Quebec's Aboriginal Languages: History, Planning and Development

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Quebec's Aboriginal Languages : History, Planning, and Development Multilingual Matters (Series) ; 107 Maurais, Jacques. Multilingual Matters 1853593613 9781853593611 9780585171791 English Indians of North America--QuÃ©bec (Province)--Languages, QuÃ©bec (Province)--Languages. 1996 PM351.L3613 1996eb 497/.09714 Indians of North America--QuÃ©bec (Province)--Languages, QuÃ©bec (Province)--Languages.

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Quebec's Aboriginal Languages

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MULTILINGUAL MATTERS SERIES Series Editor Professor John Edwards, St. Francis Xavier University, Antigonish, Nova Scotia, Canada. Other Books in the Series Coping with Two Cultures PAUL A. S. GHUMAN Language Attitudes in Sub-Saharan Africa E. ADEGBIJA Language Reclamation HUBISI NWENMELY The Step-Tongue: Children's English in Singapore ANTHEA FRASER GUPTA Teaching and Researching Language in African Classrooms CASMIR RUBAGUMYA (ed.) Three GenerationsTwo LanguagesOne Family LI WEI The World in a Classroom V. EDWARDS and A. REDFERN Other Books of Interest Ethnicity in Eastern Europe SUE WRIGHT (ed.) 'Francophonie' in the 1990s DENNIS AGER Language, Culture and Communication in Contemporary Europe CHARLOTTE HOFFMANN (ed.) Language, Education and Society in a Changing World TINA HICKEY and JENNY WILLIAMS (eds) Languages in Contact and Conflict SUE WRIGHT (ed.) Language Policies in English-Dominant Countries MICHAEL HERRIMAN and BARBARA BURNABY (eds) Monolingualism and Bilingualism SUE WRIGHT (ed.) Please contact us for the latest book information: Multilingual Matters Ltd, Frankfurt Lodge, Clevedon Hall, Victoria Road, Clevedon BS21 7SJ, England

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MULTILINGUAL MATTERS 107 Series Editor: John Edwards

Quebec's Aboriginal Languages History, Planning and Development Edited by Jacques Maurais MULTILINGUAL MATTERS LTD Clevedon · Philadelphia · Toronto · Adelaide · Johannesburg

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Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Quebec's Aboriginal Languages: History, Planning and Development Edited by Jacques Maurais Multilingual Matters: 107 Translation of Les langues autochtones du Québec Includes bibliographical references 1. Indians of North AmericaQuébec (Province)Languages. 2. Québec (Province)Languages. I. Maurais, Jacques. II. Langues autochtones du Québec. III. Series: Multilingual Matters (Series): 107 PM351.Q43 1996 497'.09714dc20 96-16507 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 1-85359-361-3 (hbk) Multilingual Matters Ltd UK: Frankfurt Lodge, Clevedon Hall, Victoria Road, Clevedon BS21 7SJ. USA: 1900 Frost Road, Suite 101, Bristol, PA 19007, USA. Canada: OISE, 712 Gordon Baker Road, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M2H 3R7. Australia: P.O. Box 6025, 95 Gilles Street, Adelaide, SA 5000, Australia. South Africa: PO Box 1080, Northcliffe 2115, Johannesburg, South Africa. Copyright © 1996 Gouvernement du Québec and the contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher. Typeset by Archetype, Stow-on-the-Wold. Printed and bound in Great Britain by the Cromwell Press Ltd.

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Contents Acknowledgements Biographical Notes Preface to the English Edition William F. Mackey 1 The Situation of Aboriginal Languages in the Americas Jacques Maurais 2 The Aboriginal Languages of Quebec, Past and Present Louis-Jacques Dorais 3 Aboriginal Language Policies of the Canadian and Quebec Governments François Trude 4 The State of the Art in Linguistic Research, Standardisation and Moderisation in Quebec Aboriginal Languages Lynn Drapeau 5 Grammatical Sketches

1 43 101

129

159

A The Mohawk Language Marianne Mithun

174

B Montagnais: an Ethnogrammatical Description Danielle Cyr

204

C Inuktitut Ronald Lowe

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Page vi 6 The Future of Aboriginal Languages 234

A The Future of Algonquin Molly Kistabish

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B The Future of Atikamekw Marthe Coocoo

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C The Future of the Cree Language James Bobbish

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D Is There a Future for the Huron Language? Linda Sioui

256

E The Future of Inuktitut Taamusi Qumaq

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F Will the Micmac Language Survive? Romeo Labillois

270

G The Future of Mohawk Myra Cree

274

H The Future of the Montagnais Language Marcelline Picard-Canapé I The Current State and the Future of the Naskapi Language Agnes Mackenzie And Bill Jancewitz 7 The Aboriginal Languages in the Perspective of Language Planning Lynn Drapeau And Jean-Claude Corbeil Bibliography Index

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Acknowledgments Before he fell ill, Dr D.R. Collis began the translation of Chapters 1-4, the last section of Chapter 6 and parts of Chapter 7. Mr Grant Hamilton was most helpful in carefully revising this draft translation. Mr Christopher Miller revised the draft translation of Chapter 4 and translated Chapter 5. With the help of her brother, Dr Danielle Cyr provided her own translation of her contribution. The remaining sections were originally written in English. My secretary Ms Marlène Dionne was most helpful and showed considerable patience in the material preparation of this English edition. Thanks are also due to Ms Diane Letellier and Ms Lucie Théberge who helped her at times. Many leading figures in the language planning field in Quebec and in Aboriginal organisations helped in defining and provided intellectual support when the project of the first edition of this book (in French) was still in its incipient stage: Drs Pierre Martel, Jean-Claude Corbeil, Louis-Edmond Hamelin and D. Ronán Collis; Mr Gérard McNulty and the late Father Louis-Philippe Vaillancourt, o.m.i.; Mr Matthew Coon Come, Grand Chief of the Cree; Mr Roméo Saganash, from Québec's Grand Council of the Crees; Mr Georges Bacon, chairman of the Conseil Attikamek-Montagnais; and Mr John Mameanskum, general manager of the Naskapi Band. Drs Bernard Comrie, Nancy Dorian and Joshua A. Fishman provided a much appreciated impetus to the translation into English and updating of the original French edition (Les langues autochtones du Quebec, Quebec City, Conseil de la langue française, 1992). This edition has received financial support from the following sources: Québec's Conseil de la langue française, the Department of Canadian Heritage (Ottawa), the Faculty of Social Sciences of Laval University, Quebec's minister responsible for Aboriginal Affairs. I would like to thank them all. J.M.

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Biographical Notes D. Ronán F. COLLIS received his training at the universities of Dublin, Montreal, Copenhagen and Paris. He has been conducting linguistic research since 1963, notably into the Inuit dialects of Quebec, the Northwest Territories, Greenland and Alaska, and contact linguistics (Inuit diglossia and bilingualism) in Quebec and the Northwest Territories. He trained Aboriginal linguists (Inuit and Atikamekw) and has recently shown interest in research into technological means of providing access to world technological knowledge to speakers of less common languages. He works as a translator into English and French from a number of languages and has authored a terminography manual for Inuit translators. From 1983 to 1993, he worked as a linguistics research officer for the International Centre of Language Planning Research at Laval University. Jean-Claude CORBEIL was born in 1932. He first studied to become a teacher of his French mother tongue. Later, he studied linguistics and worked as Linguistic Director at the Office de la langue française from 1971 to 1977. During this time, he played in role in the development of Quebec's language policies. He has been a member of the International Council of the French Language since 1968 as a specialist in language and terminology planning issues, particularly for the French-speaking world. Among other works, he has published L'aménagement linguistique du Québec (Guérin, 1980), the Dictionnaire thématique visuel (Québec/Amérique, 1986) and Langues et usage des langues (Conseil de la langue française, 1986). Danielle CYR is a Professor of Linguistics with the French Department at York University in Toronto. Following classical college studies in Rimouski and Quebec City, she completed a bachelor's degree in pedagogy at Laval University. Later, she undertook a second degree at the same university, in linguistics, followed by a master's (completing a thesis on the verbal system of pre-Classical Latin). She then completed a doctorate jointly at Laval University and the University of Stockholm on the aspectual system of

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Montagnais as spoken on the Lower North Shore. Her research interests are Amerindian linguistics, linguistic change, discourse analysis and the typology of language. In addition to her work as a teacher, she took part in research into linguistic change in the Montagnais community of Betsiamites under the supervision of Lynn Drapeau of Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM). Louis-Jacques DORAIS, born in 1945, possesses a doctorate in linguistics (ethnolinguistics) from the University of Paris III. A professor since 1972 with Laval University's Department of Anthropology, he conducts research into the Inuit language and identity, as well as the cultural, linguistic and social integration of Vietnamese refugees in Canada. He is the author of a dozen or so works on Inuit society and language and seven books and collections of articles on the Vietnamese of Canada. Lynn DRAPEAU holds a doctorate in linguistics and has been a professor at UQAM's Department of Linguistics since 1975. She is specialised in Montagnais and is the author of a bilingual Montagnais dictionary (PUQ) as well as numerous descriptive articles on the grammar of the language. As a consultant for the Betsiamites band from 1982 to 1986, she helped set up Montagnais-language teaching programmes and develop teaching materials. She has also been involved in efforts to standardise spelling, and conducts studies into the linguistic changes that have occurred as Montagnais has come into contact with French. Ronald LOWE was born in 1948 and is a professor of French linguistics at Laval University's Department of Languages and Linguistics. He is involved with the Gustave-Guillaume Fund and is responsible for teaching the psychomechanics of language and for research within the framework of this theory, both in French and Aboriginal languages. For more than 15 years, he has been devoting a major portion of his research to the study of the Inuit tongue. He is the author of numerous works and articles describing and teaching the language, specifically: Essai sur la structure du mot en inuktitut (1981); Basic Kangiryuarmiut Eskimo Dictionary (1983); Basic Uummarmiut Eskimo Dictionary (1984); Basic Siglit Eskimo Dictionary (1984); Basic Kangiryuarmiut Eskimo Grammar (1985); Basic Uummarmiut Eskimo Grammar (1985); Basic Siglit Eskimo Grammar (1985); Aakagiik Niqaigutiruak (1987). Jacques MAURAIS is a graduate of Laval and Cambridge Universities. From 1973 to 1980, he worked as a terminologist at the Office de la langue

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française while lecturing at Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières. Since 1980, he has been with the Conseil de la langue française, where he has edited La norme linguistique (in conjunction with Édith Bédard), La crise des langues, Politique et aménagement linguistiques and Langues et sociétés en contact (in conjunction with Pierre Martel). Since 1986, he has been a member of the editorial board of Français moderne and sat on the scientific committee of Cahiers francophones d'Europe centre-orientale. Marianne MITHUN holds a doctorate in linguistics from Yale University. Since 1986, she has been teaching at the University of California in Santa Barbara. She has published numerous works and articles on Amerindian languages. François TRUDEL holds a doctorate from the University of Connecticut and is a professor with Laval University's Department of Anthropology where he gives courses in 'Contemporary Native Issues', 'Natives and Development', and 'Ethnology of the Inuit'. He was Director of the certificate/minor's programme in Native Studies at the university from 1986 to 1990 and is currently a member of the board of the Inuit and Circumpolar Study Circle. His main research has been on the ethnohistory and anthropology of Aboriginals in Quebec in the economic field and has been published in Études/Inuit/Studies, Recherches amérindiennes au Québec, Revue canadienne d'études autochtones and Anthropologie et sociétés.

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Preface to the English Edition The first contact between the native peoples of Canada and the French is generally associated with the early voyages of Jacques Cartier. This Breton navigator had been commissioned by the French king, François 1st, to duplicate the colonial exploits of his great rival Spain, the dominant power in Europe at the time. In addition to finding a route to the Orient, Cartier was to 'discover certain islands and lands where it is said a great quantity of gold and other precious things are to be found'. Yet a generation before Cartier, there had already been contacts between French sailors and Amerindians whenever European fishing fleets had to go ashore from time to time to build the scaffolding on which they could cure and dry their catches of cod. One of the navigators, Thomas Hubert of Dieppe, who made contact in 1504, brought some Indian youths to France in the hope that they would learn his language. His language experiment resulted in failure, while his economic experience proved to be a success. For contact with the Amerindians resulted in a profitable exchange of European hardware for animal pelts, which on the home market netted the fisherman more than did the fish, to the extent that in successive voyages they began bringing home more furs than fish. This explains the context of Cartier's first contact with the Amerindians, who approached him offering pelts for trade. But Cartier's immediate preoccupation was to sail on in search of a route to the Indies (he believed that he might be within sailing distance of Japan). To do so, he needed reliable information about what lay ahead, information he could only obtain from the inhabitants in a language neither he nor his crew understood. It was evident that either some of his men would have to learn the new language or his potential guides would have to learn French. Both approaches were tried. Cartier began by painfully learning some six words of badly transcribed Micmac. But these proved of no use whatsoever when two weeks later he met the Iroquois at Stadacona and heard a language belonging to an entirely different family. Cartier then

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tried the second approach, that of having the natives learn French. To do so, he resorted to kidnapping two sons of the chief Donacona and brought them back to France partly as trophies, partly as potential future interpreters. This act set the stage for the long-lasting mistrust between Iroquois and French. Among the different languages which the French explorers encountered, the most important for them was Huron. And they expended a great deal of effort in making glossaries of this language. Why did they favour the speech of such a small tribe? It was because Huron had become the lingua franca of travel and trade along the waterways leading to the interior of the continent, as witnessed by the place names it left behind. Thanks to a smattering of this important language, Cartier was able to explore the great river up to what is now Quebec City, to a village called Ganada /ganá:da/ ('settlement' in Iroquois), transcribed in French as Canada. The name of this village was consequently applied to an ever-expanding territory which now spans a continent. When Cartier returned in 1541, he found that the Iroquois (some 60,000 people) had disappeared from the St. Lawrence Valley and had been replaced by semi-nomadic bands speaking languages of the Algonguin family. The languages of the Huron, the Neuters and the Petun (Tobacco People) had vanished. Although the Huron language has become extinct, there is a movement to revive it in the Huron village near Quebec City, as the chapter by Linda Sioui, one of its inhabitants, eloquently attests. The Iroquois languages found today in Canada (Mohawk, Seneca, Cayuga, Oneida, Onondaga and Toscarora) are those of immigrants who, in 1784, fled north with the United Empire Loyalists after the American Revolution. Although some French explorers continued to learn the native languages of America, France's expanding imperial policy was then one of ethnic assimilation. After Cartier had planted his famous cross on the shores of the Gaspé, taking possession of all lands beyond in the name of the King of France, one of his successors is reported to have said to the native chiefs: 'Our sons will marry your daughters and we will become one people.' This is not what happened. Some 130 years later, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, France's most powerful minister and Secretary of State to Louis XIV, would complain to Jean Talon, the first 'intendant' of New France, that the native populations had not yet been forced to learn French and that those Frenchmen who wanted to trade with them had to learn their language. Colbert had expected the two races to merge into one'un mesme peuple et un mesme sang.' Those closest to the native peoples knew that this was unlikely to happen and for many reasonsdemographic, cultural,

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linguistic and economic. As the founder of the Ursuline convent in Quebec City was to explain in 1639, it was much easier for Frenchmen to go native than for natives to become French. French youths were only too happy to free themselves of the many social constraints of the European society of the period. On the pretext of preparing to become interpreters for the state, they went to live among the native peoples, adopted their languages and customs and prospered as go-betweens and free agents. A good example is the career of Etienne Brulé. In 1610, after wintering on the Île aux Allumettes, he returned briefly in the spring with a new language, a new suit 'habillé à la sauvage' and an eagerness to get back as soon as possible. There he lived out his short life as a full-time go-between. Such agents could become independent, rich and powerful. Anyone with connections and with a sufficient knowledge of the languages to assure the delivery of animal pelts from the Great Lakes to the spring fur fair in Hochelaga (Montreal) could command a substantial fee. These men knew that their language skills had made them indispensable. They could remain independent of both church and state. The Jesuit and Recollet missionaries who needed their language skills in order to evangelize the population could not count on them to help as teachers or even as interpreters. For they kept their unique skills almost as trade secrets. Some of the missionaries therefore decided to follow in the footsteps of these daring and enterprising young men: they tried to learn the languages of the native peoples by living among them. A few, like Jean de Brébeuf and his companions, were killed and cannibalised for their efforts. Nor did those missionaries who tried to teach the natives French have an easier time. The Jesuit Gabriel Biard wondered why the same mouths that could so easily masticate his samples of French food could not mouth French syllables. He tells of his experience with a young Huron who, even after some 300 attempts, could not pronounce 'Père Gabriel'. He pronounced what he heard in terms of his own phonological system; through this audiophonological filter, he heard and repeated 'tère aviel'. Like other languages of the Iroquoian family, Huron operated with only 15 phonemes as against some 30 for French. These languages could get by quite well without most labials like /p/or /b/ for instance. Similar reactions were recorded on the Amerindian experience with French grammar. Some idea of the problem may be gathered in this book from the descriptive chapters on the linguistic structures of Mohawk, Montagnais and Inuktitut. These remarkable differences in grammatical and phonological structures were surpassed only by the profound gaps between European and Amerindian conceptual universes. It is understandable that the well-

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meaning missionaries whose thought processes had been fashioned for them by the only languages they knew (all IndoEuropean), coupled with the conceptual artifacts of their Graeco-Roman philosophy and Judeo-Christian beliefs, should fail to grasp the existence of conceptual universes so remote from their own. Sagard, who in 1632 published the first dictionary of Huron, the most complete work at the time on any Amerindian language, wrote about the lack of words for the vocabulary of religion and concepts like 'faith', 'virtue', 'vice', 'belief' and 'soul'. The dichotomies of Western thought were also foreign to these people, who conceived their world, not in the straight lines and closed squares of European conceptual categories, but rather in the circles and spirals of natural processes coded in languages fit for talking about the everchanging face of natureclouds, snow and water. That is why these languages had to be rich in prefixes, suffixes and infixes of the -ish and -like category. Sugar was something sweet and sand-like. Thunder and lightning were not nouns but events. 'It' cannot snow or rain in these languages, as it can in languages whose verbs require subjects, albeit fictitious ones. It was in ignorance of these conceptual differences that the long-lasting acculturation of the Amerindian peoples took place. The recorded history of their country became that of those who had conquered it, for in the politics of knowledge, the past belongs to those who have the power to appropriate it. Rarely have Amerindian peoples had the means to give their version of the past as they have had in this book, within the chapters which include testimonials of personal experiences. It is one of the virtues of this book that it presents the perspective of those whose languages and cultures are the objects of study. The conceiver and editor of this remarkable collection and author of its well-documented introduction has produced a unique and authoritative work on Quebec's native languages, one which pushes beyond the narrow confines of formal linguistics and into the real world of people struggling to maintain their culture and their language. WILLIAM FRANCIS MACKEY, FRSC LAVAL UNIVERSITY, QUEBEC CITY

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Chapter 1 The Situation of Aboriginal Languages in the Americas Jacques Maurais Do you see him? He is sensible. He is intelligent. He does not eke out a scanty existence away in the bush. He comes in here where the Whites are good to him. Come children, learn French, forget your language, despise the bush, you are offered heaven on earth. You are offered the chance to be White, just imagine! Isn't that the height of understanding and generosity? Yves Thériault (Ashini) Introduction Quebec literature contains a number of comparisons, both direct and indirect, of the situation of Aboriginals to that of Frenchspeaking settlers. Yves Thériault's novel, from which this epigraph was drawn, can be given the following interpretation: Some readers will perhaps find in Ashini a symbol of the economic servitude of the French Canadians, to whom the new master has left the right to pronounce impassioned speeches and organise pious celebrations, while looting all the wealth of the country and the means of increasing it. (Valois, 1961: 22) However, this linking of the situation of Amerindians with that of the French-speaking settlers is not new to Quebec literature. As early as the 19th century, the poet Octave Crémazie drew a parallel between the disappearance of the Hurons and that of the French Canadians in his poem 'Le dernier Huron'. So the question of the survival of Amerindian languages keeps bouncing back, like an echo that will not go away. This chapter takes a look at possible answers. Our aim is to present a general picture of the 'state of health' of the Aboriginal languages of the Americas to help the reader of the following

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chapters evaluate the status of the Aboriginal languages of Quebec. We examine first the demographic situation of the Aboriginal languages of the Americas, provide a short overview of the history of their relations with European languages, then give an account of the legal guarantees that they have been granted. Then we continue with a short summary of the socioeconomic conditions of the speakers of Aboriginal languages in Canadaan understanding of which is required to develop a realistic language policyand present the main findings of a survey on the use of Amerindian languages in several countries. The chapter ends with reflections on what is required for Amerindian languages to survive. The Aboriginal Languages of the Americas: Threatened Languages The Number of Aboriginal American Languages It is difficult to establish the exact number of Amerindian languages currently spoken. This is due to several factors. First, census-taking is not equally exhaustive in all countries and, even within a single country, the figures can vary from one census to the next. For instance, in Mexico, the census of 1910 listed 51 languages, that of 1950 included only 30, while that of 1980 noted 41 (Valdés, 1988: 23 and 45). Beyond the difficulty for census enumerators of accounting for plurilingualism, descriptive linguistic works are so inadequate that, in some cases, it is not yet possible to tell whether some varieties are dialects of one language or different languages in their own right. For instance, while linguists generally agree that there are 56 Amerindian languages in Mexico, some contend that there are in fact 180 (see Hamel, 1989:450) and others claim over 200 (see Grimes, 1988:38)! The difficulty comes essentially from the fact that most of the world's languages are not manifest as discrete units but rather as continua; thus, in Quebec, there is the Montagnais-Naskapi continuum, where linguists are tempted to see a single language, but where the feelings of the speakers recognise three languages. Consequently, the figures given later for the number of Amerindian languages have only an approximate value. According to Rainer Enrique Hamel (1989: 446), there are some 400 ethnolinguistic groups in Latin America. Brazil alone includes roughly half of them (approximately 170 according to Rodrigues (1986: 18)). According to Wallace L. Chafe (1962, 1965), there are roughly 213 indigenous languages in North America (Canada and the United States excluding Mexico). However, a number had very few speakers at the time Chafe

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conducted the survey and have surely disappeared since. So it is possible to estimate that there are some 600 Amerindian languages 1: Merritt Ruhlen (1987: 204) also arrives at an analogous estimate.2 It is generally agreed that more than 50 Aboriginal languages are still spoken in Canada (see Foster, 1982: 7; Vaillancourt, 1978: 39). These languages divide into 11 families, of which 7 are in British Columbia, where the greatest number of Aboriginal languages are spoken (Foster, 1982: 8). The largest and most widely spread family is Algonquian. Three families are represented in Quebec: Algonquian, Iroquoian and Eskimo-Aleut (this volume, Chapter 2). Table 1.1 lists the Aboriginal languages spoken in Canada; as authorities do not agree, this table has only a very general value Table 1.1 Canadian Aboriginal languages 1. Algonquian family 11 languages • Abenaki [some 15 speakers, including those in the United States]a • Algonquin • Cree, including Atikamekw (Attikamek, tête de boule)b • Delaware or Lenape [7-8 speakers in Canada] • Malecite • Micmac (Souriquois) • Montagnais-Naskapi • Ojibwa (Saulteaux) • Odawac • Blackfoot • Potowatomi [100 speakers in Canada, more in the United States] 2. Dene family (Athabascan) 14 languages • Beaver • Carrier (Porteur) • Chilcotin • Chipewyan • Dogrib (Flanc de chien) • Slave (table continued on next page)

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Table 1.1 (continued) • Hare (Peau de lièvre)d [600 speakers] • Kutchin (Han, Han-Kutchin) • Gwich'in (Loucheux) • Nahani or Kaska [200-500 speakers] • {Nicola}e • Sarcee (Sarcis, Sarci) [fewer than 50 speakers] • Sekani [100-500 speakers] • Tahltan [40 speakers] {Tsetsaut} • Yellowknifef 3. Haida family (isolate) 1 language • Haida [225 speakers + 100 in the United States] 4. Iroquoian family 6 languages • Cayuga [360 speakers + 10 in the United States] {Huron} {St Lawrence Iroquoian} • Mohawk {Neutral} • Oneida [200 speakers + 50 in the United States] • Onondaga [50-100 speakers + 50 in the United States] {Pétun} • Seneca [25 speakers in Canada] • Tuscarora [7-8 speakers in Canada] 5. Kootenay family (isolate) 1 language • Kootenay [fewer than 250 speakers, including the United States] 6. Salishan family 10 languages • Bella Coola [fewer than 200 speakers] • Comox • Cowichan • Lillooet [300-400 speakers] (table continued on next page)

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Table 1.1 (continued) • Ntlakyapamuk or Thompson [fewer than 500 speakers] • Okanagan [perhaps 500 speakers including those in the United States] {Puntlatch} • Sechelt [40 speakers] • Semiahmoo • Shuswap [500 speakers?] {Songish} • Squamish [20 speakers] 7. Siouan family 3 languages • Assiniboine • Dakota • Sioux 8. Tlingit family (isolate) 1 language • Tlingit 9. Tsimshian family 3 languages • Gitksang • Niskag • Tsimshian 10. Wakashan family 4 languages • Haisla [fewer than 200 speakers, of whom only 25 speak it fluently] • Heiltsuk [300 speakers?] • Kwakiutl • Nootka [fewer than 600 fluent speakers] 11. Eskimo-Aleut family 1 language • Inuktitut (Eskimo) 12. {Beothuk family} {Beothuk} (table continued on next page)

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(table continued from previous page) Table 1.1 (Notes) a The number of speakers of languages with fewer than 1000 speakers appears in square brackets when these figures are supplied by Kinkade (1991). The article by Kinkade is the most recent work on Canadian Aboriginal languages. b Spelling variations and old names appear in parentheses. These appellations are, generally speaking, not recommended. c For Grimes (1988: 13) this is an Ojibwa dialect. d For Grimes (1988: 14) this is a Slavey dialect. e In brace brackets, dead languages (according to our sources). f For Grimes (1988: 10) this is a Chilcotin dialect. g For Grimes (1988: 13) these are dialects of the same language. Sources: Government of Canada, Department of Inuit Amerindian and Northern Affairs (1980); Vaillancourt (1978: 38); Burnaby and Beaujot (1986: 9); Grimes (1988); Kindake (1991). See also Kloss and McConnell (1978), Dorais (this volume, Chapter 2) and the map 'Canada, Agglomerations et langues indiennes et inuit' (MCR 4001F) from the Department of Energy, Mines and Resources of Canada (1980), drawn from the National Atlas of Canada (5th edition). Note: The classification varies from one author to the next. Foster (1982) lists only 9 languages (instead of 11) for the Algonquian family, but 15 (instead of 14) for the Dene family and 5 (instead of 4) for the Wakashan family. Beothuk is thought by some to be related to or be a part of the Algonquian language family. Classifications generally omit a pidgin which is virtually extinct on the Pacific coast, the Chinook jargon, and a Franco-Cree Creole, called Mitchif. As the authors are not in agreement, the list is merely indicative. Linguistic Demography of Speakers of Amerindian Languages The data relating to the number of speakers of Amerindian languages are just as relative as those concerning the actual number of the languages, even in a country such as Canada with its tradition of linguistic demography. The Canadian census of 1986 was particularly deficient because 90 Indian bands (136 reservations) refused to take part. These communities represent roughly 45,000 individuals [. . .] The refusals resulted in [...] a serious under-representation of the number of Indians living on the reservations. (translated from Larocque and Gauvin, 1989:3) The same deficiency plagues the 1991 Canadian census (which, it should be noted, shows an astonishing increase in the number of persons declaring an Amerindian origin). However, unreliability is not an isolated phenomenon. 3 In Mexico, according to the census of 1970, 7.8% of the population was indigenous (5.6% bilingual, 2.2% unilingual), but some specialists are of the opinion that the real percentage was around 15%. Two reasons explain this subenumeration: one is community isolation, which leads to many being passed over during enumeration; a second is the many indigenous people who, for reasons of social prestige, fail to mention they speak an Aboriginal language even though they are, in fact, bilingual

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(Stavenhagen, 1985: 39). These factors caused demographer L.M. Valdés (1988: 39) to speak of 'statistical ethnocide'. Despite the unsatisfactory nature of official statistics, L. M. Valdés (1988: 107-8) believes that the number of speakers of Amerindian languages is increasing rather than diminishing; but migration to towns tends to favour Hispanisation, at least in the long run. Under the circumstances, one can wonder whether, despite an apparently favourable demographic situation, Mexican Aboriginal languages are not in a state of numerical stagnation rather than growth. Moreover, as J.A. Suárez (1983: 171) noted, indigenous language unilingualism is on a general downward trend in Mexico; in fact the indigenous people are forced to learn Spanish 'more out of a will to survive than a free embrace of bilingualism' (translation of Cifuentes et al., 1990: 69). The same circumstances are noted in Peru (see Table 1.2) and Bolivia, despite the fact that these are countries where indigenous languages are still spoken by a large portion of the population, as shown in Table 1.3. Table 1.2 The linguistic situation in Peru in 1940 and 1961 Knowledge of languages 1940 (%) 1961 (%) Unilingual speakers of 33.0 19.6 Amerindian languages Speakers of two 16.6 19.1 languages Unilingual 46.7 60.0 Spanish-speakers Source: Parker (1972: 119) Table 1.3 The linguistic composition of Bolivia Language Knowledge (%) Family use (%) Quechua 38.0 25.7 Aymara 25.0 19.3 Other indigenous languages 1.2 0.9 Spanish 69.6 54.0 Source: Based on Briggs (1985: 298) The situation in Mexico doubtless applies in varying degrees to the other countries and indigenous languages of Latin America. The main exceptions are Quechua, 4 spoken by 10 million individuals (it is the Amerindian

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Table 1.4 Percentage of given mother tongue speakers using Aboriginal home language, Canada and Regions, 1981 Atlantic Yukon & British (excluding Northwest Canada Labrador) LabradorQuebecOntarioPrairies ColumbiaTerritories Algonquian 71.5 71.5 72.0 92.5 69.5 68.5 15.4 25.0 Cree 72.9 93.6 80.6 69.6 16.4 20.6 Ojibwa 61.8 58.0 64.7 (0.0) 36.4 Other 78.9 71.6 72.0 91.2 0.0 66.5 Algonquian Athapaskan 68.6 40.7 84.0 47.8 65.5 Iroquoian 44.4 44.9 39.5 Siouan 51.9 52.1 Tsimshian 61.2 61.2 Haidan 20.6 55.6 0.0 Kootenaian (0.0) (0.0) Salishan 28.2 28.7 Tlingit 24.0 26.1 Wakashan 19.6 19.9 Inuktitut 89.4 64.2 97.7 (0.0) 0.0 (0.0) 89.7 Note: Figures in parentheses involve a base of less than 100. Source: Burnaby and Beaujot (1986: 62)

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language with the largest number of speakers), Aymara (spoken by 2 million in Peru and Bolivia) and Guarani (2.5 million speakers in Paraguay). But even Quechua, Aymara and Guarani are losing ground to Spanish (Albó, 1979: 21). Apart from these three exceptions, Amerindian languages with large numbers of speakers are rare in South America. So it is that in Brazil, according to a map published in 1985 by the CIMI, 5 no aboriginal language is spoken by more than 18,000 persons. In any event, and in the absence of reliable and complete statistics,6 it is generally accepted that Spanish is gaining ground at the expense of Amerindian languages (Cobarrubias, 1990). In Brazil, it is Portuguese that is spreading, and in the United States, English. In Canada it is particularly English that threatens the indigenous languages (Priest, 1985: 19); according to the 1981 census, 23.3% of the Aboriginal population declared an Aboriginal language as mother tongue, 62.5% English, 4.6% French and 3.6% another language (Burnaby, 1986: 46). Table 1.4 gives the proportion of Canadians who speak an indigenous language as their home language, according to the region they inhabit. Even the number of Amerindian languages continues to diminish in relation to what it was five centuries ago, i.e. at the time of the arrival of the first Europeans. Some authors believe that there could have been nearly 900 distinct languages spoken by 15 million Amerindians in America in the 16th century (Malherbe, 1983: 224). The languages that are dead have, for the most part, succumbed to the advance of European languages (English, Spanish, French, Portuguese),7 even though in some isolated cases, Amerindian languages have conceded to other Amerindian languages (which is what happened to Puquina, the language of Peru that died out in the 17th century with the progress of Quechua and Aymara: see Hardman (1972: 53); this is also the situation today for Chipaya in relation to Aymara; see Albó (1979: 27).8 It is very difficult to proceed with an evaluation of the number of Amerindian languages that have already disappeared or are threatened by extinction in the short term. Nonetheless, we shall try to estimate, by way of example, the number of indigenous languages that have disappeared from Brazil, Meso-America, Peru, Colombia and Quebec. The Languages Already Extinct The CIMI map (see Note 5) lists all the indigenous peoples of Brazil; the list is accompanied by a linguistic classification indicating the linguistic family in one column (replaced by an indication of ethnic origin where Portuguese has replaced the indigenous language) and the spoken lan-

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guage in another. It is thus easy to establish that the total of all the minority peoples who today speak only Portuguese is 25. 9 But in reality, according to Spires (1987: 456), the number of indigenous languages that have disappeared from Brazil since the Conquest is more likely to be around 170. In Mexico, some estimate that there were 125 indigenous languages before the arrival of the conquistadors; today only 60 remain (Albó, 1979: 22; the opinion of Maurice Swadesh, cited by Muñoz Cruz, 1987: 16, is about the same); but for Garza Cuarón and Lastra (1991: 97), 113 languages have disappeared since the 17th century, an estimate they consider to be conservative. In Peru, some 23 languages have disappeared since the Spaniards arrived (Solís, 1987). In Colombia, some tribes (Coconucos, Andaquís, Quillasingas, Pijaos, etc.) no longer speak an indigenous language. Among the languages formerly in use in Canada and today extinct, the most famous is doubtless Beothuk, which used to be spoken in Newfoundland and whose last speaker died in 1829, but several other languages are no longer spoken: Nicola, Tsetsaut, St Laurence Iroquoian, Neutral, Petun, Puntlatch, and Songish. As for Quebec, two languages are known to be extinct todayHuron and Eastern Abenaki. One other languageMalecitehas no more speakers in the province (this volume, Chapter 2). Languages that are Disappearing More data are available for evaluating the number of Amerindian languages about to disappear in North America and Latin America (however, information for North America dates back to 1962; it is conceivable that several languages, considered threatened at the time, are now extinct). In an article published in 1962, completed by an annotation in 1965, Wallace F. Chafe delivered the results of a questionnaire distributed to specialists in Amerindian languages to determine the number and age groups of the speakers of Amerindian languages in the United States and Canada. There are no data more recent than Chafe's (Leap, 1988: 290, note 1). Table 1.5 lists the languages spoken by fewer than 10 individuals, and Table 1.6, those spoken by between 10 and 100 speakers.10 Of the 213 languages that appear in Chafe's inventory, 86 were spoken by fewer than 100 persons. Only six languages had more than 10,000 speakers: Cree, Inuit-Inupiaq, Navajo, Ojibwa, Teton and Yupik (Chafe, 1962: 170). The majority of the languages surveyed had no speaker younger than 20 years old; nonetheless, 89 had speakers from all age groups. The conclusion is selfevident: The majority of the Amerindian languages of

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Table 1.5 Aboriginal North American languages with fewer than 10 speakers in 1962 Kiowa-Apache, Lipan Apache, Atsina, Atsugewi, Lower Chehalis, Upper Chehalis, Chetco, Chitimacha, Chumash, Comox, Coos, Coquille, Cowlitz, Cupeño, Eyak, Galice, Juaneño, Kalapuya, Kato, Kawaiisu, Northeast Maidu, Mandan, Coast Miwok, Lake Miwok, Plains Miwok, Nisenan, Nomlaki, Nooksack, Penobscot, Peoria, Northeastern Pomo, Southeastern Pomo, Quapaw, Salinan, Serrano, Shasta, Siuslaw, Tagish, Tillamok, Tolowa, Tonkawa, Tubatulabal, Tututni, Twana, Wampanoag, Wappo, Wasco, Wishram, Wiyot, Wyandot, Yuki. Total: 51 languages Source: Chafe (1962:170) Table 1.6 Aboriginal North American languages with between 10 and 100 speakers in 1962 Abenaki, Achumawi, Cahuilla, Chinook Jargon, Coeur d'Alene, Delaware, Diegueño, Han, Hupa, Kansa, Klamath, Klikitat, Northwest Maidu, Miami, Sierra Miwok, Modoc, Nitinat, Panamint, Patwin, Picuris, Central Pomo, Northern Pomo, Southern Pomo, Southwestern Pomo, Quileute, Quinault, Southern Puget Sound Salish, Sarsi, Sechelt, Snohomish, Umatilla, Washo, Wintu, Chuckchansi Yokuts, Yurok. Total: 35 languages Source: Chafe (1962:170, and 1965: 346) North America will disappear in no more than a few decades. In Canada, virtually all Aboriginal languages are considered to be at risk. In fact, of 53 languages, only three are given strong chances of survival: Cree, Ojibwa and Inuktitut (Foster, 1982: 12; it should be noted that Foster makes a very particular use of the term Cree, which can include Montagnais, Atikamekw and Naskapi). 11 The situation appears slightly more favourable in Brazil since only 45 out of some 170 languages are spoken by fewer than 100 persons (26% of the total of all languages; by comparison, 40% of North America languages are in this situation). However, according to Roberta Lee Spires (1987:456; translation), 'almost all the indigenous languages of Brazil are facing extinction'. Only five languages, each of which has more than 5000

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speakers, appear to have a strong chance of survival (Spires, 1987: 479). Thus, 165 Brazilian languages are threatened with extinction. Of the 59 Amerindian languages of Colombia, 3 have fewer than 100 speakers and 19 have between 100 and 1000 speakers; only 2 languages, Gaujiro and Paez, are spoken by more than 50,000 people (Jon Landaburu, personal communication, September 1990). Recent data on languages about to disappear in seven other countries of Latin America are also available. In Argentina, where Amerindians represent only 1% of the population, the 16 indigenous languages are considered to be in a critical state (Hernández, 1987). In Bolivia, out of 30 languages, 9 face extinction (Zolezzi & Riester, 1987). The six Amerindian languages still present in Costa Rica (two having already disappeared) are spoken by less than 1% of the population; two are already almost extinct and four others 'are in a process of accelerated extinction' (Garcia Segura & Zúñiga Muñoz, 1987: 489). Of the 23 languages of Guatamala, only four stand a chance of survival according to the rather severe prognostics of Gloria Tujab (1987), who considers languages spoken by several thousands of persons as threatened; a Guatemalan language, Xinca, has only six speakers (Tujab, 1987:532). Three of the six languages of Panama have 2000 speakers or fewer, but Arysteides Turpana (1987) makes no diagnostic as to their chances of survival. In Peru, out of 40 languages, 17 are disappearing (Solís, 1987). And finally, in Venezuela, nine languages are considered threatened (Mosonyi, 1987). The data currently available suggest that there are over 300 Aboriginal languages in America facing extinction. This represents half the Amerindian languages still spoken. Likewise, the survey by Kloss and McConnell (1976) gives an approximate idea of the demographic situation of the Aboriginal languages of the Americas. 12 Note that this survey concerns only written languages; consequently, as one would expect, languages spoken by fewer than 100 speakers are barely present (only three). It is perhaps more curious to observe that languages spoken by fewer than 1000 people represent 25% of this corpus of 230 written languages. Although the survey concerns only a portion of existing Amerindian languages, it strengthens the conclusion that these languages are not flourishing. As can be gathered from the above, the demographic data on American Aboriginal languages are incomplete. Nonetheless, they all indicate that most of these languages are threatened with extinction, some very soon. However, in making such predictions, one should not base one's judgement solely on figures, as has been done so far. In fact, other factors are at work,

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the foremost of which is the isolation of the Aboriginal populations and, as a consequence, the absence of exogamy. A tribe of some hundreds of individuals, isolated in the tropical forest, or in the Arctic, would probably have greater chances of preserving its language than the tens of thousands of Amerindians who live in a metropolis like Mexico City, where most of contacts are in another language and the chances of marrying a spouse who does not speak the Amerindian language are markedly greater (for a short synthesis of these factors favouring the maintenance of Aboriginal languages according to American studies, see Shaul, 1990: 387). A History of Language Repression The social history of Amerindian languages is still largely unwritten. Nonetheless, some recent works 13 provide a glimpse of what the five centuries of cohabitation between Amerindian and European languages have been like. Here we simply outline the general indications, mainly about the linguistic history of Latin America, which is better documented. The first contacts with Europeans brought numerous epidemics to the Amerindian populations,14 a fact which occasionally had linguistic consequences. Suárez (1983: 163) reports that some Mexican languages disappeared at the time of the first contacts with Europeans at the start of the 16th century, as a consequence of the decline in population caused by these epidemics. But, quite apart from the deaths ascribable to epidemics and the inherent violence of any conquest, the 16th and 17th centuries saw considerable tolerance of Aboriginal languages owing to the fact that the colonists were still few in number. Amerindian languages were even adopted by Europeans as lingua francas, Nahuatl in Mexico (Suárez, 1983: 164-5), Quechua in Peru (Cobarrubias, 1990; Mannheim, 1984: 293), Tupí (or Tupinambá) in Brazil (Rodrigues, 1986: Chapter 10). From the Spanish point of view, colonial expansion went hand in hand with the spread of Spanish, for 'siempre la lengua fue compañera del imperio', as Nebrija put it in the first Castilian grammar (1492). The Spanish government would have very much liked to have imposed the same policy in America as it had applied earlier on its Arab population, namely rapid linguistic assimilation, accompanied by a forced conversion to Christianity, but it was held back for a while by the decisions taken at the Council of Trent (1545-1563) to favour the use of local languages in evangelisation. The communities of friars even refused to apply an ordinance of 1550 (Acts of the Indies, 1550, Volume 6, Title 1, Act 18) on the teaching of Spanish (Suárez, 1983: 164; Cobarrubias, 1990). In Spanish America, the crown and the Church came to propose a policy of bilingualism. In 1552, the first

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Council of Lima ordered persons, lay or clerical, entrusted with evangelisation of the Amerindians to learn the indigenous language of their missionary province. In 1555, the first Council of Mexico also ordered evangelisation in the indigenous languages and forced the parish priests to learn the languages spoken in their parishes. The second Council of Lima (1567) went so far as to prescribe penalties and fines for those who persisted in refusing to learn the Amerindian languages. An Act of 1583 (Acts of the Indies, 1580, Volume 1, Title 22, Act 46) created chairs of indigenous languages in Mexico and Peru. And the Third Council of Lima, in 1580, mandated teaching the Amerindians the catechism and prayers in their languages, without requiring them to learn Spanish. But simultaneously with these decisions favouring the indigenous languages, a movement emerged in favour of Spanish, which was to spread ever more widely. Charles V (king from 1516 to 1556), Philip III (1598-1621), and Charles II (1665-1700) strove with mixed success to impose Spanish on the Amerindians. The turning point was reached on 10 May 1770, during the reign of Charles III: Thereafter, a decree made the teaching of Spanish to the Amerindians compulsory. Naturally, given the conditions of teaching at the time, the threat to the Amerindian languages was relative, but the adoption of such a text nonetheless indicated a change in attitude. The Amerindian languages, at first favoured to facilitate evangelisation and the administration of new territories, were later tolerated, then progressively replaced; such was to be their ultimate fate. The 18th century was likewise a turning point in relations between Amerindian languages and Portuguese in Brazil. That was when the Portuguese government adopted several decrees proscribing the use of Tupí, which until that point had served as the lingua franca (Rodrigues, 1986: 21). The 19th century and the start of the 20th were particularly hostile to the Amerindian languages. So it was that a Guatemalan decree of 1824 called for their extinction (Richards, 1989: 97), and their use in schools was completely prohibited after the Mexican revolution of 1910; that prohibition was in full force until the middle of the 1930s. There was at least one exception to this picture of repression of Amerindian languages, that being the case of Guaraní, which, since 1967, has been one of the national languages of Paraguay (even so, Spanish alone is the official language). Historically, Guaraní had been much less repressed than other indigenous languages, mainly due to the missionary work of the Jesuits who laboured in Paraguay from 1604 until their expulsion in 1767. The Jesuits founded missions called Reductions where the Guaraní Amer-

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indians lived in a theocratic regime. 15 This experiment created the basis of the current Paraguayan bilingualism and enabled not only the enrichment of the Guaraní language, but also its description (producing, in 1624, a first grammar and dictionary). Nonetheless, Guaraní was likewise a victim of repression in the 19th century, first during the dictatorship of Carlos Antonio López (1840-1862). But, during the war of the Triple Alliance (of Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay, 1865-1870), Guaraní became a symbol of national unity, only to suffer the effects of defeat and thereafter be restricted mainly to family use. This situation continued until the Chaco War (1932-1935) when, for security reasons, the government forbade the use of Spanish on the battlefield. Once again, Guaraní became the symbol of the nation. This return to prestige was confirmed in the constitution of 1967, which granted Guaraní, together with Spanish, the status of national language (Corvalán, 1985; Rubin, 1985; Albó, 1979: 12-15). The history of the indigenous languages of Canada resembles that of the other countries of the Americas.16 Here as elsewhere, what Linda Tschanz (1980: 1) called the 'ideology of replacement' prevails: the education of the indigenous peoples sought to impose on them the dominant European culture. It was thought that this aim could be achieved by educating young Amerindians in boarding schools, where they would sometimes stay several years without seeing their parents. In these teaching establishments, the use of indigenous languages was strictly forbidden, even outside the classroom. One Cree pupil, who went to the St Philip Anglican boarding school of Fort George (Chisasibi), tells that, as soon as she reached the age of eight, she was told the rules of the establishment: 'Rule Number One. There will be no Cree spoken in this school. Anyone caught speaking it will be severely punished' (report of Jane Willis quoted by Tschanz, 1980: 9). There are even reports of physical punishment, such as this account by a Calgary lawyer quoted by Tschanz (1980: 9): 'I remember when they took my cousin, ripped the shirt off his back, strapped him face down on a bed and whipped him until he was raw. And why? Because he had spoken Cree during recreation time after supper.' If Linda Tschanz is to be believed, such incidents still happened during the 1940s. Tschanz estimates that the ideology of removing children from their homes in order to facilitate their education had a tremendous effect on Native languages, and is one of the reasons for the decline in their use today. (Tschanz, 1980: 7) The 'ideology of replacement' is also seen in the toponymy. Louis-Edmond Hamelin estimated in 1972 that, even in the Northwest

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Territories, place names of indigenous origin did not even amount to 15% of the total. In Quebec, there has been an increase in place names of indigenous origin in recent years (Maurais, 1987: 381), but between 1915 and 1920, over 15,000 indigenous place names were replaced (this volume, Chapter 3). From this rapid and unfortunately incomplete glimpse, enough clues point to the fact that wilful efforts, whether acknowledged or not, were expended to assimilate indigenous languages, particularly in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Languages with Poor Legal Protection The present section is an outline 17 of the main legal provisions that apply to indigenous languages. It is divided into three parts: international texts; constitutional texts; and legislative texts. International Texts The principal international texts that, directly or indirectly, concern the protection of the rights of indigenous peoples are the following: the United Nations Charter (Art. 1, Section 3; Art. 55; Art. 73); the Human Rights Declaration; the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; and the Convention Against Discrimination in Education (Stavenhagen, 1988: 119-34). These texts forbid all discrimination on the basis of race, ethnic origin or language. According to Stavenhagen (1988:129), of all the texts adopted by the United Nations, Section 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is the most important for indigenous populations: In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion, or to use their own language. Two documents from the International Labour Organisation concern Aboriginal populations: the new Convention 169 (Convention concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries) replacing the old Convention 107 (Convention concerning the Protection and Integration of Indigenous and Other Tribal and Semi-Tribal Populations in Independent Countries), in force since 2 June 1959, and Recommendation 104 (Recommendations Concerning the Protection and Integration of Indigenous and

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Other Tribal and Semi-Tribal Populations in Independent Countries). Article 28 of Convention 169 refers specifically to language: Article 28 (1) Children belonging to the peoples concerned shall, wherever practicable, be taught to read and write in their own indigenous language or in the language most commonly used by the group to which they belong. When this is not practicable, the competent authorities shall undertake consultations with these peoples with a view to the adoption of measures to achieve this objective. (2) Adequate measures shall be taken to ensure that these peoples have the opportunity to attain fluency in the national language or in one of the official languages of the country. (3) Measures shall be taken to preserve and promote the development and practice of the indigenous languages of the peoples concerned. Recommendation 104 contains an article concerning the language to use with workers belonging to Aboriginal populations: Article 9 So long as the populations concerned are not in a position to enjoy the protection granted by law to workers in general, recruitment of workers belonging to these populations should be regulated by providing, in particular, for: [ . . .] (f) ensuring that the worker: (i) understands the conditions of his employment, as a result of explanation in his mother tongue [ . . .]. One wonders whether the documents just mentioned constitute serious guarantees for protecting the linguistic rights of Aboriginal peoples. Rainer Enrique Hamel, who admittedly judges only texts adopted by the United Nations Organisation, affirms: The various instruments of international law give a rather weak foundation for the defence of language rights, they merely establish the fundamental rights as rights of individuals and forbid all discrimination based on race, sex, religion or language [ . . .]. Where language rights are concerned, this basis is generally insufficient because: (1) it specifies only individual rights, and not those of minority groups; and (2) it does not oblige States to take initiatives to protect minorities. (Translation of Hamel, 1990)

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Some attempts have been made to answer these objections, for instance in the new Convention 169 of the International Labour Organisation 18 and the Inter-American Charter of Social Guarantees (Resolution 29 of the Organisation of American States), which has been called 'an incredibly modern and progressive catalogue of social rights' (an opinion quoted by Stavenhagen, 1988: 144); Article 39 of the Charter contains the following provision: In countries where there is the problem of Aboriginal population, the necessary measures shall be adopted to give the Amerindian protection and help, guaranteeing him life, liberty and property, defending him against extermination, protecting him from oppression and exploitation, protecting him against destitution and educating him in the appropriate manner. [...] Institutions or services for the protection of the Amerindians should be created, particularly to enforce respect of their lands by legalizing their possession and avoiding their invasion by strangers. The Inter-American Charter of Social Guarantees also seeks to create obligations for States and, as such, it addresses the second objection formulated by R. E. Hamel. But nonetheless, the question of collective rights remains. A United Nations draft document on indigenous rights19 mentions various collective rights, such as the right to maintain and develop ethnic and cultural identity and the right to protection against ethnocide (that is to say, against all assimilation or forced integration and all imposition of foreign lifestyles). The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities is less explicit on the notion of collective language rights, except in Article 3: 'Persons belonging to minorities may exercise their rights, including those set forth in the present Declaration, individually as well as in community with other members of their group, without any discrimination.' The Convention on the Rights of the Child also refers to the notion of collective language rights in Article 30. The principal obstacle to defending the linguistic rights of Aboriginal peoples, according to R. E. Hamel (1990), comes from the absence of a definition of the concepts of minority and language (on the latter question, see Braën, 1986: 5-7). However, a United Nations Seminary concluded in January 1989 that 'Aboriginal peoples are not racial, religious, or linguistic minorities'. Elsewhere in international organisations, work has been done on a definition of 'Aboriginal populations'; the sub-reporter of the Sub-commission of the United Nations on the prevention of discrimination and the protection of minorities proposed the following definition:

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Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and precolonial societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing in those territories, or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal systems. (Martínez Cobo, 1987: 29, section 379) Constitutional Texts According to Stavenhagen (1988: 47; translation),'Latin American constitutions that refer to Aboriginal populations are rare.' Attribution of official language status to an indigenous language is even rarer. In fact, there are only two examples in Latin America. The Peruvian constitution of 1979 declares in Article 83: 'Castilian is the official language of the Republic. Quechua and Aymara are also official in the zones and in the manner prescribed by law. The other Aboriginal languages also are part of the cultural heritage of the Nation.' As one can see, Quechua and Aymara are not official throughout the nation, as is Spanish. 20 In fact, the 1979 Constitution represents a retreat from the position of Decree Law 21156 of 27 May 1975, which recognised Quechua as an official language equal to Spanish and which contained obligations as to its use (Hornberger, 1989: 149). The Nicaraguan constitution of 1987 announces in its first article: 'Spanish is the official language of the State. The languages of the Communities on the Atlantic coast of Nicaragua are also official in cases determined by law.' In Nicaragua as in Peru, Spanish actually has superior status because it is official throughout the country. The case of Paraguay is rather similar: two languages are considered as national languages, Spanish and Guaraní, but only Spanish is considered to be official (Corvalán, 1985: 19). Some constitutions (Brazil, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Peru) likewise guarantee schooling in indigenous languages,21 at least at the primary level. The Canadian constitution contains nothing about indigenous languages (see the searching discussion in Richstone, 1989: 2609), even though the second part of the Canada Act of 1982 deals with Aboriginal rights.

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Legislative Texts Legislative texts including provisions relating to Aboriginal languages, notably in the matter of education, are numerous; several are mentioned in Stavenhagen (1988). We will briefly mention four (those of Denmark, the Canadian Northwest Territories, Nicaragua and the United States) which grant official status to Aboriginal languages. Article 9 of the status of autonomy which Denmark granted Greenland in 1979 states that 'Greenlandic [a variety of the InuitInupiaq language] shall be the principal language'. The legislator added: 'Danish must be taught thoroughly. Both languages may be used for official purposes.' The Government of the Northwest Territories is the only one in Canada to have legislated on Aboriginal languages (Richstone, 1989: 271). In fact in 1984 it adopted an Official Languages Ordinance, which in 1988 was inserted in the federal Official Languages Act (Art. 45.1), so that it cannot be modified without the consent of the federal government. The territorial ordinance recognises nine official languages: English, French, and seven Aboriginal languages (Chipewyan, Cree, Dogrib, Gwich'in, North Slavey, South Slavey and Inuktitut). 22 Nicaragua, in accordance with the provisions of its 1986 Constitution, granted autonomous status to two regions in 1987.23 Article 5 provides that Spanish and the Aboriginal languages of these regions shall be the official languages.24 On 30 October 1990, the United States Congress passed a law (Native American Languages Act) that recognises the right to use Aboriginal languages as a teaching medium and gives power to tribes, to States and to territories to grant official status to these languages. The Canadian and Quebec legislative texts (Cree and Naskapi Act) as well as the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement, the only treaty that includes provisions in linguistic matters (Richstone, 1989: 269), are analysed by François Trudel (this volume, Chapter 3). It should be recalled that in January 1991, the Aboriginals demanded that Canada adopt a law concerning Aboriginal Languages (Le Soleil, 22 January 1991), doubtless inspired by the American law; but their demand went much further than what is provided for in the American legislation, because it included a request that some laws be translated and that some government services be offered in Aboriginal languages in designated districts. The foregoing paragraphs clearly show that the conventions adopted by international institutions offer little recourse for the protection of Aboriginal languages and that most Amerindian languages have no constitutional

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guarantees. Various countries have nonetheless adopted laws allowing for the use of these languages during the first years of schooling. But if the real purpose sought is to ensure the survival of the Amerindian languages, perhaps energy could be better expended on measures other than purely legal recognition. That, in any event, is the opinion of Jeffrey Richstone (1989: 278): 'Because the Aboriginal languages are in a critical situation, it is more important to find the means to enable these languages to develop than to attempt to solve the problem by merely formally recognising them in law'. The Status of the Speakers of Aboriginal Languages in Canada Sociological research and language planning works over the last 20 years have shown that there is a relation between the status of a language and the socioeconomic status of its speakers, for: 'The inequality of languages is based upon non-linguistic factors' (translation of Muntzel, 1987: 609). 25 It is also known that it is difficult, if not impossible, to increase the prestige, and thereby the status, of a language whose speakers are socially, culturally and economically disadvantaged. Many of the members of the community are even tempted to abandon their language and culture to ensure their socioeconomic progress. Thus it is important in any work on language planning to portray the speakers' socioeconomic conditions even if only succinctly. Since this issue will be treated only in passing, readers seeking more detailed information are invited to peruse the many studies published by the Federal Department of Inuit, Amerindian and Northern Affairs (DIANA) and Statistics Canada, which are listed in the bibliography.26 From this documentation, the following figures and tables have been drawn: mean income (Table 1.8), rate of employment (Fig. 1.1), schooling (Table 1.9), proportion of houses without central heating (Fig. 1.2) or a bathroom (Fig. 1.3), and rate of suicide (Table 1.10). Because the situation varies greatly from one province to the next, the data are shown by province. It is important to note that DIANA statistics concern only registered Amerindians (those with the legal status of Amerindian); the data shown do thus not represent all those who consider themselves to be Amerindians.27 These tables and figures require some commentary. The income of registered Amerindians is less than that of other Canadians in all provinces and regions (Table 1.8). It is in Quebec that the difference in income between Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals is the least.

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Table 1.7 Ethnic composition of the Aboriginal population, Canada, Provinces/Territories, 1986 Aboriginal groups Other with at least some Total with Registered Aboriginal Aboriginal Province/ Territory Indians Inuit origina origins Nova Scotia and Nfld 6 445 3 850 13 485 23 780 New Brunswick and P E I 4 525 145 6 005 10 665 Quebec 26 115 7 045 47 785 80 945 Ontario 46 725 2 270 118 390 167 375 Manitoba 39 510 385 45 345 85 230 Saskatchewan 42 075 100 35 475 77 650 Alberta 33 340 745 69 845 103 930 British Columbia 54 130 740 71 755 126 625 Yukon 2 965 60 1 970 4995 NWT 7 425 18 135 4 970 30 525 Canada 263 245 33 460 415 025 711 725 a Includes Métis, non-status Indians and multiple origins with at least one Aboriginal origin. Note: Totals may not add up due to rounding. Source: INAC customised data based on 1986 Census of Canada. Prepared by Quantitative Analysis and Socio-demographic Research, Finance and Professional Services, INAC, 1989 (Larocque & Gauvin, 1989: 7). The rate of employment, unlike the rate of unemployment, is defined relative to the whole of the population aged 15 and above (the rate of unemployment is calculated, on the other hand, in relation to the active worker population); for various methodological reasons (see Nicholson & MacMillan, 1986:55 and following), the rate of employment affords the best picture of the real working conditions of the Aboriginal population. The disparity in employment between Amerindians and other Canadians is less serious in British Columbia, Ontario, Quebec and the Maritimes; Amerindian employment conditions are more difficult in Saskatchewan and Manitoba, where almost a third of all the Amerindians of Canada reside (Figure 1.1).

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Table 1.8 Average individual income of registered Indian and general populations, Canada Provinces/Territories, 1985 NS& NB& BC Alb. Sask. Man. Ont. Québec Nfld P E I Yukon NWT Canada Registered Indians 9800 9300 8600 8200 10100 9900 7900 7500 8200 9300 9300 • On reserve 10800 10300 9700 9700 12400 13400 11200 9600 10800 13200 11000 • Off reserve 10200 9700 9000 8700 11200 10700 8800 8000 9600 10200 9900 • Total Other Canadians 18700 19800 17000 1700 19500 17100 15400 14700 20600 21400 18200 Population near 17200 16300 14500 12000 14600 13700 13700 12500 15400 22200 14700 reserves Income of Indians in 54.5%49.0%52.9%51.2%57.4% 62.6% 57.1%54.4%46.6%47.7% 54.4% proportion to that of the rest of the population Source: Based on Larocque and Gauvin (1989: 25)

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Figure 1.1 Employment rates (in percentage) by province/region, registered Indians and other Canadians (15 years and over), 1981 Source: Based on Larocque and Gauvin (1989: 21).

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Table 1.9 Educational attainment of persons not in school, by province/region, registered Indians and other Canadians (15 years and over), in percentage, Canada, 1981 Highest level of schooling B.C. Alta. Sask. Man. Ont. IndiansOtherIndiansOtherIndiansOtherIndiansOther Indians Other attained No schooling or 5 1 8 1 10 2 10 2 8 2 kindergarten Grades 1-8 32 14 36 13 46 24 46 22 31 19 Grades 9-13 37 31 33 31 27 32 29 32 33 28 High school diploma & 21 38 19 38 12 29 11 30 24 37 other non-university diploma Some university 3 9 3 7 4 8 3 7 3 6 University certificate, 1 8 1 9 1 6 1 7 1 8 diploma or degree Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 N ('000s) 29 1730 18 1367 17 590 20 636 38 5376 Source: INAC Customised Data Based on 1981 Census of Canada, as per Nicholson and Macmillan (1986: 170). (table continued on next page)

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Page 26 Table 1.9 (continued) Highest level of schooling

Quebec

Atlantic Northern Canada Canada Canada IndiansOther Indians Other Indians Other Indians Other 12 2 4 2 24 9 9 2 34 29 32 27 38 16 36 22 23 18 30 29 20 22 31 26 26 40 26 31 15 35 20 37

attained No schooling or kindergarten Grades 1-8 Grades 9-13 High school diploma & other non-university diploma Some university 3 5 5 6 2 University certificate, diploma 2 6 1 6 1 or degree Total % 100 100 100 100 100 N ('000s) 20 4083 5 1391 5 Source: INAC Customised Data Based on 1981 Census of Canada, as per Macmillan (1986: 170)

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100 100 100 35 154 15208 Nicholson and

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Figure 1.2 Percentage of occupied private dwellings without a central heating system by ethnicity of household, location on and off reserve, Canada, Provinces/Territories, 1986 Source: Based on Larocque and Gauvin (1989: 31).

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Figure 1.3 Proportion of households lacking dwellings with adequate bathroom facilities by ethnicity of household, location on and off reserve and province/region, Canada, 1981 Source: INAC customized data, based on the 1981 census of Canada, quoted by Clatworthy and Stevens (1987: 82). Table 1.10 Rate of suicide per 100,000, registered Indians and other Canadians, by province/region, 1982 B C Alta Sask. Man. Ont. Que. Atl.b North Canada A. Registered 30.6 n.a. 76 n.a. 31.0 33a 40.7 n.a. 38.9 Indians B. Other 15.0 n.a. 17.5 n.a. 13.0 16a 12.2 n.a. 14.3 Canadians Ratio A/B 2.0 4.3 2.4 2.0 3.4 2.7 n.a.: not available. a Hull (1987: 69) gives no rates, only a graph. b Excluding Newfoundland. Sources: Lithwick et al. (1986); Cooke (1987: 57); Graham (1986: 61); Jarvis (1987: 68); Lautard (1987: 62); Hull (1987: 69).

