Quotative Indexes in African Languages. A Synchronic and Diachronic Survey (Empirical Approaches to Language Topology)

Quotative Indexes in African Languages: A Synchronic and Diachronic Survey

Tom Güldemann

Mouton de Gruyter

Quotative Indexes in African Languages: A Synchronic and Diachronic Survey

≥

Empirical Approaches to Language Typology 34

Editors Georg Bossong Bernard Comrie Yaron Matras

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

Quotative Indexes in African Languages: A Synchronic and Diachronic Survey by Tom Güldemann

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin.

앝 Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the 앪 ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Güldemann, Tom Quotative indexes in African languages : a synchronic and diachronic survey / Tom Güldemann. p. cm. ⫺ (Empirical approaches to language typology ; 34) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-3-11-018590-4 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. African languages ⫺ Classification. 2. African languages ⫺ Discourse analysis. 3. African languages ⫺ Indexes. I. Title. PL8005.G724 2008 496⫺dc22 2008031309

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de.

ISBN 978-3-11-018590-4 ISSN 0933-761X © Copyright 2008 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, D-10785 Berlin. All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printed in Germany.

Preface and acknowledgments

Ultimately this book started out from my confrontation, still as a student, with a functionally extremely versatile linguistic element - the quotative marker ti in the Bantu language Shona. What I learned in the detailed analysis of this highly grammaticalized marker (Güldemann 2002) seemed to be relevant for the wider crosslinguistic analysis of quotatives. This is why I embarked on this typological study of African languages. African languages have been prominent in recent decades in the study of reported speech owing to the fact that they present in this domain a number of features which are largely unknown from more familiar European languages. For example, direct and indirect speech can often not be distinguished by the presence or absence of a complementizer or, more generally, by a structural difference in the matrix clause; there exist reported speech categories which are intermediate between direct and indirect style; coreference between participants of the matrix clause and the reported clause is explicitly marked by a special class of so-called logophoric pronouns; or finally, grammaticalized markers signaling reported speech show a particularly rich polyfunctionality in the grammars of the respective languages, one such case being Shona ti. A result of this focus on Africa is that theoretical discussion of reported speech in general has come to concentrate more on "exotic" languages and thus to question or falsify a number of assumptions which were primarily based on findings in European languages. Nevertheless, treatments of reported speech in textbooks with a general theoretical scope or in descriptions of individual languages still often take an approach to this domain that predominantly reflects traditional theoretical concepts (see Roeck's (1994) discussion regarding the purported complement status of the quoted clause, or the allegedly clearcut dichotomy between direct and indirect discourse). Furthermore, previous research in grammaticalization processes associated with quotative markers has exhibited a very strong bias towards a single development, viz. that from a speech verb 'say' to a conjunction. This has become a kind of default scenario, being frequently generalized to cases where the empirical evidence in its favor and its explanatory value for other phenomena in the language are in fact quite limited. This narrow focus was possible in part because previous studies have largely failed to

vi Preface and acknowledgments take into account the formal properties of quotative indexes across languages - in particular, the observation that predicative elements in such contexts cannot be taken automatically to be true utterance verbs. This study addresses these older and not-so-old questions about reported speech and its formal expression in a more systematic way. It will assemble data from a sample of languages which will make it possible, at least for the African continent, to formulate non-impressionistic statements as to which phenomena are common and which are not. This work was made possible by the generous support and help of various institutions and individuals. First and foremost, I want to express my gratitude to the "Volkswagen Foundation" from which I was granted a generous 4-year scholarship between 01/10/1996-30/09/2000. During this period, the preparation and analysis of the empirical data was carried out and the greater part of this book was written, facilitated by an excellent working environment provided by the Institute for African Studies at the University of Leipzig. With the end of the scholarship I started working at the Linguistics Department of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig, which since then has hosted me and offered a wealth of intellectual stimulation. In early 2001 I submitted the final result of this research as my "Habilitation" thesis to the "Fakultät für Geschichte, Kunst- und Orientwissenschaften" of the University of Leipzig. Without the support of a number of Africanist colleagues this project would not have been possible. I wanted to ground my analysis in the study of coherent discourse data and their detailed grammatical interpretation; but such material is still publicly unavailable for most African languages, even those which have been otherwise described in fair detail. Accordingly, I had to rely on language specialists who generously furnished their unpublished language material and/or provided their expertise on a particular sample language. These were: El. Ari Awagana and Thomas Geider for Kanuri, Fritz Serzisko for Ik, Angelika Jacobi for Fur, Mechthild Reh for Anywa and Krongo, Bonny Sands for Hadza, Edward Elderkin for Sandawe, Wilfrid Haacke for Khoekhoe, the late Patrick Dickens for Ju|'hoan, the late Anthony Traill for Taa, Roland Kießling for Burunge, Ekkehard Wolff for Lamang, Mahamane Abdoulaye for Hausa, Denis Creissels for Mandinka, the late Kay Williamson for Izon, Tucker Childs for Kisi, Christopher Culy for Donno S , Eddie Arthur for Kouya, Robert Carlson for Supyire, Ulrich Kleinewillinghöfer for Waja, Carmen Dawuda for Ewe, Ayo` Bamgbos`e for Yoruba, and Rose-Juliet Anyanywu for Igbo. I am very much indebted, too, to Bernard Comrie, William B. McGregor, and H. Ekkehard Wolff, the members of my committee, as well as to

Preface and acknowledgments vii

Stephen H. Levinsohn and Eva Schultze-Berndt, from whom I received very helpful and valuable comments on my work during and after writing the thesis. For several reasons I did not continue to work intensively on the present topic, so that the study has remained essentially unchanged since its acceptance as a "Habilitation" thesis. Since linguistic research after 2001 has not produced results that would have motivated a major revision of the original work, the changes towards preparing the present book primarily concerned a reorganization of the contents for the sake of better readability. While I have followed the relevant literature between 2001 and now, it is less systematically reflected than that before 2001. I am grateful to the team of Mouton de Gruyter for their patience and for the technical support in the production of the final version. Hans-Jörg Bibiko kindly produced the map. The language and author indexes were prepared in shortest time by Nadine Borchardt. Orin Gensler has done a great and time-consuming job of improving the English of this book. Financial support by the "Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft" in connection with this final editing process is also gratefully acknowledged. Last but not least, thanks go to my family and friends for their support, and for their patience with my frequent physical and/or mental absence over all these years. I hope I have not brought you to believe that I consider quotes to be more important than actual words. Tom Güldemann Leipzig June 2008

Contents

Preface and acknowledgments List of maps, tables, and figures Abbreviations and conventions Representation of linguistic examples Abbreviations Other symbols and fonts 1 The framework, aim, and data of this study 1.1 Topic and research questions 1.2 Theoretical preliminaries 1.2.1 Reported discourse and its categories 1.2.2 Quotative indexes as formal signals of reported discourse 1.3 Methodological preliminaries 1.3.1 Language sample, sources, and data corpus 1.3.2 The analysis of quotative indexes 1.3.3 Elements of quotative indexes used with other functions 1.4 An overview of reported-discourse constructions in the corpus 1.4.1 Non-direct reported discourse 1.4.2 Free direct reported discourse 2 The internal structure of quotative indexes 2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 2.1.1 Predicative vs. non-predicative quotative indexes 2.1.2 Deviation from canonical predicativity ("marked predicativity") 2.1.3 Marked lexical features of predicative items 2.1.4 Predication operators 2.2 The state of affairs 2.2.1 Verbal vs. nominal lexemes 2.2.2 Quotative verbs 2.2.3 Generic speech verbs 2.2.4 Specific speech verbs and sound verbs

v xiv xviii xviii xix xxi 1 1 3 4 10 15 15 27 31 32 32 37 49 51 53 61 66 71 77 78 80 85 90

x Contents 2.2.5 Non-speech verbs 2.2.6 Event representation in quotative indexes The participants in the state of affairs 2.3.1 The speaker 2.3.2 The addressee 2.3.3 Participant reference as the only quote-index element Quote orientation 2.4.1 Monoclausal vs. bipartite quotative indexes 2.4.2 Quotatives 2.4.3 Quote proforms 2.4.4 Verb copies 2.4.5 The function of partition in quotative indexes 2.4.6 Quote orientation in non-bipartite quotative indexes 2.4.7 The general importance of quote orientation The nature of quotative indexes 2.5.1 The relative importance of the different elements 2.5.2 Two basic functions of quotative indexes 2.5.3 Quotative indexes as grammatical constructions Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 2.6.1 A morphosyntactic typology of quotative indexes 2.6.2 Monoclausal structures 2.6.3 Bipartite structures 2.6.4 Non-clausal structures 2.6.5 Types and categories of reported discourse 2.6.6 Types and discourse contexts

93 99 103 103 108 116 118 118 122 124 126 130 135 137 141 142 146 147 149 150 153 156 160 161 171

3 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context 3.1 The verb phrase in quotative indexes 3.1.1 Verb transitivity 3.1.2 Verbs and quote proforms 3.1.3 Verb phrase constituency 3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 3.2.1 Order patterns and their frequency across the sample 3.2.2 An order typology of quotative indexes 3.2.3 Order types and the quotative indexes of the sample 3.2.4 Factors determining the order of quotative index and quote 3.3 Phonetic linkage between quotative index and quote

180 181 181 187 190 191 191 195 205

2.3

2.4

2.5

2.6

210 219

Contents xi

3.4

3.5

The syntax of reported discourse 3.4.1 The syntactic relation between quotative index and quote 3.4.2 Reported discourse and sentential complementation Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse 3.5.1 Quotative indexes in clause linkage 3.5.2 Quotative indexes in dialogue 3.5.3 Direct reported discourse and narrative texts

4 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis 4.1 The traditional quotative complex of grammaticalization 4.2 Some problems with the available account 4.3 Yoruba: a paradigm case 4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis 4.4.1 The isomorphism of quotative indexes and other constructions 4.4.2 Representational gesture 4.4.3 Ideophones and similar linguistic signs 4.4.4 Non-linguistic sound imitation 4.4.5 Mimesis and direct reported discourse as its subdomain 5 The origin of quotative indexes 5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 5.1.1 Speech verbs 5.1.1.1 Introduction 5.1.1.2 Speech verbs and the sample 5.1.1.3 The sample evidence vis-à-vis previous research 5.1.2 Verbs without an utterance meaning 5.1.2.1 Introduction 5.1.2.2 Equational/inchoative verbs and the sample 5.1.2.3 Performance/action verbs and the sample 5.1.2.4 Motion verbs and the sample 5.1.3 Elements encoding similarity and manner 5.1.3.1 Introduction

224 224 233 245 245 255 259

264 264 267 272 275 275 277 280 283 284 295 296 296 296 298 302 303 303 303 306 315 317 317

xii Contents 5.1.3.2

5.2

Elements in the sample used as quote orienter 5.1.3.3 Elements in the sample used as clause nucleus 5.1.4 Deictics and other pronominal elements referring to the quote 5.1.4.1 Introduction 5.1.4.2 Elements in the sample used as quote orienter 5.1.4.3 Elements in the sample used as clause nucleus 5.1.4.4 Speech verbs as sources for deictics? 5.1.5 Other minor element types 5.1.5.1 Foregrounding devices and presentationals 5.1.5.2 Speaker pronouns 5.1.6 Element types and their function in reported discourse and mimesis Historical changes of quotative markers 5.2.1 Fusion of elements 5.2.2 Change of morphosyntactic features of an element 5.2.3 Change of semantic features of an element 5.2.4 Summary

6 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions 6.1 Naming 6.2 Reported evidence 6.3 Illocution reinforcement and related discourse functions 6.4 Similarity and manner 6.5 Internal awareness 6.5.1 General remarks 6.5.2 Intention, proximative, and future 6.5.3 Deontic modality and indirect causation 6.6 Clause linkage 6.6.1 Previous research and problems 6.6.2 Proposition-type ("complement") clauses 6.6.3 Manner clauses 6.6.4 Purpose clauses 6.6.5 Reason clauses 6.6.6 Conditional and concessive clauses 6.6.7 Relative clauses

328 335 349 349 353 355 357 361 361 369 371 378 379 381 386 395 397 398 406 411 417 422 423 425 436 444 444 451 459 460 464 467 473

Contents xiii

7 Grammatical functions unrelated to reported-discourse constructions 7.1 The auxiliary-foregrounding complex 7.1.1 Multipurpose auxiliary, dummy predicative, and inflection-type marker 7.1.2 Predication and clause operator 7.1.3 A historical cline for the auxiliary 7.2 Functions in nominal morphosyntax 7.2.1 Nominal identification, listing, and coordination 7.2.2 Multipurpose relational gram 8 Summary 8.1 Quotative indexes and reported discourse: towards a typology 8.2 Quotative indexes as target and source of linguistic change 8.3 The present study of reported discourse: an outlook End material Appendix 1 Appendix 2

478 479 480 488 498 508 509 511 515 515 521 529 533

Major types of quotative indexes in the sample languages Quotative and generic speech verbs attested in the sample languages

References Language index Author index Subject index

533 597 612 655 668 677

List of maps, tables, and figures

Map 1.

The geographical distribution of the sample languages

19

Table 1.

Sample languages, genealogical classification, and data sources

20

Table 2.

Texts across the language sample

26

Table 3.

RD-constructions across the language sample

33

Table 4.

RD-constructions without a QI across the language sample

39

Table 5.

QI-predicativity across the language sample

52

Table 6.

Marked QI-predicativity across the language sample

60

Table 7.

Time marking in QIs across the language sample

73

Table 8.

Verbs in QIs across the language sample

79

Table 9.

Quotative verbs in the sample data

81

Table 10. Quotative verbs in QIs across the language sample

84

Table 11. Generic speech verbs in the sample data

86

Table 12. Generic speech verbs in QIs across the language sample

88

Table 13. Specific speech verbs and sound verbs in QIs across the language sample

91

Table 14. Frequent specific speech verbs in QIs across the language sample

92

Table 15. Non-speech verbs in QIs across the language sample

94

Table 16. Semantically generic verbs in QIs across the language sample

100

Table 17. Semantic event reference in QIs across the language sample

101

Table 18. Speaker encoding in QIs across the language sample

104

List of maps, tables, and figures xv

Table 19. Categories of speaker encoding in QIs across the language 106 sample Table 20. Addressee encoding in QIs across the language sample

109

Table 21. Categories of addressee encoding in QIs across the language sample

112

Table 22. Oblique addressee encoding in QIs across the language sample

113

Table 23. Bipartite QIs across the language sample

120

Table 24. Bipartite QIs by means of quotatives across the language sample

123

Table 25. Bipartite QIs by means of quote proforms across the language sample

125

Table 26. Bipartite QIs by means of verb copies across the language sample 128 Table 27. Distribution of specific and generic speech/sound verbs across monoclausal and bipartite QIs in Hausa and Kera

132

Table 28. Monoclausal QIs with quotative verbs across the language 135 sample Table 29. Non-predicative QIs with quotatives across the language sample

136

Table 30. Quote-orienting elements in QIs across the language sample

139

Table 31. Verbal vs. non-verbal quote orienters across the language sample

140

Table 32. Relative frequencies (in %) of QI-elements across the language sample

143

Table 33. QI-types of the sample according to basic morphosyntactic types

152

Table 34. Quotative verbs in monoclausal QIs across the language sample

156

Table 35. (Monoclausal) bipartite vs. biclausal (bipartite) QI-types

159

xvi List of maps, tables, and figures Table 36. Distribution of morphosyntactic types over RD-categories 162 in the sample Table 37. Monoclausal QI-types according to RD-category

163

Table 38. Bipartite (monoclausal) QI-types according to RD-category

165

Table 39. Non-clausal QI-types according to RD-category

168

Table 40. Biclausal (bipartite) QI-types according to RD-category

169

Table 41. Preposed and postposed QI-quote patterns across the language sample

193

Table 42. Other QI-quote patterns across the language sample

194

Table 43. QI-types of the sample according to QI-quote order and RD-categories

206

Table 44. The distribution of order types over morphosyntactic types in the sample

208

Table 45. The distribution of order types over RD-categories in the sample

208

Table 46. QIs exhibiting segmental sandhi with the quote across the language sample

221

Table 47. QIs linked to another clause across the language sample

246

Table 48. QIs in different clause linkage types across the language sample

248

Table 49. QIs after RD-construction in dialogue across the language sample 257 Table 50. The isomorphism of QIs and other non-RD-constructions

277

Table 51. Reflexes of Bantu *ti in Nguni

348

Table 52. Elements presumably involved etymologically in the origin of the Hausa quotative verb cee

368

Table 53. Distribution of signs relevant for the quotative complex in Twi and Fante

525

List of maps, tables, and figures xvii

Figure 1. Basic semanto-syntactic QI-types

516

Figure 2. The position of RD vis-à-vis mimesis and clause complementation

518

Abbreviations and conventions

Representation of linguistic examples Reported-discourse constructions are mostly in direct style; if not, this is indicated in square brackets on the translation line. Since the quote is not analyzed, it or its segments are represented mostly by three ellipsis dots in the text and translation line. Text line: No orthographic changes vis-à-vis the source will be made, even if this means representing one and the same item in a variety of different orthographic representations. Hyphens indicate transparent morpheme breaks. Gloss line: The glosses have to a large extent been provided by me; glosses in the source have been brought in line with the conventions of this study. Capitals refer to grammatical functions and lowercase letters to world-referring meaning. The morpheme break-up of the text line is repeated in the gloss line. A colon is used between two glosses when two identifiable morphemes cannot be separated in the orthographic form of the text line. A dot separates two words or glosses in a complex gloss. Translation line: With very minor exceptions, the translation and punctuation are taken over "as is" from the source. French translations are not transferred into English; translations in German and other non-English languages are given as is, and are re-translated into English. Since the examples are often extracted from a text, the translation can be a very free rendering of the linguistic meaning and may deviate considerably from the grammatical and even propositional structure that emerges from the text line and gloss line. In some cases, I add a closer or even literal translation in order to facilitate the semantic and/or formal interpretation. The source of an example is given at the end in parentheses; where this is lacking the example is taken from my own field notes or is based on my competence in the language.

Abbreviations and conventions xix

Abbreviations Glosses: Arabic numerals indicate a noun class or, when immediately followed by a gloss for gender and/or number, a person category. ABIL ABL ABS ACC AD ADDF ADE ADV ADVS AGR ALL ANA AND ANT AOR APPL ART ATC BEN BG C CAUS CL CLCO COM COMP COMPD COND CONS CONT CONV COP CQ D

Ability Ablative Absolutive Accusative Addressee Additive focus Adessive Adverb Adversative Agreement Allative Anaphoric Andative Anteriority Aorist Applicative Article Anticipatory Benefactive Background clause Common Causative Class(ifier) Clause connective Comitative Complementizer Compound form Conditional Consecutive Contingence Converb Copula(tive) Constituent question Dual

DAT DECL DEF DEI DEM DEP DET DIM DRD DS DSBJ DUR E EMPH ERG EXCL F FUT GEN GF GOA GQ H HAB HORT HS I IA ID IGB IMP INC

Dative Declarative Definite Deictic Demonstrative Dependent clause Determiner Diminutive Direct reported discourse Different subject Deposed subject Durative Exclusive Emphatic Ergative Exclamation Feminine Future Genitive Generic focus Goal Generic question Human Habitual Hortative Hearsay evidential Inclusive Inanimate Ideophone Intonation group boundary Imperative Inceptive

xx Abbreviations and conventions IND INE INF INIT INSTR INT IP IPFV IRD IRR ITR LOC LOG M MED MIM MOD NAR NEG NFUT NH NOM NOML NPST OBJ OBL ON OPT P PART PASS PERF PF PFV PN POL POSS POT

Indicative Inessive Infinitive Initiative Instrumental Intention Impersonal Imperfective Indirect reported discourse Irrealis Intransitive Locative Logophoric pronoun Masculine Medial verb Mimesis Modality Narrative Negative Non-future Non-human Nominative Nominalization Non-past (Direct) object Oblique Onomatopoeia Optative Plural Participle Passive Perfect Predication focus Perfective Proper name Polite Possessive Potential

PQ PRES PRO PROG PROX PRS PRST PST PURP PV Q QI QV RCPR RD REFL REL REM RES S SBJ SEQ SER SIM SIML SP SPA SS STAT SUBJ TEMP THET TF TOP TR V VEN VN VOC

Polar question Presentative Pronoun Progressive Proximative Present Persistive Past Purpose Performance verb Quotative Quotative index Quotative verb Reciprocal Reported discourse Reflexive Relative Remote Resumptive Singular Subject Sequential Serial verb linker Simultaneity Similative Speaker Speech participant Same subject Stative Subjunctive Temporal clause Theticity Term focus Topic Transitive Verb or vowel Ventive Verbal noun Vocative

Abbreviations and conventions xxi

References: ibid. Ibidem FN Footnote f.n. Field notes

ms. p.c.

Manuscript Personal communication

Other symbols and fonts SMALL CAPITALS

Italics '...' (...) [...]

{…} {... > ...}

first mention of a linguistic term or emphasized word linguistic sign in original language metalinguistic meaning in cited example or linguistic structure pattern: possible omissions or alternatives in quotation and cited example: my remark/addition in running text: linguistic structure pattern, rarely also IPA-transcription in cited example: (segment of) reported discourse or mimesis in running text: pattern of language change and grammaticalization

Chapter 1 The framework, aim, and data of this study

The initial chapter introduces the subject of this study, namely linguistic expressions which signal reported speech, called here quotative indexes, and the way these expressions are to be approached from a theoretical and methodological perspective. The major research questions to be dealt with are outlined in Section 1.1. How the domain of reported speech is defined and categorized, and how quotative indexes are characterized, is discussed in Section 1.2. Section 1.3 treats methodological questions regarding the language sample and the collection and analysis of the data. While the data corpus is devoted to reported speech as a whole, most parts of the analysis focus more narrowly on direct reported speech. In order to embed this restricted set of data in the wider grammatical domain, section 1.4 presents a brief discussion of other reported speech expressions recorded in the data survey. These are either in direct style but lack a quotative index or pertain to another category like indirect speech.

1.1 Topic and research questions The general aim of this crosslinguistic study is the synchronic and diachronic analysis of the structural and functional properties of the QUOTATIVE INDEX. A definition and detailed discussion of this term will be given in the next section. For the moment it can be provisionally defined as the LINGUISTIC FORM SIGNALING THE PRESENCE OF REPORTED SPEECH. This study will focus in particular, though not exclusively, on a subset of these expressions, namely those marking DIRECT SPEECH. Consider as an illustrative example: (1)

He said to me, 'Come back tomorrow!'

The quotative index in this complex expression is the clause he said to me. It is commonly equated with the matrix clause in a complex sentence of complementation whose purported complement is the quoted simple sentence 'Come back tomorrow!'

2 The framework, aim, and data of this study The formal characteristics of quotative indexes are of interest in the first instance for their own sake, especially because this area has not yet been studied from a broader typological viewpoint. This survey of a larger sample of languages offers a first glimpse of the structural variation of such expressions. This can provide inter alia a more systematic picture of such disputed questions as to whether quotative indexes regularly co-vary with different categories of reported speech, or whether the syntactic relation between quotative indexes and quotes is comparable to that holding between verbs and their complements. Moreover, even a cursory look at the available crosslinguistic data reveals that quotative indexes often do not have a sentential structure of the form X said to Y, suggesting that they are more than simple predicative assertions about a speech event. Hence the study of the form of quotative indexes will also address another important problem: what are the essential semantic and morphosyntactic requirements for the establishment of a quotative index and which of these can be dispensed with more easily? The internal structure of quotative indexes, particularly with respect to the linguistic form of normal predicative sentences, will be analyzed in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 will deal with questions about the structural relationship between the quotative index and the quote, as well as the behavior of quotative indexes in relation to the wider discourse context outside the narrow reported-speech construction. Answers to the above questions are essential prerequisites for research into the historical aspects of quotative indexes, which will be addressed in Chapters 4-7. The recruitment of quotative indexes for uses outside the narrow domain of reported speech and their subsequent development to expressions serving other grammatical functions have been frequently observed and subjected to historical interpretations; these previous analyses will be outlined in Chapter 4. Often, this research has focused on the polyfunctionality of an individual element associated with a quotative index. In some languages, the network of uses of a particular item is so extensive and semantically complex that explanations commonly entertained in previous grammaticalization research are often unsatisfactory. Evidently, an important precondition for a proper understanding of the entire phenomenon is sound crosslinguistic and language-specific knowledge about the properties of the assumed structural source of these processes, namely the quotative index. A number of previous studies have failed to take this consideration into account to a sufficient degree. This can lead to an inappropriate morphosyntactic and semantic analysis of the quotative index in an individual language, and consequently to a partly distorted picture of how the synchronic polyfunctionality pattern of an element used in it has

1.2 Theoretical preliminaries 3

emerged. This refers in particular to the common assumption that grammaticalization processes usually start out from a speech verb. I will try to show that - in addition to explanatory problems encountered in individual cases - the results of the formal analysis of quotative indexes cast general doubt on this view. Thus, there are two major concerns in my historical treatment of quotative indexes. On the one hand, it aims to establish a more complete range of element types that enter into the formation of a quotative index, showing that the category "speech verb" is only one of various options for establishing such a structure; this will be done in Chapter 5. In so doing, I will also demonstrate that direct reported speech can be inserted in texts by means of functionally more general expressions called here "mimesis constructions." On the other hand, I will explore the grammaticalization scenarios for a number of functional expressions that have been claimed to be related historically to quotative indexes. On the basis of the more variable sources of quotative indexes to be established here, an attempt will be made to give alternative historical explanations in cases where the speech-verb account is unsatisfactory. Chapter 6 deals mostly with further grammaticalization developments of quotative indexes. Chapter 7 singles out expressions which I think have been erroneously identified as the outcome of grammaticalizing quotative indexes. The final Chapter 8 will summarize the findings of the present study in their synchronic and diachronic aspects and discuss briefly how the results of the present analysis can be integrated into a more comprehensive approach to reported speech and its related structures.

1.2 Theoretical preliminaries In the following I outline my basic theoretical assumptions underlying the analysis of the empirical data and give the important conventions regarding terminology and recurrent abbreviations used in this book. The larger domain to which the quotative index (henceforth QI) belongs is discussed in Section 1.2.1. In Section 1.2.2 I briefly introduce the QI itself as a linguistic structure.

4 The framework, aim, and data of this study 1.2.1

Reported discourse and its categories

Although this study will only deal with a restricted subarea of the complex and varied linguistic domain of reported speech, some remarks about how this domain is presently perceived must precede the main discussion. The extensive literature on this subject cannot be reviewed here. The following brief remarks will instead make reference especially to Roncador (1988), which is the most extensive study to date on reported speech in that it reviews almost all the literature and bases its analyses on a wide range of crosslinguistic data. Linguistic research started out with the investigation of reported speech in the narrow sense, that is, the insertion into the discourse of some utterance that does not pertain to the immediate process of communication. However, it was soon realized that its actual formal realization in language can hardly be separated from closely related expressions which do not refer to a real speech event. Palmer (1986: 135-6) gives the following representative statement: ... indirect speech forms are very commonly used in a whole variety of languages for what are not strictly reports of anything said. In particular, in most of the languages with which we are familiar they are used for all kinds of epistemic judgments. The construction used with verbs of saying is also used with verbs of thinking, knowing, guessing, concluding, etc.: John said/ thought/ knew/ guessed/ concluded that Mary would come Traditionally, such sentences are simply treated as examples of indirect or reported speech, though the term 'reported' is misleading, since there is no implication that any words are actually spoken. This is clear enough from: My dog knew that there was someone there Yet the traditional treatment is easily justified: (i) There is usually very little formal difference between constructions with epistemic verbs and those with verbs of saying. (ii) Although no words may have been uttered, the speaker can 'put into words' what might have been said. (iii) Even with verbs of saying, it does not follow that the indirect speech is a faithful representation of the words that were uttered. ...

As an illustration, I present the example of Telefol, which displays a particularly striking grammatical and conceptual unity of narrow reported speech with modal expressions and structures commonly subsumed under sentential complementation. Healey (1972) reports that in this language a semantically versatile verb akankalin, in conjunction with the particles oó,

1.2 Theoretical preliminaries 5

yoó, and kalaá, establishes a class of so-called "quotative clauses". These follow utterance-like units (marked by {} brackets) which strongly favor direct style and express such diverse concepts as obligation (2)a., intention (2)b., naming (2)c., true speech (2)d., and perception (2)e. (the verb is not glossed due to its indeterminate meaning). (2) a. {unoón} {I'll go} I must go b. {unoón} {I'll go} He wanted to go c. boómi win {Fuúmeen} her name {PN} He called her Fuumeen d. {unbí} {I went} He said he went e. {únbú} {he went} He saw her go

oó Q

akeeta AKANKALIN:NONFINITE

oó Q

akeéla AKANKALIN:3S

oó Q

AKANKALIN:3S

yoó Q

AKANKALIN:3S

akeéla

akeéla

koo IND koo IND koo IND koo IND

kalaá akeéla koo AKANKALIN:3S IND Q (Healey 1972: 217)

The examples demonstrate that a referent in a Telefol sentence who "akankalins" is not associated with any specific event type but, as a center of consciousness (represented mostly by the subject of this verb), is merely attributed to a certain locution or propositional content. The different semantic notions relating to the communicated states of affairs are disambiguated through a complex interplay between the content and form of the reported speech, the choice between oó, yoó and kalaá, the form of the verb akankalin, and (not illustrated in (2)) the facultative presence of an associated clause containing a semantically explicit verb. The general situation in this language is thus characterized not only by a certain difficulty in identifying different categories of reported speech but also by the fact that the distinction between speech, thought and perception is blurred. Admittedly, this may represent an extreme formal conflation in this domain. The general phenomenon, however, is far from unique to Telefol; it has been repeatedly reported not only in other Papuan languages but also in languages from other geographical areas.

6 The framework, aim, and data of this study In recognition of this, the term 'reported speech' will henceforth be replaced by REPORTED DISCOURSE (henceforth RD). The following is a working definition of this domain: Reported discourse is the representation of a spoken or mental text from which the reporter distances him-/herself by indicating that it is produced by a source of consciousness in a pragmatic and deictic setting that is different from that of the immediate discourse.

By "text" I intend to denote a linguistic form which has the potential of instantiating an illocutionary act irrespective of whether this is really intended and achieved in the context. Text in this sense can range from a long discourse through complex or simple sentential forms to a one-word utterance. Thus, the relevant string of linguistic signs must largely retain the morphosyntactic form of an independent utterance. What this means morphosyntactically, especially for more complex sentence-like units, varies from language to language and hence must be defined explicitly in every individual case. Nevertheless, this structural requirement can be taken as a crosslinguistically fairly robust parameter which distinguishes RD from the mere mention of non-immediate speech or cognition events like the following: (3) (4) (5)

they asked him about the whereabouts of George she gave us the advice to search in the internet the idea to leave her husband

The above expressions have been occasionally classified as a genuine RDtype or at least included in the discussion of RD; compare Leech & Short's (1981) "representation of speech act", Wiesemann's (1984) and Chia's (1986) "non-quote", Emberson's (1986) "condensed speech", Wiesemann's (1990) "implicit speech", Thompson's (1994) "non-clause messages", and McCarthy's (1998: 152) "narratised speech report". However, they are usually excluded from RD, a convention which will be followed here, too. This is not because the two are thought to be totally unrelated. On the contrary, it can be assumed that some languages may exhibit a gradual structural transition from the linkage of two sentential units in a conventional RD-expression to the complete syntactic incorporation of the mention of a text exemplified in the above sentences. It would thus in principle be desirable to study both phenomena together. The decision not to do so is motivated by the consideration that the inclusion of the latter would considerably inflate the number of expression types to be studied.

1.2 Theoretical preliminaries 7

The above definition also implies that RD is not restricted to real instances of speech. It also includes texts that were never actually uttered like so-called "internal speech", or in general any representation of cognitive acts or states. Furthermore, the person who delivers the report and/or the person who hears it need not (fully) understand the meaning of the text as long as it is thought to be a string of sounds that makes a meaningful utterance in some language. The ongoing discourse and the reported discourse represent two communicative contexts which are distinguished by the terms IMMEDIATE vs. NON-IMMEDIATE. Each has its own center of consciousness which determines the deictic orientation in the relevant linguistic expressions and often has also a center of consciousness toward which an expression is directed. In the immediate context, the speech participants who produce and witness the RD-expression will be called here REPORTER and AUDIENCE, respectively. The speech participants of the reported non-immediate context will be terminologically distinguished by referring to them as SPEAKER (henceforth SP) and ADDRESSEE (henceforth AD). These two terms are not completely satisfactory semantically because they will also be used when the text itself is not an auditory signal. However, they are so widely used that it is more convenient to retain them.1 Since it is the reporter who produces the RD, it follows that the use and mode of presentation of such an expression is first of all governed by the communicative conditions and intentions of this speech participant. Thus the reported text is viewed to a greater or lesser extent from the perspective of a center of consciousness that was not its original source.2 Correspondingly, it is the kind of manipulation of the representation of the nonimmediate discourse by the reporter that determines the linguistic categorization of RD. Roncador's (1988) essential criterion for the distinction between different forms of RD is the kind of reference shift ("Referenzverschiebung") that holds between immediate and non-immediate discourse. Here is his definition:

1 It goes without saying that this terminology sometimes differs from that used in some previous works on RD. Just to mention one example, Pike (1968) uses "audience" for what I call "addressee". 2 Even in self-quoting, where one person is both SP and reporter at the same time, his/her state of mind in the immediate context is not identical with that in the non-immediate context, so that two centers of consciousness differing from each other at least on the time dimension must be recognized.

8 The framework, aim, and data of this study Referenzverschiebung liegt dann vor, wenn deiktische und expressive Ausdrücke jeweils gleichen Typs bei gleichbleibender Äußerungssituation verschiedene Referenzen haben; und/oder (als teilweise Umkehrung) dann, wenn deiktische Elemente verschiedenen Typs gleiche Referenz haben. [We speak of reference shift if deictic and expressive elements of the same type, given a constant communicative setting, have different reference; and/or (in part conversely) if deictic elements of different types have the same reference.] (ibid.: 56)

This approach leads to a straightforward definition of the two traditional categories of direct and indirect RD. DIRECT REPORTED DISCOURSE (henceforth DRD) is characterized by the author as follows: Direkte Rede stellt die Klasse derjenigen Ausdrücke dar, in denen alle deiktischen Elemente und Expressiva referentiell verschoben sind. [Direct speech [alias direct reported discourse] comprises the class of expressions where ALL deictic and expressive elements are referentially shifted (emphasis mine)] (ibid.: 108)

That is, shifters and other pragmatically determined elements in the reported text refer to the hic-et-nunc of the SP and the AD in the nonimmediate communicative setting; thus the formal interference of the reporter is maximally restricted. Conversely, INDIRECT REPORTED DISCOURSE (henceforth IRD), when conceived of as the extreme opposite of DRD, comprises those expressions where deictic and expressive elements in the reported text are construed according to the orientation of the reporter, to the maximum extent that the given language permits. This implies that a language, in order to be analyzed as having IRD, must give evidence of at least some degree of reporter interference, however minimal this may be. Initially, linguistic research only recognized the existence of these two categories and thus assumed a clear-cut dichotomy between them. However, the above definitions imply the possible existence of intermediate categories between DRD and IRD, since suprasegmental features as well as the various types of shifters and expressive items can be manipulated in such a way that the deictic or, more generally, pragmatic orientation of an expression does not conform completely to either the immediate or the non-immediate context. One such category was observed relatively early on in connection with the discussion of so-called "free indirect speech" (= "represented speech and thought", French "discours indirect libre", German

1.2 Theoretical preliminaries 9

"erlebte Rede", etc.) as found in literary forms of certain languages. Another ambivalent case comprises RD-forms with "incomplete" pronoun shifts and thus mixed reference which were first identified in African languages and labelled by such terms as "combined speech" (Perrin 1974, Hedinger 1984) or "semi-(in)direct speech" (Thomas 1978, Aaron 1992, Hill 1995). In fact, there are more than just these two, relatively frequently described categories that do not conform to the earlier binary classification. On the basis of a crosslinguistic sample of 40 languages, Roeck (1994: 342-6) presents an extensive array of forms which are neither DRD nor IRD in the traditional sense. In keeping with Roncador (1988), Roeck (1994) and others, I will conceive of RD-categories as constituting a crosslinguistic domain with a scalar organization between two idealized polar opposites, DRD and "maximal" IRD. Although I have outlined briefly the present conceptualization of RD in general, the present work focuses on DRD and the linguistic structures marking this category. The first reason for this restriction is that DRD can be expected to exist in every language and is thus a universal phenomenon,3 while in a number of languages RD-categories incorporating partly or completely the perspective of the reporter are missing or extremely restricted. The second motivation is that DRD is a more discrete and welldefined object of analysis in that it is the extreme pole on the above scale: it ideally lacks ANY kind of reporter interference and is thus least integrated into his/her discourse perspective. As Haiman (1989: 131) puts it: Directly quoted material is not subject to sandhi of any kind. This generalization is too strong ... However, it does represent a psychologically robust ideal, and will serve as a suitable approximation to the truth.

While such a characterization is a crosslinguistically useful criterion for the identification of DRD, it goes without saying that the various manifestations of DRD need not be fully comparable across languages, due to the many different ways that languages may cut up the RD-domain as a whole and deploy the resulting categories.

3 To my knowledge, no language has been claimed in the literature to be devoid of DRD. Campbell & Campbell (1981) report that speakers of the Amazonian language Jamamadi virtually lack completely the possibility of an exact repetition of a previous utterance. At first glance, this seems to constitute an exception. However, it becomes clear from their description that DRD as conceptualized here does exist in Jamamadi. What the language lacks are quotes reported verbatim - a feature which is not criterial for DRD.

10 The framework, aim, and data of this study Due to the restriction to DRD, terms like "quotation", "quotative", "quote", etc., which will occur in particular with reference to FORMAL aspects of RD, are used here mostly with their literal meaning and standard connotation as found in other academic contexts. This follows a widespread practice in the literature. Nevertheless, for convenience this term will also be used in the occasional discussion of non-DRD expressions. It goes without saying that its original narrow sense ceases to apply the more an expression deviates from pure DRD. However, the present usage of "quotative" must not be equated with a meaning it has received in the terminology of some languages/ language groups, especially of the Americas. There, it usually refers to a gram4 marking hearsay evidentiality - a use possibly going back to Whorf's (1938) description of Hopi. This terminological convention has also entered some works having a much wider scope like Dahl (1985), Palmer (1986), and Trask (1993). While this marker type may often be related historically to RD (see Section 6.2), it nevertheless pertains to a different functional domain and should be kept separate from the central topic of this investigation. 1.2.2

Quotative indexes as formal signals of reported discourse

The entire linguistic form serving the expression of RD is called here a RDCONSTRUCTION. The most elaborate pattern assumed by such a structure normally takes the form of two major constituents. One contains the expression representing the reported non-immediate discourse itself. This will be called here the QUOTE. Once the RD-type is identified, this constituent will hardly ever enter the discussion but will be treated merely as a block. Of major interest in this investigation is the other constituent, which can be conceived of as indexing the presence of such a quote within the ongoing discourse. This will be called here the QUOTATIVE INDEX (henceforth QI).5 The following is a preliminary definition of this principal object of study:

4 "Gram" is used here loosely for different types of grammatical markers irrespective of their phonetic substance and morphosyntactic composition. 5 This differs from the usage in some other works, for example, Harris & Campbell (1995: 170), where a term like 'quotative construction' denotes what is here called the RD-construction and includes the quote.

1.2 Theoretical preliminaries 11 A quotative index is a segmentally discrete linguistic expression which is used by the reporter for the orientation of the audience to signal in his/her discourse the occurrence of an adjacent representation of reported discourse.

"Linguistic expression" is intended here to cover structures of variable complexity. That is, it is irrelevant whether the QI consists of just a gram bound to the quote, an independent function word, a phrase, a full sentential syntagm with its nominal participants, or even a clause with more than one predicate. By "segmentally discrete", two properties are implied. On the one hand, the relevant device must be sufficiently distinguished from the linguistic material of the general cotext, which sometimes signals the presence of a quote. That is, its presence and function must be motivated principally with reference to the quote per se. On the other hand, I exclude purely suprasegmental features of intonation, pitch, etc., which are also capable of marking a string of signs as a quote. Finally, "adjacent" stresses that the QI and the quote are required to form a complex whole, called here the RD-construction, in such a way that no other linguistic material interrupts this higher-order structural unit. QIs are regularly discussed in connection with RD-research regarding, for example, the formal distinction between different RD-categories, the status of a RD-construction as a whole in the syntactic variation of clause linkage, or the grammaticalization processes frequently observed in this domain. However, they have rarely been the object of research in their own right. Due to the lack of crosslinguistic studies of this topic, there has also been a great variety of terms. The following are all largely identical with the above notion of a QI: "quotation/ quote/ metapragmatic formula" (Longacre 1964, 1968, 1976, 1985, 1994, Reid 1979, Forster 1983, Silverstein 1985, Wendel 1986, DuBois 1989, Aaron 1992, Jones 1992, Ware 1993), "quotation indicator" (Pike 1968, Soutar & Pike 1982), "quotation/ quot(ativ)e/ speech margin" (Koontz 1976/7, Glock 1986, Dooley 1989, Vries 1990, Levinsohn 1992, Taylor 1994, Hill 1995), "speechintroducing/ reporting clause" (Stanley 1982, Hedinger 1984, Jackson 1987), "reporting/ quotative/ metapragmatic frame" (Sternberg 1982a, Silverstein 1985, Basso 1986, Yule 1993, Mathis & Yule 1994, Miller 1995), "speech-act expression" (Besnier 1992), "reporting signal" (Thompson 1994), "speech orienter" (Levinsohn 2000). A fair number of these terms come from the SIL linguistic tradition and studies inspired by it. There, QIs have been given more regular attention as a genuine type of constituent. Explicit definitions and terminology for QIs

12 The framework, aim, and data of this study and their subparts are largely lacking in the great amount of literature dealing with grammaticalization processes. This is due inter alia to the fact that these have first of all been described as processes concerning a single linguistic element like a speech verb, instead of as processes involving the form of an entire construction. In the present work the general approach is construction-oriented. Hence the relevant terms must be introduced and explained in more detail. In terms of propositional information a QI can be expected to contain a predicative assertion about some discourse or cognition event and information on who is its source (alias SP) and, if relevant, its hearer (alias AD). The unmarked way of encoding the QI-predicate would seem to be the use of a lexical item that belongs to the category verb (as defined in the given language) and that conveys the semantic feature of 'utterance'. An item with these two properties will be called here a SPEECH VERB. Such unremarkable QIs are exemplified by the following English expressions: (6) (7)

She said to Joe, {…} He answered her, {…}

These two examples also show that speech verbs differ according to their meaning - that is, they can be divided into semantically GENERIC SPEECH VERBS like say, speak, tell and SPECIFIC SPEECH VERBS like answer, ask, whisper, insist, praise, announce, refuse, call, etc. which make additional reference to a particular characteristic or circumstance of the speech event (see, e.g., Verschueren (1980, 1984), Dirven et al. (1982), Goossens (1985), Wierzbicka (1987), and Thompson (1994) for a more detailed classification of speech verbs). It is necessary to make an additional conceptual and terminological distinction. Speech verbs by definition must always refer semantically to an utterance, both when used in a QI and outside this context. There are, however, other verbal items which occur very frequently in QIs and have in this context the same reading as a generic speech verb, but whose semantic analysis is far less straightforward. This is either because their 'utterance' meaning is partially or completely absent in other predicative contexts or because they have no use at all outside a QI. Such a situation holds in quite a number of languages. Take as an example Noss' (1988: 101, 114) description of the verb hee in Gbaya, which is translated as 'say':

1.2 Theoretical preliminaries 13 The defective verb hee may occur with another verb of speaking or it may itself occur as the locutionary verb introducing the following discourse. It is a defective verb in that it occurs with the meaning of 'saying' only in the past form. [in footnote:] This item does occur as a regular verb, but with meanings other than 'say/ speak': hé yílí 'ululate'; hé mbéá 'announce/ proclaim a decree'; hé m 'crow (of a fowl)'. It would be convenient to analyze the introductory formula [i.e., the plain verb hee] as a serial verb construction, but its tonal pattern does not conform to the norm for serial verbs. [end of footnote] It may take any of three forms depending on speed of pronunciation and articulation, all of which convey the same meaning:

(8)

Wanto hee.... Wanto he.... Wanto 'e....

Wanto said.... Wanto said.... Wanto said....

Given that the QI itself conveys the notion of an utterance, a semantic analysis of such an ambiguous predicative as actually being a canonical speech verb is not well founded. Hence, for such QI-verbs a more neutral term is appropriate. I will call them QUOTATIVE VERB, indicating that they belong formally to this part of speech but serve a grammatical rather than a lexical function. Another language where a distinction between speech verb and quotative verb should be made is Zulu (representing the Nguni cluster). The different orders of QI and quote aside, the QI in (9) showing the use of the specific speech verb buza 'ask' is on the surface not very different from that in (10) with a form of the verb thi. It will, however, be demonstrated in Section 5.1.3.3 that the second lexeme is defective as a verb and functionally extremely versatile so that it is assigned to the class of quotative verbs. (9)

{...} kwa-buza yena IP.REM.PST-ask 3S ..." he asked. (Bona 1987,8: 122)

(10) u-thé: {...} 3S-QV:PFV He said, "... (Doke 1992: §820) Finally, there is a third type of QI-verb: the term NON-SPEECH VERB will be used here for all QI-verbs which do not refer semantically to human vocal behavior, for example, specific verbs like '(re)turn' (when used in the

14 The framework, aim, and data of this study reading 'answer') or generic verbs like 'do, make'. This class excludes quotative verbs even though these do not have speech-verb meaning either. Frequently, the QI contains in addition to a predicate a grammaticalized function word which is normally adjacent to the quote. In accordance with established usage, this will be called a QUOTATIVE MARKER. When such an element grammaticalizes in contexts normally subsumed under sentential complementation outside the traditional domain of narrow reported speech it is conventionally called a COMPLEMENTIZER, and this usage will be adopted here. Examples (11) and (12) demonstrate the quotative/complementizer lE@ in Tikar (lE$ with low tone is an unrelated comitative preposition). lE$ n@ñwí' lE@ {...} (11) à šE$ 3S say:NAR COM dog Q he said to the dog, "... (Stanley 1982: 36) {ny"( ní ywì kán} (12) tyí lìmmì lE@ hare know COMP {he wasn't dead} the hare knew that he wasn't dead [non-DRD] (ibid.: 34) In languages where verbs exhibit little or no inflection it is notoriously difficult to categorize more grammaticalized QI-elements. The example of the problematic status of the "defective verb" hee in Gbaya has illustrated this already. Take as another example the case of 'bo# in Ngbaka Ma'bo, which is viewed as a grammaticalized function word. It occurs in a variety of structural QI-constellations: {...} (13) kùnda dì 'béè 'bo# /ètí tortoise say OBL:3S Q IGB Tortue lui dit: "... (Thomas 1970: 79) yE$ngE$ ha# 'bo# s $ @ 'bo# {...} (14) /é ha# 3S take sieve give OBL PN Q Elle prit un tamis, le donna à So, disant: "... (ibid.: 603) (15) /ètí 'bo# {/"# pu#lù kpáa# /ètí} IGB Q {he went to take it off} dit qu'il allait le détacher [non-DRD] (ibid.: 81)

1.3 Methodological preliminaries 15

(16) /é 'bo# {...} 3S Q il s'écria: "... (ibid.: 53) The gram 'bo# occurs in (13) between a speech predicate and a quote, in (14) between a non-speech predicate and a quote, and in (15) as an independent introducer, here of non-DRD. In all these configurations the best synchronic analysis is to consider it as a quotative/complementizer. However, in (16) it follows a nominal referring to the SP. This configuration [SP quotative] is virtually indistinguishable from such structures as [SP speech.verb] or [SP quotative.verb] because it looks like a statement with the SP-nominal as predication base and the function word as predicate. Although here the quotative has the distributional behavior of a verb in being the nucleus of a QI with two constituents, it cannot be assigned to this lexical category. To reflect this ambiguity, in such cases I speak neutrally of a QUOTATIVE PREDICATOR. Functionally, quotative predicators and quotative verbs can be conceptualized as special subtypes of the more general category of a quotative marker. Except where explicitness is called for, I will often refer to all of these (quotative verb, predicator, and marker) simply as QUOTATIVE.

1.3 Methodological preliminaries The following sections presents the methodological framework of this study. Section 1.3.1 outlines the data base and the profile of the language sample the data come from. The procedure for how RD-constructions and, if relevant, the accompanying QIs are identified and classified is treated in Section 1.3.2. The final Section 1.3.3 deals briefly with empirical problems of the historically oriented analyses of QIs and of the elements constituting them. 1.3.1

Language sample, sources, and data corpus

As the title states, this work is primarily a study of QIs in African languages. Data from languages of other linguistic regions are considered and compared to the African data. However, the conclusions are drawn from findings based on a limited and planned sample of languages with the aim of making representative statements for the geographical area Africa. The

16 The framework, aim, and data of this study sample does not give a complete picture of the synchronic linguistic diversity on the African continent. Practical reasons concerning sample design and size motivated some rather arbitrary decisions as to what to include or exclude from the sample. Regarding geography, I limited the region to the African continental mainland, so that Malagasy is excluded. More important is the restriction to genealogical units which have a certain minimal time depth on the continent and can in this sense be considered vis-à-vis other language groups to be "indigenous" to Africa. Thus, I have excluded contemporaneous African speech forms which are the result of relatively recent external influences. That is, speech varieties that were shaped by contact with Asian or European languages, like creoles, pidgins, or vehicular and native varieties of colonial languages, are not considered in the sample. In this sense, the sample attempts to come close to Africa's genealogical profile at a time before languages from outside began to have a 'global' impact on the linguistic dynamics of the continent as a whole. The focus here does not lie on "outside" but on "global impact". Thus Ethiosemitic, whose ancestor is widely assumed to come from the Arabian Peninsula, is included in the sample because its range of influence was limited to the Ethiopian Plateau. By contrast Arabic, with the same geographical origin, is excluded because it disturbed the linguistic equilibrium on a much larger scale, encroaching on both North and East Africa since the early Middle Ages. The coming of Arabic was the earliest such 'global' incursion into Africa; any language configuration predating the advent of Arabic will here be considered "indigenous". The changes to the linguistic situation in Africa since then, which have multiplied with European colonialism and World globalization, have been tremendous. The fact that entire genealogical lineages to be included in a representative sample have not survived these processes to the time when they could be recorded according to acceptable documentation standards implies that the objective of any ancient genealogical profile cannot be achieved completely. From a methodological viewpoint, it is also important to note that this sampling of an older genealogical situation has the consequence that the genealogical and the structural profiles do not match each other from a diachronic perspective. The linguistic data of the sample are necessarily synchronic while its genealogical constitution focuses on an earlier time point. Considering the possible structural changes that can be assumed to have taken place within the time gap, this procedure could lead to distortions and inconsistencies, especially in cases where contact interference in

1.3 Methodological preliminaries 17

languages which in the above sense are "indigenous" to Africa comes from languages excluded from the sample as "non-indigenous." Given these general restrictions, the language sample itself strives to give as complete a genealogical profile of Africa as possible. Parallel to Nichols (1992), the targets of this genealogically controlled sample are groupings which have been or clearly can be established by means of the historical-comparative method. These are the FAMILY (comparable to such units as Mande, Chadic, or Nilotic) and the STOCK (not older than Afroasiatic). One is not on secure ground regarding genealogical affiliations involving the four major groupings of the widely accepted classification of African languages by Greenberg (1963). Although general reservations against this classification have rarely been raised in the recent past (but see Thomason 1994), I prefer to focus on low-level genealogical units that have a relatively shallow time depth and which are established on sufficiently firm empirical grounds. Such an orientation cannot misrepresent the true genealogical picture of Africa even if some groups considered here purely on the family level turn out in the future to enter genealogical groups of a higher order. Especially shared PARADIGMATIC systems of grammar - an essential requirement for identifying a genealogical language group (cf. Nichols 1996) - have not yet been demonstrated by the heretofore presented evidence for both Khoisan (cf., e.g., Güldemann forthcoming a) and Nilo-Saharan (pace Bender 1991, 1996, 2000; and Ehret 2001). Even Niger-Kordofanian (or Niger-Congo in the wide sense of BendorSamuel (ed.) 1989) remains questionable as a genealogical entity when it comes to more deviant groups like Mande, Ijoid, Atlantic, Kordofanian, or Dogon. As Niger-Congo is conceived in this study as a stock in Nichols' (1992) terms, these five families are excluded from it. It was felt desirable to include more than one language from those families which have a greater number of member languages. The cut-off value for adding another language from such a group was set arbitrarily at 90, and for still larger groups again at 180. The families concerned - followed in parentheses by their number of member languages according to Gordon (ed., 2005) - are Chadic (195) and Gur (96). In the case of Benue-Congo (961) which is a very large but structurally fairly homogeneous family, the number of sample languages has been restricted to five. Another exception was made with the inclusion of Bedauye as a second language from Cushitic (47), because its classification as the northern branch of this family is still controversial. Having established the target groups for sampling, the choice of individual languages depended largely on the availability and quality of em-

18 The framework, aim, and data of this study pirical data. Unfortunately, this uncontrollable factor was responsible for the ultimate omission of some families because suitable data could not be obtained. First, I excluded Egyptian as a whole for the reason that even the latest chronolect, Coptic, was no longer a healthy living language when modern linguistic documentation and description began - a circumstance that affects the nature of the available data and its possible analysis. Other missing lineages are Kordofanian, Omotic, and various small groups commonly subsumed under Nilo-Saharan, for example, Berta, Koman, Gumuz, etc. The gaps in the sample would have been greater still without the help of colleagues who kindly furnished their unpublished data on less accessible languages. When there was a possible choice from within a lineage three criteria determined the choice. These are, in the order of importance: (1) a text corpus analyzable by a non-specialist, (2) a reasonably extensive grammatical description, and (3) a special treatment of reported discourse. Map 1 and Table 1 present the sample languages with respect to their geographical location, genealogical classification and data sources. The sequential order of the languages used here will, where relevant, be followed throughout the rest of this study. The names in the table column "Language" do not specify further the particular language variety. Sometimes, this is the standard form of the relevant language (e.g., in Khoekhoe, Ewe, Yoruba, and Igbo). In other cases, a geographical sub-entity of a dialect cluster served as the main data source (e.g., East !Xoon from the Taa cluster, Kolokuma from Izon, or Zulu from the Nguni linguistic complex). In general, this information is easily recoverable from the references used. The names used herein for the sample languages as well as for other languages are normally those of the (major) source used. Possibly more familiar terms (added at some places in parentheses) and commonly recognized classifications of languages can be found in Gordon (ed., 2005). In the case of Khoisan languages, however, it is preferable to consult Güldemann (2003a) because the information in the former source is often inadequate and does not guarantee a correct identification of all the languages studied here.

1.3 Methodological preliminaries 19

Map 1. The geographical distribution of the sample languages

20 The framework, aim, and data of this study Table 1. Sample languages, genealogical classification, and data sources Language 1. Koyra Chiini 2. Kanuri 3. Ik 4. Aiki 5. Fur 6. Ngiti 7. Ngambay 8. Kunama 9. Dongola 10. Murle 11. Anywa 12. Krongo 13. Hadza 14. Sandawe 15. Khoekhoe 16. Ju|'hoan 17. Taa 18. Tigre 19. Tamajeq 20. Bedauye 21. Burunge 22. Kera 23. Lamang 24. Hausa 25. Mandinka 26. Izon 27. Kisi 28. Donno S 29. Kouya 30. Supyire 31. Koromfe 32. Waja 33. Ngbaka Ma'bo 34. Ewe 35. Yoruba 36. Igbo 37. Birom 38. Tikar 39. Nguni

Family (subbranch) Songhay Saharan Kuliak Maban Furan Moru-Mangbetu Bongo-Bagirmi Isolate Nubian Surmic Nilotic Kadu Isolate Isolate Khoe-Kwadi Ju Tuu Semitic Berber Cushitic (North) Cushitic (South) Chadic (East) Chadic (Central) Chadic (West) Mande Ijoid Atlantic Dogon Kru Gur (Senufo) Gur (Central) Adamawa Ubangi Kwa Benue-Congo (Defoid) Benue-Congo (Igboid) Benue-Congo (Platoid) Benue-Congo (Bantoid) Benue-Congo (Bantoid)

Stock Central Sudanic Central Sudanic East Sudanic East Sudanic East Sudanic Afroasiatic Afroasiatic Afroasiatic Afroasiatic Afroasiatic Afroasiatic Afroasiatic Niger-Congo Niger-Congo Niger-Congo Niger-Congo Niger-Congo Niger-Congo Niger-Congo Niger-Congo Niger-Congo Niger-Congo Niger-Congo

* Greenberg's proposed supergroups as reference

Greenberg (1963)* Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan Khoisan Khoisan Khoisan Khoisan Khoisan

Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian Niger-Kordofanian

1.3 Methodological preliminaries 21 (Table 1 continued) Text source* Heath 1998a; Heath (ed.) 1998: 155-69, 224-71 Cyffer 1974; Geider ms. Serzisko 1992, 1995, f.n. Nougayrol 1989 Zyhlarz 1942: 169-73; Jakobi 1990 Kutsch Lojenga 1994 Vandame 1963 Reinisch 1881-90 vol. 1: 171-4, vol. 2: 2-21 Armbruster 1960; Massenbach 1962: 145-52, 163-6 Arensen 1992: 299-300, 307-32 Reh 1996 Reh 1985 Bala 1998: 16-33 Elderkin 1989, f.n. Hagman 1977; Schmidt 1994: 134-45, 1997: 142-7; Haacke f.n. Dickens ms. Traill ms. Littmann 1911: 698-706; Sundström 1914; Raz 1983: 103-12 Petites Soeurs de Jésus 1974: 60-7, 78-99, 142-53, 230-45 Reinisch 1893/4 vol. 1: 5-30 Kießling 1994, f.n. Ebert 1975: 60-6, 106-29, 184-93, 206-31 Wolff 1983, 1994: 331-7 Ahmad 1997: 93-4, 187-95, 201-3, 230, 233-5 Pfeiffer (ed.) 1997: 18-41, 66-7, 74-5, 87-9, 96-9, 122-4 Williamson f.n. Childs 1995 Kervran & Prost 1969, 1986 Arthur f.n. Carlson 1994 Rennison 1986a Kleinewillinghöfer f.n. Thomas 1970: 50-87, 134-9, 154-65, 330-49, 594-607 Westermann 1907: 142-3, 145-6, 148-9; Dawuda f.n. Bamgbos`e 1966; Armstrong 1966, Barber & Ògúndíjo` (eds.) 1994: 81-259 Adams 1932: 119-20, 129-36; Green & Igwe 1963; Anyanywu f.n. Bouquiaux 1970b: 46-55, 90-7, 162-91, 312-35, 348-61 Stanley 1982, 1991 Warmelo 1938: 10-3; Bona 87,8: 26-8, 32-4, 122-3/ 88,9: 142-3 * Page numbers are added only when not all texts of a given source are used.

22 The framework, aim, and data of this study (Table 1 continued) Language 1. Koyra Chiini 2. Kanuri 3. Ik 4. Aiki 5. Fur 6. Ngiti 7. Ngambay 8. Kunama 9. Dongola 10. Murle 11. Anywa 12. Krongo 13. Hadza 14. Sandawe 15. Khoekhoe 16. Ju|'hoan 17. Taa 18. Tigre 19. Tamajeq 20. Bedauye 21. Burunge 22. Kera 23. Lamang 24. Hausa 25. Mandinka 26. Izon 27. Kisi 28. Donno S 29. Kouya 30. Supyire 31. Koromfe 32. Waja 33. Ngbaka Ma'bo 34. Ewe 35. Yoruba 36. Igbo 37. Birom 38. Tikar 39. Nguni

Language expert El. A. Awagana F. Serzisko A. Jakobi M. Reh M. Reh B. Sands E. Elderkin W. Haacke A. Traill M. Vanhove R. Kießling E. Wolff M. Abdoulaye D. Creissels K. Williamson T. Childs C. Culy E. Arthur R. Carlson U. Kleinewillinghöfer C. Dawuda A. Bamgbos`e -

Grammar source Heath 1998a Cyffer 1974; Hutchison 1976, 1981a Serzisko 1992 Nougayrol 1989 Beaton 1968; Jakobi 1990 Kutsch Lojenga 1994 Vandame 1963 Reinisch 1881-90; Thompson 1989 Armbruster 1960 Lyth 1971,1; Arensen 1982 Reh 1996 Reh 1985 Sands forthcoming Elderkin 1989 Hagman 1977; Olpp 1977 Snyman 1970; Dickens 2005 Traill 1994 Leslau 1945; Raz 1983 Petites Soeurs de Jésus 1982 Reinisch 1893/4; Hudson 1974 Kießling 1994 Ebert 1979 Wolff 1983 Wolff 1993; Newman 2000 Rowlands 1959; Creissels 1983 Williamson 1965 Childs 1995 Kervran & Prost 1986 Carlson 1994 Rennison 1997 Kleinewillinghöfer 1990 Thomas 1963 Westermann 1907 Bamgbos`e 1966 Green & Igwe 1963; Emenanjo` 1978 Bouquiaux 1970a Stanley 1991 Doke 1992

1.3 Methodological preliminaries 23 (Table 1 continued) Lexicon source Heath 1998b Cyffer 1994 Heine 1999b Reinisch 1881-90 Armbruster 1965 Lyth 1971,2-3 Reh 1999 Kagaya 1993 Rust 1969 Dickens 1994 Traill 1994 Organisation 1969 Reinisch 1895 Ebert 1976 Wolff & Heusing ms. Bargery 1934; Abraham 1946 Creissels et al. 1982 Kervran 1993 Rennison 1986b Westermann 1905, 1954 Abraham 1958 Welmers & Welm. 1963; Williamson (ed.) 1972 Doke et al. 1990; Pahl et al. (eds.) 1989

RD-related article Hutchison 1971 Serzisko 1987 Waley & Armbruster 1934 Ebert 1991 Gouffé 1971; Dimmendaal 1989 Dramé 1983 Culy 1994 Clements 1975; Lord 1976 Lord 1976; Bamgbos`e 1986 Stanley 1982; Jackson 1987 Moolman 1984

24 The framework, aim, and data of this study In terms of the nature and quality of the available data, there exist considerable obstacles to a crosslinguistic analysis of QIs as envisaged here. First, many descriptive works contain only limited and incomplete information on the formal properties of RD-constructions in general and QIs in particular. Moreover, where these structures are given explicit attention, the focus is often just on one or two major construction types so that the possible variation of a language in this domain cannot be completely recovered from the description. Another problem arises from the specific analytic perspective of the present study. Grammatical properties of RD-expressions are normally addressed in grammar books merely as phenomena pertaining to the domain of clause linkage. However, RD-constructions will be assumed here, on the basis of results from discourse-oriented studies, to have a more global functional import in that they serve certain communicative goals in the creation and organization of a text. Such textual functions of RDconstructions and their possible formal correlates are rarely covered in grammatical descriptions, let alone in a way that would allow a systematic cross-language comparison. Finally, there exists the possibility that individual treatments may be biased toward construction types that are not typical for actual language use. For example, they may have an orientation toward structures familiar from European languages which are better understood and which usually also serve as the metalanguage of description; or they may focus on structures which are preferred in normative and/or planned written discourse. This is not a trivial issue, because even standard descriptions of well-documented European languages tend to underestimate or even ignore the importance of such RD-introducing phrases in spontaneous and spoken language usage as English he's like, German und ich so 'and I'm like', Portuguese ai ela 'then she', etc. (see also McCarthy's (1998) extensive argumentation in favor of authentic spoken data). All these factors motivated the decision to lay primary importance on the analysis of tokens of QIs in their actual discourse context. That is, an attempt is made to base the analysis of QIs in a language - their formal evaluation, their classification into types, and their correlation with local contextual or more global discourse functions - primarily on the inspection of a sufficient number of tokens from cohesive and naturally produced oral texts. Unfortunately, such an objective turns out, at the present stage of our knowledge, not to be fully compatible with the objective of providing a representative comparison of languages from an entire continent. The textual documentation of African languages in a form that is easily accessible

1.3 Methodological preliminaries 25

and also suitable for analysis by a non-specialist is still very limited. In order to be able to carry out at all a QI-survey based on texts in a large number of genealogically diverse languages it had to be accepted that the data base would have to be extremely uneven in terms of almost any criterion. This is evident from the information given in Table 1. The data used span more than a century of linguistic research. Some of the texts were not produced spontaneously and in oral form, but were written down by native speakers or even dictated to the linguist. Texts based on transcribed audio recordings have variable depths of analysis or (in the version available to me) have been subjected to different forms and degrees of editing (depending on the linguistic approach, the targeted readership of a publication, etc.). Also, the texts differ considerably in length. The diversity of the data corpus also concerns the comparability of the texts across languages, as can inter alia be inferred from Table 2. That is, the number of texts available for an individual language varies widely, and the texts belong to different discourse types. Only the parameter of discourse genre displays some homogeneity, in that there is a strong bias toward narrative texts or texts with large narrative portions. This means that the present study is to a large extent a study of QIs in a particular text type. This is important for conclusions that refer to the discourse features of RD and its formal realization. The predominance of narratives has two major reasons: (1) they are the most commonly found text type in linguistic documentation and (2) they are very likely to contain DRD. For the sake of greater consistency of the corpus, it would have been desirable to base the study entirely on this text type. However, for some languages this would have meant a still smaller data base. Consequently, other texts have been included where necessary. In general, the data corpus can claim neither comparability and coherence across languages nor representativity within an individual language. The statistical figures should be evaluated in light of this fact. However, what the text survey does provide is a better insight into the formal variation of RD-expressions and its dependency on factors operating at a level above that of simple and complex sentences.

26 The framework, aim, and data of this study Table 2. Texts across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni Total

Texts (total) 5 3 10 2 2 5 6 13 8 13 14 5 4 6 6 19 20 13 6 13 6 8 5 6 8 13 5 4 8 7 7 2 8 9 3 11 6 6 5 290

Narratives (total) 4 3 8 2 2 5 6 13 8 13 11 5 4 2 6 19 7 13 6 13 6 7 5 6 8 13 3 4 8 3 6 2 8 9 0 8 6 3 3 258

1.3 Methodological preliminaries 27

1.3.2

The analysis of quotative indexes

A crucial problem for a statistical survey of RD-constructions is the abovementioned fact that this domain has no discrete clear-cut categories, but is organized as a scalar continuum along which linguists identify several focal points of construction types. The present study is primarily concerned with DRD. Although this is, as one of the extreme poles on the scale, a comparatively robust category, the correct identification of individual tokens can still be quite problematic. First, there is not one but many quoteinternal features reflecting different degrees of reporter interference. Therefore, the various parameters have to be ranked as to their importance when making a decision in favor of one or the other RD-category. Second, formal clues giving evidence of reporter interference are not always present or accessible in the available data. In this investigation the most important criterion for the assignment of a certain token to a particular RD-category is a shift in pronominal reference. As soon as the quote of a RD-token has at least one pronoun that does not receive its referential interpretation from the speaker perspective, this token has been counted as not belonging to the core category of DRD-tokens. This also implies that those cases have been separated from DRD (1) in which pronouns in the quote have mixed reference or (2) which display a consistent reporter-oriented pronoun reference but nevertheless contain other features referring to the non-immediate context. This approach has been explicitly or implicitly taken in the majority of RD-studies. However, it should be noted that some studies may rank the change in pronoun reference lower than other shifter phenomena, which would yield a different classification of RD-tokens. Even the pronoun criterion fails to resolve the categorization problem of a great number of RD-tokens where no pronouns mark a shift. This is the case in languages without a logophoric distinction in all quotes that contain only 3rd-person references. The problem can also appear in so-called selfquoting contexts, where both the QI and the quote have only 1st-person pronouns. In such pronominally ambiguous cases, the problem can often be resolved by noting the presence of shifters encoding temporal and spatial deixis and of other discourse features which are pragmatically tied to the non-immediate communicative setting like exclamations, vocatives, attitude markers, imperatives, etc. If these are also absent, the last resort in the analysis is the translation provided in the data source. Due to diverse translation principles across the text corpora, however, no uniformity can be guaranteed in this respect. Inevitably, then, there will be cases where the

28 The framework, aim, and data of this study decision for one or the other RD-category must be made in a rather arbitrary fashion - a potential source of error which, unfortunately, cannot be removed. Naturally, the analysis of RD-tokens is based completely on the data from the text corpora. As mentioned above, the internal composition of the quote does not play any significant role in the analysis once the tokens of RD-constructions have been identified and their category determined. The principal object of this study is the expressions indexing the presence of the quote. The following procedure was pursued in the identification and classification of tokens: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

Recording of tokens of DRD-constructions as defined above Separation of tokens with and without a QI Recording of tokens of other RD-categories referring to real speech Preliminary identification of QI-types Recording of tokens of the identified QI-types not used for RD This approach resulted in four classes of tokens:

I. II. III. IV.

DRD with a QI (this comprises the core of the data set) DRD without a QI RD other than DRD with a QI Expressions with a QI used for functions other than RD

The logic of recording and classifying the linguistic structures under analysis should be considered in light of the principal objectives of this study. The detailed grammatical investigation of QIs marking DRD is at the heart of the present study. Therefore, only QIs in the first token group have been subjected to a detailed morphosyntactic and semantic analysis. Also, DRD is fully covered irrespective of (1) whether the quote is signaled by a QI (hence the second token group) and (2) whether it represents real speech or only a cognitive state. The concentration on the category of DRD does not mean that other RD-categories are excluded from the data survey and resulting discussion. Most sample languages have QIs which can be employed for the entire range of RD-categories. As this study is oriented toward constructions and their linguistic history, it is thus necessary at least to record such non-DRD tokens. In order to give a more complete picture of RD in general, RDconstructions that exclusively signal non-DRD are also recorded and discussed. However, this group of QI-tokens is not analyzed grammatically,

1.3 Methodological preliminaries 29

nor is it recorded with the same degree of exhaustivity as the first group of DRD-tokens. This is because IRD fades out gradually into a grammatical domain that is conventionally considered much wider than normal RD, namely sentential complementation - an area of only secondary interest in this investigation. Thus, the survey of QI-tokens of non-DRD-constructions will be restricted to those cases which are marked by a QI and which relate unambiguously to narrow reported speech. This principle and the fact that DRD is in general recognized more easily can be illustrated by the following pair of examples involving perception predicates from Ik. An expression such as (17)a. is a clear case of DRD based on the pronoun-reference criterion and will be so counted. The sentence in (17)b. can be viewed as IRD according to the above RDdefinition. In a conventional approach, however, it would be analyzed as plain sentential complementation. As there is no firmly established criterion to separate this type from other complement clause types, such cases will be excluded from the token count. (17) a. ita-a j'a {ro a iria ata nti?} find-PFV just {people, what can I do?} she just found, "People, what can I do? ..." (Serzisko 1995: 507) b. ita-a {sokitiniE gwaits'ie ts'ufetataka} find-PFV {the hoofs of the giraffe had already appeared} he found that the hoofs of the giraffe had already appeared (Serzisko 1992: 86) The construction-oriented approach also dictated the recording of tokens of the relevant structures even when they do not serve their normal function of indexing RD - hence the fourth group of tokens. Here, too, the distinction between a QI used for RD and one used for another function can be problematic. This is, for example, the case in languages which express intention and other forms of internal awareness by means of RDconstructions and which exploit these structures extensively in modal contexts and clause linkage. This is illustrated by the use of the quotative verb n in Kanuri in both DRD and IRD. It is difficult to decide whether these examples should be analyzed as RD or as conventionalized devices to encode modality and clause-linkage.

30 The framework, aim, and data of this study (18) fato-ro gag´ {yanged´ gojin} house-OBL enter:3S:MED {he would take the trousers} wono-ga QV:3S:PST-TEMP when he entered the house and was about to take the trousers [lit.: when he entered the house and said/ thought he would take the trousers] (Geider ms.) (19) Ya Kuruman daji {wu b´lanzero lengin} s´ PN then {I will go to town} QV:3S:MED then Ya Kuruman said 'I will go to town' [then Ya Kuruman decided/ wanted to go to town] (Geider ms.) sà wú-gà cátà (20) {férònzá yèz´@sk´@na} {I have killed their daughter} QV:3P:MED 1S-OBJ catch:3P.PST ... ich habe ihre Tochter umgebracht, sagten sie und ergriffen mich [lit.: they said/ thought, I have killed their daughter, and arrested me > they arrested me on the charge that/ because I killed their daughter (actually he did not)] (Cyffer 1974: 213) Crosslinguistically valid criteria for a consistent classification of such cases could not be determined; whether to assign a token to RD or to nonRD had to be decided in the relevant cases in a rather ad-hoc fashion. Finally, the QIs recorded in each language are grouped into types on the basis of important morphosyntactic features. This analysis, too, is based primarily on the text corpus data. But it has been supplemented, where available, by information in the grammatical sources. Such information is usually concerned with types. Thus, the language-specific types recognized in this study and summarized in Appendix 1 are either established on the basis of sufficient tokens in the texts examined herein, or are explicitly described as such in the relevant grammatical reference work. It should be clear, however, that the types identified in a crosslinguistic study like this one are not necessarily "constructions" in the narrow technical sense of this term, inasmuch as the relatively shallow analysis and the limited amount of textual data do not allow a fully reliable structural generalization over QItokens in an individual language (see, e.g., Schultze-Berndt 2002 for discussing problems of identifying and defining language-specific constructions). The term "construction", accordingly, will be largely avoided.

1.3 Methodological preliminaries 31

1.3.3

Elements of quotative indexes used with other functions

A second major concern of this study is the frequent polyfunctionality displayed by QIs or elements occurring therein. Polyfunctionality displayed by an entire QI is fairly straightforward because it involves a specific type of structure which can be recognized fairly easily. Polyfunctionality displayed by individual QI-elements, however, can be quite complicated. First, it is necessary to determine which elements enter a QI with a specific role and on a regular basis. This first analytical step, which is relatively straightforward, will be based on the token and type survey of QIs. The more difficult task is the identification of morphological items which are possibly cognate with the thus-established QI-elements. It is clear that this is a problematic undertaking when dealing with a largely unfamiliar language, as is generally the case. The minimal requirement is a resemblance in phonetic shape between a QI-element and another candidate gram or lexical item. Whenever such a similarity is encountered, it is recorded for the purpose of subsequent analysis. However, affinity in shape cannot be the only or even the primary criterion. More important is the semantic and functional plausibility of the posited relation. In this respect, the search does not need to start from scratch because of the extensive amount of literature on grammaticalization processes related to the domain of RD (see Section 4.1). These previous findings serve as a welcome guide in the systematic recording of lexical or grammatical items that might be related to such QI-elements as speech verbs, quotative verbs, quotatives, etc. This bias toward grammaticalization changes which have already been attested or proposed entails the possibility that heretofore unattested phenomena may be overlooked. This, however, is minimized by the broadness of the search related to mere sound similarity and the fairly great variety of languages surveyed. Comparative data or judgements by language specialists are included in the analysis. However, this clearly cannot be done on a systematic basis because such information is often not available. In general, three qualitatively distinct kinds of observations can be made. It is, of course, my subjective judgement which type an individual case is assigned to in this study. In the first group of cases, there exists a phonetic and structural resemblance, but a clear functional scenario is not available. Since a relation cannot be excluded, such a case will be registered for future research. Second, there may be a phonetic and structural resemblance as well as an attested and relevant grammaticalization process, but the available data are insufficient to lay out a plausible and com-

32 The framework, aim, and data of this study plete historical scenario. In the third type, finally, the empirical facts allow one to assume firmly that two given items are etymologically related and to explain their functional and possibly formal divergence in terms of grammaticalization.

1.4 An overview of reported-discourse constructions in the corpus As was mentioned above, QIs marking DRD are not the only expressions recorded in this study. Accordingly, the analysis of the focal structures of this investigation will be preceded here by a brief discussion of the overall constitution of the data corpus considering all RD-constructions. The frequency of non-DRD in the text corpora is presented and discussed in Section 1.4.1. I then turn in Section 1.4.2 to consideration of DRD-expressions which lack a clearly identifiable QI. 1.4.1

Non-direct reported discourse

The analysis of RD-constructions with types other than DRD serves to provide a general picture of the relative frequency of the various RDcategories and in particular to throw some light on the importance of DRD in the languages of this investigation. Table 3 presents data that allow one to evaluate the relative frequency of DRD and non-DRD for each language in the corpus. The third-to-last column presents the number of tokens of RD-indexing expressions while the second-to-last column contains the figures for tokens which belong to a category other than DRD (on the basis of the criteria established in Section 1.3.2). The group of non-DRD tokens has not been subclassified further; it comprises canonical IRD, semi-direct RD, RD with logophoric pronouns, etc. Various observations for the entire data base can be made from a language-internal comparison between these two figures or a look at the last column, which gives the percentage of non-DRD tokens vis-à-vis all the RD-expressions with a QI. First, there is no language whose corpus lacks DRD. In a study which has DRD as its primary research object, this might appear rather trivial at first glance. However, it should be noted that it was never necessary to extend or change the list of languages because of a complete absence of DRD.

1.4 An overview of reported-discourse constructions in the corpus 33 Table 3. RD-constructions across the language sample Language Narrative without Other text without QI DRD non-DRD DRD non-DRD total Koyra Chiini 0 0 0 1 303 Kanuri 0 2 202 Ik 0 5 2 2 97 Aiki 0 1 24 Fur 0 1 22 Ngiti 2 5 15 Ngambay 0 1 97 Kunama 0 10 129 Dongola 0 7 138 Murle 2 8 108 Anywa 0 5 3 2 85 Krongo 0 1 49 Hadza 0 4 64 Sandawe 0 2 0 1 64 Khoekhoe 1 4 124 Ju|'hoan 1 11 163 Taa 0 4 3 8 173 Tigre 2 6 81 Tamajeq 0 1 133 Bedauye 0 12 127 Burunge 0 4 195 Kera 2 1 0 0 103 Lamang 0 5 128 Hausa 0 0 242 Mandinka 0 2 203 Izon 1 6 72 Kisi 0 3 1 1 13 Donno S 1 0 65 Kouya 0 4 55 Supyire 0 0 2 3 31 Koromfe 0 0 1 0 87 Waja 0 0 102 Ngbaka M. 0 1 99 Ewe 2 1 60 Yoruba 0 0 94 Igbo 3 1 0 0 72 Birom 0 1 148 Tikar 1 1 2 2 27 Nguni 0 0 0 0 69 Total 18 120 14 20 4063

QI for non-DRD total in % 180 59 4 2 8 8 3 12 1 4 0 0 11 11 3 2 2 1 8 7 15 18 22 45 0 0 3 5 7 6 26 16 33 19 9 11 15 11 1 1 2 1 53 51 0 0 43 18 22 11 18 25 1 8 49 75 4 7 15 48 40 46 12 12 14 14 35 58 84 89 45 62 11 7 18 67 21 30 838 21

34 The framework, aim, and data of this study This is not the case with non-DRD: there are three languages, Ngiti, Hadza, and Lamang, where the corpus failed to produce any such tokens at all. This does not mean that these languages do not have the structural capability of expressing such categories. However, this finding is significant and unlikely to have resulted simply from limitations of the data base at least for the last two languages, because their token total is sufficiently high and because the respective language specialists confirm the trend observed in the corpus. In general, the fact that there are corpora without nonDRD, but none without DRD, already indicates a certain preference for DRD across the data base, however accidental the picture in an individual language may appear to be. This preference becomes unequivocal when the languages with tokens in both groups are evaluated. In these languages, too, the distribution of DRD vs. non-DRD is normally extremely uneven in favor of DRD. Thus, another 20 sample languages have a proportion of non-DRD tokens that is lower than 15% of the total. In a further 6 languages, this percentage is still considerably lower than a third of the total. Hence, a clear majority of the sample corpora display a marked preference for DRD. Only in 10 languages do non-DRD tokens represent roughly half of the RD-total (Krongo, Kera, Supyire, Koromfe) or more than half of the total (Koyra Chiini, Donno S , Ewe, Yoruba, Igbo, and Tikar). In the last group, only Yoruba displays a wide margin between non-DRD total and DRD-total, whereas such an extreme disparity occurs often in languages that have the reverse situation. When speaking about a preference for DRD in the sample languages, it should be borne in mind that this generalization holds for data consisting predominantly of narrative texts. The validity of such a restriction is partly corroborated by the comparison of presence vs. absence of the different RD-categories in different text types. A comparison between the first and the second column in Table 3 supports the general observation that DRD is preferred in narratives over non-DRD because there are 27 languages where narratives without non-DRD are more frequent than those without DRD. The opposite situation occurs in only four languages (Kera, Donno S , Ewe, Igbo). In non-narratives, the picture is less clear. A comparison of the third and the fourth column shows that of a total of 13 corpora, only four (Koyra Chiini, Sandawe, Taa, Supyire) have more non-narratives without non-DRD than without DRD, while in two (Anywa, Koromfe) it is the other way around. This indicates that the relative frequency of the different RD-categories in text types other than narratives need not be the same as that for narratives.

1.4 An overview of reported-discourse constructions in the corpus 35

In support of this idea, I mention a suspicious case from the sample. The Ngambay text corpus shows a strong DRD-preference (90% of the total). For the closely related language Sar, however, Gakinabay & Wiesemann (1986) report at first glance the opposite, that is, non-DRD categories are in general more widely used than DRD. It is of course possible that genealogically close languages do not have the same discourse function for a given RD-category. Nevertheless, there is an alternative and more plausible explanation, as the above authors (ibid.: 40-1) also state for Sar: Mais si le style direct est rare dans la communication de tous les jours dans le milieu sar, il abonde pourtant dans certains domaines particuliers: ... b) Quand le sujet parlant cite les actants d'un conte ou d'un autre récit qui met en scène des personnages. ...

Taking this information into account and the fact that the Ngambay corpus of this study consists exclusively of narratives, it is quite possible that the recorded DRD-preference for Ngambay is an artifact of this text-type bias. So the general situation in this language might in fact resemble that in Sar, and the Ngambay findings would only reflect the local markedness reversal of RD-categories in narratives. Thus, the statistically observed dominance of DRD in the African language sample seems to have at least two major reasons. First, there are a number of languages which prefer DRD in general. This is explicitly stated by language specialists for some of the sample languages: Ik (Serzisko 1987: 72-3), Dongola (Armbruster 1960: 349), Sandawe (Elderkin p.c.), and Lamang (Wolff p.c.). Thus, one can safely conclude that a DRDpreference is a common phenomenon in African languages. This also corresponds with a superficial survey of the wider crosslinguistic literature: languages are frequently cited in which non-DRD is generally rare. The second reason for the DRD-dominance relates to the specific nature of the data base, which consists mostly of narrative texts. That narrative discourse is more prone to DRD than expository, procedural or hortatory texts has been indicated by a number of studies on RD (compare Kerr (1976/7: 151) on Cuiva, Larson (1978: 240, 247) on Aguaruna, and Glock (1986: 35) on Saramaccan, to mention a few examples from outside Africa). The same conclusion is drawn in this study from the number of texts of different types lacking the one vs. the other RD-category, as well as an impressionistic comparison of the absolute frequency of RD-categories across texts of different types. Because of the lack of relevant information in a number of sample languages, I cautiously draw the general conclusion

36 The framework, aim, and data of this study that narratives use more DRD than non-DRD; future studies must show for each language whether this can be generalized to other discourse genres. As should be expected, a cross-language RD-study like the present one cannot answer such a language-specific question. The preference for DRD is not valid, however, across all the corpora. A quarter of the sample languages (ten) have a more prominent use of nonDRD. As mentioned, these are Koyra Chiini, Krongo, Kera, Donno S , Supyire, Koromfe, Ewe, Yoruba, Igbo, and Tikar. The importance of nonDRD is sometimes also explicitly mentioned in the grammatical description of these or genealogically close languages, suggesting that the statistical observation of this study is not an artifact of the analyzed data. Compare in this respect Clark (1972: 100) for Ekpeye - the closest relative of Igbo - and Jackson (1987: 108) for Tikar. Indeed, it must be recognized that a strong reliance on non-DRD is in fact a quite frequent phenomenon on the African continent from the perspective of a purely numerical language count, even if the present genealogically balanced sample does not reflect this directly. A closer look at the genealogical lineages of the above ten "non-DRD" sample languages can elucidate this as well: it yields several West African language families which have a particularly high number of member languages, namely Gur (represented by Supyire and Koromfe), Kwa (represented by Ewe) and Benue-Congo (represented by Yoruba, Igbo, and Tikar). If we assume that the behavior of these languages holds tendentially for their respective lineages, too, it comes as no surprise that languages from these lineages and this wider geographical area are so often reported to show a dominance of non-DRD over DRD. A few additional examples from the literature are Engenni (Thomas 1978: 24-6), Mündü (Jeffrey 1984), Kom (Chia 1986), Obolo (Aaron 1992: 237-8), and Adioukrou (Hill 1995). In this respect, it is remarkable from the formal perspective of RDencoding that of the sample languages which show a greater importance of non-DRD, all but Koromfe are described as possessing so-called logophoric marking. This is a formal device that distinguishes in non-DRD whether a participant in the quote is or is not coreferential with the SP usually encoded in the QI. Güldemann (2003b) proposes that the correlation between the presence of logophoric marking and the relatively high frequency of non-DRD might be motivated functionally. That is, in a language that makes frequent use of non-DRD, the incidence of opaque reference of a 3rd person in the quote (as in Hea said hea,b will come) will increase. Logophoric marking disambiguates precisely such cases and is thus a useful device to facilitate reference tracking (cf. also Dimmendaal 2001:

1.4 An overview of reported-discourse constructions in the corpus 37

135-142). From a functional perspective, then, it is plausible to assume that such languages are prone to develop logophoric marking in order to resolve the relatively frequent ambiguity in the quote-internal reference of personal pronouns. Since the correlation emerging here also holds under the wider perspective of Güldemann (2003b), which is based on more extensive data, the just-mentioned functional explanation remains a viable working hypothesis.6 This promising, though still preliminary result, indicates that future typological research on logophoricity systems should, in addition to formal aspects, also examine their discourse-functional behavior in language in general and the RD-domain in particular. 1.4.2

Free direct reported discourse

A second group of RD-constructions falling outside my narrow focus of analysis are tokens of DRD without a QI, to be called here "free DRD". It may appear odd to include in the present investigation a discussion of the absence of the primary object of study. However, this proves to be useful, in fact necessary, because the analysis of the frequency and discourse contexts of the non-use of QIs sheds light on the form and function of DRDconstructions as a whole, and thus also on those that have a QI. Take as an illustrative example the portion of a Khoekhoe narrative in (21), where the first quote is marked by the circumpositional QI os ge ... ti go mî but the following two quotes lack any segmental device signaling their status as quotes. (21) o-s ge {//na#s ge sada îsa ge hapu kaikhoesa then-3F.S.SBJ DECL {that is the woman who ate our mother o tita ge saita} ti go mî {so?} {îi!} and I am your elder sister} Q PST say {really?} {yes!} Und sie sagte: "Das ist die Frau, die unsere Mutter gefressen hat, und ich bin eure ältere Schwester." - "Wirklich?" - "Ja!" [and she said, 'That is the woman who ate our mother, and I am your elder sister' 'Really?' 'Yes!'] (Schmidt 1994: 140)

6 Cf. Ameka (2004), who approaches the issue in a similar way by motivating logophoric and other functionally related markers as the result of grammaticalization of the cultural practice of "triadic communication", which favors the use of RD in general and non-DRD in particular.

38 The framework, aim, and data of this study The lack of a quote-external RD-signal is recognized as one of the major characteristics of free IRD - which, however, falls outside the scope of this study. In striking contrast to this, the literature on DRD and its linguistic expression rarely treats the phenomenon of QI-less constructions in any detail. Rare exceptions are discussions or mentions of so-called "free direct speech" by Leech & Short (1981), of "unintroduced dialogue" by Tannen (1986: 318-21), of "unidentified speech" by Wiesemann (1990), of "freestanding" quotation by Clark & Gerrig (1990) and Cameron (1998), of "zero (quote) attribution" by Ware (1993: 164), of "zero quotatives" by Yule (1993) and Mathis & Yule (1994), and of "nul quotation formula" by Longacre (1994). Although such a 'sparse' research situation is not the same as an explicit statement about the non-existence or rarity of QI-less DRD, it gives a distorted picture of the formal aspects of the domain as a whole. In the present African sample, the possible absence of a quote-external RD-signal was only mentioned explicitly in the grammatical description of Koyra Chiini (Heath 1998a: 323). The survey of the text corpora, by contrast, yields a very different picture. This can be seen in Table 4. QI-less DRD in the analyzed texts is lacking entirely in only 8 of the 39 sample languages: Ngiti, Kunama, Tigre, Kisi, Kouya, Igbo, Birom, and Tikar. Moreover, in some of these languages, no firm conclusion should be drawn. First, the Ngiti, Kisi, and Tikar corpora have a very low, nonrepresentative DRD-token total. Second, most or even all of the Kunama, Tigre, and Igbo texts represent planned written discourse instead of spontaneous spoken discourse, which is highly likely to influence the presence or absence of an explicit QI (see below). The large majority of sample languages give evidence for the possibility of expressing DRD without a QI. Here the proportions of QI-less tokens vis-à-vis the DRD-total vary considerably, as shown in the last column of Table 4. Again, neither the low figures in Koyra Chiini, Anywa, Krongo, Ju|'hoan, Taa, Bedauye, etc. (see above) nor the fairly high figures in Aiki, Hadza, Donno S , and Yoruba can be claimed to be representative. They may just be an artifact of the particular data base. For example, according to Traill (p.c.) Taa displays QI-less DRD quite regularly, despite the very low number of tokens in the present text corpus. Therefore, no hypotheses regarding the relative frequency of QI-less DRD can be made in the present study. However, one fairly unequivocal conclusion can be drawn from the survey: DRD-constructions without a QI are crosslinguistically a very common, if not universal, option, despite their regular neglect in language descriptions.

1.4 An overview of reported-discourse constructions in the corpus 39 Table 4. RD-constructions without a QI across the language sample Language DRD DRD without QI total total in % Koyra Chiini 126 3 2 Kanuri 254 56 22 Ik 121 32 26 Aiki 40 19 48 Fur 25 4 16 Ngiti 15 0 0 Ngambay 109 23 21 Kunama 126 0 0 Dongola 146 10 7 Murle 117 17 14 Anywa 72 2 3 Krongo 28 1 4 Hadza 129 65 50 Sandawe 73 12 16 Khoekhoe 145 28 19 Ju|'hoan 138 1 1 Taa 143 3 2 Tigre 72 0 0 Tamajeq 134 16 12 Bedauye 127 1 1 Burunge 256 63 25 Kera 58 8 14 Lamang 133 5 4 Hausa 212 13 6 Mandinka 212 31 15 Izon 57 3 5 Kisi 12 0 0 Donno S 30 14 47 Kouya 51 0 0 Supyire 17 1 6 Koromfe 54 7 13 Waja 99 9 9 Ngbaka Ma'bo 103 18 17 Ewe 29 4 14 Yoruba 17 7 41 Igbo 27 0 0 Birom 137 0 0 Tikar 9 0 0 Nguni 56 8 14 Total 3709 484 13

40 The framework, aim, and data of this study From a structural viewpoint, I do not consider the phenomenon to be merely some kind of QI-deletion and such terms as "nul quotation formula" and "zero quotative" to be appropriate. The non-use of a QI, rather, simply reflects the possibility of inserting DRD without any additional segmental device. This means that the binary RD-construction consisting of a QI and a quote is only one of two options, although possibly the more important one - the alternative is the reporter's presentation of just the 'bare' direct quote (see Section 3.4 for a syntactic approach to this kind of RD and Section 4.4 for a more detailed discussion of its nature within the wider functional domain called here "mimesis"). The possibility of "plain discourse insertion" of RD is consistent with the RD-definition given in Section 1.2.1 in that the presence of a QI is not a prerequisite for the category. It is also important to recognize that the absence of a QI need not imply the absence of any marking whatsoever. Apart from non-verbal signals, there are always other linguistic devices available that may help the audience to identify a given expression as DRD and thus compensate for the lack of a QI. For example, quote-initial expressive items like interjections, exclamations, vocatives, etc. are quite effective devices that the reporter can use for DRD-marking. Other linguistic features of the discourse context of QI-less DRD will be outlined briefly below. A final and crucial feature that is associated with DRD in general but which assumes a particularly important role in QI-less constructions comprises the suprasegmental properties of intonation, phonation type, timbre, dynamics, etc. which tend to characterize the quote and set it off from its surrounding cotext. Not surprisingly, such information was not available in the present survey. It will, however, hardly be questioned that this is an effective signal of the presence of enacted speech. Apart from its intuitive plausibility, this has been demonstrated in previous studies (see, e.g., Couper-Kuhlen 1998 and Günthner 1998 for German). A special suprasegmental pattern for quotes even seems to acquire, at least in some languages, a certain degree of conventionalization (see, e.g., McGregor (1994: 76) for Gooniyandi, Du Feu (1996: 14) for Rapanui, Borg & Azzopardi-Alexander (1997: 1-3) for Maltese, and Evans et al. (2000) for various Australian languages). For this and other reasons, the prosodic modulation of the quote deserves much more attention in future research than it has received thus far. The present approach to QI-less DRD is oriented more to the general phenomenon of RD than to the structure of a QI. However, a closer look at the contexts where this kind of RD-constructions occur reveals that their distribution is not random. On the one hand, there are contexts relating to

1.4 An overview of reported-discourse constructions in the corpus 41

the level of general text organization which appear to favor the omission of a QI. On the other hand, there are regular signs in the narrow cotext of a QI-less quote which can serve as an explicit RD-signal and as such can be fruitfully compared with the employment of a QI. Although not every case of nonoccurrence of a QI in the data can be motivated in this way, a significant proportion of relevant tokens can be attributed to one of the following discourse factors or even several of them simultaneously: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

Turn-taking within a dialogue Repetition of identical or parallel quotes Immediately preceding background clause Immediately preceding marker of event sequence Immediately preceding predicate of motion, appearance, etc.

The first context associated regularly with the absence of a QI is clearly the most frequent. It accounts for the majority of the relevant tokens in such sample languages as Kanuri, Ik, Aiki, Fur, Ngambay, Murle, Hadza, Khoekhoe, Tamajeq, Burunge, Kera, Lamang, Donno S , Waja, Yoruba, and Nguni (see also Jeffrey (1984: 127-8) for Mündü, an African language not in the sample). Although there is certainly no implicational relation between dialogue and QI-absence, a correlation can be expected intuitively: once the interaction of two protagonists in the form of a dialogue is sufficiently established, the identification and correct attribution of speech is normally recoverable, prosody aside, from the order and content of the different quotes. QI-absence may also follow from the stylistic objective of using dialogue in narration, namely to lend the narrative a sense of immediacy; plausibly this immediacy of verbal exchange should not be interrupted by any other linguistic material. In extreme cases, though these are rare in the corpus, a story or a long stretch thereof can consist of nothing but a sequence of quotes. One such example is the following Murle story from Arensen (1992: 192, 316-7):

42 The framework, aim, and data of this study (22) ArEEz t l m totowe kujuk kaal dook. The openbilled stork loves to eat snails more than anything else. Odomta iico, ivita alabta l. One day some people came and deceived him. Avu am da l aavi liiltoga n k . They found the stork on the bank of the river. "Gico tolom, adaak yaatune." Ivita l ma anek nE, They came and said to him, "You openbilled stork, your mother is dying." "Anyek kadaak kook." Azi nE, He replied, "Let her die." "Adaak baatune." "Anyek kadaak kook." "Your father is dying." "Let him die." "Adaak malotune." "Anyek kadaak kook." "Your mother's brother is dying." "Let him die." "Adaak abetune." "Anyek kadaak kook." "Your grandmother is dying." "Let her die." "Yaayai. Ka naana doon kudun "Adaak kututuwEci" ku? Kayo kadak naagin?" "The snails are dying." "Oh my mother. What am I going to do? What am I going to eat?" This text is also an illustration of the second recurrent factor associated with the absence of a QI, that is, quote-repetition. Here, not only the identification of the participants but also the processing of the quote itself is facilitated by the fact that the specific RD has already been introduced in the same or a similar form. In the above story, it is a question-answer pattern of the same protagonists that is repeated various times. Another typical situation leading to QI-less DRD-repetition is when the main character of a story interacts in a sequence of episodes with different participants in a similar or identical manner, implying a repartee pattern which is familiar to the audience. A final factor in this respect is the phenomenon found in many African languages whereby a folktale can be associated with a song that is normally put in the mouth of a certain character. The song's frequent reperformance during the narrative often lacks a QI. The third type of context, where a QI-less quote occurs directly after a hypotactic (adverbial) background clause, was found in the text corpora of

1.4 An overview of reported-discourse constructions in the corpus 43

Kanuri, Ik, Dongola, Hadza, Sandawe, Izon, Donno S , and Waja. It is exemplified here by Sandawe and Kanuri, respectively: {//ó'` kwèrá lá:'è hD:w@ 'ó: t¬'àphùmé: …} (23) hí-á'` n/àt")@:gì:'` BG-3P come.P:BG {I say, that hare let's catch it …} when they had come, "I say, that hare let's catch it ... (Elderkin f.n.) (24) gana le-zai-ya {yaaso danowo …} a.little move-3P.NPST-DEP {Stop, brothers! …} As they move a little (he says) "stop, brothers, ... (Geider ms.) Such a pattern is remarkable in several respects: it would seem that not only is the DRD presented somewhat unexpectedly in not being indexed by a QI, but that the dependent clause, too, lacks its normal discourse anchoring to a foregrounded main clause. Indeed, syntactically there is no main clause; this would be a QI such as 'he said', which is absent here. However, functionally there IS a clause which serves as the foreground: the quote itself. This represents metonymically the speech event which produced the quote. Hence, the semantic and pragmatic relation between the communicated events in such a DRD-environment is perfectly comparable to the canonical figure-ground schema established in clause linkage: Background Foreground With QI [adverbial clause QI quote] Without QI [adverbial clause Ø quote] But the collocation of the quote with a background clause achieves more: the quote is foregrounded at least vis-à-vis the action in the background clause. Moreover, the latter often relates directly to the primary storyline in being one rank down vis-à-vis a preceding clause on the highest narrative band. Here, the utterance conveyed by the quote is also a foregrounded event from the more global perspective of discourse organization. It could be argued, as suggested to me by E. Schultze-Berndt (p.c.), that background clauses as described here themselves qualify as a QI. Indeed, they do not display a very clearcut formal and/or functional distinction visà-vis canonical QIs except that they lack an overt semantic (or grammatical) reference to the quote. After all, such clauses refer to a state of affairs other than the speech event represented by the quote and the two are often unrelated semantically. Since a decision had to be made what to include

44 The framework, aim, and data of this study and what to exclude from the category of QI for the purposes of token counts in the context of this study, "free" background clauses introducing quotes were not counted as QIs. This is supported by the fact that in no sample language were they actually found as a systematic means for signaling RD. However, the phenomenon as such shows how diverse the segmental indexing of a quote in general can be and that a QI cannot always be delimited clearly from more subtle quote signals - an observation which will recur below in connection with other devices associated with RD. Another context of QI-less DRD encountered repeatedly in the data is a direct quote preceded by an element marking an event sequence, like 'then', 'and', 'after that', etc., which is illustrated by the following examples from Ngambay and Kanuri, respectively (cf. Cameron (1998: 45-6) for this phenomenon in Puerto Rican Spanish): (25) dáà {bòí, Dí BHr nè uà?} then {father, what creaks here?} [Alors:] "Papa, qu'est-ce qui a craqué ici?" (Vandame 1963: 162) (26) daji {kakanyi …} then {my grandmother …} Then (he said) "My grandmother, ... (Geider ms.) The last typical environment of QI-less DRD is constituted by verbs whose subject-referent is the SP of the following quote and which encode such states of affairs as motion, appearance, or change of posture like 'go', 'come', 'appear', 'turn to', 'get up', 'send', etc. This phenomenon has been reported by Reid (1979: 297-8) in her detailed study of quote indexation in Totonac. One motivating factor for this regularity, as pointed out by S. H. Levinsohn (p.c.), is connected in particular with the arrival of characters at the location of other participants. In many cultures such a meeting creates the expectation of greetings, conversation, etc. so that a semantically explicit QI might become superfluous. From a more general perspective, verbs of the above semantic domain put story characters on the scene and thus establish the setting for and prepare the subsequent storyline event, which is here the speech of the character. For example, a performance of singing and speaking is imminent in the following case from Supyire with the verb 'rise', owing to the accompanying prepositional phrase 'with his drum'. However, despite these semantics, the following speech is not overtly introduced, nor must a speech necessarily follow the action of rising.

1.4 An overview of reported-discourse constructions in the corpus 45

(27) kà Caawa sí yírì ná ú pìín-ni ì DS warthog NAR rise with 3S drum.DIM-DET with {katégé pàgà té, Kùcwuun sí sàhá m@pá mE …} {katege paga te, monkey has not yet come …} Then Warthog got up with his little drum: "Katege paga te (= the sound of the drum), Monkey hasn't come yet. ... (Carlson 1994: 613) In the corpus as a whole, this is atypical. More common are semantically more general predicates, as in (28) from Aiki or (29) from Burunge: {ngáásí náàm?} (28) màsá t-ààr-E@ hare 3S-come:PFV-GEN {what is it, uncle?} le lièvre arriva. "Que se passé-t-il, mon oncle?" (Nougayrol 1989: 89) (29) hi-gi hiiday maraa-ge 3S-SEQ enter:3M.S:PFV:DECL house-ALL {yeeraa ba gu lo'u …} {folks, it is really true …} Und er trat ins Haus: "Leute, es ist wirklich wahr! ..." [And he entered the house. "Folks, it is really true! …] (Kießling 1994: 266) It should be recognized that such phrases are sometimes difficult to distinguish from DRD-tokens where a preceding non-speech verb refers more directly to the speech event. The following example pair from Hadza illustrates this: (30) a. kota kutula hamana {te 'a 'onoko} 3F.S.NAR start here {you and I both stepped in it} she said [lit.: and she started here], "You and I both stepped in it." (Bala 1998: 24) b. kwamo shahe kota //'iti 3M.S.PST.BG dawn 3F.S.NAR arrive {tashinaita 'ase sa kalimoko ...} {how did you sleep with all the animals? …} At dawn, the butterfly appeared and asked [lit.: at dawn, she arrived], "How did you sleep with all the animals? ..." (ibid.: 28)

46 The framework, aim, and data of this study In both of these sentences, the verbs do not convey utterance semantics and thus do not establish a QI in a straightforward way. However, their event reference is slightly different. While //'iti 'arrive' in (30)b. sets the scene for the following quote and can be said to refer to it implicitly, it merely expresses the appearance of a participant who happens to be the source of the following quote. Thus, the structure is, like those in (27)-(29), semantically parallel to a "free" background clause, which (as mentioned) is not counted as a QI. As opposed to //'iti 'arrive', the verb kutula 'start' in (30)a. makes sense only with specific reference to the speech event represented by the following quote, so that it is considered to establish a QI. Again, a decision is necessary for the sake of a token count. But it should be clear that the three quote-introducing phrases she said, she started, and she arrived reflect a scalar decrease of semantic explicitness regarding the reference to a speech event, rather than a clear-cut distinction between a genuine QI and something else. Mathis & Yule (1994) discuss the circumstances that favor QI-less DRD-constructions in their study of DRD in English conversation. This can serve here as a starting point for a short presentation of the present findings, even though the discourse type analyzed by these authors is not completely comparable and some of their typical QI-less contexts do not apply to this study. At least two aspects mentioned by them emerge in the present survey as well. First and most importantly, the lack of a QI has in general a DRAMATIC effect by increasing the pace and vivacity of event representation - an observation also made for other languages. This is observed by Tietze (1959: 99) for Turkish, Waltz (1976/7a: 45) for Guanano, Reid (1979: 296) for Totonac, Hedinger (1984: 90) for Ak se, Jeffrey (1984: 127) for Mündü, Wendel (1986: 5) for Kagan Kalagan, W. McGregor (p.c.) for Gooniyandi and Nyulnyul, Ware (1993: 174) and Thompson (1994: 77-8) for English, and Longacre (1994) from a comparative perspective. It seems to apply to RD in general, that is, for categories other than DRD. Free IRD, which mostly lacks a RD-signal, is also used vis-à-vis explicitly introduced IRD in more dramatic narrative contexts. One can also cite Longacre's (1990: 44) functional approach to the omission of a cognition predicate in the story peak of a narrative in Gimira: In peak, a certain immediacy of reporting events is to be expected. Such immediacy is attained here by omitting the storyline cognitive verb. When omitted, however, the construction from which it is omitted must be considered to be promoted to the storyline ...

