s o f m y study . John Carrol l an d Christophe r Mun n hav e rea d different chapter s of my dissertation while it was an ongoing study. James Warren shared hi s research experienc e with me . Takeshi Hamashita ha s brought t o my attention item s that I might otherwise have missed. Frederic Wakeman, Jr. too k time t o discus s th e topi c with me . Coli n Mackerras provide d usefu l comment s on a n earlie r draf t o f th e study . In preparing my dissertation, I have had t o rely heavily o n pre-World Wa r II materials fo r m y information . L u Gan g an d Lian g Liya o o f Fun g Pin g Sha n Library were o f gracious hel p i n m y attempt t o plough throug h ol d newspape r collections, not yet microfilmed a t the time o f my research fo r th e dissertation . Successive librarian s o f Hun g On-T o Memoria l Library , namely , Pete r Yeung , Wan Yi u Chuen , an d Iri s Chan , hav e kindl y an d assiduousl y facilitate d m y inquisition o f close-stacke d materials . The staf f o f th e Hon g Kon g Governmen t Informatio n Servic e an d Hon g Kong Transport Departmen t prove d eage r t o place at my disposal thei r records . The ex-Registra r o f Trad e Unions , T o Sau Hong , responde d personall y t o m y request for information. Acces s to the library holdings of the Hong Kong Tourist
xvm
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Association wa s facilitate d b y Dorothy La m and Ann e Wu. Also t o th e staff o f the Publi c Record s Office , Hon g Kong , goe s sincer e thank s fo r thei r patienc e with m y searc h fo r archives . I als o wis h t o expres s her e m y gratitud e t o th e Reveren d Loui s Ha , bot h for his congenial attitude and for his permission to give me access to the archives of th e Catholi c Dioces e o f Hong Kong . I also much appreciat e th e kindness of Ivy Lau and Jenny Leun g in arranging my access to the well-preserved archive s at th e Tun g Wah Museum . Rosan a Leun g an d Vick y Lu i hav e bee n graciou s and helpfu l i n arrangin g acces s t o th e equall y substantia l collection s i n th e P o Leung Ku k Archives . I too k pleasur e i n havin g me t severa l informant s an d member s o f th e rickshaw trade , som e o f the m o f very advance d years , who wer e unsparingl y generous o f thei r tim e an d memories . Th e informatio n s o derive d help s t o fil l certain gap s i n othe r evidence , an d m y gratitude goe s t o all in equa l measure . My greatest sadnes s i s tha t som e o f the m ar e now decease d an d unabl e t o se e this book published. This made me more aware of the great urgency of preserving oral evidenc e tha t wa s quickl y disappearing . During m y researc h i n Canton , I felt a s if I was someho w comin g home . Two member s o f m y cla n accompanie d m e i n m y fieldwork . Th e staf f o f Zhongshan University Library was helpful upo n my request t o use their archiva l collections. I am also grateful t o Huang Jianping for he r speedy arrangement of my interview with a retiree who helped me reconstruct some sense of the pullers' concerns i n th e time s lost . I fel t i t a grea t privileg e t o hav e ha d suc h a n experience. Finally, I wish t o than k al l th e many friend s o f th e Hon g Kon g Branch of the Roya l Asiatic Society , including bu t no t limite d t o Patric k Has e an d Jason Wordie, for thei r encouragement an d attention. At Hong Kong University Press, Colin Da y an d Phoeb e Cha n hav e bee n helpfu l alon g th e way . And , thanks , too, t o the three anonymous referee s who read the manuscript an d made usefu l suggestions. I must, however, haste n t o add tha t I alone am responsible fo r th e contents o f thi s book, includin g an y error s tha t ma y be present .
Editorial Convention s
T
HE ADOPTIO N of any single system of transliteration fo r thi s text is probably impractical, especiall y as many Chines e names are missing from historica l records an d onl y th e romanized Englis h form s remain . I n thi s text , we have t o deal with term s fo r whic h a regional-speech spellin g has been well established , so any attemp t t o standardiz e romanizatio n woul d onl y be counterproductive , creating mor e confusion . Thu s th e followin g ar e th e rule s o f transliteration : 1. Name s of Chinese newspapers (extensivel y referred t o in this text) ar e given in thei r origina l name s i n English , i f the y ar e available , but parenthetica l translations rendere d int o Englis h ar e als o given ; thus , Wah Tsz Yat Po (Chinese Mail). Those without correspondin g title s in English are rendered in pinyin romanization , no w officiall y recognize d i n th e People' s Republi c of China , bu t als o with Englis h translation s give n in parentheses . 2. Primarily , I have used th e English spellings curren t a t th e time fo r Chines e names an d places . Thus "Canton " i s used instea d o f "Guangzhou " which , although more popularly used nowadays, is out of period. It should be noted that m y pictur e o f Canto n i s u p t o 195 0 o r so . Excep t fo r on e o r tw o paragraphs, nothin g refer s t o a later date . 3. Whereve r possible , I am loya l t o th e sources , thu s "Hongkong Telegraph" rather than "Hong Kong Telegraph". Name s and characters that apply to Hong Kong and Canto n ar e given the official spellin g in English. Onl y those tha t have no origina l English names or translations ar e romanized i n pinyin. So, too, ar e th e name s o f dialec t groups , which ar e indicated i n th e for m tha t most frequentl y appear s i n th e literature . 4. Wher e non-pinyin romanize d form s ar e used, th e first referenc e t o the ter m is followe d b y th e pinyin spellin g an d Chines e characte r equivalent , i n brackets. In quoted matter, the pinyin is placed in square brackets followin g the firs t referenc e t o th e term . 5. Chines e persona l name s ar e presented a s being read in Mandarin Chinese , surname first, forenam e second , if that is the order followed by their bearers, but no t i f th e nor m i s t o giv e th e surnam e afte r th e forenam e (a s i t i s i n the United States) .
XX EDITORIA
L CONVENTION S
6. Th e ter m "rickshaw " appear s i n English-languag e historica l source s a s "ricsha", "ricksha" , "rikisha" , "jinricksha" , "jinrickshaw " o r "jinrikisha" ; the spelling varies. Where origina l text s are quoted, th e old usage is left i n the origina l forms .
Introduction
I
N 1867 , th e firs t ricksha w wa s throw n togethe r i n Japan b y a n America n Baptist missionary , Jonathan Gobl e (1827-96) . A cycle transpor t balance d on two wheels and pulled by the strength o f one person, th e rickshaw foun d it s way t o Hon g Kon g i n 1874 , onl y severa l year s afte r it s inventio n (Hongkong Times January 23 , 1874) . I n th e nearb y cit y of Canton , th e rickshaw wa s trie d out fo r publi c transpor t a t leas t a s fa r bac k a s 1906 , when a road connectin g the cit y prope r wit h th e easter n subur b som e mile s awa y wa s constructe d t o completion (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 29 , 1906) . Sinc e then , profoun d change s have take n plac e i n th e region' s socio-economi c landscape . Today , rickshaw s have disappeared unde r th e effect o f urban sprawl , but a century ag o the y were everyday transport. A stroll around tow n at all hours of the day and night would prove thei r popularity , thei r numbe r o n th e rise, reaching 3,41 1 i n Hon g Kon g and 3,600 in Canton in 192 4 respectively (Hongkong Administration Report 1924, K-9; GZSSZGB January 1 , 1924 , 8-10) . This boo k i s a n expositio n an d analysi s o f th e histor y o f thos e plyin g rickshaws fo r hire . I t i s a t th e sam e tim e a stud y o f th e developmen t o f th e Chinese communit y an d th e relationship betwee n people , and betwee n societ y and state. Hong Kong and Canto n are selected fo r consideration , partl y because rickshaws were more densel y utilized i n thes e tw o citie s tha n anywher e i n th e delta o f th e Pear l River . Also , th e critica l mas s o f puller s therei n ha d a lot i n common. The y shared in a regional cultural paradigm, in particular concernin g a historic patter n o f native-place an d speech-grou p alignment . Important , too , is the fact tha t Hong Kong and Canto n were two very different, ye t interwoven , metropolises i n China' s souther n frontier . A s Canto n i s just eight y mile s northwest o f Hong Kong , and i t take s onl y an hour's trave l by train t o go fro m one place to another, th e twin cities have frequent contac t of various sorts. This interconnectedness make s the m a n idea l pair fo r comparison . There existed , withou t bein g immediatel y apparent , a noticeable leve l o f rickshaw activism , in ways we never though t possible . Although i n many case s it was less advanced i n leadership an d organization , i t came t o th e forefront o f the publi c domain , perhap s mos t spectacularl y i n Hon g Kon g i n 188 4 an d i n
2
RELUCTANT HEROE S
Canton i n 1927 , when th e puller s clashe d wit h th e stat e authoritie s i n on e of the mos t violen t insurrection s eve r recorded . I n assertin g an d defendin g thei r interests i n th e workplace , lik e an y othe r socia l grou p i n th e city , ricksha w pullers wer e capabl e o f effectiv e mobilizatio n fo r th e attainmen t o f commo n goals. I f i t i s recognize d tha t a t leas t a sizabl e numbe r o f puller s di d pla y a n active role in urban socia l movements, then on e thing that is obviously missin g is a nuance d accoun t o f th e circumstance s tha t drov e the m i n tha t direction . The crucial question i s not only what happened a s such, but rather why and for what. Exactly how labor organization emerged , on what scale and in what forms , is unquestionably wort h exploring . In undertakin g a stud y o f thi s nature , th e genesi s o f mobilizatio n ha s o f necessity t o be dealt with. We have occasion t o elucidate th e subcultures o f th e pullers, bu t fo r th e present , a fe w o f thei r characteristic s ar e worth attention . Although th e pullers (mos t ofte n o f rural origin ) me t with a n initia l uprootin g from thei r home, they were not cu t off fro m th e traditional safety net s that the y could resor t t o in time s o f need o r trouble . I n th e urba n milieu , the y pursue d new goals by renewing old contacts and making new ones. This pattern of urban assimilation involved a network of kin/quasi-kin loyalties, which interacted wit h other factor s t o dea l with th e problem s arisin g fro m th e urba n workplace . A n illustration o f thi s is Canton i n th e mid-1920s, when politica l activists enliste d their kin by manipulating dialect, home place, and boarding-house bases of joint action. Similarly, the Hong Kong pullers, on their own initiative, formed a union on a native-plac e basi s i n th e lat e 1930s , i n protes t o f a n increas e o f vehicl e rent an d lodgin g charges . Low skilled yet partially self-employed, th e pullers relied on entrepreneuria l flair an d physica l stamin a t o pl y fo r business , thu s bridgin g th e cultur e o f hawkers an d pur e physica l labor . Withou t ownin g th e rickshaw s the y drew , they wer e "proletarian " — le t u s provisionall y retai n thi s ter m establishe d b y usage — in the true sense of lacking possession o f the means of their livelihood . It follow s fro m thi s analysi s tha t the y ha d th e objectiv e condition s conduciv e to radical mass movement. Yet, as most pullers had been tenant farmers deprive d of thei r traditiona l mean s of living because o f misfortunes, lan d hunger, and/o r banditry, the y ha d littl e o r n o prio r experienc e wit h moder n wage-wor k an d were fa r fro m bein g par t o f th e progressive working class. They were therefor e proletariat an d ye t ver y non-proletariat , suc h tha t nea t an d exac t definition s and delineations are difficult an d elusive . Perhaps no other occupatio n ha s such stark duality . N o wonde r just suc h enigmati c an d periphera l — i f tha t i s th e word — ye t centrall y importan t peopl e nee d t o b e give n muc h mor e proportionality. If ther e i s somethin g exceptiona l abou t th e pullers , wa s ther e anythin g unique an d unusua l abou t thei r style s o f joint actio n an d thei r relation s wit h
INTRODUCTION
3
state authorities ? I t wil l b e observe d tha t th e puller s wer e vulnerabl e t o th e brutal act s o f thos e i n unifor m an d th e competitio n o f othe r mean s o f conveyance, everythin g fro m car s t o pedicabs . Thes e fact s remin d u s t o thin k about how the workplace put the common people right in the midst of a volatile urban process , and how extensivel y an d i n what ways the shifts i n th e holder s of political powe r cam e int o play . The work presente d her e will, I think, lea d towards a richer understandin g o f urban livin g throug h a comparative stud y of the historic patter n o f adaptation int o th e urban workplace , th e powers o f th e state, an d th e repertoir e o f mas s activism . B y glimpsing ho w certai n "smal l potatoes" o f th e cit y population struggle d agains t thei r adversitie s an d becam e a political forc e t o be reckoned with , thi s book wil l fin d muc h t o distur b th e prevailing wisdo m o f a familia r insurrectio n an d th e ol d paradig m o f powe r relations imbedde d i n clas s o r capital . This boo k let s ricksha w puller s tak e cente r stag e an d explore s th e experiences o f livin g tha t th e puller s fel l bac k on . A s the puller s deal t wit h a clientele tha t comprise d peopl e fro m hig h t o low classes , of both sexe s an d al l ages and races , they offer a n ideal locus for explorin g th e dynamics and politic s occurring o n th e street . Th e pullers face d an d felt , first-han d an d ver y deeply , the consequenc e o f changin g custome r taste s an d th e tyrann y o f th e machin e age that affecte d the m financially, an d th e entry into thei r business from amon g the jobless. Partiall y self-employe d o r privately employed , the y were subjecte d not jus t t o patron-clien t an d employer-employe e problem s bu t als o t o th e directives and regulations of the state, and th e state's main arm, th e police. This book wil l produc e a more comple x an d dynami c accoun t o f th e labo r worl d than th e mor e conventiona l vie w o f alienatio n an d clas s stratificatio n woul d suggest. Beyond the dualism of opposing class interests, there is a need to explore the ensembl e o f curiously ambivalen t relationships , throug h a n analysi s o f th e defining characteristic s o f th e urban workplace . The choic e of the book titl e is not without forethought . Agai n and again i t will b e foun d tha t ther e woul d see m t o b e a n involuntary , eve n unwanted , element t o th e pullers ' activism , a s well a s thei r positio n an d participatio n i n urban mas s movements . Thei r collectiv e show s o f forc e were , if no t a definit e solution to , a n authenti c expressio n o f thei r grievance s agains t destitutio n — out o f shee r economi c necessity . Pu t differently , thei r preoccupatio n wit h problems o f livelihood , income , an d price s constitute d a common dominato r that le d al l othe r cause s o f protest s b y a wide margin . A t various times , the y were spurre d int o collectiv e actio n tha t hardl y escape d th e eye s o f th e publi c but wer e simultaneousl y pushe d int o th e quagmir e o f cit y politics , sufferin g great losses in th e political storms. Possibly, they would hav e preferred leadin g quiet — almost anonymous — lives instead of undergoing the moments of cheers and tear s an d becomin g victimize d b y th e reshuffle s o f power , i f the y ha d a choice. Henc e th e titl e o f thi s book, Reluctant Heroes.
4
RELUCTANT HEROE S
Hong Kon g an d Canto n ar e culturall y clos e an d ye t conceptuall y ver y distinct. Fo r al l it s fam e (o r notoriety ) a s a Britis h crow n colon y wo n fo r mercantile interests, Hong Kong was a thriving yet comparatively stable entrepo t where colonia l laissez-faire too k roo t an d flourished . However , th e showcas e image o f perpetua l prosperit y an d sustaine d stabilit y reveal s onl y half-truths . Social cohesion and material advancement were in danger of going up in flames , and th e proliferation o f fissures du e t o societal complexit y could , and did , lea d to civi l unrest . Returnin g t o th e subjec t o f thi s study , a s tim e wen t by , whe n owners and contractors of rickshaws gradually lost their self-acclaimed legitimac y as protectors for th e pullers, the pattern of strikes and boycotts of short duratio n was followe d b y th e occurrenc e o f mor e protracte d maneuverings . T o thro w light o n th e wa y o f lif e o f colonia l Hon g Kong , on e need s t o examin e th e European idea s of law and order , racism and dogmatism , an d a criminal justice system reinforce d b y th e powe r o f a non-native minority . In th e recen t past , Canto n wa s a base are a o f uprising s agains t th e Qin g Dynasty, th e headquarter s o f th e Norther n Expedition , an d th e site o f some of the larges t strike s i n th e histor y o f China . Th e warlor d regime s i n earl y Republican times were followed by the reforming an d revolutionary governmen t of Su n Ya t Sen (Su n Yixia n m&flil , 1866-1925 ) whic h sough t mas s suppor t through promise d assistanc e t o worker s an d peasants . Later , th e Nationalis t authorities trie d t o conciliat e labo r wit h certai n compromises , proposal s fo r reforms, an d rule s fo r interes t groups . During th e second hal f o f the 1940s , the social contro l mechanis m undermine d th e strengt h o f unionis m an d eclipse d to som e exten t employer-employe e conflicts . Sinc e 1949 , societal chang e ha s proceeded a t a far greate r rat e tha n eve r before. I n this book, attentio n i s given to ho w th e facto r o f stat e interventio n affecte d th e situation , an d I mak e comparisons acros s both spac e an d time . As this book involve s colonia l Hon g Kong, in contras t t o national-cum-nationalistic Canton , th e changin g qualitie s of everyda y lif e brough t fort h b y political parameter s canno t b e overlooked . Hong Kon g was a British emporiu m gaine d throug h imperialis t conquest , whereas Canto n wa s a treaty port opene d by force o f arms t o foreign trad e an d residence. A n analysi s o f th e tw o citie s wit h suc h a marke d presenc e o f Westerners woul d almos t immediatel y prope l u s into a reflection upo n th e al l too familia r subjec t o f China' s intercourse with th e West, which was somethin g of a love-hat e relationship. 1 I n thi s book , a n emphasi s i s place d o n wha t relationships ther e were between importe d initiative s an d loca l circumstances , and wher e treaty-por t colonialist s an d capitalist s (Chines e an d Western) fitte d in. Thes e ar e importan t no t onl y i f on e wishe s t o gai n a mor e balance d perspective o f th e actua l influenc e o f foreignism ; the y als o provid e foo d fo r 1. Fo r an exploration of different perspectives , see Cohen (1984, 97-147); Ho (1991, 87-104); Scalapino (1999 , 1-15).
INTRODUCTION
5
thought o n th e relativ e influenc e o f exogenou s force s i n contras t t o nativ e elements. I t will be seen , o n clos e examination , tha t certai n foreigner s — an d Chinese — got involved in activities based on considerations tha t the y believed to be beneficial t o Chines e peopl e rathe r tha n a t thei r expense . The forma t o f thi s book combine s themati c an d chronologica l approaches . Part One ("Acros s th e Colonial Matrix") set s Hong Kong in its historical setting. The openin g chapte r plunge s th e reade r headfirs t int o th e immigran t an d sojourning urba n Chines e communit y i n Hon g Kon g an d th e socio-economi c accommodation o f rural in-migrant s t o lif e i n th e urban workplace . Chapte r 2 pieces togethe r th e multitud e o f environment s o f th e workplace o n th e street , a contested socia l drama i n which peopl e fro m al l walks o f life cam e into play. Chapter 3 stand s b y itsel f a s a historica l an d socio-structura l analysi s o f th e colonial wa y o f lif e i n th e contex t o f th e Europea n sens e o f mastery , th e government rule s an d regulation s place d o n th e residin g Chinese , th e administration o f law and judicial penalties , racial prejudices, an d stereotypes , thus bringing togethe r man y facet s o f th e old colonia l situation int o a readable focus. Part Two concerns itsel f with Republica n Canton . Chapte r 4 elucidates th e mixture of new and old influences, th e inhabitants and new constructions rapidly on th e increase , an d a ne w socio-politica l situatio n tha t mean t greate r opportunities fo r elit e an d mas s participation i n cit y politics. In chapte r 5 , we analyze th e growin g radicalizatio n o f ricksha w activis m durin g th e earl y an d mid-1920s, on a scale and degree of militancy not seen in the past. This chapte r explains ho w th e puller s becam e politicall y engage d an d produce d th e revolutionary epi c o f th e short-live d Canto n Sovie t i n 192 7 — a n experienc e both heroi c an d heart-rending fo r them . Chapte r 6 delineates th e impulse s fo r and ultimat e failur e o f ricksha w reform s unde r th e auspice s o f th e Canto n administration up to 1938 , an experience that impresses upon us the importance of favorabl e stat e interventio n fo r majo r an d rapi d advanc e i n reforms . Part Thre e ("Withi n a Fast-Changing Context" ) examine s a period whe n clouds hun g ove r th e fat e o f th e rickshaw . Chapte r 7 dwells o n th e effort s t o lessen th e sum o f human miser y in inter-war Hon g Kong. In so doing, we she d some light on the priorities for governmental action . Chapter 8 gives an accoun t of th e wartim e whe n th e street s were , rathe r awkwardly , cleare d o f moto r vehicles t o th e benefi t o f rickshaws . Chapte r 9 deliberate s o n th e repeate d negotiations betwee n puller s and owner s fo r a settlement o n th e rickshaw ren t question i n post-wa r Hon g Kong . Chapte r 10 , focusing o n Canton , discusse s the increasing use o f pedicabs i n place of rickshaws tha t had led , over a period of years , t o a shar p reductio n i n th e populatio n o f pullers . Thi s boo k i n conclusion place s th e subject o f study into th e wider theoretica l debate s o f th e social science s an d bring s ou t broade r issue s whos e significanc e extend s fa r beyond Canto n an d Hon g Kong .
In th e earl y 1880s , som e fort y year s afte r th e foundin g o f colonia l Hong Kong , increasin g number s o f rickshaw puller s roame d abou t anywhere the y chos e t o tout , especiall y i n th e street s adjacen t t o the commercia l quarter s wher e the y seize d opportunitie s fo r business, regardles s o f traffi c rules . "Keep t o th e left " wa s th e rul e draw n t o th e attentio n o f th e pullers; th e penalt y fo r non-observanc e coul d b e a fin e o f $2 5 o r imprisonment fo r thre e months , accordin g t o Sectio n 5 o f Th e Vehicles an d Publi c Traffi c Ordinance , 1883 . A humorou s poe t hung ou t a sig n saying : The rule s o f th e roa d ar e a parado x quite , If h e keep s t o th e left h e i s sur e t o g o right, But, i f o n th e roa d h e i s jogging along , If h e keep s t o th e right, h e i s sur e t o g o wrong. Quoted fro m Hongkong Daily Press, Novembe r 10 , 188 3
PART ON
E
ACROSS THE COLONIAL MATRIX
1 A City of Sojourners and Transients
H
ONG KON G wa s a constituen t par t o f a globa l Chines e diaspor a an d a regional sub-community i n South China . After bein g founded a s a British settlement, i t graduall y develope d int o a commercial an d financia l hu b i n th e region. A majority o f the transients and sojourners were single males from Sout h China. The y flocke d int o Hon g Kon g where , generally , lif e wa s comparabl y tolerable. As the border was normally unguarded in the pre-World War II period, there wa s n o limi t o n th e numbe r o f asylum-seeker s wh o coul d come . Hon g Kong has gon e throug h fluctuation s i n th e siz e o f its population, triggere d b y bubonic plagues , economi c setbacks , an d mas s boycotts; however, i t emerge d more competitiv e i n th e lon g run . A city that , i n 1841 , had jus t ove r 7,45 0 inhabitants gre w by leaps an d bound s t o well ove r 139,00 0 b y 187 6 (Chinese Repository 1841, 286-9; Hongkong Government Gazette February 24 , 1877 , 81).
Ethnicities an d Identitie s The main , o r a t leas t a very major , portio n o f th e Chines e i n pre-wa r Hon g Kong though t o f themselve s a s transient s an d sojourners . Fo r them , contact s with Chines e relative s stil l i n thei r nata l hom e (China ) wer e maintaine d b y remittances, occasionall y accompanie d b y famil y letters, 1 an d retur n visit s t o their ancestra l lan d fo r a week o r tw o o n majo r festival s o r persona l event s if their financial situatio n permitted (Chu n 1990 , interview). Hong Kong was their refuge, no t thei r home . Th e censu s o f 193 1 showe d a domicile d Chines e population o f 399,608 persons, the larger percentage (ove r sixty-seven percent ) not locall y born . Furthermore , a government repor t fro m 193 9 reveale d tha t the "eb b an d flow " o f th e Chines e populatio n o f 700,00 0 amounte d t o 8,00 0 daily (HKLCSP 1931, 129; Hongkong Government Gazette March 4 , 1949 , 7) . 1. Thi s i s quite ofte n show n i n th e letters (i n gras s script ) boun d u p wit h famil y remittances, of various dates in the early decades of the twentieth century , in the Ma Tsui Chiu Commercia l Correspondence.
10
RELUCTANT HEROE S
The Hong Kong Chinese constituted a diverse lot of cultures. The Cantones e dialect spoken by the majority o f the population, locall y known a s "Punti Kwa" (Bendi hu a ^ i f i M , loca l tongue) , i s in fac t furthe r divisibl e int o sub-regiona l variants spoke n i n Canto n Cit y and neighborin g area s (Qia n an d Wang 1950) . The Chiucho w (Chaozho u MJM) natives ha d bee n livin g i n Hokkie n (Fujia n ?§lt) befor e the y settle d i n th e regio n o f Chiusha n (Chaosha n $$?llj) . Th e Chiuchow speec h sound s simila r t o th e Souther n Mi n (fUl^l ) dialect , a s Chiuchow i s geographically clos e t o Min (tha t is , Hokkien). The Hoklo (Fula o ?Mf^), meanin g "chap s fro m Hokkien, " cam e originally, thoug h no t necessaril y directly, from Hoi-Luk-Fung . "Hoi-Luk-Fung " i s short fo r Hoifun g (Haifen g $H H ) an d Lukfung (Lufen g H H ) , whic h were all too often ravage d by calamitie s and civi l strife i n modern times . The Hakka (Keji a 3lrli0 , the literal meaning of which is "guest family," wer e long-time land gypsies of China speaking a unique dialect (Cohe n 1968 , 237-92; Jian 1980 , 34-53). Geographic an d dialec t difference s le d t o th e developmen t o f "we " versus "they" perception s amon g th e subethni c groups . Th e Hokl o dialec t i s "no t s o soft an d musical as the Cantonese , having many nasal twangs" (Bal l 1903, 346). Although th e Chiucho w coul d ofte n pic k up th e local Cantonese dialect withi n a fe w year s afte r thei r arriva l i n Hon g Kong , mos t o f the m retaine d a heav y accent, eve n afte r man y decade s o f cit y residenc e (Chu n 1990 , interview). I n dialect difference , Chiucho w an d Hokl o ar e mutuall y understandabl e bu t Chiuchow and Cantones e are not. "Whe n a person from Hoifung meet s a person from Chiucho w an d the y convers e i n thei r ow n dialects , the y ca n ge t o n wel l enough, and both sides are very sure of the peculiarities of his or her own dialect" (Tsui 1991 , interview). In early Hong Kong society, where job option s availabl e to th e unskille d worker s wer e limited , certai n dialec t group s tende d t o concentrate i n particular occupations . For instance, th e Punti had a stronghold in th e oyste r fishery ; bea n cur d makin g and ston e cuttin g were almost entirel y done b y Hakka me n an d wome n (Hongkong Annual Report 1947, 10) . The multiplicit y o f languag e groups , whe n combine d wit h negativ e stereotypes, created divisions within th e shifting population . The Tanka (Danji a SMy "eg g family"), i n contradistinctio n t o shore-dwellers, were nomadic boa t people who wen t ashor e onl y occasionall y t o sell thei r catc h o r sho p fo r dail y necessities (Anderso n 1970 , 248-56). Floatin g a s they were fo r generation s o n sampans o r river barges, the y experience d prejudic e a s "a tribe o f social exiles, banished fro m respectabl e society. " The y retained much of the superstition of the past an d wer e see n a s "littl e remove d fro m thei r suppose d barbaria n origins, " engaging in "immora l and un-Chinese activities" (Kan i 1967 , 1-11; Ward 1967 , 287). I n contrast, th e Hoklo ha d th e notoriety (perceived ) o f being " a rougher, wilder se t o f me n tha n th e Cantonese " (Bal l 1903 , 346). The y wer e labele d "fierce" an d "uncivilized " an d "easil y ou t o f tempe r an d quarrelsome. "
A CIT Y OF SOJOURNER S AN D TRANSIENT S
11
"Whenever dispute s hav e t o b e settled , the y d o no t spea k bu t figh t first . Peopl e have eve n describe d thei r bullyin g characte r a s hereditary " (Wan g 1982 , 196) . Whether pushe d fro m th e villag e b y economi c povert y o r pulle d t o th e cit y by prospect s o f a better life , thos e fres h fro m Chin a neede d persona l recognitio n and economi c security . Onc e i n Hon g Kong , the y staye d wit h kin . Perceivin g themselves a s settler s i n a n u n k n o w n foreig n land , the y als o sa w a pressin g need t o defen d thei r in-grou p interests . A t th e harbo r front , wher e thos e engage d in menia l labo r wer e employe d loadin g an d unloadin g carg o vessels , man y regional an d speec h group s compete d fo r wor k consignments . Thei r conflict s brought ou t ope n expression s o f animosity , leadin g t o bitte r battle s tha t mad e headlines i n th e pres s (Lih Pao July 26 , 1940 ; Xing Bao Novembe r 23 , 1941) . No wonde r th e competitio n fo r jobs strengthene d thei r feelin g o f self-protection , leading t o eve n greate r feudin g a m o n g them . A s note d i n a stud y o f th e Chiuchow an d thei r relation s wit h othe r group s i n Hon g Kong : The Cantonese , althoug h grea t i n number , ar e no t organize d a s a whole, wherea s thes e peopl e wh o fee l the y ar e separate d fro m othe r Chinese becaus e o f thei r specialit y o f dialect , grou p themselve s wel l into a whol e unit . A s unit y i s strength , thei r problem s an d thei r influence o n societ y woul d b e great . O n th e othe r hand , althoug h their dialec t ha s throw n the m together , thei r languag e an d cultura l background ma y b e a barrier t o livin g i n harmon y wit h othe r dialec t groups. (Le e 1969 , 125 ) Many o f th e first-generatio n immigrant s lande d i n Hon g Kon g with pitifull y few belongings , som e eve n empty-handed . Bu t a t suc h a critica l juncture the y were blesse d wit h th e presenc e o f a guarante e o f protectio n fro m th e familia l o r clannish circles . Th e followin g i s a n attemp t t o discus s th e problem s face d b y the rura l emigres o n thei r entr y int o Hon g Kon g an d th e patriarcha l practice s in pre-Worl d Wa r I I times . I t explain s an d consider s mor e closel y ho w th e earl y immigrants' repertoir e o f cultura l tradition s suc h a s commonalitie s i n dialect , surname, o r nativ e plac e functione d wit h tenemen t house s t o organiz e work , to offe r assistanc e t o th e ne w arrivals , an d t o becom e a sourc e o f organizationa l strength fo r join t action .
Business an d Tradin g Network s In Hon g Kong , a s elsewhere , th e ownershi p o f publi c rickshaw s wa s separat e from thei r revenu e operation , a s th e cos t o f ownershi p wa s prohibitiv e fo r th e ordinary pullers . A s o f 1940 , a second-hand ricksha w cos t abou t $50 0 (Ta Kung Po April 15 , 1940) . Th e majorit y o f rickshaw s wer e customaril y lease d throug h various level s o f subletting . Th e puller s thu s rarel y rente d rickshaw s directl y
12
RELUCTANT HEROE S
from th e owner s bu t lease d the m fro m go-between s o r job brokers , know n variously as fumu (tfc @ , "head coolies"), chetou C$SS, "carriage chiefs") o r erlu tongjia (Hj$r~MM, "sub-hosts") , term s tha t indicat e thei r intermediar y role . As rickshaws were sublet to their various destinations, on many levels and at inflated prices, ther e i s n o questio n o f a job broke r tha t migh t b e though t o f a s a "subcontractor" o r a "sub-subcontractor. " Som e job broker s wer e foreme n o f the Sanitar y Board; still many other s were police who used thei r power s t o ge t sub-standard rickshaw s o r those with bad fittings approve d for licensing (Leun g 1990, interview) . Although ricksha w owner s were predominantly male , a few women appea r in historica l record s i n earl y twentieth-centur y Hon g Kon g a s "proprietresses " of rickshaw firms, as the wives of owners, or as widows. Wong Yick Mui (Huan g Yimei Hc^MS), who marrie d a rickshaw owne r in 192 7 and died in 198 9 at age 78 after a n illness, was described i n th e press as an office-beare r o f a syndicate formed b y owners o f rickshaws (Wah Kiu Yat Po March 24 , 1944) . Ngan Chi m Shi, th e lawfu l wido w o f Nga n Win g Ch i (o f who m mor e i s give n below) , managed tw o ricksha w firm s (a t 11 4 Canto n Roa d an d 3 K i Ling Lane ) an d one lodgin g hous e fo r puller s durin g th e 1900 s an d 1910 s with th e assistanc e of her lat e husband's brother, Nga n Luk (Ya n Liu JH/\). The other example s of female owner s includ e Cheun g Yim Sze (Zhang Yanshi 3ilJltR), Lai Im Sze (Li Yanshi HrHcR) , an d Won g Leun g Sz e (Huan g Liangsh i Hc^cR) , wh o figure d as the possessors o f rickshaw firm s a t 7 Triangle Street, 364 Queen's Road West, and 4 8 Queen' s Roa d Eas t respectively . The interests of rickshaw owner s were diverse and expansive. Cha u l u Tin g (Zhou Yaotin g MMM), fo r instance , owne d a rickshaw factor y an d a pullers' hostel (chezaiguan JJifyffO, thu s entrenching himself i n the trade from th e time the rickshaws were produced unti l th e time they were ready for letting . Ip Ting Fun (Y e Tingfen 11115? ) was managing proprietor o f J. Gibbs & Co. , Importers, Exporters an d Commissio n Merchants . Tong Wan Ting (Tan g Yunting S U t ^ - ) was owner o f a dried good s shop a t 1 4 Bonham Stran d West. Wong Kam Foo k (Huang Jinfu jPC^fe ) manage d th e Kowloo n Warehouse an d wa s secretary o f the Ka m Hin g Knittin g & Weavin g Factor y (^JlJtl£icJ§D . Won g I m (Huan g Yan llcife ) wa s keepe r o f Win g O n Cha n (Yong'anzha n T K : ? ? ^ ) , a boardin g house fo r emigrant s tha t wa s o n clos e term s wit h broker s an d charterer s o f emigrant ships, both thos e overseas and in Hong Kong. Ngan Shing Kwan (Yan Chengkun H l $ W , 1903-2001) , busines s tycoo n o f th e day , joined wit h hi s father-in-law an d a grou p o f othe r me n t o operat e Hon g Kon g Island' s bu s services unde r th e franchis e grante d b y th e governmen t i n 1933 . Numerous ricksha w owners , unbeknown t o many, held th e title Justices of the Peace in Hong Kong. Some among them, including Ngan Shing Kwan, Tong Wan Ting, Wong Kam Fook, and an Australian Chinese named Frederick Charle s
A CIT Y O F SOJOURNER S AN D TRANSIENT S 1
3
Mowfung, alia s Chun g Mo w Fun g (Zhon g Maofen g ItjcSIl), 2 ha d serve d a s directors of the Tung Wah Hospital Committee and/or the Po Leung Kuk (Society for th e Protection of Women and Children) , both eminent charitable institution s in whic h sa t leader s o f th e Chines e community . Perhap s th e mos t prominen t was Nga n Shin g Kwan , wh o i s particularly remembere d fo r hi s Chin a Moto r Bus Co . Ltd. I n additio n t o holdin g office s i n variou s publi c committee s an d advisory boards , Nga n sa t o n th e Legislativ e Counci l i n 1951-6 1 an d th e Executive Counci l in 1959-61 . Nga n was also awarded th e Order o f the British Empire (OBE ) an d Commande r o f the British Empir e (CBE) , in recognitio n o f his long years of public service. Ngan's success is evident in the relative synonymity of his name with "rickshaw. " "Sto p an y ricksha w pulle r o n th e stree t an d h e would no d knowingl y a t th e meres t mentio n o f Nga n Shin g Kwan' s name, " said a former pulle r (Chu n 1990 , interview) .
Economic Livelihoo d an d Adjustmen t The initia l experienc e o f work migh t no t b e th e job itsel f bu t th e dynamic s o f clanship tha t le d t o th e acquisitio n o f tha t job. Chai n migratio n serve d a s a significant mechanis m in job recruitment and resulted in subethnic occupationa l specialization. I n selectin g a migratio n destination , th e would-b e migrant s followed i n th e footstep s o f thei r cla n member s o r villagers who ha d precede d them, a facto r tha t playe d som e par t i n thei r caree r choice . I n a governmen t report fo r 1901 , there wa s mentio n o f a headma n name d N g A Tong , th e possessor o f some fort y publi c seda n chairs , who rendere d assistanc e t o thos e from hi s hometown by recommending jobs and helping them deal with problems posed b y alie n surroundings . Whe n N g recruited coolie s t o operat e hi s seda n chairs, he always gave preference t o those who were from th e area of Haiphon g (Haifang JSKf ) wher e h e had live d before h e moved t o Hong Kon g at twenty one years o f ag e (HKLCSP 1901, 75-6). Another exampl e o f th e persistence o f patriarchal connection s i n th e labo r market ca n b e foun d i n Nga n Win g Chi , owne r o f tw o ricksha w firm s an d a contractor responsibl e t o Jardine's Sugar Refinery an d Hong Kong and Kowloo n Wharf, fo r securin g laborers an d overseein g th e work, until his death o n Marc h 9, 1905. Ngan periodically sent recruiting agents back to Chiuchow to bring other villagers to Hong Kong to join the rickshaw trade or other transport undertakings. Through th e "credit-ticke t system, " a deed o f employment was drawn up in th e 2. Brothe r of Edward Mowfung, who was a partner of Der A Wing & Co. and an active sportsman, a familiar figur e of the Craigengower Cricket Club, and one of the founders of the Clay Pigeon Shooting Club at North Point.
14
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presence of the village elders, whereby the indentured employe e pledged t o work for Nga n for a t least six months. The recruiting agents advanced th e travel cost s of the employee, which th e village elders were obligated to repay if the employe e left th e service during th e contrac t period . When si x months were up, th e ma n who had come to Hong Kong on contract was free t o continue employment wit h Ngan o r obtai n employmen t elsewher e (HKLCSP 1901, 89-90). For th e most part , th e taipan s (bi g business bosses) o f European merchan t houses did not wish t o be bothered with th e difficulties o f the Chines e languag e or customs . When the y wante d t o hir e offic e coolie s fo r unskille d work , the y would always refer the case to their Chinese compradors. Playing the role of trading partners or purchasing agents between the European management and the Chinese staff or customers, the compradors would delegate the recruitment and negotiation for work t o their truste d subordinates, who all too often go t new men from thei r own clan or village. This situation is best exemplified b y the following commen t of a comprador o f the Germa n fir m o f Messrs. Siemssen & Co . (havin g opene d a branch i n Hon g Kong in 1855) : " I just sen d som e o f the ol d hands t o go an d engage new coolies. . .. I think the y go to the coolie houses to get them. If I send them out , the y woul d g o an d ge t thei r ow n countryme n — a Chow-cha u [Chaozhou] ma n — t o come" (HKLCSP 1901, 73).
Tenement House s an d Segregatio n By the en d o f th e nineteent h century , th e wester n en d o f Hon g Kon g Islan d (the sit e o f th e bubonic plagu e o f 1894 ) ha d grow n int o a n are a o f tenement s for Chinese , places tha t were decrepit, densel y packed, and deficient i n sanitar y facilities (Smit h 1969 , 26-32 ; Evan s 1970 , 69-78) . Th e crampe d tenemen t houses, often divide d into cubicles and sublet, were much criticized by the health authorities a s "unfi t fo r huma n habitation, " "out-of-dat e i n desig n an d construction," "dark , ill-ventilated , extremel y dirty , an d i n som e cases , mer e dens of filth." "Wher e sanitary provision was made, it was extremely primitive; for th e most part, however, it was completely lacking." On the eve of the Pacifi c War, a medica l office r foun d th e sam e condition s prevailin g (HKLCSP 1888, 384-438; 1938 , 265, 280). A majority o f the Chines e immigrants, illiterate an d unskilled me n who ha d falle n o n hard times , were found packe d i n bunk bed s inside. The crowded tenemen t houses led to neighborly and subethnic involvemen t in dail y life . A puller remarke d i n 193 9 tha t h e wa s residin g i n on e o f thes e houses, which thirtee n peopl e crammed into , each paying about $ 1 a month a s rent. Apar t fro m sharin g th e monthl y ren t i n th e su m o f $17 , the y prepare d meals sid e b y sid e ove r charcoa l an d firewoo d stove s (HKLCSP 1939 , 160) .
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Reflecting o n hi s severa l year s o f erstwhil e bachelorhoo d befor e th e Pacifi c War , a retire d pulle r recalle d tha t h e wa s lodge d an d provisione d b y a contracto r who rente d a ricksha w t o him . H e share d lodging s wit h Chiucho w kinfolk s i n a "K u L i Kun " (guliguan PSffllt , literally , lodgin g h o u s e fo r coolies ) i n Saiyingpun (th e waterfront wes t o f th e Taipingsha n area) , then thickl y populate d with half-residential , half-commercia l house s (Chu n 1990 , interview) . I n thi s way, subethni c grouping s base d o n cla n loyalt y an d dialec t differentiatio n wer e preserved an d perpetuate d throug h residentia l proximity . The tenemen t house s afforde d a sens e o f solidarit y t o th e dwellers . W h e n the Chines e emigrant s cam e t o th e colony , thei r firs t sto p wa s usuall y th e tenement house , ofte n manage d b y someon e fro m thei r ow n nativ e place , wher e they expecte d assistanc e i n job seeking . Th e housekeeper s playe d varyin g role s as mai n tenant s o f houses, cla n member s o f thos e i n th e houses , an d job broker s who too k car e o f th e newcomer s i n a n unfamilia r an d foreig n land . The y woul d recommend job s fo r th e recen t arrival s an d represen t the m i n dealin g wit h th e colonial authoritie s i f necessary . Throug h givin g a mean s o f surviva l t o othe r regionals, the y appeare d a s fathe r figure s wh o gaine d fo r themselve s th e rol e o f headmen. Fo r a vivid descriptio n o f thi s scen e a t th e lowe r strat a o f Hon g Kon g society, attentio n i s invite d t o a 190 1 remar k o f Franci s Henr y Ma y ( 1 8 6 0 1922), the n captai n superintenden t o f th e police , wh o late r becam e governo r of Hon g Kon g i n 1912-19 : [Sedan chai r bearer s an d ricksha w pullers ] wh o com e t o th e Colon y to look fo r wor k ar e strangers t o th e place an d rarel y have any mone y to kee p the m whil e lookin g fo r work . Wha t woul d probabl y happe n would b e tha t the y would as k th e keepe r o f th e lodging-hous e wher e their clansme n sto p i n th e Colon y an d whithe r the y woul d g o o n first arrived , probabl y unde r th e guidanc e o f som e clansme n wh o had bee n her e before , o r perhap s som e headme n o f license d chai r and jinricksha coolie s t o pu t the m i n th e way o f gettin g license d an d to pa y th e necessar y fee . . . . Hardly an y o f the m hav e eve n th e smal l capital necessar y t o ow n an d pl y a chai r o f thei r own . The y loo k t o headmen t o supply the m wit h th e chairs , their photograph s an d thei r licenses. Thes e headme n ar e th e licensee s o f th e chairs , an d i t i s th e same wit h th e publi c jinrickshas. (HKLCSP 1901 , 143-4 ) The lodgin g hous e provided a sense o f security throug h strengt h i n numbers . From tim e t o tim e th e dweller s collecte d fund s t o undertak e religiou s rituals . Designed t o bles s th e communit y an d t o repa y th e grac e o f patro n saints , thes e rituals provide d joyou s occasion s fo r socia l interaction , break s fro m routine , and opportunitie s t o identif y wit h other s fro m thei r hometow n (Chu n 1990 , interview). Ther e wer e puller s who , firs t workin g o n thei r ow n an d the n hire d by th e Pea k household s o n a contrac t basis , stil l paid ren t t o th e lodgin g house s
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where the y ha d lived . W h e n the y wen t t o d o th e marketing , the y woul d spen d a nigh t i n th e lodgin g house s whil e waitin g fo r daw n th e nex t day , befor e returning t o th e Pea k t o atten d t o th e need s o f thei r masters . I f the y wer e face d with th e charg e o f refusin g obligator y work , contrar y t o th e order s o f th e master , they woul d preven t othe r coolie s fro m servin g th e master ; a t th e sam e time , the housemate s woul d hel p pa y th e fine . Th e hous e als o helpe d th e dweller s over period s o f unemploymen t wit h fre e lodging ; an d i f the y died , som e mone y would b e pai d ou t toward s buria l expense s (HKLCSP 1901 , 42, 52 , 57-8 , 88-9) . The ricksha w depo t generall y consiste d o f a hal l stacke d wit h tool s an d repair item s o n th e groun d floor ; th e uppe r floor s serve d a s livin g quarter s furnished fo r th e puller s (Chu n 1990 , interview) . Fro m th e poin t o f vie w o f the depo t keepers , i t coul d b e tha t th e tendenc y o f providin g livin g quarter s i n the depo t wa s relate d t o th e natur e o f th e trad e itself . Economie s o f scal e woul d apply certainl y t o th e stockin g o f spar e part s o f vehicles . Th e amalgamatio n o f operations, whil e obviatin g u n d u e competition , shoul d als o mak e fo r mor e efficiency an d reduce d overhead . Th e depo t keeper s gaine d significan t profi t b y providing accommodation , thu s makin g mone y o n lodgin g rent , cantee n food , opium an d tobacc o sales , an d loa n sharking . Oligarchi c contro l gav e the m mor e power t o influenc e th e settin g o f rent , an d henc e profit . Thu s th e larg e profi t i n the trad e woul d accru e t o thos e wit h th e mean s t o operat e o n a larg e scale , i n contrast wit h th e profit s mad e b y middlin g an d smal l contractors , wit h sa y tw o or thre e rickshaw s an d withou t th e provisio n o f lodgin g t o th e pullers . From th e evidenc e culle d fro m variou s sources , it was foun d tha t th e puller s tended t o liv e a shor t distanc e fro m th e plac e o f work , eve n i f the y di d n o t reside i n th e ricksha w depo t (Hongkong Government Gazette Jul y 19 , 1935 , 7 5 6 7; HKLCSP 1939 , 160) . Similarly , th e coolie s wh o worke d fo r th e Kowloo n Godown Co . tende d t o settl e i n th e house s nea r th e harbor , whic h wa s moore d with vessel s o f variou s size s plyin g betwee n Hon g Kon g an d othe r China-coas t ports, dischargin g thei r cargoe s an d replenishin g thei r holds . Thi s patter n o f proximity betwee n hom e an d wor k wa s show n i n working-clas s budgets . A survey o f lower-incom e household s i n Hon g Kon g i n 193 9 reveale d tha t foo d was a majo r ite m o f expenditure , an d fe w i f an y o f the m spen t an y mone y o n personal transpor t (HKLCSP 1939 , 140) . Th e Praya , th e waterfron t the n site d in Connaugh t Road , wa s a plac e o f domicil e fo r thos e wh o trade d thei r labo r for cash . A n officia l repor t o f 193 8 put s it : The unskille d labourin g classe s . . . [tended ] t o fin d dwellin g place s as clos e a s possibl e t o th e scen e o f thei r work , wit h th e resul t tha t the wester n par t o f th e Cit y o f Victoria , whic h house s th e nativ e business quarte r an d which closel y adjoins tha t portion o f the harbou r where th e traffi c fro m th e Wes t Rive r an d fro m th e Chines e coasta l ports i s handled , i s seriously overcrowded . (Hongkong Administration Report 1938 , 14 )
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We hav e anothe r statement , fro m a n officia l repor t give n i n 1939 , o n th e economies o f travelin g t o work : Although th e grea t majorit y o f factorie s i s situated i n urba n an d sub urban areas , well furnished wit h roads and bus services and a tramwa y from en d t o en d o f th e urba n are a i n Hon g Kon g an d ferr y service s between Hon g Kon g an d Kowloon , mos t worker s canno t affor d transport expense s an d ar e compelle d t o liv e i n proximit y t o thei r place o f employment. Certai n o f the larger employers provide housin g accommodation nea r thei r work . (HKLCSP 1939 , 111 )
Patronage an d Protectiv e Mechanism s The Chiucho w pioneer s o f th e Wester n Distric t mad e thei r fortune s a s trader s of rice , herbs , wine , te a leaves , an d drie d seafood , settin g u p firm s i n Bonha m Strand an d nearb y Win g Lo k Stree t (o r "ric e street" ) an d organizin g themselve s around th e guil d o f Na m Pa k Hon g Kun g Shu k (Nanbeihen g gongsu o r % Jfcfi1 &BT) i n 1858 , fo r cooperatio n fo r trade . Stil l othe r Chiucho w wer e attracte d to th e neighborhoo d nativ e banks , opiu m dens , brothels , ricksha w depots , an d retail shop s fo r dail y necessities , whic h greatl y prospered . Consequently , th e Chiuchow informall y monopolize d th e lifebloo d o f th e district . Formerly , ther e was a n alleywa y nea r Bonha m Stran d West , Chiucho w Ho n (Chaozho u xian g ilMl^ir), wher e on e foun d stall s al l servin g Chiucho w snacks . A t De s Voeu x Road Wes t an d Pray a Wes t (now , Kenned y Tow n Praya) , wher e ocea n liner s were docke d mid-stream , load s o f carg o transi t b y mean s o f lighte r o r nativ e j u n k s wer e handle d b y Swato w (Shanto u tlljH ) coolies. 3 By the twentiet h century , Hon g Kon g ha d emerge d a s a prosperous entrepo t of trade . Th e coas t o f Tsimshatsu i a t th e souther n ti p o f Kowloo n Peninsula , beginning a t th e Sta r Ferr y an d endin g somewher e nea r th e forme r Jordon Roa d Ferry, wa s th e sit e o f a deep-wate r pier . Ocean-goin g steamship s coul d g o alon g this are a withou t fea r o f runnin g aground , a s was s o frequentl y th e cas e a t Wes t Point i n th e pre-Worl d Wa r I I days . Her e wa s th e sit e o f numerou s warehouse s of Hon g Kon g an d Kowloo n Wharf , whic h provide d employmen t opportunitie s to thousand s o f Chiucho w coolie s engage d b y a Chiucho w contractor , Nga n Wing Ch i (previousl y mentioned) . Thes e laborers , who mad e thei r wa y t o Hon g Kong wit h th e ai d o f Ngan , worke d a t differen t point s o f thei r live s a s whar f coolies an d ricksha w pullers . If the y were physicall y strong , the y would abando n 3. Th e followin g documentar y vide o shows images of people a t work o n th e street an d the wharf, including coolies who shouldered loads of cargo from junks to wharf by means of th e gangplank . Hongkong 1939: Home-movie of Daniel Wang taken around Hongkong before the Pacific War.
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rickshaw wor k an d provid e labo r fo r th e Kowloo n Godow n Co. , where the y could get a higher daily rate, $1 or above in the early twentieth century (HKLCSP 1901, 121) . Due t o th e cohesiv e influenc e o f hometow n an d occupationa l networks , the Chiucho w dialec t was used a s the lingu a franc a i n Tsimshatsu i aroun d th e Kowloon Godow n i n th e past (Le e 1969 , 62). Indeed, th e Chiucho w tende d t o interact by choice with Chiucho w more often tha n with Cantonese . The vibrant festival of Yu Lan CtiEfit), better known by Westerners as Hungry Ghosts Festival, a thanksgivin g servic e hel d annuall y fo r peace , was revere d b y th e Chiucho w in Haiphon g Road , where altar s fo r patro n divin e guardian s wer e set up an d a temporary ma t she d wit h a stage was built fo r performin g ritua l opera s (Tsu i 1991, interview) . A s a matte r o f fact , pre-Worl d Wa r I I Tsimshatsu i wa s a concentrated are a o f Chiuchow , an d everywher e on e turned , on e sa w stall s serving Chiucho w dishes . Formerly , ther e wa s a sayin g tha t whil e th e fairl y well-to-do Chiucho w wer e promotin g thei r wealt h an d influenc e i n Na m Pa k Hong, thei r les s well-off cla n member s wer e unified a s a coolie communit y i n the sit e o f th e Kowloo n Godow n Co . (La u 1969 , 48). The people sharing a surname (whic h one normally bears for life) ma y for m a descen t grou p o r "alliance " base d o n a n actua l o r fictiv e commo n ancestor , though i n fac t peopl e wit h th e sam e surname migh t b e patrilineally unrelated . A subscription lis t o f 18 7 persons, which appeare d i n a local newspape r (Wah Kiu Yat Po September 29 , 1947 ) a s a note o f recognition t o their generou s cas h donations give n i n ai d o f thei r beleaguere d compatriot s i n easter n Kwangtun g (Guangdong JlcJ^Q, on the Chinese mainland, may throw light on this particular aspect. When, i n 1947 , torrential rains inundated village s and left destitut e par t of th e populatio n i n an d aroun d Chiuyeun g (Chaoyan g S B lit), th e Chiucho w natives then residing in Hong Kong aided in the distribution of relief, in response to the urgency of relief work. The subscription list, a partial membership registe r of th e Associatio n o f Ricksh a Worker s o f Hon g Kon g (Xianggan g renlich e zonggonghui ^ § A ^ ^ $ § I 1 i O, showe d thirt y surnames in all, but those who bear th e sam e surnam e Nga n numbere d twenty-thre e (twelv e percent ) o f th e total. In a n ora l interview , a Ngan-surnamed elde r informe d th e autho r tha t h e was familia r wit h mos t o f th e name s o f th e Ngan s wh o ha d mad e thei r wa y into th e subscriptio n lis t o f 1947 , confirming tha t mos t o f the m ha d belonge d to th e Hon g Kon g Ngan Clanspeople' s Associatio n (Xianggan g Yanshi zongqi n zonghui ^ ^ M R ^ I S J i N I O . Eve n i f they di d not , i n a few exceptiona l cases , they wer e a t leas t Chiucho w regionals . Establishe d i n 1969 , th e Hon g Kon g Ngan Clanspeople' s Associatio n aime d a t th e furtheranc e o f fraternit y amon g Hong Kong inhabitants all surnamed "Ngan " — rich and poor, leader or followe r — there being no marked demarcation between the two. The twenty-three Ngans
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previously referre d t o gaine d ricksha w job s throug h a pattern o f clan-base d migration an d chain recruitment. Littl e educated, the y accepted low-skilled jobs that require d onl y brie f practica l experienc e t o learn , rentin g rickshaw s fro m the above-mentione d Nga n Shin g Kwan , wh o wa s a cla n patriarc h an d a respectable ma n unde r Britis h rul e i n Hon g Kong , an d recognize d a s such b y his compatriot s (Nga n 1991 , interview). Educated a t Queen's College , Hong Kong, and the n at St. John's University, Shanghai, Ngan Shing Kwan was proficient i n both Chines e and English. Ngan's father die d a t th e heigh t o f hi s powers , leavin g hi s wif e t o rais e a famil y o n inadequate means . Nga n wa s th e owne r o f tw o ricksha w firms , whic h h e inherited fro m hi s late father a s family business , it having been ru n a s such by his mothe r an d uncle . H e als o provide d premise s t o accommodat e th e puller s and assiste d the m i n obtainin g drivin g license s fro m th e police authorities . H e did s o wit h a n ey e t o makin g a profit an d fulfillin g th e a priori an d morall y cultivated ki n obligatio n (Won g 1991 , interview). Ful l o f benevolenc e an d magnanimity, h e allowe d som e o f his hometown compatriots , whom h e calle d as laozong (^STK , literally , "ol d folks") , t o ren t hi s rickshaw s fo r hir e withou t paying a cas h deposi t (anguijin Scftl^:) , whic h woul d b e applie d a s compensation fo r an y unpaid rent. Thus Ngan built up a trust relationship wit h his less fortunate compatriot s an d had many loyal Chiucho w supporter s (Chu n 1990, interview) . To sum up , i t would see m tha t clanspeopl e o f differen t statu s level s wer e nominally divide d b y clas s interest s ye t boun d b y amicabl e relationship s tha t were reciprocated with mutual benefit. Regiona l and speech-group ties , whether real o r not , integrate d the m int o a compac t community . Th e senio r cla n members' economi c superiorit y was defined no t solely by wealth but was fuse d with network s o f occupatio n base d o n a n actua l o r fictiv e commo n ancesto r through whic h cla n solidarit y an d tightnes s migh t be fortified . Th e paternalis t pretensions an d mutua l devotio n amon g clanspeople , mediate d throug h membership in kin or quasi-kin institutions, offered som e sort of support withi n a subethnic group . Indeed, in Hong Kong, pullers' joint action s t o defy owner s and job broker s emerge d relativel y late. There were pullers' complaints agains t archaic managemen t practices , bu t thes e instance s wer e fe w an d fa r betwee n before th e Pacifi c War .
Conclusion The earl y Chines e urba n settlement s evince d a wide spectru m b y hometow n and speech-group origins. Notwithstanding its cosmopolitan allure, early colonial Hong Kon g witnessed th e formatio n o f an ego-centere d relationshi p note d fo r
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the prevalenc e o f business , dialect , hometown , an d marriag e ties . Th e manipulation o f kin/quasi-ki n cultura l identitie s fo r surviva l i n th e cit y environment wa s very muc h i n evidence . Th e earl y immigrant s wer e a t hom e with closely knit networks, based on clan, dialect, and hometown commonalities . They tende d t o see k shelte r i n parochia l enclave s i n orde r t o overcom e th e difficulties t o adjust t o a new life, thereby retaining traditional elements of social organization. The tenement house, which offered accommodatio n t o the laborers near their place of work, proved to be useful fo r job seeking and brought comfor t to many anxiou s hearts . I n a diversity o f domestic an d non-domestic contexts , such a s recruitmen t networks , residentia l proximity , an d workplac e neighborhoods, th e congregatio n o f cla n member s prevailed . Subethnic solidarit y serve d a s a mean s o f self-protectio n agains t th e prejudice o f competitive groups . The tenemen t hous e was a hub o f communa l activity an d a refuge agains t oppression , wher e everyon e kne w everyon e else . To be employe d shoul d b e understoo d no t merel y a s i n a relationshi p wit h someone who had contro l ove r th e means of production, a s cultural conformit y to clan obligations cu t across class lines and constituted a n essential element i n the establishmen t o f wor k relations . Th e recours e t o socio-cultura l resource s played a n importan t rol e i n cementin g th e benevolen t imag e o f owners , jo b brokers, and housekeepers, who were duty-bound t o provide benevolent service s to th e less well of f cla n member s an d gran t the m a means o f survival. I t is fo r these reasons tha t th e cooli e headmen wer e fondly remembere d a s fellow folk s (instead o f direc t opposites ) wh o provide d basi c car e an d afforde d hop e i n adversity. Beyond the dualism of capital and labor, the workforce poo l reinforce d subethnicity i n adversit y an d garnere d unit y throug h diversity .
2 The Urban Workplace an d Stree t Politic s
I
T i s th e inten t o f thi s chapte r t o giv e a rea l impressio n o f th e hope s an d dreams governin g th e live s o f ricksha w puller s i n commo n publi c places . Filled wit h peopl e o f various nationalitie s an d fro m al l walks o f life, th e stree t was a contested o r even politicized geographica l domai n where a vibrant mosai c of people — and thei r emotions , ideologies an d attitude s — co-existed bu t no t always i n harmony . Thei r varie d interest s crosse d i n man y way s an d mingle d extensively. Th e hustl e an d bustl e o f th e stree t was suffused wit h rivalrie s an d skirmishes, jealousie s an d envy , bickerin g an d maneuvers , bellicosit y an d turbulence, al l of which constitute d th e perils an d possibilitie s o f metropolita n life. Somethin g o f a unity o f purpose an d supportiv e networ k wa s nurtured i n public social discourse, which necessitated resorting to assistance from workplac e peers and neighbors perpetually in the streets, sometimes in circumstances unde r which othe r mechanism s coul d no t help . Throughout thi s chapter , th e focu s i s on th e street .
Men wit h a Differenc e In th e ol d days , Hon g Kon g wa s a cit y o f immigrant s wh o worke d har d an d contributed t o buildin g society . Apar t fro m boatmen , shi p crews , operator s o f launches and junks, and thos e engaged in agriculture an d marine-related trades , there wer e fokis (huoji {^CW£, "employees") i n shop s an d stevedore s i n wharfs . Artisans and tradespeopl e made their livelihood by applying the skills and craft s they possessed in the production o f goods and services. In pea sorting and ginger preserving, which were seasonal trades, child labor predominated. Doc k laborers received wage s fo r differen t grade s o f work. Constructio n workers , lik e man y others, were paid o n a daily rate. The fees fo r emptyin g nightsoil bucket s wer e paid monthly , th e scal e o f charge s i n 194 0 a s follows : groun d floo r ($0.50) , first floo r ($1.00) , and secon d floo r ($1.50 ) (Guomin rihao October 25 , 1940) . One for m o f manual labor , th e carryin g of construction material s up t o Victoria Peak o n a pol e wit h basket s a t eac h end , continue d unabate d befor e th e widespread us e o f mechanize d transpor t (HKLCSP 1939, 134-5) .
22
RELUCTANT HEROE S
By the tur n o f th e nineteenth an d twentiet h centuries , rickshaws presente d a feas t fo r th e ey e a t al l hour s o f th e day . We ca n fin d the m i n ol d album s o f pictures o n Hong Kong (Phot o 2.1) . "Stands for Jinrikishas," from wher e peopl e could tak e a ride, were increasing in number an d geographical distribution . Th e rickshaw wa s usuall y take n ou t o n tw o shift s o f twelv e hour s each , normall y 3 a m t o 3 pm (i n som e cases , fro m 4 am t o 4 pm) fo r th e mornin g shif t an d 3 p m t o 3 am (o r 4 pm t o 4 am) fo r th e evening shift (Kung Sheung Daily News June 14 , 1937 ; Ta Kung Po April 15 , 1940) . I n wintertime , th e puller s o n th e night shif t woul d retur n hom e in th e small hours o f the morning, when th e sk y was stil l dee p black , du e t o th e scarcit y o f customers . "Tha t i s a part o f ou r daily routine, " sai d a puller no t identifie d b y name (Tai Chung Yat Po February 5, 1937) . Similarly , thos e wh o maintaine d th e scavengin g servic e bega n thei r day a t dawn ; nightsoi l collector s labore d unti l lat e at night , o r throughou t th e night, when th e population a t large was still asleep (Lih Pao January 21 , 1939).
Photo 2. 1 Queen' s Road , lookin g wes t fro m Hillie r Street , 1910s . Today , abou t 9 0 year s later, th e rickshaw s ar e gon e an d th e shophouse s ar e n o more , havin g give n wa y t o high-ris e flats. Th e on e unchangin g par t i n th e entir e landscap e i s th e bend , a t th e en d o f thi s sectio n of th e road , i n th e fa r distance , whic h remain s th e sam e toda y a s i t wa s then . Courtes y o f Public Record s Office , Governmen t Record s Service , Hon g Kong .
23
THE URBA N WORKPLAC E AN D STREE T POLITIC S
The job o f ricksha w pullers , lik e tha t o f hawkers , porters, an d shoeshin e boys, was a matter o f self-employment. Thei r incom e wa s performance-based , depending o n th e numbe r o f passengers , a situatio n tha t inculcate d a n entrepreneurial spiri t amon g them . Ricksha w fee s wer e payabl e accordin g t o the perio d o f hire . So , for example , i n 191 2 th e fee s wer e $0.1 0 fo r a quarte r hour, $0.1 5 fo r hal f a n hour, $0.2 0 fo r a n hour, an d $0.2 0 for eac h subsequen t hour, a s shown i n Tabl e 2.1. Table 2. 1 Fare s fo r publi c rickshaw s i n Hon g Kong , 1882-193 9 Time
1882
1891
1912
1924
1939
Quarter hou r
$0.05
$0.05
$0.10
$0.15
$0.15
Half hou r
$0.10
$0.10
$0.15
$0.20
$0.20
One hou r
$0.15
$0.15
$0.20
$0.30
$0.30
Each subsequen t hour
$0.15
$0.15
$0.20
$0.30
$0.30
Compiled fro m variou s edition s o f Hongkong Government Gazette
If the rickshaw was engaged within th e Cit y of Victoria an d discharge d outsid e the eas t o f Ba y Vie w Polic e Statio n afte r 9 pm , a n extr a hal f far e woul d b e chargeable. Fo r tw o o r thre e pullers, th e fare was double o r trebl e respectively . Payment wa s mad e i n man y form s o f currency : Chines e cas h coins , Mexica n silver coins , the colony' s regal coins, or cas h coupon s tha t were sold an d coul d be redeeme d o n presentatio n a t th e Treasury . Rickshaw fares , like any independent smal l business transactio n an d retai l sale, were open t o bargaining. An old-time Hong Kong resident reminisced tha t he use d t o se e old-fashione d Chines e amah s wit h children , havin g don e thei r marketing, agre e o n th e term s wit h th e puller s befor e climbin g int o thei r rickshaws. " I will give you s o much t o tak e me t o so and so [sic] ," the wome n said, an d th e puller s ofte n agreed . A puller recalled : "Som e o f the m [Chines e customers] say , for instance , when th e far e i s five cents , they bargain with yo u for thre e o r four cents , but when you deman d th e full fare , the y pay" (HKLCSP 1901, 44) . Thos e wh o hire d rickshaw s t o serv e a s thei r leg s sa w th e pullers ' services a s similar i n qualit y but differen t enoug h t o justify "talking " pric e t o them. Th e condition s o f th e rickshaw s wer e no t uniform , an d thi s influence d the amoun t o f fares . The rickshaws offere d effectivel y fas t conveyanc e ove r short distances , an d their ready availability at many a street corner probably more than compensate d for thei r low speed. As described by a resident: "Ricksha s are a very convenien t form o f transport in streets not served by the Bus Company, and in wet weather residents ar e i n a positio n t o sa y tha t ricksha s ar e a rea l blessin g fo r shor t journeys" (Hongkong Hansard September 27 , 1934 , 170) . The passengers wer e
24
RELUCTANT HEROE S
carried ver y clos e t o thei r destination . "Yo u ca n trus t you r childre n wit h hi m [the puller ] an d fo r an y distance , yo u ca n leav e hi m wit h you r parcels , o r h e will follo w yo u fro m sho p t o shop , o r furthe r stil l i f you tel l hi m correctl y h e will tak e the m hom e fo r you, " sai d a long-time resident . "I f you ar e out lat e at night, o r earl y in th e morning h e is there and willing t o carr y you about. " Thi s resident di d no t see m t o car e which wa y he travele d providin g h e wa s i n th e rider's seat: "I f you shoul d get drun k . . . you hav e only t o chuck yoursel f int o his conveyanc e an d leav e i t t o him " (Blun t 1928 , 23). The pullers were prone t o make private agreements with thei r patrons ove r the pric e o f thei r labor . A puller sai d h e ofte n demande d $0.7 0 (tha t is , $0.1 0 above th e normal rate ) fo r a ride fro m th e Fire Brigade Station (a t th e juncture of Quee n Victori a Stree t an d Jubile e Street ) i n Centra l t o Arsena l Stree t i n Wanchai. "O f course, " h e wen t on , " I mus t hav e a littl e margin , an d i f the y offer m e sixt y cas h I take it " (HKLCSP 1901, 124). There were differen t kind s of passengers, with varied interests an d values, so there was plenty o f scope fo r different appeals . When the puller knew how to please his customer, for example, providing a guide t o th e best place s t o eat , drink , an d dance , o r was lucky, h e could get a tip. Some others would dispens e advice, solicited o r not, t o holida y merrymakers who seemed unsure o f what t o purchase. For th e pullers, one way to be rewarde d wit h a coin extr a wa s t o keep th e vehicles pleasin g t o th e eye , cleaning up the seat and cushion for the comfort o f the passengers (Madamoisell e 1928, 27) . In additio n t o cordia l exchanges , altercation s wer e unavoidable . A fe w examples, culle d fro m newspapers , ar e illustrative . I n a n 188 1 case , a pulle r was arrested fo r allegedl y assaultin g a Mr Dare and almos t tearin g apar t Dare' s coat, in the course of a quarrel over rickshaw hire outside MacEwen & Frickel' s Store (China Mail April 8, 1881) . Two years later, a puller wa s fined fo r refusa l to accep t th e hir e o f a Mr Degene r withou t a reasonable explanatio n (China Mail August 24 , 1883) . I n a later case , a Chines e lad y sough t damage s fro m a puller wh o wa s sai d t o hav e knocke d he r dow n wit h a ricksha w a t Queen' s Road. Th e wheel o f th e rickshaw, sh e said , ha d ru n ove r he r bod y (Zhongguo ribao November 5 , 1907). In yet another case , a traffic inspecto r stoppe d a figh t between a puller an d a vendor, wh o wa s sai d t o hav e engage d th e pulle r fo r $0.50 t o tak e he r fro m Centra l Marke t t o Secon d Street ; however , th e pulle r asked for $0.9 0 on completion o f the trip. A quarrel began and then blows were struck betwee n the m (Wah Kiu Yat Po March 1 , 1952) . Usually, th e puller s wer e regarde d wit h littl e respec t o r eve n cheate d b y their clientele . I n a court cas e of 1881 , mention wa s made o f a male ricksha w passenger o f Europea n descen t wh o lef t withou t payin g th e fare . A polic e inspector wh o gav e evidence a s a witness in cour t sai d th e expatriat e ma n wa s
THE URBAN WORKPLACE AN D STREE T POLITIC S
25
influenced b y alcoho l an d kep t o n using filth y languag e when h e was brough t to th e charg e roo m b y th e pulle r (China Mai l January 21 , 1881) . I n anothe r case, a man who had engage d a rickshaw t o take him from Wanchai t o Taihan g paid less than th e normal rate, without establishin g a prior agreemen t (HKLCSP 1901, 124) . In 1905 , a case was mentioned i n which Auguste Richter , fireman , and Gu s Rene , seama n o f th e steamshi p Queen Louise, wer e arreste d i n Bowrington Cana l (the n a hug e nulla h nea r th e waterfront ) afte r allegedl y refusing t o pay at the end of their rickshaw trip (South China Morning Post March 10, 1905) . A n articl e i n th e Hongkong Sunday Herald (Novembe r 3 , 1929 ) lamented: "Th e ricsha pulle r i s far mor e familiar wit h kicks and curse s tha n h e is with sympathy. " Conflicts ove r fare s t o charg e fo r th e hir e o f ricksha w servic e coul d fue l and give pseudo-rationale t o racial prejudices. At 3 pm o n a spring day in 1927 , Li Chor Ch i (th e Chines e secretar y o f Ho Hong Bank) an d hi s Western touris t friends engage d fou r publi c rickshaws a t the upper terminu s o f th e Peak Tram. Having gon e fo r a semi-circula r rid e alon g Harlec h Roa d immediatel y t o th e right of a shady shelter fo r seda n chai r coolie s (no w adaptively reused as a cafe for local s an d tourists) , L i paid $0.2 0 t o eac h o f th e pullers. Nevertheless , th e pullers complaine d tha t $0.2 0 cent s fo r eac h was not enoug h an d pestere d Li' s friends fo r "cumshaw " — a gift o f money for services rendered. 1 Moment s later , about fiftee n othe r coolie s spran g t o th e hel p o f th e fou r pullers , an d on e o f them furiousl y remarke d t o Li : "Yo u thin k yo u ar e ver y importan t takin g foreigners around " (Hongkong Daily Press January 31 , 1927). Certain pullers , i n orde r t o ge t som e extr a money , were lure d int o crime . To cite but on e example , T o Kwai Ting was brought befor e th e magistrat e fo r snatching $1.5 0 fro m th e pocke t o f a M r Dettman , wh o wa s aslee p i n th e rickshaw, being a little drunk a t th e time (China Mail June 16 , 1881). Anothe r puller wa s sentence d t o twenty-on e day s i n jail fo r tippin g of f hi s patro n o n how t o get around th e law to call illegal prostitutes (Wah Tsz Yat Po August 29 , 1936). Man y other s pushe d opiu m o r ra n prostitutio n ring s a s a lucrativ e sideline. There were passengers who, while ridin g in rickshaws , were set upo n by thugs, allegedly at the instigation of the pullers (Hongkong Government Gazette March 4, 1904 , 301; Hongkong Telegraph May 4, 1927; Tai Chung Yat Po January 7, April 2 , 1937) . Th e puller s wer e no t regarde d a s sufficientl y reliabl e t o b e entrusted wit h th e carriage , especiall y afte r dark , o f passengers. Symptomati c of th e gangster proble m wa s a press report, i n 1941 , of th e police requiremen t for a mandatory re-registratio n o f al l pullers, apparentl y a n attemp t t o protec t 1. Th e English ter m "cumshaw " i s derived fro m th e Cantones e expressio n kam-tse (ganxie ifSIU), the literal rendering of which is "grateful thanks " (Couling 1917 , 137).