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The level of education of Amerindians is lower everywhere than for other Canadians (Table 1.9). 'In general, the disparity of educational attainment between Indians and other Canadians is highest in the provinces from Manitoba westward and in Northern Canada, and is lowest in Ontario, Quebec and Atlantic Canada' (Nicholson & Macmillan, 1986: 171). Figures 1.2 and 1.3 give an indication of home comforts. Figure 1.2 indicates that Amerindian homes are more likely to have no central heating. The situation in Quebec and the Atlantic region is better (Clatworthy & Stevens, 1987: 76-8). Likewise Amerindians living on Quebec and Maritime reservations are the least likely to have a bathroom; elsewhere, the proportion of Amerindian houses without bathrooms is considerably above that of the rest of the population (Figure 1.3). The rate of suicide (Table 1.10) among registered Amerindians is three times higher than that among the rest of the Canadian population. Among 20-24 year olds, it is five and a half times higher, and among the 15-19 year olds, almost seven and a half times as high (Lithwick et al. 1986: 79). During the 1976-1982 period, the Amerindian rate of suicide in Quebec was below that of Amerindians as a whole in Canada (except in 1980) (Hull, 1987: 67). The data in Tables 1.8-1.10 and in Figures 1-3, partial as they are, nonetheless show that the socioeconomic status of Amerindians is below that of other Canadians, whether or not they are speakers of an Aboriginal language. If one were to surmise that Amerindians who abandon their languages have greater chances of achieving an enhanced socioeconomic status, which a priori is rather probable, then one must conclude that the status of the native speakers of Amerindian languages is lower still than the preceding statistics indicate. A policy that aims at improving the status of Aboriginal languages must therefore take these facts into account, because they are the very basis of coherent language policy planning. Burnaby and Beaujot have likewise surveyed the effect of some of these factors on Aboriginal language maintenance. Levels of education are inversely correlated with levels of Aboriginal language maintenance among Aboriginal mother tongue speakers. Young adults who stay in school are less likely than those who leave to maintain their Aboriginal mother tongue. Those out of the labour market are more likely than those in it to maintain their Aboriginal mother tongue [ . . .]. (Burnaby & Beaujot, 1986: 77) But this correlation, generally valid, does not apply to certain small linguistic groups, although exactly why is not known; so surveying of these groups should be pursued further (Burnaby & Beaujot, 1986: 78). For quite

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a number of Aboriginals, improvement of socioeconomic status too often means loss of mother tongue. This is the dilemma any eventual language planning project would have to resolve. The Use of Aboriginal Languages Joshua A. Fishman introduced the notion of domain of use to designate the various situations in which language is used such as home, work, teaching, worship, etc. (see Fishman, 1972: 73-93). Surveying the use of different languages in competition for different domains in a given bilingual or plurilingual community enables one to establish which languages are spreading and which are losing ground (on these questions, see Laforge & McConnell, 1990). This section will start by taking a short look at the general sociolinguistic status of Aboriginal languages in the Americas from a survey of their status and domains of use undertaken in 1990. The Canadian situation will then be briefly described. Survey of the Status and Use of Aboriginal Languages in the Americas A survey of the status and use 93 Aboriginal languages still spoken in the Americas was carried out in 1990 (Maurais, 1992). The main conclusions of the survey were that Amerindian languages are confined to domains of informal use (essentially, conversations within the family group and with friends) and that they have little connection to modern life because there are no newspapers (unilingual or bilingual) except in the case of 24 of the languages, radio broadcasts exist in only 22 and television programmes in only 8. The Sociolinguistic Status of Aboriginal Languages in Canada According to data from the 1981 census, there were 492,000 Aboriginals in Canada, of whom only 28.7% (140,975) declared an Aboriginal language as their mother tongue. The majority of Aboriginals (62.4%) have English as their mother tongue, and 4.6% French. English is the home language for 71.7% of Canadian Aboriginals, an Aboriginal language for 22% and French for only 3.9% (Priest, 1985: 13 and 15). In the 1991 census, a surprisingly high number of Canadians declared an Amerindian origin: 1,002,675 (an increase of 40.9% over the 1986-1991 period!); of these, some 625,000 identified themselves as Aboriginals, 192,765 declared an Amerindian language as their mother tongue, but only 138,110 answered that they spoke an Aboriginal language at home. 28 (The increase shown in the 1991

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census is surely due, at least partially, to greater Aboriginal consciousness brought about by the constitutional debate, the 1990 Oka crisis and similar crises in other provinces). Since the 1971 census, language assimilation (or more technically speaking, language shift) has been calculated in Canada as a ratio between mother tongue and home language. 'The 1981 Census data provide a fairly clear indication that Aboriginal languages in Canada are eroding, with a net transfer to English' (Priest, 1985: 19); throughout Canada roughly 28% of Aboriginals have abandoned their language for English, as opposed to a little less than 0.5% for French (Priest, 1985: 18). Priest (1985: 15) even affirms that 'in Quebec, there may be a shift from both Aboriginal and French as mother tongue to English as home language'. In Arctic Quebec, according to a 1987 survey (quoted by Taylor, 1990), 65.3% of the Inuit declare that English is their second language while 1.1% speak French as well as Inuktitut (for more details on the demo-linguistic status of native languages in Quebec, see Chapter 2). If one were to use the traditional definition of language assimilation (ratio home language/mother tongue), one would conclude from the 1991 census that the status of Aboriginal languages has more or less stabilisedif not improved (71.6% of those declaring an Aboriginal language as their mother tongue still spoke it as their home language). However, were one to consider the ethnic origin, the picture would become gloomier: only 19% of the persons declaring an Aboriginal ethnic origin have an Aboriginal language as their mother tongue and 13.7% use it as their home language. The same gloomy picture is offered by the 1990 survey undertaken by the Assembly of First Nations, which revealed that only 49 bands (out of the 151 that responded) have a language that is not in decline or almost extinct (Assembly of First Nations, 1990). At the Canadian level, teaching Aboriginals their language or teaching them in their language left very much to be desired in 1981-1982 because less than half of Aboriginal children received instruction in their mother tongue. Quebec differed markedly from other provinces in that respect; there, in fact, over 76% of Aboriginal pupils were enrolled in classes studying Aboriginal languages or taught in them (Table 1.11). By the 1993-1994 school year, the situation had improved. Four provincesQuebec, Manitoba, Ontario and Saskatchewanhad more than 70% of Aboriginal pupils receiving instruction in Aboriginal languages or studying them (Table 1.12). But these figures conceal sharp disparities. In some regions, a majority of pupils had no Aboriginal language instruction; in this respect, Quebec was the least remiss as only one Aboriginal child out of

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Table 1.11 Student enrolment by region indicating use of an Aboriginal language in school, 1981-1982 school year Aboriginal language taught as a medium of No instruction in instruction or as a Total Aboriginal language language % N % Region enrolment N Canadaa 80398 46518 57.9 33880 42.1 Atlantic 3420 2518 73.6 902 26.4 Quebec 10724 2473 23.1 8251 76.9 Ontario 13689 7306 53.4 6383 46.6 Prairies 39084 24738 63.3 14346 36.7 British Columbia 13481 9483 70.3 3998 29.7 a Excludes Yukon and Northwest Territories. Source: Based on Priest (1985: 18) five did not receive any Aboriginal language instruction (Table 1.12). In most provinces Aboriginal languages were used as languages of instruction for less than 20% of Aboriginal pupils. Only in Quebec was there a majority of pupils being taught in their Aboriginal languages, whether full-time or part-time (Table 1.13). As for the intensity of exposure to Aboriginal languages, one sees that only in Quebec did Aboriginal children have access in large numbers to classes where their mother tongue was the only medium of instruction, or was used more than half of the time; in all other provinces the situation was even more lamentable (Table 1.14). To sum up, statistics show that Amerindian conditions are in general better in Eastern Canada, especially in the Atlantic Region and Quebec these are also the regions with a longer history of contacts between the Amerindian and White populations. The Survival of Aboriginal Languages: Identifying Solutions The preceding pages naturally raise a certain number of questions concerning the measures to be taken in order to ensure native language survival. Here, only such suggestions as help in defining the problem will be put forward, because, understandably, the decision to save ancestral

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Page 33 Table 1.12 Indian language instruction in Canada (excluding Yukon and Northwest Territories), 1993-1994 school year Atlantic Region Quebec Ontario Manitoba Sask. Alberta B C Indian language 2375 2889 5048 4317 4370 6449 9186 not used Indian language 324 2578 1155 1793 124 327 medium of instruction more than half time ... less than half 462 1780 637 588 1285 213 time Taught as subject 468 3228 9652 10972 9184 6584 6288 only Subject and part706 690 2066 422 1636 1357 1143 time medium Subject and 2 2326 401 87 120 360 full-time medium Total 4337 13 491 18959 18092 15277 15919 17517 % receiving 45.2 78.6 73.4 76.1 71.4 59.5 47.6 Indian language instruction Source: Ms Suzanne Gour, Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (Nominal Roll Student Census). Table 1.13 Indian language instruction in Canada, 1993-1994 school year, medium of instruction Atlantic Quebec Ontario Manitoba Sask. Alberta Region Indian 1494 7374 4259 2803 1723 2886 language as medium of instruction % 34.4 54.7 22.5 15.5 11.3 18.1 Source: Table 1.12

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Table 1.14 Indian language instruction in Canada, 1993-1994 school year, medium of instruction, more than half the time and full-time Atlantic Region Quebec Ontario Manitoba Sask. Alberta B C Indian language 326 4904 1556 1793 87 244 687 medium of instruction more than half the time and full-time % 7.5 36.4 8.2 9.9 0.6 1.5 3.9 Source: Table 1.12. Aboriginal languages can only be made by their speakers (for a discussion in this regard, see Thieberger, 1990), who must also select the means for doing so successfully. The majority of authors who have studied language policies mention the principle of personality and that of territoriality. For many, these principles are two of the basics of language planning (see, among others, Mackey (1979: 9-10) and Puig (1983: 30)). According to the principle of personality, the same individual linguistic rights are granted to each and every citizen throughout a country. (Speakers of a language with very few speakers would thus have the same rights as speakers of the majority language, although it is readily apparent that in many regions they would not obtain services in their language. 29) As for the principle of territoriality, it ensures that language rights and obligations are applied in a given geographic area. Any analysis of the first of these principles will show it to be inapplicable to Aboriginal languages in Canada. When one knows how difficult it is to obtain services in the second official language of the country, one immediately understands that the granting of personal rights would be, for all intents and purposes, only a pious wish; for this reason, it has been proposed that collective rights be granted (see Hamel, 1990, and others). Moreover, the principle of territoriality is more likely to yield concrete results, although this may be only an illusion. In fact, Rainer Enrique Hamelwho, admittedly, writes about the Aboriginal languages of Mexicoestimates that 'Save for rare exceptions, the possibility of implementing these principles guaranteeing monolingualism to groups or to individualsthe principles of personality and of territorialitycannot be considered feasible' (Hamel, 1989: 453). Doubtless one must deduce

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from this quotation that the Aboriginal languages are generally not strong enough demographically to enable one to apply these solutions (and those that are, Nahuatl in Mexico for instance, are not geographically concentrated enough). However, it would be interesting to examine whether the principle of territoriality cannot be applied for the more widely spoken Aboriginal languages in Canada (for instance, Cree, Ojibwa, Inuktitut). But linguistic territoriality, if such a solution should be adopted, would surely have secondary effects, because one could rightfully wonder whether such would be possible without some degree of self-government. As it is, Dorais (1988a) believes that only political autonomy can ensure the survival of Aboriginal languages in the Far North. 30 This raises the fundamental question of the redistribution of power. Although territoriality exists in an embryonic state (the reservations) and, even though it is not comparable from a juridico-linguistic point of view to that which exists elsewhere in the world (in Switzerland, for instance), it has beneficial effects on the maintenance of Aboriginal languages. American statistics show that 58.18% of Amerindians living on reservations declared an Aboriginal language as their mother language in 1970, compared with 21.82% of those living off the reservations (Fishman, 1981: 580, also see Gundlach & Busch, 1981). The principle of linguistic territoriality has already begun to be implemented for various Amerindian languagesfour tribes in the United States (Cheyennes, Northern and Southern Ute, Yaquis, Tohono O'odham) have officially adopted language policies concerned notably with bilingual education (Zepeda, 1990: 248), and the Navajos have made the teaching of their language compulsory in all schools on their reservation (Benally & McCarty, 1990: 243; extracts of two language policies31 can be found in the appendix on pp. 41-42). The principles of personality and territoriality are legal solutions. Yet, it is not clear, given the critical state of the greater part of the Aboriginal languages of Canada, that legal recognition would be a panacea. At least, that is what Jeffrey Richstone (1989: 278) believes. Other solutions could be more effective, for instance the creation of a national institute of Aboriginal languages, as has already been suggested (Richstone, 1989: 277).32 Such an institution could undertake to codify and standardise the various languages and conduct corpus planning so that they could be taught, and used in new domains; it could work at codifying (albeit flexibly) standard varieties that enable dialectal divergences present in some languages to be overcome. From a more sociolinguistic point of view, it could undertake research on language planning in general and bilingualism between Aboriginal and official languages in particular. In fact, it should be obvious that, considering the diversity of Aboriginal languages in Canada and the

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small number of speakers, the problem of bilingualism is fundamental 33 and posits the following questions: Can one hope for the maintenance of a language from one generation to the next without the existence of a core of unilinguals? The low percentage of bilinguals among the speakers of a mother tongue is one of many factors that contribute to the vitality of a language (see McConnel & Gendron, 1988). However, socioeconomic progress by Aboriginals would make them more and more bilingual. How then can they keep a language up that has become a symbol of lack of adaptation to the contemporary world? The study of Basque and particularly Irish (languages with almost no unilinguals) could be enlightening in this respect. Is 'mass bilingualism', that is 'the practice by an entire population of two or several linguistic systems' (Marcellesi, 1981: 5), possible? Fishman (1972: 154) accepts the idea that collective bilingualism could be stable, but one wonders whether it is feasible in the long term (for a century, for instance). Others consider social bilingualism as a transitory phase: 'the tendency toward reduction and elimination of bilingualism [ . . .] is a general and permanent feature' (Martinet, 1982: 13). In any case, because Amerindian groups are numerically weak, one must wager on collective bilingualism and aim at obtaining a situation of stable and non-conflictual diglossia,34 where the functions and domains of use are divided in a durable fashion between the official and the Aboriginal language, while ensuring that the latter is not limited to the family domain. The creation of a national institute of Aboriginal languages does not seem likely to be realised in the short run. Under the circumstances, the government of Quebec, together with its Aboriginal nations, could take the initiative and found its own institute. This solution would have the advantage of permitting the resolution of problems specific to Quebec, notably the question of learning French 'so that pupils graduating from [Amerindian] schools will in future be capable of continuing their study in a French school, college or university elsewhere in Quebec, if they so desire' (Art. 88 of the Charter of the French Language) because, according to Priest's analysis (1985) previously quoted, Quebec Aboriginals are apt to be more attracted to English. But the objective of the language legislation is to make French the common language while recognising that the 'Amerindians and the Inuit of Québec, the first inhabitants of this land, [have the right] to preserve and develop their original language and culture' (preamble to the Charter of the French Language). Such an Institute could develop strategies to guide French-Aboriginal language bilingualism and spread the use of the latter languages beyond the private and family domain. An

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increase in functions and domains of use is, in fact, necessary to the maintenance of minority languages (see Chapter 7 of this volume for a discussion by Drapeau and Corbeil); Muntzel (1987: 608-9) believes that it is necessary to allot at least one prestigious domain to Aboriginal languages if their maintenance is to be ensured; in this respect, writing certainly confers prestige (Muntzel, 1987; José Mailhot, personal communication, 7 February 1991). The fact that the majority of Canadian Aboriginals have already assimilated to English (Priest, 1985) invites critical reflection on the relations that exist between language and cultural identity. The preamble to the Charter of the French Language, by declaring that 'the French language [ . . .] is the instrument by which [the people of Quebec] has articulated its identity' illustrates to what extent language and cultural identity are linked among French speakers. Is it the same among Aboriginals? How are the identities of Aboriginal nations that have lost their languages defined? These are some of the many questions that the precarious status of the languages of the 'descendants of the first inhabitants of the country' raises. Acknowledgements The present chapter would have been very different without the documentation kindly supplied by the following persons and organisations: Commissão Pró-Índio of São Paulo (Brazil), Graziella Corvalán (Centro Paraguayo de Estudios Sociológicos, Asunción, Paraguay), Louis-Jacques Dorais (Laval University, Québec), Fernand Dupont and Oscar Medina (Délégation du Québec, Mexico), Francesco Gomes de Matos (Universidade do Pernambuco, Recife, Brazil), Clemencia Gómez (Bureau du Québec, Bogotá, Colombia), Jon Landaburu (Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá, Colombia), Luis Fernando Lara (Colegio de México, Mexico), John Mameanskum (Naskapi Band of Quebec), Mary Pepper (Language Bureau, Government of the Northwest Territories), Jeffrey Waite (Mâori Language Commission, Wellington, New Zealand) and Ernesto Zierer (Universidad de Trujillo, Peru). I also wish to thank the following persons who graciously agreed to comment on a first draft of this text: Lynn Drapeau, José Mailhot and Louis-Edmond Hamelin. Notes 1. In their study of the written languages of the Americas, Heinz Kloss and Grant D. McConnell (1976) give information about 230 languages and add a list of 202 other languages. Some of these, like Nahuatl, include varieties which other linguists consider to be entirely separate languages, such that the total of 432 suggested by Kloss and McConnel's data represents a base and not an upper

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limit. Elsewhere, Xavier Albó (1979:22) estimates the native languages of central America at 260. To those who find these numbers excessive, remember that, according to P. Rivet and C. Loubotka, there would appear to be 108 language families in South America alone (reported in Wendt, 1961: 195). Apart from 'isolates', each family generally includes several languages. 2. More specifically, according to J. Greenberg's debated classification adopted by M. Ruhlen, some 600 Amerindian languages (stricto sensu) some 33 Na-Déné languages and ten Eskimo-Aleut languages. 3. For examples of deficient recording of speakers of Amerindian languages in countries other than Canada and Mexico, see the periodical America Indígena 47/3 and 4 (1987). In Canada, there was an additional problem: A certain number of persons from South Asia and East Africa declared themselves to be of 'Indian' origin (see Burnaby, 1986: 43 and 45). 4. What is called Quechua actually includes linguistic varieties that are not all mutually intelligible (Zierer, 1988). These varieties should thus be considered as languages in their own right. 5. Conselho Indegenista Missionário, Povos Indígenas no Brasil e Presença missionária, Brasilia, 1985, 2nd edition. 6. Juan Cobarrubias (1990) observes that it was impossible for him to obtain detailed statistics on the spread of Spanish in America. 7. By way of illustration, this is what a specialist on linguistic issues in Brazil had to say: 'It is probable that at the time of arrival of the first Europeans in Brazil, about 500 years ago, the number of indigenous languages was double what it is today. The main cause of reduction was the disappearance of the people who spoke the languages, the result of campaigns of extermination or of hunting for slaves [ . . .] or the result of epidemics from the Old World that were spread unintentionally (but in some cases intentionally) among a number of indigenous peoples; also, hunting and gathering grounds and farming areas, were gradually reduced, thereby reducing the means of subsistance, and assimilation by force or by encouragement, to the ways and customs of the colonists occurred' (translated from Rodrigues, 1986: 19). 8. For other similar examples, see Solís (1987: particularly 637). The progress by Quechua could at times have been caused by the actions of missionaries who opted for it rather than other languages for evangelisation purposes (Albó, 1979: 16-17 and 24). Furthermore, the advance of Quechua at the expense of other languages had started more than five centuries before the arrival of Europeans (see Cerrón-Palomino, 1989: 12). 9. A brochure (Povos Renascidos. Subsídios didácticos sobre a questião indígena, series B, Vol. 1, CIMI-CNBB, 2nd edn, p. 20) lists 26, including the disappearance of a French-based Creole. 10. For an estimate of the number of speakers of Amerindian languages, see also appendix D 'Estimates of the Number of Speakers of American Indian Languages North of Mexico' by Jeanette Martin (1975). 11. This prognostic is likewise cited by Richstone (1989: 278), and has been taken up by the Standing Committee for Aboriginal Affairs of the House of Commons of Canada. 12. Kloss and McConnell's data (1978 and 1979) were not taken into account here because they are presented in a very involved fashion and are not easy to use.

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13. This section owes much to the following works: for Latin America in general, Suárez (1983), Cobarrubias (1990) and Mannheim (1984); for Brazil, Rodrigues (1986); for Paraguay, Rubin (1985), which occasionally requires a reading of Corvalán (1985) for greater understanding. For Canada, the principal source is the booklet of L. Tschanz (1980); see also Trudel (this volume, Chapter 3). Concerning the historical repression of Navajo, the most widely spoken Amerindian language in the United States, see Shonerd (1990: particularly 193-7); see also Benally and McCarty (1990: 238-9). 14. In Canada, an epidemic of smallpox began in 1635 among the Montagnais residents near Tadoussac. A century later, it had struck all the tribes in the country. For Jenness (1977: 252), this illness 'played a no mean part in the reduction to a mere handful of the once numerous tribes that roamed the plains'. Other illnesses also greatly affected the indigenous populations: a third of the Micmacs of Acadia perished in an epidemic of typhus (Jenness, 1977: 253). On the question of epidemics brought to America by the Europeans, also see Laroque (1988), who tends to minimise their importance. 15. Voltaire, in Candide (Ch. 4), satirises the system of government established by the Jesuits in Paraguay: 'How admirable is this government. The realm is more than three hundred leagues in diametre; it is divided into three provinces. Los Padres have everything, and the people nothing; it is a masterpiece of reason and justice.' 16. It should be mentioned that the subject has been very little studied: 'Although the history of the education of the Native People of Canada has been studied and documented by many people from different ideological perspectives, there have been no studies focusing on the specific issue of language policy' (Tschanz, 1980: 2). This small work by Linda Tschanz is based almost exclusively on English Canada. For Quebec, see Trudel (this volume, Chapter 3). 17. The most complete study is Stavenhagen's (1988). Carneiro da Cunha (1987) offers a detailed presentation on the status of indigenous rights in Brazil. For Canada, the basic study is Richstone's synthesis (1989). On the general problem of language rights, see Braën (1986). 18. Where the preamble declares that it is 'appropriate to adopt new international standards [...] with a view to removing the assimilationist orientation of the earlier standards'. 19. Draft Universal Declaration on Indigenous Rights as contained in Document E/CN.4/Sub. 2/1988/25. The expression 'collective right' is used in Sections 3, 4 and 5. 20. The authors forgot an important aspect: Quechua has 15 dialects, some of which are not mutually intelligible; but the Constitution does not indicate which dialect has official status (Zierer, 1988: 21), even though it is well known that the dialect spoken at Cuzco has greater prestige (Wölck, 1972: 208-9). For Solís (1987: 633-4), the term Quechua includes at least two different languages. 21. Constitutional language provisions of sovereign states have been collected in Blaustein and Blaustein Epstein (1986) and, in French, Gauthier et al. (1993) (the latter also including the constitutions of non-sovereign states). For an analysis of Latin American constitutional texts, see Stavenhagen (1988: 48-61). For a presentation of the 1987 Brazilian constitution, see Sierra (1990: 57-61).

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22. It could be added that the town of Fort Smith (2500 inhabitants) in the Northwest Territories has recognised four official languages: English, French, Chipewyan and Cree. 23. Estatuto de la autonomía de las regiones de la costa atlántica de Nicaragua (Act 28 of 1987), published in La Gaceta, Diario Oficial, 238, 30 October 1987. 24. The preamble to the law describes the composition of the population of the two autonomous regions: 182,000 Spanishspeaking Métis, 75,000 Mesquitos speaking their own language, 26,000 English-speaking Creoles, 9000 Sumus speaking their own language, 2750 Garafunas (whose language is also called Black Carib, see Morren, 1988: 353) having for the greater part lost their language and 850 Ramas of whom only 50 still speak their language. 25. The following is an example in support of this statement: 'The inseparable cognitive and linguistic deficits that exist among Navajo children cannot be separated from the high rates of alcoholism (including fetal alcohol syndrome), suicide rates, unemployment, and other effects of social injustice' (Shonerd, 1990: 201). 26. Curious facts appear in the data, e.g. higher individual income of registered Indians in Ontario coupled with a high proportion of dwellings without central heating and a high proportion of dwellings lacking adequate bathroom facilities. This could cast doubt on the reliability of official statistics concerning Amerindians; it definitely shows that more research is needed. On various evaluations of the number of Amerindians in Quebec, see Robitaille and Guimond (1994: esp. 434-5). 27. The figures and tables on the following pages make little use of data from the 1991 census for two technical reasons: (a) customizing data is a long process and many crosstables were not available up to winter 1994; (b) there were 78 incompletely enumerated Indian reservations and settlements; in an additional 181 Indian reservations and settlements, enumeration was not permitted or was interrupted before all questionnaires could be completed; similar shortcomings apply to the 1986 census, so that in particular cases data from the 1981 census may still be more reliable, if analysed with caution. 28. Stat Can 89-533 'Language, Tradition, Health, Lifestyle and Social Issues. 1991 Aboriginal Peoples Survey'; Stat Can 93315 'Ethnic Origin'; Stat Can 93-313 'Mother Tongue'; Stat Can 93-317 'Home Language and Mother Tongue'. 29. It is not clear how granting equal linguistic rights to all could actually enable citizens who are speakers of minority languages to reach situations of equality. On this theme, see the thinking of the Conseil de la langue française in its publications La situation linguistique actuelle (1985) and particularly Le projet de loi fédéral C-72 relatif au statut et à l'usage des langues officielles au Canada (1988, p. 21 and following), where it is noted that 'equality of status and use of a given language will not be achieved by the application of identical measures to different situations, but rather by measures adapted to the various situations and whose effect is to give each of the languages the same security of status in Canada' [p. 25]. 30. Consideration of autonomy for Aboriginal peoples is not on the exclusive agenda of Quebec and Canada. It is mentioned elsewhere, notably in Mexico in discussions on a plan for constitutional reform designed to recognise the cultural rights of indigenous peoples (see Huerta, 1990; Valdivia, 1990). Likewise, the reform of the Brazilian constitution of 1987 was a time of vigorous

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debate on indigenous rights (succinct presentation in Sierra, 1990; for further detail, see Carneiro da Cunha, 1987). See also earlier discussions in this chapter on Nicaragua. 31. According to Leap (1988: 286), the Sioux and other American tribes have also adopted positions concerning their right to speak their ancestral languages. 32. In August 1988, then again in September 1989, the federal government put forward a bill to create a Canadian institute of heritage languages. The institute was to look after all languages other than English and French. Do Aboriginal languages not risk disappearance in such a grouping? 33. The study of Amerindian bilingualism has already yielded interesting results. Regna Darnell (1971) studied the Cree community of Calling Lake and has observed an ignorance of both Cree and English. For her, bilingualism pure and simple is too simplistic an explanation for what this kind of community is experiencing. She rather posited the existence of four language varieties: Standard English, Cree English, Anglicised Cree and Traditional Cree. 34. This is the proposal Fishman also reached (1990). Appendix: Two Examples of Language Policy Adopted by Amerindian Nations (Zepeda, 1990: 250-1 and 255) Yaqui Nation (Arizona), 1984 The Yaqui language is a gift from Itom Achai, the Creator of our people and, therefore, shall be treated with respect. Our ancient language is the foundation of our cultural and spiritual heritage without which we could not exist in the manner that our Creator intended. Education is the transmission of culture and values, therefore, we declare that Yaqui education shall be the means for the transmission of the Yaqui language and spiritual and cultural heritage. We further declare that all aspects of the educational process shall reflect the beauty of our Yaqui language, culture and values. It shall be the policy of the Pascua Yaqui Tribe that no member of the Tribe shall be coerced by any outside non-Yaqui tribal authority or system to deny or debase the Yaqui language. [ . . .] The Yaqui language is the official language of the Pascua Yaqui Nation and may be used in the business of government, legislative, executive and judicial, although in deference to, and out of respect to speakers of Spanish and English, both Spanish and English may be utilized in official matters of government. [ . . .] Be it known that the Spanish language shall be recognised as our second language and the English language shall be recognised as our third language.

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Tohono O'odham Nation (formerly Papago), 1986 [ . . .] with respect for our first language the Tohono O'odham Nation declares the Tohono O'odham language as the official language of our people. The Tohono O'odham language is to be used as the official means of oral communication at any and all tribal councils, and all district, village, committee and board meetings as well as in any and all tribal and community functions and activities throughout the Tohono O'odham Nation. Other languages may be used as deemed necessary. [ . . .] In all cases, the Tohono O'odham text of this language policy shall be used to establish its meaning. Translation of this policy in other languages may be provided by the O'odham Education Department, but such translations shall have no legal effects.

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Chapter 2 The Aboriginal Languages of Quebec, Past and Present Louis-Jacques Dorais The Clash of Languages and Cultures For a few minutes, Qumaq watched carefully what his companion was doing. The qallunaaq (big brow)the Inuktitut word for a European, one of those hairy people who had recently arrived from over the great waterwas busy with something he could not understand. He had poured some black grains from a small wooden box and thrown them into a pot. Then he had poured water on them. The man was now heating this strange concoction on a fire of brushwood. Qumaq wondered what the qallunaaq was doing. The Inuit were in the habit of boiling their meat or fish, but they had never used these small black grains. The qallunaaq withdrew the pot from the fire and poured the boiling water in a wooden cup. Lifting it to his lips, he began to drink the concoction that he had just prepared. Qumaq was astonished. Used to drinking cold water himselfoften from melted snow or iceor tepid soup, he wondered how the European managed to swallow the boiling liquid. Overcoming his astonishment, he cast an eye on the steaming cup and asked 'suna una? 'The qallunaaq replied: 'C'est du thé.' 'Tii', repeated Qumaq, trying his best to repeat what he guessed was the name of the drink. 'Tii una?''Oui, c'est du the' said the French merchant. 'C'est pour boire, émilabou, tou émilabou? Toi boire?' asked the European, using the French-Inuktitut trade pidgin which had been in use for a quarter century along the shores of Belle Isle Strait. Qumaq refused the invitation, having no wish to scald his mouth with this strange tii. The year was 1720. More than 200 years later, in September 1957, Pipin tossed and turned in her bed at the Indian residential school, unable to sleep. Hunger tortured her. 'It is my fault', she thought. Her parents had certainly told her that at

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the nuns' school, she would have to talk French. And the headmistress, Mother Scruples-of-the-Saviour, had repeated it, only yesterday, when she greeted the children at the arrival of their boat: 'Little girls, you should appreciate how lucky you are to be here. If you follow the rules, if you do everything that your mistresses tell you, you will cease to be savages, and become real young ladies.' And the nun added: 'I know that in your camps and villages, you have the bad habit of always talking Indian. There shall be no question of that here! If you want to make something of your life, you should speak French. Is this understood? The first one I find talking Indian will answer to me.' During her years at the missionary school in her village, Pipin had learned a little French. So she tried, as best she could, to limit herself to this language in conversations with her companions, even though it seemed strange and hardly natural. Everything went well until the following afternoon. To test the language skills of her new pupils, Mother Scruples-of-theSaviour had decided to hold a test. She showed them cards illustrated with various objects, animals and people, and asked them each to namein Frenchwhat she pointed to with her stick. At first, everything seemed to go without a hitch even though some pupils, either out of embarrassment or ignorance, seemed unable to answer in a loud, clear voice, which never failed to irritate the headmistress. When Pipin's turn came, they had reached the animals. Mother Scruples-of-the-Saviour pointed first at a dog. 'Le chien', said Pipin in an almost inaudible voice. Then a pig. 'Le cochon', said the child. 'Don't use bad words', retorted the nun. 'C'est un porc. Compris?' Pipin nodded, a little troubled. The headmistress then pointed to a black bear, of the kind one sometimes finds in the woods near wild berries in the month of August. 'Mahk''', said Pipin, without thinking. 'What?' replied the nun. 'What did you just say?' -'Mahk''', repeated Pipin. 'Go out the door at once and stand in the hallway facing the wall. You will get no supper this evening. That will teach you to be insolent', said Mother Scruples-of-the-Saviour. The child left the room in dismay. That night, when she at last fell asleep, Pipin had understood that among White people, there was no place for the Indian language. Before the Arrival of the Europeans The arrival of the Europeans in the 16th centuryif the Vikings are not includedtransformed the ethnolinguistic makeup of Quebec. Lan-

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guages, cultures and societies, whose internal vitality and contacts with each other were, up to then, the only factors of change, suddenly had to face forces of unheard power. Great vessels from overseas suddenly landed strange, pale, bearded people, in ever-increasing numbers, speaking an incomprehensible language and, above all, with technology (metal tools, firearms, etc.) that gave them almost absolute power. In less than two centuries, these people were to completely upset the distribution of languages and language practices in the territory that was to become Quebec. In the process, they put an end to an historic period, the Pre-Columbian Era (or rather, for our purposes, the Pre-Cartier Era), which had lasted over 11,000 years. In fact, archaeology teaches us that, towards 9000 BC, hunter-gatherer populations already occupied the coasts of the Champlain Sea (which covered the St Lawrence Valley and the present-day Great Lakes), at the southern escarpment of the North American ice cap. As the ice and sea water withdrew, these populations, as well as other human groups originating from what is now the American Northeast, gradually occupied the Laurentian Valley and the boreal forest, up to the tundra. At the same time, nomadic hunters from Alaska reached the north of the Quebec-Labrador peninsula, via the Central Arctic, doubtless crossing Hudson Strait at its western extremity. Between the years 1000 and 1400 of our era, these populations of cultures called preDorset and Dorset were replaced by a new group of Arctic immigrants (also from Alaska), the Thulean Eskimos, the ancestors of today's Inuit. From about 1000 BC, one group of hunter-gatherers in the forest region, the Iroquoians, developed a new means of production: agriculture. Without giving up hunting, fishing and the gathering of wild plants, they adapted to the region and began to cultivate several species of vegetables, notably maize, squash and beans. This new development soon caused the emergence of sedentary villages, around which stretched fields in which the women worked while the men went hunting. After some years, when the soil ceased to yield, these villages were moved a little further away and a new area of the forest was cleared. For various reasons (the severity of the climate, the abundance of game, etc.), the other populations of the Laurentian and boreal forests, the Algonquians, never adopted agriculture. When the Europeans arrived, they continued, as they always had done, to hunt, fish and gather wild plants and berries. However, it should be mentioned that a southern branch of the Algonquians (the ancestors common to the Abenaki, Micmac and

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Malecite), occupying what is now New England and the Maritimes, began agriculture in the early 17th century without European influence. In 1534 then, at the time that Jacques Cartier took possession of the Laurentian territories on behalf of the king of France, the area comprising modern-day Quebec was occupied by three different human groups: the Thulean Eskimos, the Iroquoians and the Algonquians (see Parent, 1978). The Thuleans, who called themselves Inuit, but whose neighbours called them ayaxkyimewa ('who speak the language of a foreign land' according to ethnologist José Mailhot (1978))whence our term 'Eskimo'lived in the northern part of the QuebecLabrador peninsula, from the mouth of the Nastapoca River on Hudson Bay (a little to the north of Lake Guillaume-Delisle), as far up as Hamilton Inlet on the Atlantic, in the central part of the coast of Labrador (see Map 1). It is noteworthy that some maps give a much greater extension to the Inuit territory of the 16th century, extending it as far as James Bay to the west, and to the northern shore of the St Lawrence (in the Mingan area) to the southeast. This is a mistake. The advance of the Inuit to the south of the Nastapoca River and Hamilton Inlet, into traditionally Amerindian territory, did not happen before the Europeans arrived, occurring from the start of the 17th century (Labrador) and 19th century (Hudson Bay). In Cartier's day, the Iroquoians occupied the St Lawrence Valley to the estuary. They also stretched to spots further downstream towards Gaspesia and the North Shore. The Amerindians encountered by Cartier at Gaspé in 1534 were of Iroquoian origin, as were the inhabitants of Stadacona (Quebec) and Hochelaga (Montreal). These Laurentian Iroquoians were closely relatedlinguistically and culturallyto the Mohawk of the upper Hudson River and Lake Champlain, the Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca and Erie living in upstate New York, and the Wendat (Huron), Petun and Neutral of Southern Ontario. They also had affinity with various other populations of the Northeast, among them the Tuscarora and Cherokee of Carolina. At the very start of the 17th century, the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca grouped together and formed the Confederation of the Five Nations. These were the members of the political union that the French called Iroquois. As for the Algonquian peoples of the Northeast, they subdivided into two large groups: the Sub-Arctic and Maritime populations. The Algonquians of the Sub-Arctic (irniwin Eastern Cree, innu in Montagnais) lived in the Laurentians and the high plateaus of the Canadian

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Shield, as well as the lowlands of James Bay and Hudson Bay, up to the northern limit of the forest. In Quebec-Labrador, they included five large groups: the Cree of James Bay and southeast Hudson Bay; the Naskapi of the interior, south of Ungava Bay; the Algonquins of the Ottawa River basin; the Atikamekw of the basin of the St-Maurice River; and the Montagnais of the Saguenay and the North Shore. The Maritime Algonquians occupied the Appalachian territories south of the river and gulf of St Lawrence: the Micmac living around Chaleur Bay and in the future Maritime provinces; the Malecite of the St John river; the Eastern Abenaki (Etchemins, Penobscot, etc.) in Maine; and the Western Abenaki, in what is today's northern New Hampshire and Vermont. These peoples were related to various Aboriginal populations of New England and the American east coast: the Mohican, Massachusetts, Powhatan, etc. One last group, the Beothuk, occupied the island of Newfoundland. With no apparent link between their language and those of the Algonquians and Iroquians, this maritime people did not survive the settlement of British and French fishermen, who cut off their access to the sea, while not being above going Indian-hunting from time to time. The last Beothuk, Nancy Shawanahdit, died in St John's in 1829. Despite their diversity and the vastness of their respective territories, the indigenous nations occupying the Quebec-Labrador peninsula had very small populations. At the time of Cartier, they surely totalled no more than 20,000. As for the whole of Canada, there were probably no more than 200,000 inhabitants. The Language Families As far as languages are concerned, each group belongedand still doesto a family whose branches covered the greater part of North America: the Eskimo-Aleut (or Eskaleut) family for Inuktitut; the Iroquoian family; and the Algonquian family. Only Beothuk was a special case, because it did not appear to be linked to any other linguistic family, although according to some linguists, it could have been distantly related to the Algonquian languages. These families were not related to each other. What is more, they can only very remotely be linked to other groups of languages, whether in America, Asia or elsewhere. Iroquoian is perhaps related to Sioux of the North American West, and Eskimo-Aleut may have links with Uralian (Finnish, Hungarian, Saami [Lapp]) and Altaic (Turkish, Mongol, Manchu-Tungus, etc.) languages. But this is just a hypothesis. Even though they all came from Asia, the Aboriginal peoples of America left their continent of

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origin so long ago that their languages have had the time to acquire a specific nature, obliterating all resemblance to their past. The Eskimo-Aleut Family The Eskimo-Aleut family covers the entire North American Arctic, from Greenland to Alaskaas it did in Cartier's time. It has even taken hold on the Asiatic continent, because over 1000 years ago a group of Alaskan Eskimos crossed Bering Strait to settle on the Chukchi peninsula at the extreme northeast of Siberia, making the reverse journey to the path taken by their ancestors who came from Asia. Today, the Eskimo population is divided between Kalaallit Nunaat or Greenland (an autonomous Danish territory), Canada, the United States (Alaska) and Russia. Eskimo-Aleut comprises two branches: the Eskimo branch and the Aleut branch (see Dorais, 1990b). This latter has only one language, Aleut, spoken in the Aleutian islands off the southwest coast of Alaska by roughly 700 individuals (out of a total of 2000 Aleuts). The Eskimo branch itself subdivides into two sub-branches: Yupik and Inuit-Inupiaq. Yupik includes five languages, all spoken in the south and southwest portion of Alaska, as well as on the Chukchi Peninsula. These languages are as follows: • Alutiiq: south-central coast of Alaska (1000 speakers) • Central Alaskan Yup'ik: Bering Sea coast (14,000 speakers) • Central Siberian Yupik: St Lawrence Island, Alaska (1050 speakers); Chukchi peninsula (400 speakers) • Naukanski Yupik: Chukchi peninsula (150 speakers) • Sirenikski: southern Chukchi peninsula (2 speakers in 1980) The Inuit-Inupiaq sub-branch forms a dialect chain. The language is spoken by roughly 65,000 people (out of a total of more than 85,000 Inuit); its Quebec variety is known as Inuktitut. A remarkable fact is that the speakers are spread over a distance of more than 8000 km, from Bering Strait in the West to the east coast of Greenland. Roughly 5000 Inuit speakers (that is, nonYupik and non-Aleut) live in Alaska, 18,000 in Canada and 42,000 in Greenland. The Inuit-Inupiaq language is subdivided into four groups, each including three to six dialects: Alaskan Inupiaq • Bering Strait dialect • Qawiaraq dialect (southern Seward Peninsula)

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• Malimiutun dialect (east coast of the Chukchi Sea) • North Slope of Alaska dialect Western Canadian Inuktun • Siglitun dialect (Beaufort Sea coast) • Inuinnaqtun dialect (Canadian Central Arctic) • Natsilingmiutut dialect (Canadian Central Arctic) Eastern Canadian Inuktitut • Kivalliq dialect (west coast, Hudson Bay) • Aivilik dialect (west coast, Hudson Bay) • North Baffin dialect (northern Baffin Island) • South Baffin dialect (southern Baffin Island) • Nunavik dialect (Arctic Quebec) • Labrador dialect (northern Labrador Coast) Greenlandic Kalaallisut • Thule dialect (northwest Greenland) • West Greenlandic dialect (west coast of Greenland) • East Greenlandic dialect (southeast coast of Greenland) If mutual understanding is easily possible within each group of dialects, it is very much harder from one group to the next. Interdialectal differences are phonological and lexical rather than morphological and syntactic. The Nunavik (Arctic Quebec) dialect, of particular interest here, is subdividedas it was already in Cartier's timeinto two subdialects: Itivimiut, spoken on the Quebec coast of Hudson Bay, as far north as Povungnituk, and Tarramiut of Hudson Strait and Ungava Bay (currently spoken from Akulivik to Kangiqsualujjuaq). The Iroquoian Family Though its geographic dispersion is not as wide as that of Eskimo-Aleut, the Iroquoian family nonetheless covers a good part of the centre-east of North America. According to some linguists, it may be related to Hokan-Sioux, a language family of the Canadian and American western Prairies. At the time of European contact, Iroquoian was apparently already subdivided (specialists are not completely in agreement) into two branches, 5 languages and 11 dialects (see Lounsbury, 1978; Dominique & Deschênes, 1985). These linguistic forms were divided as follows:

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Northern Iroquoian Branch Five Nations/Susquehannock language • Mohawk dialect (Upper Hudson, Lake Champlain, New York, United States) • Oneida dialect (south of Lake Ontario, New York, United States) • Onondaga dialect (south of Lake Ontario, New York, United States) • Cayuga dialect (south of Lake Ontario, New York, United States) • Seneca dialect (south of Lake Ontario, New York, United States) • Susquehannock dialect (Susquehanna Valley, Pennsylvania, United States) Laurentian Iroquoian language (St Lawrence Valley, eastern Canada) Wendat language • Huron dialect (southeast of Georgian Bay, Ontario, Canada) • Petun dialect (southeast of Georgian Bay, Ontario, Canada) • Neutral/Erie dialect (around Lake Erie, Ontario, Canada, and New York, United States) Nottaway/Tuscarora language • Nottaway dialect (North Carolina, United States) • Tuscarora dialect (North Carolina, United States) Southern Iroquoian Branch Cherokee language (North Carolina, United States) The Iroquoians of the St Lawrence Valley thus spoke Laurentian Iroquoian, which probably did not subdivide into dialects. The Algonquian Family In Cartier's time, the Algonquians occupied a great part of North America, from the foothills of the Rockies to the Atlantic Ocean. Some of them lived in the western Prairies (Blackfoot, Cheyenne, etc.), but the majority dwelt in the coniferous northern forests of the Canadian Shield, or the deciduous forests of the Appalachian area. In the 16th century, the Algonquian family included 28 different languages, divided into two branches, that of the Northwest and that of the East (see Goddard, 1978; Dominique & Deschênes, 1985). These languages were the following:

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Northwest Algonquian Branch • Blackfoot (Western Canadian Prairies) • Cheyenne (Southwestern American Prairies) • Arapaho (Western American Prairies) • Cree (Western Canadian Prairies and Sub-Arctic brushwood) • Ojibwa (north of the Great Lakes; Ottawa Valley, Ontario, Canada) • Potowatami (west of Lake Huron, United States) • Menominee (north of Lake Michigan, United States) • Fox (west of Lake Michigan, United States) • Illinois (southwest of Lake Michigan, United States) • Shawnee (present-day Kentucky, United States) East Algonquian Branch • Micmac (Maritime provinces and Chaleur Bay, eastern Canada) • Malecite/Passamaquoddy (St John River Valley, New Brunswick, Canada, and Maine, United States) • Etchemin (Maine, United States) • Eastern Abenaki/Penobscot (Maine, United States) • Western Abenaki (New Hampshire, Vermont, United States) • A Wolf (Southern New England, United States) • B Wolf (Southern New England, United States) • Massachusetts (Southern New England, United States) • Narragansett (Southern New England, United States) • Mohegan-Pequot (Southern New England, United States) • Quiripi (Central Atlantic coast, United States) • Eastern Long Island (Long Island, New York, United States) • Mohican (east of Hudson River, New York and Massachusetts, United States) • Munsee (west of Hudson River, New York, United States) • Unami (Delaware Upper Valley, Pennsylvania, United States) • Nanticoke (east of Chesapeake Bay, eastern United States) • Powhatan (west of Chesapeake Bay, eastern United States) • Carolina (North and South Carolina, United States) Of all these languages, only three had speakers in what was later to become Quebec: Cree, Ojibwa and Micmac. The first two subdivided into several dialects (see Rhodes & Todd, 1981). Spoken mostly by the populations of the northern forests and subArctic brushwood of the North American East, these dialects were, in part, mutually intelligible.

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Cree Dialects • Plains Cree (Prairies of the Canadian West) • Woods Cree (Northern Manitoba and Saskatchewan, Canada) • Swampy Cree (south of Hudson Bay, Canada) • Moose Cree (southwest of James Bay, Ontario, Canada) • Eastern Cree (east of James Bay, Quebec, Canada) • Atikamekw (Saint Maurice River basin, central Quebec, Canada) • Naskapi (south of Ungava Bay, Quebec, and Labrador coast, Canada) • Montagnais (Saguenay basin and North Shore of St Lawrence River, Quebec, and Labrador coast, Canada) Ojibwa Dialects • Saulteaux (Sault-Ste-Marie area, north central Ontario, Canada) • Northwest Ojibwa (west of Lake Superior, Ontario and Minnesota) • Southwest Ojibwa (north of Lake Huron, Ontario, Canada) • Severn Ojibwa (Northwest Ontario, Canada) • Centre Ojibwa (north of Lakes Huron and Superior, Ontario, Canada) • Eastern Ojibwa (northeast of Lake Huron, Ontario, Canada) • Ottawa (Georgian Bay, Ontario, Canada) • Algonquin (Ottawa Valley, Ontario and Quebec, Canada) In Cartier's day, five of these dialects were spoken in the Quebec-Labrador peninsula: Eastern Cree, Atikamekw, Naskapi, Montagnais and Algonquin. The Encounter with Europeans Gradual European penetration and settlement in North America confronted Aboriginal languages with two kinds of challenges. First, they had to adapt their lexicons to the new realities and concepts introduced by the Europeans. This latter did not cause them much difficulty, inasmuch as the morphosyntactic structures of many of them enabled them to create descriptive lexemes. In Inuktitut, for example, the borrowing by our friend Qumaq of the French word 'thé', or in other regions of the English word 'tea', was, for its time, an exceptional phenomenon. In this agglutinative language, people preferred to create, from a stock of pre-existing bases and affixes, new terms describing the designated reality: tiiliuruti ('that which is used to make tea') for teapot, aluksauti ('what is used for licking') for spoon, tiituuti ('what is used for drinking tea') for cup, siuraujaq ('what looks like sand') for sugar, etc.

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A more important challenge came from the gradual reduction of the Aboriginal languages and peoples, who found themselves more and more pushed aside as Europeanand to a lesser degree Africancultures and civilisations took hold on North American soil. If, initially, the newcomers communicated with the help of interpreters, or through pidgins, borrowing roughly in equal parts from all the languages present (like the French-Inuktitut jargonwhich also contained Basque and Montagnais wordsin use in Southern Labrador during the greater part of the 18th century), they gradually came to consider the Aboriginal ways of speech as an obstacle to the progress of civilisation. When schooling the first nationsfrom 1639, the Ursuline nuns taught school to young Indian girls in Quebec Cityconsideration was almost never given to teaching them through any medium other than French or English. The day and boarding schools where young girls like Pipin and other Aboriginal children were punishedor at least reprimandedfor speaking their languages were more the rule than the exception. In the Quebec-Labrador peninsulaas indeed in all North AmericaEuropean settlement resulted in great movements of population. Between 1534 (Cartier's arrival) and 1608 (the foundation of Quebec), the Iroquoians left the middle and lower St Lawrence Valley to dwell upstream from Montreal. Their retreat enabled the Micmac and the Malecite to go further north and settle on the south bank of the St Lawrence, as well as in the Gaspé peninsula. The French missionariesparticularly the Jesuitsconsidered it would be very much easier to convert the Aboriginals if they were placed in special villagescalled reductionsclose to European establishments. A first reduction was founded in 1651, on the Isle of Orleans, to lodge some 300 Huron refugees who had arrived near Quebec City the preceding year following the destruction of Huronia by the Mohawk and the Seneca. In 1660, they settled near the Jesuit house in Sillery, but were expelled from there seven years later. They then lived in Quebec City, Beauport, Sainte-Foy and Ancienne-Lorette, being finally settled on a permanent basis in 1697 at Jeune-Lorette (nowadays Wendake, a suburb north of Quebec City) (SAGMAI, 1984). A second reduction was established in 1667 at Laprairie, south of Montreal, to accommodate Christian Mohawk families. In 1676, these people were forced to move a little to the west to Kahnawake. The village was moved several times, to be established at its present site in 1716. In 1721, families from Kahnawake were resettled to Kanesatake, near the Oka Sulpician mission. And in 1747, other Mohawk families moved to Akwe-

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sasne (to the southwest of Lake Saint-Francis), where a Jesuit mission (Saint-François-Régis) was founded five years later. During this time, in 1683, the Jesuits had established a mission for the Eastern Abenaki at the mouth of the Chaudière, facing Sillery. This population from the forests of Maine was gradually pushed out of its territory by the arrival of British colonists. In 1700, they were transferred to Odanak, near the mouth of the Saint-François River, where they joined up with other Abenaki from the East and the West, invited to settle there by Intendant Beauharnois. In 1704, some of them moved to Wôlinak, several dozen kilometres further east. Finally, the presence of French fishermen and merchants on the Strait of Belle Isle and in southern Labrador led a certain number of Inuit families to move south of Hamilton Inlet to trade with the new arrivals, but also to pillage their settlements. At the end of the 17th century, their presence there was attested to as far as the vicinity of Havre-Saint-Pierre, on the North Shore of the Gulf of St Lawrence. Following the expansion and consolidation of the European presence in the region, the Inuit were forced to retreat back north of Hamilton Inlet as of the middle of the 18th century. At the same time, on the other side of the Quebec-Labrador peninsula, some began to move south of the Nastapoca River, attracted by the Hudson Bay Company trading posts newly established in the area. All these contacts and population movements, together with wars and devastating epidemics, greatly reduced the Aboriginal population. It is estimated that during the 1630s, half the Huron nation perished from smallpox, a disease introduced by the Europeans. This calamity offers a clear explanation for the destruction of Huronia between 1645 and 1650. In the whole of Canada, the Amerindian population was probably reduced by two thirds to three quarters between 1600 and 1850. It was only in the 1960s that it once again attained, and quickly surpassed, the demographic level of the 16th century (around 200,000 persons). As centuries passed, violent changes and contacts caused the disappearance of several languages. Consequently, only three of the five Iroquoian languages which existed at the time of Cartier's arrival are still spoken in our day: Mohawk, Tuscarora and Cherokee; the Susquehannock dialect is no more, and Nottaway has disappeared. Laurentian Iroquoian was doubtless assimilated into the dialects of the Five Nations, while Wendat was progressively abandoned in favour of French, omnipresent in the Quebec City area. The last Wendat speakers died in Wendake at the start of the 20th century.

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The Inuktitut and Northwest Algonquian languages (especially those of the Sub-Arctic), geographically distant from the European presence, survived the contact better. Canadian Eastern Inuktitut, Cree and Ojibwa are still spoken by some tens of thousands of speakers. The East Algonquian languages, on the other hand, are on their way to extinction. Of the 18 languages spoken in the 16th century, only 7 still survive (Goddard, 1978). What is more, four of these, including Western Abenaki, are spoken by fewer that 25 persons. At this time, nine Aboriginal languages survive on Quebec territory: Inuktitut, Mohawk, Western Abenaki, Micmac, Algonquin, Atikamekw, Montagnais, Naskapi and (Eastern) Cree. Two have disappeared: Wendat and Eastern Abenaki, and one (Malecite) has no more speakers in Quebec (the Malecites of the Lower St Lawrence now live in New Brunswick). Technically speakingand barring socio-linguistic considerationssome of these languages (Micmac for instance) are languages in the full sense of the word, while others are, historically, dialects. Thus Atikamekw, Montagnais, Naskapi and Eastern Cree are Cree dialects. In the pages that follow, however, we shall consider each of them as languages, because they are considered as such by the people who speak them. Geographic Distribution In 1989, Quebec counted 54 Aboriginal settlements (see Map 2): 30 inhabited Indian reservations, 22 northern villages (Cree and Inuit) and 2 unrecognised Amerindian villages (Grand-lac-Victoria and Chibougamau; the latter was formally recognised shortly thereafter). A Micmac band lived dispersed in the town of Gaspé (forming a 55th Aboriginal community), while two reservations belonging to the Malecites, those of Cacouna and Whitworth, were uninhabited. These settlements accounted for three-quarters of the Aboriginals of Quebec. The other members of the First Nations lived in towns and villages with EuroCanadian majorities (Montreal, Quebec City, Gatineau-Hull, Val d'Or, Senneterre, etc.). As for regional distribution, 17 Aboriginal villages and reservations are located in Arctic Quebec, 8 on the territory of James Bay, 8 on the North Shore of the Gulf of St Lawrence, 7 in Abitibi-Témiscamingue, 3 in the upper Saint-Maurice Valley, 3 in the Greater Montreal area, 2 on the Quebec side of the Ottawa Valley, 2 on the Gaspé peninsula (not counting the Gaspé band), 2 in the Nicolet-Bécancour area (South Shore of the St Lawrence River), one in the Lac Saint-Jean area and one in the Quebec City region. The Mohawk reservation of Akwesasne straddles Quebec, Ontario and New York State.

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These settlements are generally homogeneous from an ethnic point of view (the Aboriginal majority belongs to the same nation), with, however, some exceptions. For instance, the village of Poste-de-la-Baleine (Great Whale River) on Hudson Bay is subdivided into twin communities separated by a road, but administratively distinct (and considered as two entities in the figures quoted above): Whapmagoostui for the Cree, and Kuujjuarapik for the Inuit. Likewise at Schefferville (Arctic Quebec), there are two settlements located a few kilometres from each other: Matimekosh (for the Montagnais) and Kawawachikamach (for the Naskapi). The Cree village of Chisasibi has a population of some 50 Inuit (of whom very few still speak their language), while the Montagnais reservation of Mashteuiatsh includes several families of Abenaki origin (all of whom speak French as their mother tongue) who moved there at the start of the century. Some Algonquins live in Kanesatake and some Ojibwa originally from Ontario live at Pikogan, among the Algonquins. With the exception of a few hundred individuals, the Aboriginal settlements of Quebec are thus ethnically homogeneous. Here now, by region, is the list of these settlements, with the Aboriginal language (parentheses indicate that the language is now dead there) and the main official language (French or English) spoken in each of them: Arctic Quebec (1) Matimekosh (2) Kawawachikamach (3) Kangiqsualujjuaq (4) Kuujjuaq (5) Tasiujaq (6) Aupaluk (7) Kangirsuk (8) Quaqtaq (9) Kangiqsujuaq (10) Salluit (11) Ivujivik (12) Akulivik (13) Povungnituk (14) Inukjuak (15) Umiujaq (16) Kuujjuarapik (17) Whapmagoostui

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Montagnais Naskapi Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Inuktitut Cree

French English English English English English English English English English English English English English English English English

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James Bay (18) Chisasibi (19) Wemindji (20) Eastmain (21) Waskaganish (22) Nemiscau (23) Mistassini (24) Waswanipi (25) Chibougamau North Shore of the St Lawrence (26) Les Escoumins (27) Betsiamites (28) Sept-Iles (29) Maliotenam (30) Mingan (31) Natashquan (32) La Romaine (33) Pakuashipi Lac Saint-Jean (34) Mashteuiatsh Abitibi-Témiscamingue (35) Kebaowek (36) Winneway (37) Temiscaming (38) Hunters Point (39) Grand-Lac-Victoria (40) Lac-Simon (41) Pikogan Ottawa Valley (42) Lac-Rapide (43) Maniwaki Upper St Maurice (44) Manouane (45) Weymontachie (46) Obedjiwan

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Cree Cree Cree Cree Cree Cree Cree Cree

English English English English English English English English

Montagnais Montagnais Montagnais Montagnais Montagnais Montagnais Montagnais Montagnais

French French French French French French French English

Montagnais

French

Algonquin Algonquin (Algonquin) (Algonquin) Algonquin Algonquin Algonquin

English English English English French French French/English

Algonquin Algonquin

English/French English

Atikamekw Atikamekw Atikamekw

French French French

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Montreal Region (47) Akwesasne (48) Kahnawake (49) Kanesatake Nicolet-Bécancour Area (50) Odanak (51) Wôlinak Greater Quebec City (52) Wendake Gaspé Peninsula (53) Gesgapegiag (54) Restigouche (55) Gaspé

Mohawk Mohawk Mohawk

English English English/French

Abenaki (Abenaki)

French French

(Wendat)

French

Micmac Micmac Micmac

English English English

Some Statistics The relative vibrancy of each of the Aboriginal languages spoken in Quebec varies greatly. Though, as we have already mentioned, some languages are dead or on the road to extinction, others are still the main means of communication of some hundreds, and even thousands, of persons. As a general rule, the rate of preservation is directly proportional to the geographic isolation of the communities where the languages are spoken. So it is that in the communities of Arctic Quebec, James Bay, the North Shore and Upper St Maurice, far from major centres or poorly connected to them, Inuktitut, Naskapi, Cree, Montagnais and Atikamekw are still currently used by the overwhelming majority of the population. Unfortunately, it is difficult to give precise and reliable figures on these Aboriginal languages. Although various means are used to census the Amerindian and Inuit population (such as the Indians Registry of the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, and the list of Cree, Inuit and Naskapi beneficiaries of the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement, and the Northeast Quebec Agreement), only one of them, the pan-Canadian five-yearly census by Statistics Canada, gives some indication of the population's language behaviour (first language and principal home language). In an unpublished study on Amerindian languages on file with the Conseil de la langue française, Francine Bernèche and Louise Normandeau (1983) of Université de Montréal reach the following conclusion:

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The Canadian Census is in fact the only source from which information on the demolinguistic situation of all Amerindians can be drawn. Other sources, such as the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs and the Department of Education, supply only partial data concerning school attendance and language of instruction. (p. 75) The most recent Canadian census we have been able to study dates from 1991. 1 Three of its questions are of interest here: ethnic origin (single or multiple) of the population, mother tongue (first language learned and still understood) and usual language of the home, which is often different from mother tongue. Like all Canadian residents, Aboriginals are required to answer the questions census takers ask. However, in 1986 and again in 1991, some Amerindian groups chose not to submit to this requirement. Thus in Quebec, the inhabitants of the three Mohawk settlements almost unanimously refused to be recorded in the census. For this reason, there are no available figures for Akwesasne, Kahnawake and Kanesatake. Elsewhere, however, the statistical data are more complete (even though, as we will see later, not entirely reliable), save for the 1986 census in the Algonquin reserves of Lac-Rapide (no answers to the census) and Hunters Point. In 1986, the residents who normally lived on this latter reservation were residing in the town of Temiscaming; the statistics that concern them are thus indistinguishable from those for the town as a whole. In 1991, the census was boycotted by an estimated 1000 Hurons. The Amerindian Population According to the Canadian census of 1991, Quebec counted 65,405 persons that year who declared unmixed Aboriginal origins. In addition, 72,210 Quebec residents claimed some Aboriginal ancestry (Aboriginal/French or Aboriginal/English, for instance). This made for a total of 137,615 Quebecers entirely or partially Aboriginal. In Statistics Canada's Aboriginal Peoples Survey from the 1991 census, 56,305 persons living in Quebec identified as Aboriginals. As noted, the Mohawks of Quebec did not take part in the census. Their population is estimated to be some 9800 by the Bureau de la statistique du Québec. Moreover, some Hurons refused to be enumerated (about 1000). Consequently, the Aboriginal population of Quebec can be estimated at more than 67,000 persons. In 1986 and 1991, this partly or wholly Aboriginal population was divided as shown in Table 2.1 (figures from the Canadian census).

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Page 60 Table 2.1 Quebec, Aboriginal population, 1986 and 1991 1986 Origin Amerindians, single origin Amerindians, multiple origin Total Amerindians Inuit, single origin Inuit, multiple origin Total Inuit

1991

Men Women Total Men 21270 21585 42855 23890

Women 25995

Total 49885

14145

16590

30735 29735

32975

62705

35415 3280

38175 3190

73590 53625 6470 3440

58970 3410

112590 6850

455

430

885

805

830

1635

3735

3620

7355

4245

4240

8485

It is noteworthy that, among Amerindians, many more women than men declared multiple origins. This is doubtless due to the fact that, until recently, any Amerindian woman who married a non-Amerindian lost her Aboriginal status. This situation probably induced some unenlightened census takers to attribute them a mixed rather than completely Aboriginal origin. In the 1991 census returns, the Aboriginal population is clearly overestimated: this can best be seen in the 'multiple origins' responses, which rose from 30,735 in 1986 to 62,705 in 1991, for an increase of 104%. According to Statistics Canada, this increase was due to a greater public awareness of Aboriginal issues in the year preceding the census (the year of the Mohawk crisis in Quebec). Of the total 121,075 from the preceding table, only 64,275 had an official Amerindian or Inuit status in 1991; this nevertheless represents a sizeable increase over 1986. The increase is partly due to underenumeration of the Inuit in 1986 and recovery of Amerindian status by 6100 persons owing to Federal Act C-31. It should also be mentioned that the Amerindian and Inuit population of Quebec is growing rapidly. Between 1971 and 1976, those Amerindians officially inscribed in government registers grew from 26,420 to 29,580 (Bernèche & Normandeau, 1983: 58). Ten years later, in 1986, Quebec had 37,150 registered Indians. This demographic increase corresponds to an annual growth rate of 2.3%. The Inuit of Quebec underwent a similar, if not

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Table 2.2 Quebec, Aboriginal nations, 1991 Abenaki Algonquin Atikamekw Cree Huron Malecite Micmac Mohawk Montagnais Naskapi Inuit Newly Inscribed Total

1654 6872 4150 11239 2617 278 3929 12537 12441 508 7300 750 64275

greater, increase. Over the 1986-1991 period, the natural population growth was estimated at 15%, i.e. 3% per year. The federal census does not indicate numbers for individual Aboriginal nations (apart from the Inuit). According to an estimate by the Bureau de la statistique du Québec, the Aboriginal population of Quebec was divided up as shown in Table 2.2 in 1991. The Mohawk nation was thus the most numerous, followed by the Montagnais, the Cree and the Inuit. The Malecite all lived off-reservation. Languages Known and Used As mentioned earlier, the Canadian census draws a distinction between known languages (mother tongue) and languages actually used (languages spoken at home). As in the case of ethnic origin, these languages can be one and the same or different. Unlike the preceding census, the 1986 census distinguished between the various Aboriginal languages. In Quebec, these distinctions were for the most part clearly drawn, although some remained vague. For instance, Algonquin and Abenaki were grouped under the heading 'other Algonquian languages,' while Atikamekw was apparently not distinguished from Cree.

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Page 62 Table 2.3 Quebec, Aboriginal mother tongues, 1986 Single language Language Inuktitut Cree MontagnaisNaskapi Micmac Other Algonquian languages Mohawk (incomplete) Others and unspecified Total

Multiple language

Men 2800 5020 2775

Women 2710 4925 2830

Total 5510 9945 5605

Men 90 515 195

Women 90 530 240

Total 180 1045 435

Total 5690 10990 6040

150 665

135 620

285 1285

105 105

95 115

200 220

485 1505

5

30

35

10

25

35

70

555

500

1055

250

250

500

1555

11970

11750

23720

1270

1345

2615

26335

Table 2.4 Quebec, Aboriginal languages spoken at home, 1986 Single language Multiple language Language Inuit Cree MontagnaisNaskapi Micmac Other Algonquian languages Mohawk (incomplete) Others and unspecified Total

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Men 2635 4345 2665

Women 2505 4240 2685

Total 5140 8585 5350

Men 220 1065 260

Women 245 1110 320

Total 465 2175 580

Total 5605 10760 5930

115 455

110 405

225 860

95 190

90 210

185 400

410 1260

5

10

15

10

20

30

45

440

400

840

285

275

560

1400

10660

10355

21015

2125

2270

4395

25410

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Table 2.5 Number of persons who speak their Aboriginal language Cree 8500 Montagnais 8000 Atikamekw 3500 Naskapi 900-1300 Micmac 775 Table 2.3 is the distribution of Aboriginal mother tongues in Quebec in 1986 (the data for the Mohawk are incomplete). As for the Aboriginal languages habitually spoken at home, these divided up as shown in Table 2.4 (1986 data). It is clear that Cree is the Aboriginal language most widely known and spoken in Quebec, with close to 11,000 speakers. However, it would appear census takers mixed in persons who speak Cree with those who speak Atikamekw. In actual fact, as we shall see further on, the total of Aboriginal speakers (7740) in each of the Cree villages of Quebec is far below 10,000, while that of Atikamekw speakers (2600) largely exceeds the total shown above for people speaking other Algonquian languages. In terms of demolinguistic strength, Cree-Atikamekw is followed by Montagnais-Naskapi and by Inuktitut, with over 5000 speakers each. To complete and update the 1986 census figures, authorities from all Amerindian nations in Quebec were called upon to make their own estimates of the number of Aboriginal speakers. While the original (French) edition of this work was being prepared (winter 1989-1990), a questionnaire was sent out by the Conseil de la langue française. The five groups who answered supplied the figures in Table 2.5 (number of persons who speak their Aboriginal language). These figures, notably higher than those of the 1986 census, are nonetheless probable when compared to the total number of persons compiled by the Department of Municipal Affairs (SAA, 1988), considering the fact that, from 1986 to 1990, the Aboriginal population of Quebec must have increased by 7% to 8%. Only the number of Naskapi speakers is clearly disproportionate. This is due to the fact that the respondent who sent in the estimate to the Conseil de la langue française included the inhabitants of Davis Inlet (a Naskapi community located in Newfoundland-Labrador), as well as those of Matimekosh and Sept-Iles, two Montagnais settlements. All things considered, the Canadian census figures on Aboriginal languages appear to be too low. As such, they should be attributed an indicative rather than an absolute value.

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Table 2.6 Language of the population reporting Aboriginal identity, children (5-14) and adults, Quebec, 1991: persons who speak Aboriginal languages Adults (15 +) Children (5-14) Total Cree 6875 2570 9445 Micmac 835 (130)a 965 Montagnais-Naskapi 4450 1415 5865 Other Algonquian languages 1185 260 1445 Iroquoian languages (115)a ()b (115) Inuktitut 3805 1715 5520 a Sampling error. b Unreliable data. Source: Statistics Canada catalogue 89-533. Data from the 1991 census, shown in Table 2.6, are also rather incomplete; they most likely underestimate the strength of the Aboriginal languages. Aboriginal Languages and Official Languages Despite its weaknesses, the census does supply valuable information on the relative strength in Quebec of Aboriginal languages compared to official languages (French and English). We noted earlier (in the section entitled 'Geographic Distribution') that all Amerindian and Inuit communities must adopt at least one second language. For some (Montagnais, Atikamekw, Huron, and Abenaki) this is French, for others (Cree, Mohawk, Micmac and Inuit) it is English. The Algonquians for their part are generally English-speaking, although French predominates on certain reservations. In the whole of Quebec, however, the situation is changing, with more and more Aboriginals speaking both official languages. A number of young Cree and Inuit, for instance, are now schooled in French rather than English. Learning official languages generally comes at the expense of Aboriginal languages, which are often overwhelmed by the language of those who hold power. So it was that from 1961 to 1971, the percentage of Amerindians and Inuit of Aboriginal mother tongue fell from 76.2% to 58.1%, a drop of almost 25% (Bernèche & Normandeau, 1983). This trend later slowed considerably; in 1986, the percentage of single-origin Aboriginals of Aboriginal mother tongue was 53.4%a drop of barely 8% since 1971.

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Table 2.7 Percentage distribution of Amerindian first languages of Quebec in 1971 and 1986 Mother tongue 1971 1986 Amerindian language 51.3 48.2 French 34.7 36.9 English 13.1 13.9 Other 0.9 0.9 This shows the combined effect of native language schooling and the Amerindian and Inuit socio-cultural renewal of the last 20 years, even though it is also possible that the non-participation of the Mohawks in the 1986 census unduly increased the overall percentage of persons of Aboriginal mother tongue. Among the Inuit, the preservation of the first language is much stronger than among Amerindians as a whole. In 1986, 87.9% of the Inuit of Quebec (92.5%, according to SAA, 1988) still had Inuktitut as their mother tongue (even this figure seems too low), while this was the case for only 48.2% of Amerindians. Table 2.7 is the distribution of the Amerindian first languages of Quebec in 1971 and 1986. Note that except for the percentage of persons of Amerindian mother tongue, the 1986 figures were extrapolated from those of 1971. Unfortunately we have no similar data for the Inuit. It is sufficient to note that, aside from rare exceptions, those who did not have Inuktitut as first language (between 7.5% and 12% in 1986) spoke English as their mother tongue. In 1971, the percentage of Amerindians of Aboriginal mother language varied greatly according to age (Bernèche & Normandeau, 1983). It decreased regularly from 0 to 19 years (going from 64.2% to 49.1%), reaching its lowest level among those 20-29 years old (38.1%). It then rose again, going from 47.7% among 30-39 year olds to 55.5% among those 65 and over. We cannot explain how it is that, in 1986, Amerindian middle-aged (35-44 years) adults were the least likely to have an Aboriginal first language. The percentage of Amerindians of English or French mother tongue also varies by age group. In 1971, a higher proportion of those 5-19 years of age had English as their mother tongue than the general mean average, while

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Table 2.8 Percentage distribution of home Amerindians in 1971 and 1986 Home language Amerindian language French English Other

languages for 1971 43.8 34.9 20.7 0.7

1986 46.2 33.4 19.8 0.6

those in the 15-64 age group were above the average for French mother tongue. So by 1986, as the population aged, English as mother tongue had made progress at the expense of French (this is not shown by the percentages given previously, which were based on extrapolations). The mother tongue sometimes differs from the home language. Table 2.8 gives the distribution of home languages for Amerindians in Quebec in 1971 and 1986. Here too, the figures for 1986 were determined by extrapolating from those of 1971, except for the percentage of persons having Amerindian home languages. Among the Inuit, Inuktitut was the usual language of 97% of the population in 1981, versus 2% for English and 1% for French and other languages (Robitaille & Choinière, 1984: 34). In 1986 however, this percentage fell to 86.7 (91% if one refers to the population figures quoted in SAA, 1988). Was there really a drop of 6 to 11% in the use of Inuktitut over this five-year period? This seems hardly likely. The statistical language data from the 1986 census appear to underestimate the number of speakers who usually speak Inuktitut. As we shall see further on, the number attains 100% (although this percentage may be a little exaggerated) in the Inuit settlements of Arctic Quebec. Since very few Inuit live outside these settlements (in 1986, Montreal counted only 75 inhabitants with Inuktitut as their first language), these could not have caused such a marked reduction in the proportion of those who usually speak Inuktitut. By contrast with the Inuit, the Amerindians seem to have increased the proportion of those with an Aboriginal language as their home language. From 1971 to 1986, the number is reported to have risen from 43.8% to 46.2%. But caution is advisable, since the non-participation of the Mohawk in the 1986 census could have had an effect on language statistics. For instance, in 1971, 68.5% of Aboriginals of Aboriginal mother tongue in the greater Montreal area (where the three Mohawk reservations are located)

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Table 2.9 Estimated rates of knowledge of Aboriginal languages Cree 95% Montagnais90-95%, except at Les Escoumins (0%), Mashteuiatsh (25%) and Sept-Iles-Maliotenam (80%) Atikamekw99% Naskapi 100% Micmac 35% as well as 92% of those whose mother tongue was English used English as their home language (Bernèche & Normandeau, 1983). In the 1986 census, the non-participation of some 10,000 Mohawks of Quebec could very well have unduly increased the reported proportion of Amerindians usually speaking an Aboriginal language at home. Comparison between mother tongue and home language enables the rate of language retention to be calculated (home language/mother language). In 1971, the rate was 85.4% among Amerindians in Quebec. This means that out of all persons with Aboriginal mother tongues, 83.8% spoke the language at home, 14.7% spoke English, 1.3% French and 0.2% another language (Bernèche & Normandeau, 1983). The language shifts from the Aboriginal languages were thus massively toward English. In 1986, the rate of preservation of non-Mohawk Aboriginal languages was 95.8%, a percentage rather near that of 1971 (94%). It is also likely that in 1986, the language shifts continued toward English, but probably in a slightly smaller proportion than 1971, since the influence of French had increased to a small extent in the Amerindian milieu in the interim. Among the Inuit, the rate of preservation was 98.6% in 1986 as it doubtless was in 1981. The few transfers that occurred were almost exclusively to English. The figures on language assimilation provided by the five Amerindian nations who answered the questionnaire from the Conseil de la langue française correspond rather closely to census data, as we shall see later on. The estimated rates of knowledge of Aboriginal languages are given in Table 2.9. To these can be added Mohawk, for which many estimate the proportion of mother tongue speakers to be around 35%. Persons whose mother tongue or home language is Amerindian or Inuktitut usually also speak the official language dominant in their area either French or English. In 1971, 66.1% of Amerindians in Quebec,

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whatever their first language, knew either French or English; 17.7% knew both official languages, and only 16.2% knew neither (Bernèche & Normandeau, 1983). Monolingualism in an official language, bilingualism and trilingualism had thus completely outstripped Amerindian monolingualism. In 1986, this last group had once again diminished, comprising no more than 13.9% of persons inhabiting an Amerindian settlement. Among the Inuit of Arctic Quebec, however, the situation was different. According to Robitaille and Choinière (1984: 32), although in 1981, 26% spoke English, 1% French and some both languages, 73% of the population did not know any official language. This last figure, taken from the Canadian census, seems far too high. In 1981, almost all Inuit aged 10 to 29 years (42% of the total population) had had at least three years of schooling in English, or, less frequently, French. If one adds people over 29 and those under 10 who could speak an official language, the proportion of persons speaking only Inuktitut should not have been over 50%. This figure is much more plausible than that 73% cited by the census, particularly since five years later in 1986 according to the same census, only 44.5% of the Inuit living in the Aboriginal settlements of Arctic Quebec knew neither of the official languages. Besides their mother tongue, some Aboriginals speak another Aboriginal language. A report presented to the authorities of Kawawachikamach (NDC, 1984) indicates, for instance, that some Naskapi know Inuktitut, a language they learned when they used to trade at the Hudson Bay Company post at Kuujjuaq. Passing through Schefferville many years ago, I remember meeting an Inuk at the hospital there who told me that she received a daily visit from a Naskapi resident, who came to talk with her in her own language. Noblesse oblige, on the coast of Hudson Bay, at Kuujjuarapik and Chisasibi, one finds a number of Inuit quite fluent in Cree. The Situation of Aboriginal Languages in Settlements Table 2.10 provides data on language behaviour for each Aboriginal settlement in Quebec. Except where otherwise specified, these data are drawn from the 1986 Canadian census. For each settlement, the table indicates the total population, the number of persons solely of Aboriginal origin, the percentage of the Aboriginal population relative to the total population of the settlement, the number of persons using one or more non-official languages at home (in view of the ethnic homogeneity of the settlements, these were almost without exception Aboriginal languages), the percentage of these speakers in relation to

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Table 2.10 Linguistic behaviour of native population in Quebec, by settlement (based on 1986 census) Population Non-official Natives not knowing home language official languages Name of settlement Total Native % One Many % N % Wôlinak 60 25 41.7 0 0 0 0 0 Odanak 260 195 75.0 5 0 2.6 0 0 Abenaki Settlements (native pop.: 220) 5 0 2.3 0 0 Grand-Lac-Victoria 205 205 100.0 170 20 92.7 45 21.9 Kebaowek 125 50a 40.0 5 5 20.0 0 0 Lac-Rapide n.a. 270b ca 99.0 ca 245 ca 245 ca 90.0 ca 55 ca 20.0 Lac-Simon 555 550 99.1 375 160 97.3 95 17.3 Winneway 230 215 93.5 5 Maniwaki 790 675 85.4 75 Témiscamingue 310 255 82.3 0 Pikogan 360 350 97.2 195 Hunters Point n.a. 70b n.a. n.a. Algonquin Settlements (native pop.: 2 640) 1070 560 63.4 240 9.3 (table continued on next page)

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Page 70 Table 2.10 (continued) Population Name of settlement Manouane Obedjiwan Weymontachie Atikamekw Settlements (native pop.: 2615) Chisasibi Eastmain Waskaganish Mistassini Nemiscau Whapmagoostui Waswanipi Wemindji Cree Settlements (native pop.: 7730) Wendake Huron Settlement (35 ?)