1.4 An overview of reported-discourse constructions in the corpus 47

Regarding the present corpus, it should be mentioned that many QI-less DRD-tokens not captured by the above classification of environments in fact fall under the characterization of marking a story peak. Obviously, such an interpretation must remain a more or less vague and intuitive notion as long as it is not substantiated by independent formal criteria regarding text organization. The large amount of data and the variable discourse features across the many different languages in this survey do not allow such a systematic analysis of each text and thus a rigorous substantiation of this claim for an individual language. Nevertheless, the overall profile of the classified tokens in this study already provides sufficient support for the conclusion that QI-less DRD has dramatizing effects. Its frequent occurrence after such foregrounding devices as background clauses, sequential markers, and verbs preparing actions can be mentioned in this respect. Such devices orient the audience to the quote; but more importantly, they help at the same time to "trim" the linguistic material: by omitting the QI, the narrator alias reporter ENACTS the event instead of DESCRIBING it. The dramatic effect of QI-less DRD is particularly evident in the statistically most frequent context, dialogue-internal turn-taking. Plain dialogue in narratives without any linguistic material representing the reporter's view virtually IS drama performed by a single player. A correlation between story peak and DRD without a QI is also recognized by Longacre (1976: 205), who states: Drama contrasts with the other discourse types in that it is essentially composed of dialogue paragraphs and these dialogue paragraphs are not composed of quotation sentences (which have formulas of quotation [alias QIs]). This contrasts with reported dialogue in a narrative where we most commonly find that the dialogue paragraphs feature quotation sentences with quotation formulas. Only in especially lively sections of narrative do we find the dialogue paragraphs approximating the form of drama (where each character speaks out without a preceding John said ...).7

7 See also identical observations by Noss (1988: 110) for Gbaya, Longacre (1990: 55) for Hadiyya, and Longacre (1994: 136, citing Wendel 1986) for Kagan Kalagan. It is important to recognize, though, that this generalization seems to hold for ORAL narratives. In written narratives like English novels, for example, the lack of a QI is, according to S. H. Levinsohn (p.c.), the norm in dialogue paragraphs even without any dramatizing effect. Similar observations are made by Ware (1993: 174) and Thompson (1994: 78).

48 The framework, aim, and data of this study In dialogue, the dramatizing stylistic aspect of QI-less DRD is combined with a second, structural parameter. Mathis & Yule (1994) and Cameron (1998: 64-5) also recognize as a factor favoring the absence of a QI the possibility of SP-identification provided implicitly by the context. That is, when participants are clearly identifiable (which, e.g., is often the case for SPs and ADs in constructed dialogues), an explicit linguistic reference to them in the RD-construction, and thus the QI itself, can be more easily dispensed with. A similar claim can be made for a quote that is a near or complete replica of a previous RD-token. Once such a quote is produced again, as in the above Murle story in (22), the SP and a number of other aspects of the situational setting can (as default) be assumed to be similar or the same as in the first occurrence. The above discussion has shown that the expression of DRD without a QI is quite common across languages and its occurrence can be approached to a considerable extent as a functionally motivated phenomenon. Therefore, it deserves more systematic attention and should become an integral part of future research on RD.

Chapter 2 The internal structure of quotative indexes

Having briefly discussed in Section 1.4.2 how DRD is expressed in the corpus with no external segmental signal, I turn now to the primary object of this study: the QIs in DRD-constructions, of which there is a total of 3225 tokens in my corpus. The present chapter deals with the internal morphosyntactic structure of these QIs, with particular focus on such potential components as predicative event encoding (Section 2.1 and 2.2), participant encoding (Section 2.3), and quote-orienting devices (Section 2.4). Several major conclusions will emerge from this chapter. First, it is argued in Section 2.5 that a QI cannot be viewed exclusively as a plain predicative structure that simply conveys a state of affairs; rather, it is first of all a device that the reporter uses in order to orient the audience toward the presence of RD. This function is intimately related to the observation that QIs across languages tend to assume properties of routinized grammatical structures. The analysis of a great number of QI-tokens from many different languages also allows the establishment of four major morphosyntactic QI-patterns, which are robust proto-types assumed to be applicable crosslinguistically: monoclausal, bipartite, biclausal, and non-clausal. This is the concern of Section 2.6, which also shows that these four types correlate to a certain degree with different categories of RD on the one hand and with the local discourse context of RD-expression on the other. In addition to the statistical figures of the present token survey, the discussion also refers to the QI-types which I have identified for each sample language and presented in Appendix 1.8 Sections 2.1 and 2.2, which address characteristics of QIs that depend on the particular choice of verb, in addition make reference to the data given in Appendix 2, where the relevant lexical properties of the most important QI-predicatives are presented. As a general caveat, which is also relevant for Chapter 3, it must be noted again that the DRD-token totals of languages like Ngiti, Kisi, Donno S , Supyire, Yoruba, and Tikar are very low. As was discussed briefly in Sections 1.3.1 and 1.4.1, this is due first of all to the lack of more extensive 8 The QI-types are numbered for each language, QI1, QI2, QI3, etc.; a QI1 in one language does not necessarily share a common structural denominator with a QI1 in another language.

50 The internal structure of quotative indexes text data, but in some cases also to the fact that in these languages nonDRD plays a more important role than DRD. The reason why these languages are nevertheless considered in the survey is that their available grammatical descriptions are fairly extensive, sometimes even including a detailed treatment of RD. This information partly compensates for the sparseness of analyzable DRD-tokens. Nevertheless, the fact remains that for these languages the figures obtained for certain phenomena can by no means be taken as truly representative of the given language. This can also hold for other languages with a higher number of QI-tokens in cases where a certain feature is only present in a small subgroup of tokens. For the sake of consistency, percentages are given for all languages and all features, irrespective of whether these do or do not allow a conclusion to be drawn for a particular topic. It goes without saying that this non-representativity for certain languages also affects the evaluation of the structural profile of the entire sample. This should be kept in mind when generalizations are made in the following discussion, because it will not be pointed out at all relevant places. However, the structural trends that will be identified across the sample are usually so general and unequivocal that even a reversed picture in some languages would not affect the overall conclusion. With respect to the internal structure of QIs, it is useful to start with a semantic-propositional approach. Under this view, it can be expected that a "normal" QI will refer to a specific event type, namely an act of speech or cognition (including the participants involved), and will make an assertion about this event. Of course, other information modifying this state of affairs can be expressed in addition, but this is not essential to the event representation itself. A moderately elaborate QI would thus be likely to consist of the following constituents: (1) a verb which denotes the speech event and functions as the predicative nucleus, (2) a nominal referring to the SP to whom this event is attributed, and possibly also (3) a nominal referring to the AD. The syntactic constituency can be simpler, however, because the QI can be composed of just a single word consisting of different morphemes encoding the semantic notions referred to above, or of a portmanteau morpheme simultaneously indexing more than one notion. Below, I compare the empirical results of the sample survey against these theoretically expected semantic and syntactic features. The chapter will also be concerned with the regular occurrence of items which are unexpected on the above grounds. All these data serve jointly as the basis for the establishment of the essential elements of QIs.

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 51

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators If a QI conveys first of all propositional information, its structure would be expected to make a predicative assertion about some event; this assertion will be expected to be associated with certain formal morphosyntactic properties typical for it in the given language. Whether and how this basic expectation is borne out by the token survey is dealt with in the following sections. Predicativity will be understood here as a complex of morphosyntactic features of a clause that expresses a certain state of affairs by means of the appropriate lexical category - a verb, in the majority of languages. Often, additional linguistic material is needed for such a clause to take on assertive potential - for example, an index of the subject as the referential entity to which the state of affairs is attributed or certain elements which relate the state of affairs to the real world and/or express the communicative attitude of the person uttering the clause (called here following Dik (1997a: 236-43) PREDICATION OPERATORS). It is evident then that predicativity must be defined on a language-specific basis in order to evaluate a given structure as to whether it meets all the necessary criteria established for a canonical assertion of this type. In fact, opposed to the above assumption, the sample data show that it is quite common for QIs to lack a canonical predicative assertion entirely (2.1.1), or at least to deviate from it in some way (2.1.2). Furthermore, certain verbal predicatives which are regularly used in a QI often display marked lexical properties which again set off such QIs from normal predicative clauses (2.1.3). Finally, QIs across languages have a strong tendency to come from a restricted set of predication operators marking tense, aspect, modality, polarity, etc. (2.1.4). All these findings together indicate that the QI as a clausal unit in fact deviates considerably from a verbal clause that simply encodes a state of affairs; rather, it appears to be a structurally routinized unit whose role of asserting predicative information is of secondary importance.

52 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 5. QI-predicativity across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137 9 48

Predicative total in % 123 100 181 91 88 99 21 100 21 100 15 100 85 99 123 98 121 89 99 99 70 100 27 100 14 22 13 21 96 82 137 100 138 98 70 97 118 100 125 99 64 33 17 34 49 38 199 100 175 97 48 89 12 100 5 31 50 98 16 100 44 94 8 9 11 13 24 96 9 90 27 100 137 100 9 100 48 100

Non-predicative total in % 0 0 17 8 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 3 2 15 11 1 1 0 0 0 0 49 77 48 79 21 18 0 0 2 1 2 3 0 0 1 1 129 67 33 66 79 62 0 0 6 3 6 11 0 0 11 69 1 2 0 0 3 6 82 91 74 87 1 4 1 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 53

2.1.1

Predicative vs. non-predicative quotative indexes

Table 5 gives the primary data regarding whether or not the QI-tokens in each language are predicative. A basic observation is that the majority of the sample languages do indeed have predominantly QIs with a predicative structure: 31 of 39 languages show a proportion of predicative QIs of at least 80% or more. Moreover, a predicative QI is at least a structural option even in those languages where a different statistical picture obtains. Thus, the initial assumption that a predicative QI is, crosslinguistically, an expected and unmarked structure is corroborated. However, and this will be of primary interest in the following discussion, there are also a considerable number of cases where the plain propositional approach to QIs does not account for their actual form. That is, QI-tokens in the corpus quite often cannot be analyzed as expressions that make a canonical predicative assertion about a speech event. QIs which have no morphosyntactic predicativity at all are found as a rare phenomenon (lower than 5% of the token total) in 10 languages: Ik, Ngambay, Kunama, Murle, Taa, Tigre, Bedauye, Mandinka, Kouya, and Ewe. In 6 languages, the percentages are somewhat higher: Kanuri (8%), Dongola (11%), Khoekhoe (18%), Izon (11%), and Koromfe (6%), and Yoruba (10%); in the first four of these languages, this observation is based on sufficiently many tokens and thus seems to reflect a more general situation. In 8 languages, namely Hadza, Sandawe, Burunge, Kera, Lamang, Donno S , Waja, and Ngbaka Ma'bo, non-predicative tokens account for far more than half of the total; here all the figures except that of Donno S seem to be representative in terms of corpus size. I can thus conclude that non-predicative QIs, though certainly less frequent than predicative ones, are nonetheless quite common in African languages. That a QI does not realize a predicative assertion is mostly due to the absence of a verb lexeme or equivalent element. It can also happen that the QI may contain a verb but lack some other element characterizing a canonical predicative clause. The lack of a verb is regularly found in three languages of the sample spoken in Tanzania in a compact area around Lake Manyara and Lake Eyasi, namely Hadza, Sandawe, and Burunge. The case of Hadza is especially interesting in that an auxiliary complex encoding subject and predication operators (but no verb) is sufficient to signal the presence of a quote, as shown in (31).

54 The internal structure of quotative indexes (31) yamo {...} 3M.S.PST He said, "... (Bala 1998: 30) That such a QI-structure is not an idiosyncracy of Hadza can be discerned from the discussion of RD in various languages of the Amazon region, for example, Kwaza (Voort 2002) and Wari' (Everett ms.). The absence of a verb is also described for West African languages, where it is characterized repeatedly as deletion or omission of the speech verb. For example, Thomas (1963: 289-90) reports for Ngbaka Ma'bo: L'utilisation de la conjonction 'bo# avec les verbaux signifiant: "dire, parler, raconter", soit ko# et d"# est tellement automatique qu'il est très fréquent que ce verbal soit omis. La principale se compose alors du sujet seulement; 'bo# venant immediatement après fait supposer le verbal:

(32) 'é d"# 'bo# {'í dc# de#} or 'é 'bo# {'í dc# de#} 3S say Q {he does not come} il dit qu'il ne viendra pas [non-DRD] (ibid.) Longacre (1990: 156) briefly discusses such a case in the Chadic language Mwaghavul. He presents the same contrast between two QI-types: the first, exemplified in (33)a., contains a speech verb and a grammaticalized quotative nee; the second, illustrated in (33)b., has only the latter element, which thus maintains the RD-marking function of the clause. (33) a. e wuri sat nee {...} then 3M.S say Q and then he said that ... b. e mo nee {...} then 3P Q and then [they] that ... (Longacre 1990: 156) The phenomenon seems to be especially widespread in Chadic languages, so that it receives a fairly extensive discussion by Frajzyngier (1996a: 12541) for the family in general. The "omission of verbs of saying" in RDindexing clauses (including IRD) is explicitly distinguished by the author from the "deletion" of a verb from some kind of deep structure having it. It is not entirely clear, however, how the phenomenon is conceived of with

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 55

respect to a general characterization of QIs, in part because his discussion uses ambiguous terminology (compare "omission of verb of saying in the surface structure of the sentence") and strongly evokes a more basic default configuration that does contain a speech verb. This latter approach is indeed suggestive for pairs of structures of the kind exemplified for Ngbaka Ma'bo and Mwaghavul. However, verbless QIs do not have to be related to another predicative construction type. This is clear in the following case from Tongan. The QI in (34) consists only of the element ko, an identificational copula 'it is', and a SP-nominal. The clause conveys an assertion by virtue of these elements and there is no apparent omission of any verbal event-encoding. (34) {alu atu!} ko Sione {go away!} COP PN 'Go away!' said John. [lit.: it is John] (J. Broschart p.c.) Popovich (1986: 355) outlines for Maxakalí a situation that is different in structural terms but similar in general appearance. Over 90% of the quote formulas and direct quotes occur in the following order: speaker-te 'transitive subject indicator'-quote. There is no verb of speech. A very small percentage consists of speaker-te-verb of speech-hu 'logical sequence'-quote.

The disparate frequency of the two different QI-patterns described for Maxakalí makes it highly unlikely that the dominant, non-predicative QIs are productive derivatives modeled on the few QIs that do contain a verb. Such a disproportion in frequency in favor of the non-predicative QI is also evident in the sample languages Hadza, Sandawe, Burunge, Kera, Lamang, Donno S , Waja, and Ngbaka Ma'bo. Finally, there are cases where a historically attested scenario speaks against an account of a non-predicative QI as being derived from a complex predicative structure, and thus as secondary. Deutscher (2000: 66-87) outlines the development of the Akkadian quotative particle umma, earlier enma, and demonstrates that the directionality is from its use in a nonpredicative QI to its cooccurrence with a speech predicate. The pattern illustrated in (35)a., where the particle is just followed by a phrase indexing the SP, is the older stage typical for Early Old Babylonian. The structure in (35)b., where such a non-predicative expression follows a speech verb 'say', starts to occur in this period, but becomes fully established only in Later Old Babylonian. Finally, umma develops more and more to a func-

56 The internal structure of quotative indexes tion word also encroaching on IRD-contexts. One formal aspect of this process is that umma need no longer be followed by the SP-reference, but can be used as an independent item, as in (35)c. from Neo-Babylonian. (35) a. umma ana#ku-ma {...} Q 1S-EMPH I said "... (Deutscher 2000: 72) nappa#hu# iqabbû-kum umma šunu-ma {...} b. p"#qat perhaps smiths they.say-to.you Q 3P-EMPH perhaps the smiths might say to you "... (ibid.: 77) umma {...} c. aša#l-šu I.asked-him Q I asked him "... (ibid.: 83) In order to account for the above cases of verbless QIs in a unified way, I will posit that, crosslinguistically, the absence of a predicate in a QI is an option in its own right, without a necessary derivational relation to some other QI-type. In other words, verbs in general are probable but not indispensable QI-elements. The reason for this will be discussed in more detail in Section 2.4, where I propose a second major function of QIs in addition to, or even instead of, the semantically motivated representation of a state of affairs. The determining factors under which a verbless QI can occur are also addressed by Frajzyngier in his discussion of verb omission. He proposes (1996a: 137) "that there are two factors that contribute to the omission of a verb of saying in the surface structure of the sentence. One factor is pragmatic in nature and the other is synchronic, semantic, and historical simultaneously." It becomes clear in the course of his argumentation that he considers the second factor to be more important. He explains (ibid.: 139): ... It would appear therefore, that pragmatic conditions involved in narratives and conversations should cause deletions of complementizers and verbs in all languages. And that is certainly not the case either in Chadic languages or in languages in general. I propose that the necessary condition for the omission of the verb of saying is the absence of the coding function of the verb. More specifically, the verb of saying may be omitted when it does not mark the role of the following clause and/or when it does not mark the role of an argument in the matrix clause.

According to the examples the author uses to illustrate his argument, this seems to mean that a speech verb is dispensable when the two func-

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 57

tions mentioned by him (the role of the clause and the role of an argument) are provided for by other QI-elements (or do not apply). In the present approach, this is best restated the other way around, in terms of environments where a speech verb is likely or required to occur: if the two coding functions mentioned are relevant in the given discourse context and are not expressed by other linguistic devices, the QI will, at least in certain languages, regularly contain a speech verb. Regarding the second function Frajzyngier mentions, that of marking "the role of an argument in the matrix clause", he cites (1996a: 134) the case of Masa, where there is a fairly consistent correlation between the presence of an AD-object and the use of a speech verb. A similar picture is found in various sample languages having a high frequency of verbless QIs, namely Burunge, Kera, Waja, and Ngbaka Ma'bo, where an ADexpression apparently implies the presence of a verbal predicate. The same is reported by Jackson (1987: 102-3) for Tikar. But verb omission and AD-encoding can also cooccur, as Frajzyngier demonstrates, for example, for Xdi (alias Hdi). In this language one might argue that this is possible because there exists a special alternative participant-marking device for cases where there is no verb. Compare (36)a. where the AD is encoded by means of a pronominal affix on the verb,9 with (36)b., where it is the object of the comitative preposition ndá which can be used in a non-verbal QI. (36) a. {là!} ká x´$n m$ná-ná-tà {go!} Q 3P say-3S-? They told him to go (Frajzyngier 1996a: 130) b. {là!} ká mbítsà ndá tsí {go!} Q PN COM 3S Mbitsa told him to go [lit.: Mbitsa with him (like): Go!] (ibid.: 132) However, the comitative strategy for marking certain participants cannot be a satisfying explanation for a verbless QI. In closely related Lamang the cognate preposition does cooccur with a verb, showing that its presence, although facilitating the absence of a verb, does not make it necessary.

9 The verb mna in the closely related language Lamang means 'do, make' (Wolff p.c.). It is quite probable that this also holds for Xdi (alias Hdi), at least from a diachronic perspective.

58 The internal structure of quotative indexes (37) {...} gà-háN ndèÎè QV-3P COM:3S ..." they said to him (Wolff 1994: 332) Such a situation, where the verb is optional with AD-encoding, seems to hold in most of the sample languages; the above cases of Masa, Burunge, Kera, Waja, and Ngbaka Ma'bo merely show that certain AD-encoding devices are impossible without an accompanying verb or just do not represent established language usage. Compare also German, where a plain pronominal dative AD-object is tied to the presence of the generic speech verb sagen 'say, tell', as in (38). When an oblique AD-object with zu 'to' occurs, as in (39), the verb is optional. Hence, the ultimate reason that the verb can be omitted in the colloquial variant under (39)b. but not in (38) must lie beyond a purely syntactic explanation. (38) und er sagte ihm {...} and he said him and he told him, '...

but

*und er ihm

(39) a. und er sagte zu ihm {...} and he said to him and he said to him, '... b. und er zu ihm bloß {...} and he to him just and he (said) to him just like, '... The situation is similar with the other function Frajzyngier mentions, that of coding "the role of the following clause", by which he understands its status as a reported "de-dicto" expression. The majority of his data on verb omission concern cases where the given QI, though verbless, does have at least a quotative. This is indeed the most frequent pattern in the present survey as regards the relevant QIs of Sandawe, Khoekhoe, Burunge, Kera, Lamang, Izon, Waja, and Ngbaka Ma'bo. However, the full structural range of verbless QIs encountered in African languages is certainly wider. The data display quite a number of tokens consisting only of a SP-nominal or an AD-nominal or else an auxiliary complex, which are all structures lacking a conventionalized quotative. These various verbless QIconfigurations will be exemplified in more detail in the sections below. They are mentioned here in order to demonstrate that verb omission is a

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 59

more general phenomenon in QIs and is not necessarily tied to the condition that another explicit quotation signal is present. Attempting to specify the dispensability of a QI-verb in terms of its coding properties defines contexts where a verbless QI becomes possible in certain languages. As far as such factors are relevant for a QI in a given discourse context, an individual language, or in general, they determine a SUFFICIENT condition for verb omission. They do not really explain why omission actually occurs in any given case. I thus conclude that there is no crosslinguistically universal structural explanation that governs the presence or absence of a verb in a QI. Rather, I view the other perspective on verb omission mentioned by Frajzyngier as more important, namely "pragmatic" factors. He writes in this respect (ibid.: 125, 137): In languages that do allow the verb say to be absent from the matrix clause [= QI], such as Mupun, in natural discourse the verb of saying is in fact used very rarely. In elicited sentences, which are usually much more deliberate, the verb of saying is present. It appears that in Chadic languages also, a matrix clause with a verb of saying merely serves as an indication of the source of the proposition [= quote]. And as in the preferred styles of Western cultures, the matrix clause tends to be reduced.

The suggestion that the use of a verbless QI is first of all a pragmatic issue of speech style, text type, etc. is compatible with the profile of the relevant tokens in the present sample, insofar as they do not reflect a highly grammaticalized phenomenon. Verbless QIs can indeed be seen as a reflex of a more general phenomenon, a tendency to reduce the complexity of a QI in certain discourse environments. However, Frajzyngier does not really present an explanation of verb omission in these terms and, as the first citation indicates, puts the notion aside somewhat abruptly and without much discussion. A pragmatic explanation, if approached seriously, would require one to determine the discourse environments where QI-reduction is frequent, and to try to explain why it is precisely these contexts that show this reduction. I will return to this problem below after having discussed more exhaustively the variation of QIs in form and complexity.

60 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 6. Marked QI-predicativity across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137 9 48

Predicative total in % 123 100 181 91 88 99 21 100 21 100 15 100 85 99 123 98 121 89 99 99 70 100 27 100 14 22 13 21 96 82 137 100 138 98 70 97 118 100 125 99 64 33 17 34 49 38 199 100 175 97 48 89 12 100 5 31 50 98 16 100 44 94 8 9 11 13 24 96 9 90 27 100 137 100 9 100 48 100

Marked predicativity total in % 0 0 23 13 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 3 3 0 0 0 0 4 28 0 0 20 21 0 0 0 0 0 0 15 13 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 6 4 2 156 89 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 9 2 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 25 52

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 61

2.1.2

Deviation from canonical predicativity ("marked predicativity")

I turn now to cases where the QI includes a predicative expression but deviates from a canonical verbal sentence, in various ways and to varying degrees. I will call this MARKED PREDICATIVITY. Again, if this phenomenon turns out to occur recurrently, it must be concluded that an approach to QIs simply in terms of a predicative assertion of a state of affairs is untenable. There is a very wide range of forms that could potentially express the marked predicativity of a clause, so that an in-depth analysis would require a thorough knowledge of the different clause types in each language. In this study, the possibility of detecting marked properties of QI-predicates is therefore limited. Nevertheless, even this cursory survey brings a considerable number of such cases to light. These are recorded in Table 6. Languages where marked predicativity accounts for more than 5% of the token total will now be discussed. A first group of relevant cases have in common that the predicative QI displays some morphosyntactic device which reflects a marked information structure. The crosslinguistic literature on information structure has not yet come forth with a widely recognized default type of how ideas are "normally" packaged. In fact, it is not clear whether there even exists one unmarked information-structure configuration which is universally valid. However, there seems to be fairly wide agreement when it comes to individual parameters which determine the information structure of a predicative assertion. One such parameter concerns the question of what constitutes the scope of a focus operator. It can be observed in this respect that in many languages highlighting the predicate pre se (instead of focusing on the entire verb phrase including nominal terms or focusing on one such nominal term) and/or highlighting the truth value of the utterance is clearly the marked case. Plausibly, such a configuration in a QI indicates that the reported speech event per se is the salient piece of information. A first language to be mentioned in this respect is Lamang. The sample tokens that are here classified as marked display an element búwó at the end of the QI. This is a combination of a focus particle ba and a negative marker úwó and expresses heightened affirmation in the guise of a negative rhetorical question 'isn't it that' (Wolff 1983: 251). It is glossed here as a predication focus marker.

62 The internal structure of quotative indexes (40) kàgà-haN búwó {...} QV-3P PF They said, "... (Wolff 1994: 333) The low number of affected tokens (3), although representing 6% of predicative QIs, does not seem to justify drawing special attention to this phenomenon. However, its importance is not brought out fully by the figures in Table 6: búwó in fact appears in 18 QI-tokens (14% of the total), the majority of which belong to the non-predicative class already represented in Table 5 of Section 2.1.1. This shows that the notion of a marked information structure need not apply only to explicitly predicative expressions. To be sure, QIs with búwó occur in only one text of the corpus, so that it is not clear whether they represent a general phenomenon of the language or an idiosyncratic usage of an individual speaker. Nevertheless, even if not representative of the language as a whole, the phenomenon is noteworthy because it is frequent in the text in question and thus unlikely to be accidental. A situation very similar to that in Lamang is found in Ngbaka Ma'bo. Table 6 lists just one markedly predicative token, which displays the clause-final marker yè expressing a reinforced affirmation (Thomas 1963: 250). The entire corpus, however, contains 9 tokens involving this element (10% of the total), a fact which is again concealed by the high proportion of non-predicative QIs in Table 5 of Section 2.1.1. (41) dúdùú 'ètí dì 'béè 'bo#-yè 'ètí {...} cuckoo IGB say OBL:3S Q-PF IGB Coucou dit: "... [cuckoo says to him] (Thomas 1970: 77) Also similar is the situation in Ewe, with two QIs having the clausefinal marker of predication focus Íe. This is mentioned here despite the low number of affected tokens (2) and the low token total (25) because it is also found in non-DRD-constructions in the corpus and is paralleled by the precedents in Lamang and Ngbaka Ma'bo. A special construction type called by Schultze (1907: 392) "passivum narrativum" is found repeatedly in QIs in Khoekhoe. In such a clause, the verb is followed by the suffix -he and the encoding of the actor (= SP) is suppressed in that the subject slot is filled by the impersonal pronoun i. From a typological view, this is a typical instance of an impersonal passive.

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 63

hâ {...} (42) o i ne#sisa mî-he then IP now say-PASS PERF Und dann wird gesagt: "... [lit.: and now it has been said] (Schmidt 1994: 136) The Khoekhoe construction seems to be related functionally to the previous cases in that this structure, by demoting the actor but not promoting another nominal participant, has the effect of making the EVENT per se more salient. Hence, it plausibly serves in Khoekhoe in general to foreground an event instead of a participant. This is corroborated by the available texts, if only on an impressionistic basis (compare Longacre (1990: 74) for the use of impersonal passives in Sabaot to mark story peaks). In the RD-contexts, the foregrounded event is the act of uttering the quote. In the following cases, the particular functional import of the relevant structures is sometimes inconclusive. However, it is quite unequivocal that they all reflect a marked information structure of some kind: the formal manifestation is a permutation of the normal constituent order of the sentence. A first such language is Hadza. Its unmarked clause structure is VSBJ-OBJ. Moreover, most sentences contain an auxiliary complex marking subject category and basic predication-operator functions, whose normal position is before the verb. The placement of a constituent in initial position is associated with focus on that item. Among the 14 tokens with a predicative structure, there are 3 with the subject before the verb and 1 with the verb before the auxiliary complex. A deviation from the unmarked clausal word order is also found in 15 QI-tokens (13% of the total) of the Tamajeq corpus. The normal pattern is SBJ-V. However, V-SBJ order is also possible and associated with marking emphasis on the event rather than on the subject (Petites Soeurs de Jésus 1982: 107). The constituent orders of QIs in Nguni display a general picture which is similar to that in Tamajeq. According to the standard grammar description, the unmarked word order is SBJ-V-OBJ. However, the subject appears after its predicate in 25 QI-tokens (52% of the total). This pattern is systematically employed in QI2 and the initial verb bears the subject concord of the locative-impersonal noun class 17 (Doke 1992: §820). The order change SBJ-V to V-SBJ often called "subject inversion" is a crosslinguistically familiar phenomenon. In certain languages it is a typical device for marking so-called THETIC STATEMENTS. These are characterized by the presentation of a state of affairs in such a way that no piece of

64 The internal structure of quotative indexes information is selected as the focus. This is a marked configuration because sentences are normally structured such that one part of the communicated propositional content represents the information peak to which the hearer's attention is drawn, while other information is treated as given and/or background information (see inter alia Sasse (1987) for an extensive discussion of the general phenomenon). That theticity is likely to be involved in the case of Tamajeq and Nguni QIs is supported by various considerations. First, theticity-marking devices have already been reported to occur in QIs with more-than-chance frequency in other languages, which indicates that this association is a fairly systematic phenomenon. Several European languages are reported to display V-SBJ order in QIs, namely Hungarian, Modern Greek, Italian, Spanish, and Russian (cf. the contributions to Matras & Sasse (eds.) 1995) and English (Collins & Branigan 1997)10; Güldemann (1996: 205-6) discusses a different type of thetic QI from Umbundu. Second, the possible functional effects of theticity in discourse can be partly related to the above cases of marked information structure as well as the function of V-SBJ order, at least in Tamajeq. The absence of a pragmatically relevant sentence-internal information structure can be exploited in many different ways (see Sasse (1987: 566-7) for a list of typical contexts of thetic statements). The presentation of a state of affairs as an unanalyzed whole can inter alia lend unexpectedness and immediacy to the entire expression, with the result that the event referred to is foregrounded. This is reminiscent of the event-foregrounding function of búwó in Lamang, yè in Ngbaka Ma'bo, Íe in Ewe, and the "passivum narrativum" in Khoekhoe as well as V-SBJ order itself in Tamajeq. I have presented evidence that QIs repeatedly display a marked information structure, and have indicated some possible functional correlates. However, it must be stressed that the above discussion is in many respects just a first tentative approach to this topic. First, the data are in some cases so limited statistically that it cannot be ruled out that they are simply coincidental and not representative of the general form of QIs in the relevant languages. Second, even if the relevant phenomena do turn out to be frequent in this context, it must still be shown that this frequency is significant vis-à-vis clauses other than QIs. It is noteworthy, for example, that VSBJ order is frequent in the Nguni narratives of the corpus quite generally, so that this device may not be restricted specifically to QIs. Finally, there is

10 These authors, but more strongly McCarthy (1998: 172), observe, however, that in English this phenomenon is largely restricted to literary language.

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 65

still considerable uncertainty about the actual functional effects of the linguistic structures identified above as indicating marked predicativity, which is caused by the lack of a systematic and sound description of the relation between grammatical sentence structure and pragmatic information structure in the languages concerned. This especially concerns theticity because this is a device with high functional versatility, including uses which may be opposite to foregrounding. Overall, the above remarks will hopefully serve first of all to direct future research to this important topic, which is still rarely entertained in the discussion of the form of QIs. The marked predicativity of QIs in Kanuri is of a different nature. It concerns a grammatically abnormal use of a specific form of the quotative verb n which is restricted to QIs and related structures and accounts for a considerable number of tokens in the sample. In the QI3 of Kanuri illustrated in (43), the relevant verb form s´ (called in grammars "conjunctive", but glossed here as MEDial) occurs after the quote while another verb precedes the quote. Another possibility is characterized by the absence of a verb before the quote, so that the final s´ must represent the predicative nucleus of the clause (see also Cyffer 1974: 100-1). This pattern, illustrated in (44), is classified here as QI2. tada-d´-ga cuworo {...} s´ (43) malam-d´-ye teacher-DET-SBJ boy-DET-OBJ ask:3S:PST QV:3S:MED the malam asked the boy, '... (Hutchison 1976: 202) {...} s´$ (44) dàjí àbánz´@ férò át´$-bè-t´@-yè then father girl DET-GEN-DET-SBJ QV:3S:MED Dann sagte der (ihr) Vater des Mädchens: "... [then the father of the girl said] (Cyffer 1974: 197) In both QI-patterns, the final position of a "conjunctive"~MEDIAL verb is marked because in a normal clause context such a form must be followed by another independent verb. The stranding of the medial verb in the quote-closing final position can be viewed as the "fronting" of the main verb to a position before the complex quote constituent, as in (43), or as the result of main-verb omission discussed in Section 2.1.1, as in (44). Finally, the highest percentage of QI-tokens displaying marked predicativity is recorded for Mandinka. The reason for this is that the large majority of QIs have the stem ko as predicative nucleus. This lexeme is classified by Rowlands (1959: 93) and Creissels (1983: 183-4) as a verb, but it has a

66 The internal structure of quotative indexes number of features that reveal it to be a very defective member of this lexical category: it does not possess any valency, cannot be negated, and does not cooccur with markers for tense, aspect, modality, etc. Indeed, one could argue that it is best analyzed as a non-verbal quotative in predicator function, thereby rendering all relevant QI-tokens as non-predicative. However, I will stick with the "traditional" approach to ko as a verb. A conclusive interpretation of this and other items is a matter of language-specific argumentation which cannot be presented in this cross-language study with the necessary depth. In any case, ko's deviation from a normal verb justifies the classification of the relevant QIs as involving marked predicativity. The overall conclusion from this section reiterates in more attenuated form what was shown in Section 2.1.1, namely that QIs should not be reduced functionally to verbal clauses which just assert information in a predicative form; rather, they recurrently lack this feature entirely or show it only in a marked form. The more specific point that QIs show marked information structure will be taken up in Section 3.5.3, where I briefly discuss the fact that DRD-constructions tend to be associated in discourse with foregrounded information. 2.1.3

Marked lexical features of predicative items

The case of Mandinka ko serves as a useful transition to the present section because it represents an extreme case of the phenomenon to be treated now: the fact that generic speech verbs and quotative verbs as typical predicates of QIs deviate from canonical verbs in their lexical characteristics, often to an extent which is not found with other frequent verbs in the language. The following features can be mentioned in this respect: (1) (2) (3) (4)

Stem suppletion in the conjugational paradigm Non-canonical stem shape Restrictions/irregularities in coding of conjugational categories Restrictions/irregularities in valency and coding of participants

This general phenomenon, or at least a number of individual cases, might in fact have been subsumed under the umbrella "marked predicativity" because (1) the marked verb lexeme is the basis of the relevant predicate and (2) the speech event cannot be expressed with the same freedom of morphosyntactic choices as other predicatively encoded events can. It will, however, be treated here in a separate section because the exceptional lexical features are often not recognized in the grammatical description as

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 67

affecting the structure of the entire clause (it may actually not reach the extent to which the Mandinka QI with ko is deprived of its potential variation regarding predication operators). The crosslinguistic literature is full of verbs which serve as the default predicate in QIs and are unusual in one lexical feature or another. See, for example, the discussion by Stross (1972: 223-4) for Tzeltal and Starostin (2003) for Ket. The motivation for this lexical aberrancy is often not dealt with at all, or not satisfactorily. One promising line of research on this issue will be proposed in Section 5.2 and elaborated in Section 8.2. Recurrently marked features of frequent QI-verbs are also encountered on the African continent; a few exemplary cases will be mentioned in the following. One such comes from Old Egyptian. Kammerzell & Peust (2002: 301-3) state that the quotative verb j accounts, in the text corpus surveyed, for the majority of QI-predicates. This is the central item of a set of suppletive stems that are sensitive to temporal and modality features and the nominal category of the subject; the full stem paradigm is j "stative" with singular pronoun subject, jn "preterite" with noun and plural pronoun subject, k3 "potential", and hr "present-future". Taylor (1994: 104-5) also reports stem suppletion for the quotative verb in N maandE. The variation exists between a form for singular subjects sE and plural subjects yE. The author demonstrates that this item is also different from canonical verbs in many other respects, which reminds one of the Mandinka stem ko. Ì

It is a dummy verb because it is marked for person and number, as verbs are, and refers to a real action, a speech act. However, it is not marked for tense or aspect, nor does it have other morphological properties of a verb.

A last example of marked lexical properties is the predicative khV of Tonga-Inhambane which is employed in RD and sentential complementation (Lanham 1955: 224-5). The canonical morphological structure of verb forms in this language is [subject crossreference + predication operator + object crossreference + root + derivation + predication operator]. Compared with such a morphotactic pattern, khV is not very verb-like according to the following information (ibid.: 139-40). Another defective verb stem of considerable interest is that signifying "say" or "think". The forms in which this monosyllabic stem appears are highly irregular and there is some doubt as to the true form of the stem ... This stem, which consists of kh- plus an unidentified vowel, always fuses with a succeeding absolute pronoun or demonstrative pronoun functioning as such, and forms a single unit with it, and this unit appears as the stem in any

68 The internal structure of quotative indexes predicate. [cf. (45)] The original vowel of the stem is difficult to determine because it disappears in this process of fusion, but it is probable that it was the regular suffix -a. ... The stems kheni, khuwe, khawo, khigyo, khuwo, khijo, etc., do not permit of any suffixal inflexion, but are found in various tense and mood forms with prefixal inflexional elements. ... These forms, consisting of verb stem plus absolute pronoun, are units of high frequency in ordinary speech and are quite often found without any concords or prefixes whatsoever. [cf. (46) and (47)] This is particularly common in narrative ...

(45) si-rengo si-ngu-kh-iso {...} 8-animal 8-PRS-QV-8DEM the animals say, "... (46) {...} kh-iso {...} QV-8DEM ... They [animals] said, "... (47) nyamayi adi-wujisa kh-uye {...} woman.1 1:PST-ask QV-1PRO The woman asked saying, "... Given the last observation that even the prefix morphology - the only criterion for viewing khV as a verb stem - is often missing, it is justified to ask whether this element indeed belonged originally to the lexical class of verbs. More evidence bearing on this issue and a probable historical explanation for these unusual synchronic facts will be discussed in Section 5.1.5.1. Here it suffices to note the defective nature of this QI-predicative as a verb. The information in Appendix 2 gives the features of semantically generic verbs used in QIs of the sample languages. The data show that in many languages there is at least one item, usually a frequent one, which is abnormal in one or another feature vis-à-vis the expected characteristics of canonical verbs. The lexemes concerned are Kanuri n, Ik kut/kw, Aiki ir, Fur ua/beleN and aN, Kunama u, Dongola E@ and án, Murle zi, Anywa kóó, Ju|'hoan kò, Taa té'e), Tigre bela/tel, Bedauye di and an, Lamang gV, kagV, and win(ka)gV, Hausa cêe, Mandinka ko, Kouya nEE, Koromfe bo, Ewe bé, Yoruba ní, Birom ye, and Nguni thi. In general terms, there are two major historical explanations that are possible when an item is an atypical representative of its class. On the one hand, it may have acquired its marked deviant character over the course of time. On the other hand, it is possible that an item assigned synchronically

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 69

to a certain class did originally not belong to it, so that its defective nature can be explained as the retention of earlier characteristics. Both explanations seem to apply to particular instances of QI-predicatives depending on the lexical item concerned. The emergence of and increase in features in a QI-predicative which are atypical for a normal verb have occasionally been observed previously and discussed partially in connection with their generally frequent use in language. The generic speech verb *bhl of Ethiosemitic is a case in point. It can be related etymologically to cognate stems in other branches of the Semitic family so that its origin in a speech verb is not disputed (see Leslau 1991: 89). However, it is characterized across Ethiosemitic by a considerable amount of conjugational and formal irregularity. This can be observed in the Tigre data on bela given in Appendix 2 or in Yimam's (1999) treatment of the Amharic cognate alä. So it comes as no surprise that Leslau (1988: 210-11) states under the heading "Frequency as determinant of linguistic changes" that "the verb that underwent the greatest changes in all Ethiopian languages is the verb 'to say'." Unfortunately, such comparative and historical data as is available for Semitic are still lacking or could not be adequately assembled for other sample languages where a frequent QIpredicative deviates from its lexical category. Thus it remains to be established whether the above scenario as well as its motivation also applies to other items of the list. The second possibility, that a non-verbal stem used in QIs tends to change its categorial alignment by becoming more similar to a verb, will be discussed fully in Chapter 5. Here, it suffices to note that the lexical characterization of some items as a verb seems to be based predominantly or exclusively on their DISTRIBUTIONAL property as a QI-nucleus and not on the formal criteria that generally serve to characterize verbal lexemes of the relevant language. This observation seems to hold in the available data for the quotative verb sE/yE of N maandE as well as comparable sample items such as Ju|'hoan kò, Taa té'e), Mandinka ko, Kouya nEE, and Yoruba ní. However, as indicated above and as will be substantiated in the following, a QI is not a particularly suitable context for determining the category membership of lexemes on the basis of their distribution because a QI can be instantiated by quite diverse structures which on the surface may look similar but actually are not. That is, for a conclusive category assignment it is not a sufficient criterion that an element should have the distributional behavior of a verb in QIs and related expressions. Indeed, it seems that it is first and foremost the QI-context where these items look or behave like verbs, but in other central lexical contexts they are not or only deficiently

70 The internal structure of quotative indexes verbal, such as cooccurrence with grams marking predication-operator functions, derivational categories, participant relations, etc. (see, e.g., Anderson (1985: 189-98) for typical grammatical categories of verbs). Such an ambivalent character can also arise as the result of the encroachment of a non-verbal item on the functional domain of a verb in a particular context. It is remarkable in this respect that what looks on the surface like one and the same type of QI-form can receive, and has received, quite distinct structural interpretations in different languages. The following four QIs will illustrate this point. (48) Waja y k´n {yoi tuNo} 3S Q {he goes out} he says he [logophoric] goes out [non-DRD] (Kleinewillinghöfer f.n.) (49) Ngbaka Ma'bo 'bo# {...} 'E$ then:3S Q alors elle dit: "... (Thomas 1970: 63) (50) Mandinka saaying a ko {...} now 3S QV Now he said: "... (Pfeiffer (ed.) 1997: 27) (51) Taa qúma té'e) {...} èh ku# 3S indeed HS QV he is said to have said "... (Traill ms.) In all four of these clauses we find a subject nominal represented by a 3rdperson pronoun in association with a following element specialized as a marker of RD - a QI-pattern which is very common in all these languages. The languages also share another, more general feature: utterances where the verb lacks inflection are quite frequent. As a consequence, the above expressions are inherently ambiguous with respect to their syntactic analysis, which explains why they have been given somewhat different interpre-

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 71

tations in the literature. The first two clauses from Waja and Ngbaka Ma'bo can be viewed as QIs where the verb is omitted, leaving the quotative as the non-verbal nucleus. Thus, the configuration could be explained with reference to a more complex structure containing both a speech verb and a quotative; as cited above, this is the approach found in the grammatical description of Ngbaka Ma'bo regarding QI3 in (49). This approach is, however, problematic for both Waja and Ngbaka Ma'bo as soon as it is viewed as involving a derivation, since the verbless structures are far more frequent. These latter two QI-types and similar cases will count as nonpredicative in the present survey. As also outlined in Section 2.1.2, example (50) from Mandinka is a verbal sentence according to the sources consulted, but it has severe restrictions vis-à-vis the normal variability of predicative expressions because it is based on the defective verb ko. Here, it qualifies as a structure with a marked form of predicativity. Finally, the last QI of Taa in (51) will figure in the survey under predicative constructions for the reason that its nucleus té'e), although not at all a prototypical speech verb, is not explicitly distinguished in the grammar from other verbal lexemes. It may appear odd in the context of this comparative survey to classify the expressions of Waja, Ngbaka Ma'bo, Mandinka, and Taa differently, given that they share various important features: (1) they have the same basic configuration consisting of a SP-nominal and an element specialized as a quotative, (2) the latter has the distributional behavior of a verb, but other properties deviate to a greater or lesser extent from this lexical category, (3) the QI-types are highly routinized patterns in the language, accounting for a large portion of the relevant token total (91%, 87%, 57%, 58%, respectively). Nevertheless, I will not challenge any of the available lexical analyses in my statistical counts for the reason already given in Section 2.1.2 in connection with Mandinka ko, even if this means assigning highly comparable structures to different types of predicativity. I will return later to the question of whether all these QIs and their grammaticalized quotation indices can be approached in a more coherent way and propose that this is possible without necessarily requiring a unitary analysis in terms of lexical category. 2.1.4

Predication operators

I close the discussion of QI-predicativity by investigating the question of whether QIs regularly contain information about how the represented speech event relates to the real world, as expressed by such categories as

72 The internal structure of quotative indexes tense, aspect, taxis, modality, polarity, etc. Where marking of such categories is present, the analysis is also concerned with the kind of categories that are typical for QIs. It must be stated at the outset that not all relevant features have been recorded systematically. This concerns in particular modality, polarity, and voice, so that generalizations are based only on a cursory and impressionistic inspection of the data. The generalizations are, however, quite unequivocal and correspond to what can be expected intuitively: the dominant pattern in all the languages is that a QI has the features "realis affirmative active". QIs whose predicate involves an irrealis verb form like imperative, subjunctive, etc., or is negated, or is in passive voice, do occur in the data, but they are a clear minority. Another generalization regarding the formal expression is that most QIs do not contain a separate morpheme explicitly referring to realis, affirmative, or active. This can be explained simply by the normal markedness relation within the relevant macrocategories: the features realis/indicative, affirmative, and active are normally unmarked. The features which have been recorded as completely as possible in the sample data are those commonly subsumed under the macro-categories of TENSE and ASPECT. I prefer to use here the more general label TEMPORAL RELATION because the common denominator at issue is how a certain state of affairs is related to another state of affairs regarding any aspect of the dimension of time. Tense and aspect, at least as traditionally used, focus on the relation of the communicated state of affairs to the time point of the communication and its internal temporal constituency, respectively. This approach is useful and will be maintained here, but it has the consequence that certain other temporal notions which can have separate grammatical expression in a language are excluded. This concerns in particular the time relation of an event to another situation expressed in the discourse, which will be subsumed here under the less familiar macro-category TAXIS (see Maslov (1988) for some discussion of this concept), and some categories which are notoriously difficult to capture functionally under the narrow definitions of tense and aspect like, for example, PROGRESSIVE and PERFECT. The figures for the presence of temporal marking are given in Table 7. Note that these figures include QI-tokens which have no explicit coding device but where this absence is associated regularly with a specific meaning in the system of temporal marking.

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 73 Table 7. Temporal marking in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137 9 48

Temporal marking total in % 123 100 181 91 88 99 21 100 21 100 15 100 85 99 123 98 121 89 99 99 70 100 27 100 64 100 44 72 107 91 137 100 140 100 70 97 118 100 125 99 64 33 16 32 49 38 199 100 19 10 25 46 12 100 5 31 50 98 16 100 44 94 8 9 11 13 24 96 9 90 27 100 137 100 9 100 48 100

Dominant temporal category total in % 110 89 109 60 40 45 20 95 8 53 85 100 96 78 99 82 83 84 55 78 24 89 54 84 44 100 76 71 119 87 63 90 116 98 28 44 44 90 162 81 11 58 14 56 12 100 3 60 47 94 11 69 26 59 8 100 9 82 17 71 5 56 15 56 130 95 9 100 28 58

74 The internal structure of quotative indexes In general, the great majority of the languages mark time relations in a QI. Only in Burunge, Kera, Lamang, Mandinka, Izon, Donno S , Waja, and Ngbaka Ma'bo does more than half of the token total come without such marking. The profile of this set of languages is reminiscent of the situation regarding the parameter of predicativity. When comparing the figures for temporal marking with those for predicativity in Table 5 of Section 2.1.1 one indeed observes a very high degree of correspondence. This is because the presence of predication operators is largely a function of the presence of a verbal predicate. In other words, predication-operator functions imply in many languages that the relevant clause has a normal predicative design. There are, however, a few sample languages where this does not apply. One such case concerns QI2 of Sandawe. This statistically most frequent QI is non-predicative but it often contains an inflection complex consisting of a narrative conjunction marking the story line with past time reference and a pronominal enclitic referring to the SP. Therefore, the number of tokens with temporal marking is considerably higher than the figure for predicativity. ká'` {...} (52) kwa: kàsìa(:nì á: NAR:3M.S.SBJ PN NOM Q And Kasiani said, '... (Elderkin 1989: 168) An even more extreme situation is that found in Hadza. Its QI2 lacks a verb and consists only of an auxiliary complex which marks the category of the SP as well as time features. The high frequency of this QI-type, already exemplified in (31) in Section 2.1.1, accounts for the discrepancy between the language's low predicativity proportion of only 22% and the consistent presence of temporal marking. There can also be found the reverse of the situation in Hadza and Sandawe, namely that a verb is regularly present but lacks temporal marking. This relates mostly to the lexical properties of default QI-verbs already referred to above. The resultant difficulties in identifying the temporal setting of QIs has been reported before, in particular by Longacre (1990: 81-FN6, 94-5, 100, 156, 169-70) for Luwo, Avokaya, Jur-Mödö (alias Jur Modo), Mwaghavul, and Gangam, respectively. This is also the case in Mandinka, where 97% of the tokens are predicative (though in the majority classified as marked predicativity), but only 10% of the total display temporal marking. This situation arises out of the above-mentioned fact that the element ko - as the default QI-predicate - has

2.1 The predicative assertion and predication operators 75

traditionally been viewed as a verb but cannot be marked for predicationoperator functions. A similar picture is found in Izon, where the predicativity proportion of 89% is much higher than the 46%-presence of temporal markers. The latter figure results largely from my interpretation of the element ámè`e` in QI2 as a quotative. Williamson (p.c.) confirms this analysis, contra her earlier characterization of ámè`e` (Williamson 1965: 83) as a DRD-specific allomorph of the past marker -mi`. As a consequence, QIs lacking the past markers -mi` or -do`u`, which are otherwise typical for independent storyline clauses of narratives in Izon, are a quite general phenomenon in the language. For the token group where temporal markers are present and can be evaluated, one can make two general observations regarding the range of categories. The first is that there is a strong tendency in QIs toward one dominant category. This can be discerned from the last two columns of Table 7 the percentage of which refers to the total for QIs with temporal marking. A dominant time category in QIs will be specified as one which accounts for more than two fifths of the tokens marked for time. This situation obtains in all the sample languages except Aiki, Taa, Bedauye, and Kera (hence, these have no figures in the relevant columns of Table 7). Indeed, the proportion of this category vis-à-vis the wide range of other possible temporal categories is often considerably higher than 40%. This observation includes languages where the relevant number of tokens is small, either due to a generally low token total or to a high incidence of non-predicative QIs. Accordingly, the situation in the sample data may not be fully representative for individual languages. The general picture is, however, unlikely to change if some languages turn out to show a different picture on account of a larger data base. The second generalization concerns the type of the preferred category. This is more difficult to establish in a cross-language study like this because there is a wide range of different labels for the language-specific verb forms depending on the researcher's theoretical and national background and the terminological tradition in the genealogical or areal group to which a sample language belongs; these do not always allow a clear functional evaluation of the form. Since the present discourse-oriented approach to temporal marking of predicates is to a large extent the same as that in Longacre's (1990) study referred to above, and the generalization made here regarding QIs replicates the findings there, the reader is referred to that work for a more extensive discussion of some of the concepts and terminology to be used in the following.

76 The internal structure of quotative indexes There are a few sample languages, namely Ju|'hoan, Kouya, and Waja, where the available literature does not provide a specific label for the verb forms in question. Since they all happen to be characterized by the absence of inflection, they will be called here for convenience "unmarked". In the other languages, the terms for the respective dominant verb categories are as follows (further specifications or alternative terms follow the language name in parentheses): "aorist":

Ik ("Grundform"), Ngambay, Kunama, Lamang, Ewe, Birom "perfective": Koyra Chiini, Igbo (past), Tikar (non-passé) "perfect": Fur, Dongola, Tigre "accompli": Tamajeq, Ngbaka Ma'bo "past": Kanuri, Anywa, Khoekhoe (remote), Izon (immediate), Koromfe, Yoruba (unmarked), Nguni (remote) "narrative": Ngiti, Krongo, Hadza (past), Sandawe, Hausa ("historicus"/ relative perfect) "sequential": Burunge (perfective), Kisi (mi with perfective), Supyire "participle": Donno S (participe parfait) "imperfective": Murle (with preposed ma) "progressive": Mandinka In spite of this rather bewildering variaty of labels focusing on different functional and morphological features, almost all the verb forms can be subsumed under a single common denominator: they are default forms for encoding events on the upper ranks of the storyline. Those listed above under "unmarked", "aorist", "perfective", "perfect", "accompli", and "past" are found in the text corpora to mark the primary storyline of a narrative. In a more homogeneous approach to verbal categories, they could be classified as either PASTS (mostly non-proximate) or PERFECTIVES, depending on whether the form partakes in its core meaning in a tense opposition or an aspect opposition. The same function is evidently relevant for so-called "narrative" forms. Storyline marking is also a major function of the socalled "imperfective" in Murle, although the term's name does not reveal this (see Longacre (1990: 75) for a discussion of this form). A still meager indication that these African data are likely to be comparable with those from other geographical areas is given by Ware's (1993: 175) and McCarthy's (1998: 155, 161, 166) analyses of English texts, both written and spoken: the unmarked forms in QIs with DRD are simple past and his-

2.2 The state of affairs 77

torical present (the second is less frequent, but supposed to have a greater foregrounding effect). A few language-specific categories in the African data do not mark the primary storyline but can be viewed as pertaining to the next-lower rank. In some languages, the temporal setting of a narrative is first provided by means of a tense form, and then a large chunk of the following discourse is marked by "sequential" taxis forms. It can even happen that the initial tense form in such a chain occurs only once at the beginning of the text and the storyline is constituted exclusively by sequential forms so that there is virtually no difference from a narrative tense (this seems to be the case in Burunge and Supyire). The form called "participle" in Donno S can probably be characterized as a medial taxis verb form. This marks an event sequence where the predicate chain ends in a final verb that provides the general temporal setting. Medial verbs are the inverse counterpart in verbfinal languages of what is commonly called a sequential or consecutive form in verb-medial or verb-initial languages (Longacre 1990: 109-10). As it is the final verbs associated with the relevant QI-verbs that normally mark the main event line, the QIs themselves are on the deranked storyline. There remains only one category, the Mandinka "progressive", which is apparently exceptional in functional terms. However, it should not be treated as representative because the proportion of these QIs vis-à-vis the token total in Mandinka is only 6%. The great majority of tokens display the uninflected quotative verb ko. If ko were counted as an unmarked form, the situation would turn out to be similar to that in other languages where QIs are mostly assigned to the primary storyline.

2.2 The state of affairs I observed already in Section 2.1 that the absence of a lexical item which prototypically refers to a state of affairs is not rare in QIs and in some languages even occurs commonly. That is, QIs frequently fail to display the normal design of an event representation. In this section, I will be concerned with a related problem: the SEMANTIC appropriateness of the linguistic signs used in a QI. One can expect in this respect that some sort of lexical reference to human language would be an essential QI-component. It will turn out, however, that this is not fully corroborated by the data.

78 The internal structure of quotative indexes 2.2.1

Verbal vs. nominal lexemes

Regarding the expression of lexical meaning, it should be recognized first of all that this can be achieved in principle by means of two major types of content signs: either one which encodes a referential entity (in categorial terms usually a noun) or one which encodes a state of affairs (usually a verb). Although nouns may seem at first glance unlikely to be used in a QI, there are languages where this is in fact a normal option. Such a case is, for example, reported by Besnier (1992: 168-70) for Tuvaluan, where a frequent QI has the structure of a noun phrase consisting of a noun referring semantically to human speech and a nominal for the SP in possessor function as in (53). An identical situation is also reported for other Polynesian languages (see Elbert & Pukui (1979: 106-7) for Hawaiian). (53) ana muna {sss taaua kaa alo!} 3S.POSS words {hey, let's go!} He said, 'Hey! Let's go!' [lit.: his words, '...] (Besnier 1992: 169-70) Such configurations seem to be rare on the African continent. I only encountered one clear case of the systematic employment of such a structure. Kammerzell & Peust (2002: 304-5) report for Old Egyptian, particularly in the Pyramid texts, that a routinized phrase 'is in the mouth of X' can follow a direct quote. m-r’-ntr-(w) (54) {cb3 Stš m3cw Wsir!} {Seth is sacrificed, Osiris is justified!} in-mouth-god-P "Seth is sacrificed, Osiris is justified!" is in the mouth of the gods (Kammerzell & Peust 2002: 304) In the present data corpus, too, such a structure is almost non-existent. The sample provided only occasional instances of a copulative sentence involving a noun referring to speech, like (55) from Anywa. dúud- @g $ bE$E E@nn @ {...} (55) nI$ DET song-that COP thus This song went like this: "... (Reh 1996: 531)

2.2 The state of affairs 79 Table 8. Verbs in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137 9 48

QI with verb total in % 123 100 181 91 88 99 21 100 21 100 15 100 85 99 123 98 123 90 99 99 70 100 27 100 14 22 13 21 113 96 137 100 140 100 70 97 118 100 125 99 64 33 17 34 49 38 199 100 175 97 47 87 12 100 5 31 51 100 16 100 44 94 8 9 11 13 24 96 9 90 27 100 137 100 9 100 48 100

QI with 2 verbs total 0 20 3 2 0 6 43 4 16 7 0 0 0 0 10 91 33 6 0 6 0 0 0 11 61 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 1 14 0 13 0 0 10

Verb total 123 201 91 23 21 21 128 127 139 106 70 27 14 13 123 229 173 76 118 131 64 17 49 213 236 47 12 5 51 20 44 8 12 38 9 40 137 9 58

80 The internal structure of quotative indexes The data regarding the presence of a verb in a QI, as given in Table 8, corroborates this picture. The presence of a verb determines the predicativity of a QI, as discussed in Section 2.1.1. A comparison between Tables 5 and 8 indeed reveals that the figures for these two features are almost identical (hence, the statistical results are not discussed again; the reader is referred to Section 2.1.1). That is, while some languages do have a considerable proportion of QIs without a verb, this is not due to the use of a nominal that refers semantically to a speech event, but rather to the total absence of any lexeme with this function. Consequently, it is safe to generalize for Africa that if a QI contains an explicit reference to an event it will normally be conveyed by a verb. This is consistent with the overall global preference for expressing states of affairs by means of this lexeme type. In the following discussion, the choice among the various subclasses of verbs will be of primary interest. For this purpose, Table 8 also records the number of verb tokens. Note that a QI can contain not just one but two cooccurring verbs. The reason for this will be discussed at length in Section 2.4. Here, it is only relevant with regard to the relative importance of different types of verbs in QIs. The second-to-last column records the absolute number of QIs involving more than one verb and the last column gives the resultant total number of verb tokens (= columns 2+4). 2.2.2

Quotative verbs

As noted in Section 1.2, this study makes a distinction within the class of semantically unspecific verbs used in QIs, namely between generic speech verbs and quotative verbs. The recognition of the latter as constituting a genuine verb class has not been common in previous research. It has been considered occasionally for individual languages or language groups. Adelaar (1990: 11) makes an explicit proposal to this effect for various Andean languages. The idea can also be recognized implicitly in Larkin's (1972: 42) semantic account of the default QI-verb en- in Tamil, which amounts to saying that the verb merely indexes a reported text: Thus a common core of meaning can be seen in all uses of en-: It delimits a word or a phrase or a clause as a separate piece or level of language, distinct from the words, phrases, and clauses it occurs among.

However, the general, often implicit approach in RD-research as well as in studies of so-called "speech act verbs" (see e.g. Verschueren 1980) is that any default QI-predicative is semantically comparable with a generic speech verb 'say'. That is, if such an item has the distribution and formal

2.2 The state of affairs 81

properties of a verb it is normally concluded that it will have utterance semantics, too. That this can turn out to be a misapprehension in the QIcontext becomes clear once it is recognized that a speech verb is not necessary in order to establish a QI which is, or at least resembles on the surface, a predicative structure. Some evidence for this premise has already been discussed. Additional and more extensive data to this effect will be presented in Sections 2.2.5-6 and especially in Sections 5.1.2-6, where it is shown that several default QI-verbs are synchronically, or derive diachronically from, something other than a generic speech verb. Table 9. Quotative verbs in the sample data Language

Form

Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Kunama

n kut/ kw ir aN ti u/ da# ake#

Dongola Murle Ju|'hoan Taa Bedauye Lamang Hausa Mandinka Kouya Ewe Yoruba Birom Nguni

E@ án zi nE or ne-k* kò té'e) tám an (winka)gV cêe kó nEE bé ní yé thi sho

Number of tokens as main verb 138 83 13 6 4 28 91 48 17 22 64 46 87 17 42 45 179 156 47 10 6 29 13 19

* AD-transitive derivative, with 56 tokens overall

as quote orienter 20 2 6 4 15 1 7 91 33 1 10 61 14

5 5

82 The internal structure of quotative indexes This observation has an important implication for the type of QI-verb that is specialized for this context, but which outside RD has no use at all or has a meaning other than utterance. Such a predicative lexeme, which is called here "quotative verb", certainly does refer in some way to a speech event. However, it does not do this by virtue of its inherent lexical semantics, as does a speech verb, but rather by virtue of being dedicated in use to a QI. QIs imply the assertion of a speech event and impose a notional association with utterance meaning on any predicative - otherwise a certain structure would not qualify for this expression type at all. Consequently, the categorial features of QI-predicatives and their semantic properties are in principle independent from each other and must not be confused. Table 9 gives a list of the quotative verbs identified in the sample (a slash separates two suppletive stems of a single verb), showing that 19 languages have such a lexeme; Kunama, Dongola, Murle, Taa, and Nguni even have more than one. Such verbs can be used in addition to another main verb; this is recorded in the last column under the label "quote orienter" (see Section 2.4 for an extensive discussion of this concept). It must be stressed that the identification of a quotative verb in an individual language can be a difficult issue. I argue here that a lexical item whose reference to speech occurs exclusively or predominantly in QIs cannot be assigned to the class of event-referring speech verbs because its own semantic contribution in this context is overshadowed by the primary meaning of the RD-construction itself, whose essential part is a speechreferring quote. In this sense, 'say' often turns out to be a translation equivalent rather than the inherent lexical meaning of a default QI-verb. At the same time, one must allow for the possibility that an item's frequent use in a speech-referring meaning environment can affect its semantic interpretation on the part of the language user. This relates to what Rhodes (1986: 8) has captured in the useful distinction between "lexical semantics" and "lexical pragmatics": ... there is an important distinction between the class of referents a given form can label, its lexical semantics, and the class of referents that it is normally used to label, its lexical pragmatics. Put another way, the distinction is between the potential range of reference of a form and its more restricted ranges of focus within that range of reference. ... The fact that lexical pragmatics are the most salient part of the meaning of a form is seen not only in the preference of native speakers in specifying meanings, but also in the direction of language change which turns pragmatics into semantics, and not vice versa.

2.2 The state of affairs 83

Regarding quotative verbs, it can be expected that some languagespecific items of this class, when elicited out of context, would indeed most readily be said to mean 'say', not the least because the QI-context is so prominent even when these verbs have other uses in the language. Within this crosslinguistic study, it can unfortunately not be ascertained to which of the recorded quotative verbs this applies. In any case, their unquestionable semantic vagueness, which is sometimes enhanced by an extreme functional versatility in other contexts, calls for a very fine-grained investigation which should attempt a language-internal description of meaning in terms of contexts of use instead of an analysis that is guided by the first or most frequent response regarding their translation into another language. What is classified here as a quotative verb differs from a true speech verb not only semantically. The formal anomalies frequently displayed by default verbs used with RD have already been mentioned in Section 2.1.3. In this context, it suffices to note that there is a qualitative difference between generic speech verbs and quotative verbs. As compared to canonical speech verbs as standard, quotative verbs across the sample are subject to restrictions and irregularities regarding stem shape, valency features, conjugational variation, etc. to a much greater extent. A fact not yet mentioned is that several items obligatorily or preferentially show a position relative to the quote which goes against the normal order pattern obtaining between a verb and its dependent. This applies to Taa tám, Lamang wín(ká)gV, and Nguni sho, which are always or usually placed after the quote. All this indicates that quotative verbs have a deeper history of routinization and grammaticalization than do generic speech verbs, with serious consequences for their formal properties. This is also reflected in a tendency toward less and weaker phonetic substance. Comparing the quotative and generic speech verbs given in the initial table of Appendix 2, it can be observed that the latter normally have a more complex stem shape (CVCV > CVC > CVV > CV) or a stronger initial consonant (click > non-click; complex > simple; voiceless > voiced; plosive > obstruent > sonorant) than the former. Important for the discussion of other topics is that reduced phonetic form and/or a simplified/restricted paradigm need not necessarily be the result of changes that occurred within the context of a QI. In other words, the possibility should be considered that what is synchronically classified as a quotative verb may have already been subject to grammaticalization even before it came to be recruited and specialized as a QI-predicative. This idea will turn up again later, and will be discussed extensively in Section 5.2.

84 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 10 shows that in DRD the majority of languages having quotative verbs rely heavily on them; they account for more than half of the verb tokens in 15 of the 19 languages: Kanuri, Ik, Aiki, Kunama, Dongola, Murle, Ju|'hoan, Taa, Lamang, Hausa, Mandinka, Kouya, Ewe, Yoruba, and Nguni. Recall that QIs can also have two verbs, i.e. a second verb in addition to the main predicate. While the second and third columns of the table give the total numbers of language-specific quotative verbs irrespective of their role in the QI, the last two columns give the figures for instances where quotative verbs cooccur with a main predicate. Such uses can account for a large proportion of the total; in Ngiti, Ju|'hoan, Taa, Mandinka, Ewe, and Nguni these make up a quarter of the quotative verb total or more. But even disregarding such tokens, these verbs make up for around 50% of all main predicates in verbal QIs or even considerably more in 13 of the 19 languages: Kanuri, Ik, Aiki, Kunama, Dongola, Murle, Taa, Lamang, Hausa, Mandinka, Kouya, Yoruba, and Nguni. This shows that once a language has a quotative verb it is indeed employed as default predicate in QIs - a characteristic which can only sometimes be claimed by the lexemes treated in the following section: generic speech verbs. Table 10. Quotative verbs in QIs across the language sample Language Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Kunama Dongola Murle Ju|'hoan Taa Bedauye Lamang Hausa Mandinka Kouya Ewe Yoruba Birom Nguni

Verb in QIs total 201 91 23 21 21 127 139 106 229 173 131 49 213 236 51 38 9 137 58

Quotative verb total in % 158 79 83 91 15 71 6 28 10 48 123 97 81 58 93 88 137 60 137 79 43 33 45 92 189 89 217 92 47 92 24 63 6 67 29 21 42 72

As second verb total in % 20 13 0 0 2 13 0 0 6 60 4 3 16 20 7 8 91 66 33 24 1 2 0 0 10 5 61 28 0 0 14 58 0 0 0 0 10 24

2.2 The state of affairs 85

2.2.3

Generic speech verbs

Speech verbs, defined here by (1) their utterance meaning and (2) their categorial status as a verb, are predestined to be employed in QIs. This is because they amalgamate two fundamental aspects of this construction in one linguistic sign: they refer semantically to language behavior and simultaneously make a predicative assertion about a speech event. In the following discussion I make a basic distinction between semantically generic and specific speech verbs (see, among others, Verschueren (1980, 1984)11, Dirven et al. (1982), Goossens (1985), Wierzbicka (1987), CaldasCoulthard (1987), Traugott (1991), and Thompson (1994) for a more extensive discussion and fine-grained classification of speech verbs). This section deals with generic speech verbs. Based on the available literature, at least three major types can be distinguished in terms of meaning and valency. This can be illustrated by the situation in Modern English; one finds (1) speak and talk, which refer to linguistic human communication as a general behavioral phenomenon, (2) say, which focuses more on a concrete event of linguistic utterance and its message, and (3) tell, which is similar to say regarding the message focus but additionally implies and highlights the encoding of the AD. All three of these major types can be found in the sample languages, although the information for individual lexical items is not always sufficient for a conclusive classification, and a translation given by me may at times be based on rather impressionistic observations. The attested verbs are listed in Table 11 (a slash separates two suppletive stems of a single verb). The relevant token numbers are separated according to whether the verb occurs as the main verb (before +) or as a quote orienter in addition to another verb (after +; see Section 2.4 for a detailed discussion of quote orientation).

11 Note that Verschueren's "basic linguistic action verb" is not the same as my "generic speech verb", because his use of "basic" focuses primarily on formal properties and thus subsumes under this term items which are semantically both generic and specific.

86 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 11. Generic speech verbs in the sample data Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Fur Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa

Non-specific har 120 gùl 16

Type 'tell'

Type 'speak, talk' …ii 2 mana 1 tod 1

ua/ beleN 15 pà 24+43

kóó ìkkì òtóN he m bô mî

bela/ tel ´nn di/ yad kaah wáaté kwara

63 15 5 1 10 90+10

wE#@-tir dua-k ca#an

mî-ba !óá !u#be kV

7 49+1 17

gayàa faÎàa

1 +1

be`é` dímúl

1 8

sa

4

ûda báññi

1 1

tl'odzo

5

kòkxúí tâna

2 1

kúma

1

ko#

+1

kwu há

4 4

60+6 115 80+3 26 9 4

Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo

fó gbá dímì gE@ gbä jwo bo cE d"#

17 28 2 4 2 9+4 38 2 4

Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar

gbl so` si`

8 1 10+13 yaN

shE$

41 1 2

7

96

2.2 The state of affairs 87

As can be observed in the table, it is not the case that all three types are found in the DRD-data of an individual sample language. For one thing, a given language may actually have such a triplet of items but the surveyed text data on RD may lack a certain type either by coincidence or for some linguistically motivated reason. For example, a high reliance on quotative verbs can cause the total absence of generic speech verbs in QIs, which in the present corpus is the case in Aiki, Ngiti, and Nguni. It is also possible that a certain type is not or only very rarely used in QIs. This seems to hold in the sample quite consistently for the 'speak'type. The last column of Table 11 shows that the corpus only displays twelve languages with an item of this type, and all display a very low token frequency (the last fact distinguishes 'speak' from 'tell'). This suggests a crosslinguistic generalization that generic speech verbs of the 'speak'-type are not typical QI-verbs, while those of the 'say'- and 'tell'-type are (cf. Silverstein (1985: 155-8) for the same result based on a corpus study of QIs in Chinook). The non-occurrence of all three generic speech verbs in a sample language can also be caused by a conflation of two types in a single linguistic sign. Thus, 'speak' and 'say' (or 'tell') may be expressed by one and the same lexeme; this seems to hold for Fur, Ngambay, Ju|'hoan, Kera, Waja, Yoruba, and Birom. A similar situation which is evidently frequent is that a generic speech verb of the 'say'-type can be used freely in QI-contexts either with or without an AD, so that no special lexeme of the 'tell'-type exists. This holds for some of the sample languages where the middle column of Table 11 lacks an item. Closely connected with such a pattern is the following situation: a generic speech-verb root forms a pair of cognate stems, mostly related to each other via productive derivation processes, in which one form is used with an AD and the other is not. This holds in the sample for Ik tod vs. todet, Fur ua vs. ua-s, Dongola wE#@ vs. wE#@-tir, probably Murle dua vs. dua-k, Sandawe mbô vs. mbô-xì, Khoekhoe mî vs. mî-ba, Tigre bela vs. tel (see Appendix 2 and the references cited there for the relation between these two stems), Hausa fàÎaa vs. faÎàa, Kisi dímì vs. dím-úl, and Kouya gbä vs. gbä-lI$. Such an alternation is hardly ever found with quotative verbs because they tend not to take part in derivational processes; the only exception is the Murle doublet nE vs. ne-k (see Table 9; the second, ADtransitive form in fact accounts for 56 of the 71 tokens of this stem).

88 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 12. Generic speech verbs in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Fur Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar

Verb in QIs total 123 201 91 21 128 127 139 106 70 27 14 13 123 229 173 76 118 131 64 17 49 213 236 47 12 5 51 20 44 8 12 38 9 40 137 9

Gen. speech verb total in % 122 99 17 8 1 1 15 71 67 52 1 1 42 30 1 1 65 93 20 74 6 43 10 77 107 87 52 23 18 10 66 87 115 97 83 63 26 41 9 53 4 8 2 1 18 8 29 62 10 83 4 80 2 4 13 65 38 86 6 75 5 42 8 21 1 11 27 68 100 73 7 77

As second verb total in % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 43 64 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 9 1 2 0 0 6 9 0 0 3 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 50 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 31 0 0 0 0 1 20 0 0 0 0 13 48 0 0 0 0

Generic speech verbs are frequent in QIs of the sample, reiterating observations for other languages (cf., e.g., McCarthy (1998: 152-5) for spo-

2.2 The state of affairs 89

ken English and Cameron (1998: 56-7) for Puerto Rican Spanish). Table 12 gives the relevant figures; the second and third columns record all tokens, while the last two columns give the instances of generic speech verbs as a second QI-verb (this is only frequent in the corpora of Ngambay, Supyire, and Igbo). Subtracting these tokens from the total, it can be said that generic speech verbs are dominant (>50%) in the QI-corpora of Koyra Chiini, Fur, Anywa, Krongo, Sandawe, Khoekhoe, Tigre, Tamajeq, Bedauye, Kera, Izon, Kisi, Donno S , Koromfe, Waja, Birom, and Tikar. This total of 17 languages suggests at first glance that the dominance of generic speech verbs as QI-predicates is more common in the sample than the dominance of quotative verbs, which is found in only 13 languages (see Section 2.2.2.). However, in four of these 17 languages QIs are often nonpredicative and consequently there is overall a low number of tokens of generic speech verbs, namely in Sandawe (10 tokens in 61 QIs), Kera (9 in 50), Donno S (4 in 16), and Waja (6 in 90). Hence, the conclusion that generic speech verbs represent a preferred choice can be disputed for the corpora of these languages. I would therefore conclude that quotative verbs and generic speech verbs are equally frequent in the sample corpus as default predicates in QIs. However, except for Bedauye and Birom, a quotative verb is always preferred over a generic speech verb whenever there is a language-internal choice. This is in line with their semantic-functional difference: a true quotative verb is genuinely specialized for QIs while for a speech verb this is only one context among others. As mentioned, some quotative verbs are not used with an AD reference. This correlates with a recurrent pattern according to which a quotative verb is regularly replaced by an appropriate speech verb as soon as an AD is expressed. In the sample, such a situation is observed with Ju|'hoan kò vs. !óá, Ewe bé vs. gbl , and Birom ye vs. yaN. QIs with AD-encoding seem to be THE domain in which generic speech verbs can compete with quotative verbs. Some quotative verbs can, however, be used with AD-encoding. In such cases the quotative verb is almost always preferred over a corresponding generic speech verb. Thus, Kanuri n, Ik kut, Ngiti ti, Kunama u and ake,# Murle nE, Taa té'e), Lamang gV, Hausa cêe, Mandinka ko, Kouya nEE, and Nguni thi and sho, which are compatible with ADs, are clearly dominant vis-à-vis their counterparts in the class of generic speech verbs. An exception is Dongola, where the quotative verb E@ and the generic speech verb wE#@tir 'tell' are equally frequent; however, the former cooccurs with an overt noun phrase while the latter mostly indexes only the notional presence of an AD (see Section 2.3.2).

90 The internal structure of quotative indexes 2.2.4

Specific speech verbs and sound verbs

Specific speech verbs like 'ask', 'answer', 'call', which convey more specific information about a speech event, are far less frequent in the sample than either quotative verbs or generic speech verbs. This can be seen in the second and third columns of Table 13, when compared with Tables 10 and 12; at the same time all corpora but those of Fur, Hadza, Lamang, and Mandinka display at least one token with such a verb. 29 languages have a specific speech-verb percentage of lower than 20%. There are only four languages, Burunge, Kera, Waja, and Ngbaka Ma'bo, where such verbs constitute a quarter of the total or more. Significantly, in all these languages the use of a verb (of any sort) in QIs is rare. This suggests that the fewer the QI-tokens that involve verbs, the greater the chance that the wide range of lexemes which can overtly represent a speech event will be exploited more evenly. There is another group of lexemes which will be labeled here for convenience SOUND VERBS: verbs like 'sing', 'weep', 'laugh', etc. These are semantically intermediate between speech verbs and non-speech verbs in that they are not necessarily associated with meaningful human speech but are in fact quite often followed in discourse by DRD. In such a context, they are comparable to specific speech verbs in that they add information about the circumstances and manner of the reported linguistic utterance. Thus, a verb 'sing' when followed by an enactment of the song can be paraphrased by 'say/speak in a singing way' in close parallelism to verbs like 'answer' = 'say/speak in return', 'explain' = 'say/speak instructively', etc. This verb class is recorded in the last two columns of Table 13. Only 15 corpora displayed QI-tokens of this type; in six languages, however, Ngiti, Ngambay, Krongo, Hadza, Burunge, and Izon - these reached a proportion of more than 10% of the verb total. If sound verbs and specific speech verbs are combined into a more abstract class of semantically specific speech-referring lexemes, the resultant group becomes more comparable with generic verbs in terms of relative importance in such languages as Ngambay, Ngiti, Krongo, Hadza, Burunge, Izon, Ngbaka Ma'bo, and Igbo. It should also be recognized in general that the total of specific speech-referring verbs will be closer to that of quotative verbs and/or that of generic speech verbs, if only those tokens were counted that function as the main verb of the QI. Nevertheless, the general conclusion remains that verb lexemes referring to specific features of the reported speech event are less frequent than semantically generic items.

2.2 The state of affairs 91 Table 13. Specific speech verbs and sound verbs in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

Verb in QI total 123 201 91 23 21 21 128 127 139 106 70 27 14 13 123 229 173 76 118 131 64 17 49 213 236 47 12 5 51 20 44 8 12 38 9 40 137 9 58

Spec. speech verb total in % 1 1 26 13 4 4 1 5 0 0 4 19 23 18 3 2 16 12 11 10 3 4 3 11 0 0 1 8 14 11 27 12 10 6 9 12 2 2 5 4 19 30 5 29 0 0 11 5 0 0 11 23 2 17 1 20 1 2 4 20 6 14 2 25 5 42 4 10 2 22 8 20 7 5 1 11 12 21

Sound verb total in % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 19 14 11 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 4 15 3 21 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 14 22 1 6 0 0 4 2 1 0 7 15 0 0 0 0 1 2 1 5 0 0 0 0 1 8 1 3 0 0 3 8 0 0 0 0 0 0

92 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 14. Frequent specific speech verbs in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Hausa Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni Total

'ask'

'call'

'answer'

'shout'

6

5

3 1

1

1 1 17

3

3 4 2 1 1 8 16 6

1 1

2 1

5

2

1

1

Other 1 11 3 2 2 3 9 1

1

2 3 2

4 8 4 7

2 5 4 1 2

8 2

2

1

3

1

1 2

5 3 3 6 4

1 1 3 4 1 1 2 6 1 7 106

1 1 1

2

1

1 1 1 2 3 1 2

34

18

1 15

4 91

1 1 2

Total 1 26 4 1 4 23 3 16 11 3 3 1 14 27 10 9 2 5 19 5 11 11 2 1 1 4 6 2 5 4 2 8 7 1 12 264

As far as the choice of particular specific lexemes is concerned, a clear bias can be observed toward just a few items. Table 14 shows the four most frequent verbs from the wide range of conceivable specific speech verbs,

2.2 The state of affairs 93

namely lexemes meaning 'ask', 'call', 'answer', and 'shout, yell, cry (at)' - an overall similar lexical profile to that recorded by Cameron (1998: 57) for Puerto Rican Spanish (the next most frequent verb is 'agree', found in only 8 languages with 1 token each). It is unclear, of course, whether the frequency rank among these four items is a coincidental artifact of the data or reflects more general tendencies. In any case, 'ask' clearly holds the top position by a wide margin vis-à-vis the second-place verb 'call', both in terms of number of corpora (26 vs. 14) and number of tokens (106 vs. 34). Given that dialogue is a common phenomenon in narratives, it is surprising that 'answer' does not show up more frequently in the corpora. One likely reason for the low number of languages with tokens of 'answer' is the frequent absence of any QI in dialogues (see Section 1.4.2.); another reason will be treated in Section 2.2.5. Other infrequent specific speech verbs are united in the column "Other". Verbs meaning 'agree', 'refuse', 'report', 'explain', and 'decieve, lie' appear in more than five corpora; all other verbs have only isolated occurrences. The most frequent sound verbs show an overall frequency comparable to the verbs of the last list; they are in the order of their relative importance 'sing', 'weep, cry', and 'laugh'. A recurrent phenomenon mentioned here only in passing is that a number of semantically specific notions in the representation of a speech event are conveyed by a complex predicate phrase which mostly consists of a verb and an object and/or involves verb serialization/compounding. Such items are attested in the corpus of 13 sample languages: Kanuri, Ik, Ngambay, Dongola, Khoekhoe, Ju|'hoan, Taa, Hausa, Izon, Supyire, Koromfe, Ngbaka Ma'bo, Ewe, and Igbo. This rarely researched topic deserves more attention in the future study of speech verbs and their equivalent expressions. I mention here only a few examples like Taa /ùa //'úm 'grasp forgiveness > apologize', Hausa haushi dà faÎàa 'mount him with speech > scold', Izon gbá-pele 'say-cut > make an agreement', Supyire ¯w -mugu-ro 'mouth-open > give a speech' or Igbo tii iwu 'make law > decree'. 2.2.5

Non-speech verbs

In a large number of instances a non-speech verb occurs coupled with an associated DRD-quote so that the relevant clause is counted as a QI. Such QIs were found in more than half of the language corpora, that is, in all languages but Koyra Chiini, Kanuri, Fur, Kunama, Dongola, Murle, Krongo, Bedauye, Lamang, Mandinka, Izon, Kisi, Donno S , Kouya,

94 The internal structure of quotative indexes Koromfe, Waja, and Yoruba. Presence and frequency of such verbs are given in Table 15. Table 15. Non-speech verbs in QIs across the language sample Language Ik Aiki Ngiti Ngambay Anywa Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Burunge Kera Hausa Supyire Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

Verb in QI total 91 23 21 128 70 14 13 123 229 173 76 118 64 17 213 20 12 38 40 137 9 58

Non-speech verb total in % 3 3 7 33 3 14 24 19 1 1 5 36 2 15 2 2 13 6 8 5 1 1 1 1 5 8 2 12 7 3 2 10 1 8 1 3 2 5 1 1 1 11 4 7

In general, verbs of this class are clearly less frequent than quotative verbs and generic and specific speech verbs. They only reach a proportion of 10% or more in 8 languages, namely Aiki, Ngiti, Ngambay, Hadza, Sandawe, Kera, Supyire, and Tikar. Moreover, these somewhat high figures vis-à-vis other verbs are partly due to a generally low figure of QI-verbs in these languages and also to the way of classifying certain lexemes, to be treated below. Nevertheless, given that non-speech verbs do not convey the lexical meaning of utterance, it is remarkable that they appear at all, and indeed recurrently, in QIs. They also outnumber sound verbs, which semantically at least imply human voice activity. Non-speech verbs used with DRD can be classified into various groups. I distinguish here between verbs of auditory perception, of cognition and

2.2 The state of affairs 95

(internalized) perception, of speech act description, and of general action. I have not encountered Ware's (1993: 169) so-called "paralinguistic" verbs which are inherently associated with communication like 'smile', 'nod', etc. The first class of verbs of auditory perception like 'hear' etc. have a special status because they are not speech verbs but come semantically very close to them in that they refer overtly to an utterance that is perceived auditorily. They occur in a few DRD-tokens of the corpora of Taa, Tamajeq, and Hausa. The last-named language has, as a unique case, a genuine QI-type based on 'hear', namely QI2. The second verb class related to auditory perception verbs is constituted by verbs of cognition and (internalized) perception like 'think', 'wonder', 'realize', 'see'. DRD-constructions with such verbs appear in the text corpora of Ik, Sandawe, Khoekhoe, Ju|'hoan, Tigre, and Igbo and are reported by Stanley (1982: 33) for Tikar. The following is an example from Supyire for which it is also explicitly stated that such verbs can cooccur with DRD.

¯-ce {mìi à lyE} mE@ (56) n $ ¯yE na man NEG PROG ITR-know {I am old} NEG A man doesn't know he's old (lit. "I am old") (Carlson 1994: 448) The fact that these verbs are used in the relevant functional domain is not surprising as such, provided one accepts the wide definition of RD proposed in Section 1.2.1. This includes the reporting of texts which are not uttered but only presented as internal, virtual, fictitious, etc. However, it is unusual, at least in more familiar languages, for such verbs to be used with DIRECT quotes. This impressionistic observation is not contradicted by the cross-African survey, given the low numbers of relevant tokens in the data. It demonstrates, however, that it is not appropriate to ignore cognition and perception predicates in the discussion of DRD, as has been the tendency in previous research. The third group of non-speech verbs can be subsumed under the common denominator that they provide some semantic feature that enhances the description of the represented speech event. These verbs are thus comparable to specific speech verbs except that they lack the inherent feature of utterance. This meaning component, however, is inferable from the QIcontext. Such an inference is at times exploited quite systematically: the contextual meaning of speech, which is often explicitly indicated by the presence of a conventionalized QI-index, and the specific lexical meaning provided by the non-speech verb can complement each other to render

96 The internal structure of quotative indexes jointly what is normally expressed by a specific speech verb. This can be discerned from the cases to be discussed below. A first set of such verbs includes verbs like 'send', 'throw', 'show' which focus on the message transfer from SP to AD. Such semantically general transfer verbs can convey the grammatical relation to the speech as well as the AD-nominal. Verbs focusing on the manipulation of an inanimate entity, for example, by causing a change of its position, are another possibility. Here, the speech nominal is likely to be the more central participant; but this might change over time. One relevant language is Ngambay, where the notion 'say/tell something to somebody' is regularly realized by the use of a QI3 based on the verb ùlà 'send, put' and less frequently by the apparently related verb ìlà 'throw' (see Vandame (1963: 107-8, 163-FN2, 199) for the likely derivational relation between the two items). Donno S is reported by Kervran & Prost (1986: 152) to have recourse to the verb taga 'show' in such a structure. In the same fashion, Supyire relies repeatedly on cyee 'show' followed by an oblique AD. This use as 'explain, tell' is exemplified in (57). (57) ká mìì í lí cyéè ù nà {...} and 1S NAR ATC.PRO show 3S to So I told him, "... [lit.: so I showed it to him] (Carlson 1994: 450) It is significant in this respect that some lexemes counted above as generic speech verbs are similar or identical in shape to verbs that are listed in dictionaries as distinct items but are semantically suspiciously close to the type discussed here. The Ju|'hoan verb !óá 'tell', for example, is homophonous with another verb !óá 'bequeath, leave behind' (Dickens 1994: 315). Similarly, Yoruba so` 'say, speak' has the same sound shape as so` 'throw, send, put' (Abraham 1958: 594). A final case is Anywa ca#an 'tell, talk about' with the same form as ca#an 'put in line, file' (Reh 1999: 14); here the relevant semantic relation emerges when one considers such verbs as English outline, German darlegen 'put down/out > explain', and Supyire cyee 'show > explain, tell'.12 It is not far-fetched to hypothesize that all

12 Compare also Silverstein (1985: 149), who mentions the Chinookan verb kw¬i 'stretch, as of a line between two points' which occurs in QIs in a derived form with the meaning 'tell, recount'. This in turn is comparable to Germanic languages with respect to the origin of several modern speech verbs in the originally non-speech-verb meaning 'count'.

2.2 The state of affairs 97

these utterance verbs are derived historically from non-speech verbs, or that the available lexical analysis postulates homophony while in reality there is just one verb. A similar situation holds for non-speech verbs that are capable of focusing on the turn-taking in a conversation and thus convey the meaning 'answer, reply, respond'. It is this phenomenon that contributes to the rarity of 'answer'-verbs referred to in Section 2.2.4. One case is the Aiki verb aam(n) 'take' used with the connotation 'take word/turn' as the main verb in QI3 and sometimes also in QI1. sá {...} (58) àwE$tìkE$ t-ààmàn rat 3S-take:PFV INC Le rat répondit: "... (Nougayrol 1989: 95) Ewe renders 'respond, answer' by combining Ío 'put, send' with a noun Nú 'outside, surface' in QI2 (Dawuda p.c., Westermann 1954: 154). Another, semantically even clearer pattern of expressing 'answer' is the use of Ngiti adù 'return' in QI2, Ju|'hoan màni 'turn (direction)' in QI2 (Dickens 1994: 234), and Nguni phendula 'turn round' in QI2/4 (Doke et al. 1990,2: 655). One can add two further cases which do not appear in the text corpora: Taa mâli kV 'answer' is the same as 'turn around, return' (Traill 1994: 192), and Ebert (1979: 261) mentions the RD-use of hàrè 'return' as 'answer' in Kera. A final case which may well represent the same pattern at least historically should be mentioned from Donno S , where yabulE@ 'answer' is homophonous with the verb 'get up' (Kervran 1993: 598).13 A third isolated instance of rendering the meaning of a specific speech verb by means of a non-speech verb is the repeated Taa use of //ú0a 'fear, respect, keep away from' (Traill 1994: 106) for the expression of 'refuse'. Finally, there is a group of verbs concentrating on temporal aspects of the speech event. One isolated QI-token in Tikar uses the verb 'continue, join, add' to indicate that a character continues a speech.14

13 Similar cases exist in non-African languages. In Usan 'answer' is rendered by combining taui 'pay back, return' with the default QI-verb qamb (Reesink 1993: 224). Vanhove (1993: 328-9) reports the case of Maltese, in which 'ábEz 'jump' developed to a QI-verb 'retort' through its earlier collocation with the verb 'say'. 14 Koontz (1976/7: 116) shows for Teribe that such a verb can occur in QIs more regularly.

98 The internal structure of quotative indexes (59) à kònndì tì e lE {...} 3S add:NAR still after Q Le lépreux a continué en disant: "... (Stanley 1991: 515) Far more frequent, however, are verbs like 'start, begin' which focus on the initiation of a speech or a turn in a dialogue. As was observed in Section 1.4.2 above, such cases are only a small step away from expressions of free DRD that are preceded by verbs which refer to the quote in a more implicit way. The following QI with a verb 'start' is from Lamba.

ëonse {tukalipile} (60) aëa-ku-mushi ka-ëema 2-LOC-village THET-2:start 2:all {let us pay ...} All the people of the village started off (saying), 'Let us pay ... (Madan 1908: 62) Among the sample languages, this usage was found with Hadza kotula 'start' and Burunge tlaatlees 'start', in both cases accounting for all tokens of non-speech verbs in these corpora. Hausa faaràa 'begin' is, according to Abdoulaye (p.c.), also quite normal with DRD (and possible with IRD), although no tokens appeared in the text corpus. From a diachronic perspective, one can add Ebert's (1991: 93-FN7) report that the generic speech verb wáaté 'say, speak' in Kera originates in the pluractional form of waa 'bring forth, give birth', although a strong connotation of producing and emitting speech sounds seems to be what is primarily involved here. As is suggested by some of the cases presented above, the regular QIuse of a non-speech verb can come to affect its meaning in the long run. Such an item may acquire a stable connotation of speech once it comes to be routinely associated with RD. The utterance reading which it receives by inference in the QI-context can later become stable and may eventually be transferred to uses outside RD. It is in fact quite difficult to classify such lexemes for the purposes of this study, and the inclusion of one item of such a lexical doublet in the count for speech verbs and another in the count for non-speech verbs often represents a rather arbitrary ad-hoc decision, at best based on an impressionistic judgement about the more central meaning. In any case, polysemous verbs or homophonous verb pairs of the type presented above provide a glimpse into the historical origin of certain speech verbs. The last group of non-speech verbs is generic action verbs like 'do, make'. The text corpora of Kera, Hausa, Ngbaka Ma'bo, and Birom contain

2.2 The state of affairs 99

a few tokens. Another case, though not occurring in the language's small corpus, is found in Supyire: Carlson (1994: 449-50, p.c.) reports the repeated use of pyi 'do, make' in a QI, whereby the AD is encoded as the verb's directly affected object. It will be shown in Section 5.1.2.3. that this type of verb is in fact far more important than the information given thus far would suggest. 2.2.6

Event representation in quotative indexes

Two general observations can be made regarding the semantic aspect of representing a speech event in a QI by means of a verb. First, there exists in all languages a distinct preference for items which are semantically unspecific. This can be seen in Table 16, which combines the data of Table 10 on quotative verbs and Table 12 on generic speech verbs. In a good many languages the figure approaches the verb-token total. In 27 sample languages, semantically generic verbs are used in at least 75% of all cases. There are only 4 sample languages, Ngiti, Hadza, Burunge, Ngbaka Ma'bo, where the proportion is lower than 50%; in the last three languages, the text corpora display relatively few predicative QIs and thus a relatively low number of verbs of any sort. The dominance of semantically unspecific verbs is somewhat surprising, considering the initial assumption that the central function of a QI is to represent a speech event. There are many ways of speaking, as there are many types of, say, the locomotion of an object. Why do QIs not focus more consistently on such a specific semantic description of the speech event referred to? While a lack of semantic specificity may be a more general feature of spoken language (which many of the text corpora represent) and thus need not be restricted to QIs, as suggested to me by E. SchultzeBerndt (p.c.), this can only be part of the explanation. This relates to the second major observation regarding verb choice: a predicative QI can perfectly well lack all overt semantic reference to speech or cognition, namely when it is instantiated by a non-speech verb; in some sample languages this even occurs quite regularly. This phenomenon is not restricted to African languages, as a study like Michel (1966) on German demonstrates. With non-speech verbs, the lexical choice is again not a matter of conveying explicitly the relevant event type. But the problem is even more serious: one is confronted here not simply with semantic underspecification, but rather with the complete absence of semantically overt event reference.

100 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 16. Semantically generic verbs in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

Verb in QI total 123 201 91 23 21 21 128 127 139 106 70 27 14 13 123 229 173 76 118 131 64 17 49 213 236 47 12 5 51 20 44 8 12 38 9 40 137 9 58

Generic verb total in % 122 99 174 86 84 92 15 65 21 100 10 48 67 52 124 98 123 88 94 89 65 93 20 74 6 43 10 77 107 87 187 82 155 90 66 87 115 97 126 96 26 41 9 53 49 100 191 90 235 100 29 62 10 83 4 80 49 96 13 65 38 86 6 75 5 42 32 84 7 78 27 68 129 94 7 78 42 72

2.2 The state of affairs 101 Table 17. Semantic event reference in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137 9 48

Event reference total in % 123 100 43 22 8 9 1 5 15 71 8 53 61 71 4 3 58 43 13 13 69 98 27 100 9 14 13 21 112 96 82 60 30 21 70 98 118 100 83 66 59 30 15 30 4 3 16 8 19 10 47 87 12 100 5 31 4 8 14 88 44 94 8 9 9 10 13 52 3 30 27 100 107 78 8 89 12 25

102 The internal structure of quotative indexes This picture becomes even more dramatic if event reference is conceived as a purely semantic notion. This is important, because event reference in this sense is not identical with the presence of a verb or the morphosyntactic property of QI-predicativity. Though these features often do coincide, they are nevertheless independent of each other: a QI may be predicative and/or have a verb but fail to refer to utterance meaning, just as it can convey this meaning but lack the structure of a canonical verbal clause. In order to establish the figures for semantic event reference, I determined the sum of all those QI-tokens whose predicate nucleus was a generic speech verb, specific speech verb, sound verb, or quote-referring non-speech verb of perception and cognition. All these verbs can be characterized as inherently referring in a wider sense to some state of affairs involving a represented text, either as actual speech or as internal cognition. The resulting figures are compared with the QI-total in Table 17. This data summary corroborates what has been indicated repeatedly in the previous discussion. If (as is the case) there are only 19 sample languages which in more than half of the token total actually refer to the relevant state or event, but at the same time nine languages where the corresponding figure is 10% or less, then this semantic feature clearly cannot be a defining criterion of the QI as an expression type. One important factor for the possible lack of event reference in a QI can be identified in the nature of a DRD-construction as a whole. The presence of the quote as the one essential part of RD, and the fact of its representation by means of specific suprasegmental, propositional, referential, and morphosyntactic properties, always make it clear that the entire structure relates semantically to human linguistic behavior in the form of speech or cognition. From this perspective, the occurrence of a speech verb in the QI can even be viewed as tautological to some extent. This is quite parallel to the semantically dispensable use of a performative verb before an utterance which realizes the corresponding illocutionary act, as in (61)

I ask you again, where did you get these forged bank notes?

Normal RD only differs from this and similar expressions in that the reporter, uttering both the QI and the quote, is pragmatically never the same as the SP who executes the illocutionary act conveyed by the quote. The general fact that a semantically specific event representation is a dispensable feature of a QI will be motivated in detail in Section 2.5, where I argue that such representation is often not the QI's central function.

2.3 The participants in the state of affairs 103

2.3 The participants in the state of affairs The major speech event participants referred to in a QI were identified in Section 1.2.2 as the SP and the AD. Like any other nominal referents, these can be encoded by a noun phrase, a noun, a pronoun or a bound crossreference marker on the predicate. Whenever any of these devices is found in the domain of a QI, this is counted as representing an overt SP- or ADreferent. In certain cases, the relevant nominal may have to be sought in another clause, namely when the QI is constructed as a dependent clause (see Section 3.5.1 on QIs in clause linkage) and therefore may not need separate encoding of a given participant according to the language's principles of reference tracking. It also occurs in some languages that the expression of certain participants may be systematically omitted in some discourse environments (e.g., thematic 3rd-person singular subjects in Ik, Murle, and Anywa) because the reference can be recovered from the context. As far as this concerns QIs, this will also be counted as the presence of SP-encoding. The person and number category of the nominal referent and its syntactic role were also recorded for all SP- and AD-tokens encountered. 2.3.1

The speaker

The figures for SP-encoding are given in Table 18. According to these data, the proportion of QIs that explicitly refer to the SP is generally high: in a large majority of the languages more than 90% of the tokens have a SP-index. This result corroborates previous findings of scholars working on other languages (cf., e.g., Ware (1993: 168-9) for English fiction), although not to the extent indicated by Wiesemann (1984: 31), namely that “direct quotes without speaker identification do not seem to exist.” Two major reasons can be offered for why the SP is made explicit in QIs to the extent found in the sample data. First, the SP is the agent of the event communicated by the QI. Second and perhaps more importantly, the SP is the mental source of the quote and represents the different center of consciousness, the alien ego (in self-quoting, of course, only pragmatically), from which the reporter seeks to distance her/himself in the ongoing discourse.

104 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 18. Speaker encoding in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137 9 48

SP-encoding total in % 123 100 189 95 88 99 21 100 21 100 15 100 85 99 126 100 134 98 99 99 59 84 27 100 64 100 60 98 82 72 117 85 99 71 71 99 116 98 126 100 102 53 45 90 119 93 199 100 181 100 48 89 12 100 10 62 50 98 16 100 46 98 23 26 84 99 24 96 10 100 27 100 137 100 9 100 48 100

2.3 The participants in the state of affairs 105

There are five languages in the sample (Khoekhoe, Taa, Burunge, Donno S , and Waja) where more than a quarter of the QI tokens lack SP information. In two of them such QIs reach half or more of the token total, namely Burunge (47%) and Waja (74%). This relatively frequent absence of SP-reference in these languages correlates with the existence and frequent employment of QI-types where the presence of a highly grammaticalized quotative makes all other QI-elements dispensable. These are QI3/4 in Burunge and QI3 in Waja. In the case of Waja, an additional factor for SPomission is the fact that the quotative does index at least a SP-distinction of 3rd-person vs. speech-act participant. There is also, however, at least one general factor countering the strong preference for expression of the SP. As discussed, for example, by Koontz (1976/7: 118-20) for Teribe, the SP is normally the central character in a given discourse context and as such is at that point in control of events. This often has the formal correlate that such a participant tends to assume the minimum form of reference, and in some languages this is zero expression. It should thus be investigated in the future whether recurrent SP-absence goes hand in hand with such a formal property of the language. Another empirical observation obtaining across the corpora surveyed in this study is that the SP displays a high degree of homogeneity regarding its person and number category: it is predominantly 3rd-person singular. The relevant data are presented in Table 19: the second and third columns give the figures for tokens with 3rd-person SPs, and the last two columns for SPs with singular number. While the bias toward singular number might well be a more general phenomenon (cf. Cameron (1998: 61-2) for Puerto Rican Spanish), the strong bias toward 3rd person is to a large extent an artifact of the nature of the text corpora, which are mostly constituted by fictional or historical narratives. In such texts, the protagonists spoken about are mostly characters who are neither the reporter nor the audience. SPs of other personal categories, viz. 1st and 2nd person, are likely to be restricted to QIs associated with embedded secondary quotations. Other text types can be expected to display a greater variety of SP-categories (see, e.g., Cameron (1998: 61-2) for the higher incidence of 1st-person SPs in personal narratives in Puerto Rican Spanish). This consideration corresponds to the fact that for some languages deviating from the general trend the text corpus does indeed have a different profile. Thus, the large number of tokens with non-3rd-person SPs in Koyra Chiini (34%), Taa (42%), and Supyire (25%) is due to their having a relatively high proportion of QI-tokens from personal narratives, dialogues, interviews, expository texts, etc.

106 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 19. Categories of speaker encoding in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

SP-encoding total 123 189 88 21 21 15 85 126 134 99 59 27 64 60 82 117 99 71 116 126 102 45 119 199 181 48 12 10 50 16 46 23 84 24 10 27 137 9 48

3rd-person SP total in % 81 66 183 97 75 85 20 95 21 100 15 100 85 100 124 98 134 100 97 98 59 100 27 100 64 100 51 85 78 95 107 91 57 58 71 100 111 96 126 100 91 89 43 96 116 97 192 97 180 100 46 96 11 92 10 100 46 92 12 75 46 100 23 100 83 99 22 92 7 70 26 96 132 96 8 89 47 98

Singular SP total in % 116 94 152 80 77 92 19 90 15 72 15 100 78 92 101 80 125 93 90 91 46 78 26 96 61 95 40 67 70 85 90 77 74 75 50 70 93 81 121 96 86 87 34 76 101 85 187 94 163 90 42 88 12 100 4 40 40 80 16 100 43 93 22 97 82 98 19 79 6 60 24 89 120 88 9 100 44 92

2.3 The participants in the state of affairs 107

It should be recognized in this respect that certain discourse types have been reported in some languages to exhibit their own typical RDconstruction involving a non-3rd-person SP as an essential ingredient. Such a situation can hold, for example, for personal narratives, as has been studied in detail under the label "self-quotation" by Falk (1991) and Ely & McCabe (1993) for English, Maynard (1996) for Japanese, and Golato (2002) for German. In Bariba, Pike (1968: 169) made another interesting observation regarding the person category of QI-constituents: only in non-DRD can the the SP, and for that matter also the AD (called by him "audience", as opposed to the present terminology), be 2nd person. A 2nd person in the QI refers to the reporter's interlocutor, in my terminology the RD-audience; at the same time, especially in factive contexts, this referent is likely to have access to the original speech event or internal cognitive state. Under these circumstances, it turns out to be a marked situation that a reporter should relate/reproduce discourse to such a person in direct style. Furthermore, it seems to be strongly dispreferred generally to refer to immediate speechact participants, here reporter and audience, by means of deictics other than 1st and 2nd person. The interfering perspective of the reporter in non-DRD would not counter this tendency: his/her interlocutor a.k.a. RD-audience would be encoded as a 2nd person in the QI and, if relevant, also the quote. In DRD, however, the different deictic perspective in the quote would often imply that this referent would not be expressed there as a 2nd person, resulting in a non-canonical use of deixis for a speech-act participant. These factors can be held responsible for the absence of 2nd persons in QIs with DRD in Bariba. Since these reasons apply in general, it can be expected that this avoidance would also hold for other languages (cf. Cameron (1998: 61) for the scarcity of 2nd-person SPs in Puerto Rican Spanish). If so, there would be an additional factor contributing to the overall dominance of 3rd-person SPs (and ADs) in the present survey of DRDconstructions. Whatever the reason, the existence of a statistically unmarked personnumber category of the SP-referent is notable. Such a high frequency of use can readily trigger phenomena of overgeneralization which may ultimately result in a highly conventionalized and less variable QI. Relevant examples are the apparent routinization of English says (McCarthy 1998: 166) as well as French il dit [idi:] 'he says' (Haßler 2002: 150-1) and Irish (a)deir sé 'says he' (Wigger 1997: 992-9), which are found to be used for a non-3rd person and non-masculine SP-referent, respectively, despite their grammatical form.