26
RELUCTANT HEROE S
the commuting public from fallin g prey to the criminal elements who ostensibl y worked a s pullers (Nanhua ribao June 19 , 1941) . The puller s ha d t o b e equippe d wit h competen t knowledg e o f th e urba n built environment. Fo r them, an object with an easily identifiable attribut e coul d be viewed as an obvious landmark. O n one occasion, a puller too k a sailor down to what was better known t o him as the "blue building," tha t is, the Royal Naval Canteen the n situate d i n Causewa y Bay, now long gone. For many years, Elgin Street, whic h wa s dee p i n mu d wit h ever y showe r o f rain, wa s know n b y th e local Chines e a s Nijie ($BHJ , "mud street") . Sixty years ago, the area o f Kwon g Hon Terrac e wa s know n t o ricksha w puller s a s Sajian CJtfW , "thirt y houses" ) because o f the presence o f thirty houses there , and th e pullers rarely referred t o this are a by th e rea l Chines e nam e — Kwong Hon To i (La m 1991 , interview). An awareness o f distance was inevitably built u p durin g th e working hour s o n the street, a s reflected i n a puller's claim tha t he coul d normally ear n mor e in a short-distance hir e tha n i n a long-distance hir e (HKLCSP 1901, 124). In orde r to us e thei r tim e mor e wisely , th e puller s too k shortcut s o r circuitou s route s that wer e more cost-effectiv e i n relation t o th e tim e fo r leavin g an d returning . Crawling throug h th e streets, the pullers knew when an d where they coul d make th e mos t money . Th e mornin g wa s a peak perio d fo r rickshaws , whic h were muc h require d fo r travelin g betwee n hom e an d work . I n th e noontim e came a second wave of customer s rushin g fo r lunch , an d perhaps a third wav e in th e evening after offic e employee s got off work (Chu n 1990 , interview). Th e cocktail parties, dinner cruises , and horse races in Happy Valley, which occupie d important places on the social and sporting calendars of the upper class , Chinese and European , wer e exceedingl y goo d revenu e period s fo r th e pullers . Whe n brothel-goers too k prostitute s ou t fo r th e night , the y hire d rickshaw s a s well. Accordingly, th e pullers were drawn t o Shektongtsui (ofte n referre d t o as early Hong Kong's "Moulin Rouge" because of its profusion o f brothels) lik e a magnet, with th e resul t tha t th e signal bells o f th e rickshaws ran g ou t acros s th e stree t and broke the stillness of the night. This made sleep difficult fo r residents, much to thei r annoyanc e (C O 131/49, July 3 , 17 , 1913) . The tourists and the well-to-do Chinese and Europeans living in Hong Kong, whether fo r busines s o r fo r pleasure , wer e amon g thos e wh o too k rickshaws . Indeed, a popular guidebook strongly recommended t o its readers an "interestin g ricsha ride " to be taken ove r Jubilee Roa d to the fishing villag e of Aberdeen, i n order t o sightse e i n ful l th e picturesqu e scene s o f Hon g Kong , whic h stoo d comparison wit h an y othe r touris t cit y i n th e Fa r Eas t (Cro w 1921 , 288-9). Every day , one witnesse d joyful visitor s wit h gleefu l expression s ridin g i n th e rickshaws. Th e puller s hunte d fo r customer s wh o woul d pa y handsome rates . Said a resident: "I f there was a chance of a gentleman i n th e bar [Hote l Bar], or
THE URBA N WORKPLAC E AN D STREE T POLITIC S
27
a captain in Jardine's [Jardin e House], 2 the y would not take you" (HKLCSP 1901 , 44, 91 , 123-4). The y lounge d aroun d outsid e th e railwa y stations , nightclubs , live musi c venues , caf e bars , restaurants , ferr y piers , an d offic e buildings , a s shown i n Photo s 2. 2 an d 2.3 , where the y waite d fo r business . I n additio n t o keeping a shar p lookou t fo r business , the y woul d repeatedl y cr y ou t t o pedestrians: "Ricksha w here ! Rickshaw? " From momen t t o moment, stree t lif e wa s risky. For example , a puller wa s robbed o f a purs e containin g $0.7 0 an d a drivin g licence , b y thre e me n o n Shaukiwan Roa d (Hongkong Government Gazette Marc h 12 , 1898 , 231) . I n another incident , thre e men thre w pepper int o th e eye s of a coolie the n pullin g a rickshaw o n Kowloo n Cit y Road, causing him t o drop th e shaft s s o tha t the y could intercep t th e ricksha w an d ro b th e passenge r (South China Morning Post March 12 , 1915) . I n 1940 , a pulle r wa s sentence d b y a magistrat e t o thre e months' imprisonment an d a fine o f $25 as compensation t o another pulle r wh o had bee n physicall y chastise d becaus e o f th e latter' s refusa l t o join a crimina l gang (Lih Pao September 29 , 1940) . Some amon g th e pullers fel l victi m t o th e racketeering method s o f robbe r gang s o f thre e t o fiv e me n an d wer e force d t o
Photo 2. 2 Waitin g t o offe r servic e o n Hon g Kong' s Praya , 1937 . Thi s i s Connaugh t Roa d Central, th e "Praya " a s i t wa s called , whic h ha s undergon e a metamorphosi s throug h redevelopment an d reclamation . Th e colonnade d building s ar e flanke d wit h rickshaw s read y for hire . The y are , fro m th e left , King' s Building, Unio n Building , an d th e Genera l Pos t Offic e (now al l gone). Courtes y o f Publi c Record s Office , Governmen t Record s Service , Hon g Kong . 2. Th e "Princel y Hong " o f Jardine, Matheso n & Co. , a tradin g fir m wit h it s beginning s in th e colonia l histor y o f Hon g Kong .
2 8 RELUCTAN
T HEROE S
Photo 2. 3 Commuter s o n th e ferr y pie r o f Tsimshatsui , 1937 . Th e "Hongkon g Ferry " wa s so name d t o infor m passenger s tha t i t wa s th e boardin g poin t fo r ferrie s o f Th e "Star " Ferr y Co. Ltd . t o leav e Kowloo n fo r Hon g Kon g Island . Th e hug e canopy , o n th e left , i s a shad y shelter fo r ricksha w pullers t o wait fo r an d pick up ferr y passengers . Courtes y o f Public Record s Office, Governmen t Record s Service , Hon g Kong .
pay "tributes " t o the m fo r protection . Th e gangs ' gri p o n th e puller s wa s s o strong tha t th e polic e wer e kep t fro m makin g a rea l den t i n th e proble m o r even beginnin g t o solv e i t (Chu n 1990 , interview) . The street market was a competitive arena . Making its appearance i n Hon g Kong in 1908 , the ca r was a symbol o f luxury fo r th e wealthiest. Fro m a tota l of 1,34 8 car s in 192 7 the figure ros e to 3,231 in 1933 . The taxicab was anothe r competitor o f th e rickshaw . O n April 9, 1928 , a number o f pullers an d taxica b drivers wer e caugh t u p i n a disput e a t th e Sta r Ferr y Pier , wher e th e puller s pelted th e taxicab s with stones , thoug h th e specifi c reaso n fo r th e troubl e wa s unclear. Th e polic e arrive d an d steppe d betwee n th e tw o hostil e parties , bu t not befor e som e damag e t o th e taxicab s was done (Hongkong Daily Press April 10, 1928) . A puller sai d in 193 7 that th e commuters who had paid $ 2 to $3 fo r a ricksha w rid e fro m Tsimshatsu i t o Tsue n Wa n wer e lure d awa y b y taxica b drivers wh o demande d onl y $1.2 0 t o $1.4 0 fo r th e sam e distance . A s he go t fewer customers , th e pulle r said , hi s incom e droppe d t o $ 1 o r onl y $0.5 0 a day, eve n thoug h h e neede d $1.3 0 t o $1.4 0 eac h da y t o maintai n hi s healt h and physica l abilit y necessar y t o pull hi s rickshaw (Tai Chung Yat Po February 5, 1937) .
29
THE URBA N WORKPLAC E AN D STREE T POLITIC S
Motor conveyance s wer e a sourc e o f physica l dange r t o th e puller s wh o plied fo r trade . Accident-at-work figure s ar e given in Table 2.2, in which i t ca n be see n tha t injurie s i n 193 8 reache d a n all-tim e high , a s twenty-on e puller s were injured. Th e threa t t o life cause d by cars , dreaded by the local s as if the y were "cit y tigers" (shihu rfffm) , wa s especially grea t in th e nighttime, s o muc h so that , i n 1927 , the Kowloon Residents ' Association calle d o n th e governmen t to improv e publi c lightin g o f roadways an d us e mor e powerful ca r headlights . An official repor t in 193 8 noted: "it would be unwise further t o defer th e revision of ou r moto r traffi c legislatio n an d th e inclusio n therei n o f provisio n fo r compulsory insurance agains t third-party risks" (Hongkong Hansard October 13 , 1938, 126) . Roa d accident s rate d n o mor e tha n a coupl e o f paragraphs , o r received n o mentio n a t al l i n th e newspapers . Ye t thei r effec t coul d no t b e underrated. Th e term s of rickshaw hiring offere d n o insurance t o th e puller fo r medical coverage , and a single accident coul d destro y th e fragile securit y o f his family. I f a puller wa s t o make a livelihood, n o matte r ho w humble , he had t o have shar p eye s an d t o kee p aler t t o th e danger s arisin g fro m th e workplace . Table 2. 2 Ricksha w accident s i n Hon g Kong , 1922-3 9 Year Acciden
1922 1923 1924 1925 1926
6 5 0 5 1
t Injur
y Deat
0 2 -
h
0
1927-32 (n o dat a available )
1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939
1 2 1 1 2 5 5
2 5 7 9 2 7 2
4
1
8
0
14
0
15
1
14
0
21
0
11
0
Compiled fro m Hongkong Administration Reports, 1922-3 9
For man y years , the pullers were held i n lo w estee m an d i t was said the y were "huma n beast s o f burden" (Hongkong Sunday Herald November 3 , 1929) . Perhaps th e reaso n wa s tha t the y wer e alway s unaestheticall y barefoote d an d barebacked and , mos t often , thei r ski n wa s darkene d b y th e blazin g midda y sun. For them, however, to make a livelihood by being pullers is not as degrading as conventiona l wisdo m insists . Th e live s o f man y migrant s di d improv e a s a result o f immigrating . On e pulle r wa s quote d a s sayin g i n 193 9 tha t h e wa s
30
RELUCTANT HEROE S
"better of f i n Hon g Kon g tha n i n Swatow, " wher e h e ha d worke d a s a farme r (HKLCSP 1939 , 160) . Indeed , th e puller s wer e fre e t o choos e whe n t o wor k and whe n t o relax . A retiree wh o ha d earne d hi s livin g b y being a pulle r fo r some fifty year s remarked: "Contrar y to general belief, my work does not require heavy physica l exertion , bu t a littl e skill. " "Pullin g th e ricksha w i s self employment. I don't fee l being a puller has robbed m e of my dignity. Ricksha w pulling wa s a low-status occupation , bu t I have no regret s a t havin g spen t m y life a s a puller" (Chu n 1990 , interview) .
Extra-Familial Socia l Circle s In th e earl y colonia l perio d o f Hong Kong , th e lowes t working clas s was mos t commonly th e subject o f victimization by Triad racketeers. A government repor t in 190 1 remarked tha t mos t ricksha w puller s belonge d t o on e o r othe r o f th e Triad gangs. Freedom from intimidatio n o f the criminal underworld was difficul t to attain ; som e o f th e puller s face d assaul t fo r refusa l t o b e enliste d int o membership, an d man y headme n wh o lease d ou t publi c rickshaw s wer e "members o f th e Tria d Society " (HKLCSP 1901, 11, 58, 88-9). Othe r evidenc e (Ta Chung Pao August 2 , 1946 ) indicate s tha t a helmsman representin g som e 700 Chiucho w puller s was a member o f the Yee On Employees' and Employers ' Association (Yfa n gongshan g zonghui H:?cljSflltllt), a group tha t was banned and deregistere d b y th e governmen t i n 1947 . It later evolve d int o th e crimina l syndicate o f Su n Ye e On (Xi n Yi'an §ffii:S: , Ne w Righteousnes s an d Peacefu l Society) tha t survive s t o thi s day . The police were obligate d t o serve th e general public. I n a traffic incident , for instance , a police office r intercepte d a drunk drive r wh o ha d crashe d hi s car int o a pulle r o n Henness y Road , Wanchai (Kung Sheung Daily News Ma y 15, 1940) . But it is questionable whethe r thes e were th e exception o r th e rule. Those who wer e suppose d t o protec t wer e ofte n th e one s who inflicte d harm . For example, in answer to a charge of street obstruction in a court case on March 18, 1928 , a Chinese coolie stated that he had been arrested because of his refusa l to yield t o th e "squeeze " aske d fo r b y a police officer . Th e magistrate accepte d the stor y o f th e coolie , wh o wa s discharge d (Hongkong Daily Press March 19 , 1928). Moreover , a retire d pulle r recalle d tha t individua l polic e officer s ha d "tolerated" th e existenc e o f unlicensed rickshaw s o n th e streets, in earl y post World War I I Wanchai, i n return fo r bein g able t o sau-shui (shoushui ^ / X ) — sou, collect and shui, water — Cantonese slang for "solicitin g bribes" (Lam 1991, interview). In th e rhyth m o f dail y life , th e puller s picke d thei r wa y dow n th e street , stopped a t one parking lot, and went t o another. While touting fo r clients , each
THE URBA N WORKPLACE AN D STREE T POLITIC S
31
went o n hi s ow n wa y an d wa s accompanie d onl y b y hi s rickshaw , barel y speaking wit h thos e who m h e me t o n th e street . B y looking a t th e licens e plat e on a rickshaw , however , th e puller s kne w a t leas t wher e th e operato r o f th e rickshaw cam e from . A pulle r coul d b e nickname d afte r th e firs t digi t o f a rickshaw license . Fo r instance , th e pulle r wh o rente d a publi c ricksha w wit h the licens e n u m b e r 38 1 wa s k n o w n amon g hi s friend s a s Sanzitou ( H ^ H , literally "three-worde d head") . I n addition , th e licens e numbe r reveale d th e ownership o f th e ricksha w — th e propert y o f a businessman name d Ton g Yin g Ching (Tan g Yingzhe n fJUSltt ) (La m 1991 , interview) . Throug h argo t an d affectionate nickname s o f person s an d thing s derive d fro m everyda y lif e i n th e workplace, a sens e o f brotherhoo d amon g th e puller s coul d b e nurtured , an d a certain in-grou p solidarit y an d fraternit y create d an d reaffirmed . The stree t wa s no t jus t a plac e o f wor k bu t als o a plac e o f socializin g an d interaction fo r th e neighborhood' s assortmen t o f residents . Tim e spen t a t th e vehicle parkin g zones , o n th e roads , an d i n fron t o f cinema s an d hotel s mean t a chanc e t o ge t o n i n a jungle o f relations . Th e space s i n th e city' s sid e street s were sometime s a plac e t o mee t an d chat , wher e th e puller s ha d som e leisur e for fantan ( § 1 $ ) — a gamblin g gam e playe d wit h dic e — a s a brea k fro m routine. O n Marc h 11 , 1905 , a seda n chai r cooli e wa s sen t t o th e Governmen t Civil Hospita l sufferin g fro m injurie s receive d durin g a street fight , th e outcom e of a gamblin g disput e (South China Morning Post Marc h 12 , 1915) . A femal e traveler, Bell a Sidne y Woolf, wh o lef t fo r Canto n b y way o f Hon g Kon g i n 1927 , recognized "th e raucou s voice s o f wome n chatterin g an d quarrellin g i n th e narrow alley s o r ricksha w an d chai r coolie s squabblin g ove r gamblin g game s i n dark corners " (Hongkong Daily Press Septembe r 6 , 1927) . The cooli e communitie s were , a t times , i n collisio n an d reconciliation . Th e pullers' attempt s t o solici t fare s a t th e expens e o f work peer s wer e a n indicatio n of thei r money-mindedness , whic h coul d lea d t o grievou s injurie s o r eve n death . Reaching dee p insid e t o unleas h thei r anima l instincts , seda n chai r an d ricksha w coolies tende d t o "rus h a t passenger s an d invariabl y a fierc e struggl e amongs t them ensue s a s t o wh o shal l devou r th e passenger. " "Th e passenge r meanwhil e runs th e ris k o f havin g hi s o r he r hea d o r rib s broke n o r sustainin g som e injur y while th e figh t i s goin g o n betwee n th e coolie s a s t o wh o shal l secur e th e hire " (Hongkong Hansard Novembe r 23 , 1891 , 59). O n Apri l 10 , 1903 , thre e puller s in De s Voeu x Roa d ha d a disput e ove r fare s an d fough t i t ou t wit h brut e force , leaving on e o f the m dea d i n hi s ricksha w (Hongkong Government Gazette Marc h 4, 1904 , 298 , 314). An ite m i n Hongkong Telegraph (Novembe r 30 , 1911 ) reads : The ricksha w coolie s wh o congregat e outsid e th e Victori a Theatr e have bee n makin g themselve s ver y objectionabl e o f late . Whe n th e patronage o f th e cinematograp h com e ou t th e coolie s mad e a wid e rush fo r th e entrance, regardless of the danger o f knocking pedestrian s down.
32
RELUCTANT HEROE S
The stree t was a place where individualistic self-interest s an d materialisti c values wer e ofte n reinforce d b y th e nee d t o see k allie s a s par t o f defensiv e strategies. On e day , th e verba l insult s exchange d betwee n a pulle r an d a stevedore at a crossroads led t o a fistfight o f thirty pullers and a similar numbe r of stevedore s (Kung Sheung Daily News Octobe r 12 , 1947) . Th e puller s ofte n worked alone , and sometimes the y had t o face difficul t customers . O n a winter day, a puller trade d blows with tw o Europeans in front o f a nightclub i n Natha n Road. I n a few minutes , fou r othe r puller s cam e an d spran g t o th e ai d o f thei r comrade i n th e fight , eve n thoug h the y di d no t kno w eac h othe r (Hwa Shiang Pao January 19 , 1948). Understandably, th e pullers who had no othe r resource s but cla n networks most directl y at their disposal could look only to work peer s for protection . I n th e even t o f competitio n wit h riva l element s i n th e marketplace, the y sough t allie s fro m withi n thei r ow n ethnic-socia l world . The cooli e communitie s an d other s performin g menia l labo r kne w fro m their defensive action s that peer cohesiveness could work, not only against street bullies but als o agains t unrul y passenger s an d unwelcome polic e authorities a s well. For instance, any Western (o r Chinese ) firm/househol d i n the urban area s of Hong Kon g Island tha t succeeded i n prosecuting a Chinese cooli e was likely to be boycotted by the convicted coolie's work peers; as a result, the complainan t and hi s o r her famil y coul d no t ge t an y cooli e service for a t least tw o o r thre e months (HKLCSP 1901, 42, 52 , 57-8 , 88-9) . O n on e occasion , a t lunchtime , the vicinity o f Sta r Ferr y Pie r was denuded o f rickshaws, a s the puller s stage d a strik e ove r allege d polic e abus e agains t on e o f thei r numbers . Th e puller s refused t o go back t o work unti l reassure d by the police that the y would suffe r no furthe r abus e (South China Morning Post April 13 , 1948). The geographic and dialect groups turned up mutual acquaintances, perhaps as close as relatives. Their sens e of communal cohesio n someho w got mixed i n with thei r jobs. One example is a Hoifung pulle r named La m Shu Cheung , wh o used to go daily to the Macao Ferry Pier where he awaited patronage and became acquainted wit h othe r puller s wh o spok e hi s hom e dialect ; th e topi c o f gossi p revolved aroun d jobs an d famil y (La m 1991 , interview). O n completio n o f hi s twelve-hour shift , L i Kwai would han d ove r hi s ricksha w t o th e second-shif t puller, a migrant from th e same Chiuchow clan, who too k th e remaining twelv e hours (HKLCSP 1901, 121) . I n thei r off-hours , th e Chiucho w coolie s foun d comfort b y hanging ou t wit h tongxiang (MM, "hometow n acquaintances" ) a t sidewalk teahouses and cooked foo d stall s (dapaidang ^cW$t), where they too k mounds o f Chiucho w tidbit s an d "chop-suey " tha t allowe d the m t o fee l th e closeness amon g kin an d shar e in thei r communit y lif e (Tsu i 1991 , interview). A realistic representatio n o f suc h ordinar y sight s an d scene s tha t hav e lon g occupied a place i n th e histor y o f thi s cit y was shown i n a newspaper cartoo n (Figure 2.1) .
Figure 2. 1 Gathering s a t roadsid e foo d stalls , 195 2 (Source : Ta Kung Po March 3 , 1952 )
Communal cohesion bore on collectivist solutions to daily problems. During the tim e covere d i n thi s book, a major shar e o f th e ricksha w trad e wa s i n th e hands o f th e Chiucho w an d th e Hoklo , and a certain par t playe d b y th e Punti , though thei r exac t proportio n canno t b e ascertaine d (HKLCSP 1901 , 2, 85 ; Hongkong Chines e Genera l Chambe r o f Commerc e 1935 , 6-11). Th e pullers ' interethnic competitio n o f clientel e coul d brin g ou t ope n manifestation s o f animosity, ofte n expresse d i n th e for m o f fights . A n illustration i s Saiyingpun , where th e Chiucho w ha d establishe d contro l ove r certai n market s an d busines s quarters. Th e puller s exchange d custome r informatio n whil e a t th e sam e tim e using al l surviva l strategie s a t thei r disposal , brut e forc e i f necessary , t o figh t over territoria l monopolies o f the trade . "Everythin g possible was done," sai d a retiree, a former pulle r who ha d been working an d livin g in Saiyingpun shortl y before th e Pacifi c War , "t o preven t riva l outsider s fro m snatchin g awa y passengers wh o woul d otherwis e g o to us. In thi s way, we th e Chiucho w wer e assured o f ou r clientel e i n ou r ow n territor y an d looke d afte r eac h other' s wel l being" (Chu n 1990 , interview) .
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RELUCTANT HEROE S
Similarly, a t Win g Lo k Wharf , o r Three-Cornere d Whar f (Sanjia o mato u H^fiSiijf), i n Sheun g Wan , stevedor e hand s o f variou s geographi c origin s congregated t o await customer s an d orchestrate d gan g wars towar d capturin g a greater marke t share . Sometime s eve n th e pres s foun d i t difficul t t o identif y with certaint y wha t grou p dynamic s entere d int o th e conflic t proces s (Lih Pao July 26 , 1940 ; Zhongguo wanbao November 23 , 1941) . An essayist , writin g i n 1937, spoke o f an observabl e phenomenon o f his own lifetime: rickshaw puller s of different hometow n origin s wore hats o f different styles . As a rule o f thumb , the bambo o hat s o f Hokl o native s wer e cone-shape d wit h shar p point s a t th e top. Those with hats that were rounded an d flat at the top were Chiuchow (Kung Sheung Daily News June 14 , 1937) . Thi s litera l representatio n i s unexpectedl y shown i n a historic photograph , take n abou t th e year 1937 , which i s in Hon g Kong's Publi c Record s Offic e (Phot o 2.4) .
Photo 2. 4 Takin g a brea k fro m ricksha w pulling , 1937 . Thi s i s Connaugh t Roa d Central , as it looke d som e 7 0 years ago , where no w eigh t lane s o f traffi c ar e busy almos t continuously . Presumably, th e pulle r wearin g a hat tha t i s rounde d an d fla t a t th e to p (secon d t o th e right ) is a Chiuchow native . Those wearing conica l hat s are pullers o f Hoi-Luk-Fung origin . Courtes y of Publi c Record s Office , Governmen t Record s Service , Hon g Kong .
The fac t tha t Chiucho w an d Hokl o wer e minorit y dialec t group s i n Hon g Kong fro m th e lat e nineteent h t o earl y twentiet h centurie s bear s significantl y on our understanding o f their defensive cultura l repertoire. In 1931 , for instance , there were only 11,37 3 Chiucho w an d 7,84 9 Hokl o in Hong Kong in a Chines e
THE URBA N WORKPLAC E AN D STREE T POLITIC S
35
population o f 821,429 , o f whic h a t leas t 648,15 4 (o r 78. 9 percen t o f th e tota l Chinese livin g i n Hon g Kong ) wer e Cantones e speakin g (HKLCSP 1931 , 128) . Deprived o f th e chanc e o f obtainin g job s requirin g technica l skills , th e less well-off C h i u c h o w a n d H o k l o w e r e m o s t l y confine d t o m e n i a l w o r k . Communicating i n thei r ow n dialects , th e Chiucho w an d Hokl o wer e al l to o conscious o f thei r numericall y smalle r strengt h an d th e pressin g nee d t o stic k together wit h othe r regional s t o defend thei r collectiv e interests. They understoo d themselves no t simpl y a s unskille d laborer s bu t a s me n i n a minorit y positio n in a Cantones e hos t society . N o wonde r the y readil y affiliate d wit h on e another , as par t o f a brotherhoo d network , fo r protectio n an d enhancemen t o f mutua l interests. In a n earlie r phas e o f H o n g Kon g society , certai n geographi c group s exercised thei r influenc e o n som e occupations , eithe r i n complet e monopol y o r in partia l dominance . Fo r instance , sedan-chai r coolie s wer e originall y mainl y natives o f Yanping (Enpin g H ^ P ) nea r Canton , thoug h earlier , mos t wer e native s of Haiphon g o r Hoi-Luk-Fun g (HKLCSP 1901 , 75-6; China Mail Ma y 30 , 1925 ; Ta Kung Po Apri l 13 , 1940) . Native s o f Tungku n (Donggua n jfcS: ) h a d a stronghold i n th e manufactur e o f firecracker s an d th e wholesal e o f frui t an d vegetables, thu s th e existenc e o f Tun g Ku n Stree t nea r th e Yaumate i Wholesal e Market. Fo r stree t laborer s an d traders , traditiona l socia l tie s accentuate d thei r communication an d henc e organizationa l strength , essentia l fo r the m t o liv e life i n th e urba n workplace . Thi s poin t ha s bee n pu t well , i n a rathe r differen t context, b y a n anthropologist : The Chines e attac h grea t valu e t o th e identit y o f thei r ow n o r thei r ancestral birthplace . Th e relevanc e o f nativ e plac e fo r ethni c grou p organization occur s i n th e contex t wher e on e grou p move s int o th e native domai n o f anothe r group , o r wher e tw o loca l system s shar e a common borde r an d wher e ther e i s a tendenc y towar d mutua l encroachment upo n o r exchang e acros s borders . (Blak e 1980 , 11-2 ) The anthropologis t ha d i n min d th e marke t tow n situatio n o f th e 1970s , i n the the n predominantl y rura l Ne w Territories . Bu t clearl y thi s descriptio n i s applicable t o th e establishe d downtow n area s in Hong Kon g Island an d Kowloo n Peninsula wherei n th e cla n an d territoria l group s wer e wel l awar e o f th e nee d for acquirin g kin/quasi-ki n resource s t o resolv e conflict s arisin g fro m th e urba n workplace. Th e proximit y o f hom e an d work , th e rudimentar y gathering s a t rickshaw parkin g zone s an d commoners ' teahouses , an d th e selectio n o f othe r regionals a s partners i n wor k shift s consequentl y le d t o littl e functiona l o r socia l contact amon g person s o f differen t dialect s o r place s o f origin . Economi c rivalr y in th e marketplac e le d t o furthe r mutua l animosity , whic h alway s involve d a hostile attitud e vis-a-vis othe r people , eve n i n th e sam e occupation .
3 6 RELUCTAN
T HEROE S
Conclusion The workplace o n th e stree t provide d a fertile groun d fo r th e emergenc e o f a n esprit de corps. The transportatio n coolie s cashe d i n o n variou s opportunities . They had t o stay on full alert , expect the unexpected, an d meet the expectation s of th e peopl e tha t the y worked wit h an d for , whe n th e situatio n permitted . A business flair was particularly necessary for th e partially self-employed ricksha w pullers, who tende d t o haggl e wit h thei r passenger s abou t rates . Men wit h a n entrepreneurial spirit , th e puller s ha d t o know thei r wa y around town , i n par t to kno w fee s t o charge , i n par t t o reac h client s a t th e righ t plac e a t just th e right moment . T o do well, the y had t o perfect th e ar t o f haggling an d winnin g customers. Considerin g th e need to fetch mor e fares and t o bargain o n the rate, and t o b e attentiv e an d sensitiv e t o custome r needs , th e puller s wer e mor e comparable t o seda n chai r bearers , hawkers, an d taxica b driver s tha n t o mos t employees workin g i n industry . Living th e vida loca on th e stree t is a life journey throug h a n intricate we b of relationship s i n which joy an d despai r a s well a s dangers an d opportunitie s are entwined . Fo r th e pullers , th e struggl e wit h machin e technolog y wa s just one twis t i n th e rando m tension s o f th e urban workplace . Thei r awarenes s o f being self-employe d wa s reinforce d b y th e nee d t o mak e extensiv e us e o f ki n loyalties t o handl e dail y situations . Th e cla n ties , which stresse d cooperation , mutual aid , an d avoidanc e o f dealings with officialdom , wer e inviting t o thos e who struggled t o survive economically and socially as minorities in an ethnicall y diverse environment. Working their way in a competitive urban workplace, the y tended t o co-identify b y choice with compatriots. Ethnic solidarity was manifes t in a flurry o f activities involving various spheres of life: social, home, and work . This i s a reflectio n o n th e pullers ' positio n betwee n worlds , patriarcha l an d individualistic.
3 British Rule and Chinese Valiancy, up to 1926
H
ONG KON G (meanin g "Fragran t Harbor " i n Chinese) , formerl y a crow n colony under British sovereignty and now a Special Administrative Region of China , i s situated of f th e southeaster n coas t o f Kwangtun g Province , a t th e mouth o f the Pearl River Estuary. 1 A European traveler , on a trip to South Chin a before World War II, was impressed with Hong Kong's "order and thoroughness , its civil and social organization and all the best and most modern improvements " (Sewell 1933 , 77) . Th e orderl y runnin g o f th e crow n colon y was , however , disturbed b y man y problems . Th e colonia l administrator s foun d themselve s constantly surrounde d b y Chines e faces . Althoug h the y mad e Hon g Kon g a trading pos t an d followe d th e policy o f minimal effor t t o regulat e commercia l life, the y di d fee l tha t th e introductio n an d impositio n o f certai n "rule s an d regulations" o n th e colonia l subject s (tha t is , th e residin g Chinese ) wer e "necessary fro m tim e t o time " (Norton-Kysh e 1898 : I, 4-6) . The British ruling class found muc h caus e for dissatisfaction i n the behavior of th e Chinese . Th e itineran t hawkers , wh o operate d roadsid e stalls , wer e conceived of as a source of nuisance: "obstructive, noisy, unhygienic individuals" (McGee 1973 , 22). Before th e promulgatio n o f th e Privat e Coolie s Ordinanc e of 1902 , whic h specifie d th e contrac t o f servic e betwee n a cooli e an d hi s employer, th e private-chai r cooli e earne d th e infamou s imag e a s "on e o f th e most impudent and unruly members of this community," and "neither his master nor th e Police have direct control over him." The police regarded "th e licensin g of privat e chai r coolie s a t an y rat e a s a mos t desirabl e an d eve n necessar y measure in the interests of law and order" (Hongkong Government Gazette March 16, 1895 , 193) . I t was considere d tha t registratio n coul d hel p i n weedin g ou t "rogues masqueradin g a s privat e coolies " (HKLCSP 1901 , 4-5) . Similarly , rickshaw puller s ha d a tainted imag e as " a low, dirty, abusive class , who extor t from th e foreigne r fa r mor e tha n i s accepted fro m th e native, any protest bein g met wit h vulga r abuse " (Bal l 1903 , 309). 1. A n earlier version of this chapter was published in David Faure (ed.) Hong Kong: A Reader in Social History (Hon g Kong: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 393-425. The chapter has been revised for the present publication.
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From a n officia l poin t o f view , i t i s necessar y t o forc e th e "rowdy " Chines e to m e n d thei r ways , t o kee p the m i n line , an d t o preven t the m fro m errati c behavior Thi s le d t o a bewilderin g rang e o f lega l restriction s tha t migh t b e inconsistent t o th e "culture " tha t th e native s foun d perfectl y acceptabl e Th e strike o f 1844 , a n occasio n whe n carg o coolie s lodge d a protes t wit h domesti c servants agains t a bil l t o requir e compulsor y registratio n o f inhabitants , ha d parallels i n late r years A n ordinanc e m 1860 , which mad e i t a punishable offenc e for carg o boa t worker s no t t o registe r wit h th e government , provoke d anothe r strike I n 1863 , the sedan-chai r bearer s ros e u p i n protes t a t a syste m providin g the licensin g o f publi c vehicle s an d thei r operator s T o thes e coul d b e adde d the strike s o f 1866 , 1867 , 187 2 an d 188 8 (Tsa i 1993 , 77-81 ) Thes e strikes , m different ways , revealed a pattern o f protest s agains t th e overbearin g pretension s of colonia l official s To th e annoyanc e o f th e traffi c enforcers , th e ricksha w puller s seeme d t o prefer takin g th e la w i n thei r ow n hand s The y wildl y cu t i n fron t o f othe r vehicles an d sho t ou t o f sid e road s ont o ma m roads , alway s withou t a glanc e a t oncoming traffi c Ther e wer e persisten t tout s wh o solicited , pestered , an d obstructed tourist s an d resident s alik e B y law, touting fo r client s was prohibited , however, thi s wa s m u c h ignore d A n anonymou s reade r corresponden t wrot e (Hongkong Observer Januar y 28 , 1928 ) We hav e ha d a numbe r o f prosecution s o f Chines e motor-ca r tout s during recen t weeks , bu t ther e i s anothe r kin d o f tout s tha t I shoul d like t o se e take n i n han d b y th e authoritie s I refe r t o th e toutin g ricksha coolie s I n spit e o f th e effort s o f al l section s o f th e Hon g Kong Polic e Forc e i t i s difficul t t o wal k fift y yard s withou t bein g pestered b y a dozen o r s o coolie s — an d th e chai r coolie s ar e just a s bad, i f no t wors e Indeed, fro m tim e t o time , th e puller s wer e brough t befor e th e magistrate s (th e judicial official s wh o preside d ove r th e lower crimina l courts ) fo r unrul y behavio r and pett y crime s Ther e wer e view s expresse d i n th e Englis h pres s an d i n th e official paper s o n th e necessit y t o impos e mor e sweepin g regulation s o n th e pullers o n th e basi s o f th e Wester n concep t o f orderlines s A notabl e exampl e of thi s i s foun d i n Thoma s Henderso n Whitehea d ( 1 8 5 1 - 1 9 3 3 ) , honorar y member o f th e (mostl y European ) Chambe r o f Commerc e an d manage r o f th e Chartered Ban k o f India , Australia , an d Chin a H e mad e a speec h m 189 1 i n his capacit y a s a n unofficia l membe r o f th e Legislativ e Council , a part o f whic h reads a s follow s Jinrickshas an d chair s ar e allowed b y th e Polic e t o loiter abou t plyin g for hir e without le t o r hindranc e m th e streets , and i n th e roads , an d many o f the m ar e no t require d t o hav e thei r lam p li t afte r darknes s
BRITISH RUL E AN D CHINES E VALIANCY , U P TO 1 9 2 6 3
9
has se t i n . . . . I s i t no t possibl e t o hav e jinricksh a stand s a s i n Shanghai? I n th e Mode l Settlemen t n o jinricksha cooli e i s permitte d to mov e hi s vehicl e ou t o f prope r turn , an d whe n suc h vehicle s ar e in motio n thos e goin g i n on e directio n hav e t o kee p i n line , o r i n turn, an d t o on e fixe d side , th e lef t sid e o f th e road , whil e thos e moving i n th e opposit e wa y have t o kee p th e othe r sid e o f th e street . In thi s an d i n man y othe r respect s th e Polic e Superintenden t o r authorities woul d d o well t o follo w Shanghai . It s system o f Municipa l Government i s a mode l an d woul d wor k admirabl y i n Hongkong . (Hongkong Hansard Novembe r 23 , 1891 , 59 ) By th e en d o f th e nineteent h century , th e puller s wer e give n designate d parkin g areas b y th e Polic e Department , i n a numbe r o f stree t section s an d intersection s where the y coul d awai t th e chanc e o f obtainin g fare s withou t causin g stree t obstructions. Extr a stand s tha t subsequentl y appeare d i n al l part s o f th e tow n were indicate d b y gazett e notice s (Hongkong Government Gazette Marc h 9 , 1901 , 477; July 23 , 1909 , 506-7 ; Marc h 8 , 1912 , 157 ; Octobe r 7 , 1921 , 4 2 6 - 9 ) . The Licensin g Ordinanc e No . 8 o f 1887 , Vehicle s an d Traffi c Regulatio n Ordinance No . 4 0 o f 1912 , an d variou s regulation s empowere d th e polic e t o control th e issuin g o f ricksha w an d sedan-chai r licenses , th e fee s fo r suc h licenses, th e amoun t o f far e fo r rides , an d th e dres s an d conduc t o f th e coolies . There wer e severa l type s o f licens e fo r rickshaws : thos e fo r th e publi c one s i n the Cit y o f Victoria , o n th e Mid-Levels , an d i n Kowloon ; thos e fo r "Ts z Yon g Che" (ziyongche=f H ffi$, "rickshaw s fo r self-use, " whic h wer e symbolicall y use d as conveyance s fo r th e nouveaux riches) an d "S z K a Che " (sijiache ^LM^, th e then officia l nam e fo r "brothe l rickshaws") . A fe e pe r a n n u m wa s charge d o n each licens e fo r a rickshaw , whic h ha d t o b e take n ou t quarterl y o r half-yearly , and th e polic e woul d hav e t o ensur e tha t bot h th e ricksha w an d th e cooli e wer e in a fi t stat e fo r passenge r traffi c befor e renewa l (Tabl e 3.1) . Th e licens e wa s valid fo r on e year , an d an y chang e o f ownershi p o r abod e ha d t o b e reporte d t o the polic e fo r endorsement . Vehicl e examinatio n wa s mandatory , normall y o n a yearly basis, and an y vehicle considere d "unfi t fo r publi c use" would b e refuse d a licens e (Hongkong Blue Book, 1901-39) . During th e earl y year s o f Hon g Kon g unde r th e Britis h flag , th e masses ' contact wit h th e administratio n wa s ofte n mediate d throug h th e polic e forc e — a hybri d o f th e Englis h metropolita n mode l an d a paramilitary occupatio n forc e stemming fro m nineteenth-centur y imperialisti c conquest . I f any strike occurred , the polic e woul d b e calle d i n t o pacif y o r suppres s th e agitator s an d quickl y put a n en d t o th e problem . A s th e polic e carrie d ou t thei r wor k i n th e ful l glar e of publicity, thei r unrul y behavio r woul d caus e a worsening o f relations betwee n them an d member s o f th e public , especiall y whe n polic e discretionar y us e o f power seeme d t o b e inequitabl e an d arbitrary . Wrot e a Hon g Kon g residen t i n
4 0 RELUCTAN
T HEROE S
Table 3.1 Fee s for Hon g Kong rickshaw licenses, 1901-3 9 Annual fe e for : Every publi c ricksha w i n Victori a Every publi c ricksha w i n Ne w Kowloo n Every cooli e o f a ricksha w Every duplicat e licens e fo r a ricksha w Every duplicat e licens e fo r a cooli e Every Upper-Leve l ricksha w Every Pea k ricksha w Every Ts z Yon g Ch e Every S z K a Ch e
Since 1901
Since 1919
Since 1921
Since 1930
Since 1934
$72.00 $24.00 $0.30 $1.00 $0.10
$72.00 $24.00 $0.30 $1.00 $0.10 $24.00 $24.00 $10.00
$72.00 $24.00 $0.30 $1.00 $0.10 $24.00 $24.00 $10.00 $72.00
$36.00 $24.00 $0.30 $1.00 $0.10 $24.00 $24.00 $2.00 $72.00
$36.00 $24.00 $0.30 $1.00 $0.10
-
$2.00
-
-
-
$2.00 $72.00
Compiled fro m Hongkong Blue Book, 1901-3 9
1928, "th e ricksha cooli e might be served ou t with mor e o f the milk o f huma n kindness an d les s of the truncheon , especiall y fro m th e Indian element " (Blun t 1928, 23). 2 A s the main ar m o f th e state, the police were almost a synonym of the colonial administration, naturall y perceived as the embodiment o f the entire established orde r and legal system. The resentment fel t by the recipient of police brutality wa s toward s authorit y rathe r tha n concentrate d o n a n individual . In earl y colonia l Hon g Kong , th e Chines e wh o ra n afou l o f th e la w wer e subject t o stif f an d humiliatin g treatmen t a t th e hand s o f th e judges o f th e Magistrate's Court , wh o wer e typicall y non-Chinese . Th e convictions , whic h led t o fine s o r priso n term s an d therefor e los s o f earnings , ofte n lef t painfu l memories an d deep-seate d grievances . I n a n 188 1 cour t case , N g A Lo k (rickshaw puller ) wh o ha d dragge d a Mr Dar e fro m th e ricksha w an d nearl y tore hi s coa t apar t wa s fine d $ 5 ( a hug e su m i n thos e days) , th e alternativ e being thre e weeks' jail wit h har d labo r (China Mail April 8 , 1881) . In anothe r case heard a t th e Magistrate' s Court , twelv e pullers wer e summarily convicte d of plyin g o n th e wron g sid e o f th e road . The y wer e fine d $ 1 each , o r t o b e shackled i n th e cangue , a wooden placar d explainin g thei r crimes , an d the n sent ou t t o b e expose d i n th e marke t squar e t o publi c ridicul e fo r si x hour s (China Mail April 1 , 1881) . O f frequen t occurrenc e i n th e earl y day s o f Hon g Kong, th e use o f th e cangu e as judicial tortur e ensure d tha t th e prisoner, apar t from pain , fel t shame . The majority o f Hong Kong's population was of Chinese descent, but people of other nationalities such as Indians and Portuguese hurried t o the colony soon 2. Se e also the documentary video titled Hongkong 1898, produced by Thomas Edison in 1898 , wherein ther e is historical black-and-white footag e o n an Indian-like police officer arme d with a stick to straighten th e line of Chinese cargo coolies.
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after i t cam e unde r th e Britis h flag . Ther e wer e proponent s o f a sympatheti c effort t o embrac e th e Chines e wit h th e civilizin g influenc e (o r "mission" ) o f the Wes t (Eite l 1895 , iv-v) . However , th e racis t indignitie s committe d agains t the Chines e stoppe d wel l shor t o f thi s goal . Lik e man y othe r Britis h colonie s i n Africa an d Asia , Hon g Kon g sa w legalize d racia l segregatio n tha t manifeste d itself i n th e Hil l Distric t Reservatio n Ordinance , passe d i n 1904 , t o reserv e th e Peak fo r European-typ e dwelling s (Hongkong Government Gazette Apri l 29 , 1904 , 752). Th e Pea k wa s a n aristocrati c residentia l are a tha t overlooked , bu t kep t itself awa y from , th e h u b b u b o f th e "Chinatown " neighborhood . A n editoria l item i n Hongkong Daily Press (Jun e 29 , 1933 ) reads : "I t is , i n fact , possibl e fo r a Europea n t o liv e a lifetim e her e and , a t th e end , t o kno w nex t t o nothin g about China , neve r t o hav e eate n a Chines e meal , t o hav e n o Chines e friends , to b e entirel y ignoran t o f Chines e customs , beliefs , ar t an d history. " Some expatriate s hel d th e puller s i n contempt , despit e th e fac t tha t the y hired the m fo r transport . Reminiscin g abou t hi s experienc e i n offic e i n pre-Worl d War I I Hong Kong , a police office r wrot e tha t h e ha d "actuall y see n a Europea n ricksha passenge r thro w hi s far e mone y t o th e groun d rathe r tha n ris k touchin g the ricksha-coolie " (Andre w 1975 , 122-3) . "Yo u canno t b e tw o minute s i n a Hong Kon g street, " wrot e a n earl y Victoria n travele r i n 1878 , "withou t seein g Europeans strikin g coolie s wit h thei r cane s o r umbrellas " (Quote d i n Morri s 1988, 141) . "Certainly, " sai d a local resident , "i t i s no t ver y nic e t o se e drunke n soldiers sometime s kic k an d ill-trea t ricksh a coolies " (South China Morning Post May 1 , 1931) . Reflectin g th e arrogan t attitud e o f som e expatriates , on e Abelard o Castaneda wa s convicte d o f makin g a n attac k wit h hi s fis t o n th e pulle r w h o m he ha d engage d (South China Morning Post Ma y 1 , 1931) . O n anothe r day , a man presumabl y o f India n descen t gav e a ricksha w puller , w h o m h e di d no t know, a hi t o n hi s hea d wit h a n umbrell a (Kung Sheung Daily News Ma y 12 , 1931). Suc h prejudic e lie s behin d comment s lik e th e following , expresse d i n a letter t o th e edito r i n South China Morning Post o n Jul y 23 , 1941 , an d signe d Lookkam: When goin g fo r a walk, an d bein g continuall y followe d an d solicite d by a ricksh a puller , notwithstandin g m y repeate d refusals , I occasionally los e m y temper , ste p of f th e footpat h an d upse t th e ricksha wit h th e man betwee n th e shafts. Thi s I have don e o n severa l occasions, becaus e I kno w tha t althoug h I d o a littl e damage , th e puller woul d rathe r hav e thi s tha n tha t I have him arrested , hav e hi s license cancelle d wit h th e consequen t imprisonment . What w e se e her e i s no t just th e discriminator y attitud e o f som e Europea n (an d Asian) resident s an d tourist s t o th e lowe r clas s Chinese , o r th e Chines e i n general, bu t th e il l feeling s o f th e latte r agains t unfai r treatmen t tha t forme d a
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real p h e n o m e n o n i n Hon g Kong' s colonia l period . I t wa s i n thi s contex t tha t the intransigenc e o f th e Chines e populatio n occurred .
Protest Agains t Ne w Regulations , 188 3 The first-eve r join t protes t o f puller s occurre d i n 1883 , against a backgroun d o f stricter enforcemen t o f contro l o f ricksha w transport . Th e ricksha w tha t bega n to ru n fo r publi c hir e aroun d 187 9 gre w wit h stunnin g rapidit y an d raise d i n acute for m th e questio n o f maintenance o f vehicular order . Fro m th e tria l record s culled fro m China Mail fro m Novembe r 8 , 188 0 t o Apri l 22 , 188 1 inclusive , a t least te n puller s wer e summone d a t th e magistracy , convicte d o f traffi c offence s and le t of f wit h fines . I n 1883 , the the n captai n superintenden t o f police, Walte r Meredith Dean e ( 1 8 4 0 - 1 9 0 6 ) , propose d t o reduc e th e n u m b e r o f publi c rickshaws fro m 89 8 t o 50 0 a t an y on e time , ou t o f concer n fo r traffi c contro l (Hongkong Government Gazette Novembe r 3 , 1883 , 843) . However , th e puller s continued t o roa m abou t o r just par k thei r rickshaw s anywher e the y chose , a s shown i n th e followin g newspape r editorial : Is ther e a "rul e o f th e road " fo r jinrickshas o r i s ther e not ? I f ther e i s — a s I understand t o b e th e cas e — wha t means , i f any, ar e take n t o enforce it s observance ? I may safel y answe r — judging b y result s — no mean s whateve r beyon d perhap s i n th e immediate neighbourhoo d of th e [Hongkong ] Club , an d eve n thi s i s ver y doubtful . Ther e i s practical chao s a s regard s an y knowledg e o r observanc e o f "th e rul e of th e road, " an d jinrickshas ru n o n th e lef t o r righ t sid e o f th e roa d just a s thei r inclinatio n prompt s th e drawers . Th e result is , confusio n worse confounded , collision s an d genera l los s o f temper , an d abominably ba d languag e al l round. (Hongkong Daily Press November 10, 1883 ) In a bid t o exercis e close r supervisio n o f ricksha w traffic , th e polic e steppe d u p law enforcement . Th e puller s commonl y bor e grievance s agains t traffi c laws , for th e effect s o f conviction s woul d lea d t o imprisonmen t o r fine s an d therefor e lost incomes . On Ma y 2 1 , 1883 , Victoria Pea k wa s plastere d wit h inflammator y circular s and handwritte n bill s o f a virulently anti-Europea n nature . Th e puller s an d th e hawkers, dissatisfie d wit h th e newl y promulgated regulation s t o limit th e numbe r of rickshaw s an d t o cur b hawkin g activities , wer e suspecte d o f havin g don e this. Thi s wa s a short-live d protes t bu t n o trad e unio n involvement . T o voic e their grievances , th e protester s marche d t o th e Tun g Wa h Hospital , a charitabl e i n s t i t u t i o n tha t wa s give n statutor y an d officia l recognitio n a n d widel y "recognized b y th e Chines e a s a kin d o f tribuna l t o whic h petition s fo r redres s of grievance s shoul d b e addressed " (C0129/19 9 Marc h 20 , 1882) . Emotion s
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ran highe r a s the y demande d t o b e allowe d int o th e hospita l office , bu t th e protest faile d t o elicit th e hoped-for response , or indeed an y response, becaus e the hospital gate s were shut, an d th e protesters palavered fo r som e tim e befor e leaving th e sit e (China Mail May 22, 1883) .
The Anti-Frenc h Insurrection , 188 4 It can perhaps be said that , i n th e 188 3 protest agains t traffi c rules , th e puller s were onl y beginning t o challeng e th e regulator y measure s o f th e police . Inflammatory material s ha d thei r plac e i n th e articulatio n o f grievances , bu t mass protest s wer e no t limite d t o thi s mediu m fo r expression . Bot h walkout s and stoppage s wer e channel s fo r protest . Whe n crowd s o f peopl e too k t o th e street ove r discontentmen t wit h th e police , thei r protest s gaine d a degre e o f public visibility . The first-eve r an d mos t illuminatin g politica l strik e take n by Hong Kong' s rickshaw puller s occurre d i n 1884 , whe n Chin a suffere d defea t i n th e Sino French War over a dispute abou t Annam. On August 23 , a French naval vessel, La Galisonniere, tha t had defeate d th e Chines e forces i n Fujian Province , put i n at Hong Kong for repairs. From September, dockworkers spontaneously refuse d to wor k o n th e warship . A few day s later , carg o boatme n joined th e boycott , and new s o f th e even t sprea d ver y fas t (L i 1958 , 89-90). Unde r th e influenc e of th e Tria d Society , which possesse d a n estimate d 20,00 0 members , worker s in other occupations joined the all-out strike in remonstrance against the French attack o n Chin a (Chesneau x 1971 , 126). Although no t ye t represente d b y an y guil d o r trad e union , a s fa r a s th e evidence shows, 3 man y puller s wen t o n strik e t o registe r thei r oppositio n t o imperialism, refusin g t o serve Europeans. Stone s were throw n a t the m passin g in seda n chair s an d rickshaws ; fo r example , when a Mr Dic k wa s ridin g i n a rickshaw h e ha d hire d alon g Pray a Eas t — now Johnston Roa d an d Henness y Road — he was stopped an d attacke d b y some men, who upse t th e vehicle. As the unrest mounted , troop s move d i n t o dispers e th e crowds , only t o provok e the latte r t o ac t i n a more xenophobi c manner . Whe n anti-foreig n resurgenc e spread, fou r polic e officer s wer e force d t o see k shelte r i n a hotel, whic h wa s besieged for some time. Later on, the police filed charge s against some attackers, who were fined o r sent to jail (China Mail October 3, 1884). The demonstration s persisted fo r a few days , before th e Frenc h warshi p wa s towe d t o Japan.
3. A n informed police official i n Hong Kong stated (but cited no authority) that, as late as 1901, there were "no regular guilds of chair and ricksha coolies." Quoted from HKLCSP (1901, 57-8).
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The pullers ' identificatio n o f bein g Chines e migh t b e reinforce d b y th e popular hostility to Westerners tha t arose out of social relations. A few example s may make the point clearer . A puller was denied fare and beaten by one Hugene Pholant, a mariner (China Mail January 8 , 1880) . In another case , Louis Legros, a 22-year-ol d seama n o n th e Frenc h man-of-wa r vesse l Themis, was convicte d before N g Cho y (Wu Ca i {£/f , 1842-1922) , the n a temporar y stipendiar y magistrate i n Hon g Kon g wh o late r joine d th e Chines e administration , o f assaulting a puller an d doin g willful damag e t o hi s vehicle. Th e accused , wh o admitted th e charge , wa s fine d $0.5 0 an d ordere d t o pa y $3.5 0 t o th e pulle r (China Mai l January 3 , 1881) . O n a summer day , a puller brough t on e James Murphy t o a polic e station . The n unde r th e influenc e o f alcohol , Murph y screamed obscenitie s a t th e pulle r an d th e polic e office r o n dut y (China Mail June 16 , 1881) . Anothe r disput e ove r a rickshaw fare , whic h le d t o physica l struggles between a puller an d one Nikolai Clay, seaman of the Russian ironcla d Minin, resulte d i n th e seama n bein g convicte d o f damagin g a ricksha w an d inflicting assaul t o n th e pulle r wit h hi s fis t (China Mail April 21 , 1881). These four incidents, just four o f many, indicate that the pullers, both relying on th e fare s o f th e non-Chines e clientel e fo r makin g a living an d obsesse d b y the personal feelin g tha t the y were unfairly treated , were eventually draw n int o anti-foreign activities . More reasonably, in 1884 , their mundane desire to redress economic grievance s foun d expressio n i n a politica l appea l agains t foreig n imperialism.
Strike Agains t Ne w Housin g Tax , 189 5 In 1895 , the Hon g Kon g Chines e wer e involve d i n a strike i n oppositio n t o a new law that impose d o n tenemen t hous e owner s and occupier s th e obligatio n of the payment of a house tax , mainly with a view to collecting funds t o improve public sanitation . Th e house dweller s were enrage d b y the rumored likelihoo d of havin g t o pa y furthe r taxe s (China Mail Marc h 25 , 1895) . Th e strik e wa s fomented b y keepers o f unregistered house s i n protest agains t th e summonse s issued against them. Several thousand "carryin g coolies, then the market coolies, then th e house-boys , includin g ricksh a an d chai r coolies " joine d wit h housekeepers in a move to oppose the tax (China Mail March 29, 1895). A largescale strike occurred on March 28-29 when the waterfront wa s entirely deserte d and became unusually quie t and peaceful, a s if it were a Chinese holiday. Trade was seriously hampered , an d garriso n force s an d convict s wer e calle d t o assis t cargo loading . Thus th e presumabl y well-meanin g legislatio n o f 189 5 wa s plainl y no t popular with thos e for whose welfare i t was designed. The strike stemmed fro m
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a measur e fo r th e improvemen t o f publi c sanitation . Howeve r tiny , a measur e that was perceived to affect th e livelihood of the Chinese populace was sufficien t to ignite a strike.
Protest Agains t Traffi c Rules , 190 3 One Saturda y morning , o n Septembe r 27 , 1903 , about 1,50 0 ricksha w puller s walked of f th e job. Th e reaso n fo r thi s weekend inciden t wa s allege d t o hav e been the action of the police in enforcing th e regulations dealing with road traffic . The puller s proteste d that , i n recen t days , a large numbe r o f the m ha d bee n issued summonse s an d fine d fo r breache s o f traffic regulations , such as leaving the stand s t o searc h fo r busines s an d keepin g o n th e wrong sid e o f th e road . Large numbers o f pullers cam e of f th e road a t 2 pm. Puller s who continue d t o work wer e me t b y picket s an d advise d t o join th e strike . I n mos t cases , th e pullers complied with the wishes of the majority, but in others a little persuasion and intimidatio n wa s needed t o secur e cooperation . The 190 3 strike, which began with police enforcemen t o f traffic rules , was eventually disrupte d by police dispersal of pickets and police exercise of arrests. Informed tha t a strike was on, the police sent for th e "headmen " o f pullers an d had the m u p a t th e polic e station , wher e th e cause s leadin g u p t o th e strik e were investigated . I n addition , th e police kep t a sharp ey e ope n t o detec t th e strikers. A number o f pullers , wh o wer e incitin g other s t o sto p plyin g fo r business, wer e prosecute d o n th e charg e o f damagin g rickshaws , committin g assaults, and throwin g stones. The strike ended a t 9 pm (China Mail September 28, 1903) . As enforcers o f the law, the police were the embodiment o f the entir e established order and legal system, and they were perceived as such and disliked. In the September 27 walkout, the pullers struck in protest during a weekend, at a time when ricksha w servic e was in greates t demand . Th e wealthy people , who ha d been in th e habit o f taking weekend ride s in orde r t o escape th e feti d air of the Cit y of Victoria t o Happy Valley, were greatly disappointed whe n the y found th e streets empty of rickshaws. Those who wished to go to the polo match or ou t t o play golf were also robbed o f their pleasure , if they had t o depend o n the pullers to pull them t o the scene of the sport activities. In many cases, these people rented bicycles or took whatever means of transportation the y could find . The sedan-chai r coolie s reape d a harvest, havin g mor e tha n the y coul d d o t o accommodate th e man y wh o wante d thei r services. 4 4. Seda n chairs co-existed with rickshaws, sometimes in a symbiotic relationship, in view of the hilly terrain on Hong Kong Island. Rickshaws swamped the low-lying area. Sedan chairs continued to reign supreme on many parts of Hong Kong Island that "rises in terraces to the heights of the Peak" (Quoted from The Times May 24, 1911).
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RELUCTANT HEROE S
The strik e di d n o t las t ou t th e firs t day . Partly , th e puller s wer e n o t enthusiastic abou t stoppin g wor k and , a s a matte r o f fact , a strik e mean t a los s of income . Perhap s mor e importantly , th e shor t duratio n o f th e strik e indicate d the pullers ' stron g bargainin g power . I t shoul d b e remembere d that , a t thi s time , the street s i n th e Cit y o f Victori a wer e onl y give n ove r t o seda n chairs , hors e carriages, bicycles , bulloc k carts , an d hand-trucks . Th e European s an d th e wealthy Chines e continue d t o rel y heavil y o n rickshaws . Tram s di d no t begi n to r u n o n regula r schedule s unti l 1904 , th e yea r afte r th e strike . Th e firs t motorcar di d no t appea r unti l 1908 , fiv e year s afte r th e strike . I n fact , a s lat e a s 1919, th e Hon g Kon g street s were : The unchallenge d huntin g groun d o f th e pedestrian , th e chair-cooli e and th e commo n carrie r humpin g hi s loa d upo n hi s shoulder . Eve n the fe w horse-draw n vehicle s hav e gon e thes e man y years , an d th e only wheele d traffic , beside s th e trams , i s provide d b y th e rickshaw , the truc k an d th e Sanitar y Board dust-cart s draw n b y oxen an d water buffaloes. Th e reade r mus t therefor e visualiz e a ver y differen t an d slower city , a cit y i n whic h petro l pump s an d traffi c sign s giv e plac e to shad y banya n tree s — an d th e clatte r an d speec h o f gea r an d brake t o th e so b o f th e strainin g coolie . (Saye r 1975 , 109 )
The "Anti-American " Boycott , 190 5 The introductio n o f American immigratio n polic y t o restric t th e entr y o f Chines e into th e Unite d State s fo r economi c venture s le d t o wave s o f boycott s agains t American good s tha t bega n i n th e sprin g o f 190 5 i n man y Chines e treat y ports , including Canto n an d Shangha i (Fiel d 1957 , 63-98). I n Hon g Kong , too , a serie s of boycott s occurred . A cal l wen t ou t t o boycot t th e H o n g k o n g Tramwa y Company, allegedl y finance d b y America n capital . Th e suggestio n tha t th e tramway compan y wa s a n America n concer n (indeed , i t was a British enterprise ) had som e effec t o n th e Chines e employees , an d th e tramwa y compan y ha d som e difficulty i n procurin g th e servic e o f th e salarie d Chinese . Then , th e manage r of th e tramwa y company , J. Gra y Scott , state d that , s o far , h e di d no t thin k tha t the tra m busines s ha d bee n seriousl y affecte d b y th e boycott . Bu t h e too k har d to disabus e th e Chines e publi c o f th e ide a tha t ther e wa s an y America n capita l in connectio n wit h th e company' s busines s (China Mail Augus t 22 , 1905) . The reactio n o f th e pullers t o th e cal l for boycot t wa s par t o f a much broade r nationalistic coalitio n i n whic h busines s people , students , an d th e intelligentsi a played ke y roles . However , th e principa l cause s o f thei r action s wer e economi c pressure, popula r an d patrioti c sentiment s playin g a comparativel y impoten t role. Mos t affecte d a s the y wer e b y th e tramcar s tha t starte d r u n n i n g fro m Shaukiwan t o Kenned y Tow n i n 1904 , th e puller s too k th e chanc e o f postin g
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boycott notices urging Chines e not t o ride the tramcars. A detective o n duty i n Des Voeu x Roa d West , wh o cam e acros s a boycott cartoo n poste d o n a wall, attempted t o tea r it down, but immediatel y a crowd o f pullers gathere d aroun d him. One , apparentl y th e leade r o f th e band , trie d t o preven t hi m an d use d obscene language. The detective arrested him, and, calling for assistance, arrested some others as well. Charged with behaving in a disorderly manner, tw o pullers were sentence d t o pa y a fin e o f $2 5 each , th e alternativ e bein g si x weeks ' imprisonment (Hongkong Daily Press August 22 , 1905) .
Conflict Betwee n Puller s an d Owners , 190 8 In th e lat e nineteent h century , ther e wa s cleare r an d mor e sharpl y define d conflict o f economic interest s between employer s an d employees . In th e 1880 s and 1890s , guilds reminiscent o f trade unions engage d in economic strikes over employer's prerogatives : thos e o f th e tailor s (1883) , th e mason s (1889) , th e carpenters (1891) , the rattan-chair maker s (1891) , and th e coopers (1894-95) . These wer e followe d b y sporadi c strike s o f bras s smiths , dyers , painters , bricklayers, an d sandalwoo d maker s demandin g bette r wage s an d workin g conditions (Tsa i 1993 , 95). During thes e years, the cos t o f living was rising. A sedan-chair beare r i n 190 1 sai d hous e ren t cos t hi m $0.7 0 an d foo d wa s $ 6 every month ; however , fiv e year s earlier , i n 1896 , h e ha d bee n payin g onl y $0.30 fo r ren t an d $ 4 for foo d (HKLCSP 1901, 115-6). The pre-union dispute s between ricksha w owner s an d ricksha w puller s ca n be trace d a t least t o 1908 , the year when the Chinese Mechanics' Union was formed in response to a protest against a Europea n forema n a t Swire' s Taiko o Dock , wh o bea t u p a Chines e employee. On January 6 , 1908 , som e 2,00 0 pullers , includin g bot h Chiucho w an d Hoklo, went on strike. Although crowds of pullers congregated a t street corner s to prevent anyone from underminin g th e effectiveness o f the protest, th e pullers on the whole awaited a peaceful settlemen t of the dispute. The strike arose fro m an attemp t b y owner s t o increas e th e dail y rent o f a rickshaw, which the n wa s $0.35 t o $0.4 0 fo r a n ordinar y vehicl e an d $0.5 0 fo r a better qualit y one . To justify th e ren t increase , th e owner s sai d the y ha d t o pa y th e governmen t a license fee of $72 (Hong Kong currency) per rickshaw per annum, but the pullers paid th e owner s i n Chines e coins . Give n th e lo w exchang e rate , th e owner s lost a considerable su m by converting Chines e coins into Hon g Kong currenc y to pay license fees . Th e second reaso n fo r increasin g rent was the introductio n of new rubber-tired rickshaws . The owners, who were upgrading thei r vehicles, decided tha t th e puller s ough t t o shar e thi s extr a expens e wit h the m (South China Morning Post January 7 , 1908) .
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The pullers ' January 6 strik e was th e firs t fo r reason s o f industria l relations . It wa s als o interestin g t o se e ho w th e strik e ended , whe n th e Chines e leader s were calle d u p o n t o giv e advice . Late r th e sam e day , Registrar-Genera l Arthu r Wimbolt Brewi n (1867-1946 ) an d Captai n Superintenden t o f Polic e Frederic k William Lyon s convene d a meetin g ove r whic h the y presided . I n attendanc e were th e representative s o f owner s an d puller s an d tw o influentia l spokesme n of th e Chines e community , H o Ka i (H e Q i fajgfc, 1859-1914) an d We i Yu k (We i Yu # 3 L , 1849-1921) , wh o wer e a t th e tim e servin g o n th e Legislativ e Council . The owner s withdre w thei r deman d fo r a ren t increas e an d agree d t o consul t the governmen t shoul d i t b e necessar y i n th e futur e t o increas e th e rent . Wit h these assurances , th e puller s too k u p wor k agai n a t 6 pm (Wah Tsz Yat Po January 7, 1908) . If w e tak e th e ren t questio n a s ou r objec t o f analysis , w e ma y wel l deduc e that "class " wa s a manifestatio n o f pullers ' allegiance s i n thi s period . However , if w e not e tha t th e puller s di d no t reall y ac t i n concert , w e begi n t o se e tha t there wer e shiftin g loyaltie s betwee n clas s an d ethnicity . I t wa s brough t ou t a t the aforesai d meetin g tha t th e Chiucho w puller s wer e mor e willin g t o submi t to th e owners ' terms . Th e Hokl o pullers , however , remaine d resolute . Th e internal spli t amon g th e earl y immigrant s alon g native-place/dialec t line s wa s a persistent featur e o f earl y Hon g Kon g society. 5 Th e desir e t o preven t a ricksha w rent increas e wa s analogou s t o th e class-consciousnes s emergin g i n Hon g Kon g at tha t time ; however, i t was to o weak t o have been anythin g mor e tha n a passin g sense o f grievance . Th e pullers ' unit y o f purpose wa s superficia l an d short-lived , and th e divergen t group s showe d a flexibilit y i n ethni c an d clas s boundaries . The 190 8 strik e wa s a n isolate d protes t agains t th e owners , an d a strik e o f thi s kind wa s rarel y repeated .
Strike Agains t Increase d Fines , 191 2 On Octobe r 29 , 1912 , som e 1,10 0 ricksha w puller s an d 67 0 sedan-chai r bearer s went o n strike . The y proteste d th e increasin g severit y o f th e fine s impose d a t the magisteria l leve l tha t ha d bee n show n o f lat e t o th e coolie s convicte d o f such offence s a s obstructio n an d demandin g mor e tha n th e lega l fare . A shor t while befor e th e strike , a minimu m fin e o f $ 3 ha d bee n imposed , raise d fro m
5. Regardin g thi s point, attentio n i s drawn t o th e 189 4 disturbances between peopl e of two clans , Tungkun an d Szeya p (Siy i E S ) , resultin g i n on e ma n bein g shot dea d an d several other s wounde d b y gunshot an d knives . Th e figh t bega n i n a collision betwee n the tw o clans durin g th e Lantern Festival . Se e Hongkong Government Gazette March 16 , 1895, 193 .