Total 1065 1010 570

Non-official home language Native % One Many % 1055 99.1 1025 990 98.0 990 570 100.0 555

2375 355 1180 1965 375 430 645 865

2570 1760 100 815 1855 345 340 285 185

30 395 245 325 50 10 75 330 625

99.4 100.0c 100.0 98.7 100.0c 98.6 100.0c 96.8 97.6

665 495 95 330 835 160 150 125 195

25.4 23.5 27.5 28.6 44.2 43.2 37.5 19.7 23.5

5685 61.8 5

2055 30

99.9c 5.5

2385 0

30.8 0

2105 345 1155 1890 370 400 635 830

1035 640

88.6 97.2 97.9 96.2 98.7 93.0 98.4 95.9

Natives not knowing official languages N %

(table continued on next page)

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Page 71 Table 2.10 (continued) Population Name of settlement Gesgapegiag Restigouche Gaspé Micmac Settlements (native pop.: 1325)

Total 345 895 n.a.

Native % 310 89.8 850 95.0 165b n.a.

Non-official Natives not knowing home language official languages One Many % N % 210 5 69.3 20 6.4 100 170 31.8 0 0 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 310 n.a. n.a. n.a.

Akwesasne n.a. 3565b n.a. Kahnawake n.a. 5250b n.a. Kanesatake n.a. 840b n.a. Mohawk Settlements (native pop.: 9655) Betsiamites 1755 1735 98.9 1520 La Romaine 645 640 99.2 635 Les Escoumins 145 15a 10.3 0 Maliotenam 585 570 97.4 520 Sept-Iles 530 525 99.1 495 Matimekosh 395 390 98.7 335 Mingan 350 345 98.6 340 Natashquan 490 480 97.9 475

175 n.a. n.a. n.a.

41.8 n.a. n.a. n.a.

20 n.a. n.a. n.a.

170 n.a. n.a. n.a.

195 5 10 10 0 35 0 0

98.8 100.0 66.7 93.0 94.3 94.9 98.5 98.9

295 160 0 35 50 80 100 125

17.0 25.0 0 6.1 9.5 20.5 29.0 26.0

(table continued on next page)

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Page 72 Table 2.10 (continued) Population

Name of settlement Mashteuiatsh Pakuashipi Montagnais Settlements (native pop.: 6 050) Kawawachikamach Naskapi Settlement (native pop.: 325) Akulivik Aupaluk Inukjuak Ivujivik Kangiqsualujjuaq Kangiqsujuaq Kangirsuk Kuujjuaq Kuujjuarapik Povungnituk Quaqtaq

Non-official home language Total Native % One Many % 1 340 1 200 89.5 220 85 25.4 155 150 96.8 150 0 100.0

Natives not knowing official languages N % 10 0.8 75 50.0

345 325 91.5 345

340 5

83.1 100.0c

930 90

15.4 27.7

335 325 97.0 325 110 95 86.4 95 780 730 93.6 590 210 200 95.2 200 380 375 98.7 350 335 315 94.0 315 310 295 95.2 295 1065 865 81.2 835 615 420 68.3 305 925 865 93.5 850 185 155 83.8 170

0 0 140 0 30 15 0 40 115 15 0

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0c 100.0c 100.0 100.0b 100.0 100.0 100.0b

145 45 340 90 130 180 160 360 130 390 75

44.6 47.4 46.6 45.0 34.7 57.1 54.2 41.6 30.9 45.1 48.4

355

(table continued on next page)

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Table 2.10 (continued) Population

Non-official home language Total Native % One Many 660 605 91.7 585 50 135 115 85.2 125 5

Natives not knowing official languages N % 235 38.8 60 52.5

Name of settlement % Salluit 100.0b Tasiujaq 100.0b Inuit Settlements (native pop.: 5 360) 5040 410 100.0c 2340 44.5 n.a.: not applicable/available a In addition to those claiming only Aboriginal origin, Kebaowek has 75 residents declaring multiple origins (probably Aboriginal and one other), and the reservation at Les Escoumins has 80. If the totals of those partly or fully Aboriginal are added together, 100% of the population at Kebaowek can be said to be of Aboriginal or métis stock, and 65.5% of the population at Les Escoumins. b 1983-84 figures cited in SAGMAI (1984: 166-7), rounded up by about 5%. For Lac-Rapide, the other data were calculated on the assumption that the community has the same sociolinguistic profile as Grand-Lac-Victoria, whose demography, geographic location and social morphology are very similar. c The total number of speakers exceeds 100% of those of sole Aboriginal origin. This could mean three things: (1) some individuals claiming multiple origins (probably Aboriginal and one other) are regular users of the Aboriginal language; (2) non-Aboriginals are regular users of the Aboriginal language; (3) the regular language used by village residents is not French, English or the Aboriginal language. The first hypothesis is the most probable.

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the Aboriginal population of the settlement, the number of persons speaking neither official language, and their percentage relative to the local Aboriginal population. A synthesis of these data by Aboriginal nation appears at the end of each set of settlements inhabited by a given nation. It should be noted that the Inuit village of Umiujaq did not exist in 1986. It is noteworthy that the Aboriginal languages of Quebec divide into three groups as far as relative strength as most used language is concerned. (1) Languages spoken by more than 80% of the Aboriginal population (in %) Inuktitut 100.0 Naskapi 100.0 Cree 99.9 Atikamekw 99.4 Montagnais 83.1 (2) Languages spoken by 40% to 80% of the Aboriginal population (in %) Algonquin 63.4 Micmac 41.8 (3) Languages spoken by less than 40% of the Aboriginal population (in %) Abenaki 2.3 Wendat (Huron) 0.0 (though 5.5% of Wendake's Aboriginal residents speak another Aboriginal language) Since the Mohawk did not participate in the census, their language does not appear here. However the percentage of those who speak Mohawk as their home language can be estimated at 15% of the population. Some comments are needed. The Inuktitut, Naskapi and Cree languages seem to have been overestimated, the total number of speakers exceeding the number of persons in the settlements in question. Thus, the number of speakers should doubtless be reduced by roughly 5%. As for Montagnais, if data are excluded from Mashteuiatsh and Les Escoumins, where the language is hardly spoken, the percentage of habitual speakers among the population is 97.5%. As for Algonquin, it is much more spoken in the settlements of Abitibi (Lac-Simon; Pikogan) and the wildlife conservation area of La Vérendrye (Grand-Lac-Victoria; LacRapide) than in Témiscamingue. Excluding the latter, 87.6% of the population can be considered as usually speaking Algonquin. For each language, the percentage of Aboriginals who know neither of the official languages is in direct proportion to the use of the Aboriginal

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Table 2.11 Aboriginals knowing at least English Aboriginals knowing at least French Aboriginals knowing neither Total

20960 9000 6670 36630

(57.2%) (24.6%) (18.2%) (100.0%)

language as home language: 44.5% for Inuktitut; 30.8% for Cree; 27.7% for Naskapi; 25.4% for Atikamekw; 15.4% for Montagnais; 9.3% for Algonquin; 1.7% for Micmac; 0.0% for Abenaki (and doubtless also for Mohawk). Finally, when the table is compared to the list of settlements and languages from the section 'Geographic Distribution', one obtains an approximate idea of the number of Aboriginals who speak French or English as first or second language. This is reached by subtracting the number of persons who do not know an official language from the total Aboriginal population, and by attributing the balance to the language dominant in the settlement (when two languages dominate, the total is shared between them). It should be noted that the population of the Mohawk settlements has been included in our calculations. This gives the results (of indicative value only) in Table 2.11. English is still, and most markedly, the most widely used second language among Quebec Aboriginals. This is despite the fact that, according to our estimate, 36.9% of Amerindians were of French mother tongue in 1986. With the Inuit removed from our calculations, we obtain a figure of 28.8% for Amerindians living in Aboriginal settlements who at least know French. Doubtless this means that the proportion of Aboriginals having French as a mother tongue (or home language) is particularly high among those who no longer live in Aboriginal settlements. Conclusion What should one conclude from all this? First, it is clear that contact between languages and cultures has been continually increasing in the centuries since the Europeans arrived in North America. The effects can still be felt today. From ordinary instruments of communication that they were in the 17th and 18th centuries, the Aboriginal languages have gradually shifted to the position of minority languages under attack from all sides by the economic, social and cultural omnipotence of English and,

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to a lesser degree, French. Some of them have not survived. In Quebec, Wendat and Eastern Abenaki disappeared long ago, and unless a miracle occurs, they will never be heard again. The speakers of Western Abenaki can now be counted on the fingers of one hand. As for Mohawk, it is very likely that it will disappear one or two generations from now, followed a little later by Micmac. On the other hand, it is important to note that the languages most affected are those spoken in the regions where European colonisation is the oldest: the St Lawrence Valley and the Gaspé peninsula. Elsewhere, the Amerindian and Inuktitut languages remain the principal instruments of communication for the majority of the population, with preservation rates of almost 100%. A word of caution is, however, necessary. The extension of the highway network, the improvement of communication systems (all the Aboriginal settlements of Quebec now have telephone, television and facsimile machines) and the accelerated development of peripheral regions run the short- or long-term risk of increasing the pressure exerted on the Aboriginal languages and cultures. Languages as frequently used as Montagnais and Algonquin are regressing (or have simply disappeared) in the more accessible settlements: Mashheuiatsh, Les Escoumins, Maniwaki and the Algonquin communities of Témiscamingue. Do these languages have to die for those who speak them to reach a certain degree of modernity and social equality? I do not think so. It is quite possible to conceive of a multilingual, multicultural and multinational Quebec, where various peoples cohabit, each preserving its own language and traditions, while sharing some general basic values and an instrument of common communication (normally French). Is that just a dream? Not necessarily. Many Aboriginals and some non-Aboriginals are already working actively to maintain and develop the Amerindian and Inuit languages and cultures out of respect for all the groups that make up contemporary Quebec. Do you remember Qumaq and Pipin? A descendant of the former has published an Inuktitut language encyclopaedia of traditional life in Nunavik (Arctic Quebec), as well as a dictionary in his native language defining almost 30,000 Inuktitut words, so that, as he puts it, 'the language and culture will not be lost'. As for the latter, some years after coming out of residential school, she became a teacher of her Amerindian language in her home village. She deemed it essential that children be well versed in their mother tongue before learning another. Because of people like them, it is possible to hope that Aboriginal languages have a future in Quebec.

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Appendix: The Current State of Native Languages in Quebec D. Ronán F. Collis The following data show the current state of Aboriginal languages and were collected on location by many collaborators. 2 We were not able to use statistics from StatCan. As difficult as this may be to believe, they do not separate out the Aboriginal languages, yet provide detailed accounts of the number of speakers of Portuguese, Chinese, etc.linguistic communities worthy of interest, but whose cultural status is nowhere mentioned in the Constitution! Rate of Assimilation to the Majority Language The Algonquian languages • Abenaki has half a dozen speakers near Trois Rivières • Algonquin has 4738 speakers in Abitibi-Temiscamingue3

97% 47% 1%

• Atikamekw has 3500 speakers in Haute-MauricieLanaudière

5%

• Cree has 8500 speakers in North Abitibi

65%

• Micmac has 775 speakers

• Montagnais has 7445 speakers in Lac-Saint-Jean and on the 27% North Shore4 • Naskapi has roughly 500 speakers (see Dorais, this volume, Chapter 2) Iroquoian languages • Huron has no speakers left • Mohawk has 2500 speakers5 Eskimo-Aleut languages • Inuktitut has 5500 speakers in Nunavik6

0% 100% 42% 3%

The Acts Defining the Status of Aboriginal Languages Cree: The Constitution Act of 1982, Part II, Sec. 35(1) and (2); Inuit, Cree and Naskapi of Quebec Act, Chapter 18, Sec. 31, 32(1) and (2); Cree, Inuit and Naskapi Education Act, Sec. 570 (which set up the Cree School Board); James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement (Chapter 16.0.9 h); Cree organisation regulations providing for the use of the language at regular or special meetings. Naskapi: The same regulations as apply to the Cree (both the Naskapi and Cree are administered by the same school board).

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Inuktitut: The Constitution Act of 1982, Part II, Art. 35(1) and (2); Inuit, Cree and Naskapi of Quebec Act, Chapter 18, Sec. 31, 32(1) and (2); Cree, Inuit and Naskapi Education Act, Sec. 570 (which created the Kativik school board); James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement (Chapter 16.0.9 h); Inuit organisation regulations providing for the use of the language at regular and special meetings. Abenaki: no text (except for The Constitution Act of 1982, Part II, Art. 35(1) and (2)) Algonquin: idem Atikamekw: idem Micmac: idem Mohawk: idem Montagnais: idem • The laws are not translated into the Aboriginal languages, except for Naskapi. • Municipal ordinances (of band councils) are not drawn up in the Aboriginal languages, except for Naskapi. The Courts • The use of the spoken, but not the written, Aboriginal language, is legally possible in courts of justice. • Aboriginal languages are not usually used in courts of justice. • Judges do not pronounce judgement or sentence in any Aboriginal language. Civil Service • For the majority of the peoples, the Aboriginal language is often the language of municipal administration (band council), but it is always so for the Naskapi and Inuit. • It is not possible to communicate with the provincial government in Aboriginal languages (except in matters of health and social welfare); among the Naskapi it is possible to communicate with the Naskapi constables of the provincial police. • It is possible to hold meetings with representatives of the provincial government in the Aboriginal language through the offices of an interpreter. • It is not possible to communicate with federal government departments in any Aboriginal language.

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• It is possible to receive health services through the Aboriginal language with the help of interpreters. Religion Aboriginal languages used in religious services: 50% or over • Inuktitut • Algonquin no answer • Micmac • Abenaki 100% • Mohawk • Atikamekw 80% • Montagnais • Cree • Naskapi

100% less than 50% 0% 80% 80%

The Bible is partly or totally translated into the following languages: • Algonquin • Inuktitut • Abenaki • Micmac • • Mohawk Atikamekw • Cree • Montagnais • Naskapi (under way; currently the Cree version is used) Schools Use of Aboriginal languages in primary schools according to percentage of time allotted: Grade Algonquin Atikamekw Cree Inuktitut 1 10% 100% 100% 100% 2 10% 100% 50% + 100% 3 10% 100% 50%50% 4 10% 100% 50%50% 5 5% 50%+ 50%50% 6 4% 50%50%50% Grade Montagnais Naskapi Micmac Mohawk 1 5% 100% 0% 10% 2 5% 50%+ 5% 10% 3 5% 50%+ 5% 10% 4 5% 50%+ 5% 10% 5 5% 50%+ 5% 10% 6 5% 50%+ 5% 10%

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Page 80 Approximate number of school books in native languages: 50 • Inuktitut • Algonquin no answer • Micmac 7 • Abenaki 1 • Mohawk • Atikamekw 10 • Montagnais8 • Cree 5 • Naskapi

60 23 200+

Languages Used at Home9 Aboriginal languages as first language taught to the children at home: 50% 0% • Huron • Algonquin no answer 0% • Micmac • Abenaki 100% 0% • Mohawk • Atikamekw 100% 50% • Montagnais • Cree 97%10 100% • Naskapi • Inuktitut Aboriginal languages used in conversations between grandparents: 100% • Huron • Algonquin no answer • Micmac • Abenaki 100% • Mohawk • Atikamekw 100% • Montagnais • Cree 100% • Naskapi • Inuktitut

0% 50%+ 50%+ 50%+ 100%

Aboriginal languages used in conversations between parents: 50% 0% • Huron • Algonquin no answer 50%+ • Micmac • Abenaki 100% 50%+ • Mohawk • Atikamekw 100% (variable)11 • Montagnais • Cree 97%12 100% • Naskapi • Inuktitut Aboriginal languages used in conversations between grandparents and parents: 50%+ 0% • Huron • Algonquin no answer 50%+ • Micmac • Abenaki 100% 50%• Mohawk • Atikamekw 100% 80%+13 • Montagnais • Cree 100% 100% • Naskapi • Inuktitut

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Aboriginal languages used in conversations between parents and children: 50% 0% • Huron • Algonquin no answer 50%• Micmac • Abenaki 50%+ 50%• Mohawk • Atikamekw 80%+ 80%+ • Montagnais • Cree 97% 14 100% • Naskapi • Inuktitut Aboriginal languages used in conversations between grandparents and grandchildren: 50%+15 0% • Huron • Algonquin no answer 50%• Micmac • Abenaki 100% 50%+ • Mohawk • Atikamekw 80% 80% • Montagnais • Cree 97%16 100% • Naskapi • Inuktitut Aboriginal languages used in conversations between children and friends: 50%17 0% • Huron • Algonquin no answer 0% • Micmac • Abenaki 50%+ 50%• Mohawk • Atikamekw 75%(±) 80% • Montagnais • Cree 50%+ 100% • Naskapi • Inuktitut Public Signs Signs posted by town councils (or band council) in the native language: 50%+ 0% • Huron • Algonquin no answer 0% • Micmac • Abenaki 50%+ 0% • Mohawk • Atikamekw 65%(±) 50%• Montagnais • Cree 50%+ 100% • Naskapi • Inuktitut Commercial signs in Aboriginal languages: 50%• Huron • Algonquin no answer • Micmac • Abenaki 50%• Mohawk • Atikamekw 75%(±) • Montagnais • Cree 50%+ • Naskapi • Inuktitut

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Literature, Writing and Culture Written Aboriginal languages: • Algonquin • Abenaki • Atikamekw • Cree • Inuktitut

• Micmac • Mohawk • Montagnais • Naskapi

The writing of the following Aboriginal languages has been standardised in their respective bands or municipalities: • Algonquin 18 • Micmac19 • Abenaki • Mohawk • Atikamekw • Montagnais • Cree • Naskapi20 • Inuktitut Aboriginal languages with a single standard spelling in their respective bands or municipalities: • Algonquin • Micmac* • Abenaki • Mohawk • Atikamekw* • Montagnais • Cree • Naskapi • Inuktitut (* spelling different for each band) Aboriginal languages published in their respective bands or municipalities: yes21 yes • Algonquin • Micmac yes yes • Atikamekw • Mohawk yes yes • Cree • Montagnais yes no • Inuktitut • Naskapi Aboriginal languages with publications available other than religious works: yes yes • Algonquin • Micmac yes yes • Atikamekw • Mohawk yes yes • Cree • Montagnais yes yes22 • Inuktitut • Naskapi

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Approximate number of newspapers, periodicals, magazines published solely in the language: 0 0 • Algonquin • Micmac 1 0 • Atikamekw • Mohawk 0 0 • Cree • Montagnais 1 0 • Inuktitut • Naskapi Bilingual or multilingual newspapers, periodicals, magazines: 2 23 0 • Algonquin • Micmac 1 0 • Atikamekw • Mohawk 1 2 or more • Cree • Montagnais 2 1 • Inuktitut • Naskapi Number of hours of radio broadcasts 1.5 • Algonquin 0 • Abenaki 70 • Atikamekw 70 • Cree 70 • Inuktitut

every week in Aboriginal languages: 0 • Micmac 2.5 • Mohawk 25 • Montagnais 140 • Naskapi

Number of hours of television broadcast every week in the native language: 0 0 • Algonquin • Micmac 0 0 • Abenaki • Mohawk 0 0 • Atikamekw • Montagnais 2 0 • Cree • Naskapi 5.5 • Inuktitut Notes 1. Many crosstabulations from the 1991 census were not available at the time this paper was updated; in such cases, data from the 1986 census were used. 2. Jacques Maurais, of the Conseil de la langue française, Lucien Ottawa, Atikamekw techno-linguist from Manouane, Carolyn Palliser, Inuit Chair of the Kativik School Board, Louis-Jacques Dorais, professor of ethnolinguistics at Laval University, Diom Romeo Saganash, assistant to the Great Chief of the Cree Grand Council, Professor Louis-Edmond Hamelin, André Bélanger and Jean Bergeron of the Secretariat for Aboriginal Affairs, Kenneth Deer, coordinator of the Mohawk Nation Office at Kahnawake, Ronald Jacques, Chief of the Micmac band at Restigouche, Joseph Guanish, Chief of the Naskapi Band Council of Kawawachikamach, Anne-Marie Baraby, linguistic advisor to the IECAM, John Mameanskum, assistant director general of the

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Naskapi Band Council of Quebec at Kawawachikamach, Janice Vicaire, editor of Micmac school manuals, Cindy Isaac, receptionist for the Micmac band at Restigouche, and Richard Kistabish, correspondent for the Algonquin. 3. These figures are from Louis-Jacques Dorais (this volume, Chapter 2). 4. In Quebec, the Montagnais nation numbers 10,199 persons, but we have no exact figures for the number of speakers of Montagnais. Likewise, the communities are markedly different relative to the degree of language retention. Thus, no inhabitant of Les Escoumins reservation speaks Montagnais, with the exception of one or two families born in other communities. In Mashteuiatsh, according to an internal census from 1985, 25% of the community are Montagnais-speaking (this percentage excludes Montagnais living off the reservation). In the other communities, Montagnais is both mother tongue and daily language of 90% to 95% of the inhabitants (80% at Maliotenam). 5. Figures for Mohawk cover only the Kahnawake reservation. 6. Figures are from research by Louis-Jacques Dorais (see Chapter 2). 7. Grammar notes, lexicons, tales and short stories, didactic stories, reference works, mathematical and scientific handbooks. 8. As yet there is no complete inventory of learning materials in Montagnais. Likewise much of the material does not correspond to the uniform spelling model recently adopted. 9. Because it was obvious that many persons for whom this questionnaire was intended were not sociologists or sociolinguists, and because it was financially unthinkable to undertake a truly sociolinguistic study of the use of so many languages, the number of possible answers in the questionnaire was reduced. In fact, it quickly became apparent that the majority would refuse to answer if the scale of answers were too finely drawn. Accordingly, only four categories were kept: always (in 100% of all cases), often (more than 51%), sometimes (50% and less), never (0%). The measurements obtained are thus only indications (J. Maurais). 10. This is only an estimation by Carolyn Palliser. Louis-Jacques Dorais (1989) gives a much more nuanced picture: 'Young parents speak to their children quite often in English [ . . .] young Inuit speak English or French rather often among themselves'. 11. This percentage is close to 100% in the communities of the Lower North Shore. 12. 'Young parents speak English between themselves, or switch code right in the middle of a sentence [ . . .]. It is possible that this depends on the topic of conversation, the functional division of diglossic discourse has not yet been studied.' (Dorais, 1989) 13. When Mashteuiatsh and Les Escoumins are factored out, close to 90% in most communities, where a good number of elderly are unilingual Montagnais or have only a minimal knowledge of French. 14. See Note 12. 15. However, grandchildren have difficulty in maintaining a conversation with their grandparents. They limit themselves to the essential, to greetings or telling what they are going to do. Children rarely answer when their grandparents

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question them. They can no longer come up with the words they need to communicate once they have started school. 16. We noticed cases, rare in Quebec, but frequent in the Northwest Territories, where grandchildren could only say 'yes' in Inuktitut and spoke in English to their grandparents. 17. Only at Grand-Lac-Victoria and Lac-Rapide, never elsewhere. 18. The Algonquin correspondent observes: 'The Algonquin language is not a written language, it is an oral language. For this reason, the spelling standard is a subject of discord among those concerned, professional or not.' 19. A preliminary lexicon exists, but a number of spelling disagreements persist. 20. A preliminary lexicon exists, but a number of spelling disagreements persist. 21. Only school books and some religious texts. 22. Preliminary translation of legal texts relating to the James Bay Agreement. 23. Adasokan; Matinimatik.

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Chapter 3 Aboriginal Language Policies of the Canadian and Quebec Governments François Trudel I consider that if the government had as much respect for our Indian language as it has for its own French language, at the moment when it began to give a White education to the Indian children, it would have probably made a serious effort to avoid killing off their Indian language. An Antane Kapesh Montagnais originally from the region of Matimekosh 1 Introduction As the preceding chapters and other studies have shown, the Aboriginal languages of Canada and of Quebec are in a critical situation, nearly all of them being threatened with more or less imminent extinction.2 Obviously, for the Aboriginals themselves, in the first place, and indeed for all other Canadians, this is truly a cultural tragedy whose explanation is not one of natural causes but rather of administrative and educational policies used for over a century by the diverse agents of the colonial and state powers throughout the territory of Canada. The objective of this chapter is first to provide a historical survey of the principal foundations of federal and Quebec policies toward Aboriginal languages. We then sketch some recent government measures concerning language and culture by which it is hoped that the risk of almost complete disappearance of these languages in the near future can be attenuated. We conclude with a number of observations and a critical review of government action in this important domain of the ethnic identity and sociocultural development of the Aboriginal nations.

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The Policy of the Federal Government (1867-1980) In accordance with Article 91 of the British North America Act of 1867, the federal government was granted responsibility over the Indians and over the lands reserved to Indians. It has the primary and almost exclusive responsibility to legislate and to determine policy in all domains relative to the first inhabitants of the country (Frideres, 1988: 32). This government thus inherited a long tradition of cultural interaction in which the first agents of European expansionism, whether explorers, traders, colonists, missionaries or colonial administrators, most often took for granted the superiority of their own culture with respect to Aboriginal cultures and attempted in vain, through the work of missionaries, to 'civilize' them, that is to say, to assimilate them totally into the dominant culture. 3 This paternalistic ideology was taken up by the federal government in 1867 and imposed from that time forward on its new wards. By the Indian Acts of 1876 and 1880, this government effectively abolished all political autonomy of the Indians and took over the administration of all areas of their economic and social life, including education. By means of 11 numbered treaties (from 1871 to 1921), it also appropriated vast areas of their lands, in exchange for poor compensation and various promises for the future including 'one school for each reservation, according to demand'. Finally, in the 1870s and 1880s, it put into place its first policy regarding education of Indians.4 This policy provided financial assistance to various religious communities, Anglican or Catholic, either for them to maintain their day schools in existing reservations in the Maritimes, Quebec or Ontario, or for them to establish residential schools in the vicinity of the new reservations in the Canadian West. Placed under the administrative authority of missionaries, these establishments were to provide teaching in English or French, centred on the acquisition of basic knowledge (writing, reading, arithmetic and religion) and on learning trades for boys or domestic service for girls. These schools had also the mission of attempting to assimilate young Indian boys and girls by making them abandon their language and culture, and aiming at integrating them progressively into the lower classes of the dominant society.5 As far as its ultimate objectives were concerned, this original federal policy on education was a complete failure throughout Canada. Up to the end of the 19th century, in fact, only half of the potential Indian population went to missionary schools, and those that did most often acquired only a superficial knowledge of the subjects taught, including English or French. Upon leaving their day school or residential school, many Indian pupils

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continued to live on their reservations, to speak their vernacular language and to value their own culture, despite the teachings of the missionaries. When the better educated Indians tried to integrate into the wage economy of the dominant society, the majority came to be perceived by non-Natives as undesirable competition schooled out of the public purse. At the turn of the century, in the face of much criticism, the federal government carried out several adjustments to its initial policy on education of Indians. The new line of conduct then adopted remained founded on an ideology aiming at preparing the Amerindians to live a 'civilised' life. From that time on however, they were allowed to live on their reservations, rather than be subject to attempts to rapidly integrate them into the dominant society. A series of new administrative measures were associated with this partial change of orientation, such as increases in school subsidies per pupil to the religious communities, the imposition of new sanitary norms (which had a deterring effect on school attendance), simplification of teaching programmes, etc. This new policy remained in force for half a century, up to 1950. During this long period, the missionary day and residential schools continued to offer the Indians a very uneven quality of teaching, which most often devalued the Indian languages and cultures. The main language of teaching remained English or French. The use of Amerindian languages was tolerated, but only outside classes. In some schools, the missionaries went as far as teaching the Indians to read, write and pray in their own languages, but they limited their use to catechism and religious services. 6 In general, the Indians who studied in residential schools continued to keep close links with their home community, their culture and their language. Indians educated in off-reservation residential schools underwent partial acculturation that they frequently protested about or accepted only as a last resort. It should be noted that in 1951, almost half of the Indians over five years of age remained without formal schooling, despite the fact that it had become legally mandatory for all Canadians in 1920. The other half only received minimal schooling, because only a third of this group managed to reach the third grade, and a tenth, sixth grade.7 At the end of the 1940s, a joint committee of the Senate and the House of Commons put in place to revise the Indian Act8 recommended schooling the Indians with non-Natives, wherever possible. The Federal Government accepted this recommendation and then adopted a policy of 'integration of Indians' into the dominant society by means of the school system. Accordingly, sections 114-123 of the revised Indian Act of 1951, enabled the federal government to conclude agreements with the provincial govern-

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ments and with other bodies (territorial Commissioners, school boards, religious communities) to enable young registered Indians 9 between 6 and 17 years of age to go to non-Native private and public schools. At the same time, the federal government began to take control of a growing number of Indian and Inuit schools rather than delegating their administration to religious communities.10 During the next two decades, this policy of integration that many Aboriginals and non-Natives saw as a simple variation on the previous government policy of cultural assimilation had multiple effects. The number of Indians and Inuit enrolled in federal schools and particularly in provincial schools increased progressively; the duration of studies of the Indian and Inuit population increased also.11 All the same, the school system, its teachers and its programmes continued to transmit and impose a foreign language and culture (English or French) on the Aboriginals and continued their work of fairly rapid erasure of the cultural identity of their young people and the fragmentation of their family structure and communities.12 At the end of the 1960s, some reports clearly revealed the dearth of interest of the federal government and some of its commissions towards the Aboriginal languages. The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, in the first volume of its report (Government of Canada, 1967), does indeed make allusion to the Aboriginal languages, but simply to mention, laconically, that it was not able to examine the question, its inquiry being limited to the 'two founding peoples'. The Survey of the Contemporary Indians of Canada (the Hawthorn-Tremblay Commission) in its second volume concerning education (1967), pointed out euphemistically that federal government policy of 'conservation' of Aboriginal languages was in no way precise. It recommended the active pursuit of integration of the Indian children into the English or French public school systems. A single recommendation, out of 60, recommended the preparation of pedagogical materials relevant to Indian languages (Recommendation 10) (Tremblay et al. 1967: 7). Then, in 1969, the federal government's White Paper on policy toward Indians (Government of Canada, 1969) proposed the outright abolition of the Indian Act, revocation of the special status of Canada's Indians and an end to the system of reservations, the transfer to the provinces of the administration of the Native peoples, notably in the educational sector, and leaving to the Indians the responsibility of preserving their languages and cultures.13 Bitterly contested by Indians throughout Canada, who saw in it an abdication of the responsibilities of the federal government toward Indian

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societies and a menace to their cultural survival, the White Paper brought about a reply in the form of a declaration of principles of the Indian Brotherhood of Canada, made public in 1972 under the title 'Indian Control of Indian Education'. 14 This declaration placed special emphasis on the educational needs of the Indian communities, demanded more Indian teacher training programmes and specifically stressed the importance of teaching Aboriginal culture, history and languages. For the latter, the Brotherhood even proposed concrete measures to ensure the survival of the mother tongue, either as the language of teaching or as a subject matter.15 After negotiations with the Indians, the Department of Indian Affairs appeared to have adopted, in 1973, the fundamental objectives put forward in 'Indian Control of Indian Education'. It decided at the time to adopt a new policy on Indian education aimed at putting them partially or completely in charge of administrative responsibility for the system of education in their communities, a proposal that was accepted right away by numerous bands throughout Canada.16 Parallel to this administrative takeover, the Department also began, in 1973, to give its financial support to the implementation of a project of 'Amerindianisation' of Native educational programmes, particularly in Quebec.17 These few changes of orientation in the matter of Amerindian education caused a few ripples. As the new policy had no judicial basis, in 1976 the Indian Brotherhood of Canada came to advocate a real and complete administrative transfer of all educational services of the Department of Indian Affairs to the band councils. There followed long discussions between the Brotherhood and the Department over what, precisely, was entailed by Indian administration of education, during which the Indian organisation contested the methods that had been adopted, limits on financing and norms in the programmes forming part of the ministry's new policy of delegating administrative responsibility, which had the result of delaying its full implementation.18 The Amerindianization project, for its part, called for close collaboration among several types of participants: school committees, local band councils, cultural and educational centres, regional offices of the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, provincial departments of education, universities, consultants (ethnologists, psychologists, anthropologists, etc.). The objectives consisted essentially of training Aboriginal teachers able to teach their mother tongues, either as the main language of teaching, or as a second language, and to develop programmes and teaching materials better adapted to Aboriginal languages and cultures. In many schools administered by bands or the federal government or under

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provincial administration, pilot bilingual education projects were progressively implemented. These most often included kindergarten education in the vernacular, and combined some teaching of or in Aboriginal languages with the learning of English or French during the first five years of primary school. 19 Soon, according to 1980-1981 government statistics, the curricula of 65% of federal schools, 19% of provincial schools, and 34% of schools administered by band councils came to include Aboriginal languages (Government of Canada, 1982b: 14).20 However, the development of a truly Aboriginal school programme, including both primary and secondary levels, remains an extremely remote prospect for most Aboriginal bands (Larose, 1984: 67). Apart from this policy of the Department of Indian Affairs, other federal departments and bodies became, from the early 1970s on, more active participants in the area of Aboriginal culture and language, since after becoming officially bilingual in 1969, Canada adopted an official multiculturalism policy in 1971. In accordance with the Department of the Secretary of State Act of 1970, this department was given responsibility for the administration of programmes to help Aboriginal citizens. It developed, set up and began to administer a series of programmes for them: a programme of support for representative Aboriginal organisations (starting in 1971), part of whose admissible expenses could be spent on the financing of periodicals in Aboriginal languages; an Aboriginal communication programme (starting in 1974) which provided financial aid to regional Aboriginal communication corporations for the creation of newspapers, community radio and media workshops; a programme for Aboriginal social and cultural development (starting in 1976), some parts of which were aimed at stimulating the cultural expression of Aboriginals and promoting contact among the Aboriginal populations of Canada, as well as among Canadians and the Aboriginal populations in general, by means of cultural festivals, exhibitions, theatre and educational programmes, including courses organised around Aboriginal history and culture; a Native Friendship Centres programme (beginning in 1972) aimed at improving the quality of life of Aboriginal people in urban centres, offering, among other things, bilingual services.21 Apart from the involvement of the Department of the Secretary of State, the Canadian Museum of Civilizations (formerly called the National Museum of Man) pursued, between 1950 and 1989, a programme of emergency ethnological studies, part of which was devoted to the collection and analysis of linguistic data among Aboriginal groups whose languages were threatened with extinction. Various other departments and bodies, such as the Department of Citizenship and Multiculturalism, the Depart-

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ment of Employment and Immigration, the Department of Health and Welfare, the Public Service Commission, the Ministry of Justice, the Directorate of Correctional Services and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation also made efforts to adapt some of their services to Aboriginal cultures and to publicize their programmes in Aboriginal languages. The Quebec Government Policy (1960-1980) Since the 1867 British North America Act gave the federal government virtually exclusive responsibility for the administration of Indians, and since for many years the government of Quebec had no interest in claiming any or all of this responsibility, for almost a century Quebec played only a very minor role with regard to Aboriginals on its territory, contenting itself with occasional regulations controlling hunting and supporting the federal policy, 22 as harmful as it was in cultural matters and, more particularly, with regard to the preservation of Aboriginal languages. This long period was marked by several far from shining episodes in Quebec's policy toward the Aboriginals. During the 1915-1920 period, the provincial government's Geography Commission removed 15,000 Aboriginal place names from maps, topographic charts, travelogues and descriptions of territorial divisions.23 It was also the Provincial Government that, in 1939, in a celebrated case before the Supreme Court concerning the Inuit of New Quebec, sought to avoid all administrative involvement in Aboriginal affairs, even though the 1912 act extending the frontiers of Quebec made this obligatory and even though any mining or hydro-electric realisations would, at least in theory, lead to it. It was not until the beginning of the 1960s, when Quebec finally began to interest itself more actively in its North regions, that discussions got underway between the federal and provincial governments on the subject of a possible transfer of administrative responsibilities over the territory of New Quebec. Following the creation of the New Quebec General Directorate in 1963 and the conclusion of an agreement in principle on the subject of this transfer in 1964, Quebec began to work actively to extend its own administrative services to all the communities of New Quebec in all areas of its responsibility (justice, education, health, housing, economy, etc.). By the physical presence of its agents, speaking French and only rarely Inuktitut, and by various other measures,24 Quebec began to assert the French fact and to introduce the French language as the second administrative language, competing as best it could with English. In the field of education, Quebec sought to open its own schools, in which it favoured teaching through French, while leaving room for teaching through the

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vernacular, at least for the first years of primary school, as an alternative to the federal schools. Also, in 1968, it created the New Quebec school board. After a series of important economic, administrative and judicial events played out against the backdrop of the James Bay hydro-electric project, 25 the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement (Government of Québec, 1980) in 1975 and the Northeast Agreement in 197826 extinguished all previous Aboriginal rights 'to the lands and in the lands of the Territory,27 without defining them. These agreements enabled Quebec to become 'the declared guarantor of the rights, the legal status and the welfare of the populations inhabiting the North of its territory' (Ciaccia, 1980: XIII). Endowed with local administrations along the lines of other municipalities in Quebec, the Cree, Inuit and Naskapi were now fully integrated into the administrative framework of the government of Quebec, while enjoying a certain freedom to manoeuvre in order to protect their cultural specificity. This was particularly evident where language was concerned. According to the two agreements, the language of communication of the local and regional administrations of the territory governed by the Convention 'should be in conformity with the laws having general application in Quebec,'28 but it could make room for services and communications in vernacular languages.29 Concerning the education entrusted to Aboriginal school boards, the language of teaching for each of the groups governed by the Convention was its vernacular language.30 As for the other languages (French and English), the teaching language was to conform with the current practice in each of the communities with, at the same time, an emphasis on the use of French. Further, the Cree, Inuit and Naskapi school boards had certain powers, notably to choose their teachers, Aboriginal or non-Aboriginal, to choose the courses and the teaching materials suitable for Aboriginals, and to develop such materials so as to 'preserve and perpetuate the Aboriginal language and culture'.31 Where the administration of justice was concerned, the agreements made 'knowledge of the uses, customs and of the psychology' (but not of the language) of the Aboriginals in 'the district of Abitibi' an important consideration both in designating judges or other persons responsible for the administration of justice, in developing training programmes, adapting various procedural codes, etc.32 The agreements provide for Aboriginals who were arrested or imprisoned to be informed of their fundamental rights and to be communicated with in their vernacular language, to profit from various post-penal services in their language, 'as much as is possible'.33 Finally where the police were concerned, the Quebec Police Institute was empowered to offer training courses and to use training materials in Aboriginal languages 'when it is appropriate or possible to do so'.34

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Outside the territory of New Quebec, the administration of Quebec Indians remained, from 1960 to 1980, an essentially federal responsibility in which the government of Quebec hardly participated. At the time, some Quebec initiatives, whether administrative, political or legislative, nonetheless concerned the status of Aboriginals within the boundaries of Quebec and sometimes enunciated principles concerning their cultures and their languages. In 1966, the Study commission on the integrity of the territory of Quebec (the Dorion Commission; cf. Government of Quebec, 1966) considered the question of federal properties in Quebec and recommended, in the case of the 'Indian domain', a municipalization of reservations in Quebec. This recommendation was in agreement with some of the conclusions of the federal White Paper of 1969, but remained without effect, because the Indians opposed any abdication of federal responsibilities where they were concerned. The preamble to the Charter of the French language adopted in 1977 recognised the right of the Indians and Inuit 'to maintain and to develop their original languages and cultures' and permitted the use of an Indian language in teaching dispensed to Indians and of Inuktitut in teaching dispensed to Inuit (Art. 87). Other articles of this Act (Art. 88, 95, 97) limit or subtract from its application in the case of territories affected by the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement and in the case of Indian reservations. In 1978, Quebec instituted a Quebec Cultural Development Policy conferring special status on the Aboriginals minorities within its frontiers, by reason of their age-old occupation of the area (Government of Québec, 1978: 86-91). 35 Emphasizing that the original language of these Aboriginals was in a precarious situation in certain southern communities, but remained the principal language of communication for the majority of communities elsewhere in Quebec, this policy advanced three principles to be respected in any situation concerning the conservation and affirmation of Aboriginal cultures: the right of the Aboriginals to freely determine their own development; their right to government assistance; and, finally, their responsibility for bringing into being the institutions and strategies suitable for their own development.36 In the opinion of those who conceived the policy, in which the Aboriginals had no involvement, the Secrétariat des activités gouvernementales en milieu amérindien et inuit (SAGMAI), created in 1978, was to occupy centre stage in the development of the Quebec government's overall Aboriginal policy (Government of Québec, 1978: 86-91).

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Recent Government Actions (1980-1995) After a century of almost total neglect and following numerous representations on the part of Aboriginals, the federal government and the government of Quebec seem to have come to a greater awareness, particularly during the course of the 1980s, of the issue of the status of the Aboriginal languages. During constitutional and territorial negotiations involving a process of reflection, discussion and negotiation over the more general question of Aboriginal rights, these two governments were first led to formulate and discuss a number of guiding principles and policy statements aimed at safeguarding the languages of these peoples. They also contributed financially to supporting some measures in this area by their various departments and agencies. Actions of the Federal Government The Constitution Act of 1982 contains two parts devoted to individual and collective rights, the first part being the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and the second part being The Rights of the Aboriginal Peoples of Canada (Government of Canada, 1982a). The Charter, by virtue of its articles 2, 15, 22 and 27, can be used to protect native linguistic rights (Richstone, 1989). Article 35, section 1 of Part II confirms existing rights of the Aboriginal peoples, without however defining them, and article 37, sections 1 and 2, provides for the convocation of four first ministers' conferences to discuss constitutional questions which directly concern the Aboriginal peoples of Canada and, notably, to determine and define the rights of these peoples to be written into the Constitution of Canada. These first ministers' conferences did in fact take place in 1983,1984,1985 and 1987, and were the occasion of numerous discussions and negotiations on the status of the Aboriginal peoples of Canada, without leading to any constitutional agreement. 37 Nonetheless, during the 1984 conference, the Prime Minister at the time, P. E. Trudeau, gave his government a directive 'to preserve and to enhance the cultural and linguistic heritage of the Native peoples of Canada', a directive to which the Department of the Secretary of State reacted that year by initiating in-depth research on the retention of Aboriginal languages across Canada and publishing the following year (1985) a working paper entitled A Proposal for a Policy towards the Aboriginal Languages, which suggested six programme elements and five political objectives, with a five-year budget of 20.7 million dollars (1986-1991).38 This proposition, which remained unheeded, spurred the Assembly of First Nations to actively involve itself in this issue from 1986 on, to demand more consultation and grants from the federal government and to propose

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the holding of a national colloquium on the preservation of Aboriginal languages. Organised by the Assembly of First Nations with the financial support of the Department of the Secretary of State, a national Conference on Aboriginal Language Policy did in fact take place in January 1986. It brought to the foreground the will of Aboriginals to be the principal architects of all policies aimed at maintaining and enriching their languages. This conference gave birth to a series of resolutions, two of which had potentially far-reaching effects politically, constitutionally and financially: the demand that Aboriginal languages be granted official status in the Constitution, and the request that the Secretariat of State and the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs budget for the Aboriginal languages be equivalent to the budget spent on the promotion of French. After the 1986 conference, the routes taken by the federal government and the Assembly of First Nations regarding the issue of the maintenance and enrichment of Aboriginal languages went in different and even opposite directions, doubtless because of the difference in perspective and the scale of the demands being made for Aboriginal languages. 39 On the federal side, the Secretary of State (David Crombie) announced, in July 1987, the planned creation in Western Canada of a National Institute of Ancestral Languages (and not solely Aboriginal languages) with its headquarters in Edmonton, Alberta. He set up a committee for advice on ways to go about this task. The committee submitted its report to the minister in December 1987, and it was finally published in March 1988 (Kriesel & Batts, 1987). The recommendations of this report and the ensuing consultations led, in August 1988, to the tabling in the House of Commons of Canada of Bill C-152, entitled 'an Act Establishing the Canadian Institute of Heritage Languages' which, after having passed third reading, died on the order paper when the House was adjourned on 29 September 1988. Again in July 1988, the Canadian Multiculturalism Act (Bill C-93) became law, after being tabled in the House of Commons in December 1987 (House of Commons, 1988). This Act includes sections which may be relevant to Aboriginal languages. The Act declares the Government's intent to maintain and enhance the status of other languages, parallel to the affirmation of the status of the official languages (A1.5.1, i); to call on the linguistic and cultural knowledge of individuals of all origins (A1.3.2,e) whenever necessary; to facilitate the learning and recording of linguistic knowledge in each language which contributes to the multicultural heritage of Canada; as well as to foster the use of these languages (Al.5.1f). Spurred by the government's attitude and orientation on this issue, namely to place the Aboriginal languages on the same footing as other

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minority languages in Canada, the Assembly of First Nations for its part undertook various consultations and studies among Canadian Aboriginals and produced, in December 1988, a Proposal for an Aboriginal Languages Policy and for an Aboriginal Languages Foundation presented to the Secretariat of State (Jamieson, 1988b). According to this proposal, the Aboriginal Languages Policy should ensure 'the protection of the linguistic heritage of Canada, the recognition of the Aboriginal peoples as the first nations of Canada through the official recognition of their languages, the participation of Aboriginal peoples as equal partners in a country where there are actually only two official languages and the revitalisation of the cultural foundations of Canada by active support and financial aid in the domain of the Aboriginal languages.' As for the Aboriginal Languages Foundation, it would be above all the mechanism for implementing this policy. It would distribute subsidies to the initiatives of the Aboriginal communities respecting the conservation, enrichment and transmission of the Aboriginal languages. 40 Administered by a head office selected by the Aboriginal communities and working out of a small coordination centre, it would be endowed with a budget of 100 million dollars, whose interest would pay for its expenses. In September 1989, remaining unresponsive to these demands from the Assembly of First Nations, the federal government tabled in the House of Commons Bill C-37, an Act Constituting the Canadian Institute of Heritage Languages, a partially revised version of Bill C-152. This gesture was again opposed by the Assembly of First Nations on the grounds that the Bill included Aboriginal languages, negated the unique role of Aboriginal peoples as founding people and bypassed the treaties as well as federal legislation. It also soon received an Aboriginal reply with the tabling for first reading of a private bill,41 Bill C269 Constituting the Foundation for Aboriginal Languages (House of Commons, 1989). Under this bill, the mission of this Foundation would be, through various measures, to provide an impetus to the acquisition and retention of native languages forming part of Canada's native heritage, and to favour the use of these languages. The powers of this Foundation would be those of a physical person able to perform a great many activities, notably to initiate, finance and manage programmes and activities related to its mission and to support and set in motion programmes and activities of other governments, public or private organisations and other bodies, as well as private individuals. The financing of this Foundation would be supplied by gifts, bequests or other forms of liberality, notably in the form of money or transferable securities. Finally, it would be managed by an administrative council of no more than 22 members, including the chairman. Of these two bills, only the govern-

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ment's bill (C-37) succeeded in the House, but did not receive final approval by the Prime Minister. 42 Simultaneously with these legislative measures, the federal government has intervened in several other ways in what it calls the ancestral or heritage languages, among which it classifies the Aboriginal languages. In this way, the Department of Multiculturalism and Citizenship provides support to various national conferences on the ancestral languages,43 and has supported the operation, since 1984, of the National Study Unit for Ancestral Languages, attached to the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, endowed with triennial budgets of $250,000. In May 1986, the Canadian Permanent Committee for Geographic Names held a colloquium on Aboriginal geographic names in Ottawa, which occasioned the adoption of several resolutions (27) concerning the conservation, respect and promotion of Aboriginal toponyms. In 1982, for its part, the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs undertook an internal evaluation of its education policy (Government of Canada, 1982b). Setting forth a number of vague guidelines concerning the quality of Indian education, which were silent on the subject of language, the Department continued the policy begun during the previous decade, progressively conferring upon Aboriginals the responsibility for (the takeover of) the educational sector, and continuing to support Aboriginal teacher training and the use of vernacular languages as languages of instruction or as a subject of instruction (Indianisation), especially for schools administered by bands (Tanguay, 1984: 12). In the latter case, it should be emphasized that the use of the Aboriginal languages varies according to the choices made by each community and continues to be the object of various research projects and experiments with the occasional support and collaboration of the provincial departments of education, and other bodies (Mailhot et al. 1984). Thus, at Betsiamites, an experimental project for teaching Montagnais up to the end of the third year of primary school was established, with the aim of verifying whether children who received initial training in their own language could later perform better in a second language curriculum.44 In a growing number of reservation schools, the Aboriginal language is also the object of locally prepared projects and is taught locally as a subject, both in primary and secondary school. In other areas, the Department of the Secretary of State is improving certain existing programmes and is developing new programmes with a linguistic dimension. In 1983 it added to its programme of Aboriginal social and cultural development a section destined to ensure the preservation and

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use of Aboriginal languages as well as to increase the knowledge and understanding of Aboriginal history and traditions. 45 In the same year, it began to administer the programme granting access to radio- and tele-broadcasting to the Aboriginals of the North (annual budget of $13,281,000)46 with the aim of financing the production and broadcasting of radio and television programming in an attempt to provide an impetus to the development and preservation of northern Aboriginal languages and cultures. In 1985, the Department of the Secretary of State (integrated into the Department of Canadian Heritage in 1993) was entrusted with administering an agreement between Canada and the Northwest Territories (NWT) on support for the various languages in the NWT, where there have been eight official languages since 1984 (English and French plus six Aboriginal languages). This agreement covered the period of 1985-1990 and was renewed twice, for 1991-1994 and 1994-1997, with respective budgets of 16, 17 and 30.8 million dollars. Its objectives consisted of enabling the citizens of the NWT to communicate and to receive government services and education in their language, where numbers warrant, and to help to develop those official languages (mainly French and Aboriginal languages) to a level that will assure their recognition and use as working languages in the NWT. More recently, the Department of Canadian Heritage has created a Heritage, Cultures and Languages Directorate, to give Canadians of various ethnic backgrounds easier access to its various programmes on ancestral cultures and languages. Among the various projects it supports, there are some aimed specifically at the promotion and teaching of ancestral languages, like those of the Centre des langues patrimoniales of Université de Montréal. The Actions of the Government of Quebec Throughout the 1980s, the Quebec government also involved itself in the question of native rights, sometimes including language rights, within areas under its jurisdiction. In 1980, among 11 principles which were to define the general territorial negotiations with the Atikamekw and the Montagnais, the government of Quebec recognised certain rights including: the right 'to decide for themselves on all matters concerning their cultural identity' and the right to apply 'their specific philosophy [. . .] with regard to educational institutions' (Art. a). Nevertheless, none of these principles specifically mentions their language.47

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The Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms, adopted in 1982, contains an article (Art. 43) that recognises the right of persons belonging to ethnic minorities to maintain and to advance their cultural life with the other members of their group, which can clearly cover Aboriginal languages. In February 1983, in the face of constitutional demands from the coalition of Aboriginals of Quebec and just before the holding of the First Constitutional Conference of First Ministers on native issues, the cabinet adopted 15 principles to guide its relations with the Aboriginal peoples of Quebec, principles entirely subject to the framework of Quebec laws or to be determined by agreements with the government. 48 Three of these principles allude more or less directly to Aboriginal languages. Principle 1 thus recognises these peoples as distinct nations, with the right to their languages, their cultures, their customs and their traditions, and the right to determine, by themselves, their collective identities. Principle 7 also recognises the right of these nations to have and to administer institutions that correspond to their needs in the areas of culture, education, language, etc. Finally, Principle 8 gives Aboriginal nations the right to benefit from public funds in order to pursue objectives they consider fundamental. In March 1985, the National Assembly adopted a motion concerning the recognition of Native rights which gave official status to the principles adopted in 1983. In addition, it urged the government to 'conclude with those nations that so desire, or one or the other of their constituent communities, agreements assuring the exercise [ . . .] of the right to their culture, their language, their traditions [ . . .] such as to enable them to develop as distinct nations having their own identity and exercising their rights within Quebec.'49 Later, in June 1989, the Committee for sociocultural development of the Secretariat for Aboriginal Affairs produced a working paper entitled 'Maintenance and Development of the Aboriginal Languages of Quebec' which constitutes the first precise statement of Quebec policy in the area of Aboriginal languages. By examining the problems related to the Aboriginal languages, this document emphasizes the importance of these languages as vehicles of culture, of identity and even of survival, and it indicates the necessity for the Quebec government to take a position in favour of their development. It reiterates the three principles already adopted by cabinet in 1983 concerning Aboriginal languages, and proposes three more guidelines: (1) The equality of Aboriginal languages must be recognised and all must be considered worthy of support and preservation, those that are still alive to be given special attention; (2) the Aboriginal nations have

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the primary responsibility of protecting and enriching their languages; 50 (3) the government recognises that it must ensure assistance and support to those who want to learn an Aboriginal language'. Finally, this document enumerates 12 objectives of Quebec policy on Aboriginal languages, centred mainly on official recognition of the legitimacy and the value of these languages, safeguarding the cultural and linguistic heritage of the Aboriginal nations, putting in place programmes of maintenance and development and assistance to organisations and individuals working in the field of Aboriginal languages, all in the setting of close relations with the organisations responsible for the Aboriginal languages and under the coordination of the main government bodies responsible for native affairs (Secretariat for Aboriginal Affairs, Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, or Department of the Secretary of State). Throughout the 1980s, numerous actions and measures of support from the ministries and agencies of the government of Quebec followed on these various statements of principle regarding Quebec Aboriginal language policy. All departments stated that they agreed from that time on to follow the directives of the Secretariat for Aboriginal Affairs as expressed in its document 'Maintenance and development of the Aboriginal Languages of Quebec,' to respect the autonomy of the Aboriginal nations, and to be willing to act within the legal framework which establishes the responsibilities of the federal and provincial governments in their jurisdictions. In 1979, the Department of Education created an agency for coordination, consultation and information concerning all its activities in the Aboriginal milieu. This agency, which is called Coordination of Activities in the Amerindian and Inuit Setting,51 spends an annual budget of roughly $100,000 on the Aboriginal languages, both on empirical research and on creation and adaptation of school programmes and for educational materials for non-Convention Aboriginals in both primary and secondary school.52 This department also supplies important sums to the Convention Aboriginals (Cree, Inuit, Naskapi) to fulfil their obligation to apply the agreements in the field of education.53 The Department of Higher Education, Science and Technology finances and provides technical assistance to institutions of higher learning wishing to create programmes concerning Aboriginal languages, such as the Montagnais technolinguistics programme at the University of Quebec at Chicoutimi or the teacher training programme for Inuit teachers at McGill University. It seeks likewise to adapt various programmes and courses to the cultural and linguistic needs of Aboriginals with the aim of helping them to gain access to higher education.

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Other help comes from the Secretariat for Aboriginal Affairs (SAA), which took over from SAGMAI in 1987. The SAA apportions $50,000 per annum to the area of Aboriginal languages, principally for the development of dictionaries in Montagnais and Inuktitut. 54 It also provides a sum of roughly $15,000 a year for translations of insets in Cree, Montagnais and Inuktitut in Rencontre (SAGMAI, s.d.), published in French and in English and intended mainly for Aboriginal readers. For its part, the Commission de toponymie has for several years been interested in Aboriginal place names in Quebec, carrying out inventories of Aboriginal toponyms in the field. Accordingly, to date, it has collected almost 20,000 Aboriginal toponyms; it has made close to half official and it has published several place name glossaries related to various Aboriginal nations of Quebec.55 It standardises Aboriginal toponyms and in 1979 it also organised a workshop on the subject of the written form of Indian place names.56 In April 1983, it published an 'Announcement of Policy Concerning the Toponyms in Indian and Inuit Languages', which explains the policy of the Commission with regard to Aboriginal place names. More recently in May 1986, following its participation in a colloquium on Aboriginal place names in Ottawa, it elaborated a 'Policy Relative to Aboriginal Names'.57 The latter recognised the importance of Aboriginal place names as an integral part of the toponymic heritage of Quebecers, and pays particular attention to the regions inhabited or frequented by the Aboriginal population where the naming of places is an issue, respects the standardised writing systems of the Aboriginal languages and favours local consultation, particularly with band councils and elders. The Department of Cultural Affairs, through its general directorates for Heritage and for Northern Quebec, subsidises the activities of various Aboriginal cultural bodies as well as numerous publications in the Aboriginal languages, to the extent of roughly $40,000 per annum.58 For its part, the Department of Health and Social Services has contributed by publishing six brochures in Aboriginal languages on its areas of responsibility. In the case of Aboriginals governed by the Conventions, the Department of Justice and its itinerant courts use interpreters to help the accused and their families as well as the Aboriginal population who are present during hearings to understand all the court proceedings. The general directorate of judicial services of the same department has also established a thesaurus of frequently used terms with an explanation for each, which is to be translated into Cree, Inuktitut, Naskapi and Montagnais in the near future.

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As for the Department of Communications, it finances, for an amount of roughly $300,000 per annum, several Aboriginal community radio stations, of which some broadcast only partially in Aboriginal languages (southern Quebec) and others almost exclusively in Aboriginal languages (northern Quebec). 59 Since the early 1990s, the Atikamekw-Montagnais, Inuit and Hurons have made many requests to the Quebec Government for projects related to their vernacular languages, but funding is becoming increasingly scarce. Conclusion: Observations and Critical Review A close examination of the policies of the federal and Quebec governments concerning Aboriginal languages from 1867 to 1990 makes it possible to advance the following observations: • For more than a century (1867-1973), the federal government, which had almost exclusive responsibility for the administration of the Indians (and the Inuit) of Canada, had essentially only one policy toward the first inhabitants of its territory, that of assimilating them more or less rapidly into the dominant society by means of education and elimination of any trace of Aboriginal cultures and languages throughout the schools.60 • This policy failed. In fact, during the entire period, the Aboriginals showed unforeseen resistance to the federal project and struggled ferociously to maintain their cultures and their languages. Dispersed in small groups over a vast territory, long lacking in financial resources and representative political bodies powerful enough to affect federal policy, they nonetheless underwent, to degrees varying by region, partial deculturation, notably on the linguistic level. • Because of the sharply negative reaction of the Indians to the federal government's white paper on Indian policy (Government of Canada, 1969) and the declaration of principle by the Indian Brotherhood of Canada (1972), the federal government was obliged in 1973 to modify its policy concerning education of the Indians. Its Department of Indian and Northern Affairs then began to confer part of the administrative responsibility for this sector of activity to the various band councils and Aboriginal communities. This department gave its support to a project of Indianisation which aimed at training Aboriginal teachers and creating school curricula and teaching materials which were more respectful of the Aboriginal cultures and languages. Finally, other federal departments and agencies, among

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them the Department of the Secretary of State, developed programmes to foster the use of Aboriginal languages. • For a long time the government of Quebec played only a very marginal part in all this process. Only at the late dates of 1964 (transfer of administrative responsibilities in New Quebec) and again in 1975 and 1978 (James Bay and Northern Quebec agreement, Northeast agreement), did it begin to assume some responsibilities for the administration of Aboriginal groups in the northern areas of its territory (Cree, Inuit, Naskapi). Its policy with regard to Aboriginal education was then marked by innovative measures, notably providing for teaching of and through Aboriginal languages in some primary school classes, and placing the responsibility for school administration in Aboriginal hands (Aboriginal school boards) and making official the use of the vernaculars (Cree, Inuktitut, Naskapi) as teaching languages. Its French Language Charter recognised the Aboriginals' right to maintain and develop their original cultures, did not prevent the use of Aboriginal languages in teaching to Aboriginals and provided for various exceptional measures for Aboriginals. • The 1980s were characterised by serious reflection, discussion and negotiation on the subject of the constitutional status and the rights of Aboriginals in Canada, and the rights of Aboriginals within Quebec. The Canadian Constitution of 1982 officially recognises the Aboriginal peoples (Indians, Inuit, Métis) and their existing rights, but no first ministers' conference has yet come to an agreement over their definition. Quebec has officially recognised numerous rights of the Aboriginal nations on its territory, notably the right to their cultures, their languages, their customs and their traditions. It likewise adopted a precise policy on Aboriginal place names. The two governments still continue to support financially, according to political will, various programmes and services concerning Aboriginal languages. • In 1988, the House of Commons adopted an act (C-93, the Canadian Multiculturalism Act) which may have consequences for the learning, preservation and planning of Aboriginal languages in Canada. It also adopted another act (C-37) in 1990 aimed at establishing a Canadian Institute of Heritage Languages, whose mission would have consisted of encouraging, throughout Canada, the preservation as well as the use of these languages, but this act was opposed by the Assembly of First Nations and never received final approval by the Prime Minister. Since then, the Assembly of First Nations has continued its struggle for official recognition, protection and promo-

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tion of Aboriginal languages and cultures in the Canadian Constitution, as an inherent ancestral right and as a fundamental element of the Canadian heritage, and for the necessary resources to maintain and develop the Aboriginal languages (Assembly of First Nations, n.d.). As can be seen, clear policies for the conservation and planning of the development of Aboriginal languages are only at their very early stages and are far too recent to allow even a summary evaluation of their effects. Nonetheless, it is appropriate to attempt to sketch, in conclusion, a critical evaluation of the main government actions which may concern this domain, and to ask whether they are enough to attenuate, if not eliminate, the risk of extinction, which, in the very short run, threatens the majority of Aboriginal languages on Canadian and Quebec territory. Let us first emphasize that the mix of older and more recent government policies has produced a very complex legal and administrative structure in the domain of Indian education, both at the primary and secondary school levels. Let us take the current situation in Quebec. 61 In primary school, Indian children go either to reservation schools run directly by the bands, functioning within or outside the framework of an Indianisation project, to reservation schools jointly managed with provincial school boards or religious communities, or with management delegated to these same institutions, or to ordinary provincial schools. At the secondary level, Indian children are still mostly integrated into ordinary urban schools administered by the school boards. There are, however, some exceptions. Some secondary schools are situated on reservations and function, by means of agreements, with a curriculum equivalent to that of urban schools. Other secondary schools on the reservations are totally under band authority, from the point of view of both administration and of curriculum, and work outside the provincial system, outside the framework of any agreement. As well as these structures, there are also the Cree and Kativik school boards, which function within the provincial system of education and which totally manage their school curriculum at both the primary and secondary levels. This legal and structural complexity is naturally not without its consequences for the development of a school system which fully meets the needs and aspirations of Aboriginals. It complicates the negotiations of bands who want to take an active part in the education of their children and who seek to bring forward special modifications or adaptations to the curricula for Aboriginal populations. It results in an extreme fragmentation of educational experience and limits the possibilities for collaboration between Aboriginal bands regarding the development of a coherent school

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system. Finally it reveals that despite government commitments that followed Indian demands (1972-1973) and despite certain innovative formulas (such as Aboriginal school boards), native education remains still in a very large measure under the control of Euro-Canadians and not natives. 62 This legal and structural complexity is compounded by several problems inherent in starting a project for the Indianisation of the school system, whether at primary or secondary level. Up to the present in fact, this project has only had limited and sporadic government assistance, whether at the level of empirical and theoretical research guiding its conception, or in its practical implementation in the schools. It has been particularly restricted to the primary schools and has hardly had any effect in secondary schools. In these conditions, teaching of the mother tongue is put aside and the adaptation of programmes is limited to the field of human sciences, and only occasionally at that. Everywhere it has come up against a lack of legally qualified Aboriginal teachers. People have gone so far as to question the basis of the underlying model of Indianisation in the primary school, described as unbalancing from the linguistic and psycho-affective points of view and as ethnocentric (Hénaire, 1976a, b). There is more. Federal actions during the 1980s are marked by the application of various new programmes aimed at expanding and improving language programmes and services in the field of vernacular languages, particularly in the Northwest Territories and Yukon. One should also keep in mind, more generally, the failure of the four first ministers' conferences on constitutional questions concerning the Aboriginal peoples of Canada, which should have permitted a definition of the existing rights of these peoples, notably language rights. It is important to note that despite claims by the Aboriginals in this domain, at the present moment there is still no general policy on the conservation and development of the Aboriginal languages of Canada, no official recognition of any particular status for these languages and, still at the beginning of 1995, no agency whose specific mandate consists of attempting to ensure at least the maintenance of these languages. Two recent lawsthe Canadian Multiculturalism Act (House of Commons, 1988) and the Canadian Institute of Heritage Languages Act (Canadian Legislation, chapter 7, 1 February 1991)could doubtless constitute a partial form of recognition of the importance of these Aboriginal languages throughout Canada, but they place the latter on the same footing as all other minority languages which are non-official in Canada, which is totally unacceptable for the first nations. As for the Government of Quebec, the innovative character of some of its actions in relation to Aboriginal groups in the northern part of its

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territory must be recognised, as should the vigor of its policy on Aboriginal place names, and likewise its apparent generosity in recognising certain rights of the Aboriginal nations living within its borders, notably to maintain and develop their original languages and cultures. However, this should not eclipse other aspects of its actions, clearly more worthy of criticism. Quebec, like Canada for that matter, seems to continue to consider the Aboriginals to be ethnic minorities, an attitude which the first nations refuse with vigor, even if they are granted a special status. 63 In developing its policy toward Aboriginals, notably in the area of language, Quebec has most often acted by fits and starts, without a clear perspective or an overall plan; it has also too often acted unilaterally, without consultation and without true collaboration with those affected; finally, it has almost always done so while remaining silent about practical ways and means of putting the plan into action.64 The declarations of principle and recognition of rights during the 1980s seem to grant the eventual possibility of acquiring a degree of autonomy within the borders of Quebec, but these principles and rights remain entirely subject to the laws of the government or to agreements with the government, without any specific time frame for such agreements. Quebec was for a long time, and still continues in a certain way to be, a more or less active partner with the federal government in the domain of education of Aboriginals on its territory, and has thus contributed to their assimilation, notably where language is concerned.65 Several of the articles in the agreements dealing with the use of Aboriginal languages in the Quebec North are formulated in such a vague manner that they open the door to arbitrary judgments and interpretations on the part of the Quebec government, which could go against the true interests of the Aboriginals.66 As for the Declaration of Policy (Government of Québec, 1989a), it reiterates several of the principles described earlier in the Policy on Cultural Development and in the Motion Concerning the Recognition of Native Rights (20 March 1985), while limiting them to the domain of language. Its main weaknesses stem from the fact that it remains a very general declaration of intentions that does not specify in any way by what exact means Aboriginal languages will be protected and enriched, with what type of financial help and according to what schedule. To sum up, the issue of the maintenance and affirmation of Aboriginal languages has only very recently become an important preoccupation, whether for academics, Aboriginal political organisations (the Assembly of First Nations), or governments (federal or Quebec), in comparison with other matters (such as land claims, access to game, etc.). Considering the importance of the part played by the vernacular language in the maintenance of the cultural identity of the Aboriginal peoples, and also considering

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the imminent risk of the disappearance of a great number of Aboriginal languages on Canadian territory, we are of the opinion that the government policies adopted to date addressing Aboriginal demands in this domain remain extremely timid and, above all, concrete and concerted plans of action are overdue. An enormous challenge remains to be met by all responsible in this domain, one whose outcome will depend just as much on the success of the Aboriginals in administering all areas concerning their education, as on the real will of the dominant society to leave space for cultural and linguistic differences, particularly in the current difficult economic situation. Appendix: The Fifteen Principles of Quebec Policy on Aboriginals On 9 February 1983, the Conseil des ministres adopted the following 15 principles give in Decision 83-20: (1) Québec recognises that the Aboriginal peoples of Québec constitute distinct nations, entitled to their own culture, language, traditions and customs, and having the right to determine, by themselves, the development of their own identity. (2) It also recognises the right of Aboriginal nations, within the framework of Québec legislation, to own and control the lands that are attributed to them. (3) These rights are to be exercised by them as part of the Québec community and hence cannot imply rights of sovereignty that could affect the territorial integrity of Québec. (4) The Aboriginal nations may exercise, on the lands agreed upon between them and the government, hunting, fishing and trapping rights, the right to harvest fruit and game and to barter among themselves. Insofar as possible, their traditional occupations and needs are to be taken into account in designating these lands. The ways in which these rights may be exercised are to be defined in specific agreements concluded with each people. (5) The Aboriginal nations have the right to take part in the economic development of Québec. The government is also willing to recognise that they have the right to exploit to their own advantage, within the framework of existing legislation, the renewable and non-renewable resources of the lands allocated to them. (6) The Aboriginal nations have the right, within the framework of existing legislation, to govern themselves on the lands allocated to them.