108 The internal structure of quotative indexes For the record, no RD-specific manipulation of the person category of the SP for stylistic purposes was found in the sample. This does occur in other languages; I refer to the phenomenon identified by Jones (1992) in Homeric Greek, whereby a pronoun switch from 3rd to 2nd person in QIs associated with quotes of a particular story character serves systematically to increase the vividness of narration and marks a particularly "dramatic moment". A similar behavior of pronominal reference is attested in the sample, namely a switch to 2nd person in Ik (Serzisko f.n.) and a switch to 1st person in Taa (Traill p.c.). However, these are phenomena of narrative in general, not specifically of RD; they thus affect RD referred to by a QI just like any other highlighted event. The SP-referent almost always has the syntactic function of the clause subject. There are so few exceptions to this trend that no figures are given here. Very occasionally, the SP is found to be encoded as an agentive noun phrase of a passive clause. Even less frequent is the case where the SP appears only as the object noun phrase of an auditory perception verb. The exception of QI2 in Hausa displaying this property systematically has already been mentioned in Section 2.2.5. Unfortunately, no information could be obtained with respect to the discourse distribution of this seemingly idiomatic QI-type. Other theoretically possible roles of the SPnominal are not encountered at all. For example, there are no tokens with the SP appearing as the possessor of a nominal structure referring to speech (see Section 2.2.1 for such cases attested in the crosslinguistic literature). 2.3.2

The addressee

The picture regarding the frequency of AD-encoding is strikingly different. Table 20 shows that ADs are far more rarely expressed in QIs than are SPs - an observation which has been made in other languages (cf. Ware (1993: 166-7) for English fiction). There are only four languages (Tamajeq, Kisi, Birom, Tikar) where three-quarters or more of the token total displays an AD-reference. In a further eight languages (Koyra Chiini, Ngiti, Ngambay, Murle, Ju|'hoan, Tigre, Mandinka, Donno S ), an AD appears in about half of the tokens. The remaining languages, representing by far the largest group in the sample, have an AD in around a third or less of the token total. In Hadza, Sandawe, and Waja, the percentage drops to less than 5%. The frequent lack of reference to the AD is perhaps the least surprising absence in QIs. The present definition of RD implies that the AD is in principle irrelevant, or at least unlikely to occur, in a number of subtypes like internal speech, general announcements, exclamations, etc.

2.3 The participants in the state of affairs 109 Table 20. Addressee encoding in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137 9 48

AD-encoding total in % 63 51 39 20 30 34 2 10 2 10 7 47 45 52 46 36 30 22 60 60 13 18 6 22 2 3 1 2 10 8 84 61 45 32 39 54 95 80 36 28 24 12 10 20 22 17 13 6 83 46 13 24 10 83 9 56 7 14 5 31 7 15 4 4 7 8 6 25 1 10 9 33 105 77 7 77 4 8

110 The internal structure of quotative indexes In certain contexts the notion of an AD is indeed relevant but its explicit mention may be dispensable. Thus, in the dominant text type of this study, viz. narratives, the storyline often depicts the interaction of two participants. In such a configuration, the AD will be referentially clear as soon as the SP is encoded; and, as noted above, normally SPs are indeed directly accessible in the QI. The contextual availability of the AD, and thus the dispensability of its encoding, hold to an even greater extent in the case of dialogues, which constitute a particularly frequent context of DRD (see Section 3.5.2). Recall, however, the discussion in Section 2.3.1 on the possible inverse correlation between the centrality of a discourse character and the quantity of linguistic material used for its encoding. As opposed to the SP, one would expect the AD to be the less central participant in a given discourse context, and this might actually favor its formal expression. In other words, referential accessibility is to a certain extent an equivocal explanation for the presence or absence of AD-encoding in QIs. At least in some languages, there seems to be a structural factor for the presence of an AD, namely the presence vs. absence of a verb. As mentioned in Section 2.1.1, the corpora of Burunge, Kera, Waja, and Ngbaka Ma'bo show a correlation between verbal predicativity of QIs and the presence of an AD in that the latter requires a verb, so that the figures for verbal predicativity and AD-encoding are always comparatively low. In Burunge, for example, verbless QI2-4 are never found to include a reference to the AD while verbal QI1 and QI5 (illustrated here) can encode this participant. sa daw 'ina bee {...} (62) kwa/i hi-gi kaahi hare 3S-SEQ say-3M.S:PFV for elephant 3M.S Q Der Hase sprach zum Elefanten: "... [the hare said to the elephant] (Kießling 1994: 227) Looking at the entire sample, a more general observation can be made: virtually all languages with a low frequency of predicative QIs also display a low incidence of AD-encoding. This can be motivated by the assumption that many languages do not allow the encoding of a non-agent role without a controlling verb; hence, frequent use of verbless QIs is associated with rarity of an AD. Since this encoding restriction does not hold for agents, the expression of SPs in a QI is not affected by the predicativity parameter. There is one exception to the above correlation: Donno S often has non-predicative QIs, but still shows a relatively high figure for AD-

2.3 The participants in the state of affairs 111

expression. This is clearly related to a peculiarity of this language in having a special postposition wa 'to' which is reserved for the marking of an AD in a QI (Kervran & Prost 1986: 130-1). Indeed, sometimes such an adpositional phrase is the only QI-constituent. (63) wo wa {...} 3S AD (le chat) lui dit: ... [lit.: to him] (Kervran & Prost 1986: 173) In some languages, the AD participant itself is not expressed but its presence is indexed by a segmental marker. Such QIs are not counted here as AD-encoding. This phenomenon is found in Fur with the transitive enclitic -s(i), in Murle with the valency-increasing verb suffix -k, and in Dongola with the verb suffixes marking benefactives -tir and plural objects -ir. Such "indexing without marking" is illustrated in (64) for Fur, where it is particularly frequent (12 of 21 QI-tokens). Note that the valency-increasing marker -s(i) (glossed TR) is not necessarily attached to the predicate. (64) tòòrò nama-s in kùa {...} hyena then-TR this 3S:say:PST So hyena asked him: ... (Jakobi 1990: 126) With the reservation that the percentages are based on generally lower token totals, AD-encoding is quite similar to that of SPs in the clear dominance of 3rd-person singular referents. Table 21 gives the relevant data, in the second and third columns for 3rd-person ADs and in the last two columns for singular ADs. The motivation for this bias is analogous to that given for SP-encoding in Section 2.3.1 and will not be repeated here. Finally, there is also a clear dominance of a certain syntactic status of the AD, namely that it is an oblique constituent (which means here nondirect object). This is shown in Table 22, with oblique ADs strongly dominant (>70%) in 21 languages. Seven languages display different degrees of mixture between oblique and object-like AD-marking: Krongo, Tigre, Burunge, Kera, Izon, Supyire, Koromfe. Only in eight languages is the frequency of oblique ADs under 15%: Ngambay, Murle, Khoekhoe, Ju|'hoan, Kisi, Waja, Igbo, and Birom. The status of the transitive suffix -s(i) of Fur as a marker of direct vs. oblique objects cannot be determined on the basis of the two AD-tokens found in the Fur corpus. The same applies to the nominal enclitics -s"#@ of Kunama and -gi of Dongola because these grams are explicitly said to be used for both direct and indirect objects.

112 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 21. Categories of addressee encoding in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

AD-encoding total 63 39 30 2 2 7 45 46 30 60 13 6 2 1 10 84 45 39 95 36 24 10 22 13 83 13 10 9 7 5 7 4 7 6 1 9 105 7 4

3rd-person AD total in % 40 63 34 87 22 73 2 100 2 100 7 100 45 100 46 100 28 93 59 98 13 100 6 100 2 100 1 100 9 90 68 81 25 56 36 92 95 100 35 99 22 92 10 100 22 100 12 91 83 100 13 100 9 90 9 100 7 100 5 100 7 100 4 100 7 100 5 83 0 0 7 78 104 99 6 86 4 100

Singular AD total in % 56 89 33 86 23 77 2 100 2 100 6 86 34 76 40 87 29 97 57 95 6 46 6 100 2 100 1 100 10 100 60 71 41 91 31 80 74 78 34 98 12 50 10 100 21 95 13 100 75 90 11 85 10 100 5 55 7 100 5 100 7 100 2 50 5 71 6 100 1 100 9 100 87 83 6 86 4 100

2.3 The participants in the state of affairs 113 Table 22. Oblique addressee encoding in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

AD-encoding total 63 39 30 2 2 7 45 46 30 60 13 6 2 1 10 84 45 39 95 36 24 10 22 13 83 13 10 9 7 5 7 4 7 6 1 9 105 7 4

Oblique AD total in % 63 100 39 100 30 100 2 100 0 0 5 71 4 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 92 4 67 2 100 1 100 1 10 0 0 44 98 11 28 93 98 32 89 10 42 3 30 21 95 11 85 83 100 7 54 0 0 9 100 7 100 2 40 4 57 0 0 5 71 6 100 1 100 1 11 2 2 6 86 4 100

114 The internal structure of quotative indexes Given that the type of AD-encoding is a function of the valency properties of the predicate, the high incidence of oblique marking in the sample data leads to the conclusion that the majority of QI-verbs used do not have an inherent valency slot for this role. This was discussed in connection with the features of quotative and generic speech verbs in Sections 2.2.2 and 2.2.3. The data do not allow any general conclusion regarding the behavior of specific speech verbs. On the basis of the available data, they display the whole range of transitivity behavior, with control of the AD as a direct object being more common. For example, verbs meaning 'ask' or 'call' are almost always AD-transitive in the sample. In some languages one and the same verb can be associated with different AD-marking depending on whether the referent is crossreferenced pronominally on the verb itself or is expressed by means of a noun. An AD in a Tigre QI with bela 'say' is encoded by role-neutral pronominal verb affixes or in an oblique noun phrase with the preposition '´g´l. A similar situation holds with the quotative verbs in Nguni where unmarked object affixes contrast with a nominal AD marked by the locative prefix ku-. A seemingly reversed picture emerges from the description of Kera: the tone of the pronominal AD-suffix on wáaté 'say' identifies the AD as an indirect participant (Ebert 1979: 207), but a nominal AD is hardly ever found with an expected oblique preposition. It remains unclear whether these phenomena are due to the general nature of verbal object marking in the languages in question or are a special feature of particular verbs. Future research must address this issue systematically, examining the distinction of nominal vs. pronominal ADs as well as of ADs encoded in a noun phrase vs. those crossreferenced on the verb. Oblique marking is achieved primarily by adpositions and relational grams hosted by the AD-nominal. Postpositions are represented in the data by Koyra Chiini se, Aiki gá, Ngiti nì and t $, Bedauye de(ha@#y, Mandinka ye, Donno S wa, Kouya yàlà, Supyire à, and Koromfe nE. AD-markers which are final and bound to the nominal host are the indirect-object suffix -rò of Kanuri, the dative case suffix of Ik -ie/-ike, and the locative enclitic -ts'i of Sandawe. Prepositions are found with Ngambay s´$, Anywa jì, Tigre '´g´l, Burunge sa, Lamang má (ndà with pronominal AD), Hausa wa (ma- with pronominal AD), Ngbaka Ma'bo 'bo#, Ewe na, and Tikar lE. Preposed markers attached to the AD-nominal are the dative case prefix À- of Krongo and the locative prefix ku- of Nguni. In Hadza, there are only 2 AD-tokens expressed by oblique pronoun forms. The Tamajeq data only display ADs crossreferenced as obliques on the verb.

2.3 The participants in the state of affairs 115

In a serial-verb construction the AD can be controlled by a non-speech verb whose function is to indicate oblique marking. This is found in Taa regularly with saV 'come' as in (65), in Izon with piri` 'give' and di`a 'show' as in (66), and in the only AD-token in the Yoruba data with fún 'give' (67). (65) /îi tê èh sá-e té'e) {...} then 3S come-3S QV and then he said to him, '... [lit.: then he came to him saying] (Traill ms.) bara gba kí`mi` dì`a-dó`u` (66) erí mú-ni {áru` yò`u`Ni`} 3S go-CLCO {paddle canoe} COMP say man show-PERF he has gone and told the man to paddle the canoe. (Williamson 1965: 65) fún mi pé {...} (67) màmá mi á so` mother 1S IRR speak give 1S Q My mother would tell me '... (Bamgbos`e 1966: 167) In some languages, the AD is promoted to a direct object via a valencyincreasing operation which is mostly a derivational process on the verb itself. This is most productive with generic speechs verbs (see Section 2.2.3) and accounts for the low frequency of oblique ADs in Murle, Khoekhoe, and Kisi. The illustrative pair of examples in (68) is from Kisi. (68) a. mí cùìN dímì àà {...} SEQ goat say Q Goat then said, "... (Childs 1995: 326) ndú àà {...} b. t @kp $ @ dìmùl baboon say:BEN 3S Q Baboon replies, "... (ibid.: 325) There are only few languages which make frequent use of a QI-verb that generally controls the AD as a direct object. These are, with the relevant verbs in parentheses: Ngambay (ùlà, ìlà), Ju|'hoan (!óá), Waja (sa), Igbo (si`), and Birom (yaN). In Krongo, Burunge, Kera, Izon, Supyire, and Koromfe, the AD-marking alternates in the corpora between neutral encoding with certain transitive speech verbs and oblique devices with others.

116 The internal structure of quotative indexes 2.3.3

Participant reference as the only quote-index element

Under certain circumstances QIs can consist of nothing but a nominal referring to a participant in the reported speech event. This is generally the SP, but it is also possible that the AD is encoded in addition or exclusively. Such QIs are also found in quite a few sample languages as an occasional, non-systematic phenomenon which is mostly restricted in the available data to DRD (proportions higher than 5% in parentheses): Kanuri15 (8%), Ik, Kunama, Dongola (10%), Khoekhoe, Tigre, Bedauye, Burunge, Lamang, Mandinka, Koromfe. Compare the following examples: (69)

Kanuri mai-ye {...} king-SBJ The king asked "... (Geider ms.)

(70) bultu-ro {...} hyena-OBL And she told the hyena "... (Geider ms.) (71)

Kunama # gàmba-s"# {...} báddi ína n*on*e@na then DEM frog:DET lizard-OBJ Nun sprach der Frosch zur Eidechse: '... [then the frog to lizard] (Reinisch 1881-90,1: 172)

(72)

Khoekhoe o-b ge nau-b-a {...} then-3M.S.SBJ DECL that-3M.S-DSBJ then that one said, '... (Haacke f.n.)

(73)

Lamang na s´@m-à-tàN gùléN {...} then all-POSS-3P again All of them said, "... (Wolff 1994: 333)

15 In Kanuri's closest relative Tubu, verbless QIs consisting only of a SP- and/or an oblique AD-nominal are described by Lukas (1953: 177-8) as a major type.

2.3 The participants in the state of affairs 117

(74)

Mandinka moo-wo-moo {...} everybody everybody: "... (Pfeiffer (ed.) 1997: 33)

In a few sample languages, this is reported as a regular construction or even as an actual QI-type. In Donno S both the corpus data and the information given by Culy (1994: 117) indicate that DRD (as compared to IRD) is often characterized by the absence of a QI-predicate. This leaves the nominals referring to the SP and/or the AD as the only indices of the following quote. Such non-clausal structures will be subsumed here under a separate language-specific type, namely QI2. This strategy has become even more grammaticalized in Tikar. The essential element in QI3 of this language is a quotative pronoun coreferencing a 3rd-person SP and called by Stanley (1982: 32) "anaphoric particle". The entire quote-indexing structure often consists only of this element, because the invariable quotative lE@ as well as the SP-nominal can be absent. Since the quotative pronouns are recruited from a functionally versatile series which also serves to express a logophoric subject in the quote, it can come to a sequence of the same pronoun form in non-DRD, as is shown in (75). {nu) tšiâ byEbi} (75) nu) 1Q.PRO {1LOG did badly} He (said) he has acted badly [non-DRD] (Jackson 1987: 105) In the crosslinguistic literature on RD, this type of QI-structure is rarely reported, whether occurring in an individual language only occasionally or more regularly. Nevertheless, the data from the present African survey as well as observations made in other geographical areas (see Tietze (1959: 99-100) for Turkish, Cameron (1998) for spoken Puerto Rican Spanish, Zuckermann (2006: 477-8) for Modern Hebrew, W. McGregor (p.c.) for such Australian languages as Warrwa and Kija, and Ware (1993: 163) for English prose) suggest that it is a phenomenon to be reckoned with in many more languages. In general it reiterates the important finding from Sections 2.1 and 2.2 that a QI need not involve the linguistic instantiation of a predicative event description, neither from a morphosyntactic nor a semantic perspective.

118 The internal structure of quotative indexes 2.4 Quote orientation The previous sections have dealt with the components of a QI that would be expected to occur if the QI were assumed to be primarily the simple representation of a speech event or a cognitive state attributed to some referent. The results indicate that this assumption cannot be upheld. This central finding will be strengthened even more in the following discussion. It has already been mentioned that QIs can also contain elements whose occurrence would not be predicted on a purely semantic approach. This section treats a specific class of such items and their implications for the general characterization of QIs. That is, a QI cannot be reduced functionally to conveying a certain state of affairs, but should also, or even primarily, be seen as a linguistic device that the reporter uses to orient the audience toward the presence of the quoted text. 2.4.1

Monoclausal vs. bipartite quotative indexes

The pair of examples below from Mandinka present a contrast between a construction where such an additional QI-element is absent and one where it is present. A QI like that in (76)a., which is constituted only by a speech predicate with its participants, will be called from now on a MONOCLAUSAL QI. A QI configuration comparable to that in (76)b., where the QI contains in addition to the predicatively asserted speech event the seemingly tautological quotative verb ko, will be called here a BIPARTITE QI, and the phenomenon as a whole will be called PARTITION. (76) a. i be kuma la {...} 3P COP speak LOC they were sounding, "... (Pfeiffer (ed.) 1997: 39) b. i be a fo la ko {...} 3P COP ATC.PRO say LOC QV They were saying: "... (ibid.: 26) The existence of a bipartite structure alongside a monoclausal QI is also reported by Kammerzell & Peust (2002: 302) for Old Egyptian: Sporadically, an inflected form of j- 'say' [possibly rather a quotative verb, cf. Section 2.1.3] is inserted into direct speech, which is preceded by dd[the generic speech verb 'say']. Whether this fairly tautological aggregation of quotation signals reflects actual usage of spoken Old Egyptian or should

2.4 Quote orientation 119 rather be considered a specific device of certain religious texts, cannot be decided. Be that as it may, ... cases of double quotation index ... display a diction that is repetitive to some extent not only in respect of embedding marks.

(77) wjj Rc(w) nw rf dd-n-k Rc(w) EXCL PN DEI ? say:REL-PST-2M.S PN j-t-tw Rc(w) {h8wj z3(j)} {be it that my son} QV:STAT-2M.S-you.M.S PN {b3j shÌmj w3š-j} {is besouled, is mighty, is strong} O Re, this is just what you, Re, have said: "Be it that my son", so you, Re, say, "is besouled, is mighty, and is strong!" (Kammerzell & Peust 2002: 302) The crosslinguistic data to be presented below will show that such a "double quotation index" is frequent in African languages as well as in languages of other geographical areas, so that the phenomenon in Old Egyptian need not be idiomatic and specific to a particular text genre but could well represent a variation on a universal theme. Table 23 displays the frequency of QI-partition in the text corpora. The data show that languages differ considerably in the extent to which they employ such QIs. There are only 5 languages, namely Hadza, Tamajeq, Lamang, Donno S , and Kouya, where such structures are not found at all in the available data on DRD. A second group of languages have a low incidence of such QIs (not higher than 25% of the total): Koyra Chiini, Kanuri, Ik, Aiki, Fur, Kunama, Dongola, Sandawe, Taa, Tigre, Bedauye, Burunge, Hausa, Waja, Ngbaka Ma'bo, Yoruba, Birom, and Nguni. A moderate frequency of QI-partition (30-70% of the total) is found in Ngiti, Ju|'hoan, Kera, Mandinka, Izon, Supyire, Koromfe, Ewe, and Igbo. Finally, in Ngambay, Murle, Anywa, Krongo, Khoekhoe, Kisi, and Tikar more than 75% of all tokens have such a structure. Altogether, 34 of the 39 languages display the phenomenon in some form or other. There are various factors contributing to the different reliance of languages on bipartite QIs. One such factor is inherent to the definition of QIpartition. It requires the presence of a predicate; consequently, languages which make frequent use of non-predicative QIs are likely to show a fairly low frequency of bipartite QIs. This is indeed the case with Hadza, Sandawe, Burunge, Kera, Lamang, Donno S , Waja, and Ngbaka Ma'bo. Other contributing factors will be discussed further below.

120 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 23. Bipartite QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137 9 48

Bipartite QI total in % 14 11 20 10 14 16 2 10 2 10 6 40 72 84 4 3 16 12 84 84 57 81 21 78 0 0 5 8 105 90 91 66 33 24 6 8 0 0 6 5 10 5 15 30 0 0 11 6 61 34 25 46 10 83 0 0 0 0 7 44 30 64 8 9 8 9 14 56 1 10 13 48 2 1 9 100 10 21

2.4 Quote orientation 121

Bipartite QIs are realized in the great majority of cases by the addition of a highly routinized element. In order to be recognized as a member of this element type, a linguistic form is required to display two features: (1) it must cooccur regularly in the QI with a speech verb or an equivalent item and (2) it must have a position adjacent to or within the quote.16 (The possibility that it is not accompanied by a predicative nucleus but nevertheless qualifies as belonging to this class will be examined in Section 2.4.6.) The second criterion is meant to exclude cases where an element regularly cooccurs with the QI-predicate, but is detached from the quote. Such a situation is found, for example, in the verb-final language Aiki. In all RDconstructions of QI1 where the QI precedes the quote and has the quotative verb ir as its nucleus, the manner deictic káá 'thus' occurs before the quotative verb: [káá - ir - quote]. While káá appears to be regular in this context and could thus be viewed as inherent to the QI, the verb intervenes between it and the quote. This indicates that káá is not tied to the RD-construction as a whole, but rather is due to the requirement that transitive ir must be preceded by an element referring to the quote, in parallelism to an objectverb phrase. Indeed, if the quote itself precedes ir, káá is no longer found. There are a few cases where a candidate element for establishing a bipartite QI is even more on the borderline, as in postposed QIs of the sample languages Taa and Izon. Compare the following pair of examples from Izon, both involving the same element mo` (in a different orthography mo). eréin (78) a. {...} mó kumò tun-yémi eréin duo mu-nì Q just sing-PRS day from go-CLCO day ...' - just so they were singing from day to day. (Williamson f.n.) b. {...} wó mo` gbà-eé 1P Q say-HORT ...' - let us say so! (Williamson 1965: 83) While mo` in both sentences is closer to the quote than the speech predicate, a SP-nominal still precedes it in (78)b., thus intervening between mo` and the quote. For the sake of consistency, constructions involving an ele-

16 E. Schultze-Berndt (p.c.) rightly points out that the prosodic coherence of the element with the remainder of the RD-construction is an important subcriterion in connection with the first parameter. In the available data, I had to rely in this respect on circumstantial evidence from the orthographical representation.

122 The internal structure of quotative indexes ment like mo` are not counted here as bipartite, even in those instances where the element follows the quote immediately, as does mo` in (78)a. The items that can form bipartite QIs are categorially diverse, the particular choice depending on the typological makeup of a language and the grammaticalization history of its QIs. Three major subtypes can be distinguished on the basis of different morphosyntactic and semantic properties: (1) (2) (3)

Grammaticalized quotatives Proforms referring cataphorically or anaphorically to the quote Verb copies

2.4.2

Quotatives

As introduced in Section 1.2.2, the first group, called quotatives (short for quotative markers), are grammaticalized function words which have become dedicated markers of RD. The development of this function is often associated with the fact that such items have become opaque with respect to their etymological origin so that it is an issue of linguistic reconstruction to determine the morphosyntactic and semantic input before grammaticalization. As also mentioned in Section 1.2.2, the quotatives at issue here are functionally highly comparable with what I call quotative verbs: both do not by themselves convey world-referring meaning but rather are of grammatical import in being dedicated devices for indexing the presence of RD. The difference between the two is of a morphosyntactic nature. Quotative verbs mimic the way a state of affairs is normally encoded in a language and thus give the QI a "verby" flavor of event representation. As opposed to that, non-verbal quotatives do not have this aspect of "pretense"; they formally reflect more closely their purely grammatical function. The following examples illustrate such markers and show that they can appear at various positions in the RD-construction: ní in (79) from Anywa occurs before the quote, while ti in (80) from Khoekhoe occurs after it. ní {...} (79) E#n-a#-kòó 3S-PST-say Q He said: "... (Reh 1996: 499) (80) o-s ge {...} ti mî then-3F.S.SBJ DECL Q say Und sie sagte: "... [and she said] (Schmidt 1994: 134)

2.4 Quote orientation 123

If one were to consider quotatives only from a semantic-functional aspect, an item like, for example, Mandinka ko (discussed previously) could be included in this class. However, I will add another criterion for quotatives of the type discussed here, namely that they must not be assignable to a lexical category reserved predominantly for content words such as verbs and nouns. That is, the plain term QUOTATIVE will mostly refer here to grams which are normally free particle-like function words, less frequently clitics or affixes. Therefore, Mandinka ko, which is commonly analyzed as a verb, falls outside this class and will be treated in the appropriate Section 2.4.4 as an instance of "verb copy". Although the decision to assign an item in this syntactic slot to one or the other class is sometimes rather arbitrary, it is methodologically unavoidable in a crosslinguistic study. First, such an either-or choice is normally made in the grammatical description of a language, although analyses across languages are not always comparable and cannot be standardized here conclusively. Second, there are clear differences between languages as to whether an element specialized for use in QIs is an uninflected function word or a verbal lexeme. Table 24. Bipartite QIs by means of quotatives across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Ik Fur Ngambay Anywa Krongo Sandawe Khoekhoe Burunge Kera Izon Kisi Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Yoruba Birom

Bipartite QI total 14 14 2 72 57 21 5 105 10 15 25 10 7 30 8 8 1 2

Quotative total in % 14 100 11 79 2 100 24 33 56 98 21 100 5 100 105 100 10 100 15 100 21 84 10 100 3 43 30 100 7 88 8 100 1 100 1 50

124 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 24 gives the statistical data regarding bipartite QIs with quotatives. Of the 34 sample languages having bipartite QIs, 18 possess such an element. The items involved are Koyra Chiini kaa (ne), Ik taa, Fur al, Ngambay nà, Anywa ní, Krongo àní, Sandawe ká'`, Khoekhoe ti, Burunge bee, tuba, and ta, Kera míntí, Izon ámè`e`, Kisi àà, Supyire na, Koromfe ke, Waja k´n/m´n, Ngbaka Ma'bo 'bo#, Yoruba pé, and Birom w @k . The etymological origin of some of these will be discussed in Section 5.1. 2.4.3

Quote proforms

The common denominator of the second group of elements establishing a bipartite QI is that they refer semantically to the speech content of the quote, hence the label PROFORM. They are drawn from lexical items which are still recognizable in the language as abstract nouns, deictics, or other pronominals. The following examples show a deictic element bè 'thus' in Ngambay (81), a noun phrase gi co 'this thing' in Murle (82), and a noun meaning kx'éí-hE$ 'manner' in ||Ani (83). d´@ bè {...} (81) dáà ìla# then respond:3S to.that thus alors il répond à cela ainsi: "... (Vandame 1963: 177) nyEl Nina gi co {...} (82) odoma dorooN i-jinun then tiang PFV-ask:? frog here thing this The tiang asked the frog, "... (Arensen 1992: 310) mí-tè kx'éí-hE$ {...} (83) tínù po( then jackal say-PRS manner-F.S Then the jackal says: ... (Heine 1999a: 79) Sometimes, such proforms appear to syntactically saturate the valency of a transitive speech verb. However, this is hardly an essential feature of this class of items, because their appearance in QIs does not depend regularly on the predicate's transitivity, and some such elements - for example, those referring to manner - are not direct objects of the verb. Items referring to manner in fact constitute the most frequent type of quote proforms in the sample data. Isolated instances are Murle gi co 'this thing', Anywa E@nn @ 'thus', Waja nyIna 'thus', and Birom NE$n 'thus'. Ngambay bè 'thus' and

2.4 Quote orientation 125

Izon e`be` bara 'this way' are encountered more regularly. Items which are used very frequently in QIs are Murle nE 'thus' and Tikar lE@ 'thus'. Another argument for disregarding the syntactic function of the proform in the QI-clause is that the quotative usage focused on here is in principle independent of such a role. This becomes clear when it is recognized that the syntactic and quotative functions can be encoded separately, as shown in the following examples. In (84) from Ak se, a pronominal nE@n 'thus, this' referring to the quote is followed by a person-inflected quotative. In (85) from Ngiti, the abstract noun dhu 'thing' refers to the speech content, but it is separated from the quote by two QI-constituents: an AD-nominal and a sequential form of the quotative verb ti. b´@ nE@n bán {...} (84) bé-láNgé 3P-tell:PST 3P.OBJ like.this 3P.Q They said to them, "... (Hedinger 1984: 89) dhu kà-t $ ndà-ti {...} (85) ní kà-tsánà ná#-dù so 3S-mother RES:NAR-answer thing 3S-to 3S.SS:SEQ-QV His mother answered him: ... (Kutsch Lojenga 1994: 414) Items like nE@n in (84) or dhu in (85) are semantically quote proforms but are positionally detached from the quote. However, to count as an element that establishes a bipartite QI, the item is required to occur adjacent to the quote. On these grounds, proforms like those in (84) and (85) are not considered here and will be treated in more detail only in Section 3.1.2. As shown in Table 25, proforms according to the above criteria were only encountered in Ngambay, Murle, Anywa, Izon, Waja, Birom, and Tikar, and there with highly variable frequency. Table 25. Bipartite QIs by means of quote proforms across the language sample Language Ngambay Murle Anywa Izon Waja Birom Tikar

Bipartite QI total 72 84 57 25 8 2 9

Quote proform total in % 5 7 77 92 1 2 4 16 1 12 1 50 9 100

126 The internal structure of quotative indexes 2.4.4

Verb copies

The appearance of the Ngiti item ndàti in (85) provides a useful transition to the discussion of the last group of elements, called VERB COPY. Items belonging here are members of the lexical category of verbs, as can be determined by their morphosyntactic makeup in the QI itself or their behavior in other clause contexts. Such QIs thus consist of two clauses, with the verb copy regularly having a dependent status. Note that the verb copy is not (or only accidentally) a lexical copy of the main verb. The literature on grammaticalization, especially Lord (1976, 1993), has focused especially on bipartite structures where the element after the main verb of the QI can be viewed as a serial verb 'say'. The following examples from Sranan and Yoruba, respectively, are apparently compatible with this analysis: (86) en papa aksi en taki {mi boy …} 3S.POSS father ask 3S.OBJ say {my boy! …} his father asked him: "My boy, ... (Plag 1992: 61) (87) ó s wí-kpé {adé l } 3S speak say-Q {Ade went} He said that Ade went. [non-DRD] (Lord 1976: 184) But even if a language has verb serialization, a serialization analysis may not always be appropriate for the QI-context. This is in fact what Plag (1992: 58-9) argues for Sranan because taki, unlike a normal verb, cannot be clefted. It is, however, not clear whether this is relevant just for taki or more generally for any verb in this syntactic position. Whatever the most appropriate analysis in this case, verb serialization is certainly not the only structural option for the second verbal element occurring in a bipartite QI; a number of other options also exist. One such alternative, which is also available in serializing languages, is that a full clause is simply adjoined to the QI-nucleus. This configuration could in fact represent the original structure for some cases of apparent verb serialization if the subject copy in the second clause were lost in the course of grammaticalization. The examples are again from Sranan and Yoruba (similar cases are reported by Wendel (1986: 5) in Kagan Kalagan and by Meyerhoff (2002: 344) in Bislama):

2.4 Quote orientation 127

(88) na Papa piki hE m a taki {luku …} DET father answer 3S.OBJ 3S say {Look! …} The Papa answered her, he said, "Look, ... (Plag 1992: 58) (89) Adé takú ó ní {èmi ò lo} PN refuse 3S QV {I won't go} Ade refused and (he) said, "I won't go" (Bamgbos`e 1986: 90) Other forms that can be assumed by a verb copy are a finite simultaneous taxis verb as in (90) from Shona (compare also the sequential taxis form in (85) from Ngiti), a non-finite converb as in (91) from Lezgian, or a verbal noun as in (92) from Hausa. (90) vai-taura va-chi-ti {...} 3P:HAB.PST-speak 3P-SIM-QV They used to say, "... (91) gadadi {zun k'wale amuq'da} laha-na haraj-na boy:ERG {I will stay at home} say-PFV.CONV scream-PST The boy screamed: "I will stay at home!" (Haspelmath 1993: 355) (92) sai ya tàmbàyee ni ceè-waa {...} then 3M.S:PFV ask 1S say-VN dann fragte er mich: "... [then he asked me, "...] (Wolff 1993: 516) All these structures have in common that the illocutive and/or predicative potential which the relevant linguistic sign has by virtue of its lexical category is contextually restricted or cancelled completely. This is the case in the majority of languages where a bipartite QI is achieved by means of a verb copy. In this African survey such structures were found in 18 languages, that is, in almost half of the sample. The relevant data are given in Table 26. I make a basic distinction in such bipartite QIs according to the finiteness (i.e. clausehood) of the secondary predicate. The distinction is not clearcut in every case, but is still sufficiently robust for a crosslinguistic comparison. Plain or non-finite verb copies are given in the second and third columns, while finite and/or clause-like verb copies are recorded in the last two columns.

128 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 26. Bipartite QIs by means of verb copies across the language sample Language Kanuri Ik Aiki Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Bedauye Hausa Mandinka Supyire Ewe Igbo Nguni

Bipartite QI total 20 14 2 6 72 4 16 84 91 33 6 6 11 61 7 14 13 10

Non-finite verb copy total in % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 43 60 0 0 0 0 0 0 88 97 33 100 0 0 0 0 0 0 61 100 0 0 14 100 13 100 0 0

Finite verb copy total in % 20 100 3 21 2 100 6 100 0 0 4 100 16 100 7 8 3 3 0 0 6 100 6 100 11 100 0 0 4 57 0 0 0 0 10 100

The first type, the plain verb copy, is attested in the data for the generic speech verb pà in Ngambay, the quotative verb kò in Ju|'hoan, the quotative verb té'e) in Taa, the quotative verb ko in Mandinka, the quotative verb bé in Ewe, and the generic speech verb si` in Igbo. The second type, the clausal verb copy, is found in Kanuri with the quotative verb n, in Ik with the quotative verb kut, in Aiki with the quotative verb ir, in Ngiti with the quotative verb ti, in Kunama with the quotative verbs u and ake#, in Dongola with the quotative verbs E@ and án, in Murle with the quotative verb nE, in Ju|'hoan with the quotative verb kò, in Tigre with the generic speech verb bela, in Bedauye with the generic speech verb di, in Hausa with the quotative verb cêe, in Supyire with the generic speech verb jwo, and in Nguni with the quotative verb thi. Normally, the dependent verb form is a semantically generic item, as shown by the above list, while the matrix predicate is conveyed by a specific speech verb. There are only few exceptions to this general trend. In QI4 of Nguni, the specific speech verb occurs as a taxis form that is dependent on the semantically generic quotative verb sho. The fact that in this RD-construction the QI follows the quote motivates the exception at issue: the grammaticalized element sho appears adjacent to the quote, and

2.4 Quote orientation 129

thus before the specific speech verb; the specific speech verb can then not be the main verb, because complex clauses have the order [main verb dependent verb]. The other exceptional cases, significantly, are found in languages where bipartite structures represent, if at all, only an incipient QI-type. In the bipartite QI2 of Bedauye, the generic speech verb di is clearly the dependent verb closer to the quote only in two out of six cases. In the few bipartite tokens of QI3 in Ik, the dependent verb preceding the quote has the more concrete meaning while the quotative verb kut is the main verb of the construction. So far, there appears to be a regular division of labor between a routinized QI-predicative signalling the presence of a direct quote and a semantically more concrete speech verb referring to some specific feature of the encoded event. Indeed, this particular functional split has been suggested by some authors as a motivation for such double-verb clauses in some languages (see, e.g., Healey (1972: 119-20) regarding QIs involving "associated clauses" in Telefol, or Wendel (1986: 5) regarding "double barreled formulas" in Kagan Kalagan). Nevertheless, this cannot be the whole story, because both verbs can also be taken from the same or related lexical stems. For example, Turkish, Biblical Hebrew, Fon, and Sinitic varieties like Taiwanese Southern Min and Hong Kong Cantonese are languages with such QIs according to the data given by Tietze (1959: 101-3, 111), Miller (1995: 165-FN19), Tardif (2000: 12-3), and Chappell (ms.), respectively. Two further cases are illustrated here by examples. In (93) from Sranan, the two verbs are distinct only in terms of transitivity: the matrix verb tagi 'tell' is derived from takigi 'say-give' and is thus closely related to the second, intransitive verb taki 'say'. In (94) from Choctaw, the converb bearing the same-subject marker hmat and the matrix verb both contain the stem maka 'say'.17 (93) dan basya tagi Adyuku a taki {we Adyuku …} then overseer tell PN 3S say {Well Ajuku, …} Then the overseer said to Ajuku: "Well Ajuku, ... (Plag 1992: 61) (94) ishki-it maka-hmat {tamaaha iyalih} i-maka-tok mother-NOM say-SS {I am going to town} 3-say-PST Her mother said, "I'm going to town". (Broadwell 1991: 421)

17 Closely related Chickasaw also shows this phenomenon (Munro 1982: 311).

130 The internal structure of quotative indexes 2.4.5

The function of partition in quotative indexes

Having outlined the full range of elements occurring in bipartite QIs, I turn now to the question of their actual function. The last cases discussed for verb copies can serve as a useful starting point. Insofar as the semantic aspect of the QI is sufficiently taken care of by the main predicate, the occurrence of a second quotative or speech verb is largely tautological from a semantic viewpoint, indeed completely so in the case of verb copies involving identical lexical roots. Thus, it can be concluded that their major function must lie outside the conceptual domain of event representation. This insignificance or complete lack of a semantic contribution to the QI can be generalized for all element types responsible for the creation of bipartite QIs. This is clear from the fact that a monoclausal QI is in itself completely sufficient to convey all the necessary information about a speech event of however complex a propositional structure. There is only one marginal pattern where a bipartite QI may implicitly or explicitly clarify or at least enhance meaning. As discussed in Section 2.2.5, certain verbs like 'show', 'send', '(re)turn', 'start', etc. which have no inherent semantic value of "utterance" can be employed in a QI. If this usage becomes regular, such items are in principle semantically indeterminate. Their vagueness will be overtly disambiguated if they cooccur in a bipartite QI with a regular quote index, because the latter unambiguously evokes the notion of a speech event. However, the sample data show that such nonspeech verbs are just as frequent in monoclausal QIs as in bipartite QIs. This suggests that their cooccurrence with a quote in a RD-construction is in itself sufficient to create a regular speech-verb reading. The contribution of the additional quote index is therefore at best a non-systematic, dispensable phenomenon. I also argued in Section 2.4.3 that the function of syntactic saturation of the main predicate of the QI, though perhaps relevant for certain combinations of a speech verb and a quote proform, cannot be claimed for the entire proform class, let alone for quotatives and verb copies. This is therefore also not a sufficient motivation for QI-partition. Frajzyngier (1996a: 155-7) raises another syntactic argument for the presence of an additional element after the main speech verb of a QI. He proposes, at least for West African and especially Chadic languages, that specific speech verbs often lack the property of subcategorizing a clausal complement. This problem is said to be resolved by adding a second generic speech verb 'say' which is specified for this complement type. The most important difficulty with this approach is that it presupposes that the

2.4 Quote orientation 131

QI-predicate and the quote indeed enter an endocentric construction in which the latter is the complement of the former. Unfortunately, the author does not argue for this implicit claim either theoretically or languageinternally - for example, with data regarding the syntactic properties of the structures concerned or the behavior of individual speech verbs. In order not to anticipate the more detailed treatment of this topic in Section 3.4.1, suffice it here to indicate that syntactic subcategorization seems to play only a minor role in RD-structures because quotes in general and direct quotes in particular can only rarely be construed as objects of their associated QI-predicates. There is another problem with this analysis which reduces its explanatory power: it only accounts for bipartite QIs whose second element is (synchronically or diachronically) a verb. This is a minor issue within Frajzyngier's approach because he assumes that the verb-copy type applies in the majority of cases - an assumption that is intimately intertwined with his grammaticalization perspective in this domain which highlights the emergence of quotative/complementizers from speech verbs. Nevertheless, the present language survey yields a different picture in that speech verbs are only one of several possible sources for bipartite QIs. Chapter 5 will also show that the historical speech-verb account has been overgeneralized. There are other minor objections against the subcategorization argument. For example, it makes the wrong prediction for some cases found in the sample where the speech-verb scenario in all probability actually does apply. Consider the following type of bipartite QI from Ngambay: pà nà {...} (95) ngàa# dèj-é and ask-3S.OBJ speak Q et lui demanda: "... (Vandame 1963: 162) It can be observed here that the generic speech verb pà is serialized TOGETHER with the more grammaticalized quotative nà. A similar structure is attested in Murle, where certain extended forms of the quotative verb nE are obligatorily followed by the quotative particle nE, even when the former are used themselves as finite verb copies. In some languages, the phenomenon seems more prone to occur with IRD. This is attested in the sample with Yoruba wí pé as illustrated in (87) above and occasionally also with Igbo si` nà or si` kà, as well as in other languages, for example, with Berbice Dutch bifi dati 'say that' (Kouwenberg 1994: 329-36). All this is difficult to explain with the subcategorization argument because this pre-

132 The internal structure of quotative indexes dicts precisely the opposite, namely that the use of an additional generic speech verb or a quotative/complementizer should render any second element unnecessary - that is, one would find either just a second verb or just a gram. In parallel fashion, one would not expect a lexical item which is the default verb in monoclausal QIs to occur in a bipartite QI twice, once as the predicative nucleus and once in verb-copy position. In addition to Fon, Sranan, and Choctaw (see the examples in Section 2.4.4 above), a clear case can be cited from the sample, namely the quotative verb ko of Mandinka. (96) a faa ko a ye ko {...} 3S father QV 3S OBL QV Her father said to her: "... (Pfeiffer (ed.) 1997: 20) Finally, if the subcategorization explanation were valid in a general sense, one would expect across different languages that specific speech verbs should tend to occur more frequently in bipartite QIs because they are more likely to lack the possibility of introducing/ signaling RD on their own. On an impressionistic basis, no such tendency can be observed in the present sample. I have tried to test this hypothesis more systematically on the Chadic languages of the survey. While the test could not be applied to Lamang, which does not display a regular bipartite QI in the corpus (see Section 5.1.4.2-3 for some discussion), it was possible to carry it out in Kera and Hausa with the reservation that the total number of verbs is fairly low. The results for these two languages are given in Table 27 (token number of a verb that occurs more than once in parentheses). Table 27. Distribution of specific and generic speech/sound verbs across monoclausal and bipartite QIs in Hausa and Kera

Kera Hausa

Monoclausal QI Specific pray, call scold, inform, ask (2)

Generic tell

Bipartite QI Specific sing, agree, betray, call yell, raise voice (2), cry (2), sing (2), hear (3), ask (2), open mouth (2),

Generic speak (9) -

2.4 Quote orientation 133

In Kera, there are 15 tokens of a speech or sound verb used as the predicative nucleus of a QI. The generic speech verb wáaté 'speak, say' is said to be followed obligatorily by the quotatives míntí or má. No such statement is made for the semantically specific items. The sample also fails to provide a conclusive picture, due largely to the low token number for all lexemes encountered. What is certainly disturbing for the subcategorization hypothesis, however, is that the specific speech verb mánté 'call' can occur in both a monoclausal and a bipartite QI; hence it cannot be the case that the occurrence of the quotative is triggered by the valency of this lexeme. A fairly similar picture emerges from the Hausa data. Here some specific speech verbs do occur in the corpus only in a bipartite QI, which is achieved via the quotative verb cêe. However, the low token numbers do not allow any definitive conclusion from this fact. Moreover, the above syntactic argument is clearly untenable for other specific speech verbs: these are found in monoclausal QIs, and some may be used both with and without a following verb copy, for example, ji 'hear' (which appears as the predicate in the monoclausal QI2) and tàmbayàa 'ask'. In general, then, no syntactic motivation for the use of an additional 'say'-verb is evident for the surveyed languages of the Chadic family - the group for which Frajzyngier assumed this hypothesis to be particularly relevant. All these considerations suggest that his syntactic explanation for the occurrence of 'say', let alone of other element types, does not account for the phenomenon of QI-partition, neither in the narrow West African context nor in general (see also Section 6.6.2 for an equally problematic historical hypothesis). How, then, can the apparently common use of such QI-elements be motivated if they are not triggered by any semantic or syntactic contribution to the QI? Here, the second reason offered by Frajzyngier (1996a: 156) for the appearance of an additional speech verb comes into play: "The verb 'say' is simply used by the speakers as the marker of the de dicto domain, including the hypothetical and other semantic extensions of the de dicto domain ..." As the technical term "de dicto" suggests, the author subsumes under this domain various structures where linguistic signs do not refer directly to a real or fictitious world ("de re") but rather refer in their reflexive capacity to a linguistic representation of such a world. That is, the relevant signs are a representation of a representation (see Frajzyngier (1991) for an extensive discussion of the de-dicto concept). Obviously, RD is one of the central areas of this domain. Within a RD-construction, it is clear that what is marked as de-dicto is the quote. So the above statement can be reformulated within the present approach as follows: the reporter uses the addi-

134 The internal structure of quotative indexes tional QI-element in order to explicitly mark a piece of discourse, the quote, as a de-dicto expression. Under the reasonable assumption that actual language use at least purports to represent experiences in the real world or its fictitious counterparts more than secondary mental representations thereof, it is clear that the marked member of the oppositional pair is the de-dicto expression. This accordingly justifies the increased effort on the part of the reporter to draw the attention of the audience to the special marked nature of such a dedicto linguistic sign. In these terms, the additional QI-elements at issue are discourse signals with local scope over a specific quote, guiding the audience toward a necessary adjustment in the referential and semantic interpretation of these marked expressions. They signal strongly and clearly that the quote is, in fact, a quote. One can call this the QUOTE-ORIENTING or QUOTE-POINTING function. This function of orientation toward the presence of a quote - a notion which is more concrete than the rather vague concept of "reinforcing" the main verb invoked, for example, by Hopper & Traugott (1993: 14-5) - is valid for verb copies, proforms, and quotatives. Hence, I will subsume all three element types from now on under the umbrella term QUOTE ORIENTER. Their ability to achieve this role can be motivated by their inherent meaning/function: generic speech verbs are default predicates of QIs and perform this role in verb-copy position as well; quote proforms explicitly represent and thus point to the quote; finally, verbal and non-verbal quotative markers are dedicated RD-signals. It was mentioned in Sections 2.2.5 and 2.4.3 that particular quote orienters may also have an additional function. First, quote orienters in general can sometimes enhance or supplement the meaning of non-speech verbs used in QIs. Second, proforms in particular involve an explicit reference to the quote. It seems very reasonable that such local semantic motivations can be the starting point for the employment of a certain element in a QI. However, the more routinized the given element becomes, the more this concrete function will fade into the background and be "swallowed up" in the general function of quote orientation. This is confirmed by the observation that proforms and verb copies are in fact the most common historical predecessors of grammaticalized quotatives (see Chapter 5). Plausibly, the grammaticalization process is also enhanced by the structural aspect whereby the QI-elements at issue occur adjacent to the quote: an element is much more likely to turn into an index of another constituent when it is close to it.

2.4 Quote orientation 135

2.4.6

Quote orientation in non-bipartite quotative indexes

Thus far I have considered the occurrence of quote orienters in bipartite structures. However, elements conveying this function can and do occur without being accompanied by a predicative nucleus or any other QIconstituent. This may be accomplished by two patterns. One possibility is when an element that is specialized for indexing RD is itself a predicative nucleus. This applies to quotative verbs, which do precisely the job that non-verbal quote orienters do, namely to draw the hearer's attention to the presence of a quote, but in addition are capable of establishing a predicative clause. Table 28 gives the figures for monoclausal QIs constituted by such verbs. 11 of the 19 relevant languages are characterized by a very high reliance on quotative verbs: Kanuri, Ik, Aiki, Kunama, Dongola, Taa, Hausa, Mandinka, Kouya, Yoruba, and Nguni. Table 28. Monoclausal QIs with quotative verbs across the language sample Language Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Kunama Dongola Murle Ju|'hoan Taa Bedauye Lamang Hausa Mandinka Kouya Ewe Yoruba Birom Nguni

QI total 198 89 21 21 15 126 136 100 137 140 126 128 199 181 51 25 10 137 48

Monoclausal QI with quotative verb total in % 138 70 71 80 13 62 6 28 4 27 119 94 65 47 12 12 46 34 87 62 42 33 45 35 179 90 103 57 47 92 10 40 6 60 29 21 32 67

Another way of realizing quote orientation in a non-bipartite QI is the use of a quotative in a non-predicative structure, regularly achieved by verb omission as discussed in Section 2.1.1. Table 29 presents the figures for

136 The internal structure of quotative indexes non-predicative QIs with quotatives. These are found in 12 sample languages; in seven languages, such QIs provide over half of the token total. Table 29. Non-predicative QIs with quotatives across the language sample Language Ik Ngambay Murle Hadza Sandawe Burunge Kera Lamang Izon Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Yoruba

QI total 89 86 100 64 61 193 50 128 54 90 85 10

Non-predicative QI with quotative total in % 1 1 1 1 1 1 50 78 48 79 124 64 33 66 78 61 7 13 82 91 74 87 1 10

Note, however, that verb omission is not restricted to grammaticalized quotatives. Kanuri, for example, has the following bipartite structure. (97) Álì bískà wú-rò gùl-gónò {kû íshìn} PN yesterday 1S-OBL say-3S:PST {I will come today} s´$ QV:3S:MED Ali sagte mir gestern, er beabsichtige, heute zu kommen [Ali told me yesterday that he intended to come today, lit.: Ali told me yesterday, I will come today] (Cyffer 1974: 101) When the main verb is dropped, as in (98), it is hard to decide whether the finite verb copy s´$, the remaining QI-constituent, counts as predicative or not: this medial form of the quotative verb n is a dependent, but fully inflected verb. Such cases, though marked, are still counted as predicative and are not included in Table 29 (see Section 2.1.2 for more discussion). {...} (98) {...} s´ QV:3S:MED he said "... (Geider ms.)

2.4 Quote orientation 137

Normally, verb omission concerns highly grammaticalized quotatives. When such quotatives cooccur with a SP-reference in a non-predicative structure, they can often acquire the distributional properties of a speech verb and thus take on, at least superficially, the function of a clause predicator. Compare the following two clauses from Sandawe: the quotative ká'` of the QI in (99)a. is at first glance indistinguishable from a canonical verb like mà'é in (99)b. It will be shown in Chapter 5 that structures like that in (99)a., more often than previously expected, involve true non-verbal quotatives mimicking a verb, rather than relics of a grammaticalized speech verb 'say'. (99) a. 'á: ká'` {...} NAR:3P Q wakawa wakasema ... [and they said] (Elderkin f.n.) b. 'á: mà'é NAR:3P turn wakasogea [and they approached] (Elderkin f.n.) In some languages, such structures are just an occasional phenomenon. Other languages employ them systematically so that their figures are much higher. These are Hadza, Sandawe, Burunge, Kera, Lamang, Waja, and Ngbaka Ma'bo. Note that Hadza is included in the list because the plain use of the auxiliary complex is so far not attested in any other discourse context so that it qualifies as a genuine quotative - QI2 in Appendix 1. 2.4.7

The general importance of quote orientation

The realization of the function of quote orientation is not a structurally homogeneous phenomenon, nor does it depend, as Section 2.4.6 has demonstrated, on a bipartite QI. Even within an individual language it can be achieved in several ways. This can be illustrated by the following QIs from Izon, which are all structurally different but which all contain an element which is motivated by the function of quote orientation. In (100), the postposed QI is bipartite and displays the proform bi baraki 'in this way'. The preposed QI in (101) is also bipartite but this configuration is created by the grammaticalized quotative ámè`e` which is attached to the speech verb; in addition, the quote is followed by the discourse-connective quotative è`bé`ni`. Finally, the quotative mèe, which is apparently related to ámè`e`, appears in (102) in a non-predicative QI.

138 The internal structure of quotative indexes (100) {...} bi bara-ki gba-ni akí nàá buru nana-áràu DET way-ADV say-CLCO ITR.EMPH yam own-woman piri-dóu give-PST ...' in that way she spoke to the owner of the yam (Williamson f.n.) u`-be`-ámè`e` {...} -è`bé`-ni` (101) amá-otu-mo` wai`í`-nì` town-people-P turn-CLCO 3S-tell-Q -Q-CLCO the townspeople turned and said to him: '...' - so (Williamson 1965: 85) (102) aneí-kòo ominí mèe {...} that-for they Q So they said, '... (Williamson f.n.) To properly evaluate the general importance of quote orientation across the sample, it is necessary to take into account all its different manifestations, namely bipartite QIs (see Table 23), monoclausal QIs with quotative verbs (see Table 28), and non-predicative QIs with quotatives (see Table 29). For this purpose, Table 30 gives the sums of all tokens recorded separately in the Tables 23, 28, and 29 above. It turns out that quote orientation is far more important than is suggested by the incidence of QI-partition outlined in Section 2.4.1, so that this function can be considered to be an essential feature of QIs across languages. Only five corpora display no QIs (Tamajeq, Donno S ) or less than a quarter of QIs (Koyra Chiini, Tigre, Birom) which realize this function overtly. A frequency between 25-50% is found in four languages (Fur, Bedauye, Supyire, Igbo). In all other sample languages, quote orientation is part of the majority of QI-tokens or even a universal feature.

2.4 Quote orientation 139 Table 30. Quote-orienting elements in QIs across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137 9 48

QI with quote orientation total in % 14 11 158 80 86 97 15 71 8 38 10 67 73 85 123 98 81 60 97 97 57 81 21 78 50 78 53 87 105 90 137 100 120 86 6 8 0 0 48 38 134 69 48 96 123 96 190 95 164 91 32 59 10 83 0 0 47 92 7 44 30 64 90 100 82 96 24 96 8 80 13 48 31 23 9 100 42 88

140 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 31. Verbal vs. non-verbal quote orienters across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI with quote or. Verbal quote or. total total in % 14 0 0 158 158 100 86 74 86 15 15 100 8 6 75 10 10 100 73 43 59 123 123 100 81 81 100 97 19 20 57 0 0 21 0 0 50 0 0 53 0 0 105 0 0 137 137 100 120 120 100 6 6 100 48 48 100 134 0 0 48 0 0 123 45 36 190 190 100 164 164 100 32 0 0 10 0 0 47 47 100 7 4 57 30 0 0 90 0 0 82 0 0 24 24 100 8 6 75 13 13 100 31 29 94 9 0 0 42 42 100

Non-verbal quote or. total in % 14 100 0 0 12 14 0 0 2 25 0 0 30 41 0 0 0 0 78 80 57 100 21 100 50 100 53 100 105 100 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 134 100 48 100 78 63 0 0 0 0 32 100 10 100 0 0 3 43 30 100 90 100 82 100 0 0 2 25 0 0 2 6 9 100 0 0

2.5 The nature of quotative indexes 141

In Table 31, the incidence of quote orientation is separated according to whether it is realized by means of a verbal lexeme (second and third columns) or a non-verbal item (last two columns). Comparing these two different token groups, it can be seen that languages tend overwhelmingly to rely on either one or the other device to the exclusion of the other - a phenomenon which is inseparably connected with the (non-)existence in the language of a quotative verb. Only Ik, Fur, Ngambay, Murle, Lamang, Supyire, Yoruba, and Birom have both possibilities at their disposal. It is clear that the figures for an individual language depend on the classification of the QI-elements involved. Regarding the presence and frequency of quote orientation, this concerns the non-bipartite type, and in particular the identification of a default QI-predicative as a generic speech verb or a quotative verb. That is, the possible reclassification of an item counted here as a quotative verb into the class of generic speech verbs would result in a decrease of quote orientation and vice versa. However, it is unlikely that such cases would change the general picture arrived at under the present classification of verbs. The assignment of an item with the function of quote orientation to either the lexical category of verbs or the class of function words is more problematic in this respect. I have indicated above that in languages with little inflection on the verb the boundary between a quotative verb and a quotative is not well-defined. This is not just a result of possible inadequacy of information available for a language-specific element. I assume that in fact there is a cline between these two poles in historical terms in that a lexeme in a QI, depending on its particular origin, can lose or acquire certain lexical properties. This will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 5. Here it will suffice to point out again that quotative verbs and non-verbal quotative markers are just variants of a more abstract category, namely a grammaticalized sign dedicated to indexing in discourse the presence of a quote. Their difference lies merely in distinct morphosyntactic properties, and in some languages even this is not defined clearly.

2.5 The nature of quotative indexes I discuss in the following sections the structural nature of a QI, examining the lexical and functional elements used in it together with the way these are arranged structurally. The major conclusion will be that QIs are language-specific grammatical constructions which generally can serve the

142 The internal structure of quotative indexes dual function of referring to a state of affairs and of orienting the audience to the presence of reported discourse. The fact that QIs have a fairly strong tendency to be part of the routinized grammar of a language suggests that the second function, which has to do purely with the linguistic system, is the more important one. The crosslinguistically typical semantic-functional components of QIs will be surveyed in Section 2.5.1 with a view to their relative importance. This will serve as the basis for identifying the two basic functions of QIs in Section 2.5.2. Finally, Section 2.5.3. will assemble evidence for considering QIs first of all as grammatical(ized) structures. 2.5.1

The relative importance of the different elements

The previous discussion has identified four major semantic-functional components that may be present in a QI. These are as follows: (1) (2) (3) (4)

Lexical reference to the encoded event Grammatical device realizing quote orientation Grammatical or lexical reference to the SP Grammatical or lexical reference to the AD

The data presented so far has already made it clear that there is a statistically uneven distribution of these different QI-components across the sample. An attempt will be made here to make these differences transparent and rank the four components according to their relative importance across the entire sample. For this purpose, the mean percentage of the four element types was determined by averaging the percentages within the individual sample languages. The figures for these four components are already available: the frequency of event reference is recorded in Table 17, of quote orientation in Table 30, of SP-reference in Table 18, and of ADreference in Table 20. A synopsis of the proportions is given in Table 32. The mean proportions for the individual QI-components across all language corpora, given in the last line of the table, are as follows: event reference 50%, quote orientation 71%, SP-reference 92%, and AD-reference 31%. From these figures, a clear hierarchy of the cross-sample frequency of the QI-components can be established: (3) Speaker > (2) Quote orientation > (1) Event > (4) Addressee

2.5 The nature of quotative indexes 143 Table 32. Relative frequencies (in %) of QI-elements across the language sample Language QI total Koyra Chiini 123 Kanuri 198 Ik 89 Aiki 21 Fur 21 Ngiti 15 Ngambay 86 Kunama 126 Dongola 136 Murle 100 Anywa 70 Krongo 27 Hadza 64 Sandawe 61 Khoekhoe 117 Ju|'hoan 137 Taa 140 Tigre 72 Tamajeq 118 Bedauye 126 Burunge 193 Kera 50 Lamang 128 Hausa 199 Mandinka 181 Izon 54 Kisi 12 Donno S 16 Kouya 51 Supyire 16 Koromfe 47 Waja 90 Ngbaka Ma'bo 85 Ewe 25 Yoruba 10 Igbo 27 Birom 137 Tikar 9 Nguni 48 Mean percentage

Event 100 22 9 5 71 53 71 3 43 13 98 100 14 21 96 60 21 98 100 66 30 30 3 8 10 87 100 31 8 88 94 9 10 52 30 100 78 89 25 50

Quote or. 11 80 97 71 38 67 85 98 60 97 81 78 78 87 90 100 86 8 0 38 69 96 96 95 91 59 83 0 92 44 64 100 96 96 80 48 23 100 88 71

Speaker 100 95 99 100 100 100 99 100 98 99 84 100 100 98 72 85 71 99 98 100 53 90 93 100 100 89 100 62 98 100 98 26 99 96 100 100 100 100 100 92

Addressee 51 20 34 10 10 47 52 36 22 60 18 22 3 2 8 61 32 54 80 28 12 20 17 6 46 24 83 56 14 31 15 4 8 25 10 33 77 77 8 31

144 The internal structure of quotative indexes From this empirical ranking across the sample (= 3214, according to the above numbering of components) I infer a generalized relative conceptual importance of the four different notions. This does not, of course, predict the concrete mode of expression of any of the four components, nor the general constituency of an unmarked QI within an individual language. And indeed, the sample displays a very wide range of frequency orders. Nevertheless, the hierarchy gives a first impression of what information is important in the QI as a crosslinguistic object of investigation. That this scale of importance of the different QI-components is of some relevance for individual languages as well emerges from the literature. For example, a largely parallel "hierarchy of omissions" is indicated by Frajzyngier (1996a: 137-9) for Masa and by Jackson (1987: 102-3) for Tikar. Also, Wendel (1986) observes for Kagan Kalagan that its two least-marked QI-types focus on quote and speaker, respectively. The above frequency hierarchy (3214) is also the most frequent in the individual sample languages: it is found in 12 languages, namely Kanuri, Ngiti, Ngambay, Dongola, Hadza, Sandawe, Hausa, Ngbaka Ma'bo, Ewe, Yoruba, Tikar, and Nguni (these include cases where adjacent elements in the hierarchy are numerically identical, e.g. Tikar; cf. also discussion of Waja below). All other language-specific frequency orderings of the four components occur in far fewer languages. It is certainly partly accidental for an individual language, especially in one with a low token total, that its particular sample data yielded a certain frequency order. However, this holds equally for any order encountered, so that the correspondence between the above generalized hierarchy and the dominant language-specific hierarchy appears to be a significant observation. Moreover, there are three other patterns that are not too different from the dominant one and can be joined to it on a more abstract level. Burunge, Kera, and Waja have the dominant order except that the frequency of quote orientation exceeds that for SP-reference (= 2314). All three languages have a high number of non-predicative QIs, which may explain the more frequent lack of a SP-reference. For Waja, one can add that QIs established by just a quotative, which have been counted as not containing a SPreference, in fact do register features of the subject, namely m´n for speech-act participants vs. k´n for 3rd persons; counting this formal quotative distinction as SP-reference would yield the dominant frequency order. There is a second group of six languages where the dominant order is only altered by the fact that event reference has a lower incidence than ADreference (= 3241). These are Ik, Aiki, Kunama, Murle, Mandinka, and Kouya - all languages that rely heavily on quotative verbs instead of event-

2.5 The nature of quotative indexes 145

referring verbs. In three further languages, namely Ju|'hoan, Taa, and Lamang, there is an additional frequency reversal between SP-reference and quote orientation (= 2341). All these patterns together can jointly be subsumed under a more abstract hierarchy, representing 24 sample languages: both quote orientation and SP-reference are each more frequent than AD- and event reference: (3) Speaker + (2) Quote orientation > (1) Event + (4) Addressee The majority of languages that display a different frequency order have in common that they far more regularly employ a generic speech verb in QIs, which markedly increases the incidence of event reference. Thus the dominant frequency order is changed in Fur, Krongo, Bedauye, Izon, Kisi, Supyire, Koromfe, and Igbo in that event reference occurs more often than quote orientation (= 3124). In Anywa, where the encoding of a 3rd-person subject can be omitted, event reference is even more frequent than overt SP-reference (= 1324). In the Khoekhoe corpus, event reference and quote orientation both rank above SP-reference (= 1234). The use of a generic speech verb coincides in a few other languages with a very low figure for quote orientation. In Koyra Chiini, Tigre, and Birom, this feature becomes the least frequent in an otherwise unchanged dominant order (= 3142). The Tamajeq corpus is largely parallel except that two agent-less passive clauses bring the SP-reference slightly below the precentage of event reference (= 1342). Donno S is exceptional in the corpus: both SP- and AD-encoding are more frequent than quote orientation and event reference (= 3412). It is clear that the above analysis is a direct function of viewing quotative verbs as not referring overtly to the speech event, which was motivated in Section 2.2.2. Classifying these items together with other event-referring verb lexemes would result in an increase of QI-tokens with event reference. In order to give an idea of the consequences of this alternative approach, I carried out an additional alternate count assuming such a verb analysis. As these figures would be largely identical with those for QI-predicativity, I have established the mean percentage of the event-reference feature on the basis of the QI-predicativity figures in Table 5 in Section 2.1.1. The result of 84% would lead to a reversal of rank between event reference and quote orientation, yielding the following generalized frequency order: (3) Speaker > (1) Event > (2) Quote orientation > (4) Addressee

146 The internal structure of quotative indexes It is no surprise that this hierarchy (3124 instead of 3214) is in fact the same as the second-most frequent frequency order in the sample as originally computed. The relative position of the two QI-participants has not changed, so that the comparative unimportance of AD-encoding and the centrality of SP-encoding in QIs remain firmly established findings under either analysis. 2.5.2

Two basic functions of quotative indexes

The present approach to the formal realization of QIs started from the provisional assumption that the basic goal of such structures is the representation of an event of speech or a parallel state of affairs that is associated with a reportable text. Consequently, the discussion has centered on the question of whether and how this function is realized. There is indeed extensive evidence in the survey that this is a central aspect of QIs. However, it can also be observed in the data that many QI-tokens deviate in important respects and in systematic ways from a clause that would convey propositional information on some state of affairs. Most importantly, they may lack (1) the canonical morphosyntactic form of a clause that makes an assertion about an event/state, and/or (2) they may lack the semantically expected lexical element referring (in whatever abstract form) to human language. This means that morphosyntactic predicativity and the semantic feature of utterance are dispensable properties of these expressions, under circumstances still to be determined. Moreover, QIs are often characterized by the presence of quote orienters, elements which are not motivated on semantic and syntactic grounds. From these observations, it falls out clearly that a QI is more than simply a plain reference to a speech event. It is proposed here that QIs ideally fulfill a double function, namely (1) to represent a RD-referring event within the immediate discourse and (2) to orient the audience to the presence of the quote and, concomitantly, to a necessary change of perspective regarding its pragmatic interpretation. The QI is, so to speak, a segmental pivot between the text of the immediate discourse context and the "alien" reported text representing the nonimmediate discourse context. This double orientation is reflected in the QI's formal variability. To the extent that it functions to anchor the quote in the ongoing presentation of the communicated states of affairs, it behaves like a normal event representation that specifies the event type and the participants and contains the grammatical ingredients for making an assertion, including relevant predication operators. On the other hand, insofar as the reporter wishes to draw the attention of the audience to the quote, (s)he

2.5 The nature of quotative indexes 147

will point to this constituent by means of an explicit device. This is realized by the various types of quote orienters. Obviously, these two major functions of a QI need not always be present simultaneously or be salient to the same extent. The reporter has the choice as to which function to focus on in a particular context. For this purpose, (s)he usually has at his/her disposal several QI-types which behave differently, inter alia with respect to the two basic functions mentioned above. 2.5.3

Quotative indexes as grammatical constructions

Before turning in more detail to a morphosyntactic typology of QIs in Section 2.6, a general consequence of the function of quote orientation in QIs will be addressed. First, this function does not refer to a phenomenon in the real world, but pertains to the organization of the discourse. Like other simple or complex signs in this domain, the QI as a whole is subject to extensive repetition and routinization. Second, through the frequent focus of QIs on the function of quote orientation, the world-referring function of event representation regularly becomes demoted, which reduces the potential semantic variability of the QI. Both phenomena work in the same direction regarding the formal properties of QIs: QIs often take on features of a GRAMMATICAL CONSTRUCTION. What is meant by this term, given that the question of what is "grammar" and hence of what is "grammatical" has become a controversial issue in the last few decades? The present approach follows a view of grammar developed in particular by Hopper, namely that of a non-static, EMERGENT GRAMMAR. He characterizes this notion in Bright (ed., 1992,1: 3667) as follows: ... the concept of grammar as emergent suspends the provision for fixed structure, and sees all structure as in a continual process of becoming, as epiphenomenal, and as secondary to the central fact of discourse. Grammar is then to be seen as the codification of a socially and historically situated set of such regularities, endorsed and hence fixed through institutions like education and writing. Viewed from this perspective, the central project of linguistics would be the study not of 'grammar', but of 'grammaticalization' the ways in which some of the collectively possessed inventory of forms available for the construction of discourse become 'sedimented' through repeated use, and eventually are recognized as being to a greater or lesser degree 'grammatical'.

148 The internal structure of quotative indexes What Hopper (1987: 148, 150) says about the development of such increasingly fixed construction patterns applies to the present notion of a QI: In studying discourse with a view to describing emergent regularities, it is therefore most useful to begin by establishing frequently occurring, relatively stable clause types. A useful concept here is that of the "figure", suggested by Pete Becker. A figure is a phrase or clause which is highly standardized in its format and which permits substitution in a few restricted places. It has a rudimentary internal structure, but it is much closer to a formula than to freely generated "sentences". A major postulate, or working hypothesis, of Emergent Grammar is that the more useful a construction is, the more it will tend to become structuralized, in the sense of achieving cross-textual consistency, and serving as a basis for variation and extension.

What is the evidence from the above data, and from data still to be presented below, that a QI is indeed comparable to a construction that is grammaticalizing or grammatical(ized) in the above sense? The following features can be mentioned which are commonly associated with such structures and which are also recurrent in QIs across a set of tokens within a language and across sets of tokens of different languages: (1)

(2) (3) (4) (5) (6)

Homogeneity of predication operators and participant type and possible generalization of unmarked categories (Sections 2.1.4, 2.3.1, 2.3.2) Unexpectedly frequent lack of semantically explicit and/or specific predicative lexemes (Section 2.2) Reduction of morphological and phonetic substance (Sections 2.1.3, 2.2.2) Use of construction-specific function elements which develop to grams (Sections 2.2.2, 2.3.1, 2.4) Existence of regular subpatterns, i.e. QI-types (Section 2.6 below) Further grammaticalization into other domains (Chapter 6 below)

The present discussion certainly is not meant to imply that a QI is never a plain representation of a speech event. Such QI-tokens are found in almost all text corpora of the sample. As has been demonstrated, some languages even display a semantically transparent event-referring structure in the majority of their QIs. This does not, however, exclude routinization, as the above-mentioned cases of English says, French il dit, and Irish adeir sé

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 149

demonstrate. The drift of QIs toward more or less regular patterns is therefore a valid generalization from a typological perspective. The crosslinguistically observed structural variation of QIs can be compared with the situation regarding other grammaticalized expression types, If, for example, one takes the domain of predicative possession, this function too can be encoded by a number of different morphosyntactic configurations which reflect different underlying cognitive schemas (see inter alia Heine 1997a: 45-76). The construction familiar from Standard European languages, which is based on the use of a verbal lexeme with a meaning 'have' and presents the communicated information in the mold of a canonical predicative structure, is only one option among others. Linguists normally recognize this fact and do not by default analyze an expression in a language to be described as a 'have'-construction. This is perhaps so because the alternatives are unique enough to be identified easily as genuinely different structures and because the state of research is in general more advanced. Such a nuanced approach, unfortunately, cannot be taken for granted in analyses of RD-constructions and associated QIs, neither language-specifically nor crosslinguistically - a fact which is of general concern in the present study. In any case, the observation that expressions of predicative possession often deviate from propositional representations of a state of affairs by means of a verb and that they can be grammatical(ized) constructions is equally applicable to QIs. The recognition of this fact has important consequences for the historical study of QIs which will receive a detailed discussion in Chaper 4.

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates The results of the investigation thus far have demonstrated that the great majority of languages have a number of different morphosyntactic QIpatterns at their disposal, in addition to the most basic choice between the use and the omission of a QI in a RD-construction. In this section, an attempt will be made to systematize the data of the language sample from a crosslinguistic perspective. I propose a basic three-way division of morphosyntactic QI-types into "(simple) monoclausal" QIs, complex "bipartite" QIs (with the two subtypes "monoclausal bipartite" and "biclausal bipartite"), and truncated "non-clausal" QIs. It is hoped that these basic types can serve as a useful comparative tool in future research on QIs in languages of different genealogical, geographical, and structural affiliation.

150 The internal structure of quotative indexes I will also address the question of whether these types correlate with certain functional parameters of RD. Since there are certain hypotheses on a correlation between the form of a QI and the RD-category, the tokens for non-DRD will be included in this discussion. Accordingly, their QI-type, too, has been recorded for this purpose. 2.6.1

A morphosyntactic typology of quotative indexes

Major morphosyntactic QI-types fall out naturally from the previous discussion of the data. This is related to the two important deviations from a simple event-referring predicative clause structure, the QI-type which is most basic and which is instantiated in every language examined. First, there is reduction of the clause, resulting in a non-predicative structure. Second, there is expansion of the clause by means of a quote orienter (this provides a further important distinction to be introduced in Section 2.6.3). The terminology for this three-way morphosyntactic classification is in accordance with the earlier usage in this study: (1) (2) (3)

Monoclausal QI Bipartite QI Non-clausal QI

It should be recognized that an attempt to classify QI-tokens within a given language may sometimes involve a fairly arbitrary division within what can instead be conceived of as a gradual transition from a fully elaborated to a contextually truncated construction. Consider in this regard the following three examples from Koromfe. From a language-internal perspective they appear as a cline from higher to lower complexity and may in fact even be used by speakers of the language in this way. One encounters bipartite monoclausal QIs with the quotative/complementizer ke as in (103)a., simple monoclausal QIs without ke as in (103)b., and non-clausal QIs with just a SP-reference as in (103)c. (103) a. k a jemdi bole ke {...} then DET hippo say:PST Q Puis l'hippopotame dit: "... (Rennison 1986a: 48) {...} b. k jemdi m ) bole then hippo also say:PST Alors hippopotame dit aussi: "... (ibid.: 44)

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 151

c. m`ba jemdi m ) {...} brother hippo also Maître hippopotame dit aussi: "... (ibid.: 46) One can even add to these a fourth Koromfe pattern which is at least historically a reduced non-clausal QI restricted to IRD: all constituents except the quotative/complementizer ke are omitted. Synchronically, this is best analyzed as a grammaticalized modal structure with subjunctive and imperative functions (see Section 6.5.3). (104) ke {ba bE jere} COMP {they should come here} Let them come here! (lit.: That they come here!) [non-DRD] (Rennison 1997: 39) This will suffice to demonstrate that it may be difficult in an individual language to come up with a clear-cut classification of types like that proposed here. However, these types represent recurrent and fairly robust patterns from a crosslinguistic perspective on QI-variation. Moreover, it will be shown below that they allow several significant generalizations regarding the co-variation between the structure of QIs and functional aspects of RD. Appendix 1 presents a survey of the QI-types for each sample language and of their distribution over the QI-tokens recorded in this study. While this typologically oriented study does not allow one to analyze for any individual language a sufficiently large text corpus to come up with a full and conclusive classification of all of the language's different structural patterns, these QI-types are the best candidates for what in construction grammar would be referred to as a grammatical construction. Most QI-tokens can readily be assigned to a regular pattern which is then identified as a type and given a reference number. At the same time, individual language corpora often display a few tokens which cannot be so classified; this has been indicated under the relevant language. To the extent that other regular QI-patterns not found in the present data are reported in the consulted literature, they are also considered there. The classification of all QI-types found in Appendix 1 according to the above three-way morphosyntactic typology is summarized in Table 33. The numbers in the table are the reference numbers in Appendix 1. QI-types in parentheses are those which do not show up in the text corpora.

152 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 33. QI-types of the sample according to basic morphosyntactic types Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni Total

Monoclausal 1 1/ 2 1 1/ 2 1 1 1 (1)/ 2 1/ 2 1 1 1 1 1/ 4 1 1 1/ 2 1/ 2 1/ 2 1 1 1 1/ 2 1/ (2) 1 1 1 1/ 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1/ 2 51

Bipartite 2 3/ (4) 2/ 3/ 4 3/ (4) 2 2 2/ 3 3/ 4/ 5 3/ (4) 2/ 3 2/ 3 2 (3) 3 2/ (4) 2/ 3/ (4) 3/ 4/ 5 3/ 4/ 5/ (6) 2/ (3) 5 2/ 3 3/ (4)/ (5) 2/ (3) 2/ 4/ 5 2/ 3 (5) 2 2/ 3 2 2 2 2 2/ (3)/ 4/ 5 2/ 3/ 4/ 5 2 2 3/ 4/ (5) 72

Non-clausal

2 2 3

2/ 3/ 4 4/ 5 3/ 4

3 2/ 4

3 3

3 16

Total 2 4 4 4 2 2 3 5 4 3 3 2 3 4 4 4 5 6 2 3 4 5 4 5 3 5 3 5 2 3 2 3 3 2 5 5 2 3 5 139

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 153

Some languages possess more than one QI-pattern of a certain type, which are separated in the table by a slash. This is because my languageinternal classification also considers other formal parameter of QIs, notably the position of the QI vis-à-vis the quote (discussed in Section 3.2), and the existence of different quotatives or, for bipartite QIs, quote orienters. The total of recorded language-specific QI-types is 139. These are distributed according to the above typology as follows: 51 monoclausal types, 72 bipartite types, and 16 non-clausal types. The resulting frequency hierarchy for types is thus: (2) bipartite > (1) monoclausal > (3) non-clausal This hierarchy confirms in particular the general importance of QI-partition involving quote orienters. A more detailed discussion will be given in the following sections which treat the morphosyntactic types one by one. 2.6.2

Monoclausal structures

As indicated above, a simple monoclausal QI is constituted by a single predicate, possibly accompanied by nominal participants. It can be seen in Table 33 that there is no sample language where such a type is absent - a situation which does not hold for the other two basic QI-types. This observation and the general identity of its structure with that of a canonical clause constitute the major motivation for considering it from a crosslinguistic view to be the least marked QI-type, even though it can be statistically infrequent in an individual language. This observation also implies that a monoclausal QI cannot be viewed as derived from a bipartite QI via omission or deletion of a quotative/complementizer, an approach which has been repeatedly invoked for a monoclausal QI with IRD (see Section 2.6.5 for further support of this view). The universal presence of monoclausal QIs may be somewhat surprising for somebody familiar with the literature on RD and its formal expression in African languages. That is, a number of grammatical descriptions which treat RD in some detail pay little or no attention to such a QI, or even give the impression that it does not exist at all. To mention just one example, Stanley (1982) in her thorough and otherwise illuminating study of RD in Tikar implies that a monoclausal QI of the form [SP verb] does not exist in this language when she states (ibid.: 36) that the "speech-introducing particle lE@ 'that' is obligatory, except when the speaker is identified by an anaphoric particle" (which refers to a non-clausal QI-type). Such an approach

154 The internal structure of quotative indexes is regularly associated with a particular situation: bipartite and/or nonclausal QI-types employing a quotative/complementizer (such as Tikar lE@) are statistically very frequent in the language and the relevant function word is often also highly grammaticalized, being used not only in RD but also in clause linkage and still other grammatical domains. This complex of factors naturally leads to an over-emphasis on the QI-grams per se and the constructions associated with them, while alternative options not involving a special gram tend to be neglected. This also applies to the sample. The grammatical descriptions of six languages, Anywa, Krongo, Burunge, Kera, Ngbaka Ma'bo, and Igbo, contained a basic discussion of RD and its formal aspects. However, since this discussion is concentrated on such quotative grams and the QIs based on them, simple monoclausal QIs (which have no quotative gram) were not mentioned as such in the grammars and could only be identified on the basis of the text corpora. In general, a monoclausal QI, especially one with a free choice of verbal lexemes, is thus prone to being overlooked in certain languages. It is desirable therefore to devote special attention to this structure in languages where it might seem (on the basis of the grammatical description) not to exist. This also reiterates the more general point that typological comparison cannot rely exclusively on inspection of grammar books. Differences of monoclausal QIs regarding their predicate lexemes make it useful to distinguish between two major subtypes. A monoclausal QI can be established either by a verb referring overtly to a speech event or by a verb without such a meaning, for example, a quotative verb. These two options correspond functionally to event-orientation and quote-orientation, respectively, and can thus be called: (1) (2)

Event-oriented monoclausal Quote-oriented monoclausal

There is another pattern which appears to be intermediate between the two extremes instantiated by a speech verb and a quotative verb, respectively, namely monoclausal QIs based on semantically generic non-speech verbs like 'do', 'be', etc. While these could be argued to refer to an event, this reference is semantically so vague that they cannot be viewed as eventoriented. Certain phenomena indicate in fact that such monoclausal QIs do not pattern functionally with QIs based on true speech verbs. For example, Cameron (1998: 58) observes for spoken Puerto Rican Spanish that QIs based on decir 'say' are restricted to reported speech in the narrow sense,

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 155

while those based on hacer 'do, make' and certain motion verbs can also accompany sound effects and gestures. Since this finding is replicated in the present sample survey and the same non-speech contexts are also typical for quotative verbs (see Section 4.4), it can be concluded that monoclausal QIs with non-speech verbs are rather quote- than event-oriented. This means that the distinction between two monoclausal subtypes is in principle also relevant for languages lacking a quotative verb. The 19 sample languages with a quotative verb, and thus with an uncontroversial distinction between event- and quote-orientation, are recoverable from Table 9 of Section 2.2.2. Appendix 1 does not record these subtypes separately, so that they are not reflected in Table 33. Their relative frequency can be roughly discerned from the figures presented previously, for example, in Table 28 of Section 2.4.6., which records the tokens of monoclausal QIs with quotative verbs (see the end of this section for details). The first option, namely a monoclausal QI involving a speech verb or another semantically related verb, represents the structure from which the present discussion on the form of QIs started out. It is a propositionally complete, predicative expression that contains information about the relevant state of affairs and the participants involved. The other type of monoclausal QI, established by a quotative verb, is different. It makes a predicative assertion and thus evokes a state of affairs, but it does not elaborate this by means of world-referring lexical meaning. As opposed to the eventoriented type, there is usually only one, rarely two verbal items available and these refer only implicitly to a real-world experience. The semantic vagueness of quotative verbs reminds one of the fact that a monoclausal QI need not be one with a low degree of grammaticalization. A quotative verb can be viewed vis-à-vis the two major QI-functions as a hybrid in that grammatical features associated both with event reference and with the function of quote orientation are amalgamated in this linguistic sign. In other words, a quotative verb is a special quotative marker having the design of a verb. This has the advantage that a quote-pointing QI can be treated like other event-referring clauses. That this is an effective strategy for inserting DRD into discourse is indicated by the observation that once a language possesses a genuine quotative verb this tends to provide the large majority of monoclausal QIs, if not QIs in general. This can be established by a comparison of the figures for monoclausal QIs with those in Table 28 above, as given in Table 34 (languages without quotative verbs are omitted).

156 The internal structure of quotative indexes Table 34. Quotative verbs in monoclausal QIs across the language sample Language Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Kunama Dongola Murle Ju|'hoan Taa Bedauye Lamang Hausa Mandinka Kouya Ewe Yoruba Birom Nguni

Monoclausal QI total 161 73 19 19 9 119 107 17 46 107 119 49 188 114 51 10 8 136 38

Monoclausal QI with quotative verb total in % 138 85 71 97 13 68 6 32 4 44 119 100 65 61 12 70 46 100 87 81 42 35 45 92 179 95 103 90 47 92 10 100 6 75 29 21 32 84

As the table shows, in 15 of the 19 languages which have quotative verbs these verbs are clearly dominant in monoclausal QIs. The only exceptions are Ngiti, Fur, Bedauye, and Birom. For the last three languages, it will be shown in Chapter 5 below that the relevant element is in fact a non-speech verb with quotative uses, so that its grammaticalization toward a true quotative verb is only incipient. 2.6.3

Bipartite structures

QIs can differ in many respects from the basic design of a simple monoclausal structure. One such deviation is the addition of a quote-pointing element. The resultant bipartite QI reflects in the most direct way the two major functions of the expression type by encoding them in different syntactic loci: a binary configuration is constituted by combining an event predicate on the one hand and a quote orienter on the other. Table 33 shows that this pattern is well represented in the data of the sample. Almost all languages display at least one such type. The only cases where the corpora do not contain bipartite QI-tokens are Hadza, Donno S ,

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 157

Tamajeq, and Lamang; and for the first two languages, a bipartite QI could be identified on the basis of other information. Its absence in Lamang will receive a likely historical explanation in Section 5.1.4.2-3. Thus, the only true exception seems to be Tamajeq. Apart from possible differences regarding the QI-quote order, languages can have more than one bipartite QI due to the availability of more than one quote orienter. The most basic distinction to be identified in this respect concerns the morphosyntax of the quote orienter itself, namely whether it is an invariable element or it has the structure of a clause. The quote orienter in the first subtype is either an invariable verb copy or an uninflected non-verbal element. The second subtype implies that the quote orienter is a verb-copy, with the verbal lexeme being either a generic speech verb or a quotative verb; sometimes one can in fact argue that such a bipartite QI is a complex of two monoclausal QIs. The following example pair from Hausa will illustrate the opposition. In (105)a., the verbal noun cewa is used as a non-finite function word parallel to the English complementizer that, from which it is said to be a fairly recent calque. In (105)b., the quote orienter tana cewa following two other predicates constitutes a finite clause (here the nominalized form of the quotative verb is triggered by the auxiliary complex, marking progressive). (105) a. kuma ta kiyaye da ce-wa {...} also 3F.S:PFV make.sure COM QV-VN She was convinced that ... [non-DRD] (ibid.: 194) tana tambaya tana ce-wa {...} b. tana wa a 3F.S:IPFV sing:VN 3F.S:IPFV ask:VN 3F.S:IPFV QV-VN and sang a song: '... (Ahmad 1997: 187) The two subtypes of bipartite QIs, distinguished by an invariable and a clause-like quote orienter, will be called, respectively: (1) (2)

Monoclausal bipartite (or for short just bipartite) Biclausal bipartite (or for short just biclausal)18

18 This term disregards the fact that occasionally more than two clauses can be involved, as in the relevant Hausa example.

158 The internal structure of quotative indexes This additional distinction in bipartite QIs turns out to be so important that the number of morphosyntactic QI-types to be considered henceforth is increased from three to four. The status of the quote orienter regarding clausehood is sometimes hard to identify, so that the distinction between a bipartite and a biclausal QI is not always clearcut. Possible intermediate cases between these two subtypes are QI3 of Taa and QI2 of Ju|'hoan. Here the quote orienter (a quotative verb) is preceded by a clause connective linking it to the matrix predicate. Quote orienter and clause connective together look like a subject-less verb phrase, functionally equivalent with a finite same-subject clause in other languages, and are thus on the threshold to a full finite clause. At least in Ju|'hoan, this assumption is corroborated by the fact that the connective tè which precedes the quotative verb kò in (106)a. is occasionally replaced by a SP-referring pronoun as with the second mi 'I' in (106)b. (106) a. te ha taqe taun te !oa ha te ko {...} CLCO 3S mother get.angry CLCO tell 3S CLCO QV and she [his mother] became very angry and said to him, "... (Dickens ms.) b. te ka mi !oa si mi ko {...} CLCO then 1S tell 3P 1S QV So I told them, "... (Dickens ms.) As indicated in Section 2.4.4, such a language-internal alternation in the form of a verb copy between a finite clause, as in (106)b., and a less finite or non-finite form, as in (106)a., is also found in other languages (compare (88) vs. (86) from Sranan or QI2 of Ngbaka Ma'bo) and can sometimes reflect a grammaticalization change from a variable toward an invariable quote orienter. The sample data regarding the distinction between biclausal bipartite QIs and monoclausal bipartite QIs are given in Table 35. In general, bipartite QIs with an invariable quote orienter are much commoner both across the sample and, as will be shown below, within languages that have both bipartite QI-types at their disposal. More discussion of the two alternatives will follow below.

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 159 Table 35. (Monoclausal) bipartite vs. biclausal (bipartite) QI-types Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Bedauye Burunge Kera Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

Bipartite 2 (4) 2/ 4 (4) 2

Total

15

Biclausal 3 3 3 2

2/ 3 4/ 5 (4) 2 2/ 3 2 (3) 3 2/ (4) 2/ 3/ (4) 3/ 4/ 5 5/ (6) (3) 2/ 3/ 4/ 5 2/ 3 (4)/ (5) 2/ (3) 2/ 4/ 5 2/ 3 (5) 2 2 2 2 2 2 2/ 4/ 5 2/ 3/ 4/ 5 2 2 (5)

3 3 3

3/ 4 2

3

3

(3)

3/ 4 57

160 The internal structure of quotative indexes 2.6.4

Non-clausal structures

The above data have also made it clear that hardly any element that might be expected in a QI on semantic grounds is obligatory. The most surprising absence from this perspective concerns the non-occurrence of a verbal predicate. Such non-predicative QIs appear truncated vis-à-vis a canonical verbal clause and have been called here non-clausal. The term is not meant to imply that such a QI is actually derived within a particular language from a monoclausal predicative QI; it simply means that the QI is morphosyntactically less elaborated than normal clauses of the language. It is again possible to distinguish two subtypes of non-clausal QI, depending on whether the QI relies exclusively on an element referring to a participant, like SP and AD, or whether the central QI-element indexes the presence of the quote. According to their different functional focus, these subtypes will be called, respectively: (1) (2)

Participant-oriented non-clausal Quote-oriented non-clausal

While the participant-oriented non-clausal QI can be established by any kind of nominal syntagm, the availability of the quote-oriented alternative depends on the existence of a grammaticalized quotative in the language. The distinction does not imply that the quote-oriented subtype lacks participant encoding. On the contrary, SP- and/or AD-crossreference and quotative often cooccur in a QI. This applies to QI2 of Sandawe, QI2 of Burunge, QI4/5 of Kera, QI3/4 of Lamang, QI3 of Izon, QI3 of Waja, QI3 of Ngbaka Ma'bo. (The case of QI3 in Tikar is special in that the two semantic-functional aspects are even merged into a single sign, namely a quotative pronoun.) The distinction captures first of all the fact that exclusive reliance on participant reference in a QI has an overall different status. Recall from Section 2.3.3 that although such QI-tokens are attested in quite a few sample languages and may represent an option in many more, they nevertheless appear more often to be only one-shot ad-hoc formations. This corresponds with the fact that a participant-oriented non-clausal QI is quite rare as a fully grammaticalized structure. The only case in the sample is QI2 of Donno S and this can be motivated by the fact that this language evinces the crosslinguistically rare phenomenon of an adposition specialized for the marking of ADs.

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 161

As can be expected, those languages displaying one or more non-clausal types in Appendix 1, namely Hadza, Sandawe, Khoekhoe, Burunge, Kera, Lamang, Izon, Donno S , Waja, Ngbaka Ma'bo, and Tikar, are almost the same as those listed in Table 5 (Section 2.1.1) as having elevated numbers of non-predicative tokens. This picture suggests that once a language employs non-clausal QIs systematically these tend to constitute dominant structures. This can be discerned from the high proportion of nonpredicative QIs in all the relevant languages but Khoekhoe, Izon, and Tikar. Only in Tikar is the existence of the non-clausal type not reflected at all in the token figures (zero). This is possibly due to the very small data corpus available for this language. Non-clausal QIs have various affinities with monoclausal QIs. It has already been mentioned in Section 1.2 that a non-clausal quote-oriented QI, especially when containing a separate SP-reference, is under certain circumstances close to a monoclausal QI with a verb in terms of morphosyntactic surface form. If the monoclausal QI has a quotative verb, the similarity to a non-clausal QI with a non-verbal quotative marker is increased in that the two are functionally identical. Abstracting from the parameter of clause predicativity, these two QI-types can be combined in a single group of little-elaborated QIs that primarily serve the function of quote orientation. It will be argued in Chapter 5 that this deep affinity also has an important historical dimension. Monoclausal QIs containing an explicit event reference and non-clausal QIs with a quotative relate to each other in a very different way. While sometimes comparable in form, they are complete opposites from a functional perspective. They can be seen as two extreme poles on a scale of semantic and morphosyntactic elaboration which targets toward its ends the two major QI-functions outlined above. That is, the first QI-type focuses on the semantically oriented, predicative assertion about a speech event in the represented world; the focus of the second QI-type is instead the pragmatic function of quote orientation, drawing the attention of the audience toward the insertion of a reported text. 2.6.5

Types and categories of reported discourse

As far as functional correlates of the form of a QI are concerned, a first obvious question is whether a certain category of RD tends to be preferentially tied to a particular structural type of QI. For this purpose, the language-specific QI-types have been analyzed with respect to their use in various RD-categories. I use a simple three-way classification; that is, a QI-

162 The internal structure of quotative indexes type is attested/reported for (1) DRD only, (2) DRD and non-DRD, and (3) non-DRD only. The overall result for the 139 identified QI-types is given in Table 36. Table 36. Distribution of morphosyntactic types over RD-categories in the sample Type Monoclausal (Monoclausal) bipartite Biclausal (bipartite) Non-clausal Total

DRD 22 4 14 9 49

Both 27 26 1 6 60

Non-DRD 2 27 0 1 30

Total 51 57 15 16 139

It can be seen that there are considerable differences in the preference of a particular morphosyntactic type for a particular RD-category. Before this issue can be addressed in more detail, it must be recognized that the picture in Table 36 cannot be fully representative due to the extreme rarity of non-DRD in a number of the text corpora. This holds not only for Ngiti, Hadza, and Lamang, which display only QI-tokens with DRD, but also for many languages with a very low incidence of non-DRD. Another problem is that it is partly a function of the limited data base when a particular language-specific QI is encountered only with DRD or only with non-DRD. This can be discerned from the fact that information from outside the corpus occasionally reveals that a restriction to a particular RD-category observed in the surveyed texts is not absolute. In spite of these reservations, however, there are several significant observations which can be made for each of the individual morphosyntactic types. The discussion begins with monoclausal QIs, for which the results are presented in Table 37. Note that in addition to the conventions used in previous tables, two further notational devices appear in this and other tables of this section. Some QI-patterns listed in the column "Both" in fact show a strong statistical bias toward either DRD or non-DRD; this is indicated by an arrow pointing toward the relevant RD-column. Similarly, while some QI-patterns only occur in the data in one RD-category and are thus presented in the relevant column, they are reported in the literature to occur in principle in both DRD and non-DRD; this is indicated by an arrow in parentheses.

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 163 Table 37. Monoclausal QI-types according to RD-category Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni Total

DRD 1 1 1 1 (1) 2

Both 1 2 1 2

Non-DRD

1 <2 <1 1

1 1 1 1/ 4 1 2 1 2

1 1 2 1 <1

1 1 1/2 (2)

1 1

1 1 <1 3 <1 1 <1 1 1 1 1 1 <1 (<)1

2

1

22

27

2

164 The internal structure of quotative indexes The majority of language-specific monoclausal QI-types, viz. 27, are found with both DRD and non-DRD and thus are listed in the middle column of the table. This shows that they are frequently free regarding their use with different RD-categories. IRD is recurrently assumed to imply a complementizer, and QIs without a complementizer are the result of omitting/deleting a conjunction. Given the present result for monoclausal QIs, which lack such an additional element, this hypothesis finds little support. This observation, however, needs an important qualification because this largest group is closely followed by 22 monoclausal QIs attested only with DRD. Moreover, seven of the QI-types in the "Both"-column have a DRD-bias. Correspondingly, there are only two QIs which occur only with non-DRD; and of these, QI1 of Tikar is in fact reported by Jackson (1987: 100-1) also for DRD. The statistical hierarchy of monoclausal QI-types over RD-categories is thus: "Both" > "DRD" > "Non-DRD". If the occurrence of monoclausal QIs is considered by individual languages, the picture is as follows: 17 languages have only a single monoclausal QI-type, which is used with both DRD and non-DRD; 10 languages have two monoclausal QI-types, one restricted to DRD and one used with both RDcategories; 10 languages have one or two monoclausal QI-types restricted to DRD; and 2 languages have only one monoclausal QI-type, which occurs only with non-DRD. I conclude from this that monoclausal QIs are in principle open for all RD-categories, but show a considerable tendency to being used with DRD. The situation for bipartite (monoclausal) QIs is treated next, because it is closely related to the previous discussion. The figures in Table 38 show again that a large number of language-specific strategies (26) are free regarding the RD-category. The general picture, however, is reversed vis-àvis monoclausal QIs: 27 bipartite QI-types are found only with non-DRD. Just four QIs occur only with DRD in the texts, two of which, namely QI2 of Mandinka and QI2 of Kisi, are in fact possible with non-DRD (see examples in Creissels (1983: 185) and Childs (1995: 278-9), respectively) and thus belong in principle in the middle column. The hierarchy for bipartite monoclausal QIs across the sample is then: "Non-DRD" = "Both" > "DRD". The language-specific distribution of these QIs over RD-categories points in the same direction: 16 of a total of 36 languages only have them used with both DRD and non-DRD; 11 languages have one or more types only with non-DRD; five languages display them either with non-DRD only or with both RD-categories; four languages show another pattern. The conclusion is thus that bipartite QIs are in principle compatible with any RD-category, but demonstrate a pronounced bias toward non-DRD.

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 165 Table 38. Bipartite (monoclausal) QI-types according to RD-category Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Bedauye Burunge Kera Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni Total

DRD

Both 2

Non-DRD (4)

2/ 4> (4) 2 2/ 3 4/ 5 (4) 2 2 2

3 (3)

3 2 2 3

(4) 3/ (4) 4/ 5 5/ (6) (3)

5 2/ 3 2(>) 5 2(>)

(4)/ (5) (3) 2/4 3 (5) 2 2> 2 2 2 2 2 2 2> 2

4

26

4/ 5 3/ 4/ 5

(5) 27

166 The internal structure of quotative indexes The general picture that has emerged thus far, that monoclausal QIs tend to go with DRD and bipartite QIs with non-DRD, indicates that there is some correlation between QI-partition and RD-categories toward the indirect pole of the RD-continuum. This is not an entirely new observation. A related claim in fact pervades the literature on RD. Linguistic data from European languages suggest that there exists a regular co-variation of a monoclausal QI with DRD vs. a bipartite structure with a complementizer with IRD, similar to the distinction between (107)a. and b. from German. (107) a. und dann sagte sie {nimm mein Auto!} and then said she {take my car!} and then she said, 'Take my car!' b. und dann sagte sie, daß {ich ihr Auto nehmen soll} and then said she that {I should take her car} and then she said that I should take her car [non-DRD] The assumption that such a situation is a typologically rather general feature is still quite common thinking - this in spite of two facts. First, a monoclausal QI as in (107)a. can in most European languages also be followed by IRD. Second, an IRD-restriction for structures employing a complementizer as in (107)b. was shown not to be universal in Europe as early as the nineteenth century (see Spieker (1884) for Ancient Greek, Tobler (1886) and Meiller (1966) for Old French) and is known not to be common in languages of other geographical areas. These two findings are fully corroborated by the data of the present sample survey and other African languages (see, e.g., Pike (1968: 168) for Bariba): one or even both structures are recurrently found with no restriction on the accompanying RD-category. It can even happen that the distribution of a quotative/complementizer expected from the European data is reversed. For example, Jackson (1987: 100) reports for Tikar that the bipartite QI2 with lE@ is more frequent with DRD than with non-DRD.19 Consequently, crosslinguistic definitions of different RD-categories which make essential reference to such a specific formal co-variation of the QI are unlikely to reflect the underlying distinctions appropriately (cf. also Munro

19 Jackson interpretes this as a sign of the complement status of the direct quote vis-à-vis the speech verb. This overhasty inference, however, should be taken with caution; it has little empirical foundation, as will be discussed in Section 3.4.1 below.

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 167

1982: 303). However, the data show at the same time that monoclausal QIs do have a bias toward DRD, and certain bipartite QIs toward non-DRD. In the light of this observation, the occurrence of a fairly neat alternation between the lack of a complementizer in DRD and its presence in IRD, as found in many languages of Europe but also outside this area, can be seen as a variation on a universal theme. This tendency is in fact entrenched in many sample languages in still another sense. The majority of bipartite QIs which are listed as being restricted to non-DRD not only relate to a specific RD-category but also to the specific event type being conveyed. Recall that the present definition of RD is a wide one, embracing not only narrow reported speech but also internal states of cognition and perception regularly following such nonspeech verbs as 'know', 'want', 'see', etc. All the following QI-types are specialized for, or strongly biased toward, the use with precisely these verb classes: QI4 of Kanuri, QI4 of Ik, QI4 of Aiki, QI4/5 of Kunama, QI4 of Dongola, QI4 of Khoekhoe, QI5/6 of Tigre, QI3 of Bedauye, QI4/5 of Hausa, QI3 of Kisi, QI5 of Donno S , QI4/5 of Yoruba, QI3/4/5 of Igbo, and QI5 of Nguni. Admittedly, more conventionally such constructions would not be subsumed under RD, but assigned instead to the more general domain of sentential complementation. This issue will be addressed in more detail in Section 3.4.2. Here it will suffice to state that the sample data is compatible with the present wide approach to RD in that it adds another aspect to the continuum extending between the extreme poles of DRD and IRD, namely the possibility of viewing it also as a scale that ranges between texts representing true externalized utterances and texts representing internalized cognitive states. This functional scale correlates strongly with the primary distinction of different RD-categories: the more the communicated state of affairs deviates from a real, literal utterance, the more likely is the use of non-DRD in the reported text, and the greater the chance that the RD-construction will employ a bipartite monoclausal QI. The third group of QI-types to be discussed are non-clausal QIs, as recorded in Table 39. Already a look at Table 36 may have suggested that the situation here is similar to that with monoclausal QIs. There are six QIs attested in both RD-categories (one with a bias toward DRD) and nine QIs which only occur in the corpora with DRD. Only the non-clausal QI3 of Tikar is found in the corpus with non-DRD only. The overall token total for this language is, however, very small and thus hardly representative, and indeed, the QI at issue is also attested for DRD according to Jackson

168 The internal structure of quotative indexes (1987: 105). The frequency hierarchy of non-clausal types across the sample is: "DRD" > "Both" > "Non-DRD". Table 39. Non-clausal QI-types according to RD-category Language Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Burunge Kera Lamang Izon Donno S Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Tikar

DRD 2

Total

9

Both

Non-DRD

<2 3 2/ 3/ 4 4/ 5 3/ 4 3 2/ 4 3 3 (<)3 6

1

The picture by individual languages is as follows: five languages have non-clausal QIs restricted to DRD, and five others have them with both RD-categories; the Tikar case would increase the number of the latter group. Considering that the total number of recorded types is relatively small, I can only draw a very tentative conclusion from this situation: nonclausal QIs are in principle open for different RD-categories, but their general bias is toward DRD, and this tendency is somewhat stronger than with monoclausal QIs. Table 40, finally, presents the cross-sample behavior of the fourth, biclausal QI-type: it is found to have a very strong DRD-bias, which can almost be formulated as an absolute restriction to this RD-category. Of the 15 language-specific QI-types of this structure, only QI3 of Kanuri displays one token with non-DRD; all the other QIs are accompanied in the text corpora by a direct quote exclusively. Since the other bipartite monoclausal QI-type has been shown above to be stronger in non-DRD, this leads to what is surely the most surprising result of the data, namely that the two bipartite QI-types go in opposite directions regarding RD-preference.