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as low a s $0.5 0 an d a caution i n on e magistrate' s court , o r betwee n $ 1 and $ 5 on average . However, a s these were foun d inadequat e t o suppress th e offence s complained o f by the public, th e fine s wer e increased, th e minimum bein g $3. Hearing o f th e impendin g strike , th e tramwa y compan y arrange d fo r extr a tramcars t o be runnin g fro m th e earl y hours . The strike commenced a t 5 am, and presumably i t was carefull y arranged . The existenc e o f some ringleaders amon g th e coolies was evidenced by the fac t that, on Sunday, the police knew it was slated for October 29 . During the cours e of th e strike, not on e public chai r o r ricksha w was seen plying for busines s o n Hong Kong Island. Th e fac t tha t rickshaw pullers and sedan-chai r coolie s alik e were strikin g produce d a n advers e effec t o n roa d traffi c an d prove d " a grea t inconvenience t o th e public" excep t thos e individual s wh o coul d boast privat e conveyances, and , "no t a few ladie s an d gentleme n wh o ha d busines s o n th e upper level s o r ha d call s t o make decide d t o leave the m fo r anothe r occasion " (Hongkong Daily Press October 30 , 1912) . As th e weathe r o f th e da y wa s ho t and sultry , th e absenc e o f rickshaw s an d seda n chair s wa s al l th e mor e felt . Tourists wer e unabl e t o commandee r th e vehicles t o tak e the m around . The strike o f 191 2 was reported by a newspaper t o have been instigated b y a fe w "guilds " o f a n unclea r nature . Ther e was , however , a limi t o n cooli e solidarity. I t wa s downtow n tha t th e strik e wa s th e mos t pronounced . Ou t a t Jardine's Wharf, West Point, the coolies stopped and resumed work, then stopped and resume d wor k again . O n th e firs t day , severa l ricksha w puller s wer e assaulted by other puller s fo r continuin g t o ply for business . In one instance, a striker called out to a puller: "Don' t pull ricshas or you will be killed" (Hongkong Daily Press October 31 , 1912). I f th e "guilds " coul d no t exten d thei r edic t t o their members , the y coul d impos e les s disciplin e o n th e privat e coolie s wh o spent " a splendid day " servin g thei r master s a s usual. Furthermore , th e strik e did not affec t th e pullers in Kowloon Peninsul a wh o di d not share, it was said , the grievance s o f thei r counterpart s o n th e Island . The captai n superintenden t o f polic e a t th e time , Franci s Joseph Badele y (1868-1920), cooperate d wit h th e aforesai d registrar-general , Arthu r Wimbol t Brewin, in investigating the matter and considering methods of inducing a return to work . The y approache d th e owner s o f seda n chair s an d rickshaw s wit h a view t o urgin g measure s fo r th e en d o f th e strike . Thi s strike , looke d a t a s " a display against constituted authority " continued for thirty-six hours before man y coolies finall y agree d t o resume work i n th e afternoo n o f th e second day , afte r they were tol d tha t i f they had an y actual grievances thes e should receiv e ever y consideration, o n conditio n tha t the y had t o return t o thei r calling s (Hongkong Daily Press Octobe r 30-31 , 1912) . The 191 2 protes t wa s no t "th e sillies t o f affairs, " a s labele d b y a pres s reporter (South China Morning Post October 31 , 1912). Significantly, thi s strik e
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is anothe r exampl e o f th e Chines e masses ' protes t agains t unwelcom e stat e encroachment int o thei r lif e an d work . Th e increas e i n fine s impose d b y th e court ha d obviousl y displease d th e coolies . A s pointe d out , thei r earning s wer e already restricte d b y th e introductio n o f tramcar s i n 190 4 and , a s a result , the y could no t maintai n themselves , contribut e periodi c fine s o f $ 3 o r $ 5 t o th e g o v e r n m e n t treasury , an d sen d m o n e y h o m e t o thei r familie s i n China . A newspaper accoun t o f th e even t concluded : $5 exacte d fro m th e averag e Europea n her e di d no t seriousl y affec t him bu t suc h a su m impose d o n a cooli e woul d rui n him . Tak e th e fines impose d o n thos e wh o driv e motor-car s t o th e dange r o f th e public: a millionair e migh t visi t th e Colony , brea k ever y regulation , and pa y al l fines . Fine s ar e a n incentiv e t o punishment , an d beside s are a sourc e o f revenue . Unwittingl y ther e ma y b e a n inclinatio n t o punish tha t way . A fine doe s no t strik e him , th e magistrate , probabl y as a very heavy sentence , but t o th e cooli e it is. (South China Morning Post Octobe r 30 , 1912 )
The Chines e Seamen' s Strike , 192 2 Labor activis m i n th e earl y 1920 s wa s characterize d b y a wav e o f economi c strikes an d rapi d unionization . Th e victor y o f th e eighteen-da y strik e stage d b y the Chines e mechanic s i n Hon g Kon g i n 192 0 (involvin g som e 6,00 0 worker s from twenty-si x establishments ) serve d a s a n inspiratio n t o trad e unionis m i n other occupation s (Glic k 1969 , 46-84) . Afterwards , ne w group s o f employee s came int o being , an d successfu l strike s calle d b y othe r type s o f labore r increase d in number . I n Septembe r 1921 , the Chines e Seamen' s Unio n (th e successo r t o the United Virtu e Societ y set up i n 1913 ) presente d it s demand fo r wag e increase s to offse t post-Worl d Wa r I inflation. Th e seame n returne d t o Canto n wher e the y were immun e fro m th e oppressio n o f th e colonia l authoritie s an d wher e the y met wit h a considerabl y lowe r cos t o f livin g tha n i n Hon g Kon g (Cha n 1975 , ch. 10) . The seamen' s strik e (fro m Januar y 1 2 t o Marc h 8 ) sa w th e mobilizatio n o f support beyon d th e seamen . Th e firs t roun d o f sympath y strikes , whic h bega n in mid-January , wa s stage d b y various guild s o f stevedores, lightermen , tallymen , coal coolies , an d others , w h e n th e talk s betwee n shippin g companie s an d seamen's delegates ende d withou t fruition . Eve n th e Chines e Carg o Junk Owners ' and Employees ' Association i n Canto n joined th e seamen' s strik e an d suspende d the transportatio n o f al l cargo t o Hon g Kon g fro m January 24 . Also, th e Chines e Seamen's Unio n wire d th e seame n i n Shangha i an d th e Strait s Settlements , askin g them t o help an d no t t o accep t employmen t fro m th e affecte d shi p owners . Fro m late February, th e strike assume d wide r dimensions . Th e me n o n sympath y strik e
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included butchers , offic e workers , houseboys , Chines e staf f o f hotels , employee s of ric e shops , an d ricksha w puller s (China Mail Februar y 28 , 1922) . The unprecedente d sho w o f labo r solidarit y i n th e second , mor e encompassing, wav e o f strik e action s no t onl y quickene d th e settlemen t o f th e strike t o th e victor y o f seame n (wh o wo n wag e increase s o f up t o thirt y percent ) b u t als o mad e a dee p impressio n o n th e colonia l official s an d th e Europea n merchants. A newspape r editoria l noted , u p o n th e en d o f th e seamen' s strike : There ar e probabl y ver y fe w peopl e i n th e Colon y wh o ar e no t surprised a t th e wonderfu l powe r show n b y th e Chines e fo r combination. Ther e is , o f course , som e significanc e i n th e fac t tha t the seamen le d th e way fo r th e first rea l demonstration i n thi s Colon y of th e strengt h o f th e Chines e worker . . . . Ther e wa s th e perfec t unanimity wit h whic h th e othe r guild s joine d in , th e methodica l manner i n whic h th e scre w wa s tightened . Thu s ther e seem s t o b e evidence o f a systemati c organisatio n whic h mus t hav e bee n i n preparation fo r som e tim e past . Again , wha t a t firs t sigh t i s eve n more surprisin g i s th e fac t tha t th e Chines e guild s hav e show n themselves capabl e o f a n eve n greate r degre e o f co-operatio n tha n the trad e unions a t Home. (South China Morning Post March 9 , 1922 )
Resistance Agains t Prosecution , 192 4 On th e mornin g o f Apri l 29 , 1924 , th e polic e o n poin t dut y o n Victori a Pea k stepped u p effort s t o enforc e a traffi c regulatio n tha t require d th e operator s o f public rickshaw s an d seda n chair s t o presen t thei r drivin g license s o n deman d for polic e inspection . Thi s polic e action , whic h le d t o th e arres t an d prosecutio n of man y coolie s wh o ha d illegall y solicite d fare s o n th e street , seeme d t o hav e been greatl y resente d an d wa s sai d t o hav e triggere d a strike . Givin g th e excus e that the y woul d retur n t o thei r livin g quarter s t o ge t thei r drivin g licenses , som e eighty sedan-chai r bearer s an d fort y ricksha w puller s hastene d hom e bu t di d not retur n t o th e parkin g areas . It wa s understoo d tha t som e o f th e striker s wer e privat e coolies , unde r th e employ o f Pea k households , wh o ha d a t on e tim e o r anothe r discarde d thei r uniforms an d take n a shif t o n a publi c vehicl e t o mak e a n extr a income , i n violation o f th e law . Certai n o f thei r master s ha d complaine d abou t th e non appearance o f privat e coolie s whe n give n instructions , wit h th e resul t tha t th e police too k actio n agains t thes e coolie s (China Mail Apri l 30 , 1924) . Th e police , realizing tha t i t wa s thei r deman d t o b e show n license s tha t le d t o th e strike , got int o communicatio n wit h th e headme n o f th e coolies . Th e latte r interceded , and th e strik e ende d tw o hour s afte r i t started . Th e requiremen t tha t drivin g licenses b e readil y availabl e fo r polic e inspectio n wa s "satisfactoril y adjusted " (Hongkong Telegraph Apri l 29 , 1924) . Understandably , th e coolie s wer e kee n t o
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act in a collective fashio n t o fen d of f what was viewed a s undue intrusio n int o their work . If th e protest o f the coolie s in 192 4 was onl y " a storm i n a teacup" (China Mail Apri l 30 , 1924) , a s th e polic e dubbe d it , i t wa s a n importan t stor m nonetheless. Togethe r wit h som e o f th e earlie r strike s an d boycotts , th e wor k stoppage of 1924 showed that the Chinese had long been discontent with certain aspects o f th e so-calle d "rule s o f th e road " (traffi c rules) , s o tha t eve n a n additional regulatio n wa s capabl e o f incitin g the m t o voic e protest s an d ac t against th e colonia l administration . Th e boundar y rol e o f indigenou s labo r headmen betwee n coolie s an d polic e was important. The y acted a s negotiator s with the Police Department, which rarely communicated directl y with the native population. Whil e th e strike against th e owners in 190 8 reflected th e existenc e of an emerging class-consciousness, on an occasion such as this the pullers were ready t o loo k t o thei r hometow n headme n t o fin d a solutio n t o thei r wor k problems. The year o f thi s strike , 1924 , was th e year th e rickshaw reache d it s zenit h with a n all-tim e recor d o f 3,411 i n number. Thereafter , th e ricksha w gav e way to th e increasin g competitio n fro m motor-drive n vehicles , particularly privat e cars an d taxicabs. 6 I n consequence , th e availabilit y o f alternativ e mean s o f transport forestalle d th e effectivenes s o f strike action . Thu s th e strik e o f 192 4 is perhaps bes t see n a s a moment tha t marke d th e beginning o f th e declin e i n the pullers' propensity t o strik e i n subsequen t years .
The Canton-Hon g Kon g Strike , 1925-2 6 The economi c strike s o f th e earl y 1920 s prepared th e groun d fo r th e outbrea k of strikes and boycotts of a more genuine patriotic overtone in subsequent years. In 1925 , after a n anti-foreig n campaig n withi n China , attendan t o n th e killin g of nin e Chines e demonstrator s b y British-officered polic e i n th e Internationa l Settlement i n Shanghai o n May 30, people everywher e starte d protest s (N g Bar Ling Diary June 11 , 14, 1925). Over 2,000 Chines e cooks, houseboys, and others in th e islan d o f Shamee n (Shamia n iPW, meanin g "sand-face, " a sand spi t i n Canton on which were the residences of foreign merchants and consular officials , who were not under t o Chinese jurisdiction) wen t on strike. Shortly afterwards , Chinese worker s i n nearl y ever y lin e o f wor k turne d ou t i n recor d number s (some 500,000 ) t o boycot t al l ship s havin g British-rule d Hon g Kon g a s thei r 6. Detaile d statistics of different type s of vehicle licensed in Hong Kong in 1896-193 9 can be obtained from various editions of Hongkong Administration Report. Se e Table 7.2 in chapter 7.
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destination (Chun g 1969 , 217-8). The godowns aroun d tow n were closed an d business completel y suspended . Th e strike tha t bega n i n June 192 5 was calle d off, nominally , i n October 1926 . Afterwards, th e laborers returned t o work an d the por t o f cal l returned t o mor e o r les s normal conditions . Much is unknown abou t th e pullers' participation i n th e strike o f 1925-2 6 (the largest an d longes t eve r recorded i n China) , and th e best reconstructio n I can offe r a t present remain s t o be fully verified . However , a Chines e housebo y then i n th e emplo y o f a European famil y o n th e Pea k recalle d tha t th e puller s were "involved " i n thi s strike . He also learned fro m a coolie tha t a "union " o f Hoifung puller s ha d existe d i n Hon g Kon g fo r a short spel l i n th e 1920s . Stil l later, thi s union was raided b y the government, an d sinc e the n i t has not bee n able t o resum e it s activities (La m 1991 , interview).7 Ther e i s no documentar y record of this union, but, from anothe r source, we know that a communist leade r named Pen g Pa i (USE , 1896-1929) , wh o ha d mobilize d th e peasant s i n collective protests fo r ren t reduction i n his native home in Hoifung, ha d a brief sojourn i n th e 1920 s i n Hon g Kong , wher e h e wa s warml y receive d b y th e rickshaw puller s o f Hoi-Luk-Fung origi n an d wa s give n funds fo r th e Peasan t Association o f Kwangtun g (PPWf 1981 , 166). During the strike of 1925-26, Chinese labor pickets clashed repeatedly with the strikebreaking police. When mor e tha n 500,00 0 Chines e from a wide range of occupations went on strike, the police stations relied almost entirely on thos e who had stayed at their jobs to fill transport duties for them . Whether voluntar y or coerced , quit e a numbe r o f ricksha w puller s wer e workin g unde r th e protection o f the police and th e military, against th e wishes o f th e arme d labo r pickets. I n on e instance , a rickshaw wa s sen t ou t t o delive r a n India n polic e officer t o hospital. On the way the rickshaw, with the officer i n it, was intercepted and fire d o n with pistol s by labor pickets . Again, th e next day , when a furthe r attempt was made to send th e officer t o hospital, an exchang e o f fire broke ou t between fou r striker s an d a n escor t o f polic e wh o accompanie d th e ricksha w (Hongkong Administration Report 1925, K-21 t o K-22) .
Conclusion The ordinar y Chinese , i n particular , i n pre-Worl d Wa r I I Hon g Kong , wer e weighed dow n wit h intrusiv e rule s an d racia l prejudices . Th e pullers ' strike s against heav y fine s fo r parkin g an d traffi c infraction s reveale d tha t stat e 7. Thi s information was obtained from a puller of Hoifung origin by word of mouth in the 1940s . The puller gave no information o n the background, size, leadership, method of organization, or political persuasion (i f any) of this union.
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oppression, instea d o f capitalis t exploitation , ultimatel y explaine d th e popula r protests an d socia l disturbances . I t was not onl y in interaction wit h owner s o r job brokers but with healt h measures , traffi c regulations , and judicial penaltie s that th e puller s openl y stage d protest s t o resis t o r eve n valiantl y challeng e colonial power an d authority. Frequently , the deciding factor wa s the stereotyp e that th e foreigners hel d al l along. The British overlords held definite view s an d bias vis-a-vis the residing Chinese and tried t o impose outside standards on ho w they should behave . Another significan t facto r i n th e colonia l situatio n wa s it s cohesive effec t o n differen t section s o f th e Chines e population . Th e resistanc e to advers e rule s serve d a s a facto r unifyin g disparat e group s o f cooli e communities, thoug h thi s kin d o f interethni c solidarit y wa s maintaine d onl y on a temporar y basis . Even without th e marke t advantag e o f technica l skill s an d th e custom s o f the old guilds, the pullers were capable of taking collective action. Their protests, at times associated with the struggles that the Chines e staged during thi s period against foreig n penetration , too k th e for m o f strike s an d walkouts , eac h tim e involving a measure o f traffi c chaos . O n occasion , coolie s o f sedan chair s an d rickshaws joined hand s t o bargain fo r preferre d policie s an d agains t unpopula r police measures. Thei r stron g industria l powe r ofte n le d t o a quick solutio n o f the disputes and helped t o preempt even larger-scale protests. In a general sense, the strike s an d boycott s provide d the m wit h a brief glimps e o f th e valu e o f collective struggle . Mor e reasonably , the y reflecte d broader , endemi c racia l feelings i n a colonial setting and represented a combined expressio n o f national and economi c interests. In th e 188 4 anti-French insurrection , th e pullers acte d as something lik e a rear-guard o f carg o boatmen . Th e 190 5 boycott struc k a t the tramcar , th e economi c riva l t o th e rickshaw . The cultura l pluralis m o f th e populatio n o f resident s an d visitor s wa s a source o f unhappy skirmishes . Foreigner s fro m al l points o f th e compas s rod e in rickshaws an d frequentl y treate d th e pullers badly, thus introducin g racism , both over t an d covert , a s a facto r int o th e shapin g o f street-leve l politics . Expatriate resident s an d visitor s migh t becom e victim s o f malicious attack s if trouble flared . Th e source materials about th e 188 4 insurrection offe r fe w direc t clues o n motivation. On e might expect , however, tha t if the pullers did not se e their mor e immediate , short-ter m aspiration s t o b e wel l serve d b y activ e participation i n th e insurrection , the y woul d no t hav e bee n s o motivated . I t would be that the common incidents of abusive and arrogant behavior by unruly passengers, such a s drunken sailors , became a significant sourc e o f frustratio n in th e live s o f th e pullers . I n thi s manner , th e pragmati c consideratio n o f channeling one' s persona l grievance s — seekin g reveng e agains t foreigner s — became temporaril y tie d t o th e political goal of eradicating foreign imperialism .
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If the pullers' participation in the 188 4 insurrection represented coalescenc e of interests betwee n th e notio n o f "Chineseness " an d anti-foreig n sentiments , their involvemen t i n th e 190 5 boycott agains t th e tramwa y compan y wa s eve n more limite d i n vision an d economi c i n motivation . Th e mass actio n involve d in th e 190 5 boycott wa s substantiall y politica l agitation , i n spit e o f th e initia l economic cause s i n th e eye s of th e pullers, who sa w th e boycott i n pragmati c terms and were preoccupied abov e all with the competition fo r client s and fares . Competitive hostility towar d th e tramcar, rather tha n th e question o f patriotism or racia l discriminatio n per se, woul d appea r t o hav e rendere d th e puller s susceptible t o th e propagand a o f boycott activists . The pullers' protes t agains t the tramwa y compan y ( a British rathe r tha n a n American enterprise ) stemme d less fro m th e succes s o f a n organizin g elit e tha n fro m thei r long-standin g grievances agains t th e tramcar , though t t o b e th e culpri t o f th e declin e o f rickshaw incomes , findin g a channel i n th e large r boycot t movement .
PART TW
O
REPUBLICAN CANTON 191 1-3 8
4 Evolution of a New Civic Paradigm
C
ANTON, ON E of th e oldes t citie s i n Sout h China , wher e Eas t an d Wes t commingled, wa s once regarded a s the "Londo n o f China," an d th e Pear l River wit h it s ow n estuar y provide d th e major waterwa y betwee n Canto n an d nearby district s (Brown e 1901 , 55). " A city of contrasts between th e ol d Chin a and th e ne w idea s o f Europe " wa s a remark o n Canto n mad e b y a columnis t for The Times o f London , i n 1919 , th e yea r o f th e importan t Ma y Fourt h Movement (The Times May 14 , 1919) . Along with a labyrinth o f asphalt road s meant fo r moto r traffi c wer e windin g alleyway s withi n th e cit y blocks . High rises shared th e neighborhoo d wit h quain t open-fronte d house s attache d righ t behind, wher e mos t peopl e lived . Ther e wa s a blen d o f institutions , lik e commercial associations, trade guilds, and mixed guilds of masters and servants. Although ne w idea s cam e in , age-ol d pattern s o f belie f an d socia l relation s remained pervasive , influencin g everythin g fro m migratio n pattern s t o labo r procurement. Th e followin g i s a n attemp t t o illustrat e somethin g o f a civi c reorientation tha t wa s takin g shap e amon g th e Chines e populatio n i n earl y republican Canton , leadin g t o th e evolutio n o f a ne w civi c paradig m tha t transcended ol d socia l divisions .
Sojourning an d Chai n Migratio n Over the last two centuries, Kwangtung Province has seen massive out-migratio n in consequenc e o f th e commercializatio n o f th e rura l economy , th e hig h leve l of tenanc y an d th e population explosion . Rura l folk , instea d o f being stuck i n poverty-ridden villages , opted for out-migratio n a s a means t o escape economi c hardship. Th e larg e urban center s o f Kwangtun g foun d themselve s floode d b y vagabonds, who wandered aroun d like swarms of locusts. Some headed back t o their hometown s whe n th e trouble s wer e over . Fo r man y others , Canto n wa s the place the y intended t o settle. A city of high in-migration that , in 192 1 had numbered just ove r 790,00 0 inhabitants, grew to well over 1. 2 millio n by 193 2 (Ng 1936 , 11) . Other migrants went elsewhere in the Pearl River Delta, such as
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the easter n side , which encompasse s Tungkun , an d it s sout h an d wester n sides , comprising Chungsha n (Zhongsha n ^LLl ) an d Fatsha n (Fosha n ft ill) . The migrant s wer e differentiate d accordin g t o thei r place s o f origi n an d their differen t dialect s tha t adde d variet y t o th e multiethni c an d multilingua l metropolis. Group s o f cla n member s wer e s o n u m e r o u s an d s o differen t i n their trait s a n d habit s t h a t the y create d a richl y multifariou s variet y o f s u b c u l t u r e s . H o w thes e divers e t r a d i t i o n s i n t e r a c t e d w i t h on e a n o t h e r embraced a dazzlin g arra y o f factors . Particularl y i n southeaster n China , o f which Canto n wa s a principa l por t an d gateway , th e sens e o f lineag e unit y was strong . Th e differen t speec h groups , whethe r th e intentio n wa s t o becom e p e r m a n e n t settler s o r temporar y sojourners , wer e loca l minded , evincin g a tendency t o b e linke d t o thei r particula r hometown s an d displayin g a sens e of "loca l patriotism, " a s a n astut e observe r o f Canto n lif e described : When tw o Chines e meet , a fe w moments ' tal k i s enoug h t o revea l where the y com e from . An d i f the y ar e both fro m Fukie n [Fujian ] o r Chekiang [Zhejiang] , Szechua n [Sichuan ] o r Shans i [Shanxi] , if the y like thei r glaze d duck , thei r sharks ' fins , o r bambo o shoot s cooke d in th e sam e way , the y fee l themselve s t o b e fellow-countrymen , lik e a coupl e o f Finn s o r Spaniard s meetin g fa r fro m home . I f the y spea k different dialect s and do not like the same dishes, they will not unben d to on e another . (Marti n 1934 , 139-40 ) The greenhorn s wh o ende d u p i n Canto n differe d widel y i n thei r abilitie s to adap t t o th e urba n environment . Generally , thos e w i t h o u t skill s and/o r networking ha d t o tak e longer t o adjust an d foun d i t more difficult . Man y others , however, di d no t lac k fo r introductio n o r guidance , lik e Zen g Zhaoji n CeB S $$), age d 7 0 i n 1991 , who ha d bee n a farme r i n th e villag e o f Chiken g (zfctt ) in th e Eas t Rive r area . Befor e hi s arriva l i n th e cit y i n 1947 , Zen g wa s unabl e t o speak Cantonese . H e made th e decisio n t o move because h e ha d a distant relativ e living i n Canto n befor e then . Zeng' s firs t sto p i n Canto n wa s a lodgin g hous e where hi s distan t relativ e ha d take n u p residence . Aide d b y thi s relative , Zen g found th e wa y t o tak e u p ricksha w pullin g fo r " a mer e living " an d the n learne d the traffi c rules , picked u p certai n colloquia l expression s t o become linguisticall y competent t o dea l wit h th e job , an d becam e skilfu l a t ricksha w operation , fo r instance, ho w t o slo w down , ho w t o ru n fast , ho w t o tur n an d brak e (Zen g 1991, interview) . In th e hard-bitte n worl d o f earl y twentieth-centur y Canton , wher e th e lif e of th e urba n poo r wa s brutall y hard , th e carg o coolie s i n dock s tende d t o roa m in gang s (bang Ht , a n expressio n fo r "dialec t groups " i n th e Canto n context) . The coolie s lai d heav y stres s o n th e importanc e o f subethni c togethernes s an d came t o regar d violenc e a s a natural an d accepte d par t o f thei r lives . There wer e two riva l dialect-base d union s tha t stoo d ou t adamantl y i n opposition . Name d
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Chap Yin Stevedores Union (Jixia n qiluohu o gonghu i ^ R ® ^ ^ X # 5 se t u p by a Tungkun labo r leade r i n 1922) , an d th e Canto n branc h o f th e Tun g Ta k Coolies' Union (Tongd e fuli gonghui I^IlHlfe^JIIlr , whic h included coolies who spoke th e Chiucho w dialect) , thes e tw o union s harbore d smolderin g distrus t of eac h other . Thei r rank-and-fil e ignite d int o inter-ban g antagonis m an d occasional fighting fo r hegemony over contested jobs in wharves, godowns, and railway station s (Kung Sheung Daily News May 25 , 29, June 5 , 11 , 1928). The immigrants o f common geographi c origin s and dialects lived in spatia l proximity, a pattern tha t ofte n overlappe d wit h job classification . I n th e earl y part o f the twentiet h century , th e area o f East Bund (Dongd i 3M*1 ) was host of the livin g quarter s o f ricksha w puller s (chefuguan JpLftff O o f Hoi-Luk-Fun g geographic origin . No t surprisingly , i t wa s als o wher e a "fre e schoo l fo r th e poor" (yixue UMP ) wa s ru n b y th e Hoifun g Hometow n Associatio n (Haifen g gonghui $Sit£Hlt ) (Kung Sheung Daily News March 19 , 1936) . Living in Eas t Bund for ove r fifty years , a retired puller recalls that it was, and still is, a habitat of succeeding generation s o f natives of Hoi-Luk-Fung, a reservoir o f emigrants. Asked wh y thi s wa s th e case , h e replie d tha t i t wa s traditio n (Zen g 1991 , interview). Similarly , Ta i Ho n Roa d (^M$&) an d Ma n Foo k Roa d (ilpHI^r ) had a heavy concentratio n o f cooli e lodgin g house s (inhabite d b y Chiuchow ) and ricksha w depot s tha t benefited fro m distributio n economie s gaine d fro m a fast deliver y o f their for-hir e vehicles . Domicile and work intermingle d i n suc h a compacte d wa y tha t localis m prevaile d an d persisted . All to o often , th e immigrant s attache d themselve s t o hometow n an d interpersonal network s (xiangyi guanxi $$tt!f ^) fo r easie r adaptation int o th e alien Canto n environment . The y maintained traditiona l value s o f clan, mutua l regard an d service , an d certai n altruis m whe n dealin g with othe r townspeopl e or provincials . Multifariou s type s o f cla n o r territoria l association , buil t alon g geographic line s and forme d wit h th e expresse d aim s to exchang e informatio n and brin g benefit t o thei r ow n members , mediated between th e individual an d the society . I n most cases , these hometow n association s concerne d themselve s with settling disputes between members , giving assistance with th e expenses of burial o f migrant s fro m th e sam e village o r clan , etc. , an exampl e o f which i s found i n th e Swato w Guil d Hal l i n Shi k Kun g Stree t (Ker r 1918 , 44) . Th e Chinese ter m normall y use d fo r thi s i s Chaozho u bay i huigua n (MJM AlsH* ffO, a n umbrell a associatio n o f th e "Eigh t Districts " fro m wher e cam e almos t all Chiucho w emigrant s t o Canto n (GZDGL 1919, 16) . Still, som e Canto n inhabitant s fostere d intra-communit y self-help . Fo r example, the y forme d an d joine d fraterna l societie s suc h a s yinhui (iHH' , "rotating-credit associations" ) an d gaine d acces s t o th e materia l suppor t an d insurance tha t th e municipa l governmen t ha d faile d t o provide. Privatel y ru n by mutual friend s an d neighbor s withi n thei r ow n circles , th e yinhui coul d b e
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as small a s just nin e o r te n member s o r a s large a s several hundred . Wha t ca n be regarde d a s extendin g fro m th e cla n networks , th e yinhui operate d o n th e basis o f th e trustworthines s o f participant s an d i n a spirit o f fraternity , thrift , and mutua l aid . Eac h membe r regularl y se t asid e som e o f hi s ow n mone y fo r the yinhui, whic h gav e bonuses t o th e participant s o n th e maturity dat e (Zen g 1991, interview). The yinhui induced the acquaintance's peers to save, and helped them survive periodic personal crises such as debt, sickness, and unemployment . The existenc e o f a sizeable population o f Cantones e host people reinforce d the parochial etho s o f th e "non-natives. " Th e sea-based sampa n dweller s wer e used t o livin g o n boats alon g th e Pear l River , where the y "marry , live and die , without minglin g with th e population o f th e earth " (Brown e 1901 , 57). At th e other extrem e were th e land-dwellin g indigenou s local s who spok e th e dialec t of Canto n Cit y an d it s immediat e environs . Know n a s Punti , the y were bor n into families tha t had settled in Canto n and occupied th e centuries-old artisana l jobs. Thei r long-ter m residenc e resulte d i n a one-stree t one-trad e tradition , certain street s devote d t o th e manufacture an d sal e of same kinds o f handicraf t such a s jade an d ivor y carvings , sil k piec e goods , gol d jewelry , porcelain , silverware, and blackwood furnitur e (Gei l 1911 , 81). The new immigrants fro m outside th e Pear l Rive r Delt a wer e al l to o awar e o f thei r vulnerabl e positio n compared t o th e entrenche d locals .
Economics o f Urba n Spraw l There is an old Chines e saying that "everythin g new originates in Canton." Thi s is a complimen t t o th e Canto n inhabitant s wh o wer e know n fo r thei r entrepreneurial cas t of mind, innovative ideas, and receptivity t o new ideas tha t set a n exampl e fo r thei r compatriot s t o follow . I n respec t t o cit y refor m an d improvement o n Wester n lines , thi s ol d sayin g ha s prove n t o b e unusuall y perceptive. A new epoc h fo r Canto n bega n wit h th e formatio n i n 191 8 of th e Municipal Counci l (Shizhen g gongsu o ^fifc^Bx, literally , "Municipa l Publi c Meeting Hall") . The firs t o f its kind i n China , th e Municipa l Counci l heralde d the modernists ' desir e fo r progres s alon g Western line s an d happene d t o b e a catalyst fo r socio-economi c change . It too k charg e of the demolition o f the ol d city walls (forty-thre e fee t a t th e base and fro m twenty-fiv e t o fort y fee t high) , the utilizatio n o f th e ol d wal l site s fo r moto r roads , a s wel l a s othe r civi c responsibilities suc h a s sewage an d publi c healt h tha t wer e citywid e i n scop e and reformis t i n spirit . Beginning i n 1918 , the ol d cit y walls o f Canto n wer e tor n dow n t o mak e way fo r ne w roads , whic h provide d roo m fo r furthe r expansio n o f suburba n public transpor t (Photo s 4. 1 an d 4.2) . Sinc e January 1921 , single-deck buse s
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Photo 4. 1 Demolishin g th e ancien t cit y wall s o f Canton , 1918 . Th e cit y wall s o f Canto n were almos t totall y demolishe d b y 1922 , and i n thei r plac e cam e a new arrangemen t o f wid e asphalt road s mean t fo r bot h moto r an d pedestria n traffic . Fro m Edwar d Bing-Shue y Lee , Modern Canton (Shanghai : Th e Mercur y Press , 1936) .
Photo 4. 2 Ya t Tak Road , forme r sit e o f th e Souther n Oute r Wall . Th e ricksha w puller s wer e hit i n th e pocke t whe n gasoline-powere d buse s bega n operatio n i n January 1921 , along th e site o f th e forme r cit y walls. Bus far e wa s $0.0 5 fo r a ride o f an y distance . Fro m Edwar d Bing Shuey Lee , Modern Canton (Shanghai : Th e Mercur y Press , 1936) .
6 4 RELUCTAN
T HEROE S
began operatio n alon g th e street s betwee n th e Canton-Kowloo n Railwa y an d the Ta i Pin g (Taipin g zfc^p ) gat e west . B y 1922 , th e ol d cit y wall s wer e almos t totally demolished , an d i n thei r plac e a numbe r o f roads , pave d wit h brick s and stone s fro m th e ol d wall , wer e lai d out . Som e o f th e ol d streets , mad e o f uneven cobbleston e an d buil t back-to-bac k i n earlie r day s o f th e cit y when tow n planning wa s littl e practice d eve n i n Europe , wer e re-pave d u p t o a width o f 8 0 and 15 0 fee t an d si x miles long . Gon e wer e th e day s when "non e o f th e alleyway s was mor e tha n nin e o r te n ft . wide , an d mos t o f the m s o narro w tha t yo u hav e only t o sprea d you r arm s i n orde r t o touc h th e wal l a t bot h sides " (South China Morning Post Octobe r 22 , 1912) . As th e 1920 s proceeded , th e boundar y o f th e municipalit y wa s stretched , and th e reform s o f th e cit y prope r an d th e outskirt s kep t pac e wit h th e increasingly larg e populatio n an d th e progres s o f publi c works . Canto n als o witnessed th e introductio n o f telephones , moder n sewage , improved wate r work s and electri c lightin g service , an d a nightl y wireles s broadcast . Eas y profit s inspired a frenz y o f propert y speculation , whic h wa s ofte n mor e attractiv e tha n productive investments . Owner s o f land situate d o n bot h side s o f th e Pear l Rive r were give n th e privileg e o f reclaimin g th e par t o f th e foreshor e adjacen t t o thei r landed property . O n th e rive r frontag e area , new-styl e building s wer e erecte d in accordanc e wit h th e surve y plan s prepare d b y th e Financ e Burea u (Caizhengj u MSfcMf), an d risin g abov e th e olde r types , a s show n i n Phot o 4.3 . Ther e wer e different type s o f activit y t o enlive n th e Bund , a landmark sightseein g are a alon g the Pear l River , an d t o kee p th e tourist s engage d an d enthralled : Shrieks, shouts , an d chao s ar e constan t i n thi s rive r o f screamin g coolies o f rattling , buggy-wheele d rickshaws , carrier s o f heav y pole borne burdens , peddlers , beggars , boatme n — mor e ofte n women , quite a s sturdy an d capabl e i n th e struggl e fo r existenc e — clamorin g for passengers , ungrease d autobuse s constantl y snortin g t o an d fro m Tung Sha n [Dongshan] , dreadfu l thing s wit h atrociou s woode n seat s in n o wa y suite d t o a foreigner' s sittin g posture , jolting an d jumpin g beneath thei r inexper t chauffeurs , causin g fe w death s onl y by miracle. (Franck 1925 , 222-3 ) The progres s mad e toward s publi c work s an d th e effort s wer e ver y welcome . A visitor c a n n o t hel p b u t ge t th e i m p r e s s i o n tha t C a n t o n entere d int o a westernizing proces s a t last : The moder n spiri t i s no w fermentin g mor e activel y a t Canto n tha n elsewhere. Th e dominatin g youn g Chiname n ar e thos e wh o hav e returned fro m visitin g th e Unite d States , an d ther e ar e n o mor e determined agitator s i n Chin a tha n these . Tall , moder n house s ar e rising fas t alon g th e rive r banks . Th e rampart s hav e bee n levelle d with th e ground . (Bonnar d 1926 , 295 )
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Photo 4. 3 A stretch o f Canton' s celebrate d Pear l River , 1920s . Th e cit y proper , bordere d b y the boa t population , i s o n th e botto m left . I n th e subur b o f Hona m Island , o n th e fa r right , new-style building s wer e erecte d an d ris e abov e th e olde r types . Courtes y o f Publi c Record s Office, Governmen t Record s Service , Hon g Kong .
Urban construction , alon g with th e advent o f new modes o f transport an d the rapi d growt h o f population , mean t mor e variet y an d choic e o f publi c services wer e available . Wherea s non-wheele d carriage s suc h a s seda n chair s (which ha d existe d i n Canto n lon g before an y othe r typ e o f vehicle) fel l int o disfavor, th e rickshaw capture d th e heart o f the city to become a favorite mod e of cycl e transport. 1 Fro m a tota l o f 3,00 0 i n 192 0 th e numbe r o f rickshaw s rose t o 3,20 0 i n 192 2 an d 3,60 0 i n 1924 , an d i n 192 9 reache d 4,100 . Th e single-deck bu s servic e expande d i n al l directions . Statistic s sho w tha t bu s service wa s o n a firml y upwar d trend , carryin g u p t o 16,11 4 rider s dail y i n 1928-29. Car s soon became one of the symbols of prosperity, along with buses. The dignitarie s offere d a n expandin g marke t t o cars , whose numbe r wen t u p to 62 5 i n 1924 , fro m 39 6 i n 192 0 (GZSSZGY 1921 , 19; GZSSZGB January 1 , 1924, 8-10) . A s of 1929 , Canto n ha d mor e tha n fift y mile s o f road s passabl e for al l form s o f vehicles . Then , ther e wer e 62 5 moto r vehicle s o n th e city' s roads, o r abou t on e pe r 1,00 0 populatio n (GZSSZF 1929 , 294-5) .
1. I t i s interestin g t o not e tha t a "guid e t o Canton " publishe d i n Chines e i n 191 9 give s the rate s fo r rickshaw s t o cove r th e requirement s o f a resident/visito r wh o intende d t o travel b y ricksha w alon g th e Canto n Bun d (Zhangd i H S 1 ) alon g th e waterfron t o f th e Pearl River . Se e GZDGL (1919 , 35) .
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Despite th e rapi d growt h o f motor traffic , th e ricksha w showe d n o sign s of dying; o n th e contrary , th e numbe r wa s goin g u p instea d o f comin g down , a t least u p t o th e mid-1930 s whe n th e Pear l Rive r Bridg e commence d operatio n to facilitat e passenge r an d good s traffic . Thi s serve d t o promote th e growt h o f the islan d o f Honam (Hena n fifm, "sout h o f th e river") , once o n th e outskirt s of Canton , whic h ha d previousl y depende d upo n ferrie s an d sampans . Th e number o f rickshaws gradually rose from 4,33 1 to 5,315 durin g th e period 192 9 to 1931 . Two years later, ther e were 5,80 6 registered rickshaw s i n operatio n i n Canton's streets, of which 20 6 were licensed t o run fo r privat e use, as shown i n Table 4.1 . Called ziyongche ( § f l | $ , self-us e vehicles) , th e privat e rickshaw s were operate d b y coolie s directl y employe d a s domesti c servant s t o Chines e households o r foreig n institution s i n Shameen . Table 4. 1 Numbe r o f rickshaw s i n Canton , 1929-3 3 Year Privatel
y use d Publicl
y hire d
1929 23
1 4,10
1930 24
0 4,60
0 0
1931 21
5 5,10
0
1932 21
3 5,10
0
1933 20
6 5,60
0
Compiled fro m GZSZFXS (1934 , 95-7 )
An increase i n moto r traffi c withou t a corresponding diminutio n o f rickshaw s indicated tha t th e political disorde r o f th e 1920 s had thwarte d roa d works, an d that roa d constructio n i n densel y populate d Canto n wa s expensiv e i f jus t remuneration wa s to be given for th e vehicular rights-of-wa y acquired . The road plans usually required th e demolition o f the front par t of houses, and thu s ofte n met th e opposition o f house owner s (GZSSZL 1922, 71-2). Thus, th e relativel y small roa d mileag e impede d a wide r expansio n o f moto r traffi c an d gav e rickshaws room for survival . Not only was the bus service restricted t o the mai n roads, it was not appealin g t o status seekers . Put differently , n o singl e mean s of conveyance capture d al l o f th e difference s amon g th e commuters ' need s an d preferences. Despit e th e competitio n fo r th e poo l o f clientele , th e cumulativ e effect o f urban spraw l an d populatio n growt h ha d th e effec t o f increasing tota l demand. However competitiv e th e rickshaw was, as road traffi c wa s growing heavier , the threa t fel t b y th e pullers, real or perceived, becam e notable . Both th e risin g costs o f livin g an d th e expandin g bu s servic e wer e puttin g a squeez e o n th e rickshaw trade . The puller s fel t thei r pocket s hi t whe n th e bus starte d i n 192 1 and cos t onl y $0.0 5 fo r a ride o f any distance. I n February 1922 , when th e bu s
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companies too k a grea t dea l o f th e pullers ' busines s b y addin g third-clas s seat s to thei r vehicles , th e puller s responde d wit h th e threa t o f a strike an d complaine d that the y coul d ear n onl y hal f o f wha t the y ha d befor e (South China Morning Post Februar y 22 , 1922) . When bu s service s wer e furthe r expande d i n Decembe r 1926, man y puller s responde d wit h th e complain t tha t thei r dail y incom e dropped fro m $1.2 0 t o $0.6 0 (Guangzhou minguo ribao Decembe r 20 , 1926) . These action s wer e ofte n coordinate d throug h labo r unions , whic h emphasize d direct actio n an d bargaining . A pres s repor t bear s witnes s t o this : Recently, th e Coolies ' Unio n demanded , unde r threa t o f a genera l strike, tha t th e Governmen t shorte n th e bu s line s an d no t allo w th e buses t o sto p mor e tha n onc e o n eac h trip . Th e reques t wa s grante d a fe w day s ago , but th e Union leader s were stil l not satisfie d an d the y then communicate d t o th e bu s companie s tha t unles s a mor e satisfactory repl y t o thei r demand s wer e given , the y woul d no t b e responsible fo r th e safet y o f th e companies ' staff. (Hongkong Telegraph January 26 , 1927 ) Urban spraw l seeme d t o explai n th e initia l succes s an d late r trouble s o f th e rickshaw, whic h eventuall y becam e lik e th e seda n chai r i t ha d replaced . I n th e circumstances, som e benefite d fro m th e changes ; other s woul d b e victims . Th e affected individuals ' attitud e towar d th e resul t o f ne w technolog y depende d o n whether the y wer e mor e impresse d wit h it s wonder s o r it s blunder .
Private Capita l an d th e Stat e Canton wa s a strategi c poin t i n Sout h China , politicall y an d commercially . Located a t th e confluenc e o f inlan d river s an d wel l serve d b y waterway s an d a materially ric h interior , i t stoo d ou t a s a focal poin t o f navigation. It s geopolitica l location an d commercia l vigo r combine d t o produc e th e smar t merchant s wel l known fo r busines s finess e an d farsight . Fro m tim e t o tim e the y pu t forwar d investment project s t o mee t o r eve n creat e marke t need s rathe r tha n just respon d to officia l requests . Especiall y wit h regar d t o thi s las t point , th e peroratio n o f an observe r remain s apposite : The people o f Kwangtung an d Kwangs i [Guangxi ] hav e th e reputatio n of bein g th e mos t enterprisin g an d industriou s i n al l China . Som e o f the adjective s whic h variou s writer s hav e use d i n describin g the m are brave , energetic , enterprising , active , independent , radical , an d fiery. Th e inhabitant s o f thi s regio n includ e severa l groups , an d thes e terms apply particularly t o th e Cantones e who dominat e th e economi c and politica l life . (Cresse y 1934 , 366 )
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In th e Lat e Qin g period , th e Canto n merchant s too k a stronger , mor e independent stan d t o safeguar d thei r ow n interes t vis-a-vis th e government , directly an d openl y participatin g i n politica l affair s an d becomin g a n aspec t o f the functionin g o f China' s ancien regime. 2 Thei r influenc e a s a politica l forc e was clearl y evidence d i n th e anti-America n boycot t o f 190 5 unde r th e leadershi p of merchants , supporte d b y student s an d worker s (Fiel d 1957 , 6 3 - 9 8 ) . Thi s boycott wa s no t confine d t o Canton , bu t ther e th e patrioti c questio n assume d greater visibilit y du e t o Canton' s statu s a s a treat y por t an d it s strategi c centralit y to foreig n imperialism . W h e n th e Lat e Qin g constitutiona l reform s wer e underway, th e Canto n merchant s acte d mor e publicl y i n th e politica l arena . I n the wak e o f th e 191 1 Revolution , the y organize d collectivel y t o forc e th e Vicero y of Kwangtun g an d Kwangs i t o ste p dow n fro m offic e an d rendere d financia l support t o th e newl y forme d republic . Initially, th e Municipa l Counci l sough t ou t provider s o f essentia l service s through a negotiated-contrac t process . Followin g a revamp o f th e municipalit y in 1921 , public utilitie s wer e contracte d ou t t o th e privat e secto r vi a th e tende r exercise tha t ofte n seeme d comple x an d frustratin g t o thos e desirou s o f tendering fo r th e same . Dependin g o n ho w fierc e th e biddin g was , th e contract s went fo r differen t price s i n eac h auction , bu t alway s abov e th e botto m price . As o f Marc h 1923 , biddin g abov e al l competitors , thirtee n Chines e firm s obtained franchise s t o kee p rickshaw s fo r publi c hire , an d fo r eac h vehicl e a n annual fe e o f $13 7 t o $14 0 woul d b e pai d t o th e municipality , makin g a n impressive tota l o f $173,600 . Th e governmen t restricte d th e ter m o f franchis e to a fixe d tim e spa n an d periodicall y invite d intereste d partie s t o sen d i n tenders, t o mak e sur e o f fetchin g highe r an d highe r prices . A n officia l o f th e Finance Bureau , i n charg e o f th e issuanc e o f suc h licenses , wa s quote d a s having sai d tha t th e auctio n syste m coul d guarante e a stabl e yiel d o f publi c revenues (GZSSZGB Marc h 26 , 1923 , 4 1 - 2 ) . The governmen t extracte d income , a t th e expens e o f selle r profitability , a s was th e cas e whe n bu s companie s complaine d tha t the y coul d no t affor d th e funds neede d t o budge t fo r replacement s (Hongkong Daily Press 1 5 June 1928) . Even whe n a busines s wa s makin g profits , a s i n th e cas e o f ricksha w firms , heavy levie s resulte d i n highe r operatin g cost s tha t wer e passe d alon g t o th e pullers a s highe r rent . Th e introductio n i n 1924-2 5 o f a "polic e tax " (jingjuan Irfli) o f $1. 5 millio n pe r annum , impose d o n al l houses , triggere d a publi c outcry (Hongkong Telegraph Ma y 15 , 1924) . O n Marc h 10 , 1925 , ove r ^0,000 boat dweller s turne d ou t fo r a protes t marc h t o th e Mayor' s Office , clamorin g
2. O n a comparable proces s elsewher e i n republican China , se e Cobl e (1980) , Schopp a (1982), Ranki n (1986) , an d Man n (1987) .
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for th e repea l o f a "boa t dee d tax " (chuanbo qishui jj|q LJt6§§$iL) (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 12 , 1925) . A s o f June 15 , 1926 , a heft y ta x o f $ 2 o n eac h te n gallon s o f kerosene sol d wa s enforced , despit e th e importers ' vociferou s oppositio n (South China Morning Post J u n e 26 , 1926) . I n orde r t o surviv e financia l crises , th e government implemente d man y extortionat e measures . A n attentiv e travele r i s merciless i n hi s criticis m o f th e nascen t Canto n republic : To begin wit h a sensitiv e spo t i n al l huma n societies , th e Cantones e during th e las t year s o f Su n Yat-se n wer e almos t certainl y th e mos t heavily taxe d peopl e o n earth . . . . The mai n reaso n fo r th e incredibl e taxes, fo r th e farmin g ou t o f monopolie s o n th e vice s tha t wer e rare r under th e Manchu s who m Su n boaste d o f havin g chase d out , fo r confiscations an d officia l robberies , wa s th e need , th e absolut e necessity fo r mone y t o kee p i n hi s pa y mercenar y troops , mainl y from Yunna n an d Hunan , i n orde r t o hol d hi s territor y agains t hi s rivals. (Franc k 1925 , 266 , 274 ) The military-backe d Canto n administration , kee n t o secur e fund s fo r th e maintenance an d equippin g o f armies , increasingl y tappe d th e busines s sector . A governmen t orde r o f July 1927 , providin g fo r th e levyin g o f a ne w ta x o n luxury good s an d a 100-percen t increas e i n custom s ta x o n al l categorie s o f imported goods , wa s greatl y resente d b y th e public . Th e merchant s reacte d wit h a strea m o f denunciation s o f th e ne w impositions , whic h struc k a ra w nerv e i n a cit y stil l strugglin g wit h recession . Th e pres s conferenc e hel d i n th e hal l o f the Canto n Chambe r o f Commerc e (Guangzho u zongshanghu i H i j^MM^t) wa s filled t o overflowin g wit h delegate s o f man y differen t guild s wh o complaine d that thei r businesses , regardles s o f ho w muc h capita l wa s invested , woul d b e downright ruine d b y th e exorbitan t taxe s an d levies . So , eithe r th e governmen t had t o ben d th e rule s t o cance l th e levies , o r thei r businesse s merel y coul d no t survive. Th e proprietor s o f differen t background s wer e u p i n arms . Th e followin g description i s revealing : The merchan t o f Canto n ha s bee n a s patien t a s Job, sufferin g muc h oppression a t th e hand s o f th e Government , bu t i n th e increase d ta x on article s whic h ha s been pu t i n th e luxur y class , he see s "th e stra w that wil l brea k th e camel' s back. " Th e Canto n busines s me n ar e o f one min d s o fa r a s thi s questio n i s concerned ; eithe r th e ta x mus t b e repealed, o r the y wil l clos e thei r door s an d brin g o n a suspension o f commercial activity . (South China Morning Post July 26 , 1927 ) On Augus t 2 , 1927 , ove r 20,00 0 sho p owner s an d storekeeper s marche d throug h several crowde d street s i n Canton , t o vo w t o figh t agains t th e increase d stam p duty an d ta x o n luxur y goods . Compose d o f 11 1 row s o f disgruntle d protesters , they ende d a t th e headquarter s o f th e Kwangtun g provincia l government , wher e
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they prevented th e exi t o f government official s therein . Th e merchants campe d outside th e buildin g bu t wer e finall y repulse d b y hose s afte r thre e hours ' confrontation wit h th e polic e o n sit e (Wah Tsz Yat Po August 4 , 1927) . The merchant-stat e relation s tha t ha d seeme d a t time s t o b e hoverin g o n the brin k o f outrigh t animosit y wer e indee d a changin g phenomeno n rathe r than a given. The merchants ha d t o tolerate unreasonably hig h taxe s and levie s imposed b y th e stat e bu t did , a t th e sam e time , rel y o n th e ver y protectio n o f the state for thei r ability to put up a defensive front . A t one time, when Canton' s labor activist s gaine d momentar y politica l influence , th e merchant s supporte d police actio n t o prohibit radica l unionist s fro m blockadin g busines s house s o r seizing goods fro m them . Similarly , in th e aftermat h o f the Canton-Hon g Kon g Strike o f 1925-26 , th e Canto n Chambe r o f Commerc e volunteere d t o help th e Canton administratio n rais e some $ 4 million i n an effor t t o pay off an d ge t ri d of th e 28,00 0 strikers , man y fro m Hon g Kong . I n Marc h 1927 , th e Canto n business interest s obtaine d governmen t approva l t o se t u p th e Merchan t Delegates Congress for th e purpose of concentrating their efforts i n their struggle with labo r union s fo r th e right t o dismiss employees (South China Morning Post March 11 , May 7 , 1927) .
Police an d La w Enforcemen t Agent s The moder n polic e i n Canto n wa s founde d i n 190 2 t o replac e th e baojia (f S ^F), mutual-securit y system . Tha t sam e year , th e newl y establishe d Polic e Headquarters (Jhigwutin g I f f ^ l i ) wen t o n a recruitment drive , and th e Polic e Training Schoo l (Yubeiyin g S^HrHf ) wa s opene d a t Littl e Nort h Gat e (Xiaobeimen ^MfcPj ) t o giv e trainin g t o ne w recruit s fo r a period o f thre e t o six months. The police were required t o comply with th e rules contained i n th e Police Duties Manual. Their primary duties , so the manual lai d down, include d the detection o f crimes and th e protection o f life and property. As in 1922 , 4,381 summonses wer e issue d agains t person s suspecte d o f crimina l offense s (GZSSZGY 1922, 139-42). The expansion o f the city was reflected b y the growth of its police force . Fro m Marc h t o October 1921 , Canton spen t $808,79 4 o n its police force, which reached a total of 5,067 of all ranks in twelve police precincts (GZSSZL 1922). From July 1926 , a tax was imposed on each shop and household of th e cit y fo r th e purchas e o f bette r firearm s fo r th e Publi c Securit y Burea u (Gong'anju ^>SM ) (Wah Tsz Yat Po July 8 , 1926) . The Canto n inhabitant s hel d ambivalen t attitude s toward s th e police, who acted a s protectors an d oppressor s a t different times . It was a duty o f the police to make rounds i n th e streets t o see that crime s were prevented/suppressed an d applicable law s enforced . Al l to o often , however , thes e dutie s se t th e polic e a t
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odds wit h th e broa d masses , especiall y thos e makin g a livelihoo d o n th e street . Under th e Vehicl e an d Traffi c Regulation s (1921 , 1922 , 1929 ) an d th e Pena l Codes fo r Traffi c Offence s (1923) , fo r example , th e Publi c Securit y Burea u ha d to mak e effectiv e th e rule s regardin g th e fare s fo r ricksha w ride s an d t o monito r w h e t h e r th e holder s o f drivin g license s abid e b y th e traffi c by-laws . Al l component part s o f th e rickshaw , suc h a s chassis , cushio n seat , footrest , foldabl e rain hood , shafts , springs , an d tire s wer e subjec t t o inspectio n t o ensur e tha t passenger safet y coul d b e protecte d (GZSSZGB Apri l 4 , 1921 , 9-19; Marc h 13 , 1922, 29-36 ; Ma y 7 , 1923 , 38-40; March 26 , 1929 , 31-47). I t was ver y commo n to hav e th e puller s arreste d b y th e polic e i n cas e o f an y violatio n o f traffi c rules . The qualit y o f th e Canto n polic e wa s fa r fro m satisfactory . Apar t fro m othe r reasons, thi s wa s cause d b y th e recruitmen t o f unqualifie d person s (take n fro m among th e lowes t classe s o f th e population ) t o staf f th e forc e fo r financia l considerations (Huan g 1927 , 49) . Th e Canto n inhabitant s varie d i n thei r perceptions o f th e police , fro m thos e wh o fel t i n harmon y wit h them , t o thos e who fel t rule d b y them , t o thos e wh o pursue d vengefu l fantasies . I n lat e 192 4 and agai n i n mid-1926 , whe n Canto n addresse d itsel f t o th e tas k o f launchin g expeditions agains t th e regiona l militarists , a lot o f human resource s were neede d to serv e i n th e expeditionar y army . Whe n voluntar y conscriptio n fel l shor t o f the demand , th e loca l warlor d authoritie s fel l bac k o n th e tacti c o f forcibl y recruiting me n everywher e the y chos e i n orde r t o enrol l the m a s unpai d cooli e carriers (fuyi ftfic) fo r arm y transpor t (Phot o 4.4) . A newspape r reporte r remarked wit h disgus t o n th e infamou s kidnapping : The Polic e Commissioner , upo n th e reques t o f th e military , recentl y ordered th e polic e station s i n th e cit y t o recrui t som e 1,50 0 coolie s for carryin g luggage and military supplies for th e expeditionary troops . Certain station s hav e bee n pressin g coolie s t o joi n thes e service s instead o f recruitin g volunteers . Th e 11t h statio n i n Hona m wa s on e thus executin g orders , and thi s afternoo n a batch o f some 3 0 coolies , tied wit h ropes , was sen t t o Polic e Headquarters , wit h th e familie s o f the victims, who wer e cryin g bitterly, following . (South China Morning Post June 28 , 1926 ) Backed b y coerciv e force , th e me n unde r arm s eve n burs t int o house s t o her d away m e n o f fightin g ag e an d demande d mone y befor e releasin g them , thu s giving th e cit y a thril l o f horror . Thei r despoti c conduc t cause d a publi c uproa r and a scuffle wit h som e o f th e laborer s working a t th e railwa y statio n o f Wongsh a (Huangsha H c ^ ) , a s reveale d i n th e loca l press : Yesterday afternoo n a battle occurre d betwee n th e polic e an d a gan g of 6 0 coolie s o n th e Ch i Chi n malo o [malo o mean s "horse-road"] . Another inciden t o f simila r natur e too k plac e i n Wongsh a to-day , and tw o policeme n wer e kille d b y th e coolies . Th e strik e picket s
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Photo 4. 4 Recruitin g civilian s a s carrier s fo r arm y transport , 1920s . Thi s practic e o f th e early republica n militarists , whic h too k plac e i n twentieth-centur y Canton , occurre d i n al l periods o f Chines e imperia l history . Fro m Harr y A . Franck , Roving Through Southern China (New York : Th e Centur y Company , 1925) .
nearly cam e t o an arme d clas h with th e militia o f Honam thi s mornin g when th e picket s wen t t o surroun d th e militi a headquarters , demanding th e releas e o f thre e o f thei r comrade s detaine d there . I t i s reported tha t th e thre e picket s concerne d wer e arreste d b y th e militi a while the y were tryin g t o rob two pedestrians. The result o f the troubl e was tha t th e militi a release d th e thre e pickets . (South China Morning Post June 29 , 1926 ) Military kidnappin g neve r wen t unnotice d b y th e municipa l authoritie s a t the time , causin g eve n som e high-rankin g cit y official s t o balk . Thi s wa s s o widespread an d s o notoriou s tha t Mayo r Su n F o (Su n K e J^f4 , 1891-1973 ) proclaimed i n Septembe r 192 3 tha t anyon e wh o enliste d force d labo r fo r arm y transport woul d b e court-martiale d (GZSSZGB Septembe r 3 , 1923 , 18) . W u T e Chen (W u Tiechen g ^ilcfcSc , 1888-1953) , commissione r o f publi c security , admitted th e misconduc t o f thos e unde r hi s comman d an d sai d tha t ther e wa s no excus e fo r suc h a n ac t an d thos e involve d woul d b e penalize d (GZSSZGB October 29 , 1923 , 30) . Althoug h W u di d issu e notification s t o prohibi t th e
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pressing o f civilian s int o wa r service , an d actuall y release d som e o f th e victims , abuses an d lawlessnes s prevailed , an d able-bodie d me n continue d t o b e presse d in th e street s (South China Morning Post Jun e 29 , 1926) . Befor e th e Norther n Expedition go t underwa y i n Jul y 1926 , th e dictatoria l method s o f th e polic e made lif e o n th e stree t a terror . The lac k o f disciplin e amon g th e polic e mad e th e keepin g o f la w an d orde r difficult, an d ther e wa s a prover b i n ol d Canto n tha t goes : "goo d boy s d o no t wear polic e uniforms " (haozai wu dangchai %r f7pnHrH) (H o 1990 , interview) . One da y i n 1923 , two puller s narrowl y escape d bein g hi t b y a bus whos e drive r had steere d throug h a stree t an d elbowe d hi s wa y ahea d o f th e pullers , withou t blasting hi s horn . A polic e office r o n patro l dut y shoute d somethin g a t th e pullers, condemnin g the m fo r "no t runnin g fas t enough " (GZSSZGB Ma y 7 , 1923, 2-3) . I n a quarre l ove r a traffi c accident , a bicyclis t raine d severa l blow s upon a puller, causin g bruise s o n hi s fac e an d forehead . Th e polic e office r wh o arrived a t th e scen e ordere d th e pulle r t o pa y fo r th e repair s o f th e bicycle , before takin g an y tim e t o stud y th e caus e o f th e inciden t (Zhongshan ribao December 13 , 1946) . Thu s th e polic e adjudicate d dispute s o n th e spot , alway s on ver y doubtfu l evidence , an d usurpe d th e judicial function s o f th e court . Th e difference lie s no t onl y i n greate r simplicit y an d i n spee d o f procedure ; mor e specifically, th e Canto n polic e ha d m u c h greate r power s o f actio n than , fo r example, thei r Europea n counterparts , an d everythin g proceede d i n a n informal , extra-legal manner . The polic e wer e notoriou s fo r fallin g bac k o n barbari c tactic s o f policing , which le d t o worsene d relation s betwee n the m an d th e public . The y showe d no decenc y an d n o sens e o f respec t fo r othe r human s unde r thei r jurisdiction . Their atrocitie s wer e s o flagran t tha t th e governmen t proclaime d a notificatio n on Ma y 23 , 1921 , t o th e effec t tha t individua l polic e officer s wer e explicitl y denounced fo r havin g hi t ricksha w puller s wit h whip s an d damagin g thei r vehicles. However , eve n thos e i n hig h offic e simpl y coul d no t kee p th e conduc t of thei r subordinate s i n check . Polic e power s continue d t o b e abused , a s show n in Phot o 4.5 . Stree t coolie s wer e incessantl y harasse d eve n fo r mino r errors , al l in ful l vie w o f a n attentiv e onlooker : The Canto n polic e ar e les s gentl e wit h th e rickshaw-me n tha n ar e those o f Ne w Yor k towar d it s taxica b drivers . Tw o rickshaw-coolie s fall t o fighting ove r their place in the long line shrieking at the wharve s or th e entranc e t o Shamee n fo r th e fe w fare s i n sight . I t i s not , o f course, a fist-figh t afte r th e fashio n o f th e West ; th e Eas t doe s no t "double it s hands " an d strike . Instea d ther e i s som e slappin g an d much screaming , teet h showin g lik e angr y monkeys . (Franc k 1925 , 229)
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Photo 4. 5 Act s o f violenc e o f th e Canto n Polic e Force , 1920s . Th e ma n unde r arrest , a moment befor e th e phot o wa s taken , grimace d i n pai n whe n h e wa s struc k wit h a stick hel d by th e plainclothe s polic e officer . Fro m Harr y A. Franck, Roving Through Southern China (Ne w York: Th e Centur y Company , 1925) .
We ar e indebte d t o th e sam e sourc e fo r a n impressio n o f th e brutalit y b y th e Canton polic e towar d th e pullers : A policeman step s up , flail s bot h me n acros s th e back s wit h th e kin d of riding-cro p tha t take s th e plac e o f a bill y i n Canton , an d the n snatches a cushio n ou t o f eac h vehicle . I t migh t no t wor k o n Broadway, eve n wit h automobil e cushions , bu t i n th e Eas t i t save s argument an d i s an effectiv e for m o f bail, fo r i f th e me n d o no t com e to th e police-station an d pa y their fin e th e cushion s wil l go as squeez e to som e one . S o n o doub t th e guardian s o f suc h la w an d orde r a s exist i n Canto n ar e onl y to o gla d whe n thi s indirec t summon s t o court i s no t obeyed . This lo w opinio n o f th e Canto n polic e i s consonan t wit h ora l evidence . Retrieving unpleasan t memories , a retire e ( a pulle r i n Canto n fo r tw o years ) stated tha t th e polic e wer e ver y hars h o n member s o f hi s forme r profession . W h e n bilked , th e puller s tende d t o refrai n fro m reportin g i t t o th e police . I t was difficul t t o marsha l an d submi t lega l evidence , a s witnesse s wer e cowe d and perpetrator s wer e al l bu t har d t o roun d up . Fo r th e slightes t misdemeano r of th e pullers , tru e o r alleged , th e polic e woul d tak e th e sea t cushio n away , a practice tha t kep t the m fro m takin g fares . Thi s pulle r wa s a littl e emotiv e i n tone whe n recollectin g th e rud e behavio r o f th e police , a s i f i t ha d happene d
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yesterday: "Befor e faul t wa s fully established , the y shouted a t us an d kicke d u s around, treatin g us like dogs! What's the point o f arguing with them ? Tha t will only brin g mor e punishment s t o you . W e di d no t trus t them . Ther e wer e problems wit h corruptio n an d nepotis m i n th e polic e force, " h e sai d a t th e thought o f hi s pas t experience . No t surprisingly , th e Canto n polic e wer e derogatorily nickname d heigou (HI$3, literally, "blac k dogs" ) b y th e puller s of the da y (Zen g 1991 , interview). Of relevanc e ar e th e observations , mad e durin g th e 1930s , tha t th e polic e were using too much violence in dealing with thos e under arrest , even for sligh t infractions. I n 1931 , a Canto n polic e office r wa s foun d guilt y o f murde r fo r opening fire on a hawker, an incident tha t aroused considerable public attentio n (South China Morning Post March 18 , 1931) . "O n th e way," a visitor t o Canto n observed, " a policeman on point duty . . . chastised a rickshaw puller for dartin g across th e roa d i n th e fac e o f oncoming traffic " (Sewel l 1933 , 76). I n orde r t o avoid a traffi c jam , th e policeme n bea t th e puller s mercilessl y fo r toutin g fo r hire. Thi s happene d o n Shake e Roa d (SNI^fr , no w "6/23rd " Road , wher e a notorious shootin g incident occurre d o n June 23 , 1925) an d th e brothel area of Chan Ton g (Chentan g Rftt ) tha t wer e kept ope n t o rickshaw s unti l midnigh t only. The pullers wh o waited aroun d wit h empt y rickshaw s a t railway station s were dispersed with hardwood sticks applied across their shoulders (Kung Sheung Daily News Februar y 7 , 25, 1935) .
Conclusion Canton, apar t fro m absorbin g element s fro m othe r culture s t o enhanc e it s growth, retained many customs and old-world charm as ancient as Canton itself. The emigres who lef t thei r birthplace s wer e not comfortabl y acculturate d int o the hos t communit y i n whic h Cantones e cultur e ha s bee n dominant . Draw n from th e declasse who were almost entirel y from Sout h China' s countryside, th e pullers lacke d capita l o r technica l skill s and wer e force d t o bear th e trial s an d tribulations o f th e volatile socio-politica l environment . Life' s possibilities wer e reflected i n th e choice of jobs and residence. Regionals clun g to thei r respectiv e subethnicity i n forma l network s (suc h a s hometown association s an d fraternal mutual assistanc e clubs ) an d informal network s (suc h as sub-dialect gang s an d rudimentary groupings) tha t brought resources — both monetary and emotiona l — to the aid of their group members. In an age of population growth , resourc e competition, an d neglecte d socia l services, subethnic network s were importan t sources o f socia l an d economi c support . The formation o f the Canton Municipality spawned an era of the expandin g role fo r th e state , whic h wa s mainl y administrate d the n b y th e militar y
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authorities. Interferenc e b y th e stat e extende d fro m th e political spher e t o th e economic, oversteppin g th e bounds an d sparkin g a tren d o f fe e an d ta x rises , to the extent tha t the populace at all levels — as diverse as merchants, boatmen, and coolie s — wa s affected . Thoug h th e modernist s preache d th e nee d fo r building a modern Canto n an d th e urgency o f social cohesion, i n actuality th e incessant civi l strif e tha t ha d gon e o n fo r year s represente d th e true r stat e o f affairs. Disconten t was running deep among the city population. The harassment of undiscipline d polic e an d soldier s provide d fertil e groun d fo r popula r radicalism an d provoke d muc h bitternes s an d violent confrontation . Whe n th e public cam e ou t i n larg e number s ove r discontentmen t wit h unwelcom e stat e actions, an d exerte d collectiv e pressur e o n a numbe r o f policie s suc h a s th e modification o f taxes , th e stree t becam e a forum fo r collectiv e mobilization . It wa s abou t thi s tim e tha t urba n spraw l brough t fres h socia l challenge s and rendere d th e strugglin g masse s a destabilizin g socio-politica l force . Th e dispossessed fro m th e countrysid e turne d t o work o n th e street with thousand s of rickshaw s whos e numbe r gre w with roa d construction . Force d t o mov e en masse t o th e cit y an d face d wit h variou s difficultie s i n makin g a living , the y became receptive to radical appeal. Gross violence to the pullers led to animosity against, serious contemp t for , an d severe ridicule of, thos e in uniform. Withou t outside organization , th e anger an d indignation o f the pullers was not normall y channeled int o battle s agains t tyranny ; withou t th e existin g target s o f wrath , the partisa n organizer s coul d hav e don e littl e t o wo o th e suppor t o f labo r constituencies. A discussion o f just ho w th e puller s develope d a s a collectiv e political actor must wait until th e next chapter, when we examine in detail ho w the partisan organizer s mad e use o f thi s social an d politica l milieu t o build u p their networ k o f actio n an d propagand a an d supplie d th e kin d o f leadershi p the puller s needed .
5 Partisan Politics and the 1927 Insurrectio n
T
H E SOUTHER N city of Canto n has a tradition o f dissent activity and is called "the cradl e o f th e Chines e revolution " (Zhongguo geming ceyuandi 4 ^ 8 ^1wMM$L) fo r it s strategic centralit y t o Chines e politic s i n th e storm y year s of the Late Qing and afterwards, als o in remembrance o f the "martyrs " of many generations an d politica l inclinations . Canto n wa s face d wit h a severanc e o f relations wit h th e centra l authorit y i n th e north . Th e Cantones e people , a s a n observer expresse d it , "posses s al l th e Irishmen' s ingraine d penchan t fo r conspiracies, al l his talen t fo r politica l organization . The y are traditionall y an d by temperamen t 'agi n th e government' , heir s o f ages of revolt agains t Peking' s [Beijing's] constitute d authority , courageous, no respecters of persons, impatient of restraint, sullen in their political antipathies invincibly cheerful i n their dail y lives" (Quote d i n Clewlo w 1981 , 155). Republican Canto n wa s a battle-zone rif e wit h competin g politica l forces . In th e wak e o f th e 191 1 Revolution , afte r littl e fighting , th e cit y wa s mad e a part o f th e ne w Republic . However , th e Revolutio n di d no t creat e democracy , at leas t no t a s tha t ter m i s usuall y understood . I n July 1913 , the Kwangtun g militarists proclaimed thei r independenc e fro m th e Beijing government , a s part of th e "Secon d Revolution " t o oppos e th e monarchis t pla n o f Yuan Shikai (M tttsd, 1859-1916) . Shortl y afterwards , i n 1915 , th e warlor d authoritie s i n Kwangsi Province (t o th e west o f Kwangtung), led by the Yunnanese militarist , Lung Cha i Kwon g (Lon g Jiguang H$iBfe , 1876-1925) , occupie d Canto n an d cancelled th e declaratio n o f independence. A year later , when furthe r trouble s arose over Yuan's attempt t o restore the monarchy and ascend the throne himself, the militarist s i n th e sout h regroupe d an d a ne w separatis t Kwangtun g administration wa s established . Between 191 7 and 1923 , Canton's political leadershi p change d fou r times . The government between Septembe r 191 7 and May 1918 , founded fo r th e sake of "protectin g th e constitution " (hufa tlSfe ) o f th e Chines e Republic , wa s followed by four years of warlord rule and, in 1921 , by a second hufa government which garnere d th e suppor t o f th e militaris t Che n Chiun g Min g (Che n Jiongming PfcttPJ , 1878-1933) . O n June 16 , 1922 , Che n too k ove r Canton ,
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forcing Su n Yat Sen to tak e refuge i n th e French Concessio n i n Shanghai . Thi s very experienc e pave d th e wa y fo r Sun' s decisio n t o all y wit h th e newbor n Chinese Communis t Part y (CCP ) an d receive Soviet military and organizationa l aid. It was not until February 192 3 that Sun, with the support of shifting warlor d alliances united onl y by their commo n oppositio n t o Beijing, was able to regain power i n Canton . In th e mids t o f regim e change s an d militar y confrontations , Canto n nevertheless saw an increase in urban social movements. During the first decad e of th e ne w republic , economi c strike s occurre d o n a muc h large r scal e tha n before — to no small extent an outcome of the great fluctuations o f prices caused by th e outbrea k o f World Wa r I and th e warlor d fightin g i n thes e year s (M a 1955, 23-5) . Th e anarchist s organize d barber s an d teahous e employee s int o unions a s early as 191 7 and staged Internationa l Labo r Day, perhaps th e first of its kin d i n China , th e nex t yea r (Cha n 1975 , 41-2; Dirli k 1991 , 15) . Havin g regained powe r i n 1921 , Sun Ya t Sen repeale d Articl e 22 4 o f th e Provisiona l Criminal Code that had rendered the unionization of workers very difficult (Fan g 1931, 67) . The Trade Union Regulation s promulgate d i n Canto n i n Novembe r 1924 put trad e union s o n th e sam e lega l basis a s employers' associations . From th e Ma y Fourt h Movemen t t o th e 1920s , a variet y o f ideologie s characterized Canton . A t on e tim e ther e wa s mor e roo m fo r urba n socia l movements. Ther e were rea l dreams there , an d plan s o f a wanted future . Thi s chapter open s u p a detailed pictur e o f ho w th e working-clas s activist s wooe d the rickshaw puller s int o thei r fol d an d include d the m i n th e political process. The newly mobilized ricksha w puller s not onl y followed th e general pattern of union-directed mas s movement s bu t als o joine d th e Chines e Communis t revolution, a n event that was almost totally unknown before. Thi s account end s with a retrospec t o f th e ris e an d fal l o f th e short-live d Canto n Insurrection , amid immens e bloodshed , whic h marke d th e broke n dream s tha t ha d bee n eagerly sought after b y the pullers at the time. In a nutshell, th e pullers became both beneficiarie s an d victim s o f political struggles .