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(7) The Aboriginal nations have the right to have and control, within the framework of agreements between them and the government, such institutions as may correspond to their needs in matters of culture, education, language, health and social services as well as economic development. (8) The Aboriginal nations are entitled, within the framework of laws of general application and of agreements between them and the government, to benefit from public funds to encourage the pursuit of objectives they deem to be fundamental. (9) The rights recognised by Québec as the rights of Aboriginal peoples apply equally to women and men. (10) From Québec's point of view, the protection of existing rights also includes rights arising from agreements between Aboriginal peoples and Québec concluded within the framework of land claims settlement. Moreover, the James Bay and Northern Québec Agreement and the Northeastern Québec Agreement are to be considered treaties with full force and effect. (11) Québec is willing to consider that existing rights arising out of the Royal Proclamation of 7 October 1763, concerning Aboriginal nations be explicitly recognised within the framework of Québec legislation. (12) Québec is willing to consider case-by-case recognition of treaties signed outside Canada or before Confederation, Aboriginal title, as well as the rights of Aboriginal nations that could arise therefrom. (13) The Aboriginal nations of Québec, due to circumstances that are peculiar to them, may enjoy tax exemptions in accordance with terms agreed upon between them and the government. (14) In the event the government is to legislate on matters related to the fundamental rights of the Aboriginal nations as recognised by Québec, it pledges to consult them through mechanisms to be determined between them and the Government. (15) Once established, such mechanisms could be institutionalised so as to guarantee the participation of the Aboriginal nations in discussions pertaining to their fundamental rights. Acknowledgements Louis Forgues carried out an important part of the documentary research on the basis of which this chapter was written, and collected numerous pieces of information from resource persons in various ministries and other bodies of the federal government in Ottawa and the Government of Quebec in Quebec City. We thank him and all those persons, too numerous to mention, whose generous collaboration helped

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further this research. We wish also to express our gratitude to ethnolinguists José Mailhot and Marguerite Mackenzie, who provided comments on an initial draft of this work. Any errors of fact or interpretation that may be present are our entire responsibility. Notes 1. An Antane Kapesh, Je suis une maudite sauvagesse (1976: 87). 2. Among others consulted are Foster (1982), Drapeau (1984a), Lowe (1984) and Priest (1985). Foster (1982: 8) estimates that among the 53 distinct Aboriginal languages still spoken in Canada, those with the greatest chances of survival in the year 2000 are Inuktitut, Cree and Ojibwa. 3. For more information on certain aspects of this process, we recommend Jaenen (1986) and Wilson (1986). 4. Interesting developments concerning government policy relative to Aboriginals can be found in Savard and Proulx (1982) and Frideres (1988). Barman (1986, 1987), on which the first part of this article is based, deals more precisely with the government policies on education. 5. For a history of ecclesiastical societies in Canada, see Grant (1984), in particular Chapter 8, titled 'The Classical Pattern of Indian Missions', pp. 167-289. 6. For an in-depth account of the system of schooling in an on-reservation residential school, read Persson's article (1986: 150167). 7. Reported in Barman (1986: 10, 13). 8. After 1876, the Indian Act underwent several legislative modifications, in 1880, 1886, 1906 and 1927. 9. In the statutory and judicial sense of the term. 10. Forgues (1987) deals with this process in the case of the Inuit of New Quebec. 11. In 1971, almost two-thirds of the Indian pupils in primary and secondary schools were 'integrated' into provincial schools. Only 20% of these Indian pupils completed secondary school (Frideres, 1988: 178-82). 12. For further details on the reactions of some Indians living in Quebec towards this policy, see Kapesh (1976: 67-95). 13. It was at this time that the federal government began to delegate its powers in the matter of the administration of the Aboriginal schools, which were inherited by the Government of Yukon, for the children of status Indians in 1967, and the Council of the Northwest Territories in 1969 and 1970, for the Indians and the Inuit. 14. See Indian Brotherhood of Canada (1972) (today called The Assembly of First Nations), as well as other reactions in various publications, notably those of Cardinal (1969), an Indian who was born and raised in Western Canada. 15. More precisely, the document emphasises the importance of teaching through the medium of the Aboriginal language in kindergarten and primary school and, in certain conditions, teaching the mother tongue at least as a second language. It also advocates that neither English nor French be introduced as a second language so long as the Indian child has not acquired a mastery of his vernacular language (Indian Brotherhood of Canada, 1972: 13-14; Gagné, 1979: 119). 16. According to the Survey on the education of Indians. Phase 1 (Government of Canada, 1982b: 15), 450 out of 577 Indian bands administered all or part of their

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educational programmes at the start of the 1980s. There were also 137 band-administered schools on the reservations. 17. To study the question further, good readings are the article by Gagné (1979: 120-26) and, in a more critical perspective, that by Larose (1984). Theoretically, the project of Amerindianisation was not limited to band-administered schools, but could also be spread to the schools administered by the federal government or under provincial administration (Government of Canada, 1982b: 8-13). 18. See on this subject the part entitled 'Brief Summary of Problems' in Survey on the education of Indians. Phase 1 (Government of Canada, 1982b: 2-3). 19. Under the Quebec Indianisation project, the Indian child was expected, ideally, to receive teaching in his mother tongue from an Aboriginal teacher 90% of the time in kindergarden, 80% of the time during Grade 1, 65% in Grade 2, 50% in Grade 3 and so on up to Grade 6, at which time the teaching of his language would be only one of several subjects (Gagné, 1979: 123). 20. These are government statistics and should doubtless be subjected to critical examination. 21. All of these programmes are described in the brochure of the Department of the Secretary of State entitled Guide to Native Citizen Programs (Government of Canada, 1989). 22. For further information, see Dominique (1987). 23. Reported in Government of Québec (1989c: 2). 24. Notably the singularly unimpressive episode of a nationalist geographer visiting New Quebec and renaming several localities in French. 25. We mention only the following events: an administrative tug-of-war between the two governments until end of the 1960s, a round of federal-provincial consultations in 1969 (Neville-Robitaille Commission), the establishment of a joint federalprovincial administration from 1970, contestation of the James Bay project by the Cree and the Inuit in 1972 and judgement of the High Court and the Court of Appeal in 1973. 26. We note that, to our knowledge, there has never been a complete translation and publication of these two agreements in Cree, Inuktitut or Naskapi. 27. On this subject see clause 2.6 of the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement (Government of Québec, 1980). 28. That is to say, it should respect the Charter of the French Language. 29. On this matter consult Government of Quebec (1980: al. 10.0.12,10.0.13,10.0.14, chapter 12, annex 2, art. 8; chapter 13, annex 1, art. 8). 30. This does not mean that teaching in all the primary and secondary classes is in the Aboriginal language. 31. On this topic, consult Government of Quebec (1880: al. 16.0.9, 16.0.10, 17.0.63, 17.0.64). 32. See Government of Quebec (1980: al. 18.0.7, 18.0.15, 18.0.17, 18.0.19, 18.0.29f, 18.0.30,18.03.31,18.0.36,20.0.7,20.0.12,20.0.16,20.0.18,20.0.20,20.0.23,20.0.24). 33. See Government of Quebec (1980: al. 18.0.30). 34. It appears that this clause is not limited to Cree. We greatly doubt that these possibilities were ever used. 35. Already in 1975, the 'Philosophy of the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement' described the Cree and the Inuit as minorities, going so far as to use the expression 'peuplades autochtones' (native settlements).

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36. There is, as can be seen, a certain redundancy between the first and third principles. 37. On this topic see Maurice Bulbulian's film entitled Dancing Around the Table parts I and II (National Film Board of Canada). 38. All these developments are mentioned in Jamieson (1988a) and Kirkness (1988). 39. The Assembly of First Nations refused to accept Aboriginal languages being grouped in the same category as other linguistic minorities in Canada (Ukrainian, German, Chinese, etc.) because these all benefit from their connections with a main body of speakers (outside the country), an advantage obviously unavailable to the native languages of Canada. 40. For example, for developing pedagogical materials and programmes; for training teachers, linguists, interpreters, translators, etc.; for language research; for developing mechanisms for sharing information, tools and other resources among the native groups, etc. 41. This bill, shelved after reading, was presented by a Member of the Liberal Party of Canada, Ethel Blondin, representing the constituency of Western Arctic and her party's spokesperson for Aboriginal Affairs. This Member presented the Bill a second time in the following session, under the number C-282. Debated during the second reading of 21 October 1991, it was subsequently expunged from the record. 42. At the time this article was being prepared for publication, no Heritage, Ancestral or Aboriginal Languages Institute existed. 43. 1981, at the University of Saskatchewan (Cummins, 1983b), 1984 in Ottawa (Cummins, 1984) and 1988 in Toronto. 44. On this topic see Drapeau (1983, 1984b). 45. In total, the budget for this programme was close to two million dollars in 1989 (of which $86,900 was for Quebec), but this was reduced to one million dollars for the 1990 fiscal year. 46. This programme was previously run by the Department of Communications and the Department of Amerindian, Inuit and Northern Affairs. 47. These principles are enumerated in SAGMAI, Rencontre 2 (2): 4 January 1981. 48. These principles are enumerated in SAGMAI, Rencontre, 4 (3): 4 March 1983 (and included in this work as an appendix to Chapter 3). 49. This motion (in French: Motion portant sur la reconnaissance des droits des Autochtones) was reprinted in SAGMAI, Rencontre, 6 (4): June 1985. 50. This principle was already recognised in the Politique québécoise du développement culturel. 51. A pamphlet describes the mandate of the Department of Education of Quebec regarding educational activities in the Aboriginal milieu (Government of Québec, 1988b). 52. For an example of this, see Government of Québec (1985). 53. The bulk of information about the initiatives of various departments and agencies of the Quebec government concerning Aboriginal languages is drawn from the document of the Secretariat for Aboriginal Affairs, 'Maintenance and Development of the Aboriginal Languages in Quebec.' 54. Such as the dictionary by Taamusi Qumaq (1991). 55. On this topic, see Government of Québec (1989c: 1). 56. See Government of Québec (1979).

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57. Published in the Guide toponymique du Québec (Vallières & Bonnely, 1987), also in Le Toponyme (Government of Québec, 1989c). 58. These bodies are principally the Atikamekw-Montagnais Educational and Cultural Institute (IECAM), the Atikamekw Linguistic Institute (ILA), the Avataq Cultural Institute and the Mohawk Language Group. 59. According to information received, the languages used on the community radios are Inuktitut, Cree, Montagnais, Atikamekw, Naskapi and, in the near future, Micmac. The Wendake community radio broadcasts almost exclusively in French, whereas the Mohawk stations broadcast only in English. 60. This is what anthropologists commonly call an ethnocide. 61. The following is drawn, in essence, from Larose (1984). 62. In a recent article, Dorais (1988a) maintained that only true political autonomy, founded on the management of economic resources, could guarantee the development of the Aboriginal languages of the Canadian North, notably Inuktitut. 63. This subject is briefly discussed in the document of the Comité d'appui aux Premieres Nations (Committee of Support to the First Nations) (1990: 80). 64. On this topic, see Government of Québec (1991). 65. Without doubt this is why An Antane Kapesh, quoted in the epigraph to this chapter, seems to attribute the responsibility for the disappearance of the Aboriginal languages to the Quebec government and not to the federal government. 66. Along the lines of statements such as 'whenever possible' or 'when it is appropriate to do so.'

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Chapter 4 The State of the Art in Linguistic Research, Standardisation and Modernisation in Quebec Aboriginal Languages Lynn Drapeau Introduction There are nine different Aboriginal languages in Quebec, belonging to three different language families and spread out over an immense territory. Fragmented into over 40 enclave communities, they present a very complex sociolinguistic picture. Although some of these languages, such as Atikamekw, Inuktitut and Cree, are still among North America's healthiest native languages, the fast declining rates of Aboriginal language unilingualism in all language groups means that a shift to the majority language (French or English) is impending and that none of them is really safe. In an effort to shield off language loss, Aboriginal people have devoted much effort towards the development of literacy in their languages in the past 20 years. These efforts have yielded new domains of native language use, especially in the realm of schools. This chapter aims at providing an assessment of the present state of instrumentalisation in Quebec's native languages. We shall survey the array of both human and material resources as well as the state of scientific knowledge that can be put to work in consolidating and developing these languages. Finally, we hope to yield a global understanding of the development of standardisation and modernisation in these languages. Inuktitut 1 North American geopolitical frontiers impose highly artificial boundaries on indigenous languages and aggravate the tendency towards

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fragmentation. The Inuit language is a good example of this phenomenon as the Eskimo-Aleut language spreads from Siberia through Alaska and the Canadian Arctic, to the Northern tip of the Quebec-Labrador peninsula and all the way to Greenland. The family is divided into two branches. The Eskimo branch is split into two dialect groups, Yupik and Inuit-Inupiaq, often referred to as Eastern Eskimo, and to which Quebec Inuktitut is linked. The Inuit-Inupiaq language forms a dialect chain from Western Alaska to Greenland. Although there does exist some amount of mutual intelligibility between neighbouring dialects, distant communities do not share mutual intelligibility and specialists agree in establishing four distinct regions: Alaska, Western Canada, Eastern Canada and Greenland (Krauss, 1973; 1979; Woodbury, 1984; see also Dorais, this volume). Inuktitut boasts the highest rate of unilingualism among Quebec's indigenous populations (see Dorais, this volume). This language family has been the focus of much attention on the part of the international scientific community. For a survey of pre-20th century works see Krauss who, following Pilling, provides a thorough source list (Krauss, 1973; Krauss, 1979; Pilling, 1887). Paillet's 1979 grammatical description also offers information on sources. A major bibliography and a presentation of the entire family are given in Woodbury (1984), and an interesting collection of papers was edited by Eric Hamp (1976). Dorais (1990b) has published a study of the dialectology of Eskimo-Aleut languages, along with a multidialectal lexicon of some 1400 words transcribed in 14 dialects from Greenland to the Mackenzie Delta (Dorais, 1990a). With two issues per year, the interdisciplinary journal Etudes/Inuit/Studies 2 often publishes linguistic articles (see Dorais's (1981b) special issue on the language). An interdisciplinary conference, the Inuit Studies Conference, meets every two years and has done so for over 15 years. At Laval University the Inuksiutiit Katimajiit Association, which organises the Conference, also publishes reference works on the dialects of Canada and Greenland.3 Tusagatsait, the newsletter on Inuktitut linguistics, is published in Yellowknife.4 Given the abundance of reference works on the language, this section will concentrate on a presentation of material pertaining to the dialects spoken in Quebec. Several grammars for the language exist. Schneider's 1967 work concerns the Ungava sub-dialect and he also wrote 'a purely Eskimo grammar' in several volumes (Schneider, 1976a; b; c, 1976d, 1978). Dorais (1988b) provided a grammar relating to the Canadian Eastern Arctic in general, including Arctic Quebec. Based on the Ivujivik dialect and aimed at language learners, Trinel's (1970) short grammar features a list of infixes and a short Inuktitut-French vocabulary list.

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With respect to lexicology, Schneider (1968) compiled for the Ungava dialect a dictionary of infixes, an Inuktitut-French bilingual dictionary as well as a French-Inuktitut counterpart (Schneider, 1970). Dorais has also published an etymological dictionary of Inuktitut neologisms (terms describing objects and concepts imported from Euro-Canadian culture), both in French (Dorais, 1978) and in English (Dorais, 1983). Dirmid Collis has translated Schneider's bilingual dictionary into English (Schneider, 1985). Finallly, an elder from Povungnituk in Nordic Quebec, Taamusi Qumaq, has compiled a monumental dictionary of some 30,000 words with definitions solely in Inuktitut, using the syllabary (Qumaq, 1991). There also exists a manual of Inuktitut by Dorais (1975) and a course in Arctic Quebec Inuktitut for francophone beginners (Ortiz & Kanarjuaq, 1993). Studies on bilingualism and language use among the Inuit provide valuable information for any attempt at language planning among this population (see Avataq, 5 1990; Dorais, 1989; Dorais & Collis, 1987; Taylor, 1990; Taylor & Wright, 1990). As for their writing systems, the Northern Quebec Inuit, along with those from Baffin, Keewatin and the Netsilik Inuit, use a syllabic system, while those from Labrador and the Western Arctic use the Roman alphabet. The Inuit syllabics6 evolved towards the end of the 19th century from the syllabic system designed for the Cree by Father Evans in the 1830s. The writing system in both the Roman alphabet and syllabics was standardised by a motion at the general meeting of Inuit Tapirisat of Canada in 1976.7 The Kativik School Board later introduced minor adjustments for the Inuit of Northern Quebec. The latter also learn the Roman system in school, but never really use it. S.T. Mallon (1985) provides a clear assessment of the issues at stake in standardising the writing system among the Inuit. The body of written text in Inuktitut is sizable and greatly outnumbers that of any other indigenous languages spoken in Quebec. The Kativik School Board has already published over 200 school manuals and reading texts in Inuktitut, English and French.8 The Inuit have also been reflecting on the role of the language and culture in schooling their children. Stairs (1985) provides a discussion of the debates and reflections among the Inuit over these questions. Of all Quebec's indigenous peoples, the Inuit surpass the others with respect to lexical modernisation. From what I have been able to gather, they are the only ones to have tackled in a systematic way the problem of lexical elaboration in their language. The Kativik School Board, for example, has appointed a committee that devises the terminology required for teaching modern subjects, such as mathematics, history and sciences. This commit-

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tee is made up of elders, teachers and Inuit specialists. The Inuit hold a conservative stance towards lexical elaboration. They prefer to coin new words rather than borrow, as evidenced by T. Qumaq's dictionary in which several new Inuktitut words can be found. It would seem, however, that the younger generations have a strong tendency to borrow. The Kativik School Board and the Avataq Cultural Institute are the main bodies involved with language. Avataq at one point created a linguistic commission of Inuit elders charged with defining and discussing linguistic problems (Avataq, 1985). This commission has since been dismantled. Despite the fact that the Inuktitut language has attracted the interest of many scholars around the world, few of them are Quebec based. Gilles Lefebvre initiated research on Inuktitut from a structural perspective. He devoted his attention to devising a uniform cross-dialectal orthography (Lefebvre, 1956; 1957). Nowadays, the bulk of the research on Inuktitut is carried out at Laval University. In the past 20 years, Louis-Jacques Dorais has published a series of studies on dialectology, the lexicon, grammar and ethnosemantics. Ronald Lowe (1981) authored a monograph on word structure and has published several descriptions of the Eskimo dialects of the Western Canadian Arctic. Dirmid Collis has an interest in syntax and lexicology and Michèle Therrien conducts ethnosemantic research on the Northern Quebec dialect. The Kativik School Board and the Avataq Cultural Institute authorise a number of linguists to conduct research in Northern Quebec. Martha Crago and Shanley Allen from McGill University are studying, for Kativik, the acquisition of Inuktitut by Inuit children. Algonquian Languages The Algonquian languages spoken in Quebec may be divided into three groups. The northern group comprises Cree, Montagnais, Naskapi and Atikamekw. Algonquin is spoken in the South while the Micmac and Abenaki groups are located to the East. 9 The northern group forms part of the Cree complex, a convenient label for this dialect continuum in which each dialect is partly intelligible to its neighbours (Rhodes & Todd, 1981). Similarly, the speakers of Algonquin are part of the Ojibwa complex that extends into Ontario. In Canada, the Cree complex comprises the Cree dialects spoken along the Northern Ontario shore (Moose Cree and Swampy Cree), as well as in the centre of Manitoba (Woods Cree), Saskatchewan and Alberta (Plains Cree). This group is also known as the Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi dialect continuum, but it is commonly held that the Quebec and Labrador dialects

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share a set of features that set them apart from the western dialects (MacKenzie, 1980). The Ojibwa complex comprises eight dialects spoken over a territory that covers Southwest Quebec and Ontario (Eastern Ojibwa), Michigan (the Ottawa dialect), Central (Central Ojibwa) and Northern Ontario inland (North-West Ojibwa and the Severn dialect), the northern parts of Wisconsin and Minnesota (Southwest Ojibwa) as well as Southern Manitoba (Saulteux) and Saskatchewan (see Rhodes et al., 1981 for a description). Given the dialectological characteristics of the languages of the Cree and Ojibwa complex, it is linguistically quite arbitrary to separate those dialects spoken in Quebec from the others. 10 No effort is made by the Quebec Algonquian groups for joint linguistic development among the languages of the family. A panAlgonquian orthography devised in the mid-1970s as part of the La Macaza amerindianisation project (Ministry of Indian Affairs) was shelved. Even the Cree, Montagnais, Naskapi and Atikamekw who, after all, speak closely related dialects, remain within the confines of their own administrative jurisdictions that have evolved in the recent past and that overshadow the cultural ties that link them. Indeed, these groups essentially share the same material and spiritual culture and a common ethnic label: innu (Montagnais), ilnu (Western Montagnais), iynu (East Cree and Naskapi), irnu (Atikamekw). There is an established tradition of scholarly research on Algonquian languages that has given rise to numerous publications among which Bloomfield's (1946) is probably the most useful. Further details cannot be provided here, but the reader may consult reference works on the topic (Goddard, 1979; Pentland & Wolfart, 1982; Sturtevant, 1978; 1981). Hanzeli (1969) further provides a survey of both published and manuscript missionary works in New France. As for contemporary scholarly activities, the interdisciplinary conference on Algonquianists held its 25th annual meeting in 1993 and its proceedings have been published on a regular basis since 1975 by William Cowan. The Papers now have a new editor: David Pentland from the University of Manitoba.11 Finally, John Nichols12 publishes four issues a year of a newsletter on Algonquian and Iroquoian linguistic research. The Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi Dialect Complex Cree13 The Cree dialect as spoken in Quebec is placed on a linguistic continuum between Montagnais-Naskapi to the East and the Cree dialects spoken

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west of James Bay. For this reason, it has variously been labelled East Cree or Western Montagnais. The former label stresses the specificity of Montagnais as distinct from all other Cree dialects, whereas the latter underscores the common characteristics of all the Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi dialects spoken in Quebec. The Quebec Cree are scattered in nine villages in Western Quebec and the James Bay area. Nearly all Quebec Cree have Cree as a first language and a little less than a third know neither French nor English (see Dorais, this volume for current number of speakers and population figures). They usually speak English as their second language, but French is also used as the teaching medium in some communities such as Mistassini and Waswanipi. The research report produced by Bobbish-Salt and Rabbitt (1990) provides a picture of actual language use and future prospects for the Cree language. The writing system used by the Quebec Cree is syllabic. Syllabics are also common to the Northern Ontario Cree, the Ojibwa, the Quebec Inuit, the Cherokee (Iroquoian family) as well as among speakers of some Athapascan languages such as Chipewyan and Slavey. The Cree syllabic system was devised towards the end of the 1830s by Father James Evans who was then a missionary in Manitoba. Evans invented a very economical system using few symbols (roughly 10) each representing a syllable. The symbol is rotated at 90 degree angles depending on the quality of the vowel, expressing the four vocalic distinctions of Cree (/a/, /e/, /i/, /u/). Vowel length is symbolized by a dot over the character (Bennett & Berry, 1989; Murdoch, 1981). 14 Owing to its remarkable efficiency and the speed with which it may be learned, the Cree syllabic system spread extremely quickly among the ancestors of the present-day Cree. Bennett and Berry claim that, at the turn of the century, the Cree population enjoyed one of the highest literacy rates in the world. Paradoxically, the decline of the syllabics began with the arrival of compulsory 'formal' instruction in White-run schools. Despite its decline among the younger generations, the syllabic writing system remains an important symbol of cultural identity (Bennett & Berry, 1987). It is necessary to distinguish between adopting a common set of symbols for the sounds of the language and the adopting of a standard and uniform writing system. The eight villages that make up East Cree are divided into two dialectal areas: the northern dialect is spoken in Great Whale, Chisasibi and Wemindji; the southern dialect is spoken on the coast at Rupert House and Eastmain and inland at Mistassini, Waswanipi and Nemaska. The writing system was standardised by identifying those elements that were

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similar across dialects and where discrepancies were observed, the differences were levelled to an extent acceptable to the population. The resulting system has crystallized around a common norm with two regional variants and is currently in use at the Cree School Board that has officially endorsed it. MacKenzie (1985) provides an account of this orthographic reform. As is the case elsewhere in Quebec, public opinion among the Cree towards the standardisation of the writing system has altered considerably over the years. While most of them were opposed in the mid-1970s to the establishment of a written standard, the idea is now largely accepted. As the standard writing system is fairly abstract, it is necessary to train Cree specialists to use it. The system in use today could, in theory, be modified towards complete standardisation for the whole Cree area. One must count on a change in public opinion on this topic as well as on a possible increase in the use of print as Cree penetrates the schooling system. The written corpus is modest in size, embodied mostly in schooling material. There are materials available for teaching Cree syllabics at all levels in primary school and even at the high school level in some communities. Language arts classes are available for 2 to 4 hours a week and a bilingual transition programme is offered at the primary level by the Cree School Board. 15 Of all the dialects of Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi, Eastern Cree is closest to Western Cree, for which abundant documentation exists. Those interested should also consult the works on Western Cree that have been produced. The Quebec Cree possess one of the most complete Cree-English dictionaries; it contains nearly 15,000 entries in syllabics and Roman orthography. Entries appear following the order of syllabics (MacKenzie et al., 1987). An English-Cree manuscript by the same authors is available as is a visual dictionary intended for the early primary grades. The late Father Louis-Philippe Vaillancourt published a FrenchCree dictionary in 1992. No specialised lexica have come to our attention, but Ellis has published a lexicon of grammatical terms in Western Cree and Ojibva, which might prove very useful for Quebec Cree (Ellis, 1986). As for grammatical descriptions, Marguerite MacKenzie and Sandra Clarke, both from Memorial University of Newfoundland, have prepared a useful description of verbal paradigms (MacKenzie & Clarke, 1981). MacKenzie has also been working on a teachers' reference grammar. Grammatical information can be gleaned from the voluminous course in Cree (as a second language) by Father Vaillancourt (1978, 1980). The most complete descriptions of Cree dialectology are found in MacKenzie (1980)

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and Pentland (1978,1979). The interested reader can also consult Michelson (1924, 1939), and Rhodes & Todd (1981). There are very few university researchers working on the Cree dialects of Quebec. Pierre Martin of Laval University studied the phonetics and phonology of these dialects during the 1960s. Marguerite Mackenzie, since the early 1970s, has devoted herself to research dealing mainly with dialectology, morphology and lexicon. Her involvement in the Cree milieu has been of considerable impact as she has also concerned herself with the issue of orthography and has contributed to the training of Cree language teachers. In Mistassini, Rod and Leisl Bartlett have trained Cree specialists in translation and grammatical analysis. They have produced a large amount of material in Cree (Roman alphabet and syllabics) such as New Testament translations and reading courses in Cree. Luci Salt and Louise Blacksmith, both co-authors of the Cree-English dictionary (MacKenzie et al., 1987) have completed a training programme for technolinguists as part of the University of Quebec at Chicoutimi certificate, and have since acquired much experience in applied linguistics. Naskapi The Naskapi dialect of Cree-Montagnais is spoken in two communities, Kawawachikamach, near Schefferville, and Davis Inlet, Labrador. The Naskapi are also known as Mushuauinnuat. All speak Naskapi as their mother tongue and the younger generation use English as a second language. According to figures cited by Dorais (this volume), the entire Naskapi populations use their ancestral language as their mother tongue. A sociolinguistic survey of the community of Kawawachikamach was carried out (Anon., 1984) which covered languages spoken, understood, read and written by the population. Few studies of this type on Quebec's native population exist, and the Naskapi Development Corporation 16 is to be congratulated for this achievement. The Naskapi dialect bridges the gap between Cree and Montagnais. Although its unique characteristics have received little attention, a number of studies have helped fill the gap (Ford, 1978; MacKenzie, 1979; 1980). The Naskapi Development Corporation has just released a comprehensive Naskapi lexicon containing over 10,000 Naskapi entries and divided in 3 volumes: a Naskapi-English/French lexicon, an English/Naskapi index as well as a French/Naskapi index (MacKenzie & Jancewicz, 1994). The lexicon also features an introduction to the Naskapi language and sections covering the syllabic writing system, pronunciation, grammatical notes and history. A booklet on some aspects of Naskapi grammar has also been produced (Martens & Chase, 1983). Allan Ford of the University of

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Montreal has developed a handbook for learners of Labrador Naskapi (Ford, n.d.). The Quebec Naskapi use the Cree syllabic orthography, and it is fortunate that the writing system used in the Naskapi dictionary (MacKenzie et al., 1994) is the same as that used by the neighbouring Cree. The existence of this dictionary will undoubtedly contribute to the standardisation of written usage. Despite their close linguistic ties with other members of the Cree-Montagnais dialect continuum, the Naskapi constitute a distinct entity from both an administrative and a political point of view. Such barriers can only have negative effects on the development of educational materials and literacy in general. Few university researchers are devoted to the study of Naskapi. Marguerite MacKenzie is working on lexicological research on the Kawawachikamach dialect. Alan Ford has on several occasions done fieldwork with the Labrador Naskapi. Montagnais The Montagnais are spread out over an immense territory: to the north and east of Lac Saint-Jean, they cover the northeastern portion of the Quebec-Labrador peninsula. At present, they are settled in villages on Lac Saint-Jean, in Schefferville and the whole length of the middle and lower North Shore (of the St Lawrence River) up to the shores of Lake Melville near Goose Bay in Labrador. In all, there are 11 Montagnais villages. Montagnais still thrives in most communities, except for the villages of Les Escoumins, where only French is spoken, and Mashteuiatsh (formerly Pointe-Bleue), where the shift to French is near completion. It appears that in Sept-Iles, the trend towards language shift that began approximately 20 years ago may be reversing (see Dorais, this volume for population figures and estimates on the number of speakers). Montagnais is one of the best documented languages in Quebec. At the lexicological level, despite their inaccessibility to a nonspecialist readership, it is important to note the publication of three dictionaries of Old Montagnais that are the legacy of French missionaries. Two 17th century Montagnais-French dictionaries (Fabvre, 1970; Silvy, 1974) and an 18th century FrenchMontagnais dictionary (Laure, 1988) are important for retracing the history of the language. From the turn of the century, an important French-Montagnais dictionary based on a dialect that could have been the forerunner of the Betsiamites dialect, has come to us from Father Lemoine (1901).

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The first works by non-missionaries appeared only in the mid-1970s, with the publication of a Montagnais-French lexicon of the Sept-Îles and Schefferville dialect (Mailhot & Lescop, 1977) containing some 8000 Montagnais entries. This was followed by an approximately 5000 word Montagnais-French lexicon of the Mingan dialect (McNulty & Basile, 1981). In the same period, aided by Father Alexis Jouveneau, the Comité culturel des Montagnais de La Romaine produced an illustrated dictionary of approximately 4000 words (Anon., 1978). Father Lapointe has compiled a dictionary of the Natashquan dialect. A 1000-word lexicon of the Mashteuiatsh dialect was made available (Charlish, n.d.). Each of these works followed different orthographic conventions. The most recent Montagnais-French dictionary contains more than 21,000 Montagnais entries (Drapeau, 1991). Although it is based on data gathered in the community of Betsiamites, Montagnais citation forms are given in standardised orthography. Each entry also includes a broad phonetic transcription and information on the cognate in lower North Shore dialect. Two specialised lexicons have recently appeared: the first, a 'Montagnais health lexicon', presents a Montagnais-French glossary followed by a French-Montagnais index (Drapeau, 1990) and the second, which deals with Mingan ethnobotany, contains a section on ethnobotanical terminology (Clément, 1990). In the area of grammatical descriptions, a small grammar of the Mingan dialect (McNulty, 1971) as well as a fairly comprehensive grammar of the Sheshatshiu dialect in Labrador (Clarke, 1982) should be mentioned. The latter work is very useful for an understanding of all Montagnais dialects. Pierre Martin's work (1991) analyses Montagnais from the point of view of Martinet's functionalist theory. It is also worth mentioning that Father Lemoine's dictionary (1901) includes a grammar focused on verbal conjugations. A grammar of Montagnais appeared in 1995 (Drapeau & Baraby, 1995). It provides an assessment of dialect differences, a full description of all paradigms and their use as well as a lengthy discussion of the morphosyntax. There also exists a good selection of detailed studies on inflectional (Baraby, 1984) and derivational morphology (Cloutier, 1988; Drapeau, 1979), and aspect and discourse analysis (Cyr, 1990). Montagnais dialectology is well documented although the varieties of the lower North Shore could benefit from improved coverage from a comparative perspective. An overview can be found in the works of Cowan (1976), Drapeau et al. (1975), MacKenzie et al. (1981) and Michelson (1939). A study of dialect differences in Montagnais was carried out as part of the Montagnais orthographic standardisation project (Drapeau & Mailhot,

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1989). Several articles document linguistic changes underway in the communities of Natashquan (Baraby, 1989), Betsiamites (Drapeau, 1981a, b), and Sheshatshiu (Clarke, 1987; Clarke & MacKenzie, 1982, 1983, 1984). A course in Montagnais aimed at francophone learners has been produced by Ford and Bacon (1978-79). Much progress has been made in standardising Montagnais orthography. A first attempt failed in the mid-1970s resulting in a certain amount of pessimism about the possibility of reaching any consensus on orthography (Mailhot, 1975, 1985). The process of standardisation was revived in Betsiamites in the early 1980s (Drapeau, 1985a, b) and was subsequently extended to all Montagnais communities under the direction of the Institut éducatif et culturel atikamekw-montagnais (IECAM 17). The results of the whole process are set down in a practical handbook aimed at teachers and authors of Montagnais texts (Drapeau & Mailhot, 1989). Because of the marked dialect differences between the western dialects (Betsiamites, Sept-Îles and Schefferville) and those of the lower North Shore, it was not possible to eliminate all orthographic disparities. As is true elsewhere in the context of indigenous languages, the development of a body of written literature is initially dependent on the production of teaching materials. The team of material developers in Betsiamites18 boasts a full range of programmes and educational materials for teaching the language at the primary and secondary levels, several short reading texts as well as a programme, with accompanying materials, for teaching reading, writing, mathematics, natural science and social studies at the primary level with Montagnais as the medium of instruction. Apart from the numerous collections of first-person narratives and legends that have appeared since the mid-1970s, the Montagnais are responsible for the appearance of a number of creative works including essays (André, 1984; Kapesh, 1976), a collection of reminiscences (Vachon, 1985) and even a play (Kapesh, 1979). An autobiography by an elder Natashquan woman was recorded and put into print (Tshishenniu-Maninuish, 1994). The Montagnais are still at an early stage in the area of planned modernisation of their lexicon. ICEM is currently shepherding a project for developing terminology related to grammar and writing for an educational milieu. Other projects are being promoted in the area of juridical terminology. Several sociolinguistic surveys of Montagnais communities have been released in the last few years. Anne-Sophie Oudin and Lynn Drapeau have surveyed the communitiy of Betsiamites (Oudin, 1992; Oudin & Drapeau, 1993) and Mashteuiatsh. The results of the former study should become available in the near future.

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University-affiliated and independent researchers working on Montagnais make up a large community concentrated mainly in francophone institutions in Quebec. At Laval University, Gérard McNulty was one of the pioneers in the study of Montagnais; he was followed by Pierre Martin, who is interested principally in the language's phonetics, phonology and inflectional morphology. Both work on the dialect of Mingan. At the University of Montreal, Alan Ford specialises in morphology and syntax. At UQAM, I am interested in morphology, lexicology, and ethnosemantics working mainly with the Betsiamites dialect. I have been involved in the standardisation of the orthography, teacher training and the development of a Montagnais curriculum in collaboration with the Betsiamites pedagogical unit. I have since turned to investigating language contact with French in both Betsiamites and Mashteuiatsh. At Carleton University, William Cowan is researching the history of Montagnais and Algonquian languages. Danielle Cyr, at York University in Toronto, is working on syntactic and morphological evolution from a typological perspective. Marguerite MacKenzie and Sandra Clarke of Memorial University of Newfoundland have carried out sociolinguistic research on the Montagnais spoken in Sheshatshiu (North West River). MacKenzie has completed a MontagnaisEnglish/English-Montagnais lexicon of this dialect. They now have a joint project on Montagnais morphosyntax. Among independent researchers, José Mailhot specialises in ethnosemantics; she has also played an active role in the process of orthographic standardisation and in teacher training for roughly two decades. Anne-Marie Baraby, who has previously carried out research on the Sheshatshiu and Natashquan dialects, has been involved in teacher training and curriculum development for the Sept-Îles band. Denise Cloutier has been preparing a doctoral thesis on the Saint-Augustin dialect. Atikamekw 19 According to 1986 figures cited by Dorais (this volume p. 77), the Atikamekw language is spoken by a small First Nation divided among three communities in the upper region of the Saint-Maurice River. The language is still thriving, but French, the majority language, serves as the medium of instruction in the community schools (see Dorais, this volume, p. 57). There is a notable paucity of descriptions of Atikamekw, which linguists have always considered to be a Cree dialect (McNulty & Gilbert, 1981; Cooper, 1945). Indeed, superficially Atikamekw appears most similar to the Cree spoken to the West of James Bay due to the absence of velar palatalisation before high front vowels, a phenomenon that is characteristic of Cree-MontagnaisNaskapi varieties in Quebec. The sole description of

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this language is Jean-Pierre Béland's thesis, written in a Bloomfieldian framework, which includes a small lexicon (Béland, 1982). However, the pedagogical unit at Atikamekw-Sipi 10 (La Tuque), which coordinates teaching services for the Atikamekw nation, possesses, in manuscript form, a grammar of the Obedjiwan dialect (René Cadieux, ms.) inspired by Father Horden's Cree grammar. Boo Stime has teamed up with Atikamekw technolinguists to prepare a full grammatical account of Atikamekw that should be made available in the near future. Several lexicons are also under preparation. For the moment, there exists no comprehensive study of the dialect differences between the three villages. On the question of orthography, the Atikamekw Linguistic Institute came to an agreement in the mid-1980s on an alphabet and several orthographic conventions. Like the Montagnais, the Atikamekw do not represent vowel length; on the other hand, their alphabet is distinguished by the use of w and o where Montagnais uses u (Wasikahikan, 1987).21 The Atikamekw Linguistic Institute has since redirected its attention to the question of orthography with the goal of full standardisation. This process should yield results in the near future. Furthermore, the body of written materials is growing due to intense activity at Atikamekw-Sipi in the preparation of school material for the transitional bilingual programme currently underway (Sarrazin, 1994). There also exist, for primary school use, three programmes with accompanying teaching materials in Atikamekw: two programmes for the first three years of primary school, one for natural sciences and one for social studies and a pre-school programme. The Canadian Bible society and the International Bible Society have released several translations of sections of the Bible and the New Testament in booklet form. No university-affiliated researcher is presently working on Atikamekw. However, the Atikamekw have at their disposal the services of three technolinguists (graduates of the certificate in Amerindian linguistics at UQAC) currently in their employ: Marthe Coocoo for Weymontachie, Cécile Mattawa for Obedjiwan and Lucien Ottawa for Manouane. As mentioned earlier, they work in close collaboration with Boo Stime who is trained as a linguist. Furthermore, the pedagogical team at AtikamekwSipi, under the supervision of psycholinguist Robert Sarrazin, prepares teaching materials in Atikamekw and French. Algonquin22 The Algonquin language area in Quebec is bounded on the north by Cree (Waswanipi and Mistassini), on the west by Ojibwa, on the southeast by

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the Mohawk and on the east by the Atikamekw (Manouane, Weymontachie and Obedjiwan). The name 'Algonquin' appears to derive from a Maliseet term elakómkwik 'they are our relatives, our allies' (Day & Trigger, 1978). However, the Algonquin do not form a homogeneous linguistic group. Indeed, the sociolinguistic situation of the Algonquin is extremely complex, which perhaps explains the paucity of materials on this language. On the one hand, from the point of view of dialects, 'Algonquin' divides into two groups, namely Algonquin proper and the Maniwaki dialect that should be classed with eastern Ojibwa. Indeed, the dialect of Maniwaki, like the one at Golden Lake in Ontario, though commonly called 'Algonquin' by speakers, is in fact to be tied to eastern Ojibwa, spoken in southern Ontario (Rhodes & Todd, 1981). We will nevertheless refer to these two subgroups under the rubric 'Algonquin' in line with established usage. On the other hand, the true Algonquin dialects divide into two subgroups: the interior subdialect, grouping together Lac-Simon, Grand-Lac-Victoria and a socalled transitional dialect including Pikogan (Amos), Winneway, Kipiwa, Témiscamingue (Notre-Dame-du-Nord) and Lac-Rapide (Rhodes et al., 1984). Moreover, the Algonquin are divided with respect to their use of Euro-Canadian languages. Although English dominates in five villages (Kipawa, Winneway, Témiscamingue, Wolflake and Maniwaki), the Algonquin of Grand-Lac-Victoria and Lac-Simon use French as a second language, whereas the residents of Pikogan and Lac-Rapide are divided between French and English (see Dorais, this volume, p. 57). Language shift is significant among the Algonquin, and more than a third of the population no longer uses the ancestral language. The language is disappearing in Témiscamingue, Wolf Lake and Kipawa, it is in retreat in Maniwaki and Winneway but seems, however, to be holding its own in Grand-LacVictoria, Lac-Rapide, Lac-Simon and Pikogan. The needs of communities where the language is disappearing or in retreat are different from those where it is vigorous. These differences make themselves felt particularly in discussions on orthography, implementation of teaching programmes and development of teaching materials. In such a context it should come as no surprise that it is difficult to reach consensus on issues at hand. Grammatical descriptions of Algonquin are few; an unpublished manuscript (Jones, 1977) deals with the Maniwaki dialect and Cuoq's grammar (1891, 1892) describes the forerunner of the current dialect of this community (which, as mentioned earlier, is part of southern Ojibwa rather than Algonquin). General grammatical descriptions of present-day Algonquin are rare. However, the Amikwân Cultural Centre at Lac-Simon has published a grammar containing a plethora of data on this dialect

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(Brouillard & Dumont-Anichinapeo, 1987). Daviault (1994) has published Father Nicolas' grammar (1672-1674) in the form of a critical edition with analysis and commentary, illustrating the equivalents of 17th century forms in contemporary dialects. A presentation of verbal moods can also be found in T.S.T. Henderson (1973). In the area of lexicology, a voluminous AlgonquinEnglish dictionary of the Maniwaki dialect (McGregor, 1987) complements the word list previously available (Jones, 1976). A dictionary of Ojibwa also includes forms from different Algonquin dialects (Piggott & Grafstein, 1983). An Algonquin-French thematic lexicon has been produced at Lac-Simon (Dumont & Papatie-Dumont, 1985). A lexicon of some 1000 words gives equivalents in several dialects for cited forms (Couture, 1982). The scarcity of documentation on present-day Algonquin obliges the reader to dig through the abundant documentation on Ojibwa to be found in the bibliography of Algonquian languages (Pentland et al. 1982) as well as in the information furnished in the Handbook (Rhodes et al., 1981). However, we should in passing mention the numerous and excellent missionary works such as Lemoine's French-Algonquin dictionary (1909), Cuoq's Algonquin-French lexicon (1886) as well as Bishop Baraga's grammar and Ojibwa-English, English-Ojibwa lexicons (1878a, b; 1880). With respect to dialectology, a survey report sets forth the dialect relationships between the communities of Pikogan, LacSimon, Maniwaki, Lac-Rapide and Winneway (Gilstrap, 1978). Of two other articles, one deals with Northern Algonquin (Daviault et al., 1978) and the other with Algonquin and the other with Ojibwa dialects (Piggott, 1978). For a presentation of Algonquin-Ojibwa dialectology, also see Rhodes et al. (1981). A major survey of the dialects of Ojibwa, covering over 50 communities, was carried out in 1983-84 by Lisa and Randolph Valentine. The results of this survey are compiled in computerised form by means of Hypercard software and are available from the authors. 23 The development of a literature in Algonquin is still at an embryonic stage. The Algonquin have not yet reached agreement on a standardised orthography and each community uses a different orthography, some using a more conservative writing system while others prefer a quasi-phonetic writing system. Even so, with the possible exception of the dialect of Maniwaki, the linguistic differences between communities are not large enough to stand in the way of the creation of a standard orthography. It should, however, be recognised that the Algonquin are in a difficult position as explained earlier. Communities where Algonquin is taught as a second language call for an orthography that closely reflects their

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pronunciation while those where Algonquin is still everyone's first language have less difficulty in adapting to the requirements of a conservative orthography which levels out dialectal differences. Like their Montagnais and Atikamekw neighbours, the Algonquin have decided in favour of leaving vowel length unmarked. Development of a body of written literature is essentially limited to the production of teaching materials, carried out independently in each community. In addition, at the level of lexical modernisation, some projects are in preparation for the elaboration of juridical and technological terminology. The numerous difficulties connected with establishing a standard orthography together with the divergent needs of the various communities inevitably lead to situations where each community falls back on its own resources. As a result, there is currently a profusion of isolated projects, each being carried out by teachers or other specialists in the language, in some cases with the assistance of religious personnel or others. These groups produce reference materials (lexicons, grammars) and teaching materials for local distribution. Researchers and research teams working on Algonquin are few. A team was set up at UQAM and McGill in the late 1970s around J. Kay and G. Piggott. This group has produced a number of publications on phonology and inflectional morphology as well as several theses on specific syntactic phenomena. Often theoretical in nature, these descriptions put a clear emphasis on the evaluation of theoretical models in the framework of generative grammar. Glynne Piggott (McGill University) has been working on an integrated theory of morphology on the basis of a description of Algonquin word structure. Diane Daviault (Université du Québec à Chicoutimi), who authored a study on particles introducing embedded clauses (Daviault, 1982), has just released the Grammar of Father Nicolas (Daviault, 1994). An American linguist, Roger Spielmann, has been resident in Winneway for several years, working on the development of a curriculum in Algonquin; his research deals with the ethnography of communication (Spielmann, 1989). Odile Junker from Carleton University has recently begun to work on syntax and semantics. The Eastern Algonquian Languages The eastern branch of the Algonquian languages is represented in Quebec by Western Abenaki and Micmac. These languages are not currently the object of study by any Quebec-based university researchers. For a description of the characteristics of the eastern Algonquian languages, the reader should consult Goddard (1978).

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Abenaki The Abenaki language is close to extinction in Quebec as it has entirely given way to French at Wôlinak (Bécancour) and only a handful of speakers remain in Odanak. Abenaki as formerly spoken in Odanak was a dialect of Western Abenaki spoken in New Hampshire and Vermont. The Bécancour variety was linguistically intermediate between the former dialect and Eastern Abenaki, spoken in Maine (Day, 1978). There exists a couple of old dictionaries of Abenaki (Aubéry, 1715, ms; Râle, 1833), both cited in Dominique and Deschênes (1985). Two Abenaki speakers have published works on their language (Laurent, 1884, Masta, 1932). Gordon Day has compiled a bibliography (Day, 1961) and a wordlist (Day, 1964) of Odanak Abenaki. The first volume of his monumental dictionary of the Odanak dialect of Western Abenaki has recently appeared (Day, 1994). The second volume appeared in 1995 and a volume of Western Abenaki texts by the same author has been announced. There is a thesis on the historical phonology of Western Abenaki by Warne (1975). Maliseet The Quebec Maliseet previously inhabited the Viger reserve near Rivière-du-Loup, but the village is no longer inhabited. It appears thus that there are no more Maliseet speakers in Quebec (see Dorais, this volume, p. 55). The Maliseet and the Passamaquoddy of Maine and New Brunswick spoke mutually intelligible dialects. The Quebec Maliseet appear to have been assimilated into the French-Canadian population through intermarriage (Erickson, 1978: 126). Micmac 24 Micmac is the northernmost of the Eastern Algonquian languages; it is spoken in Quebec, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island, but is nearly extinct in Newfoundland. In Quebec, the Micmac language is spoken at Maria and Restigouche in the Gaspé peninsula, where it is clearly on the decline (see Dorais, this volume, p. 55). The history of the Micmac writing system goes back to the 17th century when a variety of hieroglyphic writing was developed by the Catholic missionary Chrétien Le Clercq in order to facilitate the learning of prayers and religious doctrine. This writing system, perpetuated by Father Antoine Maillard, subsequently fell into disuse. In the meantime, toward the end of the 18th century, the Micmac appear to have developed their own quasi-phonological orthography, based on the Roman alphabet. Father Pacifique, recognising the popularity of this orthography, used it with some

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modification in translating the scriptures. He encouraged the development of Micmac literacy through all available means, including publishing a newspaper in Micmac (Sulnaljij/The Micmac Messenger) over a period of 17 years (Bock, 1978). The traditional orthography perfected by the Micmac, as well as Father Pacifique's adaptation (or a mixture of the two), are still used by the older Micmac (D. DeBlois, personal communication). Micmac educator Marie Battiste presents the history of writing and literacy in Micmac as a mechanism of cultural and cognitive assimilation (Battiste, 1985). At the present time, no standard Micmac orthography exists. Usage in Quebec differs from that of New Brunswick, as does the standardised orthography adopted by the Nova Scotian Micmac, illustrated in Hewson and Francis (1990). This disparity is reflected in three collections of Micmac legends that appeared in 1985 and 1986. In a critical review of the three collections, one from Restigouche in Quebec (Metallic & Metallic, 1985), the other from New Brunswick (Milliea, 1985) and the third from Nova Scotia (Leavitt, 1986), Proulx deplores the fact that the three are written 'with very different orthographies' (Proulx, ms). Among the Quebec Micmac, the system perfected by A. DeBlois and A. Metallic (1984) is in competition with the one developed by Father Pacifique, which is closer to French orthography (Pacifique de Valigny, 1938, 1939, 1940). Watson Williams has proposed a solution to existing discrepancies (Williams, 1988). The tradition of the written word in Micmac has a number of reference works to its credit. One that deserves particular mention is Father Pacifique's grammar, for long the object of great appreciation by the Micmac (Pacifique de Valigny, 1938, 1939, 1940). This grammar was recently translated into English and Pacifique's transcriptions converted into the standard Nova Scotia Micmac orthography (Hewson & Francis, 1990). In the last century, following Pacifique, Maillard produced a grammar of the Nova Scotia dialect (Maillard, 1864). Over the past 20 years, two teaching grammars have appeared to complement existing documentation (Delisle & Metallic, 1976; Williams, 1981). In the area of lexicology, Rand's dictionary in two different versions (Rand, 1888, 1902) is a classic reference. A new lexicon (DeBlois et al., 1984) has been produced on the basis of texts and anecdotes gathered in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Quebec. It contains 5500 entries in Micmac with English translations. DeBlois, of the Canadian Museum of Civilisations, has been working on a revised edition. E. Metallic is engaged in similar work under the aegis of the Curriculum Department of the Restigouche Band Council. The Micmac language has, in the past, attracted the attention of numerous linguists who have described several aspects of its grammar.

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Among others, work on verbal paradigms (Proulx, 1978), morphophonology (Fidelholtz, 1968) and morphology (Fidelholtz, 1978; Inglis, 1986) and a master's thesis on the history of morphology (Dawe, 1986) deserve mention. For learning Micmac, there exists a series of manuals and accompanying cassettes produced by the Micmac Language Programme of the Native Council of Nova Scotia, 25 as well as a method perfected by the Micmac-Maliseet Institute (Anon., 1988).26 As far as scholars are concerned, the work of Albert DeBlois of the Canadian Museum of Civilisations has just been mentioned. John Hewson of Memorial University of Newfoundland has, for a number of years, been working on the phonology of Micmac and the history of the Algonquian languages in general. He has been collaborating with Bernard Francis of Nova Scotia in preparing a reference grammar of Micmac. As a final note, it should be mentioned that the Micmac-Maliseet Institute is based at the University of New Brunswick (Fredericton). Outside the university milieu, we should mention the work done in Restigouche by E. Metallic, who is currently working on a dictionary with an accompanying grammatical sketch. Also in Restigouche, Watson Williams, the coordinator for Micmac curriculum development, is studying all aspects of literacy in Micmac, from imparting a knowledge of Micmac grammar to teachers (Williams, 1981) to the orthographic question (Williams, 1988) as well as instructional materials for teaching writing (Williams, 1990). The Iroquoian Languages The Iroquoian group27 is represented in Quebec by the Huron and the Mohawk. Iroquoian languages are currently spoken in Quebec and Ontario as well as the American states of New York, Wisconsin, Oklahoma and North Carolina. Several Iroquoian languages are now extinct: Nottaway, Huron, Wyandot and Susquehannock. The ones that are still alive include Cherokee, spoken in North Carolina and Oklahoma; Tuscarora, near Niagara Falls, New York and in the Six Nations reserve near Brantford, Ontario; Seneca in New York State; Cayuga in the Six Nations reserve in Ontario; Onondaga in New York State and in Six Nations; Oneida, near London, Ontario and in Wisconsin; and, lastly, Mohawk, which is spoken in six communities divided between Quebec, Ontario and New York State. These are Kahnawake and Kanesatake in Quebec; Tyendinaga, Six Nations and Gibson in Ontario; and, lastly, Akwesasne, which straddles the borders between Quebec, Ontario and New York State (Mithun, 1984-5). The Mohawk and Huron presence in Quebec dates from the post-contact period (17th century and later). However, the St Lawrence Valley was inhabited

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at the time by another group of Iroquoians, known as the 'Laurentian Iroquoians', who disappeared at an early date. For a discussion of the family's linguistic characteristics, see Foster et al. (1984), Lounsbury (1978) and Mithun (1979b). The reader can also find a bibliography of recent works on this family (Pilling, 1888), a summary of works by missionaries (Hanzeli, 1969), and an account of research done in the mid-1960s (Chafe, 1976). For a highly informative treatment of the history of the Mohawk and the Iroquoian population of Quebec, see Fenton and Tooker (1978), Trigger (1978) and Trigger and Pendergast (1978). Mohawk Despite the fact that the actual number of Mohawk speakers in Quebec is unknown (see Dorais, this volume, p. 63), the language is clearly endangered as the shift to English steadily progresses (Mithun, 1979). Although its future remains uncertain, the Mohawk language is well documented when compared to other native languages. In the last century, Cuoq published a grammatical treatise containing chapters on the grammar of Mohawk (Cuoq, 1866). According to Chafe (1976), it is based in part on manuscripts by Father Joseph Marcoux, who worked as a missionary in Saint-Regis and Kahnawake earlier in the 19th century. More recently, Bonvillain's grammar contains an account of the general characteristics of Mohawk, definitions of the word and derivational processes, and a description of the language's phonology and morphophonology. The greater part of the grammar is concerned with verbal structure and usage (Bonvillain, 1973). This work was followed several years later by a teaching grammar (Deering & Harries-Delisle, 1976). Furthermore, Michelson's lexicon of the Kahnawake dialect contains a brief non-technical introduction to the grammar. Apart from older lexicons (Bruyas, 1862; Cuoq, 1882), the Mohawk have at their disposal several modern dictionaries (Bonvillain, 1972; Maracle, 1985; Michelson, 1973; Mithun, 1977). A list of some 1300 English entries with Mohawk translations was recently published using a distinct orthography (Isaac et al., 1986). Bonvillain has also published a study on dialect differences in Mohawk (Bonvillain, 1984). There are also a number of theses on specialised topics (Beatty, 1972; Feurer, 1976; Hopkins, 1988; Postal, 1976). The results of a survey on the status of Mohawk and the Mohawk Language Immersion Programme at Kahnawake are now available (Hoover et al., 1992). A beginners-level course in conversational Mohawk is now available. 28

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Research on Mohawk in Quebec universities is nearly non-existent whereas American universities, especially in New York State, have shown much activity over the past 20 years. Nancy Bonvillain (State University of New York) is researching various aspects of the language, including comparative perspectives. Her doctoral thesis was concerned with Akwesasne Mohawk (Bonvillain, 1973). She has also published a dictionary (Bonvillain, 1972). Marianne Mithun (University of California at Santa Barbara) works on Iroquoian languages in general, among which we find the three Mohawk dialects of Quebec. Her research covers morphology and syntax, discourse and historical reconstruction. She was a member of the Amerindianisation project from 1973 to 1985, during which period she contributed to the development of a considerable amount of teaching materials, notably for immersion classes devoted to teaching Mohawk to children who no longer learn it from their parents. Karin Michelson (SUNY-Buffalo) is working on all aspects of the language. She is collaborating at present with Hanni Woodbury and Michael Foster in developing a format for dictionaries of Iroquoian languages. Mark C. Baker, at McGill, does research on various aspects of the syntax and morphology of Iroquoian languages that have an impact on linguistic theory (Baker, 1988). Several Mohawk speakers possess a high level of training in linguistics; for approximately a decade and a half, they have been expending considerable energy in an attempt to reverse the tendency to shift toward English (Mithun & Chafe, 1979). David Maracle of the Territory of the Mohawk of the Bay of Quinte, in Ontario, has prepared a pedagogical grammar (Maracle, 1987a) and several monographs on verbal conjugations (Maracle, 1987b); he has also published a compendium of wordlists already published, to which he has added data from the Bay of Quinte dialect (Maracle, 1985). 29 Mary MacDonald of Akwesasne works on teaching programmes in her community. In Kahnawake, Annette Jacobs also works on the development of a Mohawk curriculum. The combined efforts of specialists and teachers have resulted in an abundance of teaching materials available in Mohawk.30 Iroquoianists are brought together annually at the Conference on Iroquois Research in New York State.31 The Algonquian and Iroquoian Newsletter,32 a quarterly bulletin, carries information in the combined fields of Iroquoian and Algonquian linguistics. Huron The inhabitants of the village of Wendake (Lorette) are the descendents of an Iroquoian nation encountered by the Europeans in Ontario in the 17th

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century. After crushing military defeats, the Huron dispersed and some settled near Quebec City. The Huron spoke a North Iroquoian language. The last Huron speaker in Wendake died in 1912 (Morissonneau, 1978:368). For a historical sketch of the Huron of Lorette and a description of Huron culture, see Heidenrich (1978) and Morissonneau (1978). Abundant documentation exists for Old Huron, the legacy of 17th and 18th century French missionaries, as well as other more recent works (BlinLagarde, 1977; Chaumont, 1831; Fraser, 1920; Potier, 1748; 1920a; 1920b; Sagar-Théodat, 1632; Wilkie, 1831). Barbeau (1960) groups together an important collection of narrative. The content of numerous manuscript grammars and unpublished wordlists is discussed in Hanzeli (1969). Discussion We have seen that in Quebec, as is true throughout North America, the situation of Aboriginal languages is extremely fragmented, each nation being made up of small heterogeneous linguistic groups and lacking any uniform linguistic standard. Competition from Euro-Canadian languages exacerbates these divisions with a further distinction based on second language (French or English). This distinction manifests itself in varying degrees of bilingualism (the same language will be spoken in quite different ways by unilinguals or bilinguals), or more forcefully in the form of language shift, resulting in a split within a single nation between speakers of the Aboriginal language and those who have lost the language. Taken as a whole, these various aspects result in an extremely complex sociolinguistic situation. One must also keep in mind that examining the situation of Aboriginal languages within the framework of the territory of Quebec, while justifiable from the perspective of Euro-Canadian political boundaries, nevertheless distorts the question at a fundamental level. Existing political boundaries impose artificial divisions on Aboriginal languages with the perverse effect of accentuating the tendency toward fragmentation. These underlying divergences are compounded by political divisions within the native groups themselves and the generalised decentralisation that holds sway within each nation, where community-based Band Councils reign sovereign. Since the mid-1970s the Federal Ministry of Indian and Northern Affairs, as well as the Quebec government, have applied a policy in which development of the ancestral language has been treated as the responsibility of the local native communities. In the following sections, we will draw some conclusions on the process of modernisation of Aboriginal languages from three main perspectives: development of the written language, standardisation and lexical elabora-

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tion. To a large degree interconnected, these three processes are necessary prerequisites for enabling Aboriginal languages to respond to the growing needs of their users and consequently to survive in a modern world. Choice of Script The Aboriginal language populations in Quebec are divided between two writing systems. The most widespread is the Roman alphabet, which was introduced by missionaries. It is used by the Montagnais, the Algonquin, the Mohawk and the Micmac. The second system is the syllabic writing used by the Cree, Naskapi and Inuit. Syllabic and the Roman alphabet are in competition in these populations. To take the Inuit as an example, we have already explained that those living in Northern Quebec, following the example of the Baffin, Keewatin and Netsilik Inuit, use syllabics, while the Roman alphabet is used by the Inuit of Labrador and the Western Arctic. While the Prairie Cree use the Roman alphabet, the Cree of Quebec and North Ontario use syllabics. Similarly, within Quebec, the Cree, Naskapi and Montagnais are divided between syllabics and the Roman alphabet. All these cases are examples of continua of often mutually intelligible oral dialects that are rendered mutually unintelligible in their written versions by the use of radically different writing systems. Keeping in mind the minimal resources available to Aboriginal populations, the deep divisions brought about by these divergent writing conventions are regrettable since they deprive them of a potential area of strength. The problem appears, nevertheless, to be insoluble since those groups that use syllabics are profoundly attached to that system as an emblem of cultural identity. Despite their relatively recent introduction (in the last century), syllabics have effectively become the symbol of their language and culture and an inseparable part of their cultural heritage. 33 Among the populations using the Roman alphabet, there is great diversity in the choice of symbols. For some, such as Micmac, this is less of a problem since this language is distant from that spoken in the Quebec-Labrador peninsula. On the other hand, between Montagnais and Atikamekw, which are close to the point of mutual intelligibility (at least for older speakers), the heterogeneity of sound-symbol correspondences can be surprising. For example, Montagnais uses the letter 'u' and Atikamekw 'o' to represent the sound /u/; the consonant /t¦/ is written 'tsh' in Montagnais and 'tc' in Atikamekw. Atikamekw transcribes the /w/ sound with the letter 'w', which is not used at all in Montagnais. Thus, the verb meaning 'it is submerged' is written akutshinu in Montagnais but akotcin in Atikamekw, 'woman' is ishkueu in Montagnais but iskwew in Atikamekw.