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 169 Table 40. Biclausal (bipartite) QI-types according to RD-category Language Kanuri Ik Aiki Ngiti Kunama Dongola Murle Tigre Bedauye Hausa Supyire Yoruba Nguni

DRD 3 3 2 3 3 3 3/ 4 2 3 3 (3) 3/ 4

Total

14

Both <3

Non-DRD

1

0

Typological parallels suggest that the result for biclausal QIs is of more general relevance. For example, explicit reference to DRD-marking is made by Longacre (1968,2: 168-70, 172-4) for such QIs in several Philippine languages, by Eilfort (1985: 61) for the Tok Pisin structure itok ispik, and by Miller (1995: 165-7) for so-called "multi-verb" structures with two finite verbs in Biblical Hebrew. Similar cases can also be found in more familiar languages: QI-patterns of spoken non-standard language, as in (108) from German, are very unlikely to be used with IRD. (108) und dann hab' ich gesagt ich sag' {...} and then have I said I say and then I said like, "... The colloquial flavor that characterizes this German example corresponds to a certain extent with the data of the sample. That is, the profile of the recorded tokens suggests for most languages that such a QI is a oneshot ad-hoc formation with an explicit focus on the direct reporting style. Such examples are statistically rare in all corpora except those of Supyire and Nguni, and in Supyire the figures are based on a generally low token total. This corresponds with the fact that, with the exception of QI3 of Yoruba, none of these types is recognized as a genuine type in the literature; they are established only on the basis of the sample data. Moreover, in the tokens of Dongola, Bedauye, and Hausa, there is fluctuation regard-

170 The internal structure of quotative indexes ing the lexical choice of verb in the quote-orienting clause, an indication that the type is not or only barely routinized. In fact, the only languages where the type can be said with some confidence to have a certain amount of regular currency are Tigre, Yoruba, and Nguni. Regarding the Ethiosemitic language Tigre, such a QI is already attested in a similar form and with the same RD-restriction in Ge‘ez, by far the earliest variety of Ethiosemitic (Lambdin 1978: 182). QI3 of Yoruba is explicitly said by Bamgbos`e (1986: 89) to be used in written discourse as "a device for making practically any report verb introduce a direct speech." Finally, QI3/4 of Nguni has close structural and functional parallels in its family Bantu, for example, in Shona as illustrated above by (90) in Section 2.4.4. The relevant Bantu languages share a special asyndetic clause linkage device through which the semantically generic verb copy can be joined to the main verb in the form of a finite taxis verb. The above generalizations about bipartite QIs, viz. the DRD-restriction of the biclausal bipartite types and the non-DRD bias of the monoclausal bipartite types, are also supported by certain language-internal phenomena. I refer to the fairly neat co-variation in some languages of a more finite verb copy with DRD, vs. a less finite or non-finite verb copy of the same lexical item with IRD. In the sample, these languages are Hausa (see example (105) in Section 2.6.3) and Nguni. The alternation in Nguni between QI3 with a finite thi-form in DRD and QI5 with the verbal noun ukuthi in IRD has also been observed previously for the cognate stems in Bemba (Givón 1969: 126-7) and Shona (Güldemann 2002: 258-9). Such a pattern also seems to be reported by Dimmendaal (2001: 146) for Turkana. Finally, Miller (1995: 173) discusses a similar but more subtle situation in Biblical Hebrew: here the bipartite QI with an infinitive-like quote orienter of the generic speech verb 'say' may also occur with DRD, but the relevant quotes then involve speech events that are less prototypical in terms of individuation of the state of affairs and the participants involved. In general, the phenomenon that finite verb copies occur almost exclusively with DRD shows that it is not QI-partition per se which correlates with different RD-categories, but rather the particular type of quote orienter. In fact, the clause-like quote orienter in a bipartite QI is structurally a monoclausal default-QI stacked on to another monoclausal QI; this partly aligns a biclausal structure with a simple monoclausal one regarding the bias toward DRD. Also, the just-mentioned detail from Hausa and Nguni gives the impression that quote orienters with NOMINAL properties in particular have a tendency toward marking non-DRD.

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 171

Finally, there is another very preliminary observation regarding RDcategories and the structure of QIs. There are relatively few languages in the sample which have only QIs without any restriction on the RDcategory, which can be discerned from the fact that in all relevant Tables (37-40) they only have an entry in the "Both" column. These are Koyra Chiini, Ngambay, Kera, Koromfe, Ngbaka Ma'bo, Ewe, Birom, and Tikar (recall that QI1 and QI3 of this language occur with both RD-categories). Only two of these eight languages, Koromfe and Birom, do not possess logophoric marking, which distinguishes coreference from non-coreference between participants of a QI and its non-direct quote; all the other languages do have such a grammatical device. That is, within the group of languages which lack QIs dedicated to a RD-category, the proportion of logophoric vs. non-logophoric languages is 3:1. By contrast, the proportion of logophoric vs. non-logophoric languages across the entire sample is the reversed, namely 1:2.25 (see Section 1.4.1.). Logophoric marking has inter alia the effect that in a RD-construction like X said (that) X will come, the reference of the quote subject is never ambiguous. DRD and non-DRD are therefore consistently distinguished by means of quote-internal marking. In such a language this could well correspond with a tendency not to exploit the form of the QI for the same purpose. This would in turn provide some degree of explanation for the picture found in the sample, where languages with logophoricity more often have QIs which are open for any RD-category. I will not pursue this idea further because the data seem insufficient. As indicated earlier, the restriction of a language-specific QI just to a certain RD-category could easily be an artifact of the data. It is possible that some languages must be removed from the above list of eight languages or others added and that the subtle statistical correlation with logophoricity might then disappear. Nevertheless, the validity of the present observation and its hypothetical explanation are worth testing in future studies of this topic. 2.6.6

Types and discourse contexts

The existence of QI-types, and their different functional loads vis-à-vis the two major QI-functions, raise the question of how the form of the QI may also be determined by factors other than those relating to the RD-category notably by discourse factors. In other words, what influences the use of the different QI-types within one and the same RD-category, here in DRD? This question has been addressed in more detail only in a few languages; apart from English (cf. Ware 1993 for fictional texts), for example,

172 The internal structure of quotative indexes in Totonac (Reid 1979), Kagan Kalagan (Wendel 1986), and Puerto Rican Spanish (Cameron 1998). It becomes abundantly clear in these studies that the issue is complex. Longacre (1994) summarizes and compares the findings in Totonac and Kagan Kalagan and those made in narrative texts in English and Biblical Hebrew. Concentrating particularly on one structural QI-variable, the encoding of SP and AD, he shows that the structure of a QI and its propositional elaboration are dependent on its local discourse context. For this restricted domain, he mentions such diverse factors as: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

the structural characteristics of the language (e.g., presence vs. absence of participant crossreference on the verb) the norms of different narrative genres the local salience of participants vis-à-vis the quote the discourse salience of interacting participants (e.g., mention in dialogue-initial QI vs. omission in dialogue-internal QI) the intensity of participant interaction (e.g., SP is dominant over the AD and tends to be mentioned or vice versa)

Cameron (1998) extends the research scope in considering further linguistic constraints, e.g., the QI's clause linkage status; the person, number, and animacy of the SP; the content of the quote; the internal QI-elaboration; priming between subsequent QIs; but also various types of stylistic distinctions as well as sociolinguistic variation between speakers. Another likely parameter is the degree of conventionalization of a certain structure: the more a type is routinized, the less suitable it is for use in a marked discourse context (see Wendel (1986: 2) for some general discussion on RD). A final structural aspect is also that the use or non-use of one QI-element can influence the presence and form of another; for example, the non-predicativity of a QI or the intransitivity of a QI-predicator will determine the grammatical subcategorization of nominal participants. A crosslinguistic investigation like the present study does not allow sufficient time to assemble the extensive information that would be necessary to come up with reliable conclusions regarding such specific topics. The data surveyed in this study are not extensive and thus are not sufficiently representative for making empirically informed hypotheses about the situation in individual languages, let alone the entire sample. It is also impossible to do a thorough analysis of all the texts that would do justice to the multiplicity of potentially relevant discourse factors. This also means that the search for subtypes of the four major morphosyntactic types which cannot be clearly established on the basis of formal

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 173

criteria has had to be ignored here entirely. That such subtypes can nevertheless be relevant in individual languages is clearly brought out in the study by Silverstein (1985: 165-9) on QIs in Chinook. Silverstein argues that QIs can be classified in this language into two major classes, which he characterizes functionally as "episode-internal" and "episode-bounding". While all QIs would be assigned here to the monoclausal type, they still differ according to the type of verb lexeme used in them. Accordingly, I will only outline here a few preliminary ideas regarding the consequences of one of my central themes, namely that QIs cannot be analyzed as just conveying semantic information about some state of affairs of speech or cognition, but that they oscillate regarding their semantic and morphosyntactic elaboration and composition between such propositional reference and the second pragmatic function of orienting the audience to the presence of a reported text. Given the variety of different morphosyntactic QI-types, most languages have various structural choices available which differ according to the degree to which they lay stress on one or the other of these two major functional aspects. The identification of this functional ambiguity and its formal correlates does not yet explain why a QI with a particular structure is used in a particular discourse context. For example, why does a reporter choose to explicitly point to the quote by means of a bipartite QI; or put differently, what is the semantic or pragmatic effect of such a QI in the particular context? Clearly, overt quote orientation should in principle be dispensable, given that monoclausal event-referring structures are frequent, too. The considerable variation of languages with respect to the frequency and distribution of QI-partition, its correlation or non-correlation with different RD-categories, and other parameters suggest that there is no universal explanation. Instead, one must assume - as with participant encoding - that the (non)-occurrence of a quote orienter is conditioned by a composite of factors. Cross-language generalizations will only be possible after more individual languages have been studied in much more detail. So far, there are only a few clues emerging from descriptions of QIs in the literature and some observations in the sample data. One factor underlying the use of bipartite QIs which has been mentioned in the literature is the local discourse function fulfilled by a particular DRD-expression. Thus, Taylor (1994: 104-5) states for N maandE that a QI which has a speech verb followed by the quotative verb "indicates that the speech act is an important part of the event line." Jeffrey (1984: 128-9) makes the same observation for Mündü and adds that such a QI in particular "brings a new participant into focus." Longacre (1994: 136) cites in a

174 The internal structure of quotative indexes parallel fashion Wendel's (1986) characterization of so-called "double quotation formulas" in Kagan Kalagan which can be assigned to the present notion of a bipartite QI. These are said to "intensify a proposal or highlight an important piece of information." Such an effect of QI-partition is plausible insofar as the presence of an element which directs the attention of the audience to the quote enhances the discourse salience of the pieces of information contained in or related to it. In some languages, another factor favoring the presence of a quote orienter is the occurrence of an AD-nominal between the QI-predicate and the quote. According to Sebba (1987: 55) and Plag (1992: 60-2), the presence of the speech verb copy taki in Sranan correlates to a considerable extent with the use of AD-transitive speech verbs followed by an AD-nominal. The same observation can be made from the wealth of examples given by Glock (1986) for the Saramaccan quotative taa. In the sample corpora, a close correlation between the presence of an AD-nominal and the use of a following quotative was found in Murle, Ju|'hoan, Waja, Ngbaka Ma'bo, and Ewe. There is also corresponding information in the literature on some of the sample languages. Rowlands (1959: 92) states regarding the frequent, but seemingly tautological use of quotative ko in QI2 of Mandinka: If [the quotative verb] ko is followed by an extension indicating the person to whom the words were spoken a second ko is frequently, though by no means invariably ..., added after the extension.

A related situation holds in Yoruba: there is only one QI-predicative, ní, which frequently occurs without the quotative pé, but pé is required as soon as ní is followed by an AD-nominal (Abraham 1958: 441). 20 It is possible that the correlation in any of the above sample languages could become weaker with more data. There also exists the reverse situation, for example, in Koromfe, where ADs occur in the sample data only in monoclausal QIs. Therefore, one must be cautious of generalizing the above phenomenon. However, it could turn out to be recurrent in languages which share certain structural characteristics, in general and in the grammar of RD in particular. Note that the above languages have in common that the QI precedes the quote in the RD-construction and that a noun 20 Carlson (1994: 451-2) reports a somewhat related effect of the presence of an oblique AD-nominal after certain QI-verbs in Supyire. Its presence correlates highly with the use of a pronominal dummy in the preverbal direct-object position. This so-called "anticipatory" pronoun represents the speech content and, by referring/orienting to the quote, is similar to a quote orienter.

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phrase referring to the AD occurs between the verbal QI-nucleus and the quote: [QI-nucleus - AD - quote]. So it should be considered that the separation of QI-verb and quote caused by the intervening AD-nominal (or other constituents) may trigger, or at least favor, the employment of a quote orienter because this can (re)establish a focus on the quote. While this idea must remain speculation here, it is worth testing in future research. In this context, it is appropriate to bring up again an issue already discussed in Section 2.4.5, that is, the relation between the use of specific speech verbs and complementizers, or more generally quote orienters. That Frajzyngier (1996a: 156) in his discussion of this topic formulates his observation too much like a tight implicational relation should not distract from the fact that some languages do indeed demonstrate a strong tendency to using a quote orienter with non-generic QI-predicatives. Statements to this effect can be found repeatedly in the typological literature (see, e.g., Adelaar (1990: 2) for languages of the Quechuan family). Sample languages where, according to the literature and/or the surveyed data, specific (and sometimes even) generic speech verbs are mostly accompanied by a quote orienter are Murle, Ju|'hoan, Taa, Hausa, Ewe, Yoruba, and Tikar. As an alternative to Frajzyngier's inadequate syntactic motivation for this regularity, I would search for an explanation in terms of the relative salience of event representation and quote orientation typical in QIs of these languages. Significantly, the relevant elements so frequently accompanying speech predicates are all highly routinized function words or quotative verbs which are also dominant in monoclausal QIs. This suggests that the functional focus of QIs in these languages is indeed quote orientation, and a bipartite QI arises as soon as this major function is supplemented by information describing in more detail the communicated event. In languages where the QI precedes the quote, this may even be closely related to the actual production of a QI. If the reporter starts the RDconstruction in a particular discourse context with a semantically oriented representation of the speech event, there may exist a certain pressure from the general design of QIs to attach another element achieving quote orientation. This pressure can be motivated in that the conventional cooccurrence of quote orienter and quote can become a kind of unitary whole for speakers of the language, a constructional figure which is inserted as a fixed, conventionalized pattern. From this perspective, QI-partition can also be seen as adding semantic particulars of the communicated speech event to a basic routinized RD-structure consisting of quote and grammaticalized quote signal. In languages with a high reliance on semantically

176 The internal structure of quotative indexes unspecific QIs, partition can be perceived as a strategy for restoring the function of event representation. This adds a new perspective on a statistical observation in this survey (cf. Sections 2.1.1 and 2.6.4). Most sample languages with a dominance of non-clausal QIs not only have a low incidence of monoclausal QIs, but also of bipartite QIs. For the example of QIs in Burunge with ta, this implies that the pattern in (109)a. is far more frequent than that in (109)b. (109) a. ta {...} Q Er sagte: "... [he said] (Kießling 1994: 267) hi-gi b. taataa-g-osi father-M-1P.POSS:DECL 3S-SEQ ta {...} hiiraa'as-i sing:APPL:CAUS-3M.S:PFV:DECL Q And his father started to sing: "... (Kießling f.n.) It is implausible to view such a statistical discrepancy in favor of the nonclausal type simply as a result of regular truncation of a bipartite QI by deleting the predicate. To the contrary, it appears instead that a "restitution" of the event-describing aspect in predominantly quote-oriented QIs occurs only occasionally in these languages. This may change over time, as the case of Akkadian outlined in Section 2.1.1 shows. In principle, however, languages at a certain point of development simply differ as to how they handle the partly conflicting forces pushing toward enhancing quote orientation on the one hand and toward propositional representation of the speech event on the other hand. Having thus outlined a few possible lines of research regarding discourse-functional aspects of bipartite QIs, I will now turn briefly to QItruncation in non-clausal structures. What functional effects can be expected from such truncation? In general, reduction of linguistic material has been repeatedly identified in the literature as a stylistic means to attain greater immediacy in the recounting of events and to highlight particularly important information in the discourse. Longacre (1976: 223, 225) writes: Thus we may find at the Peak of a story a shift to short, fragmentary, crisp sentences, which emphasize the change of pace. A further device for changing the pace within a story and thus marking transition to Peak is a stylistic change from the use of more conjunction and transition to less conjunction and transition.

2.6 Types of quotative indexes and their functional correlates 177

This general approach is plausible and is supported by a considerable amount of empirical data. It must be recognized, though, that the form which peak marking assumes is not particularly homogeneous across languages, text types, individual speakers, etc. The major necessity in peak marking is to highlight certain information vis-à-vis the information on the unmarked storyline, an aim achieved inter alia by a change in the encoding style. That is, the use of a certain device only makes sense if it conveys a contrast to the preceding unmarked text portion. It is not surprising, then, that Longacre continues the first of the above quotes: Quite as likely [in peak marking], however, is the opposite development, i.e., a shift to a long run-on open type of sentence structure.

In any case, a contrast attained by means of shortening and fragmentation of linguistic material can only emerge against a stylistic background that is formally and semantically more elaborate. The functional correlate of reduction therefore cannot be established in absolute terms, but will depend on local discourse properties like language-specific usage in certain genres, the general style of an individual text, etc. or on characteristics of the particular constructions involved. One can readily transfer these general observations to propositionally and structurally reduced non-clausal QIs, where the elaboration of the event representation is considerably trimmed. It would seem plausible to assume that such a QI tends to occur especially in contexts where the information conveyed by the DRD-construction is important and represented in a particularly dramatic manner. It would be parallel to the textual insertion of a quote with no QI at all, as discussed in Section 1.4.2. This should be even more relevant for QIs consisting of nothing but a grammaticalized element, viz. non-clausal QIs with a quotative or monoclausal QIs with a quotative verb, which represent the most extreme kind of quote-pointing structure. Here the reduction or even complete elimination of the eventreferring aspect of the QI is combined with explicit quote orientation. Insofar as the reporter succeeds in exclusively pointing to a performed replica of some real-world experience, (s)he maximally succeeds in removing her/himself from the scene as the ultimate author of the expression and in maximally involving the audience. Some descriptions of such structures indeed support this hypothesis. One such case is reported by Eriksson (1995) with Swedish ba. Cameron (1998) identifies in Puerto Rican Spanish what he calls the "Y NP" structure which comprises the conjunction y 'and' and a nominal referring to the SP. The detailed analysis of the occurrence of this QI-type reveals that its

178 The internal structure of quotative indexes preferred contexts can be associated with the general concept of foregrounding and hightened expressiveness. Another example is the SP-inflected quotative ki of Yucatec. In his extensive discussion of this element, Lucy (1993: 118-9) describes the socalled "metapragmatic presentational" QIs with ki as follows: In the course of narrating a story, speakers can take advantage of the paradigmatic value of ki- to shape the structure and content of it. Although from a paradigmatic point of view the quotative minimizes the narrator's interpretation of the reported speech, from a discourse syntagmatic point of view the quotative can be used by narrators to foreground certain aspects of the narration. Material framed by ki- will be presented as direct and vivid recreations of emergent action - free of narrator typification and evaluation. And these segments will contrast stylistically both with the referential and predicating framing narrative and with the more typifying forms of reporting speech which could have been used instead. Ironically, however, the very technique of standing back and letting characters in the story "speak (and act) for themselves" can be used by narrators to foreground rhetorically what they wish to emphasize as the crucial turns in the plot and the larger themes of the story. In short, use of the quotative maximizes those functions widely associated with the use of directly quoted speech in narratives, namely, the signaling of structural and thematic salience.

At first glance, the non-clausal QI3 of the sample language Tikar would appear relevant in this respect. Stanley (1982: 32), who addresses the formal realization of QIs in relation to discourse function in detail, describes it as follows: These anaphoric particles [which constitute the nucleus of QI3 and are called here quotative pronouns] are used very frequently in everyday conversation as well as in narrative texts. In the latter they appear to be a means of moving the story along at a more rapid pace by reducing the speechintroducing clause [alias QI] to a bare minimum and then simply reporting the speech.

However, such a QI is certainly not tied automatically to a foregrounded, vivid representation of DRD. Jackson (1987: 102) reports that non-clausal structures in Tikar are in fact particularly common with IRD, which is an atypical RD-category for high points of a story. Apart from the existence in Tikar of logophoricity, which tends to be associated with a less neat distinction between different RD-categories, this seems to be caused by a high routinization of such QIs.

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This factor is also relevant for most of the other non-clausal QIs in the sample, although in a somewhat different way. A look at their statistical frequency reveals that they are used in the great majority of DRD-tokens in the relevant languages. It is therefore difficult to claim that they are peakmarking devices. Even assuming that DRD as such has an inherent tendency to convey foregrounded information - a hypothesis for which considerable evidence exists (see the discussion in Section 3.5.3) - it is unlikely that one is confronted with a story peak every time that one of the numerous tokens of non-clausal QIs occurs in these languages. Apparently, an important parameter affecting the functional manipulability of a certain structure is its degree of grammaticalization. That is, once a non-clausal QI has become a kind of default device in a certain context, it ceases to be simply one paradigmatic choice on a par with other types and can no longer be employed for pragmatically sensitive purposes. Consequently, the above hypothesis - that non-clausal QIs occur primarily for dramatic highlighting - cannot be maintained as a general law.

Chapter 3 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context

This chapter treats the relation of the QI to its linguistic context in a wider sense. It is especially concerned with the interaction between a QI and the constituent it is most closely associated with - the quote. Three major areas will be addressed, namely structural properties of the QI which are relevant for the nature of the syntactic relation between the QI and the quote (Section 3.1), the relative linear position of the QI vis-à-vis the quote (Section 3.2), and the phonetic integration of QI and quote (Section 3.3). Insofar as QI and quote constitute a higher-order structure called here a RD-construction, the chapter also addresses the nature of this more complex entity, based in particular on the results of Sections 3.1-3. In the literature this complex expression is commonly equated to or at least associated with a clause-linkage unit of sentential complementation. Since this study provides a large amount of data which is relevant for evaluating this approach, it is in a good position to explore whether and how the conclusions drawn here for DRD and non-DRD bear on the general concept of sentential complementation; Section 3.4 will present the relevant findings. Possibly the most complex issue determining properties of the QI such as its form and its relation to the quote is how the RD-construction and the QI - as the anchoring device for the quote - are inserted in their discourse context. This issue is central to the study of RD because it can be expected to correlate with the discourse-functional goals of the use of RD in general. This will be looked at in the final Section 3.5. A complete and conclusive treatment of this topic can only be achieved if texts are investigated as a whole regarding their internal organization and the linguistic reflexes thereof. This was clearly impossible within the limits of the present study, based as it is on texts from a large language sample. That is, the data available here lacked essential information for such an analysis (e.g., non-verbal and suprasegmental signals like gesture, voice quality, intonation, etc.), so that possible insights into discourse-functional aspects remained limited. Therefore, I have restricted this type of investigation to relatively obvious phenomena. These are the clause linkage status of a QI vis-à-vis its cotext discussed in Section 3.5.1, and the incidence of RD-constructions with a QI in dialogue, treated in Section 3.5.2. In the final Section 3.5.3, I will attempt an evaluation of DRD regarding its information status in narrative

3.1 The verb phrase in quotative indexes 181

texts on the basis of the sample tokens and relevant information from the literature.

3.1 The verb phrase in quotative indexes A first central question regarding the general grammatical relation between the QI and the quote is to what extent the predicative element of a QI can be analyzed to comprise a syntactic phrase unit together with its accompanying quote, comparable to a canonical verb phrase comprising a transitive verb and its complement. This issue will be approached below from three different angles. Section 3.1.1 deals with the valence behavior of verbs used regularly as a QI-nucleus, both in RD-constructions and in other contexts where the associated constituent has more canonical properties of a nominal. Section 3.1.2 looks at nominal elements which frequently occur in QIs and which refer, at least semantically, to the quote, and discusses the consequences which their presence has for a syntactic analysis of the complex RD-construction. Finally, Section 3.1.3 examines the phenomenon whereby elements like AD-referring nominal constituents and quote orienters intervene between the QI-verb and the quote, thereby interrupting what is commonly equated with a canonical unitary verb phrase. 3.1.1

Verb transitivity

A crucial issue for the present discussion is the inherent syntactic characteristic of the QI-nucleus because this seems to be the most fundamental determinant of the nature of the relation between QI and quote. For verbs, this property is described in terms of its valency or transitivity features. The following discussion of this issue applies only to QIs which are based on a clearly verbal item, which of course constitute just a subclass of the token total recorded in this survey. At the beginning of the data gathering it was planned to record verb transitivity on a token-by-token basis, but this soon turned out to be unrealistic for several reasons. First, in few of the sample languages does the verb display overt morphological clues regarding its inherent valency, which would have facilitated the analysis. Also, grammatical descriptions usually provide little explicit information on the valency features of default QIverbs, let alone of all the verbs encountered in the data. More serious for the present discussion is that, even if one finds statements on this topic, they cannot always be accepted at face value. A preva-

182 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context lent view in the general linguistic discussion is that verbs used as QIpredicates can be viewed automatically as transitive on the a-priori assumption that the quote is their direct object. Though influential in certain circles, Munro's (1982) crosslinguistic study on the many un-transitive features of individual QI-verbs21 or the numerous works challenging the quote-as-object analysis (see Section 3.4.1) have not considerably changed the general perception. For this reason, when a source briefly analyzes a QI-verb in a way which conforms with the default analysis, but without adducing sufficient evidence, the analysis should normally be checked against additional empirical data. Because of these obstacles, the general strategy used here for determining the valency features of the most frequent and/or semantically generic QI-verbs was to gather information, mostly from the texts, on their behavioral properties in and outside QIs. The results are given in Appendix 2. The central issue for this section is whether a verb has a valency slot for a direct object referring to speech in general and to the quote in particular. This property will be called in the following TRANSITIVITY TO SPEECH. Sometimes a consulted source explicitly lists or describes an item as intransitive, such as Ik kut, Dongola báññi, Murle zi, Anywa kóó (detransitivized), Taa té'e), Mandinka kó, Yoruba ní, Nguni thi. This information is mostly backed up with empirical data, probably precisely because it contradicts the above default assumption. Sometimes the item's intransitivity can be inferred from phenomena occurring with other speech verbs. In Mandinka, for example, a true transitive speech verb like fó must take a speech-referring pronoun in the normal preverbal object position, in addition to the postverbal quote. The fact that this does not apply to the quotative verb kó, as well as other characteristics of this item, justifies the conclusion that it is not transitive to speech. One can in all probability also exclude the feature of transitivity to speech for Ju|'hoan !óá 'tell' because this verb consistently requires an AD nominal, but there are no ditransitive verbs in the language. A reasonably good criterion of a QI-verb's general valency seems to be the kind of nominal item which can replace the potential quote complement, such as speech nouns, pronouns, deictics and interrogatives. It is at least a useful negative heuristic, and one which does not hinge on the assumption that the relation between verb and quote is constructionally iden-

21 See also Amberber (1997), who largely reiterates Munro's arguments for a generative audience.

3.1 The verb phrase in quotative indexes 183

tical to that between verb and proform (see below), because if the proform typical for a verb is not compatible with an analysis as a direct object, canonical transitivity is unlikely. Thus, Roeck (1994: 336-7) uses this as a secondary criterion for determining the transitivity of QI-verbs in her crosslinguistic study of 40 languages, assuming that verbs are intransitive when they take oblique adverbial elements like 'how' and 'thus' instead of direct-object forms like 'what', 'this', 'it', 'word', 'matter', etc. (see Munro (1982: 304-6, 314-5) for the same argument). As far as possible, this verb property was also recorded for the QI-verbs in the present study. The test is, however, not without problems. First, interrogatives and deictics may not always be clearly distinguishable as to the feature ±manner. For example, for Aiki, Nougayrol (1989: 117) gives in his vocabulary under the item àtE@ the gloss 'quoi?' and the following sentence with the quotative verb ir. (110) àtE@ t-r- $ what 3S-QV:IPFV-GQ Que dit-il? (Nougayrol 1989: 117) One would conclude, then, that the verb is transitive to at least some speech nominals. However, the same author (ibid.: 208) also translates 'comment?' with àtE@. The question word therefore does not illuminate the problem in Aiki. In this case, the cooccurrence with the proform káá 'thus' can serve as the decisive factor arguing for an analysis of ir as intransitive. However, such a solution is not always available. Uncertainty remains, for example, with such items as Fur in- 'this, thus', Murle nE 'how, what', and Dongola -gi (relational gram for both direct objects and obliques) so that an evaluation of the verbs concerned is not possible for this purpose. Fortunately, these cases are rather the exception than the rule. For the most part, the items serving as speech proforms with QI-verbs are easily distinguishable regarding their status as nominal vs. adverbial. It can be seen in Appendix 2 that many verbs are found in the available data only with interrogatives and proforms conveying manner, which points to the non-direct-object status of quotes. These are Kanuri n, Sandawe mbô, Taa tám, Bedauye an, Kera wáate, Hausa fàÎaa and gayàa (both grade 1), Izon be`é`, Koromfe bo, Ngbaka Ma'bo d"# and ko#, and Birom yé and yaN. I give here just two representative examples, involving the quotative verb yé of Birom and the generic speech verb bo of Koromfe, respectively.

184 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context (111) yE$ a-ye lá-~áà 3S AOR-QV how comment dit-il? (Bouquiaux 1970a: 401) tife m ) nE l E (112) g‰ bo a 3S say DET elephant also to thus Il dit la même (chose) à l'éléphant aussi (Rennison 1986a: 40-1) Even for a verb where the test yields contradictory results - for example, it can take both a manner and a direct-object proform - it can be stated that the verb does not possess the canonical valency for a direct speech object. Such ambiguous or simply unclear cases are Kanuri gùl, Khoekhoe mî, Tigre bela, Lamang kwara, Hausa cêe, Izon gbá, Donno S gE@, Supyire jwo, Waja cE, Ewe bé, and Yoruba so`. To give just one illustrative example, the generic speech verb of Khoekhoe takes direct objects referring to speech as shown in (113); its interrogative, however, is 'how'. (113) ama-e-ts ge ra mî true-C.S:OBJ-2S.SBJ DECL IPFV say Du sagst die Wahrheit! [you are telling the truth] (Schmidt 1994: 140-1) A particular detail indicating transitivity to speech can sometimes in fact be seriously misleading. In Nguni, for example, the picture is the reverse of that of Khoekhoe: quotative thi behaves overwhelmingly like an intransitive verb, but it takes the normal interrogative enclitic -ni 'what' as in (114). (114) u-thi-ni nge-ketela 2S-QV-CQ INSTR-kettle What about a kettle, ... (Bona 1987,8: 123) This latter isolated fact can be motivated in that thi itself lexically involves the meaning of manner, so that the adverbial feature is not necessary in the interrogative: thi is derived etymologically from 'like this' and this meaning persists in many of its uses in modern Nguni. The case of Nguni sho is even more drastic. In many behavioral aspects it looks like a good transitive speech verb. Nevertheless, its semantic history is similar to that of thi

3.1 The verb phrase in quotative indexes 185

in that it originates in 'like that'. Moreover, it occurs prototypically after the quote, although there is no syntactic OBJ-V configuration in this language. The situation that a QI-verb can take a question word 'what' because the verb has manner in its lexical meaning range is not unique to Nguni. This will be outlined in more detail in Section 5.1.3.3, inter alia for other elements like Ju|'hoan kò or Lamang gV. Another case where compatibility with a direct-object interrogative is only a negligible detail vis-à-vis the verb's general intransitive character is Ik kut: isi nda abaN-in (115) kut-a naa yaN-ina QV-PFV PST mother-P:ABS what and father-P What did our mothers say and our fathers (Serzisko 1992: 218) Only a few verbs seem to have a consistently transitive behavior toward speech nominals and proforms according to my information: Koyra Chiini har and …ii, Anywa ca#an, Krongo òtóN, Tamajeq ´nn, Hausa fàÎaa (grade 2), Mandinka fó, Ewe gbl , and Igbo si` and kwu. Thus in Tamajeq: w´r ´nne ´nzad (116) ma t-´nne what 2S-say:PFV NEG say:PFV:1S nothing Qu'est-ce que tu as dit? Je n'ai rien dit. (Petites Soeurs de Jésus 1982: 24) There is another, more important problem with the proform test which casts doubt even on the last-mentioned cases. Items counted here as quote proforms can in fact occur with quotative markers which have no verbal character whatsoever. See the following examples from Waja with the nonverbal quotatives k´n, m´n of QI3, which can be constructed with both an interrogative and a demonstrative (see Section 5.1.5.2 for evidence that the two items are unlikely to be verbal, also from a historical perspective). (117) cinóu k´n cá story Q what What is the story about? (Kleinewillinghöfer f.n.) ná {...} (118) m´n Q.SPA DEM I said this, '... [in elicitation, non-DRD] (Kleinewillinghöfer f.n.)

186 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context A similar situation is found in Tikar, where the quotative pronouns of QI3 can be followed by lE 'thus'. If cooccurrence of a QI-nucleus with proforms is not even a proof of its verbhood, then, a fortiori, direct-object items like 'what' and 'this' can hardly be invoked as conclusive evidence of canonical verbal transitivity. This is particularly relevant for quotative verbs whose status as verbs is problematic. The most serious reservation against the reliability of the proform test concerns the essential difference between nominal complements and controlled sentential units. This can be demonstrated with the generic speech verb gùl 'say' in Kanuri. Example (119) shows that the verb can take a nominal direct object. gul-zena (119) Ari-ye mana ad´-ga PN-SBJ word DET-OBJ say-3S:PERF Ari said this word. (Awagana p.c.) At the same time, gùl is said by Hutchison (1976: 201, 204) to be impossible with the marker of nominalized sentential complements -ro. Clause-like units can only be constructed with this verb when linked by a medial form of the quotative verb n. A similar situation is reported by Armbruster (1960: §4676-7) for speech verbs and similar items in Dongola: As a general rule, the direct object of a verb of saying, i.e. what is said, does not bear the objective suffix, but the indirect object, i.e. the person addressed, does bear it:

(120) E@kki sámil {súttE ta@r!} # E-n 2S:OBJ sheikh {come quickly!} QV-IPFV:3S the sheikh says to you 'come quickly' (Armbruster 1960: §4676) This is the usage so long as the direct object is reproduced speech, or speech to be reproduced, a sentence, in fact; but when it is some word representing a sentence, e.g. a pronoun, then it bears the objective suffix:

(121) sámil iN-g E-gó sheikh DEM-OBJ QV-PFV:3S the sheikh said this. (Armbruster 1960: §4677) One can observe in these and other cases a clear discrepancy between the valency of a verb when occurring with nominal participants in a simple sentence and the syntactic behavior of the same verb in a RD-construction vis-à-vis a quote. It is therefore necessary with QI-verbs, as presumably

3.1 The verb phrase in quotative indexes 187

also with other verbs governing sentential constituents, to make a distinction between their lexical properties according to the different types of constituents they cooccur with. The syntactic relation obtaining between QI and quote thus cannot be inferred from the behavior of the QI-verb outside RD and vice versa. For the domain of RD-constructions, this means that the construction's own surface properties should be the primary criterion for evaluating the issue of its internal syntactic constituency. All other tests which try to infer the relevant valency feature from lexical clues outside a QI - such as tests appealing to the behavior of a verb with nominals, in relative clauses, in derivation, etc. - are secondary. It seems that only one fairly unequivocal conclusion can be drawn from this kind of analysis, and it is a negative one: a verb is not canonically transitive in RD if outside RD it gives evidence of some form of atypical valency behavior compared to a "normal" transitive speech verb. No parallel inference can be made from the reverse situation: a verb which is transitive outside RD may or may not treat a sentential unit as its complement. 3.1.2

Verbs and quote proforms

A fairly frequent ingredient of QIs is quote proforms like speech nouns, pronouns, deictics, and adverbs. Their primary semantic effect is to refer to the quote, either cataphorically or anaphorically, depending on whether the proform occurs respectively before or after the quote. As discussed in Section 2.4.3, such items when placed adjacent to the quote constitute one class of elements establishing a bipartite QI. To what extent this strategy is exploited in the sample languages and results in the grammaticalization of quotative/complementizers will be treated in more detail in Chapter 5. The primary concern here is how the general phenomenon affects the syntactic interpretation of a QI. For this reason, I will only add and discuss a few more cases where a QI-internal proform realizes the quote-reference function without simultaneously being a quote orienter, possibly even occurring in addition to an element of this class. This seems to be especially frequent when the language has some form of OBJ-V configuration, but the QI precedes the quote. There are several languages where this phenomenon has been studied and laid out systematically such as Mandinka (Dramé 1983) and Supyire (Carlson 1994: 450-2, 464). Carlson labels this type of proform in Supyire ANTICIPATORY pronoun - a term which is also adopted in the present study. He explains (ibid.: 450):

188 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context ... some verbs [cyèè 'tell', ¯yE 'realize', ta 'find out'] require "anticipatory" pronouns in the main clause. With other verbs [jwo 'say', ce 'know', míírí 'think', dá 'believe', lógó 'hear'] such pronouns are optional, with still others [pyi 'tell', s nN 'think', yaha 'believe'] they are disallowed. ... With most verbs, the anticipatory pronoun, which in some sense refers to the "extraposed" complement, is put in direct object position.

Supyire is a language with the dominant clause order SBJ-auxiliaryOBJ-V-other. Thus, both the direct object in a simple sentence (122) and the anticipatory proform in a QI (123) occur before the partly transitive speech verb jwo: mìì yyéré-Ni jwo (122) kà mìì í u m$-pa-Ní DS 1S NAR 3S NOML-come-DET 1S toward-DET say mìì túNa à 1S father LOC Then I announced her coming to my place to my father. (Carlson 1994: 423) na (123) kà u ú yí jwó u ¯yii na DS 3S NAR ATC.PRO say 3S eye LOC Q Then he said to him "... (ibid.: 446)

{...}

A very similar situation is found with certain QI-verbs in Mandinka and Ngiti; these languages employ as anticipatory proforms a 3rd-person singular pronoun a and an abstract noun idhu 'thing', respectively. There are other OBJ-V languages where a preverbal proform occurs in preposed QIs, but the proform is a manner adverb and not a direct object that is required by the verb's valency. That is, cataphoric quote reference is not exclusively motivated syntactically. This applies to Aiki káá 'thus' in QI1, Sandawe 'íxì 'thus' in QI1/3, Tigre k´'´nna 'thus' in QI1/3, and possibly also Fur in- 'this, thus'. All these languages are genuinely verb-final so that the respective QIs conform with their basic sentence structure. Quote proforms which are not quote orienters also exist in languages with other constituent orders. Reh (1996: 381, 399-400) reports for Anywa that QI2 displays, in addition to the quotative/complementizer ní, a postverbal proform g $ 'it' when the verb is inherently speech-transitive or is subject to a so-called "focus derivation" which has the effect of making a postverbal nominal term obligatory. The quotative/complementizer pé of QI2 in Yoruba is preceded by the proform báyìi 'thus' when it is explicitly

3.1 The verb phrase in quotative indexes 189

meant to mark DRD (Bamgbos`e 1986: 89-90). A partly related situation can be identified in Ebert's (1979: 261) remark that the non-speech verb hàrè 'return' in Kera, when used in a QI as 'answer', mostly displays two object suffixes crossreferencing both AD and speech. Another phenomenon should be mentioned in this connection. QI-verbs can sometimes morphologically incorporate deictics or other pronouns. This also qualifies as QI-internal quote reference, although it is possibly less relevant from a synchronic perspective (see the discussion of Kunama ake#, Anywa ní, Lamang (win)kagV, and Nguni sho in Sections 5.1.3-4). Quote proforms in general create an odd syntactic situation under a certain analysis of RD-constructions. Carlson (1994: 464) writes regarding the anticipatory pronouns of Supyire: These pronouns, which are placed in the position in the main clause which the complement would occupy if it were truly embedded, have the effect of making the main clause syntactically complete without the addition of a further clause.

With a perspective on the entire RD-construction, such types are unusual in the sense that a represented entity is referred to twice: by the QIinternal proform on the one hand and by the quote - the purported complement of the matrix verb - on the other hand. A purely syntactic treatment of this phenomenon, as highlighted in the above quote, is insufficient because proforms do not necessarily have the function of filling a valency slot of a verb; they primarily saturate the matrix verb semantically. I prefer the following surface-oriented explanation of this double reference to the speech content. The relevant verb requires, either for lexical or for contextspecific reasons, some form of referential saturation regarding its lexically induced participant within its clausal context, viz. the QI. This reference will take a form that is in accordance with the normal syntax of nominal participants in clauses - something a quote itself is apparently not compatible with. The marked structure thus seems to be a compromise between different semanto-syntactic requirements, on the level of a simple clause and the level of a more complex construction of two linked clauses. Regarding the RD-construction, the way in which this conflict is resolved, namely by saturating the QI, provides clear evidence for the possibility of an extraclausal status of the quote.

190 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context 3.1.3

Verb phrase constituency

Verb phrases comprising a transitive verb and its direct object normally form a coherent and linearly uninterrupted constituent. The adjacency between the two constituents is a token of the very tight syntactic bond compared with relations a verb can have to other possible participants. There is no sample language where this is not the unmarked case for a verbal clause with a direct object. On the assumption that the verbal nucleus of a QI relates to the quote in the same way that other verbs relate to their nominal complements, one would expect the above property of verb phrases to be replicated in the structure of RD-expressions. However, what one finds instead is that the predicted linear sequence of the QI-predicate and the quote is frequently interrupted by intervening linguistic material. One type of QI-element that regularly separates the QI-verb from the quote is the constituent referring to the AD. As shown in Section 2.3.2, the AD is usually encoded in an adpositional phrase as an oblique participant. In clauses with nominal participants, it is not uncommon that such obliques are more distant from the verb than direct objects because of the crosslinguistically robust trend whereby constituents are positioned in the order of increasing formal complexity (see, e.g., Primus 1998). It is thus remarkable that in QIs with the verb before the quote the AD is virtually never put at the end, but between verb and quote. There are, of course, plausible motivations for this - for example, the greater complexity of the quote vis-à-vis the AD, or a preference for placing human obliques before non-human direct objects. Nevertheless, the fact remains that the order of AD and quote vis-à-vis the QI-predicate is not subject to the considerable variation holding for the linear order of canonical nominal participants. Another important fact which is even more difficult to motivate under the traditional RD-account is that the coherence of the main QI-verb and the quote can also be interrupted systematically by quote orienters. The frequency of this phenomenon can be discerned from the incidence of QIpartition discussed in Section 2.4.1 and the absolute number of languagespecific bipartite QIs recorded in the survey, which is almost as high as that for monoclausal QIs. On account of this general situation, one must conclude that the QI-verb and the quote frequently do not conform to the canonical coherence of verb phrases. This calls for explanation or a refinement in the analysis of RDconstructions.

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 191

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote A second major parameter in the analysis of the relation between QI and quote is the relative order of these two constituents. The variation encountered is treated in the following sections with the aim of making preliminary crosslinguistic generalizations about this parameter on the basis of the sample survey. The analysis first deals in Section 3.2.1 with the raw token frequencies of the different order patterns in individual languages and across the sample. Section 3.2.2 develops a general typology of QI-quote order patterns. This order typology is applied in Section 3.2.3 to the individual QI-strategies of the sample languages. Finally, Section 3.2.4 treats factors which appear to determine the order of QI and quote. 3.2.1

Order patterns and their frequency across the sample

The order configurations considered here follow from the logical possibilities for how a QI and a quote can combine to form a binary RDconstruction. A major distinction should be made first according to whether the QI is coherent and uninterrupted by other material, or whether it is unitary but discontinuous in consisting of separated segments. The first case is simpler: the QI is placed before, after , or within the quote. The second case involves various combinations of the three simple patterns, the most common one being a quote flanked on both sides by the QI. It is useful to distinguish conceptually and terminologically between the entire QI and a QI-segment defined by its position relative to the quote. That is, a coherent QI coincides with just one such QI-segment, while a discontinuous QI consists of more than one QI-segment. There are seven logical possibilities for a QI-quote ORDER PATTERN, which are given below in the terminology used in the following discussion (the four major orders (a-d) have also been commonly recognized in previous studies of this topic, e.g., by Reid (1979) in a language-specific treatment of Totonac and by Longacre (1994) in a more typologically oriented work). (This provisional typology will be refined later and reduced to four types at the end of Section 3.2.2.)

192 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context Relevant QI-segment (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

ON-QUOTE only OFF-QUOTE only ON/OFF-QUOTE combination INTRA-QUOTE only ON/INTRA-QUOTE combination INTRA/OFF-QUOTE combination ON/INTRA/OFF-QUOTE combination

Resulting order pattern PREPOSED QI POSTPOSED QI CIRCUMPOSED QI INTRAPOSED QI no term no term no term

An example from Kunama will illustrate the use of the terms. The RDconstruction in (124) consists of the quote abá k"#néas"# gon*enanní and a complex QI of the discontinuous circumposed type, established by the onquote abárma f"#@la and the off-quote akéske n*ón*as"#. {abá k"#néas"# gon*enanní} aké-ske n*ón*a-s"# (124) abárma f"#@la then mouse {I don't guard your corn} QV-3S:PFV frog-OBJ Die Maus aber erwiderte dem Frosch: 'Nein, ich bewache dein Korn nicht.' [then Mouse replied to Frog, 'No, I don't guard your corn'] (Reinisch 1881-90,1: 171) I give in the following the figures for the different order patterns recorded, starting with preposed and postposed QIs in Table 41. This table shows that preposed QI-tokens are in the clear majority across all the language corpora. They account for the entire token total in 19 sample languages and make up more than two-thirds of the total in another 11 languages. In five languages, namely Aiki, Dongola, Tigre, Lamang, and Nguni, preposed QIs constitute at least 30% of the token total. Only Kanuri, Kunama, Khoekhoe, and Bedauye have lower figures for preposed QIs; Bedauye is the only language without a single preposed token in the text corpus. Postposed QIs are found in only 17 sample languages. In Hadza, Sandawe, Tamajeq, Kera, and Waja they are negligible. Less than a third of the QI-token total are postposed in Dongola, Taa, Tigre, Izon and Donno S . The languages Kanuri, Aiki, Kunama, Khoekhoe, Lamang, and Nguni have around half of their QIs after the quote. Only in Bedauye do such QIs reach three-quarters of the token total.

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 193 Table 41. Preposed and postposed QI-quote patterns across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137 9 48

Preposed QI total in % 123 100 29 15 89 100 8 38 21 100 15 100 86 100 3 2 54 40 100 100 70 100 22 82 63 98 59 97 12 10 137 100 123 88 22 30 110 93 0 0 191 99 35 70 60 47 199 100 181 100 41 76 12 100 11 69 51 100 15 94 47 100 89 99 85 100 25 100 10 100 27 100 137 100 9 100 19 40

Postposed QI total in % 0 0 21 61 0 0 9 43 0 0 0 0 0 0 55 44 28 20 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 3 55 47 0 0 17 12 19 26 1 1 94 75 0 0 1 2 66 52 0 0 0 0 8 15 0 0 4 25 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 23 48

194 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context Table 42 gives the figures for QI-quote order patterns other than preposed and postposed. As can be seen, only 16 sample languages display tokens having these more complex patterns. Circumposed QIs are found in only eleven sample languages. In Burunge the two tokens are clearly exceptional, apparently involving afterthought information in the off-quote. Less than a third of the QI-tokens have this order feature in Kanuri, Aiki, Bedauye, Kera, Izon, and Donno S . Only the corpora of Kunama, Dongola, Khoekhoe, and Tigre display this pattern in between a third and roughly a half of the token total. The tokens for intraposed QIs, given in the middle column, concern only seven sample languages: Kunama, Dongola, Tamajeq, Bedauye, Lamang, and Nguni. A systematic use of this structure emerges only for Tamajeq and Nguni. An even less regular picture emerges for the remaining order patterns involving an intra-quote. As can be seen in the last column, they are only encountered in Krongo, Kera, and Supyire. A regular employment can only be claimed here for Krongo. Table 42. Other QI-quote patterns across the language sample Language Kanuri Aiki Kunama Dongola Krongo Khoekhoe Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Izon Donno S Supyire Nguni

QI total 198 21 126 136 27 117 72 118 126 193 50 128 54 16 16 48

Circumposed QI total in % 47 24 4 19 67 53 52 38 0 0 50 43 31 43 0 0 31 25 2 1 13 26 0 0 5 9 1 6 0 0 0 0

Intraposed QI total in % 1 0 0 0 1 1 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 6 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 12

Other total 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0

in % 0 0 0 0 18 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 6 0

The mean percentages of the different order patterns across the entire data base are as follows: preposed QIs 79%, postposed QIs 12%, circumposed QIs 7%, intraposed QIs 0.6%, and other QIs 0.7%. These figures can

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 195

be recast as a hierarchy of order patterns according to decreasing frequency: (a) preposed > (b) postposed > (c) circumposed > (e) other = (d) intraposed The following sections will attempt to elucidate the crosslinguistic significance of these raw statistical findings. 3.2.2

An order typology of quotative indexes

Section 2.6.1 proposed a classification of QIs according to morphosyntactic characteristics; this classification will continue to serve as the major parameter in the present analysis. In order to integrate this parameter with that at issue here, a binary indexation is used in the identification of language-specific QI-types in Appendix 1; it makes reference first to the primary criterion of morphosyntactic design and then to the second criterion of QI-quote order. Before the QI-types of the sample can be discussed regarding the order feature, a few aspects of its actual realization and of the present analysis must be treated. Preposed, cataphoric QIs are unproblematic so that no special remarks are necessary here. There is more to say about postposed, anaphoric QIs. First, it is not always easy, and in a typological study like this sometimes impossible, to distinguish a genuine off-quote like ...this is what he said from a background clause in a so-called "tail-head linkage" like having said this..., which takes up the previous speech event merely for the sake of creating text cohesion. To mention just one notorious case from the sample, Kervran & Prost (1986: 147) state explicitly for Donno S : "... il est très courant, dans le style narratif surtout, que l'action qui vient d'être exprimée par un passé narratif, soit reprise au moyen d'un participe parfait." A relevant example is given in (125). ko nE yu-a (125) ko nE yu-e there enter-PST:3S there enter-ANT il entra là, étant entré là ... (Kervran & Prost 1986: 148) At the same time, this participle also occurs in chains of sequential clauses of variable length. With the information at hand, there is thus no unequivocal analysis when a phrase like wo gia, which can be translated either as 'having said' or '(s)he said and', occurs after a quote. Consider example

196 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context (126), where in addition it must be taken into account that QIs which only consist of an AD-nominal in the on-quote are said to be frequent. (126) pezu p ru wa lE {...} yen wo gi-a ram AD.OBJ also thus 3S say-ANT A lui [= ram] aussi il dit: ... (Kervran & Prost 1986: 162) There are in principle three possible analyses here. First, pezu p ru wa could be viewed as a non-predicative QI2 and wo gia as a background clause in tail-head linkage, something like English: He also (said) to the ram, '...' Having said like this... The second possibility is that one is confronted here with one unitary circumposed structure, with the AD in the on-quote and the QI-predicate as a medial verb in the off-quote, to be rendered as: He also said to the ram like this '...' and... Finally, one could imagine that the quote is flanked by two independent QIs (see further below for the existence of this phenomenon): He also (said) to the ram, '...' This is what he said and..., so that wo gia would be a plain postposed QI as the first segment of a clause chain. In this particular case, the cotext (especially a different-subject clause after the above string) suggests that the first analysis is the best one. However, relevant clues are not always apparent in the discourse context, so that certain speech predicates that occur after a quote are structurally ambiguous. A second point regarding postposed QIs, or rather off-quotes in general, is that there seems to exist a trend toward a phonetically less prominent status vis-à-vis the quote and/or a tighter juncture between quote and offquote. Since prosodic information is largely absent for the sample survey, this impression is to a great extent based on cases described or mentioned in the crosslinguistic literature consulted. A case in point is discussed in detail by Wigger (1997: 992-9). The Irish phrase adeir sé, which is a routinized present form of the default QI-verb 'say' followed by the 3rd-person masculine singular pronoun, is said to be enclitic to the quote and to lack accentuation and other salient intonation phenomena. The prosodically unobtrusive status of this formula is closely associated with a phenomenon which holds for quote-adjacent QIs in general, namely a tendency to routinization and formal grammaticalization toward an invariable function word: the Irish verb occurs only in the suffixless present irrespective of the appropriate form in the relevant discourse context, and the masculine pronoun sé is used even with a feminine SP-referent. Similar phenomena are

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 197

attested for elements in postposed QIs of the sample. The extent to which these are crosslinguistically regular needs more systematic study, however. A final characteristic of some postposed QIs is that they are systematically related to and can be united on a more abstract level with other order patterns. This seems to be a major reason that there is no language in the data that has recourse only to postposed QIs (see Frajzyngier (1996a: 115) for a parallel observation for Chadic languages). The inherent relation of postposed QIs to intraposed and circumposed QIs will be discussed in more detail under these patterns. At this point, I will only treat a potential affinity of postposed to preposed QIs. It can be seen in Appendix 1 that a number of languages display both preposed and postposed QIs. Sometimes, these are clearly distinct morphosyntactically; see in this respect QI1/3/4/5 vs. QI2 in Taa, QI1/3/4/5 vs. QI2 in Hausa, and QI1/2/3 vs. QI5 in Izon. They can also differ in a regular way regarding the type of the predicative element as, for example, with QI1/3 vs. QI2/4 in Nguni. In these cases a separate classification is clearly justified. However, there also exist cases where two QIs display the same morphosyntactic design and differ in nothing but their order patterning. Compare in this respect QI1 with QI4 in Sandawe, QI1 with QI2 in Tamajeq, and QI1 with QI2 as well as QI3 with QI4 in Lamang. While such cases are still kept separate in this study, it might turn out from a wider crosslinguistic perspective that it is useful to identify an ORDER TYPE which is defined as being TRANSPOSABLE, and which varies between preand postposition. More will be said soon on this specific alternation as well as the general phenomenon that a single order pattern may not always be criterial for a reasonable QI-classification. A systematic alternation between pre- and postposed QIs is repeatedly associated with the specialization of a QI-verb to a position relative to the quote which is atypical for the language. This is found in some verb-medial and verb-initial languages which have a quotative verb typically occurring as an off-quote, namely Taa tám, Lamang wín(ká)gV, and Nguni sho. Intraposed QIs split the quote into at least two segments. There is a striking, though not particularly surprising, regularity across languages as to where such a quote-internal split occurs: intra-quotes normally turn up at "natural breaks" in the quote (whereby it is a language-specific issue what counts as a "natural break") and sometimes assume the behavior of clausesecond position fillers. This is also explicitly mentioned by the consulted sources for several of the QI-types in the sample and/or applies to the relevant tokens of the surveyed data.

198 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context For other languages, statements to the same effect have been made by Tietze (1959: 96-8) for Turkish, Wendel (1986: 3) for Kagan Kalagan, Thompson (1994: 79) for English, and Wigger (1997: 996-8) for Irish. The last author, for example, points out that the initial quote segment separated from others by an intra-quote cannot only be a complete syntactic unit like a phrase or clause, but also such one-word items as exclamations, interjections, vocatives, and discourse particles. All these latter elements may acquire a high degree of conventionalization at the onset of a quote. Wigger sees in them "'phantomhafte' Zitatfragmente [phantom-like quote fragments]" which appear in order to provide a host for the enclitic quotative (a)deir sé. Irrespective of whether one follows this analysis or inverts explicandum and explicans, the general phenomenon is certainly relevant for intra-quotes in general. Like postposed QIs, short intraposed QIs can be subject to considerable routinization and grammaticalization. As indicated above, the highly formulaic (a)deir sé of Irish also occurs as an intra-quote, in fact, predominantly as such. Additional cases from the literature are Turkish de- (Tietze 1959), Cora yee (Casad 1989: 15, 22), Old Akkadian -mi (Deutscher 2000: 68), and from other ancient and modern Indo-European languages, Hittite wa(r), Latin inquit/inquam, Old Polish dzie, Russian de and mol, Czech prý (Hock 1982: 62-4, 69), and Hittite kuit (Cotticelli-Kurras 1995: 96). Among the sample languages, it is quite possible that the Krongo enclitic -tíN and the Ju|'hoan particle tè, which appear mostly, though not consistently, in the second position of IRD-quotes, are also late stages of such a grammaticalization process. The example illustrates the phenomenon in Ju|'hoan: (127) a n/a koh ko {a} te {ho tci} 2S you.know PST QV {2S} IRD {find thing} you know, you said that you find something [non-DRD] (Dickens ms.) The case of Irish (a)deir sé, which can be either intra- or off-quote, indicates that it may be difficult to strictly demarcate between intraposed and certain postposed QIs. In fact, a number of QI-types recorded in the sample survey as primarily postposed show a picture similar to that seen in Irish. They are not postposed across all tokens; when the quote continues, they become intraposed. The relative frequency of the two order configurations may differ for language-specific QIs. The principal observation, however, makes it useful to recognize a more abstract order type which is defined by

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 199

oscillation between post- and intraposition. This in turn can be associated with the alternation mentioned above between pre- and postposition. If, as indicated above, one were to combine QI1 with QI2 in Tamajeq to a single QI-type, as well as QI1 with QI2 and QI3 with QI4 in Lamang, a still more versatile order type would emerge, namely a transposable QI that can precede, occur inside, or follow the quote without any significant change of form. Such a QI might be said to travel through a RDconstruction, probably correlating with certain other factors of the discourse context. Such a pattern can also be found elsewhere with short QIs consisting of just a verb and possibly a subject, for example, in Turkish (Tietze 1959), English (Longacre 1976: 146), Kagan Kalagan (Wendel 1986: 3-4), and Irish (see above). In some languages, subject inversion is obligatory in both intra- and off-quotes, as is the case in German as exemplified in (128). (128) a. dann sagt sie {...} (or sie sagt) then says she b. {...} sagt sie c. {...} sagt sie {...} (then) she says I will refer to this positional versatility by the convenient term QIFLOATING. This constitutes further evidence for the above suggestion that different QI-quote orders need not necessarily be classified in a language into two different QI-types, but can sometimes be fruitfully covered by one type. The next order pattern to be discussed is discontinuous circumposed QIs. This is the pattern commonly expected for verb-final languages, because a structure like that in (129) from Dongola parallels a normal clause, where all nominal participants are placed before the verb. Here, it is also not surprising that certain QI-verbs should become restricted to the offquote position, for example, Kanuri n, Kunama u, and Dongola E@ and án. (129) áli-g {índo ta@#r!} E#@-ri PN-OBJ {come here!} QV-IPFV:1S I say to Ali 'come here!' (Armbruster 1960: §5503) Such canonical circumposed QIs are indeed reported frequently for languages with OBJ-V order. A few examples are Papuan languages like Ga-

200 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context huku (Deibler 1971), Telefol (Healey 1972), and Kombai (Vries 1990), and Eurasian languages like Turkish (Tietze 1959), Georgian, Abkhaz, Avar (Hewitt & Crisp 1986), Nepali, Camling, and Newar (Ebert 1986). The discussion of morphosyntactic QI-types showed that a basic pattern as in (129) can be expanded to a bipartite QI whereby a quote orienter is inserted between quote and predicative QI-nucleus (in the case of DRD, often a converb or medial verb form). This does not affect the principal aspect of canonical circumposed QIs, that is, they are basically anaphoric to the quote. However, the split of the QI into two linear segments adds a new possibility for semanto-syntactic variation, namely that the QI-nucleus may be placed either in the off-quote or in the on-quote.22 The latter alternative, which is "non-canonical" for OBJ-V languages because the QI-verb is preposed (or the quote extra- or postposed), mostly implies the stranding of the quote orienter in the off-quote. Consider, for example, the following example from Khoekhoe. (130) o-b ge kai-khoe-b-a ra mî {...} ti then-3M.S.SBJ DECL adult-person-3M.S-DSBJ IPFV say Q Then the man says, "... (Haacke f.n.) The configuration in (130) is virtually a universal possibility in the relevant token groups of verb-final sample languages. The only exception is Kunama, where no circumposed token with the verb occurring in the onquote is found in the surveyed text corpus; it is, however, reported to exist by Thompson (1989: 307). From a discourse-functional viewpoint, an important change can be discerned in these structures: the presence of the quote is no longer indexed anaphorically, but cataphorically. In fact, such structures cannot be distinguished from canonically preposed QIs, which are generally cataphoric, but can occasionally involve an additional off-quote. The latter kind of QI is prototypically expected in verb-medial or verb-initial languages (cf. QI3/5 of Kera), but are apparently also possible in verb-final languages (cf. QI1/2/3 of Izon).

22 It is also possible, though not attested in the sample, that a clause-like quote orienter appears before the quote and the main predicate after it. This is found in the "complex quoting construction" of Choctaw (Broadwell 1991: 421-3) as exemplified in (94) in Section 2.4.4.

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 201

Canonical circumposed QIs with their nucleus in the off-quote show another frequent affinity. The constituents in the on-quote - mostly nominal participants, sometimes adverbs, conjunctions, etc. - are in principle dispensable. The complete omission of items in the on-quote yields a postposed QI. The following example pair from Kanuri illustrates this. (131) a. Alì-yè shí-rò {...} wònò PN-SBJ 3S-OBL QV:3S:PST Ali said to him, '... (Hutchison 1981a: 216) b. {...} wono QV:3S:PST She said "... (Geider ms.) Viewing this alternation from a language-internal perspective, it is clear that (131)b. is merely a regular variant of (131)a. So long as the alternation entails no change regarding the primary classification according to morphosyntactic QI-type, it would be counterintuitive to separate the two token groups. Instead, the approach taken here is to subsume them under a unitary type. This represents a third case where a postposed QI is aligned with another order pattern. Such QIs are found in the majority of consistently verb-final sample languages and the omission of the on-quote in them can account for the high number of postposed QI-tokens. The relevant monoclausal types are Kanuri QI2, Aiki QI2, Kunama QI2, Dongola QI2, Tigre QI2, Bedauye QI1, and Donno S QI3; the bipartite types are Kanuri QI3/4, Aiki QI4, Kunama QI3, Dongola QI4, Khoekhoe QI2, Tigre QI4, Bedauye QI2/3, Izon QI4, and Donno S QI5. There are also postposed QIs which can be aligned with a bipartite circumposed QI but which do not retain their original morphosyntactic type. This can be observed for QI3 in Khoekhoe and incipiently also for the tokens of QI2 in Kanuri in which the nucleus of the off-quote is a medial "conjunctive" form of the quotative verb n. The QIs concerned have in common that their predicativity is defective to varying degrees so that they constitute, or come close to constituting, a morphosyntactically reduced non-clausal type. This phenomenon is apparently related to the general process indicated above whereby reduction and grammaticalization in the off-quote are fairly frequent. A genuine circumposed QI of the above type should be distinguished from another configuration which on the surface displays the same order pattern. I have mentioned above that a language can possess both preposed and postposed QIs. It is not uncommon that this is exploited to flank a

202 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context quote on both sides by two structures which are in principle independent. Such a double QI will be called here a QUOTE FRAME. It is useful to differentiate between cases where such a frame combines QIs of two clearly different morphosyntactic types and cases where it combines OIs which are structurally largely identical. The latter possibility is partly related to the existence of a genuinely transposable QI (cf. McGregor (1994: 75-6) for a case of apparent QI-floating and resulting quote frames in Gooniyandi). In the sample, the first option has been recognized for Taa, Izon, and Donno S , the second for Tamajeq and Lamang. Frames in Kanuri, Khoekhoe, and Tigre are intermediate between the two extreme cases because their QIs in on- and off-quote can look similar on the surface (or are even identical), but do not represent a truly transposable QI. The following examples are from Taa, Kanuri, Tigre, and Lamang respectively. (Each quote frame has been treated in the token analysis as accounting for two separate QIs.) qúma //ú0-n sî té'e) {...} (132) èh sî ku# 3S CLCO indeed HS refuse-IA.OBJ CLCO QV !nùm sî bà tám èh qùma !a#h'u 3S HS like.this stay CLCO IPFV PV and he purportedly just refused saying, '...', that is what he stayed saying (Traill ms.) (133) kúrà-nzá-yè shí-gà cúgórò {...} wònò leader-their-SBJ 3S-OBJ 3S:PST:ask QV:3S:PST Ihr Führer fragte ihn: "... [lit.: their leader asked him, '...', he said] (Cyffer 1974: 209) k´'´nna bela-w {...} bela-w (134) ka-'´g´l h´d and-to each.other like.this say:NPST-3P say:NPST-3P And they said to each other as follows: '... (Raz 1983: 104) (135) ká yágh ndètsè búwó {...} ká yághè Q squirrel COM:3S PF Q squirrel Squirrel said to him, "...," said Squirrel. (Wolff 1994: 333) Sometimes, however, frames may be difficult to distinguish from preposed QIs which have an optional off-quote and therefore can become circumposed. As mentioned above, such structures are recognized in Izon with QI1/2/3 and in Kera with QI3/5. The criterion for not counting the

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 203

relevant tokens as double-QI frames and identifying separate QI-types is that the off-quotes è`bé`ni` in Izon and Nanaan´mo in Kera are not found in the data to occur on their own, nor are they reported in the consulted sources to do so. This might well be just coincidence; if so, the structures would have to be analyzed like the frame type found in Taa, Izon, and Donno S . In general, the distinction between these two types is not very clear-cut. This can also be recognized with the Kanuri example (133). The word wònò in the off-quote is still transparent as an independent past form of the quotative verb n. However, it shows a considerable degree of routinization in this position (see also below). Moreover, it shows certain suprasegmental features (see Section 3.3) which indicate a tendency to be interpreted as a routinized quote index rather than a full clause. This suggests that the on- and off-quote in this Kanuri pattern are beginning to take on properties of a unitary construction. It is thus conceivable that wònò could develop to a more grammaticalized quote closure like the off-quote items in Izon and Kera. What remains to be treated are discontinuous QIs which involve an intra-quote. It can be expected from this fairly loose formulation that these will constitute the least coherent group. A first pattern, involving an onquote and an intra-quote, is called ON/INTRA-QUOTE COMBINATION. This applies to the above-mentioned cases of Krongo and Ju|'hoan, where preposed QIs can involve an apparently grammaticalized intra-quote. The same pattern results when the quote is continued after a circumposed QI; this is attested in the survey data for Kanuri, Dongola, and Bedauye. The two remaining order patterns, which are characterized by the cooccurrence of an intra- and an off-quote, are also found predominantly as complex variants of a circumposed QI. They are often associated with longer quotations (see Vries (1990: 293) for a parallel interpretation of such QIs in Kombai) and with the existence of fairly conventionalized items that can be used as both intra- and off-quotes. The first case to be termed (parallel to the former usage) INTRA/OFF-QUOTE COMBINATION, is illustrated by two Kanuri examples. It can be seen that both involve the frequent medial or past form of the quotative verb n. (136) {...} wònò {...} wònò QV:3S:PST QV:3S:PST ...," sagte er "...," sagte er [lit.: ...' he said '...' he said] (Cyffer 1974: 210)

204 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context (137) {...} s´$ {...} wònò QV:3S:MED QV:3S:PST ...," sagte er "..." [lit.: ...' he said and '...' he said] (ibid.: 203) The other pattern creates a RD-construction with QI-segments in all three positions at once; that is, it has an on-, intra- and off-quote. For lack of a better term I will call it ON/INTRA/OFF-QUOTE COMBINATION. It is attested in the sample in connection with circumposed QIs in Kanuri, Kunama, and Dongola. The following example is from Kunama. (138) abárma n*ón*a {máida} ske then frog {okay} QV:3S:PFV f"#@la-s"# {gámbala# ga#dína} aké-ske {let's go to lizard!} QV-3S:PFV mouse-OBJ 'Gut,' sagte hierauf der Frosch, 'nun denn, so gehen wir zur Eidechse!' [lit.: Then Frog, 'okay!', he said; 'Let's go to Lizard!', he said to Mouse.] (Reinisch 1881-90,1: 172) Note that in both (137) and (138) the intra-quote is instantiated by a form that is somehow more grammaticalized than that in the off-quote: the Kanuri QI displays instead of an independent verb the medial form s´$ which is also used as a quote orienter; the Kunama QI has the shorter and presumably older of the two quotative-verb lexemes, viz. u (its irregular inflection gives ske) instead of ake# (inflected akéske). This and the fact that the intra-quote can occupy the quote-second position as in (138) indicates that such combinations can be analyzed as circumposed QIs with an additional intra-quote. Cases which fall outside this account are the somewhat exceptional QI5/6 in Tigre, where the complementizer must be placed before the predicate of the quote (note that both grams are etymologically related to prepositions). I have discussed the different order patterns regarding their relation to each other and as to how they constitute sets of QIs in individual languages. In so doing, a distinction was made between logically possible QIquote ORDER PATTERNS on the one hand and ORDER TYPES constituted by natural classes of QI-tokens on the other hand. In other words, different order patterns can be grouped together under the same order type, and conversely different order types can display variants which have the same order pattern. The following list summarizes the major order types proposed in the above discussion and gives their possible modifications with the

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 205

resulting variants. This order typology, with just four basic types, reduces the inventory of seven logically possible order patterns given at the beginning of Section 3.2.1. Basic order type (1) Preposed cataphoric Off-quote added Intra-quote added Intra- and off-quote added (2) Postposed anaphoric Quote continued Intra-quote added (3) Circumposed anaphoric No on-quote QI-nucleus in on-quote Quote continued Intra-quote added

Derived variant > > >

Circumposed cataphoric On/intra-quote combination On/intra/off-quote combination

> >

Intraposed Intra/off-quote combination

> > > > or

Postposed Circumposed cataphoric On/intra-quote combination On/intra/off-quote combination Intra/off-quote combination

(4) Transposable/floating 3.2.3

Order types and the quotative indexes of the sample

It can be seen in Appendix 1 that QIs of individual languages vary systematically not only with respect to their morphosyntactic properties, but also regarding their order configuration vis-à-vis the quote. That is, in the appendix the order typology proposed in Section 3.2.2 has been applied concretely to the QIs of the sample. The data are summarized in Table 43, which considers all types irrespective of RD-categories, so that the discussion in this section will not only concern DRD. Note that the table only includes the first three basic order types; the last, transposable/floating type does not appear. There are two major reasons for this. First, the empirical evidence in the few languages concerned, namely Sandawe, Tamajeq, and Lamang, is only sufficient for establishing this type with some confidence in the case of Lamang, so that its final recognition should be left to more extensive language-specific analyses. Second, the possibility of its existence is recoverable from the information given in Appendix 1, where it can be seen that these languages possess a postposed QI with a structurally identical preposed counterpart.

206 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context Table 43. QI-types of the sample according to QI-quote order and RD-categories Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni Total

Preposed DRD Both 1/2 1 3 1/2/4> 1 1 2 1/2 1/2/3 (1) <1 3 1/2 1 2 1 2 1/2 1 <2/3 1 1/2 3 1 1/3 1 1/2/3/4 5 1/2/4/3/5 1/3 3 1 2(>) 1 <1/2/3 1/2(>) 1/2 <1 3 1/2> <1/2 <3/2 1/2/3 1/2 (3) 1/2 1/2 <1/2> 2 3 1 32 51

Non

Postposed DRD Non

Circumposed DRD Both Non <3/2 (4)

4/5

3

2

(4)

3 2/3

<2

3

2

(4)

4

2

5/(6)

2

<1

(3)

(4)

3 (3) 4 3/(4) 4/5

2 2

(4/5) (3)

2/4 (2) 5

4

3 4

3

(5)

8

9

8

2

1

4/5 3/4/5 (<)1/(<)3 (5) 2/4 20 9

2

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 207 Notes to Table 43: DRD = attested/reported only for DRD; Both = both DRD and non-DRD; Non = only non-DRD; Arabic numeral = number of type in Appendix 1; / separates two types; (...) = information not from the sample data; < = bias toward DRD/nonDRD; (<) = possible assignment to Column "Both" based on consulted source; Italics = always/regularly occurs in a variant form of basic order type

How the remaining three order types are represented in the sample and interact with certain structural and functional features of RD will be discussed in the following. A first point concerns the absolute number of the different types in the survey. The type count yields 103 preposed cataphoric QIs, 11 postposed anaphoric QIs, and 25 circumposed anaphoric QIs. The resulting numerical hierarchy is: (1) preposed cataphoric > (3) circumposed anaph. > (2) postposed anaph. It is not clear to what extent this can be fruitfully compared with the hierarchy of order patterns on the basis of the token analysis, arrived at in Section 3.2.1 which was: (a) preposed > (b) postposed > (c) circumposed > (e) other = (d) intraposed Nevertheless, at least one significant parallel can be ventured: from a cross-African perspective, the preposition of QIs turns out to be the most frequent pattern in terms of both order types and tokens. A similar conclusion can be drawn when the profile of the individual languages in Table 43 is considered. First, virtually all of the sample languages have at least one preposed QI-type; the only exception in the available data is Bedauye. Moreover, almost two-thirds of the sample, namely 24 languages, have exclusively preposed QI-types. Different ways of combining preposed with QI-types of other orders are equally frequent in the sample: preposed and postposed QI-types on the one hand and preposed and circumposed QI-types on the other hand are each found in six sample languages. Three languages are somewhat exceptional vis-à-vis the rest of the sample: Bedauye has only circumposed anaphoric QI-types, while Kunama and Izon display QIs of all three types. There is no sample language that has only postposed anaphoric QI-types. An interesting correlation between this distribution and word order type is discussed in Section 3.2.4 below.

208 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context The order types can also be analyzed regarding their relation to morphosyntactic types. The relevant figures are given in Table 44. Table 44. The distribution of order types over morphosyntactic types in the sample Preposed cataphoric Postposed anaphoric Circumposed anaphoric Total

Monoclausal 38 6 7 51

Bipartite 44 3 10 57

Biclausal 8 1 6 15

Non-clausal 13 1 2 16

Total 103 11 25 139

One conclusion to be drawn from this table is that all morphosyntactic types and order types are in principle mutually compatible. Beyond this, it is difficult to ascertain whether any meaningful hypotheses can be formulated on the basis of the figures. I will only make a few basic observations here, with the necessary reservation that the figures may not be representative, especially those concerning low totals. When comparing the relative frequency of morphosyntactic types for the entire sample (bottom row) with those broken down into order types, the following can be said: preposed cataphoric types are distributed over different morphosyntactic types roughly in accordance with the general relative frequency of the latter; postposed anaphoric types seem to favor monoclausal types as monoclausal types in general do not have a strong dominance across the entire sample; circumposed anaphoric types somewhat disfavor monoclausal types if compared with their general frequency in the sample. Table 45. The distribution of order types over RD-categories in the sample Preposed cataphoric Postposed anaphoric Circumposed anaphoric Total

DRD 32 9 8 49

Both 51 9 60

Non-DRD 20 2 8 30

Total 103 11 25 139

I also examined the distribution of the order types over the different RD-categories. Table 45 gives the relevant figures. Again, the significance of these relative frequencies is difficult to evaluate. Preposed cataphoric and circumposed anaphoric types behave vis-à-vis different RD-categories roughly in the same way as QI-types in general. An obvious discrepancy once more concerns the postposed anaphoric types, which show a clear bias toward DRD.

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 209

The analysis becomes more fruitful when the three parameters - morphosyntactic type, order type, and RD-category - are combined. For this purpose, I should point out an observation that can be made in several languages regarding monoclausal QI-types. There are eight sample languages, Kanuri, Aiki, Taa, Tigre, Tamajeq, Hausa, Donno S , and Nguni, which have two monoclausal types, one of which is found in the data to be restricted to DRD and the other to occur with both DRD and non-DRD.23 If one reviews the QIs regarding their order patterns, a picture emerges which, if corroborated by more data on these and other languages, would be significant. In Kanuri, Aiki, Tigre, and Donno S , the type restricted to DRD is preposed and the type which is more open for different RDcategories is of the circumposed type. In Taa, Tamajeq, Hausa, and Nguni, the postposed order types have the DRD-bias while the preposed ones can be used with different RD-categories. A look at the profile of these two language groups apparently correlates with another grammatical feature, namely general constituent order. The first group (Kanuri, Aiki, Tigre, Donno S ) is composed exclusively of consistent verb-final languages placing the object before the verb, while the second group (Taa, Tamajeq, Hausa, Nguni) consists of languages having the object after the verb. Coming back to the monoclausal QI-types at issue, it can be observed that the type biased toward DRD has the position which is "non-canonical" in terms of the general word order of the language because the QI-quote order does not comply with the respective verb-complement order: a preposed QI in an OBJ-V language and a postposed QI in a V-OBJ language. The other way around, one can hypothesize that non-DRD prefers a monoclausal QI that conforms with the V-OBJ order pattern of the language. That is, non-DRD is disfavored with monoclausal preposed QIs in genuine OBJ-V languages, and with monoclausal postposed QIs in V-OBJ languages. Here the observations that postposed anaphoric types are found in the sample to disproportionally prefer monoclausal QIs as well as DRD come into play. Given that seven of the 11 language-specific types that are classified as postposed anaphoric come from V-OBJ languages, namely Taa,

23 Such a situation also holds for Kunama and Dongola. However, their non-DRD proportion in the corpus is extremely low and both of the QI-types concerned are therefore virtually restricted to DRD.

210 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context Tamajeq, Lamang, Hausa, and Nguni, their DRD-bias is an indirect reflex of the general pattern just mentioned.24 That a parallelism between QI-quote and V-OBJ order correlates particularly with non-DRD seems to be reflected in the sample data in yet another respect. This can best be demonstrated with verb-final languages. Those which do show the mentioned parallelism can be seen in Table 43 to have one or two circumposed QI-types that are restricted to non-DRD. Appendix 1 and additional information from the grammars of these languages reveal that these circumposed QIs are of a particular type: (1) they are fairly marginal with narrow reported speech and instead have a bias toward other complement-taking verbs; (2) they are all bipartite, with quote orienters alias complementizers in the off-quote; and (3) the latter are all etymologically related to determiners, adpositions, and other markers of nominality (see Section 6.6.2), which gives the reported clause the highest degree of nominal flavor observed across all structure types recorded in this survey. The constructions concerned are Kanuri QI4, Aiki QI4, Dongola QI4, Khoekhoe QI4, Tigre QI5/6, Bedauye QI3, and Donno S QI5 (the pattern also holds for the postposed anaphoric QI4/5 of Kunama). One can diagnose for these cases that RD-constructions at the opposite end of DRD not only comply with the constituent order holding for a verb and its nominal complement, but also show actual signs of nominality. This will be taken up in later sections. At this point, it serves as a useful transition to the following section, which seeks to identify factors that determine the relative order of the QI and the quote. 3.2.4

Factors determining the order of quotative index and quote

The most widespread view regarding the order of QI and quote seems to be that by default the verb of the QI - as its predicative nucleus - has the property of imposing on its assumed object - the quote - the status of syntactic dependency, and thus assigns to it a position typical for other direct objects. This approach leads to the expectation that languages with V-OBJ 24 Regarding the assumption that QI-verbs are transitive toward the quote, it is quite surprising that the emerging correlation arises particularly with simple QIs, where the verb would be expected to exert its influence on the quote most directly. The fact that it is simple QIs that allow in DRD this systematic deviation from the normal V-OBJ order is relevant, if only indirectly, for the question to be dealt with below, namely whether direct quotes are canonical objects of QI-verbs.

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 211

order will have preposed QIs, and languages with OBJ-V order will have circumposed QIs with the verb in the off-quote and their possible postposed variants. How well this general prediction holds empirically from a crosslinguistic viewpoint can be tested with the data of the sample survey. Relevant information has already come up repeatedly in the above discussion. The more systematic analysis to follow will be based on the inventory of order types established in Section 3.2.3 and the DRD-token figures recording QI-quote orders in Tables 41 and 42 of Section 3.2.1. For this purpose, the sample languages will first be classified into three types according to the relative order of verb and nominal object. The sample comprises: (1) 11 verb-final languages with an OBJ-V pattern: Kanuri, Aiki, Fur, Kunama, Dongola, Sandawe, Khoekhoe, Tigre, Bedauye, Izon, and Donno S (2) 8 not truly verb-final languages with an OBJ-V pattern: Ngiti, Anywa, Mandinka, Kisi, Supyire, Kouya, Ewe, and Tikar25 (3) 20 verb-medial or verb-initial languages with a V-OBJ pattern: Koyra Chiini, Ik, Ngambay, Murle, Krongo, Hadza, Ju|'hoan, Taa, Tamajeq, Burunge, Kera, Lamang, Hausa, Koromfe, Waja, Ngbaka Ma'bo, Yoruba, Igbo, Birom, and Nguni The situation in the first group, comprising the true verb-final languages, is as follows. All but Fur and Sandawe display at least one QI-type with the expected circumposed configuration. The postposed order types of Sandawe and Izon are not akin to circumposed ones and cannot be counted as such. All the languages but Bedauye also display preposed QI-types, Fur and Sandawe almost exclusively so. The figures for QI-tokens present a similar picture. The sum of the percentages for circumposed and postposed tokens comes close to or is 100% in Kunama, Khoekhoe, and Bedauye; it 25 All these languages except Anywa are characterized by the existence of a clause structure where the presence of an auxiliary triggers the placement of the object before the verb. This results in an order SBJ-auxiliary-OBJ-V-other. Gensler (1994, 1997) shows that this pattern is widespread in the Niger-Congo stock (represented in the sample by Supyire, Kouya, Ewe, and Tikar) and families commonly associated with it like Mande and Atlantic (represented by Mandinka and Kisi, respectively). It is also found in other lineages of what I call the "Macro-Sudan belt" (see Güldemann 2008) such as Central Sudanic (represented by Ngiti, but not in Ngambay) and Songhay (but not in Koyra Chiini).

212 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context is considerably higher than 50% in Kanuri, Aiki, Dongola, and Tigre; it is close to a third of the token total in Izon and Donno S ; and it comes close to or is zero in Fur and Sandawe. In the second group every language displays an overwhelming dominance of preposed QIs, both in terms of types and tokens. The languages of the third group all have preposed types. Taa, Tamajeq, Lamang, Hausa, and Nguni possess in addition at least one postposed type and therefore potentially a certain amount of postposed and/or intraposed tokens in the corpora. In Lamang and Nguni, these account for half of the token totals. Circumposed types are found in the third group only with Kera; they constitute a quarter of the token total in the corpus but are viewed here as variants of preposed types. These findings allow one to draw the following conclusions. First, it emerges from the previous discussion and is confirmed here that preposed QIs are virtually universal irrespective of a language's order of verb and object. Therefore, the data provide little evidence for the notion that placing the quote after the QI-verb is tied to V-OBJ order. The overall picture for V-OBJ languages does not, of course, contradict the general hypothesis, but it does not particularly support it either, due to the universal distribution of preposed QIs. The situation is different for postposed QI-types. Although they can exist in V-OBJ languages and can even attain a considerable frequency there, they have a greater chance of regular occurrence in verb-final languages with a deeply entrenched OBJ-V pattern (see the percentages in Table 41). This is even clearer for genuinely circumposed QI-types: they are only found in truly verb-final languages and, exceptionally, in Kera. One can surely identify then an implicational relationship between OBJ-V order and postposed/circumposed QIs. It is relatively weak, though, because (1) even the languages which give evidence to this effect almost always also show QI-quote orders, which are unaccounted for by the above explanation, (2) an entire group of languages with OBJ-V order completely lack the corresponding order pattern in RD-constructions, and (3) some languages which consistently place the object after the verb nevertheless do have postposed QIs, which is unexpected under the present explanation. That the conventional prediction fails to account for a large portion of QI-tokens in individual languages has been observed in previous discussions of RD, for example, by Longacre (1976: 146, 1985: 252). It seems that the basic idea does not provide a particularly strong explanation for DRD. What it does provide is a fairly good criterion of the status of a language as consistently head-final: it seems that only these languages are capable to a certain extent of grafting onto a quote this object property.

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 213

The eight languages which have a regular OBJ-V pattern but are not canonically head-final apparently lack this capability, which conforms to the commonly held suspicion that they are not typical SBJ-OBJ-V languages. The data discussed in Section 3.2.3 indicate that the prediction based on the quote-as-object principle fares demonstrably better for constructions toward the non-DRD end of the RD-domain. It was mentioned and can be verified in Appendix 1 (and Table 43) that QI-types restricted to non-DRD, particularly those which are marginal in narrow reported speech, are consistently circumposed anaphoric in truly verb-final languages, while they are consistently preposed cataphoric in verb-medial and verb-initial languages. It was also stated that this goes hand in hand with a higher degree of integration and nominality of the sentential quote. Section 3.4 will expand on this issue. It is necessary to find an explanation for the fact that, generally speaking, languages can deviate considerably regarding QI-quote order from the quite reasonable default hypothesis outlined at the beginning of this section. The major problem in this respect is the frequent use of preposed QIs in languages with OBJ-V order. Several general and language-specific discussions of RD have addressed this issue and invoked a powerful explanation: there exists a crosslinguistic tendency, of general relevance and not confined to RD, to place complex "heavy" constituents after more simple "light" constituents. As a representative study I will cite here Dik's (1997a: 399-416) detailed discussion of "constituent ordering principles." One of his "general principles" called "the principle of increasing complexity" (ibid.: 404) is the essential one for the present discussion: "There is a preference for ordering constituents in an order of increasing complexity." Applied to RD, this provides first of all a direct explanation for the very wide crosslinguistic distribution of preposed QIs vis-à-vis other order patterns, because a sentential constituent like a quote is normally the most complex constituent in a RD-construction and thus tends to come last, that is, after the QI (note the parallel argument in the typological discussion of the order of head noun and relative clause). Thus, the "heavy-constituent principle" turns out to be the most important single factor determining QIquote order from a typological perspective. This is particularly evident with languages that regularly place the object before the verb. According to another "specific principle" given in Dik's treatment, "a language makes a basic choice between Prefield or Postfield ordering of dependents with respect to their heads" (ibid.: 405). The two principles mentioned so far can be held responsible for another specific principle of Dik's: "the Prefield is universally less hospitable to

214 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context complex material than the Postfield; Prefield languages may thus be expected to possess strategies for relieving the Prefield of excessive complexity" (ibid.: 410). The relevance for the present topic is clear given that a possible reflex of the prefield choice is the preverbal placement of the object. Vries (1990: 303-6) argues in his discussion of RD in Kombai: Thus subordinate clauses in a rigid verb-final language like Kombai are subjected to conflicting ordering pressures. On the one hand the language tends to adhere to its basic functional pattern with the predicate (whether verbal or nominal) in final position. On the other hand, the aforementioned tendencies [which refers as well to Dik's principles] put pressure on the pre-verbal complex constituent to move to the area after the verb.

Parallel arguments have been put forward for other OBJ-V languages. For example, Haspelmath (1993: 354) speaks of direct quotes as being "extraposed" or "heavy-shifted to the end of the sentence" in Lezgian. Dramé (1983) refers to the "complex structure conspiracy" for explaining inter alia the postverbal position of sentential units associated with complementtaking verbs in Mandinka. In general, it can be said then that the heavy-constituent principle is capable of overriding the quote-as-object principle in OBJ-V languages, and indeed does so quite often. It should be noted, however, that the range of strategies for coping with such a potential conflict is in fact considerably wider. The most drastic solution is to fall back on an unmarked preposed QI, which simply ignores entirely the OBJ-V parallel induced by the verb. The above data have demonstrated the wide availability of this solution in the languages concerned - almost universally in those which are not verbfinal, but also in verb-final ones, even to the extent that here, too, it can be virtually the only strategy (as in Fur and Sandawe). The second way of resolving the conflict is to have a preposed QI which places an anticipatory quote proform before the matrix verb, apparently to saturate its referential and possibly syntactic valency (see Section 3.1.2). A third strategy is the reduction of the QI toward a non-predicative structure that has only a SPand/or AD-reference in the on-quote. The list of languages which have such QIs given in Section 2.3.3 shows that OBJ-V languages figure quite prominently there, and even provides the only sample language, Donno S , where this structure has the status of a grammaticalized QI-type reserved for DRD. A question for future research is whether this might be embedded in a more general strategy of avoiding verbs whose lexical properties induce the presence of a complement: this would be directly related to the high incidence of non-predicative QIs and predicative QIs involving quota-

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 215

tive verbs. The fourth way to reconcile the two conflicting principles is a variant of the bipartite circumposed QIs described in Section 3.2.2. The predicative QI-nucleus is placed in the on-quote and the quote orienter is left behind in the off-quote as a kind of fake quote closure. Finally, there is the possibility of reducing the complexity of the quote by a greater integration, nominalization, etc. (see inter alia Vries (1990: 303-4) for discussion of this phenomenon in Kombai). This is the only strategy which leaves the expected constituency between the complement-taking verb and the quote as its potential object intact. However, as observed in Section 3.2.3, this is almost exclusively reserved for non-DRD and is not widely used for direct quotes. It seems, according to the sample data, that the existence of one or both of the last two options, which among other things can maintain a circumposed order pattern, is a fairly good diagnostic for true head-final languages. The potential conflict between the quote-as-object principle and the heavy-constituent principle seems to be responsible for an emerging correlation between a language's word order type and its QI-quote order variability. Section 3.2.3 has shown that 14 of the 39 sample languages display more than one QI-quote order type. When assigning these languages to the three word-order classes distinguished above, they are found to occur only in the first and the last group, i.e. languages which are quite consistently head-final and those which are consistently head-initial. While 9 out of 11 head-final languages (= 82%) are attested with variable QI-quote order, this holds only for 5 out of 20 head-initial languages (= 25%). Since most of the eight remaining languages, classed as having inconsistent word order, can in fact be viewed as basically head-initial with a grammatically conditioned OBV-V alternative, the emerging difference between headfinal and head-initial languages seems in fact to be more dramatic. Hence, it can be hypothesized from the present data that the more rigid a language is regarding OBV-V order the more likely it has a variable QI-quote order, because in such a language the two competing factors yield different results and thus produce structural diversity. The heavy-constituent principle motivates the near-universal distribution of cataphoric preposed QIs. The quote-as-object principle conforms with preposed QIs in languages with V-OBJ order; it also explains the fact that, however powerful the first principle may be, certain OBJ-V languages regularly also show anaphoric circumposed (and postposed) QIs. What these two principles do not account for is the existence of anaphoric postposed QIs in V-OBJ languages. Here another discourse-functional consideration comes into play. In general, a possible language-internal choice

216 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context between signaling the presence of linguistic entities in discourse cataphorically, anaphorically, or, when they are complex enough, even "intraphorically" will relate to differences in the information structure of the given discourse context. This applies in particular to the order relation between a quote and its index, the QI. The above three order possibilities between a linguistic entity and the form referring to it translate in a straightforward way into the three simple order patterns for QIs: preposed, postposed, and intraposed, respectively. The interplay between information structure in discourse and the linear order of linguistic material in general and with RD in particular is too complex an issue to be treated in the necessary depth in this crosslinguistic study. A brief look at a language-specific RD-study like Reid's (1979) on Totonac, which treats this topic in more detail, demonstrates the possible range of factors involved. I will only refer here to various related functional effects invoked previously in connection with postposed anaphoric and intraposed QIs. Thompson (1994: 78-9) writes the following for English DRD-constructions: In direct quote structures, you most often put the reporting clause [alias QI] after the quote. ... The main focus here is on the speaker's words. The reporting signal is added at the end. It signals that this is a report, but in a way which makes the signal less important than the quote. You can also put the reporting clause in the middle of the quote ... The main effect of this is similar to putting the reported clause at the end. With a quote ..., the focus is more on the speaker's words.

One can summarize from these statements that postposed and intraposed QIs in English make a direct quote more salient vis-à-vis the QI. Other authors, like Wigger (1997: 994) for Irish and Frajzyngier (1996a: 115-21) for several Chadic languages, make a proposal concerning postposed/intraposed QIs which apparently involves a related function. They observe that the relevant RD-constructions are formally comparable with the syntactic fronting of constituents before the verb for certain pragmatic purposes. Frajzyngier (ibid.: 119-20), in attempting a generally applicable functional explanation, assumes that the particular effect of postposed QIs is to mark the quote as "a piece of information that the hearer is not expected to know." Since postverbal position in the relevant languages is also a locus of new information, and hence of the quote itself (which is certainly new information), the explanation as it stands is not satisfactory. More research is needed to pin down precisely the discourse function(s) in

3.2 The relative position of quotative index and quote 217

question.26 Nevertheless, the observation about the syntactic parallel between fronting in general and leftshifting the quote from a canonical position after the verb, and the association of such a process with an increase in pragmatic prominence of the fronted constituent, surely point in the right direction. This is corroborated by the grammatical properties of most languages where the regular employment of the postposed anaphoric QI-type is reported, namely the Chadic languages discussed by Frajzyngier, Totonac (Reid 1979), Kagan Kalagan as cited by Longacre (1994), Irish and various Germanic languages as mentioned above, and last but not least such sample languages as Tamajeq, Lamang, and Nguni. These all show typical features of verb-initial or verb-medial languages. In such languages, according to Dik's (1980: 20-1, 152-190; 1997a: 408-14) concept of a "universally relevant clause-initial position P1", many surface orders can be related to a basic pattern P1-V-SBJ-OBJ. Dik's principle can account for SBJ-V-OBJ order with a fronted subject-topic (this might even be the synchronically dominant pattern in the language) as well as the configuration where various pragmatically sensitive constituents occur initially in a clause with subject inversion. In the RD-constructions at issue, the particular constituent placed in the privileged initial position is the quote. Sometimes, the postposed or intraposed QI can even overtly reflect a background status vis-à-vis the quote - as is the case with Irish (a)deir sé, which is formally a relative form according to Wigger (1997: 993-4). Thus an important aspect of the postposed anaphoric QI-type could well be to foreground the quote a hypothesis which should be considered more systematically in future language-specific investigations.

26 Frajzyngier's functional motivation is also unlikely to be sufficient as an explanation of language-specific grammatical structure because other, non-functional factors may well have to be taken into account as well. In the particular case of the Chadic languages concerned, in seeking a more conclusive answer as to why they are affected to a different extent by the preposition of sentential units associated with complement-taking verbs, a likely contribution could come from research on language contact. Buduma of the Central Chadic subbranch is a case in point. According to Frajzyngier (1996a: 115-6) it is one of the most consistent languages regarding the feature under discussion. It is quite possible that this cannot be sufficiently explained purely by language-internal tendencies; it might also be the result of interference from the dominant language of the area, Kanuri, which is consistently verb-final and has postposed QIs.

218 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context There is a related pragmatic aspect to postposed and intraposed QIs which is compatible with the status of a quote as foregrounded, focused information. Consider the second of the four rules established by Reid (1979: 298) as governing the QI-quote order in Totonac: "The QF [quotation formula alias QI] more frequently follows, rather than precedes, a dramatic speech, an exclamation, interjection, or greeting." Longacre (1994: 136), citing Wendel (1986), reports in a parallel fashion that intraposed QIs are used to create "vividness" in narratives of Kagan Kalagan. This information indicates that the temporary postponement of the QI can be tied to a more dramatic style by imparting a greater prominence to the direct quote or at least its onset. Indeed, certain of the features of intraposed QIs that I noted in the general discussion in Section 3.2.2 fit quite well with such an account. Intra-quotes are repeatedly associated with particularly expressive onset elements of the quote which are split off from the remainder of the reported speech by QI(-segment)s in quote-second position. This is quite compatible with the stylistic effect indicated above. My discussion of postposed anaphoric QI-types in verb-medial and verb-initial languages can be summarized as follows: there is evidence that they are to a certain extent a reflex of more general strategies of grading the discourse salience of different information units. The order pattern [quote QI] seems to have the effect of backgrounding the QI within the RD-construction or even foregrounding the quote vis-à-vis the wider discourse context. It is quite possible that this even holds to a certain extent for postposed QIs occurring in verb-final languages. There is a final aspect of the position of QIs relative to the quote which becomes especially transparent in cases where the quote is flanked on both sides by linguistic material indexing its presence. This involves not only QIs of the circumposed order type, but also what was labeled above as a quote frame. The last structure was shown to occur particularly in nonverb-final languages, where an overt quote closure cannot be motivated by the quote-as-object principle. It is also difficult to invoke the quote-asobject principle and assume that it is the combination of this and the heavyconstituent principle which yields these frames: there is a QI before the quote, and this is incompatible with the effect associated with plain postposed QIs of abruptly presenting the direct quote and thereby making it more salient. Rather, a much simpler factor can account for quote flanking with both circumposed QIs and quote frames: there is a general tendency to formally express the coherence of a linguistic entity and set it off from material not belonging to it. One strategy for achieving this is to mark its boundaries. This is obviously relevant to the use and placement of QIs,

3.3 Phonetic linkage between quotative index and quote 219

which are by definition adjacent to the reported text. A pair of QI-segments surrounding a quote is arguably the most effective means of demarcation precisely because quotes have two boundaries. This demarcation function of QIs has been discussed by several authors, especially regarding QI-elements in post-quote position which are specialized for this position. Williamson (1965: 84) states for the Izon quotative è`bé`ni` of QI1/2/3 that its "function is to signal the end of the quote." Ebert (1986), in her discussion of RD in certain Nepalese languages, calls QIsegments after the quote by the term "unquote", thereby consciously highlighting their affinity to final quotation marks in orthographies. Golato (2000: 47-8), taking up Ebert's concept and term, shows with German data that the boundary-marking function is of general relevance. In particular, it is not tied to explicit segmental signals, but can be conveyed in a more subtle though equally effective way. Regarding the special QI-type at issue she mentions, in addition to the use of the "response elicitation marker" ne?, a switch back into normal code and voice qualities as well as laughter. Similar non-segmental phenomena could be mentioned for the onset of quotes. These devices, and segmentally overt indices at the beginning and/or the end of a quote, can together be subsumed under the umbrella term "boundary signals". With respect to the segmental strategy, the marking of the quote boundary counts as a manifestation of one of the two basic functions proposed for QIs in Section 2.5.2, namely quote orientation, and can be viewed as a derived subfunction thereof.

3.3 Phonetic linkage between quotative index and quote An important aspect of the relation between QI and quote is the phonetic linkage holding between the two. First, it is necessary to examine the general intonational behavior of a RD-construction, namely whether the QI and the quote are separated by a pause or another intonation boundary or whether they are produced in a single breath and/or intonation group. Second, if the latter is the case, the question is whether there are any assimilation or dissimilation phenomena (either segmental or suprasegmental) that occur at the juncture of the two constituents. Unfortunately, there is almost no information on this topic forthcoming from the text corpora because their available transcriptional form does not allow such an analysis. In a couple of the sample languages, the texts are segmented according to pause units, or their audiorecordings could be consulted. However, a systematic analysis of these corpora has not been car-

220 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context ried out here. Apart from the risks of non-representative data and wrong analysis, the results to be expected from these few languages would not be more revealing than the picture discernible from the occasional remarks found in the literature. The only phenomenon that can be recorded to some extent is phonetic sandhi between QI and quote of the sort that affects the SEGMENTAL form of the RD-construction as reflected in the orthographic conventions. The following treatment is therefore based largely on information from language experts, on the few remarks in the grammatical descriptions of the sample languages, and on the information that is found occasionally in the crosslinguistic literature. If there is one phonetic parameter of RD-constructions that receives repeated attention, it is the pause behavior between QI and direct quote. For the following sample languages, it is reported that there is a frequent pause or intonation break between the quote and a preceding QI: Fur (Jakobi p.c.), Krongo (Reh 1985: 353), Hadza (Sands p.c.), Taa (Traill p.c.; as opposed to the IRD-QI4/5, whose complementizers bV and tV fuse with the quote onset), and Hausa (Abdoulaye p.c.; see also below regarding the Hausa complementizer ceèwaa). A similar tendency can be discerned from the surveyed texts of Ngbaka Ma'bo because 30% of the RD-tokens display an element ('è)-tí between the QI and the quote. This is a complex segmental marker which is generally produced interactively by narrator and audience at the boundary between intonation groups (Thomas 1970: 41). Since the author mentions that this marker was not recorded systematically for all texts, it is quite possible that the actual incidence of this item, and accordingly of a break between QI and quote, is even higher for the surveyed data. Childs (1995: 278) in his discussion of Kisi reports tone raising and even vowel lengthening on the quotative/complementizers àà and màà, as "a signal that the speaker wants to continue." In my view, this phenomenon could also be interpreted as signaling an imminent break within the RDconstruction, but at the same time securing cohesion between QI and quote. The above are mostly impressionistic observations, which identify a trend but are difficult to evaluate regarding their actual statistical importance vis-à-vis other possible patterns.27 One can safely assume, both for the above languages and in general, that there exists more variation regarding the pause behavior at issue. For some sample languages, there is infor-

27 Kvavik (1986) demonstrates for RD-prosody in Spanish that impressionistic judgments can be misleading to a considerable extent vis-à-vis the results obtained by means of objective measurements.

3.3 Phonetic linkage between quotative index and quote 221

mation on such greater diversity. For example, postposed (suppletive) forms of the Kanuri quotative verb n like s´$ 'he said and' or wònò 'he said' are often produced with low-tone intonation in one breath group together with the quote, while there is a pause before a quote orienter like adegai so 'thus' (Awagana p.c.). In the text corpus of Ik, where pauses are recorded systematically, 53% of the counted RD-tokens show a pause between QI and quote while the rest constitute one intonation group. Armbruster (1960, 1965) and Massenbach (1962: XIX) report for Dongola that the postposed quotative verbs are closely attached to the quote and this is indeed found in 30 of 31 QI-tokens in the texts of Armbruster (1960), where breath groups are indicated in the transcription (see ibid.: §358-74). However, there are also preposed QIs, and these do not consistently appear in the same intonation unit as the quote. A similar situation can be found in Khoekhoe, where a pause can be frequently observed between a preposed QI and the quote while the postposed quotative ti often follows the quote immediately within the same intonation unit (Haacke p.c.). A tendency toward a pause before the quote is also found in Ewe; but QI and quote can also be produced in one intonation unit, especially when the quote is short (Dawuda p.c.). Yoruba displays an intonation break between the QI and the quote in slow speech, especially when the content of the quote is to be highlighted; the phonetic bond within the RD-construction is, however, far greater in fast speech (Bamgbos`e p.c.). Table 46 shows the sandhi phenomena at the juncture between QI and quote, as far as they manifest themselves in the orthographic transcription. These are extremely rare in the sample, found only in three languages. Table 46. QIs exhibiting segmental sandhi with the quote across the language sample Language Dongola Anywa Yoruba

QI total 136 70 10

QI-quote sandhi total in % 7 5 10 14 1 10

In Dongola, seven RD-tokens show the insertion of a consonant r between a quote whose last word ends in a vowel and a QI with a vowelinitial off-quote; this is regular according to Armbruster (1960: §3531). Massenbach (1962: XIX) mentions in parallel fashion the insertion of a "Schutz-konsonant" [protective consonant] between quote and following QI-verb, so that the general phenomenon could be a dissimilation device

222 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context for safeguarding the identification of the boundary between the two constituents. The second case is Anywa, where the table records the vowel assimilation of the quotative ní to a quote that starts with a vocalic segment.28 Rowlands (1959: 92-3) displays a few examples of IRD-constructions where the quotative ko of Mandinka loses its vowel before a vowel-initial quote constituent. It is quite possible that this also occurs in DRD, although no such tokens were found in the text data. Finally, Yoruba shows the same phenomenon in fluent speech with both DRD and IRD: any vowel-initial constituent at the beginning of a quote triggers the loss of the vowel in the preceding quote orienters ní and pé. The little information on the subject that could be culled from the crosslinguistic literature provides a largely similar picture: on the one hand, dissimilation phenomena for setting off the quote from the QI; on the other hand, possible sandhi between QI and quote. The general tendency toward phonetic disjunction between QI and direct quote has a clear motivation: there is an apparent need to reorient the audience toward the special nature of the following string of signs, which have a different deictic setting. It is also related to the above-mentioned QIfunction of marking the boundaries of the quote. Longacre (1976: 147) points out for English that failing to set off the quote from the QI can even lead in some contexts to a misinterpretation of the RD-category: [In IRD] it is possible to place a contrastive intonation peak on the verb in the quotation formula [alias QI]; this plus a non-final intonation at sentence end enables the reporter to cast doubt on the intentions, veracity, or ability of the original speaker in regard to keeping his word: He SAID he would come here today... It is impossible to do this in the direct quotation; to attempt to do so is to confuse the hearer and cause him to believe that you are actually using an indirect quotation. Thus a direct quote He said, "I'm a fool" if given unifying intonation comes out as He said I'm a fool which is interpreted as meaning 'He, the speaker, said that I, the reporter, am a fool'.