Incipient Effort s t o Combin e Coolie Laborers ' Missio n In 1913 , starting i n Shanghai, foreign Christian s founde d a mission t o help th e pullers in the city. The destitute were fed and clothed, the homeless given shelter, and th e sic k give n medica l treatment , fre e o f charge . These pioneerin g effort s served bot h i n principl e an d i n activit y a s a mode l fo r other s t o follow . I n Canton, a Chinese convert to Christianity named Cheun g Tsoh Kei (Zhang Zuoji SlfeSI) bega n i n earnes t t o gathe r ricksha w puller s i n open-ai r meeting s i n
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1917, when no formatio n o f any regular guild s o r unions o f pullers existed . H e preached th e Gospe l b y personal contact s an d informa l addresse s whereve r a group could be induced t o listen. His first sermo n was given on a summer day ; the pulpit wa s a granite boulder o n a vacant lo t i n th e easter n subur b o f Tun g Shan (Dongshan jftlll), a base of missionary enterprises in Canton. This marked the beginning o f a religious effor t t o rebuil d th e lives of th e pullers, what wa s later known a s the "Cooli e Laborers' Mission" (Kul i budaohui f±f^H$Stilt) , a s a Chines e sourc e call s it (GZSSZGY 1922 , 57). Considerable succes s crowne d thi s mission , an d quit e a numbe r o f th e toiling masses were baptized. Fo r more careful stud y of the Gospel by means of Bible classes an d meetings , Cheun g gathered th e eage r listeners togethe r i n hi s little hom e i n th e easter n suburb , where h e live d wit h hi s wife . Afterwards , a pastor i n Canto n recognize d th e possibilitie s o f Cheung' s effort s an d rendere d financial assistanc e to the mission. Still later, a small house on Tungchuen maloo (jKJ'lliiSfr) wa s secured an d furnishe d t o accommodate th e increasing numbe r of inquirers . B y crowding, a n audienc e o f twent y t o twenty-fiv e peopl e coul d be seated. For this room a rental of $2.50 per month was paid. Eventually, som e 200 puller s wer e enrolle d a s member s o f th e mission . Throug h Chines e an d European financia l aid , th e missio n erecte d a church o n Tungchue n malo o t o meet the needs of the eager listeners (South China Morning Post March 15 , 1920). When the road widening plans of the Municipal Council reached Tungchuen maloo, th e fron t par t o f th e churc h use d b y th e missio n wa s marke d fo r demolition, t o make way for road development. I n order to keep the missionar y work running , a Chines e contracto r an d landowner , als o a Christian , grante d the us e o f privat e lan d fo r th e relocatio n o f th e church . I n spit e o f man y vicissitudes, the work grew, and the Canton Cit y Union Evangelistic Association stepped i n t o help . Finally , a two-stor y buildin g havin g a seatin g capacit y o f 300 wa s erecte d o n a spot fiv e minutes ' walk sout h o f th e Kun g Ye e Medical College an d Hospita l (Gongy i xuexiao 4*f |
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(1881-1957) o f th e Britis h an d Foreig n Bibl e Society , wh o wa s activ e i n liaiso n with th e chaplain s o f man y denomination s i n religiou s work s an d communit y services, wa s on e o f th e office-bearer s o f th e churc h authorize d t o receive , an d give receipt s for , fund s contribute d t o th e services . In du e course , Cheun g Tso h Ke i trie d t o for m a trad e unio n i n th e nam e o f Chezai gonghu i (^j-fJl^, literally , "ricksha w u n i o n " ) . I n hi s applicatio n submitted t o th e Municipal Counci l i n 1921 , Cheung state d tha t th e union woul d aim t o promot e th e friendshi p an d fraternit y o f th e pullers . Thi s applicatio n was, however , no t approve d o n th e ground s tha t Cheun g ha d no t ye t produce d a u n i o n charte r t o th e satisfactio n o f th e Municipa l Counci l an d tha t n o consensual vie w o f th e masse s i n regar d t o Cheung' s applicatio n wa s reache d (GZSSZGB Marc h 27 , 1922 , 3 3 - 4 ) . Historica l record s indicat e tha t th e Cheza i gonghui wa s eventuall y registere d wit h th e Canto n administration , bu t shortl y afterwards, subsequen t t o Cheung' s withdrawa l fo r som e unknow n reason , th e u n i o n di d no t functio n an y mor e (GZSSZGY 1922 , 57) . A n entr y i n a 192 2 publication reads : For som e tim e Christia n wor k wa s don e amon g ricksh a me n i n thi s city, bu t i n th e fal l o f 192 1 thi s wor k wa s no t bein g pushe d chiefl y because it s promoter s wer e absen t fro m th e fiel d an d n o on e ha d a s yet bee n foun d t o carr y o n thei r work . Th e missio n whic h wa s originally opene d i n th e interest s o f ricksh a me n ha s no w develope d into a communit y churc h o f approximatel y 10 0 members . However , few ricksh a me n o r thei r familie s ar e include d i n th e membership . (Stauffer 1922 , 369 ) The churc h seem s t o hav e disappeare d b y th e en d o f th e 1920s , a s state d i n a report date d Apri l 2 1 , 1927 , fro m South China Morning Post: A debt o f $1,40 0 i s still resting o n th e church , fo r th e liftin g o f whic h an appea l i s bein g mad e t o an y wh o ma y giv e a passing though t t o the hard lo t o f th e ricksha puller . . . . The membership o f th e Missio n numbers nearl y 200 , but politica l condition s i n th e cit y hav e cause d scatterings o f thes e toiler s tim e afte r time . Th e numbe r o f member s now living in th e city is only about one-thir d o f the total membership . Union o f Virtu e an d Righteousnes s Also significan t enoug h t o mentio n i s th e organizin g effort s o f tw o men , H u Hanchi (r^liftil ) an d Lian g Jingquan d c l f c ^ ) , wh o trie d i n 192 1 t o organiz e a ricksha w unio n i n Canton . I n wha t capacit y i t i s no t clear , H u an d Lian g sen t an applicatio n t o th e cit y governmen t fo r th e sai d purpose . Unde r th e suggeste d name o f D e Y i Tang ( ^ j i ^ , meanin g "Unio n o f Virtu e an d Righteousness") , the intentio n o f th e propose d u n i o n wa s t o assis t th e puller s i n acquirin g
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vocational knowledg e an d developin g a bond o f mutua l acquaintanc e amon g them. At its meeting, th e Municipal Counci l decided t o defer a decision o n th e application, pendin g th e submissio n o f additiona l informatio n fro m th e applicants (GZSSZGB December 5 , 1921 , 2-4). Th e reason s were : a. Th e Publi c Securit y Bureau opine d tha t Rule s 6 , 7 , 8, 9 , 13 , 14 and 1 9 of the unio n charte r submitte d b y H u an d Lian g appeare d t o b e concerne d with th e reapin g o f money , an d tha t th e lo w standar d o f educatio n o f th e rank-and-file o f the trad e would mak e union activitie s difficult t o develop . b. Th e Mayor' s Offic e di d no t suppor t th e application . A s a majorit y o f th e pullers coul d neithe r rea d no r write , i t wa s said , the y lacke d th e abilit y and experienc e t o ru n fo r unio n offic e an d probabl y di d no t a s ye t understand th e various functions tha t a union like the tang should conduc t and develop . c. Takin g into consideratio n th e views o f th e Public Securit y Bureau an d th e Mayor's Office , th e Municipa l Counci l wa s worried tha t th e office-bearin g positions o f th e tan g woul d b e liabl e an d likel y t o b e take n u p b y som e "undesirable" elements , thu s givin g rise t o troubl e i n future . Within a matter o f months, H u an d Lian g submitted a n amende d versio n of th e tang' s regulations. A new clause, "al l members ar e free t o withdraw fro m membership," wa s enacted int o Rul e 12 . Formerly, Rul e 1 6 had read , "Anyon e who ha s faile d t o pa y membershi p due s fo r mor e tha n on e mont h wil l b e removed fro m th e register." Unde r th e amende d draft , th e phrase "on e month " in this clause was deleted and "hal f a year" was substituted. Hu and Liang added that the y woul d no t induc e th e puller s t o g o o n strik e i n future , an d tha t a respectable institutio n woul d i n du e cours e prepar e a testimonia l t o reassur e the Municipa l Counci l o f th e "character " o f th e tang' s auditor . Eventually , th e mayor an d th e commissioner o f public security advised of no adverse commen t on th e re-submitte d applicatio n (GZSSZGB February 20 , 1922 , 7-9) . The Municipa l Council , afte r givin g ful l consideratio n t o th e writte n statements o f H u an d Lian g an d th e comment s fro m relevan t municipa l authorities, decide d o n revie w t o approv e th e application . Shortl y thereafter , an officia l lette r wa s issue d t o th e applicant s t o certif y governmen t approva l for th e tang' s registration , o n th e term s o f th e applicatio n a s re-submitte d t o the Municipa l Council , subjec t t o complianc e wit h approva l condition s an d final scrutin y o f th e name-lis t o f th e tang' s office-bearer s b y th e relevan t authorities (GZSSZGB February 27 , 1922 , 13-4) . Available information abou t the later developmen t o f the tang is, however, very scanty. Even though officia l approval fo r it s formatio n wa s given , i t canno t b e ascertaine d whethe r th e tang eve r functione d i n practice o r attracte d an y measure o f support fro m th e rank-and-file.
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Early Communis t Inroad s A Cantones e youn g ma n b y th e nam e o f She n Houku n (ifcJ^M , 1903-28) , otherwise know n a s Shen Qing (#fc?1= f) , was one of the earliest if not the earliest Communists wh o starte d politica l propagand a amon g th e pullers i n Canton . A native of Punyu (Pany u I H P § ) i n Kwangtung, She n was th e second so n o f fou r children in a propertied family in Canton. Having completed an earlier education, Shen gained admission to the Guangdong Academy of Law and Political Science. His elder brother, Shen Houpei (£fcffi§ , 1901-27) , also studied a t the academy (GDGLFZ 1922) . Hi s tw o younge r sisters , She n Xuexi u (ifclMf ) an d She n Xuewen ( t f o f ^ ) , wer e member s o f th e Socialis t Youth Leagu e (Shehu i zhuy i qingniantuan ? ± # ± j | W ^ l l [ ) , a socia l outreac h mas s organizatio n o f th e Communists whic h hel d it s first congres s an d proclaime d it s establishment i n Canton in 1922 , then under th e tutorship of Chen Duxiu (WMf$, 1879-1942) , the first secretary-general o f the CCP who played a seminal role in disseminatin g Soviet Marxis t idea s i n China . Still a student, She n was imbue d wit h th e concern s expresse d i n th e Ne w Culture Movemen t fo r nationa l regeneration , showin g sympath y t o oppresse d people. H e believe d tha t onl y Communis m coul d mak e Chin a stron g an d prosperous, an d thi s fait h inspire d hi s participatio n i n man y activitie s o f th e CCP Canton Municipal Committee . In early 1922 , he dressed in rags to disguise himself a s a poor worke r an d visite d th e pullers' lodgin g house s i n Ma n Foo k Road an d Ta i Hon Road , i n th e hop e o f gaining better insight s int o thei r live s and spreadin g propagand a amon g them . H e chos e fo r himsel f th e somewha t simpler nam e o f Shen Qin g by which h e would b e known amon g th e illiterat e pullers. He worked for th e pullers who had fallen sick and gave them the money he ha d earne d i n th e day , thereb y establishin g goo d rappor t an d a clos e relationship wit h the m (GZQNFYL 1988 , 113-4) . In Februar y 1922 , whe n th e Canto n puller s wer e discontente d wit h a n . incentive schem e o f th e bus compan y t o lure passengers, Shen Qin g organize d the pullers for thei r ow n protection an d too k the opportunity t o form a shouche gonghui ( ^ $ 1 ^ , "ricksha w union" ) t o bargai n wit h th e bu s management . Also, She n too k charg e o f agitation , correspondence , an d propagand a wor k associated wit h mas s movements ; h e wrot e man y memo s tha t ar e amon g th e Party archives now released. 1 Th e rickshaw union organize d by Shen was forma l enough i n Ma y 192 4 t o participat e i n th e Canto n Labo r Congress , whic h included som e 320 unions, all with leftis t inclination s (GDDSZL 1983: I, 157) .
1. See , for example, Shen Qing's confidential report of February 1924 (co-written with Party comrades for transmissio n t o the Socialist Youth League), transcribed in regular script before being published in GDQNYD (1986 , 208-10).
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At tha t time , She n wa s secretar y o f th e shouche gonghui, admittedl y a clea r indication o f his succes s i n building trus t an d goodwil l amon g th e pullers .
Empowerment o f Labo r Constituenc y The CC P havin g acquire d lega l statu s a t th e Firs t Nationa l Congres s o f th e Guomindang (GMD) , hel d i n Canto n i n 1924 , a n activist , Pen g Pai , an d hi s close aide, Li Laogong ( $ ^ X , 1901-25) , arrived i n Canto n t o push th e CC P program of organizing workers (GMLSZ 1985:1, 86-90; LFYL 1988, 53-8). Born into a peasant famil y i n Lukfung, L i Laogong joined Pen g in organizing peasan t movements i n hi s hometow n an d enrolle d i n Canton' s Peasan t Movemen t Institute, no w a museum site , where earl y member s o f th e CC P were trained . Peng an d L i thereupon develope d aroun d th e puller s a core o f follower s wh o originated fro m Hoi-Luk-Fung , th e place where peasant movements spread with astonishing spee d i n precedin g year s (PPW J 1981 , 346). O n June 27 , 1924 , a "mutual-aid welfare society " (fuli xiezuoshe te^'Jf&f^i) an d a "recreation club" (julebu ft^HfP) wer e inaugurate d amon g th e Hoi-Luk-Fun g puller s o n Eas t Bund. Li u Chun g Ho i (Lia o Zhongka i J g r t l t , 1877-1925) , the n hea d o f th e GMD Department o f Workers an d Peasant s (Nonggongtin g J m S O , officiate d at th e inauguration ceremon y (GDDSZL 1983: I, 161-4 ; GZWSZL 1980 : XXIII, 41-2). The "mutual-ai d welfar e society " shows by its very name what its objectiv e was. I t rented ou t rickshaw s t o members, put u p livin g quarters fo r them , an d gave emergenc y suppor t t o member s i n time s o f unemployment , illness , o r disability. I n thi s way, the pullers wer e taugh t th e advantage s o f united actio n through th e "mutual-ai d welfar e society " an d it s ally, the recreation club , bot h of which inspire d simila r effort s o n th e part o f th e puller s livin g and workin g in othe r area s o f th e city . Subsequently, i n Septembe r 1924 , another "mutual aid welfare society " wa s organize d an d pu t int o effec t i n a boarding hous e i n Chukiang Lan e (Zhujian g Lan e ^ f X S ) i n Sout h Bun d (Nand i T^I^) , fo r th e purpose o f working toward s the pullers' economic emancipation, after a dispute with thei r mai n tenant , accuse d o f reapin g dishones t profit s fro m ricksha w subletting. Stil l later , a thir d "mutual-ai d welfar e society " o f thi s kin d commenced operatio n unde r Communis t auspice s (PPYJS L 1981 , 115-6). In th e latte r par t o f 1924 , th e merchant s i n Canto n an d th e surroundin g districts, led by a comprador of the British-owned Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, Chan Li m Pa k (Che n Lianb o IS^ffi , 1884-1944) , wer e i n oppositio n t o th e Canton administratio n ove r taxatio n an d othe r policie s imposed o n them . Th e Merchant Voluntee r Corps , which ha d been forme d wit h government approva l some years before wit h a view t o ensurin g greate r mercantil e securit y agains t
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the plunder o f pirates, was in confrontation wit h Sun Yat Sen's forces. A general strike cause d th e shops in th e city to suspend business for severa l days. Shortly after th e outbrea k o f arme d conflic t i n mid-October , th e CCP , the n i n collaboration wit h th e GMD , pulled togethe r a corps o f ricksha w puller s an d others to join in the fight against the Merchant Volunteer Corp s (GDDSZL 1984, 130-1). The armed conflict eventuall y subsided, but not before causing extensive destruction o f propert y an d heav y los s o f lif e i n th e commercia l subur b o f Saikwan (Xigua n MIS , literally , "wester n gate") , on e o f Canton' s mos t sceni c sites (Hongkong Telegraph Octobe r 17 , 1924) . In lat e 192 4 an d earl y 1925 , the Su n administratio n i n Canto n wa s onc e again i n conflic t wit h th e regiona l militarist s le d b y Che n Chiun g Ming , wh o mobilized hi s troop s i n th e Eas t Rive r are a an d launche d a n offensiv e agains t Canton. I n such a n emergency, Li Laogong and Li n Wunong (#l^j§l) , anothe r Communist activist , establishe d a brigade o f "leadin g troops " (xianqiandui 5fe 5&I^C) to b e sen t t o th e fron t a s volunteer companie s t o figh t Chen' s arm y i n Waiyeung (Huiyan g JKBI) . Composed o f rickshaw pullers, the "leadin g troops" were give n short-ter m militar y trainin g fo r thi s purpose . I n mid-Marc h 1925 , the Canton troop s defeated Chen' s army at the East River, making rapid progres s along easter n Kwangtung . Havin g failed , Che n fle d Swato w t o Hong Kon g an d remained ther e unti l hi s death . Th e front-liner s le d b y L i Laogong acquire d weapons fro m th e warlord army , which gav e awa y indiscriminately thousand s of small arm s befor e thei r departur e (LFDSZL 1982, 44-7). Shortly after Su n Yat Sen's death on March 12 , 1925, two regional militarist s named Li u Che n Huan (Li u Zhenhua n PIMM, 1890-1972 ) an d Yang Hsi Min (Yang Ximi n t § # K , 1886-1967 ) accuse d th e GM D o f adoptin g Bolshevi k principles an d orchestrate d militar y operation s agains t Canton . O n June 3 , Liu and Yang gained contro l of the city proper nort h o f the Pearl River. The officer s of th e Whampo a (Huangp u J t f t ) Militar y Academ y hel d thei r las t lin e o f defense a t the island suburb o f Honam. At the time, the Communist-le d puller s once agai n organize d themselve s int o a corps t o join i n th e counteroffensive . Having few arms at their disposal, they attacked th e warlord troops with wooden sticks an d seize d plent y o f arm s an d ammunitio n (South China Morning Post June 15 , 16 , 1925 ; GDWSZL 1984 : XLII , 164) . I n lat e 1925 , th e soldier s o f Whampoa Militar y Academy succeede d i n dislodgin g Li u an d Yan g from thei r stronghold. Alread y i n complet e contro l o f Kwangtun g i n earl y 1926 , Canto n was read y fo r launchin g th e much-delaye d Norther n Expedition . Partisan politic s mad e ricksha w puller s on e o f th e hotl y conteste d constituencies. Earl y in 1925 , Chen Yannia n (BfeBi^ , 1898-1927) , th e so n o f Chen Duxiu , lef t Mosco w fo r Canto n wher e h e joined th e urban-base d mas s movements and used rickshaw pulling as a cover to strengthen propaganda wor k among th e laborin g masse s (Hongkong Daily Press July 13 , 1927) . I n orde r t o
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strengthen propaganda work amon g the petty urbanites, he dined in poor men' s teahouses, the n popularl y know n b y th e local s a s erliguan ( H i S I t; er means "two" an d li is a Canto n coi n o f th e smalles t denomination , a n amoun t belo w $0.01), tha t is, traditional Cantones e teahouse s where the price of tea was onl y two li. Using this cover, Chen got a better sense of the pullers' bitterness towar d life an d work (GDWSZL 1984 , 158) . It was only much later , when Chen' s pla n to cause a general strike of railroad crew s was discovered i n nick o f time by th e GMD authoritie s an d a reward o f $30,00 0 wa s offere d fo r hi s arrest , tha t h e was force d t o escap e t o Shanghai unde r th e assume d nam e o f Che n Youshen g In findin g a n effectiv e redres s fo r th e pullers ' disconten t an d leadin g th e pullers t o asser t thei r right s i n th e workplac e an d th e societ y a t large , th e Communist activist s won a round o f applaus e fro m th e puller s an d enhance d their legitimac y a s labor leaders . The pullers' grievances agains t th e police an d buses, which ha d been building u p fo r years , needed onl y a spark t o galvaniz e them int o direc t conflict . O n Februar y 1 , 1926 , a polic e office r wrecke d a rickshaw parke d o n a roadside, fo r whic h ther e wa s n o advanc e warning . O n having hi s ricksha w wrecked , th e pulle r burs t int o tears . She n Qin g calle d a t the Public Security Bureau t o protest th e brutal act of the officer an d succeede d in extractin g a n apolog y fro m th e Burea u (Gongren zhilu Februar y 2 , 1926 ; YfEQN 1986, 268-9). The pullers were no longer without mean s of protest an d were no t fearfu l o f th e police . Shortly afterwards , o n Februar y 13 , 1926 , a n enlarge d ricksha w unio n (indeed an amalgamation of the many pullers' organizations formerly establishe d by th e Canto n Communis t activists ) wa s establishe d an d ha d premise s a t 8 Kwong Wa i Roa d (J§i1Sf$&) . Know n a s Canto n Ricksha w Pullers ' Unio n (Guangzhou shouchef u gonghu i J K # I ^ ^ T ^ n i # ), i t was led by Shen Qing and his comrades , includin g Che n Yannian . Som e 4,00 0 puller s attende d th e inauguration ceremon y hel d i n a public park . I n a manifesto issue d tha t day , the union calle d on th e pullers to unite thei r effort s wit h a view to coping with the demeaning treatment of unruly passengers and abusive police (Gongren zhilu February 16 , 1926) . It was a simple ceremon y bu t on e ful l o f enthusias m an d hope. Accordingly, eac h o f th e pullers' groups reape d th e benefits o f expande d operations by contributing to the new union its unique resources and capabilities. The process o f building a network o f support amon g th e pullers was by no means plain sailing . O f the 18 0 labor unions i n Canto n i n 1926-27 , some 13 0 belonged t o the pro-CCP Canto n branch o f the All-China Labor Federation, 2 1 to the pro-GMD Kwangtung Provincial Labor Federation, 1 1 were independent , and 4 described themselve s as belonging to both wings. At one time in the mid19205, ther e wer e a t least tw o ricksha w union s i n Canton , apparentl y simila r in nam e bu t oppositionis t i n politica l stance . Th e on e a t 1 1 Ta k Sue n Roa d
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Central ( H H ^ J J & X affiliate d wit h th e Canto n branc h o f th e All-Chin a Labo r Federation, wa s called Shouchef u gonghu i ( ^ $ f t l ^ ) . Th e othe r one , at 1 6 Tai Tak Road Cfc^Kf) , whic h pledge d it s loyalty t o th e Kwangtung Provincia l Labor Federation , wa s called Renl i shouche gonghu i ( A ^ J ^ ^ I l l O . Politica l influences wer e at work in some cases, and th e suspicions tha t the y engendere d in th e mind s o f th e member s o f th e tw o similarl y name d union s wer e a caus e of som e violen t scene s i n Canto n (GDDSZL 1984: II, 39). The linguisticall y divers e puller s easil y fragmente d int o thei r ow n dialec t groups. A t various times , th e Canto n Ricksha w Pullers ' Union wa s accuse d o f being governe d b y a fe w me n whos e persona l interest s conflicte d wit h thei r responsibilities as office-bearers, an d the pullers were incited to form a breakaway union. I n order t o diffuse th e "localism " (difang zhuyi iifeT f 5: j |) o f the puller s before i t go t ou t o f control , th e unio n sen t ou t overseer s t o patro l th e stree t (GDWSZL 1984 : XLII, 158) . On Labor Day 1926 , fighting brok e out among th e pullers o f variou s dialec t group s i n man y differen t localitie s o f th e city . Th e battle gre w i n extent , an d sprea d fro m stree t t o street . A t once , th e unio n persuaded it s members t o hold thei r emotion s in check, and the Canton branc h of the All-China Labo r Federation sen t out armed pickets t o urge prudence an d restraint; bu t th e spiri t o f clannis h hatre d ha d becom e thoroughl y aroused . I n one incident , a pulle r successfull y snatche d a revolver , an d i n th e ensuin g confusion a shot ran g out , accidentall y injurin g anothe r pulle r (Gongren zhilu May 4, 1926) . Importantly, th e union was divided into four branche s based on dialect an d homeplace. Th e firs t an d fourt h one s include d Punt i wh o spok e Cantonese , the second th e natives of Hoi-Luk-Fung, and th e third the natives of Chiuchow. The branches were run an d led by activists who themselve s shared th e speech group origin s o f th e branch members . Thu s w e fin d Pen g Pai , Li Laogong, Li Shouzhu (^^FW) an d Huan g Zho u (fttjtl ) i n th e secon d (Hoi-Luk-Fung ) branch; Yang Siji ( HE nO , Zheng Qinan ( i P ^ l f ) , Shi Xi ( 5 # ), an d Li Peiqun (^Wffi)2 i n th e thir d (Chiuchow ) branch ; Che n Sh u (^Sf) , Zhan g Ming (3f t #J), Fen g Na n (if^f) , H e Yang (f^fl) , an d Zen g Yan (^ife) i n th e othe r tw o branches. Many of the branch leaders, who resided in the pullers' lodging houses and penetrate d int o th e mids t o f the puller s t o indoctrinate them , appeare d t o have done well in their respective positions. In May 1926, the branch committee s were reorganized , an d th e election s tha t too k plac e sustaine d Communis t leadership in the same (Guangzhou minguo ribao July 7, 1926; October 8, 1926). 2. Afte r th e Canto n Insurrection, L i Peiqun took a steamer t o Hong Kong, where he took refuge in a tenement house (a refuge for Communist hideouts) in Hee Wong Terrace (Hei Wong Toi), on the west side of Li Po Lung Path, south of Tai Pak Terrace, running westwards to Sands Street.
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Intrigues an d Politica l Mobilizatio n As part o f th e progra m o f socia l mobilizatio n fo r politica l action , th e Canto n Rickshaw Pullers ' Union mad e som e headway i n fightin g fo r bette r condition s for it s members . A s o f 1926 , a steerin g committe e o f si x me n wa s se t u p t o prepare fo r openin g a health clini c t o provid e medica l car e t o th e members . Also, a specia l taskforc e wa s forme d t o tak e charg e o f propagand a an d t o inculcate in th e members thei r union right s an d obligations , considered crucia l in boostin g th e impetu s fo r mobilization . Unde r a union-sponsored scheme , each o f the union member s paid a regular contributio n t o an insurance/saving s fund, deposite d i n a union saving s account , whic h woul d provid e fo r a deat h grant o f $5 0 t o b e disburse d t o th e next-of-ki n o f th e deceased . Th e unio n claimed a membership o f 6,42 0 i n 1926 , a numerical strengt h tha t investe d i t with a n aur a o f power , makin g i t on e o f th e politica l heavyweight s i n th e Communist cam p (Guangzhou minguo ribao July 6 , 7 , 1926) . Collective protests had a radicalizing effect o n th e pullers and prepared th e ground fo r thei r receptivit y t o th e messag e an d leadershi p o f th e Party . O n September 10 , 1926, a puller suffered physica l injuries afte r bein g prodded wit h a gun by a police officer . Whe n She n Qin g and anothe r unio n officia l too k th e issue up with the Public Security Bureau, they were held captive and interrogate d for several hours before being released. On the 14th, hundreds of pullers besieged the Publi c Securit y Burea u unannounced , demandin g investigatio n o f th e incident, punishmen t o f th e concerne d polic e officer , deliver y o f cas h compensation fo r th e injuries , an d assuranc e tha t th e brutal act s o f th e polic e would neve r occu r again . Apparentl y take n abac k b y th e belligeren t moo d o f the pullers, the deputy commissione r o f public security conceded t o all of thei r demands (Guangzhou minguo ribao September 15 , 1926). Obviously, the success of collectiv e actio n t o redress grievance s politicall y radicalize d th e pullers . The escalation of conflicts an d quarrels between police and pullers is furthe r illustrated b y a mysterious even t o n Septembe r 19 , 1926 , just fiv e day s afte r the pullers ' blockad e o n th e Publi c Securit y Bureau . Tha t day , a numbe r o f unidentified person s put up anti-polic e posters on buses, shouted inflammator y slogans, and yelled loudly along several main streets. This event cause d a lot of anxiety and disquie t within th e Canto n Force . An official o f the Public Securit y Bureau calle d o n th e leaders o f th e Canto n Ricksha w Pullers ' Union an d aske d for clarification . Finally , th e unio n too k ou t a n announcemen t i n a Canto n newspaper, insisting tha t th e police should not fal l into th e trap of "reactionar y elements" (fandong fenzi 5lW)ift~F) wh o ha d willfull y an d deliberatel y stirre d up hostil e feeling s betwee n polic e an d puller s (Guangzhou minguo ribao September 20 , 1926) .
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In December 192 6 the Canton Rickshaw Pullers' Union petitioned th e GMD Department o f Worker s an d Peasants , th e Municipa l GM D Office , an d th e Finance Bureau. It raised four demands: (a) limit the number of buses, (b) reduce the lengt h o f bu s routes , (c ) forbi d buse s t o pic k u p passenger s a t an y plac e except bu s stops , (d ) orde r ricksha w owner s t o repai r vehicle s a t thei r ow n expense (GDXZZK 1927 : VI-VII, 55-7). On December 27 , the unionists stage d an overnight sit-in outside th e Finance Bureau, in furtherance o f their demands . The nex t day , after som e negotiating , th e unionists emerge d fro m th e Financ e Bureau a t 2 pm t o declare a victory and, togethe r with th e pullers, headed bac k to thei r unio n offic e ami d th e shoutin g o f cheer s an d a n intens e explosio n o f firecrackers (Guangzhou minguo ribao Decembe r 29 , 1926) . Th e municipa l building was an obvious choice in which to stage a demonstration; it was certain to attrac t widesprea d publi c attention . The bargainin g an d protest s o f th e pullers , whe n supporte d b y politica l activists, were mor e likel y t o involve threat s o r actua l violence . I n earl y 1927 , the Canton pullers, resenting their falling standard of living, again put th e blame on the expanding bus service. The office-bearers o f the Canton Rickshaw Pullers' Union demanded , unde r th e threat of a strike, that the city government shorte n the length o f bus routes and step up effort s t o prohibit bus drivers from pickin g up passengers between th e scheduled stops . Unless a satisfactory repl y t o thei r demands wa s given , the y warned, th e puller s coul d no t be responsibl e fo r th e safety o f th e employee s o f th e bu s companies . I n consequence , befor e a n agreement wa s reache d betwee n th e governmen t an d th e union , th e Publi c Security Burea u decide d t o accor d protectio n t o th e bu s driver s (Hongkong Telegraph January 26 , 1927) . On March 2 , 1927 , the union adopte d a resolution t o rebuke th e operatio n of opium an d gamblin g den s in certain pullers' hostels and announced tha t an y union membe r wh o partoo k i n thes e vice s woul d b e subjec t t o expulsio n (Guangzhou minguo ribao March 4, 1927) . It also tried t o protect workers fro m discrimination base d o n union involvement . I n early 1927 , when th e ricksha w firm of Xie'an (Wj~iz) fired a number of office-holders o f an independently forme d association calle d Staf f Recreatio n Clu b (Zhigon g juluob u ISXflr^ltJP) , established i n 192 6 an d aime d a t promotin g friendl y relation s o f salarie d employees o f th e firm , th e unio n calle d o n th e GM D Department o f Worker s and Peasants, urging the government to order the firm to comply with its demand for reinstatement o f the fired employee s (Guangzhou minguo ribao July 1 , 1926).
Setbacks an d Conflic t Escalatio n Even i n Su n Ya t Sen's lifetime , som e GM D member s ha d oppose d th e unite d front wit h th e CCP . After Sun' s death, the y spli t int o tw o opposin g camp s tha t
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were a t loggerheads ove r a range o f policy issues , including th e CCP's rol e in the Norther n Expedition . Tension s wer e clearl y rising , an d a break wit h th e CCP by the GMD Right was just a matter o f time. The course o f events too k a critical tur n o n March 20 , 1926, when Chian g Ka i Shek (Jian g Jieshi $#^/V5 , 1887-1975) accuse d th e commander s o f th e gunboa t Chungshan, unde r Communist influence , o f havin g plotte d a revol t agains t th e Canto n hufa government. O n May 11, an important leade r o f the GMD left-wingers, Wan g Ching Wei (Wang Jingwei Si^Htf , 1883-1944) , left Canto n fo r France in self imposed exile . On May 15, the GMD Central Executiv e Committe e adopte d a resolution t o limit th e role o f the CC P in th e GMD. The relations o f the two political parties , alread y fa r fro m cordial , gre w much worse . On April 15 , 1927, the right-wing Kwangtun g Provincia l Labor Federatio n aided th e soldier s i n raidin g th e Canto n branc h o f th e All-Chin a Labo r Federation an d its affiliated unions . Arrests were made by the thousands, and about 15 0 to 20 0 killings wer e carrie d out . Bloodstained clothe s sol d b y the beggars on the waterfront o f the Pearl River were riddled with bullet holes (South China Morning Post April 18 , 1927). In the wake of the purge, members o f the five principa l labo r union s le d by the CC P — seamen, printers , launchmen , rickshaw pullers , an d oil-processin g worker s — wer e rounde d u p i n thei r dormitories, and two rickshaw union leaders, Wang Shiwen ( U t t ^ I ) an d Peng Shi ( ^ t t t ) , wer e kille d (GMHYL 1984 : XII, 35). Just afte r th e purge o n April 15, 1927 , a number o f surviving unionists hel d a secret meeting at Red Flower Hill (Honghuagan g $L? £ Si), then a burial ground with a dense cover of shrubs, now th e site o f the Memorial Garde n t o the Martyrs, where the y reevaluate d their pas t work an d decided o n greater effort s i n propaganda (GZQNFYL 1988 , 116-8). During the rest of the year, Canton was rocked by bombings, which targete d Li Cha i Su m (Li Jishen ^WM, 1885-1959) , the n a Nationalist general , an d Fung Cheu k Ma n (Feng Zhuwan , MUM 1879-1954) , the n hea d o f the GMD Department o f Workers and Peasants (Wah Tsz Yat Po July 23 , August 5, 1927). As some o f the people involve d i n th e bomb attack s disguise d themselve s a s rickshaw pullers, the police cordoned off certain streets and searched thoroughl y for firearm s an d would-be assassin s (South China Morning Post August 3-5 , 910, 1927). In late 1927, the Communists set up an armed detachment compose d of seamen and pullers, which adopted Leo n Trotsky's ideology to advocate "Red Terror" agains t "Whit e Terror " an d plotte d assassination s o f "labo r traitors " (GZQNFYL 1988 , 116-8). Th e armed detachmen t wa s equipped wit h bombs , pistols, and rifles that , according to some reports, were supplied to them secretly through th e Soviet Consulat e i n Canto n (South China Morning Post December 13, 1927 ; Chang 1978 , 292) .
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T HEROE S
Epic an d Eclips e o f th e Canto n Sovie t The Canto n Insurrectio n tha t brok e ou t o n Decembe r 11 , 1927, following th e earlier revolt s i n Nanchan g T^ll i (August ) an d Changsh a - H ^ (October ) o f the same year, was quite in keeping with th e "leftist " adventuris t attack s on th e cities. I n lat e 1927 , a t th e instructio n o f th e CC P Centra l Committee , th e Kwangtung Provincia l Committe e bega n preparin g a n insurrectio n i n Canton , the date of which was initially set for Decembe r 13 . Alerted to this, the rightists began a large-scal e arres t o f th e Communist s i n th e city . Becaus e o f thi s emergency, th e CC P decided t o proceed ahea d o f schedule. Report s had i t tha t thousands o f Communist-le d peasan t corp s arrive d a t th e outskirt s o f Canto n on th e evenin g o f Decembe r 10 . Mainl y compose d o f me n belongin g t o th e unions of printers, seamen, restaurant employees, rickshaw pullers, labor pickets, and 5,00 0 regula r soldiers , th e mixe d forc e o f 20,00 0 style d themselve s th e Workers, Peasants, and Soldiers Army when th e insurrection began (China Mail December 12 , 1927) . At 4 am the first shot s were heard. Communist-le d soldier s and their arme d supporters poure d ont o th e street s o f Canton . Witnesse s watche d i n appalle d horror whe n th e puller s an d thei r comrades-in-arm s troope d int o th e headquarters o f th e Publi c Securit y Burea u a t Wai O i Roa d West ( S S I 1 3 ^ ) , the presen t Zhongsha n liul u ( ^ l i l A l ^ ) , wher e fightin g wa s th e heavies t (Hongkong Daily Press December 14-15 , 1927 ; GZWSZL 1980 , 157-8 ; HFWS 1985 II, 21). By 8 am, th e insurgents mad e themselves complet e masters o f th e police stations , wherei n th e polic e wer e strippe d o f arm s an d butchered . Th e rear wall of a city prison was wrecked, and hundreds of released prisoners joined the insurgents , killin g th e jail gatekeeper s an d guard s (China Mail Decembe r 12, 1927 ; GZQY 1988, 572). "Ricksh a men," a s recorded i n a newspaper, "wer e among the most bloodthirsty assailants during the Communist cou p and amon g the number arreste d o n Wednesday nigh t were several Canto n ricksh a pullers " (South China Morning Post December 16 , 1927) . After thei r initia l triumph , th e Communist s se t u p a "Sovie t o f Canton " under th e contro l o f a n Associatio n o f Workers , Peasants , an d Soldier s (Gongnongbing banshich u i J t J ^ I S J ^ j i l ) . However , the y lacked th e power t o defend i t and were inevitably driven out . Lei Fuk Lam (L i Fulin ^ t e # , 1874 1952), a GMD general wh o ha d tw o regiments o f troop s unde r hi s command , and Ch u Fa t Yat (Zhu Huir i 7^B f 0 , 1891-1968) , th e commissione r o f publi c security wh o ha d sough t shelte r i n Hona m Island , regaine d contro l o f th e cit y proper. Picketing corps of the pro-GMD Kwangtung Provincial Labor Federatio n aided i n th e recapture o f th e part y an d governmen t agencies o f th e GMD , an d carried out retaliatory executions. Bloodied corpses were scattered in the streets, and it was "not an unusual sight to see a motor truc k pass by loaded to capacity
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with dead bodies, freshly executed. " Trad e unions under Communis t leadershi p were ransacke d b y th e rightist s wh o too k whateve r the y fancie d (China Mail February 16 , 1927) . When th e Canton Insurrection broke out, the insurgents were distinguishe d by re d scarve s tie d aroun d thei r necks , an d althoug h thes e scarve s ha d sinc e been discarded , th e re d dy e remained a s evidenc e o f thei r participatio n i n th e Insurrection (GZQYZL 1985 , 273-4). In th e counteroffensive, th e GM D troop s gathered i n forc e a t rickshaw stands , where the y ordere d th e pullers t o loose n their collars , examine d thei r neck s t o se e whether ther e wa s an y sig n o f re d stain, and sho t man y o n th e grounds o f Communis t indications . O n Decembe r 18, three batches o f people were summarily pu t t o deat h i n th e vicinity o f th e Canton-Hong Kon g Strike Committee : fourtee n soldier s wer e killed , followe d by eightee n ricksha w puller s an d thirty-fou r male s (South China Morning Post December 19 , 1927). On a rainy day in May 1928 , six months afte r th e Canto n Insurrection, the GMD squad conducted a surprise raid on suspected Communis t hideouts at Lianfa Pullers ' Hostel ( # # A i j | M ? f t ) locate d at Tung Hing Fong (Tongqingfang MStifJ) i n Sout h Gat e (Nangua n "SS3 ) (Wah Tsz Yat Po May 31, 1928) .
Conclusion Perhaps th e mos t darin g domesti c politica l disorde r tha t ha s eve r occurre d i n Canton wa s th e insurrectio n o f Decembe r 1927 . Although historian s ha d n o doubt abou t th e popula r characte r o f thi s insurrection , conventiona l wisdo m used t o stres s th e uppe r stratu m o f Communis t cadres , emphasizin g tha t "proletarian hegemony " wa s the main conten t o f the Chines e revolution befor e the "sinification " o f Communis m i n Chin a (Thoma s 1975 , 9-14). Otherwise , the insurrection was portrayed as an outcome of "leftist putchism " tha t provoked White Terro r an d "cause d grea t losse s t o th e Party " (Part y Histor y Researc h Centre o f th e Centra l Committe e o f th e Chines e Communis t Part y 1991 , 567). Th e histor y o f th e insurrectio n i s thus not th e history o f th e masse s but o f the CC P leadership , an d w e ar e lef t wit h n o bette r a n understandin g o f wh o the grassroot s participant s wer e an d wh y the y joined. Althoug h th e ricksha w pullers constitute d primar y suppor t t o th e insurrection , the y hardl y rat e a mention i n studie s relate d t o th e 192 7 affair , an d ar e no t give n th e attentio n they deserv e t o have . The Canto n Soviet , thoug h short-lived , wa s on e o f th e mos t spectacula r examples o f effectiv e mobilizatio n fo r politica l action , an d organizationall y i t showed a hig h degre e o f solidarity . Bu t fo r thes e ver y reasons , thi s exampl e was uncharacteristic o f events elsewhere in China . There is much o f interest i n
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its emergenc e an d consequence , perhap s a s a benchmar k agains t whic h t o compare the situation of other regions. In the late 1920s, there were an estimated 150,000 rickshaw pullers in fifteen port s and inland cities in China (Fan g 1929 , 316). But i t would b e fallaciou s t o generalize fro m th e hopefully revolutionar y acts o f th e Canto n puller s t o an y othe r region . Pullers ' slaughter o f th e polic e and assault s o n police stations was unheard o f in Hong Kong, nor were scene s like thi s repeate d i n Canto n i n subsequen t years . A n awarenes s o f thi s fac t should, a t the very least, release us from placin g excessive faith i n the militanc y of partisan politic s an d fro m blindnes s t o wha t mus t hav e been a n enormou s population of acquiescent pullers whose role in history will have to be the subject of futur e study . The Canto n puller s u p t o Ma y Fourt h comprise d a hig h proportio n o f emigres from Chiucho w an d Hoi-Luk-Fung , mos t o f who m ha d a farmin g o r rural backgroun d an d ha d ye t t o acquir e a n awarenes s o f th e valu e o f trad e unionism. Du e t o th e organizin g effort s o f outsid e leaders , however, the y wer e lured int o mutual-ai d association s an d unions. The most militant o f these wer e the Canto n Ricksha w Pullers' Union tha t was formed unde r CC P auspices. Th e pullers' involvement i n partisan an d revolutionary politic s was more tha n ski n deep: i t wen t t o th e ver y cente r o f a ragin g politica l storm . Th e Communis t organizing elit e develope d a genuin e leadershi p amon g th e pullers , an d th e pullers evolve d int o a cornerston e o f th e revolutionar y vanguard . Give n tha t they ha d n o traditio n o f politica l militancy , th e pullers ' participatio n i n th e insurrection o f 192 7 represente d a n exampl e o f effectiv e mobilization . I f th e core group of Communist activists can be viewed as the "head " and the workers the "heart " o f the socialist revolution, the n th e pullers were with little doubt a t the very heart . The CC P activists , who wer e very active in th e background o f th e pullers ' protest activities, achieved stunning success both in the field o f press propaganda and i n th e creatio n o f a position o f prestige fo r themselve s i n front-lin e work . They realized th e pullers' immediate demand s by relying on direct action, suc h as strikes , marches , an d sit-ins . Marxism-Leninis m professe s no t onl y a n explanation fo r th e political militanc y o f labor bu t als o a n explanatio n fo r th e political collaps e o f labor . "Economism " i s a ter m use d b y Vladimir Leni n t o condemn th e Russia n Socia l Democrat s fo r over-relianc e o n strike s an d othe r spontaneous economi c struggles, which t o Lenin would lead to historical defea t for th e proletariat. Th e CC P organizers, although concerne d with matters clos e to the hearts and lives of the masses, did not confine themselve s to the campaigns for economi c betterment . Indeed , ou t o f thei r mobilizatio n experience , the y awakened th e toilin g masses t o th e need fo r unitin g t o figh t fo r thei r commo n interests, and demonstrated i n practical ways the advantage of collectivist action.
PARTISAN POLITIC S AND TH E 1 9 2 7 INSURRECTIO N
93
Clan networks , whic h helpe d th e puller s t o overcom e difficultie s i n th e process o f urba n assimilation , wer e bot h a hindranc e an d a hel p t o th e Communist effort s t o mobilize . I n tryin g t o ge t th e puller s t o becom e activ e participants in the movement for revolutionary change, the CCP organizers made skilful us e of such clan networks in a bid t o impart thei r political agenda t o th e broad masses. Through collectiv e action, the y managed t o bring t o th e puller s an externall y impose d politica l consciousness ; bu t ultimatel y th e pullers ' subcultures, based o n dialec t an d homeplace , remaine d th e building blocks o n which political strength developed, and played out under th e modern ideologica l label o f Communism . Indeed , th e pullers were rather narrowl y organize d o n a subethnic basi s an d hardl y appreciate d th e ful l meanin g o f bein g i n th e CCP , in whic h devotio n t o th e Part y shoul d replac e al l othe r loyalties . Arguably, if the puller s di d no t thin k i n clas s ways, the y understoo d eve n les s abou t th e political implication s o f thei r insurrectionar y activities . The puller s wer e kee n o n pursuin g thei r ow n desire s an d thu s wer e no t passive receptacle s o f th e overture s o f th e unionists . Th e motivatio n an d legitimization fo r insurgenc y wa s tie d t o th e pullers ' simple , immediat e dail y experiences. Ou t o f their contac t with th e crucibl e o f city life, everythin g fro m bus competitio n t o polic e oppression , emerge d a preparednes s t o figh t fo r immediate redress and short-term success. The pullers had to become radicalized before the y joine d insurrectionar y activity , an d the y di d s o fo r primaril y economic and anti-abusive reasons. Although th e pullers shared th e same "can do" spiri t as their union leaders , their ow n understanding o f their "position " i n the revolutionary process did not necessarily coincide with th e expressed caus e of Communism . Thu s the y were draw n int o partisa n rivalry , not ou t o f a tru e recognition o f th e doctrine o f class struggle, but i n part perhaps because o f th e concrete benefit s the y coul d rea p b y defendin g themselve s agains t th e competition o f buses an d th e abuse s o f th e police .
6 Reforms on the Municipal Agenda in the 1930 s
T
HE REFOR M proposals fo r bettering th e lot of rickshaw puller s were takin g shape an d bein g placed o n Canton' s polic y agend a durin g th e 1930s . I n exploring area s o f interventio n fo r th e sak e o f helpin g th e poverty-stricke n pullers t o ge t ou t o f thei r "trapped " situation , th e cit y reformer s no t onl y continued th e activities by which the y had sought t o do this but als o displaye d a preparedness to go beyond normal constraints in finding solutions to problems. Although th e pledge d suggestion s fo r th e benefi t o f th e puller s turne d ou t t o be a string o f broken promises , thei r failur e i s significant, permittin g a glimpse of th e attempt s a t refor m o n th e initiativ e o f trad e unio n an d municipa l authorities. Th e puller s durin g thi s perio d wer e n o longe r a salient politica l force; however , the y becam e a centra l focu s o f labo r concern s an d spurne d sentimentality, symbolizing the doom and gloom of the toiling masses that were denied th e mor e positiv e aspect s o f urba n life .
Urban Povert y an d Pauperizatio n The Chinese intellectuals were the first t o deplore the sweat of rickshaw pulling. Liu Shif u (SJ&FfJC , 1884-1915) , a n anarchist o f the Kropotkin school , was on e of the first t o argue for abstentio n fro m ridin g rickshaws (Li u 1927 , 101-4) . I n early republica n times , th e Pekin g Student s Socia l Servic e Clu b se t ou t t o investigate th e condition s o f pullers, aimin g t o "chang e th e usua l sentimenta l feeling o f pit y fo r th e over-worke d cooli e int o intelligen t aid , b y mean s o f a careful stud y o f th e facts " (Hongkong Telegraph June 4 , 1913) . As the rallyin g cry fo r "th e sacrednes s o f labor " wa s use d profusel y durin g th e Ma y Fourt h period, ridin g rickshaw s t o th e discomfor t o f th e puller s wa s regarde d a s antipathetic t o humanity (Zhan g 1919 , 113-29) . H u Sh i (#Jjg , 1891-1962) , a leading spirit o f the 191 7 Chinese Literar y Renaissance, remarked: "Th e line of demarcation betwee n Easter n an d Wester n civilization s i s precisely th e lin e of demarcation betwee n ricksha w an d automobil e civilizations " — tru e t o th e Western definitions o f modernity that he had embraced (Kung Sheung Daily News April 8 , 1935) .
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During th e 1930s , the constructio n o f roads i n Canto n proceede d quickly , forming a sharp contras t t o th e past cal m o f th e ol d cit y (Forste r 1934 , 418 20). The rising use of cars, as an assertion o f wealth an d affluence, wa s causin g the puller s t o los e business . Moto r vehicle s appeale d t o man y traveler s wh o would hav e gone by rickshaw. Bus service embraced th e whole o f Canto n City , from Saikwa n in th e west t o Tung Shan in th e east, coverin g a distance o f ove r ten miles . Du e t o economi c recession , quit e a number o f commuter s wen t t o work o n foot , leavin g th e pullers with fewe r riders . In an effor t t o make up fo r the declining number o f trips take n i n a day, the pullers cu t fares . To take 193 6 as a n example , on e coul d pa y onl y $0.1 0 (instea d o f $0.3 0 formerly ) — th e uniform far e o f a bus tri p — to hire a puller t o go from Sa i Ho Hau (Xiha o ko u B I K n , "moa t i n th e west" ) t o th e Financ e Bureau (Wah Tsz Yat Po May 21, 1936). Simultaneous with th e spread o f car traffic wa s the migration o f vagabonds and a rural exodu s cause d by natural calamities , such a s the Kwangtung flood s in 1934 , which drove hundreds of thousands of the Chinese peasantry to wander into th e cit y t o tr y thei r luc k (Kung Sheung Daily News August 15 , 1934 ; Tao 1935, 120-2) . I t wa s widely believed tha t th e puller s a t th e tim e alway s cam e out shor t o n fare s becaus e thei r rank s were swelled by new recruits emigratin g from th e agraria n secto r tha t ha d take n a turbulent tur n fo r th e worse an d le d to even greate r materia l deprivatio n o f the countrysid e (W u 1936 , 115-31) . I n those day s ther e wa s intellectua l discussio n o n th e worthines s o f agricultura l reforms an d improvement s tha t coul d potentiall y advanc e th e lo t o f rura l dwellers, avoi d furthe r influ x o f th e destitut e int o littora l China , an d reduc e poverty an d regiona l economi c disparit y (Huan g 1933 , 1-5) . I n thi s way , th e pauperization o f th e puller s epitomize d a wider problem , th e ever-worsenin g crisis i n rura l China . Faced wit h th e competitio n o f car s an d th e read y availabilit y o f surplu s labor, th e puller s fetche d a n incom e barel y sufficien t t o mak e end s meet . A survey o f 15 4 pullers, take n on e by one a t random of f th e streets i n Canto n i n 1935, showe d tha t th e majorit y o f case s (8 0 percent ) earne d les s tha n $3 0 a month, which was inadequate to make ends meet (Ji an g 1935 , 4). Similar results were obtained i n a survey o f 1936-37 , in which above 90 percent o f those wh o replied (60 0 Canton pullers) were buried in debt. The pullers were barely earning a living for themselves , let alone their families, a s the "richest " o f the 600 coul d afford t o tak e home a mere $ 1 to $ 3 per mont h (W u 1940 , 21-2). The survey s also atteste d t o th e pullers' rather divers e job background s — fro m seame n t o tradesmen, fro m manufacturin g worker s t o returned Chines e workers fro m th e South Se a (Nanyan g rll^O , the traditiona l Chines e ter m fo r Southeas t Asi a — revealing that the then economic depression accelerated th e movement of people across jobs.
REFORMS O N TH E MUNICIPA L AGENDA I N TH E 1930 S 9
7
It was becoming increasingl y noticeabl e i n th e 1930 s tha t th e ricksha w trad e was no t operate d o n th e origina l twelve-hou r shif t basis , an d i t wa s fa r mor e c o m m o n tha t a regula r shif t wa s spli t int o man y sub-shift s t o cate r fo r th e numerous job seekers . Th e "luckiest " puller s wh o worke d a shift o f twelv e hour s were colorfull y k n o w n a s lashiche ( J i ^ $ , literall y meanin g "trul y pul l a rickshaw"). Th e practic e o f maichetou (JfipLgg , "bu y th e hea d o f a rickshaw" ) means leasin g a ricksha w fo r just a fe w hour s fro m a puller who , fo r an y reason , did no t wor k durin g th e openin g hour s o f a shift . Wha t cam e t o b e know n a s lachewei (J&iiUS , "pul l th e tai l o f a rickshaw" ) mean t leasin g a ricksha w fro m a puller wh o di d no t wor k i n th e remainin g hour s o f a shift. Thus , ther e were ofte n more tha n tw o puller s plyin g wit h on e singl e rickshaw . I n 1935 , thos e wh o scratched a livin g b y mean s o f maichetou o r lachewei edge d u p t o som e 6,00 0 (Kung Sheung Daily News Februar y 7 , 1935) . As ther e wer e to o m a n y peopl e chasin g to o fe w j o b s , th e broker s o r contractors neve r misse d a n opportunit y t o squeez e al l the y coul d fro m th e pullers. I n additio n t o demandin g hig h commissio n fee s i n th e nam e o f "shoe money" (xiejin It^fe) , the y overcharge d fo r th e hir e o f rickshaws . A s o f 1 9 3 4 35, the y ofte n aske d fo r a half-da y ren t o f $0.4 5 t o $0.5 0 (fo r hirin g a soli d rubber-tired rickshaw ) an d $0.5 5 t o $0.6 0 (fo r hirin g a p n e u m a t i c - t i r e d rickshaw), a s show n i n Tabl e 6.1 , m u c h i n exces s o f th e officiall y approve d ceiling rate s o f onl y $0.4 0 an d $0.5 0 fo r eac h o f th e respectiv e type s o f ricksha w (GZSSZGB Apri l 10 , 1934 , 8 5 - 6 ; Augus t 10 , 1934 , 4 7 - 8 ) . Table 6. 1 Hirin g rates of public rickshaws in Canton , August 193 5 Day shif t 5 am to 5 pm
Night shif t 5 pm t o 5 am
Solid rubber-tire d rickshaw s
$0.50
$0.45
Pneumatic-tired rickshaw s
$0.60
$0.55
Model
Compiled from Kung Sheung Daily News August 2, 1935
The ricksha w contractors , als o in thei r role s as principal tenant s o f cooli e lodgin g houses, charge d th e puller s $ 3 eac h m o n t h a s hous e rent . Thi s amoun t wa s exorbitant, a s th e government-approve d ren t o f boar d i n a bed-spac e wa s onl y $1.50 pe r m o n t h (Kung Sheung Daily News F e b r u a r y 7 , 2 5 , 1935) . T h e contractors als o entice d th e puller s t o squande r mone y o n gamblin g an d opiu m smoking. 1 Th e tenant s wh o spen t mone y o n opiu m wer e offere d discount s (u p to 10 0 percent ) o n th e cos t o f board (Zh u 1935 , 19-21) . T o feed thei r addictio n 1. A government repor t i n 193 5 (GZNJ 1935 : VII, 53 ) showe d tha t opium , Chines e alcoholic drink , an d cigarette s remaine d a t th e cor e o f th e leisur e tim e activitie s o f 5,253 ricksha w puller s i n Canton .
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and t o repa y debt s arisin g fro m hig h interes t borrowing , th e pullers ' incom e slid easil y int o th e pocket s o f opiu m sellers . Th e contractor s als o profite d fro m the racke t o f loa n sharking , an d th e interes t rat e ra n u p a s hig h a s te n percen t per week , a practic e tha t invite d criticis m an d attac k fro m th e peopl e w h o sympathized wit h th e pullers . Discreet inquirie s i n Canto n i n th e 1930 s reveale d tha t th e puller s wer e living a squali d life . Thei r bed s wer e infeste d wit h lic e an d othe r bugs ; meal s were prepare d i n kitchen s wher e cookin g an d urinatin g wen t o n sid e b y side ; the "chop-suey " foo d the y at e wa s lo w i n dietar y value ; lodgin g house s ha d poor convenience s an d ba d ventilation . Considerabl e number s o f pullers showe d clinical manifestation s o f tuberculosis , trachom a (inflammatio n o f th e eye) , venereal disease , an d vitami n deficienc y diseas e suc h a s beriberi . Al l to o often , they wer e chi dantiaofan (fe-^j^lS. ) — eatin g onl y on e mea l pe r da y an d shouting kouxie (^if P WO — livin g fro m han d t o mouth . The y ha d les s tha n adequate mone y fo r fue l an d clothin g an d wer e i n th e habi t o f pawning persona l belongings. Som e o f thei r winte r coat s an d padde d quilt s wer e deposite d a t th e pawnshops (Tai Chung Yat Po May 21 , 1936). "Wha t a contrast wit h th e wealth y people," sai d a loca l pres s whe n referrin g t o th e pullers , "wh o amasse d hug e fortunes whil e th e poo r die d o f col d an d hunger " (Kung Sheung Daily News July 3 1 , 1935) . In a n effor t t o preserv e thei r shar e o f th e rapidl y diminishin g economi c pie, riva l gangs o f pullers compete d fo r th e righ t t o pl y in th e premie r residentia l and shoppin g area s tha t carrie d large r commute r flows . Th e tw o mos t powerfu l gangs a t th e time , principall y base d o n dialec t an d hometow n differences , wer e the cliqu e o f puller s fro m Waicho w an d Chiuchow , a s wel l a s th e cliqu e o f pullers fro m Canto n an d Shiuhin g (Zhaoxin g flf H ) . 2 Violen t feud s an d planne d attacks, i n th e for m o f fistfight s an d sporadi c bruta l chopping , wer e carrie d ou t in th e street s a t differen t time s o f th e night . Member s o f pugilisti c clubs , cultivating th e ar t o f Chines e boxing , too k par t i n th e pullers ' vendetta s (Kung Sheung Daily News Jul y 3 1 , 1935) . I n th e mid-1930s , th e pullers ' fight s fo r clientele reache d a poin t a t whic h the y becam e sociall y disruptive . A pres s account gav e som e ide a o f th e exten t o f th e problem : The harmon y o f traffi c i n Canto n ha s bee n seriousl y menace d b y fights amon g rickshaw-puller s o f different clans . . . . The member s o f
2. O f the 5,253 Canton pullers surveyed by the Social Affairs Burea u i n 1933 , the single largest grou p was made u p o f Waiyeung (Huiyan g BBI ) natives , who numbere d 1,79 4 in total . The survey showed 57 3 Chiuchow, th e larger proportion (546 ) bein g emigrant s from th e area of Chiuon (Chao'a n 119$ ) in eastern Kwangtung . Th e sizeable but divers e lot o f Cantones e puller s was made up o f speakers o f many regional sub-dialect s (GZNJ 1935: VII, 56-7) .
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one group refuse t o pull their vehicles to places outside their sphere, for fea r o f being assaulted. While i t cos t formerly onl y 2 0 cent s by rickshaw from Saikwa n to the East Bund, pullers to-day decline even $1 for fea r o f getting into a fight. (South China Morning Post August 3, 1935 ) In orde r t o forestal l an y recurrence o f social unrest, th e Public Security Bureau called in certai n rickshaw contractor s an d instructe d the m t o keep trac k o f th e pullers. Th e tough s o f pugilistic club s were pointedly reminde d t o sta y ou t o f the pullers' conflicts. Extr a police were sent out to patrol busy streets, wharves, and railway stations where the pullers plied fo r fare s (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 30, 1936). I n retrospect , th e pullers ' outbreak s ha d th e effec t o f alertin g th e municipal authoritie s t o th e need t o solve th e problems o f th e rickshaw trade .
City Leadershi p an d Refor m Impetu s In part, because o f th e absenc e o f serious politica l disorde r fro m 192 8 and th e appointment o f high-rankin g Chines e official s previousl y traine d i n th e Wes t and Japan, Canto n sa w far mor e officia l pledge s fo r reform s i n th e 1930 s tha n before. Cha n Cha i Ton g (Che n Jitang | ^ $ | ^ , 1890-1954) , wh o ha d b y the n became th e dominan t militar y figure , trie d t o tur n Kwangtun g int o a mode l province fo r China' s modernization . Li u Ch i We n (Li u Jiwen §!]lfi^ , 1890 1957), a graduat e o f Londo n University , too k th e hel m a s Canto n mayo r i n March 1932 . Cheun g Yue n Fun g (Zhan g Yuanfen g SBSJi) , commissione r o f social affairs i n Canto n sinc e May 1933 , had earne d hi s degre e (agronomy ) i n the Japanese Toky o Nogy o Daigaku . Ten g Che n T e (Den g Zhend e S P t t i D , commissioner o f public health i n Canto n sinc e September 1934 , specialized i n medical practic e an d fel t thi s was th e best wa y t o hel p hi s compatriot s (Ten g 1935). This changed scenari o gave rise to a new agenda for cit y administration . The proposals for reducin g the distress o f the Canto n pullers were brought before th e session s o f th e Kwangtun g provincia l assemblie s an d th e Canto n municipal organ s i n th e 1930s . Perhap s inspire d b y th e "Ricsh a Committee " formed i n January 193 3 by th e Shangha i Municipa l Counci l t o investigate th e rickshaw trade and to draw up action plans for the promotion of pullers' welfare, the Socia l Affairs Burea u (Shehuij u tt^JU) i n Canto n announce d o n Octobe r 20, 193 3 the formatio n o f a task force t o ascertain th e actual condition s o f th e pullers i n th e city . On th e basis o f survey findings , th e Canto n administratio n would stud y th e practicability o f implementing far-reachin g relie f wor k amon g the pullers (GZSSZGB Octobe r 20 , 1933 , 42). Within tw o months, th e burea u surveyed a tota l o f 5,25 3 pullers an d compile d a report containin g table s tha t break down the pullers by marital status, educational attainment, leisure pursuits,
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geographic origin , ag e distribution , famil y size , an d plac e o f residenc e (GZNf 1935: VII , 5 0 - 7 ) . In July 1934 , a t th e 109t h meetin g o f th e Canto n Municipa l Affair s Counci l (Guangzhoushi canyihu i H^ H fl: J^tftl^, a legislativ e bod y wit h th e mayo r a s ex-officio chair) , ther e wer e discussion s o n possibl e way s t o alleviat e th e pullers ' poverty. Th e councilors , compose d o f thre e member s electe d fro m eac h o f th e constituencies a s follows , merchants ' association s (shanghui ^fHO , farmers ' a s s o c i a t i o n s (nonghui I t H O , labo r u n i o n s (gonghui i H O , e d u c a t i o n a l associations (jiaoyuhui HS i WHO, trad e association s (ziyou zhiye tuanti =1 1 ^3$ & HBB1!) an d professiona l association s (xiandai zhiye tuanti MiXWiMWWt), agreed amon g themselve s tha t th e puller s shoul d b e re-house d i n "pullers ' hostels" (chefu anjisuo ^ T ^ $ ^ 0 f ) , t o b e funde d b y twent y percen t o f th e rickshaw ta x (shouchexiang ^ $ | | ^ ) an d installe d wit h moder n utilitie s suc h a s electric lightin g an d filtere d wate r supply . Thi s measure , th e councilor s opined , would b e a manifestatio n o f th e thir d o f th e Thre e People' s Principles , People' s Livelihood (minsheng K^L ) (Kung Sheung Daily News Jul y 11 , 1934) . Measures wer e take n t o reduc e th e discomfor t an d healt h hazar d t o th e pullers. I n Octobe r 1934 , whe n Canto n experience d unusuall y ho t an d humi d weather du e t o a hea t wave , Li u Ch i We n pushe d throug h a bill o n th e Canto n Municipal Affair s Counci l requirin g ricksha w owner s t o provid e hat s fo r th e pullers a t work . T o be mad e o f bambo o splint s an d pal m leaves , th e hat s woul d keep of f direc t sunligh t an d protec t th e pullers fro m th e ris k o f heat strok e (Kung Sheung Daily News Octobe r 2 3 , 1934) . I n summertime , th e puller s obtaine d cooling te a a t 12 0 station s scattere d al l ove r th e city ; an d a t on e stage , medicin e to comba t hea t exhaustio n wort h $3,00 0 wa s distribute d b y th e governmen t (Lee 1936 , 89). 3 Th e commissione r o f publi c healt h recommende d i n 193 5 th e adoption o f ne w raincoat s tha t ricksha w owner s wer e require d t o provid e fo r the pullers , i n lie u o f th e ol d ones . Mad e o f coarse-graine d oilcloth , th e raincoat s then i n curren t us e woul d diminis h th e rat e a t whic h hea t wa s los t fro m th e h u m a n bod y (GZSSZGB Ma y 20 , 1935 , 9 6 - 7 ) . The cit y governmen t di d abrogat e som e o f th e contractors ' malpractices . On receip t o f a complain t o f certai n puller s i n 1934 , th e Publi c Utilitie s Burea u (Gongyongju ^ ^ 9 M ) investigate d th e staf f o f tw o ricksha w firm s name d Fu'a n (fii:?c) an d Anl e (5:^1) . W h en i t was prove n tha t the y ha d collecte d mor e tha n the g o v e r n m e n t - a p p r o v e d ricksha w rent , th e tw o firm s wer e p e n a l i z e d (Guangzhou minguo ribao August 25 , 1934). In th e same year, a contractor name d
3. Cresse y (1934 , 367-8 ) observed : "Th e fastes t [rickshaw ] pulle r i n Canto n coul d scarecely kee p u p wit h th e averag e o n th e street s o f th e typica l norther n city . Quit e naturally so , fo r coolie s d o no t rac e eac h othe r dow n th e stree t fo r th e shee r joy o f i t when th e humidit y i s around 8 0 per cent. "
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Cai Fangong (USSI^ ) wa s accused o f bleeding th e pullers dr y with exorbitan t rent charges . O n investigation , th e Publi c Utilities Burea u rule d tha t th e dail y rent o f Cai' s rickshaws shoul d b e reduce d t o $0.8 0 o r $ 1 each , dependin g o n the model an d condition s o f the rickshaws. I n lat e 1934 , the commissione r o f public utilities , Li Zhongzhen ( ^ r ^ J S ) , issue d a circular t o reiterate th e rule s for observanc e b y rickshaw firms , pursuan t t o repeate d complaint s fro m som e pullers about being overcharged by the contractors (GZSSZGB October 10 , 1934, 90; November 20 , 1934 , 139) . Towards the end of March 1935 , the members o f the Kwangtung Provincia l Assembly (Guangdongsheng canyihui fi^fJ 0mik) vote d in favor o f a motion asking for the execution of the following reforms in Canton as soon as practically possible: keeping the level of rickshaw rent in check, setting a ceiling for numbe r of rickshaw licenses, limiting the minimum ag e of pullers, resettling th e pullers in government-funded lodgin g houses. Those present at the assembly expresse d a rathe r consensua l opinio n tha t mos t ricksha w owner s wer e more concerne d with matter s affectin g thei r profits tha n with matters affecting th e livelihood of the pullers (GZSSZGB March 31, 1935 , 42-3). In June 1926 , the city government agreed i n principl e t o a proposa l t o buil d non-profit-makin g hostel s fo r th e pullers and t o form a loan agency to subsidize th e pullers to purchase rickshaw s by installments , subjec t t o availabilit y o f financia l resource s an d municipa l priorities (Kung Sheung Daily News June 16 , 1936) . It was revealed in March 193 6 that th e Kwangtung Provincia l Commissio n for th e Promotio n o f Cooperativ e Affair s (Guangdongshen g hezu o shiy e weiyuanhui l K j K l t l ^ f f ^ l l 3 I J l 1 l 0 wa s studying th e feasibility o f forming a welfare orga n tha t woul d bu y rickshaw s an d leas e the m ou t a t favorabl e ren t (Kung Sheung Daily News Marc h 29-30 , 1936) . Th e Economi c Branc h o f th e Kwangtung Researc h Institut e fo r Politica l Studies (Guangdongshen g zhengzh i yanjiuhui jingjizu j K ^ f t ^ ? n W ^ E # M ^ M ) , a t its fifty-sixth an d fifty-sevent h meetings hel d i n mid-1936 , approve d i n principl e a "ricksha w ownershi p scheme" (chefu youqiche $ f t W ^ $ ) b y which th e pullers woul d b e aide d t o buy rickshaw s onc e i n a lifetime an d pa y bac k th e mone y o n a n installmen t basis, withou t interest . Th e pres s ha d i t o n goo d authorit y tha t relevan t municipal authoritie s ha d n o in-principl e objectio n t o thi s scheme , an d th e remaining issue s t o resolv e were technica l i n nature (Tsun Wan Yat Po April 1 , July 10 , 1936 ; Wah Tsz Yat Po May 15 , 1936). The Canto n Municipa l Advisor y Counci l (Guangzho u shif u canshish i Jf ! JM rffJfajMP-iD, whic h mad e recommendation s t o th e cit y governmen t base d on th e report s compile d b y th e executive/advisor y bodie s o r referre d t o i t fo r consultation (bu t whic h wa s not i n a position t o commi t th e cit y governmen t in policy matter), endorse d i n May 193 6 several rickshaw reform proposal s fo r implementation b y th e Canto n Municipa l Administrative Counci l (Guangzho u
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shizheng weiyuanhui Jlt^H ?1:i§St3l j l ^ ). Th e suggestions included that a portion of the rickshaw ta x shall be allocated fo r th e erection of lodgings for th e pullers and tha t th e numbe r o f rickshaw s permitte d t o pl y fo r hir e a t an y on e tim e should b e reduced , thu s ensurin g tha t ther e wer e enoug h customer s fo r eac h puller. The council members also maintained tha t the pullers should be assisted in buyin g rickshaw s o f thei r ow n rathe r tha n b e bullied b y thos e who owne d and rente d rickshaw s (Tai Chung Yat Po May 28 , 1936) .