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Proposals for devising a pan-Algonquian orthography, initiated by the Ministry of Indian and Northern Affairs in the 1970s, were faced with predictable resistance and swept away by the policy of decentralisation toward local communities that has prevailed since that period. Language Standardisation Aboriginal way of life has changed dramatically during the present century. School education has become an integral part of everyday life, and many believe that if Aboriginal languages are to survive, let alone flourish, their increasing presence in the school environment is an absolute necessity. Using a language in the school realm bears specific requirements such as the use of a uniform and consistent writing system and the development of a sizable body of written literature. Some degree of language standardisation is thus unavoidable. Standardisation of writing systems remains a problem for Quebec native languages, as is always the case for vernacular languages. Since the 1970s, there has been an ever-increasing number of meetings and debates over this matter. In most cases, the very principle of standardising the writing system was, for a long time, resisted by the populations themselves. Nowadays, mentalities have changed and numerous groups such as the Inuit, the Montagnais and the Cree have managed to agree on some form of standardisation of their writing systems. The scope of standardisation nevertheless varies from one group to the next, and once the system has been standardised, mechanics for implementing and propagating the system are for the most part insufficiently developed. Orthographic standardisation still constitutes a significant obstacle to implementation of the Aboriginal language in a school environment. Why is it that the question of coming to an agreement on a uniform writing system for a given language, whose necessity is immediately obvious for anyone growing up in a culture of literacy, continues to pose such a problem for Aboriginal peoples? The answer lies in large part in the very process by which a uniform written standard for a language is put in place. Traditionally, religious missionaries, followed by linguists, relied on a single dialect of a language to define an orthographic standard: in the best case scenario this was the dialect spoken by the largest number or the one with the greatest prestige; in the worst case, this was the dialect to which they had easiest access (Sjoberg, 1966). Nowadays, questions regarding writing systems are no longer the exclusive province of the missionary; they are dealt with by Aboriginal organisations and democratic and consensual processes of decision-making are put in motion. Since no Aboriginal nation

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has a standard (spoken) dialect, the route toward a uniform writing system takes on the form of a negotiation between equals when it comes to discussions between representatives of the different dialects that make up the language. It should be kept in mind that each language is spoken by a small number of individuals spread out among x numbers of communities (reserves) often geographically distant from one another. The result is a large degree of dialectal variation between communities, each jealously guarding its distinctiveness. Dialectal variation often affects not only pronunciation but also the lexicon, morphology and syntax. Language planners face a much easier task when there is general agreement on a standard dialect. Among Aboriginals, standardising the spoken language has always been out of the question. Standardisation of the writing system is only possible when those affected accept the idea of writing words with a spelling that is very different from their pronunciation. Further uniformity is impossible to achieve in the face of morphological, lexical and syntactic disparity. As in other areas of corpus planning, successful reforms can neither be achieved by fiat nor imposed by external agents; they must correspond to specific needs identified by pressure groups internal to the target language group. When presenting the situation of Algonquin, we discussed the difficulty of achieving a written standard in cases where some dialects are giving way to shift to the majority language. From the viewpoint of reviving the ancestral language, representatives of these dialects often insist on using an orthography very close to their actual pronunciation. This requirement is often incompatible with the standardised system in use by flourishing dialect speakers. The body of written material in Aboriginal languages is still at an underdeveloped stage. Handicapped by frequent changes in orthographic conventions and submerged by competition from literature in the majority language, written material in Aboriginal languages has only had any real success in the school milieu. Other areas of written literature, such as newspapers, essay writing or fiction, appear for the moment to have little more than symbolic value. The situation of generalised bilingual diglossia, to which educated generations of Aboriginals appear to have adapted, seems unfavourable to the durable development of a written literature beyond the school milieu. Other observers of the native linguistic scene have reached the same conclusion (Spolsky & Boomer, 1983). Lexical Elaboration All the languages of the world possess technical vocabularies for naming precise and detailed aspects of the environment and man's interaction with

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it. The level of development of certain lexical fields is directly tied to their importance in the culture. Thus, the lexicons of Aboriginal languages are well developed in certain domains where Euro-Canadian languages seem underdeveloped in comparison. At the other pole of the comparison, the lexicon of Aboriginal languages is underdeveloped in the areas of juridical, administrative, computing and technological terminology that are the domain of industrialised Western societies. Modernisation of a language requires a process of lexical expansion to allow speakers to express themselves on varied topics in modern, everyday life. This is achieved by the addition of new terms and expressions to the lexicon (Ferguson, 1968). This may be achieved either through a spontaneous process of lexical creation, or it may be a consciously planned process of lexical enrichment. Spontaneous lexical creation appears to take place naturally when the rhythm of change is not too rapid, when the task of creating new vocabulary is assumed by those who most need it and, obviously, when there is sufficient communication between speakers for a consensus to be reached rapidly (Ferguson, 1968). Over several decades, the rhythm of social and technological change has accelerated considerably and the capacity of native languages to integrate them spontaneously has fallen behind considerably. Efforts at terminological creation would help in responding to these clear needs. To date, apart from the Inuit, systematic efforts at modernising the lexicons of Aboriginal languages have been rare. In the case of populations undergoing linguistic assimilation, the task of lexical modernisation seems, at first glance, to be of secondary importance. Elsewhere, more energy is being expended in providing the language a place in the school environment than in compiling specialised lexicons. As a consequence, translator and interpreter training programmes remain at the preparatory stage and their necessity appears less and less obvious as fluency in the majority language increases among the target populations. Development of a new terminology is only truly relevant in domains that are totally integrated with Aboriginal life such as, for example, the school milieu. With regard to the advisability of putting in place formal mechanisms for terminological creation, I would conclude that, taking into account the very real risk of shift to the majority language, it is important to keep in mind that the task of searching for appropriate ways of translating the subtleties of the Charter of Rights or the Criminal Code should not eclipse that of ensuring that the established cultural heritage is preserved and transmitted to coming generations.

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Research on Native Languages Ever since their arrival in North America, European missionaries have sought to compile dictionaries and grammars of the indigenous languages that they have come across. With the development of modern linguistics, linguists and anthropologists have found the description of indigenous languages to be a fruitful ground for exercising their profession. This section is devoted to presenting a summary account of the advancement of research. In the area of lexicology, the record of achievement is uneven, as a perusal of available works will indicate. Certain languages, such as Inuktitut, Cree and Montagnais, possess quite comprehensive dictionaries whereas others, such as Atikamekw, make do with the most rudimentary of lexicons. All Aboriginal languages of Quebec possess an extremely rich morphology that allows construction of words at will, no vocabulary of several thousand words can claim to reflect the lexical richness of these languages. The most recent lexicons (Drapeau, 1991; MacKenzie et al., 1987; MacKenzie & Jancewitz, 1994; Qumaq, 1991) respectively contain some 21,000, 15,000, 10,000 and 30,000 words. For the needs of natives working with the written language (teachers, translators, authors or producers of teaching materials), dictionaries of this amplitude are an absolute necessity. Linguists working on Iroquoian languages have been discussing which type of format to adopt for dictionaries in these languages and it is to be hoped that similar efforts will see the light of day in the field of Algonquian languages. Such discussions are all the more necessary now that the Atikamekw are planning the development of a dictionary and the Algonquin are in great need of a similar reference for their language. Most detailed grammatical descriptions of Aboriginal languages in Quebec are the legacy of missionaries. Contemporary linguists use analytical models quite different from those that inspired the missionaries, and the result is not always accessible nor relevant to the average layperson. There is an almost general lack of grammars that are, to borrow from computer jargon, 'user friendly', i.e. good descriptions accessible with a minimum of linguistic training. These remarks should not, however, be interpreted as a rejection of university research on Aboriginal languages as these remain a necessary prerequisite. In the main, Quebec university researchers are active in the area of Montagnais and Inuktitut and, to a lesser degree, Algonquin. Some researchers noted that Amerindianist research in Quebec was losing steam in the mid-1980s (Dominique & Deschênes, 1985; Tremblay, 1984). This 'ebb of the tide' can be explained in several ways. On the one hand, the

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popularity of Amerindian studies at their apogee in the 1960s and 1970s faded away for the most part. This was due in part to the difficult conditions in the field, to an increasing politicisation of research in the Aboriginal milieu, as well as to increasing control on the part of Aboriginals over research done in their communities. However justified they may be, these last two reasons explain in part the difficulty young researchers face in the Aboriginal milieu. One solution to this problem consists in training Aboriginals in the skills needed to accomplish the necessary linguistic work. Several First Nations in Quebec already count on the services of Aboriginal technolinguists. Indeed, while the 'ebb in the tide' of university level research continues, there is a proliferation at the community level of studies performed by Aboriginal workers themselves or by consultants. A significant portion of research (dictionaries, grammars, language teaching materials, sociolinguistic studies) is initiated and sponsored by the communities or their representative organisations. It is to be hoped that the other nations will continue to pursue efforts already undertaken in this direction. It remains nonetheless that Aboriginal nations, due to their relative lack of numbers, will remain dependent on outside specialists, a return, in essence, to square one. However desirable it may be, research initiated in the Aboriginal milieu cannot completely satisfy the ever-increasing need for fundamental and applied research for which only university-level institutions truly have the necessary resources. A few eloquent examples are sufficient illustration. In descriptive linguistics, few languages can count on thorough and detailed descriptions of their structure, which are prerequisites to the development of reference grammars. In applied psycholinguistics, we need to know what the impact is of the typological characteristics of Aboriginal languages on acquisition of reading (Downing, 1973). An answer to this question would permit the creation of teaching materials more appropriate to learning how to read in Aboriginal languages. How is the transfer from the Aboriginal alphabet (or syllabics) to the French (or English) alphabet to proceed, in the case of early acquisition of literacy in an Aboriginal language (Bowers, 1968; Downing, 1984; Fishman, 1977)? What model of bilingual education is most likely to produce results that correspond to the expectations of Aboriginal populations? In the realm of sociolinguistics, studies on language shift performed elsewhere in the world indicate that generalised bilingualism is the stage that precedes the transition to majority language unilingualism (Fishman, 1972; Fishman, 1990; Gal, 1979). This process would need closer monitoring by specialists of the sociology of language.

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Conclusion This chapter has been devoted to assessing the development of the prerequisites for successful language planning for Quebec Aboriginal languages. We have examined the state of the art in linguistic research, choice of script, development of standard writing systems and lexical elaboration. While a lot of useful work has been done, much more is yet necessary in order to ensure that native languages remain an eloquent testimony to the wealth and diversity of man's linguistic heritage. Notes 1. I wish to thank Louis-Jacques Dorais for information he kindly provided for this section on Inuktitut. 2. The editor of the journal may be reached at Pavillon Jean-Durand, Université Laval, Quebec G1K 7P4. 3. For information, contact Inuksiutiit Katimajiit Association, Pavillon JeanDurand, Université Laval, Quebec G1K 7P4. 4. Contact the editor, Doug Hitch. Language Bureau, Govt of the NWT, P.O. Box 1320, Yellowknife, NWT X1A 2L9. 5. This organisation's offices are located at 294 Carré Saint-Louis, Montreal, H2X 1A4. 6. Throughout the rest of this article, we will use the term 'syllabics', which has gained currency in referring to the Cree and Inuit syllabaries. 7. The Labrador Inuit have rejected the standard Roman system in favour of the Moravian orthography. 8. A catalogue of publications is available from the Kativik School Board. 9. In terms of genetic classification, only the languages of the eastern branch form a distinct subfamily; all the other languages of the family, including the Cree and Ojibwa complexes, appear to have evolved independently directly from Proto-Algonquian. 10. Needless to say, several works describing dialects spoken outside of Quebec are vital to the study of those spoken within its borders. 11. Contact David Pentland for all orders, including back issues. He may be reached at the Department of Linguistics, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba R3T 2N2. 12. Algonquian and Iroquoian Newsletter: John D. Nichols, Department of Native Studies, 532 Fletcher Argue Building, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg R3T 2N2. 13. I wish to thank Marguerite MacKenzie for the information she has kindly provided for this section. 14. The most recent dictionary uses 12 characters and the dot (MacKenzie, 1987). 15. Curriculum Services, Cree School Board, Chisasibi, Quebec JOM 1EO. 16. Naskapi Development Corporation, P.O. Box 5023, Kawawachikamach, Quebec GOG 2Z0. 17. IECAM has since been renamed ICEM (Institut culturel et éducatif montagnais), following withdrawal of the Atikamekw. Its offices are located at 40, rue François-Gros-Louis, Village-des-Hurons, Quebec GOA 4V0.

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18. Équipe d'amérindianisation, Services éducatifs, Betsiamites, Cté Saguenay, Quebec GOH 1BO. 19. I wish to thank Céline Castonguay and Robert Sarrazin from Atikamekw-Sipi for kindly providing information. 20. The offices of Atikamekw-Sipi (and the affiliated Atikamekw Linguistic Institute) are located at 317, rue Saint-Joseph, LaTuque, Quebec G9X 3P6. 21. It is quite astonishing that two groups as close in cultural and linguistic terms as the Atikamekw and the Montagnais, both of which share French as their second language, should have adopted such dissimilar graphic conventions. 22. I am indebted to Roger Spielmann for providing part of the information contained in this section. 23. Lisa Valentine, Dept of Anthropology, University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario N6A 5C2. 24. Watson Williams, Manny Metallic, Bernie Francis, Don DeBlois and Paul Proulx have each contributed a portion of the information provided in this section. 25. Available from Native Council of Nova Scotia, Micmac Language Programme, P.O. Box 1320, Truro, Nova Scotia B2N 5N2. 26. Available from Micmac-Maliseet Institute, University of New Brunswick, Frederiction, New Brunswick E3B 6E3. 27. I am indebted to Marianne Mithun, Nancy Bonvillain and Karin Michelson for information they have kindly provided for this section. 28. Let's speak Mohawk is available through Audio Forum, 96 Broad Street, Guilford, CT 06437, USA. 29. These publications are distributed by the Centre for Research and Teaching of Canadian Native Languages, Dept of Anthropology, University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario N6A 5C2. 30. A catalogue of publications related to matters Iroquoian such as books and teaching materials from Kanien'kehaka Raotitiohkwa Cultural Centre, P.O. Box 1988, Kahnawake, Quebec JOI 1BO. 31. For more information contact: Dean Snow, Dept of Anthropology, SUNY-Albany, Albany, NY 12222. 32. Contact: John D. Nichols, Dept of Native Studies, 532 Fletchér Argue Building, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg R3T 2N2. 33. It is not rare for a writing system to be either maintained or put in place with the precise aim of maintaining a distinct identity (Fishman, 1977).

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Chapter 5A Grammatical Sketches: The Mohawk Language Marianne Mithun Introduction Mohawk is currently spoken in three major communities in Quebec: Kahnawà:ke (Caughnawaga), Kanehsatà:ke (Oka), and Ahkwesáhsne (St Regis), as well as in Ontario and New York State. It is a member of the Iroquoian family of languages. Iroquoian speakers may well have been the first North Americans encountered by Europeans. When Jacques Cartier sailed into the Bay of Gaspé in 1534, his party met an Iroquoian group, now referred to as the Laurentians, on a fishing expedition from their homes around what is now Quebec City. It was from their language that the name of Canada came. By 1603, when Champlain returned to the area, the Laurentians had vanished without a trace. Related Iroquoian peoples, however, the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, Tuscarora and Cherokee, are still speaking their languages today, and the Huron language and its descendant Wyandot were spoken into this century. The word kaná:ta' persists in modern Mohawk as a noun for 'settlement' or 'town'. Mohawk is, in many ways, an exotic language when compared with more familiar European languages. Like other languages indigenous to Quebec, it is of a type termed 'polysynthetic'. Polysynthetic languages are distinguished by the rich internal structure of their words, a characteristic that has major effects on the ways in which ideas are expressed. The Sounds of Mohawk The repertoire of Mohawk sounds is compact. The language is now written with only 12 letters: t, k, s, n, r, w, ', h, i, e, a, o; plus marks for stress and tone ´, `; and vowel length:. (The symbol ' stands for glottal stop.)

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Unlike most languages of the world, Mohawk contains no sounds made with the lips, like p or b, apart from a few borrowed words and nicknames. Most of the letters are pronounced much as in French, although some vary slightly according to the sounds around them. There are two nasalised vowels, represented by the sequences of letters en (pronounced much like French en) and on (pronounced nearly like the vowel in English 'moon'). Mohawk is a pitch-accent language, which means that the tone of a syllable can change the meaning of a word. Every Mohawk word has one syllable that is louder than the others. This stressed syllable may have high or rising tone, which is marked with the symbol ', or falling tone, marked `: compare owí:ra' 'baby (animal)' and owì:ra' 'scar'. The colon: indicates vowel length; a long vowel lasts twice as long as an ordinary vowel. Length, too, can change the meaning of words: compare iawékon 'it is delicious' and iawé:kon 'she has eaten'. There are some differences in pronunciation among the Mohawk communities. The differences are not great enough to interfere with understanding, but noticeable enough to mark the origin of a speaker. Where Kahnawà:ke and Kanehsatà:ke (K/K) speakers use 'r', for example, most Ahkwesáhsne (A) speakers use 1': compare K/K rató:rats with A lató:lats 'he hunts'. Where K/K speakers use 'ti' before vowels (pronounced dj) Ahkwesáhsne speakers use 'ki': K/K. tiohtià:ke, A kiohkià:ke 'Montreal'. The Words of Mohawk Probably the most impressive difference between Mohawk and more familiar European languages is in the ways in which words are formed and used. Structurally, there are three types of words in Mohawk: particles, nouns and verbs. Particles Particles are words with no internal structure. They serve a variety of functions: as numbers, demonstratives, adverbials, conjunctions, exclamations, and more. The set below provides a sample of the kinds of roles they perform. 'what' ne 'the' tsi 'that' oh 'here' kû: 'this' tanon 'and' kén: 'only' á:re' 'again' kati' 'thus' se' 'it is said' kwáh 'just' iáh 'no' iá:ken

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Nouns Most true nouns in Mohawk consist of several parts. Like English nouns, they identify persons, objects, etc. They normally contain a prefix that indicates the gender of the person or object they refer to. e-ksà:'a ka-nákta' ra-ksà:'a FEMININE-child NEUTER-bed MASCULINE-child 'girl' 'bed, campsite' 'boy' If a noun refers to people, number may be distinguished. ni-ksà:'a rati-ksa'okòn:'a ra-ksà:'a MASCULINE.DUAL- MASCULINE.PLURALMASCULINE.SINGULARchild children child '(2) boys' '(3 or more) boys' 'boy' If an object is possessed, the prefix refers to the possessor. 'bed' kanákta' 'my bed' akenákta' 'your bed' sanákta' 'his bed' raonákta' 'her bed' akonákta' The relationships expressed by English possessive pronouns are not all expressed in a single way in Mohawk, however. Objects like beds can be acquired, given away, bought, sold, etc. Such ownership, termed 'alienable possession', is expressed by the prefixes above. Ownership of one's own body parts, termed 'inalienable possession', is expressed with a different set of pronouns. onéntsha' 'arm' '(on) my arm' kenentshà:ke '(on) your arm' senentshà:ke '(on) his arm' ranentshà:ke '(on) her arm' ienentshà:ke Kinship relationships are expressed in a third way, with words that closely resemble verbs: rakhsótha 'he is father to me'  'my father'. Mohawk nouns can appear with a variety of suffixes. Many of the suffixes would correspond to separate words in English. One suffix adds the meaning 'original', 'prototypical' or 'genuine'. (Because the location of the stressed syllable in words depends in part on syllable count from the end of the word, the addition of a suffix usually results in a change of stress and sometimes tone.)

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ón:kwe onkwehón:we

'person' 'prototypical person'  'Indian'

A common suffix adds the meaning 'at, on, in', etc. 'bed' kanákta' 'on the bed' kanaktà:ke 'rapids' kahná:wa' kahnawà:ke

'at the rapids'

Another suffix adds the meaning 'in the style of... ' 'in the style of the place at the rapids' kahnawa'kéha' 'Caughnawaga style, dialect, language, etc.' Another creates words referring to the inhabitants of a place. 'people of the place at the rapids' kahnawa'kehró:non' 'Caughnawaga Mohawk nation, people' A diminutive suffix indicates small size or affection. 'little boy' raksà:'a 'my grandfather' rakhsótha An augmentative suffix indicates a large type of object. 'cat' kahonwé:ia takò:s 'wildcat' kahonweiahkó:wa tako'skó:wa

'boat' 'ship'

A decessive suffix indicates that a person is no longer alive, that an object no longer exists, or is no longer possessed by the same person. 'people of the place at the rapids' kahnawa'kehró:non' 'the former/late Caughnawaga kahnawa'kehronon'kénha' Mohawk(s)' As can be seen, Mohawk nouns can consist of many parts, each of which might correspond to a separate word in a European language. Even more complex than nouns, however, are Mohawk verbs. Mohawk Verbs The central part of a verb, the portion that carries the basic meaning, is the verb root. Mohawk verb roots never stand alone as words, even in commands. In fact, few Mohawk speakers would even recognise a verb root if it were pronounced without prefixes or suffixes. Roots may be very short, such as -t- 'stand' or -k- 'eat', but full verbs always contain at least two syllables.

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The simplest Mohawk verbs are commands. Commands need not contain suffixes, but, like all verbs, they always contain pronominal prefixes. '(You) paddle!' s-ká:we The pronoun in s-ká:we '(you) paddle!' is s- 'you', referring to the one person who is to do the paddling, the agent. If two people are addressed, a dual agent pronoun is used. 'You two, paddle!' seni-ká:we If three or more persons are addressed, a plural agent pronoun must be used. 'You all, paddle!' sewa-ká:we If the hearer is commanded to do something to another person or persons, both agent and patient pronouns appear. '(You) get her up!' s-he-kétsko If the speaker wishes to urge the hearer to join in an activity, agentive pronouns meaning 'you and I' are used: a dual pronoun teni- or a plural pronoun tewa-. 'Let's both paddle!' teni-ká:we 'Let's all paddle!' tewa-ká:we Pronouns referring to the speaker alone or to other people may be used to urge that someone be allowed or left to do something. 'Let me paddle!' k-ká:we 'Let her paddle!' ie-ká:we 'Let him paddle!' ra-ká:we Time Verbs that are not commands must carry a specification of time. Mohawk aspect suffixes indicate the internal temporal consistency of events or states. The habitual aspect describes customary, ongoing, or repetitive actions. The perfective aspect (traditionally called the punctual) describes events conceived of in their entirety, with definite beginning and end points. The stative aspect describes inherent or resultant states. 'it ripens' (habitual aspect) ká:ris 'it will ripen' (perfective aspect) enká:ri' 'it is ripe, has ripened' (stative aspect) ió:ri The classification of actions and states is not always the same in Mohawk and French or English. What might be expressed as an activity in French or English might be classified as a state in Mohawk, for example, but the

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previous descriptions should provide an idea of the meanings of Mohawk aspects. The time at which an event did or will take place upon the aspect of the verb. 'I smoke' katshókwas 'I used to smoke' katshókwaskwe' 'I smoked' wa'katshó:ko' 'I will smoke' enkatshó:ko' 'I might/could smoke' akatshó:ko' 'I am smoking' wakatshókwen 'I was smoking' wakatshokwèn:ne

may also be specified. The particular way in which tense is indicated depends (habitual) (past habitual) (past perfective) (future perfective) (optative perfective) (stative) (past stative)

Pronominal Prefixes All Mohawk verbs contain pronouns referring to major participants: their agents and/or patients. In the verb 'I smoke' above, the pronoun for 'I' is the prefix k-. The Mohawk pronominal prefix system is unusually rich. As in many languages, there are separate pronouns for first person ('I'), second ('you'), and third, and within third person, for neuter gender ('it'), masculine ('he'), and feminine ('she'). 'I am climbing' keráthens 'you are climbing' seráthens 'it is climbing' karáthens 'he is climbing' raráthens 'she is climbing' ieráthens The feminine-indefinite pronoun ie- 'she, one, someone' is used for some women, for persons of unspecified sex, and as a collective 'people'. The neuter-zoic pronoun ka- is used not only for animals and objects, but sometimes, under interesting conditions, also for women. There is a three-way number distinction: singular for one person, dual for two, and plural for three or more. 'he is climbing' raráthens 'they two (males) are climbing' niráthens 'they all (males) are climbing' ratiráthens When discussing a group including himself or herself, a speaker specifies whether the hearer is included or not.

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teniráthens tewaráthens iakeniráthens iawkaráthens

'we two (you and I) are climbing'

(inclusive)

'we all (you all and I) are climbing' 'we two (he/she and I) are climbing'

(exclusive)

'we all (they and I) are climbing'

A further distinction is made within the pronominal system. The two columns of verbs below contain different pronouns for 'he'. 'he bites' rohterón:ni 'he fears' ratekhwákwas 'he is careful' ro'nikónhrhens 'he forgets' ra'nikòn:rara' 'he chooses' rotshenón:ni 'he is happy' rarákwas 'he climbs in' roiéshon 'he laughs' ratíta's The pronouns in the left column refer to agents: actors in control of voluntary actions. Those in the right column refer to involuntary patients, those who simply experience events. The difference is especially clear in the pairs of verbs below. 'he holds' roié:nas 'he is epileptic' raié:nas 'he finds' roié:was 'he cannot find' ratshénries When actions involve both an agent and a human patient, both are specified in a special set of transitive pronominal prefixes. 'he punishes her' shakohrewáhtha' 'she punishes them (female)' konwatihrewáhtha' If the agent and patient are the same person, a reflexive prefix -(a)tat- is used. 'he punishes himself' ratathrewáhtha' The total set of Mohawk pronominal prefixes, distinguishing three persons, three genders, three numbers, and two cases, is quite large, as can be seen in the paradigms below. AGENT PRONOUNS wa'-ke-'niá:ken'ne' wa'-akeni-'niá:ken'ne' wa'-akwa-'niá:ken'ne' we-teni-'niá:ken'ne' we-tewa-'niá:ken'ne' wa-hse-'niá:ken'ne' we-seni-'niá:ken'ne' we-sewa-'niá:ken'ne' wa'-ka-'nyá:ken'ne' wa-ha-'niá:ken'ne' wa-hni-'niá:ken'ne'

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'I escaped' 's/he and I escaped' 'they and I escaped' 'you and I escaped' 'you all and I escaped' 'you escaped' 'you two escaped' 'you all escaped' 'it/she escaped' 'he escaped' 'they two (masculine) escaped'

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wa-hati-'niá:ken'ne' wa'-e-'niá:ken'ne' wa'-keni-'niá:ken'ne' wa'-konti-'niá:ken'ne'

'they all (masculine) escaped' 'one/she escaped' 'they two (neuter/feminine) escaped' 'they all (neuter/feminine) escaped'

PATIENT PRONOUNS wake-'nikónhrhens ionkeni-'nikónhrhens ionkwa-'nikónhrhens sa-'nikónhrhens seni-'nikónhrhens sewa-'nikónhrhens io-'nikónhrhens ro-'nikónhrhens iako-'nikónhrhens ioti-'nikónhrhens roti-'nikónhrhens

'I forget' 'we two forget' 'we all forget' 'you forget' 'you two forget' 'you all forget' 'she/it forgets' 'he forgets' 'she/one forgets' 'they (neuter/feminine) forget' 'they (masculine) forget'

TRANSITIVE PRONOUNS: AGENT + PATIENT 'I fed you' wa'-kón:-nonte' 'I fed you two' wa'-kení:-nonte' 'I fed you all' wa'-kwá:-nonte' 'I fed her/it' wà:-ke-nonte' 'I fed him' wa-hí:-nonte' 'I fed her/someone/them' wa'-khé:-nonte' 'you fed me' wá-hske-nonte' 'you fed us two' wa-hskení:-nonte' 'you fed us all' wa-hskwá:-nonte' 'you fed it/her' wá-hse-nonte' 'you fed him' wa-htshé:-nonte' 'you fed her/someone/them' wa-hshé:-nonte' 'it/she fed me' ónke-nonte' 'it/she fed us two' wa'-onkení:-nonte' 'it/she fed us all' wa'-onkwá:-nonte' 'it/she fed you' we-sá-nonte' 'it/she fed you two' we-sení:-nonte' 'it/she fed you all' we-sewá:-nonte' 'it/she fed it/her' wa'-ó:-nonte' 'it/she fed them (neuter/feminine)' wa'-otí:-nonte' 'it/she fed him' wa-hó:-nonte'

wa-hotí:-nonte' wa'-akó:-nonte'

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'it/she fed them (males or mixed)' 'it/she fed her/someone/them (all women)'

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wa-háke-nonte' wa-hshonkení:-nonte' wa-hshonkwá:-nonte' wa-hiá:-nonte' wa-htshisení:-nonte' wa-htshisewá:-nonte' wa-há:-nonte' wa-hó:-nonte' wa-hshakó:-nonte'

'he fed me' 'he fed us two' 'he fed us all' 'he fed you' 'he fed you two' 'he fed you all' 'he fed it/her' 'he fed him' 'he fed her/someone/them' 'she/someone fed me'

wa'-ónke-nonte' wa'-onkhí:-nonte' wa'-esá:-nonte' wa'-etshí:-nonte' wa'-konwá:-nonte' wa-honwá:-nonte' wa'-ontáte-nonte' wa-konwatí:-nonte' wa-honwatí:-nonte'

'she/someone fed us (two or more)' 'she/someone fed you' 'she/someone fed you (two or more)' 'she/someone fed it/her' 'she/someone fed him' 'she/someone fed her/someone)' 'she/someone fed them (neuter/feminine)' 'she/someone fed them (males or mixed)' 'we two (you and I) fed it/her'

we-tení:-nonte' wa-htshitení:-nonte' wa'-ethí:-nonte' we-tewá:-nonte' wa-htshitewá:-nonte' wa'-ethí:-nonte'

'we two (you and I) fed him' 'we two (you and I) fed them' 'we all (you all and I) fed it/her' 'we all (you all and I) fed him' 'we all (you all and I) fed them' 'we two (s/he and I) fed you (one or two)'

wa'-kení:-nonte' wa'-kwá:-nonte' wa'-akeni:-nonte' wa-hshakení:-nonte' wa'-akhí:-nonte' wa'-kwá:-nonte' wa-hshakwá:-nonte' wa'-akwá:-nonte' wa'-akhí:-nonte' wa-hskení:-nonte' wa-hskwá:-nonte' we-seni:-nonte' wa-htshisení:-nonte'

'we two (s/he and I) fed you all' 'we two (s/he and I) fed it/her' 'we two (s/he and I) fed him' 'we two (s/he and I) fed her/someone/ them' 'we all fed you' 'we all fed him' 'we all (they and I) fed it/her' 'we all (they and I) fed her/someone/ them' 'you two fed me or us two' 'you two fed us all' 'you two fed it/her' 'you two fed him'

wa'-etshí:-nonte'

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wa-hskwá:-nonte' we-sewá:-nonte' wa-htshisewá:-nonte' wa'-etshi:-nonte'

'you all fed me or us' 'you all fed it/her' 'you all fed him' 'you all fed her/someone/them' 'they fed me'

wa'-ónke-nonte' wa'-onkhí:-nonte' wa'-esá:-nonte' wa'-etshí:-nonte' wa-hatí:-nonte' wa-hshakotí:-nonte' wa'-konwá:-nonte' wa'-akotí:-nonte' wa'-honwatí:-nonte' wa'-konwatí:-nonte'

'they fed us (two or more)' 'they fed you' 'they fed you (two or more)' 'they (males) fed it/her' 'they (males) fed them' 'they (women) fed it/her' 'they (women) fed them' 'they like them (males)' 'they like them (women)'

Additional Verbal Prefixes Mohawk verbs may contain a variety of other prefixes as well. Some indicate whether action is directed toward the speaker or away. 'swim!' satá:wen 'swim this way!' tasatá:wen 'swim away!' ia'satá:wen One indicates that an action is repeated or restores an earlier state. 'swim back!' sasatá:wen One can intensify the action. 'I was really swimming' nikatá:wens Another, in combination with a particle, signals negation. 'I won't swim' iah thakatá:wen Verbal Suffixes Prefixes account for only part of the complex structure of Mohawk verbs. There is also a wealth of suffixes. Among these is a reversive that undoes the central meaning of the verb root. 'get in!' satíta' 'get out!' satitáhko Others can add the meaning 'cause'. 'it is burning' iotékha' 'I'll cause it to burn, start a fire' enkatéka'te' Instrumental suffixes can add the meaning 'with'.

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ieksóhare's ieksohare'táhkhwa'

'she washes dishes' 'she washes dishes with it'

A benefactive suffix indicates that an action is for another's benefit. 'I will pick berries.' enkà:iako' 'I will pick berries for you' enkonhiákwahse' A distributive suffix indicates that an activity is done at various locations, at various times, to various objects, etc. 'I go around picking berries' kahiawenhá:tons Mohawk contains additional verbal prefixes and suffixes as well. There is, however, yet another way in which verbs may be complex. Noun Incorporation A noun stem may appear inside of the verb, immediately before the verb root. The verb below contains the noun root -ahi'fruit'. 'I am berrypicking' kahiákwas Incorporated noun roots generally narrow the meaning of the verb by specifying the kind of patient they apply to. Incorporation is also used to provide a background for an entity that is already under discussion. This use of incorporation can be seen at the beginning of a description of corn preparation by Kaieríthon Horne, of Kahnawà:ke. In the first line, the noun 'corn' appears by itself, unincorporated, since it is introducing the main topic of discussion. (The translation is hers.) ne ó:-nenhst-e' Nia'té:kon the NEUTER-corn-NOUN.SUFFIX so many ní:tsi iako-ia't-akéhnh-en n-okweh-ón:we. tsi so as it/them-bodythe-person-real as help-STATIVE 'Corn had many missions for the Indians.' In the next sentence the noun root for 'corn', now a familiar topic to the audience, was incorporated into the verb 'wash'. oká:ra' ne tsi ni-ie-iér-ha-hkwe' ak-hsót-ha Kí:ken story the so so-she-doshe/methis HABITUALLY-PAST grandparent-DIM 'This is a story about how my grandmother en-ie-nenhst-óhare-' tánonen-ie-the'ser-ón:ni-'. n-ó:nen FUTURE-she-cornand FUTURE-she-flourthe-now wash-PRF make-PRF would wash the corn and make flour.' Incorporated nouns, along with multiple prefixes and multiple suffixes can all co-occur within a single verb, and they often do.

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iah no

th-a-etsi-te-w-ate-wistohsera-'tarih-à:t-ha-k-e' NOT-WOULD-AGAIN-WE-ALL-OWN-butter-

HOT-CAUSE-HABITUAL-CONTINUATIVE-PERFECTIVE 'We will no longer keep heating up our butter.' As can be seen, a single Mohawk verb can often correspond to an entire sentence in English. One might wonder whether an utterance like that above (without the particle iah) is actually a single word. Several facts make word boundaries very clear in Mohawk. First, speakers know what constitutes a single word. Second, none of the parts of a word, the roots, prefixes or suffixes, would be recognisable if uttered by themselves. Third, every Mohawk word contains no more than one stressed syllable. (Some particles are not stressed.) Notice that even the long utterance above contains only one stressed syllable: à:t. The Functions of Verbs Not surprisingly, verbs are used with considerably greater frequency in Mohawk than in many other languages. Most speech consists predominantly of verbs, interspersed with some particles and only a few nouns. One reason for this is of course the fact that verbs already contain much of the information that would be communicated by separate nouns, adjectives or adverbs in other languages. Another is that verbs can serve a variety of syntactic roles in Mohawk. As in most languages, Mohawk verbs may function as predicates. Mohawk verbs are also frequently used to identify objects or persons, where other languages would use nouns. 'one scoops up soup with it'  'ladle' ienontarotsenhtáhkhwa' In fact, the rich structure of Mohawk verbs has made it possible for speakers to invent new words for new objects whenever needed. When Europeans brought new tools to the New World, Mohawk speakers did not have to borrow European words for them. They created their own. Finally, because verbs contain pronouns, they can function as complete sentences in themselves. All of the verbs cited in the previous section would be fully grammatical sentences alone. Connected Speech in Mohawk The ways in which information is packaged into words in Mohawk is thus quite different from the ways this is done in languages like English. Much more information is carried by verbs, and verbs appear more often.

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Page 171 The effect of this packaging can be seen by examining a short passage from the beginning of a tale told by Konwatsi'tsaién:ni Phillips, of Kahnawà:ke. iá:ken', (1) Wahón:nise' HEARSAY long.ago 'It is said that long ago, ákta tkanonhsó:tahkwe' (2) atsá:kta near THERE-IT-houseriver-near stand-HABITUALLY-PAST in a house that used to stand near the river, rati'terón:tahkwe'

iatathróna'

(3)

THEY-ALL-live-

THEY-TWO-EACH.OTHERmarried.are

é thó there

HABITUALLY-PAST there lived a couple, ne

ronwatiio'okòn:'atánon

akokstén:ha.

(4)

tánon the THEY/THEM- and and child-PL their children, and an old woman.

SHE-old.is

iá:ken

kí:ken

sewahsón:ta

HEARSAY

this

ONE-IT-night-is

(5)

O:nen now One night,

iahniiá:ken'ne' AWAY-PAST-THEY-TWOexit-PERFECTIVE the couple went out

ne

iatathróna',

(6)

the

THEY-TWO-EACH.OTHERmarried.are (7)

wahiaterennaiénhna'. PAST-THEY-TWO-SELF-prayerlay-GO.TO-PERFECTIVE to church. wa'ontenónhnha'. Akokstén:ha PAST-SHE-SELFSHE-old.is watch-PERFECTIVE The old woman stayed to tend to the children.'

(8)

Even in this short passage, it is possible to observe several ways in which information is presented differently in Mohawk than it might be in a European language. Note the use of the particle iá:ken 'it is said' in the first line of each paragraph. Mohawk speakers systematically distinguish information they know from their own direct experience, from that heard from others. The profusion of verbs typical of Mohawk is apparent here, too, even at the beginning of the story. Much information that would be conveyed by nouns in English or French is expressed in Mohawk verbs. Speakers rarely speak of simply a house without specifying that it is standing. The couple is named by a verb 'married to each other', and the old woman by a verb

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'be old'. Instead of saying that the couple went to church, the speaker said they went to pray. Finally, the order of words is of special interest. In line (6), the predicate 'went out' precedes the subject 'the couple'. In line (8), by contrast, the subject 'the old woman' precedes the predicate 'watched'. Mohawk word order seems at first quite variable. In many European languages, words are ordered primarily according to their syntactic roles as subjects, predicates, direct objects, etc. Since grammatical relations are already specified by pronominal prefixes within the Mohawk verb, word order can be used for other stylistic purposes. In Mohawk, words are ordered according to their importance to the discussion. Words conveying newsworthy information appear early in clauses, while more predictable or incidental information appears later. Newsworthy information might be new. In line (6), 'they went out', the first mention of a new event, precedes 'the couple', who had already been introduced earlier. Newsworthy information need not be brand new, however. It might introduce a new topic of discussion, or highlight a focus of contrast. In line (8), for example, 'the woman' appears at the beginning of the sentence, because she is contrasted with the couple that went out. Conclusion Mohawk is unlike more familiar European languages in many ways. Mohawk speakers often specify different distinctions, such as the source of information, the direction of motion, the degree of agency or volition involved, the distinction between dual and plural number, and much more. Information is packaged differently into words, and words are combined in different ways into sentences. The polysynthetic structure of Mohawk offers rich resources for the creative use of language and a vast repertoire of stylistic devices. Mohawk speakers have long had a reputation for their skilful use of language. The earliest Europeans to encounter them commented on their impressive political oratory. The appreciation and cultivation of linguistic virtuosity is still very much alive today in a multitude of contexts, from ceremonial speeches, through well-told tales and personal anecdotes, to snappy repartee. Acknowledgements The Mohawk material cited here comes from the cooperative efforts of Mohawk speakers at Kahnawà:ke and Kanehsatà:ke. I am grateful to them for sharing their time and expertise. Kahnawà:ke speakers include

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Katsi'tsénhawe Beauvais, Warisó:se Bush, Kahentoréhtha Cross, Kanatíshon Deer, Karonhiá:wi Deer, Karò:ra's Diabo, Tiorahkwáthe Gilbert, Kaieríthon Home, Kaia'titáhkhe Jacobs, Katsi'tsakóhe Jacobs, Konwatién:se Jacobs, Tekaronhió:ken Jacobs, Wahiénhawe Jacobs, Karihwénhawe Lazore, Niioronhià:'a Montour, Akwirà:'es Natawe, Konwatsi'tsaién:ni Phillips, and Karonhiákwas Sawyer. Speakers from Kanehsatà:ke include Kanerahtenhá:wi Gabriel, Warisó:se Gabriel, and Wathahí:ne Nicholas.

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Chapter 5B Grammatical Sketches: Montagnais: An Ethnogrammatical Description Danielle Cyr Introduction Montagnais, like most Amerindian languages, may be described as polysynthetic because it allows for the construction of very complex words that can often incorporate as much meaning as a whole English sentence. Most Montagnais polysynthetic words appear as verbs. This means that beyond naming the process performed, Montagnais verbs must also indicate the manner in which it is performed, the type of agent and (possibly) patient involved. When an instrument is being used, moreover, the type must also be indicated. Hence the affixes found in Montagnais verbs generally correspond to English pronominal subjects, direct and indirect objects and adverbs. For instance, consider the following Montagnais verbs: (1a) tashkamassetshipanu 's/he flies straight across the swamp' (1b) tashkamassetshipata:u 's/he runs/drives straight across the swamp' (1c) tashkamassekaim 's/he walks straight across the swamp' Each of those three verbs incorporates the adverb tashkam 'straight across' or 'from one shore to the other', the noun masseku 'swamp'; (la) incorporates the verbal base -panu 'he flies' and (1b) incorporates the verbal element -pata:u 'he runs', etc. Another respect in which Montagnais also differs to some extent from more familiar languages is the way in which its verbs take on the expression of concepts that appear as nouns and adjectives in other languages. Compare, for example, the Montagnais sentences (from Kapesh, 1976) appearing in (2) and (3) with their English translation:

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(2) Kie

tshinuau you (plur)

e inniuiek Indian- 2PL

tshika tshishikashunau. 2 FUT pay-for s.t.-2PL

And 'And you too, Indians, you will pay' (3) Ninan e inniuiak ninakumanan. Indians-1PLEXCL. 1-thank s.o.-1 PL.EXCL. We (excl) 'We, Indians, we thank him'

In Montagnais abstract concepts are also expressed as verbs rather than as nouns. Consider, for example, (4) and (5), drawn from Kashtin's album 1: (4) E uassiuian. CF-child-lSG 'My childhood' (lit.' when I was a child'). (5) E peikussian CF-alone- 1SG 'My solitude' (lit. 'when I am alone'). As illustrated in Examples (1) to (5), Montagnais verbs can take on very complex forms. The behaviour of Montagnais nouns, however, is quite similar to that of languages such as English or French. The way Montagnais builds its complex nouns is quite similar to English for instance, if we think of such nouns as television or telephone. (6a) na:peu 'man' + maskh'' 'bear' = napeshk'' 'male bear' (6b)na:peu 'man' + ua:push 'rabbit' = na:pepush 'male rabbit' These examples show that while Montagnais may differ from European languages in some respects, it can also be quite similar to them in other areas. My purpose is to describe the similarities and differences between Montagnais and other more familiar languages. All examples will be drawn from the sources listed in the Bibliography, and they may come from various locations between Betsiamites (Quebec) and Labrador (Newfoundland). The dialectal span and the slight variation found in the body of examples will not be of consequence, however, as I will strive to describe only what is common to the whole set of dialects spoken in the continuum. The spelling of examples is in agrement with the Guide de l'orthographe montagnaise (see Drapeau & Mailhot, 1989). As this Guide allows for some variation in the spelling of words from different villages, the reader may find some examples in which the spelling differs. When listing some paradigms, I will restore the vowel lengths and the tones, which do not normally appear in standard orthography. However, when discussing examples involving full sentences drawn from natural data, I will leave

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them in the standard orthography. Given space constraints, it will not be possible to break down the examples into morphemes level because there will not be room to explain the morphophonemic rules involved in such a process in the present work. My description corresponds to what is described by its speakers as 'pure' Montagnais. By this they mean the state of the language that is presently spoken by a few monolingual elders only. Montagnais has, in fact, now entered a phase of intense code mixing through its pervasive contacts with French as the dominant regional language. In view of this Montagnais speakers who speak French, or intend to acquire it as a working language, speak a mixed version of Montagnais, recently identified by Drapeau (personal communication) as 'Neo-Montagnais', in which more and more of the lexical items are uttered in French. This grammatical sketch of Montagnais is presented in five sections including, respectively: phonology, morphology, parts of speech, syntax, discourse. Phonology The Montagnais phonological system includes 8 consonants and 7 vowels. The realisation of these phonemes can vary quite considerably across the dialectal areas. (An exhaustive pandialectal description of these variations can be found in Drapeau and Mailhot (1989).) Consonants Montagnais consonants include two nasals /m/ and /n/, six orals among which three stops /p/, /t/, /k/, one affricate / / and two fricatives / / and /h/. The /h/ is hardly ever pronounced unless it appears in between two vowels as in [ehe] 'yes'. All consonants are usually voiceless, although they can be vocalised when occurring in an intervocalic position. The /m/ and /k/ are usually labialised (i.e. followed by a voiceless round high vowel) when occurring in the final position of a word, where they appear as [m"] and [k"] This feature is not phonemic, however. In some dialects (i.e. Masteuiash and Betsiamites) the /n/ is always realised as [1]. Vowels The seven basic vowels are all orals. They include four long vowels /e:/, /a:/, /u:/ and /i:/ and three short ones /a/, /i/ and /u/. In most parts of the dialectal continuum, short vowels tend to centralise and are therefore

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Page 177 realised as a schwa. In some areas, /i/ and /a/ tend to harmonize in front of a following [ku], [ku], [mu] or [mu]. For instance /atimu/ 'dog'can bepronounced [atumu]. In some parts of the continuum, especially in the Lower North Shore villages, the intervocalic /n/ may disappear leaving behind a nasalised diphtong, e.g. nitanish 'my daughter' becomes [nitãish]. Tones Some disappearing grammatically contrastive word final phonemes have been replaced by contrastive tones on the final vowel. Martin (undated: 35), for instance, reports that the word pu:shi: may mean 'board on!' or 'take me aboard!' depending if it is pronounced [pu:shi:] or [pu:shí:]. Stress In stylistically neutral occurrences, the stress is placed on the last syllable of a word, a phrase or a sentence. Orthography Montagnais, along with other Algonquian languages such as Ojibway and Micmac (see Battiste, 1985), has a long history of literacy. Many missionaries who described Montagnais from the 17th century onwards have created various writing systems. Subsequently in the 20th century, many anthropologists and linguists have also developed different writing codes, each of which tried to reflect the local pronounciation as exactly as possible. Consequently, the writing of Montagnais was characterised, until quite recently, by a wide variety of orthographic codes. In the late 1980s the Institut éducatif et culturel attikamek-montagnais launched a project to develop a standard orthography. This project was conducted under the supervision of Drapeau and Mailhot. It resulted in the publication of a Guide pratique d'orthographe montagnaise (see Drapeau & Mailhot, 1989). The document provides a consistent analysis of the situation, and special attention is paid to variation across communities. The Guide represents a neat effort to standardise the orthographic code in an optimal way, and allowance is made for local options in certain instances. For example the case of /n/ realised as [1] in Betsiamites and Masteuiash is resolved by offering the users of those villages the option to write the sound [1] as n with a grave accent. Another example is the differentiation of the writing of the phonemic sequences / /, / to be

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/ or / / in word finals, all of which tend

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written as '-ss-' in some villages. In general the underlying phonemes are restored in the standard orthography, though it is suggested in some cases, e.g. for / / on the Lower North Shore, that the traditional orthography '-ss-' be kept. In other cases, however, some decisions may have led to further problems. For example the decision to not mark the tones and vowel lengths, which are both phonemic and grammatically relevant, may prove to be unfortunate for language teachers and learners in the future. Morphology When discussing Montagnais morphology, it is important to distinguish in the first place between derivational morphology on the one hand, and inflectional morphology on the other hand. Prefixes and suffixes are characteristic of both derivational and inflectional morphology. However, from a traditional perspective, in which grammar is described as the set of obligatory units, and lexicon as the set of optional units, the classification of Montagnais affixes may, however, become problematic. The language displays a set of affixes that could belong to both categories because they function in a hybrid way. Given the fact that they serve to construct lexical units, mainly verbal bases, they look derivational. But, as they also serve to indicate semantic agreement with the overt nominal arguments of the verb, they should also be considered inflectional. I will first describe lexical morphology, which includes suffixes, prefixes, class modifiers, compounds, types of radicals and affixes, neologisms, periphrasis, borrowings and change of meaning. Then, I will describe grammatical morphology, which includes the categories of gender, number, possession, locative, person, tense, mode, transitivity, obviation, direction and personal hierarchy, preverbs and orders. Lexical Morphology As in a great number of other languages, Montagnais uses prefixes and suffixes to create complex words from simple ones. These affixes are used to modify the basic meaning of the simple words to which they are added. In this way, nouns can be created out of other nouns and verbs out of other verbs. Some of those affixes can also make a simple word move from its original category to another lexical category. Hence, verbs can be created out of nouns and nouns out of verbs.

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Suffixes To illustrate the functioning of suffixes, let us take a simple noun like ishkueu 'woman', to which we wish to add the notion 'small'. We can add a diminutive suffix -ss to this basic word, thus obtaining the complex word ishkuess 'girl' or 'unmarried woman'. In the same way we can use the simple word na:peu 'man' to create the complex word na:pess 'boy'. To both ishkuess and napess we can again add the same diminutive suffix to obtain ishkuessis 'little girl' and na:pessiss 'little boy'. This is not very different from French where we obtain fillette 'little girl' from fille 'girl', or from Italian where we can get casettina from casetta and casetta from casa 'house'. Prefixes Conversely, we can also modify the meaning of a simple word by adding a prefix to it. Taking again the noun na:peu, we can add to it the augmentative prefix mishta- 'big', to obtain the word Mista:peu. This word, used with a capital M, means 'legendary being', 'giant' or 'soul' (cf. McNulty-Basile lexicon). We also find it as mishta-na:peu (cf. Mailhot-Lescop lexicon) with the meaning of 'great man'. Here again, this is not very different from English in which we form 'Superman' from 'Super' and 'man'. Affixes and Class Changes In the previous examples, we considered only cases where the addition of an affix led to the derivation of complex nouns from simple nouns. In the same way we can derive complex verbs from simple verbs. For example, from the verb a:uata:u 'he/she carries it' we can derive the verb a:uataua:shu 'he/she carries his/her luggage'. In other cases, the addition of suffixes can turn a noun into a verb. For example, taking the simple noun apui: 'paddle' and adding to it the verbal suffix-tsheu will turn the noun into a verb meaning 'to make paddles'. Adding the verbal suffix -u: to a noun turns this noun into a verb. For example, ishkueu 'woman' + -u:  ishkueu: 'she is a woman'. Suffixation also turns a verb into a noun: from the verb ni:kamu 's/he sings' we can create the noun ni:kamu:n 'song', and from the verb aimu 's/he talks' we can create aimu:n 'word'. Derivational prefixes can also change the word category. The prefix ka:acts as a nominaliser and changes a verb into a noun. For example, pimipalita:u 's/he activates/operates something'  ka:pimipalita:sht 'driver', 'operator'.

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Compounds In the area of compounding, Montagnais uses two different kinds of units. The first are called 'free forms' or 'stems' in Bloomfield's terminology. These units can be used in isolation in a sentence, and they can accept affixes. The second are called 'bound forms'. These units cannot be used in isolation, neither can they be followed immediately by grammatical suffixes. Nouns, verbs and adverbial particles belong to the free type, while modifiers belong to the bound type. Free forms can compound with free forms to create complex words of the European type 'horsepower' or 'well-being'. For example, the combination of nipi:u 'water' and ku:ku:sh 'pig' produces nipi:uku:ku:sh 'hippopotamus'. Combining mita:shia:pi: 'wool' and assikuma:n 'iron', we get mita:shia:pi:uassikuma:n 'knitting needle'. As we see, in both cases the bases have kept their original form and they can, outside compounding, function by themselves in any sentence. The -u- appearing in between mita:shia:pi and assikuma:n is known as a 'compounding' -u-. It appears systematically when the first word ends with a vowel. If this last vowel is short, the compounding -u- lengthens it. The compounding process can also combine a free form with a derivational prefix as in (7) (drawn from Drapeau, 1979: 47). (7a) Tshishe-Manitu: 'big' + 'spirit' God (7b)Milu-Manitu: 'good' + 'spirit' Holy Ghost (7c) Matshi-manitu: 'evil' + 'spirit' Lucifer Compounding elements Free forms, or stems, are independent words. When appearing in a compound word, they can stand either in first or second position, according to the desired meaning. Bound forms are classified according to their positional behaviour, i.e. the place where they can appear in a word. Roots Bound lexical bases which can appear in first position in a word are called 'roots'. The root 'ishkue-', for example, has the capacity to appear in the initial position and to support any other element coming after it as in the series ishkueia:push 'female rabbit', ishkuemisku 'female beaver', ishkuemesh 'female fish'. Non-initials A second type of compounding unit may appear only in second position, i.e. after the root. For example the initial root unit mi:tshua:p 'house' has a corresponding non-initial element -tshua:p which

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appears in the compound shu:nia:utshua:p where the initial shu:nia:u- brings the meaning 'money' followed by the non-initial tshua:p 'house' to produce the meaning 'bank'. Not all initial units have a corresponding non-initial unit and, conversely, noninitials do not all have a corresponding initial. Medials Medials are compounding units that cannot appear in the initial or final position. They must be preceded by an initial unit and be followed by a final one. We generally find them in verb compounds. In general they correspond to body parts, like n- 'with the hands', or -shk- 'with the feet', as in: (8) pa:ka:nam pa:ka:shkam

's/he bursts something with her/his hands' 's/he bursts something with her/his feet'

Substance classifiers also appear as medials. They usually indicate the type of instrument with which an action is performed, the form or the substance of the subject or the object, etc. (9) -a:shku-pishk-apek-ek-ikam-

'made of wood' 'mineral' 'thread-like' 'lying' 'liquid'

The use of classifiers creates a semantic agreement between the verb and its overt arguments. If we consider the intransitive verb shi:peku: 'something is green', for example, we see that its form will change depending on whether its subject is threadlike, mineral, long, flat, etc.: (10) [the shoe string] [the tin cup] [the ski] [the lawn]

'is green' 'is green'

shi:pekua:pekan shi:pekua:pishkan

'is green'

shi:pekua:shkuan

'is green'

shi:pekuekan

The substance or the shape of the object can equally affect the morphology of a transitive verb: (11) 's/he folds in two something thread-like' 's/he folds in two something flat'

napueiapetshenam napuekaim

Finals Finals are suffixes which appear as the last elements of a lexical stem, before the inflectional markers. Their position determine the part of the speech to which a lexical stem belongs. We can therefore distinguish between nominal finals and verbal finals. Montagnais displays a great

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number of final suffixes. It would be impossible to list them all here. Each of them brings an indication about the type of noun or verb it characterises. For example, the nominal final -un indicates that the noun is an action, as in ni:kamu:n 'song' and aim:un 'speech', the final -kan indicates that the noun is a tool, as in mashinaikan 'book' and tipashkinikan 'rule'. As for the verbal finals, they express grammatically relevant notions such as transitivity, gender, existentiality, reflexivity, reciprocity, etc. Neologisms As long as a culture is in a strong position, it retains the capacity to absorb the flow of new realities it has to face. These new realities are then conceptually adapted to the culture and translated into terms corresponding to the mechanisms of its own language. As in any other language, Montagnais displays a set of word-creating devices for that purpose. When they were confronted with the numerous new realities brought about by Europeans, Montagnais speakers had to produce a host of new words to express these realities. We will see hereafter that Montagnais neological strategies are not only diversified, but also that the neologisms they produce are often eloquent witnesses of the cultural clash imposed upon the Montagnais society. To express new concepts, beside the derivational morphology and compounding explained above, Montagnais also uses periphrasis, direct borrowing and semantic change. Derivational and compounding neology The neologisms created from the verb pa:shta:itu 's/he makes a mistake' illustrate the case of neology through ordinary derivational and compounding morphology. This word appears in Drapeau's lexicon, where we also find, as a synonym, pa:shta:-tu:tam 'mistake-s/he makes'. We also find pa:shta:itun 'sin', from pa:shta:itu and the action nominalizer -n. Facing the need to express a new concept introduced very early by the missionaries, Montagnais have hence nominalised the verb pa:shta:itu and have turned it into a noun expressing the new concept. The shift from the original meaning 'mistake' to the new one 'sin' is at the same time a good example of semantic change. In the same lexicon we also find pa:shta:ielitam from pa:shta:itu and itelitam 's/he thinks' with the resulting meaning 's/he commits a sin in her/his mind'. As sins are not all of an equal importance, the difference between a venial and a mortal sin also needed to be expressed by the newly converted. The notion of a 'venial sin' is hence expressed through the addition of the diminutive suffix -(i)ss to pa:shta:itun with the resulting neologism pa:shta:ituniss (McNulty & Basile lexicon). In the other direction we find that the addition of an

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augmentative prefix mishta- has given the neologism mishtapa:shta:itun 'mortal sin'. In a much more practical domain, that of food, the cultural clash is evident, if we consider the following neologisms (from the McNulty & Basile lexicon): (12a) aua:siss (12b) a:piku:shish' (12c) shika:ku

'baby' + mei 'stools'  aua: ssmeish

'mustard'

mouse' + mei

 a:piku:shishmeish

'rice'

'skunk' + shu 'smell'

 shika:kussu

'onion'

Periphrases We have already seen that Montagnais verbs can express as much meaning as an ordinary English sentence. The nominalisation of a verb, through the addition of a prefix ka:- generates a new word which is equivalent to a periphrase. For example the verb makuneu 's/he squeezes him/her with her/his hand' or 's/he catches him/her' produces ka:ma:kunauest 'policeman', literally 'one who catches people'. Direct borrowing As we have seen in the preceding examples, these periphrastic words tend to be rather long. Speakers, however, often prefer to avoid long words. Hence they tend to rely on direct borrowings. For instance, the concept of 'university' was first expressed by the word mishtatshishkutama:tsheutshua:p, in which we find the following components: (13) mishtatshishkutama:tsheu

'big' 's/he teaches' 'house'

-tshua:p

Instead of using that long word, some speakers, such as the essayist An Kapesh, prefer to borrow directly the French noun phrase l'université 'the university'. After phonological adaptation it becomes ninipassité. Example (14) lists a series of direct borrowings, all from French nominal phrases: (14) la bière la loi la patate la banane l'assiette le gâteau le chou

 na:pien  na:nua:

'beer' 'law'

 napata:t

'potato'

 napana:n

'banana'

 na:shiet

'plate'

 neka:utu:

'cake'

 neshu

'cabbage'

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Semantic changes Another way of expressing a new concept is to give a new meaning to an already existing word. This is the case of the word uta:pa:kan, which originally meant 'sleigh', and means now, by extension of its original meaning, 'car' or 'vehicle'. The word uhtikuan 'his/her head' now means, by metonymic transfer, 'stamp' ('the Queen's head'). Grammatical Morphology Most Montagnais grammatical categories are very similar to those of more familiar languages such as English or French, for example gender and number for the noun and person, gender, number, tense and mode for the verb. Montagnais also includes other grammatical categories that are more specific to Algonquian languages, such as transitivity, order, direction and personal hierarchy for the verb, and locatives for the noun. One additional category appears equally with verbs and nouns, i.e. obviation, which will be discussed in a further section. Gender Montagnais nouns belong to either the animate (hereafter 'a.') or the inanimate category (hereafter 'i.'). Human beings and animals are always animate. For other types of being the gender category is often arbitrary. In some cases, however, the gender seems to be based on cultural factors. For instance, tall trees are generally animate, while small trees and bushes are usually inanimate. Running water is animate, but drinking water is inanimate. In most cases, it is much more difficult to see a link between the meaning of a noun and its gender. For example a:tshiku:ia:n 'carrying bag for babies' and ashtish 'mitten' are animate, while mu:kuma:n 'knife' and mita:sh 'sock' are inanimate. The form of a word does not indicate per se the gender category. For example, mashinaikan 'book' is inanimate, but maikan 'wolf' is animate. U:sh 'canoe' is inanimate, but mu:sh 'moose' is animate. The only way to identify the gender of a noun is to look at the verbal agreement it triggers. In Montagnais, verbs must agree in gender with their subject and with their object, assuming there is one. The form of the verb will thus differ according to the gender of the subject and object. Examples (15) to (18) illustrate the gender agreement in verbs: (15) ua:pinua:u mashinaikan book (i.) it is grey (a.)

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(16) ua:pinushîu

maikan wolf (a.)

it is grey (a.) (17) nua:pama:u

maikan wolf (a.)

I see someone (a.) (18) nua:paten

mashinaikan book (i.)

I see something (i.) Number

Another way of knowing the gender of a noun is to look at its plural form. Animate plural ends in -at, while inanimate plural ends in -a. (19) pisha:kania:pi:a (plur. i.)

'ropes' 'paddles'

apui:at (plur. a.)

Verbs also agree in number both with their subject and object unless the object is inanimate. Example (20) illustrates the subject/object verbal agreement: (20) nua:pama:u nua:pama:uat nua:pama:na:n nua:pama:na:nat

'I see him/her' 'I see them' 'we see him/her' 'we see them'

Possession The notion of possession is expressed by the means of personal prefixes added to the possessed noun, as in (21): (21) mashinaikan nimashinaikan tshimashinaikan umashinaikan

'book' 'my book' 'your book' 'his/her book'

Montagnais makes a formal distinction between alienable and inalienable possession. Kinship terms and body parts, because they belong to the category of inalienable possession always appear with a personal prefix indicating the possessor, as in (18): (22) nu:tau tshu:tau u:tau

'my father' 'your father' 'his/her father'

Some nouns may also require a possessive suffix, which is unmarked for person:

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(23) minu:sh niminu:shim tshiminu:shim

'cat' 'my cat' 'your cat'

Locative Nouns and noun determiners may take a locative suffix. This suffix appears as -it when the word final is a consonant and as -t when the word final is a vowel: (24) mi:t:shua:p mi:tshua:pit

'table' 'on the table' 'water'

nipi:

'in the water'

nipi:t

There is no overt distinction between a locative with movement and a locative without movement. Person Montagnais displays a system of person distinction marked by sets of prefixes and suffixes on the verbs. Person distinction is also expressed by a set of free pronouns. The use of free personal pronouns is not obligatory, however. They serve mainly to give emphasis to the verb phrase. Personal distinction includes the first, second and third person in the singular and plural. The first person plural, in turn, separates the marking of what is called inclusive and exclusive. There are hence two ways of marking a verb in the first person plural: the inclusive morpheme and pronoun indicate that the addressee is included in the speaker's group, while the exclusive ones indicate that the addressee is not considered part of the speaker's group. Example (25) displays the set of free personal pronouns: (25) ni:n tshi:n ui:n ui:na tshi:na:n ni:na:n tshi:nua:u ui:nua:u

I you (sing.) s/he (prox.) s/he (obv.) 2 we (inclusive = 'you + I (+ s/he or them)') we (exclusive = 'I and s/he or them, but not you') you (plur.) them

Examples (26a) and (26b) display the set of bound personal affixes (for the neutral independent transitive direct verbs; see below for those categories). (26a) illustrates the animate object agreement and (26b) the inanimate object agreement:

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(26a) nua:pama:u tshua:pama:u ua:pameu nua:pama:na:n tshua:pama:na:n(u) tshua:pama:ua:u ua:pameuat (26b) nua:paten tshua:paten ua:patam nua:pa:tena:n tshua:patena:n(u) tshua:patena:u ua:patamuat

'I see her/him' 'you (sg) see her/him' 's/he sees her/him' 'we (excl) see her/him' 'we (incl) see her/him' 'you (pl) see her/him' 'they see her/him' 'I see it' 'you see it' 's/he sees it' 'we (excl) see it' 'we (incl) see it' 'you (pl) see it' 'they see it'

Tense There are three main categories for the expression of tense in Montagnais: neutral, past and future. Because the formal expression of tense cannot be separated from that of order, their combination produces such a wealth of forms that it is impossible to describe them all. For exhaustive discussion of tense morphology and listings, see MacKenzie and Clarke (1981) as well as Drapeau and Baraby (forthcoming). I will discuss the tense category briefly and for independent order only (see order). The neutral, or unmarked form, expresses events and actions that are understood as contemporary to the moment of speech. It can also be used in some contexts as a form of perfective, i.e. an action or event that is seen as completed at the moment of speech. Any action or event understood as subsequent to the moment of speech is marked as future. The formal marking of the future consists in a personal prefix followed by the prefix -ka as in: (27) nika

ua:pama:u see s.o.-1S

1-fut. 'I will see her/him'

A past action or event, especially when presented separated from the moment of speech, is always marked for past tense. Though the use of the neutral form may be possible when a situation is presented simply as completed at the moment of speech, the use of past tense becomes obligatory as soon as a past tense adverb is used in the same context. The past markers consist in the addition of personal suffixes (see MacKenzie & Clarke (1981) for a list of complete paradigms). There is no formal distinction between a durative and non-durative situation in the past or in

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the future. Examples (28a) and (28b) provide contexts of past situations illustrating the case: (28a) [Context: What was s/he doing when you came home yesterday?] Mi:tshishu Eat- 3SG 'S/he was eating' (28b) [Context: What did s/he do when you came home yesterday?] Mi:tshishu Eat- 3SG 'S/he ate' If the speaker wants to signal that a past situation has a present result, the use of a perfect marker sha:sh tshi may occur: (29) Sha:sh tshi mi:tshishu PERFECT eat-3S S/he has eaten ( = 's/he is not hungry anymore') The full original meaning of sha:sh is 'already' while tshi appears in some dialects as a marker of a 'completed past situation' (see MacKenzie & Clarke, 1981: 140 for more details). Mode Montagnais displays a set of five different modal paradigms. Their classification and terminology vary slightly from one author to the next. I follow Drapeau's classification (see Drapeau 1985c, 1986). She distinguishes five different modes, all formerly marked by verbal suffixes: indicative, indirect, subjective, dubitative and subjunctive. A sample of these modes and their typical meaning is provided in (30), which illustrates the third person singular of the verb a:tusse- 'work': (30) INDICATIVE INDIRECT SUBJECTIVE DUBITATIVE SUBJONCTIVE

a:tusseu a:tussetak

's/he works (I am sure about it)' 's/he works (I am sure about it though

I haven't witnessed it myself)' ka-a:tusseu-a 'it seems to me that s/he works' a:tussitshe

's/he must be working'

a:tussen

'it might be that s/he works'

Transitivity As we have seen earlier, Montagnais verbs must agree in gender and number with their subject and object. Furthermore, the form of a verbal stem indicates whether the verb must be understood as having an object or not. Hence, the shape of a verb stem may take four different forms,

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according to the gender of the subject, the absence or presence of an object and the gender of the object. Verbs for which form does not refer to the presence of an object are called intransitive. The subject of an intransitive verb is either animate (a.i.) or inanimate (i.i.). The verbs whose form refers overtly to an object are called transitive verbs. All transitive verbs have an animate subject. The object of a transitive verb is either animate, in which case we talk of a transitive animate (t.a.), or inanimate, in which case we talk of a transitive inanimate (t.i.). Examples (31a)-(31d) illustrate the four possibilities (drawn from Drapeau, 1991): (31a) uta:mitin (i.i)

'something knocks against an object or a surface' (31b) uta:mishinu (a.i.) 's/he knocks him/herself against an object or a surface' (31c) uta:maim (t.i.) 's/he knocks on something' (31d) uta:mishimeu (t.a.) 's/he knocks someone against an object or a surface' If we combine the transitivity mechanism with the use of classifiers, we can now measure the fine differentiations made in the choice of a verb: (32a) uta:mikateshinu (a.i.) 's/he bangs her/his leg into something' (32b) uta:mikatueu (t.a.) 's/he hits someone on the leg' (32c) uta:mikatikueshinu (a.i.)'s/he bangs her/his forehead into something' (32d) uta:mikatikueueu (t.a.) 's/he hits someone on the forehead' Obviation Obviation (obv.), a grammatical category specific to Algonquian languages, is marked on verbs, nouns and pronouns. The function of the obviation category is to signal which of two third-person referents occurring in the same sentence should be considered with more attention. In the English sentence 'Suddenly, the hare meets the bear', involving two third-person referents, there is no way for us to know whether the hare or the bear is going to be more salient during the next sequence of the story. With the obviation category, Montagnais provides such a device. Formally, obviation consists in the marking of the third person considered to be less salient. This referent is then said to be obviated. The other third person referent, the one being left unmarked, is considered as proximate, i.e. more salient, or more in the focus of attention at this point in the narration. The form of the obviative marker consists of the addition of a suffix -a on the animate noun and pronoun, and of a suffix -nu on the inanimate noun and pronoun. In Example (33) from McNulty and Basile (ms), the Giant Hare,

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Mehapush, is unmarked, hence understood as proximate or more in the focus of attention, while the bear and the path are marked as obviated. (33) Kue mitimit nenu meshkana:nu Meha:push he turns on the-OBV path-OBV Giant Hare Then uetita:t

nenua

tshishemashkua

tshek he meets her the-OBV old she bear-OBV. suddenly 'Then the Giant Hare turns on the path when suddenly he meets the old Grandmother bear.' The subject and the object can both be, in turn, obviated. When the obviated referent of one sentence becomes proximate in the next sentence, we can speak of a focus shift. Examples (34a) and (34b) illustrate the case; two children, young boys, go to look at the (Giant) hare. In (34a) the boys (subject) are proximate and the hare (object) is obviated. In (34b) it is the other way around, the hare, referred to as a subject, by a personal suffix on the verb, is understood as proximate, while the boys (object) are marked as obviative: (34a) Kue Then

na:tsha:t they go

ntshent the

aua:ssat nenua children the-OBV

ua:pusha. rabbit-OBV

to see him3PL PROX  3SG OBV 'Then the children (prox.) go to see the rabbit (obv.).' (34b) Minua:t kue itukut nenua na:pessa: '[.]'. then say-3 OBV  3 SG the-OBV boy-OBV Once again 'Then once again he [the rabbit (prox.)] is told by the boys (obv.): '[. . .]'. The speaker has thus a certain degree of freedom when choosing which referent will be presented as obviated or proximate. Direction (personal hierarchy) Properly speaking Montagnais has no passive voice. Though the category direction, also called personal hierarchy, may be considered quite close to the universal passive category, we cannot discuss it in the same terms. The term personal hierarchy means that in Montagnais, when two different persons are in relation inside a predicate, the second person takes precedence over the first and the third. The first also takes precedence over the third. 3 Let us take a situation of the type 'I see you' versus one of the type 'you see me'. In English, the subject is expressed first and the object second, whatever the person involved as subject or object is. Also in

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English, we have a choice between 'I see you' and 'you are seen by me', or between 'You see me' and 'I am seen by you'. This would be impossible in Montagnais, because its grammar prescribes that the second person must have precedence over the first. While it is possible to say directly 'You see me' it is not possible to say directly 'I see you'. The only way to express 'I see you' is by 'inversing' the process. Compare (35) and (36): (35) Tshi-ua:pam-in 2-see s.o.-1SG 'You see me' (36) Tshi-ua:pam-it-in 2-see s.o.-INV.1SG 'I see you' [litt. 'You are in an inverse process of seeing where the other is I'.] As we see in (36) the inversion is formally marked by the inversive affix -it-. This may look like a passive because it can be understood as 'you are seen by me'. It is not exactly a passive, however, because the language offers no way to express a passive equivalent for the other persons. 'I am seen by you' or 's/he is seen by you' is impossible in Montagnais. (37) and (38) illustrate the cases where the first and second person are involved in a process with a third person: (37) ni-ua:pama:u 1-see s.o. 3SG 'I see her/him (38) ni-ua:pam-ik'' 1-see s.o.-INV 3SG 'S/he sees me'

and tshi-ua:pama:u 2-see s.o. 3SG 'you see her/him' and tshi-ua:pam-ik'' 2-see s.o.-INV 3SG 'S/he sees you'

Preverbs Preverbs are a set of prefixes that modify the meanings of the verbal stems. The meaning of preverbs ranges from concrete to abstract, or, say, from lexical to modal: minu- 'good', matshi- 'bad', mishta- 'a lot', ni:ta:u-'know', pa:- 'ought', ui:- 'want', ka'future'; compare for example mishtamitshishu 'a lot-he eats' and ui-natshiskuteu 'he wants to go seek for fire'. Preverbs with a more concrete meaning belong to lexical derivation, while those with an abstract meaning belong to grammatical inflection. When a personal prefix is used, the preverb appears in between the personal prefix and the stem, as in ni-mishta-mitshishun 'I-a lot-I eat', or ni-ui-natshisku:tuen 'I-want-I go seek for fire'.