Reorientation is particularly important at the quote onset. This suggests that pauses and other intonational signals of dissimilation should be more frequent in connection with preposed QIs - a hypothesis which impressionistically finds support in the cases presented above. It also seems to have parallels in certain phenomena occurring within the quote. For example,

28 See Blass (1989: 303-4) for a similar situation with the quotative/ complementizer rV in Sissala.

3.3 Phonetic linkage between quotative index and quote 223

the above-mentioned quote-initial placement of expressive items referring to the non-immediate discourse setting like interjections, exclamations, vocatives, etc., which are sometimes even framed by a QI (see the discussion of intra-quotes), have inter alia the effect of highlighting in particular the quote onset. Also, W. McGregor (p.c.) states for Gooniyandi that there is a special prosodic feature of a quote distinguishing it from the cotext and that this "seems to be most marked in the first clause or sentence of a quote. If the quote is longer, the special voice qualities seem to disappear" (see Halliday (1985: 251-FN) and Cameron (1998: 45-6) on similar observations for English and Puerto Rican Spanish, respectively). Future research must show to what extent the above functional motivation is valid from a more general perspective and under which conditions a greater degree of phonetic integration between QI and quote is found. For the latter pattern, I can mention examples from the literature in addition to the cases in the language sample. Haiman (1989: 167-FN4) cites several sources regarding segmental sandhi between the QI and the quote in Plains Cree and mentions suprasegmental tone sandhi for Mandarin, provided the quote is not separated by a pause; tone sandhi is also reported for Taiwanese Southern Min by Chappell (ms.). Quotatives appearing as enclitics or suffixes on constituents within or at the end of a quote, partially accompanied by phonetic assimilation at the quote-QI juncture, are also reported for Papuan languages like Gahuku (Deibler 1971: 103) and Kombai (Vries 1990); for Eskimo varieties (Voort 2002: 323-4); for Yuman languages (Munro 1981, 1982: 308-9); for the Amazonian language Kwaza (Voort 2002); for Caucasian languages like Georgian and Avar (see inter alia Hewitt & Crisp 1986); for Irish (Wigger 1997: 994-9); and, provided the orthography reflects the phonetic facts, for ancient languages of the Near East like Old Akkadian (Deutscher 2000: 68) and Hittite (Pecora 1984). A few factors which favor a tighter bond between QI and quote emerge dimly from the available information and are tentatively as follows: (1) (2) (3) (4)

The quote is not characterized by special discourse salience. The quote is short. The quote and the QI together are delivered at high speed. The quote is FOLLOWED by a highly routinized QI-element.

The relevance of the last factor could be tested relatively easily on a typological scale. One would expect that in languages which have a grammaticalized quotative in the off-quote, this would be a clitic or suffix instead of a free form more often than is the case in languages with preposed

224 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context QIs, because bound host-final marking on the quote could be correlated with the crosslinguistic preference for suffixing morphology. This tendency would be particularly relevant for consistently verb-final languages because they more regularly possess QIs with an off-quote. Most of the cases mentioned above for a close bond between quote and quotative are indeed from verb-final languages: Kanuri, Dongola, and Khoekhoe in the sample and all cited from the literature except Irish. Nevertheless, Anywa, Yoruba, and possibly Mandinka, where the bound quotatives occurs in the on-quote, show that there are also counterexamples. Due to the nature of the data, no conclusive answers can be given to this particular problem, nor to any of the other questions emerging from the above discussion of the phonetic linkage between QI and quote. The general topic is an integral part of the study of RD-constructions and will need more systematic research in the future, based on large corpora and analyzed by means of objective measurements. That this will be a complex and challenging undertaking is evident, given the wide range of possibilities as well as the expectable language-internal variation.

3.4 The syntax of reported discourse One of the most important issues in the discussion of RD is the syntactic relation that holds between the QI and the quote. This problem is intimately related to the general position attributed to RD-constructions in the domain of clause linkage and complex sentences. This major problem is discussed here on the basis of the empirical data from the African language sample as well as the findings of previous research. My general conclusion challenges the traditional approach whereby RD is associated by default with what is commonly called sentential complementation. While Section 3.4.1 deals with DRD in particular, Section 3.4.2 treats the wider RDdomain as conceptualized here, that is, also including non-DRD and proposition-type clauses after non-speech verbs of cognition, perception, etc. 3.4.1

The syntactic relation between quotative index and quote

Two major approaches have been entertained in the literature regarding the syntax of RD-constructions and closely related expressions: the locus of the syntactic relation is identified either as the verb phrase of the QI or as the juncture between two sentential constituents.

3.4 The syntax of reported discourse 225

The first of the two is the traditional approach, namely that the syntactic bond holds between the QI-predicate and the quote; the quote is analyzed as the direct object of a transitive speech verb. In this account, RD is just a special case of sentence complementation. The complement analysis unites quite different theoretical frameworks: it has been traditionally prominent in generative linguistics, but Roeck (1994: 331-2) shows that several works with a functional orientation also share this approach (see in addition also Givón (1984/90, chapter 13) and Dik (1997b, chapter 5-7). This view is "common sense" to such an extent that statements to this effect are made in descriptions of individual languages without presenting much evidence in favor of the analysis or discussing obvious counterevidence. The contradiction becomes especially obvious in descriptions of verbfinal languages. Thus, Tietze (1959) gives a detailed account of Turkish RD-constructions, identifying 18 different patterns. Even if one disregards the unusual position of the SP-constituent, only half of these 18 types conform with the structure of a canonical Turkish transitive clause SBJ-OBJV, because the quote as the alleged object either appears without a verb, or follows the verb, or is discontinuous. Deibler (1971: 101), too, states for Gahuku that "grammatically the quote ... functions as the object of the [speech] verb, as evidenced by clause order and analogy from case ..." This claim is not qualified in spite of the fact that the QI-verb relating to the quote is often saturated referentially by a manner deictic (rather than a direct object), and that there exists alongside the expected order [quote speech verb] the anomalous order [speech verb - quote]. In a similar fashion, Steever (2002) argues at length that canonical syntactic embedding of clauses in Tamil cannot have multiple finite verbs, but reports at the same time that RD is a consistent exception to this restriction. Nevertheless, he maintains (ibid.: 91) that "the fact that reported speech syntactically embeds one structure within another in Tamil is sufficient to place its analysis firmly within the analysis of complementation" (see Larkin (1972) for a more balanced discussion of the complement status of quotes in Tamil). The complementation approach to DRD continues to flourish despite the fact that objections against it have been raised repeatedly. One of the first studies to this effect within the generative approach is Partee (1973). Subsequently, the critique and/or alternative analyses emanated first of all from the functionalist camp, for example, Longacre (1968,2: 165-6, 1976: 145-6, 1985), Munro (1982), Haiman & Thompson (1984), Halliday (1985), Li (1986), Haiman (1989), McGregor (1994), and Roeck (1994). Evidence against the complement approach has also been presented for individual languages or language groups, sometimes regarding both DRD

226 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context and IRD; see in this respect Munro (1978: 152-4) for Chemehuevi, Dramé (1983) for Mandinka, Hewitt (1985: 15-7) for Caucasian languages, Vries (1990: 294) for Kombai, and Klamer (2002: 323-9) for Kambera. The syntactic relation between a transitive verb and its direct object is a fairly well-defined concept and implies several morphosyntactic properties of the linguistic signs involved as well as of the entire construction. Some of these are so basic and well-known that it appears trivial to mention them. Nevertheless, they are important in connection with the discussion of RD. First, a complement relation requires two constituents defined in terms of their category status. These are a VERBAL constituent that provides a syntactic slot for another constituent, and a NOMINAL constituent that fills this slot. Second, languages often display overt devices to mark on either constituent the relation between the two - for example, by means of a transitive marker on the verb or an object marker on the noun phrase. Finally, the syntactic relation is usually embedded within a higher constituent referred to here as the verb phrase, which is generally characterized by the adjacency of its subparts and their language-specific linear order. The only way to fairly evaluate the complementation analysis of DRD-constructions is a comparison of the relevant empirical facts in DRD with the above criteria. The results of the sample survey speak for themselves. First, when the entire range of DRD-expressions is considered, it is clear that a direct quote does not require a construction that indexes its presence in the discourse and which would represent the matrix of a sentential complement; very often the QI is simply "zero". Such "zeroembedded" quotes would be complements of nothing. The absence of a QI is so frequent that a verb-complement relation between QI and quote can be claimed only for a relatively small subset of DRD-constructions, resulting in the undesirable situation of a basic, syntactic division in an otherwise unitary domain. An analogous observation arises when looking at the property of the would-be complement-taking verb. It is a very frequent phenomenon that a QI does not contain a linguistic sign which is verbal, let alone one which can establish a transitive relation to an object (see Munro (1982: 313-4) for the same observation). This reduces the number of DRD-constructions which could possibly be analyzed as structures involving a complement even more than the existence of expressions of free DRD does. The present survey and other typological data also show that, even when the QI-nucleus is a verb, this lexeme does not exhibit a clear quoteoriented valency. It is often either completely intransitive or only transitive to the AD. It is well known, but often overlooked that even an item like

3.4 The syntax of reported discourse 227

English say is only partly transitive (see, e.g., Munro 1982: 305-6). In some contexts it is clearly not transitive. In others, it can indeed cooccur with a direct object like this, what, word, etc. But even the latter behavior appears marginal vis-à-vis the fact that this verb cannot be constructed with a number of other typically nominal constituents like certain speech and abstract nouns, gerunds, infinitives, etc. It cannot be inferred from such a defective transitivity that it is canonically transitive in a QI. Recall also from Section 3.1.2 that QI-verbs are frequently saturated referentially and, for those transitive to a speech nominal, also syntactically. Such a QI no longer provides an object slot to be filled - an argument previously put forward by Dramé (1983) for Mandinka and by Carlson (1994: 464) for Supyire. Conversely, Munro (1982: 306-7) rightly points out that in languages where a transitive verb actually requires agreement with its direct object such a configuration is often lacking with the QI-verb vis-à-vis its quote. Another basic problem with viewing the quote as a complement concerns its own formal encoding. On this analysis, it would be expected that this constituent should show - like a canonical object - certain formal signs of its nominal status. However, there is not a single language in the sample which gives evidence of marking the quote regularly as a nominalized sentential structure, in spite of the fact that the languages certainly do possess nominalization devices. Also, in languages where objects are overtly marked as such, the quote as a purported complement would be expected to display a parallel treatment. This is almost completely lacking in my data. The only exception is QI4 of Dongola, where the quote is followed by the object suffix -gi. However, this can only be used with a direct quote before the two speech verbs, ™E@d 'swear' and kár™(i) 'testify', and no others.29 Longacre (1968,2: 166; citing R. Elkins) and Munro (1982: 302-4) report that quotes lack morphosyntactic object properties in languages from outside Africa, so that this argument is relevant from a wider perspective. Finally, there is the design of the entire DRD-construction vis-à-vis the unmarked case that verb and object complement form a coherent syntactic constituent. An intonational separation found frequently between QI and quote is atypical for a canonical verb-object relation. Nor does the interrup-

29 Note that the analysis of constructions with these and similar verbs as DRD is problematic. The absence of quote-internal pronoun shift according to DRD is highly grammaticalized in this language, even in expressions which would in many languages be encoded by IRD.

228 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context tion of the linear sequence between QI-predicate and quote by a quotative have any parallel in normal complement structures. That a quotative cannot be analyzed as something like a case marker is clear from the fact that it normally forms a closer bond with the QI, not with the quote, and is virtually never used as the linker for truly nominal clause complements. Munro (1982: 309-11) also shows that certain language-specific syntactic facts may demonstrate that the quote is not part of the QI. Comparing verb-object and QI-quote order, it could be observed in Section 3.2 that many languages do not show a clear and consistent parallel treatment of the two. The overall picture, rather, indicates that there are several different factors at work which jointly determine the relative position of QI and quote and that the structural quote-as-object principle is just one of them. The principal argument has been brought forward in previous works, for example, by Munro (1982: 311-2) for several American Indian languages. Longacre (1976: 146) observes regarding QI-floating in English - and one can transfer this to many other languages - that the range of order configurations in DRD-constructions raises apparent syntactic anomalies under the complement approach. (139) a. John said, "I'm fine, but how are you?" b. "I'm fine, but how are you?" said John. c. "I'm fine." said John. "But how are you?" The fact that the off-quote in (139)b. is not paralleled in English by any OBJ-V order in the clause is not even the most serious point. Truly difficult to explain from a language-independent perspective are intra-quotes as in (139)c. In the quote-as-object approach, one would have to claim the existence of a discontinuous complement framing its controlling verb or, if the QI is only a particle, an element within the nominal constituent that refers to its external syntactic relation. It goes without saying that such an odd situation has no precedent in the languages concerned.30 Rather, it is surely more fruitful to compare such transposable QIs with parenthetical comments, as Wigger (1997: 994-5) does for the Irish QI adeir sé.

30 O. Gensler (p.c.) points out that in languages like German the governing verb can intervene between a head noun and its relative clause, which form a complex complement. But even this pattern cannot be equated with quote segments interrupted by an intra-quote because these segments do not necessarily enter an endocentric syntagm like that formed by a relative clause and its antecedent.

3.4 The syntax of reported discourse 229

Admittedly, there may exist individual RD-tokens in a language where the direct quote does comply with typical criteria for noun- or even objecthood. For example, in (140)b. from German, the quote has the clausemedial position of a nominal object which is normally not possible for RD in general. In the English example (141), the quote is controlled by an unambiguously transitive verb and is even preceded by a possessor pronoun. (140) a. ich hab' nicht gesagt 'Verpiss' Dich!' I have not said Piss off! b. ich hab' nicht 'Verpiss' Dich!' gesagt I didn't say, 'Piss off!' (141) You'd rather spare your 'Thank you, boss!' for other occasions. It is clear, however, that such instances of DRD are marginal vis-à-vis normal usage. Marked cases cannot be invoked as diagnostic for the characterization of an entire domain. Instead, the interesting issue is under which circumstances a language can make such exceptions to the general trend. The above cases, for example, can be motivated by the semanticpragmatic consideration that these quotes are (a) types rather than tokens and (b) would be contextually given information, so that they can function as a kind of referential entity. There is also the structural fact that they are short enough to be integrated by the sentence just like nominal terms. Similar examples can be found in Tietze (1959: 115-6) for Turkish, Munro (1982: 308-FN12) for English, Cameron (1998: 53-4) for Puerto Rican Spanish, and Zuckermann (2006: 478-9) for Modern Hebrew. Language-specific studies where the data presented appear to corroborate a canonical complement analysis of RD on a larger scale are relatively rare and they seem to regularly involve rigid head-final languages. Such a case is Hopi, according to Voegelin & Voegelin (1975); but their discussion involves quotes which are relatively short and have few constituents. Hence it is quite possible that this language has DRD-constructions with more complex quotes that would contradict the complementation analysis. For Newar, a language with direct quotes which are largely complementlike, Genetti (2006: 147-150) states explicitly that there is a second type of DRD-construction which is not compatible with the canonical concept of complementation. In summary, the crosslinguistic data show that there are very few parallels between the formal encoding of a canonical complement relation of a direct object toward its verb and the marking of the relation of a quote vis-

230 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context à-vis the QI. According to Munro (1982: 316), this can be motivated as soon as semantic considerations along the lines of Hopper & Thompson (1980) enter the approach to syntactic phenomena like grammatical relations, transitivity, etc.: an average quote is simply an entity very unlike a prototypical object. Thus, DRD-constructions as a whole cannot be accounted for by the concept of embedding clause linkage, where the quote as the dependent clause - is syntactically controlled by the QI-verb - as the predicate of the main clause. Accordingly, DRD cannot simply be subsumed under sentential complementation as traditionally defined. Considering how meager the evidence for this approach is, it is very misleading as a default working hypothesis in the analysis of heretofore non-described languages. Can DRD, then, be addressed in terms of a clause-linkage type on a higher syntactic level? Longacre (1985: 251-63), who repeatedly objected to the complement approach, seems to take this position in treating DRDconstructions under the label "co-ranking structures". This notion is similar to the linkage between two sentences often called PARATAXIS. The analysis of DRD as parataxis is explicitly proposed by Halliday (1985). Such a concept is more compatible with some of the empirical facts about DRD-constructions. However, McGregor (1994: 67-8) argues that this interpretation also has serious shortcomings. First, an order change between the two clauses does not affect the meaning in DRD, but it does in conventional paratactic clause linkage. Second, interpolation of one clause within the other, as in DRD, is not possible with parataxis. Third, the structural imbalance regarding the complexity of the linked constituents in DRD - a monoclausal QI vis-à-vis a quote with the possible structure of a longer text - is unprecedented in parataxis. Finally, paratactic clause linkage lacks the phenomenon whereby one clause (the QI) is omitted completely, as is possible in DRD. A couple of additional considerations can be added to McGregor's arguments. A phenomenon related to his last point of QI-omission is the high frequency of DRD-expressions in which the QI cannot be analyzed from a morphosyntactic perspective as a clause or a sentence at all. Again, such a pattern can hardly be conceived of as a clause-linkage structure in the traditional sense. Also, a speaker normally conveys some additional information or communicative point when connecting two sentential constituents by means of parataxis, i.e. information which is not contained in the isolated subparts. This corresponds with some form of semantic coherence between the linked clauses. In DRD, on the other hand, there is a striking independence of content between the quote and the QI, and the addition of

3.4 The syntax of reported discourse 231

a QI does not make any semantic contribution, let alone achieve a novel meaning in binary DRD-expressions. All these considerations make the parataxis analysis an unsuitable account for DRD. Hardly anything, therefore, seems to be left from among the conventional concepts of clause linkage which can take care of the full range of DRD-constructions. This might induce one to entirely abandon a unitary analysis of the different morphosyntactic patterns of DRD. Indeed, this appears to be the apparent conclusion made in passing by Collins & Branigan (1997: 12) for the relevant variation in English: for these authors a quote can be a "direct speech complement … and bears a n-role" assigned by a transitive QI-predicate, or a "matrix expression" with the QI as "a parenthetical expression which serves only to provide a commentary on the quote", or an entirely independent expression "licensed as a part of the discourse." I will not entertain here such a heterogeneous approach to DRD, but rather follow a lead Collins & Branigan give with their last possibility - an even higher structural level dealing with sentential units or units still more complex, namely an entire text or a subpart of it like a paragraph. Is this the appropriate place to handle DRD? Several properties of DRDexpressions like the possible text-like complexity of the quote or the lack of a QI indeed indicate that DRDs can pertain to this structural level of discourse. As will briefly be mentioned in Section 3.5.2, Longacre (inter alia 1968,1: 160-88, 1976) even grants DRD involving dialogue the status of a paragraph. In other words, the insertion of direct quotation in a discourse is a phenomenon with textual scope, that is, beyond the realm of narrow syntax. The low degree of structural and conceptual incorporation typical for direct quotes makes them, as Haiman (1989: 134) puts it, look "like raisins in a pudding." What these structures may require then first of all is a device that anchors them semantically in the discourse context. A segmental DRD-index like a QI serves precisely this function: it provides the audience with explicit information on how to interpret these "alien" structures. As an overt signal which may possibly also convey propositional information, the QI is in this respect more effective than a "zero quotative" because in the latter the direct quote relies for its identification exclusively on its own form and the local context of insertion. Considering the relation between the constituents of binary DRDconstructions from this perspective, the QI can be perceived to function as a kind of TAG on the quote (in the common non-technical sense of the term). This concept of a tag is most akin to the proposal McGregor (1994)

232 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context makes in his discussion of RD in general and of Gooniyandi in particular. He compares quote and QI with a "whole-whole relationship between a picture and its frame" (cf. Davidson (1984: 83-4) for a terminological precedent). McGregor writes (1994: 77): The picture, its frame, and the framed picture may be regarded as distinct wholes, none of which is in any significant sense a part of some larger whole. ... The picture and the frame are entities of very different characters: the picture represents some referent world - it is an icon. The frame clearly is neither an icon, nor does it represent something in the referent world. What it does is set the icon off from the context ... In doing this it also provides information as to how the icon is to be viewed ...

Many of McGregor's ideas are virtually identical with the position assumed here. There are three reasons why I do not simply take over the concept of the "framing relationship". One is merely terminological: I prefer the term "tag" over "frame" because the latter evokes the structural aspect of the QI as a quote frame flanking it on both sides, which might be misguiding with respect to the intended connotation of the term. The other two reasons are more substantial. It is stated by McGregor that none of the three linguistic entities "is in any significant sense a part of some larger whole." I would, however, maintain that once a direct quote is accompanied by a QI, the resulting structure can indeed be fruitfully conceived of as a "larger whole", namely a binary RD-construction. Third and finally, it is also not feasible to view all QIs as entirely independent "wholes". Some of their properties indicate clearly that they are, as opposed to the direct quote, somewhat incomplete. A phrase like he said obviously induces the presence of a reported text. This effect is even greater in the many QIs which contain a quote orienter. This one-sided incompleteness captures the repeated observation in this and other studies that a RD-construction can lack the QI, but not the quote. A QI without a quote is like a dog collar without a dog or, in McGregors terms, a frame without a picture. This directly relates to the terminological metaphor of a tag proposed here. A tag requires or at least evokes an entity with which it is associated. Although unprecedented in the range of clause linkage types suggested heretofore in the literature, the tag model, like McGregor's frame model, can explain properties of DRD-constructions which are problematic for the complementation and the parataxis approach. It is also capable of addressing Munro's (1982: 317) final concern about the quirky transitivity behav-

3.4 The syntax of reported discourse 233

ior of 'say' verbs, which actually refers to the more general syntactic status of QIs; she writes: A number of examples have been presented of how the syntax of 'say' verbs is often unique, or nearly so: Not only do they behave unlike ordinary transitives, they also fail to act like ordinary intransitives. So the final explanation for their peculiarities cannot only be their "intransitivity," but what this final explanation is must await further research

The tagging analysis can account for the syntactic autonomy of quotes and explain in addition the syntactic ambiguity of verbs which can be canonically transitive to true nominals but behave intransitively vis-à-vis quotes. The considerable variability in the placement of QI(-segment)s before, within, and/or after the quote is also quite compatible with the present tag model: where to tag an entity, and possibly how often, depends on the entity itself and the context of its use, as the discussion in Section 3.2.4 has shown. The model also motivates the above-mentioned impression that a QI without a quote is incomplete, yet without invoking this as evidence for transitivity. There is also a historical dimension to this which will be treated in more detail in Chapters 5 and 6: QIs frequently develop into grams like clitics or affixes which are bound to the quote or its descendant. This can be conceived of as an extreme conventionalization of tagging. Finally, the present approach naturally accounts for RD-constructions without a QI. A tag is in principle a dispensable appendix. Its absence can certainly make the identification of a conventionally tagged item more difficult, but it does not render it completely impossible, because the latter maintains its own character, just as a suitcase without a tag remains a suitcase. 3.4.2

Reported discourse and sentential complementation

In the traditional approach, RD and sentential complementation were not distinguished as two different grammatical domains, on the assumption that quotes and noun clauses were both to be analyzed as arguments of the matrix predicate. A RD-construction was thus just a special case of complement-clause linkage. Accordingly, the similarity between the two structures in terms of synchronic form and diachronic grammaticalization could be taken for granted. However, the crosslinguistic data in the present study have shown that the complement analysis cannot be upheld for DRD. As a consequence, the integrity of the two domains is much less straightforward

234 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context than under the traditional approach. How, then, should this cross-domain similarity be dealt with? First, a few summary remarks regarding the survey results for IRD are in order. I have largely restricted the discussion in Section 3.4.1 to the relation between a QI and a DIRECT quote. Nevertheless, many of these observations hold for IRD-constructions as well. This is to be expected for the numerous languages which do not show any formal distinction between DRD and IRD except for quote-internal referential adjustments (change of pronoun, tense, etc.). But it is not restricted to these languages. From a quite general crosslinguistic perspective IRD, just like DRD, gives empirical evidence for "zero-insertion" without a QI ("free IRD"), non-verbal QIs, lack of a valence slot in the QI-nucleus, non-nominal status of the quote, lack of complement marking on it, great freedom in the relative order of the two constituents, loose linkage between them, etc. Other authors have argued in the same direction. Haiman & Thompson (1984: 520), for example, observe that certain IRD-constructions are unlikely to be so dramatically different from DRD as to warrant a different syntactic analysis (see also Thompson (2002: 130-6) for a critique of the subordination analysis of finite complement clauses in general): By a wide variety of criteria, the indirect speech complement is widely assumed to be "subordinate" in a way that the direct quote is not. Yet there is clearly no sense at all in which the direct quote of a sentence like 19 [here (142)] would be either more or less semantically "subordinate" than the indirect speech complement of 20 [here (143)]:

(142) Uncle Harry said, "I caught a four-foot-long fish" (143) Uncle Harry said that he'd caught a four-foot-long fish It is also just as clear that there is no semantic sense in which the effective verb said in 19 is less "transitive" than the indirect speech verb said in 20.

Although this somewhat absolute statement ignores certain formal distinctions between the DRD- and the IRD-version, which reflect semantic differences, the point should be intuitively clear as far as syntax is concerned. McGregor (1994: 66-7), in his extensive discussion of RD in general, shows that an indirect reported clause cannot be construed as pragmatically backgrounded, and in many languages also not as dependent on the matrix clause. Regarding the latter issue, he mentions two robust criteria for determining dependence relations, viz. "privilege of free occurrence" and "modification (the dependent indicates the kind of the head)", and concludes that according to both criteria "the reported piece must be the head."

3.4 The syntax of reported discourse 235

Problems with the complement approach can also be demonstrated in connection with the treatment of complementizers and their role in the traditional syntactic evaluation of IRD-constructions. First, the crosslinguistic frequency of the gram type quotative/complementizer is, despite the non-DRD bias recognized in Section 2.6.5, not much less salient with DRD as it is with IRD (26 bipartite QI-types are open and 4 types are restricted to DRD). Second, IRD-structures without a complementizer are almost always available even in languages which rely heavily (at least in their written standard form) on the use of such a gram. (144) He saw that she was sick. vs.

he saw she was sick.

Another detail pointed out by B. Comrie (p.c.) is also significant: adpositions which in a matrix clause express the relation between a complement-taking verb and its complement are often not adjacent to their purported object, the quote, but to the complementizer (or a quote proform). Examples are English depend on whether, Spanish convencer de que 'convince of the fact that', German damit rechnen daß 'reckon with the fact that', etc. While one might be tempted to interpret the use of the adpositions in such constructions as reflecting syntactic government of the "complement clause", I would like to focus on two facts: first the adpositions are in fact detached from this "complement"; and second, their actual "neighbors", the complementizers or proforms, are from a synchronic or diachronic perspective a kind of dummy for the reported discourse. Such a status indicates the extra-clausal status of the quote itself (see Sections 3.1.2 and 6.6.2 for a more detailed discussion). It is also necessary to qualify another widely held belief: a switch from DRD to IRD involving a bipartite structure and the grammaticalization of a complementizer is not necessarily associated with a constituency change. This is described, for example, by Heine, Claudi & Hünnemeyer (1991: 216) under the term "boundary shift" with examples from Germanic languages (cf. English that changing from object pronoun to complementizer): It frequently happens in such cases that there is a marker to introduce direct speech. This marker is part of the matrix clause. With the transition from direct to indirect speech, however, this marker becomes reanalyzed as a subordinating device that is part of the indirect speech clause.

It remains, however, to be determined for each individual case what being "part of the indirect speech clause" means empirically. In any case, the above process of syntactic reanalysis is certainly possible, but it must not

236 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context be overgeneralized. Dimmendaal, for example, states that the IRD-complementizer ceèwaa of QI4 in Hausa is separated from the following sentential constituent by a pause (1989: 104) and that it can even be conceived of as the object argument of the preceding transitive verb of speech, cognition, perception, etc. (2001: 145-6). Both observations indicate that this gram does not belong syntactically to the IRD clause, but to the matrix clause. Apart from these empirical facts, it is in principle doubtful whether the presence of a that-like complementizer can be invoked as a reliable diagnostic of the complement status of a reported clause. Already Davidson (1968/9) observed from a more philosophical perspective that a complementizer that is not evidence for the integration of the quote in the QI. He writes (ibid.: 142-3): ... sentences in indirect discourse, as it happens, wear their logical form on their sleeves (except for one small point). They consist of an expression referring to a speaker, the two-place predicate 'said', and a demonstrative referring to an utterance. Period. What follows gives the content of the subject's saying, but has no logical or semantic connection with the original attribution of a saying. This last point is no doubt the novel one, and upon it everything depends: from a semantic point of view the content-sentence in indirect discourse is not contained in the sentence whose truth counts.

In the more linguistically oriented literature, the "complementizer" is commonly specified as merely "identifying" (Noonan 1985: 44-5) or "marking" (Trask 1993: 51) a complement clause. So there is still the need to analyze the clause itself regarding its syntactic status, instead of satisfying oneself with the facile identification of what is conventionally called a complementizer. This careful analysis is not always the practice, though, as can be seen in Jackson's (1987: 100) argumentation regarding RD in Tikar. The presence of the complementizer in Tikar direct speech makes the obvious point that the complementizer is not solely a characteristic of indirect speech. It is apparent that direct quotes have the same potential for being joined to the clause of saying by a complementizer as indirect quotes. This observation says much for the argument that direct quotes are as much a part of the sentence that introduces them as indirect quotes. ... the Tikar data would argue that direct quotes also function as complements of the verb of saying in that they are fused to the speech introducing clause in the same way as indirect quotes.

Apparently, a convenient but theory-dependent designation of a gram ("complementizer") has here become independent of the empirical facts; its occurrence and its name are viewed by Jackson AS the evidence.

3.4 The syntax of reported discourse 237

However, a very different interpretation of the recognition of this gram class is possible. The very notion of a complementizer which almost never marks the grammatical relation between a verb and a canonical noun complement is, in my view, rather a descriptive confession that in most languages sentential units per se cannot be treated like nominal objects. Certain areas of IRD also reflect overtly the tag model proposed here, rather than its analysis as the head of a complex sentence, both from a synchronic viewpoint and, as I will show in Chapter 6, from a diachronic perspective. The following examples from English show that matrix clauses of different types associated with sentential units in IRD-style behave in the complex structure like comment clauses regarding order variation, pause behavior, etc. and are functionally close allies of tag-like sentential adverbs (see McGregor (1994: 88-9) for a similar argument). (145) a. b. c. d.

And then people shout, 'He's the thief!' People say (that) he is the thief. He is the thief, they say. Purportedly, he is the thief.

(146) a. Everybody knows (that) this was a fraud. b. This was a fraud, everybody knows that.31 (147) a. I hope (that) the next one won't be that bad. b. The next one, I hope, won't be that bad. c. Hopefully, the next one won't be that bad. (148) a. You see (that) there must be a mistake. b. There must be a mistake, you see. c. Apparently/obviously, there must be a mistake. This is corroborated by research on early child language acquisition in English. Thus, the main conclusion by Diessel & Tomassello (2001: 97) is: that in most children's complex utterances that seem to include a finite complement clause, the main clause does not express a full proposition; rather, it functions as an epistemic marker, attention getter, or marker of illocutionary

31 In German, this can also be expressed by sentence adverbs like bekanntermaßen or bekanntlich 'as is well known'.

238 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context force. The whole construction thus contains only a single proposition expressed by the apparent complement clause.

This line of thinking is also followed by Thompson (2002). She argues that the "main clause" with a complement-taking predicate behaves vis-àvis the allegedly subordinate "complement clause" like a frame that serves epsitemic, evidential, and evaluative functions and that it predominantly involves formulaic, prefabricated "fragments" which are not tied to an accompanying clausal constituent but operate on the higher level of discourse. All these ideas can be integrated within the present tag model. There is another hint that clauses which are conventionally associated with subordination via sentential complementation can instead be integrated into a higher complex sentence on a fairly shallow syntactic level. Vries (1990: 300-1, 304-6), for example, observes for Kombai that predicates of cognition and perception are constructed with their associated clauses in a clause-chaining construction exemplified in (149) and (150). (149) ya fibima-no-n-a {khe gabükhe} 3P think-3P.NFUT-TR-DS.and {3S angry} They think he is angry.(Vries 1990: 301) (150) nu fera-def-a {khe bo-me} 1S see-1S.NFUT-DS.and {3S DUR-come:3S.NFUT} I saw him come. (ibid.: 305) This clause-linkage type, often called "co-subordination" (cf. for this concept, e.g., Olson 1981 and Van Valin 1984), is normally typical for event sequences. For example, the second sentence could be rendered literally as 'I saw and he was coming.' Significantly, it is the initial medial verbs fibimanona and feradefa, that is, the nuclei of the would-be "matrix clauses", which are syntactically dependent on the final verbs and not the other way around. Vries (ibid.: 303) justifiably views this as one strategy "to solve the conflict of verb-finality and pre-verbal complexity" in consistent verbfinal languages like Kombai. However, the general phenomenon is also found in languages of other word order types. For example, the sample language Ju|'hoan uses coordinative clause connectives for similar purposes, which seems to be a feature of Ju languages in general (Heine forthcoming). (See also Section 3.5.1 for arguably related phenomena in Yuman languages and Zuni.)

3.4 The syntax of reported discourse 239

All the above discussion, however, is not to say that the general situation with non-DRD, and in particular constructions with complementtaking verbs of cognition, modality, perception, etc., is identical with that holding for DRD. Indirectly reported clauses display, much more often than directly reported ones, a grammatical treatment that is similar to that of nominal constituents. One case in point was already mentioned in Sections 3.2.3-4 with regard to certain constructions which consistently involve IRD and matrix verbs mostly not referring to narrow reported speech: such clauses are generally more integrated into a higher structure of clause linkage, their QI-quote order conforms with the quote-as-object principle, the reported clause is semantically and formally less autonomous, the clause linkers alias complementizers are drawn from the domain of nominal marking, etc. The languages that are most affected by such a tendency to nominal treatment of sentential entities belong predominantly to the verb-final type. Recall that the relevant sample languages are almost completely united in the list at the end of Section 3.2.3. It was also mentioned in Section 3.2.4 that there is a certain inherent pressure on these languages toward acquiring such a construction. It reflects one of several strategies for dealing with the conflict between the heavy-constituent principle and the clause-as-object principle: the complex sentential constituent is not taken out of the syntactic scope of the matrix verb, but rather is reduced and nominalized. By making it more similar to a nominal entity, the preverbal object position becomes more appropriate to it. The fact that nominalized clauses tend to go in preverbal position while more sentencelike constituents tend to be placed in postverbal position can give the impression in these languages that there is a fairly strict distinction between the two types of clausal units. Such a correlation between different clause types and constituent order will normally not arise in verb-medial and verb-initial languages because here any type of clause associated with a complement-taking verb will be postposed in the default case. However, here too the possibility exists that some of these clauses can be subject to desententialization. Compare as an example the sample language Hausa (see Gouffé 1971: 81-5). A fairly recent development, perhaps reflecting interference from English, has led to the emergence of QI4, which is still largely restricted to IRD in written and journalistic texts. Its characteristic complementizer ceèwaa is the verbal noun of the quotative verb cee. This occurs sporadically with a following genitive linker (ceèwa-r feminine or, dialectally, ceèwa-n masculine) so that the following reported clause is linked to the complementizer like a genitive complement. Furthermore, the complemen-

240 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context tizer dà of QI5 is a preposition - another nominal gram controlling a clausal constituent in Hausa. Significantly, these and similar constructions in other V-OBJ languages belong to the end of the RD-scale opposite to quotations in DRD-style: they are restricted to IRD and have a bias toward verbs not referring to narrow reported speech. I maintain that IRD involving zero-insertion, text-like quotes, etc. shows that the dependency relation of the indirect quote often obtains on a higher level than that of the sentence, namely between it and the text context as a whole. However, when a clause is used to insert/signal the reported clause in the ongoing discourse, it is the very vehicle by which this relation is overtly established. The more the immediate discourse encroaches formally and conceptually on the quote (in other words, the more the quote deviates from direct style), the greater is the chance that the QI as the anchoring device will emancipate itself from being a mere tag on the quote and will itself come to impose a certain formal behavior on the quote. Certain grammatical phenomena in non-DRD-constructions reflect this and are compatible with canonical criteria for subordination (see Haiman & Thompson (1984) for a critical discussion of this concept) such as tighter intonational integration; grammaticalized marking of cross-clause pronoun reference by logophorics; sequence-of-tense rules; exclusion of various types of marking in the quote like expressives, attitude and speechact markers, and certain predication operators; marked word order (as with German daß-clauses); "extraction" of the specification of the quote's speech-act by expressing it in the matrix verb and/or the complementizer (compare English whether-clauses, whose interrogativity is not expressed in the quote but in the complementizer); etc. All this indicates that the linguistic encoding in the quote can show a considerably increased dependency on the immediate discourse context and its auxiliary, the QI. It must be noted, though, that the structures of central interest here, canonical indirect quotes in the form of sentential proposition-type clauses, are clearly located at the lower end of a scale of increasing compression of a sentence-like constituent (see Lehmann (1988) for this concept) and its integration into another clause (here, into this clause's predicative nucleus). A number of IRD-constructions encountered in this survey and in the crosslinguistic literature do not show even these subtle signs of emerging subordination under a verb. In view of the non-nominal morphosyntactic design of proper quotes and other proposition-type clauses one can reasonably expect that they are by default not complements, or at least very defective complements, and that the cases where they do take on truly nominal properties are relatively rare and to some extent predictable. From

3.4 The syntax of reported discourse 241

this perspective, it seems better to conceptualize the latter cases as the MARKED phenomenon and try to explain under what circumstances and by what means they can arise. To sum up, as compared with DRD, IRD more often involves structural signs encountered with clause-linkage constructions commonly subsumed under subordination and in particular complementation. Nevertheless, the whole range of IRD-constructions and their frequency distribution in and across languages do not justify here a strict complement interpretation. Since the loose bond between QI and quote still holds in certain languages when a construction type used primarily for IRD is also employed after modality or perception verbs (compare English that-clauses), a reviewed approach to sentential complementation in general seems to be called for. In this respect O'Dowd (1992: 65-6, 71-2) makes the important observation, based on a crosslinguistic language sample of 29 languages, that there exists in this domain a robust binary opposition between two types: The big surprise in these data was the polarization between 'Reduced' and 'Proposition'-type Complement Clauses. Since all Complement Clauses function as arguments, they should all presumably manifest the EVENT = OBJECT metaphor even more directly than Relative Clauses (which modify arguments), or than Adverbial Clauses (which modify events). Consequently, we should expect to find Complement Clauses particularly susceptible to nominalization. Instead, we find a systematic formal differentiation in the 29 languages which allow both nominalized and verbal strategies for subordination. In these languages, one type of Complement Clause is never obligatorily nominalized, while the other must be nominalized in 28 out of 29 languages ... This differentiation splits the Complement Clause category. It relegates 'Reduced' and 'Propositional' Clauses to opposite ends of the preference hierarchy for nominalization ... as if they were categorially more distinct from each other than from Adverbial or Relative Clauses.

These findings cast serious doubt on the unification of the two clause types under the single grammatical rubric of sentential complementation (see also Thompson (2002: 127-8) for the same argument). Taking morphosyntactic form seriously, reduced-type and proposition-type clauses not only appear to be but ARE "categorially distinct". The notion of "category" is not intended here in absolute terms, as there might exist languages with a gradual structural cline between the two types. Rather, it should be understood as a typological abstraction in the sense that the crosslinguistic pat-

242 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context terning allows a robust generalization about these two prototypical concepts, as O'Dowd's data show. The traditional unified approach to the two different types of complement clauses seems to be based on two major considerations. First, both are claimed to be nominal entities controlled by a verb. Second, there are cases where both types are controlled by one and the same verb. The first claim holds fairly consistently for the reduced type; but it fails to apply to the proposition type in so many languages that it cannot be accepted as a common denominator of sentential complementation. The second observation is mediated by the properties of individual lexical items. That is, the phenomenon is restricted to a relatively small subclass of verbs that can associate with clause-like constituents. Accordingly it could be handled by a specification of the relevant items in the lexicon, instead of joining two clause types which are otherwise distinct in a syntactic forced marriage. In a sense the cart seems to have been put before the horse. The lexical characterization of such verbs has been kept constant in that their syntactic behavior with truly nominal complements has been imposed on all cooccurring constituents whatsoever, including sentential ones. The alternative approach is to differentiate more carefully within the class of items that have heretofore been lumped together under the concept "complement". If they are classified according to morphosyntactic criteria, reduced nominalized clauses will pattern - as can be expected - with true nominal complements, while fully finite, sentence-like clauses constitute a distinct class from either of these. For individual verbs, this simply means that the verb is lexically specified for associating with different types of syntactic constituents - a phenomenon which mostly entails an overt change in morphosyntactic coding.32 This is an unremarkable consequence for the characterization of the properties of the lexemes concerned. The different syntactic treatment of proposition-type clauses vis-à-vis truly nominal clauses opens up a new perspective on the relation between RD and sentential complementation. I argue that RD cannot be integrated into sentential complementation as long as the latter is defined as a "syntactic situation that arises when a notional sentence or predication is an 32 Note that the sentence-like constituent need not always be the one which is least complement-like. Thus, Thompson (2002: 129) observes that a number of predicates in English (e.g., think, realize, etc.) take proposition-type clauses preceded by the complementizer that but cannot occur with a direct object noun phrase. Paradoxically, under the complement-as-object analysis such verbs would turn out to be more transitive in clause-linkage than in a simple sentence.

3.4 The syntax of reported discourse 243

argument of a predicate" (Noonan 1985: 42). The same argument holds for proposition-type clauses in construction with verbs like 'think', 'know', etc., which do not represent narrow reported speech and hence are commonly not included in RD. Given that the intimate conceptual and formal affinity between prototypical RD-constructions (say (that) ...) and prototypical complementizer constructions of the proposition type (know (that) ...) is beyond doubt, the most natural solution is to remove them together from sentential complementation. The structural homogeneity between the two is apparent even for verbs that have no semantic association with speech at all. The sentences in (151) show how a verb of perception can partake in a gradual transition from DRD to a structure assigned traditionally to sentential complementation, just like an utterance or cognition predicate does. (151) a. Suddenly she noticed, 'He's kissing the frog!' b. She suddenly noticed, he was kissing the frog. c. She suddenly noticed that he was kissing the frog. There is no strong structural criterion for making a distinction in (152) between distinct grammatical domains: the clause nucleus following notice is always a fully predicative structure he is/was kissing the frog. But precisely this common denominator unites narrow reported speech and nonspeech proposition-type clauses vis-à-vis the noun-like complements in (152), where kiss occurs in the non-finite ing-form and the agent is encoded as its possessor or as the object of the perception verb notice. (152) She suddenly noticed his kissing of the frog/him kissing the frog. As O'Dowd argues, this distinction is a general typological phenomenon. Differences between languages concern first of all the way this distinction is lexicalized across different verbal items. Among other scholars, Givón (1980) shows that the cut-off point between clauses of the proposition type and the reduced type is made by different languages at different points on the so-called "binding hierarchy" established for verbs taking clausal constituents. For example, full sentential clauses with that are allowed in English after manipulative, modality and cognition-utterance verbs. In Ute or Sherpa, on the other hand, only 'say'-verbs with narrow reported speech can associate with truly sentential structures; all the rest, even cognition verbs, take nominalized clauses (see also Adelaar (1990: 34) for a similar pattern in Quechuan languages). Such a situation is fully compatible with the above observations about the properties of typical QI-

244 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context predicators in the RD-domain. One can generalize that these QI-predicators strongly prefer the sentential type because they are lowest on the binding hierarchy in Givón's (1980) terms. In many cases, one can go even further in saying that they do not take a complement at all in the traditional sense. It will have become clear where the argumentation is leading. It is proposed here that conventional reported speech and proposition-type clauses be united under the umbrella of a wide concept of RD. I have given in Section 1.2.1 a definition of such a concept, which will be repeated here: Reported discourse is the representation of a spoken or mental text from which the reporter distances him-/herself by indicating that it is produced by a source of consciousness in a pragmatic and deictic setting that is different from that of the immediate discourse.

If reviewing the range of constructions to be removed from traditional sentential complementation it can be observed that this definition is capable of taking care of all of them. Once the requirement of a semantic feature of utterance is dropped, the structural integrity of constructions ranging from direct quotes over indirect quotes to non-speech clauses of the proposition type falls out naturally, as opposed to true reduced complement clauses. Their common denominator is a combination of two parameters: (1) the shared function of representing expressions of "alien" speech, awareness, and cognition and (2) the shared formal criterion of realizing this morphosyntactically by means of a sentence or a sentence equivalent having illocutionary force. Clearly, careful language-specific analysis will be necessary to sort out which clause-like units belong in this domain, because languages differ as to the range of expressions included and the sharpness of the formal distinction vis-à-vis canonical complements. However, the general approach can account for crosslinguistic trends in the semantics and grammar of RD and related constructions, and to serve as a fruitful basis of comparison for their variation across different languages. As was indicated in Section 1.2.1 for Telefol (Healey 1972), the unity of the domain established here can sometimes be reflected in a very concrete way. As noted, in Telefol a single construction type called by the author "quotative clause" and based invariably on the verbal item akankalin covers the expression of virtually all clause types normally subsumed under proposition-type complements, namely reported speech, intention, obligation, and perception. In this language, RD in the proposed new sense is even unified lexically in that there exists one single item that is specialized for this, and only this, domain. In terms of the present analysis one can view akankalin quite literally as a dedicated REPORT or RD-verb.

3.5 Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse 245

3.5 Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse The most complex issue which determines to a considerable extent the properties of QIs discussed previously like their form and their relation to the quote is how the RD-construction and the QI as the anchoring device for the quote are inserted into their narrow cotext and into the discourse as a whole. This is in fact central to the study of RD because it can be expected to correlate with the discourse-functional goals of RD in general. A complete and conclusive treatment of this topic can only be achieved if texts are analyzed as a whole regarding their internal organization and the linguistic reflexes thereof. This is obviously impossible in the limits of this study. The data lack essential information for such an analysis (e.g., non-verbal and suprasegmental signals like gesture, voice quality, intonation, etc.), and the insights into the discourse-functional aspects of languages that can be gleaned from a large sample are necessarily limited. Therefore, I have restricted the investigation to relatively obvious phenomena: the linkage status of a QI to its cotext discussed in Section 3.5.1, and the incidence of RD-constructions with a QI in dialogues treated in Section 3.5.2. In the final Section 3.5.3, I will attempt an evaluation of DRD regarding its information status in narrative texts, drawing on both the sample data and relevant information from the literature. 3.5.1

Quotative indexes in clause linkage

A first parameter for the interaction between entire RD-constructions and their linguistic context is whether the QI enters a complex structure of clause linkage, provided that it is clause-like and thus has the morphosyntactic potential of a predicative illocution. I have tried to record across the QI-tokens of the survey how often this occurs and what particular status the QI assumes within such a complex sentence. Such an analysis is inherently problematic because grammatical information about the domain of clause linkage is very restricted for certain sample languages, and the depth of description and the theoretical approach assumed differ considerably in the various sources where this is treated. Analytical problems concern in particular the identification of grammaticalized clause linkage as against more general devices to create text coherence as well as the subclassification of this complex grammatical domain.

246 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context Table 47. QIs linked to another clause across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Tikar Nguni

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137 9 48

QI in clause linkage total in % 7 6 41 21 13 15 10 48 2 10 6 43 0 0 31 25 42 31 25 25 19 27 0 0 14 22 8 13 23 20 21 15 62 44 12 17 16 14 106 84 28 14 5 10 9 7 17 8 7 4 24 44 10 83 10 62 12 24 12 75 0 0 1 1 1 1 5 20 3 30 9 33 12 9 0 0 6 12

3.5 Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse 247

The incidence of QIs that are linked to another clause which does not belong to the RD-construction proper is given in Table 47. As can be seen, languages differ considerably regarding this parameter. There are only three sample languages (Bedauye, Kisi, Supyire) which have more than two-thirds of the token total in a clause-linkage construction. Five further languages (Aiki, Ngiti, Taa, Izon, Donno S ) show around half of the total with this characteristic. All the rest, that is, 31 languages, do not display more than a third of the QI-token total linked to another clause; in 18 languages the fraction is not higher than 15% and the corpora of Ngambay, Krongo, Koromfe, and Tikar lack such tokens entirely. As a general conclusion, one can say that QIs are crosslinguistically not particularly prone to entering clause-linkage constructions. This rough generalization can be articulated in more detail once it is specified what type of linkage a QI enters, or in other words, what rank the QI has in the linkage. Three basic configurations are distinguished in the present analysis:33 (1) (2) (3)

The QI depends on another clause as the background clause. The QI depends on, but is not subordinated to another clause. Another clause depends on the QI.

In pattern (3), the QI is accompanied by a dependent background clause, mostly preposed, and thus represents the main clause of the complex sentence. Compare the following example from Ik (the dependent verb is 'dislike'). ik-o duneima-ee (153) na takad-u ot-ie when dislike-AND-DEP head-ABL old.woman-GEN kut-a koto duneima {...} QV-PFV then old.woman:ABS When the head of the woman disliked it (When she was fed up) the old woman said ... (Serzisko 1992: 241)

33 Other clause-linkage patterns are certainly possible, but were not found in the corpora; for example, the multiple stacking of RD-constructions and thus of QIs, which appears to be a normal phenomenon in some languages (cf., e.g., Kerr (1976/7: 156-60) for Cuiva).

248 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context Table 48. QIs in different clause linkage types across the language sample Language Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom Nguni Mean frequency

Linked QI total 7 41 13 10 2 6 31 42 25 19 14 8 23 21 62 12 16 106 28 5 9 17 7 24 10 10 12 12 1 1 5 3 9 12 6

Background QI total in % 0 0 10 24 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 26 17 40 1 4 1 5 3 21 0 0 2 9 0 0 7 11 0 0 3 19 11 10 0 0 0 0 1 11 5 29 2 28 1 4 1 10 2 20 2 17 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 40 1 33 0 0 1 8 0 0 10

Dependent QI total in % 1 14 17 41 0 0 5 50 2 100 6 100 17 55 3 7 4 16 8 42 0 0 0 0 9 39 21 100 55 89 4 33 0 0 75 71 28 100 5 100 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 29 8 80 3 30 7 58 12 100 1 100 1 100 1 20 0 0 5 56 0 0 5 83 46

Main QI total in % 6 86 14 34 13 100 5 50 0 0 0 0 6 19 22 52 20 80 10 53 11 78 8 100 12 52 0 0 0 0 8 67 13 81 20 19 0 0 0 0 8 89 12 70 5 71 16 67 1 10 5 50 3 25 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 40 2 67 4 44 11 92 1 17 43

3.5 Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse 249

The reverse situation applies to patterns (1) and (2), where the QI is itself the dependent clause. The difference between these two configurations captures the common typological distinction between (1) conventional subordination mirroring the figure-ground schema and (2) the situation where the linked clauses do not form an endocentric syntagm and their information status is more balanced, as in clause chaining, cosubordination, verb serialization, etc. From the range of these types it can be seen that cases where the QI is the main/central clause of a chaining structure were not recorded in the survey. This is an omission in the initial phase of data analysis which, however, does not affect the conclusions to be drawn below. Before the results of this classification as applied to the relevant QItokens are given, a few practical problems of token classification must be pointed out because they affect the frequencies of the different linkage types to a certain extent. First, there is not always a very clear formal and semantic distinction between clause chaining and other means of expressing event sequences and creating clausal cohesion. For example, Ngambay and Kisi both display a considerable number of QI-tokens which are semantically joined to the preceding discourse by a clause-initial element marking an event sequence: Ngambay has 30 tokens (35% of the total) that contain the particles dáà, ngà, and Bá, all translated as 'then', and Kisi has eight tokens (67% of the total) displaying a semantically similar element mi. In the Ngambay case, the relevant tokens were not counted under category (2) because the elements seem to be more akin to temporal adverbs and are used in a less conventionalized way. The Kisi element, however, is described as a conjunction (Childs 1995: 239-41, 290-2) and is fairly regular as a sequential clause marker, so that the relevant QI-tokens were counted. Such a distinction is not always clearcut, though. In Section 3.2.2, I described a situation in Donno S where a verb form can apparently be used either as a preposed background clause or as the non-final segment of a longer clause chain. The difficulty in distinguishing between these patterns in QIs and thus between the above categories (1) and (2) is also encountered in other verb-final languages of the sample and represents a potential source of error in the present classification of tokens. To mention just one other example, Reinisch (1881-90,1: §108-12) mentions for Kunama two so-called "participle"34 forms which are both de-

34 Thompson (1989: 338-40) uses this term for verbs modifying or replacing nouns, and subsumes Reinisch's "participles" under "subordinate clause" forms.

250 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context pendent and placed before the main verb. Only a closer look at examples and texts reveals a subtle, though not entirely conclusive, functional distinction. The participle that is said to be formed by changing the final vowel a of the "future" form to o is used in typical background clauses encoding, for example, reason and tail-head linkage, and displays a greater tendency to imperfective aspect. For these reasons, QIs with this form were counted here as dependent background clauses of category (1). The other participle, where the "aorist" suffix -ke is said to be replaced by -kí, is more typical for a medial verb form of a verb-final language: it occurs only rarely in tail-head linkage but more often marks genuine event sequences an analysis supported by Thompson (1989: 338). QIs with this form were therefore assigned to chaining constructions of category (2). The frequencies of the three identified clause-linkage patterns a QI can enter and their relative frequencies vis-à-vis the token total for all linked QIs are given in Table 48. Types (1), (2), and (3) are respectively labelled "background", "dependent", and "main". On the basis of these figures, I determined the cross-sample percentage for each pattern: (1) 10%, (2) 46%, and (3) 43%. The resulting frequency hierarchy of the QI-status in clause linkage is therefore: (2) chained dependent clause = (3) main clause > (1) background clause This result allows the following conclusions. A QI in a clause-linkage construction is less often encoded as a background clause, but constitutes the main clause or a clause that is a segment of a sequential clause chain (cf. Cameron (1998: 60-1) for a similar picture in Puerto Rican Spanish). The patterns (2) and (3) do not show any clear frequency difference with QIs. Note that pattern (3), that is, the cooccurrence of a RD-construction with a preceding background clause, has a parallel in the domain of free DRD in terms of structure and apparently also in frequency. As discussed in Section 1.4.2, a fairly regular context for the presentation of a quote without a QI is the same type of subordinate clause. A few remarks concern the most frequent clause-linkage pattern (2), where the QI is joined to another clause in a sequential clause-chaining structure. The first relates to an aspect which has both a synchronic and a diachronic dimension. This is illustrated by the linkage variation of QIs in Supyire. This language indicates different types of (in)dependence and thematic (dis)continuity between clauses on a narrative storyline by means of a sequential auxiliary (glossed as "narrative" in the relevant text type), a clause connective, and a conjunction expressing switch-reference (Carlson

3.5 Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse 251

1994: 348-53, 597-605). All these devices are fully applicable to QIs, as exemplified by the following examples. (154) kà pi sanm-píí sì jwò {...} DS 3P other-DET NAR say The others said, "... (Carlson 1994: 614) sá pwu# $n-Ni cù (155) kà u ú ú-yè cE@E@gà ma-á DS 3S NAR 3S-REFL accuse SS-NAR go dog-DET grab na n-taali ma-á yí jwó u à {...} PROG ITR-caress:IPFV SS-NAR ATC.PRO say 3S LOC He was cross with himself and went and caught the dog and caressed it and said to it "... (ibid.: 620) (156) mìi a lì cyéè ù nà mà jwu {...} 1S PERF 3S.IA show 3S on SS say I explained it to him and said, "... (ibid.: 667) (157) kà mìì í lí cyéè ù nà ¯jwu DS 1S NAR 3S.IA show 3S on ?:say I explained to him, I said, "... (ibid.: 668)

{...}

The first example (154) shows a monoclausal QI where the speech event is thematically relatively independent from the preceding event and is encoded accordingly. The QI maá yí jwó u à in (155) is also a monoclausal QI, but it is represented as part of a coherent event sequence and thus forms a closer syntactic bond with the preceding clause, which does not belong to the RD-construction proper. This is reflected by the use of the same-subject marker instead of a full SP-nominal. Such a dependent clause can follow a predicative phrase which itself encodes (or at least refers to) the speech event represented by the quote, thus yielding a bipartite QI with a clause-like quote orienter. This is demonstrated in (156), where the generic speech verb jwo preceded by the conjunction mà is stacked onto a main clause constituted by cyéè 'show', a verb regularly used in QIs as 'explain, tell'. This structure is the prerequisite for the potential grammaticalization of an invariable quotative, and indeed several QItokens in the surveyed text corpus suggest that this process is in an incipient stage in Supyire. Finally, when comparing (156) with (157), it seems possible that the special form ¯jwu in (157), which is not explained in the

252 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context source, might be a shortened version of a clause with jwo 'say' that is sequential and/or has an identical subject. From a more general perspective, these data together with facts discussed in previous sections show that there is no strict structural demarcation from either a synchronic or a diachronic viewpoint between the following combinations of a QI in clause linkage: (1) (2) (3)

non-speech verb + dependent quotative/speech verb (= monoclausal QI) non-speech verb with quote reference + dependent quotative/ speech verb (= bipartite QI) specific speech verb + dependent quotative/speech verb (= bipartite QI)35

Finally, it is reported in the literature that languages with a high reliance on clause chaining involving a switch-reference mechanism also apply this strategy to RD-constructions and thus develop an intimate and sometimes complex interaction between the relevant marking devices and the indexing of quotes. Longacre (1976: 167-8) reports this for several languages in northwestern South America. A particularly intricate situation which has been the topic of two articles with two different analyses, Nichols (1990) and McKercher (2000), is found in Zuni. This is illustrated in (158), which is part of a clausechaining construction comprised of five medial verbs; this clause chain would be closed by a fully inflected final verb, which is not given here. ['a .…i kwato]3-nan (158) [cawak 'elemaku]1-p [{...} le'kwa]2-p young.man stand.up-DS thus.say-DS 3D.SBJ enter-SS leskwa-nan {...}]5 [e'lactoki leskwa-nan {...}]6 [{...}]4 [cawak young.man this.say-SS young.girl this.say-SS [The boy arose.]1 ["..." She said.]2 [They entered.]3 [(She said) "..."]4 [The boy said, "..."]5 [The girl said, "..."]6 ... (McKercher 2000: 71)

35 This generalization is not to say that the development of grammaticalized quotatives from syntactically dependent quote orienters occurs only with predicative structures. The Izon quotative è`bé`ni` of QI1/2/3 is a combination of a quotereferring deictic and a clause connective and overtly links a RD-construction to the following clause.

3.5 Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse 253

The example describes a sequence of six events involving two interacting participants. I have marked the events in the vernacular line by means of square brackets and subscript numbers. Four of the six events involve RD-constructions: event 2 with a postposed QI, event 4 without a QI, and events 5 and 6 with a preposed QI. The problem linguists are confronted with in Zuni is to explain the occurrence of switch-reference marking, which is intimately linked here to the marking of RD. As can be seen from the bold-faced glosses DS and SS, the example contains five instances of non-final verbs marked by switch-reference markers: 'elemakup, le'kwap, kwatonan, and two tokens of leskwanan; three of these are speech predicates (event 2, 5, and 6), with post-quote le'kwa and pre-quote leskwa serving as the nuclei of the QIs. The crucial idea which, in my view, can account for the distribution of switch-reference markers is that RDconstructions require different encoding depending on the presence/absence of a QI and, if present, the order between the quote and the QI. I begin with the second phenomenon, that switch-reference marking behaves differently WITHIN the RD-construction according to whether the QI is pre- or postposed. The preposed QIs with leskwa 'say this' in event 5 and 6 are linked to the quote by -nan (SS), implying that the QI and the quote itself behave to each other formally like two chained SS-clauses, without, however, qualifying as different events in the clause chain. Such a relation does not hold for a quote and a postposed QI - in event 2 there is no SSmarker before le'kwa 'say thus'. This suggests that the bond between the quote and a preposed QI is less tight than between it and a postposed QI. One can in fact glean more from the example: (1) every quote is preceded by a switch-reference marker (which secures the identification of the SP, as the quote's source) and (2) the quote itself cannot host such a marker. I propose that the complex behavior in Zuni of switch-reference marking in RD-constructions can be explained by three factors. First, switchreference markers may only attach to a verb that is part of the clause chain - this explains why the final constituent within the quote itself is not an appropriate host. Second, SP-identification is a central function of QIs (see Sections 2.3.1 and 2.5.1); while SP-identification after the quote is not crucial, because the quote itself often gives clues as to the reference of the SP, it is more important before the quote - this would favor the presence of SS-marking before the quote but not after it. Finally, postposed QIs in general tend to have a tighter bond to the quote than preposed ones (see Sections 3.2 and 3.3) - this would favor the omission of SS-marking between the quote and the following QI.

254 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context Note that when a RD-construction lacks a QI the preceding switchreference marker is the only segmental material which refers in some way to the quote. It thus becomes itself a kind of reduced QI. This is the case with the SS-marker -nan on kwato 'enter' before event 4; the choice of SSmarking can be explained by the fact that the girl uttering the quote in event 4 is contained in the set of participants of event 3. Based on these principles, the distribution of switch-reference marking in (158) can then be motivated as follows: the first DS-marker -p is the pivot between the boy's getting up (event 1) and the first speech by the girl (event 2). The postposed QI le'kwap refers to this quote and simultaneously hosts the second DS-marker -p, which marks the reference shift to both participants entering some place (event 3). As mentioned above, the first SS-marker -nan indicates the inclusion of the SP of the following quote in free DRD of event 4 in the set of participants of event 3. These three tokens of switch-reference marking serve as pivots between overt medial verbs for events in the primary clause chain. None of the remaining events are linked to their preceding event by switch-reference markers because their final constituent is a quote segment, not hosting such marking. The two SS-markers which do occur in the remaining stretch of discourse operate WITHIN RD-constructions and thus have another status: they signal the coreference between the QI-subject and the source of the following quote. In general, one can conclude in line with McKercher (2000) that a RDconstruction in Zuni is a genuine target of switch-reference marking; presumably by virtue of its inherent semantic association with a SP-referent. In other words, an instance of RD counts syntactically like a medial verb even if there is no verb at all (as in the QI-less quote of event 4). That a quote on its own can behave in discourse like a full representation of an event is compatible with the findings in previous sections of this study. The geographically not-so-distant Yuman languages pose another historical problem regarding switch-reference marking in RD-constructions. Munro (1981: 73-7, 1982: 308-9) states that quotes accompanied by an offquote with the default QI-verb 'ii are regularly followed immediately by an enclitic -k. There exist several homophonous grams of this form in Yuman; the most natural candidate with which to identify this RD-element, however, has been identified by specialists as the SS-marker -k, which contrasts with the DS-marker -m. The major problem with this analysis is that across the whole family -k appears with quotes irrespective of whether the subject of the quote is the same as the SP encoded by the following QI. Compare the following pair of contrastive examples from Mojave, where -k is apparently motivated as a SS-marker in (159)b., but not in (159)a.

3.5 Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse 255

(159) a. {m-isay}-k '-i'ii-m {2S-fat}-SS 1S-say-IND I say you're fat OR I say, "You're fat" (Munro 1981: 74) b. {m-isay}-k m-suupaw-m {2S-fat}-SS 2S-know-IND You know you're fat (ibid.) Munro (ibid.) attempts to solve the problem by proposing a different etymological connection for the generalized quotative -k, namely with an oblique case suffix reconstructible for the family. This is certainly not the place to challenge this possible explanation. Nevertheless, the situation in Zuni, where the SS-marker -nan can index a following quote both with and without an overt QI, suggests that there is a potential functional motivation for such a marker type in Yuman, too. One can assume, as in Zuni, that the quote is a constituent that can by itself represent the speech event; the mental source/speaker of the quote could accordingly count as a referent that triggers switch-reference marking. Given that this referent and the subject of the following QI are tautologically coreferential, the regular occurrence of quotative -k, as an earlier SS-marker, could be motivated. As opposed to Zuni, however, this mechanism would have applied in Yuman to POSTPOSED QIs, and it was possible to attach a switch-reference marker directly to the quote. Under the above analyses, the important common denominator of Yuman languages and Zuni is that the linkage between a QI and a quote takes the form of a SS-clause chain whereby the coreference relation holds between the QI-subject and the notional source/speaker of the quote. In other words, QI and quote are in a relation of clausal co-subordination. Recall from Section 3.4.2 that precisely such a pattern is also found in other languages like Kombai and Ju|'hoan. Accordingly, the situation in Zuni and Yuman would turn out to be a variant on a universal theme. 3.5.2

Quotative indexes in dialogue

A second feature of QIs relating to the wider discourse context and recorded in this survey is whether or not a RD-construction, and thus its QI, occurs directly after another RD-construction with a different SP, so that the two form a speech-answer pair or dialogue. Longacre (1976: 165-96) discusses at length the importance of conversational exchange as an event schema of monologue discourse under the heading "repartee". A number of language-specific studies, such as Longacre (1968,1: 160-88) on Philippine

256 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context languages, and Kerr (1976/7), Koontz (1976/7), Waltz (1976/7b), and Basso (1986) on South American languages, have corroborated the central role of dialogue in certain types of discourse, especially in narrative texts. One of Longacre's (1976: 168) generalizations is that dialogue is mostly encoded "into some sort of surface structure dialogue paragraph", which means that different turns, which each represent a single RD-construction, coincide with sentence-like units. However, it is also possible that a dialogue, especially a simple exchange, is encoded within a single complex sentence, as discussed in detail by Waltz (1976/7b: 82-9) for Guanano. This is found in the sample data, too, and represents one of the rare regular contexts where a QI can enter clause linkage as a subordinate background clause. In the following example from Anywa, the first speech is indexed in an initial 'when'-clause and the QI of the responsive turn constitutes the following main clause. j @wwI@ n-a#-pée¯ cíi-E@ (160) n-a#-òo when-PST-come people:DEF when-PST-ask:PASS wife-3S n-{áàc # @k a# gE@?} cíi-E@ a#-kòó ní {a#c # @k a#th (w} Q-{where is Acook?} wife-3S PST-say Q {Acook has died} When the people came and asked his wife [lit.: was asked]: "Where is Acook?", his wife said: "Acook has died." (Reh 1996: 533) Languages which make extensive use of clause chaining can package much longer dialogues in a complex sentence. Longacre (1976: 167-8, 195FN1) described this for Ayacucho Quechua and other geographically close languages, and it applies to the case of Zuni already referred to in Section 3.5.1. All these languages are verb-final and possess a switch-reference system, which may have played a role in the development of this phenomenon. In the data of the African survey, such cases were not encountered. The results for the counts of QIs in dialogue are given in Table 49. A look at these figures, which record only non-initial turns, reveals that almost all the corpora display a considerable number of QI-tokens which are part of a speech exchange. Their complete absence in Tikar is most certainly not representative, given the low token total of the Tikar text corpus. In only five languages is the incidence 15% or lower. The frequency goes up to around a third of the token total in 19 languages. Still higher frequencies are found in 15 sample languages, the highest percentage existing in Waja with 60%.

3.5 Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse 257 Table 49. QIs after RD-construction in dialogue across the language sample Language

QI total 123 198 89 21 21 15 86 126 136 100 70 27 64 61 117 137 140 72 118 126 193 50 128 199 181 54 12 16 51 16 47 90 85 25 10 27 137

QI after RD in dialogue total in % 60 49 52 26 19 21 7 33 8 38 6 40 20 23 47 37 56 41 36 36 21 30 8 30 18 28 15 24 33 28 36 26 18 13 19 26 51 43 48 38 94 49 12 24 58 45 92 46 47 26 10 18 5 42 3 19 21 41 2 12 21 45 54 60 29 34 6 24 1 10 4 15 38 28

Tikar

9

0

0

Nguni

48

11

23

Koyra Chiini Kanuri Ik Aiki Fur Ngiti Ngambay Kunama Dongola Murle Anywa Krongo Hadza Sandawe Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Tamajeq Bedauye Burunge Kera Lamang Hausa Mandinka Izon Kisi Donno S Kouya Supyire Koromfe Waja Ngbaka Ma'bo Ewe Yoruba Igbo Birom

258 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context It was pointed out in Section 1.4.2 that dialogues, at least those including non-initial turns, constitute the most frequent context for the absence of a QI, and that this has a plausible motivation. The above results do not falsify these findings, but they do show that dialogues cannot be said to dispense with overt quote indices across the board. A more systematic study could reveal to what extent dialogue favors a lower degree of propositional elaboration of the QI - involving, as the extreme case, its complete omission. For example, one could expect AD-encoding to be generally less frequent in dialogues because the reference is normally disambiguated by the identification of a turn (Longacre 1994). It should also be considered that QIs in dialogue might more often display a restricted predicativity. In the data of the sample languages Sandawe, Burunge, and Ngbaka Ma'bo, the QI-tokens in dialogues are indeed quite consistently of the reduced non-clausal type. However, these languages have a high number of such QIs overall, so that the significance of this finding is unclear. Moreover, the picture across the entire sample cannot be characterized in this way. In general, the issue of the form of QIs in dialogues is complex and involves a composite of multiple determining factors. No detailed statement about this topic is possible in this study. Besides the complexity of QIs in dialogues, another possible area for future research is the question of whether a language has a special QI for dialogue-internal turn-taking. This is indicated by Kießling (1994: 228) for Burunge: Während bee und ta in Erzählungen in erster Linie dazu benutzt werden, um einen Wortwechsel zu eröffnen, leiten tuba und tubaari eher Erwiderungen ein [While bee (of QI2) and ta (of QI4) are used in narratives first of all to open a verbal exchange, tuba and tubaari (of QI3) rather introduce responses]:

(161) naw bee yéè son Q VOC.M Das Kind sagte: "He, Vater!" [the son said: "hey, father!"

taataa tuba yéè father Q RESPONSE.VOC.M Und er erwiderte: "Ja, was ist?" and he answered: "Yes?"]

This is corroborated empirically for Burunge by the sample survey, in that QI3 is the most frequent type in dialogues and is particularly regular with quotes starting with responsive vocative particles (see Kießling 1994: 191), although QI2 and QI4 also occur in this context.

3.5 Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse 259

3.5.3

Direct reported discourse and narrative texts

The discussion of cotext properties of QIs will close with an issue concerning DRD in general. Since the data of this study are largely restricted to narrative texts, the following remarks apply first of all to this discourse type. Several grammatical features which are repeatedly or even regularly found in QIs in this survey suggest that DRD-expressions have a special status regarding the presentation and organization of information in narrative texts, namely that they tend to encode events on the storyline, or still more foregrounded events in dramatic climaxes. The relevant characteristics are: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

QIs can have the structure of a special foregrounding construction (Section 2.1.2) QI-predicates can have a temporal category that serves to mark the main storyline (Section 2.1.4) QIs can have a reduced non-clausal structure that indicates shorten ing and crowding of events at the story climax (Section 2.6.6) QIs can have a marked position foregrounding the quote (Section 3.2.4) QIs can be linked to a preceding background clause (Section 3.5.1)

This survey cannot and does not establish all these phenomena as indeed occurring with more than chance frequency in QIs of DRD, neither in individual sample languages nor crosslinguistically. That these properties are truly typical for DRD can only be demonstrated by means of more extensive and thus more representative data, which for each feature should be controlled by adducing and comparing analogous figures for non-RD expressions. The above list, rather, will serve first of all to draw attention in future studies to certain characteristics of QIs that are presumably significant, but might otherwise go unnoticed. The general hypothesis about the predominant textual status of DRD as encoding storyline and/or peak is, however, not mere speculation. First, the QI-features (3) and (5) have parallels in the cotext properties of free DRD (see Section 1.4.2), which is commonly viewed as occurring especially in important stretches of narrative discourse (as mentioned above, QIreduction is related to QI-omission). Second, the single feature where the data of this survey could presumably yield a statistically relevant result is (2), relating to the preferred temporal marking of QIs; and this clearly points to a tendency of DRD to be on

260 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context the storyline. The significance of the correlation between temporal marking and DRD can be seen in the fact that a systematic deviation from the DRDtypical temporal marking of QIs is reported in English to have a particular semantic effect: RD which is formally in direct style, but has an imperfective (non-storyline) form in the QI, correlates according to Fleischman (1995: 535-7) with a meaning interpretation as internal awareness instead of truly effected speech (cf. also McCarthy (1998: 159-62) on a general correlation between imperfective QIs and non-DRD in a corpus of spoken English). Fleischman views the semantic internalization of RD first of all as a reflex of the "irreality" of the speech event; Bybee (as cited by Fleischman) associates the imperfectivity of the QI-verb with background information about the mental condition of the story character. This analysis is also advocated in the present study. The imperfective form is essentially a backgrounding device which leads to a RD-expression that is formally a kind of hybrid: it is DRD according to the encoding of the quote, but behaves in discourse-functional terms like non-DRD forms such as semiindirect or free indirect RD. One can say that it is "functionally downgraded" on the scale of RD-categories. Last but not least, the above observation of the central storyline role of DRD is a well-established finding of numerous studies concerned with storyline organization and dramatic dynamics in narratives. Statements to this effect have been made in a number of discussions of RD in English such as Longacre (1976: 221-2, 224-5), Baumann (1986), Mayes (1990), and Yule (1993). Longacre presents a scale of increasing vividness in which DRD of several forms occurs toward the more vivid and dramatic end of the cline: Narrative < Pseudo-dialogue < Dialogue < Drama. Such DRD-functions are also a recurrent theme in discourse studies of many "exotic" languages carried out by SIL linguists, in particular Longacre (1968, 1980, 1983, 1994) and scholars inspired by his work like Kerr (1976/7: 150-1) on Cuiva, Koontz (1976/7: 113) on Teribe, Waltz (1976/7a: 45 and, particularly for dialogue, 1976/7b: 89-90) on Guanano, Larson (1978) on Aguaruna, and Wendel (1986: 2) on Kagan Kalagan. RD-studies on some languages have observed that DRD can even replace normal event representations in a narrative. This is reported for Aguaruna by Larson (1978: 64-8), a particularly careful study of DRDfunctions in discourse of an individual language and possibly the first extensive study of this kind. McGregor (1994: 90), too, writes in a similar vein for Gooniyandi:

3.5 Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse 261 The seriousness of reports in Gooniyandi narratives becomes evident when it is observed that the report is normally tantamount to the doing - lies aside (these are usually indicated as such), a report in the past tense normally indicates that something did occur, and in the future also, and it is not strictly necessary to follow the quote up with a statement that the situation did occur. Secondly, only utterances that are relevant to the unfolding of the narrative are ever reported: most of the verbal action that we could presume to have occurred in the actual RSS [=reported speech situation] is simply not alluded to.

How intimate the association between DRD and storyline can be is also shown by the case of Wasco Chinookan as reported by Moore (1993), where the memorized dramatic skeleton of a specific genre of stories in oral literature can be conceived of as the sequence of the speeches of the story's central protagonist. Unsurprisingly, similar discourse properties of DRD are found in many African languages. A list of languages from East and West Africa where QIs and their direct quotes are explicitly said to represent events on the primary or even pivotal storyline can be extracted from the relevant analyses carried out by Longacre (1990). Despite the recurrent problems in applying the temporal category of a QI-predicate as a formal indication of the QI's storyline status, Longacre mentions in this respect such genealogically and typologically diverse languages as Hadiyya, Amharic, Silti, Avokaya, Mwaghavul, Nawdm, and Gangam (1990: 55, 62, 63, 94-5, 156, 163, and 169-70, respectively). That DRD conveys foreground information is also stated by Pike (1968: 171) for Bariba, by Mfonyam (1994: 195, 200) for Bafut, and by Lowe and Hurlimann (2002: 75-8) for Cerma. Languages like Shona add another interesting aspect to the discourse functioning of DRD in narratives. Here, DRD is often employed to encode events involving inanimate nouns, and this has a highlighting stylistic effect. Dale (1972: 127) writes regarding this so-called "dramatized speech": Shona has a great capacity for dramatizing speech. It frequently puts words into the mouth of the agent, in the manner of reported speech, which were never in fact enunciated. An obvious example is that where the agent is not human yet the emotion expressed is rendered in indirect speech [the RD is in fact regularly in direct style] ... Fortune [1955: 348] calls this construction: speech indicative of action.

262 Quotative indexes and their linguistic context (162) aka-tarisa mu-hari ru-te ru-ka-ti 1:REM.PST-look INE-pot 13-saliva 13-SEQ-QV {uy-a ti-ende} {come-IMP 1P-go:SUBJ} He looked into the pot and saliva started to form. [lit.: He looked into the pot and the saliva was like, 'Off we go!'] (Dale 1972: 127) It goes without saying that the association of DRD with foregrounded information is not an absolute. First of all, there must in principle exist the possibility of a choice in the given context. In case the use of direct quotes is for some reason obligatory in a certain environment (cf. the abovementioned grammaticalization of DRD with internal awareness), the pragmatic effect is of course no longer available. It was also mentioned in Section 2.6.6 that the suitability of different peak-marking devices depends on the general discourse design. For example, Larson (1978: 68-75) remarks for Aguaruna that DRD is used in the peak if the story is primarily an event narrative; if the story is constructed basically as a dialogue, then peak marking will have to be achieved by some other stylistic means. In some languages pure DRD is found to be generally rare, even in narrative texts. Here, the above interpretation also seems to run into problems in that DRD cannot be tied intimately to the storyline. However, in these languages it is semi-(in)direct RD (often involving logophoric pronouns) which is used to encode most speech events on the storyline while the relatively fewer tokens of DRD are reserved for or are at least predominant in story peaks. This is described for Engenni (Thomas 1978: 25), Mündü (Jeffrey 1984: 117), Kom (Chia 1986: 156-7), Obolo (Aaron 1992: 237-8), and Adioukrou (Hill 1995: 104-5). In such languages the initial hypothesis is in fact corroborated in a more nuanced way: languages which display grammaticalized RD-forms that are intermediate between DRD and IRD have a more fine-grained hierarchy of RD-categories regarding their storyline status, in which DRD remains the category which is preferred in the most salient stretches of discourse. This hierarchy is also reflected by other facts. A transition from IRD to DRD is, for example, associated by Emberson (1986: 114-6) and Yule (1993) with an increased dramatic character in the recounting of events; the reverse can be intuitively assumed for a switch from DRD to non-DRD. That DRD has the highest position in information prominence is also indicated by the preferred pattern of RD-stacking. IRD is quite regularly found to be inserted into DRD; the reverse situation seems to occur less often or indeed to be uncommon. One can conclude from this impressionistic ob-

3.5 Quotative indexes and the cotext outside reported discourse 263

servation, which needs to be confirmed by systematic analysis, that IRD is likely to be in the scope of DRD, but not the other way around. The hierarchy is supported by yet another phenomenon, namely a correlation between the role/prominence of a story character at a certain point of the discourse and the RD-type used for this referent. Overall, DRD is reserved for the speech of participants which are central/focal and individuated. In dialogues, for example, the turn-taking between two conversing parties can be accompanied by a regular switch between DRD and IRD. This special DRD function of highlighting participants is reported by Pike (1968: 171-2) and Soutar & Pike (1982: 120-2, 128) for Bariba, by Thomas (1978: 25-6) for Engenni, by Larson (1981: 14, citing J. Taylor p.c.) for Kaiwá, by Glock (1986: 36-7) for Saramaccan, by Emberson (1986: 112-4) for medieval German, and by Mfonyam (1994: 200-2) for Bafut. Taking all the above observations together, it can be stated that DRD has an inherent character of foregrounding information in narrative discourse vis-à-vis other RD-categories, and can also be used as a stylistic option with a dramatizing and highlighting effect. This conclusion also conforms in several ways with the syntactic analysis of RD in Section 3.4 in terms of tagging. On the one hand, the quote is generally the more prominent constituent in the RD-construction; hence the syntactic status of the QI as a mere tag. On the other hand, however, the reporter can impose his/her perspective on the quote through a shift from DRD to non-DRD. Accordingly, the greater extent of the reporter's pragmatic interference can go hand in hand with a reduction of the quote's salience as well as a more autonomous syntactic status of the QI.

Chapter 4 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis

Historical changes leading from linguistic items used in QIs toward quotatives, complementizers, adverbial subordinators, and many other function words have been described in the literature for a number of genealogically and geographically unrelated languages. This chapter reviews the central results of previous research and concludes that the wide consensus among linguists concerning certain historical scenarios, in particular the assumption of a default-like grammaticalization of speech verbs and the subsequent chain-like development into different types of clause linkers, has relatively little empirical foundation. Section 4.1 summarizes previous findings under the rubric of what I will call here the "quotative complex of grammaticalization". These are confronted in Section 4.2 with explanatory problems that emerge inter alia from the present synchronic analysis of the structure of QIs. The general argumentation is elaborated in Section 4.3 by way of the concrete example of Yoruba, which is often cited as a prototypical case for the speech-verb channel of grammaticalization. Finally, Section 4.4 presents a new perspective on the whole issue by arguing that RD, especially DRD, is intimately related to a far wider functional domain of language to be called here "mimesis". Human verbal behavior, which is involved in RD-constructions, is only one of several components of this domain. This fact explains why QIs are often rather more general indexes of mimetic expressions regularly involving elements which do not refer semantically to speech at all. This itself suffices to indicate that speech verbs in fact should not be expected to be particularly frequent as lexical input for grammaticalizing structures involving RD.

4.1 The traditional quotative complex of grammaticalization The amount of literature predominantly or exclusively dedicated to the relevant grammaticalization processes in individual languages and crosslinguistically is impressive indeed. The following list is undoubtedly incomplete: Waley & Armbruster (1934); Rama Rao (1972); Lord (1976);

4.1 The traditional quotative complex of grammaticalization 265

Kachru (1979); Joseph (1981); Hock (1982); Joseph & Schourup (1982/3); Frajzyngier (1984); Eilfort (1985); Meenakshi (1986); Rau (1987); Saxena (1988); Crowley (1989); Casad (1989); Manessy (1989); Blyth, Recktenwald & Wang (1990); Frajzyngier (1991); Ebert (1991); Meehan (1991); Romaine & Lange (1991); Plag (1992); Lord (1993: 151-213 [1989]); Ferrara & Bell (1995); Saxena (1995 [1987]); Bashir (1996); Frajzyngier (1996a: 105-225); Deutscher (2000); Klamer (2000); Miller (2001); Cohen et al. (2002); Güldemann (2002); Klamer (2002); Meyerhoff (2002); Vanhove (2004). As the many studies from the late 70's and the 80's coincided with the growing interest in grammaticalization in general, they were also influential for theoretical approaches in this expanding research domain. The previous research on grammaticalization associated with RDconstructions is characterized by a high homogeneity of overall approach so that several generalizations about it can be made. Most importantly, there exists a strong tendency to ascribe the functional versatility of a given element completely to its previous employment as a quotative and/or a complementizer. The initial sequence of change {X > quotative > complementizer} will be called here the QUOTATIVE COMPLEX of grammaticalization. This has generally been thought to be a precondition for the development of other functions like marking adverbial hypotaxis, grammatical relations of nominal participants, predication-operator functions, etc. Lexical sources of quotatives have been shown to be variable. The most important source seems to be a generic speech verb 'say'; but the discussion has also entertained such elements as 'resemble, be like' (e.g., Lord 1993), 'thus' (e.g., Saxena 1995), or deictics (see inter alia Lockwood 1968 - cited by Frajzyngier 1991 and Heine, Claudi & Hünnemeyer 1991 - or Hopper & Traugott 1993: 185-9). There are, of course, other possible complementizer sources unrelated to the quotative complex which are not mentioned here. Despite the identification of other sources for quotative/complementizers, the strongest focus clearly lies, however, on what I will call here the SPEECH-VERB CHANNEL: most studies conclude that the above chain of grammaticalization can be normally stated more specifically and completely as {'say' > quotative > complementizer > other}. Lord (1993: 20910), for example, writes in the conclusion of her Niger-Congo survey: The favorite version [of the grammaticalization of complementizers and related markers of clause linkage] starts with a verb 'say', which might take noun objects, or direct or indirect quotation complements. ... These verbs are used together in serial constructions, where 'say' introduces the words spoken, which correspond to what is thought or believed. ...

266 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis The story can end here. Or, once this usage has become accepted, the use of the metaphorical 'say' verb can be extended to constructions with other verbs of mental action and perception, and people eventually tend to forget - or fail to perceive - the connection between the regular use of 'say' and the metaphorical use. At this point in the story, the pronunciation of the metaphorical 'say' sometimes drifts away from that of the verb 'say', and it is influenced by processes in the language that regular verbs may be able to resist. It often doesn't behave like a verb, and gets labeled a "complementizer". It functions as an introducer of clausal arguments to the preceding verb. For an introducer of clausal arguments, it is no great departure to take on the additional function of introducing clausal nonarguments, i.e., adverbial clauses expressing discourse relations such as purpose, reason or condition.

The first study of this phenomenon that made generalizations across a variety of languages, Lord (1976), became especially influential for the later discussion. Its analysis and conclusions, in particular the interpretation of a number of QI-predicators as seemingly unremarkable generic speech verbs 'say', must be seen in the light of its specific research agenda: The range of languages investigated happened to be biased toward isolating verb-serializing languages from West Africa - a general focus of research at the time and of Lord's in particular. Such languages have little bound morphology and verbhood can often be identified ultimately only by appealing to distributional properties. It was in principle a reasonable hypothesis that an element used as a predicate-like QI-nucleus or as a quote orienter following another verb would simply be equivalent to something like English say. Moreover, the seemingly clear cases of English-based Atlantic creoles, where cognates of say and talk are found to be used as quotative/complementizers and which are assumed in the substratum approach to have been influenced by West African languages, left little reason to doubt that the speech-verb channel was also productive in the latter geographical area. Given the inherent plausibility of the argument, it is no accident that a brief mention or discussion of Lord's (1976) examples as standard cases of grammaticalization and syntactic change is rarely absent in the relevant secondary literature. Grammaticalization surveys and textbooks like Heine & Reh (1984: 37-8, 72-3), Heine, Claudi & Hünnemeyer (1991: 216, 2467), Hopper & Traugott (1993: 14-6, 112), Heine et al. (1993: 190-4), Harris & Campbell (1995: 289-90), and Dimmendaal (2001: 142-8) all cite or mention in particular the cases of Ewe and/or Yoruba. Further the speech-

4.2 Some problems with the available account 267

verb channel was elevated to a kind of default scenario. Frajzyngier (1996a: 99) generalizes: What the sources of complementizers were has been a subject of several studies, and the issue is not controversial. One of the most common sources for de dicto complementizers are verbs of saying, confirmed time and again in many languages of the world.

In spite of such statements, the present study must conclude that the confidence in the traditional treatment of the quotative complex and the speech-verb channel is premature. Instead, I will try to show that many of the cases stated previously in this framework turn out not to be as strong as made out. Chapter 5 will present extensive evidence against the conventional wisdom and propose that preference should be given to alternative explanations. As will be discussed in Chapters 6 and 7, this approach affects the explanatory framework of the entire range of grammaticalization phenomena involving RD. The overall sequence and directionality of changes leading a given linguistic item to show a synchronic picture of sometimes extraordinary polyfunctionality is determined not only by the quotative complex, but by the ultimate origin of the QI-element.

4.2 Some problems with the available account Reservations against overgeneralizing the speech-verb channel and appeals to more rigor in reconstruction can already be encountered occasionally in the literature. Thus, Naden (1989: 165) states for the Gur family: A quotative particle usually follows verbs of speech and cognition ... introducing either direct or indirect speech. The particle, used alone, may indicate the speaker is repeating someone else's words. In many cases the particle cannot be considered a reduced form of any recognizable verb of speaking.

Ransom (1988: 364) remarks in her crosslinguistic study dedicated to the emergence of complementizers: Before we look at the data, a warning is in order. The specific complementizer analyses are based on isolated examples and commentary. More indepth study of these languages and the history of the forms is needed for reliability.

Subsequent research might perhaps have proceeded with more caution under different circumstances. However, the widespread approval encoun-

268 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis tered by the above-mentioned early analyses was favorable for continuing as before, and the task formulated by Ransom was often not addressed adequately in many language-specific discussions of the speech-verb channel. Instead, the latter has become accepted as the conventional wisdom to such an extent that some scholars, in their analysis of a particular language, tend at times to restrict themselves to an appeal to crosslinguistic precedents, ignoring language-internal evidence that might well cast doubt on the historical interpretation of a given quotative as a true speech verb. To give one such example, Casad (1989: 45, FN9) writes about the origin of the quotative/complementizer yee in Cora: The lack of a transparent verbal (or other) source for yee is particularly problematic to me. … I have considered three different morphemes as possible sources for yee. These include the locative particle yee 'off here out in the flat', the verb hee/heeva 'to call, to be named' and the manner adverbial ye'i 'this is how it is.' I have so far been unable to formulate a convincing case for any of them.

The author nevertheless favors a reconstruction of yee in some "unspecified verb meaning 'SAY'" (ibid.: 15), yet without providing much formal or semantic argument in favor of this scenario and despite his acknowledgement of the above and yet other alternatives (see Sections 5.1.3 and 5.1.4 for crosslinguistic and semantic evidence which would in fact single out Casad's "manner adverbial" source as the best candidate). The inadequacy of a lexical reconstruction for a QI-element might be just a minor flaw if only the quotative complex per se were involved. However, it becomes more dramatic in cases where the general scenario is transferred to languages in which the element at issue (purportedly grammaticalized from 'say') is functionally highly versatile and builds up an extremely wide network of uses, whose semantic-functional interrelationships are sometimes far from obvious. This is the case, for example, with Kilian-Hatz's (1995: 264-83) treatment of Baka pe. The author proposes a "universal" polyfunctionality pattern of 19 uses which came into being by starting out from a single source, namely a verb lexeme meaning 'say, tell'. The derived grammatical functions (Kilian-Hatz's assumed classificatory domains appear in parentheses) are simply listed here: marker of DRD, IRD, propositional 'as if'-simile and clause linkage of sentential complementation, consecutivity, purpose, time, condition and reason ("Redefunktion"), marker of nominal relations like benefactive, dative, possessive, purpose ("Zielfunktion" and "Objektbindungsfunktion"), similative marker 'like' ("Vergleichsfunktion"),

4.2 Some problems with the available account 269

marker of manner, reason, quantity and polar questions ("Fragefunktion"). This treatment encompasses the emergence, not just of the narrow quotative complex, but of many more grammatical items and claims a number of unprecedented grammaticalization developments. Therefore, this and comparable cases must be scrutinized with more rigor, regarding both the source of the quotative and the assignment of so many functions to the quotative complex of grammaticalization. Apart from such language-specific cases, the formal characteristics of QIs established in Chapter 2 raise some principled objections against an overhasty speech-verb account. Recall that in many languages a fairly grammaticalized element is used as a kind of default marker in the wider domain of RD in two different syntactic configurations. One is a bipartite structure wherein the element occurs adjacent to the introduced clause in addition to a matrix verb. Here, it can be analyzed conveniently as a quotative/complementizer. In the other structure it serves ITSELF as the predicator of the introductory clause in place of a semantically explicit verb encoding an event of speech, cognition, perception, etc. Languages may differ as to which of the two structures occurs more frequently and to what degree the element in question, when occurring on its own, has verbal properties. In all events, the conventional historical account of such a synchronic situation has been that an earlier generic speech verb underwent grammaticalization by expanding in the bipartite configuration into nonspeech contexts and developing into a conjunction. Thus the predicator function would reflect the older stage while the function of linking two clauses would be innovative. This scenario has even been extended to languages where a similar element is not used as a QI-predicator, that is, where only the bipartite structure is found. Here one can hypothesize that the predicative function of the earlier speech verb was lost. This is a reasonable explanation if there is empirical language-internal or comparative evidence. However, this is often lacking, so that the basis of argumentation is reduced to the purely theoretical consideration of crosslinguistic precedents. This cannot take the place of a careful reconstruction, especially when the given expression is variable in its structural properties and at times highly grammaticalized, thereby obscuring possible concrete clues as to its origin and development. This consideration is especially crucial for the simple monoclausal QIpattern [(SP) predicator]. This has heretofore been viewed as rather unremarkable in that it is assumed that the nucleus simply represents a canonical speech verb in its plain predicative use. However, the analysis of this structure as [X 'say'] implies a variety of semantic and syntactic properties

270 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis of both the QI and its predicator which are not found in a number of languages. In these cases, the speech-verb account may turn out to be essentially a simplistic equation of the vernacular structure with its translation into the language of description like English he said, French il dit, etc. However, it is already evident even in these European languages that one should be cautious before jumping to such analytical conclusions. Notably, the above translation equivalents pertain sociolinguistically to standard usage. Certain colloquial varieties may prefer to introduce a quote by means of quite different expressions, such as English he's like (see inter alia Blyth, Recktenwald & Wang 1990), Swedish hon ba 'she just' (Eriksson 1995), German und ich so 'and I like this' (Golato 2000), and Dutch toen had ik zoeits van 'then I have something of' (Foolen et al. 2006). These structures, as well as cases from many other diverse languages described in the literature or found in the present sample (see Chapter 2), reflect an important consideration: a QI CAN have the explicit semantic feature of utterance and/or a predicator with morphosyntactic properties of a verb, but it does not depend in any essential way on either of these two properties. Indeed, some languages in fact prefer expressions that are "noncanonical" from the viewpoint of European standard varieties. With respect to QI-predicators, recall from Chapter 2 that their formal properties are frequently atypical for verbs in general and for speech verbs in particular, in that they are notoriously polyfunctional outside the RDdomain, they take on utterance meaning only in a QI. All these characteristics are clear signs that these items have undergone some form of grammaticalization. When a QI contains such an element it is necessary to demonstrate in every case - as for any other grammaticalized item - that the assumed development {generic speech verb > quotative (verb)} is indeed plausible in the particular individual case at issue. That is, it must be shown convincingly and concretely that the meaning of utterance truly does have historical precedence in the relevant sign. There are many good ways of arguing for an item's status as a speech verb. One important phenomenon in grammaticalization which is commonly referred to as "split" (Heine & Reh 1984: 57-9) or "divergence" (Hopper 1991: 24-5) can often help in approaching this task. Hopper (ibid.) writes in this respect: ... when a lexical form undergoes grammaticization ... the original form may remain as an autonomous lexical element and undergo the same changes as any other lexical items. The Principle of Divergence results in pairs or multiples of forms having a common etymology, but diverging functionally.

4.2 Some problems with the available account 271

Thus, it would be normal that the non-grammaticalized counterpart of a quotative that developed from 'say' via the speech-verb channel would be retained outside RD. Such a counterpart would surface first of all, unremarkably, as a verbal predicate that encodes a simple state of affairs referring to speech, like 'say/tell something to somebody', 'converse with somebody', 'talk/speak (a language)', etc. As such, it should take the normal range of predication operators marking tense, aspect, modality, polarity, etc. Another good indicator for speech-verb status is the existence of lexical items which can be related to the supposed source of grammaticalization by productive derivational processes. Thus, a normal speech verb may have, depending on the language, not only an AD-transitive counterpart, but also a causative, passive, iterative, etc. It may also be the basis of a semantically specific speech verb or undergo a nominalization. The item's status as a transitive speech verb can also be assumed if it can be used with a sufficiently large variety of nominal objects referring to speech (not just 'it' or 'what') and/or if it occurs in an object relative clause. Another good heuristic for determining the original meaning of a lexical item is comparative evidence. That is, if a grammaticalized QI-element has clear cognates in closely related languages and these are unequivocal speech verbs, the same meaning can be reconstructed for the item in question. To give an illustrative example, such evidence favoring the speech-verb account is readily forthcoming in Swahili for the IRD-complementizer kwamba (and the etymologically related relative marker amba-AGR). First, the function word kwamba itself is transparently composed of the infinitive prefix ku- and the verb stem amba. Cognate stems with speech-verb semantics are indeed found in other Bantu languages. There also exist in Swahili inter alia a verb amba 'slander, speak against', a derivationally related applicative form ambia 'tell' with a generic speech meaning, and an abstract nominalization jambo (S), mambo (P) 'matter'. Without such clear lexical or structural clues from contexts outside the RD-domain, however, a versatile element used inter alia in a QI is bound to remain semantically and etymologically opaque. This holds for many cases cited as evidence for the speech-verb channel where the earlier 'say'-verb has purportedly disappeared entirely from the lexicon outside RD. In view of the great number of such cases, the question arises why lexical split/ divergence in terms of Heine & Reh (1984) and Hopper (1991) happens to be so infrequent in the quotative complex - an observation which has heretofore not received due attention. Moreover, the (unmotivated) loss of the speech verb as a lexical item is said to act as a trigger for the emergence of new generic speech verbs. It is desirable from both a language-specific and

272 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis a general perspective to demonstrate what lexical domain(s) such new speech verbs are recruited from. One gets the impression that a seemingly unlimited supply of other verbs is supposed to be available on stand-by to step into the place vacated by the grammaticalizing lexeme.

4.3 Yoruba: a paradigm case The problems indicated above can be illustrated by reexamining the situation in Yoruba. This case which is especially instructive because it is cited repeatedly with reference to Lord's (1976: 183-4) analysis as exemplary for the recurrent, even cyclic development from 'say'-verbs to grams. The most detailed account of the different QI-types and the elements involved is that given by Bamgbos`e (1986). Of particular importance for the discussion is the quotative/complementizer pé. The author writes (ibid.: 84): There is some controversy as to whether pé is a report verb meaning 'say' or a complementizer meaning 'that'. In support of its verbal status, sentences may be found in which it occurs without a preceding verb [in footnote:] This appears to be the strongest of the arguments in Oyelaran (1982: 111-119) in support of the status of pé as a verb. [end of footnote], but this appears to be the exception rather than the rule. ...

(163) o`mo` náà ò tilè` pé {òun rí mi} child DET NEG even Q {he saw me} The child didn't even say that he saw me (= The child pretended not to see me) (ibid.: 84) The association of pé with the word class of verbs is indeed suggestive because it can cooccur with several verbal markers in its rare but attested use as a QI-nucleus as in (163). However, Bamgbos`e takes a different position, viewing pé as a speech verb only diachronically (see also the parallel discussion by Lawal 1991: 75-80): There is little doubt that historically pé must indeed have been a report verb; but in a synchronic description of Yoruba, there is overwhelming evidence that it has lost its verbal status and is now no more than a complementizer. [in footnote:] Evidence in support of the diachronic status of pé as a verb may be found in the analogical behavior of the combination wí pé 'say that' which now functions both as a report verb and a complementizer. (Note, for instance, that wherever pé occurs as a complementizer, with the exception of the position after wí 'say', it can be substituted with wí pé 'say that'.) This

4.3 Yoruba: a paradigm case 273 suggests that pé must have been a verb before passing through a similar process of de-verbalization. [end of footnote] (ibid.: 85)

One can observe in Bamgbos`e's discussion two major arguments for associating pé in some way with a speech verb 'say'. First, its distribution is occasionally parallel to that of speech verbs so that it can be viewed in some sentences as the predicate. Second, an analogy is drawn to historically attested or synchronically observed cases where a speech verb is categorially reanalyzed in a bipartite structure as a clause linker. There are, however, some features of pé which must be addressed in the light of the above remarks. Regarding semantics, when pé appears as a predicate, an explicit lexical utterance meaning is not evident in a straightforward way. Example (163) above and (164) below involve QIs where the locutionary reading is already inherent to the context where pé is used. (164) a pé {à á lo`} 1P Q {we would go} We said we would go (Bamgbos`e p.c.) It was shown in Chapter 2, especially in Sections 2.1.1 and 2.6.4, that QIs of this reduced non-clausal type are quite common, with an especially high frequency in West Africa, and that their emergence cannot be reduced to the scenario where the QI-nucleus is a grammaticalized speech verb. It is of interest in this respect that according to Bamgbos`e (p.c.) pé "is most likely a truncated form of so` pé or wí pé" (so` and wí are generic speech verbs, see below). In other words, the occurrence of pé in predicator position has an apparent synchronic association with a bipartite structure and is felt to be a result of the omission of a true speech verb. Under this approach, the fact that pé deviates from a verbal item in its lack of clear utterance semantics appears in a very different light. While its deficient character as a speech verb has heretofore been explained by its advanced stage of grammaticalization away from this category, one can just as well argue that its marginal verbal properties are the result of the intrusion of a non-verbal function word pé into the context of a QI-predicator. The idea that the origins of QI-predicators can be diverse helps to resolve various questions about the apparently complex situation in Yoruba which have no answers in the speech-verb account, or only unsatisfactory ones. One such problem is the the relatively large number of semantically generic QI-predicatives, namely wí, so`, ní, and marginally pé. According to previous analyses, all four items are synchronically generic speech verbs,

274 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis or were until fairly recently. For such a brief historical period of a language, this seems a surprisingly high number of lexemes which have an unspecific meaning and are thus hardly distinctive. Under the present approach, the problem is easily resolved: not all these elements are assumed to be, or to be derived from, generic speech verbs. This hypothesis can also account for synchronic lexical features of the individual items (see Abraham (1958) and Bamgbos`e (1986) for details). Only two of the above four predicatives, namely wí 'say, talk' and so` 'say, speak' show characteristic features of canonical speech verbs outside the context of a QI.36 They are used as transitive verbs conveying the meaning 'say' when followed by nouns denoting speech. They also have derived lexical counterparts which themselves have utterance meaning, like nominalizations or intracategorial derivatives via incorporation of various object nouns (e.g., wíjo` 'lay complaint, accuse' from wí, or so`ro` 'speak' from so`). According to Abraham (1958) and Bamgbos`e (p.c.), this is not the case for the other two items, pé and ní. These are synchronically best analyzed as a quotative/complementizer and a quotative verb, respectively. The specific characterizations of the four elements also explain why they are used in the QIs in the particular ways they are, as laid out in detail in Appendix 1. Of the four relevant items, the quotative verb ní is the only item possible in the monoclausal QI1 [SP V]. The bipartite QI2 [SP V pé] can only have the speech verbs wí and so` as well as the quotative verb ní as its verbal nucleus. This can be expected because these items are genuine verbs. As opposed to this, quotative pé only has the distribution of a predicator in the cases of verb omission; while this superficially yields a QI1configuration, it should rather be viewed as a reduced, non-clausal structure. The two remaining structures are also bipartite, but the quote orienters are more complex. The structure of QI3 is [SP V PROSP ní], where the quote orienter is a full adjoined sentence consisting of a personal pronoun and the quotative verb. The pattern of QI4 [SP V wí pé] is the only clear case of possible serialization of a genuine speech verb, namely wí - remarkably, however, in conjunction with the grammaticalized quotative pé. In view of such a synchronic situation it is worth advancing the idea that pé and ní never had the semantic feature of utterance and that the meaning 'say' is rather a reading triggered contextually by their use in a QI. To give a concrete alternative lexical source for these elements lies beyond

36 Recall from Section 2.2.5, however, that so` may have its ultimate origin in a non-speech verb 'throw, send, put'.

4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis 275

this study; this must be pursued in an in-depth comparative investigation. Here it suffices to state that the interpretation of pé and ní as a speech verb 'say' is questionable on the basis of the available arguments. In view of the empirical facts and the theoretical reservations, the prevailing analysis of the Yoruba case needs more substantiation by empirical evidence in order to be accepted as the canonical paradigm case it has been taken to represent. The detailed discussion in Chapter 5 will address the general issue of alternative sources of quotative/complementizers crosslinguistically.