Retrenchment an d Reorganizatio n The yea r 192 7 was a watershed i n th e histor y o f Canton . I n th e aftermat h o f the abortive Canto n Insurrection , th e mass movement as a whole dwindled int o a stag e o f retrenchment an d reorganization . A s a measure fo r puttin g policin g on a safer basis , in early 1928 , the Public Security Bureau introduce d fou r shift s instead o f thre e pe r da y fo r th e police (Hongkong Daily Press Apri l 10 , 1928) . Certain rules and regulations were promulgated o n June 9, 192 8 (amended late r in 193 0 an d 1932 ) fo r governin g th e settlemen t o f industria l disputes , t o th e effect tha t strik e action s were restricted an d trad e unions wer e deprived o f th e right t o contro l th e hiring o f employees. O n July 9 , 1928 , the cit y governmen t adopted ne w regulations fo r trad e unions; some 400 unions of a "questionable " character i n Canto n wer e remove d fro m th e register , leavin g onl y 3 1 union s with a nomina l membershi p o f 110,20 0 registere d i n accordanc e wit h th e promulgated procedur e (GZSSZBG 1928 , 49-94). Although 192 7 did not mar k a n end t o th e labor movemen t altogether , fo r the nex t fe w year s labo r protest s wer e sporadic , small-scale , economi c i n motivation, an d i n som e instance s devoi d o f union support . Labo r unres t wa s tied i n wit h economi c dislocation . Employee-employe r conflict s i n recession hit Canto n wer e on th e increase. There were thirty-fiv e suc h conflict s i n 1932 , compared wit h twenty-thre e in 1931 , and only sixteen i n 1930 . Of the seventy four case s that too k place between 193 0 and 1932 , complaints ove r wage levels and dismissa l mad e up mor e tha n seventy-thre e percen t o f th e tota l (Y u 1934 , 12-7). During thi s period, th e Communis t activist s were almost entirely ouste d from th e labor movement an d th e urban scene . The remnants o f the oppositio n went undergroun d an d subside d t o a negligible trickle , leavin g littl e trac e o f their influenc e o n cit y politics an d failin g t o solicit any extensive support fro m the urba n masse s (GZGRYD 1995 , 116-7) . N o mor e confrontationa l activit y against th e stat e authoritie s wa s seen . A union know n a s th e Canto n Ricksha w Trad e Unio n (Guangzhoush i shouche zhiy e gonghu i J § ^ N " f | j ^ $ ^ | | X ^ ) wa s registered o n Februar y 11 , 1936. The union's appearance was presumably an outcome of an official concer n
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for reducin g th e poverty o f th e pullers, a s expressed b y Che n Kun g P o (Che n Gongbo E£4*W , 1892-1946) . Originally a leader of the GMD left, the n ministe r of industry i n Nanjing, Che n gav e support-in-principle fo r th e registration o f a rickshaw unio n unde r th e guardianshi p o f th e Canto n branc h o f th e GM D (Shidangbu rtfJIIrp) . Lettin g th e puller s g o withou t organizatio n an d slid e chaotically into economic impoverishment, he said, would contravene the officia l policy t o assis t labo r (GZSSZGB Novembe r 10 , 1934 , 118) . Takin g int o consideration th e onse t o f th e economi c downturn , i t wa s bette r t o kee p th e pullers i n governmen t arm s tha n t o forc e the m ou t i n th e cold . Give n thi s perspective, th e unio n wa s a safety valv e agains t unres t an d a potent too l fo r achieving thi s objective . The rulebook o f th e union (GDSGZS, which i s undated an d unpaginated ) paralleled quit e closel y th e 192 9 Chines e Labo r Unio n Law , which lai d dow n the rules governin g th e organizatio n an d dissolutio n o f labor association s an d the penaltie s provide d fo r i n th e even t o f violatio n o f th e law. 4 Th e ruleboo k set out the union's objectives a s being to enhance the skills of pullers, to provide information an d trainin g t o pullers , t o assis t i n resolvin g disputes , an d t o safeguard an d improve pullers' livelihood under GM D leadership. The ruleboo k also adopted criteri a for recruitment tha t precluded radical activists from gainin g influence. Membershi p wa s ope n t o al l puller s i n Canton , bu t thre e kind s o f person — opiu m smokers , men stripped o f civic rights (whateve r the y were i n China), an d "counter-revolutionaries " — were not allowed . Th e union ha d t o submit it s statemen t o f revenu e an d expenditur e t o th e government ; i t coul d not hold assemblies or levy funds o r improvised contributions fro m it s members without th e permission o f the municipal authorities. Amendments t o these rules had t o be validated b y th e centra l authorities . The union wa s permitted t o act o n th e interests o f the pullers, but subjec t to th e surveillance o f government an d part y branches. Clause s 4(A) t o 4(H) o f the rulebook specified th e permissible range of the union's activities; for example, to recommen d it s member s fo r employment ; t o sponso r clinic s an d saving s institutions; t o organiz e club s fo r th e purpos e o f consumption , purchasing , supply o f credit , an d housing ; t o arrang e trainin g fo r pullers ; t o issu e publications; t o settl e dispute s betwee n puller s an d thos e between capita l an d labor; t o investigat e th e livin g condition s o f jobless pullers ; an d t o undertak e measures t o improve pullers' benefits. Als o stipulated i n the rulebook wer e th e rights and obligation s o f union members as follows: t o observe union rule s an d resolutions, t o pay membershi p due s an d funera l subscriptions , t o hel p othe r members fin d jobs, t o assis t i n th e recruitment o f members, t o vot e fo r unio n 4. Fo r th e full tex t of the Chines e Labor Union Law, and a discussion o f it, see Lin (1933, 181-8).
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office-bearers an d to be elected , t o submi t thei r views , t o obtai n illnes s allowances an d burial expenses , and to enjoy th e facilities o f the union . The ruleboo k provide d fo r the annual "election " o f a nine-person unio n committee. O f the nine persons , fiv e wer e selected — almost certainl y by prearrangement — from th e GMD-controlled Labo r Trainin g Burea u (Laogon g xunlianbu ^ X R I I I ^ B P ) ; th e remaining fou r wer e "hea d coolies " (fumu ft@). It seem s tha t thos e fro m th e Labor Trainin g Bureau , a s pro to-social workers , had an affinity wit h th e government an d an interest in labor affairs . Th e "head coolies," selecte d fro m ricksha w firms , probabl y ha d less sympath y fo r labor welfare tha n fo r the profitability o f the system. Whateve r th e precise fissures , there wer e no rank-and-file puller s o n the union committe e but rather cooli e headmen an d officia l mediators . The obvious featur e of this leadership was tha t it coul d avoi d one-side d decision s i n favor o f owners o r pullers. Th e protosocial workers woul d not apply too much pressur e on the bureaucracy, eve n if they trie d t o throw i n their lo t with th e pullers. Understandably , th e union tended toward s policie s tha t woul d softe n clas s conflict s an d avoid provokin g open clashes .
Union an d Reform Proposal s The Canto n Ricksha w Trad e Union provide d a formal channe l fo r the pullers to voice thei r concerns , if they so wished, in accordance with th e government mandated prescriptio n fo r its activities. It was obviously a thorn in the flesh of not a few rickshaw brokers who were reaping dishonest profits. In March 1936 , shortly afte r th e union's establishment , a group o f brokers aske d fo r officia l permission t o set up a guild o f their ow n in the name o f Ji Y i Tang (M^^, literally, "mutua l benefit s guild") , obviousl y wit h th e intent t o counter the influence o f the newl y bor n unio n (Kung Sheung Daily News March 6 , 1936). To fight back , th e union sen t a written petitio n t o the Canton branc h o f the GMD and asked fo r official disapprova l o f the brokers' application. Eithe r a s a result o f pressure fro m th e union o r because th e municipal official s wante d to avoid ope n conflicts , th e guild wa s refuse d permissio n t o register (Tai Chung Yat Po June 7 , 1936). At its first sessio n o n March 5, 1936, the union recorde d 4,00 0 members , roughly one-thir d o f all pullers i n Canton . Considerin g th e short spac e of unionization, thi s recor d wa s impressive , th e more so when i t is recalled tha t the pullers were mostly illiterate and unskilled. At the session, the union passe d a resolution t o embark o n a recruitment driv e and to provide trainin g course s through whic h th e pullers could enric h thei r understanding o f traffic rule s and other vocational knowledge (Kung Sheung Daily News March 6, 1936). Because
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of the relatively short length o f service in the trade , however, th e pullers hardl y developed a shared occupationa l identity, 5 an d the membership fee s were rarely duly collected . Accordingly , th e union wa s generally financiall y untenable , an d it manage d t o continu e operatio n onl y becaus e o f th e regula r subsid y o f th e Canton branc h o f th e GMD , which amounte d a t $8 0 pe r mont h (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 7 , 1937) . The unio n afforde d th e puller s a mean s t o represen t thei r interest s a s a group instea d o f as individuals. I n May 1936 , three bus companies offere d far e concessions in a bid to attract more passengers, allowing each of the $0.10 tickets to be used twic e for takin g buses on thei r routes. In response, th e union issue d a strongly worded statemen t sayin g that th e pullers earned muc h less , not eve n enough t o guarante e thei r basic needs, in consequenc e o f the price war amon g the bus companie s (Nam Keung Yat Po May 18 , 1936 ; Wah Tsz Yat Po May 21, 1936). As there was no sign o f winning back passengers los t t o rival buses, th e pullers brought their protest (vi a the union) t o the Kwangtung Research Institute for Politica l Studie s an d t o Marsha l Chian g Ka i Shek, wh o coincidentall y wa s in Canto n with a n entourag e o f bodyguards t o meet with his close lieutenants. Chiang was reported by the press to have expressed a sympathetic view toward s the pullers and felt thei r protest justifiable. Shortl y thereafter, th e Public Utilities Bureau banne d th e discoun t ticket s (Kung Sheung Daily News June 27 , 1936 ; November 30 , 1936) . The union generate d demand s throug h institutionalize d lega l and politica l channels an d di d no t overcommi t itsel f t o th e tacti c o f overt agitatio n o r mas s action. I n lat e July 1936 , it forwarde d a petition t o Yu Han Mo u (Y u Hanmo u ^"StfS, 1896-1981) , the n commander-in-chie f an d pacificatio n commissione r in Kwangtung, calling on Yu to use his influence t o speed up the implementatio n of measures fo r amelioratin g th e lot o f the pullers. Unless Yu was responsive t o their request , th e union added , th e pullers woul d conside r marchin g en masse through Canton' s street s t o expres s thei r concern s (Tai Chung Yat Po July 29 , 1936; Tsun Wan Yat Po July 25 , 1936) . The verbal announcemen t o f a parade , however, wa s no t transforme d int o direc t action . Thi s implie d threat , a ton e not use d whe n petitionin g th e civilian ar m o f th e government , migh t sugges t that th e unio n leaders , particularl y th e majorit y wit h pr o to-social worke r backgrounds, viewe d th e militar y authoritie s a s fa r mor e conservativ e i n temperament an d needin g t o be pushed, rathe r tha n persuaded , int o action . Pursuant t o th e union' s petition , th e Publi c Works Burea u (Gongwuj u X WJM) agree d in late 193 6 that it would ste p up effort s t o improve the quality of 5. Accordin g to a survey conducted in 1936-37 (Wu 1940, 7), 357 out of 600 pullers in Canton, about sixty percent, had been plying their trade for less than six years. Only fifteen remaine d in this occupation for twenty-on e or more years.
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the neijie (I^tS , inne r alleys) , many o f the m privat e an d no t serve d b y moto r traffic, an d mak e the m accessible by rickshaws. T o reduce competitio n amon g the pullers, the bureau als o intended t o reduce the number o f rickshaw license s by 1,20 0 (Wah Tsz Yat Po May 28, 1936; GZSSZGB October 10 , 1936 , 65-7). I n December 1936 , the union submitted a petition t o the Canton Municipal Affair s Council, th e Socia l Affair s Bureau , an d th e offic e o f th e commander-in-chie f and pacification commissione r i n Kwangtung. Apart from reiteratin g th e miser y of the pullers, it put forwar d tw o proposals: rehouse th e pullers in government run hostels , and reduce rickshaw taxe s from $0.6 0 t o $0.30 per vehicle per da y (Kung Sheung Daily News December 11 , 1936). On March 13 , 1937, the unio n presented anothe r lette r t o th e Socia l Affairs Burea u t o seek its support fo r th e rickshaw ownershi p schem e (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 14 , 1937) . Obviously, th e city government's inabilit y to achieve a balanced budge t was an obstacle to reforms. A proposed scheme to insure the pullers against sicknes s and accident , hammere d ou t by th e Social Affairs Bureau , was aborted i n 193 6 due t o lac k o f funds . Again , th e governmen t wa s i n n o moo d t o suppor t th e union's repeate d reques t fo r cuttin g ricksha w tax . Th e commissione r o f publi c works, Li n Yee Min (Li n Yimin # ^ R , 1897-1995) , reminde d th e unio n tha t the governmen t cam e unde r pressur e t o tackl e it s deficit. 6 Th e commissione r of municipal finance , Mar k Kent Chu n (Maijianzen g ^HHiff , 1900-77 ) quote d evidence tha t rickshaws contribute d sizeabl e amounts to municipal coffers. 7 N o wonder i t was difficul t t o budget fo r militar y expenditure s withou t sacrificin g resources tha t th e cit y neede d fo r socia l service s an d economi c development . An observer at the time was probably justified i n his criticism that, if the political and militar y leader s woul d agre e upo n a reductio n o f th e armie s an d a concomitant relie f i n taxation, Sout h Chin a coul d probably develo p a t a greater pace (The Times March 11 , 1936). In earl y 1937 , a Pullers' Welfare Cooperativ e (Shouchef u ful i hezuosh e ^ ${;£?©^'Jl^fr^i) wa s unde r plannin g an d desig n b y th e Bureau s o f Finance , Public Health , Publi c Utilities , an d Socia l Affairs . Th e relevan t by-law s wer e drafted, an d in due course, a bill in respect of its establishment would be placed before th e Canton Municipal Affairs Counci l for approval (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 12, 1937). On June 1 , an interdepartmental meeting was held at the Social Affair s Bureau t o fix a timeline for thi s matter. The official delegate s of various bureau s
6. Canto n ende d th e fisca l yea r o f 1934-3 5 with a n accumulated budge t defici t o f $372,606. In the first thre e months of 1936, the government already had a shortfall of some $42,151. See GZSZFXS (1934 , 277-91). 7. Publi c revenue derived from rickshaw taxes and license fees for the fiscal year 193334 amounted to $850,467, or 16.5 percent of the tax revenue of the Canton Municipality for th e corresponding period. See GZSZFXS (1934 , 268-73).
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attended; also present were the representatives of the Bank of Canton, the Canto n Chamber o f Commerce , an d th e Canto n Ricksha w Trad e Union. O n th e sam e day, a government spokesperson announced tha t the pullers' welfare cooperative , which wa s poise d t o commenc e operatio n o n June 15 , 1937 , had thre e mai n tasks fo r pursuance : a. T o equip ricksha w puller s wit h vocationa l skil l training ; b. T o erect te a pavilion s an d res t quarter s o n th e street ; an d c. T o advise o n measure s t o improve th e livelihoo d o f pullers . It was revealed tha t a General Affairs Boar d (Zongwuz u l i ^ f f l ) an d a Desig n Board (Shejiz u ISftliL) , t o be staffed b y government-picked appointees , woul d be se t u p t o provid e executiv e suppor t t o th e pullers' welfare cooperativ e an d to develo p relevan t strategie s an d actio n plan s i n takin g forwar d reforms . I n due course , th e puller s woul d obtai n boardin g a t subsidize d hostels . O n th e expiry of the existin g rickshaw licenses, no tender s would b e invited t o bid fo r them. I t was scheduled that , within thre e years, all public rickshaws in th e cit y would be "municipalized" an d resold to the pullers, so that the many evils arising from th e sublettin g o f rickshaw s woul d b e eliminate d (Tsun Wan Yat Po May 27, 1937 ; Kung Sheung Daily News June 3 , 1937) .
Hope Ye t fo r Reform s In general, the local media applaude d th e rickshaw refor m packag e announce d on June 1 , 1937 , a s a ste p i n th e righ t direction . Pres s opinio n wa s that , consequent t o the commencement o f the reform measures , the pullers' livelihood would chang e fo r th e better . I n th e month s tha t followed , however , n o mor e than piecemea l measure s wer e take n t o implemen t th e refor m package . A government report , released in early March 1938 , revealed tha t onl y 20 0 publi c rickshaws, well below the scheduled figure of 1,375, were "municipalized." Som e 193 sub-owners o r contractor s continue d t o squeez e mone y fro m th e pullers , hiring ou t rickshaw s a t half-da y ren t varyin g fro m $0.8 0 t o $0.90 . I t wa s th e second highest i n China , ranking onl y after Shangha i (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 8, 1938). Th e repor t showe d just ho w fa r behin d schedul e th e cit y governmen t was in implementin g th e reforms . The failure t o bring th e reforms furthe r alon g can be partially attributed t o the Marc o Pol o Inciden t o n July 7 , 1937 . Under th e pressur e o f th e war , th e Public Security Bureau steppe d up conscriptio n i n August. I n the latter par t of 1937, th e puller s wer e assigne d specia l duties : par k thei r vehicle s o n th e pavement durin g ai r raid alarms , put ou t th e lamps o f their vehicles durin g ai r raids, an d kee p clos e watc h o n spie s an d treacherou s conduc t (Tai Chung Yat
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Po August 27, September 1 , October 13 , 1937). The following year, many pullers joined th e wartime labo r corp s (Laogon g zhansh i gongzuotua n IfIHScSflLf ^ H) an d emergenc y trainin g programs fo r wa r purposes (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 13, 1938) . I n lat e 1937 , th e Canto n Ricksha w Trad e Union sen t a telegram t o the Ministr y o f Industrie s stressin g th e nee d fo r imposin g sanction s o n Japan in order to stop aggression on China (Tai Chung Yat Po October 29, 1937). When a fund-raisin g campaig n i n suppor t o f China's wa r o f resistanc e wa s launche d in August 1938 , a lot of pullers joined a campaign fo r wa r fund s b y donating a portion of their income t o the Chinese army (Sing Taofih Pao August 20, 1938). National salvatio n activitie s boosted th e patriotic imag e of the pullers, an d the war did not full y derai l the reforms. O n February 4, 1938 , at a joint meetin g of th e civilian-party-militar y governmen t (dangzhengjun lianxi huiyi MMM-Wv JSilUfl) hel d i n Canton , th e governmen t reiterate d th e nee d t o provid e basi c necessities o f life t o th e puller s (Wah Tsz Yat Po February 5 , 1938) . Days later , Tseng Yang Fu (Zen g Yangfu H l f rf" , 1898-1969) , who ha d succeeded Li u Ch i Wen a s Canto n mayo r i n August 1936 , stated tha t th e government' s desir e fo r rickshaw refor m remaine d undiminished . A s ther e wer e man y difficultie s t o overcome, however , progres s wa s slow . Eventually , Tsen g announce d that , effective Marc h 1 , 1938 , th e half-da y ren t o f eac h ricksha w woul d b e reduce d by $0.10 a s a means t o reduce the burden o f life of the pullers (Tsun Wan Yat Po February 28 , 1938 ; Tai Chung Yat Po March 4 , 1938) . On Marc h 12 , 1938 , anothe r meetin g o f th e civilian-party-militar y government was convened i n Canton. At the meeting, the director an d th e vicedirector of the GMD-led Labor Training Bureau, Li Jiezhi (^M^L) an d Li Heling ( ^ d f i ? ) , reiterate d tha t th e pullers ' livelihood wa s overdu e fo r improvemen t and tha t i t wa s necessar y t o hel p the m strengthe n thei r politica l moral e an d contribute effectively t o the war. Shortly afterwards, the y said, the trained puller s would b e teame d u p wit h othe r element s o f th e Wa r Comrade s Associatio n (Kangdi tongzhihui JftilfclRLifeliO, unde r the Labor Training Bureau, and assigned a wide rang e o f wartime dutie s (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 13 , 1938). Thus, whe n government official s reiterate d th e need fo r ricksha w reform s i n the late 1930s , they clearl y sa w th e potentia l o f rallyin g th e broa d masse s fo r th e sak e o f resistance agains t externa l aggression . Althoug h th e avowe d objectiv e wa s poverty reduction , th e priorit y was , rather consistently , political .
Conclusion Rickshaw reform s o n an y scal e wer e impossibl e withou t positiv e stat e intervention. B y identifying a range o f reform scenarios , th e Canto n Ricksha w Trade Union submitte d t o th e Canto n governmen t polic y proposals an d aske d
REFORMS O N TH E MUNICIPA L AGENDA I N TH E 1930 S 1 0
9
for immediat e step s t o correc t th e allege d problems . Th e establishmen t o f th e union withou t rea l change s i n th e distributio n o f power , however , offere d nothing more tha n a n illusory addres s t o th e pullers' misery. The union, whic h depended o n the state for financial support , was an instrument fo r social control and on e tha t di d no t enjo y forma l statu s a s a n independen t labo r union . T o some extent , th e unio n wa s a catalytic agen t fo r reforms , bu t i t was to o muc h to expect it to be a pressure group of real substance. Its recommendations coul d bear frui t onl y in s o fa r a s the governmen t wa s willing t o accept an d seriousl y consider them . Th e pullers ' welfar e cooperative , too , was hardl y th e panace a for reform s tha t th e pres s medi a sa w it t o be. The inadequac y o f fundin g an d impuls e fo r action , bot h i n larg e degre e insoluble, wer e tw o o f th e reason s tha t ha d fo r s o lon g stoo d i n th e wa y o f reforms. Th e effectiveness o f th e attempts i n reformin g th e rickshaw trad e was deeply conditiona l o n th e predilection s o f th e state . Unfortunately , th e cash strapped cit y government denie d heav y capita l subsid y t o th e reforms. Deficit s appeared t o be an overriding obstacle; but perhaps more importantly, th e refor m impulse o f th e stat e wa s s o inadequate an d th e interest s o f th e bosses/broker s were s o entrenche d tha t on e migh t sugges t nothin g shor t o f drasti c stat e intervention coul d mak e manifest a n appropriate solution t o the problem. Eve n if th e pullers ' welfar e cooperativ e ha d bee n se t up , i t woul d no t hav e bee n a definitive solutio n t o th e problem . Althoug h th e war di d brin g refor m action s to a halt , tha t facto r appeare d t o b e secondar y rathe r tha n overwhelming , a s certain refor m pledge s migh t stil l conceivabl y b e abandone d du e t o financia l and politica l limitations . The recommendation s announce d b y th e cit y governmen t t o rectif y th e rickshaw proble m faile d i n practic e t o produc e a remedia l effect . Th e Socia l Affairs Burea u ha d show n a concern fo r th e pullers ' welfare, bu t it s insuranc e scheme wa s restraine d b y th e mone y factor . Th e Publi c Securit y Burea u wa s probably concerned onl y with th e damaging effects o f street feuds an d th e need to steer clea r o f socia l unrest . Th e Finance Burea u wa s reluctant t o di g deepl y into its budget to make reforms successful . Thus , although a package for reform s was designed, th e reforms tha t had actually take n place were a far cr y from th e hopes o f th e unio n an d eve n thos e expresse d b y som e municipa l officials . Eventually, when Canto n wa s plunged int o th e ordea l o f Japanese occupation , the unio n wa s prevented fro m functionin g ove r a longer ter m an d th e refor m experiment wa s brought t o a halt. After th e war, when th e use of pedicabs too k preference ove r th e use o f rickshaws, th e pullers would no longer se e ricksha w ownership a s a means t o greate r securit y t o thei r livelihood .
PART THRE
E
WITHIN A FAST-CHANGIN G CONTEXT
7 Growing Passion fo r Change , up t o 194 1
A
T MAN Y points i n th e colonia l phas e o f Hon g Kong' s history , ther e wer e * mas s movements i n th e for m o f economic strike s and patrioti c boycott s against thos e foreig n power s accorde d specia l privileges (lik e concession s an d settlements) i n China . Th e Chines e seamen' s strik e o f 1922 , fo r instance , completely paralyzed the colony for two months. Subsequent strikes and protests against th e heavy-hande d suppressio n an d massacr e o f peacefu l Chines e demonstrators b y th e foreig n polic e force s i n Shangha i an d Canton' s Shamee n were followed b y an absolute boycott o f all goods of British manufacture, a t th e instigation o f politically inspire d Chines e labo r activists . T o the discomfor t o f the British colonial authorities, the Canton-Hong Kong Strike of 1925-26, which lasted sixteen months, brought th e entrepot econom y of prosperous Hong Kong to a virtual standstill. Property and share values, which had reached boom levels in th e earl y month s o f 1925 , collapsed , wit h disastrou s result s t o investors , Chinese an d foreig n alike . Thereafter, th e British stepped up th e attack o n partisan agitator s and thei r activities. O n Ma y 28 , 1927 , th e Hon g Kon g branch o f th e Chines e Seamen' s Union wa s raide d b y th e polic e an d remove d fro m th e registe r (South China Morning Post May 28, 30, 1927) . The General Labour Association o f Hong Kong (Kiu Kon g Kun g Tu n Tsun g Ui, Qiaogan g gongtua n zonghu i ffij^IBIBllO , formed unde r Communis t auspices to direct the strike of 1925-26, was outlawed in Apri l 192 7 (Hongkong Government Gazette, Apri l 1 , 1927 , 107) . I n mid December 1927 , whe n th e Canto n Insurrectio n failed , th e polic e conducte d searches o n th e seafront, wher e incoming passengers were screened an d arrest s of suspecte d politica l exile s wer e mad e (Hongkong Daily Press December 15 , 1927). Sinc e then , Communist s "o f th e youn g studen t type " wh o continue d with thei r activitie s i n Hon g Kon g were force d t o d o s o "wit h grea t secrecy " and i n muc h subdue d form . Thei r party cell s were ransacked an d thei r paper s impounded (Hongkong Administration Report 1927-35). As part o f a n officia l attemp t t o exercis e stricte r surveillanc e o f organize d labor, the Societies Ordinance, passed in November 191 1 to provide for effectua l control o r suppression o f non-government bodie s th e British disapproved o f i n
114
RELUCTANT HEROE S
the colony , was more strictl y enforced . Th e Emergenc y Regulation s Ordinanc e came int o forc e o n Apri l 1 , 1927 , to strengthe n polic e supervisio n o f variou s meetings an d stree t processions . O n July 7 , 1927 , the Illega l Strikes an d Lock outs Ordinanc e wa s passed t o amen d th e la w relating t o strike s an d lockouts , to prevent intimidatio n i n th e cours e o f industrial disputes , and t o prevent th e local trad e unions fro m fallin g unde r th e dominanc e o f trade unions an d othe r organizations outsid e Hon g Kon g (Hongkong Hansard Jul y 7 , 1927 , 43) . Furthermore, a Labour Subdepartment unde r th e Secretariat fo r Chines e Affair s was established i n 1927 , to deal with industria l dispute s an d t o investigate an d supervise th e activitie s o f labor guilds . Hong Kon g recorde d n o labo r strike s durin g 1927 . I n th e decad e tha t followed, ther e wer e strike s o f a spontaneou s nature , havin g onl y th e mos t elementary economic character. Trade union movement declined in membershi p and support. I n 1929 , there were only 15 0 labor guilds with 100,00 0 members . "With on e o r tw o exceptions, " a n officia l repor t noted , "Guil d activitie s see m to be at a low ebb , and th e interest take n i n thei r guild s by so-called member s is very slight" (Hongkong Administration Report 1929, 30). The eighty-four labo r guilds wit h a membershi p o f 44,00 0 i n 193 9 wer e "littl e mor e tha n friendl y societies concerne d mor e wit h th e provisio n o f funera l expense s fo r th e dea d than th e improvemen t o f th e conditio n o f th e living" (HKLCSP 1939, 117) . I n May 1941 , certain labo r guild s observe d Internationa l Labo r Da y but "onl y i n a smal l way. " Member s o f a stevedor e hand s unio n droppe d i n a t th e union' s premises durin g th e da y for informa l talks , but n o publi c celebratio n wa s hel d (South China Morning Post May 2, 1941) .
Winds o f Chang e The te n years o r s o preceding th e outbreak o f the Pacifi c Wa r marke d th e lo w ebb of trade unions as a whole. However, this was not a period without channel s for socia l activism. Hong Kong saw a variety of attempts, official an d unofficial , aimed at alleviating the misery of the impoverished people. In occupational safet y per se, the biggest step forward cam e in 192 2 when a Protector of Juvenile Labour was appointe d t o giv e attentio n t o th e affair s an d problem s o f Chines e chil d labor. Subsequently , unde r pressur e from London , th e Hon g Kong governmen t created th e positio n o f labour officer , an d a cadet office r name d Henr y Rober t Butters (1898-1948) wa s appointed in November 193 8 to hold the office. Butter s devised ne w legislatio n concernin g trad e union s an d workers ' compensation , and th e following yea r his Report on Labour and Labour Conditions in Hong Kong was lai d befor e th e Legislativ e Council . Apar t fro m othe r factors , thi s development is of significance t o an understanding of trade unionism and dispute mediation i n th e lat e 1930s .
GROWING PASSIO N FO R CHANGE , U P T O 194 1 1 1
5
The protection o f animals against ill treatment cam e into sharper focu s an d became an area of legislative attention. Tales such as the following were reported in th e press. One day, a pig was carried i n a rattan basket by a man o f Chines e descent, hel d dow n i n a bent-over positio n wit h on e o f it s leg s protruding i n such a way as to cause it a great deal of pain; he was stopped o n the road by an Indian policema n wh o aske d hi m t o tuc k i n th e pig' s leg . "Te n o r eve n fiv e years ago, " a s observed , "suc h a happenin g woul d neve r hav e take n place " (Hongkong Telegraph January 7 , 1927) . A bill to bring togethe r an d consolidat e the scattere d regulation s fo r th e preventio n o f cruelt y t o animal s wa s passe d into la w i n 1935 , under whic h th e authoritie s wer e empowere d t o mak e by laws fo r th e licensing , construction , an d maintenanc e o f privat e premise s fo r animal husbandry. A further ordinanc e in 193 9 widened th e control of the 193 5 law to encompass pet shops (Hongkong Government Gazette November 29 , 1935, 1122; May 26, 1939,527) . Mui-tsai (meizi i^ff \ literally , "littl e sisters") , Cantones e slan g fo r indentured Chines e girl s wh o worke d a s unpai d domesti c servants , wa s a concern o f th e da y tha t cam e under considerabl e criticism . Th e Anti-Mui Tsa i Society (Fandu i xubihu i IxMWW^t), founde d i n Hon g Kon g i n 192 2 unde r the presidenc y o f th e Reveren d Le e Kau Yan (L i Qiu'e n ^ f c i S , 1882-1962) , agitated fo r changin g th e status o f mui-tsai to tha t o f free an d pai d employees . In general, members of the community did support an end to human traffickin g and th e abuse s arisin g fro m it , thoug h wit h concern s ove r detail s suc h a s th e difference betwee n a maidservant an d a kidnapped gir l (Nam Keung Yat Po May 18, 1936) . This issu e came into parliamentar y politic s i n England , whe n som e members o f parliamen t proteste d "th e continuanc e o f th e syste m unde r th e British fla g a s a disgrac e an d a scandal " (South China Morning Post Februar y 17, 1922) . The registration o f mui-tsai in order t o ensure thei r protection bega n in 192 9 and , a s a result o f Colonia l Offic e pressure , i n 193 6 a commission o f inquiry was set up t o investigate th e problem. As of May 1939 , a total o f 2,72 0 mui-tsai wer e registered . For a long time, there had been an opinion that riding sedan chairs offende d the moral sense of humankind, especiall y when th e frail an d bony faced coolie s appeared t o be unfi t fo r th e work the y had t o do. 1 Whe n th e firs t an d secon d motor road s t o th e Hill Distric t wer e complete d i n 192 0 an d 1922 , cars wer e more widely used, making life harder for sedan-chair coolies. The loss of business to competitors , a situation mad e wors e b y inflatio n (a s show n i n Tabl e 7.1) , led t o frustration . O n Ma y 25 , 1924 , a fight fo r busines s amon g sedan-chai r 1. Thomso n (1909, 352) stated that Hong Kong's sedan-chair coolies were "a sculptor's Greek-like model in the thin ankles and knees; great calves and thighs and fair ches t and neck muscles. The arms however are rather thin."
116
RELUCTANT HEROE S
coolies broke ou t o n Wyndham Street , quelled onl y by the arrival of th e polic e (Hongkong Telegraph May 26 , 1924) . I n 1932 , th e Publi c Work s Departmen t built a moto r roa d fro m Magazin e Ga p t o Ma y Road , cuttin g th e travelin g distance betwee n th e tw o place s by 4.8 miles . The resultan t growt h o f privat e car communication lessene d considerabl y th e hire of sedan chairs. It was felt a t the tim e tha t "[r]icksha w labou r i s goin g ou t too " a s "taxie s ar e being mor e used" (Publicit y & Informatio n Burea u 1934 , 334). A 1936 poster o f th e the n Hong Kong Travel Association, showing a sedan chai r being carried up Victoria Peak, as a trademark o f Hong Kon g in visitors' eyes, was much resente d (South China Morning Post April 8 , 1936) . Table 7. 1 Wholesal e pric e inde x i n Hon g Kong , 1913-3 9 (1922 = 100) Year
Food
Textiles
Metals
Others
Average
1913
73.6
55.1
63.2
64.0
64.0
1922
100.0
100.0
100 0
100.0
100.0
1924
106.1
112.5
102.3
106.3
106.8
1931
144.3
135.8
140.9
125.4
136.6
1932
126.5
125.2
128.1
109.7
122.4
1933
113.4
97.0
107.8
95.7
103.5
1934
94.3
85.9
97.4
88.5
91.5
1935
85.4
74.2
79.8
72.3
77.9
1936
113.3
99.4
107.2
92.5
103.1
1937
136.2
117.7
146.1
124.4
131.1
1938
131.6
116.1
147.3
127.3
130.6
1939
134.9
106.2
145.0
125.9
128.0
Compiled fro m Hongkong Administration Reports, 1913-39
Local media reports described rickshaw reforms elsewhere , highlighting th e need for change in Hong Kong. In 1927 , a recreation club for pullers was forme d at the YMCA building in Chengd u (J$ffl), th e provincial capita l of Sichuan (P S J'I) (Hongkong Telegraph Ma y 19 , 1927) . Th e sam e year, a Penang newspape r pleaded for th e abolition of rickshaw traffic i n British Malaya, arguing that riding rickshaws conflicted wit h th e Europeans' notions of human dignity (South China Morning Post April 30, 1927) . In addition, th e Chinese inhabitants in Palemban g (Indonesia) petitione d th e the n Dutc h authoritie s t o prevent th e immigratio n of pullers from Singapore , arguing tha t rickshaw pulling was degrading. A plan was afoo t t o collec t fund s t o pa y of f th e contract s o f 32 0 rickshaw s the n i n operation, s o tha t th e puller s woul d b e helpe d t o ge t othe r wor k o r retur n t o China (Hongkong Daily Press July 19 , 1927) . Two years later , i n 1929 , a letter to th e English-languag e pape r th e North-China Herald in Shangha i went s o fa r
GROWING PASSIO N FO R CHANGE , U P T O 194 1
117
as t o recommen d a n abolitio n o f ricksha w transportatio n withi n fiv e year s (Hongkong Sunday Herald November 3 , 1929) . Henry Paschal Valtorta (1883-1951) o f the Italian Mission Building on Caine Road, who ha d com e t o Hong Kon g in 190 7 with a mission t o serv e an d wh o was consecrated bishop in 1925 , also felt sympathetic to the coolies of rickshaws and seda n chairs . "Whils t al l must realize th e extrem e hardship o f thei r lives," he said to the press in 1927 , "very few perhaps reflect tha t these men have wives and families , who m the y hav e lef t i n th e countr y eithe r wit h n o suppor t a t al l or wit h suc h inadequat e suppor t tha t the y ar e constantl y o n th e verg e o f starvation." Gamblin g was listed a s the main culpri t responsibl e fo r thei r shee r poverty. "Drive n t o seek some pleasure in a life littl e better tha n tha t o f a beast of burden, the y readil y tak e t o gambling, " h e said , "s o tha t thei r earning s ar e not sent home." The same year, he wrote to the captain superintendent o f police asking fo r permissio n t o allow a number o f pullers t o stay in Hong Kong , as it would b e impossibl e fo r thes e people , who ha d flocke d t o th e colon y becaus e of a wish t o escape th e vengeance o f the authorities a t home, t o return t o thei r native plac e "al l upset b y Communis t revolution." 2 As well as being a religious leader (th e fourt h Vica r Apostolic an d th e firs t Roman Catholi c Bishop of Hong Kong), Bishop Valtorta attempte d t o make th e Church a force for social justice. He showed he cared by trying to offer ricksha w pullers hop e an d help , an ide a tha t manifeste d itsel f i n hi s propose d "Missio n to Ricksh a an d Chair-men. " Hi s suggestions include d th e provision o f coolin g tea, assistance during illnes s and unemployment, th e extension o f sun shelters , the opening of classes to teach vocational knowledge, and the provision of better amenities i n thei r living quarters. Believing tha t religious beliefs coul d help th e pullers repent and rehabilitate themselves, he envisioned that a rickshaw mission would creat e "a n atmosphere and an influence whic h would guard the m agains t anti-Christian and Bolshevist Guilds." He proposed the formation o f a committee to collec t information , s o tha t i n du e course , individua l persons , religiou s denominations, an d charitabl e institutions woul d b e invited t o atten d a public meeting t o dra w u p a detaile d schem e (South China Morning Post January 8 , 1927). The proposed "Missio n t o Ricksha an d Chair-men " wa s responded t o wit h a supportiv e attitud e fro m th e St . Vincent D e Pau l Societ y an d sparke d som e upper-class sympathy . Tw o unofficia l member s o f th e Legislativ e Council , Shouson Cho u (Shouche n Zho u JilflB , 1861-1959 ) an d Rober t Kotewal l (1880-1949), a Eurasian dignitar y o f Parse e ancestr y wit h a Chines e mother , jointly presente d a lette r t o th e Bishop , stating : "muc h ca n stil l b e don e t o 2. Lette r (dated November 30, 1927) from Bishop Valtorta to the captain superintendent of police in Hong Kong, Edward Dudley Cascarden Wolfe (1875-1952) .
118
RELUCTANT HEROE S
improve th e lo t o f thes e poo r me n wh o ar e no bette r tha n beast s o f burden. " The lette r ende d wit h thes e words : "I f you conside r tha t w e may be o f us e t o you i n th e attainment o f this worthy object , pleas e do not hesitate t o comman d our service s whic h ar e unreservedl y a t you r disposal " (Hongkong Telegraph January 8 , 1927) . Ther e is , unfortunately , n o recor d availabl e o f wha t wa s actually don e i n th e directio n propose d b y Bisho p Valtorta . I n earl y 1928 , a writer t o th e Hongkong Observer said he "wa s more than sorry tha t th e effort o f the Bishop Valtorta about a year ago to establish a ricksha mission in Hongkon g resulted i n nothing " (Anon . 1928 , 1) . As th e 1930 s proceeded , th e ricksha w questio n continue d t o b e muc h discussed i n an d ou t o f Hong Kong . In mid-1931 , Chinese student s i n Franc e protested th e program made known t o them that 10 0 pullers from Chin a would appear a t th e Frenc h Colonia l Exhibitio n i n Pari s t o pul l visitors, statin g tha t this wa s tantamoun t t o treatin g Chin a a s a colony (South China Morning Post April 27 , 1931) . A few Roma n Catholi c missionarie s i n Kowloo n City , Hon g Kong, expressed thei r concer n fo r th e dehumanized natur e of rickshaw pulling . They were , however , divide d i n thei r opinio n regardin g a proposal t o reduc e the number o f rickshaw licenses. The advocates were arguing on humanitaria n grounds. Th e oppositio n foun d th e proposa l laudabl e bu t feare d tha t th e withdrawal o f license s withou t havin g mad e read y a remedial solutio n coul d deprive many pullers of a living, as many of them were unskilled and uneducated to d o anythin g els e (Hongkong Hansard September 27 , 1934 , 169) . The risin g cos t o f livin g i n Hon g Kon g durin g th e earl y decade s o f th e twentieth century , an d th e growin g popularit y o f private motorin g (a s show n in Tabl e 7.2), plunged th e rickshaw trad e into a deeper economi c crisis . When the Hon g Kon g populatio n wa s 625,20 0 i n 192 1 ther e wer e 3,25 8 rickshaws ; but i n 1931 , when th e cit y had a population o f 849,700, only 1,94 5 rickshaw s were left . Th e puller s wh o live d throug h thes e year s fel t quit e acutel y thei r declining conditions. One of them tol d an investigator i n 193 6 that, some years ago, he ha d bee n earnin g a daily income o f $ 2 t o $3 , which wa s the n quit e a handsome sum . Becaus e o f th e wider us e o f new kind s o f travel , however, hi s daily income fel l t o $0.7 0 t o $0.80 . On a bad day , he grosse d a s little a s $0.3 0 to $0.40 , which wa s insufficien t t o recou p ricksha w ren t (Kung Sheung Daily News Apri l 26 , 1936) . One canno t fai l t o notic e tha t a view starte d t o prevai l amon g th e pres s media in the 1930s that rickshaw pullers were downtrodden, but had not reached the roc k botto m o f th e socio-economi c scal e yet, a s shown i n a cartoo n i n a Hong Kon g newspaper wit h th e caption , i n Chinese , tha t reads : "Thre e Stage s of a Dandy's Life Experience." I n thi s cartoon, a s shown i n Figure 7.1 , a dandy is depicted movin g downwardly i n status fro m bein g a usual dance-hall-goer t o a ricksha w puller , an d the n a beggar. I t was also thi s tim e tha t th e newspape r
GROWING PASSION FOR CHANGE, UP TO 1941 11
9
Table 7 2 Numbe r o f registere d vehicle s m Hon g Kong , 1896-193 9 Rickshaws Rickshaws Rickshaws Rickshaws Tsz-Yong-Che Sz-Ka-Che Sedan Motors on Chairs Cars on on Island m the Peak Upper-level Kowloon flatland 1896 1897 1898 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939
60 60 60 70 140 140 140 170 200 200 200 200 250 250 345 345 345 345 345 345 385 430 600 600 700 700 700 732
525 525 525 600 700 1,200 1,200 1,225 1,225 1,200 1,225 1,225 1,225 1,150 1,150 1,150 1,150 1,150 1,150 1,150 1,150 1,150 1,150 1,150 1,150 1,150 1,200 1,250 1,925 1,775 1,783 1,717 1,649 1,630 1,398 1,216 1,208 1,108 1,107 1,026 1,026
965 900 900
-
-
-
-
15 20 30 40
16 16 16 16
~
~
1,138 1,251 1,324 1,392 1,406
52 54 48 41 35
-
-
Compiled fro m Annua l Report s o f th e Polic e Departmen t
1,486 1,391 1,007
930 865 831 798 729 679 572 493 424 364 278 268
1 26
8
-
468 520 534 600 596 580 588 652 678 714 704 704 649 665 738 734 719 733 745 719 760 869 1,125 1,200 1,147 1,218 1,173 1,139 1,087 1,067
819 731 716 647 516 509 499 451 458 345 318 309 218 219
5 5 5 20 19 29 52 61 96 112 184 280 381 508 595 796 1,256 1,207 1,270 1,348 1,639 1,919 2,013 2,249 2,774 3,231 3,384 3,603 3,760 3,986 4,480 5,209
120
RELUCTANT HEROE S
Figure 7. 1 Cartoo n depictin g downwar d socia l mobility , 193 5 (Source : Kung Sheung Daily News Januar y 27 , 1935 )
GROWING PASSIO N FO R CHANGE , UP T O 1 9 4 1
121
reported th e attempted suicid e o f a puller, Lin Musheng (ffi$s§&), wh o trie d t o take his life by jumping int o th e sea at Queen's Pier, the public pier fo r smalle r inside-harbor vessels . Shortly after bein g rescued, Lin told th e press that he ha d been i n a state o f depression, frustrate d a t being jobless, an d unabl e t o pay hi s passage back hom e i n Hoi-Luk-Fung (Kung Sheung Fvening News February 13 , 1936).
Renegotiation o f Relationship s Following th e all-ou t invasio n b y japan i n 1937 , th e price s o f import s fro m China ros e considerably . Th e wholesal e foo d pric e inde x ros e fro m 113. 3 i n 1936 t o a peak o f 136. 2 in 1937 , though i t decline d slightl y t o 131. 6 in 1938 , as shown in Table 7.1. As the war dragged on, waves of asylum-seekers squeeze d their way into Hong Kong. In time s of the refugee influx , th e contractor s (wh o never worried abou t a lack o f laborers) increase d th e hirin g rate s o f rickshaw s from $0.5 0 t o $0.8 8 fo r a shift o f twelv e hours , a t th e sam e tim e squeezin g excessive commission fees. Those who doubled as coolie-house keepers increased the lodgin g charge s o f a wooden bun k be d fro m $1.4 0 pe r mont h t o doubl e that amount (South China Morning Post December 19 , 1938). Some pullers were forced t o leave their dormitorie s du e t o their inabilit y t o pay lodging rent. Th e pullers ha d n o forma l association , an d on e by on e yielded t o th e extortionat e demands o f th e contractors . A hundred o r so disgruntled pullers in Kowloon Peninsula asked the bosses/ brokers t o reduce ricksha w an d lodgin g ren t and , whe n thi s was refused, the y tried t o mak e thei r voic e hear d throug h th e mediu m o f a union. Thei r effort s bore fruit i n 1939 , when they formed a n association registered in colonial records as "Ki u Kon g Sa u Ch e Kun g Ya n Wu Ch o She " (Qiaogan g shouch e gongre n huzhushe # S ^ ^ I A 5 S W ± ) , whic h ca n be rendered a s "Mutua l Aid Clu b of Sojourning Hon g Kong Ricksha Coolies. " The name of the club was prefixe d by "Ki u Kong " CfSHtr , sojourning Hon g Kong) , showin g tha t man y member s saw thei r sta y i n Hon g Kon g a s temporar y rathe r tha n permanent. 3 Th e clu b assumed the innocuous title "Wu Cho She" (huzhushe 5Sb?±, mutua l aid club), instead o f "Kun g Hui " (gonghui X #, labo r union) , presumably a n attemp t t o defuse th e government's suspicion, if any, that it would tak e part in activities of a confrontationa l nature . Indeed , n o politic s wer e knowingl y include d i n it s
3. Th e term kiu kong, "sojourning Hon g Kong," is the word commonly found i n the names o f othe r trad e guild s an d voluntar y association s i n pre-World Wa r I I times, reflecting tha t many immigrants did not perceive their move to be permanent.
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RELUCTANT HEROE S
activities, excep t fo r a weeklong campaig n hel d i n July 193 9 t o raise funds fo r China's wa r agains t Japanese invasion . Thei r donatio n wo n generou s applaus e and was hailed by the local press as a show of patriotism (Lih Pao July 25, 1939). The clu b wa s a n organizatio n o f som e 10 0 stron g initially , compose d o f pullers o f Eas t Rive r origin , mainl y native s o f Hoifun g an d Lukfung . Withi n one year, however, membership increased t o 2,000 (Nanhua ribao July 2, 1939). Despite the growth in membership, the club was not well endowed; it was short of fund s an d ove r ninety-fiv e percen t o f th e member s wer e illiterate . Also , i t was no t a simpl e matte r t o buil d a n organizatio n i n a n occupatio n whos e members lacke d a fixed meetin g plac e which otherwis e migh t hav e reinforce d their sens e o f fraternit y an d organizationa l integrity , accordin g t o Fan g Sho u (^fW), th e club' s firs t chairma n (Lih Pao August 21 , 1939). The clu b initiall y occupied a small fla t a t Shumshuip o and , fo r a time, al l o f it s member s wer e working i n Kowloon . I t wa s no t unti l Marc h 194 0 tha t a branch offic e wa s opened a t 4 Anton Street , Wanchai (Ta Kung Po March 13 , 1940). The formatio n o f th e clu b wa s symptomati c o f a shif t i n relationship s between people , fro m th e hithert o accepte d norm s tha t bordere d o n elit e paternalism an d centere d o n th e benefit o f recipients' loyalt y i n return fo r a n implicit livelihoo d guarantee . O n it s formation , th e clu b pu t u p wate r tank s at street corners where cooling tea was served for members in the summertime. Also, i t calle d o n th e owner s t o eliminat e th e contractors , wh o wer e accuse d of sublettin g rickshaw s t o th e puller s o n tw o shift s dail y a t th e inflate d rat e of $0.70 fo r da y and $0.5 0 for night , afte r havin g hired the m fro m th e owner s for onl y $0.5 0 fo r a period coverin g twenty-fou r hours . I n othe r words , du e to th e sublettin g system , th e puller s wer e payin g a t leas t twic e a s muc h t o rent a rickshaw . I n connectio n wit h thes e allegations , th e clu b forwarde d a petition t o the Police Department an d the Secretariat for Chines e Affairs askin g for arbitratio n (Sing Tao fih Pao March 31 , 1939). The club' s cause met with a measure o f media sympathy . Ther e was a view that th e rickshaw contractor s were subtly undermining th e livelihood o f pullers and acting like "blood-suckers " an d "parasites " on th e poor element s o f society (Lih Pao July 13 , 1940) . Th e sublettin g o f rickshaw s wa s accuse d o f havin g opened th e way for intermediar y abuse s an d feature d a s an affron t t o civilize d society, makin g th e pulle r a wretche d slav e submittin g t o abominabl e exploitation. N o wonder , i n 1940 , th e contractor s wer e dogge d wit h tale s o f womanizing an d leading a dissolute lifestyle; on e of them was said to have kept thirteen concubine s (Lih Pao December 1 , 1940) . A Chinese writer, usin g th e pen nam e X i Yu, denounced ricksha w sublettin g an d advise d th e setting up o f a loa n agenc y "a s a matte r o f urgency " t o hel p th e puller s bu y thei r ow n rickshaws (X i 1940 , 7) . I n th e sam e vein , a lette r t o th e edito r o f a loca l newspaper, signe d H o Yee Chow, expresse d th e followin g sentiments :
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The ricksh a cooli e i s one o f th e most miserabl e person s i n th e world . He ha s t o work i n th e open , rai n o r shine . O n th e whole , al l ricksh a coolies ar e underdogs . Althoug h I a m no t a ricksh a coolie , I ca n easily imagin e thei r sufferings . Accentuate d mor e recentl y b y th e enormous increas e i n th e cos t o f livin g consequen t o n th e ris e o f prices o f rice , meat s an d vegetables , thei r pligh t i s mad e mor e unbearable. Bu t tha t i s no t all ; th e mor e pitifu l affai r i s tha t sub ricksha contractor s ar e merciless in dealing with them... . Th e situatio n is a deplorable one . I f nothing i s done I believe th e victimised coolie s can hardl y mak e a bar e living . T o brin g abou t refor m measures , I therefore writ e thes e fe w line s t o brin g hom e th e seriousnes s o f th e situation o f ricksh a coolie s t o th e public . (South China Morning Post May 2 , 1940 ) The ricksha w becam e a subjec t o f mas s entertainmen t when , i n Octobe r 1940, i t wa s satirize d i n a Cantones e movi e entitle d Lache peiyuk ( J i ^ ^ ^ , "Humiliation o f Ricksha w Pulling") . Th e movi e dre w som e o f it s narrativ e fro m the nove l o f a well-regarde d Chines e litterateur , La o Sh e (i£ik, 1899-1966) , Camel Xiangzi (Luotuo Xiangzi l l f l r : # ~ P ) o r Rickshaw Boy i n English , whic h was serialize d i n Hon g Kong' s leadin g magazin e Yuzhoufeng ( ^ W M , Universa l Winds) durin g th e 1930s . Thi s movi e explore s th e suppresse d emotion s an d love affai r o f a fictionalize d pulle r wh o dreame d o f improvin g hi s lo t throug h hard wor k an d marriag e t o th e daughte r o f a ric h family , onl y t o fin d tha t th e obstacles t o upwar d socia l mobilit y wer e to o tremendou s t o overcome . I n thi s movie, th e pulle r wa s exemplifie d a s a pejorativ e epithe t t o epitomiz e th e personal miser y an d crue l oppressio n commo n t o th e poo r i n th e "old " society , yet someon e t o b e sympathize d wit h (Ta Kung Po Octobe r 12 , 13 , 1940) : Its membership siz e o n th e ris e in 1938-39 , which compensate d fo r it s earl y limitations i n mone y an d huma n resources , th e Mutua l Ai d Clu b ha d a greate r legitimacy t o spea k fo r th e pullers , an d th e basis fo r negotiatio n wit h th e owner s and th e contractor s becam e stronger . Importantly , th e pullers ' deman d fo r economic bettermen t wa s i n keepin g wit h officia l figures . I n th e secon d hal f o f 1939, a t a tim e w h e n th e Labou r Offic e estimate d tha t $2 4 woul d b e a bar e subsistence wag e fo r a famil y o f tw o adults , a marrie d pulle r wh o ha d t o divid e his incom e wit h hi s famil y mad e $1 8 t o $2 1 a t most , monthl y (HKLCSP 1939 , 285). I n thi s period , th e clu b probabl y carrie d ou t som e quie t lobbyin g fo r th e abolition o f ricksha w sub-contracting . I n par t perhap s becaus e o f th e pullers ' efforts, a t leas t a fe w m e m b e r s o f c o l o n i a l officialdo m b e c a m e m o r e knowledgeable o f th e pullers ' grievances , an d th e the n labou r officer , Henr y Robert Butters , expresse d hi s comment s o n ricksha w sub-contractin g a s i t wa s organized:
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The chie f vic e i n th e sub-contractin g syste m i s th e excessiv e commission draw n by the contractor. A recent petition fro m certai n ricksha coolies in Kowloon, who complained that the charge for which rickshas were hired to them by the day had been increased, disclosed, on investigation, th e existenc e of certain sub-contractors wh o hire d the rickshas at forty-five t o fifty cent s a day each and sublet the m at seventy-five t o eighty cents a day. (HKLCSP 1939 , 135 ) The above report also revealed "actio n is being taken to control the rate at which contractors, who licens e thei r ricksha s wit h th e Polic e Department , hir e the m to the individual pullers." Notwithstanding th e impulse fo r change , the official s exercised grea t caution when considerin g reforms fo r th e laboring masses. "Th e introduction o f legislatio n fo r th e bettermen t o f workin g conditions, " adde d Butters, "shoul d b e cautiou s an d no t ove r ambitious , les t i t defea t itself " (HKLCSP 1939, 109) . In December 1940 , after months-long mediation and deliberation, the pullers on Kowloo n Peninsul a obtaine d considerabl e improvement s i n ren t fo r thei r rickshaws. Thes e the y obtaine d wit h th e assistanc e o f Bria n Charle s Keit h Hawkins (1900-62) , who ha d take n u p hi s substantiv e appointmen t a s labou r officer o n Marc h 5 , 1940 . A fin e exampl e o f a cade t officer , Hawkin s wa s conversant i n Cantonese , th e lingu a franc a o f Hon g Kong . O n Decembe r 1 , 1940s, Hawkins brough t th e owner s an d th e pullers t o a n agreemen t whereb y the rent fo r eac h of the Kowloon rickshaws (25 2 in total, owned by five owner s and suble t b y five contractors ) woul d b e $0.2 8 for da y and $0.2 2 fo r night . I n compliance with th e advice of the labour officer, th e owners promised t o reduce the contracto r syste m t o a minimum . Finally , th e deposi t fo r eac h ricksha w would b e $6 , paid i n on e installmen t (Lih Pao December 2 , 1940) . In July 1940 , four month s afte r th e forma l openin g o f its Wanchai branc h office, th e Mutua l Ai d Clu b launche d a campaign agains t ricksha w sublettin g on Hon g Kon g Island . I t starte d of f wit h th e deliver y o f duplicat e copie s o f a letter o f petition t o th e labou r officer , th e inspector-genera l o f police, an d th e secretary fo r Chines e affairs . I t was stated i n th e petition tha t th e puller s wer e exploited "ma n b y man " an d ha d t o pa y suc h a larg e su m o f thei r earning s (about sevent y t o ninety percent ) a s rickshaw rent t o the brokers (contractors ) that the y had littl e left fo r thei r dail y need s an d littl e saving s fo r a bad day . I t might happe n tha t som e puller s spen t th e whole da y working just enoug h fo r the ricksha w rent . A t tha t time , th e 55 0 rickshaw s availabl e fo r hir e o n Hon g Kong Islan d wer e suble t b y twenty-nin e contractors . Althoug h th e hir e pric e for eac h o f th e rickshaw s charge d b y their owner s was $0.50 , the rent actuall y paid by the pullers was $0.70 for da y and $0.7 5 to $0.90 for night (5in g Taofih Pao July 9 , 1940) .
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In it s searc h fo r assistance , th e clu b activel y sough t interview s wit h th e labour officer, i n the expectation that the latter could put pressure on the owners and th e contractors . Newspape r report s ha d i t that , fro m July 3 0 t o August 3 , 1940, th e puller s pai d visi t afte r visi t t o th e Labou r Office , demandin g tha t government shoul d interven e an d forc e th e owner s t o la y of f th e contractor s (Wah Tsz Yat Po November 7 , 1940). On August 30, the labour office r convene d a meeting, which h e chaired . I n attendanc e were the office-bearer s o f the club . The report s o f thi s meetin g tha t immediatel y appeare d i n certai n section s o f the Chines e press were invariably ful l o f sympathy t o the misery o f the pullers, and th e club's request was publicized i n th e press in the form o f a demand tha t the labour office r shoul d a t once play an intermediar y rol e in th e deliberation s with th e owner s an d giv e a substantive repl y t o th e clu b within te n days . On Septembe r 30 , 1940 , th e incumben t chairma n o f th e club , Li n Qilu n (#S9fw), hel d a press conference t o highlight the financial agon y of the pullers, saying tha t th e puller s hardl y too k hom e mor e tha n $ 1 of thei r dail y earning s in th e bes t o f times . Li n demande d a speed y remova l o f th e sub-contractin g system an d polic e protectio n t o th e pullers , wh o wer e a t time s physicall y assaulted b y th e henchme n o f th e contractors . Th e pres s publicit y campaig n received a sympathetic response. On October 1 , 1940, Lin saw his name in print and his remarks widely covered by the Chines e press. Three days after th e press conference, a news commentar y showe d sympath y fo r th e pullers an d pointe d out som e o f th e problem s face d b y them : oppressiv e contractors , abusiv e passengers, and competitive vehicles that were squeezing rickshaws off the road. The commentar y mad e it clea r tha t it was written i n reply t o th e appeal o f th e club (Ta Kung Po October 3 , 1940) . The pullers ' demand s fo r refor m achieve d highe r visibilit y an d ende d u p stronger. Fro m Octobe r 5 to November 13 , 1940, the office-bearers o f the clu b personally conveyed their demands to the labour officer. Afte r consultatio n wit h the owners, who were represented b y the Hong Kong Ricksha Trade Employer s (On-Hang) Associatio n (Xianggan g renliche anheng shanghui ^ f ^ A ^ ^ z S r t T KlIO, registere d i n 192 0 for business purposes, th e labour office r claime d tha t the sub-contracting syste m was what h e foun d frustratin g an d tha t i t require d change (Lih Pao November 14 , 16 , 1940). O n November 19 , 1940 , the Labou r Office an d the Police Department gave a joint announcement, whereby ricksha w contractors shoul d b e phased out ; th e daily rent o f a rickshaw shoul d b e fixe d at $0.50 , th e sam e a s the rat e o f hire i n Kowloon ; al l future dispute s ove r th e rates of hire, if any, should be forwarded t o the Labour Offic e fo r furthe r actio n (Kung Sheung Evening News November 23 , 1940) . Newspaper account s differe d o n what happene d next . I n Decembe r 1940 , there was in th e press th e mention o f a European pong-paan (bangban Iff H, a Hong Kong name for "polic e officer o f the supervisory rank") wh o had steppe d
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up effort s t o prevent th e keepers o f cooli e houses fro m overchargin g rent . As a result, whereas it formerly cos t $2.4 0 t o $5.40 monthly t o obtain boarding i n a coolie house , dependin g o n qualit y an d size , the keeper charge d onl y $1.5 0 t o $4.00 fo r fea r o f being prosecute d (Lih Pao December 1 , 1940) . I n June 1941 , a newspape r interviewe d a n "insider " fro m th e ricksha w trade , who sai d tha t much headwa y ha d bee n mad e agains t contractors ' abuse s (Nanhua ribao June 30, 1941) . Authentic informatio n o n th e progress o f reforms i s not obtainable ; however, becaus e th e newspape r sa w the need t o interview a n "insider " i t ma y be reasonably conclude d tha t th e reforms (i f ever implemented) hardl y reache d a noticeabl e degree . This wa s no t quit e th e en d o f th e matter , whic h too k a strang e tur n i n mid-1941 whe n th e clu b wa s plague d b y rumor s o f interna l squabbling . O n July 15 , the clu b hel d it s thir d anniversar y an d re-electe d office-bearer s a t it s head offic e i n Kowloon . Tw o week s later , however , a dissiden t grou p withi n the clu b hel d a meeting fo r th e swearing-i n o f anothe r slat e o f office-bearers , for reason s tha t ar e nowher e recorded . I n a n intervie w wit h a newspaper, th e club's honorary advisor, Zhong Xiushan (185 1 ill), stated that he deeply regretted the interna l disunit y o f th e puller s an d hope d tha t n o mor e dissensio n woul d occur i n th e futur e (Tien Kwong Morning Post August 4 , 1941) . Precisel y wh y there was such a n interna l spli t i s unclear, bu t what evidenc e ther e i s suggest s that th e long-ter m effec t o f th e clu b wa s limited . A s Japanese invasio n commenced i n Decembe r 1941 , the lif e o f th e clu b cam e t o a n end . Afte r th e war, th e contractor s staye d muc h th e sam e — oppressiv e an d resented .
Conclusion The Pacific War affected ricksha w activism in Hong Kong in several ways. First, at th e onse t o f war, th e puller s acte d agains t Japanese aggrandizemen t a s the y did against French encroachment in the nineteenth century . Second, consequen t upon inflation , refuge e influx , an d intensifie d intermediar y abuses , th e puller s were pushed beyon d forbearanc e an d drive n t o form a mutual ai d clu b o f thei r own, the first documente d organizatio n o f its kind i n Hong Kong. Third, as th e war an d economi c dislocatio n preclude d th e optio n o f returning t o their nativ e area, th e puller s ha d n o choic e bu t t o sta y i n Hon g Kon g an d resis t th e extortionate demand s o f th e bosses/brokers . Fourth , th e stric t politica l surveillance o f th e period , consisten t wit h th e repressiv e atmospher e i n th e Chinese mainland, made the club careful no t to involve itself in partisan politics. Last, as in Canto n i n 1938 , the progress of reforms i n Hong Kong was hindere d by th e outbrea k o f Sino-Japanes e hostilitie s tha t cu t shor t th e lif e o f th e club .
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Because a mutua l ai d clu b wa s founded , th e puller s organize d themselve s in a protracted struggl e agains t ricksha w subletting , i n contras t t o th e strike s o f short duratio n agains t colonia l rule s an d regulation s i n a n earlie r period . I n th e circumstances, however , th e exten t o f ricksha w reform s wa s limited . Th e cal l for rescuin g th e puller s fro m fallin g deepe r int o poverty , moreover , appeare d more ofte n i n th e Chines e pres s tha n i t di d i n th e Englis h press . Neithe r th e Colonial Office , whic h supervise d Hon g Kon g affairs , no r an y o f th e governor s expressed an y stron g vie w o n th e issue . Th e reformis t effort s o f missionarie s and socia l activist s remaine d a minorit y voice . Th e normall y apolitica l masse s in th e colon y wer e to o bus y i n pursuit s tha t wer e directl y relevan t t o thei r livelihood an d wer e no t i n th e leas t intereste d i n socia l reforms . I n consequence , only a fe w o f th e reformis t idea s wer e pu t int o action . Jus t talking , a s Hon g Kong ha d don e tim e an d again , woul d no t hel p muc h i n reducin g th e proble m and tacklin g i t well . It i s possibl e i n suc h a stud y t o highligh t th e importanc e o f th e stat e a s a determinant o f socia l reforms . I n an y case , th e puller s coul d no t pi n to o muc h hope o n th e missionary , despit e th e latter' s enthusias m an d interes t i n povert y alleviation. Arguably , th e colonia l officials ' failur e (mor e properly , reluctance ) to delive r ricksha w reform s ca n b e attribute d t o thei r indifferen t attitud e t o th e pullers' poverty . The y showe d a greate r concer n t o humaniz e th e practic e o f mui-tsai, th e poores t grou p i n society , wh o wer e onl y a fe w step s awa y fro m joining thei r exploite d counterpart s i n d e fact o slavery . Th e puller s wer e neve r regarded t o b e a s miserabl e a s mui-tsai an d no t m u c h differen t fro m thos e engaged i n th e mos t physicall y demandin g an d lowes t pai d occupations. 4 Thes e events, lik e th e faile d ricksha w reform s i n Canton , agai n underline d th e fac t that reform s wer e impossibl e i n th e absenc e o f stat e support , no t onl y i n th e Chinese treat y por t bu t probabl y i n th e Victorian-colonia l societ y a s well .
4. Speakin g a t a much late r date , Anthony John Shephard , commissione r fo r transpor t in 1968-71 , tol d th e press (China Mail October 4 , 1969 ) tha t rickshaws "ar e no mor e a blot than , say , Covent Garde n porter s carryin g baskets o f frui t o n thei r heads. " "Ther e is littl e differenc e betwee n ricksha w puller s an d hawker s i n thi s respec t o r an y othe r people who d o th e mor e obviou s form s o f manual labour. "
8 Surviving in the Pacific War , 1937-4 5
T
HE OUTBREA K o f China' s wa r o f resistanc e i n 193 7 an d th e subsequen t Japanese rul e change d relationship s betwee n people , an d betwee n th e society an d th e state . Throug h th e day s o f th e occupation , urba n socia l movements were conspicuously absent . However , th e seeds of antagonism wer e sown durin g thi s perio d fo r late r developmen t o f ne w form s o f employer employee relations . I n addition , th e Japanese militar y ye n (printe d note s tha t were unnumbered an d meant only for wartime use) dwindled, and food supplie s were alway s inadequate . A s a result o f th e abrup t dro p in moto r traffi c du e t o the shortag e o f gasoline , peopl e turne d t o differen t form s o f human-powere d and draught-animal transpor t more widely and readily. In a nutshell, the Japanese occupation gav e rise t o ne w factor s tha t wen t int o a different constellatio n o f circumstances i n it s aftermath .
Approaching Wa r Consequent t o th e rumo r o f a Japanese landin g shortl y afte r th e Marc o Pol o Incident o f July 7 , 1937 , the propertied an d moneyed Canto n familie s hurriedl y evacuated th e cit y t o see k fo r refuge . Al l kinds o f vehicle , suc h a s handcarts , rickshaws, an d bicycles , wer e pile d wit h luggag e an d persona l belonging s o f the evacuees (Tai Chung Yat Po October 17 , 1937). Canto n presented a scene of utmost confusio n fro m mid-1938 , whe n th e Japanes e aircraf t bega n th e bombardment o f th e heavily populated areas , sometimes nightl y (L i 1938 , 8 36). O n Ma y 12 , 1938 , when a n incendiary bomb fel l o n a spot som e 10 0 yards west of Sun Yat Sen University, a professor nearb y was blown ou t o f a rickshaw (South China Morning Post May 13, 1938). The war triggered massive emigratio n from th e city , bringin g th e Canto n populatio n dow n t o les s tha n 100,000 , compared wit h th e forme r citizenr y o f 1. 5 million . Shortly after th e fall of Canton on October 21 , 1938, the predatory Japanese military issued a proclamation placin g all of the city's industries, ports, and rai l lines under thei r control . The y entere d th e Canto n branch premise s o f Messrs.