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Orders As personal hierarchy, order is a category quite specific to Algonquian languages. Its function, however, is very close to aspect as a universal category. The order category is a set of three verbal paradigms respectively called independent, conjunct and changed form. The independent is marked by a set of personal prefixes plus by a set of suffixes differentiating between the local and non local person, where first and second person are understood as 'local', and the third person as 'non local': (39) n-ua:pam-a:u 1-see s.o.-LOCAL 2-see s.o.-LOCAL tsh-ua:pam-a:u Ø-see s.o.-NON LOCAL Ø-ua:pam-eu The conjunct is marked by a set of suffixes differentiating first, second and third person: (40) ua:pamak ua:pamat ua:pama:t

see s.o.-1SG CONJ see s.o.-2SG CONJ

'I see her/him' 'You see her/him'

see s.o.-3SG CONJ

S/he sees her/him'

The changed form has the same set of personal suffixes as the conjunct plus a change in the first vowel of the stem: (41) uia:pamak CF see -SG CONJ CF see-2SG CONJ uia:pamat CF see-3SG CONJ uiapa:ma:t

'I see her/him' 'You see her/him' 'S/he sees her/him'

If a verb in the changed form is constructed with a preverb, then the vowel of the preverb will undergo the change. The way in which orders are illustrated in (39), (40) and (41) seems to indicate that there is no semantic difference between the three. Without context, this could be the case. Grammatical forms never occur out of context, however. In context, each order appears with its specific set of conjunctions, or adverbs/preposition: the independent appears either without conjunctions or with u:sha:m 'because', sha:sh 'already', na:nitam 'often'; the conjunct always appears with some conjunction, for example: (e)kue 'and then', tshetshi 'in order to'. The changed form appears with another specific set: miam 'right now', tshek 'suddenly'. Within the context of the whole discourse, functional differences can be observed between the three forms. The independent order signals situations which are to be considered part of the background of the narration: initial setting of the narration, initial state of the world, presentation of the characters, their names, their basic

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characteristics, etc. In the course of the narration, verbs in the independent order serve to introduce new actors, or additional details about the feelings of the characters, explanations about their behaviour, their attitudes, etc. The conjunct order signals situations that are to be considered as 'real action'; usually these are dynamic situations which are presented as sequential in their unfolding. The changed form indicates a sudden change in the initial state of the world; it also highlights events or situations that contribute to trigger or to start the real action. In short, the independent creates a background populated with still characters, while the changed form puts them into action, which is, in turn, marked by the conjunct. Example (42) illustrates the use of the orders in real text situation. The text displayed in this excerpt is drawn from McNulty and Basile (ms). Mehapuh natshiskutueu 'Mehapuh discovers the Fire' Uehskat shâshish aput tukuat ishkûteu kie anapi, eukuan ne Mehapush shiatshuatahk eshinkûtâkanit ishkûtenu mak eshinakuianiti anapia. Kue Mehapush nete shâpât ishpatât. Metapepatât ma nete... Tante tshipatu? Nâtâupmiskâu, muk apu tshitashkamaihk ushâm nânâkuannu. Kue tepuâtat mishtamekua 'Ashuâkumuku mishtamekutuku, niuinatshishkûtuen!' Eku tapue mûstshâtamuht mistamekuat, kue âiâshûkuâshkûtit Mehapush. 4 CHANGED FORM

INDEPENDENT

CONJUNCT 1. A long time ago there was no fire nor fishing nets. 2. This was then that the Giant Hare left to find out how fire and fishing nets were made. 3. So then he ran to the sea the Giant Hare. 4. Getting there, however,... 5... .what can he do? He knows how to swim but he can't swim across because the sea is too wide.

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6. So then he calls whales: 'Line up whales, I want to go seek for fire!' 7. At this very moment whales come and line up. 8. And then he jumps from one onto another the Giant Rabbit. Sentence 1, with its verb in the independent, introduces the hearer to the initial state of the world before the real action starts to unfold. In this particular tale, the main character is not introduced in the background. This is only possible because the Giant Hare is so well known as a mythical hero that there is probably no real need to introduce him. Sentence 2, with its verb in the changed form, indicates a change in the state of the world that starts the action: the Giant Hare decides to leave on a quest for fire and fishing nets. Sentence 3, with its verb in the conjunct, signals that the real physical action has started to unfold. In Sentence 4, the use of the changed form indicates that an obstacle will trigger a change in the process, i.e. will stop the action. Sentence 5 brings additional details to the nature of that obstacle. With Sentence 6, action resumes. Parts of Speech Beside verbs and nouns, which we have seen in some detail, the other parts of speech of Montagnais are adverbs, conjunctions and prepositions, pronouns, noun determiners and question words. Like other Algonquian languages, Montagnais does not have adjectives. The meaning usually carried by this category in other languages is expressed in Montagnais through intransitive verbs. Hence concepts such as 'a white hare' is expressed by an animate intransitive verb: (43) Ua:pi:shiu white a.i.3SG 'It's a white hare'

ua:push hare

Adverbs, Conjunctions and Prepositions Adverbs, prepositions and conjunctions are a mixed class of predicate modifiers and connectors. As in many other languages, it is not easy to distinguish clearly between one or the other. Most of the time, however, adverbs are understood as invariable words whose function is to add

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meaning to the verb or to the whole sentence. Montagnais adverbs refer most of the time to temporal indications such as sha:sh 'already', anu:tshish 'now/nowaday', na:nitam 'often', man 'sometimes'. However, many of the concepts that are expressed through temporal adverbs in English are expressed through intransitive verbs in Montagnais. For instance concepts like 'tonight' or 'today' occur as inanimate intransitive verbs: uta:kussit 'when it is night' = 'tonight', ka:shika:t 'while it is day' = 'today'. Conjunctions and prepositions appear in front of phrases or sentences to connect them into a text. Invariable words such as muk 'but', kie 'and', (e)kue 'then' are more conjunction-like, while others, as ta:kut 'on', shi:pa: 'under' and ni:ka:n 'in front of' are more preposition-like. Personal Pronouns 5 The use of personal pronouns is not obligatory. When they are used, they bring some clarification or emphasis to the sentence. Because they are optional and more linked to style and rhetoric than to grammar, pronouns occur both before and after the verb. Demonstratives As well as the personal pronouns listed in Example (25) above, the third person is also expressed by a set of demonstrative pronouns which can be inflected for gender, number, location and obviation. These demonstratives distinguish between four approximate points on a distance scale going from 'on the speaker' or 'touching her/him' to 'out of his/her sight': (44) (a)ue ne/an naui/nahi nana

'on the speaker' or 'touching the speaker' 'within the speaker's reach' or 'neutral' 'within the speaker's sight' 'out of the speaker's sight'

The forms given here are those of the animate singular in the Mingan-Natasquan dialect. They vary slightly from one dialect to the other. The distances are very approximate and the various demonstratives can also be used in an abstract way. Nana, for instance, is systematically used for dead or mythical beings. Articles Montagnais, like some other Algonquian languages, has a definite article, which has developed from the demonstrative pronouns. Among these, the erstwhile 'remote' form ne, which has become neutral through time, is used as a marker of definiteness. For more details on definiteness

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see Cyr (1993). A stretch of text drawn from Dubé (1986) illustrates occurrences of Montagnais definite articles: (45) Ek

ne assi kau ekue tshishishaukut the Earth anew then she is heated by him

Then Kau Anew kie and

pishum. Sun.

ekue minuitsheututau

nitshent

neu nutin

then they sympathized

the-AN PL

four winds

matinumitut

nenu

utshtshishiunuau

they equalized

the-IN OBV

their-forces

tshetshi in order to

ekat minuat

matshipanit

nite

assit.

not more

it moves

the-LOC Earth-LOC

'Then the Earth could be heated anew by the Sun. Then the four winds became friends anew and they equalized their forces in order to create more stability on Earth.' Numerals Basic numbers go from one to nine: (46) peik" nîshu nisht neu patetat kutua:sht nîshua:sht nishua:ush peikushteu

one two three four five six seven eight nine

Ten is expressed by peikunnu, literally 'one Indian'. So is 20 nîshunnu, 30 nishtunnu and 40 neunnu. By adding -tatunnu to the last five basic numbers, we obtain the other tens. The units above ten are obtained by using the connector ashu 'from one thing to another': peikunnu ashu peik" 'ten connected to one' = eleven. To get the hundreds, we add -(u)mitashimitunnu to the first four basic numbers and -tatumitashumitunnu to the last five. To get the thousands we add -tshimitashimitunnu to the first four basic numbers and -tatushishemitashimitunnu to the last five. These derivational suffixes allow the construction of numbers ad infinitum. In today's spoken Montagnais however, speakers rely more and more on French numerals. Example (47) displays an excerpt from the Drapeau Corpus illustrating the case:

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(47) Putin tshia, aine tan ne eshpish, au mois, le onze avril nitukut, le onze mars ekue etat ne ka-teua, le onze mars... Syntax At first, Montagnais word order seems quite free in natural data. In interviews, good speakers will confirm the possibility of shifting almost any constituent to any place in the sentence: subject, verb and object can appear in any position with little change in meaning; relative clauses can appear after or before their head clause; articles and other noun determiners can appear before or after the noun or be separated from it by a long relative clause. When we look more closely at natural data, however, we see that the vast majority of speakers display typical word-order preferences. These preferences are reflected by statistically predictable patterns. Because these preferred word orders are not obligatory, we cannot speak in terms of proper syntactic rules. Still observation shows clearly that common models are adopted by most speakers. I will hence present these favourite patterns here not as a set of syntactic rules, but as a set of syntactic tendencies. Subjects and Objects A sentence with its verb in the independent form occurs most of the time as SV: (48) Nakau

1SG-mother My-mother

pashinaueu. dry caribou meat-3SG IND dries caribou meat.

A sentence with its verb in the conjunct or changed form occurs most of the time as VS: (49) Ekue

shieultau hungry-3PL CONJ

Then Then the Indians were hungry,....

ilnut,.... Indians

When the object is a noun phrase, then the prefered order is VO, both when the verb is in the independent and in the conjunct: (50) Nakau

pitatsheu make sausage-3SG IND

kakatshuamishkua. beaver blood pudding-OBV

1SGmother My mother made beaver blood sausages.

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(51) ... ekue kashtanat pushkuatan alushkuau. get -3SG CONJ a half flour. ... then ... then he got a half of flour. In many occurrences, however, the object is a quotation instead of a noun phrase. This kind of complement is called a metalanguage object. This type of object appears with verbs such as say, tell, call, think, remind, ask, answer, etc. If the verb complement is a metalanguage object, then conjunct verbs and independent verbs display different word orders. Conjunct verbs typically occur as VO: (52) Minuat

ekue itukut (CONJ): then they say to him:

Once again

'Tante 'Why

tshistnu is it

katashtshenukueua?'

ishinakuhitshe

that-it-looks-like-you-have-a-split-lip?' it-seems-to-be-so 'Once again then, they say to him: "Why is it so that it seems you have a split lip?"' Independent verbs typically occur as OV: (53) 'Tan

nipa iaitin 1SG could-do 1SG

tshetshi in-order-to

How itelitam (IND). think-3SG? "'How could I manage to get money?" he thinks.'

ushuniamian?' get money-1SC

Noun complements In a possessive construction, the possessor noun usually occurs before the possessed noun: (54) ne

ishkuess girl

The 'The girl's cat'

u-mi:nu:sh-im-a 3-cat-POSS-OBV

Numerals Numerals appear before the noun they determine: (55) Patetat 'Five

ishkueuat women'

In the case of enumeration, where many nouns modified by different numerals are listed, the first numeral appears in a preverbal position:

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(56) Nutau 1-father kie

nist nipaiu amishkua, peiuk pineua, three kill-3SG beaver-OBV one partridge-OBV peiuk atshakasha.

one mink-OBV. and 'My father killed three beavers, one partridge and one mink.' Subordinate Clauses Except for relative clauses, all subordinate clauses follow the main clause. Relative Clauses In general a relative clause also follows its head noun: (57) Ne The

ishkueu woman

ka tshiskutamuat who teaches him

nukussa my son

utakushit.

ntaimiku

last night. I was called by her 'The woman who teaches to my son called me last night.' It is also possible to get: (58) Ne The

ishkueu woman

ntaimiku

nukussa my son

ka tshiskutamuat who teaches him

utakushit.

last night. I was called by her 'The woman who teaches to my son called me last night.' Occurrences of such cases in natural data are not numerous enough to provide functional explanations however. Negative Sentences If the verb is in the present independent, the negating particle apu appears before the verb and the negated verb takes the form of a conjunct. If the verb is in the past tense, we get apu usht and if the verb is in the future tense, then we get apu tshika usht or apu tshikusht: (59) nua:pama:u apu ua:pamak apu usht ua:pamak apu tshika usht ua:pamak

'I see him/her' 'I don't see him/her' 'I didn't see her/him' 'I won't see her/him'

If the negated verb is conjunct, then the verb remains conjunct and the negating particle is eka:

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(60) ekue ua:pamak

'then I see her/him' 'then I don't see her/him'

ekue eka ua:pamak Yes/no Questions

Asking a question requiring a yes/no answer is done by adding a -a: suffix to the element being questioned: (61a) Ma:ni-a:? Is this Mary? (61b) Tshua:paten-a: mi:tshishua:n? a table? Do you see Wh- Questions The question word appears first in the sentence and the verb is in the changed form: (62) Tshekuan

ute etutaman -CF? here you do?

What 'What are you doing here?'

The interrogative pronoun changes if the expected answer is animate or inanimate. Compare (63a) and (63b): (63a) Tshekuan What-AN 'What is this?' (63b) Auen What-IN 'What is this?'

ne? this? ne? this?

There is also a polite form of interrogation. In the case where the addressee is felt to be of a superior social rank, an elderly person for instance, the speaker formulates the question as if s/he was questioning a subjective perception. The form used is then the subjective mood, which occurs only in the independent order, hence a backgrounding marker: (64) Tshekuaninueku tshikauinu kamaua? EXCL2-mother 1 SUBJ cry 3SG What is it INCL SUBJ 'What's the reason now that our mother seems to be crying?' Pragmatics and Rhetoric As mentioned under the heading 'Orders', a speaker has a certain degree of freedom in choosing how s/he wants to report on a situation. When

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delivering information, a speaker may want to shape this information in a way to achieve specific goals. S/he may want, for instance, to diminish or increase the impact of some chunks of information; or s/he may want to use the information as a warning, a defence, an apology, etc. By using different verbal orders, the speaker has the possibility of representing information as cognitively foregrounded, in focus or as backgrounded. Example (65) illustrates the way these three orders are used as rhetorical devices: (65) Ekue

itat (CONJ):

'Eukuan mestamenuakue nikan matutishan.' 'This I do think good of it sweat lodge.'

Then he says: 'Then he [Englishman] says ''I do realise from now on how good the sweat lodge is.''' eshku uet apashtakan(CF) esht Eukuan really what cause make use of-INDEF still This is ne matutishan. the sweat lodge 'This is really what causes people to still make use of the sweat lodge.' iat passe tshishenuat eshk matutisheuat -IND. Mate today old men still make sweat lodges For instance 'For instance, today, old men still make use of sweat lodges.' In the first sentence, the speaker foregrounds the fact that several years ago a rich English merchant told them repeatedly that their sweat lodge was an excellent practice and that they should never let it go. In the second sentence, the speaker goes on to insist that the only reason why Montagnais people still make use of the sweat lodge today is because of the Englishman's advice. His insistence is reflected by the fact that he puts the verb in the changed form. In the third sentence, he introduces the actual users of the sweat lodge, but he leaves them in the background by referring to their action with a verb in the independent form. As he reports on sweat lodge practice, the speaker dispatches each specific chunk of information under different verbal orders because he knows that the priest is not in favour of sweat lodge; by highlighting the English merchant's influence, he creates a kind of rhetorical shield protecting himself and his peers against the priest's condemnation. Many languages allow the indirect report of other's utterances. In indirect reported speech, the speaker can edit the utterances of another speaker, inserting his/her own opinions and judgements inside the quoted speech. For instance, if speaker A said to speaker B: 'I will come with my

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little dog', speaker B is free to report: 'He said he would come with his darn little dog.' In Montagnais, such occurrences of edited reported speech are practically impossible to find. The speaker must always present the reported speech as if it were verbatim. If the piece of information has come to the speaker's ears through the report of other speakers, each level of the report has to be mentioned. Drapeau (1985c) illustrates the case of a multiple-layer direct reported speech: (66) 'Mali nuinatshi uapamau', go visit her' 'Mary I want ne nikaui iteu the my mother says

issishueu itakanu, he says people say about him iteu

ne Louise.

says

the Louise.

'Louise said that her mother said that someone said about him that he had said: "I want to go visit Mary."' Conclusion After having reviewed the grammar and pragmatics of Montagnais, it may be useful to sum up the main elements a speaker must use if s/he wants to speak the language in a correct manner. To be a good Montagnais speaker means to be able to produce verbs in a massive way and to be able to manipulate a highly complex verbal morphology. The verb must indicate how many beings are involved in the situation, the gender of each participant, where each one ranks in the person hierarchy. The verb must include information about the physical property of the instruments used to perform the action, the physical features of the objects, as well as temporal information (past, present, future). If more than two third persons are included, the speaker must indicate which of the two is to be considered more important at each point in the narration. The speaker must also indicate how s/he assesses the truthfulness of the information: has the speaker witnessed the events, was s/he fully conscious when the event occurred, for instance was the speaker fully awake, in a dream-like situation, drunk, etc.? Or was the speaker aware of the events by hearsay, or by indirect hints? Does the speaker have doubts about the reported facts? Or does s/he consider them as mere hypothesis? In addition, the speaker must also organise his speech so that the hearer can perceive which of the reported events are to be considered as the main or decisive events, and which are to be considered as background information only. When quoting someone else, moreover, the speaker has to remain faithful to the original utterances and to indicate through what channels the information has come to him/her.

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This is, in sum, what a Montagnais child has to learn while acquiring his mother tongue. Along with the language parents also pass on a tremendous system of cultural values: a high degree of concern for exactitude and precision in which the mind strives constantly to adjust to the external reality of the Universe in all its smallest details; much respect for the hearer who has to be guided as precisely as possible in the assessment of truth values; a high degree of honesty towards the words of other people, that have to be quoted as exactly as possible. Over the millennia, the Montagnais have developed a language that reflects their ancestral culture. Its precision and fine adjustment to the reality is enough to make more than one scientist, philosopher and jurist dream. Acknowledgements I am very grateful to my brother, friend and colleague, Dr André Cyr, who generously revised the first draft of the manuscript. He turned my funny Frenglish into a readable text. Notes 1. Kashtin is a group of Montagnais folk and blues singers. The work kashtin itself means 'tornado'. 2. See 'Obviation' p. 189-190 for explanations on (prox.) and (obv.). 3. The use of Western grammatical terminology in the description of a non-Western language makes the result uselessly complicated. In fact the personal hierarchy would be easier to understand if we chose to say that in Algonquian languages 'you' is the first person, 'I' is the second person and 's/he' is the third. 4. Tale by Charles Dominique Menikapu collected by Dr Gerald McNulty and transcribed by Marie-Jeanne Basile, previously to standardisation, in the Mingan-Natasquan orthography. 5. Personal pronouns are listed in Example (25).

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Chapter 5C Grammatical Sketches: Inuktitut 1 Ronald Lowe It is no light task to sketch in a few pages all that distinguishes the structure of a language such as Inuktitut from the structure of an Indo-European language. The first difficulty is to choose from among such features those which reveal most the specific nature of the language under consideration, thereby enabling the reader to better understand and appreciate its originality. A second difficulty, closely connected to the first, concerns the frame of reference for the explanation. In the case of such languages, it is often tempting to present the facts in terms of grammatical terminology already familiar to the reader. Such an approach can only be realised if one accepts the corresponding distortion of the reality specific to the language being described, thus masking or disfiguring the structural originality. For these reasons, it seemed preferable to avoid the serious disadvantages stemming from an ethnocentric attitude even if to do so we had to eschew the advantages of a certain number of established linguistic traditions, something which, of course, increases the difficulty of presenting the facts. Beyond the phonic and graphic particularities which characterise it, Inuktitut is astonishing from more than one point of view; whoever tries, if only a little, to initiate himself2 into the practice of this language discovers that one does not learn how to speak Inuktitut as one learns French, Spanish, Portuguese or Russian. Learning progress seems to be held in check by reflexes learned in one's mother tongue, and slowed by the number of new reflexes to acquire. So it is that the amount of time it takes to make appreciable progress appears exaggerated in comparison with that required for other languages. Doubtless this explains why so few Europeans have managed to master Inuktitut adequately, even among those who have had the opportunity to stay in the Arctic for a considerable period of time.3 To wonder about the exact nature of such difficulties is at the same

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time to seek what it is that distinguishes Inuktitut from an Indo-European language. Learning the mother tongue engenders in the speaker a complex set of psycholinguistic reflexes, which enable one to transform a moment's thought into sound (or writing) sequences that can be interpreted by the other members of one's speech community. In the complex set of these unconscious reflexes, the neuromotor reflexes defined by the phonological system of the mother tongue are the most obvious. Obviously, the closer the neuromotor reflexes defined by the phonological system of the target language (of the second language to be learned) are to those already acquired in the learner's mother tongue, the easier he will find it to learn the target language. In the opposite case the learner experiences some difficulty in mastering the new neuromotor reflexes, a difficulty proportional to the distance between the phonological system already acquired and that of the target language. The acquisition of the phonological system of Inuktitut, which has only 3 vowels and, depending on the dialect, 13 or 14 consonants, does not constitute a major stumbling block. Consequently, the difficulty does not lie there. The real learning difficulties concern reflexes of quite another order, reflexes which intervene at the very heart of the psycholinguistic activity involved in an act of speech. The real issue at hand is the way in which thought (the content of the message to be expressed) is transformed into language units. This psycholinguistic operation defines the structural character of a language and also explains the ease or difficulty with which a second language is acquired. This is no doubt what certain authors have in mind when they speak of the 'grammatical distance' between two languages, even if this notion of distance has never been given a precise definition. The unconscious psychological operations which intervene in an act of language, during the transformation of the content of the intended message into language units, vary somewhat between Indo-European languages, which, and this is no trivial remark, are all languages with pre-established parts of speech. This explains the relative ease of learning one or another of these languages by a speaker whose mother tongue is another Indo-European language. For, regardless of the apparent differences and despite the relative distance of the phonological system of the target language, the language learner finds himself on familiar turf with regard to psycholinguistic reflexes. Obviously, this is not the case when the learner goes from one of these languages to a language such as Inuktitut.

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Therefore, it is necessary to stress this fundamental difference in a grammatical outline of Inuktitut. This difference is due mainly to the fact that in Inuktitut, the word/sentence relationship is the opposite of that found in Indo-European languages. At the very centre of the organisation of Inuktitut as a system, syntax is conditioned by morphology and not the reverse. But first we will present the essential elements of the phonology of the language, while voluntarily omitting interesting dialectal variations, so as not to make the demonstration too cumbersome. Phonology Inuktitut has three vowel phonemes, which correspond to the three fundamental vocalic elements of any phonological system, the phonemes /i/, /a/ and /u/. These three vowels correspond to three limit positions of the tongue on the vertical and on the horizontal axes, positions which, with regard to acoustics, create the maximal contrastive oppositions. represents the most frontal of high vowels; /i/ /u/ /a/

represents the furthest back of high vowels; represents the lowest of the vowels.

Because this is a minimal vowel systemno language has fewer than three vowelsthe extension of each one of these vowels is that much broader. Thus each of these phonemes, which are unique as phonological tongue elements, is articulated in speech (phonetically) with a certain qualitative variation. This explains why, according to the contexts where they are found, the /i/ would sometimes sound like the French [ i ] in 'vie', and at other times like the English [ I ] in 'if', as well as why the /u/ sometimes sounds like the vowel of the French 'roue' and at others like the English 'foot'. The same can be said of /a/ which, while remaining a low vowel, may be pronounced as a front or back low vowel, according to context. It should be noted that, within a word, these three vowels can appear in single, double or combined distribution. However, the phonological system of Inuktitut does not allow a sequence of more than two vowel phonemes, just as it does not allow sequences of more than two consonants. Likewise, where vowels are contiguous in spoken discourse, they do not form a true diphthong because they belong to different syllables. In such cases, each one is pronounced distinctly, but without hiatus:

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Double vowels Single vowels polar bear nanuqparka atigibig toe putuguqCombined vowels bone sauniqnorthwest wind uannaqwalrus aiviqhead niaquqear siutishoulder tui-

kiinaq- face kuuk-

river

taaq-

darkness

The set of the dialects grouped under the term Inuktitut include 13 common consonant phonemes: /p/, /t/, /k/, /q/, /g/, /r/, /n/, / /, /v/, /s/, /l/ and /j/. To this list, the consonant / / (a voiceless 1) must be added; this consonant is not found in the dialects of New Quebec, but one finds it in the Baffin Island dialects as well as in those on the west coast of Hudson's Bay. Note that /q/ is normally an unvoiced uvular stop; /g/ corresponds to a voiced velar fricative (/g/ ) and not to a stop. The consonant / /, written -ng-, is a nasal velar stop. The consonant /j/ is pronounced like the 'y' as in English 'yes' when between vowels but like 'j' as in English 'judge' after a consonant or when doubled. As with the vowels, these consonants can be single or double (the double -ng- is represented by -nng- rather than -ngng): Double consonants Simple consonants tent tupiqwindow igalaaqchild nutaraqwind anurineck qungisiq-

quppaq-

fissure

kiggavik-

falcon

nurraq-

young caribou

annurraaq-

garment, clothing

sanngijuq-

he is strong

Finally we must mention the existence, for the Northern Quebec dialect, of a morphophonemic-phonemic rule which, in certain situations, simplifies consonant clusters. Briefly, each time a vowel segment occurs preceded and followed by consonant clusters, the first consonant of the second cluster is eliminated. To illustrate the functioning of this special rule, we can compare the Inuktitut of Northern Quebec to that of Baffin Island, where the rule does not apply.

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Baffin Island Northern Quebec (1) nuqqapuq (2a) tukisivuq (2b) tukisinngi-tuq (2c) nuqqangit-tuq

nuqqaqpuq tukisivuq tukisinngit-tuq nuqqanngit-tuq

he stops he understands he does not understand he does not halt

Example (1) is interesting from more than one point of view. To grasp all that is interesting about it, one must first have in mind the various morphological parts of the word in question. The latter include a wordbase whose phonological form is really nuqqaq- 'to halt,' followed by the grammatical suffix -pu-, which includes the assertive value of the utterance, 4 and it ends with the suffix -q, which formally represents the grammatical subject (a third-person singular). Thus, as soon as the suffix -pu- is combined with the wordbase nuqqaq-, the vowel -a- of this base is preceded and followed by consonant clusters. The application of the rule simplifying consonant clusters causes the final consonant of the wordbasethe first consonant of the second consonant clusterto be eliminated, leaving nuqqapuq. The consonant eliminated in Northern Quebec is maintained in the dialects of Baffin Island. This example is also interesting because of the phonological form of the grammatical suffix which immediately follows the wordbase. The form of this suffix varies in Inuktitut, regardless of dialect, relative to the phonological element which immediately precedes it in the word. When added to a vowel, it takes the form -vu-, as above in Example (2a). When added to a consonant, it takes the form -pu-. With regard to the resulting effects in speech, the Inuktitut of Northern Quebec seems to contradict the rule in Example (1) because one finds the form -pu- preceded by a vowel. What this example indicates is that the choice of the form of the suffix precedes the application of the rule for the simplification of consonant clusters. The presence of -pu- in nuqqapuq also reveals that the final consonant of the wordbase nuqqaq-, while being phonetically absent, is mentally present. In Example (2b) the suffix -nngit- is added to the wordbase tukisi-'understand', and it is followed, as is seen in the form of the Baffin Island Inuktitut example, by the grammatical suffix -tu- (a variant of -pu- in front of a negation suffix), a suffix to which the morpheme -q is added in order to express the third-person singular. As the vowel of the suffix -nngit- is found in this word both preceded and followed by consonant clusters, the first consonant of the second cluster (-tt-) is eliminated. In (2c) however, the suffix -nngit- is added to the wordbase nuqqaq-, which ends in a consonant. In this case, a morphophonological rule specific to the suffix -nngit- applies. This rule eliminates the final consonant of the wordbase. This can be

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observed in the equivalent form in the Inuktitut of Baffin Island. But in (2c), Northern Quebec Inuktitut, it is the initial consonant (represented by -n- in the orthography of the negation suffix which is eliminated because the vowel -a- is preceded by the consonant group -qq-. The final consonant of the negation suffix (-t-) then reappears because the vowel -i- of the suffix is now preceded by a single consonant (written -ng-). The Relationship Between Morphology and Syntax An obvious fact, which no one questions, is that the speaker of any human language speaks in words and in sentences at the same time. However, the linguistic realities denoted by the notions 'word' and 'sentence' may differ considerably from one language to the next. It is precisely in the field of morphology, and consequently also in that of syntax, that the structural differences between Inuktitut and English and, on a more general level, those between Inuktitut and Indo-European languages, are felt most. It can be posited as a principle that the syntax of a language, i.e. the set of mechanisms used to construct the minimal discourse unit, the sentence, is stringently conditioned by the morphology of that same language, by the set of mechanisms used to construct the word. When a given speaker engages in an act of speech, a certain division of the matter to be expressed (the various impressions which form the intended message) is established between word and sentence. In this way, any of the matterto-be-signified retained by the word-building mechanisms will, at the same time, be subtracted from sentence-building mechanisms. Thus the sentence, or syntax, will assume the task of expressing the matter-to-be-signified that the word has not already integrated during construction by means of morphology. Consequently, the more developed the lexical and grammatical morphology of a language, the simpler and suppler its syntax will be. The reverse is also true, the simpler the morphology of a language is, the more the syntax of that language will increase in complexity. From this point of view, the structural difference between English (1) and Inuktitut (2) can be shown graphically as in Figure 5.1.

Figure 5.1

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In a language like English, the mental space granted to word building is relatively narrow, so the mental space open to sentence building is that much broader. A language like Inuktitut is exactly the opposite. The mental space given to word building is broad and that given to syntax is reduced proportionally. Likewise, the dividing line between morphology and syntax is not exactly the same for all Indo-European languages; this is immediately visible when we compare English and Latin. However, the gap is much smaller than that between English and Inuktitut. The following examples illustrate the structural variation at work: (1) Librum dedit Paulo (2) He gave the book to Paul In the Latin sentence as in the English one, the matter-to-be-conveyed through meaning is the same at the outset; however, the means used to express it differ in each case. It is noteworthy that the mental space needed for the building of the Latin sentence is less than that required by the English sentence. There are three positions occupied in the space of the Latin sentence, whereas there are six positions occupied in the English sentence. This results from the fact that in Latin, the space reserved for word building is greater than that reserved for the same task in English. For example, in English, the import/support relationship relating the verb 'gave' to the subject pronoun 'he' is expressed syntactically. Thus, in the sentence, there is a place reserved for the subject pronoun, and another for the verb. In Latin it is slightly different. The slot used to place the element which expresses the third-person subject is not taken from the space devoted to the construction of the sentence, but from the space given to the construction of the verb. The verb dedit includes a morphological representation of the third person subject ( -t ), so it does not have to be expressed syntactically. Likewise, the relationship between the indirect object and the verb is expressed in Latin by morphological means (Paul-o) whereas in English it requires the prepositional element to, i.e. syntactical means. In the conceptual structure of the Indo-European languages, as attested by grammarians from antiquity to our day, it is taken for granted that the syntax of a language is closely bound to the existence of parts of speech such as prepositions and subordinating conjunctions, which are mainly used to indicate various syntactic relationships between the elements that make up the sentence. Even in languages as ancient as Latin and Greek, prepositions are used concurrently with declensions. But, Inuktitut has neither of these linguistic categories. An examination of this language reveals that subordinate relationships between words, phrases and clauses, expressed by our prepositions and subordinating conjunctions, are ex-

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pressed in Inuktitut not by syntactic but by morphological means. In other words, expression of these complex relationships is handled by the word rather than by the sentence, which gives the Inuit word a semantic density unequalled in any IndoEuropean language. The following example should demonstrate the point eloquently: (1) If you wait for me, I will go with you (2) Utaqqiguvinga aullaqatiginiaqpagit aulla - qati - gi - niaq - pa - git utaqqi - gu - vi nga go - partner- have - future - assertion wait- if - you - me I/you At the outset of the act of speech, the impressions which form the content of the intended message are the same for the English and the Inuit speakers. What differs from English to Inuktitut is the manner in which one breaks down or divides the various impressions of the speaker's intended message content into language units. English spreads the expression of the intended message over ten distinct language units, each of which occupies its own place or position in the sentence, i.e. each one of which has the status of a word in the sentence. Consequently, nine syntactic relations between the parts are established (see Figure 5.2).

Figure 5.2 In the corresponding Inuit sentence, the matter-to-be-signified is divided into two words, the first integrating within itself the entire meaning content of the English subordinate clause, the second integrating the entire meaning of the main clause. For this reason, there is only a single syntactic relationship in the Inuit sentence, that linking the import (subordinate) word utaqqiguvinga to the support word aullaqatiginiaqpagit (Figure 5.3):

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Figure 5.3 We will discuss the internal structure of the Inuit word in greater detail later. For the moment, the preceding example raises a considerable number of questions which call into question a no less considerable number of established concepts. The two language units which form the Inuit sentence quoted above are formally words. However, it is obvious that what is meant by 'word' varies considerably when applied to Inuktitut and when applied to a language such as English. The type of word that one encounters in Inuktitut does not exist in English, French or in any other Indo-European language. For this reason it is illusory to attempt to establish a universal definition of the notion 'word', the latter being required to vary according to the type of language under consideration and, at the same time, supplying language theory with a valuable criterion for typological classification. Likewise, the difference in the status of words in a language like Inuktitut brings about numerous consequences for both language analysis and matters at the practical level. Think only of the task represented by the compilation of a dictionary in such a language. To the Indo-European mind, a dictionary is a collection of words, and for such minds it is difficult to understand how, at least theoretically, all the words of any language could not appear in a dictionary. But in Inuktitut this is precisely the case. There are in fact millions of words which are not found in an ordinary Inuit dictionary. In fact, this is the case of utaqqiguvinga and aullaqatiginiaqpagit. Including such words in a lexicon of the Inuit language would be tantamount to including subordinate clauses of all kinds (simple sentences, noun, verb and adjective phrases, etc.) in an English dictionary. It is clear that such an undertaking is practically impossible. Likewise, one can speculate on the exact nature of words such as utaqqiguvinga and aullaqatiginiaqpagit. Basing their analyses on formal criteria, grammarians of Inuktitut generally classify them as verbs. However, would an Indo-European mind ever attempt to conjugate

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subordinate clauses or simple sentences? If these are verbs, one can see that they are a type of verb which does not correspond in any way to a verb in Indo-European languages. As much could be said about what grammarians call nouns, adjectives, pronouns or demonstratives, which, structurally speaking, are very different from those elements we describe using the same terms in our languages. In order to understand just what is going on in a language like Inuktitut and to discover how it differs fundamentally from our languages, it is necessary to introduce a key criterion of linguistic analysis, the tongue/discourse opposition. 5 To provide a simple definition of each of the two terms on which the opposition is based, one could say that tongue consists of the set of linguistic means which are at the permanent disposal of the speaker and which enable him to represent and to express reality. These means are already possessed by the speaker; he does not invent them as he speaks. In other words, they constitute the set of fixed elements of the language learned during acquisition. As for discourse, it can be defined as the use of the language, a momentary calling up of the means contained in tongue which are appropriate for the content of the message that the speaker wishes to convey. These elements could be represented as in Figure 5.4.

Figure 5.4 Language, being essentially an activity, presupposes the speaker's carrying out a complex operation which, from the means provided in tongue, will construct a message. The resulting discourse yields already constructed messages for analysis. However, it does not reveal how these structured messages were constructed in the mind of the speaker. If this is

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observed from an operative point of view, howeverthe only one that can lead us to the reality of language experienced as a dynamic phenomenonone discovers that what differs essentially between Inuktitut and Indo-European languages is that the discourse-constructing activity is not based on the same type of permanent units in tongue. Because the form of the permanent means of representation and expression which exist in tongue is not the same in Inuktitut and in English, the activity which constitutes operative discourse will not be the same either; this explains why the manifestations of this activitythe resulting observable language unitshave such very different appearances. In an Indo-European language, the word is a unit of tongue, it is an integral part of the linguistic means which exist permanently in tongue. Even before the speaker's psycholinguistic activity has begun during an act of language, the words are there waiting, their form is permanently pre-constructed in tongue. This is what explains the relatively fixed character of words in our languages and the possibility of compiling dictionaries of words. This also explains the possibility of classifying the words of these languages into categories such as nouns, adjectives, verbs, adverbs, etc. which are categories defined in tongue. Thus, already on the level of tongue, the concept of 'bear' is inseparable from the noun category in English. Along with thousands of other concepts permanently stored in the same category, this concept is 'obliged' to be thought within the forms of grammatical number and gender, and to be given, because of its nature, certain predetermined syntactic functions. To use a fashionable expression, one could say that any word in an Indo-European language is 'pre-programmed'. In this way, when speaking, a user of an Indo-European language does not feel he is constructing the words which he uses to speak; these are provided ahead of time. When he is involved in an act of speech, the sentence is what the speaker feels he is constructing. Thus we could conclude that for an Indo-European speaker to speak is to construct sentences from pre-fabricated words. In a language of this type, a word is thus essentially a unit of tongue. Phrases (noun phrases and verb phrases), clauses, and sentences are discourse units. These are momentary combinations of words and it is precisely for this reason that such constructions are excluded from dictionaries. For an Inuit speaker, things happen quite differently. Tongue contains no word which is previously known, no more than English or French have ready-made sentences. In a language such as Inuktitut, a word is not a unit of tongue but a discourse unit; it is like a phrase, a clause or a sentence in our languages. The word is not pre-fabricated in Inuktitut. On the contrary, it has to be constructed during a particular speech act. During such an act,

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one has the clear impression that one is in the process of building a word. It is even possible to stop what one is doing in 'midword' and start again, if one finds that the partially constructed word does not correspond to what one wanted to say. In other words, the word in Inuktitut results from a momentary combination of linguistic units, which we can call formative elements. This momentary character of Inuktitut's word composition is what makes it impossible to speak of a dictionary of words in Inuktitut. What an Inuktitut lexicon should contain is not a list of words, but a list of the formative elements of words. What an Inuktitut grammar should teach, above all, is the way to put the various formative elements of words together. The word in this language is constructed as one is speaking, which, once again, makes it look more like a phrase, a clause or a sentence in our languages. The Structure of the Word in Inuktitut As mentioned earlier, the Inuit word results from the assembling of formative elements. These formative elements constitute the content of tongue in Inuktitut, where the mechanisms limiting the combination possibilities of the formative elements are also found. The formative elements which may enter into the composition of an Inuit word differ in terms of their nature, function and the position that is assigned to them in the word. In tongue, these formative elements are grouped into categories. The internal organisation of the Inuit word can be represented as shown in Figure 5.5

Figure 5.5 Internal organisation of the Inuit word This figure shows the four positions which, theoretically, can be occupied in the Inuit word and the type of formative element which may be placed in each position. In a word such as Natsiviniqtulauqsimavilli? meaning 'Have you ever eaten seal meat before?', these four positions are occupied by one or several word-forming parts. This word is the result of the temporary combination of eight 6 formative elements as shown in Figure 5.6.

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Figure 5.6 As one can clearly see, the linking of formative elements within the word produces certain phonological changes which affect their basic form, i.e. the form by which they are defined in tongue, outside any particular use. In the preceding example, the suffix -viniq- makes the final consonant of the wordbase natsiq- drop, yielding natsiviniq-. The same is true of the suffix -lauq-, which makes the final consonant in the suffix -tuq drop. In this case, the grammatical suffix which indicates the interrogative value of the utterance has the form -vi- because it follows a formative element ending in a vowel (-sima-) If it were added to a formative element ending in a consonant, it would have the form -pi-. Finally, the enclitic suffix -li assimilates the consonant -t, which represents the second person singular (-vi-t-li > -villi) These complex rules of phonological adjustment between word parts, to which one must add the rule for the simplification of consonant groups in the dialects of New Quebec, are part of the morphophonology of Inuktitut. The preceding example was presented simply to illustrate the sequence of the various types of formative elements that can be part of an Inuit word. Nevertheless, it should be noted that the four theoretical positions defined above are not always all filled. In fact, only the wordbase and the grammatical suffixes are indispensable to the construction of a grammatical word in Inuktitut. In other words, an Inuit word always includes a wordbase and grammatical suffixes, The other formative elements come into play only if they are needed to convey the content of the speaker's intended message. Wordbases Wordbases, by far the most inclusive category of word parts defined in tongue, are generally disyllabic. In a constructed word, they are always in initial position. According to their meaning, these wordbases can be classified into subcategories. We shall deal here only with the three most important of these. The first subcategory groups the wordbases which name beings or substances. The second subcategory groups those that express a state or action, and the third, which has fewer wordbases than

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the first two, those expressing a quality. The following three wordbases come respectively from these categories: (1) natsiq- expresses the idea 'seal' (2) taku- expresses the idea '(to) see' (3) taki- expresses the idea 'long' Phonologically, the wordbases end either in a vowel (-a, -i, -u) or one of the three consonants -q, -k, -t. The same applies to the majority of word parts. Lexical Suffixes Lexical suffixes are added immediately after the wordbase, and with it form the lexical substance of the word. Depending on the dialect, their number varies between three and four hundred. Although they were originally monosyllabic, there are now in many dialects a considerable number of polysyllabic lexical suffixes whose constituent elements are no longer felt to be independent parts. The semantic area covered by these lexical suffixes is extremely diverse and the task of grouping them into categories remains unfinished. The significates of these suffixes sometimes correspond to what can be lexically signified by an English verb (to have, to be, to seem, to go, to consume, to say that, to think that, to be able to, to want, to start to, to finish, to continue, etc.), adverb (little, much, too much, often, almost, already, several times, not, never, no longer, etc.), noun (place for doing something, instrument for doing something, etc.), or adjective (little, tall, cute, horrible, etc.). It is also possible for an Inuit word not to contain any lexical suffixes, but it may also contain several, even as many as ten. As would be expected, when several lexical suffixes are required by the content of the message to be expressed, they follow each other in a very precise order. In other words, there is word-internal syntax in Inuktitut which not only governs the order of word parts, but also their compatibility. The nature of the wordbase determines in part the nature of the lexical suffixes which can be appended to it. Some suffixes, therefore, can only be added to a wordbase which expresses a state or action; others only to a wordbase which expresses a being or substance; still others are only added to wordbases expressing a quality or a restricted group of wordbases belonging to the other subcategories. The following examples illustrate the use of some of these lexical suffixes 7: (1a) niri-: wordbase expressing the idea of 'eating' (1b) niri-nngi-tuq he does not eat (1c) niri-guma-vuq he wants to eat

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(1d) niri-guma-nngi-tuq he does not want to eat (1e) niri-sima-vuq he has already eaten. (1f) niri-sima-niraq-puq he says he has already eaten (1g) niri-tip-paa he feeds him (1h) niri-nngua-puq he pretends to eat (1i) niri-galak-puq he eats a little (1j) niri-juksau-vuq he must eat (1k) niri-giiq-puq he has finished eating wordbase expressing the idea of (2a) pisuk'walking' (2b) pisu-giaq-puq he begins to walk (2c) pisu-giasi-vuq he starts walking (2d) pisu-gunna-puq he can walk (3a) qimmiqwordbase expressing the idea of 'dog' (3b) qimmi-araqa little dog (3c) qimmi-aluka big dog (3d) qimmi-u-vuq it is a dog wordbase expressing the idea of (4a) iglu'house' (4b) iglu-qaq-puq he has a house (4c) iglu-qa-ruma-vuq he wants to have a house (4d) iglu-qa-ruma-nngi- he does not want to have a house tuq (4e) iglu-liuq-puq he builds a house (4f) iglu-liu-qati-gi-vaa he builds a house with him (5a) angiwordbase expressing the idea 'big' (5b) angi-gi-vaa he finds it too big (5c) angi-naaq-puq he makes it too big (5d) angi-niqsa-u-vuq he is bigger than... With these examples we can once again observe the phonological changes brought about by linking the word parts. The suffix araq in (3b) causes the final consonant of the wordbase qimmiq- to drop. Sometimes, it is the suffix's initial consonant which adapts to the word part that precedes it. Therefore, the suffix meaning 'want' has the form -guma- if added to a word part which ends in a vowel (1c) and the form -ruma- if added to a word part ending with the consonant -q, the combination -q + -g- giving -r-. Likewise, it is by means of lexical suffixes that Inuktitut situates an event in time. Various suffixes have the function of placing an event at various distances from the present of speech, either on the side of the past, or of the future:

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(a) aulla-liq-puq (b) aulla-qau-vuq (c) aulla-niaq-puq (d) aulla-lauq-puq (e) aulla-laaq-puq (f) aulla-kainna-puq (g) aulla-langa-vuq (h) aulla-rataaq-puq (i) aulla-lauju-vuq (j) aulla-rumaaq-puq

he is leaving he left today he will leave today he left yesterday he will leave tomorrow he has just left he will leave in a moment he left recently he left some time ago he will leave one day

Quebec Inuktitut differs markedly from the majority of other Canadian Inuit dialects which have far fewer time-expressing suffixes. Grammatical Suffixes In any given language, grammatical suffixes are grouped into closed series called 'paradigms'. They are added to the lexical part of the word, which, it must be remembered, can be made up of a wordbase or a wordbase with one or more lexical suffixes added to it. There are several types of grammatical suffix and the choice of one type rather than another depends on the lexical nature of the word, that is, whether it evokes being or substance, state or action, quality or property. It is impossible, in a grammatical outline, to cover these grammatical suffixes in their entirety because of their number and the complexity of their forms and significates. We will deal only with those suffixes involved in the formation to two types of wordsthose that evoke a being or substance, and those that evoke an eventand will have to leave out a good number of specific details, as these would only obscure the main points that we wish to illustrate. Words Evoking a Being or Substance When the lexical matter of the word evokes a being or substance, two series of grammatical morphemes may end the process of word construction. The first of these series is composed of grammatical suffixes which indicate (a) grammatical number and (b) the function of the word in the sentence. In the category of number, Inuktitut opposes singular (one) to dual (two) and plural (more than two): (1) Tulugaq tingivuq the raven has flown away (2) Tulugaak tingivuuk both ravens have flown away (3) Tulugait tingivut the (more than two) ravens have flown away

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The wordbase which expresses the idea of raven in tongue (that is, outside of any particular use) has the form tulugaq-. The singular number is indicated in (1) by the absence of any particular ending (tulugaq- + 0 = tulugaq). 8 The dual number in (2) is expressed by the suppression of the final consonant of the wordbase (tuluga-), the doubling of the last vowel of this wordbase (tuluga -a-) and the consonant -k (tulugaak) As for the plural, it is expressed by the suffix -it, which causes the final consonant of the wordbase (tuluga-it) to drop. Here are some other examples illustrating the opposition between the three grammatical numbers: a house

igluuk

two houses

igluit

houses

a knife

saviik

two knives

saviit

knives

a tent

tupiik

two tents

tupiit

tents

iglu savik tupiq

The form tulugaq in (1) does more than indicate that the idea 'raven' is evoked as singular. In addition, it indicates that in this sentence the idea of 'raven' is the support of the predicate, or if one prefers, the grammatical subject of the sentence.9 Syntactically, therefore, the form tulugaq indicates that the idea of raven is not incident to any other word in this sentence, that it is not dependent on any other word present. This form expresses, in other words, a refusal of dependence on, or subordination to, any other element in the sentence. It indicates, rather, that the sentence is built up from this form, that the predicate will be incident to its notional content:

The function of support is opposed to seven other syntactic functions which correspond to various types of syntactical imports. The modalis function, for example, is used to characterise the content of a word which expresses an action. The forms of the suffix which correspond to the modalis function are -mik for the singular, -nik for the plural, and -: nnik for the dual (the colon represents the doubling of the wordbase's final vowel): (a) Nasuk tulugarmik takuvuq

Nasuk sees a raven

(b) Nasuk tulugaannik takuvuq

Nasuk sees two ravens

(c) Nasuk tulugarnik takuvuq

Nasuk sees (more than two) ravens

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The ending -mik in Example (a), in addition to signifying that the idea 'raven' is evoked in the singular, indicates that tulugaq- is a syntactic import, that it is related to the word takuvuq. The final consonant of the wordbase being unvoiced, it becomes voiced (-r-) by assimilation to the initial voiced consonant of the suffix -mik. The interplay of incidence linking the three words of the sentence is as follows:

The word takuvuq is the syntactic support of the word tulugarmik, that on which tulugarmik depends. The result of this syntactic relation (tulugarmik takuvuq) which defines the predicate of the sentence, is then incident to the syntactic support of the sentence (Nasuk). The terminalis function expresses the destination, the cause, the goal of an action, or alternatively, the agent of an action expressed in the passive form. Its morphological characteristics are -mut in the singular, -:nnut in the dual, and -nut in the plural: (a) Tulugarnut tupaaqtauvuq (b) Kuujjamut tikilaaqput (c) Nasummut uqaqpuq

he was woken by the ravens they will arrive at Kuujjuaq 10 tomorrow He is talking to Nasuk11

The ablative function indicates the place one is coming from, the point of departure, the origin or the complement of the comparative of superiority. Its morphological characteristics are -mit in the singular, -:nnit in the dual, and -nit in the plural: (a) Tulugarnit anginiqsauvut they are bigger than ravens (b) Kuujjuamit tikippugut we are arriving from Kuujjuaq The localis function indicates the place in space or time where something happens. Its morphological characteristics are -mi in the singular, -:nni in the dual, and -ni in the plural: (a) Aujami silaqqipakpuq (b) Piarait tupirmi pinngualiqput

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in summer (aujaq-) the weather is usually beautiful the children are playing in the tent (tupiq-)

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The vialis function expresses the place by which one passes, the idea of 'intermediary', the place in time during which one acts, the means by which one gets from one place to another, or the part of the body through which illness strikes us. Its morphological characteristics are -kkut in the singular, -:kkut in the dual, and -tigut in the plural. However, with the influence of the consonant group simplification rule, the two first morphemes are reduced to -kut and -:kut, respectively. Further, -kkut and :kkut make the final consonant of wordbases ending in a consonant drop, while -tigut is added directly to the wordbases: (a) Igalaakkut itiqpuq (b) Ullukut aullarumavuq (c) Tasiqtigut ingirravakput

he comes in through the window (igalaaq-) he wants to leave during the day (ulluq-) They journey by way of the lakes (tasiq-)

The æqualis function is used to indicate the complement of the comparative of equality or that which a thing is found to resemble. Its morphological characteristics are -tut in the singular, -:ttitut in the dual, and -titut in the plural. Its suffixes are added directly to the wordbases. Note that in Northern Quebec, there is now a tendency to replace the singular form by that of the plural: (a) Tulugaqtitut angitigijut (b) Inuktitut uqaqpuq (c) Ujaraktut (ujaraktitut) sitijuq

They are as big as ravens he speaks like an Inuk, like the Inuit (Inuk-) it's as hard as a stone (ujarak-)

Before going on to the last function, it would be useful to draw attention to the following forms, especially for those who would be tempted to equate the grammatical endings seen thus far with declensions: (1a) Kuujjuamut (1b)Kuujjuamuuqpuq (2a) Inuktitut (2b)Inuktituuqpuq (2c) Inuktituuqqajaqturigaluaqqiuk? (3a) Tasikkut (3b) Tasikkuuqpuq (4a) Kuujjuami (4b)Kuujjuamiittuq

to (in the direction of) Kuujjuaq he is going to Kuujjuaq like the Inuit he acts, talks like the Inuit Do you think that he can talk Inuktitut? by way of the lake he passes by way of the lake in Kuujjuaq he is in Kuujjuaq

Thus, it is enough to add the suffix -uq-, 'act, behave', to the -mut, -kkut and -titut suffixes (the suffix -uq- then makes the final consonant of these

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suffixes drop) to go from a form evoking a place in space, or a comparison, to a form which evokes a behaviour. As to the suffix -mi (as well as -:nni and -ni) it is regularly followed by the suffix -it-,'to find oneself', 'to be'. The relative function is doubtless the one which has lead to the greatest number of discussions in the literature on Inuktitut. It is involved in the expression of the necessary relationship between two realities, the existence of one being inconceivable without the prior existence of the other. This is most obvious in the expression of a relationship of possession (something cannot be conceived of as being possessed without the prior existence of its possessor) and that of a link tying together the whole and the part. This function is expressed by the suffix -up in the singular (in wordbases that end with a consonant this suffix causes the final consonant to drop). In the dual and plural however, these endings are the same as those of the support function: the handle of the knife (of the knife its (a) Saviup ipunga handle) (b) Nasuup Nasuk's daughter (of Nasuk his daughter) paninga (c) Qajaup the front part of the kayak (of the kayak its sivunga front) (d) Inuit piusingit the Inuit traditions (of the Inuit their traditions) Example (a) represents a relationship between a whole (the knife), and a part of this whole (the handle). The word ipunga is formed from the wordbase ipu- 'handle' and the possessive suffix -nga 'his', which represents an undetermined third-person singular possessor. The role of the -up suffix in saviup is therefore to contribute to the determination of the possessor's real identity (savik-) The same analysis applies, mutatis mutandis, to the other three examples. Another example of the relative function will be seen when we deal with words expressing an event. The second series of grammatical suffixes used with words whose lexical matter denotes a being or substance is that of the possessive suffixes. These indicate: • the number and rank of the possessor; • the number and rank of the thing possessed; • the syntactical function of the word in the sentence. As this involves a long and complex series of forms, we shall limit our analysis of these suffixes to only a few examples: (a) saviga kiinatsiarikpuq my knife is very sharp (b) saviikka both my knives are very sharp kiinatsiarikpuuk (c) savikka kiinatsiarikput my (plural) knives are very sharp In these examples, the suffixes -ga, -ikka and -kka indicate that the possessor is a first-person singular. The suffix -ga also indicates that the

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possessed object is singular (a), while -ikka and -kka express respectively dual (b) and plural (c) possessed objects. Furthermore, these three suffixes indicate that the word which they end has the function of grammatical subject of the sentence. In the following three examples, the grammatical function remains the same but the number of the thing owned is singular and the number of the possessor varies: (a) Igluga my house (b) our house (belonging to the both of Igluvuk us) (c) lgluvut our house (more than two owners) The following three examples illustrate a syntactic function other than the support function: (a) Savimma ipua siqumiksimajuq (b) Iglunuk ukkuanga (c) Panigatut angitigijuq

the handle of my knife is broken the door of our (dual) house she is as tall as my daughter

In addition to the number and rank of the possessor, the endings -ma and -nuk indicate that the word they end has the relative function. Example (c) uses the æqualis function. Let us mention finally that where possessive suffixes are concerned, Inuktitut distinguishes two types of third person: (a) Ataatanganut uqaqpuq (b) Ataataminut uqaqpuq

he speaks to his father (someone else's father) he speaks to his (own) father

The suffixes -nganut- and -minut- both express the terminalis function, a singular third-person possessor and a singular possessed being. What distinguishes them is that the suffix -nganut further indicates that the possessor is different from the third person referred to here (the grammatical subject of the sentence) and which is represented by the suffix -q, 'he'. The suffix minut-, on the other hand, indicates that the person spoken about is the same as the possessor. Words Expressing an Event When the lexical matter of a word expresses a state or action, two complex series of grammatical suffixes can end the word. Each of these series is represented in the two examples that follow:

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(a) nirivunga I eat (b) takuvara I see it Example (a) is formed from a wordbase (niri-) expressing an action (the idea of 'eating'). This wordbase does not, by itself, express an event, that is an action seen as taking place in time. The grammatical suffix -vu- has the primary task of conferring the status of event to the action expressed by the wordbase. And as any event must be seen as proceeding from someone or something, the suffix -vu- is followed by a second grammatical suffix indicating the rank and number of the spatial support, the grammatical subject (here, the event 'eat' is said of a first person singular). The relationships of incidence linking the three formative elements of the word nirivunga can be analysed as shown in Figure 5.7.

Figure 5.7 The wordbase niri- lexically defines the content of the event represented grammatically by the suffix -vu-. In other words, to be conceived of as an event, lexical matter needs a form, which is supplied here by the suffix -vu-. As such, nirivu- represents lexical matter in grammatical form, an import which is, in turn, related to the final support represented by grammatical person. Example (b) is made up of a wordbase taku- that also expresses an action (the idea of 'seeing'). The grammatical suffix which gives the action the status of event here has the form -va- rather than -vu-. This is because in (a) the suffix -nga indicates only the person in question (the grammatical subject 'I'), while in (b) the suffix -ra expresses a relationship between two grammatical persons of different rank, both involved in the event, one as a support and the other as an import ('I, it'). The two series of grammatical suffixes which can end a word whose lexical content expresses a state or an action are therefore in mutual opposition, depending on whether only the support person of the event is

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represented in the word or whether it is represented at the same time as an import person. In the simplest case, where only the support person is represented, the form of the suffix representing grammatical person varies in relation to the rank and number of the person: I eat nirivunga nirivutit nirivuq nirivuguk nirivutik nirivuuk nirivugut nirivusi nirivut

you (sing.) eat he/she/it eats we (both) eat you (both) eat they (both) eat we (pl.) eat you (pl.) eat they (pl.) eat

Finally, it should be mentioned that the suffix -vu- (or -pu- when added to a word part ending in a consonant) evokes a particular event form. This suffix indicates that the event being considered is seen as a simple fact, in and for itself, and syntactically independent (declarative form). This suffix is therefore opposed to other suffixes of the same category in tongue, which represent as many different forms as there are ways of conceiving the event (interrogative, imperative, conditional, causal, etc.). (a) Nirivisi? are you (pl.) eating? (b) Nirigit! eat! (c) Niriluaruma aannianiaqpunga if I eat too much, I will be ill In Example (a), the suffix -vi- indicates that the event is thought in the interrogative form. In Example (b) the suffix -gindicates that the event is thought in the imperative form. Finally, in example (c) the suffix -ru- indicates the conditional form of the event and its syntactic dependence relative to the word aanianiaqpunga:

Notice that in this example the suffix representing grammatical person changes form according to the type of event. The suffixes -ma and -nga in this example both represent a first-person singular support. In the first case, the person is involved in the event expressed by a word which is syntactically subordinate (an import), whereas in the second case he is

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involved in an event expressed by a syntactically independent word (support). Something noteworthy here is the curious similarity between the forms of possessive suffixes with relative function and those of suffixes representing grammatical person in a word expressing an event in conditional and causal forms, these being syntactically subordinate forms: (1a) panimma atinga (1b) niriguma (1c) nirigama (2a) panivit atinga (2b) niriguvit (2c) nirigavit (3a) paninnuk atinga (3b) nirigunnuk (3c) nirigannuk (4a) ataatatsi atinga (4b) nirigutsi (4c) nirigatsi

the name of my daughter if I eat because I eat the name of your daughter if you eat because you eat the name of our (dual) daughter if we (dual) eat because we (dual) eat the name of your (plural) father if you (plural) eat because you (plural) eat.

This similarity demonstrates the subordinate character of the relative function. This fact is of capital importance in the analysis of a particular syntactic construction in Inuktitut, mistakenly called an ergative construction, which will be examined later. The second series of suffixes that can end a word expressing an event involves a reference to two persons participating in the event, one as support, the other as import. To simplify matters, let us say that semantically all combinations of any subject pronoun and any object pronoun are possible provided that they refer to distinct persons (excluding reflexive pronouns). Here are some examples in the declarative form: I see it takuvasi you (plural) see it takuvara I see you (singular) takuvait you (singular) see it takuvagit we (plural) see it takuvatit you (singular) see them takuvavut you see me takuvaatit he sees you (singular) takuvarma he sees me takuvattik I see you (dual) takuvaanga There is also a striking similarity between the suffixes expressing grammatical person and possessive suffixes, as the following examples demonstrate:

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(1a) qajara my kayak (1b) takuvara I see it (2a) qajaakka my (dual) kayaks (2b) takuvaakka I see them (dual) (3a) qajakka my (plural) kayaks (3b) takuvakka I see them (plural) (4a) qajavut our (plural) kayaks (4b) takuvavut we (plural) see it (5a) qajaangik his (dual) kayaks (5b) takuvaangikhe sees them (dual) (6a) qajasi your (plural) kayak (6b) takuvasi you (plural) see it Here we can see that there is identity with the support function of the possessive suffixes. This is conceivable because it refers, in the (b) examples above, to events expressed in the declarative form, a syntactically autonomous, independent form which can at length be used as a syntactic support for other subordinate elements. In order to understand how these forms can be so similar, despite their association with words so different, 12 one need only remember that a possessive such as 'my' in English or -ra in Inuktitut presupposes a semantic link between two distinct realities. (1) the possessor (here a first person singular) (2) the thing possessed (third person singular). In the possessive relationship, the thing possessed is, in a certain way, passively involved while the possessor is actively involved. If we now examine the type of relationship which is established between the pronouns 'I' and 'it' in 'I see it', it becomes evident that in the same event ('see') one person is actively involved ('I') and one passively involved ('it'). It is the analogy between these two circumstances which Inuit thought has seized on and which explains the use of common endings in the expression of possession and the expression of an agent-patient relationship. The presence of a grammatical person in the ending -ra can be explained if we analyse the parts of a word such as takuvara more closely. The latter is really formed from taku + vaq + ga. The possessive suffix of the first person singular has the form ga in discourse when it is added to a word part ending in a vowel, or is the consonant -k. It has the form -ra only when it is added to a word part ending in the consonant -q. So the presence of -ra in

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takuvara can only be explained by the underlying -vaq + -ga. But the consonant -q is regularly used to represent a third person singular in Inuktitut (for example, takuvuq, 'he sees'). So one can say that in takuvaq-, the final consonant represents the being about which one is speaking, i.e. the person seen. Takuvara should thus be translated literally to mean: 'my seen thing', 'the thing being seen by me'. We shall leave this point with one final comment. When a relationship is established between two persons of the third rank in a word expressing an event, one acting as support and the other as import, there is a notable difference between English and Inuktitut: Nasuk sees the bear (the bear, Nasuk he Nanuq Nasuup takuvaa sees it) In this sentence an event ('see') is being considered which involves two grammatical third persons represented lexically by 'Nasuk' and 'bear'. One is passively involved in the event (the bear); the other is actively involved (Nasuk). Here, English and Inuktitut differ markedly in the way in which the syntactical relationship between the two beings present in the situation are translated syntactically. In English, Nasuk is the grammatical subject, the syntactical support of the sentence, and the bear represents an import (the direct object) to the verb with which it forms the predicate (Figure 5.8).

Figure 5.8 In English, there is coincidence between the grammatical subject of the sentence and the agent of the action, as well as between the verb's import and the being involved passively in the event. In Inuktitut, the construction of the syntactic relations is constructed inversely to English (Figure 5.9):

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Figure 5.9 In Inuktitut, there is coincidence between the grammatical subject and the being passively involved in the event and coincidence between the syntactic import and the agent. In Inuktitut, the agent is the relative form (Nasu-up) a function which, as has been demonstrated, translates a subordination (thus, an import) to another element in the sentence. In the same way that it contributes to determine the real identity of the possessor in Nasuup savinga 'Nasuk's knife', the suffix -up here helps determine the real identity of the agent of the action. As for the word nanuq, here it has the form of the support function, which excludes all incidence to any other word in the sentence. To consider this construction as ergative, as many have done, is to accept Nasuup as a subject and nanuq as an object, which is in complete contradiction with the morphological analysis of Inuktitut. To do so is to analyse Inuktitut through its English translation without rigorous consideration of its morphology. This is likewise to confuse the notions of agent and subject on one hand, and the notions of grammatical object and passivity, on the other. Finally, it is to confound the syntax of a language, which obeys its own laws, with the laws of formal logic, which are of a very different order and to which the structural coherence of a language has never been obliged to conform. The morphology of Inuktitut clearly shows that these notions must be dissociated, that one can very well conceive of a passive grammatical subject and an active grammatical object without causing any damage to the coherence of the language. And, too bad if this manner of linguistic expression does not correspond to what logicians expect! The Enclitic Suffixes The last word parts to be worked into the construction of the Inuit word are enclitic suffixes. Among the categories of suffixes, they are fewest in

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number. These suffixes are indifferent to the distinction of number and syntactic function, and their presence is not bound to any particular word form. They can thus be added to any kind of word. Accordingly, these suffixes express no relationships of syntactic dependency. They contribute rather to what some call the 'logical structuring' of discourse. These suffixes translate coordination ('and', 'also'), opposition ('but', 'as for') and alternation ('either', 'or'): (1a) Ataataminut uqaqpuq (1b) Ataataminullu panimminullu uqaqpuq (2a) Kuujjuami (2b) Kuujjuamiluunniit Kangiqsualujjuamiluunniit takummilaaqquupavut

he speaks to his father. he speaks (and) to his father (and) to his daughter in Kuujjuaq doubtless we shall see him again (either) at Kuujjuaq (or) at Kangiqsualujjuaq

(3a) Anaananga his mother (3b) Ataatanga Inummariuvuq anaanangali his father is an Inuk but his mother is a Qallunaanguvuq 'White person' Much more remains to be said about the original character of the structure of Inuktitut. But a grammatical sketch imposes a choice, which we hope we have made as judiciously as possible. At the very least, we hope that we have succeeded in providing a glimpse of the many challenges which the Inuktitut language offers to those who would master it or systematically describe its structure. A language such as Inuktitut has the incontrovertible merit of forcing linguistics to refine its analytical methods, something possible only to the extent that linguists are capable of going beyond the vast but limited frame of reference of IndoEuropean languages. Notes 1. The term Inuktitut, which is tending increasingly to replace the word 'Eskimo' does not have the same extension as the latter. The Inuit of the Eastern Canadian Arctic, in their respective dialects, refer to the Inuit language by the name Inuktitut. Elsewhere the Inuit do not speak of Inuktitut but Inuinnaqtun (Central Arctic), Inuvialuktun (Western Arctic), Iñupiatun (Alaska) Inuttut (Labrador and Natsilik areas) and Kalaallisut (Greenland). 2. Masculine pronouns are used as a generic gender throughout this text for the sake of readability and without any discriminatory motivation. 3. On the other hand the Inuit have learned with relative ease how to speak French, English or Danish. This is a mystery that linguistics must explain some day.