4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis Having outlined some theoretical and empirical problems with the traditional quotative complex of grammaticalization, I turn in the following discussion to an alternative approach to RD as a whole. Section 4.4.1 demonstrates that QI-elements or even QI-types as a whole are not restricted functionally to RD; they rather serve to insert a variety of expressions which can be characterized more generally as "mimetic" signs, comprising besides RD representational gesture, ideophones, and non-linguistic sound imitation. After discussing briefly the three kinds of non-RD-expressions in Sections 4.4.2, 4.4.3, and 4.4.4, I argue in Section 4.4.5 that RD, particularly DRD, can be conceived of as a genuine subdomain of mimesis. This perspective paves the way for a quite different historical assessment of QIs and the elements which occur in them. 4.4.1

The isomorphism of quotative indexes and other constructions

A significant result of this cross-language survey is the observation that QIs are often employed for expressions that do not involve any canonical form of RD - they are not dedicated QIs. Under a strict application of the QI-definition given at the beginning of this study, the natural consequence would be that the relevant constructions do not deserve this specific label, but instead merit a more general denomination. For the time being, however, the label will be retained and only later will the question be addressed how the RD- and the non-RD expressions indexed by the same construction can be dealt with in a more consistent way. The functional contexts at issue can be classified according to the types of signs that are introduced by the relevant QI; there is a structural isomorphism which ranges over the following four kinds of expressions:

276 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis (1) (2) (3) (4)

Enacted human verbal behavior (= DRD) Non-linguistic sound imitated by human speech organs Ideophones and similar linguistic signs Representational gesture

As will be shown below, in languages from all over the world all four types can be introduced by one and the same construction. An illustrative case from the sample is the Nguni cluster, whose QI1 is based on the verb thi. For Zulu, this is reported by Doke (1992: §483, 626, 819) and Doke et al. (1990,2: 793). The following examples illustrating the four expression types in the above order are from Xhosa (see also Scheub 1977: 359). (165) i-thi i-Bhayibhile {mthande ummelwane wakho} 9-QV 9-Bible {love your neighbor!} the Bible says love thy neighbour (Pahl et al. (eds.) 1989: 294) (166) in-komo i-thi {mhu-u-u} xa i-khala-yo 9-cattle 9-QV {ON} when 9-bellow-REL a cow says moo when it bellows (ibid.: 294) (167) lo m-hlaba u-the {tyaba:} DEM:3 3-ground 3-QV:PFV {ID:be.flat} this ground is perfectly flat (ibid.: 296) (168) in-doda en-kulu i-thi xa i-hamba-yo 9-man REL:9-old 9-QV when 9-walk-REL the old man walks like this (the speaker imitates his manner of walking) (ibid.: 295) The construction also has conventionalized applications with gestures: the following Zulu phrase is regularly used to render a count of entities: (169) ama-doda ma-thi {HAND GESTURE} 6-man 6-QV Die mans is ... (getal) ... [the men are ... in number] (Eeden 1956: 748) The overall results of the sample survey are given in Table 50. They are based on information given in the consulted sources, personal communication from language specialists, and data encountered in the text corpora. It

4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis 277

should be recognized that the numerous gaps in the column for gesture indexing indicate nothing more than the lack of relevant data, because the way such signs are indexed in discourse by linguistic means is virtually never treated in grammatical descriptions. Table 50. The isomorphism of QIs and other non-RD-constructions Language Kanuri Ik Aiki Kunama Dongola Murle Khoekhoe Ju|'hoan Taa Tigre Bedauye Burunge Lamang Hausa Izon Ngbaka Ma'bo Yoruba Birom Tikar Nguni

4.4.2

DRD X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X

Sounds X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X

Ideophones X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X

Gestures QI-element involved quotative verb n quotative verb kut quotative verb ir quotative verb u quotative verb E@ quotative verb zi X quotative (nee-)ti quotative verb ko quotative verb té'e) speech verb bela 'say' quotative verb an quotative ta quotative verb gV quotative verb cêe X quotative mó` quotative verb 'bo# X adverb báyìí 'thus' quotative verb ye quotative lE X quotative verb thi

Representational gesture

Before I can attempt an explanation of the picture emerging from Table 50, the expression types other than DRD must be discussed in more detail. I start with the last domain, that of non-verbal gestures, which is clearly different from the other three. While the expression of the verbal types relies on the speech organs, a completely different medium is used in the case of gesture, namely the visually observable kinetic capacities of the body. This provides a second channel independent of the acoustic-auditory medium, which is why gesture can be produced simultaneously with a speech signal - a fundamental distinction vis-à-vis the other three types.

278 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis Research on gesture and its interaction with speech has shown that the two are intimately intertwined and that it is inappropriate to consider one as depending unilaterally on the other (see, e.g., Freedman 1977, Kendon 1980, 1986, McNeill 1985, Creider 1986, Streeck 1988, and the contributions to McNeill (ed.) 2000). Both channels are used by the speaker inter alia to convey information to the audience about his/her mental state and thus to jointly create a complex communicative signal. Most scholars agree that speech and gesture are "alternate manifestations of the same encoding process" (Kendon 1980: 219) or "parallel products of a common computational stage" (McNeill 1985: 353). In stressing this basic and well-founded assumption, analyses of speech-gesture interaction have laid emphasis on the functional aspect of MUTUAL SUPPLEMENTING and the formal production aspect of SYNCHRONICITY. The interplay between speech and socalled "gesticulation" (McNeill 2000: 1-2) may well be dominant, but especially informal and/or performance-oriented discourse can involve gestures referring to the represented world which are so salient vis-à-vis speech that they must be viewed as the major meaning-bearing units. At times they can even replace, and thus interrupt the flow of, auditory signals, as in the subtype called "pantomime" (McNeill 2000: 2). Although such gestures constitute only one subtype of the whole gestural inventory accompanying linguistic communication, they are the most relevant ones here. This study is primarily concerned with segmental devices that languages provide when speakers choose to explicitly insert a gesture into the discourse, or at least to index its presence. Examples (168) and (169) from Nguni are good illustrations of this expression type. Other typical cases from English and German are the following structures: (170) ... I felt so: aw::ful: (eh) I went (.) I was coming up the steps li:ke this all the way up I felt (.3) terribly ... [accompanied by illustrating body movements] (Heath 1986: 87-8) (171) und der Hund bloß mit'm Schwanz and the dog just with:the tail and the dog goes with the tail like

{HAND GESTURE for a wagging tail} ...

Thus, the types of gesture that are of primary interest here are controlled and mostly spontaneous kinetic signs of the human body which illustrate, supplement, or even exclusively establish mimetically the representation of a context-specific state of affairs. They are therefore called here REPRESENTATIONAL GESTURES (in line with several contributions

4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis 279

to McNeill 2002). The experiences thus represented are quite diverse: they include many different characteristics of entities like size, form, quantity, path and manner of movement, behavior, etc. The entities also belong to different semantic categories like humans, animates, inanimate objects, etc. The range of expressed phenomena is limited only by the universal capacity of the human body and the creativity of the performing individual. Such signs provide the core of gestural behavior labeled in the literature by such terms as "physiographic" (Efron 1941), "illustrative" (Ekman & Friesen 1969), "object-focused representational" (Freedman 1977), "ideational" (Kendon 1980), or "iconic" (McNeill 1985, Streeck 1988). It becomes clear from the available research that the domains where such para-linguistic signing is used, and the extent to which it is used, depend considerably on culture, age, sex, social group, communicative setting, individual habits, etc. Nevertheless, it can be safely assumed to be relevant for most types of natural face-to-face communication irrespective of whether these are in principle dominated by linguistic signs or not. Sometimes, though not regularly, such gestures can become routinized "emblems" (McNeill 2000: 2). This is illustrated by the counting expression of Zulu in (169). It can also be observed in Creider's (1977) comparative study of conventionalized gestures in East Africa, which lists under the heading "qualifiers" a number of world-referring signs encoding size, quantity/number, or directions. Unfortunately, the empirical data on the role of such non-linguistic means of communication and their interaction with linguistic behavior, both within individual languages and crosslinguistically, are still limited. Moreover, the research refers with relatively few exceptions to gestural phenomena in English-speaking communities. The lack of data is even more serious for the issue which is of particular interest here: the question of how non-verbal, representational gesture is inserted by linguistic signs into the discourse, that is, how language is used to refer or point to gesture. Linguistic documentation and description largely ignore the role of gesture and its integration into speech, and thus the question at issue. But even research on gesture itself, despite its general focus on speech-gesture interplay, has devoted little attention to this particular topic. Thus, relevant information can only be gathered occasionally from linguistic texts with a more sophisticated transcription, or in the literature on gesture from individual examples where speech happens to crossreference the non-verbal behavior. Some of the few works where this phenomenon is taken up explicitly are Goodwin (1986: 30-6) who mentions briefly that English speakers use deictics in order to index gestures (which themselves serve to establish a point of visual focus), and Streeck (1988, 1993, 1994), who

280 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis discusses similar phenomena in German, Japanese, and Ilokano. In general, the data on this topic are very deficient for the sample (with the exception of Nguni) and, where available, could only be collected through personal communication with language specialists. 4.4.3

Ideophones and similar linguistic signs

The central signs in the second element class are called "ideophones". This concept was developed by Doke (1935: 118) for Bantu languages: A vivid representation of an idea in sound. A word, often onomatopoetic, which describes a predicate, qualificative or adverb in respect to manner, colour, smell, action, state, or intensity. The ideophone is in Bantu a special part of speech, resembling to a certain extent in function an adverb.

In general, one can say that ideophones are expressive and symbolic lexemes which evoke a whole state of affairs often implying a certain onomasiological category of the involved participant(s) (cf. Diffloth (1972: 444) comparing ideophones with "microscopic sentences"). Metaphorically, one can characterize ideophones as a performance or a gesture in the disguise of a word. The individual characteristics given by Doke for Bantu may not all be valid in other languages, but similar types of sign are widespread crosslinguistically. That is, despite the existence of a number of other terms for this word class and the considerable variation in their language-specific features, most linguists will agree on the existence of a fairly robust prototype defined by a complex of pragmatic, morphosyntactic, phonetic-phonological and semantic-onomasiological properties. Regarding the last area, it can be said that ideophones can convey an impressive array of different states of affairs. Compare, for example, Alexandre's (1966b: 14) semantic classification of ideophones in Bulu which is representative for the situation in many other languages: A. idéophones évoquant une perception sensorielle ou illustrant son expression: 1. auditive 2. visuelle 3. tactile 4. gustative 5. (pour mémoire) olfactive. B. idéophones illustrant ou évoquant le comportement d'êtres vivants: 1. physique: a) attitude, état b) action 2. moral.

4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis 281 C. idéophones illustrant l'aspect, l'état, etc. d'objets divers: 1. dans leurs mouvements 2. dans leur situation, position ou aspect.

Insofar as ideophones regularly include the representation of auditory stimuli, they are partially related to the "non-linguistic sounds" to be treated in Section 4.4.4. However, ideophones in fact denote a much wider range of phenomena within which sound is not in any sense a privileged or more basic domain. This semantic breadth also indicates that ideophones are not - despite a focus on this property in many studies - iconic, soundsymbolic signs across the board. Clearly, the larger the class of ideophonic items in a language, the lower the possibility of iconicity. Taking into account that many languages with ideophones possess a large inventory, and that ideophones can sometimes be derived morphologically from "normal" linguistic signs like verbs etc., the role of arbitrariness in this domain must not be underestimated (see Hinton, Nichols & Ohala (eds.) 1994 for a crosslinguistic survey of sound symbolism). But there are other recurrent characteristics of ideophones which are more relevant for the present discussion. While ideophone definitions focusing on phonetic-phonological or semantic features may fail to characterize these signs successfully as a coherent class, it seems to me that certain discourse-pragmatic and morphosyntactic properties yield more consistent results. Regarding the pragmatic effect of ideophones in discourse, I give the following colorful quote by Burbridge (1938), referring to the stylistic impact of ideophones in a Bantu language, presumably from Zimbabwe: … The nature of the event [reported in a certain eyewitness account] calls for a prodigal use of the ideophone: the poignant distress of the mother tugging at the tail and finally jumping on the back of the crocodile, and so with the shock forcing the brute to disgorge her child. Now observe: not until the Native narrator passes from calm narration (one third of the story) to emotional description of the tragic predicament of mother and child, does kuti [the default ideophone marker in Bantu languages of the area] appear; but once the descriptive comes into play, the colours are laid on thick, and the ideophones fly thick and fast. … in descriptive narration in which emotions are highly wrought upon … Then it is that the vivid descriptive power of kuti is seen, and the human appeal is made, and the depths of pathos are stirred by this medium of expression of intensely-wrought emotion without parallel in any other language. I can't imagine a Native speaking in public with intense feeling without using it.

282 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis Childs (1994: 194-5) - a useful survey of ideophones in Africa - states in a similar but more general vein: In that ideophones serve an expressive function, it is not unexpected that they should appear in limited environments, ones where expressiveness would be expected to occur. As mentioned above, they are generally found only in declarative sentence types. Furthermore, they are restricted (but not exclusively ...) to certain types of discourse, especially involving some sort of performance, and they correlate with social factors such as age and sex ..., as well as degree of Westernization or urbanization ...

While I would fully subscribe to the above characterization, Childs' statement regarding the syntactic aspects of ideophones needs some qualification. He writes in this respect (ibid.: 188): ... syntactic features are not the most useful in delimiting ideophones as a class because of wide cross-linguistic variability. Ideophones can be variably assimilated into a language, and this fact determines their diffusion into other word classes or their isolation in their own word class. Ideophones rarely possess any syntax unique to their class except the relative absence of any syntax. Typically they are set apart by grammatical and phonological devices. What little ideophones have in the way of syntax is determined primarily by collocational restrictions.

However difficult it may be to make crosslinguistic generalizations on ideophone syntax, the present study suggests that there are actually fewer patterns than might seem to emerge from the above remarks. In fact, these patterns - the "little [that] ideophones have in the way of syntax" - could turn out after more research to be an important common denominator of these signs. In particular, ideophones occur in two basic contexts which govern their syntactic behavior. They either cooccur in more or less regular collocation with another content sign and thereby enhance/intensify its meaning, as in (172) from Hausa, or they establish (in a limited set of constructions) an event representation on their own, as in (173) from Chewa. (172) rago-n-sa fari {fat} ne ram-M.GEN-3M.S.POSS white {ID:white} COP His ram is snow white (Newman 1968: 109) (173) {lephethe} gombeza mfumu {ID:be.soaked} blanket chief The chief's blanket was completely soaked. (Kulemeka 1997: 360)

4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis 283

It seems that many, though not all, languages can be classified as to whether they give preference to the first or the second pattern of ideophone use. According to the sample, the first appears to be frequently dominant in West Africa. On the other hand, languages in eastern and southern Africa, and in particular many Bantu languages of the large Savannah subgroup, employ ideophones first of all as items which are semantically and structurally independent of another content sign. Irrespective of whether this still impressionistic classification withstands a more extensive and systematic study of this topic, the present discussion is only concerned with the second use. Here, besides the option of simply juxtaposing the ideophone to its participants, as in (173) above, ideophones are more frequently inserted in a text by means of a special construction. This can assign participant reference and predication operators to the event/state encoded by the uninflected ideophone. It is these constructions which are often found to be similar or identical to QIs, and accordingly are given primary attention here. The existence of such "inserting constructions" can also serve as an important piece of evidence that ideophones in these languages represent a word category in its own right distinct from verbs or adverbs. For example, the repeated association made between the class of ideophones and the well-defined lexical category of verbs in Savannah Bantu languages (see Childs (1994: 187) himself citing Louw (1965) and Marivate (1985)) is misleading and should be taken with caution. The major argument for this analysis is the SEMANTIC role of ideophones, namely the fact that they represent states or events. However, while they are indeed similar to predicative verbs with respect to meaning, they are clearly distinct from this and other lexical categories in their morphosyntactic behavior, and in particular their typical inserting construction (compare Kulemeka (1997) for a recent convincing treatment of the situation in Chewa, which is representative for the Bantu group at issue). 4.4.4

Non-linguistic sound imitation

Under the heading "non-linguistic sound", I understand the reproduction by means of the human speech organs of non-verbal auditory stimuli. These may be non-human sounds like performances of animal cries or other onomatopoetically imitated noises. But they also comprise human vocal noises expressing emotions and other mental expressions (laughing, crying, singing) as well as sounds emitted or caused by the body (coughing, farting, hand-clapping).

284 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis It is tempting to simply subsume sound imitations under ideophones. It is indeed possible that they align themselves with this category in individual languages, as Alexandre shows in his characterization of Bulu ideophones in Section 4.4.3 above. However, as stated above, a proper class of ideophones is usually semantically much more inclusive, is tied to certain morphosyntactic properties, and contains a number of items that are conventionalized and arbitrary. This may not hold universally for the expression of non-linguistic sound in the above sense, especially in languages which are not described as having ideophones but which still possess sound imitations that have to be accounted for. An alternative would be to view such languages to possess ideophones, too, but that this class is smaller and semantically more restricted. I do not want to imply here that the behavior of sound imitations cannot be as rule-governed as is the case for ideophones (see in particular for sound representation in literature Chapman (1984) and with a more general scope Hinton, Nichols & Ohala (1994: 3-4) and the references therein for some relevant discussion in this respect). However, it is wise to keep the two in principle apart as long as crosslinguistic studies on the relation between them are lacking. It is much clearer that sound imitation should be kept separate from DRD. The latter was defined above as requiring the representation of a TEXT, which implies a speech event and, usually, also some propositional meaning which can be received by the audience. There might be individual cases which are ambiguous like - for example, the re-performance of singing, which has both a non-linguistic sound stimulus and a text. In general, however, non-linguistic sound as a whole can be distinguished conveniently from DRD in lacking the above criteria. 4.4.5

Mimesis and direct reported discourse as its subdomain

Having outlined the three domains of QI-employment that fall outside RD as defined here, I can now turn to the nature of the relationship among all four domains. Previous research has occasionally acknowledged, if only in a haphazard fashion, the affinity between these expression types. Thus, the representation of non-linguistic sound has always been recognized as an important subdomain of ideophones and related signs. Kunene (1965: 367), Diffloth (1972: 441), Scheub (1977: 359), Childs (1994: 196), and Kita (1997: 392-5) mention the close connection between ideophones and gesture, including their simultaneous production. This affiliation is also evi-

4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis 285

dent in the instructive phenomenon reported by Alpher (1994: 170) from Australia: Unlike items of any of the other types [of parts of speech] mentioned, ideophones are reported to occur as the only vocally produced signs in signlanguage discourse both in the Wik languages (P. Sutton, personal communication) and in the Centralian languages (D. Bell, personal communication). In this characteristic they are in a sense extra-linguistic [like gestural signs].

Especially important for the present discussion is the fact that all three types not involving reproduced human speech, that is, gestures, ideophones and sound imitations, have on various occasions been called "quotation" or at least viewed as (aberrant) forms thereof (see, e.g., Partee 1973, as an early and influential study of RD, and more recently Cameron 1998). The isomorphism of the relevant inserting constructions has also been addressed in individual languages. Since I have come across very few treatments that cover representational gesture, the identification of this isomorphism concerns first of all the indexing devices for ideophones, nonlinguistic sound, and speech sound alias DRD. The heretofore conventional explanation is that QIs when serving as sound- and ideophone-indexing structures are being used in a secondary, derivative function. Apparently, the basis of this approach is the assumption that the employment of the two non-speech types of sign is just another form of quoting. However plausible this analysis might appear, or to some observers even trivial, there exists a major problem with this approach when starting from a canonical semantic-functional concept of RD. It might still be acceptable to venture the view that non-linguistic sound is, if not identical, at least akin to sound associated with human speech. However, this becomes more difficult with ideophones and gestures. As mentioned above, the inventory of ideophones in most languages includes a large proportion of items not involving any representation of sound, let alone human speech. With respect to non-verbal gestures this holds by definition for all items. The assumed expansion of QIs into non-speech domains is occasionally explained by means of a concept common in research on grammaticalization, namely "semantic bleaching." QIs in general and 'say'-verbs in particular, which fundamentally involve human speech sounds, are said to lose their specific meaning to such an extent that they ultimately take on other readings pertaining to quite different conceptual domains. In the case at issue, this remains, however, a rather fuzzy notion. Indeed, it invites a number of poorly substantiated claims about which semantic and/or func-

286 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis tional features can arise out of a QI that has purportedly been stripped of its discrete and specific meaning (recall, e.g., from Section 4.2 the grammaticalization account for the polyfunctionality of Baka pe, where some 20 diverse grammatical functions are derived via the quotative complex from a purported original meaning 'say'). It will hardly be disputed that the expansion of a construction into a new context is, like the semantic change of a lexeme, determined to a large extent by its previous semantic-functional extension and that the process requires a relation of family resemblance between a pre-existing context of the construction and the new one on which it encroaches. But what is the semantic property of 'say'-verbs or more generally of QIs that is supposed to be guiding the purported developments? Is the utterance feature truly a plausible semantic source for the almost unrestricted variety of event types that can be symbolized by ideophones and gestures? Little or none has been worked out or even addressed in previous discussions. A second important objection against the QI-derivation approach comes from the empirical findings regarding the kind of lexical sources recruited for these four expression types, and the way these lexemes develop therein. That is to say, there are much clearer indications that lexical items without an original utterance meaning expand into RD than that genuine speech verbs encroach on non-speech contexts. The data giving evidence to this effect will be presented in Section 5.1. Accordingly, I would like to propose an alternative account for the observed isomorphism of the four constructions which relates to the common denominator of the expressions indexed by them. Instead of viewing DRD as a superordinate category or as a privileged source domain for the other, non-speech expressions, I claim that all four contexts are different manifestations of a more abstract domain whose unity is evidenced in some languages inter alia by the existence of a specialized inserting construction. The central characteristic of this domain which is common to all four types is that the speaker gives a marked, stylistically expressive representation of a state of affairs. The behavior of the speaker is such that (s)he PERFORMS the communicated state of affairs rather than linguistically describing it, as if the unmarked employment of the signs of language failed to achieve the particular communicative goal. The speaker attempts to demonstrate, to reinstantiate, to imitate, to replay the event as close to the purported original

4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis 287

as is desired in the context and as human means of expression allow him/her to do so.37 This common characterization motivates the term under which the four expression types will be subsumed here: the discourse-insertion of representational gesture, ideophones, non-linguistic sound and DRD is called here MIMESIS.38 In this terminology, DRD can be characterized as the mimesis of human speech; vis-à-vis gestures and ideophones which are capable of expressing a much wider range of states/ events, DRD is in this respect a rather restricted mimesis type, parallel to sound imitation. Mimetic expressions regularly convey foregrounded information. For DRD, this was already discussed in Section 3.5.3. The association of gesture with salient discourse units can be discerned from the observation made inter alia by Kendon (1980), Creider (1986), and Streeck (1988, 1993) that peaks of gestural movement tend to coincide with focal intonation units which normally contain lexical items that are semantically affiliated to the gesture; sometimes the gesture is even produced prior to the corresponding linguistic sign(s). Another indication is a phenomenon referred to inter alia by Streeck (1993, 1994): across different cultures, representational gestures are often focused upon by speaker gaze; they are thereby marked as being of heightened "communicative relevance" and are reacted to as such by the audience. Foregrounded status has also been stated explicitly for ideophonic and onomatopoetic expressions (see, e.g., Nuckolls (1996) for Pastaza Quechua and Longacre (1990: 55, 142-3, 156) for Hadiyya, Belanda Viri, and Mwaghavul), and this can plausibly be extended to sound imitation. The pragmatic-functional character of mimetic expressions corresponds to the fact that they are intimately associated in certain text types with a

37 It goes without saying that this way of presenting information does not have to have an intentional audience-oriented aspect of the speaker trying to provoke involvement in others. It can also reflect his/her enthusiasm and feelings about the recounted events. Especially when the event was witnessed personally, such a speech style can sometimes even give the impression that (s)he is too overwhelmed by the communicated content to be an objective observer. This might be one reason for the tendency to disparage such a style in prescriptive language use, which goes as far back as the Classical rhetoric tradition. 38 Note various precedents of this terminology, for example, for ideophones by Kita (1997) and for DRD by several authors to be mentioned below.

288 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis particularly vivid language usage.39 For example, in narrative texts, or narrative stretches within other text types, the events represented by these dramatizing expressions tend to be located on the foregrounded storyline or to occur in the story peak. The insightful discussion of the dramatizing function of Bantu ideophones (Kunene 1965, 1978; Fortune 1971) provides a particularly fruitful approach to the general phenomenon. Kunene (1965: 20) states for Sotho: The main thesis put forward here is that the ideophone is a dramatization of actions and states, and the conclusion is that two predicative types must be recognized for the Bantu languages, viz. the 'narrative' and the 'dramatic'.

Kunene's concept of two types of event representation concentrates first of all on the distinction of normal verbal predicates vs. ideophonic constructions, hence his term "predicative types". But the author also recognizes the close stylistic-functional affinity among ideophones, gestures, and DRD. Virtually all the expression types subsumed here under mimesis are associated by him with a dramatic speech style, so that his approach comes close to the present proposal (1978: 123). The ideophone is the closest that speech can approximate to the non-verbal level of behavior. Mime often reinforces the ideophone. Mime sometimes completely replaces the ideophone, and is interspersed with non-ideophonic speech. Maybe the aloofness of the ideophone from the syntactical and morphological characteristics associated with non-ideophonic predicates has to be understood as a consequence of its dramatic nature. A dramatic element placed within a context of narrative or descriptive statements cannot but betray a disinclination to "mix" with them. It is as "foreign" to its surrounding as direct speech is to the narrative that precedes and follows it.

Kunene's two predicative types, "narrative" and "dramatic", can be construed from a more general perspective as two opposite modes of event representation, each having its characteristic functional and formal properties. This idea is prefigured by Diffloth (1972: 445) with his concept of two parallel modes of meaning in connection with ideophones, which more 39 The frequency of mimetic language use can, of course, also involve other factors besides vividness, for example, sociolinguistic ones. According to Ameka (2004: 18, citing Irvine 1990) the difference between the speech of griots and nobles in Wolof is characterized inter alia by the respective richness and poverty of mimetic expressions.

4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis 289

recently has been taken up and discussed in detail by Kita (1997). The mode which uses canonical linguistic signs will be called from now on DESCRIPTIVE; the other mode, which is the present topic of discussion, is according to the above terminology the MIMETIC MODE. Although it seems that individual linguistic expressions cannot be assigned exclusively to either of the two modes but rather hold an intermediate position between two extreme poles of maximal mimesis and maximal description, the basic distinction is a useful concept which is thought to apply to language in general.40 The idea of two representational modes in language has in fact a counterpart in broader theories of human cognition and intentional communication. It ties in nicely with Paivio's (1986) more general "dual coding theory". Furthermore, Donald (1998) argues convincingly that mimesis is a cognitive capacity which is broader and first of all non-linguistic and that it played a major role in human evolution in establishing a "linkage between primate event-cognition and intentional [human] cultures" (ibid.: 60). Of particular importance here is that mimesis is seen as a decisive precondition for the emergence of language itself. Donald writes (ibid.: 49): Mimesis is a non-verbal representational skill rooted in kinematic imagination - that is, in an ability to model the whole body, including all its voluntary action-systems, in three-dimensional space. This ability underlies a variety of distinctively human capabilities, including imitation, pantomime, iconic gesture, imaginative play and the rehearsal of skills. My hypothesis is that mimesis led to the first fully intentional representations early in hominid evolution, and set the stage for the later evolution of language.

Due to his focus on the early development of humans, the author clearly focuses on the primary visual component of mimesis. The present linguistic perspective enriches his basic concept in that there are regular mimetic expressions which genuinely pertain to language, viz. ideophones and DRD. An extended view of mimesis along the lines of Donald (1998) can in fact motivate why the two linguistic phenomena and such non-linguistic means of communication as gesture and non-conventionalized soundimitation are treated alike within language. Furthermore, under the evolutionary perspective that a mimetic/analog style of representation preceded the less iconic style of linguistic representation one can conceive of ideo-

40 In their discussion of plain vs. expressive morphology, Zwicky & Pullum (1987) argue against an account in terms of a scalar continuum.

290 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis phones and DRD as a "further mimetic evolution at the time when language emerged" (ibid.: 61). Haiman (ms.) even argues explicitly that: ideophones may constitute a missing link between gestural and spoken communication. Like spoken language, they already have an internal syntax. And they still tend to occur with accompanying gestures. The model of development whereby gestures may have come to be replaced by spoken language is the ritualization trajectory: gesture is first accompanied by sound, and then jettisoned.

In modern language use, descriptive and mimetic speech mode normally supplement each other: descriptive linguistic signs can be viewed as constituting the base line of communication; mimetic signs, however explicit and complex they are, provide a variably intense modulation of it. In this study, the focus is on those cases where mimesis substitutes for the descriptive mode. However, an equally frequent possibility is that mimesis serves as a kind of echo to the information encoded by canonical language. With gesture, there is very often even an overlap with speech in real time due to the fact that the two signing techniques rely on a different medium. Their cooccurrence may sometimes even be conventionalized: a well-known example from many languages is the regular coincidence of uttering a deictic lexeme and making the corresponding representational body gesture. The fact that gestures can be so easily accompanied by auditory speech signals might also be the reason why - compared to the other mimetic signs dealt with here - they rarely replace speech completely. Since like "normal" descriptive language ideophones, sound imitations, and DRD rely for their production on the human speech organs, the echometaphor is here highly appropriate. This is especially attractive for ideophones in that it can explain their second major use, which has been backgrounded in this study, namely, their occurrence in a fixed collocation with an ordinary lexeme (cf. (172) above from Hausa). Here, the meaning concordance seems tautological from a purely semantic viewpoint. However, within the present approach, it can be explained as a more expressive mimetic echo of the descriptive sign code (see also Kita (1997: 388-9) for the same point). As the following examples show, this is also possible with sound imitation and, marginally, short quotes. (174) Da blökt er plötzlich wie ein Schaf then bleats he suddenly like a sheep Then he suddenly bleats like a sheep ...

{bäää bäää} {ON}

4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis 291

(175) Nach wiederholtem Fragen schrie er ihr schließlich after repeated questioning shouted he her finally wütend seinen Namen ins Gesicht angrily his name into:the face {ja, Pilkow heiss' ich} {yes, they call me Pilkow} After repeated questioning, he finally screamed his name angrily into her face: 'Yes, they call me Pilkow!' Unsurprisingly, the mimetic mode is best instantiated not by the "normal" sign types of linguistic communication, but instead by means which are in some respect atypical for language in the narrowly understood sense - by non-linguistic gestures, by ideophones and sound imitations which are felt to be non-canonical linguistic signs, and, in the case of DRD, by signs which are certainly linguistic but whose primary USE in the context is not their canonical one. This relates to the familiar distinction of REFERENCE vs. MENTION. The primary aim of the reporter in using linguistic signs in DRD is not an act of direct reference to a represented world. Rather, in the first instance (s)he is presenting a purported replica of a speech event to the audience in which the linguistic content is only one among other aspects. In this sense, the particular linguistic signs in the reported text are mentioned as such only because they were the signs used by the original SP. The present approach to DRD has a number of precedents in the literature. Even the very use of the term "mimesis" in connection with DRD can be traced back as far as Plato (see Sternberg (1982b) and (Yule 1993: 236)) and it has also been used occasionally in modern studies on RD (see, e.g., Rhodes (1986) on Ojibwa, himself citing an unpublished paper by Hill (1982) on Nahuatl). Since the late 1960s, Longacre and co-workers in the SIL linguistic tradition have been working on the discourse features of languages from all over the globe and have identified enacted dialogue and/or DRD in general as an important means of dramaticization and peak marking (see Section 3.5.3). Unrelated to this research, a widely cited article by Wierzbicka (1974) entertained the functional association of DRD with performance/enactment and the change of the reporter's role resulting from it.41 This was followed by a number of other studies with similar con-

41 This is at times also reflected in certain terminological conventions. For what I call here "reporter", Ameka (2004: 12) uses (besides "relayer") the term "animator", thereby focusing precisely on the aspect of performance in RD.

292 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis clusions based mostly on data from English (cf., e.g., Sternberg 1982a, Coulmas 1985, Baumann 1986, Tannen 1986, 1989, Macaulay 1987, DuBois 1989, Clark & Gerrig 1990, Wade & Clark 1993, Yule 1993, Short & Semino & Culpeper 1996). These argued - often starting out from a critique of the verbatim-approach to DRD - that the differences between DRD and IRD can be better explained in terms of the two being exponents of a stylistically governed speech-mode opposition, with Coulmas' (1985: 43) words: "Where direct speech is expressive, indirect speech is descriptive." Clark & Gerrig's approach is particularly attractive in the context of this study because these authors discuss DRD in terms of the concept of "demonstration" - an idea that had been entertained before from a philosophical perspective by Davidson (1984: 90-2). Clark & Gerrig's demonstration is opposed to normal linguistic "description", a distinction which is clearly akin to that proposed here. They write (1990: 764-5): The theory we will develop is that quotations are a type of demonstration. Just as you can demonstrate a tennis serve, a friend's limp, or the movement of a pendulum, so you can demonstrate what a person did in saying something [in footnote:] We will use the term DEMONSTRATE in its everyday sense of 'illustrate by exemplification' and not in its technical sense of 'point to' or 'indicate' (as in demonstrative reference) ... [end of footnote] ... Demonstrations and descriptions are fundamentally different methods of communication. Demonstrations depict their referents - what is being demonstrated - whereas descriptions do not. Most theories of language use take for granted that all language use is description. If our proposal is correct, demonstrations are as much a part of ordinary discourse as descriptions are, and they too must be accounted for in any general theory of language use.

That the authors' concept of representing a state of affairs via quotation/ demonstration is virtually identical with the present notion of mimesis is also clear from the fact that they associate non-speech mimesis like sound imitation, gestures, etc. with the quotation of speech (ibid.: 769). ... quotations are demonstrations that are component parts of language use. The prototypical quotation is a demonstration of what a person did in saying something. So when Alice quotes George, she may depict the sentence he uttered. She can also depict his emotional state (excitement, fear, shyness), his accent (Brooklyn, Irish, Scots), his voice (raspy, nasal, whiny), and even the nonlinguistic actions that accompanied his speech (gestures, frown, head angle). Furthermore, she can depict nonlinguistic events by themselves.

Clearly, the difference between Clark & Gerrig's and the present account is merely terminological. Here, "mimesis" substitutes for their "dem-

4.4 Direct reported discourse within the functional domain of mimesis 293

onstration", and "quotation" is reserved exclusively for RD in accordance with normal usage. However, the conceptual gist is identical: DRD as the presentation of a quote without incorporating it semantically and syntactically into the immediate discourse is opposed to the normal linguistic description of a state of affairs and to IRD in particular. While I propose that DRD can be usefully embedded in the functional domain of mimesis, its important and unique difference from other mimetic expressions must not be overlooked. It is this difference that explains its close relation to expressions which fall clearly outside the domain of mimesis. It was briefly discussed how the quote is to be construed as a noncanonical linguistic sign or string of signs. However, while DRD is first of all an icon of a speech event, it is still a text, and it still retains as a text a strong aspect of conveying linguistic meaning. Even if the reporter does not primarily use the linguistic signs as such they still communicate propositional content to the audience. Therefore, they can be, and factually are, analyzed just like canonical linguistic signs. This is so because the codes used in the mimetic quote and the immediate "higher-order" text are identical, namely human speech, normally even drawn from the same language. That this is not a dispensable side-product of DRD unrelated to the reporter's intention is evidenced by the fact that it is systematically exploited in discourse. For example, in putting words into the mouths of certain characters, the narrator achieves a transmission of their attitudes, feelings, intentions, etc. in the relevant situation of a story. Also, what a character has thought and/or said can often be treated by the audience as having actually happened. From the narrator's viewpoint, the protagonists' thinking and speaking seem in essence to merge with the reality of events. This is evidenced by the possible "replacement" of normal event representations by DRD as mentioned in Section 3.5.3. However, DRD clearly cannot be fully reduced to this function. Rather, it is best analyzed as creating an intersection between two distinct domains. That is, it is a form of mimesis, but simultaneously it is one of several RDcategories. The potential ambiguity of the sign code is the precondition for establishing this intersection. The standard identity in code allows the reporter to impose his/her perspective on the presentation of the quote and integrate it into the other communicated information. In so doing, (s)he reduces the possibility of interpreting the quote in the first instance as a mere mention of linguistic signs, so that the signs have to be taken as what they ultimately are. In essence (s)he blends the non-immediate discourse into the immediate one. This increasing conceptual and formal incorporation of the quote is associated with a gradual transition from the expressive

294 Previous research on the history of quotatives and a new approach: mimesis mode of mimesis to the canonical mode of linguistic description. In the latter, RD-expressions are the potential source for the development of many grammaticalized functions, as will be shown in Chapter 6. Unsurprisingly, the basic pragmatic-functional commonality of the four expression types subsumed under mimesis corresponds with the fact that they show formal parallelism in the way they are inserted into discourse. Taking as reference point the properties of DRD established in Chapter 2, it can be stated for ideophones, too, that they can be inserted in discourse without any indexing construction of a predicative or other nature, that they are often set apart from the cotext by a pause or other suprasegmental features and thus constitute independent and focal intonation units, and that the clause indexing their presence does not bear a syntactic relation to them. For just a few references including statements to this effect, see the survey of African ideophones by Childs (1994), Fortune (1971: 242-3, 2512) on Shona, or Alpher (1994: 170-1) on Yir Yoront. Insofar as such features are at all applicable in the realm of gesture, parallel statements can be made for the way representational gestures fit into language-based communication. Most importantly, such gestures are certainly not in any canonical sense integrated syntactically into a linguistic constituent and they occur most often without any linguistic index referring to them. Last but not least, the question of the isomorphism of the constructions marking the four expression types in discourse, posed at the beginning of Section 4.4, can be addressed. As already indicated there, the isomorphism falls out naturally from the proposed concept of mimesis. The marked status of the mimetic vis-à-vis the descriptive mode explains why languages often make use of conventionalized linguistic expressions to mark the switch from the latter to the former. These can be called MIMESIS CONSTRUCTIONS. With DRD now seen as a subtype of the semantically more inclusive domain of mimesis, it no longer appears remarkable that some languages formally encode it accordingly, namely by a structure that also indexes gestures, ideophones, etc. It goes without saying that such a routine conflation of DRD with other types of mimesis is not universal. However, whenever a language possesses a general mimesis index, it is always possible that this can be used for the discourse-insertion of DRD.

Chapter 5 The origin of quotative indexes

Having outlined the achievements and problems of the previous research concerning QIs and their history, I will focus in this chapter on one major concern of this complex area, namely the ultimate lexical sources of QIelements. The present proposal, that DRD should be treated as a subdomain of a more general domain of mimesis, throws a different light on the range and character of possible sources of QIs. The following sections try to review the issue from this new perspective, based on the historical evaluation of QI-elements found in the African language sample. The discussion will concentrate on types of language-specific ELEMENTS occurring in QIs. Although the approach followed in this study is that historical change concerns whole constructions and not just a lexeme in isolation, an element-oriented approach is justified in the present context, in fact necessary, because it is mostly individual signs whose phonetic substance, when involved in grammaticalization, can surface in contexts other than a QI and thus yield a particular polyfunctionality pattern that calls for explanation. The major conclusion of this chapter is that generic speech verbs are far less important as input for grammaticalized QIs than has been claimed in the literature. Instead, the range of relevant element types is wider and includes generic verbs of equation, inchoativity, action, and motion (Section 5.1.2); markers of similarity and manner (Section 5.1.3); pronominal items referring to the quote (Section 5.1.4); markers of focus, presentation and identification (Section 5.1.5.1); and finally pronominal items referring to the SP (Section 5.1.5.2). Against this list of elements, speech verbs (dealt with in the initial Section 5.1.1) are less important sources for the emergence of more routinized QIs. Section 5.1.6 summarizes the findings and corroborates the basic thesis of Section 4.4, namely that RD is closely allied both functionally and formally with other mimetic expressions, which in turn motivates the kind of element types that are likely to be recruited in this domain. Finally, Section 5.2 presents a general discussion of the changes that quotative markers can be subject to, namely fusion with other elements (Section 5.2.1), change of morphosyntactic properties (Section 5.2.2), and change of semantic properties (Section 5.2.3). In particular, I provide data

296 The origin of quotative indexes in the last two sections to the effect that elements which are used as the nucleus of a QI, but are not full verbs and/or lack semantic reference to speech/cognition, can acquire these features through their conventionalized use in RD-constructions. These phenomena are of considerable theoretical importance for grammaticalization research because they imply that new lexical properties can arise in grammatical constructions, thus providing evidence against a strict version of the unidirectionality hypothesis.

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes Most of the following sections are concerned with the concrete history of elements used in the QIs of the 39 sample languages. I am aware that the quite extensive language-specific data and technical details of the arguments may well be of limited interest to more typologically oriented readers, who should feel free to skip over the relevant passages. Nevertheless, I think that this level of detail is necessary, not only because the overall picture emerging from the detailed analyses regarding the diverse QI-sources informs the general argument of this study, but also because it is precisely the neglect of the language-specific perspective that in my opinion has contributed to the development of several inappropriate crosslinguistic generalizations in this area. 5.1.1

Speech verbs

5.1.1.1 Introduction As Chapter 2 has shown, it is very frequent, even if not universal, that languages possess a "canonical" QI-type that employs speech verbs. Even in languages where semantically opaque elements are the default markers of DRD, a QI based on speech verbs seems at least to be an option, despite the lack of attention it may receive in the relevant description. The normal function of verbal lexemes referring semantically to an utterance is that of the predicate nucleus in a monoclausal or bipartite QI - a structurally unremarkable pattern that needs no further exemplification. The data given in Sections 2.2.3 and 2.2.4 show that such a construction exists in all the sample languages, even if sometimes only as a minor option. However, generic speech verbs can also appear in the function of quote orienters in addition to another speech verb. Cases where verbal lexemes in such a position are said to have expanded their use into con-

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 297

structions outside RD, mostly as clause linkers, have been reported in languages from across the world and from Africa in particular. In view of the critical discussion in Chapter 4, the crucial question is which of these cases really qualify as grammaticalizations of an earlier speech verb 'say', on the basis of valid language-internal and/or historical-comparative evidence. At least for the African continent, the number of cases that can be claimed for the speech-verb channel decreases considerably if the more rigorous lexical criteria stipulated here for this verb class are applied. Especially in the West African cases from families of the Niger-Congo stock discussed by Lord (1993: 151-209) or from the Chadic family discussed by Frajzyngier (1996a: 146-63), as well as in some of the languages listed in Heine et al. (1993: 190-8), an authentic generic speech verb in RDconstructions is notoriously difficult to distinguish on the surface from a QI-predicator having a non-verbal etymological history. This is because the verbhood of a linguistic sign in these languages is indicated in certain clause contexts merely by syntactic distribution rather than by morphological properties. As these works on grammaticalization give little or no data on the speech-verb status of such items (see Section 4.2 for useful criteria), the burden of proof falls on adherents of the speech-verb channel. In general, only a fraction of the numerous cases claimed for this channel in African languages can be established with anything like the same firm confidence that holds for an item like Swahili kwamba, discussed in Section 4.2. This is supported by the data of the present survey. There are, of course, many verb-like items in the sample which function as more or less routinized RD-indices, often in both monoclausal and bipartite QIs, and have partly encroached on other grammatical functions. In traditional terms, most of these would be viewed as speech verbs and, when grammaticalized, would be or have been claimed for the speech-verb channel. In this study, however, the majority of such elements are assigned to another type of verb, namely the quotative verb (see Sections 1.2.2 and 2.2.2). This must be separated conceptually from a generic speech verb. It is also related intrinsically to a QI: in a given language it may be a particularly frequent or even the default predicative in QIs, but it is only in a QI that the speech act interpretation arises. Combined with the fact that a QI is often a grammaticalized structure whose lexical origin is obscure this obviates the apriori association between a quotative verb and a speech verb. The classification of an element as an etymologically opaque quotative verb does NOT necessarily imply that it did not originate ultimately in a speech verb. It imposes, however, the requirement that this must be concretely demonstrated by a plausible reconstruction based on evidence from outside RD.

298 The origin of quotative indexes This was not possible with the quotative verbs listed in Table 9 of Section 2.2.2 as well as many non-predicative quotative/complementizers. To the contrary, some of these items find a probable or certain lexical reconstruction in other element types to be discussed in the Sections 5.1.2-5, like generic non-speech verbs, markers of similarity and manner, deictics, etc. 5.1.1.2 Speech verbs and the sample Overall, there are only a few items in the sample serving a grammatical function in a QI which have a fairly certain speech-verb identity from a synchronic or a diachronic perspective. 1. Ngambay The Ngambay lexeme pà, which is the most frequent QI-verb, appears to be a normal generic speech verb meaning 'speak'. In QI3, it forms, together with the semantically opaque quotative/complementizer nà, a complex quote orienter pà nà which is used after specific speech verbs in both DRD and IRD. 2. Khoekhoe In QI2 of Khoekhoe the quotative ti can be followed by the generic speech verb mî even if the on-quote already contains this verb, as in (176). (176) o ta ge ge mî {...} ti mî then 1S.SBJ DECL PST say Q say And I said, '...', saying (Haacke f.n) This apparently tautological occurrence of mî indicates a tendency toward the routinization of a fixed postposed quotative phrase, as reported already by Hagman (1977: 137): "Sometimes, the word tímí is used instead of the word tí, the second part is clearly a contraction of the verb m")@í 'say.'" This off-quote is restricted to mimetic expressions. 3. Tigre The verb bela 'say' of Tigre can be traced back as a generic speech verb to the earliest attested Ethiosemitic and has good reflexes in Semitic outside Africa (Leslau 1991: 89). A reduced form of this verb is already used regularly in Ge‘ez as a quote orienter for DRD (Lambdin 1978: 182). This is replicated by QI3/4 in Tigre which show, at least in the available corpus, the same restriction to DRD. Despite the antiquity of this QI-pattern, there

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is no indication in Ge‘ez or modern languages like Tigre that the generic speech verb grammaticalizes to a clause linker outside its original context. 4. Bedauye The situation in Bedauye is similar to that in Tigre, except that the use of the generic speech verb di seems to be less routinized in the bipartite QI2, because it has a variable position vis-à-vis the second verb. Consequently, there is no clear tendency that it is developing into a gram. 5. Burunge The Burunge quotative bee constitutes the nucleus of QI2 accompanied by a SP-reference. Far less frequently, it is preceded in QI5 by a speech predicate. It has no functions outside QIs. According to Kießling (1994: 227-8, p.c.), bee probably is the result of petrification of a finite form of an earlier generic speech verb. The verb baw 'say' which is attested in the closely related languages Iraqw and Gorwaa is a good candidate for the lexical source of bee. Bee also has the variant bee' i, which still betrays in Burunge the probable presence of suffixes marking 3rd-person masculine singular subject and perfective aspect, the morphological form of the verb was originally most likely baw-i-i 'he said'. 6. Kera The quotative míntí of Kera occurs as a quote orienter in QI2/3 and as a predicator in QI4/5 and has a large number of other grammatical functions. Ebert (1991: 83) proposes for this element a speech-verb origin: Dass míntí das Verbum dicendi wáaté ersetzen kann, deutet auf einen verbalen Ursprung, und dafür gibt es auch weitere Evidenz: míntí wäre eine reguläre Plural-/ Iterativbildung zu einem als Verb nicht belegten *míní, das aber in áy míní "Nachricht geben, mitteilen" vorkommt. [in footnote:] Dass für ein V.dic. eine pluralische Verbform verwendet wird, ist einleuchtend, da ja meist nicht ein einzelnes Wort gesprochen wird. wáaté "sagen" ist die PL/IT-Form zu waa- "hervorbringen, gebären"; vgl. auch ngété kel "Reden schneiden = lügen", mit ngété = plural zu ngé "schneiden". [That míntí can replace the verbum dicendi wáaté hints at a verbal origin, and there is additional evidence for this: míntí would be a regular plural/iterative derivative of *míní, which is not attested as a verb but which occurs in áy míní 'give message, report'. That a pluractional form should be used as a verbum dicendi makes sense, as it is mostly not just a single word which is spoken. wáaté 'say' is the plural/iterative form of waa- 'bring forth, give birth'; compare also ngété kel 'cut speeches = lie' with ngété = plural of ngé 'cut'.]

300 The origin of quotative indexes Ebert's (1976: 81) dictionary lists the item míní 'say, announce' as an ordinary verb with a stem form m´@n- without any special comment. To the contrary, the latter would seem merely to be a reconstruction: in fact no such verb is attested according to the above citation, but only a masculine noun míní meaning 'message'. If that is the correct description, it should be pointed out that the etymological argumentation rests first of all on the phonetic similarity between this noun and the quotative míntí. The function of the latter as a QI-predicator is not strong evidence for assuming that it derives from an unattested verb with an utterance meaning. This general reservation is especially relevant in a language like Kera, which is spoken in a geographical area where verb omission is particularly frequent and where already grammaticalized quotatives therefore often behave distributionally like verbs. These considerations do not rule out the possible adequacy of Ebert's proposal. They do show, however, that it is not an indubitable example of the speech-verb channel. In Section 5.1.4.3 I will propose an alternative hypothesis on the origin of míntí. 7. Supyire The generic speech verb jwo 'say' of Supyire is found as a quote orienter in QI3. Due to the low DRD-token total, the actual frequency of this construction remains unclear. In any case, jwo is not found with a wider range of functions in the quotative complex. (8.) Yoruba42 In the QI4 of Yoruba typical for IRD, the generic speech verb wi and the highly grammaticalized quotative pé serve together as a quote orienter wí pé. The string so` wí pé, consisting of the generic speech verb so` and this complex item, has been claimed to represent a sequence of three generic speech verbs of varying stages of grammaticalization, and hence to give evidence of the "recursive cycle" of desemanticization and lexical renovation of 'say'-verbs (Lord 1976: 183-4, Heine, Claudi & Hünnemeyer 1991: 247, Ebert 1991: 84). As discussed in Section 4.3, the present approach rather aligns this structure with familiar phrases like English she spoke (to him) saying that. Apart from the morphosyntactic details, a significant

42 In this and following sections, when the element in question occurs in a QI that is restricted or has a strong bias toward non-DRD, I will put the initial number in parentheses. This will serve to facilitate a desirable distinction of sources of QI-elements for DRD vs. non-DRD.

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 301

feature specific to the Yoruba version is that wí pé is used far more freely in IRD, including after matrix verbs like 'know' etc. which do not refer to speech in the narrow sense. 9. Igbo The Igbo speech verb si` 'say, tell' shows a behavior similar to that of Yoruba wi except that it is not necessarily followed in bipartite QIs by an additional marker. In QI2 it serves as a quote orienter on its own; in QI3 and 4 it can have this function together with the IRD-complementizers nà and kà. The latter pattern accounts in the corpus for considerably fewer bipartite tokens (4) than the plain use of si` (13 with DRD and 4 with IRD). There is no grammatical use of si` outside these three bipartite QIs. (10.) Igbo Another more grammaticalized item in IRD-expressions of Igbo could also be derived historically from a speech verb. The complementizer kà of QI4 is identical in shape with a stem kà 'talk, speak, preach' (see Welmers & Welmers 1968: 64, Williamson (ed.) 1972: 203). This verbal lexeme has characteristics of a canonical speech verb: it has a nominalized form occurring as a cognate object (177) and can take normal verb extensions (178). u`-ka( ji (177) ´i` nà a-kà 2S PROG-talk NOML-talk yam ... you are talking about yam (Green & Igwe 1963: 211) m (178) ì` nà a-kà-ra 2S PROG-talk-APPL 1S Are you telling me? (ibid.) At first glance, it is surprising that this verb is not found in the corpus in any RD-category as a QI-predicate, as this is normally the first step in the development of a generic speech verb to a complementizer. However, such a function can be claimed for kà in Ekpeye, which is Igbo's closest genealogical relative (see Clark 1972). Thus, it is conceivable that Igbo kà was used in the past in a parallel fashion, later changed its function in IRDconstructions from a quote orienter to a clause linker, and ultimately lost its predicative use in QIs. However attractive this hypothesis may seem, it is not certain. As will be shown in Section 5.1.3.2, the question of the emergence of the complementizer kà is a more complex issue because there

302 The origin of quotative indexes is another possible grammaticalization scenario competing with the above explanation. Thus, another seemingly straightforward case of the speechverb channel, proposed inter alia in Lord (1993: 208), turns out to be more problematic than has been assumed previously. 5.1.1.3 The sample evidence vis-à-vis previous research Some summarizing remarks on these cases are in order, with special reference to the previous treatments of the quotative complex of grammaticalization. First, in five out of the ten cases, the relevant speech verbs do not show signs of context extension beyond their use as quote orienters in narrow reported speech, namely in Khoekhoe, Tigre, Bedauye, Supyire, and Igbo (in the case of si`). In Burunge, the speech verb has certainly undergone considerable change toward an invariable function word, but the latter, too, does not have any use outside reported speech. There are only four languages where the speech verb has become more productive in the quotative complex so that the resulting gram would be classified in the standard approach as an incipient or fully-grown complementizer. These are Ngambay, Kera, Yoruba, and Igbo (in the case of kà). However, even these cases are problematic for the speech-verb account. The verbs in Ngambay and Yoruba only show up in their new context together with another, already grammaticalized complementizer. This is a phenomenon so far unaccounted for, so that these cannot be regarded as canonical cases of the emergence of a function word according to the classical speech-verb channel. The phenomenon of routinizing a joint unit consisting of a generic speech verb and a function word is in fact frequent in the ten cases above: in addition to Ngambay pà nà and Yoruba wi pé, it is found in an incipient stage also with Khoekhoe tímí and Igbo si` kà, si` ná (cf. Table 11 in Section 2.2.3). Here, the process of grammaticalization cannot be attributed solely to the speech verb. In fact, it is highly probable that the change is determined to a large extent by the very presence of an already grammaticalized function word so that such a case ceases to be representative for the speech-verb channel. Finally, Kera míntí and Igbo kà seem functionally to be the most typical cases: they are canonical quotative/complementizers and show a number of other grammatical uses which could be related to the quotative complex. However, even they are not unequivocal regarding their origin in a verb 'say'; I will present alternative historical hypotheses in Section 5.1.4.3 and 5.1.3.2, respectively.

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In brief, a closer look at the assumed instances of the speech-verb channel reveals that there is not a single "trouble-free" case that corresponds neatly with the widely accepted scenario {generic speech verb > quote orienter > quotative > complementizer > other}. 5.1.2

Verbs without an utterance meaning

5.1.2.1 Introduction Section 2.2.5 has shown that verbs with meanings other than speech occur in QIs and that their appearance is not arbitrary. The phenomenon is in fact far more important, and some non-speech verbs constitute a quite systematic alternative - a reasonable situation in the light of the thesis that a language aligns DRD with mimesis expressions. Three types are particularly relevant and will be separately discussed in the following sections: (1) (2) (3)

Equational and inchoative verbs like 'be' and 'become' Semantically generic performance/action verbs like 'do' Motion verbs like 'go'.

5.1.2.2 Equational/inchoative verbs and the sample The first group of non-speech verbs employed as regular QI-predicates pertains to the domain of equation and inchoativity in a wider sense. They can be translated variously as 'be', 'become', 'appear', etc. Unfortunately, the semantic differentiation between genuine equation referring to a state and inchoativity referring to a change of state - though desirable - cannot be made here systematically because the available data do not allow one to do so. The same problem exists with the distinction between equational 'be' and similative 'be like' (see Section 5.1.3 for a detailed treatment of markers of similarity and manner in QIs). It should also be recognized that equational and inchoative verbs may be derived etymologically from the verbs treated in Sections 5.1.2.3 and 5.1.2.4, namely performance/action verbs (see, e.g., Schaefer & Egbokhare 2002 for Emai u 'be' from u 'do so') and motion verbs (cf. English come vs. become), respectively. Also, while I focus here on the semantics of equation and inchoativity for copulative verbs used as a QI-nucleus, E. Schultze-Berndt (p.c.) suggests that copulative verbs of existence/location could also be motivated as being semantically appropriate for QIs. That is, a verb like 'be at, in, on, …' could convey the meaning that the SP is continuously and intensively in-

304 The origin of quotative indexes volved in a certain action encoded in a mimetic expression, including DRD. Future research must show whether such a hypothetical scenario might actually account for some of the following cases, which I provisionally attribute to the equative and inchoative nature of copulative verbs. In general, it must be recognized that a generic meaning account or translation for a particular verb as 'be' etc. can hide a lexical nature which in fact does lacks any concrete reference to the real world. The languagespecific items concerned often have an abstract function in a QI and rather look like dummy verbs which merely establish a predicative structure that is associated with the nominal that encodes the SP. Besides 'be' etc., this also holds for verbs like 'do', which will be treated in Section 5.1.2.3. Clear cases of QIs with equational 'be' are reported for Spanish (Cameron 1998: 54) and English (Clark & Gerrig 1990: 772-FN9). The last authors can write: "The use [in a QI] of the copula [be] alone, as illustrated here [in the form he's], is a form we have recorded many instances of." (179) and uh and he's 'oh oh what does that have to do with it' The copula verb can also be used as the quote orienter of a QI. Thus, the verb 'be' is reported by Andersen (1999: 529, FN5) to be the source of the quotative/complementizer in Mabaan. Another example is the defective verb li in the Bantu language Chewa, which is apparently cognate with the Common Bantu *di 'be' (Guthrie 1967-71,3: 150) and indeed also has this meaning in Chewa itself. Watkins (1937: 91) writes: "-li has the significance of 'to say' [i.e., being a QI-nucleus or a quote orienter] only when used in the narrative past and in this case it is employed in present tense form." Compare the following bipartite QI taken from a narrative text. a° -li {...} (180) wa-t‘aná° -s 3S:PST-call-again 3S-be He ... called again, saying, ... (Watkins 1937: 149) The following sample languages present clear or probable examples of the use of an equational/inchoative verb as a QI-predicative. 1. Fur The text corpus of Fur displays three verb stems functioning as generic QIpredicatives: aNa, ua, and beleN (see Appendix 2). Although the data base is too limited to conclude that this reflects the general situation, the only

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QI-verb form occurring with a plural SP-referent is aNa preceded by the quote-referring anticipatory pronoun in- 'this, thus', as in (181). {...} (181) kílla namba in-áNa those then this-3P:QV:PST Jene aber sprachen: "... [then those spoke (like this)] (Zyhlarz 1942: 172) The form aNa cannot be clearly related to either of the two major suppletive stems ua and beleN which comprise the conjugational paradigm of the verb 'say, tell'; it only matches partly with the irregular 3rd-person nonhuman plural forms aNalsi of the subjunctive/past (Beaton 1968: 129). That is why I have provisionally counted aNa as a quotative verb. Its most straightforward relation is elsewhere: it is identical with the 3rd-person human plural past form of the equational verb aN 'be' (ibid.: 127), suggesting that the quotative predicate in-aN-a is literally nothing but 'they were like this'. The normal copulative use of the stem is exemplified in (182). (182) ki F ra k-aN 1P PN 1P-be:PRS We are Fur (Beaton 1968: 130) 2. Murle The second-most frequent QI-verb of Murle is the intransitive stem zi, which I have also classified as a quotative verb. It regularly cooccurs with the manner deictic nE 'thus' and hence is restricted to the bipartite QI2. It can also introduce onomatopoeia and is then used on its own, as in (183). (183) gi o a-zi {kook kook} thing which IPFV-QV {ON} something saying 'Kook kook' (Arensen 1992: 326) According to Lyth (1971,1: 34, 51), an identical stem, represented by him (in a different orthography) as dhi, enters into the highly irregular and defective conjugation of non-existential 'be(come)', which is constituted by three suppletive stems. The irrealis categories "future", "subjunctive", and "imperative" which zi instantiates in this paradigm are precisely those missing in the conjugation of quotative zi. This complementary distribution suggests that originally the two zis together represented one etymon. Such

306 The origin of quotative indexes an approach substantiates the assumption that quotative zi is not a speech verb, because an alternative explanation for its QI-use exists: the verb can be assumed to have originally had the equational meaning 'be(come)', which enabled it to occur in its realis form in mimesis and QI-contexts. In the course of time, the irrealis and realis forms seem to have specialized in the equational and RD use, respectively, so that they are analyzed synchronically, at least by linguists, as two unrelated lexemes. 3. Bedauye The quotative verb an occurring in QI1 and 2 of Bedauye is explicitly said by Reinisch (1893/4,4: §306-7; 1895: 19-20) to be identical with one of several equational verb stems. His motivation for the conceptual relation between the two is to posit a cultural trait purportedly common to Cushitic peoples, namely that BEING a member of the community is associated with having a SAY in it. In accordance with the present approach and the existing crosslinguistic precedents, there is a less far-fetched explanation: it can be assumed that an equational verb developed a use as a QI-predicator. Related to this phenomenon is another important role of an as an auxiliary/inflectional item (see Section 7.1.1). I finally note for the record that the quotative/complementizer kaa of QI2 in Koyra Chiini is segmentally identical with the inchoative verb kaa 'become' (Heath 1998b: 152). It remains to be explored whether some historical relation between these two elements exists. If so, the historical scenario would involve the conversion of a verb into a function word. Some more information in this regard will follow in Sections 5.1.2.4 and 6.6.3. 5.1.2.3 Performance/action verbs and the sample The second group of non-speech verbs used in QIs are generic performance or action verbs. The very general semantics of such lexemes can readily account for the fact that they are regularly found to do more than just indexing DRD. Their functional range is broad, and so they can attribute a wide range of mimetic expressions to a given referent. This is illustrated by data from the Australian language Jaminjung as described by Schultze-Berndt (2000). This language exhibits a relatively unusual organization of lexical categories in that lexemes expressing a state of affairs are divided into two classes. One is a closed set of less than 35 items called "verbs" proper because only these can be predicatively inflected and are capable of establishing a finite clause; they can on their

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 307

own constitute a simple sentence. These "verbs" are semantically fairly unspecific. The majority of event representations, however, are complex predicates realized by the combination of such a semantically general verb with a member of the second, open class of predicative lexemes, called "coverbs". These are uninflected and thus depend on the presence of a verbal nucleus.43 Important for our discussion is that one member of the closed-class set, yu(nggu), is the default marker for all expressions subsumed here under mimesis. (184) Nangari gani-yu-ngarrgu {wajama yurruwijga} 44 3S:3S-PV.PST-1S.OBL {let's go fishing} PN Nangari said to me "let's go fishing" (Schultze-Berndt 2000: 186) (185) maja' gan-unggu-m darlarlab-bung ga-ngga warlnginy thus 3S:3S-PV-PRS shiver-SIM 3S-go.PRS walking he does it like that, shakingly he walks (with accompanying pantomime) (ibid.: 187) (186) malajagu-biyang {hhhhh} gan-unggu-m-yirrag-ngarndi goanna-now {ON} 3S:3S-PV-PRS-1P.E.OBL-EMPH.THET the goanna then goes "hhhhh" at us ... (imitating hissing noise) (ibid.: 187) That the second non-subject participant of this verb is semantically propositional and adverbial in nature is shown by the fact that it can be substituted by the proform maja 'thus' (185) and the question word warndug 'what (event), how' (187). Yu(nggu) cannot take a person as its object; in RD-expressions where the AD is to be encoded as a directly affected, nonoblique object, such verbs as 'give', 'put', 'hit', 'see' must be used instead. That yu(nggu) is a general performance verb is also shown by its ambiguous meaning in combination with warndug 'what (event), how': (187) warndug nga-wu-yu do.what 1S:3S-FUT-PV what will I do?/ what will I say? [depending on context] (ibid.: 187) 43 See McGregor (2002) for a survey of many more Australian languages with the same or a similar phenomenon. 44 Nangari is the name of a "subsection", a social classificatory unit.

308 The origin of quotative indexes In addition to the above function of indexing mimetic expressions, the verb has many other semantic interpretations in combination with coverbs. Taking all these different uses into account, the author (ibid.: 357-69) presents and discusses at length both a monosemous and a polysemous analysis of this versatile lexeme. In the former, she offers a characterization "x internally causes, and gives immediate evidence of, an event E"; in the latter, she gives a complex network of related senses that account for the different uses of yu(nggu). Important for the present discussion is that no clear evidence justifies viewing the utterance reading as lexically basic or central and the non-utterance uses as derived. Thus, yu(nggu) is a typical general performance verb which is used inter alia as a QI-predicator. Another example is provided by a lexical item of |Xam. Bleek's (192830: 171) short description of the verb at issue runs as follows: A very frequent form of expressing action is the use of the verb kuï [transliterated here as kui] before the chief verb, which is often an imitation of sound; such a phrase as 'it went pop', 'er machte plumps'. kuï alone generally means 'to speak, say'. It is often used with another verb of speech. ... When used with other verbs kuï corresponds more to 'to make' or 'to do' in so far as it need be translated at all.

The examples below (transliteration and some translations altered) demonstrate the use of the verb as an introducer of onomatopoeia (188) and DRD (189); in a fixed construction following di 'make, become' to mark inchoativity with sensory stative predicates (190); and in conjunction with other action verbs (191, 192).

")i (188) ha n/e kui {xup} 1PRO IPFV PV {ON:whack} OBL:2PRO she hit it (made whack to it) (Bleek 1956: 104) (189) !waa-ng kui {!k'waa aa ha n/aa kang do0a úaken} child-DECL PV {his hartebeest, its head is able to speak} The child exclaimed, 'This hartebeest, its head is able to speak!' (Bleek & Lloyd 1911: 6) (190) he ee n!waa n/e di kui ta seri-ten then arrow IPFV make PV sense cool-NOML Then the arrow becomes cold (1911: 76)

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 309

(191) au ha-ng n/e !aten !hou kui k'wang !ui and 1PRO-DECL IPFV trot swing.arm PV like person And it did like a human being swinging its arms while running. (1911: 12) au !uiri (192) ha-ng buten-buten kui g!wa0i 1PRO-DECL P-jog PV ?go.down OBL riverbed He jogged down to the river. (1911: 10) While not all of the uses of kui are fully understood, the entire range of contexts shows that its meaning cannot be limited to a particular semantic domain; the utterance reading, for example, is only found before DRD. Bleek's broad characterization is fully corroborated by the large text corpus of this extinct language. It suggests that the |Xam lexeme is best characterized as a performance or action verb closely associated with the domain of mimesis.45 A superficial typological survey indicates that similar verbs exist in quite a few other languages - even if the discussion is often not as comprehensive and detailed as in the case of Jaminjung yu(nggu) and there is a notable tendency toward analysis as a plain generic speech verb 'say' due to the item's occurrence in QIs. The available data suggest that such items can be found, for example, in languages of the wider South Asian region (see Rau (1987: 272) for Nagpuri Marathi and Bashir (1996: 244-62) for the Dardic languages Shina, Domaki, and Phalura); in Australian languages (W. McGregor p.c.); in Papuan languages (see Foley (1986: 119-23) for several examples); and in American Indian languages (see Jones & Jones (1991: 28-9, 34, 161) for Barasano, Koehn & Koehn (1986: 35, 84, 124) for Apalai, Hawkins (1998: 214) for Wai Wai, Chapman & Derbyshire (1991: 242, 331-2, 334-7, 350-1) for Paumarí, Lucy (1993: 92-3) for Yucatec, Newman (1946: 236-8) and Gamble (1978: 30, 40-42, 116) for Yokuts, Langdon (1977) for the Yuman family, and Silverstein (1985: 150-1) 45 This analysis may receive support from comparative evidence. The closely related !Ui variety N|uu possesses an action verb kx'u 'do, make'. It should be investigated in the future whether this verb is cognate with |Xam kui, whose form could in fact also be ku'i. In that case, all differences in stem shape except for the final vowel could be accounted for by sound changes attested in the region: the original form could have been *k'u(i), from which kx'u emerged via lenition of the ejective stop toward an affricate, and ku'i via displacement of the glottalization gesture onto the vowels.

310 The origin of quotative indexes for Chinook). Recall also from Section 2.1.1 that the QI-verb mná of Xdi (alias Hdi) which is viewed by Frajzyngier (1996a: 109, 128-32) as a true generic speech verb is according to Wolff (p.c.) more likely to be 'do, make', at least from an etymological viewpoint. In some languages, such a verb capable of marking mimesis may indeed mean nothing but 'make, do, act'. This holds, for example, for Greek kano, reported by Tannen (1986: 317) to index DRD, or German machen, which can be used to introduce at least sound and gesture. The following example is a QI of colloquial Modern Hebrew based on the verb ‘asot 'do'. (193) az ha-mahabúl-a ha-zòt osá l-i {...} so DEF-fool-F.S DEF-DEM.F.S do:F.S.PRS DAT-1S So that idiot (f) goes: "... [lit.: does to me] (Zuckermann 2006: 475) However, a meaning account like 'do' etc. may itself be too specific in some cases, and be largely a descriptive confession that any monosemous assessment remains elusive due to the item's extreme semantic-functional versatility. This is evident in Schultze-Berndt's careful discussion of Jaminjung yu(nggu). Another case can be observed in Chinook, demonstrating that a semantically specific account as 'do' (as opposed to 'be', 'go', etc.) is simply unjustified in this case: while the relevant QI-verb "is a basic transitive form meaning 'make; do'", with mediopassive-reflexive inflection "it is most easily translated 'become; be' or 'go' (in idiomatic sense)" (Silverstein 1985: 150). The problem is intimately intertwined with the basic reservation that runs through this study, namely, that a verb in a QI does not necessarily mean 'say'. This led to the decision to establish the semantically more abstract class of quotative verbs. Such a solution may also be suitable for some of the items at issue here. Given their apparent typological frequency and language-internal stability they could turn out to constitute a fairly robust crosslinguistic type and could provisionally be called PERFORMANCE/ MIMESIS VERBS. They have functional integrity vis-à-vis more world-referring verbs like 'do', 'say', etc. in that they are specialized for introducing signs which are icons of real-world events rather than linguistic descriptions thereof, and that they achieve this not by way of a propositional predication about these events but instead by merely presenting and pointing toward them (compare Lucy's (1993) discussion of his "metapragmatic presentational" ki in Yucatec). It is a task for historical linguistics to determine which semantically more concrete lexical source such an item may have developed from. Some of the cases to be mentioned in Section 5.1.3 show that such a reconstruc-

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 311

tion is occasionally available. The clues, however, must come from evidence outside the domain of RD and mimesis because verbs specialized for use only in the latter contexts are synchronically inherently opaque from an etymological viewpoint. Falling back on translations or even explicit semantic characterizations like 'do', 'say', etc. can be unsatisfactory, as it often fails to account for the entire range of their morphosyntactic and semantic-functional properties. In the sample, too, there are languages of the same type, employing a verb with a more general meaning of performance or action in QIs. It is generally not possible to pursue in this study the question whether the relevant item is a performance/mimesis verb in the sense outlined above, or a more concrete world-describing action verb like 'do', 'act', 'make', etc. Due to this categorial vagueness and for the sake of consistency I will continue the previous convention of glossing the lexical item in such languages as a quotative verb (QV), though fully aware that the concept behind the latter term no longer characterizes appropriately its wider semantic-functional extension. It should be recognized, then, that the gloss does not correspond closely in these instances to the analysis actually proposed here. 1. Ik A first case is the verb kut in Ik, which is a versatile lexeme with a number of idiomatic and grammatical functions. It is translated by Serzisko (1987) and Heine (1999b: 57) as 'say', chiefly because it is the default marker for RD, which is largely restricted to the direct category. However, Serzisko clearly brings out the many properties which weaken the association of kut with the class of speech verbs. In the mimesis domain, it also introduces sound imitations and other ideophonic words. A possible second participant affected by the communicated event, in RD the AD, is generally marked by dative case and not as a direct object. (194) kut-o nt-ie {isio tirit} QV-NAR 3P-DAT {what do you have?} He said to them: "What do you have?" (Serzisko 1987: 75) (195) ama kut-ie koo odok-e {wiri} person QV-DEP there gate-DAT {ID:quick.movement} the man moving at the gate [the man going like WIRI to the gate] (Serzisko f.n.)

312 The origin of quotative indexes So far, this is a fairly common picture, characterizing many semantically opaque verbs used in mimesis. However, another kut-construction described by Serzisko (1987: 84-5) motivates a somewhat narrower meaning account. Here, the kut-predicate lacks a following constituent referring to an event and is accompanied only by a dative-marked nominal. ripa-ke (196) ntakot kwi-ido moÎ-e then QV-2S:NAR honey-GEN hole-DAT And then you jumped into the honey hole (Serzisko 1987: 85) This structure conventionally conveys the idea that an entity (the subject of kut) acts in some way (not further specified) toward another entity (the dative-nominal) and thereby highly affects it. It can be translated by something like 'aim at, act toward, go for, direct oneself to'. This clear action connotation justifies the association of kut with the group of performance verbs (see also Section 7.1.2). Regarding its ultimate etymology, it is noteworthy that a use very similar to that just described turns up with an item whose functional versatility and historical origin will be discussed briefly in Section 5.1.3.3, the Bantu mimesis-marking verb *ti. Dale (1972: 129) reports that its Shona reflex ti expresses "sudden physical contact with a thing, e.g. grabbing or greedily consuming" when it is followed by a nominal consisting of the comitative marker and a pronoun that refers to the affected entity. Important for the present discussion is the fact that Bantu *ti can be reconstructed as an adverb 'like this'. This detail suggests that what is diagnosed synchronically as a performance verb can originate in diverse linguistic signs in different languages. 2. Aiki Aiki is another case in point. In this language, one finds two verbs which are both semantically bleached and have an identical shape (basically ir) in almost all conjugation forms. Nougayrol (1989) distinguishes them chiefly on account of their use in two different grammatical constructions. One functions as the default predicator in QI1-3 and is translated as 'say'. The other serves as an auxiliary that enables a number of non-verbal lexical items to occur as predicates (see Section 7.1.1) and is glossed as 'do'. No other more concrete semantic properties of this verb are in evidence. This indicates that the seemingly sharp distinction between 'say' and 'do' says little about Aiki, but that the two should rather be viewed simply as convenient context-specific translation equivalents in the metalanguage. The

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suspicion that one is confronted with one and the same single verbal lexeme ir is corroborated by Cohen et al. (2002: 242-3, referring to information from Nougayrol). In a rare sentence where neither of the grammatical uses is evoked directly, the verb can refer to an action without implying any particular semantic domain like speech, etc. (197) káá kó-w-´$r thus SIM-3P-QV:IPFV Ce faisant (Nougayrol 1989: 93) On account of this fact and the general semantic opaqueness of quotative verbs argued for above, I do not view the utterance reading in QIs as the primary meaning of ir, pace Cohen et al. (2002: 242-3). Instead, I prefer to associate it with the functionally wider class of performance verbs. 3. Kunama Kunama ake# is also a QI-predicative without a straightforward utterance meaning outside RD. It is glossed by Reinisch (1881-90,3: 57) as "(al)so sagen [say thus]" and consists of two separable items. The initial syllable can be identified as the demonstrative a 'this' - hence the deictic component. The stem ke#, the verb proper, is translated as "sich äussern, sagen; denken, meinen [speak, say; think, mean]". However, these readings are confined to RD; in other contexts the lexeme can convey a more general meaning of performance/action. This is especially clear for the related verb ayke#. Here, the stem incorporates ay 'what' and is an interrogative with the meaning "wie machen, wie anstellen [do how]".

# # áy-ke#-s i-š"#@ (198) bu@ta bull what-QV-3S:DEP 3S-give.birth wie sollte ein Stier gebären? [how should a bull give birth?] (ibid.) This information allows one to conclude that the stem ke# is a performance verb, possibly with an inherent connotation of manner. 4. Taa The postposed QI2 of Taa, based on the combination of an anaphoric manner deictic and the invariable predicative tám, should also be mentioned in this context. Traill (1994: 155) translates the verb as 'say it, mean'. How-

314 The origin of quotative indexes ever, it can also be used in contexts referring to states of affairs other than speech, as in (199). /xâã 'áu tám (199) èh n@ bà 3S ? IPFV dance this.way QV he is dancing this way (Traill ms.) Accordingly, the postposed QI2 when not occurring after a quote is rendered more adequately as 'that is how X does'. So tám is not a speech verb but rather a generic performance verb 'do (like)'; its reference depends on the cooccurring deictic (cf. Section 5.1.3.3 for its morphological make-up). 5. Izon In the following case in Izon, there exists a similarity (though not an identity) in sound shape between a QI-element and an action verb. Two preposed QI-types of this language display an element ámè`e` or mé`è`. The first form occurs in QI2 as a quote orienter (recall from Section 2.1.4 that Williamson no longer adheres to her earlier account (1965: 83, 92) of ámè`e` as a tense marker restricted to QIs). In QI3, where the element has the shape mé`è`, it follows a non-speech verb or is accompanied only by a SP-nominal so that it behaves distributionally like a predicator. It is not clear whether mé`è` is indeed a shortened form of the sequence gbá-amè`e` composed of the generic speech verb gbá 'say' and the quotative, as proposed by Williamson (1965: 93). It could just as well be a truncated version of ámè`e` or, the other way around, the simpler mé`è` might be the source of ámè`e`. The initial aremains unexplained so far under any hypothesis. In any case, in the search for a possible lexical source of a grammaticalized quotative (á)mè`e`, it is noteworthy that Izon has a verb mi`e` 'make, act'. This is not only used in this narrow meaning, but also with grammatical functions, for example, as a causative auxiliary (ibid.: 54-7). Another use exemplified in (200) is directly related to the function discussed here: the verb, together with a preceding element kpo` (probably related to the enclitic kpo` 'also, even'), serves as a postposed index of ideophones (ibid.: 40-1). Thus, an affinity of this verb to the quotative is not far-fetched. {kpararakpárara}-kpo` mìe` ` (200) okoló-sè` voice-whole {ID:hoarse}-? do the voice is all hoarse and broken (Williamson 1965: 40)

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 315

6. Birom A situation quite similar to that described for Aiki can be found in Birom. This language possesses a verb ye which occurs in two major contexts. First, it is the second-most frequent predicate with DRD in QI1 and also serves to introduce onomatopoetic items, as in (201). (201) kó hò ye {gúgugùgù} then 2S QV {ON} dis 'gougougougou' (Bouquiaux 1970b: 329) On account of this behavior and of the fact that it lacks various typical properties of a speech verb it seems that, in spite of its translation 'say', it is best classified as a quotative verb or more generally as a mimesis verb. In the second use, ye is glossed by Bouquiaux as 'do' because it serves as an auxiliary that converts non-verbal, mostly mimetic signs into predicates (see Section 7.1.1). As the lexeme is semantically opaque in modern Birom, I would argue, in the context of this typological study, that it is most closely allied to performance verbs used in the domain of mimesis and related constructions, parallel to the case of Aiki ir. 5.1.2.4 Motion verbs and the sample The third type of non-speech verb marking mimesis, including DRD, is semantically more concrete, namely a motion verb 'go'. A very wellattested case is found in English. The verb go is employed in the discourse insertion of any non-speech expression as well as RD - as expected, of the direct type only (see Butters 1980, Schourup 1982, Tannen 1986, Yule & Mathis 1992, McCarthy 1998: 164-5). (202) a. So George comes at Louis with the knife, and Louis goes, '... b. The cow goes, 'moo' (Butters 1980: 305, 306) c. The old board went crack when he made the first step on it Important for the present discussion is that the use of go with onomatopoeia and non-linguistic sound imitations is historically older, or at least recorded earlier, than its employment in RD.46 Butters (ibid.: 307) states:

46 E. Schultze-Berndt (p.c.) suggests that go's later use in DRD is an artifact of the data base, whose older sources are non-spontaneous, written discourse.

316 The origin of quotative indexes ... the imitative use of go - present in the language for centuries - would seem in a more general way the most likely candidate for the source of the semantic extension [into a QI]. It is actually just a small movement from this specialized use to the broader one.

His general point clearly corresponds to the present approach which posits an intimate relation between DRD and mimesis. However, I would reverse Butters' view on the general relation between the two domains: arguably it is go in a DRD-context that is the "specialized", and apparently later, use modeled on its employment in semantically "broader" mimesis constructions, and not the other way around. The present sample does not provide any really solid parallels. The closest case is found in Dongola, where one of two quotative verbs, án, which has a bias toward obligative quotes, shows an affinity with the domain of locomotion. Armbruster (1960: §1923-6, 3914-23, 5672-80) reports that it conveys the meaning 'go' when it is in construction with a place name, a locative noun or an interrogative 'where'. This is shown in (203)a. and b. (203) a. bi-hándag-an-d-an FUT-PN-QV-FUT-3P they will go to El-Xándaq b. s-áN-kor-an where-QV-PFV-3P where did they go to?

(Armbruster 1960: §3914-5)

Armbruster (1960: §2760, 3910-3) gives yet another important use of án. The stem is a verbalizer with inchoative meaning translating 'become X' (stem is uninflected): (204) míll-annúgud-anbad-QV slave-QV go bad, detoriate become a slave (Armbruster 1960: §3913)

úg-annight-QV become night

One can make out a common denominator for the three functions: a concrete or more abstract form of directionality, with the physical locomotion use being perhaps the most concrete one. However, it cannot be decided whether this connotation is truly the key to the original meaning; the equational aspect of 'become' is a potential source for the QI-use, too. This

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latter perspective is all the more relevant - and intriguing - because the neighboring language Bedauye uses a verb an in both equational and RDcontexts, as shown in Section 5.1.2.2. A more satisfactory answer to the question may perhaps emerge from the study of linguistic sources from Old Nubian. An even less clear case exists with the quotative/complementizer kaa of QI2 in Koyra Chiini, already mentioned briefly at the end of Section 5.1.2.2. The homophonous verb kaa referred to there not only has a transitive meaning of inchoative 'become' but also a presumably original intransitive meaning of motion 'come' (Heath 1998b: 152). Again, a more detailed analysis is required to establish whether any historical connection exists between the verb and the function word (see also Section 6.6.3). In general, it cannot be stated on the basis of the African data survey and other crosslinguistic information that the behavior of English go as a full-fledged mimesis marker, including the function of a fairly conventionalized quotative predicator, is more than an idiosyncratic, languagespecific phenomenon (but see Section 5.1.6 for 'go' with ideophones in Tonga-Inhambane). Perhaps, this use of 'go' could even be subsumed under the group of performance/action verbs, with the special characteristic that it has a narrower source meaning. In view of such lexical items as English become and French devenir (vis-à-vis come and venir), motion verbs also have an obvious semantic relation to inchoative verbs. Overall, the semantic place of motion verbs in the domain at issue deserves further research. In any case, the example of English 'go' shows that there are semantically concrete lexemes which are in principle capable of indexing the whole range of mimesis types. The QI-use of a motion verb is also singled out here because it may have a parallel in an observation made in connection with free DRD. As mentioned in Section 1.4.2 clauses with a motion verb constitute one of the regular clause types occurring before such RD-constructions. The meager data do not allow one to do more than hint at a possible relation between the two phenomena, but this should be considered in future research. 5.1.3

Elements encoding similarity and manner

5.1.3.1 Introduction In her extensive discussion of grammaticalization of QIs in Niger-Congo, after discussing the speech-verb channel, Lord (1993: 210) writes:

318 The origin of quotative indexes There is another, less widespread version of the story, with a different beginning. Instead of starting with a verb 'say', it begins with a verb 'resemble, be like'. This verb also starts out in a serial construction, and as its verb meaning fades, it serves as a complementizer to verbs of mental action. From this point, the story continues as in the favorite version with 'say', and the complementizer broadens its range to mark adverbial clauses.

She subsequently expresses considerable reservation regarding the actual relevance of this scenario (see also the discussion in Section 5.2.3). However, the proposal must be mentioned here because the cases she mentions - putatively involving verbs - can be subsumed, as will become clear below, under a categorially more general class of elements which will be called here SIMILATIVE MARKERS (see Haspelmath & Buchholz (1998) for identical terminological usage). Saxena's (1995) crosslinguistic study of the quotative complex considers in a parallel fashion the semantically closely related item 'thus, like this, this way', which combines in one sign the features of similarity and deixis. The last element type have rarely been considered in any detail in crosslinguistic treatments of deictic markers (see, e.g., Diessel's (1999b) survey of demonstratives, where this is not discussed under any of his four categories). Several language-specific treatments attest, however, to its at times extreme functional importance and versatility (cf. several contributions in Rosengren (ed., 1987) on German so 'thus' and Güldemann (2002) on Shona -ti 'be/do like this'). Since these elements play an important role in the present discussion, they are regularly referred to and thus need a consistent term, viz. MANNER DEICTIC. A special feature of this marker type in a QI is that a language can have recourse to a pair of items - a cataphoric one before the quote and an anaphoric one after it. Similative markers and manner deictics in the above narrow sense do not exhaust the range of elements which can encode similarity and manner and, on the basis of these meanings, can come to be used as semantically essential parts of QIs. Just to give two other, less expected sources: Hengeveld (1994) and Foolen et al. (2006) discuss the recruitment in spoken Dutch of the preposition van 'of, from' for marking comparison as well as DRD; in colloquial Portuguese it is a noun tipo 'type' that can be employed in these two functions. In general, it is not a new observation that elements encoding the notion of similarity or manner are employed in QIs and that such a construction may undergo grammaticalization, ultimately leading to the occurrence of these markers in other grammatical functions. However, the importance of such cases vis-à-vis other QI-sources has heretofore been underestimated.

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 319

This is surprising, as their employment in QIs is in fact very common, both in "exotic" and in more familiar languages. The following examples are from Gahuku, Sanuma, and Portuguese, respectively. (205) laqa loko live {...} thus saying said He spoke thus: "... (Deibler 1971: 102) naha a ku-ma {...} (206) ") REL like 3S say-COMPLETIVE Like this he said: ... (Borgmann 1990: 109) (207) e depois ela disse assim {...} and afterwards she say:PST:3S thus And then she said like this, '... Additional examples of similar items frequently used in QIs are, to mention only a few, ete (cataphoric) and ende (variable) in Usan (Reesink 1993: 218); eni in Teribe (Koontz 1976/7: 123); several cases from Ancient Indo-European languages like ho@#s in Homeric Greek, iti in Vedic/Sanskrit, uiti and iTa in Avestan (Hock 1982), and wa(r), kiššan, and eniššan in Hittite (Przyluski 1934, Joseph 1981, Joseph & Schourup 1982/3, Cotticelli-Kurras 1995).47 Also, in Ojibwa, iN- 'like' is incorporated by speech verbs constituting the QI-nucleus and converts them into genuine DRD-marking predicates (Rhodes 1986: 9, 16). The semantic motivation for a feature of similarity and manner in a QI is transparent as soon as DRD is construed, as is proposed here, as a mimetic reenactment of a non-immediate state of affairs. For an event of human speech, this involves, beside some propositional content, especially

47 There is a traditional etymology for -wa(r) from an Indo-European speech lexeme (compare Hittite weriya 'call'). This is still the standard assumption today; unsurprisingly, it is justified by the alleged typological precedents of the speech-verb channel (see, e.g., Pecora 1984, Luraghi 1996: 61-2). This scenario does not, however, account for the final phonetic alternation of -wa(r). There is an alternative hypothesis that quotative -wa(r) originates in iwar 'like (this)', and this does not have this explanatory problem. This and the results of the present crosslinguistic survey weaken the seemingly attractive speech-verb approach, which I accordingly do not follow here.

320 The origin of quotative indexes the attitude, feelings, etc. of the SP, which are expressed by the WAY an utterance is made.48 The meaning of similarity and manner is thus motivated in two ways. First, it helps to focus on the non-propositional, paralinguistic aspects of the non-immediate speech or cognition event. Second, it can provide a hedge for the reporter with reference to the fact that DRD is only an approximation to an evoked experience of speech/cognition, in both its linguistic and paralinguistic form. It must be recognized, though, that these explanations apply especially to DRD. There are several indications that this marker type can also encroach directly on IRD without ever having served a function with more mimetic expressions. Here, the functional motivation cannot be completely the same as with DRD - an issue I will return to in Section 6.6.2. In bipartite QIs where similarity/manner markers are quote orienters adjacent to the quote, there is another important discourse-functional aspect: they function as convenient discourse signals serving to draw the attention of the audience directly to the presence of this constituent. Ample evidence for the QI-occurrence of similarity/manner markers is found in the sample, suggesting that such elements are a near-universal option in this context. In some language corpora, this is only an occasional phenomenon. In others, these tokens make up a considerable portion of the total. Without implying that this usage is grammaticalized, a manner deictic occurrs in QIs of the following languages (strongly affected QIs in parentheses): Aiki káá (QI1), Ngambay bè (QI1), Murle kete, Anywa E@nn @, Sandawe 'íxì (QI1), Tigre k´'´nna, Burunge 'inghing'ing, Donno S yen (in IRD), Waja nyIna, and Birom NE$n. The following example is from Waja. (208) {...} nEr wVw cE@ nyIna cE@ nyIna k man DEM speak thus speak thus PF ...,' that man spoke thus, spoke thus (Kleinewillinghöfer f.n.) Similative and manner markers are important in many other grammatical domains, which correlates with the observation that they are productively used in a wide range of constructional contexts, including predica-

48 This observation has even found its way into the generative framework, which usually treats quotes as plain objects: Amberber (1997) proposes that say-like speech verbs do not take a canonical thematic argument, but rather a constituent conveying the semantic component of "inner manner".

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 321

tive ones (cf. Haspelmath & Buchholz 1998: 319). That is, even if they are adposition-like, they can partake in a predicative structure, thus establishing a QI. It is not too surprising that the elements then employed as support verbs are such non-speech items as 'be' or 'do', which were already discussed in Section 5.1.2 as possible QI-predicators on their own. A case in point is the well-studied English phrase [SP be like] (e.g., Blyth, Recktenwald & Wang 1990, Meehan 1991, Romaine & Lange 1991, Ferrara & Bell 1995, Streeck 2002). A similar construction is reported from Bengali using emon kOra 'do thus': (209) Se emon korlo: {a re baba eta ki} he thus did {oh, dear father, what is this?} He was like: "Oh my, what is this?" (Wurff 1996: 270) Such markers can become conventionalized in a QI and subsequently develop into a complementizer and still other derived gram types. Wellstudied cases involving this scenario are Sanskrit iti 'thus' (Hock 1982), Old Georgian (rame)tu and vitarmed, both meaning 'thus' (Hewitt 1985: 15-7), and Bislama olsem 'like' (Meyerhoff 2002). Clear examples or plausible candidates from Africa are provided by sE 'be like' in at least some dialects of the Akan cluster (Lord 1993: 151-84), kE 'like' in the Kode dialect of Baule (Lord 1993: 201), er 'like' in Tiv (Abraham 1940: 222-4), and the noun kx'éíhE$ 'manner' in ||Ani (Heine 1999a: 73, 79). Some of these items exhibit a very complex network of functions, some of which are derived from the original similative meaning and not from the quotative complex. The bipartite structure is not the only form in which similative and manner markers can occur in a QI. They can also serve in this context as predicators without depending on another verb, as already indicated in the above quote from Lord (1993: 210). It is not possible to tell from a crosslanguage perspective whether such a use tends intrinsically to be associated with morphosyntactic adjustments of these markers. In European languages, expressions of similarity and manner usually require a support verb because these notions are mostly conveyed by non-verbal adpositions. In other languages, however, these meanings are not inherently tied to such a lexical category. In Ilokano, for example, kastoy 'like this', which is used as an index of gestures, can apparently be inflected as a verb without any categorial reanalysis (Streeck 1994: 255). However, even if an item is not verbal, it can show up in predicator function, depending on the extent to which the language allows non-

322 The origin of quotative indexes predicative clause structures. This is the case with the colloquial German QI [und SP so] 'and SP like this' described by Golato (2000). The same element so 'thus' is also discussed by Streeck (1988: 62-71) regarding its "phoric" use as an index of representational gesture; it can thus be characterized as a general mimesis marker. An important consideration here is the fact that in languages with little or no bound verb morphology, a clause pattern similar to this German phrase is hard to distinguish from a structure [SP speech-verb]. This is even more serious for cases like those in the Choco family (S. H. Levinsohn p.c.). Here, a complex consisting of a deictic and a similative marker regularly serves in narrative texts as the nucleus of a QI and even takes verbal markers. For Epena Pedee, Harms (1994: 623, 174) explains regarding mága/máa which is restricted to DRD: The demonstrative pronoun mága may be used as the verb ma-ga-hí (or the contracted form ma-a-hí) 'that-like-PST' in the quotative ... It is a shortened form for the formula in (255). [presented here as (210)]

(210) má-ga hara-hí that-like tell-PST He said as follows, ... (ibid.: 63) Needless to say, this kind of QI-nucleus can be subject to routinization and grammaticalization, too. Various subgroups of Remote Oceanic give clear evidence for this. Keesing (1985: 72-3) describes and exemplifies the use of expressions of manner deixis in the Malaita language Kwaio: ... postverbal deictics as locatives are distinguished from a series derived from the same roots where the deictics serve as the second, stative, verbs in compound constructions ... In these constructions, the deictic forms are marked by the prefix 'i- 'be like...' ...

(211) age 'i-no'o.na a-i do be.like-DEI LOC-PRO do it like that (212) ngaia ka fata 'i-lo'oo 3F.S 3S speak be.like-DEI she spoke thusly ...

{...}

Often, in reporting conversations, the deictic stative 'i-lo'oo is used alone as a quotative:

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 323

(213) a. la Ba'efaka ka 'i-lo'oo {...} ART PN 3S be.like-DEI b. la Ba'efaka ka (fata) 'i-laba'a {...} ART PN 3S speak be.like-DEI Ba'efaka said ...

or

The alternation between a bipartite and a monoclausal QI without a verb is identical to the phenomenon of speech-verb omission in African languages as discussed above. A parallel behavior of items marking similarity and manner can be observed with a stem in Polynesian. The Tongan element pe 'be like', when incorporating a deictic marker, can serve as a QIpredicator and is also used in complementizer contexts (J. Broschart p.c.). (214) fai pe-he-'i do be.like-DEI-TR Do it like this! (Shumway 1971: 526) {alu atu!} (215) pea na'e ne pe-he# and PST 3S be.like-DEI {go away!} and he said, "Go away!" [lit.: he was like this, …] (J. Broschart p.c.) 'e Pita {'e ha'u 'a Sione} (216) na'e pe-he# PST be.like-DEI ERG PN {John will come} Peter thought (that) John would come. (Shumway 1971: 328) (217) 'oku 'ikai te u 'ilo pe {'e ha'u 'afe# a Kepu?} PRS NEG IP I know COMP {when will Kepu come?} I don't know when Kepu is coming. (Shumway 1971: 384) Evidence for a similar situation is given by Mosel & Hovdhaugen (1992: 135-6) for Samoan and by Du Feu (1996: 15-6) for Rapanui. Various additional uses of such a polyfunctional element can be easily accounted for by appeal to its original meaning 'like', for example, the function of Samoan pe to convey the notion 'approximately, about, probably' (see Allardice 1985: 55). Even languages where the relevant element is explicitly glossed as 'say' could turn out to join this group of examples. A likely case, though admittedly complex, can be found in the Cupan languages of Northern UtoAztecan. These display a QI-predicative yax which is analyzed as a generic

324 The origin of quotative indexes speech verb 'say' (see Munro 1978: 157). According to Heath (1998c: 7368), this is not only similar in shape to a petrified auxiliary that creates socalled "mediopassive" forms from action verb stems.49 It is also identical with the Cupeño similative verb yax 'be like'. This function could account for the item's use in RD, in verb derivation (see in this respect Section 7.1), as well as in a construction of Cahuilla where an auxiliary yax conveys the notion 'VERB a little'. In view of the many examples from outside Africa, it comes as no surprise that the grammaticalization scenario starting out with a predicative similative marker or manner deictic is also well represented in Africa. Güldemann (2002) gives a detailed account of ti 'be like this' in Shona, which is representative for other Savannah Bantu languages. Another telling example, which will be laid out here in some detail, comes from a set of closely related Rainforest Bantu languages in Cameroon. The situation in Ewondo (reference group A70) is described by Redden (1979: 168) as follows: When reporting a direct quote, no verb is used in the main clause, only a pronoun, and sometimes the noun to which the pronoun refers, e.g. /¯é náa..../, literally he that...., but it means he said that....

In other words, the particle náa, viewed by Redden as a complementizer, substitutes for a speech predicate in the QI. According to the traditional approach one would be tempted to reconstruct náa as an earlier verb 'say', which has undergone grammaticalization toward a non-verbal gram. However, a look at the Ewondo lexicon (ibid.: 193, 225-6) reveals that this quotative/complementizer is similar in shape to various manner deictics, suggesting that it has a different history. Alexandre (1966a: 174-5) is more explicit on this matter for the closely related variety Bulu (also A70). Dans la majorité des cas la particule /nâ/, parait jouer le rôle d'une conjonction de subordination employée pour introduire des subordonnées à la façon du "que" français: majóo nâ, ... "je dis que ..."

...

Toutefois /nâ/, s'emploie soit après un nominal dépendant ou indépendant, soit seul pour introduire une déclaration: ...

49 Incidentally, the historically older functional equivalent ki discussed by Heath (ibid.) is similar in shape to another reconstructed verb 'say' listed by Munro (1978: 157). It is not clear whether this is a true generic speech verb or a quotative verb.

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 325 Nyí nâ, mâ-kE mEkE "celui-ci dit alors, j'y vais aussi" Nâ, maben´ b nálE& "et moi je dis que je refuse de faire ainsi" On pourrait admettre qu'il s'agit là d'un emploi implicite ou sousentendu d'un verbe comme /-kát/ "déclarer" ou /-jóo/ "dire". Ceci n'expliquerait pas la structure des deux éléments adverbiaux: nále& "ainsi, comme ça" áná "ainsi, comme ci" qui paraissent formés l'un de /ná/ + suffixe d'éloignement /-le&/, l'autre du préfixe instrumental ou locatif /á-/ + /ná./ Or si ces deux formes sont effectivement traduites par des adverbes ou locutions adverbiales: te&b áná "ainsi, comme ci" nále&! "oui, certes!" elles entrant aussi dans des énoncés autonomes comme: nále& fE mâ "moi de même" áná fE b @tgó "les enfants aussi" sans doute non intelligibles hors context, puisque comportant référence à un prédicat antécédent, mais n'en constituant pas moins eux-mêmes un type prédicatif spécial, comme l'indiquent la présence et la position de leur élément nominal.

Note as a difference to Ewondo that nâ occurs in Bulu in both a bipartite structure after a speech verb and a monoclausal structure with no other predicative element. Although Alexandre does not have a ready explanation for the observed isomorphism between the quotative/comple-mentizer and the elements marking manner, he leaves no doubt that he considers them to be etymologically related. That the directionality of development was from the latter meaning toward the quotative use and not the other way around becomes clear from the situation in another related language, Duala (reference group A20). Ittmann (1939: 67-8, 71, 199-200; 1976: 411-3) shows how the cognate ná forms a series of manner deictics: nán` 'thus' (close to speaker), ná 'thus' (predicatively nâ, close to hearer), náne 'like that' (remote from both speaker and hearer, compare Bulu nále&), and in addition a question word nén"@ 'how'. He further states that the second form ná/nâ is extensively used inter alia as a clause linker in QIs, sentential complementation and related structures. Precisely this form shows the greatest formal similarity with the quotative/complementizer náa of Ewondo and nâ of Bulu. From these data, one can extract a fairly clear scenario for these languages. The manner deictic 'thus' is employed in a QI, either in conjunction

326 The origin of quotative indexes with a speech verb or - as is frequent in this linguistic area - without such a predicative item, in order to orient the audience toward the following quote. From the first, bipartite structure, the element 'thus' develops into a subordinator. In the second configuration it substitutes for the verbal nucleus of a clause and thereby acquires the predicator function of a sentence-like construction. Note that the predicative use of the stem ná 'thus' in Duala is explicitly mentioned as such by Ittmann; moreover, its tonal realization in such a context, nâ, is identical to the high-low contour of the quotative predicators in Ewondo and Bulu. Thus, one can safely conclude that in all these languages the quotative/complementizer is derived from a manner deictic. Provided Redden's description of DRD-constructions is accurate and complete, Ewondo must have experienced an innovation regarding náa: it is synchronically not accompanied by a speech verb and therefore gives the consistent appearance of an independent predicator. This provides an important glimpse into how a non-verbal element like a manner deictic can acquire the distributional properties of a verb. Regarding the functional aspect it should be noted that Duala ná can also introduce ideophones, showing that it has a more general function in the mimesis domain. (The ideophone introducer ne in Bulu (see Alexandre 1966b) could also be cognate with the element series at issue.) A closely parallel case exists in Wolof. In this language, an element ne is prominent as a QI-predicator, existing alongside the true generic speech verb wax 'say, tell'. It also introduces ideophones and serves as a complementizer 'that', in these cases with an alternative allomorph ni. After taking note of the crosslinguistic precedents of similative and manner markers becoming quotatives and other related function words, Creissels and S. Robert (p.c.) conclude that the above elements are very likely to be etymologically related to a marker nV of similarity/manner. Parallel to consonantal noun class concords like locative fV, human kV, etc., this marker forms a small paradigm in combination with the series of deictic vowel suffixes -i proximal, -a distal, -u unspecified distal and interrogative (see Robert 1998). The resulting forms are ni 'like this' (also used as a conjunction 'as'), na 'like that', and nu 'how'. The elements marking mimesis and clause linkage are most probably the outcome of grammaticalization of this similative/manner marker nV. The quotative ne (whose vowel is not i, a, or u) could be an allomorph of ni 'like this' (compare the variation of the complementizer form), or represent the original form of a similative marker 'like' which lacked any deictic suffix at all. The literature often reports cases which are presented as a change from a speech verb or a QI-element to a similative marker. I propose that some

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 327

of these rather instantiate the reverse scenario laid out here (though without claiming that this is a universally applicable explanation; see in this respect Section 6.4 below). For example, Ngbaka na with mid tone appears in Heine et al. (1993: 197) as 'say', but is in fact a manner deictic 'thus' and has a possibly related item in the similative marker ná 'like' (see Maes 1959: 129-30); its utterance reading arises when it is used without another speech verb as a QI-predicator. A parallel explanation can also apply to the case of Baka pe (see Section 4.2), pace Kilian-Hatz (1995), who claims that the similative and manner function of pe is a late grammaticalization stage derived from a speech-verb meaning. A third case appears to be the Lahu stem qhe, whose function as a similative marker is viewed by Saxena (1995: 361-2) as the endpoint of changes. Under the present approach, as opposed to these three grammaticalization studies, the development is likely to have involved the opposite directionality of change {similative/manner marker > quotative (verb) > other}. The marker type at issue has a potential semantic affinity to other element types discussed in other sections of this chapter, so that individual items cannot always be assigned to one or the other type conclusively, especially if an earlier meaning is to be reconstructed from the synchronic range of uses. For example, it can be seen from the previous cases that some language-specific elements combine the similative/manner feature with the feature of deixis, to be examined in Section 5.1.4. Equally intricate is the semantic relation between similative predicatives variably translated as 'be like', 'resemble', 'look like', 'be as if', 'appear/seem to be', etc. and equational verbs which can entail similar connotations. As will become apparent below, a strict demarcation between the two can be quite arbitrary. It should also be recognized that lexical items with a meaning of similarity and manner generally have a wide range of uses, so that they can potentially have cognate reflexes in a fairly large number of different more or less grammaticalized element types. In the search for a plausible source for semantically opaque quotatives, the possibility of an isomorphism with such items must also be taken into account. The following element types are potentially relevant in this respect, in addition to the similative marker 'like' and the manner deictic 'thus' in the narrow sense (in cases where the relation is not intuitively clear, attested or likely cases evidencing it are cited below in parentheses):

328 The origin of quotative indexes (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)

(8)

(9)

Verbal items 'be like', 'do thus', possibly translated as 'resemble', 'seem', etc. Clause linkers marking manner and related senses 'as', 'how', 'as if' Adverbial manner interrogatives 'how?' Relational grams marking role 'as X' (e.g., Bislama olsem (Meyerhoff 1998: 87))50 Relational grams marking comparative standard (e.g., non-Standard German wie)51 Noun conjunctions of several types (e.g., English as well as, also, German sowie) Adnominal determiners 'such', 'certain' (e.g., German so ein, Portuguese assim, Bislama olsem (Meyerhoff 1998: 86), Shona ti (Güldemann 2002: 271)) Adnominal interrogatives 'which, what kind of?' (e.g., Bantu tì vs. tí (Guthrie 1967-71,4: 105; Meyer 1949/50), Ju ne (Heine forthcoming)) Adnominal interrogatives 'how many?' (e.g., Common Bantu tì, tí (see above) in Nyanja nga-ti (Meyer 1949/50: 94) or Fwe ti (Baumbach 1997: 415))

Bearing in mind the mass of crosslinguistic data adduced so far, the QIelements of the sample languages were scrutinized with respect to possible etymological connections with markers of similarity and manner in this wider sense. The results of this analysis are given now. 5.1.3.2 Elements in the sample used as quote orienter The first group of relevant cases concerns QI-elements that apparently occur only as quote orienters in bipartite QIs. 1. Murle A first, unequivocal representative is the Murle quotative nE, which is responsible for the creation of the bipartite QI2 occurring mostly after the

50 See Haspelmath & Buchholz (1998: 321-4) for a general discussion. 51 See Heine (1997b: 118-9) for additional data and some discussion. This must not be confused with markers of comparative standard that have a complementizer source, as with Romance que or in some Indo-Aryan languages (Saxena 1995, Bashir 1996).