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Andrew Harpe r & Co. , an American-owne d For d agent , an d seize d a numbe r of car s an d accessorie s (The Times, November 10 , 1938) . I n hi s walk throug h the subjugate d city , a Reuter' s corresponden t foun d tha t th e street s wer e alarmingly quie t an d onl y on e i n ever y te n shop s wa s still ope n (South China Morning Post Octobe r 21 , 22, 1938) . Al l da y lon g ther e wa s hardl y a bus i n sight, as most had been take n away by the Nationalist forces a t the time of thei r evacuation, an d whatever was left wa s confiscated b y the Japanese (Sha o 1939 , 279). In th e near-absence o f cars and buses, rickshaws became a boon t o thos e who trul y require d vehicula r service . Following th e Japanese takeove r o f Canton , Hon g Kong's inhabitants fro m all walks of life steppe d u p thei r effort s t o support thei r compatriot s an d raise d war fund s fo r Chin a (Hongkong Daily Press Novembe r 23 , 1938) . Th e government equippe d itsel f fo r th e likelihood o f a Japanese invasion, callin g u p the polic e reserv e fo r stree t duty , thu s relievin g th e regular s fo r borde r patrol . Blackout exercise s wer e held , evacuatio n center s wer e formed , an d first-ai d courses were given (N g Bar Ling Diary October 22 , 1941) . Both expatriates an d locals enrolle d i n th e voluntee r forc e an d ambulanc e service . Legislatio n wa s introduced t o enable the War Department t o use any premises held by them fo r any purpose tha t migh t b e considere d necessar y fo r th e defens e o f th e colon y during the prevailing emergency (Nanhua ribao June 30, 1941; Zhongguo wanbao November 26 , 1941) . On Decembe r 8 , 1941 , the Japanese force s launche d a n invasio n o f Hon g Kong and moved acros s Shenzhen River , making al l possible haste t o tak e ove r the New Territories and Kowloon Peninsula and getting inside Hong Kong Island quickly, sinc e th e 19t h instan t (Pott s Diar y Decembe r 19-20 , 1941) . After th e colony wa s turne d int o th e "Conquere d Territor y o f Hongkong " (Xianggang zhanlingdi WJtHfi^Sife ) unde r Japanese contro l o n Christma s Day , 1941 , some people continue d i n thei r usua l jobs. Many , afrai d somethin g mor e dreadfu l was abou t t o happen , returne d t o thei r hometow n i n Chin a (Chu n 1990 , interview). Stil l other s use d thei r strengt h t o defen d th e motherland . Fo r instance, a professedly patrioti c pulle r lef t Hon g Kong and went nort h toward s the war fron t t o join th e Chines e army , fighting th e Japanese i n Shangha i an d as far awa y as Burma an d Indi a (Hongkong Standard February 12 , 1979) . After th e fal l o f Hong Kon g into Japanese hands , th e pre-wa r Mutua l Ai d Club of Sojourning Hong Kong Ricksha Coolie s sank into oblivion. On the other hand, a ne w orga n o f owner s know n a s Hon g Kon g an d Kowloo n Ricksh a Syndicate (Xiangjiu renlichey e zuhe # ^ l i A ^ J $ ^ f f l . ^) wa s established in early 1942. Juridically unde r th e aegi s o f th e Japanese, th e syndicat e wa s charge d with th e tas k o f ensuring tha t th e rules and regulations related t o th e ricksha w trade were followe d (Huan g 1942 , 68). It kept a head office a t 11 5 High Stree t and tw o divisiona l office s i n Kowloon , on e at 1 4 Shanghai Street , th e othe r a t
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116 Canton Road . The firm member s were obliged t o pay membership fee s N? "153 2 to th e syndicat e (Figur e 8.1) . Yearly, on th e expir y o f tenur e o f the office bearers i n th e mont h o f March , members' meetings were held t o take up matter s relatin g t o re-election s (Wah Kiu Yat Po March 24 , 1944) . On January 8 , 1942 , ther e wa s issued a Governor' s Orde r (Xiangdu ling # § 40 ove r the signature of the "Governor-General o f the Conquere d Territory of Hongkong," the n Takashi Sakai (1887-1946), prescribing a new Land Traffi c Regulation . Owner s o f public vehicle s ha d t o submi t descriptive particular s — includin g names an d addresse s — i n quadruplicate t o th e Civi l Affair s Department (Minzhengb u Rlj&nP ) by J a n u a r y 15 , t o appl y fo r permission t o carry on business. The inspection o f rickshaws , whic h numbered 90 0 jus t befor e th e Japanese takeove r of Hong Kong, was carried ou t a t th e bu s terminu s a t Stanley, th e G e n d a r m e r i e Headquarters (Xianbingdu i benbu M Figure 8. 1 Receip t o f th e Hon g Kon g an d J ^ I ^ C ^ B P , se t u p a t th e forme r Kowloon Ricksh a Syndicate , 1943 . Privat e Supreme Cour t shortly after th e war) collection o f th e author . and th e Steamrollers Repai r Works at Mongkok. The rickshaw registration yards were the Government Drainage Offic e at Lowe r Alber t Roa d an d th e Governmen t Drainag e Offic e a t Princ e Edwar d Road (Honko n Niho n Shok o Kaigish o 1941 ; Xianggang zhanlingd i zongdub u 1943). In orde r t o financ e wa r efforts , th e Japanese impose d heav y taxe s (t o b e paid fo r th e us e o f th e Publi c Revenue ) o n article s o f commo n consumptio n and cranke d ou t eve r large r quantitie s o f war bonds , leadin g t o a devaluatio n of th e currency . I n July 1943 , th e militar y ye n wa s wort h $ 4 (Hon g Kon g currency) a t th e Japanese Army' s rate o f exchange. After devaluatio n i n Marc h 1945, i t was worth $0.04 , and i n Apri l 1945 , $0,033. On Marc h 22 , 1944 , th e
132 RELUCTAN
T HEROES
Governor's Offic e (Zongdub u I f t ^ n P ) issue d a notice, announcin g th e followin g increases i n ta x rates : fro m 1 2 t o 12 0 percen t fo r th e busines s profi t tax , fro m 10 t o 20 0 percen t fo r th e foo d an d entertainmen t tax , fro m 8 t o 23 0 percen t fo r the liquo r tax , an d fro m 1 0 t o 5 0 percen t fo r th e amusemen t tax . At th e presen t stag e o f wa r whe n fierc e battle s ar e bein g rage d w e have adopte d th e polic y tha t al l governmenta l expense s shoul d b e raised ourselves , fo r al l th e governmenta l organ s an d publi c utilitie s have bee n complete d durin g th e cours e o f tw o years . Secondly , i t i s necessary t o minimiz e a s muc h a s possible strongl y th e consumptio n of civi l goods , th e shortag e o f whic h i s inevitabl e i n time s o f war, i n order t o guarante e th e livin g standar d o f th e civilians . (Hongkong News Marc h 23 , 1944 ) In earl y 1945 , a s th e Pacifi c Wa r wa s turnin g agains t Japan, th e licens e fe e pe r rickshaw wa s raise d fro m 2 0 ye n t o a massiv e 15 0 ye n pe r annum , i n fou r quarterly installments : Marc h 11 , J u ne 11 , Septembe r 1 1 an d Decembe r 11 . Likewise, th e annua l rat e o f bicycles , pedicabs , handcarts , an d rickshaw s wa s increased, a s show n i n Tabl e 8.1 . I n Augus t 1945 , th e ye n plunge d t o a ne w low, exchange d a t th e rati o o f 1 yen: $0.0005 . Table 8. 1 Licens e fee s o f vehicle s i n Hon g Kong , 1942-4 5 (Measured i n militar y yen ) License fe e for :
Since 194 2
Since 194 3
Since 194 4
Since 194 5
Bicycle
9
5
5
100
Handcart
25
15
200
Horse carriag e
25
Motor ca r
-
Motor cycl e
60
Pedicab
-
-
Rickshaw
20
Sedan chai r
5
25
200
-
1,000 500
10
150
20
10
150
-
3
50
Compiled fro m Hongkong News an d Wah Kiu Yat Po various dates.
Revival o f Huma n Transportatio n The occupatio n forc e viewe d th e ca r a s a luxuriou s appendag e rathe r tha n a daily necessity , a s ther e wa s littl e gasolin e availabl e fo r privat e motoring . T o set a n example , th e chie f o f th e Civi l Affair s Department , a M r Fujita , use d a rickshaw instea d o f a ca r whe n goin g t o work . Fro m Octobe r 1 , 1942 , buse s were withdraw n fro m th e road s the n serve d b y trams , thu s avoidin g duplication . In December , hors e carriage s wer e commissione d t o carr y passenger s an d t o deliver firewoo d (u p t o 1,30 0 picul s daily ; on e picu l = 13 3 lbs . o r 6 0 kg. ) fro m
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133
Shumchun (Shenzhe n ^ ^ l | ) , the n a South Chin a rural town, to urban Kowloo n (Hongkong News December 16 , 19, 1942). As of March 1943 , only 11 7 privately owned car s were licensed. As fewer car s and buses were available, some peopl e traveled o n foo t o r use d othe r form s o f transport . Tw o adult s ridin g o n on e rickshaw, th e hood lowered agains t sun o r rain, was thus a common sigh t (Wah Kiu Yat Po July 18 , 1942) . With effec t fro m Augus t 12 , 1943 , bus route s wer e furthe r shortene d an d bus trip s frequenc y reduced . A s a result , hors e carriage s an d pedicab s (als o known a s trishaws , shorthan d fo r "tricycle-rickshaw, " a thre e wheele r tha t i s propelled i n th e sam e manne r a s a bicycle) wer e wel l patronized . Handcart s moved passenger s a s well a s carg o (Wah Kiu Yat Po August 25 , 1943) . Fro m September 5 , when al l buses ceased t o run, rickshaw s prove d very popular an d many pullers demanded exorbitan t charges . In response to the exceedingly large number o f case s reporte d o f th e overchargin g o f fare s fo r ricksha w riding , th e Hong Kong and Kowloo n Ricksha Syndicat e sent around instruction s requirin g the pullers to wear numbers on the back of their coats for identification purposes . It also dispatched traffi c inspector s on the lookout for pullers who charged mor e than the officially approved rates (Hongkong News September 12 , 1943; Xiangdao ribao December 8 , 10 , 1943) . In addition , th e Lan d Communicatio n Departmen t 0 i a ° t ° n g D U 3CffinP ) decreed tha t more rickshaws should be supplied t o the roads where bus services were n o longe r available . B y arrangemen t amon g th e owners , som e 10 0 rickshaws wer e take n acros s th e harbo r t o Kowloo n Peninsula , fro m wher e tramcars wer e totall y absent . Awar e of th e chanc e t o profit fro m th e shrinkin g motor traffic , th e ricksha w maker s increase d thei r output . A t a tim e whe n i t was difficult t o obtain ra w materials, they assembled ne w rickshaws by reusing old accessory pieces. By the end o f 1943 , a new lot of 10 7 rickshaws cam e into use, making a total o f 992 rickshaws ru n b y 1,00 7 pullers . Stil l later, a furthe r 37 rickshaws wen t int o service , boosting th e tota l numbe r o f pullers t o 1,40 6 (Wah Kiu Yat Po November 21 , 1943; Hongkong News Octobe r 23 , Novembe r 17, 1943) . During th e occupatio n period , th e Japanese enforce d blackout s a s an anti invasion measur e t o preven t Allie d airme n fro m pinpointin g thei r targets . A t all times afte r dark , resident s wer e prohibited fro m switchin g o n light s o n th e street, an d thos e wh o disobeye d th e blackou t orde r wer e treate d a s "publi c enemies." I f lights were urgently required , the y had t o be shaded t o th e exten t that n o slive r o f ligh t wa s visibl e outsid e th e premises . Th e human-powere d vehicles spare d thos e o n nigh t trip s fro m walkin g — fo r example , thos e wh o patronized nighttim e cafes , teahouses , an d theater s wherei n Chines e stag e performances an d musi c were given — as a daily newspaper i n Englis h make s clear:
134
RELUCTANT HEROE S
Rickshaws ar e doin g ver y goo d busines s a t present , especiall y durin g the period s o f ligh t control . Durin g th e day , rickshaws fin d plent y o f fares i n suc h thoroughfare s a s Wellington Street , DAguila r Stree t an d Bonham Strand , wher e publi c vehicle s d o no t ply . (Hongkong News November 19 , 1942 ) In orde r t o reduc e th e ris k o f accidents , ricksha w puller s pu t a lighte d joss stic k on eac h sid e o f th e carriag e i n th e nighttime , simultaneousl y puttin g ou t th e oil lamp s o f thei r vehicles , i n complianc e wit h th e blackou t orde r (Xiangdao ribao J u n e 2 1 , 1944) . On Novembe r 2 , 1943 , a repor t o f Wah Kiu Yat Po liste d fiv e occupationa l groups tha t wer e considere d th e bes t pai d i n Hon g Kong . Toppin g th e lis t wer e the employee s i n shipbuildin g an d repai r yards , wh o wer e give n lunc h an d a special ric e ratio n o n to p o f thei r dail y wages o f tw o yen. Mason s an d bricklayer s who assiste d i n th e constructio n o f th e Hon g Kon g Shrin e (Xianggan g shensh e W ^ t r t t t t ) an d th e Wa r Memoria l Towe r (Zhonglingt a f&WLin) wer e eac h give n a dail y wag e o f on e yen . Th e les s well-off ricksha w pullers , who grosse d fou r t o five ye n daily , earne d thei r ow n mone y an d pai d fo r thei r ow n foo d an d othe r expenses. Clothes-darnin g worker s an d rattan-war e weaver s cam e i n fourt h an d fifth places . Thi s repor t i s i n realit y no t ver y revealing : i t doe s no t tel l u s i f th e five group s labore d a n equa l lengt h o f time . Yet, it suggest s tha t th e wa r resulte d in a reviva l o f huma n transport , bringin g th e pullers ' income s mor e i n lin e wit h that o f th e skille d hands , a t leas t temporarily . From Apri l 1 , 1944 , whe n onl y fiftee n tramcar s continue d t o run , thre e times a s man y passenger s boarde d rickshaw s tha n i n forme r days . Puller s a t Kennedy Town , a relativel y remot e localit y previousl y reache d b y tramcars , charged doubl e o r tripl e th e norma l rate . A s complaint s agains t extortionist s increased, th e Imperia l Gendarmeri e Polic e Forc e (Huangju n jingbeidu i j i l ? HfUfllt) issue d a n orde r exhortin g th e puller s t o men d thei r way s (Wah Kiu Yat Po April 13 , 1944) . Fro m Apri l 15 , tra m servic e wa s furthe r restricted , an d fiv e more tra m station s wer e close d down . Th e puller s kep t o n carryin g ric h peopl e to th e Happ y Valle y horse racecourse , returnin g straigh t afterward s t o fetc h mor e customers: "Ricksha w coolie s hav e bee n reapin g a rich harves t durin g th e recen t racing days , a s exorbitan t charge s wer e usuall y demande d an d obtaine d fro m people wh o ha d n o alternativ e i n th e matter " (Hongkong News Ma y 22 , 1944) . From J u n e 4 , 194 4 t o Ma y 5 , 1945 , n o tramcar s wer e i n service .
Consumption an d Cost s o f Livin g Hong Kon g wa s stocke d wit h foo d supplie s fo r a t leas t si x month s righ t befor e the Japanese invasion . However , i t hel d ou t fo r onl y eightee n days , so enormou s
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SURVIVING I N TH E PACIFIC WAR, 1 9 3 7 - 4 5
stocks fel l into Japanese hands (Blackbur n Manuscrip t 1942 , 7). Because of th e suspension o f merchandise shippin g afte r th e fal l o f Hong Kong , food becam e more scarc e an d th e price mor e prohibitiv e (N g Bar Ling Diary Decembe r 14 , 19, 23 , 1941) . The cos t o f foodstuff s i n January 194 2 was man y time s tha t o f December 1941 , as show n i n Tabl e 8.2 . Lik e everythin g else , th e charge s o f rickshaw servic e sho t up . When th e far e fo r a tri p was supposed t o be $0.10 , some puller s aske d fo r anythin g fro m $0.5 0 t o $1 0 (Fan g 1942 , 78 ; Honkon Nippo June 14 , 1942) . I n Marc h 1942 , a puller contende d tha t h e coul d pul l together a net income o f $0.5 0 daily, all depending o n "luck. " Thi s income, i n his opinion , wa s a smal l su m i n vie w o f inflatio n (Hongkong News Marc h 2 , 1942). Just befor e th e fal l o f Hon g Kong , th e rickshaw s i n Kowloo n wer e le t ou t on hire for th e day to the pullers at $0.50. In June 1942 , the rent was reassessed in military yen: 30 sen dail y fo r th e best-quality ricksha w an d 1 5 sen dail y fo r a second-clas s on e (Hongkong News June 29 , 1942) . Durin g thi s perio d o f transition, th e puller s sometime s aske d fo r forme r Hon g Kon g currency , sometimes wartime currency , thu s leading to a great deal of confusion. O n July 1, 1942 , th e Lan d Communicatio n Departmen t marke d ou t a tota l o f sixtee n districts — ten on Hong Kong Island and six in Kowloon — which would eac h have it s ow n ricksha w stand s wher e a table o f fare s t o charg e was se t u p an d affixed. Notice s to that effect wer e posted at wharves, rickshaw stands, and othe r public places. A Table of Fares to be charged for rickshaw transpor t was printed in newspaper s t o mak e complianc e simple r still . Table 8. 2 Retai l price s o f foo d i n Hon g Kong , January 22 , 194 2 an d December 1 , 1941 . (Measure d i n Hon g Kon g dollars ) Item
December 1 , 194 1
January 22 , 194 2
Beef
$1.40
$4.00
Pork
$1.80-$2.20
$4.00
Chicken
$2.80
$6.50
Duck
$1.50
$4.00
Potatoes
$0.50
$1.00
Tomatoes
$0.50
$0.45
Cabbage
$0.50
$0.65
Lettuce
$0.40
$0.50
Oatmeal
$0.45
$1.40-$1.60
Source: Hongkong News January 23 , 1942.
From th e last week o f January 1942 , the Civi l Affairs Departmen t ratione d rice (th e main stapl e o f th e Chines e population) t o th e inhabitants a t 6. 4 tael s a day , below th e amoun t a t which a n averag e adul t coul d subsist . Peopl e were
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RELUCTANT HEROE S
often give n les s ric e tha n the y shoul d hav e had , ye t ha d t o pa y th e ful l pric e (20 se n fo r on e catty ; on e catt y = 500 grams ) fo r wha t the y wer e entitle d to . The stee p ris e i n price s affecte d th e poo r peopl e first , an d mor e seriously . To take July 194 2 as an example , the daily return o f a puller o n Hong Kong Islan d was estimate d a t somewhere between $ 1 and $3 , which wa s considere d barel y sufficient t o sustain livelihood (Wah Kiu Yat Po July 9, 1942) . For th e remainde r of the year, as living costs continue d t o run high , more pullers tende d t o strik e bargains with passengers before acceptin g them (Hongkong News September 16 , 22, 1942 ; Ng Bar Ling Diar y Septembe r 21 , 1942). Towards th e clos e o f 1942 , th e chairma n o f th e Hon g Kon g and Kowloo n Ricksha Syndicat e headed a trade delegation fo r a n investigative tour i n Canto n wherein th e hir e pric e o f a public ricksha w wa s 6 7 sen compare d t o 3 0 sen i n Hong Kon g (Wah Kiu Yat Po November 17 , 1942) . Then , i n Hon g Kong , th e syndicate applie d fo r officia l permissio n t o rais e th e rat e o f hir e o n thei r rickshaws fro m 3 0 se n t o 5 0 sen , o n th e ground s tha t th e cos t incurre d fro m the manufactur e an d repai r o f rickshaw s ha d gon e u p man y times . Thi s application wa s approved t o tak e effect fro m Ma y 11 , 1943. Soon after th e ren t increase, a newspaper gav e a n accoun t o f a puller wh o complaine d abou t ren t increases, sayin g tha t h e was short o f income t o buy th e minimu m provision s needed t o maintain hi s health an d working capacit y for th e day (Honkon Nippo May 20, 1943) . Even th e syndicat e admitted , i n an intervie w wit h th e pres s i n mid-1943, tha t mos t o f th e puller s wer e havin g a hard tim e (Hongkong News June 20 , July 23 , 1943) . As th e summe r o f 194 3 dre w on , however , th e overal l pric e leve l turne d downward. B y fall Octobe r 1943 , the pric e o f rice showe d a further drop , th e best qualit y bein g sol d a t 2.0 0 t o 2.2 0 ye n pe r catty . Swee t potatoe s coul d b e obtained fo r 5 0 se n pe r catty . Owin g t o th e impor t o f a n abundan t stoc k o f foodstuffs i n Novembe r 1943 , th e Civi l Affair s Departmen t temporaril y suspended th e practice o f distributing beans as part of rice rations t o the publi c (Hongkong News November 14 , 1943). In the cooked-food stalls , white rice was more "reasonably " price d an d sol d per catt y fo r 9 0 sen, brown ric e fo r 8 0 sen , and a mixtur e o f gree n bean s an d brow n ric e fo r 7 0 sen. Salte d fish , currie d potatoes, preserved olives , curried taros , and vegetables were sold "affordably " at te n se n pe r dis h (Xiangdao ribao November 16 , 1943) . Early i n 1944 , th e syndicat e petitione d fo r anothe r increas e i n ricksha w rent fro m 5 0 sen t o 80 sen per day , on the reckoning tha t th e costs of ricksha w upkeep and repairs were soaring. The rent increase was approved and took effec t on February 16 . From tha t time , food suppl y to Hong Kong steadily worsened . The Chines e Representativ e Counci l (Huami n daibiaohu i ^ K f t i ^ H i O , whic h replaced th e Rehabilitatio n Committe e (Shanho u chul i weiyuanhu i I f fJcjit S SUtHO i n Marc h 194 2 a s th e bod y fo r advisin g th e Japanese o n matter s
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137
concerning th e governanc e o f Hon g Kong , aske d th e peopl e t o substitut e a ric e diet wit h beans , taros , o r swee t potatoes , a t th e sam e tim e condemnin g thos e who hoarde d foo d fo r blac k marketeerin g an d emphasizin g th e necessit y o f self sufficiency i n foo d throug h th e cultivatio n o f al l availabl e lan d (Hongkong News March 10 , 1944) . From Apri l 15 , 1944 , ric e rationin g wa s pu t t o a n end . An d s o th e price s s o a r e d a t r e m a r k a b l e s p e e d . T h e s y n d i c a t e a p p l i e d for , a n d t h e L a n d C o m m u n i c a t i o n D e p a r t m e n t approved , a n o t h e r increas e o f ren t fo r eac h rickshaw fro m 8 0 se n t o 1.5 0 ye n daily , whic h too k effec t fro m Apri l 20 . I n other words , th e ren t wa s raise d fo r th e secon d tim e i n tw o months . A s a seque l to th e ren t increase , i n mid-Apri l th e ricksha w fare s (whic h ha d remaine d officially unchange d fo r abou t tw o years ) wer e increase d fro m 1 0 se n t o 1 ye n per statio n i n th e daytim e an d 1.5 0 ye n a t night . A Captai n Shiozawa , a n office r of th e Gendarmeri e Headquarters , addresse d th e press : It is hoped tha t the public will co-operate by paying the official charge s to th e ricksha w pullers . . . . The objec t o f raisin g thes e charge s i s t o protect th e interests o f both partie s concerned . An y demand i n exces s of th e officia l charg e shoul d b e refuse d an d th e numbe r o f th e pulle r . . . concerne d take n fo r a repor t t o th e Gendarmerie . (Hongkong News Apri l 14 , 1944 ) From Ma y t o Jul y o f 1944 , inflatio n spirale d furthe r upward , an d ric e price s were quote d a t betwee n 4.3 0 ye n an d 6.5 0 ye n pe r catty . Th e syndicat e onc e again dispatche d inspector s t o variou s traffi c point s t o atten d t o th e complaint s against extortio n b y pullers , which ros e i n numbe r drastically . Blac k mark s wer e w r i t t e n o n th e drivin g license s o f th e extortionist s a s a m a r k o f officia l reprobation. On Jul y 14 , th e syndicat e announce d tha t th e dail y ricksha w ren t woul d go up fro m 1.5 0 t o 3 yen (Wah Kiu Yat Po July 15 , 1944) . Prices climbe d quickl y in th e followin g month s and , face d wit h hyperinflation , th e puller s no t onl y demanded mor e tha n th e poste d rate s bu t als o aske d fo r ric e a s paymen t (tha t is, p a y m e n t i n k i n d rathe r tha n i n cash ) fo r thei r servic e (Xiangdao ribao September 30 , 1944) . Accordin g t o a report prepare d b y th e Japanese-sponsore d District Bureau x (Quyisu o I S ® 0 f ) i n Septembe r 1944 , th e puller s wer e i n grea t difficulty i n makin g a livelihood . I n lat e 1944 , Hon g Kon g face d a ne w bou t o f inflation, a s th e pric e o f foo d wen t u p fift y percent . T o spar e themselve s th e embarrassment o f havin g n o mone y t o pa y rent , man y puller s lef t thei r job s and chos e t o retur n t o war-tor n Chin a (Xiangdao ribao Novembe r 5 , 1944 ; Wah Kiu Yat Po Decembe r 27 , 1944) . Then o n Februar y 6 , 1945 , th e syndicat e announce d anothe r ris e i n th e daily ren t o f a ricksha w fro m 3 ye n t o 6 yen . Th e puller s wer e persuade d t o
138
RELUCTANT HEROE S
accept th e fait accompli and t o appreciate th e spirit i n whic h th e syndicate ha d made th e decisio n t o refrai n fro m fetchin g ren t o f a higher leve l approve d b y the Japanese (Wah Kiu Yat Po February 4, 7, 1945). A new schedule of ricksha w fares too k effect o n th e following day , February 7 , when th e fare for each statio n rose fro m 1. 5 t o 3 yen. I n th e black market , ric e prices skyrockete d t o a level unaffordable b y the ordinary inhabitants. On May 9, 1945, the price of imported rice was quoted a t 600 yen (pe r catty) , compared t o 35 yen on March 30, 1945, and 3 yen in February 1944 . It was almost 200 times more than the 194 4 average (Hongkong News Februar y 8 , 1944 ; Xiangdao ribao March 31 , May 10 , 1945) . The conditions o f the pullers further deteriorate d later , when ricksha w ren t was increase d t o 16.5 0 ye n daily . Tramcar s resume d servic e o n Ma y 6 , 1945 , winning back some passengers previously lost to rickshaws. By the end of June, the number o f rickshaws actuall y in service in Kowloon shrank , becaus e man y pullers were in arrears of rent because of continued poo r business. From a total of 38 1 o n th e ev e o f th e war , th e numbe r o f rickshaw s fel l t o 128 . The pres s media foun d i n lat e 194 5 ampl e evidenc e o f nutritio n deficiencie s amon g th e population, estimated at 600,000 at the time, compared to the pre-war population of 1. 6 million . As rice prices were high, many pullers were reduced t o subsisting on sweet-potat o flou r an d assorte d odd s an d ends . Owin g t o th e scarcit y an d poor qualit y o f thei r food , sicknesse s becam e frequen t an d seriou s (Wah Kiu Yat Po June 10 , 1945) .
Surveillance an d Contro l Mechanism s The Japanese militar y administratio n i n Hon g Kon g applie d a mountai n o f decrees an d a system o f wartime organization s fo r th e sak e o f regimenting th e subjugated population , i n additio n t o th e aforementione d contro l ove r th e general business life . Th e Chines e Representativ e Council , th e successor o f th e Rehabilitation Committee, was appointed on March 31, 1942 , by Governor LieutGeneral Rensuk e Isoga i (1883-1967 ) t o advise the Japanese o n th e governanc e of Chines e residents . Th e Distric t Bureaux were establishe d i n earl y 194 2 with the declare d ai m o f assistin g i n th e maintenanc e o f la w an d order , an d o f handling matter s relatin g t o business , health , repatriation , registration , foo d distribution, finance , communications , an d othe r matters . The y als o reporte d the views o f the peopl e in th e district s t o th e Centra l District Affairs Bureau , a liaison offic e unde r th e Civi l Affairs Department . The rickshaw, too, was a recipient of the watchful attentio n o f the Japanese. In July 1942 , th e Lan d Communicatio n Departmen t issue d a n orde r requirin g the puller s t o b e properl y clothe d i n khak i uniform s a t work , bearin g th e character fo r "person " (ren A) an d displaying the number o f the driving licens e
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139
underneath, s o tha t complaint s agains t th e pullers coul d b e followe d up . Eac h of the pullers was required t o pay 3.60 yen t o the syndicate, such payment no t to b e refunde d i n an y circumstances . Tender s wer e invite d t o produc e suc h uniforms. Reportedly , th e pullers wanted th e new policy withdrawn, furiou s a t being aske d t o bu y th e uniform s — a n extr a expens e tha t woul d mak e thei r life eve n mor e unbearable. Shortl y afterward , however , a statement wa s issue d in th e nam e o f th e syndicat e urgin g th e puller s t o obe y o r t o b e ou t o f work . Towards th e en d o f July 1942 , almost al l pullers dresse d alike . The rule s an d regulation s tha t th e Japanese ha d impose d o n Hon g Kon g gave the m a t th e sam e tim e th e mechanism wit h whic h t o enforc e thei r view s on ho w th e subjugate d populatio n shoul d behave . The y launche d clean-u p campaigns, th e firs t o f which bega n i n 1942 , partly because the y fel t th e loca l people wer e unawar e o f th e virtue s o f sanitatio n an d mor e likel y t o sprea d disease. Ricksha w pullers , wh o ha d frequen t contac t wit h th e populace , wer e required t o underg o medica l examinations , s o tha t the y woul d b e prevente d from spreadin g infectious diseases . From Marc h 9 to 11 , 1943, all pullers wer e physically examined , inoculate d agains t cholera , an d ha d thei r faece s tested . The drivin g licens e migh t b e withdraw n o r forfeited , i n respec t o f an y pulle r who, i n th e medica l officer' s estimation , wa s not i n a healthy enoug h stat e t o work fo r publi c hir e (Wah Kiu Yat Po March 11 , 1943). Time and again the Civil Affairs Department , with the help of the syndicate, conducted hea d count s o f rickshaw pullers . The firs t censu s was conducte d i n June 1942 , whe n th e puller s wer e ordere d t o sta y a t hom e t o mak e th e compulsory registratio n a success. When th e secon d censu s o f thi s kin d wa s carried ou t on January 1 3 to 16 , 1943, some three to four puller s were rounde d up fo r failur e t o presen t residenc y permit s an d ric e ratio n ticket s o n deman d by the dat a collectors . Another chec k too k plac e o n September 2 0 t o 2 3 of th e same year. Th e 1944 censu s o n th e puller s wa s compile d o n Marc h 2 7 t o 29 . The fift h an d las t wartime censu s o f the pullers too k plac e in mid-1945 , when they were required t o call at th e Ricksha Syndicat e o n fixe d date s and time s t o verify thei r persona l dat a (Wah Kiu Yat Po May 25, September 22 , 1943 ; March 29, 1944 ; May 8, 1945) . The Japanese, who manage d t o establish a "New Order an d Co-prosperity " in Hon g Kong , gave considerable publicit y t o thei r self-proclaime d missio n o f freeing Asi a an d establishin g th e imag e o f a "new " Hon g Kong . As part o f a n attempt t o wage a propaganda campaig n against colonialism (Western-type ) an d to tr y to demonstrate t o the local population tha t th e Japanese were better tha n their forme r master s — th e Britis h — th e wartim e newspaper s periodicall y reported ricksha w puller s who , i n spit e o f poverty, hel d o n t o th e "ne w spiri t in East Asia." Property (including cash and purses) reported missing in rickshaws arrived a t th e syndicat e intac t an d take n immediatel y t o th e Gendarmeri e
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Headquarters, whic h woul d hav e th e missin g propert y claime d b y th e absent minded clientele (Honkon Nippo July 19 , 1942; Wah Kiu Yat Po August 29, 1944). Penalty was meted ou t at the same time as praise was offered. Th e penalties for breakin g traffi c law s woul d mak e th e puller s suffe r financiall y fo r thei r offences. Accordin g t o pres s records , sixtee n puller s wer e arreste d an d fine d between June 2 6 an d July 30 , 194 5 inclusive , fo r disobedienc e t o traffi c rule s and regulations , includin g th e failur e t o produc e vali d drivin g license s t o th e traffic inspector s upo n request . O n June 27 , 1944 , some eleve n person s wer e dealt wit h summaril y unde r militar y law . Among the m wa s a rickshaw pulle r aged twenty-si x years , name d Che n Zhu o ( S - ^ ) , wh o wa s sentence d t o lif e imprisonment fo r havin g stole n a quantity o f electri c an d telephon e wir e tha t was considere d a useful asse t fo r militar y purpose s (Xiangdao ribao June 28 , 1944). The account of road accidents that appeared in the Japanese-controlled pres s bear witnes s t o th e fac t tha t moto r traffi c constantl y threatened , thoug h car s diminished i n number, an d th e wartime sa w fewer roa d accident s compare d t o the numbe r i n th e perio d righ t before . Fo r example , o n Ma y 13 , 1942 , th e "Around Town " column o f Hongkong News announced tha t a lorry had run int o a rickshaw i n Hennessy Road , near Ti n Lok Lane, causing serious injury t o th e puller. Another exampl e is that o n July 19 , 1942 , a handcart slippe d downwar d along Ol d Bailey Street, built o n a steep gradient, an d bumped int o a rickshaw, injuring th e puller name d L i Huiquan ( $ ' K t t ) (Nanhua ribao July 20 , 1942) . At 9 pm , o n Ma y 18 , 1944 , a ca r collide d wit h a ricksha w parke d a t a dar k corner o n Jordan Road . Th e ricksha w wa s damage d an d th e passenge r insid e the ricksha w sustaine d injurie s (Xiangdao ribao May 20, 1944) .
Conclusion The war years affected ever y sphere o f society. The conqueror s propagate d th e doctrine o f "Asi a fo r th e Asians " under whic h th e subjugate d populatio n wa s required t o show obedienc e t o surveillance rules . Influenced b y the rhetoric of restoring Chines e traditions , th e Japanes e occupier s use d th e guild-lik e associations o f masters, know n a s "syndicates, " a s a medium t o assis t i n thei r governance o f newly acquired territory. Th e Hong Kong and Kowloo n Ricksh a Syndicate, thoug h ostensibl y Chinese , was under pressur e t o tak e order s fro m the Japanese an d mak e effective th e decrees and edict s fro m above . Even whe n the traumatize d masse s ha d grievance s agains t th e regulations impose d b y th e conquerors, the y wer e lef t onl y wit h plaintiv e protests . I t wa s no t unti l afte r the wa r tha t the y fough t bac k agains t abuse s an d wen t publi c wit h storie s o f how the y ha d suffere d sham e an d humiliatio n i n silence .
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The war experience is too complex for easy generalization. Figures for wages and prices are limited to particular months and dates. About items of expenditure we know very little. We cannot know what adjustments t o make for such factor s as fares , prices , an d ren t changes . Mone y incom e migh t hav e rise n o n paper , yet it is unclear t o what exten t this was counterbalanced b y price rises and foo d scarcities. I n time s o f runaway inflation , on e ha d t o work mor e t o purchas e a given amoun t o f food . Whe n th e returnin g Britis h authoritie s resume d administration i n th e latte r par t o f 1945 , the militar y note s disappeare d fro m circulation an d becam e worthles s paper . Ou r examinatio n o f wartime dat a o n the rickshaw trade , cursory as it has had t o be, has nevertheless been sufficien t to reveal tha t th e policy t o economize o n th e use of gasoline led t o a revival of human-powered transportatio n an d enable d th e ricksha w trad e t o mak e a comeback.
9 Rise to the Postwar Zenit h o f Activism
H
ONG KON G was under Japanese rule from Decembe r 194 1 until Septembe r 1945, when a n interi m Britis h militar y administratio n wa s se t u p a s a provisional authorit y unti l th e civi l administration too k ove r o n Ma y 1 , 1946 . The transitio n fro m wa r t o peace was accompanie d b y an increased awarenes s of th e populac e o f th e desirabilit y o f unio n organizatio n an d combinatio n i n pursuit o f commo n ends . Ove r th e ensuin g nin e months , approximatel y 13 6 associations founde d mainl y o n principle s o f dialect , plac e o f origin , kinship , and trad e sprang up. Varying in siz e an d strengt h fro m a few hundred t o 500 , they had th e avowed aim s of providing socia l intercourse an d materia l benefit s to thei r member s (Hongkong Annual Report 1946, 15-6) . The ricksha w union s of thi s period, whic h wer e forme d agains t thi s background, ar e a n illustratio n for anyon e tryin g t o understand earl y post-war Hon g Kong . A striking featur e o f Hong Kong's trade union movemen t was the diversit y of th e workforc e i t served . Ther e were , fo r instance , craf t union s o f skille d mechanics, industria l union s o f employee s o f mixe d skil l levels , an d mutual aid union s o f unskille d workers . Onl y a fe w o f the m wer e large , a s mos t o f them attracte d recruit s o n a subethnically an d eve n politically restricte d basis . The seamen , fo r instance , were divide d int o tw o competin g organizations : th e Hong Kong branch of the Chinese Seamen's Union and the Hong Kong Seamen's Union. Affiliate d wit h th e pro-Nationalis t Hon g Kon g Trad e Union s Counci l (HKTUC) an d th e pro-Communis t Hon g Kon g Federatio n o f Trad e Union s (HKFTU), th e tw o seamen' s union s too k man y swipe s a t eac h other . Th e rickshaw pullers , too , were internall y divide d no t onl y along distric t an d cla n lines but b y political attitude s a s well. The Trade Unions an d Trad e Disputes Ordinanc e o f 1948 , which gre w ou t of th e pre-wa r recommendation s o f th e labou r officer, 1 o n th e on e han d legitimized workers' collective action yet on the other hand restricted th e action to purel y economic . Th e loca l inhabitants , however , hardl y kep t themselve s totally aloo f fro m th e domesti c politic s o f allegianc e i n China . Thi s proces s 1. A rank re-titled commissioner o f labour, on September 4, 1947.
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reached it s peak i n th e Tramway Strike of 1950 , which began with th e tramca r conductors' deman d fo r a n increas e i n wages , but whic h th e Britis h sa w a s a Communist attemp t t o challeng e th e colonia l authorities . The strik e cam e t o a violent end , and som e agitators were banished, but not before sparkin g a series of dispute s i n severa l companies : bus, gas, electricity, telephone , and th e Dair y Farm. Subsequently , a broa d campaig n o f stat e repressio n mean t th e leftis t unions becam e mor e restrained . After th e war, stres s o n th e traditiona l relation s withi n th e rickshaw trad e accumulated. Th e puller s onc e agai n organize d themselve s o n a trad e unio n basis and increasingly acted more along class than clan, as workplace condition s deteriorated an d som e o f th e bosses/broker s faile d t o pla y th e benevolen t paternalistic rol e that the y had been duty-boun d t o do in th e past. The pullers' protests tha t occurre d i n th e post-wa r year s were , with individua l variations , notable fo r thei r receip t o f press publicity. Th e intervention o f the governmen t was sought i n almos t ever y case. It is the purpose o f the rest o f this chapte r t o elucidate th e genera l chang e i n puller-owne r relation s fro m on e o f relativ e amicability t o one of antagonism. Also examined i s how th e colonial state acte d to mediate competing parties on matters in respect of the terms of employment .
Protest Strike , 194 5 Japan's retrea t fro m Hon g Kon g was soo n followe d b y th e withdrawa l o f th e Japanese militar y ye n fro m circulation . Fro m Septembe r 21 , 1945 , ricksha w fares were revised by the returning British, starting at $0.20 for twent y minutes, $0.40 fo r a half-hou r trip , an d $0.6 0 fo r a one-hou r rid e (Hongkong Annual Report 1946 , 22) . I n addition , th e owner s o n Hon g Kon g Islan d reorganize d themselves int o th e pre-war Hon g Kon g Ricksha Trad e Employers (On-Hang ) Association. Chaire d by Tong Yan Po (Tan g Yinpo U§0i$O o f 11 7 High Street , and forme d b y fifteen membe r firm s al l owning public rickshaw s totalin g 64 0 in 1945 , the On-Hang kep t an offic e a t 11 5 High Street (Zhonghu a chubansh e 1947, 119) . Th e owner s i n Kowloon , no t joine d i n an y forma l association , consisted o f thre e Cantones e an d thre e Chiucho w a t th e tim e (on e o f the m was Nga n Shin g Kwan) . The pullers on Hong Kong Island staged a strike on October 4 , 1945 , when the On-Han g bosse s informe d the m tha t th e ricksha w ren t wa s t o b e pai d i n Hong Kon g currenc y a t $ 1 daily , compare d t o $0.5 0 i n 1941 , theretofore i t having been paid in Japanese military yen. An investigator toure d the downtow n area an d foun d tha t no t on e ricksha w wa s see n plyin g fo r publi c hire . Negotiations fo r resumptio n o f wor k wer e arranged , wit h representatio n o f owners and pullers, through mediation by the secretary for Chines e affairs, John
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Crichton McDouall . O n th e second da y of the strike, a settlement was reached , whereby th e dail y ren t fo r eac h ricksha w wa s $0.80 , an d th e amoun t o f ren t due fo r th e perio d befor e Octobe r 5 would b e pai d a t th e dail y rat e o f $0.5 0 (Wah Kiu Yat Po October 5 , 7 , 1945) . Fo r th e tim e being , th e 12 9 puller s i n Kowloon Peninsul a di d no t join thi s strike, and the y pai d a daily rent varyin g from $0.6 0 t o $0.80 . Consequent to the two-day strike, the pullers on Hong Kong Island evidently felt th e nee d fo r independen t unio n actio n a s a means t o counterbalanc e th e influence o f the On-Hang bosses. The result was the formation i n October 194 5 of a union unde r th e name o f Hong Kong and Kowloo n Ricksha Pullers ' Union (Xianggang Jiulong shouche gonghui W ^ A f i ^ ^ I ^; "RPU") . Claiming an initial membershi p o f 500 , mainl y compose d o f Chiucho w natives , RP U wa s formed wit h Won g Ka r Chu n (Huan g Jiazhen "f t 1^3^), a trad e unio n adviso r appointed by the right-wing HKTUC, as its paid clerk. RPU, which was registered with th e declare d aim s o f fosterin g friendshi p an d promotin g welfar e fo r members (O u 1947 : III, 17 ; Wang 1949 , 14) , maintained a n offic e a t 4 8 Firs t Street, Saiyingpu n (Guomin ribao July 14 , 1946) . In addition , th e survivin g member s o f th e pre-wa r Mutua l Ai d Clu b o f Sojourning Hon g Kon g Rickshaw Coolie s trie d t o reestablish thei r club . Thei r efforts bor e frui t i n June 1946 , when th e Hon g Kon g Ricksh a Coolies ' Mutua l Assistance Union ("MAU" ) was inaugurated. Then led by Choa Shi Shiang (Zho u Shuxuan J H I M ^ ) , headmaste r o f the Hoi Luk Fung School (Hailufen g xuexia o l l l f t ) a t 2 Gresson Street, MAU claimed a membership of 1,35 0 i n 1946; but police inquiries revealed that, of these, only forty-eight wer e licensed puller s and th e remainder wer e eithe r unlicense d puller s o r workers outsid e th e trad e (Hwa Shiang Pao Septembe r 18 , 1946) . Subsequently , i n 1949 , MA U wa s reorganized int o another unio n known a t that date as Hong Kong and Kowloo n Waichow an d Chiucho w Ricksh a Pullers ' Unio n (Gangji u Huicha o shouch e gonghui ^ ^ L ^ T ^ ^ $ X # ) , referre d t o below .
Reactive Defense , 194 6 On July 15 , 1946 , th e owner s advise d th e puller s o f th e On-Hang' s decisio n that ricksha w ren t woul d b e increase d t o $0.8 0 fo r a shif t o f twelv e hours , compared t o th e former ren t o f $0.40. Moreover, th e deposit fo r eac h ricksha w would b e raise d fro m $ 5 t o $30 , paid i n on e installmen t (Kung Sheung Daily News July 27 , 1946) . The pullers requeste d th e owner s rescind thei r decision , claiming that they had suffered fro m inflation, th e proliferation o f motor vehicles, and th e requiremen t t o pay fo r ricksha w repairs , as shown i n Tabl e 9.1. Amid this belt-tightening , the y wante d th e owner s t o trea t the m wit h mercy . Day s later, th e RP U delegate s petitione d th e Secretaria t fo r Chines e Affair s fo r assistance i n thi s matte r (5in g Tao Wan Pao August 1 , 1946) .
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Table 9. 1 Fee s fo r ricksha w maintenanc e an d repairs , 194 6 Item Uni
t Pric
e
Rubber tyr e on
e pai r $1
Oil clot h on
e piec e $1
2 2
Rain hoo d on
e piec e $
8
Side fende r on
e piec e $
5
Wire spok e on
e piec e $1.5
0
Wheel hu b on
e piec e $0.5
0
Source: Ta Kung Po August 2 , 1946 .
Up to this point, there was no indication of any union representation amon g the pullers in Kowloon. Around tha t time , the Kowloon owners served a notice to th e puller s announcin g a n increas e o f ren t t o $1.6 0 pe r ricksha w pe r day , payable wit h effec t fro m Augus t 1 , and a n increas e o f th e su m o f deposi t fo r each ricksha w fro m $ 5 t o $30 . Almos t immediately , th e puller s presente d a demand t o th e owner s askin g the m t o rescin d th e notic e and , whe n thi s wa s refused, ther e was some indicatio n tha t a number o f pullers realize d tha t the y had to strengthen thei r bargaining power in future negotiation s with the owners. The resul t wa s th e formatio n i n th e summe r o f 194 6 o f th e Associatio n o f Ricksha Worker s o f Hong Kon g ("ARW") . Maintaining a n offic e a t 10 6 Woosung Stree t i n Yaumatei , ARW declare d its aim to be fostering friendshi p amon g members and securing welfare fo r them . Under th e vice-presidency o f Ng Siu Ting (W u Shaotin g ^ i J ^ I l ) , describe d i n colonial records as a merchant, ARW was registered initially with 70 0 members, emigres fro m Chiuchow , particularl y th e area s o f Chiuyeun g an d Wailo y (Huilai JPfc) , an d a few fro m Polin g (Punin g 1 1 $ ) , anothe r are a i n easter n Kwangtung.2 A t th e ARVV' s inauguration ceremon y hel d o n Augus t 1 , 1946 , six office-bearers , includin g N g Si u Ting , wer e electe d a s representative s t o negotiate wit h th e owner s fo r a settlement o f th e disput e ove r ren t an d othe r matters, includin g th e responsibilit y o f rickshaw repai r an d upkeep . From late July t o early August, th e RPU delegates and th e On-Hang bosse s engaged in meetings but failed t o reach an agreement over the terms of rickshaw letting. Th e RP U delegate s state d a t th e meeting s tha t ther e wa s cut-throa t competition within the trade by unlicensed rickshaws imported into Hong Kong from th e nearby city of Macao. The On-Hang bosses replied tha t pullers' taking s would automaticall y increase , onc e th e polic e remove d unlicense d rickshaw s from th e stree t i n th e nea r future . Th e RP U delegate s di d no t agre e with thi s 2. I n th e firs t decad e o r s o o f it s existence , AR W wa s politicall y neutral . Subsequently , however, i t becam e aligne d t o th e right-win g HKTUC . I n 1956 , thi s u n i o n withdre w from HKTU C an d becam e friendl y wit h th e left-win g HKFTU .
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view, and n o settlemen t wa s reached. I n Kowloon , ARW wanted t o negotiate a settlement wit h th e owner s bu t th e latte r refuse d t o hol d talks , an d th e tw o sides remained at loggerheads (Guomin ribao July 14 , 1946; Ta Chung Pao August 2, 3 , 1946) . On Augus t 10 , th e dat e o f ren t paymen t fo r Kowloo n rickshaws , som e pullers insisted on paying the old rent. After warnings against deliberate breaches of depo t discipline , th e owners ' representatives withhel d thei r rickshaw s fro m being release d t o th e defaulters . Th e ARW office-bearers trie d t o broker peac e between puller s an d owners . Littl e progres s wa s made , an d th e conciliatio n services o f th e Labou r Offic e wer e requeste d i n resolvin g difficultie s i n puller owner relations . Th e labou r office r recommende d patienc e fro m bot h partie s for a n officia l reconciliation , whil e h e wa s seekin g th e view s o f th e Polic e Department o n th e case . Both sides remaine d firm . Th e owner s tried , withou t success, t o recove r outstandin g ren t payment s tha t wer e deeme d du e t o the m (Ta Chung Pao August 11 , 1946; Kung Sheung Daily News August 12 , 1946) . The pullers' cause met with a measure o f media sympathy . O n August 8 , a front-page editoria l o f the mass-circulated Wah Kiu Yat Po poignantly criticize d the owners as unresponsive t o the pullers' calls for ren t reduction, eve n thoug h the pullers had displayed a gesture of compromise and given the owners a chance to en d th e disput e i n a "face-saving " manner . Th e owner s wer e requeste d t o reconsider whether it was sensible to charge double the normal rate of rickshaw rent, takin g int o consideratio n th e prevailing inflation . Th e owners ' view tha t pullers' incom e woul d automaticall y improv e i f th e unlicense d rickshaw s disappeared was vastly over-optimistic. This editorial urged the owners to explore the possibilitie s o f a solutio n b y compromis e wit h th e puller s a t th e earlies t date possibl e (Wah Kiu Yat Po August 5 , 1946) . On Augus t 17 , and agai n o n Augus t 19 , th e RP U delegate s an d th e On Hang bosse s me t i n th e Labou r Office ; however , n o agreemen t wa s reached . The RP U delegate s demande d tha t th e ne w ren t b e $ 1 instea d o f $1.60 . Th e On-Hang bosses , however , propose d tha t th e ren t du e fo r th e perio d befor e August 1 5 shoul d b e pai d a t th e rat e o f $0.8 0 pe r da y an d tha t th e ne w ren t since August 1 6 should b e $1.50 , a proposal rejecte d b y the RPU delegates. At a unio n meetin g calle d t o discus s wha t actio n t o take , th e puller s supporte d continual negotiations with the owners, saying that the $0.10-concession i n rent payment give n by the owners was ridiculously smal l (Ta Chung Pao August 20 , 22, 1946 ; Kung Sheung Daily News August 20 , 22, 1946) . Less tha n a week later , o n August 24 , RPU signed a n agreemen t wit h th e On-Hang. Commencin g September 1 , 1946, the rent for eac h rickshaw on Hong Kong Islan d woul d b e $1.5 0 pe r day , rent shoul d b e paid t o th e owner s ever y five days , th e amoun t o f ren t du e fo r th e perio d befor e Octobe r 1 should b e paid a t th e forme r rat e o f $0.8 0 pe r day , th e remainin g amoun t o f mone y
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formerly pai d t o th e owner s after th e deduction o f what shoul d legall y be pai d by th e puller s shoul d b e refunde d t o th e pullers . Also , th e deposi t fo r eac h rickshaw shoul d b e $2 0 instea d o f th e $3 0 suggested b y th e owners , paymen t in on e installment . Furthermore , damage s t o rickshaw s shoul d b e repaire d a t the expens e o f th e owners . Why di d RP U giv e wa y o n th e ren t issu e s o abruptly ? First , som e tim e before th e date of the agreement, Ma Chak Man (Ma Zemin If HIK, 1898-1970) , Chairman o f th e Hon g Kon g Chiucho w Chambe r o f Commerce , shuttle d between the two sides and used his power and influence i n such a way to prevent further unhapp y developments . M a arrange d t o star t afres h th e talk s an d persuaded th e On-Han g bosse s t o sho w thei r goodwil l b y fixin g th e effectiv e date o f th e ne w ren t t o Septembe r 1 , instead o f Augus t 1 6 (Hw a Shiang Pao August 27 , 1946 ; Ta Chung Pao August 25, 1946). To that extent, Ma's authority and mediatio n mus t b e counte d a s a major facto r tha t softene d th e attitud e o f the peopl e involve d i n th e dispute . Second, negotiations dragge d o n with n o progress whatsoever, unti l finall y the pullers became anxious t o settle the dispute because of the approach o f th e new licensing perio d an d th e fac t tha t mos t o f th e renewe d license s were kep t by th e On-Han g bosses . Th e reaso n wa s that , i n earl y August 1946 , the polic e announced tha t the y would ste p up random check s o n th e street and get toug h with unlicense d puller s fro m Septembe r 1 . In thi s way, the polic e polic y gav e RPU less chance t o negotiate better term s with th e owners. A unionist claimed , some tim e late r i n a statemen t t o th e press , tha t RP U ha d bee n force d b y circumstances to effect a quick settlement in 1946 , although he did not elaborat e on thi s (Sing Tao Wan Pao April 9 , 1948) . The ARW pressed ahea d with its claims and approache d th e Labour Offic e with a request fo r mediatio n (Hwa Shiang Pao September 16 , 1946) . Late r on , several meeting s wer e held , an d a n agreemen t wa s reached , willingl y o r not . First, i t provide d fo r a ne w ren t o f $0.5 5 pe r ricksha w pe r shift , applicabl e retrospectively t o Octobe r 1 , 1946 . Second , th e deposi t fo r eac h Kowloo n rickshaw would be $20 . Third, th e costs of rickshaw repairs would be borne by the owners . Last , th e "squeezes " formerl y collecte d b y th e contractor s — including a commission fe e o f $5 0 and "tea-money " (chazi ^K8t) o f $50 , both paid by eac h puller i n on e installment — shoul d b e refunded t o th e payee (Ta Chung Pao October 10 , 1946) . Thus , AR W ende d th e disput e wit h a partia l victory fo r it s members an d wrun g a little more concession s fro m th e owners . A tailpiece t o thi s disput e occurre d i n mid-October , whe n a firm o f som e fifty-seven rickshaw s in Shumshuipo aske d fo r a whole-day rent of $1.50 and a deposit of $100, and some twenty rickshaws had been detained fro m th e pullers who refuse d t o compl y wit h thes e requests . A n officia l o f ARW, Tsoi P o (Ca i Bao H T S ) , brough t th e cas e to th e notice o f the police an d aske d fo r help . Th e
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firm owne r insiste d tha t h e kep t th e money o n th e pullers' behalf an d di d no t take "squeezes " fro m them . Thi s dispute was settled soo n afterward s whe n th e twenty rickshaws were returned to the pullers to do their business in accordance with the advice of the Labour Office (Kung Sheung Daily News October 20, 1946). In retrospect , th e pullers ' protests wer e defensiv e u p t o thi s moment . Th e 1946 demonstration , lik e th e strik e o f 1945 , was interesting a s a n illustratio n of the ad hoc nature o f th e pullers' protest agains t rickshaw rents . Indeed, thei r unions wer e forme d i n respons e t o th e owners ' announcemen t t o increas e rickshaw rent. Moreover , th e pullers made little attempt t o organize themselve s on a territory-wid e basis . The unionist s o f RP U and AR W conducted separat e negotiations wit h th e owners , wit h th e resul t tha t the y eventuall y arrive d a t uneven terms . Furthermore , i t wa s vertica l ki n o r pseudo-ki n loyaltie s tha t probably accounted fo r RPU' s acceptance of a settlement tha t was a great retreat from it s initial position, thoug h th e intervention b y the police concernin g ne w traffic contro l wa s significant .
Comeback an d Setback , 194 7 The following year , 1947 , rickshaw unions too k th e initiative t o secure a better deal for thei r members . On March 14 , RPU wrote t o the On-Hang, asking for a reduction o f ricksha w ren t fro m $1.5 0 t o $ 1 per vehicl e pe r day . There wa s a further deman d tha t th e owner s b e responsibl e fo r takin g u p th e cost s o f rickshaw upkee p an d repairs , in accordanc e wit h th e agreemen t signe d i n th e Labour Offic e o n August 24 , 1946 . The RPU stated tha t th e pullers were face d with inflation. Stapl e foodstuffs an d othe r necessitie s were sold many time s th e pre-war price , a s shown i n Tabl e 9.2 . Table 9. 2 Retai l price s i n Hon g Kong , 1939 , 194 6 an d 194 7 (measured i n Hon g Kon g dollar s pe r catty ) Items
1939
1946
1947
Rice (thir d grade ) Fresh fis h Salted fis h Beef Pork Peanut oi l Firewood
$0.07 $0.28 $0.24 $0.35 $0.54 $0.24 $0.02
$0.84 $1.65 $1.95 $2.45 $3.25 $2.30 $0.10
$0.60 $2.53 $2.73 $2.51 $2.72 $2.52 $0.10
Source: Hongkong Annual Report for 1947 .
As th e polic e authoritie s steppe d u p effort s fo r roa d contro l afte r th e Pacifi c War, according t o RP U delegates, th e meager taking s o f the pullers ofte n wen t
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to payin g fine s fo r illega l parking . Durin g th e firs t tw o year s o r s o afte r th e war, they continued, th e fast-growing moto r vehicles paralyzed busy roads with slow-moving traffic . Competitio n fro m cars , trams , buses , an d taxicab s ha d grown keen , a s show n i n Tabl e 9.3 . However, th e pullers ' los s o f busines s t o mechanical methods of transport might have been much greater than is indicated in Table 9.3, because the figures give no hint of the competition of the unlicensed rickshaws tha t force d dow n th e numbe r o f fares , an d thu s th e income , o f th e pullers. Table 9. 3 Numbe r o f registere d vehicle s i n Hon g Kong , 1946-4 7 Types o f vehicle s
Fall o f 194 6
Fall o f 194 7
1,450
3,714
Private car s Taxicabs an d publi c car s Motor cycle s Load-carrying vehicle s
195
595
-
393
1,152
2,338
Source: Hongkong Annual Report for 194 7
In a reply lette r date d Marc h 16 , th e On-Han g denie d RPU' s request. O n March 17 , RPU sen t anothe r lette r t o th e same , askin g fo r reconsideratio n o f its request ; however , th e On-Han g bosse s wer e unswaye d b y call s fo r ren t reduction (Hwa Shiang Pao April 2, 1947) . Shortly afterwards, AR W also wrot e a letter t o th e Kowloon owner s demandin g a rent reduction . As many taxicab s had sprun g u p an d man y lorr y chassi s wer e converte d int o makeshif t buses , ARW said, the Kowloon pullers who had been fetching $ 5 a day saw their income drop t o onl y $2.50 . As rickshaw ren t remained high , th e pullers had littl e cas h left t o mee t expense s (Kung Sheung Daily News April 12 , 1947) . The disput e graduall y fade d fro m th e public press . Available evidenc e ha s almost nothing t o say about th e further developmen t o f the pullers' activism i n 1947; however , i t i s saf e t o conclud e tha t th e puller s obtaine d practicall y n o material benefit s ou t o f thi s activis m an d a t th e en d the y continue d t o wor k almost unconditionally . The y trie d unsuccessfull y t o persuad e th e owner s t o absorb th e cost s o f ricksha w upkee p an d repairs , o r t o reduc e th e leve l o f rickshaw rent that remained a t $1.10 in Kowloon Peninsula an d $1.5 0 on Hon g Kong Islan d unti l 1948 . As will become clear , th e disappointment s represse d in 194 7 were t o reappear , an d i n large r scale , in th e year tha t followed . Why di d th e unions capitulat e without havin g th e rent reduced? On e ma y argue tha t the y ha d committe d a tactica l blunder . Th e yea r 194 7 wa s characterized b y widespread labo r unrest , an d a considerable amoun t o f wor k of the Labour Offic e wa s devoted t o the conciliation an d mediation o f disputes. The cigarett e workers ' month-lon g strik e i n Februar y an d Marc h wa s accompanied i n it s concludin g stage s by a n outcr y fro m al l quarters agains t a
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new ta x on earning s an d profits , chargeabl e a t a rate o f ten percent. Compare d to these events, or even the pullers' intransigence in the previous year, the 194 7 protests wer e mino r skirmishes , limite d i n scop e an d militancy , an d no t o f significant importanc e t o justify detaile d medi a coverage . The episod e o f 1947 , however , highlight s th e importanc e o f pullers ' solidarity. Actin g i n isolation , th e union s wer e ver y inadequatel y unite d an d their actions were piecemeal and unsuccessful. The y were unable, or unprepare d at all, t o forg e a n allianc e before an d afte r the y pu t forwar d thei r demand s fo r owners' concessions. In consequence, the owners had little difficulty i n brushing aside their demands. As it turned out, the protests faded into obscurity as quickly as the y ha d begun . Th e union s learne d th e lesso n an d realize d tha t effectiv e negotiating machiner y wa s necessar y t o forc e th e owner s t o recogniz e thei r claims. As we shal l see , such machiner y wa s no t lon g i n coming .
Offensive an d Showdown , 194 8 The pullers moved toward s a showdown wit h th e owner s in 1948 , this tim e i n greater forc e an d coordination . O n Apri l 8 , th e right-win g RP U an d th e left wing MA U (t o whic h man y unlicense d puller s belonged ) presente d a letter t o the On-Hang , lodgin g th e followin g demand s a s representativ e o f th e whol e body o f pullers o n Hon g Kon g Island , possibl y i n orde r o f thei r importance : a. Reduc e th e amoun t o f ricksha w ren t fo r tw o shift s o n Hon g Kon g Islan d daily fro m $1.5 0 t o $1.10 ; b. Undertak e th e costs of repairing/replacing rickshaw s which wear out unde r normal depreciation ; c. Refrai n fro m demandin g rent payments from th e pullers when the rickshaws are ou t o f servic e fo r repairs ; d. Allo w the rickshaw unions t o exert control over the leasing of vehicles fro m the owner s t o th e pullers ; e. Recogniz e the right of the unions to represent the pullers in settling disputes with th e owners . On Apri l 10 , th e delegat e o f AR W hel d a meetin g wit h th e othe r tw o rickshaw unions, with a view to formulating a line to take. In the meeting, ARW pledged t o throw its weight behind its counterparts' demand fo r ren t reduction . It was soon made evident tha t a glimmer o f esprit de corps emerged, when MAU (mostly compose d o f unlicense d pullers ) propose d t o se t u p a merge r o f al l three unions . Thi s woul d necessaril y mea n a n admissio n o f puller s stil l unlicensed int o th e labor cam p (Hsin Sheng Wen Pao April 11 , 1948). However, RPU pledged loyalt y t o th e the n GM D government i n China , MA U was a left -
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wing union , an d AR W too k a nonpartisa n positio n a t th e time . Politica l dissension, whe n lumpe d wit h th e pullers ' disparat e interests , sowe d a lo t o f feelings o f distrus t amon g th e unions . On Apri l 14 , RPU an d MA U presente d a lette r t o th e On-Hang , settin g a deadline o f 3 pm o n th e sam e da y for th e owner s t o reply t o thei r deman d fo r rent reduction . A staff membe r o f th e On-Han g replie d t o the m o n th e sam e day tha t th e owner s ha d returne d t o Chin a fo r th e festiva l o f Qin g Min g (fl f §B), "Tomb-Sweepin g Day. " Thi s was followe d b y th e unions' joint meetin g a t which AR W demanded a rent reductio n o f Kowloo n rickshaws , fro m $1.1 0 t o $0.80 daily . A liaison poin t o f al l thre e unions , th e Committe e o f Ricksha w Labor i n Hon g Kon g and Kowloo n (Gangji u renlich e gongtua n weiyuanhu i ?H ^ L A ^ J ^ i H S M ^ ) , wa s formed . Fon g Ta i Yeung (Fan g Taiyan g >WcB§) , chair o f ARW who wa s described i n governmen t record s a s a "merchan t o f 1 9 Jordan Road, " wa s electe d t o hea d th e committe e (Sing Tao Wan Pao April 15 , 1948). From Apri l 1 7 t o 1 9 th e committe e delegate s me t th e owners ' representatives, who stoo d fir m agains t the call s for ren t reduction. I n addition , the pressure o f opinion fro m member s o f all unions i n favor o f refusing t o pa y any rent graduall y built up. They refused t o pay rent fro m Apri l 20 , the da y on which th e ne w ren t wa s t o tak e effect . Th e the n labou r officer , Kennet h Ala n Baker, wa s aske d t o intervene , bu t attempt s a t conciliatio n failed . Reiteratin g their deman d fo r ren t reduction , th e committee delegate s cite d th e exampl e of Macao wherein the daily rent of rickshaw had recently been reduced to 0.5 pataca (Macao currency , wort h fractionall y les s tha n th e Hon g Kon g dollar) . A s th e rank-and-file vowe d tha t the y would neve r bac k dow n withou t ren t reduction , the unio n delegate s wer e i n a quandar y abou t wha t t o d o next . Nothin g wa s agreed upon at the meeting, except Baker's assurance that he would try to arrange another roun d o f negotiations (Guomin ribao April 21 , 1948). The loca l pres s o n th e whol e wa s kee n o n reportin g th e 194 8 activism . Both Ta Kung Po, a Communis t mouthpiece , an d Guomin ribao, a pro-GM D newspaper, tende d t o sympathiz e wit h th e pullers ' cause . I n th e vie w o f th e GMD newspaper, th e pullers' request for ren t reduction was legitimate (Guomin ribao April 19 , 1948) . Th e left-win g pape r showe d pit y i n th e disput e ove r a few cents ' wort h o f ricksha w ren t dail y (Ta Kung Po April 22 , 1948) . Anothe r news editor expressed dissatisfaction wit h the rather bigoted attitude that certai n owners wer e using i n dealin g with th e pullers' request s (Sing Tao fih Pao May 10, 1948) . In yet another editorial , the owners were described as being inflexibl e and unwillin g t o cooperat e wit h relevan t partie s i n findin g a solution t o th e dispute, an d anyon e wit h a n ounc e o f humanity coul d no t remai n indifferen t to the underprivileged position s o f the poorer clas s of the population (5in g Tao Wan Pao May 12 , 1948) .
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On April 24, another meetin g was held at which th e then commissione r o f labour, Bria n Charle s Keit h Hawkins , propose d tha t th e Kowloo n owner s le t out their rickshaws for hire at $0.45 each for twelve hours. However, both parties were ver y fir m i n thei r demand s an d woul d no t agre e t o an y concession . A t that moment , source s clos e t o th e Committe e o f Ricksha w Labo r reveale d anonymously that , durin g World War II, some owner s had exacte d "squeezes " on th e pullers , s o tha t th e latte r ha d bee n reduce d t o starvatio n an d force d t o sell childre n who m the y coul d n o longe r feed . Accordin g t o th e sam e source , some pullers had been coerce d into payin g rickshaw licens e fees in wartime, at quarterly intervals, in the cumulative amount of 1,20 0 militar y yen per rickshaw. Although a t one tim e a strident deman d fo r cas h compensation appeare d likely , this was avoide d (Guomin ribao April 24 , 1948 ; Hsin Sheng Wen Pao April 27 , 1948; Wah Kiu Yat Po April 27 , 1948) . On Ma y 10 , a committe e delegat e sai d i n a n intervie w wit h a newspape r that, i n som e cases , a certain numbe r o f rickshaw depot s ha d applie d iron-fis t tactics t o force th e pullers t o resume th e payment o f rent (Ta Kung Po May 11, 1948). As well, th e owner s approache d th e governmen t fo r assistanc e i n thei r claims fo r arrear s o f rent. Unde r th e mediatio n o f B. C. K. Hawkins an d K . A. Baker, th e puller s an d th e owner s wen t bac k t o th e negotiatin g tabl e o n Ma y 12 (Hsin Sheng Wen Pao May 13 , 1948). The followin g settlemen t wa s reache d on Ma y 16 , as a resul t o f influenc e exercise d b y th e Labou r Departmen t an d the Hon g Kon g Chiucho w Chambe r o f Commerce : a. Th e owners would appeal to the traffic authoritie s for th e increase of stands for rickshaws , t o provid e sufficien t parkin g accommodatio n fo r al l rickshaws, an d t o reduce traffi c summons ; b. Th e owners would "consider " paying the cost of rickshaw upkeep and repair and replacement of the component parts of the rickshaw, such as the rubber tires an d th e hood ; c. Th e owner s woul d kee p i n liaiso n wit h th e traffi c authoritie s t o forc e unlicensed rickshaw s of f th e streets, so tha t th e number o f fares o f each of the license d puller s woul d increase . News reports had it that a section of the rank-and-file wer e dissatisfied wit h the way in which th e negotiatio n wa s being handled b y RPU and regarde d th e preliminary agreement as a heavy defeat for them , as the owners had only agreed to tak e up what shoul d hav e been thei r basic responsibilities. Th e level of ren t remained th e same as it had been (Hsin Sheng Wen Pao May 18 , 1948). On May 21, however , RP U entere d int o forma l settlemen t o f its rent deman d wit h th e On-Hang bosses, to the effect tha t the rent remained at $1.50 per rickshaw daily. In fact, thi s was a repetition of the agreement signed in 1946 . For reasons known only to them , th e RPU office-bearers expresse d regre t for having taken a strong
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view o n th e ren t issu e i n th e pas t (Guomin ribao May 23 , 1948) . Onc e again , RPU was th e firs t t o withdraw fro m th e confrontatio n wit h th e owners . The patience o f ARW was slower t o exhaust. Severa l discussions were hel d in a n endeavo r t o reac h a settlement, bu t a deadlock i n bilatera l negotiation s occurred an d th e Labou r Departmen t intervene d i n a n attemp t t o brea k it . Subsequently, bot h partie s ha d a numbe r o f meeting s outsid e th e Labou r Department. O n May 28, they reached compromise s o n three points. First, ren t would be paid directly to the owners, not to the contractors, so that intermediar y abuses coul d b e eliminated . Second , rickshaw s damage d unde r norma l wea r and use would be repaired a t the owners' expenses. Third, th e puller would no t pay ren t fo r th e da y i f th e tim e require d fo r repairin g th e ricksha w exceede d one-fourth o f th e tim e o f a shift. However , n o settlemen t coul d b e reache d o n outstanding difference s ove r th e rent question , which was left t o arbitration b y the Labou r Departmen t (Sing Taofih Pao May 29, 30, 1948) . The activism o f 194 8 was noteworthy fo r severa l reasons. The unions hel d out fo r thirty-nin e day s and th e lengt h o f thi s was an inde x o f thei r militancy . However, it hardly ended t o the full satisfactio n o f the unions. Its partial failur e was probabl y mor e attributabl e t o th e disunit y o f th e union s rathe r tha n th e strength o f th e owner s who, like th e pullers, were geographically an d perhap s psychologically divide d a s well . Th e Committe e o f Ricksha w Labor , a cross union merger , suffere d th e weakness o f being a n amalgamation , no t integrate d with th e union s havin g divergen t interest s an d politica l inclinations . Afte r a brief perio d o f goodwill, th e union s split . Th e RP U delegates tende d t o tak e a softer attitud e towar d th e owners , an d eventuall y the y fel t i t bette r t o compromise with the m tha n t o unbendingly confron t them . I n th e last minut e of the protest, RP U distanced itsel f fro m othe r ricksha w unions an d side d wit h the owners , actin g i n a way tha t le d t o th e defea t o f th e joint protest .
Last-Ditch Effort , 195 4 The agreemen t signe d between RP U and th e On-Hang i n 194 8 held goo d unti l March 1954 , when RP U starte d ane w agitatio n fo r th e reductio n o f ricksha w rent. Negotiation s wer e carrie d out , bu t befor e a decisio n wa s reached , th e aggrieved puller s backed u p thei r deman d b y stopping ren t payments . Shortl y afterwards, a newly formed leftis t union , the Hong Kong and Kowloon Waichow and Chiucho w Ricksh a Pullers ' Union ("WCU" , a n outgrowt h o f MAU ) mad e similar demand s fo r ren t reduction an d defaulted o n th e payment o f rent. Both the owner s an d th e puller s stubbornl y hel d ou t an d th e disput e dragge d on . However, th e pullers the n working in Kowloo n had n o over t conflict s wit h th e owners, and some of them knew nothing of the fact tha t some pullers on Hon g Kong Islan d wer e i n arrear s o f rent (La m 1991 , interview).
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The WC U wa s forme d i n 1948-4 9 b y som e activist s o f th e Eas t Rive r Guerrilla Forc e (Dongjian g zongdu i J^tLMM), a Communist-led comba t uni t that was very activ e during World War II. After th e war, some o f the guerrilla s made their way to Hong Kong, where they formed a n underground group know n as Hailiush e (W&^t, meanin g "Se a Curren t Society") . Headquartere d a t th e rooftop o f a multi-story tenemen t hous e the n in Spring Garden Lane, Wanchai, the society operated ver y much in th e fashion o f a clandestine networ k o f cells. Shortly thereafter , however , i t wa s raide d an d suppresse d b y th e police , an d some o f its cor e members, including La m Ch u Heun g (Li n Zhuxiang # S M ? ) , later a paid clerk of WCU, stepped up efforts t o organize the Hong Kong pullers of Hoi-Luk-Fung origins . Like its predecessor, WCU was affiliated wit h th e proCommunist HKFT U (La m 1991 , interview). In a bi d t o solv e th e dispute , th e commissione r o f labou r appointe d a n experienced trad e unio n advisor , Hecto r Frederi c Georg e Chauvi n (1908-74) , as conciliato r t o mediat e betwee n th e tw o sides . Chauvi n an d severa l o f hi s aides worke d behin d th e scene s an d trie d t o kee p clos e contac t wit h unio n delegates an d On-Han g bosse s s o tha t the y kne w whe n troubl e wa s brewing . Chauvin took it upon himself t o get into his role of mediator to get the disputan t parties t o si t down fo r conciliatio n sessions . However, ther e were intermitten t disputes tha t widened , deepened , an d go t downrigh t ugl y whe n certai n hooligans, presumably in th e employ of the rickshaw contractors , accompanie d men wit h arm s t o threate n th e pulle r representatives . Thi s naturall y entaile d action b y th e police , an d th e Labou r Departmen t ha d t o ste p i n t o sto p th e escalation o f th e conflict s (La m 1991 , interview). When negotiation s dragge d on , the owners retained thei r rickshaws o n th e grounds tha t th e pullers had refuse d t o pay any rent. But, they could hardl y let their rickshaws t o someone else. By tradition, rickshaws changed hands (shoes ) for money . Before a new pulle r coul d procee d t o ren t a certain ricksha w fro m the owner, he had t o first o f all offer hi s immediate predecessor a n agreed-upo n sum o f money know n a s dingshoufei ( B l ^ J t ), th e litera l meaning o f which i s "carrying-on fee, " in order tha t he buy out the right t o the rickshaw. Otherwise , he would b e accused o f interfering wit h someone' s righ t t o make a living, an d might ru n th e ris k o f being assaulte d an d hav e th e ricksha w damaged . Thus , while th e owners ' disciplinar y actio n mad e i t impossible fo r th e defaulter s t o continue thei r work , th e pullers ' traditio n mad e i t difficul t fo r newcomer s t o join th e trade , an d th e owner s continue d t o suffe r losse s fro m ba d debts . Still later , th e owner s mad e som e concession s t o satisf y th e unions , thu s ending th e long-standin g conflicts . However , lif e fo r th e pullers go t harder, i n part becaus e th e ricksha w trad e wa s generall y o n th e wane . Increasingly , rickshaws curtaile d operation s an d wer e let ou t fo r on e shift daily , in plac e of the forme r tw o twelve-hou r shift s dail y (Chu n 1990 , interview). Th e pullers '
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ranks thinne d gradually . From a total of 936 in 1953 , the number fel l t o 885 i n 1955, 87 4 i n 1957 , an d 39 0 i n 1964 . A s th e trad e a s a whole decline d t o a n uneconomical level, the rickshaw depots wound up and let their stock go cheap. In May 1960 , the On-Hang ceased registration at its own request, as the numbe r of members ' subscription s i n arrear s kep t o n increasing , an d th e remainin g members di d not see any sense in keeping an association tha t had experience d difficulty i n gettin g th e require d numbe r o f members t o for m a quorum .