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4. A more detailed description of the value of this suffix is given below in the section entitled 'Lexical Suffixes'. 5. Some of the grammatical terminology utilised in this chapter is borrowed from the linguistic theory known as the Psychomechanics of Language. For a more precise definition of terms such as tongue, discourse, meaning import and support, see Gustave Guillaume Foundations for a Science of Language, translated by Walter Hirtle and John Hewson, Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science, Series IV, Vol. 31, John Benjamins Amsterdam/Philadelphia 1984. 6. For the sake of convenience, we treat -sima- as a single formative element. It is the result of the combination of -si(perfective) and -ma- expressing a resulting state ('to be in the state of having done') translated previously as 'have + ever + past participle'. 7. For the reader's convenience, the lexical suffixes of Inuktitut and their corresponding elements in English have been printed in bold type. 8. It is therefore particularly useful to distinguish tulugaq- (followed by a hyphen) as a formative element which is part of the series in tongue that designates beings, and tulugaq (without a hyphen), which has grammatical number and a precise syntactical function, and is used in an actual context. 9. By grammatical subject, we mean strictly 'that about which something is said' in a sentence. As we shall see later, the notion of grammatical function is independent of that of agent of the action, even though in certain cases the two may coincide. 10. Here, the use of the form Kuujjuamut, rather than Kuujjuarmut, is explained by the application of the rule of simplification of consonants. 11. In front of a nasal consonant, the consonant -k becomes -ng (partial assimilation) in most Inuit dialects. In New Quebec, the consonant -k is completely assimilated. 12. The first (a) are usually classified as nouns in modern Inuit grammars, the second (b) as verbs.

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Chapter 6 The Future of Aboriginal Languages It is extremely important in a volume such as this to give a voice to Aboriginal peoples, who are the most qualified to comment on the future of their languages. The pages which follow were opened to Aboriginal speakers themselves, to those who live the daily vicissitudes of their ancestral language. In order to preserve spontaneity no guidelines were given; this explains why each contribution differs so much in scope while all offer frank and knowledgeable testimonials. Superficially one may get the impression that these pieces have no real focus or theme; but a more thorough reading leads to the conclusion that what ties these texts together is a profound awareness of an ongoing struggle against the economic imperative of a dominant culture, against a historical trend which started centuries ago. Nowadays language loss is indeed a trend that has become a world-wide phenomenon. Much is now invested in preserving endangered botanical and zoological species and so little for endangered languages and cultures. When it comes to conservation we have a lot to learn from Aboriginal cultures, particularly the art of living from the fruits of the earth without destroying its resources. This heritage is jeopardised every time a language dies out. For every language that is lost lessens the semantic diversity of mankind.

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Chapter 6A The Future of Algonquin Molly Kistabish Molly Kistabish has been teaching at Pikogen in Abitibi since 1968. She served as school principal for three years. She helped supervise native teacher training at the Université du Québec à Chicoutimi. Since 1990, she has been teaching her mother tongue, Algonquin. She also performs translation. In former times, like other Amerindians, Algonquins were great nomads; travelling their trapping grounds or those of their hunting companions, every summer they would go to the annual meeting place of the Algonquins, with the aim of renewing and strengthening bonds of friendship and brotherhood. This great gathering of the Algonquins of the Abitibi took place at Pointe-des-Indiens on Lake Abitibi. This promontory or peninsula is today called Abitibi Matcitewea, which means 'Cape Abitibi'. From 1821 to 1922, the Hudson Bay Company operated a fur trading post there and, from 1837 to 1956, a missionary ministering to the Algonquins spent four weeks there every year. Since roughly 1720, the Mamiwinni Algonquin have been experiencing changes in their traditional way of life. Their tools, food, clothes, dwellings, spirituality, philosophy, and even mother tongue have all felt the force of change. The purity of the Algonquin race has itself been touched. Likewise, the coming of the railroad brought about changes in how Algonquins travelled. This 'fire device', as our ancestors called it, could transport people over land and the ichkote tciman, or steam boat, could serve them over water. At the same time came carriages pulled by horses, followed later by the first automobiles. Gradually, the Algonquin abandoned their authentic way of life.

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The years 1955-1956 were a time of complete upheaval. With the introduction of boarding schools, all children from 6 to 14 were required to stay in school ten months out of every year, which destroyed family bonds. Some families, wanting to be near to their children, came to settle near the towns in Abitibi. This led some families to become sedentary and almost completely abandon their nomadic way of life. As the years passed, far from their parents, the young Algonquins learned a new language and tried with all their hearts to master it and thus, removed from their parents, they forgot and gradually lost their mother tongue. A few years later, the parents became aware of the danger that the language transmitted by our parents and our grandparents would be lost. This was a first awareness. During the 1970s and 1980s, there was an awakening. The Algonquin communities took charge of education, and there were meetings, discussions and agreements with school boards in order to safeguard language and culture. In the various Algonquin communities, several band schools were built with a more Algonquian character, meaning that the teachers and support personnel were for the most part Aboriginals, that is to say Algonquin. It was hoped that these schools would become pillars of support for the mother tongue. With this new form of education, i.e. literacy in the mother tongue, the parents were willing to cooperate in the education of their children. Seeing their children go to school in the home village, they felt more confident, closer to them and able to contribute to their education. The school likewise adopted a schedule to accommodate twice-a-year hunting and gathering in the wilds with parentsin autumn, and then again in spring when nature awakens. These times are the most precious to parents, because it is they who have the task of teaching the values of life in the forest, how to prepare traditional foods, how humans should respect nature, etc. The calm and serenity of nature allows them to live out a spirituality for which they have long been known. The charm of mother nature at her awakening bestows on the children the power to wonder and delight at the most beautiful spectacle of life. The first objective of the village school is to ensure the preservation of the mother tongue and awaken each member of the community to the need to protect Algonquin language and culture. The village school, with the support and encouragement of the members of the community, also seeks to transmit values and motivation

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to Amerindian children, to give them the opportunity to learn their mother tongue, thereby restoring their Amerindian pride and strengthening their identity. Through proficiency in their mother tongue, they will be able to understand and communicate with their parents and grandparents, as well as the elders of the community, who have much wisdom to pass on. The greatest heritage that parents and grandparents can give their children is indeed their mother tongue. For centuries, for millennia, human values have been transmitted in this way. Customs, traditions, legends, philosophy, spirituality, education have been passed down by word of mouth. This inheritance is a treasure that should be preserved and kept like the most precious of gifts. In many Aboriginal communities, and notably among the Algonquin, a great awakening is occurring in various ways. The village school plays a very major role in the preservation of the mother tongue. Algonquin children receive part of their education in their own language while also being taught in other languages such as English and French. Before ending, I want to quote two testimonies that are particularly edifying and touching, and that truly give pause. The first comes from a young pupil who never wishes to lose her mother tongue. She writes in these terms: Hey, Parents! You should wake up a little. Do not keep the Algonquin language to yourselves. We too have the right to speak this marvellous language. Do you know that the greater part of Algonquin pupils speak only French? We also want to do as other nations, to speak our language anywhere, anytime. We do not want to lose our language, we do not wish it to happen as it has to some nations, that is, that we lose our beautiful language. Do as your parents did before you, pass this beautiful inheritance on to us. We, the young people, have truly decided to speak our language. There are young people who know how to speak the language better than others, and this is not fair. You must give us the chance and the right to speak your language, which is also ours. Sally Rankin, Secondary II student Calypso Pavilion, Amos (Quoted in Kinawit [monthly of the Pikogan village], 1 (5), April 1991)

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The second testimony is as edifying and convincing as the first. It comes to us from a sage who never went to school, college or university. However, he can read and write his Algonquin mother tongue: Every human being who lives on earth and who respects himself also respects his mother tongue, which is that of his ancestors. Albert Mowatt, 65 years. Pikogan Village, Amos (Quoted in Kinawit, 1 (5), April 1991)

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Chapter 6B The Future of Atikamekw Marthe Coocoo Marthe Coocoo, a native Atikamekw speaker, is a technolinguist at Weymontachie. When thinking of the future, naturally one thinks of fairly long-term plans. Language is no exception. In all the assemblies I attended, there was unanimous agreement on preserving the language. The present generation is firm in its commitment to preserve the mother tongue. As for me, just safeguarding the language is not enough, it has to be valued and developed as much as possible for everyday speech. For me, that is the goal to strive for. In order to do this, one must continue to raise awareness among people, to inform them, and to speak about the language in the language. But clearly everyone is free to choose to keep his language or not, and from his choice comes the heritage that he will leave. However, he should make his decision with full knowledge of the facts. It is obvious that our culture is our way of life, of doing things, of thinking, and also our way of speaking, because it is known that language is a component of culture. In the future, it is vital that the language remain the means of binding the elders and the young people together. We must find a way to bring them together for, at this time, these generations are not on the same wavelength. It appears urgent to remedy this by means likely to interest them. The question of preserving a language, as I see it, is also a question of reinforcing it, and even more important, ensuring its evolution. In this context, neologism has an important part to play. To illustrate this I imagined a scenario. Let us suppose an elder who is at present 55 years old and a young person of 15 years of age. Then think of them both 20 years later. The situation is as follows: the elder visits the work place of the young man, a chemical plant. The elder asks questions about the things he finds

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striking. Will the young man be able to answer or explain in such a way that the elder would really understand? This is the challenge to which we must rise. The household or the family should become more the cradle of the Atikamekw language and culture. To manage this, we should make people aware that if the language is currently living, this is because it is used, and if one stops using it, it will then lose the power to express what we want to say. Otherwise, it will become increasingly difficult to maintain a suitable environment for the transmission of the language for the same reasons that it is increasingly arduous for families to remain together because the time shared is decreasing and the outside world, whose values are contradictory to ours, exerts a powerful attraction. The viability of the language depends on the degree of motivation and the interest in keeping it. One must never forget that passivity is the worst enemy. The immediate environment may be favourable to the development of the language. Yet, if one takes its survival too much for granted, the danger will still be there, because it comes not from the outside but from within. The danger is to assume that the language will continue to be spoken without one having to do anything about it, or to think that because it should continue, it therefore will. Or finally to imagine that because one was ready to protect the language that it will always be protected. The isolation of a community can be seen in two ways: as a shelter, a place where one feels at home, or as a closed-in place where nothing ever happens, but which holds one as a magnet holds iron. The perception that one has depends on several thingsone's age, for instanceand this perception can change from one generation to the next. The level of respect for the language and the use that an individual makes of it has an impact on its quality and determines its viability. Let us return to the illustration of the young man quoted earlier; let us imagine that his family has always granted great importance to culture, that the Atikamekw language was what they spoke and that laxity was not customary in that family; this young man would certainly have no difficulty in satisfying the curiosity of the elder who came to visit him. This brings us to discuss the cultural means of enlivening the language that one must teach the children, means such as the manufacture of various objects to increase their dexterity, while teaching the appropriate terms with the aim of enriching not only their vocabulary but also their knowledge of how to make things. People say 'language is the measure of culture' which means that, if the culture is not in good health, the language follows it in decline, and if it is healthy, that can be seen in the language.

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Song is another domain to exploit to touch the greatest number of people in order to sensitise them to their language. Songs exist but we need more because they give value to the language and move people to use it continually. Communications should be in constant progress, on several levels. Let us take the case of radio: we need to increase the number of hours of broadcasting. It should reflect a colloquial and natural quality of the language, recognised and accepted by the community. It can also be an instrument to measure the degree of satisfaction of the people who listen to it. There are also audio-visual techniques that it would be very important to develop in the future. For instance, community television; that would be the best place for the language. Not only would the news be transmitted in Atikamekw, but television would also be a tool at the disposal of the population to develop its points of view and express its needs, regardless of the field. One would need to think of creating broadcasts that interest all age groups in Atikamekw society. Communication is easier when it uses means which belong to culture, that is to say visual and auditive. The main objective of the communications should be, and is already as far as radio is concerned, promotion of the value of the Atikamekw language in itself; language is also a tool for communication. Neologisms are very useful and even essential for the dissemination of information (about new science and technology), but also for integrating new words (for general concepts) in current language so that it can cover more than local subjects. Terms relating to health should be unequivocal and integrated into the current language, not only to help medical personnel, but also for translators and for the patients themselves. Training (in Atikamekw anatomical and physiological terminology) plays a big part (in the health service). At present, (the interpreters and) liaison personnel in the health field are being trained with the persons concerned to acquire a solid base in human anatomy. All of this aims at ensuring adequate service to the Atikamekw patients who need an interpreter, in order to feel secure because they know that the translation will be precise and the medication appropriate. Preventative medicine is fostered verbally in Atikamekw or written notices are sent to the homes, and this way of doing things should continue. On another subject, intertribal marriages play a part in the distribution of languages. For instance, usually in the case of a couple coming from two nations and who each speak their home language, frequently one language

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dominates over the other and it is the dominant language which is transmitted to the children. Here also it depends on the amount of respect that the people have toward their languages. Sometimes, a language dominates because of social or economic pressure. All that has been stated so far has mostly concerned the spoken language, but what about the written language? I sincerely think that putting an oral tradition into writing ensures the survival of the oral language. But to write it down, one must first be familiar with its structure, and one can say without hesitation that the majority of us Atikamekw are. One must also have the motivation to take the time to learn, whatever the reason that drives us: it could be for ideological reasons, from nationalist feelings, to deepen knowledge of one's mother tongue, to understand the messages written in the Atikamekw language, or for other reasons. This means that language classes for adults should be available every year so that people have a chance to attend them. On this subject, I think it important that people know that they can create in their own language, compose songs, write stories, poems and even write their memoirs, why not? In every language there are rules to follow; this is what one calls the essence of the language. Standard spelling is necessary when one starts to transfer the word into writing because this enables better understanding. The Atikamekw language is linguistically as good as any other. It has grammar, a phonology, it can appear extremely complex but, as I mentioned earlier, in order to use it one must be familiar with its structure. Previously, non-Aboriginal persons thought that the Amerindian languages would not survive and that the way to help us was to make us learn not only another language but also a different culture. Paternalism often gives results, but not always those that are expected, for in some cases the reactions of the people can reverse a bad situation. Language suppression had the effect of making us react and seek to take charge in a number of areas. But the fact is that we can never replace the years which we should normally have spent with our parents. In the 1970s the institutionalisation of the Atikamekw language was born, and one can say that, today, young people under 18 know how to read and write their language. But one must add that the written language [in 1970] was only just beginning. I think that writing a language ennobles it. If one looks at the language in general, one can see that it has suffered a blow in the sense that many words are lost, others no longer have the same meaning. I think that happens in every other language.

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The people in charge, that is to say, the chiefs and their advisers, have been elected, and it is one of their responsibilities to strengthen the efforts that have been made for safeguarding the culture and reviving the language. One must also plan the circumstances of language use to meet expressed needs. The Atikamekw language should have a commanding position in the nation. At present in employment advertisements, reading and writing knowledge of Atikamekw is an advantage, but for the language to be considered as one of the criteria for being hired, there is a lot of work that needs to be done on popular literacy. An annual programme of language courses has to be established. One step has been taken in this direction for there have been several colloquiums on orientation for all fields. If there is one domain where a culture and a language are strongly present, it is certainly that of spirituality. It occupies an important place for everyone. It is a human dimension where all the emotions are kept; it is the part of the culture that grabs you. It completes the inner person, unites the community, it is a moral strength. It represents relations with others, but also with the Creator. These are values which we must deepen because one allows oneself to be seduced by things of less importance. It is obvious that we should keep the fundamental values because, thanks to them, the Atikamekw people have survived all sorts of scourges. With the aim of clarifying the subject, I took the word nehirowisiw, which means Amerindian. It is composed of two morphemes; one means 'to be in harmony, in agreement' and the other means 'identity, reputation', and that relates to what I said earlier, semantically; spirituality is, as I see it, included in this word, but it is not and should not be understood in the figurative meaning (spirited). This can be seen in our ceremonies, which need no emphasis or pomp, for the spirituality of our elders is discrete and they are our guides. I think that the future of the language in this domain is the most secure. In the past, the Atikamekw have always had a deep respect for their environment; they knew how to 'manage' the resources for their supplies. Take trapping for instance. The mentality of the elders can still be perceived in the sense that they do not trap everywhere; they plan their territory rationally. It is a personal and a community responsibility to prepare for the future, and education is the basis of it. We must thus strengthen it and the way to do this is to do it our way, that is to say with our values, our culture, our history and, above all, in our mother tongue.

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The Atikamekw language is presently taught as a subject in the schools of the three Atikamekw villages. Enormous work has already been done in this sense, but much remains to be done; and it is necessary if one wants the children to master their spoken, read and written language. According to teaching specialists, it is markedly preferable that the child be taught in his or her mother tongue from the very first years of school life, with the aim of strengthening what has been learned in the language. He or she should be familiar with the structure so that the transfer to a second language is managed more easily. To reach the point where the Atikamekw language becomes the medium for teaching, we have developed programmes such as natural sciences (Wikwasatikw) the human sciences (Matakan) and kindergarten education (Minic) These programmes enable learning. It is certain that other programmes will be developed, particularly 'light' matters. An elder said this: 'The future begins with education for it is there that tomorrow is prepared with and for the young people.' I agree with him, but one must not forget that the home should be the first place of learning for the child, and that the school acts as the extension of the home. Otherwise, the child gets the impression that these are two distinct worlds that are unconnected. It is likewise necessary that the environment within the school reflect what the child is, that is to say Atikamekw. I think that if there is a subject that should be taught to young people, it is history, for if one wants a generation that is sure on its feet, it should know its origins. I think that pride and feeling of belonging are reinforced by the study of history. We have decided that there is only one Atikamekw language, even though what I call community variants exist. In a general way, the linguistic situation is satisfactory, but it is certain that there is room for improvement. We have worked together for a number of years and we shall continue to do so for we have always taken to heart the future of the culture and the language. I end by quoting someone who was watching a child write to his mother in Atikamekw: 'What is more marvelous than the sight of a child writing in his language, to see him so concentrated, and to hear him reading it over to himself. He is way beyond me!'

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Chapter 6C The Future of the Cree Language James Bobbish James Bobbish is the Director of Educational Services at the Cree School Board in Chisasibi. The Cree people of James Bay can identify with other native peoples across Canada and the United States as these countries attempt to assimilate the native people into the mainstream of society. The special status of the native people who started as wards of the government and whose special status has been redefined and asserted by native leaders and organisations, has been the major reason for these attempts at assimilation. We were taken into the residential schools and taught a value system different from what we would have learned from our parents. I do not want to surmise what happened which differed from that for other native people, but fortunately for those of us from James Bay, we went back to our communities, which were still strong in the language and cultural traditions. We have also retained our language by the fact that, although we were literally taken from our then nomadic homes, our parents were monolingual in Cree. Even then, the social and cultural re-integration back into the community took several years and for some, the psychological costs were extremely high. For some families, the cost was higher, some kids never came back alive. Throughout all of this, for those that survived, the common thread that held us together was our language. To a large extent, the reason that we had a hard time in re-integrating into our communities was a certain loss of the language, the development of which had been severely interrupted by the extended period of time that we had spent in another society. As language is an integral part of culture, we also lost touch with important aspects of our culture. With the passage of the residential school system, it is extremely important now for native societies to set their own curriculum agenda. Our

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schools are still swamped with the dominant non-native society's curricula and with it, a different value system. With the signing of the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement, the James Bay Cree have the opportunity of reorganising their system of education. The Cree School Board was created in 1978. The immediate priorities were appropriate facilities in the way of schools, teachers' residences and other pertinent facilities. For many years the actual question of quality of education was not confronted mainly because of these practical problems and other problems related to the legal interpretation of the education section of the James Bay Agreement. The issue of language has always been an important topic in the Cree communities, and it is still a big issue today. It is very evident that the preservation of the Cree language is something that has to be dealt with concretely, both at the school and community level. We are now into the first generation of children who went to school to be instructed in a language, French or English, without having a strong base in the Cree language. The reasons why parents up to a couple of years ago opted for this were: 1. the notion that the child would have a better chance of succeeding academically the sooner he/she was introduced to the second language and hence would be prepared to continue to higher education for better job opportunities; and 2. that the parents would teach Cree anyway because Cree was spoken at home. Today we have been rudely awakened from these illusions. We are awakened by the fact that our children are not graduating in droves as we had hoped. We are awakened by the fact that the present use of Cree is not as stable as we had imagined it to be because of the multi-media blitz through the use of modern-day technology right into our communities and homes. We are aware of the fact that we cannot continue with the full use of a curriculum that has been used to discredit our sense of identity and therefore maligned our ultimate purpose of preserving our language and our culture. Although we are persons who were submerged in a residential school setting and subsequently in an urban setting, have we not done as our parents by stopping the natural development of our children's language and sense of identity by placing them in a second language situation at the age of four and giving them lessons in a curriculum that had little or no relevance to their culture?

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This situation was seen and understood by some people working for the Cree School Board and, in 1979, a position paper was prepared and presented to the Council of Commissioners. This position paper was to assist the Council of Commissioners in the formulation of a policy and a bilingual approach and the use of Cree as the language of instruction. It did not have the political support that it needed, and the justifications for such an approach were not widely known and accepted, and therefore the Cree School Board carried on with the government system of education. This situation points to the importance of the consultative process when important decisions of this nature are anticipated. In December 1988, a major meeting was held between the Council of Commissioners and its support staff, the Cree Chiefs and the Grand Chief of the Crees. This meeting outlined the principles from which the Cree School Board presently takes its direction in implementing its overall education plan. These principles call for the Cree School Board along with the Grand Council of the Crees (of Quebec) to develop a Cree Language Policy. They allow, along with the provisions of the James Bay Agreement, the use of Cree as the language of instruction in the primary grades. The Cree School Board is responsible for education services for eight Cree communities along with another emerging community which will make it nine communities with a total population of 10,000 people. Half of the communities have started with Cree as the language of instruction in pre-kindergarten and the others are in the process of introducing it in the coming year. For those who had Cree as the language of instruction this year, they will now prepare to have it in kindergarten this coming year. There are two communities who are prepared to have some subjects taught in Cree in grade one. We have a Cree Programme Department in the Cree School Board which is responsible for the development of materials in the Cree language. There are also pedagogical counsellors who are responsible for the proper application of Cree curricula in the classrooms. The Cree School Board has Cree teachers who are qualified to teach in the second language (French or English) who will be given the opportunity to learn to read and write the Cree syllabic system in order to apply their acquired teaching skills in the Cree language if they so desire. The Cree School Board will also be developing a certificate programme for the training of Cree candidates who want to teach in Cree. Our schools have Cree Language and Cree Culture courses as part of the curriculum both in high school and elementary school. The full benefit of these courses has not yet been felt because of this approach. In the matter

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of Cree Language, the Cree syllabic system is being taught without the child having first acquired the basics of the language orally because the student started learning in school in a second language taught as a first language. Cree Culture is taught as a subject and does not have a real connection with the Cree Language classes. We have also learned that it is not realistic to teach Cree Culture in a classroom and claim that we are doing justice to the subject. Literacy is a desired skill that works to the advantage of anybody in any given language. How native people approach the desire to have their children gain the best of both worlds (acquiring academic skills to participate in the working world and maintaining their culture and language) merits some discussion. In our case we have tried to continue with the system of education imposed by government authorities, a system that has brought us disappointment and failures, and tried to acknowledge our culture and language as secondary subjects. By this method we have fallen short of both goals. Now we have numerous youth and young adults who are feeling the worst of both worlds because we have tried to teach our children a Southern-based curriculum with transmitted methods, and have treated our mother tongue as a second language. This situation is rampant in our communities and must be looked at critically. To paraphrase an educator, Paulo Freire, our kids are not dropping out but are being expelled by the system's failure. The hidden curriculum of the social and cultural conflict in the classroom plays a major part in the lack of success of the present generation of Cree students. We must be aware and we must acknowledge the precarious situation of our native languages. We must acknowledge that native languages, being oral languages, are the foundation of an oral culture and that this cannot be compared to the literate culture of French or English that has dominated our communities and our classrooms. Our oral cultures existed by holistic knowledge in the traditions of oratory and story telling. The method of passing on knowledge was not unlike the telling of parables in the Bible. The language expresses thought and therefore expresses the culture. On the other hand, the literate culture of French or English as we know it is compartmentalized knowledge and it is acquired by 'education'. As stated earlier, it incorporates a different value system. From our observations and experience, we are able to combine the two because we cannot deny the impact of non-native society on our lives and cultures. We gravitate towards the negative aspects of that society because we have

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unknowingly denied the importance of our language and culture or, in some cases, have been forced to deny it. Reading and writing in the Cree language is now necessary in addition to the oral character of the language. However, a definite procedure must be followed: • Cree must be a Primary Language in the home before school. • When the child enters the school (pre-kindergarten and kindergarten), Cree must be treated as an oral language. • Reading and writing in Cree Syllabics is to be introduced in grade one. • Cree will be the language of instruction in certain subjects throughout the elementary grades. • Cree will continue to be the language of instruction in some subjects throughout secondary school. To support this process in the school there is a great need for the community to be involved: • Parents must be aware of the amount and quality of Cree they must use at home. • The Cree local and regional radio must continue to be used for all levels of discussion and information so that the use of oral Cree should continue to improve. • Groups of people must get together frequently and regularly to ensure the development and growth of the Cree language by having language workshops. • Cree literature must continue to be developed to enhance the Cree language. • Opportunities must be given to Cree individuals to read and write Cree. Throughout all of this, all Cree children and adults must be instilled with the motivation and desire to learn the Cree language and that it must have a place of importance in the development of Cree society. The James Bay Agreement has given us a tool with which to work, but whatever the relationships we have with governments, we ourselves must define our own terms based on the importance we put on our language and culture. It cannot be denied that the present system of education does not answer to the natural character of Cree children when they first come into our schools. The result of such a situation has instilled various levels of trauma that not only negatively affect their cognitive capacity, but also impede their social and emotional development within their own environment.

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Much is to be said for the method of teaching native children based on their identity and the defined needs of native Cree society. If we carry on with what we are doing now, we can realistically predict an increase in youth delinquency that will produce a society of individuals who are not authentic. We must give our children a chance to acquire, retain and anchor knowledge through the proper teaching of the child's native language, to give him a true sense of purpose. This sense of purpose must be based on the child's own reality reflected by his culture and what he can contribute to that culture.

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Chapter 6D Is There a Future for the Huron Language? Linda Sioui Linda Sioui was born in 1960 and has a degree in sociology from the University of Ottawa. Her particular field of interest is the Huron language. In 1983, she was part of a team that worked on compiling the field notes of Quebec ethnologist Marius Barbeau (Huron-Wyandot Collection; unpublished catalogue) for the Canadian Museum of Civilization, then travelled to visit the Wyandots in Oklahoma. She is currently with the Association of Native Friendship Centres of Quebec, where she works as a bilingual information officer. The Huron language, said the Jesuit historian Charlevoix, has such abundance, energy, and nobility as one might never find united in any of the beautiful languages that we know, and those whose language it is, although reduced to a handful of persons, still have in their souls an elevation more tantamount to the majesty of their language than to the sorrowful state to which they are reduced. Some have believed that they discovered Huron to be related to Hebrew; others, more numerous, have suggested that it has the same origin as Greek; but nothing is so frivolous as the evidence that they bring forward. (Lindsay, 1900: 252-3). Of all the speculations that ever were advanced concerning the origin of the Huron language, those of an ancient relationship with Semitic or Indo-European languages are rejected today, judged as baseless. What does come to light from the different linguistic surveys is that the Huron language is related to the other Iroquoian languages. Some have even suggested that the Huron language was the original language from which the other Iroquoian languages stemmed. This affirmation seems to be based on an old Huronic tradition of relating to the other Amerindian groups from a linguistic point of view. Thus the Neutrals were called Attiwandaronk

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by the Huron, which means 'those with similar speech'. However, it is evident that each Iroquoian language was innovative and followed its own course of development, which makes it impossible for any one of them to lay claim to the original form, which was spoken over 2000 years ago. The Huron language was the language of the Amerindians who were originally encountered by Samuel de Champlain (around 1615), who inhabited the stretch of territory between lakes Simcoe and Huron, and the Holland Marsh (often flooded), today known under the name of Simcoe County, in Ontario. These Amerindians (whose original name of Wendat probably meant 'islanders') formed a confederation of five groups (the peoples of Clay, Cord, Rock, Deer and Bear) speaking similar dialects. When the fur trade was at its peak in New France (the first half of the 17th century), Huron was undoubtedly the trade language for anyone who wanted to trade with the Huron people, who then acted as spokesmen for this great trade for all the Aboriginals. Brother Gabriel Sagard Théodat (Recollet) mentioned in this regard: They [the Nippising Amerindians] are rather good people and know both languages, Huron and their own, while the Huron do not, nor do they learn any language other than their own, whether from negligence, or because they have less business with their neighbours than their neighbours have with them. (Lindsay, 1900: 253) So one can say that the Huron language was the language 'par excellence' of diplomacy and trade during the first half of the 17th century, a language also known to Aboriginal groups who were linguistically very different from the Huron. A knowledge of the Huron language was not only necessary for political and commercial matters, but was also compulsory for European missionaries, who were eager for conversions. Dictionaries, lexicons and grammars assumed great importance for these priests during the summer period, when the traditional occupations drew the people away from their villages (Tooker, 1967: 71). One noteworthy work was the manuscript dictionary of the Recollet Le Caron, begun in 1615 and completed in 1632 at the home of Denis Moreau. Brother Sagard, who furthered the study of the language from the great work of his predecessor, gives his readers the distinct impression that he was a sharp observer of the details of the phenomena that he observed and which form the background to the nomenclature of the vocabulary. Then followed the work of the Jesuit Jean de Brébeuf (nicknamed 'Echon' by the Huron), who dedicated almost 24 years of his ministry to the study of the language (1626-1649). The manuscripts he left include prayers, catechisms, orisons and liturgical chants, among them the

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celebrated carol Jesous Ahatonhia composed toward 1641, and kept by oral tradition among contemporary Huron. It is said that the melody is that of Une jeune pucelle, a hymn formerly sung in France (Government of Ontario, Department of Tourism and Information, 1967). Likewise a dictionary of the dialect of the Bear nation, lost today, is attributed to Brébeuf. As for Brother Chaumonot who followed a group of Huron from Quebec during the great diaspora, his work was mainly a sketch portrait of Huron grammar combined with a dictionary. On the matter of learning Huron, he was unable to prevent himself from making a remark like an earlier one by Brother Bressani: 'I applied myself to making and comparing the precepts of that language, the most difficult of all in North America.' Then he was to add later '[. . .] when I was sent to the Iroquois, whom I did not understand, I needed only a month to learn their language' (Lounsbury, 1978: 334). Was Chaumonot then one of the first to have observed the apparent linguistic affinity between the Huron language and its Iroquoian sister languages? The contribution of Brother Étienne de Carheil to the description of the Huron language consists of a rudimentary dictionary, including 970 verbal roots and an explanatory text which, was to serve equally well for the learning of the Iroquoian languages. As for his qualities as a linguist, it was said that 'he spoke the Huron language with a rare elegance' (Orphand, s.d.: 78). The dictionary by Brother Pierre Potier (1748) should be considered rightly as an important source, since he worked among the Huron of Lorette as well as the Wyandot (one of the Huron groups that survived the destruction of old Huronia in 1649). Just as in the works of his predecessors, it was in Latin that Potier chose to explain the rules of Huron grammar. The enormous contribution of the Canadian ethnologist Marius Barbeau consisted of recording numerous Huron and Wyandot songs (on an Edison phonograph), legends in the vernacular language, and a dictionary, as well as numerous ethnographic data at the beginning of the century. It is certainly very important too to mention the work of the Reverend Arthur Edward Jones, who, with his book 8endake ehen (The Defunct Huronia) left a very detailed linguistic description of numerous Huron geographic names of villages and other places. This document was published in 1908 by the Bureau of Archives of the Province of Ontario. The historic references to the Huron language give the impression that this language is one of the best documented in North America. Even so, gradually, the Huron language became a 'church language' up to the beginning of this century, rather as were Latin and biblical Hebrew.

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However, it seems rather paradoxical that its death was at the hands of Christianity, as we can believe from this declaration of a Huron from Lorette to Mgr. Turgeon, in 1850: Our race continues to drop in numbers, and our language is nearly dead. We regret, we young people, what our parents did not teach us, and also, that we did not have a missionary who could have learned and insisted that we learn. We had to learn everything in French, prayers and catechism; that really helped its loss. (Lindsey, 1900: 249) As for the last regular speakers of Huron, sources are not all in agreement, but Chief Nicolas Vincent is an obvious candidate as are Zacharie Vincent and Paul Picard (the father); as for the last who spoke, read and wrote it, François-Xavier Picard (his son) and Brother Prosper Vincent (one of Marius Barbeau's main informants) are mentioned. Another is notary Paul Picard, who is credited with the modern translation of Brebeuf's Huron carol (Vincent, 1984: 383). Historically speaking, the Huron language 'died' toward the end of the 19th or the start of the 20th century. As for Wyandot, it is interesting to observe that it was spoken up to the beginning of the 1960s (Tooker, 1978: 404), and could even have been spoken in 1974 (Wright, personal communication, Feb. 1990) in Oklahoma. Still today interested parties are debating the fate of this language which, people say, was characterised by prenasal consonants and very developed inflections, but which, apart from various songs, and a few known phrases and words, has fallen forever silent, supplanted forthwith for reasons of cultural survival by French in Quebec, and English in Ontario and the United States. Those interested in the language include Marguerite Vincent 'Téhariolina', a Huron who dedicated a great part of her life to research and study of Huron language and customs, as borne out by her 1984 book, La nation huronne, son esprit, sa culture, son identité. In conjunction with Pierre H. Savignac, she produced, among other works, three major studies (unpublished) of Huron grammar and vocabulary. Others include Pierrette Lagarde, with her numerous articles and Le verbe huron, Roy A. Wright, whose doctoral thesis at Harvard University concerns the translation of Chaumonot's Huron Grammar, as well as John Steckley, the author of numerous articles and a former student of Mr Wright. Note should also be made of the keen interest shown by the Huron people in all matters concerning the rediscovery of their language and heritage at this time of emerging recognition of the regional autonomy of the Huron-Wendat nation. In such a sociocultural context, is the 'revival' of the language a possibility or a utopia?

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'A living language is a language that meets all the needs of a society in matters of oral and written communication', affirms Yaakov Bentolila referring to the case of Hebrew. It is known that this language, almost dead for some 2000 years (for a long time it was only a written language recited in the synagogues), has regained the status of a natural language (spoken in the home) and a national language during the last 100 years, and is today spoken by over three million speakers (Bentolila, 1986: 26). For this nation, the recognition of the language arose out of the emancipation of the Jewish people throughout Europe, resulting in a resurgence of promotion of the cultural heritage. Even more, and this is possibly one of the reasonsif not the main reasonfor the revival of this language; it represents, for Jews of different origins, the 'common language', the 'link' necessary to traditional communication, that is to say the ethnic and national identity. However, the 'revival' of Hebrew was preceded by numerous failed attempts, before the successful efforts of Eliezer BenYehuda (1858-1922), who devoted himself to the question. He began his task with the basic tools at his disposalexcellent Hebrew grammars, and the rich literary heritage left by ancient Hebrew (the biblical literature, the Mishnah) What this language needed in order to become a living language was a modernised lexicon (creation of neologisms), literary standardisation and codification (as a result of these choices and innovations), a national ideology, the strength of mind of pioneers, diffusion, teaching and the use of the language, and, above all, the goodwill of the community concerned. Since those Utopians failed to find a model for spoken Hebrew, they had to transpose the written phraseology into the mouths of the speakers, to the point where the language came naturally. This came with the following generations, hence the importance of teaching children in the schools for any programme of language regeneration. Like Hebrew, the Huron language, to be reborn, requires collective goodwill, or at least a core of devoted persons, for languages do not exist without speakers. The creation of a 'Huron language board' could be envisaged (by analogy with the Quebec Office de la langue française) whose mandate would be to create new words and submit them to the community for approval or rejection. Furthermore, despite loans and neologisms, marks of a truly living, progressing language (whatever purists might say), it is essential that the basic grammarthe skeleton of the languagebe respected, and be measured by an etymological dictionary (word building, verb bases, etc.). We are aware that Huron literature is rich, yet little known. Additionally, linguistic contributions could be made from the living Iroquoian languages. But we would want to be wary of simplistic reasoning, such as a tendency to borrow from a single language on the

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pretext that it is close to Huron. For in linguistics, when a language is more innovative in one domain, usually it is less so in another. The success of reborn languages such as Hebrew has come in part from the fact that no pressure was exerted on the people, given that at the beginning the matter only concerned a core of interested individuals. People started to read in the vernacular language (biblical literature). Later, interest grew. The relearning of Huron would doubtless increase the pride of belonging to the nation at a time when negotiations are pointing to regional autonomy. It is likewise clear that, historically, the Huron have acquired a great will to survive as a community. This drive to survive could serve as a barometer to measure the chance the language has of surviving, should it in fact be relearned knowing as we do that it would be 'plunged' right into the French Quebec context. One must also understand that, unlike Hebrew, the Huron language cannot become vital to communication among the Huron, since French has already assumed that role. One of the aims of restoring the language would be to shed light on how the ancient Huron thought. Some say that language sometimes serves as a screen to avoid deep reflection on the future of one's culture, or that it would be very much simpler to learn a language that is still spoken, such as Montagnais or Mohawk. However, as we have seen, the chances of successfully resurrecting Huron are good if we follow the path described previously. Then why excuse ourselves from attempting the ultimate effort? Afterward, we could declare like the Hebrews: '[. . .] we have truly the advantage of having a language in which we can, even at the present moment, write everything that we want and which we can also speak, if only we want to' (Bentolila, 1986: 22).

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Chapter 6E The Future of Inuktitut Taamusi Qumaq Taamusi Qumaq was born in 1914 in the Povungnituk area of Inuit New Quebec. First a hunter, then a trapper, then later a clerk for the Hudson's Bay Company and the founder and administrator of a cooperative, he never went to school but learned to read and write his language in syllabic characters. To prevent Inuit language and culture from disappearing, he began compiling two major works in 1976an encyclopaedia of traditional Inuit life (Sivulitta piusituqangit, published in 1988) and an Inuit-language dictionary defining over 30,000 Inuit words (Inuit uqausillaringit published in 1991). He died in 1993. In the first place, I would like to say that on 21 June 1989, I received a text from the Government of Quebec which gave me great pleasure; it spoke of the Inuit language and culture. This text, translated into the Inuit language, was from Raymond Savoie, who was responsible for the Nordic peoples of Quebec. The minister responsible for Aboriginal Affairs in Quebec said in the text that the Inuit language and culture must be protected and that these should not disappear. I am very grateful to the Government of Quebec. I am very happy now, for people who do not share our culture speak the Inuit language and hope for its survival. We are even given money to help us in this task. Also, I am very thankful because I was able to work for a long time on an encyclopaedia and a dictionary. University peopleanthropologists who speak Inuktitut even though they are Whitesgave me a hand in publishing these works. They were Louis-Jacques Dorais and Bernard Saladin d'Anglure. I also received help from two other people who speak my language, Georges Filotas and Yves Michaud. So then, here is what I think. The Inuit language and culture will not disappear soon. And although many words of the language of the pastnot too many thoughhave dropped out of use, I know that some of them

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will be used again by the young Inuit. Even if people adopt many new words, there is no reason for alarm, if we, the elders, take things in hand by explaining to the others the meanings of the old words of our language. But, all the same, there is much to consider. The elders who know the language well are dying off. Death takes them, it is a law of nature. Nonetheless, we shall continue to progress in our efforts to avoid the disappearance of words and customs that used to be common in Inuit camps. In our country, in fact, we should look after our own needs, collecting our food or working for money. In what I said a moment ago concerning an eventual return to the traditional Inuit language, I mentioned words that had fallen out of use. I know that this is no small problem, for we have no written sources to enable us to find these words. Our ancestors did not use paper to write the language in the old days. Furthermore, the absence of Inuit dictionaries contributes to the loss of our language. There are other matters also. The first texts that I composed were written exclusively in Inuktitut. I spoke of the traditional culture and the Inuit language, but I did not write these texts in French or English. That is why I shall mention once again the things that I have already written in my language. In what I write here, I shall speak according to my knowledge and my memories, and according to what I heard said concerning the ancient customs and the great stories of the Inuit. I really enjoy telling all that. In 1958, the federal government built schools here, on Inuit land. The people of Povungnituk, the village where I live, were in agreement and our children began to be provided with schooling. But after a few years, the people of Povungnituk dispensed with federal teachers because they used only one language, English, as the medium of instruction. There was, however, another school that seemed ready to serve: the Quebec Government school. This new school brought about a change; there they taught in three languages: English, French and Inuktitut. Faced with this situation, the parents voted by secret ballot to choose which school they wished. Nine of them gave their vote to the federal school; 82 chose the Quebec Government school. That happened in 1972, when the parents voted for the school of their choice. It was not hate of the federal government that motivated them. Rather, they thought about the future of their children. They did not want them to lose their mother tongue. Besides, inside the school, the children did not

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have the right to speak their own language. They had to use only the federal school language. In the end, however, the whole issue became moot, because the Government of Quebec passed a law stipulating that young children had to receive their first education in Inuktitut. We Inuit find this law very good because it says that school children must master their own language before learning another, French or English. We find this law quite adequate, we believe in it and we are in agreement with its implementation. Having witnessed all this, we realise that schools, language specialists and agencies representing the Inuit are all means of achieving progress. Furthermore, the Government of Quebec increasingly helps the Inuit to preserve their language. For some years they have been giving financial support for this. When the children begin to talk, they speak only the Inuit language because they imitate their mother. In fact, mothers both young and old generally use only their own language. I think that five generations from now, or even beyond, the Inuit will continue to speak their own language. That is what I think. I also think that if the Inuit are the ones in charge of teaching their children, the situation can only be better, because they will be happier using their own language. Their life will also be more active and they will be more thankful, because they will learn stimulating things both about Inuit culture and the technology of the Whites, things that will be useful to them in the future. When I say the Inuit should use their language as the language of work, I am speaking of their food-gathering activities. Here in Povungnituk for the first time ever we now have our own policeman. His name is Muususi Uquaittuq and he speaks neither English nor French. He reports to the Provincial Police and represents the laws that must be obeyed. When there was alcohol in the village, he was often kept very busy with drunks. Before, Inuit were rarely arrested, because they did not know the laws they could be arrested for not observing. That situation has continued up to this day. Up to today, the laws of the Whites have never been written down (in Inuktitut). It is not surprising that the Inuit, who were unaware of them, did not understand these English and French laws concerning what was and was not allowed. It is very annoying to think that the laws have never been translated into Inuktitut.

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The schools in Inuit country were built during the 1950s. They gradually removed all common sense from Inuit children, who could no longer stop moving around inside the house. When their parents told them to do something or gave them an order, very few were able to obey. Their way of living was transformed very rapidly. Today, however, some are returning to the old way of living, because they have had enough of school education. It is no longer Euro-Canadian teachers who play the part of father, as seemed to be the case in earlier days, when the schools were first opened. Now that the Inuit have an increasingly better understanding of their own identity, they are often found as teachers in their own villages. Previously, when the teachers arrived, we were gathered together to be told that our children should go to school, without any explanation of the reason for all that. And we simply acquiesced. Doubtless our reasoning was the following: 'We are bringing you our children for you to see to their needswe seemed to implyfor we are incapable of so doing.' We did not ask the smallest question of the teachersthose of the federal school, which was there previously. And the teachers said to us: 'If your children go to school, you will be helped financially.' For that reason, we agreed, because we were promised all sorts of beautiful things. It was only in the end that we understood, when we threw the federal teachers out. But what happened was that many of our children left school before finishing their studies. We, the parents, very much wanted our children to study, but they did not agree, because they had got into the habit of opposing us. Some gave up their studies without reasonthey simply did not want to go to school anymore. Perhaps they were ashamed of their inability to study. It is possible that their teachers put them to shame about it. Whatever the cause, dropping out of school is commonplace in the North. I know that it will cause all sorts of problems if the villages do not have control over the education system. The Inuit of Povungnituk, for instance, very much want to be in charge of their education because they want to have more say in the lives of their children. But they have never been given a straight answer about whether this is possible or not. Even though there are not many Inuit, there are lots of Inuit problems. The government would have less work to do administering the Inuit if people got directly involved themselves and showed more concern for their fellow citizens and became aware of the meagre resources provided the

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Inuit. If they did this, there would be more attention paid to the future and it would be more enjoyable to earn an education. There is another issue that requires a lot of thinking. For a long time, the people of Povungnituk have been saying that they want to administer the justice system themselves. They want to take care of problem citizens themselves. Their justification for calling for this is that they are really close to one another, they are well familiar with the customs of their own people and they share the same flesh and blood. They want a reduction in delinquency in the north of Quebec. They also want Inuit thought to evolve beyond the present-day habit of not believing anything other than what is heard and seen, giving no heed to the predictions of the leaders. Many Inuit seem to think this way. The Government of Quebec should believe what is said in the territories under its administration. The traditional Inuit and Amerindian communities make great efforts to express their will. Like the French-speaking and English-speaking communitieswhich are much more recentwe all want to be helped by the Government of Quebec. We greatly appreciate using this land we occupy, because it supplies us with all kinds of game to feed us. And every year, it receives new water, good water from the melting snows. A third point. In 1987, we voted on how a constituent assembly to establish an Inuit government was to be chosen, whether by all the residents of the territory or solely legally constituted corporations. The vote went in favour of those wanting all residents to choose. But those who lost the vote, those in favour of corporations, tried to manoeuvre to change the course of events. The partisans of a democratic choice thus left the meeting chamber in Kuujjuaq. They considered that this manoeuvring went against the will expressed by a majority vote of the Inuita vote to get all the residents of the territory involved. This problem that came to light, this break-off in discussions at Ivujivik in 1987 did not come from the Government of Quebec. It was solely the doing of the Inuit of Northern Quebec. We know that things will one day get going again to everyone's satisfaction, but it is difficult to guess which party will get things started. Whatever happens, the notion of self-government should not be lost, for it is something very important, even fundamental, to the First Nations. In New Quebec, no such government could be set up as planned, because the partisans of corporations held firm to the notion that existing organisations should control it, even though they lost the referendum held among the Inuit on 1 October 1987.

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Thank you for giving me the opportunity to express my thoughts. He is very kind who will translate into English these things that I have put on paper in Inuktitut. May God be with us, with you and with me.

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Chapter 6F Will the Micmac Language Survive? Roméo Labillois Romeo Labillois is the director of the Restigouche Institute of Cultural Education. He has translated parts of the Bible into Micmac. As a child growing up in the mid 1940s, Micmac was the only language at home. Everyone on the Reserve spoke Micmac. The community in those days was by no means unilingual, because mostly everyone spoke English to a certain extent and some even spoke French, also. The situation at the present time is pretty much the same, but English is the most common language heard among the Micmacs at home and everywhere else in the community. Micmac is still understood by most members of the Band. There are still some French-speaking families in the community. People of Restigouche, like Gesgapegiag, always had the opportunity to be trilingual in their dealings with the surrounding communities and with the Federal and Provincial governments. It was always necessary to know how to speak either in English or French. We were born into Micmac. Micmac was the language we were brought up in during the early years of our lives. We learned our language at our mother's breast, so to speak. We did not know about any other language except the language of our mothers. It is important to keep in mind that my generation was brought up first in the Micmac language and it was only later in life that we mastered the use of the English language and, in some cases, also the French language. Restigouche is not the only Micmac community in the Province of Quebec. We have two other communities on the Gaspé coast. One of them, Gesgapegiag (Maria), still maintains the use of the Micmac language, the same as Restigouche. The other one near the town of Gaspé has lost the use of the Micmac language completely. The Micmac people of Pointe Navarre speak only French and some speak English also, but none speak the language of their Micmac ancestors. It is between these two extremes that

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we can perhaps answer the question of the survival of the Micmac language in the Province of Quebec. I started school in 1949. I did not know much English, except what I heard up to that time, which really was not much more than saying 'yes' and 'no'. Anyway, English never registered in my mind. We listened to the local radio station and we listened to country music and news but we did not understand much of it. Pictures were more important. My father always subscribed to some magazines and newspapers. I remember the Life Magazine which came every week. I knew what was going on in the war raging in Europe and in the Far East. I remember the Winnipeg Free Press. I loved looking at the pictures in these magazines. By the time I started school, my brothers were finished with grade school. I knew there was another language, but that did not matter to me at the time. Everyone at home spoke Micmac and we seldom heard anyone speak either in French or English. It was only in the local Indian Day School that we realised fully that there was another world out there with a completely new language, English. In school we learned our ABCs and our numbers. We had endless drills to memorise letters, numbers, multiplication tables and division tables, besides learning the common prayers of the Roman Catholic Church. We learned everything by heart, even grammatical rules. We read aloud from our readers. I do not remember much about those early days in school, except that in school, in class and in the school yard, we were not allowed to speak our own Micmac language. The school was run by the Sisters of the Holy Rosary and they were fairly strict about their business. They were going to teach us about Western culture and Western values one way or another. We learned Canadian History, World History and Geography, American History, Roman Catholic History, Religion and values. We had no choice but to learn. We may not have liked it but there was nothing we could do. We accepted the situation meekly and we did not do anything else. We learned to keep our worlds separate. When we were home, we spoke Indian. When we were in school, we spoke English. The times were a-changing, as one of the songs of the 1960s goes. We were aware of the broader aspects of the federal government's policy to integrate and assimilate the Indian people into the great Canadian Society. Formal education was frowned upon by the older Indians. Formal education was not very important to our parents and our grandparents. We often heard them say that an educated Indian was a dangerous person and somehow they regarded the educated person as a lazy person. We did not

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fully understand what they meant but we knew they did not fully support formal education as a means to make a living. In those days the value of working in the woods, cutting pulpwood, or working anywhere else to make money was more important than being in school, and many young people quit school early to work with their fathers in the fields and in the woods. When potato picking time came around in the fall of the year, the school came to a virtual standstill because many families used to go potato picking in the State of Maine with the whole family. For four to six weeks, the schools were nearly empty. It was an economic necessity in those days for a family to earn a supplementary income to buy new clothes and other necessities by working in the potato fields. It was then that we learned much about living in an informal manner regarding the history and ways of our own people. Migration is in the blood. When we think on it now, it seems that unconsciously the Micmac people were maintaining their ancient ways and customs by going to where there was food, in this case money to be made to buy food. The groups substituted for the clan or the family, even if the families involved were not blood relatives, we looked up to the elders in these groups to be our leaders and our teachers. Picking potatoes on your hands and knees is not easy. It is a back-breaking job. The more experienced members showed and coached the younger members how to do the job and do it well. They also knew which medicines were most effective in soothing tired backs and sore muscles. Keeping account of the barrels you picked was also very important and so we learned a little about book-keeping and how important it is to keep an accurate record. Contrary to what we would expect normally, these seasonal disruptions did not really interfere with our normal school activities during the rest of the year. If we had done well in the fields we were proud of our new 'American' clothes and brand new toys we had bought with our own earnings. Back in school we put extra effort to learn more and soon forgot about our adventures in Maine until the next season came along. The School Authorities, of course, did not like these interruptions and did their best to curb the practice of pulling the children out of school at the beginning of each new school year. Later on they began to impose penalties on the families who took their children out of school to go picking potatoes in Maine. My father was a member of the Micmac Singing Choir in church for as long as I can remember. His generation and the generations before him had Micmac hymn books, prayer books, and cathecisms written in Micmac in

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Roman letters. They read from these books during religious services and functions. The Roman Catholic Church and its doctrine were aways central and very important to the Micmac people. I mention the fact because I believe this faith in the Church is still relevant for the survival of the Micmac language in the future. Important though it may be for the Aboriginal people to seek their spiritual roots in traditional ceremonies and to seek solace in the prophecies of Black Elk of Plains Indians or the Zuni prophets, the Christian faith is still a powerful influence among the Indian people today. The Micmacs have sung and prayed in their own language in their own church for the last four centuries. Many families prayed and worshipped together at home in Micmac. Funeral wakes were conducted in Micmac to comfort the bereaved members of the deceased. If it were not for a common religion and a common language to hold the Micmac people together during the last two centuries as a separate and distinct people, perhaps the Micmac language would have disappeared from the face of the earth already. My mother taught me to speak and think Micmac. My father taught me to read and write Micmac. I learned the Micmac alphabet at the age of 14 and I joined my father in singing in the Micmac Choir in Church services occasionally. I was privileged to have been a part of the last full Micmac Choir in Restigouche before it disintegrated completely a decade ago. Vatican II changed the liturgy from Latin to the vernacular spoken by the congregation, in this case, French or English; but the Micmacs had been using their own language as part of the liturgy for several hundred years already. Praying in Micmac gave the people a sense of community and unity as a separate and distinct people from Nova Scotia to the Gaspé Coast. The use of Micmac was weakened by the introduction of the English liturgy and hymns into the services of the local Church. The Micmac Choir lost its members who died and there was no one to replace them. The Micmac Choir was replaced by an English Choir. As a young man I finished my own education outside the community. I had no intention of going back to live on the Reservation because I knew I would not find what I was looking for back home. I wanted to become a commercial artist and the only place I could find such a job was in the city. I believe my generation was in transition between the native social realities and the larger Canadian realities. We stood between two worlds and two different lifestyles. We were Indians but we were educated Indians. We were the dangerous kind. We were the idealistic young Indians in the late 1960s. My fellow compatriots spoke of Red Power, of self-determination

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and self-government, of Indian Control of Indian Education, Economic Development and so on. When I came back to my community, I saw changes taking place and I saw more changes coming. The local Band Council was engaged in a struggle with a local School Board over the local school, which eventually resulted in its pulling all the Micmac children from the local school and placing them in the Campbellton schools in New Brunswick. Bill 101 of the Quebec Government was a major concern for the Micmacs of Restigouche in 1977. We did not agree to a full French school for our community and we did not agree to the idea of sending our children 70 miles from the Reservation to go to school in Bonaventure, Quebec. The Micmac language situation was still fairly intact in 1968 when the Native people in Canada started to demand more control over the curriculum contents in the school programmes. The native people were pushing for Native language and cultural enrichment and enhancement programmes. English education had provided us with the means to start fighting for our language and cultural rights as a people in Canada. For every advance we make we call progress, there is a price to be paid in one form or another. We won the right to have native language and cultural programmes in the Schools, but it was only a right. The Government put no money towards developing real native language programmes. I taught in one such pilot project put forward by the Campbellton School Board from 1971 to 1974. It was a simple project to see whether such programmes could work within the school system. There was no curriculum development or materials available when I taught Micmac language and culture. I made up my own lesson plans in the Micmac language using my own knowledge of the language and culture of the Micmac people and whatever other materials I could find and adapt to teaching the language to my students. Since such programmes did not come from the native community but from the outside, it meant very little to the native people in the community. The School programme meant nothing to the Indian parents. They had nothing to do with it, therefore, it meant very little to them. It was meaningless and it was worthless to the majority of native parents. In retrospect, I now feel that we made a grave error in judgement and that we put the cart before the horse. The horse was pushing the cart, not pulling it. We started a programme without the community being involved in it. The community had no input into the programme. The community did not really know what it wanted to do as far as teaching the Micmac language and culture in the schools was concerned. Many members of the

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community felt it was a waste of time and money to teach the Micmac language in the schools. Most parents felt that English language education was more important for their children if they were to succeed in making a living in life. This attitude has not changed. Many native parents today prefer English language education for their children and the native language has no place in the school. The native language is the responsibility of the parents in the community. The school cannot make any difference in the demise of the language if the community does not support the school. Unless this attitude and other attitudes change in the next decade, we can expect the worst possible scenario for the Micmac language and perhaps other native languages in the Province of Quebec in the next century. Aboriginal languages have existed from time immemorial because there were people who could speak these languages to communicate to one another and to pass down the knowledge and wisdom, customs, manners, morals and values from generation to generation. What has happened and what is happening is the fact that even in situations where the languages seem to be relatively healthy, the local community is losing more speakers with every passing year. When the community has no speakers in the language, the language is dead and is replaced by the dominant language. The Community has no need to speak the native language in order to function in dominant White Society, whether English or French or any other language. With the loss of the native language, there is also the loss of native cultural heritage. A Micmac who cannot speak or understand the Micmac language can neither feel nor think Micmac. The real tragedy of some native languages in Canada today is a lack of political will to survive as a distinct and separate people. The native people want what other Canadians have but they do not want to pay the same price. They feel society in general owes them something and they do not want to pay the price of freedom and independence. Native leadership and government are powerless to effect changes without federal or provincial subsidisation and funding because they have no economic base to support these changes, even in the areas of language and cultural survival. Our native ancestors survived and their culture survived because they were a separate people, and they knew they were different from the French and English settlers coming into their ancestral lands. They survived because they lived off the land and the resources of the lands. The lands and the resources were taken away from the Indians, who were put into Reservations. They lost their freedom. They lost their way of life. They had

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only their language left and some land they call their own, but even then, the land was not their own. They knew they belonged to this land but all else was not theirs to own or to keep. Concerning all native languages in the Province of Quebec in the next decade, with the tremendous social, political and economic influences prevalent in these times, the major trend is towards dropping the use of the native language in favour of either French or English. In 20 years there may be a few more dead languages in Canada and in Quebec. English is the dominant language in the Restigouche Micmac community today. Many different factors can be attributed to the loss of the native languages today. The fur trade and fire water, the Missions, the settlements, diseases, restrictive legislation, inter-racial marriages, government policies, and so on, can all be blamed for the loss of native languages and cultures. Ignorance, hate and fear have destroyed many indigenous peoples all over the world. Children learn their first words from their mother and in mixed marriages the mother is usually a non-native speaking person, but that is not limited to English or French girls who marry Indians because even young Indian women today do not know how to speak their own native languages to their children. The native community today is too weak to really integrate these nonnative persons into the community as they were able to do 100 years ago when practically everyone spoke the Indian language in the village. White women who married Indians had no choice but to learn how to speak the native language, but today the Indian children have no choice but to learn the English language from their parents. I am equally guilty of the same charges because I married an English person of French/Irish descent and my children were brought up speaking English with little or no Micmac. I was in the same trap as other young Indian families of mixed languages and English dominated over the Indian language. It was so much easier to speak English than to teach them how to speak Micmac. I regret what is done, but I will have no more children, therefore I shall never have the chance to further the use of the Micmac language among future generations. Reluctantly, I admit the Micmac language is in grave danger of disappearing in the next couple of decades. More than 50% of the native children now face the Micmac language in a second language situation. English is the dominant language. Native language education is absolutely ineffective to retain or bring back the language to common, everyday usage. The only action to save the Micmac language which stands a chance of working is if the parents speak to their children in Micmac instead of

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English or French. The older generations have to be replaced by a new generation of Micmac speakers, otherwise we are counting the zero hour approaching total darkness and oblivion for the Micmacs of Restigouche and perhaps Maria. French and English are world languages, Micmac is not a world language nor can it ever hope to be a world language. A native language is like a natural resource which cannot be replaced once it is removed from the earth. Bravely, perhaps foolishly, I say; 'Yes, Micmac shall survive a thousand years', but perhaps not in Restigouche and not in Maria. Micmac will survive as long as there are Micmac people who speak the language. How long does it take for a language and a people to die, who have been dying for 400 years?

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Chapter 6G The Future of Mohawk Myra Cree Myra Cree, a Mohawk from Kanesatake, is the daughter and granddaughter of chiefs, and works as a programme host with Radio- Canada. In 1981, she received the Judith-Jasmin Award (radio). She is a founding member of the Movement for Peace and Justice in Kanesatake. Our 'cousins' in France are indeed lucky that the only problems they have with language are how words are spelt and what the proper use is for inconsequential little accents, although even then, they get all wrapped up in the problems they do have, particularly the members of the Académie française who preside over the destinies of the French language. If Richelieu were to return, he would see that tongues are active either in denouncing spelling reform as an 'abomination', or rejoicing in this benign and beneficial 'delousing' (a term used by Jean Dutourd). If one day the Hexagon should become 'La douce Phrance', would its greatness (a constant preoccupation of François Mitterand) be that much more? Would Hannibal have crossed the Alps with greater ease on éléfants rather than on éléphants? Would he have had a weightier place in history for it? And the elephantsthose miracles of memory mercilessly hunted down by ivory merchantswould they be less at risk of oblivion if they were to lose their pH? This exercise could be carried on forever. Examples abound. But there is no need to continue what only serves to prove, if proof were needed, that the language or linguistic problem facing our Mohawk language, like that of elephants, is simply survival. Is there a future for Mohawk? In Canada, people are more concerned about endangered species than endangered languages. This is particularly true of most of the languages of the founding peoples, i.e. the languages of the 'Savages' as the Amerindians were derisively called by those who are erroneously referred to today as the founding peoplethe French and the

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English. It is a well-known fact that since 1534, the French and English have systematically attempted to strip the so-called Savages of their culture in the name of kings and God. But it serves little purpose to dwell on this sad past, for just as one cannot put broken eggs back together, one cannot rewrite history. Does Mohawk have a future? Just asking the question is an act of faith, even for a dedicated Mohawk. Pessimism would appear to be more appropriate in light of the statistics published in 1987 by the Secretariat for Aboriginal Affairs under the title Les autochtones du Québec. According to the study, 10,093 persons in Quebec were potential Mohawk speakers, of which probably only 25% actually used the language. The fact that these individuals were divided among three different communities in Quebec and, for historical reasons that go beyond the scope of this article, a majority of them were English-speaking in a Frenchspeaking province did not serve to simplify the problem any. Nor did the fact that, outside their communities, the Mohawk had no option but to speak French or English. If one added to this the fact that many of them had given up and no longer used the language of their ancestorssupposing that they had ever learned itthen one had a picture of the situation that would discourage even the most fervent. Why persist in trying to save a language that is not worth the effort, utilitarians would argue? Why try so hard to save a language with no literature for a handful of diehards awash in a French-speaking sea that is itself completely surrounded by a vast English-speaking continent dominated by American culture? In spite of all arguments of this type, a single response is indicated, a very simple oneto permit the disappearance of Mohawk would be to carelessly forget how important a people's language is to it. One need only recall the wise words of Finnish writer Maila Talvia: 'When a language dies, with its uniqueness and nuances, a people dies along with it.' Fortunately enough, we are not all utilitarians and there are still people who speak Mohawk, who teach it and who even specialise in its study. One such person is Marianne Mithun of the University of California at Santa Barbara. In her text in this book (Chapter 5), she writes that Mohawk offers 'rich resources', and that its 'speakers have long had a reputation for their skilful use of language, a quality that left no small impression on the first Europeans to come to Americathe proof being that they committed their impressions to writing. This tradition is still alive among the Mohawktheir linguistic virtuosity is manifest in a multitude of contexts, from ceremonial speeches to well-told tales and personal anecdotes to snappy repartee.'

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The 'Oka' crisis of the summer of 1990 served to focus attention on a characteristic of the Mohawk the public had been unaware of until that timetheir profound sense of solidarity, and their sense of belonging to a still-living culture, despite past efforts to uproot and assimilate it, notably under the guise of the Indian Act in its various manifestations. Today, in the wake of a confrontation whose consequences never can nor ever will be measured, and with the support of their Amerindian brothers and sisters, the Mohawk are more aware than ever of their uniqueness as Mohawks and the importance of securing recognition of their distinctiveness. The legitimacy of this claim cannot be refutedparticularly not by Quebecers. But how can one hope to assert it fully without first ensuring that Mohawk, having been accorded the prestige it deserves, is spoken by increasing numbers of people, and specifically by increasing numbers of young Mohawks? Only then will it be perceived as a living, enriching language. Natural parallels could be drawn with the efforts of successive Quebec governments to preserve the French language and culture in the province. The upcoming generation of Mohawks is better educated, and more aware than preceding generations of the value of its cultural heritage. What could be more logical than to make this rich, centuries-old heritage a source of inspiration for a people who inhabit a province whose motto is Je me souviens'I remember'? The awakening brought about by the 'Indian Summer' of 1990 is a great opportunity to extend existing Mohawk language programmes and actively promote the language so that it no longer remains esoteric, but becomes an everyday language within the Mohawk community just as French and English are used. But, you may be asking, do you speak Mohawk, madam? I must answer that I do not, although I deplore having to answer so. Like the great majority of Amerindians of my generation who were subjected to the policy of assimilation, I set out to master two languagesFrench and Englishto the detriment of the language of my ancestors. And yet, and yet. . . it would have been so easy to bring me up in Mohawk without preventing me from learning Canada's official languages. Is it not common, in certain European countries, to meet people who speak several languages they have learned in school, in addition to their national languages? It would seem that only in Canada is learning more than one language a chore as insuperable as the labours of Hercules. But it is not too late to correct past errors. Why then not make great efforts to catch up? Why not put a major programme into place to teach and

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promote Mohawk, both to adults and the general school population? Why not do this in close conjunction with the Secretariat for Aboriginal Affairs, who it cannot be said is unsympathetic to the idea of maintaining Amerindian languages and having them progress? Under such a programme, the ongoing, intensive, systematic, broadbased teaching of the rich Mohawk language would intellectually stimulate an entire generation of Aboriginals. Among other things, it would enable them to acquire a solid education very much along the lines of what was provided by the former convents and classical colleges in their efforts to produce 'well-trained minds'. It would be worth reviving such a teaching method for our people. But the education would not be designed around the dead languages of Greek or Latin, but around Mohawk, the rich language of a people who are an important component of one of the three national communities of Canada, the community of First Nations. As far as I am concerned, the idea of a return to schoolSunday schoolwould not displease mequite the contrary. I could always bring the missal in Mohawk that I inherited from my grandfather, Great Chief Timothy Ahiron. It represents, I should note, the contribution of the good souls from Saint-Sulpice who came to civilise us, poor Savages, 1 after we were stripped of our lands in the name of an absentee landlord named Louis XV.2 A return to our historical linguistic roots is necessary if we want to prevent the pure and simple erosion of Mohawk culturea prelude to the slow extinction of this proud people who have so marked the history of Canada. Notes 1. Olivier Maurault, 'OKA, les vicissitudes d'une mission sauvage', Revue trimestrielle canadienne, June 1930. 2. On the subject of land claims, see Claude Pariseau, 'Les troubles de 1860 à Oka: choc de deux cultures', M.A. dissertation (history), Montreal, McGill University, 1974.

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Chapter 6H The Future of the Montagnais Language Marcelline Picard-Canapé Marcelline Picard-Canapé has worked in education for over 30 years. She was a teacher for 17 years, then director of primary and secondary education in Betsiamites, after which she assumed responsibility for all education. For the last five years, she has been the Executive Director of Education for the Innu Takuaikan in Sept-Îles (Montagnais Council). As a member of the Conseil supérieur de l'éducation, she instigated the 'Kanelueshit' programme, a bilingual programme based on Montagnais as mother tongue, begun in Betsiamites and continued in Maliotenam. Montagnais is not a sort of jargon, as too many uneducated people still believe. It is a language in its own right governed by criteria and rules of its own. The language is spoken in eight of nine Montagnais communities in Quebec, from Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean to the Lower North Shore of the St Lawrence River and Schefferville, and in two other related communities in Labrador and Newfoundland. Moreover, since Montagnais derives from proto-Algonquian, it has so many similiarities to Naskapi, Algonguin, Cree and even Atikamekw that Ameridians of varying origins, particularly the elderly, require little practice to converse in it among themselves. It is important to note that the isolation and geographic location of each of the communities have brought about linguistic changes that have differed depending on whether the community is located close to a French-speaking or English-speaking village and according to the regional accent of the surrounding area. This difference in pronunciation is what leads some to believe that there are as many different languages as there are Montagnais-speaking communities.