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 329

quotative verb zi or the AD-transitive quotative verb nek. According to Lyth (1971,1: 40, 2: 53, 3: 38), it is the manner deictic 'thus', which is most probably also present in the element nEEn 'that's correct', 'that is so'. 2. Krongo The quotative in QI2 of Krongo has the form àní. This gram has a possible cognate in the manner deictic ní 'like this' (Reh 1985: 300, 474). A synchronically straightforward explanation for the initial à- in the QI-element is not available. A possible hypothesis is that it is identical with the socalled "Verbalzeichen" (verb marker) à- or, somewhat less likely, with the derivational verb prefixes à- or á- (Reh 1985: 175-82, 210-1) - all of which can immediately precede the lexical root. If so, this explanation would imply that the quotative is a verb-like quote orienter which is derived from a non-verbal manner deictic. (3.) Hadza The quotative/complementizer hishina of QI3 in Hadza is identical with the manner deictic 'thus'. It has an interrogative counterpart tashina 'how' (Sands p.c.), an example of which is given in (218). (218) nasema tashina-ta I.say how-1S.NPST I say, what [how] am I doing? (Bala 1998: 28-9) Note that in (218) the question word bears an auxiliary enclitic - a feature typical for verbs. It is thus possible that both tashina and hishina go back to an earlier performance verb with manner semantics 'do like'. 4. Khoekhoe QI2 and 4 in Khoekhoe, which account for the great majority of RD-tokens in this language, display the quotative tí after the quote. This marker is the same as the final element that expresses the semantic component of manner in complex deictics and interrogatives such as nee-tí 'in this manner', //nãátí 'in that manner', náú-tí 'in the other manner', mãá-tí 'how', //xáa-tí 'also', /n")í-tí 'somehow', mãá-tí-kó 'how many' (Hagman 1977: 98, 141). The stem tí also serves as a general mimesis marker, occurring with onomatopoetic signs as in (219), or, in conjunction with the deictic stem nee, indexing representational gesture as in (220).

330 The origin of quotative indexes (219) xam@-ku ke {/xáa-/xáa-/xáa} tí /ã$á-n$ !nãa lion-3M.P DECL {ON:swish} MIM grass-3C.P in kèrè !u)u-mãa PST:IPFV go-stand The lions were going around "swish, swish, swish" in the grass. (Hagman 1977: 137) (220) o-b ge ani-b-a nee-ti go sam then-3M.S DECL bird-3M.S-DSBJ DEI-MIM PST swoop Then the bird swooped down like this (with accompanying gesture). (Haacke p.c.) (5.) Taa In Taa, there are two grammaticalized QI-elements that are clearly or possibly related to lexical items marking similarity and manner. First, the similative verb bV 'be like' has given rise to the clause linker bV, which is used inter alia in QI4 (restricted to IRD). An example for the original meaning is (221). (221) èh n@ b-a#'a# 3S ? be.like-2S he being (like) you, i.e. he is like you (Traill 1994: 152) 6. Taa A second case of the relevant phenomenon in Taa is the obligatory use of the manner deictics !a#h'u or more frequently 'áu with the performance verb tám 'do (like)' in the postposed QI2. (7.) Tigre The complementizer k´m of QI6 in Tigre is, according to Raz (1983: 84, 92), nothing but a similative preposition 'like', which is also used as a manner and temporal clause linker 'as, when, as soon as'. 8. Kera The quotative Nanaan´mo of Kera occurring in or after the quote is unquestionably related to the manner interrogative náan´@-mó 'how' (Ebert 1979: 224), which apparently incorporates the manner deictic an´ 'thus'. The role of the initial syllable Na in the quotative is not clear; various

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 331

meanings/functions of a particle with this shape are listed by Ebert (1979: 255). 9. Izon The quotative e`be` bará of the postposed QI5 in Izon expresses straightforwardly the notion of manner deixis, as it is literally 'in that way'. 10. Izon There is a second QI-element in Izon which belongs to this marker type. The postposed quotative mó` of QI4 is a manner deictic 'so, thus', which can occur on its own or with an additional adverbializing suffix -ki` (Williamson 1965: 82, 93). Williamson (ibid.: 39-40) also gives a suffix -mo` which is used to index ideophones that refer to dynamic events. It is listed with a different tone than quotative mó`, although in the surface form of example (222) this is not the case. tìti (222) {gbaigbai}-mó` {ID:thump}-MIM knock knock with a thump (Williamson 1965: 39) The similative/manner marker mó` can explain the existence of a number of Izon grams with a similar shape. It not only accounts for the quotative and perhaps the ideophone marker, but may also have been the source of the linker of simultaneous temporal clauses mò` 'as soon as, when, while' (ibid.: 31, 80, 93) or the correlative noun coordinator -mo` 'both ... and ...' (ibid.: 30, 61, 73, 90), since both of these functions are attested for such a marker as targets of change in other languages. Example (223) illustrates the element's function in the assumed source domain. mì`e`-mi` (223) buru-mo`ó` mó`-ki` yams-P thus-ADV do-PST the yams did thus (Williamson 1965: 82) (11.) Kisi The QI3 in Kisi, which seems to have a bias toward IRD, is characterized by the quotative màà. This particle is identical with the similative marker exemplified in (224) in terms of both phonetic shape and syntactic distribution after a verb.

332 The origin of quotative indexes (224) ò cèlúl màà pèù 3S fat like pig He's as fat as a pig. (Childs 1995: 283) (12.) Kouya A situation similar to that in Kisi is apparently found in Kouya. The form of the complementizer in QC2 is nII. An element of the same shape is found as a clause linker in 'as if/though'-clauses and as a marker before the standard of similative constructions, for which see (225). Paul yì zElI sa (225) nII like Paul he know read thus Like Paul, he knows how to read. (Arthur p.c.) (13.) Yoruba The complementizer bí of QI5 in Yoruba, which seems to be largely restricted to indirect polar questions in narrow reported speech, originates in the similative marker bí 'like' (Abraham 1958: 107). 14. Yoruba Another Yoruba stem in the relevant semantic domain has an important function in DRD, namely the manner deictic báyìí 'like this'. It can be characterized as a general index of mimetics, since according to Bamgbos`e (p.c.) it is the default device for inserting gestures into the discourse. (226) kí i báyìí (demonstrates how to prostrate) greet 3S like.this greet her like this (Barber & Ògúndíjo` (eds.) 1994: 126) In written discourse, it occurs regularly in QI2 as a quote proform in combination with the quotative pé, thereby marking the following expression explicitly as DRD. báyìí pé {n ó bá o` lo`} (227) ó s`èlérí 3S promise like.this Q {I will go with you} He promised thus, "I will go with you" (Bamgbos`e 1986: 89)

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 333

(15.) Igbo Regarding the IRD-complementizer kà of QI4 in Igbo, it was mentioned in Section 5.1.1.2 that the hypothesis about its origin in a verb kà 'talk' has an alternative or at least a supplementary explanation. There exists in Igbo another linguistic sign with the shape kà which is an equally plausible source for the complementizer. It is the preposition/conjunction kà 'like, as, as if, while', which is used in nominal similatives and approximatives, correlative noun conjunction, simple or correlative manner clauses, and simultaneous temporal clauses (see Igwe & Green 1963: 47-8, 229; Welmers & Welmers 1968: 63-4). yá dì` ka52 Nke m@ (228) ú`lò` house 3S be like mine His house is like mine. (Welmers & Welmers 1968: 64) (229) kà ha sìrì kwu kà ha sìrì mee as 3P ?end:PST say as 3P ?end:PST do As they said so they did. (Emenanjo` 1978: 88) kà ha bì`àrà (230) o` nò` n'-u`lo` 3S COP INE-house when 3P come:PST He was in the house when they came. (ibid.) The use of the similative marker after a verb - as with dí` 'be' in (228) - is perfectly compatible with the syntactic context of QI4, where the quotative follows verbs of locution, cognition, etc. It should be noted that Izi, another Igbo variety, shows a similar situation. According to Meier, Meier & Bendor-Samuel (1975: 265, 267), the Izi form gè` is used both as a similative and manner marker 'like, as' linking nouns and clauses and as an IRDcomplementizer 'that, in order that'. It is not clear whether there also exists a generic speech verb of the form gè`. For Standard Igbo, the variety examined in the present study, I cannot decide whether the grammaticalization source of the complementizer is the kà marking similarity and manner or the speech verb kà. The available empirical data are compatible with either scenario. In fact, it is not implausible to assume that both of the two possible sources conspired in Igbo to yield the RD-gram. See, however, Section

52 Despite the missing low-tone diacritic, ka here is the same as the kà at issue.

334 The origin of quotative indexes 5.2.3 for a possible scenario according to which the speech-verb meaning itself could be derived. 16. Birom Although it is not encountered in the surveyed texts, Bouquiaux (1970a: 457) reports for DRD-constructions the use of a quote orienter dè, which is also used as a manner-clause linker 'as, how' (Bouquiaux 1970b: 31). gwà mE dè {hò t s wEt} (231) a-yaN AOR-say brother 3S.POSS Q {don't cry!} il dit à son frère: "ne pleure pas" (Bouquiaux 1970a: 457) 17. Tikar A situation similar to that in Bantu of zone A and Wolof, where the quotative/complementizer can be related to a series of manner deictics, is found in Tikar. Here, the preposed bipartite QI2 is a general mimesis construction introducing (at least) DRD, sound imitation, and ideophones (Stanley 1991: 234-5, 321-3). Here is an example with an ideophone: hwæbli kE mla' nun lE {kpìnNgim} (232) N$gw (' kà stone CONS sound:NAR LOC water in MIM {ID} La pierre a resonné dans l'eau kpìnNgim. (Stanley 1991: 517) This usage becomes clear when it is observed that the gram lE which is essential for the construction is identical with the first item of the following triplet of manner deictics. li (233) lE ainsi (cataphoric) ainsi (anaphoric) (Stanley 1991: 297-8, 316)

lE-E comment

Apparently, lE in the construction exemplified in (232) is simply the manner deictic 'thus' employed as an introducer of mimetic signs. The vowel alternation between the first two items in (233) is a general property of deictic elements and serves to distinguish between proximity/cataphor and distance/anaphor; the third item, the question word 'how', apparently contains the interrogative suffix -E (Stanley 1991: 297-8, 307-8, 315, 316, 450-3). The use of cataphoric lE outside a QI is illustrated in (234).

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 335

(234) lE nE wù yE lE' thus TF you IPFV speak C'est ainsi que tu vas dire ... (sous-entendu: le locuteur n'a pas encore dit ce qu'il faut que l'autre dise.) (Stanley 1991: 298) This last example also contains a verbal lexeme lE' 'speak' (used also as a noun 'word, speech'). It might be argued, in line with the speech-verb approach, that this is the source of the quotative/complementizer lE. However, the alternative etymological derivation from lE 'thus' is based on stronger evidence: (1) there is no phonetic difference at all between the manner deictic and the QI-gram, which is not the case with the verb lexeme; (2) the scenario does not require any syntactic or semantic adjustment to explain the full functional range of lE; and (3) it conforms better to the general crosslinguistic findings of this study. 5.1.3.3 Elements in the sample used as clause nucleus In all the following cases, the relevant element occurs also or exclusively as a predicator in monoclausal QIs. 18. Ngiti A rather remote possibility in this respect concerns the quotative verb ti of QI1/2 in Ngiti. Kutsch Lojenga (1994: 303, 306-8, 395-6) describes a formally similar postposed relational gram tí which serves to index certain types of nominal participants (inter alia in the function 'as, like X') and (when postposed to a clause) to transform the normal complementizer dhu 'thing' into a manner clause marker 'how'. This indicates that the basic meaning of the element is 'as, like'. tànga $nyù tí (235) nzónzo n @mvù children RES:drink:PRS.PFV porridge food as the children have eaten porridge for food (Kutsch Lojenga 1994: 307) tí dhu (236) ma m-àla ibhu ' $ ìkyì ní-ìtsì 1S 1S-see:PRS.PFV hole in cow RES-fall:PRS.PFV like thing I have seen how the cow fell in the hole (ibid.: 396)

336 The origin of quotative indexes There are two obvious problems with the idea of an etymological relation between ti and tí. First, as can be seen in the above examples, the marker in the similarity/manner domain occurs after the constituent in its scope while the quotative verb appears before the quote. An attempt to relate the two would have to assume a context-dependent order adjustment in the history of the item. I have no evidence for a change from postposition to preposition in this purely postpositional language. A more plausible process would be the consistent right-dislocation of a direct quote, in line with the heavy-constituent principle. Note in this respect that Ngiti also has other postposed dependent clauses. However, further supportive evidence would certainly be required. The second major problem is that the postposition tí is an invariable function word whereas quotative ti is inflected like a normal verb. It is not at all clear whether the language did or does provide the conditions for a categorial conversion in either direction. There is yet another possible dimension to this problem, namely an areal one. Ngiti is the immediate neighbor of the language complex NyoroToro-Nkore-Kiga. These Bantu varieties have a verbal manner deictic ti 'like this' which is also the preposed default marker of DRD (see the discussion of the cognate stem thi in Nguni below). The question arises whether the quotative verb ti of Ngiti is perhaps a calque of Bantu ti enhanced by the existence of its own similative postposition tí. However, if there were any sociolinguistic evidence for the possibility of such an interference, one could just as well argue for direct borrowing, which would make the influence of postpositional tí somewhat superfluous. Overall, the idea that the two Ngiti items are somehow related historically is a weak hypothesis on the basis of the presently available data. 19. Dongola Another language to be mentioned in connection with a verb-like marker of similarity/manner is Dongola. It was already observed that the performance verb ake# of Kunama conveys a connotation of manner. A similar situation is found with the Dongola stem E@, but here the manner meaning is more prominent. The verb is first of all used in QI2/3 as a postposed DRD-index, whence its traditional interpretation as a speech verb 'say'. It can also attach to onomatopoetic signs and many other lexical items, thereby taking on the role of a verbalizing auxiliary due to its close phonetic bond to them (see Section 7.1.1). These two contexts represent grammatical functions of E@ which do not allow one to infer a lexical meaning. In addition, the verb can be used as an essive predicate (Armbruster 1960: §3522-3, 5509-12). A plain interpretation as 'be' is, however, not straightforward, as there are

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 337

various indications that the verb is not fully productive in this sense. First, it lacks negative forms as well as those for the 2nd-person and 3rd-person singular present indicative. Moreover, there are a number of other competing copulative predicators conveying existence and location. Finally, the available examples with E@ as 'be' mostly involve quality predicates like 'content', 'heavy', 'blind'. On the basis of the data presented so far, E@ is best viewed as a generic performance or equational verb. However, it is possible that the verb's original meaning range was narrower, because it does make a genuine semantic contribution in one expression type: it transforms certain elements into verbal manner deictics and interrogatives, as shown in (237) (the complex stems are given in their uninflected form). íNk-EmáNk-E(237) tE@kk-EDEI-QV DEI-QV DEI-QV like that like this like that (Armbruster 1960: §4409-20)

mín-Ewhat-QV how

isã@ik-Ewhich-QV how

The original meaning of E@ cannot be determined here conclusively. There are two probable candidates, however. An earlier status as a (verbal) similative marker is possible, given that such an item can be used as the predicate in constructions marking mimesis (including DRD) as well as certain equational relations. But the semantics of an equational verb like 'be(come)' could also account for the development of the related senses and yield the synchronic polyfunctionality pattern, in which case it could be treated along with the elements discussed in Section 5.1.2.2. Possibly, Dongola E@ may have even originally combined both similarity and equation in its semantic profile. 20. Murle The quotative verb stem in Murle has the form nE. This QI-predicator, which is by far the most frequent one, displays canonical verb inflection. There exist two aspectual forms of imperfective and perfective as well as stems extended by derivational suffixes (reciprocal etc.). In the form nek, which incorporates the goal suffix, it is transitive toward the AD. It will be recalled from Section 5.1.3.2 that Murle also has an uninflected quotative marker of the same phonetic shape nE, which was identified there with the manner deictic 'thus'. The present quotative verb nE plausibly shares the same etymology. Significant for the present argument is the cooccurrence pattern of the quotative verb nE and the uninflected

338 The origin of quotative indexes quotative marker nE. That is, the otherwise near-obligatory quotative is regularly missing in just two environments: after the verb 'call' (of no significance here), and after a simple aspect form of the quotative verb. Thus, one never finds in a QI the string nE nE, although the verb and the gram can cooccur in a QI. That is, the quotative verb appears either in a bipartite QI in a derived form followed by the uninflected quotative nE or in a monoclausal QI in its basic stem form. Both options can be seen in the following illustrative short dialogue (subject crossreference of 3rd person singular is zero-marked): {...} a-nE {...} (238) a-ne-k oroz taN nE IPFV-QV-GOA dog cow thus IPFV-QV The dog replied to the cow, "..." (The cow) agreed. "..." (Arensen 1992: 309) As noted above, it is highly plausible that the quotative verb nE is a cognate verbal counterpart of the manner deictic nE. That the same QIindexing stem would then occur twice in a construction is not problematic, as this is attested in other languages as will be shown below for Mandinka. In fact, the general distributional behavior of Murle nE and Mandinka ko turns out to be very similar. In both languages, when the respective element appears in a QI twice, the two instances have different functions, one serving as predicate, the other as quote orienter. Moreover, the two occurrences are always separated from each other by some other linguistic material. What needs to be addressed in Murle in a more detailed treatment is the question whether the proposed categorial conversion between an invariable particle and an inflected verb is plausible in this language. If this were the case, a neat picture for DRD-marking would arise: taking monoclausal and bipartite QIs involving quotative nE together, this stem would account for 95% of all the tokens, making it THE quotative index of Murle. 21. Sandawe The QI2 in Sandawe has several variants differing in structural complexity. Their common denominator is an invariant particle ká'`. This particle does not undergo any morphological changes, notably cliticization of a SPpronoun. If the SP is to be expressed, it is always detached from this quotative. It is encoded inter alia by means of a pronominal enclitic on a second, optional QI-particle kí. In seeking an origin for both ká'` and kí a comparison with the manner interrogative of Sandawe is in order. This has the

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 339

form híkì 'how' and can host pronominal subject enclitics in a predicative structure, as in the following example: (239) híká'` !'ìnéwà how:3P.SBJ hunt.P how do they hunt? (Elderkin f.n.) The majority of question words in the language, like híkì, have a prefix hV-, so that it is legitimate to separate hi- from the manner interrogative. This leaves ki as the component marking manner. This relates transparently to the use of the QI-particle kí: it can be analyzed as conveying, when followed by the subject enclitic, the meaning 'SP like'. The invariant quotative ká'` is also similar to the manner interrogative kí, namely its surface form ká'` that occurs when it bears a 3rd-person subject enclitic as in (239) above. Example (240) offers the possibility of comparing the shape of both items concerned because it contains both the SP-inflected kí (in the form ká) and the invariable quotative. (240) pá:-ká-ká'` {...} NAR:3M.S.SBJ-?like:3M.S.SBJ-Q he said, '... (Elderkin f.n.) With this information, an explanation can be put forward for the quotative ká'`. According to Elderkin (p.c.), no language-internal objections stand in the way of assuming that it is the result of grammaticalization: the just-discussed morpheme complex kí-PRO, which co-varies with the subject, became petrified as an invariable particle - a scenario which could also explain the above-mentioned fact that ká'` cannot be followed by a pronominal subject enclitic. The most likely concrete source candidates in the paradigm are two forms with 3rd-person enclitics, namely the masculine singular in -à and the plural in -'à. While the presence of a final glottal stop in the quotative would suggest more specifically that the 3rd-person plural form was generalized, this phonetic detail might also be explained by the fact that ká'` occurs word-finally (and often pre-pausally), so that the singular form is not out of the question as a source. 22. Ju|'hoan In Ju|'hoan the verb kò is apparently the obligatory predicative for DRD because it is universally found in both QI1 and QI2. Although glossed by Dickens (1994: 228) as 'say', its lexical properties betray its alignment with

340 The origin of quotative indexes quotative verbs. It is also used as an introducer of onomatopoetic signs, as in (241). (241) ha n/a ko {/hom} 3S certainly QV {ID:fall.into.water} she certainly went '|hom' [the sound of falling into water] (Biesele 1993: 26) Ju|'hoan also possesses a verb koh encoding manner deixis, as in (242). (242) te ka si-!a ge ku koh and when 3P-P PRST IPFV do.thus And while they continued to do so, ... (Dickens 1994: 229) The orthographic representation koh reflects, according to Dickens (1994: 14-5), a phonetically breathy vowel with a "very low tone". Breathiness is a tonal depressor feature in this language, and in fact there is a high coincidence across the lexicon between the tonal feature and the vowel coloring. The loss of the latter would very plausibly yield a stem shape with just a low tone, which would be identical with the quotative verb kò. Therefore, only one simplifying sound change is needed in the grammaticalization from verbal manner deictic to QI-predicator. The loss of a marked phonetic feature (breathiness) that is assumed to have taken place in this process could be explained by the fact that the target of change is statistically much more frequent than its source. 23. Taa In Taa, in addition to the markers discussed in Section 5.1.3.2, there are also QI-predicators which are or could be related to the semantic domain of manner. It was indicated above that the performance verb tám 'do (like)' found as the predicator in QI2 has an inherent connotation of manner. This property can be explained by considering its morphological composition. The underlying form is ta-b-n, whereby the sound change involved vis-àvis the surface form tám is regular. The lexical base ta seems to have been a performance verb, too, - a likely cognate of which is the functionally very similar predicative ka, ta in the related language |Xam. In Taa the plain stem is used only in grammaticalized and idiomatic expressions. An example is the following (see also the Sections 6.5.2-3, 6.6.4):

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 341

(243) /-a# //o#e sî bà tá-n GQ-2S still CLCO IPFV PV-3S Are you still going on about it? (Traill p.c.) The second morpheme in ta-b-n is the marker bV 'be like' already referred to above. This morpheme must incorporate a pronominal enclitic, which in the case of tám is the concord -n of agreement class 5 referring to an abstract inanimate entity. The concord itself is completely absorbed but triggers the regular change of [b] to [m] in a nasal environment. One could translate tám literally with 'act like (it), act in a certain way'. The fact that the incorporated class-5 pronoun serves only as a non-referring dummy can explain why the verb always requires an additional deictic. The latter formally satisfies the verb's lexical valence for a manner of action. 24. Taa There is yet another case in Taa where a relation between a QI-element and a manner marker can be entertained. It concerns the predicative té'e), which is the default nucleus of the preposed QI1 and QI3. Although this verb is glossed by Traill (1994: 156) as 'say', it does not exhibit typical speechverb properties. It should rather be associated with the class of quotative verbs and mimesis markers, as it predominantly occurs in RD and related contexts like the insertion of onomatopoetic elements as in (244). (244) mà te) {xùm xùm xùm} 3S:IPFV QV {ON:crunching.noise} it goes crunch, crunch, crunch (Traill ms.) An element which is similar to this té'e) in form and function is a deictic of the form té'àã, tê'àã. It is glossed as 'there, that' in the relevant dictionary entry (Traill 1994: 156). It is lexically autonomous as compared with several other adnominal deictics inasmuch as it does not partake in paradigm formation by means of suffixation of nominal agreement class markers. In certain contexts, this element can convey an additional aspect of manner, as is discernible in (245) and (246). té'àã (245) tháa n@ nêe) thing ? be.like DEI the thing is like this (Traill 1994: 193-4)

342 The origin of quotative indexes (246) 'àhn tê'àã (or 'àhn tê tshôã 'àã) do DEI do it like this (Traill 1994: 197) The second example shows that the deictic can be split into two parts, with a reinforcing element tshôã intruding between the two. This opens the way for an etymological reconstruction of the complex deictic té'àã. The subcomponent 'àã is a regular demonstrative 'this' (Traill 1994: 197) in agreement with a class-2 noun; té, tê can be associated with an adverbializer and complementizer (Traill 1994: 156) which plausibly goes back to a class-2 noun 'place, matter, manner'. Therefore, the deictic té'àã, tê'àã seems to have originally been a noun phrase 'this way/place'. Note that the related language |Xam has a structurally identical element ti ee 'this way/place' used in a similar range of functions, including RD. The above analysis of té'àã is compatible with all of its synchronic uses: the deictic not only cooccurs with nêe) and 'àhn, as in the above examples, but with the performance verb tám as well. It is also used after motion verbs - the function which motivates Traill's meaning gloss 'there' (see below). Such a behavior is clearly reminiscent of the element 'áu 'this way'. This serves as a locative or manner deictic and is the most frequent deictic in the postposed QI2 based on tám. The following examples illustrate the parallel functions of 'áu and té'àã in locative contexts (under a.) and with tám (under b.). Their only difference seems to lie in the fact that 'áu encodes probable proximity to the speaker and is used anaphorically (i.a. with quotes in QI2), hence 'this way', while té'àã conveys a greater distance from the speaker and is used cataphorically, so that it can be glossed in parallel fashion as 'that/this way'. (247) a. 'áu sîi this.way come come this way (Traill 1994: 197) b. {...} 'áu tám this.way QV ... said it this way (Traill ms.) sâa tê'àã (248) a. n# n@ bà I ? IPFV go there I am going there (Traill 1994: 156)

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 343

b. n# n@ bà tám tê'àã I ? IPFV QV that I say that, that's what I say (Traill 1994: 156) On the basis of this information, and taking into account the not uncommon relation between deictic manner expressions and quotatives, a functional affinity emerges between the deictic té'àã and the quotative verb té'e). Besides the use of té'àã for encoding locative deixis, it provides the reference for deictically unsaturated action and manner verbs like 'àhn 'do', nêe) 'be like', and - the crucial point here - also tám 'do like', itself the quotative predicator in QI2. The quotative verb té'e) of QI1/3 can thus be construed as related to the deictic té'àã both functionally and etymologically: its quotative use, which (like the deictic) is also cataphoric, can be derived plausibly from the deictic meaning 'that/this way' AND it has a similar sound shape. A plausible scenario is that the deictic té'àã came to be used in its manner reading as a preposed quotative (as opposed to postposed 'áu in QI2) and grammaticalized further in this context as a QI-predicator. It thereby underwent phonetic simplification to té'e) via assimilation and shortening of the final vowel sequence. This process is not far-fetched since even té'e) itself can be further eroded to te) in fast speech, as can be seen in (244). 25. Lamang Lamang possesses the DRD-marking quotative verb gV, which can occur either in its simple form or more often in combination with the items ka- or win-, of which the former is the more frequent (see Appendix 2). At least the simple and the ka-form can be characterized generally as mimesis markers because they can also insert ideophones (Wolff 1983: 238, 242). (249) {b´@tl} gà-xáN dzát pùkghúvì {ID} QV-3P kill hyena and - b´@tl! - they killed Hyena (Wolff 1983: 238) Various uses of the lexeme outside the mimesis domain described by Wolff (1983: 237-8) indicate that it is originally a stem expressing manner. In the three following examples in which gV represents the personinflected clause nucleus, it makes a genuine semantic contribution which is best rendered as 'do some way, like'. This meaning can account for its use with mimetic expressions (including DRD, where it is translated as 'say')

344 The origin of quotative indexes and at the same time removes the difficulties acknowledged by Wolff (1983: 237) in deriving the non-speech uses from a purportedly original utterance meaning. gòl (250) m´$n vá-ná like just-DEM QV:IP Like this is how one ... (Wolff 1983: 238) (251) kágì sáat´$ QV:1S come how I came ... [or: this is how I came] (ibid.: 238) (252) né gì dá-kwór what QV:1S FUT-say How can I say (Wolff 1994: 334) 26. Mandinka The default marker of RD in Mandinka is the element ko - the predicate in QI1 and the quotative in QI2. It can even occur in both functions in the same QI as long as both instances are separated by other linguistic material (recall the analogous situation in Murle above); in example (253) the sequence ko ko is interrupted by the predication focus marker le. (253) m faa ko le ko {...} 1S father QV PF Q My father says that ... [non-DRD] (Pfeiffer (ed.) 1997: 35) The discussion in Creissels (1983: 188-9) shows that the similative marker 'like' has the same phonetic form ko. The element also appears in the complex conjunction ko niN 'as if'. Compare the following examples. (254) à be ko nìnsoo 3S COP like cattle:DET ça ressemble à une vache (Creissels 1983: 189) le (255) à ka dìyaamu ko niN à cafari-ta 3S IPFV speak as if 3S crazy-STAT PF il parle comme s'il était fou (ibid.: 188)

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 345

In view of this situation it is reasonable to view the similative marker as the source for the quotative index. It is significant in this respect that ko is a typical quotative verb whose lexical properties as a verb are, as mentioned in Sections 2.1.2/3, particularly exceptional. This verbal "deficiency" can be motivated as soon as its use as a clause predicate is viewed as a secondary phenomenon in the QI-context. Creissels (1983: 188) proposes a different historical scenario, however, which will be briefly discussed in Section 6.4. 27. Ngbaka Ma'bo A similar situation obtains in Ngbaka Ma'bo. The non-verbal quotative 'bo# is normally used as a QI-predicator. Less frequently, it can function as a quote orienter in a bipartite construction. This gram can also be used as an introduction of onomatopoetic signs, as shown in (256). (256) dúdùú 'bo# {dùúdùúdùúdùúdùúdùú}-tí coucou Q {ON}-IGB Coucou cria encore: "Coucou-coucou-coucou" (Thomas 1970: 83) Certain constructions indicate that this element could well have an origin in a manner marker. Thomas (1963: 286-7) reports that 'bo# followed by a relative clause encodes a subordinate clause type 'just as, like'. Thomas (1970: 13) lists another function word 'bò which marks "une similitude d'action." Here, the only difference from the quotative is tonal. Note that the alternation between a mid and a low tone exists with other grams as well, like the interrogatives wa#, wà (ibid.: 20) or the linkers 'a#, 'à (ibid.: 9, 15). 28. Ewe The case of the verb bé, which is the default QI-predicative of Ewe, has been viewed in the literature as one of the prototypical examples of the speech-verb channel (see especially Lord 1976). On this view, it has progressed from use as a quotative orienter in a bipartite QI toward functioning as a complementizer and purpose clause marker, and has also entered a number of other conjunctive elements (Westermann 1907: 91, 108, 111-4, 116). However, serious reservations can be brought forward against the presumed speech-verb origin of bé. A major concern is the lexical features of this stem. First, it is virtually restricted to QIs and to clauses referring to a quote, so that the semantic feature of utterance is not attested outside RD.

346 The origin of quotative indexes Second, for a "normal" speech verb, it is very defective with respect to conjugational, derivational, and valence properties. Therefore, Clements (1975: 168-9) argued that its use as a verb is the result of the omission of a matrix verb - an analysis which would receive additional support from the observed frequency of this phenomenon in West African languages. Irrespective of the answer to this particular problem, the general conclusion is fairly straightforward: the stem bé is not a generic speech verb, but is best analyzed as a quotative verb which is itself semantically opaque. In the search for a possible lexical source for bé, an item should be mentioned which fits in well in the element class discussed in this section. Westermann (1907: 102, 111, 113; 1954: 11, 13) reports an adverbial item ábe, with an allomorph abé, which conveys - on its own or in conjunction with other items - such notions as 'just like' in similatives, 'thus' in manner deixis, 'as, how' in manner clauses, 'because' in reason clauses, and 'whether' in indirect polar questions. See the similative use exemplified below: (257) e-lolo abe eya ene 3S-big SIML 3S SIML er ist so groß als jener [he is as big as that one] (Westermann 1907: 102) (258) e-zù àbé ví-nye-wó dòmè-t Íèká 3S-become SIML child-1S-P among one (s)he became like one of my children (Dawuda f.n.) A detail supporting the etymological relation between bé and ábe/abé is the fact that the only inflected form of the former, béna (the suffix is commonly identified as the habitual marker), has its counterpart in the latter, namely with the item ábena/abéna. The morphologically more complex adverb is said by Westermann (1907: 129) to consist of the future prefix áand the quotative verb bé resulting from a notion "man kann sagen" [one can say]; the subject pronominal would be lacking in the synchronic form. Although the conceptual link between this idiomatic phrase and the notion of similarity is indeed exploited in various languages (see Section 6.4), the approach as a whole has various problems in Ewe, even beyond the overhasty equation of bé with a generic speech verb 'say'. First, prefixing of the future marker á- is also Westermann's explanation for the creation of several other items, among them ále 'thus' derived from le 'be'. Here, the idio-

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 347

matic basis proposed by Westermann is no longer so transparent. Second, the deictic component in evidence in both ábe and ále does not arise directly either from the future/irrealis meaning of á- or the invoked idiom. The formation also does not explain in any obvious way the existence of the closely related items àlébé 'thus, then' or élèbé 'so, well', which seem to incorporate both le 'be' and bé. Last but not least, another origin of the prefix is quite possible (e.g., in the nominalization prefix a- or, an even more likely candidate, the definite/demonstrative marker á). Therefore, an alternative etymological hypothesis can be entertained: plausibly, bé was itself originally a marker conveying similarity or manner. This meaning could explain the semantics of ábe/abé and related markers as well as the use of bé in QIs and other functions in the quotative complex. It may even have been a type of equational verb similar to le and subsequently lost this meaning in the course of grammaticalization (cf. the similarly ambiguous case of Dongola E@). 29. Nguni The final example, from Nguni, appears in previous grammaticalization studies as another classical example of the speech-verb channel: the quotative verb thi and its cognates in other Bantu languages are said to be, or to originate in, a verb 'say' (see inter alia Lord (1976, 1993: 207), Heine et al. (1993: 192-8)). The present account differs from this analysis. It will turn out that the situation is in fact in some important respects quite similar to that described in Section 5.1.3.2 for Tikar. As the examples from Xhosa and Zulu in Section 4.4.1 have shown, the defective verb thi is used in this dialect cluster in all four mimesis domains. In its verbal noun form ukuthi, it has also developed, via its role as a quote orienter, into a complementizer and multipurpose subordinator. In purely synchronic terms, one would assign the lexeme most conveniently to the class of performance verbs. However, language-internal and comparative data give clear evidence that thi originates in a manner deictic 'like this'. The argument is laid out in detail in Güldemann (2002) with special reference to the cognate stem ti of Shona. Only the most important facts will be summarized here. First, in some contexts thi still conveys today the proposed original meaning. Compare the Zulu phrases: (259) wo-thi IMP-QV Do thus!, Act like this!

u-ngà-thi 2S-NEG.SUBJ-QV Don't do thus! (Moolman 1984: 141)

348 The origin of quotative indexes There is a second synchronic use of thi that can be directly associated with the semantics of 'like this'. The relative perfective stem form thile (also thize) is used on its own as an adnominal relative modifier with the meaning 'certain, some' (Doke 1992: §483-FN, Doke et al. 1990,2: 795). (260) umu-ntu o-thile 1-person REL:1-certain a certain person (Doke et al. 1990,2: 795) This second use is closely related to the function of cognate stems in other Bantu languages like Shona (Güldemann 2002: 271) or Nsenga (Ranger 1928: 205) which convey the notion 'such, particular, some'. Presumably, the normal cataphoric reference of the deictic stem is cancelled in this use because the information about the modified nominal is contextually available in some way. This phenomenon is also attested for manner deictics in other languages like German, Portuguese, and Bislama. The entire chain of ti's meaning changes across Bantu is here {'an X like this' > 'such an X' > 'a certain X'}. Another language-internal clue that thi originates in 'like this' is the existence in Nguni of a QI-opposition regarding the QI-quote order, which is linked to the different quotative verbs thi and (t)sho: thi can only occur in the preposed QI1, while (t)sho is typical for the postposed QI2. Thus, (t)sho is the anaphoric counterpart of cataphoric thi. This semantic pairing clearly parallels the typical opposition obtaining for manner deictics. Table 51 provides the forms of these two items across the major varieties of the Nguni cluster, based on McLaren (1936) for Xhosa, Doke (1992) for Zulu, Ziervogel & Mabuza (1976) for Swati, and Ziervogel (1959) for Northern Transvaal Ndebele. Table 51. Reflexes of Bantu *ti in Nguni Series Cataphoric Anaphoric

Xhosa thi tsho

Zulu thi sho

Swati tsì shò

Northern Transvaal Ndebele ri tjho

These data make it possible to reconstruct the origin of the second, anaphoric form in o: it emerged via the incorporation of the Common-Bantu previous-reference marker -o into the basic form thi. This accounts for both the sound changes (palatalization of the initial alveolar consonant and possible subsequent lenition toward a fricative) and the inherent meaning com-

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 349

ponent of anaphor that is evident in the otherwise unexplained QIdistinction. Finally, there is straightforward comparative data justifying the present analysis. Some Bantu languages of zone J which share certain other rare isoglosses with Nguni have cognates of thi, (t)sho, and a related interrogative, all of which take only subject crossreference. The meaning which is given for this stem triplet is precisely that reconstructed here, namely manner. This is exemplified in (261) with data from the dialect cluster NyoroToro-Nkore-Kiga (see also Murphy (1972: 545) for Ganda and Appleby (1958: 97) for Luhya) (the form in c. has been slightly modified from the original for the sake of a coherent paradigm.): (261) a. n-ki-kore n-ta 1S-IA-do:SUBJ 1S-how b. ... n-ti 1S-like.this c. ... n-tyo 1S-like.that 5.1.4

How shall I do it? I'll do it like this. I'll do it like that. (Taylor 1985: 186)

Deictics and other pronominal elements referring to the quote

5.1.4.1 Introduction Deictics with the special meaning component of manner have already been treated with a view to this semantic feature in Section 5.1.3. There, it could be seen that for some items deixis and similarity/manner are both inherent to a sign and cannot be separated. In other cases it seems that the sign has a basic function, either as an unmarked deictic or as a similative marker, but that certain discourse contexts can trigger a reading which brings the other feature into play. For example, regarding the development in Taa {deictic té'àã > quotative té'e)}, as proposed in Section 5.1.3.3, it is difficult to separate the two properties and to determine whether one or the other is basic and, if so, which one. Nevertheless, I have decided to keep them in principle apart, for two reasons: (1) there are complex markers composed of two signs, each conveying one of the two features (see the data in Sections 5.1.3.1-3 from Choco, Remote Oceanic, Bantu zone A, Wolof, Tikar, and Nguni) and (2) both marker types can occur in QIs independently from each other. The two features have, of course, a similar function in a QI in that both focus the audience on the presence of the quote, which explains

350 The origin of quotative indexes why they tend to be encoded at the same syntactic locus or even by the same part of speech. The pointing function of a plain deictic adverb or pronoun in the context of a QI is not directed to some entity in the real world. Instead, a deictic in quotative function has scope over a discourse constituent, viz. the quote. It establishes with this reference an overt semantic relation between the two constituents of the binary RD-construction, at the same time orienting the audience toward the presentation of DRD. Here, the quotation-asdemonstration metaphor proposed by Clark & Gerrig (1990) has its most direct formal correlate. The pointing function has precedence over all other functions of a deictic in a QI. For example, deictics are, in terms of linear order, normally the QI-elements closest to a quote or another mimetic expression so that they conveniently demarcate a constituent boundary. Their possible syntactic role of saturating the valence slot of a transitive speech verb as a complement is only an occasional and secondary effect because such a slot is often not provided by the matrix. These functional aspects and the lexical properties of deictic markers motivate the normal syntactic QI-configuration into which they enter: they most frequently occur in a bipartite structure in addition to a speech verb or a quotative verb. Presumably, this use of a deictic is an optional choice in many languages, especially where the QI precedes the quote. Lamang, for example, has such an occasional usage with the proximal demonstrative ná. ná {...} (262) ká márákw Ngánà kéyá Q woman ANA particular DEM Said that woman: "... (Wolff 1983: 268) From such a structure, these items frequently develop into conventionalized quotative/complementizers. See, for example, Lockwood (1968) for well-known cases in Germanic like Faroese tadh, English that, German daß, etc., as well as Blass (1989: 303-4) for the probable origin of the Sissala quotative/complementizer rV in a locative/demonstrative rE@ 'here, this'. In a parallel fashion, the very incipient use of ná as a quote orienter in Lamang is likely to have its more grammaticalized counterparts in other Chadic languages, notably in the genealogically and geographically very close languages Podoko (alias Parkwa) and Mandara (alias Wandala), which are listed by Frajzyngier (1996a: 152) as having a complementizer na. As a second possibility, such items can regularly fuse with a QI con-

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 351

stituent. This can be the main predicate, a similative marker (see above), or an auxiliary, as in the North-American language Pima (Munro 1982: 310). The scenario starting from a bipartite structure appears to account for the majority of crosslinguistically attested cases. However, a bare deictic assuming the role of a QI-predicator is in principle also possible, often apparently associated with the omission of a matrix verb. Such cases seem to occur recurrently in West Africa, as reported, for example, by Blass (1989: 305-6) for Sissala and Hill (1995) for Adioukrou. Thus, in Adioukrou the quotative marker ninE/nEnE 'this' is found in both a bipartite (263) and a monoclausal QI-pattern (264). In the latter even the SPnominal can be omitted. Hill (1995: 92-FN12) explicitly states that despite the use of ninE/nEnE as a predicator it "is not a 'say' verb, but is the functional equivalent of one, the verb dad 'say' being left implicit." Unfortunately, the data are not sufficient to ascertain whether Hill's gloss 'this' appropriately reflects the element's status as a plain deictic, or whether it conveys an additional meaning component such as manner. (263) li dad wEl nEnE { ny ùsr ir el} 3S say 3P this {you build me a house} She said to them, 'You build me a house.' [non-DRD] (Hill 1995: 91) (264) Mel ninE {òw aNa} PN this {come here} Mel said, 'Come here.' (ibid.: 93) The discussion by Frajzyngier (1991: 227-36) of the function word n´ in Mupun, a dialect of Mwaghavul, provides a very similar picture. As briefly mentioned in Section 2.1.1, this element occurs both in a bipartite QI as a quote orienter and in a monoclausal QI as the sole predicator due to verb omission. Frajzyngier's proposal (1991) of an etymological derivation of n´ from a demonstrative, probably cognate with the na cited above from other Chadic languages, would assign this case to the phenomenon at issue (see, however, Section 5.1.4.4 for an inverse scenario proposed by the same author in a later study). A final point concerns the possible etymological relation between pronominals that refer in QIs to a quote and certain interrogatives. I refer in particular to the well-known polyfunctionality pattern in Indo-European languages: various reflexes of an inflected indefinite-interrogative pronoun stem *kw- are, in addition to their primary function, found as relative mark-

352 The origin of quotative indexes ers and complementizers. Hopper & Traugott (1993: 192), for example, mention Hittite and Latin. The situation in Latin (quis 'who?', qui 'who (REL)', quidam 'some, a certain') continues to hold in a similar form in its successors, the modern Romance languages. For example, Portuguese que, which is no longer inflected, functions as a relative and interrogative pronoun 'which, what' as well as a multipurpose complementizer 'that'. Such grammaticalization of an indefinite-interrogative pronoun into the domain of RD is unlikely to be merely an Indo-European idiosyncrasy. Cases of similarity or identity in shape between QI-elements and interrogatives are also encountered in the sample and will be listed briefly here. Listing them does not, however, imply any assertion that the compared items are indeed etymologically related. The quotative/complementizer nà of QI2 in Ngambay differs only tonally from the interrogative ná 'what' (Vandame 1963: 197). In Murle, the manner deictic nE seems to be phonetically identical to nE 'how, what', which may be restricted to verbs referring to propositional contents (Lyth 1971,1: 23; 2: 104; 3: 38). The interrogative pronoun for human entities 'who' in Murle is NEnE (Arensen 1982: 115), which thus has also an affinity in shape to the two previous items. The following example demonstrates the similarity of 'how, what' and quotative 'thus' in essentially identical clause contexts. (265) a-nek-an nE IPFV-QV:GOA-1S.OBJ what {...} k-a-nek-in nE 1S.S-IPFV-QV:GOA-2S.OBJ thus What are you saying to me? ... I said ... (Arensen 1992: 327) As a last example, the quotative/mimesis verb *ti of Bantu, which I reconstructed in Section 5.1.3.3 as a manner deictic 'thus', is strikingly close in its phonetic shape and morphosyntactic use to an interrogative of several central-eastern Savannah Bantu languages. The latter item is used as a verbal modifier of a noun; it conveys 'which, what kind of' and with additional elements sometimes also 'how many' (see Guthrie (1967-71,4: 105) and Meyer (1949/50)). The following example is from Nyanja: (266) mw-ezi u-ti 3-month 3:DEP-which welcher Monat? [which month?] (Meyer 1949/50: 94)

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 353

Although the proposal of a historical relation between the items in question is quite suggestive in some cases, no attempt can be made here to go into detail in this regard. However, these data and similar cases that may emerge in other languages should be scrutinized in the future with a view to the phenomenon in Indo-European. 5.1.4.2 Elements in the sample used as quote orienter Based on the above considerations, this sample survey adds the following potential cases to the list of attested examples for the use of a deictic or a similar element in RD, and possibly its subsequent grammaticalization. 1. Koyra Chiini Without wanting to assert an etymological relation, I mention here for the record the formal similarity between two elements in Koyra Chiini, namely the optional particle ne in QI2 and the locative deictic nee (Heath 1998b: 204). 2. Ik The quotative taa of QI2 in Ik can be associated with the particle taa, conveying 'that' and the expression 'that is' (see Heine 1999b: 85, 145). 3. Kunama Another example was already mentioned in Section 5.1.2.3 in connection with generic performance verbs: the first syllable of the QI-verb ake# in Kunama can be identified as a deictic marker which was incorporated by the predicative. 4. Anywa The hypothesis proposed by Reh (1996) regarding the etymology of the quotative ní in Anywa is also relevant here because it posits the incorporation of a quote-referring cataphoric element. The language possesses a conjunction n"# marking clauses of simultaneous action, manner, and perceived states (ibid.: 397-8, 412-3, 414-5), which is said to derive from a locative copula. The relation of this clause linker to the quotative is explained as follows (ibid.: 400): The stable (extra) high tone of the quotative ... marker ní strongly suggests that it consists of two morphemes, the first with a mid tone and the second with a low tone (see A 4.3 [explaining "stable high-tone creation"]). Hence,

354 The origin of quotative indexes it may be possible that it is a combination of the conjunction n"# and some other morpheme (e.g. a pronominal element -I 'it/this'). This would mean that the quotative marker ní originally was a sentential complement by itself meaning something like 'being this'.

5. Lamang The incorporation of a deictic into a verbal QI-predicator can also be assumed for Lamang. The predicator is the default quotative verb gV, which was related in Section 5.1.3.3 to a manner verb. Apart from the rarely used remnants of the verb in its simple form, it is mostly found with the prefixes ka- and, less frequently, win(ka)-. It is not clear whether these items had already been incorporated by gV in its original function or whether they occurred first as free quote orienters in RD and later became attached secondarily to the quotative verb. The fact that they precede the QI-predicate strongly suggests an earlier position of the QI after the quote because, as mentioned in Section 5.1.4.1, deictics in QIs tend to be adjacent to the quote. A preceding quote is indeed still found today in the case of QI2/4 which account for the majority of the token total in the present corpus. It is even possible that this pattern was more frequent in the past because Frajzyngier (1996a: 116-8, 130-2) reports for the closely related language Xdi (alias Hdi) that the sequence [quote ka (QI-predicate)] is the only possible order in RD-constructions with ka. This element can also instantiate a QI on its own (see below) in both Xdi and Lamang. In Lamang, this nonverbal QI is found in a neat complementary distribution with the verbal QI mostly established by the two prefix-bearing quotative verbs ka-gV and win(ka)-gV. In other words, there are no QIs which simultaneously display the particle ka and the ka-prefixed verb gV. This suggests that the prefixed verb forms are the reflex of an earlier bipartite QI-pattern in which the predicate came to incorporate the quote orienter, which would account for the fact that Lamang lacks synchronically such a QI-type. Particles with a ka-like shape are indeed attested in other Chadic languages as quotative/complementizers cooccurring with a predicate, and these can in turn be derived from an equally widespread morpheme with a deictic function. For Lamang, Wolff (1983: 203-4, 209-10) and Wolff & Heusing (ms.) list such adnominal items as ká'á 'such, like this' and káyá 'that, particular', which might contain ka. For the Chadic family as a whole, Schuh (1983) reconstructs *kV as a marker of "previous reference". The origin of the Lamang quotative-verb series with win- is certainly a more local phenomenon. It could in fact be specific to a restricted group of

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 355

speakers or even idiosyncratic within Lamang, as it is apparently not used by all speakers. This corresponds with the fact that deictic elements corresponding to this prefix are difficult to find. Nevertheless, it is possible that win- has cognates in demonstratives like wuna in Mafa (Wolff p.c.) or wìhíN in Mina (alias Hina, a Tera dialect, Frajzyngier 1996a: 159) - two languages which are classified with Lamang in group A of the Central or Biu-Mandara branch of Chadic. 6. Izon The Izon quotative e`be` bará 'that way' of QI5 was already mentioned in Section 5.1.3.2 as an instance of a manner marking source. Its second element bára is a noun meaning 'way'. The first item e`be` must be an anaphoric deictic marker, in view of this fact and of the observation that it is occasionally replaced by the demonstrative bi`. The element e`be` can also occur in QI1/2/3 followed directly by a clause-connective -nì`. This item constitutes another example of a deictic used as, or being a part of, a quotative. (7.) Donno S The last case to be mentioned in connection with the quote-orienter use concerns the IRD-complementizer g in Donno S . According to Culy (1994: 121) it can be aligned with respect to its etymological derivation with the cases just discussed: ... the complementizer is not derived from a verb of speech. The complementizer is go, while the relevant verb of speech is gE. There is no form of this verb that resembles the complementizer any more than the stem does. Furthermore, the complementizer contracts with a preceding word under certain circumstances, while the verb never does. Finally, the complementizer is homophonous with a definite determiner. Thus it seems that the most likely source for the complementizer is from the nominal system, not the verbal system.

5.1.4.3 Elements in the sample used as clause nucleus 8. Krongo The first case to be mentioned here is from Krongo. Its default QI-verb is ìkkì (citation form t-ìkkì with verbal-noun prefix). This lexeme is translated in the source as a generic speech verb 'say' and is also counted here as such. It must be recognized, however, that this categorization is not based on any clear concrete evidence regarding its lexical properties. Section

356 The origin of quotative indexes 7.1.2 will provide data which in fact cast considerable doubt on this analysis. Instead, ìkkì could be a quotative verb ultimately derived from a deictic, because it is phonetically similar to the demonstrative íkkì 'that' (Reh 1985: 170-1). However meager the indications from within Krongo appear to be at present, it should be considered in future research that the QI-verb may have emerged from a quote-referring deictic via grammaticalization. Regarding such a scenario, it is suggestive that the demonstrative íitìyíN has a counterpart in the class of verbs, namely t-íitìyíN (ibid.) This means that the categorial distinction between the items compared here is not insurmountable. 9. Burunge The QI4 of Burunge is established by the quotative particle ta, which can also occur in QI5 as a quote orienter. It is also used as an introducer of ideophones as shown in (267). In the closely related Iraqw, the cognate ta is used only in this mimetic context but not with RD (M. Mous p.c.). hhapeege ta {kuxu} (267) diidaw hi-gi kala/ i lion 3S-SEQ stamp:3S:PFV soil:ALL Q {ID} Der Löwe stampfte auf den Boden, und es machte kuxu ... [the lion stamped on the ground and it went kuxu in the room] (Kießling 1994: 227) So far, there is no ready explanation at hand for the origin of ta. A morpheme ta can be identified in the paradigms of indefinite deictic locative adverbs (Kießling 1994: 188-9). The same morpheme is also found in taqay 'like this', which seems to be related to the adverb series because it not only displays ta but also a suffix -qay. A possible association between quotative ta and deictic ta is a hypothesis worth pursuing in the future (Kießling p.c.). Another possible connection is that ta in both the quotative and the deictics might be related to the feminine marker t-, in that the semantic sphere of the feminine gender might include a stable conceptual connotation of such abstract notions as manner, location, entity, etc., because abstract nouns like 'idoo 'manner, thing', daqa 'place', gaa 'thing' are feminine and these play a central role in the domain of clause linkage in Burunge and Alagwa. 10. Kera I mentioned in Section 5.1.1.2 that the speech-verb reconstruction of the Kera quotative/complementizer míntí is not the only possible account.

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 357

Given that pronominals can come to function as QI-predicators, the existence of the following triplet of items which co-vary with gender and number and are translated as "derjenige/lequel [that one]" should be mentioned: muntú (M.S), m´nt´@ (F.S), m´nt´@N (P) (Ebert 1976: 82). An almost identical set muntú, m´ntá, m´nt´@N is given by Ebert (1979: 224) for the adnominal interrogative 'which'. There are still other noteworthy facts about the possible etymological connection of the quotative míntí. First, it is even more similar in shape to another interrogative mìntí 'who' (Ebert 1979: 224). Second, míntí when following the gender-number sensitive attributive particles b´$ (M.S), d´$ (F.S), g´$ (P) functions as a relative marker (Ebert 1979: 257-9). Finally, there is a second, less frequent quotative má in Kera and this is comparable in form to the interrogative mà 'what' (see Ebert 1979: 224). The significance of all this for the present discussion emerges from the existence of the polyfunctionality pattern outlined briefly in Section 5.1.4.1 for Indo-European *kw-. A similar historical scenario could be relevant in Kera for an indefinite pronominal item mVntV under the assumption that míntí is related to mìntí and muntú, m´ntá, m´nt´@N (as possibly also má to mà). It is significant in this context that mV can be reconstructed as an interrogative stem for Chadic in general (Wolff p.c.). A specific feature of Kera vis-à-vis the Indo-European case would be that míntí, once grammaticalized to a quotative, acquired the possibility of occurring in a QI on its own - a common phenomenon in West Africa and in the Chadic family in particular. 11. Lamang It was mentioned previously that the quotative ka of Lamang, besides its occurrence as a quotative-verb prefix, can be used as a clause nucleus, namely in QI3/4. Given its probable origin in a non-verbal deictic stem, the latter employment must be viewed as the result of another instance of verb omission (just referred to for Kera). 5.1.4.4 Speech verbs as sources for deictics? I have presented evidence for a grammaticalization process that is already widely recognized, namely that a quote-referring pronominal element can become routinized in a QI and possibly expand as a quotative into uses outside narrow reported speech. I have also given indications of a barely noticed phenomenon whereby such elements can take on the behavior of a QI-predicator under the specific circumstance of verb omission. In this context, I must refer to a hypothesis that relates deictics and QI-verbs to

358 The origin of quotative indexes each other in a quite different way. Frajzyngier (1996b: 182-94) tackles an area of grammaticalization research where little progress has been made so far, namely the etymological reconstruction of demonstratives. His paper makes a number of unprecedented claims regarding the general topic, not all of which are pertinent here. The relevant proposal (ibid.: 172) on grammaticalization is the following chain of changes: "verb of saying > definite > anaphor > deictic (remote) > deictic (proximate)." I will not embark here on a critique of the plausibility and consistency of the theoretical reasoning. I rather confine myself to reviewing the data which are said to give evidence for the above development, but which in my opinion are not suitable for making this claim. The hypothesis is based primarily on two empirical observations: (1) the frequent phonetic similarity between determiners and QI-predicatives across the Chadic family, and (2) the existence of an idiomatic use of 'say'-verbs in various European languages. The conceptual gist of the scenario is as follows (ibid.: 182): A verb of saying refers to something that was previously mentioned in discourse, such as contemporary expressions in various IE [Indo-European] languages, e.g. English (legalese) the said document, French ledit journal, Polish rzeczony dokument. Through a metonymic process, the verb of saying becomes the only marker of something that has been said, a de dicto marker. Such a marker implies, among other things, a distance in time. By a metaphorical process a distance in time becomes the marker of distance in space, a spatial deictic marker.

Fortunately, the history of the European constructions said to evidence the initial stages of the proposed process chain is sufficiently well known to evaluate the actual relevance of these constructions for the proposed scenario. The conclusion is unequivocal: there is not a single case where such an idiom has actually emancipated itself toward a grammaticalized determiner, not even in French, where the structure is said to have been "much more widespread" in older chronolects. The purported European phenomenon, then, can hardly be considered a convincing precedent for the development concerned.53 This objection is in fact even more serious for the analysis of the Chadic data. In all the above and other cases of European languages, various morphosyntactic preconditions must be met in order for a 'say'-phrase

53 W. McGregor (p.c.) also points out that this usage need not be related particularly to 'say'-verbs, in view of such English expressions as the X in question or the aforementioned X.

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 359

to be able to convey the desired meaning of 'entity that was mentioned previously': (1) the predicate should be an adnominal modifier, (2) it should take the modified nominal as its notional object, (3) it should refer semantically to speech and be at least partly transitive, and (4) it ideally should encode anteriority. All this is achieved in European languages by the use of a speech verb in a distinct and well-profiled conjugation form which applies to large parts of the verbal lexicon and not just to one item like 'say', namely a passive participle or a similar category. And yet, as mentioned above, the proposed development did not take place even in the languages which have these structural prerequisites. How, then, can it be expected that the historical scenario will apply to Chadic, where almost none of the above morphosyntactic preconditions are found at all? Unfortunately, the author does not devote any discussion to the fact that his assumed source structure is clause-like and thus should show in its early stages at least some signs of morphosyntactic complexity. For none of the Chadic languages is a concrete historical scenario given according to which an adnominal 'say'-construction of this particular type was phonetically reduced toward an uninflected demonstrative. Nor is it shown that the simple juxtaposition of a noun and a speech verb in this family ever actually conveys the required notion of 'the X mentioned previously'. It is also overlooked completely that the Chadic items which allegedly develop into deictics are typically very different from their European counterparts: while the latter are true generic speech verbs, the former are often quotative verbs or QI-predicators, which normally do not occur in adnominal passive or object relative clauses. By not recognizing the clausal character of the invoked source structure, the reconstruction work is largely confined to a fairly random mass comparison between the forms of determiners on the one hand and of speech verbs and verb-like QI-elements on the other (the data is given in Frajzyngier 1996a). The similarities cited, which range from close to fairly loose, are not scrutinized through the lens of historical-comparative methodology, which makes it difficult for the reader to see how a given protoform changes over time and across languages to yield a particular linguistic sign with a particular function in a modern Chadic language. Unsurprisingly for this methodology, most of Frajzyngier's six reconstructed 'say'verbs, namely *lV[+high], *(V)nV, *gVt, * V[-high]l, *wV[+back]t, *yaC (see Frajzyngier 1996a: 112-3, 1996b: 186-9), have a fairly indeterminate phonetic shape with a particularly wide range of vowel quality. Finally, the hypothesized speech-verb origin of three of the deictic cognate sets in Chadic has serious consequences for linguistic reconstruction

360 The origin of quotative indexes in this family as well as in its higher-order group Afroasiatic. In particular, it would dismantle Schuh's (1983: 158) reconstruction of the Proto-Chadic system of determiners or at least complicate the explanation of its emergence. This system, according to Schuh, encompasses the following forms and functions: (268) *n *t *k *Î *i

masculine singular and possibly plural demonstrative feminine singular demonstrative marker of previous reference (gender neutral) marker of definiteness (gender neutral) marker of definiteness (gender neutral)

This determiner paradigm contains several highly plausible oppositions, notably that between discourse-anaphoric *k and the rest, or the gender distinction between *n and *t; all three of the forms *k, *n, *t have correspondences in other Afroasiatic groups, including the relevant gender correlation. Under Frajzyngier's hypothesis, three of the five determiners, that is, all except *t and *Î, are to be derived from generic speech verbs, namely *n < *(V)nV, *k < *gVt, *i < *yaC. However, one wonders how the determiner paradigm with its specific internal structure - which is not mentioned by Frajzyngier, let alone questioned - came into being. How, for example, is a generic speech verb supposed to yield a gender opposition after its purported grammaticalization to a determiner? In fact, the latter question would have to be posed at a much deeper level, for early Afroasiatic as a whole, if the plausible claim is upheld that the masculine deictic *n in Chadic is cognate with counterparts in its sister families. All in all, Frajzyngier's scenario on the development of generic speech verbs to anaphoric and demonstrative markers in Chadic is unconvincing with regard to both empirical evidence and linguistic methodology. Except for adding a novel theoretical hypothesis which could be pursued in future research, the study hardly advances our knowledge about possible lexical sources of the relevant gram type. To be sure, it remains a valid observation that there is a more-than-chance frequency in Chadic of a phonetic resemblance between deictics and predicative QI-elements. However, as indicated above, an alternative explanation is capable of accounting for some of the cases. Quotatives commonly originate in quote-referring proforms, including deictics. In any language which allows non-verbal QIs that are based on a grammaticalized quotative - a phenomenon acknowledged by Frajzyngier as frequent in Chadic - an isomorphism of the two

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 361

element types can in principle arise. Thus the relevant isomorphism could well have emerged, at least in some cases, from the plausible scenario {deictic > quotative > QI-predicator > quotative verb}. Evidence for the possibility of reinterpreting a non-verbal element as a more verb-like predicative will be presented in Section 5.2.2. 5.1.5

Other minor element types

5.1.5.1 Foregrounding devices and presentationals The present section is devoted to two classes of QI-patterns which can be subsumed under the partly related rubrics of foregrounding devices and presentationals. These do not form a homogeneous group from a morphosyntactic viewpoint, but they do have a functional common denominator: both refer to ways that pieces of information are encoded as a function of their discourse status. In fact, no unequivocal cases of these QI-types were found in the sample as a regular or fully grammaticalized structure. But clear instances could be culled from the literature. As these patterns should find a place in the present discussion on possible QI-variation, they will be treated below in some details on the basis of relevant case studies. The fact that DRD is repeatedly inserted into discourse by constructions which mark it as prominent can be motivated by the intimate association of DRD with a dramatic speech mode. If direct quotes thus tend to be foregrounded information, it is a logical consequence that their indexing constructions will often employ formal means which express this foregrounding overtly. This can be done in two different ways: either (1) it is the quote itself which is treated as a focused discourse constituent, or (2) the internal QI-structure is such that the speech event referred to and represented by the adjacent quote is marked as the salient information. A good example of the first option is the case of Swedish bara 'only, just', which is discussed extensively by Eriksson (1995). This particle, which is originally a restrictive modifier, has become quite frequent in the speech of adolescents both as a general foregrounding device and as a quotative. A formal sign of its grammaticalization in this speech register is that in this use it generally appears in a reduced shape ba. This is illustrated by the following examples. In (271), the particle introduces a sign where a non-linguistic sound and a gesture made with the nose are combined in order to convey sniffing. This suggests that the element can be used as an introducer of mimetic expressions in general.

362 The origin of quotative indexes (269) hade han sagt nej hade han ba dragit upp kniven had he said no had he just taken out knife å gjort de liksom and done it like When the guy said 'no' he TOOK [= just took] out the knife and cut him. (Eriksson 1995: 25-6) (270) Anki å Malin ba {öh jävla hippie} PN and PN just {oh bloody hippie} Anki and Malin said 'Oh bloody hippie'. (ibid.: 19) (271) tog han upp handen så här å så ba took he up the.hand like this and then just He took her hand and smelled it. (ibid.: 26-7)

{sniffar} {sniffing}

The employment of ba(ra) in such contexts is not just an idiosyncrasy of Swedish adolescents. An identical structure [und X bloß] 'and X just' serves the same function in dramatic and vivid discourse in colloquial German. Although no African grammaticalized construction of this type was identified in the sample, individual tokens introducing DRD and other mimetic signs repeatedly displayed an element similar to Swedish ba or German bloß. For example, in Ik the particles j'a and tsamu (both translated as 'only, just') were found to occur with both DRD and ideophones (cf. (427) in Section 7.1.2). While the above elements are all restrictive focus markers, A. Foolen (p.c.) has also found a pattern which appears to be semantically opposite, namely the quotative use of universal quantifiers like English all. The common denominator between the two element types appears to be their potential foregrounding function. This foregrounding effect can also be associated with other QI-elements discussed in previous sections. Thus, an important aspect of quote-pointing deictics is to focus the audience's attention on the indexed DRD. Such a function can sometimes also be found with other element types. Underhill (1988), for example, discusses the general focusing nature of the similative marker like, which very probably played an important role in its development to a general marker of mimesis in colloquial American English. The second strategy for emphasizing DRD is to present the event denoted by the quote as the important point of information in the structure where it is explicitly or notionally referred to, that is, within the QI itself. If the event notion is foregrounded, the quote becomes salient, too. Some grammatical phenomena which are potentially relevant in this respect were

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 363

discussed in Section 2.1.2 in connection with markedly predicative QIs in the sample data. Their common denominator is a marked information structure achieved by devices marking truth/event focus and theticity. When these occur regularly in the environment of DRD, they are likely to be associated with the status of DRD as foregrounded information. Segmental markers that figure in such a construction must be considered in the present discussion of QI-elements. The sample does not contain cases where such devices are clearly grammaticalized. Although focus markers like the clause-final particles búwó in Lamang, yè in Ngbaka Ma'bo, and Íe in Ewe (mentioned in Section 2.1.2) are found to occur repeatedly in QIs of the survey, they cannot be characterized as reflexes of regular usage due to the limited size of the data bases. Segmental markers of theticity used in QIs were not attested at all in the text corpora, which is to a large extent due to the fact that theticity is mostly expressed by means of syntactic and/or suprasegmental devices. However, this is not always the case. Güldemann (1996: 204-6) describes the case of Umbundu, where a finite form of the quotative verb ti which is cognate with the common Bantu mimesis marker often occurs with a prefix ha-. (272) kandimba ha-ti {ha-a} hare PRES:3S-QV {no} Mr. Hare said: "No." (Schadeberg 1990: 48) This prefix can be identified as the presentative morpheme há-, which normally occurs before nominal constituents. Here, this copulative item is used with scope over a verbal constituent (a phenomenon which has several precedents across the language family) and marks event-central theticity. It will be shown below that cognates of há- also appear in two other Bantu languages in the context of mimesis. There is a foregrounding device which is functionally closely related to the domain of theticity, namely a short clause presenting a nominal entity like English it/there is X. Such presentationals appear to be employed relatively often in a QI; here, the structure combines a presentational marker with a nominal referring to the SP. That this can be a fairly productive strategy was already mentioned in Section 2.1.1 and exemplified there with the case of Tongan. As the following example from colloquial Portuguese with a presentational demonstrative and a SP-nominal shows, this can also be an option in languages which usually employ other QI-types.

364 The origin of quotative indexes (273) aí os gajos {...} there these guys then these guys were like, "... The reason why such structures have thus far played no significant role in the discussion of routinized QIs lies not so much in their rarity, but in the biased approach to this construction type as discussed in Section 4.1. A case in point is the treatment of the Old Akkadian quotative enma and the way it has figured in the previous discussion of QIs. The most recent treatment can be found in Deutscher (2000: 68-70), on which the following information is based. The quotative is the nucleus of the relevant QI; it is followed by a SP-nominal in nominative case and optionally also by an oblique phrase consisting of the preposition ana 'to' and an AD-nominal (cf. Section 2.1.1). The construction as a whole cannot be viewed either as a genitival structure or as a predicative clause because of its syntactic and morphological properties. It is not surprising, then, that there has been disagreement concerning its proper historical reconstruction. Note first that enma and its later form umma have been cited previously in the crosslinguistic discussion of the quotative complex: Saxena (1995: 360) lists the word as an instance of a quotative derived from a manner deictic 'thus'. It is surely ironic, in light of the general lack of attention to the manner-deictic path, that in this particular case such an analysis proves inadequate. Deutscher argues convincingly that thus and German folgendermaßen are merely conventional translations of the quotative in glossaries and text editions. The attempts of Assyriologists to clarify the origin of enma are summarized by Deutscher in a long footnote (2000: 70, FN-25): Two etymologies have been suggested for enma. In his dictionary, von Soden (1965-81) says that enma is related to Hebrew hinne#h, Ugaritic hn, which are 'presentative' focus particles. According to this etymology, enma would consist of en (cognate with hinne#h, hn) and the emphatic particle -ma. The connection between 'presentative' focus particles and quotative particles # is attested elsewhere in Semitic. In Hebrew, a form of the particle hinneh can appear after the verbs 'see' and 'dream' ... It is also probable that the Hebrew particle is cognate with Arabic 'inna, which is also used as a quotative particle and as a complementizer. There are also possible parallels in Old Aramaic and Ethiopic ... A different etymology has been suggested by Baumgartner (1974), who relates enma to Hebrew n'um ('speech').

Deutscher also adds his own hypothesis in the same footnote: he falls back on the speech-verb channel, despite the massive problems involved in

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 365

applying it to the case of enma/umma, which he recognizes himself. His primary motivation is his belief that "the usual source for quotative particles is verbs of speech." As mentioned throughout this study, this is a weak argument. To me, it seems much more in line with the syntax of the relevant construction, the family-internal comparative facts given by Deutscher himself, and the crosslinguistic parallels presented here to follow von Soden's etymology quite literally and align the QI with other presentational predications that focus on the SP. Similar QI-types are found in Africa, too. In Shona, for example, the identificational copulative phrase ndíye 'it is' can be used to introduce DRD and ideophones. Note that here the element at issue seems to have the mimetic sign in its scope rather than the agent (ye is an invariant dummy and does not co-vary with the clause subject). (274) ndi-ye {sáráí} COP-PRO {stay!} (= goodbye!) and he said, Goodbye; [contextual meaning:] and he died (Fortune 1971: 252) (275) imbwá ndí-ye gumbo ro-múridzi {n'á} dog COP-PRO 5.leg 5:GEN-owner {ID:bite} lit. As for the dog, it is a biting of the leg of its owner; viz. The dog bit its owner in the leg (ibid.: 250) This structure also seems to underlie historically the major QI in TongaInhambane already discussed in Section 2.1.3 in connection with the many non-verbal features of its basic element kha. Recall that this stem frequently (though not always) occurs without any prefixal verb morphology marking predication-operator functions (tense, aspect, etc.) and subject crossreference. In this form, it is followed only by a noun or a suffixed pronominal element referring to the SP. See two further examples: (276) {...} kha Rasi Q PN ..." says Rasi (Lanham 1955: 140) (277) gyanana gy-adi-hakha khigyo {...} 7:child 7-PST-answer Q:7DEM The child replied saying ... (ibid.)

(khigyo < *kha-igyo)

366 The origin of quotative indexes Lanham views these cases as derived from a canonical verbal structure which has dropped the prefixes, implying a tendency of kha to lose verbal properties. However, there is an alternative explanation, namely that the prefixless morphosyntactic pattern exemplified in (276) and (277) takes historical precedence over the pattern with verbal prefixes. A particularly suggestive detail in this regard is the fact that the quotative/complementizer which indexes the SP is formally identical with the identificational copulative for pronouns and demonstratives.54 Compare in this respect some forms of the two paradigms as given by Lanham (1955: 139, 188): (278) Person-inflected quotative (-)kheni 'I say, "...' (-)khuwe 'you say, "...' (-)khawo 'they say, "...'

Copulative of pronoun/demonstrative kheni 'it is I' khuwe 'it is you' khawo 'it is they'

The crosslinguistic evidence from languages like Tongan and Shona suggests a straightforward and highly plausible historical explanation for this fact: the copulative, although originally non-verbal and without the semantic feature of utterance, is the likely source of the QI-predicator. Thus, the three different QI-patterns with kha are assumed here to constitute a chain of formal adjustments reflecting the increasing grammaticalization of this item in RD: {kha + free nominal > kha-PRO > verb prefix-kha-PRO}, which conforms to the earlier hypothesis that kha is originally not a verb. This scenario finds support in evidence from comparative Bantu. The stem kha corresponds regularly to a morpheme *nka which is fairly widespread in the family as a presentative copula 'there/it is' and which is attested in mimesis constructions in at least two other languages. One is Umbundu, where the combination of presentative ha- and the quotative verb ti was discussed just above. The second is Shona, where the cognate há- is 54 Note that Lanham (1955: 112, 187-8) reconstructs the copulative formative as underlyingly khu or khi. However, comparative and internal evidence makes an alternative reconstruction kha just as likely. Vowel assimilation across morpheme boundaries is not straightforward in Tonga-Inhambane (ibid.: 63-9). From various parallel processes one would expect that underlying khu+a/e or khi+a/e should yield on the surface khw or khy, which is not what occurs here. Rather, the copulative forms for pronominals beginning with a and e are instead kha and khe, respectively. This is better explained by assuming kha as the phonetic input.

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 367

prefixed to pronominal stems as in Tonga-Inhambane and these presentative predicators can introduce ideophones. (279) bhátye héro {páru} 5.jacket PRES:5.DEM {ID:split} There is a jacket splitting (Fortune 1971: 252)

(héro < há-iro)

The present derivation of the quotative/complementizer kha from a copulative also accounts in a straightforward way for its final vowel -a, as an alternative to the interpretation proposed by Lanham (1955: 139) whereby the -a vowel is the regular unmarked verb ending of Bantu. What remains to be explained is the possible occurrence of subject and tenseaspect prefixes with the structure kha-PRO. If this morpheme string has an origin in a non-verbal element, as proposed here, this typical verb inflection would mean a significant morphological innovation. However unusual this last step of formal reanalysis might appear from a comparative Bantu viewpoint, Lanham (1955: 218-20) gives evidence from Tonga-Inhambane itself that this is a viable assumption. As a rule, ideophones across Bantu cannot take verb morphology in general and prefixes in particular, which is one reason that they constitute a word category in their own right. However, in Tonga-Inhambane they do occur with verb prefixes encoding subject crossreference and some tense-aspect categories. This very rare morphological flexibility of ideophones is a clear and suggestive parallel to the flexible behavior of the quotative/complementizer kha. It supports the idea that with kha, just as with ideophones, the construction with verb prefixes is secondary, so that the use of kha without verb prefixes reflects its original status as a nonverbal element. A functional motivation for this categorial reanalysis can be identified in the distribution of the structure kha(PRO). It is the nucleus of a clausal construction which inter alia refers to a state of affairs. While a speech verb is related to the speech event inherently by virtue of its meaning, kha can do this only in a mediated way, that is, by virtue of its USE as a QI-nucleus. However, as soon as it becomes a default marker in this domain, the need for the expression of tense, aspect, etc. may be as great as in any other clause which refers, even if only indirectly, to an event. This could explain why kha, like the originally uninflected ideophones, acquired the possibility of cooccurring with verbal prefixes. To sum up, the quotative use of kha-(PRO) is assumed to be a derived function of the copulative predicator, whereby the latter has undergone in the new context a process of "verbification".

368 The origin of quotative indexes 1. Hausa One further case of this sort may be identifiable in the sample. The two Chadic languages Kera and Lamang were discussed in Section 5.1.4.3 regarding the involvement of quote-referring deictics in the emergence of quotatives. A deictic as the source of a quotative verb can also be entertained for a third Chadic language Hausa - but now according to the present scenario. The relevant verbal lexeme cêe is proposed by Newman (2000: 630, 648) to have originated in a disyllabic form *cane$#, inter alia because of its falling tone, parallel to sâa 'put' derived from sakà. Bargery (1934: 150, 154) indeed lists such a cêe-variant cane as well as cene. All three items can be ordered in a plausible chain of reduction stages: cane > cene > cêe. The important point here is that the assumed original form cane is close in shape to a Hausa locative demonstrative can. Although it cannot be shown here exactly how the deictic can would have given rise to the quotative cane, an etymological relation between the two seems plausible in the light of the overall role and history of deictics in QIs entertained here. Various observations regarding can are significant in this respect: (1) it has several dialectal variants cana, cena, ceni, ceniya, all ending like the quotative in an open syllable (Bargery 1934: 149); (2) it can be used predicatively as 'be there', in which case it follows the subject noun; and (3) Hausa has a feminine identificational/presentational copula cee which is identical in shape to the most reduced, standard form of the quotative verb and is likely to be related to the deictic series. It should be mentioned in this context that while deictic can is today gender-neutral, it is likely to have originally indexed feminine gender as opposed to masculine nan (Newman 2000: 36), so that it would be related to the Common Chadic series of feminine markers with tV. This in turn relates to the fact that yet another variant of the quotative verb is tane (Bargery 1934: 990). I summarize all the relevant elements in Table 52. Table 52. Elements presumably involved etymologically in the origin of the Hausa quotative verb cee Series a-forms e-forms

Quotative verb tane, cane cene, cee

Deictic cana, can cena, ceni(ya)

Feminine copula ta cee

Deictic nana, nan

Masculine copula na nee

For all these reasons, the idea should be considered that the defective verb cêe restricted to RD originated via the increasing grammaticalization of a deictic predicator in construction with a SP-nominal, schematically

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 369

[there/it is SP].55 Originally, it did not have utterance meaning and was non-verbal. The categorial reanalysis from a non-verbal to a verbal item does not imply any dramatic formal change on the stem itself because the majority of predication-operator functions are expressed in Hausa by elements detached from the verb. It remains unclear why it was the feminine member of the deictic doublet that was generalized in the QI-context, provided this meaning was still relevant at the time of grammaticalization. But even this is not a major problem. A look at the forms of quotatives and complementizers across Chadic reveals that the co-existence of two alternatives must have been a general problem in the family, which individual languages resolved with an apparently arbitrary choice in either direction. Thus, RD-grams show reflexes of Schuh's (1983) reconstructed determiners from both the feminine t-series (which also has palatalized c-variants as in Hausa) and the masculine n-series. A few languages with n-forms were mentioned in Section 5.1.4.1. Probable cognates of the t-series can be identified in Frajzyngier's (1996a: 158-9) list of complementizers in Gude t´ uu'in´, Zaar (a dialect of Saya) t´, and Angas tene. The list even displays one instance of a complementizer doublet ca, na in Pero, which seems to reflect both the feminine and the masculine deictic. (The last three languages are, like Hausa, from the western branch of Chadic.) 5.1.5.2 Speaker pronouns SP-oriented presentationals have a shorter counterpart in conventionalized QIs that contain only a SP-nominal. Such expressions, however, still convey the essential information about the referential entity to which the mimetic expression is attributed - a feature which is the most important QIcomponent according to the analytical results presented in Section 2.5.1. A QI reduced to a mere mention of the SP, or less frequently the AD, seems to be crosslinguistically a widely available option. As Section 2.3.3 has shown, it is found all over the sample - sometimes as an occasional, sometimes as a more frequent phenomenon. This device can also be exploited in a systemic way. Thus, Hedinger (1984: 90) reports the case from 55 At this stage, it cannot be securely excluded (though it seems unlikely) that the deictic may have originally referred to the quote instead of the SP. In that case, Hausa cêe would belong to the scenario of Section 5.1.4. Frajzyngier (1996b: 190), however, advances a completely different (and inverse) hypothesis by including it as an example of his purported origin of demonstratives in 'say'-verbs, an approach which I reject (see Section 5.1.4.4).

370 The origin of quotative indexes Ak se (Bantu A15C) where a special series of so-called "reporting particles" can establish a QI on their own. These are marked for five pronominal categories: me( (1S), we( (2S), a( (3S), bán (P), m´@'´@ (LOG in stacked QI). From a historical viewpoint, it is possible that they originally incorporated another element which used to mark RD and can no longer be identified. However, the best synchronic analysis of these elements is to view them as constituting a specialized pronoun paradigm, because they are short like normal pronouns and largely resemble the forms of the anaphoric series. A similar situation is found in Tiene (Bantu B81). According to Ellington (1977: 153), RD is introduced by a bipartite QI whose quote orienter is constituted by a series of elements indexing person and number of the SP: mE^E@ ~ mE^mE@ (1S), yE^E@ ~ yE^yE@ (2S), nâá ~ nâná (3S), bE^E@ ~ bE^bE@ (P); all forms but that of the 3rd-person singular are obviously related to anaphoric pronouns. Two comparable cases can be mentioned from the sample survey. 1. Waja The first is based on information from Kleinewillinghöfer (p.c.) on Waja. The statistically most frequent, non-predicative QI3 in this language consists only of a quotative and an optionally preceding SP-nominal. Two quotatives form a mini-paradigm co-varying with the person category of the SP: k´n 3rd person vs. m´n 1st/2nd person. Their non-verbal character becomes clear from these features and the fact that they do not combine with normal pronominal subject crossreference and other morphology typical for verbs. Another fact is significant for a wider, crosslinguistic evaluation of QI-predicators: despite their non-verbal status, k´n and m´n can combine with the interrogative cá 'what' and the demonstrative ná 'this', which function in these short clauses as objects. The cooccurrence of k´n ~ m´n with these nominal proforms could be interpreted as signs of their transitivity. However, their general syntactic distribution shows that this verb-like behavior is exceptional and is most likely a secondarily acquired feature. This is indicated not the least by comparative evidence. Although a conclusive historical scenario is difficult to establish because the elements concerned appear in general to be innovative in the Waja subgroup of languages, it seems that these particles have their origin in pronominal items: the closely related language Tula Wange has the paradigm of singular pronouns mín 'I', mùn 'you', and k´$n '(s)he'. After grammaticalization these could yield a reduced set as found in the Waja quotatives (see Kleinewillinghöfer (1990: 59) for the various pronouns of Waja).

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 371

2. Tikar A series of special quotative pronouns provide the essential constituent of the non-clausal QI3 in Tikar, in which all other elements are dispensable. These pronouns mark anaphoric reference to the SP and are homophonous with the pronoun series used for objects and dependent-clause subjects (Stanley 1982: 32, 39-42). 5.1.6

Element types and their function in reported discourse and mimesis

This section discusses the relative importance of the various grammaticalized element types established above for the marking of RD and mimesis. It also considers the question of how their inherent meaning/function relates to the function of QIs and related mimesis constructions. In other words, why do such elements enter into these constructions on a regular basis? The most highly grammaticalized items such as quotative markers, quotative verbs, and quotative pronouns hold a special position in this respect because they are - as their name implies - truly specialized for the establishment of a QI; hence nothing definite can be said regarding a more concrete contribution that might be specific to these elements, separate from the general function of the QI-structure. One can only say negatively that their function is surely not that of focusing on the representation of a speech event, since they are semantically opaque. The less grammaticalized elements can be evaluated more clearly. First, as the previous sections have demonstrated, elements which are used in a QI and can in this context undergo grammaticalization originate in speech verbs far less frequently than is commonly assumed. This finding is first of all the result of an approach according to which the analysis of a number of cases claimed as evidence for this phenomenon can no longer be accepted as the only possible account and may even need complete revision. This is not to say that the speech-verb channel does not exist at all as a valid and perhaps even common grammaticalization path. However, the general picture that emerges from the present survey of a large, genealogically widespread sample of African languages must surely weaken the pre-emincence which the speech-verb channel has enjoyed in the literature as the most important path in this domain, and also cast doubt on the empirical and methodological basis on which this generalization was founded. At the same time, several other element types were identified which also enter into QIs on a regular basis. These are:

372 The origin of quotative indexes (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

Generic verbs of equation, inchoativity, motion, and action Markers of similarity and manner Quote-referring pronominals Markers of focus and presentation SP-referring pronominals

Regarding these types, it must be stressed that not all of the scenarios proposed above have the same level of historical transparency and empirical support. In some examples the identity or cognacy proposed between two items is obvious and unequivocal; in other cases the suggested relation has major problems in the assumed historical process or simply suffers from insufficient information so that it may turn out to be spurious after more rigorous study. Even in these unclear cases, however, I think that the evidence and scenarios presented are extensive enough to challenge the dominant speech-verb account. Moreover, the hypothesis that a QI-element is derived from something other than a speech verb can often explain its characteristics both within and outside the RD-domain in a more natural way, and take into account the formal and semantic properties that QIs display crosslinguistically. In view of the semantic genericity of these sources, they also involve much less bleaching of lexical meaning than has been previously assumed in the grammaticalization of quotatives. In general, however, I am well aware of the possibility that some items may ultimately have to be removed from the list of cases involving a source other than speech verbs. Even with this reservation, the overall picture is quite unequivocal for the sample: the ratio of speech verbs vs. other items regarding their recruitment for regular non-lexical function in QIs and beyond is almost 1:5. A particularly high frequency can be observed for markers of similarity and manner, which account for more than half of the cases in the nonspeech-verb group. There is another significant fact for the group of sources other than speech verbs: (1) they display relatively more items which show functions in addition to that of a quote orienter or a quotative and (2) the range of these functions is wider both within and outside the quotative complex. This observation is confirmed by a look at the typological literature. I will refrain here from trying to give a representative list of works on the grammaticalization of verbs meaning 'be', 'become', 'do', 'go' and elements like pronouns and deictics, but confine myself to a few recent works which report some lesser-known phenomena: Diessel (1999a, b) on demonstratives; Auwera (1999) on 'do'-verbs; and Fleischman (1999), Meyerhoff (2002), and Güldemann (2002) on similative markers

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 373

and manner deictics. The last element type as well as action verbs will also figure prominently in Chapter 7. Overall, grammaticalization, both in general and in the quotative complex, is considerably more common with these elements than with speech verbs. This indicates that speech verbs are different from other element types with respect to their semantic-functional load in QIs. What Yule & Mathis (1992) report from a case study of American English conversation regarding the different QI-usage of tell and say vs. be (like) and go is confirmed here from a wider cross-language perspective (cf. also Cameron (1998: 47, 56) for Puerto Rican Spanish): speech verbs and some other event-referring verbs focus on the semantic-propositional aspect of the QI per se ('say' vs. 'ask' vs. 'think', etc.), with the effect that the RD-expression as a whole is inserted as information that is not particularly salient in the discourse. As opposed to this, all other QI-elements do not concentrate on the representation of an event as part of the semantic-propositional content of the discourse but rather background this component in favor of a focus on the quote that is being presented. As a consequence, the quote is highlighted, which in turn reflects a more prominent status of the RD-expression as a whole. This difference replicates the more general distinction proposed in Chapter 2 between a monoclausal event-oriented QI based on a speech verb and a more quote-oriented QI, which very likely correlates with a distinction of a more descriptive vs. a more vivid style of recounting events. Also, a look back at the characterization of the more general domain of mimesis in Section 4.4.5 (see especially the quotes given from Clark and Gerrig 1990) reveals how greatly most constructions involving non-speechverb element types embody the pragmatic and stylistic features of the mimesis mode. It comes as no surprise, then, that this group of elements have their home first of all here; they might even be called prototypical mimesis markers. This is supported by the following observations. First, even where nonspeech-verb elements do not play a role in QIs, they are often still attested as introducers of sound icons, ideophones, and gestures. Second, when they do occur in QIs, they typically have encroached on this construction only later, and this via the most mimetic RD-category, namely DRD. Often this remains their essential domain of RD-use. But there is always the possibility that the construction can subsequently become routinized and develop to a general RD-signal also introducing non-mimetic IRD. However, one can expect that mimesis markers never come to be used in IRD without having first been employed for DRD.

374 The origin of quotative indexes For the first group of non-speech-verb elements listed above, that of generic verbs, such a historical scenario has been presented for English go, which presumably progressed into DRD only after having been used for a much longer time with onomatopoetic elements (Butters 1980, cf. Section 5.1.2.4). Cameron (1998: 47) reports the use of motion verbs and hacer 'do, make' with gesture for Puerto Rican Spanish. One can also mention German machen 'make' occurring with sound imitation and gesture, but rarely with DRD. In Wai Wai, too, a verb meaning 'do' is used with ideophones according to Hawkins (1962: 168). Nuckolls (1996: 141-2) reports the full range of generic verbs as devices indexing ideophones in Pastaza Quechua: rana 'do, make', rina 'go', shamuna 'come', tiyana 'be', and rikurina 'appear'. Similar cases can be found in African languages. For example, Schaefer & Egbokhare (2002) report that ideophone constructions in Emai are based, besides hon 'hear', on u 'be', which itself is derived from intransitive u 'do so'. Ideophones in Kana are introduced by dòò 'do (like)' according to Ikoro (1996: 299-301). The same applies to Lwena ideophones, which are preceded by linga 'do' (Horton 1949: 152-3).56 Ideophone expressions in various eastern Bantu languages display two possible semantic interpretations, each with a different predicator (see inter alia Botne (1993: 16) for Tumbuka and Kulemeka (1997: 367-9) for Chewa). In the first, dynamic sense, this is the common-Bantu mimesis marker *ti discussed in Section 5.1.3.3 with reference to Nguni. In the other, stative sense the predicative is the verb 'be', as realized by the two suppletive stems *ba and *di. Finally, while predicatively used ideophones in Tonga-Inhambane generally do not need a support verb, because they can take pre-stem verb inflection as mentioned in Section 5.1.5.1, an introductory verb is required in the imperative form and this is inda 'go' (Lanham 1955: 218-FN2). Examples of such a pattern also occur in the sample. First, there is the occasional use with DRD of Kera jì 'do, make' and Birom ra 'act'. The following languages use a general action or performance verb for the insertion of ideophones and onomatopoetics: Koyra Chiini dam 'do, make' (see example in Heath (ed.) 1998: 260), Hausa yi 'do' (see Newman (2000: 473-4) and some tokens in the present corpus), Ngbaka Ma'bo mE#nE$ 'do, make' (see examples in Thomas (1970: 79, 83, 135) including one token with 56 Incidentally, the shape of this verb linga looks as if it could be a compound of two widespread Bantu elements typically used as mimesis markers, namely the copula *di 'be' and a stem *nga meaning 'like'. In view of the function of linga and the origin of similar markers in other languages the idea should be considered that the above items have fused to form the lexeme linga.

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 375

DRD), Koromfe tIgam 'put, do' (Rennison 1997: 471-2), Ewe w 'do' (Dawuda f.n., F. Ameka p.c.). Copulative verbs like Yoruba rí 'be, appear' (Rowlands 1970) and Igbo dí` 'be' (Emenanjo` 1978: 51-2) are used to index stative ideophones. Similar cases can be given for markers of similarity and manner. Thus, Hawkins (1998: 214) reports that wa(ra) 'like' marks the presence of ideophones in Wai Wai. Gestures are indexed by various manner deictics based on nga kas- in Ilokano (Streeck 1993: 285, 1994: 255-6), by so 'thus' in German, and koo 'thus' in Japanese (Streeck 1988: 71-4). In the sample, an´$ 'thus' in Kera, which is apparently related to similative ana, is reported by Ebert (1979: 101, 251-3) to introduce ideophones and reinforce other descriptive signs, but with no direct function in DRD.57 Mandinka teng 'like this', which is also the only complement of the quotative verb ko, serves regularly as a linguistic index for gestures (Creissels p.c.). Finally, there are examples of foregrounding elements in mimetic expressions. The identificational clause [(X) há-PROx] in Shona, which is used to introduce ideophones independently of DRD, has already been illustrated in Section 5.1.5.1. To this one can add the copulative ke- of Sotho, for which Kunene (1965: 37) reports a structurally and functionally identical phenomenon. Tumbuka employs a restrictive focus particle waka 'only, just' for the same purpose (Childs 1994: 187), as does the sample language Ik with j'a and tsamu 'just' (cf. Section 5.1.5.1). Recall also from Section 5.1.2.3 that the likely source of the enclitic -kpo` on ideophones in Izon is the additive focus marker kpo` 'also, even'. In the framework of the construction approach, all these data indicate that a general mimesis construction is in principle potentially also a QI. In some languages, such a structure is only occasionally encountered in DRD. In other languages, it is a grammaticalized option in this context mostly associated with the particular function of heightened vividness of style. 57 Frajzyngier (1996a: 110) lists àné for Dangla (alias Dangaléat) and àne for Ngam (a dialect of Kwang) as a verb 'say'. Both languages are spoken in southern Chad and belong to the East Chadic branch so that they are fairly closely related to Kera geographically and genealogically. Frajzyngier does not give any further specification of the grammatical and functional properties of these two items. Since he does not distinguish between true speech verbs and quotative verbs, it is quite possible that they are grammaticalized QI-predicators. In view of the meaning of the element an´ in Kera and the possible role of manner deictics in QIs, it is worth investigating whether all three items at issue are related and, if so, how.

376 The origin of quotative indexes The general fact can be motivated by the observation that mimesis is onomasiologically a far more general domain than RD, including but not restricted to the semantic component of utterance. For the same reason, the reverse implication does not hold true. That is, not every QI can be expected to be a mimesis construction. This semantic consideration is supported by the empirical data: no historically conclusive case has been found thus far where a structure originally reserved exclusively for RD came to be used also for the introduction of ideophones, gestures, etc. This concerns first of all structures based exclusively on speech predicates. It does happen that such expressions can encroach on the domain of non-linguistic sounds, especially those produced by animate beings. Chapman (1984) presents examples of this in English written discourse. Oswalt (1994: 302) mentions an older use of the English verb cry even with so-called "inanimate imitatives". Generic speech verbs used with sound imitations are also found occasionally in the sample, for example, Khoekhoe mî, Tigre bela, and Burunge kaah. Nevertheless, it seems unlikely that such verbs develop to genuine mimesis markers which do not imply the representation of an auditory signal. Moreover, as the discussion in the following paragraph will demonstrate, there is a historical scenario that can account for some verbs which are predominantly speech verbs but can also cooccur with sound imitations. Overall, where purported 'say'verbs introduce non-speech/sound expressions, their etymological origin is mostly unclear and the alternative explanation of a source other than a speech verb is just as possible (see Section 7.1 for an exception in Ethiosemitic and its possible explanation). This general directionality is paralleled by the historically attested emergence of speech verbs. Buck (1915) adduces a variety of cases in Indo-European for the semantic development {non-speech verb > generic speech verb}, including the specialization of a verb originally expressing noise in general to linguistic utterances. The semantic transfer from a meaning 'point, show' to a speech verb, which was mentioned briefly in the discussion in Section 2.2.5, is also attested. Traugott (1991) demonstrates for English that there are also frequent lexical changes from verbs expressing mental/psychological states, visual perception, and location/motion to speech verbs. In terms of a transfer from one semantic domain to the other, previous accounts of the quotative complex have recognized only the reverse directionality for the two first domains, namely from speech to cognition and perception. To the contrary, however, studies of the metalinguistic vocabulary in non-European languages (see, e.g., Heeschen (1978) on the Papuan language Eipo), as well as some data from sample languages dis-

5.1 Lexical and functional items entering into quotative indexes 377

cussed in Section 2.2.5, demonstrate that it is more common crosslinguistically to model lexemes referring to linguistic behavior on items referring to non-speech concepts. The recognition of the range and kind of non-speech-verb QIpredicators offers a new perspective on various problems associated with QIs in general. One important issue concerns their typical morphosyntactic properties. Thus, the present alignment of DRD with mimesis constructions provides a useful framework for addressing inter alia the notorious question of the object status of quotes. In many cases the intransitivity of the QI toward the quote, and sometimes also its intransitivity or low semantic affect vis-à-vis the AD, can be naturally explained by the lexical properties of typical mimesis markers: these do not relate to propositional or referential entities, but point and focus pragmatically on the presentation of the gesture or ideophone or quote. That ideophones and especially non-verbal gestures should be "objects" of their indexing constructions finds little if any empirical support - nor has this idea, to my knowledge, been proposed in the literature. All of these considerations can and should be transferred to DRD because it is formally treated as a mimetic sign. The empirical evidence fully corroborates this abstract syntactic view. The characteristics of mimesis markers becoming QI-predicators can also account for the non-verbal and non-utterance properties of quotative verbs, a class which has been separated here from the class of speech verbs precisely because of these characteristics. In the traditional analysis, which equates quotative verbs with speech verbs or derives the former historically from the latter, it can indeed be explained plausibly why an earlier verb 'say' should lose its categorial and semantic features when it comes to be used as a quote orienter in a bipartite structure and grammaticalizes there to a quotative/complementizer. Moreover, the frequent use of a generic speech verb within a monoclausal QI-structure [SP 'say' ...] could also explain the phonetic truncation, loss of paradigmatic variation, etc. WITHIN the QI-context. But what about the empirical observation that quotative verbs in general are semantically abstract or even entirely lacking in any real-world denotation, have a defective verbal nature, have a different meaning or function outside RD, or are completely absent there? Why should a speech verb regularly undergo a process of drastic categorial and semantic bleaching precisely in the context where it occurs in its purportedly primary function outside RD, namely in a plain phrase [X 'say' Y]? This contradicts what one would expect from grammaticalization research: if it is true from a crosslinguistic perspective that quotative verbs and related items originate so frequently in generic speech verbs, they should

378 The origin of quotative indexes reflect more systematically the morphosyntactic and semantic features of their purported lexical sources, either in their own behavior or in that of cognate items. When insisting on the universality of the speech-verb account, it can of course be claimed - in fact it seems to be tacitly assumed by this approach that the grammaticalization of 'say' in a QI happens regularly to go hand in hand with its complete obliteration from the lexicon. This, however, creates yet another problem, namely that semantic-functional "divergence" or "split" in the grammaticalization sense (see Hopper 1991: 24-5) inexplicably applies in this domain far less often than it does normally. Although it is not denied here that a speech verb grammaticalizing in the QI-context can be lost as a lexical item in SOME languages (see the suggestive case of Burunge {baa 'say' > quotative bee} mentioned in Section 5.1.1.2), the crosslinguistic picture is hard to explain. This issue is never even raised, let alone accounted for, in previous treatments of the speech-verb scenario. The data of the sample and the conclusions derived therefrom suggest an alternative and more natural explanation for the recurrent properties of quotative verbs. If they have their historical origin in something other than 'say', one need not expect in these or in etymologically related items any synchronic reflex of canonical verbhood and utterance semantics.

5.2 Historical changes of quotative markers The crosslinguistic data presented allow one to compile a list of morphosyntactic, semantic and pragmatic features which are frequently reflected in formal properties of QIs. They can even all be simultaneously present in one construction, although this is very rarely the case. Compare in this respect the following QI. (280) Then he said like this, {...} One can identify in this sentence the following features: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

Event representation via verbal predicativity Utterance meaning SP-reference Similarity/manner Discourse deixis

5.2 Historical changes of quotative markers 379

Although these features are frequent across a large corpus of QIs, there is not a single one that could not be dispensed with in an individual token. However, one or more of them will always be present, if one excludes QIs that involve grammaticalized quotatives which no longer have any meaning or function independent from their context. The distinctions between QItypes can be construed in terms of which features are present and how they are distributed over the lexical and grammatical items of the QI. As the above discussion and Appendix 1 demonstrate, many different "mixtures" of these components can be found across a set of tokens in a particular corpus, across language-specific construction types, and across languages. This variation has interesting consequences for the various kinds of historical processes that can affect the individual linguistic signs which comprise a QI - the theme of the present section. This is of interest because the output of such processes is often the input to subsequent grammaticalization. With an eye to this issue, three major possibilities must be considered: (1) (2) (3)

Fusion of individual QI-elements into a complex sign Change of morphosyntactic features of a QI-element Change of semantic features of a QI-element

5.2.1

Fusion of elements

The first of these phenomena is the most securely attested in the available data. Once a regular collocation of two elements is established in a construction, a phonetic fusion between the originally separate linguistic items is in principle always possible. Often, such a process can be construed as the physical incorporation of a modifying item into another modified item. The latter can be called the host in the sense that it determines the category of the output sign. A particularly frequent phenomenon is the merger of deictics and similar quote-referring items with other QI-elements. A diagnostic feature for identifying the involvement of deictics in a complex grammaticalized QIitem is the existence of a series of elements incorporating multiple alternative deictics as components - a phenomenon arising from the paradigmatic nature of such grams. Deictics are often incorporated by verbs. The verbs convey such variable meanings as equation, performance/action, similarity/manner, and speech, or are semantically opaque but possibly derive historically from verbs of these types. Thus, in several northern Uto-Aztecan languages, the

380 The origin of quotative indexes predicative stem ya, which has been analyzed as a speech verb 'say' but is perhaps better classified as a quotative verb (see also Section 5.1.3.1), is combined with the "demonstrative bases" ma- and a- to form the complex lexicalized items may and ay (Munro 1978). This is fairly clear for varieties like Chemehuevi and Southern Paiute. The verbs or quotatives mee in Kawaiisu, mai in Shoshone and meh in Comanche may have the same origin, but if so are less transparent. A few other examples for the combination of a QI-predicate and an element conveying deixis are Avestan (Hock 1982: 67), Eipo (Heeschen 1978: 162-3, 165), Araucanian (Adelaar 1990: 9), Ojibwa (Rhodes 1986: 9, 16), and Zuni (McKercher 2000). Clear or at least plausible cases of this phenomenon were also discussed for the sample, namely Kunama ake#, Anywa ní, Lamang kagV and win(ka)gV, and Nguni (t)sho. A case which can be viewed as incipient is the regular prefixing of the deictic in- to the QI-predicates aN and ua in Fur. The hosts of deictic elements can also be non-verbal. A fairly atypical case occurs in Izon, where the deictic e`be` fused with the clause connective -nì`. Far more frequent are combinations of deictics with similarity/manner markers, mentioned in connection with the morphologically complex items seen in Choco, Oceanic, Wolof, and Bantu zone A. Similarity/manner markers can themselves be incorporated by other QIelements, especially verbs. This was shown in the discussion in Section 5.1.2.3 regarding the origin of the performance verb tám in Taa containing a similative marker bV. According to Hagman (1977: 137) an incipient case of such a development can be observed in Khoekhoe, where the frequent collocation of similative tí and the generic speech verb mî tends to be routinized as tímí. Jeffrey (1984: 127) proposes another such case for Mündü, positing that a QI-verb ga is a contraction of gü 'say' and ba 'like'. An example where a generic speech verb combines with another more grammaticalized QI-predicative comes from Dongola. This language has morphologically complex verbs of speech and cognition which have emerged by the fusion of the two quotative verbs E@ and án with the relevant lexemes (Armbruster 1960: §3845, 3847). The resulting forms built on the generic speech verb wE#@ are EwE#@ and awwE#@, respectively. Another type of complex QI-element can be characterized as the result of combining a QI-predicator of variable origin with a pronominal referring to the SP. A completely frozen form showing no pronoun-based paradigmaticity could be the Sandawe quotative ká'`. Cases where the resulting item co-varies with the features of person, gender, and number are more frequent in the available data. Further grammaticalization of such elements leads to pronoun-inflected complementizers and other clause linkers. The

5.2 Historical changes of quotative markers 381

emergence of a quotative mini-paradigm co-varying with the SP -metki (1st person), -tko (2nd person), -o (3rd person) in Georgian can inter alia be explained by the truncation of different finite forms of a QI-verb, as discussed inter alia by Hewitt (1981) and Harris & Campbell (1995: 168-70). A case where the full set of subject pronouns has fused with a following predicative is Dangaléat, according to Ebobissé (1979: 117-8, see Section 6.6.2). In Tonga-Inhambane a identificational predicator has merged with a set of pronouns according to my reconstruction of the quotative kha-PRO. While the above fusion patterns seem to be the most frequent ones, other types exist as well. Suffice it to mention as one such example the quotative/complementizer yee in Cora: according to Casad (1989: 6-7, 389) a frequent alternative to the basic form is yeewi, which displays an "emphatic particle" wi as enclitic. 5.2.2

Change of morphosyntactic features of an element

In connection with the pattern found in Tonga-Inhambane, it should be recognized that the regular coocurrence of a non-verbal QI-predicator with pronouns referring to the subject can under certain circumstances have a category-changing effect in the long run. This relates to the second topic listed at the beginning of Section 5.2, namely the change of a QI-element in terms of its morphosyntactic properties. Much of the literature on grammaticalization has focused on historical processes of morphological reduction of a given item and the associated loss of the original category features of the affected lexeme. No further discussion will be devoted here to this well-documented phenomenon, which is not disputed in the present approach (see, e.g., Harris & Campbell (1995: 168-72) for a recent typologically oriented discussion and some additional references). There is, however, another observation which has only rarely been considered in previous research but which is of great interest here, namely the possibility that a QI-element can secondarily ACQUIRE new features typical of another lexical category. I refer in particular to the scenario alluded to just above with the case of Tonga-Inhambane, whereby an item which is defective as a verb or even completely non-verbal comes increasingly to resemble a canonical verbal lexeme in behavior and form. Whether such a process is possible in a given language and, if so, to what extent it is facilitated by certain structural conditions will depend highly on the language's typological characteristics. It was observed that verbal predicativity in QIs is in many languages dispensable. Moreover, non-verbal markers of similarity, manner, deixis,

382 The origin of quotative indexes etc. need not be verbal themselves in order to be used in a predicative structure because they can be combined with a semantically generic dummy verb as in the case of the English phrase be like.58 Thus, it may appear strange at first glance that QI-elements should acquire a feature verbal predicativity - that is so often not required. Nonetheless, the fact is that QI-elements across languages are repeatedly subject to a process of increasing verbification or, if they have their origin in a verb, a restoration of their verbhood. An instructive example is reported from Kambera by Klamer (2002). The default predicative in QIs of this language is the quotative verb wà. It bears a wide range of optional morphology which expresses predicationoperator functions (tense, aspect, etc.) or refers to nominal participants (but not the speech itself). The one obligatory marker, however, is a pronominal enclitic of the genitive series which crossreferences the SP, as in (281). (281) ana hau ndui wà-na DIM one money QV-3S.GEN "Just one coin", he said (Klamer 2002: 329) The phenomenon relevant for the present discussion is that the enclitic -na is starting to serve as phonetic bulk for the stem wà so that this can conform to the minimal canonical shape holding for normal predicative lexemes in the language. The author writes (ibid.: 329): Interestingly, there are indications that wà with a third person singular genitive marker may become reanalyzed as a monomorphemic verbal root. The motivation for this reanalysis comes from the prosodic structure of the verbal root wà. Phonologically, this root does not comply with the minimal word requirements of Kambera, which state that the roots of content words must be bimoraic feet. The sequence wà-na, however, is a bimoraic foot, and is therefore a good candidate to become analyzed as a verbal root. In this reanalysis, the genitive clitic loses its referential function, so that the subject must be marked otherwise. ...