Conclusion During th e perio d unde r study , th e puller s stoo d u p t o th e owner s an d th e contractors i n a more militan t manne r tha n the y ha d eve r done . Despit e thei r political an d economi c differences , th e rickshaw unions cam e togethe r i n time s of need . Th e unions ' cal l t o collectiv e action , tha t is , th e defaul t paymen t o f rents, was widely supported b y their members. The protest agains t th e terms of rickshaw letting had never been staged on such a broad scale, and in so dramatic a fashion . Pullers ' moral e wa s high , t o th e exten t tha t som e owner s an d contractors eve n use d coerciv e powe r t o threate n th e pullers . Th e pullers ' rebellion ove r ren t wa s notable fo r th e high level s of militancy, but thi s zenit h also marke d th e beginnin g o f a downwar d trend . Subsequently , du e t o th e rickshaw's decline into insignificance a s a means of transport, th e pullers' living standards deteriorate d fro m a n alread y untenabl e position , an d eve n th e On Hang's abilit y t o retai n membershi p wa s fas t slippin g away . Even a t th e zenit h o f ricksha w activism , unio n politic s foun d thei r expression i n a subethni c cultura l idiom . Th e pullers ' protest s indicate d no t only a grea t dea l o f rank-and-fil e solidarit y bu t th e influenc e o f clan/pseudo clan tie s i n conflic t resolution , i n som e case s in a manner disadvantageou s t o the under-class. Their unions, which were built along old principles of traditional Chinese organizatio n i n new form, too k differen t attitude s toward s th e owners, and thei r achievement s wer e uneven . The y concurre d wit h on e anothe r onl y on th e on e poin t tha t th e owner s shoul d reduc e rent . Thus , th e cross-unio n Committee o f Rickshaw Labor was a mottled triumvirat e in composition. Thes e factors revea l no t onl y wh y clas s solidarit y prove d s o elusive , but als o why a strong trad e unio n movemen t simpl y di d no t emerg e i n Hon g Kong . I n th e circumstances, the colonial state might be the ultimate beneficiary o f the internal division o f th e trad e unio n movement , whic h i n tur n gav e th e managemen t considerable roo m fo r maneuver . The Britis h administratio n adopte d a mor e toleran t attitud e toward s th e many differen t politica l force s tha t wer e operatin g i n Hon g Kon g durin g th e late 1940 s an d earl y 1950 s tha n i t ha d befor e th e Pacifi c Wa r o r agai n durin g
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the 1960s . Due to th e pullers' low standard o f education, thei r union s were set up wit h th e ai d o f outsid e agencies , b e the y unio n activists , educationa l professionals, o r merchants sympathetic to labor. The union activist s were given considerable freedo m t o conduc t economicall y focuse d labo r work , th e RP U and th e WC U bein g product s o f thei r organizin g efforts . Th e colonia l administrators looked upon the partisan forces with much liberality, even though they neve r allowe d organize d labo r t o b e use d a s a too l fo r challengin g thei r authority. I n a different contex t durin g th e Maoist-inspire d labo r upheaval s o f mid- t o late 1967 , the government exercise d fa r mor e repression i n its dealing s with left-win g unions , schools , and newspapers .
10 Establishing a New Agenda, up to the 1950 s
T
HIS CHAPTE R is concerned with the twilight years of the rickshaw in Canton . From a staggering hig h o f 4,500 i n 194 6 th e number o f rickshaws fel l t o 2,500 on the eve of the Communist takeover . I n articulating this portrait, whic h involved the promotion of pedicabs in lieu of rickshaws, one cannot avoid seeing the officia l rhetori c agains t rickshaw s an d th e contro l ove r th e econom y an d society by the Nationalist and Communist party-states. Benefiting fro m th e policy support o f th e cit y government, th e pedicabs were foun d i n abundanc e o n th e streets. Once an enormously popular for m o f transport i n th e city, the ricksha w was criticize d a s sociall y regressiv e an d phase d ou t withi n a matter o f years . However, th e repudiatio n o f ricksha w traffi c a s imager y an d symbolis m o f foreigners' degradatio n o f Chines e lif e wa s i n lin e wit h China' s Worl d Wa r I I attainment o f equa l statu s diplomatically .
Reconstruction an d Rehabilitatio n The news tha t peace was being negotiated wa s circulated i n Canto n o n Augus t 11, 1945 . Newspapers issue d specia l editions proclaiming Japanese withdrawa l on August 15 . Thereafter, Canton' s mai n street s wer e adorne d wit h triumpha l archways an d a sea of heraldic flag s an d commemorativ e banner s supporte d o n bamboo framework . Parade s an d procession s wer e held t o celebrat e th e retur n to peace; such were occasion s during which patrioti c sentimen t prevaile d (We i 1945, 5-6) . "No w tha t th e wa r i s over, " sai d th e Nationalis t general , Chan g Fah Kwe i (Zhan g Faku i 3fHI^ , 1896-1980) , wh o ha d flow n t o Canto n an d taken ove r th e offic e o f th e temporar y administration , "th e nex t phras e o f th e struggle is in the field o f reconstruction an d rehabilitation" o f trade and industr y paralyzed durin g th e wa r year s (China Mail January 7 , 1946) . Early post-wa r Canto n wa s ful l o f war scars . During th e interva l betwee n the Japanese surrender and the Chinese assumption o f powers of administration, there wa s lootin g an d anarchy . Ever y day , on e me t i n th e street s plainclothe s Chinese soldiers , togethe r wit h th e Allie d Forces , mos t o f the m Americans .
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Military personne l i n man y type s o f unifor m (no t knowin g t o whic h unit s the y were attached ) too k advantag e o f th e collaps e o f publi c orde r t o mak e a fortun e by force . Fo r instance , property-confiscatin g "soldiers " storme d int o Chines e shops an d household s t o kidna p th e occupant s an d deman d mone y fro m the m in a bandit-lik e fashion , wit h th e resul t that , a t on e time , mos t o f commercia l enterprises refuse d t o carr y o n busines s (China Mail Decembe r 3 1 , 1945) . The battere d cit y too k tim e t o recover . Th e insufficien t suppl y o f ra w materials, th e dislocation s i n transportation , th e damag e previousl y don e t o factory premises , an d th e difficult y i n keepin g la w an d order , al l combine d t o make th e tas k o f post-wa r rehabilitatio n a n extremel y har d one . Unemploymen t was exacerbate d b y th e influ x o f peopl e fro m poore r area s an d th e retur n o f civilians an d demobilize d soldiers . Unofficia l estimate s a t th e en d o f 194 6 pu t the numbe r o f jobless peopl e residin g i n Canto n a t one-fift h o f th e population . Those i n emplo y barel y eke d ou t a living an d face d cut s i n thei r alread y meage r income. Th e street s were ful l o f potholes an d bump s a s a result o f wartime aeria l attacks, neglect , an d under-maintenance , a s reporte d i n th e press : In Canton , th e [rickshaw ] puller s han g o n fo r dea r lif e . . . The road s in Canto n offe r interestin g speculation . I t woul d hardl y appea r possible, fro m thei r condition , tha t th e Japanese intende d t o kee p Canton. I n goo d weather , on e doe s no t notic e th e inconvenienc e o f walking, bu t i n th e rain y weathe r o f th e pas t fe w days , th e road s ar e obnoxious. (China Mail Marc h 10 , 1946 ) D u r i n g Marc h 1946 , th e retai l pric e leve l w e n t u p t w e n t y p e r c e n t , attributed i n par t t o th e j u mp o f th e Hon g Kon g dolla r t o CNC$43 5 (Chines e National Currency) . Ther e wa s a saying tha t "mone y becam e th e cheapes t thin g in Canton. " Pork , fish , poultry , an d ric e wer e sol d t o Hon g Kon g wher e th e currency ha d a highe r value . "Th e dail y wag e earne r canno t stan d th e strain, " opined th e press , "an d eve n th e ma n o f th e middl e clas s feel s th e pressure " (China Mail Marc h 10 , 1946) . Lif e i n th e neighborin g cit y o f Hon g Kon g appeared t o b e easier , statisticall y speaking : In Hongkong , wher e ric e i s 2 0 cent s pe r catty , ricksha w puller s demand anythin g fro m on e dolla r t o thre e dollar s fo r a moderat e ride. Tha t mean s betwee n fiv e an d 1 5 cattie s o f rice ; wherea s i n Canton, i t take s a great dea l o f brass i n a coolie o r ricksha w pulle r t o ask fo r $1,000 , n o matte r ho w fa r h e ha s t o go . Tha t equal s onl y about thre e cattie s o f rice . (China Mail Marc h 10 , 1946 ) As Canto n wa s relian t o n th e surroundin g rura l area s fo r foo d supply , inflation wa s aggravate d i n June 1947 , when a flood resulte d i n th e rui n o f padd y fields i n Kwangtung , totalin g 7. 5 millio n mu (p& ) (on e mu = one-sixt h o f a n acre). Trader s stockpile d dail y necessitie s fo r speculativ e p u r p o s e s . Th e
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161
successive devaluatio n o f th e CN C made th e crisi s mor e acute . Th e issuanc e of higher-denominatio n note s ( 1 millio n an d 5 million ) floode d th e ver y limited commodit y market s wit h low-valu e mone y (Fen g 1948 , 14 ) an d le d to runaway inflation , a s shown i n Table 10.1 . The painful memor y o f th e tota l collapse o f th e CNC , which depreciate d fro m 179,000 : US$1 in January 194 8 to 12,000,000 : $US 1 in August , stil l figure s i n th e mind o f a n old-timer , wh o felt compelle d t o tur n pape r mone y int o rea l good s a s quickl y a s possible . While th e cos t o f livin g wa s high , trad e an d industr y i n genera l wer e slac k (Zeng 1991 , interview). When prices kept on soaring, labor unrest in a number o f industries, trades, and publi c utilitie s was increasing. Workers' dissatisfactio n wit h existin g wag e rates found expressio n in a series of work stoppages. Until the summer o f 1949, labor strike s an d lockout s wer e mainl y rando m act s o f isolate d occupation s rather tha n systemati c campaigns , and largel y settled by the adjustmen t o f pay and workin g conditions . Th e Socia l Affairs Burea u provide d a channe l fo r th e conduct o f negotiation s betwee n th e disputin g parties , rule d o n complaint s against the alleged unscrupulous practice s of employers, and proposed method s to effec t a voluntar y retur n t o wor k b y agreemen t betwee n employer s an d workers. A t th e sam e time , th e burea u initiate d investigation s an d organize d and sent civilian supplies. Thus, the possibility of any massive protest was always nipped i n th e bud . Table 10. 1 Retai l price s o f ric e i n Canton , 194 8 (Price pe r 5 0 kilograms , measure d i n Chines e Nationa l Currenc y [CNC ] fo r January t o August, an d Gol d Yue n Currenc y [GY ] fo r Septembe r t o December ) Month
Price
January
1,300,000
February
2,210,000
March
2,460,000
April
4,800,000
May
6,350,000
June
12,400,000
July
32,500,000
August
41,400,000
September October
2,100 2,100
November
11,600
December
21,910
Compiled fro m Qm g (1949 , 60 )
In industria l legislation , trad e unions o f al l sizes and form s wer e brough t under th e clos e surveillanc e an d contro l o f th e Publi c Securit y Bureau and , if
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considered necessary , reorganized . I n 1946 , under th e auspice s o f th e Canto n branch o f th e GMD , th e Federatio n o f Canto n Laborer s (Guangzhoush i zonggonghui J l ^l ?lTlJ|I1iO cam e into being, comprising sixty-five union s with a tota l membershi p o f 56,53 7 employee s (L u 1948 , 33). A s well, laye r upo n layer of checks was used to eliminate dissidence. Newspapers and news agencies were strictly censored an d some were suspended, th e official explanatio n bein g that some direction o f published new s was desirable to counteract th e influenc e of years o f Japanese an d puppe t propagand a (China Mail December 3 , 1945) . On January 194 6 alone , ove r te n Canto n newspape r office s wer e raide d an d closed down, on the allegation that they had taken part in activities of a dissident nature. Government subsid y relief measure s partially mitigated th e adverse effect s of inflation an d unemploymen t o n industrial relations . A considerable amoun t of wor k o f th e Employmen t Liaiso n Offic e involve d givin g introduction s t o unemployed workers . Th e eatin g stall s establishe d an d sponsore d b y th e cit y government, which provided meals at low prices, were in any case popular wit h the "pale-faced , undernourished , ragge d coolies " who coul d get a spicy bowl of cooked rice with meat and vegetables at CNC$5 0 each (China Mail January 15 , 1946). However, except in the few instances of some truly philanthropic schem e already i n operation , th e limite d budge t o f th e cit y government preclude d an y widespread implementatio n o f th e chea p sal e o f foo d o f thi s nature .
Withdrawing fro m th e Rac e In mid-1946 ther e were some 12 0 intermediaries who contracte d fo r th e majo r part o f th e city' s 4,50 0 rickshaw s wit h thei r owners , an d suble t the m t o th e pullers. A t tha t time , th e pullers ' dail y taking s varie d fro m CNC $ 1,500 t o CNC$2,000. Ou t o f this , the y ha d t o put asid e CNC $ 1,000 fo r food , CNC$5 0 for lodgin g rent , an d CNC$10 0 fo r th e upkee p o f rickshaw s whic h ha d bee n seriously worn ou t du e t o th e lack of maintenance i n th e wartime. I n contrast , the contractor s got "rake-offs " fro m th e pullers' income, such a s a "tea-money " of CNC$5,00 0 t o CNC$6,00 0 an d a "deposit " o f CNC$40,000 , pai d i n on e installment. Ricksha w ren t was paid in tw o shifts daily , at C N C$200 each . Th e contractors provide d loan s t o th e pullers, alway s t o b e repai d a t th e usuriou s interest rate of thirty percent per month. Thus, much o f the fruits o f the pullers' labor were siphoned of f t o th e enrichment o f the contractors (Zheng bao July 5, 1946). Shortly afte r th e war , seve n ricksha w owners , le d b y Ta n Zhisha n (ffLif e lif), forme d th e Canto n Hand-Ricksha w Trad e Unio n (Guangzhoush i renl i shoucheye zhiy e gonghui MJM^A^^^MMM^IIf), whic h maintaine d a n
ESTABLISHING A NEW AGENDA , UP TO THE 1950 S
163
office a t 17 3 Wai Sun Road Sout h (Ift^fr^Srr) . Shortl y afterwards , ther e was jockeying for dominance between th e owners and the pullers in the leadershi p of th e union. I t was reported i n th e press tha t th e union office-bearer s (rickshaw owners ) ha d made decision s detrimenta l t o the interests o f the pullers, mad e profit s fro m th e pullers' income , an d engaged "loca l roughs " (dipi ife^r ) t o intimidate puller s wh o refuse d t o pay the entrance fe e in the amount o f CNC $ 1,000 each . Th e chair o f the union, wh o was accused of having use d hi s power fo r his personal agenda , coul d no t be approached t o comment o n the case (Zhongshan ribao May 21 , 1946). The pullers, having held a series of roadside meetings in July 194 6 in order to figur e ou t a line t o take, addresse d a petition t o the Federation o f Canto n Laborers and the Social Affairs Bureau, asking for the de-registration of the union. The union' s leadership , the y said , wa s composed o f self-serving "capitalists " (zibenjia Sif^l^) , no t men o f their ow n choosing , and acted contrar y t o their wishes. As rickshaw ren t escalate d t o alarming proportions ove r a few months — fro m CNC$20 0 t o CNC$600 dail y — the pullers had to spend fa r more of their take-hom e incom e o n ren t payment . Fo r these reasons , th e puller s requested tha t th e municipal authoritie s investigat e th e office-bearers o f the union, an d applied fo r th e registration o f a new labor associatio n t o be independent fro m th e owners and contractors (GYBfSY 1948, 1; Zhongshan ribao July 30 , August 23 , 1946) . In Octobe r 1946 , the union wa s de-registered by the Social Affairs Bureau , for havin g abuse d th e privilege o f obtaining approva l for registration. I n place of it was a reorganized union , adoptin g th e same name, which achieve d muc h success i n enrolling members , countin g 4,38 8 b y November 194 6 (Gongping bao October 31 , 1946) . Openin g a n office a t 107 Wa i Sun Road South , the reorganized union was chaired by Gao Jilai ([1J36:5|€) , a man who had risen fro m the ranks of labor, and governed by an executive committe e and a supervisory committee, the members of which included literate pullers elected by the annual conference o f members. The executive committee electe d a standing committe e in charg e of the followin g area s of work: finance , welfare , mutua l aid , physica l education, an d recreation (GZGSY 1947 , 35; Gongping bao March 3 , 6, 1947). Under th e leadership o f nine persons compose d o f rank-and-file delegates , the reorganize d unio n showe d som e initiativ e i n mapping ou t programs t o provide benefits fo r its members, at the same time arbitrating in disputes. In an in-house meetin g o n April 16 , 1947, it adopted a resolution settin g out , inter alia, the following: a. Ste p up the recruitment drive , in order tha t th e collective strengt h o f the union become strong enough to counterbalance th e prerogatives of rickshaw owners an d contractors; b. Rais e fund s t o convert th e "literacy classes " (shiziban ffc^SE ) o f pullers'
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children, fo r who m th e fundamental s o f knowledge wer e acquired, int o a school fo r primar y educatio n (xiaoxue /.NP); c. Tak e measures t o ensur e tha t th e rickshaw s use d b y union member s wer e in a fit stat e t o use, before sendin g the m i n fo r inspectio n an d registratio n by th e Publi c Utilitie s Bureau ; d. Organiz e physica l fitnes s classe s an d medica l clinic s fo r th e pullers ; th e preliminary site s chose n fo r th e clinic s wer e i n th e neighborhoo d o f th e East Bund , Saikwan , an d Sa i Wah Roa d (HIjijEfr) . In November 1946 , the union opened a primary school, in lieu of the literacy classes, for th e benefit o f members' children, an d assistanc e was given in othe r ways. Payin g member s wer e entitle d t o a n allowanc e o f "relie f ric e ration " (buzhumi M U ^ t ) , the n offere d t o Chin a b y th e Unite d Nation s Relie f an d Rehabilitation Administration . Uncollecte d ric e was sold , an d th e fund s wen t to fil l th e union' s coffer s (Gongping bao November 28 , 1946 ; March 3 , 1947) . In thi s way, th e unio n offere d a source o f support an d materia l assistanc e a t a time when services for th e urban poor were very limited. Nevertheless, whatever problems ha d bee n tackle d wer e superficial an d di d no t obtai n an y permanen t solution, whe n compare d wit h th e tremendou s hardshi p o f th e puller s i n consequence o f th e demis e o f th e ricksha w trade , discusse d below . From tim e t o time , th e union openl y intervened o n behalf o f its members. In Decembe r 1946 , when th e owner s announce d a n increas e o f rickshaw rent , the conciliatio n servic e o f th e cit y governmen t wa s aske d t o resolv e th e differences betwee n puller s an d owners . Th e disput e ende d wit h a settlemen t whereby th e puller s agree d t o pa y a higher ren t an d th e owner s agree d t o b e responsible fo r ricksha w maintenanc e a t thei r ow n expense s (Gongping bao December 11 , 15, 28, 1946). On a spring day in 1947 , the union sen t a petition to th e Publi c Securit y Bureau askin g fo r th e punishment o f a shopkeeper wh o had assaulte d on e o f thei r number s o n th e street, in th e presence o f numerou s curious bystanders . Th e medi a reporte d tha t th e shopkeeper , havin g take n a rickshaw ride , refuse d t o pa y th e correc t far e an d punche d th e pulle r i n th e face, causin g bruises , whe n aske d t o pay (Gongping bao March 6 , 1947) . The year 194 7 was one of quiescence as far as the strife between th e pullers and th e owner s was concerned. A new roun d o f quarrel s commence d agai n i n November 1948 , whe n th e owner s advise d th e puller s o f th e decisio n tha t rickshaw ren t woul d b e increased t o GY$2.50 per vehicle per day . The pullers, through th e union, fel t tha t the y were experiencing a decline in th e standard o f living becaus e o f a n increas e i n livin g cost s — principall y uncontrolle d ric e prices — a s well a s th e growin g numbe r o f pedicabs tha t ha d robbe d the m o f business. Thereupon , th e unio n sough t th e assistanc e o f th e cit y governmen t in resolving th e dispute (Gongping bao November 21 , 1948). This was arguabl y
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165
the last display of strength on the part of the union. Thereafter, du e to the demise of rickshaw transport (explaine d below), the union lapsed into relative inactivity.
Indications o f a Bigge r Chang e On January 6 , 1946 , th e GM D centra l government , the n stil l i n th e wartim e capital of Chongqing, announced its intention to outlaw rickshaws. The phasingout o f rickshaws wa s scheduled t o commenc e i n mid-1946 , fo r completio n i n three years. It was believed a t th e tim e tha t th e policy was an attemp t t o mak e China equa l i n symboli c statu s t o it s Wester n counterparts , a s th e ricksha w was typicall y perceive d a s a painfu l remnan t fro m th e semi-colonia l pas t o f China, ou t o f step with China's post-World War II reintegration int o th e worl d community. I n earl y 1947 , th e GM D central governmen t (whic h ha d returne d to Nanjin g i n Ma y 1946 ) announce d th e followin g measure s fo r stud y an d implementation b y local authorities : a. Re-registe r al l o f th e puller s fo r record s purposes ; b. Sto p issuing o r renewin g th e license s fo r rickshaws ; c. Prohibi t th e sal e and manufactur e o f rickshaws ; d. Conver t rickshaw s int o pedicab s i f a t al l possible ; e. Encourag e ricksha w owner s t o se t up pedica b service ; f. Re-trai n th e puller s t o attai n highe r skills . The policy t o eliminat e rickshaw s drew fire fro m th e public. On August 7 , 1946, owners an d puller s assemble d a t th e Chambe r o f Commerc e building i n Yan'an (5S$) , brandin g th e ne w polic y a s on e o f neglectin g thei r livelihoo d (Renmin ribao Septembe r 8 , 1946) . Som e member s o f th e GM D Nationa l Assembly voiced thei r skepticis m abou t th e policy. Le d by Lu Dengying ( S S" SO, Wan g Mingxua n ( I ^ M ) , an d Zho u Zhaoli n (Ji^klS) , the y prepare d a petition, statin g tha t th e pullers lacked eithe r money or skills that coul d enabl e them t o chang e occupations , an d tha t i t was difficult t o fin d replacemen t jobs amid th e floundering economy . They advised th e government t o reconsider it s policy agend a an d addres s th e pullers' concern s fo r thei r livelihoo d (Gongping bao December 28 , 1946) . However, the y failed t o influence th e directio n o f th e policy i n an y importan t way . The merchant s i n Canton , wh o ha d a reputation fo r commercia l ambitio n and vision , too k advantag e o f th e chanc e t o profi t fro m pedica b trade . I n anticipation o f traffi c demands , a merchant name d Li n Chan g ( # H ) applie d to set up a workshop fo r th e manufacture o f pedicabs. By late January 1947 , at least three private individuals had shown an interest in running public pedicabs. One o f them pledge d t o install 1,50 0 pedicabs . Another petitione d th e Canto n
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RELUCTANT HEROE S
government fo r a monopol y t o provid e pedicab s fo r th e whol e city . Bu t th e government wante d t o preven t monopolizatio n (Zhongshan ribao October 20 , December 2 , 1946 ; January 14 , 1947) . Subsequently, th e Publi c Works Burea u found i t necessary t o se t up a new offic e solel y responsibl e fo r overseein g th e licensing an d drivin g o f pedicabs. Sponsored by official authorities , pedicabs were allowed to join the scramble for roa d space . The y outdi d th e rickshaw s i n th e 1940s , just a s th e rickshaw s had struc k a har d blo w t o th e seda n chair s previously . Becaus e o f th e spee d (running a t a maximum o f te n mile s pe r hour ) an d abilit y t o dominat e door to-door transport , th e pedica b becam e th e ricksha w substitute . I n July 1947 , large number s o f pedicab s (on e sourc e sai d 900 ; on e sourc e sai d ove r 1,000 ) sprang u p fo r hir e al l ove r Canto n (Gongping bao July 21 , 22 , 1947) . Th e important poin t t o note her e is not s o much whic h figur e i s the more accurat e but rathe r tha t bot h source s confir m th e fact tha t pedicab s were readily plyin g for hir e an d growin g i n popularity . Toward s th e en d o f 1947 , the Kwangtun g Provincial Governmen t issue d a directiv e t o mak e i t illega l t o delive r publi c rickshaws fro m Canto n t o an y othe r par t o f Kwangtung Province . As the rickshaw trad e suffered financially , man y owner s wished t o conver t their rickshaw s int o pedicabs . Th e mayor , however , maintaine d tha t th e bul k of th e rickshaw s wer e worn ou t fro m lon g years o f service an d unsuitabl e fo r conversion into pedicabs. Subsequently, at the thirty-fifth meetin g of the Canto n Municipal Affairs Council , held o n February 27 , 1948 , it was resolved tha t th e owners would be awarded one pedicab license on the surrender o f two rickshaw licenses. Also , th e ricksha w unio n compile d an d forwarde d members ' information t o th e Bureau s o f Publi c Utilitie s an d Socia l Affairs, whic h wer e entrusted wit h th e tas k o f arrangin g alternativ e employmen t fo r puller s discharged as unnecessary (Gongping bao February 28, April 19 ; June 18 , 1948). As advise d b y th e government , thes e puller s wer e give n preferenc e whe n recommendations wer e mad e fo r suitabl e vacancie s i n pedica b drivin g (Zen g 1991, interview) . On Christma s Day 1947 , the Canto n government announce d tha t the 4,50 0 public rickshaw s i n th e cit y would b e phased ou t o f service between Februar y 1948 and December 1949 . It was planned tha t a total of 500 rickshaws would be forced of f th e road s a t three-mont h intervals , an d 1,00 0 rickshaw s woul d b e removed fro m th e street in th e eighth (final ) phas e (Gongping bao December 26 , 1947). B y the en d o f 1947 , Canto n witnesse d th e mushroomin g o f makeshif t workshops whic h turne d ou t pedicabs fo r deliver y t o Fatshan, a n adjacent por t linked b y trad e wit h Canton , Kwongmoo n (Jiangme n £CP5) , a n economi c boomtown o n th e east , an d th e northern cit y of Shiukwan (Shaogua n iSIf ) i n Kwangtung, wher e ther e was room fo r growt h an d expansio n (Sing Tao fih Pao December 15 , 1947).
ESTABLISHING A NEW AGENDA , UP TO THE 1950 S 1 6
7
In Februar y 1948 , when a huge jump i n the price o f diesel fue l prompte d the bu s companies t o reduce th e frequency o f their route s t o one bus every twenty minutes , th e pedicab driver s obtaine d a large clientele . I t was sai d in the press, perhaps with some exaggeration , tha t a pedicab drive r coul d ear n up to CNC$570,00 0 daily . That was much highe r tha n th e income of salaried staf f members o f the cit y government, wh o ha d to survive on fixed basi c pay, har d hit by the inflationary proces s (Sing Taofih Pao February 26 , 1948) . By mid1948, th e pullers plodde d thei r wa y amid 3,74 2 pedicabs . Eve n th e casual observer sa w crowds of pullers sitting in their rickshaw s waiting hopelessly for luck t o come thei r way . Havin g littl e chanc e t o cart passenger s around , the y moved t o transport smal l bundles of goods or baggage tha t wa s too light to go by motor truck . Alongsid e thi s scene, many ful l pedicab s passed by (Ho 1990 , interview). As w e hav e see n elsewher e i n republica n China , ther e existe d a subordination o f merchant prerogative s t o the state and the absorption o f the private interests of the middle class into th e Nationalist bureaucracy (Fewsmit h 1985, 169-95) . Th e treaty-port bourgeoisie , a n urban elit e connecte d wit h modern business, had take n advantage of the economic and political condition s provided b y World Wa r I to come to their "golde n age. " After 1927 , however , they became "subordinate d to , and integrated into " th e apparatus o f the state and were concerne d wit h avoidin g direct conflic t wit h th e state (Berger e 1990 , 272-84). In 1940s Canton, the governing group was so powerful tha t it exercised a determinin g rol e i n wealth redistribution . I f the competition pose d b y th e pedicab wa s one reason fo r the elimination o f the rickshaw, th e role o f the government a s the prime move r of the new vehicular mod e cannot be ignored.
Mystery Graf t an d Political Quacker y At issue, in what man y perceive d t o be a graft scandal , was th e fact tha t som e public servant s wer e caugh t exploitin g thei r position s fo r personal gai n in the unfair allocatio n of pedicab licenses. A senior staff membe r o f the Public Works Bureau, fo r example, was the target of an inquiry afte r allegedl y takin g bribe s in exchange for the award of licenses. Many other bureau staf f were investigated on similar charges, and two relatives of the commissioner of public utilities were accused o f collaborating i n the unlawful issuanc e o f hundreds o f licenses. In defense, th e holders of the questionable license s denie d tha t the y had receive d any preferential treatmen t in the allocation of licenses, saying that they had been pressured into giving bribes (Hwa Shiang Pao October 4, 1947). At the beginning, the administratio n trie d t o mask th e truth i n order t o avoid embarrassment . The year 194 8 saw the outbreak of another outcry against a corruption scam. A deputation o f pedicab owners , le d by Feng Zhuoxua n (8§#*JJ1L) , submitte d
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evidence t o th e press tha t a principal officia l o f th e Publi c Utilities Bureau ha d sold off pedicab licenses at the bribe price of $300 to $500 (Hong Kong currency) each. The auditor o f a rickshaw fir m wa s alleged t o have collaborated with thi s government high-flie r i n th e illega l dealings . Subsequently , o n Ma y 20 , Fen g Zhuoxuan wa s arreste d b y a plainclothe s polic e officer , pu t behin d bars , an d charged wit h havin g circulate d fals e new s against th e administration, althoug h there was no proof agains t him. The owners vowed to hit back by counter-suin g the politicians. They questioned th e legality of the arrest and said tha t it was an act o f reveng e designe d t o coerc e the m int o withdrawin g thei r protes t (Hwa Shiang Pao June 14 , 1948) . The cash-for-license s scanda l becam e embedded , i n par t a t least , i n cit y politics. I n th e cours e o f th e quarrel , a deputation o f pedicab owner s too k th e case to the Canton branch of the GMD, which was dominated by the C. C. Clique. A reactionary group within th e GMD, the C. C. Clique could hardly be expected to welcome the mayoralty o f Ouyang Ju (ifcBlifiJ , 1896-1958) , an affiliate o f th e Political Scienc e Cliqu e (zhengxuexi i $ M ^ ) , wh o bega n hi s ter m a s Canton' s mayor from June 1946 . In order to make political capital out of the incident, Gao Xin (ffijfit , a n affiliat e o f th e Canto n branc h o f th e GMD ) gav e a high-profil e reception t o th e owner s an d urge d the m t o stan d fir m agains t th e Ouyan g administration (Hwa Shiang Pao August 6 , 1948) . Shortl y afterwards , Fen g Zhuoxuan wa s acquitted an d discharged , an d th e mayor becam e a loser i n thi s round o f factional strife .
Socialist Meditatio n an d Transformatio n The campaign t o stamp out rickshaws as a means of public transport in Canton , scheduled fo r completio n i n Decembe r 1949 , wa s no t entirel y carrie d out , because th e Nationalis t governmen t decampe d t o Taiwa n befor e th e targe t completion date. On the eve of the takeover of Canton by the People's Liberation Army o n Octobe r 14 , 1949 , an estimate d 2,50 0 rickshaw s (th e remnant s o f a once might y fleet ) wer e stil l o n busines s run s i n Canton . I n du e course , thi s unfinished tas k was undertaken by the Communist regime that was ideologically opposed t o rickshaw transpor t a s an emblem of treaty-port capitalism . The ne w government assume d unprecedente d bureaucrati c contro l ove r commerc e an d industry, an d wit h thi s grea t chang e i n th e obviou s thing s o f life — includin g the modes of conveyance — rickshaws coul d no longer surviv e for an y length y period. During their first decade in power, the Communist officials trie d to repatriate the rickshaw pullers of rural or farming origin s to their hometowns , where the y engaged i n productiv e activitie s o f man y othe r sorts . Th e olde r puller s wer e
ESTABLISHING A NEW AGENDA , U P T O TH E 1950 S 1 6
9
resettled in homes fo r th e elderly (Fa n 1957 , 19-20) . Still others sought career s as operators of pedicabs, handcarts, and other means of transport. The previously GMD-sponsored ricksha w unio n i n Canto n reorganize d itsel f int o a Municipa l Transport Workers ' Union . It s members , an d thos e no t ye t unionized , wer e required t o submit personal particulars — including name s and addresse s — to the ne w governmen t t o appl y fo r unio n membershi p an d join institution s fo r political educatio n an d mas s mobilization (Zen g 1991 , interview). After hal f of a centur y o f lif e an d servic e t o th e commutin g public , th e Canto n ricksha w came t o a n en d i n th e earl y 1950 s an d disappeare d fro m th e streets . The summar y remova l o f rickshaw s fro m th e stree t represente d th e fulfillment o f a desire t o find ne w niches fo r Chin a tha t went back t o th e earl y years of the Chines e Communis t movement . Ma o Tse Tung (Ma o Zedong ^M jft, 1893-1976 ) champione d a s early as 1925 the liberation of "enslaved" puller s from feudalisti c bondag e (Fremantl e 1962 , 51-9) . I n 1948 , a n articl e i n th e Communist medi a contende d tha t ricksha w pullin g was a disgraceful remnan t of th e "old " society , causin g crue l oppressio n commo n t o th e poo r i n forme r times. T o emancipat e th e puller s fro m toi l wa s a ste p i n th e righ t directio n (Renmin ribao September 15 , 1948) . A labor journal fo r 195 7 expounde d o n the brazenness o f job brokers, arguing that the rickshaw was a product t o which foreign treaty-por t cultur e had supposedly given birth (Fa n 1957 , 19-20). Thus, the demis e o f th e ricksha w ca n be understood i n part a s an attemp t t o remov e a naggin g reminde r o f China's subjugatio n b y th e West . The post-1949 Canto n administratio n allowe d th e adoption o f th e equall y labor-intensive pedica b a s a regular transpor t mode in lieu o f rickshaw pulling . On he r visi t t o Canto n i n 1963 , Myra Rope r (th e firs t Australia n t o mak e a television documentary o f China during the Maoist era) observed: "thoug h ther e were n o rickshaw s . . . hundreds o f Cantones e stil l ear n thei r livin g drivin g pedicabs, th e rickshaw' s bicycle variant " (Rope r 1966 , 29). I n 1971 , Seymour Topping mad e a tri p t o Canton , th e plac e where , a s a foreign corresponden t nearly thirt y year s before , h e ha d notice d man y ricksha w puller s plyin g thei r trade. No w tha t Canto n ha d experience d unparallele d politica l an d socia l upheavals, Topping found tha t th e "ricksha s were gone, but ther e were still th e pedicabs, similar conveyance s pulled by a driver on bicycle instead o f a running man" (Toppin g 1972 , 215).
Conclusion The struggle fo r existenc e between ricksha w an d pedicab was not a simple on e of fre e competition . I t wa s throug h th e state' s enforcemen t o f a fir m policy , instead o f the economic-restructuring whee l at the time, that the rickshaw trad e
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was rapidly phase d out . Th e fas t downtur n o f rickshaw transpor t als o eclipse d to a great measure the strength of the pullers. The Canton Hand-Rickshaw Trade Union, instea d o f fighting a losing battle for th e retention o f a vanishing breed , tended t o concentrat e o n aftercar e service s fo r it s members. It s role, therefore , was no t t o resist th e superior technolog y o f th e speedie r pedica b but rathe r t o facilitate th e government's tas k of helping th e redundant puller s adjust t o othe r means o f livelihood . However , th e Nationalist authoritie s di d no t remai n lon g enough i n powe r t o follo w throug h wit h thei r ricksha w policy . China achieve d nationa l sovereignt y i n th e aftermat h o f th e Pacifi c War . The retur n t o peac e create d a n atmospher e conduciv e t o reform , givin g th e bureaucrats a cause for warpin g an d rethinking th e political an d socia l agenda . Both th e GM D an d th e CC P wer e anxiou s t o pursu e a n anti-ricksha w policy , which was based o n considerations o f political expediency an d visions of better times. I t was opined, b y Sun Yat Sen and Ma o Tse Tung at differen t times , tha t the Unequal Treatie s had reduce d Chin a t o "sub-colonial " an d "semi-colonial " status. Indeed , th e rickshaw , a s a remnan t fro m th e ba d ol d day s o f racia l inequality an d a s a reminder o f China' s past humiliation , becam e symbioticall y unacceptable, an d th e polic y t o eliminat e ricksha w traffi c becam e politicall y correct, on e tha t cu t acros s th e ideologica l divide s o f th e tw o parties . The Communis t accessio n t o stat e powe r gav e rise t o increase d pressur e for th e eliminatio n o f ricksha w transport . Th e immediat e abolishmen t o f th e rickshaw i n th e earl y year s o f Communis t rul e ca n b e see n bot h a s a confirmation o f China' s adherenc e t o socialism an d a part o f th e new regime' s policy t o re-deplo y huma n resource s fo r presumabl y greate r industria l an d agricultural production . I n British-ruled Hon g Kong , where n o definit e polic y to eliminat e ricksha w transpor t wa s enforce d an d th e possibilit y o f th e technology o f pedicab displacin g th e rickshaw was pre-empted, th e rickshaw' s decline an d replacemen t b y other mode s o f transpor t wa s much slower . Onc e seen as an attraction o r even a blessing, the Canto n rickshaw was fast remove d as a n obsolet e too l o f transpor t afte r Worl d Wa r II , now survivin g onl y a s a hazy memor y o f China' s past .
Conclusion
W
E END , a s w e began , wit h th e histori c patter n o f urba n assimilatio n tha t provides a gatewa y t o a deepe r understandin g o f Chines e life . Durin g the perio d unde r study , th e heterogeneit y o f th e Chines e i n Hon g Kon g an d Canton wa s evidence d b y th e traditiona l kinship-base d migratio n pattern , th e subethnic differences , competitio n an d exclusio n tha t prevaile d i n certai n occupations, an d th e area l concentratio n o f member s o f th e sam e hometow n and speec h groups . Thes e factor s mean t littl e meaningfu l interactio n amon g many differen t socia l types , despit e year s o f coexistence . Th e clos e persona l touch a t hom e an d workplac e locales , suc h a s th e rudimentar y gathering s i n roadside stalls , provided no t onl y th e condition s fo r th e emergenc e o f a defensiv e cultural repertoir e amon g th e earl y immigrants but , mor e importan t still , a basi s on whic h supportiv e network s developed . I n a n analysi s o f collectiv e actio n and identit y construction , Harriso n Whit e talk s o f th e presumptiv e hypothesi s of "catnet " tha t make s rapi d an d low-cos t mobilizatio n possible : Given th e catne t tendencie s towar d focusin g an d alignmen t o f relations, i t become s easie r an d mor e commo n t o perceiv e indirec t relations with a wider segment o f the population around . On e reckon s relations throug h cliqu e membership s an d th e like , tha t i s throug h the laten t relationships , rathe r tha n tracin g ou t som e o f th e usuall y long chain s o f concret e tie s tha t woul d b e necessar y t o 'reach ' mos t other person s i n th e system . Th e networ k come s t o b e projecte d i n perception int o a net amon g th e cluster s o r cliques , with person s i n a cliqu e treate d a s equivalen t unles s ther e i s som e shor t actua l pat h to a give n one . (Whit e 1992 , 64 ) The "catnet " situatio n seem s pertinen t i n th e subjec t matte r wit h whic h thi s study i s primaril y concerned . Havin g lef t thei r rura l home s t o lea d a floatin g life i n th e city , while maintainin g thei r separat e cultura l identities , th e ricksha w pullers sa w th e cit y no t a s a hom e b u t typicall y a plac e o f sojour n awa y fro m home. The y wer e particularl y illuminatin g o f th e interactio n o f class , kinship , and dialec t loyalties , w h i c h wer e (a s ar e ofte n th e case ) situationall y an d instrumentally selecte d fo r adoptio n a s par t o f a survival strateg y i n dail y socia l
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transactions. Parochia l outlooks , both symboli c an d organizational , mad e fo r a situation in which th e common descent collectivities generated narrowly define d identities an d bande d togethe r fo r protectin g thei r in-grou p interests . I n case s of conflic t an d strife , the y readil y answere d th e cal l fo r mutua l assistance . In Hong Kong and Canton , where a sizeable portion o f the population wa s migrants o r transient s durin g th e perio d concerned , socio-cultura l affinitie s brought togethe r clanspeopl e o f different lif e experience s an d class origins. The multifaceted socia l and industrial life involved th e owners/contractors o f means of production , no t jus t a s bosse s an d broker s bu t als o fello w regionals , negotiators with police authorities, and providers of dormitory accommodation , drugs, and loans as well. Thus the lords or headmen of the coolie working people defy eas y categorization an d canno t b e adequately represente d i n a holisticall y positive o r negativ e image , as they were simultaneously a source o f protectio n and exploitation. A situation was thus frequently create d in which clas s polarity, if any , di d no t harde n int o norma l practice . Similarly , a s i n Singapor e wher e the hegemony o f rickshaw owner s ove r th e pullers remained strong , aggressiv e action against archaic management practices did not occur until 193 8 in response to a rent increas e (Warre n 1986 , 123-4) . The presen t stud y furnishe s significan t proo f o f th e centra l importanc e o f native-place an d speech-grou p network s o n th e formatio n o f a n identit y o f camaraderie t o mak e mobilizatio n fo r collectiv e action . Thes e commonalitie s threaded throug h th e assimilatio n int o cit y life , th e mobilizatio n o f rura l in migrants, an d th e resolutio n o f patron-client conflicts . Th e kinshi p tie s foun d expression i n a diversit y o f domesti c an d non-domesti c contexts , fro m labo r recruitment t o occupationa l specialization , fro m residentia l segregatio n t o clandestine brotherhoods . I f on e wer e t o relat e thes e finding s t o th e recen t scholarship o n Chines e urba n an d socia l history , fo r instance , th e sojournin g leaders an d follower s o f th e Heave n an d Eart h Societ y (Murra y 1994 , 178-9) , and th e eve n more marginalized peopl e such a s the sworn brothers o f banditr y (Billingsley 1988 , 175-7) , on e migh t conclud e tha t th e sens e o r identit y o f mutual ai d fraternity, base d on dialect, place of origin, and kin/pseudo-kin ties , is perhaps th e mos t importan t organizin g facto r a t th e grassroot s leve l o f th e Chinese community , locall y an d i n a broader context . Right i n th e middl e o f th e socia l milieu , th e puller s too k t o th e stree t i n protest a t differen t times , manifestin g everythin g fro m peacefu l petition s t o walkouts, fro m anti-foreig n boycott s t o sympath y strikes , fro m act s o f civi l disobedience t o a hopefully revolutionar y insurrection . Thi s noticeable leve l of activism sprang directly from th e pullers' harsh realities of daily life on the street, subjected no t just t o client-customer an d employer-employee problem s but als o the directive s an d regulation s o f th e state . Perhap s th e worst oppressor s (an d targets of wrath) o f the pullers were not the owners but the police, the gangsters,
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and th e culturally mixed clientele. Thus, the tentacles of overlap and interactio n with the whole become much more important t o the pullers' awakening proces s than clas s itself. Instea d o f portraying a dichotomous characterizatio n define d in clas s entities , a dynami c vie w o f th e urba n grassroot s tha t accord s du e attention t o their particular life situations and multilayered socia l relations mus t be mor e rewardin g fo r a n exploratio n o f th e pett y urbanites . In muc h o f thi s book , a n attemp t i s mad e t o examin e th e historica l development o f th e Chines e community . Th e activity , o r rathe r inactivity , o f the puller s i n th e cours e o f socia l an d economi c chang e show s tha t an y descriptive generalizatio n abou t thei r histor y i s likely t o be accurat e onl y fo r a certain period . Fro m 188 3 to 1926 , the Hong Kong pullers launched collectiv e protests o n thei r ow n o n no les s than te n occasions , just lik e any othe r group . At any given time , thei r protests (o r th e lack thereof ) provide d a backdrop fo r observing lega l an d administrativ e framework s o f th e day . Indeed , followin g the 1925-2 6 genera l strike, a repressive attitud e towar d organize d labo r se t in , as evince d i n th e imminen t enactmen t o f th e Illega l Strike s an d Lock-out s Ordinance an d th e stricte r enforcemen t o f th e Societie s Ordinance . Betwee n Marco Pol o Bridge , 1937 , and Pear l Harbor, 1941 , and beyond , a s th e bosses / brokers gradually lost their self-acclaimed legitimac y as protectors for th e pullers, the patter n o f strike action s o f short duratio n wa s followed b y th e occurrenc e of more protracte d protests . The foreign official s governin g Hong Kong held a morally superior attitud e toward th e residin g Chinese , tryin g t o impose an d enforc e thei r view s o f ho w the peopl e shoul d behave . Thi s "civilizing " missio n ofte n foun d for m i n unwelcome laws and regulations tha t were seen as an intrusion an d would serv e as a stimulu s fo r belligeren t mas s sentiments . Similarly , a s i n quasi-colonia l Shanghai, ther e wer e ricksha w protest s motivate d b y oppositio n t o licensin g and traffi c regulation s i n 189 7 an d 1917 , an d foreig n polic e abus e i n 191 1 (Chesneaux 1968 ; Shen 1991) . I n British-rule d Singapore , ther e wer e owner led strike s an d riot s agains t licensin g regulations , owne r liabilit y fo r breache s of traffic rule s and court penalties, in 1897 , 1901 and 190 3 respectively (Warre n 1986, 85 , 105-12) . I n Hon g Kong , th e onl y explici t case s o f anti-governmen t owner actio n wer e i n 192 8 an d 194 6 abou t off-stree t parkin g an d mandator y re-registration.1 Th e colonia l state , a s a recipient o f hostilit y fro m disparat e sections o f the population, inadvertentl y promoted a "rainbow" coalitio n i n th e form o f petitions, strikes , o r boycotts o f a crippling kind . 1. Se e Wah Tsz Yat Po, July 20, 1928, for th e owners' request for space wherein thei r rickshaws could be parked off-stree t a t night and taken ou t in the morning. See Hwa Shiang Pao, September 20, 1946, for a description of the owners' request for additional rickshaw licenses.
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Formerly, Hon g Kon g wa s a British crow n colon y wher e th e foreig n sectio n of th e p o p u l a t i o n wa s accorde d specia l privileges . Yet , th e influenc e o f h o m e g r o w n force s c a n n o t b e u n d e r e s t i m a t e d . I n d e e d , th e c u l t u r a l a n d institutional influence s wer e overwhelmingl y Chines e an d deepl y roote d i n Chinese historica l reality . Takin g th e ricksha w trad e a s a n example , w e se e tha t it operate d fo r decade s solel y and characteristicall y wit h Chines e capital , Chines e labor, an d Chines e management . A t n o tim e wa s ther e a ricksha w firm , eithe r directly o r indirectly , owne d o r capitalize d b y Westerners , eithe r wit h a vie w t o obtaining financ e o r a marke t fo r th e trade . Presumably , foreig n investor s fa r outstripped thei r Chines e counterpart s i n area s where the y could expec t t o secur e for themselve s som e competitiv e advantages , suc h a s acces s t o oversea s market s or technologica l information . I n an y case , even if they investe d i n Chines e trades , they hardl y became directl y involve d i n actua l transaction s an d partoo k o f profit s and, rather , woul d hav e ha d t o rel y o n thei r nativ e intermediarie s suc h a s compradors. A n editoria l commen t o f a Hon g Kon g daily , a s earl y a s 1926 , i s worthy o f ou r attention : The lyin g charg e i s frequentl y mad e tha t foreigner s exploi t Chines e labour. I n actua l fact , th e employee s o f foreigner s enjo y condition s that ar e comparativel y princely . Th e contrast s ca n b e observe d i n Hong-kong. A foreigner's housebo y earn s abou t $2 5 pe r month , plu s squeeze. Hi s fello w i n Chines e emplo y i s luck y i f h e get s $1 0 pe r month. Th e sam e contrast s ar e t o b e see n i n commercia l concerns , banks, etc . (South China Morning Post December 11 , 1926 ) There i s n o doub t a n elemen t o f trut h i n thi s observation , thoug h anythin g close t o a conclusiv e statemen t o f th e ful l pictur e woul d hav e t o awai t furthe r research. I n a cit y a s varie d a s Hon g Kong , wher e th e ga p betwee n th e labo r aristocracy an d th e lowes t element s o f th e job marke t coul d b e a s grea t a s tha t between Chines e an d Europeans , on e mus t b e circumspec t w h e n makin g generalizations. However , i t appears justifiable t o say tha t member s o f th e foreig n mercantile communit y wer e no t th e onl y capitalist s wh o mad e mone y ou t o f misfortune. I f the y di d so , thei r Chines e counterpart s coul d b e just a s ghoulish , taking unfai r advantag e o f thei r privileg e t o pa y themselve s a s muc h a s the y could ge t awa y with . The largel y missionary-le d effort s inten t o n improvin g th e lo t o f th e Hon g Kong puller s i n th e lat e 1920 s an d 1930 s seeme d mino r compare d wit h th e mounting magnitud e o f th e problem . Bisho p Valtort a an d a fe w clerg y pumpe d much ai d int o poverty-alleviatio n works , findin g onl y late r tha t the y coul d neve r mean mor e tha n a partia l solutio n t o th e problem s o f th e ricksha w trade . I n Shanghai, too , th e Municipa l Council' s attempt s t o produc e comfortabl e an d clean rickshaw s wit h contente d coolie s wer e stoutl y an d successfull y resiste d
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by th e owner s an d intermediarie s wit h Gree n Gan g connection s (Wrigh t 1991 , 7 6 - 1 1 1 ; Rou x 1993 , 86-98) . An d i n Tianjin , existin g literatur e reveal s neithe r government refor m initiative s no r pullers ' protest s agains t polic e o r owne r abuses, unfortunatel y becaus e o f powerfu l gangste r contro l (Hershatte r 1986 , 130). Fro m anothe r area , bu t als o relevant , studie s o f mobilizatio n hav e show n that th e stat e alway s make s it s choice s about , i f no t between , toleranc e an d repression: Governments respon d selectivel y t o differen t sort s o f groups , an d t o different sort s o f actions . Sometime s th e discrimination s ar e fin e indeed: th e sam e governmen t whic h smile s o n churc h service s bringing togethe r a thousan d peopl e assemble d t o pra y fo r salvatio n shoots withou t hesitatio n int o a crow d o f a thousan d worker s assembled t o pra y fo r justice. (Till y 1978 , 106 ) Although th e colonia l official s i n Hon g Kong , an d thos e a t Home , ha d th e resources an d determinatio n t o curtai l th e buyin g an d sellin g o f mui-tsai (indentured girls ) fo r prostitutio n an d othe r vices , the y di d no t a s ye t hav e th e same degre e o f interest i n applyin g th e sam e policy concer n t o ricksha w reforms . In thi s way , the y di d no t pla y a n otherwis e potentiall y mor e positiv e role . Thu s it i s no t a n over-statemen t t o clai m tha t ricksha w refor m initiative s crumble d not becaus e ther e wa s to o muc h foreig n influenc e bu t i n par t perhap s becaus e there wa s no t enoug h o f it . During th e perio d i n question , th e for m o f pullers' protest s take n depende d very largel y o n th e circumstanc e pertainin g t o th e regiona l milieu , varyin g wit h time an d place . Althoug h Hon g Kon g wa s sensitiv e t o th e trammel s o f Chines e politics an d no t unproductiv e o f communit y conflicts , i t wa s i n n o wa y a s politically turbulen t a s Canton . Fro m th e earl y t o mid-1920s , th e Canto n puller s not onl y followe d th e genera l patter n o f th e civi c strife bu t als o playe d a n activ e and centrall y importan t rol e a s th e vanguar d o f a Communis t insurgency . The y reached th e extrem e o f radica l actio n i n a fronta l attac k o n polic e stations , o n a scal e neve r befor e seen , ou t o f reveng e fo r th e abuse s t o whic h the y wer e vulnerable. I n contrast , i n Italy , Germany , an d France , th e mobilizatio n o f ne w emigres durin g th e rebelliou s centur y o f 1830-193 0 wa s rendere d extremel y difficult b y th e absenc e o f communication , organization , an d leadership : There i s n o tendenc y fo r recen t migrant s t o Italian , German , an d French citie s t o becom e exceptionall y involve d i n movement s o f protest o r i n collectiv e violence; on th e contrary , we have some smal l indications o f thei r underinvolvement . . . . Communication , organization, an d leadershi p tak e a long tim e t o buil d up . (Charles , Louise, an d Richar d Till y 1975 , 269 )
176
RELUCTANT HEROE S
In earl y republica n Canton , th e puller s wh o ha d com e directl y fro m th e rura l villages migh t b e predicted, a t firs t glance , t o be th e les s likely t o get immediatel y involved i n an y significan t movemen t o f collectiv e protest . Th e initial , albei t important, w o r k t o ameliorat e th e pullers ' miser y wa s n o t starte d b y th e Communists, th e Nationalists , o r an y othe r politica l group , bu t b y foreig n Shameenese an d missionarie s wh o mad e i t thei r business t o ministe r t o th e poor . Indeed, th e puller s o f rura l origin s wer e notabl y fre e o f outsid e politica l leadership u p t o th e Ma y Fourt h period . Shortl y thereafter , however , th e puller s b e c a m e th e mainsta y an d flagshi p segmen t o f th e u r b a n m o v e m e n t a n d repeatedly stoo d u p t o th e polic e an d politician s o f th e Guomindan g an d warlor d governments wh o use d t o p u s h the m aroun d — action s beyon d ou r wildes t imagination. Pu t differently , th e puller s had , durin g th e earl y an d mid-1920s , achieved wha t fe w though t possible . A plausibl e explanatio n o f th e Canto n phenomenon i s certainl y calle d for . Throughout thi s enquiry , on e ha s bee n especiall y struc k b y th e rol e o f historic tie s o f dialec t an d cla n grouping s i n reducin g th e atomizin g effect s o f rural-urban migratio n an d facilitatin g th e formatio n o f ne w organizationa l nexuses. Residentia l proximity , cla n assistanc e i n jo b search , an d othe r aspect s of urba n assimilatio n accentuate d th e eas e o f communicatio n an d organizatio n among th e rura l in-migrant s wh o wer e otherwis e tota l strangers . I t wa s thes e supportive network s o f kin/quasi-ki n persona l connection s tha t man y declasse emigres foun d themselve s lacking . Th e C o m m u n i s t s supplie d th e kin d o f leadership th e puller s neede d tha t woul d enhanc e thei r capabilit y t o mak e a n impressive involvemen t i n th e politica l process . Blesse d a s the y wer e wit h th e right condition s fo r radica l mas s action , th e Sout h Chin a emigres skippe d th e stage o f takin g a lon g tim e t o embrac e collectiv e actio n o f a partisa n an d revolutionary nature . I n a synthesis o f mobilizatio n models , Anthon y Oberschal l takes not e o f th e possibilit y tha t a conflic t grou p escape s th e cos t o f startin g a t "zero mobilization" : Groups ma y alread y b e organize d i n suc h a wa y tha t substantia l amounts o f individua l resource s ar e routinel y allocate d throug h existing associations and leadership fo r group ends. As the opportunit y arises, existin g leadershi p an d organization s ca n the n rapidl y commi t mobilized resource s t o ne w grou p goals , and ca n expan d th e reach o f their mobilizing effort a t low costs by making use of existing network s among grou p members . (Oberschal l 1993 , 58 ) The empirica l materia l tha t I hav e gathere d i n m y researc h bear s testimon y t o the existin g leadershi p an d organizatio n amon g th e Canto n pullers , whos e political showin g i n th e earl y t o mid-1920 s certainl y di d no t begi n fro m "zer o mobilization." Thei r earl y socializatio n i n th e metaphorica l notion s o f kinshi p
CONCLUSION
177
and commo n dialect/homeplac e origin , well entrenched prio r t o their migratio n to th e city , served t o reinforc e communa l cohesio n s o effectively . Indeed , wer e it no t fo r thes e traditiona l securit y nets , whic h th e Communis t activist s consciously utilized , th e pullers' political actio n woul d probabl y no t hav e ha d such rapi d results . I t i s almos t certai n tha t th e pullers ' militan t actio n an d belligerent mood , i f no t give n a political coherenc y an d strategy , woul d hav e been o f limite d character ; conversely , i t coul d b e develope d int o direc t actio n breaking int o ope n rebellion . A bottom-up perspectiv e lead s one t o remedy th e interpretative imbalanc e arising from th e top-dow n approache s t o th e study o f the Canto n Insurrection , which hav e centere d o n th e notion s o f "proletaria n hegemony " an d "leftis t putchism." I n short , on e mus t loo k t o th e fabri c o f everyda y lif e fo r a n understanding o f th e pullers ' politica l involvement . I t was th e sho w o f ange r against buse s an d police , apar t fro m th e succes s o f a n organizin g elit e per se, which gav e force t o thei r dorman t inclinatio n t o riot. Although stree t conflict s formed a n indispensable precondition o f revolutionary movement, th e latter was not a natural outcom e o f th e forme r bu t rathe r require d fo r it s emergenc e th e impulse o f labo r organizers . Thi s observatio n doe s no t mea n t o deprecat e th e Party's abilit y t o mobilize ; rather th e opposite . I t i s suggeste d tha t th e pullers ' heavy involvemen t i n th e Canto n Insurrectio n wa s du e t o th e Party' s organizational prowes s fo r over t protests . I t i s onl y wit h thes e consideration s in min d tha t th e politica l emergenc e o f th e pullers , which a t firs t sigh t seem s puzzling, ca n mak e sense . Viewed from thi s perspective, it comes as no surprise that the pullers became an elemen t t o b e reckone d wit h i n th e urba n revolutionar y movemen t befor e they coul d b e include d i n th e categor y o f industria l proletariat . Althoug h i n most instances they were unskilled and less formally organize d tha n many othe r social types , the y demonstrate d tim e an d agai n tha t they , too, were capabl e of collective action an d making the public and eve n the state an unwilling victim. "Still," i t ha s bee n said , "th e backbon e o f committe d constituent s fo r th e revolutionary labo r movemen t remaine d th e mor e favore d worker s — whitecollar employee s an d factor y artisan s i n particular " (Perr y 1993 , 129) . On e i s tempted t o say , however, tha t thi s diagnosti c statemen t reveal s a t mos t a halftruth. Th e Canto n pullers, although predominantly illiterat e and downtrodden , were b y n o mean s poo r materia l fo r radica l action . I n Sout h China , wher e modern factorie s wer e relativel y fe w i n numbe r an d variou s form s o f heav y manual labo r wer e a way o f lif e i n publi c places , other s wh o worke d o n th e street ar e certai n t o attrac t mor e attentio n i n th e future . The republica n ricksha w activis m generall y increase d wit h th e post-Ma y Fourth enlargemen t o f th e ne w civi c politics , an d ultimatel y thes e extrem e actions were in significant par t a product of the new claimants to power directin g
178
RELUCTANT HEROE S
the urban masse s in a manner t o enhance thei r position an d influence. I n bot h Canton an d Beijing, fo r instance , we see th e mos t radica l action s takin g plac e in 192 7 an d 192 9 respectively : a communist-le d arme d insurrectio n an d a tramcar-wrecking rio t premeditate d b y union activist s (Stran d 1989 , 239-83) . In Shanghai , i n 192 7 a ricksha w unio n wa s forme d i n conjunctio n wit h th e leftist GM D liberation o f th e Chines e sector ; yet a s th e rightist s subsequentl y utilized th e gangste r underworl d t o clam p dow n o n organize d labor , th e rickshaw unio n wa s quickl y dissolve d (L i 1997 , 21-7) . Th e iron y wa s mad e even more bitter as the pullers were faced with the choice of obtaining situational gains an d renderin g themselve s vulnerabl e t o politica l repressio n a t variou s intervals. An d thi s furthe r suggest s tha t th e titl e o f thi s boo k is , if anything , more relevan t tha n ever . Post-1927 Canton experienced a different situation . Politically, the new civic leaders who ha d directe d th e masses t o usurp powe r fro m th e ruling element s went ou t th e window followin g th e Nationalis t accessio n t o stat e power . Th e more stringen t labo r legislatio n an d socia l contro l withi n Chines e society , together with the spread of motor traffic an d the endless supply of surplus labor, engendered the pullers' increased vulnerability in relation to the state, the bosses, and th e brokers. Although th e Canton pullers' grievances against falling incom e and livin g standards never disappeared, durin g th e 1930s , the GMD authorities tried to co-opt or channel tensions through state-sponsored unionism and advise the rickshaw unio n o n ho w i t should develop . The impulse toward s unionis m came not fro m organize d labo r bu t rathe r fro m th e "interference " o f meddlin g politicians an d bureaucrat s wh o sa w th e nee d t o en d socia l unres t an d gav e priority to class reconciliation. I n Hong Kong, where the colonial state remained true t o a laissez-faire traditio n i n it s socia l policy , suc h partia l stat e accommodation simpl y di d no t occur . In leaving little space for the public sphere, the GMD authorities determine d two trends of development in a way detrimental to all vestiges of civil autonomy. First, a s a general rule , independen t voluntar y organization s an d th e privat e sector los t muc h o f thei r clou t i n domesti c politics . Th e rightists ' attempt s t o eliminate dissent , mad e possibl e b y th e resurgenc e o f stat e power , le d t o a downgrading o f the adversarial rol e of the trad e union an d its manipulation a s a too l fo r keepin g orde r withi n th e social system. Th e rickshaw unio n forme d in Canto n i n 1936 , patronized b y government-picked representative s fro m th e Labor Training Bureau and scrutinized by the Canton branch of the GMD, served as th e embodimen t o f a n officia l concer n fo r social-politica l stability . I t wa s designed as an obedient instrument th e government needed t o direct the pullers' grievances towar d th e "righ t path." I t would be too much t o expect thi s quasi governmental unio n t o pus h th e stat e t o chang e policies , an d unio n activis m certainly wa s no automati c panace a fo r th e problem s inheren t i n th e trade .
CONCLUSION
179
Second, a t a mor e genera l level , thi s stud y point s ou t th e nee d fo r stat e intervention in any type of significant socia l reform. I n this light, we can perhaps see why the long-awaited rickshaw ownership scheme ended in failure. Financia l and political limitations mad e impossible th e implementation o f reforms i n an y radical manner. Th e rickshaw unio n forme d i n Canto n i n 193 6 was actually a t best quasi-autonomous, althoug h a t times it showed an inclination toward s th e autonomous articulatio n o f pullers ' interests . Th e unio n wa s a n intentio n o f the state , it s effectivenes s lef t t o th e goodwil l o f th e part y an d governmen t agencies o f th e Nationalis t authorities . Althoug h i t migh t b e a way o f givin g advice to the ruling class, it was impaired as a means of mobilization antipatheti c to government decisio n an d policy. Unless th e initiative and full cooperatio n of the bureaucrati c stat e wa s assured , ricksha w reform s wer e doome d t o failure . Eventually, th e progres s o f reform s aime d a t helpin g th e puller s t o ge t ou t o f poverty wa s cu t shor t b y th e war o f resistanc e agains t Japan. Once we accept tha t social reforms becam e enmeshe d wit h an d predicate d upon th e intervention , o r th e lac k thereof , o f th e stat e machinery , th e demis e of th e Canto n ricksha w become s mor e understandable . A s we sa w i n chapte r 10, the pullers were not onl y victimized b y transport technolog y but als o were a targe t o f rhetorical denunciation . Th e imposition o f state corporatis m durin g the secon d hal f o r s o o f th e 1940 s involve d th e replacemen t o f rickshaw s b y pedicabs. Thi s deliberatel y eliminate d rickshaws , which otherwis e coul d hav e lingered on , operatin g a lower rat e tha n pedicab s becaus e th e capita l cos t o f manufacturing th e rickshaws had already been amortized. Another turnin g point came with th e establishment o f the People's Republic, which displayed a degree of stat e intrusio n int o everyda y lif e neve r befor e seen . No w tha t th e ricksha w was stigmatized a s an epitom e o f capitalis t exploitatio n o f th e treaty-por t era , the ricksha w rapidl y passe d ou t o f existenc e i n th e 1950s , and wit h i t a longforgotten occupationa l category .
Abbreviations
ARW Associatio CCP Chines
n o f Ricksh a Worker s o f Hong Kon g e Communis t Part y
CO 129 Colonia l Offic e Serie s 12 9 (C O 129), Governors ' Dispatche s an d Replies fro m th e Secretar y o f State, Origina l Correspondence . C0131 Colonia l Offic e Serie s 13 1 (C0131) , Minute s o f th e Hon g Kon g Executive an d Legislativ e Councils . GDDSZL Guangdong dangshi ziliao JS^SljfelcS - (Part y histor y o f Guangdong). Comp . Zhonggon g Guangdon g shengwe i dangsh i ziliao zhengj i weiyuanhu i bangongsh i ^ ^ J l l J ^ i t S i l i f e R S ^ MSm
Guangzhoushi shouche zhiye gonghui zaobao qingce
m^^BJM Wnm±
(Name list of members of
the Canton Rickshaw Trade Union in the province of Guangdong). Comp. Guangzhoushi shouch e zhiye gonghui H e jiiTfr^Jjiltllpil lit. Guangzhou , undated .
GDTfYB Guangdong tongji yuebao Si'MZMfH^i (Monthl y repor t o f Guangdong statistics). Ed. Guangdongsheng zhengfu tongjich u He jH^SfcJfrfEffA Guangzhou , 1947 .
182
GDWSZL
ABBREVIATIONS
Guangdong wenshi ziliao J K ^ ^ f e i f f i- (Material s o n Guangdon g culture and history). Comp. Zhongguo renmi n zhengzhi xieshan g huiyi Guangdongshen g Guangzhoush i weiyuanhu i wensh i zilia o
yanjiu weiyuanhui ^mA^m^WjM^^M^^WM^SM^ ^ K * W f 5 ? S M # . Guangzhou , 1984 .
GDXZZK
Guangdong xingzheng zhoukan JftJllfJSSCMfl J (Monthl y bulleti n of Guangdon g administration) . Ed . Guangdongshen g zhengf u ffi JlC^iiW. Guangzhou , 1927 .
GMD
Guomindang H S U (Chines e Nationalis t Party )
GMHYL
Geming huiyilu ^ ' PP 0tftii < (Reminiscence s on revolution). Comp. Renmin chubansh e ASiS/iK^t . Beijing , 1984 .
GMLSZ
GYBfSY
GZDGL
GZGRYD
Geming lieshizhuan ^ffp^Jdrfl l (Biographie s o f martyr s i n revolution). Comp . Gemin g lieshizhua n bianj i weiyuanhu i ^ ' w g j ± r f $ g f t S M H \ Beijing , 1985 . Gangyue buji shangye nianjian M^^-^MM^fS: (Hon g Kong and Guangdong commercia l directory) . Ed . Gangyu e buj i shangy e nianjian chubansh e ? § # i | f § I ^ J t ^ i l f t M i. Guangzhou , 1948 . Guangzhou daguanlu J K ^ H A l l ^ (Recor d o f a n overvie w o f Guangzhou). Ed . Daguanlu zazhish e A l i ^ $ l l f r ? i . Guangzhou , 1919. Guangzhou gongren yundong dashiji Ift^H^AIERjA^-fE (Recor d of majo r event s o f th e Guangzho u labo r movement) . Comp . Guangzhou gongre n yundon g sh i yanjiu weiyuanhu i bangongsh i M f f l X A S l l ^ 5 i F ^ ® M # P ^ S . Guangzhou , 1995 .
GZGSY
Guangzhou gongshangye zhinan Jfijtll^li-^frl o (Guid e t o Guangzhou industry and commerce). Ed. Guangzhou gongshangy e zhinan chubansh e S W X j f | t # f l % f t M ± . Guangzhou , 1947 .
GZNf
Guangzhou nianjian JUjtl^H : (Almana c o f Guangzhou) . Ed . Guangzhou nianjia n biancua n weiyuanhu i (Editoria l Committe e on t h e A l m a n a c o f G u a n g z h o u ) J f t W ^ l l l l i l t S l i i l l t . Guangzhou, 1935 .
GZQNFYL
Guangzhou qingnian fengyunlu J f ^ H W ^ J U B i t (Storie s of youths in Guangzhou) . Comp . Guangzho u qingnia n yundon g yanji u weiyuanhui J S W W ¥ S 1 I W 5 L ^ ^ # . Guangzhou , 1988 .
GZQY
Guangzhou qiyi Jfi^H® ^ (Guangzho u Insurrection) . Comp . Zhonggong Guangdon g shengwe i dangsh i zilia o zhengj i
ABBREVIATIONS
weiyuanhui bangongshi t * ) l ^ t S 3 I M f 4 f c i l S M ^ S . Beijing , 1988 .