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Like any language of a minority people, Montagnais is threatened with extinction. One of the main causes is the fact that the Montagnais language has an oral tradition. The environment has been a big influence in this regard, as has the way the language is transmitted. From generation to generation, there has been a subtle loss of vocabulary. As there was nothing in writingno grammar, dictionary, etc.until very recently, a large part of the language has remained unused, thus not transmitted to the next generation. This is particularly true of vocabulary for hunting, the forest, physical geography, etc. The fact that the Montagnais are now sedentary and live close to French- or English-speaking communities, and services are delivered by French or English speakers, has added to the general devaluation of the Montagnais language. School, compulsory for the last 40 years or so, has been perhaps the most decisive factor in this process. In fact, as this institution was imposed by the dominant culture and the Montagnais, just like other Amerindian tribes, had no teaching personnel, and, to be frank about it, authorities were not so much seeking to educate the Indians as to assimilate them, the whole curriculum was taught in French. Campaigns promoting French were held in each community. It was put to the Montagnais parents that they should make their children 'operational' in French, that this was a matter of survival. Increasingly, they decided to remain on the reservations so that their children would be provided with schooling. Some dissidents continued the tradition of living in the forest for the greater part of the year. But soon they were forcedalways by government authoritiesto send their school-age children to boarding schools established for this purpose; the dissidents admitted and remained on the reservations to live with their children. In the Indian schools as they were called then, the school language was French, from kindergarten (from four years old) to the seventh year of primary school. Then, the young were sent away if they wished to continue their studies. The school in those days was not an area in which the parents had any say. The only recognised authorities were the superintendent of Indian Affairs, the school principal and often the priest. All were French-speaking and had a mission to accomplish. Parents were consulted about nothing but absenteeism. It was the Federal police, the 'Mounties', who were sent to intervene and collect the children from the homes of their parents. We received so many lashes of the strap back then because we did

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not abide by the teachers' rules! However it was not for lack of trying. Most of the time we did not understand the language in which the rules were given. Throughout the province it was also a time of absolute authority very given to physical punishment. By 1990, the schools located in the communities were, for the most part, under the control of the band councils. Teaching was still done through French, but there had been improvements, as will be mentioned later. However, the communities had changed a lot, and the people along with them. The youngsters who had been subjected to compulsory schooling in French had become the parents of the day. They had been forced to learn French, to assimilate EuroCanadian values and culture. They had had very little time to deepen their knowledge of their mother tongue because they had spent most of their time at boarding school. The coming of television had changed their world view. They had begun to speak French more than Montagnais. They lived in two different worlds: home, where Montagnais was pre-eminent, where values were those of simple, uncomplicated people, and school, where the French language was used almost exclusively, where the values transmitted did not always correspond to those of the family, where competition was very strong, where one had constantly to do better and where everything went too quickly. The school vocabulary remained at school, and that used at home was not necessarily brought to school. Then a new form of language beganMontagnais with French words mixed in, or vice versa, what linguists call 'code switching'. This practice signals that loss of the language has already begun. Children and young parents 'code switch' a lot today, in all the communities. Code switching is also brought about by the presence of the surrounding culture. There is no television and almost no literature in Montagnais. The community radio has no broadcasts of interest to children and young Montagnais. Everything, or almost everything, is in French: sports, entertainment, shopping in most communities, news, health services, teaching and even religion. Literature, if it is written without standard spelling, will be read by only a few people and will be forgotten in a fairly short time. And, if our Montagnais radio reporters are not careful with the vocabulary they use, how can they avoid hastening the loss of Montagnais? There is something more serious. Such as parents who, on the pretext of helping their children get ahead in life, decide to use only French in the

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home. They actually contribute to the loss of the Montagnais language, without any guarantee their actions are beneficial for their children. Described in this way, everything looks hopeless. However, there are solutions. The means are many but not easy. Most, if not all, communities are already aware of the need to preserve the language. A number of organisations have already undertaken programmes to safeguard the language. As paradoxical as it seems, one of the best means available is still the school. Since 1972, Montagnais language courses have been established in all the communities, timidly at first, but today, more and more people believe in this initiative. Workteams have been set up, teams such as the one at Betsiamites, which prepares teaching materials that can be used in Montagnais schools in any community. Teacher-training programmes have been set up to train people who have teaching skills. Several communities have adopted structures more suited to their communities where the teaching staff and other personnel are Montagnais speakers. It is true that one can defend only what one knows. In the communities where it has been possible, school management is Montagnaisspeaking to offer better guidance to teaching staff on the special needs the pupils have, and make them aware of the particularities of this population. More and more educational projects have been created, such as Montagnais-language instruction from pre-school to the end of the first portion of primary school. The project, which was thought up and tried out in Betsiamites, has been continued in Maliotenam. Other projects are underway and should contribute to the successful protection of Montagnais. We should also note that more and more young people are managing to complete their studies and join the community work force, where they contribute technical knowledge that is increasingly professional and enlightened. Since schools have begun attaching value to the Montagnais language, the young people have asserted themselves. They are proud to speak Montagnais and use their mother tongue increasingly in public places. Parents are also beginning to rely on Montagnais as a language they can use in their dealings with others from their communities. They cooperate more readily with educational projects and are less hesitant to entrust Montagnais speakers with the education or, more precisely, the training of their children.

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Other areas have also enhanced the status of spoken Montagnais. Some Montagnais-speaking authors, although as yet only a few, have had their works published and read by their fellow citizens. A group of Montagnais-speaking singers, Kashtin, are regularly in the news and generate enthusiasm among children and adults alike by singing songs in Montagnais. Through their organisation, IECAM, the Montagnais have begun standardising spelling throughout their various communities. At Uashat, for instance, there are courses in spoken Montagnais given to the personnel who have difficulty expressing themselves in the language. The project was initiated by employees. A dictionary by linguist Lynn Drapeau listing all known vocabulary is now available. It took many years to compile, with the special contribution of numerous Montagnais, especially adults and elders. Steps have been taken to ensure that a Montagnais grammar will be drawn up shortly. Teachers and pupils alike are awaiting it eagerly, as are all who work with languages. The Atikamekw-Montagnais Communication Society (SOCAM) has greatly contributed to the pride that the Montagnais of all the communities take in speaking their language. In fact, this organisation broadcasts news five times a week in Montagnais in all of the communities, linking all speakers and helping make all dialects equally understood everywhere. For a few years now, the language of communication has been Montagnais at great assemblies and meetings bringing several communities together. Simultaneous interpretation is available for those who do not understand the language. It might also be said that, in the field of translation, some individuals have achieved great mastery. I mentioned the role of schools in safeguarding the language. This is a role they have barely begun assuming. With somewhat better-trained personnel, much effort and the contribution of each and every community, schools will continually and increasingly play this part. Schools from this day forward should assume a precise mission in this sense, because they are the best place for learning. They should not only take charge of providing a well-rounded education to young people, but also be a focus of language and culture for the entire Montagnais people. Another area where commitment will be decisive in saving Montagnais is the community itself. The community must learn to have confidence in its leaders. This will require a great deal of diligence. For instance, the community should promote the use of Montagnais in public notices, require people to use the language in at least some domains, and speak or at very least understand the language. Authorities should set up mecha-

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nisms to protect the language and create courses for those who want to learn to speak, read and write Montagnais. Perhaps they should go so far as to declare schools to be under their jurisdiction, to be Montagnais-speaking without necessarily excluding other cultures, for this is a valuable way to ensure each person receives a full and complete education. The family unit has a key part to play in all this. It is in the family that children begin to learn. Their first attempts are with their fathers and mothers. Families must be made aware of this responsibility that weighs heavy on their shoulders, and also be diligent. If nothing is done within the family, the rest will be the harder. Training should also be stressed, particularly for those who work in education. The more thorough the training, the more ideas, projects and means of implementing them there will be, and the more will be accomplished for the benefit of the population. Another key to success in keeping the language alive is combining skills, energy and creativeness. This means that no individual community can afford to struggle on by itself, as this will make it very difficult to achieve common objectives. Time is important in this work, as is creativity, which thrives on ideas. To put time to better use, ensure complete success, and meet the expectations of each and every community, skills must be pooled to produce pedagogic materials and achieve other goals. Not only that, members from every community must be involved, or at least representatives of every dialectal group. Combining forces this way, far from weakening the communities, will enrich them, because their representatives, working within the group, will contribute their ideas and creativity, and others will communicate theirs to them. The work will be finished in less time and be better done. Communities could apply any programme developed without undue delay. However, for a language to evolve, the reality of the day must be taken into consideration. The Montagnais, for the most part, no longer live in the forest. Hunting is done in a much more modern fashion. It is no longer necessary to spend several months in the forest, as was previously the case. Almost all Montagnais today live in communities, and a number even live in cities. In evolving, the language should take these new environments into consideration. Montagnais, as a descriptive language, will have no difficulty creating words. Already, the younger generation does this, adapting the language to the environment in which it finds itself. This is what one could call modern Montagnais. However, one must take care that

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young people do not always take the easiest way out, which is to use the vocabulary that already exists in French. They must make the effort to find the right words in their own language. A link should be established between the traditional and modern languages. It is important to re-establish the dialogue between the elders and the young. The very rich lexicon of the traditional language, still well known to the elders, should be kept and transmitted to the young people in the form of legends, true life stories, dictionaries, mini-lexicons, etc., but what young people say should also be recorded. They have enormous capacities, but they lack motivation because trust is withheld from them, or adults are too quick to criticise. Enormous efforts should be made in this direction by the authoritiesadults and elders. It is up to us, Montagnais, to roll up our sleeves and contemplate a future where the challenges are many, but where astounding progress is possible because 'together we are stronger'.

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Chapter 6I The Current State and the Future of the Naskapi Language Agnes Mackenzie and Bill Jancewicz Agnes Mackenzie teaches Naskapi at Jimmy Sandy Memorial School in Kawawachikamach. From 1979 to 1987, she helped out with Naskapi lexicographic work. In 1989 and 1990, she was the coordinator of the Naskapi Literacy Training Programme. Bill Jancewitz works with Wycliffe Bible Translators of Canada Inc. and the Summer Institute of Linguistics. He has begun translating the Scriptures into Naskapi. Introduction Situation Prior to their arrival in Schefferville, Quebec, around 1956, the Naskapi band were generally nomadic hunters, ranging from northern Labrador and George River to the northeastern shore of Hudson Bay. After their arrival in Schefferville, they lived together at the John Lake Reserve, and later the Matamekosh Reserve near Schefferville for about 27 years. In the early 1980s, a new reserve was constructed approximately 10 km northeast of Schefferville, called Kawawachikamach, and most of the Naskapi population moved there in 1983, enabling them to enjoy relative isolation and independence. The second language for the Naskapi people is English, and most young people (age 15-35) are fairly fluent. However, in all non-white interaction, including in the home, workplace and the bush, the Naskapi language is preferred and exclusive, for all age levels.

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Dialect Variation Although the Naskapi people all live together on their reserve, there are several dialect variations within the reserve likely due to the earlier nomadic nature of the band. That is, the families who trace their background to the east coast of Hudson's Bay may have a dialect closer to that of Great Whale River Cree, and others whose relatives may be from George River or Davis Inlet to the east may speak a different dialect. History The Spoken Language The name 'Naskapi' is thought to be derived from the word unaskapiwaky from 17th century Montagnais meaning (approximately) 'people from the place where things disappear'. Over the years 'Naskapi' was generally used to refer to those Amerindians who have had relatively little contact with Europeans. Finally the name was used to refer to the people from the interior Ungava region who, in fact, did have late contact with Europeans, and these were the ancestors of the present day Naskapis. Due to the historical nomadic nature of these people, while being distinct from the Cree and Montagnais nations, many cultural and linguistic correspondences connect the Naskapis with these other two groups. The Naskapi language is unique among the Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi dialects of Quebec, mostly because of the relatively late contact with whites, their present location and their previous nomadic lifestyle. Until the Naskapis were settled at Schefferville in 1956, they pursued a nomadic way of life, following the caribou herds across the north of Quebec from Hudson Bay on the west to the Labrador coast on the east. They would congregate at the various Hudson's Bay posts, but only temporarily. At the extremes of their range, they met and married with Cree people in the west and Montagnais in the south and east. The vocabulary and pronunciation of the Naskapi language reflect the different variety of their contacts; however their language also retains a core of vocabulary that is not found in other related or neighbouring dialects, such as the Schefferville Montagnais, Great Whale River Cree or Davis Inlet Naskapi. The Written Language Orthography The Naskapi Language has only recently been formally codified and an attempt has been made to standardise the spelling and pronunciation by

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the publication of the Naskapi Lexicon (preliminary version) in January of 1989. However, the Naskapis have been reading and writing in it for many years, using a syllabic writing system. The reason syllabics was adopted from the Cree writing system rather than a Roman writing system like the Montagnais and Davis Inlet Naskapi is probably that the missionaries who contacted the Naskapis first were Anglican. The Anglican missionaries set up their mission stations at or near the Hudson's Bay posts, and the Bibles and prayer books used and distributed by these missionaries had originally been produced for the Crees along Hudson and James Bay. Since the Naskapi language was related to Cree (and in fact there were Crees who married into the Naskapi group) the use of the Cree syllabary naturally caught on quickly. The writing system was modified, however, by those Naskapis who used it to reflect the unique and simpler phonological system of their language. So, we find that while the writing system is similar to that of 1870s Moose Cree (Reverend John Horden's New Testament and Book of Common Prayer) it is much closer to that of the 1920s Great Whale River Cree (Reverend W. G. Walton's portions of the Book of Common Prayers and Hymns) and is actually in some ways distinct from both. Literacy Christianity in the Anglican Church was adopted by the Naskapis (at least while they were camped near the post) to the extent that many aspects of their native belief system were seldom spoken of. It has even been suggested that since virtually all the current elders of the band actively participate in the life and worship in the Anglican Church, Anglicanism (as practised in the village of Kawawachikamach) has become a part of traditional Naskapi life and culture. Because of the deep spirituality of the Naskapi people and because of the importance of reading the Bible and prayer books in church life, virtually all adults of a generation ago could function adequately with written Naskapi. However, because of the increasing exposure to the 'outside' and other reasons, there is not as much participation by younger people in the church, and consequently a drop in literacy in Naskapi for the 20-35 age group. While the literature used in church is from two different dialects of Cree, those who are literate in Naskapi have, for the most part, learned to 'read' these books and to produce 'Naskapi' from them in varying degrees. Furthermore, when those who are literate can and do produce their own materials, they use a spelling and orthography which is distinctly Naskapi, and neither Great Whale River nor Moose Cree.

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Those who became literate usually learned to read and write by being taught by an elder or another family member. This was generally a short-term intensive education using whatever material was available: usually a hymn book or Bible. Some have learned to use syllabics after only a weekend of instruction while in camp near the church; or perhaps while out in the bush to pass the time during a storm. It was almost always one-to-one instruction, and often took place when the learner himself expressed interest to an elder. Most learned to read by this method between the ages of 10 and 15. There is much insight to be gained by possibly applying these principles to the current teaching methods. Current State The People There are approximately 500 members of the Naskapi Band of Quebec living at Kawawachikamach near Schefferville, Quebec. With the signing of the Northeastern Quebec Agreement in 1978, the Naskapis were able to take their future into their own hands and make their own decisions concerning the direction of their band. The current organisations established at Kawawachikamach which directly relate to Naskapi language use are the Naskapi Band Office, Naskapi School (Jimmy Sandy Memorial School), St John's Indian Church (Anglican), the Naskapi Newspaper (Naskapi Tapachimoon) and the various programmes of the Naskapi Development Corporation, including Naskapi Radio, the Manikin Commercial Centre and the Naskapi Lexicon project. The Spoken Language Virtually all members of the Naskapi Band speak and understand Naskapi as it is their mother tongue: they are taught Naskapi from birth. The only exceptions would be those who have married into the band from outside (both native (Cree, Montagnais) and white) and those Naskapis who have been raised by non-Naskapi guardians outside Kawawachikamach. Older members of the band also likely speak and understand (to some degree) Montagnais or Cree or both. It has been observed that during Naskapi/Cree or Naskapi/Montagnais conversations, the Naskapi party will more likely change to use the language of the second party in the conversation. This could mean that the other language (Cree or Montagnais) has more prestige, but also may indicate that the Naskapi speaker is more linguistically competent than his Cree or Montagnais counterpart. It

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must be remembered, however, that because of the differences in the sizes of the respective populations (thousands of Crees and Montagnais compared with 500 Naskapis) it would be highly unlikely that a Cree or Montagnais would learn Naskapi as a second or third language, but very likely that a Naskapi would also learn Montagnais or Cree or both. The second or 'trade' language for the Naskapis is English, probably because of their early contact with the Hudson's Bay Company and the Anglican missionaries. Most Naskapi young people (age 15-35) are quite fluent in English, and most can read to some degree. Those older Naskapis who also speak English learned it while employed either by the Hudson's Bay Company at the various posts, or later for the Iron Ore Company of Canada at Schefferville. It is very unusual, however, to hear Naskapis of any age level conversing together in anything but Naskapi. English (and some French) is used for interaction with the white community, and this interaction is often left to the 'professionals', that is, those in position of administration in the band. Since its time of contact with the French and English cultures, the Naskapi language has had to coin many words to describe new ideas. It becomes very clear during the negotiations of agreements and the translation of government documents that many new words must be added to the lexicon. Even in informal conversation, while the speakers are using Naskapi grammar and pronunciation, many English, French, Montagnais and Cree words are inserted when the correct Naskapi word is either not known, too cumbersome or simply does not exist. Still, the present situation has done a lot for the preservation of spoken Naskapi, especially the relative isolation of the village of Kawawachikamach, and the power of the Naskapis to manage their own affairs. Furthermore, the School, Church Band Office and other institutions have expressed a desire and willingness to preserve and promote the Naskapi language as an integral part of the culture. Those things that might work against the retention of spoken Naskapi might be the network television programmes broadcast within the village, those whites working within the village who might insist that Naskapi not be spoken in their hearing, and an attitude among Naskapis that their language might be inferior. Also working against language preservation (more prevalently in earlier years) is the practice of sending children away from the reserve for schooling. These young people upon return to the village find themselves to be 'outsiders', unable to function in Naskapi, which especially alienates them from their elders. However, this practice

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has not been very widespread, and has diminished since the establishment of the Reserve school (Jimmy Sandy Memorial School). The Written Language Orthography Naskapi is written only in syllabics except in rare cases when a non-literate Naskapi or a non-Naskapi needs to describe to another non-literate what a Naskapi word sounds like. The syllabic system itself is fairly well established in spite of the concurrent use of different Cree systems. Literacy Unfortunately there has been a decline in the number of Naskapis who are learning to read and write well. This is in spite of a separate class in Naskapi reading and writing required for all attending the Naskapi school grades K through six. It is felt, however, that the reason for the poor success of the literacy programme is not so much the methods used (though one would do well to note the success of the 'old ways') but the need felt to be literate in Naskapi. In the past, it was church life and the need to participate which caused a young person to desire to learn to read and write syllabics. Now, with a decline in interest in church-related activities among the young, this need has also diminished. There is some 'sentimental' value in knowing how to read and write one's own language, and a sense of personal pride is evident among those who dobut without a more concrete 'reason' for doing so, the literacy programme will probably continue to flounder. It should be noted here that the promotion and preservation of Aboriginal languages is both a principle and priority of both the federal and provincial governments, as well as the Assembly of First Nations. There has been increased effort and interest put into production and distribution of better quality and more diverse Naskapi literature, and it is hoped that the increase in relevant reading materials will become an incentive of sorts for learning to read. There is currently a small-scale Naskapi language curriculum development project in operation thanks to a grant provided by the National Literacy Secretariat of the Department of the Secretary of State. Thanks to the availability of personal computers in and around the reserve, the Band Council, school and church have been able to produce reasonable quality syllabic texts (and the newspaper)

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relatively simply. This technology is hoped to be used to an even greater extent as the mechanism for the steady production of Naskapi literature develops. Still, it should not be forgotton that it was within the religious institution of the church that Naskapi literacy first took on a practical aspect, and so encouraging participation within the church and religious life by Naskapi young people ought to be part of the strategy for promoting literacy in the mother tongue. The translation of the Bible into contemporary Naskapi is seen as a vital link in the preservation of literacy in Naskapi, as well as a means of deepening the understanding of the Christian faith already embraced by these people. The priest in charge of the church on the reserve has initiated a Naskapi liturgy project aimed at producing a contemporary Naskapi version of the Anglican Book of Alternative Services. The church currently owns the hardware it requires to begin this project. It is important to achieve coordination between the various organisations inside and outside Kawawachikamach that have an impact on the Naskapi language. The Naskapis themselves wish to maintain control and responsibility over the safeguarding and preservation of their own language.

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Chapter 7 The Aboriginal Languages in the Perspective of Language Planning Lynn Drapeau and Jean-Claude Corbeil Introduction The situation of the Aboriginal languages in Quebec, as elsewhere in Canada, is extremely worrying. To judge from analyses of census data since 1951 (Burnaby, 1986; Burnaby & Beaujot, 1987), the percentage of Quebec Aboriginals who said they spoke an Aboriginal language dropped from 86% in 1951 to 48% in 1981. Among young children (the 0-4 age group) the percentage of speakers of Aboriginal languages dropped from 88% in 1951 to 24% in 1981 for the whole of Canada. The data presented in Priest (1985) and Dorais (see above Chapter 2) point in the same direction. Languages such as Inuktitut and Cree-Montagnais appear to have rates of maintenance which are above average and a better chance of surviving in the medium run (Foster, 1982; Price, 1981; Stairs, 1985a, b), but it should not be forgotten that the present-day speakers of these languages live in a context of generalised bilingualism while the last generation of monolinguals is rapidly disappearing. Even if language shift seems to be losing momentum among these populations, ancestral languages are undergoing drastic changes which suggest progressive erosion of mother tongue competence among young bilinguals. 1 Therefore, contrary to optimistic predictions concerning CreeMontagnais and Inuktitut, even languages whose future seems assured are, in fact, very vulnerable. European colonisation forced indigenous minorities throughout the world to pay a heavy linguistic price. Many of the languages of Australia, the Pacific and the Americas are extinct today. In Australia, Dixon (1980: 18) estimates that, among the 200 languages spoken before the arrival of the Europeans, roughly 50 have disappeared while 100 are becoming extinct. In the Americas, several hundred languages have died over the last

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400 years. Although some claim that as many as 800 languages have disappeared (Malherbe, 1983), such figures should be taken with caution. In the north of Scandinavia, the language of the Sámi people (formerly known as Lapps), is gradually disappearing. The phenomenon is not, however, due solely to the effects of colonial expansion. Even in Europe itself, the rise of nation-states in the last two centuries, 2 compulsory schooling, and, more recently, the spread of mass media have endangered several languages which were previously flourishing. One need only consider Breton, Occitan, Catalan and Basque in France. In Ireland, Irish is disappearing despite its status as 'official language' (Fennel, 19803). The same is true for Rhaeto-Romansch in Switzerland (Leclerc, 1986). In fact Europe is moving toward increasing linguistic homogeneity, and if the rest of the planet follows this trend, it can be expected that the world's languages, half of which are said to have disappeared over the last 500 years, will continue to diminish markedly in number (Leclerc, 1986; Malherbe, 1983: 24). Until the present day, the Aboriginal groups of Northern Quebec have been protected from linguistic assimilation by their geographic isolation, by the continuation of their traditional activities of subsistence hunting and by a low rate of schooling. With the generalised introduction of mass media in the home, geographic isolation offers no protection against majority languages (French or English); in addition, the traditional Aboriginal economy, based essentially on the fur trade, is disintegrating. Finally, levels of schooling (in the majority language) are rising everywhere. Language planning for the Aboriginal languages, whether in the form of status planning or corpus planning, should have as its primary objective a policy of ensuring the continued knowledge of, and use of, these languages by their speakers. The Situation of Aboriginal Languages in Quebec Before language-planning measures are considered for the Aboriginal languages of Quebec, a detailed examination of their sociolinguistic situation is necessary. Numerous articles in this volume describe this context (Maurais, Dorais, Drapeau): nine different languages,4 belonging to three distinct linguistic families, for a total of 25,000 speakers (in 1986) spread across among some 50 settlements. The exceedingly small number of speakers for each Aboriginal language (see Chapter 2, for precise figures) and the geographic distance between communities render these languages very

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vulnerable, and enormously restrict the range of possibilities for planned intervention. Some are on the brink of extinction (Abenaki), others are facing serious difficulties (Mohawk and Micmac), whereas others, such as Cree and Inuktitut, appear to be in excellent condition, at least if official statistics are to be believed. We have already mentioned that a situation of generalised bilingualism has become the norm in all communities in which the Aboriginal language is still transmitted within the family. Within a few decades at most, no Aboriginal language monolinguals will be left in these communities, thus increasing the chances of a shift to the majority language. Wherever the ancestral language is still spoken, a state of diglossia between the vernacular (Aboriginal) language and the majority language has gradually come into being while the number of unilinguals has decreased with the passing of generations. This diglossia is characterised by use of the majority language in the domain of education, in white collar work, and almost anywhere where writing is used. The vernacular is used in private life and in social relations in the community, in manual or unskilled labour, and, recently and in a limited way, in teaching. Maintenance of this state of diglossia requires a clear-cut division of domains of usage, but the equilibrium between languages is delicate and the majority language has a tendency to intrude upon domains traditionally reserved for the vernacular. Although, in theory, there is no necessary contradiction between the conservation of the minority language and the spread of the majority language (Fishman, 1989: 392), generalized bilingualism presents the danger of bringing about rapid assimilation to the majority language among ethnolinguistic minorities (Aikio, 1991; Fishman, 1972b, 1985; Gal, 1979; Hill & Hill, 1986). This point is of primary importance; the preservation of Aboriginal languages presupposes that the diglossic situation has been stabilised by a specialisation of the domains in which each language is used. The rise of the Aboriginal languages in the school environment is recent and remains largely symbolic in scope, since Aboriginal language teaching is limited to a few hours a week. Since the 1970s, the development of first language courses (mainly at the primary level) has been achieved very quickly in Quebec, as in Canada. At first, these courses were very popular among groups undergoing assimilation to the dominant language, then they spread to those populations whose language was in better health (MacKenzie & Clarke, 1980). Bilingual teaching programmes giving an

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important place to the Aboriginal language are also popular, but mostly in the form of immersion programmes in the ancestral language in populations where the vernacular is in the process of being supplanted by the majority language (Lambert et al., 1985). Otherwise, without exception (see the section entitled 'Transmission of the Ancestral Language in the Schools'), Aboriginal language youth are educated mainly in the majority language. The state of corpus planning in Aboriginal languages must also be taken into consideration, as it imposes serious limits on the proposals that can be effectively carried out for their preservation (or their revitalisation 5). Drapeau (see Chapter 4) presents an overview from which can be seen that (a) the Aboriginal languages form dialectal continua which yield no norm or standard dialect which could guide the choice of language in situations of formal communication (for example, in writing); (b) in cases where a uniform orthography has been worked out, the absence of a standard dialect presents an obstacle to the development of a complete written norm; (c) consequently, the written corpus in Aboriginal language is underdeveloped and the generations who have gone through school appear to have become accustomed to a diglossic form of bilingualism where the spoken language is a dialectal variety of the Aboriginal language and the written language is one of the majority languages; (d) conscious coining of terminology for the purpose of lexical modernisation is an urgent need, but remains, except for the Inuit, a marginal phenomenon, more spontaneous than systematic, owing mainly to the lack of persons with the relevant training. It should also be noted that, in certain cases, the management of linguistic and cultural matters is extremely decentralised. This situation characterises the Montagnais and the Algonquins, where local communities are responsible for the development of their language as well as the management and implementation of school programmes. The treaty groups (Cree and Inuit) and the Atikamekw are the exception to this rule, each having a single school board and central organisations which deal with language matters. The absence of any central organisation recognised as legitimate by local communities makes it extremely difficult to carry out any measures aimed at preserving (or revitalising) these languages. This difficulty is multiplied by the problems due to disparities in the evolution of different communities within a single nation. When some communities within the same nation are undergoing the loss of their language whereas in others, the language is still very much alive, it is difficult to establish a consensus around common objectives.6

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The sociopolitical and economic context of Aboriginal populations is an equally important factor. These questions concern the degree of political and economic autonomy and viability. They also constitute an unavoidable dimension which directly influences the linguistic future of these populations. 7 The linguistic situation of the Aboriginal nations of Quebec thus appears extremely complex. It is diversified within each nation and across nations to the point that it is next to impossible to establish a uniform plan of action that will satisfy all. On examination, three types of situations can be discerned. First, there is the situation of those communities that have definitely lost their language, such as the Huron, some Montagnais and Algonquin communities and, for all practical purposes, the Abenaki. Next are the communities whose languages are in danger of extinction, but where a considerable portion of the population still speaks them, without having transmitted them to younger generations. This is the case of the Micmac, the Mohawk and some Algonquin communities. The third category includes all communities where the language is still transmitted normally within the family; this is the case of the Atikamekw, the Inuit, the Cree-Naskapi, most Montagnais communities and some Algonquin communities. The Legal Context and the Role of the State Before continuing our discussion of the future of the Aboriginal languages, we will examine the legal context and the role that the state can play.8 In its preamble, the French Language Charter (Government of Quebec, 1989b) recognises with regard to Amerindians and Inuit 'the[ir] right to preserve and develop their original language and culture' and permits the use of their languages in the teaching they receive. The James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement, which concerns the Cree and the Inuit of Quebec, confirms these same rights. Indian reservations are not subject to the other provisions of the Charter, but the Cree and the Inuit have the obligation, in accordance with the Agreement, to teach French in their school boards 'so that pupils graduating from their schools will in future be capable of continuing their studies in a French school, college or university elsewhere in Québec, if they so desire.' Finally, in accordance with the same Agreement, education is entrusted to Aboriginal school boards and the vernacular is allowed as the main language of teaching. Policy declarations emanating from the Government of Quebec all agree that Aboriginals should be the ones responsible for designing and implementing policies aimed at the preservation (or revitalisation) of their

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languages. The state, which guarantees these rights, plays a supporting role. Thus, the Quebec Cultural Development Policy (quoted in Trudel, Chapter 3) sets forth three principles: the right of Aboriginals to freely determine their development, their right to government assistance; and their responsibility for developing institutions and strategies in keeping with their own stage of development. In 1983, Quebec's National Assembly adopted 15 principles governing future relations with the Aboriginal groups (see Chapter 3), three of which concern language. These principles recognise the right to their language, the right to determine their own identity, the right to have and to manage institutions which correspond to their needs and the right to benefit from public funds. Finally, in 1989, the policy declaration of the Secretariat for Aboriginal Affairs (SAA, 1989), reiterating these same principles, established the primary responsibility of the Aboriginals to protect and to enrich their languages and reaffirmed the Government of Quebec's policy of support. At the Canadian level, Michael Foster (1982: 12) describes a similar policy. Here, the primary responsibility falls not on the Aboriginals as a whole nor, as one might suppose, on their representatives or institutions, but on local communities, in accordance with the 'principle of localization.' Decisions concerning language policy should thus be left to local communities and it is they alone who should decide whether they wish to keep their language and put in place the necessary means. The role of the state is to supply financial support for locally established policies. There is nonetheless a danger that a policy that recognises rights accompanied with vague proposals of support, and devolves all responsibility for exercising these rights on those most affected, may end up being, in effect, a laissez-faire policy equivalent, for all practical purposes, to leaving the current situation to develop to its logical conclusion. Taking into consideration the geographic dispersal of the Aboriginal population and the complexity of the task to be accomplished, a strict application of the 'principle of localization,' as expressed by Foster, is equivalent to ensuring a death sentence for these languages. Language Shift Language shift among Aboriginals is often explained as the direct result of the pressure to assimilate exerted by the majority society. This analysis finds an echo in the policy declaration of the Secretariat for Aboriginal Affairs (SAA, 1989). This explanation relies on a Manichaean conception in which the majority society and its institutions are on one side and on the other, the Aboriginals, whose culture undergoes a 'constant assault' from the former.

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This way of stating the problem, even if it partially reflects reality, relies on an oversimplification, in that it leads to the conclusion that the problem would be solved if the pressure to assimilate were no longer present or, for instance, if Aboriginal languages were protected by the state. The study of the phenomenon of language shift among linguistic minorities in other parts of the world, shows, however, that pressures on populations to assimilate to a majority language often remain in place despite a policy of institutional support. The case of Romansch in Switzerland and of Irish in Ireland are particularly eloquent examples. Among Canadian Aboriginals, according to Burnaby (1989), it appears that the trend toward language shift remains strong despite the fact that ancestral language teaching programmes have been available in schools since the beginning of the 1970s. 9 Furthermore, the populations affected are not always unanimous on what measures should be adopted to ensure the preservation of the ancestral language. The situation of the Navajo language, spoken by roughly 150,000 Amerindians living in a huge reservation in Arizona is very revealing in this regard. In an article on the modernisation of Navajo, Spolsky and Boomer (1983) describe the remarkable progress that has taken place both in bilingual education programmes and in instrumentalisation (existence of a voluminous dictionary combined with a grammar, several complete linguistic descriptions, specialised lexicons, numerous doctoral theses, studies on the development of the written idiom, 50 years of interpreter training seminars, etc.). Despite all this, Spolsky and Boomer conclude that Navajo and English remain in a diglossic situation, Navajo being preferred in speech and English in writing. They add (Spolsky & Boomer, 1983: 249) that the efforts to modernise the Navajo language receive only partial support in the Navajo population and even those responsible for education do not see the use of bilingual programmes which integrate the ancestral language as a medium of instruction. Likewise, specialists are not unanimous on the type of policy to be put in place to ensure the preservation (or the revitalisation) of the threatened languages. Marjut Aikio, in a paper on the disappearance of the Sámi language, questions the role of the school in preserving the language, alleging that 'the small positive steps taken by the school system often do more harm than good' (Aikio, 1991: 96). In Quebec, the prevailing tendency would be to grant the threatened language a place in the school curriculum. The most adventurous steps taken to date have been the implementation of transitional bilingual programmes. As among the Navajo, these bilingual programmes sometimes have difficulty in obtaining support among the Aboriginal authorities and the populations concerned. Furthermore, when they are implemented among populations where the language is still

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transmitted normally, these bilingual curricula are roundly criticised by specialists who judge that these curricula favour assimilation to the majority language. Some go so far as to allege that they may accelerate the process of mother tongue attrition (see among others Dorais, 1989). Additionally, many researchers have noted the possible perverse effects of efforts to standardise languages with an oral tradition. In this vein, the anthropologist Bambi Schieffelin (1987: 158) reports on the language of Papua-New Guinea: In the Bosavi situation four dialects lived very happily together until the mission selected one as the basis of the written version of the language. Thus a consciousness of a standard was created when one previously did not exist. Of course, this made it easier for some speakers to acquire literacy skills, in addition to introducing new bases of stratification into a linguistic situation where none previously existed. (Schieffelin, 1987:158) The establishment of uniform writing systems for the Aboriginal languages is, as for languages with an oral tradition in general, an area where opinions are divided both regarding the suitability of such an enterprise and the best way to bring it to fruition. These questions divide specialists as much as the populations concerned. It is difficult to distinguish good from bad in the area of measures for the preservation (or revitalisation) of threatened languages. These differences of opinion appear to be inevitable considering that, as Fishman (1989: 395) puts it, as soon as a language is threatened, every planned effort to raise its status can bring about risks that outweigh any benefits. We would add that this is even truer in the case of languages with an oral tradition. One may be in agreement with, or opposed to, a given measure for the promotion of Aboriginal languages, depending on whether one attaches a greater significance to the risks or to the expected advantages. Therefore it appears that in the matter of policy toward threatened languages, there is no solution capable of avoiding controversy, and even means that appear to be the most reasonable meet with opposition from various quarters and sometimes produce very disappointing results. Finally it should be mentioned that there is a very general tendency to believe that a miraculous solution exists which can save threatened languages, and to propagate this belief, school curricula are often perceived as a panacea able to solve language problems which are part of daily life in the community. The recourse to 'technique' as a universal remedy is also very frequent: it is believed by some that the computer and by others that 'linguistics' can serve as a solution to assure the maintenance of languages in peril. Others

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are persuaded that the path of legal recognition is absolutely indispensable. If, as we have seen earlier, no solution is without controversy, it is a grave mistake to believe that there is any miracle cure for these linguistic ills. This is not the place to debate the merits of these complex subjects, but it is clear that an enlightened policy can only be founded on a profound understanding of the phenomena involved in language shift and the various methods likely to counteract the process, taking as inspiration the example of comparable language minorities elsewhere in the world. This knowledge is necessary in order to put in place a realistic policy that goes beyond pious wishes or a wait-and-see attitude. 10 Few authors have paid as much attention as Joshua Fishman to the road that must be taken to ensure the survival of threatened languages. In a recent paper on the subject of social movements whose aim is the reversal of linguistic assimilation among ethnic minorities, Fishman (1990), while deploring the lack of studies and the poverty of the conceptual apparatus in the field of preservation of threatened languages, sets the guidelines that must be followed in order to obtain the desired result: Even those engaged in the study or practice of RLS [Reversing Language Shift], however, have tended to lack theoretical coherence and to be mesmerised by 'activism' rather than by the empirical relationship between any particular RLS efforts and the demonstrable intergenerational transmissibility of language-imbedded behaviours, attitudes and beliefs. Where bilingualism with diglossia is all that can be realistically attained, RLS emphases must concentrate on familyneighbourhoodcommunity building boundary-setting efforts. (Fishman, 1990: 5) These reflections of Fishman's allow us to establish two premises which serve as guides for setting up a programme of action, and eventually to establish criteria for evaluating the results. The first premise is as follows: every effort toward preservation (or revitalisation) should have as its aim the fostering of transmission of the ancestral language between the generations. This condition rarely comes to mind since, in general, it is always realised. But in the case which concerns us, it cannot be taken for granted, taking into account the observation that, in some communities, the majority language of the surrounding area and not the ancestral language is being transmitted. Transmission of the language from one generation to the next is the most essential condition, the most natural guarantee of its persistence. The second premise is the corollary of the first: the best environment for language transmission is the family, the neighbourhood, the community, in everyday life where children forge their language skills

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and identify with their language. It is this aspect that any policy of preservation (or revitalisation) must address in the first place. The premises put forward identify the primary agents of a policy of Aboriginal language maintenance: the Aboriginals themselves in their families, their community networks and within the institutions that they manage at the local level. These observations agree with the conclusions that Fennel drew from the failure of efforts to save Irish by state intervention between 1922 and 1960: A shrinking language minority cannot be saved by the actions of well-wishers who do not belong to the minority in question. In particular, its shrinking cannot be halted by the action, however benevolent and intelligent, of a modern centralised state. It can be saved only by itself: and then only if its members acquire the will to stop it shrinking, acquire the institutions and financial means to take appropriate measures, and take them. (Fennel, 1980: 39) Aboriginals are otherwise aware that they bear primary responsibility for the preservation (or the revitalisation) of their languages, as shown by the words of Owendaka: . . . native languages won't be saved by government money or be conference resolutions. The money and the resolutions can help, it's true. But the only way native languages will be saved from extinction is if individual native people make a personal commitment to do everything they can to strengthen their mother tongue. Native languages will be saved only by people teaching them, learning them and using them. (Owendaka, 1988) 11 In addition, the premises may serve as guides in the evaluation of the value of measures proposed for the preservation (or revitalisation) of Aboriginal languages. Proposals for action should in fact have a direct effect on the consolidation of (or return to) normal transmission between the generations. It is in this general setting that we formulate the following proposals, which, albeit exploratory, can provide us with the basis for a plan of action. Basis for a Plan of Action We have highlighted the diversity and the complexity of the linguistic context among the Aboriginals of Quebec. In conclusion, we considered three types of situations: (a) communities that have lost their language; (b) those where it is disappearing; (c) those where it is still normally transmitted.

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Resources being limited, it is important to set objectives, establish priorities, and evaluate the most likely means for achieving the expected goals. For Type (a) communities, it is difficult to formulate language objectives because there is no longer any language for which to plan. Around the world, cases of successful language resurrection are extremely rare; Hebrew is the most striking example. However, resurrection of this language took place in very special sociopolitical conditions which it would be almost impossible to reproduce in Quebec. These considerations must be added to the enormous difficulty of the undertaking and the small number of speakers willing to meet the challenge. For Type (b) communities, it is clear that the primary linguistic objective should be, if that is their wish, to stop the haemorrhage as early as possible. They must find the ways to reactivate the dynamic of language transmission between generations. As for Type (c) communities, they should follow a policy which allows them to keep the number of their speakers constant while guaranteeing the most complete transmission of the linguistic code between generations. 12 Possible language strategies in Type (b) or (c) Aboriginal communities can take several forms. We enumerate some of them here and comment on them later.13 These means are presented by order of preference. (1) Strengthen, by ideological means, the use of the ancestral language in private life, within the family and the community. (2) Consolidate the use of the ancestral language in all domains of public community action (church services, local media, public gatherings, community meetings, political meetings, public notices, etc.). (3) Improve language skills at school. (4) Go beyond the traditional domains to take over sociosymbolic domains hitherto limited to the majority language, such as public administration and business. (5) Acquire a legal status that extends beyond the limits of local communities (for instance, enshrining their status in the Canadian Constitution or in a Quebec law). The first four elements depend on the Aboriginals themselves while the last concerns one of the levels of government. These strategies should each be evaluated for their merits with regard to the final objectives, which are either a return to normal transmission (revitalisation), or consolidation of the 'intergenerational linguistic continuity' (Fishman, 1990: 16).

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Strengthening the Normal Use of the Language in Private Life The most basic way of guaranteeing the normal transmission of the ancestral language to children is to ensure that it is the normal language of private life, whether within the family or in the community. We have seen earlier that any action which attempts to stop the disappearance of threatened languages should aim first at the real arena in which transmission or loss of the language occurs: the home, the neighbourhood, the school, the community. Similarly, this is the best preventive means in communities where the language is still healthy. Reaching this objective requires 'ideological' work, persuasion by speech and example. This can only be done by the Aboriginals themselves. Consolidate the Use of the Language in Community Public Life From the perspective of leadership of the Aboriginals in the preservation (or revitalisation) of their languages and taking into account Quebec legislation, it is possible for them to confer a special status on their languages within their communities. In developing a status planning policy, it would be possible to ensure intensive use of the languages in all domains of public community activity (religious services, local media, public gatherings, community assemblies, political sessions, public notices, etc.). The Aboriginal language could be declared the official language and take a more important place. None of these measures would contravene Quebec's linguistic legislation because existing agreements allow the use of regional languages as service languages and the Charter of the French Language does not apply on reservations. A current in favour of the adoption of a local linguistic policy has already appeared in the United States where four bands have adopted language policies (see the article by J. Maurais, this volume, Chapter 1). For a decade, Aboriginal language community radio in Aboriginal areas of northern Quebec has been enormously popular with the populations concerned. It would be impossible to exaggerate the importance of this community medium, which plays a vital role in linking distant communities and has created an unprecedented medium of expression in Aboriginal languages. Indeed, producing and broadcasting radio or television programmes in Aboriginal languages is a means of great symbolic value for raising the prestige of these languages in the eyes of their speakers and the population in general. It is also, from another viewpoint, a powerful instrument for spontaneous linguistic standardisation which can effectively counteract the trend toward dialectalisation. Finally, radio can

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compensate for the geographical dispersion of speakers and strengthen feelings of belonging to one language community. There are already several communities where religious services are celebrated in the ancestral language; this practice could be generalized. With the rise in local control of education and social and health services, each community should be able to guarantee its population services in the local language. It is also easy to display public notices in the ancestral language. Other uses of the ancestral language, such as assemblies and other public gatherings, are possible in communities where the Aboriginal language is known to all, but more difficult in communities where this condition is not met. The realisation of points (1) and (2) would have the effect of consolidating domains of intensive use of the ancestral language. In fact, the persistence of the Aboriginal languages is linked to their intensive use in those domains where they are the principal languages. By the expression 'intensive use' we mean the fact that, in communication within these domains, the Aboriginal languages are normally and frequently used. We add 'as principal languages' to indicate that the use of one or several other languages is often necessary, for instance for communication with non-Aboriginals. But this use of other languages should not compromise the use of the principal Aboriginal language as the normal language. This intensive use of Aboriginal languages would bring about a more positive attitude in their regard. These two first proposals are the exclusive competence of the local communities and require a minimum of means to be implemented. They go in the direction of reinforcing ethnolinguistic solidarity based in the family, the neighbourhood, the community, and the development of socialisation in the primary language. This 'minimal programme' (to adopt Fishman's 1990 expression) does not depend on the goodwill of external organisations for its application and it is particularly appropriate for smaller ethnolinguistic groups. Transmission of the Ancestral Language by the School Points (1) and (2) aim to stabilise the relation of diglossia between the Aboriginal languages and the majority language by confirming the domains of intensive use of the former. All the same there are always risks of limiting oneself to the community domain in efforts to assure transmission of language skills between generations, the principal risk being that of folklorisation. Points (3) and (4) result in limiting diglossia by increasing the number of domains of use of the ancestral language. They aim at

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opening up to the ancestral language prestige domains previously limited to the majority language. These include domains such as school, public administration (schools, band offices, political organisations, etc.) and those of Aboriginal private enterprise where such exists. As they entail risks and require complex preparation, the measures in this domain are controversial both among specialists and among Aboriginals themselves. In fact although points (1) and (2) meet with universal approval, points (3) and (4) might give rise to controversy. The extension of the domains of use of Aboriginal languages presupposes extensive preparation, which requires considerable investment of human, material and financial resources. The Aboriginal language could truly be used in the school, public administration and the workplace, as discussed in point (4), only after serious preparatory work in corpus planning. 14 In fact, it is important to keep in mind that the transmission of the ancestral language by the school and the conquest of new domains of use cannot be achieved by fiat; they depend on certain unavoidable prerequisites. In other words, it is not possible to expand the domains of usage of the Aboriginal language into areas for which it is not prepared without going through the prerequisite stages of corpus planning (standardising the writing system, lexical development, etc.), preparation of the necessary materials and training (workers/personnel). For the school, the prerequisites are a uniform orthography, standardisation of the written language, creation of teaching material and training of teaching and administrative personnel. Moved by their enthusiasm, some communities have suffered appalling failures by arbitrarily decreeing the use of the language in the school programmes without sufficient preparation. If for one reason or another the prerequisites are not met, it is useless, even harmful, to think of using the Aboriginal language in new domains. Inversely, it is useless to undertake the onerous task of codification and lexical modernisation if, for one reason or another, it is clear that there is no firm commitment to using the Aboriginal language in the domain for which it is being prepared. The modest size of Aboriginal communities severely limits choice in educational matters. Frequently, the number of inhabitants does not justify the construction of secondary schools in the communities, which forces the pupils to attend Quebec schools. Teaching of (and better, through) the Aboriginal language follows a logic of integration, that is maintaining the link between the child and his community with the help of his language. Because of the lack of economic opportunities in the communities, instrumental motivations are almost non-existent, whence the extreme fragility of Aboriginal language teaching and even the

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absence of consensus in the Aboriginal population concerning its usefulness. All the same, from a status planning perspective, it remains that the school is a privileged domain where native languages can make a breakthrough. Already in several Aboriginal communities in Quebec, kindergarten is conducted through the child's mother tongue. Aboriginal language immersion programmes are popular among groups where the language is no longer spoken in the family, such as the Mohawks and the Algonquins of Maniwaki and Winneway. Transition and bilingual maintenance curricula are already implemented among the Inuit; the method is being tried out by the Montagnais of Betsiamites (Drapeau, 1984) and Sept-Îles. It is also being given serious consideration among the Atikamekw and the Cree. For the moment, these programmes are limited to the initial years of primary school. Since the famous declaration of UNESCO in 1953 (UNESCO, 1968), the question of the function of the mother tongue in the schooling of children of socially non-dominant minorities has engendered an endless stream of discussion. There is a strong current among psychologists interested in languages in education and in the psychology of language in favour of using the mother tongue during the initial school years of children from socioeconomically disadvantaged ethnic minorities. The results of educational experiments over the last 20 years are nonetheless far from unanimous and the debate on the subject continues (Cummins, 1983a; Dutcher, 1982; Edwards, 1981; Ekstrand, 1982; Engle, 1975, 1976; Lambert, 1977; Lambert et al., 1985; Paulston, 1975 and 1982; Skutnabb-Kangas, 1981; UNESCO 1968; Wagner et al., 1989). Whatever the final conclusion of the debate is, it remains that these efforts toward using Aboriginal languages for teaching deserve our support, and no effort should be spared to find educational formulas which guarantee achievement of the objectives that the Aboriginal populations set themselves. The search for an 'educational formula' or formulas appropriate for Aboriginal language populations should thus be an important goal to be reached. The Inuit, the Cree and the Atikamekw have regional school boards which unite the communities and permit dialogue. Such school boards are lacking in other groups, which makes it difficult to come up with original means of education. Several bilingual teaching programmes have been tried in many places, too often in isolation. It is to be hoped that a provincial forum on bilingual education in the Aboriginal milieu will be set up as a means of allowing those involved to follow up on work done and to undertake further work synergetically.

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It is normal in today's world that minority ethnic groups desire to use the school as a powerful lever for conveying their own culture, language and system of values. At the same time they should avoid putting the school into the position of being the primary agent for their transmission. This remark is as valid for communities where the ancestral language is normally transmitted as for those where it is disappearing. School remains an imperfect tool and cannot replace the elementary and fundamental work that is the province of the family and community networks. Since the primary objective is the normal and faithful transmission of the native language, the school is only one link in a chain that must begin in the family and the community. It is a common error to view education as a universal remedy and, in language communities where the language is threatened, the worst solution consists in giving the school the mandate to ensure the transmission of the language, leaving the family and community networks detached from their fundamental responsibilities in this area. Despite the appropriateness of this warning, it remains that the future of Aboriginal languages can certainly be influenced by the educational policy at work in the communities. The Conquest of New Domains of Use The use of Aboriginal languages in new domains such as band administration, services offered by the band (health, social services, education, to name only a few) and Aboriginal private industry also raises the question of terminological standardisation and modernisation. There is a lot of work to do in this area. Development of modern terminology includes two complementary requirements: university training of personnel and the necessity for dialogue and coordination of efforts, since problems and the methods are common to all the languages, beyond the differences attributable to the diversity of language systems. We, like Fishman (1989 and 1990), believe that communities where the ancestral language is seriously threatened should take this route with caution. It will drain off enormous resources and energy. Fishman reminds us in fact that wanting to place undue stress on the necessity of using the threatened vernacular in domains with the greatest sociosymbolic value, there is a risk of challenging it with situations to which it is not equal, which could even endanger efforts for its preservation. That is why the measures proposed under this rubric should be included in the language programme where the language is normally transmitted only after mature reflection and clear circumscription of the tasks to be undertaken.

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Legal Status at the National Level? As soon as the existence of a language is threatened, the most natural reaction is to claim protection and legal guarantees for the language in question. Accordingly the conference on the Aboriginal languages, held in Ottawa in 1986 (see Chapter 3) under the auspices of the Assembly of First Nations, adopted several resolutions showing that the Aboriginals intended to play a preponderant role in the promotion of their languages. The Conference also demanded that the federal government accord official status to the Aboriginal languages by inserting such a provision in the Canadian Constitution. To date, few analysts have proposed the route of official recognition. Having examined the existing Canadian legal guarantees in favour of the Aboriginal languages, Richstone (1989: 278) concluded that, considering the critical situation of these languages, it would be wiser to find means to permit them to flourish than to attempt formal legal solutions. Foster (1982) puts forward a similar point of view. In fact, several authors are sceptical of the use of symbolic efforts to recognise native languages. Dorais (1981a: 304) condemns the purely symbolic efforts, multiple translations (from majority languages into Inuktitut) of legal texts, various administrative agreements or parliamentary debates. He argued that these texts are virtually illegible for the Inuit and, as a result, completely useless. He also warns against solutions which have very little effect on the real language situation, but which result in the creation of (an often white) bureaucracy. Fishman (1990) also encourages us to avoid that pitfall. For the foregoing reasons, we place recourse to law and the Constitution at the bottom of the list, particularly as concerns giving legal status to the Aboriginal languages of Quebec. We believe in fact that a language law, or the definition of status by legal means, is not the best way to assure the preservation (or the revitalisation) of these languages whose main problem is not to recruit new speakers among the non-Aboriginal population but to maintain their speaker levels by effective transmission of the language in Aboriginal homes. On one hand, no provincial or federal law could guarantee use of Aboriginal languages in the private or public domains in Aboriginal communities. On the other hand, for nearly 15 years, the policy of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development has been to devolve to communities or representative organisations the administration of services to the Aboriginal population. These assumptions of responsibility took place first in education, spreading later to social services and health services. Direct communication between federal and provincial governments and the Aboriginal population are therefore increasingly rare.

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For all intents and purposes, this profound change in the delivery of services to Aboriginals renders obsolete any legislation aimed at instituting the Aboriginal language as a service language between the government and the Aboriginal population. In the final analysis, it is not at all clear that a purely formal and symbolic recognition could exercise a real effect on the intergenerational transmission of the language and the faithful learning of the language by the younger generation. The conditions which we explained earlier are thus much more important and relevant. The law can aid only in putting them in place, reinforcing the will of the speakers to keep their language and use it in a real sense in private and community life. Conclusion Although it is true that the state cannot substitute for Aboriginal organisations in language matters, it still has the moral responsibility to help them maintain their language heritage. No effort to consolidate Aboriginal languages in the sociocultural and economic context of the late 20th century can be undertaken without wide-ranging knowledge of the properties of these languages, the mechanisms by which they are acquired, the dynamics of their use in bilingual communities and the transition from an oral tradition to the written medium, nor without the considerable body of knowledge acquired in sociolinguistics concerning ethnolinguistic minorities and the complex pressures they face. Points (3) and (4) point sharply to the problem of the availability of linguistic, human and material resources, which are indispensable to their realisation. To this end, it is important to encourage research on Aboriginal languages and the training of a new generation of specialists (preferably Aboriginal) in a wide range of areas, including not only descriptive linguistics, but also sociolinguistics and applied psycholinguistics. Because no Quebec university has a chair in Aboriginal linguistics nor a centre for research on the subject, we believe that the creation of an institute of research on Aboriginal languages would be necessary with the mandate of carrying out relevant basic and applied research. It would be equally important to encourage young Aboriginals to pursue this type of career by creating a programme of university scholarships in the appropriate disciplines. In this overview of various aspects of the sociolinguistic situation of Aboriginal languages and the means proposed to preserve knowledge and use of these languages, we have gradually brought into clearer focus the basic elements of an overall strategy for managing the relation between

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these languages and the surrounding majority languages. First we identified three situations that could be called roughly typical. We then considered two situations for which it was reasonable to imagine an attainable policy. We then determined the general objectives for these two types of context: stop the loss of speakers for the more endangered languages and maintain the existing number of speakers for languages 'in good health.' In both cases, we reduced the question to a problem of intergenerational transmission of the language, the key factor in re-establishing a language or consolidating it to prevent erosion. We then determined an overall five-point plan, and discussed the merits of each point. These were: (a) normal use of the language in private life (within the family and as language of usage in the community); (b) consolidation of the use of the language in public life in the community (these first two points would, by their nature, create domains of intensive use of the Aboriginal languages); (c) the transmission of the ancestral language by the school; (d) the conquest of new domains of use; (e) eventual recourse to law and the Constitution. Language is a powerful factor of social cohesion and a highly visible symbol of cultural identity. This is why planning the relation between Aboriginal and majority languages is of primary importance in the demands of the Aboriginal peoples, who are looking for their place in the global village. However, it is essential in this strategy of affirmation not to lose sight of the fact that the most important factor is the will to maintain these languages as mother tongues, transmitted and learned within the family unit and as languages normally used in the daily life of social relationships. This is truly the very first objective. Notes 1. Recent studies of bilingualism and diglossia among the Inuit (Dorais & Collis, 1987) and the Montagnais (Drapeau, research in progress) show generalised code switching among young people. 2. Calvet (1974) developed the concept of glottophagia to explain the disappearance of minority languages in modern states. 3. Translator's note: Fennel's polemic was based upon data 20 years old. It does not reflect either the harmonised language policies of the member states of the European Union in the maintenance of the lesser used languages (32 languages in Western Europe alone, prior to the addition of Lusatian Sorabic with German re-unification) or, where the use of Irish is concerned, the astonishing effects of two-way television and internet communication upon the use of the language. 4. Or seven or eight, depending on whether Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi is considered one single or three distinct languages. 5. We use the term 'preservation' to identify efforts made for the natural transmission between generations and the term 'revitalisation' in the case of

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languages where normal transmission is missing today. We do not include 'resurrection' of extinct languages or dialects. 6. See Drapeau (Chapter 4) for a discussion of these problems. 7. See Jordan (1988) for an interesting discussion of the incidence of political and economic factors on the language situation of Aboriginals (in Canada, Australia and Scandinavia). 8. The reader may consult François Trudel (Chapter 3) and Richstone (1989), who examine the policies of the Canadian and Quebec governments respecting Aboriginal languages. 9. The modesty of these programmes makes this conclusion hardly surprising. 10. This is also the conclusion to which Burnaby (1989: 285) arrives when she states: 'Rhetoric is attractive, but plans for action need to have some basis in experience.' 11. This is an abstract from a text written by Owendaka in several Canadian Aboriginal journals and reproduced in the bulletin Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics. 12. Here we refer to the progressive diminishing of linguistic competence in the mother tongue which seems to affect the youth of many villages where the ancestral language is nonetheless the language most widely used in the family and in the community. 13. Fishman's paper (1990) served as the inspiration in formulating this plan of action. 14. See L. Drapeau (Chapter 4) concerning instrumentalisation and modernisation in the Aboriginal languages of Quebec.

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Index A Abenaki dictionaries 145 Eastern 47, 51, 54, 55, 76, 145 geographical distribution 47, 51, 58, 88, 132, 145 linguistic behaviour 64, 69, 74, 77 nations 61 Western 47, 51, 55, 76, 145 Aleut see Eskimo-Aleut language family Algonquian language family 47, 50-2, 55, 132-47 Algonquians 45-6 Maritime 47 Sub-Arctic 46-7 Algonquin dialects 142-3 dictionaries and grammars 142-4 future of 234-6 geographical distribution 57, 74, 89-90, 132, 141-2 linguistic behaviour 69, 74, 75, 76, 77 nations 61 research 143, 144 writing system 143-4, 151 assimilation see under education Atikamekw 140-1 education 242-3 future of 238-43 geographical distribution 47, 52, 57, 58, 91-2 linguistic behaviour 63, 64, 70, 74, 75, 77 nations 61 B Bible 79, 141, 282, 286 bilingualism 36-7, 104, 106, 153, 294 see also diglossia C Canada Aboriginal languages 3-5 sociolinguistic status of 30-2 Aboriginal speakers, socioeconomic status 21-30 five-yearly census 6, 9, 30-2, 58-64, 288 Official Languages Act 20 Christianity 252, 264-5, 286-7

civil service 78-9 code switching 276 Cree dialects 52, 132-7 dictionaries 135-6, 155 future of 244-9 geographical distribution 47, 51, 55, 56, 57, 58 language repression 15 legislation concerning 20, 108, 292 linguistic behaviour 63, 64, 70, 74, 75, 77, 248 Montagnais-Naskapi dialect complex 52, 132, 133-41 nations 61 research 136 school board 108, 135, 245-6 writing system 131, 134-5, 137, 151 cultural identity and Aboriginal languages 122, 238-9, 242, 246-7, 267-8, 306 and European influence 37, 43-4, 75-6 D dialects Algonquian 50-2, 132-3 Algonquin 142, 143 Cree 52, 132-7 Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi 52, 132, 133-41 Huron 251 Inuit-Inupiaq 48-9, 130 Inuktitut 48, 49, 55, 76, 130

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Iroquian 49-50 Itivimiut 49 Ivujivik 130 Maniwaki 143 Micmac 146 Mohawk 148 Montagnais 138-9, 140 Naskapi 281 Nunavik 49 Ojibwa 52, 132, 133 Tarramuit 49 Yupik 48, 130 dictionaries Abenaki 145 Algonquin 143 Atikamekw 141, 155 Cree 135, 136, 155 Huron 251-2 Inuktitut 117, 131, 132, 155, 256, 257 Micmac 146-7 Mohawk 148, 149 Montagnais 117, 137, 138, 155, 278 Naskapi 136, 137 Ojibwa 143 diglossia 290, 300 see also bilingualism E education see also teaching programmes Aboriginal languages instruction in 31-4, 79-80, 108, 113, 300-3 repression of 15, 43-4 standardisation 152, 301 administration of 105, 120-1, 278-9, 299-300 assimilation by 102-4, 275-6 'ideology of replacement' 15 attainment of in Canada 25-6, 29-30 cultural impact of formal 263-4 English 102, 103, 106 French 102, 103, 106, 107, 108 government policy federal 102-6, 113 Quebec 107-8, 116, 257, 266 school boards 108, 235, 245-6

teacher training 113, 116, 140, 277 English 64-8, 102, 103, 106 see also dictionaries Eskimo-Aleut language family 47, 48-9, 130 Eskimos, Thulean 45, 46 European influence 52-5 and cultural identity 37, 43-4, 75-6 extinct languages 9-10, 54, 55, 76 F French 64-8, 102, 103, 106, 107, 108 see also dictionaries Inuktitut pidgin 43, 53 G geographical distribution 86 Abenaki 47, 51, 58, 88, 132, 145 Algonquin 57, 74, 89-90, 132, 141-2 Atikamekw 47, 52, 57, 58, 91-2 Cree 47, 51, 55, 56, 57, 58 Huron 50, 53, 93 Inuit 54, 55, 56 Iroquoians 87 Malecites 47, 51, 53, 55, 93 Micmac 51, 58, 94 Mohawk 46, 50, 53-4, 58, 76, 95-7 Montagnais 46, 56, 57, 58, 98-100, 132, 137 Naskapi 47, 55, 56, 58, 132, 136, 281 Ojibwa 51, 52 government policy federal 102-7, 110-14, 118-20, 121 Quebec 107-9, 114-23, 257, 266, 292-3 fifteen principles 123-4 H home language 59, 62, 80-1 and mother toungue 8, 61, 66-7 and official language 69-73, 74-5 Human Rights and Freedom Charter of Quebec 115 Huron 54, 147, 149-50 census boycott 59 'church language' 252 dictionaries 251-2 and grammars 253 future of 250-5 geographical distribution 50, 53, 93 language revival 254-5 linguistic behaviour 64, 70, 77 nations 61

I Inuit ancestry 45, 46

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education 108, 116, 257-8 geographical distribution 54, 55, 56 Inupiaq dialects 48-9, 130 legislation concerning 292 linguistic behaviour 64, 65, 66, 68, 73, 75, 77 population 60-1 Inuktitut dialects 48, 49, 55, 76, 130 dictionaries 117, 131, 132, 155, 256, 257 and grammars 130 Eskimo-Aleut origin 47, 129-30 European influences 52-3 French pidgin 43, 53 future of 11, 256-60 language structure 204-6 enclitic suffixes 230-1 grammatical suffixes 219-30 lexical suffixes 217-19 morphology and syntax 209-15 phonology 206-9 word structure 215-19 wordbases 216-17 official recognition 20 percentage of population using 66, 68, 72-3, 74 research 132 writing system 131-2, 151 Iroquoian language family 47, 147-50 dialects 49-50 and Huron 250, 252, 254 Iroquoians 45, 46, 50, 53, 54, 87 Itivimiut dialect 49 Ivujivik dialect 130 J James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement 20, 58, 108, 245, 248, 292 L language planning 34-7, 101-7, 288-97 in Quebec 107-9, 297-306 language programmes see teaching programmes language repression 13-16, 43-4 language shift 293-6 reversal 296-8 legal protection 292-3, 304-5 constitutional texts 19 international texts 16-19

legislative texts 20-1, 77-8, 111-113 lexical elaboration 153-4 lexicons see dictionaries M 'Maintenance and Development of the Aboriginal Languages of Quebec' 115-16 Malecites geographical distribution 47, 51, 53, 55, 93 nations 61 Maliseet 145 Maniwaki dialect 143 media see newspapers; radio; television Micmac dictionaries and grammars 146-7 education 266-7 future of 262-9 geographical distribution 47, 51, 53, 58, 94, 132, 262 linguistic behaviour 64, 71, 74, 75, 77 nations 61 research 146-7 writing system 145-6, 151 modernisation 153-4 requirements for 303 Mohawk census boycott 59, 60, 65 dictionaries 148, 149 future of 270-3 geographical distribution 46, 50, 53-4, 58, 76, 95-7 language structure connected speech 170-2 nouns 161-2 particles 160-1 sounds 159-60 verbs 162-70 linguistic behaviour 64, 71, 77 linguistic virtuosity 172, 271 nations 61 research 149 writing system 151 Montagnais dictionaries 117, 137, 155, 278 and grammars 138 future of 274-80 geographical distribution 47, 56, 57, 58, 98-100, 132, 137

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language structure grammatical morphology 178, 184-94 lexical morphology 178-84 nouns 175 numerals 196-7, 198-9 orthography 139, 140, 177-8, 277 parts of speech 194-7 phonology 176-7 pragmatics and rhetoric 200-2 syntax 197-200 tense 187-94 verbs 174-5, 202 linguistic behaviour 64, 72, 74, 75, 77 nations 61 neologisms 182-4, 279 research 138-40 writing systems 151 mother tongue 59, 62, 64-5, 76 and home language 8, 61, 66-7 and second Aboriginal language 68 Mushuauinnuat see Naskapi N Naskapi dialects 281, 282 dictionary 136, 137 future of 281-7 geographical distribution 47, 55, 56, 58, 132, 136, 281 linguistic behaviour 68, 72, 74, 75, 77 literacy 283-4, 286 nations 61 neologisms 285 orthography 282-3, 285-6 school board 108 spoken language 282, 284-5 writing system 137, 151, 282-3 neologisms 153-4 Atikamekw 238-9 Inuktitut 132 Montagnais 182-4, 279 Naskapi 285 newspapers 83, 106, 146, 284 Northeastern Quebec Agreement 58, 108, 284 Nunavik dialect 49 O

official languages 20, 64-8 and home language 69-73, 74-5 Ojibwa 11, 55 dialects 52, 132, 133 dictionaries 143 geographical distribution 51, 52 orthography see also writing systems Algonquin 143-4 Atikamekw 141 Micmac 145-6 Montagnais 139, 140, 177-8, 277 Naskapi 282-3, 285-6 standardisation 82, 152-3 P pidgin, French-Inuktitut 43, 53 polysynthetic languages 159, 172, 174 population, Quebec Aboriginal 60 by settlement 69-73 Q Quebec Cultural Development Policy 109, 293 R radio 83, 106, 118, 240, 276, 284, 299-300 research 155-6 Algonquin 143, 144 Cree 136 Inuktitut 132 Micmac 146-7 Mohawk 149 Montagnais 138-40 Roman alphabet see under writing systems S school boards see under education socioeconomic status of aboriginal speakers, Canada 21-30 sociolinguistic status of aboriginal languages Americas 30 Canada 30-2, 111-14 Quebec 289-92 standardisation 82, 152-3, 301, 303 syllabic systems see under writing systems T Tarramiut dialect 49 teacher training see under education teaching programmes 113, 302 Atikamekw 141

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Cree 136 Inuktitut 131 Micmac 147 Mohawk 148, 149 Montagnais 116, 139, 276-7 television 83, 240, 276 threatened languages 2-6, 10-13, 76, 294-6 Thulean Eskimos 45, 46 toponyms 15-16, 113, 122 W Wendat 50, 54, 55, 58, 74, 76 writing systems Algonquin 143-4, 151 Cree 131, 134-5, 137, 151 Inuktitut 131-2, 151 Micmac 145-6, 151 Mohawk 151 Montagnais 151 Naskapi 137, 151, 282-3 Roman alphabet 131, 151 standardisation 82, 152-3, 295 syllabic 131, 134, 135, 137, 151, 282, 285-6 Y Yupik 48, 130

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