58 Of course, the range of concepts that can be encoded in the predicative nucleus of a clause varies considerably across languages. In fact, in some languages similative markers and deictics do not behave differently from "normal" predicative lexemes referring to a state of affairs, so that their semantic-functional notions can be integrated in the QI-predicate without any formal adjustment (compare, e.g., the case of Ilokano mentioned in Section 5.1.3.1).

5.2 Historical changes of quotative markers 383

The phenomenon is restricted only to the morpheme sequence consisting of the quotative verb with the 3rd-person singular subject enclitic. In fact, it can be expected that such a process would start with wàna, because it is probably the form with the highest discourse frequency in the paradigm. In any case, the tendency of this form to be interpreted as a monomorphemic verb is unequivocal. Klamer mentions a number of phenomena giving evidence to this effect, inter alia a repeated speech error where the verb form contains two subject markers na, as in the second and fourth slot of (282). (282) ndia ná wà-na-madu-na-nya-ka nú NEG.EMPH DEI QV-3S.GEN-MOD-3S.GEN-3S.DAT-PERF DEI "No way!", he said to him (ibid.: 330) She further remarks on these cases (ibid.: 330-FN3): When we came across such sentences during text transcription, my consultant initially did not consider them ill-formed, but after thinking about them for a while he explained that the first -na should better not be there.

Another interesting example found in the literature is that of Ewe bé. According to Westermann (1907: 98) and Clements (1975: 166-FN12) this highly defective quotative verb can in general only be constructed in the unmarked, so-called "aorist" form and, marginally, in the habitual. The latter author, however, reports that one of his informants accepted bé when functioning as a main predicate with normally impossible pre-stem markers encoding future, progressive, and some other functions. Since its original status as a conjugationally deficient verb is unanimously accepted from both a diachronic and synchronic perspective, this phenomenon, even if only isolated and idiolectal, can safely be interpreted as an incipient reanalysis of bé toward a more regular verb. It is possibly driven by the distributional analogy in QIs between the quotative verb bé and regular generic speech verbs like gbl 'say'. The cases of Kambera wà and Ewe bé show that lexical items which already have clear features of verbhood, but are in various respects not fully canonical in this respect, can undergo changes in which they become MORE verb-like. Still more interesting are cases where a completely nonverbal form develops in a gradual historical process to a predicative lexeme. A first step in this direction can be seen in cases where the relevant element can be used as the nucleus of a QI. This relates to the common phenomenon of verb omission, whereby a non-verbal quotative ends up in

384 The origin of quotative indexes a non-clausal QI as a predicative-like item. When such a QI includes a nominal referring to the SP, the frequently observed result is a clause [SP quotative]. It has been remarked in this study on various occasions that such a structure is inherently ambiguous in languages with little bound morphology on the verb stem. Here, a phrase [SP quotative] looks on the surface like a normal categorical statement about the SP-nominal (in the sense of Sasse 1987), i.e. just like a monoclausal predicative form [SP 'say']. One can conclude that the non-verbal quotative has here taken the first step toward another lexical category: it has acquired distributional characteristics of a speech verb. Note that this is comparable to other linguistic changes for which the "behavior-before-coding principle" has been diagnosed (cf. Haspelmath forthcoming). A next step would be the cooccurrence of such an item with markers of predication-operator functions like tense, aspect, modality, polarity, etc. which are typically used with verbal lexemes. This need not be a drastic change in cases where these markers are free particles or clitics; compare the case of Epena Pedee in Section 5.1.3.1, where the past marker can attach either to the speech verb or, when the latter is absent, to the manner deictic. Evidently, an important parameter in this respect, which differs considerably from language to language, is to what extent the lexical category of verbs is defined in terms of morphology. If this is only a weak criterion for verbhood in the given language, a quotative in predicator function is always close to a true verbal item in a monoclausal QI. Moreover, the number of predication-operator functions actually encoded in a QI is often restricted anyway, so that frequently not even a canonical speech verb, which is the model for analogical leveling, occurs in this context with the whole range of possible markers. The expected result of such an assumed process is in fact very similar to what is actually found frequently with quotative verbs in largely isolating languages: they have no clear utterance meaning outside a QI and are defective regarding conjugational paradigmaticity and phonotactic stem shape. The discussion thus far has dealt with the case where the QI-element undergoes a context extension regarding its possible cooccurrence with other markers in a clause without a necessary effect on its morphological form. However, the change can be more radical: some QI-elements can be shown to have over time acquired bound verb morphology that was previously excluded. A fairly well understood case involves the Bantu verb stem *ti given the wealth of comparative data which this family provides. Its most conservative behavior in terms of both form and meaning is found in languages like the dialect cluster Nyoro-Toro-Nkore-Kiga. That ti is here

5.2 Historical changes of quotative markers 385

semantically a manner deictic was already mentioned in Section 5.1.3.3. In the present context, the point at issue is the formal properties of the lexeme. In this respect, Rubongoya (1999: 174, 52-3) writes in his discussion of the general morphological behavior of verb stems in the language: The [verbal] stem undergoes changes as it expresses mood, tense, and the form of the verb. ... The only exception to this rule are the defective verbs ta 'how', -ti 'thus', -ina 'have' and -li 'be'. The first two, sometimes referred to as particles, have neither mood nor tense of their own. When the subject pronominal concords or personal prefixes are attached to them, they express an adverbial concept in the mood and tense in which the verb is, which they qualify. They are believed by many a Bantuist to be verbs without an infinitive prefix ...

(283) aba-kazi ba-lima ba-ta 2-woman 2-dig:PRS 2-how How do women dig?

ba-lima ba-ti ... 2-dig:PRS 2-thus They dig like this (show action)

The above quote means that the only commonality between canonical verbs and the two manner markers -ta and -ti is the presence of subject crossreference. As this is the major criterion for verbhood in Bantu, such items are commonly classified as defective verbs. From a historical viewpoint, bound subject agreement on verbs is an innovation of the Bantu group within Bantoid. It can therefore be expected that *ti, too, acquired this behavior only in Bantu and that its cognates in related West African languages should largely be invariable particles or derivatives thereof. Be that as it may, the stem has a more verb-like look in Savannah Bantu languages located more to the south. Shona ti discussed by Güldemann (2002) is a good example. Besides subject agreement it takes the full range of pre-stem verb morphology such as object crossreference (referring to the experiencer affected by the encoded event), predication operators, and the infinitive prefix ku-. This is an impressive increase in verbal properties compared to the earlier restriction just to subject crossreference (the minimal requirement of verbhood). The only morphological feature typical for verbs but excluded for Shona ti is stem-final inflection. This is the oldest and most irregular layer of verb morphology in Bantu (see Güldemann 2002), so that it is not surprising that ti continues to resist this change. But even the suffixal inflection type exists in some Bantu languages. Among them is the Nguni language complex, in which suffixal morphology was already illustrated in

386 The origin of quotative indexes (260) with the relative perfective form thile in Zulu. This one stem does not exhaust the possibility of suffixal modifications on thi. Doke (1992: §483) also gives another perfective thé: and a negative past thanga. Stemfinal changes are even more variable with the anaphoric form sho (itself derived from thi by suffixing -o, see Section 5.1.3.3); sho has counterparts in the perfective shilo, negative past shongo, applicative sholo, neuter passive shoko, neuter passive negative shoki, causative shwisa, and passive shiwo (ibid.: §482). Viewing these forms from a wider Bantuistic perspective, there can be no doubt that they are analogical formations that are modeled on inherited morphological patterns found with regular verbs. The full scenario for the increasing verbification of ti, which plausibly started out as a manner deictic used as a quotative, is {uninflected ti > subject concord-ti > prefix-ti > prefix-ti-suffix}. This cross-Bantu cline correlates with a geographical pattern which can be expected to a certain extent from the historical hypothesis proposed here: those languages which are closer to the Bantu homeland and its Bantoid genealogical relatives have a more conservative ti-behavior, while southern Savannah Bantu languages show a highly increased degree of verbhood of ti. The empirically well-attested development of Bantu ti and the other phenomena discussed above are important for the general discussion of grammaticalization in the quotative complex. Cases like that of the TongaInhambane quotative kha discussed in Section 5.1.5.1 show that a similar scenario can sometimes account in a straightforward way for a synchronically puzzling situation. All this throws a different light on the many cases where the defective nature of a QI-predicative has conventionally been explained as a LOSS of verbal features. It provides precedents for the reverse directionality in the historical change, namely that a non-verbal QIpredicator can come to resemble a normal verb morphosyntactically. 5.2.3

Change of semantic features of an element

The last observation, finally, invites the question as to how such a process can affect the meaning of a QI-sign. As was the case with the morphosyntactic features of QI-elements, it is widely agreed that lexical items, especially speech verbs, can LOSE semantic features due to their use in a relevant grammatical construction. The reverse direction, namely that the QIcontext can be responsible for an element's acquisition of semantic properties, is much more controversial. The idea is likely to be rejected by most linguists working on grammaticalization because it contradicts the conventional wisdom that changes should lead from lexicon to grammar and not

5.2 Historical changes of quotative markers 387

the other way around. However, the possibility of a QI-element changing in the direction not of grammatical, but of world-referring meaning deserves more careful consideration in the light of the available data. Unconventional as this idea might appear at first glance, it was in fact already raised in Lord's (1993) grammaticalization study on the quotative complex. The complexity of certain cases led her to speculate on the following scenario (ibid.: 210): The second version [of the grammaticalization of quotative/complementizers], beginning with 'resemble', does not occur frequently. In fact, it can even be argued that it is wrong. An alternative story has the verb 'resemble' actually developing from the complementizer morpheme (which itself may have started out as 'say'). This alternative sounds like a logical possibility, particularly for a verb with relatively bland semantic force like 'resemble', but the direction of change for other instances of cognate verb and grammatical morpheme is from verb to grammatical morpheme, not vice versa ... The alternative to version two might become more plausible if we could find more attested examples from elsewhere of verbs having developed from complementizers or subordinators.

It will be clear that Lord has missed the crosslinguistic importance of similarity/manner markers (and other element types) in the establishment of QIs and their grammaticalization in this context, and has also failed to appreciate the meagerness of evidence for a change {'say' > 'be like, resemble'}. The basic idea, however, is relevant in a quite different way. Both the results obtained in this survey of African languages and phenomena in languages from other geographical areas point to a scenario that has precisely the opposite directionality from Lord's hypothesis. That is, source meaning and target meaning are exchanged: a typical mimesis marker, for example, an element encoding similarity/manner, is employed as the nucleus of a QI and undergoes in this context semantic and formal changes in the direction of a quotative verb or even a generic speech verb. The possibility of morphosyntactic adjustments of a non-verbal or deficiently verbal sign in a QI toward a more canonical verb lexeme has already been discussed. The important issue now is whether an item that originally does not involve any reference to human linguistic behavior can come to take on this meaning. This idea is not entirely new but has been entertained for some semantically highly abstract QI-verbs. A case in point is Larkin's (1972) discussion of the Tamil verb root en-, which is also the basis of the non-finite quota-

388 The origin of quotative indexes tive/complementizers enru and enpatu. While the usual view considers ento be a "full-fledged lexical verb, commonly translated as 'say'", Larkin recognizes that this idea is highly problematic. He writes (ibid.: 73): It can be seen that the language embedding root, en-, behaves syntactically very much like other, full lexical verbs. Rules which apply to verbs generally apply to en- also. ... If en- behaves just like other verbs, it should be treated as just another verb, and not as a special marker or 'complementizer'. But en- seems to be lexically empty, it does not form clauses of its own. Just how much theoretical sense can be made of the notion 'non-lexical' predicate'?

This, together with additional information from Larkin's extensive functional description of en-, makes it clear that it can be characterized under the present analysis as a verbal marker of mimesis, which includes the salient function of quotation in RD (cf. also Section 2.2.2 for en- as a quotative verb). This new perspective also gives "theoretical sense" to Larkin's quite appropriate idea of en- as a "'non-lexical' [= grammatical] predicate." The most important observation in the present context, however, is Larkin's (ibid.: 40) point regarding the relationship between en-'s grammatical and (purported) lexical nature: Lexical [= 'say'] and non-lexical [= quotative/complementizer] en- share a certain basic meaning, however, and that is the ability to embed, i.e., to mark a different level or type of language within a sentence. Lexical en-, for instance, is the only full verb which needs no complementizer. In fact, it cannot occur with an overt complement marker ... Lexical en-, then, contains the complementizing function within itself. It might even be claimed that ITS LEXICAL MEANING ['SAY'] IS MERELY AN EXTENSION OF THIS [MIMESIS/QUOTATIVE] FUNCTION, since, as a lexical verb, en- requires a complement (or

the proform appat`i 'like that' standing for a complement) ... It should be noted that this is exactly the inverse of the usual view, which regards complementizer en- as a specialised function of lexical en-. [emphasis mine]

What Larkin entertains here for Tamil en-, namely the possible reinterpretation of an element without utterance meaning as one having such a semantic component, will be discussed in the following from a more general perspective. The first question regarding such a process concerns its underlying mechanism. Here it is important that the semantic interpretation of a RD-construction does not depend exclusively on the QI. The quote itself can guide the interpretation: precisely because it itself supplies an explicit reference to (represented) speech/cognition, this meaning is an ingredient that is easily dispensed with in a QI. The semantic feature is, so

5.2 Historical changes of quotative markers 389

to speak, automatically implicit in a QI by virtue of its cooccurrence with a quote and hence need not be expressed overtly in the QI. This in turn potentially affects the interpretation of linguistic signs which are employed in a QI and lack the utterance feature, like markers of deixis, similarity, manner, etc., provided they are used (1) similarly to a predicate and (2) on a regular basis. As shown above, these conditions hold for many instances of these element types. This situation can go along with a semantic detachment of the QI-element from its source item (in the extreme case, the source item can become lost completely) and, for nonverbal items, with an increase in verbal properties. The ultimate outcome would be a genuine quotative verb with its typical semantic and morphosyntactic profile distinguishing it from a generic speech verb. This is an example of the scenario where, according to Rhodes (1986: 8), "language change ... turns pragmatics into semantics" in that a lexeme changes its meaning profile by shifting its focus of use within its range of potential reference (see also the discussion in Section 2.2.2). Note that the sometimes bewildering diversity of generic speech verbs in a single genealogical language group and, accordingly, the difficulties in reconstructing a proto-form have occasionally been invoked as evidence for the very rapid grammaticalization of these items in QIs and the recruitment of other lexemes to fill the gap arising from this process. This tacitly assumes that a stock of potential speech-verbs-to-be is regularly available in fairly great numbers. My alternative approach gives a different explanation for such a recurrent picture: given that the language comparisons at issue often involve not simply true generic speech verbs, but also or even predominantly the kind of default verbs used in a QI, the diversity of items may reflect to a certain extent the multiple origins of quotative verbs. Since a quotative verb is used in QIs on a highly regular basis, it is plausible that the quotative verb can itself gradually come to take on the semantic interpretation of its context of use. In grammaticalization research, such a process is not a novel concept and has repeatedly been claimed for individual processes of functional change. Well-known in this respect is the emergence of modal verb forms from earlier indicatives, as discussed by Bybee, Perkins & Pagliuca (1994: 296).59 These authors write:

59 See Güldemann (1998) for a similar case where earlier imperfective grams become markers of subordination due to their increasing restriction to certain background clauses.

390 The origin of quotative indexes More interesting from our perspective, however, are the cases ... of grams whose meaning appears to change due to the linguistic contexts to which they are restricted by newer developing grams. ... Since these old forms have so little semantic content of their own, if they survive, they are available to absorb the ... content of their context. ... Note that such cases differ from the more usual change by inference in that the meaning they are absorbing comes from the LINGUISTIC context, the context of the clause and its function in the sentence, more than from the general pragmatic context. Even changes of this sort are highly constrained and in principle predictable. One constraint is that such radical meaning shifts will occur only in the very late stages of grammaticalization, when the original meaning of the gram has so weakened as to be unable to resist infusion from the outside.

This general mechanism can unproblematically be transferred to a quotative verb, which would then "absorb" the utterance meaning of the RDcon-struction in this model. An indication of this process is that such an item is in fact frequently translated as a speech verb 'say', sometimes just by the linguist, sometimes also by the native speaker. This can be reinforced by a continuous semantic association of a quotative verb with genuine speech verbs, i.e. when it is commonly substitutable by a speech verb within QIs. Far less secure from an empirical perspective, however, is the possibility of a gradual "lexification" of a quotative verb into a more or less canonical generic speech verb. This is not a minor step because - as has been argued throughout this study - a quotative verb differs semantically from a generic speech verb in a crucial point: its association with the feature of utterance is restricted to the QI-context, which does not hold for a speech verb. What is required, then, is a transfer of the QI-triggered reading to contexts outside RD - that is, a situation where the newly acquired semantic component is no longer dependent on the contextual trigger of a QIenvironment and becomes more and more detached from it. Only then could one speak of a genuine reanalysis of a sign lacking speech reference into a sign having this feature, a reanalysis which resulted from its grammatical use in RD. I intentionally used, and will continue to use, the more cautious phrasing "a QI-element changing in the direction of world-referring meaning" because the full scenario outlined above must remain hypothetical to a considerable extent. I cannot present a fully attested, unequivocal development of a complete semantic change from a quotative verb to a com-

5.2 Historical changes of quotative markers 391

pletely canonical generic speech verb. The important steps on their own can, however, be demonstrated individually. The enrichment in meaning of a non-speech verb toward a speech verb involving its employment in a QI is documented by Vanhove (1993: 328-9) for Maltese: the verb 'ábEz 'jump' was first combined with the verb 'Hl 'say' in a bipartite QI conveying 'retort, intervene', as shown in (284)a. Subsequently the verb 'say' was dropped so that the verb 'ábEz on its own could start to take on speech verb meaning, as shown in (284)b. The only step missing for the full semantic recycling of the verb is the extension of the speech-verb meaning to contexts outside RD ('V = qV in the examples). (284) a. {…} qabeo qal wieped miooewqt irqiel jumped said one of.the.two men … rétorqua un des deux hommes. b. {gpala le} qabeo Fra Mudest {why not} jumped brother PN 'Pourquoi pas?' rétorqua Frère Modeste. (Vanhove 1993: 328-9) Such a general scenario may be relevant for (some of) the cases discussed in Section 2.2.5, where certain specific speech verbs were shown to have their likely historical source in non-speech verbs which entailed the special semantic aspect of the particular speech verb - for example, 'answer' from '(re)turn', or 'tell' from 'send'. It is not clear whether the mechanism of these reanalyses is truly identical to that of Maltese 'ábEz. In particular, it would have to be shown that the change which these lexemes underwent depended on or was at least influenced by their use in the QIcontext. What can be concluded with more confidence from these cases, however, is that speech verbs emerge regularly in a process whereby the use of a semantically more general lexeme is narrowed down to utterance meaning. For the more crucial scenario whereby a semantically generic lexeme develops to a 'say'-like verb, there is at least one case in the sample where an element has taken a number of steps in this direction. This is the quotative verb (t)sho of Nguni, which is derived not from a speech verb, but from the anaphoric counterpart of a cataphoric manner deictic *ti 'like this' (see Section 5.1.3.3). (T)sho has assumed a remarkably wide array of uses

392 The origin of quotative indexes clearly referring to speech outside RD, as will be demonstrated with Zulu sho.60 As far as the stem doublet thi vs. sho is concerned, it does not come as a surprise that it was the latter item that underwent the relevant changes toward an item with a stronger world-referring aspect. Apart from its more advanced degree of morphological verbiness, it incorporates the previousreference marker -o and is referentially saturated. While cataphoric thi requires some referential specification, sho has become largely independent of such accompanying information and can focus semantically on the representation of an event per se. This has gone so far that its original anaphoric component can under certain circumstances be cancelled: when followed by a form of thi, it can appear BEFORE the quote as in (285). The cooccurrence of sho and thi in this instance of QI5 also suggests that their formerly close association in meaning has become synchronically less strong. (285) u-sho ukuthi {abantu bayeza} 3S-say COMP {people are coming} He says that people are coming. [non-DRD] (Moolman 1984: 137) Other uses of sho bear hardly any resemblance to the grammatical context of a QI, but clearly convey utterance meaning. Compare the following: (286) u-sho-nje 3S-say-just He merely talks; i.e. There is no truth in it (Doke et al. 1990,2: 743) (287) sho-no phela si-zwe say-IMP truly 1P-hear:SUBJ Say it out then and let us hear (ibid.) The verb is also used quite freely in transitive structures taking complements referring to speech; the latter follow as nouns as in (288)a. and b. or are crossreferenced by object affixes. All this is impossible with thi.

60 As the following examples all convey utterance semantics, sho will be glossed for convenience as 'say', without however implying that it should be equated with verbs like English say.

5.2 Historical changes of quotative markers 393

(288) a. u-sho amazwi 3S-say words He speaks words. b. sho-no iqiniso say-IMP truth Speak the truth! (Moolman 1984: 138, 140) The following pair, where the two quotative verbs are used in the same morphological form, also demonstrates the general semantic bias of sho toward speech. The meaning contrast between (289)a. and b. shows that thi retains here its more general connotation as a performance verb 'do thus' while sho is preferably interpreted narrowly as a speech verb. This is accompanied in the examples by semantic effects regarding the object marker ku: with thi this encodes an indirect object; with sho it refers to a direct object for speech content. Additional, completely parallel examples could be added from the same source. (289) a. ngi-ya-ku-thi 1S-PROG-IA.OBJ-QV I am doing thus to it. b. ngi-ya-ku-sho 1S-PROG-IA.OBJ-say I am saying it. (Moolman 1984: 141) Finally, sho has several object nominalizations which all refer exclusively to speech. These are uku-sho 'say' (as in 'to have one's say'), isi-sho 'saying', and as a modern grammar term umu-sho 'sentence' (Doke et al. 1990,1: 420; 2: 742-3). All the uses of sho outlined above are prototypical for generic speech verbs and in no way betray its true historical origin. Admittedly, there exist other contexts where its original meaning as an anaphoric manner deictic is still discernible, so that it would be inadequate to simply align it with canonical generic speech verbs of other languages. From a more general perspective, however, the chain of changes which the Bantu stem *ti '(do/be) like this' underwent to yield the modern Zulu lexeme sho clearly qualifies as realizing the central segment in the scenario proposed above, namely that a non-speech item acquires semantic properties of a generic speech verb, mediated by its use in QIs. The relevance of such a process should be considered and tested in future research, especially in cases where there exists extensive comparative data from a large genealogical language group. A revealing case in this

394 The origin of quotative indexes respect is the verb stem fai found in the Polynesian subgroup of the Oceanic family because it is variably glossed across individual languages as 'do' or 'say'. The lists of the lemmata for 'do, make' and 'say' in Tryon (ed., 1995,3: 269, 4: 468) yields the following picture: the stem fai is found in three of the five Polynesian sample languages, namely Tongan, Mele-Fila, and Samoan.61 It is listed as 'do, make' in the first two languages. In Samoan, it appears as both 'do, make' and 'say', which according to Munro (1982: 307) is associated with a transitivity alternation: the lexeme behaves transitively in the 'do'-use and intransitively in the 'say'-use. Significantly, however, the 'say'-list contains not only generic speech verbs, but also items which are QI-predicators other than speech verbs. This can be discerned from the form pehe# given for 'say' in Tongan, which is actually a manner deictic (see Section 5.1.3.1). It can therefore be assumed that fai was originally an performance/action verb 'do, make' and that Samoan fai 'say' represents a derived use in QIs. This hypothesis is supported by the observation that non-speech items apparently occur frequently in QIs of Oceanic languages (see again Section 5.1.3.1). So far, this situation could be handled without invoking a genuine lexification of a verb 'say' out of a semantically different QI-element. The picture becomes more discomfitting, however, in the light of data from Tuvaluan, which is very closely related to Samoan. This language has a verb fai which is clearly cognate with the stems mentioned above and, like Samoan fai, is said by Besnier (1992: 169) to be polysemous, translating as 'say, tell' and 'do, make'. It was posited in Section 4.2 that a good criterion for true generic speech verbs is that, as opposed to other non-speech QIpredicatives, they can be used with the expected meaning also in an object relative clause. Precisely this context is found for fai in Tuvaluan.

61 There is also a form fa'a'ite for 'speak, talk' in Tahitian. Since fa'a could be the causative prefix (B. Comrie p.c.) and since other verbs for 'speak' in Oceanic like Kwaio fata, Woleaian kapata, Samoan fetalai (polite) could be related to this lexeme, rather than fai (/f/ in Polynesian appears to be a regular reflex of Oceanic */p/), it seems justifiable to disregard it at this stage in the discussion of fai. Higher-order groups do not clarify the picture, as the "finder list" for established reconstructions within Austronesian or its subgroups (Tryon 1995,1-2: 1150-97) does not contain a stem similar to fa'a'ite for either 'do, make', 'say', or 'speak'.

5.2 Historical changes of quotative markers 395

(290) fakalogo au nei ki te mea a Mele e fai mai overhear 1S this to the thing of PN NPST say hither kiaa Saavave to PN I (then) overheard what Mele told hither to Saavave (Besnier 1992: 172) Admittedly, this is an isolated detail which does not yet establish a complete change from an action verb to a speech verb. It may even nothing more than that the occurrence in an object relative clause is not such a watertight speech-verb criterion after all (cf. other cases like Krongo ìkkì mentioned in Section 5.1.4.3). Nevertheless, the general situation regarding Polynesian fai suggests again that QI-predicatives can gradually become semantically more 'say'-like. The hypothesis is certainly worth pursuing in future comparative and language-specific research in this and other language groups. 5.2.4

Summary

It must be stressed that the ideas outlined in the previous sections do not advocate an "anything-goes" approach to linguistic change concerning lexicon and grammar. They do challenge a strict version of the unidirectionality hypothesis of grammaticalization in that the entire scenario states that fairly grammaticalized signs like quotatives, as a result of their use in a grammatical construction, can acquire lexical properties relating to both form and meaning which they did not possess in previous stages of their development. In my view, one cannot avoid concluding that the empirically attested phenomena given above provide solid evidence for a directionality of flow between lexical and grammatical features which is reversed vis-àvis the great majority of cases that have been treated in the grammaticalization literature. However, this does not affect the validity of the general claim of unidirectionality, for the following reason: the possibility of the initiation of the unusual reinterpretation is crucially tied to a very specific grammatical context and is thus seriously constrained. It seems that only the conspiracy between (1) an element's syntactic function as the nucleus of a clause-like QI and (2) the specific meaning connotation of a RD-construction can provide the appropriate environment for bringing about the kind of development attested, for example, with Zulu sho. The syntactic role is important for the morphosyntactic adjustments of the element; the meaning aspect of

396 The origin of quotative indexes the construction is decisive for its possible semantic drift. Especially the latter circumstance is special and quite unusual in that there are few grammatical constructions which inherently involve a semantic notion which is concrete and refers to a phenomenon in the real world, here "linguistic human behavior". From a general perspective, then, a change of the proposed type remains a highly marked phenomenon which is unlikely to find many parallels in other grammatical domains. All this calls for a measured application of this model. It certainly opens the way to alternative hypotheses about the history of language-specific quotative and even defective generic speech verbs. At the same time, it should not be rashly transferred to other cases in the absence of the concrete, empirical features that are diagnostic for such a scenario. A final point will conclude the treatment of the history of quotative indexes. It relates to the problem raised at the beginning of this chapter, namely the explanation of the polyfunctionality patterns in which grammaticalized QI-elements partake. The variable and complex origins of these elements demand a new look at this issue as well as the historical evaluation of quotatives in general. While previous research, taking an element-oriented approach, has focused on their origin in speech verbs and on their further grammaticalization out of a QI, the approach entertained here implies that scenarios can be far more variable and must take into account the fact that grammaticalization processes take place within constructions. Every individual element type listed above as entering into a QI or a mimesis construction has its own typical grammaticalization network and thus its own pattern of related functions. Some of these can be completely independent of the quotative complex as they develop out of other contexts that the given element is commonly used in. Overlaps in polyfunctionality patterns between different element types arise mostly in the quotative complex and its subsequent grammaticalizations. This idea will be taken up again and laid out in more detail in Chapter 6.

Chapter 6 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions

This chapter deals with expressions which are repeatedly found to share with RD-constructions certain linguistic material or even the entire structure, but which deviate functionally to a greater or lesser extent from the central function of RD. This formal similarity can generally be explained by the encroachment of RD on other functional domains via grammaticalization processes. The range of functions treated below includes naming, reported evidence, illocution reinforcement, similarity and manner, internal awareness (in turn involving the various domains of modality, temporality, and valency manipulation), and last but not least the complex domain of clause linkage. This list does not claim to be exhaustive; obviously, only those phenomena can be taken into consideration for which the empirical data of the sample survey, supplemented by the literature, allow one to state the relationship between RD and some other domain and to identify the basic semantic-functional and formal circumstances of a given change. The non-Africanist reader will again note the extensive languagespecific data. These may not always be essential for following the general argument about a given crosslinguistically recurrent relation. At the same time, other readers may feel that certain topics are not treated sufficiently. In particular, the frequent and sometimes extreme morphosyntactic and phonetic-phonological changes that QIs and their elements can undergo when expanding into other contexts of uses will be dealt with only minimally, and only as far as necessary. There are several reasons for this. First, it is impossible in a cross-language investigation like the present one to establish for so many language-specific constructions a fine-grained account of each individual change, including the nearly unlimited particulars and eventualities which can interfere with the idealized model of a grammaticalization process. Second, several of the changes discussed below have already been subject to considerable study in the literature and these works can be referred to for a better insight into more specific issues. Last but not least, many language-specific cases in fact do not involve a great deal in the way of formal adjustments and are in this sense only in an incipient stage of grammaticalization; for those who associate a grammati-

398 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions calization process with the emergence of a clearly distinct construction, these might not even be subsumed under this label at all. My discussion concentrates first of all on the SEMANTIC-FUNCTIONAL basis of the relation between RD involving a QI and some other expression type. For a context extension of RD, formal changes are not necessary; functional changes precede formal changes, as has long been recognized in grammaticalization research (see inter alia Heine & Reh (1984: 62-6), cf. also Haspelmath (forthcoming)). The overt formal aspect of grammaticalization is only important for making one major point, namely that the change from RD into another functional domain concerns not only the QI or even a QI-element, but rather the specific interaction between a certain type of QI and a certain type of quote in the RD-construction as a whole.

6.1 Naming A first relevant phenomenon in many languages concerns expressions having the semantic notion 'name, call, label'. Predicative clauses in which this is the central feature will be referred to here by the term NAMING CONSTRUCTION. These often contain a QI-element or even have a structure which is completely identical with a RD-construction, thus involving little or no formal grammaticalization. For a detailed discussion of one such case I refer the reader to Hock (1982), who shows how the Vedic/Sanskrit quotative iti 'thus' enters into this domain and increasingly grammaticalizes to a point where it is virtually obligatory whenever a nominal term is used as a label. The following is a list of other relevant languages or language groups: many genealogically unrelated languages in the South Asian linguistic area (Kachru 1979, Subbarao et al. 1983, Rau 1987, Saxena 1988, Bashir 1996); Thai and Khmer in Southeast Asia (Matisoff 1991: 399); Japanese (Coulmas 1985: 55-FN7); Austronesian languages like Kambera (Klamer 2002: 332-3), Bontoc and Balangao (Longacre 1968,2: 186, citing L. Reid and J. Shetler); Papuan languages like Gahuku (Deibler 1971: 106-7) and Telefol (Healey 1972: 216-7); Walmatjari from Australia (Hudson 1986: 67-9); and such African languages as Twi (Lord 1993: 176) and Mündü (Jeffrey 1984: 127). Since the general phenomenon is quite common, this list could certainly be extended considerably. The following illustrative example is from Shona; here the proper name John is linked to the word 'name' by a form of the quotative verb ti.

6.1 Naming 399

(291) vaka-mu-tumidza zita ro-ku-ti John 3P:REM.PST-3S-call 5.name 5:GEN-INF-QV PN They called him by the name John. (Dale 1972: 136) As has been recognized previously, the structural affinity between RD in the narrow sense and naming/labeling is based on the fact that both exploit the self-reflexive function of language involving the use/mention distinction. Both involve linguistic signs (the quote or the name) which identify or "mention" entities of the linguistic world instead of referring to phenomena in the object world. When a linguistic sign is employed as a name or within a quote, it is in some way, to use Haiman's (1989: 135) wording, "divorced from its meaning". In this sense, one can view a naming construction, with Partee (1973: 411), as a "word quotation".62 The specific character of predicative naming constructions is that they normally refer to a customary act of attributing a name to a certain entity. It is not far-fetched to construe such an expression as a generic REPORT about addressing an entity by its name: "X say 'NAME' to Y". Accordingly, the clause mostly displays grammatical features which encode a generic, habitual event so that the predicate possesses appropriate temporal marking and a 3rd-person plural or impersonal subject. It can also have a nominal structure like [X has name ...], [name of X is ...], etc. The sample yields an impressive number of languages with this phenomenon, which is also recognized as such in some of the grammatical descriptions (this is indicated by the reference in the first line of the following examples). The recorded cases can be classified into two major types. In the first group, the naming construction involves the cooccurrence of a normal naming predicate and a grammaticalized quotative of the language, similar to a bipartite QI.

62 W. McGregor (p.c.) notes that Australian languages tend "to have a [naming] structure reminiscent of the secondary predicate construction, and to be agnate with non-verbal clauses like I am Bill, etc." which then "could forge an alternative link with the verb 'be'." It is thus possible that the polyfunctionality of an element found in both RD and naming is the result of parallel grammaticalization of an equational verb. While further research on this issue is necessary, it should be noted that this scenario is unlikely in the majority of the African cases to be presented here, not the least because the structures and/or elements concerned do not involve equational verbs in any transparent way.

400 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions (292) Anywa ma#na#dU@ N cU$ @l ní ¯I$káaN @ big.one call:IP Q PN The eldest was called Nyikang (Reh 1996: 495) (293) Krongo N-áná yàarì àní lúwáalà CLCO:3M.S-IPFV:have name Q PN Er heißt Luwaala. [lit.: and he has the name 'Luwaala'] (Reh 1985: 384) (294) Khoekhoe (Hagman 1977: 137) úàeúúí'ao-p píta-p tí ra úaí-hè-p siíke tì 1P.E GEN leader-3M.S PN-3M.S Q IPFV call-PASS-3M.S our leader who was called "Peter" (ibid.) (295) Izon Igúabo èé mó tìn kimi-bi PN ? Q call man-DET a man called Iguabo (Williamson f.n.) (296) Kisi (Childs 1995: 279) léláN ndá ké ndú dìòláN ní àà yòù nàùwó for.that 3P give 3S name GF Q PN Therefore they give it the name "Cattle-bird". (ibid.: 327) (297) Ewe (Lord 1976: 180) bé adzó me-y @ vinyéa 1S-call my.child Q PN I called my child Adzo. (ibid.) (298) Tikar (Stanley 1991: 454) jin shon si lE jân name 3S:POSS COP Q PN Il s'appelle Jean (ibid.: 234) The second major pattern consists only of a regularly used QI-nucleus, appearing "bare". It can be a generic speech verb, a quotative verb, or a

6.1 Naming 401

quotative. If the QI is not a passive-like structure, the named entity is generally marked like the AD of a normal QI. (299) Koyra Chiini i-i har a se Djob 3P-IPFV say 3S DAT PN they call it "Djob" [lit.: they say to it 'Djob'] (Heath (ed.) 1998: 2601) (300) Dongola hasaN-gi wE#@-munun nugúd-k ám bE@lEd-ir slave-OBJ my country-INE PN-OBJ say-NEG:IPFV:1P in my (our) country we do not name a slave Hásan (Armbruster 1965: 217) (301) Sandawe n/èmê-sú té sù ká'` sèbàsìtìa(:nà person-F other she Q PN there was this woman Sebastiana [lit.: the other woman called 'S.'] (Elderkin 1989: 159) (302) Taa "#sî bà te@) !qàh'm !qòhni kà 1P.E IPFV QV PN we say !qàh'm !qòhni kà (to it) (Traill f.n.) (303) Tigre la-t´-tbahal d´gge d´gge wa#nin village.F village of.animals REL-3F.S-PASS:NPST:say one village which was called "village of the animals" (Raz 1983: 105) (304) Bedauye Hámmid Abdálla#-b e-yád-na u#-ba@#ba M.DET-father PN-OBJ 3P-IPFV:say-P sein vater hiess Mohammed Abdallah [his father was called 'M. A.'] (Reinisch 1893/4,1: 7)

402 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions (305) Lamang (Wolff 1983: 237) (also possible with b´$dzùwál-xá-yá kágòlò PN-P-COP QV:IP simple quotative verb gV) those are called "B´dzuwala's [sic]" [lit.: they say it is 'B´dzuwalas'] (ibid.) (306) Hausa (Gouffé 1971: 79) 'a nàa ceè-(waa) dà šii 'awdù IP IPFV QV-(VN) COM 3M.S PN il s'appelle Aoudou' [lit.: they say to him 'Audu'] (ibid.) (307) Donno S ko-g lamp pilElu gE-zPRO-DET lamp PN say-PRS-3P:REL cette lampe qu'on appelle 'pilElu' (Kervran & Prost 1986: 161) (308) Xhosa63 lo mthi thina si-thi ngu-mcheya DET tree 1P 1P-QV COP-PN we call this tree a true yellowwood (Pahl et al. (eds.) 1989: 294) In two languages, Ik and Mandinka, both patterns are found to coexist with each other, as shown in the following examples. (309) Ik nu kut-i-an-e taa lokulit (also possible with REL.P:PST QV-HAB-IP-DEP Q PN ntane 'be called') which was called (that) lokulit (Serzisko 1992: 153) (310) Mandinka (Creissels 1983: 184-5) a. ka taa a fo n ye kuunyampi IPFV go ATC.PRO say 1S OBL PN goes to call me Kuunyampi [lit.: goes to say to me 'Kuunyampi'] (Pfeiffer (ed.) 1997: 67)

63 In Zulu, the Nguni variety used for the text analysis, the naming function seems to be taken care of by other verbs.

6.1 Naming 403

b. n naa ko n ye Saalung 1S mother QV 1S OBL PN My mother calls me Saalung [lit.: My mother says to me 'Saalung'] (ibid.: 67) c. à too ko Musaa 3S name Q PN son nom est Musaa (Creissels 1983: 185) The characteristics of the second type of RD-derived naming construction raise an important question, namely whether it is possible that a QIpredicate routinely used in such a context can undergo a change of its lexical semantics to a verb 'call, address with name'. This would be parallel to the scenario entertained in Section 5.2.3 according to which a non-verbal quotative marker used regularly as a QI-nucleus can come increasingly to resemble a generic speech verb. As an illustration of this idea, consider the following |Xam sentence. ãa (311) hi n/e ta /a0o 3P IPFV QV youth OBL:3S They call him |A0o. [= they call him a '|a0o', lit.: they say '|a0o' to him] (Bleek & Lloyd 1911: 378) The sentence bears a clear resemblance to a normal RD-expression, mainly because its predicate is ta, which can be analyzed as a quotative verb on the basis of internal and comparative evidence. However, it displays one important deviation from the normal RD-configuration: the AD-referent 'to him' encoded here pronominally in the morpheme complex ãa occurs after the quote-equivalent /a0o. In this position, the "quote" (i.e. the label/name) is no longer set off from the QI, as is normally the case, and has acquired the appearance of a normal object preceding an oblique participant. This is justification for distinguishing this naming construction from a canonical RD-construction. This in turn has consequences for the analysis of the verb ta: in clauses like (311) it would not be inappropriate to analyze it as a verb 'call' controlling a direct object (the name) and an oblique participant (the named entity). This would be the most plausible interpretation if there were no information about its etymological relation to a quotative verb. In general, a lack of complexity of a quote can make it more akin to an object constituent and increase its potential for being treated as such (see Section 3.4.1). This is even more likely in the case of a one-word quote

404 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions consisting of a name. The bare noun identifying a name is in principle potentially ambiguous in that it can be confounded with its normal "use" as a lexical sign referring to an entity. Therefore, it is only a small step to reinterpreting the quoted name as a canonical argument of the predicate and incorporating it into the verb phrase. The amalgamation of the implicit speech act of appellation with the named concept itself has serious consequences for the RD-construction: it becomes a monoclausal structure whose earlier QI-predicate can now be construed as a transitive specific speech verb, even though its source may originally have been semantically generic and intransitive toward the speech content. A good candidate for the proposed scenario exists in Supyire. The language has a functionally versatile verb pyi. Besides various grammaticalized functions, it is translated, when used as a simple predicate, by such different glosses as 'do, make, cause', 'be(come)', and 'call by name'. The following examples demonstrate the causative use (312) and the use in naming constructions (313) (see also Carlson 1994: 265-6). (312) mìi a ù pyì ú á kàrè 1S PERF 3S make 3S PERF go I made him leave. (Carlson 1994: 430) (313) pi màha kuru pyi kàdúcyè-yí 3P HAB 3S.EMPH call PN-DET they call it the kaducyeya (ibid.: 632) How can this type of polysemy be explained? A first hint toward a possible answer is the fact that Supyire pyi is also used, though only occasionally, in a QI as an AD-transitive predicate conveying 'say to, tell'; here the entire RD-expression is virtually identical with the above naming construction. (314) kà wùù ú ú pyí {lakólii pi ¯yE wùù} and 1P NAR 3S tell {we are students} Then we told him, "We are students." (ibid.: 449) This invites the interpretation that the meaning 'call' could be the result of lexical reanalysis in the naming context out of a formerly more frequent function as a QI-predicate. This hypothesis is supported by comparative evidence. In another Senufo variety, Djimini, S. H. Levinsohn (p.c.) reports

6.1 Naming 405

that a verb "pye 'faire, dire a qqn.' (with the addressee expressed) is in contrast with another speech verb fo which is used when the speech is not directed to specific addressees." This suggests strongly that Supyire pyi and Djimini pye are cognates. If this is correct, then the Senufo etymon is indeed attested as a regular QI-predicate, and it is plausible to assume that this was also the case in an older chronolect of Supyire. A further hint pointing toward such a situation in the past is that in modern Supyire, another verb occurring more regularly in QIs with AD-encoding is apparently derived from cyee 'show'. This is then a more recent usage which seems to compete successfully with pyi in this context. If the scenario laid out here is adequate, it would also mean that from a diachronic perspective, one could add another case to the list of sample languages in Section 5.1.2 where a non-speech verb is used regularly as a QI-predicate: Supyire pyi, whatever its ultimate lexical meaning, is not and never was a generic speech verb, but nonetheless it came to assume the function of a QI-verb, as is the case still today with its counterpart in Djimini. Yoruba is also worth noting in this respect. In addition to the high-toned pé used in naming constructions by virtue of its function as a quotative, there is a low-toned verb pè with the meaning 'call, address in loud voice'. This is not the same as 'call by name', but there is some affinity between the two meanings, especially in a context like that exemplified in (315). (315) Yoruba (Abraham 1958: 547) ó pè mìí pé Àjàyí 3S call 1S Q PN he called out to me by my name Àjàyí (ibid.: 549) It is possible that the resemblance between the two items is only accidental, and no claim regarding an etymological connection is made here. However, the possibility of such a connection would merit further investigation as soon as more evidence in support of the idea of a QI-predicate lexicalizing to a verb 'call' becomes available. Finally, I will mention for the record the case of the verb 'call' in Kera. It is relevant for the present discussion because it has been suggested in another study that it is related to a QI-element: Frajzyngier (1996a: 152) cites in his Table 4.4.(2) a verb minte 'call', implicitly suggesting it as the source of the complementizer míntí. The stem form of the relevant verb 'call, ask for' is actually mánté according to the primary source, Ebert (1976: 79).

406 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions (316) gìid´$ ak´@Na ye mánt-á Ajìilà in field:DET 3P call-3F.S.OBJ PN in dem Feld, das sie Ajiila nennen [in the field which they call 'Ajiila'] (Ebert 1975: 224) It is unclear whether there is at all an etymological relation between the gram míntí and the verb mánté. In any case, the findings of this study do not give evidence for Frajzyngier's suggestion that a specific speech verb 'call' develops to a generic QI-verb and subsequently to a quotative/complementizer. By contrast, the reverse scenario is quite conceivable, where a default QI-predicate becomes specialized for the naming context and eventually lexicalizes to a verb 'call'.

6.2 Reported evidence A second domain where a special type of QI can assume a function outside of narrow RD is the marking of evidentiality, which is the use of conventionalized linguistic means to refer in the narrow sense to the source of communicated information. The explicit encoding of so-called REPORTED EVIDENCE is, according to Willett (1988), crosslinguistically frequent and constitutes together with INFERRED EVIDENCE the subdomain of NONDIRECT EVIDENCE. Two subtypes established by Willett for reported evidence are relevant for the data to be presented below. They are (ibid.: 96): (1) "Third-hand evidence: the speaker claims to have heard about the situation described, but not from a direct witness." and (2) "Evidence from folklore: the speaker claims that the situation described is part of established oral history." The semantic affinity between a RD-construction and reported evidence is intuitively clear, and it comes as no surprise that Willett (ibid.: 79) identifies 'say'-verbs as one regular source of hearsay markers, following the pattern of such English examples as Interest rates will continue to rise, they say. However, QIs with 'say'-verbs are not their only source (for examples of different scenarios, see the so-called "modus obliquus" in BaltoFinnic (Campbell 1991: 285-90) or the hearsay-evidential enclitic a#m in Tamil (Steever 2002: 105)). Regarding the origin of such evidentials, it is necessary to be precise regarding the linguistic input for the relevant functional and formal changes, in line with the construction approach to grammaticalization. Two consid-

6.2 Reported evidence 407

erations are relevant here. First, the QI-predicative recruited for marking the above types of reported evidence need not be a generic speech verb 'say' (cf. Chapter 5). Second, the typical QI involved in expressing reported evidence is tied to certain formal features: the speech event invoked by the reporter for his/her knowledge is normally not presented as a concrete historical happening, but is rather construed as an unspecified, generic experience. Bamgbos`e (1986: 94-5), for example, states for Yoruba that the QI in "general hearsay reports" has an impersonal subject encoded by the 3rdperson plural pronoun wó`n, the semantically generic quotative verb ní and present time reference. While similar properties typically apply to such marking devices in other languages, variation across languages is certainly possible within limits. This is shown, for example, by Ameka (2004: 21-2): while Ga uses a 3rd-person plural pronoun in the hearsay evidential specialized for "rumor-mongering", Akan employs a 1st-person pronoun in a functionally identical structure. Note too that the routinization of semantically similar forms need not necessarily result in a hearsay evidential. According to Kleinewillinghöfer (p.c.), the Waja phrase n k´n 'they say', which consists of a form of the noun 'people' and the 3rd-person quotative, is not used by the speaker for expressing hearsay, but rather when (s)he wants to exert the authority of custom and good manners to justify his/her own behavior or to influence that of others. It is akin to an "argumentum ad hominem" - an "argumentum ad mo#re#s", so to speak. Dooley (1989: 35) points out that it may sometimes be difficult to distinguish "between quotations [= normal RD-constructions] and simple utterances with a disclaimer [= clauses accompanied by an evidentially used QI]." However, the functional and structural distinction between the two can be clarified in terms of a reversed focus on what is called here the immediate discourse. In normal RD, the quote per se, as a block of reported text, represents non-immediate discourse; it is a relatively minor part of a larger text that constitutes the immediate discourse, and its QI is tied to this immediate discourse. With a hearsay evidential, on the other hand, the locus of the immediate discourse is different: the text in the scope of the evidential (technically speaking the quote) belongs to the main body of the ongoing immediate discourse, whereas the QI is downgraded to a discourse-qualifying tag, belonging to what Thompson (2002: 142-6) characterizes as "epistemic/evidential/evaluative fragments". In the former case the quote is a fairly well-delimited intrusion into to the main text; in the latter, it "expands" to actually become the main text.

408 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions Two somewhat opposed strategies can be distinguished as regards the syntagmatic behavior of the QI. The QI in evidential function may recur ubiquitously throughout the entire discourse, a phenomenon which can go along with an increasing formal grammaticalization toward a particle or inflectional affix. This type is particularly frequent in American Indian languages (see, e.g., Kerr (1976/7: 155) for Cuiva, Larson (1978: 50-4) for Aguaruna, Munro (1978: 159-61) for Northern Uto-Aztecan, and Mishler (1981) for a North American survey).64 The other extreme is that the QI occurs at few prominent points of the text, most regularly at its beginning (as in (317) - the first sentence of an Ik story), but sometimes also at its end and/or important internal breaks. (317) a kut-an-a koto taa {...} ?that say-IP-PFV then Q It is said that ... [lit.: people said that] (Serzisko 1995: 507) The use of a QI or a QI-element as a hearsay evidential is widespread. Other language groups where this is frequent are Tibeto-Burman (Saxena 1988) and Papuan (Vries 1990: 294). It is also found in European languages as discussed recently by Sakita (2002: 191-2) in connection with the use of QIs as comment clauses in English. In Africa, the evidential use of QIs is particularly common and fairly routinized in languages of the Ethiopian Plateau; Longacre (1990: 17-8, 22, 35, 57, 61) reports this for Afar, Gimira, and Amharic, representing the major genealogical groups Cushitic, Omotic, and Ethiosemitic, respectively. More languages from this linguistic area can be added from the sample. The phenomenon as such, however, can also be shown to exist in other African languages, as the following data from the sample demonstrate. 1. Ik The Ik texts display several instances of a story-initial QI2 with the impersonal perfective form of the quotative verb kut used as a hearsay evidential phrase, as exemplified in (317). For the record, the same phenomenon is found in the genealogically related language So (Carlin 1993: 155).

64 As mentioned in Section 1.2.1, this phenomenon has given rise to a different terminological use of "quotative" which needs to be distinguished from that in this study.

6.2 Reported evidence 409

2. Kunama The surveyed Kunama narratives repeatedly show an element nke, the 3rdperson plural perfective form of the quotative verb u, as a hearsay evidential, mostly in the initial paragraph but also within and at the end of a story. This is concentrated in those texts which were translated from Saho and Bilin. Since such markers are found regularly in these neighboring Cushitic languages, it is unclear whether and to what extent the findings in the Kunama texts reflect a usage which is rooted in the language's own grammar or a contact phenomenon. 3. Murle A couple of Murle stories of the corpus are introduced by anE da, containing the imperfective stem of quotative nE and translated as 'they say'. 4. Tigre In the Tigre texts, one repeatedly finds either a short text-initial phrase mentioning a particular person as the source of the related information or some form of the generic speech verb bela at the beginning and/or end of a narrative, namely l´blo 'they say' (3rd-person masculine plural non-past) and l´tbahal 'it is said' (3rd-person masculine singular passive non-past). 5. Tamajeq The analyzed Tamajeq texts contain several tokens of ´nn´n, the generic speech verb with a 3rd-person plural subject, as a story-initial hearsay evidential (compare Petites Soeurs de Jésus 1974: 231, 241). 6. Bedauye According to Reinisch's texts (1893/4), Bedauye possesses two forms for hearsay evidentiality differing in distribution. On the one hand, narratives display a story-initial marker ed"#@na 'they said' which is the 3rd-person plural perfective form of the generic speech verb di. Within a text, on the other hand, one finds another element e#n, which is the 3rd-person plural imperfective form of the quotative verb an. The text-internal and repetitive use as well as the lexical choice of the latter indicates that it is more grammaticalized; this finds support in its description by Dahl (1984: 95-6). 7. Mandinka The Mandinka phrase i ko 'they say', consisting of the 3rd-person plural pronoun and the quotative verb ko, is found quite regularly at the beginning of narratives of the corpus; in one case, it is also repeated within the text.

410 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions 8. Yoruba As mentioned above, the Yoruba clause wó`n ní 'they say' is used, according to Bamgbos`e (1986: 94-5), as a general hearsay marker. One can make several generalizations based on the data of the sample survey and the information in the consulted literature which indicate general trends on the African continent. First, all evidentially used QIs encountered display a fairly low degree of formal grammaticalization in that they are still transparent with respect to their lexical and morphological structure and are used as independent clauses. I agree with W. McGregor (p.c.) that it may be difficult to argue here for a distinct and well-profiled construction type clearly differentiated from conventional RD. The only formal differences that can be noted for the majority of the above hearsaymarking QIs is that they regularly have scope over a considerably larger text than when used with a canonical quote and that they are restricted regarding their categories for participants and predication operators. Often, they do not, then, count as instances of a "grammaticalized evidential" according to Anderson's criterion, cited by Willett (1988: 84), whereby such an item "is not the main predication, but a reanalyzed and reduced form of a main verb."65 Second, there is hardly any case of a distinction between different types of reported evidence as described by Willett for languages of other continents. The only sample language having two forms with apparent functional differences is Bedauye. Finally, I found no case of a hearsay marker that entered into a larger paradigm of evidential categories. Although such non-paradigmaticity for hearsay marking is said by Willett (ibid.: 68) to be not uncommon crosslinguistically, it seems to represent a wider areal trend of Africa in particular. This corresponds to the impression from the literature that fine-grained and highly grammaticalized evidential systems are relatively rare on this continent (cf. Haan 2005). 65 This is not to say that this applies to all hearsay evidentials in Africa. For example, the hearsay evidential quma in Taa (with a possible Khoekhoe cognate kómá 'supposedly') is no longer transparent regarding its source structure and is also functionally fairly routinized in that it is repeated very frequently throughout a narrative. Cf. also Blass (1989) and Ameka (2004: 22-3) regarding the utterance-final epistemological particles in Sissala and Akan, although here the particles' historical relation to RD-constructions as well as their synchronic function as proper hearsay evidentials are not fully clear to me.

6.3 Illocution reinforcement and related discourse functions 411

6.3 Illocution reinforcement and related discourse functions This section deals with a variety of related phenomena whereby a QI serves to modify a speech act in some way. These cases are similar to hearsay evidentials in several respects. On the one hand, the quote emancipates itself to being (part of) the main discourse, so that the QI's role as an evaluational tag becomes especially salient. On the other hand, the functional extension of the RD-expression does not necessarily imply a new construction type of its own. The modification of the speech act dealt with here primarily (but not exclusively) is one of ILLOCUTION REINFORCEMENT, its common denominator is that the QI has a 1st-person subject. The general phenomenon has been addressed repeatedly in previous studies on RD: Larson (1978: 43-50, 54-5) discusses various types of "performatives" in Aguaruna, with her "intent" and "clarification" falling under the domain at issue here; Wigger (1997: 990-2) mentions several uses of so-called "reflexive Redewiedergabe [reflexive reported speech]" in Irish; Voort (2002: 316) discusses a relevant example in Kwaza (like Aguaruna a South American language). The function of illocution reinforcement is reported by all these studies and is illustrated here by English. (318) I am TELLING you, don't do that again. or Don't do that again, I am TELLING you. Like other so-called "comment clauses" in English (see Quirk et al. 1985), the QI I tell you functions as a tag on another sentence which conveys the central information of the utterance. By virtue of the fact that a speech verb can be used performatively, the function here is to draw the attention of the hearer to the speech act instantiated by this sentence. One can say that the QI extracts the performative act from the other, major clause. This strategy not only makes the illocution overt - an effect which has been studied in depth in speech-act theory and subsequent discussions of the highersentence or performative analysis; more importantly, the double expression of the speech act in the central clause and in the QI-like comment clause INCREASES the illocutionary force of the utterance - an analysis supported by the functional description of the relevant cases. In some languages illocution reinforcement is conveyed by a bare QIelement - for example, in several Sinitic languages like Taiwanese Southern Min and Hongkong Cantonese by a clause-final particle which is identical with a quotative/complementizer (Chappell ms.). Here, the possibility

412 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions should be considered that such a structure may be a segmentally truncated variant of the fully clause-like QI exemplified in (318). This possible development also has some potential for explaining the use of complementizers and similar QI-elements as declarative and affirmative markers. While such cases have been invoked repeatedly as evidence for the higher-sentence analysis (see Farwell (1972: 120-6) for discussion), the present approach points to a more concrete source for the emergence of such grams: the initial pragmatic effect of performatives as speech-act reinforcers. Again, the hypothetical scenario would involve the routinization of the structure at issue (accompanied by segmental truncation of the earlier QI), eventually leading to the loss of its pragmatic force. The reinforcing QI-use seems to be universally available and widely employed, especially in face-to-face communication, and was found here and there throughout the sample data. See the following examples from hortatory and conversational texts of Kisi and Tikar, respectively. (319) mì dímúl núm càáN nùú CLCO:1S say:BEN 2S friend my I tell you, my friend, ... (Childs 1995: 324) yin lE kyìl-ènì lE$ n$dæ$m (320) son mùn shE$ but 1S say:PFV 2P Q stay.away-IMP.P COM sorcery Mais je vous dis de laisser la sorcellerie (Stanley 1991: 536) In the following conversational exchange in Supyire, the emphatically asserted proposition is not even repeated, so that in the response the performative stands on its own.

@ h u sì ¯$-jyéré mE (321) n no 3S NEG FUT-stop NEG No it won't stop.

mìi a yì jwù mu á 1S PERF 3P say 2S to I tell you it will (lit. I have said them to you)

(Carlson 1994: 665) Such expressions can have a quite regular status. This is, for example, the case with the Wolof phrase ma ne (= 1st-person singular aorist form of the quotative verb) which is, according to S. Robert (p.c.), frequently used by a speaker to stress his/her illocutionary act. Such a situation is also found in several of the sample languages.

6.3 Illocution reinforcement and related discourse functions 413

1. Hausa According to Gouffé (1971: 80-FN7), the Hausa phrase na cèe 'I said', which can appear either before or after the relevant clause, has this same reinforcement function. The context for the use of this specialized QI in (322) is that a boy is not satisfied with the cattle egret's answer to his greeting and insists on an appropriate reaction: (322) na ce sannu 'yar balbela 1S:PFV QV hello cattle.egret I said hello, cattle egret! (Ahmad 1997: 233, 168) 2. Mandinka Another case is that of Mandinka n ko consisting of the 1st-person singular pronoun and the quotative verb. Creissels (1983: 183) writes: l'énonciateur mandinka qui commence son énoncé par n ko... "je dis que..." ne constate pas par là un événement, il renforce en l'explicitant la valeur assertive de son énonciation et la langue mandinka consacre ce fait en ayant recours là à une structure tout à fait spécifique.

It is noteworthy that the plain use of ko as a discourse particle is also possible. Accompanied by a particular intonation, it shows "that the speaker is expressing some impatience, opposition, contrast as a result of what has just been said or done (or not done)" (Rowlands 1959: 136).66 The affinity between the clause-emphasizing function of bare ko and the use of n ko 'I say' led Creissels (1983: 154) to propose that the former is derived from the latter. This is indeed a suggestive hypothesis, but it must be recognized that the issue is more complex due to the unclear lexical origin of ko (see Section 5.1.3.3 and also Section 6.4 below). 3. Yoruba There are several phrases in Yoruba that are relevant in the present context. One is mo ní 'I say'. According to Bamgbos`e (p.c.), this occurs with an intonation break before an utterance, as in (323).

66 Rowlands (1959: 92) mentions that ko can also be found within a running quote. It clearly would require a fairly sophisticated analysis to determine whether such a ko is being used by the quoted SP or by the reporter as a discourse particle, or even is a quotative inserted simply to remind the audience that a discourse is being reported.

414 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions (323) mo ní e` da mi lóùn 1S QV you should answer me I say you should answer me! (Armstrong 1966: 26) Another more elaborate QI with a similar function, though not used as frequently as the former, is the entire phrase in (324). It appears to have an even less tight bond to the utterance it refers to. This is reflected inter alia by its more variable position; in (324),the phrase is postposed. (324) ... èmi ni mo so` bé`è` 1S TF 1S say thus ... I'm telling you [lit.: it's me saying so] (Barber & Ògúndíjo` (eds.) 1994: 86) The most grammaticalized Yoruba item that is used to strengthen an illocution is the particle àní. On account of its shape, parallel to mo ní, it is derived by Abraham (1958: 55) from a phrase 'we say' consisting of the 1st-person plural pronoun à and the quotative verb. Suggestive as this analysis appears, it is not conclusive according to Bamgbos`e (p.c.), who rather associates à with a nominalizing prefix. The functional scenario underlying the emergence of àní thus remains an open question. 4. Nguni The performative ngisho in Nguni, the 1st-person singular present form of the anaphoric quotative verb sho, has developed in a slightly different but still related direction (Doke et al. 1990,2: 555-6). First, it is used as an exclamation No wonder! now I understand with scope over an accompanying proposition, and conveys that the speaker has harbored a certain suspicion which can now be stated with full conviction - a usage with close parallels in other languages, for example, German Sag' ich doch! [That's just what I'm saying]. In a second use, ngisho functions as a marker of additive focus and can be translated conveniently as 'even'. Here the heightened affirmation expressed by ngisho stresses a maximal value selected from a set of propositional alternatives. Thus in the following example ngisho has a narrow scope over a quantifying predicate and reinforces the value 'not one', which indeed is already emphasized by the additive focus marker ne-.

6.3 Illocution reinforcement and related discourse functions 415

(325) zi-fé a-kwa-sala ngi-sho ne-yodwa in-komo 10-die:PST NEG-IP:SEQ-remain 1S-QV ADDF-alone 11-beast They died and there did not remain even a single beast (Doke et al. 1990,2: 555) The discussion has thus far been restricted to the function of reinforcement of the illocution. However, QIs constructed as 1st-person performatives will very likely turn out after additional research to have a more diverse potential for hedging, evaluating, or modifying in some other way an illocutionary act. This is indicated by different conventionalized forms of the Nguni quotative verbs thi and sho. The negative 1st-person singular present forms angithi and, less frequently, angisho serve as sentence-initial question tags expecting a confirmation of the statement as in (326). (326) a-ngi-thi ba-zo-fika kusasa NEG-1S-QV 3P-FUT-come tomorrow They will come tomorrow, won't they? (Slattery 1981: 72)

yebo ba-zo-fika yes 3P-FUT-come Yes they will

Note in this connection that Mandinka possesses a discourse particle kori, most probably containing the quotative verb ko, which functions like angithi in Nguni as a question tag inducing a positive reply (Rowlands 1959: 135, 137-8, Creissels et al. 1982: 94). Rowlands proposes that it has its origin in the phrase i ko dii 'how/what do you say?'. The Nguni case offers the alternative hypothesis that it is derived from a 1st-person form. That performative QIs are potentially more versatile than the single function of illocution reinforcement is also indicated by the use of the Swahili phrase nasema 'I say', which is the 1st-person singular present form of the generic speech verb sema. In the spoken language, it functions at the onset of a speaker's turn to attract the full attention of the hearer. This function is related to that discussed previously: instead of reinforcing the illocutionary act, it calls attention to the fact that this act is going to be performed immediately. Interestingly, the phrase nasema seems prominent enough in Swahili discourse to have been borrowed into other languages. In the surveyed narrative texts of Hadza (which is in close language contact with the national language Swahili), nasema is regularly used as a kind of interjection at the onset of a direct quote, which clearly reflects its discourse-opening aspect in the donor language. Regarding the situation in Swahili, it is significant that this language possesses a grammaticalized discourse particle ati (or eti) which is etymol-

416 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions ogically related to the Common Bantu quotative verb ti and has functions partly parallel to that of nasema. It is said to be used by the speaker for (1) "making somebody listen", (2) "showing surprise about something", and (3) "showing contempt" (Taasisi 1981: 10, my translation). In view of the situation regarding nasema, it is natural to assume a path of development for ati/eti along similar lines. However, there is no obvious reconstruction of this particle as an earlier finite verb form with a 1st-person subject. At the same time, one must remember that ti is in origin not a speech verb, but a manner deictic. This is important because such elements are highly prone to grammaticalization also outside the domain of RD. This leads to a final general point regarding the historical relation between QI-elements and discourse markers. The above cases with a 1stperson subject, like the hearsay evidentials of the type discussed in Section 6.2, are unequivocal instances of a process whereby the new discourse function arises out of a specialized RD-construction. However, the wide diversity of meaning of the linguistic signs entering a QI makes it advisable to also consider the scenario whereby such a sign may directly develop a use as a discourse particle, without ever passing through the stage of a QIelement at all. Similative markers and manner deictics are especially notorious in this respect: Bislama olsem 'like (this)' is used as an "attention shifter" and a hedge according to Meyerhoff & Niedzielski (1998: 239); English like is discussed extensively by Underhill (1988) as a focus marker; the versatile discourse functions of the German manner deictic so are treated by several articles in Rosengren (ed., 1987); Abraham (1958: 6) gives a discourse particle àbí in Yoruba based on bí 'like' which is according to Bamgbos`e (p.c.) of the same form as the above àní and expresses strong doubt about a proposition. The list of examples can be enlarged considerably; as Fleischman (1999) demonstrates, similar elements from around the world are found simultaneously as (1) focus markers, (2) hedges/attenuators, and (3) DRD-quotatives, without there being any indication that the latter function has historical precedence over the others. Cases where the etymological source of the element concerned is unknown are even more problematic. In any case, the search for an explanation of a parallel synchronic polyfunctionality clearly should not be reduced just to a possible grammaticalization relation to a quotative use. For example, Harwell (1976: 66-9) expresses considerable difficulty in finding a semantic-functional motivation for the fact that the QIpredicative 'i of Maricopa also functions as an auxiliary marking such pragmatic notions as immediacy and speaker involvement. This problem appears in a different light as soon as it is recognized that this element

6.4 Similarity and manner 417

could be a quotative verb whose ultimate origin remains to be determined, rather than a true generic speech verb. Klamer (2002: 336-7) is confronted with a similar problem in Kambera. She derives the highlighting function of the discourse marker wàmu, consisting of a verbal stem wà and a 2ndperson subject enclitic, from the default function of the stem as a quotative verb. Due to the etymological opaqueness of wà, this hypothetical scenario, though possible, must remain inconclusive. In general, it is wise to leave open the question of the concrete historical scenario that gave rise to a polyfunctionality pattern of a QI-element and a marker of certain pragmatic functions in discourse if the item is not clearly a speech verb and/or its lexical source is unclear. This caution should also be applied to a few cases in the sample: the Sandawe quotative ká'` is occasionally found to be used like Swahili ati/eti (Elderkin p.c.); Donno S gE$ reinforces illocutionary acts (Kervran & Prost 1986: 150, Kervran 1993: 152, 153) and seems to be related to the QI-predicative gE@; and, finally, the Kouya complementizer nII of QI2 has a counterpart of the same form which is a particle functioning as a kind of discourse opener (Arthur p.c.), similar to the Swahili items ati/eti and nasema.

6.4 Similarity and manner QIs are also employed to express similarity and related notions. This happens when an idiomatic phrase like you would say or a semantically similar expression is recruited to establish an adverbial relation between a clause and a nominal entity or between two clauses. The following illustrative examples are from Shona. (327) ma-zino ku-sviba wai-ti i-tsito 6-tooth INF-be.black 2S:HAB.PST-QV COP-charcoal His teeth were as black as charcoal, i.e. you would say it is charcoal. (Dale 1972: 130) (328) rega ku-ndi-tungamirira so-ku-no-nzi leave:IMP INF-1S-boss.about SIML-IP-PRS-be.said ha-ndi-na pfungwa NEG-1S-COM thought Don't always boss me about as if (it is said) I have no sense. (ibid.: 135)

418 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions Some cases cited from the literature in Heine et al. (1993: 196-7) and interpreted there as examples of the grammaticalization of a 'say'-verb to what is called an "equative marker" are instances of the special QI-use at issue. Clear or very likely cases are Cameroon Pidgin English i bí séy, Koranko íko, and Vai iro. Another instance can be found in Jeffrey (1984: 126, (37)) for Mündü, though the author seems to fail to appreciate it for what it is. All this suggests that this construction is a relatively frequent phenomenon, at least in Africa. This is corroborated by the sample survey. As will be exemplified below, quite a few languages show a construction which is identical with a QI-type in the particular language, but which encodes instead of RD either a similative relation or a special type of manner clause linkage 'as if'. (329) Koyra Chiini ma har 2S:SUBJ say lit.: you might say > like (Heath 1998b: 118; (ed.) 1998: 246-FN7) (330) Ik moo kwiid-i NEG QV:2S-OPT lit.: you would not say > as if not (Serzisko 1987: 81) (331) Hausa 'aà ceè or kaà ceè (also: say kà ceè) IP:POT QV 2S:POT QV lit.: on dirait, tu dirait > comme (Gouffé 1971: 86) (332) Mandinka i si à fo ko 2S POT ATC.PRO say Q lit.: tu pourrais dire que > comme (Creissels 1983: 188) (333) Supyire ¯$-jwò ... (ki) mu gú 2S POT FUT-say (ID.COP) lit.: you would say > as if, like [with nominal + final copula ki] (Carlson 1994: 569-70)

6.4 Similarity and manner 419

(334) Yoruba pé bí e`ní like person Q lit.: as if a person (says) that > as if (Abraham 1958: 547) (335) Tikar shE (besides plain wE() wE( ta like ?IPFV say lit.: as if saying > comme, le même que (Stanley 1991: 472-3) (336) Nguni ku-nga-thi (also: sengathi) IP-POT-QV lit.: it could be that > it (seems) as if, it appears that (Slattery 1981: 68-9) All the attested instances of such idiomatic expressions are fully predicative QIs and the elements establishing these clauses are notionally identical across the different languages: the category of the QI-subject is 2nd person or impersonal and the verb categories encountered, like subjunctive, potential, habitual, etc., belong to the wider domain of irrealis. Such a coding corresponds to the implied semantics of these expressions, which are generic or potential statements about a simile. Where these coding devices are not present, the construction contains an element explicitly conveying the notion of similarity ('like' etc.); this applies to the above examples (328) from Shona, (334) from Yoruba, (335) from Tikar, and the Krio phrase i tan lek se cited by Lord (1993: 203). It was mentioned in Section 5.1.3 that the polyfunctionality pattern of an element which is used both as a QI-predicative as well as 'like' or 'as if' has been interpreted in various grammaticalization treatments as a historical change from RD to the domain of similarity. This indeed seems plausible in some cases. However, earlier treatments have provided no explicit semantic explanation of how a verb 'say' can yield the specific meaning of a simile. It is in fact quite unlikely that it should be the meaning of the verb itself which triggers the novel reading, because the QI-predicator in this idiom is often not a generic speech verb - cf., for example, the plain quotative/complementizer pé in the Yoruba case or the quotative verbs in Ik, Hausa, and Nguni. Recall also that the Nguni quotative thi is itself a grammaticalized manner deictic 'like this' so that the case of kungathi perhaps

420 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions does not even belong here; arguably its function as a simile expression is better derived from a meaning 'it could be thus' rather than from 'one could say'. In any case, the above observation about the regular notional ingredients of these idiomatic expressions provides the missing functional scenario required for the change proposed in the literature. It is possible that such an idiomatic simile expression might ultimately grammaticalize to a similative function word via the loss of inflectional markers. Such an interpretation is especially attractive in cases where the relevant QI already has little linguistic substance. For example, the item íko from Koranko, which is translated as 'you say' and used as 'like' (cf. also the parallel iro in Vai), is certainly close to the plain similative marker ko of Mandinka. Thus, it is not far-fetched to assume - as Heine et al. (1993: 196-7) do for the first two languages and Creissels (1983: 188-9) does for the third - that the directionality of change in these Mande languages has been from a 'say'-verb to a marker 'like'. No conclusive judgement on these cases can be given here because the reverse scenario is possible as well, the problem can only be disentangled by a wider historical-comparative study of this family. The issue in any case has two aspects which need to be addressed and evaluated separately. The first concerns the lexical identity of the predicate in the QI-simile. Here it will be instructive to examine a more transparent case of reanalysis of a simile phrase toward a function word 'like'. The case of Gola will serve as an instructive example. This language possesses a predicative stem ya# which is translated as 'say'. Its paradigm in (337) is presented separately by Westermann (1921: 45) because it deviates in various respects from that of other verb lexemes (note the frequent nasalization of the a# vowel, clearly an assimilation spread from the subject pronoun). (337)

1st person Singular me)`a#/ me)` ya# Plural ve`a#

2nd person ma)# na)#

3rd person n*wa)# n@a)#/ y)a)#

This stem enters into the familiar simile expression, as evidenced by Westermann's lexicon entry "ma)# so wie; ähnlich [like, similar] = ma)# du sagst [you say]" (ibid.: 150). It is indeed plausible to conclude here that one is confronted with the scenario proposed in the literature {'say' > predicate of QI-simile > 'like'}. However, the conjugational irregularity of the predicative ya# raises the suspicion that it is not a generic speech verb. And indeed, the texts Westermann provides clearly suggest that it is rather

6.4 Similarity and manner 421

a person-inflected quotative. The true generic speech verb 'say' in Gola is wola, which regularly precedes the quotative ya# within a bipartite QI. Additional information given by the author allows one to draw a picture which is very similar to that described already in Section 5.1.3. In addition to ma)# he lists (ibid.: 161, 175) another similative marker 'like' - and this has the same form ya# as the underlying form of the QI-predicator. What Westermann translates as [X say] is thus rather [X (be) like]. That the similative stem ya# is well established in the language as a lexical item can be discerned from the existence of two manner deictics yáe and yéi, which are in all likelihood compound forms consisting of the similative marker and the two demonstrative enclitics ê and e@`# (ibid.: 175, 49). The best historical account for all these data is that the complex similative marker ma)# in Gola arose ultimately in a kind of cyclic process from an older similative marker ya#. If speakers lose the original association of similative ma)# with the QI, the full grammaticalization chain would be {'like' > quotative > nucleus of QI-simile > 'like'}.67 For the problem at issue, the conclusion from the Gola case is clear: to have shown that a similative marker 'like' arose from a short phrase translating as 'you say' does not imply that the original predicate was a generic speech verb. As has been stressed so often in this study, the lexical identity of a given QI-predicate is a more complicated issue. The same applies to the case of Mandinka ko. Even if one succeeds in showing that its use as a similative preposition is derived from an earlier QI-simile iko (instead of explaining the quotative use as coming from the meaning 'like'), it still remains unclear where the quotative verb is to have come from. It could be derived from a generic speech verb 'say', but it might just as well originate in something else. There is a second and more general aspect to the possible development of QI-similes into similative markers. Given the existence of both {QIsimile > 'like'} and {'like' > quotative} as possible grammaticalization paths, it is tempting to speculate from a crosslinguistic perspective on a fairly free bidirectional flow of elements between the two grammatical domains. This would certainly weaken some of the claims made in Section 67 This cycle could be an instance of a more general crosslinguistic process whereby similative constructions are reinforced over the course of time by other linguistic material (see Nevanlinna (1993) and Haspelmath & Buchholz (1998) for data and discussion). Following up on this assumption, it would be useful to test whether QI-similes are indeed pragmatically stronger than less marked similative markers.

422 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions 5.1.3 - in particular, the claim that the employment of elements marking similarity, manner, etc. in a QI and their subsequent grammaticalization in this context are truly as general a phenomenon as proposed there. Yet I would still venture that this is the more frequent process. First, all encountered constructions of a QI-simile have the idiomatic and semantically transparent configuration outlined above in connection with the examples from the sample languages. At the same time, I have not found a single clear case of the historical development whereby such a specialized and complex QI became reduced in substance to a one-word sign that was then reanalyzed as an adposition 'like' or a conjunction 'as if'. The possible change in Mandinka {*i ko > ko} has a certain amount of plausibility, but so far it cannot be viewed as unequivocal. As opposed to this situation, the evidence for the reverse development is much wider and is securely attested for a number of cases. For the time being, therefore, it is more appropriate to explain the numerous cases of the relevant polyfunctionality pattern by means of the actually attested scenario {'like' > quotative}. Moreover, this change is only one manifestation of a more general directionality pattern going from the domain of similarity and manner to RD (and other types of mimesis); other linguistic signs involved are 'thus', 'as', 'how', 'manner', 'kind', etc., but these are much less likely to be related to a QI-simile. Finally, similative markers often build up an extremely wide network of other functions through polygrammaticalization. Under the approach adopted here, the quotative function is just one of many secondary uses of these inherently versatile elements. By contrast, to attribute broad generality to the poorly substantiated change {QI-simile > 'like'} would imply - improbably - that the common polygrammaticalization of similative markers in fact depends routinely on a kind of prior "bottleneck" phenomenon, viz. the previous routinization and extensive phonetic reshaping of a single idiomatic expression: {QI-simile > 'like' > other}. It is much safer not to presuppose the problematic bottle-neck stage; the scenario would then be simply {'like' > other}.

6.5 Internal awareness One of the major functions of RD identified by Larson (1978: 95) in her indepth study of Aguaruna is AWARENESS ATTRIBUTION. The term and concept go back to Longacre (1976: 145-9), who acknowledges its close conceptual and structural alliance with his so-called "speech attribution" (= narrow reported speech), remarking on the existence of languages where

6.5 Internal awareness 423

the two can in fact hardly be distinguished on structural grounds. The representation of internal awareness, often referred to by other authors as "internal/inner speech", is an integral part of RD in the wide sense proposed here. Since it need not be conceptualized as a functional domain different from RD, it hardly involves grammaticalization in either formal or nonformal terms. The reason why internal awareness is nevertheless treated here separately is twofold. For one thing, the grammaticalization literature in fact tends to actually divorce RD from various subtypes of awareness attribution like, for example, intention/volition. Second, some of these subtypes do expand into domains where RD is no longer relevant from a functional perspective and, after certain formal adjustments, they can then give rise to genuinely new construction and gram types. In Section 6.5.1 I give a general introduction to the domain of internal awareness, mentioning several crosslinguistic examples. I then discuss two fairly well-defined target domains of canonical grammaticalization and exemplify them with data from the sample languages, namely tense and aspect in Section 6.5.2, and modality and causation in Section 6.5.3. 6.5.1

General remarks

Even a cursory crosslinguistic look reveals that awareness attribution is an essential function of RD, whether as a stylistic or as a more grammaticalized phenomenon. To mention just a few examples, information to this effect can be found for Papuan languages like Gahuku (Deibler 1971), Kombai (Vries 1990), and Usan (Reesink 1993); American Indian languages like Wai Wai (Hawkins 1962), Guanano (Waltz 1976/7a: 45), Kalapalo (Basso 1986: 136), and several Quechuan varieties (Adelaar 1990: 4-6); and last but not least African languages such as, for example, Mündü (Jeffrey 1984). Putting thoughts in the minds or words in the mouths of people has an important discourse-functional aspect: it helps to characterize them in general, and to motivate their actions in the particular situation described. This fits well with Grimes' (1975: 69-70, 99) discussion of the use of RDconstructions to provide background and so-called "collateral" information. The lower prominence of internalized speech vis-à-vis truly effected, externalized speech is regularly associated in some languages with the use of a QI-predicate which is less speech-oriented (cognition, perception, etc.) and/or a quote-internal switch of pronoun reference from DRD to nonDRD, in conformity to the prominence hierarchy of RD-categories. How-

424 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions ever, there are languages where internal awareness regularly displays an indexing predicate that is widely used in narrow reported speech and/or is expressed by formally defined DRD (which is likely to be related to general constraints on pronoun shifts). Referring to such a situation in Kombai, Vries (1990: 299) speaks of the "grammaticalization of direct quotation" (alias DRD). This is a concept of general usefulness, in particular for some languages in Africa. Internal awareness comprises a number of subtypes, and it is possible for a fixed idiom-like RD-expression of a language to focus on one particular subtype. An illustration is the correlative RD-structure of Shona in (338), which regularly conveys internal conflict and hesitation. Similar instances of this use have been reported for Gahuku (Deibler 1971: 105) and Amharic (Ullendorff 1974: 270, Leslau 1995: 313). (338) mw-oyo waka-ti chi-enda ku-basa 3-heart 3:REM.PST-QV POL-go:IMP LOC-work mu-mwe u-ka-ti chi-vata 3-other 3-SEQ-QV POL-sleep:IMP He was torn between going to work and sleeping. [lit.: (his) heart said, "Go to work!" and the other (half) said, "Sleep!"] (Dale 1972: 132) Another case is the idiomatic expression for deliberate action reported from several South Asian languages (see, e.g., Subbarao et al. 1983: 95, Rau 1987: 278). The following example, from the Tibeto-Burman language Meithei, illustrates how the meaning of deliberateness comes about through an event representation that is combined with a dependent clause conveying the subject's strong intention/volition to perform the relevant action. gila#s-tu thugai-ge ha#i-na# (339) ra#m-na PN-ERG glass-CL break-FUT say-PART thugai-bani break-PST.DISJUNCT Ram broke the glass deliberately. [lit.: thinking/wanting to break Ram broke the glass] (Saxena 1988: 381) Other specialized expressions cover such notions as "(frustrated) attempt" (see Reesink (1993: 223) for Usan and Güldemann (2002: 257 and

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below) for Shona); "mistaken thought" (see Hutchison (1976: 207) for Kanuri, Jeffrey (1984: 122-3) for Mündü, Serzisko (1987: 80-1) for Ik, Reesink (1993: 222) for Usan, and Longacre (1968,2: 182-4, 226) for several Philippine languages); "pretense" (see Reesink (1993: 222) for Usan and Hutchison (1976: 207) for Kanuri); and last but not least "intention", which I will argue in Section 6.5.2 to be widespread crosslinguistically. In some languages, awareness attribution is also commonly used in expressions that involve inanimate entities as SP/subject. This has been described, for example, in Northeast Africa under the term "animism" (see inter alia Ullendorff (1974) for Amharic and Armbruster (1960: 29-32) from a wider areal perspective). When viewing the expression of internal awareness as a variety of RD, it is not surprising that the form of the relevant constructions is often indistinguishable from that of "normal" DRD or IRD-constructions of a given language. As indicated in Section 1.3.2, in most of these languages any attempt to draw a clear line between the two would be quite arbitrary. However, certain awareness expressions can expand into more grammatical domains. In such advanced grammaticalization stages, there is a stronger tendency for formal adjustments of the erstwhile QI, for example, toward an invariable function word or an affix, conforming with the general characteristics of the relevant target domain. This will become clear in the next two sections. 6.5.2

Intention, proximative, and future

As mentioned above, intention expressed by a RD-construction is a special case of the internal-awareness function of RD. In order to express this semantic notion, several formal requirements must be met. First, the SPnominal in the QI must be coreferential with the subject of the quote - that is, the latter should be either a 1st person or another logophorically intended subject. Second, the quote should overtly express the irreality of the still-unaccomplished state of affairs. Grammaticalization can also lead to the formal adjustment of such an intentional expression and its gradual structural emancipation from "normal" RD, as discussed by McGregor (2007) for what he calls a "desiderative complement construction" in the Australian language Warrwa. Such specialized uses of RD are widely attested in the crosslinguistic literature, for example, in the Yuman family (Harwell 1976: 63-6, Munro 1976: 107-10); in various Andean languages like the Quechuan family and Araucanian (Adelaar 1990: 4-6, 9-10); in Amazonian languages like Kwaza

426 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions (Voort 2002: 314-9) and Wari' (Everett ms.); in Australian languages from the Nyulnyulan, Worrorran, and Bunuban families in the Kimberley (McGregor 2007); and in a number of Papuan languages, for example, Gahuku (Deibler 1971: 106), Telefol (Healey 1972: 216-7), Hua (Haiman 1989), Kombai (Vries 1990: 297-9), and Wambon (Vries & Vries-Wiersma 1992: 32). In some languages, these constructions are explicitly said to be the principal or even the only means to convey intention. Examples of this phenomenon are equally frequent in Africa. It is recognized by Ferguson (1976: 71) as an areal phenomenon of the Ethiopian Plateau (see Ullendorff (1974) and Leslau (1995: 332-3, 673) for the welldocumented case of Amharic; Breeze (1990: 62-3) for Gimira; and Hayward (1990: 314-5) for Zayse). Further examples from the present language sample will show that the affected area is in fact considerably larger, stretching farther to the west and north. Intention expressed by means of RD is also encountered elsewhere in the continent. The phenomenon has been reported for the Lower Cross languages Obolo and Ibibio as well as the local variety of Nigerian Pidgin English (Aaron 1996/7); for the Gur language Cerma (Lowe & Hurlimann 2002: 87-8); and for the Tuu language |Xam (Güldemann forthcoming b). Shona, already mentioned as an example for expressing internal conflict via RD, can again be cited here. In this language a structure of intention (with a direct quote in the subjunctive) also regularly acquires the connotation of frustrated attempt in association with another adversative clause. (340) ma-kudo aka-ti ti-dye mabarwe ndoku-furwa 6-baboon 6:REM.PST-QV 1P-eat:SUBJ maize CONS-be.shot the baboons tried to eat the maize but they were shot [lit.: the baboons said/thought, "Let's eat the maize!" and were shot] (Hannan 1984: 646) The above ti-structure is widespread in Bantu languages of the Savannah group. The large amount of comparative data available for this language group renders it particularly suitable for demonstrating how this construction has expanded into closely related uses, thereby encroaching gradually on the grammatical domain of predication operators (tense, aspect, etc.) and undergoing considerable formal restructuring. That is, grammaticalization in the full sense has taken place. Regarding the aspect of formal change, consider this example pair from Tumbuka.

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(341) a. ni-ti ni-timbe 1S-QV 1S-strike:SUBJ I say I will strike b. ti-ni-timbe FUT-1S-strike I shall strike (Young 1932: 37) The phrase in (341)a. has the same structure as (340) above from Shona. In (341)b., however, the auxiliary periphrasis has been truncated and fused into a one-word form; the subject prefix of the erstwhile quotative verb has been dropped and its stem ti has become a prefix on the original quote. Such a large formal departure from the source construction is regularly accompanied by important functional differences, as evident from the future meaning of (341)b. The development of the specialized RDconstruction to a future form is documented extensively by Botne (1998) for a number of Central Eastern Bantu languages (see also Güldemann (1996: 153-FN2, 23) for virtually the same language list and additional cases, extending the affected Bantu area a little farther to the west and south). With respect to the semantic-functional mechanism that underlies this grammaticalization, Botne is led by his data to state a new event/cognitive schema ASSERTION, distinct from Heine's (1993) ACTION and VOLITION. In view of the findings of the present study, it must be asked whether this is in fact necessary. I will try to substantiate my reservations vis-à-vis Botne's account without embarking on a discussion of Heine's cognitive model of auxiliarization. First, the picture across the relevand Bantu languages is complicated by the fact that, in languages of one subarea, the emergence of the future verb forms is accompanied and influenced by a conflation of the quotative verb *ti (treated by Botne as a speech verb 'say') and an action verb *kita 'do'. The analysis of these more complex cases must be deferred until the situation regarding RD-constructions involving just the quotative *ti has been evaluated conclusively. Second, and more importantly, Botne fails to recognize the existence of the less grammaticalized intention use of the quotative source structure as in (340) from Shona. When this intention use is taken into account, the entire scenario becomes more transparent, as intention provides a direct link to Heine's volition schema. That intention indeed represents the likely initial stage of the semantic change is corroborated by other data from the same Bantu area. Thus Ila possesses, besides the familar ti-periphrasis, a completely parallel structure based on the generic speech verb amba 'say' as illustrated in (342).

428 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions (342) mu-bwa a ambe {a vhwe} wa patila mu chibia 1-dog 1 say:ANT {it would come out} 1:PST stuck INE pot when the dog was about to come out its head stuck in the pot. (Smith 1907: 185) The translation of this construction as 'about to' reveals a small but significant semantic change whose mechanism has been described in previous research on grammaticalization. In the real world, internal intention is very often linked to an external activity resulting from it. Due to this intimate link between the two, it is possible to look at intention from an externalized viewpoint, as an immediately forthcoming event. In this reinterpretation, the root modality of intention takes on an aspectual feature of 'be about to, almost, nearly' which will here be called PROXIMATIVE, following König (1993) and several subsequent studies. The grammaticalization of volition verbs to proximative auxiliaries has been described, for example, by Heine (1994) and the reader is referred to this source for more data and discussion (see also Kuteva (1998) for a closely related gram type). The proximative reading of intention constructions provides a plausible missing link between RD with Bantu *ti and the grammaticalized future forms built on the same stem. This becomes even more plausible in light of the fact that Botne consistently describes the latter as "near" (i.e. PROXIMAL) futures. The scenario proposed for the Bantu group also has parallels in other languages. Proximatives arising from an intentional RDconstruction are found, for example, in Mojave (Munro 1976: 108), Usan (Reesink 1993: 222), and Pirahã (Everett ms.). The entire change resulting in a future gram is discussed by Aaron (1996/7) for Obolo; here the resulting verb prefix -bV- marks a proximal "definite" future and contrasts with the "non-definite" future -mV-, which itself might be derived from a volition verb. Since proximal futures can contribute to the formation of non-proximal futures, or even themselves develop into non-proximal futures, the full chain of grammaticalization can be assumed to be {RD-intention > proximative > proximal future > future}. During this change, the affected linguistic form becomes increasingly detached from the primary aspect of RD, namely that of simply reporting a text, and ultimately comes to refer to a temporal feature of the described state of affairs. So it can be added to the common knowledge in this grammaticalization domain that (1) intention constructions based on RD can be subject to the same changes as structurally more simple volition predicates, and that (2) such proximatives can expand subsequently into the domain of future marking.

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The sample languages to be presented now are clear or probable cases representing different stages in this scenario. It goes without saying that the more grammaticalized cases, in particular, should be subjected to a detailed historical analysis in order to be aligned conclusively with the more transparent cases of non-grammaticalized functional expansion of RD-constructions that involve little in the way of structural change. 1. Koyra Chiini QI1 of Koyra Chiini with the generic speech verb har followed by an indirect quote is encountered repeatedly in the texts with the meaning of intention as in (343) and proximative as in (344). (343) a har {ngu Ì o koy} 3S say {(s)he goes} intending to go [non-DRD] (Heath (ed.) 1998: 162) (344) ay har {yee kam} 1S say {I fall} I said (= felt) I was falling [proximative: I was about to fall] (Heath (ed.) 1998: 258) 2. Kanuri In Kanuri, the medial form of the quotative verb n when postposed to an irrealis clause is specialized for intention (Cyffer 1974: 100-1). s´$ (345) shír-rò n´$mbàrwú s´$kk´$lîn 3S-OBL stealing teach:3S:NPST QV:3S:MED er wollte ihm das Stehlen beibringen [lit.: he said he'll teach him to steal] (Cyffer 1974: 101) Since the use of a medial verb without a following main verb is restricted to this structure, it can be viewed as fairly grammaticalized. An attempt reading is also found in the texts with the generic speech verb gul preceded by an irrealis clause (attested only in a single token). 3. Ik Serzisko (1987: 82-3) reports for Ik that the quotative verb kut followed by a dative-marked verbal noun is used as a "modal verb which indicates 'intention'". As will be discussed in Section 7.1.2, there is an alternative in-

430 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions terpretation for this structure which accounts better for its distributional and formal properties. Suffice it to say here that Ik possesses another kutconstruction (ibid.: 81-2) which conforms in both form and function to the other cases observed here: the kut-predicate is followed by a hortative form in DRD, and expresses both intention (346) and proximative (347). (346) kut-a wet-uk'ot-ine cue-wice Jik QV-PFV drink-AND-1S:IMP water-children completely He intended to finish the little water. [He said: Let me drink the little water.] (Serzisko 1987: 81) (347) ne kut-e eg-ine k'waza nebu-ee tsamu tii when QV-DEP put-1S:IMP skin body-DAT just like.that When she was just going to put the cloth onto her body like that (ibid.: 82) Interestingly, Carlin (1993: 58-9) reports a verbal future prefix ko- for another Kuliak language, So, with a variant kUt- in the Kadam dialect that loses the final consonant in certain contexts. It is worth considering the idea that So kU(t)-/ko- are cognate with kut in Ik and that the future inflection is a late grammaticalization stage of the change {RD-intention > proximative} attested in Ik. It is also noteworthy that the proximal future is formed in Ik by a preverbal particle that has the same shape as the quotative/complementizer taa of QI2 (Serzisko 1989: 398). This marker, too, may have resulted from the grammaticalization process under discussion in that an earlier QI used in intention/proximative contexts was reduced to just the quotative taa. 4. Dongola The Dongola quotative verb E@ is incorporated into compound verb forms involving such base stems as dól 'want', ma@# 'be unable', nóg 'go', ta@# 'come', and ™u@# 'move along'; the resultant forms mark proximative 'be going/about to', frustrated attempt 'fail to', and proximal future (Armbruster 1960: §4009-79). (348) nog-E-dól-li go-QV-want-PRS:1S I am about to go (Armbruster 1960: §4022)

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5. Taa The element tV of Taa can be aligned on the basis of comparative and internal evidence with the class of quotative verbs (recall, e.g., that it is the core of the predicative of QI3). It is also the base of a periphrastic expression marking intention, which apparently was originally a RD-structure [SP QV PROSP verb]. Note that tV must incorporate a pronoun enclitic, here the subject of the earlier quote, which is coreferential with the SP-nominal. (349) ùh n@ tú'ù sâa 4PRO ? QV:4 go they intend going (Traill 1994: 154) 6. Bedauye Reinisch (1893/4,3: §252) and Hudson (1974: 117) report that Bedauye makes use of a periphrastic construction which expresses a "future" with modal components; it consists of the generic speech verb di 'say' preceded by various irrealis verb forms. 'i-ndì (350) 'uu-ták {s`aa-´t tam-ì} M.DET-man {meat-F eat-1S:HORT} 3M.S-IPFV:say the man will eat meat [lit.: the man says, 'let me eat meat'] (Hudson 1974: 117) According to Dahl (1984: 94), this form "appears to be used mainly to express intention". More recently Vanhove (2004: 153-6) has given a detailed treatment of this construction type, showing that its semantic range is between intention and future, depending on the particular verb form used in the quote. 7. Kera Kera employs modal verb constructions quite regularly, according to Ebert (1979: 121, 261-2). The following clause suggests that the language may also have recourse to an intention construction based on RD. ap bèbè l´@-Na (351) a waataN-né míntí tá 3F.S say-PERF Q LOG.F find baby OPT-COND wenn sie wolle, daß sie ein Kind bekäme [if she wanted to have a child] (Ebert 1979: 261)

432 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions 8. Mandinka The situation in Mandinka is straightforward in that the quotative verb ko followed by an irrealis predicate expresses intention with animate subjects and proximative with inanimate subjects (Creissels 1983: 185-6). (352) a ko a be taa 3S QV 3S COP go He wanted to go (Pfeiffer (ed.) 1997: 122) 9. Donno S Donno S has a construction marking intention and proximative where the default QI-verb gE@ (the matrix predicate) controls different finite or nonfinite dependent verb forms. In the following examples the content verbs preceding the gE@-form are constructed as infinitives. (353) nE bolo-n' gi-azE-m now go-INF say-PERF-1S j'ai l'intention de partir (Kervran & Prost 1986: 137) (354) yime-n' gi-a w die-INF say-PERF:3S il est sur le point de mourir (ibid.) 10. Supyire For Supyire Carlson (1994: 445-6) mentions that the generic speech verb jwo "has acquired the quasi-modal senses of 'decide' and 'try'", which can be aligned with the present domain of marking intention and attempt. Intention can also be expressed with míírí 'think', but this requires the deletion of the lower subject (ibid.: 427), which is not the case with jwo. tò (355) ma-á jwó u gú ¯w -gé SS-NAR say 3S POT mouth-DET close and tried to close his mouth. [lit. and said he would close his mouth] (Carlson 1994: 446) 11. Ngbaka Ma'bo Ngbaka Ma'bo displays a wide range of verb markers which are said to derive from earlier verb lexemes. A likely source of the prefix ko#- marking intention as in (356) is the generic speech verb ko# (Thomas 1963: 203,

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205-Note 4). The plausibility of this hypothesis is increased by the fact that QI3 with the quotative 'bo# can also have a reading of intention (cf. Thomas 1970: 137, line 6). (356) 'é ko#-pu#lù 3S INT-make.loose il voudrait détacher (Thomas 1963: 203) 12. Ewe The pattern of intention with animate subjects vs. proximative with inanimate subjects is also encountered with the quotative verb bé in Ewe (Westermann 1954: 11, Clements 1975: 168-9). Compare the following pair of examples. nu (357) wo-be ye-wo-a-d`u 3P-QV LOG-P-FUT-eat food sie wollen essen [they want to eat] (Westermann 1905: 7) (358) tsi bé ye-á-dzà rain QV LOG-FUT-drop Wasser sagt, es wolle tropfen: es sieht aus als ob es regnen wolle [water says, it wants to rain: it seems that it is going to rain] (Westermann 1954: 11) 13. Igbo In Igbo, QI4 was repeatedly found in the texts to mark frustrated intention (cf. also Aaron (1996/7: 92) for an example without the complementizer kà). ya ga-fèe (359) si` kà say COMP LOG go-pass and tried to pass (Green & Igwe 1963: 199) 14. Birom Birom has a preverbal marker yaàN- encoding hypothetical and proximative events, which Bouquiaux (1970a: 313) suggests is derived from the generic speech verb yaN.

434 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions (360) bwaNó-ty N-kó a-yaàN-ku be.left-short.time-then:3S AOR-PROX-die peu s'en fallut qu'elle ne mourût (Bouquiaux 1970a: 315) The same author (ibid.: 318) reports another auxiliary verb yé 'want' which is used in a less grammaticalized construction encoding intention; here the content verb may or may not have its own subject prefix. There is only a tonal distinction between this auxiliary and the quotative verb ye, suggesting the possibility of yet another connection between a QI-predicate and an intention auxiliary. or yE$n a-yé yE$n-ciN (361) yE$n a-yé-ciN 3P AOR-want-dig 3P AOR-want 3P-dig ils ont l'intention de creuser (Bouquiaux 1970b: 24) 15. Nguni Finally, the quotative verb thi of Nguni behaves very much like its cognates in other Bantu languages mentioned above: when followed by a subjunctive or hortative verb form, it expresses proximative; when followed by a realis predicate, it conveys attempt (Slattery 1981: 21, 64-5; see also Doke 1992: §485). (362) u-thi aka-fane na-we 1-QV HORT:1-resemble COM:2S He almost looks like you (Doke et al. 1990,2: 793) (363) um-limi u-thi u-ya-qedela namhlanje na 1-farmer 1-QV 1-PF-finish this.very.day PQ Is the farmer trying to finish completely today? (Slattery 1981: 64) Before turning in Section 6.5.3 to a second scenario for the grammaticalization of RD-structures expressing internal awareness, I mention a phenomenon which is of general importance for the historical dynamics of RD-constructions and QIs in particular. Voort (2002: 321-2; see also 2004: 313-7, 427-8) proposes a scenario for the Amazonian language Kwaza that implies an increasing lexicalization of linguistic material in intentional RD-expressions toward a verb 'want'. Consider first (364), which shows a verb in the so-called "volitive mood" marked by a final suffix mr.

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(364) E-da-'mr go-1S-VOLITIVE I am going! (Voort 2002: 321) This form with a 1st-person singular subject can occur as the direct quote in RD-constructions expressing intention and proximative, as shown in (365)a.-c. Similar to the situation in Hadza (see QI2 in Appendix 1), QIs in Kwaza are inflection complexes which provide information about the SP and clause operators; but unlike Hadza, these QIs are directly suffixed onto the quote, which consistently ends here in the morpheme complex da'mr. (365) a. {E-da-'mr}-xa-re {go-1S-VOLITIVE}-2S/P-PQ Are you going? [lit.: do you say, 'I am going!'?] b. {tãlo-da-'mr}-tsE {angry-1S-VOLITIVE}-3S/P:DECL It [the dog] is becoming angry! [lit.: it says, 'I am angry!'] c. {bwa-da-'mr}-tsE {finish-1S-VOLITIVE}-3S/P:DECL It [the gas] is about to run out! [lit.: it says, 'I am running out!'] (ibid.) Important for the present context is that the form da'mr, originally a quote constituent, is said by Voort (2002: 322) to be "even used as a lexeme, a verb root that means 'to want, to intend, to be going to'." (366) da'mr-xa-xa-ki want-2S/P-ASSOCIATED.PERSON-DECL you (pl) are going to do (it) (Voort 2002: 322) Admittedly, it is not fully clear to what extent damr behaves in the language as a canonical verb. Nevertheless, it seems clear that it was originally a gram complex on verb stems which only secondarily acquired a use typical of a lexical verb, and this by virtue of its regular association with the meaning of internal awareness/cognition in RD-constructions. This fact again indicates that the grammatical context of RD is capable of imposing a semantic interpretation on non-lexical material, parallel to the formal and semantic changes argued for in Section 5.2 for quotative markers and also entertained in Section 6.1 in connection with naming constructions. It is

436 The functional extension of reported-discourse constructions therefore important to keep this hypothetical development in mind when evaluating the history of verb lexemes conveying intention and volition. Another Amazonian language, Wari', shows a quite similar situation according to Everett (ms.): (a) a RD-expression is composed of an initial quote and a following QI that consists only of an inflection complex encoding among other things SP and AD; and (b) this structure carries over to the encoding of intention and proximative - so-called "intentional state constructions." Normally an inflection complex in Wari' encodes core arguments of the simple clause and occurs in clause-second position, after the initial verb. In an intentional RD-expression with an inflection complex as QI, a short direct quote with a 1st-person subject displays a superficially identical position to that of a verb in a simple sentence. This and other related facts lead Everett into a lengthy discussion about the problematic categorial status of the intentional quote. On the one hand, it behaves morphosyntactically like a full sentence; on the other hand, the quote as a whole receives word-like stress and functions semantically merely as a complex predicate 'want X'. In view of the data presented in the context of the present study, Everett's argument suffers from several shortcomings: he seems unaware of parallel phenomena in other languages, disregards the possibility that RD-expressions need not conform to "canonical" structures of a language - in particular, that QIs can be non-clausal and thus lack a verb -, and finally does not consider categorial ambiguity in the course of grammaticalization. I thus venture that Wari' is less quirky than Everett seems to believe and wonder wheth