183
&
GZQYZL Guangzhou qiyi ziliao JSM®iiii:$ 4 (Material s o n Guangzho u Insurrection). Comp . Guangdong gemin g lishi bowuguan jjtjfPj i iJpjRifelit/lt. Beijing , 1985 . GZSSHf Guangzhoushi shehuiju yewu baogao MtM^^ilfJ^MMWi^ (Report o n th e wor k o f Guangzho u Socia l Affair s Bureau) . Ed . Guangzhoushi shizhengf u JjfjJ+ 1 rl? rffIESc/ft\ Guangzhou , 1934 . GZSSZBG Guangzhoushi shizheng baogao huikan MWTtrUjE^^^Mf J (Collection o f reports o n Guangzho u munipica l administration) . Ed. Guangzhoushi shizhengting zongwuke Hf 4+1 rtfrl: jE^0IS^f4. Guangzhou, 1928 . GZSSZF Guangzhoushi shizhengfu tongji nianjian MjM^^^fft»&1fr^§m (Almanac of statistics o f Guangzhou municipa l government) . Ed . Guangzhoushi shizhengf u JS#|rf f rfciEfcj^f . Guangzhou , 1929 . GZSSZGB Guangzhoushi shizheng gongbao JSJ+ I rff rfJIE^^$^ (Guangzho u Municipal Gazette). Ed. Guangzhoushi shizhengting zongwuke JR fflniTtfitJ^^^fr. Guangzhou , 1921-36 . GZSSZGY Guangzhoushi shizheng gaiyao jUJM rfr rfflBStMlc (Outlin e o f Guangzhou municipa l administration) . Ed . Guangzhoush i shizhengting zongwuk e SiJM rfcl^WLMM^^\r. Guangzhou , 1921-22. GZSSZL Guangzhoushi shizheng ligui zhangcheng huibian He 4+1 ^'ffififcffiiJ^ § S M « I (Regulation s an d p r o c e d u r e s o f G u a n g z h o u munipicality). Ed. Guangzhoushi shizhengtin g zongwuk e Hej+ I rff ^^CMMBPt. Guangzhou , 1922 . GZSZFXS Guangzhoushi zhengfu xinshu luocheng jinian zhuankan He4+ I rfflESl i ^ i l f ^ ^ ^ ^ B ^ ^ f J (Specia l issue to commerate th e erection of a ne w governmen t buildin g i n Guangzhou) . Ed . Guangzhoush i shizhengfu He4+ I Tfr rfrll&jfj. Guangzhou , 1934 . GZWSZL Guangzhou wenshi ziliao He4+I^ifel!c#4 (Material s on Guangzho u culture and history). Comp. Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshan g huiyi Guangdongshen g Guangzhoush i weiyuanhu i wensh i zilia o yanjiu weiyuanhu i ^mA&^MM^m&^BJM r f f g j i # ^ f f l W ^ S A # . Guangzhou , 1980 .
1 8 4 ABBREVIATION
S
HFWS Haifeng wenshi "MWt3C$l (Haifen g cultur e an d history) . Comp . Zhongguo renmi n zhengzh i xieshan g huiy i Guangdongshen g Haifengxian weiyuanhu i wensh i ziliao yanjiu weiyuanhu i ^ S S A Huidong, 1985 . HKFTU Hon
g Kon g Federatio n o f Trad e Union s
HKLCSP Hongkong HKTUC Hon
Legislative Council Sessional Papers
g Kon g Trad e Unions Counci l
fHKBRAS fournal
of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society
LFDSZL Lufeng dangshi ziliao lliIlljfeSJf 4 (Part y material s o n Lufeng) . Comp. Zhonggon g Lufen g xianwe i dangsh i yanji u xiaoz u bangongshi t * H M i ? S S ^ W ^ / J ^ f f l P ^ ^ . Huidong, 1982 . LFYL Lufeng
yinglie W.JSL^$1\ (Gallan t martyr s o f Lufeng) . Comp . Zhonggong Lufeng xianwe i dangsh i yanjiu xiaoz u bangongsh i ^
^mmmmm^mn^mm^M. Huidong MAU Hon
, 1988 .
g Kon g Ricksh a Coolies ' Mutual Assistanc e Unio n
PPWf Peng
Pai wenji %z953cM (Collection o f the writings o f Peng Pai). Comp. Guangdongshen g dang'a n gua n SiJ^i^WiMfii. Beijing , 1981.
PPYfSL Peng
Pai yanjiu shiliao WMffifi^A (Historica l materials fo r th e research o n Pen g Pai). Comp. Peng Pai yanjiu shilia o bianjizu J U P 5 i f ^ ^ * 4 ^ $ | M . Guangzhou , 1981 .
RPU Hon
g Kon g and Kowloo n Ricksh a Pullers ' Unio n
WCU Hon
g Kong and Kowloon Waichow and Chiuchow Ricksha Pullers' Union
YfFQN Yijiu
erqi nian Guangzhou qiyi shilu ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ H e f f i ^ l l l l f i i (True record s o f th e 192 7 Guangzho u Insurrection) . Comp . Huacheng chubansh e u^MdbJKtt . Guangzhou , 1986 .
YMCA Youn
g Men's Christia n Associatio n
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This bibliograph y i s divide d int o nin e parts : Part 1 Part 2 Part 3 Part 4 Part 5 Part 6 ; Part 7 : Part 8 : Part 9
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IN JAPANES E
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7
Part 2 : Persona l Interview s Chu Chun g Yi n ^^M (age d 6 7 a s o f Apri l 15 , 1991 , when ora l intervie w wa s conducted a t Yu e Wan Estate , Chaiwan , Hon g Kong) . Chun Ma n Wong yfc^CE E (age d 7 6 a s of January 14 , 1990 , when ora l interview wa s conducted a t Yu e Wan Estate , Chaiwan , Hon g Kong) . Ho Ka n fifWL (1914-91) , ora l intervie w conducte d o n Septembe r 26 , 1990 , a t Ho' s residence i n Yaumatei , Hon g Kong . Lam Sh u Cheun g # M $ (1911-97) , ora l intervie w conducte d o n Apri l 29 , 1991 , at th e Hon g Kon g Transportation , Decoratio n an d Cleanin g Workers ' Genera l Union. Leung Ta o ^ 0 (1924-95) , ora l intervie w conducte d o n Augus t 9 , 1990 , a t Penthouse, Natha n Hotel , Hon g Kong . Ngan Chu n Tin g M f t J S (age d 6 5 a s o f Apri l 21 , 1991 , when ora l intervie w wa s conducted a t th e Hon g Kon g Nga n Clanspeople' s Association) . Tsui ^ (1922-95) , ora l intervie w conducte d o n Apri l 20 , 1991 , a t Kowloo n Wholesale Frui t Market , Yaumatei , Hon g Kong . Wong Shin g Cho w zElKSf c (age d 7 2 a s o f Apri l 4 , 1991 , when ora l intervie w wa s conducted a t Yu e Wan Estate , Chaiwan , Hon g Kong) . Zeng Zhaoji n H BS£§ (age d 7 0 a s o f Augus t 26 , 1991 , when ora l intervie w wa s conducted a t th e Eas t Bun d Residents ' Association , Canton) .
Part 3 : Canton/Kwangtun g Governmen t Record s G u a n g d o n g s h e n g zhengf u Jtl|€|fJBM \ Ed . 1927 . GDXZZK. G u a n g z h o u : Guangdongsheng zhengfu . Guangdongsheng zhengf u tongjich u I g J K # 5 W M t f M. Ed . 1947 . GDTfYB. Guangzhou: Guangdongshen g zhengf u tongjichu . Guangzhou nianjia n biancua n weiyuanhu i MJM^SzMM$M.it. Ed . 1935 . GZNf. Guangzhou: Guangzho u nianjia n biancua n weiyuanhui . G u a n g z h o u s h i shizhengf u JgffiTfrrfcil&Jtt . Ed . 1929 . GZSSZF. Guangzhou : Guangzhoushi shizhengfu . G u a n g z h o u s h i shizhengf u MJM 1^TfcigW. Ed . 1934 . GZSSHf. Guangzhou : Guangzhoushi shizhengfu . Guangzhoushi shizhengf u ffijt|7fT?friE£jfl\ Ed . 1934 . GZSZFXS. Guangzhou : Guangzhoushi shizhengfu . Guangzhoushi shizhengtin g zongwuk e Jgjt l rf c rfrlMSIillff. Ed . 1 9 2 1 - 3 6 . GZSSZGB. Guangzhou : Guangzhoush i shizhengtin g zongwuke . Guangzhoushi shizhengtin g zongwuk e MJM^^^iWMW^t. Ed . 1921-22 . GZSSZGY. Guangzhou : Guangzhoush i shizhengtin g zongwuke . Guangzhoushi shizhengtin g zongwuk e M$tylftlfi$M$!$&&. Ed . 1922 . GZSSZL. Guangzhou: Guangzhoush i shizhengtin g zongwuke . Guangzhoushi shizhengtin g zongwuk e MM1$^WMW§^. Ed . 1928 . GZSSZBG. Guangzhou: Guangzhoush i shizhengtin g zongwuke .
1 8 8 BIBLIOGRAPH
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Part 4 : Printe d Document s o f th e Hon g Kon g Governmen t Historical and Statistical Abstracts of the Colony of Hongkong, 1841-1930. 1932 . Hon g Kong: Noronh a & Company . Hongkong Administration Reports. 1908-39 . Hon g Kong : Noronh a & Company . Hongkong Annual Reports. 1946-55 . Hon g Kong : Noronh a & Company . Hongkong Blue Books. 1901-39 . Hon g Kong : Noronh a & Company . Hongkong Civil Service Lists. 1926-41 . Hon g Kong : Noronh a & Company . Hongkong Government Gazettes. 1861-1941 , 1945-55 . Hon g Kong : Noronh a & Company. Hongkong Hansard, Printed Proceedings of the Legislative Council. 1890-1941 . Hon g Kong: Noronh a & Company . Hongkong Legislative Council Sessional Papers. 1884-1941 , 1946-55 . Hon g Kong : Noronha & Company . The Hongkon g Gazett e fo r 1841 , in Chinese Repository fo r Ma y 1841 , Vol. 10 , No. 5 , 289 .
Part 5 : Archive s a t th e Publi c Record s Office , Hon g Kon g Administration Bonds , Judiciary, Th e Supreme Cour t o f Hong Kong . 1906-20 . Hon g Kong Recor d Serie s 143 . Case Files Relating t o Trade Unions, Labour Relation s (Division) , Labour Promotio n Unit, Labou r Department . Hon g Kon g Recor d Serie s 837 . Correspondence File s relatin g t o Lan d Matters , Registrar-General' s Department . 1922-41. Hon g Kon g Recor d Serie s 58 . General Correspondenc e Files , Administration Unit , Colonia l Secretariat. 1945 . Hong Kong Recor d Serie s 163 . General Correspondenc e Files , General Branch, Colonia l Secretariat . 1945-74 . Hon g Kong Recor d Serie s 41. Governors' Dispatche s an d Replie s fro m th e Secretar y o f State , Origina l Correspondence. 1842-1951 . Colonia l Offic e Serie s 12 9 (C0129) . Minutes o f th e Hon g Kon g Executiv e an d Legislativ e Councils . 1909-39 . Colonia l Office Serie s 13 1 (C0131) . Miscellaneous Pre-Wa r Documents , Registrar-General' s Department . 1905 . Hon g Kong Recor d Serie s 149 . Probate Jurisdiction-Wills, Judiciary, Th e Suprem e Cour t o f Hong Kong . 1974 . Hon g Kong Recor d Serie s 144 .
Part 6 : Material s i n Privat e Archives , Hon g Kon g Baoliang gongj u zhengxinl u i^^^MWim^k (P o Leun g Ku k annua l account s an d reports). 1939-4 0 (Ace . 001/010/011) . P o Leun g Ku k Archives . Blackburn (Arthu r Dickinso n Blackburn ) Manuscript , "A n accoun t o f persona l experiences o f m y wif e an d mysel f a t Hongkon g durin g th e Japanese attac k and afterwards. " 1942 . Hung On-To Memorial Library, University o f Hong Kong .
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Dongshiju huiy i jilu l l ^ M W t f e S J S (Minute s o f board meetings). 1903-06 , 1920 21, 1930-3 1 (Ace . 924 , 941 , 951). Tun g Wah Hospita l Archives . Huamin xinb u ^PrSfflfl l (Correspondenc e wit h th e Secretaria t fo r Chines e Affairs) , 1930-31 (Ace . 300) . Tun g Wa h Hospita l Archives . Huamin zhengwu shish u laixinb u ^ S f t J ^ l l ^ f t f S (Letter s from th e Secretaria t for Chines e Affairs) . 193 9 (Ace . 500/510/511) . P o Leun g Ku k Archives . James (Herber t Elliso n Rhode s James) Persona l Correspondence , 1892 . Hun g On To Memoria l Library , Universit y o f Hon g Kong . Ma Tsui Chi u (M a Xuchao !§$(!§ ) Commercia l Correspondence , 1906 , 1939 . Hun g On-To Memoria l Library , Universit y o f Hon g Kong . Ng Ba r Lin g Diar y ^ f f i R 0 1 5 (W u Baling' s Diary) , 1925 , 1941-42 . N g Ba r Lin g Collection. Hun g On-T o Memoria l Library , Universit y o f Hon g Kong . Potts (Alexande r Hutto n Potts ) Diary , December 4-28 , 1941 . Hung On-T o Memoria l Library, Universit y o f Hon g Kong . Valtorta (Henr y Pascha l Valtorta) Correspondence , 192 7 (Ace . 2/1 3 t o 2/14) . Hon g Kong Catholi c Diocesa n Archives . Waijie laiha n ^ h ^ S ^ S i (Incomin g letters from variou s sources), 1920-2 1 (Ace . 219). Tung Wah Hospita l Archives . Zhengxinlu HKtflf t (Annua l account s an d reports) , 1920 , 1925-2 6 (Ace . 190 , 194 , 195). Tun g Wa h Hospita l Archives . Zhishilu ! $ # £ $ (Recor d o f events) . 1918 , 194 0 (Ace . 100/120/121) . P o Leun g Ku k Archives.
Part 7 : Compendiu m o f Communis t Archive s Geming lieshizhua n bianj i weiyuanhu i ¥'np^!ldrfl|fili : SM'fr. Comp . 1985 . GMLSZ. Beijing : Renmi n chubansh e A f S f t M ± . Guangdong gemin g lish i bowugua n J S ^ ¥ ^ P K ^ W ^ I | . Comp . 1985 . GZQYZL. Beijing: Renmi n chubansh e ASiiiJlK?i . Guangdongsheng dang'a n gua n Jfljftitlif^fl? . Comp . 1981 . PPWJ. Beijing: Renmi n chubanshe A K t f J J K t t . Guangdongsheng dang'a n gua n J l l j i l i t ^ ^ f f f . Comp . 1986 . GDQNYD. Guangzhou : Guangdongsheng dang'a n guan . Guangzhou gongre n yundon g sh i yanji u weiyuanhu i bangongsh i J9fjt|XASIlftl i W ^ S M # l r ^ S . Comp . 1995 . GZGRYD. Guangzhou : Guangzho u gongre n yundong sh i yanji u weiyuanhu i bangongshi . Guangzhou qingnia n yundong yanjiu weiyuanhu i HUtl ilf ^ S R l W ^ S I J t W. Comp . 1988. GZQNFYL. G u a n g z h o u : Guangzho u qingnia n y u n d o n g yanji u weiyuanhui. Huacheng chubansh e TEftScLtJltSte . Comp . 1986 . YfEQN. Guangzhou : Huachen g chubanshe. Peng Pa i yanji u shilia o bianjiz u 0 # f W ^ i f 4 H f t f f i . . Comp . 1981 . PPYfSL. Guangzhou: Renmi n chubansh e ASLrJl!S?i . Renmin chubansh e A S t f J i i S t t . Comp . 1984 . GMHYL . Beijing: Xinhu a shudia n §r
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Index
Aberdeen, 2 6 Agrarian crisis , 9 6 Alcohol, 17 , 25 , 44, 97n l Amahs, 2 3 Anarchism an d anarchists , 78 , 9 5 Anguijin firffifjfe (cas h deposit) , 19 , 124, 145-8 , 150 , 16 2 Animals, cruelt y to , 11 5 Anle %M, 10 0 Anti-Mui Tsa i Societ y (Fandu i xubihu i & U * * * # ) , 11 5 Anton Street , 12 2 Arrests of Communists , 85 , 89, 9 1 of pedica b owner , 14 0 of ricksha w passenger , 2 5 of ricksha w pullers , 21 , 41, 45, 47, 51, 71 , 75, 14 0 of suspecte d politica l exiles , 11 3 Arsenal Street , 2 4 Artisans, xiv , 62 , 17 7 Assassination, 8 9 Assault. See Intimidation ; Kidnapping ; Violence Association o f Ricksh a Worker s o f Hong Kon g (Xianggan g renlich e
zonggonghui ^ t A A ^ i t tX # ) , 18 , 146-8 , 151- 4 Association o f Workers , Peasants , an d Soldiers (Gongnongbin g banshichu l i f t i f l ) , 9 0 Automobile. See Moto r ca r Badeley, Franci s Joseph, 4 9 Baker, Kennet h Alan , 152- 3
Ball, James Dyer , 10 , 3 7 Bang H f (gang) , 60- 1 Bank o f Canton , 10 7 Baojia $: ¥ (mutua l securit y system) , 70 Beggars in Canton , 64 , 8 9 in Hon g Kong , 11 8 Beijing (Peking ) 3tM, xiv , 77-8 , 95 , 178 Bergere, Marie-Claire , 16 7 Billingsley, Phil , 17 2 Blackouts, 130 , 133- 4 Boat o r sampa n dweller s in Canton , 62 , 64-5 , 68-9 , 7 6 in Hon g Kong , xiv , 10 , 21 , 38, 43, 54 Bonham Strand , 12 , 1 7 Border control , 9 , 13 0 Bowrington Canal , 2 4 Boycotts anti-American, 46-7 , 54-5 , 6 8 anti-British, 52-3 , 113- 4 anti-French, 43-4 , 54 , 12 6 (See also Protests ) Brewin, Arthu r Wimbolt , 48- 9 Bribery. See Corruptio n British an d Foreig n Bibl e Society , 8 0 British Malaya , 11 6 Brothels, 17 , 26 , 39 , 7 5 Brotherhood, sens e of , 31 , 35, 17 2 Bubonic plague , 9 , 1 4 Burial expenses , 16 , 61 , 87 Burkwall, Rev d H . O . T. , 79-8 0 Burma, 13 0
202
INDEX
Bus, 12-3 , 17 , 23 , 62, 63p , 65-8 , 73 , 82, 85 , 87-8 , 93 , 96, 105 , 130-1, 133 , 144 , 150 , 167 , 17 7 Butters, Henr y Robert , 114 , 12 3 Buzhumi Mfifj ^ (relie f ric e ration) , 164 C. C . Clique , 16 8 Cadet officer , 114 , 12 4 Cai Fangon g HflMfc , 10 1 Caine Road , 11 7 Cangue, 4 0 Canton (Guangzhou ) S.JM alleyways in , 59 , 64 , 10 6 ancient wall s in , 62- 4 boat o r sampa n dweller s in , 62 , 64-5, 68-9 , 7 6 comparison o f Hon g Kon g with , 4 , 37, 92 , 172 , 175 , 17 8 mayors, 68 , 72 , 81 , 99-100, 108 , 166, 16 8 migrants fro m outside , 59-62 , 65 , 96, 129 , 16 0 missionary activitie s in , 78-80 , 17 6 and neighborin g districts/towns , xiv, 5 9 as revolutionar y base , 4 , 71 , 77- 8 Sun Ya t Se n in , 4 , 69 , 78 , 84 , 8 9 as treat y port , 4 , 6 8 Canton Bun d (Zhangd i H ^ i ) , 65n l Canton Chambe r o f Commerc e (Guangzhou zongshanghu i MJM «Si8f#), 69-70 , 10 7 Canton Cit y Unio n Evangelisti c Association, 7 9 Canton-Hong Kon g Strik e (1925-26) , 52-3, 7 0 , 9 1 , 11 3 Canton Insurrectio n (1927 ) failure of , 86n2 , 90- 1 historiography of , 91 , 17 7 popular characte r of , 9 0 - 1 , 177- 8 repression of , 90- 1 rickshaw pullers ' rol e in , 2 , 78 , 90-2 as watershe d i n Canto n history , 102 Canton-Kowloon Railway , 6 4
Canton merchants , 67-70 , 83-4 , 165-6 Canton Road , 12 , 13 1 Cantonese dialect of , 10 , 60 , 12 4 employment an d occupation , 10-1 , 62 host society , 35 , 62 , 7 5 movie, 12 3 rickshaw owners , 14 4 slangs, 30 , 11 5 teahouses, 84- 5 traits i n character , 10-1 , 18, 67 , 7 7 Cargo coolies , 11 , 17 , 37-8, 60- 1 Castaneda, Abelardo , 4 1 Causeway Bay , 2 6 Censorship o f th e press , 16 2 Central Market , 2 4 Chan Ch i Ton g (Che n Jitang) S ^ j t , 99 Chan Li m Pa k (Che n Lianbo ) R M S , 83-4 Chan Ton g (Chentang ) ftliS, 7 5 Chang Fa h Kwe i (Zhan g Fakui ) 3fj?jt ' ^ , 15 9 Changsha -§$> , 9 0 Chaozhou. Se e Chiucho w Chaozhou bay i huigua n S i # | A S # I & (Swatow Guil d Hall) , 6 1 Chap Yi n Stevedore s Unio n (Jixia n qiluohuo gonghu i MK&^M^Tl #),6 1 Chartered Ban k o f India , Australi a an d China, 3 8 Chau l u Tin g (Zho u Yaoting ) MMU, 12 Chauvin, Hecto r Frederi c George , 15 5 Chazi 5K8 t ("tea-money") , 148 , 16 2 Chefu anjisuo $ f t $ ^ 0 f (ricksha w pullers' hostels) , 10 0 Chefu youqiche $ f t ^ f S $ (ricksha w ownership scheme) , 101 , 106 , 179 Chefuguan $ f t f f (ricksha w pullers ' lodging houses) , 6 1 Chen Chiun g Min g (Che n Jiongming ) BfcHW, 77-8 , 8 4
INDEX
Chen Duxi u WM^, 82 , 8 4 Chen Kun g P o (Che n Gongbo ) W^ W, 10 3 Chen Sh u WM, 8 6 Chen Yannia n R ® ¥ , 84- 5 Chen Youshen g E f e £ £ , 8 5 Chen Zhu o HC^ , 14 0 Chengdu J&fP , 11 6 Chesneaux, Jean, 43 , 17 3 Chetou $ £ B ("carriag e chiefs") , 1 2 Cheung Tso h Ke i (Zhan g Zuoji ) 3 f t ^ K , 78-8 0 Cheung Yi m Sz e (Zhan g Yanshi ) 3SJSK, 1 2 Cheung Yue n Fun g (Zhan g Yuanfeng )
W&&, 9 9 Chezai gonghu i ifLf f X'H* (ricksha w union), 8 0 Chezaiguan ^ff If f (ricksha w pullers ' hostel), 1 2 Chi dantiaofan ffeH^tK . (eatin g onl y one mea l pe r day) , 9 8 Chiang Ka i She k (Jian g Jieshi) IfefhS , 89, 10 5 Chikeng ^X, 6 0 China Moto r Bu s Co . Ltd. , 1 3 Chinese Carg o Junk Owners ' an d Employees' Association , 5 0 Chinese Communis t Party , 78 , 82-4 , 89-93, 17 0 (See also Communists ) Chinese i n Hon g Kon g colonial view s of , 5 , 37-41 , 53-4 , 173 community leaders , 12-3 , 19 , 38, 48, 14 8 composition of , 9 - 1 1 , 2 1 everyday lif e of , xiii-xiv , 11 , 14-8 , 19-20, 21-36 , 38-4 2 housing condition s of , 14- 6 population, 9 , 118 , 139 , 17 1 segregation fro m Europea n community, 4 1 (See also Hon g Kong ) Chinese Labo r Unio n La w (1929) , 10 3 Chinese Literar y Renaissance , 9 5 Chinese Mechanics ' Union , 4 7
203
Chinese Nationalis t Party . Se e Guomindang Chinese Representativ e Counci l (Huamin daibiaohu i ^ R f t S # ) , 136 , 13 8 Chinese Seamen' s Union , 50 , 113 , 14 3 Chiuchow (Chaozhou ) fSJt l celebration o f Yu Lan Festival , 1 8 dialect, 10 , 18 , 32-5 , 6 0 - 1 , 86, 9 8 employment an d occupation , 10-1 , 13-4, 17-9 , 32- 5 funds fo r relie f o f victim s in , 1 8 migrants from , 10-1 , 13-4 , 17- 9 rickshaw puller s from , 15 , 17-9 , 32-5, 48 , 61 , 86, 98n2 , 145- 6 secret societies , 3 0 Chiuchow Ho n (Chaozho u xiang )
\mm, 1 7
Chiuon (Chao'an ) M%, 98n 2 Chiushan (Chaoshan ) $8fill , 1 0 Chiuyeung (Chaoyang ) tUBI , 1 8 Choa Sh i Shian g (Zho u Shuxuan ) m m , 14 5 Chongqing S l B , 16 5 Chop-suey, 32 , 9 8 Chou Shouso n (Zho u Shouchen ) ffl#E, 11 7 Chu Fa t Ya t (Zh u Huiri ) T M ¥ H , 9 0 Chuanbo qishui jt q $&§?!& (boa t dee d tax), 6 9 Chukiang Lan e (Zhujian g Lane )
airm, 83
Chung Mo w Fun g (Zhon g Maofeng ) i l J K I i . See Mowfung , Frederick Charle s Chungshan (Zhongshan ) tf* ill, viii , 60 Civil Affairs Departmen t (Minzhengb u KDfcSP), 131-2 , 135-6 , 138- 9 City landscap e cognitive mapping , 26-7 , 36 , 6 1 as conteste d space , 3 , 5 , 21 , 23-36 , 60-2 landmarks in , 26 , 6 4 City o f Victoria , 16 , 23 , 39, 45- 6 Class consciousness, 47-8 , 52 , 9 3
204
INDEX
ethnicity and , 19-20 , 47-8 , 93 , 144, 156 , 17 2 power relation s and , 3 , 104 , 17 8 problem o f traditiona l approache s to, 4 , 17 3 (See also Identity ; Proletariat ) Clay, Nikolai , 4 4 Clay Pigeo n Shootin g Club , 13n 2 Coble, Park s M. , Jr., 68n 2 Collective action . See Mobilization ; Protests Colonial Office , 115 , 12 7 Commander o f th e Britis h Empir e (CBE), 1 3 Communists activities i n Hon g Kong , 53 , 86n2 , 113, 143-5 , 155 , 15 7 persecution of , 89-90 , 113-4 , 143 4, 155 , 15 7 post-1949 urba n reforms , 168-70 , 179 rickshaw puller s and , 53 , 82-93 , 168-70, 175- 9 (See also Chines e Communis t Party; Guomindang ) Compradors, 14 , 83 , 17 4 Connaught Road , 27p , 34 p Conquered Territor y o f Hongkon g (Xianggang zhanlingd i WSfe^J l Jft), 13 0 Conscription, 71-3 , 107- 8 Corruption in Canton , 75 , 167- 8 in Hon g Kong , 3 0 Craigengower Cricke t Club , 13n 2 Credit-ticket system , 1 3 Criminal justice. See Magistrary ; Punishments Crow, Carl , 2 6 Cumshaw ("gratefu l thanks") , 2 5 Dangzhengjun lianxi huiyi MMCW^l^ Hfm (join t meetin g o f civilian party-military government) , 10 7 Dapaidang ^Cltf ^ (cooke d foo d stalls), 3 2 De Yi Tang t l S S ("Unio n o f Virtu e and Righteousness") , 8 0
Deane, Walte r Meredith , 4 2 Department o f Worker s an d Peasant s (Nonggongting H X S ) , 83 , 88-9 Der A Wing & Co. , 13n 2 Des Voeu x Road , 17 , 31 , 47 Dialect. See Cantonese ; Chiuchow ; Hakka; Hokl o Dichotomous mode l o f society , 17 3 Difang zhuyi i&^ f ±H (localism) , 8 6 Dingshoufei I H ^ S ("carrying-o n fee"), 15 5 Dipi J&^ r ("loca l roughs"), 16 3 District Bureaux , 137- 8 Dock laborers , 21 , 43, 6 0 East Bun d (Dongd i JK^I) , 61 , 83, 99 , 164 East Parad e Grounds , 7 9 East Rive r area , 60 , 84 , 122 , 15 5 East Rive r Guerrill a Forc e (Dongjian g zongdui MKfflB), 15 5 Eitel, Ernes t John, 4 1 Elgin Street , 2 6 Emergency Regulation s Ordinanc e (1927), 11 4 Emigration, throug h Hon g Kong , 1 2 Erliguan X j g f t , 8 5 Erlu tongjia H^^M ("sub-hosts") , 12 Ethnicity. See Class ; Dialect ; Identity ; Native plac e Executive Council , 1 3 Fandongfenzi KlS&fiH P ("reactionar y elements"), 8 7 Fang Sho u ^filP , 12 2 Fantan H H , 3 1 Fatshan (Foshan ) ffijLl, viii , 60 , 16 6 Feng Na n 8§|% , 86 Feng Zhuoxua n 3§#?jfi , 167- 8 Fewsmith, Joseph, 16 7 Finance Burea u (Caizhengj u M S M ) , 64, 68 , 88 , 96 , 10 9 Fire Brigad e Station , 2 4 First Street , 14 5 Fokis #Cf E (employees) , 2 1
205
INDEX
Fong Ta i Yeung (Fan g Taiyang )
-ffXm, 15 2
Food costs of , 47 , 115-6 , 121-3 , 132 , 135-8, 141 , 149 , 161-2 , 16 4 income spen t on , 16 , 4 7 rationing, 134-5 , 137 , 16 4 of ricksha w puller s an d thei r preparation, 14 , 3 2 - 3, 9 8 supplies, 129 , 134-8 , 141 , 160 , 164 Forster, Lancelot , 96 , France, 118 , 17 5 French, 43-4 , 54 , 78 , 118 , 126 , 17 5 Fu'an ta$:, 10 0 Fujian. See Hokkie n Fuli xiezuoshe tef !]t&f^ ± ("mutual aid welfar e society") , 8 3 Fumu ijiS (hea d coolies) , 12 , 10 4 Fung Cheu k Ma n (Fen g Zhuwan )
mum, 8 9
Fuyi ftS (cooli e carriers) , 71 , 72 p Gambling disputes over , 3 1 a failur e o f character , 11 7 in ricksha w pullers ' hostels , 8 8 on th e street , 3 1 Gangjiu renlich e gongtua n weiyuanhu i
«XAA^XHS*#
(Committee o f Ricksha w Labo r in Hon g Kon g an d Kowloon) , 152-3, 15 6 Gaojilai IRJ3§0|€ , 16 3
Gao Xi n ifiifff , 16 8 Gendarmerie Headquarter s (Xianbingdui benb u ft^W^f SP), 131 , 137 , 139-4 0 General Labou r Associatio n o f Hon g Kong (Ki u Kon g Kun g Tu n Tsung U i f H I S t ) , 11 3 General Pos t Office , 27 p Germany, 17 5 Goble, Jonathan, 1 Government permissive, 4 , 78 , 8 0 - 1 , 103-4 , 156-7
repressive, 70 , 71-3 , 89-90 , 102 , 113-4, 143- 4 155-7 , 17 8 Government Civi l Hospital , 3 1 Grassroots o f society , xiii-xiv , 91 , 172-3 (See also Pett y urbanites ) Green Gang , i n Shanghai , 17 5 Gresson Street , 14 5 Guangdong. See Kwangtun g Guangdong Academ y o f La w an d Political Scienc e (BM^yLfe^L *ra*«),8 2 Guangdongsheng canyihu i JllJ^i t Jl-til H~ (Kwangtung Provincia l Assembly), 10 1 Guangdongsheng hezu o shiy e weiyuanhui S i J l i t l E r { ^ ( l H H JiH* (Kwangtun g Provincia l Commission fo r th e Promotio n of Cooperativ e Affairs) , 10 1 Guangdongsheng zhengzh i yanjiuhu i
jingjizu U^m&M%^MM
ffi. (Economic Branc h o f th e Kwangtung Researc h Institut e for Politica l Studies) , 101 , 10 5 Guangzhou. See Canto n Guangzhou shif u canshish i jfl^tlTffJ ^ J H ^ S (Canto n Municipa l Advisory Council) , 10 1 Guangzhou shizhen g weiyuanhu i H e JM fl: J$t3IJi11 t (Canto n Municipa l Administrative Council) , 10 1 Guangzhou shouchef u gonghu i MJM ^ $ ^ X # (Canto n Ricksha w Pullers'Union), 85-8 , 9 2 Guangzhoushi canyihu i MJM^^-mit (Canton Municipa l Affair s Council), 100 , 106 , 16 6 Guangzhoushi renl i shouchey e zhiy e
gonghui BjmAjj^mwtM
X # (Canto n Hand-Ricksha w Trade Union) , 162-6 , 16 9 Guangzhoushi shouch e zhiy e gonghu i K W T f r ^ ¥ « H l # (Canto n Rickshaw Trad e Union) , 102-9 , 178-9
206
INDEX
Guangzhoushi zonggonghu i JfOlflLil l X # (Federatio n o f Canto n Laborers), 16 2 Guilds absence of , 43n 3 anti-Christian an d Bolshevist , 11 7 composition of , 5 9 labor strike s and , 47 , 49-51 , 5 4 membership of , 11 4 opposition t o taxe s by , 6 9 Guomindang H S S (Chines e Nationalist Party ) alliance wit h CCP , 78 , 83- 4 break wit h CCP , 89 , 17 8 Canton branc h of , 103-5 , 162 , 168, 17 8 factionalism within , 89 , 16 8 labor movemen t and , 4 , 78 , 83-4 , 89-91, 102-4 , 161-3 , 178- 9 Haifeng gonghu i ^ M ^ # (Hoifun g Hometown Association) , 6 1 Hailiushe $|$K% t (Se a Curren t Society), 15 5 Haiphong (Haifang ) J$$j , 13 , 3 5 Haiphong Road , 1 8 Hakka (Kejia ) ^ g C , 1 0 Haozai wu dangchai tf ff Ppllrl t (goo d boys d o no t wea r polic e uniforms), 7 3 Happy Valley , 26 , 45 , 13 4 Harlech Road , 2 5 Hawkers, 2 , 23 , 36-7, 42 , 75 , 127n 4 Hawkins, Bria n Charle s Keith , 124 , 153 He Yan g fa#, 8 6 Heaven an d Eart h Society , 17 2 Hee Won g Terrac e (He i Won g Toi) , 86n2 Heigou H ^ J ("blac k dogs") , 7 5 Hennessy Road , 30 , 43 , 14 0 Hershatter, Gail , 17 5 High Street , 130 , 14 4 Hill Distric t Reservatio n Ordinanc e (1904), 4 1 Hillier Street , 22 p Ho Hon g Bank , 2 5 Ho Ka i (H e Qi ) fajgfc, 48
Hoifung (Haifeng ) 7 $ l t . See Hoi-Luk Fung Hokkien (Fujian ) ffiH, 10 , 43, 6 0 Hoi Lu k Fun g Schoo l (Hailufen g xuexiao « S I I ¥ K ) , 14 5 Hoi-Luk-Fung (Hailufeng ) fftgtl l emigration pressure s of , 1 0 peasant movement s in , 53 , 83, 9 0 rickshaw puller s from , 32-5 , 48 , 53, 61 , 83, 86, 92 , 122 , 15 5 sedan chai r bearer s from , 3 5 Hoklo (Fulao ) ffifg dialect an d origins , 1 0 employment an d occupation , 34- 5 (See also Hoi-Luk-Fung ) Hometown visits , 9 , 121 , 15 2 Honam (Henan ) M S , viii , 65p , 66 , 71-2, 84 , 9 0 Honghuagang StfEjaj } (Re d Flowe r Hill), 8 9 Hong Kon g as asylu m fo r politica l exiles , 86n2 , 113 census an d registration , 9 , 25 , 35, 37-8, 40- 1 colonial situatio n of , 4 - 5 , 37-52 , 173 Communist activitie s in , 53 , 86n2 , 113, 143-5 , 155,15 7 comparison o f Canto n with , 4 , 37 , 92, 172 , 175 , 17 8 as entrepot , 4 , 17 , 11 3 migrants fro m outside , 9-11 , 13-5 , 4 0 - 1 , 86n2 , 113 , 121 , 126 , 17 2 missionary activitie s in , 115 , 117 8, 127 , 17 4 (See also Chines e i n Hon g Kong ) Hong Kon g an d Kowloo n Ricksh a Pullers' Unio n (Xianggan g Jiulong shouch e gonghu i H f S M i ? - $ X # ) , 145-7 , 149-54 , 157 Hong Kon g an d Kowloo n Waicho w and Chiucho w Ricksh a Pullers ' Union (Gangji u Huicha o shouche gonghu i S ^ l S H ^ ^ X # ) , 145 , 154-5 , 15 7
INDEX
Hong Kon g an d Kowloo n Wharf , 13 , 17-8 Hong Kon g Chiucho w Chambe r o f Commerce, 148 , 15 3 Hong Kon g Federatio n o f Trad e Unions, 143 , 146n2 , 15 5 Hong Kon g Nga n Clanspeople' s Association (Xianggan g Yansh i zongqin zonghu i ^ S M R ^ S . H # ) , 18- 9 Hong Kon g Ricksh a Coolies ' Mutua l Assistance Unio n (Qiaogan g shouche gongre n huzhush e
mm^xAKm±), 145
,
151-2, 15 4 Hong Kon g Ricksh a Trad e Employer s (On-Hang) Associatio n (Xianggang renlich e anhen g shanghui # ^ A A ¥ ^ f f f # ) , 125, 144-5 6 Hong Kon g Seamen' s Union , 14 3 Hong Kon g Shrin e (Xianggan g shenshe # S t t ? ± ) , 13 4 Hong Kon g Trad e Union s Council , 143, 145 , 146n 2 Hong Kon g Trave l Association , 11 6 Hongkong Club , 4 2 Hongkong Tramwa y Company , 46 , 49 , 55 Horse carriages , 46 , 132- 3 Horse racing , 26 , 13 4 Housing income spen t on , 2 , 14 , 47, 97-8 , 121, 16 2 (See also Tenemen t house ) Hu Hanch i tftWlfc, 8 0 Hu Sh i iM IS, 9 5 Huang Zho u WM, 8 6 Hufa H f e (protec t th e constitution) , 77,89 Human beast s o f burden , 2 9 Hunan, 6 9 Identity class and , 3-4 , 19-20 , 47-8 , 52 , 93, 104 , 144 , 156 , 172-3 , 17 8 ethnicity and , 9-20 , 30-6 , 60-2 , 86, 171- 3
207
expressions of , 2 , 14-5 , 53 , 60, 83 , 86, 93 , 122 , 143 , 144-5 , 171 , 176 multifaceted, 15 , 20, 17 2 as strategy , 33 , 17 1 at workplace , 10-1 , 13-4 , 17-8 , 32-6, 48 , 6 0 - 1 , 98, 171-2 , 17 6 Illegal Strike s an d Lock-out s Ordinance (1927) , 114 , 17 3 Imperial Gendarmeri e Polic e Forc e (Huangjun jingbeidu i : £ ¥ l f fit W), 13 4 Imperialism impact of , 43-4 , 52-3 , 107-8 , 174-5 indigeneous force s and , 4 - 5 , 17 4 nature of , 4 n l , 5 International Labo r Day , 78 , 86 , 11 4 International Settlement , 39 , 5 2 Intimidation, 30 , 45 , 114 , 16 3 (See also Kidnapping ; Violence ) Ip Tin g Fu n (Y e Tingfen) M&^, 1 2 Isogai, Rensuke , 13 8 Italy, 17 5 J. Gibb s & Co. , Importers , Exporter s and Commissio n Merchants , 1 2 Japan, 1 , 99, 108 , 12 1 Japanese invasion o f Canton , 107-9 , 126 , 129 occupation o f Hon g Kong , 130-41 , 153 military yen , 131 , 134-8 , 141 , 144 , 153 use o f rickshaw s by , 13 2 Jardine, Matheso n & Co. , 27n 2 Jardine's Suga r Refinery , 1 3 Jardine's Wharf , 4 9 Ji Y i Tang ftHS (Mutua l Benefit s Guild), 10 4 Jiang Jieshi. See Chian g Ka i She k Jiaoyuhui SStWH * (educationa l associations), 10 0 fingjuan ISfJ I ("polic e tax") , 6 8 Jingwuting WMM (Polic e Headquarters), 70- 1 Jordan Road , 140 , 15 2
208
INDEX
Jubilee Road , 2 6 Jubilee Street , 2 4 Judiciary. See Magistrary ; Punishment s fulebu flr^oP ("recreatio n club") , 8 3 Justices o f th e Peace , 12- 3 Kam Hin g Knittin g & Weavin g Factory ( ^ H H o S l t ) , 1 2 Kangdi tongzhihu i iftilStlH l i f e# (Wa r Comrades Association) , 10 8 Kennedy Town , 17 , 46, 13 4 Ki Ling Lane , 1 2 Kidnapping, 71-3 , 115 , 16 0 (See also Intimidation ; Violence ) King's Building , 27 p Kiu Kon g Sa u Ch e Kun g Ya n Wu Ch o
She M « ¥ $ X A 5 : S M ±
(Mutual Ai d Clu b o f Sojournin g Hong Kon g Ricksh a Coolies ) origins an d activitie s i n 1939-41 , 121-7 reregistered i n 1946 , 14 5 Kotewall, Robert , 11 7 Kowkong (Jiujiang ) fhtL, vii i Kowloon City , 27 , 11 8 Kowloon Godow n Co. , 16- 9 Kowloon Residents ' Association , 2 9 Ku L i Ku n P r o f i t (cooli e houses) , 1 5 Kuli budaohu i i ^ j f f c l l # (Cooli e Laborers' Mission) , 78-8 0 Kung Hu i XH * (labo r union) , 12 1 Kung Ye e Medical Colleg e an d Hospital (Gongy i xuexia o ^ l f *«),7 9 Kwangsi (Guangxi ) S H , 67-8 , 7 7 Kwangtung (Guangdong ) jftjl l emigration from , 5 9 floods in , 18 , 96 , 146 , 16 0 military, 69 , 71-3 , 77-8 , 84 , 89 , 105-6 Kwong Ho n Terrac e (Kwon g Ho n Toi) , 26 Kwong Wa i Roa d JKi f j&, 8 5 Kwongmoon (Jiangmen ) fllPI, viii , 166 Lache peiyuk J i $ l j £ # ("Humiliatio n of Ricksha w Pulling") , 12 3
Lachewei S $ M ("pul l th e tai l o f a rickshaw"), 9 7 Lai I m Sz e (Li Yanshi) 3 g i £ R , 1 2 Laissez-faire, 4 , 17 8 Lam Ch u Heun g (Li n Zhuxiang ) # f t * , 15 5 Land Communicatio n Departmen t (Jiaotongbu 3 e f i ^ ) , 133 , 135 , 137-8 Lao Sh e ^ # , 12 3 Laogong xunlianb u # I g l l | ^ n P (Labor Trainin g Bureau) , 104 , 108, 17 8 Laogong zhansh i gongzuotua n ^ X J H P | X # H (Wartim e Labo r Corps), 10 8 Laozong ^5I K ("ol d folks") , 1 9 Lashiche fiff^ ("trul y pul l a rickshaw"), 9 7 Lee Ka u Ya n (Li Qiu'en ) ^ t J § l , 11 5 Legislative Council , 13 , 38, 48, 114 , 117 Legros, Louis , 4 4 Lei Fu k La m (Li Fulin ) ^ ? S # , 9 0 Lenin, Vladimir , 9 2 Li Cha i Su m (L i Jishen) ^WM, 8 9 Li Cho r Chi , 2 5 Li Helin g ^ H K , 10 8 Li Huiquan ^ J R | | , 14 0 L i j i e z h i ^ f ; £ , 10 8 Li Kwai , 3 2 Li Laogon g ^ H X , 83-4 , 8 6 Li Peiqu n ^Wffi, 8 6 Li P o Lun g Path , 86n 2 Li Shouzh u ^ F t f c , 8 6 Li Zhongzhe n $ f t f i ! , 10 1 Lianfa Pullers ' Hoste l ( I B f AJJ^ft It), 9 1 Liang Jingquan S c U H , 8 0 Licensing Ordinanc e (1887) , 3 9 Lin Chan g # i , 16 5 Lin Mushen g # # M 8 , 12 1 Lin Qilu n #fflfi% , 12 5 Lin Wunon g # ^ M , 8 4 Lin Ye e Min (Li n Yimin ) # H ! K , 10 6 Liu Che n Hua n (Li u Zhenhuan )
f!]««, 84
INDEX
Liu Ch i We n (Li u Jiwen) M&X, 9 9 100, 10 8 Liu Chun g Ho i (Lia o Zhongkai ) * ms ,8 3 Liu Shif u filWft , 9 5 Lodging house . See Tenemen t hous e Lower Alber t Road , 13 1 Lu Dengyin g g H ? l , 16 5 Lu Hanchao , xi v Lukfung (Lufeng ) P I S . See Hoi-Luk Fung Lung Cha i Kwon g (Lon g Jiguang )
tmyt, 7
7
Lyons, Frederic k William , 4 8 Ma Cha k Ma n (M a Zemin ) J§?SrS , 148 Macao, 32 , 146 , 15 2 MacEwen & Frickel' s Store , 2 4 Magazine Gap , 11 6 Magistrary cases before , 25 , 27 , 30 , 38 , 40, 44 , 48-9 criticism of , 5 0 (See also Punishments ) Maichetou J t ^ S C ("bu y th e hea d o f a rickshaw"), 9 7 Man Foo k Roa d Hffij& , 61 , 8 2 Mann, Susan , 68n 2 Mao Ts e Tun g (Ma o Zedong ) &MJ^, 169-70 Marco Pol o Incident , 107 , 129 , 17 3 Mark Ken t Chu n (Ma i Jianzeng) # » § , 10 6 May Day . See Internationa l Labo r Da y May Fourt h Movement , 59 , 78 , 92, 95, 176-7 May Road , 11 6 McDouall, John Crichton , 144- 5 Mechanics, xiv , 47 , 50 , 14 3 Memorial Garde n t o th e Martyrs , 8 9 Merchant Delegate s Congress , 7 0 Merchant Voluntee r Corps , 83- 4 Messrs. Andre w Harpe r & Co. , 129-30 Messrs. Siemsse n & Co. , 1 4 Mid-Levels, 3 9
209
Migration effects o n receivin g community , 9 11, 59-60 , 76 , 96-7 , 121 , 160 , 172 employment and , 10-1 , 13-5 , 1 7 9, 6 0 - 1 , 171- 2 increases in , 9 , 59-60 , 96 , 121 , 160 kin network s and , 2 , 11-2 , 13-4 , 17-8, 60- 1 reasons for , 9-10 , 59-60 , 86n2 , 96 , 121, 16 0 rural-urban, 59-60 , 75 , 96, 171 , 176 Militarists. See Warlord s Military expense s an d supplies , 69 , 71-3, 78 , 84 , 106 , 14 0 Minsheng rS# i (People' s Livelihood) , 100 Mission t o Ricksh a an d Chair-men , 117-8 Missionaries, 1 , 78-80 , 115 , 117-8 , 127, 174 , 17 6 Mobilization, 2 , 16 , 32-3, 76, 78 , 8 3 9, 104-5 , 113 , 162-4 , 171- 9 (See also Protests ) Mongkok, 13 1 Moscow, 8 4 Motor ca r (i n Canton ) competition wit h rickshaw , 65-7 , 150 seized b y th e Japanese, 13 0 Motor ca r (i n Hon g Kong ) accidents, 28-9 , 14 0 advent of , 28 , 4 6 competition wit h rickshaw , 3 , 28 , 52, 118 , 15 0 competition wit h seda n chair , 115 6 Mowfung, Edward , 13n 2 Mowfung, Frederic k Charles , 12- 3 Mui-tsai Wif (indenture d girls) , 115 , 127, 17 5 Municipal Counci l in Canton , 62 , 68 , 79-8 1 in Shanghai , 99 , 17 4 Murphy, James, 4 4 Murray, Dia n H. , 17 2
210
INDEX
Nam Pa k Hon g Kun g Shu k (Nanbeiheng gongsu o ftdtfr yA Bf\ 17- 8 Namhoi (Nanhai ) T$P$i , viii Namtau (Nantou ) S S S , vii i Nanchang ffiH, 9 0 Nanjing ^M, 103 , 16 5 Nanyang [ S # (Sout h Sea) , 9 6 Nathan Road , 3 2 Native plac e as determinan t o f unio n formation , 2, 53 , 83, 86, 93 , 122 , 143 , 144-5 nostalgia for , 12 1 recruitment and , 13-4 , 18-20 , 53 , 6 0 - 1 , 83 , 86, 122 , 143 , 145-6 , 155, 17 2 remittance o f mone y to , 9 social organizatio n and , 10-1 , 1 3 20, 30-6 , 48 , 60-2 , 98 , 171-2 , 176 (See also Migration ) Neijie W S (inne r alleys) , 10 6 Ng A Lok, 4 0 Ng A Tong, 1 3 Ng Cho y (W u Cai ) ffi^, 4 4 Ng Si u Tin g (W u Shaoting ) ^ \ 6 , 146 Ngan Chi m Shi , 1 2 Ngan Lu k (Ya n Liu ) MA, 1 2 Ngan Shin g Kwa n (Ya n Chengkun ) H j 3 p K 12-3 , 19 , 14 4 Ngan Win g Chi , 12-3 , 1 7 Nightsoil carriers , 21- 2 Nijie W& ("mu d street") , 2 6 Nonghui H H t (farmers ' associations) , 100 North Point , 13n 2 Northern Expedition , 4 , 73 , 84, 8 9 Oberschall, Anthony , 17 6 Old Baile y Street , 14 0 Opium addiction, 97nl , 10 3 dens, 17 , 8 8 trade in , 16 , 25 , 9 8 Order o f th e Britis h Empir e (OBE) , 1 3 Outworkers, xi v
Ouyang Ju If c Rife, 16 8
Palembang, 11 6 Paoan (Bao'an ) H:?c , i x Pawning, 9 8 Peak households , 15 , 21 , 41, 51, 5 3 Peak Tram , 2 5 Pearl River , viii , 37 , 59 , 64-5 , 8 9 Pearl Rive r Bridge , 6 6 Peasant Movemen t Institute , 8 3 Peasants activism of , 53 , 83, 9 0 emigration t o cities , 9 6 view o f urba n life , 29-3 0 Pedicab (tricycle-rickshaw) , 133 , 1 6 5 70 Peking Student s Socia l Servic e Club , 95 Penang, 11 6 Peng Pa i WM, 53 , 8 3 Peng Sh i ^ t t , 8 9 Perry, Elizabeth , 17 7 Petty urbanites , xi v (See also Grassroot s o f society ) Philanthropic acts , 79 , 16 2 Pholant, Hugene , 4 4 Plague. Se e Bubonic plagu e Po Leun g Kuk , 1 3 Police (i n Canton ) abuses of , 71-6 , 85 , 8 7 budget an d revenu e bas e of , 68 , 7 0 call fo r mor e policing , 10 2 compared wit h polic e i n th e West , 73 negative imag e of , 71- 5 origins an d earl y growt h of , 7 0 Police (i n Hon g Kong ) abuses of , 28 , 30 , 32 , 39-4 0 arrests by , 25 , 39 , 41 , 43, 45, 47 , 51, 71 , 75, 89, 113-4 , 14 0 corruption of , 3 0 origins of , 3 9 responses t o nee d fo r help , 3 0 Poling (Puning ) I N K 14 6 Political Scienc e Cliqu e (zhengxuexi W&J&\ 16 8 Pong-paan (bangban) HtH , 12 5 Porters, 23 , 127n 4 Portuguese, 4 0 Praya, 16-7 , 27p , 4 3
INDEX
Prince Edwar d Road , 13 1 Private Coolie s Ordinanc e (1902) , 3 7 Proletariat, Marx' s definitio n of , 2 Prostitutes, 25- 6 Protector o f Juvenile Labour , 11 4 Protests changing characte r of , 4 , 52 , 127 , 144, 17 3 effectiveness of , 1-2 , 32 , 52 , 54 , 76, 17 7 forms of , 32 , 38 , 42-53 , 67-70 , 85 , 87-8, 9 0 - 1 , 105, 121-6 , 139 , 161, 163-4 , 16 8 Provisional Crimina l Code , limit s o n union power , 7 8 Public Securit y Burea u (Gong'anj u ^ $ M ) , 70 , 81 , 101 , 107 , 109 , 161, 16 4 Public Utilitie s Burea u (Gongyongj u ^ f f l M ) , 100-1 , 164 , 166- 8 Public Work s Burea u (Gongwuj u X ^ M), 105-6 , 16 7 Public Work s Department , 11 6 Punishments cangue, 4 0 fine, 6 , 27 , 40, 42-5 , 47-8 , 50 , 74 , 140, 15 0 hard labor , 4 0 imprisonment, 6 , 25 , 27 , 4 0 - 3, 47, 140 Punti (Bendi ) ^Kitf e dialect, 10 , 35, 8 6 employment an d occupation , 10 , 62 relations wit h othe r dialec t groups , 10-1, 62 , 8 6 as ricksha w pullers , 33 , 8 6 (See also Cantonese ) Punyu (Panyu ) Hi§l , viii , 8 2 Qing Min g ^n^M ("Tomb-Sweeping Day"), 15 2 Queen Victori a Street , 2 4 Queen's College , 1 9 Queen's Pier , 12 1 Queen's Road , 12 , 22p , 24 , Quyisuo WL&BT (Distric t Bureaux) , 137-8
211
Racial prejudice , 5 , 37-41 , 44 , 53-5 , 139, 17 3 Rankin, Mar y Backus , 68n 2 Refugees, 9 , 59-60 , 76 , 96 , 113 , 117 , 121, 126 , 129 , 16 0 Rehabilitation Committe e (Shanho u chuli weiyuanhu i I f fJtjilSSIJ i # ) , 13 6 Remittances, 9 Rene, Gus , 2 5 Renli shouch e gonghu i A ^ J ? - $ X # , 86 Rents of housing , 2 , 14 , 47, 97-8 , 121 , 162 of rickshaw , 2 , 47-8, 97 , 100-1 , 107-8, 121-6 , 135-8 , 144 56, 16 3 Revenue (o f Canto n government ) insufficiency of , 106 , 10 9 sources of , 68-9 , 10 6 Richter, Auguste , 2 5 Rickshaw abolition of , xiii , 116-7 , 165-70 , 17 9 as everyda y transport , 1 , 22-3 , 6 5 inspection of , 12 , 39, 71 , 131 , 16 4 introduced t o Canton , 1 introduced t o Hon g Kong , xiii , 1 invention of , 1 as symbo l o f capitalis t exploitation , xiii as symbo l o f imperialism , xiii , 165 , 169 Rickshaw owner s associations of , 125 , 130-1 , 14 4 background of , 12-3 , 1 9 negotiations wit h ricksha w pullers , 47-8, 121-5 , 144-56 , 16 4 paternalistic rol e of , 19 , 122 , 14 4 presence o f wome n among , 1 2 Rickshaw puller s accidents a t work , 29 , 73 , 134 , 14 0 alliance wit h seda n chai r bearers , 48-9, 51-2 , 5 4 beriberi among , 9 8 Communists and , 53 , 82-93, 168 70, 175- 9
212
INDEX
competition among , xiii , 31 , 33, 55, 98- 9 concern fo r ricksha w rents , 2 , 4 7 8, 121-6 , 136-8 , 16 3 declasse characte r of , 75 , 17 6 defining characteristic s of , 2-3 , 11-2, 16 , 29-3 0 income an d livin g standard s of , 23 , 67, 88 , 96-9 , 118-21 , 133-8 , 145, 149 , 160- 2 kin/quasi-kin network s of , 2 , 13-9 , 21-36, 48 , 83 , 86, 93 , 145 , 148 , 156, 171-2 , 175- 7 linked t o crime , 25-8 , 30 , 3 8 nicknames of , 3 1 pastimes of , 31 , 97nl, 11 7 previous occupation s of , 2 , 13 , 30, 60,96 relations wit h passengers , 3 , 21, 23-7, 32 , 41 , 172- 3 residence of , 14-7 , 6 1 self-image of , 29-3 0 suicide of , 12 1 traffic rule s and , 6 , 23-4 , 38-9 , 42-3, 45-6 , 48-5 2 tuberculosis among , 9 8 union activitie s of , 2 , 18 , 49, 53, 67, 81-91 , 102-5 , 121-6 , 145 56, 162- 5 use o f opiu m by , 97- 8 use o f violenc e by , xiii , 24 , 31-3, 49, 86 , 89-91 , 98-9 , 15 5 venereal diseas e among , 9 8 vulnerability t o hea t stroke , 10 0 (See also Mobilization; Protests ) Rickshaw reform s attempts t o devis e o r implementation o f (i n Canton) , 95-109, 168-70 , 17 9 campaigns fo r implementatio n o f (in Hon g Kong) , 117-8 , 121-6 , 149-55, 174- 5 government officials ' attitude s toward, 99-102 , 106-9 , 124 , 127, 17 5 obstacles t o implementing , 106-9 , 124, 127 , 178- 9
Rickshaw subcontracting , 11-2 , 16 , 97, 107 , 16 2 rickshaw pullers ' resentmen t toward, 83 , 121- 5 Rickshaw union s affiliation of , 82 , 85-6 , 146n 2 factionalism within , 86 , 126 , 15 3 formation of , 2 , 53 , 80-2, 85 , 102 3, 121 , 145 , 155 , 16 2 functions of , 80 , 82 , 103-4 , 145-6 , 178-9 fund-raising activitie s of , 18 , 12 2 funds of , 10 5 leadership of , 49 , 67 , 104-5 , 122 , 125, 145 , 16 3 membership of , 18 , 122 , 14 6 repression of , 53 , 89, 10 2 Ricsha Committee , i n Shanghai , 9 9 Roper, Myra , 16 9 Roux, Alain , 17 5 Royal Nava l Cantee n ("blu e building"), 2 6 Sai Ho Ha u (Xiha o kou ) H * P , 9 6 Sai Wah Roa d H^fi& , 16 4 Saikwan (Xiguan ) H S 1 , 84, 96 , 99 , 164 Saiyingpun, 15 , 33, 14 5 Sajian M R ("thirt y houses") , 2 6 Sakai, Takashi , 13 1 Samshui (Sanshui ) H/JC , vii i Sands Street , 86n 2 Sanitary Board , 12 , 4 6 Sanjiao mato u H f t H S (Three Cornered Wharf) , 3 4 Sanzitou X ^ S j f ("three-worde d head"), 3 1 Sau-shui ft/JC ("solici t bribes") , 3 0 (See also Corruption ) Sayer, Geoffre y Robley , 4 6 Scavengers, 2 2 Schoppa, R . Keith , 68n 2 Scott, J. Gray , 4 6 Seamen, xiv , 25 , 44, 5 0 - 1 , 89-90, 96 , 113, 14 3 Second Street , 2 4
213
INDEX
Secret societies . See Triad s an d Tria d Society Sedan chai r as a mean s o f transport , 13 , 45n4, 115-6, 16 6 Sedan chai r bearer s competition among , 115- 6 geographic origin s of , 3 5 images of , 37 , 115- 6 strikes of , 38 , 48-9, 51-2 , 5 4 squabbled ove r gambling , 3 1 Segregation occupational, 10-1 , 13-4 , 62 , 17 1 residential, 14-7 , 41 , 17 2 Shakee Roa d 9>SBfr , 7 5 Shameen (Shamian ) $>ffi , 52 , 66 , 73 , 79, 113 , 17 6 Shanghai ±M, xiv , 39 , 46 , 50 , 52 , 78 , 85, 107 , 113 , 17 4 Shanghai Street , 13 0 Shanghui MOf (merchants ' associations), 10 0 Shanxi UjW , 6 0 Shaukiwan, 27 , 4 6 Shejizu flitffi . (Desig n Board) , 10 7 Shekki (Shiqi ) 5 f t , vii i Sheklung (Shilong ) 5 s l , i x Shektongtsui 5 P A , 2 6 Shen Houku n £fcJ?St , 8 2 Shen Houpe i t t f f ® , 8 2 Shen Qin g i f c ^ , 8 2 - 3 , 85 , 8 7 Shen Xuewe n t f c P X 8 2 Shen Xuexi u tfc^W , 8 2 Shephard, Anthon y John, 127n 4 Sheung Wan , 3 4 Shi X i 5 1 1 , 8 6 Shihu Tfrjft , ("cit y tigers") , 2 9 Shipbuilding workers , 13 4 Shiziban l H ^ S : ("literac y classes") , 163 Shiuhing (Zhaoxing ) H W , 9 8 Shiukwan (Shaoguan ) ISM , 16 6 Shoeshine boys , 2 3 Shop workers , xi v Shophouse, 22 p (See also Tenement house ) Shouche gonghui ^ $ X 1 § f ("ricksha w union"), 82- 3
Shouchefu ful i hezuosh e ^ $ t t ? H ^ l l ^ f f ^ ± (Pullers ' Welfar e Cooperative), 10 6 Shouchefu gonghu i ? - $ f t X # , 8 6 Shouchexiang ^ ^ | | n | (ricksha w tax) , 100 Shouting kouxie ^ f f P ifc (livin g fro m hand t o mouth) , 9 8 Shumchun (Shenzhen ) S # l | , ix , 13 3 Shumshuipo, 122 , 14 8 Shuntak (Shunde ) JHflfS , vii i Sichuan HJI| , 60 , 11 6 Singapore, 116 , 172- 3 Sino-French War , 4 3 Siulam (Xiaolan ) /hfit , vii i Smith, Carl , 1 4 Social Affair s Burea u (Shehuij u ttUt M), 98n2 , 99 , 106 , 109 , 161 , 166 Socialist Yout h Leagu e (Shehu i zhuy i qingniantuan ? i # X ^ W ^ H ) , 82 Societies Ordinanc e (1911) , 113-4 , 173 Soldiers, 41 , 71-3, 76 , 84 , 89-91 , 159-60 South Bun d (Nand i S 4 6 ) , 8 3 South Gat e (Nangua n S I U ) , 9 1 Southeast Asia , 9 6 (See also British Malaya ; Palembang; Penang ; Singapore ) Southern Mi n Rjffi , 1 0 Soviet Consulat e i n Canton , 8 9 Spring Garde n Lane , 15 5 St. John's University , i n Shanghai , 1 9 St. Vincen t D e Paul' s Society , 11 7 Stanley, 13 1 Star Ferry , 17 , 28 , 3 2 Stevedores, 21 , 32-4, 50 , 6 0 - 1 , 11 4 Straits Settlement , 5 0 Strand, David , xiv , 17 8 Student protest , abroad , 11 8 Sun F o (Su n Ke ) S f 4 , 7 2 Sun Ya t Se n (Su n Yixian ) S M I ] , 4 , 69, 78 , 84 , 89 , 17 0 Sun Ya t Sen Universit y o f Medica l Sciences (Zhongsha n yik e daxu e
+ U4lf#^:¥),7 9
214
INDEX
Sun Ye e On (Xi n Yi'an ) § f * $ , 3 0 Sunwui (Xinhui ) 0fH' , vii i Surname commonality , 11 , 18- 9 Swatow (Shantou ) ftliSS, 17 , 30, 8 4 Swires' Taiko o Dock , 4 7 Sz K a Ch e feSc$ ("brothe l rickshaws"), 39-4 0 Szeyap (Siyi ) P S B , 4 8 n 4 Tai Ho n Roa d #fltS& , 61 , 82 Tai Pa k Terrace , 86n 2 Tai Ta k Roa d AtMM, 8 6 Taihang, 2 5 Taipans (bi g busines s bosses) , 1 4 Taiping ^CX , i x Taipingshan, 1 5 Taiwan ^ if , 16 8 Tak Sue n Roa d Centra l H f i + S ^ , 8 5 6 Tan Zhisha n ifJifelJLl , 16 2 Tanka (Danjia ) S ^ , 1 0 (See also Boa t o r sampa n dwellers ) Taxicab, 28 , 36, 52 , 73 , 15 0 Tenement hous e as headquarter s o f a leftis t group , 155 neighborly relation s in , 14-6 , 60- 1 opium den s in , 8 8 as recruitmen t ground , 15 , 60, 8 6 as refug e fo r Communis t hideouts , 86n2 rents for , 2 , 14 , 97-8 , 121 , 16 2 Teng Che n T e (Den g Zhende ) § K H , 99 Teochiu. See Chiucho w Thomas, S . Bernard, 9 1 Tianjin AW, 17 5 Tilly, Charles , 17 5 Tin Lo k Lane , 14 0 To Kwai Ting , 2 5 Toishan (Taishan ) n ill , vii i Tokyo Nogy o Daigaku , 9 9 Tong Wan Tin g (Tan g Yunting )
mm^, 1 2
Tong Yan Po (Tan g Yinpo) UMISi , 144 Tong Ying Ching (Tan g Yingzhen)
mtti, 3i
Tongxiang [R1$ P ("hometow n acquaintances"), 3 2 Topping, Seymour , 16 9 Trade Union s an d Trad e Dispute s Ordinance (1948) , 14 3 Trade Union s Regulation s (1924) , 7 8 Tramway Strik e (1950) , Hon g Kong , 144 Triads an d Tria d Society , 30 , 4 3 Triangle Street , 1 2 Trotsky, Leon , 8 9 Tseng Yan g Fu (Zen g Yangfu ) H H i f , 108 Tsimshatsui, 17-8 , 2 8 Tsoi P o (Ca i Bao ) H $ s 14 8 Tsuen Wa n 3 3 1 , 2 8 Tsz Yong Ch e1= 5 ffi^ ("rickshaw s fo r self-use"), 39-4 0 Tung Hin g Fon g (Tongqingfang ) [*lft«f, 9 1 Tung Ku n Street , 3 5 Tung Sha n (Dongshan ) ||€[J4 , 64 , 79 , 96 Tung Ta k Coolies ' Unio n (Tongd e ful i
gonghui [ p J l l ^ i j X I I X 6 1
Tung Wah Hospital , 13 , 4 2 Tungchuen malo o jftJ H JSii&, 7 9 Tungkun (Dongguan ) jfl^: , ix, 35 , 48n4, 60- 1
Unemployment, 3 , 16 , 62 , 83 , 102-3 , 117, 121 , 160 , 16 2 Union Building , 27 p United States , 6 4 Vagabonds, 5 9 Valtorta, Bisho p Henr y Paschal , 117-8 , 174 Vehicles an d Traffi c Regulatio n Ordinance (1912) , 3 9 Victoria Peak , 21 , 42, 45 , 51 , 11 6 Victoria Theatre , 3 1 Violence competition fo r jobs le d to , xiii , 11,31,33-4,60-1,98-9 disputes ove r gamblin g le d to , 3 1 gangsters' us e of , 25 , 30, 125 , 155 , 163
INDEX
in Lanter n Festiva l 1894 , 48n 4 policemen's us e of , 32 , 40 , 71-6 , 85,87 rickshaw passengers ' us e of , 24-5 , 41, 44 , 12 5 rickshaw pullers ' us e of , xiii , 24 , 31-3, 49 , 86 , 89-91 , 98-9 , 15 5 struggles against , 32 , 47, 87-8 , 93, 113, 155 , 16 3 (See also Assassination ; Kidnapping) Wai O i Roa d Wes t M$£$S&, 9 0 Wai Su n Roa d Sout h $ l $ f S K r , 16 3 Wailoy (Huilai ) S55fc , 14 6 Waiyeung (Huiyang ) M$B, 84 , 98n 2 Wanchai, 24-5 , 30 , 122 , 12 4 Wang Chin g We i (Wan g Jingwei) ffiflf*. 8 9 Wang Mingxua n X ^ t l i , 16 5 Wang Shiwe n X 1 i ± X 8 9 War Memoria l Towe r (Zhonglingt a J & ® £ ) , 13 4 Warlords, 4 , 71-2 , 75-8 , 99 , 10 6 Warren, James, xiv , 172- 3 Wei Yu k (We i Yu ) # X , 4 8 Western District , 17- 9 Whampoa (Huangpu ) Militar y Academy i l c i i f f ft, 8 4 White, Harrison , 17 1 Whitehead, Thoma s Henderson , 3 8 Wing Lo k Street , 1 7 Wing Lo k Wharf , 3 4 Wing O n Cha n (Yong'anzhan ) 7 ] C $ ^ , 12 Wolfe, Edwar d Dudle y Cascarden , 117n2 Wong I m (Huan g Yan ) frjfe , 1 2 Wong Ka m Foo k (Huan g Jinfu )
fr^ffi, 12
Wong Ka r Chu n (Huan g Jiazhen ) *-gCi£, 14 5 Wong Leun g Sz e (Huan g Liangshi )
irigR, 12
Wong Yic k Mu i (Huan g Yimei ) *S5tt, 1 2 Wongsha (Huangsha ) iRl^ , 7 1 Woolf, Bell a Sidney , 3 1 Woosung Street , 14 6
\
215
Wright, Tim , xiv , 17 5 Wu T e Che n (W u Tiecheng ) ^= M$ML, 72 Wu Tingfang . See N g Cho y Wyndham Street , 11 6 Xiandai zhiye tuanti MiXWMMWL (professional associations) , 10 0 Xiangdu lin g # # ^ (Governor' s Order), 13 1 Xiangj iu renl i cheye zuh e ^JrfhAJJ^ Hffl/£ (Hon g Kon g an d Kowloon Ricksh a Syndicate) , 130-1, 133 , 136-4 0 Xiangyi guanxi f ^ f f i M ^ (hometow n and interpersona l networks) , 6 1 Xianqiandui Tfe^ft K ("leadin g troops") , 84 Xiaobeimen /J^fcP I (Littl e Nort h Gate), 7 0 Xiaoxue 4^9^ (schoo l fo r primar y education), 16 4 Xie'an 1&£ , 8 8 Xiejin fl^f e ("shoe-money") , 9 7 Yan'an M £ , 16 5 Yang Hs i Mi n (Yan g Ximin ) H # W , 84 YangSijiHEi^, 8 6 Yanping (Enping ) J S X , 3 5 Yat Tak Roa d — H5&, 63 p Yaumatei, 35 , 14 6 Yee On Employees ' an d Employers ' Association (Yi'a n gongshan g zonghui * $ X f f i I | # ) , 3 0 Yinhui HlU t ("rotating-credi t associations"), 61- 2 Yixue itlP ^ ("fre e schoo l fo r th e poor"), 6 1 YMCA, i n Chengdu , 11 6 Yu Han Mo u (Y u Hanmou) skWM, 105 Yu Lan S L K (Hungry Ghost s Festival) , 18 Yuan Shika i M tit0l, 7 7 Yubeiying SHlfl f (Polic e Trainin g School), 7 0 Yunnan, 69 , 7 7
216
INDEX
Zeng Ya n I'ifc , 8 6 Zhang Min g ?S§fl , 8 6 Zhejiang W\£L, 6 0 Zheng Qina n $ P ^ f , 8 6 Zhigong juluobu H X f t | ? t S P (Staf f Recreation Club) , 8 8 Zhong Xiusha n M i l ill , 12 6 Zhongguo geming ceyuandi ^ H ^ I I P J S S t t . ("th e cradl e o f th e Chines e revolution"), 7 7
Zhongshan liul u 4 5LLJ7NB&, 9 0 Zhou Zhaoli n J f ^ M , 16 5 Ziyongche l l f f l $ (self-us e vehicles) , 66 Ziyou zhiye tuanti § i H ^ H H i l (trade associations) , 10 0 Zongdubu ISHPR P (Governor' s Office) , 132 Zongwuzu iSS-ff i (Genera l Affair s Board), 10 7
